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The  International  Standard 
Bible  Encyclopaedia 


THE 

International  Standard 
Bible  Encyclopaedia 


JAMES  ORR,  M.A.,  D.D.,  General  Editor 

JOHN  L.  NUELSEN,  D.D.,  LL.D. 
EDGAR  Y.  MULLINS,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

ASSISTANT  EDITORS 

MORRIS  0.  EVANS,  D.D.,  Ph.D.,  Managing  Editor 


volume  IV 
NAARAH-SOCHO 


CHICAGO 

THE  HOWARD-SEVERANCE  COMPANY 

1915 


Copyright,  1915,  by 
The  Howard-Severance  Company 

All  Rights  of  Translation  and 
Reproduc'tion  Reserved 


International  Copyright  Secured 


ThoPul.Hsherssiii.j.ly  this 
ftiithorizL'd  siilc&-:igenls. 


Printed  by  the  Lakeside  Press 

Types  cast  and  set  by  the  University  of  (Chicago  Press 

Chicago,  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


2107 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Mythology 
Nabataeans 


NAARAH  (n^yj ,  na'arah;    B,   al  Kwjiai  aviruv, 

hai  komai  auton,  A,  NaapaOi,  Naarathd;  AV  Naa- 
rath):  A  town  in  the  territory  of  Ephraim  (Josh 
16  7).  It  appears  as  "Naaran"  in  1  Ch  7  28  (B, 
"Saapv&v,  Naarndn,  A,  Naapiii',  Naardn).  Onom 
(s.v.  "Noorath")  places  it  5  Rom  miles  from  Jericho. 
The  name  has  not  been  recovered,  and  no  identifi- 
cation is  certain.  The  position  would  agree  with 
that  of  el-^Aujeh,  about  5  miles  N.E.  of  Jericho. 

NAARAI,  na'a-ri  Cl^i ,  na'^ctray) :  Son  of  Ezbai, 
one  of  David's  heroes  (1  Ch  11  37).  In  the  || 
passage  (2  S  23  35),  he  is  called  "Paarai  the 
Arbite."  The  true  forms  of  the  name  and  descrip- 
tion are  uncertain  (see  Budde,  Richter  u.  Samuel, 
and  Curtis,  Chronicles). 

_  NAARAN,     na'a-ran,      NAARATH,     na'a-rath 
(n?5,  na'aran,  rTIPD ,  na'dralh).     See  Naarah. 

NAASHON,  na'a-shon,  nS-ash'on,  NAASON, 
na'a-son,  NAASSON.nft-as'on  (Naao-o-iiv,  Naasson): 
AV  Gr  form  of  "Nahshon"  (thus  RV)  (Mt  1  4; 
Lk  3  32). 

NAATHXJS,  na'a-thus  (NdaBos,  Ndathos):  One 
of  the  sons  of  Addi  who  put  away  his  foreign 
wife  (1  Esd  9  31).  It  apparently  corresponds  to 
"Adna"  of  Ezr  10  30,  of  which  it  is  a  transposition. 
B  reads  Addos,  Ldthos,  probably  confusing  A  and  A. 

NABAL,  na'bal  (bnj,  nabhal,  "foolish"  or 
"wicked";  'NaPaK,  Nabdl):  A  wealthy  man  of  Maon 
in  the  highlands  of  Judah,  not  far  from  Hebron, 
owner  of  many  sheep  and  goats  which  he  pastured 
around  Carmel  in  the  same  district.  He  was  a 
churlish  and  wicked  man  (1  S  25  2ff).  When 
David  was  a  fugitive  from  Saul,  he  and  his  followers 
sought  refuge  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  near  the 
possessions  of  Nabal,  and  protected  the  latter's 
flocks  and  herds  from  the  marauding  Bedouin. 
David  felt  that  some  compensation  was  due  him 
for  such  services  (vs  15  and  25),  so,  at  the  time  of 
sheep-shearing — an  occasion  of  great  festivities 
among  sheep  masters — he  sent  10  of  his  young  men 
to  Nabal  to  solicit  gifts  of  food  for  himself  and  his 
small  band  of  warriors.  Nabal  not  only  refused 
any  assistance  or  presents,  but  sent  back  insulting 
words  to  David,  whereupon  the  latter,  becoming 
very  angry,  determined  upon  the  extermination  of 
Nabal  and  his  household  and  dispatched  400  men 
to  execute  his  purpose.  Abigail,  Nabal's  wife,  a 
woman  of  wonderful  sagacity  and  prudence  as  well 
as  of  great  beauty,  having  learned  of  her  husband's 
conduct  and  of  David's  intentions,  hurriedly  pro- 
ceeded, with  a  large  supply  of  provisions,  dainties 
and  wine,  to  meet  David  and  to  apologize  for  her 
husband's  unkind  words  and  niggardliness,  and 
thus  succeeded  in  thwarting  the  bloody  and  re- 
vengeful plans  of  Israel's  future  king.  On  her 
return  home  she  found  her  husband  in  the  midst  of 
a  great  celebration  ("like  the  feast  of  a  king"), 
drunken  with  wine,  too  intoxicated  to  realize  his 
narrow  escape  from  the  sword  of  David.  On  the 
following  morning,  when  sober,  having  heard  the 
report  of  his  wife,  he  was  so  overcome  with  fear 
that  he  never  recovered  from  the  shock,  but  died 
10  days  later  (vs  36-38).  When  David  heard  of 
his  death,  he  sent  for  Abigail,  who  soon  afterward 
became  one  of  his  wives.  W.  W.  Da  vies 

NABARIAS,  nab-a-ri'as  (NajBopCas,  Nabarias, 
B  NaPapiioLSiNabareias):  One  of  those  who  stood 
upon  Ezra's  left  hand  as  he  expounded  the  Law  (1 
Esd  9  44).  Esdras  (loc.  cit.)  gives  only  6  names, 
whereas  Nehemiah  (8  4)  gives  7.     It  is  probable 


that  the  last  (MeshuUam)  of  Nehemiah's  list  is 
simply  dropped  and  that  Nabarias  =  Hashbaddanah; 
or  it  may  possibly  be  a  corruption  of  Zechariah  in 
Nehemiah's  list. 

NABATAEANS,  nab-a-te'-anz,  NABATHAEANS, 
nab-a-the'anz  (NaParatoi,  Nabataloi;  in  1  Mace  5 
25  S  reads  avapdraus  ot,  anabdtais  hoi,  V,  'Ava- 
PaTxaCois,  Anabattaiois;  AV  Nabathites,  more 
correctly  "Nabataeans"): 

A  Sem  (Arabian  rather  than  Syrian)  tribe  whose 

home  in  early  Hellenistic  times  was  S.E.  of  Pal, 

where  they  had  either  supplanted  or 

1.  Locality    mingled  with  the  Edomites   (cf  Mai 
and  Early      1  1-5).     In  Josephus'  day  they  were 
History  so   numerous   that   the   territory   be- 
tween the  Red  Sea  and  the  Euphrates 

was  called  Nabatene  (Ant,  I,  xii,  4).  They  ex- 
tended themselves  along  the  E.  of  the  Jordan  with 
Petra  as  their  capital  (Strabo  xvi.779;  Jos,  Ant, 
XIV,  i,  4;  XVII,  iii,  2;  BJ,  I,  vi,  2,  etc).  Their 
earlier  history  is  shrouded  in  obscurity.  Jerome, 
Quaest  in  Gen  25  13,  following  the  hint  of  Jos 
(Aiit,  I,  xii,  4),  asserts  they  were  identical  with 
the  Ishmaelite  tribe  of  Nebaioth,  which  is  possible, 
though  Nebaioth  is  spelled  with  D  and  Nabataeans 
with  13.  They  were  apparently  the  first  allies  of 
the  Assyrians  in  their  invasions  of  Edom  (cf  Mai  1 
1  S) .  They  were  later  subdued  by  Sennacherib 
(Sayce,  New  Light  from  the  Ancient  Monuments, 
II,  430),  but  before  long  regained  their  independence 
and  resisted  Ashurbanipal  (Rawlinson,  note,  ad 
loc).  According  to  Alexander  Polyhistor  (Fr.  18), 
they  were  included  in  the  nomadic  tribes  reduced 
by  David.  Their  history  is  more  detailed  from  312 
BC  (Diod.  Sic.  xix),  when  Antigonus  I  (Cyclops) 
sent  his  general  Athenaeus  with  a  force  against  them 
in  Petra.  After  an  initial  advantage,  the  army 
of  Athenaeus  was  almost  annihilated.  Demetrius, 
the  son  of  Antigonus,  was  sent  against  them  a  few 
years  later,  with  little  success,  though  he  arranged 
a  friendship  with  them.  The  first  prince  mentioned 
is  Aretas  I,  to  whom  the  high  priest  Jason  fled  in 
169  BC.  They  were  friendly  to  the  early  Macca- 
bees in  the  anti-Hellenistic  struggle,  to  Judas  in 
164  BC  (1  Mace  5  25)  and  to  Jonathan  in  160  BC 
(9  35). 

Toward  the  end  of  the  2d  cent.  BC  on  the  fall 
of  the  Ptolemaic  and  Seleucid  Dynasties,  the  Na- 
bataeans under  King  Erotimus  founded 

2.  A  Strong  a  strong  kingdom  extending  E.  of  the 
Kingdom       Jordan  (in  110  BC).     Conscious  now 

of  their  own  strength,  they  resented 
the  ambition  of  the  Hasmonean  Dynasty — their 
former  allies — and  opposed  Alexander  Jannaeus 
(96  BC)  at  the  siege  of  Gaza  (Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  xiii, 
3) .  A  few  years  later  (90  BC)  Alexander  retaliated 
by  attacking  Obedas  I,  king  of  the  Nabataeans,  but 
suffered  a  severe  defeat  E.  of  the  Jordan  (Jos, 
Ant,  XIII,  xiii,  5;  BJ,  I,  iv,  4).  Antiochus  XII  of 
Coele-Syria  next  led  an  expedition  against  the  Naba- 
taeans, but  was  defeated  and  slain  in  the  battle 
of  Kana  (Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  xv,  1-2;  BJ ,  I,  iv,  7-8). 
Consequently,  Aretas  III  seized  Coele-Syria  and 
Damascus  and  gained  another  victory  over  Alex- 
ander Jannaeus  at  Adida  (in  85  BC).  The  Naba- 
taeans, led  by  Aretas  (III  ?),  espoused  the  cause  of 

Hyrcanus     against     Aristobulus,     be- 

3.  Conflicts  sieged  the  latter  in  Jerus  and  provoked 

the  interference  of  the  Romans,  by 
whom  under  Scaurus  they  were  defeated  (Jos,  Ant, 
XIV,i,4f;  BJ,I,vi,2f).  After  the  capture  of  Jerus, 
Pompey  attacked  Aretas,  but  was  satisfied  with  a 
payment  (Jos,  ib),  and  Damascus  was  added  to 
Syria,  though  later  it  appears  to  have  again  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Aretas  (2  Cor  11  32).  In  55 
BC  Gabinius  led  another  force  against  the  Naba- 


Nabathites 
Nahum,  Book  of 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2108 


taeans  (Jos,  ib).  In  47  BC  Malchus  I  assisted 
Caesar,  but  in  40  BC  refused  to  assist  Herod  against 
the  Parthians,  thus  provoking  both  the  Idumaean 
Dynasty  and  the  Romans.  Antony  made  a  present 
of  part  of  Malchus'  territory  to  Cleopatra,  and  the 
Nabataean  kingdom  was  further  humihated  by  dis- 
astrous defeat  in  the  war  against  Herod  (31  BC). 

Under  Aretas  IV  (9  BC— 40  AD)  the  kingdom 
was  recognized  by  Augustus.     This  king  sided  with 

the  Romans  against  the  Jews,  and  fur- 
4.  End  of  ther  gained  a  great  victory  over  Herod 
the  Nation    Antipas,  who  had  divorced  his  daughter 

to  marry  Herodias.  Under  Eng  Abias 
an  expedition  against  Adiabene  came  to  grief. 
Malchus  II  (48-71  AD)  assisted  the  Romans  in 
the  conquest  of  Jerus  (Jos,  BJ,  III,  iv,  2).  Rabel 
(71-106  AD)  was  the  last  king  of  the  Nabataeans 
as  a  nation.  In  106  AD  their  nationality  was 
broken  up  by  the  vmwise  policy  of  Trajan,  and  Ara- 
bia, of  which  Petra  was  the  capital,  was  made  a 
Rom  province  by  Cornelius  Palma,  governor  of  Syria. 
Otherwise  they  might  have  at  least  contributed  to 
protecting  the  West  against  the  East.  Diodorus 
(loc.  cit.)  represents  the  Nabataeans  as  a  wild 
nomadic  folk,  witli  no  agriculture,  but  with  flocks 
and  herds  and  engaged  in  considerable  trading. 
Later,  however,  they  seem  to  have  imbibed  con- 
siderable Aramaean  culture,  and  Aram,  became  at 
least  the  language  of  their  commerce  and  diplomacy. 
They  were  also  known  as  pirates  on  the  Red  Sea; 
they  secured  the  harbor  of  Elah  and  the  Gulf  of 
'Akaba.  They  traded  between  Egypt  and  Meso- 
potamia and  carried  on  a  lucrative  commerce  in 
myrrh,  frankincense  and  costly  wares  {KGF,  4th  ed 
[1901],  I,  726-44,  with  full  bibliography). 

S.  Angus 
NABATHITES,    nab'a-thits:    AV  =  RV    "Naba- 
thaeans." 

NABOTH,  na'both,  na'both  (^132,  nabhotk, 
from  D13,  mlbh,  "a  sprout";  N a^ovBai,  Nabouthal): 
The  owner  of  a  vineyard  contiguous  to  the  palace 
of  King  Ahab.  The  king  d&sired,  by  purchase  or 
exchange,  to  add  tlie  vineyard  to  his  own  grounds. 
Naboth,  however,  refused  to  part  on  any  terms  with 
his  paternal  inheritance.  This  refusal  made  Ahab 
"heavy  and  displeased"  (1  K  21  4).  Jezebel, 
the  king's  wife,  then  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and 
by  false  accusation  on  an  irrelevant  charge  procured 
the  death  of  Naboth  by  stoning  (1  K  21  7-14). 
As  Ahab  was  on  his  way  to  talve  possession  of  the 
vineyard  he  met  Elijah  the  prophet,  who  denounced 
his  vile  act  and  pronounced  judgment  on  Idng  and 
royal  house.  A  temporary  respite  was  given  to 
Ahab  because  of  a  repentant  mood  (1  K  21  27-29) ; 
but  later  the  blow  fell,  first  upon  himself  in  a  con- 
flict with  Syria  (1  K  22  34-40);  then  upon  his 
house  through  a  conspiracy  of  Jehu,  in  which 
Jehoram,  Ahab's  son,  and  Jezebel,  hia  wife,  were 
slain  (2  K  9  2.5-26.30  ff).  In  both  cases  the  cir- 
cumstances recalled  the  foul  treatment  of  Naboth. 

Henry  Wallace 

NABUCHODONOSOR,  nab-Q-ko-don'6-sor 
(NaPouxo8ovoer6p,  N ahouchodonosor) :  LXX  and 
Vulg  form  of  "Nebuchadnezzar"  ("Nebuchad- 
rezzar") found  in  AV  of  the  Apoc  in  1  Esd  1  40. 
41.45.48;  2  10;  5  7;  6  26;  Ad  Est  11  4;  Bar  1 
9.11.12.  It  is  the  form  used  in  AV  of  the  Apoc 
throughout.  In  RV  of  Jth  and  Tob  14  1.5,  the 
form  "Nebuchadnezzar"  is  given. 

NACON,  nfiTion,  THE  THRESHING  FLOOR 

OF  (1133  ,  nakhon;  AV  Nachon) :  The  place  where 
Uzzah  was  smitten  for  putting  forth  his  hand  to 
steady  the  ark,  hence  called  afterward  "Perez- 
uzzah"   (2  S  6  8);    in  the   1|  passage  (1  Ch  13  9) 


we  have  '"i"'? ,  kidhon,  and  in  Jos  (Ant,  VII,  iv,  2) 
XeiScii',  Cheidon.  In  1  S  23  23  the  word  nakhon 
occurs,  and  is  tr>^  "of  a  certainty,"  m  "with  the 
certainty"  or  "to  a  set  place";  also  in  1  S  26  4 
it  is  tr"*  "of  a  certainty,"  m  "to  a  set  place."  It  is 
uncertain  whether  in  1  S  6  6  it  is  a  place-name  at 
all,  and  no  successful  attempt  has  been  made  to 
identify  either  Nacon  or  Chidon;  possibly  they 
are  both  personal  names.     E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

NACHOR,  na'kor  (Nax»p,  Nachor)  AV;  Gr  form 
of  "Nahor"  (thus  RV).  Grandfather  of  Abraham 
(Lk  3  34). 

NADAB,na'dab  {y\':  ,  nadhahh,  "noble";  NaSAp, 
Nadub) : 

(1)  Aaron's  first-born  son  (Ex  6  23;  Nu  3  2; 
26  60;  1  Ch  6  3  [Heb  5  29];  24  1).  He  was 
permitted  with  Moses,  Aaron,  the  70  elders,  and 
his  brother  Abihu  to  ascend  Mt.  Sinai  and  behold 
the  God  of  Israel  (Ex  24  1.9).  He  was  associated 
with  his  father  and  brothers  in  the  priestly  office 
(Ex  28  1).  Along  with  Abihu  he  was  guilty  of 
offering  "strange  fire,"  and  both  "died  before  Jeh" 
(Lev  10  1.2;  Nu  3  4;  26  61).  The  nature  of 
their  offence  is  far  from  clear.  The  word  rendered 
"strange"  seems  in  this  connection  to  mean  no 
more  than  "unauthorized  by  the  Law"  (see  11T, 
zur,  in  BOB,  and  cf  Ex  30  9).  The  proximity  of 
the  prohibition  of  wine  to  officiating  priests  (Lev 
10  8.9)  has  given  rise  to  the  erroneous  suggestion 
of  the  Midr  that  the  offence  of  the  brothers  was 
drunkenness. 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Ch  2  28.30). 

(3)  A  Gibeonite  (1  Ch  8  30). 

(4)  Son  of  Jeroboam  I  and  after  him  for  two 
years  king  of  Israel  (1  K  14  20;  15  25).  While 
Nadab  was  investing  Gibbethon,  a  Phili  strong- 
hold, Baasha,  who  probably  was  an  officer  in  the 
army,  as  throne-robbers  usually  were,  conspired 
against  him,  slew  him  and  seized  the  throne  (1  K 
15  27-31).  With  the  assassination  of  Nadab  the 
dynasty  of  Jeroboam  was  extirpated,  as  foretold 
by  the  prophet  Ahijah  (1  K  14).  This  event  is 
typical  of  the  entire  history  of  the  Northern  King- 
dom, characterized  by  revolutions  and  counter- 
revolutions. John  A.  Lees 

NADABATH,  na'da-bath  (NaSapdB,  Nadahdlh; 
AV  Nadabatha,  na-dab'a-tha) :  A  city  E.  of  the 
Jordan  from  which  the  wedding  party  of  Jambri 
were  coming  when  Jonathan  and  Simon  attacked 
them  and  slew  very  many,  designing  to  avenge  the 
murder  of  their  brother  John  (1  Mace  9  37  fT). 
Nebo  and  Nabathaea  have  been  suggested  as  identi- 
cal with  Nadabath.  Clermont-Ganneau  would  read 
rhabatha,  and  identify  it  with  Rabbath-ammon. 
There  is  no  certainty. 

NAGGAI,  nag'i,  nag'a-I  (Na-y^at,  Naggal;  AV 
Nagge) :  In  Lk  3  25,  the  Gr  form  of  the  Heb  name 
NOGAH  (q.v.). 

NAHALAL,  na'hal-al  (bbn3,  nahdlal;  B,  BaiB- 
ixdv,  Bailhmdn,  A,  NaaXioX,  Naalul,  and  other 
forms) :  A  city  in  the  territory  of  Zebulun  assigned 
with  its  suburbs  to  the  Merarite  Levites,  out  of 
which  the  Canaanite  inhabitants  were  not  driven 
(.losh  19  15,  AV  [incorrectly]  "Nahallal";  21  35; 
Jgs  1  30,  "Nahalol").  In  the  Talm  Jerus  {Meg., 
l1)  it  is  identified  with  Mahlul.  This  name  might 
correspond  either  with  'Ain  MCiliil,  or  with  Ma'lfd. 
The  former  lies  about  3i  miles  N.E.  of  Nazareth 
on  a  hill  near  the  eastern  boundary  of  Zebulun. 
The  latter  is  situated  about  3i  miles  W.  of  Nazareth, 


2109 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Nabathites 
Nahum,  Book  of 


near  the  southern  border  of  Zebulun.     The  change 
of  n  to  m  is  not  unusuaL  W.  Ewing 

NAHALIEL,  na-ha'li-el,  na-hal'i-el  (bxibn? , 
nahall'd,  "torrent  valley  of  God";  B,  Mavaif|X, 
Manatl,  A,  'NaaXii\K,  NaaliU) :  A  place  where  Israel 
encamped  on  the  way  from  Arnon  to  Jericho,  named 
with  Mattanah  and  Bamoth  (Nu  21  19).  Onom 
placesit  near  to  the  Arnon.  It  is  natural  to  seek 
for  this  "torrent  valley"  in  one  of  the  tributaries 
of  the  Arnon.  It  may  be  Wddy  Waleh,  which 
drains  a  wide  area  to  the  N.E.  of  the  Arnon;  or 
perhaps  Wddy  Zerkd  Ma'in  farther  to  the  N. 

NAHALLAL,  na-hal'al,  NAHALOL,  na'ha-lol. 
See  Nahalal. 

NAHAM,  na'ham  (Dn3 ,  naham,  "comfort"): 
A  Judahite  chieftain,  father  of  Keilah  the  Garmite 
(1  Ch  4  19);  the  passage  is  obscure. 

NAHAMANI,  na-ha-ma'ni,  na-ham'a-ni  C?pnD  , 
nahdmdni,  "compassionate"):  One  of  the  twelve 
heads  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh  7  7). 
The  name  is  wanting  in  the  1|  list  (Ezr  2  2).  In 
1  Esd  5  8  he  is  called  "Eneneus"  (RVm  "Enenis" ) . 

NAHARAI,  na'ha-ri  Cin:  ,  naharmj),  NAHARI, 
na'ha-ri  Cin: ,  nahraij) :  One  of  David's  heroes, 
Joab's  armor-bearer  (2  S  23  37,  AV  "Nahari"; 
1  Ch  11  39). 

NAHASH,  na'hash  (TBnj,  ndhash,  "serpent"; 
Nads,  Nads) : 

(1)  The  father  of  Abigail  and  Zeruiah,  the  sisters 
of  David  (2  S  17  25;  cf  1  Ch  2  16).  The  text 
in  2  S,  where  this  reference  ia  made,  is  hopelessly 
corrupt;  for  that  reason  there  are  various  explana- 
tions. The  rabbis  maintain  that  Nahash  is  another 
name  for  Jesse,  David's  father.  Others  think  that 
Nahash  was  the  name  of  Jesse's  wife;  but  it  is  not 
probable  that  Nahash  could  have  been  the  name  of 
a  woman.  Others  explain  the  passage  by  making 
Nahash  the  first  husband  of  Jesse's  wife,  so  that 
Abigail  and  Zeruiah  were  half-sisters  to  King  David. 

(2)  A  king  of  Ammon,  who,  at  the  very  beginning 
of  Saul's  reign,  attacked  Jabesh-gilead  so  success- 
fully, that  the  inhabitants  sued  for  peace  at  almost 
any  cost,  for  they  were  willing  to  pay  tribute  and 
serve  the  Ammonites  (1  S  11  Iff).  The  harsh 
king,  not  satisfied  with  tribute  and  slavery,  de- 
manded in  addition  that  the  right  eye  of  every 
man  should  be  put  out,  as  "a  reproach  upon  Israel." 
They  were  given  seven  days  to  comply  with  these 
cruel  terms.  Before  the  expiration  of  this  time, 
Saul,  the  newly  anointed  king,  appeared  on  the 
scene  with  an  army  which  utterly  routed  the  Am- 
monites (1  S  11  1  ff),  and,  according  to  Jos,  lulled 
King  Nahash  {Ant,  VI,  v,  3). 

If  the  Nahash  of  2  S  10  2  bo  the  same  as  the  king 
mentioned  in  1  S  11,  this  statement  of  Jos  cannot  bo 
true,  for  he  lived  till  the  early  part  of  David's  reign,  40 
or  more  years  later.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  Na- 
hash the  father  of  Hanun,  was  a  son  or  grandson  of  the 
king  defeated  at  Jabesh-gilead  by  Saul.  There  is  but 
little  agreement  among  commentators  in  regard  to  this 
matter.  Some  writers  go  so  far  as  to  claim  that  'all 
passages  in  which  this  name  [Nahash]  is  found  refer  to 
the  same  individual." 

(3)  A  resident  of  Rabbath-ammon,  the  capital 
of  Ammon  (2  S  17  27).  Perhaps  the  same  as  Na- 
hash (2),  which  see.  His  son  Shobi,  with  other 
trans-Jordanic  chieftains,  welcomed  David  at 
Mahanaim  with  sympathy  and  substantial  gifts 
when  the  old  king  was  fleeing  before  his  rebel  son 
Absalom.  Some  believe  that  Shobi  was  a  brother 
of  Hanun,  king  of  Ammon  (2  S  10  1). 

W.  W.  Davies 


NAHATH,  na'hath  (nn?  ,  nahath)  : 

(1)  A  grandson  of  Esau  (Gen  36  13;  1  Ch  1  37). 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Levi  and  ancestor  of  Samuel 
(1  Ch  6  26);  also  called  "Toah"  (1  Ch  6  34)  and 
"Tohu"  (1  S  1  1). 

(3)  A  Lcvite  who,  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah, 
assisted  in  the  oversight  of  "the  oblations  and  the 
tithes  and  the  dedicated  things"  (2  Ch  31  13). 

NAHBI,  na'bi  C^^ni ,  nahhl):  The  representa- 
tive of  Naphtali  among  the  12  spies  (Nu  13  14). 

NAHOR,  na'hor  ("lin:  ,  nahor;  in  the  NT  Nax<ip, 
Nachor) : 

(1)  Son  of  Serug  and  grandfather  of  Abraham 
(Gen  11  22-25;   1  Ch  1  26). 

(2)  Son  of  Terah  and  brother  of  Abraham  (Gen 
11  26.27.29;  22  20.23;  24  15.24.47;  29  5;  Josh 
24  2). 

A  city  of  Nahor  is  mentioned  in  Gen  24  10;  the 
God  of  Nahor  in  Gen  31  53.  In  AV  Josh  24  2; 
Lk  3  34,  the  name  is  spelled  "Nachor." 

NAHSHON,  na'shon  CiilCn?,  nahshori;  LXX 
and  NT,  Naao-o-iiv,  Naasson):  A  descendant  of 
Judah;  brother-in-law  of  Aaron  and  ancestor  of 
David  and  of  Jesus  Christ  (Ex  6  23;  Nu  1  7; 
1  Ch  2  10.11;  Ruth  4  20;   Mt  1  4;  Lk  3  32). 

NAHUM,  na'hum  (Naoin,  Naoum;  AV  Naum) : 
An  ancestor  of  Jesus  in  Lk's  genealogy,  the  9th 
before  Joseph,  the  husband  of  Mary  (Lk  3  25). 

NAHUM,  na'hum,  THE  BOOK  OF: 

I.     Authorship  and  Date 

1.  The  Name 

2.  Life  and  Home  of  Nahum 
The  Four  Traditions 

3.  Date,  as  Related  to  Assyrian  History 

(1)  The  Revolt  of  Shamash-shumukin 

(2)  The  Invasion  of  fi25  BC 

(3)  The  Final  Attack 

(4)  Probable  Date 
II.     The  Book 

1.  Contents  (Chs  1-3) 

2.  Style 

3.  Integrity 
III.     Teaching 

1.  The  Character  of  Jehovah 

2.  Nahum's  Glee  over  the  Ruin  of  Nineveh 

3.  Universality  of  .Jehovah's  Rule 

4.  The  Messianic  Outlook 
Literature 

/.  Authorship  and  Date. — The    name    Nahum 

(DinD,   7iahum;    LXX   and   NT  Naov|x,    Naoum; 

Jos,    Naoumos)    occurs   nowhere   else 

1.  Name       in  the  OT;   in  the  NT  it  is  found  in 

Lk  3  25.  It  is  not  uncommon  in  the 
Mish,  and  it  has  been  discovered  in  Phoen  inscrip- 
tions. It  means  "consolation,"  or  "consoler,"  and 
is  therefore,  in  a  sense,  synibolical  of  the  message  of 
the  book,  which  is  intended  to  comfort  the  oppressed 
and  afflicted  people  of  Judah. 

Of  the  personal  life  of  Nahum,  practically  nothing 
is  known.     In  1  1  he  is  called  "the  Elkoshite,"  that 

is,    an    inhabitant    of    Elkosh.     Un- 

2.  Life  fortunately,  the  location  of  this  place 
and  Home     is  not  known.     One  tradition,  which 

cannot  be  traced  beyond  the  16th 
cent.  AD,  identifies  the  home  of  Nahum  with  a 
modern  village  Elkush,  or  Alkosh,  not  far  from  the 
left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  two  days'  journey  N.  of  the 
site  of  ancient  Nineveh.  A  second  tradition,  which 
is  at  least  as  old  as  the  days  of  Jerome,  the  latter 
part  of  the  4th  cent.,  locates  Elkosh  in  Galilee,  at  a 
place  identified  by  many  with  the  modern  El- 
Kauze,  near  Ramieh.  Others  identify  the  home  of 
the  prophet  with  Capernaum,  the  name  of  which 
means  "Village  of  Nahum."  A  fourth  tradition, 
which  is  first  found  in  a  collection  of  traditions 


Nahum,  Book  of 
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2110 


entitled  "Lives  of  the  Prophets,"  says  "Nahum 
was  from  Elkosh,  bej'ond  Bet  Gabre,  of  the  tribe 
of  Simeon."  A  place  in  the  S.  is  more  in  har- 
mony with  the  interest  the  prophet  takes  in  the 
Southern  Kingdom,  so  that  the  last-mentioned 
tradition  seems  to  have  much  in  its  favor,  but  abso- 
lute certainty  is  not  attainable. 

The  Book  of  Nahum  centers  around  the  fall  and 
destruction  of  Nineveh.    Since  the  capture  of  the  city 
is  represented  as  still  in  the  future, 
3.  Date  it   seems  evident  that  the  prophecies 

were  delivered  some  time  before  607- 
606  BC,  the  year  in  which  the  city  was  destroyed. 
Thus  the  latest  possible  date  of  Nahum's  activity 
is  fixed.  The  earliest  possible  date  also  is  indicated 
by  internal  evidence.  In  3  8  ff  the  prophet  speaks 
of  the  capture  and  destruction  of  No-amon,  the 
Egyp  Thebes,  as  an  accomplished  fact.  The  expe- 
dition of  Ashurbanipal,  king  of  Assyria,  against 
Egypt,  which  resulted  in  the  fall  of  Thebes,  occurred 
about  663  BC.  Hence  the  activity  of  Nahum  must 
be  placed  somewhere  between  66-3  and  607. 

As  to  the  exact  period  between  the  two  dates 
there  is  disagreement  among  scholars.  One  thing 
is  made  quite  clear  by  the  prophecy  itself,  namely, 
that  at  the  time  the  words  were  spoken  or  written, 
Nineveh  was  passing  through  some  grave  crisis. 
Now  we  know  that  during  the  second  half  of  the 
7th  cent.  BC  Assyria  was  threatened  three  times: 
(1)  the  revolt  of  Shamash-shumukin  of  Babylon 
against  his  brother,  the  king  of  Assyria,  650-648 
BC;  (2)  the  invasion  of  Assyria  and  threatened 
attack  upon  Nineveh  by  some  unknoTsm  foe,  per- 
haps the  Scythians,  about  625  BC;  (3)  the  final 
attack,  which  resulted  in  the  fall  and  destruction  of 
Nineveh  in  607-606  BC. 

The  first  crisis  does  not  offer  a  suitable  occasion 
for  Nahum's  prophecy,  because  at  that  time  the 
city  of  Nineveh  was  not  in  any  danger.  Little  is 
known  concerning  the  second  crisis,  and  it  is  not 
possible  either  to  prove  or  to  disprove  that  it  gave 
rise  to  the  book.  On  the  other  hand,  the  years 
immediately  preceding  the  downfall  of  Nineveh 
offer  a  most  suitable  occasion.  The  struggle  con- 
tinued for  about  2  years.  The  united  forces  of  the 
Chaldaeans  and  Scythians  met  determined  resist- 
ance; at  last  a  breach  was  made  in  the  northeast 
corner  of  the  wall,  the  city  was  taken,  pillaged  and 
burned.  Judah  had  suffered  much  from  the  proud 
Assyrian,  and  it  is  not  difBcult  to  understand  how, 
with  the  doom  of  the  cruel  oppressor  imminent,  a 
prophet-patriot  might  burst  into  shouts  of  exulta- 
tion and  triumph  over  the  distress  of  the  cruel  foe. 
"If,"  says  A.  B.  Davidson,  "the  distress  of  Nineveh 
referred  to  were  the  final  one,  the  descriptions  of  the 
prophecy  would  acquire  a  reality  and  naturalness 
which  they  otherwise  want,  and  the  general  char- 
acteristics of  Heb  prophecy  would  be  more  truly 
conserved."  There  seems  to  be  good  reason,  there- 
fore, for  assigning  Nahum's  activity  to  a  date 
between  610  and  607  BC. 

//.  The  Book. — Nahum  is  the  prophet  of  Nine- 
veh's doom.  Ch  1  (-)-2  2)  contains  the  decree  of 
Nineveh's  destruction.  Jeh  is  a  God 
1.  Contents  of  vengeance  and  of  mercy  (vs  2.3); 
though  He  may  at  times  appear  slack 
in  punishing  iniquity,  He  will  surely  punish  the 
sinner.  No  one  can  stand  before  Him  in  the  day 
of  judgment  (vs  4—6).  Jeh,  faithful  to  tho.se  who 
rely  upon  Him  (ver  7),  will  be  terrible  toward  His 
enemies  and  toward  the  enemies  of  His  people  (ver 
8).  Judah  need  not  fear:  the  present  enemy  is 
doomed  (vs  9-14),  which  will  mean  the  exaltation  of 
Judah  (1  1.5;  2  2).  The  army  appointed  to  exe- 
cute the  decree":."  (ipproaching,  ready  for  battle 
(2  1-4).  All  efforts' to  save  the  city  are  in  vain; 
it  falls  (vs  5.6),  the  queen  and  her  attendants  are 


captured  (ver  7),  the  inhabitants  flee  (ver  8),  the 
city  is  sacked  and  left  a  desolation  (vs  9-13) .  The 
destruction  of  the  bloody  city  is  imminent  (3  1-3) ; 
the  fate  is  well  deserved  and  no  one  will  bemoan 
her  (vs  4-7);  natural  strength  and  resources  will 
avail  nothing  (vs  8-11);  the  soldiers  turn  cowards 
and  the  city  will  be  utterly  cut  off  (vs  12-18);  the 
whole  earth  will  rejoice  over  the  downfall  of  the 
cruel  oppressor  (ver  19). 

Opinions  concerning  the  religious  significance  of 
the  Book  of  Nahum  may  differ,  but  from  the  stand- 
point of  language  and  style  all  stu- 

2.  Style  dents    assign   to   Nahum    an    exalted 

place  among  the  prophet-poets  of  the 
ancient  Hebrews;  for  all  are  impressed  with  the 
intense  force  and  picturesqueness  of  his  language 
and  style.  "Each  prophet,"  says  Kirkpatrick, 
"has  his  special  gift  for  his  particular  work.  Nahum 
bears  the  palm  for  poetic  power.  His  short  book 
is  a  Pindaric  ode  of  triumph  over  the  oppressor's 
fall."  So  also  G.  A.  Smith:  "His  language  is  strong 
and  brilliant;  his  rhythm  rumbles  and  rolls,  leaps 
and  flashes,  like  the  horsemen  and  chariots  he 
describes." 

Until  recently  no  doubts  were  expressed  concern- 
ing the  integrity  of  the  book,  but  within  recent  years 
scholars  have,  with  growing  unanimity, 

3.  Integrity  denied    the    originality    of    1  2 — 2  2 

(Heb  2  3),  with  the  exception  of  2  1, 
which  is  considered  the  beginning  of  Nahum's 
utterances.  This  change  of  opinion  is  closely  bound 
up  with  the  alleged  discovery  of  distorted  remnants 
of  an  old  alphabetic  poem  in  ch  1  {HDB,  art. 
"Nahum";  fcpos,  1898, 207 ff;  ZATH-',  1901, 225ff; 
Eiselen,  Minor  Prophets,  422  ff).  Now,  it  is  true 
that  in  1  2-7  traces  of  alphabetic  arrangement 
may  be  found,  but  even  here  the  artistic  arrange- 
ment is  not  carried  through  consistently;  in  the 
rest  of  the  chapter  the  evidence  is  slight. 

The  artificial  cliaracter  of  acrostic  poetry  is  generally 
supposed  to  point  to  a  late  date.  Hence  those  who  be- 
lieve that  ch  1  was  originally  an  alphabetic  poem  con- 
sider it  an  exilic  or  post-exilic  production,  which  was  at 
a  still  later  date  prefixed  to  the  genuine  prophecies  of 
Nahum.  In  support  of  this  view  it  is  pointed  out  further 
that  the  prophecy  in  ch  1  is  vague,  while  the  utterances 
in  chs  2  and  3  are  definite  and  to  the  point.  Some  derive 
support  for  a  late  date  also  from  the  language  and  style 
of  the  poem. 

That  difHcuIties  exist  in  ch  1,  that  in  some  respects  it 
ditfers  from  chs  2  and  3,  even  the  students  of  the  Eng. 
text  can  see ;  and  that  the  Heb  text  has  suffered  in 
transmission  is  very  probable.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
presence  of  an  acrostic  poem  in  ch  1  is  not  beyond  doubt. 
The  apparent  vagueness  is  removed,  if  ch  1  is  interpreted 
as  a  general  introduction  to  the  more  specific  denun- 
ciation in  chs  2  and  3.  And  a  detailed  examination  sliows 
that  in  this,  as  in  other  cases,  the  linguistic  and  stylistic 
data  are  indecisive.  In  view  of  these  facts  it  may  safely 
be  asserted  that  no  convincing  argument  has  been  pre- 
sented against  the  genuineness  of  1  2 — 2  2.  "There- 
fore," says  G.  A.  Smith,  "while  it  is  possible  that  a  later 
poem  has  been  prefixed  to  the  genuine  prophecies  of 
Nahum,  and  the  first  ch  supplies  many  provocations  to 
belief  in  such  a  theory,  this  has  not  been  proved,  and  the 
able  essays  of  proof  have  much  against  them.  The 
question  is  open." 

///.   Teaching. — The  utterances  of  Nahum  center 
around  a  single  theme,  the  destruction  of  Nineveh. 
His  purpose  is  to  point  out  the  hand 
1.  The  of  God  in  the  impending  fall  of  the  city, 

Character  and  the  significance  of  this  catastrophe 
of  Jehovah  for  the  oppressed  Hebrews.  Asare.sult 
they  contain  little  direct  religious  teach- 
ing; and  what  there  is  of  it  is  confined  very  largely  to 
the  opening  vs  of  ch  1.  These  vs  emphasize  the  two- 
fold manifestation  of  the  Divine  holiness,  the  Divine 
vengeance  and  the  Divine  mercy  (1  2.3).  The 
manifestation  of  the  one  results  in  the  destruction 
of  the  wicked  (1  2),  the  other  in  the  salvation  of  the 
oppressed  (1  15;  2  2).  Faith  in  Jeh  will  secure 
the  Divine  favor  and  protection  (1  7). 


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Nahum,  Book  of 
Naked 


The  fierceness  of  Nahum,  and  his  glee  at  the 

thought  of  Nineveh's  ruin,  may  not  be  in  accord 

with     the     injunction,     "Love     thine 

2.  Nahum's  enemy" ;  but  it  should  be  borne  in 
Glee  over  mind  that  it  is  not  personal  hatred 
the  Ruin  that  prompts  the  prophet;  he  is  stirred 
of  Nineveh   by  a  righteous  indignation  over  the 

outrages  committed  by  Assyria.  He 
considers  the  sin  and  overthrow  of  Nineveh,  not 
merely  in  their  bearing  upon  the  fortunes  of  Judah, 
but  in  their  relation  to  the  moral  government  of  the 
whole  world ;  hence  his  voice  gives  utterance  to  the 
outraged  conscience  of  humanity. 

While  Nahum's  message,  in  its  direct  teaching, 

appears  to  be  less  spiritual  and  ethical  than  that 

of  his  predecessors,  it  sets  in  a  clea,r 

3.  Univer-  light  Jeh's  sway  over  the  whole  uni- 
sality  of  verse,  and  emphasizes  the  duty  of 
Jehovah's  nations  as  well  as  of  individuals  to 
Rule  own  His  sway  and  obey  His  will.     This 

attitude  alone  will  assure  permanent 
peace  and  prosperity;  on  the  other  hand,  disobe- 
dience to  His  purpose  and  disregard  of  His  rule  will 
surely  bring  calamity  and  distress.  The  emphasis 
of  these  ethical  principles  gives  to  the  message  of 
Nahum  a  unique  significance  for  the  present  day 
and  generation.  "Assyria  in  his  hands,"  says 
Kennedy,  "becomes  an  object-lesson  to  the  empires 
of  the  modern  world,  teaching,  as  an  eternal  prin- 
ciple of  the  Divine  government  of  the  world,  the 
absolute  necessity,  for  a  nation's  continued  vitality, 
of  that  righteousness,  personal,  civic,  and  national, 
which  alone  exalteth  a  nation." 

In  a  broad  sense,  1  15  is  of  Messianic  import. 

The  downfall  of  Nineveh  and  Assyria  prepares  the 

way  for  the  permanent  redemption  and 

4.  The    _       exaltation  of  Zion:   "the  wicked  one 
Messianic     shall  no  more  pass  through  thee." 
Outlook  LiTEHATUBE. — Comms.    on  the  Minor 

Propliets  by  Ewald,  Pusey,  Keil,  Orelli; 
G.  A.  Smith  (Expositor's  Bible);  Driver  (New  Cent.); 
B.  A.  Davidson,  comm.  on  "Nah."  "Hab,"  "Zeph" 
(Cambridge  Bible);  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  Doctrine  of  the 
Prophets;  Eiselen,  Prophecy  and  the  Prophets;  F.  W. 
Farrar,  Minor  Prophets  ("Men  o(  the  Bible"  series); 
Driver.  Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  OT;  HDB,  art.  "Nahum"; 
EB,  art.  "Nahum." 

F.  C.  Eiselen 
NAIDUS,  na'i-dus  (A,  NdeiSos,  Ndeidos,  B,  Nd- 
aiSos,  Ndaidos) :  One  of  those  who  had  taken 
"strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9  31),  apparently  =  "Be- 
naiah"  of  Ezr  10  30,  of  which  it  is  probably  a  cor- 
ruption or  the  latter  part. 

NAIL,  nal:  (1)  As  denoting  the  finger-nail,  the 
Heb  word  is  T}ES,  sipporen  (Dt  21  12),  the  cap- 
tive woman  "shall  shave  her  head,  and  pare  her 
nails."  i'he  latter  was  probably  intended  to  pre- 
vent her  from  marring  her  beauty  by  scratching 
her  face,  an  act  of  self-mutilation  oriental  women 
are  repeatedly  reported  to  have  committed  in  the 
agony  of  their  grief.  Aram.  "ISip  ,  l"phar{Dn\  4  33, 
"his  nails  like  birds'  claws").  (2)  As  pin  or  peg  (for 
tents,  or  driven  into  the  wall)  the  word  is  IT}"^  ,  ya- 
thedh  (in  Jgs  4  21  RV,  "tent-pin") ;  in  Isa  22  23,  "a 
nail  in  a  sure  place"  is  a  peg  firmly  driven  into  the  wall 
on  which  something  is  to  be  hung  (ver  24) ;  cf  Eccl 
12  11,  where  the  word  is  7nasm''rdlh,  cognate  with 
masmer  below.  (3)  For  nails  of  iron  (1  Ch  22  3) 
and  gold  (2  Ch  3  9),  and  in  Isa  41  7  and  Jer  10 
4,  the  word  is  "I^PP  ,  masmer.  (4)  In  the  NT  the 
word  is  ■i;Aos,  hflos,  used  of  the  nails  in  Christ's 
hands  (Jn  20  25),  and  "to  nail"  in  Col  2  14  ("nail- 
ing it  to  the  cross")  is  irpo<r-n\6ui,  proseloo. 

In  a  figurative  sense  the  word  is  used  of  the  hard 
point  of  a  stylus  or  engraving  tool;  "The  sin  of 
Judah  is  written  with  a  pen  of  iron,  and  with  the 
point  (lit.  "claw,"  "nail"]  of  a  diamond :  it  is  graven 


upon  the  tablet  of  their  heart,  and  upon  the  horns 
of  your  altars"  (Jer  17  1).  Jambs  Ore 

NAIN,  na'in  (Natv,  Nam):  This  town  is  men- 
tioned in  Scripture  only  in  connection  with  the  visit 
of  Jesus  and  the  miracle  of  raising  the  widow's  son 
from  the  dead  (Lk  7  11).  The  name  persists  to 
this  day,  and  in  the  form  of  Nein  clings  to  a  small 
village  on  the  northwestern  slope  of  Jebel  ed-Duhy 
("Hill  of  Moreh"),  the  mountain  which,  since  the 
Midtllc  Ages,  has  been  known  as  Little  Hermon. 
The  modern  name  of  the  mountain  is  derived  from 
Neby  Duhy  whose  wely  crowns  the  height  above 
the  village.  There  are  many  ancient  remains, 
proving  that  the  place  was  once  of  considerable  size. 
It  was  never  inclosed  by  a  wall,  as  some  have 
thought  from  the  mention  of  "the  gate."  This 
was  probably  the  opening  between  the  houses  by 
which  the  road  entered  the  town.  Tristram 
thought  he  had  found  traces  of  an  ancient  city  wall, 
but  this  proved  to  be  incorrect.  The  ancient  town 
perhaps  stood  somewhat  higher  on  the  hill  than  the 
present  village.  In  the  rocks  to  the  E.  are  many 
tombs  of  antiquity.  The  site  commands  a  beauti- 
ful and  extensive  view  across  the  plain  to  Carmel, 
over  the  Nazareth  hills,  and  away  past  Tabor  to 
where  the  white  peak  of  Hermon  glistens  in  the 
sun.  To  the  S.  are  the  heights  of  Gilboa  and  the 
uplands  of  Samaria.  The  village,  once  prosperous, 
has  fallen  on  evil  days.  It  is  said  that  the  villagers 
received  such  good  prices  for  simsum  that  they  cul- 
tivated it  on  a  large  scale.  A  sudden  drop  in  the 
price  brought  them  to  ruin,  from  which,  after 
many  years,  they  have  not  yet  fully  recovered. 

W.  EwiNG 

NAIOTH,  na'yoth,  ni'oth  (^^3,  nayolh;  B, 
Aiid9,  Audth,  A,  Nauiii9,  NauiolK) :  This  is  the  name 
given  to  a  place  in  Ramah  to  which  David  went 
with  Samuel  when  he  fled  and  escaped  from  Saul 
(1  S  19  18,  etc).  The  term  has  often  been  taken 
as  meaning  "houses"  or  "habitations" ;  but  this  can- 
not be  justified.  There  is  no  certainty  as  to  exactly 
what  the  word  signified.  Clearly,  however,  it 
attached  to  a  particular  locality  inRamah ;  and  what- 
ever its  etymological  significance,  it  denoted  a  place 
where  the  prophets  dwelt  together.  On  approach- 
ing it  in  pursuit  of  David,  Saul  was  overcome  by  the 
Spirit  of  God,  and  conducted  himself  like  one  "pos- 
sessed," giving  rise  to  the  proverb,  "Is  Saul  also 
among  the  prophets?"  W.  Ewing 

NAKED,  na'ked,  NAKEDNESS,  na'ked-nes: 
"Naked"  in  the  OT  represents  variqus  derivatives  of 
"l^y ,  Vtr,  and  T\yS  ,  'araA,  chiefly  Dliy  ,  ^arom  (adj.) 
and  ni")y ,  \rwah  (noun) ;  in  the  NT  the  adj .  is  7«(i- 
v6s,  gumnds,  the  noun  -yDiiviTtjs,  gumnoles,  with  vb. 
■yv(ivtiT£{pa),  gumneteud,  in  1  Cor  4  11.  In  Ex  32  25; 
2  Ch  28  19,  AV  adds  37nS,  para\  "break  loose," 
"cast  away  restraint."  Both  the  Gr  and  Heb  forms 
mean  "without  clothing,"  but  in  both  languages 
they  are  used  frequently  in  the  sense  of  "lightly 
clad"  or,  simply,  "without  an  outer  garment." 
So,  probably,  is  the  meaning  in  Jn  21  7 — Peter  was 
wearing  only  the  chiton  (see  Dress);  and  so  per- 
haps in  Mk  14  51. .52  and  Mic  1  8.  In  Isa  20  2-4, 
however,  the  meaning  is  lit.  (for  the  "three  years" 
of  ver  3  see  the  comms.).  So  in  Gen  2  25;  3  7, 
where  the  act  of  sin  is  immediately  followed  by  the 
sense  of  shame  (see  Delitzsch,  Bib.  Psychology,  and 
Gunkel,  ad  loc).  A  very  common  use  of  "naked" 
is  also  "without  proper  clothing"  (Job  22  6;^1  Cor 
4  11,  etc),  whence,  of  course,  the  expression  "clothe 
the  naked."  "Nakedness,"  in  addition,  is  used  as 
a  euphemism  in  1  S  20  30.  A  -lightly  different 
euphemistic  usage  is  that  of  LlV  18  19,  which  in 
Ezk  16  36.37  is  played  off  against  the  literal  sense 


Name 
Names,  Proper 


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2112 


(cf  Ezk  22  10;  23  18.29).  The  point  of  Gen  9 
22.23  is  a  little  hard  to  grasp,  but  apparently 
there  is  here  again  a  euphemism — this  time  for  a 
particularly  horrible  act  (see  the  comms.  and  of 
Hab  2  15).  Possibly  some  of  these  euphemisms 
are  due  to  the  Massoretes  (see  OT  Texts).  The 
Jews  objected  vigorously  to  exposure  of  the  body 
(even  athletes  insisting  on  a  loin-cloth  [cf  2  Mace 
4  12.13]),  and  compulsory  nudity  was  the  extreme 
of  shame  and  humiliation  (Isa  20  2-4;  Lam  1  8; 
Hos  2  3;  Nah  3  5,  etc).  The  relation  of  this 
attitude  to  Israel's  high  sexual  morality  needs  no 
explanation.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

NAME,  nam  (QTD ,  shcm;  6vo(jia,  6noma;  Lat 
nomen  [2  Esd  4  1];  vbs.  (5^o/xdfu,  onomdzo;  Lat 
nomino  [2  Esd  5  26]):  A  "name"  is  that  by  which 
a  person,  place  or  thing  is  marked  and  known.  In 
Scripture,  names  were  generally  descriptive  of  the 
person,  of  his  position,  of  some  circumstance  affect- 
ing him,  hope  entertained  concerning  him,  etc,  so 
that  "the  name"  often  came  to  stand  for  the  person. 
In  Acts  1  1.5;  Rev  3  4,  onoma  stands  for  "per- 
sons";  cf  Nu  26  53,  55. 

/.  OT  Word  and  Use. — The  word  for  "name" 
in  the  OT  is  shem  (also  the  name  of  one  of  the  sons 
of  Noah).  The  etj'mology  is  uncer- 
1.  General  tain,  although  it  may  be  from  shCmiah 
(obs.),  "to  set  a  mark";  shum  is  the 
Aram.  form.  For  the  name  as  descriptive  of  the  per- 
son see  Names.  Besides  designating  persons,  the 
name  also  stands  for  fame,  renown,  reputation,  char- 
acter gained  or  expressed,  etc  (Gen  6  4;  2  S  7  9.23, 
etc);  it  might  be  an  "evil  name"  (Dt  22  14.19); 
the  "name"  is  also  equivalent  to  a  "people"  or 
"nation"  (which  might  be  "blotted  out,"  i.e.  de- 
stroyed [Dt  7  24,  etc]);  to  speak  or  write  "in  the 
name"  signified  authority  (Ex  5  23;  1  K  21  8, 
etc);  to  "call  one's  name"  over  a  place  or  people 
indicated  po.ssession  or  ownership  (2  S  12  28; 
Am  9  12,  etc);  to  act  "in  the  name"  was  to 
represent  (Dt  25  6);  to  be  called  or  known  "by 
name"  indicated  special  individual  notice  (Ex  31 
2;  Isa  43  1;  45  3.4).  Gen  2  19.20  even  displays 
a  conception  of  identity  between  the  name  and  the 
thing. 

"To  name"  is  sometimes  'amar,  "to  say"  (1  S 
16  3);  dabhar,  "to  speak"  (Gen  23  16);  nakabh, 
"to  mark  out"  (Nu  1  17);  /card',' "to  call"  (Gen  48 
16;   Isa  61  6). 

Of  special  intere.st  is  the  usase  with  respect  to  the  name 
of  God.      (For  the  various  Divine  names  and  their  sig- 
nificance  see   God,    Names    of.)     He   ro- 
2,  The  vealed  Himself  to  Israel  through  Moses  by 

"rii'iMMQ  ^  "*^'^  name  (wliich  was  at  the  same  time 

juivine  ^ijg^^.    Qj   jjjg    (jQij    Q(   ^^jjgjj.   f^thers) — Je- 

Name  hovah    (q.v.)     {Yahweh) — the    nature    of 

wliicli  should  be  shown  by  His  manifesta- 
tions on  their  behalf  (E,x  3  1.3-16;  15  2. .3).  The  "name 
of  God  was  therefore  not  a  mere  word,  hut  the  whole  of" 
the  Divine  manifestation,  the  character  of  God  as  re- 
vealed in  His  relations  to  His  people  and  in  His  dealings 
with  them  (Ex  9  16;  .losh  7  9;  9  9,  etc).  The  "name 
of  Jeh"  was  proclaimed  to  Moses  on  Mt.  Sinai.  "Jeh, 
.Teh.  a  God  merciful  and  gracious,  slow  to  anger,  and 
at)undant  in  lovingkindness  and  truth,"  etc  (Ex  34  6); 
the  name  J'ehovah  (so  revealed)  was  (Ex  3  15)  His 
"memorial  Name"  (so,  often,  in  ARV;  see  Memorial). 
His  sole  Deity  was  such  an  important  element  in  His 
name  that  Dt  6  4  f  was  termed  the  "Shema"  (from 
shcma' ,  "hear,"  the  first  word  in  ver  4),  the  first  article  of 
Israelitish  faith,  taught  to  all  the  children,  written  on  the 
phylacteries,  and  still  recited  as  the  first  act  in  public 
and  private  worship  "twice  a  day  by  every  adult  male 
Jew."  Where  Jeh  is  said  to  record  His  name,  or  to  put 
His  name  in  a  place  (or  person),  some  special  Divine 
manifestation  is  implied,  making  the  place  or  person 
sacred  to  Him  (Ex  20  24;  1  K  8  10).  His  "name" 
was  in  the  angel  of  His  Presence  (Ex  23  21);  what  He 
does  is  "for  his  great  name's  sake,"  in  fidelity  to  and 
vindication  of  His  revealed  character  and  covenant 
relationship  (2  Ch  6  '-iZ:  Ps  25  11);  the  great  things 
He  should  do  would  be  "for  a  name"  (Isa  55  13);  He 
would  give  His  people  a  new  name,  "an  everlasting 
name"  (Isa  56  5) ;    to  be  "called  by"  the  name  of  Jeh  is 


"to  be  his  people"  (2  Ch  7  14;  Isa  43  7);  it  implies 
"protection,"  etc  (Isa  63  19;  Jer  14  8.9);  to  "call 
upon"  the  name  of  Jeh  was  "to  worship  him"  as  God 
(Gen  21  33;  26  2.5,  etc);  "to  confess  His  name,  to 
"acknowledge  him"  (1  K  8  33.35);  to  love,  trust,  act 
in,  etc,  "the  name,"  was  to  love,  trust,  etc,  Jeh  Himself 
(Ps  5  11;  7  17).  Very  frequently,  esp.  in  the  Pss  and 
prophecies  of  Isa  and  Jer,  "  the  name"  of  God  stands  for 
"God  himself";  to  "forget  his  name"  was  "to  depart 
fromhim"  (Jer  23  27) ;  "to  minister,  prophesy,  or  speak" 
in  His  name  signified  Divine  appointment,  inspiration, 
authority  (Jer  11  21;  14  14.15,  etc);  we  have  "swear- 
ing by"  or  "in"  the  name  of  Jeh  (Dt  6  13);  to  take 
His  name  "in  vain"  was  to  swear  falsely  (Ex  20  7; 
Lev  19  12);  we  have  "blessing"  in  His  name  (Dt  10 
8);  "cursing"  (2  K  2  24).  In  Lev  24  11,  we  have 
tlie  case  of  one  who  "blasphemed  the  Name,  and  cursed," 
the  penalty  for  which  was  death  by  stoning  (vs  13-16). 
In  later  Jewish  usage  (cf  Wisd  14  21)  the  sacred  name 
Jeh  was  not  pronounced  in  reading  the  Scriptures, 
'Adhonay  ("my  Lord")  being  substituted  for  it  (the 
vowels  belonging  to  'Adhonay  were  written  with  the 
consonants  of  the  Divine  name) ,  hence  the  frequent  term 
"the  Lord"  in  AV,  for  which  ARV  substitutes  "Jeh." 

//.  NT  Word  and  Use. — In  the  NT  onoma  has 
frequently  also  the  significance  of  denoting  the 
"character,"  or  "work"  of  the  person, 
1.  Character  e.g.  Mt  1  21,  "Thou  shalt  call  his 
and  Work  name  Jesus;  for  it  is  he  that  shall 
of  the  save,"    etc    (Lk  1  31;    2  21;    1  63, 

Person  "His  name  is  John";  cf  the  new  names 

given  to  Simon,  James  and  John; 
Saul's  new  name  of  "Paul").  The  "name"  of  God 
has  the  same  relation  to  the  character  of  God  as  in 
the  OT  (Mt  6  9;  "Father,  glorify  thy  name,"  Jn 
12  28);  it  is  manifested  by  Christ  (Jn  17  26;  cf 
vcr  3) ;  the  name  of  Jesus,  as  manifesting  God, 
takes  the  place  of  the  name  of  Jeh  in  the  OT  (cf  Jas 

2  7  with  Jer  14  9,  and  see  below) ;  to  Him  is  given 
"the  name  which  is  above  every  name;  that  in 
the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  should  bow  .... 
and  that  every  tongue  should  confess  that  Jesus 
Christ  is  Lord,  to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father," 
Phil  2  9.10  (cf  Isa  45  23);  "It  is  not  the  name 
Jesus,  but  the  n.ame  of  Jesus"  (Lightfoot),  i.e. 
the  name  ("Lord")  received  by  Jesus;  we  have 
with  reference  to  Jesus  simply  "the  Name"  (Acts 
5  41,  "worthy  to  suffer  dishonor  for  the  Name"; 
Jas  5  14    [probable    text,    WH],    "in  the   Name"; 

3  Jn  ver  7,  "for  the  sake  of  the  Name");  the 
"name  of  Christ"  is  equivalent  to  "Christ  him- 
self" (Mt  10  22;  19  29);  it  is  the  same  thing  as 
"his  manifestation"  (Jn  20  31);  therefore  "to 
believe  on  his  name"  is  to  believe  in  Him  as  mani- 
fested in  His  life  and  work  (,Jn  1  12;  2  23);  "in 
the  name  of  God"  means  sent  by  God,  as  repre- 
senting Him,  with  Divine  authority  (Mt  21  9;  23 
39);  in  like  manner,  we  have  "prophesying"  or 
"preaching"  in  the  name  of  Jesus  (Acts  4  18;  5 
28) .  The  '  'name  of  Jesus' '  represented  His  '  'author- 
ity" and  "power,"  e.g.  working  miracles  in  His 
name  (Mt  7  22;  Mk  9  39;  Acts  4  7,  'by  what 
name  [or  "power"]  have  ye  done  this?'),  and  it  is 
contrasted  with  casting  out  evil  spirits  by  some 
other  name  or  power  (Acts  16  18;  19  17).  The 
gospel  of  salvation  was  to  be  preached  "in  his 
name,"  by  His  authority  and  as  making  it  effectual 
(Lk  24  47);  sinners  were  justified  "through  his 
name"  (Acts  10  43;  1  Cor  6  11);  sins  were  for- 
given "for  his  name's  sake"  (1  Jn  2  12);  men 
"called  upon  the  name"  of  Jesus,  as  they  had  done 
on  that  of  Jeh  (Acts  9  14.21  [cf  7  59];  Rom  10  13 
14). 

"To  name  the  name"  of  Christ  was  to  belong  to  Him 
(2  Tim  2  19);  the  calling  of  His  name  on  the  Gentiles 
signified  their  acceptance  as  God's  people  (Acts  15  17 
[quoted  from  Am  9  12];  cf  Rom  1  5);  to  "hold  fast  his 
name"  is  to  be  true  to  Him  as  made  known  (Rev  2  13' 
3  8);  to  be  "gathered  together  in  his  name."  to  "do  all 
thingsinhisname,"isas"aclmowledginghim"  (Mtl8  20; 
Col  3  17);  "  to  baptize  in "  or  "into  the  name"  of  Jesus 
Christ  (Acts  2  38;  22  16,  "calling  on  his  name,"  con- 
trasted with  baptizing  into  one's  own  name  in  I  Cor  1 
13,  eis)  is  "to  call  over  them  his  name"  (in  the  rite),  as 


2113 


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Name 
Names,  Proper 


claiming  them  tor  Christ  and  as  their  acknowledgment 
of  Him  or  of  faith  in  Him — becoming  His  disciples; 
similarly,  to  baptize  "into  [eis]  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,"  represents 
"dedication  to"  God  as  He  has  been  revealed  in 
Christ. 

"In  the  name  of"  means  "as  representing"  (or 
as  being),  e.g.  "in  the  name  of  a  prophet,"  of  "a 
righteous  man,"  or  of  "a  disciple"  (Mt  10  41.42); 
to  receive  a  httle  child  "in  Christ's  name,"  i.e.  as 
belonging  to  Him,  is  to  receive  Himself  (Mt  18  5; 
Mk  9  37;  ver  41  to  disciples,  RV  "because  ye  are 
Christ's,"  m  "Gr  in  name  that  ye  are  [Christ's]"; 
Lk  9  48;  cf  Mt  18  20;  Mk  13  6,  "Many  shall 
come  in  my  name";  Lk  21  8). 

The  significance  of  the  name  of  Jesus  in  relation 
to  prayer  deserves  special  notice.     To  pray  in  the 
name   of   Jesus,   to    ask    anything  in 
2.  In  His  name,  according  to  His  promises, 

Relation  "Whatsoever  ye  shall  ask  in  my  name, 
to  Prayer  that  will  I  do"  (Jn  14  13;  cf  14  14; 
15  16;  16  23);  "Hitherto  have  ye  asked 
nothing  in  my  name :  ask  ....  that  your  joy  may 
be  made  full"  (Jn  16  24),  is  not  merely  to  add  to 
our  prayers  (as  is  so  often  unthinldngly  done) :  "we 
ask  all  in  the  name  of  Jesus,"  or  "through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord,"  etc,  but  to  pray  or  ask  as  His 
representatives  on  earth,  in  His  mission  and  stead, 
in  His  spirit  and  with  His  aim;  it  implies  union 
with  Christ  and  abiding  in  Him,  He  in  us  and  we 
in  Him.  The  meaning  of  the  phrase  is,  "as  being 
one  with  me  even  as  I  am  revealed  to  you."  Its  two 
correlatives  are  "in  me"  (Jn  6  56;  14  20;  15  4ff; 
16  33;  cf  1  Jn  5  20),  and  the  PauUne  "in  Christ" 
(Westcott,  The  Gospel  according  to  St.  John). 

W.  L.  Walkee 

NAMES  OF  GOD.     See  God,  Names  of. 

NAMES,  PROPER: 

I.     The  Form  of  Hebrew  Names 

1.  Various  Types 

2.  Vocalization 

3.  Transposition  of  Parts 

4.  Methods  of  Abbreviation 
II.     The  Range  of  Proper  Names 

1.  Personal  Names 

(1)  Not  Exclusively  Descriptive 

(2)  Drawn  from  a  Wide  Field 

(3)  Influences  Leading  to  Choice 

(4)  Popularity  of  Names :  Hard  to  Determine 

2.  Geographical  Names 

III.     Characteristics  of  Biblical  References 

1.  Derivation  of  Names  Manifest 

2.  The  Narrator's  Only  Concern 

3.  Allusions  Linked  with  Names 

/.  Form  of  Hebrew,  or.  More  Broadly,  Semitic, 
Proper  Names. — The  Heb  proper  name  consists  of 
a  single  word,  a  phrase,  or  a  sentence. 
1.  Various     (1)  Where  the  name  is  a  single  word. 
Types  other  than  a  vb.,  it  may  be  (a)  a  com- 

mon noun,  concrete,  as  Barak,  "light- 
ning," Tola,  "crimson  worm,"  Elon,  "oak,"  Achsah, 
"anklet,"  Deborah,  "bee";  or  abstract,  as  Uzzah, 
"strength,"  Manoah,  "rest,"  Hannah,  "grace"; 
or  either  abstract  or  concrete,  as  Zebul,  "habita- 
tion"; (6)  a  participle,  as  Saul,  "asked,"  Zeruiah, 
"cleft";  (c)  an  adj.,  as  Ikkesh,  "perverse,"  Maharai, 
"impetuous,"  Shimei,  "famous";  or  (d)  a  word 
that  may  be  either  an  adj.  or  an  abstract  noun 
according  to  circumstances.  Such  are  formations 
after  the  norm  of  kattul,  as  Shammua',  which  are 
generally  adjs.;  and  formations  by  means  of  the 
ending  am  or  on,  as  AduUam,  Zalmon,  Gideon,  or, 
with  the  rejection  of  the  final  n,  Shilo[h]  and  Solo- 
mo[n].  (2)  The  name  may  be  a  phrase,  consisting 
of  (a)  two  nouns,  as  Penuel,  "face  of  God,"  Samuel, 
"name  of  God,"  Ish-bosheth,  "man  of  shame";  or 
(6)  an  adj.  and  a  noun,  as  Jedidiah,  "beloved  of 
Jeh";  or  (c)  a  preposition  and  one  or  more  nouns, 
as  Besodeiah,  "in  the  intimacy  of  Jeh"  (Neh  3  6). 
(3)  When  the  name  is  a  sentence,  the  predicate  may 


be  (a)  a  noun,  the  copula  being  implied,  as  Abijah, 
"Jeh  is  a  father,"  Eliab,  "God  is  a  father,"  Elime- 
lech,  "God  is  king";  or  (6)  an  adj.,  asTobijah,  "Jeh 
is  good"  (Zee  6  10);  or  (c)  a  participle,  as  Obed- 
edom,  "Edom  is  serving";  or  (d)  a  finite  vb.  This 
last  type  exhibits  five  or  .six  varieties:  the  subject 
stands  before  a  perfect,  as  Jonathan,  "Jeh  hath 
given,"  Jehoshaphat,  "Jeh  hath  judged,"  Eleazar, 
"God  hath  helped,"  Elkanah,  "God  hath  formed"; 
or  before  an  imperfect,  as  Eliahba,  "God  hideth 
Himself";  or  the  subject  comes  after  a  perfect,  as 
Benaiah,  "Jeh  hath  built,"  Shcphatiah,  "Jeh  hath 
judged,'  Asahel,  "God  hath  made";  or  after  an  im- 
perfect, as  Jezreel,  "God  doth  sow."  Very  often 
the  subject  is  the  pronoun  included  or  imphed  in  the 
verbal  form,  as  Nathan,  "he  hath  given,"  Hillel, 
"he  hath  praised,"  Jaii-,  "he  enlighteneth,"  Jeph- 
thah,  "he  openeth."  Occasionally  the  predicate 
contains  an  object  of  the  vb.,  as  Shealtiel,  "I  have 
asked  God"  (Ezr  3  2),  or  a  prepositional  phrase,  as 
Hephzibah,  "my  delight  is  in  her"  (2  K  21  1). 
The  sentence-name  is  usually  a  declaration,  but  it 
may  be  an  exhortation  or  a  prayer,  as  Jerubbaal, 
"let  Baal  strive,"  and  Hoshea,  "save!"  (Nu  13  16), 
or  it  may  be  a  question,  as  Micaiah,  "who  is  like 
Jeh?"  All  of  the  foregoing  illustrations  have  been 
taken  from  the  Books  of  Jgs  and  S,  unless  otherwise 
noted. 

The  proper  name  is  treated  as  one  word,  whether  on 
analysis  it  consists  of  a  single  word,  a  phrase,  or  a  sen- 
tence:   and  as  such  it  is  subject  to  the 
2    Vocali-       laws  of  accent  and  quantity  which  govern 
•7a+;r.Ti  ^^^  Ti<ih  word.      (1)  A  common  noun  used 

zaiion  as    a   name   undergoes    the   variations   of 

pronunciation  due  to  the  custom  of 
lengthening  a  short  vowel  in  pause  and  to  the  laws 
which  control  the  aspiration  of  certain  labials.  Unguals, 
and  palatals.  Thus  the  name  Perez,  "breach,"  which 
appears  also  as  Pharez  in  AV  of  the  OT,  occurs  in 
the  Heb  text  in  the  four  forms  pereQ,  -pareQ,  phere^  and 
phareg  (Ruth  4  18:  Neh  11  4.6).  (2)  In  a  name  con- 
sisting of  a  phrase  the  normal  advance  of  the  accent  as 
usual  causes  the  loss  of  a  pretonic  vowel,  as  is  indicated 
by  the  suspended  letter  in  J**didiah,  "beloved  of  Jeh"; 
requires  a  short  vowel  in  a  closed  unaccented  syllable, 
as  in  Mahalal'el,  "praise  of  God";  allows  contraction, 
as  in  Beth-el.  "house  of  God";  and  occasions  the  return 
of  a  segholate  noun  to  its  primitive  form,  as  in  Abdiel, 
"servant  of  God,"  where  the  vowel  i  is  an  archaism  which 
has  lingered  in  compound  names,  but  has  generally  dis- 
appeared elsewhere  in  speech.  (3)  Names  which  con- 
sist of  a  sentence  are  also  accented  as  one  word,  and  the 
pronunciation  is  modified  accordingly.  The  synonyms 
Eliam  and  Ammiel,  "God  is  a  kinsman,"  not  only  ex- 
hibit the  common  archaism  in  the  retention  of  the  vowel 
i.  but  the  name  Eliam  also  shows  the  characteristic 
lengthening  of  the  vowel  in  the  final  accented  syllable, 
so  common  in  nouns.  The  four  forms  Eliphelet,  Eli- 
phalet.  Elpelet  and  Elpalet,  meaning  "God  is  deliver- 
ance," represent  the  variations  of  the  Heb  due  to  the 
causes  already  mentioned  (1  Cli  3  8:  14  5.7;  see  AV 
and  RV).  The  requirements  regarding  the  elision  and 
the  quantity  and  quality  of  vowels,  on  the  shifting 
of  the  accent,  are  also  regularly  met  by  the  various 
types  of  sentence-names  in  which  the  predicate  is  a  vh. 
Thus  the  personal  names  '  Ulshdmd' z,nd' eladthan  (subject 
followed  by  vb.  in  the  perfect):  "etydkim,  'elyahbd',  and 
yehdydkhln  (subject  and  imperfect) ;  gedhalydh,  yekholydhu, 
hdrakh'el,  in  which  the  first  vowel  is  protected  by  the 
implied  reduplication  of  the  Picl  species,  b'ndyak, 
'dsdh'el,  and  'dsdh-'el,  'd.lVel,  hdzdh'el  and  hdzd'el  and 
pedhah'el  (perfect  and  subject)*;  yigdalydhu'  yihhnsydh. 
ya'd.ii'el,  yahdi'el,  y^hallel'el,  yesimVel  (imperfect  and 
subject);  y^'rubha'al  and  ydshobh'dm  (jussive  and_sub- 
ject;  u  in  sharpened,  and  6  in  closed,  syllable:  in  Jasho- 
beam  the  first  long  vowel  is  retained  by  a  secondary 
accent,  marked  by  metheg);  ndikdn  and  yiphtdh,  i.e. 
Jephthah.  Ibneiah  shows  the  customary  apocopation 
of  the  imperfect  of  Lamedh-he  vbs.;  and  tlie  names 
Benaiah  to  Pedahel  show  the  methods  of  combining  the 
perfect  of  such  vbs.  with  a  following  element.  The 
short  vowel  of  the  final  closed  syllable  of  the  imperfect 
is  elided,  if  the  final  consonant  is  permitted  to  begin  the 
syllable  of  the  next  element  of  the  name,  as  in  Jezreel, 
Jekabzeel,  Jerahmeel,  Ezekiel,  Jehizkiah  (see  the  Heb 
form  of  these  names) ;  but  it  is  not  elided  in  Ishmael, 
although  the  consonant  is  attached  to  the  following  syl- 
lable; and  elision  is  avoided,  as  in  .Jiphthah-el,  by  keep- 
ing the  ultimate  and  penultimate  syllables  distinct. 
Jehucal,  a  Hophal  imperfect,  is  peculiar  in  not  length- 
ening the  vowel  in  the  accented  final  syllable,  when  the 
vb.  is  used  as  a  personal  name. 


Names,  Proper     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2114 


When  the  name  was  a  sentence  in  Heb,  its  con- 
stituent parts  could  be  transposed  without  chang- 
ing the  meaning.  Thus  the  father 
3.  Transpo-  of  Bathsheba  was  called  Ammiel,  "a 
sition  of  kinsman  is  God,"  and  Eliam,  "God  is 
Constituent  a  kinsman"  (2  S  11  3;  1  Ch  3  5); 
Parts  and  similarly,  in  letters  written  from 

Pal  to  the  king  of  Egypt  in  the  14th 
cent.  BC,  Ilimilki  is  also  called  M'ilkili,  the  name 
in  either  form  signifying  "God  is  king."  Ahaziah, 
king  of  Judah,  is  called  Jehoahaz  (cf  2  Ch  21  17 
with  22  1),  a  legitimate  transposition  of  the  vb. 
and  subject,  and  meaning  in  each  case,  "Jeh  hath 
laid  hold." 

Not  only  did  transposition  take  place,  but  the  sub- 
stitution of  a  cognate  root  and  even  the  use  of  a  differ- 
ent part  of  the  vb.  also  occurred.  Thus  King  .Jehoiachin 
(2  K  24  6;  Jer  52  31)  was  known  also  as  Jeconiah 
(.Ter  24  1;  28  4)  and  Coniah  (22  24.28;  37  1).  The 
two  names  Jehoiachin  and  Jeconiah  have  e-xactly  the 
same  meaning,  "Jeh  doth  establish";  and  Coniah  is  a 
synonym,  "the  establishing  of  Jeh."  The  Divine  name 
which  begins  Jehoiachin  is  transferred  to  the  end  in 
Jeconiah  and  Coniah;  and  the  Hiphil  imperfect  of  the 
vb.  kiln,  which  is  seen  in  Jehoiachin,  has  been  replaced 
by  the  Qal  imperfect  of  the  vb.  kdnan  in  Jeconiah,  and 
by  the  construct  infinitive  of  the  same  species  in  Coniah. 
Parallel  cases  occur  in  Assyr  and  Bab  lit.,  among  which 
the  two  forms  of  the  king's  name,  Zamama-shum-iddina 
and  Zaraama-nadin-shum,  exhibit  both  the  transposition 
of  constituent  parts  and  an  interchange  of  preterite  and 
participle. 

Twin  forms  like  Abiner  and  Abner,  Abishalom 
and  Absalom,  Elizaphan  and  Elzaphan,  are  not  the 

full  name  and  its  abbreviation  by 
4.  Methods  syncopation,  but  are  merely  two 
of  Abbre-  variant,  equally  legitimate,  modes  of 
viation  combining  the  constituent  parts.    The 

common  methods  of  shortening  were: 
(1)  contraction  by  the  rejection  of  a  weak  consonant 
or  the  apocopation  of  a  final  unaccented  vowel, 
notably  illustrated  by  the  Divine  name  y'ho  at  the 
beginning  and  ydhii  at  the  end  of  proper  names: 
hence  Jehoash  became  Joash  (2  K  12  1.19),  and 
Amaziahu  became  Amaziah  (2  K  14  1  Heb  text, 
and  8) ;  (2)  abbreviation  of  composite  geographical 
names  by  the  omission  of  the  generic  noun  or  its 
equivalent :  Jerusalem,  which  to  the  Hebrews  meant 
"foundation  of  peace,"  was  shortened  to  Salem, 
"peace"  (Ps  76  2);  Kiriath-baal,  "city  of  Baal" 
(Josh  15  60),  to  Baal  or  Baalah  (Josh  15  9.10; 
cf  2  S  6  2);  Beeshterah,  "house  or  temple  of 
Astarte,"  to  Ashtaroth;  Beth-lebaoth,  "house  of 
lionesses,"  to.  Lebaoth;  Beth-azmavcth  to  Az- 
maveth;  Bcth-rehob  to  Rehob;  Beth-bamoth  to 
Bamoth  (M  S,  1.  27,  with  Nu  21  19);  Beth-baal- 
meon  to  Baal-meon  (Nu  32  38;  Josh  13  17);  the 
same  custom  existed  among  the  Moabites  who  spoke 
of  this  town  indifferently  as  Beth-baal-mcon  and 
Baal-meon  (M  S,  11.  9,  30);  (3)  abbreviation  by  the 
omission  of  the  Divine  name:  thus  the  name  of  the 
idolater  Micaiah,  which  means,  "who  is  like  Jeh?" 
(Jgs  17  1.4  [Heb]),  was  shortened  to  Micah,  "who 
is  like?"  (vs  5.8);  and  similarly  in  the  case  of 
three  other  men,  namely  the  prophet  (Micaiah, 
Jer  26  18  ERV,  and  Micah,  Mic  1  1),  the  Levite 
musician  (Neh  12  3.5  with  11  17.22),  and  the 
father  of  Abdon  (2  K  22  12  with  2  Ch  34  20). 

The  king  of  Judah,  Yauhazi,  as  he  was  known  to  the 
Assyrians,  i.e.  Jehoahaz,  ".'ich  hath  laid  hold,"  is  called 
simply  Ahaz,  "he  hath  laid  hold,"  in  the  Heb  records. 
The  town  of  Jabneel,  "God  doth  cause  to  be  built,"  was 
shortened  to  Jabneh,  "he  doth  cause  to  be  built"  (Josh 
15  11;  2  Ch  26  0;  cf  1  Mace  4  15);  Paltiel,  "deliver- 
ance of  God,"  was  curtailed  to  Palti,  "deliverance" 
(1  .S  25  44;  2  S  3  15);  Abijah,  ",Ieh  is  father,"  to  Abi 
(2  Ch  29  1  with  2  K  18  2);  and  Baraoth-baal,  "high 
place,s  of  Baal,"  to  Bamoth  (Josh  13  17  with  Nu  21  10). 
Abdi,  Othni,  Uzzi,  and  not  a  few  other  similar  names, 
probably  represent  curtailment  of  this  sort.  The  omission 
of  the  Divine  title  has  parallels  in  Assyr  and  Bab  lit.: 
thus  Nabu-nadin-ziri  and  Nabu-shum-ukin  were  called 
Nadinu  and  Shum-uldn  respectively  (Dynastic  Tablet 
no.  2,  col.  iv,  4,  5,  with  Bab  Chron.,  col.  i,  13,  16). 


(4)  Abbreviation  by  the  elision  of  the  initial  con- 
sonant, yet  so  that  the  remainder  is  a  synonymous 
name  of  complete  grammatical  form.  The  name  of 
Iving  Hezekiah  was  written  by  the  Hebrews  both 
y'hizkiydh,  "Jeh  doth  strengthen,"  and  hizkiyah, 
"Jeh  is  strength."  The  two  forms  interchange 
many  times  in  2  Ch  29-33.  Similarly,  Jeconiah 
was  shortened  to  Coniah,  as  has  already  been  no- 
ticed; the  name  of  the  town  Jekabzeel,  "God  bring- 
eth  together,"  to  Kabzeel,  "God's  bringing  to- 
gether" (Neh  11  2.5  with  Josh  15  21;  2  S  23  20); 
Meshelemiah,  "Jeh  is  recompensing,"  to  Shelemiah, 
"Jeh's  recompensing"  (1  Ch  26  1.2  with  ver  14); 
MeshuUam,  "recompensed,"  to  Shallum,  "recom- 
pensed" (1  Ch  9  11;  Neh  11  11  with  1  Ch  6  12; 
Ezr  7  2). 

//.    The  Range  of  Proper  Names. — (1)  Not  ex- 
clusively descriptive. — Simonis  in  his  Onomasticum, 
published  in  1741,  and  Gesenius  in  his 
1.  Personal   Thesaurus,    issued    during   the   years 
Names  from  1835  to  1853,  endeavored  to  in- 

terpret the  proper  names  as  though 
they  were  ordinarily  intended  to  characterize  the 
person  who  bore  them .  Embarrassed  by  the  theory, 
Gesenius  tr"*  Malchiel  by  "rex  Dei,  h.  e.  a  Deo  con- 
stitutus";  and  Simonis  tr"^  Malchi-shua  by  "regis 
auxilium,  i.e.  auxilium  s.  salus  regi  patri  praestita"; 
Ammizabad  was  rendered  by  Gesenius  "famulus 
largitoris,  h.e.  Jehovae,"  and  by  Simonis  "populum 
(i.e.  copiosissimam  liberorum  turbam)  donavil" ; 
Gesenius  tr"^  Gedaliah  "quern  Jehova  educavit  vel 
roboravit,"  Zerahiah  "cui  Jehova  ortum  dedit," 
.Jehozadak  "quem  Jehovajustumfecit,"  and  Joel  "cui 
Jehova  est  deus,  i.e.  eultor  Jehovae";  but  Simonis 
rendered  Joel  by  "Jehoua  (est)  Deus  ....  vel  (cui) 
Jehoua  Deus  (est)."  Now  Malchiel  means  "God  is 
king,"  Malchi-shua  "the  king,  i.e.  God,  is  salvation" 
(cf  Joshua),  Ammizabad  "the  Kinsman  hath  en- 
ciowed,"  Gedaliah  "Jeh  is  great,"  Zerahiah  "Jeh 
hath  risen  in  splendor,"  Jehozadak  "Jeh  is  right- 
eous," and  Joel,  if  a  compound  name,  "Jeh is  God." 
A  moment's  reflection  makes  clear  that  these  names 
do  not  describe  the  persons  who  bear  them,  but  in 
every  case  speak  of  God.  They  emphasize  the 
important  facts  that  personal  names  might  be,  and 
often  were,  memorial  and  doctrinal,  and  that  per- 
sonal names  were  a  part  of  the  ordinary  speech  of  the 
people,  full  of  meaning  and  intelligible  to  all,  subject 
to  the  phonetic  laws  of  the  Hebrews,  and  obedient 
to  the  rules  of  grammar. 

(2)  Drawn  from  a  wide  field. — Parents  named 
their  children,  and  contemporaries  dubbed  people, 
from  physical  and  spiritual  traits,  whether  a  beauty 
or  a  blemish;  thus  Hophni,  "pertaining  to  the  fist," 
Japhia,  "gleaming,"  Ikkesh,  "perverse,"  Ira, 
"watchful,"  Gareb,  "rough-skinned,"  and  Hiddai, 
"joyful."  Children  were  called  by  the  names  of 
natural  objects,  as  Peninnah,  "coral,"  Rimmon, 
"pomegranate,"  Tamar,  "palm  tree,"  Nahash, 
"serpent,"  Eglah,  "heifer,"  Aiah,  "bird  of  prey," 
and  Laish,  "lion";  or  after  kinsfolk  or  remoter 
members  of  the  clan,  as  Absalom's  daughter  Tamar 
bore  the  name  of  her  father's  beautiful  sister,  and 
as  the  priest  Phinehas  took  his  strange  name  from 
the  noted  Phinehas,  who  belonged  to  the  same 
father's  house  in  earlier  days.  Or  the  name  given 
to  the  child  furnished  a  memorial  of  events  in  the 
national  history,  like  Ir'habod,  "the  glory  is  not" 
(1  S  4  21),  and  probably  Obed-edom,  "Edom  is 
servmg"  (cf  1  S  14  47;  21  7);  or  it  told  of  cir- 
cumstances attending  the  child's  birth,  as  Saul, 
"asked,"  and  Ehshama,  "God  hath  heard";  or  it 
embodied  an  article  of  the  parent's  creed,  as  Joab 
and  Abijah,  "Jeh  is  a  father,"  Joel,  "Jeh  is  God"; 
or  it  expressed  a  hope  concerning  the  child  or  bore 
witness  to  a  prophecy,  as  Jedidiah,  "beloved  of 
Jeh,"  and  Solomon,  "peaceable"  (2  S  12  25;  1  Ch 


2115 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Names,  Proper 


22  9).  Sometimes  the  name  of  the  tribe  or  race 
to  which  a  man  belonged  became  his  popular  desig- 
nation, as  Cushi,  "Cushite."  All  of  these  examples 
have  been  cited  from  the  records  of  one  period  of 
Israel's  history,  the  times  of  Samuel  and  David. 

(3)  Influences  leading  to  choice. — The  people  in 
general  gathered  names  for  their  children  freely 
from  all  parts  of  this  wide  field,  but  in  certain  circles 
influences  were  at  work  which  tended  to  restrict 
the  choice  to  a  smaller  area.  These  influences  were 
religious:  (a)  In  homes  of  piety  conscious  nearness 
to  God  on  the  part  of  the  parents  naturally  prompted 
them  to  bestow  religious  names  upon  their  children. 
The  name  may  be  without  distinct  religious  mark 
in  its  form  and  meaning,  as  Ephraim,  "double  fruit- 
fulness,"  Manasseh,  "making  to  forget,"  and  yet 
have  been  given  in  acknowledgment  of  God's 
grace  and  be  a  constant  reminder  of  His  goodness 
(Gen  41  51.52);  or  the  name  may  be  religious  in 
form,  as  Shemaiah,  "Jeh  hath  heard,"  and  publicly 
testify  to  the  parents'  gratitude  to  God.  (fe)  The 
covenant  relation,  which  Jeh  entered  into  with 
Israel,  made  the  name  Jehovah,  and  that  aspect  of 
God's  character  which  is  denoted  by  this  name, 
peculiarly  precious  to  the  people  of  God,  and  thence- 
forth the  word  Jehovah  became  a  favorite  element 
in  the  personal  names  of  the  Israelites,  though  not, 
of  course,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  great  name  El, 
"God."  (c)  Among  the  kings  in  the  line  of  David, 
the  consciousness  of  their  formal  adoption  by  Jeh 
to  be  His  vicegerents  on  the  throne  of  Israel  (2  S 
7;  Ps  2)  found  expression  in  the  royal  names.  Jeh, 
the  God  of  Israel,  was  acknowledged  in  the  personal 
name  Abijah,  borne  by  the  son  and  successor  of 
Rehoboam.  But  his  was  an  isolated  case,  unless 
the  name  Asa  is  an  abbreviated  form.  But  with 
Jehoshaphat,  Abijah's  grandson,  early  in  the  9th 
cent.,  the  custom  became  established.  Henceforth 
it  was  conventional  for  the  king  of  Judah  to  have 
for  his  name  a  sentence  with  Jeh  as  its  subject. 
The  only  exceptions  among  the  16  successors  of 
Asa  on  the  throne  were  Manasseh  and  his  son  Amon, 
both  of  whom  were  notoriously  apo-state  from  Jeh. 
The  full  name  of  Ahaz  was  Jehoahaz.  Josiah's 
son  Shallum  as  king  was  known  as  Jehoahaz;  and 
his  brother  Eliakim,  when  placed  on  the  throne 
by  Pharaoh-necoh,  was  given  the  name  Jehoiakim. 
(d)  Akin  to  the  influence  exerted  by  the  relation  of 
the  kings  to  the  God  of  Israel,  and  manifesting 
almost  equal  power  contemporaneously  with  it, 
was  the  influence  of  official  connection  with  the 
sanctuary,  either  as  priests  or  as  subordinate  min- 
isters, and  it  frequently  led  to  the  choice  of  an 
ecclesiastical  name  containing  the  word  God  or  Jeh. 
During  the  five  centuries  and  a  half,  beginning  near 
the  close  of  Solomon's  reign  and  extending  to  the 
end  of  Nehemiah's  administration,  22  high  priests 
held  office,  so  far  as  their  names  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  records.  Of  these  pontiffs  17  bear 
names  which  are  sentences  with  Jeh  as  subject,  and 
another  is  a  sentence  with  El  as  subject.  The  ma- 
terials for  investigation  along  this  line  are  not  com- 
plete, as  they  are  in  the  case  of  the  kings,  and  ratios 
derived  from  them  are  apt  to  be  erroneous;  but 
evidently  the  priests  of  Jeh's  temple  at  Jerus  not 
only  recognized  the  appropriateness  for  themselves 
and  their  families  of  names  possessing  a  general 
religious  character,  but  came  to  favor  such  as  ex- 
pressly mentioned  God,  esp.  those  which  mentioned 
God  by  His  name  of  Jehovah. 

(4)  Popularity  of  names:  hard  to  determine. — 
Until  abundant  data  come  to  light  for  all  periods 
of  the  history,  it  is  precarious  to  attempt  to  de- 
termine the  relative  popularity  of  the  various  kinds 
and  types  of  names  in  any  one  generation,  or  to 
compare  period  with  period  with  respect  to  the  use 
or  neglect  of  a  particular  class  of  names.     For, 


first,  in  no  period  are  the  names  which  have  been 
transmitted  by  the  Heb  records  many  as  compared 
with  the  thousands  in  use  at  the  time ;  and,  secondly, 
the  records  deal  with  the  historical  event  which 
was  conspicuous  at  the  moment,  and  rarely  mention 
persons  other  than  the  actors  in  this  event. 

At  one  time  men  and  women  from  the  middle  class  of 
society  are  asserting  themselves  in  the  national  lite,  and 
the  personal  names  current  in  the  families  of  farmers, 
shopkeepers  and  soldiers  obtain  place  in  the  annals;  at 
another  time,  when  the  activities  of  the  court  are  of 
paramount  importance,  it  is  mainly  names  that  were 
current  in  official  circles  which  are  chronicled;  at  yet 
another  period,  when  matters  of  the  national  w^orship 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  state,  ecclesiastics  and  lay- 
men from  pious  families,  whose  names  were  quite  likely 
to  have  a  religious  meaning,  receive  mention.  Very  few 
names  outside  of  the  particular  circle  concerned  are  pre- 
served in  the  records.  It  is  unwarranted,  therefore,  to 
draw  inferences  regarding  the  relative  use  of  particular 
names,  secular  names,  for  instance,  at  different  periods 
of  the  history  of  Israel,  by  comparing  the  number  of 
these  names  foimd  in  a  record  of  political  uprisings  in 
the  army  ^vith  the  nximber  of  similar  names  in  the  narra- 
tive of  an  episode  which  occurred  at  a  later  date  and  in 
which  only  priests  took  part.  It  is  comparing  things 
that  differ.  It  is  comparing  the  number  of  certain  names 
current  in  military  circles  with  the  numljer  of  the  same 
names  among  ecclesiastics,  in  order  to  learn  whether 
these  names  were  more  common  among  the  people  as  a 
whole  in  the  one  period  than  in  the  other. 

The  brine  of  its  waters  led  the  ancient  Hebrews 
to   call   the   Dead   Sea   the   Salt   Sea.     Bethesda, 
"house  of  mercy,"  received  its  name 
2.  Geo-  from  the  belief  in  the  healing  virtue 

graphical  of  its  waters;  Lebanon,  "white,"  from 
Names  the  snows  that  cover  its  crest;    Sidon 

on  the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  Beth- 
saida  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  from  their  fisheries; 
Tyre,  from  the  great  rock  in  the  sea  on  which  it 
was  built;  the  valley  of  Elah,  from  the  terebinth 
tree;  Luz,  from  the  almond  tree;  Shittim,  from  the 
acacia  groves  on  the  eastern  terrace  of  the  Jordan 
valley;  and  Jericho,  from  the  fragrance  of  its  palms 
and  balsams.  The  "crags  of  the  wild  goats  and 
En-gedi,  "kid  spring"  (1  S  24  1.2),  werein  a  deso- 
late, rocky  region  where  the  wild  goats  had  their 
home;  Aijalon  signifies  "place  of  harts,"  and  Etam 
denotes  a  "place  of  beasts  and  birds  of  prey."  The 
hopes  of  a  people  and  pride  in  their  town  were  ex- 
pressed in  names  like  Joppa,  "beautj',"  Tirzah, 
"pleasantness,"  Janoah,  "rest,"  Shiloh,  "tran- 
quillity," and  Salem,  "peace."  The  resemblance 
of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  in  shape  to  a  harp  secured  for 
it  its  ancient  name  of  Chinnereth.  Poetic  imagina- 
tion saw  in  majestic  Mt.  Hermon  likeness  to  a 
soldier's  breastplate,  and  forthwith  the  mountain 
was  called  Serion  and  Senir.  The  sanctuary  of  a 
deity  might  give  name  to  a  town,  hence  Beth-dagon, 
Beth-anath,  and  Ashtaroth.  Sometimes  the  name 
of  a  place  commemorated  a  victory,  as  rock  Oreb, 
rock  Zeeb,  and  Eben-ezer  (Jgs  7  25;  1  S  7  12); 
or  enshrined  a  religious  transaction  or  experience, 
Beth-el  and  Beracah  (Gen  28  17-19;  2  Ch  20  26); 
or  told  of  a  migration,  as  when  colonists  gave  the 
name  of  their  native  town  to  their  new  settlement 
(Jgs  1  2.3-26).  Often  the  name  of  the  founder  or 
other  famous  inhabitant  became  attached  to  a  town, 
and  that  for  various  reasons.  It  was  often  neces- 
sary to  distinguish  places  of  the  same  name  from 
each  other  by  this  method ;  thus  certain  of  the  towns 
called  Gibeah  became  Gibeath-saul  and  Gibeath- 
phinehas.  The  Jebusite  stronghold  captured  by 
David  was  named  by  him  the  city  of  David,  and 
was  known  by  this  name,  as  a  quarter  of  Jerus,  for 
many  generations  (2  S  5  9;  2  K  16  20).  The 
practice  was  common  among  the  Sem  contem- 
poraries of  Israel,  as  is  illustrated  by  Dur-sharruken, 
"Sargonsburg,"  and  Kar-shalmanasharidu,  "Shal- 
maneser's  fortress."  A  town  might  also  be  named 
after  the  tribe  which  inhabited  it  or  after  the  an- 
cestor of  the  tribe,  as  Dan  (Jgs  18  29),  and  possi- 


Names,  Proper 
Nanaea 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2116 


bly  under  not  a  few  geographical  designations  a 
tribal  name  is  hidden,  even  when  the  fact  has  es- 
caped record  and  is  not  revealed  by  the  form  of  the 
name.  In  an  inquiry  after  the  origin  of  a  geo- 
graphical designation  the  first  consideration  is  due 
to  the  causes  known  to  be  ordinarily  at  work  in 
giving  rise  to  names  of  the  same  aspect  as  the  one 
under  scrutiny;  and  only  when  they  fail  to  yield 
a  suitable  explanation  are  less  obvious  causes 
worthy  of  serious  attention. 

///.    Characteristics  of  Biblical  References. — As 
a  rule,  Sem  words  clearly  reveal  their  origin  and 
structure.     The  Semite  might,  indeed, 
1.  Deriva-     err    with    respect    to    the    particular 
tion  of  meaning  intended,  where  a  word  was 

Names  current  in  several  significations.    Thus 

Manifest  the  vale  of  hdkha' ,  mentioned  in  Ps  84 
7  (Eng.  6),  is  open  to  two  interpreta- 
tions: namely,  "valley  of  Baca,"  so  called  from  the 
balsam  trees  in  it,  and  "valley  of  weeping,"  as  the 
VSS  render  the  unusual  form,  regarding  it  as  equiva- 
lent to  a  similar  word  meaning  "weeping."  The  pi. 
h'hha'im,  "mulberry  or  balsam  trees"  (2  S  5  23. 
24),  was  understood  by  Jos  to  denote  a  grove  known 
by  the  name  Weepers  (Ant,  VII,  iv,  1;  of  LXX). 
In  those  rare  cases  where  several  derivations  were 
possible,  the  Israelite  may  not  always  have  known 
which  thought  was  intended  to  be  embodied  in  the 
naroe  which  he  heard.  But  he  discerned  the  alter- 
native possibilities;  and  a  parent,  in  bestowing  a 
name  ambiguous  in  its  derivation,  might  be  de- 
liberately taking  advantage  of  its  power  to  be  the 
vehicle  for  the  suggestion  and  expression  of  two 
thoughts  (Gen  30  23.24;  Joseph  being  derivable 
from  both  yasaph  and  'asaph). 

That  the  object  of  the  Bib.  writer  was  not  to 
make  known  the  derivation  of  the  proper  names  is 
clear  from  cases  like  Esek,  Rehoboth 
2.  The  and  Ishmael  (Gen  16  11;    26  20.22): 

Narrator's  Isaac  called  the  name  of  the  well,  Con- 
Only  tention,  because  the  herdsmen  of 
Concern  Gerar  "contended"  with  him;  another 
well  he  called  Broad  Places  (roomy 
places),  because  Jeh  had  "made  room"  for  him; 
and  Hagar  was  directed  to  name  the  son  that  she 
was  about  to  bear  "God  doth  hear,"  because  Jeh  had 
"heard"  her  affliction.  The  narrator's  purpose  was 
not  to  declare  that  the  Heb  word  for  contention, 
'e.Sefc,  is  derived  from  the  Heb  vb.  for  "contend," 
'a^ak,  and  that  the  name  "God  doth  hear,"  yish- 
ma"el,  signifies  God  doth  hear,  yishma'  'el.  These 
derivations  and  meanings  were  plain.  The  pur- 
pose was  to  state  the  circumstances  which  led 
to  the  choice  of  the  name.  There  are  instances 
also  where  no  part  of  the  name  reappears  in  the 
words  that  state  the  reason  for  the  use  of  the  name. 
For  example,  the  name  Maher-shalal-hash-baz  is 
not  explained  by  citing  the  words  which  compose  it. 
One  noun  of  the  composite  name  appears,  indeed, 
in  the  exposition  of  the  meaning,  but  accidentally 
as  it  were,  and  without  prominence  or  significance 
of  position  (Isa  8  3.4).  Samuel  is  a  notable  ex- 
ample of  this  method.  Hannah  called  his  name 
Samuel,  saying,  'Because  of  Jeh  I  asked  him'  (1  S 
1  20) .  Simonis,  Ewald  and  Nestle  derive  the  name 
from  nh'mu'^^'el,  "heard  of  God."  This  etymology 
would  fully  satisfy  the  reason  given  for  the  mother's 
choice  of  the  name;  but  the  suggested  derivation 
is  far-fetched,  for  it  is  not  customary  for  a  Heb  word 
to  lose  the  strong  guttural  ''ayin.  The  guttural 
was  not  lost,  but  was  distinctly  heard,  in  Ishmael, 
where  there  is  the  same  concurrence  of  sounds  as 
in  sh'mu'-'  'el.  Kimhi,  on  the  other  hand,  suggested 
that  Samuel  is  a  contraction  of  sha'ul  me' el,  "asked 
of  God";  and  Ewald  asserts  that  this  origin  is  the 
theory  of  the  narrator  (Lehrbuch  der  hebraischen 
Sprache,  275,  n.  3).     This  is  incredible.     Such  a 


contraction  is  "alien  to  the  genius  of  the  Heb  lan- 
guage" (Driver,   Text  of  Samuel,  13),  and  the  ab- 
sence of  the  two  consonants  aleph  and  lamedh  before 
the  letter  m  in  the  midst  of  the  name  Samuel  would 
of  itself  prevent  the  Semite   from  imagining  such 
an   etymology.     The   derivation   and   meaning   of 
Samuel  were  not  obscure.     The  type  was  common, 
and  was  esp.  familiar  by  reason  of  the  name  Peniel, 
"face  of  God"  (Gen  32  30 f).     Samuel  means  "name 
of  God"   (Gesenius).     As  Jacob,  upon  his  return 
from  Paddan-aram,  in  fulfilment  of  his  vow  erected 
an  altar  at  Beth-el  as  a  memorial  of  God's  bestowal 
of  the  promised  blessings  and  named  the  place  thus 
consecrated  "The  God  of  Beth-el"  (Gen  35  1.3.7), 
so  Hannah  having  by  vow  dedicated  to  Jeh  the 
son  for  whose  birth  she  was  praying,  now  that  her 
prayer  has  been  answered  and  the  son  given,  calls 
him  "The  name  of  God"  in  commemoration  of  the 
Giver.     The  Bib.  narrator  states  the  motive  which 
led  the  mother  to  choose  the  name  Samuel  for  her 
child.     In  this  explanation  no  part  of  the  name  is 
used.     Moreover,    the    slight    assonance    between 
sh'mu' el  &nd  sh''iltiw  in  1  S  1  20  was  unsought,  for 
these  words  are  separated  in  the  Heb  text,  and  the 
emphasis  is  placed  on  the  gift's  being  "from  Jeh." 
The  history  of  the  discussion  concerning  this  name 
shows  how  far  astray  criticism  has  been  led  by  the 
false  theory  that  the  purpose  of  the  narrator  was  to 
analyze  the  name  and  declare  its  derivation. 

Reuben  affords  evidence  to  the  same  effect.  The 
name  was  known  to  the  early  Hebrews  in  this  form  e.xclu- 
sively.  It  is  attested  by  their  most  ancient  literature 
(Gen  29  32;  30  14;  Jgs  5  1.5.16),  by  the  entire  OT, 
by  the  Gr  tr  (A,  B  and  Lucian),  by  the  Tgs,  and  by  the 
NT  (Rev  7  5).  Yet  in  the  1st  cent.  Jos,  adding  a  Gr 
termination,  wrote  Roubelos;  and  later  the  Syr  version 
gave_  the  naraeas  Rllbll,  and  the  Ethiopia  version  as 
Robel  and  Rfibel.  The  late  variation  is  reasonably  ex- 
plained as  a  softening  of  the  pronunciation,  which  had 
come  into  vogue  in  certain  circles.  The  liquids,  or,  to 
speak  particularly  regarding  Reuben,  the  liquids  n  and  I, 
sometimes  interchanged,  giving  rise  to  two  forms  for  a 
word  in  the  same  language  or  in  kindred  languages 
(Gesenius,  Thesaurus,  727;  Wright,  Comp.  Grammar, 
67;  Zimmern,  VerglHchende  Grammatik,  §  11a).  Not- 
withstanding the  evidence  furnished  by  the  literature, 
preference  has  been  given  to  Roubel  as  the  original  form 
on  the  ground  that  "the  only  plausible  explanation  of 
the  etymology"  given  in  Gen  29  32  "is  that  it  is  based 
on  the  form"  R'' ilbel  =  R'' u  ba'al  (Skinner,  Gen,  386). 
An  exhibition  of  the  etymology  was  needless,  however, 
and  was  not  the  end  which  the  writer  had  in  view.  His 
purpose  was  to  state  the  occasion  for  bestowing  this  par- 
ticular name  upon  the  child;  and  in  stating  it  he  does 
full  justice  to  the  clear  meaning  of  the  good,  simple  Heb 
of  the  name  Reuben.  The  name  signifies  either  "vision 
of  a  sou"  or  "Behold  ye!  a  son."  In  either  case  the 
emphatic  word  is  "son."  As  Hannah,  taunted  on  account 
of  her  barrenness,  besought  God  to  look  on  her  affliction 
and  give  her  a  man-child  (1  S  1  11),  so  Leah,  using  the 
same  words,  speaking  of  the  same  mercy  already  shown 
her,  and  with  the  same  thought  in  mind,  e-xclaimed- 
".Jeh  hath  looked  upon  my  affliction;  for  now  my  hus- 
band will  love  me,"  and  she  called  the  name  of  her  son 
"Look  ye!  It's  a  son"  (or,  "vision  of  a  son").  A  male 
child  was  to  her  a  proof  of  God's  regard  for  her  misery 
and  a  guaranty  of  the  future  love  of  her  husband  for  her' 
Moreover,  the  name  kept  the  thought  constantly  before 
tlie  mind  of  her  husband.  Gesenius  remarks  that 
Reuben  means  "  properly, '  See  ye,  a  son ! '  but  the  sacred 
writer  in  Gou  29  32  e.xplains it  as  for  ra' aft  (ra'uy)  b^'onul 
provided  in  my  affliction'"  (LcricoK,  Thesaurus)  This 
curious  specimen  of  criticism  may  be  regarded  as  the 
reductio^  ad  absurdum  of  the  hypothesis  that  the  Heb 
writers  intend  to  give  the  derivation  of  the  proper  names. 
1  he  result  of  endeavoring  to  force  the  words  of  the  ex- 
planation into  an  intentional  etymology  compels  the 
assumption  that  the  Heb  writer  misunderstood  one  of  the 
simplest  phrases  of  his  own  language  and  proposed  a 
contraction  impossible  in  itself  and  utterly  foreign  to  the 
principles  which  underlie  Heb  speech. 

Allusions  to  proper  names  are  made  for  the  pur- 
pose of  stating  the  reason  for  the  bestowal  of  the 

"'ime,  of  pointing  out  a  coincidence 
3.^  Allusions  between  the  name  and  the  character 
Linked  with  or  experience  of  its  bearer,  or  of  attach- 
Names  ing  a  prophecy;    and  it  is  common  to 

link  the  allusion  with  the  name  by  em- 
ploying the  root  that  underlies  the  name,  or  a  cog- 


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Names,  Proper 
Nanaea 


nate  root,  or  some  other  word  that  resembles  the 
narne  in  sound:  (1)  Statement  of  the  reason  for  the 
choice  of  the  name:  In  the  case  of  Simeon,  the  root 
of  the  name  is  used  (Gen  29  33).  Words  of  this 
type  (with  the  termination  on)  are  formed  from 
nouns  and  vbs.,  and  have  the  force  of  adjs.,  dimin- 
utives, or  abstract  nouns,  and  are  sometimes  used 
as  concrete  nouns  (Stade,  Lehrbuch  der  hebraischen 
Grammaiik,  §  296).  The  Israelite  at  once  recog- 
nized the  root  and  formation  of  the  name  Simeon, 
which  was  a  favorite  with  the  Hebrews,  and  he 
knew  that  it  could  express  the  abstract  idea  of 
hearing.  In  Gen  29  33  the  narrator  is  not  seeking 
to  impart  etymological  information ;  but  it  is  clear 
that  he  discerned  the  derivation  when  he  gave  the 
reason  for  the  choice  of  this  particular  name  for 
Leah's  second  son:  "[Leah]  said,  Because  Jeh  hath 
heard  that  I  am  hated,  he  hath  therefore  given  me 
this  son  also:  and  she  called  his  name  Simeon." 
The  root  of  the  name  is  used  as  a  vb.  in  the  state- 
ment of  the  motive.  It  was  convenient  and  natural 
to  do  so,  since  the  vb.  shdma^  was  the  proper  word 
to  express  the  idea  and  was  one  of  the  most  common 
words  in  the  language.  There  would  be  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  identity  with  the  root  of  the  name 
was  intentional,  except  that  care  is  taken  by  the 
narrator  in  the  case  of  the  other  sons  of  Jacob  to 
maintain  a  similar  correspondence.  Accordingly, 
that  form  of  paronomasia  is  employed  where  a  word 
is  used  that  is  one  with  the  name  in  derivation,  but 
differs  from  the  name  in  form  and  grammatically 
is  a  different  part  of  speech. 

In  the  case  of  Cain  a  cognate  root  is  used.  The 
name  is  a  segholate  noun  from  the  root  kun,  which 
means  "to  form,"  and  then  specifically  to  form  at 
the  anvil.  Cain  may  accordingly  be  an  abstract 
noun  and  denote  formation,  or  a  concrete  noun 
denoting  a  forged  weapon,  or  the  agent  in  the 
work,  namely  a  smith.  In  stating  the  reason  for 
giving  this  name  to  the  child,  it  was  not  feasible 
to  use  the  vb.  kUn,  because  of  the  technical  mean- 
ing which  had  become  attached  to  it.  To  avoid 
misunderstanding  the  cognate  vb.  hanah  is  em- 
ployed, which  has  radically  the  same  significance, 
but  is  without  the  technical  implications  (Gen 
4  1).  The  result  is  that  kind  of  paronomasia  which 
exists  between  words  of  similar  sound  and  cognate 
origin,  but  difference  of  meaning. 

In  the  case  of  Noah  a  root  unrelated  to  the  name  in 
origin,  but  containing  a  similar  sound,  is  used.  The  Bib. 
narrator  does  not  state  whether  the  name  Noah  is  the 
transliteration  of  a  foreign  word  or  is  its  tr  into  Heb; 
he  merely  declares  that  as  given  it  expressed  the  father's 
hope  that  through  this  child  men  were  to  have  relief 
from  the  ancient  curse  upon  the  ground.  If  the  name  is 
Heb,  Its  root  may  be  nuah,  "rest."  At  any  rate  it 
promptly  suggested  to  the  ear  of  the  Hebrew  the  idea  of 
rest.  But  the  vb.  nuah  is  used  in  Heb,  as  is  the  corre- 
sponding vb.  "rest"  in  Eng.,  to  express  the  two  ideas 
of  relief  and  cessation.  Lamech  did  not  mean  that  his 
son  would  cause  men  to  cease  from  work,  but  that  he 
would  secure  for  them  restful  relief  from  toil  due  to  God's 
curse  on  account  of  sin  (Gen  5  29,  with  a  reference  to 
3  17-19).  The  writer  does  not  use  the  ambiguous  word. 
To  avoid  ambiguity,  yet  with  a  view  to  preserving  asso- 
nance with  Noah,  he  employs  the  vb.  naham,  which  has 
as  one  of  its  meanings  the  sense  of  comfort  and  relief. 

(2)  The  indication  of  a  coincidence  between  the 
character  or  experience  of  a  person  and  his  name: 
Naomi,  returning  to  her  home  bereaved  and  in 
poverty,  saw  the  contrast  between  her  present 
condition  and  her  name;  and  she  played  upon  her 
name  by  using  a  word  of  opposite  meaning,  saying: 
'Call  me  not  Pleasant,  call  me  Bitter;  for  the 
Almighty  hath  dealt  very  bitterly  with  me'  (Ruth 
1  20).  In  whatever  sense  Nabal's  name  may  have 
been  bestowed  upon  him  originally,  at  any  rate  his 
wife  saw  the  correspondence  between  his  name  in 
its  ordinary  meaning  and  his  conduct  toward  David, 
and  she  played  upon  it,  saying:  'Fool  is  his  name. 


and  folly  is  with  him'  (1  S  25  2.5).  Likewise  the 
agreement  between  Jacob's  character  and  a  mean- 
ing that  his  name  has  in  Heb  was  seen,  and  called 
forth  the  bitter  word-play:  'Is  he  not  rightly 
named  "He  supplants"  ?  for  he  hath  supplanted  me 
these  two  times'  (Gen  27  36).  Isaac,  so  far  as 
the  formation  is  concerned,  may  be  an  abstract  noun 
meaning  "laughter,"  or  a  concrete  noun,  "laughing 
one,"  or  a  vb.  in  the  imperfect,  "he  laughs"  or  "one 
laughs"  (cf  Stade,  Lehrbuch  der  hebraischen  Gram- 
maiik, §  259a).  Whichever  specific  meaning  may 
have  been  in  the  mind  of  Abraham  when  he  gave 
the  name  to  his  son,  yet  by  reason  of  its  ever  speak- 
ing of  laughter  the  name  was  a  constant  reminder 
to  the  parents  of  the  laughter  of  unbelief  with  which 
they  had  listened  to  the  promise  of  his  birth  (Gen 
17  17;  18  12).  But  in  due  time  the  child  of 
promise  has  been  born.  His  name,  as  determined 
upon,  is  Isaac.  This  Sarah  knows  (17  19;  21  3). 
Accordingly,  the  theme  with  which  she  greets  his 
advent  is  laid  in  her  mouth.  She  plays  upon  the 
name  Isaac,  using  the  root  of  the  word  in  various 
forms,  first  as  a  noun  and  then  as  a  vb.,  and  giving 
to  the  vb.  a  new  subject  and  to  the  thought  a  new 
turn.  Instead  of  the  laughter  of  unbelief,  with 
which  the  promise  was  received,  'God,'  she  says, 
'hath  prepared  for  me  laughter  [of  joy],  everyone 
that  heareth  [of  the  event]  will  laugh  [with  joy]  for 
me'  (21  6;  cf  Ps  126  2). 

(3)  Attachment  of  a  prophecy  to  a  name :  Paro- 
nomasia in  all  of  its  forms  is  used  for  this  purpose. 
A  meaning  of  the  name,  or  a  sound  heard  in  it,  or 
a  contrast  suggested  by  it  may  be  played  upon.  In 
these  several  ways  the  prophet  Micah  plays  upon 
successive  names  in  one  paragraph  (Mic  1  10-15). 
In  answer  to  Abraham's  prayer  in  behalf  of  Ishmael, 
a  promise  is  given  concerning  the  lad,  which  is  in- 
troduced by  a  play  upon  his  name:  'As  for  the  boy 
[named]  "God  heareth,"  I  have  heard  thee'  (Gen 
17  18.20).  To  Gad  a  prophecy  is  attached  in  Gen 
49  19.  Two  cognate  roots  are  employed :  gadhadh, 
which  underlies  the  word  rendered  troop  or  maraud- 
ing band,  and  gUdh,  which  means  "to  press."  In 
the  use  not  only  of  the  root  of  the  name  Gad,  but  of 
a  different  root  also  that  is  similar  in  sound,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  purpose  is  simply  to  play  upon  the 
name.  The  brief  oracle  is  uttered  almost  exclu- 
sively by  means  of  variations  in  the  vocalization  of 
the  two  roots,  producing  one  of  the  most  successful 
word-plays  in  Heb  literature. 

Judah  is  a  noun  corresponding  to  the  Hophal  imper- 
fect, and  means  "thing  being  praised,"  "object  of 
praise."  In  bestowing  this  name  upon  her  child  the 
mother  signified  that  Jeh  was  the  object  of  her  praise; 
for  she  said:  "Now  will  I  praise  Jeh"  (Gen  29  35).  In 
Gen  49  8  a  prophecy  is  spoken  concerning  Judah.  The 
same  etymology  and  meaning  are  recognized  as  before, 
but  the  application  is  different.  The  birth  of  Judah  had 
made  God  an  object  of  praise,  the  great  deeds  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  were  destined  to  make  that  tribe  an  object  of 
praise.  To  quote  the  oracle:  '  "Object  of  praise,"  thee 
shall  thy  brothers  praise.'  In  this  difference  of  refer- 
ence and  in  the  repetition  of  the  significant  word  con- 
sists the  play  upon  the  name. 

Dan  is  played  upon  in  much  the  same  way.  The  name 
may  be  a  participle,  used  as  a  noun,  and  be  rendered 
"judge":  but  it  probably  belongs  to  that  numerous 
class  in  which  the  names  are  vbs.  in  the  perfect,  and  sig- 
nifies, "he  hath  judged."  His  adoptive  mother  had 
called  his  name  Dan,  because  God  had  heard  her  com- 
plaint and  decided  the  cause  in  her  favor  (Gen  30  6). 
In  attaching  the  prophecy,  the  name  is  played  upon  by 
changing  the  subject,  and,  in  order  to  refer  to  the  future, 
by  substituting  the  imperfect  for  the  perfect  of  the  vb. : 
'  "He  hath  judged"  shall  judge  his  people,  as  one  of  the 
tribes  of  Israel'  (Gen  49  16).  See  also  God,  Names  of; 
Name. 

John  D.  Davis 
NANAEA,  na-ne'a  (Navata,  Nanaia;  AV  Nanea) : 
A  female  deity  worshipped  by  the  Assyrians,  Baby- 
lonians and  Persians  and  other  Asiatic  peoples, 
the  Nana  or  Nanai  of  the  Babylonians,  known  as 
"the  lady  of  Babylon."     The  name  means   "the 


Naomi 
Napkin 


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2118 


undefiled,"  and  probably  represented  originally  the 
productive  powers  of  Nature  (genetrix),  and  as  such 
was  the  companion  of  the  sun-god.  She  was  identi- 
fied with  Ishtar  in  Assyria  and  Ashtoreth  in  Phoe- 
nicia, by  the  Greeks  as  Aphrodite  (Clem.  Alex. 
Protr.,  19),  but  sometimes  as  Artemis  the  huntress 
(Paus_.  iii.16.8;  Plut.  Artax.  xxvii).  Strabo  (xv. 
733)  identifies  her  with  Anaitis  (  =  Anahita),  the 
Asian  Artemis.  She  was  the  Venus,  but  sometimes 
the  Diana,  of  the  Romans.  There  are  many 
variants  of  the  name:  Anaea  (Strabo  xvi.738), 
Aneitis  (Plut.  Artax.  xxvii),  Tanais  (Clem.  Alex.,  loc. 
cit.),  also  Tanath,  sometimes  in  Phoen  inscriptions, 
Tanata,  Anta  (Egyp).  In  2  Mace  1  13  ff,  a  ficti- 
tious account  is  given  of  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  in  a  temple  of  Nanaea  in  Persia,  by  the 
treachery  of  Nanaea  s  priests.  The  public  treasury 
was  often  placed  in  Nanaea's  temple;  this,  Epi- 
phanes was  anxious  to  secure  under  the  pretext  of 
marrying  the  goddess  and  receiving  the  money  as  a 
dowry.  The  priests  threw  down  great  stones  "like 
thunderbolts"  from  above,  killed  the  king  and  his 
suite  and  then  cut  off  their  heads.  But  1  Mace  6 
1  ff,  which  is  more  reliable,  gives  a  different  account 
of  the  death  of  Epiphanes  after  an  attempt  to  rob 
a  rich  temple  in  Elymais.  The  account  of  2  Mace 
1  13  ff  must  be  mere  legend,  as  far  as  Epiphanes  is 
concerned,  but  may  have  been  suggested  or  colored 
by  the  story  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  the  Great, 
who  met  his  death  while  plundering  a  temple  of 
Belus  near  Elymais  (Strabo  xvi.1.18;  Diod.  Sic. 
573;  Justin,  xxxii.2).  The  temple  of  Nanaea 
referred  to  in  2  Mace  1  13  ff  may  be  identified 
with  that  of  Artemis  (Polyb.  xxxi.ll;  Jos,  Ajit, 
XII,  ix,  1)  or  Aphrodite  (Appian,  Syr.  66;  Rawlin- 
son,  Speaker's  Comm.).  S.  ANGtrs 

NAOMI,  na'6-mi,  nft-o'ml,  nft-o'mi  C^Ti . 
Tio'dml,  probably  =  "pleasantness";  LXX  B,  Nwe- 
H-cCv,  Noemein,  A,  Noe|i.(i€C[v],  Noermneiln]) :  Wife 
of    Elimelech  and   mother-in-law  of    Ruth   (Ruth 

1  2 — 4  17).  She  went  with  her  husband  to  the 
land  of  Moab,  and  after  his  death  returned  to 
Bethlehem.  When  greeted  on  her  return,  she  told 
the  women  of  the  town  to  call  her,  not  no^dmi 
("pleasantness"),  but  marah  ("bitterness"),  "for," 
she  said,  "the  Almighty  hath  dealt  very  bitterly 
with  me."  She  advised  Ruth  in  her  dealings  with 
Boaz,  and  afterward  nursed  their  child. 

The  name  may  mean  "my  joy,"  "my  bliss,"  but 
is  perhaps  better  explained  according  to  the  tradi- 
tional interpretation  as  "the  pleasant  one." 

David  Francis  Roberts 

NAPHATH-DOR,  na'fath-dor  (Josh  12  23 
RVm).     See  Dob. 

NAPHISH,  na'fish  (1»"'B5 ,  napMsh;  Na<j>is, 
Naphes,  D,  Na<t>^9,  Napheth):  A  son  of  Ishmael 
(Gen  25  15;  1  Ch  1  31).  Naphish,  along  with 
other  Hagrite  clans,  was  overwhelmingly  defeated 
by  the  Israelitish  tribes  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan 
(1  Ch  5  19,  AV  "Nephish").  Their  descendants 
are  mentioned  among  the  Nethinim  by  the  name 
"Nephisim,"    AV    and    RVm    "Nephusim"    (Ezr 

2  50);  "Nephushesim,"  AV  and  RVm  "Nephi- 
shesim"  (Neh  7  52);  "Naphisi"  (1  Esd  6  31). 

NAPHISI,  naf'i-sl  (Nacjiio-t,  Naphisi,  B,  Na(j>ci,o-€C, 

Napheisei):  The  name  of  one  of  the  families  which 
went  up  out  of  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd 
6  31)  =  "Nephushesim"  of  Neh  7  52;  "Nephisim" 
of  Ezr  2  50.     See  Naphish. 

NAPHOTH-DOR,  na'foth-dor  (Josh  11  2 RVm). 
See  Dor. 


NAPHTALI,    naf'ta-ll    0^^t>--<    naphtall;    N€<j>- 
6a\ii\i,  Nephlhalelm): 

I.       The    P.4TRIARCH 

1.  Name 

2.  Circumstances  of  His  Birtli 

3.  Historical  and  Traditional  Details 
II.     Tribe  of  Naphtali 

1.  Its  Relative  Position 

2.  Its  Location  in  Palestine 

3.  Pliysical  Features 

4.  Distinction  of  tlie  Tribe 

5.  Sites  and  Inhabitants 

6.  Labors  of  Jesus  in  This  District 

/.   The  Patriarch. — The  5th  son  of  Jacob,   and 

the  2d  born  to  him  by  Rachel's  handmaid,  Bilhah. 

He  was  full  brother  of  Dan  (Gen  30 

1.  Name       7ff). 

At  his  birth  Rachel  is  said  to  have 

exclaimed,  naphlule    'Slohlm   niphtalli,   "wrestlings 

of     God" — i.e.     "mighty     wrestlings" — "have      I 

wrestled."     Her     sister's     fruitfulness 

2.  Circum-  was  a  sore  trial  to  the  barren  Rachel, 
stances  of  By  her  artifice  she  had  obtained  chil- 
Hls  Birth       dren,  the  offspring  of  her  maid  ranking 

as  her  own;  and  thus  her  reproach  of 
childlessness  was  removed.  The  narne  N.  given 
to  this  son  was  a  monument  of  her  victory.  She 
had  won  the  favor  and  blessing  of  God  as  made 
manifest  in  the  way  yearned  for  by  the  oriental 
heart,  the  birth  of  sons. 

Personal  details  regarding  the  patriarch  N.  are 
entirely  wanting  in  Scripture;    and  the  traditions 

have   not   much   to    say   about   him. 

3.  Histori-  According  to  Tg  Pseiulojon,  he  was  a 
cal  and  swift  runner.  It  also  tells  us  that  he 
Traditional  was  one  of  the  5  brethren  whom  Joseph 
Details           chose  to  represent  the  family  of  Jacob 

in  the  presence  of  Pharaoh.  He  is  said 
to  have  been  132  years  old  at  his  death  (Test.  XII  P, 
viii,  1,  1).  When  Jacob  and  his  family  moved  to 
Egypt,  N.  had  4  sons  (Gen  46  24).  In  Egypt,  he 
died  and  was  buried. 

//.   Tribe  of  Naphtali. — When  the  first  census 
was  taken  in  the  wilderness,  the  tribe  numbered 

53,400  fighting  men  (Nu  1  43;  2  30). 

1.  Relative  At  the  second  census,  the  numbers 
Position         had  shrunk  to  45,400  (Nu  26  48  ff); 

but  see  Numbers.  The  position  of 
Naphtali  in  the  desert  was  on  the  N.  of  the  taber- 
nacle with  the  standard  of  the  camp  of  Dan,  along 
with  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Nu  2  25  ff).  The  stand- 
ard, according  to  Jewish  tradition,  was  a  serpent, 
or  basilisk,  with  the  legend,  "Return  of  Jehovah  to 
the  many  thousands  of  Israel"  (Tg  Pseudojon  on 
Nu  2  25).  When  the  host  was  on  the  march,  this 
camp  came  in  the  rear  (Nu  2  31).  The  prince  of 
the  tribe  at  Sinai  was  Ahira  ben  Enan  (2  29). 
Among  the  spies  the  tribe  was  represented  by 
Nahbi  ben  Vophsi  (13  14).  Prince  Pedahel  ben 
Ammihud  was  chosen  from  N.  to  assist  in  the  di- 
vision of  the  land  (34  28).  Toward  the  end  of 
David's  reign  the  ruler  of  the  tribe  was  Jeremoth 
ben  Azriel  (1  Ch  27  19).  Hiram  the  Tyrian 
artificer  is  described  as  "the  son  of  a  widow  of  the 
tribe  of  N."  (1  K  7  14).  But  in  2  Ch  2  14  he 
IS  called  "the  son  of  a  woman  of  the  daughters  of 
Dan."  Jgs  6  15  does  not  definitely  associate 
Barak  with  the  tribe  of  Issachar;  his  residence  was 
at  Kedesh  (Jgs  4  6);  it  is  therefore  possible  that 
he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  N. 

In  the  allocation  of  the  land,  the  lot  of  N.  was  the 

last  but  one  to  be  drawn  (Josh  19  32-39).     The 

boundaries  are  stated  with  great  ful- 

2.  Location  ness.     While  it  is  yet  impossible  to 
in  Palestine  trace  them  with  certainty,  the  identi- 
fication of  sites  in  recent  years,   for 

which  we  are  mainly  indebted  to  the  late  Col. 
Conder,  makes  possible  an  approximation.  The 
territory  was  bounded  on  the  E.   by  the  Sea  of 


2119 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Naomi 
Napkin 


Galilee  and  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Jordan.  Jos 
makes  it  extend  to  Damascus  (Ant,  V,  i,  22);  but 
there  is  nothing  to  support  this.  The  southern 
boundary  probably  ran  from  the  point  where  Wddy 
el-Bireh  enters  the  Jordan,  westward  along  the 
northern  side  of  the  valley  to  Mt.  Tabor.  The 
western  border  may  have  gone  up  by  way  of  Hatiln 
(Ziddim)  and  Yakuk  (Hukkok)  to  Kefr  'Anan 
(Hannathon),  bending  there  to  the  W.,  including 
the  land  of  er-Rameh  (Ramah)  until  it  reached  the 
territory  of  Asher.  Running  northward  again  until 
nearly  opposite  Tyre,  it  bent  eastward,  and  once 
more  northward  to  the  Litany  (Leontes),  taking  in 
the  larger  part  of  what  is  called  by  the  Arabs  Belad 
Besharah  and  Beldd  es-Shukif.  Nineteen  cities 
in  N.  are  named  in  Josh  19  32  ff.  Among  them 
was  the  famous  city  of  refuge,  Kedesh-naphtali 
(q.v.),  on  the  heights  to  the  W.  of  the  Waters  of 
Merom,  where  extensive  ruins  are  still  to  be  seen 
(20  7) .  It,  along  with  Hammoth-dor  and  Kartan, 
was  assigned  to  the  Gershonite  Levites  (21  23; 
1  Ch  6  76). 

The  land  lying  around  the  springs  of  the  Jordan 
was  included  in  the  lot  of  N.  It  is  clear  that  from  this 
part,  as  well  as  from  the  cities  named  in  Jgs  1  33, 
N.  did  not  drive  out  the  Canaanites.  These  the 
Danites  found  in  possession  at  the  time  of  their 
raid.  There  is  no  indication  that  N.  resented  in 
any  way  this  incursion  of  their  kindred  tribe  into 
their  territory  (Jgs  18). 

The  district  thus  indicated  includes  much  excel- 
lent land,  both  pastoral  and  arable.  There  are  the 
broad,  rich  terraces  that  rise  away  to 

3.  Physical  the  N.  and  N.W.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
Features        with  the  fertile  plain  of  Gennesaret 

on  the  seashore.  The  mountains  imme- 
diately N.  of  the  sea  are  rocky  and  barren;  but 
when  this  tract  is  passed,  we  enter  the  lofty  and 
spacious  lands  of  upper  Galilee,  which  from  time 
immemorial  have  been  the  joy  of  the  peasant  farmer. 
Great  breadths  there  are  which  in  season  yield 
golden  harvests.  The  richly  diversified  scenery, 
mountain,  hiU  and  valley,  is  marked  by  a  finer 
growth  of  trees  than  is  common  in  Pal.  The  tere- 
binth and  pine,  the  olive,  mulberry,  apricot,  fig, 
pomegranate,  orange,  lemon  and  vine  are  cultivated 
to  good  purpose.  Water  is  comparatively  plentiful, 
supplied  by  many  copious  springs.  It  was  one  of 
the  districts  from  which  Solomon  drew  provisions, 
the  officer  in  charge  being  the  king's  son-in-law, 
Ahimaaz  (1  K  4  15). 

The  free  life  of  these  spacious  uplands,  which 
yielded  so  liberally  to  the  touch  of  the  hand  of  in- 
dustry, developed  a  robust  manhood 

4.  Dis-  and  a  wholesome  spirit  of  independence 
tinction  of  among  its  inhabitants.  According  to 
the  Tribe      Jos,  who  knew  them  well  (BJ,  III, 

iii,  2),  the  country  never  lacked  mul- 
titudes of  men  of  courage  ready  to  give  a  good 
account  of  themselves  on  all  occasions  of  war.  Its 
history,  as  far  as  we  know  it,  afforded  ample  oppor- 
tunity for  the  development  of  warlike  qualities. 
In  the  struggle  with  Sisera,  N.  was  found  on  the 
high  places  of  the  field  (Jgs  5  18).  To  David's 
forces  at  Hebron,  N.  contributed  a  thousand  cap- 
tains "and  with  them  with  shield  and  spear  thirty 
and  seven  thousand"  (1  Ch  12  34).  Their  position 
exposed  them  to  the  first  brunt  of  attack  by  enemies 
from  the  N. ;  and  in  the  wars  of  the  kings  they  bore 
an  important  part  (1  K  15  20;  2  K  12  18;  13 
22) ;  and  they  were  the  first  on  the  W.  of  the  Jordan 
to  be  carried  away  captive  (2  K  15  29).  See 
Galilee. 

The  largest  town  in  Mt.  Naphtali  today  is  Safed, 
on  the  heights  due  N.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  often 
spoken  of  as  the  "city  set  on  a  hill."  It  is  built 
in  the  form  of  a  horseshoe,  open  to  the  N.,  round 


the  Castle  Hill,  on  which  are  the  ruins  of  the  old 
fortress  of  the  Templars.  This  is  a  position  of 
great  strength,  which  could  hardly  fail 
5.  Sites  and  to  be  occupied  in  ancient  times. 
Inhabitants  although,  so  far,  it  cannot  be  identi- 
fied with  any  ancient  city.  It  con- 
tains between  20,000  and  30,000  inhabitants.  Over 
against  it  to  the  N.W.,  beyond  the  deep  gorge  of 


Naphtali;  da/ed. 

Wddy  Leimun,  rises  Jehel  Jermiik,  the  highest 
mountain  in  Pal  proper  (c  4,000  ft.)  which  may  be 
the  scene  of  the  Transfiguration  (q.v.).  The 
inhabitants  of  Safed  were  massacred  by  Sultan 
Bibars  in  1266.  The  city  suffered  severely  from 
earthquake  in  1759;  and  it  shared  with  Tiberias, 
also  a  city  of  N.,  the  disaster  wrought  by  the  earth- 
quake of  1837.  It  is  one  of  the  holy  cities  of  the 
Jews. 

In  the  land  of  N.  Jesus  spent  a  great 

6.  Labors      part  of  his  public  life,  the  land  of 

of  Jesus         Gennesaret,     Bethsaida,     Capernaum 

and    Chorazin    all    lying    within    its 

boundaries  (cf  Mt  4  15).  W.  Ewing 

NAPHTALI,  MOUNT  CVns?  in ,  har  naphtali; 
Iv  Tu  opEi  Tu  Ne<j>9aX6£,  en  to  orei  to  Nephthalei): 
This  was  the  most  northerly  of  the  three  divisions 
of  the  Western  Range,  which  derived  their  names 
from  those  of  the  tribes  holding  chief  sway  over 
them — Mt.  Judah,  Mt.  Ephraim,  and  Mt.  Naphtali 
(Josh  20  7  AV,  RV  replaces  "Mount"  by  "the  hill 
country  of"). 

NAPHTHAR,  naf'thar  (AV):  RV  "Nephthar." 

NAPHTUHIM,  naf-tu'him  (DTin?? ,  naphtuhim; 
LXX  N€<t)8aX.eC|i,  Nephthaleim):  A  son  of  Mizraim 
(Gen  10  13;  1  Ch  1  11);  but,  according  to  most 
modern  authorities,  a  district  or  a  dependency  of 
Egypt.  Among  the  many  efforts  at  identification 
the  following  deserve  notice:  Naphtuhim  =  (1) 
Nephihys  (N^^Sus,  Nephthus)  in  the  N.E.  of  Egypt; 
(2)  Na-plah,  i.e.  the  people  of  Ptah,  the  dwellers 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Memphis;  (3)  Nathu  (ac- 
cording to  Herodotus,  NaSci,  Nalho),  which  occurs 
in  Assurbanipal's  Annals  as  the  name  of  a  part  of 
Lower  Egypt;  (4)  Erman  {ZATW,  X,  118),  by  the 
change  of  a  letter,  reads  Petemhim,  which  signifies 
"The  Northland" ;  (5)  Spiegelberg  sees  in  the  word 
an  old  designation  of  the  Delta,  and  would  therefore 
render  the  name,  "the  people  of  the  Delta"  (cf  Johns, 
HDB;  Skinner  and  Holzinger  on  Gen). 

John  A.  Lees 

NAPKIN,  nap'kin  (o-ouSdpiov,  souddrion;  Lat 
sudarium) :  In  Lk  19  20,  the  cloth  in  which  the 
"unprofitable  servant"  wrapped  the  money  of  his 
lord;  cf  Jn  11  44;  20  7;  see  Dress,  7;  Hand- 
kerchief. 


Narcissus 
Natural,  Nature 


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NARCISSUS,  niir-sis'us  (NapKtcra-os,  Narkissos) : 
In  Rom  16  11  St.  Paul  sends  greetings  to  "them 
of  the  household  of  Narcissus,  that  are  in  the  Lord." 
"The  last  words  may  suggest  that,  though  only  the 
Christians  in  this  household  have  a  greeting  sent 
to  them,  there  were  other  members  of  it  with  whom 
the  church  had  relations"  (Denney). 

Narcissus  is  a  common  name,  esp.  among  freed- 
men  and  slaves.  But,  as  in  the  case  of  Aristobulus, 
some  famous  person  of  this  name  must  be  meant. 
Conybeare  and  Howson  mention  two,  one  the  well- 
known  favorite  of  Claudius,  the  other  a  favorite  of 
Nero.  The  latter,  who  was  put  to  death  by  Galba 
(Dio  Cass,  lxiv.3),  they  think  to  be  the  Narcissus 
meant  here  (St.  Paul,  ch  xix).  On  the  other  hand, 
Bishop  Lightfoot  (Phil,  175)  holds  that  "the  power- 
ful freedman  Narcissus,  whose  wealth  was  pro- 
verbial [Juv.  Sat.  xiv.329],  whose  influence  with 
Claudius  was  unbounded,  and  who  bore  a  chief 
part  in  the  intrigues  of  this  reign,  alone  satisfies 
this  condition."  Shortly  after  the  accession  of 
Nero,  he  had  been  put  to  death  by  Agrippina  (Tac. 
Ann.  xiii.l;  Dio  Cass,  lx.34)  in  54  AD.  As  this 
occurred  three  or  four  years  before  the  Ep.  to  the 
Rom  was  written,  some  think  another  Narcissus 
is  meant.  However,  as  was  usual  in  such  cases, 
his  property  would  be  confiscated,  and  his  slaves, 
becoming  the  property  of  the  emperor,  would  swell 
"Caesar's  household"  as  Narcissiani. 

S.  F.  Hunter 

NARD,  nard.    See  Spikenard. 

NASBAS,  nas'bas  (Noo-pas,  Nasbds,  X,  NapdS, 
Nabdd,  read  by  Fritzsche) :  A  name  otherwise  un- 
known. It  occurs  only  in  Tob  11  18,  "And  Achia- 
charus,  and  Nasbas  his  brother's  son,"  came  to 
Tobit's  wedding.  Opinions  are  divided  as  to  whether 
he  was  "brother's  son"  of  Tobit  or  Achiacharus. 
AVm  gives  the  suggestion  of  Junius,  "Achiacharus 
who  is  also  called  Nasbas,"  thus  identifying  Nasbas 
with  Achiacharus,  which  might  gain  support  from 
1  22  where  Achiacharus  is  mentioned  as  "brother's 
son"  of  Tobit.  See  Achiacharus;  Aman.  N  reads 
"Achiacharus  and  Nabad  his  brother's  sotis,"  which 
is  corrected  by  another  hand  to  "brother's  son" 
(i^dSektpos,  exddelphos).  The  Itala  gives  "Nabal 
avunculus  ["maternal  uncle"]  illius";  the  Vulg 
"Nabath  consobrini  ["cousins"]  Tobiae";  Syr  "Laban 
his  sister's  son."  This  person  is  probably  identical 
with  the  "Aman"  of  Tob  14  10  (see  variety  of  read- 
ings under  Aman)  and  the  nephew  in  Harris'  Story 
of  Ahikar  and  His  Nephew.  S.  Angus 

NASI,  na'se  (B,  Nao-et,  Nasel,  A,  Nao-£9,  Nasith; 
AV  Nasith) :  The  head  of  one  of  the  families  which 
went  up  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5  32)  =  "Neziah" 
of  Ezr  2  54;   Neh  7  56. 

NASOR,  na'sor.     See  Hazor. 

NATHAN,  na'than  (]ln5,  ndthan,  "gift";  Na0dv, 
Nathdn):  A  court  prophet  in  David's  reign  and  a 
supporter  of  Solomon  at  his  accession.  There  are 
three  main  incidents  in  his  career  as  depicted  in  the 
OT. 

The  two  II  narratives,  2  S  7  1-17=1  Ch  17 
1-15,  of  which  the  former  is  the  original,  relate  how 
David  confided  to  Nathan  his  inten- 
1.  Nathan  tion  to  build  a  house  for  Jeh's  ark. 
and  David's  Nathan  at  first  blesses  the  project,  but 
Temple-  that  same  night  is  given  a  Divine  mes- 
Plans  sage,  and  returns  to  tell  the  king  that 
instead  of  David  building  a  house  for 
Jeh,  Jeh  will  build  a  house  for  David:  "I  will  set  up 
thy  seed  after  thee,  ....  and  I  will  establish  his 
kingdom I  will  be  his  father,  and  he  shall  be 


my  son:  if  he  commit  iniquity,  I  will  chasten  him 
with  the  rod  of  men"  (2  S  7  12-14).  Ver  13  says 
that  "He  shall  build  a  house  for  my  name,  and  I  will 
establish  the  throne  of  his  kingdom  for  ever,"  but 
this  disturbs  the  one  great  thought  of  the  passage, 
which  is  that  God  will  build  a  house  for  David,  and 
which  is  also  the  thought  in  David's  prayer  (va 
18-29). 

The  word  "seed"  in  ver  12  is  collective  and  so  through- 
out the  passage,  so  that  the  prophecy  does  not  refer  to 
any  individual,  but,  like  Dt  17  14-20;  18  15-22,  be- 
longs to  the  group  of  generic  prophecies.  Nor  is  it 
Messianic,  for  ver  14  could  not  be  reconciled  with  the 
sinlessness  of  Jesus.  The  message  is  rather  a  promise 
of  the  ever-merciful  providence  of  God  in  dealing  with 
David's  family.  (See,  however,  C.  A.  Briggs,  Messianic 
Prophecy,  126  ff.)  Budde,  who  says  that  the  section  be- 
longs to  the  7th  cent,  and  is  certainly  preexilic  in  the 
leading  thought  of  the  passage,  sees  in  the  prophecy 
something  of  the  idealism  of  Amos  and  Hosea.  for  the 
prophet  teaches  that  Jeh  dwells,  not  in  "  a  holy  place 
made  with  hands"  (He  9  11.24),  but  rather  in  the  life 
of  the  nation  as  represented  by  the  direct  succession  of 
Davidic  kings.  This  presents  an  extension  of  the 
teaching  of  Paul  that  the  very  body  itself  is  a  sanctuary 
unto  God  (1  Cor  6  19). 

2  S  12  1-25  narrates  Nathan's  rebuke  of  David 

for  his   adultery,   and   for    causing  the  death   of 

Uriah;  and  then  comes  an  account  of 

2.  Nathan  the  death  of  Bathsheba's  child.  In 
and  David's  vs  l-15a,  we  have  Nathan's  parable 
Sin  of  the  rich  man  and   the  poor  man's 

ewe  lamb,  and  the  application  of  it  to 
David's  conduct.  But  several  difficulties  arise 
when  we  ask  exactly  what  Nathan's  message  to 
David  was:  vs  13  f  represent  the  prophet  as  saying 
that  God  has  forgiven  David  but  that  the  child 
will  die,  while  vs  10-12  speak  of  a  heavy  punish- 
ment that  is  to  come  upon  David  and  his  family, 
and  ver  16  does  not  show  any  indication  of  a  proph- 
ecy as  to  the  child's  death.  Commentators  regard 
vs  l-15a  as  later  in  origin  than  chs  11,  12  in  the 
main,  and  hold  vs  10-12  to  be  still  later  than  the 
rest  of  va  l-15a,  Budde  omits  vs  9a/3.  10a6a.ll.l2, 
but  regards  even  the  rest  of  the  story  as  interrupt- 
ing the  connection  between  11  27&  and  12  156, 
and  therefore  of  later  date. 

1  K  1  is  a  part  of  "one  of  the  best  pieces  of  Heb 
narrative  in  our  possession"  (H.  P.  Smith,  OT  Hist, 

153,  n.  2).     It  narrates  the  part  that 

3.  Nathan  Nathan  played  in  the  events  that  led 
and  Solo-  to  Solomon's  accession.  David  was 
mon's  getting  old  and  feeble,  and  the  suc- 
Accession      cession  had  not  been  settled.     When 

Adonijah,  who  was  probably  the  eldest 
son  living,  gave  a  banquet  to  some  of  his  father's 
state  officials,  Nathan,  who  was  one  of  those  that 
had  not  been  invited,  incited  Bathsheba,  Solomon's 
mother,  to  remind  David  of  his  promise  to  her  that 
Solomon  should  succeed  to  the  throne.  'This  she 
did,  and  in  the  middle  of  her  audience  with  David, 
Nathan  appears  with  the  news  of  Adonijah's  feast 
and  proclamation  as  king.  Solomon  is  then 
anointed  king  by  David's  command,  Nathan  being 
one  of  his  chief  supporters.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  it  is  only  Nathan  who  interprets  Adonijah's 
feast  as  a  claim  to  the  throne,  but  this  con- 
tradicts ver  5.  Yet,  whereas  in  the  two  sections 
treated  above  Nathan  is  the  prophet  of  Jeh,  he  is 
represented  in  1  K  as  an  intriguing  court  politician, 
plannmg  very  cleverly  an  opportune  entrance  into 
David's  presence  at  the  very  time  that  Bathsheba 
has  an  audience  with  the  king.  The  ||  narrative  of 
1  Ch  28  makes  no  mention  of  Nathan,  Solomon 
being  there  represented  as  Divinely  elected  to  suc- 
ceed David. 

1  K  4  5  mentions  a  Nathan  as  father  of  Azariah  and 
Zabud  two  of  the  chief  officers  of  Solomon.  He  is 
probably  the  prophet. 

1  Oh  29  29;  2  Ch  9  29  refer  to  "the  words"  or 
rather  '  the  acts  of  Nathan  the  prophet"  as  well  as  those 


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Narcissus 
Natural,  Nature 


of  Samuel  and  Gad.  "  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these 
are  nothing  more  than  references  to  the  narratives  in 
which  Samuel,  Nathan  and  Gad  are  mentioned  in  our 
Boolis  of  Samuel"  (Curtis  on  1  Ch  29  29).  In  2  Ch  29 
2.5,  sanction  is  claimed  for  Levitical  temple-music  as 
being  commanded  by  God  through  Nathan  and  Gad. 

Curtis  (on  1  Ch  29  29)  oljserves  that  Nathan  is 
always  called  nahhV  ("prophet")  in  S  and  K  and  not 
ro'th  or  f^ozeh,  "seer." 

David  Francis  Roberts 

NATHAN: 

(1)  A  prophet  (2  S  7;  Ps  51,  title).  See  pre- 
ceding article. 

(2)  A  son  of  King  David  (2  S  5  14;  1  Ch  3  5; 
14  4). 

(3)  Father  of  Igal,  one  of  David's  heroes  (2  S 
23  36).  In  1  Ch  11  38,  we  have  "Joel  the  brother 
of  Nathan";  LXX  B  has  "son"  in  this  ver,  but 
it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  Igal  or  Joel  is  the 
correct  name. 

(4)  A  Jerahmeelite  (1  Ch  2  36),  whose  son  is 
called  Zabad,  whom  some  suppose  to  be  the  same 
as  Zabud  (1  K  4  5).  On  this  view  this  Nathan  is 
the  same  as  the  prophet  (see  1,  above). 

(5)  A  companion  of  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr  8 
16  and  1  Esd  8  44). 

(6)  Nathanias  (1  Esd  9  34),  one  of  those  who 
had  married  foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  39). 

(7)  Name  of  a  family  (Zee  12  12). 

David  Francis  Roberts 
NATHANAEL,  na-than'a-el  (NaBava^jK,  Nathan- 
ail): 

(1)  One  of  the  "captains  over  thousands"  who 
furnished  the  Levites  with  much  cattle  for  Josiah's 
Passover  (1  Esd  1  9)  =  "Nethanel"  of  2  Ch  35  9. 

(2)  (Na$avdi)\o!,  Nathandelos,  BA  om):  One  of 
the  priests  who  had  married  a  "strange  wife"  (1  Esd 
9  22)  =  "Nethanel"of  Ezr  10  22. 

(3)  An  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth  8  1). 

(4)  One  of  the  Twelve  Apostles.    See  next  article. 

NATHANAEL  (bxjn?,  nHhan'el,  "God  has 
given";  Na9ava^\,  Nathana^l):  Nathanael,  who 
was  probably  a  fisherman,  belonged  to  Cana  in 
Galilee  (Jn  21  2).  According  to  the  "Genealogies 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles"  (of  Budge,  Contendings  of 
the  Apostles,  II,  50),  N.  was  the  same  as  Simon, 
the  son  of  Cleopas,  and  was  one  of  the  Twelve. 
He  was  among  those  who  met  and  conversed  with 
Jesus  during  the  preaching  of  John  the  Baptist  at 
Bethany  beyond  Jordan  (cf  Jn  1  28).  From  the 
manner  of  the  invitation  extended  to  him  by  Philip 
(Jn  1  4.5),  it  is  evident  that  N.  was  well  versed  in 
ancient  Scripture,  and  that  in  him  also  the  preach- 
ing of  ,Iohn  had  aroused  a  certain  ex-pectancy.  His 
reply  to  Philip,  "Can  any  good  thing  come  out 
of  Nazareth?".  (Jn  1  46),  was  prompted,  not  by 
any  ill  repute  of  the  place,  but  by  its  petty  insignif- 
icance and  familiarity  in  N.'s  eyes.  To  this  ques- 
tion Philip  made  no  direct  answer,  but  replied, 
"Come  and  see."  It  was  the  answer  best  fitted 
to  the  man  and  the  occasion;  it  appealed  to 
N.'s  fair-mindedness  and  sincerity  of  purpose.  He 
responded  nobly  to  the  call,  and  on  approaching 
Jesus  was  received  with  the  words:  "Behold,  an 
Israelite  indeed,  in  whom  is  no  guile!"  (Jn 
1  47).  It  was  a  tribute  to  that  singleness  of  heart 
which  enabled  him  to  overcome  his  initial  preju- 
dice. The  same  candor  and  openness  distinguished 
the  after-interview  of  N.  with  Jesus,  as  is  evident 
by  his  question,  "Whence  knowest  thou  me?"  (Jn 
1  48).  The  reply  of  Jesus  was  not  what  he  ex- 
pected. It  concerned  the  time  he  had  spent  under 
the  fig  tree,  kneeling,  no  doubt,  in  silent  prayer  and 
communion  with  God,  and  brought  to  mind  all  the 
sacred  hopes  and  aspirations  of  that  hour.  It 
taught  him  that  here  was  One  who  read  on  the 
instant  the  inmost  secrets  of  his  heart,  and  was 
Himself  the  ideal  for  whom  he  was  seeking;  and  it 


drew  from  him  the  confession,  "Rabbi,  thou  art  the 
Son  of  God;  thou  art  King  of  Israel"   (Jn  1  49). 

Although  N.  is  mentioned  by  name  only  once  again 
in  the  NT,  where  he  is  one  of  the  seven  who  witnessed 
the  appearance  of  the  risen  Jesus  at  the  Sea  of  Tiberias 
(Jn  21  2),  it  is  evident  that  the  connection  and  com- 
panionship of  N.  with  Jesus  must  have  been  much  closer 
than  those  two  incidents  would  lead  us  to  suppose. 
Accordingly,  attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  him 
with  other  NT  characters,  the  most  commonly  accepted 
being  Bartholomew  (cf  Bartholomew).  The  principal 
arguments  in  support  of  this  identification  are:  (1)  N. 
is  never  mentioned  by  the  synoptists,  and  Bartholomew 
is  never  mentioned  by  John,  who  further  implies  that  N. 
was  one  of  the  twelve  disciples  (cf  Jn  20  24—26;  21  2): 
(2)  in  the  Synoptists,  Philip  is  closely  connected  with 
Bartholomew  (cf  lists  of  the  apostles),  and  in  John  with 
N.  (cf  Jn  1  45  ft) ;  (3)  the  fact  that  most  of  the  other 
apostles  bear  two  names.  Arguments  are  also  adduced 
to  identify  him  with  Simon  the  Cananaean  (cf  Simon). 
N.  has  also  been  identified  with  Matthew  and  Matthias 
(based  on  the  similarity  of  name-meanings),  with  John 
the  son  of  Zebedee,  with  Stephen,  and  even  with  Paul. 

C.  M.  Kerr 

NATHANIAS,  nath-a-nl'as  (Naeavlas,  Natha- 
nias) :  One  of  those  who  put  away  their  foreign 
wives  (1  Esd  9  34)  =  "Nathan"  of  Ezr  10  39. 

NATHAN-MELECH,  na'than-me'lek  (^'jP'inj , 
nHhan-melekh,  "king's  gift"):  A  Judaean  official, 
to  whose  chamber  King  Josiah  removed  "the  horses 
ofthesun"(2  K  23  11).  LXX  calls  him  "Nathan, 
the  king's  eunuch"  CNaOav  ^a(7tX^ws  toO  eivoijxov, 
Nathan  basileos  tou  eunouchou). 

NATIONS,  na'shunz.  See  Gentiles;  Goiim; 
Heathen;  Table  of  Nations. 

NATIVITY,  na-tiv'i-ty,  OF  MARY,  GOSPEL 
OF  THE.     See  Apocryphal  Gospels. 

NATURAL,  nat'n-ral,  NATURE,  na'tllr  (nb, 
le^h;  »|/dxik6s,  psuchikds,  <^va-iK6s,  phusikds,  <|)vo-is, 
phiisis) : 

"Natural"  is  the  tr  of  le^h,  "freshness  or  vigor" 
(Dt  34  7).  Of  Moses  it  is  said,  "His  eye  was  not 
dim,  nor  his  natural  force  abated." 

1.  As  Used       ..,T  <-      ,,  •    4.U  , 

in  tv>o  riT  Nature     m  the  sense  of  a  system  or 

ininevJl  constitution  does  not  occur  in  the  OT.  The 
world  and  men,  each  individual,  were  con- 
ceived as  being  the  direct  creation  of  a  supra-mundane 
God,  and  conserved  by  His  power  and  Spirit.  The  later 
conception  of  "nature"  came  in  through  Gr  influences. 

In  the  Apoc,  we  find  "nature"  in  the  sense  of 
innate  character  or  constitution  (Wisd  7  20,  "the 
natures  [phuseis]  of  living  creatures";  13  1,  "Surely 
vain  are  all  men  by  nature"  [phusei],  3  Mace  3 
29,  "mortal  nature"  [phusie]). 

In  the  NT  "nature"  (phusis)  is  frequently  found 

in  the  latter  sense  (Rom  1  26,  "against  nature"; 

2  14,  "by  nature";    2  27;  11  24,  also 

2.  As  Used   "contrary  to  nature";    1  Cor  11  14, 
in  the  NT     "Doth   not  even  nature  itself  teach 


you!" 


Gal  2  15;     4  8;     Eph  2  3; 


in  2  Pet  1  4,  we  have  "that  ye  might  be  partakers 
of  the  divine  nature,"  RVm  "or,  a");  phusis  occurs 
also  in  Jas  3  7,  "every  kind  of  beasts,"  RVm  "Gr 
nature,"  also  "mankind"  (ver  7),  RVm  "Gr  the 
human  nature."  "Natural"  (Rom  11  21.24)  is 
the  tr  of  katd  phusin,  "according  to  nature."  Paul 
in  1  Cor  speaks  of  "the  natural  man"  (2  14,  ARVm 
"or  unspiritual,  Gr  psychical")  and  of  a  "natural 
body"  (15  44  bis),  the  Gr  word  being  psuchikos, 
"of  the  soul"  (psuche),  the  animal,  natural,  principle, 
as  contrasted  with  what  pertains  to  the  higher 
principle  of  the  spirit  (pneuma).  In  1  Cor  15  46 
the  contrast  Is  expressed,  "Howbeit  that  is  not  first 
which  is  spiritual,  but  that  which  is  natural,"  ARVm 
"Gr  psychical."  The  "natural  man"  is  the  man  in 
whom  the  spirit  is  unquickened,  the  "natural  body" 
is  that  corresponding  to  the  psychical  or  soul-nature, 
the  "spiritual  body"  that  corresponding  to  the  Spirit 


Natural  Features 
Nazareth 


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as  the  dominant  principle  of  the  life.  In  Jude  ver 
10,  we  have  phusikos,  "naturally,"  "naturally,  as 
brute  beasts,"  RV  "naturally,  like  the  creatures 
without  reason";  genesis,  "origin,"  "birth,"  is  tr'' 
"natural"  (Jas  1  23,  "his  natural  face,"  RVm  "Gr 
the  face  of  his  birth");  and  "nature"  (3  6,  "the 
course  of  nature,"  RV  "the  wheel  of  nature," 
m  "or  birth")  ("wheel"  probably  means  "circle 
of  nature"  [the  whole  creation;  see  Course)); 
gnesios,  "genuine"  ("true  to  right  nature"),  "legiti- 
mate," "sincere,"  is  tr'^  "naturally"  (Phil  2  20, 
"who  will  naturally  care  for  your  state,"  RV 
"truly,"  m  "Gr  genuinely").  W.  L.  Walker 

NATURAL  FEATURES,  fe'tQrz:  As  has  been 
pointed  out  by  various  authors  (cf  HGHL),  the 
principal  physical  features  of  Pal  run  in  N.  and  S. 
lines,  or  rather  about  from  S.S.W.  to  N.N.E. 

The  lowland  or  Shephelah  (AV  "vale,  valley, 
plain,  or  low  country")  includes  the  maritime  plain 
and  the  western  foothills. 

The  hill  country  consists  of  the  mountains  of 
Judaea,  and  its  features  are  continued  northward  to 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  southward  to  the  Sinaitio 
peninsula.  It  is  rocky  and  has  very  little  water. 
Except  for  the  few  fountains,  the  scanty  population 
depends  upon  rain  water  collected  during  the  winter 
months. 

The  Arabah  (RV)  includes  the  Jordan  valley 
from  the  Sea  of  Galilee  to  the  Dead  Sea,  as  well  as 
the  depression  running  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah.  It  is  to  the  latter  depression  that 
the  name  Wddi-ul-'' Arabah  is  now  applied  by  the 
Arabs.  It  is  bounded  on  the  E.  by  Mt.  Seir  or 
Edom,  and  on  the  W.  by  the  mountains  of  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula.  Its  highest  point,  about  half- 
way between  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Akabah, 
is  a  few  hundred  ft.  higher  than  the  level  of  the 
Mediterranean,  but  nearly  2,000  ft.  above  the  level 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  From  this  point  the  valley  slopes 
southward  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  northward 
to  the  Dead  Sea.  The  lower  Jordan  valley  slopes 
from  about  600  ft.  below  ocean-level  at  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  to  about  1,300  ft.  below  ocean-level  at  the 
Dead  Sea. 

To  the  E.  are  the  highlands  of  Gilead  and  Moab 
rising  abruptly  from  the  valley,  as  does  the  hill 
country  of  Judaea  on  the  W.     The  country  to  the 


"Up  to  .Jerusalem"  from  the  Good  Samaritan'.?  Inn. 

E.  of  the  Jordan-Dead  Sea-Arabah  depression,  to 
the  whole  of  which  the  name  Ghaur  (Ghdr)  is  ap- 
plied by  the  Arabs,  is  a  great  table-land  sloping 
gradually  to  the  E.  from  the  sharp  edge  which  over- 
looks the  Ghaur.  It  has  no  conspicuous  peaks. 
What  appear  to  be  peaks  when  viewed  from  the 
Ghaur  are  irregularities  of  its  western  contour, 
which  are  invisible  or  appear  as  slight  mounds  to  the 
observer  who  looks  westward  from  any  point  some 
miles  to  the  E.  Mt.  Nebo,  for  instance,  when  seen 
from  Mddeba  is  not  readily  distinguishable.  This 
is  because  it  really  docs  not  rise  above  the  general 


level  of  the  table-land.  The  small  annual  rainfall 
on  the  heights  near  the  Ghaur  diminishes  east- 
ward, and  the  desert  begins  within  from  20  to  40 
miles. 

Another  term  much  used  by  OT  writers  is  South 
or  Negeb,  which  embraces  the  southernmost  por- 
tion of  the  promised  land,  and  was  never  effectively 
occupied  by  the  Israelites.  Its  uttermost  bound- 
ary was  the  "river  of  Egypt"  {al-'Arish),  and  coin- 
cides roughly  with  the  present  boundary  between 
the  Ottoman  territory  on  the  E.  and  the  Anglo- 
Egyp  territory  of  Sinai  on  the  W. 

ThB  term  slopes,  'dshedhoth.  AV  "springs,"  occurs  in 
Josli  10  40,  "So  Joshua  smote  all  the  land,  the  hill- 
country  ....  and  the  lowland,  and  the  slopes,  and  all 
their  kings";  and  again  in  Josh  12  7.8,  "  And  Joshua  gave 
it  ....  for  a  possession  according  to  their  divisions;  in 
the  hill-country,  and  in  the  lowland,  and  in  the  Arabah, 
and  in  the  slopes,  and  in  the  wilderness,  and  In  the 
South."  In  the  former  passage,  it  seems  to  refer  to  the 
foothills  which  form  the  eastern  or  higher  part  of  the 
lowland  or  Shephelah.  In  the  latter  passage,  it  might 
mean  the  same,  or  it  might  mean  the  descent  from  the 
Judaean  hills  to  the  Ghaur.  In  Dt  3  17;  4  49;  Josh 
12  3;  13  20,  we  have  "the  slopes  of  Pisgah"  Cashdoth- 
ha-pisgdh,  "springs  of  Pisgah").  which  denotes  the  descent 
from 'the  heights  of  Moab  to  the  Ghaur.  The  same  word 
occurs  in  the  sing,  in  Nu  21  1-5.  referring  to  the  descent 
to  theArnon.  "Slopes,"  therefore,  does  not  seem  to  be 
a  term  applied  to  any  particular  region. 

The  wilderness  is  usually  the  desert  of  the  wander- 
ing, including  the  central  part  of  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula,  but  it  is  by  no  means  always  used  in  this 
sense,  e.g.  Josh  8  15.20.24,  where  it  clearly  refers  to 
a  region  near  Ai.  "The  wilderness"  of  Mt  4  1  is 
thought  to  be  the  barren  portion  of  Judaea  between 
Jerus  and  the  Jordan.  See  Champaign;  Country; 
Desert;  East;  Hill;  Lowland;  South. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

NATURAL  HISTORY,  his't5-ri.  See  Animal; 
Botany;  Birds;  Fishes;  Insects;  Zoology. 


NATURAL  MAN,  THE. 
ral. 


See  Man,  The  Natu- 


NATURE.     See  Natural,  Nature. 

NAUGHT,  not,  NAUGHTY,  no'ti,  NAUGHTI- 
NESS, -nes:  In  the  sense  of  bad,  worthless,  worth- 
lessness,  the  words  in  AV  represent  the  Heb  yi , 
ra\  changed  in  RV  to  "bad"  (2  K  2  19;  Prov  20 
14;  Jer  24  2),  ?T ,  ro"',  retained  in  RV  "naughti- 
ness" (1  S  17  28),  nin,  tettiwo/i,  rendered  in  RV  in 
Prov  11  6  "iniquity,"  and  in  17  4  "mischievous." 
In  Prov  6  12,  "naughty  person,"  lit.  "man  of 
Belial,"  is  in  RV  "worthless  person."  In  the  NT, 
"superfluity  of  naughtiness"  in  Jas  1  21  (ior  KaKla, 
kakia)  becomes  in  RV  "overflowing  of  wickedness," 
m  "malice,"  and  in  Wisd  12  10  AV's  "naughty 
generation"  (wovripb^,  ponerds)  is  made  into  "by  birth 
■  •  ■  •  evil."  James  Orr 

NAUM,  na'um:  AV  form,  Nahum  (q.v.),  the 
name  of  an  ancestor  of  Jesus  (Lk  3  2.5). 

NAVE,  nav  (1  K  7  33).    See  Sea,  Molten. 

NAVE,  na'vc  (Nau^,  Naut) :  Gr  form  of  the  Heb 
proper  name  "Nun"  (so  RV),  found  only  in  AV  of 
Sir  46  1. 

NAVEL,  na'v'l  (lia ,  .shor  [LXX  in  Prov  3  8 
suggests  a  different  reading,  viz.  instead  of  ^'^12 , 
shorrekha,  ?1"1TB,  s?terekha  =  '^'ii<1p ,  s¥'erekha,  "thy 
flesh"]) :  The  AV  translates  the  Heb  sharir  in  the  de- 
scription of  Behemoth  (.Job  40  16)  by  "navel,"  where 
modern  translators  have  substituted  "muscles"' 
similarly  in  the  tr  of  shorer  (Cant  7  2)  it  has  been 


2123 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Natural  Features 
Nazareth 


replaced  by  "body."  There  remain  two  passages 
of  RV  where  "navel"  is  retained  as  the  tr  of  shor. 
Thus  we  find  the  word  used,  pars  pro  tola,  for  the 
whole  being:  "It  [the  fear  of  Jeh]  will  be  health 
to  thy  navel,  and  marrow  to  thy  bones"  (Prov  3  8). 
The  uttermost  neglect  which  a  new-born  babe  can 
experience  is  expressed  by  Ezekiel:  "In  the  day 
thou  wast  born  thy  navel  [i.e.  umbilical  cord]  was 
not  cut,  neither  wast  thou  washed  in  water  to  cleanse 
thee;  thou  wast  not  salted  at  all,  nor  swaddled  at 
all"  (Ezk  16  4).  H.  L.  E.  Luebing 

NAVY,  na'vi.     See  Ships  and  Boats,  II,  1,  (2). 

NAZARENE,  naz-a-ren',  naz'a-ren  (NaJapriviJs, 
Nazarends;  Nazoraios  in  Mt,  Jn,  Acts  and  Lk) :  A 
derivative  of  Nazareth,  the  birthplace  of  Christ. 
In  the  NT  it  has  a  double  meaning:  it  may  be 
friendly  and  it  may  be  inimical. 

On  the  lips  of  Christ's  friends  and  followers,  it  is 
an  honorable  name.  Thus  Matthew  sees  in  it  a  ful- 
filment of  the  old  Isaian  prophecy 
1.  An  Hon-  (Isa  11  l[Heb]):  "That  it  might  be 
orable  Title  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  through  the 
prophets,  that  he  should  be  called  a 
Nazarene"  (Mt  2  23).  According  to  an  over- 
whelming array  of  testimony  (see  Meyer,  Comm.,  in 
loc),  the  name  Nazareth  is  derived  from  the  same 
l/  nd(ar,  found  in  the  text  quoted  from  Isa.  We 
have  here  undoubtedly  to  do  with  a  permissible 
accommodation. 

It  Is  not  quite  certain  that  Matthew  did  not  intend, 
by  the  use  of  tills  word,  to  refer  to  the  picture  of  the 
Messiah,  as  drawn  in  Isa  63,  on  account  of  the  low  esti- 
mate in  wliich  this  place  was  held  ( Jn  1  46) .  Nor  Is  it 
permissible,  as  has  been  done  by  Tertullian  and  Jferome, 
to  substitute  the  word  "Nazarite"  for  "Nazarene," 
which  in  every  view  of  the  case  is  contrary  to  the  patent 
facts  of  the  lije  of  the  Saviour. 

Says  Meyer,  "In  giving  this  prophetic  title  to  the 
Messiah  he  entirely  disregards  the  historical  mean- 
ing of  the  same  (LXX  Isa  ll  1,  dnthos),  keeps  by 
the  relationship  of  the  name  Nazareth  to  the  word 
nagar,  and  recognizes  by  virtue  of  the  same,  in  that 
prophetic  Messianic  name  neger,  the  typical  refer- 
ence to  this — that  Jesus  through  His  settlement  in 
Nazareth  was  to  become  a  'Nazoraios,'  a  'Naza- 
rene.' "  This  name  clung  to  Jesus  throughout  His 
entire  life.  It  became  His  name  among  the  masses: 
"Jesus  of  Nazareth  passeth  by"  (Mk  10  47;  Lk 
24  19).  Perhaps  Matthew,  who  wrote  after  the 
event,  may  have  been  influenced  in  his  application 
of  the  Isaian  prophecy  by  the  very  fact  that  Jesus 
was  popularly  thus  known.  Even  in  the  realm  of 
spirits  He  was  known  by  this  appellation.  Evil 
spirits  knew  and  feared  Him,  under  this  name  (Mk 
1  24;  Lk  4  34),  and  the  angels  of  the  resurrection 
morning  called  Him  thus  (Mk  16  6),  while  Jesus 
applied  the  title  to  Himself  (Acts  22  8).  In  the 
light  of  these  facts  we  do  not  wonder  that  the  dis- 
ciples, in  their  later  lives  and  work,  persistently 
used  it  (Acts  2  22;  3  6;  10  38). 

If  His  friends  knew  Him  by  this  name,  much 
more  His  enemies,  and  to  them  it  was  a  title  of 

scorn  and  derision.  Their  whole  atti- 
2.  A  Title  tude  was  compressed  in  that  one  word 
of  Scorn        of  Nathanael,  by  which  he  voiced  his 

doubt,  "Can  any  good  thing  come  out 
of  Nazareth?"  (Jn  1  46).  In  the  name  "Naza- 
rene," the  Jews,  who  opposed  and  rejected  Christ, 
poured  out  all  the  vials  of  their  antagonism,  and  the 
word  became  a  Jewish  heritage  of  bitterness.  It  is 
hard  to  tell  whether  the  appellation,  on  the  lips  of 
evil  spirits,  signifies  dread  or  hatred  (Mk  1  24; 
Lk  4  34).  With  the  gatekeepers  of  the  house  of  the 
high  priest  the  case  is  clear.  There  it  signifies  un- 
adulterated scorn  (Mt  26  71;  Mk  14  67).  Even 
in  His  death  the  bitter  hatred  of  the  priests  caused 


this  name  to  accompany  Jesus,  for  it  was  at  their 
dictation  written  above  His  cross  by  Pilate  (Jn  19 
19).  The  entire  Christian  community  was  called 
by  the  leaders  of  the  Jewish  people  at  Jerus,  "the 
sect  of  the  Nazarenes"  (Acts  24  5).  If,  on  the  one 
hand,  therefore,  the  name  stands  for  devotion  and 
love,  it  is  equally  certain  that  on  the  other  side  it 
represented  the  bitter  and  undying  hatred  of  His 
enemies.  Henry  E.  Dosker 

NAZARETH,     naz'a-reth     (Najap^r,      Nazarit, 

Nojap^e,    Nazarith,  and  other  forms):    A  town  in 

Galilee,  the  home  of  Joseph  and  the 

1.  Notice  Virgin  Mary,  and  for  about  30  years 
Confined  to  the  scene  of  the  Saviour's  life  (Mt  2 
the  NT  23;  Mk  1  9;  Lk  2  39.51;  4  16,  etc). 

He  was  therefore  called  Jesus  of 
Nazareth,  although  His  birthplace  was  Bethlehem; 
and  those  who  became  His  disciples  were  known  as 
Nazarenes.  This  is  the  name,  with  slight  modifi- 
cation, used  to  this  day  by  Moslems  for  Christians, 
Na^ara — the  sing,  being  Na^rany. 

The  town  is  not  named  in  the  OT,  although  the 
presence  of  a  spring  and  the  convenience  of  the 
site  make  it  probable  that  the  place  was  occupied 
in  old  times.  Quaresimus  learned  that  the  ancient 
name  was  Medina  Abiat,  in  which  we  may  recog- 
nize the  Arab.  el-Medinat  el-bai4ah,  "the  white 
town."  Built  of  the  white  stone  supplied  by  the 
limestone  rocks  around,  the  description  is  quite 
accurate.  There  is  a  reference  in  Mish  (M'na- 
hoih,  viii.6)  to  the  "white  house  of  the  hill"  whence 
wine  for  the  drink  offering  was  brought.  An  elegy 
for  the  9th  of  Ab  speaks  of  a  "course"  of  priests 
settled  in  Nazareth.  This,  however,  is  based  upon 
an  ancient  midhrash  now  lost  (Neubauer,  Geogr.  du 
Talm,  82,  85,  190;  Delitzsch,  Ein  Tag  in  Caper- 
naum, 142).  But  all  this  leaves  us  still  in  a  state 
of  uncertainty. 

The  ancient  town  is  represented  by  the  modem 

en-Na^irah,  which  is  built  mainly  on  the  western 

and  northwestern  slopes  of  a  hollow 

2.  Posi-  among  the  lower  hills  of  Galilee,  just 
tion  and  before  they  sink  into  the  plain  of 
Physical  Esdraelon.  It  lies  about  midway 
Features       between  the  Sea  of  Galilee  and  the 

Mediterranean  at  Haifa.  The  road 
to  the  plain  and  the  coast  goes  over  the  south- 
western lip  of  the  hollow;  that  to  Tiberias  and 
Damascus  over  the  heights  to  the  N.E.  A  rocky 
gorge  breaks  down  southward,  issuing  on  the  plain 
between  two  craggy  hills.  That  to  the  W.  is  the 
traditional  Hill  of  Precipitation  (Lk  4  29).  This, 
however,  is  too  far  from  the  city  as  it  must  have 
been  in  the  days  of  Christ.  It  is  probable  that  the 
present  town  occupies  pretty  nearly  the  ancient  site; 
and  the  scene  of  that  attempt  on  Jesus'  life  may  have 
been  the  cliff,  many  feet  in  height,  not  far  from  the 
old  synagogue,  traces  of  which  are  still  seen  in  the 
western  part  of  the  town.  There  is  a  good  spring 
under  the  Greek  Orthodox  church  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  on  the  N.  The  water  is  led  in  a  conduit 
to  the  fountain,  whither  the  women  and  their 
children  go  as  in  old  times,  to  carry  home  in  their 
jars  supplies  for  domestic  use.  There  is  also  a 
tiny  spring  in  the  face  of  the  western  hill.  To  the 
N.W.  rises  the  height  on  which  stands  the  sanctuary, 
now  in  ruins,  of  Nehy  Sa'in.  From  this  point  a 
most  beautiful  and  extensive  view  is  obtained,  rang- 
ing on  a  clear  day  from  the  Mediterranean  on  the 
W.  to  the  Mountain  of  Bashan  on  the  E.;  from 
Upper  Galilee  and  Mt.  Hermon  on  the  N.  to  the 
uplands  of  Gilead  and  Samaria  on  the  S.  The 
whole  extent  of  Esdraelon  is  seen,  that  great  battle- 
field, associated  with  so  many  heroic  exploits  in 
Israel's  history,  from  Carmel  and  Megiddo  to 
Tabor  and  Mt.  Gilboa. 


Nazlrite 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2124 


There  are  now  some  7,000  inhabitants,  mainly 

Christian,  of   whom   the   Greek   Orthodox   church 

claims  about  3,000.     Moslems  number 

3.  Present     about  1,600.     There  are  no  Jews.     It 
Inhabitants  is  the  chief  market  town  for  the  pas- 
toral and  agricultural  district  that  lies 

around  it. 

In  Nazareth,  Jesus  preached  His  first  recorded 

sermon  (Lk  4  16  £f),  when  His  plainness  of  speech 

aroused    the    homicidal    fury    of    His 

4.  Labors      hearers.     "He  did  not  many  mighty 
of  Jesus         works  there  because  of  their  unbelief" 

(Mt  13  58).  Finding  no  rest  or  se- 
curity in  Nazareth,  He  made  His  home  in  Caper- 
naum. The  reproach  implied  in  Nathanael's 
question,  "Can  any  good  thing  come  out  of  Naza- 
reth?" (Jn  1  46),   has  led   to    much    speculation. 


paios,  nazeiraios,  as  also  various  words  indicating 
"holiness"  or  "devotion";  AV  Nazarite,  naz'a-rit) : 

1.  Antiquity  and  Origin 

2.  Conditions  of  the  Vow 

3.  Initiation 

4.  Restoration 

5.  Completion  and  Release 

6.  Semi-sacerdotal  Character 

7.  Nazirites  for  Life 

8.  Samson's  Case 

9.  Samuel's  Case 

10.  Token  of  Divine  Favor 

11.  Did  Not  Form  Commimitles 

12.  Among  Early  Christians 

13.  Parallels  among  Other  Peoples 

The  root-meaning  of  the  word  in  Heb  as  well  as 
the  various  Or  tr=  indicates  the  Nazirite  as  "a  con- 
secrated one"  or  "a  devotee."  In  the  circumstances 
of  an  ordinary  vow,  men  consecrated  some  mate- 


Nazareth,  fkom  the  Road  to  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon. 


By  ingenious  emendation  of  the  text  Cheyne  would 
read,  "Can  the  Holy  One  proceed  from  Nazareth?" 
{EB,  S.V.).  Perhaps,  however,  we  should  see  no 
more  in  this  than  the  acquiescence  of  Nathanael's 
humble  spirit  in  the  lowly  estimate  of  his  native 
province  entertained  by  the  leaders  of  his  people 
in  Judaea. 

Christians  are  said  to  have  first  settled  here  in  the 
time  of  Constantine-  (Epiphanius) ,  whose  mother 
Helena  built  the  Church  of  the  Annun- 
6.  Later  elation.  In  crusading  times  it  was 
History  the  seat  of  the  bishop  of  Bethsean. 

It  passed  into  Moslem  hands  after  the 
disaster  to  the  Crusaders  at  Hattin  (1183).  It  was 
destroyed  by  Sultan  Bibars  in  1263.  In  1620  the 
Franciscans  rebuilt  the  Church  of  the  Annunciation, 
and  the  town  rose  again  from  its  ruins.  Here  in 
1799  the  French  general  Junot  was  assailed  by  the 
Turks.  After  his  brilliant  victory  over  the  Turks 
at  Tabor,  Napoleon  visited  Nazareth.  The  place 
suffered  some  damage  in  the  earthquake  of  1837. 

Protestant  Missions  are  now  represented  in 
Nazareth  by  agents  of  the  Church  Missionary  So- 
ciety, and  of  the  Edinburgh  Medical  Missionary 
Society.  W.  Ewing 

NAZIRITE,    naz'i-rit    (T'T?,    nazir,    connected 


rial  possession,  but  the  Nazirite  consecrated  himself 
or  herself,  and  took  a  vow  of  separation  and  self- 
imposed  discipline  for  the  purpose  of  some  special 
service,  and  the  fact  of  the  vow  was  indicated  by 
special  signs  of  abstinence.  The  chief  OT  passages 
are  Jgs  13  5-7;  16  17;  Nu  6;  Am  2  11.12;  cf 
Sir  46  13  (Heb);  1  Maoo  3  49-52. 

The  question  has  been  raised  as  to  whether  the 
Nazirite  vow  was  of  native  or  foreign  origin  in  Israel. 

The  idea  of  special  separation,  how- 
1.  Antiquity  ever,  seems  in  all  ages  to  have  appealed 
and  Origin    to  men  of  a  particular  temperament, 

and  we  find  something  of  the  kind  in 
many  countries  and  always  linked  with  special 
abstinence  of  some  kind;  and  from  all  that  is  said 
in  the  Pent  we  should  infer  that  the  custom  was 
already  ancient  in  Israel  and  that  Mosaism  regu- 
lated it,  bringing  it  into  line  with  the  general  system 
of  religious  observance  and  under  the  cognizance 
of  the  Aaronic  priests.  The  critics  assign  the  sec- 
tion dealing  -with  this  matter  (Nu  6  1-21)  to  P, 
and  give  it  a  late  date,  but  there  cannot  be  the  least 
doubt  that  the  institution  itself  was  early.  It 
seems  not  unlikely  that  on  the  settlement  in  Canaan, 
when  the  Israehtes,  having  failed  to  overcome  the 
native  population,  began  to  mix  freely  wdth  them, 
the  local  worship,  full  of  tempting  Dionysiac  ele- 
ments, brought  forth  this  religious  protest  in  favor 


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Nazirite 


of  Israel's  ancient  and  simpler  way  of  living,  and 
as  a  protection  against  luxury  in  settling  nomads. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  among  the  Semites  vine- 
growing  and  wine-drinking  have  ever  been  con- 
sidered foreign  to  their  traditional  nomadic  mode 
of  life.  It  was  in  this  same  protest  that  the  Rechab- 
ites,  who  were  at  least  akin  to  the  Nazirites,  went 
still  farther  in  refusing  even  in  Canaan  to  abandon 
the  nomadic  state.      See  Rechabites. 

The  Pent,  then,  makes  provision  for  the  Nazirite 

vow  being  taken  by  either  men  or  women,  though 

the  OT  does  not  record  a  single  in- 

2.  Condi-  stance  of  a  female  Nazirite.  Further, 
tions  of  it  provides  only  for  the  taking  of  the 
the  Vow         vow  for  a  limited  time,  that  is,  for  the 

case  of  the  "Nazirite  of  days."  No 
period  of  duration  is  mentioned  in  the  OT,  but  the 
Mish,  in  dealing  with  the  subject,  prescribes  a 
period  of  30  days  ,  while  a  double  period  of  60  or 
even  a  triple  one  of  100  days  might  be  entered  on. 
The  conditions  of  Naziritism  entailed:  (1)  the 
strictest  abstinence  from  wine  and  from  every  prod- 
uct of  the  vine;  (2)  the  keeping  of  the  hair  un- 
shorn and  the  beard  untouched  by  a  razor;  (3)  the 
prohibition  to  touch  a  dead  body;  and  (4)  prohi- 
bition of  unclean  food  (Jgs  13  5-7;    Nu  6). 

The  ceremonial  of  initiation  is  not  recorded,  the 
Pent  treating  it  as  well  known.     The  Talm  tells  us 

that  it  was  only  necessary  for  one  to 

3.  Initiation  express  the  wish  that  he  might  be  a 

Nazirite.  A  formal  vow  was,  however, 
taken;  and  from  the  form  of  renewal  of  the  vow, 
when  by  any  means  it  was  accidentally  broken,  we 
may  judge  that  the  head  was  also  shorn  on  initiation 
and  the  hair  allowed  to  grow  during  the  whole  period 
of  the  vow. 

The  accidental  violation  of  the  vow  just  men- 
tioned entailed  upon  the  devotee  the  beginning  of 

the  whole  matter  anew  and  the  serving 

4.  Restora-  of  the  whole  period.  This  was  entered 
tion  on  by  the  ceremonial  of  restoration, 

in  the  undergoing  of  which  the  Nazi- 
rite shaved  his  head,  presented  two  turtle-doves 
or  two  young  pigeons  for  sin  and  burnt  offerings,  and 
re-consecrated  himself  before  the  priest,  further  pre- 
senting a  lamb  for  a  trespass  offering  (Nu  6  9-12). 
When  the  period  of  separation  was  complete, 
the  ceremonial  of  release  had  to  be  gone  through. 

It    consisted   of    the   presentation   of 

5.  Comple-  burnt,  sin  and  peace  offerings  with 
tion  and  their  accompaniments  as  detailed  in 
Release         Nu  6  13-21,  the  shaving  of  the  head 

and  the  burning  of  the  hair  of  the  head 
of  separation,  after  which  the  Nazirite  returned  to 
ordinary  life. 

The  consecration  of  the  Nazirite  in  some  ways 
resembled  that  of  the  priests,  and  similar  words 

are  used  of  both  in  Lev  21  12  and  Nu 

6.  Semi-  6  17,  the  priest's  vow  being  even 
sacerdotal  designated  nezer.  It  opened  up  the 
Character      way  for  any   Israelite  to  do  special 

service  on  something  like  semi-sacer- 
dotal lines.  The  priest,  like  the  Nazirite,  dared 
not  come  into  contact  with  the  dead  (Lev  21  1), 
dared  not  touch  wine  during  the  period  of  service 
(Lev  10  9),  and,  further,  long  hair  was  an  ancient 
priestly  custom  (Ezk  44  20). 

The  only  "Nazirites  for  life"  that  we  know  by 
name  are  Samson,   Samuel  and   John  the  Baptist, 

but   to   these    Jewish   tradition    adds 

7.  Nazirites  Absalom  in  virtue  of  his  long  hair. 
for  Life  We  know  of  no  one  voluntarily  taking 

the  vow  for  life,  all  the  cases  recorded 
being  those  of  parents  dedicating  their  children. 
In  rabbinical  times,  the  father  but  not  the  mother 
might  vow  for  the  child,  and  an  interesting  case  of 
this  kind  is  mentioned  in  the  dedication  of  Rabbi 


Chanena  by  his  father  in  the  presence  of  Rabban 
Gamaliel  {Nazlr,  296). 

Samson  is  distinctly  named  a  Nazirite  in  Jgs  13 

7  and  16  17,  but  it  has  been  objected  that  his  case 

does  not  conform  to  the  regulations 

8.  Sam-  in  the  Pent.  It  is  said  that  he  must 
son's  Case    have  partaken  of  wine  when  he  made 

a  feast  for  his  friends,  but  that  does 
not  follow  and  would  not  be  so  understood,  say,  in 
a  Moslem  country  today.  It  is  further  urged  that 
in  connection  with  his  fighting  he  must  have  come 
into  contact  with  many  dead  men,  and  that  he 
took  honey  from  the  carcase  of  the  lion.  To  us 
these  objections  seem  hypercritical.  Fighting  was 
specially  implied  in  his  vow  (Jgs  13  5),  and  the 
remains  of  the  lion  would  be  but  a  dry  skeleton  and 
not  even  so  defiling  as  the  ass's  jawbone,  to  which 
the  critics  do  not  object. 

Samuel  is  nowhere  in  the  OT  called  a  Nazirite, 

the  name  being  first  apphed  to  him  in  Sir  46  13 

(Heb) ,  but  the  restri  ctions  of  his  dedica- 

9.  Samuel's  tion  seem  to  imply  that  he  was.  Well- 
Case  hausen  denies  that  it  is  implied  in  1  S 

1  11  that  he  was  either  a  Nathin  ("a 
gift,  [one]  'given'  unto  Jeh";  cf  Nu  3  9;  18  6) 
or  a  Nazirite.  In  the  Heb  text  the  mother's  vow 
mentions  only  the  uncut  hair,  and  first  in  LXX  is 
there  added  that  he  should  not  drink  wine  or  strong 
drink,  but  this  is  one  of  the  cases  where  we  should 
not  regard  silence  as  final  evidence.  Rather  it  is  to 
be  regarded  that  the  visible  sign  only  is  mentioned, 
the  whole  contents  of  the  vow  being  implied. 

It  is  very  likely  that  Nazirites  became  numerous 
in  Israel  in  periods  of  great  religious  or  political 

excitement,  and  in  Jgs  5  2  we  may  para- 

10.  Token  phrase,  'For  the  long-haired  champions 
of  Divine  in  Israel.'  That  they  should  be  raised 
Favor  up  was  considered  a  special  token  of 

God's  favor  to  Israel,  and  the  tempting 
of  them  to  break  their  vow  by  drinking  wine  was 
considered  an  aggravated  sin  (Am  2  11.12).  At  the 
time  of  the  captivity  they  were  looked  upon  as  a 
vanished  glory  in  Israel  (Lam  4  7  m),  but  they 
reappeared  in  later  history. 

So  far  as  we  can  discover,  there  is  no  indication 
that  they  formed  guilds  or  settled   communities 

like  the  "Sons  of  the  Prophets."     In 

11.  Did  Not  some  sense  the  Essenes  may  have  con- 
Form  Com-  tinned  the  tradition,  and  James,  the 
munitjes        Lord's  brother  (Euseb.,  HE,  II,  xxiii, 

3,  following  Hegesippus),  and  also 
Banus,  tutor  of  Jos  {Vita,  2),  who  is  probably  the 
same  as  the  Buni  mentioned  as  a  disciple  of  Jesus 
in  Sank.  43a,  were  devotees  of  a  kind  resembling 
Nazirites.  Berenice's  vow  was  also  manifestly 
that  of  the  Nazirite  (Jos,  BJ,  II,  xv,  1). 

The  case  of  John  the  Baptist  is  quite  certain,  and 
it  was  probably  the  means  of  introducing  the  cus- 
tom among  the  early  Christians.     It 

12.  Among  was  clearly  a  Nazirite's  vow  which  Paul 
Early  took,  "having  shorn  his  head  in 
Christians      Cenohreae"    (Acts  18  18),  and  which 

he  completed  at  Jerus  with  other  Chris- 
tians similarly  placed  (Acts  21  23). 

As  the  expenses  of  release  were  heavj'  for  poor 
men,  such  were  at  times  aided  in  this  matter  by 
their  richer  brethren.  Thus  Agrippa,on  his  return 
from  Rome,  assisted  many  Nazirites  (Jos,  Ant, 
XIX,  vi,  1),  and  Paul  was  also  at  charges  with 
others  (Acts  21  23). 

We  come  across  something  of  the  same  kind  in 
many  countries,  and  we  find  special  abstinence 
always  emphasized.  Thus  we  meet  with  a  class 
of  "votaries"  as  early  as  the  days  of  Hammurabi, 
and  his  code  devotes  quite  a  number  of  sections 
to  them.  Among  other  restrictions  they  were  pro- 
hibited from  even  entering  a  wineshop  {Sect,  110). 


Neah 
Nebuchadnezzar 


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Then  we  are  familiar  with  the  Hierodouloi  of  the 
Greeks,  and  the  Vestal   Virgins   of   the   Romans. 

The  word  n'zir  also  appears  in  Syr 
13.  Par-  and  was  applied  to  the  maidens  de- 
allels  voted  to   the  service  of  Belthis.     In 

among  the  East,  too,  there  have  always  been 

Other  individuals    and    societies  of  ascetics 

Peoples  who  were  practically  Nazirites,  and  the 

modern  dervish  in  nearly  every  way  re- 
sembles him,  while  it  is  worthy  of  record  in  this 
connection  that  the  Moslem  (an  abstainer  by 
creed)  while  under  the  vow  of  pilgrimage  neither 
cuts  his  hair  nor  pares  his  nails  till  the  completion 
of  his  vow  in  Mecca.  W.  M.  Christie 

NEAH,  ne'a  (HySH,  ha-ne'ah,  "the  neah";  'Av- 
vovd,  Amioud) :  A  town  in  the  lot  of  Zebulun  (Josh 

19  13),  mentioned  along  with  Gath-hepher  and 
Rimmon.  It  is  possibly  identical  with  "Neiel" 
(ver  27).  No  name  resembling  either  of  these  has 
yet  been  recovered,  although  the  district  in  which 
the  place  must  be  sought  is  pretty  definitely  indi- 
cated. It  may  probably  have  lain  to  the  N.  of 
Rimmon  (Rummaneh),  about  4  miles  N.E.  of  Sef- 
furiyeh. 

NEAPOLIS,  n5-ap'6-lis  (NeairoXis,  Nedpolis; 
WH,  Nea  Polis) :  A  town  on  the  northern  shore  of 
the  Aegean,  originally  belonging  to  Thrace  but  later 
falling  within  the  Rom  province  of  Macedonia. 
It  was  the  seaport  of  Philippi,  and  was  the  first 
point  in  Europe  at  which  Paul  and  his  companions 
landed;  from  Troas  they  had  sailed  direct  to 
Samothrace,  and  on  the  next  day  reached  Neapolis 
(Acts  16  11).  Paul  probably  passed  through  the 
town  again  on  his  second  visit  to  Macedonia  (Acts 

20  1),  and  he  certainly  must  have  embarked  there 
on  his  last  journey  from  Philippi  to  Troas,  which 
occupied  5  days  (Acts  20  6).  The  position  of 
Neapolis  is  a  matter  of  dispute.  Some  writers  have 
maintained  that  it  lay  on  the  site  known  as  Eski 
(i.e.  "Old")  Kavalla  (Cousin&y,  Macedoine,  II, 
109  ff),  and  that  upon  its  destruction  in  the  6th  or 
7th  cent.  AD  the  inhabitants  migrated  to  the  place, 
about  10  miles  to  the  E.,  called  Christopolis  in 
mediaeval  and  Kavalla  in  modern  times.  But  the 
general  view,  and  that  which  is  most  consonant 
with  the  evidence,  both  literary  and  archaeological, 
places  Neapolis  at  Kavalla,  which  lies  on  a  rocky 
headland  with  a  spacious  harbor  on  its  western 
side,  in  which  the  fleet  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  was 
moored  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Philippi  (42 
BC;  Appian  Bell.  Civ.  iv.l06).  The  town  lay 
some  10  Rom  miles  from  Philippi,  with  which  it  was 
connected  by  a  road  leading  over  the  mountain 
ridge  named  Symbolum,  which  separates  the  plain 
of  Philippi  from  the  sea. 

The  date  of  it.s  foundation  is  uncertain,  but  it  seems  to 
have  been  a  colony  from  the  island  of  Thasos,  which  lay 
opposite  to  it  (Dio  Cassius  xlvii.3.'3).  It  appears  (under 
the  name  Neopolis,  which  is  also  borne  on  its  coins)  as  a 
member  both  of  the  first  and  of  the  second  Athenian 
confederacy,  and  was  highly  commended  by  the  Athen- 
ians in  an  e.xtant  decree  for  its  loyalty  during  the  Thasian 
revolt  of  411-408  BO  (Inscr.  Graec,  I,  Suppl.  51).  The 
chief  cult  of  the  city  was  that  of  "The  Virgin,"  usually 
identified  with  the  Gr  Artemis.  (See  Leake,  Travels  in 
Northern  Greece.  Ill,  180;  Cousinery,  Voyage  dans  la 
MacSdoine,  II,  69  11,109  ff;  Heuzey  and  Daumet,  Mis- 
sion arch^ol.  de  MacSdoine,  11  ff.) 

M.  N.  Tod 
NEAR,  ner,  NIGH,  ni  (chiefly  Sin]?,  karobh, 
"to  draw  near,"  3"1]5 ,  karabh;  iyyvi,  eggiis):  Used 
of  proximity  in  place  (Gen  19  20;  45  10;  Ex  13 
17;  Ps  22  11;  Jn  3  23,  etc),  time  (Jcr  48  16; 
Ezk  7  7;  30  3;  Mk  13  28),  or  kinship  (Lev  21  2; 
Ruth  3  12),  but  also  employed  of  moral  nearness. 
Jeh  is  "nigh"  to  them  that  are  of  a  broken  heart 
(Ps  34  18).     God  draws  nigh  to  His  people,  and 


they  to  Him   (Jas  4  8).     The   antithesis  is  God's 
"farness"  from  the  wicked. 

NEARLAH,  ne-a-ri'a  (H;*"!?:  ,  rf'arydh) : 

(1)  A  descendant  of  David  (1  Ch  3  22  f). 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Simeon  (1  Ch  4  42). 
In  both  instances  LXX  reads  "Noadiah." 

NEBAI,  neTDi,  ng-ba'i,  neb'S-i  C5"':,  nebhay). 
See  NoBAi. 

NEBAIOTH,  ng-ba'yoth,  ne-bi'oth  (n'-'i? ,  r\V2i  , 
n'bhdyolh;  LXX  NapaiuO,  Nabaiolh):  Firstborn 
of  Ishmael  (Gen  25  13;  28  9;  36  3;  1  Ch  1  29). 
Isa  60  7  mentions  the  tribe  Nebaioth  with  Kedar, 
with  an  allusion  to  its  pastoral  nature:  "the  rams  of 
Nebaioth"  are  to  serve  the  ideal  Zion  as  sacrificial 
victims.  Again  associated  with  Kedar,  the  name 
occurs  frequently  in  Assyr  inscriptions.  The  tribe 
must  have  had  a  conspicuous  place  among  the 
northern  Arabs.  Jos,  followed  by  Jerome,  regarded 
Nebaioth  as  identical  with  the  Nabataeans,  the 
great  trading  community  and  ally  of  Rome,  whose 
capital  and  stronghold  was  Petra.  This  view  is 
widely  accepted,  but  the  name  "Nabataean"  is 
spelled  with  a  t,  and  the  interchange  of  t  and  t, 
although  not  unparalleled,  is  unusual.  If  the  name 
is  Arab.,  it  is  probably  a  fem.  pL,  and  in  that  case 
could  have  no  connection  with  the  Nabataeans. 

A.  S.  Fulton 

NEBALLAT,  ne-bal'at  (t33nD,  n'bhalldt;  Na- 
paWdr,  Naballdt) :  A  town  occupied  by  the  Benja- 
mites  after  the  exile,  named  along  with  Lod  and  Ono 
(Neh  11  34).  It  is  represented  by  the  modern 
Beit  Nebdla,  4  miles  N.E.  of  Lydda. 

NEBAT,  neTsat  (123?  ,  n'hhat) :  Father  of  Jero- 
boam I  (1  K  11  26,  and  frequently  elsewhere). 
The  name  occurs  only  in  the  phrase  "Jeroboam  the 
son  of  Nebat,"  and  is  evidently  intended  to  dis- 
tinguish Jeroboam  I  from  the  later  son  of  Joash. 
See  Jeroboam. 

NEBO,  ne'bo  (133,  n'bko;  Assyr  Nabu):  The 
Bab  god  of  literature  and  science.  In  the  Bab 
mythology  he  is  represented  as  the  son  and  inter- 
preter of  Bel-merodach  (cf  Isa  46  1;  Bel  and 
Nebo  there  represent  Babylon).  His  own  special 
shrine  was  at  Borsippo.  His  planet  was  Mercury. 
His  name  enters  into  Bib.  names,  as  "Nebuchad- 
nezzar," and  perhaps  "Abed-nego"  (Dnl  1  7,  for 
"Abed-nebo,  servant  of  Nebo").  See  Babylonia 
AND  Assyria,  Religion  of. 

NEBO  (ins  ,  n'bho;  NaPav,  Nabaii) : 
(1)  This  town  is  named  in  Nu  32  3  between 
Sebam  and  Beon  (which  latter  evidently  represents 
Baal-meon  of  ver  38),  after  Heshbon  and  Elealeh, 
as  among  the  cities  assigned  by  Moses  to  Reuben. 
It  was  occupied  by  the  Reubenite  clan  Bela  (1  Ch 
5  8).  Here  it  is  named  between  Aroer  and  Baal- 
meon.  In  their  denunciations  of  wrath  against 
Moab,  Isaiah  names  it  along  with  Medeba  (Isa  15 
2)  and  Jeremiah  with  Kiriathaim  (Jer  48  1),  and 
again  (ver  22)  between  Dibon  and  Beth-diblathaim. 
Mesha  (M  S)  says  that  by  command  of  Chemosh  he 
went  by  night  against  the  city,  captured  it  after  an 
assault  that  lasted  from  dawn  till  noon,  and  put  all 
the  inhabitants  to  death.  He  dedicated  the  place  to 
Ashtar- chemosh.  Jerome  (Com??!,  on  Isa  15  2)  tells 
us  that  at  Nebo  was  the  idol  of  Chemosh.  The  site 
which  seems  best  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the 
pa.ssages  indicated  is  on  the  ridge  of  Jebel  Nebd  to 
the  S.W.  of  Hesban,  where  ruins  of  an  ancient  town 
bearing  the  name  of  en-Nebdixre  found  (Buhl,  GAP 
266). 


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Neah 
Nebuchadnezzar 


(2)  (ins ,  wbho;  B,  NajSoC,  Naboii,  A,  NajSci,  Nabo, 
and  other  forms) :  Fifty-two  descendants  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Ncbo  returned  from  exile  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  29;  Neh  7  33).  The  place 
was  in  Judah  and  is  named  after  Bethel  and  Ai. 
There  is  nothing,  however,  to  guide  us  as  to  its 
exact  position.  It  may  be  represented  by  either 
Beit  Nuba,  12  miles  N.W.  of  Jerus,  or  Nuba,  which 
lies  about  4  miles  S.S.E  of  'Id  el-Ma'  (AduUam). 

W.   EwiNG 

NEBO,  MOUNT  (Inj  IH,  har  n'bho;  Na^ai, 
Nabau) :  A  mountain  in  the  land  of  Moab  which 
Moses  ascended  at  the  command  of  God  in  order 
that  he  might  see  the  Land  of  Promise  which  he 
was  never  to  enter.  There  also  he  was  to  die. 
From  the  following  passages  (viz.  Nu  33  47;  Dt 
32  49;  34  1),  we  gather  that  it  was  not  far  from  the 
plain  of  Moab  in  which  Israel  was  encamped;  that 
it  was  a  height  standing  out  to  the  W.  of  the 
mountains  of  Abarim;  that  it  lay  to  the  E.  of 
Jericho ;  and  that  it  was  a  spot  from  which  a  wide 
and  comprehensive  view  of  Pal  could  be  obtained. 
None  of  these  conditions  are  met  by  Jebel  'Alldrus, 
which  is  too  far  to  the  E.,  and  is  fully  15  miles  S. 
of  a  line  drawn  eastward  from  Jericho.  Jebel  'Osha, 
again,  in  Mt.  Gilead,  commands,  indeed,  an  ex- 
tensive view;  but  it  lies  too  far  to  the  N.,  being  at 
least  15  miles  N.  of  a  line  drawn  eastward  from  Jeri- 
cho. Both  of  these  sites  have  had  their  advocates 
as  claimants  for  the  honor  of  representing  the  Bib. 
Nebo. 

The  "head"  or  "top"  of  Pisgah  is  evidently 
identical  with  Mt.  Nebo  (Dt  34  1).  After  Moses' 
death  he  was  buried  "in  the  valley  in  the  land  of 
Moab,"  over  against  Beth-peor. 

The  name  Nebd  is  found  on  a  ridge  which,  some 
5  miles  S.W.  of  Hesban  and  opposite  the  northern 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  runs  out  to  the  W.  from  the 


Mt.  Nobo  from  the  Spring  'Airi  Neba. 

plateau  of  Moab,  "sinking  gradually:  at  first  a 
broad  brown  field  of  arable  land,  then  a  flat  top 
crowned  by  a  ruined  cairn,  then  a  narrower  ridge 
ending  in  the  summit  called  Siaghoh,  whence  the 
slopes  fall  steeply  on  all  sides.  The  name  Nebo 
or  Neba  [the  "knob"  or  "tumulus"]  applies  to  the 
flat  top  with  the  cairn,  and  the  name  TaVat  e^-Sufa 
to  the  ascent  leading  up  to  the  ridge  from  the  N. 
Thus  we  have  three  names  which  seem  to  connect 
the  ridge  with  that  whence  Moses  is  related  to  have 
viewed  the  Promised  Land,  namely,  first,  Ncbo, 
which  is  identically  the  same  word  as  the  modern 
Neba;  secondly,  SiSghah,  which  is  radically  identi- 
cal with  the  Aram.  Se'ath,  the  word  standing  instead 
of  Nebo  in  the  Tg  of  Onkelos  [Nu  32  3),  where  it 
is  called  the  burial  place  of  Moses;  thirdly,  TaVut 
e^-Sufa,  which  is  radically  identical  with  the  Hcb 
Zuph  (euph),  whence  Mizpah  (mi^paJi)  and  Zophim 
(S&phvm) The    name    Pisgah    is   not   now 


known,  but  the  discovery  of  Zophim  [cf  Nu  23  14] 
confirms  the  view  now  generally  held,  that  it  is  but 
another  title  of  the  Nebo  range." 

Neither  Mt.  Hermon  nor  Dan  {Tell  el-Kaiy)  is 
visible  from  this  point;  nor  can  Zoar  be  seen;  and 
if  the  Mediterranean  is  the  hinder  sea,  it  also  is 
invisible.  But,  as  Driver  says  ("Dt,"  ICC,  419), 
the  terms  in  Dt  34  1.3  are  hyperbolical,  and  must 
be  taken  as  including  points  filled  in  by  the  imagi- 
nation as  well  as  those  actually  visible  to  the  eye. 
Mr.  Birch  argues  in  favor  of  TaVat  el-Benat,  whence 
he  believes  Dan  and  Zoar  to  be  visible,  while  he 
identifies  "the  hinder  sea"  with  the  Dead  Sea 
(PEFS,  1898,  110  ff).  W.  EwiNG 

NEBUCHADNEZZAR,  neb-Q-kad-nez'ar,  NEB- 
UCHADREZZAR, -rez'ar:  Nebuchadnezzar,  the 
second  king  of  Babylon  of  that  name,  is  best 
known  as  the  king  who  conquered  Judah,  destroyed 
Jerus,  and  carried  the  people  of  the  Jews  captive 
to  Babylon.  Of  all  the  heathen  monarchs  men- 
tioned by  name  in  the  Scriptures,  N.  is  the  most 
prominent  and  the  most  important.  The  prophe- 
cies of  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel,  and  the  last 
chs  of  K  and  Ch  centered  about  his  life,  and  he 
stands  preeminent,  along  with  the  Pharaohs  of  the 
oppression  and  the  exodus,  among  the  foes  of  the 
kingdom  of  God.  The  documents  which  have 
been  discovered  in  Babylon  and  elsewhere  within 
the  last  75  years  have  added  much  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  this  monarch,  and  have  in  general  confirmed 
the  Bib.  accounts  concerning  him. 

His  name  is  found  in  two  forms  in  the  Bible,  Nebu- 
chadnezzar  and   Nebuchadrezzar.     In  the   LXX  he  is 

called  Na^ovxoSovoffdp,  Nabouchodonosdr, 
1     His  *°*^    ^^    *^®  Vulg   N ahuchodonosoT .       This 

T.J  latter  form  is  found  also  in  the  AV  Apoc 

iName  throughout  and  in  KV  1  Esd,  Ad  Est  and 

Bar,  but  not  Jthor  Tob.  This  change  from 
r  to  n  which  is  found  in  the  two  writings  of  the  name 
in  the  Heb  and  the  Aram,  of  the  Scriptures  is  a  not  un- 
common one  in  the  Sem  languages,  as  in  Burnaburiyash 
and  Burraburiyash,  Ben-hadad  and  Bar-hadad  (see 
Brockelmann's  Comparative  Grammar,  1.36,  173,  220).  It 
is  possible,  however,  that  the  form  Nebuchadnezzar  is 
the  Aram,  tr  of  the  Bab  Nebuchadrezzar.  If  we  take 
the  name  to  be  compounded  of  Nabu-kudurri-usur  in  the 
sense  "  O  Nebo.  protect  thy  servant,"  then  Nabu-kedina- 
usur  would  be  the  best  tr  possible  in  Aramaic.  Such 
tr"  of  proper  names  are  common  in  the  old  VSS  of  the 
Scriptures  and  elsewhere.  For  example,  in  WAI,  V, 
44,  we  find  4  columns  of  proper  names  of  persons  giving 
the  Sumerian  originals  and  the  Sem  tr*  of  the  same; 
ct  Bar-hadad  in  Aram,  for  Heb  Ben-hadad.  In  early 
Aram,  the  s  had  not  yet  become  t  (see  Cooke,  Text-Book 
of  North-Sem  Inscriptions,  188  f) ;  so  that  for  anyone 
who  thought  that  kudurru  meant  "servant,"  N.  would 
be  a  perfect  tr  into  Aram,  of  Nebuchadrezzar. 

The  father  of  N.  was  Nabopolassar,  probably 

a  Chaldaean  prince.     His  mother  is  not  known  by 

name.     The  classical  historians  men- 

2.  Family      tion  two  wives:  Amytis,  the  daughter 

of  Astyages,  and  Nitocris,  the  mother 
of  Nabunaid.  The  monuments  mention  three  sons : 
Evil-merodach  who  succeeded  him,  Marduk-shum- 
usur,  and  Marduk-nadin-ahi.  A  younger  brother 
of  N.,  called  Nabu-shum-lishir,  is  mentioned  on  a 
building-inscription  tablet  from  the  time  of  Nabo- 
polassar. 

The  sources  of  our  information  as  to  the  life  of 

N.  arc  about  500  contract  tablets  dated  according 

to  the  days,  months  and  years  of  his 

3.  Sources  reign  of  43  years;  about  30  building 
of  Inf  orma-  and  honorific  inscriptions ;  one  historical 
tion  inscription;  and  in  the  books  of  Jer, 

Ezk,  Dnl,  and  K.  Later  sources  are 
Ch,  Ezr,  and  the  fragments  of  Berosus,  Menander, 
Megasthenes,  Abydenus,  and  Alexander  Polyhistor, 
largely  as  cited  by  Jos  and  Eusebius. 

From  these  sources  we  learn  that  N.  succeeded 
his  father  on  the  throne  of  Babylon  in  604  BC,  and 
reigned    till    561    BC.     He  probably  commanded 


Nebuchadnezzar 
Needlework 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2128 


the  armies  of  Babylon  from  609  BC.  At  any 
rate,  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  army  which  defeated 

Pharaoh-necoh  at  Carchemish  on  the 
4.  PoUtical  Euphrates  in  605  BC  (see  2  K  23  31; 
History  2  Ch  35  20  if).     After  having  driven 

Necoh  out  of  Asia  and  settled  the 
affairs    of    Syria    and     Pal,     he    was    suddenly 


Boimdary  Stone  of  Nebuchadnezzar  I. 

recalled  to  Babylon  by  the  death  of  his  father. 
There  he  seems  quietly  to  have  ascended  the 
throne.  In  the  4th  year  of  Jehoiakim  (or  3d 
according  to  the  Bab  manner  of  reckoning  [Dnl  1  IJ), 
he  came  up  first  against  Jcrus  and  carried  away 
part  of  the  vessels  of  the  temple  and  a  few  captives 
of  noljle  lineage.  Again,  in  Jehoiakim's  11th  year, 
he  captured  Jerus,  put  Jehoiakim,  its  king,  into 
chains,  and  probably  killed  him.  Hia  successor, 
Jehoiachin,  after  a  three  months'  reign,  was  be- 
sieged in  Jerus,  captured,  deposed,  and  carried  cap- 
tive to  Babylon,  where  he  remained  in  captivity 
37  years  until  he  was  set  free  by  Evil-merodach. 
In  the  9th  year  of  Zcdckiah,  N.  made  a  4th  expe- 
dition against  Jerus  which  he  besieged,  captured, 
and  destroyed  (see  Jor  52).  In  addition  to  these 
wars  with  Judah,  N.  carried  on  a  long  siege  of  Tyre, 
lasting  13  years,  from  his  7th  to  his  20th  year.  He 
had  at  least  three  wars  with  Egypt.  The  first 
culminated  in  the  defeat  of  Necoh  at  Carchemish; 
the  second  in  the  withdrawal  of  Hophra  (Apries) 
from  Pal  in  the  1st  year  of  the  siege  of  Jerus  under 
Zedekiah;  and  the  third  saw  the  armies  of  N.  enter- 
ing Egypt  in   triumph  and  defeating  Amasis  in 


N.'s  37th  year.  In  the  numerous  building  and 
honorific  inscriptions  of  N.  he  makes  no  mention  by 
name  of  his  foes  or  of  his  battles;  but  he  frequently 
speaks  of  foes  that  he  had  conquered  and  of  many 
peoples  whom  he  ruled.  Of  these  peoples  he  men- 
tions by  name  the  Hittites  and  others  (see  Lang- 
don,  148-51).  In  the  Wady-Brissa  inscription,  he 
speaks  of  a  special  conquest  of  Lebanon  from  some 
foreign  foe  who  had  seized  it;  but  the  name  of  the 
enemy  is  not  given. 

The  monuments  justify  the  boast  of  N.:  "Is  not 
this  great  Babylon  that  I  have  built?"  (Dnl  4  30). 
Among  these  buildings  special  emphasis 
6.  Build-  is  placed  by  N.  upon  his  temples  and 
ings,  etc  shrines  to  the  gods,  particularly  to 
Marduk,  Nebo  and  Zarpinat,  but  also 
to  Shamash,  Sin,  Gula,  Ramman,  Mah,  and  others. 
He  constructed,  also,  a  great  new  palace  and  rebuilt 
an  old  one  of  his  father's.  Besides,  he  laid  out  and 
paved  with  bricks  a  great  street  for  the  procession 
of  Marduk,  and  built  a  number  of  great  walls  with 
moats  and  moat-walls  and  gates.  He  dug  several 
broad,  deep  canals,  and  made  dams  for  flooding 
the  country  to  the  N.  and  S.  of  Babylon,  so  as  to 
protect  it  against  the  attack  of  its  enemies.  He 
made,  also,  great  bronze  bulls  and  serpents,  and 
adorned  his  temples  and  palaces  with  cedars  and 
gold.  Not  merely  in  Babylon  itself,  but  in  many 
of  the  cities  of  Babylonia  as  well,  his  building  opera- 
tions were  carried  on,  esp.  in  the  line  of  temples  to 
the  gods. 

The  inscriptions  of  N.  show  that  he  was  a  very 
religious  man,  probably  excelling  all  who  had  pre- 
ceded him  in  the  building  of  temples, 
6.  Religion,  in  the  institution  of  offerings,  and  the 
etc  observance  of  all  the  ceremonies  con- 

nected with  the  worship  of  the  gods. 
His  larger  inscriptions  usually  contain  two  hymns 
and  always  close  with  a  prayer.  Mention  is  fre- 
quently made  of  the  offerings  of  precious  metals, 
stones  and  woods,  of  game,  fish,  wine,  fruit,  grain, 
and  other  objects  acceptable  to  the  gods.  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  these  offerings  differ  in  char- 
acter and  apparently  in  purpose  from  those  in  use 
among  the  Jews.  For  example,  no  mention  is 
made  in  any  one  of  N.'s  inscriptions  of  the  pouring 
out  or  sprinkling  of  blood,  nor  is  any  reference  made 
to  atonement,  or  to  sin. 

No  reference  is  made  in  any  of  these  inscriptions  to 
N.'s  insanity.     But  aside   from  the  fact  that  we  could 

scarcely  expect  a  man  to  publish  his  own 
7  Mndr»pQ<5  calamity,  esp.  madness,  it  should  be  noted 
'•  "J-'i'inebi  j[jj^(_  according  to  Langdon  we  have  but 

three  inscriptions  of  his  wTitten  in  the 
period  from  580  to  561  BC.  If  his  madness  lasted  for 
7  years,  it  may  have  occurred  between  580  and  567  BC, 
or  it  may  have  occurred  between  the  li^gyp  campaign  of 
567  BC  and  his  death  in  561  BC.  But,  as  it  is  more 
likely  that  the  "7  times"  mentioned  in  Dnl  may  have 
been  months,  the  illness  may  have  been  in  any  year  after 
580  BC,  or  even  before  that  for  all  we  know. 

No  mention  is   made  on  the  monuments  (1)  of  the 
dream  of  N.  recorded  in  Dnl  2,  or  (2)  of  the  image  of  gold 

that  he  set  up,  or  (3)  of  the  fiery  furnace 
8.  Miracles,  from  which  the  three  children  were  de- 
etc  livered    (Dnl  3).     As   to    (1),   it   may   be 

said,  however,  that  a  belief  in  dreams  was 
so  universal  among  all  the  ancient  peoples,  that  a  single 
instance  of  this  kind  may  not  have  been  considered  as 
worthy  of  special  mention.  The  annals  of  Ashur-banl- 
pal  and  Nubu-naid  and  Xerxes  give  a  number  of  in- 
stances of  the  iniportance  attached  to  dreams  and  their 
interpretation.  It  is  almost  certain  that  N.  also  be- 
lieved in  them.  That  the  dream  recorded  In  Dnl  Is 
not  mentioned  on  the  monuments  seems  less  remarkable 
than  that  no  dream  of  his  is  recorded.  As  to  (2)  we 
know  that  N.  made  an  image  of  his  royal  person  {i^alam 
sharrutiya,  Langdon,  XIX,  B.  col.  X,  6:  cf  the  image  bf  the 
royal  person  of  Nabopolassar,  id,  p,  51).  and  it  is  certain 
that  the  images  of  the  gods  were  made  of  wood  (id.  p. 
155),  that  the  images  of  Nebo  and  IMardtik  were  con- 
veyed in  a  bark  in  the  New  Year's  procession  (id,  pp. 
157,  159,  163,  165)  and  that  there  were  Images  of  the 
gods  in  all  the  temples  (id,  passim);  and  that  N.  wor- 
shipped before  these  images.     That  N.  should  have  made 


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Nebuchadnezzar 
Needlework 


an  image  of  gold  and  put  it  up  in  the  Plain  of  Dura  is 
entirely  in  harmony  with  what  we  know  of  his  other 
"pious  deeds."  (3)  As  to  "the  fiery  furnace."  it  is  known 
that  Ashurbanipal,  king  of  Assyria,  says  that  his  own 
brother,  Shamash-shumukin,  was  burned  in  a  similar 
furnace. 

The  failure  of  N.  to  mention  any  of  the  particular 
persons  or  events  recorded  in  Dnl  does  not  disprove  their 
historicity,  any  more  than  his  failure  to  mention  the 
battle  of  Carchemish,  or  the  siege  of  Tyre  and  Jerus, 
disproves  them.  The  fact  is,  we  have  no  real  historical 
Inscription  of  N.,  except  one  fragment  of  a  few  broken 
lines  found  in  Egypt. 

LiTERATUHB. — T.  G.  Pinches,  The  NT  in  the  Light 
of  the  Historical  Records  and  Legends  of  Assyria  and 
Babylonia;  Stephen  Langdon,  Building  Inscriptions 
of  the  Neo-Babylonian  Empire.  See  also,  Rogers,  liis- 
lory  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria;  and  McCurdy,  History, 
Prophecy  and  the  Monuments,  III. 

R.  Dick  Wilson 
NEBUSHAZBAN,  neb-li-shaz'ban  CIlTlp^ap, 
n'bhushaz'bhdn  —  Assyr  Nabusezib-anni,  "Nebo  de- 
livers me";  AV  Nebushasban) :  An  important 
officer  (the  Rab-saris,  "chief  captain"  or  "chief 
eunuch")  of  the  Bab  army,  who  with  Nergal- 
sharezer  and  others  was  appointed  to  see  to  the 
safety  of  Jeremiah  after  the  taking  of  Jerus  (Jer 
39  13). 

NEBUZARADAN,  neb-li-zar-a'dan,  -zar'a-dan 
CIlXIII^p ,  n'bhuzar' Mhan  =  Assyr  Nabv^zara- 
iddina,  "Nebo  has  given  seed" ;  NepouJapSdv,  Nebou- 
zarddn):  Nebuchadnezzar's  general  at  the  siege  of 
Jerus  (2  K  25  8.11.20  |j  Jer  52  12.15.26;  39  9. 
10.11.13).  Under  the  title  of  "captain  of  the 
guard,"  he  commanded  the  army,  and,  after  the 
fall  of  the  city,  carried  out  his  master's  policy  with 
regard  to  the  safety  of  Jeremiah,  the  transport  of 
the  exiles,  and  the  government  of  those  who  were 
left  in  the  land. 


NECHO,     NECHOH,    ne'ko. 

NECOH. 


See     Pharaoh- 


neck,  nek  ("1^? ,  (awwar,  HSJ? ,  gawwa'r,  Tl)!?  , 
gawwdron,  nnX^S,  (awwd'rah,  Aram.  1^32,  gawwar 
[Dnl  5  7.16.29],  a";;?,  'oreph,  Tip^-}'^)?,  miphreketh 
[1  S  4  18];  vuTos,  notos,  "back"  [Bar  2  33];  occasion- 
ally the  words  fia,  garon  [Isa  3  16;  Ezk  16  11], 
and  nnU'lS,  garg'roth,  pi.  of  gargarah,  lit.  "throat" 
[Prov  1  9;  3  3.22;  6  21],  are  tr""  "neck"):  The 
neck  is  compared  with  a  tower  for  beauty  (Cant  4 
4;  7  4)  and  is  decorated  with  necklaces  and  chains 
(Prov  1  9;  3  3.22;  6  21,  Heb  garg'roth;  Ezk  16 
11,  Heb  garmi,  "throat";  Dnl  6  7.16.29,  Heb 
gawwar).  It  is  also  the  part  of  the  body  where  the 
yoke,  emblem  of  labor  and  hardship,  dependence 
and  subjection,  is  borne  (Dt  28  48;  Jer  27  8.11. 
12;  28  14;  Acts  15  10).  "To  shake  off  the  yoke," 
"to  break  the  yoke,"  or  "to  take  it  off"  is  expressive 
of  the  regaining  of  independence  and  liberty,  either 
by  one's  own  endeavors  or  through  help  from  out- 
side (Gen  27  40;  Isa  10  27;  Jer  28  11;  30  8). 
Certain  animals  which  were  not  allowed  as  food 
(like  the  firstborn  which  were  not  redeemed)  were 
to  be  killed  by  having  their  necks  ('oreph)  broken 
(Ex  13  13;  34  20);  the  turtle-doves  and  young 
pigeons,  which  were  sacrificed  as  sin  offerings  or  as 
burnt  offerings,  had  their  heads  wrung  or  pinched 
off  from  their  necks  (Lev  5  8).  In  1  S  4  18  the 
Heb  word  miphreketh  signifies  a  fracture  of  the 
upper  part  of  the  spinal  column  caused  by  a  fall. 

It  was  a  military  custom  of  antiquity  for  the  con- 
queror to  place  his  foot  upon  the  vanquished. 
This  custom,  frequently  represented  in  sculpture 
on  many  an  Egyp  temple  wall,  is  referred  to  in 
Josh  10  24;  Bar  4  25  and  probably  in  Rom  16  20 
and  Ps  110  1.  St.  Paul  praises  the  devotion  of 
Aquila  and  Priscilla,  "who  for  my  life  laid  down 
their  own  necks"  (Rom  16  4).     See  Footstool. 


To  "fall  on  the  neck"  of  a  person  is  a  very  usual 
mode  of  salutation  in  the  East  (Gen  33  4;  45  14; 
46  29;  Tob  11  9.13;  Lk  15  20;  Acts  20  37).  In 
moments  of  great  emotion  such  salutation  is  apt  to 
end  in  weeping  on  each  other's  neck. 

Readiness  for  work  is  expressed  by  "putting 
one's  neck  to  the  work"  (Neh  3  5).  Severe  pun- 
ishment and  calamity  are  said  to  "reach  to  the 
neck"  (Isa  8  8;  30  28). 

The  Lord  Jesus  speaks  of  certain  persons  for 
whom  it  were  better  to  have  had  a  millstone  put 
around  the  neck  and  to  have  been  drowned  in  the 
sea.  The  meaning  is  that  even  the  most  disgrace- 
ful death  is  still  preferable  to  a  life  of  evil  influence 
upon  even  the  little  ones  of  God's  household  (Mt 
18  6;   Mk  9  42;   Lk  17  2). 

To  "make  the  neck  stiff,"  to  "harden  the  neck" 
indicates  obstinacy  often  mingled  with  rebellion 
(Ex  32  9;  33  3.5;  34  9;  2  Ch  30  8;  36  13; 
Neh  9  16.17.29;  Ps  75  5  [RVm  "insolently  with 
a  haughty  neck"];  Prov  29  1;  Jer  7  26).  Cf 
(TK'KijpoTpdxv^os,  sklerotrdchelos,  "stiffnecked"  (Acts 
7  51).  Similarly  Isaiah  (48  4)  speaks  of  the  neck 
of  the  obstinate  sinner  as  resembling  an  iron  sinew. 

H.  L.  E.  Ldering 

NECKLACE,  nek'lfts  (T^n";,  rabhidh,  "chain"): 
A  neck-chain  ornament,  worn  either  separately 
(Ezk  16  11),  or  with  pendants  (Isa  3  19),  such  as 
crescents  (Isa  3  18)  or  rings  (Gen  38  25);  some- 
times made  of  gold  (Gen  41  42;  Dnl  6  29),  or  of 
strings  of  jewels  (Cant  1  10).  Even  beasts  of 
burden  were  sometimes  so  adorned  by  royalty 
(Jgs  8  26).  It  was  considered  suggestive  of  pride 
(Ps  73  6)  or  of  fihal  loyalty  (Prov  1  9).  The 
word  does  not  occur  in  AV,  but  such  adornments 
have  always  been  popular  in  all  the  Bible  lands. 

NECO,  ne'ko  (^23,  n'kho  [2  Ch  35  22;  36  4]). 
See  Pharaoh-necoh. 

NECODAN,  ns-ko'dan.     See  Nekoda. 

NECROMANCY,  nek'r5-man-si.  See  Astrol- 
ogy, 1;  Divination;  Witchcraft. 

NEDABIAH,  ned-a-bl'a  (H^n-?  ,  n'dhabhydh) :  A 
descendant  of  David  (1  Ch  s'  iS)'. 

NEEDLE,  ne'd'l  (paij)is,  rhaphis):  The  word 
"needle"  occurs  only  3  t,  viz.  in  the  reference  to 
Christ's  use  of  the  proverb:  "It  is  easier  for  a 
camel  to  go  through  a  needle's  eye,  than  for  a  rich 
man  to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God"  (Mt  19  24; 
Mk  10  25;  Lk  18  25).  This  saying  ought  to  be 
accepted  in  the  same  sense  as  Mt  23  24,  "Ye  blind 
guides,  that  strain  out  the  gnat,  and  swallow  the 
camel!"  Christ  used  them  to  illustrate  absurdities. 
A  rabbinical  ||  is  cited,  "an  elephant  through  a 
needle's  eye."  Some  writers  have  attempted  to 
show  that  rhaphis  referred  to  a  small  gate  of  a 
walled  oriental  city.  No  evidence  of  such  a  use 
of  the  word  exists  in  the  terms  applied  today  in 
Bib.  lands  to  this  opening.  "Rich  man"  here  has 
the  connotation  of  a  man  bound  up  in  his  riches. 
If  a  man  continues  to  trust  in  his  earthly  posses- 
sions to  save  him,  it  would  be  absurd  for  him  to 
expect  to  share  in  the  spiritual  kingdom  where 
dependence  upon  the  King  is  a  first  requisite. 

The  fact  that  needles  are  not  mentioned  elsewhere 
in  the  Bible  should  not  be  taken  to  indicate  that 
this  instrument  was  not  used.  Specimens  of  bone 
and  metal  needles  of  ancient  origin  show  that  they 
were  common  household  objects.     See  Camel. 

James  A.  Patch 

NEEDLEWORK,  ne'd'1-wlkk.  See  Embroid- 
ery. 


Needy 
Nehemiah 


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2130 


NEEDY,  ned'i  (i^aS,  'ebhyan).    See  Poor. 

NEESING,  ne'zing  (Job  41  18,  AV,  ERV  "by 

his  neesings  a  light  doth  shine,"  ARV  "sneezings"): 
"Neese"  in  EUzabethan  Eng.  (through  two  dis- 
tinct derivations)  could  mean  either  "sneeze"  or 
"snort,"  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  which  force  was 
intended  by  the  AV  editors.  The  Heb  is  mlj^tiy  , 
'Atishah,  a  word  found  only  here,  but  connected  with 
a  Sem  V  meaning  "sneeze,"  or,  perhaps,  "snort." 
Job  41  18  is  part  of  the  description  of  the  "levia- 
than" or  crocodile.  This  animal  has  a  habit  of 
inflating  himself,  and  after  this  he  discharges  through 
his  nostrils  the  moist,  heated  vapor,  which  sparkles 
in  the  sunlight.  The  act  is  neither  a  "sneeze"  nor 
a  "snort,"  but  the  latter  word  is  sufficiently  de- 
scriptive. There  is  no  allusion  to  legendary  "fire- 
spouting"  monsters.     Cf  Job  39  20;   Jer  8  16. 

In  the  older  edd  of  AV  "neesed"  is  found  in  2  K 
4  35:  "and  the  child  neesed  seven  times"  (later 
edd  and  RV  "sneezed").     Burton  Scott  Easton 

NEGEB,  neg'eb  (D5,3n,  ha-neghebh,  "thenegeb," 

or  simply,  2?5 ,  neghebh,  from  a  V  meaning  "to  be 

dry,"  and  therefore  in  the  first  instance 

1.  Meaning  implying  the   "dry"   or   "parched  re- 

gions," hence  in  LXX  it  is  usually  tr'' 
€pT||ios,  eremos,  "desert,"  also  vd-yep,  ndgeb) :  As  the 
Negeb  lay  to  the  S.  of  Judah,  the  word  came  to  be 
used  in  the  sense  of  "the  South,"  and  is  so  used  in  a 
few  passages  (e.g.  Gen  13  14)  and  in  such  is  tr''  X(i/', 
lips  (see  Geography). 

The  Eng.  tr  is  unsuitable  in  several  passages,  and 
likely  to  lead  to  confusion.  For  example,  in  Gen  13  1 
Abram  is  represented  as  going  "into  the  South"  when 
journeying  northward  from  Egypt  toward  Bethel;  in 
Nu  13  22  the  spies  coming  from  the  "  wilderness  of  Zin  " 
toward  Hebron  are  described  as  coming  "by  the  South, ' ' 
although  they  were  going  north.  The  difficulty  in  these 
and  many  other  passages  is  at  once  obviated  if  it  is  recog- 
nized that  the  Negeb  was  a  geographical  terra  for  a  definite 
geographical  region,  just  as  Shephelah,  lit.  "lowland," 
was  the  name  of  another  district  of  Pal.  In  RV  "  Negeb  " 
is  given  in  m,  but  it  would  make  for  clearness  if  it  were 
restored  to  the  text. 

This  "parched"  land  is  generally  considered  as 

beginning  S.  of  ed  Dahartyeb — the  probable  site  of 

Debir    (q.v.) — and    as   stretching   S. 

2.  Descrip-  in  a  series  of  rolling  hills  running  in  a 
tion  general  direction  of  E.  to  W.  until  the 

actual  wilderness  begins,  a  distance  of 
perhaps  70  miles  (see  Natural  Features).  To 
the  E.  it  is  bounded  by  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  south- 
ern Ghor,  and  to  the  W.  there  is  no  defined  bound- 
ary before  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  a  land  of 
sparse  and  scanty  springs  and  small  rainfall;  in  the 
character  of  its  soil  it  is  a  transition  from  the  fertility 
of  Canaan  to  the  wilderness  of  the  desert;  it  is 
essentially  a  pastoral  land,  where  grazing  is  plenti- 
ful in  the  early  months  and  where  camels  and  goats 
can  sustain  life,  even  through  the  long  summer 
drought.  Today,  as  through  most  periods  of  his- 
tory, it  is  a  land  for  the  nomad  rather  than  the 
settled  inhabitant,  although  abundant  ruins  in 
many  spots  testify  to  better  physical  conditions 
at  some  periods  (see  I,  5,  below).  The  direction  of 
the  valleys  E.  or  W.,  the  general  dryness,  and  the 
character  of  the  inhabitants  have  always  made  it  a 
more  or  less  isolated  region  without  thoroughfare. 
The  great  routes  pass  along  the  coast  to  the  W.  or 
up  the  Arabah  to  the  E.  It  formed  an  additional 
barrier  to  the  wilderness  beyond  it;  against  all  who 
would  lead  an  army  from  the  S.,  this  southern 
frontier  of  Judah  was  always  secure.  Israel  could 
not  reach  the  promised  land  by  this  route,  through 
the  land  of  the  Amalekites  (Nu  13  29;  14  43-45). 
The  Negeb  was  the  scene  of  much  of  Abram's 
wanderings  (Gen  12  9;    13  1.3;   20  1);   it  was  in 


this  district  that  Hagar  met  with  the  angel   (Gen 
16    7.14);    Isaac    (Gen    24    62)     and  Jacob    (Gen 
37  1;   46  5)  both  dwelt  there.     Moses 
3.  OT  sent   the   spies   through    this   district 

References  to  the  hill  country  (Nu  13  17.22);  the 
Amalekites  then  dwelt  there  (ver  29) 
and  apparently,  too,  in  some  parts  of  it,  the  Awim 
(Josh  13  3.4).  The  inheritance  of  the  children  of 
Simeon,  as  given  in  Josh  19  1-9,  was  in  the  Negeb, 
but  in  Josh  15  21-32  these  cities  are  credited  to 
Judah  (see  Simeon).  Achish  allotted  to  David,  in 
response  to  his  request,  the  city  of  Ziklag  (q.v)  in 
the  Negeb  (1  S  27  5f);  the  exploits  of  David  were 
against  various  parts  of  this  district  described  as 
the  Negeb  of  Judah,  the  Negeb  of  the  Jerahmeelites, 
and  the  Negeb  of  the  Kenites,  while  in  1  S  30  14 
we  have  mention  of  the  Negeb  of  the  Cherethites 
and  the  Negeb  of  Caleb.  To  this  we  may  add  the 
Negeb  of  Arad  (Jgs  1  16).  It  is  impossible  to  de- 
fine the  districts  of  these  various  clans  (see  separate 
arts,  under  these  names).  The  Negeb,  together 
with  the  "hill-country"  and  the  "Shephelah,"  was 
according  to  Jeremiah  (17  26;  32  44;  33  13) 
to  have  renewed  prosperity  after  the  captivity  of 
Judah  was  ended. 

When  Nebuchadnezzar  took  Jerus  the  Edomites 

sided  with  the  Babylonians  (cf  Lam  4  21  f;    Ezk 

35  3-15;   Ob  vs    10-16),   and   during 

4.  Later  the  absence  of  the  Jews  they  advanced 
History  north    and    occupied    all    the    Negeb 

and  Southern  Judaea  as  far  as  Hebron 
(see  Judaea).  Here  they  annoyed  the  Jews  in 
Maccabean  times  until  Judas  expelled  them  from 
Southern  Judaea  (164  BC)  and  John  Hyrcanus 
conquered  their  country  and  compelled  them  to 
become  Jews  (109  BC).  It  was  to  one  of  the  cities 
here — Malatha — that  Herod  Agrippa  withdrew  him- 
self (Jos,  Ant,  XVIII,  vi,  2). 

The  palmy  days  of  this  district  appear  to  have  been 
during  the  Byzantine  period:  the  existing  ruins,  so  far 
as  they  can  be  dated  at  all,  belong  to  this  tune.  Beer- 
sheba  was  an  important  city  with  a  bishop,  and  Elusa 
(mentioned  by  Ptolemy  in  the  2d  cent.)  was  the  seat  of  a 
bishop  in  the  4th,  5th  and  Gth  cents.  After  the  rise  of 
Mohammedanism  the  land  appears  to  have  lapsed  into 
primitive  conditions.  Although  lawlessness  and  want 
of  any  central  control  may  account  for  much  of  the  retro- 
gression, yet  it  is  probable  that  Professor  Ellsworth 
Huntington  (loc.  cit.)  is  right  in  his  contention  that  a 
change  of  climate  has  had  much  to  do  with  the  rise  and  fall 
of  clvihzation  and  settled  habitation  in  this  district.  The 
district  has  long  been  given  over  to  the  nomads  and  it 
is  only  quite  recently  that  the  Turkish  policy  of  planting 
an  official  with  a  small  garrison  at  Beersheba  and  at 
' Aujeh  has  produced  some  slight  change  in  the  direction 
of  a  settled  population  and  agricultural  pursuits. 

It  is  clear  that  in  at  least  two  historic  periods 

the  Negeb  enjoyed  a  very  considerable  prosperity. 

What  it  may  have  been  in  the  days  of  the 

5.  Its  Patriarchs  it  is  difficult  to  judge;  all  we 
Ancient  read  of  them  suggests  a  purely  nomadic 
Prosperity     life  similar  to  the  Bedouin  of  today  but 

with  better  pasturage.  In  the  di- 
vision of  the  land  among  the  tribes  mention  is  made 
of  many  cities— the  Heb  mentions  29  (Josh  15  21- 
32;  19  1-9;  1  Ch  4  28-33)— and  the  wealth  of 
cattle  evidently  was  great  (cf  1  S  15  9;  27  9- 
30  16;  2  Ch  14  14  f).  The  condition  of  things 
must  have  been  far  different  from  that  of  recent 
times. 

The  extensive  ruins  at  Btr  es  Seha'  (Beersheba) 
Khalasa  (Elusa),  Ruheibeh  (Rehoboth,  q.v  ) 
'Aujeh  and  other  cities,  together  with  the  signs  of 
orchards,  vineyards  and  gardens  scattered  widely 
around  these  and  other  sites,  show  how  compara- 
tively well  populated  this  area  was  in  Byzantine 
times  in  particular.  Professor  Huntington  (loc  cit  ) 
concludes  from  these  ruins  that  the  population  of 
the  large  towns  of  the  Negeb  alone  at  this  period 
must  have  amounted  to  between  45,000  and  60  000 


2131 


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Needy 
Nehemiah 


The  whole  district  does  not  support  1,000  souls 
today. 

Literature. — Robinson,  BR  (18.38);  Wilton,  The 
Negeb,  or  "South  Country"  of  Scripture  (1863);  E.  H. 
Palmer,  The  Desert  of  the  Exodus,  II  (1871);  Trumbull, 
Kadesh-Barnea  (1884);  G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  ch  xiii 
(1894);  E.  Himtington,  Pal  and  Its  Transformation,  ctl 
vi,  etc. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastbbman 
NEGINAH,    ne-ge'na    (Ps  61  AV,    title),    NE- 
GINOTH,  ne-ge'noth,  neg'i-noth  (Ps  4  AV,  title). 
See  Music;  Psalms. 

NEHELAMITE,  nc-hel'a-mit,  THE  Ca^nsn, 
ha-nehUami) :  The  designation  of  Shemaiah,  a  false 
prophet  who  opposed  Jeremiah  (Jer  29  24.31.32). 
The  word  means  "dweller  of  Nehelam,"  but  no  such 
place-name  is  found  in  the  OT.  Its  etymology, 
however,  suggests  a  connection  with  the  Heb  halam, 
"to  dream,"  and  this  has  given  rise  to  the  rendering 
of  AVm  "dreamer." 

NEHEMIAH,  ne-he-ml'a,  ne-hem-I'a  (n'^Tgn? , 
n'hemyah,  "comforted  of  Jeh"): 

1.  Family 

2.  Youth 

3.  King's  Cupbearer 

4.  Governor  ol  Judaea 

5.  Death 
Literature 

Nehemiah,  the  son  of  Hacaliah,  is  the  Jewish 
patriot  whose  life  is  recorded  in  the  Bib.  work  named 
after  him.  All  that  we  know  about  him  from  con- 
temporary sources  is  found  in  this  book;  and  so 
the  readers  of  this  article  are  referred  to  the  Book 
of  Neh  for  the  best  and  fullest  account  of  his  words 
and  deeds.     See  Ezra-Nehemiah. 

All  that  is  known  of  his  family  is  that  he  was 

the  son   of  Hacaliah   (1  1)   and   that  one  of  his 

brothers  was  called  Hanani  (1  2;  7  2); 

1.  Family      the  latter  a  man  of  sufficient  character 

•  and  importance  to  have  been  made  a 
ruler  of  Jerus. 

From  Neh  10  1-8  some  have  inferred  that  he  was 
a  priest,  since  Nehemiah  comes  first  in  the  list  of  names 
ending  with  the  phrase,  "these  were  the  priests."  This 
view  is  supported  by  the  Syr  and  Arab.  VSS  of  10  1, 
which  read;  "Nehemiah  the  elder,  the  son  of  Hananiah 
the  chief  of  the  priests  "  ;  and  by  the  Lat  Vulg  of  2  Mace 
1  21,  where  he  is  called  "Nehemiah  the  priest,"  and 
possibly  by  2  Mace  1  18,  where  it  is  said  that  Nehemiah 
"offered  sacrifices,  after  that  he  had  builded  the  temple 
and  the  altar." 

The  argument  based  upon  Neh  10  1-8  will  fall  to 
the  ground,  if  we  change  the  pointing  of  the  "Seraiah" 
of  the  3d  verse  and  read  "its  princes,"  referring  back  to 
the  princes  of  ver  1.  In  this  case,  Nehemiah  and  Zede- 
Idah  would  be  the  princes ;  then  would  come  the  priests 
and  then  the  Levites. 

Some  have  thought  that  he  was  of  the  royal  line  of 
Judah,  inasmuch  as  he  refers  to  his  "fathers'  sepulchres" 
at  Jerus  (2  3).  This  would  be  a  good  argument  only 
if  it  could  be  shown  that  none  but  kings  had  sepulchers 

It  has  been  argued  again  that  he  was  of  noble  lineage 
because  of  his  position  as  cupbearer  to  the  king  of  Persia. 
To  substantiate  this  argument,  it  would  need  to  be  shown 
that  none  but  persons  of  noble  birth  could  serve  in  this 
position;  but  this  has  not  been  shown,  and  cannot  be 
shown. 

From  the  fact  that  Nehemiah  was  so  grieved  at 

the  desolation  of  the  city  and  sepulchers  of  his 

fathers  and  that  he  was  so  jealous  for 

2.  Youth        the  laws  of  the  God  of  Judah,  we  can 

justly  infer  that  he  was  brought  up 
by  pious  parents,  who  instructed  him  in  the  history 
and  law  of  the  Jewish  people. 

Doubtless  because  of  his  probity  and  ability,  he 
was  apparently  at  an  early  age  appointed  by  Ar- 

taxerxes,  king  of  Persia,  to  the  respon- 

3.  Cup-  sible  position  of  cupbearer  to  the  king. 
bearer  of  There  is  now  no  possible  doubt  that 
the  King        this  king  was  Artaxerxes,  the  first  of 

that  name,  commonly  called  Longi- 
manus,  who  ruled  over  Persia  from  464  to  424  BC. 


The  mention  of  the  sons  of  Sanballat,  governor  of 
Samaria,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  priests  of  Jerus 
in  407  I5C,  among  whom  Johanan  is  esp.  named, 
proves  that  Sanballat  must  have  ruled  in  the  time 
of  Artaxerxes  I  rather  than  in  that  of  Artaxerxes 
II. 

The  office  of  cupbearer  was  "one  of  no  trifling 
honor"  (Herod,  iii.34).  It  was  one  of  his  chief 
duties  to  taste  the  wine  for  the  king  to  see  that  it 
was  not  poisoned,  and  he  was  even  admitted  to  the 
king  while  the  queen  was  present  (Neh  2  6).  It 
was  on  account  of  this  position  of  close  intimacy 
with  the  king  that  Nehemiah  was  able  to  obtain 
his  commission  as  governor  of  Judaea  and  the  letters 
and  edicts  which  enabled  him  to  restore  the  walls 
of  Jerus. 

The  occasion  of  this  commission  was  as  follows: 

Hanani,  the  brother  of  Nehemiah,  and  other  men 

of    Judah    came    to    visit    Nehemiah 

4.  Governor  while  he  was  in  Susa  in  the  9th  month 
of  Judaea      of  the  20th  year  of  Artaxerxes.     They 

reported  that  the  Jews  in  Jerus  were  in 
great  affliction  and  that  the  wall  thereof  was  broken 
down  and  its  gates  burned  with  fire.  Thereupon 
he  grieved  and  fasted  and  prayed  to  God  that  he 
might  be  granted  favor  by  the  king.  Having  ap- 
peared before  the  latter  in  the  1st  month  of  the  21st 
year  of  Artaxerxes,  444  BC,  he  was  granted  per- 
mission to  go  to  Jerus  to  build  the  city  of  his  fathers' 
sepulchers,  and  was  given  letters  to  the  governors 
of  Syria  and  Pal  and  esp.  to  Asaph,  the  keeper  of  the 
king's  forest,  ordering  him  to  supply  timber  for  the 
wall,  the  fortress,  and  the  temple.  He  was  also 
appointed  governor  of  the  province  of  which  Jerus 
was  the  capital. 

Armed  with  these  credentials  and  powers  he 
repaired  to  Jerus  and  immediately  set  about  the 
restoration  of  the  walls,  a  work  in  which  he  was 
hindered  and  harassed  by  Sanballat,  the  governor 
of  Samaria,  and  others,  some  of  them  Jews  dwelling 
in  Jerus.  Notwithstanding,  he  succeeded  in  his 
attempt  and  eventually  also  in  providing  gates  for 
the  various  entrances  to  the  city. 

Having  accomplished  these  external  renovations, 
he  instituted  a  number  of  social  reforms.  He  ap- 
pointed the  officers  necessary  for  better  govern- 
ment, caused  the  people  to  be  instructed  in  the 
Law  by  public  readings,  and  expositions;  celebrated 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles;  and  observed  a  national 
fast,  at  which  the  sins  of  the  people  were  confessed 
and  a  new  covenant  with  Jeh  was  solemnly  con- 
firmed. The  people  agreed  to  avoid  marriages  with 
the  heathen,  to  keep  the  Sabbath,  and  to  contribute 
to  the  support  of  the  temple.  To  provide  for  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  the  city,  one  out  of  every 
ten  of  the  people  living  outside  Jerus  was  com- 
pelled to  settle  in  the  city.  In  all  of  these  reforms 
he  was  assisted  by  Ezra,  who  had  gone  up  to  Jerus 
in  the  7th  year  of  Artaxerxes. 

Once,  or  perhaps  oftener,  during  his  governorship 

Nehemiah  returned  to  the  king.     Nothing  is  known 

as  to  when  or  where  he  died.     It  is 

5.  Death       certain,    however,    that    he    was    no 

longer  governor  in  407  BC ;  for  at  that 
time  according  to  the  Aram,  letter  written  from 
Elephantine  to  the  priests  of  Jerus,  Bagohi  was 
occupying  the  position  of  governor  over  Judaea. 
One  of  the  last  acts  of  Nehemiah's  government 
was  the  chasing  away  of  one  of  the  sons  of  Joiada, 
the  son  of  Eliashib,  because  he  had  become  the  son- 
in-law  to  Sanballat,  the  governor  of  Samaria.  As 
this  Joiada  was  the  father  of  Johanan  (Neh  12  22) 
who,  according  to  the  Aram.  papjTus,  was  high 
priest  in  407  BC,  and  according  to  Jos  (Ant,  XI, 
viii.l)  was  high  priest  while  Bagohi  (Bogoas)  was 
general  of  Artaxerxes'  army,  it  is  certain  that  Ne- 
hemiah was  at  this  time  no  longer  in  power.     From 


Nehemiah,  Book 
Nephthar 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2132 


the  3d  of  the  Sachau  papyri,  it  seems  that  Bagohi 
was  already  governor  in  410  BC;  and,  that  at  the 
same  time,  Dalayah,  the  son  of  Sanballat,  was  gov- 
ernor in  Samaria,  More  definite  information  on 
these  points  is  not  to  be  had  at  present. 

LiTEKATuRE. — The  only  early  extra-Bib.  data  witli 
regard  to  Nehemiah  and  the  Judaea  ol  his  times  are  to  be 
found:  (1)  in  the  Egyp  papyri  of  Elephantine  ("Ara- 
maische  Papyri  und  Ostraka  aus  einer  jiidischen  Militar- 
Kolonie  zu  Elephantine,"  AUorientalische  Sprachdenk- 
mdler  des  5.  Jahrhunderts  vor  Chr.,  Bearbeitet  von 
Eduard  Sachau.  Leipzig.  1911);  (2)  in  Jos,  Ant,  XI, 
vi,  6-8;  vii,  1,  2;  (3)  m  Ecclus  49  13,  where  it  is  said: 
"The  renown  of  Nehemiah  is  glorious;  of  him  who 
established  our  waste  places  and  restored  our  ruins,  and 
set  up  the  gates  and  bars" ;  (4)  and  lastly  in  2  Mace  1  18- 
36  and  2  13;  in  the  latter  of  these  passages  it  speaks  of 
'the  writings  and  commentaries  of  Nehemiah;  and  how 
he,  founding  a  library,  gathered  together  the  acts  of  the 
kings  and  the  prophets  and  of  David  and  the  epistles  of 
the  kings  concerning  the  holy  gifts.' 

R.  Dick  Wilson 

NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF.    See  Ezra-Nehemiah. 

NEHEMIAS,  ne-hS-mi'as:  Gr  form  of  Heb 
Nehemiah. 

(1)  'Neefxlas,  Neemias,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
return  under  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  6  8)  =  "Nehe- 
miah" of  Ezr  2  2;  Neh  7  7. 

(2)  Neein(as,  Neemias,  B,  'Satij.tas,  Naimias,  the 
prophet  Nehemiah  (1  Esd  5  40  where  AVm  reads 
"N.  who  also  is  Atharias").  Neither  Nehemias 
nor  Attharias  is  found  in  the  ||  Ezr  2  63;  Neh  7  65, 
but  SrnBnrin,  ka-tirshatha'^Tirskatha,  "the  gov- 
ernor," by  whom  Zerubbabel  must  be  intended. 
Thus  the  Heb  word  for  "governor"  has  been  con- 
verted into  a  proper  name  and  by  some  blunder  the 
name  Nehemiah  inserted,  perhaps  because  he  also 
was  known  by  the  title  of  "governor." 

S.  Angus 
NEHILOTH,  ne-hil'oth,  ne'hi-loth  (Ps  5,  title). 
See  Music. 

NEHUM,  ne'hum  (Dinp ,  n'hUm) :  One  of  the 
twelve  heads  of  the  people  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Neh  7  7).  In  the  ||  passage  (Ezr  2 
2),  the  name  appears  as  Rehitm  (q.v,),  and  in 
1  Esd  6  8  as  "Roimus." 

NEHUSHTA,  ne-hush'ta  (XnilJn?,  n'hushla'): 
Mother  of  King  Jehoiachin  (2  K  24  8).  She  was 
the  daughter  of  Elnathan  of  Jerus.  After  the  fall 
of  the  city  she  was  exiled  with  her  son  and  his  court 
(2  K  24  12;   Jer  29  2). 

NEHUSHTAN,  ne-hush'tan  (TOffin? ,  n'hushtan; 
of  npn? ,  n'hosheth,  "brass,"  and  liJnD ,  ndhdsh, 
"serpent") :  The  word  occurs  but  once, 
1.  Tradi-  viz.  in  2  K  18  4.  In  the  account 
tional  there  given  of  the  reforms  carried  out 

Interpre-  by  Hezekiah,  it  is  said  that  "he  brake 
tation  in  pieces  the  brazen  serpent  that  Moses 

had  made;  for  unto  those  days  the 
children  of  Israel  did  burn  incense  to  it;  and  he 
called  it  Nehushtan."  According  to  RVra  the  word 
means  "a  piece  of  brass,"  If  this  be  correct,  the 
sense  of  the  passage  is  that  Hezekiah  not  only 
breaks  the  brazen  serpent  in  pieces  but,  suiting  the 
word  to  the  act,  scornfully  calls  it  "a  [mere]  piece 
of  brass,"  Hezekiah  thus  takes  his  place  as  a  true 
reformer,  and  as  a  champion  of  the  purification  of 
the  religion  of  Israel.  This  is  the  traditional  inter- 
pretation of  the  passage,  and  fairly  represents  the 
Heb  text  as  it  now  stands. 

There  are  at  least  three  considerations,  however, 
which  throw  doubt  upon  this  interpretation.  In  the 
first  place,  the  word  N.  is  not  a  common  noun,  and 
cannot  mean  simply  "a  piece  of  brass."  The  point 
of  the  Bib.  statement  is  entirely  lost  by  such  a  con- 


struction.    It  is  emphatically  a  proper  noun,  and 
is  the  special  name  given  to  this  particular  brazen 

serpent.  As  such  it  would  be  sacred 
2.  Deriva-  to  all  worshippers  of  the  brazen  ser- 
tion:  A  pent,  and  familiar  to  all  who  f re- 
Proper  quented  the  Temple.  In  the  second 
Noun             place,  it  is  probable  that  N.  is  to  be 

derived  from  nahdsh,  "serpent,"  rather 
than  from  n'hosheth,  "brass,"  (1)  because  the  Gr 
VSS,  representing  a  form  of  the  Heb  text  earlier 
than  MT,  suggest  this  in  their  transliteration  of 
N.  (B,  Nesthcdei;  A,  Nesthdn);  (2)  because  the 
Heb  offers  a  natural  derivation  of  N.  from  nahash, 
"serpent";  and  (3)  because  the  name  of  the  image 
would  more  probably  be  based  on  its  form  than  on 
the  material  out  of  which  it  was  made.  In  the 
third  place,  the  reading,  "and  it  was  called,"  which 
appears  in  RVm,  is  decidedly  preferable  to  that  in 
the  text.  It  not  only  represents  the  best  reading  of 
the  Heb,  but  is  confirmed  by  the  similar  reading, 
"and  they  called  it,"  which  appears  in  the  Gr  VS 
referred  to  above.  These  readings  agree  in  their 
indication  that  N.  was  the  name  by  which  the 
serpent-image  was  generally  known  during  the 
years  it  was  worshipped,  rather  than  an  expression 
used  for  the  first  time  by  Hezekiah  on  the  occasion 
of  its  destruction. 

Whichever  derivation  be  adopted,  however,  the 
word  must  be  construed  as  a  proper  name.  If  it 
be  derived  from  "brass,"  then  the  tr  must  be,  not 
"a  piece  of  brass,"  but  "The  [great]  Brass,"  giving 
the  word  a  special  sense  by  which  it  refers  unequivo- 
cally to  the  well-known  image  made  of  brass.  If  it 
be  derived  from  "serpent,"  then  the  tr  must  be, 
"The  [great]  Serpent,"  the  word  in  this  case  refer- 
ring in  a  special  sense  to  the  well-known  image  in 
serpent  form.  But  the  significance  of  the  word 
probably  lies  far  back  of  any  etymological  e.x- 
planation  of  it  that  can  now  be  given.  It  is  not  a 
term  that  can  be  adequately  explained  by  reference 
to  verbal  roots,  but  is  rather  an  epitome  of  the 
reverence  of  those  who,  however  mistakenly,  looked 
upon  the  brazen  serpent  as  a  proper  object  of 
worship. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  it  may  be  concluded, 
(1)  that  N.  was  the  (sacred)  name  by  which  the 
brazen  serpent  was  known  during  the  years  "the 
children  of  Israel  did  burn  incense  to  it";  (2)  that 
the  word  is  derived  from  nahash,  "serpent";  and 
(3)  that  it  was  used  in  the  sense  of  "The  Serpent," 
par  excellence.  See  Images,  6,  (2);  Serpent, 
Fiery,  Lindsay  B.  Longacre 

NEIEL,  ns-i'el  (bx-'ya,  n'H'el;  B,  'Iva^X,  Inatl, 
A,  'Avi'rjX,  Aniel) :  A  town  on  the  boundary  between 
Zebulun  and  Asher  mentioned  between  Jiftah-el 
and  Cabul  (Josh  19  27),  It  may  be  the  same  as 
Neah  (ver  13),  but  the  place  is  not  identified. 

NEIGH,  na  (bn2,  Qahal,  "to  cry  aloud,"  "neigh") : 
Figuratively  used  to  indicate  lustful  desire  (Jer  5  8; 
cf  13  29). 

NEIGHBOR,  na'ber  (?"!,  re",  £11)2^,  'amlth, 
"friend,"  lilf; ,  karobh,  plB,  shakhm;  6  irXiio-(ov, 

ho  plesion,  "near,"  ydruv,  geilon, 
1.  As  De-  [cf  2  Mace  6  8;  9  25),  "inhabitant"; 
scribed  in  Lat  proximus  [2  Esd  15  19],  civis  [9  45; 
the  OX  10  2,  RVm  "townman"]):  In  the  OT, 

the  relationship  of  neighborhood  in- 
volves moral  and  social  obligations  which  are  fre- 
quently emphasized.  These  are  in  the  main  de- 
scribed in  negative  rather  than  positive  terms; 
e.g.  there  are  special  injunctions  not  to  bear  false 
witness  against  a  neighbor  (Ex  20  16;  Dt  5  20; 
Prov  25  18),  or  in   any  way  to  deal  falsely  with 


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him,  defraud  him,  frame  malicious  devices  or 
harbor  evil  thoughts  against  him  (Ex  20  17;  Lev 
6  2;  19  13;  Dt23  24f;  Ps  15  3;  1015;  Prov 
24  28;  Jer  22  13;  Zee  8  17),  or  to  lead  him  in- 
to shameful  conduct  (Hab  2  15),  or  to  wrong 
him  by  lying  carnally  with  his  wife  (Lev  18  20). 
But  the  supreme  law  that  underUes  these  negative 
injunctions  is  stated  positively,  "Thou  shalt  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself"  (Lev  19  18).  In  this 
verse  the  term  "neighbor"  is  defined  by  the  expres- 
sion, "the  children  of  my  people."  Here,  and  gen- 
erally in  the  OT,  the  term  implies  more  than  mere 
proximity;  it  means  one  related  by  the  bond  of 
nationality,  a  fellow-countryman,  compatriot.  Jeh 
being  regarded  as  a  national  God,  there  was  no 
rehgious  bond  regulating  the  conduct  of  the  He- 
brews with  other  nations.  Conduct  which  was 
prohibited  between  fellow-Jews  was  permitted 
toward  a  foreigner,  e.g.  the  exaction  of  interest 
(Dt  23  19.20). 

In  the  NT,  this  limitation  of  moral  obligation  to 
fellow-countrymen  is  abolished.  Christ  gives  a 
wider  interpretation  of  the  command- 
2.  As  De-  ment  in  Lev  19  18,  so  as  to  include 
scribed  in  it  those  outside  the  tie  of  nation  or 

in  the  NT  kindred.  This  is  definitely  done  in 
the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan 
(Lk  10  25-37),  where,  in  answer  to  the  question, 
"Who  is  my  neighbor  ?"  Jesus  shows  that  the  rela- 
tionship is  a  moral,  not  a  physical  one,  based  not 
on  kinship  but  on  the  opportunity  and  capacity  for 
mutual  help.  The  word  represents,  not  so  much 
a  rigid  fact,  but  an  ideal  which  one  may  or  may  not 
realize  (ver  36,  "Which  of  these  three,  thinkest  thou, 
■proved  [lit.  became,  not  was]  neighbor,"  etc).  This 
larger  connotation  follows  naturally  as  a  corollary 
to  the  doctrine  of  the  universal  Fatherhood  of  God. 
The  commandment  to  love  one's  neighbor  as  one's 
self  must  not  be  interpreted  as  if  it  implied  that  we 
are  to  hate  our  enemy  (an  inference  which  the  Jews 
were  apt  to  make) ;  human  love  should  be  like  the 
Divine,  impartial,  having  all  men  for  its  object 
(Mt  5  43  ff).  Love  to  one's  fellow-men  in  this 
broad  sense  is  to  be  placed  side  by  side  with  love 
to  God  as  the  essence  and  sum  of  human  duty  (Mt 
22  3.5-40  II  Mk  12  28-31).  Christ's  apostles 
follow  His  example  in  giving  a  central  position  to 
the  injunction  to  love  one's  neighbor  as  one's  self 
(Jas  2  8,  where  it  is  called  the  "royal  law,"  i.e.  the 
supreme  or  governing  law;  Rom  13  9;  Gal  5  14). 
D.  MiALL  Edwards 

NEKEB,  neTieb:  This  name  occurs  only  in  com- 
bination with  "Adami"  (2J5|n  "^'OnS,  'ddhaml 
ha-nekebh,  "Adami  of  the  pass");  L3CX  reads  the 
names  of  two  places:  Kai ' Apiik  rai  'SdjSuiK,  kai  Arme 
kai  Ndbok  (B);  Kai  'Ap/jal  Kai  Nd/fejS,  kai  Armai 
kai  Ndkeb  (Josh  19  33),  so  we  should  possibly  read 
"Adami  and  Nekeb."  Neubauer  says  {Geog.  du 
Talm,  225)  that  later  the  name  of  Nekeb  was 
Ciyadathah.  It  may  therefore  be  represented  by 
the  modern  Seiyadeh,  not  far  from  ed-Damieh  to  the 
E.  of  Tabor,  about  4  miles  S.W.  of  Tiberias.  The 
name  of  Nekeb,  a  town  in  Galilee,  appears  in  the 
list  of  Thothmes  III. 

NEKODA,  ng-ko'da  (XnipS,  n'kodha'): 

(1)  Head  of  a  family  of  Nethinim  (Ezr  2  48; 
Neh  7  50;   cf  1  Esd  5  31). 

(2)  Head  of  a  family  which  failed  to  prove  its 
Israehtish  descent  (Ezr  2  60;  Neh  7  62;  cf  1  Esd 
6  31.37).  In  the  ||  vs  of  1  Esd  the  names  are  given 
thus:   NoEBA  and  Nbkodan  (q.v.). 

NEKODAN,  ni-ko'dan  (NeKioSdv,  Nekoddn; 
RVm  "Nekoda";  AV  Necodan): 

(1)  Head  of  a  family  which  returned  from  exile, 


but  "could  not  show  their  families  nor  their  stock" 
(1  Esd  5  37)  =  "Nekoda"  of  Ezr  2  60;    Neh  7  62. 
(2)  See  NoBBA. 

NEMUEL,  nem'tl-el,  nS-mu'el  (bsilap,  n'mu'el): 

(1)  A  Reubenite,  brother  of  Dathan  and  Abiram 
(Nu  26  9). 

(2)  A  son  of  Simeon  (Nu  26  12;  1  Ch  4  24). 
The  name  occurs  also  in  the  form  "Jemuel"  (Gen 
46  10;  Ex  6  15).  According  to  Gray  (HPN), 
either  form  is  etymologically  obscure;  but  Nemuel 
is  probably  correct,  for  it  is  easier  to  account  for  its 
corruption  into  Jemuel  than  vice  versa.  The 
patron}Tnio   Nemuelites  occurs  once   (Nu  26  12). 

NEMUELITES,  nem'ci-el-Its,  nS-mu'el-its 
(,'0iX^)2^'ri ,  ha-n'mu' ell) .     See  Nemuel,  (2). 

NEPHEA,  nS-fe'a.     See  Music. 

NEPHEG,  ne'feg  (552,  nephegh,  "sprout," 
"shoot"): 

(1)  Son  of  Izhar,  and  brother  of  Korah  of  the  fa- 
mous trio,  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram  (Ex  6  21). 

(2)  A  son  of  David  (2  S  5  15;  1  Ch  3  7;  14  6). 

NEPHEW,  nef'u,  nev'u.  See  Relationships, 
Family. 

NEPHI,  ne'fl.     See  Nephthai. 

NEPHILIM,  nef'i-lim  (□"'b'^S?,  n'phlllm):  This 
word,  tr"*  "giants"  in  AV,  but  retained  in  RV,  is 
found  in  two  passages  of  the  OT — one  in  Gen  6  4, 
relating  to  the  antediluvians;  the  other  in  Nu  13 
33,  relating  to  the  sons  of  Anak  in  Canaan.  In  the 
former  place  the  Nephilim  are  not  necessarily  to 
be  identified  with  the  children  said  to  be  borne  by 
"the  daughters  of  men"  to  "the  sons  of  God"  (vs 
2.4);  indeed,  they  seem  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  latter  as  upon  the  earth  before  this  unholy 
commingling  took  place  (see  Sons  op  God).  But 
it  is  not  easy  to  be  certain  as  to  the  interpretation  of 
this  strange  passage.  In  the  second  case  they 
clearly  represent  men  of  gigantic  stature,  in  com- 
parison with  whom  the  Israelites  felt  as  if  they  were 
"grasshoppers."  This  agrees  with  Gen  6  4,  "the 
mighty  men  that  were  of  old,  the  men  of  renown." 
LXX,  therefore,  was  warranted  in  translating  by 
glgantes.  James  Orb 

NEPHIS,  ne'fis.     See  Niphis. 

NEPHISH,  ne'fish,  NEPHISIM,  ng-tl'sim,  NE- 
PHISHESIM,  ns-fish'g-sim,  NEPHUSIM,  n5-fu- 
sim  (D''P''S3  ,  n'phislm,  D"'P^Dp  ,  n'phu§tm) :  The 
former  is  the  K^thibh  (Heb  "written")  form  of  the 
name  adopted  in  RV;  the  latter  the  K're  (Heb 
"read")  form,  adopted  in  AV  and  RVm  (Ezr  2  50). 
SeeNAPHisH;  Nephushesim. 

NEPHTHAI,  nef'thi,  nef'tha-i.     See  Nephthar. 

NEPHTHALIM,  nef'tha-lim  (Mt  4  13):  The 
Gr  form  of  Naphtali  (q.v.). 

NEPHTHAR,  nef'thar  (Ne+eip,  Nephthar;  A 
and  Swete,  Nephthar,  AV  and  Vulg  Naphthar), 
NEPHTHAI  (Ne<t>eaC,  Nephthai,  al.  Ne(t>ea([, 
Nepkihael,  Fritzsche,  N«<t>ii,  Nephd,  AV  and  Vulg, 
following  Old  Lat,  Nephi;  Swete,  following  A, 
gives  Nephthar  twice) :  According  to  2  Mace  1  19- 
36,  at  the  time  of  the  captivity  the  godly  priests 
took  of  the  altar  fire  of  the  temple  and  concealed 
it  "privily  in  the  hollow  of  a  well  that  was  without 
water,"    unknown    to    all.     "After  many    years" 


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(upon  the  Return),  before  offering  the  sacrifices, 
Nehemiah  sent  the  descendants  of  the  godly  priests 
to  fetch  tlie  hidden  fire.  They  reported  they  could 
find  no  fire  but  only  "thick  water"  {liSiop  Traxi^, 
hudor  pachu),  which  he  commanded  them  to  draw 
up  and  sprinkle  upon  the  wood  and  the  sacrifices. 
After  an  interval  the  sun  shone  forth  from  behind  a 
cloud  and  the  liquid  ignited  and  consumed  the  sac- 
rifices. Nehemiah  then  commanded  them  to  pour 
{Karaxf^",  katachein,  al.  /car^x^"',  katechein,  and 
KaTatrxe?!',  kataschein)  the  rest  of  the  liquid  upon 
great  stones.  Another  flame  sprang  up  which  soon 
spent  itself,  "whereas  the  light  from  the  altar  shone 
still"  (RVm,  the  exact  meaning  being  doubtful). 
When  the  king  of  Persia  investigated  it,  he  inclosed 
the  spot  as  sacred.  Nehemiah  and  his  friends 
called  the  thick  liquid  "Nephthar,"  "which  is  by 
interpretation  'cleansing'  "  {Kadapia/iis,  katharis- 
mos),  "but  most  men  call  it  Nephthai." 

No  satisfactory  explanation  is  to  hand  of  either 
name,  one  of  which  is  probably  a  corruption  of 
the  other.  And  no  word  exists  in  the  Heb  like 
either  of  them  with  the  meaning  of  "cleansing," 
"purification."  The  Vulg  applies  the  name  to  the 
spot  {hunc  locum),  not  the  thing.  The  story  prob- 
ably originated  in  Persia,  where  naphtha  was  abun- 
dant. The  ignition  of  the  liquid  by  the  hot  rays  of 
the  sun  and  the  appearance  of  the  words  render  it 
highly  probable  that  it  was  the  inflammable  rock- 
oil  naphtha,  the  combustible  properties  of  which 
were  quite  familiar  to  the  ancients  (Pliny,  NH,  ii. 
109;  Plutarch,  Alex.  35;  Diosc,  i.lOl;  Strabo,  Geogr. 
xvi.l,  15);  the  words  then  are  probably  corruptions 
of  what  the  Greeks  termed  vdipda,  naphtha.  Ewald 
{Hist.,  V,  163)  says:  "This  is  but  one  of  the  many 
stories  which  sought  in  later  times  to  enhance  the 
very  high  sanctity  of  the  Temple,  with  reference 
even  to  its  origin."  S.  Angus 

NEPHTOAH,  nef-to'a,  net'to-a  (niPBD ,  neph- 
to'h,  occurs  only  in  the  expression  "i  "^73  'l^^P , 
ma'yan  me  ?i.,  "the  fountain  of  the  waters  of  Neph- 
toah";  LXX  iniYt)  iiSaxos  Na4>ew,  pege  hiidatos 
Naphtha) :  This  spring  was  on  the  border  line 
Ijetween  Judah  and  Benjamin  (Josh  15  9;  18  15). 
The  place  is  usually  identified  with  Liftci,  a  village 
about  2  miles  N.W.  of  Jerus,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Wddy  beit  Hanlna.  It  is  a  village  very  conspicuous 
to  the  traveler  along  the  high  road  from  Jaffa  as 
he  nears  Jerus.  There  are  ancient  rock-cut  tombs 
and  a  copious  spring  which  empties  itself  into  a 
large  masonry  reservoir.  The  situation  of  Lifld 
seems  to  agree  well  with  the  most  probable  line 
of  boundary  between  the  two  tribes;  the  spring 
as  it  is  today  does  not  appear  to  be  so  abundant  as 
to  warrant  such  an  expression  as  "spring  of  the 
waters,"  but  it  was,  like  many  such  sources,  prob- 
ably considerably  more  abundant  in  OT  times. 

Conder  would  identify  Lifta  with  the  ancient 
Eleph  (q.v.)  of  Benjamin,  and,  on  the  ground  that 
the  Talm  (see  Talm  Bab.  Yoma'  31a)  identifies 
Nephtoah  with  Etam  (q.v.),  he  would  find  the  site 
of  Nephtoah  at  '4in  '■Atan,  S.  of  Bethlehem.  The 
Talm  is  not  a  sufficiently  trustworthy  guide  when 
unsupported  by  other  evidence,  and  the  identifi- 
cation creates  great  difliculty  with  the  boundary 
line.    See  PEF,  III,  18,  43,  Sh  XVII. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastebman 

NEPHUSHESIM,  nS-fush'5-sim,  NEPHISHE- 
SIM,  n?-fish'S-sim  (DiCl?51E3 ,  n'phush'fim,  WC^''^} , 
n'phlsh'fim) :  The  former  is  the  Kn,hibh  (Heb 
"written")  form  of  the  name  adopted  in  RV;  the 
latter  the  K-re  (Heb  "read")  form  adopted  in  AV 
and  RVm  (Neh  7  52).     See  Naphish;   Nephisim. 

NER,  ner  (15,  ner,  "lamp"):    Father  of  Abner 


(1  S  14  50  f;  26  5.14,  etc);  grandfather  of  Saul 
(1  Ch  8  33).  Other  references,  though  addmg 
no  further  information  are  2  S  2  8.12;  3  23.25; 
28.37;   1  K  2  5.32,  etc. 

NEREUS,  ne'rus,  ne'rS-us  (Niipfiis,  Neretis): 
The  name  of  a  Rom  Christian  to  whom  with  his 
sister  St.  Paul  sent  greetings  (Rom  16  15).  Nereus 
and  the  others  saluted  with  him  (ver  15)  formed  a 
small  community  or  "house  church."  The  name 
of  the  sister  is  not  given,  but  the  name  Nereis  is 
found  on  an  inscription  of  this  date  containing  names 
of  the  emperor's  servants  (Lightfoot,  Phil,  176). 
Among  the  Acta  Sanctorum  connected  with  the 
early  church  in  Rome  are  the  "Acts  of  Nereus 
and  Achilleus"  which  call  them  chamberlains  of 
Domitilla,  the  niece  of  Vespasian,  and  relate  their 
influence  over  her  in  persuading  her  to  remain  a 
virgin.  S.  F.  Hunter 

NERGAL,  nar'gal  ('55")3,  ner'ghal):  A  Bab 
deity,  identified  with  the  planet  Mars,  and  wor- 
shipped at  Cutha  (cf  2  K  17  30).  See  Baby- 
lonia and  Assyria,  Religion  op. 

NERGAL-SHAREZER,  nilr-gal-sha-re'zar 
("l¥N"!Tp"b3"l5 ,  ner'ghal-shar'eQer,  Heb  form  of 
Assyr  N ergal-sar-uhur ,  "O  Nergal,  defend  the 
prince"):  A  Bab  officer,  the  "Rab-mag,"  associated 
with  Nebushazban  in  the  care  of  Jeremiah  after  the 
fall  of  Jerus  (Jer  39  3.13).  According  to  Hommel 
(art.  "Babylon,"  HUB)  and  Sayce  {HDB,  s.v.), 
Nergal-sharezer  is  to  be  identified  with  Neriglissar 
who  succeeded  Evil-merodach  on  the  throne  of 
Babylon  (cf  Cheyne  and  Johns,  EB,  s.v.). 

NERI,  ne'rl  (NripeC,  Nerei  [Tisch.,  Treg.,  WH], 
TR,  Nript,  Neri;  for  Heb  ii;"!3,  neriyah):  The 
name  of  an  ancestor  of  Jesus,  the  grandfather  of 
Zerubbabel  (Lk  3  27).     See  Neriah. 

NERIAH,  ne-ri'a  ("TJ"!?,  neriyah,  "whose  lamp 
is  Jeh"):  The  father  of  Seraiah  and  of  Baruoh, 
Jeremiah's  friend  and  secretary  (Jer  32  12.16; 
36  4.8.32;  43  3).  In  Bar  1  1  the  Gr  foriu  of  the 
name,  Ni)p(e)  ias,  Ner{e)ias,  is  given,  and  this  short- 
ened, Neri,  occurs  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ. 

NERIAS,  ng-rl'as  (Ntip[£]£as,  Ner\e]ias):  The 
Gr  form  of  Heb  Neriah  found  only  in  Bar  1  1  as 
the  father  of  Baruch  =  "Neriah"  of  Jer  32  12;  36 
4fT;  43  3.  To  Baruch's  brother,  Seraiah,  the  same 
genealogy  is  ascribed  in  Jer  51  59. 

NERO,  ne'ro  (Ne'pwv,  Ner  on) : 

I.     Name,  Parent.^ge  and  Early  Training 
II.     Agrippina's  Ambition  for  Nero 

Her  Nine  Measures  lor  Bringing  Him  to  tlie  Tlirone 

III.  Nero's  Reign 

1.  Quinquennium  Neronis 

2.  Poppaea  Sabina 

3.  Poppaea  and  Tigellinus 

4.  Burning  of  Rome 

5.  Persecution  of  Christians 

6.  Conspiracy  of  Piso 

7.  Nero  in  Greece 

8.  Death  of  Nero 

IV.  Downfall  and  Character 

1.  Seven  Causes  of  Downfall 

2.  Character 

V.     "Nero  Redivivus" 
VI.     Nero  and  Christianity 

1.  Nero  and  the  NT 

2.  Neronian  Policy  and  Christianity 
Literature 

The  fifth  Rom  emperor,  b.  at  Antium  December 
15,  37  AD,  began  to  reign  October  13,  54,  d.  June  9, 
68. 

/.   Name,   Parentage  and  Early   Training. — His 

name  was  originally  Lucius  Domitius  Ahenobarbus- 


2135 


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Nephtoah 
Nero 


Noro  (Brit.  Mus.;. 


but  after  his  adofition  into  tlie  Claudian  gens  by 
the  emperor  Claudius,  he  became  Nero  Claudius 
Caesar  Germanicus.  His  father  was  Enaeus 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus  ("Brazen-beard"),  a  man 
sprung  from  an  illustrious  family  and  of  vicious 
character.  His  mother  was  Agrippina  the  younger, 
the  daughter  of  Germanicus 
and  the  elder  Agrippina, 
sister  of  the  emperor  Caius 
(Caligula)  and  niece  of  the 
emperor  Claudius.  On  the 
birth  of  the  child,  his  father 
predicted,  amid  the  con- 
gratulations of  his  friends, 
that  any  offspring  of  him- 
self and  Agrippina  could 
only  prove  abominable  and 
disastrous  for  the  public 
(Suet.  Nero  vi:  detestabile 
et  malo  publico).  At  the 
age  of  three  the  young 
Domitius  lost  his  father 
and  was  robbed  of  his 
estates  by  the  rapacity  of 
Caius.  In  39  his  mother 
was  banished  for  supposed 

complicity  in  a  plot  against  Caius.  N.  was  thus 
deprived  of  his  mother  and  at  the  same  time  left 
almost  penniless.  His  aunt,  Domitia  Lepida,  now 
undertook  the  care  of  the  boy  and  placed  him  with 
two  tutors,  a  dancer  and  a  barber  (Suet.  vi).  On 
the  accession  of  Claudius,  Agrippina  was  recalled, 
and  N.  was  restored  to  his  mother  and  his  patri- 
mony (41  AD). 

//.  Agrippina's  Ambition  for  Nero. — She  cared 
little  for  her  son's  moral  education,  but  began  im- 
mediately to  train  him  for  high  position.  She 
aimed  at  nothing  less  than  securing  the  empire  for 
N.  With  a  view  to  this  she  must  gain  influence 
over  her  uncle,  the  emperor  Claudius,  who  was 
very  susceptible  to  female  charms.  At  first  the 
path  was  by  no  means  easy,  while  the  licentious 
empress,  Messalina,  was  in  power.  But  on  the  fall 
and  death  of  Messalina  (48  AD)— for  which  Agrip- 
pina may  have  intrigued — the  way  seemed  opened. 
With  the  assistance  of  the  emperor's  freedman, 
PaUas,  Agrippina  proved  the  successful  candidate 
for  Claudius'  affections.  She  now  felt  secure  to 
carry  out  the  plans  for  the  elevation  of  her  son: 
(1)  She  secured  his  betrothal  to  Octavia,  the 
daughter  of  Claudius,  having  previously,  by  the 
villainy  of  Vitellius,  broken  off  the  engagement 
between  Octavia  and  Lucius  Silanus  (ib,  xlviii). 
Later,  N.  married  this  unfortunate  lady.  (2) 
Vitellms  again  obliged  by  securing  a  modification  of 
Rom  law  so  as  to  permit  a  marriage  with  a  brother's 
(not  sister's)  daughter,  and  in  49  Agrippina  became 
empress.  (3)  In  the  meantime  she  had  caused 
Seneca  to  be  recalled  from  banishment  and  had  in- 
trusted to  him  the  education  of  N.  for  imperial  pur- 
poses. (4)  The  adoption  of  her  son  by  Claudius 
(50  AD).  (5)  She  next  secured  early  honors  and 
titles  for  N.  in  order  to  mark  him  out  as  Claudius' 
successor.  (6)  She  caused  Britannicus,  Claudius' 
son,  to  be  kept  in  the  background  and  treated  as  a 
mere  child,  removing  by  exile  or  death  suspected 
supporters  of  Britannicus.  (7)  Agrippina  was  far- 
sighted  and  anticipated  a  later  secret  of  Rom  im- 
periahsm — the  influence  of  the  armies  in  the  nom- 
ination of  emperors.  For  this  cause  she  took  an 
active  interest  in  mihtary  affairs  and  gave  her  name 
to  a  new  colony  on  the  Rhine  (modern  Cologne). 
But  she  did  not  forget  the  importance  of  securing 
the  praetorian  guard  and  Burrus  the  prefect.  (8) 
She  persuaded  Claudius  to  make  a  will  in  favor  of 
her  son.  All  was  now  ready.  But  Claudius  did 
not  like  the  idea  of  excluding  his  son  Britannicus 


from  power,  and  murmurs  were  heard  among  the 
senate  and  people.  Delay  migtit  prove  fatal  to 
Agrippina's  plans,  so  (9)  Claudius  must  die.  The 
notorious  Locusta  administered  poison  in  a  dish 
of  mushrooms,  and  Xenophon,  Agrippina's  physic 
cian,  thrust  a  poisoned  feather  down  Claudius' 
throat  on  the  pretence  of  helping  him  to  vomit. 
Burrus  then  took  N.  forth  and  caused  him  to  be 
proclaimed  imperator  by  the  praetorians. 

///.  Nero's  Reign. — Nero's  reign  falls  into  three 
periods,  the  first  of  which  is  the  celebrated  quin- 
quennium, or  first  5  years,  character- 
1.  Quin-  ized  by  good  government  at  home  and 
quennium  in  the  provinces  and  popularity  with 
Neronis  both  senate  and  people.  Agrippina, 
having  seated  her  son  on  the  throne, 
did  not  purpose  to  relinquish  power  herself;  she 
intended  to  rule  along  with  him.  And  at  first  N. 
was  very  devoted  to  her  and  had  given  as  watch- 
word to  the  guard,  "the  best  of  mothers"  (Tac. 
Ann.  xiii.2;  Suet.  ix).  This  caused  a  sharp  conflict 
with  Seneca  and  Burrus,  who  could  not  tolerate 
Agrippina's  arrogance  and  unbounded  influence 
over  her  son.  In  order  to  detach  him  from  his 
mother  they  encouraged  him  in  an  amour  with  a 
Gr  freedwoman,  Acte  (Tac.  Ann.  xiii.l2).  This 
first  blow  to  Agrippina's  influence  was  soon  followed 
by  the  dismissal  from  court  of  her  chief  protector 
Pallas.  She  now  threatened  to  bring  forth  Britan- 
nicus and  present  him  as  the  rightful  heir  to  the 
throne.  This  cost  Britannicus  his  life,  for  N.,  feel- 
ing insecure  while  a  son  of  Claudius  lived,  compassed 
his  death  at  a  banquet.  A  hot  wine  cup  was  offered 
Britannicus,  and  to  cool  it  to  taste,  cold  water  was 
added  which  had  been  adulterated  with  a  virulent 
poison.  The  victim  succumbed  immediately.  All 
eyes  fastened  on  N.  in  suspicion,  but  he  boldly 
asserted  that  the  death  was  due  to  a  fit  of  epilepsy 
— a  disease  to  which  Britannicus  had  been  subject 
from  childhood.  Such  was  the  fate  of  Agrippina's 
first  protegS.  She  next  took  up  the  cause  of  the 
despised  and  ill-treated  Octavia,  which  so  incensed 
her  son  that  he  deprived  her  of  her  guards  and  caused 
her  to  remove  from  the  palace.  Agrippina  now  dis- 
appears for  the  next  few  years  to  come  into  brief 
and  tragic  prominence  later.  Seneca  and  Burrus 
undertook  the  management  of  affairs,  with  results 
that  justified  the  favorable  impression  which  the 
first  5  years  of  N.'s  reign  made  upon  the  Rom 
people.  Many  reforms  were  initiated,  financial, 
social  and  legislative.  These  ministers  treated  N. 
to  counsels  of  moderation  and  justice,  dictating 
a  policy  which  left  considerable  activity  to  the  senate. 
But  perceiving  the  bent  of  his  evil  nature,  they 
allowed  him  to  indulge  in  low  pleasures  and  ^  ex- 
cesses with  the  most  profligate  companions,  think- 
ing, perhaps,  either  that  the  young  ruler  would  in 
this  way  prove  less  harmful  to  the  public,  or  that, 
after  sowing  his  wild  oats,  he  would  return  to  the 
serious  business  of  government.  But  in  both  ways 
they  were  sorely  disappointed,  for  N.,  having  sur- 
rendered himself  to  the  basest  appetites,  continued 
to  go  from  excess  to  excess.  He  surrounded  him- 
self with  the  most  dissolute  companions,  conspicu- 
ous among  whom  were  Salvius  Otho  and  Claudius 
Senecio. 

The  former  had  a  wife  as  ambitious  as  she  was 
unprincipled,  and  endowed,  according  to  Tacitus, 
with  every  gift  of  nature  except  an 
2.  Poppaea    "honorable  mind."     Already  divorced 
Sabina  before  marrying  Otho,  she  was  minded 

(58  AD)  to  employ  Otho  merely  as  a  tool  to 
enable  her  to  become  N.'s  consort. 
With  the  appearance  of  Poppaea  Sabina,  for  such 
was  her  name,  opens  the  second  period  of  N.'s 
reign.  She  proved  his  evil  star.  Under  her  in- 
fluence he  shook  off  all  restraints,  turned  a  deaf  ear 


Nero 


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2136 


to  his  best  advisers  and  plunged  deeper  into  im- 
morality and  crime.  She  allowed,  if  not  persuaded, 
N.  to  give  her  husband  a  commission  in  the  dis- 
tant province  of  Lusitania.  Her  jealousy  could 
tolerate  no  possible  rival.  She  plotted  the  death  of 
Agrippina  to  which  she  easily  persuaded  N.  to  con- 
sent. This  foul  crime  was  planned  and  carried  out 
with  the  greatest  cunning.  Anicetus,  admiral  of 
the  fleet,  undertook  to  construct  a  vessel  that  would 
sink  to  order.  N.  invited  his  mother  to  his  villa 
at  Baiae  at  the  Quinquatrus  celebration.  After 
the  banquet  she  was  persuaded  to  return  to  Bauli 
by  the  vessel  prepared.  But  the  plan  did  not  suc- 
ceed, and  Agrippina  saved  herself  by  swimming 
ashore.  She  pretended  to  treat  the  matter  as  an 
accident,  sending  a  freedman  to  N.  to  inform  him 
of  her  escape.  Anicetus,  however,  relieved  N.  of 
the  .awkward  position  by  pretending  that  Agrip- 
pina's  freedman  had  dropped  a  dagger  which  was 
considered  proof  enough  of  her  guilt.  Deserted  by 
her  friends  and  slaves  except  one  freedman,  she  was 
quickly  dispatched  by  her  murderers.  N.  gave 
out  that  she  died  by  suicide  (Suet,  xxxiv;  Tac. 
Ann.  cxli-cxlviii) . 

N.  no  longer  made  any  secret  of  taking  Poppaea 
as  his  mistress,  and,  under  her  influence,  bid  defi- 
ance to  the  best  Rom  traditions  and 
3.  Poppaea   plunged   deeper   into   dissipation.     In 
and  62  AD  matters  grew  much  worse  by 

Tigellinus  the  death  of  the  praetorian  prefect, 
Burrus.  Seneca  lost  in  him  a  power- 
ful ally,  and  Poppaea  gained  in  one  of  the  new  pre- 
fects, Sofonius  Tigellinus,  a  powerful  ally.  She 
succeeded  in  causing  Seneca  to  retire  from  the  court. 
Next  she  determined  to  remove  Octavia.  A  charge 
of  adultery  was  first  tried,  but  as  the  evidence  proved 
too  leaky,  N.  simply  divorced  her  because  of  barren- 
ness. Then  Anicetus  was  persuaded  to  confess 
adultery  with  her,  and  the  innocent  Octavia  was 
banished  to  the  island  of  Pandateria,  where  a  little 
later  she  was  executed  at  Poppaea's  orders  and  her 
head  brought  to  her  rival  (62  AD).  Poppaea  was 
now  empress,  and  the  ne.xt  year  bore  a  daughter 
to  N.,  but  the  child  died  when  only  three  months  old. 
Two  years  later  Poppaea  herself  died  during  preg- 
nancy, of  a  cruel  kick  inflicted  by  N.  in  a  fit  of  rage 
(65  AD)  .  He  pronounced  a  eulogy  over  her  and  took 
a  third  wife,  Statilia  Messalina,  of  whom  he  had  no 
issue. 

N.,  having  by  his  extravagance  exhausted  the 
well-filled  treasury  of  Claudius  (as  Caius  did  that 
of  Tiberius),  was  driven  to  fill  his  coffers  by  confis- 
cations of  the  estates  of  rich  nobles  against  whom 
his  creature  Tigellinus  could  trump  the  slightest 
plausible  charge.  But  even  this  did  not  prevent 
a  financial  crisis — the  beginning  of  the  bankruptcy 
of  the  later  Rom  empire.  The  provinces  which  at 
first  enjoyed  good  government  were  now  plundered; 
new  and  heavy  taxes  were  imposed.  Worst  of  all, 
the  gold  and  silver  coinage  was  depreciated,  and 
the  senate  was  deprived  of  the  right  of  copper  coin- 
age. 

This  difficulty  was  much  increased  by  the  great 
fire  which  was  not  only  destructive  to  both  private 
and  state  property,  but  also  neoessi- 
4.  Great  tated  the  providing  thousands  of 
Fire  (July,  homeless  with  shelter,  and  lowering 
64)  the  price  of  corn.     On  July   18,   64, 

this  great  conflagration  broke  out  in 
Circus  Maximus.  A  high  wind  caused  it  to  spread 
rapidly  over  a  large  portion  of  the  city,  sweeping 
before  it  ill-built  streets  of  wooden  houses.  At  the 
end  of  six  days  it  seemed  to  be  exhausted  for  lack 
of  material,  when  another  conflagration  started  in  a 
different  quarter  of  the  city.  Various  exaggerated 
accounts  of  the  destruction  are  found  in  Rom  his- 
torians:  of  the  14  city  regions  7  were  said  to  have 


been  totally  destroyed  and  4  partially.  N.  was  at 
Antium  at  the  time.  He  hastened  back  to  the  city 
and  apparently  took  every  means  of  arresting  the 
spread  of  the  flames.  He  superintended  in  person 
the  work  of  the  fire  brigades,  often  exposing  himself 
to  danger.  After  the  fire  he  threw  open  his  own 
gardens  to  the  homeless.  The  catastrophe  caused 
great  consternation,  and,  for  whatever  reasons,  sus- 
picion seemed  to  fix  upon  N.  Rumor  had  it  that 
on  hearing  the  Greek  verse,  "When  I  am  dead  let  the 
earth  be  wrapped  in  fire,"  he  interrupted,  "Nay 
rather,  while  I  live"  (Suet,  xxxviii);  that  he  had 
often  deplored  the  ugliness  of  the  city  and  wished 
an  opportunity  to  rebuild  it;  that  he  purposely 
set  it  on  fire  in  order  to  find  room  for  his  magnificent 
Domus  Aurea  ("Golden  House");  that  when  the 
city  was  burning  he  gazed  upon  it  from  the  tower 
of  Maecenas  delighted  with  what  he  termed  "the 
beauty  of  the  conflagration";  that  he  recited  in 
actor's  costume  the  sack  of  Troy  (Suet,  xxxviii; 
Tac.  Ann.  xv.38ff).  In  spite  of  all  these  reports 
N.  must  be  absolved  of  the  guilt  of  incendiarism. 

Such  public  calamities  were  generally  attributed 
to  the  wrath  of  the  gods.     In  the  present  case  every- 
thing was  done  to  appease  the  offended 
5.  Perse-      deity.     Yet,  in  spite  of  all,  suspicion 
cution  of        still  clung  to  N.     "Wherefore  in  order 
Christians      to  allay  the  rumor  he  put  forward  as 
guilty  [suhdidit  reos],  and  afflicted  with 
the  most  exquisite  punishments   those  who  were 
hated  for  their  abominations  [flagitia]  and  called 
'Christians'  by  the  populace.     Christus,  from  whom 
the  name  was  derived,  was  punished  by  the  proc- 
urator  Pontius   Pilatus  in   the  reign  of   Tiberius. 
This    noxious    form    of  religion   [exitiabilis  super- 
stitio],  checked  for  a  time,  broke  out  again  not  only 
in  Judaea  its  original  home,  but  also  throughout 
the  city  [Rome]  where  all  abominations  meet  and 
find  devotees.     Therefore  first  of  all  those  who  con- 
fessed [i.e.  to  being  Christians]  were  arrested,  and 
then  as  a  result  of  their  information  a  large  number 
[muUitudo  ingens]  were  implicated  [reading  coniunc- 
ti,  not  convicii],  not  so  much  on  the  charge  of  in- 
cendiarism as  for  hatred  of  the  human  race.     They 
died  by  methods  of  mockery;    some  were  covered 
with  the  skins  of  wild  beasts  and  then  torn  by  dogs, 
some  were  crucified,  some  were  burned  as  torches 
to  give  light  at  night  ....  whence  [after  scenes 
of  extreme  cruelty]  commiseration  was  stirred  for 
them,    although   guilty   and   deserving   the   worst 
penalties,  for  men  felt  that  their  destruction  was 
not  on  account  of  the  public  welfare  but  to  gratify 
the   cruelty   of  one    [Nero]"    (Tac.    Aim.   xv.44). 
Such  is  the  earliest  account  of  the  first  heathen 
persecution  (as  well  as  the  first  record  of  the  cruci- 
fixion by  a  heathen  writer).     Tacitus  here  clearly 
implies  that  the  Christians  were  innocent  {suhdi- 
dit reos),  and   that   N.  employed   them   simply  as 
scapegoats.     Some   regard   the   conclusion   of   the 
paragraph  as  a  contradiction  to  this — "though  guilty 
and  deserving  the  severest  punishment"  (adversus 
sontes  et  nonissima  exempla  meritos).     But  Tacitus 
means  by  sorties  that  the  Christians  were  "guilty" 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  populace,  and  that 
they  merited   extreme  punishment   also  from  his 
own  standpoint  for  other  causes,  but  not  for  arson. 
Fatehantur  does  not  mean  that  they  confessed  to 
incendiarism,    but   to    being   Christians,    and    qui 
fatehantur  means  there  were  some  who  boldly  con- 
fessed, while  others  tried  to  conceal  or  perhaps  even 
denied  their  faith. 

But  why  were  the  Christians  selected  as  scapegoats  ? 
VVhy  not  the  Jews,  who  were  both  numerous  and  had 
already  offended  the  Rom  government  and  had  been 
banished  in  great  numbers?  Or  why  not  the  many 
followers  ol  the  oriental  religions,  which  had  proved 
more  than  once  obno.xious  ?  (1 )  Popnaea  was  favorable 
to  Judaism  and  had  certainly  enough  influence  over  N 


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Nero 


to  protect  the  Jews;  she  was  regarded  by  them  as  a 
proselyte  and  is  termed  by  Jos  (^Ant,  XX,  viii,  11)  »eo- 
o-e^is,  theosebls,  "god-fearing."  When  the  populace 
and  N.  were  seeking  victims  for  revenge,  the  Jews  may 
have  been  glad  of  the  opportimity  of  putting  forward 
the  Christians  and  may  have  been  encouraged  in  this  by 
Poppaea.  Parrar  (Early  Days  of  Christianity,  I,  ch  iv) 
sees  "in  the  proselytism  of  Poppaea,  guided  by  Jewish 
rnalice,  the  only  adequate  explanation  of  the  first  Chris- 
tian persecution."  (2)  Closely  connected  with  this  was 
doubtless  the  observation  by  the  Rom  government  that 
Christianity  was  an  independent  faith  from  Judaism. 
This  may  first  have  been  brought  home  to  the  authorities 
by  the  trial  of  Paul  before  N.,  as  suggested  by  Ramsay 
(Expos,  July,  189.3).  Judaism  was  a  recognized  and 
tolerated  religion,  a  religio  ticita,  and  Christianity  when 
divorced  from  Judaism  became  a  religio  illicila  and  pun- 
ishable by  the  state,  tor  Christianity  first  rose  "under  the 
shadow  of  licensed  Judaism"  (sub  umbracuto  licitae 
Judaeorum  religionis:  Tert.  ApoL,  xxi).  (3)  As  Chris- 
tianity formed  a  society  apart  from  Rom  society,  all 
kinds  of  crimes  were  attributed  to  its  followers,  Thyes- 
tean  feasts,  nightly  orgies,  hostility  to  temples  and 
images.  These  fiagitia  seemed  summed  up  in  odium 
humani  generis,  "hatred  for  the  human  race.'  (4)  They 
were  easily  selected  as  being  so  numerous  and  making 
most  progress  in  a  line  opposed  to  Rom  spirit:  cf  ingens 
multitudo  (Tac.  Ann.  XV. 44;  Clemens  Rom.,  Cor  1  6, 
TToAu  ttA^^o?,  voIjI  pltthos:  cf  also  "great  multitude"  of 
Rev  7  9;  19  1).  (.5)  No  doubt,  too,  early  Christian 
enthusiasm  was  unequivocal  in  its  expressions,  esp.  in 
its  belief  of  a  final  conflagration  of  the  world  and  its 
serene  faith  amid  the  despair  of  others. 

In  the  meantime  Tigellinus'  t3Tanny  and  con- 
fiscations to  meet  N.'s  expenses  caused  deep  dis- 
content among  tlie  nobles,  wtiich  cul- 
G.  Conspir-  minated  in  tiie  famous  conspiracy  at 
acy  of  Piso  the  head  of  which  was  C.  Calpurnius 
(65  AD)  Piso.  The  plot  was  prematurely  be- 
trayed by  Milichus.  An  inquisition 
followed  in  which  the  most  illustrious  victims  who 
perished  were  Seneca  the  philosopher,  Lucan  the 
poet,  Lucan's  mother,  and  later  Annaeus  Mela, 
brother  of  Seneca  and  father  of  Lucan,  T.  Petro- 
nius  Arbiter,  "the  glass  of  fashion."  Finally,  "N. 
having  butchered  so  many  illustrious  men,  at  last 
desired  to  exterminate  virtue  itself  by  the  death  of 
Thrasea  Paetus  and  Barea  Soranus"  (Tac.  Ann. 
xvi.21  f). 

Having  cleared  every  suspected  person  out  of 

the  way,  he  abandoned  the  government  in  Rome  to 

a  freedman  Helius,  and  started  on  a 

7.  Visit  to  long  visit  to  Greece  (66-68  AD),  where 
Greece  he  took  part  in  musical  contests  and 
(66  AD)         games,   himself   winning    prizes   from 

the  obsequious  Greeks,  in  return  for 
which  N.  bestowed  upon  them  "freedom."  N. 
was  so  un-Roman  that  he  was  perfectly  at  home  in 
Greece,  where  alone  he  said  he  was  appreciated  by 
cultured  people.  In  the  meantime  the  revolt  of 
Vindex  in  Gaul  commenced  (68  AD),  but  it  was  soon 
quelled  by  Verginius  Rufus  on  account  of  its  na- 
tional Gaulio  character.  Galba  of  Hither  Spain 
next  declared  himself  legatus  of  the  senate  and  the 
Rom  people.  N.  was  persuaded  to  return  to  Rome 
by  Helius;  he  confiscated  Galba's  property,  but  his 
weakness  and  hesitancy  greatly  helped  the  cause 
of  the  latter. 

Nymphidius  Sabinus,  one  of  the  prefects,  won 
over  the  guard  for  Galba,  by  persuading  the  irreso- 
lute emperor  to  withdraw  from  Rome 

8.  Death  and  then  told  the  praetorians  that  N. 
of  Nero         had  deserted  them.     N.  was  a  coward, 

both  in  life  and  in  death.  While  he 
had  the  means  of  easily  crushing  Galba,  he  was 
revolving  plans  of  despair  in  his  Servilian  gardens, 
whether  he  should  surrender  himself  to  the  mercies 
of  the  Parthians  or  to  those  of  Galba;  whether 
Galba  would  allow  him  the  province  of  Egypt; 
whether  the  pubUc  would  forgive  his  past  if  he 
showed  penitence  enough.  In  his  distraction  a 
comforter  asked  him  in  the  words  of  Virgil,  "Is  it 
then  so  wretched  to  die?"  He  could  not  summon 
the  courage  for  suicide,  nor  could  he  find  one  to 


inflict  the  blow  for  him:  "Have  I  then  neither 
friend  nor  foe?"  Phaon  a  freedman  offered  him 
the  shelter  of  his  villa  a  few  miles  from  Rome.  Here 
he  prepared  for  suicide,  but  with  great  cowardice. 
He  kept  exclaiming,  "What  an  artist  I  am  to  perish !" 
{Qualis  artifex  pereo,  Suet.  xlix).  On  learning  that 
he  was  condemned  to  a  cruel  death  by  the  senate, 
he  put  the  weapon  to  his  throat  and  was  assisted  in 
the  fatal  blow  by  Epaphroditus  his  secretary.  A 
centurion  entered  pretending  he  had  come  to  help: 
"Too  late — this  is  fidelity,"  were  Nero's  last  words. 
His  remains  were  laid  in  the  family  vault  of  the 
Domitii  by  his  two  nurses  Ecloge  and  Alexandria 
and  his  concubine  Acte  (Suet.  1).  Thus  perished 
on  July  9,  68  AD  the  last  of  the  line  of  Julius  Caesar 
in  his  31st  year  and  in  the  14th  of  his  reign. 

IV.  Downfall  and  Character.  — The  causes  of  his  down- 
fall were  briefly:  (1)  his  lavish  expenditure  leading  to 
1  QoTTon  burdensome  taxation  and  financial  inse- 
1.  oeven  curity;  (2)  tyranny  and  cruelty  of  his 
Causes  of  favorites;  (3)  the  great  fire  which  brought 
Downfall         dissatisfaction   to  fasten  suspicion  on  N. 

and  the  consequent  enlargement  of  his 
private  abode  at  the  expense  of  the  city — esp.  the  Golden 
House;  (4)  the  unpopular  measure  of  the  extension  of 
Rom  franchise  to  Greece  and  favored  foreigners;  (.5)  the 
security  engendered  by  the  success  with  which  the  con- 
spiracy of  Piso  was  crushed ;  (6)  the  discovery  of  another 
"secret  of  empire,"  that  an  emperor  could  be  created 
elsewhere  than  at  Rome,  that  the  succession  of  emperors 
was  not  hereditary  but  rested  with  the  great  armies,  and 
(7)  the  cowardice  and  weakness  which  N.  displayed  in 
the  revolt  which  led  to  his  death. 

His  reign  is  memorable  for  the  activity  of  Seneca,  the 
great  fire,  the  persecution  of  Christians,  the  beginning 
of  the  bankruptcy  of  the  later  Rom  empire,  the  Arme- 
nian disaster  of  Paetus  (62  AD)  retrieved  by  Corbulo  and 
the  humiliation  of  Parthia,  tlie  outbreak  of  the  insur- 
rection in  Judaea  (66  AD) ,  which  ended  in  the  destruction 
of  Jerus. 

Nero  ranks  with  Gaius  for  folly  and  vice,  while  his 
cruelties  recall  the  worst  years  of  Tiberius.  Very  etfem- 
rt    ^,  inate  in  his  tastes,   particular  about  the 

J.  Lxiar-  arrangement  of  his  hair  and  proud  of  his 
acter  voice,    his   greatest  fault   was   inordinate 

vanity  which  courted  applause  for  per- 
formances on  non-Rom  lines.  He  neglected  his  high 
office  and  degraded  Rom  gravitas  by  zeal  for  secondary 
pursuits.  N.,  like  his  three  predecessors,  was  very  sus- 
ceptible to  female  charms.  He  was  licentious  in  the 
extreme,  even  to  guilt  of  that  nameless  vice  of  antiquity 
— love  of  a  male  favorite.  His  cruelty,  both  directly 
and  through  his  instruments,  made  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign  as  detestable  as  the  quinquennium  had  been  golden. 
He  loved  the  extravagant  and  luxurious  in  every  exag- 
gerated form.  He  was  a  weakling  and  a  coward  in  his 
lite,  and  esp.  in  his  death.  Of  his  personal  appearance 
we  are  told  his  features  were  regular  and  good;  the  ex- 
pression of  his  countenance,  however,  was  somewhat 
repelling.  ^  His  frame  was  ill  proportioned — slender 
legs  and  big  stomach.  In  later  years  his  face  was  covered 
with  pimples. 

V.  '  'Nero  Redivivus. ' ' — It  seems  as  if  there  was  some- 
thing lovable  even  about  this  monster,  which  led  a 
freedman  to  remain  faithful  to  the  last,  and  his  two  old 
nurses  and  cast-off  concubine  to  care  afl'ectionately  for 
his  remains,  and  tor  a  long  time  there  were  not  wanting 
hands  to  strew  his  grave  with  spring  and  autumn  fiowers 
and  to  display  his  efflgy  (Suet.  Ivli).  But,  whether 
from  the  strange  circumstances  of  his  death,  or  the  sub- 
sequent terrible  confusion  in  the  Rom  world,  or  from 
whatever  cause,  there  soon  arose  a  belief  that  N.  had  not 
really  died,  but  was  living  somewhere  in  retirement  or 
had  fled  among  the  Parthians,  and  that  he  was  destined 
in  a  short  time  to  return  and  bring  great  calamity  upon 
his  enemies  or  the  world  {quasi  viventis  et  brevi  magno 
inimicorum  malo  reversuri:  Suet.  Ivii).  This  belief 
was  a  force  among  the  Parthians  who  were  ready  to  take 
up  arms  at  the  report  of  a  pseudo-Nero  (Tac.  Hist.  i.2). 
In  the  confusion  of  the  year  of  the  four  emperors,  Greece 
and  Asia  were  disturbed  by  the  report  of  the  advent  of 
N.  (Tac.  Hi.st.  11.8),  and  the  historian  promises  to 
mention  the  fortune  and  attempts  of  other  pseudo- 
Neros.  This  belief  was  taken  up  by  the  Jews  and  amal- 
gamated with  their  legend  of  Antichrist.  In  Asc  Isa  4 
(1st  cent.  AD),  the  Antichrist  is  clearly  identified  with 
N. :  "  Belial  shall  appear  in  the  shape  of  a  man,  the  king 
of  wickedness,  the  matricide."  It  occurs  again  and 
again  in  both  the  Jewish  and  Christian  sections  of 
the  Sib  Or  (3  66  fl;  i  117f.l3,5ff;  5  100  f.l36  f.216  f). 
How  far  N.  was  regarded  by  the  Christians  as  the  his- 
torical personage  of  Antichrist  is  a  disputed  point. 
That  the  common  belief  of  the  revival  or  advent  of  N. 
should  influence  contemporary  Christian  thought  in 
days  of  social  and  political  turmoil  is  highly  probable. 
Bousset  (Comm.)  regards  the  Ijeast  of  Rev  13  as  Rome, 


Nero 
Nethinim 


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2138 


and  the  smitten  head  whose  "deathstroke  was  healed" 
as  N.,  and  some  scholars  take  Bev  17  10  f  as  referring 
to  N.  The  "scarlet-colored  beast"  of  17  3  may  be 
intended  either  for  the  Rom  government  in  general  or  for 
N.  in  particular.  That  the  number  666  (Rev  13  IS) 
represents  in  Heb  letters  the  numerical  equivalent  of 
Neron  Kesar  is  significant,  tor  the  Jewish  Christians 
would  be  familiar  with  gematrina'  (the  numerical  equiva- 
lent of  names).  See  Number.  Cf  Farrar,  Early  Days, 
ch  x.xviii,  sec.  5.  In  later  times  the  idea  of  a  twofold 
Antichrist  seems  to  have  arisen — one  for  the  Jews  and 
one  tor  the  Crentiles;  ct  esp.  Commodian,  Carm.  Apot. 
(926):^  "to  us  N.  became  Antichrist,  to  the  Jews  the 
other"  (nobis  Nero  /actus  Antichristus,  ille  Judaeis). 
There  was  an  alternate  theory  that  N.  had  really  been 
killed,  but  that  he  would  rise  again  (Sib  Or  5  216  f; 
Augustine,  De  Civ.  Dei,  XX. 19:  unde  nonnulli  ipsum  resur- 
recturum   et  Juturum   Antichristum  suspicantur), 

VI.  Nero   and    Christianity. — The    name    Nero 

does  not  occur  in  the  NT,  but  he  was  the  Caesar  to 

whom    Paul    appealed     (Acts  25  11) 

1.  Nero  and  and  at  whose  triljunal  Paul  was  tried 
the  NT  after    his   first    imprisonment.     It    is 

quite  likely  that  N.  heard  Paul's  case 
in  person,  for  the  emperor  showed  much  interest 
in  provincial  cases.  It  was  during  the  earlier 
"golden  quinquennium"  of  N.'s  reign  that  Paul  ad- 
dressed his  ep.  to  the  Christians  at  Rome,  and  prob- 
ably in  the  last  year  of  N.'s  reign  (68  AD)  Paul 
suffered  death  near  the  city,  though  Harnack 
( Chronologie)  places  his  death  in  the  first  Neronian 
persecution  of  64.  Although  the  NT  gives  no  hint 
of  a  possible  visit  or  sojourn  of  Peter  in  Rome,  such 
a  sojourn  and  subsequent  martyrdom  are  highly 
probable  and  almost  certain  from  the  early  per- 
sistent tradition,  esp.  in  Clement  of  Rome,  Ignatius 
and  Papias,  and  later  in  Tertullian,  Clement  of 
Alexandria  and  the  Liher  Pontificalia  (catalogue 
of  popes).  His  execution  at  Rome  under  Nero  is 
practically  certain. 

The  first  persecution  to  which  Christianity  was  sub- 
jected came  from  the  Jews:   the  first  heathen  persecution 
took  place  under  N.     Up  to  this  time  the 

2.  Neronian  Rom  government  had  been  on  friendly 
Polirv  and  terms  with  Christianity,  as  Christianity 
r-u  •  +■  -1  ^^^  either  not  prominent  enough  to  cause 
Christiamty  any  disturbance  of  society  or  was  con- 
founded   by    the    Romans    with    Judaism 

(sub  umbraculo  licitae  Judaeorum  religionis:  Tert. 
Apol.,  xxi).  Paul,  writing  to  the  Christians  of  the 
capital,  urged  them  to  "be  in  subjection  to  the  higher 
powers"  as  "ordained  of  God"  (Rom  13  1ft),  and  his 
high  estimation  of  the  Rom  government  as  power 
for  the  good  of  society  was  probably  enhanced  by  his 
mild  captivity  at  Rome  which  permitted  him  to  carry 
on  the  work  of  preaching  and  was  terminated  by  an 
acquittal  on  the  first  trial  (accepting  the  view  of  a 
first  acquittal  and  subsequent  activity  before  condemna- 
tion at  a  second  trial).  But  soon,  whether  because  of 
the  trial  of  Paul,  a  Rom  citizen,  at  Rome  (about  6.3), 
or  the  growing  hostility  of  the  Jews,  or  the  increasing 
numbers  and  alarming  progress  of  the  new  religion,  the 
distinction  between  Christianity  and  Judaism  became 
apparent  to  the  Rom  authorities.  If  it  had  not  yet  been 
proscribed  as  a  religio  illicita  ("unlicensed  religion"), 
neither  had  it  been  admitted  as  a  religio  lieita.  Chris- 
tianity was  not  in  itself  as  yet  a  crime;  its  adherents 
were  not  lial:)le  to  persecution  "for  the  name."  Accord- 
ing to  one  view  the  Neronian  persecution  was  a  spas- 
modic act  and  an  isolated  incident  in  imperial  policy :  the 
Christians  were  on  this  occasion  put  forward  merely  to 
remove  suspicion  from  N.  They  were  not  persecuted 
cither  as  Christians  or  as  incendiaries,  but  on  account  of 
flagitia  and  odium  humani  generis,  i.e.  Thyestean  feasts, 
Oedipodean  incest  and  nightly  orgies  were  attributed 
to  them,  and  their  withdrawal  from  society  and  exclu- 
sive manners  caused  the  charge  of  "hatred  for  society." 
The  evidence  of  Tacitus  (Ann.  xv.44)  would  bear  out 
this  view  of  the  Neronian  persecution  as  accidental,  iso- 
lated, to  satisfy  the  revenge  of  the  mob,  confined  to 
Rome  and  of  lorief  duration.  The  other  view  is,  how- 
ever, preferable,  as  represented  by  Ramsay  (Church  in 
the  Rom  Empire,  ch  xi)  and  E.  G.  Hardy  (Studies  in 
Rom  History,  ch  iv).  Suetonius  speaks  of  the  perse- 
cution of  Christians  as  a  permanent  police  regulation 
in  a  list  of  other  seemingly  permanent  measures  (Nero 
xvi:  afflicti  suppliciis  Christiani  genus  hominum  super- 
stitionis  novae  ac  maleficae),  which  is  not  inconsistent 
with  the  account  of  Tacitus — who  gives  the  initial  step 
and  Suetonius  tlie  permanent  result.  The  Christians 
by  these  trials,  though  not  convicted  of  incendiarism, 
were  brought  into  considerable  prominence;  their  un- 
social and  exclusive  manners,  their  withdrawal  from  the 
duties  of  state,  their  active  proselytism,  together  with 


the  charges  of  immorality,  established  them  in  Rom  eyes 
as  the  enemies  of  society.  Christianity  thus  became  a 
crime  and  was  banned  by  the  police  authorities.  Sueto- 
nius gives  a  "brief  statement  of  the  permanent  adminis- 
trative principle  into  which  N.'s  action  ultimately  re- 
solved itself"  (Ramsay,  op.  cit.,  232).  No  formal  law 
needed  to  be  passed,  the  matter  could  be  left  with  the 
prefect  of  the  city.  A  trial  must  be  held  and  the  flagitia 
proved  before  an  order  for  execution,  according  to  Kam- 
say,  but  Hardy  holds  that  henceforth  the  name  itself — 
nomen  ipsum — was  proscribed.  A  precedent  was  now 
established  of  great  importance  in  the  policy  of  the  im- 
perial government  toward  Christianity  (see,  further, 
Roman  Empike;  Christianity).  There  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  Neronian  persecution  of  64  extended 
beyond  Rome  to  the  pro\'inces,  though  no  doubt  the 
attitude  of  the  home  government  must  have  had  con- 
siderable influence  -with  provincial  officers.  Paul  seems 
to  have  gone  undisturbed,  or  at  least  with  no  unusual 
obstacles,  in  his  evangelization  after  his  acquittal.  The 
authorities  for  a  general  Neronian  persecution  and  forrnal 
Neronian  laws  against  Christianity  are  late;  cf  Orosius 
(Hist,  vii.7,  "  [Nero]  was  the  first  to  put  to  death  Chris- 
tians at  Rome  and  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  sub- 
jected to  the  same  persecution  throughout  all  the  provinces'^). 

Literature. —  (a)  Ancient:  Tacitus  Annals  xii-xvi; 
Suetonius  Nero;  Dio  Cassius  in  Epit.  of  Xiphilinus  61 
ff;  Zonaras  xi.  (b)  Modern:  Hermann  Schiller,  Ge- 
schichte  des  rom.  Kaiserreichs  unter  der  Regierung  des 
Neron  (Berlin,  1872);  Merivale,  Hist  of  the  Romans 
under  the  Empire;  Ramsay,  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire 
and  Expos,  1893;  E.  G.  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the 
Rom  Government  and  Studies  in  Rom  History;  Mommsen, 
"  Der  Religionsfrevel  nach  rom.  Recht,"  Histor.  Zeitschr., 
1890;  C.  F.  Arnold,  Die  Neronische  Chrislenverfolgung; 
Farrar,  Early  Days  of  Christianity;  Baring-Gould, 
Tragedy  of  the  Caesars;  G.  H.  Lewes,  "Was  Nero  a 
Monster?"  in  Cornhill  Magazine,  July,  1863;  B.  W. 
Henderson,  Life  and  Principate  of  the  Emperor  Nero, 
with  important  bibliography  of  ancient  and  modern 
authorities  (London,  1903);  Lehmann,  Claudius  u.  Nero. 

S.  Angus 
NEST  ("f?  ,  ken;  veoo-o-id,  neossid,  nossid;  in  the 
NT  KaTao-Kifjva)<ri.s,  kaiasktnosis;  Lat  nidus):  A  re- 
ceptacle prepared  by  a  bird  for  receiving  its  eggs  and 
young.  Nests  differ  with  species.  Eagles  use  a 
large  heap  of  coarse  sticks  and  twigs  on  the  cleft  of 
a  mountain  (Job  39  27ff;  Jer  49  16;  Ob  ver  4); 
hawks  prefer  trees;  vultures,  hollow  trees  or  the 
earth;  ravens,  big  trees;  doves  and  pigeons,  trees  or 
rocky  crevices  (Jer  48  28);  hoopoes,  hollow  trees; 
swallows,  mud  nests  under  a  roof,  on  cliffs  or 
deserted  temples;  owls,  hollow  trees,  dark  places  in 
ruins  or  sand  burrows  (on  the  kippoz  of  Isa  34  15 
see  Owl)  ;  cranes,  storks  and  herons,  either  trees 
(Ps  104  17)  or  rushes  beside  water  (storks  often 
choose  housetops,  as  well) . 

Each  nest  so  follows  the  building  laws  of  its  o-mier's 
species  that  any  expert  ornithologist  can  tell  from 
a  nest  which  bird  builded  it.  Early  in  incubation 
a  bird  deserts^  a  nest  readily  because  it  hopes  to 
build  another  in  a  place  not  so  easily  discoverable 
and  where  it  can  deposit  more  eggs.  When  the 
young  have  progressed  until  then-  quickening  is 
perceptible  through  the  thin  shells  pressed  against 
the  breast  of  the  mother,  she  develops  a  bofdncss 
called  by  scientists  the  "brooding  fever."  In  this 
state  the  wildest  of  birds  frequently  will  suffer 
your  touch  before  deserting  the  nest.  Esp.  is  this 
the  case  if  the  young  are  just  on  the  point  of  emerg- 
mg.  The  first  Bib.  reference  to  the  nest  of  a  bird 
wdl  be  found  in  Balaam's  fourth  prophecy  in  Nu 
24  21 :  "And  he  looked  on  the  Kenite,  and  took  up 
his  parable  and  said,  Strong  is  thy  dwelling-place, 
and  thy  nest  is  set  in  the  rock."  Here  Balaam  was 
thmkmg  of  the  nest  of  an  eagle,  hawk  or  vulture, 
placed  on  solid  rock  among  impregnable  crags  of 
mountain  tops.  The  next  reference  is  among  the 
laws  for  personal  conduct  in  Dt  22  6:  "If  a  bird's 
nest  chance  to  be  before  thee  in  the  way,  in  any  tree 
or  on  the  ground,  with  young  ones  or  eggs,  and  the 
dam  sittmg  upon  the  young,  or  upon  the  eggs,  thou 
shalt  not  take  the  dam  with  the  young."  Beyond 
question  this  is  the  earliest  law  on  record  for  the  pro- 
tection of  a  brooding  bird.  It  is  probable  that  it 
was  made  permissible  to  take  the  young,  as  the  law 


2139 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Nero 
liethinim 


demanded  their  use,  at  least  in  the  ease  of  pigeons 
and  doves,  for  sacrifice.     In  29  18,  Job  cries, 

"  Then  I  said,  I  shall  die  in  my  nest. 
And  I  shall  multiply  my  days  as  the  sand;" 

that  is,  he  hoped  in  his  days  of  prosperity  to  die  in 
the  home  he  had  builded  for  his  wife  and  children. 
In  Ps  84  3  David  sings, 

"  Yea,  the  sparrow  hath  found  her  a  house, 
And  the  swallow  a  nest  lor  hersell,  where  she  may 

lay  her  young. 
Even  thine  altars,  O  Jeh  of  hosts. 
My  ICing,  and  my  God." 

These  lines  are  rich  and  ripe  with  meaning,  for  in 
those  days  all  the  world  protected  a  temple  nest, 
even  to  the  infliction  of  the  death  penalty  on  any- 
one interfering  with  it.  This  was  because  the  bird 
v/as  supposed  to  be  claiming  the  protection  of 
the  gods.  Hebrew,  Arab  and  Egyptian  guarded  all 
nests  on  places  of  worship.  Pagan  Rome  executed 
the  shoemaker  who  killed  a  raven  that  built  on  a 
temple,  and  Athens  took  the  same  revenge  on  the 
man  who  destroyed  the  nest  of  a  swallow.  Isaiah 
compared  the  destruction  of  Assyria  to  the  robbing 
of  a  bird's  nest:  "And  my  hand  hath  found  as  a 
nest  the  riches  of  the  peoples;  and  as  one  gathereth 
eggs  that  are  forsaken,  have  I  gathered  all  the  earth: 
and  there  was  none  that  moved  the  wing,  or  that 
opened  the  mouth,  or  chirped"  (Isa  10  14;  cf  16  2). 
Matthew  quotes  Jesus  as  having  said,  "The  foxes 
have  holes,  and  the  birds  of  the  heaven  have  nests; 
but  the  Son  of  man  hath  not  where  to  lay  his  head" 
(Mt  8  20  =  Lk  9  58).     Gene  Stratton-Porter 

NET.    See  Fishing;  Fowler. 

NETAIM,  na'ta-im,  ne'ta-im,  nS-ta'im  (□"'yp? , 
n'td'im;  B,  'Ala.(l\i,  Azaeim,  A,  ' ATae£(i,  Ataeim) : 
In  1  Ch  4  23  AV  reads  "those  that  dwell  among 
plants  and  hedges,"  RV  "the  inhabitants  of  Netaim 
and  Gederah."  The  latter  may  be  taken  as  cor- 
rect. Gederah  was  in  the  Judaean  Shephelah. 
Here  also  we  should  seek  for  Netaim;  but  no  likely 
identification  has  yet  been  suggested. 

NETHANEL,  ne-than'el,  neth'a-nel  (bxpnp, 
nHhan'el,  "God  has  given":  NaSavaifjX,  Nathanail; 
AV  Nethaneel,  n5-than'g-el) : 

(1)  A  chief  or  prince  of  Issachar  (Nu  18;  2  5; 
7  18.23;  10  15). 

(2)  The  4th  son  of  Jesse  (1  Ch  2  14). 

(3)  One  of  the  trumpet-blowers  before  the  ark 
when  it  was  brought  up  from  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  (1  Ch  15  24). 

(4)  A  Levite  scribe,  the  father  of  Shemaiah  (1  Ch 
24  6). 

(5)  The  5th  son  of  Obed-edom  (1  Ch  26  4). 

(6)  One  of  the  princes  whom  Jehoshaphat  sent 
to  teach  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2  Ch  17  7). 

(7)  A  Levite  who  gave  cattle  for  Josiah's  Pass- 
over (2  Ch  35  9). 

(8)  One  of  the  priests  who  had  married  foreign 
wives  (Ezr  10  22;  cf  1  Esd  9  22). 

(9)  A  priest  registered  under  the  high  priest 
Joiakim  (Neh  12  21). 

(10)  A  Levite  musician  who  assisted  at  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  walls  (Neh  12  36).    John  A.  Lees 

NETHANIAH,  neth-a-ni'a  (^H^pflJ,  nHhanyahu, 
"Jeh  has  given" ;  NaBavCas,  Nathanias): 

(1)  An  Asaphite  musician   (1  Ch  25  2.12). 

(2)  A  Levite  who  accompanied  the  princes  sent 
by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2 
Ch  17  8). 

(3)  The  father  of  Jehudi  (Jer  36  14). 

(4)  The    father   of    Ishmael,    the    murderer   of 


Gedaliah  (Jer  40  8.14.15;  41,  11 1;  2  K  25  23.25). 
Some  MSS  of  LXX  read  here  Malhthanias. 

NETHINIM,    neth'i-nim    (Dljinp,    n'lhlnim, 

"given";    NaSeivetn,   Natheineim;    AV  Nethinims): 

A  group  of  temple-servants   (1  Ch  9 

1.  Meaning  2   and   16 1   in   Ezr   and   Neh).     The 

word  has  always  the  article,  and  does 
not  occur  in  the  sing.  The  LXX  translators  usually 
transliterate,  but  in  one  passage  (1  Ch  9  2)  they 
render,  "the  given  ones"  (hoi  dedomenoi).  The 
Syr  (Pesh)  also,  in  Ezr,  INfeh,  transliterates  the 
word,  but  in  1  Ch  9  2  renders  it  by  a  word  mean- 
ing "sojourners."  The  meaning  "given"  is  sug- 
gestive of  a  state  of  servitude,  and  Jos  seems  to 
confirm  the  suggestion  by  calling  the  N.  "temple- 
slaves"  (hier6douloi)  (Ant,  XI,  v,  1).  It  should, 
however,  be  noted  that  another  form  of  this  word 
is  employed  in  the  directions  regarding  the  Levites: 
"Thou  shalt  give  the  Levites  unto  Aaron  and  to  his 
sons:  they  are  wholly  given  unto  him  on  behalf  of 
the  children  of  Israel"  (Nu  3  9;  cf  also  8  16.19). 
Of  the  history  of  the  N.  in  earlier  times  there  are 
but  few  and  uncertain  traces.  When  Joshua  dis- 
covered  that   he   had    been   beguiled 

2.  History     by  the  Gibeonites  into  a  covenant  to 

let  them  live,  he  reduced  their  tribe 
to  servitude,  and  declared,  "Now  therefore  ye  are 
cursed,  and  there  shall  never  fail  to  be  of  you  bond- 
men, both  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water 
for  the  house  of  my  God"  (Josh  9  23.27).  It  is  no 
doubt  tempting  to  see  in  the  Gibeonites  the  earliest 
N.,  but  another  tradition  traces  their  origin  to  a 
gift  of  David  and  the  princes  for  the  service  of  the 
Levites  (Ezr  8  20).  Their  names,  too,  indicate 
diversity  of  origin;  for  besides  being  mostly  un- 
Hebrew  in  aspect,  some  of  them  are  found  elsewhere 
in  the  OT  as  names  of  non-Israelitish  tribes.  The 
Meunim,  for  example  (Ezr  2  50  =  Neh  7  52),  are 
in  all  likelihood  descended  from  the  Meonites  or 
Maonites  who  are  mentioned  as  harassing  Israel 
(Jgs  10  12),  as  in  conflict  with  the  Simeonites 
(1  Ch  4  41),  and  as  finally  overcome  by  Uzziah 
(2  Ch  26  7).  The  next  name  in  the  lists  is  that  of 
the  children  of  Nephisim.  These  may  be  traced 
to  the  Hagrite  clan  of  Naphish  (Gen  25  15;  1  Ch  5 
19).  In  both  Ezr  and  Neh,  the  list  is  immediately 
followed  by  that  of  the  servants  of  Solomon,  whose 
duties  were  similar  to,  it  may  be  even  humbler  than, 
those  of  the  N.  These  servants  of  Solomon  appear 
to  be  descendants  of  the  Canaanites  whom  Solomon 
employed  in  the  building  of  his  temple  (1  K  5  15). 
All  these  indications  are  perhaps  slight;  but  they 
point  in  the  same  direction,  and  warrant  the  as- 
sumption that  the  N.  were  originally  foreign  slaves, 
mostly  prisoners  of  war,  who  had  from  time  to  time 
been  given  to  the  temple  by  the  kings  and  princes 
of  the  nation,  and  that  to  them  were  assigned  the 
lower  menial  duties  of  the  house  of  God. 

At  the  time  of  the  return  from  the  exile  the  N. 

had   come   to   be   regarded   as   important.     Their 

number  was  considerable:   392  accom- 

3.  Post-         panied  Zerubbabel  at  the  first  Return 
exiUc  in    538    BC    (Ezr  2  58  =  Neh  7  60). 
History  When  Ezra,  some  80  years  later,  or- 
ganized the  second  Return,  he  secured 

a  contingent  of  N.  numbering  220  (Ezr  8  20).  In 
Jerus  they  enjoyed  the  same  privileges  and  im- 
munities as  the  other  religious  orders,  being  in- 
cluded by  Artaxerxes'  letter  to  Ezra  among  those 
who  should  be  exempt  from  toll,  custom  and  tribute 
(Ezr  7  24).  A  part  of  the  city  in  Ophel,  opposite 
the  Water-gate,  was  assigned  them  as  an  official 
residence  (Neh  3  26.31),  and  the  situation  is  cer- 
tainly appropriate  if  their  duties  at  all  resembled 
those  of  the  Gibeonites  (see  Ryle,  "Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah,"  in  Cambridge  Bible,  Intro,  57).    They  were 


Netophah 
Nicodemus 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2140 


also  organized  into  a  kind  of  guild  under  their  own 
leaders  or  presidents  (Neh  11  21). 

The  N.  are  not  again  mentioned  in  Scripture. 
It  is  probable  that  they,  with  the  singers  and  porters, 
became  gradually  incorporated  in  the  general  body 
of  Levites;  their  name  passed  ere  long  into  a  tradi- 
tion, and  became  at  a  later  time  a  butt  for  the 
scorn  and  bitterness  of  the  Talmudic  writers  against 
everything  that  they  regarded  as  un-Jewish. 

John  A.  Lees 

NETOPHAH,  niS-to'fa  (nS'JJ,  n'tophah;  LXX 
NeTw<j)d,  Netophd,  N£<t>coTd,  Nephotd,  and  other 
variants) :  The  birthplace  of  two  of  David's  heroes, 
Maharai  and  Heleb  (2  S  23  28.29),  also  of  Seraiah 
the  son  of  Tanhumeth  the  Netophathite,  one  of  the 
captains  who  came  to  offer  allegiance  to  Gedaliah 
(2  K  25  2,3;  Jer  40  8).  "The  villages  of  the  Neto- 
phathites"  are  mentioned  (1  Ch  9  16)  as  the  dwell- 
ings of  certain  Levites  and  (Neh  12  28,  AV  "Neto- 
phathi")  of  certain  "sons  of  the  singers." 

The  first  mention  of  the  place  itself  is  in  Ezr  2 
22;  Neh  7  26;  1  Esd  5  18  (RV  "Netophas"),  where 
we  have  |1  lists  of  the  exiles  returning  from  Babylon 
under  Zerubbabel;  the  place  is  mentioned  between 
Bethlehem  and  Anathoth  and  in  literary  association 
with  other  cities  in  the  mountains  of  Judah,  e.g. 
Gibeon,  Iviriath-jearim,  Chephereh  and  Beeroth. 
In  this  respect  it  is  most  plausible  to  identify  it  with 
Nephtoah  (q.v.),  although  the  disappearance  of  the 
terminal  guttural  in  the  latter  creates  a  difBculty. 
Conder  has  suggested  a  site  known  as  Kh.  Umm- 
Toba,  N.E.  of  Bethlehem,  an  ancient  site,  but  not 
apparently  of  great  importance.  Beit  Nettlf,  an 
important  village  on  a  lofty  site  in  the  Shephelah 
near  the  "Vale  of  Elah,"  also  appears  to  have  an 
echo  of  the  name,  and  indeed  may  well  be  the  Beth 
Netophah  of  the  Mish  {Sh'bhiVoth,  ix.5;  Neubauer, 
Geogr.,  128),  but  the  position  does  not  seem  to  agree 
at  all  with  that  of  the  OT  Netophah.  For  Kh. 
Umm-Toba  see  PEF,  III,  128;  for  Beit  Nettlf,  PEF, 
III,  24;  RBR,  II,  17  f ;  both  Sh  XVII. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

NETOPHAS,  nB-to'fas  (B,  Nerepas,  Netebas,  A, 
NeTw<|>a^,  Netophae):  A  town  named  in  1  Esd  6  18, 
identical  with  "Netophah"  of  Ezr  2  22;  Neh  7  26. 

NETOPHATHI,  ng-tof'a-thi,  NETOPHA- 
THITES,  n5-tof'a-thIts.     See  Netophah. 

NETTLES,  nef'lz:  (1)  bnn,  hand  (Job  30  7; 
Prov  24  31;  Zeph  2  9  m,  in  all,  "wild  vetches"); 
the  tr  "nettles"  is  due  to  the  supposed  derivations 
oihdriil  from  an  (obs.)  V  sHD,  hdral,  meaning  "to 
be  sharp"  or  "stinging,"  but  a  tr  "thorns"  (as  in 
Vulg)  would  in  that  case  do  as  well.  LXX  has 
tppiyava.  dypia,  phrugana  dgria,  "wild  brushwood," 
in  Job,  and  certainly  the  association  with  the  "salt- 
wort" and  the  retm,  "broom,"  in  the  passage  would 
best  be  met  by  the  supposition  that  it  means  the  low 
thorny  bushes  plentiful  in  association  with  these 
plants.  "Vetch"  is  suggested  by  the  Aram.,  but  is 
very  uncertain.  (2)  iBI^p ,  kimmosh  (Isa  34  13; 
Hos  9  6),  and  pi.  D"'3TU'Qp ,  kimm'shonim  (Prov  24 
31),  tr''  (EV)  "thorns,"  because  of  the  tr  of  hdrUl  as 
"nettles"  in  the  same  ver.  From  Isa  34  13  kim- 
mosh is  apparently  distinct  from  thorns,  and  the  tr 
"nettle"  is  very  probable,  as  such  neglected  or  de- 
serted places  as  described  in  the  three  references 
readily  become  overgrown  with  nettles  in  Pal. 
The  common  and  characteristic  Pal  nettle  is  the 
Urtica  pilulifera,  so  called  from  the  globular  heads 
of  its  flowers.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

NETWORK,  net'wdrk  (nD3il5 ,  s'bhakhah) :  RV 
in  2  K  25  17;    2  Ch  4  13  (also  in  pi.,  vs  12.13), 


for  "wreathen  work"  and  "wreath"  in  AV  (of  the 
adornment  of  the  capitals  of  the  pillars  of  Solomon's 
temple;  see  Jachin  and  Boaz).  "Networks"  in 
Isa  19  9  is  in  RV  correctly  rendered  "white  cloth." 
In  ARV  "network"  is  substituted  for  "pictures"  in 
AV  (Prov  25  11),  "baskets"  in  ERV,  m  "filigree 
work." 

NEW,  nu,  NEWNESS,  nu'nes  (ICin,  hadhash; 
Kaiv(Ss,  kainds,  ve'os,  neos) : 

The  word  commonly  tr"!  "new"  in  the  OT  is  ha- 
dhash, "bright,"  "fresh,"  "new"  (special  interest 
was  shown  in,  and  importance  at- 
1.  In  the  tached  to,  fresh  and  new  things  and 
OT  events);  Ex  1  8;   Dt  20  5;   22  8;   24 

5;  1  S  6  7;  2  S  21  16;  Ps  33  3,  "a 
new  song";  Jer  31  31,  "new  covenant";  Ezk  11 
19,  "a  new  spirit" ;  18  31,  "new heart";  36  26,  etc; 
hddhesh  is  "the  new  moon,"  "the  new-moon  day," 
the  first  of  the  lunar  month,  a  festival,  then  "month" 
(Gen  29  14,  "a  month  of  days");  it  occurs  fre- 
quently, often  tr''  "month";  we  have  "new  moon" 
(1  S  20  5.18.24,  etc);  tirosh  is  "new  [sweet]  wine" 
(Neh  10  39;  in  Joel  1  5;  3  18,  it  is 'asts,  RV  "sweet 
wine");   in  Acts  2  13,  "new  wine"  is  gleukos. 

Other  words  in  the  OT  for  "new"  are  hddhalh,  Aram. 
(Ezr  6  4);  Url,  "fresh"  (Jgs  15  1-5.  BV  "afresh  jaw- 
bone of  an  ass");  b^rVdh,  a  "creation"  (Nu  16  30,  "if 
Jeh  malie  a  new  thing,"  RVm  "create  a  creation"); 
bdkhar.  "to  be  first-fruits"  (Ezlc  47  12;  so  RVm); 
kum.  "setting,"  is  trd  "newly"  (Jgs  7  19);  also  mik- 
kardbh,  "recently"  (Dt  32  17,  RV  "of  late");  news 
is  shemu'dh,  "report."  "tidings";  Prov  25  25,  "good 
news  from  a  far  country." 

In  the  NT  "new"  (mostly  kainos,  "new,"  "fresh," 
"newly  made")  is  an  important  word.     We  have 

the  title  of  the  "New  Testament" 
2.  In  the  itself,  rightly  given  by  ARV  as  "New 
NT  Covenant,"    the   designation   of    "the 

new  dispensation"  ushered  in  through 
Christ,  the  writings  relating  to  which  the  volume 
contains.  We  have  "new  covenant"  (kainos)  in 
Lk  22  20,  "This  cup  is  the  new  covenant  in  my 
blood"  (ERVm  "testament";  in  Mt  26  28;  Mk 
14  24,  "new"  is  omitted  in  RV,  but  in  Mt  m  "many 
ancient  authorities  insert  new,"  and  in  Mk  "some 
ancient  authorities");  1  Cor  11  2.5,  ERVm  "or 
testament";  2  Cor  3  6,  ERVm  "or  testament"; 
He  8  8,  ERVm  "or  testament";  in  ver  13,  "cove- 
nant" is  suppUed  (cf  He  12  24,  neos). 

Corresponding  to  this,  we  have  (2  Cor  5  17,  AV  and 
RV),  "The  old  things  have  passed  away;  behold,  they  are 
become  new"  ;  ib,  "If  any  man  is  in  Christ,  he  is  a  new 
creature,"  RVm  "there  is  a  new  creation";  Gal  6  l,"), 
m  "or  creation,"  "new  man"  (Eph  2  15;  4  24;  Col 
3  10  [neos]);  "new  commandment"  (Jn  13  34);  "new 
doctrine"  (Acts  17  19);  "new  thing"  (17  21);  "new- 
ness of  life"  (kainClls)  (Bora  6  4);  "newness  of  the 
spirit"  (7  6;  cf  2  Cor  5  17);  "a  now  name"  (Rev  2 
17;  3  12);  "new  heavens  and  a  new  earth"  (2  Pet  3 
13);  " new  Jerusalem "  (Rev  3  12;  21  2);  "new  song" 
(Rev  5  9);  cf  "new friend"  and  "new  wine"  (Sir  9  106,  c); 
artigennetos,  "newborn"  (1  Pet  2  2);  proxphatox  "newly 
slain,"  "new"  (He  10  20,  RV  "a  new  and  li-idng  way 
through  the  veil,  that  is  to  say,  his  flesh";  cf  Sir  9  lOa; 
Jth  4  3);  "  new  "  is  the  tr  of  neos,  "new,"  "young"  (1  Cor 
6  7;  Col  3  10,  "new  man";  He  12  24,  "new  covenant"). 

The  difference  in  meaning  between  kainos  and 
neos,  is,  in  the  main,  that  kainos  denotes  new  in 
respect  of  qnality,  "the  new  as  set  over  against  that 
which  has  seen  service,  the  outworn,  the  effete,  or 
marred  through  age" ;  neos,  "new  [in  respect  of  time], 
that  which  has  recently  come  into  existence,"  e.g. 
kain&nmnemeion,  the  "new  tomb"  in  which  Jesus 
was  laid,  was  not  one  recently  made,  but  one  in 
which  no  other  dead  had  ever  lain;  the  "new  cove- 
nant," the  "new  man,"  etc,  may  be  contemplated 
under  both  aspects  of  quality  and  of  time  (Trench 
Synonyms  of  the  NT,  209  f). 

InMt  9  16;  Mk  2  21,  dgnap;ios,  "unsmoothed," 


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Netophah 
Nicodemus 


"unfinished,"  is  tr'^  "new,"  "new  cloth,"  RV  "un- 
dressed." For  "new  bottles"  (Lk  5  38  and  H's),  RV 
has  "fresh  wine-skins."  W.  L.  Walker 

NEW  BIRTH.     See  Regeneration. 

NEW    COMMANDMENT.      See    Brotherly 
Love. 

NEW  COVENANT.     See  Covenant,  The  New. 

NEW  EARTH.     See  Eschatology  of  the  NT; 

Heavens,  New. 

NEW  HEAVENS.     See  Heavens,  New. 

NEW    JERUSALEM.     See    Jerusalem,    New; 
Revelation  of  John. 

NEW  MAN.     See  Man,  New. 

NEW  MOON.     See  Moon,  New;    Fasts  and 
Feasts. 

NEW  TESTAMENT.     See   Bible;    Canon  of 
the  NT;  Criticism. 

NEW  TESTAMENT  CANON.     See  Canon  op 
the  NT. 


NEW   TESTAMENT   LANGUAGE. 

guage  of  the  NT. 


See   Lan- 


NEW  TESTAMENT  TEXT.  See  Text  of  the 
NT. 

NEW  YEAR.     See  Time;  Year. 

NEZIAH,  n5-zi'a  (n'^l^S  ,  n«f  i»/i) :  The  head  of  a 
family  of  Nethinim  (Ezr'  2  54;  'Neh  7  56),  called 
in  1  Esd  5  32,  "Nasi"  (AV  and  RVm  "Nasith"). 

NEZIB,  ne'zib  (lilf?  ,  n'sibh;  B,  Nao-ctp,  Na^eib, 
A,  Neo-cp,  Nesib) :  A  town  in  the  Judaean  Shephe- 
lah,  mentioned  along  with  Keilah  and  Mareshah 
(Josh  15  43).  Onom  places  it  7  miles  from  Eleu- 
theropolis  {Beit  Jibrln),  on  the  road  to  Hebron. 
It  is  represented  today  by  Beit  Nasih,  a  village 
with  ancient  remains  some  2  miles  S.W.  of  Khirbet 
Kila  (Keilah). 

NIBHAZ,  nib'haz  (Tn35 ,  nihhhaz) :  Given  as 
the  name  of  an  idol  of  the  Avvites,  introduced  by 
them  into  Samaria  (2  K  17  31),  but  otherwise 
unknown.     The  text  is  supposed  to  be  corrupt. 

NIBSHAN,  nib'shan  (ItJ^Sn ,  ha-nibhshdn;  B, 
Na4)\a5<4v,  Naphlazon,  A,  NePo-dv,  Nehsdn) :  A  city 
in  the  Judaean  wilderness  named  between  Secacah 
and  the  City  of  Salt  (Josh  15  62).  Onom  knows 
the  place  but  gives  no  clue  to  its  identification. 
The  site  has  not  been  recovered.  Wellhausen  sug- 
gests the  emendation  of  nibhshan  to  kihhshdn,  "fur- 
nace" {Proleg},  344). 

NICANOR,  nl-ka'nor,  ni'ka-nor  (NiKdvwp,  Ni- 
kdnor) :  The  son  of  Patroclus  and  one  of  the  king's 
"chief  friends"  (2  Mace  8  9),  a  Syrian  general 
under  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  Demetrius  Soter. 
After  the  defeat  of  Seron  by  Judas,  Epiphanes  in- 
trusted his  chancellor  Lysias  with  the  reduction  of 
Judaea  (1  Mace  3  34  ff).  Nicanor  was  one  of  the 
three  generals  commissioned  by  Lysias — the  others 
Ijeing  Ptolemy,  son  of  Dorymenes,  and  Gorgias 
(3  .38).  The  campaign  began  in  166  BC;  the 
Syrians  were  defeated  at  Emmaus  (3  57  ff),  while 


Gorgias  at  a  later  stage  gained  a  victory  at  Jamnia 
over  a  body  of  Jews  who  disobeyed  Judas  (5  58). 
The  account  given  in  2  Mace  differs  considerably, 
both  in  omissions  and  in  additions  (2  Mace  8  9  ff). 
There  Nicanor,  not  Gorgias,  is  the  chief  in  command. 
The  battle  of  Emmaus  is  not  mentioned,  but  "the 
thrice-accursed  Nicanor,"  having  in  overweening 
pride  invited  a  thousand  slavedealers  to  accom- 
pany him  to  buy  the  Jewish  captives,  was  humil- 
iated, and  his  host  was  destroyed,  he  himself  escap- 
ing "like  a  fugitive  slave"  to  Antioch  (2  Mace  8 
34  f).  After  the  death  of  Epiphanes,  Eupator  and 
Lysias  (the  last  two  at  the  hands  of  Demetrius 
[1  Mace  7  2]),  Nicanor  appears  again  under  King 
Demetrius  in  the  struggle  between  Alcimus  and 
Judas.  Alcimus,  having  been  seated  in  the  priest- 
hood by  Demetrius'  officer  Bacchides,  could  not 
hold  it  against  Judas  and  the  patriots.  He  appealed 
again  to  Demetrius,  who  this  time  selected  Nicanor, 
now  governor  of  Cyprus  (2  Mace  12  2)  and  known 
for  his  deadly  hatred  of  the  Jews,  to  settle  the  dis- 
pute and  slay  Judas  (14  12  ff;  1  Mace  7  26  ff). 
Nicanor  was  appointed  governor  of  Judaea  on  this 
occasion.  Again  1  and  2  Mace  differ.  According 
to  1  Maco,  Nicanor  sought  in  vain  to  seize  Judas 
by  treachery.  Then  followed  the  battle  of  Caphar- 
salama  ("village  of  peace"),  in  which  the  Syrians 
were  defeated,  though  Jos  (Ant,  XII,  x,  5)  says 
Judas  was  defeated.  Nicanor  retired  to  Jerus,  in- 
sulted the  priests  and  threatened  the  destruction  of 
the  temple  unless  they  delivered  up  Judas.  He  then 
retired  to  Beth-horon  to  find  Judas  posted  oppo- 
site him  at  Adasa  (1  Mace  7  39  ff),  3i  miles  dis- 
tant. Here  on  the  13th  of  the  12th  month  Adar 
(March),  161  BC,  the  Syrians  sustained  a  crushing 
defeat,  Nicanor  himself  being  the  first  to  fall.  The 
Jews  cut  off  his  head  and  proud  right  hand  and 
hanged  them  up  beside  Jerus.  For  a  little  while 
Adasa  gave  the  land  of  Judah  rest.  The  people 
ordained  to  keep  this  "day  of  great  gladness"  year 
by  year — the  13th  of  Adar,  "the  day  before  the  day 
of  Mordecai"  (Feast  of  Purim).  2  Mace  mentions 
that  Simon,  Judas'  brother,  was  worsted  in  a  first 
engagement  (14  17),  omits  the  battle  of  Caphar- 
salama,  and  represents  Nicanor,  struck  with  the 
manliness  of  the  Jews,  as  entering  into  friendly 
relations  with  Judas,  urging  him  to  marry  and  lead 
a  quiet  life,  forgetful  of  the  king's  command  until 
Alcimus  accused  him  to  Demetrius.  The  latter 
peremptorily  ordered  Nicanor  to  bring  Judas  in  all 
haste  as  prisoner  to  Antioch  (14  27).  The  scene  of 
the  final  conflict  (Adasa)  is  given  only  as  "in  the 
region  of  Samaria"  (15  1).  According  to  this 
account,  it  was  Judas  who  ordered  the  mutilation 
of  Nicanor  and  in  a  more  gruesome  fashion  (15  30  ff ) . 
It  is  possible  that  the  Nicanor,  the  Cypriarch  or 
governor  of  Cyprus  of  2  Mace  12  2,  is  a  different 
person  from  Nicanor,  the  son  of  Patroclus — a  view 
not  accepted  in  the  above  account.       S.  Angus 

NICANOR  (NiKdvup,  Nikdnor):  One  of  "the 
seven"  chosen  to  superintend  "the  daily  ministra- 
tion" of  the  poor  of  the  Christian  community  at 
Jerus  (Acts  6  5).     The  name  is  Gr. 

NICODEMUS,  nik-5-de'mus  (NvK68ti|xos,  Nikd- 
demos):  A  Pharisee  and  a  "ruler  of  the  Jews," 
mentioned  only  by  St.  John.  He  (1)  interviewed 
Christ  at  Jerus  and  was  taught  by  Him  the  doctrine 
of  the  New  Birth  (.In  3  1-15),  (2)  defended  Him 
before  the  Sanhedrin  (Jn  7  .50-52),  and  (3)  assisted 
at  His  burial  (Jn  19  39-42). 

This  meeting,  which  it  has  been  surmised  took 
place  in  the  house  of  St.  John  (Jn  3  1-15),  was  one 
of  the  results  of  Our  Lord's  ministry  at  Jerus 
during  the  first  Passover  (cf  Jn  3  2  with  Jn  2 
23).     Although  N.  had  been  thus  won  to  beheve 


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in  the  Divine  nature  of  Christ's  mission,  his  faith 

was  yet  very  incomplete  in  that  he  believed  Him 

to  be  inspired  only  after  the  fashion 

1.  The  of  the  OT  prophets.     To   this   faint- 
Interview      hearted  faith  corresponded  his  timid- 
ity of  action,   which   displayed  itself 

in  his  coming  "by  night,"  lest  he  should  offend 
his  colleagues  in  the  Sauhedrin  and  the  other 
hostile  Jews  (ver  2).  In  answer  to  the  veiled 
question  which  the  words  of  N.  implied,  and  to 
convince  him  of  the  inadequacy  of  mere  intel- 
lectual belief,  Christ  proclaimed  to  him  the  neces- 
sity for  a  spiritual  regeneration:  "Except  one  be 
born  anew,  he  cannot  see  the  kingdom  of  God" 
(ver  3).  This  was  interpreted  by  N.  only  in  its 
materialistic  sense,  and  therefore  caused  him  be- 
wilderment and  confusion  (ver  4).  But  Christ, 
as  on  another  occasion  when  dealing  with  His 
questioners  on  a  similar  point  of  doctrine  (cf 
Jn  6  52.53),  answered  his  perplexity  only  by  re- 
peating His  previous  statement  (ver  5).  He  then 
proceeded  to  give  further  explanation.  The  re- 
birth is  not  outward  but  inward,  it  is  not  of  the 
body  but  of  the  soul  (ver  6).  Just  as  God  is  the 
real  agent  in  the  birth  of  the  body,  so  also  is  He  the 
Creator  of  the  New  Spirit;  and  just  as  no  one 
knoweth  whence  cometh  the  wind,  or  "whither  it 
goeth,"  yet  all  can  feel  its  effects  who  come  under 
its  influence,  so  is  it  with  the  rebirth.  Only  those 
who  have  experienced  it  as  a  change  in  themselves, 
wrought  by  the  Divine  Power,  are  qualified  to  judge 
either  of  its  reality  or  of  its  effects  (vs  7.8).  But 
N.,  since  such  experience  had  not  yet  been  his, 
remained  still  unenlightened  (ver  9).  Christ  there- 
fore condemned  such  blindness  in  one  who  yet  pro- 
fessed to  be  a  teacher  of  spiritual  thing;s  (ver  10), 
and  emphasized  the  reality  in  His  own  life  of  those 
truths  which  He  had  been  expounding  (ver  11). 
With  this,  Christ  returned  to  the  problem  under- 
lying the  first  statement  of  N.  If  N.  cannot  believe 
in  "earthly  things,"  i.e.  in  the  New  Birth,  which, 
though  coming  from  above,  is  yet  realized  in  this 
world,  how  can  he  hope  to  understand  "heavenly 
things,"  i.e.  the  deeper  mysteries  of  God's  purpose 
in  sending  Christ  into  the  world  (ver  12),  of  Christ's 
Divine  sonship  (ver  13),  of  His  relationship  to  the 
atonement  and  the  salvation  of  man  (ver  14),  and 
of  how  a  living  acceptance  of  and  feeding  upon  Him 
is  in  itself  Divine  life  (ver  15;   cf  Jn  6  25-65)? 

The  above  interview,  though  apparently  fruitless 

at  the  time,  was  not  without  its  effect  upon  N.     At 

the   Feast  of  Tabernacles,   when  the 

2.  The  Sanhedrin  was  enraged  at  Christ's 
Defence         proclamation  of  Himself  as  the  "living 

water"  (Jn  7  37.38),  N.  was  em- 
boldened to  stand  up  in  His  defence.  Yet  here  also 
he  showed  his  natural  timidity.  He  made  no  per- 
sonal testimony  of  his  faith  in  Christ,  but  sought 
rather  to  defend  Him  on  a  point  of  Jewish  law  (Jn 
7  50-.52;  cf  Ex  23  1;  Dt  1  16.17;  17  6;  19  15). 
By  this  open  act  of  reverence  N.  at  last  made 
pubhc  profession  of  his  being  of  the  following  of 

Christ.     His   wealth   enabled   him   to 

3.  The  provide  the  "mixture  of  myrrh  and 
Burial  aloes,  about  a  hundred  pounds,"  with 

which  the  body  of  Jesus  was  embalmed 
(Jn  19  39  ff). 

The  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  and  other  apocrjTjhal 
worlis  narrate  that  N.  gave  evidence  in  favor  of  Christ 
at  the  trial  before  Pilate,  that  he  was  deprived  of  ofRce 
and  banished  from  Jerus  by  the  hostile  Jews,  and  that 
he  was  baptized  by  St.  Peter  and  St.  John.  His  remains 
were  said  to  have  been  found  in  a  common  grave  along 
with  those  of  Gamaliel  and  St.  Stephen. 

Nicodemus  is  a  type  of  the  "well-instructed  and 
thoughtful  Jew  who  looked  for  the  consummation 
of  national  hope  to  follow  in  the  line  along  which  he 


had  himself  gone,  as  being  a  continuation  and  not 
a  new  beginning"  (Westcott).  The  manner  in 
which  the  Gospel  narrative  traces  the  overcoming 
of  his  natural  timidity  and  reluctant  faith  is  in  itself 
a  beautiful  illustration  of  the  working  of  the  Spirit, 
of  how  belief  in  the  Son  of  Man  is  in  truth  a  new 
birth,  and  the  entrance  into  eternal  life. 

C.  M.  Kerr 
NICODEMUS,    GOSPEL    OF.     See    Apocry- 
phal Gospels,  III,  3,  (6). 

NICOLAITANS,      nik-6-la'i-tanz      (NiKoXaCrat, 

NikolaUai) :    A  sect  or  party  of  evil  influence  in 

early     Christianity,     esp.     in     the     7 

1.  The  Sect  churches  of  Asia.     Their  doctrine  was 

similar  to  that  of  Balaam,  "who  taught 
Balak  to  cast  a  stumblingblock  before  the  children  of 
Israel,  to  eat  things  sacrificed  to  idols,  and  to  commit 
fornication"  (Rev  2  14.15).  Their  practices  were 
strongly  condemned  by  St.  John,  who  praised  the 
church  in  Ephesus  for  "hating  their  works"  (Rev 
2  6),  and  blamed  the  church  in  Pergamum  for 
accepting  in  some  measure  their  teaching  (Rev  2 
15).  Except  that  reference  is  probably  made  to 
their  influence  in  the  church  at  Thyatira  also,  where 
their  leader  was  "the  woman  Jezebel,  who  calleth 
herself  a  prophetess"  (Rev  2  20;  cf  ver  14),  no 
further  direct  information  regarding  them  is  given 
in  Scripture. 

Reference  to  them  is  frequent  in  post-apostolic 
literature.     According  to  Irenaeus  {Adv.   Haer.,  i. 

26.3;  iii.10.7),  followed  by  Hippolytus 

2.  Refer-  {Philos.,  vii.36),  they  were  founded  by 
ences  Nicolaiis,  the  proselyte  of  Antioch,  who 

was  one  of  the  seven  chosen  to  serve  at 
the  tables  (Acts  6  5).  Irenaeus,  as  also  Clement  of 
Alexandria  (Strom.,  ii.20),  TertuUian  and  others, 
unite  in  condemning  their  practices  in  terms  similar 
to  those  of  St.  John;  and  reference  is  also  made 
to  their  gnostic  tendencies.  In  explanation  of 
the  apparent  incongruity  of  such  an  immoral  sect 
being  founded  by  one  of  "good  report,  full  of 
the  Spirit  and  of  wisdom"  (cf  Acts  6  3),  Simcox 
argues  that  their  lapse  may  have  been  due  to  re- 
action from  original  principles  of  a  too  rigid  asceti- 
cism. A  theory,  started  in  comparatively  modern 
times,  and  based  in  part  on  the  similarity  of  mean- 
ing of  the  Gr  "Nikolaiis,"  and  the  Heb  "Balaam," 
puts  forward  the  view  that  the  two  sects  referred  to 
under  these  names  were  in  reality  identical.  Yet  if 
this  were  so,  it  would  not  have  been  necessary  for 
St.  John  to  designate  them  separately. 

The  problem  underlying  the  Nicolaitan  contro- 
versy, though  so  little  direct  mention  is  made  of  it 
in  Scripture,  was  in  reality  most  im- 

3.  Nice-  portant,  and  concerned  the  whole  rela- 
laitan  Con-  tion  of  Christianity  to  paganism  and 
troversy         its  usages.     The  Nicolaitans  disobeyed 

the  command  issued  to  the  gentile 
churches,  by  the  apostolic  council  held  at  Jerus  in 
49-50  AD,  that  they  should  refrain  from  the  eat- 
ing of  "things  sacrificed  to  idols"  (Acts  15  29). 
Such  a  restriction,  though  seemingly  hard,  in  that 
it  prevented  the  Christian  communities  from  joining 
iri  public  festivals,  and  so  brought  upon  them  sus- 
picion and  dislike,  was  yet  necessary  to  prevent  a 
return  to  a  pagan  laxity  of  morals.  To  this  danger 
the  Nicolaitans  were  themselves  a  glaring  witness, 
and  therefore  St.  John  was  justified  in  condemning 
them.  In  writing  to  the  Corinthians,  St.  Paul 
gives  warning  against  the  same  evil  practices,  basing 
his  arguments  on  consideration  for  the  weaker 
brethren  (cf  1  Cor  8). 

Literature. — Simcox,  "Rev"  in  the  Cambridge 
Bible:  H.  Cowan  in  IIDB.  art.  "Nicolaitans";  H.  B. 
Swete,  The  Apocalypse  of  Si.  John.  Ixx  fl,  27,  2X,  .37. 

C.  M.  Kerb 


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Night-Monster 


NICOLAUS,  nik-fi-la'us  (EV),  NICOLAS,  nik'6- 
las  (NiK6Xaos,  Nikolaos):  One  of  "the  seven" 
chosen  to  have  the  oversight  of  "the  daily  minis- 
tration" to  the  poor  of  the  church  in  Jerus  (Acts  6 
5).  He  is  called  "a  proselyte  of  Antioch";  the 
other  6  were  therefore  probably  Jews  by  birth.  This 
is  the  first  recorded  case  of  the  admission  of  a  prose- 
lyte into  office  in  the  Christian  church.  Some  of 
the  church  Fathers  (Irenaeus,  Hippolytus,  Pseudo- 
Tertullian)  state  that  he  was  the  founder  of  the  sect 
called  NicoLAiTANS  (q.v.)  (Rev  2  1.5).  Other 
Fathers  seem  to  suggest  that  this  was  a  vain  claim 
made  by  this  sect  in  seeking  apostolic  authority 
for  their  opinions.  It  may  be  that  the  opinions 
of  this  sect  were  an  antinomian  exaggeration  of  the 
preaching  of  Nicolatis.  S.  F.  Hunter 

NICOPOLIS,  ni-kop'6-lis  (NikoitoXis,  Nikdpo- 
lis):  A  city  in  Pal,  half-way  between  Jaffa  and 
Jerus,  now  called  Ammas,  mentioned  in  1  Mace  3 
40.57  and  9  50.  The  earlier  city  (Emmaus)  was 
burnt  by  Quintilius  Varus,  but  was  rebuilt  in  223 
AD  as  Nicopolis. 

The  Nicopolis,  however,  to  which  Paul  urges 
Titus  to  come  (Trpis  /ie  eh  NiKiiroXii',  iKd  yhp  K^KpiKa 
■n-apaxeip-icai,  ■pros  me  eis  Nikopolin,  ekel  gar  ke- 
krika  paracheirndsai  [Tit  3  12])  is  probably  the  city 
of  that  name  situated  on  the  southwest  promontory 
of  Epirus.  If  this  view  is  correct,  the  statement 
made  by  some  writers  that  from  Eastern  Greece 
(Athens,  Thessalonica,  Philippi,  Corinth)  Paul's 
labors  extended  to  Italy,  that  he  never  visited 
Western  Greece,  requires  modification.  It  is  true 
that  we  do  not  hear  of  his  preaching  at  Patras, 
Zacynthus,  Cephallenia,  Corcyra  (the  modern 
Corfu),  which,  as  a  way-station  to  and  from  Sicily, 
always  held  preeminence  among  the  Ionian  islands; 
but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that,  if  his  plan  of 
going  to  Nicopolis  was  carried  out,  he  desired  to 
evangelize  the  province  of  Epirus  (as  well  as 
Acarnania)  in  Western  Greece .  Indeed,  it  was  in  this 
very  city  of  Nicopolis,  probably,  that  he  was  ar- 
rested and  taken  to  Rome  for  trial — during  one  of 
the  winters  between  64-67  AD. 

Nicopolis  was  situated  only  a  few  miles  N.  of  the 
modern  Prevesa,  the  chief  city  of  Epirus  today,  the 
city  which  the  Greeks  bombarded  in  1912  in  the 
hope  of  wresting  it  from  the  Turks.  The  ancient 
city  was  founded  by  Augustus,  whose  camp  hap- 
pened to  be  pitched  there  the  night  before  the 
famous  fight  with  Antony  (31  EC).  The  gulf, 
called  Ambracia  in  ancient  times,  is  now  known 
as  Arta.  On  the  south  side  was  Actium,  where  the 
battle  was  fought.  Directly  across,  only  half  a 
mile  distant,  on  the  northern  promontory,  was  the 
encampment  of  Augustus.  To  commemorate  the 
victory  over  his  antagonist,  the  Rom  emperor  built 
a  city  on  the  exact  spot  where  his  army  had  en- 
camped ("Victory  City").  On  the  hill  now  called 
Michalitzi,  on  the  site  of  his  own  tent,  he  built  a 
temple  to  Neptune  and  instituted  games  in  honor 
of  Apollo,  who  was  supposed  to  have  helped  him 
in  the  sea-fight.  Nicopolis  soon  became  the  me- 
tropolis of  Epirus,  with  an  autonomous  consti- 
tution, according  to  Gr  custom.  But  in  the  time 
of  the  emperor  Julian  (362)  the  city  had  fallen  into 
decay,  at  least  in  part.  It  was  plundered  by  the 
Goths,  restored  by  Justinian,  and  finally  disap- 
peared entirely  in  the  Middle  Ages,  so  far  as  tfic 
records  of  history  show.  One  document  has  Ni- 
kSttoXi!  ri  vuv  Ilp^/Sefa,  Nikdpolis  he  nun  Preheza,  "N., 
which  is  now  Prebeza."  In  the  time  of  Augustus, 
however,  Nicopolis  was  a  flourishing  town.  The 
emperor  concentrated  here  the  population  of  Aetolia 
and  Acarnania,  and  made  the  city  a  leading  member 
of  the  Amphictyonio  Council.     T?here  are  consider- 


able ruins  of  the  ancient  city,  including  two  theaters, 
a  stadium,  an  aqueduct,  etc. 

Literature. — Kutin,  Ueber  die  Entstehung  der  Stddte 
der  Allen. 

J.  E.  Harry 

NIGER,  ni'jer  (Niytp,  Niger).     Sec  Simeon,  (5). 

NIGH,  ni.     See  Near. 

NIGHT,  nit  (for  the  natural  usage  and  the  various 
terms,  see  Day  and  Night)  : 

Figurative  uses:   The  word  "night"  (Hpib ,  lay- 

lah,  or  -■'? ,  layil)  is  sometimes  used  fig.  in  the  OT. 

Thus  Moses  compares  the  brevity  of 

1.  In  the        time,  the  lapse  of  a  thousand  years, 
OT  to  "a  watch  in  the  night"  (Ps  90  4). 

Adver.sity  is  depicted  by  it  in  such 
places  as  Job  35  10;  cf  Isa  8  20;  Jer  15  9.  Dis- 
appointment and  despair  are  apparently  depicted 
by  it  in  the  "burden  of  Dumah"  (Isa  21  11.12);  and 
spiritual  bUndness,_  coming  upon  the  false  prophets 
(Mic  3  6);  again  'sudden  and  overwhelming  con- 
fusion (Am  5  8;  Isa  59  10  A V,  D1B3,  nesheph,  "twi- 
Hght"asinRV). 

On  the  lips  of  Jesus  (Jn  9  4)  it  signifies  the  end 
of  opportunity  to  labor;   repeated  in  that  touching 

little  allegory  spoken  to  His  disciples 

2.  In  the        when  He  was  called  to  the  grave  of 
NT  Lazarus  (Jn  11  9.10).     Paul  also  uses 

the  figure  in  reference  to  the  Parousia 
(Rom  13  12),  where  "night"  seems  to  refer  to  the 
present  aeon  and  "day"  to  the  aeon  to  come.  He 
also  uses  it  in  1  Thess  5  5.7  where  the  status  of  the 
redeemed  is  depicted  by  "day,"  that  of  the  unregen- 
erate  by  "night,"  again,  as  the  context  shows,  in 
reference  to  the  Parousia.  In  Rev  21  25  and  22  5, 
the  passing  of  the  "night"  indicates  the  realization 
of  that  to  which  the  Parousia  looked  forward,  the 
estabhshment  of  the  kingdom  of  God  forever.  See 
also  Delitzsch,  Iris,  35.  Henry  E.  Dosker 

NIGHT-HAWK,  nlt'hok  (D^nn ,  tahmas,  "tach- 
mas";  -yXavf,  glaux,  but  sometimes  strouthos,  and 
seirenos;  Lat  caprimulgus) :  The  Heb  tahma^ 
means  "to  tear  and  scratch  the  face,"  so  that  it  is 
very  difficult  to  select  the  bird  intended  by  its  use. 
Any  member  of  the  eagle,  vulture,  owl  or  hawk 
famiUes  driven  to  desperation  would  "tear  and 
scratch"  with  the  claws  and  bite  in  self-defence. 
The  bird  is  mentioned  only  in  the  fists  of  abomina- 
tions (see  Lev  11  16;  Dt  14  15).  There  are  three 
good  reasons  why  the  night-hawk  or  night-jar, 
more  properly,  was  intended.  The  lists  were  sweep- 
ing and  included  almost  every  common  bird  unfit  for 
food.  Because  of  its  peculiar  characteristics  it  had 
been  made  the  object  of  fable  and  superstition.  It 
fed  on  wing  at  night  and  constantly  uttered  weird 
cries.  Lastly,  it  was  a  fierce  fighter  when  disturbed 
in  brooding  or  raising  its  young.  Its  habit  was  to 
lie  on  its  back  and  fight  with  beak  and  claw  with 
such  ferocity  that  it  seemed  very  possible  that  it 
would  "tear  and  scratch  the  face."  Some  com- 
mentators insist  that  the  bird  intended  was  an  owl, 
but  for  the  above  reasons  the  night-jar  seems  most 
probable;  also  several  members  of  the  owl  family 
were  clearly  indicated  in  the  list.  See  Hawk. 
Gene  Stratton-Porter 

NIGHT-MONSTER,  nit'mon-ster  (Plib^b  ,  lUuh, 
LXX  ovoK€vTaupos,  onokentauros;   Vulg  lamia) : 

I.     The  Accepted  Translation 

1.  Professor  Rogers'  Statement 

2.  E.xception  to  the  Statement 
II.     Folklore  in  the  OT 

1.  Paucity  of  References 

2.  References  in  Highly  Poetical  Passages 

3.  The  References  Allusive 

4.  Possibility  of  Non-mythological  Interpretation 

5.  The  Term  lUith. 


Night-Monster 
NUe 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2144 


/.  The  Accepted  Translation. — The  term  "night- 
monster"  is  a  hiTJothetical  tr  of  the  Heb  term  T^'O'O  , 
lillth,  used  once  only,  in  Isa  34  14.  The  word  is 
tr"*  in  AV  "screech-owl,"  m  "night  monster,"  RV 
"night-monster,"  m  "Lihth."  The  term  "night- 
monster"  is  also  an  interpretation,  inasmuch  as 
it  impHes  that  the  Heb  word  is  a  Bab  loan-word,  and 
that  the  reference  indicates  a  survival  of  primitive 
folldore. 

Concerning  this  weird  superstition,  and  its 
strange,  single  appearance  in  the  Book  of  Isa,  Pro- 
fessor Rogers  has  this  to  say;  "The  lil, 

1.  Professor  or  ghost,  was  a  night-demon  of  terrible 
Rogers'  and  baleful  influence  upon  men,   and 
Statement     only  to  be  cast  out  with  many  incanta- 
tions.     The    lil  was    attended  by   a 

serving  maid,  the  ardat  UK  ("maid  of  night"), 
which  in  the  Sem  development  was  transferred 
into  the  fem.  lilitu.  It  is  most  curious  and  inter- 
esting to  observe  that  this  ghost-demon  hved  on 
through  the  history  of  the  Bab  rehgion,  and 
was  carried  over  into  tlie  Heb  religion,  there  to 
find  one  single  mention  in  the  words  of  one  of 
the  Heb  prophets"  {Rel.  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia, 
76,  77). 

Exception   is   to   be   taken   to    this   statement, 

admitting  the  etymological  assumption  upon  which 

it  rests,  that    "hUth"    is   a  word   in 

2.  Exception  mythology,  on  the  gi'ound  that  the 
to  the  conception  of  a  night-demon  has  no 
Statement      place  in  the  reUgion  of  the  Hebrews 

as  exhibited  in  the  Scriptures.  It  is 
certainly  worthy  of  more  than  passing  notice  that 
a  conception  which  is  very  prominent  in  the  Bab 
mythology,  and  is  worked  out  with  great  fulness  of 
doctrinal  and  ritualistic  detail,  has,  among  the  He- 
brews, so  far  receded  into  the  background  as  to 
receive  but  one  mention  in  the  Bible,  and  that  a 
bald  citation  without  detail  in  a  highly  poetic 
passage. 

The  most  that  can  possibly  be  said,  with  safety, 
is  that  if  the  passage  in  Isa  is  to  be  taken  as  a  sur- 
vival of  folklore,  it  is  analogous  to  those  survivals 
of  obsolete  ideas  stiU  to  be  found  in  current  speech, 
and  in  tlie  ht.  of  the  modern  world  (see  Lunatic). 
There  is  no  evidence  of  active  participation  in 
this  behef,  or  even  of  interest  in  it  as  such,  on 
the  part  of  the  prophetical  writer.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  nature  of  the  reference  imphes  that 
the  word  was  used  simply  to  add  a  picturesque 
detail  to  a  vivid,  imaginative  description.  AU 
positive  evidence  of  Heb  participation  in  this 
behef  belongs  to  a  later  date  (see  Buxtorf's  Lex., 
s.v.  "Tahnud"). 

//.  Folklore  in  the  OT. — Attention  has  been 
called  elsewhere  to  the  meagerness,  in  the  matter 
of  detail,  of  OT  demonology  (see  Demon,  Demon- 
ologt;  Communion  with  Demons).  A  kindred 
fact  of  great  importance  should  be  briefly  noticed 
here,  namely,  that  the  traces  of  mythology  and 
popular  foMore  in  the  Bible  are  surprisingly  faint 
and  indistinct.  We  have  the  foUondng  set  of  items 
in  which  such  traces  have  been  discovered :  "Rahab" 
(3nT,  TO/^ab^),  mentioned  in  Job  9  13;  26  12;  Isa 
51  9;  "Tanin"  ('("'IPl,  tannin),  Isa  27  1;  "Levia- 
than" (]'n;"!b ,  liwyathan),  Job  3  8;  Ps  74  14;  Isa 
27  1;  Ezk  29  3;  Job  41  passim;  the  "serpent  in 
the  sea,"  in  Am  9  3;  "Scirim"  (D"'")^"!!) ,  s'Hrlm), 
2  Ch  11  15;  Lev  17  7;  2  K  23  8;  Isa  13  21; 
34  14;  "Alukah"  (Hp^lby,  'dhllcah),  Prov  30  15; 
"Azazel"  (bXiiTJ,'aza'zel),Lev  16  8.10.26;  "Lilith" 
(ut  sup.),  Isa  34  14.15. 

A  review  of  these  passages  brings  certain  very 
interesting  facts  to  Ught. 


The  references    are  few  in   number.     Rahab   is 

mentioned  3  t;    Tanin  (in  this  connection),  once; 

Leviathan,   5  t;    the   serpent   in   the 

1.  Paucity  of  sea,  once;  Seirim,  5  t  (twice  with  ref- 
References    erence  to  idols) ;  Alukah,  once;  Azazel, 

3  t  in  one  ch  and  in  the  same  connec- 
tion; Lihth,  once. 

These  references,  with  the  single  exception  of 
Azazel  to  which  we  shall  return  a  Uttle  later,  are 

all    in   highly  poetical   passages.     On 

2.  Refer-  general  grounds  of  common-sense  we 
ences  in  should  not  ascribe  conscious  and  delib- 
Highly  erate  mythology  to  writers  or  speakers 
Poetical  of  the  Bible  in  passages  marked  by 
Passages        imaginative    description     and    poetic 

imagery,  any  more  than  we  should 
ascribe  such  beUefs  to  modern  writers  under 
hke  circumstances.  Poetry  is  the  reahn  of  truth 
and  not  of  matter  of  fact.  In  passages  of  this 
tenor,  mythology  may  explain  the  word  itself  and 
justify  its  appropriateness,  it  does  not  explain  the 
use  of  the  term  or  disclose  the  personal  view  of  the 
writer. 

AU  these  references   are  in   the  highest   degree 
allusive.     They  exhibit  no  exercise  of  the  mytho- 
logical  fancy    and    have   received   no 

3.  The  embroidery  with  details.  This  is  most 
References  significant.  So  far  as  our  specific  ref- 
Allusive  erences  are  concerned,  we  are  deaUng 

with  petrified  mythology,  useful  as  liter- 
ary embeUishment,  but  no  longer  interesting  in  itself. 
Every  one  of  these  words  is  sufficiently  obscure 
in  origin  and  uncertain  in  meaning  to  admit  the 

possibihty  of   a   non-mythological  in- 

4.  Possibil-  terpretation;  indeed,  in  several  of  the 
ity  of  Non-  parallels  a  non-mythological  use  is 
mytho-  evident.  Bible-Diet,  writers  are  apt 
logical  to  say  (e.g.  concerning  lillth)  that  there 
Interpre-  is  wo  doubt  concerning  the  mytho- 
tation  logical  reference.  The  reader  may  dis- 
cover for  laimself  that  the  lexicographers 

are  more  cautious  (see  BOB,  in  loc).  The  use  of 
"Rahab"  in  Job  26  12  is  not  mythological  for  the 
simple  reason  that  it  is  figurative;  the  use  of 
"Leviathan"  in  Isa  27  land  Ezk  29  3  comes  under 
the  same  category.  In  Job  40  and  41,  if  the  identi- 
fication of  behemoth  and  leviathan  with  hippopota- 
mus and  crocodile  be  allowed  to  stand  and  the 
mythological  significance  of  the  two  be  admitted, 
we  have  the  stage  where  mythology  has  become  a 
fixed  and  universal  symbolism  which  can  be  used  to 
convey  truth  apart  from  the  belief  in  it  as  reality 
(see  Leviathan;  "Job,"  New  Cent.  Bible,  p.  335; 
Meth.  Bey.,  May,  1913,  429  ff).  The  sea  serpent  of 
Am  9  3  is  not  necessarily  the  dragon  or  Tianiat,  and 
the  use  of  the  term  is  merely  suggestive.  The  term 
s''ir  is  in  hteral  use  for  "he-goat"  (Nu  15  24,  et  al.) 
and  is  doubtful  throughout.  Ewald  translates  it 
"he-goat"  in  Isa  34  14  and  "Satyr"  in  13  21.  It 
means  Kt.  "shaggy  monster"  (Vulg  pilosus).  We  do 
not  hesitate  on  the  basis  of  the  evidence  to  erase 
"Alukah"  (Prov  30  15,  RV  "horse-leech,"  by  some 
tr'^  "vampire")  and  "Azazel"  (Lev  16  8,  etc),  inter- 
preted as  a  "demon  of  the  desert,"  from  the  list  of 
mythological  words  altogether.  As  ripe  a  scholar 
as  Perowne  ("Prov,"  Cambridge  Bible)  combats 
the  idea  of  vampire,  and  Kellogg  ("Lev,"  Expositor's 
Bible,  in  loc.)  has  simply  put  to  rout  the  mytho- 
logical-demonic interpretation  of  Azazel.  Even 
in  the  case  of  lililh  the  derivation  is  obscure,  and 
the  objections  urged  against  the  demonic  idea  by 
Alexander  have  not  altogether  lost  their  force  (see 
]  Comm.  on  Isa,  in  loc).  There  is  a  close  balance  of 
probabihties  in  one  direction  or  the  other. 

One  further  fact  with  regard  to  lillth  must  be  con- 
sidered. The  term  occurs  in  a  hst  of  creatures,  the 
greater  part  of  which  are  matter-of-fact  animals 


2145 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Night-Monster 
Nile 


or  birds.  A  comparative  glance  at  a  half-dozen  tr" 
of  the  passage  Isa  34  11-14  wiU  convince  any  reader 

that  there  are  a  great  many  obscure 
5.  The  and  difficult  words  to  be  found  in  the 

Term  Hst.    Following  Dehtzsch's  tr  we  have: 

riRth  "peUcan,"  "hedge-hog,"  "horned-owl," 

"raven,"  "wild-dog,"  "ostrich,"  "forest- 
demon"  (s^'ir),  "night-monster."  This  is  a  curious 
mixture  of  real  and  imaginary  creatures.  Alexander 
acutely  observes  that  there  is  too  much  or  too 
little  mythology  in  the  passage.  One  of  two  con- 
clusions would  seem  to  follow  from  a  list  so  con- 
structed :  Either  all  these  creatures  are  looked  upon 
as  more  or  less  demonic  (see  Whitehouse,  HDB,  art. 


black  or  blue.     This  name  does  not  occur  in  the 
Heb  of  the  OT  or  in  the  Eng.  tr) : 

I.     The  Nile  IN  Physical  Geography 

1.  Description 

2.  Geological  Origin 

3.  The  Making  of  Egypt 

4.  The  Inundation 

5.  The  Infiltration 

II.     The  Nile  in  Hlstory 

1.  The  Location  of  Temples 

2.  The  Location  of  Cemeteries 

3.  The  Damming  of  the  Nile 

4.  Egyptian  Famines 
III.     The  Nile  in  Religion 

1.  The  Nile  as  a  God 

2.  The  Nile  in  the  Osirian  Myth 

3.  The  Celestial  Nile 


>h^ 

i«,yM 

1^ 

-J 

«,..*:, 

m^^^  ' 

;-■       ^   ' 

^BsKlgBSi  {0^' 

i»'  '          * 

wK^^Kt^EU^xy^  ■ 

1* 

t'           ,     ■■'   ■' 

^H^HH^hw           "4^1^^'' 

^ 

II 

Ki 

^3 

^^g^AM     \ 

On  the  Bank  of  the  Nile. 


"Demon,"  with  which  cf  W.  M.  Alexander,  Demonic 
Possession  in  the  NT,  16),  or,  as  seems  to  the 
present  writer  far  more  probable,  none  in  the  list 
is  considered  otherwise  than  as  supposed  Uteral  in- 
habitants of  the  wilderness.  The  writer  of  Isa  34 
14,  who  was  not  constructing  a  scientific  treatise, 
but  using  his  imagination,  has  constructed  a  list  in 
which  are  combined  real  and  imaginary  creatures 
popularly  supposed  to  inhabit  unpeopled  solitudes. 
There  stiU  remains  a  by  no  means  untenable  suppo- 
sition that  none  of  the  terms  necessarily  are  mytho- 
logical in  this  particular  passage. 

Louis  Matthews  Sweet 

NIGHT-WATCH,  nit'woch  (nbib?  nn^rTSX , 
'askmUrah  ba-laylah,  "watch  in  the  night"):  One  of 
the  three  or  four  divisions  of  the  night.  See 
Watch;  Time. 

NILE,  nil  (NtiXos,  Neilos,  meaning  not  certainly 
known;   perhaps  refers  to  the  color  of  the  water,  as 


A  river  of  North  Africa,  the  great  river  of  Egypt. 
The  name  employed  in  the  OT  to  designate  the  Nile 
is  in  the  Heb  li?'? ,  y'or,  Egyp  dur,  earlier,  atUr, 
usually  tr"*  "river,"  also  occasionally  "canals"  (Ps 
78  44;  Ezk  29  3ff).  In  a  general  way  it  means 
all  the  water  of  Egypt.  The  Nile  is  also  the  prin- 
cipal river  included  in  the  phrase  'dD""'"|n5,  na- 
hare  kiish,  "rivers  of  Ethiopia"  (Isa  18  1).  Poeti- 
cally the  Nile  is  caUed  U1,yam,  "sea"  (Job  41  31; 
Nah  3  8;  probably  Isa  18  2),  but  this  is  not  a 
name  of  the  river.  llrT'lp ,  shlhor,  not  always 
written  fuUy,  has  also  been  interpreted  in  a  mis- 
taken way  of  the  Nile  (see  Shihob).  Likewise 
D"in2^  "11^5,  nahar  migrayim,  "brook  of  Egypt,"  a 
border  stream  in  no  way  connected  with  the  Nile, 
has  sometimes  been  mistaken  for  that  river.  See 
River  of  Egypt. 

/.  The  Nile  in  Physical  Geography.— The  Nile 
is  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  White  Nile  and 


NUe 
Nineveh 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2146 


the  Blue  Nile  in  lat.  15°  45'  N.  and  long.  32°  45' 

E.    The  Blue  N.  rises  in  the  highlands  of  Abyssinia, 

lat.  12°  30'  N.,  long.  3.5°  E.,  and  flows 

1.  Descrip-  N.W.  850  miles  to  its  junction  with 
tion  the  White   N.     The    White    N.,   the 

principal  branch  of  the  N.,  rises  in 
Victoria  Nyanza,  a  great  lake  in  Central  Africa, 
a  few  miles  N.  of  the  equator,  long.  33°  E.  (more 
e.xactly  the  N.  may  be  said  to  rise  at  the  headwaters 
of  the  Ragera  River,  a  smaU  stream  on  the  other 
side  of  the  lake,  3°  S.  of  the  equator),  and  flows  N. 
in  a  tortuous  channel,  1,400  miles  to  its  junction 
with  the  Blue  N.  From  this  junction-point  the  N. 
flows  N.  through  Nubia  and  Egypt  1,900  miles  and 
empties  into  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  in  lat.  32°  N., 
through  2  mouths,  the  Rosetta,  E.  of  Alexandria, 
and  the  Damietta,  W.  of  Port  Said.  There  were 
formerly  7  mouths  scattered  along  a  coast-hne  of 
140  miles. 

The  Nile  originated  in  the  Tertiary  period  and 

has  continued  from  that  time  to  this,  though  by 

the  subsidence  of  the  land  220  ft.  along 

2.  Geologi-  the  Mediterranean  shore  in  the  Pin- 
eal Origin      vial  times,  the  river  was  very  much 

shortened.  Later  in  the  Pluvial  times 
the  land  rose  again  and  is  stiU  rising  slowly. 

Cultivable  Egypt  is  altogether  the  product  of  the 
N.,  every  particle  of  the  soil  having  been  brought 

down  by  the  river  from  the  heart  of  the 

3.  The  continent  and  deposited  along  the 
Making  of  banks  and  esp.  in  the  delta  at  the 
Egypt             mouth  of  the  river.     The  banks  have 

risen  higher  and  higher  and  extended 
farther  and  farther  back  by  the  deposit  of  the  sedi- 
ment, until  the  valley  of  arable  land  varies  in  width 
in  most  parts  from  3  or  4  miles  to  9  or  10  miles. 
The  mouth  of  the  river,  after  the  last  elevation  of 
the  land  in  Pluvial  times,  was  at  first  not  far  from 
the  lat.  of  Cairo.  From  this  point  northward  the 
river  has  built  up  a  delta  of  140  miles  on  each  side, 
over  which  it  spreads  itself  and  empties  into  the  sea 
through  its  many  mouths. 

The  watering  of  Egypt  by  the  inundation  from 
the  N.  ia  the  most  striking  feature  of  the  physical 

character  of  that  land,  and  one  of  the 

4.  The  In-  most  interesting  and  remarkable  physi- 
undation        cal    phenomena    in    the    world.     The 

inundation  is  produced  by  the  com- 
bination of  an  indirect  and  a  direct  cause.  The 
indirect  cause  is  the  rain  and  melting  snow  on  the 
equatorial  mountains  in  Central  Africa,  which 
maintains  steadily  a  great  volume  of  water  in  the 
White  N.  The  direct  cause  is  torrential  rains  in 
the  highlands  of  Abyssinia  which  send  down  the 
Blue  N.  a  sudden  gi-eat  increase  in  the  volume  of 
water.  T"he  inundation  has  two  periods  each  year. 
The  first  begins  about  July  15  and  continues  until 
near  the  end  of  September.  After  a  slight  recession, 
the  river  again  rises  early  in  October  in  the  great 
inundation.  High  Nile  is  in  October,  25  to  30  ft., 
low  Nile  in  June,  about  12  J-  ft.  The  Nilometer  for 
recording  the  height  of  the  water  of  inundation 
dates  from  very  early  times.  Old  Nilometers  are 
found  still  in  situ  at  Edfu  and  Assuan.  The  water- 
ing and  fertiUzing  of  the  land  is  the  immediate  effect 
of  the  inundation;  its  ultimate  result  is  that  making 
of  Egypt  which  is  still  in  progress.  The  settUng 
of  the  sediment  from  the  water  upon  the  land 
has  raised  the  surface  of  the  valley  about  1  ft. 
in  300  to  400  years,  about  9  to  10  ft.  near  Cairo 
since  the  beginning  of  the  early  great  temples.  The 
deposit  varies  greatly  at  other  places.  As  the  de- 
posit of  sediment  has  been  upon  the  bottom  of  the 
river,  as  well  as  upon  the  surface  of  the  land,  though 
more  slowly,  on  account  of  the  swiftness  of  the 
current,  the  river  also  has  been  Ufted  up,  and  thus 
the  inundation  has  extended  farther  and  farther 


to  the  E.,  and  the  W.,  as  the  level  of  the  vaUey 
would  permit,  depositing  the  sediment  and  thus 
making  the  cultivable  land  wider,  as  well  as  the 
soil  deeper,  year  by  year.  At  HeUopoUs,  a  little 
N.  of  Cairo,  this  extension  to  the  E.  has  been  3  to 
4  miles  since  the  building  of  the  great  temple  there. 


Cross-Section  of  Nilometer. 

At  Luxor,  about  350  miles  farther  up  the  river, 
where  the  approach  toward  the  mountains  is  much 
steeper,  the  extension  of  the  good  soil  to  the  E.  and 
the  W.  is  inconsiderable. 

The  ancient  Egyptians  were  right  in  calling  all 
the  waters  of  Egypt  the  N.,  for  wherever  water  is 

obtained  by  digging  it  is  simply  the 
5.  The  N.    percolating    through    the    porous 

Infiltration     soil.     This   percolation   is   called   the 

infiltration  of  the  N.  It  always  ex- 
tends as  far  on  either  side  of  the  N.  as  the  level  of 
the  water  in  the  river  at  the  time  will  permit.  This 
infiltration,  next  to  the  inundation,  is  the  most  im- 
portant physical  phenomenon  in  Egypt.  By 
means  of  it  much  of  the  irrigation  of  the  land  during 
the  dry  season  is  carried  on  from  wells.  It  has  had 
its  influence  also  in  the  political  and  reUgious 
changes  of  the  country  (cf  below). 

//.    The  Nile  in  History. — Some  of  the  early  temples 
were  located  near  the  N.,  probably  because  of  the  deifi- 
cation   of    the   river.     The    rising    of    the 

1.  The  Lo-  surface  of  the  land,  and  at  the  same  time 
ratinn  nf  °^  ^^^  bed  of  the  rivor,  from  the  inunda- 
cauonoi  ^jq^^  uj^g^j  ^^^^^  Egypt  and  its  great 
lemples         river,   but  left  the  temples  down   at  the 

old  level.  In  time  the  infiltration  of  the 
river  from  its  new  higher  level  reached  farther  and 
farther  and  rose  to  a  higher  level  until  the  floor  of  these 
old  temples  was  under  water  even  at  the  time  of  lowest 
N.,  and  then  gods  and  goddesses,  priests  and  ceremonial 
aU  were  driven  out.  At  least  two  of  the  greatest  temples 
and  most  sacred  places,  Heliopolis  and  Memphis,  had  to 
be  abandoned.  Probably  this  fact  had  as  much  to  do 
with  the  downfall  of  Egypt's  religion,  as  its  political 
disasters  and  the  actual  destruction  of  its  temples  by 
eastern  invaders.  Nature's  God  had  driven  out  the 
gods  of  Nature. 

Some    prehistoric    burials    are   found    on   the   higher 
ground,  as  at  Kefr  'A  mar.     A  thousand  years  of  history 

would  be  quite  sufficient  to  teach  Egyp- 

2.  The  Lo-  tians  that  the  N.  was  still  making  Egypt. 
cation  of         Thenceforth,   cemeteries   were  located   at 

.         the    mountains    on    the   eastern    and    the 

L-emeteries    western  boundaries  of  the  valley.     Here 

they  continue  to  this  day,   for  the  most 

part  still  entirely  above  the  waters  of  the  inundation — 

and  usuaUy  above  the  reach  of  the  infiltration. 


2147 


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Nile 
Nineveh 


The  widening  of  the  cultivable  land  by  means  of  long 
canals  which  carried  the  water  from  far  up  the  river  to 

levels  higher  than  that  of  the  inundation, 
3.  Dams  in  ^^-^ther  down  the  river  was  practised  from 
./     ixr'l  very    early    times.     The    substitution    of 

me  iNiie  dams   for   long   canals  was   reserved   for 

modern  engineering  skill.  Three  great 
dams  have  been  made:  the  flrst  a  little  N.  of  Cairo,  the 
greatest  at  Assuan,  and  the  last  near  Asyut. 

Famines  in  Egypt  are  always  due  to  failure  in  the 
quantity  of  the  waters  of  inundation.     Great  famines 

have  not   been   frequent.     The    cause  of 

4    'Fflminp'5    ^^®  failure    in   the  water    of    inundation 

"""""    is   now   believed    to    be   not   so   much   a 

lack  of  the  water  of  inundation  from  the 
Blue  N.  as  the  choking  of  the  channel  of  the  White  N. 
in  the  great  marsh  land  of  the  Sudan  by  the  sud,  a  kind 
of  sedge,  sometimes  becoming  such  a  tangled  mass  as  to 
close  the  cliannel  and  impede  the  flow  of  the  regular 
volume  of  water  so  that  the  freshet  in  the  Blue  N.  causes 
but  little  inundation  at  the  usual  time,  and  during  the 
rest  of  the  year  the  N.  is  so  low  from  the  same  cause  that 
good  irrigation  by  canals  and  wells  is  impossible.  A 
channel  through  the  sud  is  now  kept  open  ijy  the  Egyp 
government. 

///.    The  Nile  in  Religion. — One  of  the  gods  of  the 

Egyp  pantheon  was  Hapi,  the  Nile.     In  early  times 

it   divided   the   honors  with   Ra,   the 

1.  The  Nile  sun-god.  No  wonder  it  was  so.  If 
as  a  God        the    Egyptians    set    out    to    worship 

Nature-gods  at  all,  surely  then  the 
sun  and  the  Nile  first. 

The  origin  of  the  Osirian  myth  is  still  much  dis- 
cussed.    Very  much  evidence,  perhaps  conclusive 

evidence,  can  be  adduced  to  prove  that 

2.  The  Nile  it  rose  originally  from  the  Nile;    that 
in  Osirian      Osiris  was  first  of  all  the  N.,  then  the 
Myth  water  of  the  N.,  then  the  soil,  the  prod- 
uct of  the  waters  of  the  N.,  and  then 

Egypt,  the  N.  and  all  that  it  produced. 

Egypt  was  the  Egyptian's  little  world,  and  Egypt 

was  the  Nile.     It  was  thus  quite  natural  for  the 

Egyptians  in  considering  the  celestial 

3.  The  world  to  image  it  in  Ukeness  of  their 
Celestial  own  world  with  a  celestial  Nile  flowing 
Nile  through  it.     It  is  so  represented  in  the 

mythology,  but  the  conception  of  the 
heavens  is  vague.  M.  G.  Kyle 

NIMRAH,  nim'ra  (TTn^D ,  nimrah;   B,  Nd|ippa, 
Ndmbra,  A,  'A|i(3pdH.,  Ambrdm),  or  BETH-NIMRAH 

(rriTOD  71^3 ,  beth  nimrah;  B,  Na(j.pd|x,  Namrdm,  A, 
'Aiippdv,  Ambrdn  [Nu  32  36],  B,  Baieava|3pd, 
Bailhanabrd,  A,  Bijeaiivd,  Belhmnnd  [Josh  13  27]) : 
These  two  names  evidently  refer  to  the  same  place; 
but  there  is  no  reason  to  think,  as  some  have  done, 
from  the  similarity  of  the  names,  that  it  is  identical 
with  NiMRiM  (q.v.).  On  the  contrary,  the  indi- 
cations of  the  passages  cited  point  to  a  site  E.  of  the 
Jordan  valley  and  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  About  11 
miles  N.E.  of  the  mouth  of  the  Jordan,  where  Wddy 
Nimrin,  coming  down  from  the  eastern  up-lands, 
enters  the  plain,  stands  a  hiU  called  Tell  Nimrin, 
with  tombs  and  certain  traces  of  ancient  building. 
This  may  be  certainly  identified  with  Nimrah  and 
Beth-nimrah;  and  it  corresponds  to  Bethnambris  of 
Onom,  which  lay  5  Rom  miles  N.  of  Livias. 

W.  EwiNG 
NIMRIM,  nim'rim  (n"'^'a5""'15 ,  me  nimrim; 
B,  NePpetv,  Nebrein,  A,  'EPp(|x,_ fiirim  [Jer  48  34], 
TO  {iSiop  Ttis  Ni|j.p€£p.,  16  hudor  lis  Nimreim  [Isa  15 
6]):  The  meaning  appears  to  be  "pure"  or  "whole- 
some water."  The  name  occurs  only  in  Isa  15  6 
and  Jer  48  34  in  oracles  against  Moab.  In  each 
case  it  is  mentioned  in  association  with  Zoar  and 
Horonaim.  It  is  therefore  probably  to  be  sought 
to  the  S.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Onom  places  a  town, 
Bennamareim,  to  the  N.  of  Zoar,  and  identifies  it 
with  the  OT  "Nimrim,"  as  it  seems,  correctly.  The 
name  is  still  found  in  Wddy  Numeireh,  opening  on 
the  sea  at  Burj  Numeirah,  N.  of  Ghor  es-Safiyeh. 
The  waters  of  Nimrim  may  be  sought  either  in 


Moiyel  Nmneirah  or  in  the  spring  higher  up,  where 
lie  the  ruins  of  a  town  in  a  well-watered  and  fruit- 
ful district  (Buhl,  GAP,  272).  W.  Ewing 

NIMROD,  nim'rod  (~'TP3,  nimrodh;  N€(3p<68, 
Nehrod):  A  descendant  of  Ham,  mentioned  in  "the 
generations  of  the  sons  of  Noah"  (Gen  10;  cf  1  Ch 
1  10)  as  a  son  of  Cush.  He  established  his  king- 
dom "in  the  land  of  Shinar,"  including  the  cities 
"Babel,  and  Erech,  and  Accad,  and  Calneh"  (ver 
10),  of  which  only  Babel,  or  Babylon,  and  Erech, 
or  Uruk,  have  been  identiiied  with  certainty.  "The 
land  of  Shinar"  is  the  old  name  for  Southern  Baby- 
lonia, afterward  called  Chaldaea  ('eref  kasdim),  and 
was  probably  more  extensive  in  territory  than  the 
burner  of  the  inscriptions  in  the  ancient  royal  title, 
"King  of  Shumer  and  Accad,"  since  Accad  is  in- 
cluded here  in  Shinar.  Nimrod,  like  other  great 
kings  of  Mesopotamian  lands,  was  a  mighty  hunter, 
possibly  the  mightiest  and  the  prototype  of  them 
all,  sinoe  to  his  name  had  attached  itself  the  prov- 
erb: "Like  Nimrod  a  mighty  hunter  before  Jeh" 
(ver  9),  In  the  primitive  days  of  Mesopotamia, 
as  also  in  Pal,  wild  animals  Were  so  numerous  that 
they  became  a  menace  to  life  and  property  (Ex  23 
29;  Lev  26  22);  therefore  the  king  as  benefactor 
and  protector  of  his  people  hunted  these  wild 
beasts.  The  early  conquest  of  the  cities  of  Baby- 
lonia, or  their  federation  into  one  great  Ivingdom,  is 
here  ascribed  to  Nimrod,  Whether  the  founding  and 
colonization  of  Assyria  (ver  11)  are  to  be  ascribed 
to  N.  will  be  determined  by  the  exegesis  of  the  text. 
EV  reads:  "Out  of  that  land  ke  [i.e.  Nimrod]  went 
forth  into  Assyria,  and  builded  Nineveh,"  etc,  this 
tr  assigning  the  rise  of  Assyria  to  N.,  and  appar- 
ently being  sustained  by  Mic  5  5.6  (cf  J.  M.  P. 
Smith,  "Micah,"  ICC,  in  loc);  but  ARVm  renders: 
"Out  of  that  land  went  forth  Asshur,  and  builded 
Nineveh,"  which  tr  is  more  accurate  exegetically 
and  not  in  conflict  with  Mic  5  6,  if  in  the  latter 
"land  of  Nimrod"  be  understood,  not  as  parallel 
with,  but  as  supplemental  to,  Assyria,  and  therefore 
as  Babylon  (cf  comms.  of  Cheyne,  Pusey,  S.  Clark, 
in  loc). 

N.  has  not  been  identified  with  any  mythical 
hero  or  historic  king  of  the  inscriptions.  Some 
have  sought  identification  with  Gilgamesh,  the  flood 
hero  of  Babylonia  (Skinner,  Driver,  Delitzsch); 
others  with  a  later  Kassite  king  (Haupt,  Hilprecht) , 
which  is  quite  unlikely;  but  the  most  admissible 
correspondence  is  with  Marduk,  chief  god  of  Baby- 
lon, probably  its  historic  founder,  just  as  Asshur, 
the  god  of  Assyria,  appears  in  ver  11  as  the  founder 
of  the  Assyr  empire  (Wellhausen,  Price,  Sayce). 
Lack  of  identification,  however,  does  not  necessarily 
indicate  mythical  origin  of  the  name.  See  Astron- 
omy, II,  11;  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  Religion 
OF,  IV,  7;  Merodach;  Orion.      Edward  Mack 

NIMSHI,  nim'shi  ClBTaS ,  nimshi):  The  grand- 
father of  Jehu  (2  K  9  2.14).  Jehu's  usual  desig- 
nation is  "son  of  Nimshi"  (1  K  19  16). 

NINEVEH,  nin'e-ve  (ni5"'5 ,  nin'weh:  Niv€-oif|, 
Nineut,  Niveu'C,  Nineui;  Gr  and  Rom  writers,  Ntvos, 
Ninos) : 

I,     Beginnings,  Name,  Position 

1.  First  Biblical  Mention 

2.  Etymology  of  the  Name 

3.  Position  on  the  Tigris 

II.     Nineveh  and  Its  SuRROUNDlNas 

1.  Its  Walls 

2.  Principal  Mounds  and  Gateways 

3.  Extent  and  Population  within  the  Walls 

4.  Extent  outside  the  Walls 

5.  Calah,  Besen  and  Rehoboth-Ir 

6.  Khorsabad 

7.  Sherif  Khan  and  Selamleh 

8.  Nimroud 


Nineveh 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2148 


III.     Palaces  at  Nineveh  Proper 

1.  The  Palace  of  Sennacherib 

2.  The  Palace  of  Assur-banl-apli 

IV.     Sennacherib's  Description  op  Nineveh 

1.  The  Walls 

2.  The  Gates — Northwest 

3.  The  Gates — South  and  East 

4.  The  Gates — West 

5.  The  Outer  Wall:  the  Plantations 

6.  The  Water-supply,  etc 

7.  How  the  Bas-BeUefs  lUustrate  the  King's  De- 
scription 

8.  Nineveh  the  Later  Capital 

V.     Last  Days  and  Fall  of  Nineveh 
Literature 

/.   Beginnings,  Name,  Position. — The  first   Bib. 

mention  of  Nineveh  is  in  Gen  10  11,  where  it  is 

stated  that  Nimrod   (q.v.)  or  Asshur 

1.  First  went  out  into  Assyria,  and  builded  N. 
Biblical  and  Rehoboth-Ir,  and  Calah,  and 
Mention         Resen  between  N.  and  Calah,  with  the 

addition,  "the  same  is  the  great  city." 
Everything  indicates  that  these  statements  are 
correct,  for  N.  was  certainly  at  one  time  under  Bab 
rule,  and  was  at  first  not  governed  by  Assyr  kings, 
but  by  i'ssake  or  viceroys  of  Assur,  the  old  capital. 
To  all  appearance  N.  took  its  name  from  the  Bab 
Nina  near  Lagas  in  South  Babylonia,  on  the  Eu- 
phrates, from  which  early  foundation  it  was  prob- 
ably colonized.  The  native  name  appears  as  Ninua 
or  Nind  {Niiiaa),   written  with  the  character  for 

"water  enclosure"  with  that  for  "fish" 

2.  Ety-  inside,  implying  a  connection  between 
mology  of  Nind  and  the  Sem  niin,  "fish."  The 
the  Name      Bab  Nina  was  a  place  where  fish  were 

very  abundant,  and  Istar  or  Nina,  the 
goddess  of  the  city,  was  associated  with  Nin-mah, 
Merodach's  spouse,  as  goddess  of  reproduction. 
Fish  are  also  plentiful  in  the  Tigris  at  Mosul,  the 
modern  town  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  this 
may  have  influenced  the  choice  of  the  site  by  the 
Bab  settlers,  and  the  foundation  there  of  the  great 
temple  of  Istar  or  Nina.  The  date  of  this  founda- 
tion is  unknown,  but  it  may  have  taken  place  about 
3000  BC. 

N.  lay  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris,  at  the 

point  where  the  Kho.sr  falls  into  that  stream.     The 

outline  of  the  wall  is  rectangular  on  the 

3.  Its  Posi-  W.,  but  of  an  irregular  shape  on  the 
tion  on  the  E.  The  western  fortifications  run 
Tigris  from  N.W.  to  S.E.,  following,  roughly, 

the  course  of  the  river,  which  now 
flows  about  1,500  yards  from  the  walls,  instead  of 
close  to  them,  as  anciently. 

//.  Nineveh   and  Its   Surroundings. — According 
to  the  late  G.  Smith,  the  southwestern  wall  has  a 

length  of  about  2  J  miles,  and  is  joined  at 

1.  Its  Walls  its  western  corner  by  the  northwestern 

wall,  which  runs  in  a  northeasterly 
direction  for  about  1 5  miles.  The  northeastern  wall, 
starting  here,  runs  at  first  in  a  southeasterly  direc- 
tion, but  turns  southward,  gradually  approaching 
the  southwestern  wall,  to  which,  at  the  end  of  about 
3j  miles,  it  is  joined  by  a  short  wall,  facing  nearly 
S.,  rather  more  than  half  a  mile  long. 

The   principal  mounds  are  Kouyunjik,   a  little 
N.E.  of  the  village  of  ^Amusiyeh,  and  Nebi-Yunas, 

about  1,500  yards  to  the  S.E.     Both 

2.  Principal  of  these  lie  just  within  the  S.W.  wall. 
Mounds  Extensive  remains  of  buildings  occupy 
and  Gate-  the  fortified  area.  Numerous  open- 
ways  ings  occur  in  the  walls,  many  of  them 

ancient,  though  some  seem  to  have 
been  made  after  the  abandonment  of  the  site.  The 
principal  gate  on  the  N.W.  was  guarded  by  winged 
bulls  (see  Layard,  Monuments  of  Nineveh,  2d  series, 
pi.  3;  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  120).  Other  gates 
gave  access  to  the  various  commercial  roads  of  the 
country,  those  on  the  E.  passing  through  the  curved 
outworks  and  the  double  line  of  fortifications  which 


protected  the  northeastern  wall  from  attack  on  that 
side,  where  the  Ninevites  evidently  considered  that 
they  had  most  to  fear. 

According  to  G.  Smith,  the  circuit  of  the  inner 

wall  is  about  8  miles,  and  Captain  Jones,  who  made 

a    trigonometrical    survey    in     1854, 

3.  Extent  estimated  that,  allotting  to  each  in- 
and  Popu-  habitant  50  sq.  yards,  the  city  may 
lation  have  contained  174,000  inhabitants. 
within  the  If  the  statement  in  Jon  4  11,  that  the 
Walls  city   contained    120,000   persons    who 

could  not  discern  between  their  right 
hand  and  their  left,  be  intended  to  give  the  number 
of  the  city's  children  only,  then  the  population 
must  have  numbered  about  600,000,  and  more  than 
three  cities  of  the  same  extent  would  have  been 
needed   to   contain  them.     It   has  therefore  been 

supposed — and  that  with  great  prob- 

4.  Extent  ability — that  there  was  a  large  exten.- 
outside  the  sion  of  the  city  outside  its  walls.  This 
Walls  is    not    only    indicated    by    Jon  3  3, 

where  it  is  described  as  "an  exceeding 
great  city  of  three  days'  journey"  to  traverse,  but 
also  by  the  extant  ruins,  which  stretch  S.E.  along 
the  banks  of  the  Tigris  as  far  as  Nimroud  (Calah), 
while  its  northern  extension  may  have  been  regarded 
as  including  Khorsabad. 

Concerning  the   positions  of   two   of  the   cities 

mentioned  with  N.,  namely,  Calah  and  Resen,  there 

can  be  no  doubt,  notwithstanding  that 

5.  Calah,  Resen  has  not  yet  been  identified — 
Resen  and  Calah  is  the  modern  Nimroud,  and 
Rehoboth-Ir  Resen  lay  between  that  site  and  N. 

The  name  Rehoboth-Ir  has  not  yet 
been  found  in  the  inscriptions,  but  Fried.  Delitzsch 
has  suggested  that  it  may  be  the  rehil  Ninua  of  the 
inscriptions,  N.E.  of  N.  If  this  be  the  case,  the 
N.  of  Jonah  contained  within  it  all  the  places  in 
Gen  10  11.12,  and  Khorsabad  besides. 

Taking  the  outlying  ruins  from  N.  to  S.,  we  begin 
with  Khorsabad   (DUr-Sarru-ktn  or  Dxlr-Sargina) , 

12  miles  N.E.  of  Kouyunjik,  the  great 

6.  Khorsa-  palace  mound  of  N.  proper.  Khorsa- 
bad bad  is  a  great  inclosure   about  2,000 

yards  square,  with  the  remains  of 
towers  and  gateways.  The  palace  mound  lies  on 
its  northwest  face,  and  consists  of  an  extensive  plat- 
form with  the  remains  of  Sargon's  palace  and  its 
temple,  with  a  ziqqurat  or  temple-tower  similar  to 
those  at  Babylon,  Borsippa,  Calah  and  elsewhere. 
This  last  still  shows  traces  of  the  tints  symbolical 
of  the  7  planets  of  which  its  stages  were,  seemingly, 
emblematic.  The  palace  ruins  show  numerous 
halls,  rooms  and  passages,  many  of  which  were 
faced  with  slabs  of  coarse  alabaster,  sculptured  in 
relief  with  military  operations,  hunting-scenes, 
mythological  figures,  etc,  while  the  principal  en- 
trances were  flanked  with  the  finest  winged  human- 
headed  bulls  which  Assyr  art  has  so  far  revealed. 
The  palace  was  built  about  712  BC,  and  was  prob- 
ably destroyed  by  fire  when  N.  fell  in  606  BC, 
sharing  the  same  fate.  Some  of  the  slabs  and 
winged  bulls  are  in  the  Louvre  and  the  British 
Museum,  but  most  of  the  antiquarian  spoils  were 
lost  in  the  Tigris  by  the  sinking  of  the  rafts  upon 
which  they  were  loaded  after  being  discovered. 

Another  outlying  suburb  was  probably  Tarbisu    now 

represented  by  the  ruins  at  Sherif  Khan,  about '3  mUes 

N.  of  Kouyunjik.     In  this  lay  a  temple — 

7.  Sherif  "palace"  Sennacherib  calls  it — dedicated 
Khan  and  *°  Nergal.  Anciently  it  must  have  been 
Coio^toi,  ?  P'ace  of  some  importance,  as  Esar- 
oeiamien  haddon  seems  to  have  built  a  palace  there 
.„  ,-  ^  -  ^?  ■^'l  ^^  '^  "seat"  for  his  elde,st  son, 
AsSur-banl-aph.  The  site  of  Resen,  "between  N.  and 
Calah  IS  thought  to  be  the  modern  SdamUh.  12  miles 
S.  of  N.,  and  3  miles  N.  of  Nimroud  (Calah).  It  is  in 
the  form  of  an  irregular  inclosure  on  a  high  mound  over- 
looking the  Tigris,  with  a  surface  of  about  400  acres 


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No  remains  ol  buildings,  sculptures  or  inscriptions  have, 
however,  been  lound  there. 

After  N.  itself  (Kouyunjik),  the  ruins  known  as 
Nimroud,  14  or  15  miles  S.E.,  are  the  most  impor- 
tant. They  mark  the  site  of  the  an- 
8.  Nim-  cient  Calah,  and  have  already  been 
roud  described  under  that  heading  (see  p. 

539).  As  there  stated,  the  stone-faced 
temple-tower  seems  to  be  referred  to  by  Ovid,  and 
is  apparently  also  mentioned  by  Xenophon  (see 
Resen).  The  general  tendency  of  the  accumu- 
lated references  to  these  sites  supports  the  theory 
that  they  were  regarded  as  belonging  to  N.,  if  not 
by  the  Assyrians  themselves  (who  knew  well  the 
various  municipal  districts),  at  least  by  the  foreign- 
ers who  had  either  visited  the  city  or  had  heard  or 
read  descriptions  of  it. 

///.  The  Palaces  at  Nineveh  Proper. — The 
palaces  at  N.  were  built  upon  extensive  artificial 
platforms  between  30  and  50  ft.  high,  either  of  sun- 
dried  brick,  as  at  Nimroud,  or  of  earth  and  rubbish, 
as  at  Kouyunjik.  It  is  thought  that  they  were 
faced  with  masom-y,  and  that  access  was  gained  to 


of  Sennacherib  seated  on  his  "standing"  throne, 
while  the  captives  and  the  spoil  of  the  city  passed 
before  him.  The  grand  entrance  was  flanked  by 
winged  bulls  facing  toward  the  spectator  as  he 
entered.  They  were  in  couples,  back  to  back,  on 
each  side  of  the  doorway,  and  between  each  pair 
the  ancient  Bab  hero-giant,  carrying  in  one  hand 
the  "boomerang,"  and  holding  tightly  with  his  left 
arm  a  struggling  lion  (Layard,  Nineveh  and  Baby- 
lon, 137)  was  represented,  just  as  at  his  father 
Sargon's  palace  at  Khorsabad.  The  upper  part  of 
these  imposing  figures  had  been  destroyed,  but  they 
were  so  massive,  that  the  distinguished  explorer 
attributed  their  overthrow  not  to  the  act  of  man, 
but  to  some  convulsion  of  Nature. 

In  the  north  of  the  mound  are  the  ruins  of  the 
palace  of  Assur-bani-apli  or  Assur-bani-pal,  dis- 
covered by  Hormuzd  Rassam.  His 
2.  The  latest  plan  (Asshur  and  the  Land  of 
Palace  of  Nimrod,  Cincinnati  and  New  York, 
Assur-bani-  1897,  plate  facing  p.  36)  does  not  give 
apli  the  whole  of  the  structure,  much  of 

the  building  having  been  destroyed; 
but  the  general  arrangement  of  the  rooms  was  upon 
the  traditional  lines.  The  slabs  with  which  they 
were   paneled   showed   bas-reliefs   illustrating   the 


Entr.\nce  to  Kouyunjik. 


them  by  means  of  flights  of  deep  steps,  or  sloping 
pathways.  Naturally  it  is  the  plan  of  the  basement 
floor  alone  that  can  at  present  be  traced,  any  upper 
stories  that  may  have  existed  having  long  since  dis- 
appeared. The  halls  and  rooms  discovered  were 
faced  with  slabs  of  alabaster  or  other  stone,  often 
sculptured  with  bas-reliefs  depicting  warlike  expe- 
ditions, the  chase,  religious  ceremonies  and  divine 
figures.  The  depth  of  the  accumulations  over  these 
varies  from  a  few  inches  to  about  30  ft.,  and  if  the 
amount  in  some  cases  would  seem  to  be  excessive, 
it  is  thought  that  this  may  have  been  due  either  to 
the  existence  of  upper  chambers,  or  to  the  extra 
height  of  the  room.  The  chambers,  which  are 
grouped  around  courtyards,  are  long  and  narrow, 
with  small  square  rooms  at  the  ends.  The  partition 
walls  vary  from  6  to  15  ft.  in  thickness,  and  are  of 
sun-dried  brick,  against  which  the  stone  paneling 
was  fixed.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Bab  temples  and 
palaces,  the  rooms  and  halls  open  into  each  other, 
so  that,  to  gain  access  to  those  farthest  from  the 
courtyard  entrance,  one  or  more  halls  or  chambers 
had  to  be  traversed.  No  traces  of  windows  have 
been  discovered,  and  little  can  therefore  be  said  as 
to  the  method  of  lighting,  but  the  windows  were 
either  high  up,  or  light  was  admitted  through  open- 
ings in  the  roof. 

The  palace  of  Sennacherib  lay  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  platform,  and  consisted  of  a  court- 
yard surrounded  on  all  four  sides  by 
1.  The  numerous   long  halls,   and   rooms,   of 

Palace  of       which  the  innermost  were  capable  of 
Sennacherib  being  rendered  private.     It  was  in  this 
palace  that  were  found  the  reliefs  de- 
picting the  siege  of  Lachish,  with  the  representation 


Assyr  campaigns  against  Babylonia,  certain  Arab 
tribes,  and  Elam.  As  far  as  they  are  preserved, 
the  sculptures  are  wonderfully  good,  and  the  whole 
decorative  scheme  of  the  paneled  walls,  of  which, 
probably,  the  greater  part  is  forever  lost,  may  be 
characterized,  notwithstanding  their  defects  of 
perspective  and  their  mannerisms,  as  nothing  less 
than  magnificent.  The  lion-hunts  of  the  great  king, 
despite  the  curious  treatment  of  the  animals'  manes 
(due  to  the  sculptors'  ignorance  of  the  right  way 
to  represent  hair)  are  admirable.  It  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  improve  upon  the  expressions  of  fear,  rage 
and  suffering  on  the  part  of  the  animals  there  de- 
lineated. The  small  sculptures  showing  Assur- 
banl-iipli  hunting  the  goat  and  the  wild  ass  are  not 
loss  noteworthy,  and  are  executed  with  great 
delicacy. 

IV.  Sennacherib's  Description  of  Nineveh. — In 
all  probability  the  best  description  of  the  city  is  that 
given  by  Sennacherib  on  the  cylinder 
1.  The  recording  his  expedition  to  Tarsus  in 

Walls  Cilioia.     From  ancient  times,  he  says, 

the  circuit  of  the  city  had  measured 
9,300  cubits,  and  he  makes  the  rather  surprising 
statement  that  his  predecessors  had  not  buUt  either 
the  inner  or  the  outer  wall,  which,  if  true,  shows  how 
confident  they  were  of  their  security  from  attack. 
He  claims  to  have  enlarged  the  city  by  12,515 
(cubits).  The  great  defensive  wall  which  he  built 
was  called  by  the  Sumerian  name  of  Bad-imgallabi- 
lu-susu,  which  he  translates  as  "the  wall  whose 
glory  overthrows  the  enemy."  He  made  the  brick- 
work 40  (cubits)  thick,  which  would  probably  not 
greatly  exceed  the  estimate  of  G.  Smith,  who  reck- 
oned it  to  have  measured  about  50  ft.     The  height 


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of  the  wall  he  raised  to  180  tipki,  which,  admitting 
the  estimate  of  Diodorus,  should  amount  to  about 
100  ft. 


In  this  inclosing  wall  were  15  gates,  which  he  enu- 
merates in  (uU.  Three  o£  these  were  situated  in  the  short 
northwest  wall — the  gate  of  Hadad;  the 
gate  of  Uru  or  Hadad  of  Tarbisu  (Sherif 
Khan),  and  the  gate  of  the  inoon-god 
Nannar,  Sennacherib's  own  deity.  The 
plans  show  five  openings  in  the  wall  on  this 
side,  any  of  which  may  have  been  the  gate 
used  when  going  to  Tarbisu,  but  that  adorned  with 
winged  bulls  probably  fiu-nished  the  shortest  route. 


2.  The 
Gates — 
Northwest 


3.  The 

Gates — 
South  and 
East 


4.  The 

Gates — 
West 


Bas-Relief  of  Lion-Hunt. 

The  gates  looking  toward  the  S.  and  the  E.  were  the 
A5§ur-gate  (leading  to  the  old  capital):  Sennacherib's 
Halzi-gate;  the  gate  of  SamaS  of  Gagal. 
the  gate  of  the  god  Enlil  of  Kar-Ninlil, 
and  the  "covered  gate,"  which  seems  to 
have  had  the  reputation  of  letting  forth 
the  fever-demon.  After  this  are  men- 
tioned the  Sibaniba-gate,  and  the  gate  of 
Halah  in  Mesopotamia.  This  last  must 
have  been  the  extreme  northeastern  opening,  now  com- 
municating with  the  road  to  Khorsabad,  implying  that 
Halah  lay  in  that  direction. 

The  gates  on  the  west  or  river-side  of  the  city 
were  "the  gate  of  Ea,  director  of  my  water- 
springs";  the  quay-gate,  "bringer 
of  the  tribute  of  my  peoples"; 
the  gate  of  the  land  of  Bari, 
within  which  the  presents  of  the 
Sumuilites  entered  (brought  down 
by  the  Tigris  from  Babylonia,  in 
all  probability) ;  the  gate  of  the  tribute-palace 
or  armory;  and  the  gate  of  the  god  Sar-ur — 
"altogetlier  5  gates  in  the  direction  of  the  W." 
There  are  about  9  mde  openings  in  the  wall  on 
this  side,  2  being  on  each  side  of  the  Kouyunjik 
mound,  and  2  on  each  side  of  that  called  Nebi- 
Yunus.  As  openings  at  these  points  would 
have  endangered  the  city's  safety,  these  4  have 
probably  to  be  eliminated,  leaving  2  only  N.  of 
Nebi-Yunus,  2  between  that  and  Kouyunjik, 
and  one  N.  of  Kouyunjik.  Minor  means  of  e.xit 
probably  existed  at  all  points  where  they  were 
regarded  as  needful. 

To  the  outer  wall  of  the  city  Sennacherib  gave  a 
Sumerian  name  meaning,  "the  wall  which  terrifies 

the  enemy."  At  a  depth  of  54  gar, 
5.  The  the      underground      water-level,      its 

Outer  Wall:  foundations  were  laid  upon  blocks  of 
the  Plan-  stone,  the  object  of  this  great  depth 
tations  being  to  frustrate  undermining.     The 

wall  was  made  "high  like  a  mountain." 
Above  and  below  the  city  he  laid  out  plantations, 
wherein  all  the  sweet-smelling  herbs  of  Heth  (Pal 
and  Phoenicia)  grew,  fruitful  beyond  those  of  their 
homeland.  Among  them  were  to  be  found  every 
kind  of  mountain-vine,  and  the  plants  of  all  the 
nations  around. 


In  connection  with  this,  in  all  probability,   he 

arranged  the  water-supply,   conducting  a  distant 

water-course  to  N.  by  means  of  con- 

6.  The  duits.  Being  a  successful  venture,  he 
Water-  seems  to  have  watered  therewith  all 
Supply,  etc    the  people's  orchards,  and  in  winter 

1,000  corn  fields  above  and  below  the 
city.  The  force  of  the  increased  current  in  the 
river  Khosr  was  retarded  by  the  creation  of  a 
swamp,  and  among  the  reeds  which  grew  there 
were  placed  wild  fowl,  'wild  swine,  and  deer(?). 
Here  he  repeated  his  exotic  plantations,  including 
trees  for  wood,  cotton  (apparently)  and  seemingly 
the  olive. 

Sennacherib's  bas-reliefs  show  some  of  the  phases 

of  the  work  which  his  cylinder  inscriptions  describe. 

We  see  the  winged  bulls,  which  are  of 

7.  How  the  colossal  dimensions,  sometimes  lying 
Bas-Reliefs  on  their  sledges  (shaped  like  boats  or 
Illustrate  Assyr  ships),  and  sometimes  standing 
the  King's  and  supported  by  scaffolding.  The 
Description  sledges   rest   upon    rollers,    and    are 

dragged  by  armies  of  captives  urged 
to  action  by  taskmasters  with  whips.  Others  force 
the  sledges  forward  from  behind  by  means  of  enor- 
mous levers  whose  upper  ends  are  held  in  position 
by  guy-ropes.  Each  side  has  to  pull  with  equal 
force,  for  if  the  higher  end  of  the  great  lever  fell,  the 
side  which  had  pulled  too  hard  suffered  in  killed 
and  crushed,  or  at  least  in  bruised,  workmen  of  their 
number.  In  the  backgroimd  are  the  soldiers  of  the 
guard,  and  behind  them  extensive  wooded  hills. 
In  other  bas-reliefs  it  is  apparently  the  pleasure- 
grounds  of  the  palace  which  are  seen.  In  these 
the  background  is  an  avenue  of  trees,  alternately  tall 
and  short,  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  whereon  are  boats, 
and  men  riding  astride  inflated  skins,  which  were 
much  used  in  those  days,  as  now.  On  another  slab, 
the  great  king  himself,  in  his  hand-chariot  dra-wn 
by  eunuchs,  superintends  the  work. 

How  long  N.  had  been  the  capital  of  Assyria  is 
unknown.  The  original  capital  was  Assur,  about  50 
miles  to  the  S.,  and  probably  this  continued  to  be 
regarded  as  the  religious  and  official  capital  of  the 
country.     Assur-nasir-apli   seems   to   have   had   a 


IRF 

Bas-Relief  of  Sennacherib  Besieging  Lachish. 

(Brit.   Mus.l 

greater   liking   for   Calah  (Nimroud),  and  Sargon 
for  Khorsabad,  where  he  had  founded  a  splendid 

palace.  These  latter,  however,  prob- 
8.  Nmeveh  ably  never  had  the  importance  of  N., 
the  Later  and  attained  their  position  merely  on 
Capital  account  of  the  reigning  king  building  a 

palace  and  residing  there.  The  period 
of  N.  s  supremacy  seems  to  have  been  from  the  be- 
ginnmg  of  the  reign  of  Sennacherib  to  the  end  of 
that  of  A5sur-banl-apli,  including,  probably,  the 
reigns  of  his  successors  likewise — a  period  of  about 
98  years  (704-606  BC). 

V.  Last  Days  and  Fall  of  Nineveh. — N.,  during 
the  centuries  of  her  existence,  must  have  seen  many 


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stirring  historical  events;  but  the  most  noteworthy 
were  probably  Sennacherib's  triumphal  entries, 
including  that  following  the  capture  of  Lachish,  the 
murder  of  that  great  conqueror  by  his  sons  (the 
recent  theory  that  he  was  killed  at  Babylon  needs 
confirmation),  and  the  ceremonial  triumphs  of 
Assur-bant-apli — the  great  and  noble  Osnappar 
(Ezr  4  10).  After  the  reign  of  Assur-banl-apli 
came  his  son  AsSur-etil-tlani,  who  was  succeeded 
by  Sin-sarra-iskun  (Saracos),  but  the  history  of  the 
country,  and  also  of  the  city,  is  practically  non- 
existent during  these  last  two  reigns.  The  Assyr 
and  Bab  records  are  silent  with  regard  to  the  fall 
of  the  city,  but  Alexander  Polyhistor,  Abydenus 
and  Syncellus  all  speak  of  it.  The  best  account, 
however,  is  that  of  Diodorus  Siculus,  who  refers  to 
a  legend  that  the  city  could  not  be  taken  until  the 
river  became  its  enemy.  Arbaces,  the  Scythian, 
besieged  it,  but  could  not  make  any  impression  on  it 
for  2  years.  In  the  3d  year,  however,  the  river 
(according  to  Commander  Jones,  not  the  Tigris, 
but  the  Khosr),  being  swollen  by  rains,  and  very 
rapid  in  its  current,  carried  away  a  portion  of  the 
wall,  and  by  this  opening  the  besiegers  gained  an 
entrance.  The  king,  recognizing  in  this  the  ful- 
filment of  the  oracle,  gathered  together  his  concu- 
bines and  eunuchs,  and,  mounting  a  funeral  pyre 
which  he  had  caused  to  be  constructed,  perished  in 
the  flames.  This  catastrophe  is  supposed  to  be 
referred  to  in  Nah  1  8:  "With  an  over-running 
flood  he  [the  Lord]  will  make  a  full  end  of  her  place 
[i.e.  of  N.],"  and  2  6:  "The  gates  of  the  rivers  are 
opened,  and  the  palace  is  dissolved."  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  city  by  fire  is  probably  referred  to  in 
3  13.15.  The  picture  of  the  scenes  in  her  streets 
• — the  noise  of  the  whip,  the  rattling  wheels,  the 
prancing  horses,  the  bounding  chariots  (3  2  ff), 
followed  by  a  vivid  description  of  the  carnage  of  the 
battlefield — is  exceedingly  striking,  and  true  to  their 
records  and  their  sculptures. 

Literature. — The  standard  books  on  the  discovery 
and  exploration  of  N.  are  Layard,  Nineveh  and  Its 
Remains  (two  vols,  1849):  Nineveh  and  Babylon  (,1853)  ; 
Monuments  of  Nineveh,  1st  and  2d  series  (plates)  (1849 
and  1853):  and  Hormuzd  Rassam,  Asshur  and  the  Land 
of  Nimrod  (Cincinnati  and  New  York,  1897). 

T.  G.  Pinches 

NINEVEH,  LIBRARY  OF: 

I.  The  Discovery 

II.  The  Library 

III.  Writing-Materials 

IV.  Contents 

1.  Philology 

2.  Astronomy  and  Astrology 

3.  Religious  Texts 

4.  Law 

5.  Science 

6.  Literature 

7.  History  and  Chronology 

8.  Commerce 

9.  Letters 

/.  The  Discovery. — In  the  spring  of  1850,  the 
workmen  of  Sir  A.  H.  Layard  at  Nineveh  made  an 
important  discovery.  In  the  ruins  of  the  palace  of 
Assur-bani-pal  they  found  a  passage  which  opened 
into  two  small  chambers  leading  one  into  the  other. 
The  doorway  was  guarded  on  either  side  by  figures 
of  Ea,  the  god  of  culture  and  the  inventor  of  letters, 
in  his  robe  of  fishskin.  The  walls  of  the  chambers 
had  once  been  paneled  with  bas-reliefs,  one  of  which 
represented  a  city  standing  on  the  shore  of  a  sea 
that  was  covered  with  galleys.  Up  to  the  height 
of  a  foot  or  more  the  floor  was  piled  with  clay  tab- 
lets that  had  fallen  from  the  shelves  on  which  they 
had  been  arranged  in  order,  and  the  larger  number 
of  them  was  consequently  broken.  Similar  tablets, 
but  in  lesser  number,  were  found  in  the  adjoining 
chambers.  After  Layard's  departure,  other  tab- 
lets were  discovered  by  Mr.  Hormuzd  Rassam,  and 
then  the  excavations  ceased  for  many  years.  The 
discovery  of  the  Bab  version  of  the  account  of  the 


Deluge^  however,  by  Mr.  George  Smith  in  1873 
led  the  proprietors  of  the  Daily  Telegraph  to  send 
him  to  Nineveh  in  the  hope  that  the  missing  por- 
tions of  the  story  might  be  found.  He  had  not 
been  excavating  there  long  before  he  came  across 
a  fragment  of  another  version  of  the  story,  and  then 
once  more  the  excavations  came  to  an  end.  Since 
then  expeditions  have  been  sent  by  the  British 
Museum  which  have  resulted  in  the  recovery  of 
further  remains  of  the  ancient  library  of  Nineveh. 
//.  The  Library. — The  tablets  formed  a  library 
in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.     Libraries  had  existed 


=J"( f- 


Plan  of  the  library  at  Nineveh. 

in  the  cities  of  Babylonia  from  a  remote  date,  and 
the  Assyr  kings,  whose  civilization  was  derived  from 
Babylonia,  imitated  the  example  of  Babylonia  in 
this  as  in  other  respects.  The  only  true  book- 
lover  among  them,  however,  was  Assur-bani-pal. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  munificent  royal  patrons 
of  learning  the  world  has  ever  seen,  and  it  was  to 
him  that  the  great  library  of  Nineveh  owed  its 
existence.  New  editions  were  made  of  older  works, 
and  the  public  and  private  libraries  of  Babylonia 
were  ransacked  in  search  of  literary  treasures. 

///.  Writing- Materials. — Fortunately  for  us  the 
ordinary  writing-material  of  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  was  clay.  It  was  more  easily  procurable 
than  papyrus  or  parchment,  and  was  specially 
adapted  for  the  reception  of  the  cuneiform  char- 
acters. Hence,  while  the  greater  part  of  the  old 
Egyp  lit.,  which  was  upon  papyrus,  has  perished 
that  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  has  been  preserved. 
In  Babylonia  the  tablets  after  being  inscribed  were 
often  merely  dried  in  the  sun;  in  the  damper  climate 
of  Assyria  they  were  baked  in  a  kiln.  As  a  large 
amount  of  text  had  frequently  to  be  compressed 
into  a  small  space,  the  writing  is  sometimes  so 
minute  as  to  need  the  assistance  of  a  magnifying 
glass  before  it  can  be  read.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  in. the  library-chambers  of  Nineveh 
Layard  found  a  magnifying  lens  of  crystal,  which 
had  been  turned  on  the  lathe. 


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2152 


IV.   Contents. — The  subject-matter  of  the  tab- 
lets included  all  the  known  branches  of  knowledge. 

Foremost  among  them  are  the  philo- 
1.  Philology  logical  works.     The  inventors  of  the 

cuneiform  system  of  writing  had 
spoken  an  agglutinative  language,  called  Sumerian, 
similar  to  that  of  the 
Turks  or  Finns  todiy, 
and  a  considerable  pait 
of  the  early  lit.  had  been 
written  in  this  language, 
which  to  the  later  Sem 
Babylonians  and  Assjii- 
ans  was  what  Lat  was  to 
the  European  nations  m 


Inscribed  Tablet  Im- 
pressed with  beals. 


the  Middle  Ages.  The  stu- 
dent was  therefore  pro- 
vided with  grammars  and 
dictionaries  of  the  t^vo 
languages,  as  well  as  ■nith 
reading-books  and  inter- 
linear tr»  into  Assyr  of  the 
chief  Sumerian  texts 
Besides  this,  long  lists  of 
the  cuneiform  characters 
were  drawn  up  with  their 
phonetic  and  ideographic 
values,  together  with  lists 
of  Assyr  synonyms,  in 
which,  for  example,  all  the  equivalents  are  given  of 
the  word  "to  go."  The  Assyr  lexicographers  at 
times  attempted  etymologies  which  are  as  wide  of 
the  mark  as  similar  etymologies  given  by  English 
lexicographers  of  a  past  generation.  Sabattu,  "Sab- 
bath," for  instance,  is  derived  from  the  two 
Sumerian  words,  sa,  "heart,"  and  bat,  "to  end,"  and 
so  is  explained  to  mean  "day  of  rest  for  the  heart." 
It  is  obvious  that  all  this  implies  an  advanced 
literary  culture.  People  do  not  begin  to  compile 
grammars  and  dictionaries  or  to  speculate  on  the 
origin  of  words  until  books  and  libraries  abound 
and  education  is  widespread. 

Astronomy  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  Assyr 

lit.,   but  it   was   largely   mingled   with   astrology. 

The  Babylonians  were  the  founders  of 

2.  Astron-  scientific  astronomy;  they  were  the 
omy  and  first  to  calculate  the  dates  of  lunar 
Astrology       and  solar  eclipses,  and  to  give  names 

to  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac.  Among  the 
contents  of  the  library  of  Nineveh  are  reports  from 
the  Royal  Observatory,  relating  to  the  observation 
of  eclipses  and  the  like. 

A  knowledge  of  astronomy  was  needed  for  the 
regulation  of  the  calendar,  and  the  calendar  was 

the  special  care  of  the  priests,  as  the 

3.  Religious  festivals  of  the  gods  and  the  payment 
Texts  of    tithes    were    dependent    upon    it. 

Most  of  the  religious  texts  went  back 
to  the  Sumerian  period  and  were  accordingly  pro- 
vided with  Assyr  tr".  Some  of  them  were  hymns 
to  the  gods,  others  were  the  rituals  used  in  different 
temples.  There  was,  moreover,  a  collection  of 
psalms,  as  well  as  numerous  mythological  texts. 

The   legal   lit.    was   considerable.     The   earliest 

law  books  were  in  Sumerian,  but  the  great  code 

compiled   by   Khammurabi,   the   con- 

4.  Law  temporary  of  Abraham,  was  in  Sem 

Babylonian  (see  Hammurabi).  Like 
English  law,  Assyro-Babylonian  law  was  case- 
made,  and  records  of  the  cases  decided  from  time 
to  time  by  the  judges  are  numerous. 

Among  scientific  works  we  may  class  the  long  lists 
of  animals,  birds,  fishes,  plants  and  stones,  together 

with  geographical  treatises,  and  the 
6.  Science     pseudo-science     of     omens.     Starting 

from  the  belief  that  where  two  events 
followed  one  another,  the  first  was  the  cause  of  the 


second,  an  elaborate  pseudo-science  of  augury  had 
been  built  up,  and  an  enormous  lit.  arose  on  the 
interpretation  of  dreams,  the  observation  of  the 
liver  of  animals,  etc.  Unfortunately  Assur-bani- 
pal  had  a  special  predilection  for  the  subject,  and 
the  consequence  is  that  his  library  was  filled  with 
works  which  the  Assyriologist  would  gladly  ex- 
change for  documents  of  a  more  valuable  character. 
Among  the  scientific  works  we  may  also  include 
those  on  medicine,  as  well  as  numerous  mathemat- 
ical tables. 

Literature  was  largely  represented,  mainly  in  the 
form  of  poems  on  mythological,  religious  or  his- 
torical   subjects.     Among    these    the 

6.  Liter-  most  famous  is  the  epic  of  the  hero 
atnre  Gilgames  in   twelve  books,   the   Bab 

account  of  the  Deluge  being  intro- 
duced as  an  episode  in  the  eleventh  book.  Another 
epic  was  the  story  of  the  great  battle  between  the 
god  Merodach  and  Tiamat,  the  dragon  of  chaos 
and  evil,  which  includes  the  story  of  the  crea- 
tion. 

Historical  records  are  very  numerous,  the  Assjt- 
ians   being    distinguished    among   the   nations    of 

antiquity    by    their    historical    sense. 

7.  History  In  Assyria  the  royal  palace  took  the 
and  place  of  the  Bab  or  Egyp  temple; 
Chronology   and    where    the    Babylonian    or    the 

Egyptian  would  have  left  behind  him 
a  religious  record,  the  Assyrian  adorned  his  walls 
with  accounts  of  campaigns  and  the  victories  of 
their  royal  builders.  The  dates  which  are  attached 
to  each  portion  of  the  narrative,  and  the  care  with 
which  the  names  of  petty  princes  and  states  are 
transcribed,  give  a  high  idea  of  the  historical  pre- 
cision at  which  the  AssjTians  aimed.  The  Assyr 
monuments  are  alone  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
historical  sense  was  by  no  means  unknown  to  the 
ancient  peoples  of  the  East,  and  when  we  remember 
how  closely  related  the  Assjrrians  were  to  the  He- 
brews in  both  race  and  language,  the  fact  becomes 
important  to  the  Bib.  student.  Besides  historical 
texts  the  library  contained  also  chronological  tables 
and  long  lists  of  kings  and  djmasties  with  the  num- 
ber of  years  they  reigned.  In  Babylonia  time  was 
marked  by  officially  naming  each  year  after  some 
event  that  had  occurred  in  the  course  of  it;  the 
more  historically-minded  Assyrian  named  the  year 
after  a  particular  official,  called  limmu,  who  was 
appointed  on  each  New  Year's  Day.  In  Baby- 
lonia the  chronological  system  went  back  to  a  very 
remote  date.  The  Babylonians  were  a  commercial 
people,  and  for  commercial  purposes  it  was  necessary 
to  have  an  exact  register  of  the  time. 

The    library    contained    trading    documents    of 

various  sorts,  more  esp.  contracts,  deeds  of  sale  of 

property  and  the  like.     Now  and  then 

8.  Com-         we  meet  with  the  plan  of  a  building. 
merce  There    were     also    fiscal    documents 

relating  to  the  taxes  paid  by  the 
cities  and  provinces  of  the  empire  to  the  imperial 
treasury. 

One  department  of  the  library  consisted  of  letters, 

some  of  them  private,  others  addressed  to  the  king 

or    to    the    high    officials.     Nearly    a 

9.  Letters     thousand  of  these  have  already  been 

published  by  Professor  Harper. 
The  clay  books,  it  need  hardly  be  added,  were  all 
carefully  numbered  and  catalogued,  the  Assyr 
system  of  docketing  and  arranging  the  tablets  being 
at  once  ingenious  and  simple.  The  librarians,  con- 
sequently, had  no  difficulty  in  finding  any  tablet 
or  series  of  tablets  that  might  be  asked  for.  We 
may  gather  from  the  inscription  attached  to  the 
larger  works  copied  from  Bab  originals  as  well  as 
to  other  collections  of  tablets  that  the  library  was 
open  to  all  "readers."  A.  H.  Sayce 


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Nineveh,  Library 
Nob 


NINEVITES,  nin'ft-vlts  (NivtuftJiTai,  Nineu[e]itai) : 
Only  in  Lk  11  30.  The  il  passage  (Mt  12  41),  with 
Lk  11  32,  has  the  fuller  form,  "men  of  Nineveh," 
which  gives  the  meaning. 

NIPHIS,  ni'fis  (Nenets,'  Neiphels,  A,  *iv€Cs, 
Phinels;  AV  Nephis):  Given  in  1  Esd  5  21  m  as 
=  "Magbish"  of  Ezr  2  30,  whose  sons  are  the  same 
in  number  (156)  as  those  of  Niphis,  but  it  would 
seem  rather  to  be  the  equivalent  of  Nebo  in  ver  29. 

NISAN,  ni'san  CIOiD ,  nisdn) :  The  first  month 
of  the  Jewish  year  in  which  occurred  the  Passover 
and  which  corresponds  to  April.  The  month  is  the 
same  as  Abib,  which  occurs  in  the  Pent.  Nisan 
occurs  in  Neh  2  1  and  Est  3  7.  It  denotes  "the 
month  of  flowers."     See  Calendar. 

NISROCH,  nis'rok,  niz'rok  (ty'iP?,  nisrokh): 
The  Assyr  god  in  whose  temple  Sennacherib  was 
worshipping  when  put  to  death  by  his  sons  (2  K 
19  37;  Isa  37  38).  The  name  is  not  found  else- 
where. Some  identify  him  with  Asshur,  the  na- 
tional deity.  See  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  Re- 
ligion OF. 

NITRE,  ni'ter  (IP? ,  nether;  vCrpov,  nitron) : 
Nitre  as  used  in  AV  does  not  correspond  to  the 
present  use  of  that  term.  Nitre  or  niter  is  now 
applied  to  sodium  or  potassium  nitrate.  The  writer 
has  in  his  collection  a  specimen  of  sodium  carbon- 
ate, called  in  Arab.  natrUn,  which  was  taken  from 
the  extensive  deposits  in  Lower  Egypt  where  it  is 
found  as  a  deposit  underneath  a  layer  of  common 
salt.  Similar  deposits  are  found  in  Syria  and  Asia 
Minor.  This  is  probably  the  "nitre"  of  the  Bible. 
ARV  has  rendered  nitre  "lye"  in  Jer  2  22,  and 
"soda"  in  Prov  25  20.  Soda  or  lye  has  been  used 
as  a  cleansing  agent  from  earliest  times.  It  effer- 
vesces energetically,  when  treated  with  an  acid; 
hence  the  comparison  in  Prov  25  20  of  the  heavy- 
hearted  man  roiled  by  the  sound  of  singing  to  the 
sizzling  of  soda  on  which  vinegar  has  been  poured. 
See  Vinegar.  James  A.  Patch 

NO,  no.     See  No-amon. 

NOADIAH,  no-a-di'a  (n;-ri3 ,  no'adhyah,  "tryst 
of  Jeh";  NoaSeC,  Noadei): 

(1)  Son  of  Binnui,  one  of  the  Levites  to  whom 
Ezra  intrusted  the  gold  and  silver  and  sacred 
vessels  which  he  brought  up  from  Babylon  (Ezr  8 
33);  also  called  Moeth  (q.v.),  son  of  Sabannus 
(1  Esd  8  63). 

(2)  A  prophetess  associated  with  Tobiah  and 
Sanballat  in  opposition  to  Nehemiah  (Neh  6  14). 

NOAH,  no'a  (Hi,  rao«A,  "rest";  LXX  Noie,  Noe; 
Jos,  Nuxos,  Nochos).  The  10th  in  descent  from 
Adam  in  the  line  of  Seth  (Gen  5  28.29).  Lamech 
here  seems  to  derive  the  word  from  the  V  DHj  , 
naham,  "to  comfort,"  but  this  is  probably  a  mere 
play  upon  the  name  by  Noah's  father.  The  times 
in  which  Noah  was  born  were  degenerate,  and  this 
finds  pathetic  expression  in  Lamech's  saying  at  the 
birth  of  Noah,  "This  same  shall  comfort  us  in  our 
work  and  in  the  toil  of  our  hands,  which  cometh 
because  of  the  ground  which  Jeh  hath  cursed." 
Concerning  the  theory  that  Noah  is  the  name  of  a 
dynasty,  like  Pharaoh  or  Caesar,  rather  than  of  a 
single  individual,  see  Antediluvians.  In  his 
600th  year  the  degenerate  races  of  mankind  were 
cut  off  by  the  Deluge.  But  120  years  previously 
(Gen  6  3)  he  had  been  warned  of  the  catastrophe, 
and  according  to  1  Pet  3  20  had  been  preparing 
for   the    event   by    building   the    ark    (see   Ark; 


Deluge).  In  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  Noah 
corresponds  to  "Hasisadra"  (Xisuthrus).  After 
the  flood  Noah  celebrated  his  deliverance  by  build- 
ing an  altar  and  offering  sacrifices  to  Jeh  (Gen 
8  20),  and  was  sent  forth  with  God's  blessing 
to  be  "fruitful,  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the 
earth"  (Gen  9  1),  as  Adam  had  been  sent  forth 
at  the  beginning  (Gen  1  28).  In  token  of  the  cer- 
tainty of  God's  covenant  not  to  destroy  the  race 
again  by  flood,  a  rainbow  spanned  the  sky  whose 
reappearance  was  ever  after  to  be  a  token  of  peace. 
But  Noah  was  not  above  temptation.  In  the  pros- 
perity which  followed,  he  became  drunken  from 
the  fruit  of  the  vineyard  he  had  planted.  His  son 
Ham  irreverently  exposed  the  nakedness  of  his 
father,  while  Shem  and  Japheth  covered  it  from 
view  (Gen  9  22,23).  The  curse  upon  Canaan  the 
son  of  Ham  was  literally  fulfilled  in  subsequent 
history  when  Israel  took  possession  of  Pal,  when 
Tyre  fell  before  the  arms  of  Alexander,  and  Carthage 
surrendered  to  Rome. 

George  Frederick  Wright 
NOAH  (ny:,  no'ah,  "movement"):   One  of  the 
daughters  of  Zelophehad  (Nu  26  33;  27  1;  36  11; 
Josh  17  3ff). 

NOAH,  BOOK  (APOCALYPSE)    OF.     See 

Apocalyptic  Literature. 

NO-AMON,  no-a'mon  ClTOX  XD ,  no'  'clmon,  Egyp 
rmt,  "a.  city,"  with  the  feminine  ending  t,  and  Amon, 
proper  name  of  a  god,  City  Amon,  i.e.  the  "City," 
par  excellence,  of  the  god  Amon;  tr''  in  AV  "popu- 
lous No,"  following  the  Vulg  in  a  misunderstanding 
of  the  word  'amon;  RV  "No-amon"):  Occurs  in 
this  form  only  in  Nah  3  8,  but  SS'O  IITOX ,  'amon 
minno',  "Amon  of  No,"  occurs  in  Jer  46  25.  Cf 
also  Ezk  30  14-16,  where  N5 ,  no',  is  undoubtedly 
the  same  city. 

The  description  of  No-amon  in  Nah  3  8  seems 
to  be  that  of  a  delta  city,  but  D^,  yam,  "sea," 
in  that  passage  is  used  poetically  for  the  Nile,  as 
in  Job  41  31  and  in  Isa  18  2.  With  this  difficulty 
removed,  the  Egyp  etymology  of  the  name  leaves 
no  doubt  as  to  the  correct  identification  of  the  place. 
The  "City  Amon"  in  the  days  of  Nahum,  Jeremiah 
and  Ezekiel  was  Thebes  (cf  art.  "Thebes"  in  any 
general  encyclopaedia).  M.  G.  Kyle 

NOB,  nob  (32 ,  nobh;  B,  No|iPii,  Nombd,  A,  Nopd, 
Nobd,  and  other  forms) :  An  ancient  priestly  town 
to  which  David  came  on  his  way  S.  when  he  fled 
from  Saul  at  Gibeah  (1  S  21  1).  Here  he  found 
refuge  and  succor  with  Ahimelech.  This  was  ob- 
served by  Doeg  the  Edomite,  who  informed  the 
king,  and  afterward  became  the  instrument  of 
Saul's  savage  vengeance  on  the  priests,  and  on  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  (ch  22).  The  name 
occurs  in  Neh  11  32  in  a  list  of  cities,  immediately 
after  Anathoth.  In  Isaiah's  ideal  account  of  the 
Assyrians'  march  against  Jerus,  Nob  is  clearly 
placed  S.  of  Anathoth.  Here,  says  the  prophet, 
the  Assyrian  shall  shake  his  hand  at  the  mount  of 
the  daughter  of  Zion,  the  hill  of  Jerus.  It  was  a 
place,  therefore,  from  which  the  Holy  City  and  the 
temple  were  clearly  visible. 

The  district  in  which  the  site  must  be  sought  is 
thus  very  definitely  indicated;  but  within  this  dis- 
trict no  name  at  all  resembling  Nob  has  been  dis- 
covered, and  so  no  sure  identification  is  yet  possible. 
'Andta  (Anathoth)  is  2i  miles  N.E.  of  Jerus.  Nob 
therefore  lay  between  that  and  the  city,  at  a  point 
where  the  city  could  be  seen,  apparently  on  the 
great  road  from  the  N.  Rather  more  than  a  mile 
N.  of  Jerus  rises  the  ridge  Rds  el-Mesharif  (2,665 
ft.),  over  which  the  road  from  the  N.  passes;   and 


Bobah 

Nose,  Nostrils 


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2154 


here  the  traveler  approaching  from  that  direction 
obtains  his  first  siglit  of  the  city.  It  is  fittingly 
named  "the  looli-out."  Col.  Conder  states  the 
case  for  identifying  this  height  with  Mt.  Scopus 
where  Titus  established  his  camp  at  the  siege 
of  Jerus  {PEFS,  1874,  111  ff).  Immediately  S.  of 
the  ridge,  to  the  E.  of  the  road,  there  is  a  small 
plateau,  S.  of  which  there  is  a  lower  ridge,  whence 
the  slopes  dip  into  Wddy  el-Joz.  This  plateau,  on 
which  Titus  may  have  sat,  is  a  very  probable  site 
for  Nob.  It  quite  suits  the  requirements  of  Isaiah's 
narrative,  and  not  less  those  of  David's  flight. 
Gibeah  lay  not  far  to  the  N.,  and  this  lay  in  the 
most  likely  path  to  the  S.  W.  Ewing 

NOBAH,  no'ba  (HDi,  nobhah;  B,  NaP(6e,  Na- 
both,  Napoi,  Nahai,  'a,  Napwe,  Nabolh,  NaPeB, 
Nabeth) : 

(1)  Nobah  the  Manassite,  we  are  told,  "went 
and  took  Kenath,  and  the  villages  thereof,  and  called 
it  Nobah,  after  his  own  name"  (Nu  32  42).  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  ancient  Kenath  is 
represented  by  the  modern  Kanawal,  on  the  west- 
ern slope  of  Jebel  ed-Druze,  the  ancient  name  having 
survived  that  of  Nobah. 

(2)  A  city  which  marked  the  course  of  Gideon's 
pursuit  of  the  Midianites  (Jgs  8  11).  It  is  possible 
that  this  may  be  identical  with  (1).  Cheyne  argues 
in  favor  of  this  (EB,  s.v.  "Gideon").  But  its 
mention  along  with  Jogbehah  points  to  a  more 
southerly  location.  This  may  have  been  the 
original  home  of  the  clan  Nobah.  Some  would 
read,  following  the  Syr  in  Nu  21  30,  "Nobah 
which  is  on  the  desert,"  instead  of  "Nophah  which 
reacheth  unto  Medeba."  No  site  with  a  name 
resembling  this  has  yet  been  recovered.  If  it  is 
to  be  distinguished  from  Kenath,  then  probably 
it  will  have  to  be  sought  somewhere  to  the  N.E.  of 
Rabbath-Ammon  ('Amman).  W.  Ewing 

NOBAI,  no'bl,  nob'a-i  P5'l3,  nobhay,  or  ■'5"^? , 
nebhay) :  One  of  those  who  took  part  in  sealing  the 
covenant  (Neh  10  19). 

NOBLE,  no'b'l,  NOBLES,  noTD'lz,  NOBLEMAN, 
no'b'1-man  (D'^l'iri,  horim,  l^'^S?,  'addlr;  ci-yev^s, 
eugents,  Kpano-TOS)  krdtistos,  Pao-i\iK6s,  basilikds) : 
"Nobles"  is  the  tr  of  the  Heb  hmrlm  (occurring  only 
in  the  pi.),  "free-born,"  "noble"  (1  K  21  8.11;  Neh 
2  16;  6  17,  etc);  of  'addtr,  "begirded,"  "mighty," 
"illustrious"  or  'Vble"  (Jgs  5  13;  2  Ch  23  20,  etc); 
of  nadhlbh,  "hberal,"  "a  noble"  (Nu  21  18;  Prov 
8  16,  etc). 

Other  words  are  gddhol,  "great"  (Jon  3  7);  yakkir. 
Aram,  "precious"  (Ezr  4  10);  naghldh,  "aleader"  (Job  29 
10);  part^'mim,  " foremost  ones "  (Est  1  3;  6  9);  'd-Qilim, 
"those  near."  "nobles"  (Ex  24  11);  bariah,  "fugitive" 
(Isa  43  14);  kabhedh,  "weighty,"  "honored"  (Ps  149  8); 
eugerees,  "wellborn"  (Acts  17  11;  1  Cor  1  26);  kratislos, 
"strongest,"  " most  powerful "  (Acts  24  3;  26  25). 

The  Apoc,  AV  and  EV,  still  further  enlarges  the  list. 
In  RV  we  have  megisldnes.  "great  ones"  (1  Esd  1  38; 
8  26,  with  cre(imos,  "in honor";  Wisd  18  12).  Otherwise 
RV's  uses  of  "noble,"  and  "nobleness"  are  for  words  con- 
taining the  -J  gen  and  referring  to  birth  (of  "Wisd  8  3; 
2  Mace  6  27.31;  12  42;  14  42  6is).  AV's  uses  are  wider 
(Jth  2  2,  etc). 

Nobleman  is,  in  Lk  19  12,  the  tr  of  eugents 
dnthrdpos,  "a  man  well  born,"  and  in  Jn  4  46.49 
of  basilikos,  "kingly,"  "belonging  to  a  king,"  a 
designation  extended  to  the  officers,  courtiers,  etc, 
of  a  king,  RVm  "king's  officer";  he  was  probably 
an  official,  civil  or  military,  of  Herod  Antipas,  who 
was  styled  "king"  (basileus). 

For  "nobles"  (Isa  43  14),  AV  "have  brought  down  all 
their  nobles,"  RV  has  "I  will  bring  down  all  of  them  as 
fugitives,"  m  "or,  as  otherwise  read,  all  their  nobles 
even,"  etc;  for  "nobles"  (Jer  30  21),  "prince";  ERV 
has  " worthies "  for  " nobles"  (Nah  3  18);   RV  has  "the 


noble"  for  "princes"  (Prov  17  26);  "nobles"  for 
"princes"  (Job  34  18;  Dnl  1  3),  for  "Nazarites" 
(Lam  4  7,  m  "Nazirites");  "her  nobles"  for  "his 
fugitives,"  m  "or,  as  other  otherwise  read,  fugitives" 
(I.sa  16  5);  ARV  has  "noble"  for  "liberal"  (Isa  32  5); 
for  "The  nobles  held  their  peace,"  AVm  "The  voice  of 
the  nobles  was  hid"  (Job -29  10),  RV  has  "The  voice  of  the 
nobles  was  hushed,"  m  "Heb  hid";  for  "most  noble" 
(Acts  24  3;  26  25),  "most  excellent." 

W.  L.  Walker 
NOD,  nod  (lis,  nodh):  The  land  of  Eden,  to 
which  Cain  migrated  after  the  murder  of  his 
brother  and  his  banishment  by  Jeh  (Gen  4  16). 
Conjecture  is  useless  as  to  the  region  intended. 
The  ideas  of  China,  India,  etc,  which  some  have 
entertained,  are  groundless.  The  territory  was 
evidently  at  some  distance,  but  where  is  now  un- 
discoverable. 

NODAB,  no'dab  (S'l'lS ,  nodhobh;  NaSapoioi, 
Nadabaioi):  A  Hagrite  clan  which,  along  with 
Jetur  and  Naphish,  suffered  complete  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  trans-Jordanic  Israelites  (1  Ch  5  19). 
It  has  been  suggested  that  Nodab  is  a  corruption 
of  Kedemah  or  of  Nebaioth,  names  which  are  asso- 
ciated with  Jetur  and  Naphish  in  the  lists  of 
Ishmael's  sons  (Gen  25  15;  1  Ch  1  31),  but  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  even  the  most  careless  copy- 
ist could  so  blunder.  There  is  a  possible  remi- 
niscence of  the  name  in  Nudebe,  a  village  in  the 
Hauran. 

NOE,  no'e  (N&t,  Noe):  AV  of  Mt'24  37.38; 
Lk  3  36;  17  26.27;  Tob  4  12.  Gr  form  of  Noah 
(q.v.)  (thus  RV). 

NOEBA,  no'e-ba  (Notpa,  Noebd):  Head  of  one 
of  the  families  of  temple-servants  (1  Esd  5  31)  = 
"Nekoda"  of  Ezr  2  48. 

NOGAH,  no'ga  (^53,  noghah,  "splendor"): 
A  son  of  David  born  at  Jerus  (1  Ch  3  7;  14  6). 
In  the  II  list  (2  S  5  14.15)  this  name  is  wanting. 
In  its  Gr  form  (Na77a£,  Naggai)  it  occurs  in  the 
genealogy  of  Jesus  (Lk  3  25). 

NOHAH,  no'ha  (nn'lD,  nohdh,  "rest"):  The 
fourth  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Ch  8  2).  It  is  prob- 
able that  in  Jgs  20  43,  instead  of  "a  resting-place" 
we  should  read  "Nohah,"  which  may  have  been 
the  settlement  of  the  family. 

NOISE,  noiz  (bip,  kol,  r^n,  hdmon,  lisffi, 
shd'on;  ^avfi,  phoni):  "Noise"  is  most  frequently 
the  tr  of  kol,  "voice,"  "sound,"  in  AV  (Ex  20  18, 
"the  noise  of  the  trumpet,"  RV  "voice";  32  17 
6is.l8;  Jgs  5  11,  "[they  that  are  delivered]  from 
the  noise  of  the  archers,"  RV  "far  from  the  noise," 
etc,  m  "because  of  the  voice  of";  1  S  4  6,  etc); 
hamon,  "noise,"  "sound"  (1  S  14  19);  roghez, 
"anger,"  "rage"  (Job  37  2);  re"',  "outcry"  (Job 
36  33);  sha'on,  "desolation,"  "noise"  (Isa  24  8; 
25  5);  t'shu'oth,  "cry"  "crying"  (Job  36  29); 
pa^ah,  "to  break  forth"  (Ps  98  4);  shame-',  "to 
hear,"  etc  (Josh  6  10;  1  Ch  15  28);  phone, 
"sound,"  "voice,"  is  tr<*  "noise"  (Rev  6  1,  "I  heard 
as  it  were  the  noise  of  thunder,"  RV  "saying  as 
with  a  voice  of  thunder");  rhoizeddn,  "with  a  hiss- 
ing or  rushing  sound"  (2  Pet  3  10,  "with  a  great 
noise");  ginetai  phont  (Acts  2  6,  AV  "when  this 
was  noised  abroad,"  m  "when  this  voice  was  made," 
RV  "when  this  sound  was  heard");  akouo,  "to  hear": 
dialaleo,  "to  talk  or  speak"  throughout,  are  also  tr^ 
"noised"  (Mk  2  1;  Lk  1  65).  So  RV  (cf  Jth  10 
18,  "noised  among  the  tents").  Otherwise  in  RV 
Apoc,  Ihroos  "confused  noise"  (Wisd  1  10);  boi, 
"outcry"  (Jth  14  19);  tchos,  "sound"  (Wisd  17  18; 
cf  Sir  40  13);  Latvox,  "voice"  (2  Esd  5  7). 


2155 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Nobah 
Nose,  Nostrils 


For  "noise"  (Ps  65  7  bis),  RV  tias  "roaring";  for 
"malie  a  noise  lilie  the  noise  of  the  seas"  (Isa  17  12;, 
"the  uproar  [m  "muititude"]  of  many  peoples,  that  roar 
lilie  the  roaring  of  the  seas";  for  "a  voice  of  noise  from 
the  city"  (Isa  66  8),  "a  voice  of  tumult  from  the  city"; 
for  "noise"  (Jer  10  22),  "voice";  for  "a  noise"  (1  Ch 
15  28),  "sounding  aloud."  "voice"  (Ezk  43  2);  for 
"every  battle  of  the  warrior  is  with  confused  noise" 
(Isa  9  5),  "all  the  armor  of  the  armed  man  in  the 
tumult,"  m  "every  boot  of  the  booted  warrior";  for 
"make  a  noise,"  "moan"  (Ps  66  2).  "roar"  (Isa  17 
12);  for  "  make  a  loud  noise  "  (Ps  98  4),  "break  forth"; 
for  "maketh  a  noise"  (Jer  4  19),  "is  disquieted";  for 
"  the  noise  of  his  tabernacle "  (Job  36  29),  "  the  thunder- 
ings  of  his  pavilion";  for  "make  any  noise  witli  your 
voice"  (Josh  6  10),  "let  your  voice  be  heard";  "joy- 
ful noise,"  for  "shouting"  (Isa  16  10);  for  "The  Lord 
on  high  is  mightier  than  the  noise  of  many  waters,  yea, 
than  the  mighty  waves  of  the  sea"  (Ps  93  -1),  "Above 
the  voices  of  many  waters,  the  mighty  breakers  of  the 
sea,  Jeh  on  high  is  mighty." 

W.  L.  Walker 

NOISOME,  noi'sum  (TX]r\,  hawwah,  ^"1,  ra'; 
KOKis,  kakos):  "Noisome"  from  "annoy"  (annoy- 
some)  has  in  Bible  Eng.  the  meaning  of  "evil," 
"hurtful,"  not  of  "offensive"  or  "loathsome."  It  is 
the  tr  of  hawwah,  "mischief,"  "calamity"  (Ps  91  3, 
"noisome  pestilence,"  RV  "deadly");  of  ra\  a 
common  word  for  "evil"  (Ezk  14  15.21),  "noisome 
beasts"  (RV  "evil").  It  occurs  also  in  Job  31  40 
AVm  as  the  tr  of  ho' shah,  "noisome  weeds,"  AV  and 
RV  "cockle,"  m  as  AVm;  of  kakos,  "evil,"  "bad" 
(Rev  16  2),  "a  noisome  and  grievous  sore."  "Noi- 
some" also  occurs  in  Apoc  (2  Mace  9  9)  as  the  tr  of 
haruno,  "to  make  heavy,"  "oppress,"  where  it  seems 
to  have  the  meaning  of  "loathsome." 

W.  L.  Walkee 
NON,  non  {fi:,nm):  1  Ch  7  27  AV  and  RVm. 
See  Nun. 

NOOMA,  no'6-ma  (Noofid,  Noomd,  B,  'Oo|id, 
Oomd;  AV  Ethma):  1  Esd  9  35  =  "Nebo"  of  Ezr 
10  43,  of  which  it  is  a  corruption. 

NOON,  noon,  NOONDAY,  noon'da  (D'lnnS, 
gohdrayim;  |j.£(ninPp£a,  ■mesemhria) :  The  word 
means  light,  splendor,  brightness,  and  hence  the 
brightest  part  of  the  day  (Gen  43  16.25;  Acts  22 
6).     See  also  Midday;  Day  and  Night;  Time. 

NOPH,  nof  (Db,  noph;  in  Hos  9  6  moph):  A 
name  for  the  Egyp  city  Memphis  (so  LXX),  hence 
thus  rendered  in  RV  (Isa  19  13;  Jer  2  16;  44  1; 
Ezk  30  13.16).     See  Memphis. 

NOPHAH,  no'fa  (nsb ,  nophah;  LXX  does  not 
transliterate) :  A  city  mentioned  only  in  Nu  21  30 
(see  Nobah).  LXX  reads  kai  hai  gunaikes  eti  pros- 
exikausan  pur  epi  Modb,  "and  the  women  besides 
[yet]  kindled  a  fire  at  [against]  Moab."  The  text 
has  evidently  suffered  corruption. 

NORTH,  north,  NORTH  COUNTRY  (iiS2 , 
gaphon,  from  V  15?,  gaphan,  "to  hide,"  i.e.  "the 
hidden,"  "the  dark"' [Ges.];  Poppas,  borrhds;  Poppas, 
boreas  [Jth  16  4];  septentrio  [2  Esd  15  43]):  In  ad- 
dition to  the  many  places  where  "north"  occurs 
merely  as  a  point  of  the  compass,  there  are  several 
passages  in  Jer,  Ezk  and  Zeph,  where  it  refers  to  a 
particular  country,  usually  Assyria  or  Babylonia: 
Jer  3  18,  "They  shall  come  together  out  of  the  land 
of  the  north  to  the  land  that  I  gave  for  an  inherit- 
ance unto  your  fathers" ;  Jer  46  6,  "In  the  north 
by  the  river  Euphrates  have  they  stumbled  and 
fallen";  Ezk  26  7,  "I  will  bring  upon  Tyre  Neb- 
uchadrezzar king  of  Babylon,  king  of  kings,  from 
the  north";  Zeph  2  13,  "He  will  stretch  out  his 
hand  against  the  north,  and  destroy  Assyria,  and 
will  make  Nineveh  a  desolation." 

While  the  site  of  Nineveh  was  N.E.  of  Jerus,  and 
that  of  Babylon  almost  due  E.,  it  was  not  unnatural 


for  them  to  be  referred  to  as  "the  north,"  because 
the  direct  desert  routes  were  impracticable,  and  the 
roads  led  first  into  Northern  Syria  and  then  east- 
ward (cf  however  Gen  29  1,  "Then  Jacob  went 
on  his  journey,  and  came  to  the  land  of  the  children 
of  the  east")- 

In  Ezk  38  6,  we  have,  "Gomer,  and  all  his 
hordes;  the  house  of  Togarmah  in  the  uttermost 
parts  of  the  north."  It  is  uncertain  what  country 
is  here  referred  to.  Some  have  supposed  Armenia 
(cf  Gen  10  3;   1  Ch  1  6;   Ezk  27  14). 

The  north  border  of  the  promised  land,  as  outlined 
in  Nu  34  7-9  and  Ezk  47  1.5-17,  cannot  be  deter- 
mined with  certainty,  because  some  of  the  towns 
named  cannot  be  identified,  but  it  was  approxi- 
mately the  latitude  of  Mt.  Hermon,  not  including 
Lebanon  or  Damascus.  For  North  (m'zdrim)  see 
Astronomy.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

NORTHEAST,  SOUTHEAST:  These  words 
occur  in  Acts  27  12,  "if  by  any  means  they  could 
reach  Phoenix,  and  winter  there;  which  is  a  haven 
of  Crete,  looking  north-east  and  south-east."  RVm 
has,  "Gr,  down  the  south-west  wind  and  down  the 
north-west  wind,"  which  is  a  lit.  tr  of  the  Gr:  eis 
Phoinika  ....  limena  Its  Krttes  bleponta  (looking) 
katd  liba  (the  southwest  wind)  kai  katd  choron  (the 
northwest  wind).  Choros  does  not  appear  to  occur 
except  here,  but  the  corresponding  Lat  caurus  or 
corns  is  found  in  Caesar,  Vergil,  and  other  classical 
authors.  AV  has  "lieth  toward  the  south  west  and 
north  west."  Kard,  katd,  with  a  wind  or  stream, 
means,  "down  the  wind  or  stream,"  i.e.  in  the  direc- 
tion that  it  is  blowing  or  flowing,  and  this  interpre- 
tation would  indicate  a  harbor  open  to  the  E.  If 
y^lf,  lips,  and  x^pos,  choros,  are  used  here  as  names 
of  directions  rather  than  of  winds,  we  should  expect 
a  harbor  open  to  the  W.  There  is  good  reason  for 
identifying  Phoenix  (AV  "Phenice")  with  Loutro  on 
the  south  shore  of  Crete  (EB,  s.v.  "Phenice"),  whose 
harbor  is  open  to  the  E.     See  Phoenix. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

NOSE,  noz,  NOSTRILS,  nos'trilz  (CN,  'aph, 
"nose,"  D'^^TIp,  n'hirayim,  dual  of  "ITID ,  n'hir, 
"nostrils"):  The  former  expression  {'aph  from 
*'anph,  like  Arab.  i_aj| ,  'anf)  is  often  tr''  "face" 
(which  see  s.v.)  in  EV.  It  is  frequently  referred 
to  as  the  organ  of  breathing,  in  other  words,  as  the 
receptacle  of  the  breath  or  spirit  of  God:  "Jeh 
....  breathed  into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life; 
and  man  became  a  living  soul"  (Gen  2  7;  cf  7  22); 
"My  life  is  yet  whole  in  me,  and  the  spirit  of  God 
is  in  my  nostrils"  (Job  27  3).  Therefore  a  life 
which  depends  on  so  slight  a  thing  as  a  breath  is 
considered  as  utterly  frail  and  of  no  great  conse- 
quence: "Cease  ye  from  man,  whose  breath  is  in 
his  nostrils;  for  wherein  is  he  to  be  accounted  of?" 
(Isa  2  22;   cf  Wisd  2  2). 

In  poetical  language  such  a  breath  of  life  is  as- 
cribed even  to  God,  esp.  with  regard  to  the  mighty 
storm  which  is  thought  to  proceed  from  His  nostrils 
(Ex  15  8;  2  S  22  9;  Ps  18  8.15). 

The  phrase,  "a  smoke  in  my  nose,  a  fire  that 
burneth  all  the  day"  (Isa  65  5),  is  equivalent  to  a 
perpetual  annoyance  and  cause  of  irritation.  A 
cruel  custom  of  war,  in  which  the  vanquished  had 
their  noses  and  ears  cut  off  by  their  remorseless  con- 
querors, is  alluded  to  in  Ezk  23  25.  As  a  wild 
animal  is  held  in  check  by  having  his  nose  pierced 
and  a  hook  or  ring  inserted  in  it  (Job  40  24 ;  41  2 
[Heb  40  26]),  so  this  expression  is  used  to  indicate 
the  humbling  and  taming  of  an  obstinate  person 
(2  K  19  28;  Isa  37  29;  cf  Ezk  29  4;  38  4). 
But  men,  and  esp.  women,  had  their  noses  pierced 
for  the  wearing  of  jewelry  (Gen  24  47;  Isa  3  21; 
Ezk  16  12).     In  one  passage  the  meaning  is  not 


Nose-Jewels 
Number 


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2156 


quite  clear,  viz.  in  the  enumeration  of  blemishes 
which  disable  a  "son  of  Aaron"  from  the  execution 
of  the  priest's  office  (Lev  21  18),  where  EV  trans- 
lates "flat  [m  "slit"]  nose."  The  Heb  word  is  Din  , 
hdrum,  which  is  a  hapax  legomenon.     It  corresponds, 

however,  to  the  Arab.  V   Lo>^,  ^^^  ^haram,har- 

man  (kharam,  kharman),  which  means  "to  open," 
"to  pierce  the  nose,"  esp.  the  bridge  of  the  nose. 
We  may  accept  this  meaning  as  the  one  intended 
in  the  passage. 

Another  dark  and  much  discussed  passage  must 
still  be  referred  to:  "And,  lo,  they  put  the  branch 
to  their  nose"  (Ezk  8  17).  The  usual  explanation 
(whereof  the  context  gives  some  valuable  hints) 
is  that  a  rite  connected  with  the  worship  of  Baal 
(the  sun)  is  here  alluded  to  (see  Smend  and  A.  B. 
Davidson's  comms.  on  the  passage).  A  similar 
custom  is  known  from  Pers  sun-worship,  where  a 
bunch  (baregma)  of  dates,  pomegranates  or  tamarisks 
was  held  to  the  nose  by  the  worshipper,  probably 
as  an  attempt  to  keep  the  Holy  One  (sun)  from 
being  contaminated  by  sinful  breath  (Spiegel, 
Eranische  Altertumer,  III,  571).  Among  modern 
Jews  posies  of  myrtle  and  other  fragrant  herbs  are 
held  to  the  nose  by  the  persons  attending  on  the 
ceremony  of  circumcision,  for  the  alleged  reason 
of  making  the  sight  and  smell  of  blood  bearable. 
Another  interpretation  of  the  above  passage  would 
understand  ITll^T ,  z'morah,  in  the  sense  of  "male 
sexual  member"  (see  Gesenius-Buhl,  s.v.;  Levy, 
Nhh.  Worterbuch,  I,  544),  and  the  whole  passage  as 
a  reference  to  a  sensuous  Canaanite  rite,  such  as  is 
perhaps  alluded  to  in  Isa  57  8.  In  that  case  the 
DSX,  'appam,  "their  nose,"  of  the  MT  would  have 
to  be  considered  as  tikkun  ^oph'rim  (a  correction 
of  the  scribes)  for  "'EX  ,  'appl,  "my  face."  Or  read 
"They  cause  their  stench  [z'moratham]  to  come  up 
to  my  face"  (Kraetzschmar,  ad  loc).    See  Branch. 

H.    L.    E.    LUERINQ 

NOSE- JEWELS,  noz-ju'elz,  -joo'elz  (DT;,  nezem 
[probably  from  DTJ,  nazam,  "muzzle"],  a  "nose- 
ring," or  "nose-jewel,"  so  rendered  in  Isa  3  21; 
"jewel  in  a  swine's  snout,"  Prov  11  22,  AVm 
"ring";  "jewel  on  thy  forehead,"  Ezk  16  12,  "ring 
upon  thy  nose") :  In  Gen  24  22,  AV  rendered  in- 
correctly "earring";  cf  ver  47.  Indeed,  the  word 
had  also  a  more  generic  meaning  of  "ring"  or 
"jewelry,"  whether  worn  in  the  nose  or  not.  See 
Gen  35  4;  Ex  32  2,  where  the  ornament  was  worn 
in  the  ear.  There  are  several  cases  without  specifi- 
cation, uniformly  rendered,  without  good  reason, 
however,  "earring"  in  AV  (Ex  35  22;  Jgs  8  24. 
25;  Job  42  11  ["ring"];  Prov  25  12;  Hos  2  13 
[15]). 

The  nose-jewel  was  made  of  gold  or  of  silver, 
usually,  and  worn  by  many  women  of  the  East. 
It  was  a  ring  of  from  an  inch  to  about  three  inches 
(in  extreme  cases)  in  diameter,  and  was  passed 
through  the  right  nostril.  Usually  there  were 
pendant  from  the  metal  ring  jewels,  jjeads  or  coral. 
Such  ornaments  are  still  worn  in  some  parts  of  the 
East.     See  also  Amulet;  Jewel. 

Edward  Bagbt  Pollard 

NOTABLE,  no'ta-b'l  (PITn ,  hazuth;  yvaa-rdi, 
gnostds):  "Notable"  is  the  tr  of  hazidh,  "conspicu- 
ous" (haz&h.,  "to  see"),  e.g.  Dnl  8  5,  "a  notable 
horn,"  i.e.  "conspicuous,"  AVm  "a  horn  of  sight"; 
ver  8,  "notable  [horns]";  of  gnbstos,  "known," 
"knowledge"  (Acts  4  16);  of  episemos,  "noted," 
"notable"  (Mt  27  16;  in  Rom  16  7,  "of  note"); 
of  epiphants,  "very  manifest,"  "illustrious"  (cf 
"Antiochus  Epiphanes");  Acts  2  20,  "that  great 
and  notable  day,"  quoted  from  Joel  2  31;  LXX 
for  yare',  "to  be  feared,"  AV  and  RV  "terrible" 


(cf  Mai  4  5);  "notable"  occurs  also  in  2  Mace  3 
26  (ekprepes);  14  33,  RV  "for  all  to  see";  6  28 
(gennaios),  "a,  notable  example,"  RV  "noble"; 
notably,  only  in  2  Mace  14  31  (gennaios),  "notably 
prevented,"  RV  "bravely,"  m  "nobly." 

W.  L.  Walker 

NOTE,  not  (ppn ,  hakak,  D115T ,  rasham;  o-q- 
(leiow,  semeido,  lirC<rT||jLos,  episemos):  "Note"  (vb.) 
is  the  tr  of  hakak,  "to  grave,"  "to  inscribe,"  etc 
(Isa  30  8,  "note  it  in  a  book,"  RV  "inscribe"); 
of  rashann,  "to  note  down,"  etc  (Dnl  10  21,  RV 
"inscribed");  of  semeioo,  "to  put  a  sign  on"  (2 
Thess  3  14,  "note  that  man"). 

"Note"  (noun)  is  the  tr  of  episemos,  "marked 
upon,"  "distinguished"  (Rom  16  7,  "who  are  of 
note  among  the  apostles"). 

"Notes"  (musical)  occurs  in  Wisd  19  18,  "notes 
of  a  psaltery"  (phthoggos).  W.  L.  Walker 

NOTHING,  nuth'ing  (X'b,  Id',  1112^S^  X'b,  Id' 
m''Umah,  etc;  |iT)S€ts,  medeis,  oiSets,  oudels): 
"Nothing"  is  represented  by  various  words  and 
phrases,  often  with  lo',  which  is  properly  a  subst. 
with  the  meaning  of  "nothing."  Most  frequently 
we  have  Id'  m''ilmah,  "not  anything"  (Gen  40  15; 
Jgs  14  6). 

Other  forms  are  ?o'  rf/ia6/idr,  "not  anything"  (Gen  19  8); 
lo'khol,  "not  anylthing]"  (Gen  11  6;  Prov  13  7);  Id' 
[Aram.],  "no,"  "nothing"  (Dnl  4  35,  "as  nothing") ;  'ephes, 
"end,"  "cessation"  (Isa  34  12);  bilti,  "without,"  "save'" 
"not"  (Isa  44  10;  Am  3  4);  'ayin,  "there  is  not"  (Isa  41 
24);  once  tohu,  "emptiness"  (Job  6  18);  bal  mah,  "not 
anything"  (Prov  9  13);  hinndm,  "free."  "gratis"  (2  S  24 
24) ;  ma'a/,  "to  make  small,"  "bring  to  nothing"  (Jer  10  24); 
rak,  "only"  (Gen  26  29);  le'al,  "for  nothing"  (Job  24  25). 

In  2  Maco  7  12,  we  have  "nothing,"  adverbially 
(ere  oudeni),   "he  nothing  regarded  the  pains"   (cf 

1  K  15  21);  9  7  [oudamos),  RV  "in no  wise" ;  Wisd 

2  11,  "nothing  worth"  (dchrestos),  RV  "of  no  serv- 
ice"; Bar  6  17.26. 

For  "nothing"  RV  has  "none"  (Ex  23  26;  Joel 
2  3),  "never"  (Neh  5  8),  "not  wherewith"  (Prov 
22  27),  "vanity  and  nought"  (Isa  41  29);  for 
"answered  nothing"  (Mk  15  5) ,  "no  more  answered 
anything";  "answered  nothing"  in  ver  3  is  omitted; 
"anything"  for  "nothing"  (1  Tim  6  7),  "not  any- 
thing" (Acts  20  20),  "not"  (1  Cor  8  2),  "no  word" 
(Lk  1  37),  "not  wherewith"  (7  42);  for  "to  noth- 
ing" (Job  6  18),  "up  into  the  waste";  for  "it  is 
nothing  with"  (2  Ch  14  11),  "there  is  none  besides," 
m  "like";  for  "lacked  nothing"  (1  K  4  27),  "let 
nothing  be  lacking,"  for  "nothing  doubting"  (Acts 
11  12),  "making  no  distinction";  for  "hoping  for 
nothing  again"  (Lk  6  35),  "never  despairing";  for 
"are  nothing"  (Acts  21  24),  "no  truth  in";  for 
"nothing  shall  offend  them"  (Ps  119  165),  "no  oc- 
casion of  stumbling" ;  for  "bring  to  nothing"  (1  Cor 
1  19),  ERV  "reject,"  ARV  "bring  to  nought"; 
"nothing  better"  for  "no  good"  (Eccl  3  12),  for 
"not"  (Mt  13  34,  different  text),  for  "no  man" 
(Acts  9  8),  "for  nothing,"  for  "free"  (Ex  21  11); 
"miss  nothing"  for  "not  sin"  (Job  5  24),  m  "shalt 
not  err";  "and  shall  have  nothing"  for  "and  not  for 
himself"  (Dnl  9  26,  m  "there  shall  be  none  belong- 
ing to  him").  W.  L.  Walker 

NOUGHT,  not  (Djn,  hinnam;  Karapyim, 
katarged):  "Nought"  is  to  be  distinguished  from 
"naught"  implying  "badness"  (see  Naught). 
"Nought"  in  the  sense  of  "nothing,"  etc,  is  the  tr 
of  hinnam,  "gratis"  (Gen  29  15),  and  of  various 
other  words  occurring  once  only,  e.g.  'awen 
"vanity"  (Am  5  5);  Idhu,  "vacancy,"  "ruin" 
(Isa  49  4);  'epha\  "nothing"  (Isa  41  24);  na- 
bhel,  "to  fade"  (Job  14  18,  m  "fadeth  away")- 
pur,  "to  make  void"  (Ps  33  10);  katarged,  "to 
make  without  effect"  (1  Cor  1  28;    2  6);    oudels, 


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Nose-Jewels 
Number 


"not  even  one"  (Acts  6  36);  apelegmos,  "refuta- 
tion" (Acts  19  27,  RV  "come  into  disrepute"); 
doredn,  "without  payment"  (2  Thess  3  8,  RV 
"for  nought");  eremdo,  "to  desolate"  (Rev  18  17, 
RV  "made  desolate");  kalaluo,  "to  loose  down" 
(Acts  5  38,  RV  "be  overthrown").  In  Apoo  we 
have  "set  at  nought"  and  "come  to  nought,"  etc 
(1  Esd  1  56;   2  Esd  2  33;   8  59). 

For  "nought"  RV  has  "perish"  (Dt  28  63);  for 
"  come  to  nought "  (Job  8  22),  "be  no  more";  "nought" 
f or  " not  ought "  (Ex  5  11),  for  "no  might"  (Dt  28  32);- 
for  "brought  to  silence,"  bia  (Isa  16  1).  "brought  to 
nought";  ARV  "bring  to  nought"  (1  Cor  1  19)  for 
"bring  to  nothing"  (ERV  "reject");  "nought  but 
terror"  (Isa  28  19)  for  "a  vexation  only";  "brought 
to  nought"  (Isa  16  4)  for  "is  at  an  end";  "come  to 
nought"  for  "taken  none  effect"  (Rom  9  6);  "set  at 
nought"  for  "despise"  (Rom  14  3). 

W.  L.  Walkeb 

NOURISH,  nur'ish  (b'la,  giddel,  H^n,  hiyyah, 
53!33 ,  kilkel,  HS"! ,  ribbdh;  rpi^a,  trepho,  avarp^cfxi), 
anatrepho,  (KTpi^io,  ektrepho,  Ivrp^cfxa,  enlripho) : 
While  the  word  "nourish"  was  ordinarily  an  appro- 
priate rendering  in  the  time  of  the  AV,  the  word  has 
since  become  much  less  frequent,  and  some  senses 
have  largely  passed  out  of  ordinary  use,  so  that  the 
meaning  would  now  in  most  cases  be  better  ex- 
pressed by  some  other  word.  Giddel  means  "to 
bring  up,"  "rear  [children]"  (Isa  1  2,  m  "made 
great";  23  4;  Dnl  1  5);  "cause  [a  tree]  to  grow" 
(Isa  44  14).  Hiyyah  means  "to  preserve  alive" 
(with  some  implication  of  care)  (2  S  12  3;  Isa 
7  21,  ARV  "keep  alive").  Kilkel  means  "to  sup- 
port," "maintain,"  "provide  for"  (esp.  with  food) 
(Gen  45  11;  47  12;  50  21).  Rihhah  means  "to 
bring  up,"  "rear  [whelps],"  in  a  figurative  use  (Ezk 
19  2).  Trepho  means  "to  feed"  (transitively) 
(Acts  12  20,  RV"feed";  Rev  12  14);  "to  fatten" 
(Jas  5  5,  the  context  indicating  an  unfavorable 
meaning).  Anatrepho  is  "to  bring  up,"  "rear," 
like  giddel  (Acts  7  20.21);  ektrepho  is  "to  take  care 
of"  (Eph  5  29);  entrepho  means  "to  bring  up  in," 
"train  in"  (1  Tim  4  6). 

George  Ricker  Berry 

NOVICE,  nov'is  (v«64"jtos,  neiphutos,  "newly 
planted"):  In  this  sense  it  is  found  in  LXX  of  Job 
14  9  and  Isa  5  7.  In  the  NT  it  occurs  once  only 
(1  Tim  3  6),  where  it  means  a  person  newly  planted 
in  the  Christian  faith,  a  neophyte,  a  new  convert, 
one  who  has  recently  become  a  Christian.  This 
term  occurs  in  the  list  which  Paul  gives  of  the 
qualifications  which  a  Christian  bishop  must  pos- 
sess. The  apostle  instructs  Timothy,  that  if  any 
man  desires  the  office  of  a  bishop,  he  must  not  be  a 
"novice,"  must  not  be  newly  converted,  or  recently 
brought  to  the  faith  of  Christ  "lest  he  be  lifted  up 
with  pride,  and  fall  into  the  condemnation  of  the 
devil." 

This  means  that  a  recent  convert  runs  the  very  serious 
risk  of  being  wise  In  his  own  eyes,  of  despising  those  who 
are  stlU  on  the  level  from  which,  by  his  conversion,  he 
has  been  lifted ;  and  so  he  becomes  puffed  up  with  high 
ideas  of  his  own  importance.  He  has  not  yet  had  time 
to  discover  his  limitations,  he  is  newly  planted,  he  does 
not  fully  understand  his  true  position  in  the  Christian 
community,  he  overestimates  hunself.  For  these  reasons 
he  is  peculiarly  liable  to  instability,  and  to  the  other 
weaknesses  and  sins  connected  with  an  inflated  opinion 
of  his  own  powers.  His  pride  is  a  sure  indication  of  a 
coming  fall.  A  novice,  therefore,  must  on  no  account 
be  appointed  to  the  office  in  question,  for  he  would  be 
sure  to  bring  disgrace  upon  it. 

John  Rutherfurd 

NUMBER,  numTjer: 

I.     Number  and  Arithmetic 
II.    Notation  of  Numbers 

1.  By  Words 

2.  By  Signs 

3.  By  Letters 

III.  Numbers  in  OT  History 

IV.  Round  Numbers 

V.     Significant  Numbers 

1.  Seven  and  Its  Multiples 
(1)   Ritual  Use  of  Seven 


(2)  Historical  Use  of  Seven 

(3)  Didactic  or  Literary  Use  of  Seven 

(4)  Apocalyptic  U.«e  of  Seven 

2.  The  Number  Three 

3.  The  Number  Pour 

4.  The  Number  Ten 

5.  The  Number  Twelve 

6.  Other  Significant  Numbers 
VI.     Gematria 

Literature 

/.  Number  and  Arithmetic. — The  system  of 
counting  followed  by  the  Hebrews  and  the  Semites 
generally  was  the  decimal  system,  which  seems  to 
have  been  suggested  by  the  use  of  the  ten  fingers. 
Heb  had  separate  words  only  for  the  first  nine  units 
and  for  ten  and  its  multiples.  Of  the  sexagesimal 
system,  which  seems  to  have  been  introduced  into 
Babylonia  by  the  Sumerians  and  which,  through 
its  development  there,  has  influenced  the  measure- 
ment of  time  and  space  in  the  western  civilized 
world  even  to  the  present  day,  there  is  no  direct 
trace  in  the  Bible,  although,  as  will  be  shown  later, 
there  are  some  possible  echoes.  The  highest  number 
in  the  Bible  described  by  a  single  word  is  10,000 
(ribbo  or  ribho' ,  murids).  The  Egyptians,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  separate  words  for  100,000,  1,000,- 

000.  10,000,000.  The  highest  numbers  referred  to 
in  any  way  in  the  Bible  are :  "a  thousand  thousand" 
(1  Ch  22  14;  2  Ch  14  9);  "thousands  of  thou- 
sands" (Dnl  7  10;  Rev  5  11);  "thousands  of  ten 
thousands"  (Gen  24  60);  "ten  thousand  times 
ten  thousand"  (Dnl  7  10;  Rev  5  11);  and  twice 
that  figure  (Rev  9  16).  The  excessively  high 
numbers  met  with  in  some  oriental  systems  (cf 
Lubbock,  The  Decimal  System,  17  ff)  have  no 
parallels  in  Heb.  Fractions  were  not  unknown. 
We  find  i  (2  S  18  2,  etc);  i  (Ex  25  10.17,  etc); 
i  (1  S  9  8);  i  (Gen  47  24);  i  (Ezk  46  14);  ^ 
(Ex  16  36);  A  (Lev  23  13);  A  (Lev  14  10), 
and  T^TT  (Neh  5  11).  Three  other  fractions  are 
less  definitely  expressed:  |  by  "a  double  portion," 
lit.  "a  double  mouthful"  (Dt  21  17;  2  K  2  9; 
Zee  13  8);  f  by  "four  parts"  (Gen  47  24),  and 
A  by  "nine  parts"  (Neh  11  1).  Only  the  simplest 
rules  of  arithmetic  can  be  illustrated  from  the  OT. 
There  are  examples  of  addition  (Gen  5  3-31;  Nu 
1  20-46) ;  subtraction  (Gen  18  28  if) ;  multipli- 
cation (Lev  25  8;  Nu  3  46ff),  and  division  (Nu 
31  27  ff).  In  Lev  25  50  If  is  what  has  been  said 
to  imply  a  kind  of  rule-of- three  sum.  The  old 
Babylonians  had  tables  of  squares  and  cubes  in- 
tended no  doubt  to  facilitate  the  measurement  of 
land  (Sayce,  Assyria,  lis  Princes,  Priests  and 
People,  118;  Bezold,  Ninive  und  Babylon,  90,  92); 
and  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  same  need 
led  to  similar  results  among  the  Israelites,  but  at 
present  there  is  no  evidence.  Old  Heb  arithmetic 
and  mathematics  as  known  to  us  are  of  the  most 
elementary  kind  (Nowack,  HA,  1,298). 

//.  Notation  of  Numbers. — No  special  signs  for 

the  expression  of  numbers  in  writing  can  be  proved 

to  have  been  in  use  among  the  He- 

1.  By  brews  before  the  exile.  The  Siloam 
Words  Inscription,    which    is    probably    the 

oldest  specimen  of  Heb  writing  extant 
(with  the  exception  of  the  ostraca  of  Samaria,  and 
perhaps  a  seal  or  two  and  the  obscure  Gezer  tablet), 
has  the  numbers  written  in  full.  The  words  used 
there  for  3,200,  1,000  are  written  as  words  without 
any  abbreviation.  The  earlier  text  of  the  M  S 
which  practically  illustrates  Heb  usage  has  the  num- 
bers 30,  40,  50,  100,  200,  7,000  written  out  in  the 
same  way. 

After  the  exile  some  of  the  Jews  at  any  rate  em- 
ployed   signs    such    as    were    current    among    the 
Egyptians,   the   Aramaeans,   and   the 

2.  By  Signs  Phoenicians — an   upright   line   for    1, 

two  such  lines  for  2,  three  for  3,  and 
so  on,  and  special  signs  for  10,  20,  100.     It  had 


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2158 


been  conjectured  that  these  or  similar  signs  were 
knowTi  to  the  Jews,  but  actual  proof  was  not  forth- 
coming until  the  discovery  of  Jewish  papyri  at 
Assuan  and  Elephantine  in  1904  and  1907.  In 
these  texts,  ranging  from  494  to  c  400  BC,  the  dates 
are  stated,  not  in  words,  but  in  figures  of  the  kind 
described.  We  have  therefore  clear  evidence  that 
numerical  signs  were  used  by  members  of  a  Jewish 
colony  in  Upper  Egypt  in  the  5th  cent.  BC.  Now, 
as  the  existence  of  this  colony  can  be  traced  before 
525  BC,  it  is  probable  that  they  used  this  method 
of  notation  also  in  the  preceding  century.  Con- 
jecture indeed  may  go  as  far  as  its  beginning,  for 
it  is  known  that  there  were  Jews  in  Pathros,  that  is 
Upper  Egypt,  in  the  last  days  of  Jeremiah  (Jer  44 
1.15).  Some  of  the  first  Jewish  settlers  in  Ele- 
phantine may  have  known  the  prophet  and  some 
of  them  may  have  come  from  Jerus,  bringing  these 
signs  with  them.  At  present,  however,  that  is 
pure  hypothesis. 

In  the  notation  of  the  chapters  and  verses  of  the 
Heb  Bible  and  in  the  expression  of  dates  in  Heb  books 

the  consonants  of  the  Heb  alphabet  are 
3.  By  employed  for  figures,  i.e.  the  first  ten 

Letters  for  1-10,  combinations  of  these  for  11- 

19,  the  following  eight  for  20-90,  and 
the  remainder  for  100,  200,  300,  400.  The  letters 
of  the  Gr  alphabet  were  used  in  the  same  way.  The 
antiquity  of  this  kind  of  numerical  notation  cannot 
at  present  be  ascertained.  It  is  found  on  Jewish 
coins  which  have  been  dated  in  the  reign  of  the 
Maccabean  Simon  (143-135  BC),  but  some  scholars 
refer  them  to  a  much  later  period.  All  students 
of  the  Talm  are  familiar  with  this  way  of  number- 
ing the  pages,  or  rather  the  leaves,  but  its  use  there 
is  no  proof  of  early  date.  The  numerical  use  of  the 
Gr  letters  can  be  abundantly  illustrated.  It  is 
met  with  in  many  Gr  papyri,  some  of  them  from  the 
3d  cent.  BC  (Hibeh  Papyri,  nos.  40-43,  etc);  on 
several  coins  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  in  some  MSS 
of  the  NT,  for  instance,  a  papyrus  fragment  of  Mt 
(Oxyrhynchus  Pap.,  2)  where  14  is  three  times  rep- 
resented by  iota  delta  with  a  line  above  the  letters, 
and  some  codices  of  Rev  at  13  18  where  666  is 
given  by  the  three  letters  chi  xi  vau  (or  digamma). 
It  is  possible  that  two  of  these  methods  may  have 
been  employed  side  by  side  in  some  cases,  as  in  the 
Punic  Sacrificial  Tablet  of  Marseilles,  where  (1.  6) 
150  is  expressed  first  in  words,  and  then  by  figures. 
///.  Numbers  in  OT  History. — Students  of  the 
historical  books  of  the  OT  have  long  been  perplexed 
by  the  high  numbers  which  are  met  with  in  many 
passages,  for  example,  the  number  ascribed  to  the 
Israelites  at  the  exodus  (Ex  12  37;  _  Nu  11  21), 
and  on  two  occasions  during  the  sojourn  in  the 
wilderness  (Nu  1,  26) — more  than  600,000  adult 
males,  which  means  a  total  of  two  or  three  millions; 
the  result  of  David's  census  1,300,000  men  (2  S 
24  9)  or  1,570,000  (1  Ch  21  5),  and  the  slaughter 
of  half  a  million  in  a  battle  between  Judah  and 
Israel  (2  Ch  13  17).  There  are  many  other  illus- 
trations in  the  Books  of  Ch  and  elsewhere.  That 
some  of  these  high  figures  are  incorrect  is  beyond 
reasonable  doubt,  and  is  not  in  the  least  surprising, 
for  there  is  ample  evidence  that  the  numbers  in 
ancient  documents  were  exceptionally  liable  to 
corruption.  One  of  the  best  known  instances  is 
the  variation  of  1,466  years  between  the  Heb  text 
and  the  LXX  (text  of  B)  as  to  the  interval  from  the 
creation  of  Adam  to  the  birth  of  Abram.  Other 
striking  cases  are  1  S  6  19,  where  50,070  ought 
probably  to  be  70  (Jos,  Ant,  VI,  i,  4);  2  S  15  7, 
where  40  years  ought  to  be  4  years;  the  confusion 
of  76  and  276  in  the  MSS  of  Acts  27  37,  and  of  616 
and  666  in  those  of  Rev  13  18.  Heb  MSS  furnish 
some  instructive  variations.  One  of  them,  no.  109 
of  Kennicott,  reads   (Nu  1  23)   1,050  for  50,000; 


50  for  50,000  (2  6),  and  100  for  100,000  (yer  16). 
It  is  easy  to  see  how  mistakes  may  have  originated 
in  many  cases.  The  Heb  numerals  for  30,  etc,  are 
the  plurals  of  the  units,  so  that  the  former,  as 
written,  differ  from  the  latter  only  by  the  addition 
of  the  two  letters  yodh  and  mem  composing  the  sylla- 
ble -im.  Now  as  the  mem  was  often  omitted,  3  and 
30,  4  and  40,  etc,  could  readily  be  confused.  If 
signs  or  letters  of  the  alphabet  were  made  use  of, 
instead  of  abbreviated  words,  there  would  be  quite 
as  much  room  for  misunderstanding  and  error  on 
the  part  of  copyists.  The  high  numbers  above 
referred  to  as  found  in  Ex  and  Nu  have  been  in- 
geniously accounted  for  by  Professor  Flinders 
Petrie  (Researches  in  Sinai)  in  a  wholly  different 
way.  By  understanding  'eleph  not  as  "thousand," 
but  as  "family"  or  "tent,"  he  reduces  the  number 
to  5,550  for  the  first  census,  and  5,730  for  the  second. 
This  figure,  however,  seems  too  low,  and  the  method 
of  interpretation,  though  not  impossible,  is  open 
to  criticism.  It  is  generally  admitted  that  the 
number  as  usually  read  is  too  high,  but  the  original 
number  has  not  yet  been  certainly  discovered. 
When,  however,  full  allowance  has  been  made  for 
the  intrusion  of  numerical  errors  into  the  Heb  text, 
it  is  difficult  to  resist  the  belief  that,  in  the  Books  of 
Ch,  at  any  rate,  there  is  a  marked  tendency  to 
exaggeration  in  this  respect.  The  huge  armies 
again  and  again  ascribed  to  the  little  kingdoms 
of  Judah  and  Israel  cannot  be  reconciled  with  some 
of  the  facts  revealed  by  recent  research;  with  the 
following,  for  instance:  The  army  which  met  the 
Assyrians  at  Karkar  in  854  BC  and  which  repre- 
sented 11  states  and  tribes  inclusive  of  Israel  and  the 
kingdom  of  Damascus,  cannot  have  numbered  at  the 
most  more  than  about  75,000  or  80,000  men  {HDB, 
1909,  656),  and  the  Assyrking  who  reports  the  battle 
reckons  the  whole  levy  of  his  country  at  only  102,- 
000  (Der  alte  Orient,  XI,  i,  14,  note).  In  view  of  these 
figures  it  is  not  conceivable  that  the  armies  of  Israel 
or  Judah  could  number  a  million,  or  even  half  a 
million.  The  contingent  from  the  larger  kingdom 
contributed  on  the  occasion  mentioned  above  con- 
sisted of  only  10,000  men  and  2,000  chariots  (HDB, 
ib).  The  safest  conclusion,  therefore,  seems  to  be 
that,  while  many  of  the  questionable  numbers  in  the 
present  text  of  the  OT  are  due  to  copyists,  there  is 
a  residuum  which  cannot  be  so  accounted  for. 

IV.  Round  Numbers. — The  use  of  definite  nu- 
merical expressions  in  an  indefinite  sense,  that  is,  as 
round  numbers,  which  is  met  with  in  many  lan- 
guages, seems  to  have  been  very  prevalent  in  West- 
ern Asia  from  early  times  to  the  present  day.  Sir 
W.  Ramsay  (Thousand  and  One  Churches,  6)  re- 
marks that  the  modern  Turks  have  4  typical  num- 
bers which  are  often  used  in  proper  names  with 
little  or  no  reference  to  their  exact  numerical  force 
—3,  7,  40,  1,001.  The  Lycaonian  district  which 
gives  the  book  its  name  is  called  Bin  Bir  Kilisse, 
"The  Thousand  and  One  Churches,"  although  the 
actual  number  in  the  valley  is  only  28.  The  modern 
Persians  use  40  in  just  the  same  way.  "Forty 
years"  with  them  often  means  "many  years" 
(Brugsch,  cited  by  Konig,  Stilistik,  55).  This  lax 
use  of  numbers,  as  we  think,  was  probably  very 
frequent  among  the  Israelites  and  their  neighbors. 
The  inscription  on  the  M  S  supplies  a  very  in- 
structive example.  The  Israelitish  occupation  of 
Medeba  by  Omri  and  his  son  for  half  the  reign  of  the 
latter  is  there  reckoned  (11.  7  f)  at  40  years.  As, 
according  to  1  K  16  23.29,  the  period  extended 
to  only  23  years  at  the  most,  the  number  40  must 
have  been  used  very  freely  by  Mesha's  scribe  as  a 
round  number.  It  is  probably  often  used  in  that 
way  in  the  Bible  where  it  is  remarkably  frequent, 
esp.  in  reference  to  periods  of  days  or  years.  The 
40  days  of  the  Flood  (Gen  7  4.17),  the  arrangement 


2159 


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number 


of  the  life  of  Moses  in  three  periods  of  40  years  each 
(Acts  7  23;  Ex  7  7;  Dt  34  7),  the  40  years'  rule 
or  reign  of  Eli  (1  S  4  18),  of  Saul  (Acts  13  21;  ef 
Jos,  Ant,  VI,  xiv,  9),  of  David  (1  K  2  11),  of 
Solomon  (1  K  11  42)  and  of  Jehoash  (2  K  12  1), 
the  40  or  80  years  of  rest  (Jgs  3  11.30;  5  31;  8  28), 
the  40  years  of  Phili  oppression  (Jgs  13  1),  the 
40  days'  challenge  of  Goliath  (1  S  17  16),  the  40 
days'  fast  of  Moses  (Ex  34  28),  Elijah  (1  K  19  8), 
and  Jesus  (Mt  4  2  and  |1),  the  40  days  before  the 
destruction  of  Nineveh  (Jon  3  4),  and  the  40  days 
before  the  Ascension  (Acts  1  3),  all  suggest  con- 
ventional use,  or  the  influence  of  that  use,  for  it  can 
hardly  be  supposed  that  the  number  in  each  of  these 
cases,  and  in  others  which  might  be  mentioned, 
was  exactly  40.  How  it  came  to  be  so  used  is  not 
quite  certain,  but  it  may  have  originated,  partly 
at  any  rate,  in  the  idea  that  40  years  constituted 
a  generation  or  the  period  at  the  end  of  which  a  man 
attains  maturity,  an  idea  common,  it  would  seem, 
to  the  Greeks,  the  Israelites,  and  the  Arabs.  The 
period  of  40  years  in  the  wilderness  in  the  course 
of  which  the  old  Israel  died  out  and  a  new  Israel 
took  its  place  was  a  generation  (Nu  32  13,  etc). 
The  rabbis  long  afterward  regarded  40  years  as  the 
age  of  understanding,  the  age  when  a  man  reaches 
his  intellectual  prime  {Ab,  v,  addendum).  In  the 
Koran  (Sura  46)  a  man  is  said  to  attain  his  strength 
when  he  attains  to  40  years,  and  it  was  at  that  age, 
according  to  tradition,  that  Muhammad  came 
forward  as  a  prophet.  In  this  way  perhaps  40 
came  to  be  used  as  a  round  number  for  an  indefinite 
period  with  a  suggestion  of  completeness,  and  then 
was  extended  in  course  of  time  to  things  as  well  as 
seasons. 

Other  round  numbers  are:  (1)  some  of  the  higher 
numbers;  (2)  several  numerical  phrases.  Under 
(1)  come  the  following  numbers.  One  hundred, 
often  of  course  to  be  understood  literally,  but  evi- 
dently a  round  number  in  Gen  26  12;  Lev  26  8; 
2  S  24  3;  Eccl  8  12;  Mt  19  29  and  |1.  A  thou- 
sand (thousands),  very  often  a  literal  number,  but 
in  not  a  few  cases  indefinite,  e.g.     Ex  20  6  |1  Dt 

5  10;  7  9;  IS  18  7;  Ps  50  10;  90  4;  105  8; 
Isa  60  22,  etc.  Ten  thousand  (Heb  ribbo,  ribboth, 
r'bhabhah;  Gr  murids,  murioi)  is  also  used  as  a 
round  number  as  in  Lev  26  8;    Dt  32  30;    Cant 

6  10;  Mic  6  7.  The  yet  higher  figures,  thousands 
of  thousands,  etc,  are,  in  almost  all  cases,  distinctly 
hyperbolical  round  numbers,  the  most  remarkable 
examples  occurring  in  the  apocalyptic  books  (Dnl 

7  10;  Rev  5  11;  9  16;  EthiopicEn  40  1).  (2)  The 
second  group,  numerical  phrases,  consists  of  a 
number  of  expressions  in  which  numbers  are  used 
roundly,  in  some  cases  to  express  the  idea  of  fewness. 
One  or  two,  etc:  "a  day  or  two"  (Ex  21  21),  "an 
heap,  two  heaps"  (Jgs  15  16  RVm),  "one  of  a  city, 
and  two  of  a  family"  (Jer  3  14),  "not  once,  nor 
twice,"  that  is  "several  times"  (2  K  6  10).  Two  or 
three:  "Two  or  three  berries  in  the  [topmost]  bough" 
(Isa  17  6;  cf  Hos  6  2),  "Where  two  or  three  are 
gathered  together  in  my  name,"  etc  (Mt  18  20). 
Konig  refers  to  Assyr,  Syr,  and  Arab,  parallels. 
Three  or  four:  the  most  noteworthy  example  is  the 
formula  which  occurs  8  t  in  Am  (1  3.6.9.11.13; 
2  1.4.6),  "for  three  transgressions  ....  yea  for 
four."  That  the  numbers  here  are  round  numbers 
is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  sins  enumerated 
are  in  most  cases  neither  3  nor  4.  In  Prov  30  15. 
18.21.29,  on  the  other  hand,  where  we  have  the 
same  rhetorical  device,  climax  ad  majus,  4  is  followed 
by  four  statements  and  is  therefore  to  be  taken 
literally.  Again,  Konig  (ib)  points  to  classical  and 
Arab,  parallels.  Four  or  five:  "Four  or  five  in  the 
outmost  branches  of  a  fruitful  tree"  (Isa  17  6).  Five 
or  six:  "Thou  shouldest  have  smitten  [Syria]  five  or 
six  times"  (2  K  13  19),  an  idiom  met  with  also  in 


Am  Tab  (Konig,  ib).  Six  and  seven:  "He  will 
deliver  thee  in  six  troubles;  yea,  in  seven  there  shall 
no  evil  touch  thee"  (Job  5  19).  Seven  and  eight: 
"Seven  shepherds,  and  eight  principal  men"  (Mic 
5  5),  that  is,  "enough  and  more  than  enough" 
(Cheyne) ;  "Give  a  portion  to  seven,  yea,  even  unto 
eight"  (Eccl  11  2).  In  one  remarkable  phrase  which 
occurs  (with  slight  variations  of  form)  24  t  in  the 
OT,  two  Heb  words,  meaning  respectively  "yester- 
day" and  "third,"  are  mostly  used  so  as  together 
to  express  the  idea  of  vague  reference  to  the  past. 
RV  renders  in  a  variety  of  ways:  "beforetime" 
(Gen  31  2,  etc),  "aforetime"  (Josh  4  18),  "here- 
tofore" (Ex  4  10,  etc),  "in  time  [or  "times"]  past" 
(Dt  19  4.6;  2  S  3  17,  etc). 

V.  Significant  Numbers. — Numerical  symbolism, 
that  is,  the  use  of  numbers  not  merely,  if  at  all,  with 
their  literal  numerical  value,  or  as  round  numbers, 
but  with  symbolic  significance,  sacred  or  otherwise, 
was  widespread  in  the  ancient  East,  esp.  in  Baby- 
lonia and  regions  more  or  less  influenced  by  Bab 
culture  which,  to  a  certain  extent,  included  Canaan. 
It  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  ancestors  of 
the  Israelites  are  said  to  have  been  of  Bab  origin 
and  may  therefore  have  transmitted  to  their  de- 
scendants the  germs  at  least  of  numerical  symbolism 
as  developed  in  Babylonia  ip  the  age  of  Hammurabi. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  the  presence  of  this  use  of  num- 
bers in  the  Bible,  and  that  on  a  large  scale,  cannot 
reasonably  be  doubted,  although  some  writers  have 
gone  too  far  in  their  speculations  on  the  subject. 
The  numbers  which  are  unmistakably  used  with 
more  or  less  symbolic  meaning  are  7  and  its  multi- 
ples, and  3,  4,  10  and  12. 

By  far  the  most  prominent  of  these  is  the  num- 
ber 7,  which  is  referred  to  in  one  way  or  another  in 
nearly  600  passages  in  the  Bible,  as 
1.  Seven        well  as  in  many  passages  in  the  Apoc 
and  Its  and    the    Pseudepigrapha,    and    later 

Multiples  Jewish  literature.  Of  course  the  num- 
ber has  its  usual  numerical  force  in 
many  of  these  places,  but  even  there  not  seldom 
with  a  glance  at  its  symbolic  significance.  For 
the  determination  of  the  latter  we  are  not  assigned 
to  conjecture.  There  is  clear  evidence  in  the 
cuneiform  texts,  which  are  our  earliest  authorities, 
that  the  Babylonians  regarded  7  as  the  number  of 
totality,  of  completeness.  The  Sumerians,  from 
whom  the  Sem  Babylonians  seem  to  have  borrowed 
the  idea,  equated  7  and  "all."  The  7-storied  towers 
of  Babylonia  represented  the  universe.  Seven 
was  the  expression  of  the  highest  power,  the  greatest 
conceivable  fulness  of  force,  and  therefore  was  early 
pressed  into  the  service  of  religion.  It  is  found  in 
reference  to  ritual  in  the  age  of  Gudea,  that  is  per- 
haps about  the  middle  of  the  3d  millennium  BC. 
"Seven  gods"  at  the  end  of  an  enumeration  meant 
"all  the  gods"  (for  these  facts  and  the  cuneiform 
evidence  cf  Hehn,  Siebenzahl  und  Sabbath  bei  den 
Babyloniern  und  im  AT,  4  ff) .  How  7  came  to  be 
used  in  this  way  can  only  be  glanced  at  here.  The 
view  connecting  it  with  the  gods  of  the  7  planets, 
which  used  to  be  in  great  favor  and  still  has  its 
advocates,  seems  to  lack  ancient  proof.  Hehn 
(op.  cit.,  44  ff)  has  shown  that  the  number  acquired 
its  symbolic  meaning  long  before  the  earliest  time 
for  which  that  reference  can  be  demonstrated. 
As  this  sacred  or  symbolic  use  of  7  was  not  peculiar 
to  the  Babylonians  and  their  teachers  and  neigh- 
bors, but  was  more  or  less  known  also  in  India  and 
China,  in  classical  lands,  and  among  the  Celts  and 
the  Germans,  it  probably  originated  in  some  fact 
of  common  observation,  perhaps  in  the  four  lunar 
phases  each  of  which  comprises  7  days  and  a  frac- 
tion. Conspicuous  groups  of  stars  may  have  helped 
to  deepen  the  impression,  and  the  fact  that  7  is 
made  up  of  two  significant  numbers,  each,  as  will 


Number 


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2160 


be  shown,  also  suggestive  of  completeness — 3  and 
4 — may  have  been  early  noticed  and  taken  into 
account.  The  Bib.  use  of  7  may  be  conveniently 
considered  under  4  heads:  (1)  ritual  use;  (2)  his- 
torical use;  (3)  didactic  or  literary  use;  (4)  apoca- 
lyptic use. 

(1)  Ritual  use  of  seven. — The  number  7  plays  a  con- 
spicuous part  In  a  multitude  of  passages  giving  rules  for 
worship  or  purification,  or  recording  ritual  actions.  The 
7th  day  of  the  week  was  holy  (see  Sabbath).  There 
were  7  days  of  imleavened  bread  (Ex  34  18,  etc),  and  7 
days  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Lev  23  34).  The 
7th  year  was  the  sabbatical  year  (Ex  31  2,  etc).  The 
Moabite  Balak  built  Balaam  on  three  occasions  7  altars 
and  provided  in  each  case  7  bullocks  and  7  rams  (Nu 
23  1.14.29).  The  Mosaic  law  prescribed  7  he-lambs  for 
several  festal  offerings  (Nu  28  11.19.27,  etc).  The  7-fold 
sprinkling  of  blood  is  enjoined  in  the  ritual  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement  (Lev  16  14.19),  and  elsewhere.  Seven-fold 
sprinkling  is  also  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  rules  for  the 
purification  of  the  leper  and  the  leprous  house  (Lev  14 
7.16.27.51).  The  leprous  Naaman  was  ordered  to  bathe 
7  times  in  the  Jordan  (2  K  5  10).  In  cases  of  real  or 
suspected  uncleanness  through  leprosy,  or  the  presence  of 
a  corpse,  or  for  other  reasons,  7  days'  seclusion  was  neces- 
sary (Lev  12  2,  etc).  Circumcision  took  place  after  7 
days  (Lev  12  3).  An  animal  must  be  7  days  old  before 
it  could  be  offered  in  sacrifice  (Ex  22  30).  Three  periods 
of  7  days  each  are  mentioned  in  the  rules  for  the  consecra- 
tion of  priests  (Ex  29  30.3o.37).  An  oath  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  first  instance  by  7  holy  things  (Gen  2l  29  IT 
and  the  Heb  word  for  "swear").  The  number  7  also 
entered  into  the  structure  of  sacred  objects,  for  instance 
the  candlestick  or  lamp-stand  in  the  tabernacle  and  the 
second  temple  each  of  which  had  7  lights  (Nu  8  2;  Zee 
4  2).  Many  other  instances  of  the  ritual  use  of  7  in  the 
OT  and  many  instructive  parallels  from  Bab  texts  could 
be  given. 

(2)  Historical  use  of  seven. — The  number  7  also  figures 
prominently  in  a  large  number  of  passages  which  occur 
in  historical  narrative,  in  a  way  which  reminds  us  of  its 
symbolic  significance.  The  following  are  some  of  the  most 
remarkable;  Jacob's  7  years'  service  for  Rachel  (Gen  29 
20 ;  cf  vs  27  f ) ,  and  his  bowing  down  7  times  to  Esau  (Gen 
33  3) ;  the  7  years  of  plenty,  and  the  7  j'ears  of  famine 
(Gen  41  531);  Samson's  7  days'  marriage  feast  (Jgs  14 
12a;  cf  Gen  29  27),  7  locks  of  hair  (.7gs  16  19),  and  the 
7  withes  with  which  he  was  bound  ( vs  7  f ) ;  the  7  daughters 
ofJethro(Ex  2  16),  the  7  sous  of  Jesse  (1  S  16  10),the7 
sons  of  Sard  (2  S  21  6),  and  the  7  sons  of  Job  (Job  1  2; 
cf  42  13);  the  7  days'  march  of  the  7  priests  blowing  7 
trumpets  roimd  the  walls  of  Jericho,  and  the  7-fold  march 
on  the  7th  day  (Josh  6  8  ff) ;  the  7  ascents  of  Ehjah's 
servant  to  the  top  of  Carmel  (1  K  18  43  1);  the  7 
sneezes  of  the  Shunammitish  woman's  sou  (2  K  4  35); 
the  heating  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  furnace  7  times  more 
than  it  was  wont  to  be  heated  (Dnl  3  19),  and  the 
king's  madness  for  7  times  or  years  (4  16.23.25.32); 
Anna's  7  years  of  wedded  life  (Lk  2  36);  the  7 
loaves  of  the  4,000  (Mt  15  34-36  11)  and  the  7  baskets 
fuU  of  fragments  (Mt  15  37  11);  the  7  brothers  in  the 
conundrmn  of  the  Sadducees  (Mt  22  25  11);  the  7 
demons  cast  out  of  Mary  Magdalene  (Mk  16  9  II  Lk  8 
2) ;  the  7  ministers  in  the  church  at  Jerus  (Acts  6  3  ff), 
and  the  7  sons  of  Sceva  (19  14,  but  the  Western  text 
represents  them  as  only  2) .  The  number  must  no  doubt 
be  understood  lit.  in  many  of  these  passages,  but  even 
then  its  symbolic  meaning  is  probably  hinted  at  by  the 
historian.  When  a  man  was  said  to  have  had  7  sons  or 
daughters,  or  an  action  was  reported  as  done  or  to  be 
done  7  times,  whether  by  design  or  accident,  the  number 
was  noted,  and  its  symbolic  force  remembered.  It 
cannot  indeed  be  regarded  in  all  these  cases  as  a  sacred 
number,  but  its  association  with  sacred  matters  which 
was  kept  alive  among  the  Jews  by  the  institution  of  the 
Sabbath,  was  seldom,  if  ever,  entirely  overlooked. 

(3)  Didactic  or  literary  use  of  seven. — The  symbolic 
use  of  7  naturally  led  to  its  employment  by  poets  and 
teachers  for  the  vivid  expression  of  multitude  or  inten- 
sity. This  use  is  sometimes  evident,  and  sometimes 
latent,  (a)  Evident  examples  are  the  7-fold  curse  pre- 
dicted for  the  murderer  of  Cain  (Gen  4  15);  fleeing  7 
ways   (Dt  28  7.25):    deliverance  from  7  troubles   (Job 

6  19);  praise  of  God  7  times  a  day  (Ps  119  164);  7 
abominations  (Prov  26  25;  cf  6  16);  silver  purified  7 
times,  that  is.  thoroughly  purified  (Ps  12  6);  7-fold  sin: 
7-lold  repentance,  and  7-fold  forgiveness  (Lk  17  4;  cf 
Mt  18  21);  7  evil  spirits  (Mt  12  45  II  Lk  ll  26).  The 
last  of  these,  as  well  as  the  previous  reference  to  the  7 
demons  cast  out  of  Mary  Madgalene  reminds  us  of  the 

7  spirits  of  Beliar  (XII  P,  Reuben  chs  2  and  3)  and  of  the 
7  e\'il  spirits  so  often  referred  to  in  Bab  exorcisms  (cf 
Helm  op.  cit.,  26  fl),  but  it  is  not  safe  to  connect  Our 
Lord's  words  ivith  cither.  The  Bab  belief  may  indeed 
have  influenced  popular  ideas  to  some  extent,  but  there 
is  no  need  to  find  a  trace  of  it  in  the  Gosnels.  The  7 
demons  of  the  latter  are  sufficiently  accounted  lor  by  the 
common  symbolic  use  of  7.  For  other  passages  which 
come  under  this  head  cf  Dt  28  7.25;  Ruth  4  15;  1  S 
2  5;  Ps  79  12.     (6)  Examples  of  latent  use  of  the  num- 


ber 7,  of  what  Zbckler  (iJE',  "Sieben")  calls  "latent 
heptads,"  are  not  infrequent.  The  7-fold  use  of  the 
expression  "  the  voice  of  Jeh  "  in  Ps  29,  which  has  caused 
it  to  be  named  "  The  Psalm  of  the  Seven  Thunders,"  and 
the  7  epithets  of  the  Divine  Spirit  in  Isa  112,  cannot 
be  accidental.  In  both  cases  the  number  is  intended  to 
point  at  full-summed  completeness.  In  the  NT  we  have 
the  7  beatitudes  of  character  (Mt  5  3-9);  the  7  peti- 
tions of  the  Paternoster  (Mt  6  9  f ) ;  the  7  parables  of  the 
Kingdom  in  Mt  13;  the  7  woes  pronounced  on  the 
Pharisees  (Mt  23  13.15.16.23.25.27.29),  perhaps  the  7 
savings  of  Jesus,  beginning  with  "I  am"  (eg6  eimi)  in  the 
Fourth  Gospel  (Jn  6  35;  8  12;  10  7.11;  11  25;  14  6; 
15  1),  and  the  7  disciples  at  the  Lake  alter  the  Resur- 
rection (Ju  2l  2).  Several  groups  of  7  are  found  in 
the  Epp.  and  in  Eev:  7  forms  of  suffering  (Rom  8  35); 
7  gifts  or  charismata  (12  6-9);  7  attributes  of  the  wis- 
dom that  is  from  above  (Jas  3  17) ;  7  graces  to  be  added 
to  faith  (2  Pet  1  5  Ef) ;  two  doxologies  each  containing 
7  words  of  praise  (Eev  5  12;  7  12),  and  7  classes  of 
men  (6  15).  Other  supposed  instances  of  7-fold  group- 
ing in  the  Fourth  Gospel  are  pointed  out  by  E.  A.  Abbott 
(Johannine  Grammar,  2624  fl),  but  are  of  uncertain  value. 
(4)  Apocalyptic  use  of  seven. — As  might  be  expected, 
7  figures  greatly  in  apocalyptic  lit. ,  although  it  is  singu- 
larly absent  from  the  apocalyptic  portion  of  Dnl.  Later 
works  of  this  kind,  however — the  writings  bearing  the 
name  of  Enoch,  the  Testaments  of  Reuben  and  Levi, 
2  Esd,  etc — supply  many  illustrations.  The  doctrine 
of  the  7  heavens  which  is  developed  in  the  Slavonic 
Enoch  and  elsewhere  and  may  have  been  in  the  first 
instance  of  Bab  origin  is  not  directly  alluded  to  in  the 
Bible,  but  probably  underlies  the  apostle's  reference  to 
the  third  heaven  (2  Cor  12  2).  In  the  one  apocalyptic 
writing  in  the  NT,  7  is  employed  with  amazing  frequency. 
We  read  of  7  churches  (1  4.  etc) :  7  golden  candlesticks 
(1  12,  etc);  7  stars  (1  16);  7  angels  of  the  churches 
(1  20);  7  lamps  of  fire  (4  5);  7  spirits  of  God  (1  4;  3  1: 
4  5) :  a  book  with  7  seals  (5  1);  a  lamb  with  7  horns 
and  7  eyes  (5  6);  7  angels  with  7  trumpets  (8  2);  7 
thimders  (10  3) ;  a  dragon  with  7  heads  and  7  diadems 
(12  3);  a  beast  with  7  heads  (13  1):  7  angels  having 
the  7  last  plagues  (15  1);  and  7  golden  bowls  of  the 
wrath  of  God  (15  7)  and  a  scarlet-colored  beast  with  7 
heads  (17  3)  which  are  7  mountains  (ver  9)  and  7  kings 
(ver  10).  The  writer,  whoever  he  was,  must  have  had 
his  imagination  saturated  with  the  numerical  symbolism 
which  had  been  cultivated  in  Western  Asia  for  mil- 
lenniums. There  cannot  be  a  shadow  of  doubt  that  7 
for  him  expressed  fulness,  completeness.  As  this  inquiry 
will  have  shown,  the  significance  of  the  number  is  prac- 
tically the  same  throughout  the  Bible.  Although  a  little 
of  it  may  have  been  rubbed  off  in  the  course  of  ages,  the 
main  idea  suggested  by  7  was  never  quite  lost  sight  of  in 
Bil>.  times,  and  the  number  is  still  used  in  the  life  and 
song  of  the  Holy  Land  and  Arabia  with  at  least  an  echo 
of  its  ancient  meaning. 

The  significance  of  7  extends  to  its  multiples. 
Fourteen,  or  t'wice  7,  is  possibly  symbolic  in  some 
cases.  The  stress  laid  in  the  OT  on  the  14th  of  the 
month  as  the  day  of  the  Passover  (Ex  12  6  and  16 
other  places),  and  the  regulation  that  14  lambs  were 
to  be  offered  on  each  of  the  7  days  of  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  (Nu  29  13.15)  hint  at  design  in  the 
selection  of  the  number,  esp.  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  7  and  7  occur  repeatedly  in  cuneiform  liter- 
ature— in  magical  and  liturgical  texts,  and  in  the 
formula  so  often  used  in  the  Am  Tab :  "7  and  7  times 
at  the  feet  of  the  king  my  lord  ....  I  prostrate 
myself."  The  arrangement  of  the  generations  from 
Abraham  to  Christ  in  three  groups  of  14  each  (Mt 

1  17)  is  probably  intentional,  so  far  as  the  number 
in  each  group  is  concerned.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  number  has  any  symbolic  force  in  Acts  27  27; 

2  Cor  12  2;  Gal  2  1.  Of  course  it  must  be 
remembered  that  both  the  Heb  and  Gr  words  for  14 
('arba'ah  'asar;  dekatessares)  suggest  that  it  is  made 
up  of  10  and  4,  but  constant  use  of  7  in  the  sense 
above  defined  will  have  influenced  the  application 
of  its  double,  at  least  in  some  cases. 

Forty-nine,  or  7X7,  occurs  in  two  regulations  of 
the  Law.  The  second  of  the  three  great  festivals 
took  place  on  the  50th  day  after  one  of  the  days  of 
unleavened  bread  (Lev  23  15  ff),  that  is,  after  an 
interval  of  7X7  days;  and  two  years  of  Jubilee 
were  separated  by  7X7  years  (Lev  25  8ff).  The 
combination  is  met  with  also  in  one  of  the  so-called 
Penitential  Psalms  of  Babylonia:  "Although  my 
sins  are  7  times  7,  forgive  me  my  sins." 

Seven  multiplied  by  ten,  or  70,  was  a  very  strong 


2161 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Number 


expression  of  multitude  which  is  met  with  in  a  large 
number  of  passages  in  the  OT.  It  occurs  of  per- 
sons: the  70  descendants  of  Jacob  (Ex  1  5;  Dt  10 
22);  the  70  elders  of  Israel  (Ex  24  1.9;  Nu  11 
16.24  f ) ;  the  70  kings  ill  treated  by  Adonibezok 
(Jgs  1  7);  the  70  sons  of  Gideon  (Jgs  8  30;  9  2); 
the  70  descendants  of  Abdon  who  rode  on  70  ass- 
colts  (Jgs  12  14);  the  70  sons  of  Ahab  (2  K  10  1. 

6  f ) ;  and  the  70  idolatrous  elders  seen  by  Ezekiel 
(Ezk  8  11).  It  is  also  used  of  periods:  70  days  of 
Egyp  mourning  for  Jacob  (Gen  50  3) ;  70  years  of 
trial  (Isa  23  15.17;  Jer  25  11  f;  Dnl  9  2;  Zee  1  12; 

7  5);  the  70  weeks  of  Daniel  (Dnl  9  24);  and  the 
70  years  of  human  life  (Ps  90  10).  Other  noticeable 
uses  of  70  are  the  70  palm  trees  of  Elim  (Ex  15  27 
II  Nu  33  9) ;  the  offering  of  70  bullocks  in  the  time 
of  Hezekiah  (2  Ch  29  32),  and  the  offering  by  the 
heads  of  the  tribes  of  12  silver  bowls  each  of  70 
shekels  (Nu  7  13  ff).  In  the  NT  we  have  the  70 
apostles  (Lk  10  1.17),  but  the  number  is  uncertain 
B,  D  and  some  VSS  reading  72,  which  is  the  prod- 
uct, not  of  7  and  10,  but  of  6  and  12.  Significant 
seventies  are  also  met  with  outside  of  the  Bible. 
The  most  noteworthy  are  the  Jewish  belief  that 
there  were  70  nations  outside  Israel,  with  70  lan- 
guages, under  the  care  of  70  angels,  based  perhaps 
on  the  list  in  Gen  10;  the  Sanhedrin  of  about  70 
members ;  the  tr  of  the  Pent  into  Gr  by  LXX  (more 
exactly  72),  and  the  70  members  of  a  family  in  one 
of  the  Aram,  texts  of  Sendschirli.  This  abundant 
use  of  70  must  have  been  largely  due  to  the  fact 
that  it  was  regarded  as  an  intensified  7. 

Seiienty  and  seven,  or  77,  a  combination  found  in 
the  words  of  Lamech  (Gen  4  24) ;  the  number  of 
the  princes  and  elders  of  Suceoth  (Jgs  8  14);  and 
the  number  of  lambs  in  a  memorable  sacrifice  (Ezr 

8  35) ,  would  appeal  in  the  same  way  to  the  oriental 
fancy. 

The  product  of  seven  and  seventy  (Gr  hebdomekon- 
tdkis  heptd)  is  met  with  once  in  the  NT  (Mt  18  22), 
and  in  the  LXX  of  the  above-quoted  Gen  4  24. 
Moulton,  however  (Gram,  of  Gr  NT  Prolegomena, 
98),  renders  in  both  passages  70-|-7;  contra,  Allen, 
"Mt,"  7CC,  199.  The  number  is  clearly  a  forceful 
equivalent  of  "always." 

Seven  thousand  in  1  K  19  18  1|  Rom  11  4  may 
be  a  round  number  chosen  on  account  of  its  em- 
bodiment of  the  number  7.  In  the  M  S  the  number 
of  Israelites  slain  at  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Nebo 
by  the  Moabites  is  reckoned  at  7,000. 

The  half  of  seven  seems  sometimes  to  have  been 
regarded  as  significant.  In  Dnl  7  25;  9  27;  12  7; 
Lk  4  25  II  Jas  5  17;  Rev  11  2;  13  5  a  period  of 
distress  is  calculated  at  3j  years,  that  is,  half  the 
period  of  sacred  completeness. 

The  number  three  seems  early  to  have  attracted 
attention  as  the  number  in  which  beginning,  middle 
and  end  are  most  distinctly  marked, 
2.  The  and  to  have  been  therefore  regarded 

Number  as  symbolic  of  a  complete  and  ordered 
Three  whole.     Abundant   illustration   of   its 

use  in  this  way  in  Bab  theology,  ritual 
and  magic  is  given  from  the  cuneiform  texts  by 
Hehn  (op.  cit.,  63  ff),  and  the  hundreds  of  passages 
in  the  Bible  in  which  the  number  occurs  include 
many  where  this  special  significance  either  lies  on 
the  surface  or  not  far  beneath  it.  This  is  owing  in 
some  degree '  perhaps  to  Bab  influence,  but  will 
have  been  largely  due  to  independent  observation 
of  common  phenomena — the  arithmetical  fact 
mentioned  above  and  familiar  trios,  such  as  heaven, 
earth,  and  sea  (or  "the  abyss");  morning,  noon  and 
night;  right,  middle,  and  left,  etc.  In  other  words, 
3  readily  suggested  completeness,  and  was  often 
used  with  a  glance  at  that  meaning  in  daily  life  and 
daily  speech.  Only  a  selection  from  the  great 
mass  of  Bib.  examples  can  be  given  here.     (1)  Three 


is  often  found  of  persons  and  things  sacred  or  secu- 
lar, e.g.  Noah's  3  sons  (Gen  6  10);  Job's  3  daugh- 
ters (Job  1  2;  42  13)  and  3  friends  (Job  2  11); 
Abraham's  3  guests  (Gen  18  2) ;  and  Sarah's  3 
measures  of  meal  (vcr  6;  cf  Mt  13  33  |i);  3  in  mili- 
tary tactics  (.Igs  7  16.20;  9  43;  1  S  11  11;  13 
17;    Job  1  17);    3  great  feasts   (Ex  23  14);    the 

3  daily  prayers  (Ps  55  17;  Dnl  6  10.13);  the  3 
night  watches  (Jgs  7  19);  God's  3-fold  call  of 
Samuel  (1  S  3  8);  the  3  keepers  of  the  temple 
threshold  (Jer  62  24) ;  the  3  presidents  appointed 
by  Darius  (Dnl  6  2);  the  3  temptations  (Mt  4  3. 
5f.S  f  II);  the  3  prayers  in  Gethsemane  (Mt  26  39. 
42.44  11);  Peter's  3  denials  (Mt  26  34.75  H);  the 
Lord's  3-fold  question  and  3-fold  charge  (Jn  21 
15  ff);  and  the  3-fold  vision  of  the  sheet  (Acts  10 
16).  (2)  In  a  very  large  number  of  passages  3  is 
used  of  periods  of  time:  3  days;  3  weeks;  3  months 
and  3  years.  So  in  Gen  40  12.13.18;  Ex  2  2;  10 
22f;  2  S  24  13;  Isa  20  3;  Jon  1  17;  Mt  15  32; 
Lk  2  46;  13  7;  Acts  9  9;  2  Cor  12  8.  The  fre- 
quent reference  to  the  resurrection  "on  the  3d  day" 
or  "after  3  days"  (Mt  16  21;  27  63,  etc)  may  at 
the  same  time  have  glanced  at  the  symbolic  use 
of  the  number  and  at  the  belief  common  perhaps 
to  the  Jews  and  the  Zoroastrians  that  a  corpse  was 
not  recognizable  after  3  days  (for  Jewish  testi- 
mony cf  Jn  11  39;  Y'hhdmolh,  xvi.3;  Midr,  Gen, 
ch  c;  S'mahoth,  viii;  for  Pers  ideas  cf  Expos  T, 
XVlIl,  536).  (3)  The  number  3  is  also  used  in  a 
literary  way,  sometimes  appearing  only  in  the 
structure.  Note  as  examples  the  3-fold  bene- 
diction of  Israel  (Nu  6  24  ff) ;  the  Thrice  Holy  of 
the  seraphim  (Isa  6  3) ;  the  3-fold  overturn  (Ezk 
21  27  [Heb  32]);  the  3-fold  refrain  of  Pss  42,43 
regarded  as  one  psalm  (Ps  42  5.11;  43  5);  the  3 
names  of  God  (the  Mighty  One,  God,  Jehovah, 
Josh  22  22;  cfPs  50  1);  the  3  graces  of  1  Cor  13; 
the  3  witnesses  (1  Jn  6  8);  the  frequent  use  of  3 
and  3d  in  Rev;  the  description  of  God  as  "who  is 
and  who  was  and  who  is  to  come"  (Rev  1  4);  and 
'the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Spirit'  (Mt 
28  19).  In  some  of  these  cases  3-fold  repetition  is 
a  mode  of  expressing  the  superlative,  and  others 
remind  us  of  the  remarkable  association  of  3  with 
deity  alluded  to  by  Plato  and  Philo,  and  illustrated 
by  the  triads  of  Egypt  and  Babylonia  and  the  Far 
East.  It  cannot,  however,  be  proved,  or  even 
made  probable,  that  there  is  any  direct  connection 
between  any  of  these  triads  and  the  Christian 
Trinity.  All  that  can  be  said  is,  that  the  same 
numerical  symbolism  may  have  been  operative  in 
both  cases. 

The  4  points  of  the  compass  and  the  4  phases 
of  the  moon  will  have  been  early  noticed,  and  the 
former  at  any  rate  will  have  suggested 
3.  The  before  Bib.  times  the  use  of  4  as  a 

Number  symbol  of  completeness  of  range,  of 
Four  comprehensive    extent.     As    early    as 

the  middle  of  the  3d  millennium  BC 
Bab  rulers  (followed  long  afterward  by  the  Assyr- 
ians) assumed  the  title  "king  of  the  4  quarters," 
meaning  that  their  rule  reached  in  all  directions, 
and  an  early  conqueror  claimed  to  have  subdued 
the  4  quarters.  There  are  not  a  few  illustrations 
of  the  use  of  4  in  some  such  way  in  the  Bible.     The 

4  winds  (referred  to  also  in  the  cuneiform  texts  and 
the  Book  of  the  Dead)  are  mentioned  again  and 
again  (Jer  49  36;  Ezk  37  9),  and  the  4  quarters 
or  comers  (Isa  11  12;  Ezk  7  2;  Rev  20  8).  We 
read  also  of  the  4  heads  of  the  river  of  Eden  (Gen 
2  10  ff),  of  4  horns,  4  smiths,  4  chariots,  and 
horses  of  4  colors  in  the  visions  of  Zechariah  (1  8 
LXX,  18  ff;  6  1  ff),  the  chariots  being  directly  con- 
nected with  the  4  winds;  4  punishments  (Jer  15  3; 
Ezk  14  21,  the  latter  with  a  remarkable  Assyr 
parallel),    the    4    kingdoms    in    Nebuchadnezzar's 


Number 
Numbers,  Book  of 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2162 


dream  as  interpreted  (Dnl  2  37  ff)  and  Daniel's 
vision  (7  3  ff) ;  the  4  living  creatures  in  Ezk  (1  5  ff; 
cf  10),  each  with  4  faces  and  4  wings,  and  the  4 
modeled  after  them  (Rev  4  6,  etc).  In  most  of 
these  cases  4  is  clearly  symbolical,  as  in  a  number  of 
passages  in  Apoo  and  Pscudepigrapha.  Whether 
the  frequent  use  of  it  in  the  structure  of  the  taber- 
nacle, Solomon's  temple,  and  Ezekiel's  temple  has 
anything  to  do  with  the  symbolic  meaning  is  not 
clear,  but  the  latter  can  probably  be  traced  in  pro- 
verbial and  prophetic  speech  (Prov  30  15.18.21. 
24.29;  Am  1  3.6,  etc).  'The  4  transgressions  of  the 
latter  represent  full-summed  iniquity,  and  the  4- 
fold  grouping  in  the  former  suggested  the  wide 
sweep  of  the  classification.  Perhaps  it  is  not  fanci- 
ful to  find  the  idea  in  the  4  sets  of  hearers  of  the 
gospel  in  the  parable  of  the  Sower  (Mt  13  19-23  1|). 
The  rabbis  almost  certainly  had  it  in  mind  in  their 
4-fold  grouping  of  characters  in  six  successive 
paragraphs  (Ab,  v. 16-21)  which,  however,  is  of  con- 
siderably later  date. 

As  the  basis  of  the  decimal  system,  which  prob- 
ably originated  in  counting  with  the  fingers,  10  has 

been  a  significant  number  in  all  his- 
4.  The  torical    ages.     The     10    antediluvian 

Number  patriarchs  (Gen  5;  cf  the  10  Bab  kings 
Ten  of   Berosus,  and  10  in   early  Iranian 

and  far-Eastern  myths);  the  10  right- 
eous men  who  would  have  saved  Sodom  (Gen  18 
32);  the  10  plagues  of  Egypt;  the  10  command- 
ments (Ex  20  2-17  II  Dt  5  6-21 ;  the  10  command- 
ments found  by  some  in  Ex  34  14-26  are  not  clearly 
made  out) ;  the  10  servants  of  Gideon  (Jgs  6  27) ; 
the  10  elders  who  accompanied  Boaz  (Ruth  4  2) ; 
the  10  virgins  of  the  parable  (Mt  25  1);  the  10 
pieces  of  silver  (Lk  15  8) ;  the  10  servants  intrusted 
with  10  pounds  (Lk  19  13  ff),  the  most  capable  of 
whom  was  placed  over  10  cities  (ver  17);  the  10 
days'  tribulation  predicted  for  the  church  of 
Smyrna  (Rev  2  10);  the  use  of  "10  times"  in  the 
sense  of  "many  times"  (Gen  31  7;  Neh  4  12; 
Dnl  1  20,  etc,  an  idiom  met  with  repeatedly  in 
Am  Tab);  and  the  use  of  10  in  sacred  measure- 
ments and  in  the  widely  diffused  custom  of  tithe, 
and  many  other  examples  show  plainly  that  10  was 
a  favorite  symbolic  number  suggestive  of  a  rounded 
total,  large  or  small,  according  to  circumstances. 
The  number  played  a  prominent  part  in  later  Jew- 
ish life  and  thought.  Ten  times  was  the  Tetra- 
grammaton  uttered  by  the  high  priest  on  the  Day 
of  Atonement;  10  persons  must  be  present  at  a 
nuptial  benediction;  10  constituted  a  congregation 
in  the  synagogue;  10  was  the  usual  number  of  a 
company  at  the  paschal  meal,  and  of  a  row  of  com- 
forters of  the  bereaved.  The  world  was  created, 
said  the  rabbis,  by  ten  words,  and  Abraham  was 
visited  with  10  temptations  (Ab,  v.l  and  4;  several 
other  illustrations  are  found  in  the  context). 

The  12  months  and  the  12  signs  of  the  zodiac 
probably  suggested  to  the  old  Babylonians  the  use 

of  12  as  a  symbolic  or  semi-sacred 
6.  The  number,  but  its  frequent  employment 

Number  by  the  Israelites  with  special  meaning 
Twelve  cannot  at  present  be  proved  to  have 

originated  in  that  way,  although  the 
idea  was  favored  by  both  Jos  and  Philo.  So  far 
as  we  know,  Israelitish  predilection  for  12  was 
entirely  due  to  the  traditional  beUef  that  the  nation 
consisted  of  12  tribes,  a  beUef,  it  is  true,  entertained 
also  by  the  Arabs  or  some  of  them,  but  with  much 
less  intensity  and  persistence.  In  Israel  the  belief 
was  universal  and  ineradicable.  Hence  the  12 
pillars  set  up  by  Moses  (Ex  24  4);  the  12  jewels 
in  the  high  priest's  breast-plate  (Ex  28  21);  the 
12  cakes  of  shewbread  (Lev  24  5);  the  12  rods 
(Nu  17  2);  the  12  spies  (Nu  13);  the  12  stones 
placed  by  Joshua  in  the  bed  of  Jordan  (Josh  4  9) ; 


the  12  officers  of  Solomon  (1  K  4  7);  the  12  stones 
of  Elijah's  altar  (1  K  18  31);  the  12  disciples  or 
apostles  (26  t),  and  several  details  of  apocalyptic 
imagery  (Rev  7  5ff;  12  1;  21  12.14.16.21;  22  2; 
cf  also  Mt  14  20  ||  19  28  ||  26  53;  Acts  26  7).  The 
number  pointed  in  the  first  instance  at  unity  and 
completeness  which  had  been  sanctioned  by  Divine 
election,  and  it  retained  this  significance  when  ap- 
plied to  the  spiritual  Israel.  Philo  indeed  calls  it  a 
perfect  number.  Its  double  in  Rev  4  4,  etc,  is 
probably  also  significant. 

Five  came  readily  into  tlie  mind  as  the  half  of  10. 
Hence  perhaps  its  use  in  the  parable  of  the  Virgins 
(Mt  25  2).  It  was  often  employed  in 
6  Other  literary  division,  e.g.  in  the  Pent,  the  Pss. 
c-  _.fl_„_i  the  part  of  the  Hagiographa  known  as 
oignmcant  ^.j^g  Wghilloth,  the  Ethiopic  Enoch  and 
Numbers       Mt  (7  28;  11  l;  13  53;  19  1;    26  1;    of 

Sir  J.  Hawkins,  Horae  Synopticae'^,  163  ff). 
It  seems  to  have  been  occasionally  suggestive  of  relative 
smallness,  as  in  Lev  26  8,  the  S  loaves  (Mt  14  17  ID,  1 
Cor  14  19,  and  perhaps  in  Am  Tab.  It  has  been  re- 
marked (Skinner,  "Gen,"  ICC.  483)  that  the  number 
occurs  repeatedly  in  reference  to  matters  Egyp  (Gen  41  34; 
45  22;  47  2;  Isa  19  IS),  but  there  seems  to  be  no  sat- 
isfactory explanation.  Sixty:  Although,  as  was  before 
observed,  there  is  no  direct  trace  in  the  Bible  of  the 
nmnerical  system  based  on  60,  there  are  a  few  passages 
where  there  may  be  a  distant  echo.  The  60  cities  of 
Argob  (Dt  3  4;  Josh  13  30;  1  K  4  13) ;  the  60  mighty 
men  and  the  60  queens  of  Cant  3  7;  6  8,  the  double  use 
of  60  of  Rehoboam's  harem  and  family  (2  Oh  11  21), 
the  3  sacrifices  of  60  victims  each  (Nu  7  88),  and  the 
lengthof  Solomon'stemple,  eocubits  (1K6  2  1[2Ch  3  3), 
may  perhaps  have  a  remote  connection  with  the  Bab 
use.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  latter  was  cur- 
rent in  Israel  and  the  neighboring  regions  in  the  division 
of  the  talent  into  60  minas.  A  few  passages  in  the 
Pscudepigrapha  may  be  similarly  interpreted,  and  the 
Bab  Talm  contains,  as  might  be  expected,  many  clear 
allusions.  In  the  Bible,  however,  the  special  iise  of  the 
number  is  relatively  rare  and  indirect.  One  hundred 
and  ten,  the  age  attained  by  Joseph  (Gen  50  22),  is  sig- 
nificant as  the  Egyp  ideal  of  longevity  (Smith,  DB'^,  1804 
f;  Skinner,  "Gen,  7CC,  539  f).  One  hundred  and  fifty- 
three:  The  Gr  poet  Oppian  (c  171  AD)  and  others  are 
said  to  have  reckoned  the  number  of  fishes  in  the  world 
at  this  figure  (cf  Jerome  on  Ezk  47),  and  some  scholars 
find  a  reference  to  that  belief  in  Jn  21  11  in  which  case 
the  number  would  be  symbolic  of  comprehensiveness. 
That  is  not  quite  impossible,  but  the  suggestion  cannot 
be  safely  pressed.  Throughout  this  discussion  of  sig- 
nificant numbers  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  writers 
and  teachers  may  often  have  been  influenced  by  the 
desire  to  aid  the  memory  of  those  they  addressed,  and 
may  to  that  end  have  arranged  thoughts  and  facts  in 
groups  of  3,  or  4,  or  7,  or  10,  and  so  on  (.Sir  John  Hawkins, 
Horae  Synopticae-,  166  f).  They  will  at  the  same  time 
have  remembered  the  symbolic  force  of  these  numbers, 
and  in  some  cases,  at  least,  will  have  used  them  as  round 
numbers.  There  are  many  places  in  which  the  round 
and  the  symbolic  uses  of  a  number  cannot  be  sharply 
distinguished. 

VI.  Gematria  {gematriya') . — A  peculiar  applica- 
tion of  numbers  which  was  in  great  favor  with  the 
later  Jews  and  some  of  the  early  Christians  and  is 
not  absolutely  unknown  to  the  Bible,  is  Gematria, 
that  is  the  use  of  the  letters  of  a  word  so  as  by 
means  of  their  combined  numerical  value  to  express 
a  name,  or  a  witty  association  of  ideas.  The  term 
is  usually  explained  as  an  adaptation  of  the  Gr 
word  geometrla,  that  is,  "geometry,"  but  Dalman 
(Wbrlerhuch,  s.v.)  connects  it  in  this  application  of 
it  with  grammaleia.  There  is  only  one  clear  example 
in  Scripture,  the  number  of  the  beast  which  is  the 
number  of  a  man,  six  hundred  sixty  and  six  (Rev 
13  18).  If,  as  most  scholars  are  inclined  to  believe, 
a  name  is  intended,  the  numerical  value  of  the 
letters  composing  which  adds  up  to  666,  and  if  it  is 
assumed  that  the  writer  thought  in  Heb  or  Aram. 
Nero  Caesar  written  with  the  consonants  niin  =  50, 
resh=200,  wmv=6,  nun  =50,  koph  =  100,  samekh  =  60, 
resh  =200:  total  =  666,  seems  to  be  the  best  solu- 
tion. Perhaps  the  idea  suggested  by  Dr.  Milligan 
that  the  3-fold  use  of  6  which  just  falls  short  of  7, 
the  number  of  sacred  completeness,  and  is  there- 
fore a  note  of  imperfection,  may  have  been  also  in 
the  writer's  mind.  Some  modern  scholars  find  a 
second  instance  in  Gen  14  14  and  15  2.    As  the 


2163 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Number 
Numbers,  Book  of 


numerical  value  of  the  consonants  which  compose 
Eliezer  in  Heb  add  up  to  318,  it  has  been  main- 
tained that  the  number  is  not  historical,  but  has 
been  fancifully  constructed  by  means  of  gemalria 
out  of  the  name.  This  strange  idea  is  not  new,  for 
it  is  found  in  the  Midrash  on  Gen  (ch  43)  in  the  name 
of  a  rabbi  who  lived  c  200  AD,  but  its  antiquity  is 
its  greatest  merit. 

LiTERATUHE. — In  addition  to  other  books  referred  to 
in  the  course  of  the  art. :  Hehn,  Siebenzahl  und  Sabbath 
bei  den  Babylaniern  und  im  AT;  Konig,  Stilistik, 
RheloTik,  Poetik,  etc,  51-57,  and  the  same  writer's  art. 
"Number"  in  HDB;  Sir  J.  Hawkins,  Horae  Synopiicae", 
163—67 ;  Wiener,  Essays  in  Pentateuchal  Criticism,  155- 
69;  "Number"  in  Wi)B  (1-vol);  EB;  Jew  Enc:  Smith, 
DB;  "Numbers"  in  DCQ;  "Zahlen"  in  the  Diets,  of 
Wiener,  Riehm=,  Guthe;  "Zahlen"  and  "Sieben"  in  RE'. 
William  Taylor  Smith 

NUMBER,   GOLDEN.     See  Golden  Number. 

NUMBERING.     See  David;  Quirinius. 
NUMBERS,  num'berz,  BOOK  OF: 

I.     Title  and  Contents 

1.  Title 

2.  Contents 

II,     Literary  Structure 

1.  Alleged  Grounds  of  Distribution 

2.  Objections  to  Same 

(1)  Hypothesis  Unproved 

(2)  Written  Record  Not  Impossible 

(3)  No  Book  Ever  Thus  Constructed 

(4)  Inherent  Difficulties  of  Analysis 
(o)  The  Story  of  the  Spies 

(6)    KebeUion  of  Korah 
(c)    Story  of  Balaam 
III.     Historical  Credibility 

1.  Seeming  Chronological  Inaccuracies 

(1)  The  Second  Passover 

(2)  The  Thirty-seven  Years'  Chasm 

(3)  Fortieth  Year 

2.  So-called  Statistical  Errors 

(I)  Number  of  the  Fighting  Men 
(2^   Size  of  the  Congregation 

(a)  Multiplication  of  People 

(())   Exodus  in  One  Day 

(c)  Support  in  Wilderness 

(d)  Room  at  Mt.  Sinai 

(e)  Slow  Conquest  of  Canaan 
(3)  Number  of  the  Firstborn 

3.  Alleged  Physical  Impossibilities 

(1)  Duties  of  the  Priests 

(2)  Assembling  of  the  Congregation 

(3)  Marching  of  the  Host 

(4)  Victory  over  Midian 
rV.     Authorship 

1.  Against  the  Mosaic  Authorship 

(1)  Alternating  Use  of  Divine  Names 

(2)  Traces  of  Late  Authorship 

2.  For  the  Mosaic  Authorship 

(1)  Certain  Passages  Have  the  Appearance  of 
Having  Been  Written  by  Moses 

(2)  Acquaintance  with  Egyptian  Manners  and 
Customs 

Literature 

/.  Title  and  Contents. — Styled  in  the  Heb  Bible 
"131T23,  b'midhbar,  "in  the  wilderness,"  from  the 
5th  word  in  1  1,  probably  because  of 
1.  Title  recording  the  fortunes  of  Israel  in  the 

Sinaitic  desert.  The  4th  book  of  the 
Pent  (or  of  the  Hex,  according  to  criticism)  was 
designated  ' Apt-Biwi.,  Arilhmoi,  in  LXX  and  Numeri 
in  the  Vulg,  and  from  this  last  received  its  name 
"Numbers"  in  the  AV,  in  all  3  evidently  because  of 
its  reporting  the  2  censuses  which  were  taken,  the 
one  at  Sinai  at  the  beginning  and  the  other  on  the 
plains  of  Moab  at  the  close  of  the  wanderings. 

Of  the  contents  the  following  arrangement  will  be 

sufficiently  detailed :  ,  „  ,  „   , 

(1)    Before    leaving  Sinai,   1   1 — 10  10    (a 

o    /-I      4.      *„  period  of  19  days,  from  the  1st  to  the 

J.   contents  20th  of  the  2d  month  after  the  exodus) , 

describing : 

(a)  The  numbering  and  ordering  of  the  people,  chs 

1—4. 
(6)   The  cleansing  and  blessing  of  the  congregation, 

(c)  The  princes'  offerings  and  the  dedication  of  the 
altar,  chs  7,  8.  ,  „  „  ,   ,  ^ 

(d)  The  observance  of  a  second  Passover,  9  1-14. 
<e)   The  cloud  and  the  trumpets  for  the  march,  9  15 

—10  10. 


(2)  From  Sinai  to  Kadesh,  10  11 — 14  45  (a  period  of 
10  days,  from  the  20th  to  the  30th  of  the  2d  month), 
narrating : 

(a)   The  departure  from  Sinai,  10  11-35. 
(6)   The  events  at  Taberah  and  Kibroth-hattaavah, 
ch  11. 

(c)  The  rebellion  of  Miriam  and  Aaron,  ch  13. 

(d)  The  mission  of  the  spies,  chs  13,  14. 

(3)  The  wanderings  in  the  desert,  chs  15-19  (a  period 
of  37  years,  from  the  end  of  the  2d  to  the  beginning 
of  the  40th  year),  recording: 

(a)   Sundry  laws  and  the  punishment  of  a  Sabbath 

breaker,  ch  15. 
(6)   The  rebellion  of  Korah,  ch  16, 

(c)  The  budding  of  Aaron's  rod,  ch  17. 

(d)  The    duties    and    revenues    of    the    priests    and 
Levites,  ch  18. 

(e)  The  water  of  separation  for  the  imclean,  ch  19. 

(4)  From  Kadesh  to  Moab,  chs  20,  21  (a  period  of  10 
months,  from  the  beginning  of  the  40th  year),  re- 
citing: 

(a)  The  story  of  Balaam,  22  2 — 24  25. 
C(>)    The  zeal  of  Phinehas,  ch  25. 

(c)  The  second  census,  26  1-51. 

(d)  Directions  for  dividing  the  land,  26  52 — 27  11. 

(e)  Appointment  of  Moses'  successor,  27   12-23, 
(/)    Concerning  offerings  and  vows,  chs  28-30. 

(b)  War  with  Midian,  ch  31. 

(h)  Settlement  of  Reuben  and  Gad,  ch  32. 
(i)    List  of  camping  stations,  33  1-49. 
0)    Canaan  to  be  cleared  of  its  inhabitants  and  di- 
vided, 33  50—34  29. 
(fc)  Cities  of  refuge  to  be  appointed,  ch  35. 
(0    The  marriage  of  heiresses,  ch  36. 

//.  Literary  Structure. — According  to  modem 
criticism,  the  text  of  Nu,  like  that  of  the  other 
books  of  the  Pent  (or  Hex),  instead  of  being  re- 
garded as  substantially  the  work  of  one  writer 
(whatever  may  have  been  his  sources  of  information 
and  whoever  may  have  been  its  first  or  latest  editor), 
should  be  distributed — not  always  in  solid  blocks 
of  composition,  but  frequently  in  fragments,  in 
sentences,  clauses  or  words,  so  mysteriously  put 
together  that  they  cannot  now  with  certainty  be 
separated — among  three  writers,  J,  E  and  P  with 
another  D  (at  least  in  one  part) — these  writers, 
individuals  and  not  schools  (Gunkel),  belonging, 
respectively:  J  to  the  9th  cent.  BC  (c  830),  E  to 
the  8th  cent.  BC  (c  750),  P  to  the  5th  cent.BC  (c 
444),  and  D  to  the  7th  cent.  BC  (c  621). 

The  grounds  upon  which  this  distribution  is 
made  are  principally  these:  (1)  the  supposed  pref- 
erential use  of  the  Divine  names,  of 
1.  Alleged  Jeh  (Lord)  by  J,  and  of  Elohim  (God) 
Grounds  of  by  E  and  P — a  theory,  however,  which 
Distribution  hopelessly  breaks  down  in  its  appli- 
cation, as  Orr  {POT,  ch  vii),  Eerd- 
mans  (St,  33  ff)  and  Wiener  {EPC,  I)  have  con- 
clusively  shown,    and   as   will    afterward    appear; 

(2)  distinctions  in  style  of  composition,  which  are 
not  always  obvious  and  which,  even  if  they  were, 
would  not  necessarily  imply  diversity  of  authorship 
unless  every  author's  writing  must  be  uniform  and 
monotonous,  whatever  his  subject  may  be;    and 

(3)  perhaps  chiefly  a  preconceived  theory  of  reli- 
gious development  in  Israel,  according  to  which  the 
people  in  pre-Mosaic  times  were  animists,  totemists 
and  polytheists;  in  Mosaic  times  and  after,  heno- 
theists  or  worshippers  of  one  God,  while  recognizing 
the  existence  of  other  gods;  and  latterly,  in  exilic 
and  post-exilic  times,  monotheists  or  worshippers 
of  the  one  living  and  true  God — which  theory,  in 
order  to  vindicate  its  plausibility,  required  the 
reconstruction  of  Israel's  religious  documents  in 
the  way  above  described,  but  which  is  now  rejected 
by  archaeologists  (Delitzsch  and  A.  Jeremias)  and 
by  theologians  (Orr,  Baentsch  [though  accepting 
the  analysis  on  other  grounds]  and  Konig)  as  not 
supported  by  facts. 

Without  denying  that  the  text-analysis  of  criti- 
cism is  on  the  first  blush  of  it  both  plausible  and 


Numbers,  Book  of    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2164 


attractive  and  has  brought  to  light  valuable  informa- 
tion relative  to  Scripture,  or  without  overlooking 

the  tact  that  it  has  behind  it  the 
2.  Objec-  names  of  eminent  scholars  and  is  sup- 
tions  to  ported  by  not  a  few  considerations  of 

Same  weight,  one  may  fairly  urge  against  it 

the  following  objections. 

(1)  Hypothesis  itnproved.-^At  the  best,  the 
theory  is  an  unproved  and  largely  imaginary 
hypothesis,  or  series  of  hypotheses — "hypothesis 
built  on  hypothesis"  (Orr);  and  nothing  more 
strikingly  reveals  this  than  (a)  the  frequency  with 
which  in  the  text-analysis  conjecture  ("perhaps" 
and  "probably")  takes  the  place  of  reasoned  proof ; 
(b)  the  arbitrary  manner  in  which  the  supposed 
documents  are  constructed  by  the  critics  who, 
without  reason  given,  and  often  in  violation  of 
their  own  rules  and  principles,  lift  out  of  J  (for 
instance)  every  word  or  clause  they  consider  should 
belong  to  E  or  P,  and  vice  versa  every  word  or 
clause  out  of  E  or  P  that  might  suggest  that  the 
passage  should  be  assigned  to  J,  at  the  same  time 
explaining  the  presence  of  the  inconvenient  word 
or  clause  in  a  document  to  which  it  did  not  belong 
by  the  careless  or  deliberate  action  of  a  redactor; 
and  (c)  the  failure  even  thus  to  construct  the  docu- 
ments successfully,  most  critics  admitting  that  J 
and  E  cannot  with  confidence  be  separated  from 
each  other — Kuenen  himself  saying  that  "the  at- 
tempt to  make  out  a  Jehovistic  and  an  Elohistic 
writer  or  school  of  writers  by  means  of  the  Divine 
names  has  led  criticism  on  a  wrong  way" ;  and  some 
even  denying  that  P  ever  existed  as  a  separate 
document  at  all,  Eerdmans  {St,  33,  82),  in  par- 
ticular, maintaining,  as  the  result  of  elaborate 
exegesis,  that  P  could  not  have  been  constructed 
in  either  exilic  or  post-exilic  times  "as  an  intro- 
duction to  a  legal  work." 

(2)  Written  record  not  impossible. — It  is  impos- 
sible to  demonstrate  that  the  story  of  Israel's  "wan- 
derings" was  not  committed  to  writing  by  Moses, 
who  certainly  was  not  unacquainted  with  the  art 
of  writing,  who  had  the  ability,  if  any  man  had,  to 
prepare  such  a  writing,  whose  interest  it  was,  as 
the  leader  of  his  people,  to  see  that  such  writing, 
whether  done  by  himself  or  by  others  under  his 
supervision,  was  accurate,  and  who  besides  had 
been  commanded  by  God  to  write  the  journeyings 
of  Israel  (33  2).  To  suppose  that  for  500  years  no 
reliable  record  of  the  fortunes  of  Israel  existed, 
when  during  these  years  writing  was  practised  in 
Egypt  and  Babylon;  and  that  what  was  then  fixed 
in  written  characters  was  only  the  tradition  that 
had  floated  down  for  5  cents,  from  mouth  to  mouth, 
is  simply  to  say  that  little  or  no  dependence  can 
be  placed  upon  the  narrative,  that  while  there  may 
be  at  the  bottom  of  it  some  grains  of  fact,  the  main 
body  of  it  is  fiction.  This  conclusion  will  not  be 
readily  admitted. 

(3)  No  book  constructed  in  this  way. — No  reliable 
evidence  exists  that  any  book  either  ancient  or 
modern  was  ever  constructed  as,  according  to 
criticism,  the  Pent,  and  in  particular  Nu,  was. 
Volumes  have  indeed  been  composed  by  two  or 
more  authors,  acting  in  concert,  but  their  contri- 
butions have  never  been  intermixed  as  those  of 
J,  E,  D  and  P  are  declared  to  have  been;  nor,  when 
joint  authorship  has  been  acknowledged  on  the 
title-page,  has  it  been  possible  for  readers  confi- 
dently to  assign  to  each  author  his  own  contri- 
bution. And  yet,  modern  criticism,  dealing  with 
documents  more  than  2,000  years  old  and  in  a  lan- 
guage foreign  to  the  critics — which  documents, 
moreover,  exist  only  in  MSS  not  older  than  the  10th 
cent.  AD  (Buhl,  Canon  and  Text  of  the  OT,  28),  and 
the  text  of  which  has  been  fixed  not  infallibly  either 
as  to  consonant  or  vowel — claims  that  it  can  tell 


exactly  (or  nearly  so)  what  parts,  whether  para- 
graphs, sentences,  clauses  or  words,  were  supplied 
by  J,  E,  P  and  D  respectively.  Credat  Judaeus 
Apella! 

(4)  Inherent  difficulties  of  analysis. — The  critical 
theory,  besides  making  of  the  text  of  Nu,  as  of  the 
other  books  of  the  Pent,  such  a  patchwork  as  is  un- 
thinkable in  any  document  with  ordinary  preten- 
sion to  historical  veracity,  is  burdened  with  inherent 
difficulties  which  make  it  hard  to  credit,  as  the 
following  examples,  taken  from  Nu,  will  show. 

(a)  The  story  of  the  spies:  Chs  13  and  14  are 
thus  distributed  by  Cornill,  Driver,  Strack  and  EB: 

JE,  13  176-20.22-24.266-31.326.33;  14  3.4.8.9.11- 
25..39-45. 

P,  13  l-17a.21. 25.26a  (to  Paran).32a;  14  1.2  (in 
the  main).  5-7.10.26-38  (in  the  main). 

Kautzsch  generally  agrees;  and  Hartford-Bat- 
tersby  in  HDB  professes  ability  to  divide  between 
J  and  E. 

(i)  According  to  this  analysis,  however,  up  to 
the  middle  of  the  5th  cent.  BC,  either  JE  began 
at  13  176,  in  which  case  it  wanted  both  the  in- 
struction to  search  the  land  and  the  names  of  the 
searchers,  both  of  which  were  subsequently  added 
from  P  (assuming  it  to  have  been  a  separate  docu- 
ment, which  is  doubtful) ;  or,  if  JE  contained  both 
the  instruction  and  the  names,  these  were  sup- 
planted by  1-17(1  from  P.  As  the  former  of  these 
alternatives  is  hardly  likely,  one  naturally  asks 
why  the  opening  verses  of  JE  were  removed  and 
those  of  P  substituted?  And  if  they  were  removed, 
what  has  become  of  them?  Does  not  the  occur- 
rence of  Jeh  in  \-\7a,  on  the  critical  principles  of 
some,  suggest  that  this  section  is  the  missing  para- 
graph of  JE? 

(ii)  If  the  JE  passages  furnish  a  nearly  complete 
narrative  (Driver),  why  should  the  late  compiler 
or  editor  have  deemed  it  necessary  to  insert  two 
whole  verses,  21  and  25,  and  two  halves,  26a  and 
32a,  if  not  because  without  these  the  original  JE 
narrative  would  have  been  incomplete?  Ver  21 
states  in  general  terms  that  the  spies  searched  the 
whole  land,  proceeding  as  far  N.  as  Hamath,  after 
which  ver  22  mentions  that  they  entered  the  country 
from  the  S.  and  went  up  to  Hebron  and  Eshcol, 
without  at  all  stating  an  incongruity  (Gray)  or 
implying  (Driver)  that  they  traveled  no  farther  N. 
— the  reason  for  specifying  the  visit  to  Eshcol  being 
the  interesting  fact  that  there  the  extraordinary 
cluster  of  grapes  was  obtained.  Vs  25.26a  relate 
quite  naturally  that  the  spies  returned  to  Kadesh 
after  40  days  and  reported  what  they  had  found 
to  Moses  and  Aaron  as  well  as  to  all  the  congre- 
gation. Without  these  verses  the  narrative  would 
have  stated  neither  how  long  the  land  had  been 
searched  nor  whether  Moses  and  Aaron  had  re- 
ceived any  report  from  their  messengers,  although 
ver  26b  implies  that  a  report  was  given  to  some 
person  or  persons  unnamed.  That  Moses  and 
Aaron  should  not  have  been  named  in  JE  is  ex- 
ceedingly improbable.  Ver  32a  is  in  no  way  in- 
consistent with  vs  266-31,  which  state  that  the 
land  was  flowing  with  milk  and  honey.  What  ver 
32a  adds  is  an  expression  of  the  exaggerated  fears 
of  the  spies,  whose  language  could  not  mean  that 
the  land  was  so  barren  that  they  would  die  of 
starvation,  a  statement  which  would  have  expressly 
contradicted  ver  27  (JE)— in  which  case  why  should 
it  have  been  inserted?— but  that,  notwithstanding 
its  fruitfulness,  the  population  was  continually  being 
wasted  by  internecine  wars  and  the  incursions  of 
surrounding  tribes.  The  starvation  theory,  more- 
over, is  not  supported  by  the  texts  (Lev  26  38; 
Ezk  36  13)  usually  quoted  in  its  behalf. 

(iii)  To  argue  (Driver)  for  two  documents  be- 
cause Joshua  is  not  always  mentioned  along  with 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Numbers,  Book  of 


Caleb  is  not  strikingly  convincing;  while  if  Joshua 
is  not  included  among  the  spies  in  JE,  that  is  ob- 
viously because  the  passages  containing  his  name 
have  been  assigned  beforehand  to  P.  But  if 
Joshua's  name  did  not  occur  in  JE,  why  would  it 
have  been  inserted  in  the  story  by  a  post-exilic 
writer,  when  even  in  Dt  1  36  Joshua  is  not  ex- 
pressly named  as  one  of  the  spies,  though  again  the 
language  in  Dt  1  38  tacitly  suggests  that  both 
Caleb  and  Joshua  were  among  the  searchers  of  the 
land,  and  that  any  partition  of  the  text  which  con- 
veys the  impression  that  Joshua  was  not  among  the 
spies  is  wrong? 

(iv)  If  the  text-analysis  is  as  the  critics  arrange, 
how  comes  it  that  in  jE  the  name  Jeh  does  not  once 
occur,  while  all  the  verses  containing  it  are  allo- 
cated to  P? 

(b)  The  rebellion  of  Korah:  Chs  16  and  17  are  sup- 
posed to  be  the  work  of  "  two.  if  not  three,"  contributors 
(Driver,  Kautzsch) — the  whole  story  being  assigned  to 
P  (enlarged  by  additions  about  which  the  text  analysts 
are  not  unanimous),  with  the  exception  of  16  It. 2a. 12- 
15.25.26.276-34,  which  are  given  to  JE,  though  varia- 
tions here  also  are  not  unknown. 

It  is  admitted  that  the  JE  verses,  if  read  continuously, 
make  out  a  story  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  as  distin- 
guished from  Korah  and  his  company;  that  the  motives 
of  Dathan  and  Abiram  probably  differed  from  those  of 
Korah  and  his  company,  and  that  Dathan  and  Abiram 
were  swallowed  up  by  an  earthquake,  while  the  250 
incense-offerers  were  destroyed  by  fire.  To  conclude 
from  this,  however,  that  three  or  even  two  narratives 
have  been  intermixed  is  traveling  beyond  the  premises. 

(i)  If  JE  contained  more  about  the  conspiracy  of  the 
Reubenites,  Dathan  and  Abiram,  than  has  been  pre- 
served in  the  verses  assigned  to  it,  what  has  become  of  the 
excised  verses,  if  they  are  not  those  ascribed  to  P;  and, 
if  they  are  not,  what  evidence  exists  that  P's  verses  are 
better  than  the  lost  verses  of  JE  ?  And  how  comes  it 
that  in  P  the  Divine  name  used  throughout,  with  one 
exception,  ver  22,  is  Jeh,  while  in  JE  it  occurs  only  6  t  ? 
(ii)  If  JE  contained  only  the  parts  assigned  to  it  and 
nothing  more  happened  than  the  Reubenite  Smeute,  why 
should  the  Korahite  rebellion  have  been  added  to  it  4 
cents,  later,  if  that  rebellion  never  happened  ?  (iii)  If 
the  Korahite  conspiracy  did  happen,  why  should  it  have 
been  omitted  in  JE,  and  nothing  whispered  about  it  till 
after  the  exile  ?  (iv)  If  the  two  conspiracies,  ecclesiasti- 
cal (among  the  princes)  and  civil  (among  the  laymen), 
arose  contemporaneously,  and  the  conspirators  made 
common  cause  with  one  another,  in  that  there  was  nothing 
unusual  or  contrary  to  experience,  (v)  If  Moses  ad- 
dressed himself  now  to  Korah  and  again  to  Dathan  and 
Abiram,  why  should  not  the  same  doctunent  say  so  ? 
(vi)  If  Dathan  and  Abiram  were  engulfed  by  an  earth- 
quake, and  the  250  princes  were  constuned  by  fire  from 
the  tabernacle,  even  that  does  not  necessitate  two  docu- 
ments, since  both  events  might  have  occurred  together, 
(vli)  It  is  not  certain  that  P  (vs  3.5-43)  represents  Korah 
as  having  been  consumed  by  fire,  while  JE  (vs  31-33) 
declares  he  was  swallowed  up  by  the  earth.  At  least  P 
(26  10)  distinctly  states  that  Korah  was  swallowed  up 
by  the  earth,  and  that  only  the  250  were  consumed  by 
fire. 

Wherefore,  in  the  face  of  these  considerations,  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  the  evidence  for  more  docmnents 
than  one  in  this  story  is  not  convincing. 

(c)  The  story  of  Balaam:  Chs  22-24  fare  more 
leniently  at  the  hands  of  analysis,  being  all  left  with 
JE,  except  22  1,  which  is  generously  handed  over 
to  P.  Uncertainty,  however,  exists  as  to  how  to  par- 
tition ch  22  between  J  and  E.  Whether  all  should 
be  given  to  E  because  of  the  almost  uniform  use  of 
Elohim  rather  than  of  Jeh,  with  the  exception  of  vs 
22-3.5a,  which  are  the  property  of  J  because  of  the 
use  of  Jeh  (Driver,  Kautzsch);  or  whether  some 
additional  verses  should  not  be  assigned  to  J 
(Cornill,  HUB),  critics  are  not  agreed.  As  to  chs 
23  and  24,  authorities  hesitate  whether  to  give  both 
to  J  or  to  E,  or  ch  23  to  E  and  ch  24  to  J,  or  both  to 
a  late  redactor  who  had  access  to  the  two  sources — 
surely  an  unsatisfactory  demonstration  in  this  case 
at  least  of  the  documentary  hypothesis.  Comment 
on  the  use  of  the  Divine  names  in  this  story  is 
reserved  till  later. 

Yet,  while  declining  to  accept  this  hypothesis  as 
proved,  it  is  not  contended  that  the  materials  in 
Nu  are  always  arranged  in  chronological  order,  or 


that  the  style  of  composition  is  throughout  the 
same,  or  that  the  book  as  it  stands  has  never  been 
revised  or  edited,  but  is  in  every  jot  and  tittle  the 
same  as  when  first  constructed.  In  ch  7,  e.g.,  the 
narrative  goes  back  to  the  1st  day  of  the  1st  month 
of  the  2d  year,  and  in  ch  9  to  the  1st  month  of  the  2d 
year,  though  ch  1  begins  with  the  1st  day  of  the  2d 
month  of  the  2d  year.  There  are  also  legislative 
passages  interspersed  among  the  historical,  and 
poetical  among  the  prosaic,  but  diversity  of  author- 
ship, as  already  suggested,  cannot  be  inferred  from 
either  of  these  facts  unless  it  is  impossible  for  a 
writer  to  be  sometimes  disorderly  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  his  materials;  and  for  a  lawgiver  to  be  also 
a  historian,  and  for  a  prose  writer  occasionally  to 
burst  into  song.  Assertions  like  these,  however, 
cannot  be  entertained.  Hence  any  argument  for 
plurality  of  documents  founded  on  them  must  be 
set  aside.  Nor  is  it  a  fair  conclusion  against  the 
literary  unity  of  the  book  that  its  contents  are 
varied  in  substance  and  form  and  have  been  sub- 
jected, as  is  probable,  to  revision  and  even  to  inter- 
polations, provided  always  these  revisions  and 
interpolations  have  not  changed  the  meaning  of  the 
book.  Whether,  therefore,  the  Book  of  Nu  has  or 
has  not  been  compiled  from  preexisting  documents, 
it  cannot  be  justly  maintained  that  the  text-analysis 
suggested  by  the  critics  has  been  established,  or 
that  the  literary  unity  of  Nu  has  been  disproved. 
///.  Historical  Credibility. — Were  the  narrative 
in  this  book  written  down  immediately  or  soon  after 
the  events  it  records,  no  reason  would  exist  for 
challenging  its  authenticity,  unless  it  could  be 
shown  either  from  the  narrative  itself  or  from  ex- 
traneous sources  that  the  events  chronicled  were 
internally  improbable,  incredible  or  falsified.  Even 
should  it  be  proved  that  the  text  consists  of  two  or 
more  preexisting  documents  interwoven  with  one 
another,  this  would  not  necessarily  invalidate  its 
truthfulness,  if  these  documents  were  practically 
contemporaneous  with  the  incidents  they  report, 
and  were  not  combined  in  such  a  way  as  to  distort 
and  misrepresent  the  occurrences  they  related. 
If,  however,  these  preexisting  documents  were  pre- 
pared 500  (JE)  or  1,000  (P)  years  after  the  incidents 
they  narrate,  and  were  merely  a  fixing  in  written 
characters  of  traditions  previously  handed  doi\Ti 
(JE),  or  of  legislation  newly  invented  and  largely 
imaginary  (P),  it  will  not  be  easy  to  establish  their 
historical  validity.  The  credibility  of  this  portion 
of  the  Pent  has  been  assailed  on  the  alleged  ground 
that  it  contains  chronological  inaccuracies,  statis- 
tical errors  and  physical  impossibilities. 

(1)  The  second  Passover  (9  1-5) — The  critical 
argument  is  that  a  contemporary  historian  would 
naturally  have  placed  this  paragraph 
1.  Seeming  before  1  1.  The  answer  is  that  pos- 
Chrono-  sibly  he  would  have  done  so  had  his 
logical  In-  object  been  to  observe  strict  chrono- 
accuracies  logical  order,  which  it  manifestly  was 
not  (see  chs  7  and  9),  and  had  he  when 
commencing  the  book  deemed  it  necessary  to  state 
that  the  Israelites  had  celebrated  a  second  Passover 
on  the  legally  appointed  day,  the  14th  of  the  1st 
month  of  the  2d  year.  This,  however,  he  possibly 
at  first  assumed  would  be  understood,  and  only 
afterward,  when  giving  the  reason  for  the  supple- 
mentary Passover,  realized  that  in  after  years 
readers  might  erroneously  conclude  that  this  was 
all  the  Passover  that  had  been  kept  in  the  2d  year. 
So  to  obviate  any  such  mistaken  inference,  he  pre- 
fixed to  his  account  of  the  Little  Passover,  as  it  is 
sometimes  called,  a  statement  to  the  effect  that 
the  statutory  ordinance,  the  Great  Passover,  had 
been  observed  at  the  usual  time,  in  the  usual  way, 
and  that,  too,  in  obedience  to  the  express  command- 
ment of  Jeh. 


Numbers,  Book  of    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2166 


(2)  The  thirty-seven  years'  chasm. — Whether  20  1  be 
considered  the  beginning  of  the  3d  or  of  the  40th  year, 
in  eitlier  case  a  period  of  37  years  is  passed  over — in  tlie 
one  case  in  almost  unbrolcen  silence;  in  the  other  with 
scarcely  anything  of  moment  recorded  save  Korah's 
rebeUion  and  the  publication  of  a  few  laws  concerning 
offerings  to  be  made  when  the  people  reached  the  land 
of  their  habitation.  To  pronounce  the  whole  book  un- 
historical  because  of  this  long  interval  of  absolute  or 
comparative  silence  (Bleek)  is  imreasonable.  ^Most 
histories  on  this  principle  would  be  cast  into  the  waste- 
basket.  Besides,  a  historian  might  have  as  good  reason 
for  passing  over  as  for  recording  the  incidents  of  any 
particular  period.  And  this  might  have  been  the  case 
with  the  author  of  Nu.  From  the  moment  sentence  of 
death  was  passed  upon  the  old  generation  at  Kadesh, 
till  the  hour  when  the  new  generation  started  out  for 
Canaan,  he  may  have  counted  that  Israel  had  prac- 
tically ceased  to  be  the  people  of  Jeh,  or  at  least  that  their 
fortunes  formed  no  part  of  tiie  history  of  Jeh's  kingdom; 
and  it  is  noticeable  that  scarcely  had  the  tribes  reassem- 
bled at  Kadesh  in  preparation  for  their  onward  march 
than  Miriam  and  Aaron,  probably  the  last  of  the  doomed 
generation,  died.  Accordingly,  from  tliis  point  on,  the 
narrative  is  occupied  with  the  fortunes  of  the  new  gen- 
eration. Whether  correct  or  not,  this  solution  of  the 
37  years'  silence  (Km'tz)  is  preferable  to  that  which  sug- 
gests (Ewald)  that  the  late  compiler,  having  found  it 
impossible  to  locate  all  the  traditions  he  had  collected 
into  the  closing  years  of  the  wanderings,  placed  the  rest 
of  them  in  tlie  first  2  years,  and  left  the  interval  a  blank — 
a  solution  which  has  not  even  the  merit  of  being  clever 
and  explains  nothing.  It  does  not  explain  why,  if  the 
narrator  was  not  writing  history,  there  should  have  been 
an  interval  at  all.  A  romancer  would  not  have  missed 
so  splendid  an  opportiinity  for  exercising  his  art,  would 
not  have  left  a  gap  of  37  years  unfilled,  but  like  the  writers 
of  the  apocryphal  Gospels  would  have  crowded  it  with 
manufactured  tales. 

On  the  better  theory,  not  only  is  the  silence  explained, 
but  the  items  inserted  are  accounted  for  as  well.  Though 
the  unbelieving  generation  had  ceased  to  be  the  people  of 
Jeh,  Aaron  had  not  yet  been  sentenced  to  e.xclusion  from 
the  promised  land.  Ho  was  still  one  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  kingdom  of  Jeh,  and  Korah's  rebellion  prac- 
tically struck  a  blow  at  that  kingdom.  As  such  it  was 
punished,  and  the  story  of  its  breaking  out  and  suppres- 
sion was  recorded,  as  a  matter  that  vitally  concerned  the 
stability  of  the  kingdom.  For  a  like  reason,  the  legis- 
lative sections  were  included  in  the  narrative.  They 
were  .Teh's  acts  and  not  the  people's.  They  were  statutes 
and  ordinances  for  the  new  generation  in  the  new  land. 

(3)  The  fortieth  year. — The  events  recorded  as  having 
taken  place  between  the  1st  of  the  5th  month  (the  date 
of  Aaron's  death)  and  the  1st  of  the  11th  month  (the 
date  of  Moses'  address)  are  so  numerous  and  important 
as  to  render  it  impossible,  it  is  said,  to  maintain  the 
credibility  of  this  portion  of  the  narrative.  But  (a)  it 
is  not  certain  that  all  the  events  in  this  section  were 
finished  before  Moses  began  his  oration;  neither  (6)  is 
it  necessary  to  hold  that  they  all  occurred  in  succession; 
while  {c)  lintil  the  rapidity  with  which  events  followed 
one  another  is  ascertained,  it  will  not  be  possible  to  de- 
cide whether  or  not  they  could  all  have  been  begim  and 
finished  witliin  the  space  of  6  months. 

(1)  Numher  of  the  fighting  men. — This,  which  may 
be  set  down  roughly  at  600,000,   has  been  chal- 
lenged on  two  grounds:    (a)  that  the 

2.  So-called  number  is  too  large,  and  (b)  that  the 
Statistical  censuses  at  Sinai  and  in  Moab  are 
Errors  too  nearly  equal. 

The  first  of  these  objections  will  be 
considered  in  the  following  section  when  treating 
of  the  size  of  the  congregation.  The  second  will 
not  appear  formidable  if  it  be  remembered  (a)  that 
it  is  neither  impossible  nor  unusual  for  the  popu- 
lation of  a  country  to  remain  stationary  for  a  long 
series  of  years;  (6)  that  there  was  a  special  fitness 
in  Israel's  case  that  the  doomed  generation  should 
be  replaced  by  one  as  nearly  as  possible  equal  to 
that  which  had  perished;  (e)  that  had  the  narra- 
tive been  invented,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  the 
numbers  would  have  been  made  either  exactly 
equal  or  more  widely  divergent;  and  (d)  that  so 
many  variations  occurring  in  the  strength  of  the 
tribes  as  numbered  at  Sinai  and  again  in  Moab, 
while  the  totals  so  nearly  correspond,  constitutes 
a  watermark  of  truthfulness  which  should  not  be 
overlooked. 

(2)  The  size  of  the  congregation. — Taking  the 
fighting  men  at  600,000  and  the  whole  community 
at  4 1  times  that  number,   or  about  2|  millions, 


several  difficulties  emerge  which  have  led  to  the  sug- 
gestion (Eerdmans,  Couder,  Wiener)  that  the  600,- 
000  should  be  reduced  (to,  say,  6,000),  and  the 
entire  population  to  less  than  30,000.  The  following 
alleged  impossibilities  are  believed  to  justify  this 
reduction:  (a)  that  of  70  families  increasing  to  2 J 
millions  between  the  descent  into,  and  the  departure 
from,  Egypt;  (6)  that  of  2 J  millions  being  led  out 
of  Egypt  in  one  day;  (c)  that  of  obtaining  support 
for  so  large  a  multitude  with  their  flocks  in  the 
Sinaitic  desert;  {d)  that  of  finding  room  for  them 
either  before  the  Mount  at  Sinai,  or  in  the  limited 
territory  of  Pal;  and  (e)  that  of  the  long  time  it 
took  to  conquer  Pal  if  the  army  was  600,000  strong. 

(a)  Multiplication  of  people:  As  to  the  possi- 
bility of  70  souls  multiplying  in  the  course  of  215 
years  or  7  generations  (to  take  the  shorter  interval 
rather  than  the  longer  of  430  years)  into  2\  millions 
of  persons  giving  600,000  fighting  men,  that  need 
not  be  regarded  as  incredible  till  the  rate  of  in- 
crease in  each  family  is  exactly  known.  Allowing 
to  each  of  Jacob's  grandsons  who  were  married 
(say  51  out  of  53),  4  male  descendants  (Colenso 
allows  4|),  these  would  in  7  generations — not  in 
4  (Colenso) — amount  to  835,584,  and  with  surviv- 
ing fathers  and  grandfathers  added  might  well 
reach  900,000,  of  whom  600,000  might  be  above  20 
years  of  age.  But  in  point  of  fact,  without  definite 
data  about  the  number  of  generations,  the  rates  of 
birth  and  of  mortality  in  each  generation,  all  cal- 
culations are  at  the  best  problematical.  The  most 
that  can  be  done  is  to  consider  whether  the  narra- 
tive mentions  any  circumstances  fitted  to  explain 
this  large  number  of  fighting  men  and  the  great 
size  of  the  congregation,  and  then  whether  the 
customary  objections  to  the  Bib.  statement  can  be 
satisfactorily  set  aside. 

As  for  confirmatory  circumstances,  the  Bible 
expressly  states  that  dm'ing  the  years  of  the  oppres- 
sion the  Hebrews  were  extraordinarily  fruitful,  and 
that  this  was  the  reason  why  Pharaoh  became 
alarmed  and  issued  his  edict  for  the  destruction  of 
the  male  childi'en.  The  fruitfulness  of  the  Hebrews, 
however,  has  been  challenged  (Eerdmans,  Vorge- 
schichte  Israels,  78)  on  the  ground  that  were  the 
births  so  numerous  as  this  presupposes,  two  mid- 
wives  (Ex  1  15)  would  not  have  sufficed  for  the 
necessary  offices.  But  if  the  two  to  whom  Pharaoh 
spake  were  the  superintendents  of  the  midwives 
throughout  Goshen,  to  whom  the  king  would  hardly 
address  himself  individually,  or  if  they  were  the 
two  officiating  in  Heliopolis,  the  statement  in  Ex  1 
15  will  appear  natural  enough,  and  not  opposed  to 
the  statement  in  Ex  1  10  that  Pharaoh  was  alarmed 
at  the  multiplication  of  the  Hebrews  in  his  land. 
And,  indeed,  if  the  Hebrews  were  only  30,000 
strong,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  why  the  whole  might  of 
Egypt  could  not  have  kept  them  in  subjection. 
Then  as  to  the  congregation  being  2  J  millions  if  the- 
fighting  men  were  600,000,  that  corresponds  with 
the  proportion  which  existed  among  the  Helvetii, 
who  had  92,000  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  out 
of  a  population,  including  children,  old  men  and 
women,  of  368,000  souls  (Caesar,  BG,  i,  20).  This 
seems  to  answer  the  objection  (Eerdmans,  Vorge- 
schichte  Israels,  78)  that  the  unschooled  Oriental  is 
commonly  addicted  to  exaggeration  where  numbers 
are  concerned. 

(b)  Exodus  in  one  day:  The  second  difficulty 
would  be  serious  were  it  necessary  to  suppose  that 
the  Israelites  had  never  heard  about  their  projected 
journey  till  the  14th  of  the  1st  month.  But  the 
idea  of  gomg  forth  from  Egypt  must  have  been 
before  them  since  the  day  Moses  went  to  Pharaoh 
to  demand  their  liberation;  and  at  least  4  days 
before  the  14th  they  had  begun  to  prepare  for  de- 
parture.    In  circumstances  such  as  these,  with  a 


2167 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Numbers,  Book  of 


people  thirsting  for  liberty  and  only  waiting  the 
signal  to  move,  aware  also  of  the  hour  at  which 
that  signal  would  be  given,  viz.  at  midniglit,  it 
does  not  appear  so  formidable  a  task  as  is  imagined 
to  get  them  all  assembled  in  one  day  at  a  fore- 
appointed  rendezvous,  more  esp.  as  they  were  not 
likely  to  delay  or  linger  in  their  movements.  But 
how  could  there  have  been  2^  millions  of  fugitives, 
it  is  asked  (Eerdmans,  Wiener),  if  Pharaoh  deemed 
600  chariots  sufficient  for  pursuit?  The  answer  is 
that  Pharaoh  did  not  reckon  600  chariots  sufficient, 
but  in  addition  to  these,  which  were  "chosen 
chariots,"  he  took  all  the  chariots  of  Egypt,  his 
horsemen  and  his  army  (Ex  14  7.9),  which  were 
surely  adequate  to  overcome  a  weaponless  crowd, 
however  big  it  might  be.  And  that  it  was  big,  a 
vast  horde  indeed,  Pharaoh's  host  implies. 

(c)  Support  in  wilderness:  The  supposed  diffi- 
culty of  obtaining  support  for  2i  millions  of  people 
with  the  flocks  and  herds  in  the  Sinai  tic  desert  takes 
for  granted  that  the  desert  was  then  as  barren  a 
region  as  it  is  now,  which  cannot  be  proved,  and  is 
as  little  likely  to  be  correct  as  it  would  be  to  argue 
that  Egypt,  which  was  then  the  granary  of  the 
world,  was  no  more  fertile  than  it  was  10  years  ago, 
or  that  the  regions  in  which  Babylon  and  AssjTia 
were  situated  were  as  desolate  then  as  they  are  now. 
This  supposition  disregards  tlie  fact  that  Moses 
fed  the  flocks  of  Jethro  for  40  years  in  that  same 
region  of  Sinai;  that  when  the  Israelites  passed 
through  it,  it  was  inhabited  by  several  powerful 
tribes.  It  overlooks,  too,  the  fact  that  the  flocks 
and  herds  of  Israel  were  not  necessarily  all  cooped 
up  in  one  spot,  but  were  most  likely  spread  abroad 
in  districts  where  water  and  vegetation  could  be 
found .  And  it  ignores  the  statement  in  the  narrative 
that  the  IsraeUtes  were  not  supplied  exclusively 
by  the  produce  of  the  desert,  but  had  manna  from 
heaven  from  the  1st  day  of  the  2d  month  after 
leaving  Egypt  till  they  reached  Canaan.  Ration- 
alistic expositors  may  relegate  this  statement  to  the 
limbo  of  fable,  but  unless  the  supernatural  is  to  be 
eliminated  altogether  from  the  story,  this  statement 
must  be  accorded  its  full  weight.  So  must  the  two 
miraculous  supplies  of  water  at  Horeb  (Ex  17)  and 
at  Kadesh  (Nu  20)  be  treated.  It  is  sometimes 
argued  that  these  supplies  were  quite  insufficient 
for  2}  millions  of  people  with  their  flocks  and  herds; 
and  that  therefore  the  congregation  could  not  have 
been  so  large.  But  the  narrative  in  Nu  states,  and 
presumably  it  was  the  same  in  Ex,  that  the  smitten 
rock  poured  forth  its  water  so  copiously  and  so 
continuously  that  'the  people  drank  abundantly 
with  their  flocks.'  Wherefore  no  conclusion  can 
be  drawn  from  this  against  the  reported  size  of  the 
congregation. 

(d)  Room  at  Mt.  Sinai:  As  to  the  impossibility 
of  finding  room  for  2  J  millions  of  people  either 
before  the  Mount  at  Sinai  or  within  the  land  of 
Canaan  (Conder),  few  will  regard  this  as  self- 
evident.  If  the  site  of  their  encampment  was  the 
Er-Rahab  plain  (Robinson,  Stanley) — though  the 
plain  of  Sebayeh,  admittedly  not  so  roomy,  has 
been  mentioned  (Ritter,  Kurtz,  Knobel) — esti- 
mates differ  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  accommodation 
to  be  found  there.  Conder  gives  the  dimensions  of 
the  plain  as  4  sq.  miles,  which  he  deems  insufficient, 
forgetting,  perhaps,  that  "its  extent  is  farther  in- 
creased by  lateral  valleys  receding  from  the  plain 
itself"  (Forty  Days  in  the  Desert,  73;  cf  Keil  on 
Ex  19  1.2).  Kalisch,  though  putting  the  size  of 
the  plain  at  a  smaller  figure,  adds  that  "it  thus 
furnished  ample  tenting  ground  for  the  hosts  of 
Israel" — a  conclusion  accepted  by  Ebers,  Riehm 
and  others.  In  any  case  it  seems  driving  literal 
interpretation  to  extreme  lengths  to  hold  that  camp- 
ing before  the  Mount  necessarily  meant  that  every 


member  of  the  host  required  to  be  in  full  view  of 
Sinai.  As  to  not  finding  room  in  Canaan,  it  is 
doubtful  if,  after  the  conquest,  the  remnants  of  both 
peoples  at  any  time  numbered  as  many  persons  as 
dwelt  in  Pal  during  the  most  flourishing  years  of 
the  kingdom.  It  may  well  be  that  the  whole  popu- 
lation of  Pal  today  amounts  to  only  about  600,000 
souls;  but  Pal  today  under  Turkish  rule  is  no 
proper  gauge  for  judging  of  Pal  under  David  or 
even  under  Joshua. 

(e)  Slow  conquest  of  Canaan:  The  long  time  it 
took  to  conquer  Pal  (Eerdmans,  Vorgeschichte 
Israels,  78)  is  no  solid  argument  to  prove  the  un- 
reliable character  of  the  statement  about  the  size 
of  the  army,  and  therefore  of  the  congregation. 
Every  person  knows  that  in  actual  warfare,  victory 
does  not  always  go  with  the  big  battalions;  and 
in  this  instance  the  desert-trained  warriors  allowed 
themselves  to  be  seduced  by  the  idolatries  and 
immoralities  of  the  Canaanites  and  forgot  to  exe- 
cute the  commission  with  which  they  had  been  in- 
trusted, viz.  to  drive  out  the  Canaanites  from  the 
land  which  had  been  promised  to  their  fathers. 
Had  they  been  faithful  to  Jeh,  they  would  not  have 
taken  so  long  completely  to  possess  the  land  (Ps 
81  13.14).  But  if  instead  of  having  600,000  stal- 
wart soldiers  they  had  only  possessed  6,000,  it  is  not 
difficult  to  see  how  they  could  not  drive  out  the 
Canaanites.  The  difficulty  is  to  perceive  how  they 
could  have  achieved  as  much  as  they  did. 

(3)  The  number  of  the  firstborn. — That  the  22,273 
firstborn  males  from  1  month  old  and  upward  (3  43} 
is  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  603,5.50  men  of  20  years 
old  and  upward,  being  much  too  few,  has  frequently 
(Bleek,  Bohlen,  Colenso  and  others)  been  felt  as  a  diffi- 
culty, since  it  practically  involves  the  conclusion  that 
for  every  firstborn  there  must  have  been  40  or  4.5  males 
in  each  family.  Various  solutions  of  this  difficulty  have 
been  offered.  The  prevalence  of  polygamy  has  been 
suggested  (Michaelis,  Hiivernick).  The  exclusion  of 
firstborn  sons  wlao  were  married,  the  inclusion  only  of 
the  mother's  firstborn,  and  the  great  fruitfulness  of  Heb 
mothers  have  been  called  in  to  surmount  the  difficulty 
(Kurtz).  But  perhaps  the  best  explanation  is  that  only 
those  were  counted  who  were  born  after  the  Law  was 
given  on  the  night  of  the  departure  from  Egypt  (Ex  13 
2;  Nu  3  13;  8  17)  (Keil,  Dchtzsch.  Gerlach).  It  may 
be  urged,  of  course,  that  this  would  require  an  exception- 
ally large  number  of  births  in  the  13  months;  but  in  the 
exceptionally  joyous  circumstances  of  the  emancipation 
this  might  not  have  been  impossible.  In  any  case,  it 
does  not  seem  reasonable  on  account  of  this  difficulty, 
which  might  vanish  were  all  the  facts  known,  to  impeach 
the  historical  accuracy  of  the  narrative,  even  in  this 
particular. 

(Note. — In  Scotland,  with  a  population  of  nearly 
double  that  of  the  Israelites,  viz.  4,877,648,  the  mar- 
riages in  1909  wore  30,092,  the  lowest  on  record  for  55 
years.  At  this  rate  the  births  in  Israel  during  the  first 
12  months  after  the  exodus  might  have  been  15,046. 
assuming  each  marriage  to  have  had  issue.  As  this 
marriage  rate,  however,  is  excessively  low  for  Scotland 
in  normal  years,  the  number  of  marriages  and  tlierefore 
of  births  in  Israel  in  the  first  year  after  the  exodus  may 
well  have  been  twice,  if  not  3  times,  15,046,  i.e.  30,092, 
or  45,138.  Reckoning  the  half  of  these  as  males,  viz. 
15,046  or  22,569,  it  does  not  appear  as  if  the  number  of 
the  firstborn  in  the  text  were  quite  impossible,  on  the 
supposition  made.) 

(1)  The  duties  of  the  priests. — These  are  supposed 
to  have  been  so  onerous  that  Aaron  and  his  sons 

could  not  possibly  have  performed 
3.  Alleged  them.  But  (a)  the  Levitical  laws. 
Physical  though  published  in  the  desert,  were 
Impossi-  not  necessarily  intended  to  receive 
bilities  full  and  minute  observance  there,  but 

only  in  Canaan,  (b)  In  point  of  fact, 
as  Moses  afterward  testified  (Dt  12  8),  the  Levitical 
laws  were  not  scrupulously  kept  in  the  wilderness, 
(c)  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  Passover 
of  the  2d  year  was  celebrated  otherwise  than  it  had 
been  in  Egypt  before  the  exodus,  the  slaughtering 
of  the  lambs  being  performed  by  the  heads  of 
families.  And  {d)  as  the  Levites  were  set  apart 
to  minister  to  the  tabernacle  (Nu  1  50),  they  would 
be  able  in  many  ways  to  assist  the  priests. 


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2168 


(2)  The  assembling  of  the  congregation. — The 
assembling  of  the  congregation  at  the  door  of  the 
tabernacle  (10  3.4)  has  been  adduced  as  another 
physical  impossibility;  and  no  doubt  it  was  if 
every  man,  woman  and  child,  or  even  only  every 
man  was  expected  to  be  there;  but  not  if  the  con- 
gregation was  ordinarily  represented  by  its  "re- 
nowned" or  "called"  men,  princes  of  the  tribes  of 
their  fathers,  heads  of  thousands  of  Israel  (1  16). 
To  suppose  that  anything  else  was  meant  is  surely 
not  required.  When  Moses  called  all  Israel  and 
spake  unto  them  (Dt  5  1;  29  2),  no  intelligent 
person  understands  that  he  personally  addressed 
every  individual,  or  spoke  so  as  to  be  heard  by 
every  individual,  though  what  he  said  was  intended 
for  all.  An  additional  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
assembling  the  congregation,  and  by  implication 
an  argument  against  the  size  of  the  congregation, 
has  been  discovered  in  the  two  silver  trumpets 
which,  it  is  contended,  were  too  few  for  summoning 
so  vast  a  host  as  2-2-  millions  of  people.  But  it  is 
not  stated  in  the  narrative  either  (a)  that  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  every  individual  in  the 
camp  should  hear  the  sound  of  the  trumpets  any 
more  than  it  was  indispensable  that  Balaam's  curse 
should  reecho  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  Israel  (Nu  23 
13),  or  that  a  public  proclamation  by  a  modern 
state,  though  prefaced  by  means  of  an  "Oyez," 
should  be  heard  by  all  within  the  state  or  even 
within  its  capital;  or  (6)  if  it  was  necessary  that 
everyone  should  hear,  that  the  trumpeters  could 
not  move  about  through  the  camp  but  must  remain 
stationary  at  the  tabernacle  door;  or  (c)  that  in 
the  clear  air  of  the  desert  the  sound  of  the  trumpets 
would  not  travel  farther  than  in  the  noisy  and 
murky  atmosphere  of  modern  cities;  or  (d)  that 
should  occasion  arise  for  more  trumpets  than  two, 
Moses  and  his  successors  were  forbidden  to  make 
them. 

(3)  The  marching  of  the  host. — The  marching  of 
the  host  in  four  main  divisions  of  about  half  a 
million  each  (2;  10  14-20)  has  also  been  pro- 
nounced a  stumbling-block  (Colenso,  Eerdmans, 
Doughty),  inasmuch  as  the  procession  formed 
(i.e.  if  no  di^dsion  began  to  fall  into  line  till  its 
predecessor  had  completed  its  evolutions)  would 
require  the  whole  day  for  its  completion,  and  would 
make  a  column  of  unprecedented  length — of  22 
miles  (Colenzo),  of  600  miles  (Doughty) — and 
would  even  on  the  most  favorable  hypothesis  travel 
only  a  few  miles,  when  the  whole  line  would  again 
need  to  reconstruct  the  camp.  The  simple  state- 
ment of  this  shows  its  absurdity  as  an  explanation  of 
what  actually  took  place  on  the  march,  and  indi- 
rectly suggests  that  the  narrative  may  be  historical 
after  all,  as  no  romancer  of  a  late  age  would  have 
risked  his  reputation  by  laying  down  such  direc- 
tions for  the  march,  if  they  were  susceptible  of  no 
other  explanation  than  the  above.  How  precisely 
the  march  was  conducted  may  be  difficult  or  even 
impossible  to  describe  in  such  a  way  as  to  obviate 
all  objections.  But  some  considerations  may  be 
advanced  to  show  that  the  march  through  the 
desert  was  neither  impossible  nor  incredible. 
(a)  The  deploying  of  the  four  main  divisions  into 
line  may  have  gone  on  simultaneously,  as  they  were 
widely  apart  from  each  other,  on  the  E.  (Judah), 
on  the  S.  (Reuben),  on  the  W.  (Ephraim)  and  on 
the  N.  (Dan),  (h)  There  is  no  gi-ound  for  thinking 
that  the  march  would  be  conducted,  at  least  at 
first,  with  the  precision  of  a  modern  army,  or  that 
each  division  would  extend  itself  to  the  length  of 
22  miles.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  they  would 
follow  their  standards  as  best  they  could  or  with 
such  order  as  could  be  arranged  by  their  captains, 
(c)  If  the  camps  of  Judah  and  Reuben  started  their 
preparations  together,  say  at  6  o'clock  in  the  morn- 


ing (which  might  be  possible),  and  occupied  4  hours 
in  completing  these,  they  might  begin  to  advance  at 
10  o'clock  and  cover  10  miles  in  another  4  hours, 
thus  bringing  them  on  to  2  PM,  after  which  4  hours 
more  would  enable  them  to  encamp  themselves 
for  the  night,  if  that  was  necessary.  The  other 
two  divisions  falling  into  line,  say  at  2  o'clock,  would 
arrive  at  6  PM,  and  by  10  PM  would  be  settled 
for  the  night,  (d)  It  does  not  seem  certain  that 
every  night  upon  the  march  they  would  arrange 
themselves  into  a  regularly  constructed  camp; 
rather  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  this  would 
be  done  only  when  they  had  reached  a  spot  where  a 
halt  was  to  be  made  for  some  time,  (e)  In  any 
case,  in  the  absence  of  more  details  as  to  how  the 
march  was  conducted,  arithmetical  calculations 
are  of  little  value  and  are  not  entitled  to  discredit 
the  truthfulness  of  the  narrative. 

(4)  The  victory  over  Midian. — This  has  been 
objected  to  on  moral  grounds  which  are  not  now 
referred  to.  It  is  the  supposed  impossibility  of 
12,000  Israelites  slaying  all  the  male  Midianites,  cap- 
turing all  their  women  and  children,  including  32,000 
virgins,  seizing  all  their  cattle  and  flocks,  with  all 
their  goods,  and  burning  all  their  cities  and  castles 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  man  (31  49),  which 
occasions  perplexity.  Yet  Scripture  relates  several 
victories  of  a  similar  description,  as  e.g.  that  of 
Abraham  over  the  kings  of  the  East  (Gen  14  15), 
in  which,  so  far  as  the  record  goes,  no  loss  was 
incurred  by  the  patriarch's  army;  that  of  Gideon's 
300  over  the  Midianites  at  a  later  date  (Jgs  7  22) ; 
that  of  Samson  single-handed  over  1,000  Philis 
(Jgs  15  15) ;  and  that  of  Jehoshaphat  at  the  battle 
of  Tekoa  (2  Ch  20  24),  which  was  won  without  a 
blow — all  more  or  less  miraculous,  no  doubt.  But 
in  profane  history,  Tacitus  (Ann.  xiii.39)  relates  an 
instance  in  which  the  Romans  slaughtered  all  their 
foes  without  losing  a  single  man;  and  Strabo  (xvi. 
112S)  mentions  a  battle  in  which  1,000  Arabs  were 
slain  by  only  2  Romans;  while  the  life  of  Saladin 
contains  a  like  statement  concerning  the  issue  of 
a_  battle  (Hiivernick,  Intro,  330).  Hence  Israel's 
victory  over  Midian  does  not  afford  sufficient  ground 
for  challenging  its  historic  credibility. 

IV.  Authorship. — Restricting  attention  to  evi- 
dence from  Nu  itself,  it  may  be  remarked  in  a  gen- 
eral way  that  the  question  of  authorship  is  prac- 
tically settled  by  what  has  been  advanced  on  its 
literary  structure  and  historical  credibility.  For, 
if  the  materials  of  the  book  were  substantially  the 
work  of  one  pen  (whoever  may  have  been  their  first 
collector  or  last  redactor),  and  if  these  materials 
are  upon  the  whole  trustworthy,  there  will  be  little 
room  to  doubt  that  the  original  pen  was  in  the  hand 
of  a  contemporary  and  eyewitness  of  the  incidents 
narrated,  and  that  the  contemporary  and  eye- 
witness was  Moses,  who  need  not,  however,  have 
set  down  everything  with  his  own  hand,  all  that 
is  necessary  to  justify  the  ascription  of  the  writing 
to  him  being  that  it  should  have  been  composed 
by  his  authority  and  under  his  supervision.  In 
this  sense  it  is  believed  that  indications  are  not 
wanting  m  the  book  both  against  and  for  the  Mo- 
saic authorship;  and  these  may  now  be  considered. 
(1)  The  alternating  use  of  Divine  names. — This 
usage,  after  forming  so  characteristic  a  feature  in 
Gen  and  largely  disappearing  in  Ex 
1.  Against  and  Lev,  reasserts  itself  in  Nu,  and 
the  Mosaic  more  particularly  in  the  story  of 
Authorship  Balaam.  If  chs  23  and  24  can  be 
explained  only  as  late  documents 
pieced  together,  because  of  the  use  of  "God"  in  ch  23 
and  of  "Lord"  in  ch  24,  then  Moses  was  not  their 
author.  But  if  the  varying  use  of  the  Divine  names 
is  susceptible  of  explanation  on  the  assumption 
that  the  two  chapters  originally  formed  one  docu- 


2169 


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ment,  then  most  distinctly  the  claim  of  Moses  to 
authorship  is  not  debarred.  Now  whether  Balaam 
was  a  false  or  a  true  prophet,  it  is  clear  that  he 
could  hope  to  please  Balak  only  by  cursing  Israel 
in  the  name  of  Jeh,  the  Elohim  of  Israel;  and  so  it 
is  always  Jeh  he  consults  or  pretends  to  consult 
before  replying  to  the  messengers  of  Balak.  Four 
times  he  did  so  (22  8.19;  23  3,15);  and  3  t  it  was 
Elohim  who  met  him  (22  9.20;  23  14),  while  every 
time  it  was  Jeh  who  put  the  word  in  his  mouth. 
Can  any  conclusion  be  fairer  than  that  the  historian 
regarded  Elohim  and  Jeh  as  the  same  Divine  Being, 
and  represented  this  as  it  were  by  a  double  emphasis, 
which  showed  (a)  that  the  Jeh  whom  Balaam  con- 
sulted was  Elohim  or  the  supreme  God,  and  (6) 
that  the  God  who  met  Balaam  and  supplied  him 
with  oracles  was  Israel's  Lord?  Thus  explained, 
the  alternate  use  of  the  Divine  names  does  not 
require  the  hypothesis  of  two  single  documents 
rolled  into  one;  and  indeed  the  argument  from  the 
use  of  the  Divine  names  is  now  generally  abandoned. 

(2)  Traces  of  late  authorship. — Traces  of  late 
authorship  are  believed  to  exist  in  several  passages : 
(a)  15  32-36  seems  to  imply  that  the  writer  was  no 
longer  in  the  wilderness,  which  may  well  have  been 
the  case,  if  already  he  was  in  the  land  of  Moab. 
(6)  20  5  suggests,  it  is  said,  that  the  people  were 
then  in  Canaan.  But  the  language  rather  conveys 
the  impression  that  they  were  not  yet  come  to 
Canaan;  and  in  point  of  fact  the  people  were  at 
Kadesh  in  the  wilderness  of  Zin.  (c)  In  21  14.15. 
17.18.27-30,  certain  archaic  songs  are  cited  as  if 
the  people  were  familiar  with  them,  and  the  Arnon 
is  mentioned  as  the  border  of  Moab  long  before 
Israel  reached  the  river.  But  that  poets  were 
among  the  people  at  the  time  of  the  exodus  and 
probably  long  before,  the  song  of  Moses  (Ex  15) 
shows,  and  that  a  Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord 
was  begun  to  be  composed  soon  after  the  defeat  of 
Amalek  is  not  an  unreasonable  hypothesis  (Ex  17 
14).  As  for  the  statement  that  "Arnon  leaneth 
upon  the  borders  of  Moab,"  that  may  have  been 
superfluous  as  a  matter  of  information  to  the  con- 
temporaries of  Moses  when  they  were  about  to 
cross  the  stream  (Strack,  EM,  25),  but  it  was  quite 
in  place  in  an  old  prophetic  song,  as  showing  that 
their  present  position  had  been  long  before  antici- 
pated and  foretold,  (d)  24  7,  according  to  criticism, 
could  not  have  been  composed  before  the  rise  of  the 
monarchy;  and  certainly  it  could  not,  if  prediction 
of  future  events  is  impossible.  But  if  reference  to 
a  coming  king  in  Israel  was  put  into  Balaam's 
mouth  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  as  the  narrator  says, 
then  it  could  easily  have  been  made  before  the 
monarchy;  and  so  could  (e)  24  17.18  have  been 
written  before  the  reign  of  David,  though  the  con- 
quest of  the  Edomites  only  then  began  (2  S  8  14; 
1  K  11  1;  1  Ch  18  12.13). 

Examples  such  as  these  show  that  many,  if  not 
most,  of  the  like  objections  against  the  Mosaic 
authorship  of  this  book  are  capable  of  at  least 
possible  solution;  and  that  Kuenen's  caution 
should  not  be  forgotten:  "He  who  relies  upon  the 
impression  made  by  the  whole,  without  interroga- 
tion of  the  parts  one  by  one,  repudiates  the  first 
principles  of  all  scientific  research,  and  pays  homage 
to  superficiality"  (fleZ.o//sraeZ,  I,  11). 

(1)  Certain  passages  have  the  appearance  of 
having  been  written  by  Moses. — These  are:  (a)  those 
which  bear  evidence  of  having  been 
2.  For  the  intended  for  a  people  not  settled  in 
Mosaic  cities  but  dwelling  in  tents  and  camps. 

Authorship  as  e.g.  chs  1-4,  describing  the  arrange- 
ments for  the  census  and  the  formation 
of  the  camp;  6  24-26,  the  high-priestly  benedic- 
tion; 10  35.36,  the  orders  for  the  marching  and  the 
halting  of  the  host;    10  1-9,  the  directions  about 


the  silver  trumpets;  ch  19,  the  legislation  which 
obviously  presupposes  the  wilderness  as  the  place 
for  its  observance  (vs  3.7.9.14).  If  criticism  allows 
that  these  and  other  passages  have  descended 
from  the  Mosaic  age,  why  should  it  be  necessary 
to  seek  another  author  for  them  than  Moses?  And 
if  Moses  could  have  composed  those  passages,  a 
presumption  at  least  is  created  that  the  whole  book 
has  proceeded  from  his  pen.  (&)  The  patriotic 
songs  taken  from  the  Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord 
(ch  21),  which  some  critics  (Cornill,  Kautzsch  and 
others)  hold  cannot  be  later  than  750  BC,  are  by 
equally  competent  scholars  (Bleek,  De  Wette,  E. 
Meyer,  Konig  and  others)  recognized  as  parts  of 
Israel's  inheritance  from  the  Mosaic  age,  when- 
soever they  were  incorporated  in  Nu.  (c)  The  list 
of  camping  stations  (ch  33)  is  expressly  assigned  to 
him.  Whether  "by  the  commandment  of  the  Lord" 
should  be  connected  with  the  "journeys"  (Konig) 
or  the  "writing"  makes  no  difference  as  to  the 
authorship  of  this  chapter,  at  least  in  the  sense  that 
it  is  based  on  a  Mosaic  document  (Strack).  It  is 
true  that  even  if  this  chapter  as  it  stands  was  pre- 
pared by  Moses,  that  does  not  amount  to  conclu- 
sive evidence  of  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  whole 
book.  Yet  it  creates  a  presumption  in  its  favor 
(Drechsler,  Keil,  Zahn).  For  why  should  Moses 
have  been  specially  enjoined  to  write  so  compara- 
tively uninteresting  and  unprofitable  a  document 
as  a  list  of  names,  many  of  which  are  now  incapable 
of  identification,  if  that  was  all?  But  if  Moses 
was  already  writing  up  a  journal  or  history  of  the 
wanderings,  whether  by  his  o^vn  hand  or  by  means 
of  amanuenses,  and  whether  by  express  command 
or  without  it  (not  an  unreasonable  supposition), 
there  was  no  particular  need  to  record  that  this  was 
so.  If,  however,  Moses  was  not  thinldng  of  pre- 
serving an  itinerary,  and  God  for  reasons  of  His  own 
desired  that  he  should  do  so,  then  there  was  need 
for  a  special  commandment  to  be  given;  and  need 
that  it  should  be  recorded  to  explain  why  Moses 
incorporated  in  his  book  a  list  of  names  that  in 
most  people's  judgment  might  have  been  omitted 
without  imperiling  the  value  of  the  book.  Looked 
at  in  this  way,  the  order  to  prepare  this  itinerary 
rather  strengthens  the  idea  of  the  Mosaic  author- 
ship of  the  whole  book. 

(2)  Acquaintance  on  the  part  of  the  author  ivith 
Egyptian  manners  and  customs. — This  points  in  the 
direction  of  Moses,  (a)  The  trial  by  jealousy 
(5  11-31)  may  be  compared  with  the  tale  of  Set- 
nau,  belonging  probably  to  the  3d  cent.  BC,  but 
relating  to  the  times  of  Rameses  II,  in  which  Ptah- 
nefer-ka,  having  found  the  book  which  the  god 
Thoth  wrote  with  his  own  hand,  copied  it  on  a  piece 
of  papyrus,  dissolved  the  copy  in  water  and  drank 
the  solution,  with  the  result  that  he  knew  all  the 
book  contained  {RP,  IV,  138).  (h)  The  conse- 
cration of  the  Levites  (8  7)  resembled  the  ablutions 
of  the  Egyp  priests  who  shaved  their  heads  and 
bodies  every  3d  day,  bathed  twice  during  the  day 
and  twice  during  the  night,  and  performed  a  grand 
ceremony  of  purification,  preparatory  to  their 
seasons  of  fasting,  which  sometimes  lasted  from  7 
to  40  days  and  even  more  {WAS,  I,  181).  (c) 
Uncleanness  from  contact  with  the  dead  (l9  11) 
was  not  unknown  to  the  Egj'ptians,  who  required 
their  priests  to  avoid  graves,  funerals  and  funeral 
feasts  (Porphyry,  De  Abst.  ii.50,  quoted  in  Speaker's 
Conim.).  (d)  The  fish,  cucumbers,  melons,  leeks, 
onions  and  garlic  referred  to  in  11  5  were  articles  of 
diet  in  Egypt  (Herod,  ii.93).  (e)  The  antiquarian 
statement  about  Hebron  (13  22)  fits  in  well  with  a 
writer  in  Mosaic  times.  "A  later  writer  could  have 
had  no  authority  for  making  the  statement  and  no 
possible  reason  for  inventing  it"  (Pulpit  Comm.  on 
Nu).     On  a  candid  review  of  all  the  arguments  pro 


Numenius 
Oak 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2170 


and  con,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  pre- 
ponderance of  evidence  lies  on  the  side  of  the  sub- 
stantial Mosaicity  of  the  Book  of  Numbers. 

LiTEBATuHE. — Comms.  on  Nu  by  Bertheau  (ET), 
Knobel,  Keil  (ET),  Dillmann,  Strack,  Lange  (ET) ;  in 
Speaker's  Comm.,  Pulpit  Comm.,  ICC  (Gray);  Bib. 
Intros  of  De  Wette.  HcnKstenberg,  Havernick.  Bleek, 
Konig,  Strack,  Cornill,  Driver;  in  encs,  etc,  RE.  HDB, 
EB,  Sch-Herz;  critical  comms.:  Reuss,  Die  Gcschichie 
der  heih'aen  Srhriftea  AT;  Kuenen,  The  Religion  of 
Israel  (ET) ;  Wellhausen,  Gesehiehte  Israels  and  Pro- 
leoomena  (ET) ;  Klostermann,  Der  Pentateuch:  Eerd- 
mans,  Alttest.  Sludien:  Addis,  Documents  of  Hezateuch: 
Olford  Hexateuch;   EPC. 

T.  Whitelaw 
NUMENIUS,  mi-me'ni-us  (Noii|iTivi.os,  Nou- 
menios) :  The  son  of  Antiochus,  and  Antipater  were 
the  two  ambassadors  whom  Jonathan  sent  to  the 
Romans,  "to  the  Spartans,  and  to  otherplaces,"  after 
his  victory  in  the  plain  of  Hazor  (Galilee)  over  the 
princes  of  Demetrius  (1  Maco  12  1  ff)  about  144 
BC  Their  mission  was  to  confirm  and  renew  the 
friendship  and  treaty  which  had  existed  from  the 
days  of  Judas  (8  17  ff).  They  were  well  received 
and  successful,  both  at  Rome  (12  3  f)  and  at 
Sparta  (12  19  ff;  14  22f).  After  the  death  of 
Jonathan,  the  victories  of  Simon  and  the  establish- 
ment of  peace,  Simon  sent  Numenius  on  a  second 
embassy  to  Rome  (14  24),  again  to  confirm  the 
treaty  and  present  a  golden  shield  weighing  1,000 
minae — apparently  just  before  the  popular  decree 
by  which  Simon  was  created  high  priest,  leader  and 
captain  "for  ever"  (1  Mace  14  27  ff),  September, 
141  BC.  The  embassy  returned  in  139  BC,  bear- 
ing letters  from  the  senate  to  the  kings  of  Egypt, 
Syria  and  "all  the  countries,"  confirming  the  integ- 
rity of  Jewish  territory,  and  forbidding  these  kings 
to  disturb  the  Jews,  and  requiring  them  also  to  sur- 
render any  deserters  (14  15  ff).  See  also  Lucius; 
Schiirer,  Gesch.  des  judischen  Volkes  (3d  and  4th 
edd),  I,  236,  250  f.  S.  Angus 

NUN,  noon  (3,  ■):  The  14th  letter  of  the  Heb 
alphabet;  transliterated  in  this  Encyclopaedia  as 
n.  It  came  also  to  be  used  for  the  number  50. 
For  name,  etc,  see  Alphabet. 

NUN,  nun  (1^3,  nun,  "fish,"  derivative  mean- 
ing "fecundity"):  Father  of  Joshua  (referred  to 
thus  29  t)  (Ex  33  11;  Nu  11  28,  etc;  1  Ch  7  27, 
m  "Non";  Sir  46  1,  m  "Nave"). 

NURSE,  nurs,  NURSING,  nurs'ing:  "Nurse"  in 
AV  represents  two  different  Heb  words:  In  8  pas- 
sages (Gen  24  59;  35  8;  Ex  2  7  bis.9;  2  K  11  2; 
2  Ch  22  11;  Isa  49  23)  the  word— noun  or  vb.— 
renders  some  form  of  the  vb.  p3^ ,  ydnak,  "to  suck." 
The  fem.  causative  part,  of  this  vb.  is  commonly 
used  to  denote  nurse  or  foster-mother.  According 
to  Ex  2  7  Moses'  mother — "a  nurse  of  the  Heb 
women" — became,  at  Pharaoh's  daughter's  request, 
the  foster-mother  of  the  foundling.  Joash,  the  son 
of  Ahaziah,  was  in  charge  of  a  nurse  until  he  was 
7  years  old  (2  K  11  2;  2  Ch  22  11).  But  it  is 
obvious  that  the  term  was  used  in  a  more  general 
way,  e.g.  of  a  lady's  maid  or  tire-woman.  Rebek- 
ah  was  accompanied  by  her  nurse  when  she  left 
home  to  be  married  (Gen  24  59;  35  8).  In  5  pas- 
sages (Nu  11  12;  Ruth  4  16;  2  S  4  4;  Isa  49  23; 
60  4  AV)  "nurse"  represents  the  Heb  word,  l^N , 
'aman,  "to  support,"  "be  faithful,"  "nourish." 
The  part,  of  this  vb.  denoted  a  person  who  had 
charge  of  young  children — a  guardian  or  governess. 
Naomi  took  charge  of  Ruth's  child  "and  became 
nurse  unto  it"  (Ruth  4  16).  In  Nu  11  12  Moses 
asks  whether  he  has  to  take  charge  of  the  Israelites 
"as  a  nursing-father  carricth  the  sucking  child." 
The  same  word  is  found  in  2  K  10  15  (AV  "them 
that  brought  up,"   i.e.   guardians  of  the  sons  of 


Ahab)  and  in  Est  2  7  (AV  "and  he  brought  up," 
i.e.  he  [Mordecai]  adopted,  his  niece).  Deutero-Isa 
uses  both  terms  together  (49  23)  to  describe  the 
exalted  position  of  Israel  in  the  future  when  foreign 
kings  and  queens  will  offer  their  services  and  wait 
upon  the  chosen  people. 

In  the  solitary  passage  in  the  NT  where  "nurse" 
occurs,  it  renders  the  Gr  word  Tpo06s,  trophos.  In 
this  case  the  word  does  not  mean  a  hired  nurse, 
but  a  mother  who  nurses  her  own  children  (1  Thess 
2  7).  T.  Lewis 

NURTURE,  nt^u-'tnr:  The  word  occurs  in  AV  in 
Eph  6  4  as  the  tr  of  traiSela,  paideia,  but  RV 
changes  to  "chastening,"  and  uses  "nurture"  (vb.) 
for  AV  "bring  up"  (iKTp4(pw,  ektrepho)  in  the  first 
part  of  the  verse.  Paideia  has  the  idea  of  training 
and  correction;  in  RV  2  Esd  8  12  for  Lat  erudio; 
and  cf  AV  Wisd  3  11;  Sir  18  13  {paideuo),  etc. 

NUTS,  nuts: 

(1)  (T1!5X,  'eghoz;  Kapia,  harua;  Axah.  jauz,  "the 
walnut"  [Cant  6  11]):  This  is  certainly  the  walnut 
tree,  Juglans  regia,  a  native  of  Persia  and  the 
Himalayas  which  flourishes  under  favorable  condi- 
tions in  all  parts  of  Pal;   particularly  in  the  moun- 


PistacMo  Nut  (Pistacia  vera). 

tains.  In  such  situations  it  attains  the  height  of 
from  60  to  90  ft.  A  grove  of  such  trees  affords  the 
most  delightful  shade. 

(2)  (O'ljipa,  hotnlm;  Tepi^tvBoL,  terebinthoi  [Gen 
43  11,  m  "pistachio  nuts"]):  The  Heb  is  perhaps 
aUied  to  the  Arab,  hutm,  the  "terebinth,"  which 
is  closely  allied  to  the  Pistacia  vera,  N.O.  Anacar- 
diaceae,  which  produces  pistachio  nuts.  These  nuts, 
known  in  Arab,  as  fiatuk,  are  prime  favorites  with 
the  people  of  Pal.  They  are  oblong,  -J  in.  long, 
with  green,  oily  cotyledons.  They  are  eaten  raw 
and  are  also  made  into  various  sweets  and  confec- 
tionery. They  are  a  product  of  Pal,  very  likely  to 
be  sent  as  a  present  to  Egypt  (Gen  43  11). 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

NYMPHAS,  nim'fas  (N«[,.<t)as,  NumpMs;  Lach- 
mann,  Tregelles  [m],  WH  read  Niip.<J)a,  Numpha, 
the  name  of  a  woman  [Col  4  15]):  A  Christian 
resident  in  Laodicea,  to  whom  Paid  sends  saluta- 
tions in  the  ep.  which  he  wrote  from  Rome  to  the 


2171 


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Numenius 
Oak 


church  in  Colossae,  the  latter  city  being  only  a 
very  few  miles  distant  from  Laodicea.    Indeed,  so 

near  were  they,  that  Paul  directs  that 
1.  A  Chris-  the  Ep.  to  the  Col  be  read  also  in 
tian  in  Laodicea.     Nymphas — or  if   Nympha 

Laodicea       be  read,  then  it  is  a  Christian  lady 

who  is  meant — was  a  person  of  out- 
standing worth  and  importance  in  the  church  of 
Laodicea,  for  he  had  granted  the  use  of  his  dwelling- 
house  for  the  ordinary  weekly  meetings  of  the 
church.  The  apostle's  salutation  is  a  3-fold  one — 
to  the  brethren  that  are  in  Laodicea,  that  is  to 
the  whole  of  the  Christian  community  in  that 
city,  and  to  Nymphas,  and  to  the  church  in  his 
house. 


2.  The 
Church  in 
His  House 


This  fact,  that  the  church  met  there,  also  shows  that 
Nymphas  was  a  person  of  some  means,  for  a  very  small 
house  could  not  have  accommodated  the 
Christian  men  and  women  who  gathered 
together  on  the  first  day  of  every  week 
for  the  purposes  of  Christian  worship. 
The  church  in  Laodicea — judging  not  only 
from  the  Ep.  to  the  Eph,  which  is  really 
Paul's  Ep.  to  the  Laodiceans,  and  which  indicates  that 
the  church  in  Laodicea  had  a  numerous  mnmbenship,  but 
also  from  what  is  said  of  it  in  Rev  3  17AV — must  have 
been  large  and  influential :  ' '  Thou  sayest,  I  am  rich,  and 
increased  with  goods,  and  have  need  of  nothing."  The 
house  of  Nymphas,  therefore,  must  have  possessed  a  large 
room  or  saloon  sufficiently  commodious  toallowthe  meet- 
ing of  a  numerous  company.  Nymphas  would  bo  a  per- 
son both  ot  Christian  character  and  of  generous  feeling, 
and  of  some  amount  of  wealth.  Nothing  more  is  known 
regarding  him,  as  this  is  the  only  passage  in  which  he  is 
named.  John  Ruthehpurd 


o 


OABDIUS,  6-ab'di-us  (A,  "HapSCos,  Oahdios, 
B,  -eios,  eios,  Fritzsche,  'IwopSCos,  loubdios,  om. 
in  AV):  One  of  the  sons  of  Ela  who  put  away 
their  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9  27)  =  "Abdi"  of  Ezr 
10  26. 

OAK,  ok:  Several  Heb  words  are  so  tr"',  but  there 
has  always  been  great  doubt  as  to  which  words 
should  be  tr"*  "oak"  and  which  "terebinth."  This 
uncertainty  appears  in  the  LXX  and  all  through 
EV;  in  recent  revisions  "terebinth"  has  been  in- 
creasingly added  in  the  m.  All  the  Heb  words  are 
closely  allied  and  may  originally  have  had  simply  the 
meaning  of  "tree,"  but  it  is  clear  that,  when  the 
OT  was  written,  they  indicated  some  special  kind 
of  tree. 

The  words  and  references  are  as  follows : 

(1)  nbX.  'llah  (in  LXX  usually  -repi^iveoi,  terebin- 
thos.  in  Vulg  terebinlhus,  or.  more  commonly,  quercun) 

(Gen  35  4;  Jgs  6  11.19;  2  S  18  9.10.14; 
1  Hebrew  l  K  13  14;  l  Ch  10  12;  Isa  1  30;  Ezk 
riT  ,A^  ^„A  6  13 — in  all  these  m  "terebinth").  In  Isa 
Words  and  g  jj  (^y  „teii  tree")  and  Hos  4  13  (AV 
References    "elms")  the  tr  is  "terebinths"  because  of 

the  juxtaposition  of  'allon,  tr<i  "oaks." 
"Vale  of  Elah"  (m  "the  Terebinth")  is  found  in  1  S 
17  2  19;  21  9.  The  e.Kpression  in  Isa  1  30,  "whose 
leaf  fadeth,"  is  more  appropriate  to  the  terebinth  than 
the  oak  (see  below). 

(2)  nix,  'atlah  (terebinthos,  quercus  [VulgD,  appar- 
ently a  'slight  variant  for  'llah:  only  in  Josh  24  26; 
Gen  35  4  ('ildh)  and  in  Jgs  9  6  {'Hon). 

(3)  D^'5S  or  D''b^S  .  'elim,  perhaps  pi.  of  'elah,  occurs 
in  Isa  1  29  (m  "terebinths");  57  5,  m  "with  idols," 
AV  "idols,"  m  "oaks";  61  3,  "trees";  Ezk  31  14 
(text  very  doubtful),  "  height,"  AVm  "  upon  themselves  "  ; 
bis.  'eZ,  inEl-paran(LXX  (ere5i;ilAos)  (Gen  14  6),  prob- 
ably means  the  ' '  tree  "  or  "  terebinth  "of  Paran.  Celsius 
(Hicrob.  1.34  ff)  argues  at  length  that  the  above  words 
apply  well  to  the  Tekebinth  (q.v.)  in  all  the  passages 
in  which  they  occur. 

(4)  "libiS.  'elon  (usually  JpO?,  drus,  "oak"),  in  Gen 
12  6;  13  18;  14  13;  18  1;  Dt  11  30;  Josh  19  33; 
Jgs  4  11;  9  6.37;  1  S  10  3  (AV  "plain");  in  all  these 
references  m  has  "terebinth"  or  "terebinths."  In  Gen 
12  6;  Dt  11  30  we  have  "oak"  or  "oaks"  "of  the 
teacher"  (Moreh) ;  "oak  in  Zaanannim"  in  .Igs  4  11; 
Josh  19  33;  the  "oak  of  Meonenim,"  m  "the  augurs' 
oak  (or,  terebinth)  "  in  Jgs  9  37. 

(5)  ^"1355.  'allon  (commonly  5pus,  drus,  or  ^d\ayo^, 
bdlanos),  in  Gen  35  8  (cf  ver  4);  Hos  4  13;  Isa  6  13.  is 
contrasted  with  'Hah.  showing  that  'allon  and  'eldh  cannot 
bT  identical,  so  no  marginal  references  occur;  also  in  Isa 
44  14;  Am  2  9,  but  in  all  other  pa.ssages,  m  "terebinth" 
or  "terebinths"  occurs.  "Oaks  of  Bashan"  occurs  in 
Isa  2  13;  Ezk  27  6;  Zee  11  2. 

If  (1)  (2)  (3)  refer  esp.  to  the  terebinth,  then  (4) 
and  (5)  are  probably  correctly  tr'^  "oak."  If  we 
may  judge  at  all  by  present  conditions,  "oaks"  of 
Bashan  is  far  more  correct  than  "terebinths"  of 
Bashan. 


There  are,  according  to  Post  {Flora  of  Palestine, 
737-41),  no  less  than  9  species  of  oak  (N.O.  Cupu- 

liferae)  in  Syria,  and  he  adds  to  these 
2.  Varieties  12  sub-varieties.  Many  of  these  have 
of  Oak  no  interest  except  to  the  botanist.    The 

following  species  are  widespread  and 
distinctive:  (1)  The  "Turkey  oak,"  Quercus  cerris, 
known  in  Arab,  as  Ballul,  as  its  name  implies, 
abounds  all  over  European  Turkey  and  Greece 
and  is  common  in  Pal.     Under  favorable  conditions 


Oak  at  Gilcad,  the  Sindeeyan  (Quercus  cocci/era). 

it  attains  to  great  size,  reaching  as  much  as  60  ft.  in 
height.  It  is  distinguished  by  its  large  sessile 
acorns  with  hemispherical  cups  covered  with  long, 
narrow,  almost  bristly,  scales,  giving  them  a  mossy 
aspect.  The  wood  is  hard  and  of  fine  grain.  Galls 
are  common  upon  its  branches. 

(2)  Quercus  lusitariica  (or  Ballola),  also  known  in 
Arab,  as  BalMt,  like  the  last  is  frequently  found 
dwarfed  to  a  bush,  but,  when  protected,  attains  a 
height  of  30  ft.  or  more.  The  leaves  are  dentate 
or  crenate  and  last  late  into  the  winter,  but  are 
shed  before  the  new  twigs  are  developed.  The 
acorns  are  solitary  or  few  in  cluster,  and  the  cupules 
are  more  or  less  smooth.  Galls  are  common,  and 
a  variety  of  this  species  is  often  known  as  Q.  infec- 
loria,  on  account  of  its  liability  to  infection  with 
galls. 

(3)  The  Valonica  oak  (Q.  aegolops),  known  in 
Arab,  as  MellM,  has  large  oblong  or  ovate  deciduous 
leaves,  with  deep  serrations  terminating  in  a  bristle- 
like point,  and  very  large  acorns,  globular,  thick 
cupules  covered   with   long  retiexed  scales.     The 


Oak 


Obadiah.Bookof  'THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2172 


cupules,  known   commercially  as  valonica,  furnish 
one  of  the  richest  of  tanning  materials. 

(4)  The  Evergreen  oak  is  often  classed  under  the 
general  name  "Ilex  oak"  or  Holm  (i.e.  holly-like) 
oak.  Several  varieties  are  described  as  occurring 
in  Pal.      Q.   ilex  usually   has   rather   a  shrublike 


"Joshua's  Oak" — a  Terebinth  (Near  Abord  in  Ephraim. 
Supposed  to  Be  the  Largest  Tree  in  Palestine). 

growth,  with  abundant  glossy,  dark-green  leaves, 
oval  in  shape  and  more  or  less  prickly  at  the  mar- 
gins, though  sometimes  entire.  The  cupules  of  the 
acorns  are  woolly.  It  shows  a  marked  predilection 
for  the  neighborhood  of  the  sea.  The  Q.  cocdfera 
(with  var.  Q.  pseudococcifcra)  is  known  in  Arab, 
as  Sindian.  The  leaves,  like  the  last,  usually  are 
prickly.  The  acorns  are  solitary  or  twin,  and  the 
hemispherical  cupules  are  more  or  less  velvety.  On 
the  Q.  cocdfera  are  found  the  insects  which  make 
the  well-kno\vn  Kermcs  dye.  These  evergreen 
oaks  are  the  common  trees  at  sacred  tombs,  and 
the  once  magnificent,  but  now  dying,  "Abraham's 
oak"  at  Hebron  is  one  of  this  species. 

Oaks  occur  in   all  parts  of  Pal,  in  spite  of  the 
steady  ruthless  destruction  which  has  been  going  on 

for  centuries.  All  over  Carmel,  Tabor, 
3.  Oaks  in  around  Banias  and  in  the  hills  to  the 
Modern  W.  of  Nazareth,  to  mention  well- 
Palestine       known  localities,  there  are  forests  of 

oak;  great  tracts  of  country,  esp.  in  Gal- 
ilee and  E.  of  the  Jordan,  are  covered  by  a  stunted 
brushwood  which,  were  it  not  for  the  wood-cutter, 
would  grow  into  noble  trees.  Solitary  oaks  of 
magnificent  proportions  occur  in  many  parts  of  the 
land,  esp.  upon  hilltops;  such  trees  are  saved  from 
destruction  because  of  their  "sacred"  character.  To 
bury  beneath  such  a  tree  has  ever  been  a  favorite 
custom  (cf  Gen  35  S;  1  Ch  10  12).  Large  trees 
like  these,  seen  often  from  great  distances,  are  fre- 
quently landmarks  (.losh  19  33)  or  places  of  meet- 
ing (cf  "Oak  of  Tabor,"  1  S  10  3).  The  custom  of 
heathen  worship  beneath  oaks  or  terebinths  (Hps 
4  13;  Ezk  6  1.3,  etc)  finds  its  modern  counterpart 
in  the  cult  of  the  Wehj  in  Pal.  The  oak  is  sometimes 
connected  with  some  historical  event,  as  e.g. 
Abraham's  oak  of  Mamre  now  shown  at  Hebron, 


and  "the  oak  of  weeping,"  Allan  bacuth,  of  Gen  35 
S.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

OAK  OF  TABOR  (^i^n  'jibX,  'Hon  iabhor): 
Thus  RV  in  1  S  10  3  for'AV  "plain  of  Tabor" 
(RVm  "terebinth").  Tabor  was  famous  for  its 
groves  of  oak,  but  what  "oak"  is  meant  here  is  not 
known.  Ewald  thinks  that  "Tabor"  is  a  different 
pronunciation  for  "Deborah,"  and  connects  with 
Gen  35  8;  but  this  is  not  likely.     See  Oak,  3. 

OAR,  or.     See  Ships  and  Boats,  II,  2,  (3). 

OATH,  oth  (nyilTB,  sh'bhu'ah,  probably  from 
shebha\  "seven,"  the  sacred  number,  which  occurs 
frequently  in  the  ritual  of  an  oath;  opKos,  horkos; 
and  the  stronger  word  nbs ,  'aldh,  by  which  a  curse 
is  actually  invoked  upon  the  oath-breaker  [LXX 
dpa,  ard]):  In  Mt  26  70-74  Peter  first  denies  his 
Lord  simply,  then  with  an  oath  (sh'bhu^ah) ,  then 
invokes  a  curse  ('dlah),  thus  passing  through  every 
stage  of  asseveration. 

The  oath  is  the  invoking  of  a  curse  upon  one's 

self  if  one  has  not  spoken  the  truth  (Mt  26  74),  or 

if  one  fails  to  keep  a  promise  (1  S  19 

1.  Law  Re-  6;  20  17;  2  S  15  21;  19  23).  It 
garding  played  a  very  important  part,  not  only 
Oaths  in    lawsuits    (Ex  22  11;     Lev  6  3.5) 

and  state  affairs  (Ant,  XV,  x,  4),  but 
also  in  the  dealings  of  ever3'day  life  (Gen  24  37; 
50  5;  Jgs  21  5;  1  K  18  10;  Ezr  10  5).  The 
Mosaic  laws  concerning  oaths  were  not  meant  to 
limit  the  widespread  custom  of  making  oaths,  so 
much  as  to  impress  upon  the  people  the  sacredness 
of  an  oath,  forbidding  on  the  one  hand  swearing 
falsely  (Ex  20  7;  Lev  19  12;  Zee  8  17,  etc), 
and  on  the  other  swearing  by  false  gods,  which 
latter  was  considered  to  be  a  very  dark  sin  (Jer 
12  16;  Am  8  14).  In  the  Law  only  two  kinds 
of  false  swearing  are  mentioned :  false  swearing  of  a 
witness,  and  false  asseveration  upon  oath  regarding  a 
thing  found  or  received  (Lev  5  1;  6  2ff;cfProv  29 
24).  Both  required  a  sin  offering  (Lev  5  Iff).  The 
Talm  gives  additional  rules,  and  lays  down  certain 
punishments  for  false  swearing;  in  the  case  of  a 
thing  found  it  states  what  the  false  swearer  must 
pay  (Makkoth  2^3;  Sh'bhiTdth  8  3).  The  Jewish 
interpretation  of  the  3d  commandment  is  that  it  is 
not  concerned  with  oaths,  but  rather  forbids  the 
use  of  the  name  of  Jeh  in  ordinary  cases  (so  Dalman) . 
Swearing  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  (Gen  14  22; 
Dt  6  13;  Jgs  21  7;  Ruth  1  17,  etc)  was  a  sign 
of   loyalty    to    Him    (Dt  10  20;     Isa 

2.  Forms  48  11;  Jer  12  16).  We  know  from 
of  Swearing  Scripture    (see   above)    that   swearing 

by  false  gods  was  frequent,  and  we 
learn  also  from  the  newly  discovered  Elephantine 
papyrus  that  the  people  not  only  swore  by  Jahu 
(  =  Jeh)  or  by  the  Lord  of  Heaven,  but  also  among 
a  certain  class  of  other  gods,  e.g.  by  Hercm- 
Bethel,  and  by  Isum.  In  ordinary  intercourse  it 
was  customary  to  swear  by  the  life  of  the  person 
addressed  (1  S  1  26;  20  3;  2  K  2  2);  by  the 
life  of  the  king  (1  S  17  55;  25  26;  2  S  11  11); 
by  one's  own  head  (Mt  5  36) ;  by  the  earth  (Mt 
5  35);  by  the  heaven  (Mt  5  34;  23  22);  by  the 
angels  (BJ,  II,  xvi,  4);  by  the  temple  (Mt  23  16) 
and  by  different  parts  of  it  (Mt  23  16) ;  by  Jcrus 
(Mt  5  35;  cf  K'thilbhoth  2  9).  The  oath  "by 
heaven"  (Mt  5  34;  23  22)  is  counted  by  Jesus  as 
the  oath  in  which  God's  name  is  invoked.  Jesus 
does  not  mean  that  God  and  heaven  are  identical, 
but  He  desires  to  rebuke  those  who  paltered  with 
an  oath  by  avoiding  a  direct  mention  of  a  name  of 
God.  He  teaches  that  such  an  oath  is  a  real  oath 
and  must  be  considered  as  sacredly  binding. 


2173 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Oak 

Obadiah,  Book  of 


Not  much  is  told  us  as  to  the  ceremonies  observed 

in  taking  an  oath.     In  patriarchal  times  he  who 

took  the  oath  put  his  hand  under  the 

3.  The  thigh  of  him  to  whom  the  oath  was 
Formula        taken  (Gen  24  2;   47  29).     The  most 

usual  form  was  to  hold  up  the  hand  to 
heaven  (Gen  14  22;  Ex  6  8;  Dt  32  40;  Ezk  20 
5).  The  wife  suspected  of  unfaithfulness,  when 
brought  before  the  priest,  had  to  answer  "Amen, 
Amen"  to  his  adjuration,  and  this  was  considered 
to  be  an  oath  on  her  part  (Nu  5  22).  The  usual 
formula  of  an  oath  was  either:  "God  is  witness 
betwixt  me  and  thee"  (Gen  31  50),  or  more  com- 
monly: "As  Jeh  [or  God]  liveth"  (Jgs  8  19;  Ruth 
3  13;  2  S  2  27;  Jer  38  16)  or  "Jeh  be  a  true  and 
faithful  witness  amongst  us  (Jer  42  5).  Usually 
the  penalty  invoked  by  the  oath  was  only  suggested : 
"Jeh  [or  God]  do  so  to  me"  (Ruth  1  17;  2  S  3  9. 
35;1K2  23;2K631);  in  some  cases  the  punish- 
ment was  expressly  mentioned  (Jer  29  22).  Nowack 
suggests  that  in  general  the  punishment  was  not 
expressly  mentioned  because  of  a  superstitious  fear 
that  the  person  swearing,  although  speaking  the 
truth,  might  draw  upon  himself  some  of  the  punish- 
ment by  merely  mentioning  it. 

Philo  expresses  the  desire  (ii.l94)  that  the  prac- 
tice of  swearing  should  be  discontinued,  and  the 
Essenes  used  no  oaths  {BJ,  II,  viii,  6;    Ant,  XV, 

That  oaths  are  permissible  to  Christians  is  shown 

by  the  example  of  Our  Lord  (Mt  26  63  f),  and  of 

Paul     (2  Cor  1  23;      Gal  1  20)     and 

4.  Oaths        even  of  God  Himself   (He  6  13-18). 
Permissible  Consequently  when  Christ  said,  "Swear 

not  at  all"  (Mt  5  34),  He  was  laying 
down  the  principle  that  the  Christian  must  not 
have  two  standards  of  truth,  but  that  his  ordinary 
speech  must  be  as  sacredly  true  as  his  oath. 
In  the  kingdom  of  God,  where  that  principle  holds 
sway,  oaths  become  unnecessary. 

Paul  Levertoff 
OBADIAH,  o-ba-dl'a  (n^'l^j? ,  'obhadhyah,  more 
fully  ^n^l5i^ ,  'obhadhyahu,  "servant  of  Yahweh") : 

(1)  The  steward  or  prime  minister  of  Ahab,  who 
did  his  best  to  protect  the  prophets  of  Jeh  against 
Jezebel's  persecution.  He  met  Elijah  on  his  return 
from  Zarephath,  and  bore  to  Ahab  the  news  of 
Elijah's  reappearance  (1  K  18  3-16). 

(2)  The  prophet  (Ob  ver  1).     See  Obadiah,  Book 

OF. 

(3)  A  descendant  of  David  (1  Ch  3  21). 

(4)  A  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  (1  Ch  7  3). 
(.5)  A  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Ch  8  38;   9  44). 

(6)  A  Levite  descended  from  Jeduthun  (1  Ch  9 
16),  identical  with  Abda(Neh  11  17). 

(7)  A  chief  of  the  Gadites  (1  Ch  12  9). 

(8)  A  Zebulunite,  father  of  the  chief  Ishmaiah 
(1  Ch  27  19). 

(9)  One  of  the  princes  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  to 
teach  the  law  in  Judah  (2  Ch  17  7). 

(10)  A  Merarite  employed  by  Josiah  to  oversee 
the  workmen  in  repairing  the  temple  (2  Ch  34  12). 

(11)  The  head  of  a  family  who  went  up  with 
Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr  8  9). 

(12)  One  of  the  men  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Neh  10  .5). 

(13)  A  gate-keeper  in  the  days  of  Nehemiah 
(Neh  12  2.5). 

The  name  "Obadiah"  was  common  in  Israel  from 
the  days  of  David  to  the  close  of  the  OT.  An  an- 
cient Heb  seal  bears  the  inscription  "Obadiah  the 
servant  of  the  King."       John  Richard  Sampey 

OBADIAH,  BOOK  OF:  Obadiah  is  the  shortest 
book  in  the  OT.  The  theme  of  the  book  is  the  de- 
struction of  Edom.     Consequent  upon  the  over- 


throw of  Edom  is  the  enlargement  of  the  borders  of 
Judah  and  the  establishment  of  the  kingship  of  Jeh. 
Thus  far  all  scholars  are  agreed;  but  on  questions 
of  authorship  and  date  there  is  wide  divergence  of 
opinion. 

(1)  Jeh  summons  the  nations  to  the  overthrow 
of  proud  Edom.     The  men  of  Esau  will  be  brought 

down  from  their  lofty  strongholds; 
1.  Contents  their  hidden  treasures  will  be  rifled; 
of  the  Book  their   confederates   will   turn   against 

them;  nor  will  the  wise  and  the 
mighty  men  in  Eclom  be  able  to  avert  the  crushing 
calamity  (vs  1-9).  (2)  The  overthrow  of  Edom  is 
due  to  the  violence  and  cruelty  shown  toward  his 
brother  Jacob.  The  prophet  describes  the  cruelty 
and  shameless  gloating  over  a  brother's  calamity, 
in  the  form  of  earnest  appeals  to  Edom  not  to  do  the 
selfish  and  heartless  deeds  of  which  he  had  been 
guilty  when  Jcrus  was  sacked  by  foreign  foes  (vs 
10-14).  (3)  The  day  of  the  display  of  Jeh's  retrib- 
utive righteousness  upon  the  nations  is  near. 
Edom  shall  be  completely  destroyed  by  the  people 
whom  he  has  tried  to  uproot,  while  Israel's  captives 
shall  return  to  take  possession  of  their  own  land  and 
also  to  seize  and  rule  the  mount  of  Esau.  Thus  the 
kingship  of  Jeh  shall  be  established  (vs  15-21). 

The  unity  of  Ob  was  first  challenged  by  Eichhom  in 
1824,  vs  17—21  being  regarded  by  him  as  an  appendix 

attached  to  the  original  exilic  prophecy 
o  TTnitv  rtf  in  the  time  of  Alexander  Jannaeus  (104— 78 
tC  n  t  EC).  Ewald  thought  that  an  exilic 
tne  i)OOK        prophet,  to  whom  he  ascribed  vs  11-14 

and  19-21,  had  made  use  ol  an  older 
prophecy  by  Obadiah  in  vs  1-10,  and  in  vs  15-18  of 
material  from  another  older  prophet  who  was  contem- 
porary, like  Obadiah,  with  Isaiah.  As  the  years  went 
on,  the  material  assigned  to  the  older  oracle  was  limited 
by  some  to  vs  1-9  and  by  others  to  vs  1-6.  Wellhausen 
assigned  to  Obadiah  vs  1-5.7.10.11.13.14.15!),  while  all 
else  was  regarded  as  a  later  appendix.  Barton's  theory 
of  the  composition  of  Ob  is  thus  surmned  up  by  Bewer: 
"Vs  1-6  are  a  preexllic  oracle  of  Ob,  which  was  quoted 
by  Jeremiah,  and  readapted  with  additions  (vs  7-15)  by 
another  Obadiah  in  the  early  post-exilic  days;  vs  16—21 
form  an  appendix,  probably  from  Maccabean  times" 
(ICC,  5) .  Bewer's  own  view  is  closely  akin  to  Barton's. 
He  thinks  that  Obadiah,  writing  in  the  5th  cent.  BO, 
"quoted  vs  1^  almost,  though  not  quite,  literally;  that 
he  commented  on  the  older  oracle  in  vs  5-7,  partly  in  the 
words  ol  the  older  prophet,  partly  in  his  own  words,  in 
order  to  show  that  it  had  been  fulfilled  in  his  own  day; 
and  that  in  vs  8.9  he  quoted  once  more  from  the  older 
oracle  without  any  show  of  iiteralness."  He  ascribes  to 
Obadiah  vs  10-14  and  156.  The  appendix  consists  of 
two  sections,  vs  15a. 16-18  and  vs  19-21,  possibly  by 
different  authors,  ver  18  being  a  quotation  from  some 
older  prophecy.  To  the  average  Bible  student  all  this 
minute  analysis  of  a  brief  prophecy  must  seem  hyper- 
critical. He  will  prefer  to  read  the  book  as  a  unity ;  and 
in  doing  so  will  get  the  essence  of  the  message  it  has  for 
the  present  day. 

Certain  preliminary  problems  require  solution 
before  the  question  of  date  can  be  settled. 

(1)  Relation  of  Ob  and  Jer  49. — ■ 
3.  Date  of  (a)  Did  Obadiah  quote  from  Jer? 
the  Book  Pusey  thus  sets  forth  the  impossibility 
of  such  a  solution:  "Out  of  16  verses 
of  which  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  against  Edom 
consists,  four  are  identical  with  those  of  Obadiah; 
a  fifth  embodies  a  verse  of  Obadiah's;  of  the  eleven 
which  remain,  ten  have  some  turns  of  expression 
or  idioms,  more  or  fewer,  which  recur  in  Jer,  either 
in  these  prophecies  against  foreign  nations,  or  in 
his  prophecies  generally.  Now  it  would  be  wholly 
improbable  that  a  prophet,  selecting  verses  out  of 
the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  should  have  selected 
precisely  those  which  contain  none  of  Jeremiah's 
characteristic  expressions;  whereas  it  perfectly  fits 
in  with  the  supposition  that  Jeremiah  interwove 
verses  of  Obadiah  with  his  own  prophecy,  that  in 
verses  so  interwoven  there  is  not  one  expression 
which  occurs  elsewhere  in  Jer"  {Minor  Prophets, 
I,  347).  (6)  Did  Jeremiah  quote  from  Ob?  It  is 
almost  incredible  that  the  vigorous  and  well- 
articulated  prophec;y  in  Ob  could  have  been  made 


Obadiah,  Book  of 
Obedience  of  Christ 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2174 


by  piecing  together  detached  quotations  from  Jer; 
but  Jeremiah  may  well  have  taken  from  Ob  many 
expressions  that  fell  in  with  his  general  purpose. 
There  are  difficulties  in  applying  this  view  to  one  or 
two  verses,  but  it  has  not  been  disproved  by  the 
arguments  from  meter  advanced  by  Bewer  and 
others,  (c)  Did  both  Obadiah  and  Jeremiah  quote 
from  an  older  oracle?  This  is  the  favorite  solution 
among  recent  scholars,  most  of  whom  think  that 
Obadiah  preserves  the  vigor  of  the  original,  while 
Jeremiah  quotes  with  more  freedom ;  but  Bewer  in 
ICC,  after  a  detailed  comparison,  thus  sums  up: 
"Our  conclusioyi  is  that  Obadiah  quoted  in  vs  1-9  an 
older  oracle,  the  original  of  which  is  better  'preserved  in 
Jer  49."  The  student  will  do  well  to  get  his  own 
first-hand  impression  from  a  careful  comparison  of 
the  two  passages.  With  Ob  vs  1-4  of  Jer  49  14- 
16;  with  Ob  vs  5.6  cf  Jer  49  9.10a;  with  Ob  ver 
8  cf  Jer  49  7;  with  Ob  ver  9a  cf  Jer  49  226.  On 
the  whole,  the  view  that  Jeremiah,  who  often  quotes 
from  earlier  prophets,  draws  directly  from  Ob,  with 
free  working  over  of  the  older  prophets,  seems  still 
tenable. 

(2)  Relation  of  Ob  and  Joel. — There  seems  to  be 
in  Joel  2  32  (Hcb  3  5)  a  direct  allusion  to  Ob 
ver  17.  If  Joel  prophesied  during  the  minority 
of  the  boy  king  Joash  (c  830  BC),  Obadiah  would 
be,  on  this  hypothesis,  the  earliest  of  the  writing 
prophets. 

(3)  What  capture  of  Jerus  is  described  in  Ob  vs  10- 
14  ? — The  disaster  seems  to  have  been  great  enough 
to  be  called  "destruction"  (Ob  ver  12).  Hence 
most  scholars  identify  the  calamity  described  by 
Ob  with  the  capture  and  destruction  of  Jerus  by  the 
Chaldaeans  in  587  BC.  But  it  is  remarkable,  on 
this  hypothesis,  that  no  allusion  is  made  either  in 
Ob  or  Jer  49  7-22  to  the  Chaldaeans  or  to  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  or  to  the  wholesale 
transportation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerus  to  Baby- 
lonia. We  know,  however,  from  Ezk  35  1-15  and 
Ps  137  7  that  Edom  rejoiced  over  the  final  de- 
struction of  Jerus  by  the  Chaldaeans  in  587  BC,  and 
that  they  encouraged  the  destroyers  to  blot  out  the 
holy  city.  Certain  it  is  that  the  events  of  587 
accord  remarkably  with  the  language  of  Ob  vs  10- 
14.  Pusey  indeed  argues  from  the  use  of  the  form 
of  the  direct  prohibition  in  Ob  vs  12-14  that  Edom 
had  not  yet  committed  the  sins  against  which  the 
prophet  warns  him,  and  so  Jerus  was  not  yet  de- 
stroyed, when  Obadiah  wrote.  But  almost  all 
modern  scholars  interpret  the  language  of  vs  12-14 
as  referring  to  what  was  already  past;  the  prophet 
"speaks  of  what  the  Edomites  had  actually  done  as 
of  what  they  ought  not  to  do."  The  scholars  who 
regard  Obadiah  as  the  first  of  the  writing  prophets 
locate  his  ministry  in  Judah  during  the  reign  of 
Jehoram  (c  845  BC).  Both  2  K  and  2  Ch  tell  of 
the  war  of  rebellion  in  the  days  of  Jehoram  when 
Edom,  after  a  fierce  struggle,  threw  off  the  yoke  of 
Judah  (2  K  8  20-22;  2  Ch  21  8-10).  Shortly 
aftertherevoltof  Edom,  according  to  2  Ch  21  16  f, 
the  Philis  and  Arabians  broke  into  Judah,  "and 
carried  away  all  the  substance  that  was  found  in  the 
king's  house,  and  his  sons  also,  and  his  wives;  so 
that  there  was  never  a  son  left  him,  save  Jchoahaz, 
the  youngest  of  his  sons."  Evidently  the  capital 
city  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders.  It  was  a 
calamity  of  no  mean  projiortions. 

The  advocates  of  a  late  date  call  attention  to 
three  points  that  weaken  the  case  for  an  early  date 
for  Ob :  (a)  The  silence  of  2  K  as  to  the  invasion  of 
the  Philis  and  Arabians.  But  what  motive  could 
the  author  of  Ch  have  had  for  inventing  the  story? 
(6)  The  absence  of  any  mention  of  the  destruction 
of  the  city  by  the  Phihs  and  Arabians.  It  must  be 
acknowledged  that  the  events  of  587  BC  accord 
more  fully  with  the  description  in  Ob  vs  10-14, 


though  the  disaster  in  the  days  of  Jehoram  must 
have  been  terrible,  (c)  The  silence  as  to  Edom  in 
2  Ch  21  16  f .  But  so  also  are  the  historic  books 
silent  as  to  the  part  that  Edom  took  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerus  in  587.  It  is  true  that  exilic  and  post- 
exilic  prophets  and  psalmists  speak  in  bitter  denun- 
ciation of  the  unbrotherly  conduct  of  Edom  (Lam 
4  21.22;  Ezk  25  12-14;  35  1-15;  Ps  137  7;  Mai 

I  1-5;  cf  also  Isa  34  and  63  1-6);  but  it  is  also 
true  that  the  earliest  Heb  literature  bears  witness 
to  the  keen  rivalry  between  Esau  and  Jacob  (Gen 
25  22  f;  27  41;  Nu  20  14-21),  and  one  of  the 
earliest  of  the  writing  prophets  denounces  Edom 
for  unnatural  cruelty  toward   his  brother   (Am  1 

II  f;   cf  Joel  3  19  [Heb  4  19]). 

(4)  The  style  of  Ob. — Most  early  critics  praise 
the  style.  Some  of  the  more  recent  critics  argue 
for  different  authors  on  the  basis  of  a  marked  differ- 
ence in  style  within  the  compass  of  the  twenty- 
one  verses  in  the  little  roll.  Thus  Selbie  writes  in 
HDB:  "There  is  a  difference  in  style  between  the 
two  halves  of  the  book,  the  first  being  terse,  ani- 
mated, and  full  of  striking  figures,  while  the  second 
is  diffuse  and  marked  by  poverty  of  ideas  and 
trite  figures."  The  criticism  of  the  latter  part  of 
the  book  is  somewhat  exaggerated,  though  it  may 
be  freely  granted  that  the  first  half  is  more  original 
and  vigorous.  The  Heb  of  the  book  is  classic,  with 
scarcely  any  admixture  of  Aram,  words  or  con- 
structions. The  author  may  well  have  lived  in  the 
golden  age  of  the  Heb  language  and  literature. 

(5)  Geographical  and  historical  allusions. — The 
references  to  the  different  sections  and  cities  in  the 
land  of  Israel  and  in  the  land  of  Edom  are  quite 
intelligible.  As  to  Sepharad  (ver  20)  there  is  con- 
siderable difference  of  opinion.  Schrader  and  some 
others  identify  it  with  a  Shaparda  in  Media,  men- 
tioned in  the  annals  of  Sargon  (722-705  BC). 
Many  think  of  Asia  Minor,  or  a  region  in  Asia 
Minor  mentioned  in  Pers  inscriptions,  perhaps 
Bithynia  or  Galatia  (Sayce).  Some  think  that  the 
mention  of  "the  captives  of  this  host  of  the  children 
of  Israel"  and  "the  captives  of  Jerus"  (ver  20) 
proves  that  both  the  Assyr  captivity  and  the  Bab 
exile  were  already  past.  This  argument  has  con- 
siderable force;  but  it  is  well  to  remember  that 
Amos,  in  the  first  half  of  the  8th  cent.,  describes 
wholesale  deportations  from  the  land  of  Israel  by 
men  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  (Am  1  6-10).  The 
problem  of  the  date  of  Ob  has  not  been  solved  to 
the  satisfaction  of  Bib.  students.  Our  choice  must 
be  between  a  very  early  date  (c  845)  and  a  date 

shortly  after  587,  with  the  scales  almost 
4.  Interpre-  evenly  balanced. 

tation  of  Ob  is  to  be  interpreted  as  prediction 

the  Book       rather    than    history.     In    vs    11-14 

there  are  elements  of  historic  descrip- 
tion, but  vs  1-10  and  1.5-21  are  predictive. 

LiTERATtiKE.— Comms.:  Caspari,  Der  Prophet  Obadiah 
ausoelegl,  1842;  Pusey,  The  Minor  Prophets  I860- 
Ewald,  Comm.  nn  the  Prophets  of  the  OT  (ET)  II  277  ff' 
1875;  Keil  (ET).  1880;  T.  T.  Perowne  {in  Cambridge 
BMe).  1889;  von  Orelli  (ET),  The  Minor  Prophets,  1893- 
Wellhausen,  Die  klemen  Propheten.  1808;  G.  A.  Smith' 
The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  II,  163  £t,  1898-  Nowack' 
?nnJ'^'V'"\  ^''°^t'"Vi-  ^^°'^'  Marti.  Dodekapropheton. 
J^9?'  ?¥.'''®'!;  ^'"'  ^»"<"-  Prophets,  1907;  Bewer,  ICC 
l?^^-i  Miscellaneous:  Kirkpatrick.  Doctrine  of  the 
Prophets,  33  «'Intros  of  Driver,  Wildeboer,  etc;  Selbie 
■"  ^n^Vr^'iJJJ"®"'  Bartonin  JE,  IX,  369-70;  Cheyne 
n;,^io',n"T>'^*i^'^o^2.'  Peckham,  An  Intro  to  the  .Study  of 
Ob,  1910;  Kent,  Students'  OT,  III,  1910. 

John  Richaed  Sampey 
OBAL,  6'bal.    See  Ebal,  1. 

OjBDIA,  ob-di'a  (A,  'OpSCa,  Obdla,  B,  'Oppnd, 
Hobbeia):  One  of  the  families  of  usurping  priests 
(1  Esd  5  38)  =  "Habaiah"of  Ezr  2  61;  "Hobaiah" 
of  Neh  7  63. 


2175 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    S?^^!^'"'  ^°°^  °* 
Obedience  of  Christ 


OBED.o'bedOniy,  iy$;obhedh,  "worshipper"; 
in  the  NT  'lo>pifi,  lohU) : 

(1)  Son  of  Boaz  and  Ruth  and  grandfather  of 
David  (Ruth  4  17.21.22:  1  Ch  2  12;  Mt  1  5; 
Lk  3  32). 

(2)  Son  of  Ephlal  and  descendant  of  Sheshan,  the 
Jeralimeehte,  through  his  daughter  who  was 
married  to  Jarha,  an  Egyp  servant  of  her  father's 
(1  Ch  2  37.38). 

(3)  One  of  David's  mighty  men  (1  Ch  11  47). 

(4)  A  Korahite  doorlceeper,  son  of  Shemaiah, 
and  grandson  of  Obed-edom  (1  Ch  26  7). 

(5)  Father  of  Azariah,  one  of  the  centurions  who 
took  part  with  Jehoiada  in  deposing  Queen  AthaUah 
and  crowning  Joash  (2  Ch  23  1;  of  2  K  11  1-16). 

David  Francis  Roberts 

OBED-EDOM,  o'bed-e'dom  (DinX-nnb  [2  Ch 
25  24],  DhS-nnis>  [2  S  6  10;  1  Ch  13  13.14;  15 
25],  but  elsewhere  without  hyphen,  'obhedh-'Sdhmn, 
"servant  of  [god]  Edom";  so  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion 
of  Semites',  42,  and  H.  P.  Smith,  Samuel,  294  f, 
though  others  explain  it  as  =  "servant  of  man"): 
In  2  S  6  10.11.12;  1  Ch  13  13.14  a  Philistine  of 
Gath  and  servant  of  David,  who  received  the 
Ark  of  Jeh  into  his  house  when  David  brought  it 
into  Jerus  from  Kiriath-jearim.  Because  of  the 
sudden  death  of  Uzzah,  David  was  unwiUing  to 
proceed  with  the  Ark  to  his  citadel,  and  it  remained 
three  months  in  the  house  of  Obed-edom,  "and 
Jeh  blessed  Obed-edom,  and  all  his  house"  (2  S  6 
11).  According  to  1  Ch  13  14  the  Ark  had  a  special 
"house"  of  its  own  while  there.  He  is  probably 
the  same  as  the  Levite  of  1  Ch  15  25.  In  1  Ch 
15  16-21  Obed-edom  is  a  "singer,"  and  in  1  Ch  15 
24  a  "doorkeeper,"  while  according  to  1  Ch  26 
4-8.15  he  is  a  Korahite  doorkeeper,  to  whose  house 
fell  the  overseership  of  the  storehouse  (ver  15), 
while  1  Ch  16  5.38  names  him  as  a  "minister 
before  the  ark,"  a  member  of  the  house  or  perhaps 
guild  of  Jeduthun  (see  2  Ch  25  24). 

Obed-edom  is  an  illustration  of  the  service 
rendered  to  Heb  religion  by  foreigners,  reminding 
one  of  the  Simon  of  Cyrene  who  bore  the  cross  of 
Jesus  (Mt  27  32,  etc).  The  Chronicler  naturally 
desired  to  think  that  only  Levites  could  discharge 
such  duties  as  Obed-edom  performed,  and  hence 
the  references  to  him  as  a  Levite. 

David  Francis  Roberts  . 

OBEDIENCE,  S-be'di-ens,  OBEY,  5-ba'  (ypiB , 
shmna^;  iiraKo^,  hupakoe) :  In  its  simpler  OT  mean- 
ing the  word  signifies  "to  hear,"  "to 
1.  Meaning  listen."  It  carries  with  it,  however, 
of  Terms  the  ethical  significance  of  hearing  with 
reverence  and  obedient  assent.  In 
the  NT  a  different  origin  is  suggestive  of  "hearing 
under"  or  of  subordinating  one's  self  to  the  person 
or  thing  heard,  hence,  "to  obey."  There  is  another 
NT  usage,  however,  indicating  persuasion  from, 
TreWo/iai,  pelthomai. 

The  relation  expressed  is  twofold:  first,  human, 
as  between  master  and  servant,  and  particularly 
between  parents  and  children.  "If  a  man  have  a 
stubborn  and  rebellious  son,  that  will  not  obey  the 
voice  of  his  father,  or  the  voice  of  his  mother,  and, 
though  they  chasten  him,  will  not  hearken  unto 
them;  then  shall  his  father  and  his  mother  lay  hold 
on  him,  and  bring  him  out  unto  the  elders  of  his  city, 
and  unto  the  gate  of  his  place"  (Dt  21  18.19;  cf 
Prov  15  20);  or  between  sovereign  and  subjects, 
"The  foreigners  shall  submit  themselves  unto  me: 
as  soon  as  they  hear  of  me,  they  shall  obey  me" 
(2  S  22  45;   1  Ch  29  23). 

The  highest  significance  of  its  usage,  however,  is 
that  of  the  relation  of  man  to  God.  Obedience  is 
the  supreme  test  of  faith  in  God  and  reverence  for 
Him.     The  OT  conception  of  obedience  was  vital. 


It  was  the  one  important  relationship  which  must 

not  be  broken.     While  sometimes  this  relation  may 

have  been  formal  and  cold,  it  neverthe- 

2.  The  OT    less  was  the  one  strong  tie  which  held 
Conception    the  people  close  to  God.     The  signifi- 
cant spiritual  relation  is  expressed  by 

Samuel  when  he  asks  the  question,  "Hath  Jeh  as 
great  delight  in  burnt-offerings  and  sacrifices,  as  in 
obeying  the  voice  of  Jeh?  Behold,  to  obey  is  better 
than  sacrifice,  and  to  hearken  than  the  fat  of  rams" 
(1  S  15  22).  It  was  the  condition  without  which 
no  right  relation  might  be  sustained  to  Jeh.  This 
is  most  clearly  stated  in  the  relation  between  Abra- 
ham and  Jeh  when  he  is  assured  "In  thy  seed  shall 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed;  because 
thou  hast  obeyed  my  voice"  (Gen    22  18). 

In  prophetic  utterances,  future  blessing  and 
prosperity  weie  conditioned  upon  obedience:  "If 
ye  be  willing  and  obedient,  ye  shall  eat  the  good  of 
the  land"  (Isa  1  19).  After  surveying  the  glories 
of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  the  prophet  assures  the 
people  that  "this  shall  come  to  pass,  if  ye  will 
diligently  obey  the  voice  of  Jeh  your  God"  (Zee 
6  15).  On  the  other  hand  misfortune,  calamity, 
distress  and  famine  are  due  to  their  disobedience 
and  distrust  of  Jeh.     See  Disobedience. 

This  obedience  or  disobedience  was  usually 
related  to  the  specific  commands  of  Jeh  as  con- 
tained in  the  law,  yet  they  conceived  of  God  as 
giving  commands  by  other  means.  Note  esp.  the 
rebuke  of  Samuel  to  Saul:  "Because  thou  obeyedst 
not  the  voice  of  Jeh,  ....  therefore  hath  Jeh 
done  this  thing  unto  thee  this  day"  (1  S  28  18). 

In  the  NT  a  higher  spiritual  and  moral  relation 

IS  sustained  than  in  the  OT.     The  importance  of 

obedience  is  just  as  greatly   empha- 

3.  The  NT    sized.     Christ  Himself  is  its  one  great 
Conception    illustration  of  obedience.     He  "hum- 
bled himself,  becoming  obedient  even 

unto  death,  yea,  the  death  of  the  cross"  (Phil  2  8). 
By  obedience  to  Him  we  are  through  Him  made 
partakers  of  His  salvation  (He  6  9).  This  act  is 
a  supreme  test  of  faith  in  Christ.  Indeed,  it  is  so 
vitally  related  that  they  are  in  some  cases  almost 
synonymous.  "Obedience  of  faith"  is  a  combina- 
tion used  by  Paul  to  express  this  idea  (Rom  1  5). 
Peter  designates  believers  in  Christ  as  "children  of 
obedience"  (1  Pet  1  14).  Thus  it  is  seen  that  the 
test  of  fellowship  with  Jeh  in  the  OT  is  obedience. 
The  bond  of  union  with  Christ  in  the  NT  is  obedi- 
ence through  faith,  by  which  they  become  identified 
and  the  believer  becomes  a  disciple. 

Walter  G.  Clippinger 

OBEDIENCE  OF  CHRIST:  The  "obedience" 
(uiraKori,  hupakoe)  of  Christ  is  directly  mentioned 
but  3  t  in  the  NT,  although  many  other  passages 
describe  or  allude  to  it:  "Through  the  obedience 
of  the  one  shall  the  many  be  made  righteous"  (Rom 
5  19);  "He  humbled  himself,,  becoming  obedient 
even  unto  death,  yea,  the  death  of  the  cross" 
(PhU  2  8);  "Though  he  was  a  Son,  yet  learned 
obedience  by  the  things  which  he  suffered"  (He 
5  8).  In  2  Cor  10  5,  the  phrase  signifies  an  atti- 
tude toward  Christ:  "every  thought  into  cap- 
tivity to  the  obedience  of  Christ." 

His  subjection  to  His  parents  (Lk  2  61)  was  a 
necessary  manifestation  of  His  loving  and  sinless 
character,  and  of  His  disposition  and 
1.  As  an  power  to  do  the  right  in  any  situation. 
Element  of  His  obedience  to  the  moral  law  in 
Conduct  every  particular  is  asserted  by  the 
and  NT  writers:  "without  sin"  (He  4  15); 

Character  "who  knew  no  sin"  (2  Cor  5  21); 
"holy,  guileless,  undefiled,  separated 
from  sinners"  (He  7  26),  etc;  and  is  affirmed  by 
Himself:  "Which  of  you  convicteth  me  of  sin?" 
(Jn  8  46);    and  implicitly  conceded  by  His  ene- 


Obedience  of  Christ 
Observe 


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2176 


mies,  since  no  shadow  of  accusation  against  His 
character  appears.  Of  His  ready,  loving,  joyful, 
exact  and  eager  obedience  to  the  Father,  mention 
will  be  made  later,  but  it  was  His  central  and  most 
outstanding  characteristic,  the  filial  at  its  highest 
reach,  limitless,  "unto  death."  His  usually  sub- 
missive and  law-abiding  attitude  toward  the 
authorities  and  the  great  movements  and  religious 
requirements  of  His  day  was  a  part  of  His  loyalty  to 
God,  and  of  the  strategy  of  His  campaign,  the  action 
of  the  one  who  wo^ild  set  an  example  and  wield 
an  influence,  as  at  His  baptism:  "Thus  it  becometh 
us  to  fulfil  all  righteousness"  (Mt  3  15);  the 
synagogue  worship  (Lk  4  16,  "as  his  custom  was"); 
the  incident  of  the  tribute  money:  "Therefore  the 
sons  are  free.  But,  lest  we  cause  them  to  stumble," 
etc  (Mt  17  24-27).  Early,  however,  the  necessi- 
ties of  His  mission  as  Son  of  God  and  institutor 
of  the  new  dispensation  obliged  Him  frequently 
to  display  a  judicial  antagonism  to  current  pre- 
scription and  an  authoritative  superiority  to  the 
rulers,  and  even  to  important  details  of  the  Law, 
that  would  in  most  eyes  mark  Him  as  insurgent, 
and  did  culminate  in  the  cross,  but  was  the  sublim- 
est  obedience  to  the  Father,  whose  authority  alone 
He,  as  full-grown  man,  and  Son  of  man,  could 
recognize. 

Two  Scriptural  statements  raise  an  important 
question  as  to  the  inner  experience  of  Jesus.     He 
5  8  states  that  "though  he  was  a  Son, 
2.  Its  yet    learned    [he]    obedience    by    the 

Christologi-  things  which  he  suffered"  {emathen 
cal  Bearing  aph'  hon  epathen  ten  hupakoen);  Phil 
2  6.8:  "Existing  in  the  form  of  God 
....  he  humbled  himself,  becoming  obedient, 
even  unto  death."  As  Son  of  God,  His  will  was 
never  out  of  accord  with  the  Father's  will.  How 
then  was  it  necessary  to,  or  could  He,  learn  obe- 
dience, or  become  obedient?  The  same  question 
in  another  form  arises  from  another  part  of  the 
passage  in  He  5  9:  "And  having  been  made  perfect, 
he  became  unto  all  them  that  obey  him  the  author 
[cause]  of  eternal  salvation";  also  He  2  10:  "It 
became  him  [God]  ....  to  make  the  author 
[captain]  of  their  salvation  perfect  through  suffer- 
ings." How  and  why  should  the  perfect  be  made 
perfect?  Gethsemane,  with  which,  indeed.  He 
5  8  is  directly  related,  presents  the  same  problem. 
It  finds  its  solution  in  the  conditions  of  the  Re- 
deemer's work  and  life  on  earth  in  the  light  of  His 
true  humanity.  Both  in  His  eternal  essence  and 
in  His  human  existence,  obedience  to  His  Father 
was  His  dominant  principle,  so  declared  through 
the  prophet-psalmist  before  His  birth:  He  10  7 
(Ps  40  7),  "Lo,  I  am  come  (in  the  roll  of  the  book 
it  is  written  of  me)  to  do  thy  will,  O  God."  It  was 
His  law  of  life:  "I  do  always  the  things  that  are 
pleasing  to  him.  I  do  nothing  of  myself,  but  as 
the  Father  taught  me,  I  speak  these  things"  (Jn 

8  29.28);     "I  can  of  myself  do  nothing I 

seek  not  mine  own  will,  but  the  will  of  him  that 
sent  me"  (5  30).  It  was  the  indispensable  process 
of  His  activity  as  the  "image  of  the  invisible  God," 
the  expression  of  the  Deity  in  terms  of  the  phe- 
nomenal and  the  human.  He  could  be  a  perfect 
revelation  only  by  the  perfect  correspondence  in 
every  detail,  of  will,  word  and  work  with  the 
Father's  will  (Jn  5  19).  Obedience  was  also  His 
life  nourishment  and  satisfaction  (Jn  4  34).  It 
was  the  guiding  principle  which  dircctefl  the  details 
of  His  work:  "I  have  power  to  lay  it  [life]  down,  and 
I  have  power  to  take  it  again.  This  commandment 
received  I  from  my  Father"  (Jn  10  IS);  "The 
Father  that  sent  me,  he  hath  given  me  a  command- 
ment, what  I  should  say,  and  what  I  should  speak" 
(Jn  12  49;  cf  14  31,  etc).  But  in  the  Incarnation 
this  essential  and  filial  obedience  must  find  expres- 


sion in  human  forms  according  to  human  demands 
and    processes    of    development.     As    true    man, 
obedient  disposition  on  His  part  must  meet  the 
test  of  voluntary  choice  under  all  representative 
conditions,  culminating  in  that  which  was  supreme- 
ly hard,  and  at  the  limit  which  should  reveal  its 
perfection  of  extent  and  strength.     It  must  become 
hardened,  as  it  were,  and  confirmed,  through  a  defi- 
nite obedient  act,  into  obedient  human  character. 
The  patriot  must  become  the  veteran.     The  Son, 
obedient  on  the  throne,  must  exercise  the  practical 
virtue  of  obedience  on  earth.     Gethsemane  was  the 
culmination  of  this  process,  when  in  full  view  of  the 
awful,   shameful,   horrifying  meaning  of  Calvary, 
the  obedient  disposition  was  crowned,  and  the  obe- 
dient Divine-human  life  reached  its  highest  mani- 
festation, in  the  great  ratification:    "Nevertheless, 
not  my  will,  but  thine,  be  done."     But  just  as 
Jesus'  growth  in  knowledge  was  not  from  error  to 
truth,  but  from  partial  knowledge  to  completer,  so 
His  "learning  obedience"  led  Him  not  from  dis- 
obedience or  debate  to  submission,  but  from  obe- 
dience at  the  present  stage  to  an  obedience  at  ever 
deeper  and  deeper  cost.     The  process  was  necessary 
for  His  complete  humanity,  in  which  sense  He  was 
"made  perfect,"   complete,   by  suffering.     It  was 
also  necessary  for  His  perfection  as  example  and 
sympathetic  High  Priest.     He  must  fight  the  hu- 
man battles  under  the  human  conditions.     Having 
translated  obedient  aspiration  and  disposition  into 
obedient  action  in  the  face  of,  and  in  suffering  unto, 
death,  even  the  death  of  the  cross.  He  is  able  to 
lead  the  procession  of  obedient  sons  of  God  through 
every  possible  trial  and  surrender.     Without  this 
testing  of  His  obedience    He  could  have  had  the 
sympathy  of  clear  and  accurate  knowledge,  for  He 
"knew  what  was  in  man,"  but  He  would  have  lacked 
the  sympathy  of  a  kindred  experience.     Lacking 
this.  He  would  have  been  for  us,  and  perhaps  also 
in  Himself,  but  an  imperfect  "captain  of  our  salva- 
tion,"  certainly  no   "file  leader"   going  before  us 
in  the  very  paths  we  have  to  tread,  and  tempted 
in  all  points  like  as  we  are,  yet  without  sin.     It 
may  be  worth  noting  that  He  "learned  obedience" 
and   was   "made   perfect"    by    suffering,   not   the 
results  of  His  own  sins,  as  we  do  largely,  but  alto- 
gether the  results  of  the  sins  of  others. 

In  Rom  5  19,  in  the  series  of  contrasts  between 
sin  and  salvation  ("Not  as  the  trespass,  so  also  is 
the  free  gift"),  we  are  told:  "For  as 
3.  In  Its  through  the  one  man's  disobedience 
Soterio-  the  many  were  made  sinners,  even  so 
logical  through  the  obedience  of  the  one  shall 

Bearings  the  many  be  made  righteous."  In- 
terpreters and  theologians,  esp.  the 
latter,  differ  as  to  whether  "obedience"  here  refers 
to  the  specific  and  supreme  act  of  obedience  on  the 
cross,  or  to  the  sum  total  of  Christ's  incarnate  obe- 
dience through  His  whole  life;  and  they  have  made 
the  distinction  between  His  "passive  obedience," 
yielded  on  the  cross,  and  His  "active  obedience" 
in  carrying  out  without  a  flaw  the  Father's  will  at 
all  times.  This  distinction  is  hardly  tenable,  as 
the  whole  Scriptural  representation,  esp.  His  own, 
is  that  He  was  never  more  intensely  active  than  in 
His  death:  "I  have  a  baptism  to  be  baptized  with; 
and  how  am  I  straitened  till  it  be  accomplished" 
(Lk  12  50);  "I  lay  down  my  life,  that  I  may  take 
it  again.  No  one  takcth  it  away  from  me,  but  I 
lay  it  down  of  myself.  I  have  power  to  lay  it 
down,  and  I  have  power  to  talce  it  again"  (Jn  10 
17.18).  "Who  through  the  eternal  Spirit  offered 
himself  without  blemish  unto  God"  (He  9  14),  indi- 
cates the  active  obedience  of  one  who  was  both 
priest  and  sacrifice.  As  to  the  question  whether 
it  was  the  total  obedience  of  Christ,  or  His  death 
on  the  cross,  that  constituted  the  atonement,  and 


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Obedience  of  Christ 
Observe 


the  kindred  question  whether  it  was  not  the  spirit 
of  obedience  in  the  act  of  death,  rather  than  the 
act  itself,  that  furnished  the  value  of  His  redemp- 
tive work,  it  might  conceivably,  though  improbably, 
be  said  that  "the  one  act  of  righteousness"  through 
which  "the  free  gift  came"  was  His  whole  life  con- 
sidered as  one  act.  But  these  ideas  are  out  of  line 
with  the  unmistakable  trend  of  Scripture,  which 
everywhere  lays  principal  stress  on  the  death  of 
Christ  itself;  it  is  the  center  and  soul  of  the  two 
ordinances,  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper;  it 
holds  first  place  in  the  Gospels,  not  as  obedience, 
but  as  redemptive  suffering  and  death;  it  is  un- 
mistakably put  forth  in  this  light  by  Christ  Himself 
in  His  few  references  to  His  death:  "ransom,"  "my 
blood,"  etc.  Paul's  teaching  everywhere  empha- 
sizes the  death,  and  in  but  two  places  the  obedience; 
Peter  indeed  speaks  of  Christ  as  an  ensample,  but 
leaves  as  his  characteristic  thought  that  Christ 
"suffered  for  sins  once  ....  put  to  death  in  the 
flesh"  (1  Pet  3  18).  In  He  the  center  and  signifi- 
cance of  Christ's  whole  work  is  that  He  "put  away 
sin  by  the  sacrifice  of  himself"  (9  26) ;  while  John  in 
many  places  emphasizes  the  death  as  atonement: 
"Unto  him  that  ....  loosed  us  from  our  sins  by 
his  blood"  (Rev  1  6),  and  elsewhere.  The  Scrip- 
ture teaching  is  that  "God  set  [him]  forth  to  be  a 
propitiation,  through  faith,  in  his  blood"  (Rom  3 
25).  His  lifelong  obedience  enters  in  chiefly  as 
making  and  marking  Him  the  "Lamb  without 
blemish  and  without  spot,"  who  alone  could  be  the 
atoning  sacrifice.  If  it  enters  further,  it  is  as  the 
preparation  and  anticipation  of  that  death,  His  life 
so  dominated  and  suffused  with  the  consciousness 
of  the  coming  sacrifice  that  it  becomes  really  a  part 
of  the  death.  His  obedience  at  the  time  of  His 
death  could  not  have  been  atonement,  for  it  had 
always  existed  and  had  not  atoned;  but  it  was  the 
obedience  that  turned  the  possibility  of  atonement 
into  the  fact  of  atonement.  He  obediently  offered 
up,  not  His  obedience,  but  Himself.  He  is  set 
forth  as  propitiation,  not  in  His  obedience,  but  in 
His  blood,  His  death,  borne  as  the  penalty  of  sin, 
in  His  own  body  on  the  tree.  The  distinction  is 
not  one  of  mere  academic  theological  interest.  It 
involves  the  whole  question  of  the  substitutionary 
and  propitiatory  in  Christ's  redemptive  work,  which 
is  central,  vital  and  formative,  shaping  the  entire 
conception  of  Christianity.  The  blessed  and  help- 
ful part  which  Our  Lord's  complete  and  loving 
obedience  plays  in  the  working  out  of  Christian 
character,  by  His  example  and  inspiration,  must 
not  be  underestimated,  nor  its  meaning  as  indicating 
the  quality  of  the  life  which  is  imparted  to  the  soul 
which  accepts  for  itself  His  mediatorial  death. 
These  bring  the  consummation  and  crown  of  sal- 
vation; they  are  not  its  channel,  or  instrument,  or 
price.    See  also  Atonement. 

LiTEBATUBE. — DCG,  art.  "Obedience  of  Christ"; 
Denney,  Death  of  Christ,  esp.  pp.  231-33;  Cliampion, 
Living  Atonement;  Forsytlie.  Crucialiti/  of  the  Cross,  etc; 
worlis  on  the  Atonement;  Conuu-s..  in  loc. 

Philip  Wendell  Crannell 

OBEISANCE,  5-ba'sans:  Is  used  9  t  in  AV  in  the 
phrase  "made  [or  did]  obeisance"  as  a  rendering  of 
the  reflexive  form  of  HnilJ  (shdhdh),  and  denotes  the 
bow  or  curtsey  indicative  of  deference  and  respect. 
The  same  form  of  the  vb.  is  sometimes  tr''  "to 
bow  one's  self"  when  it  expresses  the  deferential 
attitude  of  one  person  to  another  (Gen  33  6.7,  etc). 
Occasionally  the  vow  of  homage  or  fealty  to  a  king 
on  the  part  of  a  subject  is  suggested.  In  Joseph^s 
dream  his  brother's  sheaves  made  obeisance  to  his 
sheaf  (Gen  43  28;  cf  also  2  S  15  5;  2  Ch  24  17). 
But  in  a  large  number  of  instances  the  vb.  denotes 
the  prostrate  posture  of  the  worshipper  in  the 
presence  of  Deity,  and  is  generally  rendered,    "*" 


to 


worship"  in  AV.  In  all  probability  this  was  the 
original  significance  of  the  word  (Gen  24  26,  etc). 
Obeisance  (  =  obedience)  originally  signified  the 
vow  of  obedience  made  by  a  vassal  to  his  lord  or  a 
slave  to  his  master,  but  in  time  denoted  the  act  of 
bowing  as  a  token  of  respect.  T.  Lewis 

OBELISK,  ob's-lisk,  ob'el-isk:  A  sacred  stone  or 
maisebhdh.  For  ma(;i;ebhah  RV  has  used  "pillar"  in 
the  text,  with  "obelisk"  in  the  m  in  many  instances 
(Ex  23  24;  Lev  26  1;  Dt  12  3;  IK  14  23;  Hos 
3  4;  10  1.2,  etc),  but  not  consistently  (e.g.  Gen  28 
18).     See  Pillar. 

OBETH,  o'beth  ('fip^ie,  Ohm,  B,  Oiip<)v,  OuMn): 
One  of  those  who  went  up  with  Ezra  (1  Esd  8  32) 
=  "Ebed"  of  Ezr  8  6. 

OBIL,  o'bil  (biniS ,  'obhil,  "camel  driver"):  An 
Ishmaelite  who  was  "over  the  camels"  in  David's 
palace  (1  Ch  27  30). 

OBJECT,  ob-jekt':  Now  used  only  in  the  sense 
"to  make  opposition,"  but  formerly  in  a  variety 
of  meanings  derived  from  the  literal  sense  "to  throw 
against."  So  with  the  meaning  "to  charge  with" 
in  Wisd  2  12,  AV  "He  objecteth  to  our  infamy  the 
transgressing  of  our  education"  (RV  "layeth  to  our 
charge  sins  against  our  disciphne"),  or  "to  make 
charges  against"  in  Acts  24  19,  AV  "who  ought 
to  have  been  here  before  thee,  and  object,  if  they 
had  ought  against  me"  (RV  "and  to  make  accusa- 
tion"). 

OBLATION,  ob-la'shun:  In  Lev  and  Nu,  AV 
occasionally  uses  "oblation,"  but  generally  "offer- 
ing," as  a  rendering  of  "^l]? ,  korban — a  general 
term  for  all  kinds  of  offering,  but  used  only  in  Ezk, 
Lev  and  Nu.  RV  renders  consistently  "oblation." 
In  Ezk  (also  Isa  40  20),  "oblation"  renders  np^ip, 
t'rumah,  generally  tr''  "heave  offering."  In  some 
cases  (e.g.  Isa  1  13;  Dnl  9  21)  "oblation"  in  AV 
corresponds  to  nrtJ'Q ,  minhah,  the  ordinary  word 
for  "gift,"  in  P  "grain  offering."     See  Sacrifice. 

OBOTH,  o'both,  o'both  (nhX,  'obhoth,  "water- 
bags")  :  A  desert  camp  of  the  Israelites,  the  3d  after 
leaving  Mt.  Hor  and  close  to  the  borders  of  Moab 
(Nu  21  10.11;  33  43.44).  See  Wanderings  of 
Israel. 

OBSCURITY,  ob-sku'ri-ti:  In  modern  Eng.  gen- 
erally denotes  a  state  of  very  faint  but  still  per- 
ceptible illumination,  and  only  when  preceded  by 
some  such  adj.  as  "total"  does  it  imply  the  absence 
of  all  light.  In  Bib.  Eng.,  however,  only  the  latter 
meaning  is  found.  So  in  Isa  29  18  (  jE'S  ,  'ophel, 
"darkness");  58  10;  59  9  (^llJn ,  hdshekh,  "dark- 
ness"); Ad  Est  11  8  (7^4005,  gnophos,  "darkness"). 
Cf  Prov  20  20,  AV  "in  obscure  darkness,"  ERV 
"in  the  blackest  darkness,"  ARV  "in  blackness  of 
darkness." 

OBSERVE,  ob-zilrv'  (representing  various  words, 
but  chiefly  ipip ,  shamar,  "to  keep,"  "to  watch," 
etc):  Properly  means  "to  take  heed  to,"  as  in  Isa 
42  20,  "Thou  seest  many  things,  but  thou  observest 
not,"  and  from  this  sense  all  the  usages  of  the  word 
in  EV  can  be  understood.  Most  of  them,  indeed, 
are  quite  good  modern  usage  (as  "observe  a  feast," 
Ex  12  17,  etc;  "observe  a  law,"  Lev  19  37,  etc), 
but  a  few  are  archaic.  So  Gen  37  11,  AV  "His 
father  observed  the  saying"  (RV  "kept  the  saying 
in  mind");  Hos  13  7,  "As  a  leopard  ....  will 
I  observe  them"    (RV   "watch");    Jon  2  8,   "ob- 


Observer  of  Times 
Offence,  Offend 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2178 


serve  lying  vanities"  (RV  "regard,"  but  "give 
heed  to"  would  be  clearer;  of  Ps  107  43).  Still 
farther  from  modern  usage  is  Hos  14  8,  "I  have 
heard  him,  and  observed  him"  (RV  "will  regard"; 
the  meaning  is  "care  for");  and  Mk  6  20,  "For 
Herod  feared  John  ....  and  observed  him"  (RV 
"kept  him  safe").  In  the  last  case,  the  AV  editors 
seem  to  have  used  "to  observe"  as  meaning  "to 
give  reverence  to." 

Observation  is  found  in  Lk  17  20,  "The  kingdom 
of  God  Cometh  not  with  observation"  (neTo.  -wapa- 
TTjpT^a-eus,  meld  paratereseos) .  The  meaning  of  the 
Eng.  is,  "so  that  it  can  be  observed,"  but  the  exact 
force  of  the  underlying  Gr  ("visibly"?  "so  that  it 
can  be  computed  in  advance"?)  is  a  matter  of  ex- 
traordinary dispute  at  the  present  time.  See 
Kingdom  of  God.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

OBSERVER,  ob-ztrr'ver,  OF  TIMES.  See  Divi- 
nation. 

OBSTINACY,  ob'sti-na-si.     See  Habdening. 

OCCASION,  o-ka'zhun:  The  uses  in  EV  are  all 
modern,  but  in  Jer  2  24  "occasion"  is  employed 
(both  in  Heb  and  Eng.)  as  a  euphemism  for  "time 
of  conception  of  offspring." 

OCCUPY,  ok'n-pl:  Is  in  AV  the  tr  of  7  different 
words:  (1)  "nS ,  naihan;  (2)  "ino ,  ^ahar;  (3) 
Sny  ,  "-drabh;  (4)  HTEy  ,  'asdh,  either  with  or  without 
the  added  word,  riDSbn ,  m'la'khdh;  (5)  avairXr]- 
poOv,  atiapleroun;  (6)  irepiiraTetv,  peripateln;  (7) 
■n-pa-y|jiaTeii«iv,  pragmateuein.  In  almost  every  case 
the  meanings  of  "to  occupy"  as  used  in  AV  in 
harmony  with  the  common  usage  of  the  time  have 
become  obsolete.  (1)  In  Ezk  27  16.19.22,  naihan 
meant  "to  trade,"  and  RV  reads  "traded."  (2) 
From  ^ahar,  "to  go  about,"  was  derived  a  des- 
ignation of  "merchants"  (RV)  (Ezk  27  21).  (3) 
'Arabh  (Ezk  27  9)  signifies  "to  exchange"  (ERV 
and  ARVm,  but  ARV  "deal  in").  (4)  'asa/i 
(Ex  38  24)  means  simply  "to  use"  (RV),  and  the 
same  word  in  Jgs  16  11,  with  m'ld'khah  ("work") 
added,  signifies  that  work  had  been  done  (RV). 
(5)  In  1  Cor  14  16,  "occupy,"  the  AV  render- 
ing of  anapUroun,  would  still  be  as  intelligible  to 
most  as  RV  "fill."  (6)  "Occupy"  in  He  13  9,  in 
the  sense  of  "being  taken  up  with  a  thing,"  is  the 
tr  (both  AV  and  RV)  of  peripalein,  lit.  "to  walk." 
Finally  (7)  pragmaleuein  (Lk  19  13)  is  rendered  in 
AV  "occupy"  in  its  obsolete  sense  of  "trade"  (RV). 
David  Foster  Estes 

OCCURRENT,  o-kur'ent  (AV,  ERV,  1  K  5  4): 
An  obsolete  form  of  "occurrence"  (so  ARV). 

OCHIELUS,  6-ki-c'lus  ('Ox£tiX.os,  Ochielos,  B, 
'0^i.fi\os,  Ozitlos;  AV  Ochiel):  One  of  the  "cap- 
tains over  thousands"  who  furnished  the  Levites 
with  much  cattle  for  .losiah's  Passover  (1  Esd  1  9) 
=  "Jeiel"of  2  Ch  35  9. 

OCHRAN,  ok'ran  (T}?^,  'okhrdn,  from  'dkhar, 
"trouble";  AV  Ocran):  The  father  of  Pagiel,  the 
prince  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Nu  1  13;  2  27;  7  72. 
77;  10  26). 

OCHRE,  o'ker,  RED  (Isa  44  13,  "He  marketh 
it  put  with  a  pencil,"  m  "red  ochre,"  AV  "line"; 
Till) ,  seredh,  a  word  found  only  here,  and  of 
unknown  etymology):  Designates  the  implement 
used  by  the  carpenter  to  mark  the  wood  after 
measuring  and  before  cutting.  "Red  ochre"  sup- 
poses this  to  have  been  a  crayon  (as  does  "pencil"), 
but  a  scratch-awl  is  quite  as  likely.  Ochre  is  a 
clay  colored  by  an  iron  compound. 


OCIDELUS,  os-i-de'lus,  ok-i-de'lus  (A,_  'IiK«£8ii- 
Xos,  Okeidelos,  B  and  Swete,  'flKatX.T)8os,  Okailedos, 
Fritzsche,  'flKoS-qXcs,  Okodelos;  AV  and  Fritzsche 
Ocodelus):  One  of  the  priests  who  had  married 
a  "strange  wife"  (1  Esd  9  22);  it  stands  in  the 
place  of  "Jozabad"  in  Ezr  10  22  of  which  it  is 
probably  a  corruption. 

OCINA,  6-si'na,  os'i-na,  ok'i-na  ('Ok(iv6., 
Okeind) :  A  town  on  the  Phoen  coast  S.  of  Tyre, 
mentioned  only  in  Jth  2  28,  in  the  account  of  the 
campaign  of  Holofernes  in  Syria.  The  site  is  un- 
known, but  from  the  mention  of  Sidon  and  Tyre 
immediately  preceding  and  Jemnaan,  Azotus  and 
Ascalon  following,  it  must  have  been  S.  of  Tyre. 
One  might  conjecture  that  it  was  Sandalium  (Is- 
kanderuna)  or  Utnm  ul-'Awamid,  but  there  is 
nothing  in  the  name  to  suggest  such  an  identifi- 
cation. 

OCRAN,  ok'ran.     See  Ochran. 

ODED,  o'ded  (~liy  [2  Ch  15],  Tiy  [elsewhere], 
^odhedh,  "restorer"): 

(1)  According  to  2  Ch  15  1,  he  was  the  father 
of  Azariah  who  prophesied  in  the  reign  of  Asa  of 
Judah  (c  918-877),  but  ver  8  makes  Oded  himself 
the  prophet.  The  two  verses  should  agree,  so  we 
should  probably  read  in  ver  8,  "the  prophecy  of 
Azariah,  the  son  of  Oded,  the  prophet,"  or  else  "the 
prophecy  of  Azariah  the  prophet."     See  Azariah. 

(2)  A  prophet  of  Samaria  (2  Ch  28  9)  who  lived 
in  the  reigns  of  Pekah,  king  of  the  Northern  King- 
dom, and  Ahaz,  king  of  Judah.  According  to  2  Ch 
28,  Oded  protested  against  the  enslavement  of  the 
captives  which  Pekah  had  brought  from  Judah  and 
Jerus  on  his  return  from  the  Syro-Ephraimitic 
attack  on  the  Southern  Kingdom  (735  BC).  In 
this  protest  he  was  joined  by  some  of  the  chiefs  of 
Ephraim,  and  the  captives  were  well  treated. 
After  those  wdio  were  naked  (i.e.  those  who  had 
scanty  clothing;  cf  the  meaning  of  the  word  "naked" 
in  Mk  14  51)  had  been  supplied  with  clothing  from 
the  spoil,  and  the  bruised  anointed  with  oil,  the 
prisoners  were  escorted  to  Jericho. 

The  narrative  of  ch  28  as  a  whole  does  not  agree 
with  that  of  2  K  15  37;  16  5  f ,  where  the  allied 
armies  of  Rezin  of  Damascus  and  Pekah  besieged 
Jerus,  but  failed  to  capture  it  (cf  Isa  7  1-17;  8 
5-8a).  As  Curtis  points  out  [Chron,  459,  where 
he  compares  Ex  21  2ff;  Lev  25  29-43;  Dt  15 
12-18),  wholesale  enslavement  of  their  fellow- 
countrymen  was  not  allowed  to  the  Hebrews,  and 
this  fact  the  passage  illustrates.  It  seems  to  be  a 
fulfilment  in  spirit  of  Isa  61  1-2,  a  portion  which 
Our  Lord  read  in  the  synagogue  at  Nazareth  (Lk 
4  16-20).  David  Francis  Roberts 

ODES,  odz,  OF  SOLOMON.  See  Apocalyptic 
Literature. 

ODOLLAM,  6-dol'am  ('08o\\d|i,  OdolUin):  The 
Gr  form  of  Adullam  (q.v.),  found  only  in  2  Mace 
12  38. 

ODOMERA,  od-6-me'ra  ('08o|xiipa,  Odomerd,  B, 
'08oaappif|s,  Odoaarres,  Itala  Odare?t;  AV  Odonarkes, 
m  Odomarra) :  It  is  not  certain  whether  Odomera 
was  an  independent  Bedouin  chief,  perhaps  an  ally 
of  the  Syrians,  or  an  officer  of  Bacchides.  He  was 
defeated  by  Jonathan  in  his  campaign  against 
Bacchides  (1  Mace  9  66)  in  156  BC. 

ODOR,  o'der:  In  the  OT  the  rendering  of  DTBa  , 
besem,  "fragrance"  (2  Ch  16  14;  Est  2  12;  "in 
Jer  34  5,RV  "burnings"),  and  of  one  or  two  other 


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Observer  of  Times 
Offence,  Offend 


words;  in  the  NT  of  icrii-fi,  osme  (Jn  12  3;  Phil  4 
18;  Eph  5  2RV);  in  Rev  5  8;  18  13,  of  evfj.la,j.a, 
thwnlama,  where  RV  (with  AVm  in  former  passage) 
has  "incense."     See  also  Savor. 

OF,  ov:  (1)  In  Anglo-Saxon,  had  the  meaning 
"from,"  "away  from"  (as  the  strengthened  form 
"off"  has  still),  and  was  not  used  for  genitive  or 
possessive  relations,  these  being  expressed  by  special 
case-forms.  In  the  Norman  period,  however,  "of" 
was  taken  to  represent  the  French  de  (a  use  well  de- 
veloped by  the  time  of  Chaucer),  and  in  the  Eliza- 
bethan period  both  senses  of  "of  were  in  common 
use.  But  after  about  1600  the  later  force  of  the 
word  became  predominant,  and  in  the  earlier  sense 
(which  is  now  practically  obsolete)  it  was  replaced 
by  other  prepositions.  In  consequence  AV  (and 
in  some  cases  RV)  contains  many  uses  of  "of"  that 
are  no  longer  familiar — most  of  them,  to  be  sure, 
causing  no  difficulty,  but  there  still  being  a  few  re- 
sponsible for  real  obscurities.  (2)  Of  the  uses  where 
"of"  signifies  "from,"  the  most  common  obscure 
passages  are  those  where  "of"  follows  a  vb.  of 
hearing.  In  modern  Eng.  "hear  of"  signifies  "to 
gain  information  about,"  as  it  does  frequently  in 
AV  (Mk  7  2.5;  Rom  10  14,  etc).  But  more  com- 
monly this  use  of  "of"  in  AV  denotes  the  source 
from  which  the  information  is  derived.  So  Jn  15 
15,  "all  things  that  I  have  heard  of  my  Father"; 
Acts  10  22,  "to  hear  words  of  thee";  28  22, "We 
desire  to  hear  of  thee";  cf  1  Thess  2  13;  2  Tim 
1  13;  2  2,  etc  (similarly  Mt  11  29,  "and  learn  of 
me";  cf  Jn  6  45).  All  of  these  are  ambiguous 
and  in  modern  Eng.  give  a  wrong  meaning,  so  that 
in  most  cases  (but  not  Mt  11  29  or  Acts  28  22) 
RV  substitutes  "from."  A  different  example  of  the 
same  use  of  "of"  is  2  Cor  6  1,  "a  building  of  God" 
(RV  "from").  So  Mk  9  21,  "of  a  child,"  means 
"from  childhood"  ("from  a  child,"  RV,  is  dubious 
Eng.).  A  still  more  obscure  passage  is  Mt  23  25, 
"full  of  extortion  and  excess."  "Full  of"  else- 
where in  AV  (and  even  in  the  immediate  context, 
Mt  23  27.28)  refers  to  the  contents,  but  here  the 
"of"  represents  the  Gr  ^«:,  ek,  "out  of,"  and  denotes 
the  source — "The  contents  of  your  cup  and  platter 
have  been  purchased  from  the  gains  of  extortion 
and  excess."  RV  again  substitutes  "from,"  with 
rather  awkward  results,  but  the  Gr  itself  is  unduly 
compressed.  In  Mk  11  8,  one  of  the  changes 
made  after  AV  was  printed  has  relieved  an  obscurity, 
for  where  the  ed  of  1611  read  "cut  down  branches 
of  the  trees,"  the  modern  edd  have  "off"  (RV 
"from").  For  clear  examples  of  this  use  of  "of," 
without  the  obscurities,  cf  Jth  2  21,  "they  went 
forth  of  Nineveh";  2  Mace  4  34,  "forth  of  the 
sanctuary";  and,  esp.,  Mt  21  25,  "The  baptisrn 
of  John,  whence  was  it?  from  heaven,  or  of  men?" 
Here  "from"  and  "of"  represent  exactly  the  same 
Gr  prep.,  and  the  change  in  Eng.  is  arbitrary  (RV 
writes  "from"  in  both  cases).  (3)  In  a  weakened 
sense  this  use  of  "of"  as  "from"  was  employed 
rather  loosely  to  connect  an  act  with  its  source  or 
motive.  Such  uses  are  generally  clear  enough,  but 
the  Eng.  today  seems  sometimes  rather  curious: 
Mt  18  13,  "rejoiceth  more  of  that  sheep"  (RV 
"over");  Ps  99  8,  "vengeance  of  their  inventions" 
(so  AV);  1  Cor  7  4,  "hath  not  power  of  her  own 
body"  (RV  "over"),  etc.  (4)  A  very  common  use 
of  "of"  in  AV  is  to  designate  the  agent — a  use  com- 
plicated by  the  fact  that  "by"  is  also  employed  for 
the  same  purpose  and  the  two  interchanged  freely. 
So  in  Lk  9  7,  "all  that  was  done  by  him  ....  it 
was  said  of  some  ....,"  the  two  words  are  used 
side  by  side  for  the  same  Gr  prep.  (RV  replaces 
"of"  by  "by,"  but  follows  a  different  text  in  the 
first  part  of  the  verse) .  Again,  most  of  the  examples 
are  clear  enough,  but  there  are  some  obscurities. 


So  in  Mt  19  12,  "which  were  made  eunuchs  of 
men,"  the  "of  men"  is  at  first  sight  possessive  (RV 
"by  men").  Similarly,  2  Esd  16  30,  "There  are 
left  some  clusters  of  them  that  diligently  seek 
through  the  vineyard"  (RV  "by  them").  So  1  Cor 
14  24,  "He  is  convinced  of  all,  he  is  judged  of  all," 
is  quite  misleading  (RV  "by  all"  in  both  cases). 
Phil  3  12,  AV  "I  am  apprehended  of  Christ  Jesus," 
seems  almost  meaningless  (RV  "by").  (5)  In  some 
cases  the  usage  of  the  older  Eng.  is  not  suflBcient 
to  explain  "of"  in  AV.  So  Mt  18  23,  "take  account 
of  his  servants,"  is  a  very  poor  rendition  of  "make 
a  reckoning  with  his  servants"  (so  RV).  In  Acts 
27  5,  the  "sea  of  Cilicia"  may  have  been  felt  to  be 
the  "sea  which  is  off  Cilicia"  (cf  RV),  but  there  are 
no  other  instances  of  this  use.  In  2  Cor  2  12,  "A 
door  was  opened  unto  me  of  the  Lord"  should  be 
"in  the  Lord"  (so  RV).  2  S  21  4,  "We  will  have 
no  silver  nor  gold  of  Saul,  nor  of  his  house,"  is  very 
loose,  and  RV  rewrites  the  verse  entirely.  In  all 
these  cases,  AV  seems  to  have  looked  solely  for 
smooth  Eng.,  without  caring  much  for  exactness. 
In  1  Pet  1  11,  however,  "sufferings  of  Christ" 
probably  yields  a  correct  sense  for  a  difficult  phrase 
in  the  Gr  (so  RV,  with  "unto"  in  the  m),  but  a 
paraphrase  is  needed  to  give  the  precise  meaning. 
And,  finally,  in  He  11  18,  the  Gr  itself  is  ambiguous 
and  there  is  no  way  of  deciding  whether  the  prep, 
employed  (^piSs,  pr6s)  means  "to"  (so  RV)  or  "of" 
(so  AV,  RVm;  cf  He  1  7,  where  "of"  is  necessary). 
BuHTON  Scott  Easton 

OFFENCE,  o-fens',  OFFEND,  o-fond'  (blTCSTa , 
mikhshol,  DTIJN ,  'dsham,  i5Un ,  hats';  o-KdvSaXov, 
skdndalon,  o-Kav8a\tJa),  skandalizo) :  "Offend"  is 
either  trans  or  intrans.  As  trans  it  is  primarily  "to 
strike  against,"  hence  "to  displease,"  "to  make 
angry,"  "to  do  harm  to,"  "to  affront,"  in  Scripture, 
"to  cause  to  sin";  intrans  it  is  "to  sin,"  "to  cause 
anger,"  in  Scripture,  "to  be  caused  to  sin."  "Of- 
fence" is  either  the  cause  of  anger,  displeasure,  etc, 
or  a  sin.  In  Scripture  we  have  the  special  signifi- 
cance of  a  stumbling-block,  or  cause  of  falling,  sin, 
etc. 

In  the  OT  it  is  frequently  the  tr  of  'asham,  "to 

be  guilty,"  "to  transgress":    Jer  2  3,  RV  "shall  be 

held  guilty";   50  7,  RV  "not  guilty"; 

I.  OT  Ezk  25  12,  "hath  greatly  offended"; 
Usage  Hos  4  15,    RVm     "become    guilty"; 

5  15,  "till  they  acknowledge  theii 
offence,"  RVm  "have  borne  their  guilt";  13  1,  "He 
offended  in  Baal,"  RVm  "became  guilty" ;    Hab  1 

II,  "He  shall  pass  over,  and  offend,  [imputing]  this 
his  power  unto  his  god,"  RV  "Then  shall  he  sweep 
by  [as]  a  wind,  and  shall  pass  over  [m  "transgress"], 
ancl  be  guilty,  [even]  he  whose  might  is  his  god." 

In  2  Ch  28  13,  we  have  'ashmath  'al,  lit.  "tlie  oflence 
against,"  RV  "  a  trespass  [m  "or  guilt"]  against  Jeh"  ;  we 
have  also  hatd\  "to  miss  tlie  niarlv,"  "to  sin,"  "to  err" 
(Gen  20  9'  liV  "sinned  against  thee";  40  1,  "offended 
their  lord";  2  K  18  14;  Jer  37  18,  RV  "sinned  against 
thee");  bdohadh,  "to  deal  treacherously"  (Ps  73  15, 
"offend  against  the  generation  of  thy  children,"  RV 
"dealt  treacherously  with"};  hdbhal,  "to  act  wickedly" 
(Job  34  31);  mikhshol,  "  a  stumbling  block  "  (Lev  19  14: 
tr<iinlsa  8  14,  "  a  rock  of  oflence  " ;  cf  Ezk  14  3;  1  S  2o 
31:  Ps  119  165,  "nothing  shall  offend, "  RV"  no  occasion 
of  stumljling " ;  cf  Isa  57  14;  Jer  6  21, etc);  pasha',  "to 
be  fractious,"  "to  transgress"  (Prov  18  19,  "a  brother 
offended,"  RVm  "injured").  "Offenco"is  mikhshol  (see 
above,  1  S  25  31;  Isa  8  14);  hef,  "sin,"  etc  (Eccl  10  4, 
"Yielding  pacifleth  great  offences,"  ARV  "Gentleness 
[ERV  "yielding"]  allayeth,"  ARVm  "Calmness  [ERV 
"gentleness"!  leaveth  great  sins  undone").  "Offender" 
is  hatta'  (1  K  1  21,  m  "  Heb  sinners";  Isa  29  21,  "that 
malre'a  man  an  offender  for  a  word,"  ARV  "that  make 
a  man  an  offender  in  his  cause,"  m  "make  men  to  offend 
by  ]their]  words,"  or,  "for  a  word,"  ERV  "in  a  cause," 
m  ' '  make  men  tooffend  by  [their]  Avords"). 

The  NT  usage  of  these  words  deserves  special 
attention.  The  word  most  frequently  tr''  "offend" 
in  AV  is  skandalizO    (skandalon,   "offence"),  very 


Offer,  Offering 
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frequent  in  the  Gospels  (Mt  5  29,    "if   thy   right 
eye   offend   thee";  5  30;  11  6;   18  6,  "whoso  shall 

offend  one  of  these  little  ones";  13  41, 
2.  NT  ; 'all  things  that  offend";  Lk  17  1,  "It 

Usage  is    impossible    but   that   offences   will 

come,"  etc;  Rom  14  21;  16  17,  "Mark 
them  which  cause  ....  offences";  1  Cor  8  13 
bis,  "if  meat  make  my  brother  to  offend,"  etc). 
Skandalon  is  primarily  "a  trap-stick,"  "a  bent- 
stick  on  which  the  bait  is  fastened  which  the  animal 
strikes  against  and  so  springs  the  trap,"  hence  it 
came  to  denote  a  "snare,"  or  anything  which  one 
strikes  against  injuriously  (it  is  LXX  for  mohesh, 
a  "noose"  or  "snare,"  .losh  23  13;  1  S  18  21); 
"a  stumbling-block"  (LXX  for  mikhshol  [see  above], 
Lev  19  14).  For  skandalizo,  skandalon,  tr""  in  AV, 
"offend,"  "offence,"  RV  gives  "cause  to  stumble," 
"stumbling-block,"  etc;  thus,  Mt  5  29,  "if  thy 
right  eye  causeth  thee  to  stumble,"  i.e.  "is  an 
occasionfor  thy  falhng  into  sin";  Mt  16  23,  "Thou 
art  a  stumbling-block  unto  me,"  an  occasion  of 
turning  aside  from  the  right  path;  in  Mt  26  31.33 
bis,  "offended"  is  retained,  m  33  bis,  "Gr  caused  to 
stumble"  (same  word  in  ver  31);  Mk  9  42,  "who- 
soever shall  cause  one  of  these  little  ones  that  be- 
lieve on  me  to  stumble,"  to  fall  away  from  the  faith, 
or  fall  into  sin ;  Lk  17  1,  "It  is  impossible  but  that 
occasions  of  stumbling  should  come;  but  woe  unto 
him,  through  whom  they  come";  in  Rom  14  21; 
16  17;  in  1  Cor  8,  Paul's  language  has  the  s.ame 
meaning,  and  we  see  how  truly  he  had  laid  to  heart 
the  Saviour's  earnest  admonitions — "weak  breth- 
ren" with  him  answering  to  the  master's  "little  ones 
who  beUeve";  Rom  14  21,  "It  is  good  not  to  eat 
flesh,  nor  to  drink  wine,  nor  to  do  anything  whereby 
thy  brother  stumbleth,"  i.e.  "is  led  by  your  example 
to  do  that  which  he  cannot  do  with  a  good  con- 
science"; ver  20,  "It  is  evil  for  that  man  who  eateth 
with  offence  [did  proskummatos],"  so  as  to  place 
a  stumbling-block  before  his  brother,  or,  rather, 
'without  the  confidence  that  he  is  doing  right'; 
cf  ver  23,  "He  that  doubteth  is  condemned  if  he  eat, 
because  he  eateth  not  of  faith;  and  whatsoever  is 
not  of  faith  is-sin";  so  1  Cor  8  13;  Rom  16  17, 
"Mark  them  that  are  causing  the  divisions  and 
occasions  of  stumbling,  contrary  to  the  doctrine, 
[m  "teaching"]  which  ye  learned"  (Is  not  the 
"teaching"  of  Christ  Himself  implied  here?) .  Every- 
thing that  would  embolden  another  to  do  that  which 
would  be  wTong  for  him,  or  that  would  turn  any- 
one away  from  the  faith,  must  be  carefully  avoided, 
seeking  to  please,  not  ourselves,  but  to  care  for  our 
brother,  "for  whom  Christ  died,"  "giving  no  occa- 
sion of  stumbling  [proskope]  in  anything"  (2  Cor 
6  3). 

Aprdskopos.  "not  causing  to  stumble."  is  tr<i  "void  of 
offence"  (Acts  24  16,  "a  conscience  void  of  offence"- 
1  Cor  10  32,  RV  "occasion  of  stumbling";  Pliil  i  lo! 
"void  of  offence");  hamartdno,  "to  miss  the  mark,"  "to 
sin."  "to  err,"  is  tr<i  "offended"  (Acts  25  8,  KV"sinned")- 
hamartia,  "sin,"  "error"  (2  Cor  H  7,  RV  "Did  I  com- 
mit a  sin?");    ptalu.   "to  stumble."   "fall"    (Jas  2  10- 

3  2  his,  "offend,"  RV  "stumble,"  "stumbleth");  pnrd- 
ptoma.  "a  falling  aside  or  away."  is  trJ  "offence"  (Rom 

4  25;  5  1.5t,is.l0.17.1S.2O.  in  each  case  RV  "trespass")- 
adikeo,  " to  be  unrighteous"  (Acts  25  11,  RV  "wrong- 
doer," AV  "offender"). 

In  Apoc  we  have  "offence"  (skandalon,  .Tth  18  2). 
RV  ' '  I  will  not  cat  thereof,  lest  there  be  an  occasion  of 
stumbling";  "offend"  (hamartano.  Ecclus  7  7)  RV'sin"- 
"greatly  offended"  (prosochlhtzd,  25  2);  "offended"  (s/tan- 
daKzo,  32  1.5),  RV  "stumble." 

W.  L    Walker 

OFFER,  of'er,  OFFERING,  of'er-ing.  See  Sac- 
rifice. 

OFFICE,  of 'is:  In  the  OT  the  word  is  often  used 
in  periphrastic  renderings,  e.g.  "minister  ....  in 
the  priest's  office,"  lit.  act  as  prie.st  (Ex  28  1,  etc); 
"do  the  office  of  a  midwife,"  lit.  cause  or  help  to 


give  birth  (Ex  1  16).  But  the  word  is  also  used 
as  a  rendering  of  different  Heb  words,  e.g.  "jS ,  ken, 
"pedestal,"  "place"  (Gen  40  13,  AV  "place"; 
41  13);  nnny,  'dbhodhah,  "labor,"  "work"  (1  Ch 
6  32);  n'l]5S ,  p'kuddah,  "oversight,"  "charge" 
(Ps  109  8) ;  '  "ip?T3 ,  ma'amadk,  lit.  "standing," 
e.g.  waiting  at  table  (1  Ch  23  28);  1^T|JP,  mish- 
mdr,  "charge,"  observance  or  service  of  the  temple 
(Neh  13  14  AV). 

Similarly  in  the  NT  the  word  is  used  in  peri- 
phrastic renderings,  e.g.  priest's  office  (Lk  1  8.9); 
office  of  a  deacon  (SiaKOfla,  diakonla,  1  Tim  3 
10);  office  of  a  bishop  {iiTiaKOTr-fi,  episkope,  1  Tim 
3  1).  RV  uses  other  renderings,  e.g.  "ministry" 
(Rom  11  13);  "serve  as  deacons"  (1  Tim  3  10). 
In  Acts  1  20,  RV  has  "office"  (m  "overseership") 
for  AV  "bishoprick."  T.  Lewis 

OFFICER,  ot'i-ser:  In  AV  the  term  is  employed 
to  render  different  words  denoting  various  officials, 
domestic,  civil  and  military,  such  as  D'''1D ,  .sarij, 
"eunuch,"  "minister  of  state"  (Gen  37  36)';  "I^pS, 
pakldh,  "person  in  charge,"  "overseer"  (Gen  41 
34);  3"'3i5,  n'gibh,  "stationed,"  "garrison,"  "prefect" 
(1  K  4  19);  "ItiTlJ,  sholer,  "scribe"  or  "secretary" 
(perhaps  arranger  or  organizer),  then  any  official  or 
overseer.  In  Est  9  3  for  AV  "officers  of  the  king" 
RV  has  (more  literal)  "they  that  did  the  king's 
business." 

In  the  NT  "officer"  generally  corresponds  to  the 
Gr  word  vTnjpirris,  huperetes,  "servant,"  or  any 
person  in  the  employ  of  another.  In  Mt  5  25  the 
terni  evidently  means  "bailiff"  or  exactor  of  the 
fine  imposed  by  the  magistrate,  and  corresponds  to 
irp6.KTuip,  prdktor,  used  in  Lk  12  58.        T.  Lewis 


OFFICES  OF  CHRIST. 

OF. 


See  Christ,  Offices 


OFFSCOURING,  of 'skour-ing :  This  strong  and 
expressive  word  occurs  only  once  in  the  OT  and 
once  in  the  NT.  The  weeping  prophet  uses  it  as 
he  looks  upon  his  erstwhile  fair  and  holy  city,  de- 
spoiled, defiled,  derided  by  the  profane,  the  enemies 
of  God  and  of  His  people  (Lam  3  45,  TIO ,  s'hl). 
The  favored  people,  whose  city  lies  in  heaps  and 
is  patrolled  by  the  heathen,  are  hailed  and  held  up 
as  the  scrapings,  the  offscouring,  the  offal  of  the 
earth.  They  are  humbled  to  earth,  crushed  into 
the  dust,  carried  away  to  be  the  slaves  of  licentious 
idolaters.  The  haughty,  cruel,  cutting  boastful- 
ness  of  the  victors  covered  Israel  with  contumely. 

In  1  Cor  4  13  the  greatest  of  the  apostles  reminds 
the  prosperous  and  self-satisfied  Corinthians  that 
they,  the  apostles,  were  "made  as  the  filth  of  the 
world,  the  offscouring  of  all  things."  In  such  con- 
tempt were  they  held  by  the  unbelieving  world 
and  by  false  apostles.  The  strange,  strong  word 
{weplyl/r,p.a,  peri.psema)  should  remind  us  what  it  cost 
in  former  times  to  be  a  true  servant  of  Christ. 

G.  H.  Gerberdinq 

OFFSPRING,  of'spring.     See  Children. 

OFTEN,  of'n  (irojKvis,  puknos,  "thick,"  "close"): 
An  archaic  usage  for  "frequent":  "Thine  often 
infirmities"  (1  Tim  5  23);  cf  "by  oSien  rumina- 
tion (Shakespeare,  As  You  Like  It,  IV,  i,  18)- 
"The  often  round"  (Ben  Jonson,  The  Forest^  III); 
"Of  wrench'd  or  broken  limb— an  often  chance" 
(Tennyson,  Gareth  ajid  Lynette). 

OG  {TlV  ,  'ogh;  "Qy,  6g) :  King  of  Bash.an,  whose 
territory,  embracing  60  cities,  was  conquered  by 
Moses  and  the  Israelites  immediately  after  the 
conquest  of  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites  (Nu  21 


2181 


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Offer,  Offering 
Oil 


33-35;  Dt  3  1-12).  The  defeat  took  place  at 
Edrei,  one  of  the  chief  of  these  cities  (Nu  21  33; 
Josh  12  4),  and  Og  and  his  people  were  "utterly 
destroyed"  (Dt  3  6).  Og  is  described  as  the  last 
of  the  Rephaim  (q.v.),  or  giant-race  of  that  district, 
and  his  giant  stature  is  borne  out  by  what  is  told 
in  Dt  3  11  of  the  dimensions  of  his  "bedstead  of 
iron"  Qeres  harzel),  9  cubits  long  and  4  broad  (13| 
ft.  by  6  ft.),  said  to  be  still  preserved  at  Rabbath  of 
Amnaon  when  the  verse  describing  it  was  written. 
It  is  not,  of  course,  necessary  to  conclude  that  Og's 
own  height,  though  immense,  was  as  great  as  this. 
Some,  however,  prefer  to  suppose  that  what  is  in- 
tended is  "a  sarcophagus  of  black  basalt,"  which 
iron-like  substance  abounds  in  the  Hauran.  The 
conquered  territory  was  subsequently  bestowed  on 
the  Reubenites,  Gadites,  and  the  half-tribe  of 
Manasseh  (Nu  32  33;  Dt  3  12.13).  Other  ref- 
erences to  Og  are  Dt  1  4;  4  47;  31  4;  Josh  2  10; 
9  10;  13  12.30).  The  memory  of  this  great  con- 
quest lingered  all  through  the  national  history  (Ps 
135  11;  136  20).  On  the  conquest,  cf  Stanley, 
Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  Jewish  Church,  I, 
185-87,  and  see  Akgob;  Bashan.        Jambs  Orr 

OHAD,  o'had  ("o'',  'ohadh,  meaning  unknown): 
A  son  of  Simeon,  mentioned  as  third  in  order  (Gen 
46  10;  Ex  6  15).  The  name  is  not  found  in  the 
list  of  Nu  26  12-14. 

OHEL,  o'hel  (bni? ,  'ohel,  "tent"):  A  son  of 
Zerubbabel  (1  Ch  3  20). 

OHOLAH,  5-ho'la  (nbnx ,  'ohdldh;  AV  Aholah) : 
The  exact  meaning  is  a  matter  of  dispute.  As 
written,  it  seems  to  mean  a  tent-woman,  or  the 
woman  living  in  a  tent.  With  a  mappik  in  the  last 
consonant  it  could  mean  "her  tent."  The  term  is 
used  symbolically  by  Ezekiel  to  designate  Samaria 
or  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (Ezk  23  4.5.36.44).  See 
Oholibah. 

OHOLIAB,  6-ho'li-ab  (31SibnN ,  'ohdll'abh, 
"father's  tent";  AV  AhoUab):  A  Danite  artificer, 
who  assisted  Bezalel  in  the  construction  of  the 
tabernacle  and  its  furniture  (Ex  31  6;  35  34;  35 
If;  38  23). 

OHOLIBAH,  6-hol'i-ba,  6-h6'li-ba  (nn^briN, 
'ohdlibhah,  "tent  in  her,"  or  "my  tent  is  in  her"): 
An  opprobrious  and  symbolical  name  given  by 
Ezekiel  to  Jerus,  representing  the  kingdom  of 
Judah,  because  of  her  intrigues  and  base  alliances 
with  Eg}T)t,  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  just  as  the 
name  Oholah  (q.v.)  was  given  to  Samaria  or  the 
Northern  Kingdom,  because  of  her  alliances  with 
Egypt  and  Assyria.  There  is  a  play  upon  the  words 
in  the  Heb  which  cannot  be  reproduced  in  Eng. 
Both  Oholah  and  Oholibah,  or  Samaria  and  Jerus, 
are  the  daughters  of  one  mother,  and  wives  of  Jeh, 
and  both  are  guilty  of  religious  and  political  al- 
liance with  heathen  nations.  Idolatry  is  constantly 
compared  by  the  Heb  prophets  to  marital  unfaith- 
fulness or  adultery.  W.  W.  Da  VIES 

OHOLIBAMAH,  6-hol-i-ba'ma,  o-hol-i-ba'ma 
(npiibnN ,  'ohmbhamah,  "tent  of  the  high  place") : 

(1)  One  of  Esau's  wives,  and  a  daughter  of  Anah 
the  Hivite  (Gen  36  2.5).  It  is  strange  that  she  is 
not  named  along  with  Esau's  other  wives  in  either 
Gen  28  9  or  26  30.  Various  explanations  have 
been  given,  but  none  of  them  is  satisfactory.  There 
is  probably  some  error  in  the  text. 

(2)  An  Edomite  chief  (Gen  36  41;  1  Ch 
1  52). 


OIL,  oil  (1^ip>  shemen;  eXaiov,  elaion): 

1.  Terms 

2.  Production  and  Storage 

3.  tJses 

(1)  As  a  Commodity  of  Excliango 

(2)  As  a  Cosmetic 

(3)  As  a  Medicine 

(4)  As  a  Food 

(5)  As  an  lUuminant 

(6)  In  Religious  Ritus 
(a)   Consecration 
(6)    Offerings 

(c)    Burials 

4.  Figurative  Uses 

Shemen,  lit.  "fat,"  corresponds  to  the  common 
Arab,  senin  of  similar  meaning,  although  now  ap- 
plied  to  boiled    butter   fat.     Another 

1.  Terms      Heb  word,  zayith  (zelh),  "olive,"  occurs 

with  shemen  in  several  passages  (Ex  27 
20;  30  24;  Lev  24  2).  The  corresponding  Arab. 
zeit,  a  contraction  of  zeitun,  which  is  the  name  for  the 
olive  tree  as  well  as  the  fruit,  is  now  applied  to  oils 
in  general,  to  distinguish  them  from  solid  fats. 
Zeit  usually  means  olive  oil,  unless  some  qualifying 
name  indicates  another  oil.  A  corresponding  use 
was  made  of  shemen,  and  the  oil  referred  to  so  many 
times  in  the  Bible  was  olive  oil  (except  Est  2  12). 
Compare  this  with  the  Gr  eXaioK,  elaion,  "oil,"  a 
neuter  noun  from  i\ala,  elaia,  "olive,"  the  origin  of 
the  Eng.  word  "oil."  1I7¥"'->  Vi-shar,  lit.  "glisten- 
ing," which  occurs  less  frequently,  is  used  possibly 
because  of  the  light-giving  quality  of  olive  oil,  or  it 
may  have  been  used  to  indicate  fresh  oil,  as  the 
clean,  newly  pressed  oil  is  bright.  HTCp ,  m'shah,  a 
Chald  word,  occurs  twice:  Ezr  6  9;  7  22.  eXaiov, 
elaion,  is  the  NT  term. 

Olive  oil  has  been  obtained,  from  the  earliest 
times,  by  pressing  the  fruit  in  such  a  way  as  to 

filter  out  the  oil  and  other  liquids  from 

2.  Pro-  the  residue.     The  Scriptural  references 
duction  correspond  so  nearly  to  the  methods 

practised  in  Syria  up  to  the  present 
time,  and  the  presses  uncovered  by  excavators  at 
such  sites  as  Gezer  substantiate  so  well  the  simi- 
larity of  these  methods,  that  a  description  of  the 
oil  presses  and  modes  of  expression  still  being  em- 
ployed in  Syria  will  be  equally  true  of  those  in  use 
in  early  Israelitish  times. 

The  olives  to  yield  the  greatest  amount  of  oil 
are  allowed  to  ripen,  although  some  oil  is  expressed 
from  the  green  fruit.  As  the  olive  ripens  it  turns 
black.  The  fruit  begins  to  fall  from  the  trees  in 
September,  but  the  main  crop  is  gathered  after  the 
first  rains  in  November.  The  olives  which  have 
not  fallen  naturally  or  have  not  been  blown  off  by 
the  storms  are  beaten  from  the  trees  with  long  poles 
(cf  Dt  24  20).  The  fruit  is  gathered  from  the 
ground  into  baskets  and  carried  on  the  heads  of  the 
women,  or  on  donkeys  to  the  houses  or  oil  presses. 
Those  carried  to  the  houses  are  preserved  for  eating. 
Those  carried  to  the  presses  are  piled  in  heaps  until 
fermentation  begins.  This  breaks  down  the  oil 
cells  and  causes  a  more  abundant  flow  of  oil.  The 
fruit  thus  softened  may  be  trod  out  with  the  feet 
(Mic  6  15) — which  is  now  seldom  practised — or 
crushed  in  a  handmill.  Such  a  mill  was  uncovered 
at  Gezer  beside  an  oil  press.  Stone  mortars  with 
wooden  pestles  are  also  used.  Any  of  these  methods 
crushes  the  fruit,  leaving  only  the  stone  unbroken, 
and  yields  a  purer  oil  (Ex  27  20).  The  method 
now  generally  practised  of  crushing  the  fruit  and 
kernels  with  an  edgerunner  mill  probably  dates 
from  Rom  times.  These  mills  are  of  crude  con- 
struction. The  stones  are  cut  from  native  lime- 
stone and  are  turned  by  horses  or  mules.  Remains 
of  huge  stones  of  this  type  are  found  near  the  old 
Rom  presses  in  Mt.  Lebanon  and  other  districts. 

The  second  step  in  the  preparation  of  the  oil  is 


ou 

Old  Prophet 


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2182 


the  expression.  In  districts  where  the  olives  are 
plentiful  and  there  is  no  commercial  demand  for  the 
oil,  the  householders  crush  the  fruit  in  a  mortar, 
mix  the  crushed  mass  with  water,  and  after  the 
solid  portions  have  had  time  to  settle,  the  pure 
sweet  oil  is  skimmed  from  the  surface  of  the  water. 


Ancient  Oil  Presses  (Land  and  the  Book). 

This  method  gives  a  delicious  oil,  but  is  wasteful. 
This  is  no  doubt  the  beaten  oil  referred  to  in  con- 
nection with  religious  ceremonials  (Ex  27  20). 
Usually  the  crushed  fruit  is  spread  in  portions  on 
mats  of  reeds  or  goats'  hair,  the  corners  of  which 
are  folded  over  the  mass,  and  the  packets  thus 
formed  are  piled  one  upon  another  between  upright 
supports.  These  supports  were  formerly  two  stone 
columns  or  the  two  sections  of  a  split  stone  cylinder 
hollowed  out  within  to  receive  the  mats.  Large 
hollow  tree  trunks  are  still  similarly  used  in  Syria. 
A  flat  stone  is  next  jilaced  on  top,  and  then  a  heavy 
log  is  placed  on  the  pile  in  such  a  manner  that  one 
end  can  be  fitted  into  a  socket  made  in  a  wall  or 
rock  in  close  proximity  to  the  pile.  This  socket 
becomes  the  fulcrum  of  a  large  lever  of  the  second 
class.  The  lever  is  worked  in  the  same  manner  as 
that  used  in  the  wine  presses  (see  Wine  Press). 
These  presses  are  now  being  almost  wholly  super- 
seded by  hydraulic  presses.  The  juice  which  runs 
from  the  press,  consisting  of  oil,  extractive  matter 
and  water,  is  conducted  to  vats  or  run  into  jars  and 
allowed  to  stand  until  the  oil  separates.  The  oil 
is  then  drawn  off  from  the  surface,  or  the  watery 
fluid  and  sediment  is  drawn  away  through  a  hole 
near  the  bottom  of  the  jar,  leaving  the  oil  in  the 
container.  (For  the  construction  of  the  ancient  oil 
presses,  see  The  Excavations  of  Gczer,  bj'  Macalister.) 
The  oil,  after  standing  for  some  time  to  allow  further 
sediment  to  settle,  is  stored  either  in  huge  earthen- 
ware jars  holding  100  to  200  gallons,  or  in  under- 
ground cisterns  (cf  1  Ch  27  28)  holding  a  much 
larger  quantity.  Some  of  these  cisterns  in  Beirut 
hold  several  tons  of  oil  each  (2  Ch  11  11;  32  28; 
Neh  13  5.12;  Prov  21  20).  In  the  homes  the 
oil  is  kept  in  small  earthen  jars  of  various  shapes, 
usually  having  spouts  by  which  the  oil  can  be  easily 
poured  (1  K  17  12;  '2  K  4  2).  In  1  S  16  13; 
1  K  1  39,  horns  of  oil  are  mentioned. 

(1)  As  a  commodity  of  exchange. — Olive  oil  when 
properly  made  and  stored  will  keep  sweet  for  years, 

hence  was  a  good  form  of  merchandise 
3.  Uses  to  hold.     Oil  is  still  sometimes  given 

in  payment  (1  K  5  11;  Ezk  27  17; 
Hos  12  1;    Lk  16  6;    Rev  18  13). 

(2)  As  a  cosmetic. — From  earliest  times  oil  was 
used  as  a  cosmetic,  esp.  for  oiling  the  limbs  and 
head.  Oil  used  in  this  way  was  usually  scented 
(see  Ointment).  Oil  is  still  used  in  this  manner 
by  the  Arabs,  principally  to  keep  the  skin  and  scalp 
soft  when  traveling  in  dry  de.sert  regions  where 
there  is  no  opportunity  to  bathe.     Sesam6  oil  has 


replaced  olive  oil  to  some  extent  for  this  purpose. 
Homer,  Pliny  and  other  early  writers  mention  its 
use  for  external  application.  Pliny  claimed  it  was 
used  to  protect  the  body  against  the  cold.  Many 
Bib.  references  indicate  the  use  of  oil  as  a  cosmetic 
(Ex  25  6;  Dt  28  40;  Ruth  3  3;  2  S  12  20;  14  2; 
Est  2  12;  Ps  23  5;  92  10;  104  15;  141  5;  Ezk 
16  9;  Mic  6  15;  Lk  7  46). 

(3)  As  a  medicine. — From  early  Egyp  literature 
down  to  late  Arab,  medical  works,  oil  is  mentioned 
as  a  valuable  remedy.  Man}'  queer  prescriptions 
contain  olive  oil  as  one  of  their  ingredients.  The 
good  Samaritan  used  oil  mingled  with  wine  to  dress 
the  wounds  of  the  man  who  fell  among  robbers 
(Mk  6  13;    Lk  10  34.) 

(4)  ^.s  a  food. — Olive  oil  replaces  butter  to  a 
large  extent  in  the  diet  of  the  people  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean countries.  In  Bible  lands  food  is  fried  in 
it,  it  is  added  to  stews,  and  is  poured  over  boiled 
vegetables,  such  as  beans,  peas  and  lentils,  and  over 
salads,  sour  milk,  cheese  and  other  foods  as  a  dress- 
ing. A  cake  is  prepared  from  ordinary  bread  dough 
which  is  smeared  with  oil  and  sprinkled  with  herbs 
before  baking  (Lev  2  4).  At  times  of  fasting 
oriental  Christians  use  only  vegetable  oils,  usually 
olive  oil,  for  cooking.  For  Bib.  references  to  the 
use  of  oil  as  food  see  Nu  11  8;  Dt  7  13;  14  23; 
32  13;  1  K  17  12.14.16;  2  K  4  2.6.7;  1  Ch  12 
40;  2  Ch  2  10.15;  Ezr  3  7;  Prov  21  17;  Ezk  16 
13.18;    Hos  2  5.8.22;    Hag  2  12;    Rev  6  6. 

(5)  As  an  illuminant. — Olive  oil  until  recent 
years  was  universally  used  for  lighting  purposes 
(see  Lamp).  In  Pal  are  many  homes  where  a  most 
primitive  form  of  lamp  similar  to  those  employed 
by  the  Israelites  is  still  in  use.  The  prejudice  in 
favor  of  the  exclusive  use  of  olive  oil  for  lighting 
holy  places  is  disappearing.  Formerly  any  other 
illuminant  was  forbidden  (cf  Ex  25  6;  27  20;  35 
8.14.2S;  39  37;   Mt  25  3.4.8). 

(6)  In  religious  riles. — (a)  Consecration  of  offi- 
cials or  sacred  things  (Gen  28  18;  35  14;  Ex  29 
7.21  ff;  Lev  2  Iff;  Nu  4  9  ff;  1  S  10  1;  16  1.13; 
2  S  1  21;  1  K  1  39;  2  K  9  1.3.6;  Ps  89  20): 
This  was  adopted  by  the  early  Christians  in  their 
ceremonies  (Jas  5  14),  and  is  still  used  in  the  con- 
secration of  crowned  rulers  and  church  dignitaries. 
(5)  Offerings,  votive  and  otherwise;  The  custom  of 
making  offerings  of  oil  to  holy  places  still  survives 
in  oriental  religions.  One  may  see  burning  before 
the  shrines  along  a  Syrian  roadside  or  in  the  churches, 
small  lamps  whose  supply  of  oil  is  kept  renewed  by 
pious  adherents.  In  Israelitish  times  oil  was  u.sed 
in  the  meal  offering,  in  the  consecration  offerings 
offerings  of  purification  from  leprosy,  etc  (Ex  29  2 
409  ff;  Lev  2  2ff;  Nu  4  9ff;  Dt  18  4;  1  Ch  9  29 
2  Ch  31  5;  Neh  10  37.-39;  13  5.12;  Ezk  16  18.19. 
45;  46;  Mic  6  7).  (c)  In  connection  with  the 
burial  of  the  dead:  Egyp  papyri  mention  this  use. 
In  the  OT  no  direct  mention  is  made  of  the  custom. 
Jesus  referred  to  it  in  connection  with  His  own 
burial  (Mt  26  12;  Mk  14  3-8;  Lk  23  56;  Jn  12 
3-8;  19  40). 

Abundant  oil  was  a  figure  of  general  prosperity 
(Dt  32  13;    33  24;    2  K  18  .32;    Job  29  6;    Joel 

2  19.24).  Langutshing  of  the  oil  in- 
4.  Figur-  dicated  general  famine  (Joel  1  10; 
ative  Hag  1  11).     Joy  is  described  as  the 

oil  of  joy  (isa  6i  3),  or  the  oil  of  glad- 
ness (Ps  45  7;  He  1  9).  Ezekiel  prophesies  that 
the  rivers  shall  run  like  oil,  i.e.  become  viscous 
(Ezk  32  14).  Words  of  deceit  are  softer  than  oil 
(Ps  55  21;  Prov  5  3).  Cursing  becomes  a  habit 
with  the  wicked  as  readily  as  oil  soaks  into  bones 
(Ps  109  18).  Excessive  u.se  of  oil  indicates  waste- 
fulne.ss  (Prov  21  17),  while  the  saving  of  it  is  a 
charactertstic  of  the  wise  (Prov  21  20).     Oil  was 


2183 


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Oil 

Old  Prophet 


carried  into  Egypt,  i.e.  a  treaty  was  made  with  that 
country   (Hos  12  1).  James  A.  Patch 

OIL,  ANOINTING  (nnipTSn  Taip ,  shemen  ha- 
mishhah):  This  holy  oil,  the  composition  of  which 
is  described  in  Ex  30  22-33,  was  designed  for  use 
in  the  anointing  of  the  tabernacle,  its  furniture  and 
vessels,  the  altar  and  laver,  and  the  priest,  that 
being  thus  consecrated,  they  might  be  "most 
holy."  It  was  to  be  "a  holy  anointing  oil"  unto 
Jeh  throughout  all  generations  (ver  31).  On  its 
uses,  cf  Ex  37  29;  Lev  8  12;  10  7;  21  10.  The 
care  of  this  holy  oil  was  subsequently  entrusted  to 
Eleazar  (Nu  4  16) ;  in  later  times  it  seems  to  have 
been  prepared  by  the  sons  of  the  priests  (1  Ch  9 
30).  There  is  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  oil  on 
Aaron's  head  in  Ps  133  2.     See  Oil;    Anointing. 

James  Orr 

OIL, BEATEN  (Ex  27  20;  Lev  24  2;  Nu  28  5). 
See  Oil;   Golden  Candlestick. 

OIL,  HOLY.     See  Oil;  Anointing. 

OIL,  OLIVE.    See  Oil;  Olive  Tree. 

OIL  PRESS.     See  Oil;  Wine  Press. 

OIL-MAKING.     See  Cr.^fts,  II,  11. 

OLL  TREE,  oil  tre  (jPip  y?,  "ff  sheme7i  [Isa  41 
19],  m  "oleaster,"  in  Neh  8  15,  tr"*  "wild  olive,"  AV 
"pine";lpTlJ  ""2^,  'dfe  shemen,  in  1  K  6  23.31.32, 
tr''  "olive  wood"):  The  name  "oleaster"  used  to  be 
applied  to  the  wild  olive,  but  now  belongs  to  quite 
another  plant,  the  silver-berry,  Eleagnus  horlensis 
(N.O.  Elaeagnaceae) ,  known  in  Arab,  as  Zeizafdn. 
It  is  a  pretty  shrub  with  sweet-smelling  white 
flowers  and  silver-grey-green  leaves.  It  is  difficult 
to  see  how  all  the  three  references  can  apply  to  this 
tree;  it  will  suit  the  first  two,  but  this  small  shrub 
would  never  supply  wood  for  carpentry  work  such 
as  that  mentioned  in  1  K,  hence  the  tr  "olive  wood." 
On  the  other  hand,  in  the  reference  in  Neh  8  15, 
olive  branches  are  mentioned  just  before,  so  the  tr 
"wild  olive"  (the  difference  being  too  slight)  is 
improbable.  Post  suggests  the  tr  of  'ef  shemen  by 
Pine  (q.v.),  which  if  accepted  would  suit  all  the 
requirements.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

OINTMENT,  oint'ment:  The  present  use  of  the 
word  "ointment"  is  to  designate  a  thick  unguent  of 
buttery  or  tallow-like  consistency.  AV  in  frequent 
instances  translates  shemen  or  m'shah  (see  Ex  30 
25)  "ointment"  where  a  perfumed  oil  seemed  to  be 
indicated.  ARV  has  consequently  substituted  the 
word  "oil"  in  most  of  the  passages.  Merkdhah  is 
rendered  "ointment"  once  in  the  OT  (.lob  41  31 
[Heb  41  23]).  The  well-known  power  of  oils  and 
fats  to  absorb  odors  was  made  use  of  by  the  ancient 
perfumers.  The  composition  of  the  holy  anointing 
oil  used  in  the  tabernacle  worship  is  mentioned 
in  Ex  30  2.3-25.  Olive  oil  formed  the  base.  This 
was  scented  with  "flowing  myrrh  ....  sweet  cin- 
namon ....  sweet  calamus  ....  and  ....  cas- 
sia." The  oil  was  probably  mixed  with  the  above 
ingredients  added  in  a  powdered  form  and  heated 
until  the  oil  had  absorbed  their  odors  and  then 
allowed  to  stand  until  the  insoluble  matter  settled, 
when  the  oil  could  be  decanted.  Olive  oil,  being  a 
non-drying  oil  which  does  not  thicken  readily,  yielded 
an  ointment  of  oily  consistency.  This  is  indicated 
by  Ps  133  2,  where  it  says  that  the  precious  oil  ran 
down  on  Aaron's  beard  and  on  the  collar  of  his  outer 
garment.  Anyone  attempting  to  make  the  holy 
anointing  oil  would  be  cut  off  from  his  people  (Ex 
30  33).     The  scented  oils  or  ointments  were  kept  in 


jars  or  vials  (not  boxes)  made  of  alabaster.  These 
jars  are  frequently  found  as  part  of  the  equipment 
of  ancient  tombs. 

The  word  tr''  "ointment"  in  the  NT  is  /j-vpoii, 
muron,  "myrrh."  This  would  indicate  that  myrrh, 
an  aromatic  gum  resin,  was  the  substance  commonly 
added  to  the  oil  to  give  it  odor,  la  Lk  7  40  both 
kinds  of  oil  are  mentioned,  and  the  verse  might  be 
paraphrased  thus:  My  head  with  common  oil  thou 
didst  not  anoint;  but  she  hath  anointed  my  feet 
with  costly  scented  oil. 

For  the  uses  of  scented  oils  or  ointments  see 
Anointing;    Oil.  James  A.  Patch 

OLAMUS,  ol'a-mus  ('HXaiios,  Olamds):  One  of 
the  Israelites  who  had  taken  a  "strange  wife"  (1  Esd 
9  30)  =  "Meshullam"  of  Ezr  10  29. 

OLD,  old.     See  Age,  Old. 

OLD  GATE.     See  Jerusalem. 

OLD  MAN  (iraXaios,  palaids,  "old,"  "ancient"): 
A  term  thrice  used  by  Paul  (Rom  6  6;  Eph  4  22; 
Col  3  9)  to  signify  the  unrenewed  man,  the  natu- 
ral man  in  the  corruption  of  sin,  i.e.  sinful  human 
nature  before  conversion  and  regeneration.  It  is 
theologically  synonymous  with  "flesh"  (Rom  8 
3-9),  which  stands,  not  for  bodily  organism,  but 
for  the  whole  nature  of  man  (body  and  soul)  turned 
away  from  God  and  devoted  to  self  and  earthly 
things. 

The  old  man  is  "in  the  flesh";  the  new  man  "in 
the  Spirit."  In  the  former  "the  works  of  the  flesh" 
(Gal  5  19-21)  are  manifest;  in  the  latter  "the  fruit 
of  the  Spirit"  (vs  22.23).  One  is  "corrupt  accord- 
ing to  the  deceitful  lusts";  the  other  "created  in 
righteousness  and  true  holiness"  (Eph  4  22-24  AV). 
See  also  Man,  Natural;  Man,  New. 

DwiGHT  M.  Pratt 

OLD  PROPHET,  THE  CJpJT  nns  XinS,  ndbhl' 
'ehddh  zdlfen,  "an  old  prophet" '[1  K  13  11],  ^?^5^^ 
IpJO,     ha-ndbhl'    ha-zaken,    "the    old 
1.  The  prophet"  ]ver  29]):    The  narrative  of 

Narrative  1  K  13  11-32,  in  which  the  old 
prophet  is  mentioned,  is  part  of  a  larger 
account  telling  of  a  visit  paid  to  Bethel  by  "a  man 
of  God"  from  Judah.  The  Judaean  prophet  uttered 
a  curse  upon  the  altar  erected  there  by  Jeroboam 
I.  When  the  king  attempted  to  use  force  against 
him,  the  prophet  was  saved  by  Divine  intervention; 
the  king  then  invited  him  to  receive  royal  hospi- 
tality, but  he  refused  because  of  a  command  of  God 
to  him  not  to  eat  or  drink  there.  The  Judaean 
then  departed  (vs  1-10).  An  old  prophet  who  lived 
in  Bethel  heard  of  the  stranger's  words,  and  went 
after  him  and  offered  him  hospitality.  This  offer 
too  was  refused.  But  when  the  old  prophet  resorted 
to  falsehood  and  pleaded  a  Divine  command  on  the 
subject,  the  Judaean  returned  with  him.  While  at 
table  the  old  prophet  is  given  a  message  to  declare 
that  death  will  follow  the  southerner's  disobedience 
to  the  first  command.  A  lion  kills  him  on  his  way 
home.  The  old  prophet  hears  of  the  death  and 
explains  it  as  due  to  disobedience  to  God;  he  then 
buries  the  dead  body  in  his  own  grave  and  expresses 
a  wish  that  he  also  at  death  should  be  buried  in 
the  same  sepulcher. 

There  are  several  difBcultie-s  in  tlie  text.     In  ver  1 1 ,  AV 

reads  "his  sons  came"  instead  of  "one  of  his  sons  came," 

and  tr  ver  \2b:  "And  his  sons  shewed  ttie 

O    Pri+iral       ^^^  ^^^  man  of  God  went."     There  is  a 

i.   \^Ti\.n,<u      gj^p  j^  ^^^  jyjrj,  j^j^gj,  (jjg  ^^^^^  "table"  in 

ver  20;  and  ver  2.3  should  be  tr<^,  "And  it 
came  to  pass  after  he  had  eaten  bread  and  drunk  water, 
that  he  saddled  for  himself  the  ass.  and  departed  again" 
(following  LXX,  B  with  W.  B.  Stevenson,  HDB.  Ill, 
594a,  n.). 


Old  Testament 
Olives,  Mount  of 


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2184 


Benzinger  ("Die  Bucher  der  Konige,"  Kurz. 
Hand-Komm.  zum  AT,  91)  holds  that  wc  have  here 
an  example  of  a  midrash,  i.e.  according  to  LOT, 
529,  "an  imaginative  development  of  a  thought  or 
theme  suggested  by  Scripture,  esp.  a  didactic  or 
homiletio  exposition  or  an  edifying  religious  story." 
2  Ch  24  27  refers  to  a  "midhrash  of  the  book  of  the 
kings,"  and  2  Ch  13  22  to  a  "midhrash  of  the 
prophet  Iddo."  In  2  Ch  9  29  we  have  a  reference 
to  "the  visions  of  Iddo  the  seer  concerning  Jeroboam 
the  son  of  Nebat."  Jos  names  the  Judaean  prophet 
Jadon  (Ant,  VIII,  viii,  5),  and  so  some  would  trace 
this  narrative  to  the  midrash  of  Iddo,  which  would 
be  a  late  Jewish  work.  There  is  a  trace  of  late 
Heb  in  ver  3,  and  evidence  in  several  places  of 
a  later  editing  of  the  original  narrative.  Kittel 
and  Benzinger  think  it  possible  that  the  section  may 
be  based  on  a  historical  incident.  If  the  narrative 
is  historical  in  the  main,  the  mention  of  Josiah  by 
name  in  ver  2  may  be  a  later  insertion;  if  not  his- 
torical, the  prophecy  there  is  ex  eventu,  and  the 
whole  section  a  midrash  on  2  K  23  15-20. 

(1)  Several  questions  are  suggested  by  the  narra- 
tive, but  in  putting  as  well  as  in  answering  these 

questions,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
3.  Central  the  old  prophet  himself,  as  has  been 
Truths  pointed  out,  is  not  the  chief  character 

of  the  piece.  Hence  it  is  a  little  point- 
less to  ask  what  became  of  the  old  prophet,  or 
whether  he  was  not  piunished  for  his  falsehood. 
The  passage  should  be  studied,  like  the  parables  of 
Jesus,  with  an  eye  on  the  great  central  truth,  which 
is,  here,  that  God  punishes  disobedience  even  in 
"a,  man  of  God."  It  is  not  inconsistent  with  this 
to  regard  the  old  prophet  as  an  example  of  "Satan 
fashioning  himself  into  an  angel  of  light"  (2  Cor  11 
14),  or  of  the  beast  which  "had  two  horns  like  unto 
a  lamb"  (Rev  13  11). 

(2)  It  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  false 
prophets  of  the  OT  are  called  prophets  in  spite  of 
their  false  prophecies.  So  here  the  old  prophet  in 
spite  of  his  former  lie  is  given  a  Divine  message 
to  declare  that  death  will  follow  the  other's  dis- 
obedience. 

(.3)  One  other  question  suggests  itself,  and  demands  an 
answer.  Why  did  the  old  prophet  make  the  request  that 
at  death  he  should  be  buried  in  the  same  grave  as  the 
.Tudaean  {ver  31)  ?  The  answer  is  implied  in  ver  32,  and 
is  more  fully  given  in  2  K  23  15-20,  where  King  Josiah 
defiles  the  graves  of  the  prophets  at  Bethel.  On  seeing  a 
"monument"  or  grave-stone  by  one  of  the  graves,  he 
inquires  what  it  is,  and  is  told  that  it  marks  the  grave  of 
the  prophet  from  Judah.  Thereupon  he  orders  that  his 
bones  be  not  disturbed.  "With  these  the  bones  of  the  old 
prophet  escape.  Perhaps  no  clearer  instance  of  a  certain 
kind  of  meanness  exists  in  the  OT.  The  very  man  who 
has  been  the  cause  of  another's  downfall  and  ruin  is  tiase 
enough  to  plan  his  own  escape  imder  cover  of  the  virtues 
of  his  victim.  And  the  parallels  in  modern  life  are  many. 
David  Francis  Roberts 

OLD  TESTAMENT.    See  Text  of  the  OT. 


OLD  TESTAMENT  CANON. 

THE  OT. 


See  Canon  of 


OLD  TESTAMENT  LANGUAGES.  See  Lan- 
guages OP  THE  OT. 

OLEASTER,  o-le-as'ter  (Isa  41  19  RVm).  See 
Oil  Tree. 

OLIVE.     See  Olive  Tree. 

OLIVE  BERRIES,  bcr'iz.     Sec  Olive  Tree. 

OLIVE,  GRAFTED.     See  Olive  Tree. 

OLIVE  TREE,  ol'iv  tre  (rT^T,  zayilh,  a  word 
occurring  also  in  Aram.,  Ethiopic  and  Arab.;  in  the 
last  it  means  "olive  oil,"   and   zaitiin,   "the  olive 


tree";  eXa£a,  elaia):  The  olive  tree  has  all  through 
history  been  one  of  the  most  characteristic,  most 

valued  and  most  useful  of  trees  in  Pal. 
1.  The  It  is  only  right  that  it  is  the  first  named 

Olive  Tree    "king"  of  the  trees  (Jgs  9  8.9).     When 

the  children  of  Israel  came  to  the 
land  they  acquired  olive  trees  which  they  planted 


Typical  Grove  of  Olive  Trees  at  Jerusalem. 

not  (Dt  6  11;  cf  Josh  24  13).  The  cultivation 
of  the  olive  goes  back  to  the  earliest  times  in 
Canaan.  The  frequent  references  in  the  Bible,  the 
evidences  (see  4  below)  from  archaeology  and  the 
important  place  the  product  of  this  tree  has  held  in 
the  economy  of  the  inhabitants  of  Syria  make  it 
highly  probable  that  this  land  is  the  actual  home  of 
the  cultivated  olive.  The  wild  olive  is  indigenous 
there.  The  most  fruitful  trees  are  the  product  of 
bare  and  rocky  ground  (cf  Dt  32  13)  situated  prefer- 
ably at  no  great  distance  from  the  sea.  The  terraced 
hills  of  Pal,  where  the  earth  lies  never  many  inches 
above  the  limestone  rocks,  the  long  rainless  summer 
of  unbroken  sunshine,  and  the  heavy  "dews"  of  the 
autumn  afford  conditions  which  are  extraordinarily 
favorable  to  at  least  the  indigenous  olive. 

The  olive,  Olea  Europaea  (N.O.  Oleaceae),  is  a  slow- 
growing  tree,  requiring  years  of  patient  labor  before 
reaching  full  fruitfulness.  Its  growth  implies  a 
certain  degree  of  settlement  and  peace,  for  a  hostile 
army  can  in  a  few  days  destroy  the  patient  work  of 
two  generations.  Possibly  this  may  have  something 
to  do  with  its  being  the  emblem  of  peace.  Enemies 
of  a  village  or  of  an  individual  often  today  carry 
out  revenge  by  cutting  away  a  ring  of  bark  from 
the  trunks  of  the  olives,  thus  killing  the  trees  in  a 
few  months.  The  beauty  of  this  tree  is  referred 
to  in  Jer  11  16;  Hos  14  6,  and  its  fruitfulness  in 
Ps  128  3.  The  characteristic  olive-green  of  its 
foliage,  frosted  silver  below  and  the  twisted  and 
gnarled  trunks — often  hollow  in  the  center — are 
some  of  the  most  picturesque  and  constant  signs  of 
settled  habitations.  In  some  parts  of  the  land  large 
plantations  occur:  the  famous  olive  grove  near 
Beirut  is  5  miles  square;  there  are  also  fine,  ancient 
trees  in  great  nmnbers  near  Bethlehem. 

In  starting  an  oliveyard  the  fellah  not  infrequently 
plants  young  wild  olive  trees  which  grow  plentifully 
over  many  parts  of  the  land,  or  he  may  grow  from 
cuttings.  When  the  young  trees  are  3  years  old 
they  are  grafted  from  a  choice  stock  and  after 
another  three  or  four  years  they  may  commence 
to  bear  fruit,  but  they  take  quite  a  decade  more 
before  reaching  full  fruition.  Much  attention  is, 
however,  required.  The  soil  around  the  trees  must 
be  frequently  plowed  and  broken  up;  water  must  be 
conducted  to  the  roots  from  the  earliest  rain,  and 
the  soil  must  be  freely  enriched  with  a  kind  of  marl 
known  in  Arab,  as  huwwarah.  If  neglected,  the 
older  trees  soon  send  up  a  great  many  shoots  from 
the  roots  all  around  the  parent  stem  (perhaps  the 


o 


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m 


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2! 


2185 


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Old  Testament 
Olives,  Mount  of 


idea  in  Ps  128  3) ;  these  must  be  pruned  away,  al- 
tiiougli,  should  the  parent  stem  decay,  some  of  these 
may  be  capable  of  taking  its  place.  Being,  however, 
from  the  root,  below  the  original  point  of  grafting, 
they  are  of  the  wild  olive  type — with  smaller,  stiffcr 
leaves  and  prickly  stem — and  need  grafting  before 
they  are  of  use.  The  olive  tree  furnishes  a  wood 
valuable  for  many  forms  of  carpentry,  and  in  modern 
Pal  is  extensively  burnt  as  fuel. 

The  olive  is  in  flower  about  May;   it  produces 
clusters  of  small  white  flowers,  springing  from  the 
axils    of    the    leaves,    which    fall    as 
2.  The  showers  to   the  ground   (Job  15  33). 

Fruit  The  first   olives   mature   as   early   as 

September  in  some  places,  but,  in  the 
mountain  districts,  the  olive  harvest  is  not  till 
November  or  even  December.  Much  of  the  earliest 
fruit  falls  to  the  ground  and  is  left  by  the  o'ivner  un- 
gathered  until  the  harvest.  The  trees  are  beaten 
with  long  sticks  (Dt  24  20),  the  young  folks  often 
cliinbing  into  the  branches  to  reach  the  highest 
fruit,  while  the  women  and  older  girls  gather  up  the 
fruit  from  the  ground.  The  immature  fruit  left 
after  such  an  ingathering  is  described  graphically 
in  Isa  17  6:  "There  shall  be  left  therein  gleanings, 
as  the  shaking  [m  "beating"]  of  an  olive-tree,  two  or 
three  berries  in  the  top  of  the  uppermost  bough, 
four  or  five  in  the  outmost  branches  of  a  fruitful 
tree."     Such  gleanings  belonged  to  the  poor  (Dt 


'C^^ 


m-  A.  \ 


Olive  (Olea  Europaea). 

24  20),  as  is  the  case  today.  Modem  villages  in 
Pal  allow  the  poor  of  even  neighboring  villages  to 
glean  the  olives.  The  yield  of  an  olive  tree  is  very 
uncertain;  a  year  of  great  fruitfulness  may  be 
followed  by  a  very  scanty  crop  or  by  a  succession 
of  such. 

The  olive  is  an  important  article  of  diet  in  Pal. 
Some  are  gathered  green  and  pickled  in  brine,  after 
slight  bruising,  and  others,  the  "black"  olives,  are 
gathered  quite  ripe  and  are  either  packed  in  salt 
or  in  Ijrine.  In  both  cases  the  salt  modifies  the 
bitter  taste.     They  are  eaten  with  bread. 

More  important  commercially  is  the  oil.  This 
is  sometimes  extracted  in  a  primitive  way  by 
crushing  a  few  berries  by  hand  in  the  hollow  of  a 


stone  (cf  Ex  27  20),  from  which  a  shallow  channel 

runs  for  the  oil.     It  is  an  old  custom  to  tread  them 

by  foot   (Mic  6  15).     Oil  is  obtained 

3.  Olive  Oil  on  a  larger  scale  in  one  of  the  many 

varieties  of  oil  mills.  The  berries  are 
carried  in  baskets,  by  donkeys,  to  the  mill,  and 
they  are  crushed  by  heavy  weights.  A  better  class 
of  oil  can  be  obtained  by  collecting  the  first  oil  to 
come  off  separately,  but  not  much  attention  is  given 
to  this  in  Pal,  and  usually  the  berries  are  crushed, 
stones  and  all,  by  a  circular  millstone  revolving 
upright  round  a  central  pivot.  A  plenteous  har- 
vest of  oil  was  looked  upon  as  one  of  God's  blessings 
(Joel  2  24;  3  13).  That  the  "labor  of  the  olive" 
should  fail  was  one  of  the  trials  to  faith  in  Jeh 
(Hab  3  17).  Olive  oil  is  extensively  used  as  food, 
morsels  of  bread  being  dipped  into  it  in  eating; 
also  medicinally  (Lk  10  34;  Jas  6  14).  In  ancient 
times  it  was  greatly  used  for  anointing  the  person 
(Ps  23  5;  Mt  6  17).  In  Rome's  days  of  luxury  it 
was  a  common  maxim  that  a  long  and  pleasant  life 
depended  upon  two  fluids — "wine  within  and  oil 
without."  In  modern  times  this  use  of  oil  for  the 
person  is  replaced  by  the  employment  of  soap,  which 
in  Pal  is  made  from  olive  oil.  In  all  ages  this  oil 
has  been  used  for  illumination  (Mt  25  3). 

Comparatively  plentiful  as  olive  trees  are  today 
in  Pal,  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  the  culti- 
vation was  once  much  more  extensive. 

4.  Greater  "The  countless  rock-cut  oil-  and  wine- 
Plenty  of  presses,  both  within  and  without  the 
Olive  Trees  walls  of  the  city  [of  Gezer],  show  that 
in  Ancient  the  cultivation  of  the  olive  and  vine 
Times  was  of  much  greater  importance  than 

it   is  anywhere  in   Pal  today 

Excessive  taxation  has  made  olive  culture  unprofit- 
able" ("Gezer  Mem,"  PEF,  II,  23).  A  further 
evidence  of  this  is  seen  today  in  many  now  deserted 
sites  which  are  covered  with  wild  olive  trees,  de- 
scendants of  large  plantations  of  the 

5.  Wild  cultivated  tree  which  have  quite  dis- 
Olives            appeared.     Many  of  these  spring  from 

the  old  roots;  others  are  from  the 
fallen  drupes.  Isolated  trees  scattered  over  many 
parts  of  the  land,  esp.  in  Galilee,  are  sown  by  the 
birds.  As  a  rule  the  wild  olive  is  but  a  shrub,  with 
small  leaves,  a  stem  more  or  less  prickly,  and  a 
small,  hard  drupe  with  but  little  or  no  oil.  That  a 
wild  olive  branch  should  be  grafted  into  a  fruitful 
tree  would  be  a  proceeding  useless  and  contrary 
to  Nature  (Rom  11  17.24).  On  the  mention  of 
"branches  of  wild  olive"  in  Neh  8  15,  see  Oil  Tree. 
E.  W.  G.  Masterman 
OLIVE,  WILD:  Figuratively  used  in  Rom  11 
17.24  for  the  Gentiles,  grafted  into  "the  good  olive 
tree"  of  Israel.     See  Olive  Tree. 

OLLVE  YARD,  ol'iv  yard.     See  Olive  Tree. 

OLIVES,  ol'ivz,  MOUNT  OF  (D'Tli-'in— IH ,  har 
ha-zelhlm  [Zee  14  4],  DTllTnTlbyiQ ,  ma'aleh  ha- 
zethlm,  "the  ascent  of  the  mount  of  Olives"  [2  S 
15  30,  AV  "the  ascent  of  (mount)  Olivet"];  to  dpos 
Tuv  4X.aiwv,  16  6ros  ton  elaion,  "the  Mount  of  Olives" 
[Mt  21  1;  24  3;  26  30;  Mk  11  1;  13  3;  14  26; 
Lk  19  37;  22  39;  Jn  8  1],  to  dpos  to  KaXoipicvov 
cXaiuv,  16  6ros  t6  kaloiimenon  elaion,  "the  mount 
that  is  called  Olivet"  [Lk  19  29;  21  37;  in  both 
references  in  AV  "the  mount  called  (the  mount)  of 
Olives"],  Tov  eXaiuvos,  toil  elaionos  [Acts  1  12,  EV 
"Olivet"  lit.  "olive  garden"]): 

1.  Names 

2.  Situation  and  Extent 

3.  OT  Associations 

(1)  David's  Escape  from  Absaiom 

(2)  Tlie  Vision  of  Ezoldel 

(3)  Tiie  Vision  of  Zecliariah 


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4.  High  Places 

5.  Olivet  and  Jesus 

6.  View  of  tlie  City  from  Olivet 

7.  Churches  and  Ecclesiastical  Traditions 
Literature 

Olivet  comes  to  us  through  the  Vulg  Olivelum, 
"an  oliveyard." 

Jos  frequently  uses  the  expression   "Motint  of 

Olives"   (e.g.  Ant,  VII,  ix,  2;    XX,  viii,  6;    BJ, 

V,  ii,  3;    xii,    2),    but    later    Jewish 

1.  Names      writings  give  the  name  nnT2J'Qn""in , 

har  ha-mishhdh,  "Mount  of  Oil";  this 
occurs  in  some  MSS  in  2  K  23  13,  and  the  common 
reading  n^n'lJ5'Qn~"in ,  har  ha-rnashhith,  "Mount  of 
Corruption,"  m  "destruction,"  may  possibly  be  a 
deliberate  alteration  (see  below).  In  later  ages  the 
Mount  was  termed  "the  mountain  of  lights,"  be- 
cause here  there  used  to  be  kindled  at  one  time  the 
first  beacon  light  to  announce  throughout  Jewry  the 
appearance  of  the  new  moon. 

To  the  natives  of  Pal  today  it  is  usually  known 
as  Jehel  et  THr  ("mountain  of  the  elevation,"  or 
"tower"),  or,  less  commonly,  as  Jebel  Tur  ez  zait 
("mountain  of  the  elevation  of  oil").  The  name 
Jehel  ez-znitUn  ("Mount  of  Olives")  is  also  well 
known.  Early  Arab,  writers  use  the  term  THr 
Zait,  "Mount  of  Oil." 

The  mountain  ridge  which  lies  E.  of  Jerus  leaves 

the  central  range  near  the  valley  of  Sha'phat  and 

runs  for  about  2  miles  due  S.     After 

2.  Situation  culminating  in  the  mountain  mass  on 
and  Extent    which  lies  the  "Church  of  the  Ascen- 
sion," it  may  be  considered  as  giving 

off  two  branches:  one  lower  one,  which  runs  S.S.W., 
forming  the  southern  side  of  the  Kidron  valley, 
terminating  at  the  Wwly  en  Ndr,  and  another,  higher 
one,  which  slopes  eastward  and  terminates  a  little 
beyond  el-'Azareyeh  (modern  Bethany).  The  main 
ridge  is  considerably  higher  than  the  site  of  ancient 
Jerus,  and  still  retains  a  thick  cap  of  the  soft  chalky 
limestone,  mixed  with  flint,  known  variously  as 
Nari  and  Ka'kuli,  which  has  been  entirely  denuded 
over  the  Jerus  site  (see  Jerusalem,  II,  1).  The 
flints  were  the  cause  of  a  large  settlement  of  paleo- 
lithic man  which  occurred  in  prehistoric  times  on 
the  northern  end  of  the  ridge,  while  the  soft  chalky 
stone  breaks  down  to  form  a  soil  valuable  for  the 
cultivation  of  olives  and  other  trees  and  shrubs. 
The  one  drawback  to  arboriculture  upon  this  ridge 
is  the  strong  northwest  wind  which  permanently 
bends  most  trees  toward  the  S.E.,  but  affects  the 
sturd}',  slow-growing  olive  less  than  the  quicker- 
growing  pine.  The  eastern  slopes  are  more  shel- 
tered. In  respect  of  -ndnd  the  Mount  of  Olives  is 
far  more  exposed  than  the  site  of  old  Jerus. 

The  lofty  ridge  of  Olivet  is  visible  from  far,  a  fact 
now  emphasized  by  the  high  Russian  tower  which 
can  be  seen  for  many  scores  of  m.iles  on  the  E.  of  the 
Jordan.  The  range  presents,  from  such  a  point  of 
view  particularly,  a  succession  of  summits.  Taking 
as  the  northern  limit  the  dip  which  is  crossed  by  the 
ancient  Anathoth  {'ariatd)  road,  the  most  northerly 
summit  is  that  now  crowned  by  the  house  and 
garden  of  Sir  John  Gray  Hill,  2,690  ft.  above  sea- 
level.  This  is  sometimes  incorrectly  pointed  out 
as  Scopus,  which  lay  farther  to  the  N.W.  A  second 
sharp  dip  in  the  ridge  separates  this  northern  sum- 
mit from  the  next,  a  broad  plateau  now  occupied 
by  the  great  Kaiserin  Augusta  Victoria  Stiftung  and 
grounds.  The  road  makes  a  sharp  descent  into  a 
valley  which  is  traversed  from  W.  to  E.  by  an  im- 
portant and  ancient  road  from  Jerus,  which  runs 
eastward  along  the  Wady  er  Rawaheh.  S.  of  this 
dip  lies  the  main  mass  of  the  mountain,  that  known 
characteristically  as  the  Olivet  of  ecclesiastical 
tradition.     This   mass    consists    of    two    principal 


summits  and  two  subsidiary  spurs.  The  northern 
of  the  two  main  summits  is  that  knowm  as  Karem 
ej  Sayydd,  "the  vineyard  of  the  hunter,"  and  also 
as  "Galilee,"  or,  more  correctly,  as  Viri  Galilaei 
(see  below,  7).  It  reaches  a  height  of  2,723  ft. 
above  the  Mediterranean  and  is  separated  from  the 
southern  summit  by  a  narrow  neck  traversed  today 
by  the  carriage  road.  The  southern  summit,  of 
practically  the  same  elevation,  is  the  traditional 
"Moimt  of  the  Ascension,"  and  for  several  years 
has  been  distinguished  by  a  lofty,  though  some- 
what inartistic,  tower  erected  by  the  Russians.  The 
two  subsidiary  spurs  referred  to  above  are:  (1)  a 
somewhat  isolated  ridge  running  S.E.,  upon  which 
lies  the  squalid  village  of  el  ^Azareyeh — Bethany; 
(2)  a  small  spur  running  S.,  covered  with  grass, 
which  is  known  as  "the  Prophets,"  on  account  of 
a  remarkable  4th-cent.  Christian  tomb  found  there, 
which  is  known  as  "the  tomb  of  the  Prophets" —  a 
spot  much  venerated  by  modern  Jews. 

A  further  extension  of  the  ridge  as  Bain  el  Hawa, 
"the  belly  of  the  wind,"  or  traditionally  as  "the 
Mount  of  Offence"  (cf  1  K  11  7;  2  K  23  13),  is 
usually  included  in  the  Mount  of  Olives,  but  its 
lower  altitude — it  is  on  a  level  with  the  temple- 
platform — and  its  position  S.  of  the  city  mark 
it  off  as  practically  a  distinct  hill.  Upon  its  lower 
slopes  are  clustered  the  houses  of  Silwdn  (Siloam). 

The  notices  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  in  the  OT 
are,  considering  its  nearness  to  Jerus,  remarkably 
scanty. 

(1)  David  fleeing  before  his  rebellious  son  Ab- 
salom (2  S  15  16)  crossed  the  Kidron  and  "went 

up   by  the   ascent   of   the   mount   of 
3.  OT  Olives,  and  wept  as  he  went  up;   and 

Associations  he   had  his  head  covered,   and  went 

barefoot:  and  all  the  people  that  were 
with  him  covered  every  man  his  head,  and  they  went 

up,  weeping  as  they  went  [ver  30] And  it 

came  to  pass,  that,  when  David  was  come  to  the  top 
of  the  ascent,  where  he  was  wont  to  worship  God, 
[m],  behold,  Hushai  the  Archite  came  to  meet  him 
with  his  coat  rent,  and  earth  upon  his  head  [ver  32]. 
And  when  David  was  a  little  past  the  top  of  the 
ascent,  behold,  Ziba  the  servant  of  Mephibosheth 
met  him,  with  a  couple  of  asses  saddled,  and  upon 
them  two  hundred  loaves  of  bread,  and  a  hundred 
clusters  of  raisins,  and  a  hundred  of  summer  fruits, 
and  a  bottle  of  wine"  (16  1). 

It  is  highly  probable  that  David's  route  to  the 
wilderness  was  neither  by  the  much-trodden  Ana- 
thoth road  nor  over  the  summit  of  the  mountain, 
but  by  the  path  running  N.E.  from  the  city,  which 
runs  between  the  Viri  Galilaei  hill  and  that  sup- 
porting the  German  Sanatorium  and  descends  into 
the  wilderness  by  WAdy  er  Rawdbi.     See  Bahurim. 

(2)  Ezekiel  in  a  vision  (11  23)  saw  the  glory  of 
Jeh  go  up  from  the  midst  of  the  city  and  stand 
"upon  the  mountain  which  is  on  the  east  side  of  the 
city"  (cf  43  2).  In  connection  with  this  the  Rabbi 
Janna  records  the  tradition  that  the  sh'khindh 
stood  3i  years  upon  Olivet,  and  preached,  saying, 
"Seek  ye  the  Lord  while  he  may  be  found,  call  ye 
upon  him  while  he  is  near" — a  strange  story  to  come 
from  a  Jewish  source,  suggesting  some  overt  refer- 
ence to  Christ. 

(3)  In  Zee  14  4  the  prophet  sees  Jeh  in  that  day 
stand  upon  the  Mount  of  Olives,  "and  the  Mount  of 
Olives  shall  be  cleft  in  the  midst  thereof  toward  the 
east  and  toward  the  west,  and  there  shall  be  a  very 
great  valley;  and  half  of  the  mountain  shall  remove 
toward  the  north,  and  half  of  it  toward  the  south." 

In  addition  to  these  direct  references,  Jewish 
tradition  associates  with  this  mount — this  "mount 
of  Corruption"— the  rite  of  the  red  heifer  (Nu  19); 
and  many  authorities  consider  that  this  is  also  the 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Olives,  Mount  of 


mount  referred  to  in  Neh  8  15,  whence  the  people 
are  directed  to  fetch  ohve  branches,  branches  of 
wild  olive,  myrtle  branches,  palm  branches  and 
branches  of  thick  trees  to  make  their  booths. 

It  is  hardly  possible  that  a  spot  with  such  a  wide 

outlook — esp.  the  marvelous  view  over  the  Jordan 

valley  and  Dead  Sea  to  the  lands  of 

4.  High  Ammon  and  Moab — should  have  been 
Places            neglected  in  the  days  when  Sem  reli- 
gion  crowned   such   spots  with   their 

sanctuaries.  There  is  OT  evidence  that  there  was  a 
"high  place"  here.  In  the  account  of  David's  flight 
mention  is  made  of  the  spot  on  the  summit  "where 
he  was  wont  to  worship  God"  (2  S  15  32  m).  This 
is  certainly  a  reference  to  a  sanctuary,  and  there  are 
strong  reasons  for  believing  that  this  place  may  have 
been  Nob  (q.v.)  (see  1  S  21  1;  22  9.11.19;  Neh 
11  32;  but  esp.  Isa  10  32).  This  last  reference 
seems  to  imply  a  site  more  commanding  in  its  out- 
look over  the  ancient  city  than  Ras  el  Musharif 
proposed  by  Driver,  one  at  least  as  far  S.  as  the 
Anathoth  road,  or  even  that  from  Wddy  er  Rawabi. 
But  besides  this  we  have  the  definite  statement 
(1  K  11  7):  "Then  did  Solomon  build  a  high  place 
for  Chemosh  the  abomination  of  Moab,  in  the 
mount  that  is  before  [i.e.  E.  of]  Jcrus,  and  for  Mo- 
lech  the  abomination  of  the  children  of  Ammon," 
and  the  further  account  that  the  "high  places  that 
were  before  [E.  of]  Jerus,  which  were  on  the  right 
hand  [S.]  of  the  mount  of  corruption  [m  "destruc- 
tion"], which  Solomon  the  king  of  Israel  had  builded 
for  Ashtoreth  the  abomination  of  the  Sidonians, 
and  for  Chemosh  the  abomination  of  Moab,  and  for 
Milcom  the  abomination  of  the  children  of  Ammon, 
did  the  king  [Josiah]  defile"  (2  K  23  13).  That 
these  high  places  were  somewhere  upon  what  is 
generally  recognized  as  the  Mount  of  Olives,  seems 
clear,  and  the  most  probable  site  is  the  main  mass 
where  are  today  the  Christian  sanctuaries,  though 
Graetz  and  Dean  Stanley  favor  the  summit  known 
as  Viri  Galilaei.  It  is  the  recognition  of  this  which 
has  kept  alive  the  Jewish  name  "Mount  of  Cor- 
ruption" for  this  mount  to  this  day.  The  term 
Mons  offensionis,  given  to  the  southeastern  exten- 
sion, S.  of  the  city,  is  merely  an  ecclesiastical  tradi- 
dition  going  back  to  Quaresmius  in  the  17th  cent., 
which  is  repeated  by  Burckhardt  (1823  AD). 

More  important  to  us  are  the  NT  associations  of 

this  sacred  spot.     In  those  days  the  mountain  must 

have  been  far  different  from  its  con- 

5.  Olivet  dition  today.  Titus  in  his  siege  of 
and  Jesus      Jerus  destroyed  all  the  timber  here  as 

elsewhere  in  the  environs,  but  before 
this  the  hillsides  must  have  been  clothed  with 
verdure — oliveyards,  fig  orchards  and  palm  groves, 
with  myrtle  and  other  shrubs.  Here  in  the  fresh 
breezes  and  among  the  thick  foliage,  Jesus,  the 
country-bred  Galilean,  must  gladly  have  taken 
Himself  from  the  noise  and  closeness  of  the  over- 
crowded city.  It  is  to  the  Passion  Week,  with  the 
exception  of  Jn  8  1,  that  all  the  incidents  belong 
which  are  expressly  mentioned  as  occurring  on  the 
Mount  of  Olives;  while  there  would  be  a  special 
reason  at  this  time  in  the  densely  packed  city,  it  is 
probable  that  on  other  occasions  also  Our  Lord 
preferred  to  stay  outside  the  walls.  Bethany 
would  indeed  appear  to  have  been  His  home  in 
Judaea,  as  Capernaum  was  in  Galilee.  Here  we 
read  of  Him  as  staying  with  Mary  and  Martha  (Lk 
10  38-42);  again  He  comes  to  Bethany  from  the 
wilderness  road  from  Jericho  for  the  raising  of 
Lazarus  (Jn  11),  and  later  He  is  at  a  feast,  six 
days  before  the  Passover  (Jn  12  1),  at  the  house  of 
Simon  (Mt  26  6-12;  Mk  14  3-9;  Jn  12  1-9).  The 
Mount  of  Olives  is  expressly  mentioned  in  many 
of  the  events  of  the  Passion  Week.  He  approached 
Jerus,  "unto  Bethphage  and  Bethany,  at  the  mount 


of  Olives"  (Mk  11  1;  Mt  21  1;  Lk  19  29);  over 
a  shoulder  of  this  mount — very  probably  by  the 
route  of  the  present  Jericho  carriage  road — He 
made  His  triumphal  entry  to  the  city  (Mt  21; 
Mk  11;  Lk  19),  and  on  this  road,  when  probably 
the  full  sight  of  the  city  first  burst  into  view,  He 


Mount  of  Olives  from  the  Golden  Gate. 

wept  over  Jerus  (Lk  19  41).  During  all  that  week 
"every  day  he  was  teaching  in  the  temple;  and  every 
night  he  went  out,  and  lodged  in  the  mount  that  is 
called  Olivet"  (Lk  21  37) — the  special  part  of  the 
mount  being  Bethany  (Mt  21  17;  Mk  11  11). 
It  was  on  the  road  from  Bethany  that  He  gave  the 
sign  of  the  withering  of  the  fruitless  fig  tree  (Mt  21 
17-19;  Mk  11  12-14.20-24),  and  "as  he  sat  on  the 
mount  of  Olives"  (Mt  24  3  f ;  Mk  13  3  f)  Jesus 
gave  His  memorable  sermon  with  the  doomed  city 
lying  below  Him. 

On  the  lower  slopes  of  Olivet,  in  the  Garden  of 
Gethsemane  (q.v.),  Jesus  endured  His  agony,  the 
betrayal  and  arrest,  while  upon  one  of  its  higher 
points — not,  as  tradition  has  it,  on  the  inhabited 
highest  summit,  but  on  the  secluded  eastern  slopes 
"over  against  Bethanj'"  (Lk  24  50-52) — He  took 
leave  of  His  disciples  (cf  Acts  1  12). 

The  view  of  Jerus  from  the  Mount  of  Olives  must 
ever  be  one  of  the  most  striking  impressions  which 
any  visitor  to  Jerus  carries  away  with 
6.  View  of  him.  It  has  been  described  countless 
the  City  times.  It  is  today  a  view  but  of  ruin 
from  Olivet  and  departed  glory  compared  with 
that  over  which  Jesus  wept.  A 
modern  writer  "with  historic  imagination  has  thus 
graphically  sketched  the  salient  features  of  that 
sight : 

"We  are  standing  on  the  road  from  Bethany  as  it 
breaks  round  the  Mount  of  Olives  and  on  looking  north- 
west this  is  what  we  see There  spreads  a  vast 

stone  stage,  almost  ^ectang^llar,  some  400  yds.  N.  and 
S.  by  300  E.  and  W.,  held  up  above  Ophel  and  the 
Kidron  valley  by  a  high  and  massive  wall,  from  50  to 
150  ft.  and  more  in  height,  according  to  the  levels  of  the 
rock  from  which  it  rises.     Deep  cloisters  surround  this 

platform  on  the  inside  of  the  walls Every  gate 

has  its  watch  and  other  guards  patrol  the  courts.  The 
crowds,  which  pour  through  the  south  gates  upon  the 
platform  for  the  most  part  keep  to  the  right;  the  e.x- 
ceptions,  turning  westward,  are  excommunicated  or  in 
mourning.  But  the  crowd  are  not  all  Israelites.  Num- 
bers ol  Gentiles  mingle  with  them;  there  are  costumes 
and  colors  from  all  lands.  In  the  cloisters  sit  teachers 
with  groups  of  disciples  about  them.  On  the  open  pave- 
ment stand  the  booths  of  hucksters  and  money  changers ; 
and  from  the  N.  sheep  and  bullocks  are  being  driven 
toward  the  Inner  Sanctuary.  This  lies  not  in  the  centet 
of  the  great  platform,  but  in  the  northwest  corner.  It 
is  a  separately  fortified,  oblong  enclosiu-e;  its  high  walls 
with  their  9  gates  rising  from  a  narrow  terrace  at  a  slight 
elevation  above  the  platlorm   and   the  terrace  encom- 


Olives,  Mount  of 
Omnipotence 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2188 


passed  by  a  fence  within  which  none  but  Israelites  may 

pass Upon  its  higher  western  end  rises  a  house 

'lilie  a  lion  broad  in  front  and  narrow  behind.'  .  .  .  . 
Prom  the  open  porch  of  this  house  stone  steps  descend 
to  a  great  blocli  of  an  altar  perpetually  smoking  with 

sacrifices Off  the  N.W.  of  the  Outer  Sanctuary 

a  castle  (the  Antonla)  dominates  the  whole  with  its  4 
lofty  towers.  Beyond  ....  the  Upper  City  rises  in 
curved  tiers  lilie  a  theater,  while  all  the  lower  slopes  to 
the  S.  are  a  crowded  mass  of  houses,  girded  by  the  east- 
ern wall  of  the  city.  Against  that  crowded  background 
the  sanctuary  with  its  high  house  gleams  white  and 
fresh.  But  the  front  of  the  house,  glittering  mtli  gold 
plates,  is  obscured  by  a  column  of  smoke  rising  from  the 
altar;  and  the  Priests'  Court  about  the  latter  is  colored 
by  the  slaughterers  and  sacrifices — a  splash  of  red,  as  our 
imagination  takes  it,  in  the  center  of  the  prevailing 
white.  At  intervals  there  are  bursts  of  music;  the 
singing  of  psalms,  the  clash  of  cymbals  and  a  great  blare 
of  trumpets,  at  which  the  people  in  their  court  in  the 
Inner  Sanctuary  fall  down  and  worship"  (extracts  from 
G.  A.  Smith's  Jerusalem,  II,  518-20). 

To  the  Bible  student  the  NT  ia  the  best  guide 
to  Olivet;  tradition  and  "sites"  only  bewilder  him. 
Once  the  main  hilltop  was  a  mass  of 
7.  Churches  churches.  There  was  the  "Church  of 
and  Eccle-  the  Ascension"  to  mark  the  spot 
siastical  whereby  tradition  (contrary  to  the 
Traditions  direct  statement  of  Luke)  states  that 
the  Ascension  occurred;  now  the  site 
is  marked  by  a  small  octagonal  chapel,  built  in  1834, 
which  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Moslems.  There  a 
"footprint  of  Christ"  is  shown  in  the  rock.  A 
large  basilica  of  Helena  was  built  over  the  place 
where  it  was  said  that  Christ  taught  His  disciples. 
In  1869  the  Princess  de  Latour  d'Auvergne,  learn- 
ing that  there  was  a  Moslem  tradition  that  this  site 
was  at  a  spot  called  el  Battaniyeh  south  of  the  sum- 
mit, here  erected  a  beautiful  church  known  as  the 
Church  of  the  Pater  Noster  and  around  the  court- 
yard she  had  the  Lord's  Prayer  inscribed  in  32 
languages.  When  the  church  was  in  course  of 
erection  certain  fragments  of  old  walls  and  mosaics 
were  found,  but,  in  1911,  as  a  result  of  a  careful 
excavation  of  the  site,  the  foundations  of  a  more 
extensive  mass  of  old  buildings,  with  some  beautiful 
mosaic  in  the  baptistry,  were  revealed  in  the  neigh- 
borhood; there  is  little  doubt  but  that  these  founda- 
tions belonged  to  the  actual  Basilica  of  Helena.  It 
is  proposed  to  rebuild  the  church. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  name  Viri  Gali- 
laei  or  Galilee  as  given  to  the  northern  summit  of 
the  main  mass  of  Olivet.  The  name  "Mount 
Galilee"  appears  to  have  been  first  given  to  this 
hill  early  in  the  4th  cent,  and  in  1573  AD  Rau- 
wolf  explains  the  name  by  the  statement  that  here 
was  anciently  a  khan  where  the  Galileans  lodged 
who  came  up  to  Jerus.  In  1620  Quaresmius  applies 
the  names  "Galilee"  and  Viri  Galilaei  to  this  site 
and  thinks  the  latter  name  may  be  due  to  its  having 
been  the  spot  where  the  two  angels  appeared  and 
addressed  the  disciples  as  "Ye  men  of  Galilee" 
(Acts  1  11).  Attempts  have  been  made,  without 
much  success,  to  maintain  that  this  "Galilee"  was 
the  spot  which  Our  Lord  intended  (Mt  28  10.16) 
to  indicate  to  His  disciples  as  the  place  of  meeting. 

The  Russian  inclosure  includes  a  chapel,  a  lofty 
tower — from  which  a  magnificent  view  is  obtain- 
able— a  hospice  and  a  pleasant  pine  grove.  Be- 
tween the  Russian  buildings  to  the  N.  and  the 
Church  of  the  Ascension  lies  the  squalid  village  of 
et  THr,  inhabited  by  a  peculiarly  turbulent  and 
rapacious  crowd  of  Moslems,  who  prey  upon  the 
passing  pilgrims  and  do  much  to  spoil  the  sentiment 
of  a  visit  to  this  sacred  spot.  It  is  possible  it  may 
be  the  original  site  of  Bethphage  (q.v.). 

Literature. — PEF,  Memoirs,  "Jerusalem"  volume; 
G.  A.  Smith,  Jerusalem;  Robinson,  BRP,  I,  18.38; 
Stanley,  Sinai  and  Pal;  Baedeker's  Pal  and  Syria 
(by  Socin  and  Bensinger);  Tobler,  Die  Siloahquelle  und 
der  Oelberg,  1852;  Porter,  Murray's  Pal  and  Syria;  R 
Hofmann,  Galilaea  auf  dem  Oelberg,  Leipzig,  1896 
Schick,  "The  Mount  of  Olives,"   PEFS,  1889,  174-84 


Warren,  art.  "Mount  of  Olives,"  in  HDB;  Gauthier,  in 
EB,  s.v. ;  Vincent  (Pere),  "The  Tombs  of  the  Prophets," 
Retue  Biblique,   1901. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastehman 
OLIVET,  ol'i-vet.     See  Olives,  Mount  op. 

OLYMPAS,  6-lim'pas  ('OXv|nrds,  Olumpds) :  The 
name  of  a  Rom  Christian  to  whom  Paul  sent  greet- 
ings (Rom  16  15).  Olympas  is  an  abbreviated 
form  of  Olympiadorus.  The  joining  in  one  salu- 
tation of  the  Christians  mentioned  in  ver  15  sug- 
gests that  they  formed  by  themselves  a  small  com- 
munity in  the  earliest  Rom  church. 

OLYMPrUS,  5-lim'pi-us  ('OXv|j.irios,  Olumpios) : 
An  epithet  of  Jupiter  or  Zeus  (q.v.)  from  Mt. 
Oljonpus  in  Thessaly,  where  the  gods  held  court 
presided  over  by  Zeus.  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
"who  on  God's  altars  dansed,"  insulted  the  Jewish 
religion  by  dedicating  the  temple  of  Jerus  to  Jupiter 
Olympius,  168  BC  (2  Mace  6  2;    1  Mace  1  54  ff). 

OMAERUS,  om-a-e'rus:  AV  =  RV  "Ismaerus" 
(1  Esd  9  34). 

OMAR,  o'mar  ("ipiS,  'mnar,  connected  perhaps 
with  'dmar,  "speak";  LXX  'liiidv,  Oman,  or  'Ii|iap, 
Omar) :  Grandson  of  Esau  and  son  of  Eliphaz  in 
Gen  36  11;  1  Ch  1  36;  given  the  title  "duke" 
or  "chief"  in  Gen  36  15. 

OMEGA,  o'me-ga,  5-me'ga,  6-meg'a.  See  Alpha 
AND  Omega. 

OMENS,  o'menz.     See  Augury;  Divination. 

OMER,  o'mer  (yCtS ,  'omer):  A  dry  measure, 
the  tenth  of  an  ephah,  equal  to  about  7i  pints. 
See  Weights  and  Measures. 

OMNIPOTENCE,     om-nip'g-tens:     The    noun 

"omnipotence"  is  not  found  in  the  Eng.  Bible,  nor 

any  noun  exactly  corresponding  to  it 

1.  Terms      in  the  original  Heb  or  Gr. 

and  Usage  rpj^^  ^^^  "omnipotent"  occurs  in  Rev 
19  6  AV;  the  Gr  for  this,  TTayrotcpaTiup,  pan- 
tokrdtor.  Occurs  also  in  2  Cor  6  18;  Rev  18;  4  8;  11 
17;  15  3;  16  7.14;  19  15;  21  22  (in  all  of  which  AV 
and  RV  render  "  almighty  ").  It  is  also  found  frequently 
in  LXX,  esp.  iri  the  rendering  of  the  Divine  names  Jeh 
^ebhaoth  and  'El  Shadday.  In  pantokrator,  the  element 
of  "authority,"  "sovereignty,"  side  by  side  with  that  of 
"power,"  makes  itself  more  distinctly  felt  than  it  does 
to  the  modern  ear  in  "omnipotent,"  although  it  is  meant 
to  be  included  in  the  latter  also.  Cf  further  6  {tii-nTo;, 
ho  dunaios,  in  Lk   1   49. 

The  formal  conception  of  omnipotence-  as  worked 

out  in  theology  does  not  occur  in  the  OT.     The 

substance  of  the  idea  is  conveyed  in 

2.  Inherent  various  indirect  ways.  The  notion  of 
in  OT  "strength"  is  inherent  in  the  OT  con- 
Names  of  ception  of  God  from  the  beginning, 
God                being  already   represented   in  one  of 

the  two  Divine  names  inherited  by 
Israel  from  ancient  Sem  rehgion,  the  name  'El. 
According  to  one  etymology  it  is  also  inherent  in  the 
other,  the  nanie  'Elohlm,  and  in  this  case  the  pi. 
form,  by  bringing  out  the  fulness  of  power  in  God, 
would  mark  an  approach  to  the  idea  of  omnipotence. 
See  God,  Names  of. 

In  the  patriarchal  religion  the  conception  of  "might" 
occupies  a  prominent  place,  as  is  indicated  by  the  name 
characteristic  of  this  period,  'El  Shadday;  cf  Gen  17  1; 
28  3;  35  11;  43  14;  48  3;  49  24.25;  Ex  6  3.  Tliis 
name,  however,  designates  the  Divine  power  as  standing 
in  the  service  of  His  covenant-relation  to  the  patriarchs, 
as  transcending  Nature  and  overpowering  it  in  the  In- 
terests of  redemption. 

Another  Divine  name  which  signalizes  this  attribute 
is  Jeh  Q'bhd'oth,  Jeh  of  Hosts.     This  name,  characteristic 


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Olives,  Mount  of 
Omnipotence 


ol  the  prophetic  period,  describes  God  as  the  King  sur- 
rounded and  followed  by  the  angelic  hosts,  and  since  the 
might  of  an  oriental  king  is  measured  by  the  splendor 
of  his  retinue,  as  of  great,  incomparable  power,  the  King 
Omnipotent  (Ps  24  10;  Isa  2  12;  6  3.5;  8  13;  Jer 
46  18;    Mai  1   14). 

Still  another  name  expressive  of  the  same  idea  is 
'Abhlr.  "  Strong  One,"  compounded  with  Jacob  or  Israel 
(Gen  49  24;  Ps  132  2.5;  Isa  1  24;  49  26;  60  16). 
Further,  'El  Gibbor,  "God-Hero"  (Isa  9  6  [of  the  Mes- 
siah]; cl  for  the  adj.  jidftor,  Jer  20  11);  and  tho  figurative 
designation  of  God  as  C^ur,  "  Rock,"  occurring  esp.  in  the 
address  to  God  in  the  Psalter  (Isa  30  29.  AV  "Mighty 
One").  The  specific  energy  with  which  the  Divine 
nature  operates  finds  expression  also  in  the  name  'Kt 
Hay,  "Living  God,"  which  God  bears  over  against  the 
impotent  idols  (1  S  17  26.36;  2  K  19  4.16;  Ps  18  46; 
Jer  23  36;  Dnl  6  20.26  f).  An  anthropomorphic  de- 
scription of  tlie  power  of  God  is  in  the  figures  of  His 
"hand,"  His  "arm,"  His  "finger."     See  God. 

Some  of  the  attributes  of  Jeh  have  an  intimate 

connection    with    His    omnipotence.     Under    this 

head  esp.  God's  nature  as  Spirit  and 

3.  Other  His  hoUness  come  under  consideration. 
Modes  of  The  representation  of  God  as  Spirit  in 
Expression    the  OT  does  not  primarily  refer  to  the 

incorporealness  of  the  Divine  nature, 
but  to  its  inherent  energy.  The  physical  element 
underlying  the  conception  of  Spirit  is  that  of  air  in 
motion,  and  in  this  at  first  not  the  invisibility  but 
the  force  forms  the  point  of  comparison.  The 
opposite  of  "Spirit"  in  this  sense  is  "flesh,"  which 
expresses  the  weakness  and  impotence  of  the  crea- 
ture over  against  God  (Isa  2  22;   31  3). 

The  holiness  of  God  in  its  earliest  and  widest  sense 
(not  restricted  to  the  ethical  sphere)  describes  the  majes- 
tic, specifically  Divine  character  of  His  being,  that  which 
evokes  in  man  religious  awe.  It  is  not  a  single  attribute 
coordinated  with  others,  but  a  peculiar  aspect  under 
which  all  the  attributes  can  be  viewed,  that  which  renders 
them  distinct  from  anything  analogous  in  the  creature 
(1  S  2  2;  Hos  11  9).  In  this  way  holiness  becomes 
closely  associated  with  the  power  of  God,  indeed  some- 
times becomes  synonymous  with  Divine  power  =oni- 
nipotence  (Ex  15  11;  Nu  20  12),  and  esp.  in  Ezk, 
where  God's  "holy  name"  is  often  equivalent  to  His 
renown  tor  power,  hence  interchangeable  with  His  "  great 
name"  (Ezk  36  20-24).  The  objective  Spirit  as  a  dis- 
tinct hypostasis  and  the  executive  of  the  Godhead  on 
its  one  side  also  represents  the  Divine  power  (Isa  32  15; 
Mt  12  28;  Lk  1  35;  4  14;  Acts  10  38;  Rom  15  19; 
1  Cor  2  4). 

In  aU  these  forms  of  expression  a  great  and  specifi- 
caUy  Divine  power  is  predicated  of  God.     State- 
ments  in   which    the    absolutely   un- 

4.  Unlimit-  limited  extent  of  this  power  is  explicitly 
ed  Extent  affirmed  are  rare.  The  reason,  how- 
of  the  ever,  lies  not  in  any  actual  restriction 
Divine  placed  on  this  power,  but  in  the  con- 
Power  Crete  practical  form  of  religious  think- 
ing which  prevents  abstract  formula- 
tion of  the  principle.  The  point  to  be  noticed  is 
that  no  statement  is  anywhere  made  exempting 
aught  from  the  reach  of  Divine  power.  Nearest 
to  a  general  formula  come  such  statements  as 
nothing  is  "too  hard  for  Jeh"  (Gen  18  14;  Jer  32 
17);  or  "I  know  that  thou  canst  do  everything,"  or 
"God  ....  hath  done  whatever  he  pleased"  (Ps 
115  3;  135  6),  or,  negatively,  no  one  "can  hinder" 
God  in  carrying  out  His  purpose  (Isa  43  13),  or 
God's  hand  is  not  "waxed  short"  (Nu  11  23);  in 
the  NT:  "With  God  all  things  are  possible"  (Mt 
19  26;  Mk  10  27;  Lk  18  27);  "Nothing  is  impos- 
sible with  God"  (RV  "No  word  from  God  shall  be 
void  of  power,"  Lk  1  37).  Indirectly  the  omnipo- 
tence of  God  is  implied  in  the  effect  ascribed  to 
faith  (Mt  17  20:  "Nothing  shall  be  impossible  unto 
you";  Mk  9  23:  "All  things  are  possible  to  him 
that  believeth"),  because  faith  puts  the  Divine 
power  at  the  disposal  of  the  believer.  On  its  sub- 
jective side  the  principle  of  inexhaustible  power 
finds  expression  in  Isa  40  28:  God  is  not  subject  to 
weariness.  Because  God  is  conscious  of  the  un- 
Umited  extent  of  His  resources  nothing  is  marvelous 
in  His  eyes  (Zee  8  6). 


It  is  chiefly  through  its  forms  of  manifestation 

that  the  distinctive  quality  of  the  Divine  power 

which  renders  it  omnipotent  becomes 

5.  Forms  of  apparent.  The  Divine  power  operates 
Manifes-  not  merely  in  single  concrete  acts,  but 
tation  is  comprehensively  related  to  the  world 

as  such.  Both  in  Nature  and  history, 
in  creation  and  in  redemption,  it  produces  and 
controls  and  directs  everything  that  comes  to  pass. 
Nothing  in  the  realm  of  actual  or  conceivable  things 
is  withdrawn  from  it  (Am  9  2.3;  Dnl  4  35);  even 
to  the  minutest  and  most  recondite  sequences  of 
cause  and  effect  it  extends  and  masters  all  details 
of  reality  (Mt  10  30;  Lk  12  7).  There  is  no  acci- 
dent (1  S  6  9;  cf  with  ver  12;  Prov  16  33).  It 
need  not  operate  through  second  causes;  it  itself 
underlies  all  second  causes  and  makes  them  what 
they  are. 

It  is  creative  power  producing  its  effect  through  a  mere 
word  (Gen  1  3  ff ;    Dt  8  3;    Ps  33  9;    Rom  4  17;    He 

I  3;  11  30).  Among  the  prophets,  esp.  Isaiah  empha- 
sizes this  manner  of  the  working  of  the  Divine  power  in 
its  immediateness  and  suddenness  (Isa  9  8;  17  13;  18 
4-6;  29  5).  All  the  processes  of  Nature  are  ascribed  to 
the  causation  of  Jeh  (Job  5  9  H;  9  5  if;  chs  38  and  39; 
Isa  40  12  fl;  Am  4  13;  5  8.9;  9  5.6);  esp.  God's  con- 
trol of  the  sea  is  named  as  illustrative  of  this  (Ps  65  7; 
104  9;  Isa  50  2;  Jer  5  22;  31  35).  The  OT  seldom 
says  "it  rains"  (Am  4  7),  but  usually  God  causes  it  to 
rain  (Lev  26  4;  Dt  11  17;  1  S  12  17;  Job  36  27; 
Pss  29  and  65;    Mt  5  45;    Acts  14  17). 

The  same  is  true  of  the  processes  of  history.  God 
sovereignly  disposes,  not  merely  of  Israel,  but  of  all 
other  nations,  even  of  the  most  powerful,  e.g.  the 
Assyrians,  as  His  instruments  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  His  purpose  (Am  1 — 2  3;  9  7;  Isa  10 
5.15;  28  2;  45  1;  Jer  25  9;  27  6;  43  10).  The 
prophets  ascribe  to  Jeh  not  merely  relatively  greater 
power  than  to  the  gods  of  the  nations,  but  His 
power  extends  into  the  sphere  of  the  nations,  and 
the  heathen  gods  are  ignored  in  the  estimate  put 
upon  His  might  (Isa  31  3). 

Even  more  than  the  sphere  of  Nature  and  history, 
that  of  redemption  reveals  the  Divine  omnipotence, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  supernatural  and 
miraculous.  Thus  Ex  15  celebrates  the  power  of 
Jeh  in  the  wonders  of  the  exodus.  It  is  God's  ex- 
clusive prerogative  to  do  wonders  (Job  5  9;  9  10; 
Ps  72  18);  He  alone  can  make  "a  new  thing"  (Nu 
16  30;  Isa  43  19;  Jer  31  22).  In  the  NT  the 
great  embodiment  of  this  redemptive  omnipotence 
is  the  resurrection  of  believers  (Mt  22  29;  Mk  12 
24)  and  specifically  the  resurrection  of  Christ  (Rom 
4  17.21.24;  Eph  1  19  ff);  but  it  is  evidenced  in 
the  whole  process  of  redemption  (Mt  19  26;  Mk 
10  27;   Rom  8  31;   Eph  3  7.20;   1  Pet  1  5;   Rev 

II  17). 

The  significance  of  the  idea  may  be  traced  along 

two  distinct  lines.     On  the  one  hand  the  Divine 

omnipotence  appears  as  a  support  of 

6.  Signifi-  faith.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  pro- 
cance  for  ductive  of  that  specifically  religious 
Biblical  state  of  consciousness  which  Scripture 
Religion        calls  "the  fear  of  Jeh."     Omnipotence 

in  God  is  that  to  which  human  faith 
addresses  itself.  In  it  lies  the  ground  for  assurance 
that  He  is  able  to  save,  as  in  His  love  that  He  is 
willing  to  save  (Ps  65  5.6;  72  18;  118  14-16; 
Eph  3  20). 

As  to  the  other  aspect  of  its  significance,  the 
Divine  omnipotence  in  itself,  and  not  merely  for 
soteriological  reasons,  evokes  a  specific  religious 
response.  This  is  true,  not  only  of  the  OT,  where 
the  element  of  the  fear  of  God  stands  comparatively 
in  the  foreground,  but  remains  true  also  of  the  NT. 
Even  in  Our  Lord's  teaching  the  prominence  given 
to  the  fatherhood  and  love  of  God  does  not  preclude 
that  the  transcendent  majesty  of  the  Divine  nature, 
including  omnipotence,  is  kept  in  full  view  and 


Omnipresence 
Omniscience 


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2190 


made  a  potent  factor  in  the  cultivation  of  the  reli- 
gious mind  (Mt  6  9).  The  beauty  of  Jesus'  teach- 
ing on  the  nature  of  God  consists  in  this,  that  He 
keeps  the  exaltation  of  God  above  every  creature 
and  His  loving  condescension  toward  the  creature  in 
perfect  equilibrium  and  makes  them  mutually 
fructified  by  each  other.  Religion  is  more  than  the 
inclusion  of  God  in  the  general  altruistic  movement 
of  the  human  mind;  it  is  a  devotion  at  every  point 
colored  by  the  consciousness  of  that  Divine  unique- 
ness in  which  God's  omnipotence  occupies  a  fore- 
most place. 

LiTEEATUKE. — OeMer,  Theologie  des  AT'.  131,  139  ff; 
Riehm,  AlUestamentliche  Theologie,  2.50  ff;  DiUmann, 
Handbuch  der  alttestameniUchen  Theologie,  244;  Davidson. 
OT  Theology,  163  ff;  Konig,  Geschichte  der  altlestamenl- 
lichen  Religion,  127,  135  ff,  391,  475. 

Geeehardus  Vos 
OMNIPRESENCE,  om-ni-prez'ens:   Neither  the 
noun  "omnipresence"  nor  adj.  "omnipresent"  occurs 
in  Scripture,  but  the  idea  that  God 

1.  Non-  is  everywhere  present  is  throughout 
Occurrence  presupposed  and  sometimes  explicitly 
of  the  Term  formulated.  God's  omnipresence  is 
in  Scripture  closely  related  to  His  omnipotence  and 

omniscience:  that  He  is  everywhere 
enables  Him  to  act  everywhere  and  to  know  all 
things,  and,  conversely,  through  omnipotent  action 
and  omniscient  knowledge  He  has  access  to  all 
places  and  all  secrets  (cf  Ps  139).  Thus  conceived, 
the  attribute  is  but  the  correlate  of  the  mono- 
theistic conception  of  God  as  the  Infinite  Creator, 
Preserver  and  Governor  of  the  universe,  immanent 
in  His  works  as  well  as  transcendent  above  them. 

The  philosophical  idea  of  omnipresence  is  that 
of  exemption  from  the  limitations  of  space,  subject- 
ively as  well  as  objectively;    subject- 

2.  Philo-  ively,  in  so  far  as  space,  which  is  a 
sophical  necessary  form  of  all  created  conscious- 
and  Popular  ness  in  the  sphere  of  sense-perception. 
Ideas  of  is  not  thus  constitutionally  inherent 
Onmi-  in  the  mind  of  God;  objectively,  in  so 
presence        far  as  the  actuality  of  space-relations 

in  the  created  world  imposes  no  limit 
upon  the  presence  and  operation  of  God.  This 
metaphysical  conception  of  transcendence  above 
all  space  is,  of  course,  foreign  to  the  Bible,  which 
in  regard  to  this,  as  in  regard  to  the  other  tran- 
scendent attributes,  clothes  the  truth  of  revelation 
in  popular  language,  and  speaks  of  exemption  from 
the  limitations  of  space  in  terms  and  figures  derived 
from  space  itself.  Thus  the  very  term  "omni- 
presence" in  its  two  component  parts  "everywhere" 
and  "present"  contains  a  double  inadequacy  of 
expression,  both  the  notion  of  "everjTvhere"  and 
that  of  "presence"  being  spacial  concepts.  Another 
point,  in  regard  to  which  the  popular  nature  of 
the  Scriptural  teaching  on  this  subject  must  be  kept 
in  mind,  concerns  the  mode  of  the  Divine  omni- 
presence. In  treating  the  concept  philosophically, 
it  is  of  importance  to  distinguish  between  its  appli- 
cation to  the  essence,  to  the  activity,  and  to  the 
knowledge  of  God.  The  Bible  does  not  draw  these 
distinctions  in  the  abstract.  Although  sometimes 
it  speaks  of  God's  omnipresence  with  reference  to 
the  pervasive  immanence  of  His  being,  it  frequently 
contents  itself  with  affirming  the  universal  extent 
of  God's  power  and  knowledge  (Dt  4  39;  10  14; 
Ps  139  6-16;   Prov  15  3;   Jer  23  23.24;   Am  9  2). 

This  observation  has  given  rise  to  the  theories  of  a 
mere  omnipresence  of  power  or  omnipresence  by  an  act 

of  will,  as  distinct  from  an  omnipresence  of 
3  Theories  ''eing.  But  it  is  plain  that  in  this  anti- 
_J        .  thetical  form  such  a  distinction  is  foreign 

Uenymg  to  the  intent  of   the   Bib.   statements   in 

Omnir  question.     The  writers  in  these  passages 

^^p(,p-pp  content  themselves  with  describing  the 
f'    °   .  practical  effects  of  the  attribute  without 

01  iiemg  reflecting  upon  the  difference  between  this 

and  its  ontological  aspect;  the  latter  is 
neither  affirmed  nor  denied.    That  no  denial  of  the  omni- 


presence of  being  is  intended  may  be  seen  from  Jer  23  24, 
where  in  the  former  half  of  the  verse  the  omnipresence  of  ■ 
ver  23  is  expressed  in  terms  of  omniscience,  while  in 
the  latter  half  the  idea  finds  ontological  expression. 
Similarly,  in  Ps  139,  cf  ver  2  with  vs  7  ff,  and  vs  13  ff. 
As  here,  so  in  other  passages  the  presence  of  God  with 
His  being  in  all  space  is  explicitly  affirmed  (1  K  8  27; 
2  Ch  2  6;  Isa  66  1;    Acts  17  28). 

Omnipresence  being  the  correlate  of  monotheism,  the 
presence  of  the  idea  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  OT  is  de- 
nied by  all  those  who  assign  the  develop- 

4.  Denial  ment  of  monotheism  in  the  OT  religion  to 
of  the  ^^^  prophetic  period  from  the  8th  cent. 
p  f  OQward.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the 
presence  or  earliest  narratives  speak  very  anthropo- 
the  Idea  in  morphlcally  of  God's  relation  to  space; 
the  Earlier  f^ey  describe  Him  as  coming  and  going 
T5  ,  f  in  language  such  as  might  be  used  of  a 
±'arts  01  human  person.  But  it  does  not  follow 
the  OT  from  this  that  the  writers  who  do  so  con- 
ceive of  God's  being  as  circumscribed  by 

space.  Where  such  forms  of  statement  occur,  not 
the  presence  of  God  in  general,  but  His  visible  pres- 
ence in  theophany  is  referred  to.  If  from  the  local  ele- 
ment entering  into  the  description  God's  subjection 
to  the  limitations  of  space  were  inferred,  then  one 
might  with  equal  warrant,  on  the  basis  of  the  physical, 
sensual  elements  entering  into  the  representation,  im- 
pute to  the  writers  the  view  that  the  Divine  nature  is 
corporeal. 

The  theophanic  form  of  appearance  does  not  disclose 

what  God  is  ontologically  in  Himself,  but  merely  how  He 

condescends  to  appear  and  work  for  the 

5.  The  redemption  of  His  people.  It  establishes 
Special  ^  redemptive  and  revelatory  presence  in 
Ppj  .-  definite  localities,  which  does  not,  in  the 
Keaemprive  mind  of  the  writer,  detract  from  the  Di- 
ana vine  omnipresence.  Hence,  it  is  not  con- 
Revelatory  fined  to  one  place;  the  altars  built  in 
p                        recognition  of  it  are  in  patriarchal  history 

«  r^  J  erected  in   several  places   and   coexist  as 

of  God  each  and  all  offering  access  to  the  special 

Divine  presence.  It  is  significant  that 
already  during  the  patriarchal  period  these  theophanies 
and  the  altars  connected  with  them  are  confined  to  the 
Holy  Land.  This  shows  that  the  idea  embodied  in  them 
has  nothing  to  do  with  a  crude  conception  of  the  Deity 
as  locally  circumscribed,  but  marks  the  beginning  of  that 
gradual  restoration  of  the  gracious  presence  of  God  to 
fallen  humanity,  the  completion  of  which  forms  the  goal 
of  redemption.  Thus  God  is  said  to  dwell  in  the  ark,  in 
the  tabernacle,  on  Mt.  Zion  (Nu  10  35;  2  S  6  2;  2  K 
19  15;  Ps  3  4;  99  1);  in  the  temple  (1  K  8;  Ps  20 
2;  26  8;  46  5;  48  2;  Isa  8  18;  Joel  3  16.21;  Am  1 
2);  in  the  Holy  Land  (1  S  26  19;  Hos  9  3);  in  Christ 
(Jn  1  14;  2  19;  Col  2  9);  in  the  church  (Jn  14  23; 
Rom  8  9.11;  1  Cor  3  16;  6  19;  Eph  2  21.22;  3  11; 
2  Tim  3  15;  He  10  21;  1  Pet  3  5);  in  the  esehatologi- 
cal  assembly  of  His  people  (Rev  21  3).  In  the  light  of 
the  same  principle  must  be  interpreted  the  presence  of 
God  in  heaven.  This  also  is  not  to  be  understood  as 
an  ontological  presence,  but  as  a  presence  of  specific 
theocratic  manifestation  (1  K  8  27;  Ps  2  4;  11  4  ;  33 
13  ff;  104  3;  Isa  6  1  ft;  63  15;  66  1;  Hab  2  20;  Mt 
5  34;  6  9;  Acts  7  48;  17  28;  Eph  1  20;  He  1  3). 
How  little  this  is  meant  to  exclude  the  presence  of 
God  elsewhere  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  the 
two  representations,  that  of  God's  self-manifestation  in 
heaven  and  in  the  earthly  sanctuary,  occur  side  by  side 
(1  K  8  26-53;  Ps  20  2-6;  Am  9  6).  It  has  been 
alleged  that  the  idea  of  God's  dwelling  in  heaven  marks 
a  comparatively  late  attainment  in  the  religion  of  Israel, 
of  wliich  in  the  pre-prophetic  period  no  trace  can  as  vet 
be  discovered  (so  Stade.  Bibl.  Theol.  des  AT,  I,  103,  1()4). 
There  are,  however,  a  number  of  passages  in  the  Pent 
bearing  witness  to  the  early  existence  of  this  belief  (Gen 

11  1-9;  19  24;  21  17;  22  11;  28  12).  Jeh  comes, 
according  to  the  belief  of  the  earliest  period,  with  the 
?l?H5'''     iS^  14  19-20;      19  9.18;      24  15;      Nu  11  25; 

12  5).  That  even  in  the  opinion  of  the  people  Jeh's 
local  presence  in  an  earthly  sanctuary  need  not  have 
excluded  Him  from  heaven  follows  also  from  the  un- 
hesitating belief  in  His  simultaneous  presence  in  a  plural- 
ity of  sanctuaries.  If  it  was  not  a  question  of  locally 
circumscribed  presence  as  between  sanctuary  and  sanc- 
tuary, it  need  not  have  been  as  between  earth  and 
heaven  (cf  Gunkel,  Gen.  157). 

Both  from  a  generally  religious  and  from  a  specifi- 
cally soteriological  point  of  view  the  omnipresence 

of  God  is  of  great  practical  importance 
6.  Religious  for  the  rehgious  life.  In  the  former 
Significance  respect  it  contains  the  guaranty  that 

the  actual  nearness  of  God  and  a  real 
communion  with  Him  may  be  enjoyed  everywhere, 
even  apart  from  the  places  hallowed  for  such  pur- 
pose by  a  specific  gracious  self-manifestation  (Ps 
139  5-10).  In  the  other  respect  the  Divine  omni- 
presence assures  the  believer  that  God  is  at  hand 


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Omnipresence 
Omniscience 


to  save  in  every  place  where  from  any  danger  or 
foe  His  people  need  salvation  (Isa  43  2) . 

LiTERATHBE. — Oehler,  Theologie  des  AT'.  174  ff; 
Riehm,  AlUestamenUiche  Theotogie,  262  11;  nillmann, 
Handbuch  der  alUestamentlichen  Theologie,  246  fif;  David- 
Son,  OT  Theology,  180  fl;  Kbnig,  GescMchte  der  alUesta- 
mentlichen Religion,  197  ff. 

Geerhardus  Vos 
OMNISCIENCE,  om-nish'ens :    The  term  does 
not  occur  in  Scripture,  either  in  its  nominal  or  in  its 
adjectival  form. 

In  the  OT  it  is  expressed  in  connection  witli  such  words 

as  ri?!.  da'ath,  n213,  bindh,  nDIDP.  I'bhunah,  nUDn, 

hokhmah;    also  "seeing"   and  "hearing," 

1.  Words  ''the  eye"  and  "the  ear"  occur  as  figures 
nnH  TToocro  'o''  W^^  linowledge  of  God,  as  "arm," 
auu  us.<ige      "hand,"    "finger"    serve    to    express    His 

_  power.  In  the  NT  are  found  yLfdttrKeLi', 
gindskein,  yvwait;,  gndsis,  ei5ecat,  eidlnai,  <70(/)ta,  Sophia,  in 
the  same  connections. 

Scripture  everywhere  teaches  the  absolute  uni- 
versality of  the   Divine   knowledge.     In   the  his- 
torical  books,    although   there   is   no 

2.  Tacit  abstract  formula,  and  occasional  an- 
Assumption  thropomorphic  references  to  God's 
and  Explicit  taking  knowledge  of  things  occur  (Gen 
Aflarmation    11  5;    .18  21;   Dt  8  3),  none  the  less 

the  principle  is  everywhere  presup- 
posed in  what  is  related  about  God's  cognizance 
of  the  doings  of  man,  about  the  hearing  of  prayer, 
the  disclosing  of  the  future  (1  S  16  7;  23  9-12; 
1  K  8  39;  2  Ch  16  9).  Explicit  affirmation  of 
the  principle  is  made  in  the  Psalter,  the  Prophets, 
the  hokhmah  literature  and  in  the  NT.  This  is  due 
to  the  increased  internalizing  of  religion,  by  which 
its  hidden  side,  to  which  the  Divine  omniscience 
corresponds,  receives  greater  emphasis  (Job  26  6; 
28  24;  34  22;  Ps  139  12;  147  4;  Prov  15  3.11; 
Isa  40  26;   Acts  1  24;   He  4  13;   Rev  2  23). 

This  absolute  universality  is  affirmed  with  refer- 
ence to  the  various  categories  that  comprise  within 

themselves  all  that  is  possible  or  ac- 

3.  Extends  tual.  It  extends  to  God's  own  being, 
to  All  as  well  as  to  what  exists  outside  of  Him 
Spheres         in  the  created  world.     God  has  perfect 

possession  in  consciousness  of  His  own 
being.  The  unconscious  finds  no  place  in  Him 
(Acts  15  18;  1  Jn  1  5).  Next  to  Himself  God 
knows  the  world  in  its  totality.  This  knowledge 
extends  to  small  as  well  as  to  great  affairs  (Mt  6 
8.32;  10  30);  to  the  hidden  heart  and  mind  of 
man  as  well  as  to  that  which  is  open  and  manifest 
(Job  11  11;  34  21.23;  Ps  14  2;  17  2ff;  33  13- 
18;  102  19 f;  139  1-4;  Prov  5  21;  15  3;  Isa  29 
15;  Jer  17  10;  Am  4  13;  Lk  16  1.5;  Acts  1  24; 
1  Thess  2  4;  He  4  13;  Rev  2  23).  It  extends 
to  all  the  divisions  of  time,  the  past,  present  and 
future  alike  (Job  14  17;  Ps  66  8;  Isa  41  22-24; 
44  6-8;  Jer  1  5;  Hos  13  12;  Mai  3  16).  It 
embraces  that  which  is  contingent  from  the  human 
viewpoint  as  well  as  that  which  is  certain  (1  S  23 
9-12;   Mt  11  22.23). 

Scripture  brings  God's  knowledge  into  connection 

with    His   omnipresence.     Ps  139   is   the   clearest 

expression  of  this.     Omniscience  is  the 

4.  Mode  of  omnipresence  of  cognition  (Jer  23 
the  Divine  23  ff).  It  is  also  closely  related  to 
Knowledge    God's  eternity,  for  the  latter  makes 

Him  in  His  knowledge  independent 
of  the  limitations  of  time  (Isa  43  8-12).  God's 
creative  relation  to  all  that  exists  is  represented  as 
underlying  His  omniscience  (Ps  33  15;  97  9;  139 
13;  Isa  29  15).  His  all-comprehensive  purpose 
forms  the  basis  of  His  knowledge  of  all  events  and 
developments  (Isa  41  22-27;  Am  3  7). 

This,  however,  does  not  mean  that  God's  knowl- 
edge of  things  is  identical  with  His  creation  of  them, 
as  has  been  suggested  by  Augustine  and  others. 
The  act  of  creation,  while  necessarily  connected  with 


the  knowledge  of  that  which  is  to  be  actual,  is  not 
identical  with  such  knowledge  or  with  the  purpose 
on  which  such  knowledge  rests,  for  in  God,  as  well 
as  in  man,  the  intellect  and  the  will  are  distinct 
faculties.  In  the  last  analysis,  God's  knowledge 
of  the  world  has  its  source  in  His  self-knowledge. 
The  world  is  a  revelation  of  God.  All  that  is  actual 
or  possible  in  it  therefore  is  a  reflection  in  created 
form  of  what  exists  uncreated  in  God,  and  thus  the 
knowledge  of  the  one  becomes  a  reproduction  of  the 
knowledge  of  the  other  (Acts  17  27;  Rom  1  20). 
The  Divine  knowledge  of  the  world  also  partakes 
of  the  quality  of  the  Divine  self-knowledge  in  this 
respect,  that  it  is  never  dormant.  God  does  not 
depend  for  embracing  the  multitude  and  complex- 
ity of  the  existing  world  on  such  mental  processes 
'as  abstraction  and  generalization. 

The  Bible  nowhere  represents  Him  as  attaining 
to  knowledge  by  reasoning,  but  everywhere  as 
simply  knowing.  From  what  has  been  said  about 
the  immanent  sources  of  the  Divine  knowledge,  it 
follows  that  the  latter  is  not  a  posteriori  derived 
from  its  objects,  as  all  human  knowledge  based  on 
experience  is,  but  is  exercised  without  receptivity 
or  dependence.  In  knowing,  as  well  as  in  all  other 
activities  of  His  nature,  God  is  sovereign  and  self- 
sufficient.  In  cognizing  the  reality  of  all  things 
He  needs  not  wait  upon  the  things,  but  draws  His 
knowledge  directly  from  the  basis  of  reality  as  it 
lies  in  Himself.  While  the  two  are  thus  closely  con- 
nected it  is  nevertheless  of  importance  to  distin- 
guish between  God's  knowledge  of  Himself  and 
God's  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  also  between 
His  knowledge  of  the  actual  and  His  knowledge  of 
the  possible.  These  distinctions  mark  off  the 
theistic  conception  of  omniscience  from  the  panthe- 
istic idea  regarding  it.  God  is  not  bound  up  in 
His  life  with  the  world  in  such  a  sense  as  to  have  no 
scope  of  activity  beyond  it. 

Since  Scripture  includes  in  the  objects  of  the 
Divine  knowledge  also  the  issue  of  the  exercise  of 
freewill  on  the  part  of  man,  the  prob- 
5.  God's  lem  arises,  how  the  contingent  char- 
Omnis-  acter  of  such  decisions  and   the  cer- 

cience  and  tainty  of  the  Divine  knowledge  can 
Human  coexist.     It  is  true  that  the  knowledge 

Freewill  of  God  and  the  purposing  will  of  God 
are  distinct,  and  that  not  the  former 
but  the  latter  determines  the  certainty  of  the  out- 
come. Consequently  the  Divine  omniscience  in 
such  cases  adds  or  detracts  nothing  in  regard  to  the 
certainty  of  the  event.  God's  omniscience  does  not 
produce  but  presupposes  the  certainty  by  which 
the  problem  is  raised.  At  the  same  time,  precisely 
because  omniscience  presupposes  certainty,  it  ap- 
pears to  exclude  every  conception  of  contingency 
in  the  free  acts  of  man,  such  as  would  render  the 
latter  in  their  very  essence  undetermined.  The 
knowledge  of  the  issue  must  have  a  fixed  point  of 
certainty  to  terminate  upon,  if  it  is  to  be  knowledge 
at  all.  Those  who  make  the  essence  of  freedom 
absolute  indeterminateness  must,  therefore,  exempt 
this  class  of  events  from  the  scope  of  the  Di-vine 
omniscience.  But  this  is  contrary  to  all  the  testi- 
mony of  Scripture,  which  distinctly  makes  God's 
absolute  knowledge  extend  to  such  acts  (Acts  2  23). 
It  has  been  attempted  to  construe  a  peculiar  form 
of  the  Divine  knowledge,  which  would  relate  to  this 
class  of  acts  specifically,  the  so-called  scienlia  media, 
to  be  distinguished  from  the  scienlia  necessaria, 
which  has  for  its  object  God  Himself,  and  the 
scienlia  libera  which  terminates  upon  the  certainties 
of  the  world  outside  of  God,  as  determined  by  His 
freewill.  This  scienlia  media  would  then  be  based 
on  God's  foresight  of  the  outcome  of  the  free  choice 
of  man.  It  would  involve  a  knowledge  of  recep- 
tivity, a  contribution  to  the  sum  total  of  what  God 


Omri 
On 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2192 


knows  derived  from  observation  on  His  part  of  the 
world-process.  That  is  to  say,  it  would  be  knowl- 
edge a  posteriori  in  essence,  although  not  in  point 
of  time.  It  is,  however,  difficult  to  see  how  such 
a  knowledge  can  be  possible  in  God,  when  the  out- 
come is  psychologically  undetermined  and  unde- 
terminable. The  knowledge  could  originate  no 
sooner  than  the  determination  originates  through 
the  free  decision  of  man.  It  would,  therefore,  neces- 
sarily become  an  a  posteriori  knowledge  in  time  as 
well  as  in  essence.  The  appeal  to  God's  eternity 
as  bringing  Him  equally  near  to  the  future  as  to  the 
present  and  enabling  Him  to  see  the  future  deci- 
isions  of  man's  free  will  as  though  they  were  present 
cannot  remove  this  difficulty,  for  when  once  the 
observation  and  knowledge  of  God  are  made  de- 
pendent on  any  temporal  issue,  the  Divine  eternity 
itself  is  thereby  virtually  denied.  Nothing  remains 
but  to  recognize  that  God's  eternal  knowledge  of 
the  outcome  of  the  freewill  choices  of  man  implies 
that  there  enters  into  these  choices,  notwithstand- 
ing their  free  character,  an  element  of  predetermi- 
nation, to  which  the  knowledge  of  God  can  attach 
itself. 

Tne  Di\'ine  omniscience  is  most  important  for 
the  religious  life.     The  very  essence  of  religion  as 

communion  with  God  depends  on  His 
6.  Religious  all-comprehensive  cognizance  of  the 
Importance  life  of  man  at  every  moment.     Hence 

it  is  characteristic  of  the  irreligious 
to  deny  the  omniscience  of  God  (Ps  10  11.12;  94 
7-9;  Isa  29  15;  Jer  23  2.3;  Ezk  8  12;  9  9). 
Esp.  along  three  lines  this  fundamental  religious 
importance  reveals  itself:  (a)  it  lends  support  and 
comfort  when  the  pious  suffer  from  the  misunder- 
standing and  misrepresentation  of  men;  (h)  it  acts 
as  a  deterrent  to  tfiose  tempted  by  sin,  esp.  secret 
sin,  and  becomes  a  judging  principle  to  all  hypocrisy 
and  false  security;  (c)  it  furnishes  the  source  from 
which  man's  desire  for  self-knowledge  can  obtain 
satisfaction  (Ps  19  12;    51  6;    139  23.24). 

LiTEHATTjBE. — Oehlef,  Theologie  lies  AT',  S76;  Riehm, 
Alttestameniliche  Theologie,  263;  Dilimann,  Handhuch  der 
altteslamentlichen  Theologie,  249;  Davidson,  OT  Theology, 
180  fl. 

Geerhardus  Vos 
OMRI,  om'ri  Oip?  ,  'omri;  LXX  'A|iPpC,  Ambri; 
Assyr  "Humri"  and  "Humria"): 

(1)  The  6th  king  of  Northern  Israel,  and  founder 
of  the  Hid  Dynasty  which  reigned  for  nearly  50 
years.  Omri  reigned  12  years,  c  887-876  BC.  The 
historical  sources  of  his  reign  are  contained  in  1  K 
16  15-28;  20  34,  the  M  S,  Assyr  inscriptions,  and 
in  the  published  accounts  of  recent  excavations  in 
Samaria.  In  spite  of  the  brief  passage  given  to 
Omri  in  the  OT,  he  was  one  of  the  most  important 
of  the  military  kings  of  Northern  Israel. 

O.  is  first  mentioned  as  an  officer  in  the  army  of 
Elah,  which  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  the  Phili 
town   of   Gibbethon.     XMiile    O.   was 
1.  His  thus   engaged,    Zimri,   another   officer 

Accession  of  Elah's  army,  conspired  against  the 
king,  whom  he  assassinated  in  a 
drunken  debauch,  exterminating  at  the  same  time 
the  remnant  of  the  house  of  Baasha.  The  con- 
spiracy evidently  lacked  the  support  of  the  people, 
for  the  report  that  Zimri  had  usurped  the  throne 
no  sooner  reached  the  army  at  Gibbethon,  than  the 
people  proclaimed  O.,  the  more  powerful  military 
leader,  Idng  over  Israel.  O.  lost  not  a  moment,  but 
leaving  Gibbethon  in  the  hands  of  the  Philis,  he 
marched  to  Tirzah,  which  he  besieged  and  captured, 
while  Zimri  perished  in  the  flames  of  the  palace  to 
which  he  had  set  fu-e  with  his  own  hands  (1  K  16 
IS).  O.,  however,  had  still  another  opponent  in 
Tibni  the  son  of  Ginath,  who  laid  claim  to  the 
throne,  and  who  was  supported  in  his  claims  by  his 


brother  Joram  (1  K  16  22  LXX)  and  by  a  large 
number  of  the  people.  Civil  war  followed  this 
rivalry  for  the  throne,  which  seems  to  have  lasted 
for  a  period  of  four  years  (cf  1  K  16  15,  with  vs 
23  and  29)  before  O.  gained  full  control. 

O.'s  military  ability  is  seen  from  his  choice  of 
Samaria  as  the  royal  residence  and  capital  of  the 
Northern  Kingdom.  This  step  may  have  been 
suggested  to  O.  by  his  own  easy  conquest  of  Tirzah, 
the  former  capital.  Accordingly,  he  purchased  the 
hill  Shomeron  of  Shemer  for  two  talents  of  silver, 
about  ,$4,352.00  in  American  money.  The  conical 
hill,  which  rose  from  the  surrounding  plain  to  the 
height  of  400  ft.,  and  on  the  top  of  which  there  was 
room  for  a  large  city,  was  capable  of  easy  defence. 

The  superior  strategic  importance  of  Samaria 
is  evidenced  by  the  sieges  it  endured  repeatedly 
by  the  Syrians  and  Assyrians.  It 
2.  The  was  finally  taken  by  Sargon  in  722, 

Founding  after  the  siege  had  lasted  for  3  years. 
of  Samaria  That  the  Northern  Kingdom  endured 
as  long  as  it  did  was  due  largely  to  the 
strength  of  its  capital.  With  the  fall  of  Samaria, 
the  nation  fell. 


Palace  ot  Omri  and  Ahab  at  Samaria. 

Recent  excavations  in  Samaria  under  the  direction 
of  Harvard  University  throw  new  light  upon  the  ancient 
capital  of  Israel.  The  first  results  were  the  xmcovering 
of  massive  foundation  walls  of  a  large  building,  includ- 
ing a  stairway  80  ft.  wide.  This  building,  which  is 
Rom  in  architecture,  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  temple, 
the  work  of  Herod,  Under  this  Rom  building  was  re- 
covered a  part  of  a  massive  Heb  structure,  believed  to 
be  the  palace  of  O.  and  Ahab.  During  the  year  1910 
the  explorations  revealed  a  building  covering  15  acres  of 
ground.  Pour  periods  of  construction  were  recognized, 
which,  on  archaeological  grounds,  were  tentatively  as- 
signed to  the  reigns  of  O.,  Ahab,  Jehu,  and  Jeroboam  II. 
See  Samaria  and  articles  by  David  G.  Lyon  in  Harvard 
Theological  Review,  IV,  1911;  JBL,  V,  XXX,  Part  I  1911- 
PEFS,  1911,  79-83. 

Concerning  O.'s  foreign  policy  the  OT  is  silent 
beyond  a  single  hint  contained  in  1  K  20  34. 
Here  we  learn  that  he  had  to  bow 
3.  His  before  the  stronger  power  of  Syria.  It 
Foreign  is  probable  that  Ben-hadad  I  besieged 
Policy  Samaria  shortly  after  it  was  built, 
for  he  forced  O.  to  make  "streets"  in 
the  city  for  the  Syrians.  It  is  probable,  too,  that 
at  this  time  Ramoth-gilead  was  lost  to  the  Syrians. 
Evidently  O.  was  weakened  in  his  foreign  poUcy 
at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  by  the  civil  conflict 
engendered  by  his  accession.  However,  he  showed 
strength  of  character  in  his  dealings  with  foreign 
powers.  At  least  he  regained  control  over  the 
northern  part  of  Moab,  as  we  learn  from  the  M  S. 
Lmes  4-8  tell  us  that  "Omri  was  king  of  Israel  and 
afflicted  Moab  many  days  because  Chemosh  was 
angry  with  his  land Omri  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  land  of  Medeba  and  dwelt  therein 
during  his  days  and  half  the  days  of  his  son,  forty 
years." 

O.  was  the  first  king  of  Israel  to  pay  tribute  to 
the  Assyrians  under  their  king  Asurnaoirpal  III, 


2193 


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Omri 
On 


in  876  BC.  From  the  days  of  Shahnaneser  II 
(860  BC)  down  to  the  time  of  Sargon  (722  BC), 
Northern  Israel  was  known  to  the  Assyrians  as 
"the  land  of  the  house  of  Omri."  On  Shalmaneser's 
black  obehsk,  Jehu,  who  overthrew  the  dynasty 
of  O.,  is  called  Ja'ua  abal  Humri,  "Jehu  son  of  Omri." 

O.  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  Phoenicians 
by  the  marriage  of  his  son  Ahab  to  Jezebel,  daughter 
of  Ethbaal,  king  of  the  Sidonians.  This  may  have 
been  done  as  protection  against  the  powers  from  the 
East,  and  as  such  would  have  seemed  to  be  a  wise 
pohtical  move,  but  it  was  one  fraught  with  evil 
for  Israel. 

Although  O.  laid  the  foundation  of  a  strong 
kingdom,  he  failed  to  impart  to  it  the  vitaUzing 
and  rejuvenating  force  of  a  healthy 
4.  His  spiritual   rehgion.     The  testimony  of 

Religious  1  K  16  25.26,  that  he  "dealt  wickedly 
Influence  above  all  that  were  before  him," 
and  Death  coupled  with  the  reference  to  "the 
statutes  of  Omri"  in  Mic  6  16,  indi- 
cates that  he  may  have  had  a  share  in  substituting 
foreign  religions  for  the  worship  of  Jeh,  and  there- 
fore the  unfavorable  light  in  which  he  is  regarded 
is  justified.  LTpon  his  death,  O.  was  succeeded 
upon  the  throne  by  his  son  Ahab,  to  whom  was  left 
the  task  of  shaking  off  the  Syrian  yoke,  and  who 
went  beyond  his  father  in  making  the  Phoen  influ- 
ence along  with  Baahsm  of  prime  importance  in 
Israel,  thus  leading  the  nation  into  the  paths  that 
hastened  its  downfall. 

(2)  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Becher  (1  Ch  7  8). 

(3)  A  Judahite,  descendant  of  Perez,  who  lived 
at  Jerus  (1  Ch  9  4). 

(4)  A  prince  of  Issachar  in  the  time  of  David 
(1  Ch  27  18).  S.  K.  MosiMAN 

ON,  on  (pX,  'on;  Egyp  An,  Ant,  Annu,  prob- 
ably pronounced  An  only,  as  this  is  often  all  that  is 
written,  a  "stone"  or  "stone  pillars"):  Later  called 
Heliopolis.  The  name  On  occurs  only  in  Gen  41  45. 
50;  46  20.  It  occurs  in  one  other  place  in  LXX 
(Ex  1  11),  where  On  is  mentioned  -ndth  Pithom 
and  Raamses  as  strong  cities  which  the  Israelites 
built.  Heb  slaves  may  have  worked  upon  fortifi- 
cations here,  but  certainly  did  not  build  the  city. 
On  is  possibly  referred  to  as  D^nn  Tiy ,  %r  ha-here^, 
in  Isa  19  18  (see  Ir-ha-heres).  On  may  also  be 
mentioned  by  Jeremiah  (43  13)  under  the  name 
Beth-shemesh.  Ezekiel  speaks  of  an  Aven  {'Q^ , 
'dwen)  (Ezk  30  17),  where  it  is  mentioned  with  Pi- 
beseth  (Bubastis) .  Aven  in  this  passage  is  almost 
certainly  the  same  as  On  in  Gen  41  45;  46  20,  as  the 
letters  of  both  words  are  the  same  in  the  Heb.  Only 
the  placing  of  the  vowel-points  makes  any  differ- 
ence. If  there  is  a  mistake,  it  is  a  mistake  of  the 
Massoretes,  not  of  the  Heb  writer. 

There  were  two  0ns  in  Egypt:  one  in  Upper 
Egypt,  An-res  (Hermonthis) ;  the  other  in  Lower 
Egypt,  An-Meheet  (Brugsch,  Geogr. 
1.  Location  hischr.,  254,  255,  nos.  1217,  a,  b,  1218, 
and  De-  8708,  1225).  The  latter  is  the  On 
scription  referred  to  in  the  Bible.  It  lay  about 
20  miles  N.  of  the  site  of  old  Memphis, 
about  10  miles  N.E.  of  the  location  of  modem  Cairo. 
It  has  left  until  this  time  about  4  sq.  miles  of  ruins 
within  the  old  walls.  Little  or  nothing  remains 
outside  the  walls. 

On  was  built  at  the  edge  of  the  desert,  which  has 
now  retreated  some  3  or  4  miles  eastward,  the  result 
of  the  rising  of  the  bed  of  the  Nile  by  sediment  from 
the  inundation,  and  the  broadening  of  the  area  of 
infiltration  which  now  carries  the  water  of  the  Nile 
that  much  to  the  E.  The  land  around  On  has 
risen  about  10  ft.,  and  the  waters  of  infiltration  at 


the  time  of  lowest  Nile  are  now  about  11  ft.  above 

the  floor-level  of  the  temple. 

The  history  of  On  is  very  obscure,  yet  its  very 

great  importance  is  in   no   doubt.     No   clear  de- 
scription of  the  ancient  city  or  sanc- 

2.  History     tuary  has  come  down  to  us,  but  there 
are  so  many  incidental  references,  and 

so  much  is  implied  in  ancient  records,  that  it  stands 


Obelisk  at  On. 

out  as  of  the  very  first  importance,  both  as  capital 
and  sanctuary.  The  city  comes  from  the  1st 
Dynasty,  when  it  was  the  seat  of  government,  and 
indeed  must  have  been  founded  by  the  1st  Dynasty 
or  have  come  down  to  it  from  pre-historic  time. 
From  the  Illd  to  the  Vlth  Dynasty  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment was  shifted  from  On  to  Memphis,  and  in 
the  Xllth  Dynasty  to  Diospolis.  Throughout 
these  changes  On  retained  its  religious  importance. 
It  had  been  the  great  sanctuary  in  the  time  of  the 
Pyramid  Texts,  the  oldest  religious  texts  of  Egypt, 
and  judging  from  the  evident  great  development  of 
the  temple  of  On  at  the  time  of  the  writing  of  the 
texts,  the  city  must  have  antedated  them  by  con- 
siderable time  (Budge,  Hist  of  Egypt,  II,  S3,  84, 
108;  Breasted,  Development  of  Religion  and 
Thought  in  Egypt,  chs  i,  ii).  The  mj'th  of  Osiris 
makes  even  the  charge  against  Set  for  the  murder 
of  Osiris  to  have  been  preferred  at  Heliopolis 
(Breasted,  op.  cit.,  34).  This  certainly  implies  a 
very  great  age  for  the  sanctuary  at  On.  It  con- 
tained a  temple  of  the  sun  under  the  name  Ra,  the 
sun,  and  also  Atum,  the  setting  sun,  or  the  sun  of 
the  Underworld.  There  was  also  a  Phoenix  Hall 
and  a  sacred  object  called  a  ben,  probably  a  stone, 
and  the  origin  of  the  name  An,  a  "stone"  or  "pillar" 
(cf  Breasted,  op.  cit.,  76,  11,  and  71).  Though  the 
Xllth  Dynasty  removed  the  capital  to  Diospolis, 
Usertsen  I  (Senwesret)  of  that  Dynasty  erected  a 
great  obelisk  at  On  in  front  of  the  entrance  to  the 
temple.  The  situation  of  this  obelisk  in  the  temple- 
area  indicates  that  the  great  temple  was  already 
more  than  a  half-mile  in  length  as  early  as  the 
Xllth  Dynasty.  The  mate  of  this  obelisk  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  entrance  seems  not  to  have  been 


On 

Onias 


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2194 


erected  until  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty.  Its  founda- 
tions were  discovered  in  1912  by  Petrie.  Some 
scraps  of  the  granite  of  the  obeUsk  bear  inscriptions 
of  Thothmes  III.  A  great  Hylisos  wall,  also  dis- 
covered by  Petrie  in  1912,  exactly  similar  to  that 
of  the  fortified  camp  at  Tel  el  Yehudiyeh,  4  miles  N., 
makes  it  quite  certain  that  these  usurpers  between 
the  Old  Empire  and  the  New  fortified  On  as  the 
capital  once  more.  The  manifest  subserviency  of 
the  priests  of  On  in  the  story  of  Joseph  makes  it 
most  probable  that  the  old  capital  at  On  had  already 
been  subjugated  in  Joseph's  time,  and  that  within 
this  old  fortification  still  existing  Joseph  ruled  as 
prime  minister  of  Egypt.  Merenptah  in  his  Sth 
year  began  to  fortify  On.  Sheshonk  III  called 
himself  "divine  prince  of  Annu,"  and  seems  to  have 
made  On  one  of  the  greatest  sanctuaries  of  his  long 
reign.  On  still  figured  in  Egyp  history  in  the  rebel- 
lion against  Ashurbanipal.  The  city  has  been 
deserted  since  the  Pers  invasion  of  525  BC.  Tra- 
dition makes  the  dwelling-place  of  Joseph  and  Mary 
with  the  child  Jesus,  while  in  Egypt,  to  have  been 
near  Heliopolis. 

The  exploration  of  On  was  attempted  by  Schiap- 
arelli,  but  was  not  carried  out,  and  his  work  has  not 
been  published.  In  1912  Petrie  began  a  systematic 
work  of  excavation  which,  it  is  expected,  will  con- 
tinue until  the  whole  city  has  been  examined.  The 
only  great  discovery  of  the  first  season  was  the 
Hyksos  wall  of  fortification.  Its  full  import  can 
only  be  determined  by  the  continuance  of  the 
exploration.  M.  G.  Kyle 

ON  (pX,  'on;  Avv,  Aun):  A  Reubenite,  son  of 
Peleth,  who  took  part  with  Dathan  and  Abiram 
in  their  revolt  against  Moses  (Nu  16  1). 

ONAM,  o'nam  (D31X,  'onam,  "vigorous";  cf 
Onan)  : 

(1)  "Son"  of  Shobal  "son"  of  Seir  the  Horite 
(Gen  36  23;   1  Ch  1  40). 

(2)  "Son"  of  Jerahmeel  by  Atarah;  perhaps  the 
name  is  connected  with  Onan  son  of  Judah  (1  Ch 
2  26.28). 

ONAN,  o'nan  (1;^X ,  'onan,  "vigorous";  cf 
Onam):  A  "son"  of  Judah  (Gen  38  4.8-10;  46  12; 
Nu26  19;  1  Ch  2  3).  "The  story  of  the  untimely 
death  of  Er  and  Onan  implies  that  two  of  the  an- 
cient clans  of  Judah  early  disappeared"  (Curtis, 
Chron,  84).  See  Skinner,  Gen,  452,  where  it  is 
pointed  out  that  in  Gen  38  11  Judah  plainly  at- 
tributes the  death  of  his  sons  in  some  way  to  Tamar 
herself.     The  name  is  aUied  to  Onam. 

ONE,  wun.     See  Number. 

ONESIMUS,  d-nes'i-mus  ('Ovii(ri.(j.os,  Ontsimos, 
ht.  "profitable,"  "helpful"  [Col  4  9;  Philem  ver  10]): 

Onesimus  was  a  slave  (Philem  ver  16) 
1.  With  belonging    to    Philemon    who    was    a 

Paul  in  wealthy  citizen  of  Colossae,  and  a  prom- 

Rome  inent  member  of  the  church  there.     O. 

was  still  a  heathen  when  he  defrauded 
his  master  and  ran  off  from  Colossae.  He  found  his 
way  to  Rome,  where  evil  men  tended  to  flock  as  to 
a  common  center,  as  Tacitus  tells  us  they  did  at 
that  period.  In  Rome  he  came  into  contact  with 
Paul,  who  was  then  in  his  own  hired  house,  in  mili- 
tary custody. 

What  brought  him  into  contact  with  Paul  we  do  not 
know.  It  may  have  been  hunger;  it  may  have  been  the 
pang.s  of  conscience.  He  couid  not  forget  that  his 
master's  house  in  Colossae  was  the  place  where  the 
Christians  met  in  their  weekly  assemblies  for  the  wor- 
ship of  Christ.  Neither  could  he  forget  how  Philemon 
had  many  a  time  spoken  of  Paul,  to  whom  he  owed  his 


conversion.      Now  that  O.  was  in  Rome — what  a  strange 
coincidence — Paul  also  was  in  Rome. 

The  result  of  their  meeting  was  that  O.  was 
converted  to  Christ,  through  the  instrumentality 
of  the  apostle  ("my  child,  whom  I  have  begotten 
in  my  bonds,"  Philem  ver  10).  His  services  had 
been,  very  acceptable  to  Paul,  who  would  gladly 
have  kept  O.  with  him;  but  as  he  could  not  do  this 
without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  Philemon, 
he  sent  O.  back  to  Colossae,  to  his  master  there. 

At  the  same  time  Paul  wrote  to  the  church  in 
Colossae  on  other  matters,  and  he  intrusted  the 
Ep.  to  the  Col  to  the  joint  care  of 
2.  Paul's  Tychicus  and  O.  The  apostle  recom- 
Epistles  to  mends  O.  to  the  brethren  in  Colossae, 
Colossae  as  a  "faithful  and  beloved  brother, 
and  to  who  is  one  of  you,"  and  he  goes  on 

Philemon       to  say  that  Tychicus  and  O.  will  make 
known  to  them  all  things  that  have 
happened  to  Paul  in  Rome.     Such  a  commendation 
would  greatly  facilitate  O.'s  return  to  Colossae. 

But  Paul  does  more.  He  furnishes  O.  with  a 
letter  written  by  himself  to  Philemon.  Returning 
to  a  city  where  it  was  well  known  that  he  had  been 
neither  a  Christian  nor  even  an  honest  man,  he 
needed  someone  to  vouch  for  the  reaUty  of  the 
change  which  had  taken  place  in  his  fife.  And  Paul 
does  this  for  him  both  in  the  Ep.  to  the  Col  and  in 
that  to  Philemon. 

With  what  exquisite  delicacy  is  O.  introduced! 
'Receive  him,'  says  the  apostle,  'for  he  is  my  own 
very  heart'  (Philem  ver  12).  "The  man  whom  the 
Colosslans  had  only  known  hitherto,  if  they  knew  him  at 
all,  as  a  worthless  runaway  slave,  is  thus  commended  to 
them,  as  no  more  a  slave  but  a  brother,  no  more  dis- 
honest and  faithless  but  trustworthy;  no  more  an  object 
of  contempt  but  of  love"  (Lightfoofs  Comm.  on  Col,  235). 

(1)  Onesimus  profitable. — The  apostle  accord- 
mgly  begs  Philemon  to  give  O.  the  same  reception 
as  he  would  rejoice  to  give  to  himself.  The  past 
history  of  O.  had  been  such  as  to  beUe  the  meaning 
of  his  name.  He  had  not  been  "profitable" — far 
from  it.  But  ah-eady  his  consistent  conduct  in 
Rome  and  his  wiUing  service  to  Paul  there  have 
changed  all  that;  he  has  been  profitable  to  Paul, 
and  he  will  be  profitable  to  Philemon  too. 

(2)  Paul  guarantees. — O.  had  evidently  stolen 
his  master's  goods  before  leaving  Colossae,  but  in 
regard  to  that  the  apostle  writes  that  if  he  has 
defrauded  Philemon  in  anything,  he  becomes  his 
surety.  Philemon  can  regard  Paul's  handwritmg 
as  a  bond  guaranteeing  payment:  "Put  that  to 
mme  account,"  are  his  words,  "I  will  repay  it  " 
Had  Philemon  not  been  a  Christian,  and  had  Paul 
not  written  this  most  beautiful  letter,  O.  might  well 
have  been  afraid  to  return.  In  the  Rom  empire 
slaves  were  constantly  crucified  for  smaller  offences 
than  those  of  which  he  had  been  guilty.  A  thief 
and  a  runaway  had  nothing  but  torture  or  death 
to  e.xpect. 

(3)  The  change  which  Christ  makes. — But  now 
under  the  sway  of  Christ  all  is  changed.  The 
master  who  has  been  defrauded  now  owns  allegiance 
to  Jesus.  The  letter,  which  is  deUvered  to  him 
by  his  slave,  IS  written  by  a  bound  "prisoner  of 
Jesus  Christ.  The  slave  too  is  now  a  brother  in 
Christ,  beloved  by  Paul:  surely  he  will  be  beloved 
by  Philemon  also.  Then  Paul  intimates  that  he 
hopes  soon  to  be  set  free,  and  then  he  will  come 
and  visit  them  in  Colossae.  Will  PhUemon  receive 
him  into  his  house  as  his  guest? 

(4)  'The  result.— It  cannot  be  imagined  that  this 
appeal  in  behalf  of  O.  was  in  vain.  Philemon  would 
do  more  than  Paul  asked;  and  on  the  apostle's  visit 
to  Colossae  he  would  find  the  warmest  welcome, 
both  from  Philemon  and  from  Onesimus. 

John  Rutherfurd 


2195 


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On 
Onias 


ONESIPHORUS,     o-ng-sif'6-rus     ('OvT|(rC<i)opos, 

Oneslphoros,    lit.     "profit    bringei'"    [2  Tim  1  16; 
4  19]) :    Onesiphorus  was  a  friend  of 

1.  The  the  apostle  Paul,  who  mentions  him 
Friend  of  twice  when  writing  to  Timothy.  In 
Paul  the  former  of  the  two  passages  where 

his  name  occurs,  his  conduct  is  con- 
trasted with  that  of  Phygellus  and  Hermogenes  and 
others — all  of  whom,  like  O.  himself,  were  of  the 
province  of  Asia — from  whom  Paul  might  well 
have  expected  to  receive  sympathy  and  help. 
These  persons  had  "turned  away"  from  him.  O. 
acted  in  a  different  way,  for  "he  oft  refreshed  me, 
and  was  not  ashamed  of  my  chain;  but,  when  he 
was  in  Rome,  he  sought  me  diligently,  and  found 
me." 

O.  was  one  of  the  Christians  of  the  church  in 
Ephesus;  and  the  second  passage,  where  his  name 
is  found,  merely  sends  a  message  of  greeting  from 
Paul,  which  Timothy  in  Ephesus  is  requested  to 
deliver  to  "the  household  of  O."  (AV). 

O.  then  had  come  from  Ephesus  to  Rome.     It 

was  to  Paul  that  the  church  at  Ephesus  owed  its 

origin,  and  it  was  to  him  therefore  that 

2.  Visits  O.  and  the  Christians  there  were  in- 
Paul  in  deb  ted  for  all  that  they  knew  of  Christ. 
Rome             O.  gratefully  remembered  these  facts, 

and  having  arrived  in  Rome,  and 
learned  that  Paul  was  in  prison,  he  "very  diligently" 
sought  for  the  apostle.  But  to  do  this,  though  it 
was  only  his  duty,  involved  much  personal  danger 
at  that  particular  time.  For  the  persecution,  in- 
augurated by  Nero  against  the  Christians,  had 
raged  bitterly;  its  fury  was  not  yet  abated,  and 
this  made  the  profession  of  the  Christian  name  a 
matter  which  involved  very  great  risk  of  persecu- 
tion and  of  death. 

Paul  was  not  the  man  to  think  lightly  of  what  his 
Ephesian  friend  had  done.  He  remembered  too, 
"in  how  many  things  he  ministered  at  Ephesus." 
And,  writing  to  Timothy,  he  reminded  him  that  O.'s 
kindly  ministrations  at  Ephesus  were  already  well 
known  to  him,  from  his  residence  in  Ephesus,  and 
from  his  position,  as  minister  of  the  church  there. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  ministration  of  O. 
at  Ephesus  was  not,  as  AV  gives  it,  "to  me,"  that  is, 
to  Paul  himself.  "To  me"  is  omitted  in  RV. 
What  O.  had  done  there  was  a  wide  Christian  min- 
istry of  kindly  action;  it  embraced  "many  things," 
which  were  too  well  known — for  such  is  the  force 
of  the  word — to  Timothy  to  require  repetition. 

The  visits  which  O.  paid  to  Paul  in  his  Rom 
prison  were  intensely  "refreshing."  And  it  was  not 
once  or  twice  that  he  thus  visited  the  chained  pris- 
oner, but  he  did  so  ofttimes. 

Though  O.  had  come  to  Rome,  his  household  had 

remained  in  Ephesus;   and  a  last  salutation  is  sent 

to  them  by  Paul.     He  could  not  write 

3.  His  again,  ashewasnowready  to beoffered, 
Household    and   his  execution  could  not  long  be 

delayed.  But  as  he  writes,  he  enter- 
tains the  kindest  feelings  toward  O.  and  his  house- 
hold, and  he  prays  that  the  Lord  will  give  mercy  to 
the  household  of  O. 

He  also  uses  these  words  in  regard  to  O.  himself: 
"The  Lord  grant  unto  him  to  find  mercy  of  the 
Lord  in  that  day."  It  is  not  clear  whether  O.  was 
living,  or  whether  he  had  died,  before  Paul  wrote 
this  ep.  Different  opinions  have  been  held  on  the 
subject. 

The  way  in  which  Paul  refers  twice  to  "the  house- 
hold fRV  "house"]  of  Onesiphorus,"  makes  it 
possible  that  O.  himself  had  died.  If  this  is  so — 
but  certainty  is  impossible — the  apostle's  words 
in  regard  to  him  would  be  a  pious  wish,  which  has 
nothing  in  common  with  the  abuses  which   have 


gathered  round  the  subject  of  prayers  for  the  dead, 
a  practice  which  has  no  foundation  in  Scripture. 

John  Rdtherfdrd 
ONIARES,  g-nl'a-rez,  6-ni-a'rez:   1  Mace  12  19 
AV  =  RV  Arids  (q.v.). 

ONIAS,  O-nl'as  ('Ov£as,  Onias):  There  were  3 
high  priests  of  the  name  of  Onias,  and  a  4th  Onias 
who  did  not  become  a  high  priest  but  was  known 
as  the  builder  of  the  temple  of  Leontopolis  (Jos, 
Ant,  XIII,  iii,  1-3).  Only  two  persons  of  the  name 
are  mentioned  in  the  Apoc — Onias  I  and  Onias  III. 

(1)  Onias  I,  according  to  Jos  {Ant,  XI,  viii,  7), 
the  son  of  Jaddua  and  father  of  Simon  the  Just 
(ib,  XII,  ii,  5;  Sir  50),  and,  according  to  1  Mace  12 
7.20,  a  contemporary  of  Areus  (Arius),  king  of 
Sparta,  who  reigned  309-265  BC  (Diod.  xx.29). 
This  Onias  was  the  recipient  of  a  friendly  letter  from 
Areus  of  Sparta  (1  Mace  12  7;  see  MSS  readings 
here,  and  12  20).  Jos  {Ant,  XII,  iv,  10)  repre- 
sents this  letter  as  written  to  Onias  III,  which  ia 
an  error,  for  only  two  Areuses  are  known,  and  Areus 
II  reigned  about  255  BC  and  died  a  child  of  8  years 
(Pans.  iii. 6. 6).  The  letter — if  genuine — exists  in 
two  copies  (Jos,  Ant,  XII,  iv,  10,  and  1  Mace  12 
20  ff)  (see  Schilrer,  Hist  of  the  Jewish  People,  4th 
ed,  I,  182  and  237). 

(2)  Onias  III,  son  of  Simon  II  (Jos,  Ant,  XII, 
iv,  10),  whom  he  succeeded,  and  a  contemporary 
of  Seleucus  IV  and  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (2  Mace 
3  1;  4  7)  and  father  of  Onias  IV.  He  was  known 
for  his  godliness  and  zeal  for  the  law,  yet  was  on 
such  friendly  terms  with  the  Seleucids  that  Seleucus 
IV  Philopator  defrayed  the  cost  of  the  "services 
of  the  sacrifices."  He  quarreled  with  Simon  the 
Benjamite,  guardian  of  the  temple,  about  the  market 
buildings  (Gr  aedileship).  Being  unable  to  get  the 
better  of  Onias  and  thirsting  for  revenge,  Simon 
went  to  Apollonius,  governor  of  Coele-Syria  and 
Phoenicia,  and  informed  him  of  the  "untold  sums 
of  money"  lodged  in  the  treasury  of  the  temple. 
The  governor  told  the  king,  and  Seleucus  dispatched 
his  chancellor,  Heliodorus,  to  remove  the  money. 
Onias  remonstrated  in  vain,  pleading  for  the  "de- 
posits of  widows  and  orphans."  Heliodorus  per- 
sisted in  the  object  of  his  mission.  The  high  priest 
and  the  people  were  in  the  greatest  distress.  But 
when  HeUodorus  had  already  entered  the  temple, 
"the  Sovereign  of  spirits,  and  of  all  authority  caused 
a  great  apparition,"  a  horse  with  a  terrible  rider 
accompanied  by  two  strong  and  beautiful  young 
men  who  scourged  and  wounded  Heliodorus.  At 
the  intercession  of  Onias,  his  life  was  spared.  Helio- 
dorus advised  the  king  to  send  on  the  same  errand 
any  enemy  or  conspirator  whom  he  wished  punished. 
Simon  then  slandered  Onias,  and  the  jealousy 
having  caused  bloodshed  between  their  followers, 
Onias  decided  to  repair  in  person  to  the  king  to 
intercede  for  his  country.  Apparently  before  a 
decision  was  given,  Seleucus  was  assassinated  and 
Epiphanes  succeeded  (175  BC).  Jason,  the  brother 
of  Onias,  having  offered  the  new  king  larger  revenue, 
secured  the  priesthood,  which  he  held  until  he 
himself  was  similarly  supplanted  by  Menelaus, 
Simon's  brother  (2  Mace  4  23;  Jos,  Ant,  XII,  v, 
1,  says  Jason's  brother).  Menelaus,  having  stolen 
golden  vessels  belonging  to  the  temple  to  meet  his 
promises  made  to  the  king,  was  sharply  reproved  by 
Onias.  Menelaus  took  revenge  by  persuading 
Andronicus,  the  king's  deputy,  to  entice  Onias  by 
false  promises  of  friendship  from  his  sanctuary  at 
Daphne  and  treacherously  slay  him — an  act  which 
caused  indignation  among  both  the  Jews  and  the 
Greeks  (2  Maco  4  34  ff).  Jos  {Ant,  XII,  v,  1) 
says  that  "on  the  death  of  Onias  the  high  priest, 
Antiochus  gave  the  high-priesthood  to  his  brother 
Jesus  [Jason],"  but  the  account  of  2  Mace  given 


Onions 
Ophir 


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2196 


above  is  the  more  probable.  Some  see  in  Dnl  9 
26;  11  22  reference  to  Onias  III  (Schiirer,  4th  ed, 
I,  194 ff;   III,  144).  S.  Angus 

ONIONS,  un'yunz   (D""^??,   h'sclllm;    Kp6|i(ivov, 

hr6nimuon) :  One  of  the  delicacies  of  Egypt  for 
which  the  children  of  Israel  pined  in  the  wilderness 
(Nu  11  5).  The  onion,  allium  cepa  (N.O.  lAliaceae), 
is  known  in  Arab,  as  busal  and  is  cultivated  all  over 
Syria  and  Egypt ;  it  appears  to  be  as  much  a  favor- 
ite in  the  Orient  today  as  ever. 

ONLY  BEGOTTEN,  on'li  be-got"n  (liovo-ycvVis, 

monogents):  Although  the  Eng.  words  are  found 
only  6  t  in  the  NT,  the  Gr  word  appears  9  t,  and 
often  in  the  LXX.  It  is  used  literally  of  an  only 
child:  "the  only  son  of  his  mother"  (Lk  7  12);  "an 
only  daughter"  (8  42);  "mine  only  child"  (9  38); 
"Isaac  ....  his  only  begotten"  (He  11  17).  In 
all  other  places  in  the  NT  it  refers  to  Jesus  Christ  as 
"the  only  begotten  Son  of  God"  (Jn  1  14.18;  3 
16.18:  1  Jn  4  9).  In  these  passages,  too,  it  might 
be  tr<^  as  "the  only  son  of  God";  for  the  emphasis 
seems  to  be  on  His  uniqueness,  rather  than  on  His 
sonship,  though  both  ideas  are  certainly  present. 
He  is  the  son  of  God  in  a  sense  in  which  no  others 
are.  "Monogenes  describes  the  absolutely  unique 
relation  of  the  Son  to  the  Father  in  His  Divine 
nature;  prototokos  describes  the  relation  of  the 
Risen  Christ  in  His  glorified  humanity  to  man" 
(Westcott  on  He  1  6).  Christ's  uniqueness  as  it 
appears  in  the  above  passages  consists  of  two  things : 
(a)  He  reveals  the  Father:  "No  man  hath  seen  God 
at  any  time;  the  only  begotten  Son,  who  is  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Father,  he  hath  declared  him"  (Jn 

I  18).  Men  therefore  behold  His  glory,  "glory  as 
of  the  only  begotten  from  the  Father"  (1  14).  (b) 
He  is  the  mediator  of  salvation:  "God  hath  sent 
his  only  begotten  Son  into  the  world  that  we  might 
live  through  him"  (1  Jn  4  9;  Jn  3  16);  "He  that 
believeth  not  [on  him]  hath  been  judged  already" 
(Jn  3  18).  Other  elements  in  His  uniqueness  may 
be  gathered  from  other  passages,  as  His  sinlessness, 
His  authority  to  forgive  sins.  His  unbroken  com- 
munion with  the  Father,  and  His  unique  knowledge 
of  Him.  To  say  that  it  is  a  uniqueness  of  nature 
or  essence  carries  thought  no  farther,  for  these  terms 
still  need  definition,  and  they  can  be  defined  only 
in  terms  of  His  moral  consciousness,  of  His  reve- 
lation of  God,  and  esp.  of  His  intimate  union  as 
Son  with  the  Father  (see  also  Begotten;  Person 
OF  Christ;   Son  of  God). 

The  reading  "God  only  begotten"  in  Jn  1  18 
RVm,  though  it  has  strong  textual  support,  is  im- 
probable, and  can  well  be  explained  as  due  to 
orthodox  zeal,  in  opposition  to  adoptionism.  See 
Grimm-Thayer,  Lexicon;   Westcott,  ad  loc. 

T    Rees 

ONO,  5'no  ("la'lX,  'ono;  B,  'Hvav,  Ondn,  A, 
'Clviii,  Ono,  and  other  forms):  A  town  mentioned 
along  with  Lod  as  fortified  by  certain  Benjamites 
(1  Ch  8  12).  The  Mish  CArakhtn,  ix.6)  says  that 
Joshua  fortified  it,  but  there  is  no  such  early  notice 
of  it  in  Scripture.  It  was  occupied  by  Benjamites 
after  the  return  from  exile  (Ezr  2  33;   Neh  7  37; 

II  35).  In  one  of  the  villages  in  the  plain  of  Ono, 
Sanballat  and  his  friends  vainly  tried  to  inveigle 
Nehemiah  into  a  conference  (6  2).  It  is  represented 
by  the  modem  Kefr  'And,  which  lies  to  the  N.W. 
of  Lydda.  In  1  Esd  5  22,  the  name  appears  as 
"Onus."  W.  EwiNG 

ONUS,  o'nus.     See  Ono. 

ONYCHA,  on'i-ka  (n'irnp,  sh'helelh;    cf  Arab. 

'ii\^ ,  suhdlat,  "filings,"  "husks"):   "Onycha"  is  a 


transliteration  of  the  LXX  owxo.,  dnucha,  ace.  of 
ovu|,  omix,  which  means  "nail,"  "claw,"  "hoof,"  and 
also  "onyx,"  a  precious  stone.  The  forrn  "onycha" 
was  perhaps  chosen  to  avoid  confusion  with  "onyx," 
the  stone.  The  Heb  sh'heleth  occurs  only  in  Ex  30 
34  as  an  ingredient  of  the  sacred  incense.  It  is 
supposed  to  denote  the  horny  operculum  found  in 
certain  species  of  marine  gasteropod  molluscs.  ^  The 
operculum  is  a  disk  attached  to  the  upper  side  of 
the  hinder  part  of  the  "foot"  of  the  mollusc.  When 
the  animal  draws  itself  into  its  shell,  the  hinder 
part  of  the  foot  comes  last,  and  the  operculum 
closes  the  mouth  of  the  shell.  The  operculum, 
which  may  be  horny  or  stony,  is  absent  in  sorne 
species.  The  horny  opercula  when  burned  emit 
a  pecuhar  odor,  and  are  still  used  in  combination 
with  other  perfumes  by  the  Arab  women  of  LTpper 
Egypt  and  Nubia.  (See  Sir  S.  Baker,  The  Nile 
Tributaries  of  Abyssinia,  cited  by  EB,  s.v. 
"Onycha.")  Alfred  Ely  Day 

ONYX,  on'iks,  o'niks.     See  Stones,  Precious. 

OPEN,  o'p'n:  In  the  OT  represents  chiefly  nns , 
pathah,  but  also  other  words,  as  ^153,  galdh,  "to 
uncover";  of  the  opening  of  the  eyes  in  vision,  etc 
(thus  Balaam,  Nu  22  31;  24  4;  cf  Job  33  16; 
36  10;  Ps  119  18;  Jer  32  11.14).  In  the  NT 
the  usual  word  is  dpotyu,  anoigo  (of  opening  of 
mouth,  eyes,  heavens,  doors,  etc).  A  peculiar  word, 
Tpax^yXifo/xai,  trachelizomai  (lit.  to  have  the  neck  bent 
back,  to  be  laid  bare),  is  used  for  "laid  open"  be- 
fore God  in  He  4  13. 

OPEN  PLACE:  (1)  The  "open  place"  of  Gen 
38  14  AV,  in  which  Tamar  sat,  has  come  from  a 
misunderstanding  of  the  Heb,  the  translators 
having  taken  b'phethah  'enayim  to  mean  "in  an 
opening  pubhcly,"  instead  of  "in  an  opening  [i.e. 
a  gatel  of  Enaim"  (cf  Prov  1  21  in  the  Heb). 
RV  has  corrected;  see  Enaim.  (2)  In  1  K  22  10 
II  2  Ch  18  9  RV  relates  that  Ahab  and  Jehosha- 
phat  sat  "each  on  his  throne,  arrayed  in  their 
robes,  in  an  open  place  [m  "Heb  a  threshing-floor," 
AV  "a  void  place"]  at  the  entrance  of  the  gate  of 
Samaria."  The  Heb  here  is  awkward,  and  neither 
the  LXX  nor  the  Syr  seems  to  have  read  the  present 
text  in  1  K  22  10,  the  former  having  "in  arms, 
at  the  gate  of  Samaria,"  and  the  latter  "in  many- 
colored  garments."  Consequently  various  attempts 
have  been  made  to  emend  the  text,  of  which  the 
simplest  is  the  omission  of  b'ghdren,  "in  an  open 
place."  If,  however,  the  text  is  right — as  is  not 
impossible — the  open  place  is  a  threshing-floor 
close  to  the  gate.     See  the  commentaries. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

OPERATION,  op-er-a'shun  (n'ffiyU,  ma'aseh, 
"work";  eve'pYeia,  energeia,  lv4p-yT||jia,  energema, 
"energy"):  Twice  used  in  the  OT  of  God's  creative 
work  (Ps  28  4.5;  Isa  5  12).  The  Holy  Spirit's 
inworhing  and  power  are  manifest  in  the  bestowal 
of  spiritual  gifts  on  individuals  and  on  the  church 
(1  Cor  12  6  AV),  and  in  the  resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ,  through  which  energy  or  operation  of  God 
those  dead  in  sins  are,  through  faith,  raised  to 
newness  of  life  (Col  2  12  AV). 

OPHEL,  o'fel  (bs'yn,  ha-'ophel  [2  Ch  27  3; 
33  14;  Neh  3  26  f;  11  21;  and  without  article, 
Isa  32  14  and  Mio  4  8;   also  2  K  6  24]): 

There  has   been   considerable   divergence   of   opinion 

with  regard  to  the  meaning  of  tliis  name.     Thus  in  all 

the  references  given  above  with  the  art., 

1    Meaning   ^^   '^''"^    simply  "Ophel,"  but    AV  adds 

't -KT „„    °  in  m  "the  towel  ";  in  Isa  32  14,  "the  hiU" 

01  IMame         with  m  "Ophel,"  but  AV  "the  forts,"  m 

"clifts";     Mic  4  8,    "the  hill,"  m    "Heb 

Ophel,"butAV  "the  stronghold";  2  K  5  24,  "the  hill," 


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Onions 
Ophir 


m  "Heb  Ophel,"  but  AV  "the  tower,"  m  "secret  jjlace." 
It  is  true  that  the  other  occuri'ences  of  the  word  in  1  S 
5  9.12;  6  5  f,  where  it  is  tr<i  "tumors,"  and  Hab  2  4, 
where  a  verbal  form  is  tr<'  "puffed  up,"  seem  to 
imply  that  one  meaning  assigned  to  the  root  may  be 
that  of  "swelling."  Recently  Dr.  Burney  (PEF,  Janu- 
ary, 1911)  has  produced  strong  arguments  in  favor  of 
Ophel,  when  Hsed  as  the  name  of  a  locality,  meaning 
"fortress." 

Three  places  are  known  to  have  received  this 

name:   (1)  A  certain  place  on  the  east  hill  of  Jerus, 

S.  of  the  temple;   to  this  all  the  pas- 

2.  Three  sages  quoted  above — except  one — 
Ophels  refer.     (2)    The    "Ophel,"   tr^   "hill," 

situated  apparently  in  Samaria  (cf 
2  K  5  3),  where  Gehazi  took  his  ill-gotten  presents 
from  the  hands  of  the  servants  of  Naaman  the 
Syrian.  The  tr  "tower"  would  suit  the  sense  at 
least  as  well.  It  was  some  point  probably  in  the 
wall  of  Samaria,  perhaps  the  citadel  itself.  (3) 
The  third  reference  is  not  Bib.,  but  on  the  M  S,  an 
inscription  of  Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  contemporary 
with  Omri.  He  says:  "I  built  KRHH  [?_Karhah], 
the  wall  of  y'dnm,  and  the  wall  of  'Ophel  and 
I  built  its  gates  and  I  built  its  towers."  In  com- 
paring the  references  to  (1)  and  (3),  it  is  evident 
that  if  Ophel  means  a  "hill,"  it  certainly  was  a 
fortified  hill,  and  it  seems  highly  probable  that  it 
meant  some  "artificial  swelling  in  a  fortification, 
e.g.  a  bulging  or  rounded  keep  or  enceinte"  (Bur- 
ney, loc.  cit.).  Isa  32  14  reads,  "The  palace  shall 
be  forsaken;  the  populous  city  shall  be  deserted; 
the  hill  [Ophel]  and  the  watch-tower  shall  be  for 
dens  for  ever."  Here  we  have  palace,  city  and 
watch-tower,  all  the  handiwork  of  the  builder. 
Does  it  not  seem  probable  that  the  Ophel  belongs 
to  the  same  category? 

The  situation  of  the  Ophel  of  Jerus  is  very  defi- 
nitely described.     It  was   clearly,  from   the  refer- 
ences (Neh  3  26.27;    2  Ch  27  3;    33 

3.  The  14),  on  the  east  hill  S.  of  the  temple. 
Ophel  of        Jos   states    {BJ,  V,  iv,  2)   that  the 
Jerusalem     eastern  wall  of  the  city  ran  from  Si- 
loam  "and  reaches  as  far  as  a  certain 

place  which  they  called  Ophlas  when  it  was  joined 
to  the  eastern  cloister  of  the  temple."  In  BJ,  V, 
vi,  1,  it  states  that  "John  held  the  temple  and  the 
parts  thereto  adjoining,  for  a  great  way,  as  also 
'Ophla,'  and  the  Valley  called  the  'Valley  of  the 
Cedron.'  "  It  is  noticeable  that  this  is  not  identical 
with  the  "Acra"  and  "Lower  City"  which  was  held 
by  Simon.  There  is  not  the  slightest  ground  for 
applying  the  name  Ophel,  as  has  been  so  commonly 
done,  to  the  whole  southeastern  hill.  In  the  days 
of  Jos,  it  was  a  part  of  the  hill  immediately  S.  of 
the  temple  walls,  but  the  OT references  suit  a  locality 
nearer  the  middle  of  the  southeastern  hill.  In  the 
art.  ZiON  (q.v.)  it  is  pointed  out  that  that  name  does 
not  occur  (except  in  reference  to  the  Jebusite  city) 
in  the  works  of  the  Chronicler,  but  that  "theOphel," 
which  occurs  almost  alone  in  these  works,  is  appar- 
ently used  for  it.  Mio  4  8m  seems  to  confirm  this 
view:  "O  tower  of  the  flock,  the  Ophel  of  the 
daughter  of  Zion."  Here  the  "tower  of  the  flock" 
may  well  refer  to  the  shepherd  David's  stronghold, 
and  the  second  name  appears  to  be  a  synonym  for 
the  same  place. 

Ophel  then  was  probably  the  fortified  site  which 
in  earlier  days  had  been  known  as  "Zion"  or  "the 
City  of  David."  King  Jotham  "built  much" 
"on  the  wall  of  Ophel"  (2  Ch  27  3).  King 
Manasseh  "built  an  outer  wall  to  the  city  of  David, 
on  the  west  side  of  Gihon,  in  the  valley,  even  to  the 
entrance  at  the  fish  gate ;  and  he  compassed  Ophel 
about  with  it,  and  raised  it  up  to  a  very  great 
height"  (2  Ch  33  14).  It  was  clearly  a  fortified 
place  of  great  importance,  and  its  situation  must 
have  been  so  near  that  of  the  ancient  "Zion"  that 


scarcely  any  other  theory  is  possible  except  that  it 
occupied  the  site  of  that  ancient  fortress. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 
OPHIR,  o'fSr,   o'fir   (TiBIS   [Gen  10  29],  "ISIX 
[1  K  10  11],  I^BX,    'dphlr):  The  11th  in  order  of 
the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen  10  29  =  1  Ch 

1.  Scrip-        1  23).     There  is  a  clear  reference  also 
tural  Refer-  to  a  tribe  Ophir  (Gen  10  30).     Ophir 
ences  is  the  name  of  a  land  or  city  some- 
where to  the  S.  or  S.E.  of  Pal  for  which 

Solomon's  ships  along  with  Phoen  vessels  set  out 
from  Ezion-geber  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Aka- 
bah,  returning  with  great  stores  of  gold,  precious 
stones  and  "almug"-wood  (1  K  9  28;  10  11;  2 
Ch  9  10;  IK  22  48;  2  Ch  8  18).  We  get  a 
fuller  list  of  the  wares  and  also  the  time  taken  by 
the  voyage  if  we  assume  that  the  same  vessels  are 
referred  to  in  1  K  10  22,  "Once  every  three  years 
came  the  navy  of  Tarshish,  bringing  gold,  and  silver, 
ivory,  and  apes,  and  peacocks."  The  other  products 
ma,y  not  have  been  native  to  the  land  of  Ophir,  but 
it  is  certain  that  the  gold  at  least  was  produced 
there.  This  gold  was  proverbial  for  its  purity,  as 
is  witnessed  by  many  references  in  the  OT  (Ps  45 
9;  Job  28  16;  Isa  13  12;  1  Ch  29  4),  and,  in 
Job  22  24,  Ophir  is  used  for  fine  gold  itself.  In 
addition  to  these  notices  of  Ophir,  it  is  urged  that 
the  name  occurs  also  in  two  passages  under  the 
form  "Uphaz"  (Jer  10  9;  Dnl  10  S). 

At  all  times  the  geographical  position  of  Ophir 

has  been  a  subject  of  dispute,  the  claims  of  three 

different     regions     being     principally 

2.  Geo-         advanced,  namely   (1)  India  and  the 
graphical       Far  East,  (2)  Africa,  (3)  Arabia. 
Position  (1)  India  and  the  Far  East. — All  the 

wares  mentioned  are  more  or  less 
appropriate  to  India,  even  including  the  fuller  list 
of  1  K  10  22.  "Almug"-wood  is  conjectured  to 
be  the  Indian  sandal-wood.  Another  argument  is 
based  on  the  resemblance  between  the  LXX  form 
of  the  word  (Sopherd)  and  the  Coptic  name  for 
India  (Sophir).  A  closer  identification  is  sought 
with  Abhira,  a  people  dwelling  at  the  mouths  of  the 
Indus.  _  Supara,  an  ancient  city  on  the  west  coast 
of  India  near  the  modern  Goa,  is  also  suggested. 
Again,  according  to  Wildman,  the  name  denotes  a 
vague  extension  eastward,  perhaps  as  far  as  China. 

(2)  Africa. — This  country  is  the  greatest  gold- 
producing  region  of  the  three.  Sofala,  a  seaport 
near  Mozambique  on  the  east  coast  of  Africa,  has 
been  advanced  as  the  site  of  Ophir,  both  on  lin- 
guistic grounds  and  from  the  nature  of  its  products, 
for  there  all  the  articles  of  1  K  10  22  could  be 
procured.  But  Gesenius  shows  that  Sofala  is 
merely  the  Arab,  form  of  the  Heb  sh'phelah.  In- 
terest in  this  region  as  the  land  of  Ophir  was  re- 
newed, however,  by  Mauch's  discovery  at  Zim- 
babye  of  great  ruins  and  signs  of  old  Phoen  civiliza- 
tion and  worked-out  gold  mines.  According  to 
Bruce  (I,  440),  a  voyage  from  Sofala  to  Ezion-geber 
would  have  occupied  quite  three  years  owing  to 
the  monsoons. 

(3)  Arabia. — The  claim  of  Southeastern  Arabia 
as  the  land  of  Ophir  has  on  the  whole  more  to  sup- 
port it  than  that  of  India  or  of  Africa.  'The  Ophir 
of  Gen  10  29  beyond  doubt  belonged  to  this  region, 
and  the  search  for  Ophir  in  more  distant  lands  can 
be  made  only  on  the  precarious  assumption  that 
the  Ophir  of  K  is  not  the  same  as  the  Ophir  of 
Gen.  Of  the  various  products  mentioned,  the  only 
one  which  from  the  OT  notices  can  be  regarded 
as  clearly  native  to  Ophir  is  the  gold,  and  according 
to  Pliny  and  Strabo  the  region  of  Southeastern 
Arabia  bordering  on  the  Persian  Gulf  was  a  famous 
gold-producing  country.  The  other  wares  were 
not  necessarily  produced  in  Ophir,  but  were  prob- 


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ably  brought  there  from  more  distant  lands,  and 
thence  conveyed  by  Solomon's  merchantmen  to 
Ezion-geber.  If  the  duration  of  the  voyage  (3 
years)  be  used  as  evidence,  it  favors  this  location  of 
Ophir  as  much  as  that  on  the  east  coast  of  Africa. 
It  seems  therefore  the  least  assailable  view  that 
Ophir  was  a  district  on  the  Persian  Gulf  in  South- 
eastern Arabia  and  served  in  old  time  as  an  em- 
porium of  trade  between  the  East  and  West. 

A.  S.  Fulton 
OPHNI,  of'ni(ij5yn,  ha-'ophni;  'A<^v^,  Aphnt'): 
A  place  in  the  territory  of  Benjamin  (Josh  18  24). 
The  modern  Jifneh,  in  a  fine  vale  W.  of  the  road  to 
Nahlus  and  2|  miles  N.W.  of  Bethel,  might  suit 
as  to  position;  but  the  change  in  the  initial  letter 
from  ''ain  to  jim  is  not  easy.  This  is  the  Gophna 
of  the  rabbis  (cf  Jos,  BJ,  III,  iii,  .5). 

OPHRAH,  of'ra  (H^^y ,  'ophrah;  B,  'A4>pd,  Aphrd, 
A,  'Ie<|)paea,  lephrathd,  etc) : 

(1)  A  town  in  the  territory  allotted  to  Benjamin 
named  between  Parah  and  Chephar-ammoni  (Josh 
18  23).  It  is  mentioned  again  in  1  S  13  17. 
The  Philis  who  were  encamped  at  Michmash  sent 
out  marauding  bands,  one  of  which  went  westward, 
another  eastward,  down  "the  valley  of  Zeboim 
toward  the  wilderness";  the  third  "turned  unto  the 
way  that  leadeth  to  Ophrah,  unto  the  land  of  Shual." 
This  must  have  been  northward,  as  Saul  commanded 
the  passage  to  the  S.  Onom  places  it  5  Rom  miles 
E.  of  Bethel.  A  site  which  comes  near  to  fulfilling 
these  conditions  is  et-Taiyebeh,  which  stands  on  a 
conical  hill  some  5  miles  N.E.  of  Beitln.  This  is 
possibly  identical  with  "Ephron"  (2  Ch  13  19), 
and  "Ephraim"  (Jn  11  54). 

(2)  A  city  in  the  tribal  lot  of  Manasseh  W.  of 
Jordan.  It  is  mentioned  only  in  connection  ivith 
Gideon,  whose  native  place  it  was,  and  with  his  son 
Abimelech  (Jgs  6  11,  etc).  It  was,  indeed,  family 
property,  belonging  to  Joash  the  Abiczrite,  the 
father  of  Gideon.  It  was  apparently  not  far  from 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon  (vs  33  f),  so  that  Gideon  and 
his  kinsmen  smarted  under  the  near  presence  of  the 
oppressing  Midianites.  Manasseh,  of  course,  as 
bordering  on  the  southern  edge  of  the  plain,  was  in 
close  touch  with  the  invaders.  At  Ophrah,  Gideon 
reared  his  altar  to  Jeh,  and  made  thorough  cleansing 
of  the  instruments  of  idolatry.  After  his  great 
victory,  he  set  up  here  the  golden  ephod  made  from 
the  spoils  of  the  enemy,  which  proved  a  snare  to 
himself  and  to  his  house  (8  27).  Here  he  was 
finally  laid  to  rest.  It  was  at  Ophrah  that  Abime- 
lech, aspiring  to  the  kingdom,  put  to  death  upon 
one  stone  three  score  and  ten  of  his  brethren,  rs 
possible  rivals,  Jotham  alone  escaping  alive  (9  b). 
Apparently  the  mother  of  Abimelech  belonged  to 
Shechem;  this  established  a  relationship  with  that 
town,  his  connection  with  which  does  not  therefore 
mean  that  Ophrah  was  near  it. 

No  quite  satisfactory  identification  has  yet  been 
suggested.  Conder  {FEES,  187G,  197)  quotes  the 
Samaritan  Chronicle  as  identifying  Ferata,  which  is 
6  miles  W.  of  Nablus,  with  an  ancient  Ophra,  "and 
the  one  that  suggests  itself  as  most  probably  identi- 
cal is  Ophrah  of  the  Abiezerite."  But  this  seems 
too  far  to  the  S. 

(3)  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  son  of  Me- 
onothai  (1  Ch  4  14).  W.  Ewing 

OPINION,  6-pin 'yun  (?'n,  de°',  D"'5?'0,  s'Hpplni) : 
"Opinion"  occurs  only  5  t,  thrice  in  Job  (32  6.10. 
17)  as  the  tr  of  def\  "knowledge,"  "opinion"  (in  the 
address  of  Elihu),  and  once  of  K''ippirn,  from  ^d'aph, 
"to  divide  or  branch  out,"  hence  division  or  party, 
unsettled  opinion  (in  the  memorable  appeal  of 
Elijah,  "How  long  halt  ye  between  two  opinions?" 


1  K  18  21,  ARV  "How  long  go  ye  limping  be- 
tween the  two  sides?").  In  Ecclus  3  24,  we  have, 
"For  many  are  deceived  by  their  own  vain  opinion" 
{hnpolepsis,  "a  taking  up,"  "a  hasty  judgment"), 
RV  "The  conceit  of  many  hath  led  them  astray." 

W.  L.  Walker 
OPOBALSAMUM,     op-o-bal'sa-mum :    RVm 
in  Ex  30  34.      See  Stacte. 

OPPRESSION,  o-presh'un:  Used  in  AV  to  trans- 
late a  variety  of  Heb  words,  all  of  which,  however, 
agree  in  the  general  sense  of  wrong  done  by  violence 
to  others.  There  are  a  few  cases  where  the  reference 
is  to  the  oppression  of  Israel  by  foreigners,  as  by 
their  Egyp  masters  (Ex  3  9;  Dt  26  7),  or  by  Syria 
(2  K  13  4),  or  by  an  unmentioned  nation  (Isa  30 
20  AVm).  In  all  these  cases  the  Heb  original  is 
f  nb ,  lahas.  But  in  the  vast  number  of  cases  the 
reference  is  to  social  oppression  of  one  kind  or  an- 
other within  Israel's  own  body.  It  is  frequently 
the  theme  of  psalmist  and  prophet  and  wise  man. 
The  poor  and  weak  must  have  suffered  greatlj^  at 
the  hands  of  the  stronger  and  more  fortunate.  The 
word  lahai;.,  various  forms  of  the  V  piP? ,  'dshak, 
and  other  words  are  used  by  the  writers  as  they 
express  their  sorrow  and  indignation  over  the 
wrongs  of  their  afflicted  brethren.  In  his  own 
sorrow,  Job  remembers  the  suffering  of  the  oppressed 
(Job  35  9;  36  15);  it  is  a  frequent  subject  of  song 
in  the  Pss  (Ps  12  5;  42  9;  43  2;  44  24;  55  3; 
119  134);  the  preacher  observes  and  reflects  upon 
its  prevalence  (Eccl  4  1;  5  8;  7  7  AV);  the  prophets 
Amos  (3  9),  Isaiah  (5  7;  59  13),  Jeremiah  (6  6; 
22  17)  and  Ezekiel  (22  7.29)  thundered  against  it. 
It  was  exercised  toward  strangers  and  also  toward 
the  Israelites  themselves,  and  was  never  wholly 
overcome.  In  Jas  2  6,  "oppress"  is  the  rendering 
of  KaraivvauTtiw^  katadimasleiio,  "to  exercise  harsh 
control  over  one,"  "to  use  one's  power  against  one." 
William  Joseph  McGlothlin 

OR,  or:  The  word  is  used  once  for  either  (1  S 
26  lO),  and  is  still  in  poetic  use  in  this  sense;  as  in, 
"Without  or  wave  or  wind"  (Coleridge);  "Or  the 
bakke  or  some  bone  he  breketh  in  his  jouthe" 
{Piers  Plowman  [B],  VII,  93;  cf  Merchant  of 
Venice,  III,  ii,  65).  It  is  also  used  with  "ever"  for 
before  (Ps  90  2;  Ecclus  18  19),  which  ARV  sub- 
stitutes in  Eccl  12  6  (cf  vs  1.2);  Cant  6  12;  Dnl 
6  24. 

ORACLE,  or'a-k'l:  (1)  A  Divine  utterance  de- 
livered to  man,  usually  in  answer  to  a  request  for 
guidance.  So  in  2  S  16  23  for  inT,  dabhar 
("word,"  as  in  RVm).  The  use  in  this  passage 
seems  to  indicate  that  at  an  early  period  oracular 
utterances  were  sought  from  Jeh  "by  the  Israelites, 
but  the  practice  certainly  fell  into  disuse  at  the  rise 
of  prophecy,  and  there  are  no  illustrations  of  the 
means  employed  (1  S  14  18.19.36-42,  etc,  belong 
rather  to  Divination  [q.v.]).  In  RVm  of  such 
passages  as  Isa  13  1,  "oracle"  is  used  in  the  titles 
of  certain  special  prophecies  as  a  substitute  for 
Burden  (q.v.)  (S?'lBB,  massd'),  with  considerable 
advantage  (esp.  in  Lam  2  14).  (2)  In  heathen 
temples  "oracle"  was  used  for  the  chamber  in  which 
the  utterances  were  delivered  (naturally  a  most 
sacred  part  of  the  structure).  This  usage,  coupled 
with  a  mistake  in  Heb  philology  (connecting  ~l''3'l , 
d'hhlr,  "hinder  part,"  with  13"! ,  dihhcr,  "speak"), 
caused  EV  to  give  the  title  "oracle"  to  the  Most 
Holy  Place  of  the  Temple,  in  1  K  6  5,  etc,  foUow- 
mg  the  example  of  Aquila,  Symmachus  and  Vulg. 
But  the  title  is  very  unfortunate,  as  the  Most  Holy 
Place  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  dehvery  of  oracles, 
and  RV  should   have  corrected   (cf    Ps  28  2  m). 


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Ophni 
Ordain 


(3)  In  the  NT  EV  employs  "oracle"  as  the  tr  of 
X6710J',  logion,  "saying,"  in  four  places.  In  all, 
Divine  utterances  are  meant,  specialized  in  Acts 
7  38  as  the  Mosaic  Law  ("living  oracles"  =  "com- 
mandments enforced  by  the  living  God"),  in  Rom 
3  2  as  the  OT  in  general,  and  in  He  5  12  as  the 
revelations  of  Christianity  (6  2.3).  In  1  Pet  4  11 
the  meaning  is  debated,  but  probably  the  command 
is  addressed  to  those  favored  by  a  supernatural 
"gift  of  speech."  Such  men  must  keep  their  own 
personality  in  the  background,  adding  nothing  of 
their  own  to  the  inspired  message  as  it  comes  to 
them.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

ORACLES,  SIBYLLINE,  sib'i-lin,  -lin.  See  Apoc- 
alyptic LiTERATDRE,  V. 

ORATOR,  or'a-ter,  ORATION,  6-ra'shun:  The 
word  "orator"  occurs  twice:  (1)  As  AV  rendering 
of  iBnb ,  lahash;  only  Isa  3  3,  "the  eloquent  orator," 
AVm  "skilful  of  speech,"  where  RV  rightly  sub- 
stitutes "the  skilful  enchanter."  The  word  lahash 
is  probably  a  mimetic  word  meaning  "a  hiss,"  "a 
whisper,"  and  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "incantatioUj" 
"charm."  Hence  n'bhon  lahash  means  "skilful  m 
incantation,"  "expert  in  magic."  See  Divina- 
tion; Enchantment.  (2)  As  the  rendering  of 
^rjTup,  rhetor,  the  title  applied  to  TertuUus,  who 
appeared  as  the  advocate  of  the  Jewish  accusers  of 
Paul  before  Felix  (Acts  24  1).  The  proceedings, 
as  was  generally  the  case  in  the  provincial  Rom 
courts,  would  probably  be  conducted  in  Lat,  and 
under  Rom  modes  of  procedure,  in  which  the  parties 
would  not  be  well  versed;  hence  the  need  of  a  pro- 
fessional advocate.  Rhetor  is  here  the  equivalent 
of  the  older  Gr  sunegoros,  "the  prosecuting  counsel," 
as  opposed  to  the  sundikos,  "the  defendant's  advo- 
cate." 

Oration  occurs  only  in  Acts  12  21:  "Herod 
....  made  an  oration  unto  them"  {IS-qixijybpd 
irpi^  auTois,  edemegorei  pros  autous).  The  vb. 
demegoreo,  "to  speak  in  an  assembly"  (from  dtmos, 
"people,"  agoreuo,  "to  harangue"),  is  often  found  in 
classical  Gr,  generally  in  a  bad  sense  (Lat  con- 
cionari) ;  here  only  in  the  NT. 

D.  Miall  Edwards 

ORCHARD,  or'cherd:  (1)  CinS,  parde:?,  from 
Old  Pers,  "a  walled-in  inclosure";  rapideic-os, 
parddeisos,  a  word  in  classical  Gr  applied  to  the 
garden  of  Babylon  (Diodorus  Siculus  xi.lO)  and  to 
a  game  park  (Xen.  Anab.  i.2,  7).  See  Neh  2  8, 
"forest,"  m  "park";  Cant  4  13,  "orchard,"  m 
"paradise"  (of  pomegranates) ;  Eccl  2  5,  "parks," 
AV  "orchards";  see  Paradise.  (2)  ktjtos,  ktpos, 
"garden"  or  "orchard":  "a  white  thorn  in  an 
orchard"  (Bar  6  71). 

ORDAIN,  or-dan',  ORDINATION,  6r-di-na'- 
shun  (Lat  ordinare,  "to  set  in  order,"  "to  arrange"; 
in  post-Augustan  Lat  "to  appoint  to  office";  from 
ordo,  gen.  ordinis,  "order,"  "arrangement"):  In 
AV  the  vb.  "to  ordain"  renders  as  many  as  3.5 
different  words  (11  Heb  words  in  the  OT,  21  Gr 
words  in  Apoc  and  the  NT,  and  3  Lat  words  in 
Apoc).  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Eng.  word 
has  many  shades  of  meaning  (esp.  as  used  in  the 
time  AV  was  made),  of  which  the  following  are  the 
chief:    (1)  To  set  in  order,  arrange,  prepare: 

"All  things  that  we  ordained  festival, 
Turn  from  their  office  to  black  funeral. ' ' 

— Shakespeare,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  IV,  v,  84. 

This  meaning  is  now  obsolete.  It  is  found  in  AV  of 
Ps  132  17;  Isa  30  33;  He  9  6  (in  each  of  which 
cases  RV  or  m  substitutes  "prepare");  1  Ch  17  9 
(RV  "appoint";;  Ps  7  13  (RV  "maketh");  Hab  1 
12  (also  RV).     (2)  To  establish,  institute,  bring  into 


being:  "When  first  this  order  [i.e.  the  Garter]  was 
ordained,   my   Lord"    (Shakespeare).     So   in    IK 

12  32,  "Jeroboam  ordained  a  feast  in  the  8th  month" 
(ver  33);  Nu  28  6;  Ps  8  2.3;  Isa  26  12;  2  Esd 
6  49  AV  (RV  "preserve");  Sir  7  1.5;  Gal  3  19. 
(3)  To  decree,  give  orders,  prescribe: 

"  And  doth  the  power  that  man  adores 
Ordain  their  doom  ?  " 

— Byron. 

So  Est  9  27,  "The  Jews  ordained  ....  that  they 
would  keep  these  two  days  according  to  the  writing 
thereof";  1  Esd  6  34;  2  Esd  7  17;  8  14  AV; 
Tob  1  6;  8  7  AV  (RV  "command");  Ad  Est  14  9; 
1  Mace  4  59;  7  49;  Acts  16  4;  Rom  7  10  AV; 
1  Cor  2  7;  7  17;  9  14;  Eph  2  10  AV.  (4)  To  set 
apart  for  an  office  or  duty,  appoint,  destine:  "Being 
ordained  his  special  governor"  (Shakespeare).  Fre- 
quent in  EV.  When  AV  has  "ordain"  in  this  sense, 
RV  generally  substitutes  "appoint";  e.g.  "He  [Jesus] 
appointed  [AV  "ordained"]  twelve,  that  they  might 
be  with  him"  (Mk  3  14).  So  2  Ch  11  15;  Jer  1 
5;  Dnl  2  24;  1  Esd  8  49;  1  Maco  3  55;  10  20; 
Jn  15  16;  Acts  14  23;  1  Tim  2  7;  Tit  1  5;  He 
6  1;  8  3.  RV  .substitutes  "formedst"  in  Wisd  9  2, 
"recorded"  in  Sir  48  10,  "become"  in  Acts  1  22, 
"written  of"  (m  "set  forth")  in  Jude  ver  4,  but 
retains  "ordain"  in  the  sense  of  "appoint,"  "set 
apart,"  in  2  K  23  5;  1  Ch  9  22;  1  Esd  8  23; 
Ad  Est  13  6;    Acts  10  42;    13  48;    17  31;    Rom 

13  1.  (5)  To  appoint  ceremonially  to  the  minis- 
terial or  priestly  office,  to  confer  holy  orders  on. 
This  later  technical  or  ecclesiastical  sense  is  never 
found  in  EV.  The  nearest  approach  is  (4)  above, 
but  the  idea  of  formal  or  ceremonial  setting-apart 
to  office  (prominent  in  its  modern  usage)  is  never 
implied  in  the  word. 

Ordination:  The  act  of  arranging  in  regular 
order,  esp.  the  act  of  investing  with  ministerial  or 
sacerdotal  rank  (ordo),  the  setting-apart  for  an 
office  in  the  Christian  ministry.  The  word  does 
not  occur  in  EV.  The  NT  throws  but  little  light 
on  the  origin  of  the  later  ecclesiastical  rite  of 
ordination.  The  12  disciples  were  not  set  apart 
by  any  formal  act  on  the  part  of  Jesus.  In  Mk  3 
14;  Jn  15  16,  the  AV  rendering  "ordain"  is,  in 
view  of  its  modern  usage,  misleading;  nothing  more 
is  implied  than  an  appointment  or  election.  In 
Jn  20  21-23,  we  have  indeed  a  symbolic  act  of 
consecration  ("He  breathed  on  them"),  but  "the 
act  is  described  as  one  and  not  repeated.  The  gift 
was  once  for  all,  not  to  individuals  but  to  the  abid- 
ing body"  (Westcott,  ad  loc).  In  the  Apostolic 
age  there  is  no  trace  of  the  doctrine  of  an  outward 
rite  conferring  inward  grace,  though  we  have  in- 
stances of  the  formal  appointment  or  recognition 
of  those  who  had  already  given  proof  of  their 
spiritual  qualification.  (1)  The  Seven  were  chosen 
by  the  brethren  as  men  already  "full  of  the  Spirit 
and  of  wisdom,"  and  were  then  "appointed"  by  the 
Twelve,  who  prayed  and  laid  their  hands  upon 
them  (Acts  6  1-6).  (2)  The  call  of  Barnabas 
and  Saul  came  direct  from  God  (Acts  13  2, 
"the  work  whereunto  I  have  called  them";  ver 
4,  they  were  "sent  forth  by  the  Holy  Spirit"). 
Yet  certain  prophets  and  teachers  were  instructed 
by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  "separate"  them  (i.e.  pub- 
licly) for  their  work,  which  they  did  by  fasting 
and  praying  and  laying  on  of  hands  (ver  3). 
But  it  was  utterly  foreign  to  Paul's  point  of  view 
to  regard  the  church's  act  as  constituting  him  an 
apostle  (cf  Gal  1  1).  (3)  Barnabas  and  Paul  are 
said  to  have  "ordained,"  RV  "appointed"  (x^V- 
Ton-fjcravTes,  cheirotontsantes,  "elect,"  "appoint," 
without  indicating  the  particular  mode  of  appoint- 
ment), elders  or  presbyters  in  every  city  with 
prayers  and  fasting  (Acts  14  23).  So  Titus  was 
instructed  by   Paul  to   "appoint   elders  in   every 


Order 
Ornament 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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city"  in  Crete  (Tit  1  5).  (4)  The  gift  of  Timothy 
for  evangelistic  work  seems  to  have  been  formally 
recognized  in  two  ways:  (o)  by  the  laying  on  of 
the  hands  of  the  presbytery  (1  Tim  4  14),  (6)  by 
the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  Paul  himself  (2  Tim 
1  6).  The  words  "Lay  hands  hastily  on  no  man" 
(1  Tim  5  22)  do  not  refer  to  an  act  of  ordination, 
but  probably  to  the  restoration  of  the  penitent. 
The  reference  in  He  6  2  is  not  exclusively  to 
ordination,  but  to  all  occasions  of  laying  on  of 
hands  (see  Hands,  Imposition  of).  From  the  few 
instances  mentioned  above  (the  only  ones  found  in 
the  NT),  we  infer  that  it  was  regarded  as  advisable 
that  persons  holding  high  office  in  the  church  should 
be  pubhcly  recognized  in  some  way,  as  by  laying 
on  of  hands,  fasting,  and  pubho  prayer.  But  no 
great  emphasis  was  laid  on  this  rite,  hence  "it  can 
hardly  be  likely  that  any  essential  principle  was 
held  to  be  involved  in  it"  (Hort,  The  Christian 
Ecclesia,  216).  It  was  regarded  as  an  outward 
act  of  approval,  a  symbolic  offering  of  intercessory 
prayer,  and  an  emblem  of  the  solidarity  of  the 
Christian  community,  rather  than  an  indispensable 
channel  of  grace  for  the  work  of  the  ministry.  (For 
the  later  ecclesiastical  doctrine  and  rite  see  Edwin 
Hatch's  valuable  art.  on  "Ordination"  in  the  Diet. 
Christian  Anliq.)  D.  Miall  Edwards 

ORDER,  or'der  (^1?',  'arakh,  "to  arrange"; 
rdo-o-eiv,  tdssein  [>diatdssein,  taxis,  tdgtna]) :  "Order" 
in  Bib.  phrases  may  indicate  (1)  arrangement  in 
rows,  (2)  sequence  in  time,  (3)  classification  and 
organization,  (4)  likeness  or  manner,  (5)  regula- 
tion, direction  or  command,  or  (6)  the  declaring  of 
a  will.  In  many  passages  it  is  difficult  if  not  im- 
possible to  determine  from  the  Eng.  text  alone  in 
which  of  these  senses  the  word  is  used. 

The  fundamental  idea  suggested  by  the  Heb,  Gr 
and  Eng.  words  is  that  of  arrangement  in  rows.  Thus 
"order"  is  used  in  the  Bible  of  arrang- 
1.  Arrange-  ing  wood  for  an  altar  (Lev  17;  IK 
ment  in  18  33;  cf  Heb  Gen  22  9;  Isa  30  33); 

Rows  of   laying   out   flax-stalks   for   drying 

(Josh  2  6);  of  preparing  offerings 
(Lev  1  8.12;  cf  6  5;  Jgs  6  26);  of  arranging 
lamps  (Ex  27  21;  39  37;  Lev  24  3.4;  cf  Ps  132 
17) ;  of  placing  the  shewbread  on  the  table  (Ex  40 
4.23;  Lev  6  12;  24  8;  2  Ch  13  11);  of  drawing 
up  the  battle  array  (1  Ch  12  38  [Heb  39,  'adhar]); 
and  of  arranging  weapons  in  order  for  battle  (Jer 
46  3,  ARV  "prepare").  As  a  vb.  "to  order"  in  the 
older  VSS  usually  has  the  obsolete  sense  "to  ar- 
range" and  not  the  more  usual  Eng.  meanings, 
"to  demand"  or  "to  direct."  Thus:  "In  the  tent 
of  meeting  shall  Aaron  order  it"  (Lev  24  4,  ARV 
"keep  in  order");  "Order  ye  the  buckler  and 
shield"  (Jer  46  3;  cf  Ps  119  133;  Job  23  4, 
ARV  "set  in  order";  Jth  2  16;  Wisd  8  1;  IB  1; 
Ecclus  2  6).  The  Heb  pa'a7n  (lit.  "hoof-beat," 
"occurrence,"  "repetition")  in  the  plural  conveys 
the  idea  of  an  architectural  plan  (Ezk  41  6).  An- 
other word,  shdlabh,  lit.  "to  join,"  in  connection 
with  the  tabernacle,  has  in  some  VSS  been  tr''  as 
including  the  idea  of  orderly  arrangement  (Ex  26 
17).  The  word  "order"  standing  by  itself  may  mean 
orderly  or  proper  arrangement  (1  Esd  1  10;  Wisd 
7  29;  1  Mace  6  40;  Col  2  5).  Akin  to  the  idea 
of  arranging  things  in  a  row  is  that  of  arranging 
words  (Job  33  5;  37  19;  Ps  5  3),  of  recounting 
things  in  order  (Isa  44  7;  Lk  1  1  AV  [diatassein]; 
Lk  1  3;  Acts  11  4  [kathexis]) ,  of  setting  forth  a 
legal  case  (Job  23  4;  13  18;  cf  Ps  50  21).  From 
the  idea  of  ranging  in  order  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
parison the  Heb  'drakh  acquires  the  meaning  "to 
compare"  (Isa  40  18;  Ps  89  7).  This  is  clearly 
the  meaning  of  'en  ^drokh  'elekhd  (Ps  40  5  [Heb  6]), 
where  "They  cannot  be  set  in  order  unto  thee" 


must  be  interpreted  to  mean  "There  is  nothing  that 
can  be  compared  unto  thee." 

As  the  fundamental  meaning  of  'drakh  is  arrange- 
ment in  space,  that  of  ^ddhar  is  order  or  sequence  in 
time.     In  later  Heb  ^edher  was  used 

2.  Sequence  in   the  sense  of  "program."     In  Job 
in  Time  10  22  15'  .fdhdrim,  absence  of  regular- 
ity, in  the  description  of  the  uncertain 

period  that  follows  death  probably  means  "eon- 
fusion  in  time."  (The  LXX  [0^7705,  pheggos]  sug- 
gests, in  the  place  of  s'dhdrmi,  a  word  for  "light," 
possibly  (ohdrayitn.)  In  the  NT  we  find  "order" 
used  of  time  in  connection  with  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead  (1  Cor  15  23  [tagtna])  and  of  a  succession 
of  places  visited  (Acts  18  23  [kathexes]).  The 
phrase  "in  order  unto"  (Ps  119  38)  expresses  causal 
sequence  and  hence  purpose. 

The  idea  of  classification  is  present  in  the  Heb 
takan,  tr"*  "set  in  order,"  with  reference  to  a  collec- 
tion   of    proverbs    (Eccl  12  9).     The 

3.  Classi-  same  stem  is  used  with  reference  to  the 
flcation  and  arranging  of  singers  before  the  altar 
Organi-  (Heb  Ecclus  47  9).  The  classifica- 
zation  tion  of  priests  according  to  their  serv- 
ice is  spoken  of  as  "ordering"  (1  Ch 

24  3.19,  Heb  pakadh).  Next  to  the  high  priests 
ranked  priests  of  the  second  order  {mishneh,  2  K  23 
4;  cf  25  18  ||  Jer  52  24).  The  related  concept  of 
organization  is  present  where  the  Heb  kUn  (lit.  "to 
estabhsh")  is  tr-^  "order"  (Isa  9  7  AV,  "to  estab- 
lish" ARV;  Ps  119  133;  2  Ch  29  35;  cf  1  Mace 
16  14).  A  similar  use  of  the  term  "order"  is  found 
in  the  NT  in  connection  with  the  organization  of  the 
affairs  of  .the  church  (1  Cor  16  1  [diatassein];  Tit 
1  5  [epidiorthoo];   1  Cor  11  34). 

"Order,"  in  the  sense  of  likeness  or  manner,  is  used 

in  the  phrase  "after  the  order  of  Melchisedek"  to 

translate  the  Heb  'al  dibh'rath,  or  rather 

4.  Likeness  the  archaic  form  'al  dihh'ralhl  (Ps  110 
or  Manner    4),  which  in  other  passages  is  tr"*  "be- 
cause of"   (cf  Eccl  3  18;   7  14;   8  2). 

This  well-known  phrase  is  rendered  in  LXX  kald  tsn 
tdxin,  a  tr  adopted  in  He  5  6.10;  6  20;  7  11.17, 
where  the  passage  from  Ps  is  made  the  basis  of  an 
extended  argument,  in  the  course  of  which  "order" 
is  taken  in  the  sense  of  "likeness"  (He  7  16). 

In  the  sense  of  regulation,  we  find  "order"  as  a 

tr  of  tnishpdt  (which  is  lit.  "the  ruling  of  a  shophet," 

whether  as  a  judicial  decree  or  legis- 

5.  Regula-  lative  act)  in  connection  with  the  con- 
tion,  Direc-  duct  of  priests  (1  Ch  6  32  [Heb 
tion,  Com-  17];  2  Ch  30  16;  cf  Lk  1  8;  1 
mand  Esd  1  6),  and  with  reference  to  the 

Nazirite  regulations  in  the  story  of 
Samson  (Jgs  13  12,  RV  "manner"),  church  serv- 
ices (1  Cor  14  40)  and,  in  the  older  Eng.  VSS,  with 
reference  to  other  ritual  matters  (1  Ch  15  13;  23 
31;  2  Ch  8  14,  ARV  "ordinance").  The  phrase 
'al  yadh,  fit.  "according  to  the  hand  of,"  tr''inEzr 
3  10;  1  Ch  25  2b. 3. 6  bis  in  various  ways,  means 
"under  the  direction  of,"  or  "under  the  order  of," 
as  tr"'  in  the  last  instance.  The  modern  sense  of 
"command"  is  suggested  here  and  in  several  other 
instances  (1  Esd  8  10;  1  Mace  9  55).  He  "that 
ordereth  his  conversation  aright"  (sdm  derekh,  Ps 
60  23)  is  probably  one  who  chooses  the  right  path 
and  directs  his  steps  along  it.  "Who  shall  order  the 
battle?"  (1  K  20  14)  is  corrected  in  ARV:  "Who 
shall  begin  the  battle?"  (cf  2  Ch  13  3,  Heb  'a^ar, 
lit.  "to  bind,"  hence  "to  join"  or  "begin";  cf 
proelium  committer e) . 

The  phrase  "to  set  one's  house  in  order"  (Isa  38 
1  li  2  K  20  1;  2  S  17  23),  used  of  Hezekiah  and 
Ahithophel,  in  contemplation  of  death,  means  to 
give  final  instructions  to  one's  household  or  to 
make  one's  will.  The  Heb  iawdh  used  in  this 
phrase    is    the    stem    found    in    the    later    Heb 


2201 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Order 
Ornament 


gawwa'ah,  "a  verbal  will"  (Bdbha'  Bathrd'  147a, 
1516;  BDB).    Great  moral  weight  was  attached 

in  Bib.  times  to  the  charges  laid  upon 
6.  Declar-  a  household  by  a  deceased  father  or 
ing  of  Last  remoter  ancestor,  not  only  as  to  the 
Will  disposition  of  property  but  also  as  to 

personal  conduct.  (Cf  the  case  of  the 
Rechabites,  where  the  same  Heb  expression  is  used, 
Siwwah  ^alenu,  Jer  35  6.)  Nathan  Isaacs 

ORDINANCE,  6r'di-nans:  This  word  generally 
represents  njjn ,  hukkah,  something  prescribed, 
enactment,  usually  with  reference  to 
1.  OT  Use  matters  of  ritual.  In  AV  the  same 
word  is  frequently  tr"*  by  "statute"  or 
"statutes,"  which  is  also  the  rendering  of  a  similar 
Heb  word,  viz.  pti,  hok.  RV  generally  retains 
"ordinance,"  but  sometimes  substitutes  "statute" 
(e.g.  Ex  18  20;  Ps  99  7).  In  one  instance  RV 
renders  "set  portion"  (Ezk  45  14).  The  word 
generally  has  a  religious  or  ceremonial  significance. 
It  is  used  for  instance  in  connection  with  the  Pass- 
over (Ex  12  43;  Nu  9  14).  According  to  Ex  12 
14,  the  Passover  was  "an  ordinance  for  ever,"  i.e. 
a  permanent  institution.  In  the  pi.  the  word  is 
often  employed,  along  with  such  terms  as  com- 
mandments, laws,  etc,  with  reference  to  the  different 
prescriptions  of  the  Deuteronomic  and  Priestly  codes 
(Dt  6  1.2;  Lev  18  4). 

In  11  passages  (Ex  15  25;  Josh  24  25;  1  S  30 
25;  2  K  17  34.37;  2  Ch  33  8;  35  13;  Ps  119 
91;  Isa  58  2  bis,\  Ezk  11  20)  "ordinance"  is  the 
rendering  of  13312)0,  mishpdt,  judgment,  decision 
or  sentence  by  a  judge  or  ruler.  In  the  Book  of 
the  Covenant  (Ex  20  22—23  33)  the  term  "judg- 
ments" denotes  civil,  as  contrasted  with  ritual, 
enactments.  In  2  K  17  34  AV  employs  "manners" 
and  "ordinances"  as  renderings  of  this  word.  In 
3  passages  (Lev  18  30;.  22  9;  Mai  3  14)  "ordi- 
nance" is  the  tr  of  rripTBip,  mishmereth,  "charge," 
which  RV  restores.  In  one  instance  (Neh  10  32) 
ordinance  renders  HIS^,  migwdh,  "commandment," 
while  in  Ezr  3  10  AV  the  phrase  "after  the  ordi- 
nance of  David"  represents  a  Heb  phrase  which 
lit.  means  "upon  the  hands  of  David,"  i.e.  under 
the  guidance  or  direction  of  David. 

In  the  NT, '  'ordinance"  renders  different  Gr  words, 
viz.  (1)  SiKalafw.,  dikaioma,  in  Lk  1  6  and  He  9 
1.10.  The  word  means  lit.  "anything 
2.  NT  Use  declared  right";  but  in  these  passages 
ceremonial  and  religious  regulation; 
(2)  S6yiJ.a,  dogma,  in  Eph  2  15;  Col  2  14.  In  the 
NT  this  word  always  means  a  decree  or  edict  (Acts 
17  7);  (3)  Ti-apdSoa-is,  parddosis,  in  1  Cor  11  2  AV, 
RV  substitutes  "traditions";  (4)  Kriffis,  klisis, 
"setting  up,"  "institution,"  in  1  Pet  2  13.  The 
term  is  used  exclusively  of  the  action  of  God. 
Peter  implies  that  institutions,  apparently  human, 
such  as  the  family  and  the  state,  are  of  Divine 
origin.     The  same  doctrine  is  found  in  Rom  13  1. 

T.  Lewis 

ORDINANCES  OF  HEAVEN.  See  Astron- 
omy, I,  1. 


ORDINATION,    6r-di-na'shun. 
Ordination. 


See    Ordain, 


OREB,  o'reb  (niiy ,  2"!is>,  'orehh,  "raven,"  esp. 
"crow"),  and  ZEEB.ze'eb,  zeb  (n^?T,  z«'e6/t,  "wolf") 
(Jgs  7  25;  8  3;  Ps  83  11,  and  Isa  10  26  [Oreb 
only]):  Two  Midianite  chieftains  captured  and  be- 
headed by  the  Ephraimites,  who  brought  their 
heads  to  Gideon. 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  two  names,  both  words 
are   found  in  Arabic.    Robertson  Smith,  Kinship, 


etc  (190ff,  218  ff),  says  that  the  use  of  the  names  of 

animals  as  names  of  persons  is  a  relic  of  totemism. 

But  Noldeke  {ZDMO,  XL,  160  ff)  and 

1.  Meaning  others  hold  that  such  a  use  shows  a 
of  Names      desire  that  those  so  named  should  be 

as  disagreeable  to  their  enemies  as 
the  plant  or  animal  which  the  name  denoted. 
Some  again  (e.g.  Stade,  Geschichte,  1S9  ff)  maintain 
that  the  two  names  here  are  borrowed  from  locali- 
ties and  not  vice  versa,  as  Jgs  7  25  implies.  If  so, 
we  must  take  the  names  to  be  originally  two  places, 
apparently  in  Ephraim,  for  the  words  "beyond 
Jordan"  in  7  25  contradict  8  4,  where  it  is  said  that 
Gideon  came  to  the  Jordan  and  passed  over.  Moore 
{Jgs,  214)  suggests  that  the  two  localities  were  near 
the  junction  with  the  Jordan  of  the  stream  that 
comes  from  Wddy  Far'ah.  The  construction  of  the 
Heb  allows  of  a  tr  "the  rock  [called]  Oreb,"  and  "the 
winepress  [called]  Zeeb." 

The  account  of  a  battle  here  is  corroborated  by 
Isa  10  26,  a   verse  which  mentions  the    "rock  of 

Oreb,"   and   suggests  that   the   great 

2.  The  defeat  of  the  Midianites  took  place 
Battle  of  there  (cf  Isa  9  4).  The  passage  in 
Oreb  Isa  10  24-26  is  prose,    however,  and 

is  said  to  be  late  editing  (see  G.  H. 
Box,  Isa,  65).  In  Ps  83  11  (Heb  12)  there  is  a 
prayer  that  God  would  make  the  "nobles"  among 
the  Psalmist's  enemies  as  Oreb  and  Zeeb. 

David  Francis  Roberts 
OREB:     In    2  Esd  2  33   AV  for    Mt.    Hoheb 
(q.v.;  soRV). 

OREN,  o'ren  Ci^S* ,  'oren;  'Apdji,  Aram,  Alex. 
Aran) :  A  son  of  Jerahmeel,  the  firstborn  of  Hezron 
(1  Ch  2  25). 

ORGAN,  or'gan.     See  Music. 

ORION,  6-rl'on:  A  brilliant  constellation  dedi- 
cated to  Nimrod  or  Merodach.  See  Astronomy, 
II,  11. 

ORNAMENT,  or'na-ment  C"^,  'ddkl,  "adorn- 
ment"): In  common  with  all  the  Orientals,  the 
Hebrews  were  very  fond  of  wearing  ornaments, 
and  their  tendency  to  extravagance  of  this  kind 
often  met  with  stem  prophetic  rebuke  (Isa  3  16- 
24;  Ezk  13  18-20).  On  this  subject,  little  is  said 
in  the  NT  apart  from  Jesus'  (Lk  7  25;  12  23)  and 
James's  (2  2)  invectives  against  meretricious  esti- 
mates of  moral  character.  Yet  the  employment  of 
attractive  attire  receives  sanction  in  the  Divine 
example  of  Ezk  16  10-14. 

Ornaments  in  general  would  include  finely  em- 
broidered or  decorated  fabrics,  such  as  the  priest's 
dress  or  the  high-priestly  attire,  and  the  richly 
wrought  veil,  girdle  and  turban  used  by  the  wealth- 
ier class.  But  the  term  may  be  limited  here  to  the 
various  rings,  bracelets  and  chains  made  of  precious 
metals  and  more  or  less  jeweled  (cf  Jer  2  32). 

These  latter,  described  in  detail  under  their  own 
titles,  may  be  summarized  here  as  finger-rings, 
particularly  prized  as  seal-rings  (Gen  38  18.25; 
Jer  22  24);  arm-rings  or  bracelets  (Gen  24  22; 
2  S  1  10);  earrings  (Gen  35  4;  Ex  32  2);  nose- 
rings (Gen  24  47 ;  Ezk  16  12) ;  anklets  or  ankle- 
chains  (Isa  3  16.18);  head-bands  or  fillets  or  cauls 
(referred  to  in  Isa  3  18  only),  and  necklaces  or 
neck-chains  (Gen  41  42;    Ezk  16  11). 

Figurative:  The  universal  devotion  to  ornament 
among  the  Orientals  is  the  occasion  for  frequent 
Bib.  allusions  to  the  beauty  and  splendor  of  fine 
jewelry  and  attire.  But  everywhere,  in  Divine 
injunctions,  the  emphasis  of  value  is  placed  upon 
the  beauty  of  holiness  as  an  inward  grace  rather 
than  on  the  attractions  of  outward  ornament  (Job 


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40  10;    Ps  110  3;    Joel  2  13;     1  Tim  2  9.10;     1 

Pet  3  4).     In  grievous  sorrow,  all  ornament  was 

to  be  laid  aside  in  token  of  mourning  (Ex  33  4-6). 

Leonard  W.  Doolan 

ORNAN,  or'nan  (1  Ch  21  15).     See  Aeaunah. 

ORPAH,  or'pa  (HS"!!? ,  ^orpah;  for  meaning  see 
below) :  A  Moabitess,  wife  of  Mahlon,  son  of  Elime- 
lech  and  Naomi.  Unlike  her  sister  Ruth  she  re- 
turned to  her  own  people  after  escorting  Naomi  on 
her  way  to  Judah  (Ruth  1  4 if).  Her  name  is 
supposed  to  be  derived  from  the  Heb  word  for 
"neck"  i'^l^ ,  'oreph),  and  so  to  mean  "stifl-necked" 
because  of  her  turning  back  from  follomng  her 
mother-in-law;  others  take  it  to  mean  "gazelle." 

ORPHAN,  or'fan:  This  word  occurs  once  only 
in  the  OT  (Lam  5  3,  where  it  stands  for  DIH^, 
yathom,  elsewhere  rendered  "fatherless,"  and  in 
LXX  always  ip^pavb^,  orphands) ;  in  the  Apoc  it 
occurs  3  t  (2  Esd  2  20;  Tob  1  8;  2  Mace  8  28). 
There  is  no  clear  case  where  it  means  the  loss  of 
both  parents.  The  Scriptures  devote  considerable 
attention  to  the  widow  and  orphan,  and  the  idea 
is  that  the  child  is  fatherless.  It  is  not  found  in 
AV  of  the  NT;  but  the  Gr  word  orphanos  occurs 
twice,  Jn  14  18  (AV  "comfortless,"  RV  "desolate," 
m  "orphans")  and  Jas  1  27  ("fatherless").  See 
Fatherless.  D.  Miall  Edwards 

ORTHOSIA,  6r-th5-sl'a  ('Opeuo-ias,  Orthoskis; 
AV  Orthosias):  The  city  to  which  Tryphon  fled 
when  he  escaped  from  Dora,  where  he  was  be- 
sieged by  Antiochus  Sidetes  (1  Mace  15  37). 
According  to  Pliny  {NH,  v. 17)  it  lay  S.  of  the  river 
Eleutherus,  and  I^.  of  the  city  of  Tripohs.  The 
Peutinger  Tables  place  it  12  Rom  miles  N.  of  Tripolis 
and  30  miles  S.  of  Antaradus  on  the  Phoen  coast. 
Porter  would  place  it  on  the  southern  bank  of  Nahr 
el- B  arid. 

OSAIAS,  6-za'yas,  6-sa'yas  ('flo-aCas,  Osaias; 
B  omits) :  In  1  Esd  8  48  a  corruption  of  Jeshaiah 
(cf  Ezr  8  19). 

OSEA,  5-ze'a,  6-se'a:  In  2  Esd  13  40  =  Hoshea, 
king  of  Israel  (q.v.). 

OSEAS,  5-ze'as,  S-se'as:  "Osee"  in  2  Esd  1  39; 
the  prophet  Hosea. 

OSEE,  o'ze,  o'se  ('no-Tie,  Hosee):  AV  in  Rom  9 
25;  the  prophet  Hosea  (thus  RV). 

OSHEA,    5-she'a,    o'sh5-a    (RV    "Hoshca"    [Nu 

13  8.16]):  The  original  name  of  Joshua,  the  son 
of  Nun,  changed  by  Moses  (ver  16)  from  Hoshea 
(/ios/!e»V'help")  to  Joshua  (j/'AosAu"',  "helpof  Jeh"). 
See  Joshua. 

OSNAPPAR,  os-nap'ar  (Ezr  4  10).  Sec  Ashur- 
banipal. 

OSPRAY,  os'pra  [rfllV^ ,  ^ozniyah;  dXideros, 
halicU'tos;  Lat  Pandion  halinetus) :  A  large  hawk 
preferring  a  diet  of  fish.  The  word  is  found  in 
the  list  of  abominations  only.     See  Lev  11  13;  Dt 

14  12.  The  ospray  was  quite  similar  in  appearance 
to  some  of  the  smaller  eagles,  and  by  some  it  is 
thought  that  the  short-toed  eagle  is  intended.  But 
the  eagle  and  the  gier-eagle  had  been  specified,  and 
on  account  of  the  os])ray  plunging  inio  water  for 
food  and  having  feet  bare  to  the  lower  leg-joint 
and  plumage  of  brighter  and  more  distinctive  mark- 
ing, it  seems  very  probable  that  it  was  recognized 
as  a  distinctive  species,  and  so  named  separately. 


Moreover,  the  ospray  was  not  numerous  as  were 
other  hawks  and  eagles.  It  was  a  bird  that  lived 
almost  wholly  on  fish,  and  these  were  not  plentiful 
in  the  waters  of  Pal.  This  would  tend  to  make  it 
a  marked  bird,  so  no  doubt  the  tr  is  correct  as  it 
stands,  as  any  hawk  that  lived  on  fish  would  have 
been  barred  as  an  article  of  diet  (see  Tristram,  Nat. 
Hist  of  the  Bible,  182;  also  Studers,  Birds  of  North 
America,  p.  and  pi.  16). 

Gene  Stratton-Porter 
OSSIFRAGE,  os'i-fraj  (0"1D,  percj;  -yvxl/,  gups; 
Lat  Ossifraga):  The  great  bearded  vulture  known 
as  the  lammer-geier  (Lev  11  13;  Dt  14  12  AV, 
RV  "gier-eagle").  The  Heb  name  perej  means 
"to  break."  Lat  ossis,  "bone,"  and  frangere,  "to 
break,"  indicate  the  most  noticeable  habit  of  the 
bird.  It  is  the  largest  of  the  vulture  family, 
being  3J  ft.  in  length  and  10  in  sweep.  It  has  a 
white  head,  black  beard  on  the  chin,  and  the  part 
of  the  eye  commonly  called  the  "white"  in  most 
animals,  which  is  visible  in  but  few  birds,  in  this 
family  is  pronounced  and  of  a  deep  angry  red,  thus 
giving  the  bird  a  formidable  appearance.  The 
back  is  grayish  black,  the  feathers  finely  penciled, 
the  shaft  being  white,  the  median  line  tawny.  The 
under  parts  are  tawny  white  and  the  feet  and  talons 
powerful.  It  differs  from  the  vulture  in  that  it 
is  not  a  consistent  carrion  feeder,  but  prefers 
to  take  prey  of  the  size  captured  by  some  of  the 
largest  eagles.  It  took  its  name  from  the  fact  that 
after  smaller  vultures  and  eagles  had  stripped  a 
carcase  to  the  last  shred  of  muscle,  the  lammer- 
geier  then  carried  the  skeleton  aloft  and  dropped 
it  repeatedly  until  the  marrow  from  the  broken 
bones  could  be  eaten.  It  is  also  very  fond  of  tor- 
toise, the  meat  of  which  it  secures  in  the  same 
manner.  As  this  bird  frequents  Southern  Europe, 
it  is  thought  to  be  the  one  that  mistook  the  bald 
head  of  Aeschylus,  the  poet,  for  a  stone  and  let  fall 
on  it  the  tortoise  that  caused  his  death.  This  bird 
also  attacks  living  prey  of  the  size  of  lambs,  kids 
and  hares.  It  is  not  numerous  and  does  not  flock, 
but  pairs  live  in  deep  gorges  and  rocky  crevices. 
It  builds  an  enormous  nest,  deposits  one  pinkish  or 
yellowish  egg,  and  the  young  is  black.  It  requires 
two  years  to  develop  the  red  eyes,  finely  penciled 
plumage  and  white  head  of  the  adult  bird.  It  was 
included  among  the  abominations  because  of  its  diet 
of  carrion.  Gene  Stratton-Porter 

OSTRACA,  os'tra-ka:  The  word  ostracon  ("pot- 
sherd," Heb  heres)  occurs  in  Job  2  8  (LXX),  khI 
(Xapev  RarpaKov,  kai  elaben  oslrakon,  "and  he  took 
him  a  potsherd."  Earthen  vessels  were  in  universal 
use  in  antiquity  (they  are  twice  mentioned  in  the 
NT:  ir/ceuT;  darpiKim,  skeue  ostrdkina  [2  Cor  4  7; 
2  Tim  2  20]),  and  the  broken  fragments  of  them, 
which  could  be  picked  up  almost  anywhere,  were 
made  to  serve  various  purposes.  Upon  the  smooth- 
est of  these  pieces  of  unglazed  pottery  the  poorest 
might  write  in  ink  his  memoranda,  receipts,  letters 
or  texts. 

A  fortunate  discovery  at  Samaria  (1910),  made 
among  the  ruins  of  Ahab's  palace,  has  brought  to 
light  75  Heb  ostraca  inscribed  with  ink, 
1.  Hebrew  m  the  Phoen  character,  with  accounts 
Ostraca  and   memoranda   relating   to   private 

matters  and  dating  probably  from  the 
time  of  Ahab.  Their  historical  contribution,  aside 
from  the  mention  of  many  names  of  persons  and 
places,  IS  slender,  but  for  ancient  Heb  writing  and 
to  a  less  extent  for  Heb  words  and  forms  they  are 
of  value,  while  the  fact  that  in  them  we  possess 
documents  actually  penned  in  Israel  in  the  9th 
cent.  BC  gives  them  extraordinary  interest.  The 
nature  of  ostraca  tends  to  their  preservation  under 
conditions  which  would  quickly  destroy  parchment, 


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skin  or  papyrus,  and  this  discovery  in  Pal  encourages 
the  hope  of  further  and  more  significant  finds. 
^  Or  ostraca  in  large  quantities  have  been  found  in 
Egypt,  preserving  documents  of  many  kinds,  chiefly 

tax  receipts.  The  texts  of  some  2,000 
2.  Greek  of  these  have  been  published,  princi- 
Ostraca         pally  by  Wilcken  {Griechische  Ostraka, 

2  vols,  1899),  and  serve  to  illustrate  in 
unexpected  ways  the  everyday  Gr  speech  of  the 


0^ 


'\ 


^hf9A^t^ 


Ostracou  with  Lk  22  70  f. 

common  people  of  Egypt  through  the  Ptolemaic, 
Rom  and  Byzantine  periods.  Like  the  papyri,  they 
help  to  throw  light  on  NT  sjTitax  and  lexicography, 
as  well  as  on  ancient  life  in  general. 

It  is  said  that  Cleanthes  the  Stoic,  being  too 

poor  to  buy  papjTus,  used  to  write  on  ostraca,  but 

no  remains  of  classical  lit.  have  been 

3.  New  found  on  the  ostraca  thus  far  dis- 
Testament  covered.  In  some  instances,  however, 
Ostraca         Christian  literary  texts  are  preserved 

upon  ostraca.  Some  years  ago  Bou- 
riant  bought  in  Upper  Egypt  20  ostraca,  probably 
of  the  7th  cent.,  inscribed  with  the  Gr  text  of  parts 
of  the  Gospels.  The  ostraca  are  of  diiierent  sizes, 
and  preserve  among  others  one  long  continuous 
passage  (Lk  22  40-71),  which  runs  over  10  of  the 
pieces.  The  ostraca  contain  from  2  to  9  verses 
each,  and  cover  Mt  27  31.32;  Mk  5  40.41  (9  3); 
9  17.18.22;  15  21;  Lk  12  13-16;  22  40-71;  Jn 
1  1-9;  1  14-17;  18  19-2.5;  19  1.5-17.  The  texts 
are  in  3  different  hands,  and  attest  the  interest  of 
the  poor  in  the  gospel  in  the  century  of  the  Arab 
conquest.  Another  late  ostracon  has  a  rough 
drawing  labeled  "St.  Peter  the  evangelist,"  perhaps 
in  allusion  to  the  Gospel  of  Peter. 

Coptic  ostraca,  too,  are  numerous,  esp.  from  the 

Byzantine  period,  and  of  even  more  interest  for 

Christian  history  than  the  Greek.     A 

4.  Coptic  Sa'idic  ostracon  preserves  the  pericope 
Ostraca  on    the    woman    taken    in    adultery 

(Jn  7  53—8  11),  which  is  otherwise 
unattested  in  the  Sa'idic  NT.  A  Christian  hymn 
to  Mary,  akin  to  the  canticles  of  Luke,  and  some 
Christian  letters  have  been  found.  The  work  of 
W  E  Crum  on  the  Coptic  ostraca  is  of  especial 
importance.  See,  further,  Deissmann,  Light  from 
the  Ancient  East,  1910;  Lyon,  Harvard  Theol. 
Review,  January,  1911.        Edgar  J.  Goodspeed 

OSTRICH,  os'trich  (HJ^^,  ya'anah;  o-Tpoueos, 
sirouthds:  Lat  Struthio  camelus) :  The  largest  bird 
now  living.  The  Heb  words  ya'anah,  which  means 
-greediness,"  and  hath  ha-ya'dnah,  "daughter  of 
sreediness,"  are  made  to  refer  to  the  indiscrimi- 
nate diet  of  the  ostrich,  to  which  bird  they  apply; 


and  again  to  the  owl,  with  no  applicability.  The 
owl  at  times  has  a  struggle  to  swallow  whole  prey 
it  has  taken,  but  the  mere  fact  that  it  is  a  night 
hunter  forever  shuts  it  from  the  class  of  greedy 
and  promiscuous  feeders.  The  bodies  of  owls  are 
proverbially  lean  like  eagles.  Neither  did  the  owl 
frequent  several  places  where  older  versions  of  Jer 
and  Isa  place  it;  so  the  tr"  are  now  correctly  ren- 
dered "ostrich."  These  birds  came  into  the  Bible 
because  of  their  desert  life,  the  companions  they 
lived  among  there,  and  because  of  their  night  cries 
tliat  were  guttural,  terrifying  groans,  like  the  roar- 
ing of  lions.  The  birds  were  brought  into  many 
pictures  of  desolation,  because  people  dreaded  their 
fearful  voices.  They  homed  on  the  trackless  deserts 
that  were  dreaded  by  travelers,  and  when  they 
came  feeding  on  the  fringe  of  the  wilderness,  they 
fell  into  company  with  vulture,  eagle,  lion,  jackal 
and  adder,  and  joined  their  voices  with  the  night 
hawks  and  owls.  For  these  reasons  no  birds  were 
more  suitable  for  drawing  strong  comparisons  from. 
They  attained  a  height  ranging  from  6  to  8  ft., 
and  weighed  from  200  to  300  lbs.  The  head  was 
small  with  large  eyes  having  powerful 
1.  Physical  vision,  and  protected  by  lashes.  The 
Peculiarities  neck  was  long,  covered  with  down,  and 
the  windpipe  showed,  while  large  bites 
could  be  seen  to  slide  down  the  gullet.  The  legs 
were  bare,  long,  and  the  muscles  like  steel  from  the 
long  distances  covered  in  desert  travel.  The  foot 
was  much  like  the  cloven  hoof  of  a  beast.  The 
inner  toe  was  7  in.  long,  with  a  clawlike  hoof,  the 
outer,  smaller  with  no  claw.  With  its  length  and 
strength  of  leg  and  the  weight  of  foot  it  could  strike 
a  blow  that  saved  it  from  attack  by  beasts  smaller 
than  a  leopard.  The  wings  were  small,  the  muscles 
soft  and  flabby.  They  would  not  bear  the  weight 
of  the  bird,  but  the  habit  of  lifting  and  beating 
them  proved  that  this  assisted  in  attaining  speed 
in  running  (cf  Xen.  Anab.  i.5.2,3).     The  body  was 


Ostriclies. 

covered  with  soft  flexible  feathers,  the  wings  and 
tail  growing  long  plumes,  for  which  the  bird  has 
been  pursued  since  the  beginning  of  time.  These 
exquisite  feathers  were  first  used  to  decorate  the 
headdress  and  shields  of  desert  chieftains,  then  as 
decorations  for  royalty,  and  later  for  hat  and  hair 
ornaments.  The  badge  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  is 
three  white  ostrich  plumes.  The  females  are 
smaller,  the  colors  gray  and  white,  the  males  a 
glossy  black,  the  wing  and  tail  plumes  white.  The 
ostrich  has  three  physical  peculiarities  that  stagger 
scientists.  It  has  eyelashes,  developed  no  doubt 
to  protect  the  eyes  from  the  dust  and  sand  of 
desert  life.  On  the  wings  are  two  plumeless  shafts 
like  large  porcupine  quills.  These  may  be  used  in 
resisting   attack.     It   also   has    a   bladder   like   a 


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mammal,  that  collects  uric  acid,  the  rarest  organ 
ever  developed  in  a  feathered  creature. 

These  birds  homed  on  the  deserts  of  Arabia  and 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  great  Salt  Sea.     Here  the 

ostrich  left  her  eggs  on  the  earth  and 
2.  Eggs  warmed    them    in    the    sand.     That 

and  Care      they  were  not  hard   baked  was  duo 
of  Young       to  the  fact  that  they  were  covered  for 

protection  during  the  day  and  brooded 
through  the  cooler  nights.  The  eggs  average  3  lbs. 
weight.  They  have  been  used  for  food  in  the 
haunts  of  the  ostrich  since  the  records  of  history 
began,  and  their  stout  shells  for  drinking- vessels. 
It  is  the  custom  of  natives  on  finding  a  nest  to  take 
a  long  stick  and  draw  out  an  egg.  If  incubation 
has  advanced  enough  to  spoil  the  eggs  for  use, 
the  nest  is  carefully  covered  and  left;  if  fresh, 
they  are  eaten,  one  egg  being  sufficient  for  a  small 
family.  No  doubt  these  were  the  eggs  to  which 
Job  referred  as  being  tasteless  without  salt  (Job  6 
6).  The  number  of  eggs  in  the  nest  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  birds  were  polygamous,  one  male 
leading  from  2  to  7  females,  all  of  which  deposited 
their  eggs  in  a  common  nest.  When  several  females 
wanted  to  use  the  nest  at  the  same  time,  the  first 
one  to  reach  it  deposited  her  egg  in  it,  and  the  others 
on  the  sand  close  beside.  This  accounts  for  the 
careless  habits  of  the  ostrich  as  to  her  young.  In 
this  communal  nest,  containing  from  2  to  3  dozen 
eggs,  it  is  impossible  for  the  mother  bird  to  know 
which  of  the  young  is  hers.  So  all  of  them  united 
in  laying  the  eggs  and  allowing  the  father  to  look 
after  the  nest  and  the  young.  The  bird  first  appears 
among  the  abominations  in  Lev  11  16  RV,  AV 
"owl";  Dt  14  16,  RV  "little  owl,"  AV  "owl." 
This  must  have  referred  to  the  toughness  of  grown 
specimens,  since  there  was  nothing  offensive  in  the 
bird's  diet  to  taint  its  flesh  and  the  young  tender 
ones  were  delicious  meat.  In  his  agony.  Job  felt 
so  much  an  outcast  that  he  cried: 


"I  am  a  brother  to  jackals. 
And  a  companion  to  ostriches' 


(Job  30  29). 


Again  he  records  that  the  Almighty  discoursed  to 
him  of  the  ostrich  in  the  following  manner: 

"The  wings  of  the  ostrich  wave  proudly; 
But  are  they  the  pinions  and  plumage  of  love  ?  "  etc 

(39  13-18). 

The  ostrich  history  previously  given  explains  all 
tins  passage  save  the  last  two  verses,  the  first  of 

which  is  a  reference  to  the  fact  that 
3.  OT  the  Arabs  thought  the  ostrich  a  stupid 

References    bird,   because,  when   it  had   traveled 

to  exhaustion,  it  hid  its  head  and 
thought  its  body  safe,  and  because  some  of  its  eggs 
were  found  outside  the  nest.  The  second  was  due 
to  a  well-known  fact  that,  given  a  straight  course, 
the  ostrich  could  outrun  a  horse.  The  birds  could 
attain  and  keep  up  a  speed  of  60  miles  an  hour  for 
the  greater  part  of  half  a  day  and  even  longer,  hence 
it  was  possible  to  take  them  only  by  a  system  of 
relay  riders  (Xen.,op.  cit.)  When  Isaiah  predicted 
the  fall  of  Babylon,  he  used  these  words:  "But  wild 
beasts  of  the  desert  shall  lie  there;  and  their  houses 
shall  be  full  of  doleful  creatures;  and  ostriches  shall 
dwell  there,  and  wild  goats  shall  dance  there"  (Isa 
13  21).  Because  this  was  to  be  the  destruction  of 
a  great  city,  located  on  the  Euphrates  River  and 
built  by  the  fertiUty  and  prosperity  of  the  country 
surrounding  it,  and  the  ruins  those  of  homes,  the 
bird  indicated  by  every  natural  condition  would  be 
the  owl.  The  wild  goats  clambering  over  the  ruins 
would  be  natural  companions  and  the  sneaking 
wolves — but  not  the  big  bird  of  daytime  travel, 
desert  habitation,  accustomed  to  constant  pursuit 
for  its  plumage.  Exactly  the  same  argument 
applies  to  the  next  reference  by  the  same  writer 


(34  13).  "And  the  wild  beasts  of  the  desert  shall 
meet  with  the  wolves,  and  the  wild  goat  shall  cry 
to  his  fellow;  yea,  the  night  monster  shall  settle 
there,  and  shall  find  her  a  place  of  rest"  (34  14). 
"The  beasts  of  the  field  shall  honor  me,  the  jackals 
and  the  ostriches;  because  I  give  waters  in  the 
wilderness,  and  rivers  in  the  desert,  to  give  drink 
to  my  people,  my  chosen"  (43  20).  Here  we  find 
the  ostrich  in  its  natural  location,  surrounded  by 
creatures  that  were  its  daily  companions.  The 
next  reference  also  places  the  bird  at  home  and  in 
customary  company:  "Therefore  the  wild  beasts 
of  the  desert  with  the  wolves  shall  dwell  there,  and 
the  ostriches  [AV  "owls"]  shall  dwell  therein:  and 
it  shall  be  no  more  inhabited  forever;  neither  shall 
it  be  dwelt  in  from  generation  to  generation"  (Jer 
50  39). 

"Even  the  jackals  draw  out  the  breast,  they  give  suck 
to  their  young  ones: 
The  daughter  of  my  people  is  become  cruel,  like  the 
ostriches  in  the  wilderness  "  (Lam  4  3). 

This  reference  is  made  to  the  supposed  cruelty  of 
the  ostrich  in  not  raising  its  young. 

Gene  Stratton-Porter 
OTHNI,  oth'nl  ("^^ri? '  ''othni,  meaning  unknown) : 
A  son  of  Shemaiah,  a  Korahite  Levite  (1  Ch  26  7). 

OTHNIEL,  oth'ni-el  (bxippy,  'othni' el):  A  hero 
in  Israel,  son  of  Kenaz,  Caleb's  younger  brother. 
He  conquered  Kiriath-sepher,  later  known  as  Debir, 
in  the  territory  of  Judah  in  the  days  of  Joshua,  and 
was  given  the  daughter  of  Caleb,  Achsah,  to  wife 
as  a  reward  (Josh  15  17  ||  Jgs  1  13).  He  later 
smote  Cushan-rishathaim,  king  of  Mesopotamia, 
whom  the  children  of  Israel  had  served  8  years,  and 
thus  not  only  saved  the  Israelites,  but  by  reviving 
national  sentiment  among  them  (cf  Ant,  V,  iv,  3), 
and  reestablishing  government,  became  the  first 
of  those  hero-rulers  knovm  as  "  j  udges . ' '  The  elTects 
of  his  victory  lasted  an  entire  generation  (40  years, 
Jgs  3  9-11).  He  had  a  sou  named  Hathath  (1  Ch 
4  13)  and  probably  another  named  Meonothai  (cf 
recensio  Luciana  of  LXX,  ad  loc).  In  the  days  of 
David  we  find  a  family  bearing  the  name  of  Othniel, 
from  which  came  Heldai  the  Metophathite,  captain 
of  the  twelfth  month  (1  Ch  27  15). 

Nathan  Isaacs 

OTHONIAS,  oth-g-ni'as  ('09ov(asj  Olhonlas): 
One  of  those  who  had  taken  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd 
9  28)  =  "Mattaniah"of  Ezr  10  27. 

OUCHES,  ouch'ez,  -iz  (nisaffia,  miskb'goth  [Ex 
28  11.13.14.25;  39  6.13.16.18);  ARV  "settings," 
but  m  Ex  39  13,  "inclosings") :  The  secondary 
meaning  of  this  now  archaic  word  is  the  gold  or 
silver  setting  of  a  precious  stone.  In  Ex,  where  it 
occurs  8  t,  it  is  clear  that  the  gold  settings  of  the 
engraved  stones  forming  the  breast-plate  of  the 
high  priest  are  intended;  the  onyx  stones  forming 
the  fibula  or  brooch  for  holding  together  the  two 
sides  of  the  breast-plate  being  said  to  be  "inclosed 
in  ouches  [settings]  of  gold"  (Ex  39  6).  Not  only 
were  these  two  onyx  or  beryl  stones  so  set,  but  the 
12  stones  forming  the  front  of  the  breast-plate  were 
"inclosed  in  gold  in  their  settings"  (Ex  28  20). 
The  same  word  occurs  in  Ps  45  13,  where  the 
king's  daughter  is  said  to  have  her  clothing  "in- 
wrought with  gold,"  i.e.  embroidered  with  gold 
thread  or  wire.  Ex  39  3  tells  us  how  this  wire 
was  produced.  From  this  fact  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  settings  of  the  breast-plate  were  not  solid 
pieces  of  gold,  but  were  formed  of  woven  wire 
wreathed  round  the  stones,  in  a  sort  of  filigree. 
See  also  Stones,  Precious. 

nnTrAox        ^n     ^     -r.^'  ^"'^^^'  Caldrcott 
_iir  J  *^^'  outkast:    Represents  some  form  of 
nn^  ,  dahah,  or  n"13  ,  nadhah,  both  meaning  "thrust 


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Ostrich 
Owl 


out."  In  Jer  30  17  "outcast"  means  "thrust  out 
of  society,"  "degraded  person";  elsewhere  it  means 
"exile"  (Ps  147  2;    Isa  16  3  f ;    Jer  49  36). 

OUTER,  out'er;  This  adj.  is  used  12  t  by  Ezekiel 
of  the  outside  court  of  the  temple.  In  Mt  we  find 
it  3t  (8  12;  22  13;  25  30)  in  "outer  darkness" 
(t6  tr/ciTos  t6  elciTepor,  td  skotos  16  exoteron),  which 
typifies  the  utter  darkness  of  the  doom  of  the 
lost. 

OUTGOING,  out'go-ing:  In  Ps  65  8,  "Thou 
makest  the  outgoings  of  the  morning  and  evening 
to  rejoice,"  the  Heb  is  ^^^TQ,  mo;d'.  The  word 
(from  ya^a\  "to  go  forth")  refers  to  the  "going 
forth"  of  the  sun,  and  so  means  "east"  (as  in  Ps 
75  6).  The  connection  of  mo(a'  with  "evening" 
is  therefore  zeugmatic,  but  the  meaning  is  clear 
and  there  are  extra-Bib.  parallels  (cf  "the  two 
Orients").  In  Josh  17  18,  AV  uses  "outgoings" 
for  the  Heb  mXSin,  toga'oth  (also  from  j/aja'), 
where  the  meaning  is  "extremity"  (RV  "goings 
out,"  as  in  Nu  34  5,  etc).  "Outwent"  occurs  in 
Mk  6  33.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

OUTLANDISH,  out-land'ish  (Neh  13  26,  AV 
"Him  did  outlandish  women  cause  to  sin"):  "Out- 
landish" in  modern  Eng.  is  colloquial  only  and  with 
the  sense  "utterly  extraordinary,"  but  AV  uses  it 
in  the  lit.  meaning  "out  of  the  land,"  "foreign," 
ERV  "strange  women,"  ARV  "foreign  women," 
Heb  '''1?5  ,  nokhrl,  "foreign." 

OUTRAGE,  out'raj,  OUTRAGEOUS,  out-ra'jus: 
The  noun  (from  the  Fr.  outre+age,  "that  which  goes 
beyond")  only  in  the  heading  to  Ps  10  AV;  the  adj. 
in  Prov  27  4,  AV  and  ERV,  for  riUlS ,  sheteph, 
"flood,"  "Anger  is  overwhelming"  (ARV),  is 
much  better. 

OUTROADS,  out'rodz  (eloSeiiu,  exodeuo,  "to 
go  forth,"  "to  make  a  mihtary  expedition";  AV 
and  RV  in  1  Mace  15  41,  "horsemen  ....  that 
they  might  make  outroads  upon  the  ways  of  Judah" ; 
1  Esd  4  23,  RV  "goeth  forth  to  make  outroads"): 
"Outroads"  is  obsolete,  but  its  opposite,  "inroads," 
is  still  good  Eng. 

OUTWARD,  out'werd,  MAN  (e|a),  exo,  "out- 
side," "without,"  "out  of  doors"):  The  body,  sub- 
ject to  decay  and  death,  in  distinction  from  the 
inner  man,  the  imperishable  spiritual  life  which  "is 
renewed  day  by  day"  (2  Cor  4  16);  also  the  body 
as  the  object  of  worldly  thought  and  pride  in  exter- 
nal dress  and  adornment  (1  Pet  3  3).  See  Man, 
Natural;    Man,  New. 

OVEN,  uv"n.     See  Bread;  P'urnace. 

OVERCHARGE,  o-ver-charj':  Lk  21  34,  "lest 
haply  your  hearts  be  overcharged  with  drunken- 
ness" (^apivui,  barilno,  "burden,"  here  with  the 
force  "be  occupied  with");  2  Cor  2  5,  AV  "that 
I  may  not  overcharge  you"  (iiri^apioi,  epibareo, 
"overload"),  RV  "that  I  press  not  too  heavily." 
See  Charges. 

OVERPASS,  o-ver-pas' :  A  special  tr  of  the  very 
common  vb.  I??',  ^abhar,  "to  pass  over,"  found  in 
EV  of  Ps  57  1  and  Isa  26  20  in  the  sense  "to  pass 
by,"  and  in  Jer  6  28  with  the  meaning  "to  over- 
flow." 

OVERPLUS,  6'ver-plus:  Lev  25  27,  for  3"^, 
'ddhaph,  "excess." 


OVERSEER,  o-ver-se'er,  or  -ser':  One  who 
overlooks,  inspects;  in  the  OT  from  ni3,  nagah 
(2  Ch  2  18;  in  2  Ch  34  13  RV  changes' to  "set 
forward"),  and  IpB ,  pakadh  (Gen  39  4..5;  2  Ch 
34  12.17;  RV  has  this  word  for  AV  "officers"  in 
Gen  41  34,  and  for  "rulers"  in  1  Ch  26  32);  in 
the  NT  once  for  iTrla-Ko-n-os,  episkopos,  in  Acts  20 
28,  where  RV  has  "bishops"  (m  "overseers";  cf 
1  Pet  5  2).     See  Bishop. 

OWL,  oul  (niy^jn  t^^,  bath  ha-ya'dn&h;  Lat 
Ulula) :  The  name  of  every  nocturnal  bird  of  prey 
of  the  N.O.  Slriges.  These  birds  range  from  the 
great  horned  owl  of  2  ft.  in  length,  through  many 
subdivisions  to  the  httle  screech-owl  of  6  in.  All 
are  characterized  by  very  large  heads,  many  have 


Owl  (Athene  meridionalis). 

ear  tufts,  all  have  large  eyes  surrounded  by  a  disk 
of  tiny,  stiff,  radiating  feathers.  The  remainder 
of  the  plumage  has  no  aftershaft.  So  these  birds 
make  the  softest  flight  of  any  creature  traveling 
on  wing.  A  volume  could  be  written  on  the  eye 
of  the  owl,  perhaps  its  most  wonderful  feature 
being  in  the  power  of  the  bird  to  enlarge  the  iris 
if  it  wishes  more  distinct  vision.  There  is  material 
for  another  on  the  prominent  and  peculiar  auditory 
parts.  With  almost  all  owls  the  feet  are  so  ar- 
ranged that  two  toes  can  be  turned  forward  and 
two  back,  thus  reinforcing  the  grip  of  the  bird  by 
an  extra  toe  and  giving  it  unusual  strength  of  foot. 
All  are  night-hunters,  taking  prey  to  be  found  at 
that  time,  of  size  according  to  the  strength.  The 
owl  was  very  numerous  in  the  caves,  ruined  temples 
and  cities,  and  even  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Pal. 
It  is  given  place  in  the  Bible  because  it  was  con- 
sidered unfit  for  food  and  because  people  dreaded 
the  cries  of  every  branch  of  the  numerous  family. 
It  appeared  often,  as  most  birds,  in  the  early  VSS 
of  the  Bible;  later  translators  seem  to  feel  that  it 
was  used  in  several  places  where  the  ostrich  really 
was  intended  (see  Ostrich).  It  would  appear  to 
a  natural  historian  that  the  right  bird  could  be  se- 
lected by  the  location,  where  the  text  is  confusing. 
The  ostrich  had  a  voice  that  was  even  more  terri- 
fying, when  raised  in  the  night,  than  that  of  the 
owl.  But  it  was  a  bird  of  the  desert,  of  wide  range 
and  traveled  only  by  day.  This  would  confine  its 
habitat  to  the  desert  and  the  greenery  where  it 
joined  fertile  land,  but  would  not  bring  it  in  very 
close  touch  with  civilization.    The  owl  is  a  bird  of 


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ruins,  that  lay  mostly  in  the  heart  of  rich  farming 
lands,  where  prosperous  cities  had  been  built  and 
then  destroyed  by  enemies.  Near  these  locations 
the  ostrich  would  be  pursued  for  its  plumage,  and 
its  nesting  conditions  did  not  prevail.  The  loca- 
tion was  strictly  the  owl's  chosen  haunt,  and  it  had 
the  voice  to  fit  all  the  requirements  of  the  text.  In 
the  lists  of  abominations,  the  original  Heb  yanshUph, 
derived  from  a  root  meaning  twilight,  is  tr''  "great 
owl"  (see  Lev  11  17  and  Dt  14  16).  It  is  prob- 
able that  this  was  a  bird  about  2  ft.  in  length,  called 
the  eagle-owl.  In  the  same  lists  the  word  kos  (wk- 
TiKdpai,  nuktikorax)  refers  to  ruins,  and  the  bird 
indicated  is  specified  as  the  "little  owl,"  that  is, 
smaller  than  the  great  owl — about  the  size  of  our 
barn  owl.  This  bird  is  referred  to  as  the  "mother 
of  ruins,"  and  the  tr'  that  place  it  in  deserted 
temples  and  cities  are  beyond  all  doubt  correct. 
Kippoz  (ix'i^vos,  ech'mos)  occurs  once  (Isa  34  15), 
and  is  tr''  "great  owl"  in  former  versions;  lately 
(in  ARV)  it  is  changed  to  "dart-snake"  (ERV 
"arrowsnake").  In  this  same  description  lilith 
(ivoKivravpoi,  onohentauros) ,  "a  specter  of  night," 
was  formerly  screech-owl,  now  it  reads  "night 
monster,"  which  is  more  confusing  and  less  sug- 
gestive. The  owls  in  the  lists  of  abominations 
(Lev  11  17.18;  Dt  14  16)  are  the  little  owl,  the 
great  owl  and  the  horned  owl.  The  only  other  owl 
of  all  those  that  produced  such  impressions  of  deso- 
lation in  the  Books  of  Isa,  Jer,  Job  and  Mic  is  re- 
ferred toinPs  102  6: 

"  I  am  like  a  pelican  of  the  wilderiie-ss ; 
I  am  become  as  an  owl  of  the  waste  places." 

Here  it  would  appear  that  the  bird  habitual  to  the 
wilderness  and  the  waste  places,  that  certainly 
would  be  desert,  would  be  the  ostrich — while  in  any 
quotation  referring  to  ruins,  the  owl  would  be  the 
bird  indicated  by  natural  conditions. 

Gene  Stratton-Porter 

OWX,  GREAT  (Jllljp^  yanshuph;  LXX  'ipis, 
ibis,  or  ctpis,  eibis) :  A  member  of  the  Pal  species 
of  the  family  Strigidae.  The  great  owl  mentioned 
in  the  Bible  was  no  doubt  their  largest  specimen 
of  the  family,  a  bird  fully  2  ft.  in  length,  full  feath- 
ered, with  unusually  large  head  and  long  ear  tufts. 
It  was  a  formidable  and  noble-appearing  bird,  with 
resounding  voice.  It  was  abundant  among  the 
ruins  of  temples,  the  tombs  of  Carmel,  the  caves  of 
Gennesaret,  and  among  the  ruined  cities  of  South- 
ern Judah.  It  is  included  in  the  abomination  lists 
of  Lev  11  17  and  Dt  14  16.     See  Owl. 

Gene  Stratton-Porter 

OWL,  LITTLE  (C13,  Aio.j;  v«KTi,Kdpa|,  7iuk- 
tikorax;    Lat    Athene  meridionalis) :    A  night  bird 


of  prey  distinguished  by  a  round  head,  and  extreme- 
ly large  eyes.  The  little  owl  is  left  in  RV  only  in 
the  lists  of  abominations  (see  Lev  11  17;  Dt  14 
16).     See  Owl. 

OWL,  SCREECH.     See  Night  Monster. 

OWNER,  on'er.     See  Ships  and  Boats,  III,  2. 

OX.    See  Antelope;   Cattle;   Wild  Ox. 

OX,  oks  ("n^,  Ox) :  One  of  the  ancestors  of  Judith 
(Jth  8  1).  The  name  is  not  Heb.  Perhaps  the 
Itala  Ozi  and  the  Syr  Uz  point  to  the  Heb  Vzzi. 

OX-GOAD,  oks'god.     See  Goad. 

OZEM,  o'zem  (D2S,  'ogem,  meaning  unknown): 

(1)  The  6th  sou  of  David  (1  Ch  2  1.5).  LXX 
("Ao-o/ti,  Asom)  and  yulg  suggest  that  the  name 
should  be  pointed  D2X,  'dgom. 

(2)  A  "son"  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Ch  2  25). 

OZIAS,  6-zi'as : 

(1)  ('Ofe(as,  Ozeias,  'Ofi'as,  Ozias,  B  ah):  The 
son  of  Micah,  a  Simeonitc,  one  of  the  3  rulers  of 
BethuUa  in  the  days  of  Judith  (Jth  6  15.16;  7  23; 
8  9  if;   10  6). 

(2)  ('Offias,  Ozeias,  B  and  Swete;  AV  Ezias 
[1  Esd  8  2],  following  A,  'Efias,  Ezias):  An  an- 
cestor of  Ezra  (1  Esd  8  2;  2  Esd  1  2)  =  "Uzzi" 
of  Ezr  7  4;  1  Ch  6  51. 

(3)  Head  of  a  family  of  temple-servants  who  re- 
turned with  Zcrubbabel  (1  Esd  5  31)  =  "Uzza"  of 
Ezr  2  49;  Neh  7  51. 

(4)  Gr  form  of  Uzziah  (q.v.)  in  Mt  1  8.9  AV. 
A  king  of  Judah.  S.  Angus 

OZIEL,  o'zi-el  ('O^eiTiX,  Ozeiel) :  An  ancestor 
of  Judith  (Jth  8  1) ;  another  form  of  the  OT  name 
"Uzziel." 

OZNI,  oz'ni  C?!^,  'ozni,  "mv  hearing,"  or  "my 
ear"):  A  "son"  of  Gad  (Nu  26  16)  =  "Ezbon"  of 
Gen  46  16  (cf  1  Ch  7  7). 

OZNITES,  oz'nits  (with  the  art.  ■':TXn ,  ha- 
'ozni  [collective],  "the  Oznitcs"):  Of  the  clan  of 
Ozni(Nu  26  16).     See  Ozni. 

OZORA,  6-zo'ra.     See  Ezora. 


PAARAI,  pa'a-ri  C^iyS ,  pa^dray,  "devotee  of 
Poor"):  One  of  David's'  37  valiant  men  (2  S  23 
35).     Doubtless  the  "Naarai"  of  1  Ch  11  37. 

PACATIANA,  pa-ka-ti-a'na,  pak-a-tl'a-na  (Ila- 
KartavTi,  Pakatiant):  About  295  AD,  when  the 
province  of  Asia  was  broken  up,  two  new  provinces 
were  formed,  Phrygia  Prima  (Paoatiana),  of  which 
Laodicea  was  "the  chicfest  city"  (subscription  to 
1  Tim  AV),  and  Phrygia  Secunda  (Salutaris). 
See  Phrygia,  and  HDB,  III,  865. 

PACE,  pas  (~??,  Qa'adh):  A  step  in  2  S  6  13, 
hence  about  one  yard. 

PACHON,  pa'kon  (Ilaxwv,  Pachon):  The  name 
of  a  month  mentioned  in  3  Mace  6  38. 


PAD  DAN,  pad'an  (Gen  48  7;  AV  Padan,  pa- 
dan).     See  next  article. 

PADDAN-ARAM,  pad'an-a'ram  or  p.-ar'am 
(DHX  I^D ,  paddan  'dram;  LXX  Meo-oiroTa(i£a  Ttis 
SvpCas,  Mesopotamia  Its  Surias;  AV  Padan-aram) : 
In  Gen  48  7,  Paddan  stands  alone,  but  as  the  LXX, 
Sam,  and  Pesh  read  "Aram"  also,  it  must  in  this 
verse  have  dropped  out  of  the  MT.  In  the  time  of 
Abraham,  padan  it  occurson  the  Bab  contract-tablets 
as  a  land  measure,  to  which  we  may  compare  the 
Arab,  fedddn  or  "ox-gang."  In  the  Assyr  syl- 
labaries it  is  the  equivalent  of  iklu,  "a  field,"  so 
that  Paddan-aram  would  mean  "the  field  of 
Aram,"  and  with  this  we  may  compare  Hos  12  12 
(Heb  12  13)  and  the  use  of  the  Heb  sddJieh  in  con- 
nection with  Moab  and  Edom  (Jgs  5  4;  Ruth  1  6). 


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Furthermore,   padanu   and    harranu   are   given    as 
synonyms  with  the  meaning  of  "road." 

Paddan-aram  occurs  only  in  the  PC,  but  it  cor- 
responds to  the  "Haran"  of  the  older  documents. 
The  versions  agree  in  translating  both  as  Meso- 
potamia, and  identify  with  the  home  of  the  pa- 
triarchs and  the  scene  of  Jacob's  exile  the  district 
of  Haran  to  the  E.  of  the  Upper  Euphrates  valley. 
More  in  harmony  with  the  length  of  Jacob's  flight, 
as  indicated  by  the  time  given  (Gen  31  22.23),  is 
Harran-el-'Awamid,  an  ancient  site  10  miles  to  the 
E.  of  Damascus,  which  satisfies  all  the  demands 
of  history.     See  Aram.  W.  M.  Christie 


yaihedh):     Dt  23  13 


PADDLE,    pad"l    ("irT' 
(Heb  14),  RVm  "shovel."' 

PADON,  pa'don  (l^ns  ,  pSdhon,  "redemption") : 
One  of  the  Nethinim  (see  Nethinim)  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  44;  Neh  7  47);  the 
"Phaleas"  of  1  Esd  5  29  (m  "Padon"). 

PAGIEL,  pa'gi-el,  pa'ji-el,  pa-gi'el  (bsiy?? , 
pagh'l'el,  "God's  intervention"):  Son  of  Ocran,  of 
the  tribe  of  Asher,  among  those  enrolled  by  Moses 
at  the  numbering  of  Israel  (Nu  1  13;  2  27). 
When  the  tabernacle  was  set  up,  the  heads  of  the 
families  of  Israel  "brought  their  offerings"  in  rota- 
tion, and  Pagiel,  as  prince  of  his  tribe,  came  on 
the  11th  day  (Nu  7  72).^  Nu  7  72-77  describes  his 
offering.  In  the  journeyings  of  Israel  he  was  "over 
the  host  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  of  Asher"  (Nu 
10  26),  and  possibly  standard-bearer  (cf  Nu  10 
14.22.25).  Henry  Wallace 

PAHATH-MOAB,  pa'hath-mo'ab  (nSTO-nns , 
pahath  md'ahh,  "sheik  of  Moab";  in  1  Esd  5  11; 
8  31,  "Phaath  Moab"):  A  Jewish  clan  probably 
named  after  an  ancestor  of  the  above  title.  Part 
of  the  clan  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  6; 
cf  Neh  7  11)  under  two  family  names,  Jeshua  and 
Joab;  and  a  part  came  back  with  Ezra  (Ezr  8  4). 
Hashub,  a  "son  of  Pahath-moab,"  is  named  among 
the  repairers  of  both  the  wall  and  the  "tower  of  the 
furnaces"  at  Jerus  (Neh  3  11).  It  is  the  name  of 
one  of  the  signatories  "sealing"  the  "sure  cove- 
nant" of  Neh  9  38  (Neh  10  14).  Some  of  the 
sons  of  this  name  had  taken  "strange  wives"  (Ezr 
10  30).  Henry  Wallace 

PAI,  pa'i  C^J'S  ,  pa'i;  ^oyup,  Phogor) :  The  royal 
city  of  Hadad  or  Hadar,  king  of  Edom  (1  Ch  1 
50).  The  name  is  given  as  "Pau"  (^73,  pa'tt)  in 
Gen  36  39.  There  is  no  indication  of  its  position. 
It  is  not  identified. 

PAIN,  pan  (bin,  Ml,  b^n,  m,  bnn,  hebhel, 
nbn,  Mlah,  rbrhn ,  halhalah,  2if.^  ,  ka' Sbh,  3X3, 
Ic'ebh,  IS'n,  mefar,  3i«D"a,  makh'Sbh,  bp?,  'amal, 
"l"^¥,  gir;  Pao-avCJw,  basanizo,  irdvos,  ponos,  oiStv, 
odln):  These  words  signifying  various  forms  of 
bodily  or  mental  suffering  are  generally  tr''  "pain"; 
28  out  of  the  34  passages  in  which  the  word  is  used 
are  in  the  poetical  or  prophetical  books  and  refer 
to  conditions  of  mental  disquiet  or  dismay  due  to 
the  punishment  of  personal  or  national  sin.  In 
one  instance  only  is  the  word  used  as  a  historic 
record  of  personal  physical  pain:  the  case  of  the 
wife  of  Phinehas  (1  S  4  19),  but  the  same  word 
Sir  is  used  figuratively  in  Isa  13  8;  21  3;  Dnl  10 
16,  and  tr''  "pangs"  or  "sorrows."  In  other  pas- 
sages where  we  have  the  same  comparison  of  con- 
sternation in  the  presence  of  God's  judgments  to 
the  pangs  of  childbirth,  the  word  used  is  hebhd,  as 
in  Isa  66  7;   Jer  13  21;   22  23;   49  24.     In  some 


of  these  and  similar  passages  several  synonyms  are 
used  in  the  one  verse  to  intensify  the  impression, 
and  are  tr''  "pain,"  "pangs,"  and  "sorrows,"  as  in 
Isa  13  8. 

The  word  most  commonly  used  by  the  prophets  is 
some  form  of  hul  or  hll,  sometimes  with  the  addition 
"as  of  a  woman  in  travail,"  as  in  Ps  48  6;  Isa  26  18; 
Jor  6  24;  22  2:3;  Mic  4  10.  This  pain  is  referred  to 
the  heart  (Ps  55  4)  or  to  the  head  (.ler  30  23;  cf  vs  5.6). 
In  Ezk  30  4,  it  is  the  penal  affliction  of  Ethiopia,  and 
in  ver  16,  AV  "Sin  [Tanis)  shall  have  great  pain"  (RV 
"anguish");  in  Isa  23  .5  Egypt  is  .sorely  pained  at  the 
news  of  the  fall  of  Tyro.  Before  the  invading  host  of 
locusts  the  people  are  much  pained  (.loel  2  6  AV). 
Pain  in  the  sense  of  toil  and  trouble  in  Jer  12  13  is  the 
tr  of  halah,  a  word  more  frequently  rendered  grieving 
or  sickness,  as  in  1  K  14  1 ;  Prov  23  3.5;  Cant  2  5; 
Jer  5  3,  Tlie  reduplicated  form  halhnldh  is  esp.  used 
of  a  twisting  pain  usually  referred  to  the  loins  (Isa  21  3; 
Ezk  30  4.9;    Nah  2  10). 

Pain  in  the  original  meaning  of  the  word  (as  it  has 
come  down  to  us  through  the  Old  Fr.  from  the  Lat  poena) 
as  a  penalty  inflicted  for  personal  sin  is  expressed  by 
the  words  kaebh  or  ke\ihh  in  Job  14  22;  15  20,  and  in 
the  questioning  complaint  of  the  prophet  (Jer  15  18). 
As  a  judgment  on  personal  sin  pain  is  also  expressed  by 
makh'ohh  in  Job  33  19;  Jer  51  8,  but  this  word  is  used 
in  the  sense  of  afflictions  in  Isa  53  3  in  the  expression 
"man  of  sorrows."  The  Psalmist  (Ps  25  18)  praying 
for  deliverance  from  the  afflictions  which  weighed  heavily 
on  him  in  turn  uses  the  word  ' dmdl,  and  this  word  which 
primarily  means  "toil"  or  "labor,"  as  in  Eccl  1  3,  or 
"travail,"  as  in  Isa  53  11,  is  trii  "painful"  in  Ps  73  16, 
as  expressing  Asaph's  disquiet  due  to  his  misunderstand- 
ing of  the  ways  of  Providence.  The  "pains  of  hell" 
(Ps  116  3  AV) ,  which  got  hold  of  the  Psalmist  in  his  sick- 
ness, is  the  rendering  of  the  word  m^r;ar;  the  same  word 
is  tr*!  "distress"  in  Ps  118  5.  Most  of  these  words 
have  a  primary  physical  meaning  of  twisting,  rubbing 
or  constricting. 

In  the_  NT  odin  is  tr<i  "pain"  (of  death,  RV 
"pang")  in  Acts  2  24.  This  word  is  used  to  ex- 
press any  severe  pain,  such  as  that  of  travail,  or 
(as  in  Aeschylus,  Choephori,  211)  the  pain  of  intense 
apprehension.  The  vb.  from  this,  V  odunomai, 
is  used  by  the  Rich  Man  in  the  parable  to  describe 
his  torment  (RV  "anguish")  (Lk  16  24).  The 
related  vb.  sunodino  is  used  in  Rom  8  22  and  is 
tr''  "travailing  in  pain  together."  In  much  the 
same  sense  the  word  is  used  by  Euripides  ( Helena, 
727). 

In  Rev  12  2  the  woman  clothed  with  the  sun 
(basanizomene)  was  in  pain  to  be  delivered;  the 
vb.  (basanizo)  which  means  "to  torture"  is  used  both 
in  Mt  8  6  in  the  account  of  the  grievously  tor- 
mented centurion's  servant,  and  in  the  description 
of  the  laboring  of  the  apostles'  boat  on  the  stormy 
Sea  of  Galilee  (Mt  14  24).  The  former  of  these 
seems  to  have  been  a  case  of  spinal  meningitis.  This 
vb.  occurs  in  Thucydides  vii.86  (viii.92),  where  it 
means  "being  put  to  torture."  In  the  two  passages 
in  Rev  where  pain  is  mentioned  the  word  is  ponos, 
the  pain  which  affected  those  on  whom  the  fifth 
vial  was  poured  (16  10) ,  and  in  the  description  of 
the  City  of  God  where  there  is  no  more  pain  (21  4). 
The  primary  meaning  of  this  word  seems  to  be  '  'toil, " 
as  in  Iliad  xxi..525,  but  it  is  used  by  Hippocrates 
to  express  disease  (Aphorisma  iv.44). 

Alex.  Macallster 

PAINFULNESS,  pan'fool-nes  {\i6xio%,  mdchthas): 
In  the  summary  of  his  missionary  hibors  in  2  Cor 
11  27  AV,  St.  Paul  uses  this  word.  RV  renders 
it  "travail,"  which  probably  now  expresses  its 
meaning  more  closely,  as  in  modern  usage  "pain- 
fulness"  is  usually  restricted  to  the  condition  of 
actual  soreness  or  suffering,  although  we  still  use 
"painstaking"  in  the  sense  of  careful  labor.  The 
Gr  word  is  used  for  toil  or  excessive  anxiety,  as  in 
Euripides  (Medea,  126),  where  it  refers  to  that 
care  for  her  children  which  she  had  lost  in  her  mad- 
ness. Tindalc  uses  "painfulness"  in  1  Jn  4  18 
as  the  tr  of  (tiXacris,  kolasis,  which  AV  renders 
"torment"  and  RV  "punishment." 

Alex.  Macalister 


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2208 


PAINT,  pant  (from  Old  Fr.  pmnclre,  frequentative 
of  peindre,  Lat  pingo,  "to  paint"):  (1)  From  Heb 
vb.  niCTa,  mashah,  "to  smear,"  "to  anoint,"  "to 
paint,"  describing  the  painting  of  interiors  with 
vermilion,  perhaps  resembling  lacquer:  "ceiled 
with  cedar,  and  painted  with  vermilion"  (Jer  22 
14).  The  shields  of  the  Ninevite  soldiers  were 
red,  presumably  painted  (Nah  2  3).  (2)  From 
noun  ^1S,  pukh,  "paint,"  "antimony,"  "stibium," 
"black  mineral  powder,"  used  as  a  cosmetic,  to 
lend  artificial  size  and  fancied  beauty  to  the  eye, 
always  spoken  of  as  a  meretricious  device,  indicating 
light  or  unworthy  character.  Jezebel  "painted  her 
eyes,  and  attired  her  head"  (2  K  9  30,  lit.  "put 
pukh  into  her  eyes").  To  the  harlot  city  Jerus, 
Jeremiah  (4  30)  says,  "deckest  thee  .  .  .  .  ,  en- 
largest  thine  eyes  with  paint"  (pukh).  AV  renders 
"rentest  thy  face,"  as  if  the  stain  were  a  cut,  or 
the  enlarging  done  by  violence.  (3)  From  vb.  xllS , 
kahal,  "to  smear,"  "to  paint."  Ezekiel  says  to 
Oliolah-Oholibah  (Judah-Israel), "didst  wash  thy- 
self, paint  [kahal]  thine  eyes,"  as  the  adulteress 
prepares  herself  for  her  paramour  (Ezk  23  40). 
The  antimony,  in  an  extremely  fine  powder  (Arab. 
kuhl,  from  kahal),  is  placed  in  the  eye  by  means  of 
a  very  fine  rod,  bodkin,  or  probe,  drawn  between 
the  edges  of  the  eyelids.  This  distends  the  eye, 
and  also  increases  its  apparent  size,  the  effect  being 
increased  by  a  line  of  stain  drawn  from  the  corner, 
and  by  a  similar  line  prolonging  the  eyebrow.  See 
Etepaint;  Color.    Philip  Wendell  Channell 

PAINTING,  pan'ting.     See  Crafts,  II,  12. 

PAIR,  pdr:  The  m  of  Cant  4  2  (but  not  of  the 
11  6  6)  reads,  "which  are  all  of  them  in  pairs,"  while 
the  text  has,  "whereof  every  one  hath  twins." 
The  Heb  niT2"'Xri^,  math'imolh,  is  from  a  V  ta'am, 
"be  double,"  and  is  perhaps  susceptible  of  either 
meaning.  But  the  description  is  of  sheep,  and 
the  m  gives  no  comprehensible  figure,  while  the 
text  points  to  the  exceedingly  sleek  and  healthy 
appearance.  "Pairs"  seems  to  result  from  con- 
fusing the  figure  with  the  thing  figured — the  teeth, 
where  each  upper  is  paired  with  the  corresponding 
lower. 

PALACE,  pal'fts:  In  Heb  chiefly  p12nS,  'armon, 
in  RVtext  tr<'  "castle"  in  1  K  16  IS;  2  K  15  25; 
PIT'S ,  birdh,  JDH ,  hekhal,  the  same  word  often 
rendered  "temple";  in  Gr  auX^,  aule,  in  RV  tr'' 
"court"  (Mt  26  3.58.69;  Mk  14  54.66;  Lk  11 
21;  Jn  18  15).  On  the  other  hand,  "palace" 
takes  the  place  in  RV  of  AV  "common  hall"  or 
"judgment  hall"  (praiidrion,  Mt  27  27;  Jn  18  28. 
33;  19  9;  Acts  23  35).  See  Judgment,  Hall  of. 
A  description  of  Solomon's  palace  is  given  in  1  K 
7  1-12  (see  Temple).  Archaeology  has  brought 
to  light  the  remains  of  great  palaces  in  Egypt, 
Babylonia,  Assyria  (Sargon,  Sennacherib,  Assur- 
banipal,  etc),  Susa,  etc.    See  House. 

James  Ohr 

PALAESTRA,  PALESTRA,  pa-les'tra.  See 
Games,  II,  3,  (i). 

PALAL,  pa'lal  (5pB ,  paldl,  "judge"):  Son  of 
Uzai,  and  one  of  the  repairers  of  the  wall  (Neh  3 
25). 

PALANQUIN,  pal-an-ken':  In  Cant  3  9  occurs 
^TinSX,  'appiryon,  a  word  that  has  no  Scm  cog- 
nates and  is  of  dubious  meaning.  In  form,  however, 
it  resembles  the  Sanskrit  paryanka,  and  still  more 
closely  the  Gr  rpoptlop,  phoreion,  both  of  which  mean 
"litter  bed."     Hence  RV   "palanqviin"  (ultimately 


derived  from   paryanka).     The  m   "car  of  state" 
and  AV  "chariot"  are  mere  guesses. 

PALESTINA,  pal-es-ti'na  (niabS ,  p'lesheth) :  Ex 
15  14;  Isa  14  29.31  AV;  changed  in  RV  to 
Philistia  (q.v.). 

PALESTINE,  pal'es-tin  (nipbs,  p'lesheth;  4>u- 
XnrTi«i(i,  Phidistieim,  'A\\6e|)D\ot,  Allophuloi;  AV 
Joel  3  4  [RV  "Philistia"),  "Palestina";  AV  Ex  15 
14;  Isa  14  29.31;  cf  Ps  60  8;   83  7;  87  4;  108  9): 

I.     Physical  Conditions 

1.  General  Geographical  Features 

2.  Water-Supply 

3.  Geological  Conditions 

4.  Fauna  and  Flora 

5.  Climate 

6.  Rainfall 

7.  Drought  and  Famine 

II.     Palestine  in  the  Pentateuch 

1.  Places  Visited  by  Abraham 

2.  Places  Visited  by  Isaac 

3.  Places  Visited  by  Jacob 

4.  Mentioned  in  Connection  with  Judah 

5.  Review  of  Geography  of  Genesis 

6.  Exodus  and  Leviticus 

7.  Numbers 

8.  Deuteronomy 

III.  Palestine  in  the  Historic  Books  of  the  OT 

1.  Book  of  Joshua 

2.  Book  of  Judges 

3.  Book  of  Ruth 

4.  Books  of  .Samuel 

5.  Books  of  Kings 

6.  Post-exilic  Historical  Books 

IV.  Palestine  in  the  Poetic  Books  of  the  OT 

1.  Book  of  Job 

2.  Book  of  Psalms 

3.  Book  of  Proverbs 

4.  Song  of  Songs 

V.     Palestine  in  the  Prophets 

1.  Isaiah 

2.  Jeremiah 

3.  Ezekiel 

4.  Minor  Prophets 

VI.     Palestine  in  the  Apocrypha 

1.  Book  of  Judith 

2.  Book  of  Wisdom 

3.  1  Maccabees 

4.  2  Maccabees 

VII.     Palestine  in  the  NT 

1.  Synoptic  Gospels 

2.  Fourth  Gospel 

3.  Book  of  Acts 
Literature 

Theword  properly  means  "Philistia,"  but  appears 
to  be  first  used  in  the  extended  sense,  as  meaning  all 
the  "Land  of  Israel"  or  "Holy  Land"  (Zee  2  12), 
by  Philo  and  by  Ovid  and  later  Rom  authors 
(Reland,  Pallllustr.,  I,  38-42). 

/.  Physical  Conditions. — The  Bible  in  general 
may  be  said  to  breathe  the  air  of  Pal;  and  it  is  here 
intended  to  show  how  important  for  sound  criticism 
is  the  consideration  of  its  geography,  and  of  the 
numerous  incidental  allusions  to  the  natural  fea- 
tureSj  fauna,  flora,  cultivation,  and  climate  of  the 
land  in  which  most  of  the  Bible  books  were  written. 
With  the  later  history  and  topography  of  Pal,  after 
70  AD,  we  are  not  here  concerned,  but  a  short 
account  of  its  present  physical  and  geological  con- 
ditions is  needed  for  our  purpose. 

Pal  W.  of  the  Jordan,  between  Dan  and  Beersheba, 
has  an  area  of  about  6,000  sq.  miles,  the  length  from 
Hermon  southward  being  nearly  150 
1.  General  miles,  and  the  width  gradually  in- 
Geo-  creasing  from  20  miles  on  the  N.  to  60 

graphical  miles  on  the  S.  It  is  thuB  about  the 
Features  size  of  Wales,  and  the  height  of  the 
Palestinian  mountains  is  about  the 
same  as  that  of  the  Welsh.  E.  of  the  Jordan  an 
area  of  about  4,000  sq.  miles  was  included  in  the 
land  of  Israel.  The  general  geographical  features 
are  familiar  to  all. 

(1)  The  land  is  divided  by  the  deep  chasm  of  the 
Jordan  valley — an  ancient  geological  ,  fault  con- 
tinuing in  the  Dead  Sea,  where  its  depth  (at  the 


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Palestine 


bottom  of  the  lake)  is  2,600  ft.  below  the  Mediter- 
ranean. 

(2)  W.  of  the  valley  the  mountain  ridge,  which  is 
a  continuation  of  Lebanon,  has  very  steep  slopes 
on  the  E.  and  long  spurs  on  the  W.,  on  which  side 
the  foothills  (Heb  sh'pheldh  or  "lowland")  form 
a  distinct  district,  widening  gradually  southward, 
while  between  this  region  and  the  sea  the  plains 
of  Sharon  and  Philistia  stretch  to  the  sandhills  and 
low  cliffs  of  a  harborless  coast. 

(3)  In  Upper  Galilee,  on  the  N.,  the  mountain 
ridge  rises  to  4,000  ft.  above  the  Mediterranean. 
Lower  Galilee,  to  the  S.,  includes  rounded  hills  less 
than  1,000  ft.  above  the  sea,  and  the  triangular 
plain  of  Esdraelon  drained  by  the  River  Kishon 
between  the  Gilboa  watershed  on  the  E.  and  the 
long  spur  of  Carmel  on  the  W. 

(4)  In  Samaria  the  mountains  are  extremely 
rugged,  but  a  small  plain  near  Dothan  adjoins  that 
of  Esdraelon,  and  another  stretches  E.  of  Shechem, 
2,500  ft.  above  the  level  of  the  Jordan  valley.  In 
Judaea  the  main  ridge  rises  toward  Hebron  and 
then  sinks  to  the  level  of  the  Beersheba  plains  about 
1,000  ft.  above  the  sea.  The  desert  of  Judah  forms 
a  plateau  (500  ft.  above  sea-level),  between  this 
ridge  and  the  Dead  Sea,  and  is  throughout  barren 
and  waterless;  but  the  mountains — which  average 
about  3,000  ft.  above  the  sea — are  full  of  good 
springs  and  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  the  vine, 
fig  and  ohve.  The  richest  lands  are  found  in  the 
sh'pheldh  region — esp.  in  Judaea — and  in  the  corn 
plains  of  Esdraelon,  Sharon,  and  Philistia. 

(5)  E.  of  the  Jordan  the  plateau  of  Bashan 
(averaging  1,500  ft.  above  the  sea)  is  also  a  fine 
corn  country.  S.  of  this,  Gilead  presents  amountain 
region  rising  to  3,600  ft.  above  sea-level  at  Jebel 
Osha',  and  sloping  gently  on  the  E.  to  the  desert. 
The  steep  western  slopes  are  watered  by  the  Jabbok 
River,  and  by  many  perennial  brooks.  In  North 
Gilead  esp.  the  wooded  hills  present  some  of  the 
most  picturesque  scenery  of  the  Holy  Land.  S.  of 
Gilead,  the  Moab  plateau  (about  2,700  ft.  above 
sea-level)  is  now  a  desert,  but  is  fitted  for  corn 
culture,  and  in  places  for  the  vine.  A  lower  shelf 
or  plateau  (about  500  to  1,000  ft.  above  sea-level) 
intervenes  between  the  main  plateau  and  the 
Dead  Sea  cliffs,  and  answers  to  the  Desert  of 
Judah  W.  of  the  lake. 

The  water-supply  of  Pal  is  abundant,  except  in 
the  desert  regions    above  noticed,  which  include 
only  a  small   part   of   its   area.     The 
2.  Water-      Jordan  runs  into  the  Dead  Sea,  which 
Supply  has  no   outlet   and   which   maintains 

its  level  solely  by  evaporation,  being 
consequently  very  salt;  the  surface  is  nearly  1,300 
ft.  below  the  Mediterranean,  whereas  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  (680  ft.  below  sea-level)  is  sweet  and  full 
of  fish.  The  Jordan  is  fed,  not  only  by  the  snows 
of  Hermon,  but  by  many  affluent  streams  from  both 
sides.  There  are  several  streams  also  in  Sharon, 
including  the  Crocodile  River  under  Carmel.  In 
the  mountains,  where  the  hard  dolomite  limestone 
is  on  the  surface,  perennial  springs  are  numerous. 
In  the  lower  hills,  where  this  limestone  is  covered 
by  a  softer  chalky  stone,  the  supply  depends  on 
wells  and  cisterns.  In  the  Beersheba  plains  the 
water,  running  under  the  surface,  is  reached  by 
scooping  shallow  pits — esp.  those  near  Gerar,  to  be 
noticed  later. 

The  fertility  and  cultivation  ot  any  country  depends 
mainly  on  its   geological  conditions.     These  are   com- 
paratively simple  in  Pal,  and  have  under- 
?    frpo  gone  no  change  since  the  age  when  man 

,      .     ,  flrst  appeared,  or  since  the  days  ol  the 

logical  Heb  patriarchs.     The  country  was  flrst  up- 

Conditions     heaved  from  the  ocean  in  the  Eocene  age; 
and,  in  the  subsequent  Miocene  age,  the 
great  crack  in  the  earth's  surface  occurred,  which  formed 
a  narrow  gull  stretching  from  that  ot  the  'Akabah  on  the 


S.  almost  to  the  foot  of  Hermon.  Further  upheaval, 
accompanied  by  volcanic  outbreaks  which  covered  the 
plateaus  of  Golan,  Bashan,  and  Lower  Galilee  with  lava, 
cut  off  the  Jordan  valley  from  the  Red  Sea,  and  formed 
a  long  lake,  the  bottom  of  which  continued  to  sink  on  the 
S.  to  its  present  level  during  the  Pleiocene  and  Pluvial 
periods,  after  which — its  peculiar  fauna  having  devel- 
oped meanwhile — the  lake  gradually  dried  up,  till  it 
was  represented  only,  as  it  now  is,  by  the  swampy  H-Uleh, 
the  pear-shaped  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  the  Dead  Sea. 
These  changes  all  occurred  long  ages  before  the  appear- 
ance of  man.  The  beds  upheaved  include:  (1)  the 
Nubian  Sandstone  (of  the  Greensand  period),  which  was 
sheared  along  the  line  of  the  Jordan  fault  E.  of  the  river, 
and  which  only  appears  on  the  western  slopes  of  Hermon, 
Gilead,  and  Moab;  (2)  the  limestones  ot  the  Cretaceous 
age,  including  the  hard  dolomite,  and  softer  beds  full  of 
characteristic  fossils;  (13)  the  soft  Eocene  limestone, 
which  appears  chiefly  on  the  western  spurs  and  in  the 
foothills,  the  angle  of  upheaval  being  less  steep  than 
that  of  the  older  main  formation.  On  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  a  yet  later  sandy  limestone  forms  the 
low  cliffs  of  Sharon.     See  Geology  of  Palestine. 

As  regards  fauna,  flora  and  cultivation,  it  is  suffi- 
cient here  to  say  that  they  are  still  practically  the 
same    as    described    throughout    the 

4.  Fauna  Bible.  The  lion  and  the  wild  bull 
and  Flora       {Bos  primigenius)  were  exterminated 

within  historic  times,  but  have  left 
their  bones  in  the  Jordan  gravels,  and  in  caves. 
The  bear  has  gradually  retreated  to  Hermon  and 
Lebanon.  The  buffalo  has  been  introduced  since 
the  Moslem  conquest.  Among  trees  the  apple  has 
fallen  out  of  cultivation  since  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
the  cactus  has  been  introduced;  but  Pal  is  still  a 
land  of  corn,  wine  and  oil,  and  famous  for  its  fruits. 
Its  trees,  shrubs  and  plants  are  those  noticed  in  the 
Bible.  Its  woods  have  been  thinned  in  Lower 
Galilee  and  Northern  Sharon,  but  on  the  other 
hand  the  copse  has  often  grown  over  the  site  of 
former  vineyards  and  villages,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  think  that  any  general  desiccation  has 
occurred  within  the  last  40  centuries,  such  as 
would  affect  the  rainfall. 

The  climate  of  Pal  is  similar  to  that  of  other 

Mediterranean   lands,   such  as  Cyprus,   Sicily   or 

Southern  Italy;    and,  in  spite  of  the 

5.  Climate     fevers   of   mosquito    districts   in    the 

plains,  it  is  much  better  than  that  of 
the  Delta  in  Egypt,  or  of  Mesopotamia.  The 
summer  heat  is  oppressive  only  for  a  few  days  at  a 
time,  when  (esp.  in  May)  the  dry  wind — deficient 
in  ozone — blows  from  the  eastern  desert.  For 
most  of  the  season  a  moisture-laden  sea  breeze, 
rising  about  10  AM,  blows  till  the  evening,  and 
fertilizes  all  the  western  slopes  of  the  mountains. 
In  the  bare  deserts  the  difference  between  90°  F. 
by  day  and  40°  F.  by  night  gives  a  refreshing  cold. 
With  the  east  wind  the  temperature  rises  to  105° 
F.,  and  the  nights  are  oppressive.  In  the  Jordan 
valley,  in  autumn,  the  shade  temperature  reaches 
120°  F.  In  this  season  mists  cover  the  mountains 
and  swell  the  grapes.  In  winter  the  snow  some- 
times lies  for  several  days  on  the  watershed  ridge 
and  on  the  Edomite  mountains,  but  in  summer 
even  Hermon  is  sometimes  quite  snowlcss  at  9,000 
ft.  above  the  sea.  There  is  perhaps  no  country  in 
which  such  a  range  of  climate  can  be  found,  from 
the  Alpine  to  the  tropical,  and  none  in  which  the 
range  of  fauna  and  flora  is  consequently  so  large, 
from  the  European  to  the  African. 

The  rainfall  of  Pal  is  between  20  and  30  in.  an- 
nually, and  the  rainy  season  is  the  same  as  in  other 
Mediterranean  countries.     The  "form- 

6.  Rainfall    er    rains"    begin    with    the    thunder- 

storms of  November,  and  the  "latter 
rains"  cease  with  April  showers.  From  December 
to  February — except  in  years  of  drought — the  rains 
are  heavy.  In  most  years  the  supply  is  quite  suffi- 
cient for  purposes  of  cultivation.  The  ploughmg 
begins  in  autumn,  and  the  corn  is  rarely  spoiled 
by  storms  in  summer.     The  fruits  ripen  in  autumn 


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2210 


and  suffer  only  from  the  occasional  appearance  of 
locust  swarms.  There  appears  to  be  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  climate  or  rainfall  have  undergone 
any  change  since  the  times  of  the  Bible;  and  a  con- 
sideration of  Bible  allusions  confirms  this  view. 

Thus  the  occurrence  of  drought,  and  of  conse- 
quent famine,  is  mentioned  in  the  OT  as  occasional 

in  all  times  (Gen  12  10;  26  2;  41  50; 
7.  Drought  Lev  26  20;  2  S  21  1;  1  K  8  35; 
and  Isa  5  6;  Jer  14  1;  Joel  1  10-12;  Hag 

Famine  1  11;    Zee  14  17),   and   droughts   are 

also  noticed  in  the  Mish  (Ta'dnith,  i. 
4-7)  as  occurring  in  autumn,  and  even  lasting 
throughout  the  rainy  season  till  spring.  Good 
rains  were  a  blessing  from  God,  and  drought  was  a 
sign  of  His  displeasure,  in  Heb  belief  (Dt  11  14; 
Jer  5  24;  Joel  2  23).  A  thunderstorm  in  harvest 
time  (Maj')  was  most  unusual  (1  S  12  17.18),  yet 
such  a  storm  does  still  occur  as  a  very  exceptional 
phenomenon.  By  "snow  in  harvest"  (Prov  25  13) 
we  are  not  to  understand  a  snowstorm,  for  it  is 
likened  to  a  "faithful  messenger,"  and  the  reference 
is  to  the  use  of  snow  for  cooling  wine,  which  is  still 
usual  at  Damascus.  The  notice  of  fever  on  the 
shores  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (Mt  8  14)  shows  that 
this  region  was  as  unhealthy  as  it  still  is  in  summer. 
The  decay  of  irrigation  in  Sharon  may  have  ren- 
dered the  plain  more  malarious  than  of  old,  but  the 
identity  of  the  Palestinian  flora  with  that  of  the 
Bible  indicates  that  the  climate,  generally  speaking, 
is  unchanged. 

//.  Palestine  in  the  Pentateuch. — The  Book  of 
Gen  is  full  of  allusions  to  sites  sacred  to  the  memory 

of  the  Heb  patriarchs.  In  the  time  of 
1.  Places  Abraham  the  population  consisted  of 
Visited  by  tribes,  mainly  Sem,  who  came  origi- 
Abraham       nally      from      Babylonia,      including 

Canaanites  ("lowlanders")  between 
Sidon  and  Gaza,  and  in  the  Jordan  valley,  and 
Amorites  ("highlanders")  in  the  mountains  (Gen 
10  15-19;  Nu  13  29).  Their  language  was  akin 
to  Heb,  and  it  is  only  in  Egj^pt  that  we  read  of  an 
interpreter  being  needed  (Gen  42  23),  while  ex- 
cavated remains  of  seal-cylinders,  and  other  objects, 
show  that  the  civilization  of  Pal  was  similar  to 
that  of  Babjdonia. 

(1)  Skechem. — The  first  place  noticed  is  the 
shrine  or  "station"  (makdm)  of  Shechem,  with  the 
Elon  Moreh  (LXX  "high  oak"),  where  Jacob  after- 
ward buried  the  idols  of  his  wives,  and  where  Joshua 
set  up  a  stone  by  the  "holj'  place"  (Gen  12  6;  35 
4;  Josh  24  26).  Sam  tradition  showed  the  site 
near  Baldta  ("the  oak")  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Gerizim. 
The  "Canaanite  was  then  in  the  land"  (in  Abra- 
ham's time),  but  was  exterminated  (Gen  34  25) 
by  Jacob's  sons.  From  Shechem  Abraham  jour- 
neyed southward  and  raised  an  altar  between  Bethel 
(Beitin)  and  Hai  (Haydn),  E.  of  the  to^\Ti  of  Luz, 
the  name  of  which  still  survives  hard-by  at  the 
spring  of  Luzeh  (Gen  12  8;   13  3;  28  11.19;  35  2). 

(2)  The  Negcb. — But,  on  his  return  from  Egypt 
with  large  flocks  (12  16),  he  settled  in  the  pastoral 
region,  between  Boersheba  and  the  western  Kadesh 
(13  1;  20  1),  called  in  Heb  the  neghebh,  "dry" 
country,  on  the  etlge  of  the  cultivated  lands.  From 
E.  of  Bethel  there  is  a  fine  view  of  the  lower  Jordan 
valley,  and  here  Lot  "lifted  up  his  eyes"  (13  10), 
and  chose  the  rich  grass  lands  of  that  valley  for  his 
flocks.  The  "cities  of  the  Plain"  (kikkdr)  were 
clearly  in  this  valley,  and  Sodom  must  have  been 
near  the  river,  since  Lot's  journey  to  Zoar  (19  22) 
occupied  only  an  hour  or  two  (vs  15.23)  through  the 
plain  to  the  foot  of  the  Moab  mountains.  These 
cities  are  not  said  to  have  been  visible  from  near 
Hebron;  but,  from  the  hilltop  E.  of  the  city,  Abra- 
ham could  have  seen  "the  smoke  of  the  land" 
(19  28)  rising  up.     The  first  land  owned  by  him 


was  the  garden  of  Mamre  (13  18;  18  1;  23  19), 
with  the  cave-tomb  which  tradition  still  points  out 
under  the  floor  of  the  Hebron  mosque.  His  tent 
was  spread  under  the  "oaks  of  Mamre"  (18  1), 
where  his  mysterious  guests  rested  "under  the  tree" 
(ver  8).  One  aged  oak  still  survives  in  the  flat 
ground  W.  of  the  city,  but  this  tree  is  very  unconi- 
mon  in  the  mountains  of  Judah.  In  all  these  inci- 
dental touches  we  have  evidence  of  the  exact 
knowledge  of  Pal  which  distinguishes  the  story  of 
the  patriarchs. 

(3)  Campaign  of  Amraphel. — Pal  appears  to 
have  been  an  outlying  province  of  the  empire  of 
Hammurabi,  king  of  Babylon  in  Abraham's  time; 
and  the  campaign  of  Amraphel  resembled  those  of 
later  Assyr  overlords  exacting  tribute  of  petty  kings. 
The  route  (14  5-S)  lay  through  Bashan,  Gilead 
and  Moab  to  Kadesh  (probably  at  Petra),  and  the 
return  through  the  desert  of  Judah  to  the  plains 
of  Jericho.  Thus  Hebron  was  not  attacked  (see 
ver  13),  and  the  pursuit  by  Abraham  and  his 
Amorite  allies  led  up  the  Jordan  valley  to  Dan, 
and  thence  N.  of  Damascus  (ver  15).  The  Salem 
whose  king  blessed  Abraham  on  his  return  was 
thought  by  the  Samaritans,  and  by  Jerome,  to  be 
the  city  near  the  Jordan  valley  afterward  visited 
by  Jacob  (14  18;  33  IS);  but  see  Jerusalem. 

(4)  Gerar. — Abraham  returned  to  the  southern 
plains,  and  "sojourned  in  Gerar"  (20  1),  now 
Umm  Jerrdr,  7  miles  S.  of  Gaza.  The  wells  which 
he  dug  in  this  valley  (26  15)  were  no  doubt  shallow 
excavations  like  those  from  which  the  Arabs  still 
obtain  the  water  flowing  under  the  surface  in  the 
same  vicinity  {SWP,  III,  390),  though  that  at 
Beersheba  (21  25-32),  to  which  Isaac  added  an- 
other (26  23-25),  may  have  been  more  permanent. 
Three  masonry  wells  now  exist  at  Btr  es  iSefta',  but 
the  masonry  is  modern.  The  planting  of  a  "tama- 
risk" at  this  place  (21  33)  is  an  interesting  touch, 
since  the  tree  is  distinctive  of  the  dry  lowlands. 
From  Beersheba  Abraham  journeyed  to  "the  land 
of  Moriah"  (LXX  "the  high  land")  to  sacrifice 
Isaac  (22  2);  and  the  mountain,  according  to  Heb 
tradition  (2  Ch  3  1),  was  at  Jerus,  but  according 
to  the  Samaritans  was  Gerizim  near  the  Elon 
Moreh — a  summit  which  could  certainly  have  been 
seen  "afar  off"  (ver  4)  on  "the  third  day." 

Isaac,  living  in  the  same  pastoral  wilderness,  at 

the  western  Kadesh  (25  11)  and  at  Gerar  (26  2), 

suffered  like  his  father  in  a  year  of 

2.  Places  drought,  and  had  similar  difficulties 
Visited  by  with  the  Philis.  At  Gerar  he  sowed 
Isaac  corn  (26  12),  and  the  vicinity  is  stiff 

capable  of  such  cultivation.  Thence 
he  retreated  S.E.  to  Rehoboth  (Rukeibeh),  N.  of 
Kadesh,  where  ancient  wells  like  those  at  Beer- 
sheba still  exist  (26  22).  To  Beersheba  he  finally 
returned  (ver  23). 

When  Jacob  fled  to  Haran  from  Beersheba  (28 
10)  he  slept  at  the  "place"  (or  shrine)  consecrated 

by  Abraham's  altar  near  Bethel,  and — 

3.  Places  like  any  modern  Arab  visitor  to  a 
Visited  by  shrine — erected  a  memorial  stone  (ver 
Jacob  18),  which  he  renewed  twenty  years 

later  (35  14)  when  God  appeared  to 
him  "again"  (ver  9). 

(1)  Haran  to  Succolh. — His  return  journey  from 
Haran  to  Gilead  raises  an  interesting  question. 
The  distance  is  about  350  miles  from  Haran  to  the 
Galeed  or  "witness  heap"  (31  48)  at  Mizpah — 
probably  SiXf  in  North  Gilead.  This  distance 
Laban  is  said  to  have  covered  in  7  days  (31  23), 
which  would  be  possible  for  a  force  mounted  on 
riding  camels.  But  the  news  of  Jacob's  flight 
reached  Laban  on  the  3d  day  (ver  22),  and  some 
time  would  elapse  before  he  could  gather  his 
"brethren."     Jacob  with  his  flocks  and  herds  must 


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Palestine 


have  needed  3  weeks  for  the  journey.  It  is  remark- 
able that  the  vicinity  of  Mizpah  still  presents  an- 
cient monuments  like  the  "pillar"  (ver  45)  round 
which  the  "memorial  cairn"  {yghar-sahadhulha) 
was  formed.  From  this  place  Jacob  journeyed  to 
Mahanaim  (probably  Mahmah),  S.  of  the  Jabbok 
river — a  place  which  afterward  became  the  capital 
of  South  Gilead  (Gen  32  1  f;  1  K  4  14);  but,  on 
hearing  of  the  advance  of  Esau  from  Edom,  he 
retreated  across  the  river  (Gen  32  22)  and  then 
reached  Succoth  (33  17),  believed  to  be  Tell 
Der'ala,  N.  of  the  stream. 

(2)  From  the  Jordan  to  Hebron. — Crossing  the 
Jordan  by  one  of  several  fords  in  this  vicinity, 
Jacob  approached  Shechem  by  the  perennial 
stream  of  Wddy  Fdr'ah,  and  camped  at  Shalem 
{S&lim)  on  the  east  side  of  the  fertile  plain  which 
stretches  thence  to  Shechem,  and  here  he  bought 
land  of  the  Hivitcs  (33  18-20).  We  are  not  told 
that  he  dug  a  well,  but  the  necessity  for  digging 
one  in  a  region  full  of  springs  can  only  be  explained 
by  Hivite  jealousy  of  water  rights,  and  the  well 
still  exists  E.  of  Shechem  (cf  Jn  4  5f),  not  far 
from  the  Elon  Moreh  where  were  buried  the 
t'raphlm  (Gen  35  4)  or  "spirits"  (Assyr  tarpu) 
from  Haran  (31  30)  under  the  oak  of  Abraham. 
These  no  doubt  were  small  images,  such  as  are  so 
often  unearthed  in  Pal.  The  further  progress  of 
Jacob  led  by  Bethel  and  Bethlehem  to  Hebron  (35 
6.19.27),  but  some  of  his  elder  sons  seem  to  have 
remained  at  Shechem.  Thus  Joseph  was  sent  later 
from  Hebron  (37  14)  to  visit  his  brethren  there, 
but  found  them  at  Dothan. 

(3)  Dothan  (37  17)  lay  in  a  plain  on  the  main 
trade  route  from  Egypt  to  Damascus,  which  crossed 
the  low  watershed  at  this  point  and  led  down  the 
valley  to  Jezreel  and  over  Jordan  to  Bashan.  The 
"well  of  the  pit"  {SWP,  II,  169)  is  still  shown  at 
Tell  Dothan,  and  the  Ishmaelites,  from  Midian  and 
Gilead,  chose  this  easy  caravan  route  (37  2.5.28) 
for  camels  laden  with  the  Gilead  balm  and  spices. 
The  plain  was  fitted  for  feeding  Jacob's  flocks.  The 
products  of  Pal  then  included  also  honey,  pistachio 
nuts,  and  almonds  (43  11);  and  a  few  centuries 
later  we  find  notice  in  a  text  of  Thothmes  III  of 
honey  and  balsam,  with  oil,  wine,  wheat,  spelt, 
barley  and  fruits,  as  rations  of  the  Egyptian  troops 
in  Canaan  (Brugsch,  Hist  Egypt,  I,  332). 

The  episode  of  Judah  and  Tamar  is  connected 
with  a  region  in  the  Sh'phelah,  or  low  hills  of  Judaea. 

AduUam  {'Aid-el-ma),  Chezib  {'Ain 
4.  Men-  Kezheh),  and  Timnath  {Tihneh)  are 
tioned  in  not  far  apart  (Gen  38  1.5.12),  the 
Connection  latter  being  in  a  pastoral  valley  where 
with  Judah   Judah     met     his     "sheep    shearers." 

Tamar  sat  at  "the  entrance  of  Enaim" 
(cf  vs  14.22  ERV)  or  Enam  (Josh  15  34),  perhaps 
at  Kejr  'Ana,  6  miles  N.W.  of  Timnath.  She  was 
mistaken  for  a  k'dheshah,  or  votary  of  Ashtoreth 
(Gen  38  15.21),' and  we  know  from  Hammurabi's 
laws  that  such  votaries  were  already  recognized. 
The  mention  of  Judah's  signet  and  stafi'  (ver  18) 
also  reminds  us  of  Bab  customs  as  described  by 
Herodotus  (i.l95),  and  signet-cylinders  of  Bab 
style,  and  of  early  date,  have  been  unearthed  in 
Pal  at  Gezer  and  elsewhere  (cf  the  "Bab  garment," 
Josh  7  21). 

Generally  speaking,  the  geography  of  Gen  presents 
no  difaculties,  and  shows  an  intimate  knowledge  ot  the 

country,  while  the  allusions  to  natural 
K  Rovipwnf  products  and  to  customs  are  in  accord  with 
o.  rtevicw  ui  t-^^  results  of  scientific  discovery.  Only 
Geograpny  Qjje  difficulty  needs  notice,  where  Atad 
of  Genesis      (50  lO)  on  the  way  from  Egypt  to  Hebron 

is  described  as  "beyond  the  Jordan."  In 
this  case  the  Assyr  language  perhaps  helps  us,  for  in  that 
tongue  Yaur-danu  means  "the  great  river,  and  the 
reference  may  be  to  the  Nile  itself,  which  is  called  Yaur 
in  Heb  (!/«'or)  and  Assyr  alike. 


Ex  is   concerned   with  Egypt   and   the   Sinaitic 

desert,  thougli  it  may  be  observed  that  its  simple 

agricultural  laws    (chs  21-23),    which 

6.  Exodus  so  often  recall  those  of  Hammurabi, 
and  would  have  been  needed  at  once  on 
Leviticus        the  conquest  of  Gilead  and  Bashan, 

before  crossing  the  Jordan.  In  Lev 
(ch  11)  we  have  a  list  of  animals  most  of  which 
belong  to  the  desert — as  for  instance  the  "coney" 
or  hyrax  (Lev  11  5;  Ps  104  18;  Prov  30  26), 
but  others — such  as  the  swine  (Lev  11  7),  the 
stork  and  the  heron  (ver  19) — to  the  'Arahah  and 
the  Jordan  valley,  while  the  hoopoe  (AV  "lapwing," 
ver  19)  lives  in  Gilead  and  in  Western  Pal.  In  Dt 
(ch  14)  the  fallow  deer  and  the  roe  (ver  5)  are  now 
inhabitants  of  Tabor  and  Gilead,  but  the  "wild 
goat"  (ibex),  "wild  ox"  (buball),  "pygarg"  (addax) 
and  "chamois"  (wild  sheep),  are  found  in  the 
'Arabali,  and  in  the  deserts. 

In  Nu  the  conquest  of  Eastern  Pal  is  described, 

and  most  of  the  towns  mentioned  are  known  (21 

18-33) ;    the    notice    of   vineyards    in 

7.  Numbers  Moab   (ver  22)   agrees  with  the  dis- 

covery of  ancient  rock-cut  wine  presses 
near  Heshbon  {SEP,  I,  221).  The  view  of  Israel, 
in  camp  at  Shittim  by  Balaam  (22  41),  standing 
on  the  top  of  Pisgah  or  Mt.  Nebo,  has  been  shown 
to  be  possible  by  the  discovery  of  Jebel  Neba, 
where  also  rude  dolmens  recalling  Balak's  altars 
have  been  found  {SEP,  I,  202).  The  plateau  of 
Moab  (32  3)  is  described  as  a  "land  for  cattle," 
and  still  supports  Arab  fiocks.  The  camps  in  which 
Israel  left  their  cattle,  women  and  children  during 
the  wars,  for  6  months,  stretched  (33  49)  from 
Beth-jeshimoth  {Suweimeh),  near  the  northeastern 
corner  of  the  Dead  Sea  over  Abel-shittim  ("the 
acacia  meadow" — a  name  it  still  bears)  in  a  plain 
watered  by  several  brooks,  and  having  good  herb- 
age in  spring. 

(1)  Physical  allusions. — The  description  of  the 
"good  land"  in  Dt  (8  7)  applies  in  some  details 

with  special  force  to  Mt.  Gilead,  which 

8.  Deuter-  possesses  more  perennial  streams  than 
onomy  Western  Pal  throughout — "a  land  of 

brooks  of  water,  of  fountains  and 
springs,  flowing  forth  in  valleys  and  hills";  a  land 
also  "of  wheat  and  barley,  and  vines  and  fig-trees 
and  pomegranates,  a  land  of  olive-trees  and  honey" 
is  found  in  Gilead  and  Bashan.  Pal  itself  is  not  a 
mining  country,  but  the  words  (ver  9),  "a  land 
whose  stones  are  iron,  and  out  of  whose  hills  thou 
mayest  dig  copper,"  may  be  explained  by  the  facts 
that  iron  mines  existed  near  Beirut  in  the  10th 
cent.  AD,  and  copper  mines  at  Punon  N.  of  Petra 
in  the  4th  cent.  AD,  as  described  by  Jerome  {Onom, 
s.v.  "Phinon").  In  Dt  also  (11  29;  cf  27  4;  Josh 
8  30)  Ebal  and  Gerizim  are  first  noticed,  as  beside 
the  "oaks  of  Moreh."  Ebal  the  mountain  of 
curses  (3,077  ft.  above  sea-level)  and  Gerizim  the 
mountain  of  blessings  (2,850  ft.)  are  the  two  highest 
tops  in  Samaria,  and  Shechem  lies  in  a  rich  valley 
between  them.  The  first  sacred  center  of  Israel 
was  thus  established  at  the  place  where  Abraham 
built  his  first  altar  and  Jacob  dug  his  well,  where 
Joseph  was  buried  and  where  Joshua  recognized 
a  holy  place  at  the  foot  of  Gerizim  (Josh  24  26). 
The  last  chapters  of  Dt  record  the  famous  Pisgah 
view  from  Mt.  Nebo  (34  1-3),  which  answers  in  all 
respects  to  that  from  Jebel  Neba,  except  as  to  Dan, 
and  the  utmost  (or  "western")  sea,  neither  of  which 
is  visible.  Here  we  should  probably  read  "toward" 
rather  than  "to,"  and  there  is  no  other  hill  above 
the  plains  of  Shittim  whence  a  better  view  can 
be  obtained  of  the  Jordan  valley,  from  Zoar  to 
Jericho,  of  the  watershed  mountains  as  far  N.  as 
Gilbca  and  Tabor,  and  of  the  slopes  of  Gilead. 

(2)  Archaeology. — But    besides    these    physical 


Palestine 


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2212 


allusions,  the  progress  of  exploration  serves  to 
illustrate  the  archaeology  of  Dt.  Israel  was  com- 
manded (12  3)  to  overthrow  the  Can.  altars,  to 
break  the  standing  stones  which  were  emblems  of 
superstition,  to  burn  the  'asherdh  poles  (or  artificial 
trees),  and  to  hew  down  the  graven  images.  That 
these  commands  were  obeyed  is  clear.  The  rude 
altars  and  standing  stones  are  now  found  only  in 
Moab,  and  in  remote  parts  of  Gilead,  Bashan,  and 
Galilee,  not  reached  by  the  power  of  reforming 
kings  of  Judah.  The  'dsherdh  poles  have  dis- 
appeared, the  images  are  found,  only  deep  under  the 
surface.  The  carved  tablets  which  remain  at 
Damascus,  and  in  Phoenicia  and  Syria,  representing 
the  gods  of  Canaan  or  of  the  Hittites,  have  no 
counterpart  in  the  Holy  Land.  Again  when  we 
read  of  ancient  "landmarks"  (Dt  19  14;  Prov 
22  28;  23  10),  we  are  not  to  understand  a  mere 
boundary  stone,  but  rather  one  of  those  monuments 
common  in  Babylonia — as  early  at  least  as  the  12th 
cent.  BC — on  which  the  boundaries  of  a  field  are 
minutely  described,  the  history  of  its  grant  by  the 
king  detailed,  and  a  curse  (cf  Dt  27  17)  pronounced 
against  the  man  who  should  dare  to  remove  the 
stone.  (See  illustration  under  Nebuchadnezzar.) 
///.  Palestine  in  the  Historic  Boobs  of  the  OT. — 
Josh   is   the   great  geographical  book  of  the  OT; 

and  the  large  majority  of  the  600 
1.  Book  names  of  places,  rivers  and  mountains 
of  Joshua      in  Pal  mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  to 

be  found  in  this  book. 

(1)  Topographical  accuracy. — About  half  of  this 
total  of  names  were  known,  or  were  fixed  by  Dr. 
Robinson,  between  1838  and  1852,  and  about  150 
new  sites  were  discovered  (1872-78,  1881-82)  in 
consequence  of  the  1-in.  trigonometrical  survey  of 
the  country,  and  were  identified  by  the  present 
writer  during  this  period;  a  few  interesting  sites 
have  been  added  by  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  (Adul- 
1am  and  Gezer),  by  Rev  A.  Henderson  (Kiriath- 
jearim),  by  Rev.  W.  F.  Birch  (Zoar  at  Tell  esh 
Shdghir),  and  by  others.  Thus  more  than  three- 
quarters  of  the  sites  have  been  fixed  with  more 
or  less  certainty,  most  of  them  preserving  their 
ancient  names.  It  is  impossible  to  study  this 
topography  without  seeing  that  the  Bible  writers 
had  personal  knowledge  of  the  country;  and  it  is 
incredible  that  a  Heb  priest,  writing  in  Baby- 
lonia, could  have  possessed  that  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  all  parts  of  the  land  which  is  manifest 
in  the  geographical  chapters  of  Josh.  The  towns 
are  enumerated  in  due  order  by  districts;  the 
tribal  boundaries  follow  natural  lines — valleys  and 
mountain  ridges — and  the  character  of  various 
regions  is  correctly  indicated.  Nor  can  we  suppose 
that  this  topography  refers  to  conditions  subse- 
quent to  the  return  from  captivity,  for  these  were 
quite  different.  Simeon  had  ceased  to  inhabit 
the  south  by  the  time  of  David  (1  Ch  4  24),  and 
the  lot  of  Dan  was  colonized  by  men  of  Benjamin 
after  the  captivity  (8  12.13;  Neh  11  34.35). 
Tirzah  is  mentioned  (Josh  12  24)  in  Samaria, 
whereas  the  future  capital  of  Omri  is  not.  Ai  is 
said  to  have  been  made  "a  heap  for  ever"  (8  28), 
but  was  inhabited  apparently  in  Isaiah's  time  (10 
28  =  Aiath)  and  certainly  after  the  captivity  (Ezr 
2  28;  Neh  7  32;  11  31=Aija).  At  latest,  the 
topography  seems  to  be  that  of  Solomon's  age, 
though  it  is  remarkable  that  very  few  places  in 
Samaria  are  noticed  in  the  Book  of  Josh. 

(2)  The  passage  of  the  Jordan. — Israel  crossed 
Jordan  at  the  lowest  ford  E.  of  Jericho.  The  river 
was  in  flood,  swollen  by  the  melting  snows  of  Her- 
mon  (Josh  3  15);  the  stoppage  occurred  20  miles 
farther  up  at  Adam  (ed-Ddmieh),  the  chalky  cliffs 
at  a  narrow  place  being  probably  undermined  and 
falling  in,  thus  damming  the  stream.     A  Moslem 


writer  asserts  that  a  similar  stoppage  occurred^in 
the  13th  cent.  AD,  near  the  same  point.  (See 
Jordan  River.)  The  first  camp  was  established 
at  Gilgal  {Jilgillieh) ,  3  miles  E.  of  Jericho,  and  a 
"circle"  of  12  stones  was  erected.  Jericho  was  not 
at  the  mediaeval  site  (er  liiha)  S.  of  Gilgal,  or  at 
the  Herodian  site  farther  W.,  but  at  the  great  spring 
'Ain  es  Sultdn,  close  to  the  mountains  to  which  the 
spies  escaped  (2  16).  The  great  mounds  were 
found  by  Sir  C.  Warren  to  consist  of  sun-dried 
bricks,  and  further  excavations  (see  Mitieil.  der 
deuischen  Orient-Gesell.,  December,  1909,  No.  41) 
have  revealed  little  but  the  remains  of  houses  of 
various  dates. 

(3)  Joshua's  first  campaign. — The  first  city  in  the 
mountains  attacked  by  Israel  was  Ai,  near  Haydn, 
2  miles  S.  E.  of  Bethel.  It  has  a  deep  valley 
to  the  N.,  as  described  (Josh  8  22).  The  fall  of 
Ai  and  Bethel  (ver  17)  seems  to  have  resulted  in  the 
peaceful  occupation  of  the  region  between  Gibeon 
and  Shechem  (8  30—9  27) ;  but  while  the  Hivites 
submitted,  the  Amorites  of  Jerus  and  of  the  S. 
attacked  Gibeon  {el  Jib)  and  were  driven  down  the 
steep  pass  of  Beth-horon  (Beit  'AiXr)  to  the  plains 
(10  1-11).  Joshua's  great  raid,  after  this  victory, 
proceeded  through  the  plain  to  Makkedah,  now 
called  el  Mughdr,  from  the  "cave"  (cf  10  17),  and 
by  Libnah  to  Lachish  (Tell  el  Hesy),  whence  he 
went  up  to  Hebron,  and  "turned"  S.  to  Debir  (edh 
Dhdheriyeh),  thus  subduing  the  sh'pheldh  of 
Judah  and  the  southern  mountains,  though  the 
capital  at  Jerus  was  not  taken.  It  is  now  very 
generally  admitted  that  the  six  letters  of  the  Amor- 
ite  king  of  Jerus  included  in  Am  Tab  may  refer  to 
this  war.  The  'Abiri  or  Habiri  are  therein  noticed 
as  a  fierce  people  from  Seir,  who  "destroyed  all  the 
rulers,"  and  who  attacked  Ajalon,  Lachish,  Ash- 
kelon,  Keilah  (on  the  main  road  to  Hebron)  and 
other  places  (see  Exodus,  The). 

(4)  The  second  campaign  (11  1-14)  was  against 
the  nations  of  Galilee;  and  the  Heb  victory  was 
gained  at  "the  waters  of  Merom"  (ver  5).  There 
is  no  sound  reason  for  placing  these  at  iihe  FMleh 
lake;  and  the  swampy  Jordan  valley  was  a  very 
unlikely  field  of  battle  for  the  Can.  chariots  (ver  6). 
The  kings  noticed  are  those  of  Madon  (Madin), 
Shimron  (Semmunieh),  Dor  (possibly  Tell  Thorah), 
"on  the  west,"  and  of  Hazor  (Hazzilr),  all  in  Lower 
Galilee.  The  pursuit  was  along  the  coast  toward 
Sidon  (ver  8);  and  Merom  may  be  identical  with 
Shimron-meron  (12  20),  now  Semmunieh,  in  which 
case  the  "waters"  were  those  of  the  perennial 
stream  in  Wddy  el  Melek,  3  miles  to  the  N.,  which 
flow  W.  to  join  the  lower  part  of  the  Kishon. 
Shimron-meron  was  one  of  the  31  royal  cities  of 
Pal  W.  of  the  Jordan  (12  9-24). 

The  regions  left  unconquered  by  Joshua  (13  2-6) 
were  those  afterward  conquered  by  David  and 
Solomon,  including  the  Phili  plains,  and  the  Sido- 
nian  coast  from  Mearah  (el  Mogheirtyeh)  northward 
to  Aphek  (Afka)  in  Lebanon,  on  the  border  of 
the  Amorite  country  which  lay  S.  of  the  "land  of 
the  Hittites"  (1  4).  Southern  Lebanon,  from  Gebal 
(Jube.il)  and  the  "entering  into  Hamath"  (the 
Eleutherus  Valley)  on  the  W.,  to  Baal-gad  (prob- 
ably at  ''Ain  Judeideh  on  the  northwestern  slope  of 
Hermon)  was  also  included  in  the  "land"  by  David 
(2  S  8  6-10).  But  the  whole  of  Eastern  Pal  (13 
7-32),  and  of  Western  Pal,  excepting  the  shore 
plains,  was  allotted  to  the  12  tribes.  Judah  and 
Joseph  (Ephraim  and  Manasseh),  being  the  strong- 
est, appear  to  have  occupied  the  mountains  and 
the  sh'pheldh,  as  far  N.  as  Lower  Galilee,  before  the 
final  allotment. 

Thus  the  lot  of  Simeon  was  within  that  inherited  by 
Judah  (19  1),  and  that  ol  Dan  seems  to  have  been 
partly  talcen  from  Ephraim,  since  Joseph's  lot  originally 


2213 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Palestine 


reached  to  Gezer  (16  3) ;  but  Benjamin  appears  to  have 
received  its  portion  early  (cf  15  5-11;  16  1-2;  18  11- 
28).  This  lot  was  larger  than  that  of  Ephraim,  and 
Benjamin  was  not  then  the  "smallest  of  the  tribes  of 
Israel"  (1  S  9  21),  since  the  destruction  of  the  tribe 
did  not  occur  till  after  the  death  of  Joshua  and  Eleazar 
(Jgs  20  28). 

The  twelve  tribes  were  distributed  in  various  regions 
which  may  here  briefly  be  described.  Reuben  held  the 
Moab  plateau  to  the  Arnon  {Wddy  Mdjub)  on  the  S., 
and  to  the  "river  of  Gad"  (Widy  NA'a-Cir)  on  the  N.. 
thus  including  part  of  the  Jordan  valley  close  to  the 
Dead  Sea.  Gad  held  all  the  W.  of  Gilead,  being  sepa- 
rated from  the  Ammonites  by  the  upper  course  of  the 
Jabbok.  All  the  rest  of  the  Jordan  vaUey  E.  of  the 
river  was  included  in  this  lot.  Manasseh  held  Bashan, 
but  the  conquest  was  not  completed  till  later.  Simeon 
had  the  neghebh  plateau  S.  of  Beersheba.  Judah occupied 
the  mountains  S.  of  Jerus,  with  the  sh'^pheldh  to  their 
W.,  and  claimed  Philistia  S.  of  Ekron.  Benjamin  had 
the  Jericho  plains  and  the  mountains  between  Jerus 
and  Bethel.  The  border  ran  S.  of  Jerus  to  Rachel's 
tomb  (1  S  10  2),  and  thence  W.  to  Kiriath-jearim 
i'Erma)  and  Ekron.  Dan  occupied  the  lower  hills  W. 
of  Benjamin  and  Ephraim.  and  claimed  the  plain  from 
Ekron  to  Rakkon  (.Tell  er  Rakkeit)  N.  of  Joppa.  Manas- 
seh had  a  large  region,  corresponding  to  Samaria,  and 
including  Carmel,  Sharon  and  half  the  Jordan  valley, 
with  the  mountains  N .  of  Shechem ;  but  this  tribe  occupied 
only  the  hills,  and  was  unable  to  drive  the  Canaanites  out 
of  the  plains  (Josh  17  11.16).  Ephraim  also  complained 
of  the  smallness  of  its  lot  (ver  15),  which  lay  in  rugged 
mountains  between  Bethel  and  Shechem,  Including, 
however,  the  corn  plateau  E.  of  the  latter  city.  Issa- 
char  held  the  plains  of  Esdraelon  and  Dothan,  with  the 
Jordan  valley  to  the  E.,  but  soon  became  subject  to  the 
Canaanites.  Zebulun  had  the  hills  of  Lower  Galilee, 
and  the  coast  from  Carmel  to  Accho.  Naphtali  owned 
the  mountains  of  Upper  Galilee,  and  the  rich  plateau 
between  Tabor  and  the  Sea  of  Gahlee.  Asher  had  the 
low  hills  W.  of  Naphtali,  and  the  narrow  shore  plains 
from  Accho  to  Tyre.  Thus  each  tribe  possessed  a  pro- 
portion of  mountain  land  fit  for  cultivation  of  figs,  olives 
and  vines,  and  of  arable  land  fit  for  corn.  The  areas 
allotted  appear  to  correspond  to  the  density  of  popu- 
lation that  the  various  regions  were  fitted  to  support. 

The  Levitical  cities  were  fixed  in  the  various 
tribes  as  centers  for  the  teaching  of  Israel  (Dt  33 
10),  but  a  Levite  was  not  obliged  to  live  in  such  a 
city,  and  was  expected  to  go  with  his  course  an- 
nually to  the  sacred  center,  before  they  retreated 
to  Jerus  on  the  disruption  of  the  kingdom  (2  Ch 
11  14).  The  48  cities  (Josh  21  13-42)  include 
13  in  Judah  and  Benjamin  for  the  priests,  among 
which  Beth-shemesh  (1  S  6  13.15)  and  Anathoth 
(1  K  2  26)  are  early  noticed  as  Levitical.  The 
other  tribes  had  3  or  4  such  cities  each,  divided 
among  Kohathites  (10),  Gershonites  (13),  and 
Merarites  (12).  The  six  Cities  of  Refuge  were 
included  in  the  total,  and  were  placed  3  each  side 
of  the  Jordan  in  the  S.,  in  the  center,  and  in  the  N., 
namely  Hebron,  Shechem  and  Kedesh  on  the  W., 
and  Bezer  (unknown),  Ramoth  (Reim-An)  and 
Golan  (probably  Sahem  el  Jaulan)  E.  of  the  river. 
Another  less  perfect  list  of  these  cities,  with  4 
omissions  and  11  minor  differences,  mostly  clerical, 
is  given  in  1  Ch  6  57-81.  Each  of  these  cities 
had  "suburbs,"  or  open  spaces,  extending  (Nu  36 
4)  about  a  quarter-mile  beyond  the  wall,  while  the 
fields,  to  about  half  a  mile  distant,  also  belonged 
to  the  Levites  (Lev  26  34). 

(1)  Early  wars. — In  Jgs,  the  stories  of  the  heroes 
who  successively  arose  to  save  Israel  from  the 
heathen  carry  us  to  every  part  of  the 
2.  Book  of  country.  "After  the  death  of  Joshua" 
Judges  (1  1)  the  Canaanites  appear  to  have 

recovered  power,  and  to  have  rebuilt 
some  of  the  cities  which  he  had  ruined.  Judah 
fought  the  Perizzites  ("villagers")  at  Berek  (Berkah) 
in  the  lower  hills  W.  of  Jerus,  and  even  set  fire  to 
that  city.  Caleb  attacked  Debir  (vs  12-15),  which 
is  described  (cf  Josh  15  15-19)  as  lying  in  a  "dry" 
(AV  "south")  region,  yet  with  springs  not  far  away. 
The  actual  site  (edh  Dhdheriyeh)  is  a  village  with 
ancient  tombs  12  miles  S.W.  of  Hebron;  it  has  no 
springs,  but  about  7  miles  to  the  N.E.  there  is  a 
perennial  stream  with  "upper  and  lower  springs." 
As  regards  the  Phili  cities   (Jgs  1  18),  the  LXX 


reading  seems  preferable;  for  the  Gr  says  that 
Judah  "did  not  take  Gaza"  nor  Ashkelon  nor 
Ekron,  which  agrees  with  the  failure  in  conquering 
the  "valley"  (ver  19)  due  to  the  Canaanites  having 
"chariots  of  iron."  The  Can.  chariots  are  often 
mentioned  about  this  time  in  the  Am  Tab  and 
Egyp  accounts  speak  of  their  being  plated  with 
metals.  Manasseh,  Ephraim,  Zebulun,  Asher  and 
Naphtali,  were  equally  powerless  against  cities  in 
the  plains  (vs  27-33);  and  Israel  began  to  mingle 
with  the  Canaanites,  while  the  tribe  of  Dan  seems 
never  to  have  really  occupied  its  allotted  region, 
and  remained  encamped  in  the  borders  of  Judah 
till  some,  at  least,  of  its  warriors  found  a  new  home 
under  Hermon  (1  34;  18  1-30)  in  the  time  of 
Jonathan,  the  grandson  of  Moses. 

(2)  Defeat  of  Sisera. — The  oppression  of  Israel 
by  Jabin  II  of  Hazor,  in  Lower  Galilee,  appears  to 
have  occurred  in  the  time  of  Rameses  II,  who,  in 
his  8th  year,  conquered  Shalem  {S&lim,  N.  of 
Taanach),  Anem  ('Anm),  Dapur  {DebHrieh,  at  the 
foot  of  Tabor),  with  Bethanath  ('Ainitha)  in  Upper 
Galilee  (Brugsch,  Hist  Egypt,  II,  64).  Sisera  may 
have  been  an  Egyp  resident  at  the  court  of  Jabin 
(Jgs  4  2);  his  defeat  occurred  near  the  foot  of 
Tabor  (ver  14)  to  which  he  advanced  E.  from 
Harosheth  {el  Harathiyeh)  on  the  edge  of  the  sea 
plain.  His  host  "perished  at  Endor"  (Ps  83  9) 
and  in  the  swampy  Kishon  (Jgs  6  21).  The  site 
of  the  Kedesh  in  "the  plain  of  swamps"  (4  11)  to 
which  he  fled  is  doubtful.  Perhaps  Kedesh  of 
Issachar  (1  Ch  6  72)  is  intended  at  Tell  Kadeis, 
3  miles  N.  of  Taanach,  for  the  plain  is  here  swampy 
in  parts.  The  Can.  league  of  petty  kings  fought 
from  Taanach  to  Megiddo  (6  19),  but  the  old  identi- 
fication of  the  latter  city  with  the  Rom  town  of 
Legio  (Lejj'Q.n)  was  a  mere  guess  which  does  not 
fit  with  Egyp  accounts  placing  Megiddo  near  the 
Jordan.  The  large  site  at  Mugedd'a,  in  the  Valley 
of  Jezreel  seems  to  be  more  suitable  for  all  the  OT 
as  well  as  for  the  Egyp  accounts  (SWP,  II,  90-99). 

(3)  Gideon's  victory. — The  subsequent  oppression 
by  Midianites  and  others  would  seem  to  have 
coincided  with  the  troubles  which  occurred  in  the 
6th  year  of  Minepthah  (see  Exodus,  The).  Gid- 
eon's home  (Jgs  6  11)  at  Ophrah,  in  Manasseh,  is 
placed  by  Sam  tradition  at  Fer'ata,  6  miles  W.  of 
Shechem,  but  his  victory  was  won  in  the  Valley  of 
Jezreel  (7  1-22) ;  the  sites  of  Beth-shittah  (Shaita) 
and  Abel-meholah  (Min  Helweh)  show  how  Midian 
fled  down  this  valley  and  S.  along  the  Jordan  plain, 
crossing  the  river  near  Succoth  {Tell  Der^ala)  and 
ascending  the  slopes  of  Gilead  to  Jogbehah  (7m- 
beihah)  and  Nobah  (8  4-11).  But  Oreb  ("the 
raven")  and  Zeeb  ("the  wolf")  perished  at  "the 
raven's  rock"  and  "the  wolf's  hollow"  (cf  7  25),  W. 
of  the  Jordan.  It  is  remarkable  (as  pointed  out  by 
the  present  author  in  1874)  that,  3  miles  N.  of 
Jericho,  a  sharp  peak  is  now  called  "the  raven's 
nest,"  and  a  ravine  4  miles  farther  N.  is  named 
"the  wolf's  hollows."  These  sites  are  rather  farther 
S.  than  might  be  expected,  unless  the  two  chiefs 
were  separated  from  the  fugitives,  who  followed 
Zebah  and  Zalmunna  to  Gilead.  In  this  episode 
"Mt.  Gilead"  (7  3)  seems  to  be  a  clerical  error  for 
"Mt.  Gilboa,"  unless  the  name  survives  in  corrupt 
form  at  'Ain  JdHd  ("Gohath's  spring"),  which  is  a 
large  pool,  usually  supposed  to  be  the  spring  of 
Harod  (7  1),  where  Gideon  camped,  E.  of  Jezreel. 

The  story  of  Abimelech  takes  us  back  to  Shechem. 
He  was  made  king  by  the  "oak  of  the  pillar"  (9  6), 
which  was  no  doubt  Abraham's  oak  already  no- 
ticed; it  seems  also  to  be  called  'the  enchanter's 
oak'  (ver  37),  probably  from  some  superstition 
connected  with  the  burial  of  the  Teraphim  under  it 
by  Jacob.  The  place  called  Beer,  to  which  Jotham 
fled   from  Abimelech   (ver   21),    may   have    been 


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2214 


Beeroth  (Bireh)  in  the  lot  of  Benjamin.  Thcbcz, 
the  town  taken  by  the  latter  (ver  50),  and  where 
he  met  his  death,  is  now  the  village  Tdhds,  10  miles 
N.E.  of  Shechcm. 

The  Ammonite  oppression  of  Israel  in  Gilead 
occurred  about  300  years  after  the  Heb  conquest 
(11  26),  and  Jephthah  the  deliverer  returned  to 
Mizpah  (ver  29),  which  was  probably  the  present 
village  (SJl/  (already  noticed), from  his  exile  in  the 
"land  of  Tob"  (vs  3.6).  This  may  have  been  near 
Taiyibeh,  9  miles  S.  of  Gadara,  in  the  extreme  N. 
of  Gilead — a  place  notable  for  its  ancient  dolmens 
and  rude  stone  monuments,  such  as  occur  also  at 
Mizpah.  Jephthah's  dispute  with  the  men  of 
Ephraim  (12  1)  indicates  the  northern  position  of 
Mizpah.  Aroer  (11  33)  is  unknown,  but  lay  near 
Rabbath-ammon  (Josh  13  25;  2  S  24  5);  it  is 
to  be  distinguished  from  Aroer  CAr'air)  in  the  Arnon 
ravine,  mentioned  in  Jgs  11  26. 

The  scene  of  Samson's  exploits  lies  in  the  sh'phe- 
lah  of  Judah  on  the  borders  of  Philistia.  His  home 
at  Zorah  (Sftr'a/i)  was  on  the  hills  N.  of  the  Valley  of 
Sorek,  and  looked  down  on  "the  camp  of  Dan" 
(13  2.5  m) ,  which  had  been  pitched  in  that  valley  near 
Beth-shemesh .  Eshtaol  (Eshn^a)  was  less  than  2 
miles  E.  of  Zorah  on  the  same  ridge.  Timnath 
(14  1)  was  only  2  miles  W.  of  Beth-shemesh,  at  the 
present  ruin  Tihneh.  The  region  was  one  of  vine- 
yards (ver  5),  and  the  name  Sorek  {SiXrik)  still  sur- 
vives at  a  ruin  2  miles  W.  of  Zorah.  Sorek  signified 
a  "choice  vine,"  and  a  rock-cut  wine  press  exists  at 
the  site  {SWP,  III,  126).  These  5  places,  all  close 
together,  were  also  close  to  the  Phili  corn  lands 
(15  5)  in  a  region  of  vines  and  olives.  Samson's 
place  of  refuge  in  the  "cleft  of  the  rook  of  Etam" 
(see  15  8)  was  probably  at  Beit  ^Ai&h,  only  5 
miles  E.  of  Zorah,  but  rising  with  a  high  knoll  above 
the  southern  precipices  of  the  gorge  which  opens 
into  the  Valley  of  Sorek.  In  this  knoll,  under  the 
village,  is  a  rock  passage  now  called  "the  well  of 
refuge"  {Bir  el  HasiltaK),  which  may  have  been  the 
"cleft"  into  which  Samson  "went  down."  Lehi 
(ver  9)  was  apparently  in  the  valley  beneath,  and  the 
name  ("the  jaw")  may  refer  to  the  narrow  mouth 
of  the  gorge  whence,  after  conference  with  the  Philis, 
the  men  of  Judah  "went  down"  (ver  11)  to  the  "cleft 
of  the  rock  of  Etam"  {SWP,  III,  83,  137),  which 
was  a  passage  2.50  ft.  long  leading  down,  under  the 
town,  to  the  spring.  All  of  Samson's  story  is  con- 
nected with  this  one  valley  (for  Delilah  also  lived 
in  the  "Valley  of  Sorek,"  16  4)  excepting  his  visit 
to  Gaza,  where  he  carried  the  gates  to  the  'hill 
facing  Hebron'  (16  3),  traditionally  shown  (SWP, 
III,  255)  at  the  great  mound  on  the  E.  side  of  this 
town  where  he  died,  and  where  his  tomb  is  (wrongly) 
shown.  Another  tomb,  close  to  Zorah,  represents 
a  more  correct  tradition  (16  31),  but  the  legends 
of  Samson  at  this  village  are  of  modern  Christian 
origin. 

The  appendix  to  Jgs  includes  two  stories  con- 
cerning Levites  who  both  lived  in  the  time  of  the 
2d  generation  after  the  Hcb  conquest  (18  30;  20 
28),  and  who  both  "sojourned"  in  Bethlehem  of 
Judah  (17  8;  19  2),  though  their  proper  city  was 
one  in  Mt.  Ephraim.  In  the  first  case  Jonathan, 
the  grandson  of  Moses,  founded  a  family  of  idola- 
trous priests,  setting  up  Micah's  image  at  Dan 
{Tell  el  K&(j,'i)  beside  the  sources  of  the  Jordan, 
where  ancient  dolmen  altars  still  exist.  This 
image  may  have  been  the  cause  why  Jeroboam 
afterward  established  a  calf-temple  at  the  same 
place.  It  is  said  to  have  stood  there  till  the  "cap- 
tivity of  the  ark"  (St.  Petersburg  MS,  Jgs  18  30), 
"all  the  time  that  the  house  of  God  was  in  Shiloh" 
(ver  31).  From  this  narrative  we  learn  that  the 
tribe  of  Dan  did  not  settle  in  its  appointed  lot 
(18  1),  but  pitched  in  the  "camp  of  Dan,"  west  of 


Kiriath-jearim  (ver  12).  This  agrees  with  the 
former  mention  of  the  site  (13  25)  as  being  near 
Zorah;  and  the  open  valley  near  Beth-shemesh  is 
visible,  through  the  gorges  of  Lehi,  from  the  site  of 
Kiriath-jearim  at  ^Erma. 

(4)  Appendix:  Defeat  of  Benjamin. — In  the  2d 
episode  we  trace  the  journey  of  the  Levite  from 
Bethlehem  past  Jerus  to  Gibeah  (Jefea'),  E.  of 
Ramah  (er-Rdm),  a  distance  which  could  easily  be 
traversed  in  an  afternoon  (cf  19  8-14).  Gibeah  was 
no  doubt  selected  as  a  halting-place  by  the  Levite, 
because  it  was  a  Levitical  city.  The  story  of  the 
great  crime  of  the  men  of  Gibeah  was  well  known 
to  Hosea  (9  9).  Israel  gathered  against  them  at 
Mizpah  {Tell  en  Na^beh)  on  the  watershed,  3  miles 
to  the  N.W.,  and  the  ark  was  brought  by  Phine- 
has  to  Bethel  (cf  20  1.31;  18  26.27),  3  miles 
N.E.  of  Mizpah.  The  defeat  of  Benjamin  occurred 
where  the  road  to  Gibeah  leaves  the  main  north 
road  to  Bethel  (ver  31),  W.  of  Ramah.  The  sur- 
vivors fled  to  the  rock  Rimmon  {Riimmon),  3  J  miles 
E.  of  Bethel,  on  the  edge  of  the  "wilderness"  which 
stretches  from  this  rugged  hill  toward  the  Jordan 
valley.  The  position  of  Shiloh,  9  miles  N.  of  this 
rock,  is  very  accurately  described  (21  19)  as  being 
N.  of  Bethel  {Beitln),  and  E.  of  the  main  road, 
thence  to  Shechem  which  passes  Lebonah  {Lubban), 
a  village  3  miles  N.W.  of  Seil-iXn  or  Shiloh.  The 
"vineyards,"  in  which  the  maidens  of  Shiloh  used 
to  dance  (ver  20)  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  lay 
no  doubt  where  vineyards  still  exist  in  the  little 
plain  S.  of  this  site.  It  is  clear  that  the  writer  of 
these  two  narratives  had  an  acquaintance  with 
Palestinian  topography  as  exact  as  that  shown 
throughout  Jgs.  Nor  (if  the  reading  "captivity 
of  the  ark"  be  correct)  is  there  any  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  they  were  WTitten  after  722  BC. 

The  Book  of  Ruth  gives  us  a  vivid  picture  of 

Heb  life  "when  the  judges  ruled"  (1  1  AV),  about  a 

century  before  the  birth  of  David.   Laws 

3.  Book  as  old  as  Hammurabi's  age  allowed  the 
of  Ruth  widow  the  choice  of  remaining  with 

the  husband's  family,  or  of  quitting 
his  house  (cf  1  8).  The  beating  out  of  gleanings 
(2  17)  by  women  is  still  a  custom  which  accounts 
for  the  rock  mortars  found  so  often  scooped  out  on 
the  hillside.  The  villager  still  sleeps,  as  a  guard, 
beside  the  heap  of  winnowed  corn  in  the  threshing- 
floor  (3  7) ;  the  head-veil,  still  worn,  could  well  have 
been  used  to  carry  six  measures  of  barley  (ver  15). 
The  courteous  salutation  of  his  reapers  by  Boaz 
(2  4)  recalls  the  common  Arab,  greeting  {Allah 
ma'kilm),  "God  be  with  you."  But  the  thin  wine 
(ver  14)  is  no  longer  drunk  by  Moslem  peasants, 
who  only  "dip"  their  bread  in  oil. 

(1)  Samuel. — The    two    Books  of  S  present  an 

equally  valuable  picture  of  life,   and  an  equally 

real    topography    throughout.     Sam- 

4.  Books  of  ucl's  father — a  pious  Levite  (1  Ch 
Samuel  6  27) — descended  from  Zuph  who  had 

lived  at  Ephratah  (Bethlehem;  cf 
IS  9  4.5),  had  his  house  at  Ramah  (1  19)  close  to 
Gibeah,  and  this  town  {er-Rdm.)  was  Samuel's  home 
also  (7  17;  25  1).  The  family  is  described  as 
'Ramathites,  Zuphites  of  Mt.  Ephraim'  (1  1),  but 
the  term  "Mt.  Ephraim"  was  not  confined  to  the 
lot  of  Ephraim,  since  it  included  Bethel  and  Ramah, 
in  the  land  of  Benjamin  (Jgs  4  5).  As  a  Levite, 
Elkanah  obeyed  the  law  of  making  annual  visits 
to  the  central  shrine,  though  this  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  generally  observed  in  an  age  when  "every 
man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes 
(Jgs  21  25).  The  central  shrine  had  been  removed 
by  Joshua  from  Shechem  to  the  remote  site  of 
Shiloh  (Josh  22  9),  perhaps  for  greater  security, 
and  here  the  tabernacle  (ver  19)  was  pitched  (cf 
1  S  2  22)  and  remained  for  4  centuries  till  the  death 


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Palestine 


of  Eli.  The  great  defeat  of  Israel,  when  the  ark 
was  captured  by  the  Philis,  took  place  not  far  from 
Mizpah  (4  1),  within  an  easy  day's  journey  from 
Shiloh  (cf  ver  12).  Ekron,  whence  it  was  sent  back 
(6  16),  was  only  12  miles  from  Beth-shemesh  CAin- 
shenis),  where  the  ark  rested  on  a  "great  stone" 
(LXX,  ver  18) ;  and  Beth-shemesh  was  only  4  miles 
W.  of  Kiriath-jearim  (ver  21),  which  was  in  the 
mountains,  so  that  its  inhabitants  "came  down" 
from  "the  hill"  (6  21;  7  1)  to  fetch  the  ark,  which 
abode  there  for  20  years,  till  the  beginning  of  Saul's 
reign  (14  18),  when,  after  the  war,  it  may  have  been 
restored  to  the  tabernacle  at  Nob,  to  which  place 
the  latter  was  probably  removed  after  Eli's  death, 
when  Shiloh  was  deserted.  The  exact  site  of  Nob 
is  not  known,  but  probably  (cf  Isa  10  32)  it  was 
close  to  Mizpah,  whence  the  first  glimpse  of  Jerus 
is  caught,  and  thus  near  Gibeon,  where  it  was  laid 
up  after  the  massacre  of  the  priests  (1  S  21  1; 
22  9.18;  2  Ch  1  3),  when  the  ark  was  again  taken 
to  Kiriath-jearim  (2  S  6  2).  Mizpah  (Tell  en- 
Na^beh)  was  the  gathering-place  of  Israel  under 
Samuel;  and 'the  "stone  of  help"  (Eben-ezer)  was 
erected,  after  his  victory  over  the  Philis,  "between 
Mizpah  and  Shen"  (1  S  7  12) — the  latter  place 
(see  LXX)  being  probably  the  same  as  Jeshanah 
I'Ain  Sinai),  6  miles  N.  of  Mizpah  which  Samuel 
visited  yearly  as  a  judge  (ver  16). 

(2)  Saul's  search. — The  journey  of  Saul,  who, 
"seeking  asses  found  a  kingdom,"  presents  a  topog- 
raphy which  has  often  been  misunderstood.  He 
started  (9  4)  from  Gibeah  (Jeba')  and  went  first 
to  the  land  of  Shalisha  through  Mt.  Ephraim. 
Baal-shalisha  (2  K  4  42)  appears  to  have  been  the 
present  Kefr  Thilth,  18  miles  N.  of  Lydda  and  24 
miles  N.W.  from  Gibeah.  Saul  then  searched  the 
land  of  Shalim — probably  that  of  Shual  (1  S  13 
17),  N.E.  of  Gibeah.  Finally  he  went  south  beyond 
the  border  of  Benjamin  (10  2)  to  a  city  in  the  "land 
of  Zuph,"  which  seems  probably  to  have  been 
Bethlehem,  whence  (as  above  remarked)  Samuel's 
family — descendants  of  Zuph — came  originally. 
If  so,  it  is  remarkable  that  Saul  and  David  were 
anointed  in  the  same  city,  one  which  Samuel  visited 
later  (16  1.2  if)  to  sacrifice,  just  as  he  did  when 
meeting  Saul  (9  12),  who  was  probably  known  to 
him,  since  Gibeah  and  Ramah  were  only  2  miles 
apart.  Saul's  journey  home  thus  naturally  lay  on 
the  road  past  Rachel's  tomb  near  Bethlehem,  and 
along  the  Bethel  road  (10  2,3)  to  his  home  at 
Gibeah  (vs  5.10).  It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that 
Samuel  met  him  at  Ramah — a  common  mistake 
which  creates  great  confusion  in  the  topography. 

(3)  Saul's  coronation  and  first  campaign. — Saul 
concealed  the  fact  of  his  anointing  (10  16)  till  the 
lot  fell  upon  him  at  Mizpah.  This  pubhc  choice 
by  lot  has  been  thought  (Wellhausen,  Hist  Israel, 
1885,  252)  to  indicate  a  double  narrative,  but  to  a 
Hebrew  there  would  not  appear  to  be  any  dis- 
crepancy, since  "The  lot  is  cast  into  the  lap;  but 
the  whole  disposing  thereof  is  of  Jeh"  (Prov  16 
33).  Even  at  Mizpah  he  was  not  fully  accepted 
till  his  triumph  over  the  Ammonites,  when  the  king- 
dom was  "renewed"  at  Gilgal  (11  14).  This  cam- 
paign raises  an  interesting  question  of  geography. 
Only  7  days'  respite  was  allowed  to  the  men  of 
Jabesh  in  Gilead  (11  3),  during  which  news  was 
sent  to  Saul  at  Gibeah,  and  messengers  dispatched 
"throughout  the  borders  of  Israel"  (ver  7),  while 
the  hosts  gathered  at  Bezek,  and  reached  Jabesh 
on  the  7th  or  8th  day  (vs  8-10)  at  dawn.  Bezek 
appears  to  be  a  different  place  from  that  W.  of 
Jerus  (Jgs  1  4)  and  to  have  been  in  the  middle  of 
Pal  at  Jbztk,  14  miles  N.  of  Shechem,  and  25  miles 
W.  of  Jabesh,  which  probably  lay  in  Wddy  Ydbis  in 
Gilead.  The  farthest  distances  for  the  messengers 
would  not  have  exceeded  80  miles;   and,  allowing 


a  day  for  the  news  to  reach  Saul  and  another  for 
the  march  from  Bezek  to  Jabesh,  there  would  have 
been  just  time  for  the  gathering  of  Israel  at  this 
fairly  central  meeting-place. 

The  scene  of  the  victory  over  the  Philis  at  Mich- 
mash  is  equally  real.  They  had  a  'post'  in  Geba 
(or  Gibeah,  13  3),  or  a  governor  (cf  LXX),  whom 
Jonathan  slew.  They  came  up  to  Michmash 
{Muhhmds)  to  attack  Jonathan's  force  which  held 
Gibeah,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Michmash 
valley,  hard  by.  The  northern  cliff  of  the  great 
gorge  was  called  Bozez  ("shining")  in  contrast  to 
the  southern  one  (in  shadow)  which  was  named 
Seneh  or  "thorn"  (14  4).  Jos  {BJ,  V,  ii,  2)  says 
that  Gibeah  of  Saul  was  by  "the  valley  of  thorns," 
and  the  ravine,  fianked  by  the  two  precipitous  cliffs 
E.  of  Michmash,  is  still  called  WMy  es  Suweinil, 
or  "the  valley  of  little  thorn  trees."  Jonathan 
climbed  the  steep  slope  that  leads  to  a  small  flat 
top  (1  S  14  14  AV),  and  surprised  the  Phili  'post.' 
The  pursuit  was  by  Bethel  to  the  Valley  of  Aijalon, 
down  the  steep  Beth-horon  pass  (vs  23.31);  but  it 
should  be  noted  that  there  was  no  "wood"  (vs 
25.26)  on  this  bare  hilly  ridge,  and  the  word  (cf 
Cant  5  1)  evidently  means  "honeycomb."  It  is 
also  possible  that  the  altar  raised  by  Saul,  for  ful- 
filment of  the  Law  (Gen  9  4;  Ex  20  25),  was  at 
Nob  where  the  central  shrine  was  then  established. 

(4)  David's  early  life. — David  fed  his  flocks  in  the 
wilderness  below  Bethlehem,  where  many  a  silent 
and  dreadful  "Valley  of  Shadows"  (cf  Ps  23  4) 
might  make  the  stoutest  heart  fail.  The  lion  crept 
up  from  the  Jordan  valley,  and  (on  another  occasion) 
the  bear  came  down  from  the  rugged  mountains 
above  (1  S  17  34).  No  bears  are  now  known  S. 
of  Hermon,  but  the  numerous  references  (2  K  2 
24;  Isa  69  11;  Hos  13  8;  Prov  17  12;  28  15) 
show  that  they  must  have  been  exterminated,  like 
the  lion,  in  comparatively  late  times.  The  victory 
over  Goliath,  described  in  the  chapter  containing 
this  allusion,  occurred  in  the  Valley  of  Elah  near 
Shochoth  (Shuweikeh) ;  and  this  broad  valley 
(Wddy  es  Sunt)  ran  into  the  Phili  plain  at  the 
probable  site  of  Gath  (Tell  es  Sdfi)  to  which  the 
pursuit  led  (1  S  17  1.2. .52).  The  watercourse  still 
presents  "smooth  stones"  (ver  40)  fit  for  the  sling, 
which  is  still  used  by  Arab  shepherds;  and  the 
valley  still  has  in  it  fine  "terebinths"  such  as  those 
from  which  it  took  its  name  Elah.  The  bronze 
armor  of  the  giant  (vs  5.6)  indicates  an  early  stage 
of  culture,  which  is  not  contradicted  by  the  men- 
tion of  an  iron  spearhead  (ver  7),  since  iron  is 
found  to  have  been  in  use  in  Pal  long  before  David's 
time.  The  curious  note  (ver  54)  as  to  the  head  of 
Goliath  being  taken  "to  Jerus"  is  also  capable  of 
explanation.  Jerus  was  not  conquered  till  at  least 
10  years  later,  but  it  was  a  general  practice  (as  late 
as  the  7th  cent.  BC  in  Assyria)  to  preserve  the  heads 
of  dead  foes  by  salting  them,  as  was  probably  done 
in  another  case  (2  K  10  7)  when  the  heads  of 
Ahab's  sons  were  sent  from  Samaria  to  Jezreel  to 
be  exposed  at  the  gate. 

David's  outlaw  life  began  when  he  took  refuge 
with  Samuel  at  the  "settlements"  (Naioth)  near 
Ramah,  where  the  company  of  prophets  lived.  He 
easily  met  Jonathan  near  Gibeah,  which  was  only 
2  miles  E.;  and  the  "stone  of  departure"  ("Ezel," 
1  S  20  19)  may  have  marked  the  Levitical  bound- 
ary of  that  town.  Nob  also  (21  1)  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  not  far  off,  but  Gath  (ver  10)  was  beyond  the 
Heb  boundary.  Thence  David  retreated  up  the 
Valley  of  Elah  to  Adullam  Q Aid-el-ma),  which  stood 
on  a  hill  W.  of  this  valley  near  the  great  turn  (south- 
ward) of  its  upper  course.  An  inhabited  cave 
still  exists  here  (cf  22  1),  and  the  site  meets  every 
requirement  (-SH'P,  III,  311,  347,  361-67).  Keilah 
(23  1)  is  represented  by  the  village  Kila,  on  the  east 


Palestine 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2216 


side  of  thf  same  valley,  3  miles  farther  up;  and 
Hereth  (22  5)  was  also  near,  but  "in  Judah"  (23 
3),  at  the  village  Khards  on  a  wooded  spur  7  miles 
N.W.  of  Hebron.  Thence  David  went  "down" 
(ver  4)  to  Keilah  2  miles  away  to  the  W.  As  there 
was  no  safety  for  the  outlaws,  either  in  Philistia  or 
in  Judah,  thej'  had  to  retreat  to  the  wilderness  of 
Ziph  (Tell  ez'Zif),  4  miles  S.E.  of  Hebron.  The 
word  "wood"  (horesh)  maj'  more  probably  be  a 
proper  name,  represented  bj'  the  ruin  of  Khoreisa, 
rather  more  than  a  mile  S.  of  Ziph,  while  the  hill 
Haehilah  (ver  19)  might  be  the  long  spur,  over  the 
Jeshimon  or  desert  of  Judah,  6  miles  E.  of  Ziph, 
now  called  el  Kola.  Maon  (M'ain)  lay  on  the  edge 
of  the  same  desert  still  farther  S.,  about  8  miles 
from  Hebron.  En-gedi  (23  29;  24  1.2)  was  on 
the  precipices  by  the  Dead  Sea.  The  "wild  goats" 
(ibex)  still  exist  here  in  large  droves,  and  the  caves 
of  this  desert  are  still  used  as  folds  for  sheep  in 
spring  (ver  3).  The  villagers  S.  of  Hebron  are 
indeed  remarkable  for  their  large  flocks  which — by 
agreement  with  the  nomads — are  sent  to  pasture 
in  the  Jeshimon,  like  those  of  Nabal,  the  rich  man 
of  Carmel  (Kumiul),  a  mile  N.  of  Maon  (25  2),  who 
refused  the  customary  present  to  David's  band 
which  had  protected  his  shepherds  "in  the  fields" 
(ver  15)  or  pastures  of  the  wilderness.  In  summer 
r)a\'id  would  naturally  return  to  the  higher  ridge 
of  Hachilah  (26  1)  on  the  south  side  of  which  there 
is  a  precipitous  gorge  (impassable  save  by  a  long 
detour),  across  which  he  talked  to  Saul  (ver  13}, 
likening  himself  (ver  20)  to  the  desert  "partridge" 
still  found  in  this  region. 

(5)  Defeat  and  death  of  Saul— The  site  of  Ziklag 
is  doubtful,  but  it  eiadently  lay  in  the  desert  S.  of 
Beersheba   (Josh  15  31;    19  5;     1  Ch  4  30;     1  S 
27  6-12),  far  from  Gath,  so  that  King  Achish  did 
not   know  whether  David   had   raided   the   S.  of 
Judah,  or  the  tribes  toward  Shur.     Saul's  powder  in 
the  mountains  was  irresistible;   and  it  was  for  this 
reason  perhaps  that  his  fatal  battle  with  the  Philis 
occurred  far  N.  in  the  plain  near  Jezreel.     They 
camped  (1  S  28  4)  by  the  fine  spring  of  Shunem 
[Sulem),  and  Saul  on  Gilboa  to  the  S.     The  visit  to 
Endor  {Andur)  was  thus  a  perilous  adventure,  as 
Saul  must  have  stolen   bj'  night  round   the  Phili 
host  to  visit  this  place  N.  of  Shunem.     He  returned 
to  the  spur  of  Gilboa  on  which  Jezreel  stands  (29  1), 
and  the  spring  noticed  is  a  copious  supply  N.  of  the 
village  Zer'iii.     Beth-shan  (31  12)  was  at  the  mouth 
of  the  valley  of  Jezreel  at   Beisdn,  and  here  the 
bodies  of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  burned  by  the 
men  of  .Jabesh-gilead ;  but,  as  the  bones  were  pre- 
served (ver  13;   2  S  21  13),  it  is  possible  that  the 
corpses  were   cremated  in  pottery  jars  afterward 
buried  under  the  tree.     Excavations  in  Pal  and  in 
Babylonia  show  that  this  was  an  early  practice, 
not  only  in  the  case  of  infants  (as  at  Gezer,  and 
Taanach),  but  also  of  grown  men.     See  Palestine 
(Recext    Exploration).      The    list   of    cities    to 
which  Da\'id  sent  presents  at  the  time  of  Saul's 
death   (30  26-31)  includes  those  near  Ziklag  and 
as  far  N.  as  Hebron,  thus  referring  to  "all  the  places 
where  Da\dd  himself  and  his  men  were  wont  to 
haunt." 

(6)  WeWiausen  s  theory  of  a  double  narrative. — The 
study  of  David's  wanderings,  it  may  be  noted,  and  of  ttie 
climatic  conditions  in  tlie  Jestiimon  desert,  does  not  serve 
to  confirm  Wellhausen's  theory  of  a  dout)le  narrative, 
based  on  tlae  secret  unction  and  public  choice  of  Saul, 
on  the  double  visit  to  Hachilah.  and  on  the  fact  that  the 
gloomv  king  had  forgotten  the  name  of  David's  father. 
The  history  is  not  a  "pious  make-up"  without  "a  word 
of  truth"  (WeUhausen,  Hist  Israel.  248-49;;  and  David, 
as  a  "youth"  of  twenty  years,  may  yet  have  been  called 
a  "man  of  war";  while  "transparent  artifice"  (p.  251) 
will  hardly  be  recognized  by  the  reader  of  this  genuine 
chronicle.  Nor  was  there  any  "Aphek  in  Sharon" 
(p.  260).  and  David  did  not  "amuse  himself  liy  going 
first  toward  the  north"  from  Gibeah  (p.  267j;    his  visit 


to  Ramah  docs  not  appear  to  be  a  "worthless  anachronis- 
tic anecdote"  (p.  271);  and  no  one  who  has  lived  in  the 
terrible  Jeshimon  could  regard  the  meetin_g  at  Hachiilah 
asa"jest"  (p.  26.5).  Nor  did  the  hill  ("the  dusky  top") 
"take  its  name  from  the  circumstance,  "  but  WeUhausen 
probably  means  the  ^elaha-mahl'^koth  ("cliff  of  slip- 
pings"  or  of  "slippings  away"),  now  Wddy  Maldkeh  near 
Maon  (cf  1  S  23  19.24.28),  which  lay  farther  S.  than 
Ziph. 

(7)  Early  years  of  David's  reign. — Da'vid,  till  the 
8th  year  of  his  reign,  was  king  of  Judah  only.  The 
first  battle  with  Saul's  son  occurred  at  Gibeon  (2  S 
2  13),  where  the  "pool"  was  no  doubt  the  cave  of 
the  great  spring  at  el  Jib;  the  pursuit  was  by  the 
'desert  Gibeon  road'  (ver  24)  toward  the  Jordan 
valley.  Gibeon  itself  was  not  in  a  desert,  but  in  a 
fertile  region.  Abner  then  deserted  to  David,  but 
was  murdered  at  the  "well  of  Sirah"  CAin  Sdrah) 
on  the  road  a  mile  N.  of  David's  capital  at  Hebron. 
Nothing  more  is  said  about  the  Philis  till  David 
had  captured  Jerus,  when  they  advanced  on  the 
new  capital  by  the  valley  of  Rephaim  (5  22), 
which  apparently  ran  from  S.  of  Jerus  to  join  the 
valley  of  Elah.  If  David  was  then  at  AduUam 
("the  hold,"  ver  17  AV;  cf  1  S  22  S),  it  is  easy  to 
understand  how  he  cut  off  the  Phili  retreat  (2  S 
5  23),  and  thus  conquered  all  the  hill  country  to 
Gezer  (ver  2.5).  After  this  the  ark  was  finally 
brought  from  Baale-judah  (Kiriath-jearim)  to  Jerus 
(6  2),  and  further  wars  were  beyond  the  limits  of 
Western  Pal,  in  Moab  (8  2)  and  in  Syria  (vs  3-12) ; 
but  for  "Syrians"  (ver  13)  the  more  correct  read- 
ing appears  to  be  Edomites  (1  Ch  18  12),  and  the 
"Valley  of  Salt"  was  probably  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Another  war  with  the  Syrians,  aided  by  Aramaeans 
from  E.  of  the  Euphrates,  occurred  E.  of  the  Jordan 
(2  S  10  16-18),  and  was  followed  by  the  siege  of 
Rabbath-ammon  CAmmdn),  E.  of  Gilead,  where  we 
have  notice  of  the  "city  of  w-aters"  (12  27),  or  lower 
town  by  the  stream,  contrasted,  it  seems,  with  the 
citadel  which  was  on  the  northern  hill. 

(8)  Hehreiv  letter-writing. — In  this  connection 
we  find  the  first  notice  of  a  "letter"  (11  14)  as 
WTitten  by  David  to  Joab.  Writing  is  of  course 
noticed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Moses  when — as  we 
now  know — the  Canaanites  wrote  letters  on  clay 
tablets  in  cuneiform  script.  These,  however,  were 
penned  by  special  scribes;  and  such  a  scribe  is 
mentioned  early  (Jgs  8  14).  David  himself  may 
have  employed  a  professional  writer  (cf  2  S  8  17), 
while  Uriah,  who  carried  his  own  fate  in  the  letter, 
w'as  probably  unable  to  read.  Even  in  Isaiah's 
time  the  art  was  not  general  (Isa  29  12),  though 
Heb  kings  could  apparently  wTite  and  read  (Dt  17 
18;  2  K  19  14);  to  the  present  day  the  accomphsh- 
ment  is  not  general  in  the  East,  even  in  the  upper 
class.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  first  e-vidence  of 
the  use  of  an  alphabet  is  found  in  the  early  alpha- 
betic Pss,  and  the  oldest  dated  alphabetic  text  yet 
known  is  later  than  900  BC.  The  script  used  in 
the  time  of  Moses  may  have  been  cuneiform,  which 
was  still  employed  at  Gezer  for  traders'  tablets  in 
649  BC.  The  alphabet  may  have  come  into  use 
first  among  Hebrews,  through  Phoen  influence  in 
the  time  of  David;  and  so  far  no  script  except  this 
and  the  cuneiform  has  been  unearthed  in  Pal,  unless 
it  is  to  be  recognized  in  signs  of  the  Hittite  syllabary 
at  Lachish  and  Gezer.  Another  interesting  point, 
as  regards  Heb  civilization  in  David's  time,  is  the 
first  mention  of  "mules"  (2  S  13  29;  18  9;  IK 
1  33.38),  which  are  unnoticed  in  the  Pent.  They 
are  represented  as  pack  animals  on  an  Assyr  bas- 
relief;  but,  had  they  been  known  to  Moses,  they 
would  probably  have  been  condemned  as  unclean. 
The  sons  of  David  fled  on  mules  from  Baal-hazor 
{Tell  'Aslir)  "beside  Ephraim"  (now  probably 
Taiyibeh),  N.  of  Bethel,  where  Absalom  murdered 
Amnon. 


2217 


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Palestine 


(9)  Later  years  of  David's  reign. — On  the  rebel- 
lion of  Absalom  David  retreated  to  Mahanaim, 
apparently  by  the  road  N.  of  the  Mount  of  OUves, 
if  the  Tg  of  Jonathan  (2  S  16  5)  is  correct  in  placing 
Bahurim  at  Almon  {'Almtt),  N.E.  of  Jerus.  It  is 
not  clear  where  the  "wood  of  Ephraim,"  in  which 
Absalom  perished,  may  have  been,  but  it  was 
beyond  Jordan  in  Gilead  (17  22;  18  6);  and  oak 
woods  are  more  common  there  than  in  Western  Pal. 
The  latest  revolt,  after  Absalom's  death,  was  in  the 
extreme  north  at  Abel  (Abil),  in  Upper  Galilee 
(20  14),  after  which  Joab's  journey  is  the  last  inci- 
dent to  be  studied  in  the  Books  of  S.  For  census 
purposes  he  went  E.  of  the  Jordan  to  Aroer  (per- 
haps the  city  on  the  Arnon),  to  the  "river  of  Gad" 
{Wddy  Nd'ailr)  near  Jazer,  and  through  Gilead. 
Tahtim-hodshi  (24  6)  is  believed  (on  the  authority 
of  three  Gr  MSS)  to  be  a  corruption  of  "the  Hit- 
tites  at  Kadesh"  (Kades),  the  great  city  on  the 
Orontes  (see  Hittites),  which  lay  on  the  northern 
boundary  of  David's  dominions,  S.  of  the  kingdom 
of  Hamath.  Thence  Joab  returned  to  Zidon  and 
Tyre,  and  after  visiting  all  Judah  to  Beersheba 
reached  Jerus  again  within  10  months.  The  ac- 
quisition of  the  temple-site  then  closes  the  book. 

(1)  Solomon's  provinces. — The  Books  of  K  con- 
tain also  some  interesting  questions  of  geography. 

Solomon's  twelve  provinces  appear  to 
5.  Books  answer  very  closely  to  the  lots  of  the 
of  Kings        twelve  tribes  described  in  Josh.    They 

included  (1  K  4  7-19)  the  following: 
(a)  Ephraim,  (6)  Dan,  (c)  Southern  Judah  (see  Josh 
12  17),  {d)  Manasseh,  (e)  Issachar,  (/)  Northern 
Gilead  and  Bashan,  (g)  Southern  Gilead,  (h)  Naph- 
tali,  (i)  Asher,  (j)  part  of  Issachar  and  probably 
Zebulun  (the  text  is  doubtful,  for  the  order  of  ver 
17  differs  in  LXX),  {k)  Benjamin,  (I)  Reuben. 
LXX  renders  the  last  clause  (ver  19),  "and  one 
Naseph  [i.e.  "officer"]  in  the  land  of  Judah" — 
probably  superior  to  the  other  twelve.  Solomon's 
dominions  included  Philistia  and  Southern  Syria, 
and  stretched  along  the  trade  route  by  Tadmor 
(Palmyra)  to  Tiphsah  on  the  Euphrates  (vs  21.24; 
cf  9  18  =  Tamar;  2  Ch  8  4  =  Tadmor).  Another 
Tiphsah  (now  Tafsah)  lay  6  miles  S.W.  of  Shechem 
(2  K  15  16).  Gezer  was  presented  to  Solomon's 
wife  by  the  Pharaoh  (1  K  9  16). 

(2)  Geography  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. — -Jero- 
boam was  an  Ephraimite  (11  26)  from  Zereda, 
probably  Surdah,  2  miles  N.W.  of  Bethel,  but  the 
LXX  reads  "Sarira,"  which  might  be  Sarra,  IJ 
miles  E.  of  Shiloh.  After  the  revolt  of  the  ten  tribes, 
"Shishak  king  of  Egypt"  (11  40;  14  25)  sacked 
Jerus.  His  own  record,  though  much  damaged, 
shows  that  he  not  only  invaded  the  mountains  near 
Jerus,  but  that  he  even  conquered  part  of  Galilee. 
The  border  between  Israel  and  Judah  lay  S.  of 
Bethel,  where  Jeroboam's  calf-temple  was  erected 
(12  29),  Ramah  (er-Rdm)  being  a  frontier  town  with 
Geba  and  Mizpah  (15  17.22) ;  but  after  the  Syrian 
raid  into  Galilee  (ver  20),  the  capital  of  Israel  was 
fixed  at  Tirzah  (ver  21),  a  place  celebrated  for  its 
beauty  (Cant  6  4),  and  perhaps  to  be  placed  at 
Teia^ir,  about  11  miles  N.E.  of  Shechem,  in  ro- 
mantic scenery  above  the  Jordan  valley.  Omri 
reigned  here  also  for  six  years  (16  23)  before  he 
built  Samaria,  which  remained  the  capital  till  722 
BC.  Samaria  appears  to  have  been  a  city  at  least 
as  large  as  Jerus,  a  strong  site  5  miles  N.W.  of 
Shechem,  commanding  the  trade  route  to  its  west. 
It  resisted  the  Assyrians  for  3  years,  and  when  it 
fell  Sargon  took  away  27,290  captives.  Excava- 
tions at  the  site  will,  it  may  be  hoped,  yield  results 
of  value  not  as  yet  published.     See  next  article. 

The  wanderings  of  Elijah  extended  from  Zaro- 
phath  (Surafend),  S.  of  Sidon,  to  Sinai.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  Brook  Cherith  (17  3)  where — according 


to  one  reading — "the  Arabs  brought  him  bread  and 
flesh"  (17  6)  is  not  known.  The  site  of  this  great 
contest  with  the  prophets  of  the  Tyrian  Baal  is 
supposed  to  be  at  el  Mahrakah  ("the  place  of  burn- 
ing") at  the  southeastern  end  of  the  Carmel  ridge. 
Some  early  king  of  Israel  perhaps,  or  one  of  the 


f 

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S 

w 

Brook  Cherith  (Looking  N.E.). 

judges  (cf  Dt  33  19),  had  built  an  altar  to  Jeh 
above  the  Kishon  (1  K  18  20.40)  at  Carmel;  but, 
as  the  water  (ver  33)  probably  came  from  the 
river,  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  altar  was  on  the 
"topof  Carmel,"  1,.500  ft.  above, from  which  Elijah's 
servant  had  full  view  of  the  sea  (vs  42.43).  Elijah 
must  have  run  before  Ahab  no  less  than  15  miles, 
from  the  nearest  point  on  Carmel  (ver  46)  to  Jez- 
reel,  and  the  journey  of  the  Shunaminito  woman 
to  find  Elisha  (2  K  4  25)  was  equally  long.  The 
vineyard  of  Naboth  in  Jezreel  (1  K  21  1)  was 
perhaps  on  the  east  of  the  city  (now  ZerHn),  where 
rock-cut  wine  presses  exist.  In  the  account  of  the 
ascension  of  Elijah,  the  expression  "went  down  to 
Bethel"  (2  K  2  2)  is  difficult,  if  he  went  "from 
Gilgal"  (ver  1).  The  town  intended  might  be 
Jiljilia,  on  a  high  hill  7  miles  N.  of  Bethel.  LXX, 
however,  reads  "they  came." 

(3)  Places  connected  with  Elisha. — The  home  of 
Elisha  was  at  Abel-meholah  (1  K  19  16)  in  the 
Jordan  valley  (Jgs  7  22),  probably  at  ^Ain  Helweh, 
10  miles  S.  of  Beth-shan.  If  we  suppose  that  Ophel 
(2  K  6  24  RVm),  where  he  lived,  was  the  present 
'AfUleh,  it  is  not  only  easy  to  understand  that  he 
would  often  "pass  by"  Shunem  (which  lay  between 
Ophel  and  Abel-meholah),  but  also  how  Naaman 
might  have  gone  from  the  palace  of  Jezreel  to  Ophel, 
and  thence  to  the  Jordan  and  back  again  to  Ophel 
(vs  6.14.24),  in  the  course  of  a  single  day  in  his 
chariot.  The  road  down  the  valley  of  Jezreel  was 
easy,  and  up  it  Jehu  afterward  drove  furiously, 
coming  from  Ramoth  in  Gilead,  and  visible  afar 
off  from  the  wall  of  Jezreel  (9  20).  The  'top  of  the 
ascents'  (ver  13),  at  Ramoth,  refers  no  doubt  to  the 
high  hill  on  which  this  city  (now  Reinfdii)  stood  as 
a  strong  fortress  on  the  border  between  Israel  and 
the  Syrians.  The  flight  of  Ahaziah  of  Judah,  from 
Jezreel  was  apparently  N.  by  Gur  [Kara),  4  miles 
W.  of  Ibleam  {Yebla),  on  the  road  to  "the  garden 
house"  [Beit  Jenn),  and  thence  by  Megiddo  [Mu- 
jedda')  down  the  Jordan  valley  to  Jerus  (9  27.28). 
Of   the  rebellion   of   Moab    (2  K  1  1;   3  4)   it  is 


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enough  to  point  out  here  that  King  Mesha's  account 
on  the  M  S  agrees  with  the  OT,  even  in  the  minute 
detail  that  "men  of  Gad  dwelt  in  Ataroth  from  of 
old"  (cf  Nu  32  34),  though  it  lay  in  the  lot  of 
Reuben. 

The  topographical  notices  in  the  boolcs  irritten  after 
the  captivity  require  but  short  notice.     The  Benjamltes 
built  up  Lod  (Ludd),  Ono  {Kcfr  'Ana)  and 
6.  Post-  Aijalon  (Yalo),  wtuch  were  in  the  lot  of 

exilic  Dan  (1  Ch  8  12;    Neh  11  36),  and  it  is 

„.  .  .  ,  worthy  of  note  that  Lod  (Lydda)  is  not 
rlistoncal  to  be  regarded  as  a  new  town  simply  bo- 
Books  cause  not  mentioned  in  the  earlier  books; 

for  Lod  is  mentioned  (no.  64)  with  Ono 
in  the  lists  of  Thothmes  III,  a  century  before  the  Heb 
conquest  of  Pal.  The  author  of  Ch  had  access  to  in- 
formation not  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  the  OT.  His 
list  of  Rehoboam's  fortresses  (2  Ch  11  6-10)  includes 
14  towns,  most  of  which  were  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
diminished  kingdom  of  Judah,  some  being  noticed 
(such  as  Shoco  and  Adoraim)  in  the  list  of  Shishak's 
conquests.  He  speaks  of  the  "valley  of  Zephathah" 
(14  10).  now  Wdrly  ^ifieh,  which  is  otherwise  unnoticed, 
and  places  it  correctly  at  Marcshah  (Mcr'ash)  on  the  edge 
of  the  Phili  plain.  He  is  equally  clear  about  the  topog- 
raphy in  describing  the  attack  on  Jehoshaphat  by  the 
Ammonites,  IMoabites  and  Edomites.  They  camped  at 
En-gedi  ('  Ain  Jidi),  and  marched  W.  toward  Tokoa 
iTeku'a);  and  the  thanksgiving  assembly,  after  the 
Heb  victory,  was  in  the  valley  of  Beracah  (2  Ch  20 
1.20.26),  which  retains  its  name  as  BreikUt,  4  miles  W. 
of  Tekoa. 

IV.   Palestine  in  the  Poetic  Books  of  the  OT. — 

In  Job  the  scene  is  distinctively  Edomite.     Uz  (Job 
1  1;   cf  Gen  22  21  ERV;   Jcr  25  20; 
1.  Book         Lam  4  21)    and    Buz    (Job  32  2;    cf 
of  Job  Gen  22  21)  are  the  Assyr  Hazu  and 

Bazu  reached  by  Esarhaddon  in  67.3 
BC  S.  of  Edom.  Tema  and  Sheba  (Job  6  19)  are 
noticed  yet  earlier,  by  Tiglath-pileser  III,  and  Sar- 
gon,  who  conquered  the  Thamudites  and  Naba- 
taeans.  We  have  also  the  conjunction  of  snowy 
mountains  and  ice  (Job  6  16)  with  notice  of  the 
desert  and  the  'Arabah  valley  (24  5),  which  could 
hardly  apply  to  any  region  except  Edom.  Again, 
we  have  a  nomad  population  dwelling  close  to  a  city 
(29  4-7) — perhaps  Petra,  or  Md'an  in  Edom. 
There  were  mines,  not  only  in  the  Sinaitic  desert, 
but  at  Punon  in  Northern  Edom  (cf  28  2-11).  The 
white  broom  (30  4)  is  distinctive  of  the  deserts  of 
Moab  and  Edom.  The  wild  ass  and  the  ostrich 
(39  .5.13)  are  now  known  only  in  the  desert  E.  of 
Edom;  while  the  stork  (39  13  RVm)  could  have 
been  found  only  in  the  'Arabah,  or  in  the  Jordan 
valley.  The  wild  ox  (39  9  RV),  or  Bos  primi- 
genius,  is  now  extinct  (LXX  "unicorn,"  Nu  23  22; 
bt  33  17), though  itsbones  occurinLebanoncaves. 
It  was  hunted  about  1130  BC  in  Syria  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  I  (cf  Ps  29  6),  and  is  mentioned  as  late  as 
the  time  of  Isaiah  (34  7)  in  connection  with  Edom; 
its  Heb  name  (f'e-m)  is  the  Assyr  rimu,  attached 
to  a  representation  of  the  beast.  As  regards  the 
crocodile  ("leviathan,"  41  1),  it  was  evidently  well 
known  to  the  writer,  who  refers  to  its  strong,  musky 
smell  (ver  31),  and  it  existed  not  only  in  Egypt  but 
in  Pal,  and  is  still  found  in  the  Crocodile  River,  N. 
of  Caesarca  in  Sharon.  Behemoth  (40  1.5),  though 
commonly  supposed  to  be  the  hippopotamus,  is 
more  probably  the  elephant  (on  account  of  its 
long  tail,  its  trunk,  and  its  habit  of  feeding  in 
mountains,  vs  17.20.24);  and  the  elephant  was 
known  to  the  Assyrians  in  the  9th  cent.  BC,  and  was 
found  wild  in  herds  on  the  Euphrates  in  the  16th 
cent.  BC.  The  physical  allusions  in  Job  seem 
clearly,  as  a  rule,  to  point  to  Edom,  as  do  the  geo- 
graphical names;  and  though  Christian  tradition 
in  the  4th  cent.  AD  (St.  Silvia,  47)  placed  Uz  in 
Bashan,  the  LXX  (42  IS)  defines  it  as  lying  "on 
the  boundary  of  Edom  and  Arabia."  None  of  these 
allusions  serves  to  fix  dates,  nor  do  the  peculiarities 
of  the  language,  though  they  suggest  Aram,  and 
Arab,  influences.  The  mention  of  Babylonians  (1 
17)   {Kasdim)    as  raiders  may,  however,  point  to 


about  600  BC,  since  they  could  not  have  reached 
Edom  except  from  the  N.,  and  did  not  appear  in 
Pal  between  the  time  of  Amraphel  (who  only  reached 
Kadesh-bamea) ,  and  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  It  is  at 
least  clear  (24  1-12)  that  this  great  poem  was 
written  in  a  time  of  general  anarchy,  and  of  Arab 
lawlessness. 

In  the  Pss  there  are  many  allusions  to  the  natural 
phenomena  of  Pal,  but  there  is  very  little  detailed  topog- 
raphy. "  The  mountain  of  Bashan"  (Ps  68 
•)  Rnolr  of  L5)  rises  E.  of  the  plateau  to  5,700  ft.  above 
i.  J30UK  ui  sea-level;  bub  Zalmon  (ver  14)  is  an  un- 
Fsalms  known  mountain   (cf  Zalmon,  Jgs  9  48). 

This  Ps  might  well  refer  to  David's  con- 
quest of  Damascus  (2  S  8  6),  as  Ps  72  refers  to  the 
time  of  Solomon,  being  the  last  in  the  original  collection 
of  "prayers  of  David"  (ver  20).  In  Ps  83  (vs  6-S)  we 
find  a  confederacy  of  Edom,  Ishmael,  Moab  and  the 
Hagarenes  (or  "wanderers"  E.  of  Pal;  cf  1  Ch  5  18-22) 
with  Gebal  (in  Lebanon),  Ammon,  Amalek,  and  Tyre, 
all  in  alliance  with  Assyria — a  condition  which  first 
existed  in  732  BC,  when  Tiglath-pileser  III  conquered 
Damascus.  The  reference  to  the  "northern"  ("hid- 
den") tribes  points  to  this  date  (ver  3),  since  this  con- 
queror made  captives  also  in  Galilee  (2  K  15  29;  1  Ch 
5  26;    Isa  9  1). 

In  Prov  the  allusions  are  more  peaceful,  but  not 
geographical.  They  refer  to  agriculture  (3  10;  11  26; 
12  11;  25  13),  to  trade  (7  16;  31  14.24) 
^  Bnolr  nf  and  to  flocks  (27  23-27).  The  most 
o.  ijuuit  ui  remarkable  passage  (26  8)  reads  literaUy. 
froverDS  "As  he  that  packs  a  stone  into  the  stone- 
heap,  so  is  he  that  giveth  honor  to  a  fool." 
Jerome  said  that  this  referred  to  a  superstitious  custom ; 
and  the  erection  of  stone  heaps  at  graves,  or  round  a 
pillar  (Gen  31  4.5.46),  is  a  widely  spread  and  very  an- 
cient custom  (still  preserved  by  Arabs) ,  each  stone  being 
the  memorial  of  a  visitor  to  the  spot,  who  thus  honors 
either  a  local  ghost  or  demon,  or  a  dead  man — a  rite 
which  was  foolish  in  the  eyes  of  a  Hebrew  of  the  age  in 
which  this  verse  was  written  (see  Expos  T,  VIII,  399, 
524). 

The  geography  of  Cant  is  specially  important  to  a 
right  understanding  of  this  bridal  ode  of  the  Syrian 

princess  who  was  Solomon's  first  bride. 
4.  Song  of  It  is  not  confined,  as  some  critics  say 
Songs  it  is,  to  the  north,  but  includes  the 

whole  of  Pal  and  Syria.  The  writer 
names  Kedar  in  North  Arabia  (1  5)  and  Egypt, 
whence  horses  came  in  Solomon's  time  (19;  IK 
10  28.29).  He  knows  the  henna  (AV  "camphire") 
and  the  vineyards  of  En-gedi  (1  14),  where  vine- 
yards still  existed  in  the  12th  cent.  AD.  He  speaks 
of  the  "rose"  of  Sharon  (2  1),  as  well  as  of  Lebanon, 
with  Shenir  (Assyr  Saniru)  and  Hermon  (4  8) 
above  Damascus  (7  4).  He  notices  the  pastoral 
slopes  of  Gilead  (6  5),  and  the  brown  pool,  full  of 
small  fish,  in  the  brook  below  Heshbon  (7  4),  in 
Moab.  The  locks  of  the  "peaceful  one"  (6  13, 
Vulg  pacified)  are  like  the  thick  copses  of  Carmel; 
'the  king  is  caught  in  the  tangles'  (7  5).  See 
Galleey.  She  is  "beautiful  as  Tirzah  [in  Samaria], 
comely  as  Jerus,  terrible  to  look  at"  (6  4AV).  She 
is  a  garden  and  a  "paradise"  ("orchard")  of  spices 
in  Lebanon,  some  of  which  spices  (calamus,  cin- 
namon, frankincense  and  myrrh)  have  come  from 
far  lands  (4  12-15).  Solomon's  vineyard — another 
emblem  of  the  bride — (1  6;  8  11)  was  in  Baal- 
hamon,  which  some  suppose  to  be  Baal-hermon, 
still  famous  for  its  vineyards.  He  comes  to  fetch 
her  from  the  wilderness  (3  6);  and  the  dust  raised 
by  his  followers  is  like  that  of  the  whirlwind  pillars 
which  stalk  over  the  dry  plains  of  Bashan  in  sum- 
mer. The  single  word  "paradise"  (4  13  m)  is  hardly 
evidence  enough  to  establish  late  date,  since — 
though  used  in  Pors — its  etymology  and  origin  are 
unknown.  The  word  for  "nuts"  (Heb  'eghoz)  is 
also  not  Pors  (6  11),  for  the  Arab,  word  y=>-\,  jauz, 

is  Sem,  and  means  a  "pair,"  applying  to  the  walnut 
which  abounds  in  Shechem.  The  "rose  of  Sharon" 
(2  1),  according  to  the  Tg,  was  the  white  "narcis- 
sus"; and  the  Heb  word  occurs  also  in  Assyr 
{haha^illatu),  as  noted  by  Delitzsch  (quoting  WAI, 
V,  32,  no.  4),  referring  to  a  white  bulbous  plant. 


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Palestine 


Sharon  in  spring  is  covered  still  with  wild  narcissi, 
Ara,b.  bu^eil  (cf  Isa  35  1.2).  There  is  perhaps  no 
period  when  such  a  poem  is  more  likely  to  have 
been  written  than  in  the  time  of  Solomon,  when 
Israel  "dwelt  safely,  every  man  under  his  vine  and 
under  his  fig-tree"  (1  K  4  25);  when  the  roe  and 
the  fallow  deer  (Cant  2  17;  1  K  4  23)  abounded; 
and  when  merchants  (Cant  3  6)  brought  "powders" 
from  afar;  when  also  the  dominion  included  Damas- 
cus and  Southern  Lebanon,  as  well  as  Western  Pal 
with  Gilead  and  Moab.     See  also  Song  of  Songs. 

V.  Palestine    in     the    Prophets.— Isaiah     (1  8) 
likens  Zion,  when  the  Assyr  armies  were  holding 

Samaria,  Moab  and  Phihstia,  to  "a 
1.  Isaiah        booth   in   a   vineyard,    a   lodge   in   a 

garden  of  cucumbers."  He  refers  no 
doubt  to  a  "tower"  (Mt  21  33),  or  platform,  such 
as  is  to  be  found  beside  the  rock-cut  wine  press  in 
the  deserted  vineyards  of  Pal ;  and  such  as  is  still 
built,  for  the  watchman  to  stand  on,  in  vineyards 
and  vegetable  gardens. 

The    chief    topographical    question     (10  28-32) 


S'wmieh,  2  miles  S.W.  of  Heshbon  (Hesbdn) — is  said 
to  have  had  vines  reaching  to  Jazer  {Sa'aur,  6  miles 
to  the  N.) ;  and  rock-cut  wine  presses  still  remain  at 
Sibmah  (Isa  16  8;  Jer  48  32).  The  Bozrah  men- 
tioned with  Edom  (Isa  34  6;  63  1;  Jer  49  13.22; 
Mio  2  12)  is  probably  BuKeirah,  near  the  southern 
border  of  Moab.  In  the  last-cited  passage  there  is 
a  play  on  the  words  haQrah  ("fortress")  and  bograh 
for  "sheepfold." 

In  Jer  (1  1),  Anathoth  {'Andta)  is  mentioned  as  a 
priests'  city  (cf  1  K  2  26).  The  "place"  or  shrine 
of  Shiloh  was  deserted  (Jer  7  12),  but 
2.  Jeremiah  the  town  seems  still  to  have  been  in- 
habited (41  5).  The  "pit"  at  Mizpah 
(vs  6-9)  may  have  been  the  great  rock  reservoir  S. 
of  Tell  en-Nasheh.  The  Moabite  towns  noticed 
(48  l-.5.20-24.:31-45;  49  3)  with  Rabbah  ('AmTjidn) 
have  been  mentioned  as  occurring  in  the  parallel 
passages  of  Isa.  The  numerous  petty  kings  in  Edom, 
Moab,  Philistia,  Phoenicia,  and  Arabia  (25  20-24) 
recall  those  named  in  Assyr  lists  of  the  same  age. 
Lam  4  3  recalls  Job  39  14  in  attributing  to  the 


Pilgrims  Bathing  in  the  Jordan. 


refers  to  the  Assyr  advance  from  the  north,  when 
the  outposts  covered  the  march  through  Samaria 
(whether  in  732,  722,  or  702  BC)  to  Philistia.  They 
extended  on  the  left  wing  to  Ai  (Haydn),  Michmash 
(Mukhrnds),  and  Geba,  S.  of  the  Michmash  valley 
iJeba'),  leading  to  the  flight  of  the  villagers,  from 
Ramah  {er-R&m)  and  the  region  of  Gibeah— which 
included  Ramah,  with  Geba  (1  S  22  6)  and  Mi- 
gron  (1  S  14  2)  or  "the  precipice."  They  were 
alarmed  also  at  Gallim  {Beit  Jdla),  and  Anathoth 
CAndta),  near  Jerus;  yet  the  advance  ceased  at 
Nob  (cf  Neh  11  32)  where,  as  before  noted,  the 
first  glimpse  of  Zion  would  be  caught  if  Nob  was 
at  or  near  Mizpah  (Tell  en  Na^beh),  on  the  mam 
north  road  leading  W.  of  Ramah. 

Another  passage  refers  to  the  towns  of  Moab  (Isa 
15  1-6),  and  to  Nimrim  ( Tell  Nimrtn)  and  Zoar  ( Tell 
esh  ShdghUr)  in  the  valley  of  Shittim.  The  ascent 
of  Luhith  (ver  5)  is  the  present  Tal'at  el  Heilh,  on 
the  southern  slope  of  Nebo  {Jehel  Neba).  The 
curious  term  "a  heifer  of  three  years  old"  (cf  Jer 
48  34  m)  is  taken  from  LXX,  but  might  better  be 
rendered  "a  round  place  with  a  group  of  three"  (see 
Eglath-shelishiyah)  .  It  is  noticed  with  the  "high 
places"  of  Moab  (Isa  15  2;  Jer  48  35),  and  prob- 
ably refers  to  one  of  those  large  and  ancient  stone 
circles,  surrounding  a  central  group  of  three  rude 
pillars,  which  still  remain  m  Moab  {bhl  ,  I,  1»'. 
203, 233)  near  Nebo  and  Zoar.     Sibmah— probably 


ostrich  want  of  care  for  her  young,  because  she 
endeavors  (like  other  birds)  to  escape,  and  thus 
draws  away  the  hunter  from  the-hest.  This  verse 
should  not  be  regarded  as  showing  that  the  author 
knew  that  whales  were  mammals,  since  the  word 
"sea-monsters"  (AV)  is  more  correctly  rendered 
"jackals"  (RV)  or  "wild  beasts." 

In  Ezk  (ch  27),  Tyre  appears  as  a  city  with  a 
very  widespread  trade  extending  from  Asia  Minor 
to  Arabia  and  Egypt,  and  from  Assyria 
3.  Ezekiel  to  the  isles  (or  "coasts")  of  the  Medi- 
terranean. The  "oaks  of  Bashan" 
(27  6;  Isa  2  13;  Zee  11  2)  are  still  found  in  the 
S.W.  of  that  region  near  Gilead.  Judah  and  Israel 
then  provided  wheat,  honey,  oil  and  balm  for 
export  as  in  the  time  of  Jacob.  Damascus  sent 
white  wool  and  the  wine  of  Helbon  (Helbon),  13 
miles  N.,  where  fine  vineyards  still  exist.  The 
northern  border  described  (47  15-18)  is  the  same 
that  marked  that  of  the  dominions  of  David,  running 
along  the  Eleutherus  River  toward  Zedad  (Sudud) . 
It  is  described  also  in  Nu  34  8-11  as  passing  Riblah 
(Riblah)  and  including  Ain  (el  'Ain),  a  village  on 
the  western  slopes  of  the  Anti-Lebanon,  E.  of  Rib- 
lah. In  this  passage  (as  in  Ezk  47  IS)  the  Hauran 
(or  Bashan  plain)  is  excluded  from  the  land  of 
Israel,  the  border  following  the  Jordan  valley, 
which  seems  to  point  to  a  date  earlier  than  the  time 
when  the  Havvoth-jair  (Nu  32  41;  .Dt  3  14;  Josh 


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2220 


13  30;  Jgs  10  4;  1  K  4  13;  1  Ch  2  23),  in 
Gilead  and  Bashan,  were  conquered  or  built — 
possibly  after  the  death  of  Joshua.  The  southern 
border  of  the  land  is  described  by  Ezekiel  (47  19) 
as  reaching  from  Kadesh  (-barnea) — probably  Petra 
— to  Tamar,  which  seems  to  be  Tamrah,  6  miles 
N.E.  of  Gaza. 

In  the  Minor  Prophets  there  are  fewer  topo- 
graphical notices.  Hosea  (12  11)  speaks  of  the 
altars  of  Gilead  and  Gilgal  as  being 
4.  Minor  "as  heaps  in  the  furrows  of  the  fields." 
Prophets  He  perhaps  alludes  to  the  large  dolmen- 
fields  of  this  region,  which  still  charac- 
terize the  country  E .  of  the  Jordan .  He  also  perhaps 
speaks  of  human  sacrifice  at  Bethel  (13  2).  In  Joel 
(1  12)  the  apple  tree  (Heb  tappWh,  Arab,  tuffah) 
is  noticed  (cf  Cant  2  3.5;  8  5),  and  there  seems 
to  be  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  apple  was  culti- 
vated, since  el  Mukaddasi  mentions  "excellent 
apples"  at  Jerus  in  the  10th  cent.  AD,  though 
it  is  not  now  common  in  Pal.  The  sycamore  fig 
(Am  7  14),  which  was  common  in  the  plains  and 
in  the  sh'phelah  (1  K  10  27),  grew  also  near  Jericho 
(Lk  19  4),  where  it  is  still  to  be  found.  In  Mic 
(1  10-15),  a  passage  which  appears  to  refer  to  Heze- 
kiah's  reconquest  of  the  sh'phelah  towns  and  attack 
on  Gaza  before  702  BC  (2  K  18  8;  2  Ch  28  18) 
gives  a  list  of  places  and  a  play  on  the  name  of  each. 
They  include  Gath  (Tell  es  Safi),  Saphir  (es  Sdfir), 
Lachish  (Tell  d-Hesy),  Achzib  CAin  Kezbeh),  and 
Mareshah  (Mer'ash) :  "the  glory  of  Israel  shall  come 
even  unto  Adullam"  C Aid-el-ma)  perhaps  refers  to 
Hezekiah  himself  (Mic  1  15).  After  the  captiv- 
ity Philistia  (Zee  9  5)  was  still  independent.  See 
Philistines.  The  meaning  of  the  "mourning  of 
Hadadrimmon  in  the  Valley  of  Megiddon"  (Zee  12 
11)  is  disputed.  Jerome  (see  Beland,  Pal  Illusir., 
II,  891)  says  that  the  former  of  these  names  referred 
to  a  town  near  Jezreel  (Maximiauopolis,  now  Rum- 
maneh,  on  the  western  side  of  the  plain  of  Esdra- 
elon),  but  the  mourning  "for  an  only  son"  was 
probably  a  rite  of  the  Syrian  god  called  Hadad,  or 
otherwise  Rimmon,  like  the  mourning  for  Tammuz 
(Ezk  8  14). 

VI.    Palestine  in  the  Apocrypha. — The  Book  ot  Jth  is 

regarded  by  Renan  {Evangiles,  1877,  29)  as  a  Haggddhd^ 
or  legend,  written  in  Heb  in  74  AD.  It 
is  remarkable,  however,  that  its  geo- 
graphical allusions  are  very  correct. 
Judith  was  apparently  of  the  tribe  of  Ma- 
nasseh  (8  2.3) ;  and  her  husband,  who  bore 
this  name,  was  buried  between  Dothaim  (Tell  Dolhin) 
and  Balamon  (in  W&dy  Belameh),  E.  of  Dothan.  Her 
home  at  Bethulia  was  thus  probably  at  Mithilieh,  on  a 
high  hill  (6  11.12),  5  miles  S.E.  of  Dothan  (SWP,  II, 
156),  in  the  territory  of  Manasseh.  The  requirements 
of  the  narrative  are  well  met;  for  this  village  is  supplied 
only  by  wells  (7  1.3.20),  though  there  are  springs  at  the 
foot  of  the  hUl  to  the  S.  (7  7.12),  while  there  is  a  good 
view  over  the  valley  to  the  N.  (10  10),  and  over  the 
plain  of  Esdraelon  to  Nazareth  and  Tabor.  Other 
mountains  surround  the  village  (15  3).  The  camp  of 
the  invaders  reached  from  Dothan  to  Belmaim  (Balamon) 
from  W.  to  E.,  and  their  rear  was  at  Cyamon  (Tell 
KeimHn),  at  the  foot  of  Carmel.  The  Babylonians 
were  allied  with  tribes  from  Carmel,  Gilead  and  Galilee 
on  the  N.  with  the  Samaritans,  and  with  others  from 
Betane  (probably  Beth-anoth,  now  Beit  'Ainun,  N".  of 
Hebron),  Chellus  (Klalash — the  later  Elusa — 8  miles 
S.W.  of  Beersheba),  and  Kades  ('  Ain  Kadis)  on  the  way 
to  Egypt.  Among  Samaritan  towns  S.  of  Shechem, 
Ekrebel  ('Akraheh)  and  Chusi  (KHzah)  are  mentioned, 
with  "the  brook  Mochmur"  (Wddu  el  Humr)  rising  N. 
of  Ekrebel  and  running  E.  into  the  Jordan. 

The  philosophical  Book  of  Wisd  has  no  references  to 

Pal;   and  in  Ecclus  the  only  allusions  are  to  the  palm  of 

En-gaddi  (24  14),  where  palms  still  exist, 

and  to  the  "rose  plant  in  Jericho"  (24  14; 

cf  39  13;  60  8);  the  description  of  the  rose 

as  "growing  by  the  brook  in  the  field" 

suggests     the     rhododendron     (Tristram, 

NHB,  477),  which  flourishes  near  the  Jordan  and  grows 

to  great  size  beside  the  brooks  of  Gilead. 

Judas  Maccahaeus. — The  flr.st  Book  of  Mace  is  a  val- 
uable history  going  down  to  13.5  BC,  and  its  geographical 
allusions  are  sometimes  important.     Modin,  the  home   I 


1.  Book  of 
Judith 


2.  Book  of 
Wisdom 


of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (2  15),  where  his  brother  Simon 
erected  seven  monuments  visible  from  the  sea  (9  19; 
13  25-30),  was  above  the  plain  in  which 
o  1  -fjfarro  Cedron  (Katrah,  5  miles  E.  of  Jamnia) 
o.  ±  ividCLd-  gjQ^^    (,jg-  ^Q^j    ^g  ^  gj     ^^^   jg   clearly 

Dees  the   present   viUage  el  Midieh  on  the  low 

hills  with  a  sea  view,  17  miles  from  Jerus 
and  6  miles  B.  of  Lydda,  near  which  latter  Eusebius 
(Onom  s.v.  "Modeim")  places  Modin.  The  first  victory 
of  Judas  (3  24)  was  won  at  Beth-horon,  and  the  second 
at  Emmaus  (' Amwds)  by  the  Valley  of  Aijalon — the 
scenes  of  Joshua's  victories  also. 

The  Greeks  next  attempted  to  reach  Jerus  from  the 
S.  and  were  again  defeated  at  Beth-zur  (4  29),  now 
Beit-siir,  on  the  watershed,  15  miles  S.  of  Jerus,  where  the 
road 'runs  through  a  pass.  Judas  next  (after  cleansing 
the  temple  in  165  BC)  marched  8.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  at- 
tacking the  Edomites  at  Arabattine  (perhaps  Akrabbim) 
and  penetrating  to  the  Moab  plateau  as  far  N.  as  Jazar 
(5  3-8).  On  his  return  to  Judaea  the  heathen  of  Gilead 
and  Bashan  rose  against  the  Israelites  of  Tubias  (ver 
13)  or  Tob  (Taiyibeh),  and  the  Phoenicians  against  the 
Galilean  Hebrews  who  were,  for  a  time,  withdrawn  to 
Jerus  untd  the  Hasmoneans  won  complete  independence 
(11  7.59).  In  the  regions  of  Northern  Gilead  and 
Southern  Bashan  (5  26.36.37)  Judas  conquered  Bosor 
(Bu.y),  Alema  (Kefr  el-ma),  Casphon  (Khisfln),  Maged 
(perhaps  el  Mejd,  N.  of  'Amm&n),  and  Camaim  (Ash- 
teroth-karnaim),  now  Tell  '  A  shier  ah.  The  notice  of  a 
"brook"  at  the  last-named  place  (ver  42)  is  an  interest- 
ing touch,  as  a  fine  stream  runs  S.  from  the  west  side  of 
the  town.  In  162  BC  Judas  was  defeated  at  Bathzach- 
arias  (6  32),  now  Beit  Skdria,  9  miles  S.  of  Jerus.  but  the 
cause  was  saved  by  a  revolt  in  Antioch ;  and  in  the  next 
year  he  defeated  Nicanor  near  Caphar-salama  (perhaps 
Selmeh,  near  Joppa),  and  slew  him  at  Adasah  (' Adaseh), 
8  miles  S.E.  of  Beth-horon  (7  31.40.45).  The  fatal 
battle  in  which  Judas  was  killed  (9  6.15)  was  fought 
also  near  Beth-horon.  He  camped  at  Eleasa  (Il'asa), 
close  by,  and  defeated  the  Greeks  on  his  right,  driving 
them  to  Mt.  Azotus  (or  Beth-zetho.  according  to  Jos 
[Ani.  XII,  xi,  2]),  apparently  near  Bir-ez-Zeit,  4  miles 
N.W.  of  Bethel;  but  the  Greeks  on  his  left  surrounded 
him  during  this  rash  pursuit. 

On  the  death  of  Judas,  Bacchides  occupied  Judaea 
and  fortified  the  frontier  towns  (9  50.51)  on  all  sides. 
Simon  and  Jonathan  were  driven  to  the  marshes  near  the 
Jordan,  but  in  159  BC  the  Greeks  made  peace  with 
Jonathan  who  returned  to  Michmash  (ver  73)  and  7 
years  later  to  Jerus  (10  1.7).  Three  districts  on  the 
southern  border  of  Samaria  were  then  added  to  Judaea 
(10  30;  11  34),  namely  Lydda,  Apherema  (or  Ephraim) 
now  Taiyibeh,  and  Ramathem  (er-Rdm);  and  Jonathan 
defeated  the  Greeks  in  Philistia  (10  69;  H  6).  Simon 
was  "captain"  from  the  "Ladder  of  Tyre"  (Rds  en 
Nakdrah),  or  the  pass  N.  of  Accho,  to  the  borders  of 
Egypt  (11  59);  and  the  Greeks  in  Upper  GalUee  were 
again  defeated  by  Jonathan,  who  advanced  from  Gen- 
nesaret  to  the  plain  of  Hazor  (Hazzur),  and  pursued  them 
even  to  Kedesh  Naphtali  (Kedes),  northward  (vs  63.73). 
He  was  victorious  even  to  the  borders  of  Hamath.  and  the 
Eleutherus  River  (Nahr  el  Kebtr),  N.  of  Tripolis,  and 
defeated  the  Arabs,  called  Zabadeans  (probably  at  Zeb- 
ddny  in  Anti-Lebanon),  on  his  way  to  Damascus  (12  25. 
30.32).  He  fortified  Adida  (HadUheh)  in  the  shopheldh 
(ver  38),  W.  of  Jerus,  where  Simon  awaited  the  Gr 
usurper  Tryphon  (13  13.20).  who  attempted  to  reach 
Jerus  by  a  long  detour  to  the  S.  near  Adoraim  (Dura), 
but  failed  on  account  of  the  snow  in  the  mountains. 
After  the  treacherous  capture  of  Jonathan  at  Accho,  and 
his  death  in  Gilead  (12  48;  13  23),  Simon  became  the 
ruler  of  all  Pal  to  Gaza  (13  43),  fortifying  Joppa,  Gezer 
and  Ashdod  (14  34)  in  140  BC.  Five  years  later  he 
won  a  final  victory  at  Cedron  (Katrah),  near  Jamnia 
(Yebnah),  but  was  murdered  at'  Dok  (16  15),  near 
Jericho,  which  site  was  a  small  fort  at  'Ain  Duk,  a  spring 
N.  of  the  city. 

The  second  Book  of  Mace  presents  a  contrast  to  the 
first  in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the  geography  is  easily 
understood.     Thus     the    site     of     Caspis 
4.  2  Macca-  ■"'*''  i*'^  l^^^e    (12  13.16)   is  doubtful.     It 
hppo  seems  to  be  placed  in  Idumaea,  and  Charax 

"CCS  may  be  the    fortress   of    Kerak  in   Moab 

(ver  17).  Ephron.  W.  of  Ashteroth- 
karnaim  (vs  26.27),  is  unknown;  and  Beth-shean  is  called 
by  Its  later  name  Scythopolis  (ver  29),  as  in  the  LXX 
(Jgs  1  27)  and  in  Jos  (Ant,  XII,  viii,  5;  vi,  1).  A  cu- 
rious passage  (13  4-6)  seems  to  refer  to  the  Pers  burial 
towers  (still  used  by  Parsees).  one  of  which  appears  to 
have  existed  at  Berea  (Aleppo),  though  this  was  not  a 
Gr  custom.     See  Asmoneans. 

VII.  Palestine  in  the  NT.— We  are  told  that 
Our  Lord  was  born  in  "Bethlehem  of  Judaea";  and 

the  theory  of  Neubauer,  adopted  by 
1.  Synoptic  Griitz,  that  Bethlehem  of  Zebulun 
Gospels         (Josh  19  15)— which  was  the  present 

Beil-Lahm,  7  miles  N.W.  of  Nazareth — 
is  to  be  understood,  is  based  on  a  mistake.     The 


2221 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Palestine 


Jews  expected  the  Messiah  to  appeur  in  the  home 
of  David  (Mic  5  2) ;  and  the  Northern  Bethlehem 
was  not  called  "of  Nazareth,"  as  asserted  by  Rix 
{Tenl  and  Teslmnent,  258);  this  was  a  conjectural 
readmg  by  Neubauer  {Geog.  du  Talm,  189),  but  the 
Talm  (Talm  Jerus,  M'ghillah  1  1)  calls  the  place 
Beihlehem-.frUh  (or  "of  balm"),  no  doubt  from  the 
storax  bush  (Styrax  officinalis)  or  stacto  (Ex  30  34), 
the  Arab,  'ahhar,  which  still  abounds  in  the  oak 
wood  close  by. 

(1)  Galilean  scenery. — The  greater  part  of  the 
life  of  Jesus  was  spent  at  Nazareth  in  Zebulun,  and 
the  ministry  at  Capernaum  in  Naphtali  (cf  Mt  4 
13-15;  Isa  9  1),  with  yearly  visits  to  Jerus.  The 
Gospel  narratives  and  the  symbohsm  of  the  para- 


Traditional  Mount  of  the  Precipitation  near  Nazareth. 

bles  constantly  recall  the  characteristic  features  of 
Galilean  scenery  and  nature,  as  they  remain  un- 
changed today.  The  "city  set  on  a  hill"  (Mt  5 
14)  may  be  seen  in  any  part  of  Pal;  the  lilies  of 
the  field  grow  in  all  its  plains;  the  "foxes  have 
holes"  and  the  sparrows  are  still  eaten;  the  vine- 
yard with  its  tower;  the  good  ploughland,  amid 
stony  and  thorny  places,  are  all  still  found  through- 
out the  Holy  Land.  But  the  deep  lake  surrounded 
by  precipitous  cliffs  and  subject  to  .sudden  storms, 
with  its  shoals  of  fish  and  its  naked  fishers;  the  cast 
nets  and  drag  nets  and  small  heavy  boats  of  the 
Sea  of  Galilee,  are  more  distinctive  of  the  Gospels, 
since  the  lake  is  but  briefly  noticed  in  the  OT. 

(2)  Nazareth  wa.s  a  little  village  in  a  hill  plateau 
N.  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  1,000  ft.  above  it. 


Plowing  near  Nazareth. 

The  name  (Heb  nagdrdh)  may  mean  "verdant," 
and  it  had  a  fine  spring,  but  it  is  connected  (Mt  2 
23)  in  the  Gospels  with  the  prophecy  of  the  "branch" 
(neQcr,  Isa  11  1)  of  the  house  of  David.  Its  popula- 
tion was  Hebrew,  for  it  possessed  a  synagogue  (Lk 
4  16).  The  "brow  of  the  hill  whereon  their  city 
was  built"  (4  29)  is  traditionally  the  "hill  of  the 
leap"  (Jebel  Kafsi),  2  miles  to  the  S.— a  cliff  over- 
looking the  plain.  Nazareth  was  not  on  any  grciit 
highway;  and  so  obscure  was  this  village  that  it  is 


unnoticed  in  the  OT,  or  by  Jos,  while  even  a  Gali- 
lean (Jn  1  46)  could  hardly  believe  that  a  prophet 
could  come  thence.  Jerome  (Onom  s.v.)  calls  it  a 
"village";  but  today  it  is  a  town  with  4,000  Chris- 
tians and  2,000  Moslems,  the  former  taking  their 
Arab,  name  (Nasarah)  from  the  home  of  their 
Master. 

(3)  Capernaum  (Mt  4  13;  9  1)  lay  on  the  shore 
of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  apparently  (Mt  14  .34; 
Jn  6  17)  in  the  little  plain  of  Gennesaret,  which 
stretches  for  3  miles  on  the  northwest  side  of  the 
lake,  and  which  has  a  breadth  of  2  miles.  It  may 
have  stood  on  a  low  cliff  (though  this  is  rendered 
doubtful  by  the  Sin.  MS  rendering  of  Mt  11  23— 
"Shalt  thou  be  exalted  unto  heaven?"),  and  it  was  a 
military  station  where  taxes  were  levied  (9  9),  and 
possessed  a  synagogue  (Mk  1  21;  Lk  4  3.3;  Jn 
6  59).  Christian  tradition,  since  the  4th  cent.  AD, 
has  placed  the  site  at  Tell  Htlm,  where  ruins  of  a 
synagogue  (probably,  however,  not  older  than  the 
2d  cent.  AD)  exist;  but  this  site  is  not  in  the  plain 
of  Gennesaret,  and  is  more  probably  K'phar  'Ahim 
(Talm  Bab,  M'naholk  85a).  Jewish  tradition 
(Midhrash  Koheleth,  vii.20)  connects  Capernaum 
with  minim  or  "heretics" — that  is  to  say  Chris- 
tians— whose  name  may  yet  linger  at  ^Ain  Minyeh 
at  the  north  end  of  the  plain  of  Gennesaret.  Jos 
states  {BJ,  III,  x,  8)  that  the  spring  of  Caper- 
naum watered  this  plain,  and  contained  the  catfish 
{coracinus)  which  is  still  found  in  'Aire  el  Mudaw- 
werah  ("the  round  spring"),  which  is  the  principal 
source  of  water  in  the  Gennesaret  oasis. 

(4)  The  site  of  Chorazin  (Kerdzeh)  has  never 
been  lost.  The  ruined  village  lies  about  2j  miles 
N.  of  Tell  Hum  and  possesses  a  synagogue  of  simi- 
lar character.  Bcthsaida  ("the  house  of  fishing") 
is  once  said  to  have  been  in  Gahlee  (Jn  12  21),  and 
Ileland  (Pal  Illuslr.,  II,  553-55)  thought  that  there 
were  two  towns  of  the  name.  It  is  certain  that  the 
other  notices  refer  to  Bethsaida,  called  Julias  by 
Herod  Philip,  which  Jos  {Ard,  XVIII,  ii,  1;  iv, 
6;  BJ,  III,  x,  7)  and  Pliny  {NH,  v.l5)  place  E. 
of  the  Jordan,  near  the  place  where  it  enters  the 
Sea  of  Galilee.  The  site  may  be  at  the  ruin  ed 
Dikkeh  ("the  platform"),  now  2  miles  N.  of  the  lake, 
but  probably  nearer  of  old,  as  the  river  deposit  has 
increased  southward.  There  are  remains  of  a  syna- 
gogue here  also.  The  two  miracles  of  feeding  the 
5,000  and  the  4,000  are  both  described  as  occurring 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  the  former  (Lk  9  10)  in  the  desert 
(of  Golan)  "belonging  to  the  city  called  Bethsaida" 
(AV).  The  words  (Mk  6  45  AV),  "to  go  to  the 
other  side  before  unto  Bethsaida,"  may  be  rendered 
without  any  straining  of  grammar,  "to  go  to  the 
side  opposite  to  Bethsaida."  For  the  disciples  are 
not  said  to  have  reached  that  citj';  but,  after  a 
voyage  of  at  least  3  or  4  miles  (Jn  6  17.19),  they 
arrived  near  Capernaum,  and  landed  in  Gennesaret 
(Mk  6  53),  about  5  miles  S.W.  of  the  Jordan. 

(5)  The  place  where  the  swine  rushed  down  a 
•steep  place  into  the  lake  (Mt  8  32;  Mk  5  1;  Lk  8 
26)  was  in  the  country  of  the  Gerasenes  (see  Vat. 
MS),  probably  at  Kersa  on  the  eastern  shore  oppo- 
site Tiberias,  where  there  is  a  steep  slope  to  the  water. 
It  should  be  noted  that  this  was  in  Decapolis  (Mk 
5  20),  a  region  of  "ten  cities"  which  lay  (except 
Scythopolis)  in  Southwest  Bashan,  where  a  large 
number  of  early  Gr  inscriptions  have  been  found, 
some  of  which  (e.g.  Vogiie-Waddington,  nos.  2412, 
2413)  are  as  old  as  the  1st  cent.  AD.  There  was 
evidently  a  Gr  jjopulation  in  this  region  in  the  time 
of  Our  Lord;  and  this  accounts  for  the  feeding  of 
swine,  otherwise  distinctive  of  "a  far  country"  (Lk 
15  13.15);  for,  while  no  Hebrew  would  have  tended 
the  unclean  beast  in  Pal,  the  Greeks  were  swine- 
herds from  the  time  at  least  of  Homer. 

(6)  The  site  of  Magadan-Magdala  (Mejdel)  was 


Palestine 

Pal  (Exploration) 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2222 


on  the  west  shore  at  the  S.W.  end  of  the  Gen- 
nesaret  plain  (Mt  15  39).  In  Mk  8  10  we  find 
Dalmanutha  instead.  Magdala  was  the  Heb 
mighdol  ("tower"),  and  Dalmanutha  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  Aram,  equivalent  {D'' almanfdha) 
meaning  '  'the  place  of  high  buildings' ' ;  so  that  there 
is  no  necessary  discrepancy  between  the  two  ac- 
counts. From  this  place  Jesus  again  departed  by 
ship  to  "the  other  side,"  and  reached  Bethsaida 
(Mt  16  5;  Mk  8  13.22),  traveling  thence  up  the 
Jordan  valley  to  Caesarea  Philippi  (Mt  16  13;  Mk 
8  27),  or  BdniCis,  at  the  Jordan  springs.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  "high  mountain  apart" 
(Mt  17  1)  was  Hermon.  The  very  name  signifies 
"separate,"  applying  to  its  solitary  dome;  and  the 
sudden  formation  of  cloud  on  the  summit  seems  to 
explain  the  allusion  in  Lk  9  34. 

(7)  ^  Other  allusions  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
referring  to  natural  history  and  customs,  include 
the  notice  of  domestic  fowls  (Mt  23  37;  26  34), 
which  are  never  mentioned  in  the  OT.  They  came 
from  Persia,  and  were  introduced  probably  after 
400  BC.  The  use  of  manure  (Lk  13  8)  is  also  un- 
noticed in  the  OT,  but  is  mentioned  in  the  Mish 
{Sh'hi'iOt,  ii.2),  as  is  the  custom  of  annually  whiten- 
ing sepulchers  (Mt  23  27;  Sh'kallm,  i.l).  The 
removal  of  a  roof  (Mk  2  4;  cf  Lk  5  19)  at  Caper- 
naum was  not  difficult,  if  it  resembled  those  of 
modern  Galilean  mud  houses,  though  the  Third 
Gospel  speaks  of  "tiles"  which  are  not  now  used. 
Finally,  the  presence  of  shepherds  with  their  flocks 
(Lk  2  8)  is  not  an  indication  of  the  season  of  the 
nativity,  since  they  remain  with  them  "in  the  field" 
at  all  times  of  the  year;  and  the  "manger"  (Lk  2 
7)  may  have  been  (as  tradition  affirmed  even  in  the 
2d  cent.  AD)  in  a  cave  like  those  which  have  been 
found  in  ruins  N.  and  S.  of  Hebron  {SWP,  III,  349, 
369)  and  elsewhere  in  Pal. 

(1)  The   topography   of   the   Fourth   Gospel   is 
important  as  indicating  the  writer's  personal  knowl- 
edge of  Pal;    for  he  mentions  several 
2.  Fourth      places  not  otherwise  noticed  in  the  NT. 
Gospel  Beth-abarah  (Jn  1  28,  RV  "Bethany"; 

10  40),  or  "the  house  of  the  crossing," 
was  "beyond  the  Jordan."  Origen  rejected  the  read- 
ing "Bethania,"  instead  of  Beth-abarah,  common  in 
his  time,  and  still  found  in  the  three  oldest  uncial 
MSS  in  the  4th  and  5th  cents.  AD.  The  place  was 
a  day's  journey  from  Cana  (cf  Jn  1  29.35.43;  2  1), 
which  may  have  been  at  ^Ain  Kdnd,  a  mile  N.  of 
Nazareth.  It  was  two  or  three  days'  distance  from 
Bethany  near  Jerus  (Jn  10  40;  11  3.6.17),  and 
would  thus  lie  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Jordan 
valley  where,  in  1874,  the  surveyors  found  a  ford 
well  known  by  the  name  'Abdrak,  N.  of  Beisd/i, 
in  the  required  situation.  John,  we  are  told, 
baptized  in  "all  the  region  round  about  the  Jor- 
dan" (Mt  3  5),  including  the  waters  of  "Mnon 
near  to  Salim"  (Jn  3  23).  There  is  only  one 
stream  which  answers  to  this  description,  namely 
that  of  Wddy  Fdr'ah,  N.E.  of  Shechem,  on  the 
boundary  of  Judaea  and  Samaria,  where  there  is 
"much  water."  ^non  would  be  'Ainiin,  4  miles 
N.,  and  Salim  is  Sdlim,  4  miles  S.  of  this  perennial 
affluent  of  the  Jordan. 

(2)  The  site  of  Sychar  (Sam  Iskar,  Arab.  ^Askar) 
near  Jacob's  well  (Jn  4  5.6)  lay  W.  of  Salim,  and 
just  within  the  Sam  border.  The  present  village 
is  only  half  a  mile  N.  of  the  well.  Like  the  preceding 
sites,  it  is  noticed  only  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  as  is 
Bethesda,  while  this  Gospel  also  gives  additional 
indications  as  to  the  position  of  Calvary.  The  town 
of  Ephraim,  "near  to  the  wilderness"  (11  54),  is 
noticed  earlier  (2  S  13  23;  cf  Ephraim,  2  Ch  13 
19  m),  and  appears  to  be  the  same  as  Aphcrema 
(I  Mace  11  34),  and  as  Ophrah  of  Benjamin  (Josh 
18  23;    1  S  13  17).     Eusebius  (Onom  s.v.)  places 


it  20  Rom  miles   N.  of  Jerus,  where   the   village 
Taiyiheh  looks  down  on  the  desert  of  Judah. 

In  the  Book  of  Acts  the  only  new  site,  unnoticed 
before,  is  that  of  Antipatris  (23  31).     This  stood 
at  the  head  of  the  stream  (Me-jarkon) 
3.  Book         which  runs   thence   to  the  sea  N.  of 
of  Acts  Joppa,  and  it  was  thus  the  half-way 

station  between  Jerus  and  the  sea- 
side capital  at  Caesarea.  The  site  is  now  called 
Rds  el  'Am  ("head  of  the  spring"),  and  a  castle, 
built  in  the  12th  cent.,  stands  above  the  waters. 
The  old  Rom  road  runs  close  by  {SWP,  II,  258). 
Caesarea  was  a  new  town,  founded  by  Herod  the 
Great  about  20  BC  {SWP,  II,  13-29).  It  was  even 
larger  than  Jerus,  and  had  an  artificial  harbor. 
Thence  we  may  leave  Pal  with  Paul  in  60  AD.  The 
reader  must  judge  whether  this  study  of  the  country 
does  not  serve  to  vindicate  the  sincerity  and  authen- 
ticity of  Bible  narratives  in  the  OT  and  the  NT  alike. 

Literature. — Though   the    lit.    connected   with    Pal 
is  enormous,  and  constantly  increasing,  the  number  of 
reaUy   original   and   scientihc  sources   of  knowledge   is 
(as  in  other  cascsj  not  large.    Besides  the  Bible,  and  Jos, 
the  Mish  contains  a  great  deal  of  valuable  information 
as  to  the  cultivation  and  civilization  of  Pal  about  the 
1st  and  2d  cents.  AD.     The  following  20  works  are  of 
primary  importance.     The  Onomasticon  of  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  shows  intimate  acquaintance  with  Pal  in  the 
4th  cent.  AD,  though  the  identification  of  Bible  sites  is 
as  often  wrong  as  right.     The  rabbinical  geography  is 
discussed    by   A.    Neubauer    {La    geographie   du    Talmud, 
1868),  and  the  scattered  notices  by  Gr  and  Rom  writers 
were  coUected  by  H.  Reland  {Palaestina  ex  monumentis 
veteribus  illuatrata,  2  vols,  1714).    The  first  really  scien- 
tific account  of  the  country  is  that  of  Dr.  E.  Robinson 
(Bib.   Researches,   1838,  and  Later  Bib.   Researches,   1852; 
in   3   vols,    1856).       The   Survey   of    Western    Pal    (7   vols, 
1883)  includes  the  present  writer's  account  of  the  natural 
features,   topography  and  surface  remains  of  all  ages, 
written    while   in    command    (1872-78)    of    the    1-inch 
trigonometric  survey.       The  Survey  of  Eastern  Pal  (I  vol, 
1889)  gives  his  account  of  JNIoab  and  Southern  Ciilcad, 
as  surveyed  in  1881-82.     The  natural  history  is  to  be 
studied  in  the  same  series,   and  in   Canon  Tristram's 
Natural  History  of  the  Bible,  1868.      The  geology  is  best 
given  by  L.  Lartet  {Essai  sur  la  geologie  de  la  Palestine) 
and  in  Professor  Hull's  Memoir  on  the  Geol.  and  Geog. 
of    Arabia    Petraea,    etc,    1886.      The    Archaeological   Re- 
searches of  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  (2  vols,  1896)  include 
his  discoveries  of  Gezer  and  Adullam.     Much  informa- 
tion is  scattered  through  the  PEFQ  (1864-1910)  and  in 
ZDPV.    G.S,c\mm.3,c\ier's  Across  the  Jordan,  18S5   Pclla 
1888,  and  Northern  ' AjlUn,  1890,  give  detailed  informa- 
tion  for    Northeast    Pal;     and    Lachish,    by    Professor 
Flinders  Petrie,  is  the  memoir  of  the  e.xcavations  which 
he  began  at  Tell  el-Hesy  (identified  in  1874  bv  the  present 
writer),  the  full  account  being  in  A   Mound  of  Mann 
Cities  by  P.  J.  Bliss,  1894.     Other  excavations,  at  Gath 
etc,  are  described  in  Eicavations  in  Pal  (1898-1900)    by 
F.  J.  Bliss,  R.  A.  S.  Macalister,  and  Professor  Wiinsch- 
while  the  memoir  of  his  excavations  at  Gezer  (2  vols)  has 
recently  been  published  by  Professor  Macalister.     For 
those  who  have  not  access  to  these  original  sources    The 
Historical   Geography   of  the   Holy   Land  by  Professor  G 
A.  Smith,  1894,  and  the  essay  (300  pp.)  by  Professor  D 
P.   Buhl   {Geographic   des  alien   Paldstina,    1896)   will    be 
found  useful.    The  best  guide  book  to  Pal  is  still  that  of 

?„^,'^.?®'^S?^>^""*,'^  ^^,  '^''-  ^-  ^^ot^'ti  iind  published  in  1876', 
1912.  -This  author  had  personal  acquaintance  with  the 
prmcipal  routes  of  the  country.  Only  standard  works 
of  reference  have  been  herein  mentioned,  to  which  French 
German  American,  and  British  explorers  and  scholars 
have  alike  contributed.     See  Jerds.\lem. 

_  C.    R.    CONDER 

PALESTINE  (RECENT  EXPLORATION): 

Preliminary  Consideration 
I.    Er.a.  of  Prepar.vtion 

1.  Outside  of  Palestine 

2.  In  Palestine 

(1)  Early  Christian  Period 

(2)  Period  of  Cursory  Observation 

(3)  Beginning  of  Scientific  Observation 
II.     Era  of  Scientific  Exploration 

1.  Period  of  Individual  Enterprise 
(1)   First  Trained  Explorers 

o    i,^^  '^.'?l  Climax  of  Individual  Exploration 

2.  Scientific  Cooperative  Surface  Exploration 
,^.      5,'  ^^o'**  Recent  Results  in  Surface  Exploration 
III.     Era  of  Scientific  Excavation 

1.  Southern  Palestine 

(1)  Tell  el-Hesy 

(2)  Excavations  in  Jerusalem 

(3)  Excavations  in  the  Shophelah 

(4)  Painted  "Tombs  of  Marissa" 


2223 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Palestine 

Pal  (Exploration) 


2.  Northern  Palestine 

(1)  Tell  Ta'anntk 

(2)  Tell  el-Mutesellim 

(3)  Tell  HUm 

3.  Eastern  Palestine 
Jericho 

4.  Central  Palestine 

(1)  Jerusalem 

(2)  Samaria 

(3)  ^  Ain  Shems 

(4)  Gezer 
Literature 

Previous  to  the  last  century,  almost  the  entire 
stock  of  knowledge  concerning  ancient  Pal,  in- 
cluding its  races,  laws,  languages. 
Preliminary  history  and  manners,  was  obtained 
Considera-  from  Jos  and  the  Bible,  with  a  few 
tion  brief   additional   references   given   by 

Gr  and  Rom  authors;  knowledge 
concerning  modern  Pal  was  limited  to  the  reports  of 
chance  travelers.  The  change  has  been  due  largely 
to  the  compelling  interest  taken  in  sacred  history 
and  the  "Holy  Oracles."  This  smallest  country 
in  the  world  has  aroused  the  spirit  of  exploration 
as  no  other  country  has  or  could.  It  has  largely 
stimulated  many  of  the  investigations  carried  on  in 
other  lands. 

/.  Era  of  Preparation. — Much  direct  information 
concerning  ancient  Pal,  absolutely  essential  to  the 
success  of  modern  exploration  in  that 
1.  Outside  land,  has  come  through  discoveries 
of  Palestine  in  other  countries;  but  due  in  many 
cases  to  Bib.  influence.  All  the  most 
important  Heb  and  Gr  MSS  and  VSS  of  the  Bible 
and  most  of  the  Jewish  Talm  and  apocryphal  and 
Wisdom  books  were  found  outside  of  Pal.  The 
pictures  of  its  population,  cities,  fortresses  and 
armies  give  a  color  and  perspective  to  its  ancient 
history  far  more  vivid  than  can  be  found  on  any  of 
its  own  contemporary  monuments.  The  records  of 
Thothmes  III  (15th  cent.  BC)  describing  the  cap- 
ture of  Megiddo  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  with  its 
vast  stores  of  "chariots  wrought  with  gold,"  bronze 
armor,  silver  and  ebony  statues,  ivory  and  ebony 
furniture,  etc,  and  of  his  further  capture  of  1 18  other 
Can.  towns,  many  of  which  are  well  known  from  the 
Bible,  and  from  which  he  takes  an  enormous  tribute 
of  war  materials,  golden  ornaments  and  golden 
dishes,  "too  many  to  be  weighed,"  find  no  parallel 
in  any  indigenous  record — such  records  even  if 
written  having  been  doomed  to  perish  because  of 
the  soil,  climate  and  character  of  the  rocks  W.  of  the 
Jordan.  So  c  1400  BC,  the  Am  Tab  (discovered  in 
1887)  mention  by  name  many  Bib.  cities,  and  give 
much  direct  information  concerning  the  political 
and  social  conditions  at  that  period,  with  at  least 
6  letters  from  the  governor  of  Jerus,  who  writes  to 
the  Pharaoh  news  that  the  Egyp  fleet  has  left  the 
coast,  that  all  the  neighboring  cities  have  been  lost 
to  Egypt,  and  that  Jerus  will  be  lost  unless  help 
can  be  had  quickly  against  the  invasion  of  the 
Khabiri.  The  literature  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty 
contains  many  Heb  names  with  much  information 
concerning  Goshen,  Pithom,  Canaan,  etc,  while  in 
one  huge  stele  of  Menephtah  the  Israelites  are 
mentioned  by  name.  Later  Egyp  Pharaohs  give 
almost  equally  important  knowledge  concerning 
Pal,  while  the  Assyr  texts  are  even  more  direct. 
The  black  obehsk  of  Shalmaneser  II  (9th  cent.) 
catalogues  and  pictures  the  tribute  received  from 
Jehu;  almost  every  king  of  the  8th  cent,  tells 
something  of  his  relations  with  the  rulers  of  Jerus 
or  Damascus,  throwing  immense  light  on  local 
pohtics,  and  the  later  Bab  records  give  vividly  the 
conditions  previous  to  and  during  the  exile,  while 
the  edict  of  Cyrus  gives  the  very  decree  by  virtue 
of  which  the  Jews  could  return  to  their  native  land. 
Later  discoveries,  like  the  CH  at  Susa  (1901),  the 
SendjirH  and  other  Aram,  texts  from  Northern 
Syria   (1890,   1908),  and  the  Elephantine  papyri. 


some  of  which  are  addressed  to  the  "sons  of  San- 
ballat"  and  describe  a  temple  in  Egypt  erected  to 
Yahu  (Jehovah)  in  the  5th  cent.  BC,  may  not  give 
direct  information  concerning  Pal,  but  are  important 
to  present  explorers  because  of  the  light  thrown  upon 
the  laws  of  Pal  in  patriarchal  times;  upon  the 
thought  and  language  of  a  neighboring  Sem  com- 
munity at  the  time  of  the  Monarchy;  upon  the 
religious  ritual  and  festivals  of  Nchcmiah's  day, 
and  upon  the  general  wealth  and  culture  of  the 
Jews  of  the  5th  cent.;  opening  up  al.so  for  the  first 
time  the  intimate  relations  which  existed  between 
Jerus  and  Samaria  and  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion. 
So  the  vast  amounts  of  Gr  papyri  found  recently 
in  the  Fayydm.  not  only  have  preserved  the  "Logia" 
and  "Lost  Gospels"  and  fragments  of  Scripture 
texts,  early  Christian  Egyp  ritual,  etc,  but  have 
given  to  scholars  for  the  first  time  contemporaneous 
examples  of  the  colloquial  language  which  the  Jews 
of  Pal  were  using  in  the  1st  cent.  AD,  and  in  which 
they  wrote  the  "memoirs"  of  the  apostles  and  the 
Gospels  of  Jesus. 

(1)  Early  Christian  period. — At  this  time,  during 
the  first  three  or  four  centuries  the  ancient  sites 

and  holy  places  were  identified,  giving 
2.  In  some  valuable  information  as  to  the 

Palestine       topographical  memories  of  the  earlier 

church.  By  far  the  most  valuable 
of  these  carefully  prepared  summaries  of  ancient 
Bible  places,  with  their  modern  sites,  and  the  dis- 
tances between  them,  was  the  Onomaslicon  of  Euse- 
bius,  as  it  was  enlarged  by  Jerome,  which  attempted 
seriously  the  identification  of  some  300  holy  places, 
most  of  these  being  vitally  important  for  the  modern 
student  of  the  Bible.  While  some  of  these  identifi- 
cations were  "curiously  incorrect"  (Bliss)  and  the 
distances  even  at  the  best  only  approximate,  yet 
few  satisfactory  additions  were  made  to  the  list 
for  1,500  years;  and  it  was  certainly  a  splendid 
contribution  to  Palestinian  topography,  for  the  list 
as  a  whole  has  been  confirmed  by  the  scientific  con- 
clusions of  recent  investigators. 

(2)  Period  of  cursory  observation. — The  earhest 
traveler  who  has  left  a  record  of  his  journey  into  Pal 
was  Sinuhit,  who,  perhaps  a  century  after  Abraham,  men- 
tions a  number  of  places  known  to  us  from  the  Bible  and 

describes  Canaan  as  a  "land  of  figs  and  vines 

where    wine    was    more    plentiful    than    water 

honey  and  oil  In  abundance  ....  all  kinds  of  fruit 
upon  its  trees,  barley  and  spelt  in  the  fields,  and  cattle 
beyond  number";  each  day  his  table  is  laden  with 
"bread,  wine,  cooked  flesh  and  roasted  fowl  ....  wild 
game  from  the  hills  and  milk  in  every  sort  of  cooked 
dish"  (Breasted,  Ancient  Record.'!.  I,  496).  A  few  other 
Egyp  visitors  (1300-1000  BC)  add  little  to  our  knowl- 
edge. The  report  of  the  Heb  spies  (Nu  13)  records 
important  observations,  although  they  can  only  humor- 
ously be  called  "  genuine  explorers "  (Bliss),  and  Joshua's 
list  of  cities  and  tribes,  although  their  t)Oundaries  are 
carefully  described  (chs  13-21),  are  natvu-ally  excluded 
from  this  review. 

The  record  of  early  Christian  travel  begins  with  the 
Bordeaux  Pilgrim  (332  AD),  and  during  the  next  ti.o 
centuries  scores  of  others  write  out  their  observations  in 
the  Holy  Land,  but  for  1.000  years  there  Is  scarcely  a 
single  visitor  who  looks  at  the  country  except  through 
the  eyes  of  the  monks.  A  woman  traveler  of  the  4lh 
cent,  reports  some  interesting  facts  about  the  early 
ritual  of  the  Jerus  church  and  the  catechumen  teaching, 
and  surprises  us  by  locating  Pithom  correctly  (although 
the  site  was  totally  forgotten  and  only  recovered  in 
1883),  and  the  Epitome  of  Eucherius  (,5th  cent.)  gives  a 
clear  description  of  the  holy  places  in  Jerus ;  but  almost 
the  only  other  significant  sign  that  anyone  at  this  era 
ever  made  serious  observations  of  value  comes  from  the 
very  large,  fine  mosaic  of  the  5th  ctnt.  recently  discov- 
ered at  Madeba,  which  gives  a  good  impression  of 
ancient  Jerus  with  its  buildings,  and  a  careful  bird's- 
eye  view  of  the  surrounding  country  (see  below  11,3). 
By  the  middle  of  the  6th  cent,  the  old  "Holy  Places" 
were  covered  by  ciiurches,  while  new  ones  were  manu- 
factured or  discovered  in  dreams,  and  relics  of  mar- 
tyrs' bones  began  to  engross  so  much  attention  that  no 
time  was  left  in  which  to  make  any  ordinary  geo- 
graphical or  natural-liistory  observations.  A  little  local 
color  and  a  few  facts  in  regard  to  the  plan  of  early 
churches  and  the  persecution  of  Christians  by  Mos- 
lems constitute  almost  the  sum  total  of  value  to  be 


Pal  (Exploration)     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2224 


gathered  from  the  multitude  of  pilgrims  between  the 
6th  and  12th  cents.  In  the  12th  cent.  John  of  Wiirzburg 
gives  a  few  geographical  notes  of  value;  Theoderich 
notices  certain  inscriptions  and  tombs,  describes  accu- 
rately the  churches  and  hospitals  he  visits,  with  their  pic- 
tures and  decorations,  and  outhnes  intelligently  the 
boundaries  of  Judaea  and  the  sahent  features  of  the  moun- 
tains encompassing  Jerus;  the  Abbot  Daniel  notices 
the  wild  beasts  in  the  Jordan  forests  and  the  cus- 
toms at  church  feasts,  and  his  account  is  important  be- 
cause of  the  hght  it  throws  on  conditions  in  Pal  just 
after  its  conquest  by  the  Crusaders,  while  in  the  13th 
cent.  Burchard  of  Rlt.  Zion  makes  the  earUest  known 
mediaeval  map  of  Pal,  mentions  over  100  Scripture  sites, 
and  shows  unexpected  interest  in  the  plant  and  animal 
life  of  the  country — but  this  practically  exhausts  the 
valuable  information  from  Christian  sources  in  these 
centuries.  The  Moslem  pilgrims  and  writers  from  the 
9th  to  the  15th  cents,  show  far  more  regard  to  geograph- 
ical realities  than  the  Christians.  It  is  a  Moslem, 
Istakhri,  who  in  the  10th  cent,  makes  the  first  effort  at 
a  systematic  geography  of  Pal,  and  in  the  10th  and  13th 
cents.,  respectively,  Mukaddasi,  after  20  years  of  prepa- 
ration, and  Yaliut,  in 'a  "vast  work,"  publish  obser- 
vations concerning  climate,  native  customs,  geographical 
divisions,  etc,  which  are  yet  valuable,  while  Nasir-i- 
Khusran,  in  the  11th  cent.,  also  gave  important  informa- 
tion concerning  Palestinian  botany,  gave  dimensions  of 
buildings  and  gates,  and  even  noticed  to  some  extent 
the  ancient  arches  and  ruins — though  in  all  these  there  are 
pitiful  inaccuracies  of  observation  and  induction.  One 
of  the  best  Moslem  writers  thinks  the  water  of  Lake 
Tiberias  is  not  fit  to  drink  because  the  city  sewerage  has 
ceased  to  flow  into  it,  and  Christian  writers  from  the 
7th  cent,  down  to  modern  times  continually  mention 
the  Jor  and  Dan  as  two  fountains  from  which  the  Jor- 
dan rises,  and  continually  report  the  most  absurd 
stories  about  the  Dead  Sea  and  about  its  supernatural 
saltness,  never  noticing  the  salt  mountain  near  by  and 
the  other  simple  causes  explaining  this  phenomenon. 
See  Dead  Sea. 

In  the  14th  cent.  Marino  Sanuto  gave  a  "most  com- 
plete monograph"  (Ritter)  of  Palestinian  geography, 
his  maps  being  really  valuable,  though,  according  to 
modern  standards,  quite  inaccurate.  The  Jew,  Estoai  ben 
Moses  ha-Phorhi,  in  this  same  century  advanced  beyond 
all  Christian  writers  in  a  work  of  "real  scientific  knowl- 
edge" (Bliss),  in  which  he  correctly  identified  Megiddo 
and  other  ancient  sites,  though  the  value  of  his  work  was 
not  recognized  for  400  years.  The  groat  name  of  the 
15th  cent,  is  that  of  the  Dominican,  Father  Felix  Fabri, 
who  in  his  large  book,  Wanderijigs  in  the  Holy  Land,  was 
the  first  to  notice  monuments  and  ruins  to  which  no 
Bib.  traditions  were  attached  (Bhss),  and  who,  within 
a  decade  of  the  discovery  of  America,  described  most 
vividly  the  dangers  and  nuseries  of  the  sea  voyages  of 
that  era,  and  in  most  modern  fashion  narrated  his  ad- 
ventures among  the  Saracens;  yet  notwithstanding  the 
literary  value  of  the  book  and  his  better  method  of 
arranging  his  materials,  Fabri  actually  explained  the 
saltness  of  the  Dead  Sea  as  due  to  the  sweat  which 
flowed  from  the  skin  of  the  earth!  In  the  16th  cent, 
travelers  showed  more  interest  in  native  customs,  but 
the  false  traditional  identification  of  sites  was  scarcely 
questioned;  the  route  of  travel  was  always  the  same,  as 
it  was  absolutely  impossible  to  get  E.  of  the  Jordan,  and 
even  a  short  trip  away  from  the  caravan  was  dangerous. 
(3)  Beginning  of  scientific  observation. — In  the  17th 
cent.  Mlchal  Nau,  for  30  years  a  missionary  in  Pal,  De 
la  Roque  and  Halliflx  showed  a  truly  scientific  veracity 
of  observation  and  an  increasing  accuracy  in  the  record- 
ing and  verification  of  their  notes,  and  Maundrell  ad- 
vanced beyond  all  his  predecessors  in  noticing  the  an- 
tiquities on  the  seacoast,  N.  of  Beirut;  but  all  of  these, 
though  possessing  fine  qualities  as  explorers,  were  forced 
to  travel  hastily  and  limit  their  study  to  a  very  narrow 
field. 

//.  Era  of  Scientific  Exploration. — (1)  First  trained 
explorers. — True  scientific  exploration  opened  with  the 
18th  cent.,  as  men  began  to  think  of  this 
1.  Period  of  ^^  itself  an  important  life-work  and  not 
TnHiviHiial  merely  as  a  short  episode  in  a  life  devoted 
inuiviuudi  (^Q  niore  serious  pursuits. 
Enterprise  Th.   Shaw    (1722)   carefully  fitted  him- 

self as  a  specialist  in  natural  history  and 
physical  geography,  and  scientifically  reported  a  number 
of  new  facts,  e.g.  conditions  and  results  of  evaporation, 
etc,  in  the  Dead  Sea.  -  Bisliop  Pococke  (1738)  had  been 
well  trained,  was  free  from  the  bondage  of  tradition,  and 
did  for  the  antiquities  of  Pal  what  Maundrell  had  done 
for  those  of  Syria,  making  a  large  number  of  successful 
identifications  of  sites  and  contributing  much  to  the 
general  knowledge  of  Pal.  Volney  (1783)  was  a  brihiant 
literary  man,  in  full  sympathy  with  the  scientific  spirit, 
who  popularized  results  and  made  a  considerable  number 
of  original  researches,  esp.  in  the  Lebanon.  Seetzcn 
(lSOO-7)  and  Burckhardt  (1810-12)  are  called  by  Bliss 
"veritable  pioneers  in  tlic  exploration  of  the  ruins  of 
Eastern  and  Southern  Pal."  The  former  opened  Caes- 
area  Philippi  to  light,  visited  a  large  unexplored  dis- 
trict and  made  important  observations  in  almost  every 
field  of  knowledge,  zoology,  meteorology,  archaeology; 


the  latter,  having  become  an  Arab  in  looks  and  language, 
was  able  to  go  into  many  places  where  no  European  had 
ventured,  one  of  his  chief  triumphs  being  the  discovery 
of  Petra  and  the  scientific  location  of  Mt.  Sinai. 

(2)  The  climax  of  individual  exploration. — The  climax 
of  the  era  of  scientific  observation,  unassisted  by  learned 
societies,  was  reached  by  the  American  clergyman  and 
teacher,  Edward  Robinson.  He  spent  parts  of  two 
years  in  Pal  (1838  and  1852)  and  in  1856  published  3 
vols  of  Biblical  Researches.  He  strictly  employed  the 
scientific  method,  and  showed  such  rare  insight  that 
scarcely  one  of  his  conclusions  has  been  found  incorrect. 
His  knowledge  was  as  extensive  as  minute,  and  although 
he  gave,  in  all.  only  five  months  of  steady  labor  to  the 
specific  task  of  exploration,  yet  in  that  time  he  "recon- 
structed the  map  of  Pal"  (Bliss),  and  his  conclusions 
henceforth  "formed  the  ground  work  of  modern  re- 
search" (Conder).  He  studied  Jerus,  being  the  first  to 
show  that  the  ancient  fragment  of  an  arch  (now  "  Robin- 
son's ' ' }  had  been  part  of  the  bridge  connecting  the  temple 
with  Mt.  Zion,  and  was  the  first  to  trace  with  accuracy 
the  windings  of  the  tunnel  leading  from  the  Virgin's 
Fount  to  the  Pool  of  Siloam.  All  Judaea,  Galilee  and 
Samaria  were  very  well  covered  by  him.  He  was  the 
first  to  notice  that  the  ruined  building  at  Tell  Hum  was 
a  synagogue;  from  the  top  of  one  hill  he  recognized 
seven  Bib.  sites  which  had  been  lost  for  at  least  1,600 
years;  he  identified  correctly  at  least  160  new  sites, 
almost  all  being  Bib.  places.  Robinson's  results  were 
phenomenal  in  number  and  variety,  yet  necessarily 
these  have  been  constantly  improved  upon  or  added  to 
in  each  generation  since,  for  no  man  can  cover  the  entire 
field  or  be  a  specialist  in  every  department.  W.  M. 
Thomson  in  his  LB  (new  cd.  1910)  and  G.  E.  Post, 
Flora  of  Syria,  Pal,  and  Sinai  (1896),  gave  a  needed 
popular  resume  of  the  manners,  customs  and  folklore  of 
the  people,  as  these  illustrated  the  Bible,  and  many  books 
and  articles  since  have  added  to  this  material. 

In  1848  the  United  States  sent  an  expedition  under 
Lieutenant  Lynch  to  the  Dead  Sea,  which  ascertained 
the  exact  width,  depth,  currents,  temperature,  etc,  and 
many  parties  since  have  added  to  this  knowledge  (see 
e.g.  Dead  Sea;  and  also  PEFS,  1911,  XII,  7).  From 
1854  to  1862  De  Vogfie  thoroughly  examined  the  monu- 
ments of  Central  Syria  and  remained  the  sole  authority 
on  this  section  down  to  the  American  Archaeological 
Expedition  of  1899.  Tabler  (184.5-63)  scientifically  de- 
scribed Jerus  and  its  environs,  and  the  districts  lying 
between  Jaffa  and  the  Jordan,  and  between  Jerus  and 
Bethel.  Guerin  who  studied  Pal  during  periods  cover- 
ing 23  years  (1852-75),  though  limited  by  lack  of  funds, 
covered  topographically,  with  a  minuteness  never  before 
attempted,  almost  the  whole  of  Judaea,  Samaria  and 
Galilee,  gathering  also  many  new  records  of  monuments 
and  inscriptions,  the  record  of  which  was  invaluable 
because  many  of  these  had  been  completely  destroyed 
before  the  arrival  of  the  next  scientific  party.  A  most 
sensational  discovery  was  that  of  Rev.  P.  Klein  in  1868, 
when  he  found  at  Dibon  the  huge  basalt  tablet  set  up 
by  Mesha,  king  of  Moab  (9th  cent.  BC),  on  which  in  a 
language  closely  resembling  the  Heb,  he  gave  honor  to 
his  god  Chemosh  by  describing  his  successful  revolt  against 
a  successor  of  Omri,  the  latter  being  mentioned  by  name 
with  many  well-known  Bib.  places.  In  style,  thought  and 
language  this  inscription  greatly  resembles  the  early  OT 
records. 

With  the  foundation  of  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund  (1865)  the  work  of  exploration  took  on  an 

entirely  new  phase,  since  in  this  case, 
2.  Scientific  not  a  single  individual,  but  a  large 
Cooperative  company  of  speciahsts  entered  the 
Surface  Ex-  work,  having  behind  them  sufficient 
ploration        funds   for    adequate   investigation   in 

each  necessary  line  of  research,  and 
with  the  British  War  Office  furnishing  its  expert 
Royal  Engineers  to  assist  the  enterprise.  Under 
the  auspices  of  this  society  during  the  next  15  years 
Jerus  was  explored  as  never  before,  and  all  Western 
Pal  was  topographically  surveyed  (see  below);  a 
geological  survey  (1883-84)  of  Sinai,  Wdrhj'Arahah 
and  the  Dead  Sea,  and  later  of  Mt.  Seir  (1885)  was 
accomplished  under  Professor  Edward  Hull;  the 
natural  history  of  the  country  was  treated  with 
great  thoroughness  by  several  specialists;  Palmer 
and  Drake  in  the  dress  of  Syrian  natives,  without 
servants,  risked  the  dangerous  journey  through  the 
Desert  of  the  Tih  in  order  to  locate  so  far  as  possible 
the  route  of  the  Exodus;  Clermont-Ganneau,  who 
had  i)revious]y  made  the  discovery  of  the  Jewish 
placard  from  the  Temple,  forbidding  strangers  to 
enter  the  sacred  enclosure,  added  greatly  to  archae- 
ological knowledge  by  gathering  and  deciphering 
many     ancient     inscriptions,     uncovering     buried 


2225 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Pal  (Exploration) 


cemeteries,  rock-cut  tombs  and  other  monuments. 
He  also  laid  down  important  criteria  for  the  age  of 
stone  masonry  (yet  see  PEFS,  1897,  LXI);  identi- 
fied various  sites  including  AduUam,  found  the 
"stone  of  Bethphage,"  "Zoheleth,"  etc,  and  made 
innumerable  plans  of  churches,  mosques,  tombs,  etc, 
and  did  an  incredible  amount  of  other  important 
work.  Capt.,  afterward  Col.,  C.  R.  Conder  did  an 
equally  important  work,  and  as  the  head  of  the 
archaeological  party  could  finally  report  10,000 
place-names  as  having  been  gathered,  and  172  new 
Bible  sites  successfully  identified,  while  the  bound- 
aries of  the  tribes  had  been  practically  settled  and 
many  vitally  important  Bible  locations  for  the  first 
timefixed.  The  excavations  in  Jerus  under  the  same 
auspices  had  meanwhile  been  carried  out  as  planned. 
After  an  introductory  examination  by  Sir  Charles 
Wilson,  including  some  little  excavating.  Sir  Charles 
Warren  (1867-70)  and,  later,  Col.  Conder  (1872-75) 
made  thorough  excavations  over  a  large  area,  sink- 
ing shafts  and  following  ancient  walls  to  a  depth  of 
80-150  ft.  They  uncovered  the  Temple-area  from 
its  countless  tons  of  debris  and  traced  its  approxi- 
mate outUne;  examined  underground  rock  cham- 
bers; opened  ancient  streets;  discovered  many 
thousand  specimens  of  pottery,  glass,  tools,  etc, 
from  Jewish  to  Byzantine  periods;  found  the  pier 
in  the  Tyropoeon  Valley,  where  Robinson's  arch 
had  rested,  and  also  parts  of  the  ancient  bridge; 
traced  the  line  of  several  important  ancient  walls, 
locating  gates  and  towers,  and  fixed  the  date  of 
one  wall  certainly  as  of  the  8th  cent.  BC,  and  prob- 
ably of  the  age  of  Solomon  (G.  A.  Smith),  thus 
accomplishing  an  epoch-making  work  upon  which 
all  more  recent  explorers  have  safely  rested — as 
Maudslay  (1875),  in  his  masterly  discovery  and 
examination  of  the  Great  Scarp,  and  Guthe  (1881), 
who  made  fine  additional  discoveries  at  Ophel,  as 
well  as  Warren  and  Conder  in  their  work  afterward 
(1884),  when  they  published  plans  of  the  whole 
city  with  its  streets,  churches,  mosques,  etc,  25 
in.  to  the  mile,  which  in  that  direction  remains  a 
basis  for  all  later  work.    See  Jerusalem. 

Perhaps,  however,  the  greatest  work  of  all  done 
by  this  society  was  the  Topographical  Survey  (1881- 
86),  accomplished  for  Judaea  and  Samaria  by  Col. 
Conder,  and  for  Galilee  by  Lord  Kitchener,  result- 
ing in  a  great  map  of  Western  Pal  in  26  sheets,  on 
a  scale  of  an  inch  to  the  mile  (with  several  abridged 
additions),  showing  all  previous  identifications  of 
ancient  places.  These  maps,  with  the  seven  mag- 
nificent vols  of  memoirs,  etc,  giving  the  other 
scientific  work  done  by  the  various  parties,  marked 
such  an  epoch-making  advance  in  knowledge  that 
it  has  been  called  "the  most  important  contribution 
to  illustrate  the  Bible  since  its  translation  into  the 
vulgar  tongue." 

In  addition  to  the  above  the  Palestine  Explora- 
tion Fund  established  a  Quarterly  Statement  and 
Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology  from  which  sub- 
scribers could  keep  in  touch  with  the  latest  Bib. 
results,  and  published  large  quantities  of  tr=  of 
ancient  texts  and  travels  and  of  books  reporting 
discoveries  as  these  were  made.  Altogether  more 
advance  was  made  during  these  15  years  from  1865- 
80  than  in  the  15  centuries  before. 

The  next  ten  years  (1880-90)  did  not  furnish  as 
much  new  material  from  Pal  exploration,  but  in 
1880  the  Siloam  Inscription  (cf  2  K 
3.  Most  20  20;  2  Ch  32  30)  was  accidentally 
Recent  found  in  Jerus,  showing  the  accuracy 

Results  in  with  which  the  engineers  of  Hezekiah's 
Surface  Ex-  day  could,  at  least  occasionally,  cut 
ploration  long  tunnels  through  the  rock  (see 
also  Clermont-Ganneau,  Archaeological 
Researches,  313);  and  in  1881-85  Conder  and  Schu- 
macher attempted  their  difficult  task  of  making  a 


scientific  topographical  map  of  Eastern  Pal.  In 
1881  H.  Clay  Trumbull  rediscovered  and  properly 
described  Kadesh-barnea,  settling  authoritatively 
its  location  and  thus  making  it  possible  to  fix  pre- 
viously obscure  places  mentioned  in  the  account 
of  the  Exodus  wanderings.  Since  1890  continued 
investigations  in  small  districts  not  adequately 
described  previously  have  taken  place,  new  addi- 
tions to  the  zoological,  botanical,  geological  and 
meteorological  knowledge  of  Pal  have  been  fre- 
quent; studies  of  irrigation  and  the  water-supply 
have  been  made,  as  well  as  investigations  into  the 
customs,  proverbs,  folklore,  etc,  of  the  Arabs; 
many  districts  E.  of  the  Jordan  and  through  Petra 
down  into  Sinai  have  yielded  important  results, 
and  many  discoveries  of  surface  tombs,  ossuaries, 
mosaics,  seals  and  manuscripts  have  been  made  in 
many  parts  of  Pal.  This  has  been  done  perhaps 
chiefly  by  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund,  but  much 
by  individuals  and  some  by  the  newly  organized  ex- 
cavation societies  (see  below).  The  most  surprising 
discoveries  made  by  this  method  of  surface  explora- 
tion (a  method  which  can  never  become  completely 
obsolete)  have  been  the  finding  at  different  times  of 
the  four  Boundary  Stones  of  Gezer  (1874,  1881, 
1889)  by  Clermont-Ganneau,  and,  in  1896,  of  the 
very  large  mosaic  at  Madeba  by  Father  Cleopas, 
librarian  of  the  Greek  Patriarch. 

The  latter  proved  to  be  part  of  the  pavement  of 
a  6th-cent.  basilica  and  is  a  "veritable  map  of  Pal," 
showing  its  chief  cities,  the  boundaries  of  the  tribes, 
and  esp.  the  city  of  Jerus  with  its  walls,  gates, 
chief  buildings,  including  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  and  chief  streets,  notably  one  long 
straight  street  intersecting  the  city  and  lined 
with  colonnades.  As  Madeba  lies  near  the  foot 
of  Mt.  Nebo,  it  is  thought  the  artist  may  have  in- 
tended to  represent  ideally  a  modern  (6th-cent.) 
vision  of  Moses.  George  Adam  Smith  (HGHL, 
7th  ed,  1901);  Jerusalem  (2  vols,  1910),  and  E. 
Huntington,  Pal  and  Its  Transformation  (1911), 
have  given  fine  studies  illustrating  the  supreme 
importance  of  accurate  topographical  knowledge 
in  order  to  understand  correctly  the  Bible  narratives 
and  the  social  life  and  politics  of  the  Hebrews. 

///.  Era  of  Scientific  Excavation. — (1)  Tell  el- 
Hesy  (Palestine  Exploration  Fund). — Exploration 
must  always  continue,  but  excavation 
1.  Southern  is  a  vast  advance.  The  modern  era 
Palestine  in  Palestinian  study  begins  with  Petrie 
at  Lachish  (q.v.)  in  1890.  Though 
Renan  was  actually  the  first  man  to  put  a  spade 
into  the  soil  (1860),  yet  his  results  were  practically 
confined  to  Phoenicia.  From  Renan's  time  to 
1890  there  had  been  no  digging  whatever,  excepting 
some  narrow  but  thorough  work  in  Jerus,  and  a 
slight  tickhng  of  the  ground  at  Jericho  and  at  the 
so-called  Tombs  of  the  Kings.  Nothing  was  more 
providential  than  this  delay  in  beginning  extensive 
excavations  in  Pal,  such  as  had  been  previously  so 
profitably  conducted  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere. 
The  results  could  not  have  been  interpreted  even 
two  years  earlier,  and  even  when  these  excavations 
were  commenced,  the  only  man  living  who  could 
have  understood  what  he  found  was  the  man  who 
had  been  selected  to  do  the  work.  Nearly  two 
centuries  before,  a  traveler  in  Pal  (Th.  Shaw)  had 
suggested  the  possibility  of  certain  mounds  ("tells") 
being  artificial  (cf  Josh  8  28;  Jer  30  18);  but  not 
even  Robinson  or  Gu6rin  had  suspected  that  these 
were  the  cenotaphs  of  buried  cities,  but  had  be- 
lieved them  to  be  mere  natural  hills.  The  greatest 
hour  in  the  history  of  exploration  in  Pal,  and  per- 
haps in  any  land,  was  that  in  which  on  a  day  in 
April,  1890,  W.  M.  Fhnders  Petrie  climbed  up  the 
side  of  Tell  el-Hesy,  situated  on  the  edge  of  the 
Phili  plain,  c  30  miles  S.W.  of  Jerus,  and  17  miles 


Pal  (Exploration)    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2226 


N.E.  from  Gaza,  and  by  examining  its  strata, 
which  had  been  exposed  by  the  stream  cutting 
down  its  side,  determined  before  sunset  the  fact, 
from  pieces  of  pottery  he  had  seen,  that  the  site 
rnarked  a  city  covering  1,000  years  of  history,  the 
limits  of  occupation  being  probably  1500  BC  to 
500  BC.  This  ability  to  date  the  several  occupa- 
tions of  a  site  without  any  inscription  to  assist  him 
was  due  to  the  chronological  scale  of  styles  of 
pottery  which  he  had  originated  earlier  and  worked 
out  positively  for  the  Gr  epochs  at  Naukratis  a 
year  or  two  before,  and  for  the  epochs  preceding 
1100  BC  at  Illahun  in  the  Fayyum  only  a  month 
or  two  before.  The  potsherds  were  fortunately 
very  numerous  at  Tell  el-Hesy,  and  by  the  end  of 
his  six  weeks'  work  he  could  date  approximately 
some  eight  successive  occupations  of  the  city,  each 
of  these  being  mutually  exclusive  in  certain  impor- 
tant forms  of  pottery  in  common  use.  Given  the 
surface  date,  depth  of  accumulation  and  rate  of 
deposit  as  shown  at  Lachish,  and  a  pretty  sure 
estimate  of  the  history  of  other  sites  was  available. 
Not  only  was  this  pottery  scale  so  brilliantly  con- 
firmed and  elaborated  at  Tell  el-Hesy  that  all 
excavators  since  have  been  able  accurately  to  date 
the  last  settlement  on  a  mound  almost  by  walking 
over  it;  but  by  observations  of  the  methods  of 
stone  dressing  he  was  able  to  rectify  many  former 
guesses  as  to  the  age  of  buildings  and  to  establish 
some  valuable  architectural  signs  of  age.  He 
proved  that  some  of  the  walls  at  this  site  were 
built  by  "the  same  school  of  masons  which  built  the 
Temple  of  Solomon,"  and  also  that  the  Ionic  volute, 
which  the  Greeks  borrowed  from  the  Asiatics,  went 
back  in  Pal  at  least  to  the  10th  cent.  BC,  while  on 
one  pilaster  he  found  the  architectural  motif  of  the 
"ram's  horn"  (cf  Ps  118  27).  He  also  concluded, 
contrary  to  former  belief,  that  this  mound  marked 
the  site  of  Lachish  (,Josh  10  31;  2  K  18  14),  as 
by  a  careful  examination  he  found  that  no  other 
ruins  near  could  fill  the  known  historic  conditions 
of  that  city,  and  the  inscription  found  by  the  next 
excavator  and  all  more  recent  research  make  this 
conclusion  practically  sure.  Lachish  was  a  great 
fortress  of  the  ancient  world.  The  Egyp  Pharaohs 
often  mention  it,  and  it  is  represented  in  a  picture 
on  an  Assyr  monument  under  which  is  written, 
"Sennacherib  ....  receives  the  spoil  of  Lachish" 
(see  2  K  18  14).  It  was  strategically  a  strong 
position,  the  natural  hill  rising  some  60  ft.  above 
the  valley  and  the  fortification  which  Sennacherib 
probably  attacked  being  over  10  ft.  thick.  The 
debris  lay  from  50-70  ft.  deep  on  top  of  the  hill. 
Petrie  fixed  the  directions  of  the  various  walls,  and 
settled  the  approximate  dates  of  each  city  and  of 
the  imported  pottery  found  in  several  of  these. 
One  of  the  most  unexpected  things  was  an  iron 
knife  dug  up  from  a  stratum  indicating  a  period 
not  far  from  the  time  when  Israel  must  have  entered 
Canaan,  this  being  the  earliest  remnant  of  iron 
weapons  ever  found  up  to  this  date  (cf  Josh  17  16). 
The  next  two  years  of  scientific  digging  (1891- 
92),  admirably  conducted  by  Dr.  F.  G.  JBliss  on  this 
site,  wholly  confirmed  Petrie's  general  inductions, 
though  the  limits  of  each  occupation  were  more 
exactly  fixed  and  the  beginning  of  the  oldest  city 
was  pushed  back  to  1700  BC.  The  work  was  con- 
ducted under  the  usual  dangers,  not  only  from  the 
Bedawtn,  but  from  excessive  heat  (1()4°  in  the 
shade),  from  malaria  which  at  one  time  prostrated 
8  of  the  9  members  of  the  staff,  scarcity  of  water, 
which  had  to  be  carried  6  miles,  and  from  the 
sirocco  (see  my  report,  PEFS,  XXI,  160-70  and 
Petrie's  and  Bliss's  journal,  XXI,  219-46;  XXIII, 
192,  etc).  He  excavated  thoroughly  one-third  of 
the  entire  hill,  moving  nearly  a  million  cubic  feet 
of  debris.     He  found  that  the  wall  of  the  oldest 


city  was  nearly  30  ft.  thick,  that  of  the  next  city 
17  ft.  thick,  while  the  latest  wall  was  thin  and  weak. 
The  oldest  city  covered  a  space  1,300  ft.  sq.,  the 
latest  one  only  about  200  ft.  sq.  The  oldest  pot- 
tery had  a  richer  color  and  higher  polish  than  the 
later,  and  this  art  was  indigenous,  for  at  this  level  no 
Phoen  or  Mycenaean  styles  were  found.  The  late 
pre-Israelitish  period  (1550-800  BC)  shows  such  im- 
portations and  also  local  Cypriote  imitations.  In 
the  "Jewish"  period  (800-300  BC)  this  influence 
is  lost  and  the  new  styles  are  coarse  and  ungraceful, 
such  degeneration  not  being  connected  with  the 
entrance  of  Israel  into  Canaan,  as  many  have  sup- 
posed, but  with  a  later  period,  most  probably  with 
the  desolation  which  followed  the  exile  of  the  ten 
tribes  (Bliss  and  Petrie).  In  the  pre-Israelite 
cities  were  found  mighty  towers,  fine  bronze  im- 
plements, such  as  battle-axes,  spearheads,  brace- 
lets, pins,  needles,  etc,  a  wine  and  treacle  press,  one 
very  large  building  "beautifully  symmetrical,"  a 
smelting  furnace,  and  finally  an  inscribed  tablet 
from  Zimrida,  known  previously  from  the  Am  Tab  to 
have  been  governor  of  Lachish,  c  1400  BC.  Many 
Jewish  pit  ovens  were  found  in  the  later  ruins  and 
large  quantities  of  pottery,  some  containing  potters' 
marks  and  others  with  inscriptions.  Clay  figures  of 
Astarte,  the  goddess  of  fertility,  were  found  in  the 
various  layers,  one  of  these  being  of  the  unique 
Cypriote  type,  with  large  earrings,  and  many 
Egyp  figures,  symbols  and  animal  forms.  See  also 
Lachish. 

(2)  Excavations  in  Jerus. — During  1894-97,  not- 
withstanding the  previously  good  work  done  in 
Jerus  (see  above)  and  the  peculiar  embarrassments 
connected  with  the  attempt  to  dig  in  a  richly  popu- 
lated town.  Dr.  Bliss,  assisted  by  an  expert  archi- 
tect, succeeded  in  adding  considerably  to  the  sum 
of  knowledge.  He  excavated  over  a  large  area,  not 
only  positively  confirming  former  inductions,  but 
discovering  the  remains  of  the  wall  of  the  empress 
Eudocia  (450  AD),  and  under  this  the  line  of  wall 
which  Titus  had  destroyed,  and  at  a  deeper  level 
the  wall  which  surrounded  the  city  in  the  Herodian 
age,  and  deeper  yet  that  which  must  probably  be 
dated  to  Hezekiah,  and  below  this  a  construction 
"exquisitely  dressed,  with  pointed  masonry," 
which  must  be  either  the  remains  of  a  wall  of 
Solomon  or  some  other  preexilic  fortification  not 
later  than  the  8th  cent.  He  found  gates  and  an- 
ciently paved  streets  and  manholes  leading  to  an- 
cient sewer  systems,  and  many  articles  of  interest, 
but  esp.  settled  disputed  questions  concerning 
important  walls  and  the  levels  of  the  ancient  hills, 
thus  fixing  the  exact  topography  of  the  ancient 
city.  H.  G.  Mitchell  and  others  have  also  carefully 
examined  certain  lines  of  wall,  identifying  Nehe- 
miah's  Dung  Gate,  etc,  and  making  a  new  survey  of 
certain  parts  of  underground  Jerus,  the  results  of 
the  entire  work  being  a  modification  of  tradition 
in  a  few  particulars,  but  confirmatory  in  most. 
The  important  springs  and  reservoirs,  valleys  and 
hills  of  the  ancient  Jerus  have  been  certainly  iden- 
tified.^ It  is  now  settled  that  modern  Jerus  "still 
sits  virtually  upon  her  ancient  seat  and  at  much 
the  same  slope,"  though  not  so  large  as  the  Jerus 
of  the  kings  of  Judah  which  certainly  extended 
over  the  Southwestern  Hill.  Mt.  Zion,  contrary 
to  tradition  which  located  it  on  the  Southwestern 
Hill  where  the  citadel  stands,  probably  lay  on  the 
Eastern  Hill  above  the  Virgin's  Spring  (Gihon). 
On  this  Eastern  Hill  at  Ophel  lay  the  Temple,  and 
S.  of  the  Temple  on  the  same  hill  "above  Gihon" 
lay  the  old  Jebusite  stronghold  (David's  City). 
The  ancient  altar  of  burnt  offering  was  almost  surely 
at  es-Sakhra.  The  evidence  has  not  been  conclusive 
as  to  the  line  of  the  second  wall,  so  that  the  site  of 
Golgotha  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre  cannot  certainlv 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Pal  (Exploration) 


be  determined  (see  George  Adam  Smith's  exhaust- 
ive work,  Jerus,  2  vols,  1907;  Sir  Charles  Wilson, 
Golgotha  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  1906;  and  ct  Selah 
Merrill,  Ancient  Jerus,  1908;  C.  R.  Conder,  City 
of  Jerus,  1909;  P.  H.  Vincent,  Underground  Jerus, 
1911). 

(3)  Excavations  in  the  Shephelah  (Palestine  Ex- 
ploration Fund)  .—During  1898-1900  important 
work  was  done  by  Bliss  and  Macalister  at  4  sites 
on  the  border  land  between  Philistia  and  Judaea, 
while  five  other  small  mounds  were  tunneled,  but 
without  important  results.  The  four  chief  sites 
were  Tell  Zakariya,  lying  about  midway  between 
Jerus  and  Tell  el-Hesy;  Tell  e.j  Safi,  5  miles  W.  of 
Tell  Zakariya,  and  Tell  Sandahannah,  about  10 
miles  S.;  while  Tell  ej-Judeideh  \ay  between  Tell 
Zakariya  and  Tell  Sandahannah.  As  Tell  ej- 
Judeideh  was  only  half-excavated  and  merely  con- 
firmed other  results,  not  being  remarkable  except 
for  the  large  quantity  of  jar  inscriptions  found  (37), 
we  omit  further  mention  of  it.  (a)  Tell  Zakariya: 
From  this  height,  1,214  ft.  above  the  sea,  almost  all 
Philistia  could  be  seen.  A  pre-Israelitish  town 
was  found  under  some  20  ft.  of  debris,  containing 
pre-Israelitish,  Jewish  and  Seleueidan  pottery. 
Many  vaulted  cisterns,  partly  hewn  from  the  rock, 
were  found  in  the  lowest  level.  In  later  levels 
Jewish  pit  ovens  were  found  and  inscribed  jar- 
handles  with  winged  Egyp  symbols,  implements  of 
bronze,  iron,  bone  and  stone,  and  Egyp  images  of 
Bes  and  the  Horus  eye,  etc,  besides  a  strange  bronze 
figure  of  a  woman  with  a  fish's  tail  which  seems  to 
represent  Atargatis  of  Ashkelon.  The  ancient 
rampart  was  strengthened,  perhaps  in  Rehoboam's 
time,  and  towers  were  added  in  the  Seleueidan  era. 
Only  half  of  this  site  was  excavated.  (6)  Tell  es- 
Safi:  The  camp  was  pitched  near  here  in  the  Vale 
of  Elah.  From  a  depth  of  21  ft.  to  the  rock,  was 
found  the  characteristic  pre-Israelitish  pottery  and 
much  imported  pottery  of  the  Mycenaean  type.  A 
high  place  was  also  found  here,  containing  bones 
of  camels,  sheep,  cows,  etc,  and  several  monoliths 
of  soft  limestone  in  situ,  and  near  by  a  jar-burial. 
In  an  ancient  rubbish  heap  many  fragments  of  the 
goddess  of  fertility  were  found.  Many  old  Egyp 
and  later  Or  relics  were  also  found,  and  four  Bab 
seals  and  the  usual  pottery  from  Jewish  and  later 
periods.  With  strong  probability  this  site  was 
identified  as  Gath.  (c)  Tell  Sandahannah:  This 
was  situated  c  1,100  ft.  above  sea-level.  The  town 
covered  about  6  acres  and  was  protected  by  an 
inner  and  outer  wall  and  occasional  towers.  The 
strongest  wall  averaged  30  ft.  thick.  The  work 
done  here  "was  unique  in  the  history  of  Palestinian 
excavation"  (Bhss).  At  Tell  el-Hesy  only  one- 
third  of  each  stratum  was  excavated;  at  Tell 
Zakariya  only  one-half;  at  Jerus  the  work  was 
confined  to  the  enclosures  of  the  temple,  a  few  city 
walls  and  a  few  churches,  pools,  streets,  etc,  but  at 
Tell  Sandahannah  "we  recovered  almost  an  entire 
town,  probably  the  ancient  Mareshah  [Josh  15 
44],  with  its  inner  and  outer  walls,  its  gateSj  streets, 
lanes,  open  places,  houses,  reservoirs,  etc'  (Bliss). 
Nearly  400  vessels  absolutely  intact  and  unbroken 
were  found.  It  was  a  Seleueidan  town  of  the  3d 
and  2rl  cent.  BC,  with  no  pre-Israelitish  remains. 
The  town  was  built  with  thin  brick,  like  blocks  of 
soft  limestone,  set  with  wide  joints  and  laid  in  mud 
with  occasionally  larger,  harder  stones  chisel- 
picked.  The  town  was  roughly  divided  into  blocks 
of  streets,  some  of  the  streets  being  paved.  The 
houses  were  lighted  from  the  street  and  an  open 
court.  Very  few  rooms  were  perfectly  rectangular, 
while  many  were  of  awkward  shape.  Many  closets 
were  found  and  pit  ovens  and  vaulted  cisterns, 
reached  by  staircases,  as  also  portions  of  the  old 
drainage  system.     The  cisterns  had  plastered  floors, 


and  sometimes  two  heavy  coats  of  plaster  on  the 
walls;  the  houses  occasionally  had  vaulted  roofs 
but  usually  the  ordinary  roof  of  today,  made  of 
boards  and  rushes  covered  with  clay.  No  religious 
building  was  found  and  no  trace  of  a  colonnade, 
except  perhaps  a  few  fragments  of  ornament.    An 


Stamped  Jar-Handles,  Lamp  and  Iron  Implements  from 
Tombs  at  Beit  JibHn. 

enormous  columbarium  was  uncovered  (1906  niches) . 
No  less  than  328  Gr  inscriptions  were  found  on  the 
handles  of  imported  wine  jars.  Under  the  Seleuei- 
dan town  was  a  Jewish  town  built  of  rubble,  the 
pottery  of  the  usual  kind  including  stamped  jar- 
handles.  An  Astarte  was  found  in  the  Jewish  or  Gr 
stratum,  as  also  various  animal  forms.  The  Astarte 
was  very  curious,  about  11  in.  high,  hollow,  wear- 
ing a  long  cloak,  but  with  breasts,  body  and  part  of 
right  leg  bare,  having  for  headdress  a  closely  fitting 
sunbonnet  with  a  circular  serrated  top  ornament  in 
front  and  with  seven  stars  in  relief.  A  most  striking 
find  dating  from  about  the  2d  cent.  AD  was  that 
of  16  little  human  figures  bound  in  fetters  of  lead, 
iron,  etc,  undoubtedly  representing  "revenge  dolls" 
through  which  the  owners  hoped  to  work  magic  on 
enemies,  and  49  fragments  of  magical  tablets  in- 
scribed in  Gr  on  white  limestone,  with  exorcisms, 
incantations  and  imprecations.  It  ought  to  be 
added  that  the  four  towns  as  a  whole  supplement 
each  other,  and  positively  confirm  former  results. 
No  royal  stamps  were  found  at  Tell  el-Hesy,  but  77 
were  found  in  these  4  sites,  in  connection  with  2-  or 
4-winged  symbols  (Egyp  scarabaeus  or  winged  sun- 
disk).  Writing-materials  (styli)  were  found  in  all 
strata,  their  use  being  "continuous  from  the  earliest 
times  into  the  Seleueidan  period"  (BUss).  From 
the  four  towns  the  evolution  of  the  lamp  could  be 
traced  from  the  pre-Israelite,  through  the  Jewish  to 
the  Gr  period.  Some  150  of  the  labyrinthine  rock- 
cut  caves  of  the  district  were  also  examined,  some 
of  which  must  be  pre-Christian,  as  in  one  of  these  a 
million  cubic  feet  of  material  had  been  excavated, 
yet  so  long  ago  that  all  signs  of  the  rubbish  had 
been  washed  away. 

(4)  Painted  "Tombs  of  Marissa."—ln  1902 
John  P.  Peters  and  Hermann  Thiersc^h  discovered 
at  Beit  Jibrin  (adjoining  Tell  Sandahannah)  an 
example  of  sepulchral  art  totally  different  from  any 
other  ever  found  in  Pal.  It  was  a  tomb  containing 
several  chambers  built  by  a  Sidonian,  the  walls 
being  brilliantly  painted,  showing  a  bull,  panther, 
serpent,  ibex,  crocodile  with  ibis  (?)  on  its  back, 
hunter  on  horseback,  etc,  with  dated  inscriptions, 
the  earliest  being  196  BC  (see  John  P.  Peters,  Painted 
Tombs  in  Necropolis  of  Marissa,  1905).  The  writer 
(April  18,  1913)  found  another  tomb  here  of  similar 
character,  decorated  with  grapes,  birds,  two  cocks 
(life  size),  etc.  Perhaps  most  conspicuous  was  a 
wreath  of  beautiful  flowers  with  a  cross  ®  in  its 
center.     Nothing  shows  the  interrelations  of  that 


Pal(Exploration)    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2228 


age  more  tlmii  this  Phoon  rolony,  living  in  Pal, 
using  the  Gr  language  but  employing  Egyp  and 
Libyan  charaeteristics  freely  in  their  funeral  art. 

(1)   Tell    Ta^aniu'k    (Austrian   government    and 
Vienna  Academy). — During  short  seasons  of  three 

years  (1902-4)  Professor  Ernst  SelUn 
2.  Northern  of  Vienna  made  a  rapid  examination 
Palestine       of  this  tovn\  (Bib.  Taanach),  situated 

in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  in  Northern 
Pal,   on    the    ancient    road    between    Egypt    and 


Interior  of  Tomb  at  Marissa. 

Babylon.  Over  100  laborers  were  employed  and 
digging  was  carried  on  simultaneously  at  several 
different  points  on  the  mound,  the  record  being 
kept  in  an  unusually  systematic  way  and  the 
official  reports  being  minute  and  exhaustive.  Only 
a  general  statement  of  results  can  be  given,  with  an 
indication  of  the  directions  in  which  the  "findings" 
were  peculiar.  The  absence  of  Phoen  and  Myce- 
naean influence  upon  the  pottery  in  the  earliest  levels 
(1000-1600  BC)  is  just  as  marked  as  at  other  sites, 
the  kind  of  pottery  and  the  presence  of  Sem  magi;e- 
bholh  (see  Images)  in  the  Jewdsh  periods  are  just  as 
in  previous  sites,  and  the  development  in  mason 
w-ork  and  in  pottery  is  identically  the  same  in  this 
first  city  to  be  excavated  in  Northern  Pal  as 
in  Southern  Pal.  "The  buildings  and  antiques 
might  be  interchanged  bodily  without  any  serious 
confusion  of  the  archaeological  history  of  Pal. 
....  Civilization  over  all  Western  Pal  is  thus 
shown  to  have  had  the  same  course  of  development, 
whether  we  study  it  N.  or  S."  (Macalister).  This 
is  by  far  the  most  important  result  of  this  excava- 
tion, showing  that,  notwithstanding  divergences 
in  many  directions,  an  equivalent  civilization, 
proving  a  unity  in  the  douiinating  race,  can  be 
seen  over  all  parts  of  Pal  so  far  examined.  Iron 
is  introduced  at  the  same  time  (c  1000  BC),  and 
even  the  toys  and  pottery  decorations  are  similar, 
and  this  continues  through  all  the  periods,  including 
the  Jewish.  Yet  foreign  intercourse  is  common, 
and  the  idols,  even  from  the  earliest  period,  "show 
religious  syncretism"  (Sellin).  From  almost  the 
oldest  layer  comes  a  curious  seal  cylinder  containing 
both  Egyp  and  Bab  features.  On  one  pre-Israelite 
tablet  are  pictures  of  Hadad  and  Baal.  The 
Astarte  cult  is  not  quite  as  prominent  here  as  in 
Southern  Pal.  No  figures  of  the  goddess  come  from 
the  earliest  strata,  but  from  1600  BC  to  c  900-800 
BC  they  are  common;  after  this  they  cease. 
The  ordinary  type  of  Astarte  found  in  Babylonia 
and  Cyprus  as  well  as  in  Pal — with  crown,  neck- 
lace, girdle,  anklets,  and  hands  clasped  on  breasts — 
is  found  most  frequently;  but  from  the  12th  to 
the  9th  cent,  other  forms  appear  representing 
her  as  naked,  with  hips  abnormally  enlarged,  to 
show  her  power  of  fecundity.     One  figure  is  of  a 


peculiarly  foreign  type,  wearing  excessively  large 
earrings,  and  this  is  in  close  connection  with  one 
of  the  most  unique  discoveries  ever  made  in  Pal 
— a  hollow  terra  cotta  Can.  or  Israehte  (2  K  16  10) 
altar  (800-600  BC),  having  no  bottom  but  with 
holes  in  its  walls  which  admitted  air  and  insured 
draft  when  fire  was  kindled  below;  in  its  ornamen- 
tation showdng  a  mixture  of  Bab  and  Egyp  motives, 
having  on  its  right  side  winged  animals  with  human 
heads  by  the  side  of  which  is  a  man  (or  boy) 
struggling  with  a  serpent  the  jaws  of  which  are 
widely  distended  in  anger;  at  its  top  two  ram's  (?) 
horns,  and  between  them  a  sacrificial  bowd  in  which 
to  receive  the  "drink  offering";  on  its  front  a  tree 
(of  hfe),  and  on  each  side  of  it  a  rampant  ibex. 
A  bronze  serpent  was  found  near  this  altar,  as  also 
near  the  high  place  at  Gezer.  Continuous  evidence 
of  the  gruesome  practice  of  foundation  sacrifices, 
mostly  of  little  children,  but  in  one  case  of  an  adult, 
was  found  between  the  13th  and  9th  cents.  BC,  after 
which  they  seem  to  cease.  In  one  house  the  skeletons 
of  a  lady  and  five  children  w-ere  found,  the  former 
with  her  rings  and  necklace  of  gold,  five  pearls,  two 
scaral^s,  etc.  Many  jar-burials  of  new-born  infants, 
16  in  one  place,  were  found,  and,  close  to  this  deposit, 
a  rock-hewn  altar  with  a  jar  of  yellow  incense  (?). 
Egyp  and  Bab  images  were  found  of  different  eras 
and  curious  little  human-looking  amulets  (as  were 
also  found  at  Lachish)  in  which  the  parental  parts 
are  prominent,  which  Sellin  and  Bliss  believe  to  be 
"teraphim"  (Gen  31  19.34;  but  see  Driver,  Modern 
Research,  57,  etc),  such  as  Rachel,  being  pregnant, 
took  with  her  to  protect  her  on  the  hard  journey 
from  Haran  to  Pal  (Macalister). 

The  high  place,  with  one  or  more  steps  leading 
up  to  it,  suggesting  "elevation,  isolation  and 
mystery"  (Vincent),  is  represented  here  as  in  so 
many  other  Palestinian  ruins,  and  the  evidence 
shows  that  it  continued  long  after  the  entrance  of 
Israel  into  Canaan.  When  Israel  entered  Pal,  no 
break  occurred  in  the  civilization,  the  art  develop- 
ment continuing  at  about  the  same  level;  so  prob- 
ably the  two  races  were  at  about  the  same  culture- 
level,  or  else  the  Hebrew  occupation  of  the  land 
was  very  gradual.  In  the  8th  cent,  there  seems  to 
be  an  indication  of  the  entrance  of  a  different  race, 
which  doubtless  is  due  to  the  Assyr  exile.  A  most 
interesting  discovery  was  that  of  the  dozen  cunei- 
form tablets  found  in  a  terra  cotta  chest  or  jar  (cf 
Jer  32  14)  from  the  pre-Israelite  city. 

These  few  letters  cannot  accurately  be  called  ' '  the  first 
library  found  in  Pal";  but  they  do  prove  that  libraries 
were  there,  since  the  personal  and  comparatively  unim- 
portant character  of  some  of  these  notes  and  their  easy 
and  flowing  style  prove  that  legal,  business  and  literary 
documents  must  have  existed.  These  show  that  letter- 
writing  was  used  not  only  in  great  questions  of  state 
between  foreign  countries,  but  in  local  matters  between 
little  contiguous  towns,  and  that  while  Pal  at  this  period 
(c  1400  BC)  was  politically  dependent  on  Egypt,  yet 
Babylonia  had  maintained  its  old  literary  supremacy. 
One  of  these  letters  mentions  "the  finger  of  Ashirat,"  this 
deity  recalling  the  'dsherdh  or  sacred  post  of  the  OT  (see 
Images);  another  note  is  written  by  Ahi-Yawi,  a  name 
which  corresponds  to  Heb  Ahijah  ("Jeh  is  Brother"), 
thus  indicating  that  the  form  of  the  Divine  name  was 
then  known  in  Canaan,  though  its  meaning  (i.e.  the  es- 
sential name;  cf  Ex  6  3;  34  0;  Neh  1  9;  Jer  44  20), 
may  not  have  been  known.  Ahi-Yawi  invokes  upon 
Ishtar-washur  the  blessing  of  the  "  Lord  of  the  Gods." 

On  the  same  level  with  these  letters  were  found 
two  subterranean  cells  with  a  rock-hewn  chamber 
in  front  and  a  rock-hewn  altar  above,  and  even 
the  ancient  drain  which  is  supjiosed  to  have  con- 
veyed the  blood  from  the  altar  into  tlie  "chamber 
of  the  dead"  below.  It  may  be  added  that  Dr. 
Sellin  thinks  the  condition  of  the  various  walls  of 
the  city  is  entirely  harmonious  with  the  Bible 
accounts  of  its  history  (Josh  12  21;  17  11;  Jgs 
1  27;  5  19-21;  1  K  4  12;  9  1.5;  1  Ch  7  29).  So 
far  as  the  ruins  testify,  there  was  no  settled  city  life 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Pal  (Exploration) 


between  c  600  BC  and  900  AD,  i.e.  it  became  a 
desolation  about  the  time  of  the  Bab  captivity.  An 
Arab  castle  dates  from  about  the  10th  cent.  AD. 

(2)  Tell  el-Mutesellim  (Megiddo,  Josh  12  21;  Jgs 
5  19;  2  K  9  27). — This  great  commercial  and  mili- 
tary center  of  Northern  Pal  was  opened  to  the  world 
in  1903-5  by  Dr.  Schumacher  and  his  efficient  staff, 
the  diggings  being  conducted  under  the  auspices  of 
His  Majesty  the  Kaiser  and  the  Ger.  Pal  Society. 
The  mound,  about  5  miles  N.W.  from  Ta'anach, 
stood  prominently  120  ft.  above  the  plain,  the  ruins 
being  on  a  plateau  1,020X750  ft.  in  area.  An 
average  of  70  diggers  were  employed  for  the  entire 
time.  The  dcSbris  was  over  33  ft.  deep,  covering 
some  eight  tnutually  excluding  populations.  The 
surrounding  wall,  30X35  ft.  thick,  conformed  itself 
to  the  contour  of  the  town .  The  excavations  reached 
the  virgin  rock  only  at  one  point;  but  the  oldest 
stratum  uncovered  showed  a  people  living  in  houses, 
having  fire,  cooking  food  and  making  sacrifices;  the 
next  city  marked  an  advance,  but  the  third  city, 
proved  by  its  Egyp  remains  to  go  back  as  far  as  the 
20th  cent.  BC,  showed  a  splendid  and  in  some  di- 
rections a  surprising  civilization,  building  magnifi- 
cent city  gates  (57X36  ft.),  large  houses  and  tombs 
with  vaulted  roofs,  and  adorning  their  persons  with 
fine  scarabs  of  white  and  green  steatite  and  other 
jewelry  of  stone  and  bronze.  It  was  very  rich  in 
colored  pottery  and  little  objects  such  as  tools, 
seals,  terra  cotta  figures  and  animals,  including  a 
bridled  horse,  and  some  worked  iron  is  also  said  to 
have  been  found.  In  one  pile  of  bodies  were  two 
children  wearing  beautiful  bronze  anklets.  The  city 
lying  above  this  begins  as  early  as  the  15th  cent. 
BC,  as  is  proved  by  a  scarab  of  Thothmes  III  and 
by  other  signs,  although  the  scarabs,  while  Egyp  in 
form,  are  often  foreign  in  design  and  execution. 
Anubis,  Bes,  Horus  and  other  Egyp  figures  appear, 
also  32  scarabs  in  one  pot,  much  jewelry,  including 
gold  ornaments,  and  some  very  long,  sharp  bronze 
knives.  One  tomb  contained  42  vessels,  and  one 
skeleton  held  4  gold-mounted  scarabs  in  its  hand. 
One  remarkable  fragment  of  pottery  contained  a 
colored  picture  of  pre-Israelite  warriors  with  great 
black  beards,  carrying  shields  (  ?) .  A  most  interest- 
ing discovery  was  that  of  the  little  copper  (bronze  ?) 
tripods  supporting  lamps,  on  one  of  which  is  the 
figure  of  a  flute-player,  being  strikingly  similar  to 
pictures  of  Delphic  oracles  and  to  representations 
lately  found  in  Crete  (MNDPV,  1906,  46).  This 
city  was  destroyed  by  a  fearful  conflagration,  and 
is  separated  from  the  next  by  a  heavy  stratum  of 
cinders  and  ashes.  The  fifth'city  is  remarkable  for 
a  splenclid  palace  with  walls  of  stone  from  3-5  ft. 
thick.  This  city,  which  probably  begins  as  early  as 
Solomon's  time,  shows  the  best  masonry.  An  oval, 
highly  polished  seal  of  jasper  on  which  is  engraved  a 
Heb  name  in  script  closely  resembling  the  M  S,  sug- 
gests a  date  for  the  city,  and  casts  an  unexpected 
light  upon  the  Heb  culture  of  Pal  in  the  days  of  the 
monarchy.  The  seal  is  equal  to  the  best  Egyp  or 
Assyr  work,  clearly  and  beautifully  engraved,  a,nd 
showing  a  climax  of  art.  In  the  center  is  the  Lion 
(of  Judah),  mouth  wide  open,  tail  erect,  body  tense. 
Upon  the  seal  is  carved:  "To  Shema,  servant  of 
Jeroboam."  This  name  may  possibly  not  refer  to 
either  of  the  Bib.  kings  (10th  or  8th  cent.  BC),  but 
the  stratum  favors  this  dating.  The  seal  was  evi- 
dently owned  by  some  Hebrew  noble  at  a  prosperous 
period  when  some  Jeroboam  was  in  power,  and  so 
everything  is  in  favor  of  this  being  a  relic  from  the 
court  of  one  of  these  kings,  probably  the  latter 
(Kautzsch,  Mu.  N,  1904,  81).  We  have  here,  in 
any  case,  one  of  the  oldest  Heb  inscriptions  known, 
and  one  of  the  most  elegant  ever  engraved  (see 
MNDPV,  1906,  33).  After  seeing  it  the  Sultan 
took  it  from  the  museum  into  his  own  private  col- 


lection. A  second  seal  of  lapis  lazuli,  which  Schu- 
macher and  Kautzsch  date  from  about  the  7th  cent. 
BC,  also  contains  in  Old  Heb  the  name  "Asaph" 
(dMu.  N,  1906,  334;  MNDPV,  1904, 147).  There 
are  several  other  remarkable  works  of  art,  as  e.g. 
a  woman  playing  the  tambourine,  wearing  an  Egyp 
headdress;  several  other  figures  of  women  besides 
several  Astartes,  and  esp.  a  series  of  six  terra  cotta 
heads,  one  with  a  prominent  Sem  nose,  another 
with  Egyp  characteristics,  another  quite  un-Egyp, 
with  regular  features,  vivacious  eyes,  curls  falling 
to  her  shoulders  and  garlanded  with  flowers. 

The  sixth  stratum  might  well  be  called  the  temple- 
city,  for  here  were  found  the  ruins  of  a  sanctuary  built 
of  massive  blocks  in  which  remained  much  of  the  cere- 
monial furniture — sacrificial  dishes,  a  beautiful  basalt  pot 
with  three  feet,  a  plate  having  a  handle  in  the  form  of  a 
flower,  etc.  Seemingly  connected  with  the  former  town, 
three  religious  stones  were  found  covered  by  a  fourth, 
and  one  with  a  pyramidal  top;  so  here  several  monoliths 
were  found  which  would  naturally  be  thought  of  as 
religious  monuments — though,  since  they  have  been 
touched  witii  tools,  this  is  perhaps  doubtful  (Ex  20  25). 
One  incense  altar,  carved  out  of  gray  stone,  is  so  beautiful 
as  to  be  worthy  of  a  modern  Gr  cathedral.  The  upper 
dish  rests  on  a  support  of  carved  ornamental  leaves 
painted  red,  yellow  and  cobalt  blue,  in  exquisite  taste, 
the  colors  still  as  fresh  as  when  first  applied.  A  black- 
smith's shop  was  found  in  this  stratum,  containing  many 
tools,  including  iron  plowshares,  larger  than  the  bronze 
ones  in  the  3d  and  4th  layers.  Allegorical  figures  were 
found,  which  may  possibly  belong  to  the  former  town, 
representing  a  man  before  an  altar  with  liis  hands  raised 
in  adoration,  seemingly  to  a  scorpion,  above  which  are  a 
6-pointed  star,  crescent  moon,  etc.  Another  most 
wonderful  seal  of  white  hard  stone  is  engraved  with  three 
lines  of  symbols,  in  the  first  a  vulture  chasing  a  rabbit; 
in  the  second  a  conventional  palm  tree,  with  winged 
creatures  on  each  side;  in  the  third  a  lion  springing  on 
an  ibex  ( ? )  under  the  crescent  moon.  Near  by  was 
found  a  cylinder  of  black  jasper,  containing  hieroglyphs, 
and  much  crushed  pottery.  The  7th  city,  which  was 
previous  to  the  Gr  or  Rom  eras,  shows  only  a  complex 
of  destroyed  buildings.  After  this  the  place  remains  un- 
occupied till  the  11th  cent.  AD,  when  a  poor  Arab  tower 
was  erected,  evidently  to  protect  the  passing  caravans. 

These  excavations  were  specially  important  in 
proving  the  archaeological  richness  of  Pal  and  the 
elegance  of  the  native  works  of  art.  They  were 
reported  with  an  unexampled  minuteness — various 
drawings  of  an  original  design  showing  the  exact 
place  and  altitude  where  every  little  fragment  was 
found. 

(3)  Tell  HUm  (Capernaum),  etc. — In  April  and 
May,  1905,  the  German  Oriental  Society  excavated 
a  Heb  synagogue  of  the  Rom  era  at  Tell  H-dm.  It 
was  78  ft.  long  by  59  ft.  wide,  was  built  of  beautiful 
white  limestone,  almost  equal  to  marble,  and  was 
in  every  way  more  magnificent  than  any  other  yet 
found  in  Pal,  that  in  Chorazin  being  the  next  finest. 
Its  roof  was  gable-shaped  and  it  was  surprisingly 
ornamented  with  fine  carvings  representing  ani- 
mals, birds,  fruits,  flowers,  etc,  though  in  some  cases 
these  ornamentations  had  been  intentionally  mu- 
tilated. In  January,  1907,  Macalister  and  Master- 
man  proved  that  Khan  Minyeh  was  not  the  ancient 
Capernaum,  as  it  contained  no  pottery  older  than 
Arab  time,  thus  showing  Tell  HiXm  to  be  the  ancient 
site,  so  that  the  synagogue  just  excavated  may  be 
the  one  referred  to  in  Lk  7  5.  At  Samieh,  6  hours 
N.  of  Jerus,  two  important  Can.  cemeteries  were 
discovered  by  the  fellahin  in  1906,  consisting  of 
circular  or  oval  tomb  chambers,  with  roofs  roughly 
dome-shaped,  as  at  Gezer  (see  below).  A  large 
quantity  of  pottery  and  bronze  objects,  much  of 
excellent  quality,  was  found  ( Harvard  Theol.  Rev., 
I,  70-96;  Masterman,  Studies  in  Galilee;  Henson, 
Researches  in  Palestine). 

Jericho  (German  Oriental  Soci,ety). — During 
1908-9,  Dr.  E.  Sellin,  assisted  by  a  specialist 
in  pottery,  (Watzinger)  and  a  professional  archi- 
tect (Langenegger),  with  the  help  of  over  200  work- 
men, opened  to  view  this  famous  Bib.  city  (.Josh 
6  1-24).     Jericho   was  most  strategicaUy  situated 


Pal  (Exploration)    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2230 


at  the  eastern  gateway  of  Palj  with  an  unhmited 
water-supply  in  the  'Ain  es-Sultan,  having  complete 

control  of  the  great  commercial  high- 
3.  Eastern  way  across  the  Jordan  and  possessing 
Palestine       natural  provisions  in  its  palm  forest 

(Smith,  HGHL).  It  was  also  set 
prominently  on  a  hill  rising  some  40  ft.   above 


Excavations  at  Jericho. 

the  plain.  The  excavations  proved  that  from  the 
earliest  historic  time  these  natural  advantages  had 
been  increased  by  every  possible  artifice  known  to 
ancient  engineers,  until  it  had  become  a  veritable 
Gibraltar.  The  oldest  city,  w'hich  was  in  the  form 
of  an  irregular  ellipse,  somewhat  egg-shaped,  with 
the  point  at  the  S.W.,  was  first  surrounded  with  a 
rampart  following  the  contour  of  the  hill,  a  rampart 
so  powerful  that  it  commands  the  admiration  of 
all  military  experts  who  have  examined  it. 

The  walls  even  in  their  ruins  are  some  28  ft. 
high.  They  were  built  in  three  sections:  (a)  a 
substratum  of  clay,  gravel  and  small  stones,  making 
a  deposit  upon  the  rock  about  3  or  4  ft.  deep,  some- 
what analogous  to  modern  concrete;  (6)  a  rubble 
wall,  6  to  8  ft.  thick,  of  large  stones  laid  up  to  a 
height  of  16  ft.  upon  this  conglomerate,  the  lowest 
layers  of  the  stone  being  enormously  large ;  (c)  upon 
all  this  a  brick  wall  over  6  ft.  thick,  still  remaining, 
in  places,  8  ft.  high.  Not  even  Megiddo,  famous  as 
a  military  center  throughout  all  the  ancient  world, 
shows  such  workmanship  (cf  Josh  2  1;  Nu  13  28). 
"These  were  masters  in  stonework  and  masonry" 
(The  Builder):  "Taken  as  a  whole  it  may  justly  be 
regarded  as  a  triumph  of  engineering  skill  which  a 
modern  builder,  under  the  same  conditions,  could 
scarcely  excel"  (Langenegger) ;  "It  is  as  well  done 
as  a  brilliant  mihtary  engineer  with  the  same  ma- 
terials and  tools  could  do  today"  (Vincent).  All 
the  centuries  were  not  able  to  produce  a  natural 
crevice  in  this  fortification.  At  the  N.,  which  was 
the  chief  point  of  danger,  and  perhaps  along  other 
sections  also,  a  second  wall  was  built  about  100  ft. 
inside  the  first,  and  almost  as  strong,  while  still 
another  defence  ("the  citadel"),  with  265  ft.  of 
frontage,  w-as  protected  not  only  by  another  mighty 
wall  but  by  a  well-constructed  glacis.  The  old 
pre-Israelite  culture  in  Jericho  was  exactly  similar 
to  that  seen  in  the  southern  and  northern  cities, 
and  the  idolatry  also.  In  its  natural  elements 
Can.  civilization  was  probably  superior  to  that  of 
the  Hebrews,  but  the  repugnant  and  ever-present 
polytheism  and  fear  of  magic  led  naturally  to  brutal 
and  impure  manifestations.  It  cannot  be  doubted 
that,  at  least  in  some  cases,  the  infants  buried  in 
jars  under  the  floors  represent  foundation  sacrifices. 
Some  of  the  pottery  is  of  great  excellence,  comparing 
favorably  with  almost  the  best  examples  from 
Egypt;  a  number  of  decorative  figures  of  animals 
in  relief  are  specially  fine;  the  bronze  utensils  are 


also  good;  esp.  notable  are  the  22  writing-tablets, 
all  ready  to  be  used  but  not  inscribed.  Somewhere 
near  the  15th  cent,  the  old  fortifications  were 
seriously  damaged,  but  equally  powerful  ones 
replaced  them.  The  German  experts  all  believed 
that  a  break  in  the  city's  history  was  clearly  shown 
about  the  time  when,  according  to  the  pottery, 
Israel  ought  to  have  captured  the  city,  and  it  was 
confidently  said  that  the  distinctively  Can.  pot- 
tery ceased  completely  and  permanently  at  this 
point ;  but  further  research  has  shown  that  at  least 
a  portion  of  the  old  town  had  a  practically  contin- 
uous existence  (so  Josh  16  7;  Jgs  1  16;  3  13; 
2  S  10  5).  No  complete  Israeli tish  house  was 
preserved,  but  the  Israelitish  quarter  was  located 
close  to  the  spring  and  no  little  furniture  of  the 
usual  kind  was  found,  including  dishes,  pots,  corn- 
mills,  lamps,  etc,  many  iron  instruments  and  terra 
cotta  heads  of  men  and  animals.  The  pottery  is 
quite  unlike  the  old  Canaanite,  being  closely  allied 
to  the  Gr-Phoen  ware  of  Cyprus.  It  is  noticeable 
that,  as  in  other  Palestinian  towns,  in  the  Jewish 
era,  little  Bab  influence  is  discernible;  the  Aegean 
and  Egyp  influence  is  not  as  marked  as  in  the  cities 
dug  up  near  the  Mediterranean  coast.  One  large 
edifice  (60  by  80  ft.)  is  so  like  the  dwellings  of  the 
7th  cent.  BC  at  Sendjirli  that  "they  seem  to  have 
been  copied  from  Syrian  plans"  (Vincent).  Abso- 
lutely unique  was  the  series  of  12  Rhodian  jar- 
handles  stamped  in  Aram.,  "To  Jehovah"  [Yah, 
Yahu).  Vincent  has  suggested  that  as  during  the 
monarchy  (7th  to  6th  cent.)  "To  the  King"  meant 
probably  "For  His  Majesty's  Service,"  so  in  post- 
exilio  time  the  Divine  name  meant  "For  the 
Temple"  {Rev .hMique) .  After  the  exile  the  city  had 
about  3  centuries  of  prosperity;  but  disappears 
permanently  in  the  Maccabean  era  {MNDPV, 
1907;  MDOG,  1908-9;  PEFS,  1910;  Rev.  biblique, 
1907-9). 

(1)  Jerusalem. — See  above.  III,  1,  (2). 

(2)  Samaria    (Harvard    Expedition). — Although 
the  ancient  capital  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  yet 

Samaria  was  centrally  located,  being 
4.  Central  20  miles  from  the  Mediterranean 
Palestine       coast  and  only  about  30  miles  N.  of 

Jerus.  Ancient  Samaria  was  very 
famous  in  Israel  for  its  frivolity  and  wealth,  special 
mention  being  made  of  its  ointments,  instruments 
of  music,  luxurious  couches,  and  its  "ivory  palace" 
(Am  6  4-6;  1  K  16  24).  Its  history  is  known 
so  fully  that  the  chronological  sequences  of  the 
ruins  can  be  determined  easily.  The  citadel  and 
town  originated  with  Omri,  c  900  BC  (1  K  16  24) ; 
the  Temple  of  Baal  and  palace  were  constructions 
of  Ahab  (1  K  16  32;  22  39);  it  continued  pros- 
perous down  to  the  Assyr  exile,  722  BC  (1  K  22 
to  2  K  17);  Sargon  and  Esarhaddon  established 
a  Bab  colony  and  presumably  fortified  the  town 
(720-670  BC) ;  Alexander  the  Great  captured  it  in 
331  BC,  and  established  there  a  Syrio-Maccabean 
colony;  it  was  destroyed  by  John  Hyrcanus  in  109 
BC,  but  rebuilt  by  Pompey  in  60  BC,  and  again  by 
Herod  (30-1  BC).  All  of  these  periods  are  identi- 
fied in  the  excavations,  Herod's  work  being  easily 
recognized,  and  Josephus'  description  of  the  town 
being  found  correct;  the  Gr  work  is  equally  well 
defined,  so  that  the  lower  layers  of  masom-y  which 
contained  the  characteristic  Jewish  pottery,  and 
which  in  every  part  of  the  ruin  lay  immediately 
under  the  Bab  and  Gr  buildings,  must  necessarily 
be  Heb,  the  relative  order  of  underlying  structures 
thus  being  "beyond  dispute"  (Reisner).  During 
1908-9  George  A.  Reisner  with  a  staff  of  specialists, 
including  David  G.  Lyon  of  the  Harvard  Semitic 
Museum,  G.  Schumacher,  and  an  expert  architect, 
undertook  systematically  and  thoroughly  to  exca- 
vate this  large  detached  "teU"  lying  350  ft.  above 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Pal  (Exploration) 


the  valley  and  1,450  ft.  aljove  sea-level,  its  location 
as  the  only  possible  strategic  stronghold  proving 
it  to  be  the  ancient  Samaria.  This  was  a  "gigantic 
enterprise"  because  of  the  large  village  of  800 
population  (Sebastii/eh) ,  and  the  valuable  crops 
which  covered  the  hill.  Some  $65,000  were  spent 
during  the  two  seasons,  and  the  work  finally  ceased 
before  the  site  was  fully  excavated.  The  following 
statement  is  an  abridgment,  in  so  far  as  possible 
in  their  words,  of  the  official  reports  of  Drs.  Reisner 
and  Lyon  to  the  Harvard  Theol.  Review:  An 
average  of  285  diggers  were  employed  the  first  season 
and  from  230-60  the  second.  Hundreds  of  Arabian 
lamps,  etc,  were  found  close  to  the  surface,  and 
then  nothing  more  until  the  Rom  ruins.  Many 
fine  Rom  columns  still  remained  upright,  upon  the 
surface  of  the  hill.  The  road  of  columns  leading 
to  the  Forum  and  ornamental  gate  (oriented  unlike 
the  older  gates),  the  great  outer  wall  "20  stadii 
in  circuit"  (Jos),  the  hippodrome,  etc,  were  all 
found  with  inscriptions  or  coins  and  pottery  of 
the  early  Roman  Empire.  Even  the  old  Rom 
chariot  road  leading  into  the  Forum  was  identified. 
Adjoining  the  Forum  and  connected  with  it  by  a 
wide  doorway  was  a  basilica,  consisting  of  a  large 
open  stone-paved  court  surrounded  by  a  colonnade 
with  mosaic  floor.  An  inscription  in  Greek  on 
an  architrave  in  the  courtyard  dates  this  to  12-15 
AD.  The  plan  of  the  Herodian  temple  consisted 
of  a  stairway,  a  portico,  a  vestibule  and  a  cella 
with  a  corridor  on  each  side.  The  staircase  was 
about  SO  ft.  wide,  composed  of  17  steps  beautifully 
constructed,  the  steps  being  quite  modern  in  style, 
each  tread  overlapping  the  next  lower  by  several 
inches.  The  roof  was  arched  and  the  walls  very 
massive  and  covered  with  a  heavy  coat  of  plaster 
still  retaining  traces  of  color.  A  few  Gr  graffiti  were 
found  near  here,  and  1.50  "Rhodian"  stamped 
amphora  handles  and  many  fragments  of  Lat  in- 
scriptions. A  complete  inscription  on  a  large  stele 
proved  to  be  a  dedication  from  some  Pannonian 
soldiers  (probably  2d  or  3d  cent.  AD)  to  "Jupiter 
Optimus  Maximus."  Near  this  was  found  a  torso 
of  heroic  size  carved  in  white  marble,  which  is 
much  finer  than  any  ever  before  discovered  in  Pal, 
the  work  "bringing  to  mind  the  Vatican  Augustus" 
(Vincent),  though  not  equal  to  it.  Close  to  the 
statue  was  a  Rom  altar  (presumably  Herodian) 
c  13  by  7  ft.,  rising  in  six  courses  of  stone  to  a 
height  of  6  ft.  Beneath  the  Rom  city  was  a  Seleu- 
cid  to\\TQ  (c  300-108  BC),  with  its  fortifications, 
gateway,  temples,  streets,  and  great  public  build- 
ings and  a  complex  of  private  houses,  in  connection 
with  which  was  a  large  bath  house,  with  mosaic 
floor,  hot  and  cold  baths,  water  closet,  etc,  which 
was  heated  by  a  furnace.  Underneath  the  Gr 
walls,  which  were  connected  with  the  well-known 
red-figured  Gr  ware  of  c  400  BC,  were  brick  struc- 
tures and  very  thick  fortress  walls  built  in  receding 
courses  of  small  stones  in  the  Bab  style.  In  the 
filling  of  the  construction  trench  of  this  Bab  wall 
were  found  Israelite  potsherds  and  a  Heb  seal  with 
seemingly  Bab  pecuUarities,  and  one  fragment  of  a 
cuneiform  tablet.  Below  these  Bab  constructions 
"there  is  a  series  of  massive  walls  beautifully  built 
of  large  limestone  blocks  founded  on  rock  and  form- 
ing a  part  of  one  great  building,  which  can  be  no 
other  than  the  Jewish  palace."  It  consisted  of 
"great  open  courts  surrounded  by  small  rooms, 
comparable  in  plan  and  even  in  size  with  the  Bab 
palaces  and  is  certainly  royal  in  size  and  archi- 
tecture." Its  massive  outUnes  which  for  the  first 
time  reveal  to  the  modern  world  the  masonry  of 
an  Israelite  palace  show  that  unexpected  material 
resources  and  technical  skill  were  at  the  command 
of  the  kings  of  Israel.  An  even  greater  discovery 
was  made  when  on  the  palace' hill  was  found  an 


alabaster  vase  inscribed  with  the  cartouche  of 
Osorkon  II  of  Egypt  (874-853  BC),  Ahab's  con- 
temporary; and  at  the  same  level,  about  75  frag- 
ments of  pottery,  not  jar-handles  but  oslraca, 
inscribed  with  records  or  memorials  in  ancient 
Plebrcw.  The  script  is  Phoen,  and  according  to 
such  experts  as  Lyon  and  Driver,  practically  iden- 
tical with  that  of  the  Siloam  Inscription  (c  700  BC) 
and  M  S  (c  850  BC).  "The  inscriptions  are  written 
in  ink  with  a  reed  pen  in  an  easy  flowing  hand  and 
show  a  pleasing  contrast  to  the  stiff  forms  of  Phoen 
inscriptions  cut  in  stone.  The  graceful  curves 
give  evidence  of  a  skill  which  comes  only  with  long 
practice"  (Lyon).  The  ink  is  well  preserved,  the 
writing  is  distinct,  the  words  are  divided  by  dots 
or  strokes,  and  with  two  exceptions  aU  the  ostraca 
are  dated,  the  reigning  king  probably  being  Ahab. 
The  following  samples  represent  the  ordinary 
memoranda:  "In  the  11th  year.  From  'Abi'ezer. 
For  'Asa,  'Akhemelek  (and)  Ba'ali.   From  'Elnathan 

(?) InOthyr.    FromYasat.    For 'Abino'am. 

A  jar  of  old  wine In  11th  yr.     For  Badyo. 

The  vineyard  of  the  Tell."  Baal  and  El  form  a 
part  of  several  of  the  proper  names,  as  also  the 
Heb  Divine  name,  the  latter  occurring  naturally 
not  in  its  full  form,  YHWH,  but  as  ordinarily  in 
compounds  YW  (Lyon,  Harvard  Theol.  Rev.,  1911, 
136-43;  cf  Driver,  PEFS,  1911,  79-83).  In  a 
list  of  30  proper  names  all  but  three  have  Bib. 
equivalents.  "They  are  the  earliest  specimens  of 
Heb  writing  which  have  been  found,  and  in  amount 
they  exceed  by  far  all  known  ancient  Heb  inscrip- 
tions; moreover,  they  are  the  first  Palestinian 
records  of  this  natmre  to  be  found"  (see  esp.  Lyon, 
op.  cit.,  I,  70-96;  II,  102-13;  III,  136-38;  IV, 
136-43;  Reisner,  ib,  111,248-63;  also  Theol.  Liiera- 
turblatt,  1911,  III,  4;    Driver,  as   above;    MNOP, 

1911,  23-27;   Rev.  Ublique,  VI,  435-45). 

(3)  'Ain  Shems  (Beth-shemesh,  1  S  6  1-21; 
2  K  14  11). — In  a  short  but  important  campaign, 
during  1911-12,  in  which  from  36  to  167  workmen 
were  employed,  Dr.  D.  Mackenzie  uncovered  a 
massive  double  gate  and  primitive  walls  12-15  ft. 
high,  with  mighty  bastions,  and  found  in  later  de- 
posits Egyp  images,  Syrian  Astartes,  imported 
Aegean  vases  and  a  remarkable  series  of  inscribed 
royal  jar-handles  "dating  from  the  Israelite  mon- 
archy" (Vincent),  as  also  what  seemed  to  be  an 
ancient  Sem  tomb  with  fagade  entrance.  The 
proved  Cretan  relations  here  are  esp.  important. 
The  town  was  suddenly  destroyed,  probably  in  the 
era  of  Sennacherib  {PEFS,  1911,  LXIX,  172;  1912, 
XII,  145). 

(4)  Gezer  (Palestine  Exploration  Fund). — Tell 
ej-Jezer  occupies  a  conspicuous  position,  over  250 
ft.  above  the  plain,  and  750  ft.  above  the  sea,  on  a 
ridge  of  hills  some  20  miles  N.W.  of  Jerus,  over- 
looking the  plain  toward  Jaffa,  which  is  17  miles 
distant.  It  is  in  plain  sight  of  the  two  chief  trade 
caravan  roads  of  Southern  Pal  which  it  controlled. 
The  ancient  Gezer  was  well  known  from  many  refer- 
ences to  it  on  the  Egyp  records,  the  names  of  several 
governors  of  Gezer  being  given  in  letters  dating 
from  c  1400  BC  and  Menephtah  (c  1200  BC)  caUing 
himself  "Binder  of  Gezer,"  etc.  The  discovery  of 
the  boundary  stones  of  Gezer  (see  above)  positively 
identified  it.  It  was  thoroughly  excavated  by 
R.  A.  Stewart  Macalister  in  1902-5,  1907-9,  during 
which  time  10,000  photographs  were  made  of  ob- 
jects found.  No  explorations  have  been  so  long 
continued  on  one  spot  or  have  brought  more  unique 
discoveries  or  thrown  more  light  upon  the  develop- 
ment of  Palestinian  culture  and  religion,  and  none 
have  been  reported  as  fully  {Excavations  of  Gezer, 

1912,  3  vols;  Hist  of  Civilization  in  Pal,  1912). 
Ten  periods  are  recognized  as  being  distinctly 
marked  in  the  history  of  the  mound — which  broadly 


Pal  (Exploration)    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2232 


speaking  represents  the  development  in  all  parts 
of  Pal:  (a)  pre-Sem  period  (c  3000-2500  BC),  to 
the  entrance  of  the  first  Semites;  (6)  first  Sem  city 
(c  2500-1800  BC),  to  the  end  of  the  Xllth  Egyp 
Dynasty;  (c)  second  Sem  city  (c  lSOO-1400  BC), 
to  the  end  of  the  XVIIIth  Egyp  Dynasty;  (d) 
third  Sem  city  (o  1400-1000  BC),  to  the  beginning 
of  the  Heb  monarchy;  (e)  fourth  Sem  city  (c  1000- 
550  BC),  to  the  destruction  of  the  monarchy 
and  the  Bab  exile;  (/)  Pers  and  Hel  period 
(550-100  BC),  to  the  beginning  of  the  Rom  do- 
minion; (g)  Rom  (100  BC-350  AD);  (/i)  Byzantine 
(350-6C)0  AD);  (i)  and  (j)  early  and  modern 
Arabian  (350  AD  to  the  present).  The  last  four 
periods  have  left  few  important  memorials  and  may 
be  omitted  from  review. 

(a)  The  aboriginal  non-Sem  inhabitants  of  Gezer 
were  troglodytes  (cf  Gen  14  6)  living  in  the  caves  which 
honeycomb  this  district  (cl  ZDPV,  1909,  VI,  12),  modi- 
fying these  only  slightly  for  home  purposes.  They  were 
a  small  race  5  ft.  4  in.  to  5  ft.  7  in.  in  height,  slender  in 
form,  with  rather  broad  heads  and  thicli  sliulls,  who 
hunted,  kept  domestic  animals  (cows,  sheep,  goats); 
had  lire  and  cooked  food;  possessed  no  metals ;  made  by 
hand  a  porous  and  gritty  soft-baked  pottery  which  they 
decorated  with  red  lines;  and  were  capable  of  a  rude 
art — the  oldest  in  Pal — in  which  drawings  of  various 
animals  are  given.  They  prized  certain  bars  of  stone 
(possibly  phallic);  they  probably  offered  sacrifices; 
they  certainly  cremated  their  dead,  depositing  with  the 
ashes  a  few  food  vessels.  The  crematory  found  was  31 
ft.  long  by  24  wide,  and  in  it  the  bodies  were  burned 
whole,  without  regard  to  orientation.  Many  cup  marks 
in  the  rocks  suggest  possible  religious  rites ;  in  close  con- 
nection with  these  marldngs  were  certain  remains,  in- 
cluding bones  of  swine  (cf  Lev  11  7). 

(b)  The  Semites  who  displaced  this  population  were 
more  advanced  in  civilization,  having  bronze  tools  and 
potter's  wheels,  with  finer  and  more  varied  pottery; 
they  were  a  heavier  race,  being  5  ft.  7  in.  to  5  ft.  11  iri. 
tall,  larger-boned,  thicker-skulled,  and  with  longer 
faces.  They  did  not  burn  but  buried  their  dead  care- 
lessly upon  the  floor  of  the  natural  caves.  The  grave 
deposits  are  the  same  as  before;  occasionally  some  beads 
are  found  with  the  body.  The  former  race  had  surround- 
ed their  settlement  with  a  wall  6  ft.  high  and  8  ft.  thick, 
mostly  earth,  though  faced  with  selected  stones;  but 
this  race  built  a  wall  of  hammered  stones,  though  irregu- 
larly cut  and  laid,  the  wall  being  10  ft.  thick,  and  one 
gateway  being  42  ft.  wide,  flanked  by  two  towers.  While 
huts  were  always  the  common  residences  (as  in  later 
eras),  yet  some  buildings  of  stone  were  erected  toward 
the  close  of  this  period  and  one  large  palace  was  found, 
built  of  stone  and  ha\ing  a  row  of  columns  down  the 
center,  and  containing  a  complex  of  rooms,  including  one 
rectangular  hall,  40  ft.  long  by  25  ft.  wide.  IMost 
remarkable  of  all  were  their  works  of  engineering.  They 
hewed  enormous  constructions,  square,  rectangular  and 
circular,  out  of  the  soft  chalk  and  limestone  rocks,  one 
of  which  contained  60  chambers,  one  chamber  being 
400  by  80  ft.  The  supreme  work,  however,  was  a  tunnel 
which  was  made  c  2000  BC,  passing  out  of  use  c  1450- 
1250  BC,  and  which  shows  the  power  of  these  early 
Palestinians.  It  was  200-250  ft.  long  and  consisted  of 
a  roadway  cut  through  the  hill  of  rock  some  47^  ft.  to  an 
imposing  archway  2:3  ft.  high  and  12  ft.  10  in.  broad, 
which  led  to  a  long  sloping  passage  of  equal  dimensions, 
with  the  arch  having  a  vaiilted  roof  and  the  sides  well 
plumb.  This  led  into  a  bed  of  much  harder  rock,  where 
dimensions  were  reduced  and  the  workmanship  was 
poorer,  but  ultimately  reached,  aV)out  130  ft.  below  the 
present  surface  of  the  ground,  an  enormous  living  spring 
of  such  depth  that  the  excavators  could  not  empty  it 
of  the  soft  mud  with  which  it  was  filled.  A  well-cut 
but  well-worn  and  battered  stone  staircase,  over  12  ft. 
broad,  connected  the  spring  with  the  upper  section  of  the 
tunnel  94  ft.  above.  Beyond  the  spring  was  a  natural 
cave  80  by  25  ft.  Dr.  Macalister  asks,  "Did  a  Canaan- 
ite  governor  plan  and  Canaanite  workmen  execute  this 
vast  work  ?  How  did  the  ancient  engineers  discover 
the  spring?"  No  one  can  answer;  but  certainly  the 
tunnel  was  designed  to  bring  the  entrance  of  the  water 
passage  within  the  courtyard  protected  by  the  palace 
walls. 

Another  great  reservoir,  57  by  46  ft.,  at  another  part 
of  the  city  was  quarried  in  the  rock  to  a  depth  of  291  ft., 
and  below  this  another  one  of  equal  depth  but  not  so 
large,  and  narrowing  toward  the  bottom.  These  wore 
covered  with  two  coats  of  cement  and  surrounded  by  a 
wall;   they  would  hold  60,000  gals. 

(c)  The  second  Sem  city,  built  on  the  ruins  of  the  first, 
was  smaller,  but  more  luxurious.  There  were  fewer 
buildings  but  larger  rooms.  The  potter's  wheel  was 
worked  by  the  foot.  Pottery  becomes  much  finer,  the 
styles  and  decoration  reaching  a  climax  of  grace  and 
refinement.     Foreign  trade  begins  in  this  period   and 


almost  or  quite  reaches  its  culmination.  The  Hyksos 
scarabs  found  here  prove  that  under  their  rule  (XVIth 
and  XVIIth  Dynasties)  there  was  close  intercourse  with 
Pal,  and  the  multitudes  of  Egyp  articles  show  that  this 
was  also  true  before  and  after  the  Hyksos.  The  Cretan 
and  the  Aegean  trade,  esp.  through  Cyprus,  introduced 
new  art  ideas  which  soon  brought  local  attempts  at 
imitation.  Scribes'  implements  for  writing  in  wax  and 
clay  begin  here  and  are  found  in  all  strata  hereafter. 


Interments  in  the  Second  Burial  Cave  at  Gezer. 

"While  the  pottery  is  elaborately  painted,  it  is  but  little 
molded.  The  older  "combed"  ornament  practically 
disappears,  while  burnished  ornament  reaches  high-water 
marli.  Animal  figures  are  common,  the  eyes  often  being 
elaborately  modeled  and  stuck  on;  but  it  is  infantile 
art.  Burials  still  occur  in  natural  caves,  but  also  in 
those  hewn  artificially;  the  bodies  are  carelessly  depos- 
ited on  the  floor  without  coffins,  generally  in  a  crouching 
position,  and  stones  are  laid  around  and  over  them 
without  system.  Drink  offerings  always  and  food  offer- 
ings generally  are  placed  with  the  dead.  Scarabs  are 
found  with  the  skeletons,  and  ornaments  of  bronze  and 
silver,  occasionally  gold  and  beads,  and  sometimes 
weapons.  Lamps  also  begin  to  be  deposited,  but  in 
small  numbers. 

(d)  During  this  period  Menephtah  "spoiled 
Gezer,"  and  Israel  established  itself  in  Canaan. 
The  excavations  have  given  no  hint  of  Menephtah's 
raid,  unless  it  be  found  in  an  ivory  pectoral  bearing 
his  cartouche.  About  1400  BC  a  great  wall,  4  ft. 
thick,  was  built  of  large  and  well-shaped  stones 
and  protected  later  by  particularly  fine  towers, 
perhaps,  as  Macalister  suggests,  by  the  Pharaoh 
who  captured  Gezer  and  gave  it  as  a  dowry  to  his 
daughter,  wife  of  King  Solomon.  A  curious  fact, 
which  seemingly  illustrates  Josh  16  10,  is  the  large 
increase  of  the  town  shortly  after  the  Heb  invasion. 
"The  houses  are  smaller  and  more  crowded  and 
the  sacred  area  of  the  high  place  is  built  over." 
"There  is  no  indication  of  an  exclusively  Israelite 
population  around  the  city  outside"  (Macalister, 
V.  Driver,  Modern  Research,  69).  That  land  was 
taken  for  building  purposes  from  the  old  sacred 
enclosure,  and  that  new  ideas  in  building  plans  and 
more  heavily  fortified  buildings  were  now  intro- 
duced have  been  thought  to  suggest  the  entrance 
among  the  ancient  population  of  another  element 
with  different  ideas.  The  finest  palace  of  this 
period  with  very  thick  walls  (3-9  ft.)  carefully 
laid  out  at  right  angles,  and  certainly  built  near 
"the  time  of  the  Heb  invasion,"  was  perhaps  the 
residence  of  Horam  (Josh  10  33).  At  this  period 
seals  begin  (10  being  found  here,  as  against  28  in 
the  next  period,  and  31  in  the  Hellenistic)  and  also 
iron  tools;  the  use  of  the  carpenter's  compass  is 
proved,  the  bow  drill  was  probably  in  use,  bronze 
and  iron  nails  appear  (wrought  iron  being  fairly  com- 
mon from  c  1000  BC) ;  a  cooking-pot  of  bronze  was 
found,  and  spoons  of  shell  and  bronze ;  modern  meth- 
ods of  making  buttons  and  button  holes  are  finest 
from  this  period,  pottery  buttons  being  introduced 
in  the  next  city.  One  incidental  Bible  reference  to 
the  alliance  between  Gezer  and  Lachish  (Josh  10 
33)  finds  unexpected  illustration  from  the  fact  that 
a  Ivind  of  pottery  pecuhar  to  Lachish,  not  having 


2233 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Pal  (Exploration) 


been  found  in  any  other  of  the  Southern  Palestinian 
towns,  was  found  at  Gezer.  The  pottery  here  in 
general  shows  the  same  method  of  construction 
as  in  the  3d  stratum,  but  the  decoration  and  shapes 
deteriorate,  while  there  is  practically  no  molding. 
It  shows  much  the  same  foreign  influence  as  before, 
the  styles  being  affected  from  Egypt,  Crete,  the 
Aegean,  and  esp.  Cyprus.  From  this  period  come 
218  scarabs,  68  from  the  period  previous  and  93 
from  the  period  following.  Ornamental  colored 
specimens  of  imported  Egyp  glass  also  occur, 
clear  glass  not  being  found  till  the  next  period. 
Little  intercourse  is  proved  with  Babylon  at  this 
era:  as  against  16  Bab  cylinders  found  in  the 
previous  period,  only  4  were  found  in  this  and  15 
in  the  next  period.  There  is  no  marked  change 
in  the  method  of  disposing  of  the  dead,  but  the 
food  vessels  are  of  smaller  size  and  are  placed  in  the 
graves  in  great  numbers,  most  of  these  being  broken 
either  through  the  use  of  poor  vessels  because  of 
economy  or  with  the  idea  of  liberating  the  spirit 
of  the  object  that  it  might  serve  the  deceased  in 
the  spirit  world.  Lamps  are  common  now  in  every 
tomb  but  there  is  a  marked  decrease  in  the  quantity 
and  value  of  ornamental  objects.  Religious  em- 
blems occur  but  rarely.  The  worship  of  Astarte 
(see  Ashtoheth),  the  female  consort  of  Baal,  is 
most  popular  at  this  era,  terra  cotta  figures  and 
plaques  of  this  goddess  being  found  in  many  types 
and  in  large  numbers.  It  is  suggestive  that  these 
grow  notably  less  in  the  next  stratum.  It  is  also 
notable  that  primitive  idols  are  certainly  often 
intentionally  ugly  (Vincent).  So  to  this  day 
Arabs  ward  off  the  evil  eye. 

(e)  This  period,  during  which  almost  the  entire 
prophetic  lit.  was  produced,  is  of  peculiar  interest. 
Gezer  at  this  time  as  at  every  other  period  was  in 
general  appearance  like  a  modern  Arab  village,  a 
huge  mass  of  crooked,  narrow,  airless  streets,  shut 
inside  a  thick  wall,  with  no  trace  of  sanitary  con- 
veniences, with  huge  cisterns  in  which  dead  men 
could  lie  undetected  for  centuries,  and  with  no 
sewers.  Even  in  the  Maccabean  time  the  only 
sewer  found  ran,  not  into  a  cesspool,  but  into  the 
ground,  close  to  the  governor's  palace.  The  mor- 
tality was  excessively  high,  few  old  men  being 
found  in  the  cemeteries,  while  curvature  of  the 
spine,  syphilis,  brain  disease,  and  esp.  broken, 
unset  bones  were  common.  Tweezers,  pins  and 
needles,  kohl  bottles,  mirrors,  combs,  perfume  boxes, 
scrapers  (for  baths)  were  common  in  this  stratum 
and  in  all  that  follow  it,  while  we  have  also  here 
silver  earrings,  bracelets  and  other  beautiful  orna- 
ments with  the  first  sign  of  clear  glass  objects; 
tools  also  of  many  kinds  of  stone,  bronze  and  iron, 
an  iron  hoe  just  like  the  modern  one,  and  the  first 
known  pulley  of  bronze.  The  multitude  of  Heb 
weights  found  here  have  thrown  much  new  light  on 
the  weight-standards  of  Pal  (see  esp.  Macahster, 
Gezer,  II,  287-92;  E.  J.  Pilcher,  PEFS,  1912;  A. 
R.  S.  Kennedy,  Expos  T,  XXIV). 

The  pottery  was  poor  in  quality,  clumsy  and 
coarse  in  shape  and  ornament,  excepting  as  it  was 
imported,  the  local  Aegean  imitations  bemg  un- 
worthy. Combed  ornament  was  not  common, 
and  the  burnished  as  a  rule  was  limited  to  random 
scratches.  Multiple  lamps  became  common,  and 
a  large  variety  of  styles  in  small  jugs  was  intro- 
duced The  motives  of  the  last  period  survive, 
but  in  a  degenerate  form.  The  bird  friezes  so 
characteristic  of  the  3d  Sem  period  disappear. 
The  scarab  stamp  goes  out  of  use,  but  the  impres- 
sions of  other  seals  "now  become  fairly  common  as 
potter's  marks."  These  consist  either  of  simple 
devices  (stars,  pentacles,  etc)  or  of  names  in  Old 
Heb  script.  These  Heb-mscribed  stamps  were 
found  at  many  sites  and  consist  of  two  classes. 


(i)  those  containing  personal  names,  such  as 
Azariah,  Haggai,  Menahem,  Shebaniah,  etc,  (ii) 
those  which  are  confined  to  four  names,  often  re- 
peated— Hebron,  Socoh,  Ziph,  Mamshith — in  con- 
nection with  a  reference  to  the  king,  e.g.  "For  [or 
Of]  the  king  of  Hebron."  These  latter  date,  accord- 
ing to  Dr.  Macalister's  final  judgment,  from  the 


Stamped  Jar-Handles  Excavated  at  Gezer. 

Pers  period.  He  still  thinks  they  represent  the 
names  of  various  potters  or  potters'  guilds  in  Pal 
(of  1  Ch  2,  4,  5,  and  see  esp.  Bible  Side-Lights 
from  Gezer,  150,  etc),  but  others  suppose  these  narnes 
to  represent  the  local  measures  of  capacity,  which 
differed  in  these  various  districts;  others  that  these 
represented  different  tax-districts  where  wine  jars 
would  be  used  and  bought.  At  any  rate,  we  cer- 
tainly have  here  the  work  of  the  king's  potters 
referred  to  in  1  Ch  4  23.  Another  very  curious 
Heb  tablet  inscription  is  the  so-called  Zodiacal 
Tablet,  on  which  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac  are  figured 
with  certain  other  symbols  which  were  at  first 
supposed  to  express  some  esoteric  magical  or  reli- 
gious meaning,  but  which  seem  only  to  represent 
the  ancient  agricultural  year  with  the  proper 
months  indicated  for  sowing  and  reaping — being 
the  same  as  the  modern  seasons  and  crops  except- 
ing that  flax  was  cultivated  anciently.  An  even 
more  important  hterary  memorial  from  this  period 
consists  of  two  cuneiform  tablets  written  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  after  the  Ten  Tribes  had  been 
carried  to  Assyria  and  foreign  colonies  had  been 
thrown  into  Israelite  territory.  This  collapse  of 
the  Northern  Kingdom  was  not  marked  by  any 
local  catastrophe,  so  far  as  the  ruins  indicate,  any 
more  than  the  collapse  of  the  Can.  kingdom  when 
Israel  entered  Pal ;  but  soon  afterward  we  find  an 
Assyr  colony  settled  in  Gezer  "using  the  Assyr 
language  and  letters  ....  and  carrying  on  busi- 
ness with  Assyr  methods."  In  one  tablet  (649  BC), 
which  is  a  bill  of  sale  for  certain  property,  contain- 
ing description  of  the  same,  appeared  the  narne  of  the 
buyer,  seals  of  seller  and  signature  of  12  witnesses, 
one  of  whom  is  the  Egyp  governor  of  the  new  town, 
another  an  Assyr  noble  whose  name  precedesthat 
of  the  governor,  and  still  another  a  Western  Asiatic, 
the  others  being  Assyrian.  It  is  a  Hebrew  "Netha- 
niah,"  who  the  next  year,  as  the  other  tablet  shows, 
sells  his  field,  his  seal  bearing  upon  it  a  lunar  stellar 
emblem.  Notwithstanding  the  acknowledged  lit- 
erary work  of  high  quality  produced  in  Pal  during 
this  period,  no  other  hint  of  this  is  found  clear  down 
to  the  Gr  period  except  in  one  neo-Bab  tablet. 

The  burials  in  this  period  were  much  as  pre- 
viously, excepting  that  the  caves  were  smaller  and 
toward  the  end  of  the  period  shelves  around  the 
walls  received  the  bodies.  In  one  Sem  tomb  as 
many  as  150  vessels  were  found.  Quite  the  most 
astonishing  discovery  at  this  level  was  that  of 
several  tombs  which  scholars  generally  agree  to 
be  "Philistine."  They  were  not  native  Canaanite, 
but  certainly  Aegean  intruders  with  relations  with 
Crete  and  Cyprus,  such  as  we  would  expect  the 
Philis  to  have  (see  Philistines).    The  tombs  were 


Pal  (Exploration) 
Palm  Tree 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2234 


oblong  or  rectangular,  covered  with  large  hori- 
zontal slabs,  each  tomb  containing  but  a  single 
body,  stretched  out  with  the  head  to  the  E.  or  W. 
One  tomb  was  that  of  a  girl  of  18  with  articles  of 
alabaster  and  silver  about  her,  and  wearing  a 
Cretan  silver  mouth  plate;    another  was  a  man  of 


■^  ^  — - 


0   ^i 


High  Place  of  the  Cave-Dwellers  at  Gczer. 

40  with  agate  seal  of  Assyr  design,  a  two-handled 
glass  vessel,  etc;  another  was  a  woman  surrounded 
by  handsome  ornaments  of  bronze,  lead,  silver  and 
gold,  with  a  basalt  scarab  between  her  knees.  The 
richest  tomb  was  that  of  a  girl  whose  head  had  been 
severed  from  the  body;  with  her  was  a  hemispher- 
ical bowl,  ornamented  with  rosette  and  lotus  pat- 
tern, and  a  horde  of  beautiful  things.  The  iron  in 
these  tombs  was  noticeable  (cf  1  S  17  7),  and  in 
one  tomb  were  found  two  ingots  of  gold,  one  of  these 
being  of  the  same  weight  almost  to  a  fraction  as  that 
of  Achan  (Josh  7  21).  The  most  impressive  dis- 
covery was  the  high  place.  This  began  as  early 
as  2.500-2000  BC,  and  grew  by  the  addition  of 
monoliths  and  surrounding  buildings  up  to  this 
era.  The  eight  huge  uncut  pillars  which  were  founil 
standing  in  a  row,  with  two  others  fallen  (yet  cf 
Benzinger,  Heh  Archaeology,  320),  show  us  the 
actual  appearance  of  this  ancient  worshipping-place 
so  famous  in  the  Bible  (Dt  16  22;  2  K  17  9.11; 
23  8).  The  top  of  one  of  these  monoliths  had 
been  worn  smooth  by  kisses;  another  was  an  im- 
portation, being  possibly,  as  has  been  Buggested, 
a  captured  "Aril";  another  stone,  near  by,  had  a 
large  cavity  in  its  top,  nearly  3  ft.  long  and  2  ft. 
broad  and  1  ft.  2  in.  deep,  which  is  differently  inter- 
preted as  being  the  block  upon  which  the  'dsherah, 
so  often  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  magQc- 
bholh,  may  have  been  erected,  or  as  an  altar,  or  per- 
haps a  laver  for  ritual  ablutions.  Inside  the  sacred 
enclosure  was  found  a  small  bronze  cobra  (2  K  18 
4),  and  also  the  entrance  to  an  ancient  cave, 
where  probably  oracles  were  given,  the  excavators 
finding  that  this  cave  was  connected  with  another 
by  a  small,  secret  passage — through  which  pre- 
sumably the  message  was  delivered.  In  the 
stratum  underlying  the  high  place  was  a  cemetery 
of  infants  buried  in  large  jars.  "That  the  sacri- 
ficed infants  were  the  firstborn,  devoted  in  the 
temple,  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  none  were 
over  a  week  old"  (Macalistcr).  In  all  the  Sem 
strata  bones  of  children  were  also  found  in  corners 
of  the  houses,  the  deposits  being  identical  with 
infant  burials  in  the  high  place;  and  examination 
showed  that  these  were  not  stillborn  children.  At 
least  some  of  the  burials  under  the  house  thresholds 
and  under  the  foundation  of  walls  carry  with  them 
the  mute  proofs  of  this  most  gruesome  practice. 
In  one  place  the  skeleton  of  an  old  woman  was 
found  in  a  corner  where  a  hole  had  been  left  just 
large  enough  for  this  purpose.  A  youth  of  about 
IS  had  Ijeen  cut  in  two  at  the  waist  and  only  tlie 


upper  part  of  his  body  deposited.  Before  the  coming 
into  Pal  of  the  Israelites,  a  lamp  began  to  be  placed 
under  the  walls  and  foundations,  probably  sym- 
bolically to  take  the  place  of  human  sacrifice.  A 
lamp  and  bowl  deposit  under  the  threshold,  etc, 
begins  in  the  3d  Sem  period,  but  is  rare  till  the 
middle  of  that  period.  In  the  4th  Sem  period  it 
is  common,  though  not  universal;  in  the  Hellenic 
it  almost  disappears.  Macalister  suspects  that 
these  bowls  held  blood  or  grape  juice.  In  one 
striking  case  a  bronze  figure  was  found  in  place  of 
a  body.  Baskets  full  of  phalli  were  carried  away 
from  the  high  place.  Various  types  of  the  Astarte 
were  found  at  Gezer.  When  we  see  the  strength 
and  popularity  of  this  religion  against  which  the 
prophets  contended  in  Canaan,  "we  are  amazed  at 
the  survival  of  this  world-religion,"  and  we  now  see 
"why  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were  forced  to  raise  the 
'fence  of  the  law'  against  this  heathenism,  which 
did  in  fact  overthrow  all  other  Sem  religions" 
(George  Adam  Smith,  PEFS,  1906,  288). 

(/)  During  the  Maccabean  epoch  the  people  of 
Gezer  built  reservoirs  (one  having  a  capacity  of 
4,000,000  gals.),  used  well-paved  rooms,  favored 
complex  house  plans  with  pillars,  the  courtyard  be- 
coming less  important  as  compared  with  the  rooms, 
though  domestic  fowls  were  now  for  the  first  time 
introduced.     The    architectural    decorations    have 


Lamp  and  Bowls  Discovered  at  Gezer. 

all  been  annihilated  (as  elsewhere  in  Pal)  excepting 
a  few  molded  stones  and  an  Ionic  volute  from  a 
palace,  supposed  to  be  that  of  Simon  Maccabaeus 
because  of  the  references  in  Jos  and  because  of 
a  scribbled  imprecation  found  in  the  courtyard: 
"May  fire  overtake  [?]  Simon's  palace."  This  is 
the  only  inscription  from  all  these  post-exilic  cen- 
turies, to  which  so  much  of  the  beautiful  Bible  lit. 
is  ascribed,  excepting  one  grotesque  animal  figure 
on  which  is  scrawled  a  name  which  looks  a  little 
like  "Antiochus."  Only  a  few  scraps  of  Gr  bowls, 
some  Rhodian  jar-handles,  a  few  bronze  and  iron 
arrow  heads,  a  few  animal  figures  and  a  fragment  of 
an  Astarte,  of  doubtful  chronology,  remain  from 
these  four  centuries.  The  potsherds  prove  that 
foreign  imports  continued  and  that  the  local  potters 
followed  classic  models  and  did  excellent  work. 
The  ware  was  always  burnt  hard;  combed  orna- 
ment and  burnishing  were  out  of  style;  molded 
ornament  was  usually  confined  to  the  lojje  design; 
painted  decorations  were  rare;  potter's  marks  were 
generally  in  Gr,  though  some  were  in  Heb,  the  letters 
being  of  late  form,  and  no  names  appearing  similar 
to  those  found  in  Scripture.  The  tombs  were  well- 
cut  square  chambers,  with  shafts  hewn  in  the  rock 
for  the  bodies,  usually  nine  to  each  tonjb,  which 
were  run  into  them  head  foremost.  The  doorways 
were  well  cut,  the  covers  almost  alwa3's  being  mov- 


2235 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pal  (Exploration) 
Palm  Tree 


able  flat  slabs,  though  in  one  case  a  swinging  stone 
door  was  found — circular  rolUng  stones  or  the 
''false  doors"  so  often  found  in  the  Jerus  tombs 
being  unknown  here.  Little  shrines  were  erected 
above  the  forecourt  or  vestibule.  When  the  body 
decayed,  the  bones  in  tombs  having  these  kukhin, 
shafts,  were  collected  into  ossuaries,  the  inscrip- 
tions on  these  ossuaries  showing  clearly  the  transi- 
tion from  Old  Heb  to  the  square  character.  After 
the  Maccabean  time  the  town  was  deserted,  though 
a  small  Christian  community  lived  here  in  the  4th 
cent.  AD.     Sec  also  Gezer. 

LiTERATtiHE. — Most  important  recent  monographs: 
Publications  of  Palestine  Exploration  Fund,  esp.  Survey 
of  Western  Pal  (9  vols,  1884);  Survey  of  Eastern  Pal  (2 
vols,  1889);  "Pal  Pilgrim's  Text  Society's  Library"  (13 
vols)  and  the  books  of  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  F.  J.  Bliss 
and  R.  A.  S.  MacaUster;  also  Bliss,  Development  of  Pal 
Exploration  (1906),  and  Macalister,  Bible  Side-Lights 
from  the  Mound  of  Gezer  (1906);  Ernst  Sellin,  Tell  Ta'an- 
nek  (1904);  Erne  Nachlese  auf  dem  Tell  Ta'annek  (1905); 
C.  Steuernagel,  Tell  el-Mutesellim  (1908);  Mommert, 
Topog.   des  alien   Jerus    (1902-7);     H.   Guthe,    Bibelatlas 

Most  important  periodicals:  PEFS;  ZDPV:  Mittei- 
lungen  und  Nachrichten  des  deutschen  Paldstina-Vereins- 
Patastina-Jahrbuch  (MNDPV);   Revue  Biblique. 

Mostimportant  general -works :  L.  B.Paton,  Early  His- 
tory of  Syria  and  Pal  (1902);  Cuinet,  Syrie,  Liban  el 
Pal  (1896-1900);  H.  V.  Hilprecht,  Explorations  in  Bible 
Lands  during  the  1.9th  Cent.  (190:3);  P.  H.  'Vincent, 
Canaan,  d'apris  V  exploration  recente  (1907);  G.  A. 
Smith,  Jerus  (1908);  S.  R.  Driver,  Modern  Research 
as  Illustrating  the  Bible  (1909). 

Camden  M.  Cobern 
PALLU,  pal'il,  PALLUITES,  pal'a-Its  (X'lJS, 
palla',  "distinguished"):  A  son  of  Reuben  (Gen 
46  9  ["Phallu"];  Ex  6  14;  Nu  26  5.8;  1  Ch  6 
3).  Perhaps  Peleth  of  Nu  16  1  is  the  same. 
Palluites,  the  patronymic,  occurs  in  Nu  26  5. 

PALM,  pam  (OF  THE  HAND)  (DS ,  kaph) :  The 
Heb  word  which  is  used  in  a  variety  of  senses  (see 
Hand;  Paw)  is  usually  tr'^  "hand"  in  EV,  but  the 
tr  "palm"  is  found  in  5  passages  of  the  OT,  in  3  of 
which  the  Heb  text  adds  the  word  T' ,  yadh  ("hand," 
1  S  5  4;  2  K  9  35;  Dnl  10  10). '  It  would  prop- 
erly mean  the  "hollow  hand"  (root  kaphaph,  "to 
bend,"  "to  curve"),  which  receives  or  grasps  things. 
It  is  therefore  used  in  reference  to  filling  the  priest's 
hands  with  sacrificial  portions  (Lev  14  15.26). 
The  palms  of  the  hands  of  Dagon  are  mentioned  as 
cut  off,  when  the  idol  was  found  mutilated  in  the 
presence  of  the  ark  of  .Jch  (1  S  5  4),  from  which 
may  be  inferred  that  this  idol  probably  was  repre- 
sented with  hands  spread  out  in  blessing,  as  we  find 
in  numerous  Bab  representations  of  divinities. 

In  a  beautiful  metaphor  God  answers  the  repent- 
ant people  of  Jerus,  who  thought  Jeh  had  forgotten 
and  forsaken  them:  "Behold,  I  have  graven  thee 
upon  the  palms  of  my  hands"  (Isa  49  16;  see  also 
Ecclus  18  3).  Daniel  is  touched  upon  the  palms  of 
his  hands  to  wake  him  from  sleep  (Dnl  10  10). 

In  the  NT  we  find  the  phrase,  "to  smite  with  the 
palms  of  the  hands,"  as  a  tr  of  the  Gr  vb.  /iaTrifw, 
rhapizo  (Mt  26  67;  see  also  5  39  and  LXX  Hos  11 
4;  1  Esd  4  30),  and,  derived  from  the  same  vb., 
p&irta-fiaj  rhdpisma,  a  blow  of  the  palm  on  the  cheek, 
etc  (Mk  14  65;  Jn  18  22;  19  3,  where,  however, 
in  EV  the  word  "palm"  has  not  been  given).  The 
marginal  tr  "to  smite  or  strike  with  rods"  (Mt  26 
67;  Jn  18  22;  19  3)  and  "strokes  of  rods"  (Mk 
14  65  m)  does  not  seem  to  be  applicable  to  the  Gr 
text  of  the  OT  and  NT,  while  it  is  a  frequent  mean- 
ing of  the  words  in  classical  language.  It  would 
therefore  be  better  to  eliminate  these  marginal 
additions.  H.  L.  E.  Luehing 

PALM  TREE,  pilm'tre  (TOW,  idmdr,  same  as 
the  Aram,  and  Ethiopic,  but  in  Arab.  =  "date" ; 
4>o£vi.|,   phoinix   [Ex  15  27;    Lev  23  40;    Nu  33  9; 


Dt  34  3;  Jgs  1  16;  3  13;  2  Ch  28  15;  Neh  8 
15;     Ps  92  12;    Cant  7  7  f ;     Joel    1    12];     Ta'P , 

tomer,  Deborah  "dwelt  under  the  palm- 
1.  Palm  tree"  [Jgs  4  5];  "They  are  like  a  palm- 
Trees  tree  [m  "pillar"],  of  turned  work"  [Jer 

10  5];  rribri,  tlmomh  [only  in  pi.], 
the  palm  tree  as  an  architectural  feature  [1  K  6 


'  ''%  1 

M 

-.^ 

^0m 

■  ^M 

&*' 

IPfe^fe^ 

»3 :)?^-^'V^;*.^  ■ 

•  ^f^' "  \yM^. 

:„,,y,,%>f'^'*>    m 

K 

'•-•■    w 

Date  Palm  with  Fruit  (at  Jaffa). 

29.32.35;  7  30;  2  Ch  3  5;  Ezk  40  16];  Gr  only 
Ecclus  50  12;  Jn  12  13;  Rev  7  9):  The  palm, 
Phoenix  daclylifera  (N.O.  Palmeae),  Arab,  nakhl, 
ia  a  tree  which  from  the  earliest  times  has  been 
associated  with  the  Sem  peoples.  In  Arabia  the 
very  existence  of  man  depends  largely  upon  its 
presence,  and  many  authorities  consider  this  to 
have  been  its  original  habitat.  It  is  only  natural 
that  such  a  tree  should  have  been  sacred  both  there 
and  in  Assyria  in  the  earliest  ages.  In  Pal  the 
palm  leaf  appears  as  an  ornament  upon  pottery  as 
far  back  as  1800  BC  (cf  PEF,  Gezer  Mem.,  II,  172). 
In  Egypt  the  tall  palm  stem  forms  a  constant  fea- 
ture in  early  architecture,  and  among  the  Hebrews 
it  was  extensively  used  as  a  decoration  of  the  temple 
(1  K  6  29.32.35;  7  36;  2  Ch  3  5).  It  is  a  sym- 
bol of  beauty  (Cant  7  7)  and  of  the  righteous  man: 

"The  righteous  shall  flourish  like  the  palm-tree: 
He  shall  grow  like  a  cedar  in  Lebanon. 
They  are  planted  in  the  house  of  Jehovah ; 
'They  shall  flourish  in  the  courts  of  our  God. 
They  sliall  still  bring  forth  fruit  in  old  age ; 
They  shall  be  full  of  sap  and  green"  (Ps  92  12-14). 

The  palm  tree  or  branch  is  used  extensively  on 
Jewish  coinage  and  most  noticeably  appears  as  a 
symbol  of  the  land  upon  the  celebrated  Judaea 
Capla  coins  of  Vespasian.  A  couple  of  centuries  or 
so  later  it  forms  a  prominent  architectural  feature 
in  the  ornamentation  of  the  Galilean  synagogues, 
e.g.  at  Tell  li-Am  (Capernaum).  The  method  of  arti- 
ficial fertilization  of  the  pistillate  (female)  flowers 
by  means  of  the  staminate  (male)  flowers  appears 
to  have  been  known  in  the  earhest  historic  times. 
Winged  figures  are  depicted  on  some  of  the  early 
Assyr  sculptures  shaking  a  bunch  of  the  male 
flowers  over  the  female  for  the  same  purpose  as  the 
people  of  modern  Gaza  ascend  the  tall  trunks  of  the 
fruit-bearing  palms  and  tie  among  the  female 
flowers  a  bunch  of  the  pollen-bearing  male  flowers. 


Palmer-Worm 
Paphos 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2236 


Coin  of  Vespasian  Repre- 
sentl  ng  Juclaea  Mourning 
lor  Her  Captivity. 


In  Pal  today  the  palm  is  much  neglected;   there 

are  few  groves  except  along  the  coast,  e.g.  at  the 

bay  of  Akka,  Juffa  and  Gaza;  solitary 

2.  Their  palms  occur  all  over  the  land  in  the 
Ancient  courtyards  of  mosques  (cf  Ps  92  13) 
Abundance  and  houses  even  in  the  mountains. 
in  Palestine  Once  palms 

flourished 
upon  the  Mount  of 
Olives  (Neh  8  15),  and 
Jericho  was  long  known 
as  the  "city  of  palm-trees" 
(Dt  34  3;  Jgs  1  16;  3 
13;  2  Ch  28  15;  Jos, 
BJ,  IV,  viii,  2-3),  but 
today  the  only  palms  are 
scarce  and  small;  under 
its  name  Hazazon-tamar 
(2  Ch  20  2),  En-gedi 
would  appear  to  have 
been  as  much  a  place  of 
palms  in  ancient  days  as 
we  know  it  was  in  later  history.  A  city,  too,  called 
Tamar  ("date  palm")  appears  to  have  been  some- 
where near  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea 
(Ezk  47  19;  48  28).  Today  the  numerous  salt- 
encrusted  stumps  of  wild  palm  trees  washed  up  all 
along  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea  witness  to  the 
existence  of  these  trees  within  recent  times  in  some 
of  the  deep  valleys  around. 

Branches  of  palms  have  been  symbohcally  asso- 
ciated with  several  different  ideas.     A  palm  branch 

is  used  in  Isa  9  14;    19  15  to  signify 

3.  Palm  the  "head,"  the  highest  of  the  people. 
Branches       as  contrasted  with  the  rush,  the  "tail," 

or  humblest  of  the  people.  Palm 
branches  appear  from  early  times  to  have  been 
associated  with  rejoicing.  On  the  first  day  of  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  the  Hebrews  were  commanded 
to  take  branches  of  palms,  with  other  trees,  and 
rejoice  before  God  (Lev  23  40;  cf  Neh  8  15;  2 
Mace  10  7).  The  palm  branch  still  forms  the 
chief  feature  of  the  luldbh  carried  daily  by  every 
pious  Jew  to  the  synagogue,  during  the  feast.  Later 
it  was  connected  with  the  idea  of  triumph  and  vic- 
tory. Simon  Maccabaeus  entered  the  Akra  at 
Jerus  after  its  capture,  "with  thanksgiving,  and 
branches  of  palm  trees,  and  with  harps,  and  cymbals, 
and  with  viols,  and  hymns,  and  songs:  because  there 
was  destroyed  a  great  enemy  out  of  Israel"  (1  Mace 
13  51  AV;  cf  2  Maco  10  7).  The.sameidea  comes 
out  in  the  use  of  palm  branches  by  the  multitudes 
who  escorted  Jesus  to  Jerus  (Jn  12  13)  and  also 
in  the  vision  of  the  "great  multitude,  which  no  man 
could  number  ....  standing  before  the  .... 
Lamb,  arrayed  in  white  robes,  and  palms  in  their 
hands"  (Rev  7  9).  Today  palms  are  carried  in 
every  Moslem  funeral  procession  and  are  laid  on 
the  new-made  grave. 

See  also  Tamab  as  a  proper  name. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastebman 

PALMER-WORM,  piim'er-wtlrm  (013,  gazam.; 
LXX  KdiiiirT],  kdmye  [Am  4  9;  Joel  14;  2  25]): 
"Palmer-worm"  means  "caterpillar,"  but  the  in- 
sect meant  is  probably  a  kind  of  locust.  See  In- 
sect; Locu.ST. 

PALSY,  pol'zi,  PARALYSIS,  pa-ral'i-sis  (irapi- 
X\j<ris,  pardlusis) :  The  Eng.  word  "palsy"  is  derived 
from  the  OFr.  paralesie,  which  in  Middle  Eng.  was 
shortened  into  palesie,  the  form  in  which  it  appears 
in  Wyclif's  version.  In  the  16th  cent,  it  appears 
as  "palsy,"  the  form  used  in  AV.  This,  however, 
is  seldom  used  at  the  present  day,  the  Latinized  Gr 
form  "paralysis"  being  more  frequently  employed, 
both  in  modern  literature  and  in  colloquial  Eng. 
"Sick  of  the  palsy"  is  the  tr  either  of  the  adj.  para- 


lutikos  or  of  the  part,  of  the  vb.  paraluomai.  The 
disease  is  one  characterized  by  extreme  loss  of  the 
power  of  motion  dependent  on  some  affection  either 
of  the  motor  centers  of  the  brain  or  of  the  spinal 
cord.  It  is  always  serious,  usually  intractable,  and 
generally  sudden  in  onset  (1  Mace  9  55  f).  Miracu- 
lous cures  by  Our  Lord  are  related  in  general 
terms,  as  in  Mt  4  24;  Acts  8  7.  Aeneas  (Acts  9 
33)  was  probably  a  paralytic  eight  years  bedridden. 
Though  the  Lord  addressed  the  paralytic  let  down 
through  the  roof  (Mt  9  6;  Mk  2  3;  Lk  5  18)  as 
"son,"  it  was  not  necessarily  a  proof  that  he  was 
young,  and  though  He  prefaces  the  cure  by  declaring 
the  forgiveness  of  sin,  we  need  not  infer  that  the 
disease  was  the  result  of  an  evil  life,  although  it 
may  have  been.  Bennett  conjectures  that  the  cen- 
turion's palsied  servant  grievously  tormented  was 
suffering  from  progressive  paralysis  with  respiratory 
spasms  (see  Pain).  The  subst.  paralusis  is  only 
once  used  in  the  LXX  in  Ezk  21  10,  but  here  it 
refers  to  the  loosing  of  the  sword,  not  to  the  disease. 
Alex.  Macalister 

PALTI,  pal'tl  C^'pS,  paltl,  "Jeh  delivers"): 

(1)  One  of  the  "searchers"  of  Canaan  sent  by 
Moses  (Nu  13  9),  representing  Benjamin  in  the 
expedition  (ver  9). 

(2)  The  man  to  whom  Saul  gave  Michal,  David's 
wife,  after  the  estrangement  (1  S  25  44).  He  is 
"the  captain  of  the  people"  of  2  Esd  5  16  ("Phal- 
tiel,"  m  "Psaltiel").  In  2  S  3  15,  he  is  named 
"Phaltiel"  (AV),  "Paltiel"  (RV),  and  is  there  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  David's  recovery  of 
Michal. 

PALTIEL,  pal'ti-el  (bxiybs ,  paltl' el,  "God's 
deliverance"); 

(1)  A  prince  of  Issachar  (Nu  34  26). 

(2)  SameasPALTi,  (2)  (q.v.). 

PALTITE,  pal 'tit  CP^S,  paltl  [as  Paltl];  LXX 
B,  Ke\w9e(,  Keloihel,  A, 'ieX-XwveC,  Phelldnei):  The 
description  occurs  but  once  in  this  form  and  is  then 
applied  to  Helez,  one  of  David's  30  valiant  men 
(2  S  23  26).  Helez'  name,  however,  occurs  in 
1  Ch  11  27  and  27  10  as  the  "Pelonite."  Doubt- 
less there  is  some  confusion  of  words.  The  word 
may  be  given  as  a  patronymic  of  Palti,  or  it  may 
designate  a  native  of  the  village  of  Beth-pelet 
mentioned  in  Josh  15  27  and  Neh  11  26  as  being 
in  Lower  Judah.  Helez,  however,  is  described  as 
"of  the  children  of  Ephraim"  in  1  Ch  27  10. 

PAMPHYLIA,  pam-fil'i-a  (na(i.<}>vX[a,  Pamphu- 
lla) :    A  country  lying  along  the  southern  coast  of 

Asia  Minor,  bounded  on  the  N.  by 
1.  Physical  Pisidia,  on  the  E.  by  Isauria,  on  the 
Features        S.  by  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  on 

the  W.  by  Lycia  (Acts  2  10;  27  5). 
In  the  earliest  time  Pamphylia  was  but  a  narrow 
strip  of  low-lying  land  between  the  base  of  the 
mountains  and  the  sea,  scarcely  more  than  20  miles 
long  and  half  as  wide.  A  high  and  imposing  range 
of  the  Taurus  Mountains  practically  surrounds  it 
upon  three  sides,  and,  jutting  out  into  the  sea, 
isolates  it  from  the  rest  of  Asia  Minor.  Its  two 
rivers,  the  Cestrus  and  the  Cataractes,  are  said  by 
ancient  writers  to  have  been  navigable  for  several 
miles  inland,  but  now  the  greater  part  of  their  water 
is  diverted  to  the  fields  for  irrigating  purposes,  and 
the  general  surface  of  the  country  has  been  con- 
stantly changed  by  the  many  rapid  mountain 
streams.  The  level  fertile  coast  land  is  therefore 
well  watered,  and  the  moist  air,  which  is  excessively 
hot  and  enervating,  has  always  been  laden  with 
fever.  Several  roads  leading  from  the  coast  up 
the  steep  mountain  to  the  interior  existed  in  ancient 


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Palmer-Worm 
Paphos 


times;  one  of  them,  called  the  Kimax  or  the  Ladder, 
with  its  broad  stair-like  steps  2,000  ft.  high,  may 
still  be  seen.  Beyond  the  steps  is  the  high  land 
which  was  once  called  "Pisidia,"  but  which  the 
Romans,  in  70  AD,  made  a  part  of  Pamphylia. 

Pamphylia,  unless  in  pre-historic  times,  was  never 
an    independent    kingdom;     it    was    subject    suc- 
cessively to  Lydia,  Persia,  Macedonia, 

2.  Im-  Pergamos  and  Rome.     Because  of  its 
portance        comparatively  isolated  position,  civi- 
lization there  was  less  developed  than 

in  the  neighboring  countries,  and  the  Asiatic  in- 
fluence was  at  most  times  stronger  than  the  Gr. 
As  early  as  the  5th  cent.  BC  a  Gr  colony  settled 
there,  but  the  Gr  language  which  was  spoken  in 
some  of  its  cities  soon  became  corrupt;  the  Gr  in- 
scriptions, appearing  upon  the  coins  of  that  age, 
were  written  in  a  peculiar  character,  and  before 
the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  Gr  ceased  to  be 
spoken.  Perga  then  became  an  important  city 
and  the  center  of  the  Asiatic  religion,  of  which  the 
Artemis  of  Perga,  locally  known  as  Leto,  was  the 
goddess.  Coins  were  struck  also  in  that  city. 
Somewhat  later  the  Gr  city  of  Attalia,  which  was 
founded  by  Attains  III  Philadelphus  (159-138  BC), 
rose  to  importance,  and  until  recent  years  has  been 
the  chief  port  of  entry  on  the  southern  coast  of 
Asia  Minor.  About  the  beginning  of  our  era,  Side 
became  the  chief  city,  and  issued  a  long  and  beauti- 
ful series  of  coins,  possibly  to  facilitate  trade  with 
the  pirates  who  found  there  a  favorable  market  for 
their  booty.  Pamphylia  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the 
recipients  of  the  "letters"  of  1  Mace  15  23. 

Christianity  was  first  introduced  to  Pamphylia 

by  Paul  and  Barnabas  (Acts  13  13;    14  24),  but 

because  their  stay  in  the  country  was 

3.  Intro-  brief,  or  because  of  the  difficulty^  of 
duction  of  communication  with  the  neighboring 
Christianity  countries,   or  because  of  the  Asiatic 

character  of  the  population,  it  was  slow 
in  being  established.  See  also  Attalia;  Pbbga; 
Side,  the  chief  cities  of  Pamphyha. 

E.  J.  Banks 
PAN:  Name  of  a  utensil  used  in  the  preparation 
or  the  serving  of  food,  and  representing  several 
words  in  the  original.  Passing  over  the  use  of  the 
word  in  connections  like  1  Ch  9  31,  "things  baked 
in  pans,"  where  the  Heb  word  hdbhittlm  refers,  not  to 
the  pan  itself,  but  to  the  cakes  baked  in  the  flat  pan 
or  griddle  which  was  called  mahdbhaih  (see  below), 
and  the  "firepans"  (jnahtah)  (Ex  27  3;  1  K  7  50, 
etc)  which  seem  to  have  been  used  to  carry  burnmg 
coals,  we  note  the  follo^\dng  words: 

(1)  ninTa,  maMhhath,  "pan"  AV,  "baking-pan" 
RV  a  dish  of  uncertain  shape  and  size  which  was 
used  in  the  preparation  of  the  minhah,  or  vegetable 
offering  S^ee  Lev  2  5;  6  21;  7  9;  1  Ch  23  29 
On  the  basis  of  Ezk  4  3  it  might  be  assumed  that 
the  pan  was  rectangular  in  shape  and  of  good  size. 

(2)  "I'l"?,  kiyyor,  rendered  "pan"  in  1  S  2  14. 
The  same  word  is  used  in  the  phrase,  "pan  of  fire" 
RV  "hearth  of  fire"  AV  (Zee  12  6);  and  it  is  also 
tr<i  "laver"  in  the  descriptions  of  the  furnishing  ot 
tabernacle  and  temple  (Ex  30  18;  IK  7  30,  etc). 
As  it  held  water  and  was  used  for  boiling  meat  and 
the  like,  it  must  have  been  a  kind  of  pot  or  kettle. 

(3)  niifl'a ,  TOasra/i  (2  S  13  9).  The  connection 
gives  no  ciue  as  to  shape  or  size  except  that  it  must 
have  been  small  enough  to  serve  food  m,  and  of  the 
proper  shape  to  hold  a  substance  which  could  be 
Doured  out.  Some  authorities  suggest  a  connec- 
tion with  the  root  ISTp  ,  s"or,  "leaven,"  and  thmk 
that  this  pan  was  like  the  kneading-trough  m  shape. 

(4)  nip,  sir,  rendered  "pan  m  Ex  27  3  AV, 
"pot"  RV  (see  Pot). 


(5)  nilS,  parilr,  "pan"  in  Nu  11  8  AV,  "pot" 
RV  (see  Pot). 

(6)  nnbs,  ^elahah  (2  Ch  35  13).  Some  kind 
of  dish  or  pot.  Slightly  different  forms  of  the  same 
root  are  rendered  "cruse"  (2  K  2  20  [('■lohith]), 
"dish"  (2  K  21  13  [gallahalh]);  and  also  in  RV  in 
Prov  19  24;  26  15,  instead  of  the  probably  in- 
correct "bosom"  of  AV. 

(7)  X^(37,s,  Lebes,  tr-^  "pan"  in  1  Esd  1  12  AV  (RV 
"cauldron"). 

(8)  Triyavop,  teganon,  2  Mace  7  3.5,  with  the  vb. 
T-qyavl'(w,  teganizo,  ver  5,  is  the  usual  Gr  word  for 
"frying-pan,"  but  here  a  large  sheet  of  metal  must 
be  meant  (cf  4  Mace  8  13;   12  10.20). 

LiTEBATUBE. — WhitehousG,  Primer  of  Hebrew  Antiqui- 
ties, 76,  77;  Benzinger,  Hehrdische  Archdologie,  70,  71; 
Nowack.  Hebrdische  Archdologie,  I,  144. 

Walter  R.  Betteridge 
PANNAG,  pan'ag  (533  ,  pannagh;  Kao-Ca,  kasia; 
Ezk  27  17  m,  "Perhaps  a  kind  of  confection"): 
One  of  the  articles  of  commerce  of  Judah  and  Israel. 
The  kasia  of  the  LXX  is  said  to  be  a  shrub  similar 
to  the  laurel.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  nature 
of  pannag.  Cheyne  {EB,  3555)  thinks  the  Heb 
letters  have  got  misplaced  and  should  be  IDS , 
gephen,  "vine,"  and  he  would  join  to  it  the  ICQI , 
d'bhash,  "honey,"  which  follows  in  the  verse,  giving 
a  tr  "grape  honey,"  the  ordinai-y  dibbs  of  Pal — an 
extremely  likely  article  of  commerce.     See  Honey. 

PANOPLY,  pan'o-pli:  1  Mace  13  29RVm.  See 
Armor. 

PAP  ("11? ,  shadh,  1125 ,  .shodh,  "breast"  [Ezk  23 
21];  [iao-Tos,  masWs,  "the  breast"  [Lk  11  27;  23  29; 
Rev  1  13]):  The  Eng.  word,  which  goes  back 
to  Middle  Eng.  "pappe"  (see  Skeat,  Concise  Ety- 
mological Diet,  of  the  Eng.  Language,  327)  and  is  now 
obsolete,  has  been  replaced  in  RV  by  "breast." 
The  Heb  word  signifies  the  "female  breast";  the 
Gr  word  has  a  wider  signification,  including  the  male 
chest. 

PAPER,  pa'per.  See  Crafts,  II,  13;  Papyrus; 
Reed;  Writing. 

PAPER  REEDS,  redz:  In  Isa  19  7  AV  (RV 
"meadows"). 

PAPHOS,  pa'fos:    The  name  of  two  towns,  Old 

(IlaAaid     Ild^os,     Palaid     Pdphos,     or     Ila\alTa<pos, 

Palaipaphos)   and   New   Paphos    (N& 

1.  Site  'niipos,  Nea  Pdphos),  situated   at   the 

southwestern  extremity  of  Cyprus. 
Considerable  confusion  is  caused  by  the  use  of  the 
single  name  Paphos  in  ancient  writers  to  denote 
now  one,  now  the  other,  of  these  cities.  That  re- 
ferred to  in  Acts  13  6.13  is  strictly  called  New 
Paphos  (modern  Baffa),  and  lay  on  the  coast  about 
a  mile  S.  of  the  modern  Klima  and  some  10  miles 
N.W.  of  the  old  city.  The  latter  (modern  Kouklia) 
is  situated  on  an  eminence  more  than  a  mile  from 
the  sea,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Didrrizo,  probably 
the  ancient  Bocarus. 

It  was  founded  by  Cinyras,  the  father  of  Adonis, 

or,  according  to  another  legend,  by  Aerias,   and 

formed  the  capital  of  the  most  impor- 

2.  History  tant  kingdom  in  Cyprus  except  that 
of  Old  of  Salamis.  Its  territory  embraced 
Paphos  a    considerable    portion    of    Western 

Cyprus,  extending  northward  to  that 
of  SoH,  southward  to  that  of  Curium  and  eastward 
to  the  range  of  Troodus.  Among  its  last  kings  was 
Nicocles,  who  ruled  shortly  after  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  In  310  BC  Nicocreon  of  Salamis, 
who  had  been  set  over  the  whole  of  Cyprus  by 


Paphos 
Papyrus 


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2238 


Ptolemy  I  of  Egypt,  was  forced  to  put  an  end  to 
his  life  at  Paphos  for  plotting  with  Antigonus  (Dio- 
dorus  XX.  21,  who  wrongly  gives  the  name  as  Nicocles; 
see  Athenische  Milteilungen,  XXII,  203  ff),  and 
from  that  time  Paphos  remained  under  Egyp  rule 
until  the  Rom  annexation  of  Cyprus  in  58  BC. 
The  growth  of  New  Paphos  brought  with  it  the 
decKne  of  the  old  city,  which  was  also  ruined  by 
successive  earthquakes.  Yet  its  temple  still  re- 
tained much  of  its  old  fame,  and  in  69  AD  Titus, 
the  future  emperor  of  Rome,  turned  aside  on  his 
journey  to  Jerus,  which  he  was  to  capture  in  the 
following  year,  to  visit  the  sacred  shrine  and  to 
inquire  of  the  priests  into  the  fortune  which  awaited 
him  (Tacitus  Hist,  ii.2-4;   Suetonius  Titus  5). 

New  Paphos,  originally  the  seaport  of  the  old 

town,    was   founded,    according    to    tradition,    by 

Agapenor    of    Arcadia    {Iliad    ii.609; 

3.  History     Pausan.  viii.5,  2).     Its  possession  of  a 
of  New  good  harbor  secured  its  prosperity,  and 
Paphos  it  had  several  rich  temples.     Accord- 
ing to    Dio    Cassius    (liv.23)    it   was 

restored  by  Augustus  in  15  BC  after  a  destructive 
earthquake  and  received  the  name  Augusta  (Gr 
Sebaste).  Under  the  Rom  Empire  it  was  the  ad- 
ministrative capital  of  the  island  and  the  seat  of  the 
governor.  The  extant  remains  all  date  from  this 
period  and  include  those  of  public  buildings,  private 
houses,  city  walls  and  the  moles  of  the  harbor. 

But  the  chief  glory  of  Paphos  and  the  source  of 

its  fame  was  the  local  cult,  of  which  the  kings  and 

their  descendants  remained  hereditary 

4.  The  priests  down  to  the  Rom  seizure  of 
Temple  Cyprus.  The  goddess,  identified  with 
and  Cult        the  Gr  Aphrodite,  who  was  said  to 

have  risen  from  the  sea  at  Paphos,  was 
in  reality  a  Nature-goddess,  closely  resembling  the 
Bab  Ishtar  and  the  Phoen  Astarte,  a  native  deity 
of  Asia  Minor  and  the  Aegean  Islands.  Her  cult 
can  be  traced  back  at  Paphos  to  Homeric  times 
(Odyssey  viii.362)  and  was  repeatedly  celebrated 
by  Gr  and  Lat  poets  (Aeschylus  Suppl.  555; 
Aristoph.  Lys.  833;  Virgil  Aen.  i.415;  Horace 
Odes  i.l9  and  30;  iii.26;  Statius  Silvae  i.2,  101, 
etc).  The  goddess  was  represented,  not  by  a  statue 
in  human  form,  but  by  a  white  conical  stone  (Max. 
Tyr.  viii.8;  Tacitus  Hist,  ii.3;  Servius  Ad  Aen. 
i.724),  of  which  models  were  on  sale  for  the  benefit 
of  pilgrims  (Athenaeus  xv.l8);  her  worship  was 
sensuous  in  character  and  she  is  referred  to  by 
Athanasius  as  the  deification  of  lust  {Contra  Gentes  9) . 
Excavation  has  brought  to  light  at  Old  Paphos  a 
complex  of  buildings  belonging  to  Rom  times  and 
consisting  of  an  open  court  with  chambers  or  colon- 
nades on  three  sides  and  an  entrance  on  the  E.  only, 
the  whole  forming  a  quadrilateral  enclosure  with 
sides  about  210  ft.  long.  In  this  court  may  have 
stood  the  altar,  or  altars,  of  incense  (Homer  speaks 
of  a  single  altar,  Virgil  of  "a  hundred  altars  warm 
with  Sabaean  frankincense");  no  blood  might  be 
shed  thereon,  and  although  it  stood  in  the  open 
it  was  "wet  by  no  rain"  (Tacitus,  I.e.;  Phny, 
NH,  ii.210).  On  the  south  side  are  the  ruins  of 
another  building,  possibly  an  earlier  temple,  now 
almost  destroyed  save  for  the  western  wall  {Journal 
of  Hellenic  Studies,  IX,  193-224).  But  the  fact 
that  no  remains  or  inscriptions  have  been  found  here 
earher  than  the  Rom  occupation  of  Cyprus  mihtates 
against  the  view  that  the  sanctuary  stood  at  this 
spot  from  prehistoric  times.  Its  site  may  be  sought 
at  Xylino,  a  short  distance  to  the  N.  of  Kouklia 
(D.  G.  Hogarth,  Times,  August  5,  1910),  or  possibly 
on  the  plateau  of  Rhantidi,  some  3  miles  S.E.  of  the 
village,  where  numerous  inscriptions  in  the  old 
Cyprian  syllabic  script  were  found  in  the  summer 
of  1910  (M.  Ohnefalsch-Richtcr,  Times,  July  29, 
1910). 


After  visiting  Salamis  and  passing  through  the 
whole  island,  about  100  miles  in  length,  Barnabas, 
Paul  and  Mark  reached  Paphos,  the 
5.  The  residence     of     the     Rom     proconsul. 

Apostles'       Sergius    Paulus     (for    the    title    see 
Visit  Cyprus).     Here  too  they  would  doubt- 

less begin  by  preaching  in  the  syna- 
gogue, but  the  governor — who  is  probably  the  same 
Paulus  whose  name  appears  as  proconsul  in  an  in- 
scription of  Soh  (D.  G.  Hogarth,  Devia  Cypria, 
114) — hearing  of  their  mission,  sent  for  them  and 
questioned  them  on  the  subject  of  their  preaching. 
A  Jew  named  Bar-Jesus  or  Elymas,  who,  as  a 
Magian  or  soothsayer,  "was  with  the  proconsul," 
presumably  as  a  member  of  his  suite,  used  all  his 
powers  of  persuasion  to  prevent  his  patron  from 
giving  his  adherence  to  the  new  faith,  and  was  met 
by  Paul  (it  is  at  this  point  that  the  name  is  first 
introduced)  with  a  scathing  denunciation  and  a 
sentence  of  temporary  loss  of  sight.  The  blindness 
which  at  once  fell  on  him  produced  a  deep  impres- 
sion on  the  mhid  of  the  proconsul,  who  professed 
his  faith  in  the  apostohc  teaching.  From  Paphos, 
Paul  and  his  companions  sailed  in  a  northwesterly 
direction  to  Perga  in  Pamphylia  (Acts  13  6-13). 

Paul  did  not  revisit  Paphos,  but  we  may  feel 
confident  that  Barnabas  and  Mark  would  return 
there  on  their  2d  missionary  journey  (Acts  15  39). 
Of  the  later  history  of  the  Paphian  church  we  know 
little.  Tychicus,  Paul's  companion,  is  said  to  have 
been  martyred  there,  and  Jerome  tells  us  that 
Hilarion  sought  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  decayed 
and  almost  deserted  town  the  quiet  and  retirement 
which  he  craved  {Vita  Hilar.  42).  The  Acta 
Barnabae  speak  of  a  certain  Rhodon,  who  was 
attached  to  the  temple  service  at  Old  Paphos,  as 
having  accepted  the  Christian  faith. 

Literature. — Besides  the  works  already  referred  to, 
see  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies.  IX,  17.5-92  {citation  of 
passages  from  ancient  authors  relating  to  Old  Paphos, 
together  with  a  list  of  mediaeval  and  modern  authorities), 
22.5-71  (inscriptions  and  tombs),  and  the  bibliography 
appended  to  art.  Cyprus. 

Marcus  N.  Tod 

PAPYRUS,  pa-pl'rus  {Cyperus  papyrus;  pipXos, 
bublos,  pcp\os,  biblos,  whence  p^pxiov,  biblion,  "a 
roll,"  Ta  pi,pX.Ca,  td  biblia,  "the  Books"  =  the  Bible): 

1.  Papyrus  Paper 

2.  Egyptian  Papyri 

3.  Aramaic  Papyri 

4.  Greek  Papyri 

5.  Their  Discovery 

6.  Classical  Papyri 

7.  Septuagint  Papyri 

8.  NT  Papyri 

9.  Theological  Papyri 

10.  Documentary  Papyri 

11.  Contribution  to  NT  Study 

12.  Chief  Collections 

13.  Coptic,  Arabic  and  Other  Papyri 

A  marsh  or  water  plant,  abundant  in  Egypt  in 
ancient  times,  serving  many  purposes  in  antiquity. 
The  papyrus  tuft  was  the  emblem  of  the  Northern 
Ivingdom  in  Egypt.  Like  the  lotus,  it  suggested 
one  of  the  favorite  capitals  of  Egyp  architecture. 
Ropes,  sandals,  and  mats  were  made  from  its 
fibers  (see  Odyssey  xxi.391;  Herod,  ii.37,  69),  and 
bundles  of  the  long,  light  stalks  were  bound  together 
into  light  boats  (Isa  18  2;  Breasted,  Hist  Egyp- 
tians, 91). 

Most  importantly,  from  it  was  made  the  tough 
and  inexpensive  paper  which  was  used  from  very 
ancient  times  in  Egypt  and  which 
1.  Papyrus  became  the  common  writing-material 
Paper  of    the    ancient    world.     The    white 

cellular  pith  of  the  long  triangular 
papyrus  stalk  was  stripped  of  its  bark  or  rind  and 
sliced  into  thin  strips.  Two  layers  of  these  strips 
were  laid  at  right  angles  to  each  other,  pasted  to- 
gether (Pliny  ,says  with  the  aid  of  Nile  water), 
dried  and  smoothed.     The  sheets  thus  formed  were 


^ 


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^^i' 


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ANCIENT  MANt 


*^l^'« 


>t^/^**9^~rss  I 


ii: 


i  ON  PAPYRUS 


2239 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Paphos 
Papyrus 


pasted  one  to  another  to  form  a  roll  of  any  length 
desired.  The  process  and  the  product  are  described 
by  Pliny  the  Elder  {NH,  xiii.  11-13). 

Egyp  papyrus  rolls  are  in  existence  dating  from 
the  27th  cent.  EC,  and  no  doubt  the  manufacture  of 

papyrus  had  been  practised  for  cen- 
2-  Egyptian  turies  before.  The  Egyp  rolls  were 
Papyri  sometimes  of  great  length  and  were 

often  beautifully  decorated  with 
colored  vignettes  (Book  of  the  Dead).     Egyp  docu- 


Papyrus  Antiquorum. 

ments  of  great  historical  value  have  been  preserved 
on  these  fragile  rolls.  The  Papyrus  Ebers  of  the 
16th  cent.  BC  sums  up  the  medical  lore  of  the 
Egyptians  of  the  time  of  Amenhotep  I.  The 
Papyrus  Harris,  133  ft.  long,  in  117  columns,  dates 
from  the  middle  of  the  12th  cent.  BC  and  records 
the  benefactions  and  achievements  of  Ramses  III. 
For  the  XlXth,  XXth  and  XXIst  dynasties,  in- 
deed, papyri  are  relatively  numerous,  and  their 
contribution  important  for  Egyp  history,  life  and 
religion.  By  the  year  1000  BC,  papyrus  had  doubt- 
less come  to  be  used  for  writing  far  beyond  the 
limits  of  Egypt.  The  Wenamon  Papyrus  (11th 
cent  )  relates  that  500  rolls  of  papyrus  were  among 
the  gifts  sent  from  the  Delta  to  the  Prince  of  Biblus, 
but  except  in  the  rarest  instances  papyri  have 
escaped  destruction  only  in  Upper  Egypt,  where 
climatic  conditions  esp.  favored  their  preservation 
In  very  recent  years  (1898,  1904,  1907)  several 
Aram,  papyri  have  been  found  on  the  Island  ot 

Elephantine,  just  below  the  First  Cat- 
3.  Aramaic  aract,  dating  from  494  to  400  BC 
Papyri  They  show  that  between  470  and  408 

BC  a  flourishing  colony  of  Jews  existed 
there,  doing  business  under  Pers  sway,  and  wor- 
shipping their  god  Yahu,  not  in  a  synagogue,  but 
in  a  temple,  in  which  they  offered  meal  offerings. 


incense  and  burnt  offerings.  In  408,  the  Egyptians 
had  destroyed  their  temple  at  Yeb,  and  the  Jews 
appealed  for  redress  to  the  Pers  governor.  It  is 
well  known  that  some  Jews  had  taken  refuge  in 
Egypt  in  586  BC,  taking  the  prophet  Jeremiah  with 
them,  and  with  some  such  band  of  refugees  the  Yeb 
colony  may  have  originated,  although  it  may  have 
been  much  older  (cf  Jer  44  1.15;  BW,  XXIX, 
1907,  305  ff;  XXXI,  448  ff;  chief  pubhcations  by 
Euting,  Sayce  and  Cowley,  and  esp.  Saohau,  Drei 
aramaische  Papyrusurkunden  aus  Elephantine,  2d 
ed,  1908;  Aramaische  Papyms  und  Oslraka,  1911). 
With  Alexander's  conquest  of  Egypt  (332  BC), 
and  the  subsequent  Ptolemaic  dynasty,  Greeks 
came    more    than    ever    before    into 

4.  Greek       Egypt,    and    from    Gr    centers    like 
Papyri  Alexandria  and  Arsinoe  in  the  FayAm 

the  Gr  language  began  to  spread. 
Through  the  Ptolemaic  (323-30  BC),  Rom  (30 
BC-292/93  AD),  and  Byzantine  periods  (292/ 
93-640  AD),  that  is,  from  the  death  of  Alexander 
to  the  Arab  conquest,  Gr  was  much  used  in  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt,  and  Gr  papyri  from  these  times 
are  now  abundant.  The  300  Aphrodito  Gr  and 
Coptic  papyri  published  by  Bell  and  Crum  (1910) 
date  from  698-722  AD,  and  show  how  Gr  persisted 
in  the  Arab  period. 

The  first  important  discovery  of  Gr  papyri  made 
in  modern  times  was  among  the  ruins  of  Hercu- 

laneum,  near  Naples,  where  in   1752 

5.  Their        in  the  ruins  of  the  house  of  a  phi- 
Discovery      losopher   which    had    been   destroyed 

and  buried  by  volcanic  ashes  from 
Vesuvius  (79  AD)  a  whole  library  of  papyrus  rolls 
was  found,  quite  charred  by  the  heat.  With  the 
utmost  pains  many  of  these  have  been  unrolled  and 
deciphered,  and  the  first  part  of  them  was  published 
in  1793.  They  consist  almost  wholly  of  works  of 
Epicurean  philosophy.  In  1778  the  first  discovery 
of  Gr  papyri  in  Egypt  was  made.  In  that  year 
some  Arabs  found  40  or  50  papyrus  rolls  in  an 
earthen  pot,  probably  in  the  FayAm,  where  Phila- 
delphus  settled  his  Gr  veterans.  One  was  pur- 
chased by  a  dealer  and  found  its  way  into  the  hands 
of  Cardinal  Stefano  Borgia;  the  others  were  de- 
stroyed as  of  no  worth.  The  Borgia  Papyrus  was 
published  10  years  later.  It  was  a  document  of 
little  value,  recording  the  forced  labor  of  certain 
peasants  upon  the  Nile  embankment  of  a  given  year. 

In  1820  another  body  of  papyri  was  found  by 
natives,  buried,  it  was  said,  in  an  earthen  pot,  on  the 
site  of  the  Serapeum  at  Memphis,  just  above  Cairo. 
These  came  for  the  most  part  from  the  2d  cent.  BC. 
They  fell  into  various  hands,  and  are  now  in  the 
museums  of  London,  Paris,  Leyden,  Rome  and 
Dresden.  With  them  the  stream  of  papyri  began 
to  flow  steadily  into  the  British  and  Continental 
museums.  In  1821  an  EngUshman,  Mr.  W.  J. 
Bankes,  bought  an  Elephantine  roll  of  the  xxivth 
book  of  the  Iliad,  the  first  Gr  literary  papyrus  to  be 
derived  from  Egypt.  The  efforts  of  Mr.  Harris 
and  others  in  1847-50  brought  to  England  con- 
siderable parts  of  lost  orations  of  Hyperides,  new 
papyri  of  the  xviith  book  of  the  Iliad,  and  parts  of 
Iliad  ii,  iii,  ix.  In  1855  Mariette  purchased  a  frag- 
ment of  Alcman  for  the  Louvre,  and  in  1856  Mr. 
Stobart  obtained  the  funeral  oration  of  Hyperides. 

The  present  period  of  papyrus  recovery  dates 
from  1877,  when  an  immense  mass  of  Gr  and  other 
papyri,  for  the  most  part  documentary,  not  literary, 
was  found  in  the  Fayum,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Arsinoe.  The  bulk  of  this  collection  passed  into 
the  hands  of  Archduke  Rainer  at  Vienna,  minor 
portions  of  it  being  secured  by  the  museums  of 
Paris,  London,  Oxford  and  Beriin.  These  belong 
largely  to  the  Byzantine  period.  Another  great 
find  was  made  in  1892  in  the  Fayflm;  most  of  these 


Papyrus 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2240 


went  to  Berlin,  some  few  to  the  British  Museum, 
Vienna  and  Geneva.  These  were  mostly  of  the 
Rom  period. 

It  will  be  seen  that  most  of  these  discoveries  were 
the  work  of  natives,  digging  about  indiscriminately 
in  the  hope  of  finding  antiquities  to  sell  to  tourists 
or  dealers.  By  this  time,  however,  the  Egypt  Ex- 
ploration Fund  had  begun  its  operations  in  Egypt, 
and  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  was  at  work  there. 
Digging  among  Ptolemaic  tombs  at  Gurob  in  1889- 
90,  Professor  Petrie  found  many  mummies,  or 
mummy-casings,  adorned  with  breast-pieces  and 
sandals  made  of  papyri  pasted  together.  The  sep- 
aration of  these  was  naturally  a  tedious  and  deUcate 


fell,  the  first  of  many  important  works  in  this  field 
from  his  pen. 

With  Arthur  S.  Hunt,  of  Oxford,  Mr.  Grenfell 
excavated  in  1896-97,  at  Behnesa,  the  Rom  Oxy- 
rhynchus,  and  unearthed  the  greatest  mass  of  Gr 
papyri  of  the  Rom  period  thus  far  found.  In  9 
large  quarto  volumes,  aggregating  3,000  pages, 
only  a  beginning  has  been  made  of  publishing  these 
Oxyrhynchus  texts,  which  number  thousands  and 
are  in  many  cases  of  great  importance.  The  story 
of  papyrus  digging  in  Egypt  since  the  great  find  of 
1896-97  is  largely  the  record  of  the  work  of  Grenfell 
and  Hunt.  At  Tebtunis,  in  the  Fayflm,  in  1900, 
they  found  a  great  mass  of  Ptolemaic  papyri,  com- 


-^ 


MH^Frf7^A..rrr£TrHtrrMmTrr^^^^  ^ 


TiMOTHEue   Papyrus. 


task,  and  the  papyri  when  extricated  were  often 
badly  damaged  or  mutilated ;  but  the  Petrie  papyri, 
as  they  were  called,  were  hailed  by  scholars  as  the 
most  important  found  up  to  that  time,  for  they 
came  for  the  most  part  from  the  3d  cent.  BC. 
Startling  acquisitions  were  made  about  this  time  by 
representatives  of  the  British  Museum  and  the 
Louvre.  The  British  Museum  secured  papyri  of 
the  lost  work  of  Aristotle  on  the  Constilution  of 
Athens,  the  lost  Mimes  of  Herodas,  a  fragment  of 
an  oration  of  Hyperides,  and  extensive  literary 
papyri  of  works  already  extant;  while  the  Louvre 
secured  the  larger  part  of  the  Oration  against 
Athenogenes,  the  masterpiece  of  Hyperides.  In 
1894  Bernard  P.  Grenfell,  of  Oxford,  appeared  in 
Egypt,  working  with  Professor  Petrie  in  his  exca- 
vations, and  securing  papyri  with  Mr.  Hogarth 
for  England.  In  that  year  Petrie  and  Grenfell 
obtained  from  native  dealers  papyrus  rolls,  one 
more  than  40  ft.  in  length,  preserving  revenue 
laws  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  dated  in  2.59-258 
BC.     These  were  published  in  1896  by  Mr.  Gren- 


parable  in  importance  with  their  great  discovery  at 
Oxyrhynchus.  One  of  the  most  productive  sources 
of  papyri  at  Tebtunis  was  the  crocodile  cemetery, 
in  which  many  mummies  of  the  sacred  crocodiles 
were  found  rolled  in  papyrus.  Important  Ptole- 
maic texts  were  found  in  1902  at  Hibeh,  and  a  later 
visit  to  Oxyrhynchus  in  1903  produced  results  almost 
as  astonishing  and  quite  as  valuable  as  those  of  the 
first  excavations  there.  The  work  of  Rubensohn 
at  Abusir  in  1908  has  exceptional  interest,  as  it 
developed  the  first  considerable  body  of  Alexandrian 
papyri  that  has  been  found.  The  soil  and  climate 
of  Alexandria  are  destructive  to  papyri,  and  only 
to  the  fact  that  these  had  anciently  been  carried 
off  into  the  interior  as  rubbish  is  their  preservation 
due.  Hogarth,  Jouguet,  Wilcken  and  other  Con- 
tinental scholars  have  excavated  in  Egypt  for 
papyri  with  varying  degrees  of  success.  The 
papyri  are  found  in  graves  a  few  feet  below  the 
surface,  in  house  ruins  over  which  sand  has  drifted, 
or  occasionally  in  earthen  pots  buried  in  the  ground. 
Despite  government  efforts  to  stop  indiscriminate 


2241 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Papyrus 


native  digging,  papyri  in  considerable  quantities 
liave  continued  to  find  their  way  into  the  hands  of 
native  dealers,  and  thence  into  English,  Continental, 
and  even  American  collections. 

Thus  far  upward  of    650  literary  papyri,  great 
and  small,  of  works  other  than  Bib.  have  been  pub- 
lished.    The  fact  that  about  one-third 
6.  Classical  of  these  are  Homeric  attests  the  great 
Papyri  popularity   enjoyed   by    the    Homeric 

poems  in  Gr-Rom  times.     These  are 
now  so  abundant  and  extensive  as  to  make  an  im- 


i                          V        > 

ii                 '   MK< 

Jl       J/           P  A*  e'-r       i  S      *■ 

^A        Uf^^i  ^"Ir 

,        ^  C  V          -^ 

tAA     v3n/<f*«-4 

i>       M-^W            ' 

<r  /■     Nfw 

Cf-m'                 ■    '  * 

.  <  -#^          " 

rot  ^^              •>   ■      " 

,}  .-t     *•  < 

"     y     f       v 

^  H      -  '-I                   ^ 

A-.     "•- 

»i  ->- '         '       ' 

<r       *              -               ■»  ^ 

i 

, 

,  .r  *■»-*  \    ' 

^ 

-        ,4 

^^ 

srjs 

(jreek  Papyrus  Containing  Mt  1  1-9.12.13.14-20. 

portant  contribution  to  the  Homeric  text.  Rather 
less  than  one-third  preserve  works  of  other  ancient 
writers  which  were  aheady  known  to  us  through 
later  copies,  mediaeval  or  modern.  Among  these 
are  works  of  Plato,  Demosthenes,  Isocrates,  Thucyd- 
ides  Euripides,  Sophocles,  Aeschmes,  Herodotus 
and' others.  Rather  more  than  one-third  preserve 
works  or  fragments  of  works,  which  have  been  either 
quite  unknowTi  or,  oftener,  regarded  as  lost.  Such 
are  portions  of  Alcman  and  Sappho,  fragments  of 
the  comedies  of  Menander  and  the  iambi  of  Callim- 
achus,  Mimes  of  Herodas,  poems  of  Bacchylides, 
parts  of  the  lost  Anliove  and  Hypsipyle  of  Euripides, 
Aristotle  On  the  Constitution  of  Athens  th&  Persae 
of  Timotheus  (in  a  papyrus  of  the  4th  cent.  BU, 
probably  the  oldest  Gr  book  m  the  world)  and  six 
orations,  one  of  them  complete,  of  Hyperides.  In 
1906  Grenfell  and  Hunt  discovered  at  Oxyrhynchus 
the  unique  papyrus  of  the  lost  Paeans  of  Pmdar,  m 
380  fragments  besides  the  Hellenica  of  Theopom- 
pus  (or  Cratippus?),  whose  works  were  believed  to 
have  perished.  ,       „„  ■  ■, 

Of  the  Gr  OT  (LXX)  more  than  20  papyri  have 
heen  discovered.  Perhaps  the  most  important  of 
been  discoverea^^  .^  the  Berlin  Genesis  (3d  or  4th 

cent  )  (1)  in  a  cursive  hand,  purchased 
at  Akhmtm  in  1906.  Other  papyri 
preserving  parts  of  Gen  among  the 
Amherst  (2),  British  Museum  (3), 
and  Oxyrhynchus  (4),  papyri  d^te  froni  f  e  3d  or 
4th  cent  A  Bodleian  papyrus  leaf  (5)  (7th  or  btn 
cento'preservesCant  1  6-9  A"  f-herst  papyru 
(•6-1  fVth  cent.)  contains  Job  1  21t,  ^  d.  inert 
ire  several  papyri  of  parts  of  the  Pss,     An  Amherst 


7.  Septua- 

gint 

Papyri 


papyrus  (7)  (5th  or  6th  cent.)  has  Ps  5  6-12. 
]3rit.  Mus.  37  (Fragmenta  Londinensia,  6th  or  7th 
cent.)  (8),  of  thirty  leaves,  contains  Ps  10  2 — 18  6 
and  20  14 — 34  6.  This  was  purchased  in  1836 
and  is  one  of  the  longest  of  Bib.  papyri.  Brit.  Mus. 
230  (9)  (3d  cent.)  preserves  Ps  12  7—15  4.  A 
Berlin  papyrus  (10)  contains  Ps  40  26 — 41  4. 
Oxyrhynchus  papyrus  845  (11)  (4th  or  5th  cent.) 
contains  parts  of  Pss  68,  70.  Another  Amherst 
papyrus  (12)  (7th  cent.)  shows  parts  of  Pss  108, 
118,  135,  138-140.  There  is  also  a  papyrus  at 
Leipzig  (13)  which  contains  part  of  the  Pss.  Of  the 
Prophets  the  chief  papyrus  is  the  Heidelberg  codex 
(14)  (7th  cent.),  which  contains  Zee  4  6— Mai  4  5. 
Oxyrhynchus  846  (15)  (6th  cent.)  contains  Am  2. 
A  Rainer  papyrus  (16)  (3d  cent.)  preserves  Isa  38 


^foffH'-:   •<  •  -!■••  '*7'P 

■  :^ 

/->  n  '•  -  -'-y  A'  «^  ^^  '^'*'  f '^  ^j 


New  Sayings  of  Jesus. 

3-5.13-16,  and  a  Bodleian  (17)  (3d  cent.)  shows 
Ezk  5  12—6  3.  The  Rylands  papyri  include  Dt 
2,  3  (18)  (4th  cent.);  Job  1,5,6  (19)  (6th  or  7th 
cent.);  Ps  90  (20)  (5th  or  6th  cent.).  Recent 
Oxyrhynchus  volumes  supply  parts  of  Ex  21,  22, 
40  (21,  22)  (3d  cent.,  O.P.  1074,  1075);  and  of  Gen 
16  (23)  (3d  cent.,  OP.  1166),  and  31  (24)  (4th 
cent.,  O.P.  1167).     The  great  antiquity  of  some  of 


Papyrus 
Parable 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2242 


these  documents  gives  especial  interest  to  their 
readings. 

Twenty-three  papyri  containing  parts  of  the  Gr 

NT  have  thus  far  been  published,  nearly  half  of 

them  coming  from  Oxyrhynchus  (O.P. 

8.  NT  2,  208,  209,  402,  657,  1008,  1009,  1078, 
Papyri  1079,  1170,  1171).     The  pieces  range 

in  date  from  the  3d  to  the  6th  cent. 
Their  locations,  dates  and  contents  are: 

1.  Philadelphia.  Pa.  3d  or  4th  cent.  Mt  1  1-9.12. 
13.14-20  (O.P.  2). 

2.  Florence.     .5th  or  6th  cent.     Jn  12  12-15. 

3.  Vienna.     6th  cent.     Lk  7  36-45;    10  38-42. 

4.  Paris.     4th  cent.    Lk  1  74-80;    5  3-8;    5  30—6  4. 

5.  London.  3d  or  4th  cent.  Jn  1  23-31.3:3-41; 
20  11-17.19-25  (O.P.  208). 

6.  Strassburg.      ?     cent.     Jn   11  45. 

7.  Kiew.      ?     cent.     Lk  4  1.2. 

8.  Berlin.  4th  cent.  Acts  4  31-37;  6  2-9;  6  1-6. 
8-15. 

9.  Cambridge,  Mass.  4th  or  5th  cent.  1  Jn  4  Il- 
ls.15-17  (O.P  402). 

10.  Cambridge,  Mass.  4th  cent.  Rom  1  X-7  (O.P. 
209). 

11.  St.  Petersburg.  5th  cent.  1  Cor  1  17-20;  6  13. 
18;  7  3.4.10-14. 

12.  Didlington  Hall.     3d  or  4th  cent.     He  1  1. 

13.  London.  4th  cent.  He  2  14—5  5;  10  8—11 
13;  11  28 — 12  17  (O.P.  657).  This  is  the  most  con- 
siderable papyrus  of  the  NT,  and  doubly  important 
because   Codex  Vaticanus  breaks  off  with  He  9   14. 

14.  Sinai.  5th  cent.  1  Cor  1  25-27;  2  6-8;  3 
8-10.20. 

15.  Oxford.  4th  cent.  1  Cor  7  18 — 8  4  (O.P.  1008). 
Phil  3  9-17;    4  2-8    (O.P.  1009). 

16.  Manchester  (Rylands).  6th  or  7th  cent.  Rom 
12  3-8. 

17.  Manchester  (Rylands).  3d  cent.  Tit  1  11-15; 
2  3—8 

18.  Oxford.    4th  cent.    He  9  12-19  (O.P.  1078). 

19.  Oxford.    3d  or  4th  cent.     Rev  1  4-7  (O.P.  1079). 

20.  O.xford.    5th  cent.     Mt  10  32—11  5  (O.P.  1170). 

21.  O.xford.    3d  cent.    Jas  2  19—3  2.4-9  (O.P.  1171). 

22.  Florence.    7th  cent.    Mt  25  12-15.20-23. 

23.  Florence.      ?  cent.    Jn  3  14-18.31.32. 

Berlin  Pap.  13,269  (7th cent.)  is  a  liturgical  paraphrase 
of  Lk  2  8-14. 

Further  details  as  to  nos.  1-14  may  be  found  in 
Gregory,  Teztkritik,  1084-92,  and  for  nos.  1-23  in 
Kenyon,  Handbook  to  Text.  CHI.'',  or  Milligan,  NT 
Documents,  249-54. 

Among  other  theological  papyri,  the  Oxyrhynchus 

Sayings  of  Jesus  (O.P.  1,654),  dating  from  the  2d 

and  3d  cents.,  are  probably  the  most 

9.  Theo-  widely  known  (see  Logia).  Other 
logical  Oxyrhynchus  pieces  preserve  parts  of 
Papyri            the   Apocalypse   of    Baruch    (chs   12- 

14;  4th  or  5th  cent.;  O.P.  403);  the 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  (?  in  its  later 
form,  if  at  all;  3d  cent.;  O.P.  655);  the  Acts  of 
John  (4th  cent.;  O.P.  850,  cf  851);  the  Shepherd 
of  Hermas  (3d  or  4th  cent.;  O.P.  404);  Irenaeus, 
Adv.  Haer.,  iii.9  (3d  cent.;  O.P.  405).  Other  small 
fragments  of  the  Shepherd  and  Ignatius  are  among 
the  Amherst  and  Berlin  papyri.  Early  Christian 
hymns,  prayers  and  letters  of  interest  have  also 
been  found. 

We  have  spoken  thus  far  only  of  literary  papyri, 
classical  and  theological.     The  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  the  papyri  found  have  of  course 

10.  Docu-  been  documentary — private  letters, 
mentary  accounts,  wills,  receipts,  contracts. 
Papyri  leases,    deeds,    complaints,    petitions, 

notices,  invitations,  etc.  The  value  of 
these  contemporary  and  original  documents  for  the 
illumination  of  ancient  life  can  hardly  be  over- 
estimated. The  life  of  Upper  Egypt  in  Ptolemaic 
and  Rom  times  is  now  probably  better  known  to  us 
than  that  of  any  other  period  of  history  down  to 
recent  times.  Many  papyrus  collections  have  no 
literary  pap3nri  at  all,  but  are  rich  in  documents. 
Each  year  brings  more  of  these  to  light  and  new 
volumes  of  them  into  print.  All  this  vast  and 
growing  body  of  material  contributes  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  Ptolemaic  and  imperial  times,  often  in  the 
most  intimate  ways.     Among  the  most  important 


of  these  documentary  papyri  from  Ptolemaic  times 
are  the  revenue  laws  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (259 
BC)  and  the  decrees  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes  II,  47  in 
number  (118  BC,  140-139  BC).  Very  recently 
(1910)  a  Hamburg  papyrus  has  supplied  the  Con- 
stituUo  Antoniniana,  by  which  Rom  citizenship  was 
conferred  upon  the  peregrini  of  the  empire.  The 
private  documents  in  ways  even  more  important 
illustrate  the  life  of  the  common  people  under 
Ptolemaic  and  Rom  rule. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  point  out  the  value  of  all 
this  for  Bib.  and  esp.  NT  study.     The  papyri  have 
already  made  a  valuable  contribution  to 
11.  Contri-   textual  materials  of  both  OT  and  NT. 
bution  to        For    other    early  Christian    lit.  their 
NT  Study     testimony  has  been  of  surprising  inter- 
est    (the     Oxyrhynchus     Logia     and 
Gospel  fragments).     The  discovery  of  a  series  of 
uncial  MSS  running  through  six  centuries  back  of  the 
Codex  Vaticanus  bridges  the  gap  between  what 
were  our  earliest  uncials  and  the  hand  of  the  in- 
scriptions, and  puts  us  in  a  better  position  than  ever 
before  to  fix  the  dates  of  uncial  MSS.     Minuscule 
or  cursive  hands,  too,  so  common  in  NT  MSS  of  the 
10th  and  later  cents.,  appear  in  a  new  light  when  it 
is  seen  that  such  writing  was  not  a  late  invention 
arising  out  of  the  uncial,  but  had  existed  side  by 
side  with  it  from  at  least  the  4th  cent.  BC,  as  the 
ordinary,    as   distinguished   from   the   literary,   or 
book,    hand.     See   Writing.     The   lexical   contri- 
bution of  these  documentary  papyri,  too,  is  already 
considerable,  and  is  likely  to  be  very  great.     Like 
the  NT  writings,  they  reflect  the  common  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  literary  language  of  the  times, 
and  words  which  had  appeared  exceptional  or  un- 
known in  Gr  lit.  are  now  shown  to  have  been  in 
common   use.     The  problems   of   NT  syntax   are 
similarly    illuminated.     Specific    historical    notices 
sometimes  light  up  dark  points  in  the  NT,  as  in  a 
British  Museum  decree  of  Gains  Vibius  Maximus, 
prefect  of  Egypt  (104  AD),  ordering  all  who  are 
out  of  their  districts  to  return  to  their  own  homes 
in  view  of  the  approaching  census  (cf  Lk  2  1-5). 
Most  important  of  all  is  the  contribution  of  the 
papyri  to  a  sympathetic  knowledge  of  ancient  life. 
They  constitute  a  veritable  gallery  of  NT  characters. 
A  strong  light  is  sometimes  thrown  upon  the  social 
evils  of  the  time,  of  which  Paul  and  Juvenal  wrote 
so  sternly.     The  child,  the  prodigal,  the  thief,  the 
host   with   his   invitations,   the   steward   with   his 
accounts,  the  thrifty  householder,  the  soldier  on 
service  receiving  his  viaticum,  or  retired  as  a  veteran 
upon  his  farm,  the  Jewish  money-lender,  the  hus- 
bandman, and  the  pubhcan,  besides  people  in  every 
domestic  relation,  we  meet  at  first  hand  in  the 
papyri  which  they  themselves  in  many  cases  have 
written.     The  worth  of  this  for  the  historical  inter- 
pretation of  the  NT  is  very  great. 

The  principal  collections  of  Gr  papyri  with  their 
editors  are  Schow,  Herculaneum  Papyri;  Peyron,  Turin 
Papyri;  Leemans,  Leyden  Papyri;  Wes- 
12.  Chief  sely,  Rainer  and  Paris  Papyri;  Kenyon 
rn11prtion=  ?^^  ^*'"'  British  Museum  Papyri;  Ma- 
COllectlons  haffy  and  Smyly,  Petrie  Papyri;  Grenfell 
XT,,-  ,  X,  -*°'i  Hunt,  Oxyrhynchus,  Amherst  and 
Hibeh  PapjTi  (with  Hogarth),  FayOm Papyri,  and  (with 
Smyly  and  Goodspeed)  Tebtunis  Papyri;  Hunt,  Rylands 
Papyri ;  Nicole,  Geneva  Papyri ;  Krebs,  Wilcken,  Viereck, 
Schubart  and  others,  Berlm  Papyri;  Meyer,  Hamburg 
and  Giessen  Papyri;  Deissmann.  Heidelberg  Papyri;  Vi- 
telli  and  Comparetti,  Florence  Papyri;  Mitteis,  Leipzig 
Papyri;  Preisigke,  Strassburg  Papyri;  Reinach,  Paris 
Papyri;  Jouguet  and  Lesquier,  Lille  Papyri;  Rubensohn, 
aiephantme  Papyri;  Maspero,  Cairo  Papyri ;  Goodspeed, 
Cairo  and  Chicago  Papyri.  The  Munich  papyri  liave 
been  described  by  Wilcken.  Milligan's  Gr  Papyri,  Ken- 
yon s  Palaeography  of  Gr  Papyri,  and  Deissmann's  Light 
from  the  Ancient  East  are  useful  introductions  to  the 
general  subject.  Mayser  has  prepared  a  Grammatik  der 
PtolemdiHchen  Papyri. 

Coptic,    Arab.,    Heb   and    Demotic   papyri   are 


2243 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Papyrus 
Parable 


numerous;  even  Lat  papyri  are  found.  The  Coptic 
have  already  made  important  contributions  to  early 
Christian  literature.  A  considerable 
13.  Coptic,  Coptic  fragment  of  the  Acts  of  Paul, 
Arabic  and  _  and  a  Coptic  (Akhmtmic)  codex  of  1 
Other  Papyri  Clement,  almost  complete,  have  re- 
cently been  published  by  Carl  Schmidt. 
Another  much  mutilated  papyrus  of  1  Clement, 
with  James,  complete,  is  at  Strassburg.  A  Coptic 
text  of  Prov  has  been  brought  to  Berlin  from  the 
same  source  which  supplied  the  Clement  codex 
(the  White  Convent,  near  Akhmtm);  indeed,  Bib. 
papyri  in  Coptic  are  fairly  numerous,  and  patristic 
lit.  is  being  rapidly  enriched  by  such  discoveries  of 
Coptic  papyri,  e.g.  the  Dt,  Jon,  Acts  papyrus,  1912 
(cf  Sahidic  NT,  Oxford,  1911). 

Arab,  papyri  first  began  to  appear  from  Egypt 
in  1825,  when  three  Arab,  pieces  were  brought  to 
Paris  and  published  by  Silvestre  de  Sacy.  Two 
others,  from  the  7th  cent.,  were  published  by  him 
in  1827.  It  was  not  until  the  great  papyrus  finds 
of  1877-78,  however,  that  any  consideraljle  number 
of  Arab,  papyri  found  their  way  into  Europe.  The 
chief  collections  thus  far  formed  are  at  Vienna 
(Rainer  Collection),  Berlin  and  Cairo.  Becker 
has  published  the  Schott-Reinhardt  Arab,  papyri 
at  Heidelberg,  and  Karabacek  has  worked  upon 
those  at  Vienna.  They  belong  of  course  to  the 
period  after  the  Arab,  conquest,  640  AD. 

Edgar  J.  Goodspbed 
PAPYRUS,    VESSELS    OF.     See    Ships    and 
Boats,  II,  2,  (1). 

PARABLE,  par'a-b'l: 

1.  Name 

2.  Historical  Data 

3.  Clirist's  Use  of  Parables 

4.  Purpose  of  Ctirist  in  Using  Parables 

5.  Interpretation  of  the  Parables 

6.  Doctrinal  Value  of  the  Parables 

Etymologically  the  word  "parable"  [Tvapa^iWu , 
parabdllo)  signifies  a  placing  of  two  or  more  objects 

together,   usually  for  the  purpose  of 
1.  Name       a  comparison.     In  this  widest  sense 

of  the  term  there  is  practically  no 
difference  between  parable  and  simile  (see  Thayer, 
Did.  of  NT  Or,s.v.).  This  is  also  what  substan- 
tially some  of  Christ's  parables  amount  to,  which 
consist  of  only  one  comparison  and  in  a  single 
verse  (cf  Mt  13  33.44-46).  In  the  more  usual 
and  technical  sense  of  the  word,  "parable"  ordi- 
narily signifies  an  imaginary  story,  yet  one  that  in 
its  details  could  have  actually  transpired,  the  pur- 
pose of  the  story  being  to  illustrate  and  inculcate 
some  higher  spiritual  truth.  These  features  differ- 
entiate it  from  other  and  similar  figurative  narra- 
tives as  also  from  actual  history.  The  similarity 
between  the  last-mentioned  and  a  parable  is  some- 
times so  small  that  exegetes  have  differed  in  the 
interpretation  of  certain  pericopes.  A  character- 
istic example  of  this  uncertainty  is  the  story  of 
Dives  and  Lazarus  in  Lk  16  19-31.  The  problem 
is  of  a  serious  nature,  as  those  who  regard  this  as 
actual  history  are  compelled  to  interpret  each  and 
every  statement,  including  too  the  close  proximity 
of  heaven  and  hell  and  the  possibility  of  speaking 
from  one  place  to  the  other,  while  those  who  regard 
it  as  a  parable  can  restrict  their  interpretation  to 
the  features  that  constitute  the  substance  of  the 
story.  It  differs  again  from  the  fable,  in  so  far 
as  the  latter  is  a  story  that  could  not  actually  have 
occurred  (e.g.  Jgs  9  8ff;  2  K  14  9;  Ezk  17  2f). 
The  parable  is  often  described  as  an  extended  meta- 
phor. The  etymological  features  of  the  word,  as 
well  as  the  relation  of  parables  to  other  and  kmdred 
devices  of  style,  are  discussed  more  fully  by  Ed. 
Koenig,  in  HDB,  III,  660  ff . 
Although  Christ  emploved  the  parable  as  a  means 


of  inculcating  His  message  more  extensively  and 

more  effectively  than  any  other  teacher.  He  did  not 

invent  the  parable.     It  was  His  custom 

2.  Histor-  in  general  to  take  over  from  the  re- 
ical  Data       ligious  and  linguistic  world  of  thought 

in  His  own  day  the  materials  that 
He  employed  to  convey  the  higher  and  deeper 
truths  of  His  gospels,  giving  them  a  world  of  mean- 
ing they  had  never  before  possessed.  Thus  e.g. 
every  petition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  can  be  dupli- 
cated in  the  Jewish  liturgies  of  the  times,  yet  on 
Christ's  lips  these  petitions  have  a  significance  they 
never  had  or  could  have  for  the  Jews.  The  term 
"Word"  for  the  second  person  in  the  Godhead  is  an 
adaptation  from  the  Logos-idea  in  contemporaneous 
religious  thought,  though  not  specifically  of  Philo's. 
Baptism,  regeneration,  and  kindred  expressions  of 
fundamental  thoughts  in  the  Christian  system,  are 
terms  not  absolutely  new  (cf  Deutsch,  art.  "Tal- 
mud," Literary  Remains).  The  parable  was  em- 
ployed both  in  the  OT  and  in  contemporaneous 
Jewish  literature  (cf  e.g.  2  S  12  1-4;  Isa  6  1-6; 
28  24-28,  and  for  details  see  Koenig's  art..  I.e.). 
Jewish  and  other  non-Bib.  parables  are  discussed 
and  illustrated  by  examples  in  Trench's  Notes  on 
the  Parables  of  Our  Lord,  introd.  essay,  ch  iv:  "On 
Other  Parables  besides  Those  in  the  Scriptures." 

The  one  and  only  teacher  of  parables  in  the  NT  is 
Christ  Himself.     The  Epp.,  although  they  often  em- 
ploy rhetorical  allegories  and  similes, 

3.  Christ's  make  absolutely  no  use  of  the  parable. 
Use  of  so  common  in  Christ's  pedagogical 
Parables       methods.    The  distribution   of   these 

in  the  Canonical  Gospels  is  unequal, 
and  they  are  strictly  confined  to  the  three  Synoptic 
Gospels.  Mark  again  has  only  one  peculiar  to  this 
book,  namely,  the  Seed  Growing  in  Secret  (Mk  4 
26),  and  he  gives  only  three  others  that  are  found 
also  in  Mt  and  Lk,  namely  the  Sower,  the  Mustard 
Seed,  and  the  Wicked  Husbandman,  so  that  the 
bulk  of  the  parables  are  found  in  the  First  and  the 
Third  Gospels.  Two  are  common  to  Mt  and  Lk, 
namely  the  Leaven  (Mt  13  33;  Lk  13  21)  and 
the  Lost  Sheep  (Mt  18  12;  Lk  15  3ff).  Of  the 
remaining  parables,  18  are  found  only  in  Lk  and  10 
only  in  Mt.  Lk's  18  include  some  of  the  finest,  viz. 
the  Two  Debtors,  the  Good  Samaritan,  the  Friend 
at  Midnight,  the  Rich  Fool,  the  Watchful  Servants, 
the  Barren  Fig  Tree,  the  Chief  Seats,  the  Great 
Supper,  the  Rash  Builder,  the  Rash  King,  the  Lost 
Coin,  the  Lost  Son,  the  Unrighteous  Steward,  the 
Rich  Man  and  Lazarus,  the  Unprofitable  Servants, 
the  Unrighteous  Judge,  the  Pharisee  and  Publican, 
and  the  Pounds.  The  10  peculiar  to  Mt  are  the 
Tares,  the  Hidden  Treasure,  the  Pearl  of  Great 
Price,  the  Draw  Net,  the  Unmerciful  Servant,  the 
Laborers  in  the  Vineyard,  the  Two  Sons,  the  Mar- 
riage of  the  King's  Son,  the  Ten  Virgins,  and  the 
Talents.  There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  exact 
number  of  parables  we  have  from  Christ,  as  the 
Marriage  of  the  King's  Son  is  sometimes  regarded 
as  a  different  recension  of  the  Great  Supper,  and  the 
Talents  of  the  Pounds.  Other  numberings  are  sug- 
gested by  Trench,  Jiihcher  and  others. 

It  is  evident  from  such  passages  as  Mt  13  10  ff 
(cf  Mk  4  10-   Lk  8  9)  that  Christ  did  not  in  the 

beginning  of   His   career  employ   the 

4.  Purpose  parable  as  a  method  of  teaching,  but 
of  Christ  introduced  it  later.  This  took  place 
in  Using  evidently  during  the  2d  year  of  His 
Parables  public  ministry,  and  is  closely  con- 
nected with  the  changes  which  about 

that  time  He  made  in  His  attitude  toward  the  people 
in  general.  It  evidently  was  Christ's  purpose  at  the 
outset  to  win  over,  if  possible,  the  nation  as  a  whole 
to  His  cause  and  to  the  gospel;  when  it  appeared 
that  the  leaders  and  the  great  bulk  of  the  people 


Parable 
Paraclete 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2244 


would  not  accept  Him  for  what  He  wanted  to  be  and 
clung  tenaciously  to  their  carnal  Messianic  ideas 
and  ideals,  Christ  ceased  largely  to  appeal  to  the 
masses,  and,  by  confining  His  instructions  chiefly  to 
His  disciples  and  special  friends,  saw  the  necessity 
of  organizing  an  ecclesiola  in  ecclesia,  which  was 
eventually  to  develop  into  the  world-conquering 
church.  One  part  of  this  general  withdrawal  of 
Christ  from  a  proclamation  of  His  gospel  to  the 
whole  nation  was  this  change  in  His  method  of 
teaching  and  the  adoption  of  the  parable.  On  that 
subject  He  leaves  no  doubt,  according  to  Mt  13 
11  ff;  Mk  4  12;  Lk  8  10.  The  purpose  of  the 
parable  is  both  to  reveal  and  to  conceal  the  truth. 
It  was  to  serve  the  first  purpose  in  the  case  of  the 
disciples,  the  second  in  the  case  of  the  undeserving 
Jews.  Psychologically  this  difference,  notwith- 
standing the  acknowledged  inferiority  in  the  train- 
ing and  education  of  the  disciples,  esp.  as  compared 
with  the  scribes  and  lawyers,  is  not  hard  to  under- 
stand. A  simple-minded  Christian,  who  has  some 
understanding  of  the  truth,  can  readily  understand 
figurative  illustrations  of  this  truth,  which  would  be 
absolute  enigmas  even  to  an  educated  Hindu  or 
Chinaman.  The  theological  problem  involved  is 
more  difficult.  Yet  it  is  evident  that  we  are  not 
dealing  with  those  who  have  committed  the  sin 
against  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  whom  there  is  no  possi- 
bility of  a  return  to  grace,  according  to  He  6  4-10; 
10  26  (cf  Mt  12  31.32;  Mk  3  28-30),  and  who 
accordingly  could  no  longer  be  influenced  by  an 
appeal  of  the  gospel,  and  we  have  rather  before  us 
those  from  whom  Christ  has  determined  to  with- 
draw the  offer  of  redemption — whether  temporarily 
or  definitely  and  finally,  remaining  an  open  ques- 
tion— according  to  His  policy  of  not  casting  pearls 
before  the  swine.  The  proper  sense  of  these  pas- 
sages can  be  ascertained  only  when  we  remember 
that  in  Mk  4  13  and  Lk  8  10,  the  im,  Una,  need 
not  express  pui']50se,  but  that  this  particle  is  used 
here  to  express  mere  result  only,  as  is  clear  too  from 
the  passage  in  Mt  13  13,  where  the  Sti,  hdti,  is 
found.  The  word  is  to  be  withheld  from  these 
people,  so  that  this  preaching  would  not  bring  about 
the  ordinary  results  of  conversion  and  forgiveness 
of  sins.  Hence  Christ  now  adopts  a  method  of 
teaching  that  will  hide  the  truth  from  all  those  who 
have  not  yet  been  imbued  by  it,  and  this  new  method 
is  that  of  the  parable. 

The  principles  for  the  interpretation  of  the  para- 
bles, which  are  all  intended  primarily  and  in  the 

first  place  for  the  disciples,  are  fur- 
5.  Inter-  nished  by  the  nature  of  the  parable 
pretation  itself  and  by  Christ's  own  method  of 
of  the  interpreting  some  of  them.     The  first 

Parables        and  foremost  thing  to  be  discovered  is 

the  scope  or  the  particular  spiritual 
truth  which  the  parable  is  intended  to  convey. 
Just  what  this  scope  is  may  be  stated  in  so  many 
words,  as  is  done,  e.g.,  by  the  introductory  words 
to  that  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Publican.  Again 
the  scope  may  be  learned  from  the  occasion  of  the 
parable,  as  the  question  of  Peter  in  Mt  18  21  gives 
the  scope  of  the  following  parable,  and  the  real  pur- 
pose of  the  Prodigal  Son  parable  in  Lk  15  11  ff  is 
not  the  story  of  this  young  man  himself,  but  is  set 
over  against  the  murmuring  of  the  Pharisees  be- 
cause Christ  received  publicans  and  sinners,  in  vs 
1  and  2,  to  exemplify  the  all-forgiving  love  of  the 
Father.  Not  the  Son  but  the  Father  is  in  the  fore- 
ground in  this  parable,  which  fact  is  also  the  con- 
necting link  between  the  two  parts.  _ Sometimes  the 
scope  can  be  learned  only  from  an  examination 
of  the  details  of  the  parable  itself  and  then  may  be 
all  the  more  uncertain. 

A  second  principle  of  the  interpretation  of  the 
parables  is  that  a  sharp  distinction  must  be  made 


between  what  the  older  interpreters  called  the  body 
(corpus)  and  the  soul  (imima)  of  the  story;  or,  to 
use  other  expressions,  between  the  shell  or  bark 
(cortex)  and  the  marrow  (medulla).  Whatever 
serves  only  the  purpose  of  the  story  is  the  "orna- 
mentation" of  the  parable,  and  does  not  belong  to 
the  substance.  The  former  does  not  call  for  inter- 
pretation or  higher  spiritual  lesson;  the  latter  does. 
This  distinction  between  those  parts  of  the  parable 
that  are  intended  to  convey  spiritual  meanings  and 
those  which  are  to  be  ignored  in  the  interpretation 
is  based  on  Christ's  own  interpretation  of  the  so- 
called  parabolae  perfectae.  Christ  Himself,  in 
Mt  13  18  fi',  interprets  the  parable  of  the  Sower, 
yet  a  number  of  data,  such  as  the  fact  that  there 
are  four,  and  not  more  or  fewer  kinds  of  land,  and 
others,  are  discarded  in  this  explanation  as  without 
meaning.  Again  in  His  interpretation  of  the  Tares 
among  the  Wheat  in  Mt  13  36  ff,  a  number  of 
details  of  the  original  parable  are  discarded  as 
meaningless. 

Just  which  details  are  significant  and  which  are 
meaningless  in  a  parable  is  often  hard,  sometimes 
impossible  to  determine,  as  the  liistory  of  their 
exegesis  amply  shows.  In  general  it  can  be  laid 
down  as  a  rule,  that  those  features  which  illustrate 
the  scope  of  the  parable  belong  to  its  substance, 
and  those  which  do  not,  belong  to  the  ornamentation. 
But  even  with  this  rule  there  remain  many  exe- 
getical  cTuces  or  difficulties.  Certain,  too,  it  is  that 
not  all  of  the  details  are  capable  of  interpretation. 
Some  are  added  of  a  nature  that  indeed  illustrate 
the  story  as  a  story,  but,  from  the  standpoint  of 
Christian  morals,  are  more  than  objectionable. 
The  Unjust  Steward  in  using  his  authority  to  make 
the  bills  of  the  debtors  of  his  master  smaller  may 
be  a  model,  in  the  shrewd  use  of  this  world's  goods 
for  his  purpose,  that  the  Christian  may  follow  in 
making  use  of  his  goods  for  his  purposes,  but  the 
action  of  the  steward  itself  is  incapable  of  defence. 
Again,  the  man  v/ho  finds  in  somebody  else's  prop- 
erty a  pearl  of  great  price  but  conceals  this  fact 
from  the  owner  of  the  land  and  quietly  buys  this 
ground  may  serve  as  an  example  to  show  how  much 
the  kingdom  of  God  is  worth,  but  from  an  ethical 
standpoint  his  action  cannot  be  sanctioned.  In 
general,  the  parable,  like  all  other  forms  of  figura- 
tive expression,  has  a  meaning  only  as  far  as  the 
terlium  comqiarationis  goes,  that  is,  the  third  thing 
which  is  common  to  the  two  things  compared.  But 
all  this  still  leaves  a  large  debatable  ground  in  many 
parables.  In  the  Laborers  in  the  Vineyard  does 
the  "penny"  mean  anything,  or  is  it  an  ornament? 
The  history  of  the  debate  on  this  subject  is  long. 
In  the  Prodigal  Son  do  all  the  details  of  his  sufi'er- 
ings,  such  as  eating  the  husks  intended  for  swine, 
have  a  spiritual  meaning? 

The  interpreters  of  former  generations  laid  down 
the  rule,  theologia  parabolica  non  est  argumentativa, 
i.e.  the  parables,  very  rich  in  mission 
6.  Doctrinal  thoughts,  do  not  furnish  a  basis  for 
Value  of  the  doctrinal  argument.  Like  all  figura- 
Parables  five  expressions  and  forms  of  thought, 
the  parables  too  contain  elements  of 
doubt  as  far  as  their  interpretation  is  concerned. 
They  illustrate  truth  but  they  do  not  prove  or 
demonstrate  truth.  Omnia  similia  daudicunt,  "all 
comparisons  limp,"  is  applicable  here  also.  No 
point  of  doctrine  can  be  established  on  figurative 
passages  of  Scripture,  as  then  all  elements  of  doubt 
would  not  be  eliminated,  this  doubt  being  based  on 
the  nature  of  language  itself.  The  argumentative 
or  doctrmal  value  of  parables  is  found  in  this,  that 
they  may,  in  accordance  with  the  analogy  of  Scrip- 
ture, illustrate  truth  already  clearly  expressed  else- 
where. Cf  esp.  Trench,  introd.  essay,  in  Notes  on 
the  Parables  of  Oar  Lord,  ch  iii,  30-43;  and  Terry, 


2245 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Parable 
Paraclete 


Biblical  Hermeneulics,  Part  II,  ch  vi:  "Interpre- 
tation of  Parables,"  188-213,  in  which  work  a  full 
bibliography  is  given.     Cf   also  art.  "Parabel"  in 

RE.  G.   H.    SCHODDE 

PARACLETE,  par'a-klet: 

This  word  occurs  5  t  in  the  NT,  all  in  the  writings 

of  John.     Four  instances  are  in  the  Gospel  and  one 

in  the  First  Ep.     In  the  Gospel  the 

1.  Where  passages  are  14  16.26;  15  26;  16  7; 
Used  in  the  Ep.,  2  1.     "Paraclete"  is  simply 

the  Gr  word  transferred  into  Eng. 
The  tr  of  the  word  in  EV  is  "Comforter"  in  the 
Gospel,  and  "Advocate"  in  the  Ep.  The  Gr  word 
is  irapdKXTjTos,  pardkUtos,  from  the  vb.  trapaKoKiui, 
parakaleo.  The  word  for  "Paraclete"  is  passive  in 
form,  and  etymologically  signifies  "called  to  one's 
side."  The  active  form  of  the  word  is  wapaKX-riToip, 
paraklitor,  not  found  in  the  NT  but  found  in  LXX  in 
Job  16  2  in  the  pi.,  and  means  "comforters,"  in  the 
saying  of  Job  regarding  the  "miserable  comforters" 
who  came  to  him  in  his  distress. 

In  general  the  word  sigTiifies  (1)  a  legal  advocate, 
or  counsel  for  defence,    (2)   an  intercessor,    (3)   a 

helper,  generally.     The  first,  or  tech- 

2.  General    nical,  judicial  meaning  is  that  which 
Meaning        predomiBates  in  classical  usage,  corre- 
sponding   to    our    word    "advocate," 

"counsel,"  or  "attorney."  The  corresponding  Lat 
word  is  advocatus,  "advocate,"  the  word  applied  to 
Christ  in  EV  in  the  tr  of  the  Gr  word  parakletos, 
in  1  Jn  2  1.  There  is  some  question  whether 
the  tr  "Comforter"  in  the  passages  of  John's  Gos- 
pel in  AV  and  RV  is  warranted  by  the  meaning 
of  the  word.  It  is  certain  that  the  meaning  "com- 
forter" is  not  the  primary  signification,  as  we  have 
seen.  It  is  very  probably,  however,  a  secondary 
meaning  of  the  word,  and  some  of  its  cognates  clearly 
convey  the  idea  of  comfort  in  certain  connections, 
both  in  LXX  and  in  the  NT  (Gen  37  35;  Zee  1 
13;  Mt  5  4;  2  Cor  1  3.4).  In  the  passage  in  2 
Cor  the  word  in  one  form  or  another  is  used  5  t  and 
in  each  means  "comfort."  In  none  of  these  in- 
tances,  however,  do  we  find  the  noun  "Paraclete," 
which  we  are  now  considering. 

Among    Jewish   writers    the  word    "Paraclete" 

came  to  have  a  number  of  meanings.     A  good  deed 

was  called  a  paraclete  or  advocate,  and 

3.  In  the        a  transgression  was  an  accuser.     Re- 
Tahnud  and  pentance  and  good  works  were  called 
Targiuns        paracletes:     "The    works   of    benevo- 
lence and  mercy  done  by  the  people 

of  Israel  in  this  world  become  agents  of  peace 
and  intercessors  [paracletes]  between  them  and 
their  Father  in  heaven."  The  sin  offering  is  a 
paraclete;  the  paraclete  created  by  each  good  deed 
is  called  an  angel  {Jew  Enc,  IX,  514-15,  art. 
"Paraclete"). 

Philo  employs  the  word  in  several  Instances.     Usually 
he  does  not  use  it  in  the  legal,  technical  sense.     Joseph 
is    represented    as    bestowing    forgiveness 
4    As  Em-     on  Ills  brethren  who  had  wronged  him  and 
■         ,  .  declaring  that  they  needed  "no  one  else 

ployea  Dy  ^^  paraclete."  or  intercessor  (De  Joseph 
PhilO  c.  40).     In  his  ii/e  o/ Moses,  iii.  14.  is  a  re- 

markable passage  which  indicates  Philo's 
spiritualizing  methods  of  interpreting  Scripture  as  well 
as  reflects  his  philosophic  tendency.  At  the  close  of  a 
somewhat  elaborate  account  of  the  emblematic  signifl- 
cance  of  the  vestments  of  the  high  priest  and  their  jeweled 
decorations,  his  words  are:  "  The  twelve  stones  arranged 
on  the  breast  in  four  rows  of  three  stones  each,  namely, 
the  logeum,  being  also  an  emblem  of  that  reason  which 
holds  together  and  regulates  the  universe.  For  it  was 
indispensable  [a.va.yKalov ,  anagkaion]  that  the  man  who 
was  consecrated  to  the  Father  of  the  world  should  have, 
as  a  paraclete,  his  son,  the  being  most  perfect  in  all 
virtue  to  procure  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  a  supply 
of  unlimited  blessings."  This  is  rather  a  striking  verbal 
or  formal  parallel  to  the  statement  in  1  Jn  2  1  where 
Christ  is  our  Advocate  with  the  Father,  although  of 
course  Philo's  conceptions  of  the  Divine  "reason"  and 
"son"  are  by  no  means  the  Christian  conceptions. 


If  now  we  raise  th?  question  what  is  the  best  tr 

of  the  term  "Paraclete"  in  the  NT,  we  have  a  choice 

of  several  words.     Lot  us   glance   at 

5.  The  Best  them  in  order.  The  tr  "Comforter" 
Translation   contains  an  element  of  the  meaning  of 

the  word  as  employed  in  the  Gospels, 
and  harmonizes  with  the  usage  in  connection  with 
its  cognates,  but  it  is  too  narrow  in  meaning  to  be 
an  adequate  tr.  Dr.  J.  Hastings  in  an  otherwise 
excellent  article  on  the  Paraclete  in  HDB  says  the 
Paraclete  was  not  sent  to  comfort  the  disciples, 
since  prior  to  His  actual  coming  and  after  Christ's 
promise  the  disciples'  sorrow  was  turned  into  joy. 
Dr.  Hastings  thinks  the  Paraclete  was  sent  to  cure 
the  unbelief  or  half-belief  of  the  disciples.  But  this 
conceives  the  idea  of  comfort  in  too  limited  a  way. 
No  doubt  in  the  mind  of  Jesus  the  comforting  aspect 
of  the  Spirit's  work  applied  to  all  their  future  sor- 
rows and  trials,  and  not  merely  to  comfort  for  their 
personal  loss  in  the  going  of  Christ  to  the  Father. 
Nevertheless  there  was  more  in  the  work  of  the  Para- 
clete than  comfort  in  sorrow.  "Intercessor"  comes 
nearer  the  root  idea  of  the  term  and  contains  an 
essential  part  of  the  meaning.  "Advocate"  is  a 
closely  related  word,  and  is  also  suggestive  of  the 
work  of  the  Spirit.  Perhaps  there  is  no  Eng.  word 
broad  enough  to  cover  all  the  significance  of  the 
word  "Paraclete"  except  the  word  "Helper."^  The 
Spirit  helps  the  disciples  in  all  the  above-indicated 
ways.  Of  course  the  objection  to  this  tr  is  that  it  is 
too  indefinite.  The  specific  Christian  conception  is 
lost  in  the  comprehensiveness  of  the  term.  Our 
conclusion,  therefore,  is  that  the  term  "Paraclete" 
itself  would  perhaps  be  the  best  designation  of  the 
Spirit  in  the  passage  in  John's  Gospel.  ^  It  would 
thus  become  a  proper  name  for  the  Spirit  and  the 
various  elements  of  meaning  would  come  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  words  which  are  found  in  the  context 
of  the  Gospel. 

Christianity  introduced  many  new  ideas  into  the 
world  for  which  current  terms  were  inadequate 
media  of  expression.  In  some  cases  it  is  best  to 
adopt  the  Christian  term  itself,  in  our  translations, 
and  let  the  word  slowly  acquire  its  own  proper  sig- 
nificance in  our  thought  and  life.  If,  however, 
instead  of  translating  we  simply  transfer  the  word 
"Paraclete"  as  a  designation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in 
the  Gospel  passages,  we  would  need  then  to  translate 
it  in  the  passage  in  the  Ep.  where  it  refers  to  Christ. 
But  this  would  offer  no  serious  difficulty.  For 
fortunately  in  the  Ep.  the  word  may  very  clearly  be 
tr''  "Advocate"  or  "Intercessor." 

We  look  next  at  the  contents  of  the  word  as  em- 
ployed by  Jesus  in  reference  to  the  Holy  Spirit. 
In  Jn  14  16  the  Paraclete  is  promised 

6.  Christ's  as  one  who  is  to  take  the  place  of  Jesus. 
Use  of  the  It  is  declared  elsewhere  by  Jesus  that 
Word  it  is  expedient  that  He  go  away,  for 

unless  He  go  away  the  Paraclete  will 
not  come  (Jn  16  7).  Is  the  Paraclete,  then,  the 
successor  or  the  substitute  for  Christ  as  He  is  some- 
times called?  The  answer  is  that  He  is  both  and 
neither.  He  is  the  successor  of  Christ  historically, 
but  not  in  the  sense  that  Christ  ceases  to  act  in  the 
church.  He  is  the  substitute  for  Christ's  physical 
presence,  but  only  in  order  that  He  may  make  vital 
and  actual  Christ's  spiritual  presence.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  Paraclete  moves  only  in  the  range  of  truths 
conveyed  in  and  through  Christ  as  the  historical 
manifestation  of  God.  A  "Kingdom  of  the  Spirit," 
therefore,  is  impossible  in  the  Christian  sense,  save 
as  the  historical  Jesus  is  made  the  basis  of  the 
Spirit's  action  in  history.  The  promise  of  Jesus 
in  14  18,  "I  come  unto,"  is  parallel  and  equivalent 
in  meaning  with  the  preceding  promise  of  the  Para- 
clete. The  following  are  given  as  the  specific  forms 
of  activity  of  the  Holy  Spirit :   (1)  to  show  them  the 


Paradise 
Parchment 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2246 


things  of  Christ,  (2)  to  teach  them  things  to  como, 
(3)  to  teach  them  all  things,  (4)  to  quicken  their 
memories  for  past  teaching,  (5)  to  bear  witness  to 
Christ,  (6)  to  dwell  in  believers,  (7)  other  things 
shown  in  the  context  such  as  "greater  works"  than 
those  of  Christ  (see  Jn  14  16.17),  (8)  to  convict  of 
sin,  of  righteousness  and  judgment.  It  is  possible 
to  range  the  shades  of  meaning  outlined  above 
under  these  various  forms  of  the  Spirit's  activity. 
As  Comforter  His  work  would  come  under  (1),  (2), 
(3 )  and  (6) ;  as  Advocate  and  Intercessor  under  (6) , 
(7),  (S);  as  Helper  and  Teacher  under  (1),  (2),  (3), 
(4),  (5),  (6),  (7),  (8). 

The  manner  of  the  sending  of  the  Paraclete  is  of 
interest.  In  Jn  14  16  the  Paraclete  comes  in 
answer  to  Christ's  prayer.  The  Father  will  give 
the  Spirit  whom  the  world  cannot  receive.  In  14 
26  the  Father  will  send  the  Spirit  in  Christ's  name. 
Yet  in  15  26  Christ  sa^'s,  "I  will  send  [him]  unto 
you  from  the  Father,  even  the  Spirit  of  truth,"  and 
in  16  7,  "If  I  go,  I  will  send  him  unto  you."  See 
Holy  Spirit. 

It  remains  to  notice  the  passage  in  1  Jn  2  1 
where  the  term  "Paraclete"  is  applied  to  Christ: 
"If  any  man  sin,  we  have  an  Advocate 
7.  As  with    the    Father,    Jesus    Christ    the 

Applied  righteous";    ver  2  reads:    "and  he  is 

to  Christ  the  propitiation  for  our  sins;  and  not 
for  ours  only,  but  also  for  the  whole 
world."  Here  the  meaning  is  quite  clear  and  spe- 
cific. Jesus  Christ  the  righteous  is  represented  as 
our  Advocate  or  Intercessor  with  the  Father.  His 
righteousness  is  set  over  against  our  sin.  Here 
the  Paraclete,  Christ,  is  He  who,  on  the  basis  of 
His  propitiatory  offering  for  the  sins  of  men,  inter- 
cedes for  them  with  God  and  thus  averts  from 
them  the  penal  consequences  of  their  transgressions. 
■The  sense  in  which  Paraclete  is  here  applied  to 
Christ  is  found  nowhere  in  the  passages  we  have 
cited  from  the  Gospel.  The  Holy  Spirit  as  Paraclete 
is  Intercessor  or  Advocate,  but  not  in  the  sense 
here  indicated.  The  Spirit  as  Paraclete  convicts 
the  world  of  sin,  of  righteousness  and  judgment. 
Jesus  Christ  as  Paraclete  vindicates  behevers  before 
God. 

LiTBRATUHE. — Grimm-Thayer,  Gr-Eng.  Lexicon  of 
the  NT:  Cremer,  Biblico-Theol.  Lexicon;  HDB.  art. 
"Paraclete";  DCG.  art.  "Paraclete";  EB,  art.  "Para- 
clete"; Jew  Enc,  art.  "Paraclete";  Hare,  Mission  of 
the  Comforter;  Pearson,  On  the  Creed;  Taylor.  Sayings 
of  the  Jewish  Fathers;  various  comms.,  Westcott,  Godet 
and  others.  See  list  of  books  appended  to  art.  on  Holt 
Spirit. 

E.  Y.   MULLINS 
PARADISE,  par'a-dis  (D'I'IS ,   pardes;  irapcuSti- 
o-os,  parddeisos) :    A  word  probably  of  Pers  origin 

meaning  a  royal  park.  See  Garden. 
1.  Origin  The  word  occurs  in  the  Heb  Scriptures 
and  but  3  t:    Cant  4  13,   where  it  is  tr"^ 

Meaning        "an  orchard";    Neh  2  8,  where  it  is 

tr'i"a  forest"  (RVm  "park")-  Ecol 
2  5,  where  it  is  in  the  pi.  number  (AV  "orchards," 
RV  "parks").  But  it  was  early  introduced  into 
the  Gr  language,  being  made  specially  familiar  by 
Xenophon  upon  his  return  from  the  expedition  of 
Cyrus  the  Younger  to  Babylonia  (see  Anab.  i.2,  § 
7;  4,  §9;  Cyrop.  i.3,  §14).  In  LXX  the  word  is  of 
frequent  use  in  translating  other  terms  of  kindred 
significance.  The  Garden  of  Eden  became  "the 
paradise  of  pleasure  or  luxury"  (Gen  2  IS;  3  23; 
Joel  2  3).  The  valley  of  the  Jordan  became  'the 
paradise  of  God'  (Gen  13  10).  In  Ezk  31  8.9, 
according  to  LXX,  there  is  no  tree  in  the  'paradise 
of  God'  equal  to  that  which  in  the  prophet's  vision 
symbolizes  the  glory  of  Assyria.  The  figures  in  the 
first  9  verses  of  this  chapter  may  well  have  been 
suggested  by  what  the  prophet  had  himself  seen  of 
parks  in  the  Pers  empire. 


In  the  apocryphal  and  pseudepigraphical  lit.  the 

word  is  extensively  used  in  a  spiritual  and  symbol; c. 

sense,  signalizing  the  place  of  happi- 

2.  Use  in  ness  to  be  inherited  by  the  righteous 
Jewish  Lit-  in  contrast  to  Gehenna,  the  place  of 
erature  punishment  to  which  the  wicked  were 

to  be  assigned.  In  the  later  Jewish  lit. 
"Sheol"  is  represented  as  a  place  where  preliminary 
rewards  and  pimishments  are  bestowed  previous  to 
the  final  judgment  (see  Apocalyptic  Literature; 
EscHATOLOGT  OF  THE  OT;  and  of  2  Esd  2  19; 
8  52).  But  the  representations  in  this  lit.  are  often 
vague  and  conflicting,  some  holding  that  there  were 
4  divisions  in  Sheol,  one  for  those  who  were  martyred 
for  righteousness'  sake,  one  for  sinners  who  on  earth 
had  paid  the  penalty  for  their  sins,  one  for  the  just 
who  had  not  suffered  martyrdom,  and  one  for  sin- 
ners who  had  not  been  punished  on  earth  (En  102 
15).  But  among  the  Alexandrian  Jews  the  view 
prevailed  that  the  separation  of  the  righteous  from 
the  wicked  took  place  immediately  after  death  (see 
Wisd  3  14;  4  10;  5  5.17;  Jos,  Ant,  XVIII,  i,  3; 
BJ,  II,  viii,  14).  This  would  seem  to  be  the  idea 
underlying  the  use  of  the  word  in  the  NT  where 
it  occurs  only  3  t,  and  then  in  a  sense  remarkably 
free  from  sensuous  suggestions. 

Christ  uses  the  word  but  once  (Lk  23  43),  when 

He  said  to  the  penitent  thief,  "To-day  shalt  thou  be 

with    me    in    Paradise"     (see    Abra- 

3.  Used  by  ham's  Bosom  [cf  Hades]).  This  was 
Christ  no  time  to  choose  words  with  dialectical 

precision.  The  consolation  needed  by 
the  penitent  thief  suffering  from  thirst  and  agony 
and  shame  was  such  as  was  symbolized  by  the  pop- 
ular conception  of  paradise,  which,  as  held  by  the 
Essenes,  consisted  of  "habitations  beyond  the  ocean, 
in  a  region  that  is  neither  oppressed  with  storms 
of  rain,  or  snow,  or  with  intense  heat,  but  that 
this  place  is  such  as  is  refreshed  by  the  gentle  breath- 
ing of  a  west  wind,  that  is  perpetually  blowing  from 
the  ocean"  (Jos,  BJ,  II,  viii,  11).     See  Eschatol- 

OGY  OF  THE  NT. 

Nowhere  in  His  public  teaching  did  Christ  use 
the  word  "Paradise."     He  does  indeed,  when  speak- 
ing in  parables,  employ  the  figure  of  the 

4.  Other  marriage  supper,  and  of  new  wine,  and 
Forms  and  elsewhere  of  Abraham's  bosom,  and  of 
Uses  houses  not  made  by  hands,  eternal  in 

the  heavens;  but  all  these  references 
are  in  striking  contrast  to  the  prevailing  sensuous 
representations  of  the  times  (see  2  Esd  2  19;  8 
52),  and  such  as  have  been  introduced  into  Mo- 
hammedan lit.  Likewise  St.  Paul  (2  Cor  12  4) 
speaks  of  having  been  "caught  up  into  Paradise" 
where  he  "heard  unspeakable  words,  which  it  is  not 
lawful  for  a  man  to  utter."  See  Eschatology 
OF  THE  NT.  But  in  ver  2  this  is  referred  to  more 
vaguely  as  "the  third  heaven."  In  Rev  2  7  it  is 
said  to  the  members  of  the  church  at  Ephesua 
who  should  overcome,  "I  [will]  give  to  eat  of  the 
tree  of  life,  which  is  in  the  Paradise  of  God," 
where  the  Eden  of  Gen  2  8  is  made  the  symbol  of 
the  abode  of  the  righteous,  more  fully  described 
without  the  words  in  the  last  chapter  of  the 
book.  The  reticence  of  the  sacred  writers  respect- 
ing this  subject  is  in  striking  contrast  to  the  pro- 
fuseness  and  crudity  both  of  rabbinical  writers 
before  Christ  and  of  apocryphal  writers  and 
Christian  commentators  at  a  later  time.  "Where 
the  true  Gospels  are  most  reticent,  the  mythical 
are  most  exuberant"  (Perowne).  This  is  esp. 
noticeable  in  the  Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  the  Ada 
Philippi,  the  writings  of  TertuUian  (De  Idol.  c. 
13;  De  Anim.  c.  55;  Tertulhan's  treatise  De 
Paradiso  is  lost),  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Frag. 
51),  and  John  of  Damascus  {De  Orthod.  Fid.,  ii, 
11).     In  modem  lit.  the  conception  of  Paradise  ia 


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effectually  sublimated  and  spiritualized  in  Faber's 
familiar  hymn: 

"O  Paradise,  O  Paradise, 
I  greatly  long  to  seo 
The  special  place  my  dearest  Lord 

Is  destining  for  me; 
Where  loyal  hearts  and  true 

Stand  ever  in  the  light. 
All  rapture  thro'  and  thro', 
In  God's  most  holy  sight." 
Literature. — The  articles  in  the  great   Diets.,  esp. 
Herzog,     RE;      IIDB;      Alger,     Critical     History     of     the 
Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life;    Schodde,   Book  of  En:    Light- 
foot,   Hor.   Heb.  on  Lk  23  4:i;    Salmond,    The  Christian 
Doctrine  of  Immortality.  340  It.      For  a  good  account  of 
Jewish  and  patristic  speculation  on  Paradise,  see  Pro- 
fessor Plumptre's  art.  in  Smith's  DB,  II,  704  ft. 

G.  F.  Wright 
PARAH,  pa'ra,  par'a  (iTlBn ,  ha-pardh;  B,  ^ap6., 
Phard,  A,  'Acfxip,  Aphdr) :  A  city  named  as  in  the 
territory  of  Benjamin  between  Avvim  and  Ophrah 
(Josh  18  23).  It  may  with  some  confidence  be 
identified  with  Fdrah  on  Wddy  Fdrah,  which  runs 
into  Wddy  Suweinit,  about  3  miles  N.E.  of  'Andta. 

PARALYSIS,    pa-ral'i-sis,    PARALYTIC,    par-a- 
lit'ik.     See  Palsy.- 


PARAMOUR,  par'a-mobr  (in53S ,  pilleghesh,  "a 
concubine,"  masc.  or  fern.):  A  term  apphed  in  Ezk 
23  20  to  the  male  lover,  but  elsewhere  tr''  "concu- 
bine." 

PARAN,  pa'ran,  EL-PARAN  (TJXS ,  pd'rdn, 
■■^^?^  b''N,  'el-pdWan;    "i>apdv,  Phardn): 

(1)  El-paran  (Gen  14  G)  was  the  point  farthest 
S.  reached  by  the  kings.  LXX  renders  b^'X  by 
Tepi^tvdos,  terehinthos,  and  reads,  "unto  the  tere- 
binth of  Paran."  The  evidence  is  slender,  but  it  is 
not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  this  is  the  place 
elsewhere  (Dt  2  8;  1  K  9  26,  etc)  called  Elath 
or  Eloth  (b^X  with  fem.  termination),  a  seaport 
town  which  gave  its  name  to  the  Aelanitio  Gulf 
(modern  Gulf  of  'Akaba),  not  far  from  the  wilderness 
of  Paran  (2). 

(2)  Many  places  named  in  the  narrative  of  the 
wanderings  lay  within  the  Wilderness  of  Paran 
(Nu  10  12;  13  21;  27  14;  cf  13  3.26,  etc).  It 
is  identified  with  the  high  limestone  plateau  of  Et- 
Tih,  stretching  from  the  S.W.  of  the  Dead  Sea  to 
Sinai  along  the  west  side  of  the  Arabah.  This 
wilderness  offered  hospitality  to  Ishmael  when 
driven  from  his  father's  tent  (Gen  21  21).  Hither 
also  came  David  when  bereaved  of  Samuel's  pro- 
tection (1  S  25  1). 

(3)  Mount  Paran  (Dt  33  2;  Hab  3  3)  may  be 
either  Jehel  Makrah,  29  miles  S.  of  'Ain  Kadis 
(Kadesh-bamea),  and  130  miles  N.  of  Sinai  (Palmer, 
Desert  of  the  Exodus,  510) ;  or  the  higher  and  more 
imposing  range  of  mountains  W.  of  the  Gulf  of 
'Akaha.  This  is  the  more  probable  if  El-paran  is 
rightly  identified  with  Elath. 

(4)  Some  place  named  Paran  would  seem  to  be 
referred  to  in  Dt  1  1;  but  no  trace  of  such  a  city 
has  yet  been  found.  Paran  in  1  K  11  18  doubtless 
refers  to  the  district  W.  of  the  Arabah. 

W.  EwiNG 
PARBAR,  par'bar  ("I3")S ,  parhar  [1  Ch  26  18], 
and  D'^II'lS,  parwdrlm,  iv^  "precincts"  [AV  "sub- 
urbs" in  2  K  23  11];  LXX  <|>apoDpe(|i,  p/iaroMreiTO) : 
In  1  Ch  26  18  reference  is  made  to  the  position 
of  the  gatekeepers,  "for  Parbar  westward,  four  at 
the  causeway,  and  two  at  Parbar."  The  word  is 
supposed  to  be  of  Pera  origin,  connected  with  Par- 
wAr,  meaning  "possessing  light,"  and  hence  the 
meaning  has  been  suggested  of  "colonnade"  or 
"portico,"  some  place  open  to  the  light.  In  the  pi. 
form   (2  K  23  11)  the  situation  of  the  house  of 


"Nathan-mclech"  is  described,  and  the  tr,  "in  the 
colonnades,"  .should,  if  the  above  origin  is  accepted, 
be  more  correct  than  EV.  It  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  occurrence  of  a  Pers  word  at  this  time, 
and  it  has  been  suggested  {EB,  col  3.585)  that  the 
word  is  a  description  of  the  office  of  Nathan-melech, 
ba-parwdrim  being  a  misreading  for  ha-p'rddhim, 
meaning  "who  was  over  the  mules." 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 
PARCEL,  piir'sel:  Properly  "a  little  part,"  in 
Elizabethan  Eng.  being  u.sed  in  almost  any  sen.se. 
In  AV  of  Cien  33  19;  Josh  24  32;  Ruth  4  3;  1  Ch 
11  13.14  it  is  the  tr  of  Hpbn ,  helkah;  Jn  4  5  of 
xuplov,  chorion — both  the  Gr  and  Heb  words  mean- 
ing a  "piece  of  land."  RV  writes  "plot"  in  1  Ch 
11  13.14,  but  if  the  change  was  needed  at  all,  it 
should  have  been  made  throughout. 

PARCHED,  parcht:  Four  different  root  words 
have  been  tr'^  "parched"  in  EV: 

(1)  nbjP,  J;aZa/i,  "roasted."  This  word  is  applied 
to  com  or  pulse.  It  is  a  common  practice  in  Pal 
and  Syria  to  roast  the  nearly  ripe  wheat  for  eating 
as  a  delicacy.  A  handful  of  heads  of  fully  developed 
grain,  with  the  stalks  still  attached,  are  gathered 
and  bound  together  and  then,  holding  the  bunch 
by  the  lower  ends  of  the  stalks,  the  heads  are  toasted 
over  a  fire  of  straw  or  thorn  bush.  By  the  time 
moat  of  the  sheaths  are  blackened  the  grain  is 
toasted,  and,  after  rubbing  off  the  husks  between 
the  hands,  is  ready  to  eat  (Lev  2  14).  A  form  of 
pulse  ia  toasted  in  the  same  way  and  is  more  sought 
after  than  the  grain.  In  the  larger  towns  and 
cities,  venders  go  about  the  streets  selling  bunches 
of  toasted  chick-peas.  The  Bible  references,  how- 
ever, are  probably  to  another  form  of  roasted  grain. 
The  threshed  wheat  or  pulse  is  roasted  over  a  fire 
on  an  iron  pan  or  on  a  flat  stone,  being  kept  in 
constant  motion  with  a  stirrer  until  the  operation  is 
finished.  The  grain  thus  prepared  is  a  marketable 
article.  Parched  grain  is  not  now  so  commonly 
met  with  as  the  pulse,  which  either  roasted  or  un- 
roasted  is  called  hommo^  (from  Arab,  "to  roast"  or 
"parch").  Parched  pulse  is  eaten  not  only  plain, 
but  is  often  made  into  confection  by  coating  the 
seeds  with  sugar.  In  Bible  times  parched  wheat 
or  pulse  was  a  common  food,  even  taking  the  place 
of  bread  (Lev  23  14;  Josh  5  11;  Ruth  2  14). 
It  was  a  useful  food  supply  for  armies,  as  it  re- 
quired no  further  cooking  (1  S  17  17).  It  was 
frequently  included  in  gifts  or  hostages  (1  S  25  18; 
2  S  17  28). 

(2)  Tin,  harer,  "burned"  or  "parched"  (cf  Arab. 
harik,  "burned"),  is  used  in  the  sense  of  dried  up  or 
arid  in  Jer  17  6. 

(3)  nn2,  Qiheh,  is  used  in  Isa  5  13,  AV  "dried 
up,"  RV' "parched";  nninS  ,  fo/iT/ia/i,  in  Ps  68  6, 
AV  "dry,"  RV  "parched." 

(4)  'yy^ ,  shdrabh,  rendered  "parched"  in  AV,  is 
"glowing"  in  RV.  The  word  implies  the  peculiar 
wavy  effect  of  the  air  above  parched  ground,  usually 
accompanied  by  mirages  (cf  Arab,  serab,  "mirage") 
(Isa  35  7;  49  10).  In  predicting  a  happy  future 
for  Zion  the  prophet  could  have  chosen  no  greater 
contrast  than  that  the  hot  glowing  sands  which 
produce  illusive  water  effects  should  be  changed 
into  real  pools.     See  Mirage.     James  A.  Patch 

PARCHED,  parcht,  CORN.     See  Food. 

PARCHMENT,  parch'ment  (litiippava,  niembrdna 
[2  Tim  4  13]) :  Theword  "parchment,"  which  occurs 
only  once  (2  Tim  4  13),  is  derived  from  Lat  per- 
gamena  (Gr  nepyapepr/,  Pergament),  i.e.  pertaining 
to  Pergamum,  the  name  of  an  ancient  city  in  Asia 


Parchments 
Parousia 


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2248 


Minor  where,  it  ia  believed,  parchment  was  first 
used.  Parchment  is  made  from  the  slvins  of  sheep, 
goats  or  young  calves.  The  hair  and  fleshy  portions 
of  the  skin  are  removed  as  in  tanning  by  first  soaking 
in  lime  and  then  dehairing,  scraping  and  washing. 
The  skin  is  then  stretched  on  a  frame  and  treated 
with  powdered  chalk,  or  other  absorptive  agent,  to 
remove  the  fatty  substances,  and  is  then  dried.  It 
is  finally  given  a  smooth  surface  by  rubbing  with 
powdered  pumice.  Parchment  was  extensively 
used  at  the  time  of  the  early  Christians  for  scrolls, 
legal  documents,  etc,  having  replaced  papyrus  for 
that  purpose.  It  was  no  doubt  used  at  even  a  much 
earlier  time.  The  roll  mentional  in  Jer  36  may 
have  been  of  parchment.  Scrolls  were  later  re- 
placed by  codices  of  the  same  material.  After  the 
Arabs  introduced  paper,  parchment  was  still  used 
for  centuries  for  the  book  bindings.  Diplomas 
printed  on  "sheepskins,"  still  issued  by  many  uni- 
versities, represent  the  survival  of  an  ancient  use 
of  parchment.     See  following  article. 

James  A.  Patch 
PARCHMENTS,  parch'ments  ((ifiippAvai,  mem- 
brdnai,  "membranes,"  "parchments,"  "vellum"): 
The  skins,  chiefly  of  sheep,  lambs,  goats  and  calves, 
prepared  so  as  to  be  used  for  writing  on  (2  Tim 
4  13). 

In  Gr  and  Rom  times  parchment  was  much  employed 
as  a  writing  material.  "At  Rome,  in  the  1st  cent.  BC, 
and  the  1st  and  2d  cents.  AD,  there  is  evidence  of  the  use 
of  vellum,  but  only  for  noteboolis  and  for  rough  drafts  or 

inferior  copies  of  literary  works A  fragment  of  a 

vellum  MS,  wliich  may  belong  to  this  period,  is  preserved 
in  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS  34,473,  consisting  of  two  leaves  of 
Demosthenes,  De  Fals.  Leg.,  in  a  small  hand,  which  ap- 
pears to  bo  of  the  2d  cent."  (F.  G.  Kenyon  in  HDB,  IV, 
947). 

Paul  directs  Timothy  that,  when  he  comes  from 
Ephesus  to  Rome,  he  is  to  bring  "the  books,  esp. 
the  parchments."  These,  as  well  as  the  "cloak," 
which  is  also  mentioned,  had  evidently  been  "left 
at  Troas  with  Carpus."  What  were  these  parch- 
ments? They  are  distinguished  from  "the  books," 
which  were  probably  a  few  choice  volumes  or  rolls, 
some  portions  of  the  Scriptures  of  the  OT,  some 
volumes  of  the  Law  of  Moses  or  of  the  Prophets  or 
of  the  Pss.  Among  "the  books"  there  might  also 
be  Jewish  exegetical  works,  or  heathen  writings, 
with  which,  as  is  made  evident  by  references  in  his 
Epp.,  Paul  was  well  acquainted. 

The  parchments  were  different  from  these,  and 
were  perhaps  notebooks,  in  which  the  apostle  had, 
from  time  to  time,  written  what  he  had  observed 
and  wished  to  preserve  as  specially  worthy  of 
remembrance,  facts  which  he  had  gathered  in  his 
study  of  the  OT  or  of  other  books.  These  notes 
may  have  been  the  result  of  many  years'  reading 
and  study,  and  he  wished  Timothy  to  bring  them  to 
him. 

Various  conjectures  have  been  made  in  regard 
to  the  contents  of  "the  parchments."  It  has  been 
suggested  by  Kenyon  {HDB,  III,  673)  that  they 
contained  the  OT  in  Gr;  by  Farrar,  that  the  parch- 
ments were  a  diploma  of  Paul's  Rom  citizenship; 
by  Bull,  that  they  were  his  commonplace  books; 
by  Latham,  that  the  parchments  were  a  copy  of  the 
Orundschrift  of  the  Gospels,  a  volume  containing 
the  all-important  narrative  of  the  Saviour's  life 
and  cross  and  resurrection.  Workman  (Perse- 
cution in  the  Early  Church,  39)  writes:  "By  tan 
membranas  I  understand  the  proofs  of  his  citizen- 
ship." 

Whatever  their  contents  may  have  been,  they  were  of 
such  value  that  Paul  wished  to  have  them  with  him  in  his 
prison  at  Rome,  so  that,  if  life  were  spared  for  even  a  few 
weeks  or  months,  the  books  and  parchments  might  be  at 
hand  for  reference.  Perhaps  in  the  fact  that  the  books 
and  the  parchments  and  the  cloak  had  been  loft  at  Troas 
with  Carpus,  there  may  be  a  hint  that  hi.s  final  arrest  by 


the  Rom  authorities  took  place  at  that  city,  and  that  it 
was  tile  suddenness  of  his  arrest  that  caused  hira  to  be 
unable  to  carry  his  books  and  parchments  and  the  cloak 
with  liim.  "The  police  had  not  even  allowed  him  time  to 
find  his  overcoat  or  necessary  documents"  (Workman, 
op.cit.,  39:sce  p.  1S86,  14). 

Be  this  as  it  may,  he  desired  to  have  them  now.  His 
well-disciplined  mind,  even  in  the  near  prospect  of  death 
by  public  execution,  could  And  the  most  joyous  labor  in 
the  work  of  the  gospel,  wherever  his  influence  reached, 
and  could  also  find  relaxation  among  "the  books,  esp.  tlie 
parchments." 

John  Rutherfdrd 

PARDON,  par'd'n,  par'dun.     See  Forgiveness. 

PARE,  par  (THE  NAILS)  (nto? ,  ^asah,  "to  fix," 
"manipulate"):  The  word,  which  in  Heb  has  a  very 
wide  range  of  application,  and  which  is  of  very 
frequent  occurrence  in  the  Heb  Bible,  is  found  in 
the  above  meaning  in  but  one  passage  of  EV  (Dt 
21  12;  see  Nail).  In  a  similar  sense  it  is  found  in 
2  S  19  24,  where  it  is  used  to  express  the  dressing 
of  the  feet  and  the  trimming  of  the  beard. 

PARENT,  p4r'ent.  See  Children;  Crimes; 
Education;  Family;  Punishments. 

PARK,  park  (CI"]? ,   parde?;    LXX  irapdStKros, 

parddeisos;    cf  Arab.   qu.OvJ  ,  firdaus):    "I  made 

me  gardens  and  parks,"  AV  "orchards"  (Eccl  2  5); 
"Asaph  the  keeper  of  the  king's  forest,"  RVm 
"park"  (Neh  2  8).  The  same  word  occurs  in 
Cant  4  13,  "Thy  shoots  are  an  orchard  [RVm 
"paradise"]  of  pomegranates."  According  to  Lid- 
dell  and  Scott,  paradeisos  occurs  first  in  Xenophon, 
who  always  uses  it  of  the  parks  of  Pers  kings  and 
noblemen.  Like  many  other  quadriliterals  the 
word  is  undoubtedly  of  eastern  origin.  It  seems  to 
connote  an  inclosure.  It  is  used  in  LXX  of  the 
Garden  of  Eden.  Cf  Lk  23  43;  2  Cor  12  4; 
Rev  2  7.     See  Paradise.        Alfred  Ely  Day 

PARLOR,  par'ler:  This  word  in  AV,  occurring 
in    Jgs  3  20-25;     1  S  9  22;     1  Ch  28  11,    is    in 

every  instance  changed  in  RV:  in  Jgs  into  "upper 
room,"  in  1  S  into  "guest-chamber,"  in  1  Ch  into 
"chambers,"  representing  as  many  Heb  words. 
See  House. 

PARMASHTA,  par-mash'ta  (Snipa-jB,  par- 
7nashta' ;  LXX  Mapixao-ijid,  Marmasimd,  or  Map- 
(j.a<ri.|ivA,  Marmasimnd) :  One  of  the  sons  of  Haman 
(Est  9  9). 

PARMENAS,  par'm5-nas  (Hapiievas,  Parmends): 
A  Gr  name,  an  abbreviated  form  of  Parmenides. 
Parmenas  was  one  of  "the  seven"  chosen  by  the 
people  and  appointed  by  the  apostles  to  super- 
intend the  daily  distribution  to  the  Christian  poor 
of  Jerus  (Acts  6  5).  Tradition  states  that  he  was 
martyred  at  Philippi,  in  the  reign  of  Trajan,  but 
his  name  does  not  appear  again  in  Scripture. 

PARNACH,  par'nak  (t;;-)? ,  parnakh,  "gifted"): 
Father  of  Elizaphan,  the  prince  of  Zobulun  (Nu  34 
25). 

PAROSH,  pa'rosh,  par'osh  (W'S ,  par'osh, 
"flea"  [leap]) :  A  family  that  in  part  returned  under 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  3;  Neh  7  8);  and  in  part  under 
Ezra  (Ezr  8  3;  there  spelt  "Pharosh,"  AV).  Some 
of  the  family  had  foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  25). 
One  descendant,  Pedaiah  (see  Pedaiah,  [3]),  helped 
to  rebuild  the  city  walls  (Neh  3  25),  and  others 
were  among  those  who  "sealed"  the  covenant  of 
Nehemiah  (Neh  10  1.14).  In  1  Eid  5  9;  8  30- 
9  26,  "Phoros." 


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Parchments 
Parousia 


PAROUSIA,  pa-roo'zhi-a: 

I.     The  Apostolic  Doctrine 

1.  Terms 

2.  Data  and  Sources 

3.  Consistency 

4.  Meaning  of  ttie  Symbolism 
II.     The  Tbachino  of  Jesus 

1.  Critical  Problems 

2.  Summary 

3.  Fall  of  Jerusalem 

4.  Time 

III.    St.  John's  Evaluation 

1.  Solution  of  Problem 

2.  The  Church  a  Divine  Quantity 
Literature 

/.  The  Apostolic  Doctrins. — The  Second  Coming 
of  Christ  (a  phrase  not  founi  in  the  Bible)  is  ex- 
pressed by  the  apostles  in  the  following 
1.  Terms  special  terms:  (1)  "Parousia"  (ira- 
pova-la,  parousia),  a  word  fairly  com- 
mon in  Gr,  with  the  meaning  "presence"  (2  Cor 
10  10;  Phil  2  12).  More  esp.  it  may  mean 
"presence  after  absence,"  "arrival"  (but  not  "re- 
turn," unless  this  is  given  by  the  context),  as  in 
1  Cor  16  17;  2  Cor  7  6.7;  Phil  1  26.  And  still 
more  particularly  it  is  applied  to  the  Coming  of 
Christ    in     1  Cor  15  23;      1  Thess  2  19;     3  13; 

4  15;     5  23;     2  Thess  2  1.8;     Jas  5  7.8;     2  Pet 

1  16;      3  4.12;      1  Jn  2  28— in   all   13   t,   besides 

2  Thess  2  9,  where  it  denotes  the  coming  of  Anti- 
christ. This  word  for  Christ's  Second  Coming 
passed  into  the  early  Patristic  lit.  (Diognetus,  vii.6, 
e.g.),  but  its  use  in  this  sense  ia  not  invariable.  For 
instance  the  word  in  Ignatius,  Philadelphians,  ix.2, 
means  the  Incarnation.  Or  the  Incarnation  is 
called  the  first  Parousia,  as  in  Justin,  Trypho,  xiv. 
But  in  modern  theology  it  means  invariably  the 
Second  Coming.  Recent  archaeological  discoveries 
have  explained  why  the  word  received  such  general 
Christian  use  in  the  special  sense.  In  Hellenistic 
Gr  it  was  used  for  the  arrival  of  a  ruler  at  a  place, 
as  is  evidenced  by  inscriptions  in  Eg3'pt,  Asia 
Minor,  etc.  Indeed,  in  an  Epidaurua  inscription 
of  the  3d  cent.  BC  (Dittenberger,  Syiloge^,  No.  803, 
34),  "Parousia"  is  apphed  to  a  manifestation  of 
Aesculapius.  Consequently,  the  adoption  by  the 
Gr-speaking  Christians  of  a  word  that  already  con- 
tained full  regal  and  even  Divine  concepts  was  per- 
fectly natural.  (The  evidence  ia  well  summarized 
in  Deissmann,  Light  from  the  Ancient  Easl^,  372- 
78,  Ger.  ed,  281-87.)  (2)  "Epiphany"  (^7ri0dma, 
epiphdneia),  "manifestation,"  used  of  the  Incarna- 
tion in  2  Tim  1  10,  but  of  the  Second  Coming  in  2 
Thess  2  8;  1  Tim  6  14;  2  Tim  4  1.8;  Tit  2  13. 
The  word  was  used  like  Parousia  in  Hellenistic  Gr 
to  denote  the  ceremonial  arrival  of  rulers;  cf  Deiss- 
mann, as  above.  (3)  "Apocalypse"  (diroKdXufis, 
apokdlupsis),  "revelation,  denotes  the  Second 
Coming  in  1  Cor  1  7;  2  Thess  17;  1  Pet  1  7. 
13;  4  13.  (4)  "Day  of  the  Lord,"  more  or  less 
modified,   but  referring   to   Christ  in    1  Cor  1  8; 

5  5;  2  Cor  1  14;  Phil  1  6.10;  2  16;  1  Thess 
5  2;  2  Thess  2  2.  The  phxase  is  used  of  the 
Father  in  the  strict  OT  sense  in  Acts  2  20;   2  Pet 

3  12;  Rev  16  14,  and  probably  in  2  Pet  3  10. 
Besides,  as  in  the  OT  and  the  intermediate  lit., 
"day  of  wrath,"  "last  day,"  or  simply  "day"  are 
used  very  frequently.     See  Day  of  the  Lord. 

Of  the  first  three  of  the  above  terms,  only  Parousia 
is  found  in  the  Gospels,  4  t,  all  in  Mt  24  (vs  3.27.37.39), 
and  in  the  last  three  of  these  all  In  the  set  phrase  "so 
shall  be  the  Parousia  of  the  Son  of  Man."  As  Christ 
spoke  in  Aram.,  the  use  of  "Parousia"  here  is  of  course 
due  to  Matthew's  adoption  of  the  current  Gr  word. 

The  last  of  the  4  terms  above  brings  the  apostolic 
doctrine  of  the  Parousia  into  connection  with  the 

eschatology  (Messianic  or  otherwise) 
2.  Data  and  of  the  OT  and  of  the  intermediate 
Sources  writings.     But   the   connection  is  far 

closer  than  that  supplied  by  this  single 
term  only,  for  nearly  every  feature  in  the  apostolic 


doctrine  can  be  paralleled  directly  from  the  Jewish 
sources.  The  following  summary  does  not  begin 
to  give  complete  references  to  even  such  Jewish 
material  as  is  extant,  but  enough  is  presented  to 
show  how  closely  allied  are  the  esohatologiea  of 
Judaism  and  of  early  Christianity. 

The  end  is  not  to  be  expected  instantly.  There 
are  still  signs  to  come  to  pass  (2  Thess  2  3),  and 
in  especial  the  determined  number  of  martyrs  must 
be  filled  up  (Rev  6  11;  cf  2  Esd  4  3.5.36).  There 
is  need  of  patience  (Jas  5  7,  etc;  cf  2  Esd  4  34; 
Bar  83  4).     But  it  is  at  hand  (1  Pet  4  7;    Rev 

1  3;  22  10;  cf  2  Esd  14  17).  "Yet  a  little  while" 
(He  10  37.25),  "The  night  is  far  spent"  (Rom  13 
12),  "The  Lord  is  at  hand"  (Phil  4  5).  "We  that 
are  alive"  expect  to  see  it  (1  'Thess  4  15;  1  Cor  15 
51;  cf  Bar  76  5);  the  time  is  shortened  henceforth 
(1  Cor  7  29;  cf  Bar  20  1;  2  Esd  4  26,  and  the 
comms.  on  1  Cor).  Indeed,  there  is  hardly  time 
for  repentance  even  (Rev  22  11,  ironical),  cer- 
tainly there  is  no  time  left  for  self-indulgence 
(1  Thess  5  3;  1  Pet  4  2;  2  Pet  3  11;  Rev  3 
3;  cf  Bar  83  5),  and  watchfulness  ia  urgently  de- 
manded (1  Thess  5  6;    Rev  3  3). 

An  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  is  a  sign  of  the  end  (Acts 

2  17.18;  cf  XII  P,  Test.  Levi  18  11;  Sib  Or  4  46, 
always  after  the  consummation  in  the  Jewish  sources) . 
But  the  world  is  growing  steadily  worse,  for  the  godly 
and  intense  trials  are  coming  (passim),  although 
those  esp.  favored  may  be  spared  suffering  (Rev 

3  10;  cf  Bar  29  2).  This  is  the  beginning  of 
Judgment  (1  Pet  4  17;  cf  En  99  10).  Iniquity 
increases  and  false  teachers  are  multiplied  (Jude 
ver  18;  2  Pet  3  3;  2  Tim  3,  esp.  ver  13;  cf  En 
80  7;  Bar  70  5;  2  Esd  5  9.10).  Above  all  there 
is  to  be  an  outburst  of  diabolic  malevolence  in  the 
Antichrist  (1  Jn  2  18.22;  4  3;  2  Jn  ver  7;  2 
Thess  2  8-10;  Rev  19  19;  cf  Bar  36  8-10;  Sib  Or 
3  63-70,  and  see  Antichrist),  who  will  gather  all 
nations  to  his  ensign  (Rev  19  19;  2  Thess  2  10 
cf  2  Esd  13  5;  En  56).  Plagues  fall  upon  men 
(Rev,  passim;  cf  esp.  Philo,  Execr.),  and  natural 
portents  occur  (Acts  2  19.20;  Rev,  passim;  cf  2 
Esd  5  4.5;  En  80  5-8).  But  the  conversion  of  the 
Jews  (Rom  11  26)  is  brought  about  by  these  plagues 
(Rev  11  13;  in  the  Jewish  sources,  naturally, 
conversion  of  Gentiles,  as  in  Sib  Or  3  616-623; 
En  10  21).  Then  Christ  is  manifested  and  Anti- 
christ is  slain  or  captured  (2  Thess  2  8;  Rev  19 
20;  cf  2  Esd  13  10.11).  In  Rev  20  3  the  Mil- 
lennium follows  (cf  2  Esd  7  28;  12  34;  Bar  .40  3, 
and  often  in  rabbinical  lit.;  the  "millennium"  in 
Slavic  En,  ch  33,  is  of  very  dubious  existence),  but 
other  traces  of  millennial  doctrine  in  the  NT  are 
of  the  vaguest  (cf  the  comms.  to  1  Cor  15  24,  for 
instance,  esp.  Schmiedel,  J.  Weiss,  and  Lietzmann, 
and  see  Millennium).  The  general  resurrection 
follows  (see  Resurrection  for  details). 

The  Father  holds  the  Judgment  in  He  10  30; 
12  23;  13  4;  Jas  4  11.12;  1  Pet  1  17;  Rev  14 
7;  20  11,  and  probably  in  Jude  vs  14.15.  Christ 
is  Judge  in  Acts  10  42;  2  Cor  5  10;  2  Tim  4  1. 
The  two  concepts  are  interwoven  in  Rom  14  9.10. 
God  mediates  judgment  through  Christ  in  Acts  17 
31;  Rom  2  16,  and  probably  in  Rom  2  2-6;  3  6. 
In  2  Thess  Christ  appears  as  the  executor  of  pun- 
ishment. For  similar  uncertainties  in  the  Jewish 
schemes,  cf,  for  instance,  2  Esd  7  33  and  En  45  3. 
For  the  fate  of  the  wicked  see  EecHATOLOGY; 
Hell;  St.  Paul,  rather  curiously,  has  very  little  to 
say  about  this  (Rom  2  3;  1  Cor  3  17;  2  Thess 
1  8.9).  Then  all  Nature  is  renewed  (Rom  8  21; 
En  45  4.5)  or  completely  destroyed  (1  Cor  7  31; 
He  12  27;  Rev  21  1;  cf  En  1  6;  2  Esd  7  30); 
by  fire  in  2  Pet  3  10  (cf  Sib  Or  4  172-77),  so  as  to 
leave  only  the  eternal  verities  (He  12  27;  cf  2  Esd 
7  30[?]),  or  to  be  replaced  with  a  new  heaven  and 


Parousia 
Parthians 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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a  new. earth  (Rev  21  1;  cfSlavicEn  33  1-2).  And 
the  righteous  receive  the  New  Jerus  (Gal  4  26; 
He  12  22;  Rev  3  12;  21  2.10;  of  Bar  4  2-6; 
2  Esd  7  26). 

It  is  of  course  possible,  as  in  the  older  works  on 

dogmatics,  to  reconcile   the  slight   divergences  of 

the  above  details  and  to  fit  them  all 

3.  Con-  into  a  single  scheme.  But  the  pro- 
sistency          priety  of  such  an  undertaking  is  more 

than  dubious,  for  the  traditional 
nature  of  these  details  is  abundantly  clear — a  tradi- 
tion that  is  not  due  solely  to  the  fact  that  the  Chris- 
tian and  the  Je^\'ish  schemes  have  a  common  OT 
basis.  That  the  Jewish  writers  realized  that  the 
eschatological  details  were  merely  symbolic  is  made 
obvious  by  the  contradictions  that  every  apocalypse 
contains — the  contradictions  that  are  the  despair 
of  the  beginner  in  apooalyptics.  No  writer  seems 
to  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  reconcile  his 
details,  for  they  were  purely  figures  of  dimly  com- 
prehended forces.  And  the  Christian  symbolism 
must  be  interpreted  on  the  same  principle.  No 
greater  injustice,  for  instance,  could  be  done  St. 
Paul's  thought  than  to  suppose  he  would  have  been 
in  the  least  disturbed  by  St.  John's  interpretation 
of  the  Antichrist  as  many  persons  and  all  of  them 
ordinary  human  beings  (1  Jn  2  18.19). 

The  symbolism,  then,  in  which  the  Parousia  is 
described  was  simply  that  held  by  the  apostles  in 

their  pre-Christian  days.     This  sym- 

4.  Meaning  bohsm,  to  be  sure,  has  been  thoroughly 
of  the  purified  from  such  puerilities  as  the 
Symbolism    feast  on  Leviathan  and  Behemoth  of 

Bar  29,  or  the  "thousand  children"  of 
En  10  17,  a  fact  all  the  more  remarkable  as  2d- 
cent.  Christianity  has  enough  of  this  and  to  spare 
(e.g.  Irenaeus,  v. 33).  What  is  more  important  is 
that  the  symbolism  of  the  Parousia  is  simply  in  the 
Jewish  sources  the  symbolism  of  the  coming  of  the 
Messiah  (or  of  God  in  such  schemes  as  have  no 
Messiah).  Now  it  is  to  be  observed  that  among 
the  apostles  the  Kingdom  of  God  is  almost  uniformly 
regarded  as  a  future  quantity  (1  Cor  6  9.10;  15  50; 
Gal  5  21;  Eph  5  5;  2  Tim  4  1.18;  2  Pet  1  11; 
Rev  11  15;  12  10),  with  a  definitely  present  idea 
only  in  Col  1  13.  Remembering  again  that  the 
term  "Messiah"  means  simply  "the  Bringer  of  the 
Kingdom,"  the  case  becomes  entirely  clear.  No 
apostle,  of  course,  ever  thought  of  Christ  as  any- 
thing but  the  Messiah.  But  neither  did  they  think 
of  His  Messianic  work  as  completed,  or,  if  the  most 
exact  terminology  be  pressed,  of  the  strict  Messianic 
work  as  done  at  all.  Even  the  Atonement  belonged 
to  the  preliminary  acts,  viewed  perhaps  somewhat 
as  En  39  6  views  the  preexistent  Messiah's  resi- 
dence among  the  "church  expectant."  This  could 
come  to  pass  more  readily  as  the  traditions  generally 
were  silent  as  to  what  the  Messiah  was  to  do  before 
He  brought  the  Kingdom,  while  they  all  agreed 
that  He  was  not  to  be  created  only  at  that  moment. 
Into  this  blank,  esp.  with  the  aid  of  Isa  53,  etc.  Our 
Lord's  earthly  life  and  Passion  fitted  naturally, 
leaving  the  fact  of  His  Second  Coming  to  be  identi- 
fied with  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  as  originally 
conceived. 

//.   The  Teaching  of  Jesus. — It  mil  be  found  help- 
ful, in  studying  the  bitter  controversies  that  have 

raged  around  Christ's  teaching  about 
1.  Critical  the  future,  to  remember  that  the  apos- 
Problems       folic  idea  of  the  word  "Messiah"  is  the 

only  definition  that  the  word  has;  that, 
for  instance,  "Messiah"  and  "Saviour  of  the  world" 
are  not  quite  convertible  terms,  or  that  a  redefini- 
tion of  the  Messiah  as  a  moral  teacher  or  an  ex- 
pounder of  the  will  of  God  does  not  rest  on  a 
"spiritualizing"  of  the  term,  but  on  a  destruction  of 
itin  favor  of  "prophet."    Now  the  three  expressions. 


"Messianic  work,"  "coming  of  the  Kingdom,"  and 
"Parousia"  are  only  three  titles  for  one  and  the 
same  thing,  while  the  addition  of  "Son  of  Man"  to 
them  merely  involves  their  being  taken  in  the 
most  transcendental  form  possible.  In  fact,  this  is 
the  state  of  affairs  found  in  the  Synoptists.  ^  Christ 
predicts  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom.  He  claims  the 
title  of  its  king  (or  Regent  under  the  Father).  The 
realization  of  this  expectation  He  placed  on  the 
other  side  of  the  grave,  i.e.  in  a  glorified  state. 
And  in  connection  with  this  evidence  we  find  His 
use  of  the  title  Son  of  Man.  From  all  this  the 
doctrine  of  the  Parousia  follows  immediately,  even 
apart  from  the  passages  in  which  the  regular 
apocalyptic  symbohsm  is  used.  The  contention 
may  be  made  that  this  symbolism  in  the  Gospels 
has  been  drawn  out  of  other  sources  by  the  evan- 
gelists (the  so-called  "Little  Apocalypse"  of  Mk 
13  7-9.14-20.24-27.30-31  is  the  usual  point  of 
attack),  but,  even  if  the  contention  could  be  made 
out  (and  agreement  in  this  regard  is  anything  but 
attained),  no  really  vital  part  of  the  case  would  be 
touched.  Of  course,  it  is  possible  to  begin  with  the 
a  priori  assumption  that  "no  sane  man  could  con- 
ceive of  himself  as  an  apocalyptic  being  walking  the 
earth  incognito,"  and  to  refer  to  later  tradition 
everything  in  the  Gospels  that  contraclicts  this 
assumption.  But  then  there  are  difficulties.  The 
various  concepts  involved  are  mentioned  directly 
so  often  that  the  number  of  passages  to  be  removed 
grows  alarmingly  large.  Then  the  concepts  inter- 
lock in  such  a  way  as  to  present  a  remarkably  firm 
resistance  to  the  critical  knife;  the  picture  is  much 
too  consistent  for  an  artificial  product.  Thus  there 
are  a  number  of  indirect  references  (the  title  on  the 
Cross,  the  "Pahn-Sunday"  procession,  etc)  that 
contradict  all  we  know  of  later  growths.  And, 
finally,  the  most  undeterred  critic  finds  himself 
confronted  with  a  last  stubborn  difficulty,  the  un- 
wavering conviction  of  the  earliest  church  that 
Christ  made  the  eschatological  claims.  It  is  con- 
ceivable that  the  apostles  may  have  misunderstood 
Christ  in  other  matters,  but  an  error  in  this  central 
point  of  all  (as  the  apostles  appraised  things)  is 
hardly  in  the  realms  of  critical  possibility.  On  the 
whole,  such  an  attempt  to  force  a  way  through  the 
evidence  of  the  documents  would  seem  something 
surprisingly  like  the  violence  done  to  history  by  the 
most  perverse  of  the  older  dogmatists. 

The  number  of  relevant  passages  involved  is  so 

large  and  the  critical  problems  so  intricate  that  any 

detailed  discussion  is  prohibited  here. 

2.  Summary  Moreover,     the    symbohsm    presents 

nothing  novel  to  the  student  familiar 
with  the  usual  schemes.  Forces  of  evil  increase  in 
the  world,  the  state  of  the  righteous  grows  harder, 
distress  and  natural  portents  follow,  at  the  climax 
Christ  appears  suddenly  with  His  angels,  bringing 
the  Kingdom  of  God,  gathers  the  elect  into  the 
Kingdom,  and  dismisses  the  wicked  into  outer 
darkness  (or  fire).  The  Father  is  the  Judge  in  Mt 
10  32.33,  but  the  Son  in  the  |1  Lk  12  8.9,  and  in 
Mt  13  41;  16  27;  25  32;  probably  in  Mt  24  50 
jl  Lk  12  46;  Mk  8  38  and  its  ||  Lk  9  26  are  un- 
certain. At  all  events,  the  eternal  destiny  of  each 
man  depends  on  Christ's  attitude,  possibly  with  the 
Father's  (invariable)  ratification  considered. 

How  far  Christ  connected  the  Parousia  and  the  fall 

of  Jerus,  it  is  not  easy  to  say.     Various  sayings  of 

Christ  about  the  future  were  certainly 

3.  Fall  of  grouped  by  the  evangelists;  cf  Mt 
Jerusalem     24    with    Mk  13  and    Lk  17  20-37; 

or  Lk  17  31  with  Mk  13  15.16  (not- 
ing the  inappropriateness  of  Lk  17  31  in  its  present 
context).  The  critical  discussions  of  Mk  13  are 
familiar  and  those  of  Lk  21  (a  still  more  complex 
problem)    only   less   so.     Remembering   what    the 


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Parousia 
Parthians 


fall  of  Jerus  or  its  immediate  prospect  would  have 
meant  to  the  apostles,  the  tendency  to  group  the 
statements  of  Christ  will  be  realized.  Conse- 
quently, not  too  much  stress  should  be  laid  on  the 
connection  of  this  with  the  Parousia,  and  in  no  case 
can  the  fall  of  Jerus  be  considered  to  exhaust  the 
meaning  of  the  Parousia. 

The  most  debated  question  is  that  of  the  time  of 
the  Parousia.     Here  Mk  13  30  []  Lk  21  32  |1  Mt  24 

34  place  it  within  Christ's  generation, 
4.  Time         Mk  9  1  11  Lk  9  27  |1  Mt  16  28  within 

the  lifetime  of  some  of  His  hearers,  Mt 
10  23  before  all  the  cities  of  Judaea  are  closed  to 
Christ's  apostles.  (Only  the  first  of  these  contains 
any  reference  to  the  fall  of  Jerus.)  Then  there  is 
"ye  shall  see"  of  Mk  14  62;  Lk  13  35  |!  Mt  23 
39.  Agreeing  with  this  are  the  exhortations  to 
watchfulness  (Mk  13  33-37;  Lk  12  40  I  Mt  24 
44,  etc,  with  many  parables,  such  as  the  Ten 
Virgins).  Now  Mk  13  32  1|  Mt  24  36  do  not 
quite  contradict  this,  for  knowledge  of  the  genera- 
tion is  quite  consistent  with  ignorance  of  the  day 
and  hour;  "It  will  be  within  your  generation,  but 
nothing  more  can  be  told  you,  so  watch!"  The 
real  difficulty  lies  in  Mk  13  10  ||  Mt  24  14,  the 
necessity  of  all  Gentiles  hearing  the  gospel  (Lk  21 
24  is  hardly  relevant).  To  leave  the  question  here, 
as  most  conservative  scholars  do,  is  unsatisfactory, 
for  Mk  13  10  is  of  no  deep  value  for  apologetic 
service  and  this  value  is  far  outweighed  by  the  real 
contradiction  with  the  other  passages.  The  key, 
probably,  lies  in  Mt  10  18,  from  which  Mk  13  10 
differs  only  in  insisting  on  all  Gentiles,  perhaps  Tsath 
the  apostles'  thought  that  "world"  and  "Rom 
Empire"  were  practically  coextensive.  With  this 
assumption  the  data  yield  a  uniform  result. 

///.  St.  John's  Evaluation. — It  appears,  then, 
that  Christ  predicted  that  shortly  after  His  death  an 

event  would  occur  of  so  transcendental 
1.  Solution  a  nature  that  it  could  be  expressed 
of  Problem    only  in  the  terms  of  the  fullest  escha- 

tological  symbolism.  St.  John  has 
a  clear  interpretation  of  this.  In  place  of  the  long 
Parousia  discourses  in  the  Synoptists,  we  have, 
in  the  corresponding  part  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  chs 
13-17,  dealing  not  only  with  the  future  in  general 
but  concretely  with  Christ's  coming  and  the  Judg- 
ment. Christ  indeed  came  to  His  own  (Jn  14  18), 
and  not  He  only  but  the  Spirit  also  (14  16),  and 
even  the  Father  (14  23).  When  the  disciples  are 
so  equipped,  their  presence  in  the  world  subjects 
the  world  to  a  continual  sifting  process  of  judgment 
(16  11).  The  fate  of  men  by  this  process  is  to  be 
etemallyfixed  (3  18),  while  the  disciples  newly  made 
are  assured  that  they  have  already  entered  into  their 
eternal  condition  of  blessedness  (11  25.26;    5  24; 

10  28;  17  2.3).  Equally  directly  the  presence 
of  Christ  is  conceived  in  Rev  3  20.  So  in  St.  Paul, 
the  glorified  Christ  has  returned  to  His  own  to  dwell 
in  them  (Rom  8  9.10,  etc),  uniting  them  into  a 
body  vitally  connected  with  Him  (Col  1  18),  so 
supernatural  that  it  is  the  teacher  of  'angels'^  (Eph 
3  10),  a  body  whose  members  are  already  in  the 
Kingdom  (Col  1  13),  who  even  sit  already  in 
heavenly  places  (Eph  2  6).  The  same  thought  is 
found  in   such  synoptic    passages   (Lk  7  28  ||  Mt 

11  11;  Lk  17  21[?];  see  Kingdom  of  God)  as 
represent  the  Kingdom  as  -present.  Already  the 
eschatological  promises  were  realized  in  a  small 
group  of  men,  even  though  they  still  lacked  the 
transforming  influence  of  the  Spirit.  Compare 
the  continuous  coming  of  Mt  26  64   (Lk  22  69). 

It  is  on  these  lines  of  the  church  as  a  supernatural 
quantity  (of  course  not  to  be  confused  with  any 
particular  denomination)  that  the  immediate  realiza- 
tion of  the  Parousia  promises  is  to  be  sought.  Into 
human  history  has  been  "injected"  a  supernatural 


quantity,   through   which   a    Divine   Head   works, 
whose  reaction  on  men  settles  their  eternal  destiny, 
and  within  which  the  life  of  heaven  is 
2.  The  begun   definitely.     The   force  in   this 

Church  a        body  is  felt  at  the  crises  of  human  his- 
Divine  tory,  perhaps  esp.  after  the  catastrophe 

Quantity  that  destroyed  Jerus  and  set  Chris- 
tianity free  from  the  swaddling  clothes 
of  the  primitive  community.  This  conception  of 
the  church  as  a  Divine  quantity,  as,  so  to  speak, 
a  part  of  heaven  extended  into  earth,  is  faithful 
to  the  essentials  of  the  predictions.  Nor  is  it  a 
rationalization  of  them,  if  the  idea  of  the  church 
itself  be  not  rationalized.  With  this  conception 
all  realms  of  Christian  activity  take  on  a  tran- 
scendental significance,  both  in  Ufe  and  (esp.)  death, 
giving  to  the  individual  the  confidence  that  he  is 
building  better  than  he  knows,  for  even  the  apostles 
could  not  realize  the  full  significance  of  what  they 
were  doing.  Generally  speaking,  the  details  in 
the  symbolism  must  not  be  pressed.  The  purpose 
of  revelation  is  to  minister  to  life,  not  to  curi- 
osity, and,  in  teaching  of  the  future,  Christ  simply 
taught  with  the  formal  language  of  the  schools  of 
the  day,  with  the  one  change  that  in  the  supernatural 
process  He  Himself  was  to  be  the  central  figure. 
Still,  the  end  is  not  yet.  "The  hour  cometh,  in 
which  all  that  are  in  the  tombs  shall  hear  his  voice" 
(Jn  5  28;  cf  6  40;  21  23;  1  Jn  2  28).  In  Christ 
human  destiny  is  drawing  to  a  climax  that  can  be 
expressed  only  in  spiritual  terms  that  transcend 
our  conceptions.  See,  further,  Eschatology  of 
THE  NT. 

Literature. — This  is  overwhelming.  For  the  pre- 
suppositions, GJV^  {HJP  is  antiquated);  Volz,  Ju- 
dische  Eschatologie;  Bousset,  Religion  des  Judentums^. 
General  discussions:  Mathews.  The  Messianic  Hope  in 
the  NT  (best  in  Eng.);  Sanday,  The  Life  of  Christ  in 
Recent  Research;  Holtznaann,  Das  messianische  BewussC- 
sein  Jesu  (a  classic);  von  Dobschiitz,  The  Eschaloloov 
of  the  Gospels  (popular,  but  very  sound).  Eschatological 
extreme:  Schweitzer,  The  Quest  of  the  Historical  Jesus 
{Von  Reimarus  zu  PTrede) , is  quite  indispensable;  Tyrrell, 
Christianitu  at  the  Cross  Roads  (perverse,  but  valuable  in 
parts);  Loisy,  Gospel  and  the  Church  (cf  his  Evangiles 
synopliques).  Anti-eschatological:  Sharman,  The  Teach- 
ing of  Jesus  about  the  Future  (minute  criticism,  inadequate 
preniises,  some  astounding  exegesis) ;  Bacon,  The  Begin- 
nings of  Gospel  Story  (based  on  Wellhausen).  For  the 
older  literature  see  Schweitzer,  Sanday,  Holtzmann,  as 
above,  and  cf  Fairweather.  The  Background  of  the  Gospels, 
and  Brown,  "Parousia,"  in  HDB.  III. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PARSHANDATHA,  par-shan-da'tha,  par-shan'- 
da-tha  (SH'IIIIJ'IS ,  parshandatha' ;  LXX  ^opo-dv, 
Pharsdn,  or  "l>ap<rav€<rT(iv,  Pharsanestdn;  perhaps 
from  the  Pers  fragna-data,  "given  by  prayer"): 
One  of  the  sons  of  Haman  (Est  9  7). 

PART,  part:  As  a  vb.  is  no  longer  in  good  use 
(except  in  a  few  special  phrases,  cf  Ruth  1  17),  but 
is  obscure  only  in  Prov  18  18,  where  the  meaning 
is  "break  up  their  quarrel"  (cf  2  S  14  6).  RV 
has  not  changed  AV's  usage,  except  (strangely)  in 
1  S  30  24,  where  "share"  is  written.  For  the 
noun  see  Portion. 

PARTHIANS,  par'thi-anz  (Iliipeoi,,  Pdrthoi):  A 
people  mentioned  in  Acts  2  9  only,  in  connection 
with  other  strangers  present  at  Jerus 
1.  Country  at  Pentecost,  from  which  we  infer  that 
and  Early  they  were  Jews  or  proselytes  from  the 
History  regions  included  in  the  Parthian  em- 

pire. This  empire  stretched  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  confines  of  India  and  the  Oxus, 
and  for  centuries  was  the  rival  of  Rome,  and  more 
than  once  proved  her  match  on  the  battlefield. 
The  Parthians  are  not  mentioned  in  the  OT,  but  are 
frequently  in  Jos,  and  they  had  an  important  con- 
nection with  the  history  of  the  Jews,  on  account  of 
the  large  colonies  of  the  latter  in  Mesopotamia,  and 


Parthians 
Partition 


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2252 


the  interference  of  the  Parthians  in  the  affairs  of 
Judaea,  once  making  it  a  vassal  state. 

Parthia  proper  was  a  small  territory  to  the  S.E. 
of  the  Caspian  Sea,  about  300  miles  long  by  120 
wide,  a  fertile  though  mountainous  region,  border- 
ing on  the  desert  tract  of  Eastern  Persia.    The 


Parthian  Horsemen. 

(From  the  Triumphal  Arch  of  yeptiinius  Soverus,  Rome.) 

origin  of  the  Partliians  is  rather  uncertain,  though 
the  prevailing  opinion  is  that  they  were  of  Scythic 
stock  or  of  the  great  Tartar  race.  We  have  no 
reference  to  them  earlier  than  the  time  of  Darius  the 
Great,  but  they  were  doubtless  among  the  tribes 
subdued  by  Cyrus,  as  they  are  mentioned  by  Darius 
as  being  in  revolt.  They  seem  to  have  remained 
faithful  to  the  Persians  after  that,  and  submitted 
to  Alexander  without  resistance. 

They  next  came  under  the  rule  of  the  Seleucid 
kings  of  Syria,  but  revolted  about  250  BC,  in  the 
reign   of   Antiochus   II    (Theos),   and 
2.  The  gained  their  independence  under  the 

Seleucid  lead  of  Arsaces  I  who  established  the 
Kings  dynasty  of  the  Arsacidae,  which  con- 

tinued for  nearly  5  centuries.  His 
capital  was  Hecatompylos,  but  his  reign  continued 
only  about  3  years,  and  his  brother  Tridates  suc- 
ceeded him  as  Arsaces  II  and  he  consolidated  the 
kingdom.  The  war  between  the  Seleucids  and  the 
Ptolemies  freed  him  from  interference  from  that 
quarter  until  237  BC,  when  Seleucus  II  (Callinicus) 
marched  against  him,  but  was  completely  defeated, 
and  Parthian  independence  was  secured.  Artabanus 
I,  who  followed  him,  extended  his  dominions  west- 
ward to  the  Zagros  Mountains,  but  Antiochus  III 
would  not  permit  such  an  encroachment  with  impu- 
nity, and  led  an  expedition  against  him,  driving  him 
back  and  even  invading  his  ancestral  dominion.  But 
after  a  struggle  of  some  years  the  Parthians  remained 
still  unsubdued,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  contest  led 
Antiochus  to  conclude  peace  with  him  in  which  he 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  Parthia.  For 
about  a  quarter  of  a  century  the  king  of  Parthia 
remained  quiet,  but  Phraates  I  (181-174  BC)  re- 
commenced aggressions  on  the  Seleucid  empire 
which  were  continued  by  Mithridates  I  (174-137), 
who  added  to  his  dominions  a  part  of  Bactria,  on 
the  E.,  and  Media,  Persia  and  Babylonia  on  the  W. 
This  was  a  challenge  to  Demetrius  II,  of  Syria,  to 
whose  empire  the  provinces  belonged,  and  he 
marched  against  him  with  a  large  force,  but  was 
defeated  and  taken  prisoner.  He  remained  in 
Parthia  some  years,  well  treated  by  Phraates  II, 
whose  sister  he  married,  and,  when  Phraates  wished 
to  create  a  diversion  against  Antiochus  Sidetes,  he 
set  Demetrius  at  hberty  and  sent  him  back  to 
Syria.  Antiochus  was  at  first  successful,  as  his 
force  of  300,000  men  far  outnumbered  the  Par- 
thians, but  he  was  at  last  defeated  and  slain  in  129 
BC  and  his  army  destroyed.     This  was  the  last 


attempt  of  the  Seleucid  kings  to  subdue  Parthia, 
and  it  was  acknowledged  as  the  dominant  power  in 
Western  Asia.  But  Phraates  fell  in  conflict  with 
the  Scyths,  whom  he  called  in  to  aid  him  in  his  war 
with  Sidetes,  and  his  successor  likewise,  and  it  was 
only  on  the  accession  of  Mithridates  in  124  BC  that 
these  barbarians  were  checked.  The  king  then 
turned  his  attention  toward  Armenia,  which  he 
probably  tjrought  under  his  control,  but  its  king 
Tigranes  recovered  its  independence  and  even  at- 
tacked the  Parthians,  and  took  from  them  two 
provinces  in  Mesopotamia. 

Not  long  after,  the  power  of  Rome  came  into  con- 
tact with  Armenia  and  Parthia.  In  66  BC  when, 
after  subduing  Mithridates  of  Pontus, 
3.  In  Con-  Pompey  came  into  Syria,  Phraates  III 
tact  with  made  an  alliance  with  him  against 
Rome  Armenia,  but  was  offended  by  the  way 

in  which  he  was  treated  and  thought 
of  turning  against  his  ally,  but  refrained  for  the 
time  being.     It  was  only  a  question  of  time  when 
the  two  powers  would  come  to  blows,  for  Parthia 
had  become  an  empire  and  could  ill  brook  the  in- 
trusion of  Rome  into  Western  Asia.     It  was  the 
ambition  and  greed  of  Crassus  that  brought  about 
the  clash  of  Rome  and  Parthia.     When  he  took  the 
East  as  his  share  of  the  Rom  world  as  apportioned 
among  the  triumvirs,  he  determined  to  rival  Caesar 
in  fame  and  wealth  by  subduing  Parthia,  and  ad- 
vanced across  the  Euphrates  on  his  ill-fated  expe- 
dition in  S3  BC.     The  story  of  his  defeat  and  death 
and  the  destruction  of  the  army  and  loss  of  the 
Rom  eagles  is  familiar  to  all  readers  of  Rom  history. 
It  revealed  Parthia  to  the  world  as  the  formidable 
rival    of    Rome,  which   she   continued    to    be    for 
nearly  3  centuries.     After  the  death  of  Crassus,  the 
Parthians    crossed    the    Euphrates    and    ravaged 
Northern  Syria,  but  retired  the  following  year  with- 
out securing  any  portion  of  the  country,  and  thus 
ended  the  first  war  with  Rome.     In  40  BC,  after  the 
battle  of  Philippi,  Pacorus,  who  was  then  king,  in- 
vaded Syria  a  second  time  and  took  possession  of  it 
together  with  all  Pal,  Tyre  alone  escaping  subjec- 
tion.    He  set  Antigonus  on  the  throne  of  Judaea, 
deposing  Hyrcanus  for  the  purpose.     Syria  and  Pal 
remained  in  the  hands  of  Parthia  for  3  years,  but 
the  coming  of  Ventidius  gave  a  new  turn  to  affairs. 
He  drove  the  Parthians  out  of  Syria,  and  when 
they  returned  the  following  year,  he  defeated  them 
again    and    Pacorus   was   slain.     Parthia    had    to 
retire  within  her  own  borders  and  remain  on  the 
defensive.     Antony's    attempt    to    subdue    them 
proved   abortive,  and  his  struggle  with  Octavian 
compelled    him    to    relinquish    the    project.     The 
Parthians  were  unable  to  take  advantage  of  the 
strife  in  the  Rom  empire  on  account  of  troubles  at 
home.     An  insurrection  led  by  Tiridates  drove  the 
king  Phraates  IV  from  the  throne,  but  he  recovered 
it  by  the  aid  of  the  Scyths,  and  Tiridates  took 
refuge  in  Syria  with  the  youngest  son  of  the  king. 
Augustus  afterward  restored  him  without  ransom, 
and  obtained  the  lost  standards  of  Crassus,  and  thus 
peace  was  established  between  the  rival  empires. 
Each  had  learned  to  respect  the  power  of  the  other, 
and,    although    contention    arose    regarding    the 
suzerainty  of  Armenia,  peace  was  not  seriously  dis- 
turbed between  them  for  about  130  years,  or  until 
the  reign  of  Trajan.     Parthia  was  not  at  peace  with 
herself,  however.     Dynastic  troubles  were  frequent, 
and  the  reigns  of  the  kings  short.     Artabanus  III, 
who  reigned  16-42  AD,  was  twice  expelled  from  his 
kmgdom  and  twice  recovered  his  throne.     In  his 
days  occurred  a  terrible  massacre  of  Jewish  colonists 
in  Mesopotamia,  as  narrated   by  Jos  (Ant,  XVIII, 
ix).     The  contest  with  Rome  over  Armenia  was 
settled  in  the  days  of  Nero  in  a  manner  satisfactory 
to  both  parties,  so  that  peace  was  not  broken  for 


2253 


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Parthians 
Partition 


50  years.  The  ambition  of  Trajan  led  him  to  dis- 
regard the  policy  inaugurated  by  Augustus,  adhered 
to,  for  the  most  part,  by  succeeding  emperors,  not 
to  extend  the  limits  of  the  empire.  After  the  con- 
quest of  Dacia  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  East 
and  resolved  on  the  invasion  of  Parthia.  The 
Parthian  king,  Chosroes,  endeavored  to  placate 
Trajan  by  an  embassy  bearing  presents  and  pro- 
posals of  peace,  but  Trajan  rejected  them  and 
carried  out  his  purpose.  He  subdued  Ai-menia, 
took_  LTpper  Mesopotamia,  Adiabene  (Assyria), 
Ctesiphon,  the  capital,  and  reached  the  Pcrs  Gulf, 
but  was  obliged  to  turn  back  by  revolts  in  his  rear 
and  failed  to  reduce  the  fortress  of  Hatra.  The 
conquered  provinces  were  restored,  however,  by 
Hadrian,  and  the  Parthians  did  not  retaliate  until 
the  reign  of  Aurelius,  when  they  overran  Syria,  and 
in  162  AD  Lucius  Verus  was  sent  to  punish  them. 
In  the  following  year  he  drove  them  back  and  ad- 
vanced into  the  heart  of  the  Parthian  empire,  in- 
flicting the  severest  blow  it  had  yet  received.  It 
was  evident  that  the  empire  was  on  the  decline,  and 
the  Romans  did  not  meet  with  the  resistance  they 
had  experienced  in  former  times.  Severus  and 
Caracalla  both  made  expeditions  into  the  country, 
and  the  latter  took  the  capital  and  massacred  the 
inhabitants,  but  after  his  assassination  his  successor, 
Macrinus,  fought  a  three  days'  battle  with  the 
Parthians  at  Nisibis  in  which  he  was  worsted  and 
was  glad  to  conclude  a  peace  by  paying  an  indem- 
nity of  some  £1,500,000  (217  AD). 

But  this  was  the  last  achievement  of  the  Parthians. 

It  is  evident  that  Artabanus  had  suffered  severely 

in  his  conflict  with  the  Romans,  and 

4.  Fall  of  was  unable  to  put  down  the  revolt  of 
the  Empire    the  Persians  under  the  lead  of  Artaxer- 

xes,  who  overthrew  the  Parthian  em- 
pire and  established  the  dynasty  of  the  Sassanidae 
in  its  place  (226  AD). 

The  Parthians  were  not  a  cultured  people,  but 
displayed  a  rude  magnificence,  making  use,  to  some 

extent,  of  remains  of  Gr  culture  which 

5.  Culture     they  found   within   the  regions   they 

seized  from  the  empire  of  Alexander. 
They  had  no  native  lit.,  as  far  as  known,  but 
made  use  of  Gr  in  writing  and  on  their  coins.  They 
were  famiUar  with  Heb  or  Syro-Chaldaic,_  and  the 
later  kings  had  Sem  legends  on  their  coins.  Jos 
is  said  to  have  written  his  history  of  the  Jewish  War 
in  his  native  tongue  for  Parthian  readers.  In  their 
method  of  government  they  seem  to  have  left  the 
different  provinces  pretty  much  to  themselves,  so 
long  as  they  paid  tribute  and  furnished  the  neces- 
sary contingents.  H.  Porter 

PARTICULAR,  par-tik'fl-lar,  par-tik'a-lar,  PAR- 
TICULARLY: The  adverbial  phrase  "in  particular" 
occurs  twice  in  AV  (1  Cor  12  27,  iK  /x^povs,  ek 
merous,  RV  "severally,"  RVm  "each  in  his  part"; 
and  Eph  6  33,  o!  KaB'  iva,  hoi  kath'  hena,  RV  "sever- 
ally"); in  both  cases  it  has  the  obsolete  meaning 
of  "severally,"  "individually."  The  advb.  "par- 
ticularly" occurs  in  the  same  sense  in  Acts  21  19 
AV,  raS'  iv  iKaiTTov,  kath'  hen  hekasion,  RV  "one  by 
one,"  and  He  9  6  AV,  KaTo.  nipos,  katd  meros,  RV 
"severally."  We  have  the  pi.  noun  in  the  sense  of 
"details"  in  2  Mace  2  30:  "to  be  curious  in  particu- 
lars"; 11  20  (AV  "Of  the  particulars  I  have  given 
order,"  RV  "I  have  given  order  in  detail") ;  and  the 
adj.  "particular"  in  the  sense  of  "special"  in  the 
first  Prologue  to  Sirach  (AV, '  Vulg  peculiares;  the 
whole  section  omitted  in  RV). 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 

PARTITION,  par-tish'un,  par-tish'un,  THE 
MIDDLE  WALL  OF  (t6  (j.£0-6toixov  toS  <t)pa-yp.oB, 
t6  mesdtoichon  tou  phragmou  [Eph  2  14]) :  What 
Paul  here  asserts  is  that  Christ  is  our  peace,  the 


peace  of  both  Jewish  and  gentile  believers.     He  has 
made  them  both  to  be  one  in  Himself,  and  has 
broken  down  the  middle  wall  of  parti- 
1.  The  tion   which    divided  them    from    one 

Barrier  in  another.  Then  the  apostle  regards  Jew 
the  Temple  and  Gentile  as  two,  who  by  a  fresh  act 
of  creation  in  Christ  are  made  into  one 
new  man.  In  the  former  of  these  similes  he  refers 
to  an  actual  wall  in  the  temple  at  Jerus,  beyond 
which  no  one  was  allowed  to  pass  unless  he  were  a 
Jew,  the  balustrade  or  barrier  which  marked  the 
limit  up  to  which  a  Gentile  might  advance  but  no 
farther.  Curiously,  this  middle  wall  of  partition  had 
a  great  deal  to  do  with  Paul's  arrest  and  imprison- 
ment, for  the  multitude  of  the  Jews  became  infuri- 
ated, not  merely  because  of  their  general  hostility  to 
him  as  an  apostle  of  Christ  and  a  preacher  of  the  gos- 
pel for  the  world,  but  specially  because  it  was  errone- 
ously supposed  that  he  had  brought  Trophimus  the 
Ephesian  past  this  barrier  into  the  temple  (Acts  21 
29),  and  that  he  had  in  this  manner  profaned  the 
temple  (24  6),  or,  as  it  is  put  in  21  28,  he  had 
'brought  Greeks  into  the  temple  and  polluted  this 
holy  place.'  In  the  assault  which  they  thereupon 
made  on  Paul  they  violently  seized  and  dragged  him 
out  of  the  temple — dragged  him  outside  the  balus- 
trade. The  Levites  at  once  shut  the  gates,  to  prevent 
the  possibility  of  any  further  profanation,  and  Paul 
would  have  been  torn  in  pieces,  had  not  the  Rom 
commander  and  his  soldiers  forcibly  prevented. 

In  building  tlie  temple  Herod  the  Great  had  Inclosed 
a  large  area  to  form  the  various  courts.  The  temple 
itself  consisted  of  the  two  divisions,  the 
9  l^arnA'e  Holy  Place,  entered  by  the  priests  every 
j4.  neroQ  s  ^j^y^  ^-^^  ^^^  jj^jy  ^j  Holies  into  which 
1  ample;  Its  the  high  priest  entered  alone  once  every 
Divisions;  year.  Immediately  outside  the  temple 
tVio  PmirtQ  there  was  the  Court  of  the  Priests,  and  in 
LUC  v^uui  !,!>  j^  ^3^  placed  the  great  altar  of  burnt  otter- 
ing. Outside  of  this  again  was  the  Court 
of  the  Sons  of  Israel,  and  beyond  this  the  Court  of  the 
Women.  The  site  of  the  temple  itself  and  the  space 
occupied  by  the  various  courts  already  mentioned  formed 
a  raised  plateau  or  platform.  "From  it  you  descended 
at  various  points  down  5  steps  and  through  gates  in  a 
lofty  wall,  to  find  yourself  overlooking  another  large 
court — the  outer  court  to  which  Gentiles,  who  desired 
to  see  something  of  the  glories  of  the  temple  and  to  offer 
gifts  and  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  the  Jews,  were  freely 
admitted.  Farther  in  than  this  court  they  were  for- 
bidden, on  pain  of  death,  to  go.  The  actual  boundary 
line  was  not  the  high  wall  with  its  gates,  but  a  low  stone 
barrier  about  5  ft,  in  height,  which  ran  round  at  the 
iDOttom  of  14  more  steps"  (J.  Armltage  Robinson,  D.D,, 
St.  Paul's  Ep.  to  the  Eph,  59;  see  also  Edersheim, 
The  Temple,  Its  Ministry  and  Services  as  They  Were  at 
the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  46). 

The  middle  wall  of  partition  was  called  foregh, 
and  was  built  of  marble  beautifully  ornamented. 

The  Court  ol  the  Gentiles  formed  the  lowest  and  the 
outermost  inclosure  of  all  the  com-ts  of  the  sanctuary. 
It  was  paved  with  the  finest  variegated 
3.  The  marble.     Its  name  signified   that  it   was 

Pmir+nf  thp  open  to  all,  Jews  or  Gentiles  alike.  It 
uoury  or  lats  ^jjg  very  large,  and  is  said  by  Jewish  tra- 
Gentlles  dition  to  have  formed  a  square  of  750  ft. 

It  was  in  this  court  that  the  oxen  and  sheep 
and  the  doves  for  the  sacrifices  were  sold  as  in  a  market. 
It  was  in  this  court  too  that  there  were  the  tables  of  the 
money-changers,  which  Christ  Himself  overthrew  when 
He  drove  out  the  sheep  and  oxen  and  them  that  bought 
and  sold  in  His  Father's  house.  The  multitudes  assem- 
bling in  this  court  must  have  been  very  great,  esp.  on 
occasions  such  as  the  Passover  and  Pentecost  and  at  the 
other  great  feasts,  and  the  din  of  voices  must  oftentimes 
have  been  most  disturbing.  As  already  seen,  beyond  this 
court  no  Gentile  might  go.      See  Temple. 

In  the  year  1871,  while  excavations  were  being  made 
on  the  site  of  the  temple  by  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund,  M.  Clermont-Ganncau  discovered  one  of  tlie 
pillars  which  Jos  describes  as  having  been  erected  upon 
the  very  barrier  or  middle  wall  of  partition,  to  wliich 
Paul  refers.  This  pillar  is  now^  preserved  in  tlie  Museum 
at  Constantinople  and  is  inscribed  with  a  Gr  inscription 
in  capital  or  uncial  letters,  which  is  translated  as  follows: 

NO  MAN  OF  ANOTHER  NATION  TO 
ENTER  WITHIN  THE  FENCE  AND 
ENCLOSURE  ROUND  THE  TEMPLE, 
AND  WHOEVER  IS  CAUGHT  WILL 
HAVE  HIMSELF  TO  BLAME  THAT 
Hie     DEATH     ENSUES 


Partridge 
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While  Paul  was  writing  the  Ep.  to  the  Eph  at 
Rome,  this  barrier  in  the  temple  at  Jerus  was  still 
standing,  yet  the  chained  prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ 
was  not  afraid  to  write  that  Christ  had  broken 
down  the  middle  wall  of  partition,  and  had  thus 
admitted  Gentiles  who  were  far  off,  strangers  and 
foreigners,  to  all  the  privileges  of  access  to  God 
anciently  possessed  by  Israel  alone;  that  separation 
between  Jew  and  Gentile  was  done  away  with  forever 
in  Christ. 

If  Paul  wrote  the  Ep.  to  the  Eph  in  60  or  61 
AD,  then  the  actual  barrier  of  stone  remained 
in  its  position  in  the  Court  of  the 
4.  The  Gentiles  not  more  than  some  10  j^ears, 

Throwing  for  it  was  thrown  down  in  the  burning 
Down  of  of  the  temple  by  the  Rom  army.  And 
the  Barrier  out  of  those  ruins  a  fragment  has  been 
excavated  in  our  own  day,  containing 
the  very  inscription  threatening  death  to  the  gentile 


The  first  reference  to  it  is  found  in  1  S  26  20: 
"Now  therefore,  let  not  my  blood  fall  to  the  earth 
away  from  the  presence  of  Jeh:  for  the  king  of 
Israel  is  come  out  to  seek  a  flea,  as  when  one  doth 
hunt  a  partridge  in  the  mountains."  David  in  this 
dialogue  with  Saul  clearly  indicates  that  if  he  did 
not  hunt  the  partridge  himself,  he  knew  how  it  was 
done.  The  birds  were  commonly  chased  up  the 
mountains  and  stunned  or  killed  with  "throw  sticks." 
David  knew  how  deft  these  birds  were  at  hiding 
beside  logs  and  under  dry  leaves  colored  so  like 
them  as  to  afford  splendid  protection;  how  swiftly 
they  could  run;  what  expert  dodgers  they  were; 
so  he  compared  taking  them  with  catching  a  fiea. 
The  other  reference  is  found  in  Jer  17  11:  "As  the 
partridge  that  sitteth  on  eggs  which  she  hath  not 
laid,  so  is  he  that  getteth  riches,  and  not  by  right; 
in  the  midst  of  his  days  they  shall  leave  him,  and 
at  his  end  he  shall  be  a  fool."     If  this  reference  is 


Warning  Tablet  of  Herod's  Temple. 


intruder,  and  reminding  us  that  it  is  only  in  Christ 
Jesus  that  we  now  draw  nigh  unto  God,  and  that 
we  are  thus  one  body  in  Christ,  one  new  man. 
Christ  has  broken  down  the  middle  wall  of  parti- 
tion, for  He,  in  His  own  person,  is  our  peace. 

John  Rutherfurd 
PARTRIDGE,  par'trij  (X^p,  /core';  Lat  per- 
dix;  LXX,  1  S  26  20,  vuKTii«5pa|,  nuktikdrax, 
"owl,"  Jer  17  11,  ir^pSi,?,  perdix):  A  bird  of  the 
family  Tetraonidae.  The  Heb  word  for  this  bird, 
kore' ,  means  "a  caller,"  and  the  Lat  perdix  is  sup- 
posed to  be  an  imitation  of  its  cry,  and  as  all  other 
nations  base  their  name  for  the  bird  on  the  Lat,  it 
becomes  quite  evident  that  it  was  originally  named 
in  imitation  of  its  call.  The  commonest  partridge 
of  Pal,  very  numerous  in  the  wilderness  and  hill 
country,  was  a  bird  almost  as  large  as  a  pheasant. 
It  had  a  clear,  exquisite  cry  that  attracted  atten- 
tion, esp.  in  the  mating  season.  The  partridge  of 
the  wilderness  was  smaller  and  of  beautifully  marked 
plumage.  It  made  its  home  around  the  Dead  Sea, 
in  the  Wilderness  of  Judaea  and  in  rocky  caverns. 
Its  eggs  were  creamy  white;  its  cry  very  similar 
to  its  relatives'.  The  partridge  and  its  eggs  were 
used  for  food  from  time  immemorial. 


supposed  to  indicate  that  partridges  are  in  the  habit 
of  brooding  on  the  nest  of  their  kind  or  of  different 
birds,  it  fails  wholly  to  take  into  consideration  the 
history  of  the  bird.  Partridges  select  a  location, 
carefully  deposit  an  egg  a  day  for  from  10  to  15 
days,  sometimes  20,  and  then  brood,  so  that  all  the 
young  emerge  at  one  time.  But  each  bird  knows 
and  returns  to  its  nest  with  unfailing  regularity. 
It  would  require  the  proverbial  "Philadelphia 
lawyer"  to  explain  this  reference  to  a  "partridge 
sitting  on  eggs  she  had  not  laid."  No  ornithologist 
ever  could  reconcile  it  to  the  habits  or  characteristics 
of  the  birds.  AV  ir'^  these  lines,  "As  the  partridge 
sitteth  on  eggs,  and  hatcheth  them  not."  This  was 
easy  to  explain  clearly.  The  eggs  of  the  partridge 
were  delicious  food,  and  any  brooding  bird  whose 
nest  was  discovered  after  only  a  few  days  of  incu- 
bation did  not  hatch,  because  .she  lost  her  eggs. 
Also  the  eggs  frequently  fall  prey  to  other  birds  or 
small  animals.  Again,  they  are  at  the  mercy  of  the 
elements,  sometimes  being  spoiled  by  extremely  wet 
cold  weather.  Poultry  fanciers  assert  that  a  heavy 
thunder  storm  will  spoil  chicken  eggs  when  hatching- 
time  is  close;  the  same  might  be  true  with  eggs  of 
the  wild.     And  almost  any  wild  bird  will  desert  its 


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Passion,  Passions 


nest  and  make  its  former  brooding  useless,  if  the 
location  is  visited  too  frequently  by  man  or  beast. 

There  is  also  a  partridge  reference  in  the  Book  of 
Eoclus  (11  29  ff  RV):  "Bring  not  every  man  into 
thine  house ;  for  many  are  the  plots  of  the  deceitful 
man.     As  a  decoy  partridge  in  a  cage,  so  is  the  heart 


Partridge. 

of  a  proud  man ;  and  as  one  that  is  a  spy,  he  looketh 
upon  thy  falling.  For  he  lieth  in  wait  to  turn 
things  that  are  good  into  evil;  and  in  things  that 
are  praiseworthy  he  will  lay  blame."  The  reference 
is  to  confining  a  tame  partridge  in  a  hidden  cage  so 
that  its  calls  would  lure  many  of  its  family  wathin 
range  of  arrows  or  "throw  sticks"  used  by  concealed 
hunters.  Gene  Stratton-Porteh 

PARUAH,  pa-roo'a  (n^lS,  paru'h,  "blooming"): 
Father  of  Jehoshaphat,  who  was  one  of  Solomon's 
twelve  victualers  or  providers,  and  had  charge  in 
Issachar  of  this  function  (I  K  4  17). 

PARVAIM,  par-va'im  (D^I'IB,  parwayim;  LXX 
i^opouai|i.,  Pharouaim) :  The  word  occurs  only  in 
2  Ch  3  6,  as  the  place  from  which  Solomon  ob- 
tained gold  for  the  decoration  of  his  Temple.  A 
derivation  is  given  from  the  Sanskrit  purva,  "east- 
em,"  so  that  the  name  might  be  a  vague  term  for 
the  East  (Gesenius,  Thesaurus,  1125).  Whether 
there  was  such  a  place  in  Arabia  is  doubtful.  Farwa 
in  Yemen  has  been  suggested,  and  also  Sak  el 
Farwain  in  Yemamah.  Some  have  considered  the 
name  a  shortened  form  of  S'pharvayim  which  occurs 
in  the  Syr  and  Tg  Jonathan  for  the  "Sephar"  of 
Gen  10  30.  A.  S.  Fulton 

PASACH,  pa'sak  (^PS ,  pa^akh,  "divider"):  Son 
of  Japhlet,  descendant  of  Asher  (1  Ch  7  33). 

PAS-DAMMIM,    pas-dam'im.       See    Ephes- 

DAMMIM. 

PASEAH,  pa-se'a,  pas'6-a  (nOD,  pai^e^h,  "limp- 
ing"): 

(1)  A  son  of  Eshton,  descendant  of  Judah  (1  Ch 

4  12). 

(2)  The  eponym  of  a  family  of  Nethinim  (Ezr  2 
49;    Neh  7  51,  AV  "Phaseah"  =  "Phinoe"   (1  Esd 

5  31). 

(3)  Father  of  Joiada,  who  helped  to  repair  the 
old  gate  (Neh  3  6). 

PASHHUR,  pash'hur,  PASHUR,  pash'ur 
(TinfflS,  pashhur,  "splitter,"  "cleaver"):  The 
name  of  several  persons  difficult  to  individuate: 

(1)  A  priest,  son  of  Immer,  and  "chief  governor 
in  the  house  of  the  Lord"  (Jer  20  1),  who  perse- 
cuted Jeremiah,  putting  him  in  "the  stocks"  hard 


by  the  "house  of  Jeh"  in  the  "gate  of  Benjamin" 
(Jer  20  2).  When  released,  Jeremiah  pronounced 
Divine  judgment  on  him  and  the  people.  Future 
captivity  and  an  exile's  death  are  promised  to 
Pashur  whose  name  he  changed  from  its  masterful 
significance  to  a  cowering  one.  "Terror  on  every 
side"  (mdghor  mi.'j.^ahhibh)  is  to  take  the  place  of 
"stable  strength"  (Jer  20  3ff). 

(2)  Son  of  Melchiah,  a  prince  of  Judah,  and  one 
of  the  delegation  sent  by  Zedekiah,  the  Icing,  to  con- 
sult Jeremiah  (Jer  21  1).  It  looks  like  a  larger 
and  later  deputation,  similarly  sent,  to  which  this 
Pashur  belongs,  whose  record  is  given  in  Jer  38 
1-13.  Accompanying  them  was  one,  Gedaliah,  who 
was  a  son  of  (3). 

(3)  Another  Pashur  (Jer  38  1),  who  may  be  the 
person  mentioned  in  1  Ch  9  12;    Neh  11  12. 

(4)  A  priest,  of  those  who  ".sealed"  Nehemiah's 
covenant  (Neh  10  1.3),  who  may,  however,  be  the 
same  as  (5). 

(5)  The  chief  of  a  priestly  family  called  "sons  of 
Pashur"  (Ezr  2  38;  10  22;  Neh  7  41;  1  Esd  5 
25  ["Phassurus,"  m  "Pashhur"];  9  22  ["Phaisur," 
m  "Pashhur"]).  Doubtless  it  is  this  Pashur,  some 
of  whose  sons  had  "strange  wives"  (Ezr  10  22). 

Henry  Wallace 
PASS,  pas,  PASSAGE,  pas'aj,  PASSENGER, 
pas'en-jer:  "To  pass"  bears  different  meanings  and 
corresponds  to  various  words  in  Heb  and  Gr.  It 
occurs  frequently  in  the  phrase  "and  it  came  to  pass" 
(lit.  and  it  was).  This  is  simply  a  Heb  idiom  link- 
ing together  the  different  paragraphs  of  a  contin- 
uous narrative.  As  a  rule  "pass"  renders  the  Heb 
word  "15^,  'Ohhar.  This  vb.  has  various  meanings, 
e.g.  "to  pass  over"  a  stream  (Gen  31  21);  "to 
cross"  a  boundary  (Nu  20  17);  "to  pass  through," 
or  "traverse,"  a  country  (Nu  21  22);  "to  pass  on" 
(Gen  18  5);  "to  pass  away,"  "cease  to  exist"  (Job 
30  15).  The  word  is  used  metaphorically,  "to  pass 
over,"  "overstep,"  "transgress"  (Nu  14  41).  In 
the  causative  form  the  vb.  is  used  in  the  phrase  "to 
cause  to  pass  through  fire"  (Dt  18  10;  2  K  16  3). 
In  AV  "pass"  sometimes  has  the  force  of  "surpass," 
"exceed,"  e.g.  2  Ch  9  22,  "King  Solomon  passed 
all  the  kings  of  the  earth  in  riches  and  wisdom"; 
cf  also  Eph  3  19,  "the  love  of  Christ  which  passeth 
knowledge,"  and  Phil  4  7,  "the  peace  of  God,  which 
passeth  all  understanding." 

Passage  in  AV  renders  "13?1Q,  ma'abhar,  or 
rriSy^ ,  ma'dbharak.  The  former  word  denotes 
(ij'tiie  ford  of  a  river  (Gen  32  23  AVm);  (2)  the 
pass  of  a  mountain  range  (1  S  13  23).  In  the 
only  other  instance  of  the  use  of  the  shorter  form 
(Isa  30  32  m),  AV  renders  "where  the  grounded 
staff  shall  pass."  A  more  correct  tr  would  be,  "and 
every  sweep  [or  stroke]  of  the  appointed  staff." 
The  longer  form  bears  both  meanings,  viz.  "ford" 
(e.g.  Josh  2  7;  Jgs  3  28,  etc)  and  "pass"  (1  S 
14  4;  Isa  10  29).  In  Josh  22  11,  the  rendering 
'towards  the  region  opposite  the  children  of  Israel' 
would  be  more  correct  than  AV,  "at  the  passage  of 
the  children  of  Israel."  In  EV  of  Nu  20  21  "pas- 
sage" seems  to  mean  "right  of  way,"  and  renders 
the  infinitive  of  the  Heb  vb.  In  Jer  22  20  AV  the 
word  rendered  "passage"  should  be  tr"^  "from 
Abarim"  (as  in  RV),  a  mountain  range  in  Moab, 
N.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Passenger  in  AV  means  a  "passer-by."  In  Ezk 
39  11.14.15  where  the  word  occurs  4  t  in  AV,  RV 
translates  "them  that  pass  through."      T.  Lewis 

PASSING  OF  MARY,  THE.  See  Apocryphal 
Gospels. 

PASSION,  pash'un,  PASSIONS,  pash'unz: 
"Passion"  is  derived  from  Lat  passio,  which  in  turn 


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is  derived  from  the  vb.  potior,  with  the  V  pat.  The 
Lat  words  are  connected  with  the  Gr  V  'r"*,  path, 
which  appears  in  a  large  number  of  derivatives. 
And  in  Gr,  Lat,  and  Eng.  (with  other  languages  in 
addition)  words  connected  with  this  V  pat,  path, 
are  often  susceptible  of  a  great  variety  of  meanings, 
for  which  the  diets,  must  be  consulted.  For  "pas- 
sion," however,  as  it  appears  in  EV,  only  three  of 
these  meanings  need  be  considered.  (1)  Close  to 
what  seema  to  be  the  primary  force  of  the  root  is 
the  meaning  "suffer,"  and  in  this  sense  "passion" 
is  used  in  Acts  1  3,  "to  whom  he  also  showed  him- 
self alive  after  his  passion."  This  tr  is  a  paraphrase 
(Gr  "after  he  had  suffered"),  due  to  the  Vulg  {post 
passionem  suam),  and  in  Eng.  is  as  old  as  Wycliff, 
whom  the  subsequent  EV  has  followed.  This  is  the 
only  case  in  AV  and  RV  where  "passion"  has  this 
meaning,  and  it  can  be  so  used  in  modern  Eng.  only 
when  referring  (as  here)  to  the  sufferings  of  Christ 
(cf  "Passion  play").  (2)  "Suffering,"  when  apphed 
to  the  mind,  came  to  denote  the  state  that  is  con- 
trolled by  some  emotion,  and  so  "passion"  was 
applied  to  the  emotion  itself.  This  is  the  meaning 
of  the  word  in  Acts  14  15,  "men  of  hke  passions," 
and  Jas  5  17,  "a  man  of  like  passions,"  Gr  dfxoiowa- 
9fi^,  homoiopathts;  RVm  "of  like  nature"  gives 
the  meaning  exactly:  "men  with  the  same  emo- 
tions as  we."  (3)  From  "emotion"  a  transition 
took  place  to  "strong  emotion,"  and  this  is  the 
normal  force  of  "passion"  in  modem  Eng.  AV 
does  not  use  this  meaning,  but  in  RV  "passion"  in 
this  sense  is  the  tr  of  TrdBos,  pathos,  in  its  three 
occurrences:  Rom  1  26  (AV  "affection");  Col  3 
5  (AV  "inordinate  affection");  1  Thess  4  5  (AV 
"lust").  It  is  used  also  for  two  occurrences  of 
T!-dSi}fia,  pdthema  (closely  allied  to  pathos)  in  Rom 
7  5  (AV  "motions,"  AVm  "passions")  and  in  Gal 
5  24  (AV  "affection").  The  fixing  of  the  exact 
force  in  any  of  these  cases  is  a  delicate  problem  fully 
discussed  in  the  comms.  In  Col  3  5  only  does 
"passion"  stand  as  an  isolated  term.  The  context 
here  perhaps  gives  the  word  a  slight  sexual  refer- 
ence, but  this  must  not  be  overstressed ;  the  warning 
probably  includes  any  violent  over-emotion  that 
robs  a  man  of  his  self-contrbl.  See  Affection; 
Motion.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

PASSION,  GOSPEL  OF  THE.  See  Apocry- 
phal Gospels. 

PASSOVER,  pas'o-ver  (HOS  ,  pesah,  from  pa^ah, 
"to  pass"  or  "spring  over"  or  "to  spare"  [Ex  12 
13.23.27;  cf  Isa  31  5].  Other  conjectures  connect 
the  word  with  the  "passing  over"  into  a  new  year, 
with  As,syr  pasdhu,  meaning  "to  placate,"  with 
Heb  pasjah,  meaning  "to  dance,"  and  even  with  the 
skipping  motions  of  a  young  lamb;  Aram.  XFIOE  , 
pa§ha',  whence  Gr  Ildo-xa,  Pdscha;  whence  Eng. 
"paschal."  In  early  Christian  centuries  folk- 
etymology  connected  pdscha  with  Gr  pdscho,  "to 
suffer"  [see  Passion],  and  the  word  was  taken  to 
refer  to  Good  Friday  rather  than  the  Passover) : 

1.  Pesah  and  Mati:6th 

2.  Pesah  miqrayim 

3.  Pesah  doroth 

4.  MaQqoih 
.5.   The  'Omer 

6.  Non-traditional  Theories 

7.  The  Higher  Criticism 

8.  Historical  Celebrations :    OT  Times 

9.  Historical  Celebrations:    NT  Times 
10.  The  Jewish  Passover 

The  Passover  was  the  annual  Heb  festival_on  the 
evening  of  the  14th  day  of  the  month  of  'Abhibh 
or  Ni^an,  as  it  was  called  in  later  times.  It  was 
followed  by,  and  closely  connected  with,  a  7  days' 
festival  of  ma^^oth,  or  unleavened  bread,  to  which 
the  name  Passover  was  also  applied  by  extension 


(Lev  23  5).     Both  were  distinctly  connected  with 

the  Exodus,   which,   according  to   tradition,  they 

commemorate;    the  Passover  being  in 

1.  Pesah  imitation  of  the  last  meal  in  Egypt, 
and  eaten  in  preparation  for  the  journey, 
Maccoth       while  Jeh,  passing  over  the  houses  of 

the  Hebrews,  was  slaying  the  firstborn 
of  Egypt  (Ex  12  12  f;  13  2.12  ff);  the  via^Qoth 
festival  being  in  memory  of  the  first  daj'S  of  the 
journey  during  which  this  bread  of  haste  was  eaten 
(Ex  12  14-20). 

The  ordinance  of  pesah  migrayim,  the  last  meal 

in  Egypt,  included  the  following  provisions:     (1) 

the  taking  of  a  lamb,  or  kid  without 

2.  Pesah  blemish,  for  each  household  on  the 
micrayim       10th  of  the  month;    (2)  the  killing  of 

the  lamb  on  the  14th  at  even;  (3)  the 
sprinkling  of  the  blood  on  doorposts  and  lintels  of 
the  houses  in  which  it  was  to  be  eaten;  (4)  the 
roasting  of  the  lamb  with  fire,  its  head  with  its  legs 
and  inwards — the  lamb  was  not  to  be  eaten  raw 
nor  sodden  {hdshal)  with  water;  (5)  the  eating  of 
unleavened  bread  and  bitter  herbs;  (6)  eating  in 
haste,  with  loins  girded,  shoes  on  the  feet,  and  staff 
in  hand;  (7)  and  remaining  in  the  house  until  the 
morning;  (8)  the  burning  of  all  that  remained;  the 
Passover  could  be  eaten  only  during  the  night  (Ex 
12  1-23). 

This  service  was  to  be  observed  as  an  ordinance 

forever  (Ex  12  14.24),  and  the  night  was  to  be  lei 

shimmurlm,  "a  night  of  vigils,"  or,  at 

3.  Pesah  least,  "to  be  much  observeci"  of  all  the 
doroth  children    of    Israel    throughout    their 

generations  (Ex  12  42).  The  details, 
however,  of  the  pesah  doroth,  or  later  observances 
of  the  Passover,  seem  to  have  differed  slightly  from 
those  of  the  Egyp  Passover  (Mish,  P'sdhlm,  ix.5). 
Thus  it  is  probable  that  the  victim  could  be  taken 
from  the  flock  or  from  the  herd  (Dt  16  2;  cf  Ezk  45 
22).  (3),  (6)  and  (7)  disappeared  entirely,  and 
judging  from  Dt  16  7,  the  prohibition  against 
seething  (Heb  bashal)  was  not  understood  to  apply 
(unless,  indeed,  the  omission  of  the  expression  "with 
water"  gives  a  more  general  sense  to  the  Heb  word 
bashal,  making  it  include  roasting).  New  details 
were  also  added:  for  example,  that  the  Passover 
could  be  sacrificed  only  at  the  central  sanctuary 
(Dt  16  5) ;  that  no  alien  or  uncircumcised  person, 
or  unclean  person  could  partake  thereof,  and  that 
one  prevented  by  uncleanness  or  other  cause  from 
celebrating  the  Passover  in  season  could  do  so  a 
month  later  (Nu  9  9  ff).  The  singing  of  the  Hallel 
(Pss  113-118),  both  while  the  Passover  was  being 
slaughtered  and  at  the  meal,  and  other  details  were 
no  doubt  added  from  time  to  time. 

Unleavened  bread  was  eaten  with  the  Passover 

meal,  just  as  with  all  sacrificial  meals  of  later  times 

(Ex  23  IS;     34  25;     Lev  7  12),    in- 

4.  Maccoth  dependently  perhaps  of  the  fact  that 

the  Passover  came  in  such  close  prox- 
imity with  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  (Ex  12 
8).  Jewish  tradition  distinguishes,  at  any  rate, 
between  the  first  night  and  the  rest  of  the  festival 
in  that  the  eating  of  maffof/i  is  an  obligation  on  the 
first  night  and  optional  during  the  rest  of  the  week 
(P'^ahim  120a),  although  the  eating  of  unleavened 
bread  is  commanded  in  general  terms  (Ex  12  15 
18;  13  6.7;  23  15;  34  18;  Lev  23  6;  Nu  28  17). 
The  eating  of  leavened  bread  is  strictly  prohibited, 
however,  during  the  entire  week  under  the  penalty 
of  kareth,  "excision"  (Ex  12  15.19 f;  13  3;  Dt 
16  3),  and  this  prohibition  has  been  observed  tra- 
ditionally -n-ith  great  care.  The  1st  and  7th  days 
are  holy  convocations,  days  on  which  no  labor 
could  be  done  except  such  as  was  necessary  in  the 
preparation  of  food.  The  festival  of  macgoth  ia" 
reckoned  as  one  of  the  three  pilgrimage  festivals. 


2257 


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Passion,  Gos.  of 
Passover 


though  strictly  the  pilgrimage  was  connected  with 
the  Passover  portion  and  the  first  day  of  the  festival. 

During  the  entire  week  additional  sacrifices  were 
oflered  In  the  temple:  an  offering  made  by  Are  and  a 
burnt  offering,  2  young  bullocks,  1  ram,  7  lambs  of  the 
first  year  without  blemish,  together  with  meal  offerings 
and  drink  offerings  and  a  goat  lor  a  sin  offering. 

During  the  week  of  the  ma^Qoth  festival  comes 
the  beginning  of  the  barley  harvest  in  Pal  (M'nahdth 

656)  which  lasts  from  the  end  of  March 
5._The  in  the  low  Jordan  valley  to  the  begin- 

'Omer  ning  of  May  in  the  elevated  portions. 

The  time  of  the  putting-in  of  the  sickle 
to  the  standing  corn  (Dt  16  9)  and  of  bringing 
the  sheaf  of  the  peace  offering  is  spoken  of  as  the 
morrow  after  the  Sabbath  (Lev  23  15),  that  is, 
according  to  the  Jewish  tradition,  the  day  after  the 
first  day,  or  rest-day,  of  the  Passover  {M'na.  656; 
M'g  Ta^an.  1;  Jos,  Ayit,  III,  x,  5),  and  according 
to  Samaritan  and  Bocthusian  traditions  and  the 
modern  Karites  the  Sunday  after  the  Passover.  At 
this  time  a  wave  offering  is  made  of  a  sheaf,  followed 
by  an  offering  of  a  lamb  with  a  meal  and  drink 
offering,  and  only  thereafter  might  the  new  corn  be 
eaten.  From  this  day  7  weeks  are  counted  to  fix 
the  date  of  Pentecost,  the  celebration  connected 
with  the  wheat  harvest.  It  is  of  course  perfectly 
natural  for  an  agricultural  people  to  celebrate  the 
turning-points  of  the  agricultural  year  in  connection 
with  their  traditional  festivals.  Indeed,  the  Jewish 
liturgy  of  today  retains  in  the  Passover  service  the 
Prayer  of  Dew  (tal)  which  grew  up  in  Pal  on  the 
basis  of  the  needs  of  an  agricultural  people. 

Many  writers,  however,  eager  to  explain  the  entire 

festival  as  originally  an  agricultural  feast  (presumably 

a  Canaanitic  one,  though  there  is  not  a 

6.  Non-  shred  of  evidence  that  the  Canaanites 
trarlitinTial  ^^'^  such  a  festival),  have  seized  upon  the 
uduiuuudi  'omer,  or  sheaf  offering,  as  the  basis  of  the 
Tneories         haoh    (festival),  and    have    attempted    to 

explain  the  mat:<:6ih  as  bread  hastily  baked 
in  the  busy  harvest  times,  or  as  bread  quickly  baked 
from  the  freshly  exempted  first-fruits.  Wherein  these 
theories  are  superior  to  the  traditional  explanation  so 
consistently  adhered  to  throughout  the  Pent  it  Is  diffi- 
cult to  see.  In  a  similar  vein,  it  has  been  attempted  to 
connect  the  Passover  with  the  sacrifice  or  redemption  of 
the  firstborn  of  man  and  beast  (both  institutions  being 
traditionally  traced  to  the  judgment  on  the  firstborn 
of  Egypt,  as  in  Ex  13  11-13;  22  29.30;  23  19;  34 
19.20),  so  as  to  characterize  the  Passover  as  a  festival 
of  pastoral  origin.  Excepting  for  the  multiplication  of 
highly  ingenious  guesses,  very  little  that  is  positive  has 
been  added  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Passover  by  this 
theory. 

The  Pent  speaks  of  the  Passover  in  many  contexts  and 

naturally  with  constantly  varying  emphasis.     Thus  in 

the  story  of  the  Exodus  it  is  natural  to 

7.  The  expect  fewer  ritual  details  than  in  a  manual 
XT-  L  of  temple  services;  again,  according  to 
nigner  jj^g  view  here  taken,  we  must  distinguish 
CntlClsm         Detween  the  pesah  mi<;rayim  and  the  pesah 

doroth.  Nevertheless,  great  stress  is  laid 
on  the  variations  in  the  several  accounts,  by  certain 
groups  of  critics,  on  the  basis  of  which  they  seek  to  sup- 
port their  several  theories  of  the  composition  of  the 
Pent  or  Hex.  Without  entering  into  this  controversy, 
it  will  be  sufficient  here  to  enumerate  and  classify  all  the 
discrepancies  said  to  exist  in  the  several  Passover  passages, 
together  with  such  explanations  as  have  been  suggested. 
These  discrepancies,  so  called,  are  of  three  kinds:  (1) 
mere  omissions,  (2)  differences  of  emphasis,  and  (3) 
conflicting  statements.  The  letters,  .T,  E,  D,  P  and  H  will 
here  be  used  to  designate  passages  assigned  to  the  various 
sources  by  the  higher  criticism  of  today  merely  for  the 
sake  of  comparison.  (1)  There  is  nothing  remarkable 
about  the  omission  of  the  daily  sacrifices  from  all  pas- 
sages except  Lev  23  8  (H)  and  Nu  28  19  (P),  nor  in 
the  omission  of  a  specific  reference  to  the  holy  convo- 
cation on  the  first  day  in  the  contexts  of  Dt  16  8  and 
Ex  13  6,  nor  even  In  the  omission  of  reference  to  a  cen- 
tral sanctuary  in  passages  other  than  Dt  16.  Neither 
can  any  significance  be  attached  to  the  fact  that  the 
precise  day  is  not  specified  in  Ex  23  (E)  where  the  ap- 
pointed day  is  spoken  of,  and  in  Lev  23  15  (H)  where 
the  date  can  be  figured  out  from  the  date  of  Pentecost 
there  given.  (2)  As  to  emphasis,  it  is  said  that  the  so- 
called  Elohist  Covenant  (E)  (Ex  23)  has  no  reference  to 
the  Passover,  as  it  speaks  only  of  mactoth  in  ver  15, 
in  which  this  festival  is  spoken  of  together  with  the  other 


T'lghalim  or  pilgrimage  festivals.  The  so-called  Jeho- 
vistic  source  (.J)  (Ex  34  18-21.26)  is  said  to  subordinate 
the  Passover  to  mactolh,  tlie  great  feast  of  the  .Jehovistic 
history  (.IE)  (Ex  12  21-27.29-36.38.39;  13  3-16);  in 
Dt  (D)  the  Passover  is  said  to  predominate  over  mactolh, 
while  in  Lev  (P  and  H)  it  is  said  to  be  of  first  importance. 
JE  and  P  emphasize  the  historical  importance  of  the 
day.  Whether  these  differences  in  emphasis  mean  much 
more  than  that  the  relative  amount  of  attention  paid 
to  the  paschal  sacrifice,  as  compared  with  mactalh,  de- 
pends on  the  context,  is  of  course  the  fundamental  ques- 
tion of  the  higher  criticism;  it  is  not  answered  by  point- 
ing out  that  the  differences  of  emphasis  e.xist.  (3)  Of 
the  actual  conflicts,  we  have  already  seen  that  the  use  of 
the  words  "flock"  and  "herd"  in  Dt  and  Heb  bdshal 
are  open  to  explanation,  and  also  that  the  use  of  the 
masiolh  at  the  original  Passover  is  not  inconsistent  with 
the  historical  reason  for  the  feast  of  ma<:(ulh — it  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  that  mai^Qoth  were  invented  through 
the  necessity  of  the  Hebrews  on  their  journey.  There 
is,  however,  one  apparent  discrepancy  in  the  Bib.  narra- 
tive that  seems  to  weaken  rather  than  help  the  position 
of  those  critics  who  would  ascribe  very  late  dates  to  the 
pas.sages  which  we  have  cited:  Why  does  Ezekiel's  ideal 
scheme  provide  sacrifices  for  the  Passover  different  from 
those  prescribed  in  the  so-called  P  ascribed  to  the  same 
period  (Ezk  45  21)  7 

The  children  of  Israel  began  the  keeping  of  the 
Passover  in  its  due  season  according  to  all  its  ordi- 
nances in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Nu 

8.  Histor-  9  5).  In  the  very  beginning  of  their 
ical  Cele-  national  life  in  Pal  we  find  them  cele- 
brations: brating  the  Passover  under  the  leader- 
OT  Times     ship  of  Joshua  in  the  plains  of  Jericho 

(Josh  5  10).  History  records  but  few 
later  celebrations  in  Pal,  but  there  are  enough 
intimations  to  indicate  that  it  was  frequently 
if  not  regularly  observed.  Thus  Solomon  offered 
sacrifices  three  times  a  year  upon  the  altar  which  he 
had  built  to  Jeh,  at  the  appointed  seasons,  including 
the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  (1  K  9  25  =  2  Ch 
8  13).  The  later  prophets  speak  of  appointed 
seasons  for  pilgrimages  and  sacrifices  (cf  Isa  1  12- 
14),  and  occasionally  perhaps  refer  to  a  Passover 
celebration  (cf  Isa  30  29,  bearing  in  mind  that  the 
Passover  is  the  only  night-feast  of  which  we  have 
any  record).  In  Hezekiah's  time  the  Passover  had 
fallen  into  such  a  state  of  desuetude  that  neither 
the  priests  nor  the  people  were  prepared  for  the 
king's  urgent  appeal  to  observe  it.  Nevertheless, 
he  was  able  to  bring  together  a  large  concourse  in 
Jerus  during  the  2d  month  and  institute  a  more 
joyful  observance  than  any  other  recorded  since 
the  days  of  Solomon.  In  the  18th  year  of  King 
Josiah,  however,  there  was  celebrated  the  most 
memorable  Passover,  presumably  in  the  matter  of 
conformity  to  rule,  since  the  days  of  the  Judges 
(2  K  23  21;  2  Ch  35  Iff).  The  continued  ob- 
servance of  the  feast  to  the  days  of  the  exile  is 
attested  by  Ezekiel's  interest  in  it  (Ezk  45  18). 
In  post-exilic  times  it  was  probably  observed  more 
scrupulously  than  ever  before  (Ezr  6  19  ff). 

Further  evidence,   if  any  were  needed,   of  the 

importance  of  the  Passover  in  the  life  of  the  Jews 

of  the  second  temple  is  found  in  the 

9.  Histor-  Talm,  which  devotes  to  this  subject 
ical  Cele-  an  entire  tractate,  P'^ahlm,  on  which 
brations:  we  have  both  Bab  and  Pal  g'mdra' . 
NT  Times     These  are  devoted  to  the  sacrificial 

side  and  to  the  minutiae  of  searching 
out  and  destroying  leaven,  what  constitutes  leaven, 
and  similar  questions,  instruction  in  which  the 
children  of  Israel  sought  for  30  days  before  the 
Passover.  Jos  speaks  of  the  festival  often  (Ant,  II, 
xiv,  6;  III,  X,  5;  IX,  iv,  8;  XIV,  ii,  2;  XVII,  ix, 
3;  BJ,  II,  i,  3;  V,iii,  1;  VI,ix,  3).  Besides  repeat- 
ing the  details  already  explained  in  the  Bible,  he 
tells  of  the  innumerable  multitudes  that  came  for 
the  Passover  to  Jerus  out  of  the  country  and  even 
from  beyond  its  limits.  He  estimates  that  in  one 
year  in  the  days  of  Cestius,  256,500  lambs  were 
slaughtered  and  that  at  least  10  men  were  counted  to 
each.     (This  estimate  of  course  includes  the  regular 


Passover 
Pastoral  Epistles 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2258 


population  of  Jerus.  But  even  then  it  is  doubtless 
exaggerated.)  The  NT  bears  testimony,  likewise,  to 
the  coming  of  great  multitudes  to  Jerus  (Jn  11  55; 
cf  also  2  13;  6  4).  At  this  great  festival  even  the 
Rom  officers  released  prisoners  in  recognition  of 
the  people's  celebration.  Travel  and  other  ordinary 
pursuits  were  no  doubt  suspended  (cf  Acts  12  3; 
20  6).  Naturally  the  details  were  impressed  on 
the  minds  of  the  people  and  lent  themselves  to 
symbolic  and  homiletio  purposes  (cf  1  Cor  5  7; 
Jn  19  34-36,  where  the  paschal  lamb  is  made  to 
typify  Jesus;  and  He  11  28).  The  best-known 
instance  of  such  symbolic  use  is  the  institution  of 
the  Eucharist  on  the  basis  of  the  paschal  meal. 
Some  doubt  exists  as  to  whether  the  Last  Supper 
was  the  paschal  meal  or  not.  According  to  the 
Synoptic  Gospels,  it  was  (Lk  22  7;  Mt  26  17; 
Mk  14  12) ;  while  according  to  John,  the  Passover 
was  to  be  eaten  some  time  following  the  Last 
Supper  (Jn  18  28).  Various  harmonizations  of 
these  passages  have  been  suggested,  the  most  in- 
genious, probably,  being  on  the  theory  that  when 
the  Passover  fell  on  Friday  night,  the  Pharisees 
ate  the  meal  on  Thursday  and  the  Sadducees  on 
Friday,  and  that  Jesus  followed  the  custom  of  the 
Pharisees  (Chwolson,  Das  letzte  Passahtnal  Jesu, 
2d  ed,  St.  Petersburg,  1904).  Up  to  the  Nicene 
Council  in  the  year  325,  the  church  observed  Easter 
on  the  Jewish  Passover.  Thereafter  it  took  pre- 
cautions to  separate  the  two,  condemning  their 
confusion  as  Arianism. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  temple  the  Passover 
became  a  home  service.     The  paschal  lamb  was  no 
longer  included.    Only  the  Samaritans 
10.  The         have  continued  this  rite  to  this  day. 
Jewish  In  the  Jewish  home  a  roasted  bone  is 

Passover  placed  on  the  table  in  memory  of  the 
rite,  and  other  articles  symbolic  of  the 
Passover  are  placed  beside  it:  such  as  a  roasted 
egg,  said  to  be  in  memory  of  the  free-will  offering; 
a  sauce  called  haroseth,  said  to  resemble  the  mortar 
of  Egypt;  salt  water,  for  the  symbolic  dipping  (cf 
Mt  26  23);  the  bitter  herbs  and  the  j/ioffo^/i.  The 
sedher  (program)  is  as  follows:  sanctification;  wash- 
ing of  the  hands;  dipping  and  dividing  the  parsley; 
breaking  and  setting  aside  a  piece  of  moffa/i  to  be 
distributed  and  eaten  at  the  end  of  the  supper; 
reading  of  the  haggddhdh  shel  pesah,  a  poetic  narra- 
tive of  the  Exodus,  in  answer  to  four  questions 
asked  by  the  youngest  child  in  compliance  with 
the  Bib.  command  found  3  t  in  Ex  and  once  in 
Dt,  "Thou  shaft  tell  thy  son  on  that  day";  wash- 
ing the  hands  for  eating;  grace  before  eating;  tast- 
ing the  maggdh;  tasting  the  bitter  herbs;  eating 
of  them  together;  the  meal;  partaking  of  the 
maggah  that  had  been  set  aside  as  'dphikmnen  or 
dessert;  grace  after  meat;  Hallel;  request  that 
the  service  be  accepted.  Thereafter  folk-songs 
are  sung  to  traditional  melodies,  and  poems  recited, 
many  of  which  have  allegorical  meanings.  A  cup 
of  wine  is  used  at  the  sanctification  and  another  at 
grace,  in  addition  to  which  two  other  cups  have 
been  added,  the  4  according  to  the  Mish  (P'sahim 
x.l)  symbolizing  the  4  words  employed  in  Ex  6  6.7 
for  the  delivery  of  Israel  from  Egypt.  Instead  of 
eating  in  haste,  as  in  the  Egyp  Passover,  it  is  cus- 
tomary to  rechne  or  lean  at  this  meal  in  token  of 
Israel's  freedom. 

The  prohibition  against  leaven  is  strictly  ob- 
served. The  searching  for  hidden  leaven  on  the 
evening  before  the  Passover  and  its  destruction 
in  the  morning  have  become  formal  ceremonies 
for  which  appropriate  blessings  and  declarations 
have  been  included  in  the  litiu-gy  since  the  days 
when  Aram,  was  the  vernacular  of  the  Jews.  As 
in  the  case  of  other  festivals,  the  Jews  have  doubled 
the  days  of  holy  convocation,  and  have  added  a 


semi-holiday  after  the  last  day,  the  so-called  Hs^ur 
hagh,  in  token  of  their  love  for  the  ordained  cele- 
bration and  their  loathness  to  depart  from  it. 

Nathan  Isaacs 
PASTOR,  pas'ter  (Hyi ,  ro'eh;  -n-oiiiifiv,  ■poimtn; 
lit.  a  helper,  or  feeder  of  the  sheep  [AV  Jer  2  8; 
3  15;  10  21;  12  10;  17  16;  22  22;  23  1.2,  and 
inEph  4  11,  AV  and  RV]):  Besides  the  literal  sense 
the  word  has  now  a  figurative  meaning  and  refers 
to  the  minister  appointed  over  a  congregation. 
This  latter  meaning  is  recognized  in  the  tr  of  AV. 
See  Ministry. 

PASTORAL,  pas'tor-al,  EPISTLES,  THE: 

I.     Genuineness 

1.  External  Evidence 

2.  Genuineness  Questioned 

II.     Alleged  Difficulties  against  Pauline  Author- _ 

SHIP 

1.  Relative  to  Paul's  Experiences 

(1)  Data  in  1  Tim 

(2)  Data  in  2  Tim 

(3)  Data  in  Tit 

2.  Subject-Matter  Post-Pauline 

(1)  Difficulty  Regarding  Church  Organization 

(2)  The  Doctrinal  Difficulty 

3.  Difficulty  Relative  to  Language 

4.  Tlie  Christianity  ol  the  Epistles  Not  Paul's 
III.     Date  and  Order 

1.  Date  of  the  Epistles 

2.  Their  Order 
Literature 

The  First  and  Second  Epp.  to  Tim,  and  the 
Ep.  to  Tit  form  a  distinct  group  among  the  letters 
written  by  Paul,  and  are  now  known  as  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  because  they  were  addressed  to  two  Christian 
ministers.  When  Timothy  and  Titus  received  these 
epp.  they  were  not  acting,  as  they  had  previously 
done,  as  missionaries  or  itinerant  evangelists,  but 
had  been  left  by  Paul  in  charge  of  churches;  the 
former  having  the  oversight  of  the  church  in 
Ephesus,  and  the  latter  having  the  care  of  the 
churches  in  the  island  of  Crete.  The  Pastoral  Epp. 
were  written  to  guide  them  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  devolving  upon  them  as  Christian  pastors. 
Such  is  a  general  description  of  these  epp.  In 
each  of  them,  however,  there  is  a  great  deal  more 
than  is  covered  or  implied  by  the  designation,  "Pas- 
toral"— much  that  is  personal,  and  much  also  that 
is  concerned  with  Christian  faith  and  doctrine  and 
practice  generally. 

/.  Genuineness. — In  regard  to  the  genuineness  of 
the  epp.  there  is  abundant  external  attestation. 
Allusions  to  them  are  found  in  the 
1.  External  writings  of  Clement  and  Polycarp.  In 
Evidence  the  middle  of  the  2d  cent,  the  epp.  were 
recognized  as  Pauline  in  authorship, 
and  were  freely  quoted. 

"Marcion  indeed  rejected  them,  and  Tatian  is  sup- 
posed to  have  rejected  those  to  Timothy.  But.  as  Jerome 
states  in  the  preface  to  his  Comm.  on  Tit,  these  heretics 
rejected  the  epp..  not  on  critical  grounds,  l3ut  merely 
because  they  disliked  their  teaching.  He  says  they  used 
no  argument,  but  merely  asserted,  This  is  Paul's,  This  is 
not  Paul's.  It  is  obvious  that  men  holding  such  opinions 
as  Marcion  and  Tatian  held,  would  not  willingly  ascribe 
authority  to  epp.  which  condemned  asceticism.  So 
far,  then,  as  the  early  church  can  guarantee  to  us  the 
authenticity  of  writings  ascribed  to  Paul,  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  are  guaranteed  "  (Marcus  Dods,  Inlro  lo  the  NT,  167). 

The  external  evidence  is  all  in  favor  of  the  recep- 
tion of  these  epp.,  which  were  known  not  only  to 
Clement  and  Polycarp,  but  also  to  Irenaeus,  Ter- 
tullian,  the  author  of  the  Ep.  to  the  churches  of 
Vienne  and  Lyons,  and  Theophilus  of  Antioch. 
The  evidence  of  Polycarp,  who  died  in  167  AD,  is 
remarkably  strong.  He  says,  "The  love  of  money  is 
the  beginning  of  all  trouble,  knowing  ....  that 
we  brought  nothing  into  the  world,  neither  can 
carry  anything  out"  (cf  1  Tim  6  7.10).  It  would 
be  difficult  to  overthrow  testimony  of  this  nature. 

The  decision  of  certain  critics  to  reject  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  as  documents  not  from  the  hand  of  Paul,  "is  not 


2259 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Passover 
Pastoral  Epistles 


reached  on  the  external  evidence,  which  is  perliaps  as 
early  an  attestation  as  can  be  reasonably  expected.    They 

are  included  in  the  Muratorian  Canon,  and 
2.  Genuine-  quoted  by  Irenaeus   and  later  writers  as 

Paul's"  (A.  S.  Peake,  A  Critical  Intro  to 
uei5>    _  (;,g    ^y_    gO).       This    admission    is    satis- 

Questioneu    factory.      In    recent    times,   however,  the 

authenticity  of  these  epp.  has  been  called 
in  question  by  Schmidt,  Schleiermacher,  Baur,  Renan, 
and  many  others.  Baur  asserted  that  they  were  written 
for  the  purpose  of  combating  the  Gnosticism  of  the  2d 
cent.,  and  of  defending  the  church  from  it  by  means  of 
ecclesiastical  organization,  and  that  the  date  of  their 
composition  was  about  the  year  150  AD. 

//.  Alleged  Difficulties  against  Pauline  Author- 
ship.— Various  difficulties  have  been  alleged  against 
the  reception  of  tlae  Pastoral  Epp,  as  PauUne.  The 
chief  of  these  are:  (1)  the  difficulty  of  finding 
any  place  for  these  letters  in  the  life  of  Paul,  as 
that  is  recorded  in  the  Acts  and  in  the  Pauline 
Epp.  written  before  the  Pastorals;  (2)  the  fact  that 
there  are  said  to  be  in  them  indications  of  an  eccle- 
siastical organization,  and  of  a  development  of  doc- 
trine, both  orthodox  and  heretical,  considerably  in 
advance  of  the  Pauline  age;  (3)  that  the  language 
of  the  epp.  is,  to  a  large  extent,  different  from  that 
in  the  accepted  epp.;  (4)  the  "most  decisive"  of  all 
the  arguments  against  the  Pauline  authorship — 
so  writes  Dr.  A.  C.  McGiffert  (A  History  of  Chris- 
tianity in  the  Apostolic  Age,  402) — is  that  "the 
Christianity  of  the  Pastoral  Epp.  is  not  the  Chris- 
tianity of  Paul." 

Where  can  a  place  be  found  for  these  epp.,  in  the 
life  of  Paul?     The  indications  of  the  date  of  their 
composition  given  in  the  epp.  them- 
1.  Relative    selves  are  these. 

to  Paul's  (1)  Data  in  1  Tim.— In  1  Tim  1  3 

Experiences  Paul  had  gone  from  Ephesus  to  Mace- 
donia, and  had  left  Timothy  in  Ephesus 
in  charge  of  the  church  there.  In  the  Acts  and  in 
the  previously  written  Pauline  epp.,  it  is  impossible 
to  find  such  events  or  such  a  state  of  matters  as  will 
satisfy  these  requirements.  Paul  had  previously 
been  in  Ephesus,  on  several  occasions.  His  1st 
visit  to  that  city  is  recorded  in  Acts  18  19-2L  On 
that  occasion  he  went  from  Ephesus,  not  into  Mace- 
donia, but  into  Syria.  His  2d  visit  was  his  3 
years'  residence  in  Ephesus,  as  narrated  in  Acts 
19;  and  when  he  left  the  city,  he  had,  previous  to 
his  own  departure  from  it,  already  sent  Timothy 
into  Macedonia  (19  22)— a  state  of  matters  exactly 
the  reverse  of  that  described  in  1  Tim  1  3.  Tim- 
othy soon  rejoined  Paul,  and  so  far  was  he  from  being 
left  in  Ephesus  then,  that  he  was  in  Paul's  company 
on  the  remainder  of  his  journey  toward  Jerus  (Acts 
20  4;  2  Cor  1  1).  ,    ^.^ 

No  place  therefore  in  Paul's  life,  previous  to  his 
arrest  in  Jerus,  and  his  first  Rom  imprisonment,  can 
be  found,  which  satisfies  the  requirements  of  the 
situation  described  in  1  Tim  1  3.  "It  is  impossible, 
unless  we  assume  a  second  Rom  imprisoninent,  to 
reconcile  the  various  historical  notices  which  the 
ep.  [2  Tim]  contains"  (McGiffert,  op.  cit,,  407). 

In  addition  to  this,  the  language  used  by  the 
apostle  at  Miletus,  when  he  addressed  the  elders  of 
the  Ephesian  church  (Acts  20  30)  about  the  men 
speaking  perverse  things,  who  should  arise  among 
them,  showed  that  these  false  teachers  had  not 
made  their  appearance  at  that  time.  There  is,  for 
this  reason  alone,  no  place  for  the  Pastoral  Epp.  in 
Paul's  life,  previous  to  his  arrest  in  Jerus.  But 
Paul's  life  did  not  end  at  the  termination  of  his  first 
Rom  imprisonment;  and  this  one  fact  gives  ample 
room  to  satisfy  all  the  conditions,  as  these  are  found 
in  the  three  Pastorals. 

Those  who  deny  the  Pauline  authorship  of  these 
epp  also  deny  that  he  was  released  from  what,  in 
this  article,  is  termed  his  1st  Rom  imprisonment. 
But  a  denial  of  this  latter  statement  is  an  assumption 
quite  unwarranted  and  unproved.     It  assumes  that 


Paul  was  not  set  free,  simply  because  there  is  no 
record  of  this  in  the  Acts.  But  the  Acts  is,  on  the 
very  face  of  it,  an  incomplete  or  unfinished  record; 
that  is,  it  brings  the  narrative  to  a  certain  point,  and 
then  breaks  off,  evidently  for  the  reason  which  Sir 
W.  M.  Ramsay  demonstrates,  that  Luke  meant 
to  write  a  sequel  to  that  book — a  purpose,  however, 
which  he  was  unable,  owing  to  some  cause  now  un- 
known, to  carry  into  execution.  The  purpose  of 
the  Acts,  as  Ramsay  shows  {St.  Paul  the  Traveller 
and  the  Rom  Citizen,  23,  308),  is  to  lead  up  to  the 
release  of  Paul,  and  to  show  that  the  Christian  faith 
was  not  a  forbidden  or  illegal  religion,  but  that  the 
formal  impeachment  of  the  apostle  before  the  su- 
preme court  of  the  empire  ended  in  his  being  set  at 
liberty,  and  thus  there  was  established  the  fact  that 
the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ  was  not,  at  that  time,  con- 
trary to  Rom  law.  "The  Pauline  authorship 
.  .  .  .  can  be  maintained  only  on  the  basis  of  a 
hypothetical  reconstruction,  either  of  an  entire 
period  subsequent  to  the  Rom  imprisonment,  or  of 
the  events  within  some  period  known  to  us'  (Mc- 
Giffert, op.  cit.,  410).  'The  one  fact  that  Paul  was 
set  free  after  his  1st  Rom  imprisonment  gives  the 
environment  which  fits  exactly  all  the  requirements 
of  the  Pastoral  Epp. 

Attention  should  be  directed  to  the  facts  and  to 
the  conclusion  stated  in  the  art.  Praetorium  (q.v.), 
Mommsen  having  shown  that  the  words,  "My  bonds 
became  manifest  in  Christ  throughout  the  whole 
praetorian  guard"  (Phil  1  13),  mean  that  at  the 
time  when  Paul  wrote  the  Ep.  to  the  Phil,  the  case 
against  him  had  already  come  before  the  supreme 
court  of  appeal  in  Rome,  that  it  had  been  partly 
heard,  and  that  the  impression  made  by  the  pris- 
oner upon  his  judges  was  so  favorable,  that  he 
expected  soon  to  be  set  free. 

The  indications  to  be  drawn  from  other  expres- 
sions in  three  of  the  epp.  of  the  Rom  captivity — 
Phil,  Col  and  Philem — are  to  the  same  effect. 
Thus,  writing  to  the  Philippians,  he  says  that  he 
hopes  to  send  Timothy  to  them,  so  soon  as  he  sees 
how  matters  go  with  him,  and  that  he  trusts  in  the 
Lord  that  he  himself  will  visit  them  shortly.  And 
again,  writing  to  his  friend  Philemon  in  the  city  of 
Colossae,  he  asks  him  to  prepare  him  a  lodging,  for 
he  trusts  that  through  the  prayers  of  the  Colossians, 
he  will  be  granted  to  them. 

These  anticipations  of  acquittal  and  of  departure 
from  Rome  are  remarkable,  and  do  not  in  any  degree 
coincide  with  the  idea  that  Paul  was  not  set  free 
but  was  condemned  and  put  to  death  at  that  time. 
"It  is  obvious  that  the  importance  of  the  trial  is 
intelligible  only  if  Paul  was  acquitted.  That  he 
was  acquitted  follows  from  the  Pastoral  Epp.  with 
certainty  for  all  who  admit  their  genuineness;  while 
even  they  who  deny  their  Pauline  origin  must  allow 
that  they  imply  an  early  belief  in  historical  details 
which  are  not  consistent  with  Paul's  journeys  before 
his  trial,   and  must  either  be  pure  inventions  or 

events  that  occurred  on   later  journeys If 

he  was  acquitted,  the  issue  of  the  trial  was  a  formal 
decision  by  the  supreme  court  of  the  empire  that 
it  was  permissible  to  preach  Christianity;  the  trial, 
therefore,  was  really  a  charter  of  religious  liberty, 
and  therein  lies  its  immense  importance.  It  was 
indeed  overturned  by  later  decisions  of  the  supreme 
court;  but  its  existence  was  a  highly  important 
fact  for  the  Christians"  (Ramsay,  op.  cit.,  308). 
"That  he  was  acquitted  is  demanded  both  by  the 
plan  evident  in  Acts  and  by  other  reasons  well 
stated  by  others"  (ib,  360). 

It  should  also  be  observed  that  there  is  the  direct 
and  corroborative  evidence  of  Paul's  release,  afforded 
by  such  writers  as  Cjrril  of  Jerus,  Ephrem  Syr., 
Chrysostom  and  Theodoret,  all  of  whom  speak  of 
Paul's  going  to  Spain.    Jerome  {Vir.  III.,  5)  gives  it  as 


Pastoral  Epistles     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2260 


a  matter  of  prrsonal  knowledge  that  Paul  traveled 
as  far  as  Spain.  But  there  is  more  important  evi- 
dence still.  In  the  Muratorian  Canon,  1.  37,  there 
are  the  words,  "profectionem  Pauli  ab  urbe  ad 
Spaniam  profieiscentis"  ("the  journey  of  Paul  as  he 
journeyed  from  Rome  to  Spain").  Clement  also  in 
the  ep.  from  the  church  in  Rome  to  the  church  in 
Corinth,  which  was  written  not  later  than  the  year 
96  AD,  says  in  reference  to  Paul,  "Having  taught 
righteousness  to  the  whole  world,  and  having  gone 
to  the  extremity  of  the  west  [epl  16  terma  its  dilseos 
elthon]  and  having  borne  witness  before  the  rulers,  so 
was  he  released  from  the  world  and  went  to  the  holy 
place,  being  the  greatest  example  of  endurance." 
The  words,  "having  gone  to  the  extremity  of  the 
west,"  should  be  specially  noticed.  Clement  was 
in  Rome  when  he  wrote  this,  and,  accordingly,  the 
natural  import  of  the  words  is  that  Paul  went  to 
the  limit  of  the  western  half  of  the  then  known  world, 
or  in  other  words,  to  the  western  boundary  of  the 
lands  bordering  the  Mediterranean,  that  is,  to 
Spain . 

Now  Paul  never  had  been  in  Spain  previous  to 
his  arrest  in  Jerus,  but  in  Rom  15  24.28  he  had 
twice  expressed  his  intention  to  go  there.  These 
independent  testimonies,  of  Clement  and  of  the 
Muratorian  Canon,  of  the  fact  that  after  Paul's 
arrest  in  Jerus  he  did  carry  into  execution  his  pur- 
pose to  visit  Spain,  are  entitled  to  great  weight. 
They  involve,  of  course,  the  fact  that  he  was  ac- 
quitted after  his  1st  Rom  imprisonment. 

Having  been  set  free,  Paul  could  not  do  other- 
wise than  send  Timothy  to  Phihppi,  and  himself 
also  go  there,  as  he  had  already  promised  when  he 
wrote  to  the  Philippian  church  (Phil  2  19.24). 
As  a  matter  of  course  he  would  also  resume  his 
apostolic  journeys  for  the  purpose  of  proclaiming 
the  gospel.  There  is  now  ample  room  in  his  lifo 
for  the  Pastoral  Epp.,  and  they  give  most  interest- 
ing details  of  his  further  labors.  The  historical  and 
geographical  requirements  in  1  Tim  are,  in  this  way, 
easily  satisfied.  It  was  no  great  distance  to  Ephe- 
sus  from  Philippi  and  Colossae,  where  he  had  prom- 
ised that  he  would  "come  shortly." 

(2)  Data  in  3  Tim. — The  requirements  in  2  Tim 
are  (a)  that  Paul  had  recently  been  at  Troas,  at 
Corinth,  and  at  Miletus,  each  of  which  he  men- 
tions (2  Tim  4  1.3.20);  (b)  that  when  he  wrote 
the  epp.  he  was  in  Rome  (1  17);  (c)  that  he  was 
a  prisoner  for  the  cause  of  the  gospel  (18;  2  9), 
and  had  once  already  appeared  before  the  emperor's 
supreme  court  (4  16.17);  (d)  that  he  had  then 
escaped  condemnation,  but  that  he  had  reason  to 
believe  that  on  the  next  hearing  of  his  case  the 
verdict  would  be  given  against  him,  and  that  he 
expected  it  could  not  be  long  till  execution  took 
place  (4  6);  (e)  that  he  hoped  that  Timothy 
would  be  able  to  come  from  Ephesus  to  see  him 
at  Rome  before  the  end  (4  9.21).  These  require- 
ments cannot  be  made  to  agree  or  coincide  with 
the  first  Rom  captivity,  but  they  do  agree  per- 
fectly with  the  facts  of  the  apostle's  release  and  his 
subsequent  second  imprisonment  in  that  city. 

(3)  Data  in  Tit. — The  data  given  in  the  Ep.  to 
Tit  are  (a)  that  Paul  had  been  in  Crete,  and  that 
Titus  had  been  with  him  there,  ancl  had  been  left 
behind  in  that  island,  when  Paul  sailed  from  its 
shores,  Titus  being  charged  with  the  oversight  of  the 
churches  there  (Tit  1  5);  and  (6)  that  Paul  meant 
to  .spend  the  next  winter  at  Nicopolis  (3  12).  It  is 
simply  impossible  to  locate  these  events  in  the 
recorded  life  of  Paul,  as  that  is  found  in  the  other 
epp.,  and  in  the  Acts.  But  they  agree  perfectly 
with  his  liberation  after  his  first  Rom  imprisonment. 
"As  there  is  then  no  historical  evidence  that  Paul 
did  not  survive  the  year  64,  and  as  these  Pastoral 
Epp.  were  recognized  as  Pauline  in  the  immediately 


succeeding  age,  we  may  legitimately  accept  them 
as  evidence  that  Paul  did  survive  the  year  64 — that 
he  was  acquitted,  resumed  his  missionary  labors, 
was  again  arrested  and  brought  to  Rome,  and  from 
this  second  imprisonment  wrote  the  Second  Ep. 
to  Tim — his  last  extant  writing"  (Dods,  Intro  to 
the  NT,  172). 

The  second  difficulty  alleged  against  the  accept- 
ance of  these  epp.  as  Pauline  is  that  there  are  said 
to    exist   in    them   indications    of   an 
2.  Subject-   ecclesiastical    organization    and    of    a 
Matter  doctrinal  development,  both  orthodox 

Post-  and  heretical,  considerably  later  than 

Pauline  those  of  the  Pauline  age. 

(1)  The  first  statement,  that  the 
epp.  imply  an  ecclesiastical  organization  in  advance 
of  the  time  when  Paul  lived,  is  one  which  cannot  be 
maintained  in  view  of  the  facts  disclosed  in  the  epp. 
themselves.  For  directions  are  given  to  Timothy 
and  to  Titus  in  regard  to  the  moral  and  other  char- 
acteristics necessary  in  those  who  are  to  be  ordained 
as  bishops,  elders,  and  deacons.  In  the  2d  cent, 
the  outstanding  feature  of  ecclesiastical  organiza- 
tion was  the  development  of  monarchical  episco- 
pacy, but  the  Pastoral  Epp.  show  a  presbyterial  ad- 
ministration. The  office  held  by  Timothy  in 
Ephesus  and  by  Titus  in  Crete  was,  as  the  epp. 
themselves  show,  of  a  temporary  character.  The 
directions  which  Paul  gives  to  Timothy  and  Titus 
in  regard  to  the  ordaining  of  presbyters  in  every 
church  are  in  agreement  with  similar  notices  found 
elsewhere  in  the  NT,  and  do  not  coincide  with  the 
state  of  church  organization  as  that  existed  in  the 
2d  cent.,  the  period  when,  objectors  to  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  epp.  assert,  they  were  composed. 
"Everyone  acquainted  with  ancient  literature, 
particularly  the  literature  of  the  ancient  church, 
knows  that  a  forger  or  fabricator  of  those  times 
could  not  possibly  have  avoided  anachronisms" 
(Zahn,  Intro  to  the  NT,  II,  93).  But  the  ecclesi- 
astical arrangements  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.  coincide 
in  all  points  with  the  state  of  matters  as  it  is  found 
in  the  church  in  the  time  of  the  apostles,  as  that  is 
described  in  the  Acts  and  elsewhere  in  the  NT. 

It  seems  an  error  to  suppose,  as  has  often  been 
done,  that  these  epp.  contain  the  germ  of  monarchi- 
cal episcopacy ;  for  the  Christian  church  had  already, 
from  the  day  of  Pentecost,  existed  as  a  society  with 
special  officers  for  the  functions  of  extension,  dis- 
cipline and  administration.  The  church  in  the 
Pastoral  Epp.  is  a  visible  society,  as  it  always  was. 
Its  organization  therefore  had  come  to  be  of  the 
greatest  importance,  and  esp.  so  in  the  matter  of 
maintaining  and  handing  down  the  true  faith ;  the 
church  accordingly  is  described  as  "the  pillar  and 
stay  of  the  truth"  (1  Tim  3  15  m),  that  is,  the 
immovable  depository  of  the  Divine  revelation. 

(2)  The  other  statement,  that  the  epp.  show  a 
doctrinal  development  out  of  harmony  with  the 
Pauline  age  is  best  viewed  by  an  examination  of 
what  the  epp.  actually  say. 

In  1  Tim  6  20,  Paul  speaks  of  profane  and  vain 
babblings  and  oppositions  of  gnosis  (RV  "knowl- 
edge," AV  "science")  falsely  so  called.  In  Tit  3 
9,  he  tells  Titus  to  avoid  foolish  questions  and  gene- 
alogies and  contentions  and  strivings  about  the 
law.  These  phrases  have  been  held  to  be  allusions 
to  the  tenets  of  Marcion,  and  to  those  of  some  of 
the  gnostic  sects.  There  are  also  other  expressions, 
such  as  fables  and  endless  genealogies  (1  Tim  1 
3.4;  6  3),  words  to  no  profit  but  the  subverting  of 
the  hearer  (2  Tim  2  14),  foolish  and  unlearned 
questions  which  do  gender  strifes  (2  Tim  2  23), 
questions  and  strifes  of  words  (1  Tim  6  4.5),  dis- 
cussions which  lead  to  nothing  but  word-battles  and 
profane  babbling.  Such  are  the  expressions  which 
Paul  uses.     These,  taken  with  what  is  even  more 


2261 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Pastoral  Epistles 


clearly  stated  in  the  Ep.  to  the  Col,  certainly  point 
to  an  incipient  Gnosticism.  But  had  the  writer 
of  the  Pastoral  Epp.  been  combating  the  Gnosticism 
of  the  2d  cent.,  it  would  not  have  been  phrases  like 
these  that  he  would  have  employed,  but  others 
much  more  definite.  Godet,  quoted  by  Dods 
{Intro,  175),  writes,  "The  danger  here  is  of  substi- 
tuting intellectualism  in  religion  for  piety  of  heart 
and  life.  Had  the  writer  been  a  Christian  of  the  2d 
cent.,  trying,  under  the  name  of  Paul,  to  stigmatize 
the  gnostic  systems,  he  would  certainly  have  used 
much  stronger  expressions  to  describe  their  character 
and  influence." 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  false  teachers 
described  in  2  Tim  3  6-9.13,  as  well  as  in  other 
places  in  these  epp.,  were  persons  V/'ho  taught  that 
the  Mosaic  Law  was  binding  upon  all  Christians. 
They  laid  stress  upon  rabbinic  myth.?,  upon  inves- 
tigations and  disputations  about  genealogies  and 
specific  legal  requirements  of  the  OT.  What  they 
taught  was  a  form  of  piously  sounding  doctrine 
assuming  to  be  Christian,  but  which  was  really 
rabbinism. 

"For  a  pseudo-Paul  in  the  post-apostolic  age — when 
Christians  of  Jewish  birth  had  become  more  and  more 
exceptions  in  the  gentile  Christian  church — to  have  in- 
vented a  description  of  and  \'igorously  to  have  opposed 
the  heterodiddakaloi,  who  did  not  exist  in  his  own  age.  and 
who  were  without  parallel  in  the  earlier  epp.  of  Paul, 
would  have  been  to  e.xpose  himself  to  ridicule  without 
apparent  purpose  or  meaning"  (Zahn,  Intro,  II,  117). 
"A  comparison  of  the  statements  in  these  epp.  about 
various  kinds  of  false  doctrine,  and  of  those  portions  of 
the  same  that  deal  with  the  organization  and  officers 
of  the  church,  with  conditions  actually  existing  in  the 
church,  esp.  the  church  of  Asia  Minor,  at  the  beginning 
and  during  the  course  of  the  2d  cent.,  proves,  just  as 
clearly  as  does  the  external  evidence,  that  they  must 
have  been  written  at  latest  before  the  year  100.  But 
they  could  not  have  been  written  during  the  first  two 
decades  after  Paul's  death,  because  of  the  character  of 
the  references  to  persons,  facts  and  conditions  in  Paul's 
lifetime  and  his  own  personal  history,  and  because  of  the 
impossibility  on  this  assumption  of  discovering  a  plausi- 
ble motive  for  their  forgery.  Consequently  the  claim 
that  they  are  post-Pauline,  and  contain  matter  which 
Is  un-Pauline,  is  to  be  treated  with  the  greatest  sus- 
picion" (Zahn,  op.  cit.,  II,  118). 

The  third  difficulty  alleged  against  the  Pauline  author- 
ship of  the  Pastoral  Epp.  is  connected  with  the  language 
employed,  which  is  said  to  be,  to  a  large 
n  Tuffipiiifry  extent,  different  from  that  in  the  accepted 
o.  JJUncuiLy  epp.  The  facts  in  regard  to  this  matter 
Connected  are  that  in  1  Tim  there  are  82  words  not 
with  the  found  elsewhere  in  the  NT ;  in  2  Tim  there 

f  are  53  such  words,  and  in  Tit  there  are 

l^anguage  33  g^^  while  the  total  of  such  words  in 
the  three  epp.  is  168,  this  number,  large 
though  it  appears,  may  be  compared  with  the  words  used 
only  once  in  the  other  Epp.  of  Paul.  In  Rom,  1  Cor,  2  Cor, 
Gal,  Eph,  Phil,  Col.  1  Thess,  2  Thess  and  Philem,  the 
words  of  this  description  are  627  in  number.  So  nothing 
can  be  built  upon  the  fact  of  the  168  peculiar  words  in 
the  Pastoral  Epp.,  that  can  safely  be  alleged  as  proof 
against  their  Pauline  authorship.  The  special  subjects 
treated  In  these  epp.  required  adequate  language,  a  re- 
quirement and  a  claim  which  would  not  be  refused  in  the 
case  of  any  ordinary  author. 

The  objections  to  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  Pas- 
torals, based  upon  the  dissimilarity  of  diction  in  them 
and  in  Eph,  Phil  and  Col,  cease  to  exist  when  the  theory 
is  no  longer  persisted  in,  that  the  nucleus  of  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  was  composed  during  the  Rom  imprisonment, 
which,  according  to  this  theory  ended,  not  in  the  apostle's 
release,  but  in  his  execution.  The  fact  that  he  was 
writing  to  intimate  and  beloved  friends,  both  on  personal 
matters  and  on  the  subject  of  church  organization,  and 
on  that  of  incipient  Gnosticism,  which  was  troubling 
the  churches  of  Asia  Minor,  made  it  essential  that  he 
should,  to  a  large  extent,  use  a  different  vocabulary. 

The  "most  decisive"  of  all  the  arguments  against 
the  Pauline  authorship  is  that  "the  Christianity  of 

the  Pastoral  Epp.  is  not  the  Chris- 
4.  Is  There  tianity  of  Paul"  (McGiffert,  A  History 
"Another  of  Christianity,  402).  "For  the  most 
Gospel"  in  part,"  Dr.  McGiffert  writes,  "there 
the  Pas-  is  no  trace  whatever  of  the  great 
torals?  fundamental  truth  of  Paul's  gospel — 

death  unto  the  flesh  and  life  in  the 
Spirit."     Now  this  is  not  so,  for  the  passages  which 


Dr.  McGiffert  himself  gives  in  a  footnote  (2  Tim 

1  9-11;  2  11  ff;  Tit  3  4-7),  as  well  as  other 
references,  do  most  certainly  refer  to  this  very 
aspect  of  the  gospel.     For  example,  the  passage  in 

2  Tim  2  contains  these  words,  "If  we  died  with 
him  [Christ],  we  shall  also  live  with  him."  What  is 
this  but  the  great  truth  of  the  union  of  the  Christian 
believer  with  Christ?  The  believer  is  one  with 
Christ  in  His  death,  one  with  Him  now  as  He  lives 
and  reigns.  The  objection,  therefore,  which  is 
"most  decisive  of  all,"  is  one  which  is  not  true  in 
point  of  fact.  Dr.  McGifTert  also  charges  the  author 
of  the  Pastoral  Epp.  as  being  "one  who  understood 
by  resurrection  nothing  else  than  the  resurrection 
of  the  fleshly  body"  (p.  430).  The  body  of  Our 
Lord  was  raised  from  the  dead,  but  how  very  unjust 
this  accusation  is,  is  evident  from  such  a  passage 
as  1  Tim  3  16,  "And  without  controversy  great  is 
the  mystery  of  godliness; 

He  who  was  manifested  in  the  flesh. 

Justified  in  the  Spirit, 

Seen  of  angels, 

Preached  among  the  nations, 

Believed  on  in  the  world, 

Received  up  in  glory." 

Charges  of  this  nature  are  unsupported  by  evi- 
dence, and  are  of  the  kind  on  which  Dr.  A.  S.  Peake 
{A  Critical  Intro  to  the  NT,  71)  bases  his  rejection 
of  the  Pauline  authorship — except  for  a  Pauline 
nucleus — that  he  "feels  clear."  More  than  an  ipse 
dixit  of  this  sort  is  needed. 

The  theory  that  the  Pastoral  Epp.  are  based  upon 
genuine  letters  or  notes  of  Paul  to  Timothy  and 
Titus  is  thus  advocated  by  Peake,  McGiffert, 
Moffatt  and  many  others.  It  bears  very  hard  upon 
1  Tim.  "In  1  Tim  not  a  single  verse  can  be  indi- 
cated which  clearly  bears  the  stamp  of  Pauline 
origin"  (Peake,  op.  cit.,  70).  "We  may  fairly  con- 
clude then  in  agreement  with  many  modern  scholars 
that  we  have  here,  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.,  authentic 
letters  of  Paul  to  Timothy  and  Titus,  worked  over 
and  enlarged  by  another  hand"  (McGiffert,  op.  cit., 
405).  In  regard  to  1  Tim  he  writes,  "It  is  very 
likely  that  there  are  scattered  fragments  of  the  origi- 
nal ep.  in  1  Tim,  as  for  instance  in  ver  23.  But  it 
is  difficult  to  find  anything  which  we  can  be  con- 
fident was  written  by  Paul"  (p.  407). 

Dr.  McGiffert  also  alleges  that  in  the  Pastoral 
Epp.,  the  word  "faith"  "is  not  employed  in  its  pro- 
found Pauline  sense,  but  is  used  to  signify  one  of 
the  cardinal  virtues,  along  with  love,  peace,  purity, 
righteousness,  sanctifioation,  patience  and  meek- 
ness." One  of  the  Pauline  epp.,  with  which  he 
contrasts  the  Pastorals,  is  the  Ep.  to  the  Gal;  and 
the  groundlessness  of  this  charge  is  evident  from 
Gal  5  22,  where  "faith"  is  included  in  the  list  there 
given  of  the  fruit  of  the  Spirit,  along  with  love,  joy, 
peace,  Jongsuffering,  gentleness,  goodness,  meek- 
ness and  self-control. 

If  the  Pastoral  Epp.  are  the  work  of  Paul,  then.  Dr. 
McGiffert  concludes,  PaiU  had  given  up  that  form  of  the 
gospel  which  he  had  held  and  taught  throughout  his  life, 
anci  descended  from  the  lofty  religious  plane  upon  which 
he  had  always  moved,  to  the  level  of  mere  piety  and 
morality  (op.  cit.,  404).  But  this  charge  is  not  just  or 
reasonable,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  apostle  is  in- 
structing "Timothy  and  Titus  how  to  combat  the  views 
and  practices  of  immoral  teachers.  Or  again,  in  such 
a  passage  as  1  Tim  1  12-17  AV,  the  author  of  the  ep. 
has  not  descended  from  the  lofty  plane  of  faith  to  that  of 
mere  piety  and  morality,  when  he  writes,  "The  grace  of 
our  Lord  was  exceeding  abundant  with  faith  and  love 
which  is  in  Christ  Jesus.  This  is  a  faithful  saying,  and 
worthy  of  all  acceptation,  that  Christ  Jesus  came  into 
the  world  to  save  sinners;  of  whom  I  am  chief." 

If  such  be  the  "most  decisive"  objection  against  the 
Pauline  authorship,  the  other  difficulties,  as  already  seen, 
need  not  cause  alarm,  for  they  resolve  themselves  into 
the  equally  groundless  charges  that  the  historical  require- 
ments of  the  epp.  cannot  be  fitted  into  any  part  of  Paul's 
life,  and  that  the  doctrine  and  ecclesiasticaf  organization 


Pastoral  Epistles 
Patmos 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2262 


do  not  suit  ttie  Apostolic  age.     Thiese  objections  liave 
been  already  referred  to. 

Tlie  real  difflculty,  writes  Dr.  Peake  (.4.  Critical  Intro, 
68),  is  that  "tlie  old  energy  of  ttiought  and  expression  is 
gone,  and  tlie  greater  smoothness  and  continuity  in  the 
grammar  is  a  poor  compensation  for  the  lack  of  grip  and 
of  continuity  in  the  thought."  Dr.  Peake  well  and  triily 
says  that  this  statement  does  not  admit  of  detailed  proof. 
Lack  of  grip  and  lack  of  continuity  of  thought  are  not 
the  characteristics  of  such  passages  as  1  Tim  1  9-17,  a 
passage  which  wlU  bear  comparison  with  anything  in  the 
acknowledged  Pauline  Epp. ;  and  there  are  many  other 
similar  passages,  e.g.  Tit  2  11 — 3  7. 

What  must  be  said  of  the  dulness  of  the  intelli- 
gence of  Christian  men  and  of  the  Christian  church 
as  a  whole,  if  they  could  thus  let  themselves  be  im- 
posed upon  by  epp.  which  purported  to  be  Paul's, 
but  which  were  not  written  by  him  at  all,  but  were 
the  enlargement  of  a  Pauline  nucleus?  Can  it  be  be- 
heved  that  the  church  of  the  2d  cent.,  the  church  of 
the  martyrs,  was  in  such  a  state  of  mental  decrepi- 
tude as  to  receive  epp.  which  were  spurious,  so  far 
as  the  greater  portion  of  their  contents  is  concerned? 
And  can  it  be  believed  that  this  idea,  so  recently 
originated  and  so  destitute  of  proof,  is  an  adequate 
explanation  of  epp.  which  have  been  received  as 
PauUne  from  the  earliest  times? 

When  placed  side  by  side  Tsdth  sub-apostolic 
writings  like  the  Didache,  Clem.  Rom.,  Polycarp 
and  Ignatius,  "it  is  difficult  to  resist  the  idea  which 
returns  upon  one  ■ndth  almost  every  sentence  that 
....  the  Pastorals  are  astonishingly  superior" 
(Moffatt,  The  Historical  NT,  556).  Godet,  quoted 
by  R.  D.  Shaw  (The  Pauline  Epp.,  441),  writes, 
"When  one  has  had  enough  of  the  pious  amplifica- 
tions of  Clement  of  Rome,  of  the  ridiculous  inanities 
of  Barnabas,  of  the  general  oddities  of  Ignatius,  of 
the  well-meant  commonplaces  of  Polycarp,  of  the 
intolerable  verbiage  of  Hermae,  and  of  the  nameless 
platitudes  of  the  Didache,  and,  after  this  promenade 
in  the  first  decade  of  the  2d  cent.,  reverts  to  our 
Pastoral  Epp.,  one  will  measure  the  distance  that 
separates  the  least  striking  products  of  the  apostolic 
literature  from  what  has  been  preserved  to  us  as 
most  eminent  in  the  ancient  patristic  literature." 

In  the  case  of  some  modern  critics,  the  interpo- 
lation hypothesis  "is  their  first  and  last  appeal,  the 
easy  solution  of  any  difficulty  that  presents  itself 
to  their  imaginations.  Each  ■pTiter  feels  free  to 
give  the  kaleidoscope  a  fresh  turn,  and  then  records 
with  blissful   confidence  what  are  called  the  latest 

results The  whole  method  postulates  that 

a  writer  must  always  preserve  the  same  dull  mono- 
tone or  always  confine  himself  to  the  same  transcen- 
dental heights He  must  see  and  say  every- 
thing at  once ;  having  had  his  vision  and  his  dream, 
he  must  henceforth  be  like  a  star  and  dwell  apart. 
....  To  be  stercoty]ied  is  his  only  salvation. 
....  On  such  principles  there  is  not  a  WTiter  of 
note,  and  there  never  has  been  a  man  in  public  life, 
or  a  student  in  the  stream  of  a  progressive  science, 
large  parts  of  whose  sayings  and  doings  could  not 
be  proved  to  be  by  some  one  else"  (Shaw,  The  Paul- 
ine Epp.,  483). 

///.  Date  and  Order. — In  regard  to  the  date  of 
these  epp.,  external  and  internal  evidence  alike  go 
to  show  that  they  belong  to  practically 
1.  Date  of  the  same  period.  The  dates  of  their 
the  Epistles  composition  are  separated  from  each 
other  by  not  more  than  three  or  four 
years;  and  the  dates  of  each  and  all  of  them  must 
he  close  to  the  Neronic  persecution  (64  AD).  If 
Paul  was  executed  67  AD  (see  Ramsay,  St.  Paul, 
396),  there  is  only  a  short  interval  of  time  between 
his  release  in  61  or  62,  and  his  death  in  67,  that  is 
a  period  of  some  5  or  6  years,  during  which  his  later 
travels  took  place,  and  when  the  Pastoral  Epp.  were 
written.  "Between  the  three  letters  there  is  an 
affinity  of  language,  a  similarity  of  thought,  and  a 
likeness  of  errors  combtitcd,  which  prevents  our 


referring  any  of  them  to  a  period  much  earher  than 
the  others"  (Zahn,  Intro,  II,  37). 

The  order  in  which  they  were  written  must  have 
been  1  Tim,  Tit,  2  Tim.  It  is  universally  acknowl- 
edged that  2  Tim  is  the  very  last  of 
2.  Their  Paul's  extant  epp.,  and  the  internal 
Order  evidence  of  the  other  two  seems  to 

point  out  1  Tim  as  earlier  than  Tit. 

To  sum  up,  the  evidence  of  the  early  reception  of 
the  Pastoral  Epp.  as  Pauline  is  very  strong.  "The 
confident  denial  of  the  genuineness  of  these  letters — 
which  has  been  made  now  for  several  generations 
more  positively  than  in  the  case  of  any  other  Paul- 
ine epp. — has   no  support  from    tradition 

Traces  of  their  circulation  in  the  church  before  Mar- 
cion's  time  are  clearer  than  those  which  can  be  found 
for  Rom  and  2  Cor"  (Zahn,  op.  cit.,  II,  85).  The 
internal  evidence  shows  that  all  three  are  from  the 
hand  of  one  and  the  same  writer,  a  writer  who  makes 
many  personal  allusions  of  a  nature  which  it  would 
be  impossible  for  a  forger  to  invent.  It  is  generally 
allowed  that  the  personal  passages  in  2  Tim  1  IS- 
IS; 4  9-22  are  genuine.  But  ii  this  is  so,  then  it 
is  not  possible  to  cut  and  carve  the  epp.  into  frag- 
ments of  this  kind.  Objections  dating  only  a  cen- 
tury back  are  all  too  feeble  to  overturn  the  consistent 
marks  of  Pauline  authorship  found  in  all  three  epp., 
corroborated  as  this  is  by  their  reception  in  the 
church,  dating  from  the  very  earliest  period.  The 
Pastoral  Epp.  may  be  used  with  the  utmost  con- 
fidence, as  having  genuinely  come  from  the  hand  of 
Paul. 

LiTEBATuRE. — R.  D.  Shaw,  The  Pauline  Epp.;  A.  S. 
Peake,  A  Critical  Intro  to  the  NT;  A.  C.  McGiffert,  A 
History  of  Christianity  in  the  Apostolic  Age;  Theodor 
Zahn,  An  Intro  to  the  NT;  Marcus  Dods,  Intro  to  the 
NT;  Weiss,  Einleitung  in  das  NT  (ET);  C.  J.  EUicOtt, 
A  Critical  and  Grammatical  Comm.  on  the  Pastoral  Epp.; 
Patrick  Falrbairn,  The  Pastoral  Epp.;  John  Ed.  Huther, 
Critical  and  Exegetical  Handbook  of  the  Epp.  of  St.  Paul 
to  Timothy  and  Titus;  George  Salmon,  A  Historical 
Intro  to  the  Study  of  the  Books  of  the  NT;  James  Moffatt, 
The  Historical  NT;  Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT;  Adolf 
Jiilicher,  An  Intro  to  the  NT;  Caspar  Rene  Gregory, 
Canon  and  Text  of  the  NT. 

The  "lives"  of  Paul  may  also  be  consulted,  as  they 
contain  much  that  refers  to  these  epp.,  i.e.  those  by  Cony- 
beare  and  Howson,  Lewin,  Farrar  and  others.  See  also 
Ramsay's  St.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  the  Rom  Citizen. 

John  Rdtherfded 
PASTURAGE,    pas'tar-sj,    PASTURE,    pas'tlir. 
See  Sheep-tending. 

PATARA,  pat'a-ra  (rd  IldTapa,  td  Pdtara):  A 
coast  city  of  ancient  Lycia,  from  which,  according 
to  Acts  21  1,  Paul  took  a  ship  for  Phoenicia. 
Because  of  its  excellent  harbor,  many  of  the  coast 
trading  ships  stopped  at  Patara,  which  therefore 
became  an  important  and  wealthy  port  of  entry  to 
the  towns  of  the  interior.  As  early  as  440  BC  auton- 
omous coins  were  struck  there;  during  the  4th 
and  the  3d  cents,  the  coinage  was  interrupted,  but 
was  again  resumed  in  168  BC  when  Patara  joined 
the  Lycian  league.  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  enlarged 
the  city,  and  changed  its  name  to  Arsinoe  in  honor 
of  his  wife.  The  city  was  celebrated  not  only  as  a 
trading  center,  but  esp.  for  its  celebrated  oracle  of 
Apollo  which  is  said  to  have  spoken  only  during  the 
six  winter  months  of  the  year.  Among  the  ruins 
there  is  still  to  be  seen  a  deep  pit  with  circular  steps 
leading  to  a  seat  at  the  bottom;  it  is  supposed  that 
the  pit  is  the  place  of  the  oracle.  In  the  history  of 
early  Christianity,  Patara  took  but  little  part,  but 
it  was  the  home  of  a  bishop,  and  the  birthplace  of 
St.  Nicholas,  the  patron  saint  of  the  sailors  of  the 
E.  Though  born  at  Patara,  St.  Nicholas  was  a 
bishop  and  saint  of  Myra,  a  neighboring  Lycian 
city,  and  there  he  is  said  to  have  been  buried. 
Gelemish  is  the  modem  name  of  the  ruin.  The 
walls  of  the  ancient  city  may  still  be  traced,  and  the 
foundations  of  the  temple  and  castle  and  other 


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Pastoral  Epistles 
Patmos 


public  buildings  are  visible.  The  most  imposing 
of  the  ruins  is  a  triumphal  arch  bearing  the  in- 
scription: "Patara  the  Metropolis  of  the  Lycian 
Nation."  Outside  the  city  walls  many  sarcophagi 
may  be  seen,  but  the  harbor,  long  ago  choked  by 
sand,  has  been  converted  into  a  useless  swamp. 
See  also  Myra.  E.  J.  Banks 

PATE,  pat  Opip, ,  kodhlfodh) :  The  word  usually 
tr'i  "crown,"  "crown  of  the  head"  (Gen  49  26; 
Dt  28  35;  33  16.20;  2  S  14  25;  Job  2  7;  Isa 
3  17;  Jer  2  16;  48  45)  and  "scalp"  (Ps  68  21) 
is  rendered  "pate"  in  Ps  7  16  in  agreement  with 
earlier  Eng.  translators  since  Coverdale:  "His  mis- 
chief shall  return  upon  his  own  head,  and  his  violence 
shall  come  down  upon  his  own  pate."  The  reason 
for  the  choice  of  the  word  lies  evidently  in  the  desire 
to  make  the  Heb  parallelism  with  "head"  (ro'sh) 
apparent.  The  same  object  has,  however,  been 
achieved  differently  in  another  poetical  passage 
(Gen  49  26  ||  Dt  33  16),  viz.  by  the  juxtaposition 
of  "head"  and  "crown  of  the  head." 

H.    L.    E.    LUERING 

PATH,  path,  PATHWAY,  path'wa  (nnS< ,  'orah, 
nSTip,  n'lhlbhdh,  etc;  rpcpos,  tribos,  rpoxiii, 
trochid) : 

(1)  In  the  OT. — In  addition  to  its  obvious  literal 
sense  (e.g.  Gen  49  17),  it  has  very  frequently  a 
figurative  meaning,  (a)  As  applied  to  man,  a  course 
or  manner  of  hfe:  (i)  man's  outward  lot  in  life,  his 
career  or  destiny,  whether  of  the  just  man  (Isa  28 
7)  or  of  the  ungodly  (Job  8  13) ;  (ii)  frequently  in 
an  ethical  sense,  of  men's  conduct  or  inward  life- 
purpose,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil  (e.g.  Prov  2  15), 
generally  accompanied  by  a  term  defining  the  moral 
quality  of  the  conduct,  either  an  abstract  noun  (e.g. 

the  paths  of  uprightness,"  Prov  2  13;  4  11;  "the 
paths  of  justice,"  Prov  2  8;  Isa  40  14;  "the  paths 
of  life,"  Ps  16  11;  Prov  2  19),  or  a  concrete  adj. 
or  noun  (e.g.  "crooked  paths,"  Isa  59  8;  "the  paths 
of  the  righteous,"  Prov  2  20;  4  18).  (6)  The 
term  is  also  appHedto  God  either  (i)  of  the  methods 
of  the  Divine  Providence,  God's  dealings  with  men 
(Ps  25  10;  65  11),  or  (ii)  of  the  principles  and 
maxims  of  religion  and  morality  Divinely  revealed 
to  man  ("Show  me  thy  ways,  O  Jeh,  teach  me  thy 
paths,"  Ps  25  4;  cflsa  2  3). 

(2)  In  the  Apoc  we  have  the  "paths"  of  Wisdom 
(tribos,  Bar  3  21.31);  the  "path"  shown  to  men 
by  the  Law  (semila,  2  Esd  14  22);  and  a  man's 
"paths"  (tribos,  Tob  4  10). 

(3)  In  the  NT  the  word  occurs  only  in  Mt  3  3  and 
II  passages  Mk  13;  Lk  3  4  (of  the  forerunner's 
work),  and  in  He  12  13  (in  the  OT  ethical  sense). 

Pathway  occurs  in  Prov  12  28  (derekh  n'thlbhah) 
and  Wisd  5  10  (airapds).     See  Way. 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 

PATHEUS,  pa-the'us  (Haeatos,  Pathaios,  *tt- 
9atos,  Phathaios):  One  of  the  Levites  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (1  Esd  9  23)=  "Pethahiah" 
of  Ezr  10  23. 

PATHROS,  path'ros  (OiirB,  -pathroij;  Egyp 
Pata  resii,  the  "South  land";  LXX  yf\  HaBoupfis, 
g^  Pathourts) :  The  Heb  form  of  the  Egyp  name  for 
Upper  Egypt  (Isa  11  11;  Jer  44  1.15;  Ezk  29  14; 
30  14). 

PATHRUSIM.path-roo'sim,  path-ru'sim  CP-inE) , 
pathru^i,  "an  inhabitant  of  Pathros";  LXX  ol 
IIaTpoo-<6viEi|ji,  hoi  Patrosonieim) :  The  branch  of  the 
Egyptians  who  came  from  Pathros  (q.v.).  They 
are  represented  as  begotten  of  Mizraim,  "Mizraim 
begat  Zudim  ....  and  Pathrusim"  (Gen  10  13  f; 
1  Ch  1  11  f). 


PATIENCE,  pa'shens  (vitoy.ovi\,  hupomont,  |j.aK- 
poBuixCo,  makrothumia) :  "Patience"  imphes  suffer- 
ing, enduring  or  waiting,  as  a  determination  of  the 
will  and  not  simply  under  necessity.  As  such  it  is 
an  essential  Christian  virtue  to  the  exorcise  of  which 
there  are  many  exhortations.  We  need  to  "wait 
patiently"  for  God,  to  endure  uncomplainingly  the 
various  forms  of  sufferings,  wrongs  and  evils  that 
we  meet  with,  and  to  bear  patiently  injustices  which 
we  cannot  remedy  and  provocations  we  cannot 
remove. 

The  word  "patience"  does  not  occur  in  the  OT, 
but  we  have  "patiently"  in  Ps  40  1  as  the  tr  of 
kawah,  "to  wait,"  "to  expect,"  which  word  fre- 
quently expresses  the  idea,  esp.  that  of  waiting  on 
God;  in  Ps  37  7,  "patiently"  ("wait  patiently") 
is  the  tr  of  hul,  one  of  the  meanings  of  which  is  "to 
wait"  or  "to  hope  for"  or  "to  expect"  (cf  Job  35 
14);  "patient"  occurs  (Eccl  7  8)  as  the  tr  of  'erekh 
rWh,  "long  of  spirit,"  and  (Job  6  11)  "that  I  should 
be  patient"  (ha'drlkh  nephesh).  Cf  "impatient" 
(Job  21  4). 

"Patience"  occurs  frequently  in  the  Apoc,  esp.  in 
Ecclus,  e.g.  2  14;  16  13;  17  24;  41  2  (hupomone); 
5  11  (makrothumia);  29  8  (makrothumeo,  RV  "long 
suffering");  in  Wisd  2  19,  the  Gr  word  is  anexi- 
kakla. 

In  the  NT  hupomone  carries  in  it  the  ideas  of 
endurance,  continuance  (Lk  8  15;  21  19;  Rom  5 
3.4,  ARV  "stedfastness";  8  25,  etc). 

In  all  places  ARVm  has  "stedfastness,"  except  Jas 
5  11,  where  it  has  "endurance";  makrothumia  is  trd 
"patience"  (He  6  12;  Jas  5  10);  makrothumeo,  "to 
bear  long"  (Mt  18  26.29;  Jas  5  7;  seeLoNasuFFERiNG) ; 
the  same  vb.  is  tr''  "be  patient"  (1  Thess  5  14,  RV 
" iongsuftering " ;  Jas  6  7.8,  AV  and  RV  "patient"); 
makrothumos,  "patiently"  (Acts  26  3);  hupomSno 
(1  Pet  2  20);  anexikakos  Is  tr^  "patient"  (2  Tim  2 
24,  RV,  AVm,  "forbearing");  epieikis,  "gentle"  (1 
Tim  3  3,  RV  "gentle");  hupomeno  (Rom  12  12,  "pa- 
tient in  tribiilation").  For  "the  patient  waiting  for 
Christ"  (2  Thess  3  5),  RV  has  "the  patience  of  Christ." 

Patience  is  often  hard  to  gain  and  to  maintain, 
but,  in  Rom  15  5,  God  is  called  "the  God  of  pa- 
tience" (ARVm  "stedfastness")  as  being  able  to 
grant  that  grace  to  those  who  look  to  Him  and  de- 
pend on  Him  for  it.  It  is  in  reliance  on  God  and 
acceptance  of  His  will,  with  trust  in  His  goodness, 
wisdom  and  faithfulness,  that  we  are  enabled  to 
endure  and  to  hope  stedfastly.     See  also  God. 

W.  L.  Walker 

PATMOS,  pat'mos  (ndT|ios,  Pdtmos;  Ital.  San 
Giovanni  di  Patino) :  A  Turkish  island  of  the  group 
Sporades,  S.W.  of  Samos,  mentioned  once  in  the 
Bible,  Rev  1  9,  "I,  John  ....  was  in  the  isle  that 
is  called  Patmos,  for  the  word  of  God  and  the  testi- 
mony of  Jesus"  (5ta  rbp  "Kbyov  rod  deoO  Kal  ttjv  ixap- 
Tvplay  'Ii)(roO,  did  tdn  Idgon  tou  theou  kai  tin  marturian 
lesou).  The  island  is  10  miles  long,  and  about  6 
broad  along  the  northern  coast.  It  is  for  the  most 
part  rocky.  The  highest  part  is  Mt.  St.  Elias,  which 
rises  to  a  height  of  over  800  ft.  As  in  Greece,  and 
in  the  adjacent  mainland  of  Asia  Minor,  the  land  is 
treeless.  Near  the  city  of  Patmos  there  is  a  good 
harbor.  A  famous  monastery,  St.  Christodulos,  was 
founded  on  the  island  in  1088.  Near  this  is  a  thriv- 
ing school,  attended  by  students  from  all  parts  of  the 
Archipelago.  The  population  of  the  island  numbers 
3,000,  almost  entirely  Gr.  The  ancient  capital  was 
on  an  isthmus  between  the  inlets  of  La  Scala  and 
Mcrika.  Many  ruins  can  still  be  seen.  The  huge 
walls  of  Cyclopean  masonry,  similar  to  those  at 
Tiryns,  attest  their  great  age.  In  Rom  times 
Patmos  was  one  of  the  many  places  to  which  Rome 
banished  her  exiles.  In  95  AD,  according  to  a  tra- 
dition preserved  by  Irenaeus,  Eusebius,  Jerome 
and  others,  St.  John  was  exiled  here — in  the  14th 
year  of  the  reign  of  Domitian — whence  he  returned 
to  Ephesus  under  Nerva  (96  AD).     The  cave  in 


Patriarch 

Paul,  the  Apostle 


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which  he  is  said  to  have  seen  his  visions  is  still 
pointed  out  to  the  traveler.  Only  a  small  part  of 
the  once  vahiable  library  in  the  monastery  of  St. 
Christodulos  is  left.  Just  100  years  ago  (1814) 
Mr.  E.  D.  Clark  purchased  here  the  manuscript  of 
Plato  which  is  now  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  the  cele- 
brated Clarkianus,  a  parchment  written  in  the  year 
895,  and  admittedly  the  best  of  all  for  the  1st  of  the 
2  vols  into  which  the  works  of  Plato  were  divided  for 
convenience.  Patmos  is  mentioned  by  Thucydides 
(iii.33),  by  Pliny  (NH,  iv.23),  and  by  Strabo  (x.5). 
See  also  John  the  Apostle;  Revelation  of  John. 

LlTER.^TURE. — Tozer.  The  Ixlnnds  of  the  Aegean  (1800). 
178-95;  Walpole.  Turkey  (London,  1820),  II.  43;  E.  D. 
Clark,  Travels  (London,  1818),  VI,  2;  Ross,  Reisen 
(Stuttgart,  1840),  II;  Guerin,  Deseription  de  Vile  de 
PalmOS  (Paris,  1856). 

J.  E.  Harry 
PATRIARCH,  pa'tri-iirk,  PATRIARCHS  (ira- 
TpidpxTis,  patridrches) :  The  word  occurs  in  the  NT 
in  appUcation  to  Abraham  (He  7  4),  to  the  sons  of 
Jacobs  (Acts  7  8.9),  and  to  David  (Acts  2  29). 
In  LXX  it  is  used  as  the  equivalent  of  the  head  of 
the  fathers' house,  or  of  a  tribe  (1  Ch  24  31;  27  32; 
2  Ch  26  12).  Commonly  now  the  term  is  used  of 
the  persons  whose  names  appear  in  the  genealogies 
and  covenant-histories  in  the  periods  preceding 
Moses  (Gen  5,  11,  histories  of  Noah,  Abraham, 
Isaac,  Jacob,  etc;  of  "patriarchal  dispensation"). 
The  problems  connected  with  the  longevity  ascribed 
to  the  patriarchs  in  the  genealogies  and  narratives 
in  Gen  are  dealt  with  in  special  articles.  See  Ante- 
diluvian Patriarchs;  Antediluvians;  Gene- 
alogy. James  Orr 

PATRIARCHS,  TESTAMENTS  OF  THE 
TWELVE.     See  Apocalyptic  Literature,  IV,  1. 

PATRIMONY,  pat'ri-m6-ni  (nllSn,  ha-'dbhoth, 
"the  fathers"):  A  word  occurring  once  in  EV  (Dt 
18  8),  meaning  lit.  "the  fathers,"  which,  however, 
is  obscure,  probably  by  reason  of  abbreviation  for 
some  phrase,  e.g.  "house  of  the  fathers."  It  may 
indicate  "some  private  source  of  income  possessed 
by  the  Levite  [who  has  come  up  from  a  country 
district  to  the  central  sanctuary]  distinct  from  what 
he  receives  as  a  priest  officiating  at  the  central 
sanctuary"  (Driver,  "Dt,"  ICC,  in  loc).  Beyond 
this  one  occurrence  of  the  word  the  same  idea  is 
conveyed  often  by  other  words  or  phrases:  "He 
divided  unto  them  his  hving"  (Lk  15  13);  "Teach- 
er, bid  my  brother  divide  the  inheritance  with  me" 
(Lk  12  13).  Full  and  specific  directions  were  given 
in  the  Law  for  the  division  of  the  patrimony  (Nu 
27;  Dt  21,  etc)  and  for  its  redemption  (Ruth  4 
1-12).  The  idea  was  frequently  used  with  figura- 
tive and  spiritual  application:  the  land  of  Canaan 
was  Israel's  patrimony,  being  inherited  from  Jeh 
(Ps  105  11);  salvation  because  of  its  origin  in 
grace  was  the  believer's  patrimony  (Gal  3  26 — 4  7). 
Contrariwise  Israel  was  Jeh's  inheritance  (Isa  19 
25;  63  14;  cf  Ps  33  12);  and  the  whole  earth  is 
the  Messiah's  patrimony,  inherited  from  His  Eter- 
nal Father  (Ps  2  8).  See  Birthright;  Family; 
Inheritance;  Property.  Edward  Mack 

PATROBAS,  pat'ro-bas  (IXarpapas,  Patrobas): 
The  name  of  a  member  of  the  Christian  community 
at  Rome  to  whom  Paul  sent  greetings  (Rom  16  14). 
The  name  is  an  abbreviated  form  of  "Patrobius." 
There  was  a  wealthy  freedman  of  Nero  of  the  same 
name  who  was  put  to  death  by  Galba  (Tac.  Hist. 
i.49;  ii.95).  The  Patrobas  of  St.  Paul  may  have 
been  a  dependent  of  his. 

PATROCLUS,  pa-tro'klus  (HAtpokKos,  Pdtro- 
klos) :  The  father  of  the  Syrian  general  Nicanor 
(2  Mace  8  9). 


PATTERN,  pat'ern  (rii:3ri,  lahhnUh,  "model," 
riS"]^ ,  niar'eh,  "a  vision"  or  "view"):  The  OT 
words  tr"*  "pattern"  do  not  necessarily  indicate  a 
drawing  such  as  a  modern  constructor  begins  with, 
or  the  patterns  made  from  these  drawings  for  the 
guidance  of  workmen.  In  Ex  25  9.40  the  word 
"idea"  or  "suggestion"  would  possibly  indicate  more 
distinctly  than  "pattern"  what  Moses  received  in 
regard  to  the  building  of  the  tabernacle,  etc.  It  ia 
doubtful  if  any  architect's  drawing  was  ever  made 
of  the  temple.  It  is  not  the  custom  in  Pal  and 
Syria  today  to  work  from  any  pattern  more  con- 
crete than  an  idea.  A  man  who  wants  a  house  calls 
the  builder  and  says  he  wants  to  build  so  many 
rooms  of  such  and  such  dimensions  with,  for  ex- 
ample, a  court  10  drahs  (arm's  lengths)  wide  and 
15  drahs  long,  made  of  sandstone  and  plastered 
inside  and  out.  With  these  meager  instructions  the 
builder  starts.  The  details  are  worked  out  as  the 
building  proceeds.  When  a  piece  of  iron  or  brass 
work  is  to  be  made,  the  customer  by  gestures  with 
his  hands  outlines  the  form  the  piece  should  take. 
"I  want  it  haik  wa  haik"  ("thus  and  thus"),  he  says, 
and  leaves  the  metal  worker  to  conceive  the  exact 
form.  It  is  probable  that  directions  similar  to 
these  were  given  by  David  to  Solomon.  "Then 
David  gave  Solomon  his  son  the  pattern  [his  con- 
ception] of  the  porch  of  the  temple,"  etc  (1  Ch  28 
11).  The  above  does  not  apply  to  Gr  and  Rom 
work  in  Syria.  Their  workmen,  probably  mostly 
native,  were  trained  to  work  from  models.  Wil- 
liams in  the  Architect,  January,  1913,  says  of  the 
works  at  Baalbek  and  Palmyra,  '  'There  is  a  machine- 
like resemblance  betokening  slavish  copying."  At 
the  present  time  native  workmen  coming  under 
the  influence  of  foreigners  are  beginning  to  work 
from  models  and  plans,  but  they  show  little  tend- 
ency to  create  models  of  their  own. 

Three  Gr  words  have  been  tr"*  in  the  NT:  ti/ttos, 
tiipos,  "type,"  occurs  in  Tit  2  7  and  He  8  5.  In 
the  first  instance  RV  reads  "ensample."  inroTi- 
TTiocrii,  hupotuposis,  "outline,"  has  been  similarly 
tr'i  in  1  Tim  1  16,  but  "pattern"  in  2  Tim  1  13. 
In  He  9  24  ARV  avTlrvwos,  antitupos,  is  rendered 
"like  in  pattern."  inrbSeiyiia,  hupodeigma,  AV 
"pattern,"  is  tr'^  in  ARV  "copy"  (He  8  5)j  "copies" 
(He  9  23).  At  the  time  of  the  tr  of  AV  the  word 
"pattern"  meant  either  the  thing  to  be  copied  or 
the  copy.  James  A.  Patch 

PAU,  pa'n.     See  Pai. 

PAUL,  pol,  THE  APOSTLE: 

I.     Sources 
1     Th6  Acts 
2.'  The  Thirteen  Epistles 

(1)  Pauline  Authorship 

(2)  Lightfoot's  Grouping 

(a)  First  Group  (1  and  2  Thess) 

(b)  Second  Group  (1  and  2  Cor,  Gal,  Rom) 

(c)  Third  Group  (Phil,  Philem,  Col.  Eph) 

(d)  Fourth  Group  (1  Tim,  Tit,  2  Tim) 

(3)  Paul's  Conception  of  His  Epistles 

(4)  Development  in  Paul's  Epistles 
II.     Modern  Theories  about  Paul 

1.  Criticism  Not  Inlallible 

2.  The  Tubingen  Theory 

3.  Protest  against  Baur's  View 

4.  Successors  to  Baur 

5.  Appeal  to  Comparative  Religion 

6.  The  Eschatological  Interpretation 

III.  Chronology  of  Paul's  Career 

1.  Schemes 

2.  Crucial  Points 

(1)  The  Death  ot  Stephen 

(2)  The  Flight  from  Damascus 

(3)  The  Death  ot  Herod  Agrippa  I 

(4)  The  First  Mission  Tour 

(5)  The  First  Visit  to  Corinth 

(6)  Paul  at  Troas  according  to  Acts  20  0  f 

(7)  Festus  Succeeding  Felix 

IV.  Equipment 

1.  The  City  of  Tarsus 

2.  Roman  Citizenship 


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Patriarch 

Paul,  the  Apostle 


V. 


3.  Hellenism 

4.  The  Mystery-Religions 

5.  Judaism 

6.  Personal  Characteristics 

(1)  Personal  Appearance 

(2)  Natural  Endowments 

(3)  Supernatural  Gifts 

7.  Conversion 

(1)  Preparation 

(2)  Experience 

(3)  Effect  on  Paul 
Work 


Adjustment 

Opposition 

Waiting 

Opportunity 

The  First  Great  Mission  Campaign 

The  Conflict  at  Jerusalem 

The  Second  Mission  Campaign 

The  Third  Mission  Campaign 

Five  Years  a  Prisoner 

Further  Travels 

Last  Imprisonment  and  Death 


1 

2 

3 

4, 

5 

6 

7, 

8, 

9 

10 

11 

"VI.     Gospel 

Literature 

/.  Sources. — For  discussion  of  the  historical  value 
of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  see  the  art.  on  that  sub- 
ject.    It  is  only  necessary  to  say  here 

1.  The  Acts  that  the  view  of  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay 

in  general  is  accepted  as  to  the  trust- 
worthiness of  Luke,  whose  authorship  of  the  Acts 
is  accepted  and  proved  by  Harnack  {Die  Apostel- 
geschichte,  1908;  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  tr  by 
Wilkinson,  1909;  Neue  Untersuch.  zur  Ap.,  1911; 
The  Date  of  the  Acts  and  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
tr  by  Wilkinson,  1911).  The  proof  need  not  be 
given  again.  The  same  hand  appears  in  the  "we"- 
seetions  and  the  rest  of  the  book.  Even  Moffatt 
(Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT,  311)  admits  the  Lukan 
authorship  though  dating  it  in  100  AD  instead  of 
60-62  AD,  against  Harnack.  The  Acts  is  written 
independently  of  the  Epp.  of  Paul,  whether  early  or 
late,  and  supplements  in  a  wonderful  way  the  inci- 
dental references  in  the  epp.,  though  not  without 
lacunae  and  difficulties. 

(1)  Pauline  authorship. — See  the  articles  on  each 
ep.  for  detailed  criticism.     It  is  here  assumed  that 

the  Ep.  to  the  He  was  not  written  by 

2.  The  Paul,  though  Pauline  in  point  of  view. 
Thirteen  One  cannot  stop  to  prove  every  state- 
Epistles          ment  in  an  article  like  this,  else  a  large 

book  would  be  needed.  Criticism  is  not 
an  infallible  science.  One  can  turn  easily  from  the 
Hatch- Van  Manen  art.  on  "Paul"  in  EB  (1902)  to 
the  Maclean  art.  on  "Paul  the  Apostle"  in  the  1-vol 
HDB  (1909).  Van  Manen's  part  of  the  one  denies 
all  the  thirteen,  while  Maclean  says:  "We  shall, 
in  what  follows,  without  hesitation  use  the  thirteen 
epp.  as  genuine."  It  is  certain  that  Paul  wrote  more 
epp.,  or  "letters,"  as  Deissmann  (Light  from  the 
Ancient  East,  225)  insists  on  calling  all  of  Paul's 
epp.  Certainly  Philem  is  a  mere  "letter,"  but  it  is 
difBcult  to  say  as  much  about  Rom.  Deissmann 
(St.  Paul,  22)  admits  that  portions  of  Rom  are  like 
"an  epistolary  letter."  At  any  rate,  when  Moffatt 
(Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT,  64-82)  carefully  justifies 
the  Pauline  authorship  of  both  1  and  2  Thess,  it  is 
clear  that  the  case  against  them  cannot  be  very 
strong,  esp.  as  Moffatt  stands  out  against  the  genu- 
ineness of  Eph  (op.  cit.,  393)  and  the  Pastoral  Epp. 
(p.  414). 

Bartlet,  who  was  once  at  a  loss  to  know  what  to  do 
with  the  Pastorals  on  the  theory  that  Paul  was  not 
released  from  the  Rom  imprisonment  (Apostolic  Age, 
1899  200),  is  now  quite  willing  to  face  the  new  facts  set 
forth  by  Ramsay  (Expos,  VII.  viii-ix.  VIII.  i),  even 
if  it  means  the  admission  of  a  second  Rom  imprisonment, 
a  view  that  Bartlet  had  opposed.  He  now  pleads  for 
"the  fresh  approach  from  the  side  of  experience,  by 
men  who  are  in  touch  with  the  realities  of  human  nature 
in  all  its  variety,  as  weU  as  at  home  in  the  historical 
background  of  society  in  the  early  Rom  empire,  that  has 
renovated  the  study  of  them  and  taken  it  out  of  the  old 
ruts  of  criticism  in  which  it  has  moved  for  the  most  part 
in  modern  times"  (Expos,  January,  1913,  29).  Here 
Bartlet,    again,    now   eloquently    presents    the    view   of 


common-sense  criticism  as  seen  by  the  practical  mission- 
ary better  than  by  a  life  "spent  amid  the  academic  asso- 
ciations of  a  professor's  chair,"  though  he  pauses  to  note 
as  an  exception  Professor  P.  Gardner's  The  Rdioious 
Experience  of  St.  Paul  (1912).  We  may  quote  Bartlet 
once  more  (£^xpo3,  January,  1913,30):  "  In  the  recovery 
of  a  true  point  of  view  a  vital  element  has  been  the  newer 
conception  of  Paul  himself  and  so  of  Paulinism.  Paul 
the  doctrinaire  theologian,  or  at  least  the  prophet  of  a 
one-sided  gospel  repeated  with  fanatical  uniformity  of 
emphasis  under  all  conditions,  has  largely  given  place 
to  Paul  the  missionary,  full  indeed  of  inspired  insight 
on  the  basis  of  a  unique  experience,  but  also  of  practical 
instinct,  the  offspring  of  sympathy  with  living  men  of 
other  types  of  training.  When  the  Pastorals  are  viewed 
anew  in  the  light  of  this  idea,  half  their  difficulties  dis- 
appear." One  need  not  adopt  Deissmann's  rather  ar- 
tificial insistence  on  ' '  letters ' '  rather  than  "  epistles, ' '  and 
his  undue  depreciation  of  Paul's  intellectual  caliber  and 
culture  as  being  more  like  Amos  than  Origen  (,S(.  Paul, 
1912,  6),  in  order  to  see  the  force  of  this  contention  for 
proper  understanding  of  the  social  environment  of  Paul. 
Against  Van  Manen's  "historical  Paul"  who  wrote 
nothing,  he  places  "the  historic  Paul "  who  possibly  wrote 
all  thirteen.  "There  is  really  no  trouble  except  wdth  the 
letters  to  Timothy  and  Titus,  and  even  there  the  diffi- 
culties are  perhaps  not  quite  so  great  as  many  of  our 
specialists  assume"  {.St.  Paul,  15).  See  Pastoral 
Epistles.  Deissmann  denies  sharply  that  Paul  was  an 
"obscurantist"  who  corrupted  the  gospel  of  Jesus,  "the 
dregs  of  doctrinaire  study  of  St.  Paul,  mostly  in  the  tired 
brains  of  gifted  amateurs"  (p.  4).  But  A.  Schweitzer 
boldly  proclaims  that  he  alone  has  the  key  to  Paul  and 
Jesus.  It  is  the  "exclusively  Jewish  eschatologicai " 
(Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  1912,  ix)  conception  of 
Christ's  gospel  that  furnishes  Schweitzer's  spring-board 
(The  Quest  of  the  Historical  Jesus).  Thus  he  will  be  able 
to  explain  "the  Heiienization  of  the  gospel"  as  mediated 
tlirough  Paul.  To  do  that  Schweitzer  plows  his  weary 
way  from  Grotius  to  Holtzmann,  and  finds  that  they  have 
all  wandered  into  the  wilderness.  He  is  positive  that 
his  eschatologicai  discovery  will  rescue  Paul  and  some  of 
his  epp.  from  the  ruin  wrought  by  Steck  and  Van  Manen, 
to  whose  arguments  modern  criticism  has  notliing  solid 
to  offer,  and  the  meager  negative  crumbs  offered  by 
Schweitzer  ougiit  to  be  thankfully  received  (ib,  249). 

(2)  Lightfoot's  grouping  (cf  Bib.  Essays,  224). — 
There  is  doubt  as  to  the  position  of  Gal.  Some 
advocates  of  the  South-Galatian  theory  make  it  the 
very  earliest  of  Paul's  Epp.,  even  before  the  Jerus 
Conference  in  Acts  15.  So  Emmet,  Coram,  on 
Gal  (1912),-ix,  who  notes  (Preface)  that  his  comm. 
is  the  first  to  take  this  position.  But  the  North- 
Galatian  view  still  has  the  weight  of  authority  in 
spite  of  Ramsay's  powerful  advocacy  in  his  various 
books  (see  Hist.  Comm.  on  Gal),  as  is  shown  by 
Moffatt,  Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT,  90  ff.  Hence 
Lightfoot's  grouping  is  still  the  best  to  use. 

(a)  First  Group:  1  and  2  Thess,  from  Corinth, 
52-53  AD.  Harnaok's  view  that  2  Thess  is  ad- 
dressed to  a  Jewish  Christian  church  in  Thessalonica 
while  1  "Thess  is  addressed  to  a  gentile  church  is 
accepted  by  Lake  (Earlier  Epp.  of  St.  Paul,  1911, 
83  ff),  but  Frame  (ICC,  1912,  54)  sees  no  need  for 
this  hypothesis.  Milligan  is  clear  that  1  Thess 
precedes  2  Thess  (Comm.,  1908,  xxxix)  and  is  the 
earliest  of  Paul's  Epp.  (p.  xxxvi).  The  accent  on 
eschatology  is  in  accord  with  the  position  of  the 
early  disciples  in  the  opening  chapters  of  Acts. 
They  belong  to  Paul's  stay  in  Corinth  recorded  in 
Acts  18. 

(h)  Second  Group:  1  Cor,  2  Cor,  Gal,  Rom, 
55-58  AD.  This  is  the  great  doctrinal  group,  the 
four  chief  epp.  of  Baur.  They  turn  about  the 
Judaizing  controversy  which  furnishes  the  occasion 
for  the  expansion  of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  in  opposition  to  the  legahstic  contention  of  the 
Judaizing  Christians  from  Jerus  (Acts  15  1-3; 
Gal  2  1-10).  The  dates  of  these  epp.  are  not  per- 
fectly clear.  1  Cor  was  written  shortly  before  the 
close  of  Paul's  3  years'  stay  at  Ephesus  (Acts  20 
31;  1  Cor  16  8;  Acts  20  If).  2  Cor  was  written 
a  few  months  later  while  he  was  in  Macedonia  (2  13 ; 
7  5.13;  8  16-24).  Rom  was  written  from  Corinth 
(16  23;  Acts  20  2  f )  and  sent  by  Phoebe  of  Ccn- 
chreae  (Rom  16  1).  The  integrity  of  Rom  is 
challenged  by  some  who  deny  in  particular  that 
ch  16  belongs  to  the  ep.     Moffatt  (Intro,  134-38) 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2266 


gives  an  able,  but  unconvincing,  presentation  of  the 
arguments  for  tiie  addition  of  the  chapter  by  a  later 
hand.  Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  19)  calls  Rom  16  "a 
little  letter"  addressed  to  the  Christians  at  Ephesus. 
Von  Soden  (Hist  of  Early  Christian  Lit.,  78) 
easily  justifies  the  presence  of  Rom  16  in  the  Ep. 
to  the  Rom:  "These  greetings,  moreover,  were  cer- 
tainly intended  by  St.  Paul  to  create  bonds  of 
fellowship  between  the  Pauline  Christians  and  the 
Rom  community,  and  to  show  that  he  had  not 
written  to  them  quite  exclusively  in  his  own  name." 
A  common-sense  explanation  of  Paul's  personal  ties 
in  Rome  is  the  fact  that  as  the  center  of  the  world's 
life  the  city  drew  people  thither  from  all  parts  of 
the  earth.  So  today  many  a  man  has  friends  in 
New  York  or  London  who  has  never  been  to  either 
city.  A  much  more  serious  controversy  rages  as 
to  the  integrity  of  2  Cor.  Semler  took  2  Cor  10- 
13  to  be  a  separate  and  later  ep.,  because  of  its 
difference  in  tone  from  2  Cor  1-9,  but  Hausrath 
put  it  earlier  than  chs  1-9,  and  made  it  the  letter 
referred  to  in  2  4.  He  has  been  followed  by  many 
scholars  like  Schmiedel,  Cone,  McGiffert,  Bacon, 
Moffatt,  Kennedy,  Rendall,  Peake,  Plummer. 
Von  Soden  (Hist  of  Early  Christian  Lit.,  50) 
accepts  the  partition-theory  of  2  Cor  heartily:  "It 
may  be  shown  with  the  highest  degree  of  probability 
that  this  letter  has  come  down  to  us  in  2  Cor  10 
1 — 13  10."  But  the  unity  of  the  ep.  on  the  theory 
that  the  change  in  tone  is  a  climax  to  the  disobe- 
dient element  of  the  church  is  still  maintained  with 
force  and  justice  by  Klopper,  Zahn,  Bachmann, 
Denney,  Bernard,  A.  Robertson,  Weiss,  Menzies. 
The  place  of  the  writing  of  Gal  turns  on  its  date. 
Lightfoot  (in  loc.)  argues  for  Corinth,  since  it  was 
probably  written  shortly  before  Rom.  But  Moffatt 
(Intro,  102)  holds  tentatively  to  Ephesus,  soon  after 
Paul's  arrival  there  from  Galatia.  So  he  gives  the 
order:  Gal,  1  and  2  Cor,  Rom.  In  so  much  doubt 
it  is  well  to  follow  Lightfoot's  logical  argument. 
Gal  leads  naturally  to  Rom,  the  one  hot  and  passion- 
ate, the  other  calm  and  contemplative,  but  both  on 
the  same  general  theme. 

(c)  Third  group:  Phil,  Philem,  Col,  Eph.  Date 
61-6.3,  unless  Paul  reached  Rome  several  years 
earlier.  This  matter  depends  on  the  date  of  the 
coming  of  Festus  to  succeed  Felix  (Acts  24  27). 
It  was  once  thought  to  be  60  AD  beyond  any  doubt, 
but  the  whole  matter  is  now  uncertain.  See 
"Chronology,"  III,  2,  (2),  below.  At  any  rate  these 
four  epp.  were  written  during  the  first  Rom  impris- 
onment, assuming  that  he  was  set  free. 

But  it  must  be  noted  that  quite  a  respectable  group  of 
scholars  hold  that  one  or  all  of  those  epp.  were  written 
from  Caesarca  (Schultz,  Thiersch,  Meyer,  Hausrath, 
Sabatier,  Reuss,  Weiss,  Haupt,  Spitta,  McPherson, 
Hicks).  But  the  arguments  are  more  specious  than 
convincing.  See  Hort,  Rom  and  Eph,  101-10.  There 
is  a  growing  opinion  that  Philem,  Col  and  Eph  were 
written  from  Ephesus  during  a  possible  imprisonment 
in  Paul's  stay  of  3  years  there.  So  Deissmann  (Light 
from  the  Ancient  East,  229;  iS(.  Paul,  16):  St.  Lisco 
(Vincula  Sanctorum,  1900);  M.  Albertz  {Theol.  Studien 
undKritiken,  1910,  551  fl);  B.  W.  Bacon  (Journal  of  Bib. 
Li^,  1910,  ISlfl).  The  strongest  argument  for  this  posi- 
tion is  that  Patil  apparently  did  not  know  personally  the 
readers  of  Eph  (1  15);  of  also  Col  1  4.  But  this  ob- 
jection need  not  apply  if  the  so-called  EphesianEp.  was 
a  circular  letter  and  if  Paul  did  not  visit  Colossae  and 
Laodicea  during  his  .3  years  at  Ephesus.  The  theory  is 
more  attractive  at  lirst  than  on  reflection.  It  throws 
this  group  before  Bom — a  difBcult  view  to  concede. 

But  even  so,  the  order  of  these  epp.  is  by  no 
means  certain.  It  is  clear  that  Philem,  Col  and 
Eph  were  sent  together.  Tychicus  was  the  bearer 
of^Col  (4  7f)  and  Eph  (6  21  f).  Onesimus  bore 
Philem  (vs  10.13)  and  was  also  the  companion  of 
Tychicus  to  Colossae  (Col  4  9).  So  these  three 
epp.  went  together  from  Rome.  It  is  commonly 
assumed  that  Phil  was  the  last  of  the  group  of  four, 
and  hence  later  than  the  other  three,  because  Paul  is 


balancing  life  and  death  (Phil  1  21  ff)  and  is  ex- 
pecting to  be  set  free  (1  25),  but  he  has  the  same 
expectation  of  freedom  when  he  writes  Philem  (ver 
22).  The  absence  of  Luke  (Phil  2  20)  has  to  be 
explained  on  either  hypothesis.  Moffatt  (Intro, 
159)  is  dogmatic,  "as  Phil  was  certainly  the  last 
letter  that  he  wrote,"  ruling  out  of  court  Eph,  not 
to  say  the  later  Pastoral  Epp.  But  this  conclusion 
gives  Moffatt  trouble  with  the  Ep.  to  the  Laodi- 
ceans  (Col  4  16)  which  he  can  only  call  "the  enig- 
matic reference"  and  cannot  follow  Rutherford 
(St.  Paul's  Epp.  to  Colossae  and  Laodicea,  1908) 
in  identifying  the  Laodicean  Ep.  with  Eph,  as 
indeed  Marcion  seems  to  have  done.  But  the 
notion  that  Eph  was  a  circular  letter  designed  for 
more  than  one  church  (hence  without  personalities) 
still  holds  the  bulk  of  modern  opinion. 

Von  Soden  (Hist  of  Early  Christian  Lit.,  294)  is  as  dog- 
matic as  Wrede  or  Van  Manen:  "All  which  has  hitherto 
been  said  concerning  this  ep.,  its  form,  its  content,  its 
ideas,  its  presuppositions,  absolutely  excludes  the  possi- 
bility of  a  Pauline  authorship."  He  admits  "verbal 
echoes  of  Pauline  epp." 

Lightfoot  puts  Phil  before  the  other  three  be- 
cause of  its  doctrinal  affinity  with  the  second  group 
in  ch  3  as  a  reminiscence,  and  because  of  its  anti- 
cipation of  the  Christological  controversy  with  incip- 
ient Gnosticism  in  ch  2.  This  great  discussion  is 
central  in  Col  and  Eph.  At  any  rate,  we  have  thus 
a  consistent  and  coherent  interpretation  of  the 
group.  Philem,  though  purely  personal,  is  won- 
drously  vital  as  a  sociological  document.  Paul  is  in 
this  group  at  the  height  of  his  powers  in  his  grasp 
of  the  Person  of  Christ. 

(d)  Fourth  group:  1  Tim,  Tit,  2  Tim.  The 
Pastoral  Epp^.  are  still  hotly  disputed,  but  there  is 
a  growing  willingness  in  Britain  and  Germany  to 
make  a  place  for  them  in  Paul's  life.  Von  Soden 
bluntly  says:  "It  is  impossible  that  these  epp.  as 
they  stand  can  have  been  written  by  St.  Paul"  (Hist 
of  Early  Christian  Lit.,  310).  He  finds  no  room 
for  the  heresy  here  combated,  or  for  the  details  in 
Paul's  hfe,  or  for  the  linguistic  peculiarities  in  Paul's 
style.  But  he  sees  a  "literary  nicety" — this  group 
that  binds  them  together  and  separates  them 
from  Paul.  Thus  tersely  he  puts  the  case  against 
the  Pauline  authorship.  So  Aloffatt  argues  for  the 
"sub-Pauline  environment"  and  "sub-PauHne  at- 
mosphere" of  these  epp.  with  the  advanced  ecclesi- 
asticism  (Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT,  410  ff).  Wrede 
thrusts  aside  the  personal  details  and  argues  that 
the  epp.  give  merely  the  tendency  of  early  Chris- 
tianity (Ueber  Aufgabe  und  Methode  der  Sogen.  NT 
Theologie,  1897,  357).  The  Hatch- Van  Manen  art. 
in  EB  admits  only  that  "the  Pastoral  Epp.  occupy 
themselves  chiefly  with  the  various  affairs  of  the 
churches  within  'Pauhne  circles.'  " 

MoflEatt  has  a  vigorous  attack  on  these  letters  in  EB 
,';, '^u  "J'liiost  entirely  ignores  the  external  evidence! 
while  he  has  nothmg  to  say  to  the  remarkable  internal 
evidence  which  immediately  demands  our  attention" 
(Knowhng,  Testimony  of  St.  Paul  to  Christ,  3d  ed  1911 
129).  Moffatt  (Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT  414)  holds 
that  the  Pastoral  Epp.  came  from  one  pen,  but  the  per- 
sonality and  motives  are  very  vague  to  him  The  oer- 
so.nal  details  in  2  Tim  1  14-18;  4  9-22  are  not  on  a  par 
with  tho,se  in  The  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thekla  in  the  2d  cent 
Many  critics  who  reject  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the 
Pastoral  Epp.  admit  the  personal  details  in  2  Tim  but 
It  IS  just  in  such  matters  that  forgeries  are  recognizable 
To  admit  these  fragments  is  logically  to  admit  the  whole 
(Maclean  in  1-vol  HDB),  as  Moffatt  sees  (Intro  414) 
however  much  he  seeks  to  tone  down  the  use  of  Paul's 
name  as  a  Christian  form  of  suasoriae,''  and  "a  further 
and  inoffensive  development  of  the  principle  which 
sought  to  claim  apostolic  sanction  for  the  expanding 
institutions  and  doctrines  of  the  early  church  "  (ib  415) 
1  he  objection  against  these  epp.  from  differences  in 
diction  has  ijeen  grievously  overdone.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  each  of  the  four  groups  has  words  peculiar  to  it,  and 
naturally  so  Style  is  a  function  of  the  subject  as  well 
SLwT  T°t'  *''°  Ti^'l;  Besides,  style  changes  with  one's 
growth.     It  would  have   been  remarkable  if   aU  lour 


2267 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostie 


groups  had  shown  no  change  in  vocabulary  and  style. 
The  case  of  Shakespeare  is  quite  pertinent,  tor  the  vari- 
ous groups  of  plays  stand  more  or  less  apart.  The 
Pastoral  Epp.  belong  to  Paul's  old  age  and  deal  with 
personal  and  ecclesiastical  matters  in  a  more  or  less  remi- 
niscential  way,  with  less  of  vehement  energy  than  we  get 
in  the  earlier  epp.,  but  this  situation  is  what  one  would 
reasonably  expect.  The  "ecclesiastical  organization" 
argument  has  been  greatly  overdone.  As  a  matter  of 
(act,  "the  organization  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.  is  not  appar- 
ently advanced  one  step  beyond  that  of  the  church  in 
Philippi  in  61  AD"  (Ramsay,  Expos,  VII,  viii,  17). 
The  "gnosis"  met  by  these  epp.  (1  Tim  6  20;  Tit  1 
14)  is  not  the  highly  developed  type  seen  in  the  Ignatian 
Epp.  of  the  2d  cent.  Indeed,  Bartlet  ("  Historic  Setting 
of  the  Pastoral  Epp., "Expos,  January,  1913,29)  pointedly 
says  that,  as  a  result  of  Hort's  "  Judaistic  Christianity" 
and  "Christian  Ecclesia"  and  Ramsay's  "Historical 
Comm.  on  the  Epp.  of  Timothy"  (.Expos,  'VII,  vii, 
ix,  VIII,  i),  "one  feels  the  subject  has  been  lifted  to  a 
new  level  of  reality  and  that  much  criticism  between 
Baur  and  JUlicher  is  out  of  date  and  irrelevant."  It 
is  now  shown  that  the  Pastoral  Epp.  are  not  directed 
against  Gnosticism  of  advanced  type,  but  even  of  a  more 
Jewish  type  (Tit  1  14)  than  that  In  Col.  Kamsay 
(Expos,  VIII,  1,  263)  sweeps  this  stock  criticism  aside  as 
"from  the  wrong  point  of  view."  It  falls  to  the  ground. 
Lightf  oot  ("  Note  on  the  Heresy  Combated  in  the  Pastoral 
Epp.,"  Bib,  Essays,  413)  had  insisted  on  the  Jewish  char- 
acter of  the  Gnosticism  attacked  here.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  main  objection  to  these  epp.  is  that  they  do  not 
fit  into  the  story  in  Acts,  which  breaks  oft  abruptly  with 
Paul  in  Rome.  But  it  is  a  false  premise  to  assume  that 
the  Pastoral  Epp.  have  to  fit  into  the  events  in  Acts. 
Harnack  turns  the  objection  that  Paul  in  Acts  20  26 
predicted  that  he  would  never  see  the  Ephesian  elders 
again  into  a  strong  argument  for  the  date  of  Luke's 
Gospel  before  2  Tim  4  21  (The  Dale  of  Acts  and  Synoptic 
Gospeis,  103).  Indeed,  he  may  not  have  revisited  Ephe- 
sus  after  all.  but  may  have  seen  Timothy  at  Miletus  also 
(1  Tim  1  3).  Harnack  frankly  admits  the  acquittal 
and  release  of  Paul  and  thus  free  play  for  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  Blass  \(Acta  Apostolorum,  24)  acknowledges  the 
Pastoral  Epp.  as  genuine.  So  also  Findlay,  art.  "  Paul," 
in  HDB;  Maclean  in  1-vol  HDB;  Denney  in  Standard 
BD.  Sanday  (Inspiration,  364)  comments  on  the 
strength  of  the  external  evidence  for  the  Pastoral  Epp. 
Even  Holtzmann  (EinP,  291)  appears  to  admit  echoes  of 
the  Pastoral  Epp.  in  the  Ignatian  Epp.  Lightfoot  (Bib. 
Essays.  "Date  of  the  Pastoral  Epp.."  399-437)  justifies 
completely  the  acceptance  of  the  Pauline  authorship. 
Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  15)  has  a  needed  word:  "The 
delusion  is  still  ciurent  in  certain  circles  that  the  scien- 
tific distinction  of  a  Bible  scholar  may  be  estimated  in 
the  form  of  a  percentage  according  to  the  proportion  of 

his  verdicts  of  spuriousness The  extant  letters  of 

St.  Paul  have  been  innocently  obliged  to  endure  again 
a  fair  share  of  the  martyrdom  suffered  by  the  historic 
St.  Paul."     See  further  Pastobal  Epistles. 

(3)  Paul's  conixplion  of  his  Epp. — Assuming,  there- 
fore, the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  thirteen  epp., 
■we  may  note  that  they  reveal  in  a  remarkable 
way  the  growth  in  Paul's  apprehension  of  Christ 
and  Christianity,  his  adaptation  to  varied  situations, 
his  grasp  of  world-problems  and  the  eternal  values 
of  hfe.     Paul  wrote  other  epp.,  as  we  know.    In 

1  Cor  5  9  there  is  a  clear  reference  to  a  letter  not 
now  known  to  us  otherwise,  earUer  than  1  Cor.  The 
use  of  "every  epistle"  in  2  Thess  3  17  naturally 
imphes  that  Paul  had  written  more  than  two  al- 
ready. It  is  not  certain  to  what  letter  Paul  refers 
in  2  Cor  2  4 — most  probably  to  one  between  1  and 

2  Cor,  though,  as  already  shown,  some  scholars 
find  that  letter  in  2  Cor  10-13.  Once  more  Paul 
(Col  4  16)  mentions  an  ep.  addressed  to  the  church 
at  Laodicea.  This  ep.  is  almost  certainly  that 
which  we  know  as  Eph.  If  not,  here  is  another  lost 
ep.  Indeed,  at  least  two  apocryphal  Epp.  to  the 
Laodiceans  were  written  to  supply  this  deficiency. 
As  early  as  2  Thess  2  2  forgers  were  at  work  to  palm 
off  epp.  in  Paul's  name,  "or  by  ep.  as  from  us," 
to  attack  and  pervert  Paul's  real  -vriews,  whom^  Paul 
denounces.  It  was  entirely  possible  that  this  "nefa- 
rious work"  would  be  continued  (Gregory,  Canon 
and  Text  of  the  NT,  1907,  191),  though,  as  Gregory 
argues,  Paul's  exposure  here  would  have  a  tendency 
to  put  a  stop  to  it  and  to  put  Christiana  on  their 
guard  and  to  watch  for  Paul's  signature  to  the 
epp.  as  a  mark  of  genuineness  (2  Thess  3  17;  1 
Cor  16  21;  Gal  6  11;  Col  4  18).  This  was  all 
the  more  important  since  Paul  e-ndently  dictated 


his  letters  to  amanuenses,  as  to  Tertius  in  the  case 
of  Rom  (16  22).  In  the  case  of  Philem  (ver  19), 
Paul  probably  wrote  the  whole  letter.  We  may 
be  sure  therefore  that,  if  we  had  the  other  genuine 
letters  of  Paul,  they  would  occupy  the  same  general 
standpoint  as  the  thirteen  now  in  our  possession. 
The  point  to  note  here  is  that  the  four  groups  of 
Paul's  Epp.  fit  into  the  historical  background  of  the 
Acts  as  recorded  by  Luke,  barring  the  fourth  group 
which  is  later  than  the  events  in  Acts.  Each  group  % 
meets  a  specific  situation  in  a  definite  region  or  re-  j 
gions,  with  problems  of  vital  interest.  Paul  attacks  / 
these  various  problems  (theological,  ecclesiastical, 
practical)  with  marvelous  'vigor,  and  applies  the 
eternal  principles  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  in  such 
fashion  as  to  furnish  a  norm  for  future  workers 
for  Christ.  It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that 
he  was  conscious  of  that  use.  Deissmann  (St. 
Paul,  12  f)  is  confident  on  this  point:  "That 
a  portion  of  these  confidential  letters  should 
be  Btill  extant  after  centuries,  St.  Paul  can- 
not have  intended,  nor  did  it  ever  occur  to  him 
that  they  would  be."  Be  that  as  it  may,  and 
granted  that  Paul's  Epp.  are  "survivals,  in  the  sense 
of  the  technical  language  employed  by  the  historical 
method"  (ib,  12),  still  we  must  not  forget  that  Paul 
attached  a  great  deal  of  importance  to  his  letters 
and  urged  obedience  to  the  teachings  which  they 
contained:  "I  adjure  you  by  the  Lord  that  this  ep. 
be  read  unto  all  the  brethren"  (1  Thess  6  27). 
This  command  we  find  in  the  very  first  one  preserved 
to  us.  Once  more  note  2  Thess  3  14:  "And  if 
any  man  obeyeth  not  our  word  by  this  ep.,  note  that 
man,  that  ye  have  no  company  with  him."  Evi- 
dently therefore  Paul  does  not  conceive  his  epp.  as 
mere  incidents  in  personal  correspondence,  but 
authoritative  instructions  for  the  Christians  to 
whom  they  are  addressed.  In  1  Cor  7  17,  "And 
so  ordain  I  in  all  the  churches,"  he  puts  his  episto- 
lary commands  on  a  par  with  the  words  of  Jesus 
quoted  in  the  same  chapter.  Some  indeed  at 
Corinth  (2  Cor  10  9  f )  took  his  "letters"  as  an 
effort  to  "terrify"  them,  a  thing  that  he  was  afraid 
to  do  in  person.  Paul  (ver  11)  does  not  deny  the 
authority  of  his  letters,  but  claims  equal  courage 
when  he  comes  in  person  (cf  2  Cor  13  2.10).  That 
Paul  expected  his  letters  to  be  used  by  more  than 
the  one  church  to  which  they  were  addressed  is 
clear  from  Col  4  16:  "And  when  this  ep.  hath 
been  read  among  you,  cause  that  it  be  read  also  in 
the  church  of  the  Laodiceans;  and  that  ye  also 
read  the  ep.  from  Laodicea."  If  the  letter  to  La- 
odicea is  our  Eph  and  a  sort  of  circular  letter  (cf 
Gal),  that  is  clear.  But  it  must  be  noted  that  Col, 
undoubtedly  a  specific  letter  to  Colossae,  is  likewise 
to  be  passed  on  to  Laodicea.  It  is  not  always  ob- 
served that  in  1  Cor  1  2,  though  the  ep.  is  ad- 
dressed "unto  the  church  of  God  which  is  at  Cor- 
inth," Paul  adds,  "with  all  that  call  upon  the  name 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  every  place,  their  Lord 
and  ours."  Philem  is,  of  course,  a  personal  letter, 
though  it  deals  with  a  sociological  problem  of  uni- 
versal interest.  The  Pastoral  Epp.  are  addressed 
to  two  young  ministers  and  have  many  personal  de- 
tails, as  is  natural,  but  the  epp.  deal  far  more  with 
the  social  aspects  of  church  life  and  the  heresies  and 
■vices  that  were  threatening  the  very  existence  of 
Christianity  in  the  Rom  empire.  Paul  is  eager  that 
Timothy  shall  follow  his  teaching  (2  Tim  3  10  ff), 
and  "the  same  commit  thou  to  faithful  men,  who 
shall  be  able  to  teach  others  also"  (2  2).  It  ia  this 
larger  view  of  the  future  of  Christianity  that  con- 
cerns Paul  very  keenly.  The  very  conception  of 
his  ministry  to  the  Gentiles  (Rom  15  16;  Eph  3 
7  ff)  led  Paul  to  feel  that  he  had  a  right  to  speak  to 
all,  "both  to  Greeks  and  to  Barbarians"  (Rom  1 
14),  and  hence  even  to  Rome  (1  15  f).     It  is  a  mis- 


Paul,  the  Apostle    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2268 


take  to  limit  Paul's  Epp.  to  the  local  and  temporary 
sphere  given  them  by  Deissmann. 

(4)  Development  in  Paul's  Epp. — For  Paul's 
gospel  or  theology  see  later.  Here  we  must  stress 
the  fact  that  all  four  groups  of  Paul's  Epp.  are  legiti- 
mate developments  from  his  fundamental  experience 
of  grace  as  conditioned  by  his  previous  training  and 
later  work.  He  met  each  new  problem  with  the 
same  basal  truth  that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah,  the  Son 
of  God,  revealed  to  Paul  on  the  way  to  Damascus. 
The  reality  of  this  great  experience  must  here  be 
assumed  (see  discussion  later) .  It  may  be  admitted 
that  the  Acts  does  not  stand  upon  the  same  plane 
as  the  Pauline  Epp.  as  a  witness  concerning  Paul's 
conversion  (Fletcher,  The  Conversion  of  St.  Paul, 
1910,  5).  But  even  so,  the  Epp.  amply  confirm 
Luke's  report  of  the  essential  fact  that  Jesus  ap- 
peared to  Paul  in  the  same  sense  that  He  did  to  the 
apostles  and  500  Christians  (1  Cor  15  4-9).  The 
revelation  of  Christ  to  Paul  and  in  Paul  {i"  ifj-ol, 
en  emoi,  Gal  1  16)  and  the  specific  call  connected 
therewith  to  preach  to  the  Gentiles  gave  Paul  a  place 
independent  of  and  on  a  par  with  the  other  apostles 
(1  16  f;  2  1-10).  Paul's  first  preaching  (Acts  9 
20)  "proclaimed  Jesus,  that  he  is  the  Son  of  God." 
This  "primitive  Paulinism"  (Sabatier,  The  Apostle 
Paul,  1893,  113)  lay  at  the  heart  of  Paul's  message 
in  his  sermons  and  speeches  in  Acts.  Professor  P. 
Gardner  regards  Luke  as  a  "careless"  historian 
("The  Speeches  of  St.  Paul  in  Acts,"  Cambridge 
Bib.  Essays,  1909,  386),  but  he  quite  admits  the 
central  place  of  Paul's  conversion,  both  in  the  Acts 
and  the  Epp.  (ib;  cf  also  The  Religious  Experience 
of  St.  Paul). 

We  cannot  here  trace  in  detail  the  growth  of 
Paulinism.  Let  Wernle  speak  {Beginnings  of  Chris- 
tianity, 1903,  I,  224)  for  us:  "The  decisive  factor 
in  the  genius  of  St.  Paul's  theology  was  his  personal 
experience,  his  conversion  on  the  road  to  Damas- 
cus." This  fact  reappears  in  each  of  the  groups  of 
the  Epp.  It  is  the  necessary  implication  in  the 
apostolic  authority  claimed  in  1  Thess  2  4-6;  2 
Thess  2  15;  3  6.14.  "We  might  have  claimed 
authority  as  apostles  of  Christ"  (1  Thess  2  6). 
For  the  second  group  we  need  only  refer  to  1  Cor 
9  If  and  15  1-11,  where  Paul  justifies  his  gospel 
by  the  fact  of  having  seen  the  risen  Jesus.  His  self- 
depreciation  in  ver  9  is  amply  balanced  by  the 
claims  in  ver  10.  See  also  2  Cor  10-13  and  Gal 
1  and  2  for  Paul's  formal  defence  of  his  apostolic 
authority.  The  pleasantry  in  Rom  15  14  does  not 
displace  the  claim  in  15  16.23  f.  In  the  third 
group  note  the  great  passage  in  Phil  3  12-14,  where 
Paul  pointedly  alludes  to  his  conversion:  "I  was 
laid  hold  of  by  Jesus  Christ,"  as  giving  him  the 
goal  of  his  ambition,  "that  I  may  lay  hold";  "I 
count  not  myself  yet  to  have  laid  hold."  This  con- 
centration of  effort  to  come  up  to  Christ's  purpose 
in  him  is  the  key  to  Paul's  life  and  letters,  "I  press 
on  toward  the  goal."  So  the  golden  cord  reappears 
in  Eph  3  2-13:  "How  that  by  revelation  was  made 
known  unto  me  the  mystery,  as  I  wrote  before  in 
few  words,  whereby,  when  ye  read,  ye  can  perceive 
my  understanding  in  the  mystery  of  Christ."  In 
the  fourth  group  he  still  recalls  how  Christ  Jesus 
took  pity  on  him,  the  blasphemer,  the  persecutor, 
the  chief  of  sinners,  and  put  him  into  the  ministry, 
"that  in  me  as  chief  might  Jesus  Christ  show  forth 
all  his  longsuffering,  for  an  ensample  of  them  that 
should  thereafter  believe  on  him  unto  eternal  life" 
(1  Tim  1  16).  He  kept  up  the  fight  to  the  end 
(2  Tira  4  6  f),  for  the  Lord  Jesus  stood  by  him  (4 
17),  as  on  the  road  to  Damascus.  So  the  personal 
note  of  experience  links  all  the  epp.  together.  They 
reveal  Paul's  growing  conception  of  Christ.  Paul 
at  the  very  start  perceived  that  men  are  redeemed 
by  faith  in  Jesus  as  the  Saviour  from  sin  through 


His  atoning  death,  not  by  works  of  the  Law  (Acts 
13  38  f).  In  the  first  group  there  are  allusions  to 
the  "work  of  faith  and  labor  of  love  and  patience  of 
hope  in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (1  Thess  1  3).  He 
speaks  of  "election"  (1  4)  and  "our  gospel"  (1  5) 
and  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  (1  10).  The  Father, 
Son  and  Spirit  cooperate  in  the  work  of  salvation 
(2  Thess  2  13  f),  which  includes  election,  belief, 
sanctification,  glorification.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
press  the  argument  for  the  conception  of  salvation 
by  faith  in  Christ,  grace  as  opposed  to  works,  in  the 
second  group.  It  is  obviously  present  in  the  third 
and  the  fourth.  We  seem  forced  to  the  view 
therefore  that  Paul's  experience  was  revolutionary, 
not  evolutionary.  "If  we  consider  the  whole  his- 
tory of  Paul  as  it  is  disclosed  to  us  in  his  letters, 
are  we  not  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  his  was  a 
catastrophic  or  explosive,  rather  than  a  slowly  pro- 
gressive personality?"  (Garvie,  Studies  of  Paul  and 
His  Oospel,  1911,  32).  "His  gospel  was  included 
in  his  conversion,  and  it  was  meditation  that  made 
explicit  what  was  thus  implicit  in  his  experience" 
(ib).  This  is  not  to  say  that  there  was  no  "spiritual 
development  of  St.  Paul"  (Matheson,  1890).  There 
was,  and  of  the  richest  kind,  but  it  was  a  growth  of 
expression  in  the  successive  application  of  the  funda- 
mental Christian  conception.  The  accent  upon 
this  or  that  phase  of  truth  at  different  stages  in 
Paul's  career  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the 
truth  is  a  new  one  to  him.  It  may  simply  be  that 
the  occasion  has  arisen  for  emphasis  and  elabora- 
tion. 

In  a  broad  generalization  the  first  group  of  the 
epp.  is  eschatological,  the  second  soteriological,  the 
third  Christological,  and  the  fourth  pastoral  (Gar- 
vie,  Studies  of  Paul  and  His  Gospel,  22).  But  one 
must  not  get  the  notion  that  Paul  did  not  have  a 
full  gospel  of  salvation  in  the  first  group,  and  did  not 
come  to  the  true  motive  of  the  person  of  Christ  as 
Lord  till  the  second,  or  understand  the  pastoral 
office  till  the  fourth.  See  emphasis  on  Paul's  work 
as  pastor  and  preacher  in  1  Thess  2  (first 
group),  and  the  Lordship  of  Christ  also  (1  Thess 
1  1.3;  2  Thess  1  1;  2  13  f),  on  a  par  with  the 
Father. 

There  was  a  change  of  accent  in  each  group  on 
questions  of  eschatology,  but  in  each  one  Paul 
cherishes  the  hope  of  the  second  coming  of  Christ 
up  to  the  very  end  when  he  speaks  of  his  own  death 
(2  Tim  4  8.18).  Paul  has  a  whole  gospel  of  grace 
in  all  his  epp.,  but  he  presses  home  the  special 
phase  of  truth  needed  at  the  moment,  always  with 
proper  balance  and  modification,  though  not  in 
the  form  of  a  system  of  doctrine.  In  the  first  group 
he  relieves  the  minds  of  the  Thessalonian  Christians 
from  the  misapprehension  into  which  they  had 
fallen  concerning  his  position  on  the  immediate 
coming  of  Christ.  In  the  second  group  Paul  vindi- 
cates the  gospel  of  grace  from  the  legalistic  addition 
of  the  Judaizers  who  sought  to  rob  the  Gentiles  of 
their  freedom  by  insisting  that  they  become  Jews 
as  well  as  Christians.  This  ringing  battle  is  echoed 
in  Acts  15  and  is  the  mightiest  conflict  of  Paul's 
career.  We  hear  echoes  of  it  in  Phil  3,  but  he  had 
won  his  contention.  In  the  third  group  the  battle 
with  error  has  shifted  to  the  province  of  Asia,  esp. 
the  Lycus  Valley,  where  a  mystic  mixture  of  Juda- 
ism (Essenism)  and  heathen  mystery-religions  and 
philosophies  (incipient  Gnosticism)  was  so  rife  in 
the  2d  cent,  (the  various  forms  of  Gnosticism  which 
combined  with  some  aspects  of  Christianity).  It 
is  possible  also  that  Mithraism  was  already  a  foe 
of  Christianity.  The  central  position  and  essential 
deity  of  Jesus  Christ  was  challenged  by  these  new 
and  world-old  heresies,  and  Paul  attacks  them  with 
marvelous  skill  in  Col  and  Eph  and  works  out  in 
detail  his  teaching  concerning  the  person  of  Christ 


2269 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


with  due  emphasis  on  the  soteriological  aspects  of 
Christ's  work  and  on  Christian  life.  Bruce  (<S(. 
Paul's  Conception  of  Christianity)  conceives  that 
Paul  gives  us  his  entire  conception  of  Christianity 
in  the  four  great  epp.  of  the  second  group,  while 
B.  Weiss  (Bib.  Theol.  of  the  NT)  sees  a  more  devel- 
oped doctrine  in  the  third  group.  He  is  in  his 
prime  in  both  groups.  In  the  fourth  group  the 
same  struggle  lingers  on  with  variations  in  Crete 
and  even  in  Ephesus.  The  Jewish  phase  of  the 
heresy  is  more  decided  (perhaps  Pharisaic),  and 
recalls  to  some  extent  the  Judaistic  controversy  in 
the  second  group.  Paul  is  older  and  faces  the  end, 
and  Christianity  has  enemies  within  and  without. 
He  turns  to  young  ministers  as  the  hope  of  the 
future  in  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  of  the  happy 
God.  The  fires  have  burned  lower,  and  there  is  less 
passion  and  heat.  The  tone  is  now  fierce,  now  tender. 
The  style  is  broken  and  reminiscent  and  personal, 
though  not  with  the  rush  of  torrential  emotion  in 
2  Cor,  nor  the  power  of  logic  in  Gal  and  Rom. 
Each  ep.  fits  into  its  niche  in  the  group.  Each 
group  falls  into  proper  relation  to  the  stage  in  Paul's 
life  and  justly  reveals  the  changes  of  thought  and 
feeling  in  the  great  apostle.  It  is  essential  that  one 
study  Paul's  Epp.  in  their  actual  historical  order  if 
one  wishes  to  understand  the  mind  of  Paul.  Schol- 
ars are  not  agreed,  to  be  sure  on  this  point.  They 
are  not  agreed  on  anything,  for  that  matter.  See 
two  methods  of  presenting  Paul's  Epp.  in  Robert- 
son, Chronological  NT  (1904),  and  Moffatt,  Histori- 
cal NT  (1901). 

II.   Modern    Theories   about   Paul. — Findlay 

[HDB,  "Paul")  utters  a  needed  warning  when  he 

reminds  us  that  the  modern  historical 

1.  Criticism  and  psychological  method  of  study  is 
Not  In-  just  as  liable  to  prepossession  and 
fallible  prejudice   as   the  older   categories  of 

scholastic  and  dogmatic  theology. 
"The  focus  of  the  picture  may  be  displaced  and 
its  colors  falsified  by  philosophical  no  less  than 
by  ecclesiastical  spectacles"  (ib).  Deissmann  (St. 
Paid,  4  f )  sympathizes  with  this  protest  against  the 
infallibility  of  modern  subjective  criticism:  "That 
really  and  properly  is  the  task  of  the  modem  stu- 
dent of  St.  Paul:  to  come  back  from  the  paper  St. 
Paul  of  our  western  libraries,  Germanized,  dogma- 
tised, modernized,  to  the  historic  St.  Paul;  to  pene- 
trate through  the  'Paulinism'  of  our  NT  theologies 
to  the  St.  Paul  of  ancient  reality."  He  admits 
the  thoroughness  and  the  magnitude  of  the  work 
accomplished  in  the  19th  cent,  concerning  the  liter- 
ary questions  connected  with  Paul's  letters,  but  it 
is  a  "doctrinaire  interest"  that  "has  gone  farther 
and  farther  astray."  Deissmann  conceives  of  Paul 
as  a  "hero  of  piety  first  and  foremost,"  not  as  a 
theologian.  "As  a  religious  genius  St.  Paul's  out- 
look is  forward  into  a  future  of  universal  history." 
In  this  position  of  Deissmann  we  see  a  return 
to  the  pre-Baur  time.  Deissmann  would  like  to 
get  past  all  the  schools  of  criticism,  back  to  Paul 
himself. 

Baur  started  the  modern  critical  attitude  by  his 
Pastoralbriefe  (1835,  p.  79),  in  which  he  remarked 

that  there  were  only  four  epp.  of  Paul 

2.  The  (Gay  and  2  Cor,  Rom)  which  could  be 
Tubingen  accepted  as  genuine.  In  his  Paulas 
Theory  (1845)  he  expounded  this  thesis.     He 

also  rejected  the  Acts.  From  the  four 
great  epp.  and  from  the  pseudo-Clementine  lit- 
erature of  the  2d  cent.,  Baur  argued  that  Paul  and 
Peter  were  bitter  antagonists.  Peter  and  the  other 
apostles  were  held  fast  in  the  grip  of  the  legalistic 
conception  of  Christianity,  a  sort  of  Christianized 
Pharisaism.  Paul,  when  converted,  had  reacted 
violently  against  this  view,  and  became  the  exponent 
of  gentile  freedom.     Christianity  was  divided  into 


two  factions,  Jewish  Christians  (Petrinists)  and 
gentile  Christians  (Pauhnists).  With  this  "key" 
Baur  ruled  out  the  other  Pauline  epp.  and  Acts  as 
spurious,  because  they  did  not  show  the  bitterness 
of  this  controversy.  He  called  them  "tendency" 
writings,  designed  to  cover  up  the  strife  and  to 
show  that  peace  reigned  in  the  camp.  This  arbi- 
trary theory  cut  a  wide  swath  for  50  years,  and  be- 
came a  fetich  with  many  scholars,  but  it  is  now 
dead.  "It  has  been  seen  that  it  is  bad  criticism  to 
make  a  theory  on  insecure  grounds,  and  then  to 
reject  all  the  Uterature  which  contradicts  it"  (Mac- 
lean in  1-vol  HDB).  Ramsay  (The  First  Chris- 
tian Cent.,  1911,  195)  contends  that  the  perpetuation 
of  the  Baur  standpoint  in  Moffatt's  Intro  to  the  Lit. 
of  the  NT  is  an  anachronism:  "We  are  no  longer 
in  the  19th  cent,  with  its  negations,  but  in  the  20th 
cent,  with  its  growing  power  of  insight  and  the 
power  of  beUef  that  springs  therefrom."  Van 
Manen  (EB)  calls  the  Baur  view  that  of  the  "old 
guard"  of  liberal  theology  in  Germany,  Switzer- 
land, France,  Holland,  and,  to  some  extent,  in 
Britain. 

But  even  in  Germany  the  older  conservative  view 
of  Paul  has  always  had  champions.     The  most  con- 
sistent of  the  recent  opponents  of  Baur'S 

3.  Protest  views  in  Germany  is  Th.  Zahn  (cf  his 
against  Einlin  das  NT,  2  vols,  1897-99;  Intro 
Baur's  View  to  the  NT,  3  vols,  1910).     In  Britain 

the  true  successor  of  Lightfoot  as  the 
chief  antagonist  of  the  Tiibingen  School  is  Sir  W. 
M.  Ramsay,  whose  numerous  volumes  {Church  in 
the  Rom  Empire,  1893;  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of 
Phrygia,  1895;  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  1896;  Paul- 
ine and  Other  Studies,  1906;  Cities  of  Si.  Paul,  1908; 
Luke  the  Physician  and  Other  Studies,  1908;  Pictures 
of  the  Apostolic  Church,  1910;  The  First  Christian 
Century,  1911)  have  given  the  finishing  touches  to 
the  overthrow  of  Baur's  contention. 

But  even  so,  already  the  Baur  school  had  split 

into  two  parts.     The  ablest  representatives,  like 

H.  J.  Holtzmann,  Pfleiderer,  Harnack, 

4.  Succes-  Jiilicher,  Lipsius,  von  Soden,  were 
sorstoBaur  compelled   to   admit  more  of   Paul's 

Epp.  as  genuine  than  the  four  principal 
ones,  till  there  are  left  practically  none  to  fight  over 
but  Eph  and  the  Pastoral  Epp.  This  progress  elimi- 
nated completely  Baur's  thesis  and  approached  very 
nearly  to  the  position  of  Lightfoot,  Ramsay  and 
Zahn.  Von  Soden  {Early  Christian  Lit.,  324)  still 
stands  out  against  2  Thess,  but  Harnack  has  de- 
serted him  on  that  point.  But  the  old  narrow  view 
of  Baur  is  gone,  and  von  Soden  is  eloquent  in  his 
enthusiasm  for  Paul  (ib,  119) :  "As  we  gaze  upon  the 
great  literary  memorials  of  the  Greeks  we  may  well 
question  whether  these  Pauline  letters  are  not  equal 
to  them — indeed,  do  not  surpass  them — in  spiritual 
significance,  in  psychological  depths  and  loftiness 
of  ideal,  above  all  in  the  art  of  complete  and  forcible 
expression."  The  other  wing  of  Baur's  school 
Findlay  {HDB)  calls  "ultra-Baurians."  It  is 
mainly  a  Dutch  school  with  Loman  and  Van 
Manen  as  its  main  exponents,  though  it  has  sup- 
port in  Germany  from  Steck  and  Volter,  and  in 
America  from  W.  B.  Smith.  These  writers  do  not 
say  that  Paul  is  a  myth,  but  that  our  sources 
(Acts  and  the  13  epp.)  are  all  legendary.  It  is  a 
relentless  carrying  of  Baur's  thesis  to  a  reductio  ad 
absurdum.  Van  Manen  {EB)  says  of  "the  historical 
Paul"  as  distinct  from  "the  legendary  Paul" :  "It 
does  not  appear  that  Paul's  ideas  differed  widely 
from  those  of  the  other  disciples,  or  that  he  had 
emancipated  himself  from  Judaism  or  had  out- 
grown the  law  more  than  they."  When  one  has 
disposed  of  all  the  evidence  he  is  entirely  free  to 
reconstruct  the  pictures  to  suit  himself.  Quite 
arbitrarily.  Van  Manen  accepts  the  "we"-sectiona 


Paul,  the  Apostle    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2270 


in  Acts  as  authoritative.  But  these  give  glimpses 
of  the  historical  Jesus  quite  as  truly  as  the  Pauline 
Epp.,  and  should  therefore  be  rejected  by  advocates 
of  the  mythical  Jesus.  So  the  pendulum  swings 
back  and  forth.  One  school  destroys  the  other, 
but  the  fact  of  Paul's  personality  remains.  "The 
new  start  is  one  of  such  importance  that  we  must 
distinguish  the  pre-Pauline  from  the  post-Pauline 
Christianity,  or,  what  amounts  to  the  same  thing, 
the  Palestinian  sect  and  the  world-religion"  (Wernle, 
Begmnings  of  Christianity,  I,  159). 

In  his  Paulus  (1904),  Wrede  finds  the  explana- 
tion of  Paul's  theology  in  late  Jewish  apocalyptic 
views   and   in   the   oriental   mystery- 

5.  Appeal  religions.  Bousset  (Die  Religion  des 
to  Com-  Jvdenthums  im  NT  Zeitalter,  1903) 
parative  seeks  to  find  in  the  "late  Jewish  apoc- 
Religion         alyptic"    "conceptions  from   the   Bab 

and  the  Irano-Zarathustriau  religions" 
(Schweitzer,  Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  173).  Ac- 
cording to  Wrede's  view,  Paul  is  one  of  the  creators 
of  "Christ"  as  distinct  from  the  Jesus  of  history  (cf 
"Jesus  or  Christ,"  HJ,  suppl.,  January,  1909). 
"Wrede's  object  is  to  overthrow  the  view  predomi- 
nant in  modern  theology,  that  Paul  loyally  and  con- 
sistently expounded  and  developed  the  theology  of 
Jesus"  (J.  Weiss,  Paul  and  Jesus,  1909,  2).  J. 
Weiss  in  this  book  makes  a  careful  reply  to  Wrede 
as  others  have  done;  cf  A.  Meyer,  Jesus  or  Paul 
(1909),  who  concludes  (p.  134)  dramatically:  "Paul 
— just  one  who  points  the  way  to  Jesus  and  to  God!" 
See  also  Jillicher,  Paulus  und  Jesus  (1907) ;  Kaftan, 
Jesus  und  Paulus  (1906);  Kolbing,  Die  geistige 
Einwirkung  der  Person  Jesu  und  Paulus  (1906). 
The  best  reply  to  Wrede's  arguments  about  the 
mystery-religion  is  found  in  articles  in  the  Expos  for 
1912-13  (now  in  book  form)  by  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy 
on  "St.  Paul  and  the  Mystery-Religions."  The 
position  of  Wrede  is  carried  to  its  logical  conclusion 
by  Drews  (Die  Christus-Mythe,  1909),  who  makes 
Paul  the  creator  of  Christianity.  W.  B.  Smith  (Der 
vorchristliche  Jesus,  1906)  tries  to  show  that  "Jesus" 
was  a  pre-Christian  myth  or  god.  Schweitzer 
(Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  235)  sums  the  matter 
up  thus:  "Drews's  thesis  is  not  merely  a  curiosity; 
it  indicates  the  natural  limit  at  which  the  hypothe- 
sis advanced  by  the  advocates  of  comparative  re- 
ligion, when  left  to  its  own  momentum,  finally 
comes  to  rest." 

Schweitzer  himself  may  be  accepted  as  the  best 
exponent  of  the  rigid  application  of  this  view  to 

Paul  (Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  1912) 

6.  The  that  he  had  made  to  Jesus  (The  Quest 
Eschatologi-  of  the  Historical  Jesus,  1910).  He 
cal  later-  glories  in  the  ability  to  answer  the 
pretation        absurdities  of  Steck,  Loman  and  Van 

Manen  and  Drews  by  showing  that 
the  eschatological  conceptions  of  Paul  in  his  epp. 
are  primitive,  not  late,  and  belong  to  the  1st  cent., 
not  to  the  2d  (Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  249).  He 
thus  claims  to  be  the  true  pupil  of  Baur,  though 
reaching   conclusions   utterly   different.     There   is 


undoubtedly  an  element  of  truth  in  this  contention 
of  Schweitzer,  but  he  loses  his  case,  when  he  insists 
that  nothing  but  eschatology  must  be  allowed  to 
figure.  "The  edifice  constructed  by  Baur  has 
fallen,"  he  proclaims  (p.  viii),  but  he  demands  that 
in  its  place  we  allow  the  "exclusively  Jewish- 
eschatological"  (p.  ix)  interpretation.  There  he 
slips,  and  his  theory  will  go  the  way  of  that  of  Baur. 
C.  Anderson  Scott  ("Jesus  and  Paul,"  Cambridge 
Bib.  Essays,  365)  admits  that  Paul  has  the  same 
eschatological  outlook  as  Jesus,  but  also  the  same 
ethical  interest.  It  is  not  "either  ....  or,"  but 
both  in  each  case.  See  a  complete  bibliography 
of  the  "Jesus  and  Paul"  controversy  in  J.  G. 
Machens'  paper  on  "Jesus  and  Paul"  in  Bib.  and 
Theol.  Studies  (1912,  547  f).  As  Ramsay  insists, 
we  are  now  in  the  20th  cent,  of  insight  and  sanity, 
and  Paul  has  come  to  his  own.  Even  Wernle 
(Beginnings  of  Christianity,  I,  163)  sees  that  Paul 
is  not  the  creator  of  the  facts:  "He  merely  trans- 
mits historical  facts.  God — Christ — Paul,  such 
is  the  order."  Saintsbury  (History  of  Criticism, 
152)  says:  "It  has  been  the  mission  of  the  19th  cent, 
to  prove  that  everybody's  work  was  written  by 
somebody  else,  and  it  will  not  be  the  most  useless 
task  of  the  20th  to  betake  itself  to  more  profitable 
inquiries." 

///.  Chronology  of  Paul's  Career. — There  is 
not  a  single  date  in  the  life  of  Paul  that  is  beyond 

dispute,  though  several  are  narrowed 
1.  Schemes  to  a  fine  point,  and  the  general  course 

and  relative  proportion  of  events  are 
clear  enough.  Luke  gave  careful  data  for  the 
time  of  the  birth  of  Jesus  (Lk  2  1  f),  for  the  en- 
trance of  the  Baptist  on  his  ministry  (3  1  f),  and 
the  age  of  Jesus  when  He  began  His  work  (3  23), 
but  he  takes  no  such  pains  in  the  Acts  with  chro- 
nology. But  we  are  left  with  a  number  of  inci- 
dental allusions  and  notes  of  time  which  call  for 
some  discussion.  For  fuller  treatment  see  Chro- 
nology OP  THE  NT.  Garvie  (Life  and  Teaching  of 
Paul,  1910,  181)  gives  a  comparative  table  of  the 
views  of  Harnack,  Turner,  Ramsay  and  Lightfoot 
for  the  events  from  the  crucifixion  of  Christ  to  the 
close  of  Acts.  The  general  scheme  is  nearly  the 
same,  differing  from  one  to  four  years  here  and 
there.  Shaw  (The  Pauline  Epp.,  xi)  gives  a  good 
chronological  scheme.  Moffatt  (Irdro  to  the  Lit.  of 
the  NT,  62  f)  gives  the  theories  of  23  scholars: 

Turner,  "Chronology,"  in  HDB;  Neteler,  Unter- 
suchuno  NT  Zeiiverhaltni&se,  1S94;  O.  Holtzraann,  NT 
Zeitgesehichte,  189.5,  changed  in  2d  ed,  1906;  Bartlet, 
Apostolic  Age,  xiiif;  Comely  (cf  Laurent),  NT  Studien; 
Harnack,  Chron.  d.  altchristl.  Lit.  bis  Eusebius,  233— :39; 
McGiffert,  Apo.^tolic  Age,  164,  172;  Zahn,  Intro,  III, 
450  f;  Ramsay,  "The  Pauline  Chronology,"  Pauline  and 
Other  Studies,  345  1;  Lighttoot,  Bib.  Essays,  213-33; 
Wendt,  Ads,  53-60,  Meyer,  Comm.;  Renan,  St.  Paul: 
Bomemann,  Thess,  17  f,  Meyer,  Comm.;  Clemen,  Paulus, 
1,411;  Giffert,  Student's  Life  of  Paul,  242-59;  Weiss, 
Intro.  I,  1541;  Sabatier,  Paui,  13  t;  Jiilicher,  Einl'.Slt; 
Findlay,  "Paul"  in  HDB:  Farrar,  Paul,  Appendix; 
Belser,  Theol.  Quartalschrift:  Steinmann.  Abfassungszeitd. 
Gal,  169;    Hoennicke,  Die  Chronologie  des  Paulus. 

Let  us  look  at  the  dates  given  by  ten  of  this  list : 


Turner 

Bartlet 

Har- 
nack 

35-36 

31-32 

30 

38 

34-35 

33 

46 

46 

44 

47 

47 

45 

49 

49 

46-47 

49 

49 

46-47 

52 

52 

50 

56 

56 

53-54 

59 

59 

56-57 

64-65 

61-62 

64 

McGiffert 

Zahn 

Ramsay 

Light- 
toot 

Clemen 

Findlay 

31-32 

35 

32 

34 

31 

36 

34^35 

38 

34 

37 

34 

39 

45 

44 

45 

45 

before  45 

50-51 

46-48 

48 

46 

46 

45 

52 

50 

51 

48 

49 

46 

52 

50-53 

51 

49-52 

49 

49 

54 

53-57 

54 

53-59 

53 

53 

58 

57 

58 

59 

57 

56 

61 

60 

61 

62 

60 

58 

66-67 

67 

67 

64 

67 

Hoen- 
nicke 


Conversion 

First  visit  to  ,Jerusalem. .  . 
Second  visit  to  Jerusalem 
First  missionary  tour .  .  . 
Conference  at  Jerusalem. . 
Second  missionary  tour .  . 
Third  missionary  tour .  .  . 

Arrest  in  Jerusalem 

Arrival  in  Rome 

Death  of  Paul 


33-35 
36-38 
45-46 
49? 
50-52 


60-62 


2271 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


This  table  shows  very  well  the  present  diversity 
of  opinion  on  the  main  points  in  Paul's  life.  Before 
expressing  an  opinion  on  the  points  at  issue  it  is 
best  to  examine  a  few  details.  Paul  himself  gives 
some  notes  of  time.  He  gives  "after  3  years"  (Gal 
1  18)  as  the  period  between  his  conversion  and  first 
visit  to  Jerus,  though  he  does  not  necessarily  mean 
3  full  years.  In  Gal  2  1,  Paul  speaks  of  another 
visit  to  Jerus  "after  the  space  of  14  years." 
Then  again  Luke  quotes  him  as  saying  to  the  Ephe- 
sian  elders  at  Miletus  that  he  had  spent  "3  years"  at 
Ephesus  (Acts  20  31).  These  periods  of  time  all 
come  before  Paul's  last  visit  and  arrest  in  Jerus, 
and  they  do  not  embrace  all  the  time  between  his 
conversion  and  arrest.  There  is  also  another  note 
of  time  in  2  Cor  12  2,  where  he  speaks  in  an  enig- 
matic way  of  experiences  of  his  "14  years"  ago  from 
the  writing  of  this  ep.  from  Macedonia  on  the  third 
tour.  This  will  take  him  back  to  Tarsus  before 
coming  to  Antioch  at  the  request  of  Barnabas,  and 
so  overlaps  a  bit  the  other  "14"  above,  and  in- 
cludes the  "3  years"  at  Ephesus.  We  cannot,  there- 
fore, add  these  figures  together  for  the  total.  But 
some  light  may  be  obtained  from  further  details 
from  Acts  and  the  Epp. 

(1)  The  death  of  Stephen. — Saul  is  "a  young  man" 
(Acts  7  58)   when  this  event  occurs.     Like  other 

young  Jews  he  entered  upon  his  life 
2.  Crucial  as  a  rabbi  at  the  age  of  thirty.  He 
Points  had  probably  been  thus  active  several 

years,  esp.  as  he  was  now  in  a  position 
of  leadership  and  may  even  have  been  a  member  of 
the  Sanhedrin  (Acts  26  10).  Pontius  Pilate  was  not 
deposed  from  his  procuratorship  till  36  AD,  but 
was  in  a  state  of  uneasiness  for  a  couple  of  years. 
It  is  more  probable,  therefore,  that  the  stoning  of 
Stephen  would  take  place  after  his  deposition  in  the 
interregnum,  or  not  many  years  before,  when  he 
would  be  afraid  to  protest  against  the  lawlessness 
of  the  Jewish  leaders.  He  had  shown  timidity  at 
the  death  of  Jesus,  29  or  30  AD,  but  some  of  the 
forms  of  law  were  observed.  So  nothing  decisive 
is  here  obtained,  though  35  AD  seems  more  prob- 
able than  32  or  33. 

(2)  The  flight  from  Damascus. — Paul  locates  this 
humiliating  experience  (2  Cor  11  32  f)  when  "the 
governor  under  Aretas  the  king  guarded  the  city 
of  the  Damascenes."  Aretas  the  Arabian,  and  not 
the  Roman,  has  now  control  when  Paul  is  writing. 
The  likelihood  is  that  Aretas  did  not  get  possession 
of  Damascus  till  37  AD,  when  Tiberius  died  and 
was  succeeded  by  Caligula.  It  is  argued  by  some 
that  the  expression  "the  city  of  the  Damascenes" 
shows  that  the  city  was  not  under  the  control  of 
Aretas,  but  was  attacked  by  a  Bedouin  chieftain 
who  lay  in  wait  for  Paul  before  the  city.  That  to 
me  seems  forced.  Jos  {Ant,  XVIII,  v,  3;  vi,  3) 
at  any  rate  is  silent  concerning  the  authority  of 
Aretas  over  Damascus  from  35-37  AD,  but  no  coins 
or  inscriptions  show  Rom  rule  over  the  city  between 
35  and  62  AD.  Ramsay,  however  ("The  Pauline 
Chronology,"  Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  364), 
accepts  the  view  of  Marquardt  (Romische  Staats- 
alterth.,  I,  404  f)  that  it  was  passible  for  Aretas  to 
have  had  po.ssession  of  Damascus  before  37  AD. 
The  flight  from  Damascus  'S  the  same  year  as  the 
visit  to  Jerus,  Paul's  first  after  his  conversion  (Acts 
9  26;  Gal  1  18).  If  we  knew  the  precise  year  of 
this  event,  we  could  subtract  two  or  three  years  and 
reach  the  date  of  his  conversion.  Lightfoot  in  his 
Comm.  on  Gal  gives  38  as  the  date  of  this  first  visit 
to  Jerus,  and  36  as  the  date  of  the  conversion,  taking 
"after  3  years"  in  a  free  way,  but  in  his  Bib. 
Essays,  221,  he  puts  the  visit  in  37  and  the  conver- 
sion in  34,  and  says  "'after  3  years'  must  mean 
three  whole  years,  or  substantially  so."  Thus  we 
miss  a  sure  date  again. 


(3)  The  death  of  Herod  Agrippa  I. — Here  the 
point  of  contact  between  the  Acts  (12  1-4.19-23) 
and  Jos  (Ant,  XIX,  viii)  is  beyond  dispute,  since 
both  record  and  describe  in  somewhat  similar  vein 
the  death  of  this  king.  Jos  says  that  at  the  time  of 
his  death  he  had  already  completed  the  3d  year  of 
his  reign  over  the  whole  of  Judaea  (Ant,  XIX,  viii, 
2).  He  received  this  dignity  soon  after  Claudius 
began  to  reign  in  41  AD,  so  that  makes  the  date  44 
AD.  He  died  after  the  Passover  in  that  year  (44), 
for  Peter  was  imprisoned  by  him  during  that  feast 
(Acts  12  3).  But  unfortunately  Luke  sandwiches 
the  narrative  about  Herod  Agrippa  in  between  the 
visit  of  Barnabas  and  Saul  to  Jerus  from  Antioch 
(Acts  11  29  f)  and  their  return  to  Antioch  (12  25). 
He  does  not  say  that  the  events  here  recorded  were 
exactly  synchronous  with  this  visit,  for  he  says 
merely  "about  that  time."  We  are  allowed  therefore 
to  place  this  visit  before  44  AD  or  after,  just  as  the 
facts  require.  The  mention  of  "elders"  in  Acts 
11  30  instead  of  apostles  (cf  both  in  15  4)  may  mean 
that  the  apostles  are  absent  when  the  visit  is  made. 
After  the  death  of  James  (12  1  f )  and  release  of  Peter 
we  note  that  Peter  "went  to  another  place"  (12  17). 
But  the  apostles  are  back  again  in  Jerus  in  15  4  ff. 
Lightfoot  (Bib.  Essays,  216)  therefore  places  the 
visit  "at  the  end  of  44,  or  in  45."  Once  more  we 
slip  the  connection  and  fail  to  fix  a  firm  date  for 
Paul.  It  is  disputed  also  whether  this  2d  visit  to 
Jerus  according  to  Acts  (9  26;  11  29  f)  is  the  same 
as  the  "again"  in  Gal  2  1.  Ramsay  (St.  Paul  the 
Traveller,  59)  identifies  the  visit  in  Gal  2  1  with 
that  in  Acts  11  29  f,  but  Lightfoot  (Bib.  Essays, 
221)  holds  that  it  "must  be  identified  with  the  third 
of  the  Acts"  (15  4  ff).  In  Gal  1  and  2  Paul  is  not 
recording  his  visits  to  Jerus,  but  showing  his  inde- 
pendence of  the  apostles  when  he  met  them  in  Jerus. 
There  is  no  proof  that  he  saw  the  apostles  on  the 
occasion  of  the  visit  in  Acts  11  29  f.  The  point 
of  Lightfoot  is  well  taken,  but  we  have  no  point  of 
contact  with  the  outside  history  for  locating  more 
precisely  the  date  of  the  visit  of  Gal  2  1  and  Acts 
15  4  ff,  except  that  it  was  after  the  first  missionary 
tour  of  Acts  13  and  14. 

(4)  The  first  missionary  tour. — Sergius  Paulus  is 
proconsul  of  Cyprus  when  Barnabas  and  Saul  visit  the 
island  (Acts  13  7).  The  proconsul  Paulus  is  men- 
tioned in  a  Gr  inscription  of  Soloi  (Hogarth,  Devia 
Cypria,  1889,  114)  and  Lucius  Sergius  Paulus  in 
CIL,  VI,  31,  545,  but,  as  no  mention  of  his  being 
proconsul  is  here  made,  it  is  probably  earlier  than 
that  time.  The  Soloi  inscription  bears  the  date  53 
AD,  but  Sergius  Paulus  was  not  proconsul  in  51 
or  52.  Hence  he  may  have  been  proconsul  in  50 
or  the  early  part  of  51  AD.  It  could  not  be  later 
and  may  have  been  earlier. 

(5)  The  first  visit  to  Corinth. — The  point  to  note 
here  is  that  Gallio  becomes  proconsul  of  Achaia 
(Acts  18  12).  Paul  has  been  apparently  in  Corinth 
a  year  and  six  months  when  Gallio  appears  on  the 
scene  (Acts  18  11).  Aquila  and  Priscilla  had 
"lately  come  from  Italy"  (18  2)  when  Paul  arrived 
there.  They  had  been  expelled  from  Rome  by  the 
emperor  Claudius  (18  2).  On  the  arrival  of  Gallio 
the  Jews  at  once  accuse  Paul  before  him;  he  refuses 
to  interfere,  and  Paul  stays  on  for  a  while  and  then 
leaves  for  Syria  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (18  18). 
Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  Appendix,  I,  "The  Procon- 
sulate of  L.  Junius  Gallio")  has  shown  beyond 
reasonable  doubt  that  Gallio,  the  brother  of  Seneca, 
became  proconsul  of  Achaia  about  July,  51  AD  (or 
possibly  52).  On  a  stone  found  at  Delphi,  Gallio  is 
mentioned  as  proconsul  of  Achaia  according  to  the 
probable  restoration  of  part  of  the  text.  But  the 
stone  mentions  the  fact  that  Claudius  had  been 
acclaimed  imperator  26  times.  By  means  of  an- 
other inscription  we  get  the  27th  proclamation  as 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2272 


imperator  in  connection  with  the  dedication  of  an 
aqueduct  on  August  1,  52  AD.  So  thus  the  26th 
time  is  before  this  date,  some  time  in  the  earlier  part 
of  the  year.  We  need  not  follow  in  detail  the  turns 
of  the  argument  (see  Deissmann,  op.  cit.).  Once 
more  we  do  not  get  a  certain  date  as  to  the  year.  It 
is  either  the  summer  of  51  or  52  AD,  when  Gallio 
comes.  And  Paul  has  already  been  in  Corinth  a 
year  and  a  half.  But  the  terminus  ad  quern  for  the 
close  of  Paul's  two  years'  stay  in  Corinth  would  be 
the  early  autumn  of  52  AD,  and  more  probably  51 
AD.  Hence  the  2  Thessalonian  Epp.  cannot  be 
later  than  this  date.  Before  the  close  of  52  AD, 
and  probably  51,  therefore  must  come  the  2d  mis- 
sionary tour,  the  conference  at  Jerus,  the  first  mis- 
sionary tour,  etc.  Deissmann  is  justified  in  his 
enthusiasm  on  this  point.  He  is  positive  that  51 
AD  is  the  date  of  the  arrival  of  Gallio. 

(6)  Paul  at  Troas  according  to  Acts  20  6  f. — On 
this  occasion  Luke  gives  the  days  and  the  time  of 
year  (Passover).  Ramsay  figures  (St.  Paul  the 
Traveller,  289  f)  that  Paul  had  his  closing  service 
at  Troas  on  Sunday  evening  and  the  party  left  early 
Monday  morning.  Hence  he  argues  back  to  the 
Passover  at  Philippi  and  concludes  that  the  days  as 
given  by  Luke  will  not  fit  into  56,  58,  or  59  AD,  but 
will  suit  57.  If  he  is  correct  in  this  matter,  then  we 
should  have  a  definite  year  for  the  last  trip  to  Jerus. 
Lewin  [Fasti  Sacri,  nos.  1856,  1857)  reaches  the 
same  conclusion.  The  conclusion  is  logical  if  Luke 
is  exact  in  his  use  of  days  in  this  passage.  Yet 
Lightfoot  insists  on  58  AD,  but  Ramsay  has  the 
advantage  on  this  point.  See  Pauline  and  Other 
Studies,  352  f. 

(7)  Festus  succeeding  Felix. — When  was  Felix 
recalled?  He  was  appointed  procurator  in  52  AD 
(Schiirer,  Jeutish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  I, 
ii,  174).  He  was  already  ruler  "many  years"  (Acts 
24  10)  when  Paul  appears  before  him  in  Caesarea. 
He  holds  on  "two  years"  when  he  is  succeeded  by 
Festus  (Acts  24  27).  But  in  the  Chronicle  of 
Eusebius  (Armenian  text)  it  is  stated  that  the  recall 
of  Felix  took  place  in  the  last  year  of  Claudius,  or 
54  AD.  But  this  is  clearly  an  error,  in  spite  of  the 
support  given  to  it  by  Harnack  {Chronologic  d. 
Paulus),  since  Jos  puts  most  of  the  rule  of  Felix 
in  the  reign  of  Nero  (Ant,  XX,  viii,  1-9;  BJ,  II, 
xii,  8-14),  not  to  mention  the  "many  years"  of  Paul 
in  Acts  24  10.  But  the  error  of  Eusebius  has  now 
been  explained  by  Erbes  in  his  Todestage  Pauli  und 
Petri,  and  is  made  perfectly  clear  by  Ramsay  in 
Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  349  ff.  Eusebius  over- 
looked the  interregnum  of  6  years  between  the  death 
of  Herod  Agrippa  I  in  44  AD  and  the  first  year  of 
Herod  Agrippa  II  in  50  AD.  Eusebius  learned 
that  Festus  came  in  the  10th  year  of  Herod  Agrippa 
II.  Counting  from  50  AD,  that  gives  us  59  AD  as 
the  date  of  the  recall  of  Felix.  This  date  harmo- 
nizes with  all  the  known  facts.  "The  great  majority 
of  scholars  accept  the  date  60  for  Festus;  but  they 
confess  that  it  is  only  an  approximate  date,  and 
there  is  no  decisive  argument  for  it"  (Ramsay, 
Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  351).  For  minute  dis- 
cussion of  the  old  arguments  see  Nash,  art.  "Paul" 
in  new  Sch-  Herz  Ejic;  Schiirer,  Hist  of  the  Jewish 
People,  I,  ii,  182  ff .  But  if  Erbes  and  Ramsay  are 
correct,  we  have  at  last  a  date  that  will  stand.  So 
then  Paul  sails  for  Rome  in  the  late  summer  of  59 
AD  and  arrives  at  his  destination  in  the  early  spring 
("had  wintered,"  Acts  28  11)  of  60  AD.  He  had 
been  "two  whole  years  in  his  own  hired  dwelling" 
(28  30)  when  Luke  closes  the  Acts.  On  the  basis 
of  his  release  in  63  or  early  64  and  the  journeyings 
of  the  Pastoral  Epp.,  Paul's  death  would  come  by 
early  summer  of  68  before  Nero's  death,  and  possibly 
in  67.  On  this  point  see  later.  Wo  can  now  count 
back  from  59  AD  with  reasonable  clearness  to  57  as 


the  date  of  Paul's  arrest  in  Jerus.  Paul  spent  at 
least  a  year  and  three  months  (Acta  19  8.10)  in 
Ephesus  (called  in  round  numbers  three  years  in 
Acts  20  31) .  It  took  a  year  for  him  to  reach  Jerus, 
from  Pentecost  (1  Cor  16  8)  to  Pentecost  (Acts 
20  16).  From  the  spring  of  57  AD  we  thus  get 
back  to  the  end  of  53  as  the  time  of  his  arrival  in 
Ephesus  (Acts  19  1).  We  have  seen  that  Gallio 
came  to  Corinth  in  the  summer  of  51  AD  (or  52), 
after  Paul  had  been  there  a  year  and  a  half  (Acts 
18  11),  leaving  ample  time  in  either  case  for  the 
journeys  from  Corinth  to  Ephesus,  to  Caesarea,  to 
Jerus  apparently  (Acts  18  21  f),  and  to  Ephesus 
(19  1)  from  the  summer  of  51  (or  52)  we  go  back 
two  years  to  the  beginning  of  the  2d  missionary 
tour  (Acts  16  1-6)  as  49  (or  50).  The  Jerus  Con- 
ference was  probably  in  the  same  year,  and  the  first 
missionary  tour  would  come  in  the  two  (or  three) 
preceding  years  47  and  48  (48-49).  The  stay  at  An- 
tioch  (Acts  14  28)  may  have  been  of  some  length. 
So  we  come  back  to  the  end  of  44  or  beginning  of 
45  for  the  visit  to  Jerus  in  Acts  11  29  f.  Before 
that  comes  the  year  in  Antioch  with  Barnabas  (11 
26),  the  years  in  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  the  "three  years" 
after  the  conversion  spent  mostly  in  Arabia  (Gal 
1  17  f),  Paul's  first  appearance  at  the  death  of 
Stephen  (Acts  7  58).  These  early  dates  are  more 
conjectural,  but  even  so  the  facts  seem  to  indicate 
35  AD  as  the  probable  year  of  Saul's  conversion. 
The  year  of  his  birth  would  then  be  between  1  and 
5  AD,  probably  nearer  1.  If  so,  and  if  his  death 
was  in  67  or  68  AD  his  age  is  well  indicated.  He 
was  "Paul  the  Aged  (Philem  ver  9)  when  he  wrote 
to  Philemon  from  Rome  in  61-63  AD. 

IV.  His  Equipment. — Ramsay  chooses  as  the  title 
of  ch  ii,  in  his  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  the  words  "The 
Origin  of  St.  Paul."  It  is  not  possible  to  explain 
the  work  and  teaching  of  Paul  without  a  just  con- 
ception of  the  forces  that  entered  into  his  life.  Paul 
himself  is  still  woefully  misunderstood  by  some. 
Thus  A.  Meyer  (Jesus  or  Paxil,  1909,  119)  says: 
"In  spite  of  all  that  has  been  said,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  St.  Paul,  with  his  peculiar  personality,  with 
his  tendency  to  recondite  gnostic  speculation  and 
rabbinic  argument,  has  heavily  encumbered  the 
cause  of  Christianity.  For  many  simple  souls,  and 
for  many  natures  that  are  otherwise  constituted 
than  himself,  he  has  barred  the  way  to  the  simple 
Christianity  of  Jesus."  That  is  a  serious  charge 
against  the  man  who  claimed  to  have  done  more 
than  all  the  other  apostles,  and  rightly,  so  far  as  we 
can  tell  (1  Cor  15  10),  and  who  claimed  that  his 
interpretation  of  Jesus  was  the  only  true  one  (Gal 
1  7-9).  Moffatt  (Paul  and  Paulinism,  1910,  70) 
minimizes  the  effect  of  Paulinism:  "The  majority 
of  Paul's  distinctive  conceptions  were  either  mis- 
understood, or  dropped,  or  modified,  as  the  case 
might  be,  in  the  course  of  a  few  decades."  "Paul- 
inism as  a  whole  stood  almost  as  far  apart  from  the 
Christianity  that  followed  it  as  from  that  which 
preceded  it"  (ib,  73).  "The  aim  of  some  scholars 
seems  to  be  to  rob  every  great  thinker  of  his  origi- 
nality" (Garvie,  Studies  of  Paul  and  His  Gospel, 
1).  Ramsay  (Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  3  ff) 
boldly  challenges  the  modern  prejudice  of  some 
scholars  against  Paul  by  asking,  "Shall  we  hear  evi- 
dence or  not?"  Every  successive  age  must  study 
afresh  the  life  and  work  of  Paul  (ib,  27)  if  it  would 
understand  him.  Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  3  f)  rightly 
sees  that  "St.  Paul  is  spiritually  the  great  power  of 
the  apostolic  age."  Hence  "the  historian,  surveying 
the  beginnings  of  Christianity,  sees  St.  Paul  as 
first  after  Jesus."  Peine  (Jesus  Christus  und 
Paidus,  1902,  298)  claims  that  Paul  grasped  the 
essence  of  the  ministry  of  Christ  "auf  das  tiefsto." 
I  own  myself  a  victim  to  "the  charm  of  Paul,"  to 
use  Ramsay's  phrase   (Pauline  and  Other  Studies, 


2273 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


27).  In  seeking  to  study  "the  shaping  influences" 
in  Paul's  career  (Alexander,  The  Ethics  of  Si.  Paul, 
1910,  27),  we  shall  be  in  error  if  we  seek  to  explain 
everything  by  heredity  and  environment  and  if  we 
deny  any  influence  from  these  sources.  He  is  what 
he  is  because  of  original  endowments,  the  world  of 
his  day,  and  his  experience  of  Christ  Jesus.  He 
had  both  essential  and  accidental  factors  in  his 
equipment  (Fairbairn,  Studies  in  Religion  and 
Theology,  1910,  469  f ) .  Let  us  note  the  chief  factors 
in  his  religious  development. 

Geography  plays  an  important  part  in  any  life. 
John  the   Baptist  spent  his  boyhood  in  the  hill 

country  of  Judaea  in  a  small  town 
1.  The  City  (Lk  1  39)  and  then  in  the  wilderness. 
of  Tarsus      Jesus  spent  His  boyhood  in  the  town 

of  Nazareth  and  the  country  round. 
Both  John  and  Jesus  show  fondness  for  Nature  in 
all  its  forms.  Paul  grew  up  in  a  great  city  and 
spent  his  life  in  the  great  cities  of  the  Rom  empire. 
He  makes  little  use  of  the  beauties  of  Nature,  but 
he  has  a  keen  knowledge  of  men  (cf  Robertson, 
Epochs  in  the  Life  of  Paul,  12).  Paul  was  proud 
of  his  great  city  (Acts  21  39).  He  was  not  merely 
a  resident,  but  a  "citizen"  of  this  distinguished 
city.  This  fact  shows  that  Paul's  family  had  not 
just  emigrated  from  Judaea  to  Tarsus  a  few  years 
before  his  birth,  but  had  been  planted  in  Tarsus  as 
part  of  a  colony  with  full  municipal  rights  (Ramsay, 
St.  Paul  the  Tramller,  31  f).  Tarsus  was  the  capital 
of  Cilicia,  then  a  part  of  the  province  of  Syria,  but 
it  had  the  title  of  metropolis  and  was  a  free  city, 
urhs  libera  (Pliny,  NH,  v. 27).  To  the  ancient 
Gr  the  city  was  his  "fatherland"  (Ramsay,  Cities 
of  St.  Paul,  1908,  90).  Tarsus  was  situated  on  the 
river  Cydnus,  and  in  a  wide  plain  with  the  hill 
country  behind  and  the  snow-covered  Taurus 
Mountains  in  the  distance.  It  was  subject  to  ma- 
laria. Ramsay  (ib,  117  ff)  from  Gen  10  4  f  holds 
that  the  early  inhabitants  were  Greeks  mingled 
with  Orientals.  East  and  West  flowed  together  here. 
It  was  a  Rom  town  also  with  a  Jewish  colony  (ib, 
169  ff),  constituting  a  city  tribe  to  which  Paul's 
family  belonged.  So  then  Tarsus  was  a  typical  city 
of  the  Gr-Rom  civihzation. 

The  religions  of  the  times  all  met  there  in  this  great 
mart  of  business.  But  it  was  one  of  the  great  seats  of 
culture  also.  Strabo  (xiv.6.73)  even  says  that  "Tarsus 
surpassed  all  other  universities,  such  as  Alexandria  and 
Athens,  in  the  study  of  philosophy  and  educational  lit- 
erature in  general. "  "Its  great  preeminence,"  he  adds, 
"consists  in  this,  that  the  men  of  learning  here  are  aU 
natives."  Accordingly,  he  and  others  have  made  up  a 
long  list  of  distinguished  men  who  flourished  at  Tarsus 
in  the  late  autumn  of  Gr  learning :  philosophers — of  the 
Academy,  of  the  Epicurean  and  Stoic  schools — poets, 
grammarians,  physicians.  At  Tarsus,  one  might  say, 
"you  breathed  the  atmosphere  of  learning"  (Lightfoot. 
Bib.  Essaua,  205).  But  Kamsay  (CthVs  o/ S(.  Paul,  231  f) 
cautions  us  not  to  misunderstand  .Strabo.  It  was  not 
even  one  of  the  three  great  universities  of  the  world  in 
point  of  equipment,  fame,  students  from  abroad,  or 
general  standing.  It  was  not  on  a  par  with  Athens  and 
Alexandria,  except  that  "it  was  rich  in  what  constitutes 
the  true  excellence  and  strength  of  a  university,  intense 
enthusiasm  and  desire  for  knowledge  among  the  students 
and  great  ability  and  experience  among  some  at  least  of 
the  teachers"  (ib,  233).  Strabo  was  very  fond  of 
Athenodorus,  for  instance.  No  students  from  abroad 
came  to  Tarsus,  but  they  went  from  Tarsus  elsewhere. 
But  Philostratus  represents  Apollonius  of  Tyana  as 
disgusted  with  the  university  and  the  town,  and  Dio 
Chrysostom  describes  Tarsus  as  an  oriental  and  non- 
Hellenic  town. 

Ramsay  speaks  of  Tarsus  in  the  reign  of  Augustus 
as  "the  one  example  known  in  history  of  a  state  ruled 
by  a  university  acting  through  its  successive  prin- 
cipals." "It  is  characteristic  of  the  general  tend- 
ency of  university  life  in  a  prosperous  and  peaceful 
empire,  that  the  rule  of  the  Tarsian  University  was 
marked  by  a  strong  reaction  toward  oligarchy  and 
a  curtailment  of  democracy;  that  also  belongs  to  the 
oriental  spirit,  which  was  so  strong  in  the  city.    But 


the  crowning  glory  of  Tarsus,  the  reason  for  its 
undying  interest  to  the  whole  world,  is  that  it 
produced  the  apostle  Paul;  that  it  was  the  one  city 
which  was  suited  by  its  equipoise  between  the 
Asiatic  and  the  Western  spirit  to  mold  the  char- 
acter of  the  great  Hellenist  Jew;  and  that  it 
nourished  in  him  a  strong  source  of  loyalty  and 
patriotism  as  the  citizen  of  no  mean  city"  (Ram- 
say, op.  cit.,  23.5).  The  city  gave  him  a  schooling 
in  his  social,  political,  intellectual,  moral,  and  reli- 
gious life,  but  in  varying  degrees,  as  we  shall  see. 
It  was  because  Tarsus  was  a  cosmopolitan  city  with 
"an  amalgamated  society"  that  it  possessed  the 
peculiar  suitability  "to  educate  and  mold  the  mind 
of  him  who  would  in  due  time  make  the  religion  of 
the  Jewish  race  intelligible  to  the  Gr-Rom  world" 
(ib,  88).  As  a  citizen  of  Tarsus  Paul  was  a  citizen 
of  the  whole  world. 

It  was  no  idle  boast  with  Paul  when  he  said, 
"But  I  am  a  Roman  bom"  (Acts  22  28).     The  chief 

captain  might  well  be  "afraid  when  he 
2.  Roman  knew  that  he  was  a  Roman,  and  be- 
Citizenship    cause  he  had  bound  him"    (22  29). 

Likewise  the  magistrates  at  Philippi 
"feared  when  they  heard  that  they  were  Romans" 
(Acts  16  39),  and  promptly  released  Paul  and  Silas 
and  "asked  them  to  go  away  from  the  city."  "To 
the  Roman  his  citizenship  was  his  passport  in  dis- 
tant lands,  his  talisman  in  seasons  of  difficulties 
and  danger.  It  shielded  him  alike  from  the  caprice 
of  municipal  law  and  the  injustice  of  local  magis- 
trates" (Lightfoot,  Bib.  Essays,  203).  As  a  citizen 
of  Rome,  therefore,  Paul  stood  above  the  common 
herd.  He  ranked  with  the  aristocracy  in  any  pro- 
vincial town  (Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  31). 
He  would  naturally  have  a  kindly  feeling  for  the 
Rom  government  in  return  for  this  high  privilege 
and  protection.  In  its  pessimism  the  Rom  empire 
had  come  to  be  the  world's  hope,  as  seen  in  the 
Fourth  Eclogue  of  Virgil  (Ramsay,  Cities  of  St. 
Paul,  49).  Paul  would  seize  upon  the  Rom  empire 
as  a  fit  symbol  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  "Our 
citizenship  is  in  heaven"  (Phil  3  20);  "Ye  are  no 
more  strangers  and  sojourners,  but  ye  are  fellow- 
citizens  with  the  saints"  (Eph  2  19).  So  he  inter- 
prets the  church  in  terms  of  the  body  politic  as  well 
as  in  terms  of  the  Israelite  theocracy  (Col  2  19). 
"All  this  shows  the  deep  impression  which  the  Rom 
institutions  made  on  St.  Paul"  (Lightfoot,  Bib. 
Essays,  205).  Ramsay  draws  a  striking  parallel 
under  the  heading,  "Paulinism  in  the  Rom  Empire" 
(Cities  of  St.  Paul,  70  ff).  "A  universal  Paulinism 
and  a  universal  Empire  must  either  coalesce,  or 
the  one  must  destroy  the  other."  It  was  Paul's 
knowledge  of  the  Rom  empire  that  gave  him  his 
imperialism  and  statesmanlike  grasp  of  the  problems 
of  Christianity  in  relation  to  the  Rom  empire. 
Paul  was  a  statesman  of  the  highest  type,  as  Ram- 
say has  conclusively  shown  (Pauline  and  Other 
Studies,  49-100).  Moffatt  (Paul  and  Paulinism, 
66)  does  say:  "His  perspective  was  not  imperial- 
istic," but  he  shows  thereby  a  curious  inability  to 
understand  Paul.  The  vision  of  Paul  saw  that  the 
regeneration  of  the  empire  could  come  only  through 
Christianity.  Ramsay  strikingly  shows  how  the 
emperor  dreaded  the  spiritual  upheaval  in  Paulin- 
ism and  fought  it  steadily  till  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine,  when  "an  official  Christianity  was  victorious, 
but  Pauline  Christianity  had  perished,  and  Paul  was 
now  a  mere  saint,  no  longer  Paul  but  St.  Paul,  for- 
gotten as  a  man  or  a  teacher,  but  remembered  as  a 
sort  of  revivification  of  the  old  pagan  gods"  (Cities 
of  St.  Paul,  78).  But,  as  Ramsay  says,  "it  was  not 
dead;  it  was  only  waiting  its  opportunity;  it 
revived  when  freedom  of  thought  and  freedom  of 
life  began  to  stir  in  Europe;  and  it  guided^  and 
stimulated  the  Protestants  of  the  Reformation." 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2274 


Suffer  Ramsay  once  more  {Pauline  and  Other 
Studies,  100);  "Barbarism  proved  too  powerful  for 
the  Gr-Rom  civilization  unaided  by  the  new  reli- 
gious bond;  and  every  channel  through  which  that 
civilization  was  preserved  or  interest  in  it  main- 
tained, either  is  now  or  has  been  in  some  essential 
part  of  its  course  Christian  after  the  Pauline 
form."  Paul  would  show  the  Rom  genius  for  organ- 
izing the  churches  established  by  him.  Many  of 
his  churches  would  be  in  Rom  colonies  (Antioch  in 
Pisidia,  Philippi,  Corinth,  etc).  He  would  address 
his  most  studied  ep.  to  the  church  in  Rome,  and 
Rome  would  be  the  goal  of  his  ministry  for  many 
years  (Findlay,  HDB).  He  would  show  his  conver- 
sance with  Rom  law,  not  merely  in  knowing  how  to 
take  advantage  of  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  but  also  in 
the  use  of  legal  terms  like  "adoption"  (Gal  4  5  f), 
where  the  adopted  heir  becomes  son,  and  heir  and 
son  are  interchangeable.  This  was  the  obsolete 
Rom  law  and  the  Gr  law  left  in  force  in  the  prov- 
inces (cf  Gal  3  15).  But  in  Rom  8  16  f  the  actual 
revocable  Rom  law  is  referred  to  by  which  "heirship 
is  now  deduced  from  sonship,  whereas  in  Gal  son- 
ship  is  deduced  from  heirship;  for  at  Rome  a  son 
must  be  an  heir,  but  an  heir  need  not  be  a  son  (cf 
He  9  15  ff  which  presupposes  Rom  law  and  the 
revocabihty  of  a  will)"  (Maclean  in  1-vol  HDB). 
So  in  Gal  3  24  the  tutor  or  pedagogue  presents  a 
Gr  custom  preserved  by  the  Romans.  This  per- 
sonal guardian  of  the  child  (often  a  slave)  led  him 
to  school,  and  was  not  the  guardian  of  the  child's 
property  in  Gal  4  2.  See  Ramsay,  Gal,  337-93; 
Ball,  St.  Paul  and  the  Rom  Law,  1901,  for  further 
discussion.  As  a  Roman,  Paul  would  have  "nomen 
and  praenomen,  probably  taken  from  the  Rom 
officer  who  gave  his  family  citntas;  but  Luke,  a 
Greek,  had  no  interest  in  Rom  names.  Paulus,  his 
cognomen,  was  not  determined  by  his  nomen;  there 
is  no  reason  to  think  he  was  an  Jimilius"  (Ramsay, 
St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  31).  It  is  probable,  though 
not  certain,  that  Paul  spoke  Latin  (see  Souter,  Ex- 
pos, April,  1911).  He  was  at  any  rate  a  "Roman 
gentleman"  (Findlay,  HDB),  as  is  shown  by  the 
dignity  of  his  bearing  before  governors  and  kings 
and  the  respect  accorded  him  by  the  proconsul 
Sergius  Paulus,  the  procurator  Porcius  Festus,  and 
the  centurion  Julius,  whose  prisoner  he  was  in  the 
voyage  to  Rome.  His  father,  as  a  Rom  citizen, 
probably  had  some  means  which  may  have  come 
to  Paul  before  the  appeal  to  Rome,  which  was  ex- 
pensive (Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  310  ff). 
Though  a  prisoner  in  Rome,  he  made  Rome  "his 
best  vantage  ground  and  his  adoptive  home,"  and 
it  was  here  that  he  rose  to  "his  loftiest  conceptions 
of  the  nation  and  destiny  of  the  universal  church" 
(Findlay,  HDB)  as  "an  ambassador  in  chains" 
(Eph  6  20).  As  a  Rom  citizen,  according  to  tra- 
dition, he  was  beheaded  with  the  sword  and  not 
subjected  to  crucifixion,  the  traditional  fate  of 
Simon  Peter.  He  saw  the  true  pax  Romana  to  be 
the  peace  that  passeth  all  understanding  (Phil  4 
7;  cf  Rostron,  The  Christology  of  St.  Paul,  1912, 
19). 

It  is  not  possible  "to  specify  all  the  influences  that 
worked  on  Paul  in  his  youth"  (Ramsay,  Cities  of 

St.  Paul,  79).  We  do  not  know  all 
3.  Hellen-  the  life  of  the  times.  But  he  was 
ism  subject  to  all  that  life  in  so  far  as  any 

other  Jewish  youth  was.  "He  was 
master  of  all  the  education  and  the  opportunities 
of  his  time.  He  turned  to  his  profit  and  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  great  purpose  all  the  resources  of 
civilization"  (Ramsay,  Pauline  and  Other  Studies, 
285) .  I  heartily  agree  with  this  conception  of  Paul's 
ability  to  assimilate  the  life  of  his  time,  but  one 
must  not  be  led  astray  so  far  as  Schramm  who,  in 
1710,  wrote  De  stupenda  eruditione  Pauli  ("On  the 


Stupendous  Erudition  of  Paul").  This  is,  of  course, 
absurd,  as  Lightfoot  shows  [Bih.  Essays,  206). 
But  we  must  not  forget  Paul  lived  in  a  Gr  city  and 
possessed  Gr  citizenship  also  (Ramsay,  St.  Paul 
the  Traveller,  33) .  Certainly  the  Gr  traits  of  adapt- 
ability, curiosity,  alertness,  the  love  of  investi- 
gation were  marked  features  of  his  character,  and 
Tarsus  afforded  wide  opportunity  for  the  acquiring 
of  these  qualities  {The  Ethics  of  St.  Paul,  39).  He 
learned  to  speak  the  vernacular  koine  like  a  native 
and  with  the  ease  and  swing  displayed  by  no  other 
NT  writer  save  Luke  and  the  author  of  He.  He  has 
a  "poet's  mastery  of  language,"  though  with  the 
passion  of  a  soul  on  fire,  rather  than  with  the  arti- 
ficial rules  of  the  rhetoricians  of  the  day  (Deiss- 
mann,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East,  239  f).  Blass 
{Die  Rhythmen  der  asianischen  und  romischen  Kunst- 
prosa,  1905)  holds  that  Paul  wrote  "rhythmically 
elaborated  artistic  prose — a  singular  instance  of 
the  great  scholar's  having  gone  astray"  (Deissmann, 
Light,  etc,  64).  But  there  is  evidence  that  Paul  was 
familiar  with  the  use  of  the  diatribe  and  other  com- 
mon rhetorical  devices,  though  he  was  very  far  from 
being  tinged  with  Atticism  or  Asianism.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  Paul  did  not  attend  any  of  the  schools  of 
rhetoric  and  oratory.  Heinrici  (Vorrede  to  1  Cor 
in  Meyer's  Krit.  exeget.  Komm.)  argues  that  Paul's 
methods  and  expressions  conform  more  nearly  to 
the  cynic  and  Stoic  diatribe  than  to  the  rabbinical 
dialectic;  cf  also  Wendland  und  Kern,  Philo  u.  d. 
kynisch-stoische  Diatribe,  and  Hicks,  "St.  Paul  and 
Hellenism"  in  Stud.  Bib.,  IV.  How  extensive  was 
his  acquaintance  with  Gr  lit.  is  in  doubt.  Light- 
foot  says:  "There  is  no  ground  for  saying  that  St. 
Paul  was  a  very  erudite  or  highly-cultivated  man. 
An  obvious  maxim  of  practical  life  from  Menander 
(1  Cor  15  33),  a  religious  sentiment  of  Cleanthes 
repeated  by  Aratus,  himself  a  native  of  Tarsus 
(Acts  17  28),  a  pungent  satire  of  Epimenides  (Tit 
1  12),  with  possibly  a  passage  here  and  there  which 
dimly  reflects  some  classical  writer,  these  are  very 
slender  grounds  on  which  to  build  the  supposition 
of  vast  learning"  {Bib.  Essays,  206);  but  Lightfoot 
admits  that  he  obtained  directly  or  indirectly  from 
contact  with  Gr  thought  and  learning  lessons  far 
wider  and  more  useful  for  his  work  than  a  perfect 
style  or  a  familiar  acquaintance  with  the  classical 
writers  of  antiquity.  Even  so,  there  is  no  reason 
to  say  that  he  made  his  few  quotations  from  hear- 
say and  read  no  Gr  books  (cf  Zahn,  Intro  to  the  NT, 
52).  Certainly  he  knew  the  Gr  OT  and  the  Jewish 
Apoo  and  apocalypses  in  Gr.  Garvie  is  only  willing 
to  admit  that  Paul  had  such  knowledge  of  Gr  lit. 
and  philosophy  as  any  Jew,  living  among  Greeks, 
might  pick  up  {Life  and  Teaching  of  Paul,  2),  and 
charges  Ramsay  with  "overstating  the  influence  of 
the  gentile  environment  on  Paul's  development" 
{Studies  of  Paul  and  His  Gospel,  8).  Ramsay  holds 
that  it  is  quite  "possible  that  the  philosophical 
school  at  Tarsus  had  exercised  more  influence  on 
Paul  than  is  commonly  allowed"  {St.  Paul  the 
Traveller,  354).  Tarsus  was  the  home  of  Atheno- 
dorus.  It  was  a  stronghold  of  Stoic  thought.  "At 
least  five  of  the  most  eminent  teachers  of  that  phi- 
losophy were  in  the  university"  (Alexander,  Ethics 
of  St.  Paul,  47).  It  is  not  possible  to  say  whether 
Paul  attended  these  or  any  lectures  at  the  university, 
though  it  is  hard  to  conceive  that  a  brilliant  youth 
like  Saul  could  grow  up  in  Tarsus  with  no  mental 
stimulus  from  such  a  university.  Garvie  (ib,  6) 
asks  when  Paul  could  have  studied  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Tarsus.  He  was  probably  too  young  before 
he  went  to  Jerus  to  study  under  Gamaliel.  But  it  ia 
not  probable  that  he  remained  in  Jerus  continuously 
after  completing  his  studies  till  we  see  him  at  the 
death  of  Stephen  (Acts  7  58).  He  may  have 
returned   to   Tarsus   meanwhile    and   taken   such 


2275 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


studies.  Another  possibility  is  that  he  took  advan- 
tage of  the  years  in  Tarsus  after  his  conversion  (Acts 
9  30;  Gal  1  21)  to  equip  himself  better  for  his 
mission  to  the  Gentiles  to  which  he  had  been  called. 
There  is  no  real  difficulty  on  the  score  of  time.  The 
world  was  saturated  with  Gr  ideas,  and  Paul  could 
not  escape  them.  He  could  not  escape  it  unless 
he  was  innocent  of  all  culture.  Ramsay  sees  in 
Paul  a  love  of  truth  and  reality  "wholly  incon- 
ceivable in  a  more  narrow  Hebrew,  and  wholly 
inexplicable  without  an  education  in  Gr  philosophy" 
("St.  Paul  and  Hellenism,"  Cities  of  St.  Paul,  34). 
Paul  exhibited  a  freedom  and  universalism  that 
he  found  in  the  Gr  thought  of  the  time  which  was  not 
so  decayed  as  some  think.  For  the  discussion  be- 
tween Garvie  and  Ramsay  see  Expos,  April  and 
December,  1911.  Pfleiderer  {Urchrislenihum,  Vor- 
wort,  174-78)  finds  a  "double  root"  of  Paulinism,  a 
Christianized  Hellenism  and  a  Christianized  Phari- 
saism. Harnack  is  more  nearly  correct  in  saying 
that  "notwithstanding  Paul's  Gr  culture,  his  con- 
ception of  Christianity  is,  in  its  deepest  ground,  in- 
dependent of  Hellenism."  The  Hellenistic  influence 
on  Paul  was  relative  and  subordinate  (Wendland, 
Die  hel.-rom.  Kultur  in  ihren  Beziehungen  zu  Juden- 
thum  und  Christenthum,  3te  Aufl,  1912,  245),  but  it 
was  real,  as  Kohler  shows  {Zum  Verstdndnis  des 
Apostels  Paulus,  9).  He  had  a  "Gr  inheritance" 
beyond  a  doubt,  and  it  was  not  all  unconscious  or 
subliminal  as  Rostrou  argues  {Christology  of  St.  Paul, 
17).  It  is  true  that  in  Athens  the  Stoics  and  Epi- 
cureans ridiculed  Paul  as  a  "picker  up  of  learning's 
crumbs" — Browning's  rendering  (An  Epistle)  of 
a-irepfw\6yos,  spermoUgos.  Paul  shows  a  fine  scorn 
of  the  sophistries  and  verbal  refinements  of  the  mere 
philosophers  and  orators  in  1  Cor  1  and  2,  but  all 
the  same  he  reveals  a  real  apprehension  of  the  true 
significance  of  knowledge  and  life.  Dr.  James 
Adam  ( The  Religious  Teachers  of  Greece,  360)  shows 
instances  of  "the  real  kinship  of  thought  between 
Plato  and  St.  Paul."  He  does  not  undertake  to  say 
how  it  came  about.  He  has  a  Platonic  expression, 
tA  Sih  ToO  aiifiaTos,  td  did  tou  somatos,  in  2  Cor  5 
10,  and  uses  a  Stoic  and  cynic  word  in  2  Cor  9  8, 
airdpKei.a.i',  autdrkeian.  Indeed,  there  are  so  many 
similarities  between  Paul  and  Seneca  in  language 
and  thought  that  some  scholars  actually  predicate 
an  acquaintance  or  dependence  of  the  one  on  the 
other.  It  is  far  more  likely  that  Paul  and  Seneca 
drew  upon  the  common  phrases  of  current  Stoicism- 
than  that  Seneca  had  seen  Paul's  Epp.  or  knew  him 
personally.  Lightfoot  has  a  classic  discussion  of 
the  matter  in  his  essay  on  "St.  Paul  and  Seneca" 
in  the  Coram,  on  Phil  (see  also  Carr,  "St.  Paul's 
Attitude  to  Gr  Philosophy,"  Expos,  V,  ix).  Alex- 
ander finds  four  Stoic  ideas  (Divine  Immanence, 
Wisdom,  Freedom,  Brotherhood)  taken  and  glori- 
fied by  Paul  to  do  service  for  Christ  [Ethics  of  St. 
Paul,  49-55).  Often  Paul  uses  a  Stoic  phrase  with 
a  Christian  content.  Lightfoot  boldly  argues  (Bib. 
Essays,  207)  that  the  later  Gr  lit.  was  a  fitter  hand- 
maid for  the  diffusion  of  the  gospel  than  the  earlier. 
Paul  as  the  apostle  to  the  Gr-Rom  world  had  to 
"understand  the  bearings  of  the  moral  and  religious 
life  of  Greece  as  expressed  in  her  literature,  and  this 
lesson  he  could  learn  more  impartially  and  more  fully 
at  Tarsus  in  the  days  of  her  decline  than  at  Athens 
in  the  freshness  of  her  glory"  (ib).  Ramsay  waxes 
bold  enough  to  discuss  "the  Pauline  philosophy  of 
history"  (Cities  of  St.  Paul,  10-13).^  I  confess  to 
sympathy  with  this  notion  and  find  it  in  all  the  Paul- 
ine epp.,  esp.  in  Rom.  Moffatt  (Paul  and  Paulin- 
ism, 66)  finds  "a  religious  philosophy  of  history"  in 
Rom  9-11,  throbbing  with  strong  personal  emotiori. 
Paul  rose  to  the  height  of  the  true  Christian  phi- 
losopher, though  not  a  technical  philosopher  of  the 
schools.     Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  53)  admits  his  lan- 


guage assigns  him  "to  an  elevated  class,"  and  yet 
he  insists  that  he  wrote  "large  letters"  (Gal  6  11) 
because  he  had  "the  clumsy,  awkward  writing  of  a 
workman's  hand  deformed  by  toil"  (p.  51).  I  can- 
not agree  that  here  Deissmann  understands  Paul. 
He  makes  "the  world  of  St.  Paul"  on  too  narrow 
a  scale. 

Was  Paul  influenced  by  Mithraism?     H.  A.  A. 
Kennedy  has  given  the  subject  very  careful  and 

thorough  treatment  in  a  series  of  pa- 
4.  The  pers  in    Expos   for    1912-13,    already 

Mystery-  mentioned  (see  II,  5,  above).  His 
Religions       arguments  are  conclusive  on  the  whole 

against  the  wild  notions  of  W.  B. 
Smith,  Der  vorchristliche  Jesus;  J.  M.  Robertson, 
Pagan  Christs;  A.  Drews,  Die  Christus-Mylhe; 
and  Lublinski,  Die  Entsiehung  des  Chrislenlums  aus 
der  antiken  Kultur.  A  magic  papyrus  about  300 
AD  has  "I  adjure  thee  by  the  god  of  the  Hebrew 
Jesu"  (11.  3019  f),  but  Deissmann  (Light  from  the 
Ancient  East,  256)  refuses  to  believe  this  line  genu- 
ine: "No  Christian,  still  less  a  Jew,  would  have 
called  Jesus  'the  god  of  the  Hebrews.'  "  Clemen 
(Primitive  Christianity  and  Its  non- Jewish  Sources, 
1912,  336)  indorses  this  view  of  Deissmann  and  says 
that  in  the  1st  cent.  AD  "one  cannot  speak  of  non- 
Jewish  influences  on  Christology."  One  may  dis- 
miss at  once  the  notion  that  Paul  "deified"  Jesus 
into  a  god  and  made  Him  Christ  under  the  influence 
of  pagan  myths.  Certainly  pagan  idolatry  was 
forced  upon  Paul's  attention  at  every  turn.  It 
stirred  his  spirit  at  Athens  to  see  the  city  full  of 
idols  (Acts  17  16),  and  he  caught  eagerly  at  the 
altar  to  an  unknown  god  to  give  him  an  easy  intro- 
duction to  the  true  God  (17  23);  but  no  one  can 
read  Rom  1  and  2  and  believe  that  Paul  was  carried 
away  by  the  philosophy  of  vain  deceit  of  his  time. 
He  does  use  the  words  "wisdom"  and  "mystery"  often 
in  1  Cor,  Col,  and  Eph,  and  in  Phil  4  12,  "I  [have] 
learned  the  secret,"  he  uses  a  word  employed  in  the 
mystic  cults  of  the  time.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
Paul  took  up  some  of  the  phrases  of  these  mystery- 
religions  and  gave  them  a  richer  content  for  his  own 
purposes,  as  he  did  with  some  of  the  gnostic  phrase- 
ology (Pleroma,  "fulness,"  for  instance).  But 
Schweitzer  (Paul  and  His  Interpreters,  191  f)  deals 
a  fatal  blow  against  the  notion  that  the  mystery- 
religions  had  a  formative  influence  on  Paul.  He 
urges,  with  point,  that  it  is  only  in  the  2d  cent, 
that  these  cults  became  widely  extended  in  the  Rom 
empire.  The  dates  and  development  are  obscure, 
but  it  "is  certain  that  Paul  cannot  have  known  the 
mystery-religions  in  the  form  in  which  they  are 
known  to  us,  because  in  this  fully  developed  form 
they  did  not  exist."  Cumont  (Les  religions  orientates 
dans  le  paganisme  romain,  2d  ed,  1909  [ET])  insists 
repeatedly  on  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  assuming 
without  proof  that  Mithraism  had  any  influence  on 
Paul.  But  in  particular  it  is  urged  that  Paul  drew 
on  the  "mysteries"  for  his  notions  of  baptism  and 
the  Lord's  Supper  as  having  magical  effects.  Ap- 
peal is  made  to  the  magical  use  of  the  name  of 
Jesus  by  the  strolling  Jewish  exorcists  in  Ephesus 
(Acts  18  13  ff).  Kirsopp  Lake  (Earlier  Epp.  of 
St.  Paul,  233)  holds  that  at  Corinth  they  all  accepted 
Christianity  as  a  mystery-religion  and  Jesus  as  "the 
Redeemer-God,  who  had  passed  through  death  to 
life,  and  offered  participation  in  this  new  life  to  those 
who  shared  in  the  mysteries  which  He  offered,"  viz. 
baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  But  Kennedy 
(Expos,  December,  1912,  548)  easily  shows  how  with 
Paul  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  are  not  magi- 
cal sacraments  producing  new  life,  but  symbolic 
pictures  of  death  to  sin  and  new  life  in  Christ  which 
the  believer  has  already  experienced.  The  battle  is 
still  raging  on  the  subject  of  the  mystery-religions, 
but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  so  far  nothing  more  than 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2276 


illustrative  material  has  been  shown  to  be  true  of 
Paul's  teaching  from  this  source. 

There  is  nothing  incongruous  in  the  notion  that  Paul 
knew  as  much  about  the  mystery-religions  as  he  did 
about  incipient  Gnosticism.  Indeed  the  two  things  may 
have  been  to  some  extent  combined  in  some  places.  A 
passage  in  Col  2  18  has  long  bothered  commentators: 
"dwelling  in  the  tilings  which  heliath  seen. ' '  or  (m)  "taking 
his  stand  upon  the  things , ' '  etc.  Westcott  and  Hort  even 
suspected  an  early  error  in  the  text,  but  the  same  word, 
e^^areutit,  embateuo,  has  been  found  by  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay 
as  a  result  of  investigations  by  Makridi  Bey,  of  the  Turk- 
ish Imperial  Museum ,  in  the  sanctuary  of  Apollo  at  Claros, 
a  town  on  the  Ionian  coast.  Some  of  the  initiates  here 
record  the  fact  and  say  that  being  "enquirers,  having 
been  initiated,  they  entered"  (emhateuo) .  The  word  is  thus 
used  of  one  who,  having  been  initiated,  enters  into  the 
life  of  the  initiate  (cf  Independent,  1913,  376).  Clearly, 
then,  Paul  uses  the  word  in  that  sense  in  Col  2  18. 

For  further  discussion  see  Jacoby,  Die  antiken  Mys~ 
terienreligionen  und  das  Christentum;  Glover,  Conflict  of 
Religions  in  the  Early  Rom  Empire;  Reitzenstein,  Die 
hell.  Mysterienreligionen;  Friedlander,  Rom  Life  and 
Manners  under  the  Early  Empire,  III;  Thorburn,  Jesus 
Christ,  Historical  or  Mythical. 

M.  Brtickner  (Der  slerbende  und  auferstehende 
Gottheiland  in  den  orientalischen  Religionen  und  ihr 
Verhdltnis  zum  Christentum,  1908)  says:  "As  in 
Christianity,  so  in  many  oriental  religions,  a  belief 
in  the  death  and  resurrection  of  a  Redeemer-God 
(sometimes  as  His  Son)  occupied  a  central  place  in 
the  worship  and  cultus."  To  this  Schweitzer  (Paul 
and  His  Interpreters,  193)  replies:  "What  manipula- 
tions the  myths  and  rites  of  the  cults  in  question 
must  have  undergone  before  this  general  statement 
could  become  possible!  Where  is  there  anything 
about  dying  and  resurrection  in  Mithra?"  There 
we  may  leave  the  matter. 

Paul  was  Gr  and  Rom,  but  not  "pan-Bab," 
though  he  was  keenly  alive  to  all  the  winds  of  doc- 
trine that  blew  about  him,  as  we  see 
5.  Judaism  in  Col,  Eph,  and  the  Pastoral  Epp. 
But  he  was  most  of  all  the  Jew,  that 
is,  before  his  conversion.  He  remained  a  Jew, 
even  though  he  learned  how  to  be  all  things  to 
all  men  (1  Cor  9  22).  Even  though  glorying  in 
his  mission  as  apostle  to  the  Gentiles  (Eph  3  8), 
he  yet  always  put  the  Jew  first  in  opportunity 
and  peril  (Rom  2  9  f ) .  He  loved  the  Jews  almost 
to  the  point  of  death  (Rom  9  3).  He  was  proud 
of  his  Jewish  lineage  and  boasted  of  it  (2  Cor  11 
16-22;  Acts  22  3  ff;  26  4ff;  Phil  3  4-6).  "His 
religious  patriotism  flickered  up  within  his  Chris- 
tianity" (Moffatt,  Paul  and  Paulinism,  66).  Had 
he  not  been  a  Rom  citizen  with  some  Gr  culture 
and  his  rich  endowments  of  mind,  he  would  prob- 
ably not  have  been  the  "chosen  vessel"  for  the 
work  of  Christ  among  the  Gentiles  (Garvie,  Studies 
of  Paul  and  His  Gospel,  15).  Had  he  not  been 
the  thorough  Jew,  he  could  not  have  mediated 
Christianity  from  Jew  to  Greek.  "In  the  mind  of 
Paul  a  universalized  Hellenism  coalesced  with  a  uni- 
versalized Hebraism"  (Ramsay,  Cities  of  St.  Paul, 
43).  Ramsay  strongly  opposes  the  notion  of  Har- 
nack  and  others  that  Paul  can  be  understood  "as 
purely  a  Hebrew."  So  in  Paul  both  Hebraism  and 
Hellenism  meet,  though  Hebraism  is  the  main 
stock.  He  is  a  Jew  in  the  Gr-Rom  world  and  a  part 
of  it,  not  a  mere  spectator.  He  is  the  Hellenistic 
Jew,  not  the  Aram.  Jew  of  Pal  (cf  Simon  Peter's 
vision  on  the  house-top  at  Joppa,  for  instance). 
But  Paul  is  not  a  Hellenizing  Jew  after  the  fashion 
of  Jason  and  Menelaus  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Maccabean  conflict.  Findlay  (HDB)  tersely  says: 
"The  Jew  in  him  was  the  foundation  of  everything 
that  Paul  became."  But  it  was  not  the  narrowest 
type  of  Judaism  in  spite  of  his  persecution  of  the 
Christians.  He  belonged  to  the  Judaism  of  the 
Dispersion.  As  a  Rom  citizen  in  a  Gr  city  he  had 
departed  from  the  narrowest  lines  of  his  people 
(Ramsay,  Cities  of  St.  Paul,  47).  His  Judaism 
was  pure,  in  fact,  as  he  gives  it  to  us  in  Phil  3  5.    He 


was  a  Jew  of  the  stock  of  Israel,  of  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin. He  was  a  Hebrew,  of  the  seed  of  Abraham 
(2  Cor  11  22).  He  shared  in  full  all  the  covenant 
blessings  and  privileges  of  his  people  (Rom  9  1-5), 
whose  crowning  glory  was,  that  of  them  came  Jesus 
the  Messiah.  He  was  proud  of  the  piety  of  his  an- 
cestors (2  Tim  1  3),  and  made  progress  as  a  student 
of  Judaism  ahead  of  his  fellows  (Gal  1  14).  His 
ancestry  was  pure,  Hebrew  of  the  Hebrews  (Phil 
3  5),  and  so  his  family  preserved  the  native  Pales- 
tinian traditions  in  Tarsus.  His  name  Saul  was  a 
proof  of  loyalty  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  as  his 
cognomen  Paul  was  evidence  of  his  Rom  citizen- 
ship. In  his  home  he  would  be  taught  the  law  by 
his  mother  (cf  Gal  1  14),  as  was  true  of  Timothy's 
mother  and  grandmother  (2  Tim  15).  In  Tarsus 
he  would  go  to  the  synagogue  also.  We  know  little 
of  his  father,  save  that  he  w^as  a  Rom  citizen  and 
so  a  man  of  position  in  Tarsus  and  possibly  of  some 
wealth;  that  he  was  a  tent-maker  and  taught  his 
son  the  same  trade,  as  all  Jewish  fathers  did,  what- 
ever their  rank  in  life;  that  he  was  a  Pharisee  and 
brought  up  his  son  as  a  Pharisee  (Acts  23  6),  and 
that  he  sent  the  young  Saul  to  Jerus  to  study  at  the 
feet  of  Gamaliel  (Acts  22  3).  Paul  always  con- 
sidered himself  a  Pharisee  as  distinct  from  the  Sad- 
ducaic  scepticism  (23  6).  Many  of  the  Pharisaic 
doctrines  were  identical  with  those  of  Christianity. 
That  Paul  did  not  consider  himself  a  Pharisee  in  all 
respects  is  shown  later  by  his  conflict  with  the  Juda- 
izers  (Gal  2;  Acts  15;  2  Cor  10-13).  Paul  says 
that  he  was  reared  as  a  strict  Pharisee  (Acts  26  5), 
though  the  school  of  Gamaliel  (grandson  of  Hillel) 
was  not  so  hard  and  narrow  as  that  of  Shammai. 
But  all  Pharisees  were  stricter  than  the  Sadducees. 
So  Jerus  played  an  important  part  in  the  training 
of  Saul  (Acts  22  3),  as  Paul  recognized.  He  was 
known  in  Jerus  as  a  student.  He  knew  Aram,  as 
well  as  Gr  (and  Lat),  and  could  speak  in  it  so  as  to 
attract  the  attention  of  a  Jewish  audience  (Acts  22 
2).  Paul  was  fortunate  in  his  great  teacher  Gama- 
liel, who  was  liberal  enough  to  encourage  the  study 
of  Gr  lit.  But  his  liberality  in  defending  the  apos- 
tles against  the  Sadducees  in  Acts  5  34-39  must  not 
be  misinterpreted  in  comparison  with  the  perse- 
cuting zeal  of  his  brilliant  pupil  against  Stephen 
(7  68).  Stephen  had  opened  war  on  the  Pharisees 
themselves,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  Gamaliel 
made  a  defence  of  Stephen  against  the  lawless  rage 
of  the  Sanhedrin.  It  is  common  for  pupils  to  go 
farther  than  their  teachers,  but  Gamaliel  did  not 
come  to  the  rescue.  Still  Gamaliel  helped  Saul,  who 
was  undoubtedly  his  most  brilliant  pupil  and  prob- 
ably the  hope  of  his  heart  for  the  future  of  Judaism. 
Harnack  (History  of  Dogma,  I,  94)  says:  "Pharisa- 
ism had  fulfilled  its  mission  in  the  world  when  it 
produced^  this  man."  Unfortunately,  Pharisaism 
did  not  die;  in  truth  has  never  died,  not  even  from 
Christianity.  But  young  Saul  was  the  crowning 
glory  of  Pharisaism.  An  effort  has  recently  been 
made  to  restore  Pharisaism  to  its  former  dignity. 
Herford  {Pharisaism,  Its  Aim  and  Method,  1912) 
undertakes  to  show  that  the  Gospels  have  slandered 
Pharisaism,  that  it  was  the  one  hope  of  the  ancient 
world,  etc.  He  has  a  chapter  on  "Pharisaism  and 
Paul,"  in  which  he  claims  that  Paul  has  not  attacked 
the  real  Pharisaism,  but  has  aimed  his  blows  at  an 
unreal  creation  of  his  own  brain  (p.  222).  But,  if 
Paul  did  not  understand  Pharisaism,  he  did  not 
understand  anything.  He  knew  not  merely  the  OT 
in  the  Heb  and  the  LXX  tr,  for  he  quotes  from 
both,  though  usually  from  the  LXX,  but  he  also 
knew  the  Jewish  Apoc  and  apocalypses,  as  is  shown 
in  various  ways  in  his  writings  (see  arts,  on  these 
subjects).  Schweitzer  (Paul  and  His  Interpreters) 
carries  too  far  his  idea  that  Paul  and  Jesus  merely 
moved   in  the   circle  of  Jewish  eschatology.     He 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


makes  it  explain  everything,  and  that  it  cannot  do. 
But  Paul  does  show  acquaintance  with  some  of 
these  books.  See  Kennedy,  St.  Paul's  Conception 
of  the  Last  Things  (1904),  for  a  sane  and  adequate 
discussion  of  this  phase  of  the  subject.  Pfleiderer 
pursues  the  subject  in  his  Paulinism,  as  does  Ka- 
bisch  in  his  Eschatologie.  So  Sanday  and  Headlam 
use  this  source  in  their  Comm.  on  Rom.  Paul  knew 
Wisd,  also,  a  book  from  the  Jewish-Alexandrian 
theology  with  a  tinge  of  Gr  philosophy  (see  Good- 
rick,  Book  of  Wisd,  398-403;  cf  also  Jowett's  essay 
on  "St.  Paul  and  Philo"  in  his  Epp.  of  St.  Paul). 
Paul  knew  how  to  use  allegory  (Gal  4  24)  in  accord 
with  the  method  of  Philo.  So  then  he  knew  how 
to  use  the  Stoic  diatribe,  the  rabbinical  diatribe 
and  the  Alexandrian  allegory.  "In  his  cosmology, 
angelology,  and  demonology,  as  well  as  eschatology, 
he  remains  essentially  Jewish"  (Garvie,  Studies  of 
Paul  and  His  Gospel,  17).  When  he  becomes  a 
Christian  he  will  change  many  of  his  views,  for 
Christ  must  become  central  in  his  thinking,  but  his 
method  learned  in  the  rabbinical  schools  remains 
with  him  (Kohler,  Zum  Verstandnis,  etc,  7).  Here, 
then,  is  a  man  with  a  wonderfully  rounded  culture. 
What  of  his  mental  gifts? 

Much  as  we  can  learn  about  the  times  of  Paul 
(cf  Selden,  In  the  Time  of  Paul,  1900,  for  a  brief 
sketch  of  Paul's  world) ,  we  know  some- 
6.  Personal  thing  of  the  political  structure  of  the 
Character-  Rom  world,  the  social  life  of  the  1st 
istics  cent.  AD,  the  religious  condition  of  the 

age,  the  moral  standards  of  the  time, 
the  intellectual  tendencies  of  the  period.  New 
discoveries  continue  to  throw  fresh  light  on  the  life 
of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  among  whom  Paul 
chiefly  labored.  And,  if  Deissmann  in  his  brilliant 
study  {St.  Paul,  A  Study  in  Social  and  Religious 
History)  has  pressed  too  far  the  notion  that  Paul 
the  tent-maker  ranks  not  with  Origen,  but  with 
Amos  the  herdman  (p.  6,  on  p.  52  he  calls  it  a  mis- 
take "to  speak  of  St.  Paul  the  artisan  as  a  proleta- 
rian in  the  sense  which  the  word  usually  bears  with 
us"),  yet  he  is  right  in  insisting  that  Paul  is  "a  reli- 
gious genius"  and  "a  hero  of  piety"  (p.  6).  It  is  not 
possible  to  explain  the  personality  and  work  of  a 
man  like  Paul  by  his  past  and  to  refer  with  precision 
this  or  that  trait  to  his  Jewish  or  Gr  training  (Alex- 
ander, Ethics  of  St.  Paul,  58).^  "We  must  allow 
something  to  his  native  originality"  (ib).  We  are 
all  in  a  sense  the  children  of  the  past,  but  some  men 
have  much  more  the  power  of  initiative  than  others. 
Paul  is  not  mere  "eclectic  patchwork"  (Bruce,  St. 
Paul's  Conception  of  Christ,  218).  Even  if  Paul 
was  acquainted  with  Philo,  which  is  not  certain,  that 
fact  by  no  means  explains  his  use  of  PhUo,  the  repre- 
sentative Jew  of  the  Hellenistic  age.  "Both  are 
Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  city-dwellers,  with  rnarked 
cosmopolitan  traits.  Both  live  and  move  in  the 
LXX  Bible.  Both  are  capable  of  ecstatic  and 
mystical  experiences,  and  have  many  points  of  con- 
tact in  detail.  And  yet  they  stand  in  very  strong 
contrast  to  one  another,  a  contrast  which  reminds  us 

of  the  opposition  between  Seneca  and  St.  Paul 

Philo  is  a  philosopher,  St.  Paul  the  fool  pours  out 
the  vials  of  his  irony  upon  the  wisdom  of  the  world" 
(Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  110).  Deissmann,  indeed, 
cares  most  for  "the  living  man,  Paul,  whom  we  hear 
speaking  and  see  gesticulating,  here  playful,  gentle 
as  a  father,  and  tenderly  coaxing,  so  as  to  win  the 
hearts  of  the  infatuated  children— there  thundermg 
and  lightning  with  the  passionate  wrath  of  a  Luther, 
with  cutting  irony  and  bitter  sarcasm  on  his  lips" 
(ib,  16  f). 

(1)  Personal  appearance. — We  have  no  rehable 
description  of  Paul's  stature  and  looks.  The  Acts 
of  Paul  and  Thecla  (§3)  have  a  protraiture  thus: 
"Baldheaded,   bowlegged,   strongly   built,   a   man 


small  in  size,  with  meeting  eyebrows,  with  a  rather 
large  nose,  full  of  grace,  for  at  times  he  looked  like 
a  man  and  at  times  he  had  the  face  of  an  angel," 
and  Ramsay  (Church  in  the  Rom  Empire,  32)  adds: 
"This  plain  and  unflattering  account  of  the  apostle's 
personal  appearance  seems  to  embody  a  very  early 
tradition,'  and  in  ch  xvi  he  argues  that  this  story 
goes  back  to  a  document  of  the  1st  cent.  We  may 
not  agree  with  all  the  details,  but  in  some  respects 
it  harmonizes  with  what  we  gather  from  Paul's  Epp. 
Findlay  (HDB)  notes  that  this  description  is  con- 
firmed by  "the  lifelike  and  unconventional  figure  of 
the  Rom  ivory  diptych,  'supposed  to  date  not  later 
than  the  4th  cent.'"  (Lewin's  Life  and  Epp.  of  St. 
Paul,  Frontispiece,  and  II,  211).  At  Lystra  the 
natives  took  Barnabas  for  Jupiter  and  Paul  for 
Hermes,  "because  he  was  the  chief  speaker"  (Acts 
14  12),  showing  that  Barnabas  had  the  more  im- 
pressive appearance,  while  Paul  was  his  spokesman. 
In  Malta  the  natives  changed  their  minds  in  the 
opposite  direction,  first  thinking  Paul  a  murderer 
and  then  a  god  because  he  did  not  die  from  the  bite 
of  the  serpent  (Acts  28  4-6).  His  enemies  at 
Corinth  sneered  at  the  weakness  of  his  bodily  pres- 
ence in  contrast  to  the  strength  of  his  letters  (2  Cor 
10  9f).  The  attack  was  really  on  the  courage  of 
Paul,  and  he  claimed  equal  boldness  when  present 
(vs  11  f),  but  there  was  probably  also  a  reflection 
on  the  insignificance  of  his  physique.  The  terrible 
bodily  sufferings  which  he  underwent  (2  Cor  11 
23-26)  left  physical  marks  (a-Tly/juiTa,  stigmata.  Gal 
6  17)  that  may  have  disfigured  him  to  some  extent. 
Once  his  illness  made  him  a  trial  to  the  Galatians 
to  whom  he  preached,  but  they  did  not  scorn  him 
(Gal  4  14).  He  felt  the  frailty  of  his  body  as  an 
earthen  vessel  (2  Cor  4  7)  and  as  a  tabernacle  in 
which  he  groaned  (5  4).  But  the  effect  of  all  this 
weakness  was  to  give  him  a  fresh  sense  of  depend- 
ence on  Christ  and  a  new  influx  of  Divine  power 
(2  Cor  11  30;  12  9).  But  even  if  Paul  was  un- 
prepossessing m  appearance  and  weakened  by  illness, 
whether  ophthalmia,  which  is  so  common  in  the 
East  (Gal  4  15),  or  malaria,  or  recurrent  head- 
ache, or  epilepsy,  he  must  have  had  a  tough  con- 
stitution to  have  endured  such  hardship  to  a  good 
old  age.  He  had  one  infirmity  in  particular  that 
came  upon  him  at  Tarsus  (2  Cor  12  1-9)  in  con- 
nection with  the  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Lord 
then  granted  him.  The  affliction  seems  to  have 
been  physical  (<TK6\oif/  tJ  aapKl^  skolops  it  sarki,  "a 
stake  in  the  flesh"  or  "for  the  flesh"),  and  it  con- 
tinued with  him  thereafter  as  a  messenger  of  Satan 
to  buffet  Paul  and  to  keep  him  humble.  Some 
think  that  this  messenger  of  Satan  was  a  demon 
that  haunted  Paul  in  his  nervous  state.  Others 
hold  it  to  be  epilepsy  or  some  form  of  hysteria 
superinduced  by  the  visions  and  revelations  which 
he  had  had.  Cf  Krenkel,  Beitrage  (pp.  47-125) ,  who 
argues  that  the  ancients  looked  with  such  dread  on 
epilepsy  that  those  who  beheld  such  attacks  would 
"spit  out"  so  as  to  escape  the  evil  (cf  modern 
"knocking  on  wood");  cf  qui  sputatur  morbus  in 
Plautus  (Captivi,  iii.4,  17).  Reference  is  made  to 
Gal  4  14,  oiSi  i^eirTicraTe,  oude  exeptusate,  "nor 
did  ye  spit  out,"  as  showing  that  this  was  the 
affliction  of  Paul  in  Galatia.  But  epilepsy  often 
affects  the  mind,  and  Paul  shows  no  sign  of  mental 
weakness,  though  his  enemies  charged  him  with 
insanity  (Acts  26  24;  2  Cor  5  13;  12  11).  It  is 
urged  in  reply  that  Julius  Caesar,  Alfred  the  Great, 
Peter  the  Great,  and  Napoleon  all  had  epilepsy 
without  loss  of  mental  force.  It  is  difficult  to 
think  headache  or  malaria  could  have  excited  the 
disgust  indicated  in  Gal  4  14,  where  some  trouble 
with  the  eyes  seems  to  be  indicated.  The  ministers 
of  Satan  (2  Cor  11  15)  do  not  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  case,  nor  mere  spiritual  sins  (Luther), 


Paul,  the  Apostle    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2278 


nor  struggle  with  lust  (Roman  Catholic,  stimulus 
carnis) .  Garvie  (Studies  of  Paul  and  His  Oospel,  65, 
80)  thinks  it  not  unlikely  that  "it  was  the  recurrence 
of  an  old  violent  temptation,"  rather  than  mere 
bodily  disease.  "Can  there  be  any  doubt  that 
this  form  of  temptation  is  more  likely  to  assail 
the  man  of  intense  emotion  and  intense  affection, 
as  Paul  was?"  But  enough  of  what  can  never  be 
settled.  "St.  Paul's  own  scanty  hints  admonish 
to  caution"  (Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  63).  It  is  a 
blessing  for  us  not  to  know,  since  we  can  all  cherish 
a  close  bond  with  Paul.  Ramsay  (St.  Paul  the 
Traveller,  37  ff)  calls  special  attention  to  the  look 
of  Paul.  He  "fastened  his  eyes  on"  the  man  (Acts 
13  9;  14  9).  He  argues  that  Paul  had  a  pene- 
trating, powerful  gaze,  and  hence  no  eye  trouble. 
He  calls  attention  also  to  gestures  of  Paul  (Acts 
20  24;  26  2).  There  were  artists  in  marble  and 
color  at  the  court  of  Caesar,  but  no  one  of  them 
cared  to  preserve  a  likeness  of  the  poor  itinerant 
preacher  who  turned  out  to  be  the  chief  man  of  the 
age  (Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  58).  "We  are  like  the 
Christians  of  Colossae  and  Laodioea,  who  had  not 
seen  his  face  in  the  flesh"  (Col  2  1). 

(2)  His  natural  endowments. — In  respect  to  his 
natural  endowments  we  can  do  much  better,  for  his 
epp.  reveal  the  mind  and  soul  of  the  man.  He  is 
difficult  to  comprehend,  not  because  he  conceals 
himself,  but  because  he  reveals  so  much  of  himself 
in  his  epp.  He  seems  to  some  a  man  of  contra- 
dictions. He  had  a  many-sided  nature,  and  his 
very  humanness  is  in  one  sense  the  greatest  thing 
about  him.  There  are  "great  polar  contradictions" 
in  his  nature.  Deissmann  (St.  Paul,  62  if)  notes 
his  ailing  body  and  his  tremendous  powers  for  work, 
his  humility  and  his  self-confidence,  his  periods  of 
depression  and  of  intoxication  with  victory,  his 
tenderness  and  his  sternness;  he  was  ardently  loved 
and  furiously  hated;  he  was  an  ancient  man  of  his 
time,  but  he  is  cosmopolitan  and  modern  enough  for 
today.  Findlay  (HBD)  adds  that  he  was  a  man 
possessed  of  dialectical  power  and  religious  inspira- 
tion. He  was  keenly  intellectual  and  profoundly 
mystical  (cf  Campbell,  Paul  the  Mystic,  1907).  He 
was  a  theologian  and  a  man  of  affairs.  He  was  a 
man  of  vision  with  a  supreme  task  to  which  he  held 
himself.  He  was  a  scholar,  a  sage,  a  statesman, 
a  seer,  a  saint  (Garvie,  Studies  in  Paul  and  His 
Gospel,  68-84) .  He  was  a  man  of  heart,  of  passion, 
of  imagination,  of  sensibility,  of  will,  of  courage,  of 
sincerity,  of  vivacity,  of  subtlety,  of  humor,  of  adroit- 
ness, of  tact,  of  genius  for  organization,  of  power 
for  command,  of  gift  of  expression,  of  leadership — 
"All  these  qualities  and  powers  went  to  the  making 
of  Jesus  Christ's  apostle  to  the  nations,  the  master- 
builder  of  the  universal  church  and  of  Christian 
theology"  (Findlay,  HDB;  see  Lock,  St.  Paul  the 
Master  Builder,  1905;  and  M.  Jones,  St.  Paul  the 
Orator,  1910). 

I  cannot  agree  with  Garvie's  charge  of  cowardice 
{Life  and  Teaching  of  Paul,  173)  in  the  matter  of  the 
purifying  rites  (Acts  21  23)  and  the  dividing  of  the 
Sanhedrin  (23  6).  The  one  was  a  mere  matter  of  pru- 
dence in  a  nonessential  detail,  the  other  was  justifiable 
sliill  in  resisting  the  attaclc  of  unscrupulous  enemies.  One 
does  not  understand  Paul  who  does  not  understand  his 
emotional  nature.  He  was  "quick,  impetuous,  stren- 
uous, impassioned"  (Bevan,  St.  Paul  in  the  Light  of  To- 
day, 1912,  26).  His  heart  tlirobs  through  his  epp.,  and 
he  loves  his  converts  like  a  mother  or  a  lover  (Findlay, 
HDB)  rather  than  a  pastor.  We  feel  the  surging  emo- 
tion of  his  great  spirit  m  1  Thess,  1  Cor,  2  Cor,  Gal,  Rom, 
PhU,  2  Tim  in  particular.  He  had  the  spiritual  temper- 
ament and  reaches  his  highest  flights  in  his  moments  of 
rhapsody.  He  has  elasticity  and  rebound  of  spirit,  and 
comes  up  with  the  joy  of  victory  in  Christ  out  of  the 
severest  trials  and  disappointments.  His  ambition  is 
great,  but  it  is  to  serve  Christ  liis  Lord.  He  is  a  man  of 
faith  and  a  man  of  prayer.  For  him  to  live  is  Christ. 
He  has  a  genius  for  friendship  and  binds  men  to  him  with 
hooks  of  steel — men  like  Barnabas,  Silas,  Timothy. 
Luke,  Titus  (Speer,   The  Man  Paul,  1900,  lllfl).    He  is 


not  afraid  to  oppose  his  friends  when  it  is  necessary  for 
the  sake  of  truth,  as  with  Peter  (Gal  2  11  fl^)  and  with  Bar- 
nabas (Acts  15  35fl).  "While  God  made  Paul  like  the 
other  apostles  out  of  the  clay  whereof  ordinary  men  are 
fashioned,  yet  we  may  say  that  He  took  extraordinary 
pains  with  his  education"  (Fairbairn,  Studies  in  Religion 
and  Theology,  471).  If  ever  a  man,  full-blooded  and 
open-eyed,  walked  the  earth,  it  was  Paul.  It  is  a  de- 
batable question  whether  Paul  was  married  or  not.  He 
certainly  was  not  when  he  wrote  (1  Cor  7  7;  9  5).  But, 
If  he  was  a  member  of  the  Sanhedrin  when  he  cast  his 
vote  against  the  disciples  (Acts  26  10),  as  his  language 
naturaUj;  means,  then  he  had  been  married. 

There  is  in  Paul  the  gift  of  leadership  in  a  marked 
degree.  He,  though  young,  is  already  at  the  head  of 
the  opposition  to  Stephen  (Acts  7  58) ,  and  soon  drives 
the  disciples  out  of  Jerus. 

(3)  His  supernatural  gifts. — He  had  his  share  of 
them.  He  had  all  the  gifts  that  others  could  boast 
of  at  Corinth,  and  which  he  lightly  esteemed  except 
that  of  prophecy  (1  Cor  14  18-29; .  He  had  his 
visions  and  revelations,  but  would  not  tell  what  he 
had  seen  (2  Cor  12  1-9).  He  did  the  signs  of  an 
apostle  (2  Cor  12  12-14).  He  had  the  power  to 
work  miracles  (1  Cor  4  19-21)  and  to  exercise  dis- 
cipline (1  Cor  5  4  f ;  2  Cor  13  1-3).  But  what 
he  cared  for  most  of  all  was  the  fact  that  Jesus 
had  appeared  to  him  on  the  road  to  Damascus  and 
had  called  him  to  the  work  of  preaching  to  the 
Gentiles  (1  Cor  15  8). 

No  other  element  in  the  equipment  of  Paul  is 
comparable  in  importance  to  his  conversion. 

(1)  Preparation. — It  was  sudden, 
7_.  Conver-  and  yet  God  had  led  Saul  to  the  state 
sion  of  mind  when  it  could  more  easily 

happen.  True,  Saul  was  engaged  in  the 
very  act  of  persecuting  the  believers  in  Jerus.  His 
mind  was  flushed  with  the  sense  of  victory.  He  was 
not  conscious  of  any  lingering  doubts  about  the 
truth  of  his  position  and  the  justice  of  his  conduct 
till  Jesus  abruptly  told  him  that  it  was  hard  for 
him  to  kick  against  the  goad  (Acts  26  14).  Thus 
suddenly  brought  to  bay,  the  real  truth  would  flash 
upon  his  mind.  In  later  years  he  tells  how  he  had 
struggled  in  vain  against  the  curse  of  the  Law 
(Rom  7  7f).  It  is  probable,  though  not  certain, 
that  Paul  here  has  in  mind  his  experience  before 
his  conversion,  though  the  latter  part  of  the  chapter 
may  refer  to  a  period  later.  There  is  difRculty  in 
either  view  as  to  the  "body  of  this  death"  that  made 
him  so  wretched  (Rom  7  24).  The  Christian  keeps 
up  the  fight  against  sin  in  spite  of  defeat  (7  23),  but 
he  does  not  feel  that  he  is  "carnal,  sold  under 
sin"  (7  14).  But  when  before  his  conversion  did 
Paul  have  such  intensity  of  conviction?  We  can 
only  leave  the  problem  unanswered.  His  reference 
to  it  at  least  harmonizes  with  what  Jesus  said  about 
the  goad.  The  words  and  death  of  Stephen  and 
the  other  disciples  may  have  left  a  deeper  mark 
than  he  knew.  The  question  might  arise  whether 
after  all  the  Nazarenes  were  right.  His  plea  for 
his  conduct  made  in  later  years  was  that  he  was 
conscientious  (Acts  26  9)  and  that  he  did  it  igno- 
rantly  in  unbelief  (1  Tim  1  13).  He  was  not  wil- 
fully smnmg  against  the  full  light  as  he  saw  it.  It 
will  not  do  to  say  with  Holsten  that  Saul  was  half- 
convmced  to  jom  the  disciples,  and  only  needed  a 
jolt  to  turn  him  over.  He  was  "yet  breathing 
threatening  and  slaughter  against  the  disciples  of 
the  Lord"  (Acts  9  1),  and  went  to  the  high  priest 
and  asked  for  letters  to  Damascus  demanding  the 
arrest  of  the  disciples  there.  His  temper  on  the 
whole  IS  distinctly  hostile  to  Christ,  and  the  struggle 
against  his  course  was  in  the  subconscious  mind. 
There  a  volcano  had  gathered  ready  to  burst  out. 

•  ^U^  S™P®'',.*°  ^^'^  whether  Paul  had  known  Jesus 
in  tne  flesh  but  it  is  not  easy  to  give  a  categori- 
cal reply.  It  is  possible,  though  hardly  likely,  that 
Paul  had  come  to  Jerus  to  study  when  Jesus  as  a 
boy  of  12  visited  the  temple,  and  so  heard  Jesus  and 
the  doctors.  That  could  be  true  only  in  case  Paul 
was  born  5  or  6  BC,  which  is  quite  unlikely.     It  is  pes- 


2279 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


sible  again  that  Paul  may  have  remained  in  Jerus  after 
his  graduation  at  the  school  of  Gamaliel  and  so  was 
present  in  Jerus  at  the  trial  and  death  of  Jesus.  Some 
of  the  ablest  of  modern  scholars  hold  that  Paul  knew 
Jesus  in  the  flesh.  It  will  at  once  seem  strange  that 
we  have  no  express  statement  to  this  effect  in  the  let- 
ters of  Paul,  when  he  shows  undoubted  knowledge  of 
various  events  in  the  life  of  Christ  (cf  Wynne,  Frag- 
mentary Records  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  1887).  It  is  almost 
certain,  as  J.  Weiss  admits  (.Paul  and  Jesus,  41),  that  in 
1  Cor  9  1  Paul  refers  to  the  Risen  Jesus.  The  passage 
in  2  Cor  5  16  is  argued  both  ways:  "Wherefore  we 
henceforth  know  no  man  after  the  flesh :  even  though  we 
have  known  Christ  after  the  flesh,  yet  now  we  know  him 
so  no  more."  J.  Weiss  (ib,  41-55)  argues  strongly  for 
the  view  that  he  knew  Jesus  in  the  flesh.  But  in  the 
first  clause  of  the  sentence  above  Paul  means  by  "  after 
the  flesh,"  not  acquaintance,  but  standpoint.  It  is  nat- 
ural to  take  it  in  the  same  way  as  applied  to  Christ.  He 
has  changed  his  viewpoint  of  Christ  and  so  of  all  men. 
Weiss  pleads  gb,  p.  40) ,  at  any  rate,  that  we  have  no  word 
saying  that  "  Paul  had  not  seen  Jesus  In  person."  It  may 
be  said  in  reply  that  the  fact  that  Jesus  has  to  tell  Paul 
who  He  is  (Acts  9  5)  shows  that  Paul  did  not  have  per- 
sonal acquaintance  with  Him.  But  the  question  may  be 
left  in  abeyance  as  not  vitally  important.  He  certainly 
had  not  understood  Jesus,  It  he  knew  Him. 

(2)  Experience. — Space  does  not  permit  a  dis- 
cussion of  this  great  event  of  Paul's  conversion  at 
all  commensurate  with  its  significance.  A  literature 
of  importance  has  grown  up  around  it  besides  the 
lengthy  discussions  in  the  lives  and  theologies  of 
Paul  (see  e.g.  Lord  Lyttleton's  famous  Observa- 
tions on  Saul's  Conversion,  1774;  Fletcher's  A 
Study  of  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  1910;  Gardner, 
The  Religious  Experience  of  St.  Paul,  1911;  Maggs, 
The  Spiritual  Experience  of  St.  Paul).  All  sorts  of 
theories  have  been  advanced  to  explain  on  natural- 
istic grounds  this  great  experience  of  Christ  in  the 
life  of  Paul.  It  has  been  urged  that  Paul  had  an 
epileptic  fit,  that  he  had  a  sunstroke,  that  he  fell 
off  his  horse  to  the  ground,  that  he  had  a  nightmare, 
that  he  was  blinded  by  a  flash  of  lightning,  that  he 
imagined  that  he  saw  Jesus  as  a  result  of  his  highly 
wrought  nervous  state,  that  he  deliberately  re- 
nounced Judaism  because  of  the  growing  conviction 
that  the  disciples  were  right.  But  none  of  these 
explanations  explains.  Mere  prejudice  against  the 
supernatural,  such  as  is  shown  by  Weinel  in  his 
Paulus,  and  by  Holsten  in  his  able  book  (Zum 
Evangelium  d.  Paulus  und  Petrus),  cannot  solve 
this  problem.  One  must  be  willing  to  hear  the 
.  evidence.  There  were  witnesses  of  the  bright  light 
(Acts  26  13)  and  of  the  sound  (9  7)  which  only 
Paul  understood . (22  9),  as  he  alone  beheld  Jesus. 
It  is  claimed  by  some  that  Paul  had  a  trance  or 
subjective  vision,  and  did  not  see  Jesus  with  his 
eyes.  Denney  {Standard  Bible  Diet.)  replies  that 
it  is  not  a  pertinent  objection.  Jesus  (Jn  21  1) 
"manifested'' Himself ,  and  Paul  says  that  he  "saw" 
Jesus  (1  Cor  9  1),  that  Jesus  "appeared"  _  (1  Cor 
15  8)  to  him.  Hence  it  was  both  subjective  and 
objective.  But  the  reality  of  the  event  was  as 
clear  to  Paul  as  his  own  existence.  The  account  is 
given  3  t  in  Acts  (chs  9,  22,  26)  in  substantial 
agreement,  with  a  few  varying  details.  In  ch  9  the 
historical  narrative  occurs,  in  ch  22  Paul's  defence 
before  the  mob  in  Jerus  is  given,  and  in  ch  26  we 
have  the  apology  before  Agrippa.  There  are  no 
contradictions  of  moment,  save  that  in  ch  26  Jesus 
Himself  is  represented  as  giving  directly  to  Paul  the 
call  to  the  Gentiles  while  in  chs  9  and  22  it  is  con- 
veyed through  Ananias  (the  fuller  and  more  accurate 
account).  There  is  no  need  to  notice  the  apparent 
contradiction  between  9  7  and  22  9,  for  the  differ- 
ence in  case  in  the  Gr  gives  a  difference  in  sense, 
hearing  the  sound,  with  the  genitive,  and  not  under- 
standing the  sense,  with  the  accusative.  Findlay 
(HBD)  remarks  that  the  conversion  of  Paul  is  a 
psychological  and  ethical  problem  which  cannot  be 
accounted  for  save  by  Paul's  own  interpretation  of 
the  change  wrought  in  him.  He  saw  Jesus  and 
surrendered  to  Him. 


(3)  Effect  on  Paul. — His  surrender  to  Jesus  was 
instantaneous  and  complete:  "What  shall  I  do, 
Lord?"  (Acts  22  10).  He  could  not  see  for  the 
glory  of  that  light  (22  11),  but  he  had  already  seen 
"the  light  of  the  knowledge  of  the  glory  of  God  in 
the  face  of  Jesus  Christ"  (2  Cor  4  6).  The  god  of 
this  world  could  blind  him  no  longer.  He  had  seen 
Jesus,  and  all  else  had  lost  charm  for  Paul.  There 
is  infinite  pathos  in  the  picture  of  the  blind  Saul 
led  by  the  hand  (Acts  9  8)  into  Damascus.  All 
the  pride  of  power  is  gone,  all  the  lust  for  vengeance. 
The  fierceness  of  the  name  of  Saul  is  well  shown  in 
the  dread  that  Ananias  has  and  the  protest  that 
he  makes  to  the  Lord  concerning  him  (9  10-14). 
Ananias  doubtless  thought  that  the  Lord  had  made 
a  strange  choice  of  a  vessel  to  bear  the  message  of 
Christ  to  the  Gentiles,  kings,  and  the  children  of 
Israel  (9  15),  but  there  was  hope  in  the  promise  of 
chastisement  to  him  (9  16).  So  he  went,  and  calls 
him  "Brother  Saul."  Saul  was  filled  with  the  Ploly 
Spirit,  the  scales  fell  from  his  eyes,  he  was  baptized. 
And  now  what  next?  What  did  the  world  hold  in 
store  for  the  proud  scion  of  Judaism  who  had  re- 
nounced power,  place,  pride  for  the  lowly  Naza- 
rene?  He  dared  not  go  back  to  Jerus.  The  Jews 
in  Damascus  would  have  none  of  him  now.  Would 
the  disciples  receive  him?  They  did.  "And  he 
was  certain  days  with  the  disciples  that  were  at 
Damascus"  (9  19).  Ananias  vouched  for  him  by 
his  vision.  Then  Saul  took  his  courage  in  his  hands 
and  went  boldly  into  the  synagogues  and  "pro- 
claimed Jesus,  that  he  is  the  Son  of  God"  (9  20). 
This  was  a  public  committal  and  a  proclamation  of 
his  new  creed.  There  was  tremendous  pith  and 
point  in  this  statement  from  Saul.  The  Jews  were 
amazed  (Acts  9  21).  This  is  the  core  of  Paul's 
message  as  we  see  in  his  later  ministry  (Acts  13; 
17  3).  It  rests  at  bottom  on  Paul's  own  experience 
of  grace.  "His  whole  theology  is  nothing  but  the 
explanation  of  his  own  conversion"  (Stalker,  Life 
of  St.  Paul,  45).  We  need  not  argue  (Garvie, 
Studies  of  Paul  and  His  Gospel,  51)  that  Paul  under- 
stood at  once  the  full  content  of  the  new  message, 
but  he  had  the  heart  of  it  right. 

V.   Work. — There  was   evidently  a  tumult   in 
Paul's  soul.    He  had  undergone  a  revolution,  both 
intellectual  and  spiritual.     Before  he 
1.  Adjust-     proceeded  farther  it  was  wise  to  think 
ment  through  the  most  important  implica- 

tions of  the  new  standpoint.  Luke 
gives  no  account  of  this  personal  phase  of  Paul's 
career,  but  he  allows  room  for  it  between  Acts  9  21 
and  22.  It  is  Paul  who  tells  of  his  retirement  to 
Arabia  (Gal  1  17  f)  to  prove  his  independence 
of  the  apostles  in  Jerus.  He  did  not  go  to  them 
for  instruction  or  for  ecclesiastical  authority.  He 
did  not  adopt  the  merely  traditional  view  of  Jesus 
as  the  Messiah.  He  knew,  of  course,  the  Christian 
contention  well  enough,  for  he  had  answered  it 
often  enough.  But  now  his  old  arguments  were 
gone  and  he  must  work  his  way  round  to  the 
other  side,  and  be  able  to  put  his  new  gospel 
with  clearness  and  force.  He  was  done  with  call- 
ing Jesus  anathema  (1  Cor  12  3).  Henceforth 
to  him  Jesus  is  Lord.  We  know  nothing  of 
Paul's  life  in  Arabia  nor  in  what  part  of  Arabia 
he  was.  He  may  have  gone  to  Mt.  Sinai  and 
thought  out  grace  in  the  atmosphere  of  law,  but 
that  is  not  necessary.  But  it  is  clear  that  Paul 
grew  in  apprehension  of  the  things  of  Christ  during 
these  years,  as  indeed  he  grew  to  the  very  end. 
I3ut  he  did  not  grow  away  from  the  first  clear  vision 
of  Christ.  He  claimed  that  God  had  revealed  His 
Son  in  him  that  he  might  preach  to  the  Gentiles 
(Gal  1  16).  He  claimed  that  from  the  first  and 
to  the  very  last.  The  undoubted  development  in 
Paul's  Epp.  (see   Matheson,  Spiritual  Development 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2280 


of  St.  Paul,  and  Sabatier,  The  Apostle  Paul)  is, 
howevpr,  not  a  changing  view  of  Christ  that  nulli- 
fies Paul's  "original  Christian  inheritance"  (Kohler, 
Zu?n  Verstandnis  des  Apostels  Pauliis,  13).  Pfleitl- 
erer  (Influence  of  the  Apostle  Paul  on  the  Develop- 
ment of  Christianity,  3d  ed,  1897,  217)  rejects  Col 
because  of  the  advanced  Christology  here  found. 
But  the  Christology  of  Col  is  implicit  in  Paul's 
first  sermon  at  Damascus.  "It  is  impossible  to 
escape  the  conclusion  that  the  significance  and 
value  of  the  Cross  became  clear  to  him  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  certainty  of  the  resurrec- 
tion and  of  the  Messiahship  of  Jesus"  (Garvie, 
Studies,  etc,  57).  The  narrow  Jew  has  surrendered 
to  Christ  who  died  for  the  sins  of  the  world.  The 
universal  gospel  has  taken  hold  of  his  mind  and 
heart,  and  it  will  work  out  its  logical  consequences  in 
Paul.  The  time  in  Arabia  is  not  wasted.  When  he 
reappears  in  Damascus  (Acts  9  22)  he  has  "devel- 
oped faith"  (Findlay,  HDB)  and  energy  that  bear 
instant  fruit.  He  is  now  the  slave  of  Christ.  For 
him  henceforth  to  live  is  Christ.  He  is  crucified 
with  Christ.  He  is  in  Christ.  The  union  of  Paul 
with  Christ  is  the  real  key  to  his  life.  It  is  far 
more  than  a  doctrine  about  Christ.  It  is  real 
fellowship  with  Christ  (Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  123). 
Thus  it  is  that  the  man  who  probably  never  saw 
Christ  in  the  flesh  understands  him  best  (Wernle, 
Beginnings  of  Christianity,  I,  159). 

Saul  had  "increased  the  more  in  strength,  and 
confounded    the   Jews   that   dwelt   in    Damascus, 
proving  that  this  is  the  Christ"  (Acts 
2.  Opposi-    9  22).     Now    he    not    merely    "pro- 
tion  claims"  as  before  (9  20);  he  "proves." 

He  does  it  with  such  marvelous  skill 
that  the  Jews  are  first  confounded,  then  enraged 
to  the  point  of  murder.  Their  former  hero  was  now 
their  foe.  The  disciples  had  learned  to  run  from 
Saul.  They  now  let  him  down  in  a  basket  through 
the  wall  bynight  and  he  is  gone  (Acts  9  23  fl).  This 
then  is  the  beginning  of  the  active  ministry  of  the 
man  who  was  called  to  be  a  chosen  vessel  to  Gentiles, 
kings,  and  Jews.  There  was  no  need  to  go  back  to 
the  wilderness.  He  had  gotten  his  bearings  clearly 
now.  He  had  his  message  and  it  had  his  whole 
heart.  He  had  not  avoided  Jerus  because  he  de- 
spised flesh  and  blood,  but  because  he  had  no  need 
of  light  from  the  apostles  since  "the  Divine  reve- 
lation so  completely  absorbed  his  interest  and 
attention"  (Garvie,  Life  and  Teaching  of  Paul,  33). 
No  door  was  open  as  yet  among  the  Gentiles. 
Sooner  or  later  he  must  go  to  Jerus  and  confer  with 
the  leaders  there  if  he  was  to  cooperate  with  them 
in  the  evangelization  of  the  world.  Saul  knew  that 
he  would  be  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  disciples 
in  Jerus.  That  was  inevitable  in  view  of  the  past. 
It  was  best  to  go,  but  he  did  not  wish  to  ask  any 
favors  of  the  apostles.  Indeed  he  went  in  particu- 
lar "to  visit  Cephas"  (m  to  "become  acquainted 
with,"  Gal  1  18).  They  knew  each  other,  of 
course,  as  opponents.  But  Saul  comes  now  with 
the  olive  branch  to  his  old  enemy.  He  expressly 
explains  (Gal  1  19)  that  he  saw  no  other  apostle. 
He  did  see  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  who  was  not 
one  of  the  Twelve.  It  seems  that  at  first  Peter  and 
James  were  both  afraid  of  Saul  (Acts  9  26),  "not 
believing  that  he  was  a  disciple."  If  a  report  came 
3  years  before  of  the  doings  at  Damascus,  they  had 
discounted  it.  All  had  been  quiet,  and  now  Saul 
suddenly  appears  in  Jerus  in  a  new  role.  It  was, 
they  feared,  just  a  ruse  to  complete  his  work  of  old. 
But  for  Barnabas,  Saul  might  not  have  had  that 
visit  of  15  days  with  Peter.  Barnabas  was  a  Hellen- 
ist of  Cyprus  and  believed  Saul's  story  and  stood 
by  him.  Thus  he  had  his  opportunity  to  preach 
the  gospel  in  Jerus,  perhaps  in  the  very  synagogues 
in  which  he  had  heard  Stephen,  and  now  he  is 


taking  Stephen's  place  and  is  disputing  against  the 
Grecian  .Jews  (Acts  9  29).  He  had  days  of 
blessed  fellowship  (9  28)  with  the  disciples,  till  the 
Grecian  Jews  sought  to  kill  him  as  Saul  had  helped 
to  do  to  Stephen  (9  29).  It  was  a  repetition  of 
Damascus,  but  Saul  did  not  wish  to  run  again  so 
soon.  He  protested  to  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  spoke 
in  a  vision  to  him,  and  recalls  the  fate  of  Stephen, 
but  Jesus  bids  him  go:  "For  I  will  send  thee  forth 
far  hence  unto  the  Gentiles"  (Acts  22  17-21). 
One  martyr  like  Stephen  is  enough.  So  the  breth- 
ren took  him  down  to  Caesarea  (Acts  9  30).  It 
was  an  ominous  beginning  for  a  ministry  with  so 
clear  a  call.     Where  can  he  go  now? 

They  "sent  him  forth  to  Tarsus"   (Acts  9  30). 
Who  would  welcome  him  there?     At  Jerus  he  ap- 
parently   avoided    Gamaliel    and    the 
3.  Waiting    Sanhedrin.     He  was  with  the  Chris- 
tians and  preached  to  the  Hellenistic 
Jews.     The  Jews  regarded  him  as  a  turncoat,   a 
renegade  Jew.     There  were  apparently  no  Christians' 
in  Tarsus,  unless  some  of  the  disciples  driven  from 
Jerus  by  Saul  himself  went  that  far,  as  they  did  go 
to  Antioch  (Acts  11  19  f).     But  Saul  was  not  idle, 
for  he  speaks  himself  of  his  activity  in  the  regions  of 
Syria  and  Cilicia  during  this  "period  of  obscurity" 
(Denney,  Standard  Bible  Did.)  as  a  thing  known  to 
the  churches  of  Judaea  (Gal  1  21  f).     He  was  not 
idle  then.     The  way  was  not  yet  opened  for  formal 
entrance  upon  the  missionary  enterprise,  but  Saul 
was  not  the  man  to  do  nothing  at  home  because  of 
that.     If  they  would   not   hear  him  at  Damascus 
and  Jerus,  they  would  in  the  regions  of  Syria  and 
Cilicia,  his  home  province.     We  are  left  in  doubt 
at  first  whether  Paul  preached  only  to  Jews  or  to 
Gentiles  also.     He  had  the  specific  call  to  preach  to 
the  Gentiles,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  he  should 
not  have  done  so  in  this  province,  preaching  to  the 
Jews  first  as  he  did  afterward.     He  did  not  have  the 
scruples  of  Simon  Peter  to  overcome.     When  he 
appears  at  Antioch  with  Barnabas,  he  seems  to  take 
hold  like  an  old  hand  at  the  business.     It  is  quite 
probable,  therefore,  that  this  obscure  ministry  of 
some  8  or  10  years  may  have  had  more  results  than 
we  know.     Paul  apparently  felt  that  he  had  done 
his  work  in  that  region,  for  outside  of  Antioch  he 
gives  no  time  to  it  except  that  in  starting  out  on  the 
second  torn-  from  Antioch  "he  went  through  Syria 
and  Cilicia,  confirming  the  churches"  (Acts  15  41), 
churches  probably  the  fruit  of  this  early  ministry 
and  apparently  containing  Gentiles  also.     The  let- 
ter from  the  Jerus  conference  was  addressed  to  "the 
brethren  who  are  of  the  Gentiles  in  Antioch  and 
Syria  and  Cilicia"  (Acts  15  23).     Cilicia  was  now 
part  of  the  Rom  province  of  Syria.     So  then  we 
conclude  that  Saul  had  a  gentile  ministry  in  this 
region.     "Independently,  under  no  human  master, 
he  learned   his   business   as   a   missionary   to   the 
heathen"  (Findlay,  HDB).     One  can  but  wonder 
whether  Saul  was  kindly  received  at  home  by  his 
father  and  mother.     They  had   looked  upon   him 
with  pride  as  the  possible  successor  of  Gamaliel 
and  now  he  is  a  follower  of  the  despised  Nazarene 
and  a  preacher  of  the  Cross.     It  is  possible  that 
his  own  exhortations  to  fathers  not  to  provoke  their 
children  to  wrath  (Eph  6  4)  may  imply  that  his 
own  father  had  cast  him  out  at  this  time.     Findlay 
(HDB)  argues  that  Saul  would  not  have  remained 
in  this  region  so  long  if  his  home  relations  had  been 
altogether  hostile.     It  is  a  severe  test  of  character 
when  the  doors  close  against  one.     But  Saul  turned 
defeat  to  glorious  gain. 

Most  scholars  hold  that  the  ecstatic  experience 
told  by  Paul  in  2  Cor  12  1-9  took  place  before  he 
came  to  Antioch.  If  we  count  the  years  strictly  14 
from  56  AD  would  bring  us  to  42  AD.  Paul  had 
spent  a  year  in  Antioch  before  going  up  to  Jerus 


2281 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


(Acts  11  29  f).  Findlay  (FIDB)  thinks  that  Paul 
had  the  visions  before  he  received  the  call  to  come 

to  Antioch.  Garvie  {Life  and  Teach- 
4.  Oppor-  ing  of  Paul,  41)  holds  he  received  the 
tunity  call  first.     "Such  a  mood  of  exaltation 

would  account  for  the  vision  to  which 
he  refers  in  2  Cor  12  1-4."  At  any  rate  he  had 
the  vision  with  its  exaltation  and  the  thorn  in 
the  flesh  with  its  humiliation  before  he  came  to 
Antioch  in  response  to  the  invitation  of  Barnabas. 
He  had  undoubtedly  had  a  measure  of  success  in 
his  work  in  Cilicia  and  Syria.  He  had  the  seal  of 
the  Divine  blessing  on  his  work  among  the  Gentiles. 
But  there  was  a  pang  of  disappointment  over  the 
attitude  of  the  Jerus  church  toward  his  work.  He  was 
apparently  left  alone  to  his  own  resources.  "Only 
such  a  feeling  of  disappointment  can  explain  the 
tone  of  his  references  to  his  relations  to  the  apostles 
(Gal  1  11-24)"  (Garvie,  L?/e  and  Teaching  of  Paul, 
41).  There  is  no  bitterness  in  this  tone — but  puz- 
zled surprise.  It  seems  that  the  12  apostles  are 
more  or  less  absent  from  Jerus  during  this  period 
with  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord  Jesus  as  chief 
elder.  A  narrow  Pharisaic  element  in  the  church 
was  active  and  sought  to  shape  the  policy  of  the 
church  in  its  attitude  toward  the  Gentiles.  This 
is  clear  in  the  treatment  of  Peter,  when  he  returned 
to  Jerus  after  the  experience  at  Caesarea  with 
Cornelius  (Acts  11  1-18).  There  was  acquies- 
cence, but  with  the  notion  that  this  was  an  excep- 
tional case  of  the  Lord's  doing.  Hence  they  show 
concern  over  the  spread  of  the  gospel  to  the  Greeks 
at  Antioch,  and  send  Barnabas  to  investigate  and 
report  (Acts  11  19-22).  Barnabas  was  a  Hellenist, 
and  evidently  did  not  share  the  narrow  views  of 
the  Pharisaic  party  in  the  church  at  Jerus  (11  2),  for 
he  was  glad  (11  23  f)  of  the  work  in  Antioch. 
Probably  mindful  of  the  discipline  attempted  on 
Simon  Peter,  he  refrained  from  going  back  at  once 
to  Jerus.  Moreover,  he  believed  in  Saul  and  his 
work,  and  thus  he  gave  him  his  great  opportunity 
at  Antioch.  They  had  there  a  year's  blessed  work 
together  (11  25  ff).  So  great  was  the  outcorne  that 
the  disciples  received  a  new  name  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  Gentiles  and  the  Jews.  But  the  term 
"Christian"  did  not  become  general  for  a  longtime. 
There  was  then  a  great  Gr  church  at  Antioch,  possibly 
equal  in  size  to  the  Jewish  church  in  Jerus.  The 
prophecy  by  Agabus  of  a  famine  gave  Barnabas  and 
Saul  a  good  excuse  for  a  visit  to  Jerus  with  a  gen- 
eral collection — "every  man  according  to  his 
ability" — from  the  Gr  church  for  the  relief  of  the 
poverty  in  the  Jerus  church.  Barnabas  had  assisted 
generously  in  a  similar  strain  in  the  beginning 
of  the  work  there  (Acts  4  36  f),  unless  it  was  a 
different  Barnabas,  which  is  unlikely.  This  con- 
tribution would  help  the  Jerus  saints  to  understand 
now  that  the  Greeks  were  really  converted.  It  was 
apparently  successful  according  to  the  record  in 
Acts.  The  apostles  seem  to  have  been  absent, 
since  only  "elders"  are  mentioned  in  11  30. 

The  incidents  in  ch  12,  as  already  noted,  are  probably 
not  contemporaneous  with  this  visit,  but  either  prior 
or  subsequent  to  it.  However,  it  is  urged  by  some 
scholars  that  this  visit  is  the  same  as  that  of  Gal  2  1-10. 
since  Paul  would  not  have  omitted  it  in  his  list  of  visits 
to  Jerus.  But  then  Paul  is  not  giving  a  list  of  visits,  but 
is  only  showing  his  independence  of  the  apostles.  If 
they  were  absent  from  Jerus  at  that  time,  there  would 
be  no  occasion  to  mention  it.  Besides,  Luke  in  Acts  15 
does  recount  the  struggle  in  Jerus  over  the  problem  of 
gentile  liberty.  If  that  question  was  an  issue  at  ttie 
visit  in  Acts  11  30,  it  is  quite  remarkable  that  he  should 
have  passed  it  by,  esp.  if  the  matter  caused  as  much  heat 
as  is  manifest  in  Gal  2,  both  in  Jerus  and  Antioch.  It 
is  much  simpler  to  understand  that  in  Acts  15  and  Gal 
2  1-10  we  have  the  public  and  the  private  aspects  of 
the  same  issue,  than  to  suppose  that  Luke  has  slurred 
the  whole  matter  over  in  Acts  11  30.  The  identification 
of  the  visit  of  Gal  2  with  that  in  Acts  11  30  makes  it 
possible  to  place  Gal  before  the  conference  in  Jerus  in 
Acts   15   and  implies    the    correctness    of    the    Soutn- 


Galatian  theory  of  the  destination  of  the  ep.  and  of  the 
work  of  Paul,  a  theory  with  strong  advocates  and  argu- 
ments, but  which  is  by  no  means  established  (see  below 
for  discussion  at  more  length).  So  far  as  we  can  gather 
from  Luke,  Barnabas  and  Saul  returned  from  Jerus  with 
John  Mark  (Acts  12  2.5),  "when  they  had  fulfilled  their 
ministration"  with  satisfaction.  The  Pharisaic  element 
was  apparently  quiescent,  and  the  outlook  for  the  future 
work  among  the  Gentiles  seemed  hopeful.  Ramsay  (,S(. 
Paul  the  Traveller,  62  ff)  argues  strongly  for  identifying 
the  revelation  mentioned  in  Paul's  speech  in  Acts  22 
20  f  with  this  visit  in  11  30  (12  2.5),  rather  than  with  the 
one  in  Acts  9  29  f .  There  is  a  textual  problem  in  12  25, 
but  I  cannot  concur  in  the  solution  of  Ramsay. 

Paul  had  already  preached  to  the  Gentiles  in 
Cilicia  and  Syria  for  some  10  years.     The  work  was 

not  new  to  him.  He  had  had  his  spe- 
5.  The  cific  call  from  Jerus  long  ago  and  had 

First  Great  answered  it.  But  now  an  entirely  new 
Mission  situation  arises.  His  work  had  been 
Campaign:  individual  in  Cilicia.  Now  the  Spirit 
Acts  13  and  specifically  directs  the  separation  of 
14,  47  and  Barnabas  and  Saul  to  this  work  (Acts 
48  AD  13  2).     They  were  to  go  together,  and 

they  had  the  sympathy  and  prayers 
of  a  great  church.  The  endorsement  was  prob- 
ably not  "ordination"  in  the  technical  sense,  but  a 
farewell  service  of  blessing  and  goo4  will  as  the 
missionaries  went  forth  on  the  world-campaign 
(13  3).  No  such  unanimous  endorsement  could 
have  been  obtained  in  Jerus  to  this  great  enterprise. 
It  was  momentous  in  its  possibilities  for  Christianity. 
Hitherto  work  among  the  Gentiles  had  been  spo- 
radic and  incidental.  Now  a  determined  effort  was 
to  be  made  to  evangelize  a  large  section  of  the  Rom 
empire.  There  is  no  suggestion  that  the  church  at 
Antioch  provided  funds  for  this  or  for  the  two  later 
campaigns,  as  the  church  at  Philippi  came  to  do. 
How  that  was  managed  this  time  we  do  not  know. 
Some  individuals  may  have  helped.  Paul  had 
his  trade  to  fall  back  on,  and  often  had  resort  to  it 
later.  The  presence  of  John  Mark  "as  their  attend- 
ant" (13  5)  was  probably  due  to  Barnabas,  his 
cousin  (Col  4  10).  The  visit  to  Cyprus,  the  home 
of  Barnabas,  was  natural.  There  were  alread}' 
some  Christians  there  (Acts  11  20),  and  it  was  near. 
They  preach  first  in  the  synagogues  of  the  Jews  at 
Salamis  (13  5).  We  are  left  to  conjecture  as  to 
results  there  and  through  the  whole  island  till 
Paphos  is  reached.  There  they  meet  a  man  of 
great  prominence  and  intelligence,  Sergius  Paulus, 
the  Rom  proconsul,  who  had  been  under  the  spell 
of  a  sorcerer  with  a  Jewish  name — Elymas  Bar-jesus 
(cf  Peter's  encounter  with  Simon  Magus  in  Samaria) . 
In  order  to  win  and  hold  Sergius  Paulus,  who  had 
become  interested  in  Christianity,  Paul  has  to 
punish  Bar-jesus  with  blindness  (13  10  ff)  in  the 
exercise  of  that  apostolic  power  which  he  afterward 
claimed  with  such  vigor  (1  Cor  6  4f;  2  Cor  13 
10).  He  won  Sergius  Paulus,  and  this  gave  him 
cheer  for  his  work.  From  now  on  it  is  Paul,  not 
Saul,  in  the  record  of  Luke,  perhaps  because  of  this 
incident,  though  both  names  probably  belonged  to 
him  from  the  first.  Now  also  Paul  steps  to  the 
fore  ahead  of  Barnabas,  and  it  is  "Paul's  company" 
(13  13)  that  sets  sail  from  Paphos  for  Pamphylia. 
■rhere  is  no  evidence  here  of  resentment  on  the  part 
of  Barnabas  at  the  leadership  of  Paul.  The  whole 
campaign  may  have  been  planned  from  the  start 
by  the  Holy  Spirit  as  the  course  now  taken  may 
have  been  due  to  Paul's  leadership.  John  Mark 
deserts  at  Perga  and  returns  to  Jerus  (his  home), 
not  to  Antioch  (13  13).  Paul  and  Barnabas  push 
on  to  the  tablelands  of  Pisidia.  Ramsay  {Si.  Paul 
the  Traveller,  93)  thinks  that  Paul  had  malaria  down 
at  Perga  and  hence  desired  to  get  up  into  higher 
land.  That  is  possible.  The  places  mentioned  in 
the  rest  of  the  tour  are  Antioch  in  Pisidia  (13  14), 
and  Iconiiun  (13  51),  Lystra  (14  8),  and  Derbe 
(14  20),    cities    of    Lycaonia.     These    terms    are 


Paul,  the  Apostle    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2282 


ethnographic  descriptions  of  the  southern  divisions 
of  the  Rom  province  of  Galatia,  the  northern  por- 
tion being  Galatia  proper  or  North  Galatia.  So 
then  Paul  and  Barnabas  are  now  at  work  in  South 
Galatia,  though  Luke  does  not  mention  that  name, 
using  here  only  the  popular  designations.  The  work 
is  wonderfully  successful.  In  these  cities,  on  one 
of  the  great  Rom  roads  east  and  west,  Paul  is  reach- 
ing the  centers  of  provincial  life  as  will  be  his  custom. 
At  Antioch  Paul  is  invited  to  repeat  his  sermon  on 
the  next  Sabbath  (13  42),  and  Luke  records  at  length 
the  report  of  this  discourse  which  has  the  character- 
istic notes  of  Paul's  gospel  as  we  see  it  in  his  epp. 
Paul  may  have  kept  notes  of  the  discourse.  There 
were  devout  Gentiles  at  these  services.  These  were 
the  first  to  be  won,  and  thus  a  wider  circle  of  Gentiles 
could  be  reached.  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  too 
successful  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia.  The  jealous  Jews 
opposed,  and  Paul  and  Barnabas  dramatically 
turned  to  the  Gentiles  (13  45  ff).  But  the  Jews 
reached  the  city  magistrate  through  the  influential 
women,  and  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  ordered  to 
leave  (13  50  f).  Similar  success  brings  like  results 
in  Iconium.  At  Lystra,  before  the  hostile  Jews 
come,  Paul  and  Barnabas  have  great  success  and, 
because  of  the  healing  of  the  impotent  man,  are 
taken  as  Mercury  and  Jupiter  respectively,  and 
worship  is  offered  them.  Paul's  address  in  refusal 
is  a  fine  plea  on  the  grounds  of  natural  theology  (14 
15-18).  The  attempt  on  Paul's  life  after  the  Jews 
came  seemed  successful.  In  the  band  of  disciples 
that  "stood  round  about  him,"  there  may  have 
been  Timothy,  Paul's  son  in  the  gospel.  From 
Derbe  they  retrace  their  steps  to  Perga,  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  churches  with  officers,  and  then  sail 
for  Seleucia  and  Antioch.  They  make  their  report 
to  the  church  at  Antioch.  It  is  a  wonderful  story. 
The  door  of  faith  is  now  wide  open  for  the  Gentiles 
who  have  entered  in  great  numbers  (14  27).  _  No 
report  was  sent  to  Jerus.  What  will  the  Pharisaic 
party  do  now? 

The  early  date  of  Gal,  addressed  to  these  churches 
of  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia  before  the  Conference  in 

Jerus  does  not  allow  time  for  a  second 
6.  The  visit  there  (Gal  4  13),  and  requires  that 

Conflict  at  the  Judaizers  from  Jerus  followed  close 
Jerusalem  upon  the  heels  of  Paul  and  Barna- 
Acts  15;  bas  (Gal  16;  3  1)  in  South  Galatia. 
Gal  2,  49  AD  Besides,  there   is   the  less   likelihood 

that  the  matter  would  have  been  taken 
a  second  time  to  Jerus  (Acts  15  2  f)  if  already  the 
question  had  been  settled  in  Paul's  favor  (Acts  11 
30) .  It  is  strange  also  that  no  reference  to  this  pre- 
vious conference  on  the  same  subject  is  made  in 
Acts  15,  since  Peter  does  refer  to  his  experience  at 
Caesarea  (15  9)  and  since  James  in  Acts  21  25  spe- 
cifically ("we  wrote")  mentions  the  letter  of  Acts  15 
in  which  full  liberty  was  granted  to  the  Gentiles. 
Once  more,  the  attack  on  the  position  of  Paul  and 
Barnabas  in  Acts  15  1  is  given  as  a  new  experience, 
and  hence  the  sharp  dissension  and  tense  feeling. 
The  occasion  for  the  sudden  outbreak  at  Antioch 
on  the  part  of  the  self-appointed  (Acts  15  24) 
regulators  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  lay  in  the  reports 
that  came  to  Jerus  about  the  results  of  this  cam- 
paign on  a  large  scale  among  the  Gentiles.  There 
was  peril  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Jewish  element. 
They  had  assumed  at  first,  as  even  Peter  did  who 
was  not  a  Judaizer  (Acts  10),  that  the  Gentiles 
who  became  disciples  would  also  become  Jews. 
The  party  of  the  circumcision  had  made  protest 
against  the  conduct  of  Peter  at  Caesarea  (11  1  f) 
and  had  reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the  plain  work  of 
God  (11  18).  They  had  likewise  yielded  in  the 
matter  of  the  Greeks  at  Antioch  (11  19  ff)  by  the 
help  of  the  contribution  (11  29  f).  But  they  had 
not  agreed  to  a  campaign  to  Hellcnize  Christianity. 


The  matter  had  to  stop.  So  the  Judaizers  came 
up  to  Antioch  and  laid  down  the  law  to  Paul  and 
Barnabas.  They  did  not  wait  for  them  to  come  to 
Jerus.  They  might  not  come  till  it  was  too  late  (cf 
Barnabas  in  Acts  11).  Paul  and  Barnabas  had  not 
sought  the  controversy.  They  had  both  received 
specific  instructions  from  the  Holy  Sphit  to  make 
this  great  campaign  among  the  Gentiles.  They 
would  not  stultify  themselves  and  destroy  the  lib- 
erty of  the  Gentiles  in  Christ  by  going  back  and 
having  the  Mosaic  Law  imposed  on  them  by  the 
ceremony  of  circumcision.  They  saw  at  once  the 
gravity  of  the  issue.  The  very  essence  of  the  gospel 
of  grace  was  involved.  Paul  had  turned  away  from 
this  yoke  of  bondage.  He  would  not  go  back  to 
it  nor  would  he  impose  it  on  his  converts.  The 
church  at  Antioch  stood  by  Paul  and  Barnabas. 
Paul  (Gal  2  2)  says  that  he  had  a  revelation  to  go 
to  Jerus  with  the  problem.  Luke  (Acts  15  3)  says 
that  the  church  sent  them.  Surely  there  is  no  in- 
consistency here.  It  is  not  difficult  to  combine  the 
personal  narrative  in  Gal  2  with  the  public  meetings 
recorded  in  Acts  15.  We  have  first  the  general 
report  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  the  church  in  Jerus 
(Acts  15  4  f)  to  which  instant  exception  was  made 
by  the  Judaizing  element.  There  seems  to  have 
come  an  adjournment  to  prepare  for  the  conflict, 
since  in  ver  6  Luke  says  again  that  "the  apostles 
and  the  elders  were  gathered  together  to  consider 
of  this  matter."  Between  these  two  public  meetings 
we  may  place  the  private  conference  of  Paul  and 
Barnabas  with  Peter,  John  and  James  and  other 
teachers  (Gal  2  1-10).  In  this  private  conference 
some  of  the  timid  brethren  wished  to  persuade 
Paul  to  have  Titus,  a  Gr  Christian  whom  Paul  had 
brought  down  from  Antioch  (a  live  specimen!), 
offered  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Judaizers  ("false  breth- 
ren") and  circumcised.  But  Paul  stood  his  ground 
for  the  truth  of  the  gospel  and  was  supported  by 
Peter,  John  and  James.  They  agreed  all  around 
for  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  go  on  with  their  work  to 
the  Gentiles,  and  Peter,  John  and  James  would  push 
the  work  among  the  Jews  (a  division  in  sphere  of 
work,  like  home  and  foreign  missions,  not  a  denom- 
inational cleavage).  Here,  then,  for  the  first  time, 
Paul  has  had  an  opportunity  to  talk  the  matter  over 
with  the  apostolic  teachers,  and  they  agree.  The 
Judaizers  will  have  no  support  from  the  apostles. 
The  battle  was  really  won  in  their  private  confer- 
ence. In  the  second  public  meeting  (Acts  15  6-29) 
all  goes  smoothly  enough.  Ample  opportunity 
for  free  discussion  is  offered.  Then  Peter  shows 
how  God  had  used  him  to  preach  to  the  Romans, 
and  how  the  Jews  themselves  had  to  believe  on 
Christ  in  order  to  be  saved.  He  opposed  putting  a 
yoke  on  the  Gentiles  that  the  Jews  could  not  bear. 
There  was  a  pause,  and  then  Barnabas  and  Paul 
(note  the  order  here:  courtesy  to  Barnabas)  spoke 
again.  After  another  pause,  James,  the  president 
of  the  conference,  the  brother  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
and  a  stedfast  Jew,  spoke.  He  cited  Am  9  llfto 
show  that  God  had  long  ago  promised  a  blessing 
to  the  Gentiles.  He  suggests  liberty  to  the  Gentiles 
with  the  prohibition  of  pollution  of  idols,  of  forni- 
cation, things  strangled,  and  blood.  His  ideas  are 
embodied  in  a  unanimous  decree  which  strongly 
commends  "our  beloved  Barnabas  and  Paul,"  and 
disclaims  responsibility  for  the  visit  of  the  Judaizers 
to  Antioch.  The  Western  text  omits  "things 
strangled"  from  the  decree.  If  this  is  correct,  the 
decree  prohibits  idolatry,  fornication  and  murder 
(Wilson,  Origin  and  Aim  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
1912,  55).  At  any  rate,  the  decision  is  a  tremendous 
victory  for  Paul  and  Barnabas.  If  the  other  read- 
ing is  correct,  Jewish  feelings  about  things  strangled 
and  blood  are  to  be  respected.  The  decision  was 
received  with  great  joy  in  Antioch  (i^cts  15  30-35). 


2283 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA   Paul,  the  Apostle 


Some  time  later  Peter  appears  at  Antioch  in  the 
fullest  fellowship  with  Paul  and  Barnabas  in  their 
work,  and  joins  them  in  free  social  intercourse  with 
the  Gentiles,  as  he  had  timidly  done  in  the  home  of 
Cornelius,  till  "certain  came  from  James"  (Gal  2 
11  f),  and  probably  threatened  to  have  Peter  up 
before  the  church  again  (Acts  11  2)  on  this  matter, 
claiming  that  James  agreed  with  them  on  the  sub- 
ject. This  I  do  not  believe  was  true  in  the  light 
of  Acts  15  24,  where  a  similar  false  claim  is  discred- 
ited, since  James  had  agreed  with  Paul  in  Jerus 
(Acts  15  19  ff;  Gal  2  9f).  The  new  ground  for 
complaint  was  that  they  had  not  settled  the  ques- 
tion of  social  relations  with  the  Gentiles  in  the 
Jerus  conference  and  that  Peter  had  exceeded  the 
agreement  there  reached.  Peter  quailed  before 
the  accusation,  "fearing  them  that  were  of  the  cir- 
cumcision" (Gal  2  12).  To  make  it  worse,  "even 
Barnabas  was  carried  away  with  their  dissimulation" 
(2  1.3).  Under  this  specious  plea  Paul  was  about  to 
lose  the  fruit  of  the  victory  already  won,  and  charged 
Peter  to  his  face  with  Judaizing  hypocrisy  (2  1 1-14) . 
It  was  a  serious  crisis.  Peter  had  not  changed  his 
convictions,  but  had  once  more  cowered  in  an  hour 
of  peril.  Paul  won  both  Barnabas  and  Peter  to  his 
side  and  took  occasion  to  show  how  useless  the 
death  of  Christ  was  if  men  could  be  saved  by  mere 
legalism  (2  21).  But  the  Judaizers  had  renewed 
the  war,  and  they  would  keep  it  up  and  harry  the 
work  of  Paul  all  over  the  world.  Paul  had  the  fight 
of  his  life  upon  his  hands. 

The  impulse  to  go  out  again  came  from  Paul. 
Despite  the  difference  in  Gal  2  13,  he  wished  to  go 

again  with  Barnabas  (Acts  15  36), 
7.  The  but  Barnabas  insisted  on  taking  along 

Second  John  Mark,  which  Paul  was  not  willing 

Mission  to  do  because  of  his  failure  to  stick  to 
Campaign  the  work  at  Perga.  So  they  agreed 
Acts  15  :  36  to  disagree  after  "sharp  contention" 
— 18:22;  1  (15  39f).  Barnabas  went  with  Mark 
and2Thess,  to  Cyprus,  while  Paul  took  Silas, 
49-51  (or  "being  commended  by  the  brethren 
52)  AD  to   the    grace    of    the    Lord."     Luke 

follows  the  career  of  Paul,  and  so  Bar- 
nabas drops  out  of  view  (cf  later  1  Cor  9  6).  Paul 
and  Silas  go  "through  Syria  and  Cilicia,  confirming 
the  churches"  (Acts  15  41).  They  pass  through 
the  Cilician  gates  to  Derbe,  the  end  of  the  first 
tour,  and  go  to  Lystra.  Here  they  pick  up  Timothy, 
who  more  than  takes  Mark's  place  in  Paul's  life. 
Timothy's  mother  was  a  Jewess  and  his  father  a 
Greek.  Paul  decided  therefore  to  have  him  circum- 
cised since,  as  a  half-Jew,  he  would  be  esp.  obnox- 
ious to  the  Jews.  This  case  differed  wholly  from 
that  of  Titus,  a  Greek,  where  principle  was  involved. 
Here  it  was  a  matter  merely  of  expediency.  Paul 
had  taken  the  precaution  to  bring  along  the  decrees 
of  the  Conference  at  Jerus  in  case  there  was  need 
of  them.  He  delivered  them  to  the  churches.  It 
has  to  be  noted  that  in  1  Cor  8-10  and  in  Rom  14 
and  15,  when  discussing  the  question  of  eating  meats 
offered  to  idols,  Paul  docs  not  refer  to  these  decrees, 
but  argues  the  matter  purely  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  principles  involved.  The  Judaizers  anyhow 
had  not  lived  up  to  the  agreement,  but  Paul  is  here 
doing  his  part  by  the  decision.  The  result  of  the 
work  was  good  for  the  churches  (Acts  16  4). 

When  we  come  to  Acts  16  6,  we  touch  a  crucial 
passage  in  the  South-Galatian  controversy.  Ramsay 
(Christianity  in  the  Rom  Empire,  chs  iii-vi;  Hist  and 
Geofjrapky  of  Asia  Minor;  St.  Paul  the  Travtdler,  chs  V, 
vi,  viii,  ix;  Expos,  IV,  viii,  ix,  "replies  to  Chase";  "Gala- 
tia,"  HDB;  Coram,  on  Gal;  The  Cities  of  St.  Paul; 
Expos  T,  1912,  1913)  has  become  by  his 'able  advocacy 
the  chief  champion  of  the  view  that  Paul  never  went 
to  Galatia  proper  or  North  Galatia,  and  that  he  addressed 
his  ep.  to  South  Galatia,  the  churches  visited  in  the  first 
tour.  For  a  careful  history  of  the  whole  controversy  in 
detaU,  see  Moflatt,  Intro  to  the  Lit.  of  the  NT,  90-100, 
who  strongly  supports  the  view  of  Lightfoot,  H.  J.  Holtz- 


mann,  Blass,  Schiirer,  Denney,  Chase,  Mommsen, 
Steinmann,  etc.  There  are  powerful  names  with*  Ram- 
say, lilte  Hausrath,  Zahn.  Bartiet,  Garvie.  Weizsiicker, 
etc.  The  arguments  are  too  varied  and  minute  for  com- 
plete presentation  here.  The  present  writer  sees  some 
very  attractive  features  in  the  South-Galatian  hypothe- 
sis, but  as  a  student  of  language  flnds  himself  unable  to 
overcome  the  syntax  of  Acts  16  6.  The  minor  difficulty 
is  the  dropping  of  Kai,  kal,  between  "Plirygia"  and 
"Galatic  region"  by  Ramsay.  It  is  by  no  means  cer- 
tain that  tliis  is  the  idea  of  Lul^e.  It  is  more  natural  to 
take  the  terms  as  distinct  and  coordinated  by  kai.  In 
St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  212,  Ramsay  pleads  for  the  aorist 
of  subsequent  time,  but  Moulton  {Proltuompiia,  1.3.3)  will 
have  none  of  it.  With  that  I  agree.  The  aorist  participle 
must  give  something  synchronous  with  or  antecedent  to 
the  principal  verb.  In  Expos  T  for  February,  1913, 
220  f,  Ramsay  comes  back  to  the  "construction  of  16  0." 
He  admits  that  the  weight  of  authority  is  against  tlie 
TR  and  in  favor  of  6iijA0oi/  ....  KujK\>eivrt<;,  diHthon 
.  .  ,  ,  koluthSntfis.  He  now  interprets  the  language 
thus:  "  Paul,  having  in  mind  at  Lystra  his  plan  of  going 
on  to  Asia  from  Galatia,  was  ordered  by  the  Spirit  not 
to  preach  in  Asia.  He  therefore  made  a  tour  through  the 
Phrygio-Galatic  region,  which  lie  had  already  influenced 
so  profoundly  from  end  to  end  (13  49)."  But  there 
is  grave  difficulty  in  accepting  this  interpretation  as  a 
solution  of  tlie  problem,  Ramsay  here  makes  the  narra- 
tive in  ver  6  resumptive  and  takes  us  back  to  the  stand- 
point of  ver  1  at  Lystra.  The  proper  place  for  such  a 
forecast  was  in  ver  1,  or  at  most  before  ver  4,  which 
already  seems  to  mark  an  advance  beyond  Lystra  to 
Iconium  and  Antioch  in  Pisidia:  "and  as  they  went  on 
their  way  through  the  cities." 

Besides,  "the  Phrygio-Galatic  region"  lay  between 
Lystra  and  Asia,  and,  according  to  Ramsay,  after  the 
prohibition  in  Lystra,  he  went  straight  on  toward  Asia. 
This  is  certainly  very  artificial  and  unlike  the  usual  pro- 
cedure. According  to  the  other  view,  Paul  had  already 
visited  the  churches  in  Lycaonia  and  Pisidia  on  his 
former  visit.  He  wished  to  go  on  west  into  Asia,  prob- 
ably to  Ephesus,  but  was  forbidden  by  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  as  a  result  turned  northward  through  Phrygia  and 
the  regions  of  Galatia,  using  both  terms  in  the  ethno- 
graphic sense.  Paul  was  already  in  the  province  of  Ga- 
latia at  Derbe  and  Lystra.  The  matter  has  many  "ins 
and  outs"  and  cannot  be  argued  further  here.  It  is  still 
in  debate,  but  the  present  interpretation  is  in  harmony 
with  tlie  narrative  in  Acts.  See  also  Galatia;  Gala- 
TiANS,  Epistle  to  the. 

By  this  view  Paul  had  not  meant  to  stop  in 
Galatia  proper  and  did  so  only  because  of  an  attack 
of  illness  (Gal  4  13).  It  is  possible  that  Luke  may 
have  come  to  his  rescue  here.  At  any  rate,  he 
finally  pushes  on  opposite  Mysia  and  Bithynia  in 
the  extreme  north  and  was  forbidden  by  the  Spirit 
from  going  on  into  Bithynia.  So  they  came  down 
to  Troas  (Acts  16  7  f)  when  Luke  ("we,"  16  10) 
appears  on  the  scene  and  the  Macedonian  call  comes 
to  Paul.  Thus  Paul  is  led  out  of  Asia  into  Europe 
and  carries  the  gospel  successively  to  Philippi, 
Thessalonica,  Beroea,  Athens,  and  Corinth.  The 
gospel  is  finally  planted  in  the  great  provinces  of 
Macedonia  and  Achaia.  In  Philippi,  a  Rom  colony 
and  military  outpost,  Paul  finds  few  Jews  and  has 
to  go  out  to  a  prayer-place  to  find  a  few  Jewish 
women  to  whom  he  can  tell  the  story  of  Jesus.  But 
he  gains  a  start  with  Lydia  and  her  household,  and 
soon  arouses  the  hostility  of  a  company  of  men  who 
were  making  money  out  of  a  poor  girl's  powers  of 
divination.  But  before  Paul  and  Silas  leave  the 
jail,  the  jailer  is  himself  converted,  and  a  good  church 
is  established.  At  Thessalonica  Paul  has  great 
success  and  arouses  the  jealousy  of  the  Jews  who 
gather  a  rabble  and  raise  a  disturbance  and  charge 
it  up  to  Paul.  At  Philippi  appeal  was  made 
to  prejudice  against  Jews.  At  Thessalonica  the 
charge  is  made  that  Paul  preaches  Jesus  as  a  rival 
king  to  Caesar.  In  Beroea  Paul  and  Silas  have 
even  more  success  till  the  Jews  come  from  Thessa- 
lonica and  drive  Paul  out  again.  Timothy,  who 
has  come  out  from  Philippi  where  Luke  has  re- 
mained, and  Silas  stay  in  IJeroea  while  Paul  hurries 
on  to  Athens  with  some  of  the  brethren,  who  return 
with  the  request  for  Timothy  and  Silas  "to  come 
to  him  with  all  speed."  Apparently  Timothy  did 
come  (1  Thess  3  1  f),  but  Paul  soon  sent  him  back 
to  Thessalonica  because  of  his  anxiety  about  con- 
ditions there.     Left  alone  in  Athens,  Paul's  spirit 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2284 


was  stirred  over  the  idolatry  before  his  eyes.  He 
preaches  in  the  synagogues  and  argues  with  the 
Stoics  and  Epicureans  in  the  Agora  who  make  light 
of  his  pretensions  to  philosophy  as  a  "babbler"  (Acts 
17  18).  But  curiosity  leads  them  to  invite  him  to 
speak  on  the  Areopagus,  This  notable  address, 
all  alive  to  his  surroundings,  was  rather  rudely  cut 
short  by  their  indifference  and  mockery,  and  Paul 
left  Athens  with  small  results  for  his  work.  He 
goes  over  to  Corinth,  the  great  commercial  city  of 
the  province,  rich  and  with  bizarre  notions  of  cul- 
ture. Paul  determined  (1  Cor  2  1-5)  to  be  true 
to  the  cross,  even  after  his  experience  in  Athens. 
He  gave  them,  not  the  flashy  philosophy  of  the 
sophists,  but  the  true  wisdom  of  God  in  simple 
words,  the  philosophy  of  the  cross  of  Christ  (1  Cor 

I  17 — 3  4).  In  Corinth  Paul  found  fellow-helpers 
in  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  just  expelled  from  Rome 
by  Claudius.  They  have  the  same  trade  of  tent- 
makers  and  live  together  (Acts  18  1-4),  and  Paul 
preached  in  the  synagogues.  Paul  is  cheered  by 
the  coming  of  Timothy  and  Silas  from  Thessalonica 
(18  5)  with  supplies  from  Philippi,  as  they  had 
done  while  in  Thessalonica  (Phil  4  15  f).  This 
very  success  led  to  opposition,  and  Paul  has  to 
preach  in  the  house  of  Titus  Justus.  But  the  work 
goes  on  till  Gallio  comes  and  a  renewed  effort  is 
made  to  have  it  stopped,  but  Gallio  declines  to 
interfere  and  thus  practically  makes  Christianity  a 
religio  licita,  since  he  treats  it  as  a  variety  of  Juda- 
ism. While  here,  after  the  arrival  of  Timothy  and 
Silas,  Paul  writes  the  two  letters  to  Thessalonica, 
the  first  of  his  1.3  epp.  They  are  probably  not  very 
far  apart  in  time,  and  deal  chiefly  with  a  grievous 
misunderstanding  on  their  part  concerning  the 
emphasis  placed  by  him  on  the  Man  of  Sin  and 
the  Second  Coming.  Paul  had  felt  the  power  of  the 
empire,  and  his  attention  is  sharply  drawn  to  the 
coming  conflict  between  the  Rom  empire  and  the 
kingdom  of  God.  He  treats  it  in  terms  of  apocalyp- 
tic eschatology.  When  he  leaves  Corinth,  it  is  to 
go  by  Ephesus,  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla  whom 
he  leaves  there  with  the  promise  to  return.  He 
goes  down  to  Caesarea  and  "went  up  and  saluted 
the  church"  (Acts  18  22),  probably  at  Jerus 
(fourth  visit),  and  "went  down  to  Antioch."  If  he 
went  to  Jerus,  it  was  probably  incidental,  and 
nothing  of  importance  happened.  He  is  back  once 
again  in  Antioch  after  an  absence  of  some  3  or  4 
years. 

The  stay  of  Paul  at  Antioch  ia  described  as  "some 
time"     (Acts  18  23).     Denney     (Standard     Bible 
Diet.)    conjectures    that    Paul's   brief 
8.  The  stay  at  Jerus  (see  above)  was  due  to 

Third  Mis-  the  fact  that  he  found  that  the  Juda- 
sion  Cam-  izers  had  organized  opposition  there 
paign,  Acts  against  him  in  the  absence  of  the 
18: 23 — 21:  apostles,  and  it  was  so  unpleasant  that 
14;  1  and  2  he  did  not  stay.  He  suggests  also  that 
Cor;  Gal;  the  Judaizers  had  secured  letters  of 
Rom,  52  (or  commendation  from  the  church  for 
53)-57  (or  their  emissaries  (2  Cor  3  1)  to  Corinth 
58)  AD  and  Galatia,  who  were  preaching  "an- 

other Jesus"  of  nationalism  and  nar- 
rowness, whom  Paul  did  not  preach  (Gal  1  6;  2  Cor 

II  4).  Both  Denney  and  Findlay  follow  Neander, 
Wieseler,  and  Sabatier  in  placing  here,  before  Paul 
starts  out  again  from  Antioch,  the  visit  of  certain 
"from  James"  (Gal  2  12),  who  overpowered  Peter 
for  the  moment.  But  I  have  put  this  incident  as 
mere  probably  before  the  disagreement  with  Bar- 
nabas over  Mark,  and  as  probably  contributing  to 
that  breach  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  tour. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  Judaizers 
remained  acquiescent  so  long. 

Paul  seems  to  have  set  out  on  the  third  tour  alone 
— unless  Timothy  came  back  with  him,  of  which  there 


is  no  evidence  save  that  he  is  with  Paul  again  in 
Ephesus  (Acts  19  22).  What  became  of  Silas? 
Paul  "went  through  the  region  of  Galatia,  and 
Phrygia,  in  order,  establishing  all  the  disciples" 
(Acts  18  23),  the  opposite  order  to  16  6,  "through 
the  region  of  Phrygia  and  Galatia."  According  to 
the  North-Galatian  view,  here  followed,  he  went 
through  the  northern  part  of  the  province,  passing 
through  Galatia  proper  and  Phrygia  on  his  way 
west  to  Ephesus.  Luke  adds,  "Paul  having  passed 
through  the  upper  country  came  to  Ephesus" 
(19  1).  The  ministry  of  ApoUos  in  Ephesus  (18 
24-28)  had  taken  place  before  Paul  arrived,  though 
Aquila  and  Priscilla  were  still  on  hand.  Apollos 
passed  over  to  Corinth  and  innocently  became  the 
occasion  of  such  strife  there  (1  Cor  1-4)  that  he 
left  and  refused  to  return  at  Paul's  request  (1  Cor 
16  12).  Paul  has  a  ministry  of  3  years,  in  round 
numbers,  in  Ephesus,  which  is  full  of  excitement 
and  anxiety  from  the  work  there  and  in  Corinth. 
He  finds  on  his  arrival  some  ill-informed  disciples 
of  John  the  Baptist  who  are  ignorant  of  the  chief 
elements  of  John's  teaching  about  repentance, 
Jesus,  and  the  Holy  Spirit  (Acts  19  2-7),  matters 
of  which  Apollos  had  knowledge,  though  he  learned 
more  from  Priscilla  and  AquOa,  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence that  he  was  rebaptized  as  was  true  of  the  12 
disciples  of  John  (Robertson,  John  the  Loyal,  290- 
303).  The  boldness  of  Paul  in  Ephesus  led  in  3 
months  to  his  departure  from  the  synagogue  to  the 
schoolhouse  of  Tyrannus,  where  he  preached  for  2 
years  (Acts  19  8-10)  with  such  power  that  "all  they 
that  dwelt  in  Asia  heard  the  word  of  the  Lord."  It 
is  not  strange  later  to  find  churches  at  Colossae  and 
Hierapolis  in  the  Lycus  Valley  (cf  also  Rev  1  11). 
Paul  has  a  sharp  collision  with  the  strolling  Jewish 
exorcists  that  led  to  the  burning  of  books  of  magic 
by  the  wholesale  (19  11-20),  another  proof  of  the 
hold  that  magic  and  the  mysteries  had  upon  the 
Orient.  Ephesus  was  the  seat  of  the  worship  of 
Diana  whose  wonderful  temple  was  their  pride.  A 
great  business  in  the  manufacture  of  shrines  of  Diana 
was  carried  on  here  by  Demetrius,  and  "this  Paul" 
had  hurt  his  trade  so  much  that  he  raised  an  insur- 
rection under  the  guise  of  piety  and  patriotism  and 
might  have  killed  Paul  with  the  mob,  if  he  could 
have  got  hold  of  him  (19  23-41).  It  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  Paul  was  kept  from  going  to 
the  amphitheater,  as  it  was.  But  here,  as  at  Corinth, 
the  Rom  officer  (the  town  clerk)  defended  Paul 
from  the  rage  of  his  enemies  (there  the  jealous  Jews, 
here  the  tradesmen  whose  business  suffered).  He 
was  apparently  very  ill  anyhow,  and  came  near  death 
(2  Cor  1  9).  All  this  seems  to  have  hastened  his 
departure  from  Ephesus  sooner  than  Pentecost, 
as  he  had  written  to  the  Corinthians  (1  Cor  16  8). 
His  heart  was  in  Corinth  because  of  the  discussions 
there  over  him  and  Apollos  and  Peter,  Ijy  reason  of 
the  agitation  of  the  Judaizers  (1  Cor  1  10-17). 
The  household  of  Chloe  had  brought  word  of  this 
situation  to  Paul.  He  had  written  the  church  a 
letter  now  lost  (1  Cor  5  9).  They  had  written 
him  a  letter  (1  Cor  7  1).  They  sent  messengers 
to  Paul  (1  Cor  16  17).  He  had  sent  Timothy  to 
them  (1  Cor  4  17;  16  10),  who  seems  not  to  have 
succeeded  in  quieting  the  trouble.  Paul  wrote 
1  Cor  (spring  of  56),  and  then  sent  Titus,  who  was 
to  meet  him  at  Troas  and  report  results  (2  Cor  2 
12  f).  He  may  also  have  written  another  letter 
and  sent  it  by  Titus  (2  Cor  2  3  f).  The  sudden 
departure  from  Corinth  brought  Paul  to  Troas 
ahead  of  time,  but  he  could  not  wait  for  Titus,  and 
so  pushed  on  with  a  heavy  heart  into  Macedonia, 
where  he  met  him,  and  he  had  good  and  bad  news 
to  tell  (2  Cor  2  12  ff;  7  5-13).  The  effect  on 
Paul  was  instantaneous.  He  rebounded  to  hope 
and  joy  (2  Cor  2  14  ff)  in  a  glorious  defence  of  the 


2285 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Paul,  the  Apostle 


ministry  of  Jesus  (of  Robertson,  The  Glory  of  the 
Ministry;  Paul's  Exultation  in  Preaching),  with  a 
message  of  cheer  to  the  majority  of  the  cliurch  that 
had  sustained  Paul  and  with  instructions  (chs  8 
and  9)  about  the  collection  for  the  poor  saints  in 
Jerus,  which  must  be  pushed  to  a  completion  by 
Titus  and  two  other  brethren  (possibly  also  Luke, 
brother  of  Titus,  and  Erastus).  Timothy  and 
Erastus  had  been  sent  on  ahead  to  Macedonia  from 
Ephesus  (Acts  19  22),  and  Timothy  sends  greetings 
with  Paul  to  the  Corinthians  in  a  letter  (2  Cor)  which 
Paul  now  forwards,  possibly  by  Titus.  The  latter 
part  of  the  ep.  (chs  10-13)  deals  with  the  stubborn 
minority  who  still  resist  the  authority  of  Paul  as 
an  apostle.  On  the  proposed  treatment  of  these 
chapters  as  a  separate  ep.  see  the  earlier  part  of 
this  art.  Paul  seems  to  wait  a  while  before  going 
on  to  Corinth.  He  wishes  the  opposition  to  have 
time  to  repent.  During  this  period  he  probably 
went  round  about  to  lUyricum  (Rom  15  19).  He 
spent  three  months  in  Greece  (Acts  20  2  f),  prob- 
ably the  winter  of  56  and  57. 

We  have  placed  Gal  in  the  early  part  of  this  stay  in 
Corinth,  though  it  could  have  been  written  while  at 
Ephesus.  Rom  was  certainly  written  while  here,  and 
they  both  treat  the  same  general  theme  of  justification 
by  faith.  Ramsay  (Bjpo.5,  February,  1913,  127-45)  has 
at  last  come  to  the  conclusion  that  Gal  belongs  to  the 
date  of  Acts  15  1  f.  He  bases  this  conclusion  chiefly 
on  the  "absolute  independence"  of  his  apostleship 
claimed  in  Gal  1  and  2,  which,  he  holds,  he  would  not 
have  done  after  the  conference  in  Acts  15,  wiiich  was 
"  a  sacrifice  of  complete  independence."  This  is  a  curious 
interpretation,  for  in  Gal  2  1-10  Paul  himself  tells  of 
his  recognition  on  terms  of  equality  by  Peter,  John 
and  James,  and  of  his  going  to  Jerus  by  "revelation," 
which  was  just  as  much  "a  sacrifice  of  complete  in- 
dependence" as  w^e  find  in  Acts  15.  Besides,  in  2  Cor 
11  5  and  12  11  Paul  expressly  asserts  his  equality  (with 
all  humility)  witli  the  very  chiefest  apostles,  and  in  1  Cor 
15  10  he  claims  in  so  many  words  to  have  wrought  more 
than  all  the  apostles.  Perhaps  messengers  from  Galatia 
with  the  contributions  from  that  region  report  the  havoc 
wrought  there  by  the  Judaizers.  Gal  is  a  tremendous 
plea  for  the  spiritual  nature  of  Christianity  as  opposed 
to  Jewish  ceremonial  legalism. 

Paul  had  long  had  it  in  mind  to  go  to  Rome.  It 
was  his  plan  to  do  so  while  at  Ephesus  (Acts  19  21) 
after  he  had  gone  to  Jerus  with  the  great  collection 
from  the  churches  of  Asia,  Galatia,  Achaia,  and 
Macedonia.  He  hoped  that  this  collection  would 
have  a  mollifying  effect  on  the  Jerus  saints  aa  that 
from  Antioch  had  (Acts  11  29  f).  He  had  changed 
some  details  in  his  plans,  but  not  the  purpose  to  go 
to  Jerus  and  then  to  Rome.  Meanwhile,  he  writes 
the  longest  and  most  important  letter  of  all  to  the 
Romans,  in  which  he  gives  a  fuller  statement  of  his 
gospel,  because  they  had  not  heard  him  preach, 
save  his  various  personal  friends  who  had  gone  there 
from  the  east  (ch  16).  But  already  the  shadow  of 
Jerus  is  on  his  heart,  and  he  asks  their  prayers  in  his 
behalf,  as  he  faces  his  enemies  in  Jerus  (Rom  15 
30-32).  He  hopes  al.so  to  go  on  to  Spain  (15  24), 
so  as  to  carry  the  gospel  to  the  farther  west  also. 
The  statesmanship  of  Paul  comes  out  now  in  great 
clearness.  He  has  in  his  heart  always  anxiety  for 
the  churches  that  consumes  him  (2  Cor  11  28  f). 
He  was  careful  to  have  a  committee  of  the  churches 
go  with  him  to  report  the  collection  (2  Cor  8  19  f). 
Paul  had  planned  to  sail  direct  for  Syria,  but  a  plot 
on  his  life  in  Corinth  led  him  to  go  by  land  via 
Macedonia  with  his  companions  (Acts  20  2-4). 
He  tarried  at  Philippi  while  the  rest  went  on  to 
Troas.  At  Philippi  Paul  is  joined  again  by  Luke, 
who  stays  with  him  till  Rome  is  reached.  They 
celebrate  the  Passover  (probably  the  spring  of  57) 
in  Philippi  (Acts  20  6).  We  cannot  follow  the 
details  in  Acts  at  Troas,  the  voyage  through  the 
beautiful  Archipelago,  to  Miletus.  There  Paul 
took  advantage  of  the  stop  to  send  for  the  elders 
of  Ephesus  to  whom  he  gave  a  wonderful  address 
(Acts  20  17-38).     They  change  ships  at  Patara  for 


Phoenicia  and  pass  to  the  right  of  Cyprus  with  its 
memories  of  Barnabas  and  Sergius  Paulus  and  stop 
at  Tyre,  where  Paul  is  warned  not  to  go  on  to  Jerus. 
The  hostility  of  the  Judaizers  to  Paul  is  now  com- 
mon talk  everywhere.  There  is  grave  peril  of  a 
schism  in  Christianity  over  the  question  of  gentile 
liberty,  once  settled  in  Jerus,  but  unsettled  by  the 
Judaizers.  At  Caesarea  Paul  is  greeted  by  Philip 
the  evangelist  and  his  four  daughters  (prophetesses). 
At  Caesarea  Paul  is  warned  in  dramatic  fashion  by 
Agabus  (cf  Acts  11  28)  not  to  go  on  to  Jerus  (21 
9  ff),  but  Paul  is  more  determined  than  ever  to  go, 
even  if  he  die  (20  13).  He  had  had  three  pre- 
monitions for  long  (20  22  ff),  but  he  will  finish  his 
course,  cost  what  it  may.  He  finds  a  friend  at 
Caesarea  in  Mnason  of  Cyprus,  an  early  disciple, 
who  was  to  be  the  host  of  Paul  in  Jerus  (21  16). 

Paul  had  hoped  to  reach   Jerus  by  Pentecost 
(Acts  20  16).     He  seems  to  have  done  so.     Luke 
gives  the  story  of  Paul  in  Jerus,  Caes- 
9.  Five  area,    and   the    voyage    to    Rome    in 

Years  a  much  detail.     He  was  with  him  and 

Prisoner,  considered  this  period  of  his  ministry 
Acts  21:17  very  important.  The  welcome  from 
— 28:31;  the  brethren  in  Jerus  was  surprisingly 
Phil;  Phi-  cordial  (Acts  21  17).  On  the  very 
lem;  Col;  next  day  Paul  and  his  party  made  a 
Eph,  formal  call  on  James  and  all  the  elders 

57-62  (or  (21  18  f),  who  gave  a  sympathetic 
63)  AD  hearing  to  the  narrative  of  God's  deal- 

ings with  Paul  and  the  Gentiles.  He 
presented  the  alms  (collection)  in  due  form  (24  17), 
though  some  critics  have  actually  suggested  that 
Paul  used  it  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  appeal  to 
Caesar.  Ramsay's  notion  that  he  may  have  fallen 
heir  by  now  to  his  portion  of  his  father's  estate  is 
quite  probable.  But  the  brethren  wish  to  help 
Paul  set  himself  right  before  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
church  in  Jerus,  who  have  been  imposed  upon  by 
the  Judaizers  who  have  misrepresented  Paul's  real 
position  by  saying  that  he  urged  the  Jewish  Chris- 
tians to  give  up  the  Mosaic  customs  (21  21).  The 
elders  understand  Paul  and  recall  the  decision  of  the 
conference  at  which  freedom  was  guaranteed  to  the 
Gentiles,  and  they  have  no  wish  to  disturb  that 
(21  25) .  They  only  wish  Paul  to  show  that  he  does 
not  object  to  the  Jewish  Christians  keeping  up  the 
Mosaic  regulations.  They  propose  that  Paul  offer 
sacrifice  publicly  in  the  temple  and  pay  the  vows  of 
four  men,  and  then  all  will  know  the  truth  (21  23  f). 
Paul  does  not  hesitate  to  do  that  (21  26  ff).  He 
had  kept  the  Jewish  feasts  (cf  20  6)  as  Jesus  had 
done,  and  the  early  disciples  in  Jerus.  He  was  a 
Jew.  He  may  have  had  a  vow  at  Corinth  (18  18). 
He  saw  no  inconsistency  in  a  Jew  doing  thus  after 
becoming  a  Christian,  provided  he  did  not  make  it 
obligatory  on  Gentiles.  The  real  efficacy  of  the 
sacrifices  lay  in  the  death  of  Jesus  for  sin.  Garvie 
(Life  and  Teaching  of  Paul,  173)  calls  this  act  of 
Paul  "scarcely  worthy  of  his  courage  as  a  man  or  his 
faith  in  God."  I  cannot  see  it  in  that  light.  It  is 
a  matter  of  practical  wisdom,  not  of  principle.  To 
have  refused  would  have  been  to  say  that  the  charge 
was  true,  and  it  was  not.  So  far  as  the  record  goes, 
this  act  of  Paul  accomplished  its  purpose  in  setting 
Paul  in  a  right  light  before  the  church  in  Jerus.  It 
took  away  this  argument  from  the  Judaizers.  The 
trouble  that  now  comes  to  Paul  does  not  come  from 
the  Judaizers,  but  from  "the  Jews  from  Asia"  (21 
27).  If  it  be  objected  that  the  Jerus  Christians 
seem  to  have  done  nothing  to  help  Paul  during  his 
years  of  imprisonment,  it  can  be  said  that  there  was 
little  to  be  done  in  a  legal  way,  as  the  matter  was 
before  the  Rom  courts  very  soon.  The  attack  on 
Paul  in  the  temple  was  while  he  was  doing  honor  to 
the  temple,  engaged  in  actual  worship  offering  sac- 
rifices.    But  then  Jews  from  Ephesus  hated  him 


Paul,  the  Apostle     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2286 


so  that  they  imagined  that  he  had  Greeks  with  him 
in  the  Jewish  court,  because  they  had  seen  him  one 
day  with  Trophimus  in  the  city  (21  27  ff).  It  is 
a  splendid  illustration  of  the  blindness  of  prejudice 
and  hate.  It  was  absolutely  untrue,  and  the  men 
who  raised  the  hue  and  cry  in  the  temple  against 
Paul  as  the  desecrator  of  the  holy  place  and  the  Law 
and  the  people  disappear,  and  are  never  heard  of 
more  (24  18  f ).  But  it  will  take  Paul  five  years  or 
more  of  the  prime  of  his  life  to  get  himself  out  of  the 
tangled  web  that  will  be  woven  about  his  head. 
Peril  follows  peril.  He  was  almost  mobbed,  as 
often  before,  by  the  crowd  that  dragged  him  out  of 
the  temple  (21  30  f).  It  would  remind  Paul  of 
Stephen's  fate.  When  the  Rom  captain  rescued 
him  and  had  him  bound  with  two  chains  as  a  danger- 
ous bandit,  and  had  him  carried  by  the  soldiers  to 
save  his  life,  the  mob  yelled  "Away  with  him"  (21 
36  f ) ,  as  they  had  done  to  Jesus.  After  the  captain, 
astonished  that  "Paul  the  Egyp  assassin"  can 
speak  Gr,  grants  him  permission  to  stand  on  the 
steps  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  to  speak  to  the  mob 
that  clamored  for  his  blood,  he  held  their  rapt 
attention  by  an  address  in  Aram.  (22  2)  in  which 
he  gave  a  defence  of  his  whole  career.  This  they 
heard  eagerly  till  he  spoke  the  word  "Gentiles,"  at 
which  they  raged  more  violently  than  ever  (22  21  ff ) . 
At  this  the  captain  has  Paul  tied  with  thongs,  not 
understanding  his  Aram,  speech,  and  is  about  to 
scourge  him  when  Paul  pleads  his  Rom  citizenship, 
to  the  amazement  of  the  centurion  (22  24:  S). 
Almost  in  despair,  the  captain,  wishing  to  know  the 
charge  of  the  Jews  against  Paul,  brings  him  before 
the  Sanhedrin.  It  is  a  familiar  scene  to  Paul,  and 
it  is  now  their  chance  for  settling  old  scores.  Paul 
makes  a  sharp  retort  in  anger  to  the  high  priest 
Ananias,  for  which  he  apologizes  as  if  he  was  so 
angry  that  he  had  not  noticed,  but  he  soon  divides 
the  Sanhedrin  hopelessly  on  the  subject  of  the  resur- 
rection (cf  the  immunity  of  the  disciples  on  that 
issue  when  Gamaliel  scored  the  Sadducees  in  Acts 
5).  This  was  turning  the  tables  on  his  enemies, 
and  was  justifiable  as  war.  He  claimed  to  be  a 
Pharisee  on  this  point,  as  he  was  still,  as  opposed 
to  the  Sadducees.  The  result  was  that  Paul  had 
to  be  rescued  from  the  contending  factions,  and  the 
captain  knew  no  more  than  he  did  before  (23  1-10) . 
That  night  "the  Lord  stood  by  him"  and  promised 
that  he  would  go  to  Rome  (23  11).  That  was  a 
blessed  hope.  But  the  troubles  of  Paul  are  by  no 
means  over.  By  the  skill  of  his  nephew  he  escaped 
the  murderous  plot  of  40  Jews  who  had  taken  a  vow 
not  to  eat  till  they  had  killed  Paul  (23  12-24). 
They  almost  succeeded,  but  Claudius  Lysias  sent 
Paul  in  haste  with  a  band  of  soldiers  to  Caesarea  to 
Felix,  the  procurator,  with  a  letter  in  which  he 
claimed  to  have  rescued  Paul  from  the  mob,  "having 
learned  that  he  was  a  Roman"  (23  26-30).  At 
any  rate  he  was  no  longer  in  the  clutches  of  the  Jews. 
Would  Rom  provincial  justice  be  any  better? 
Felix  follows  a  perfunctory  course  with  Paul  and 
shows  some  curiosity  about  Christianity,  till  Paul 
makes  him  tremble  with  terror,  a  complete  reversal 
of  situations  (cf  Pilate's  meanness  before  Jesus). 
But  love  of  money  from  Paul  or  the  Jews  leads  Fehx 
to  keep  Paul  a  prisoner  for  two  years,  though  con- 
vinced of  his  innocence,  and  to  hand  him  over  to 
Festus,  his  successor,  because  the  Jews  might  make 
things  worse  for  him  if  he  released  him  (ch  24). 
The  case  of  the  Sanhedrin,  who  have  now  made 
it  their  own  (or  at  least  the  Sadducean  section), 
though  pleaded  by  the  Rom  orator  TertuUus,  had 
fallen  through  as  Paul  calmly  riddled  their  charges. 
Festus  is  at  first  at  a  loss  how  to  proceed,  but  he 
soon  follows  the  steps  of  Felix  by  offering  to  play 
into  the  hands  of  the  Jewish  leaders  by  sending  Paul 
back  to  Jerus,  whereupon  Paul  abruptly  exercises 


his  right  of  Rom  citizenship  by  appealing  to  Caesar 
(25  1-12).  This  way,  though  a  long  one,  offered 
the  only  ray  of  hope.  The  appearance  of  Paul 
before  Agrippa  and  Bernice  was  simply  by  way  of 
entertainment  arranged  by  Festus  to  relieve  his 
guests  of  ennui,  but  Paul  seized  the  opportunity 
to  make  a  powerful  appeal  to  Agrippa  that  put  him 
in  a  corner  logically,  though  he  wriggled  out  a,nd 
declined  to  endorse  Christianity,  though  confirming 
Paul's  innocence,  which  Festus  also  had  admitted 
(25  13—26  32).  Paul  was  fortunate  in  the  centu- 
rion Julius  who  took  him  to  Rome,  for  he  was  kindly 
disposed  to  him  at  the  start,  and  so  it  was  all  the  way 
through  the  most  remarkable  voyage  on  record. 
Luke  has  surpassed  his  own  record  in  ch  2'7,  in  which 
he  traces  the  voyage,  stage  by  stage,  with  change 
of  ship  at  Myra,  delay  at  Fair  Havens,  Crete,  and 
shipwreck  on  the  island  of  Malta.  More  is  learned 
about  ancient  seafaring  from  this  chapter  than  from 
any  other  source  (see  art.  Phoenix,  and  Smith, 
Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul,  1866). _  In  it  all 
Paul  is  the  hero,  both  on  the  ships  and  in  Malta. 
In  the  early  spring  of  60  another  ship  takes  Paul 
and  the  other  prisoners  to  Puteoli.  Thence  they 
go  on  to  Rome,  and  enter  by  the  Appian  Way. 
News  of  Paul's  coming  had  gone  on  before  (his  ep. 
had  come  3  years  ago),  and  he  had  a  hearty  welcome. 
But  he  is  now  an  imperial  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
Nero.  He  has  more  liberty  in  his  own  hired  house 
(28  16.30),  but  he  is  chained  always  to  a  Rom 
soldier,  though  granted  freedom  to  see  his  friends 
and  to  preach  to  the  soldiers.  Paul  is  anxious  to 
remove  any  misapprehensions  that  the  Jews  in 
Rome  may  have  about  him,  and  tries  to  win  them  to 
Christ,  and  with  partial  success  (28  17-28).  And 
here  Luke  leaves  him  a  prisoner  for  2  years  more, 
probably  because  at  this  point  he  finishes  the  Book 
of  Acts.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  during  these  years 
in  Rome,  Paul  wrote  Phil,  Philem,  Col,  and  Eph. 
He  still  has  the  churches  on  his  heart.  They  send 
messengers  to  him,  and  he  writes  back  to  them. 
The  incipient  Gnosticism  of  the  East  has  pressed 
upon  the  churches  at  Colossae  and  Laodicea,  and 
a  new  peril  confronts  Christianity.  The  Judaizing 
controversy  has  died  away  with  these  years  (cf 
Phil  3  1  ff  for  an  echo  of  it),  but  the  dignity  and 
glory  of  Jesus  are  challenged.  In  the  presence  of 
the  power  of  Rome  Paul  rises  to  a  higher  conception 
than  even  that  of  the  person  of  Christ  and  the  glory 
of  the  church  universal.  In  due  time  Paul's  case 
was  disposed  of  and  he  was  once  more  set  free.  The 
Romans  were  proverbially  dilatory.  It  is  doubtful 
if  his  enemies  ever  appeared  against  him  with  formal 
charges. 

The  genuineness  of  the  Pastoral  Epp.  is  here 
assumed.     But  for  them  we  should  know  nothing 
further,   save  from   a  few  fragments 
10.  Further  in  the  early  Christian  writings.     As  it 
Travels  is,  some  few  who  accept  the  Pastoral 

Epp.  seek  to  place  them  before  64  AD, 
so  as  to  allow  for  Paul's  death  in  that  year  from  the 
Neronian  persecution.  In  that  case,  he  was  not 
released.  There  is  no  space  here  to  argue  the  ques- 
tion in  detail.  We  can  piece  together  the  probable 
course  of  events.  He  had  expected  when  in  Corinth 
last  to  go  on  to  Spain  (Rom  15  28),  but  now  in 
Rome  his  heart  turns  back  to  the  east  again.  He 
longs  to  see  the  Philippians  (1  23  S)  and  hopes  to 
see  Philemon  in  Colossae  (Philem  ver  22).  But  he 
may  have  gone  to  Spain  also,  as  Clement  of  Rome 
seems  to  imply  (Clement  ad  Cor  5) ,  and  as  is  stated  in 
the  Canon  of  Muratori.  He  may  have  been  in  Spain 
when  Rome  was  burned  July  19,  64  AD.  There  is 
no  evidence  that  Paul  went  as  far  as  Britain.  On 
his  return  east  he  left  Titus  in  Crete  (Tit  16).  He 
touched  at  Miletus  when  he  left  Trophimus  sick 
(2  Tim  4  20)  and  when  he  may  have  met  Timothy, 


2287 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Paul,  the  Apostle 


if  he  did  not  go  on  to  Ephesus  (1  Tim  13).  He 
stopped  at  Troas  and  apparently  expected  to  come 
back  here,  as  he  left  his  cloak  and  books  with  Carpus 
(2  Tim  4  13).  He  was  on  his  way  to  Macedonia 
(1  Tim  1  3),  whence  he  writes  Timothy  in  65-67 
a  letter  full  of  love  and  counsel  for  the  future.  Paul 
is  apprehensive  of  the  grave  perils  now  confronting 
Christianity.  Besides  the  Judaizers,  the  Gnostics, 
the  Jews  and  the  Romans,  he  may  have  had  dim 
visions  of  the  conflict  with  the  mystery-religions. 
It  was  a  syncretistic  age,  and  men  had  itching 
ears.  But  Paul  is  full  of  sympathy  and  tender 
solicitude  for  Timothy,  who  must  push  on  the  work 
and  get  ready  for  it.  Paul  expects  to  spend  the 
winter  in  Nicopolis  (Tit  3  12),  but  is  apparently 
still  in  Macedonia  when  he  writes  to  Titus  a  letter 
on  lines  similar  to  those  in  1  Tim,  only  the  note  ia 
sharper  against  Judaism  of  a  certain  type.  We 
catch  another  glimpse  of  Apollos  in  3  13.  Paul 
hits  off  the  Cretans  in  1  10  with  a  quotation  from 
Epimenides,  one  of  their  own  poetic  prophets. 

When  Paul  WTites  again  to  Timothy  he  has  had 
a  winter  in  prison,  and  has  suffered  greatly  from  the 

cold  and  does  not  wish  to  spend  another 
11.  Last  winter  in  the  Mamertine  (probably) 
Imprison-  prison  (2  Tim  4  13.21).  We  do  not 
ment  and  know  what  the  charges  now  are.  They 
Death  in  may  have  been  connected  with  the 
Rome,  68  burning  of  Rome.  There  were  plenty 
(or  67)  AD    of  informers  eager  to  win  favor  with 

Nero.  Proof  was  not  now  necessary. 
Christianity  is  no  longer  a  religio  licita  under  the 
shelter  of  Judaism.  It  is  now  a  crime  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian. It  is  dangerous  to  be  seen  with  Paul  now,  and 
he  feels  the  desertion  keenly  (2  Tim  1  15ff;  4  10). 
Only  Luke,  the  beloved  physician,  is  with  Paul 
(4  11),  and  such  faithful  ones  as  live  in  Rome  still 
in  hiding  (4  21).  Paul  hopes  that  Timothy  may 
come  and  bring  Mark  also  (4  11).  Apparently 
Timothy  did  come  and  was  put  into  prison  (He  13 
23).  Paul  is  not  afraid.  He  knows  that  he  will  die. 
He  has  escaped  the  mouth  of  the  lion  (2  Tim  4  17), 
but  he  will  die  (4  18).  The  Lord  Jesus  stood  by 
him,  perhaps  in  visible  presence  (4  17).  The  tra- 
dition is,  for  now  Paul  fails  us,  that  Paul,  as  a  Rom 
citizen,  was  beheaded  on  the  Ostian  Road  just  out- 
side of  Rome.  Nero  died  June,  68  AD,  so  that  Paul 
was  executed  before  that  date,  perhaps  in  the  late 
spring  of  that  year  (or  67).  Perhaps  Luke  and 
Timothy  were  with  him.  It  is  fitting,  as  Findlay 
suggests,  to  let  Paul's  words  in  2  Tim  4  6-8  serve 
for  his  own  epitaph.  He  was  ready  to  go  to  be 
with  Jesus,  as  he  had  long  wished  to  be  (Phil  1  23). 
VI.  Gospel. — I  had  purposed  to  save  adequate 
space  for  the  discussion  of  Paul's  theology,  but  that 
is  not  now  possible.  A  bare  sketch  must  suffice. 
Something  was  said  (see  above  on  his  epp.  and  equip- 
ment) about  the  development  in  Paul's  conception 
of  Clirist  and  his  message  about  Him.  Paul  had  a 
gospel  which  he  called  his  own  (Rom  2  16).  I 
cannot  agree  with  the  words  of  Deissmann  (St. 
Paul,  6):  "St.  Paul  the  theologian  looks  backward 
toward  rabbinism.  As  a  religious  genius  St.  Paul's 
outlook  is  forward  into  a  future  of  universal  history." 
He  did  continue  to  use  some  rabbinical  methods  of 
argument,  but  his  theology  was  not  rabbinical. 
And  he  had  a  theology.  He  was  the  great  apostle 
and  missionary  to  the  heathen.  He  was  a  Christian 
statesman  with  far-seeing  vision.  He  was  the 
loving  pastor  with  the  shepherd  heart.  He  was  the 
great  martyr  for  Christ.  He  was  the  wonderful 
preacher  of  Jesus.  But  he  was  also  "Paul  the 
theologian"  (Garvie,  Life  and  Teaching  of  Paul, 
ch  v) .  There  are  two  ways  of  studying  his  teaching. 
One  is  to  take  it  by  groups  of  the  epp.,  the  purely 
historical  method,  and  that  has  some  advantages  (cf 
Sabatier,  The  Apostle  Paul).    But  at  bottom  Paul 


has  the  same  message  in  each  group,  though  with 
varying  emphasis  due  to  special  exigencies.  The 
same  essential  notes  occur  all  through.  The  more 
common  method,  therefore,  is  to  study  his  gospel 
topically,  using  all  the  epp.  for  each  topic.  A 
measure  of  historical  development  may  still  be  ob- 
served. Only  the  chief  notes  in  Paul's  gospel  can 
be  mentioned  here.  Even  so,  one  must  not  turn  to 
his  epp.  for  a  complete  system  of  doctrine.  The 
epp.  are  "occasional  letters,  pihces  de  circonstance" 
(Findlay,  HDB),  and  they  do  not  profess,  not  even 
Rom,  to  give  a  full  summary  of  Christian  doctrine. 
They  are  vital  documents  that  throb  with  life. 
There  is  no  theological  manual  in  them.  But  Paul's 
gospel  is  adequately  stated  repeatedly.  Paul's 
message  is  Christocentric.  Jesus  as  Messiah  he 
preached  at  once  on  his  conversion  (Acts  9  20.22). 
He  knew  already  the  current  Jewish  Messianism 
to  which  Jesus  did  not  correspond.  The  accept- 
ance of  Jesus  as  He  was  (the  facts  about  Him  and 
teachings)  revolutionized  his  Messianic  conceptions, 
his  view  of  God,  and  his  view  of  man.  "When  he 
takes  and  uses  the  Messianic  phraseology  of  his 
day,  he  fills  it  with  a  meaning  new  and  rich"  (Ros- 
tron,  Christology  of  St.  Paul,  31).  Paul  was  not 
merely  a  new  creature  himself,  but  he  had  a  new 
outlook:  "Wherefore  we  henceforth  know  no  man 
after  the  flesh :  even  though  we  have  known  Christ 
after  the  flesh,  yet  now  we  know  him  so  no  more. 
Wherefore  if  any  man  is  in  Christ,  he  is  a  new 
creature:  the  old  things  are  passed  away;  behold, 
they  are  become  new.  But  all  things  are  of  God, 
who  reconciled  us  to  himself  through  Christ,  and 
gave  unto  us  the  ministry  of  reconciliation;  to  wit, 
that  God  was  in  Christ  reconciling  the  world  unto 
himself,  not  reckoning  unto  them  their  trespasses, 
and  having  committed  unto  us  the  word  of  recon- 
ciliation" (2  Cor  5  16-19).  Perhaps  no  single 
passage  in  Paul's  Epp.  tells  us  more  than  this  one 
of  the  change  in  Paul's  theological  conceptions 
wrought  by  his  conversion.  His  view  of  Christ  as 
the  revealer  of  God  (God  in  Christ)  and  the  mani- 
festation of  love  for  men  (of  God,  who  reconciled 
us  to  Himself,  reconciling  the  world  to  Himself)  and 
the  means  (through  Christ)  by  whom  God  is  able 
to  forgive  our  sins  ("not  reckoning  unto  them  their 
trespasses")  on  the  basis  of  the  atoning  death  of 
Christ  ("wherefore";  for  this  see  vs  14  f  just  before 
ver  16)  with  whom  the  believer  has  vital  union  ("in 
Christ")  and  who  transforms  the  nature  and  views 
of  the  believer,  is  here  thoroughly  characteristic. 
Paul's  passion  is  Christ  (2  Cor  6  14;  Phil  1  21). 
To  gain  Christ  (3  8),  to  know  Christ  (3  10),  to  be 
found  in  Christ  (3  9),  to  know  Christ  as  the  mystery 
of  God  (Col  2  2  f),  to  be  hid  with  Christ  ui  God 
(3  3) — this  with  the  new  Paul  is  worth  while. 
Thus  Paul  interprets  God  and  man,  by  his  doctrine 
of  Christ.  To  him  Jesus  is  Christ  and  Christ  is 
Jesus.  He  has  no  patience  with  the  incipient 
Cerinthian  Gnosticism,  nor  with  the  docetic  Gnos- 
ticism that  denied  the  true  humanity  of  Jesus. 
'The  real  mystery  of  God  is  Christ,  not  the  so-called 
mystery-reUgions.  Christ  has  set  us  free  from  the 
bondage  of  ceremonial  legahsm.  We  are  free  from 
the  curse  of  the  law  (Gal  3  13).  Grace  is  the  dis- 
tinctive word  for  the  gospel  (Rom  3-5),  but  it  must 
lead  to  sanctification  (Rom  6-8),  not  hcense  (Col 
3).  Paul's  Christology  is  both  theocentric  and 
anthropocentric,  but  it  is  theocentric  first.  _  His 
notion  of  redemption  is  the  love  of  God  seeking  a 
world  lost  in  sin  and  finding  love's  way,  the  only 
way  consonant  with  justice,  in  the  atoning  sacrifice 
of  Jesus  Christ  His  Son  (Roni  3  21^31).  The 
sinner  comes  into  union  with  God  in  Christ  by  faith 
in  Christ  as  Redeemer  and  Lord.  Henceforth  he 
lives  to  God  in  Christ  by  the  help  of  the  Holy 
Spirit    (Rom  8;    Gal  5).     Paul  presents   God   as 


Paul,  the  Apostle 
Pauline  Theology 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2288 


Father  of  all  in  one  sense  (Eph  4  6),  but  in  a  special 
senseof  the  believers  in  Christ  (Rom  8  15  f).  Jesus 
Christ  is  the  Incarnation  of  the  Pre-incarnate  Son 
of  God  (2  Cor  8  9;  PhH  2  5-10),  who  is  both  God 
and  man  (Rom  1  3f).  With  Paul  the  agent  of 
creation  is  Jesus  (Col  1  15  f ),  who  is  also  the  head 
of  the  church  universal  (Col  1  18;  Eph  1  22  f). 
In  the  work  of  Christ  Paul  gives  the  central  place 
to  the  cross  (1  Cor  1  17f;  2  2;  Col  2  20;  Eph 
2  13-18).  Sin  is  universal  in  humanity  (Rom  1 
18 — 3  20),  but  the  vicarious  death  of  Christ  makes 
redemption  possible  to  all  who  believe  (Rom  3 
21  ff;  Gal  3  6-11).  The  redeemed  constitute  the 
kingdom  of  God  or  church  universal,  with  Christ 
as  head.  Local  bodies  (churches)  are  the  chief 
means  for  pushing  the  work  of  the  kingdom.  Paul 
knows  two  ordinances,  both  of  which  present  in 
symbohc  form  the  death  of  Christ  for  sin  and  the 
pledge  of  the  behever  to  newness  of  life  in  Christ. 
These  ordinances  are  baptism  (Rom  6  1-11)  and 
the  Lord's  Supper  (1  Cor  11  17-34).  If  he  knew 
the  mystery-religions,  they  may  have  helped  him 
by  way  of  illustration  to  present  his  conception 
of  the  mystic  union  with  Christ.  Paul  is  animated 
by  the  hope  of  the  second  coming  of  Christ,  which 
will  be  sudden  (1  Thess  6  1-11)  and  not  probably 
at  once  (2  Thess  2),  but  was  to  be  considered 
as  always  imminent  (1  Thess  5  2S).  Meanwhile, 
death  brings  us  to  Christ,  which  is  a  glorious  hope 
to  Paul  (2  Cor  5  1-10;  Phil  1  21  ff;  2  Tim  4  18). 
But,  while  Paul  was  a  theologian  in  the  highest  and 
best  sense  of  the  term,  the  best  interpreter  of  Christ 
to  men,  he  was  also  an  ethical  teacher.  He  did  not 
divorce  ethics  from  religion.  He  insisted  strongly  on 
the  spiritual  experience  of  Christ  as  the  beginning 
and  the  end  of  it  all,  as  opposed  to  mere  ritualistic 
ceremonies  which  had  destroyed  the  life  of  Judaism. 
But  all  the  more  Paul  demanded  the  proof  of  hfe 
as  opposed  to  mere  profession.  See  Rom  6-8  in 
particular.  In  most  of  the  epp.  the  doctrinal  sec- 
tion is  followed  by  practical  e.xhortations  to  holy 
living.  Mystic  aa  Paul  was,  the  greatest  of  all 
mystics,  he  was  the  sanest  of  moralists  and  had  no 
patience  with  hypocrites  or  licentious  pietists  or 
ideaHsts  who  allowed  sentimentalism  and  emo- 
tionalism to  take  the  place  of  righteousness.  His 
notion  of  the  righteousness  demanded  by  God  and 
given  by  God  included  both  sanctification  and  justi- 
fication. In  the  end,  the  sinner  who  for  Christ's 
sake  is  treated  as  righteous  must  be  righteous. 
Thus  the  image  of  God  is  restored  in  man  by  the 
regenerating  work  of  the  Spirit  of  God  (2  Cor  3 
18).  Paul  sees  God  in  the  face  of  Christ  (2  Cor 
4  6),  and  the  vision  of  Christ  brings  God  to  all  who 
see. 

Literature. — Out  of  the  vast  Pauline  lit.  the  follow- 
ing selections  may  be  mentioned: 

(1)  General  Works :  Addis,  Christianity  and  the  Rom 
Empire,  189.3;  Bartlet.  The  Apostolic  Age,  1899;  Bohlig, 
Die  GeisteskuUur  von  Torsos,  1913;  Clemen,  Primitive 
Christianity  and  lis  Non~ Jewish  Sources,  1912;  Cumont, 
Oriental  Religions  in  Rom  Paganism,  1911;  Deissmann, 
Light  from  the  Ancient  East,  1910;  Dewick,  Primitive 
Christian  Eschaiology,  1912;  Dollinger,  Gentile  and  Jew 
in  the  Courts  of  the  Temple  of  Christ,  tr,  1862;  Farrar, 
Early  Days  of  Christianity,  1882,  Darkness  and  Dawn, 
1893;  Ferrero,  Greatness  and  Decline  of  Rome,  1908; 
Friedlander,  Rom  Life  and  Manners  under  the  Early 
Empire;  Glover,  Conflict  of  Religions  in  the  Early  Rom 
Empire,  1910;  Gunkel,  Zum  religionsgeschichtlichen 
Verst.  d.  NT,  1903;  Hausrath,  Time  of  the  Apostles,  tr; 
Neander,  Planting  and  Training  of  the  Christian  Church, 
tr;  McGiflert,  A  Hist  of  Christianity  in  the  Apostolic 
Age,  1897;  Karasay,  The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire, 
1803,  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  1895,  The  First 
Christian  Cent.,  1911;  Reitzenstein,  Die  hellenistischen 
Mysterienreligionen.  1910;  Ropes,  The  Apostolic  Age,  1906; 
Schtirer,  11 J P;  Weizsacker,  The  Apostolic  Age  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  1894^95. 

(2)  Introductions:  E.  Burton,  Chron  of  St.  Paul's 
Epp.;  Clemen,  Die  Chron  der  Paulinischen  Briefe,  1893, 
Die  Einheitlichkeit  der  Paulinischen  Briefe,  1894; 
Findlay,  Epp.  of  Paul  the  Apostle,  1893;  Gloag,  Jntro 
to  the  Pauline  Epp.,  1876;    Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of 


the  NT,  1900;  Hort,  Prolegomena  to  Rom  and  Eph,  1895; 
Harnack,  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  1909.  Dale  of  the  Acts 
andthe  Synoptic  Gospels,  1911,  History  of  Early  Christian 
Lit.  until  Eusebius,  1897;  Holtzmann,  Einleitung^,  1892; 
James,  Genuineness  and  Authorship  of  the  Pastoral 
Epp.,  1906;  Julicher,  Intro  to  the  NT,  1903;  Lake, 
Earlier  Epp.  of  St.  Paul,  1911;  Moflatt,  Jntro  to  the 
Lit.  of  the  NT,  1911;  Peake,  Critical  Intro  to  the  NT, 
1909;  Salmon, /7i(ro  to  the  NT,  1892;  R.  Scott,  Epp.  of 
Paul,  1909;  Shaw,  The  Pauline  Epp.,  1903;  von  Soden, 
History  of  Early  Christian  Lit.,  1906;  B.  Weiss,  Present 
State  of  the  Inquiry  Concerning  the  Genuineness  of  Paul' s 
Epp.,  1897;  Zahn,  Intro  to  the  NT,  1909. 

(3)  Commentaries:  For  exegetical  comms.  on  special 
epp.  see  special  arts.  For  the  ancients  see  Chrysostom 
for  the  Greeks,  and  Pelagius  for  the  Latins.  For  the 
Middle  Ages  see  Thomas  Aquinas.  For  the  later  time 
see  Beza,  Calvin,  Colet,  Estius,  Grotius,  Cornelius  a 
Lapide,  Wettstein,  Bengel.  Among  the  moderns  note 
Alford,  Beet  {Rom-Col),  Boise,  Bible  for  Home  and 
School,  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools,  Cambridge  Gr  Tes~ 
lament, New  Cent.  5i6^»3;  Drummond,  Epp.  of  Paul,  Ellicott 
(aU  but  Rom  and  2  Cor),  Expositor's  Bible,  Expositor's 
Gr  Testament;  Holtzmann,  Hand-Conim.  zum  NT;  Jowett 
(1  and  2  Thess,  Rom,  Gal),  Lightfoot  (Gal,  Phil,  Col, 
Philem  and  Notes),  Lietzmann,  Handbuch  zum  NT; 
Meyer  (tr,  revised  Ger.  edd),  Zahn,  Kommentar  zum  NT. 

(4)  Lives  and  Monographs:  Albrecht,  Paulus  der 
Apostel  Jesu  C'hristi,  1903:  BaCOn,  The  Story  of  Paul, 
1904;  Bartlet,  art.  in  Enc  Brit,  11th  ed;  Baring-Gould, 
A  Study  of  St.  Paul,  1897;  Baur,  The  Apostle  PauP, 
1845;  Beva,n,  St.  Paul  in  the  Light  of  Today,  1912;Bird, 
Paul  of  Tarsus,  1900;  Campbell,  Paul  the  Mystic,  1907; 
Chrysostom,  Homiliae  in  Laude  S.  Pauli,  Opera,  vol  II, 
ed  Montf.  (more  critically  in  Field's  ed);  Clemen,  Pau- 
lus, 1904;  Cone,  Paul  the  Man,  the  Missionary,  1898; 
Cohu,  ,S^  Paul  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Research,  1910; 
Conybeare  and  Howson,  Life  and  Epp.  of  St.  Paul 
(many  edd);  Deissmann,  St.  Paul,  1912;  Drescher,  Das 
Leben  Jesu  bei  Paulus,  1900;  Drury,  The  Prison  Ministry 
of  St.  Paul,  1910;  'Eadie,  Paul  the  Preacher,  18.59;  Farrar, 
Life  and  Work  of  St.  Paul  (various  edd);  Erbes,  Die 
Todestage  der  Apostel  Paulus  und  Petrus,  1899;  Fletcher, 
A  Study  of  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  1911;  Forbes, 
Footsteps  of  St.  Paul  in  Rome,  1899;  Fouard,  St.  Paul  and 
His  Mission,  1894,  Last  Years  of  St.  Paul,  1897;  Gard- 
ner, Religious  Experience  of  St.  Paul,  1911;  Garvie,  Life 
and  Teaching  of  St.  Paul,  1909,  Studies  of  St.  Paul  and 
His  Gospel,  1911;  Gilbert,  Student's  Life  of  Paul,  1899; 
Helm,  Paulus,  1905;  Honnicke,  Chronologic  des  Lebens 
Pauli,  1904;  Iverach,  St.  Paul,  His  Life  and  Time,  1890; 
Johnston,  The  Mission  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Rom  Empire, 
1909;  M.  Jones,  St.  Paul  the  Orator,  1910;  Kennedy, 
St.  Paul  and  the  Mystery-Religions,  1913;  Kohler,  Zum 
Verstdndnis  d.  Apostels  Paulus,  1908;  Lewin,  Life  and 
Epp.  of  St.  Paul,  1875;  Lock,  St.  Paul  the  Master 
Builder,  1905;  Lyttleton,  Observations  on  Saul's  Con- 
version, 1774;  Myers,  Saint  Paul  (various  edd);  Mathe- 
son.  Spiritual  Development  of  St.  Paul,  1891;  Means, 
St.  Paul  and  the  Ante-Nicene  Church,  1903;  Noesgen' 
Paulus  der  Apostel  der  Heiden,  1908;  Paley,  H ora'e 
Paulinae,  1790;  Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  1896, 
Pauline  and  Other  Studies,  1906,  Cities  of  St.  Paul,  1908[ 
Luke  the  Physician  and  Other  Studies,  1908,  Pictures 
of  the  Apostolic  Church,  1910;  Renan,  St.  Paul,  1869- 
A.  T.  Robertson,  Epochs  in  the  Life  of  Paul,  1909,  -The 
Glory  of  the  Ministry  or  Paul's  Exultation  in  Preaching 
1911;  Sabatier,  The  Apostle  Paul,  1896;  Selden,  In  the 
Time  of  Paul,  1900;  Schweitzer,  St.  Paul  and  His  In- 
terpreters, 1912;  Smith,  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St 
Paul>,  1880;  Speer,  The  Man  Paul,  1900;  Stalker  Life 
of  St.  Paul,  1889;  Taylor,  Paul  the  Missionary,  1882- 
UnderhiU,  Divine  Legation  of  St.  Paul,  1889;  Weinel 
Paul  (tr,  1906):  Whyte,  The  Apostle  Paul,  1903;  Wilkin- 
son, Epic  of  Saul,  1891,  Epic  of  Paul,  1897;  Wrede 
Paulus",  1907  (tr);  Wright,  Cities  of  Paul,  1907;  Wynne' 
Fragmentary  Records  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  by  a  Contem- 
porary, 1887. 

(5)  Teaching:  A.  B.  D.  Alexander,  The  Ethics  of  St. 
Paul,  1910;  S.  A.  Alexander,  Christianity  of  St.  Paul 
1899;  Anonymous,  The  Fifth  Gospel,  1906;  R.  Allen' 
Christology  of  St.  Paul,  1912;  M.  Arnold,  St.  Paul  and 
Protestantism,  1897;  Ball,  St.  Paul  and  the  Rom  Law 
1901;  Breitenstein,  Jesus  et  Paul,  1908;  Bruce,  St.  Paul's 
Conception  of  Christianity,  1898;  Briickner,  Die  Ent- 
stehung  der  Paulinischen  Chrislologie,  1903;  Bultmann 
Der  Stil  der  Paulin.  Predigt  und  die  kyn.  Diatribe,  A91o'- 
Chadwick,  Socio!  Teaching  of  St.  Paul.  1907,  Pastoral 
Teaching  of  St.  Paul,  1907;  M.  Dibelius,  Die  Geislerwelt 
im  Glauben  des  Paulus,  1909;  Dickie,  Culture  of  the  Spir- 
itual Life,  1905;  Dickson,  St.  Paul's  Use  of  the  Terms 
Flesh  and  Spirit,  1883;  Du  Bose,  Gospel  according  to  St 
Paul,  1907;  Dykes,  Gospel  according  to  St.  Paul,  1888' 
Everett,  Gospel  of  Paul,  1893;  Feine,  Paul  as  Theologian 
(tr,  1908);  Greenough,  Mind  of  Christ  in  St.  Paul;  Goguel 
L'Apdtre  Paul  el  Jesus  Christ,  1904;  Harford,  The  Gospel 
according  to  St.  Paul,  1912;  Hicks,  "St.  Paul  and  Hel- 
lenism," Stud.  Bibl,  IV;  Holsten,  Das  Evangelium  des 
Paulus,  1S9H;  Jiilicher,  Paulus  und  Jesus,  1907;  Kaftan, 
Jesus  und  Paulus,  1906;  Kennedy,  St.  Paul's  Conceptions 
of  Last  Things,  1904;  Knowling,  Testimony  of  St.  Paul 
to  Christ  (3d  ed,  1911);    A.  Meyer,  Jesus  or  Paul  f  1909; 


2289 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Paul,  the  Apostle 
Pauline  Theology 


Mofifatt,  Paul  and  Paulinism,  1910;  Montet,  Es^ai  sur 
la  chrislologip.  de  Saint  Paul,  1906;  Niigeli,  Der  Wurl- 
Kfhatz  des  Apontels  Paulas,  1905;  Oehler,  Paulus  und 
Jesus,  1908;  Paterson,  The  Pauline  Theology,  190:3; 
Pflelderer,  Paulinismus,  1873,  Influence  of  the  Aposlle 
Paul  on  the  Development  of  Christianity,  1885;  Prat,  La 
thiologie  de  Saint  Paul,  1907;  Ramsay,  The  Teaching  of 
St.  Paul  in  Terms  of  the  Present  Day,  1913;  Resch, 
Paulinismus  und  die  Logia  Jesu,  1904;  Rostron,  The 
Christolaay  of  St.  Paul,  1912;  Simon,  Die  Psychologie  des 
Apostels  Paulus,  1897;  Somerville,  St.  Paul's  Conception 
of  Christ,  1897;  Stevens,  The  Pauline  Theology,  1894; 
Thackeray,  Relation  of  St.  Paul  to  Contemporary  Jewish 
Thought,  1900;  J.  Weiss,  Paul  and  Jesus,  1909;  Paul  and 
Justification,  1913;  Williams,  A  Plea  for  a  Reconstruction 
of  St.  Paul's  Doctrine  of  Justification,  1912;  Wustraann, 
Jesus  und  Paulus,  1907;  Zahn,  Das  Gesetz  Gotles  nach 
der   Lehre  des   Apostels  Paulus^,  1892. 

A.  T.  Robertson 
PAUL,  VOYAGE  AND  SHIPWRECK  OF.    See 

Paul  the  Apostle,  V,  9;   Phoenix. 

PAULINE,  pol'in,  -in,  THEOLOGY: 

I.     The   Preparation 

1.  The  Pharisee 

2.  Saul  and  Sin 

3.  Primitive  Christianity 
II.     The  Conversion 

1.  Christ 

2.  The  Spirit 

3.  The    Unio  Mystica 

4.  Salvation 

5.  Justification 

III.  Further  De\  elopments 

1.  Abolition  of  the  Law 

2.  Cientiles 

3.  Redemption 

4.  Atonement 

5.  jNloral  E.^ample 

6.  Function  of  the  Law 

IV.  Special  Topics 

1.  The  Church 

2,  The  Sacraments 

/.  The  Preparation. — In  order  to  understand  the 
development  of  St.  Paul's  theological  system,  it  is 
necessary  to  begin  with  his  beUefs  as  a  Pharisee. 
The  full  extent  of  these  beliefs,  to  be  sure,  is  not 
now  ascertainable,  for  Pharisaism  was  a  rule  of 
conduct  rather  than  a  system  of  dogmas,  and  great 
diversity  of  opinions  existed  among  Pharisees.  Yet 
there  was  general  concurrence  in  certain  broad 
principles,  while  some  of  St.  Paul's  own  state- 
ments enable  us  to  specify  his  beliefs  still  more 
closely. 

Saul  the  Pharisee  believed  that  God  was  One,  the 
Creator  of  all  things.  In  His  relation  to  His  world 
He  was  transcendent,  and  governed 
1.  The  it  normally  through  His  angels.     Cer- 

Pharisee  tain  of  these  angelic  governors  had 
been  unfaithful  to  their  trust  and  had 
wrought  evil,  although  God  still  permitted  them  to 
bear  rule  for  a  time  (Col  2  1.5;  cf  En  89  6.5).  And 
evil  had  come  into  humanity  through  the  trans- 
gression of  the  first  man  (Rom  5  12;  cf  2  Esd  7 
118).  To  lead  men  away  from  this  evil  God  gave 
His  Law,  which  was  a  perfect  revelation  of  duty 
(Rom  7  12),  and  this  Law  was  illumined  by  the 
traditions  of  the  Fathers,  which  the  Pharisees  felt 
to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  Law  itself.  God  was 
merciful  and  would  pardon  the  offender  against  the 
Law,  if  he  completely  amended  his  ways.  But  im- 
perfect reformation  brought  no  certain  hope  of 
pardon.  To  a  few  specially  favored  individuals  God 
had  given  the  help  of  His  Spirit,  but  this  was  not 
for  the  ordinary  individual.  The  great  majority 
of  mankind  (cf  2  Esd  7  49-57),  including  all 
Gentiles,  had  no  hope  of  salvation.  In  a  very  short 
time  the  course  of  the  world  would  be  closed.  With 
God,  from  before  the  beginning  of  creation,  there 
was  existing  a  heavenly  being,  the  Son  of  man  of 
Dnl  7  13,  and  He  was  about  to  be  made  manifest. 
(That  Saul  held  the  transcendental  Messianic  doc- 
trine is  not  to  be  doubted.)  As  the  world  was 
irredeemably  bad,  this  Messiah  would  soon  appear, 
cause  the  dead  to  rise,  hold  the  Last  Judgment  and 


bring  from  heaven  the  ".lerus  that  is  above"  (Gal  4 
26),  in  which  the  righteous  would  spend  a  blessed 
eternity.     See  Pharisees;  Messiah;  Parousia. 

Rom  7  7-2.5   throws  a  further  light  on  Saul's 

personal  beliefs.     The  OT  promised  pardon  to  the 

sinner  who  amended  his  ways,  but  the 

2.  Saul  acute  moral  sense  of  Saul  taught  him 
and  Sin  that  he  could  never  expect  perfectly 

to  amend  his  ways.  The  10th  Com- 
mandment was  the  stumbling-block.  Sins  of  deed 
and  of  word  might  perhaps  be  overcome,  but  sins  of 
evil  desires  stayed  with  him,  despite  his  full  knowl- 
edge of  the  Law  that  branded  them  as  sinful. 
Indeed,  they  seemed  stimulated  rather  than  sup- 
pressed by  the  Divine  precepts  against  them. 
With  the  best  will  in  the  world,  Saul's  efforts  toward 
perfect  righteousness  failed  continually  and  gave 
no  promise  of  ever  succeeding.  He  found  himself 
thwarted  by  something  that  he  came  to  realize  was 
ingrained  in  his  very  nature  and  from  which  he 
could  never  free  himself.  Human  nature  as  it  is, 
the  flesh  (not  "the  material  of  the  body"),  contains 
a  taint  that  makes  perfect  reformation  impossible 
(7  18;  cf  8  3,  etc).  Therefore,  as  the  Law  knows 
no  pardon  for  the  imperfectly  reformed,  Saul  felt 
his  future  to  be  absolutely  black.  What  he  longed 
for  was  a  promise  of  pardon  despite  continued  sin, 
and  that  the  Law  precluded.  (Any  feeling  that 
the  temple  sacrifices  would  bring  forgiveness  had 
long  since  been  obsolete  in  educated  Judaism.) 

There  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  Saul's  experience 
was  not  unique  at  this  period.  Much  has  been  written  in 
recent  years  about  the  Jews'  confidence  in  God's  mercy, 
and  abundant  quotations  are  brought  from  the  Talra 
in  support  of  this.  But  the  surviving  portions  of  the 
literature  of  the  Daniel-Akiba  period  (165  BC-135  AD) 
give  a  different  impressio'n,  for  it  is  predominantly  a 
literature  of  penitential  prayers  and  confessions  of  sin, 
of  pessimism  regarding  the  world,  the  nation  and  one's 
self.  In  2  Esd,  inparticular,  Saul's  experience  is  closely 
paralleled,  and  2  Esd  7  (of  course  not  in  AV)  is  one  of 
the  best  comms.  ever  written  on  Rom  7- 

Saul  must  have  come  in  contact  with  Christianity 

very   soon  after   Pentecost,   at  the  latest.     Some 

personal  acquaintance  with  Christ  is 

3.  Primitive  in  no  way  impossible,  irrespective  of 
Christianity  the  meaning  of  2  Cor  5  16.     But  no 

one  in  Jerus,  least  of  all  a  man  like 
Saul,  could  have  failed  to  learn  very  early  that  there 
was  a  new  "party"  in  Judaism.  To  his  eyes  this 
"party"  would  have  about  the  following  appear- 
ance: Here  was  a  band  of  men  proclaiming  that  the 
Messiah,  whom  all  expected,  would  be  the  Jesus 
who  had  recently  been  crucified.  Him  the  disciples 
were  preaching  as  risen,  ascended  and  sitting  on 
God's  right  hand.  They  claimed  that  He  had  sent 
on  all  His  followers  the  coveted  gift  of  the  Spirit, 
and  they  produced  miracles  in  proof  of  their  claim. 
A  closer  investigation  would  show  that  the  death  of 
Jesus  was  being  interpreted  in  terms  of  Isa  53,  as 
a  ransom  for  the  nation.  The  inquirer  would  learn 
also  that  Jesus  had  given  teaching  that  found  con- 
stant and  relentless  fault  with  the  Pharisees. 
Moreover,  He  had  swept  aside  the  tradition  of  the 
Fathers  as  worthless  and  had  given  the  Law  a 
drastic  reinterpretation  on  the  basis  of  eternal  spir- 
itual facts. 

This  inwardness  must  have  appealed  to  Saul  and 
he  must  have  envied  the  joyous  enthusiasm  of  the 
disciples.  But  to  him  Pharisaism  was  Divine,  and 
he  was  in  a  spiritual  condition  that  admitted  of 
no  compromises.  Moreover,  the  Law  (Gal  3  13; 
cf  Dt  21  23)  cursed  anyone  who  had  been  hanged 
on  a  tree,  and  the  new  party  was  claiming  celestial 
Messiahship  for  a  man  who  had  met  this  fate.  The 
system  aroused  Saul's  burning  hatred;  he  appointed 
himself  (perhaps  stimulated  by  his  moral  despera- 
tion) to  exterminate  the  new  religion,  and  in  pursuit 
of  his  mission  he  started  for  Damascus. 


Pauline  Theology     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2290 


Saul  must  have  gained  a  reasonable  knowledge  of 
Christ's  teachings  in  this  period  of  antagonism.  He 
certainty  could  not  have  begun  to  persecute  the  faith 
without  learning  what  it  was,  and  in  the  inevitable  dis- 
cussions with  his  victims  he  must  have  learned  still  more, 
even  against  his  will.      This  fact  is  often  overlooked. 

//.   The  Conversion. — The  immediate  content  of 

St.  Paul's  conversion  was  the  reahzation  that  the 

celestial  Messiah  was  truly  Jesus  of 

1.  Christ        Nazareth.     This  was  simply  the  belief 

of  the  primitive  church  and  was  the 
truth  for  which  Christ  had  died  (Mk  14  62).  But 
it  involved  much.  It  made  Christ  the  Son  of  God 
(Rom  8  32;  Gal  4  4,  etc),  "firstborn  of  [i.e. 
"earher  than"]  all  creation"  (Col  1  15),  "existing 
in  the  form  of  God"  (Phil  2  6)  and  "rich"  (2  Cor 
8  9).  In  the  Messiah  are  "all  the  treasures  of  wis- 
dom and  knowledge  hidden"  (Col  2  3),  to  be  mani- 
fested at  the  end  of  time  when  the  Messiah  shall 
appear  as  the  Judge  of  all  (2  Cor  5  10,  etc),  caus- 
ing the  resurrection  of  the  dead  (1  Cor  15  45,  etc). 
All  this  was  given  by  St.  Paul's  former  beliefs  and 
had  been  claimed  by  Christ  for  Himself.  That  this 
Messiah  had  become  man  was  a  fact  of  the  immedi- 
ate past  (the  reaUty  of  the  manhood  was  no  problem 
at  this  period).  As  Messiah  His  sinlessness  was 
unquestioned,  while  the  facts  of  His  life  proved  this 
sinlessness  also.  His  teaching  was  wholly  binding 
(1  Cor  7  10.11;  that  the  writer  of  these  words 
could  have  spared  any  effort  to  learn  the  teaching 
fully  is  out  of  the  question).  The  conversion  ex- 
perience was  proof  sufficient  of  the  resurrection, 
although  for  missionary  purposes  St.  Paul  used 
other  evidence  as  well  (1  Cor  15  1-11). 

Faith  in  this  Messiah  brought  the  unmistakable 
experience  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Rom  8  2;  Gal  3  2, 
etc;  cf  Acts  9  17),  demonstrating  Chi'ist's  Lordship 
(1  Cor  12  3;  cf  Acts  2  33).  So  "the  head  of 
every  man  is  Christ"  (1  Cor  11  3;  cf  Col  1  18; 
Eph  1  22;  4  15),  with  complete  control  of  the 
future  (1  Cor  15  25),  and  all  righteous  men  are 
His  servants  ("slaves,"  Rom  1  1,  etc).  To  Him 
men  may  address  their  prayers  (2  Cor  12  8;  1 
Cor  1  2,  etc;  cf  Acts  14  23). 

Further  reflection  added  to  the  concepts.  As  the 
Lordship  of  Christ  was  absolute,  the  power  of  all 
hostile  beings  must  have  been  broken  also  (Rom  8 
38;  Phil  2  9-11;  Col  2  15;  Eph  1  21-23,  etc). 
The  Being  who  had  such  significance  for  the  present 
and  the  future  could  not  have  been  without  sig- 
nificance for  the  past.  "In  all  things"  He  must 
have  had  "the  preeminence"  (Col  1  18).  It  was 
He  who  ministered  to  the  Israelites  at  the  Exodus 
(1  Cor  10  4.9).  In  fact  He  was  not  only  "before 
all  things"  (Col  1  17),  but  "all  things  have  been 
created  through  him"  (ver  16).  Wisdom  and 
Logos  concepts  may  have  helped  St.  Paul  in  reach- 
ing these  conclusions,  which  in  explicit  statement 
are  an  advance  on  Christ's  own  words.  But  the 
conclusions  were  inevitable. 

Fitting  these  data  of  religious  fact  into  the  meta- 
physical doctrine  of  God  was  a  problem  that  occu- 
pied the  church  for  the  four  following  centuries. 
After  endless  experimenting  the  only  conclusion 
was  shown  to  be  that  already  reached  by  St.  Paul 
in  Rom  9  5  (cf  Tit  2  13,  ERV,  ARVm),  that  Christ 
is  God.  To  be  sure,  St.  Paul's  terminology,  carried 
over  from  his  pre-Christian  days,  elsewhere  reserves 
"God"  for  the  Father  (and  cf  1  Cor  15  28).  But 
the  fact  of  this  theology  admits  only  of  the  conclusion 
that  was  duly  drawn. 

A  second  fact  given  directly  by  the  conversion 

was  the  presence  of  the  Spirit,  where  the  actual 

experience  transcended  anything  that 

2.  The  had  been  dreamed  of.     Primarily  the 
Spirit  operation  of  the  Spirit  was  recognized 

in  vividly  supernatural  effects  (Rom 
15  19;    1  Cor  12  5-11,  etc;  cf  2  Cor  12  12;  Acts 


2  4),  but  St.  Paul  must  at  first  have  known  the 
presence  of  the  Spirit  through  the  assurance  of 
salvation  given  him,  a  concept  that  he  never  wearies 
of  expressing  (Rom  8  16.23;  Gal  4  6,  etc).  The 
work  of  the  Spirit  in  producing  holiness  in  the  soul 
needs  no  comment  (see  Holt  Spirit;  Sanctifi- 
cation),  but  it  is  characteristic  of  St.  Paul  that  it  is 
on  this  part  of  the  Spirit's  activity,  rather  than  on 
the  miraculous  effects,  that  he  lays  the  emphasis. 
"The  fruit  of  the  Spirit  is  love,  joy,  peace,"  etc 
(Gal  5  22) ;  the  greatest  miracles  without  love  are 
more  than  useless  (1  Cor  13  1-3) ;  in  such  sayings 
St.  Paul  touched  the  depths  of  the  purest  teaching 
of  Christ.  To  be  sure,  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels  the 
word  "Spirit"  is  not  often  on  Christ's  lips,  but  there 
is  the  same  conception  of  a  life  proceeding  from  a 
pure  center  (Mt  6  22;  7  17,  etc)  in  entire  depend- 
ence on  God. 

Further  reflection  and  observation  taught  St. 
Paul  something  of  the  greatest  importance  for 
Christian  theology.  In  prayer  the  Spirit  appeared 
distinguished  from  the  Father  as  well  as  from 
the  Son  (Rom  8  26f;  cf  1  Cor  2  10  f),  giving 
three  terms  that  together  express  the  plenitude 
of  the  Deity  (2  Cor  13  14;  Eph  1  3.6.13,  etc), 
with  no  fourth  term  ever  similarly  associated.  See 
Trinity. 

The  indwelling  of  the  Divine  produced  by  the 

Spirit  is  spoken  of  indifferently  as  the  indwelling 

of  the  Spirit,  or  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ, 

3.  The  or  of  Christ  Himself  (all  three  terms  in 
Unio  Rom  8  9-11;  cf  1  Cor  2  12;  Gal 
Mystica         4  6;   Eph  3  17,  etc).     The  variations 

are  in  part  due  to  the  inadequacy  of 
the  old  terminology  (so  2  Cor  3  17),  in  part  to  the 
nature  of  the  subject.  Distinctions  made  between 
the  operations  of  the  persons  of  the  Trinity  on  the 
soul  can  never  be  much  more  than  verbal,  and  the 
terms  are  freely  interchangeable.  At  all  events, 
tlu-ough  the  Spirit  Christ  is  in  the  beUever  (Rom  8 
10;  Gal  2  20;  4  19;  Eph  3  17)  or,  what  is  the 
same  thing,  the  behever  is  in  Christ  (Rom  6  11; 
8  1;  16  7,  etc).  "We  have  become  united  with 
him"  (Rom  6  5,  SMmptetos,  "grown  together  with") 
in  a  union  once  and  for  all  effected  (Gal  3  27)  and 
yet  always  to  be  made  more  intimate  (Rom  13  14). 
The  union  so  accomplished  makes  the  man  "a  new 
creature"  (2  Cor  5  17). 

St.  Paul  now  saw  within  himself  a  dual  per- 
sonality.    His   former   nature,  the   old   man,  still 

persisted,  with  its   impulses,  liability 

4.  Salvation  to  temptation,  and  inertnesses.     The 

"flesh"  still  existed  (Gal  6  17;  Rom 
8  12;  13  14;  Eph  4  22;  Phil  3  12,  etc).  On  the 
other  hand  there  was  fighting  in  him  against  this 
forrner  nature  nothing  less  than  the  whole  power  of 
Christ,  and  its  final  victory  could  not  be  uncertain 
for  a  moment  (Rom  6  12;  8  2.10;  Gal  6  16,  etc). 
Indeed,  it  is  possible  to  speak  of  the  behever  as 
entirely  spiritual  (Rom  6  11.22;  8  9,  etc),  as 
already  in  the  Idngdom  (Col  1  13),  as  ah-eady 
sitting  in  heavenly  places  (Eph  2  6).  Of  course 
St.  Paul  had  too  keen  an  appreciation  of  reality  to 
regard  believers  as  utterly  sinless  (Phil  3  12,  etc), 
and  his  pages  abound  in  reproofs  and  exhortations. 
But  the  present  existence  of  remnants  of  sin  had 
no  final  terrors,  for  the  ultimate  victory  over  sin 
was  certain,  even  if  it  was  not  to  be  complete  until 
the  last  day  when  the  power  of  God  would  redeem 
even  the  present  physical  frame  (Rom  8  11;    Phil 

3  21,  etc). 

As  the  first  man  to  belong  to  the  higher  order,  and 
as  the  point  from  which  the  race  could  take  a  fresh  start, 
Christ  could  justly  be  termed  a  new  Adam  {1  Cor  15 
4.5-49;  cf  Rom  5  12-21).  If  Cor  15  48  has  anv  rela- 
tion to  the  Philonic  doctrine  of  the  two  Adams,  it  is  a 
polemic  against  it.  Such  a  polemic  would  not  be 
unlikely. 


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A  most  extraordinary  fact,  to  the  former  Pharisee, 
was  that  this  experience  had  been  gained  without 
conscious  effort  and  even  against  con- 
5.  Justifi-      scious  effort  (Phil  3  7  f ) .     After  years 
cation  of  fruitless  striving  a  single  act  of  self- 

surrender  had  brought  him  an  assur- 
ance that  he  had  despaired  of  ever  attaining.  And 
this  act  of  self-surrender  is  what  St.  Paul  means  by 
"faith,"  "faith  without  works."  This  faith  is 
naturally  almost  anything  in  the  world  rather  than 
a  mere  intellectual  acknowledgment  of  a  fact  (Jas 

2  19),  and  is  an  act  of  the  whole  man,  too  complex 
for  simple  analysis.  It  finds,  however,  its  perfect 
statement  in  Christ's  reference  to  'receiving  the 
kingdom  of  God  as  a  Uttle  child'  (Mk  10  15).  By 
an  act  of  simple  yielding  St.  Paul  found  himself  no 
longer  in  dread  of  his  sins;  he  was  at  peace  with 
God,  and  confident  as  to  his  future;  in  a  word, 
"justified."  In  one  sense,  to  be  sure,  "works"  were 
still  involved,  for  without  the  past  struggles  the 
result  would  never  have  been  attained.  A  desire, 
however  imperfect,  to  do  right  is  a  necessary  prepa- 
ration for  justification,  and  the  word  has  no  mean- 
ing to  a  man  satisfied  to  be  sunk  in  complete  selfish- 
ness (Rom  6  2;  3  8,  etc).  This  desire  to  do  right, 
which  St.  Paul  always  presupposes,  and  the  content 
given  "faith"  are  sufficient  safeguards  against 
antinomianism.  But  the  grace  given  is  in  no  way 
commensurate  with  past  efforts,  nor  does  it  grow  out 
of  them.     It  is  a  simple  gift  of  God  (Rom  6  23). 

///.  Farther  Developments. — The  adoption  by 
St.  Paul  of  the  facts  given  by  his  conversion  (and 
the  immediate  conclusions  that  followed  from  them) 
involved,  naturally,  a  readjustment  and  a  reforma- 
tion of  the  other  parts  of  his  beUef.  The  process 
must  have  occupied  some  time,  if  it  was  ever  com- 
plete during  his  life,  and  must  have  been  affected 
materially  by  his  controversies  with  his  former  core- 
ligionists and  with  very  many  Christians. 

Fundamental  was  the  problem  of  the  Law.     The 

Law  was   perfectly  clear  that  he — and  only  he — 

who   performed    it    would   live.     But 

1.  AboUtion  life  was  found  through  faith  in  Christ, 
of  the  Law    while    the     Law    was    not    fulfilled. 

There  could  be  no  question  of  compro- 
mise between  the  two  positions;  they  were  simply 
incompatible  (Rom  10  5f;  Gal  2  16;  3  11  f;   Phil 

3  7).  One  conclusion  only  was  possible:  "Christ 
is  the  end  of  the  law  unto  righteousness  to  every 
one  that  beheveth"  (Rom  10  4).  As  far  as  con- 
cerned the  behever,  the  Law  was  gone.  Two 
tremendous  results  followed.  One  was  the  im- 
mense simplification  of  what  we  call  "Christian 
ethics,"  which  were  now  to  be  determined  by  the 
broadest  general  principles  of  right  and  wrong  and 
no  longer  by  an  elaborate  legalistic  construing  of 
God's  commands  (Rom  13  8-10;  Gal  5  22  f,  etc; 
of  Mk  12  29-31).  To  be  sure,  the  commandments 
might  be  quoted  as  convenient  expressions  of  moral 
duty  (Eph  6  2;  1  Cor  9  9,  etc;  cf  Mk  10  19), 
but  they  are  binding  because  they  are  right,  not 
because  they  are  commandments  (Col  2  16).  So, 
in  St.  Paul's  moral  directions,  he  tries  to  bring  out 
always  the  principle  involved,  and  Rom  14  and 
1  Cor  8  are  masterpieces  of  the  treatment  of  con- 
crete problems  by  this  method. 

The  second  result  of  the  abohtion  of  the  Law  was 

overwhehning.     Gentiles    had    as    much    right    to 

Christ  as  had  the  Jews,  barring  per- 

2.  Gentiles   haps  the  priority  of  honor  (Rom  3  2, 

etc)  possessed  by  the  latter.  It  is 
altogether  conceivable,  as  Acts  22  21  imphes,  that 
St.  Paul's  active  acceptance  of  this  result  was  long 
delayed  and  reached  only  after  severe  struggles. 
The  fact  was  utterly  revolutionary,  and  although 
it  was  prophesied  in  the  OT  (Rom  9  25  f),  yet  'the 
Messiah  among  you  Gentiles'  remained  the  hidden 


mystery  that  God  had  revealed  only  in  the  last 
days  (Col  1  26f;  Eph  3  3-6,  etc).  The  struggles 
of  the  apostle  in  defence  of  this  principle  are  the 
most  familiar  part  of  his  career. 

This  consciousness  of  dehverance  from  the  Law 

came  to  St.  Paul  in  another  way.     The  Law  was 

meant  for  men  in  this  world,  but  the 

3.  Redemp-  union  with  Christ  had  raised  him  out 
tion  of  this  world  and  so  taken  him  away 

from  the  Law's  control.  In  the  Epp. 
this  fact  finds  expression  in  an  elaborately  reasoned 
form.  As  Christ's  nature  is  now  a  vital  part  of  our 
nature.  His  death  and  resurrection  are  facts  of  our 
past  as  well.  "Ye  died,  and  your  fife  is  hid  with 
Christ  in  God"  (Col  3  3).  But  "the  law  hath 
dominion  over  a  man"  only  "for  so  long  time  as  he 
liveth"  (Rom  7  1).  "Wherefore,  my  brethren,  ye 
also  were  made  dead  to  the  law  through  the  body 
of  Christ"  (ver  4).  Cf  Col  2  11-13.20,  where  the 
same  argument  is  used  to  show  that  ritual  observ- 
ance is  no  longer  necessary.  In  Rom  6  1-14  this 
argument  is  made  to  issue  in  a  practical  exhortation. 
Through  the  death  of  Christ,  which  is  our  death 
(ver  4),  we,  like  Him,  are  placed  in  a  higher  world 
(ver  5)  where  sin  has  lost  its  power  (ver  7),  a  world 
in  which  we  are  no  longer  under  Law  (ver  14). 
Hence  the  intensest  moral  effort  becomes  our  duty 
(ver  13;   cf  2  Cor  5  14  f). 

This  release  from  the  Law,  however,  does  not 

solve  the  whole  problem.     Evil,  present  and  past, 

is  a  fact.  Law  or  no  Law  (on  Rom  4 

4.  Atone-  15b,"  5  136;  see  the  comms.),  and  a 
ment  forbearance  of  God  that  simply  "passes 

over"  sins  is  disastrous  for  man  as 
well  as  contrary  to  the  righteous  nature  of  God 
(Rom  3  25  f) .  However  inadequate  the  OT  sac- 
rifices were  felt  to  have  been  (and  hence,  perhaps, 
St.  Paul's  avoidance  of  the  Levitical  terms  except 
in  Eph  6  2),  yet  they  offered  the  only  help  possible 
for  the  treatment  of  this  most  complex  of  problems. 
The  guilt  of  our  sins  is  "covered"  by  the  death  of 
Christ  (1  Cor  15  3,  where  this  truth  is  among  those 
which  were  delivered  to  converts  "first  of  all" ;  Rom 
3  25;  4  25;  6  6,  etc).  This  part  of  his  theology 
St.  Paul  leaves  in  an  incomplete  form.  He  was  ac- 
customed, like  any  other  man  of  his  day,  whether 
Jew  or  Gentile,  to  think  naturally  in  sacrificial  terms, 
and  neither  he  nor  his  converts  were  conscious  of 
any  difficulty  involved.  Nor  has  theology  since  his 
time  been  able  to  contribute  much  toward  advan- 
cing the  solution  of  the  problem.  The  fatal  results 
of  unchecked  evil,  its  involving  of  the  innocent  with 
the  guilty,  and  the  value  of  vicarious  suffering,  are 
simple  facts  of  our  experience  that  defy  our  attempts 
to  reduce  them  to  intellectual  formulas.  In  St. 
Paul's  case  it  is  to  be  noted  that  he  views  the  in- 
centive as  coming  from  God  (Rom  3  25;  5  8;  8 
32,  etc),  because  of  His  love  toward  man,  so  that  a 
"gift-propitiation"  of  an  angry  deity  is  a  theory  the 
precise  opposite  of  the  Pauline.  Moreover,  Christ's  . 
death  is  not  a  mere  fact  of  the  past,  but  through  the 
"mystical  union"  is  incorporated  into  the  life  of 
every  believer. 

Further  developments  of  this  doctrine  about  Christ's 
death  And  in  it  the  complete  destruction  of  whatever 
remained  of  the  Law  (Col  2  14),  esp.  as  the  barrier 
between  Jew  and  Gentile  (Eph  2  l.")  f).  The  extension 
of  the  effects  of  the  death  to  the  unseen  world  (Col  2 
15;   cf  Clal  4  9;  Eph  4  8)  was  of  course  natural. 

The  death  of  Christ  as  producing  a  subjective 
moral  power  in  the  believer  is   appealed  to  fre- 
quently (cf  Rom  8  3;  Gal  2  20;  Eph 

5.  Moral  5  2.25;  Phil  2  5,  etc),  while  the  idea 
Example        is  perhaps  present  to  some  degree  even 

in  Rom  3  26.  From  a  different  point 
of  view,  the  Cross  as  teaching  the  vanity  of  worldly 
things  is  a  favorite  subject  with  St.  Paul  (1  Cor  1 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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22-25;  2  Cor  13  4;  Gal  5  11;  6  14,  etc).  These 
aspects  require  no  explanation. 

There  are.  accordingly,  in  St.  Paul's  view  of  the  death 
of  Christ  at  least  three  distinct  hnes,  the  "mystical," 
the  "juristic,"  and  the  "ethical."  But  this  distinction 
is  largely  only  genetic  and  logical,  and  the  lines  tend  to 
blend  in  all  sorts  of  combinations.  Consequently,  it  is 
frequently  an  impossible  exegetical  problem  to  determine 
which  is  most  prominent  in  any  given  passage  (e.g. 
2  Cor  5  14  f). 

Regarding  the  Law  a  further  question  remained, 
which  had  great  importance  in  St.  Paul's  contro- 
versies. If  the  Law  was  useless  for 
6.  Function  salvation,  why  was  it  given  at  all? 
of  the  Law  St.  Paul  replies  that  it  still  had  its 
purpose.  To  gain  righteousness  one 
must  desire  it  and  this  desire  the  Law  taught  (Rom 
7  12.16;  2  IS),  even  though  it  had  no  power  to  help 
toward  fulfilment.  So  the  Law  gave  knowledge  of 
sin  (Rom  3  20;  7  7).  But  St.  Paul  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  go  beyond  this.  Familiar  in  his  own  expe- 
rience with  the  psychological  truth  that  a  prohibi- 
tion may  actually  stimulate  the  desire  to  transgress 
it,  he  showed  that  the  Law  actually  had  the  purpose 
of  bringing  out  all  the  dormant  evil  within  us,  that 
grace  might  deal  with  it  effectually  (Rom  5  20f; 
7  8.2.5;  cf  1  Cor  16  56).  Thus  the  Law  became 
our  paidagogos  "to  bring  us  unto  Christ"  (Gal  3  24; 
see  Schoolmaster),  and  came  in  "besides"  (Rom 

5  20),  i.e.  as  something  not  a  primary  part  of  God's 
plan.  Indeed,  this  could  be  shown  from  the  Law 
itself,  which  proved  that  faith  was  the  primary 
method  of  salvation  (Rom  4;  cf  Gal  3  17)  and 
which  actually  prophesied  its  own  repeal  (Gal  i. 
21-31).  With  this  conclusion,  which  must  have 
required  much  time  to  work  out,  St.  Paul's  reversal 
of  his  former  Pharisaic  position  was  complete. 

IV.  Special  Topics. — As  Christ  is  the  central  element 
in  the  life  of  the  believer,  all  believers  have  this  element 

in  common  and  are  so  united  with  each 
1    The  other   (Rom  12  5).     This  is  the  basis  of 

p\         ,  the  Pauline  doctrine  of  the  church.     The 

i^nurcn  ^ge  of  the  word  "church"  to  denote  the 

whole  body  of  believers  is  not  attained 
until  the  later  Epp.  (Col  1  18;  Phil  3  6;  Eph  1  22,  etc) 
— before  that  time  the  word  is  in  the  pi.  when  describing 
more  than  a  local  congregation    (2  Thess  14;    1  Cor 

7  17;  Rom  16  16,  etc) — but  the  idea  is  present  from 
the  first.  Indeed,  the  only  terms  in  Judaism  that  were 
at  all  adequate  were  "the  nation"  or  "Israel."  St. 
Paul  uses  the  latter  term  (Gal  6  16)  and  quite  constantly 
e.xpresses  himself  in  a  manner  that  suggests  the  OT 
figures  for  the  nation  (e.g.  cf  Eph  5  25  with  Hos  2  19  f) , 
and  time  was  needed  in  order  to  give  ekklesia  (properly 
"assembly")  the  new  content. 

The  church  is  composed  of  all  who  have  professed 
faith  in  Christ  and  the  salvation  of  its  members  St.  Paul 
takes  generally  for  granted    (1  Thess  1  4;     Kom  1  7; 

1  Cor  1  8,  etc),  even  in  the  case  of  the  incestuous  per- 
son of  1  Cor  5  5  (cf  3  15;    11  .32).     To  be  sure.  1  Cor 

6  11-13  makes  it  clear  that  the  excommunication  of 
grave  sinners  had  been  found  necessary,  and  one  may 
doubt  if  ,St.  Paul  had  much  hope  for  the  "false  brethren" 
of  2  Cor  11  26;  Gal  2  4  (cf  1  Cor  3  17,  etc).  But 
on  the  whole  St.  Paul's  optimism  has  little  doubt  that 
every  member  of  the  church  is  in  right  relations  with 
God.  These  members,  throuf^h  their  union  with  Christ, 
form  a  corporate,  social  organism  of  the  greatest  possible 
solidarity  (1  Cor  12  26.  etc)  and  have  the  maximum  of 
responsibility  toward  one  another  (Rom  14  15;    1  Cor 

8  11;  2  Cor  8  13-15;  Gal  6  2;  Eph  4  25;  Col  1  24, 
etc).  They  are  utterly  distinct  from  the  world  around 
them  (2  Cor  6  14-18;  1  Cor  6  12,  etc),  although  in 
constant  intercourse  with  it  (1  Cor  5  10;  10  27,  etc). 
It  was  even  desirable,  in  the  conditions  of  the  times, 
that  the  church  should  have  her  own  courts  like  Jews  in 
gentile  cities  (1  Cor  6  5f).  The  right  of  the  church 
to  discipline  her  members  is  taken  for  granted  (1  Cor  5: 

2  Cor  2  5-11).  According  to  Acts  14  23  St.  Paul  made 
his  own  appointments  of  church  officers,  but  the  Epp. 
as  a  whole  would  suggest  that  this  practice  did  not  ex- 
tend beyond  Asia  Minor.  For  further  details  see  CHUErH 
Government;  Ministry.  A  general  obedience  to  St. 
Paul's  own  authority  is  presupposed  throughout. 

The  church  is,  of  course,  the  object  of  Christ's  sancti- 
fying power  (Eph  5  25-30)  and  is  so  intimately  united 
with  Him  as  to  be  spoken  of  as  His  "body"  (1  Cor  12 
27;  Col  1  18;  Eph  1  23,  etc),  or  as  the  "complement" 
of  Christ,  the  extension  of  His  personality  into  the  world 
(Eph  1  22  f).  As  such,  its  members  have  not  only  their 
duty  toward  one  another,  but  also  the  responsibility  of 


carrying  Christ's  message  into  the  world  (Pliil  2  15 f, 
and  presupposed  everywhere).  And  to  God  shall  "be 
the  glory  in  the  church  and  in  Christ  Jesus  unto  all  gen- 
erations for  ever  and  ever"  (Eph  3  21). 

As  the  union  with  Christ's  death  is  something  more 

than  a  subjective  impression  made  on  the  mind  by  the 

fact  of  that  death,  the  references  to  tlie 

9  Tlio  union  with  the  death  accomplished  in 
c  •^"'^  .  baptism  in  Rom  6  1-7  and  Col  2  11  f 
sacraments  are  not  explained  by  supposing  them  to 

describe  a  mere  dramatic  ceremony.  That 
St.  Paul  was  really  influenced  by  the  mystery-reUgion 
concepts  has  not  been  made  out.  But  his  readers  cer- 
tainly were  so  influenced  and  tended  to  conceive  very 
materialistic  views  of  the  Christian  sacraments  (1  Cor 

10  S;  15  29).  And  historic  exegesis  is  bound  to  construe 
St.  Paul's  language  in  the  way  in  which  he  knew  his 
readers  would  be  certain  to  understand  it,  and  no  ordi- 
nary gentile  reader  of  St.  Paul's  day  would  have  seen  a 
purely  "symbolic"  meaning  in  either  of  the  baptismal 
passages.  Philo  would  have  done  so,  but  not  the  class  of 
men  with  whom  St.  Paul  had  to  deal.  Similarly,  with 
regard  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  1  Cor  10  20  St.  Paul 
teaches  that  through  participation  in  a  sacral  meal  it 
is  possible  to  be  brought  into  objective  relations  with 
demons  of  whom  one  is  wholly  ignorant.  In  this  light  it 
is  hard  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  through  participa- 
tion in  the  Lord's  Supper  the  believer  is  objectively 
brought  into  communion  with  the  Lord  (1  Cor  10  16), 
a  communion  that  will  react  for  evil  on  the  believer  if 
he  approach  it  in  an  unworthy  manner  (11  29-32):  i.e. 
the  union  with  Christ  that  is  the  center  of  St.  Paul's 
theology  he  teaches  to  be  established  normalhj  through 
baptism.  And  in  the  Lord's  Supper  this  union  is  further 
strengthened.  That  faith  on  the  part  of  the  believer  is 
an  indispensable  prerequisite  for  the  efllcacy  of  the  sacra- 
ments need  not  be  said. 

See,  further,  God;  P.\rousia;  Pr.^yer;  Predestina- 
tion; Propiti.ation,  etc. 

Literature. — See  under  Paul. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

PAULUS,  po'lus,  SERGIUS,  sur'ji-us  (Sep^ios 
IlaiiXos,  Sergios  Paulos):  The  Rom  "proconsul" 
(RV)  or  "deputy"  (AV)  of  Cyprus  when  Paul,  along 
with  Barnabas,  visited  that  island  on  his  first  mis- 
sionary journey  (Acts  13  4.7).  The  official  title 
of  Sergius  is  accurately  given  in  Acts.  Cyprus  was 
originally  an  imperial  province,  but  in  22  BC  it  was 
transferred  by  Augustus  to  the  Senate,  and  was 
therefore  placed  under  the  administration  of  pro- 
consuls, as  is  attested  by  extant  Cyprian  coins  of  the 
period.  When  the  two  missionaries  arrived  at 
Paphos,  Sergius,  who  was  a  "prudent  man"  (AV) 
or  "man  of  understanding"  (RV),  i.e.  a  man  of  prac- 
tical understanding,  "sought  to  hear  the  word  of 
God"  (Acts  13  7).  Bar-Jesus,  or  Elymas,  a  sor- 
cerer at  the  court  of  Sergius,  fearing  the  influence  of 
the  apostles,  sought,  however,  "to  turn  aside  the 
proconsul  from  the  faith,"  but  was  struck  with  blind- 
ness (vs  8-11);  and  the  deputy,  "when  he  saw  what 
was  done,  believed,  being  astonished  at  the  teaching 
of  the  Lord"  (ver  12).  'The  narrative  indicates  that 
not  only  the  miracle  but  also  the  attention  with 
which  Sergius  hstened  to  the  teaching  of  Paul  (cf 
ver  7)  conduced  to  his  conversion  (Bengel).  At- 
tempts have  been  made  to  trace  some  connection 
between  the  name  Sergius  Paulus  and  the  fact  that 
Saul  is  first  called  Paul  in  ver  9,  but  the  joint  occur- 
rence of  the  two  names  is  probably  to  be  set  down  as 
only  a  coincidence.  C.  M.  Kerr 

PAVEMENT,  pav'ment:  In  the  OT,  with  the 
exception  of  2  K  16  17,  the  Heb  word  is  HESn, 
ripah  (2  Ch  7  3;  Est  1  6;  Ezk  40  17,  etc)';' in 
Sir  20  18  and  Bel  ver  19  the  word  is  eSa^os,  edaphos; 
in  Jn  19  i:3_,  the  name  "The  Pavement"  (XMarpu- 
Tos,  lithSslrotos,  "paved  with  stone")  is  given  to 
the  place  outside  the  Praetorium  on  which  Pilate 
sat  to  give  judgment  upon  Jesus.  Its  Heb  (Aram.) 
equivalent  is  declared  to  be  Gabbatha  (q.v.).  The 
identification  of  the  place  is  uncertain. 

PAVILION,  pa-vil'yun:  A  covered  place,  booth, 
tent,  in  which  a  person  may  be  kept  hid  or  secret 
(tfO ,  .jo/cA,  Ps  27  5;  nSD,  .ju/cfca/t— the  usual  term— 
Ps  31  20),  or  otherwise  be  withdrawn  from  view. 


2293 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pauline  Theology 
Peacemaker 


The  term  is  used  with  reference  to  God  (2  S  22  12; 
Ps  18  11);  to  kines  drinking  in  privacy  (1  K  20 
12.16);  RV  gives  pavilion"  for  AV  "tabernacle" 
in  Job  36  29;  Isa  4  6;  while  in  Nu  25  8  it  substi- 
tutes this  word,  with  m  "alcove,"  for  AV  "tent" 
(kubbah),  and  Jer  43  10,  for  "royal  pavilion" 
(shaphrur),  reads  in  m  "glittering  pavilion." 

James  Obr 
PAW,  p6  (53,  kaph,  lit.  "pahn,"  n;i,  yadh,  lit. 
"hand"):  The  former  (kaph)  is  applied  to  the  soft 
paws  of  animals  in  contradistinction  to  the  hoofs 
(Lev  11  27);  the  latter  is  thrice  used  in  1  S  17  37: 
"Jeh  that  delivered  me  out  of  the  paw  [yadh]  of  the 
lion,  and  out  of  the  paw  [yadh]  of  the  bear,  he  will 
deliver  me  out  of  the  hand  [yadh]  of  this  Philistine." 
The  vb.  "to  paw"  ("iSn,  haphar)  is  found  in  the 
description  of  the  horse:  "He  paweth  [m  "they 
paw"]  in  the  valley,  and  rejoiceth  in  his  strength:  he 
goethoutto  meet  the  armed  men  [m  "the  weapons"]" 
(Job  39  21).  The  word  is  usually  tr"*  "to  delve 
into,"  "to  pry  into,"  "to  explore." 

H.    L.    E.   LUERING 

PE,  pa  (D,  S,  D):  The  17th  letter  of  the  Heb 
alphabet;  transhterated  in  this  Encyclopaedia  as  p 
with  daghesh  and  ph  (=/)  without.  It  came  also 
to  be  used  for  the  number  80.  For  name,  etc,  see 
Alphabet. 

PEACE,  pes  (D131B,  shalom;  elpV'H)  eirtne): 
Is  a  condition  of  freedom  from  disturbance,  whether 
outwardly,  as  of  a  nation  from  war 
1.  In  the  or  enemies,  or  inwardly,  within  the 
OT  soul.     The  Heb  word  is  shalom  (both 

adj.  and  subst.),  meaning,  primarily, 
"soundness,"  "health,"  but  coming  also  to  signify 
"prosperity,"  well-being  in  general,  all  good  in 
relation  to  both  man  and  God.  In  early  times,  to  a 
people  harassed  by  foes,  peace  was  the  primary 
blessing.  In  Ps  122  7,  we  have  "peace"  and 
"prosperity,"  and  in  35  27;  73  3,  shalom  is  tr"^ 
"prosperity."  In  2  S  11  7  AV,  David  asked  of 
Uriah  "how  Joab  did"  (m  "of  the  peace  of  Joab"), 
"and  how  the  people  did  [RV  "fared,"  lit.  "of  the 
peace  of  the  people"],  and  how  the  war  prospered" 
(lit.  "and  of  the  peace  [welfare]  of  the  war"). 

(1)  Shalom,  was  the  common  friendly  greeting, 
used  in  asking  after  the  health  of  anyone;  also  in 
farewells  (Gen  29  6,  "Is  it  well  with  him?"  ["Is 
there  peace  to  him?"];  43  23,  "Peace  be  to  you"; 
ver  27,  "He  asked  them  of  their  welfare  [of  their 
peace]";  Jgs  6  23,  "Jeh  said  unto  him.  Peace  be 
unto  thee";  18  15  [AV  "saluted  him,"  m  "Heb  asked 
him  of  peace,"  RV  "of  his  welfare"];  19  20,  etc). 
See  also  Greeting.  (2)  Peace  from  enemies  (im- 
plying prosperity)  was  the  great  desire  of  the  nation 
and  was  the  gift  of  God  to  the  people  if  they  walked 
in  His  ways  (Lev  26  6;  Nu  6  26,  "Jeh  hft  up  his 
countenance  upon  thee,  and  give  thee  peace";  Ps 
29  11;  Isa  26  12,  etc).  To  "die  in  peace"  was 
greatly  to  be  desired  (Gen  15  15;  1  K  2  6;  2  Ch 
34  28,  etc).  (3)  Inward  peace  was  the  portion  of 
the  righteous  who  trusted  in  God  (Job  22  21, 
"Acquaint  now  thyself  with  him,  and  be  at  peace 
[shdlamY';  Ps  4  8;  85  8,  "He  will  speak  peace  unto 
his  people,  and  to  his  saints";  119  165;  Prov  3  2. 
17;  Isa  26  3,  "Thou  wilt  keep  him  in  perfect  peace 
[Heb  "peace,  peace"],  whose  mind  is  stayed  on  thee; 
because  he  trusteth  in  thee";  IMal  2  5);  also  out- 
ward peace  (Job  5  23.24;  Prov  16  7,  etc).  _  (4) 
Peace  was  to  be  sought  and  followed  by  the  right- 
eous (Ps  34  14,  "Seek  peace,  and  pursue  it";  Zee 
8  16.19,  "Love  truth  and  peace").  (5)  Peace  should 
be  a  prominent  feature  of  the  Messianic  times  (Isa 
2  4;  9  6,  "Prince  of  Peace";  11  6;  Ezk  34  25; 
Mic  4  2-4;  Zee  9  10). 

In  the  NT,  where  eirene  has  much  the  same  mean- 
ing and  usage  as  shalom  (for  which  it  is  employed 


in   the  LXX;    cf  Lk  19  42,  RV  "If  thou  hadst 
known  ....  the  things  which  belong  unto  peace"), 

we  have  still  the  expectation  of  "peace" 
2.  In  the  through  the  coming  of  the  Christ  (Lk 
NT  1  74,79;  12  51)  and  also  its  fulfilment 

in  the  higher  spiritual  sense. 
(1)  The  gospel  in  Christ  is  a  message  of  peace 
from  God  to  men  (Lk  2  14;  Acts  10  36,  "preach- 
ing ....  peace  by  Jesus  Christ").  It  is  "peace 
with  God  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,"  in  Rom 
5  1;  AV  10  15;  peace  between  Jew  and  Gentile 
(Eph  2  14.15);  an  essential  element  in  the  spiritual 
kingdom  of  God  (Rom  14  17).  (2)  It  is  to  be 
cherished  and  followed  by  ChristiaiiS.  Jesus  ex- 
horted His  disciples,  "Have  salt  in  yourselves,  and 
be  at  peace  one  with  another"  (Mk  9  60);  Paul  ex- 
horts, "Live  in  peace:  and  the  God  of  love  and 
peace  shall  be  with  you"  (2  Cor  13  11;  cf  Rom  12 
18;  1  Cor  7  15).  (3)  God  is  therefore  "the  God  of 
peace,"  the  Author  and  Giver  of  all  good  ("peace" 
including  every  blessing)  veryfrequently  (e.g.  Rom  15 
33;  16  20;  2  Thess  3  16,  etc,  "the  Lord  of  peace"). 
"Peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ"  is  a  common  apostolic  wish  or  salutation 
(cf  1  Cor  1  3;  2  Cor  1  2,  etc).  (4)  We  have  also 
"peace"  as  a  greeting  (Mt  10  13;  Lk  10  5);  "a  son 
of  peace"  (10  6)  is  one  worthy  of  it,  in  sympathy 
with  it;  the  Lord's  own  greeting  to  His  disciples 
was  "Peace  be  unto  you"  (Lk  24  36;  Jn  20  19.21. 
26),  and  ere  He  left  them  He  gave  them  specially 
His  blessing  of  "Peace"  (Jn  14  27);  we  have  also 
frequently  "Go  in  peace"  (Mk  6  34;  Lk  7  50). 
In  Lk  19  38,  we  have  "peace  in  heaven"  (in  the  ac- 
clamation of  Jesus  on  His  Messianic  entry  of  Jerus) . 
(5)  The  peace  that  Christ  brought  is  primarily 
spiritual  peace  from  and  with  God,  peace  in  the 
heart,  peace  as  the  disposition  or  spirit.  He  said 
that  He  did  not  come  '  to  send  peace  on  the  earth, 
but  a  sword,"  referring  to  the  searching  nature  of 
His  call  and  the  divisions  and  clearances  it  would 
create.  But,  of  course,  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  and 
of  the  Christian  is  one  of  peace,  and  it  is  a  Christian 
duty  to  seek  to  bring  war  and  strife  ever3Tvhere  to 
an  end.  This  is  represented  as  the  ultimate  result 
of  the  gospel  and  Spirit  of  Christ;  universal  and 
permanent  peace  can  come  only  as  that  Spirit  rules 
in  men's  hearts. 

"Peace"  In  the  sense  ol  silence,  to  hold  one's  peace, 
etc,  is  in  the  OT  generally  the  tr  ol  hdrash,  "to  be  still, 
or  silent"  (Gen  24  21;  34  5;  Job  11  3);  also  ol  ha- 
shdh,  "to  hush,"  "to  be  silent"  (2  K  2  3.5;  Ps  39  '2), 
and  of  other  words.  InJob  29  10  ("The  nobles  held  their 
peace,"  AV),  it  is  kdl,  "voice." 

In  the  NT  we  have  siopdo,  "to  be  silent,"  "to  cease 
speaking"  (Mt  20  31;  26  63;  Acts  18  9,  etc);  sigdo, 
"to  be  silent,"  "not  to  speak"  (Lk  20  26;  Acts  12  17); 
hesuchdzo,  "to  be  quiet"  (Lk  14  4;  Acts  ll  18); 
phimdo,  "to  muzzle  or  gag"  (Mk  1  25;    Lk  4  35). 

In  Apoc  eirene  is  frequent,  mostly  in  the  sense  of  peace 
from  war  or  strife  (Tob  13  14;  Jth  3  1;  Ecclus  13  18; 
1  Mace  6  54;  6  49;  2  Mace  14  6,  ejis(ci(/ieia  =  "tranquil- 
Uty"). 

RV  has  "peace"  for  "tongue"  (Est  7  4;  Job  6  24; 
Am  6  10;  Hab  1  13);  "at  peace  with  me"  for  "per- 
fect" (Isa  42  19,  m"  made  perfect"  or  "recompensed"); 
"security"  instead  of  "peaceably"  and  "peace"  (Dnl 
8  25;  1121.24);  "came  in  peace  to  the  city,"  for  "came 
to  Shalem,  acity"  (Gen  33  18);  "it  was  for  my  peace" 
instead  of  "for  peace"  (Isa  38  17);  "when  they  are  in 
peace,"  lor  "and  that  which  should  have  been  for  their 
welfare"  (Ps  69  22). 

W.  L.  Walker 

PEACE  OFFERING.    See  Sacrifice. 

PEACEMAKER,  pes'mak-er:  Occurs  only  in  the 
pi.  (Mt  5  9,  "Blessed  are  the  peacemakers  [eireno- 
poioi]:  for  they  shall  be  called  sons  of  God"  [who 
is  "the  God  of  peace"]).  We  have  also  what  seems 
to  be  a  reflection  of  this  saying  in  Jas  3  18,  "The 
fruit  of  righteousness  is  sown  in  peace  for  [RVm 
"by"]  them  that  make  peace"  {tois  poiousin  eiri- 
nen) .   In  classical  Gr  a '  'peacemaker"  was  an  ambas- 


Peacock 
Pekah 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2294 


sador  sent  to  treat  of  peace.  The  word  in  Mt  5  9 
would,  perhaps,  be  better  rendered  "peace- workers," 
implying  not  merely  making  peace  between  those 
who  are  at  variance,  but  working  peace  as  that  which 
is  the  wiU  of  the  God  of  peace  for  men. 

W.  L.  Walkeb 

PEACOCK,  pe'kok  (□"'^SPl,  tukklylm  [pi,];  Lat 
Pavo  crislatus) :  A  bird  of  the  genus  Pavo.  Japan 
is  the  native  home  of  the  plainer  peafowl;  Siam, 
Ceylon  and  India  produce  the  commonest  and  most 
gorgeous.  The  peacock  has  a  bill  of  moderate  size 
with  an  arched  tip,  its  cheeks  are  bare,  the  eyes  not 
large,  but  very  luminous,  a  crest  of  24  feathers  2 
in.  long,  with  naked  shafts  and  broad  tips  of  blue, 
glancing  to  green.  The  neck  is  not  long  but  proudly 
arched,  the  breast  full,  prominent  and  of  bright 
blue  green,  blue  predominant.  The  wings  are  short 
and  ineffectual,  the  feathers  on  them  made  up  of  a 
surprising  array  of  colors.  The  tail  consists  of  18 
short,  stiff,  grayish-brown  feathers.  Next  is  the 
lining  of  the  train,  of  the  same  color.  The  glory 
of  this  glorious  bird  lies  in  its  train.  It  begins  on 
the  back  between  the  wings  in  tiny  feathers  not  over 
6  in.  in  length,  and  extends  backward.  The  quills 
have  thick  shafts  of  purple  and  green  shades,  the 
eye  at  the  tip  of  each  feather  from  one-half  to  2  in. 
across,  of  a  deep  pecuHar  blue,  surrounded  at  the 
lower  part  by  two  half-moon-shaped  crescents  of 
green.  Whether  the  train  lies  naturally,  or  is  spread 
in  full  glory,  each  eye  shows  encircled  by  a  marvel  of 
glancing  shades  of  green,  gold,  purple,  blue  and 
bronze.  _  When  this  train  is  spread,  it  opens  like  a 
fan  behind  the  head  with  its  sparkling  crest,  and 
above  the  wondrous  blue  of  the  breast.  The  bird 
has  the  power  to  contract  the  muscles  at  the  base 
of  the  quills  and  play  a  peculiar  sort  of  music  with 
them.  It  loves  high  places  and  cries  before  a  storm 
in  notes  that  are  startling  to  one  not  famiUar  with 
them.  The  bird  can  be  domesticated  and  will  be- 
come friendly  enough  to  take  food  from  the  hand. 
The  peahen  is  smaller  than  the  cock,  her  neck  green, 
her  wings  gray,  tan  and  broi\Ti — but  she  has  not  the 
gorgeous  train.  She  nests  on  earth  and  breeds  with 
difficulty  when  imported,  the  young  being  delicate 
and  tender.  The  grown  birds  are  hardy  when 
acclimated,  and  live  to  old  age.  By  some  freak  of 
nature,  pure  white  peacocks  are  at  times  produced. 
Aristophanes  mentioned  peafowl  in  his  Birds,  11. 
102,  269.  Alexander  claimed  that  he  brought  them 
into  Greece  from  the  east,  but  failed  to  prove  his 
contention.  Pliny  wrote  that  Hortensius  was  the 
first  to  serve  the  birds  for  food,  and  that  Auiidius 
Lurco  first  fattened  and  sold  them  in  the  markets. 
It  was  the  custom  to  skin  the  bird,  roast  and  re- 
cover it  and  send  it  to  the  table,  the  gaudy  feathers 
showing. 

The  first  appearance  of  the  bird  in  the  Bible  occurs 
in  a  summing-up  of  the  wealth  and  majesty  of 
Solomon  (1  K  10  22:  "For  the  king  had  at  sea 
a  navy  of  Tarshish  with  the  navy  of  Hiram :  once 
every  three  years  came  the  navy  of  Tarshish, 
bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes,  and  pea- 
cocks"). (Here  LXX  translates  TreXe/cijroi  [s.c.  'kldoi], 
peleketol  [lUhoi]  =  "[stones]  carved  with  an  ax.") 
The  same  statement  is  made  in  2  Ch  9  21 : 
"For  the  king  had  ships  that  went  to  Tarshish 
with  the  servants  of  Huram;  once  every  three 
years  came  the  ships  of  TarshLsh,  bringing  gold, 
and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes,  and  peacocks"  (LXX 
omits).  There  is  no  question  among  scholars  and 
scientists  but  that  these  statements  are  true,  as  the 
ships  of  Solomon  are  known  to  have  visited  the 
coasts  of  India  and  Ceylon,  and  Tarshish  was  on  the 
Malabar  coast  of  India,  where  the  native  name  of 
the  peacock  was  tokei,  from  which  tukkiyim  un- 
doubtedly was  derived  (see  Gold,  and  Expos  T,  IX, 
472).     The  historian  Tennant  says  that  the  Heb 


names  for  "ivory"  and  "apes"  were  also  the  same  as 
the  Tamil.  The  reference  to  the  small,  ineffectual 
wing  of  the  peacock  which  scarcely  will  lift  the 
weight  of  the  body  and  train,  that  used  to  be  found 
in  Job,  is  now  applied  to  the  ostrich,  and  is  no  doubt 
correct : 

*'The  wings  of  the  ostrich  wave  proudly; 
But  are  they  the  pinions  and  plumage  of  love  ?" 

(Job  39  13). 

While  the  peacock  wing  seems  out  of  proportion  to 
the  size  of  the  bird,  it  will  sustain  flight  and  bear  the 
body  to  the  treetops.  The  wing  of  the  ostrich  is 
useless  for  flight.  Gene  Stratton-Porteb 

PEARL,  purl.     See  Stones,  Pkeciotjs. 

PECULIAR,  pf-kQl'yar:  The  Lat  peculium  means 
"private  property,"  so  that  "peculiar"  properly 
=  "pertaining  to  the  individual."  In  modern  Eng. 
the  word  has  usually  degenerated  into  a  half- 
colloquial  form  for  "extraordinary,"  but  in  Bib. 
Eng.  it  is  a  thoroughly  dignified  term  for  "esp.  one's 
own";  cf  the  "peculiar  treasiu-e"  of  the  king  in 
Eccl  2  8  (AV).  Hence  "peculiar  people"  (AV  Dt 
14  2,  etc)  means  a  people  esp.  possessed  by  God  and 
particularly  prized  by  Him.  The  word  in  the  OT 
(AV  Ex  19  5;    Dt  14  2;    26  18;    Ps  135  4;   Eccl 

2  8)  invariably  represents  nsJO'  s'ghuUah,  "prop- 
erty," an  obscure  word  which  LXX  usually  rendered 
by  the  equally  obscure  irepiovaios,  periousioa 
(apparently  meaning  "superabundant"),  which  in 
turn  is  quoted  in  Tit  2  14.  In  Mai  3  17,  how- 
ever, LXX  has  TreptTTofTjiris,  peripolesis,  quoted  in 
1  Pet  2  9.  ERV  in  the  NT  substituted  "own  pos- 
session" in  the  two  occurrences,  but  in  the  OT  kept 
"peculiar"  and  even  extended  its  use  (Dt  7  6;  Mai 

3  17)  to  cover  every  occurrence  of  ^'ghullah  except 
in  1  Ch  29  3  ("treasure").  ARV,  on  the  contrary, 
has  dropped  "peculiar"  altogether,  using  "treasure" 
in  1  Ch  29  3-  Eccl  2  8,  and  "own  possession" 
elsewhere.  AV  also  has  "peculiar  commandments" 
(ISios,  idios,  "particular,"  RV  "several")  in  Wisd 
19  6,  and  RV  has  "peculiar"  where  AV  has  "special" 
in  Wisd  3  14  for  iK\€KTij,  eklektt,  "chosen  out." 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PEDAHEL,  ped'a-hel,    p5-da'el    (bXn-iS,   p'- 
dhah'el,  "whom  God  redeems"):  A  prince  of  ISTaph- 
tali;  one  of  the  tribal  chiefs  who  apportioned  the 
land  of  Canaan  (Nu  34  28;  cf  ver  17). 

PEDAHZUR,  pg-da'zur  ("lianns,  p'dhah^ur): 
Mentioned  in  Nu  1  10;  2  20;  7  54.59;  10  23  as 
the  fatherof  Gamaliel,  head  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh, 
at  the  time  of  the  exodus.     See  Expos  T,  VIII,  555ff. 

PEDAIAH,  pg-da'ya,  pe-dl'a  (^H^nS ,  p'dha- 
yahu,  "Jeh  redeems") : 

(1)  Father  of  Joel,  who  was  ruler  of  Western 
Manasseh  in  David's  reign  (1  Ch  27  20).  Form 
iTn^  ,  p'dhayah  (see  above) . 

(2)  Pedaiah  of  Rumah  (2  K  23  36),  father  of 
Zebudah,  Jehoiakim's  mother. 

(3)  A  son  of  Jeconiah  (1  Ch  3  18);  in  ver  19 
the  father  of  Zerubbabel.  Pedaiah's  brother, 
Shealtiel,  is  also  called  father  of  Zerubbabel  (Ezr 
3  2;  but  in  1  Ch  3  17  AV  spelled  "Salathiel"). 
There  may  have  been  two  cousins,  or  even  different 
individuals  may  be  referred  to  under  Shealtiel  and 
Salathiel  respectively. 

(4)  Another  who  helped  to  repair  the  city  wall 
(Neh  3  25),  of  the  family  of  Parosh  (q.v.).  Per- 
haps this  is  the  man  who  stood  by  Ezra  at  the  read- 
ing of  the  Law  (Neh  8  4;  1  Esd  9  44,  called  "Phal- 
deus"). 

(5)  A  "Levite,"  appointed  one  of  the  treasurers 


2295 


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Peacock 
Pekah 


over  the  "trcasiiries"  of  the  Lord's  house  (Neh  13 
13). 

(6)  A  Benjamite,  one  of  the  rulers  residing  in 
Jerus  under  the  "return"  arrangements  (Neh  11  7). 

Henry  Wallace 

PEDESTAL,  ped'es-tal  ( i? ,  ken) :  In  two  places 
(1  K  7  29.31)  RV  gives  this  word  for  AV  "base" 
(in  Solomon's  "Sea"). 

PEDIAS,  ped'i-as,  pe-dl'as  (HeStas,  Pedias,  A, 
UaiStCas,  Paideias;  AV  by  mistake  Pelias):  One 
of  those  who  had  taken  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9 
34)  =  "Bedeiah"  of  Ezr  10  35. 

PEDIGREE,  ped'i-gre  (nbtirn ,  kithyalledh,  "to 
show  one'.s birth") :  TheEng.  word  "pedigree"  occurs 
only  once  in  the  Bible,  according  to  the  concordance. 
In  Nu  1  18,  it  is  said:  "They  declared  their  pedi- 
grees"; that  is,  they  enrolled  or  registered  them- 
selves according  to  their  family  connections.  The 
same  idea  is  e.xpressed  frequently,  employing  a 
different  term  in  the  Heb,  by  the  common  phrase  of 
Ch,  Ezr  and  Neh,  "to  reckon  by  genealogy,"  "to 
give  genealogy,"  etc  (cf  1  Ch  7  5.9;  Ezr  2  62  ff; 
Neh  7  64).  These  last  passages  indicate  the  im- 
portance of  the  registered  pedigree  or  genealogy,  esp. 
of  the  priests  in  the  post-exilic  community,  for  the 
absence  of  the  list  of  their  pedigrees,  or  their  genea- 
logical records,  was  sufficient  to  cause  the  exclu- 
sion from  the  priesthood  of  certain  enrolled  priests. 
Walter  R.  Betteridge 

PEEL,  pel,  PILL,  pil:  "Pill"  (Gen  30  37.38; 
Tob  11  13  [RV  "scaled"])  and  "peel"  (Isa  18  2.7 
[AV  and  RVm];  Ezk  29  18  [AV  and  ERVJ)  are 
properly  two  different  words,  meaning  "to  remove 
the  hair"  (pilus)  and  "to  remove  the  skin"  (pellis), 
but  in  Elizabethan  Eng.  the  two  were  confused.  In 
Isa  18  2.7,  the  former  meaning  is  implied,  as  the 
Heb  word  here  (13^13,  maraO  is  rendered  "pluck  off 
the  hair"  in  Ezr  9  3;  Neh  13  25;  Isa  50  6.  The 
word,  however,  may  also  mean  "make  smooth"  (so 
RVm)  or  "bronzed."  This  last,  referring  to  the 
dark  skins  of  the  Ethiopians,  is  best  here,  but  in 
any  case  AV  and  RVm  are  impossible.  In  the  other 
cases,  however,  "remove  the  skin"  (cf  "scaled," 
Tob  11  13  RV)  is  meant.  So  in  Gen  30  37.38, 
Jacob  "peels"  (so  RV)  off  portions  of  the  bark  of 
his  rods,  so  as  to  give  alternating  colors  (cf  ver  39). 
And  in  Ezk  29  18,  the  point  is  Nebuchadrezzar's 
total  failure  in  his  siege  of  Tyre,  although  the  sol- 
diers had  carried  burdens  until  the  skin  was  peeled 
from  their  shoulders  (cf  ARV  "worn"). 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

PEEP,  pep  (ass,  gaphaph;  AV  Isa  8  19;  10  14 
[RV  "chirp"]):  In  10  14,  the  word  describes  the 
sound  made  by  a  nestling  bird;  in  8  19,  the  changed 
(ventriloquistic?)  voice  of  necromancers  uttering 
sounds  that  purported  to  come  from  the  feeble  dead. 
The  modern  use  of  "peep"  =  "look"  is  found  in  Sir 
21  23,  as  the  tr  of  irapaKiirTui^  parakupto:  "A  foohsh 
man  peepeth  in  from  the  door  of  another  man's 
house." 

PEKAH,  pe'ka  (n]5S ,  pekah,  "opening"  [of  the 
eyas]  [2  K  15  25-31];'  ^dKce'  Phdkee):  Son  of 
Remaliah,  and  18th  king  of  Israel. 
1.  Accession  Pekah  murdered  his  predecessor,  Peka- 
hiah,  and  seized  the  reins  of  power 
(ver  25).  His  usurpation  of  the  throne  is  said  to 
have  taken  place  in  the  52d  year  of  Uzziah,  and  his 
reign  to  have  lasted  for  20  years  (ver  27).  His 
accession,  therefore,  may  be  placed  in  748  BC 
(other  chronologies  place  it  later,  and  make  the 
reign  last  only  a  few  years). 

Pekah  came  to  the  throne  with  the  resolution  of 
assisting  in  forming  a  league  to  resist  the  westward 


advance   of   Assyria.     The   memory  of   defeat  by 

Assyria  at  the  battle  of  Karkar  in  753,  more  than 

100  years  before,  had  never  died  out. 

2.  Attitude  Tiglath-pileser  III  was  now  ruler  of 
of  Assyria      Assyria,  and  in  successive  can}paigns 

since  745  had  proved  himself  a  resist- 
less conqueror.  His  lust  for  battle  was  not  yet  sati.s- 
fied,  and  the  turn  of  Philistiaand  Syria  was  about  to 
come.  In  735,  a  coalition,  of  which  Pekah  was  a 
prominent  member,  was  being  formed  to  check  his 
further  advance.  It  comprised  the  princes  of 
Comagene,  Gebal,  Hamath,  Arvad,  Ammon,  Moab, 
Edom,  Gaza,  Samaria,  Syria,  and  some  minor  po- 
tentates, the  list  being  taken  from  a  roll  of  the  sub- 
ject-princes who  attended  a  court  and  paid  tribute 
after  the  fall  of  Damascus.  Ahaz  likewise  attended 
as  a  voluntary  tributary  to  do  homage  to  Tiglath- 
pileser  (2  K  16  10). 

While  the  plans  of  the  allies  were  in  course  of 
formation,  an  obstacle  was  met  with  which  proved 

insurmountable  by  the  arts  of  diplo- 

3.  Judah  macy.  This  was  the  refusal  of  Ahaz, 
Recalcitrant  then  on  the  throne  of  David,  to  join  the 

confederacy.  Arguments  and  threats 
having  failed  to  move  him,  resort  was  had  to  force, 
and  the  troops  of  Samaria  and  Damascus  moved 
on  Jerus  (2  K  16  5).  Great  alarm  was  felt  at  the 
news  of  their  approach,  as  seen  in  the  7th  and  8th 
chapters  of  Isa.  _  The  allies  had  in  view  to  di.s- 
possess  Ahaz  of  his  crown,  and  give  it  to  one  of  their 
own  number,  a  son  of  Tabeel.  Isaiah  himself  was 
the  mainstay  of  the  opposition  to  their  projects. 
The  policy  he  advocated,  by  Divine  direction,  was 
thatof  complete  neutrality.  This  he  urged  with 
passionate  earnestness,  but  with  only  partial  suc- 
cess. Isaiah  (probably)  had  kept  back  Ahaz  from 
joining  the  coalition,  but  could  not  prevent  him  from 
sending  an  embassy,  laden  with  gifts  to  Tiglath- 
pileser,  to  secure  his  intervention.  On  the  news 
arriving  that  the  Assyrian  was  on  the  march,  a  hasty 
retreat  was  made  from  Jerus,  and  the  blow  soon 
thereafter  fell,  where  Isaiah  had  predicted,  on  Rezin 
and  Pekah,  and  their  kingdoms. 

The  severely  concise  manner  in  which  the  writer 
of  K  deals  with  the  later  sovereigns  of  the  Northern 

Kingdom   is,   in   the   case  of   Pekah, 

4.  Chron-  supplemented  in  Ch  by  further  facts 
icles  Ancil-  as  to  this  campaign  of  the  allies.  The 
lary  to  Chronicler  states  that  "a  great  multi- 
Kings  tude  of  captives"  were  taken  to  Da- 
mascus and  many  others  to  Samaria. 

These  would  be  countrymen  and  women  from  the 
outlying  districts  of  Judah,  which  were  ravaged. 
Those  taken  to  Samaria  were,  however,  returned, 
unhurt,  to  Jericho  by  the  advice  of  the  prophet 
Oded  (2  Ch  28  5-15). 

The   messengers   sent   from    Jerus   to    Nineveh 
appear  to  have  arrived  when  the  army  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  was  already  prepared  to  march. 

5.  Fall  of  The  movements  of  the  Assyrians  being 
Damascus;  expedited,  they  fell  upon  Damascus 
Northern  before  the  junction  of  the  allies  was 
and  Eastern  accomplished.  Rezin  was  defeated 
Palestine  in  a  decisive  battle,  and  took  refuge 
Overrun  in  his  capital,  which  was  closely  in- 
vested.    Another  part  of  the  invading 

army  descended  on  the  upper  districts  of  Syria  and 
Samaria.  Serious  resistance  to  tlie  veteran  troops 
of  the  East  could  hardly  be  made,  and  city  after 
city  fell.  A  list  of  districts  antl  cities  that  were 
overrun  is  given  in  2  K  15  29.  It  comprises 
Gilead  beyond  Jordan — already  partly  depopulated 
(1  Ch  5  26) ;  the  tribal  division  of  Naphtali,  lying 
to  the  W.  of  the  lakes  of  Galilee  and  Merom,  and  all 
Galilee,  as  far  S.  as  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  the 
Valley  of  Jezreel.  Cities  particularly  mentioned  are 
Ijon   (now  'Ayun),  Abel-beth-maacah   (now   ^Ahi), 


Pekahiah 
Pen 


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2296 


Janoah  (now  Yamln),  Kedesh  (now  Kados)  and 
Hazor  (now  Hadtreh). 

These  places  and  territories  were  not  merely  at- 
tacked   and    plundered.  _  Their    inhabitants    were 
removed,  with  indescribable  loss  and 

6.  Deporta-  suffering,  to  certain  districts  in  Assyria, 
tion  of  the  given  as  Halah,  Habor,  Hara,  and  both 
Inhabitants  sides  of  the  river  Gozan,  an  affluent 

of  the  Euphrates.  The  transplanta- 
tion of  these  tribes  to  a  home  beyond  the  great  river 
was  a  new  experiment  in  political  geography,  de- 
vised with  the  object  of  welding  the  whole  of  Western 
Asia  into  a  single  empire.  It  was  work  of  immense 
difficulty  and  must  have  taxed  the  resources  of 
even  so  great  an  organizer  as  Tiglath-pileser.  The 
soldiers  who  had  conquered  in  the  field  were,  of 
course,  employed  to  escort  the  many  thousands  of 
prisoners  to  their  new  locations.  About  two-thirds 
of  the  Sam  kingdom,  comprising  the  districts  of 
Samaria,  the  two  Galilees,  and  the  trans-Jordanic 
region,  was  thus  denuded  of  its  inhabitants. 

Left  with  but  a  third  of  his  kingdom — humbled 

but  still  defiant — Pekah  was  necessarily  unpopular 

with  his  subjects.     In  this  extremity 

7.  Death  of  — the  wave  of  invasion  from  the  N. 
Pekah  having  spent  itself — the  usual  solution 

occurred,  and  a  plot  was  formed  by 
which  the  assassination  of  Pekah  should  be  secured, 
and  the  assassin  should  take  his  place  as  a  satrap  of 
Assyria.  A  tool  was  found  in  the  person  of  Hoshea, 
whom  Tiglath-pileser  claims  to  have  appointed  to 
the  throne.  The  Bib.  narrative  does  not  do  more 
than  record  the  fact  that  "Hoshea  the  son  of  Elah 
made  a  conspiracy  against  Pekah  the  son  of  Rema- 
liah,  and  smote  him,  and  slew  him,  and  reigned  in 
his  stead"  (2  K  15  30).  The  date  given  to  this 
act  is  the  20th  year  of  Jotham.  As  Jotham's  reign 
lasted  but  16  years,  this  number  is  evidently  an 
error. 

For  the  first  time,  the  historian  makes  no  refer- 
ence to  the  reUgious  conduct  of  a  king  of  Israel. 

The  subject  was  beneath  notice.     The 

8.  Refer-  second  section  of  Isaiah's  prophecies 
ences  in  (7  1 — 10  4)  belongs  to  the  reign  of 
Isaiah  Ahaz  and  thus  to  the  time  of  Pekah, 

both  of  whom  are  named  in  it.  Pekah 
is  named  in  7  1,  and  is  often,  in  this  and  the  next 
chapter,  referred  to  as  "the  son  of  Remaliah."  His 
loss  of  the  territorial  divisions  of  Zebulun  and 
Naphtali  is  referred  to  in  9  1,  and  is  followed  by  a 
prophecy  of  their  future  glory  as  the  earthly  home 
of  the  Son  of  Man.  The  wording  of  Isa  9  14  shows 
that  it  was  written  before  the  fall  of  Samaria,  and 
that  of  Isa  10  9-11  that  Damascus  and  Samaria 
had  both  fallen  and  Jerus  was  expected  to  follow. 
This  section  of  Isaiah  may  thus  be  included  in  the 
Uterature  of  the  time  of  Pekah. 

W.  Shaw  Caldbcott 
PEKAHIAH,     pek-a-hi'a,      pe-ka'ya      (H^npS, 
p'kahydh,   "Jeh  hath  opened"  [the  eyes]  [2  K   15 
2.3-26];  <i>aK£o-£as,  Phakesias,  A,  *aK€t- 

1.  Accession  o-s,     Phakeias) :    Son     of     Menahem, 

and  17th  king  of  Israel.  He  is  said 
to  have  succeeded  his  father  in  the  "50th  year 
of  Azariah"  (or  Uzziah),  a  synchronism  not  free 
from  difficulty  if  his  accession  is  placed  in  750-749 
(see  Menahem;  Uzziah).  Most  date  lower,  after 
738,  when  an  Assyr  inscription  makes  Menahem 
pay  tribute  to  Tiglath-pileser  (cf  2  K  15  19-21). 

I'ekahiah  came  to  the  throne  enveloped  in  the 

danger  which  always  accompanies  the  successor  of 

an    exceptionally  strong    ruler,    in    a 

2.  Regicide  country  where  there  is  not  a  settled 
in  Israel         law  of  succession.     Within  two  years 

of  his  accession  he  was  foully  murdered 
— the  7th  king  of  Israel  who  had  met  his  death 
by  violence  (the  others  wore  Nadab,  Elah,  Tibni, 


Jehoram,  Zechariah  and  Shallum).  The  chief 
conspirator  was  Pekah,  son  of  Remahah,  one  of 
his  captains,  with  whom,  as  agejit  in  the  crime, 
were  associated  50  Gileadites.  These  penetrated 
into  the  palace  (RV  "castle")  of  the  king's  house, 
and  put  Pekahiah  to  deiith,  his  bodyguards,  Argob 
and  Arieh,  dying  with  him.  The  record,  in  its  close 
adherence  to  fact,  gives  no  reason  for  the  king's 
removal,  but  it  may  reasonably  be  surmised  that 
it  was  connected  with  a  league  which  was  at  this 
time  forming  for  opposing  resistance  to  the  power 
of  Assyria.  This  league,  Pekahiah,  preferring  his 
father's  policy  of  tributary  vassalage,  may  have 
refused  to  join.  If  so,  the  decision  cost  him  his  life. 
The  act  of  treachery  and  violence  is  in  accordance 
with  all  that  Hosea  tells  us  of  the  internal  condition 
of  Israel  at  this  time:  "They  ....  devour  their 
judges;  all  their  kings  are  fallen"  (Hos  7  7). 

The  narrative  of  Pekahiah's  short  reign  contains 
but  a  brief  notice  of  his  personal  character.     Like 

his  predecessors,  Pekahiah  did  not 
3.  Peka-  depart  from  the  system  of  worship 
hiah's  introduced  by  Jeroboam,  the  son  of 

Character      Nebat,    "who    made   Israel    to    sin." 

Despite  the  denunciations  of  the 
prophets  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  (Am  5  21-27; 
Hos  8  1-6),  the  worship  of  the  calves  remained, 
till  the  whole  was  swept  away,  a  few  years  later,  by 
the  fall  of  the  kingdom. 

After  Pekahiah's  murder,  the  throne  was  seized 
by  the  regicide  Pekah.         W.  Shaw  Caldecott 

PEKOD,  pe'kod  0^p$,  p'kodh):  A  name  ap- 
phedinJer  50  21andEzk  23  23  to  the  Chaldaeans. 
EVm  in  the  former  passage  gives  the  meaning  as 
"visitation." 

PELAIAH,  pE-la'ya,  pG-h'a  (H^Xbs,  -p'la' yah) : 

(1)  A  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the  royal  house  of  Judah 
(1  Ch  3  24). 

(2)  A  Levite  who  assisted  Ezra  by  expounding 
the  Law  (Neh  8  7),  and  was  one  of  those  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (10  10).  He 
is  called  "Phahas"  in  1  Esd  9  48  (RV). 

PELALIAH,  pel-a-h'a  (H^'^bS,  p'lalyah,  "Jeh 
judges") :  A  priest,  father  of  Jeroham,  one  of  the 
"workers"  in  the  Lord's  house  (Neh  11  12). 

PELATIAH,  pel-a-ti'a  (H^ybg,  p^latyah,  "Jeh 
delivers"): 

(1)  One  who  "sealed"  the  covenant  (Neh  10  22). 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Solomon,  grandson  of 
Zerubbabel  (1  Ch  3  21). 

(3)  A  Simeonite,  one  of  the  captains  who  cleared 
out  the  Amalekites  and  dwelt  on  the  captured  land 
(1  Ch  4  42.43). 

(4)  A  prince  of  the  people  whom  Ezekiel  (in 
Babylon)  pictures  as  'devising  mischief  and  giving 
'wicked  counsel'  in  Jerus.  He  is  represented  as 
falhng  dead  while  Ezekiel  prophesies  (Ezk  11  1.13). 
His  name  has  the  1 ,  u,  ending. 

PELEG,  pe'leg  (jbs,  pelegh,  "watercourse," 
"division") :  A  son  of  Eber,  and  brother  of  Joktan. 
The  derivation  of  the  name  is  given:  "for  in  his  days 
was  the  earth  divided"  (niphl'ghah)  (Gen  10  25; 
cf  Lk  3  35,  AV  "Phalec").  This  probably  refers 
to  the  scattering  of  the  world's  population  and  the 
oonfoundmg  of  its  language  recorded  in  Gen  11 
1-9.  _  In  Aram,  p'lagh  and  Arab,  plialaj  mean 
■division";  in  Heb  pelegh  means  "watercourse." 
The  name  may  really  be  due  to  the  occupation 
by  this  people  of  some  well-watered  (furrowed), 
district  (e.g  in  Babylonia),  for  these  patronymics 
represent  races,  and  the  derivation  in  Gen  10  25  is 
a  later  editor's  remark.  S.  F.  Hunter 


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Pekahiah 
Pen 


PELET,  pe'let  (tabs,  -pelet,  "deliverance"): 

(1)  Sonof  lahdai  (i  Ch  2  47). 

(2)  Son  of  Azmavoth,  one  of  those  who  resorted 
to  David  at  Ziklag  while  he  was  hiding  from  Saul 
(1  Ch  12  3). 

PELETH,  pe'leth  (nbsi,  pelelh,  "swiftness"): 

(1)  Father  of  On,  one  of  the  rebels  against  Moses 
and  Aaron  (Nu  16  1);  probably  same  as  Pallu 
(q.v.). 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Ch  2  :33). 

PELETHITES,  pel'5-thlts,  pe'leth-its  pnbg, 
p'lethi) :  A  company  of  David's  bodyguard,  like  the 
Chebethites  (q.v.)  (2  S  8  18;  15  IS);  probably 
a  corrupt  form  of  "PhiUstines." 

PELIAS,  pS-li'as:   AV  =  RV  "Pedias." 

PELICAN,  pel'i-kan  (nXf; ,  ka'ath;  Lat  Pelecanus 
onocrotalus  [LXX  reads  irtXeKav,  pelekdn,  in  Lev 
and  Pss,  but  has  3  other  readings,  that  are  rather 
confusing,  in  the  other  places)):  Any  bird  of 
the  genus  Pelecanus.  The  Heb  ki'  means  "to 
vomit."     The  name  was  applied  to  the  bird  because 


Pelican  (Pelecanus   oiiocTOlalus) . 

it  swallowed  large  quantities  of  fish  and  then  dis- 
gorged them  to  its  nestlings.  In  the  performance 
of  this  act  it  pressed  the  large  beak,  in  the  white 
species,  tipped  with  red,  against  the  crop  and 
slightly  lifted  the  wings.  In  ancient  times,  people, 
seeing  this,  believed  that  the  bird  was  puncturing 
its  breast  and  feeding  it.s  young  with  its  blood. 
From  this  idea  arose  the  custom  of  using  a  pelican 
with  lifted  wings  in  heraldry  or  as  a  symbol  of 
Christ  and  of  charity.  (See  Fictitious  Creatures  in 
Art,  182-86,  London,  Chapman  and  Hall,  1906.) 
Pal  knew  a  white  and  a  brownish-gray  bird,  both 
close  to  6  ft.  long  and  having  over  a  12  ft.  sweep  of 
wing.  They  lived  around  the  Dead  Sea,  fished 
beside  the  Jordan  and  abounded  in  greatest  numbers 
in  the  wildernesses  of  the  Mediterranean  shore. 
The  brown  pelicans  were  larger  than  the  white.  Each 
of  them  had  a  long  beak,  peculiar  throat  pouch  and 
webbed  feet.  They  built  large  nests,  5  and  6  ft. 
across,  from  dead  twigs  of  bushes,  and  laid  two  or 
three  eggs.  The  brown  birds  deposited  a  creamy- 
white  egg  with  a  rosy  flush;  the  white,  a  white  egg 
with  bluish  tints.  The  young  were  naked  at  first, 
then  covered  with  down,  and  remained  in  the  nest 
until  full  feathered  and  able  to  fly.  This  compelled 
the  parent  birds  to  feed  them  for  a  long  time,  and 
they  carried  such  quantities  of  fish  to  a  nest  that 
the  young  could  not  consume  all  of  them  and  many 


were  dropped  on  the  ground.  The  tropical  sun 
soon  made  the  location  unbearable  to  mortals. 
Perching  pelicans  were  the  ugliest  birds  imaginable, 
but  when  their  immen.se  brown  or  white  bodies 
swept  in  a  12  ft.  spread  across  the  land  and  over 
sea,  they  made  an  impressive  picture.  They  are 
included,  with  good  reason,  in  the  list  of  abomina- 
tions (see  Lev  11  18;  Dt  14  17).  They  are  next 
mentioned  in  Ps  102  6 : 

"I  am  like  a  pelican  of  the  wilderness; 
I  am  become  as  an  owl  of  the  waste  places." 

Here  David  from  the  depths  of  affliction  likened 
himself  to  a  pelican  as  it  appears  when  it  perches 
in  the  wilderness.  See  Isa  34  11:  "But  the  peUcan 
and  the  porcupine  shall  possess  it;  and  the  owl  and 
the  raven  shall  dwell  therein:  and  he  will  stretch 
over  it  the  line  of  confu.sion,  and  the  plummet  of 
emptine.ss."  Here  the  bird  is  used  to  complete  the 
picture  of  desolation  that  was  to  prevail  after  the 
destruction  of  Edom.  The  other  reference  concerns 
the  destruction  of  Nineveh  and  is  found  in  Zeph 
2  14:  "And  herds  shall  lie  down  in  the  midst  of  her, 
all  the  beasts  of  the  nations:  both  the  pelican  and 
the_  porcupine  shall  lodge  in  the  capitals  thereof; 
their  voice  shall  sing  in  the  windows;  desolation 
shall  be  in  the  thresholds:  for  he  hath  laid  bare  the 
cedar-work."  Gene  Stratton-Pobtbr 

PELISHTIM,  pel'ish-tim,  pe-Ush'tIm  (Dinipbs? , 
p'lishtlm  [RVm  of  Gen  10  14]).     See  Philistines. 

PELONITE,  pel'C-nlt,  pe'l5-nlt,  p5-lo'nit  (^iibs?  , 
p'iuni,  a  place-name):  Two  of  David's  heroes  are 
thus  described:  (1)  "Helez  the  Pelonite"  (1  Ch  11 
27)  (see  Paltite);  and  (2)  "Ahijah  the  Pelonite" 
(1  Ch  11  36). 

PEN,  (t:?,  'ci,  Unn,  heret;  Kd\a|ios,  kdlamos): 
The  first  writing  was  done  on  clay,  wax,  lead  or 
stone  tablets  by  scratching  into  the  material  with 
some  hard  pointed  instrument.  For  this  purpose 
bodkins  of  bronze,  iron,  bone  or  ivory  were  used 
(Job  19  24;  Isa  8  1;  Jer  17  1).  In  Jer  17  1 
a  diamond  is  also  mentioned  as  being  used  for  the 
same  purpose.  In  Jer  36  Baruch,  the  son  of  Neriah, 
declares  that  he  recorded  the  words  of  the  prophet 
with  ink  in  the  book.  In  ver  23  it  says  that  the 
king  cut  the  roll  with  the  penknife  (lit.  the  scribe's 
knife).  This  whole  scene  can  best  be  explained  if 
we  consider  that  Baruch  and  the  king's  scribes  were 
in  the  habit  of  using  reed  pens.  These  pens  are 
made  from  the  hollow  jointed  stalks  of  a  coarse  grass 
growing  in  marshy  places.  The  dried  reed  is  cut 
diagonally  with  the  penknife  and  the  point  thus 
formed  is  carefully  shaved  thin  to  make  it  flexible 
and  the  nib  spUt  as  in  the  modern  pen.  The  last 
operation  is  the  clipping  off  of  the  very  point  so  that 
it  becomes  a  stub  pen.  The  Arab  scribe  does  this 
by  resting  the  nib  on  his  thumb  nail  while  cutting, 
so  that  the  cut  will  be  clean  and  the  pen  will  not 
scratch.  The  whole  procedure  requires  consider- 
able skill.  The  pupil  in  Heb  or  Arab,  writing 
learns  to  make  a  pen  as  his  first  lesson.  A  scribe 
carries  a  sharp  knife  around  with  him  for  keeping 
his  pen  in  good  condition,  hence  the  name  penknife. 
The  word  used  in  3  Jn  ver  13  is  kalamos,  "reed," 
indicating  that  the  pen  described  above  was  used  in 
John's  time  (cf  kalam,  the  common  Arab,  name  for 
pen).    See  Ink;  Ink-Horn;  Writing. 

Figurative:  "Written  with  a  pen  of  iron,"  i.e. 
indelibly  (Jer  17  1).  "My  tongue  is  the  pen  of 
a  ready  writer"  (Ps  45  1;  cf  Jer  36  IS).  As 
the  trained  writer  records  a  speech,  so  the 
Psalmist's  tongue  impresses  or  engraves  on  his 
hearers'  minds  what  he  has  conceived. 

James  A.  Patch 


Pence,  Penny 
Pentateuch 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2298 


PENCE,  pens,  PENNY.     See  Money. 

PENCIL,  pen'sil  (Isa  44  13,  m  "red  ochre," 
AV  "line").     See  Line;  Ochre,  Red. 

PENDANT,  pen'dant  (from  Fr.  from  Lat  pendeo, 
"to  hang"):  Not  in  AV.  Twice  in  RV.  (1) 
nlD"'!?:  ,  n'-tlphoth  (AV  "collars"),  ornaments  of  the 
Midianites  captured  by  Gideon  (Jgs  8  26).  (2) 
msyp,  n'tiphoth  (AV  "chains"),  an  article  of  femi- 
nine apparel  (Isa  3  19).  The  reference  seems  to 
be  (Cheyne,  "Isaiah"  Polychrome  Bible  [HDB,  III, 
739])  to  ear-drops,  pearl  or  gold  ornaments 
resembling  a  drop  of  water,  fastened,  probably,  to 
the  lobe  of  the  ear. 

PENIEL,  pe-nl'el,  pen'i-el,  pe'ni-el  (bsi:JB ,  p'nVel, 
"face  of  God";  EtSos  BeoB,  Eidos  theou):  This  is 
the  form  of  the  name  in  Gen  32  30.  In  the  next 
verse  and  elsewhere  it  appears  as  "Penuel."  The 
name  is  said  to  have  been  given  to  the  place  by 
Jacob  after  his  night  of  wrestling  by  the  Jabbok, 
because,  as  he  said,  "I  have  seen  God  face  to  face, 
and  my  life  is  preserved."  It  was  a  height  e'S'idently 
close  by  the  stream  over  which  Jacob  passed  in  the 
morning.  Some  have  thought  it  might  be  a  promi- 
nent cliff,  the  contour  of  which  resembled  a  human 
face.  Such  a  cliff  on  the  seashore  to  the  S.  of  Trip- 
oli was  called  theou  prosopon,  "face  of  God" 
(Strabo  xvi.2.15f).  In  later  times  a  city  with  a 
strong  tower  stood  upon  it.  This  lay  in  the  line 
of  Gideon's  pursuit  of  the  Midianites.  When  he 
returned  victorious,  he  beat  dowm  the  place  because 
of  the  churlishness  of  the  inhabitants  (Jgs  8  8.9.17). 
It  was  one  of  the  towns  "built"  or  fortified  by  Jero- 
boam (1  K  12  25).  Merrill  would  identify  it  with 
Telul  edh-Dhahah,  "hills  of  gold,"  two  hills  with 
ruins  that  betoken  great  anticjuity,  and  that  speak 
of  great  strength,  on  the  S.  of  the  Jabbok,  about  10 
miles  E.  of  Jordan  (for  description  see  Merrill, 
East  of  the  Jordan,  390  ff).  A  difficulty  that  seems 
fatal  to  this  identification  is  that  here  the  banks  of 
the  Jabbok  are  so  precipitous  as  to  be  impassable. 
Conder  suggests  Jebel  'Osha.  The  site  was  clearly 
not  far  from  Succoth;  but  no  certainty  is  yet  pos- 
sible. W.  EwiNG 

PENINNAH,  pf-nin'a  (ns?? ,  p'ninnah,  "coral," 
"pearl") :  Second  wife  of  Elkanah,  father  of  Samuel 
(1  S  1  2.4). 

PENKNIFE,  pen'nif  (Jer  36  23).     See  Pen. 

PENNY,  pcn'i  (iiyvdpiov,  dendrion;  Lat  de- 
narius [q.v.]):  ARV  (Mt  18  28;  20  2.9.10.13,  etc) 
renders  it  by  "shiUing"  except  in  Mt  22  19;  Mk  12 
15  and  Lk  20  24,  where  it  retains  the  original  term 
as  it  refers  to  a  particular  coin.  See  Denarius; 
Money. 

PENSION,  pen'shun  (1  Esd  4  56,  AV  "and  he 
commanded  to  givf^  to  all  that  kept  the  city  pensions 
and  wages";  kXtjpos,  kleros,  "allotted  portion," 
usually  [here  certainly]  of  lands  [RV  "lands"]) : 
Literally  means  simply  "payment,"  and  AV  seems 
to  have  used  the  word  in  order  to  avoid  any  special- 
ization of  kleros.  There  is  no  reference  to  payment 
for  past  services.     Sec  Lot. 

PENTATEUCH,  pen'ta-tuk: 

I,     Title,  Division,  Contents 
II.     Authorship,  Composition,  Date 

1.  The  Current  Critical  Scheme: 

2.  The  Evidence  for  the  Current  Critical  Scheme 

(1)  Astruc's  Clue 

(2)  Signs  ol  Post-Mosaic  Date 

(3)  Narrative  Discrepancies 


(4)  Doublets 

(5)  The  Laws 

(6)  The  Argument  from  Style 

(7)  Props  of  the  Development  Hypothesis 

3.  The  Answer  to  the  Critical  Analysis 

(1)  The  Veto  of  Textual  Criticism 

(2)  Astruc's  Clue  Tested 

(3)  The  Narrative  Discrepancies  and  Signs  of 
Post-Mosaic  Date  Examined 

(4)  The  Argument  from  the  Doublets  Exam- 
ined 

(5)  The  Critical  Argument  from  the  Laws 

(6)  The  Argument  from  Style 

(7)  Perplexities  of  the  Theory 

(8)  Signs  of  Unity 

(9)  The  Supposed  Props  of  the  Development 
Hypothesis 

4.  The  Evidence  of  Date 

(1)  The  Narrative  of  Genesis 

(2)  Archaeology  and  Genesis 

(3)  The  Legal  Evidence  of  Genesis 

(4)  The  Professedly  Mosaic  Character  of  the 
Legislation 

(.5)  The  Historical  Situation  Required  by  P 

(6)  The  Hierarchical  Organization  in  P 

(7)  The  Legal  Evidence  of  P 

(8)  The  Evidence  of  D 

(9)  Later  Allusions 
(10)   Other  Evidence 

5.  The  Fundamental  Improbabilities  of  the  Criti- 

cal Case 

(1)  The  Moral  and  Psychological  Issues 

(2)  The  Historical  Improbability 

(3)  The   Divergence  between  the   Laws   and 
Post-exilic  Practice 

(4)  The  Testimony  of  Tradition 

6.  The  Origin  and  Transmission  of  the  Pentateuch 

III.  Some  Liter.^ry  Points 

1.  Style  of  Legislation 

2.  The  Narrative 

3.  The  Covenant 

4.  Order  and  Rhythm 

IV.  The  Pentateuch  as  History 

1.  Textual  Criticism  and  History 

2.  Hebrew  Methods  of  Expression 

3.  Personification  and  Genealogies 

4.  Literary  Form 

5.  The  Sacred  Numbers 

6.  Habits  of  Thought 

7.  National  Coloring 

8.  How  Far  the  Pentateuch  Is  Trustworthy 

(1)  Contemporaneous  Information 

(2)  Character  of  Our  Informants 

(3)  Historical  Genius  of  the  People 

(4)  Good  Faith  of  Deuteronomy 
(.5)  Nature  of  the  Events  Recorded 
(6)   External  Corroborations 

9.  The  Pentateuch  as  Reasoned  History 
V.     The  Character  of  the  Pentateuch 

1.  Hindu  Law  Books 

2.  Differences 

3.  Holiness 

4.  The  Universal  Aspect 

5.  The  National  Aspect 
Literature 

/.  Title,  Division,  Contents  (TTIiri ,  torah,  "law" 
or  "teaching"). — It  has  recently  been  argued  that 
the  Heb  word  is  really  the  Bab  tertu,  "divinely 
revealed  law"  (e.g.  Sayce,  Chitrchman,  1909,  728  ff  j, 
but  such  passages  as  Lev  14  54-57;  Dt  17  11 
show  that  the  legislator  connected  it  with  iTlln, 
hordh  (from  yardh),  "to  teach."     Also  called  by  the 

Jews  nnin  •'timn  niBan,  Mmishshah  Mm'shi 

torah,  "the  five-fifths  of  the  law"  :  6  cA^os, /lo  nomos, 
"the  Law."  The  word  "Pentateuch"  comes  from 
TrevTaTevxos,  peiitdteuchos,  lit.  ".5-volumed  [sc.  book]." 
The  Pent  consists  of  the  first  five  books  of  the  Bible, 
and  forms  the  fu'st  division  of  the  Jewish  Canon,  and 
the  whole  of  the  Sam  Canon.  The  5-fold  division  is 
certainly  old,  since  it  is  earlier  than  the  LXX  or  the 
Sam  Pent.  How  much  older  it  may  be  is  unknown. 
It  has  been  thought  that  the  5-fold  division  of  the 
Psalter  is  based  on  it. 

The  five  books  into  which  the  Pent  is  divided  are 
respectively  Gen,  Ex,  Lev,  Nu,  and  Dt,  and  the 
separate  arts,  should  be  consulted  for  information 
as  to  their  nomenclature. 

The  work  opens  with  an  account  of  the  Creation, 
and  passes  to  the  story  of  the  first  human  couple. 
The  narrative  is  carried  on  partly  by  genealogies 
and  partly  by  fuller  accounts  to  Abraham.     Then 


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Pence,  Penny 
Pentateuch 


comes  a  history  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  the 
collateral  lines  of  descendants  being  rapidly  dis- 
missed. The  story  of  Joseph  is  told  in  detaO,  and 
Gen  closes  with  his  death.  The  rest  of  the  Pent 
covers  the  oppression  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt,  their 
exodus  and  wanderings,  the  conquest  of  the  trans- 
Jordanic  lands  and  the  fortunes  of  the  people  to  the 
death  of  Moses.  The  four  concluding  books  con- 
tain masses  of  legislation  mingled  with  the  narrative 
(for  special  contents,  see  arts,  on  the  several  books). 
//.  Authorship,  Composition,  Date. — The  view 
that  Moses  was  the  author  of  the  Pent,  with  the 

exception  of  the  concluding  vs  of  Dt, 
1.  The  was  once  held  universally.     It  is  still 

Current  believed  by  the  great  mass  of  Jews 
Critical  and  Christians,  but  in  most  univer- 

Scheme  sities  of  Northern  Europe  and  North 

America  other  theories  prevail.  An 
application  of  what  is  called  "higher"  or  "docu- 
mentary criticism"  (to  distinguish  it  from  lower  or 
textual  criticism)  has  led  to  the  formation  of  a  num- 
ber of  hypotheses.  Some  of  these  are  very  widely 
held,  but  unanimity  has  not  been  attained,  and 
recent  investigations  have  challenged  even  the  con- 
clusions that  are  most  generally  accepted.  In  the 
Eng.-speaking  countries  the  vast  majority  of  the 
critics  would  regard  Driver's  LOT  and  Carpenter 
and  Harford-Battersby's  Hexateuch  as  fairly  repre- 
sentative of  their  position,  but  on  the  Continent  of 
Europe  the  numerous  school  that  holds  some  such 
position  is  dwindling  alike  in  numbers  and  influence, 
while  even  in  Great  Britain  and  America  some  of  the 
ablest  critics  are  beginning  to  show  signs  of  being 
shaken  in  their  allegiance  to  cardinal  points  of  the 
higher-critical  case.  However,  at  the  time  of  writ- 
ing, these  latter  critics  have  not  put  forward  any 
fresh  formulation  of  their  views,  and  accordingly 
the  general  positions  of  the  works  named  may  be 
taken  as  representing  with  certain  qualifications  the 
general  critical  theory.  Some  of  the  chief  stadia  in 
the  development  of  this  may  be  mentioned. 

After  attention  had  been  drawn  by  earlier  -writers  to 
various  signs  of  post-Mosaic  date  and  extraordinary 
perplexities  in  the  Pent,  the  first  real  step  toward  what 
Its  advocates  have,  till  witliin  the  last  few  years,  called 
"the  modern  position"  was  taken  by  J.  Astruc  (1753). 
He  propounded  what  Carpenter  terms  "the  clue  to  the 
documents,"  i.e.  the  difference  of  the  Divine  appellations 
In  Gen  as  a  test  of  authorship.  On  this  view  the  word 
'Elohim  ("  God")  is  characteristic  of  one  principal  source 
and  the  Tetragrammaton,  i.e.  the  Divine  name  YII WH 
represented  by  the  "Lobd"  or  "God"  of  AV  and  BV, 
shows  the  presence  of  another.  Despite  occasional 
warnings,  this  clue  was  followed  in  the  main  for  150 
years.  It  forms  the  starting-point  of  the  whole  current 
critical  development,  but  the  most  recent  investigations 
have  successfully  proved  that  it  is  unreliable  (see  below, 
3,  [2]).  Astruc  was  followed  by  Eichhorn  (1780),  who 
made  a  more  thorough  examination  of  Gen,  indicating 
numerous  differences  of  style,  representation,  etc. 

Geddes  (1792)  and  Vater  (1802-5)  extended  the 
method  applied  to  Gen  to  the  other  books  of  the  Pent. 

In  1798  Ilgen  distinguished  two  Elohists  in  Gen,  but 
this  view  did  not  find  followers  for  some  time.  The  next 
step  of  fundamental  importance  was  the  assignment  of 
the  bulk  of  Dt  to  the  7th  cent.  BC.  This  was  due  to 
De  Wette  (1806).  Hupfeld  (1853)  again  distinguished 
a,  second  Elohist,  and  this  has  been  accepted  by  most 
critics.  Thus  there  are  four  main  documents  at  least: 
D  (the  bulk  of  Dt),  two  ElShists  (P  and  E)  and  one  docu- 
ment (J)  that  uses  the  Tetragrammaton  in  Gen.  From 
1822  (Bleek)  a  series  of  writers  maintained  that  the  Book 
of  Josh  was  compounded  from  the  same  documents  as 
the  Pent  (see  Hexateuch).  .         „,,, 

Two  other  developments  call  for  notice:  (1)  there  has 
been  a  tendency  to  subdivide  these  documents  further, 
regarding  them  as  the  work  of  schools  rather  than  of  indi- 
viduals, and  resolving  them  into  different  strata  (P,,  P„ 
P,  etc  J,,  Jj,  etc,  or  in  the  notation  of  other  writers  Jj 
Je  etc) ;  (2)  a  particular  scheme  of  dating  has  found  wide 
acceptance.  In  the  first  period  of  the  critical  develop- 
ment it  was  assumed  that  the  principal  Elohist  (P)  was 
the  earliest  document.  A  succession  of  writers  of  whom 
Reuss,  Graf,  Kuenen  and  Wellhausen  are  the  most  promi- 
nent have,  however,  maintained  that  this  is  not  the  first 
but  the  last  in  point  of  time  and  should  be  referred  to  the 
exile  or  later.  On  this  view  the  theory  is  in  outhne  as 
follows-  J  and  E  (so  called  from  their  respective  Divine 


appellations) — on  the  relative  dates  of  which  opinions 
dill'er — were  composed  probably  during  the  early  mon- 
archy and  sui)seQuently  coml>ined  by  a  redactor  (RJe) 
into  a  single  document  JE.  In  the  7th  cent.  D,  the  bulk 
of  Dt,  was  composed.  It  was  published  in  the  18th  year 
of  Josiah's  reign.  Later  it  was  combined  witli  JE  into 
JED  by  a  redactor  (RJeti).  p  or  PO,  the  last  of  all 
(originally  the  first  Elohist,  now  the  PC)  incorporated 
an  earlier  code  of  uncertain  date  which  consists 
in  the  main  of  most  of  Lev  17-26  and  is  known  as 
the  Law  of  Holiness  (H  or  Ph).  p  itself  is  largely  post- 
exilic.  Ultimately  it  was  joined  with  JED  by  a  priestly 
redactor  (Rp)  into  substantially  our  present  Pent.  As 
already  stated,  the  theory  is  subject  to  many  minor 
variations.  Moreover,  it  is  admitted  that  not  all  its 
portions  are  equally  well  supported.  The  division  of 
JE  into  J  and  E  is  regarded  as  less  certain  than  the 
separation  of  P.  Again,  there  are  variations  in  the 
analysis,  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  exact  dating  of 
the  documents,  and  so  forth.  Yet  the  view  just  sketched 
has  been  held  by  a  very  numerous  and  influential  school 
during  recent  years,  nor  is  it  altogether  fair  to  lay  stress 
on  minor  divergences  of  opinion.  It  is  in  the  abstract 
conceivable  that  the  main  positions  might  be  true,  and 
that  yet  the  data  were  inadequate  to  enable  all  the  minor 
details  to  be  determined  with  certainty  (see  Criticism 
OF  THE  Bible). 

This  theory  will  hereafter  be  discussed  at  length 
for  two  reasons:  (1)  while  it  is  now  constantly  losing 
ground,  it  is  still  more  widely  held  than  any  other; 
and  (2)  so  much  of  the  modern  lit.  on  the  OT  hag 
been  written  from  this  standpoint  that  no  intelli- 
gent use  can  be  made  of  the  most  ordinary  books  of 
reference  without  some  acquaintance  with  it. 

Before  1908  the  conservative  opposition  to  the 
dominant  theory  had  exhibited  two  separate  tend- 
encies. One  school  of  conservatives  rejected  the 
scheme  in  toto;  the  other  accepted  the  analysis  with 
certain  modifications,  but  sought  to  throw  back  the 
dating  of  the  documents.  In  both  these  respects 
it  had  points  of  contact  with  dissentient  critics  (e.g. 
Delitzsch,  Dillmann,  Baudissin,  Kittel,  Strack, 
Van  Hoonacker),  who  sought  to  save  for  conserva- 
tism any  spars  they  could  from  the  general  wreck- 
age. The  former  school  of  thought  was  most 
prominently  represented  by  the  late  W.  H.  Green, 
and  J.  II.  Raven's  OT  Intro  may  be  regarded  as  a 
typical  modern  presentation  of  their  view;  the 
latter  esp.  by  Robertson  and  Orr.  The  scheme  put 
forward  by  the  last  named  has  found  many  adher- 
ents. He  refuses  to  regard  J  and  E  as  two  separate 
documents,  holding  that  we  should  rather  think 
(as  in  the  case  of  the  ||  Pss)  of  two  recensions  of  one 
document  marked  by  the  use  of  different  Divine 
appellations.  The  critical  P  he  treats  as  the  work 
of  a  supplementer,  and  thinks  it  never  had  an  inde- 
pendent existence,  while  he  considers  the  whole 
Pent  as  early.  He  holds  that  the  work  was  done 
by  "original  composers,  working  with  a  common 
aim,  and  toward  a  common  end,  in  contrast  with  the 
idea  of  late  irresponsible  redactors,  combining,  alter- 
ing, manipulating,  enlarging  at  pleasure"  {POT, 
37.5). 

While  these  were  the  views  held  among  OT  critics, 
a  separate  opposition  had  been  growing  up  among 
archaeologists.  This  was  of  course  utilized  to  the 
utmost  by  the  conservatives  of  both  wings.  In 
some  ways  archaeology  undoubtedly  has  confirmed 
the  traditional  view  as  against  the  critical  (see 
Archaeology  and  Criticism);  but  a  candid  sur- 
vey leads  to  the  belief  that  it  has  not  yet  dealt  a 
mortal  blow,  and  here  again  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  critics  may  justly  plead  that  they  must 
not  be  judged  on  mistakes  that  they  made  m  their 
earlier  investigations  or  on  refutations  of  the  more 
uncertain  portions  of  their  theory,  but  rather  on 
the  main  completed  result.  It  may  indeed  be  said 
with  confidence  that  there  are  certain  topics  to 
which  archaeology  can  never  supply  any  conclusive 
answer.  //  it  be  the  case  that  the  Pent  contains 
hopelessly  contradictory  laws,  no  archaeological  dis- 
covery can  make  them  anything  else ;  if  the  num- 
bers of  the  Israelites  are  original  and  impossible. 


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archaeology  cannot  make  them  possible.  It  is  fair 
and  right  to  lay  stress  on  the  instances  in  which 
archaeology  has  confirmed  the  Bible  as  against  the 
critics;  it  is  neither  fair  nor  right  to  speak  as  if 
archaeology  had  done  what  it  never  purported  to  do 
and  never  could  effect. 

The  year  1908  saw  the  beginning  of  a  new  critical 
development  which  makes  it  very  difficult  to  speak 
positively  of  modern  critical  views.     Kuenen  has 
been  mentioned  as  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  emi- 
nent of  those  who  brought  the  Graf-Wellhausen 
theory  into  prominence.     In  that  year  B.  D.  Eerd- 
mans,  his  pupil  and  successor  at  Leyden,  began  the 
publication  of  a  series  of  OT  studies  in  which  he 
renounces  his  allegiance  to  the  line  of  critics  that  had 
extended  from  Astruc  to  the  publications  of  our 
own  day,  and  entered  on  a  series  of  investigations 
that  were  intended  to  set  forth  a  new  critical  view. 
As  his  labors  are  not  yet  complete,  it  is  impossible 
to  present  any  account  of  his  scheme;  but  the  vol- 
umes  already  published   .iustify  certain  remarks. 
Eerdmans  has  perhaps  not  converted  any  member 
of  the  Wellhauseu  school,  but  he  has  made  many 
realize  that  their  own  scheme  is  not  the  only  one 
possible.     Thus  while  a  few  years  ago  we  were  con- 
stantly  assured  that  the   "main   results"   of  OT 
criticism  were  unalterably  settled,  recent  writers 
adopt  a  very  different  tone:  e.g.  Sellin  (1910)  says, 
"We  stand  in  a  time  of  fermentation  and  transition, 
and  in  what  follows  we  present  our  own  opinion 
merely  as  the  hypothesis  which  appears  to  us  to  be 
the  best  founded"    (Einleilung,   18).     By  general 
consent  Eerdmans'  work  contains    a    number  of 
isolated  shrewd   remarks    to  which  criticism  will 
have  to  attend  in  the  future;   but  it  also  contains 
many  observations  that  are  demonstrably  unsound 
(for  examples  see  BS,  1909,  744-18;  1910,  549-51). 
His  own  reconstruction  is  in  many  respects  so  faulty 
and  blurred  that  it  does  not  seem  likely  that  it  will 
ever  secure  a  large  following  in  its  present  form. 
On  the  other  hand  he  appears  to  have  succeeded 
in  inducing  a  large  number  of  students  in  various 
parts  of  the  world  to  think  along  new  lines  and  in 
this  way  may  exercise  a  very  potent  influence  on  the 
future  course  of  OT  study.     His  arguments  show 
increasingly  numerous  signs  of  his  having  been  in- 
fluenced by  the  publications  of  conservative  writers, 
and  it  seems  certain  that  criticism  will  ultimately  be 
driven  to  recognize  the  essential  soundness  of  the 
conservative  position.     In  1912  Dahse  (TMH,  I) 
began  the  publication  of  a  series  of  volumes  attack- 
ing the  Wellhausen  school  on  textual  grounds  and 
propounding  a  new  pericope  hypothesis.      In  his 
view  many  phenomena  are  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  pericopes  of  the  synagogue  service  or  the  form 
of    the    text     and    not    to    the    causes    generally 
assigned. 

The  examination  of  the  Graf-Wellhausen  theory 
must  now  be  undertaken,  and  attention  must  first 
be  directed  to  the  evidence  which  is 
2.  Evidence  adduced  in  its  support.     Why  should 
for  the  it  be  held  that  the  Pent  is  composed 

Current  mainly  of  excerpts  from  certain  docu- 

Critical  ments  designated  as  J  and  E  and  P 

Scheme  and  D?     Why  is  it  believed  that  these 

documents  are  of  very  late  date,  in  one 
case  subsequent  to  the  exile? 

(1)  A^iirucs  due. — It  has  been  said  above  that  Astruc 
propounded  the  use  of  the  Divine  appeliations  in  Gen 
as  a  clue  to  the  dissection  of  that  book.  This  is  based 
on  Ex  6  3,  'And  I  appeared  unto  Abraham,  unto 
Isaac,  and  unto  Jacob,  as  'El  Shadday  [God  Almighty]; 
but  by  my  name  YUWH  I  was  not  known  to  them.'  In 
numerous  passages  of  Gen  this  name  is  represented  as 
known,  e.g.  4  26,  where  we  road  of  men  beginning  to  call 
on  it  in  the  days  of  Enosh.  The  discrepancy  here  is  very 
obvious,  and  in  the  view  of  the  Astruc  school  can  be  sat- 
isfactorily removed  by  postulating  different  sources. 
This  clue,  of  course,  fails  after  Ex  6  3,  but  other  diffi- 


culties are  found,  and  moreover  the  sources  already  dis- 
tinguished in  Gen  are,  it  is  claimed,  marked  by  separate 
styles  and  other  characteristics  which  enable  them  to  be 
identified  when  they  occur  in  the  narrative  of  the  later 
books  (see  Criticism  op  the  Bible). 

(2)  Signs  of  post-Mosaic  date. — Close  inspection  of  the 
Pent  shows  that  It  contains  a  number  ot  passages  which, 
it  is  alleged,  could  not  have  proceeded  from  the  pen  of 
Moses  in  their  present  form.  Probably  the  most  familiar 
instance  is  the  account  ol  the  death  of  Moses  (Dt  34). 
Other  examples  are  to  be  found  in  seeming  allusions  to 
post-Mosaic  events,  e.g.  in  Gen  22  we  hear  of  the  Mount 
of  the  Lord  in  the  land  of  Moriah ;  this  apparently  refers 
to  the  Temple  Hill,  which,  however,  would  not  have 
been  so  designated  before  Solomon.  So  too  the  list  of 
kings  who  reigned  over  Edom  "before  there  reigned  any 
king  over  the  children  of  Israel"  (36  31)  presumes  the 
existence  of  the  monarchy.  The  Canaanites  who  are 
referred  to  as  being  "then  in  the  land"  (Gen  12  6:  13 
7)  did  notdisappear  till  the  timeof  Solomon,  and,  accord- 
ingly, if  this  expression  means  "then  still"  it  cannot 
antedate  his  reign.  Dt  3  11  (Og's  bedstead)  comes 
unnaturally  from  one  who  had  vanquished  Og  but  a  few 
weeks  previously,  wliile  Nu  21  14  (AV)  contains  a  refer- 
ence to  ' '  the  book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord ' '  which  would 
hardly  have  been  quoted  in  this  way  by  a  contemporary. 
Ex  16  35  refers  to  the  cessation  of  the  manna  after  the 
death  of  Moses.  These  passages,  and  more  like  them, 
are  cited  to  disprove  Mosaic  authorship;  but  the  main 
weight  of  the  critical  argument  does  not  rest  on  them, 

(3)  Narrative  discrepancies. — While  the  Divine 
appellations  form  the  starting-point,  they  do  not 
even  in  Gen  constitute  the  sole  test  of  different 
documents.  On  the  contrary,  there  are  other  nar- 
rative discrepancies,  antinomies,  differences  of  style, 
duplicate  narratives,  etc,  adduced  to  support  the 
critical  theory.  We  must  now  glance  at  some  of 
these. 

_  In  Gen  21  14  f  Ishmael  is  a  boy  who  can  be  car- 
ried on  his  mother's  shoulder,  but  from  a  comparison 
of  16  3.16;  17,  it  appears  that  he  must  have  been 
14  when  Isaac  was  born,  and,  since  weaning  some- 
times occurs  at  the  age  of  3  in  the  East,  may  have 
been  even  as  old  as  17  when  this  incident  happened. 
Again,  "We  all  remember  the  scene  (Gen  27)  in 
which  Isaac  in  extreme  old  age  blesses  his  sons; 
we  picture  him  as  lying  on  his  deathbed.  Do  we, 
however,  all  realize  that  according  to  the  chronol- 
ogy of  the  Book  of  Gen  he  must  have  been  thus 
lying  on  his  deathbed  for  eighty  years  (cf  25  26; 
26  34;  35  28)?  Yet  we  can  only  diminish  this 
period  by  extending  proportionately  the  interval 
between  Esau  marrying  hia  Hittite  wives  (26  34) 
and  Rebekah's  suggestion  to  Isaac  to  send  Jacob 
away,  lest  he  should  follow  his  brother's  example 
(27  46) ;  which,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  will  not 
admit  of  any  but  slight  extension.  Keil,  however, 
does  so  extend  it,  reducing  the  period  of  Isaac's 
final  illness  by  43  years,  and  is  conscious  of  no  in- 
congruity in  supposing  that  Rebekah,  30  years  after 
Esau  had  taken  his  Hittite  wives,  should  express 
her  fear  that  Jacob,  then  aged  77,  will  do  the  same" 
(Driver,  Contemporary  Review,  LVII,  221). 

An  important  instance  occurs  in  Nu.  According  to 
33  38,  Aaron  died  on  the  1st  day  of  the  5th  month. 
From  Dt  1  3  it  appears  that  6  months  later  Moses 
delivered  his  speech  in  the  plains  of  Moab.  Into 
those  6  months  are  compressed  one  month's  mourn- 
ing for  Aaron,  the  Arad  campaign,  the  wandering 
round  by  the  Red  Sea,  the  campaigns  against  Sihon 
and  Og,  the  missions  to  Balaam  and  the  whole  epi- 
sode of  his  prophecies,  the  painful  occurrences  of 
Nu  25,  the  second  census,  the  appointment  of 
Joshua,  the  expedition  against  Midian,  besides  other 
events.  It  is  clearly  impossible  to  fit  all  these  into 
the  time. 

Other  discrepancies  are  of  the  most  formidable 
character.  Aaron  dies  now  at  Mt.  Hor  (Nu  20  28; 
33  38),  now  at  Moserah  (Dt  10  6).  According  to 
pt  1;  2  1.14,  the  children  of  Israel  left  Kadesh- 
barnea  in  the  3d  year  and  never  subsequently 
returned  to  it,  while  in  Nu  they  apparently  remain 
there  till  the  journey  to  Mt.  Hor,  where  Aaron 
dies  in  the  40th  year.     The  Tent  of  Meeting  per- 


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Pentateuch 


hapa  provides  some  of  the  most  perplexing  of  the 
discrepancies,  for  while  according  to  the  well-known 
scheme  of  Ex  26  S  and  many  other  passages,  it 
was  a  large  and  heavy  erection  standing  in  the 
midst  of  the  camp.  Ex  33  7-11  provides  us  with 
another  Tent  of  Meeting  that  stood  outside  the 
camp  at  a  distance  and  could  be  carried  by  Moses 
alone.  The  vbs.  used  are  frequentative,  denoting 
a  regular  practice,  and  it  is  impossible  to  suppose 
that  after  receiving  the  commands  for  the  Tent  of 
Meeting  Moses  could  have  instituted  a  quite  differ- 
ent tent  of  the  same  name.  Joseph  again  is  sold,  now 
by  Ishmaelites  (Gen  37  27.28b;  39  1),  anon  by 
Midianites  (37  28a. 36).  Sometimes  he  is  impris- 
oned in  one  place,  sometimes  apparently  in  another. 
The  story  of  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram  in  Nu  16 
is  equally  full  of  difficulty.  The  enormous  numbers 
of  the  Israelites  given  in  Nu  1-4,  etc,  are  in  conflict 
with  passages  that  regard  them  as  very  few. 

(4)  Doublets. — Another  portion  of  the  critical 
argument  is  provided  by  doublets  or  duplicate 
narratives  of  the  same  event,  e.g.  Gen  16  and  21. 
These  are  particularly  numerous  in  Gen,  but  are 
not  confined  to  that  book.  "Twice  do  quails 
appear  in  connection  with  the  daily  manna  (Nu  11 
4-6.31  ff;  Ex  16  13).  Twice  does  Moses  draw 
water  from  the  rock,  when  the  strife  of  Israel  begets 
the  name  Meribah  ('strife')  (Ex  17  1-7;  Nu  20 
1-13)"  (Carpenter,  Hexateuch,  I,  30). 

(5)  The  laws. — Most  stress  is  laid  on  the  argument 
from  the  laws  and  their  supposed  historical  setting. 
By  far  the  most  important  portions  of  this  are  ex- 
amined in  Sanctuary  and  Priests  (q.v.).  These 
subjects  form  the  two  main  pillars  of  the  Graf- 
Wellhausen  theory,  and  accordingly  the  arts,  in 
question  must  be  read  as  supplementing  the  present 
article.  An  illustration  may  be  taken  from  the 
slavery  laws.  It  is  claimed  that  Ex  21  1-6;  Dt  15 
12  ff  permit  a  Hebrew  to  contract  for  life  slavery 
after  6  years'  service,  but  that  Lev  25  39-42  takes 
no  notice  of  this  law  and  enacts  the  totally  different 
provision  that  Hebrews  may  remain  in  slavery  only 
till  the  Year  of  Jubilee.  While  these  different 
enactments  might  proceed  from  the  same  hand  if 
properly  coordinated,  it  is  contended  that  this  is 
not  the  case  and  that  the  legislator  in  Lev  ignores 
the  legislator  in  Ex  and  is  in  turn  ignored  by  the 
legislator  in  Dt,  who  only  knows  the  law  of  Ex. 

(6)  The  argument  from  style. — The  argument  from 
style  is  less  easy  to  exemplify  shortly,  since  it  de- 
pends so  largely  on  an  immense  mass  of  details. 
It  is  said  that  each  of  the  sources  has  certain  char- 
acteristic phrases  which  either  occur  nowhere  else 
or  only  with  very  much  less  frequency.  For  in- 
stance in  Gen  1,  where  'Elohim  is  used  throughout, 
we  find  the  word  "create,"  but  this  is  not  employed 
in  2  46  ff,  where  the  Tetragrammaton  occurs. 
Hence  it  is  argued  that  this  word  is  peculiarly 
characteristic  of  P  as  contrasted  with  the  other 
documents,  and  may  be  used  to  prove  his  presence 
in  e.g.  5  1  f. 

(7)  Props  of  the  development  hypothesis. — While 
the  main  supports  of  the  Graf-Wellhausen  theory 
must  be  sought  in  the  arts,  to  which  reference  has 
been  made,  it  is  necessary  to  mention  briefly  some 
other  phenomena  to  which  some  weight  is  attached. 
Jer  displays  many  close  resemblances  to  Dt,  and 
the  framework  of  K  is  written  in  a  style  that  has 
marked  similarities  to  the  same  book.  Ezk  again 
has  notable  points  of  contact  with  P  and  esp.  with 
H;  either  he  was  acquainted  with  these  portions  of 
the  Pent  or  else  he  must  have  exercised  considerable 
influence  on  those  who  composed  them.  Lastly 
the  Chronicler  is  obviously  acquainted  with  the 
completed  Pent.  Accordingly,  it  is  claimed  that 
the  literature  provides  a  sort  of  external  standard 
that  confirms  the  historical  stages  which  the  differ- 


ent Pentateuchal  sources  are  said  to  mark.  Dt 
influences  Jer  and  the  subsequent  literature.  It  is 
argued  that  it  would  equally  have  influenced  the 
earlier  books,  had  it  then  existed.  So  too  the  com- 
pleted Pent  should  have  influenced  K  as  it  did  Ch, 
if  it  had  been  in  existence  when  the  earlier  history 
was  composed. 

(1)   The  veto  of  textual  criticism. — The  first  great 
objection  that  may  be  made  to  the  higher  criticism 

is  that  it  starts  from  the  Massoretio 
3.  Answer  text  (MT)  without  investigation.  This 
to  the  is  not  the  only  text  that  has  come  down 

Critical  to  us,  and  in  some  instances  it  can  be 

Analysis         shomi  that  alternative  readings  that 

have  been  preserved  are  superior  to 
those  of  the  MT.  A  convincing  example  occurs 
in  Ex  18.  According  to  the  Heb,  Jethro  comes  to 
Moses  and  says  "I,  thy  father-in-law  ....  am 
come,"  and  subsequently  Moses  goes  out  to  meet  his 
father-in-law.  The  critics  here  postulate  different 
sources,  but  some  of  the  best  authorities  have  pre- 
served a  reading  which  (allowing  for  ancient  differ- 
ences of  orthography)  supposes  an  alteration  of  a 
single  letter.  According  to  this  reading  the  text 
told  how  one  (or  they)  came  to  Moses  and  said 
"Behold  thy  father-in-law  ....  is  come."  As 
the  result  of  this  Moses  went  out  and  met  Jethro. 
The  vast  improvement  in  the  sense  is  self-evident. 
But  in  weighing  the  change  other  considerations 
must  be  borne  in  mind.  Since  this  is  the  reading  of 
some  of  the  most  ancient  authorities,  only  two  views 
are  possible.  Either  the  MT  has  undergone  a  cor- 
ruption of  a  single  letter,  or  else  a  redactor  made  a 
most  improbable  cento  of  two  documents  which  gave 
a  narrative  of  the  most  doubtful  sense,  (fortunately 
this  was  followed  by  textual  corruption  of  so  happy 
a  character  as  to  remove  the  difficulty  by  the  change 
of  a  single  letter;  and  this  corruption  was  so  wide- 
spread that  it  was  accepted  as  the  genuine  text  by 
some  of  our  best  authorities.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  which  of  these  two  cases  is  the  more  credible, 
and  with  the  recognition  of  the  textual  solution  the 
particular  bit  of  the  analysis  that  depends  on  this 
corruption  falls  to  the  ground.  This  instance  illus- 
trates one  branch  of  textual  criticism;  there  are 
others.  Sometimes  the  narrative  shows  with  cer- 
tainty that  in  the  transmission  of  the  text  trans- 
positions have  taken  place;  e.g.  the  identification 
of  Kadesh  shows  that  it  was  S.  of  Hormah.  Con- 
sequently a  march  to  compass  Edom  by  way  of  the 
Red  Sea  would  not  bring  the  Israelites  to  Hormah. 
Here  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  events 
narrated  are  historically  true,  but  there  is  grave 
reason  to  doubt  that  they  happened  in  the  present 
order  of  the  narrative.  Further,  Dt  gives  an  ac- 
count that  is  parallel  to  certain  passages  of  Nu;  and 
it  confirms  those  passages,  but  places  the  events  in 
a  different  order.  Such  diflSculties  may  often  be 
solved  by  simple  transpositions,  and  when  trans- 
positions in  the  text  of  Nu  are  made  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Dt  they  have  a  very  different  probability 
from  guesses  that  enjoy  no  such  sanction.^  Another 
department  of  textual  criticism  deals  with  the  re- 
moval of  glosses,  i.e.  notes  that  have  crept  into  the 
text.  Here  the  ancient  VSS  often  help  us,  one  or 
other  omitting  some  words  which  may  be  proved 
from  other  sources  to  be  a  later  addition.  _  Thus  in 
Ex  17  7  the  Vulg  did  not  know  the  expression,  "and 
Meribah"  (one  word  in  Heb),  and  calls  the  place 
"Massah"  simply.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  Dt  habitually  calls  the  place  Massah  (6  16; 
9  22;  33  8).  The  true  Meribah  was  Kadesh  (Nu 
20)  and  a  glossator  has  here  added  this  by  mistake 
(see  further  [4]  below).  Thus  we  can  say  that  a 
scientific  textual  criticism  often  opposes  a  real  veto 
to  the  higher  critical  analysis  by  showing  that  the 
arguments  rest  on  late  corruptions  and  by  explain- 


Pentateuch 


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2302 


ing  the  true  origin  of  the  difficulties  on  which  the 
critics  rely. 

(2)    Astruc's  clue  tested. — Astruc's  clue  must  next 
be  examined.     The  critical  case  breaks  down  with 
extraordinary   frequency.     No   clean   division   can 
be  effected,  i.e.  there  are  cases  where  the  MT  of 
Gen  makes  P  or  E  use  the  Tetragrammaton  or 
J  'Elohlm.     In  some  of  these  cases  the  critics  can 
suggest  no  reason;   in  others  they  are  compelled  to 
assume  that  the  MT  is  corrupt  for  no  better  reason 
than  that  it  is  in  conflict  with  their  theory.     Again 
the  exigencies  of  the  theory  frequently  force  the 
analyst  to  sunder  verses  or  phrases  that  cannot  be 
understood  apart  from  their  present  contexts,  e.g. 
in  Gen  28  21  Carpenter  assigns  the  words   "and 
Jeh  will  be  my  God"  to  J  while  giving  the  begin- 
ning and  end  of  the  verse  to  E;  in  ch  31,  ver  3  goes 
to  a  redactor,  though  E  actually  refers  to  the  state- 
ment of  ver  3  in  ver  5;  in  ch  32,  ver  30  is  torn  from 
a  J-context  and  given  to  E,  thus  leaving  ver  31  (.J) 
unintelligible.     When  textual  criticism  is  applied, 
startling   facts    that    entirely   shatter    the    higher 
critical    argument    are    suddenly    revealed.     The 
variants  to  the  Divine  appellations  in  Gen  are  very 
numerous,  and  in  some  instances  the  new  readings 
are  clearly  superior  to  the  MT,  even  when  they 
substitute  'Elohlm  for  the  Tetragrammaton.    Thus, 
in   16  11,   the  explanation  of  the  name  IshmaeZ 
requires  the  word  'Elohlm,  as  the  name  would  other- 
wise have  been  Ishmayah,  and  one  Heb  MS,  a  re- 
cension of  the  LXX  and  the  Old  Lat  do  in  fact  pre- 
serve the  reading  'Elohlm.     The  full  facts  and  ar- 
guments   cannot    be    given    here,    but    Professor 
Schlogl  has  made  an  exhaustive  examination  of  the 
various  texts  from  Gen  1  1  to  Ex  3  12.     Out  of  a 
total  of  347  occurrences  of  one  or  both  words  in  the 
MT  of  that  passage,  there  are  variants  in  196  in- 
stances.   A  very  important  and  detailed  discussion, 
too  long  to  be  summarized  here,  will  now  be  found 
in  TMH,  I.     Wellhausen  himself  has  admitted  that 
the  textual  evidence  constitutes  a  sore  point  of  the 
documentary  theory  {Expos  T,  XX,  563).    Again  in 
Ex  6  3,  many  of  the  best  authorities  read  "I  was 
not  made  known"  instead  of  "I  was  not  known" — 
a  difference  of  a  single  letter  in  Heb.      But  if  this 
be  right,  there  is  comparative  evidence  to  suggest 
that  to  the  early  mind  a  revelation  of  his  name 
by    a    deity   meant   a    great   deal   more    than    a 
mere  knowdedge  of  the  name,  and  involved  rather 
a  pledge  of  his  power.     Lastly   the  analj'sia  may 
be  tested  in  yet  another  way  by  inquiring  whether 
it  fits   in   with    the   other   data,   and  when  it  is 
discovered    (see    below    4,    [1])    that    it    involves 
ascribing,    e.g.    a   passage    that    cannot    be   later 
than  the  time  of  Abraham  to  the  period  of   the 
kingdom,  it  becomes  certain  that  the  clue  and  the 
method  are  alike  misleading  (see  further  EPC,  ch  i; 
Expos  T,  XX,  378  f,  473-7.5,  563;  TMH,  I;  PS, 
49-142;  BS,  1913,  14.5-74;  A.  Troelstra,  The  Name 
of  God,  NKZ,  XXIV  [1913],  119-48;  Expos,  1913). 
(3)   Narrative   discrepancies   and   signs   of  post- 
Mosaic  date. — Septuagintal  MSS  are  providing  very 
illuminating  material  for  dealing  with  the  chrono- 
logical difficulties.     It  is  well  known  that  the  LXX 
became  corrupt  and  passed  through  various  recen- 
sions (see  Septuagint).     The  original  text  has  not 
yet  been  reconstructed,  but  as  the  result  of  the  great 
variety  of  recensions  it  happens  that  our  various 
MSS   present   a   wealth    of    alternative   readings. 
Some  of  these  show  an  intrinsic  superiority  to  the 
corresponding  readings  of  the  MT.     Take  the  case 
of  Ishmael's  age.     We  have  seen  (above,  2,  [3])  that 
although  in  Gen  21  14  f  he  is  a  boy  who  can  be 
carried  by  his  mother  even  after  the  weaning  of 
Isaac,  his  father,  according  to  16  3.16,  was  86  years 
old  at  the  time  of  his  birth,  and,  according  to  ch 


17,  100  years  old  when  Isaac  was  born.  In  17  25 
we  find  that  Ishmael  is  already  13  a  year  before 
Isaac's  birth.  Now  we  are  familiar  with  marginal 
notes  that  set  forth  a  system  of  chronology  in  many 
printed  Eng.  Bibles.  In  this  case  the  Septuagintal 
variants  suggest  that  something  similar  is  respon- 
sible for  the  difficulty  of  our  Heb.  Two  MSS, 
apparently  representing  a  recension,  omit  the  words, 
"after  Abram  had  dwelt  ten  years  in  the  land  of 
Canaan"  in  16  3,  and  again,  ver  16,  while  in  17  25 
there  is  a  variant  making  Ishmael  only  3  years  old. 
If  these  readings  are  correct  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the 
difficulty  arose.  The  narrative  originally  contained 
mere  round  numbers,  like  100  years  old,  and  these 
were  not  intended  to  be  taken  literally.  A  com- 
mentator constructed  a  scheme  of  chronology  which 
was  embodied  in  marginal  notes.  Then  these  crept 
into  the  text  and  such  numbers  as  were  in  conflict 
with  them  were  thought  to  be  corrupt  and  under- 
went alteration.  Thus  the  3-year-old  Ishmael 
became  13. 

The  same  MSS  that  present  us  with  the  variants 
in  Gen  16  have  also  preserved  a  suggestive  reading 
in  35  28,  one  of  the  passages  that  are  responsible 
for  the  inference  that  according  to  the  text  of  Gen 
Isaac  lay  on  his  deathbed  for  80  years  (see  above, 
2,  [3]).  According  to  this  Isaac  was  not  180,  but 
150  years  old  when  he  died.  It  is  easy  to  see  that 
this  is  a  round  number,  not  to  be  taken  literally, 
but  this  is  not  the  only  source  of  the  difficulty.  In 
27  41,  Esau,  according  to  EV,  states  "The  days  of 
mourning  for  my  father  are  at  hand;  then  will  I 
slay  my  brother  Jacob."  This  is  a  perfectly  possible 
rendering  of  the  Heb,  but  the  LXX  tr'^  the  text 
differently,  and  its  rendering,  while  grammatically 
correct,  has  the  double  advantage  of  avoiding  Isaac's 
long  lingering  on  a  deathbed  and  of  presenting 
Esau's  hatred  and  ferocity  far  more  vividly.  It 
renders,  "May  the  days  of  mourning  for  my  father 
approach  that  I  may  slay  my  brother  Jacob." 
Subsequent  translators  preferred  the  milder  version, 
but  doubtless  the  LXX  has  truly  apprehended  the 
real  sense  of  the  narrative.  If  we  read  the  ch  with 
this  rnodification,  we  see  Isaac  as  an  old  man,  not 
knowing  when  he  may  die,  performing  the  equiva- 
lent of  making  his  will.  It  puts  no  strain  on  our 
credulity  to  suppose  that  he  may  have  lived  20  or 
30  years  longer.  Such  episodes  occur  constantly 
in  everyday  experience.  As  to  the  calculations 
based  on  25  26  and  26  34,  the  numbers  used  are  60 
and  40,  which,  as  is  well  known,  were  frequently 
employed  by  the  ancient  Hebrews,  not  as  mathe- 
matical expressions,  but  simply  to  denote  unknown 
or  unspecified  periods.     See  Numbeb. 

The  other  chronological  difficulty  cited  above 
(viz.  that  there  is  not  room  between  the  date  of 
Aaron's  death  and  the  address  by  Moses  in  the 
plains  of  Moab  for  all  the  events  assigned  to  this 
period  by  Nu)  is  met  partly  by  a  reading  preserved 
by  the  Pesh  and  partly  by  a  series  of  transpositions. 
In  Nu  33  38  Pesh  reads  "fii-st"  for  "fifth"  as  the 
month  of  Aaron's  death,  thus  recognizing  a  longer 
period  for  the  subsequent  events.  The  transposi- 
tions, however,  which  are  largely  due  to  the  evidence 
of  Dt,  solve  the  most  formidable  and  varied  diffi- 
culties; e.g.  a  southerly  march  from  Kadesh  no 
longer  conducts  the  Israelites  to  Arad  in  the  north, 
the  name  Hormah  is  no  longer  used  (Nu  14  45) 
before  it  is  explained  (21  3),  there  is  no  longer  an 
account  directly  contradicting  Dt  and  making  the 
Israelites  spend  38  years  at  Kadesh  immediately 
after  receiving  a  Divine  command  to  turn  "to- 
morrow" (Nu  14  25).  A  full  discussion  is  impos- 
sible here  and  will  be  found  in  EPC,  114-38.  The 
order  of  the  narrative  that  emerges  as  probably 
original  is  as  follows:  Nu  12;  20  1.14-21;  21  1-3; 
13;    14;    16-18;   20  2-13.22(,;   21  46-1),  then  some 


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Pentateuch 


missing  vs,  bringing  tlie  Israelites  to  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah  and  narrating  the  turn  north- 
ward from  Elath  and  Ezion-geber,  then  20  226-29; 
21  4a,  and  some  lost  words  telling  of  the  arrival  at 
the  station  before  Oboth.  In  Nu  33,  ver  40  is  a 
gloss  that  is  missing  in  Lagarde's  LXX,  and  vs 
36b-37a  should  probably  come  earlier  in  the  chapter 
than  they  do  at  present. 

Another  example  of  transposition  is  afforded  by 
Ex  33  7-11,  the  passage  relating  to  the  Tent  of 
Meeting  which  is  at  present  out  of  place  (see  above 
2,  [3]).  It  is  supposed  that  this  is  E's  idea  of  the 
Tabernacle,  but  that,  unlUve  P,  he  places  it  outside 
the  camp  and  makes  Joshua  its  priest.  This  latter 
view  is  discussed  and  refuted  in  Priests,  3,  where 
it  is  shown  that  Ex  33  7  should  be  rendered  "And 
Moses  used  to  take  a  [or,  the]  tent  and  pitch  it  for 
himself,"  etc.  As  to  the  theory  that  this  is  E's 
account  of  the  Tabernacle,  Ex  18  has  been  over- 
looked. This  chapter  belongs  to  the  same  E  but 
refers  to  the  end  of  the  period  spent  at  Horeb,  i.e. 
it  is  later  than  33  7-11.  In  vs  13-16  we  find  Moses 
sitting  with  all  the  people  standing  about  him  be- 
cause they  came  to  inquire  of  God;  i.e.  the  business 
which  according  to  ch  33  was  transacted  in  solitude 
outside  the  camp  was  performed  within  the  camp 
in  the  midst  of  the  people  at  a  later  period.  This 
agrees  with  P,  e.g.  Nu  27.  If  now  we  look  at  the 
other  available  clues,  it  appears  that  33  11  seems 
to  introduce  Joshua  for  the  first  time.  The  passage 
should  therefore  precede  17  8-15;  24  13;  32  17, 
where  he  is  already  known.  Again,  if  Ex  18  refers 
to  the  closing  scenes  at  Horeb  (as  it  clearly  does), 
Ex  24  14  providing  for  the  temporary  transaction 
of  judicial  business  reads  very  strangely.  It  ought 
to  be  preceded  by  some  statement  of  the  ordinary 
course  in  normal  times  when  Moses  was  not  absent 
from  the  camp.  Ex  33  7  ff  provides  such  a  state- 
ment. The  only  earlier  place  to  which  it  can  be 
assigned  is  after  13  22,  but  there  it  fits  the  context 
marvelously,  for  the  statements  as  to  the  pillar  of 
cloud  in  33  9  f  attach  naturally  to  those  in  13  21  f. 
With  this  change  all  the  difficulties  disappear. 
Immediately  after  leaving  Egypt  Moses  began  the 
practice  of  carrying  a  tent  outside  the  camp  and  try- 
ing cases  there.  This  lasted  till  the  construction  of 
the  Tabernacle.  "And  there  I  will  meet  with  thee, 
and  I  will  commune  with  thee"  (Ex  25  22).  After 
its  erection  the  earlier  tent  was  disused,  and  the 
court  sat  at  the  door  of  the  Tabernacle  in  the  center 
of  the  camp  (see,  further,  EPC,  93-102,  106  f). 

Some  other  points  must  be  indicated  more  briefly. 
In  Nu  16  important  Scptuagintal  variants  remove 
the  main  difficulties  by  substituting  "company  of 
Korah"  for  "dwelling  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and 
Abu-am"  in  two  vs  (see  EPC,  143-46).  Similarly 
in  the  Joseph-story  the  perplexities  have  arisen 
through  corruptions  of  verses  which  may  still  be 
corrected  by  the  versional  evidence  (PS,  29-48). 
There  is  evidence  to  show  that  the  numbers  of  the 
Israelites  are  probably  due  to  textual  corruption 
{EPC,  1.55-69).  Further,  there  are  numerous  pas- 
sages where  careful  examination  has  led  critics 
themselves  to  hold  that  particular  verses  are  later 
notes.  In  this  way  they  dispose  of  Dt  10  6  f 
(Aaron's  death,  etc),  the  references  to  the  Israel- 
itish  kingdom  (Gen  36  31)  and  the  Canaanites  as 
being  "then"  in  the  land  (12  6;  13  7),  the  bedstead 
of  Og  (Dt  3  11)  and  other  passages.  In  Gen  22, 
"the  land  of  Moriah"  is  unknown  to  the  VSS  which 
present  the  most  diverse  readings,  of  which  "the 
land  of  the  Amorite"  is  perhaps  the  most  probable; 
while  in  ver  14  the  LXX,  reading  the  same  Heb  con- 
sonants as  MT,  translates  "In  the  Mount  the  Lord 
was  seen."  This  probably  refers  to  a  view  that  God 
manifesl-ed  Himself  esp.  in  the  mountains  (cf  1  K 
20  23. 2S)   and   has  no  reference  whatever  to  th(' 


Temple  Hill.  The  Massoretic  pointing  is  presum- 
ably due  to  a  desire  to  avoid  what  seemed  to  be  an 
anthropomorphism  (see  further  P/S,  19-21).  Again, 
in  Nu  21  14,  the  LXX  knows  nothing  of  "a  book 
of  the  Wars  of  Jeh"  (see  Field,  Hexapla,  ad  loc). 
It  is  difficult  to  tell  what  the  original  reading  was, 
esp.  as  the  succeeding  words  are  corrupt  in  the  Heb, 
but  it  appears  that  no  genitive  followed  "wars"  and 
it  is  doubtful  if  there  was  any  reference  to  a  "book 
of  wars." 

(4)  7'/ie  argument  from  the  doublets  examined. — 
The  foregoing  sections  show  that  the  documentary 
theory  often  depends  on  phenomena  that  were  ab- 
sent from  the  original  Pent.  We  are  now  to  exam- 
ine arguments  that  rest  on  other  foundations.  The 
doublets  have  been  cited,  but  when  we  examine  the 
instances  more  carefully,  some  curious  facts  emerge. 
Gen  16  and  21  are,  to  all  appearance,  narratives  of 
different  events;  so  are  Ex  17  1-7  and  Nu  20  1-13 
(the  drawing  of  water  from  rocks).  In  the  latter 
case  the  critics  after  rejecting  this  divide  the  pas- 
sages into  5  different  stories,  two  going  to  J,  two  to 
E  and  one  to  P.  If  the  latter  also  had  a  Rephidim- 
narrative  (cf  Nu  33  14  P),  there  were  6  tales.  In 
any  case  both  J  and  E  tell  two  stories  each.  It  is 
impossible  to  assign  any  cogency  to  the  argument 
that  the  author  of  the  Pent  could  not  have  told  two 
such  narratives,  if  not  merely  the  redactor  of  the 
Pent  but  also  J  and  E  could  do  so.  The  facts  as 
to  the  manna  stories  are  similar.  As  to  the  flights 
of  quails,  it  is  known  that  these  do  in  fact  occur 
every  year,  and  the  Pent  places  them  at  almost 
exactly  a  year's  interval  (see  EPC,  104  f,  109  f). 

(5)  The  critical  argument  from  the  laws. — The 
legal  arguments  are  due  to  a  variety  of  miscon- 
ceptions, the  washing  out  of  the  historical  back- 
ground and  the  state  of  the  text.  Reference  must 
be  made  to  the  separate  articles  (esp.  Sanctuaby; 
Pbie.sts).  As  the  slave  laws  were  cited,  it  may  be 
explained  that  in  ancient  Israel  as  in  other  com- 
munities slavery  could  arise  or  slaves  be  acquired 
in  many  ways:  e.g.  birth,  purchase  (Gen  14  14; 
17  12  etc),  gift  (20  14),  capture  in  war  (14  21; 
34  29),  kidnapping  (Joseph).  The  law  of  Ex  and 
Dt  applies  ordy  to  Heb  slaves  acquired  by  purchase, 
not  to  slaves  acquired  in  any  other  way,  and  least 
of  all  to  those  who  in  the  eye  of  the  law  were  not 
true  slaves.  Lev  25  has  nothing  to  do  with  Heb 
slaves.  It  is  concerned  merely  with  free  Israelites 
who  become  insolvent.  "If  thy  brother  be  waxed 
poor  with  thee,  and  sell  himself"  it  begins  (ver  39). 
Nobody  who  was  already  a  slave  could  wax  poor 
and  sell  himself.  The  law  then  provides  that  these 
insolvent  freemen  were  not  to  be  treated  as  slaves. 
In  fact,  they  were  a  class  of  free  bondmen,  i.e.  they 
were  full  citizens  who  were  compelled  to  perform 
certain  duties.  A  similar  class  of  free  bondmen 
existed  in  ancient  Rome  and  were  called  nexi.  The 
Egyptians  who  sold  themselves  to  Pharaoh  and 
became  serfs  afford  another  though  less  apt  parallel. 
In  all  ancient  societies  insolvency  led  to  some  limi- 
tations of  freedom,  but  while  in  some  full  slavery 
ensued,  in  others  a  sharp  distinction  was  drawn 
between  the  slave  and  the  insolvent  freeman  (see 
further, SSL,  .5-11). 

(6)  The  argument  from  style. — Just  as  this  argu- 
ment is  too  detailed  to  be  set  out  in  a  work  like  the 
present,  so  the  answer  cannot  be  given  with  any 
degree  of  fulness.  It  may  be  said  generally  that 
the  argument  too  frequently  neglects  differences  of 
subject-matter  and  other  sufficient  reasons  (such  as 
considerations  of  euphony  and  slight  variations  of 
meaning)  which  often  provide  far  more  natural 
rea.sons  for  the  phenomena  observed.  Again,  the 
VSS  suggest  that  the  Bib.  text  has  been  heavily 
glossed.  Thus  in  many  passages  where  the  fre- 
q\ient  recurrence  of  certain  words  and  phrases  is 


Pentateuch 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2304 


supposed  to  attest  the  presence  of  P,  versional  evi- 
dence seems  to  show  that  the  expressions  in  ques- 
tion have  been  introduced  by  glossators,  and  when 
they  are  removed  the  narrative  remains  unaffected 
in  meaning,  but  terser  and  more  vigorous  and 
greatly  improved  as  a  vehicle  of  expression.  To 
take  a  simple  instance  in  Gen  23  1,  "And  the  life 
of  Sarah  was  a  hundred  and  seven  and  twenty  years : 
.  ...  the  years  of  the  life  of  Sarah,"  the  italicized 
words  were  missing  in  the  LXX.  When  they  are 
removed  the  meaning  is  unaltered,  but  the  form  of 
expression  is  far  superior.  They  are  obviously  a 
mere  marginal  note.  Again  the  critical  method  is 
perpetually  breaking  down.  It  constantly  occurs 
that  redactors  have  to  be  called  in  to  remove  from 
a  passage  attributed  to  some  source  expressions  that 
are  supposed  to  be  characteristic  of  another  source, 
and  this  is  habitually  done  on  no  other  ground  than 
that  the  theory  requires  it.  One  instance  must 
be  given.  It  is  claimed  that  the  word  "create"  is 
a  P-word.  It  occurs  several  times  in  Gen  1  1 — 
2  4a  and  3  t  in  Gen  5  1.2,  but  in  6  7  it  is  found  in 
a  J-passage,  and  some  critics  therefore  assign  it  to  a 
redactor.  Yet  J  undoubtedly  uses  the  word  in  Nu 
16  30  and  D  in  Dt  4  32.  On  the  other  hand,  P 
does  not  use  the  word  exclusively,  even  in  Gen  1 
1 — 2  4,  the  word  "make"  being  employed  in  1  7. 
25.26.31;  2  2,  while  in  2  3  both  words  are  coni- 
bined.  Yet  all  these  passages  are  given  unhesi- 
tatingly to  P. 

(7)  Perplexities  of  the  theory. — The  perplexities 
of  the  critical  hypothesis  are  very  striking,  but  a 
detailed  discussion  is  impossible  here.  Much  ma- 
terial will,  however,  be  found  in  POT  and  Eerd.  St. 
A  few  general  statements  may  be  made.  The  criti- 
cal analysis  repeatedly  divides  a  straightforward 
narrative  into  two  sets  of  fragments,  neither  of 
which  will  make  sense  without  the  other.  A  man 
will  go  to  sleep  in  one  document  and  wake  in  an- 
other, or  a  subject  will  belong  to  one  source  and  the 
predicate  to  another.  No  intelligible  account  can 
be  given  of  the  proceedings  of  the  redactors  who  at 
one  moment  slavishly  preserve  their  sources  and  at 
another  cut  them  about  without  any  necessity,  who 
now  rewrite  their  material  and  now  leave  it  un- 
touched. Even  in  the  ranks  of  the  Wetlhausen 
critics  chapters  will  be  assigned  by  one  writer  to  the 
post-exilic  period  and  by  another  to  the  earliest 
sources  (e.g.  Gen  14,  pre-Mosaic  in  the  main  ac- 
cording to  Sellin  [1910],  post-exilic  according  to 
others),  and  the  advent  of  Eerdmans  and  Dahse  has 
greatly  increased  the  perplexity.  Clue  after  clue, 
both  stylistic  and  material,  is  put  forward,  to  be 
abandoned  silently  at  some  later  stage.  Circular 
arguments  are  extremely  common:  it  is  first  alleged 
that  some  phenomenon  is  characteristic  of  a  par- 
ticular source;  then  passages  are  referred  to  that 
source  for  no  other  reason  than  the  presence  of  that 
phenomenon;  lastly  these  passages  are  cited  to  prove 
that  the  phenomenon  in  question  distinguishes  the 
source.  Again  the  theory  is  compelled  to  feed  on 
itself;  for  J,  E,  P,  etc,  we  have  schools  of  J's,  E's, 
etc,  subsisting  side  by  side  for  centuries,  using  the 
same  material,  employing  the  same  ideas,  yet  re- 
maining separate  in  minute  stylistic  points.  This 
becomes  impossible  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  the 
evidences  of  pre-Mosaic  date  in  parts  of  Gen  (see 
below  4,  [1]  to  [3]). 

(8)  Signs  of  unity. — It  is  often  possible  to  pro- 
duce very  convincing  internal  evidence  of  the  unity 
of  what  the  critics  sunder.  A  strong  instance  of 
this  is  to  be  found  when  one  considers  the  characters 
portrayed.  The  character  of  Abraham  or  Laban, 
Jacob  or  Moses  is  essentially  unitary.  There  is 
but  one  Abraham,  and  this  would  not  be  so  if  we 
really  had  a  cento  of  different  documents  repre- 
senting the  results  of  the  labor  of  various  schools 


during  different  centuries.  Again,  there  are  some- 
times literary  marks  of  unity,  e.g.  in  Nu  16,  the 
effect  of  rising  anger  is  given  to  the  dialogue  by  the 
repetition  of  "Ye  take  too  much  upon  you"  (vs  3.7), 
followed  by  the  repetition  of  "Is  it  a  small  thing 
that"  (vs  9.13).  This  must  be  the  work  of  a  single 
literary  artist  (see  further  SBL,  37  i). 

(9)  Su-pvosed  -props  of  the  development  hypothesis. 
— When  we  turn  to  the  supposed  props  of  the  devel- 
opment hypothesis  we  see  that  there  is  nothing 
conclusive  in  the  critical  argument.  Jer  and  the 
subsequent  lit.  certainly  exliibit  the  influence  of 
Dt,  but  a  Book  of  the  Law  was  admittedly  found 
in  Josiah's  reign  and  had  lain  unread  for  at  any  rate 
some  considerable  time.  Some  of  its  requirements 
had  been  in  actual  operation,  e.g.  in  Naboth's  case, 
while  others  had  become  a  dead  letter.  _  The  cir- 
cumstances of  its  discovery,  the  belief  in  its  un- 
doubted Mosaic  authenticity  and  the  subsequent 
course  of  history  led  to  its  greatly  influencing  con- 
temporary and  later  writers,  but  that  really  proves 
nothing.  Ezk  again  was  steeped  in  priestly  ideas, 
but  it  is  shown  in  Priests,  5b,  how  this  may  be 
explained.  Lastly,  Ch  certainly  knows  the  whole 
Pent,  but  as  certainly  misinterprets  it  (see  Priests). 
On  the  other  hand  the  Pent  itself  always  repre- 
sents portions  of  the  legislation  as  being  intended 
to  reach  the  people  only  through  the  priestly  teach- 
ing, and  this  fully  accounts  for  P's  lack  of  influ- 
ence on  the  earlier  literature.  As  to  the  differences 
of  style  within  the  Pent  itself,  something  is  said  in 
III,  Ijelow.  Hence  this  branch  of  the  critical  argu- 
ment really  proves  nothing,  for  the  phenomena  are 
susceptible  of  more  than  one  explanation. 

(1)  The  narrative  of  Genesis. — Entirely  different 
lines  of  argument  are  provided  by  the  abundant 
internal  evidences  of  date.  In  Gen 
4.  Evidence  10  19,  we  read  the  phrase  "as  thou 
of  Date  goest  toward  Sodom  and  Gomorrah, 

and  Admah  and  Zeboiim"  in  a  defi- 
nition of  boundary.  Such  language  could  only 
have  originated  when  the  places  named  actually 
existed.  One  does  not  define  boundaries  by  refer- 
ence to  towns  that  are  purely  mythical  or  have 
been  overthrown  many  centuries  previously.  The 
consistent  tradition  is  that  these  to'mis  were  de- 
stroyed in  the  lifetime  of  Abraham,  and  the  pas- 
sage therefore  cannot  be  later  than  his  age.  But 
the  critics  assign  it  to  a  late  stratum  of  J,  i.e.  to 
a  period  at  least  1,000  years  too  late.  This  sug- 
gests several  comments.  First,  it  may  reasonably 
be  asked  whether  much  reliance  can  be  placed  on 
a  method  which  after  a  century  and  a  half  of  the 
closest  investigation  does  not  permit  its  exponents 
to  arrive  at  results  that  are  correct  to  within  1,000 
years.  Secondly,  it  shows  clearly  that  in  the  com- 
position of  the  Pent  very  old  materials  were  incor- 
porated in  their  original  language.  Of  the  historical 
importance  of  this  fact  more  will  be  said  in  IV;  in 
this  connection  we  must  observe  that  it  throws 
fresh  light  on  expressions  that  point  to  the  presence 
in  Gen  of  sources  composed  in  Pal,  e.g.  "the  sea" 
for  "the  West"  indicates  the  probability  of  a  Pal- 
estinian source,  but  once  it  is  proved  that  we  have 
materials  as  old  as  the  time  of  Abraham  such  ex- 
pressions do  not  argue  post-Mosaic,  but  rather  pre- 
Mosaic  authorship.  Thirdly,  the  passage  demol- 
ishes the  theory  of  schools  of  J's,  etc.  It  cannot 
seriously  be  maintained  that  there  was  a  school 
of  J's  writing  a  particular  style  marked  by  the 
most  delicate  and  subjective  criteria  subsisting 
continuoasly  for  some  10  or  12  centuries  from  the 
time  of  Abraham  onward,  side  by  side  with  other 
writers  with  whom  its  members  never  exchanged 
terms  of  even  such  common  occurrence  as  "hand- 
maid." 

Gen  10  19  is  not  the  only  passage  of  this  kind. 


2305 


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Pentateuch 


In  2  14  we  read  of  the  Hiddekel  (Tigris)  as  flowing 
E.  of  Assur,  though  there  is  an  alternative  reading 
"in  front  of."  If  the  tr  "east"  be  correct,  the  pas- 
sage must  antedate  the  13th  cent.  BC,  for  As.sur, 
the  ancient  capital,  which  was  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  Tigris,  was  abandoned  at  about  that  date  for 
Kalkhi  on  the  E. 

(2)  Archaeology  and  Genesis. — Closely  connected 
with  the  foregoing  are  cases  where  Gen  has  pre- 
served information  that  is  true  of  a  very  early  time 
only.  Thus  in  10  22  Elam  figures  as  a  son  of  Shem. 
The  historical  Elam  was,  however,  an  Aryan  people. 
Recently  inscriptions  have  been  discovered  which 
show  that  in  very  early  times  Elam  really  was  in- 
habited by  Semites.  "The  fact,"  writes  Driver, 
ad  loc,  "is  not  one  which  the  writer  of  this  verse  is 
likely  to  have  knowni."  This  contention  falls  to 
the  ground  when  we  find  that  only  three  verses  off 
we  have  material  that  goes  back  at  least  as  far  as 
the  time  of  Abraham.  After  all,  the  presumption 
is  that  the  writer  stated  the  fact  because  he  knew  it, 
not  in  spite  of  his  not  knowing  it;  and  that  knowl- 
edge must  be  due  to  the  same  cause  as  the  note- 
worthy language  of  ver  19,  i.e.  to  early  date. 

This  is  merely  one  example  of  the  confirmations 
of  little  touches  in  Gen  that  are  constantly  being 
provided  by  archaeology.  For  the  detailed  facts 
see  the  separate  arts.,  e.g.  Amraphel;  Jerusalem, 
and  cf  IV,  below. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  critical  question 
we  note  (a)  that  such  accuracy  is  a  natural  mark  of 
authentic  early  documents,  and  (6)  that  in  view  of 
the  arguments  already  adduced  and  of  the  legal 
evidence  to  be  considered,  the  most  reasonable  ex- 
planation is  to  be  found  in  a  theory  of  contemporary 
authorship. 

(3)  The  legal  evidence  of  Genesis. — The  legal  evi- 
dence is  perhaps  more  convincing,  for  here  no 
theory  of  late  authorship  can  be  devised  to  evade 
the  natural  inference.  Correct  information  as  to 
early  names,  geography,  etc,  might  be  the  result  of 
researches  by  an  exilic  writer  in  a  Bab  library;  but 
early  customs  that  are  confirmed  by  the  universal 
experience  of  primitive  societies,  and  that  point  to  a 
stage  of  development  which  had  long  been  passed 
in  the  Babylonia  even  of  Abraham's  day,  can  be 
due  to  but  one  cause — genuine  early  sources.  The 
narratives  of  Gen  are  certainly  not  the  work  of  com- 
parative sociologists.  Two  instances  may  be  cited. 
The  law  of  homicide  shows  us  two  stages  that  are 
known  to  be  earlier  than  the  stage  attested  by  Ex 
21  12  ff.  In  the  story  of  Cain  we  have  one  stage; 
in  Gen  9  6,  which  docs  not  yet  recognize  any  dis- 
tinction between  murder  and  other  forms  of  homi- 
cide, we  have  the  other. 

Our  other  example  shall  be  the  unlimited  power 
of  life  and  death  possessed  by  the  head  of  the  family 
(38  24;  42  37,  etc),  which  has  not  yet  been  limited 
in  any  way  by  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  as  in 
Ex-Dt.  In  both  cases  comparative  historical  juris- 
prudence confirms  the  Bible  account  against  the 
critical,  which  would  make  e.g.  Gen  9  6  post-exilic, 
while  assigning  Ex  21  to  a  much  earlier  period.  (On 
the  whole  subject  see  further  OP,  13.5  ff.) 

(4)  The  professedly  Mosaic  character  of  the  legis- 
lation.— Coming  now  to  the  four  concluding  books 
of  the  Pent,  we  must  first  observe  that  the  legisla- 
tion everywhere  professes  to  be  Mosaic.  ^  Perhaps 
this  is  not  always  fully  realized.  In  critical  edi- 
tions of  the  text  the  rubrics  and  an  occasional  phrase 
are  sometimes  assigned  to  redactors,  but  the  repre- 
sentation of  Mosaic  date  is  far  too  closely  inter- 
woven with  the  matter  to  be  removed  by  such 
devices.  If  e.g.  we  take  such  a  section  as  Dt  12, 
we  shall  find  it  full  of  such  phrases  as  "for  ye  are  not 
as  yet  come  to  the  rest  and  to  the  inheritance,"  etc; 
"when  ye  go  over  Jordan,"  "the  place  which  the 


Lord  shall  choose"  (AV),  etc.  It  is  important  to 
bear  this  in  mind  throughout  the  succeeding  dis- 
cussion. 

(5)  The  historical  situation  required  hy  P. — What 
do  we  find  if  we  ignore  the  Mosaic  dress  and  seek 
to  fit  P  into  any  other  set  of  conditions,  particularly 
those  of  the  post-exilic  period?  The  general  his- 
torical situation  gives  a  clear  answer.  The  Israel- 
ites are  represented  as  being  so  closely  concentrated 
that  they  will  always  be  able  to  keep  the  three  pil- 
grimage festivals.  One  exception  only  is  con- 
templated, viz.  that  ritual  uncleanness  or  a  journey 
may  prevent  an  Israelite  from  keeping  the  Pass- 
over. Note  that  in  that  case  he  is  most  certainly 
to  keep  it  one  month  later  (Nu  9  10  f).  How 
could  this  law  have  been  enacted  when  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  were  in  Babylonia,  Egypt, 
etc,  so  that  attendance  at  the  temple  was  impossible 
for  them  on  any  occasion  whatever?  With  this 
exception  the  entire  PC  always  supposes  that  the 
whole  people  are  at  all  times  dwelling  within  easy 
reach  of  the  religious  center.  How  strongly  this 
view  is  embedded  in  the  code  may  be  seen  esp.  from 
Lev  17,  which  provides  that  all  domestic  animals 
to  be  slaughtered  for  food  must  be  brought  to  the 
door  of  the  Tent  of  Meeting.  Are  we  to  suppose 
that  somebody  deliberately  intended  such  legislation 
to  apply  when  the  Jews  were  scattered  all  over  the 
civilized  world,  or  even  all  over  Canaan?  If  so,  it 
means  a  total  prohibition  of  animal  food  for  all  save 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital. 

In  post-exilic  days  there  was  no  more  pressing 
danger  for  the  religious  leaders  to  combat  than 
intermarriage,  but  this  code,  which  is  supposed  to 
have  been  written  for  the  express  purpose  of  bring- 
ing about  their  action,  goes  out  of  its  way  to  give 
a  fictitious  account  of  a  war  and  incidentally  to 
legalize  some  such  unions  (Nu  31  18).  And  this 
chapter  also  contains  a  law  of  booty.  What  could 
be  more  unsuitable?  How  and  where  were  the  Jews 
to  make  conquests  and  capture  booty  in  the  days  of 
Ezra? 

"Or  again,  pass  to  the  last  chapter  of  Nu  and  con- 
sider the  historical  setting.  What  is  the  complaint 
urged  by  the  deputation  that  waits  upon  Moses? 
It  is  this :  If  heiresses  'be  married  to  any  of  the  sons 
of  the  other  tribes  of  the  children  of  Israel,  then  shall 
their  inheritance  be  taken  away  from  the  inheritance 
of  our  fathers,  and  shall  be  added  to  the  inheritance 
of  the  tribe  whereunto  they  shall  belong.'  ^  What  a 
pressing  grievance  for  a  legislator  to  consider  and 
redress  when  tribes  and  tribal  lots  had  long  since 
ceased  to  exist  for  ever!"  (OP,  121  f). 

Perhaps  the  most  informing  of  all  the  discrepan- 
cies between  P  and  the  post-exilic  age  is  one  that 
explains  the  freedom  of  the  earlier  prophets  from 
its  literary  influence.  According  to  the  constant 
testimony  of  the  Pent,  including  P,  portions  of  the 
law  were  to  reach  the  people  only  through  priestly 
teaching  (Lev  10  11;  Dt  24  8;  33  10,  etc).  Ezra 
on  the  other  hand  read  portions  of  P  to  the  whole 
people. 

(6)  The  hierarchical  organization  in  P. — Much  of 
what  falls  under  this  head  is  treated  in  Priests,  2, 
(a),  (6),  and  need  not  be  repeated  here.  The  follow- 
ing may  be  added:  "Urim  and  Thummim  were  not 
used  after  the  Exile.  In  lieu  of  the  simple  condi- 
tions— a  small  number  of  priests  and  a  body  of 
Levites — we  find  a  developed  hierarchy,  priests, 
Levites,  singers,  porters,  Ncthinim,  sons  of  Solo- 
mon's servants.  The  code  that  ex  hypothesi  was 
forged  to  deal  with  this  state  of  affairs  has  no  ac- 
quaintance with  them.  The  musical  services  of  the 
temple  are  as  much  beyond  its  line  of  vision  as  the 
worship  of  the  synagogue.  Even  such  an  organi- 
zation as  that  betrayed  by  the  reference  in  1  S  2 
36  to  the  appointment  by  the  high  priest  to  positions 


Pentateuch 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2306 


oarrying  pecuniary  emoluments  is  far  beyond  the 
primitive  simplicity  of  P"  {OP,  122). 

(7)  The  legal  evidence  of  P. — As  this  subject  is 
technical  we  can  only  indicate  the  line  of  reason- 
ing. Legal  rules  may  be  such  as  to  enable  the  his- 
torical inquirer  to  say  definitely  that  they  belong 
to  an  early  stage  of  society.  Thus  if  we  find  ele- 
mentary rules  relating  to  the  inheritance  of  a  farmer 
who  dies  without  leaving  sons,  we  know  that  they 
cannot  be  long  subsequent  to  the  introduction  of 
individual  property  in  land,  unless  of  course  the 
law  has  been  deliberately  altered.  It  is  an  every- 
day occurrence  for  men  to  die  without  leaving  sons, 
and  the  question  what  is  to  happen  to  their  land  in 
such  cases  must  from  the  nature  of  the  case  be 
raised  and  settled  before  very  long.  When  there- 
fore we  find  such  rules  in  Nu  27,  etc,  we  know  that 
they  are  either  very  old  or  else  represent  a  deliberate 
change  in  the  law.  The  latter  is  really  out  of  the 
question,  and  we  are  driven  back  to  their  antiquity 
(see  further  OP,  124  ff).  Again  in  Nu  35  we  find 
an  elaborate  struggle  to  express  a  general  principle 
which  shall  distinguish  between  two  kinds  of  homi- 
cide. The  earlier  law  had  regarded  all  homicide  as 
on  the  same  level  (Gen  9).  Now,  the  human  mind 
only  reaches  general  principles  through  concrete 
cases,  and  other  ancient  legislations  (e.g.  the  Ice- 
landic) bear  witness  to  the  primitive  character  of 
the  rules  of  Nu.  Thus  an  expert  like  Dareste  can 
say  confidently  that  such  rules  as  these  are  ex- 
tremely archaic  (see  further  SBL  and  OP,  passim). 

(8)  The  evidence  of  D. — The  following  may  be 
quoted:  "Laws  are  never  issued  to  regulate  a  state 
of  things  which  has  passed  away  ages  before,  and 
can  by  no  possibility  be  revived.  What  are  we  to 
think,  then,  of  a  hypothesis  which  assigns  the  code 
of  Dt  to  the  reign  of  Josiah,  or  shortly  before  it, 
when  its  injunctions  to  exterminate  the  Canaanites 
(20  16-lS)  and  the  Amalekites  (25  17-19),  who 
had  long  since  disappeared,  would  be  as  utterly  out 
of  date  as  a  law  in  New  Jersey  at  the  present  time 
offering  a  bounty  for  killing  wolves  and  bears,  or  a 
royal  proclamation  in  Great  Britain  ordering  the 
expulsion  of  the  Danes?  A  law  contemplating 
foreign  conquests  (20  10-15)  would  have  been 
absurd  when  the  urgent  question  was  whether  Judah 
could  maintain  its  own  existence  against  the  en- 
croachments of  Babj'lon  and  Egypt.  A  law  dis- 
criminating against  Ammon  and  Moab  (23  3.4), 
in  favor  of  Edom  (vs  7.8),  had  its  warrant  in  the 
Mosaic  period,  but  not  in  the  time  of  the  later  kings. 
Jeremiah  discriminates  precisely  the  other  way, 
promising  a  future  restoration  to  Moab  (48  47) 
and  Ammon  (49  6),  which  he  denies  to  Edom  (49 
17.18),  who  is  also  to  Joel  (3  19),  Ob,  and  Isa  (63 
1-6),  the  representative  foe  of  the  people  of  God. 
....  The  allusions  to  Egypt  imjily  familiarity  with 

and  recent  residence  in  that  land And  how 

can  a  code  belong  to  the  time  of  Josiah,  which,  while 
it  contemplates  the  possible  selection  of  a  king  in 
the  future  (Dt  17  14  ff),  nowhere  implies  an  actual 
regal  government,  but  vests  the  supreme  central 
authority  in  a  judge  and  the  priesthood  (17  8-12; 
19  17);  which  lays  special  stress  on  the  require- 
ments that  the  king  must  be  a  native  and  not  a  for- 
eigner (17  15),  when  the  undisputed  line  of  suc- 
cession had  for  ages  been  fixed  in  the  family  of  David, 
and  that  he  must  not  'cause  the  people  to  return 
to  Egypt'  (ver  16),  as  they  seemed  ready  to  do  on 
every  grievance  in  the  days  of  Moses  (Nu  14  4), 
but  which  no  one  ever  dreamed  of  doing  after  they 
were  fairly  established  in  Canaan?"  (Green,  Moses 
and  the  Prophds,  63  f).  This  too  may  be  supple- 
mented by  legal  evidence  (e.g.  22  26  testifies  to  the 
undeveloped  intellectual  condition  of  the  people). 
Of  JE  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak,  for  Ex  21  f  are 
now  widely  regarded  as  Mosaic  in  critical  circles. 


Wellhausen  {Prolegomena'',  392,  n.)  now  regards  their 
main  elements  as  pre-Mosaic  Canaanitish  law. 

(9)  Laler  allusions. — These  are  of  two  kinds. 
Sometimes  we  have  references  to  the  laws,  in  other 
cases  we  find  evidence  that  they  were  in  operation, 
(a)  By  postulating  redactors  evidence  can  be  ban- 
ished from  the  Bib.  text.  Accordingly,  reference  will 
only  be  made  to  some  passages  where  this  procedure 
is  not  followed.  Ezk  22  26  clearly  knows  of  a  law 
that  dealt  with  the  subjects  of  P,  used  its  very 
language  (cf  Lev  10  10  f),  and  like  P  was  to  be 
taught  to  the  people  by  the  priests.  Hos  4  6  also 
knows  of  some  priestly  teaching,  which,  however, 
is  moral  and  may  therefore  be  Lev  19;  but  in  8 
11-13  he  speaks  of  10,000  written  precepts,  and  here 
the  context  points  to  ritual.  The  number  and  the 
subject-matter  of  these  precepts  alike  make  it  cer- 
tain that  he  knew  a  bulky  written  law  which  was  not 
merely  identical  with  Ex  21-23,  and  this  passage 
cannot  be  met  by  Wellhausen  who  resorts  to  the 
device  of  translating  it  with  the  omission  of  the  im- 
portant word  "write."  {h)  Again,  in  dealing  with 
institutions  the  references  can  often  be  evaded.  It 
is  possible  to  say,  "Yes,  this  passage  knows  such  and 
such  a  law,  but  this  law  does  not  really  come  into 
existence  with  D  or  P,  but  was  an  older  law  incor- 
porated in  these  documents."  That  argument 
would  apply,  e.g.  to  the  necessity  for  two  witnesses 
in  the  ease  of  Naboth.  That  is  a  law  of  D,  but 
those  who  assign  Dt  to  the  reign  of  Josiah  would 
assert  that  it  is  here  merely  incorporating  older 
material.  Again  the  allusions  sometimes  show 
something  that  differs  in  some  way  from  the  Pent, 
and  it  is  often  impossible  to  prove  that  this  was  a 
development.  The  critics  in  such  cases  claim  that 
it  represents  an  earlier  stage,  and  it  frequently 
happens  that  the  data  are  insufficient  either  to 
support  or  refute  this  view.  "But  fortunately  there 
are  in  P  certain  institutions  of  which  the  critics  defi- 
nitely assert  that  they  are  late.  Accordingly,  ref- 
erences that  prove  the  earlier  existence  of  such  in- 
stitutions have  a  very  different  probative  value. 
Thus  it  is  alleged  that  before  the  exile  there  was 
but  one  national  burnt  offering  and  one  national 
meal  offering  each  day:  whereas  Nu  28  demands 
two.  Now  in  1  K  18  29,36,  we  find  references  to 
the  offering  of  the  evening  oblation,  but  2  K  3  20 
speaks  of  'the  time  of  offering  the  oblation'  in 
connection  with  the  morning.  Therefore  these  two 
oblations  were  actually  in  existence  centuries  before 
the  date  assigned  to  P — who,  on  the  critical  theory, 
first  introduced  them.  So  2  K  16  15  speaks  of 
'the  morning  burnt-offering,  and  the  evening  meal- 
offering  ....  with  the  burnt-offering  of  all  the 
people  of  the  land,  and  their  meal-offering.'  This 
again  gives  us  the  two  burnt  offerings,  though,  on 
the  hypothesis,  they  were  unknown  to  preexilic 
custom.  Similarly  in  other  cases:  Jer  32  shows 
us  the  land  laws  in  actual  operation;  Ezekiel  is 
familiar  with  the  Jubilee  laws — though,  on  the 
critical  hypothesis,  these  did  not  yet  exist.  Jero- 
boam was  acquainted  with  P's  date  for  Tabernacles, 
though  the  critics  allege  that  the  date  was  first  fixed 
in  the  Exile"  {OP,  132  f). 

(10)  Other  evidence. — We  can  only  mention  certain 
other  branches  of  evidence.  There  is  stylistic  evi- 
dence of  early  date  (see  e.g.  Lias,  BS,  1910,  20-46, 
299-334).  Further,  the  minute  accuracy  of  the 
narrative  of  Ex-Nu  to  local  conditions,  etc  (noticed 
below,  IV,  8,  [6]),  affords  valuable  testimony.  It 
may  be  said  generally  that  the  whole  work — laws 
and  narrative — mirrors  early  conditions,  whether 
we  regard  intellectual,  economic  or  purely  legal 
development  (see  further  below,  IV,  and  OP, 
passim). 

(1)  Moral  and  psychological  issues. — The  great 
fundamental  improbabilities  of    the    critical  view 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pentateuch 


have  hitherto  been  kept  out  of  sight  in  order  that 
the  arguments   for  and  against  the  detailed   case 

might  not  be  prejudiced  by  other  con- 
5.  Funda-  siderations.  We  must  now  glance  at 
mentallin-  some  of  the  broader  issues.  The  first 
probabilities  that  occurs  is  the  moral  and  psycho- 
of  the  logical  incredibility.     On  theory  two 

Critical  great  frauds  were  perpetrated — in  each 

Case  case  by  men    of   the   loftiest  ethical 

principles.  Dt  was  deliberately  written 
in  the  form  of  Mosaic  speeches  by  some  person 
or  persons  who  _  well  knew  that  their  work  was 
not  Mosaic.  P  is  a  make-up — nothing  more.  All 
its  references  to  the  wilderness,  the  camp,  the 
Tent  of  Meeting,  the  approaching  occupation  of 
Canaan,  etc,  are  so  many  touches  introduced  for 
the  purpose  of  deceiving.  There  can  be  no  talk  of  lit- 
erary convention,  for  no  such  convention  existed  in 
Israel.  The  prophets  all  spoke  in  their  own  names, 
not  in  the  dross  of  Moses.  David  introduced  a  new 
law  of  booty  in  his  own  name;  the  Chronicler  re- 
peatedly refers  temple  ordinances  to  David  and 
Solomon;  Samuel  introduced  a  law  of  the  kingdom 
in  his  own  name.  Yet  we  are  asked  to  believe  that 
these  gigantic  forgeries  were  perpetrated  without 
reason  or  precedent.  Is  it  credible?  Consider  the 
principles  inculcated,  e.g.  the  Dcuteronomic  denun- 
ciations of  false  prophets,  the  prohibition  of  adding 
aught  to  the  law,  the  passionate  injunctions  to  teach 
children.  Can  it  be  believed  that  men  of  such 
principles  would  have  been  guilty  of  such  conduct? 
Nemo  repente  fit  turpissimus,  says  the  old  maxim; 
can  we  suppose  that  the  denunciations  of  those  who 
prophesy  falsely  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  proceed 
from  the  pen  of  one  who  was  himself  forging  in  that 
name?  Or  can  it  be  that  the  great  majority  of 
Bible  readers  know  so  little  of  truth  when  they  meet 
it  that  they  cannot  detect  the  ring  of  unquestion- 
able sincerity  in  the  references  of  the  Deuterono- 
mist  to  the  historical  situation?  Or  can  we  really 
believe  that  documents  that  originated  in  such  a 
fashion  could  have  exercised  the  enormous  force  for 
righteousness  in  the  world  that  these  documents 
have  exercised?  Ex  nihilo  nihil.  Are  literary 
forgeries  a  suitable  parentage  for  Gen  1  or  Lev  or 
Dt?  Are  the  great  monotheistic  ethical  religions 
of  the  world,  with  all  they  have  meant,  really  rooted 
in  nothing  better  than  folly  and  fraud? 

(2)  The  historical  improhabilily . — A  second  fun- 
damental consideration  is  the  extraordinary  his- 
torical improbability  that  these  frauds  could  have 
been  successfully  perpetrated.  The  narrative  in 
K  undoubtedly  relates  the  finding  of  what  was  re- 
garded as  an  authentic  work.  King  and  people, 
priests  and  prophets  must  have  been  entirely  de- 
ceived if  the  critical  theory  be  true.  It  is  surely 
possible  that  Huldah  and  Jeremiah  were  better 
judges  than  modern  critics.  Similarly  in  the  case 
of  P,  if  e.g.  there  had  been  no  Levitical  cities  or  no 
such  laws  as  to  tithes  and  firstlings  as  were  here 
contemplated,  but  entirely  different  provisions  on 
the  subjects,  how  came  the  people  to  accept  those 
forgeries  so  readily?  (See  further  POT,  257  f, 
294-97.)  It  is  of  course  quite  easy  to  carry  this 
argument  too  far.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the 
exile  had  meant  a  considerable  break  in  the  his- 
torical continuity  of  the  national  development;  but 
yet  once  the  two  views  are  understood  the  choice 
cannot  be  difficult.  On  the  critical  theory  elaborate 
literary  forgeries  were  accepted  as  genuine  ancient 
laws;  on  the  conservative  theory  laws  were  accepted 
because  they  were  in  fact  genuine,  and  interpreted 
as  far  as  possible  to  meet  the  entirely  different  re- 
quirements of  the  period.  This  explains  both  the 
action  of  the  people  and  the  divergence  between 
preexilic  and  post-exilio  practice.  The  laws  were 
the  same  but  the  interpretation  was  different. 


(3)  Divergence  between  the  laws  and  post-exilic 
practice. — Thirdly,  the  entire  perversion  of  the  true 
meaning  of  the  laws  in  post-exilic  times  makes  the 
critical  theory  incredible.  Examples  have  been 
given  (see  above,  4,  [.5],  [6],  and  Prie.sts,  passim). 
It  must  now  suffice  to  take  just  one  instance  to 
make  the  argument  clear.  We  must  suppose  that 
the  author  of  P  deliberately  provided  that  if  Levites 
approached  the  altar  both  they  and  the  priests 
should  die  (Nu  18  3),  because  he  really  desired 
that  they  should  approach  the  altar  and  perform 
certain  services  there.  We  must  further  suppose 
that  Ezra  and  the  people  on  reading  these  pro- 
visions at  once  understood  that  the  legislator  meant 
the  exact  opposite  of  what  he  had  said,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  act  accordingly  (1  Ch  23  31).  This  is 
only  one  little  example.  It  is  so  throughout  P. 
Everybody  understands  that  the  Tabernacle  is 
really  the  second  Temple  and  wilderness  conditions 
post-exilic,  and  everybody  acts  accordingly.  Can 
it  be  contended  that  this  view  is  credible? 

(4)  The  testimony  of  tradition. — Lastly  the  uni- 
form testimony  of  tradition  is  in  favor  of  Mosaic 
authenticity — the  tradition  of  Jews,  Samaritans 
and  Christians  alike.  The  national  consciousness 
of  a  people,  the  convergent  belief  of  Christendom 
for  18  centuries  are  not  lightly  to  be  put  aside.  And 
what  is  pitted  against  them?  Theories  that  vary 
with  each  fresh  exponent,  and  that  take  their  start 
from  textual  corruption,  develop  through  a  con- 
fusion between  an  altar  and  a  house,  and  end  in 
misdating  narratives  and  laws  by  8  or  10  centuries! 
(see  above  3  and  4;  Sanctuary;  Prie.sts). 

If  anything  at  all  emerges  from  the  foregoing 
discussion,  it  is  the  impossibility  of  performing  any 

such  analytical  feat  as  the  critics 
6.  Origin  attempt.  No  critical  microscope  can 
and  Trans-  possibly  detect  with  any  reasonable 
mission  of  degree  of  certainty  the  joins  of  vari- 
the  Penta-  ous  sources,  even  if  such  sources  really 
teuch  exist,   and   when   we  find    that   laws 

and  narratives  are  constantly  mis- 
dated by  8  or  10  centuries,  we  can  only  admit  that 
no  progress  at  all  is  possible  along  the  lines  that 
have  been  followed.  On  the  other  hand,  certain 
reasonable  results  do  appear  to  have  been  secured, 
and  there  are  indications  of  the  direction  in  which 
we  must  look  for  further  light. 

First,  then,  the  Pent  contains  various  notes  by  later 
hands.  Sometimes  the  VSS  enable  us  to  detect  and 
remove  those  notes,  but  many  are  pre-versional.  Ac- 
cordingly, it  is  often  impossible  to  get  beyond  probable 
conjectures  on  which  different  minds  may  differ. 

Secondly,  Gen  contains  pre-Mosaic  elements,  but  we 
cannot  determine  the  scope  of  these  or  the  number  and 
character  of  the  sources  employed,  or  the  extent  of  the 
author's  work. 

Thirdly,  the  whole  body  of  the  legislation  is  (subject 
only  to  textual  criticism)  Mosaic.  But  the  laws  of  Dt 
carry  with  them  their  framework,  the  speeches  which 
cannot  be  severed  from  them  (see  SBL,  II).  The 
speeches  of  Dt  in  turn  carry  with  them  large  portions  of 
tile  narrative  of  Ex-Nu  wiiich  they  presuppose.  They 
do  not  necessarily  carry  witli  them  such  passages  as  Ex 
35-39  or  Nu  1-4,  7,  26,  but  Nu  1-4  contains  internal 
evidence  of  Mosaic  date. 

At   this   point   we   turn   to   examine   certain   textual 

Ehenomena  that  throw  light  on  our  problem.  It  may 
e  said  that  roughly  there  are  two  great  classes  of  tex- 
tual corruption — that  which  is  due  to  the  ordinary  proc- 
esses of  copying,  perishing,  annotating,  etc,  and  that 
which  is  due  to  a  conscious  and  systematic  effort  to  fix 
or  edit  a  text.  In  the  case  of  ancient  authors,  there 
comes  a  time  sooner  or  later  when  scholarship,  realizing 
the  corruption  that  has  taken  place,  makes  a  systematic 
attempt  to  produce,  so  far  as  possible,  a  correct  stand- 
ard tc-xt.  Instances  that  will  occur  to  many  are  to  be 
found  in  the  work  of  the  Massoretes  on  the  Heb  text, 
that  of  Origen  and  others  on  the  LXX,  and  that  of  the 
commission  of  Peisistratos  and  subsequently  of  the 
Alexandrian  critics  on  Homer.  There  is  evidence  that 
such  revisions  took  place  in  the  case  of  the  Pent.  A  very 
important  instance  is  to  be  found  in  the  chronology 
of  certain  portions  of  Gen  of  which  three  different 
VSS  survive,  the  Massoretic,  Sam  and  Septuagintal. 
Another  instance  of  even  greater  consequence  for  the 


Pentateuch 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2308 


matter  in  hand  is  to  be  found  in  Ex  35-39.  It  is  well 
known  tliat  the  LXX  preserves  an  entirely  different  edi- 
tion from  that  of  MT  (supported  in  the  main  by  the 
Sam  and  other  VSS).  Some  other  examples  have  been 
noticed  incidentally  in  the  preceding  discussion;  one 
other  that  may  be  proved  by  further  research  to  possess 
enormous  importance  may  be  mentioned.  It  appears 
that  in  the  law  of  the  kingdom  (Dt  17)  and  some  other 
passages  where  the  Massoretic  and  Sam  texts  speak  of 
a  hereditary  king,  the  LXX  knew  nothing  of  such  a 
person  (see  further  PS,  157-68).  The  superiority  of  the 
LXX  text  in  this  instance  appears  to  be  attested  by  1 
S,  which  is  unacquainted  with  any  law  of  the  kingdom. 
Thus  we  know  of  at  least  three  recensions,  the  M,  the 
Sam  and  the  Sept.  While  there  are  many  minor  read- 
ings (in  cases  of  variation  through  accidental  corruption) 
in  which  the  two  last-named  agree,  it  is  nevertheless 
true  that  in  a  general  way  the  Sam  belongs  to  the  same 
family  as  the  M,  while  the  LXX  in  the  crucial  matters 
represents  a  different  textual  tradition  from  the  other 
two  (see  Expos.  September  1911.  200-219).  How  is 
this  to  be  explained  ?  According  to  the  worthless  story 
preserved  in  the  letter  of  Aristeas  the  LXX  was  trJ 
from  MSS  brought  from  Jerus  at  a  date  long  subse- 
quent to  the  Sam  schism.  The  fact  that  the  LXX  pre- 
serves a  recension  so  different  from  both  Sam  and  MT 
(i.e.  from  the  most  authoritative  Palestinian  tradition 
of  the  5th  cent.  BO  and  its  lineal  descendants)  suggests 
that  this  part  of  the  story  must  be  rejected.  If  so.  the 
LXX  doubtless  represents  the  text  of  the  Pent  prevalent 
in  Egypt  and  descends  from  a  Heb  that  separated  from 
the  ancestor  of  the  M  before  the  Sam  schism.  At  this 
point  we  must  recall  the  fact  that  in  Jer  the  LXX  differs 
from  MT  more  widely  than  in  any  other  Bib.  book,  and 
the  current  explanation  is  that  the  divergence  goes  back 
to  the  times  of  Jeremiah,  his  work  having  been  preserved 
in  two  editions,  an  Egyp  and  a  Bab.  We  may  be  sure 
that  if  the  Jews  of  Egypt  had  an  edition  of  Jer,  they  also 
had  an  edition  of  that  law  to  which  Jer  refers,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  main  differences  between  LXX  and 
MT  (with  its  allies)  are  due  to  the  two  streams  of  tra- 
dition separating  from  the  time  of  the  exile — the  Egyp 
and  the  Bab.  The  narrative  of  the  finding  of  the  Book 
of  the  Law  in  the  days  of  Jo-siah  (2  K  22).  which  prob- 
ably refers  to  Dt  only,  suggests  that  its  text  at  that  time 
depended  on  the  single  MS  found.  The  phenomena 
presented  by  Gen-Nu  certainly  suggest  that  they  too 
were  at  one  time  dependent  on  a  single  damaged  MS ,  and 
that  conscious  efforts  were  made  to  restore  the  original 
order — in  some  cases  at  any  rate  on  a  wrong  principle 
(see  esp.  EPC,  114-38;  BS.  191.3,  270-90).  In  view  of 
the  great  divergences  of  the  LXX  in  Ex  35-39,  it  may 
be  taken  as  certain  that  in  some  instances  the  editing 
went  to  considerable  lengths. 

Thus  the  history  of  the  Pent,  so  far  as  it  can  be 
traced,  is  briefly  as  follows:  The  backbone  of  the 
book  consists  of  pre-Mosaio  sources  in  Gen,  and 
Mosaic  narratives,  speeches  and  legislation  in  Ex- 
Dt.  To  this,  notes,  archaeological,  historical,  ex- 
planatory, etc,  were  added  by  successive  readers. 
The  text  at  one  time  depended  on  a  single  MS  which 
was  damaged,  and  one  or  more  attempts  were  made 
to  repair  this  damage  by  rearrangement  of  the  ma- 
terial. It  may  be  that  some  of  the  narrative  chap- 
ters, such  as  Nu  1-4,  7,  26,  were  added  from  a 
separate  source  and  amplified  or  rewritten  in  the 
course  of  some  such  redaction,  but  on  this  head 
nothing  certain  can  be  said.  Within  a  period  that 
is  attested  by  the  materials  that  survive,  Ex  35-39 
underwent  one  or  more  such  redactions.  Slighter 
redactions  attested  by  Sam  and  LXX  have  affected 
the  chronological  data,  the  numbers  of  the  Israel- 
ites and  some  references  to  post-Mosaic  historical 
events.  Further  than  this  it  is  impossible  to  go  on 
our  present  materials. 

///.  Some  Literary  Points. — No  general  estimate 
of  the  Pent  as  literature  can  or  need  be  attempted. 
Probably  most  readers  are  fully  sensible  to  its  lit- 
erary beauties.  Anybody  who  is  not  would  do  well 
to  compare  the  chapter  on  Joseph  in  the  Koran  (12) 
with  the  Bib.  narrative.  A  few  words  must  be 
said  of  some  of  the  less  obvious  matters  that 
would  naturally  fall  into  a  literary  discussion,  the 
aim  being  rather  to  draw  the  reader's  attention 
to  points  that  he  might  overlook. 

Of  the  style  of  the  legislation  no  sufficient  estimate 
can  now  be  formed,  for  the  first  requisite  of  legal 
style  is  that  it  should  be  clear  and  unambiguous  to 
contemporaries,  and  today  no  judgment  can  be 
offered  on  that  head.     There  is,  however,  one  fea- 


ture that  is  of  great  interest  even  now,  viz.  the 

prevalence  in  the  main  of  three   different  styles, 

each  marked  by  its  special  adaptation 

1.  Style  of  to  the  end  in  view.  These  styles  are 
Legislation     (1)  mnemonic,  (2)  oratorical,  and  (3) 

procedural.  The  first  is  familiar  in 
other  early  legislations.  It  is  lapidary,  terse  in  the 
extreme,  pregnant,  and  from  time  to  time  marked 
by  a  rhythm  that  must  have  assisted  the  retention 
in  the  memory.  Occasionally  we  meet  with  paral- 
lelism. This  is  the  style  of  Ex  21  ff  and  occasional 
later  passages,  such  as  the  judgment  in  the  case  of 
Shelomith's  son  (Lev  24  10  if).  No  doubt  these 
laws  were  memorized  by  the  elders. 

Secondly,  the  legislation  of  Dt  forms  part  of  a 
speech  and  was  intended  for  public  reading.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  laws  here  take  on  a  distinctly  oratori- 
cal style.  Thirdly,  the  bulk  of  the  rest  of  the  legis- 
lation was  intended  to  remain  primarily  in  the 
custody  of  the  priests  who  could  certainly  write 
(Nu  6  23).  This  was  taken  into  account,  and  the 
style  is  not  terse  or  oratorical,  but  reasonably 
full.  It  was  probably  very  clear  to  those  for  whom 
the  laws  were  meant.  There  are  minor  varieties 
of  style  but  these  are  the  most  important.  (On 
the  whole  subject  see  esp.  PS,  170-224.) 

What  holds  good  of  the  laws  is  also  true  with 

certain  modifications  of  the  narrative.     The  style 

varies  with  the  nature  of  the  subject, 

2.  The  occasion  and  purpose.     Thus  the  itin- 
Narrative      erary  in  Nu  33  is  intentionally  com- 
posed in  a  style  which  undoubtedly 

possesses  peculiar  qualities  when  chanted  to  an 
appropriate  tune.  The  census  lists,  etc,  appear  to 
be  written  in  a  formal  official  manner,  and  something 
similar  is  true  of  the  lists  of  the  spies  in  Nu  13. 
There  is  no  ground  for  surprise  in  this.  In  the  an- 
cient world  style  varied  according  to  the  genre  of 
the  composition  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  it  does 
today. 

A  literary  form  that  is  peculiar  to  the  Pent  de- 
serves special  notice,  viz.  the  covenant  document 
as  a  form  of  literature.     Many  peoples 

3.  The  have  had  laws  that  were  attributed 
Covenant       to  some  deity,  but  it  is  only  here  that 

laws  are  presented  in  the  form  of  sworn 
agreements  entered  into  with  certain  formalities 
between  the  nation  and  God.  The  literary  result 
is  that  certain  portions  of  the  Pent  are  in  the 
form  of  a  sort  of  deed  with  properly  articulated 
parts.  This  deed  would  have  been  ratified  by  oath 
if  made  between  men,  as  was  the  covenant  between 
Jacob  and  Laban,  but  in  a  covenant  with  God  this 
is  inapplicable,  and  the  place  of  the  jurat  is  in  each 
case  taken  by  a  discourse  setting  forth  the  rewards 
and  penalties  attached  by  God  to  observance  and 
breach  of  the  covenant  respectively.  The  cove- 
nant conception  and  the  idea  that  the  laws  acquire 
force  because  they  are  terms  in  an  agreement  be- 
tween God  and  people,  and  not  merely  because  they 
were  commanded  by  God,  is  one  of  extraordinary 
importance  in  the  history  of  thought  and  in  theology, 
but  we  must  not  through  absorption  in  these  aspects 
of  the  question  fail  to  notice  that  the  conception 
found  expression  in  a  literary  form  that  is  unknown 
elsewhere  and  that  it  provides  the  key  to  the  com- 
prehension of  large  sections  of  the  Pent,  including 
almost  the  whole  of  Dt  (see  in  detail  SBL,  ch  ii). 

Insufficient  attention  has  been  paid  to  order  and 
rhythm  generally.     Two  great  principles  must  be  borne 

in  mind:    (1)  in  really  good  ancient  prose 

4    Order         ^^^  artist  appeals  to  the  ear  in  many  subtle 

'  .  T>L    tVim  ways,  and  (2)  in  all  such  prose,  emphasis' 

ana  Knymm  and  meaning  as  well  as  beauty  are  given 

to  a  great  extent  by  the  order  of  the  words. 
The  figures  of  the  old  Gr  rhetoricians  play  a  considerable 
part.  Thus  the  figure  called  kuklos,  "the  circle,"  is 
sometimes  used  with  great  skill.  In  this  the  clause  or 
sentence  begins  and  ends  with  the  same  word,  which  de- 
notes alike  the  sound  and  the  thought.     Probably  the 


2309 


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Pentateuch 


most  effective  instance — heightened  by  the  meaning, 
the  shortness  and  the  heavy  boom  of  the  word — is  to  be 
found  in  Ut  4  12,  where  tliere  is  an  impressive  "circle" 
with  51p ,  kol,  "  voice" — the  emphasis  conveyed  by  the 
sound  being  at  least  as  marked  as  that  conveyed  by  the 
sense.  This  is  no  isolated  instance  of  the  figure;  cf  e.g. 
in  Nu  32  1.  the  "circle"  with  "cattle";  14  2  that  with 
' '  would  that  we  had  died . "  Chiasmus  is  a  favorite  figure , 
and  assonances,  plays  on  words,  etc,  are  not  uncommon. 
Such  traits  often  add  force  as  well  as  beauty  to  the  narra 
tive,  as  may  be  seen  from  instances  like  Gen  1  2 
^nDI  ^nn.  toha  wa-bhoha,  "waste  and  void";  4  12 
HjI  l?]f  na'  toa-nod/i,"  a  fugitive  and  a  wanderer";  9  6 
rjD'i£n''',TaT  D~X3  Dnsn  D1  ^SiC,  shoplnkh  dam  ha- 

' ddhdm,  bd-ddhdm  ddind,  yifihshaphekh,  lit.  "shedding 
blood-of  man,  by-man  his-blood  shall-be-shed";  Nu  14 
*5:  DinS^T  D'lS^T,  viayyakkum  wayyakkHhum,  "and 
smote  them  and  beat  them  down." 

The  prose  of  the  Pent,  except  in  its  more  formal  and 
ofHcial  parts.  Is  closely  allied  to  poetry  (cf  e.g.  the  Aes- 
chylean "Sin  coucheth  at  the  door"  [Gen  4  7];  "The 
fountains  of  the  great  deep  [were]  broken  up,  and  the 
windows  of  heaven  were  opened"  [7  111;  "how  I  bare 
you  on  eagles'  wings"  [Ex  19  4]).  In  the  oratorical 
prose  of  Dt  we  find  an  imagery  and  a  poetical  imagi- 
nation that  are  not  common  among  great  orators.  Its 
rhythm  is  marked  and  the  arrangement  of  the  words  is 
extraordinarily  forcible,  esp.  in  such  a  chapter  as  ch  28. 
It  is  diaicult  to  convey  any  idea  of  how  much  the  book 
loses  in  EV  from  the  changes  of  order.  Occasionally 
the  rendering  does  observe  the  point  of  the  original,  e.g. 
in  Dt  4  36;  "Out  of  heaven  he  made  thee  to  hear  his 
voice,"  and  if  we  consider  how  strikingly  this  contrasts 
with  the  flat  "He  made  thee  to  hear  his  voice  out  of 
heaven,"  some  notion  may  perhaps  be  formed  of  the  im- 

gortance  of  retaining  the  order.  More  frequently, 
owever,  the  Eng.  Is  false  to  the  emphasis  and  spirit  of 
the  Heb.  Sometimes,  but  not  always,  this  is  due  to  the 
exigencies  of  Eng.  Idiom.  This  is  the  cardinal  fault  of 
AV,  which  otherwise  excels  so  greatly. 

IV.  The  Pentateuch  as  History. — Beyond  all 
doubt,  the  first  duty  of  any  who  would  use  the  Pent 

for  historical  purposes  is  to  consider 
1.  Textual  the  light  that  textual  criticism  throws 
Criticism  upon  it.  So  many  of  the  impossi- 
as  History     bilities  that  are  relied  upon  by  those 

who  seek  to  prove  that  the  book  is 
historically  worthless  may  be  removed  by  the 
simplest  operations  of  scientific  textual  criticism, 
that  a  neglect  of  this  primary  precaution  must  lead 
to  disastrous  consequences.  After  all,  it  is  common 
experience  that  a  man  who  sets  out  to  produce  a 
history — whether  by  original  composition  or  com- 
pilation— does  not  intentionally  make,  e.g.,  a  south- 
ward march  lead  to  a  point  northward  of  the  start- 
ing-place, or  a  woman  carry  an  able-bodied  lad  of  16 
or  17  on  her  shoulder,  or  a  patriarch  linger  some  80 
years  on  a  deathbed.  When  such  episodes  are 
found,  the  rudiments  of  historical  judgment  require 
that  we  should  first  ask  whether  the  text  is  in  order, 
and  if  the  evidence  points  to  any  ea.sy,  natural  and 
well-supported  solutions  of  the  difficulties,  we  are 
not  justified  in  rejecting  them  without  inquiry  and 
denying  to  the  Pent  all  historical  value.  It  is  a 
priori  far  more  probable  that  narratives  which  have 
come  down  to  us  from  a  date  some  3,000  years  back 
may  have  suffered  slightly  in  transmission  than  that 
the  Pent  was  in  the  first  instance  the  story  of  a  his- 
torical wonderland.  It  is  far  more  reasonable,  e.g., 
to  suppose  that  in  a  couple  of  verses  of  Ex  a  cor- 
ruption of  two  letters  (attested  by  Aquila)  has 
taken  place  in  the  MT  than  that  the  Pent  contains 
two  absolutely  inconsistent  accounts  of  the  origin 
of  the  priesthood  (see  Priests).  Accordingly,  the 
first  principle  of  any  scientific  use  of  the  Pent  for 
historical  purposes  must  be  to  take  account  of 
textual  criticism. 

Having  discovered  as  nearly  as  may  be  what  the 
author  wrote,  the  next  step  must  be  to  consider  what  he 

meant  by  it.  Here,  unfortunately,  the 
2  Hebrew  modern  inquirer  is  apt  to  neglect  many 
■\'ir  ix.  A  (  most  necessary  precautions.  It  would 
MetnoQS  or  j,g  ^  truism,  but  for  the  fact  that  it  is  so 
Expression     often  disregarded,  to  say  that  the  whole  of 

a  narrative  must  be  carefully  read  in  order 
to  ascertain   the   author's   meaning;   e.g.   how  often  we 


hear  that  Gen  14  represents  Abram  as  having  inflicted 
adefeaton  the  enemy  with  only  318  men  (vor  14), whereas 
from  ver  24  (cf  ver  13)  it  appears  that  in  addition  to  these 
his  allies  Aner,  Bshcol  and  Mamre  (i.e.  as  we  shall  see, 
the  inhabitants  of  certain  localities)  had  accompanied 
him  I  Sometimes  the  clue  to  the  precise  meaning  of  a 
story  is  to  be  found  near  the  end:  e.g.  in  Jo.sh  22  we  do 
not  see  clearly  what  kind  of  an  altar  the  trans-Jordanic 
tribes  had  erected  (and  consequently  why  their  conduct 
was  open  to  objection)  till  ver  28,  when  we  learn  that 
this  was  an  altar  of  the  pattern  of  the  altar  of  burnt 
offering,  and  so  bore  not  the  slightest  resemblance  to 
such  lawful  altars  as  those  of  Moses  and  Joshua  (see 
Altar;  Sanctuary).  Nor  is  this  the  only  instance  In 
which  the  methods  of  expression  adopted  cause  trouble 
to  some  modern  readers;  e.g.  the  word  "all"  is  some- 
times used  in  a  way  that  apparently  presents  difBcultles 
to  some  minds.  Thus  in  Ex  9  Oit  is  possible  to  interpret 
"all"  in  the  most  sweeping  sense  and  then  see  a  contra- 
diction in  vs  19.22,  etc,  wlilch  recognize  that  some  cattle 
still  existed.  Or  again  the  term  may  be  regarded  as 
limited  by  ver  3  to  all  the  cattle  in  the  field  (see  All). 

At  this  point  two  further  idiosyncrasies  of  the 
Sem  genius  must  be  noted — the  habits  of  personi- 
fication and  the  genealogical  tendency; 
3.  Personi-  e.g.  in  Nu  20  12-21,  Edom  and  Israel 
fication  and  are  personified:  "thy  brother  Israel," 
Genealogies  "Edom  came  out  against  him,"  etc. 
Nobody  here  mistakes  the  meaning. 
Similarly  with  genealogical  methods  of  expression. 
The  Semites  spoke  of  many  relationships  in  a  way 
that  is  foreign  to  occidental  methods.  Thus  the 
Heb  for  "30  years  old"  is  "son  of  30  years."  Again 
we  read  "He  was  the  father  of  such  as  dwell 
in  tents"  (Gen  4  20).  These  habits  (of  personi- 
fication and  genealogical  expression  of  relation- 
ships) are  greatly  extended,  e.g.  "And  Canaan 
begat  Zidon  his  first-born"  (10  1.5).  Often  this  leads 
to  no  trouble,  yet  strangely  enough  men  who  will 
grasp  these  methods  when  dealing  with  ch  10  will 
claim  that  ch  14  cannot  be  historical  because  locali- 
ties are  there  personified  and  grouped  in  relation- 
ships. Yet  if  we  are  to  estimate  the  historical 
value  of  the  narrative,  we  must  surely  be  willing  to 
apply  the  same  methods  to  one  chapter  as  to  an- 
other if  the  sense  appears  to  demand  this.  See, 
further,  Genealogies. 

A  further  consideration  that  is  not  always  heeded  is 
the    exigency    of    literary  form;  e.g.  in    Gen  24  there 

occurs  a  dialogue.  Strangely  enough,  an 
4  Literary  ^-ttack  has  been  made  on  the  historical 
Itnrm  Character  of  Gen  on  this  ground.    It  can- 

r  orm  ^q^  i^q  supposed — so  runs  the  argument — 

that  we  have  here  a  literal  report  of  what 
was  said.  This  entirely  ignores  the  practice  of  all  literary 
artists.  Such  passages  are  to  be  read  as  giving  a  literary 
presentation  of  what  occurred ;  they  convey  a  far  truer 
and  more  vivid  idea  of  what  passed  than  could  an  actual 
literal  report  of  the  mere  words,  divorced  from  the  ges- 
tures, glances  and  modulations  of  the  voice  that  play 
such  an  important  part  in  conversation. 

Another  matter  is  the  influence  of  the  sacred 
numbers  on  the  text;  e.g.  in  Nu  33  the  journeys 

seem  designed  to  present  40  stations 
6.  The  and  must  not  be  held  to  exclude  camp- 

Sacred  ing  at  other  stations  not  mentioned; 

Numbers      Gen  10  probably  contained  70  names 

in  the  original  text.  This  is  a  technical 
consideration  which  must  be  borne  in  mind,  and  so, 
too,  must  the  Heb  habit  of  using  certain  round  num- 
bers to  express  an  unspecified  time.  When,  for 
instance,  we  read  that  somebody  was  40  or  60  years 
old,  we  are  not  to  take  these  words  literally.  "Forty 
years  old"  often  seems  to  correspond  to  "after  he 
had  reached  man's  estate"  (see  Number). 

Still  more  important  is  it  to  endeavor  to  appre- 
ciate the  habits  of  thought  of  those  for  whom  the 

Pent  was  first  intended,  and  to  seek 
6.  Habits  of  to  read  it  in  the  light  of  archaic  ideas. 
■Thought         One    instance    must    suffice.     Of    the 

many  explanations  of  names  few  are 
philologically  correct.  It  is  certain  that  Noah  is 
not  connected  with  the  Heb  for  "to  comfort"  or 
Moses  with  "draw  out" — even  if  Egyp  princesses 


Pentateuch 


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2310 


spoke  Heb.  The  etymological  key  will  not  fit. 
Yet  we  must  ask  ourselves  whether  the  narrator 
ever  thought  that  it  did.  In  times  when  names  were 
supposed  to  have  some  mystic  relation  to  their 
bearers  they  might  be  conceived  as  standing  also 
in  some  mj'stio  relation  to  events  either  present  or 
future;  it  is  not  clear  that  the  true  original  meaning 
of  the  narratives  was  not  to  suggest  this  in  literary 
form.  How  far  the  ancient  Hebrews  were  from 
regarding  names  in  the  same  light  as  we  do  may  be 
seen  from  such  passages  as  Ex  23  20  f;  Isa  30  27; 
see  further  EPC,  47  ff;  see  also  Names,  Proper. 

The  Pent  is  beyond  all  doubt  an  intensely  national 

work.     Its  outlook  is  so  essentially  Israelitish  that 

no  reader  could  fail  to  notice  the  fact, 

7.  National  and  it  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  cite 
Coloring         proofs.     Doubtless  this  has  in  many 

instances  led  to  its  presenting  a  view 
of  history  with  which  the  contemporary  peoples 
would  not  have  agreed.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  the  exodus  was  an  event  of  much  significance 
in  the  Egypt  of  Moses,  however  important  it  may 
appear  to  the  Egyptians  of  today;  and  this  sug- 
gests two  points.  On  the  one  hand  we  must  admit 
that  to  most  contemporaries  the  Pentateuohal  nar- 
ratives must  have  seemed  out  of  all  perspective; 
on  the  other  the  course  of  subsequent  history  has 
shown  that  the  Mosaic  sense  of  perspective  was  in 
reality  the  true  one,  however  absurd  it  may  have 
seemed  to  the  nations  of  his  own  day.  Conse- 
quently in  using  the  Pent  for  historical  purposes 
we  must  always  apply  two  standards — the  con- 
temporary and  the  historical.  In  the  days  of  Moses 
the  narrative  might  often  have  looked  to  the  out- 
sider like  the  attempt  of  the  frog  in  the  fable  to 
attain  to  the  size  of  an  ox;  for  us,  with  the  light  of 
history  upon  it,  the  values  are  very  different.  The 
national  coloring,  the  medium  through  which  the 
events  are  seen,  has  proved  to  be  true,  and  the  seem- 
ingly insignificant  doings  of  unimportant  people 
have  turned  out  to  be  events  of  prime  historical 
importance. 

There  is  another  aspect  of  the  national  coloring 
of  the  Pent  to  be  borne  in  mind.  If  ever  there  was 
a  book  which  revealed  the  inmost  soul  of  a  people, 
that  book  is  the  Pent.  This  will  be  considered  in 
V,  below,  but  for  the  present  we  are  concerned  with 
its  historical  significance.  In  estimating  actions, 
motives,  laws,  policy — all  that  goes  to  make  his- 
tory— character  is  necessarily  a  factor  of  the  utmost 
consequence.  Now  here  we  have  a  book  that  at 
every  point  reveals  and  at  the  same  time  grips  the 
national  character.  Alike  in  cont  nts  and  in  form 
the  legislation  is  adapted  with  the  utmost  nicety 
to  the  nature  of  the  people  for  which  it  was  pro- 
mulgated. 

When  due  allowance  has  been  made  for  all  the 

various  matters  enumerated  above,  what  can  be 

said  as  to  the  trustworthiness  of  the 

8.  How  Far  Pentateuchal  history?  The  answer 
the  Penta-     is  entirely  favorable. 

teuch  Is  (1)   Conteynporaneous  information. — 

Trustworthy  In  the  first  place  the  discussion  as 
to  the  dating  of  the  Pent  (above,  II, 
4)  has  shown  that  we  have  in  it  documents  that  are 
in  many  cases  certainly  contemporaneous  with  the 
matters  to  which  they  relate  and  have  been  pre- 
served in  a  form  that  is  substantially  original. 
Thus  we  have  seen  that  the  wording  of  Gen  10  19 
cannot  be  later  than  the  age  of  Abraham  and  that 
the  legislation  of  the  last  four-  books  is  Mosaic. 
Now  contemporaneousness  is  the  first  essential  of 
credibility. 

(2)  Character  of  our  informants. — Given  the  fact 
(guaranteed  by  the  contemporaneousness  of  the 
sources)  that  our  informants  had  the  means  of 
providing  accurate  information  if  they  so  desired. 


we  have  to  ask  whether  they  were  truthful  and 
able.  As  to  the  ability  no  doubt  is  possible; 
genius  is  stamped  on  every  page  of  the  Pent. 
Similarly  as  to  truthfulness.  The  conscience  of  the 
narrators  is  essentially  ethical.  This  appears  of 
course  most  strongly  in  the  case  of  the  legislation 
(cf  Lev  19  11)  and  the  attribution  of  truthful- 
ness to  God  (Ex  34  6),  but  it  may  readily  be  de- 
tected throughout;  e.g.  in  Gen  20  12  the  narrative 
clearly  shows  that  truthfulness  was  esteemed  as  a 
virtue  by  the  ancient  Hebrews.  Throughout,  the 
faults  of  the  dramatis  personae  are  never  minimized 
even  when  the  narrator's  sympathy  is  with  them. 
Nor  is  there  any  attempt  to  belittle  the  opponents 
of  Israel's  heroes.  Consider  on  the  one  hand  the 
magnanimity  of  Esau's  character  and  on  the  other 
the  very  glaring  light  that  is  thrown  on  the  weak- 
nesses of  Jacob,  Judah,  Aaron.  If  we  are  taught 
to  know  the  Moses  who  prays,  "And  if  not,  blot  me, 
I  pray  thee,  out  of  thy  book  which  thou  hast  writ- 
ten" (Ex  32  32),  we  are  also  shown  his  frequent 
complaints,  and  we  make  acquaintance  with  the 
hot-tempered  manslayer  and  the  lawgiver  who  dis- 
obeyed his  God. 

(3)  The  historical  genius  of  the  people. — Strangely 
enough,  those  who  desire  to  discuss  the  trust- 
worthiness of  the  Pent  often  go  far  afield  to  note  the 
habits  of  other  nations  and,  selecting  according  to 
their  bias  peoples  that  have  a  good  or  a  bad  reputa- 
tion in  the  matter  of  historical  tradition,  proceed  to 
argue  for  or  against  the  Pentateuchal  narrative  on 
this  basis.  Such  procedure  is  alike  unjust  and  un- 
scientific. It  is  unscientific  because  the  object  of 
the  inquirer  is  to  obtain  knowledge  as  to  the  habits 
of  this  people,  and  in  view  of  the  great  divergences 
that  may  be  observed  among  different  races  the 
comparative  method  is  clearly  inapplicable;  it  is 
unjust  because  this  people  is  entitled  to  be  judged 
on  its  own  merits  or  defects,  not  on  the  merits  or 
defects  of  others.  Now  it  is  a  bare  statement  of 
fact  that  the  Jews  possess  the  historical  sense  to  a 
preeminent  degree.  Nobody  who  surveys  their 
long  history  and  examines  their  customs  and  prac- 
tices to  this  day  can  fairly  doubt  that  fact.  ^  This  is 
no  recent  development;  it  is  most  convincingly 
attested  by  the  Pent  itself,  which  here,  as  elsewhere, 
faithfully  mirrors  the  spirit  of  the  race.  What  is 
the  highest  guaranty  of  truth,  a  guaranty  to  which 
unquestioning  appeal  may  be  made  in  the  firm  as- 
surance that  it  will  carry  conviction  to  all  who  hear? 
"Remember  the  days  of  old.  Consider  the  years  of 
many  generations:  Ask  thy  father  and  he  will  show 
thee;  Thine  elders,  and  they  will  tell  thee"  (Dt  32 
7).  "For  ask  now  of  the  days  that  are  past,  which 
were  before  thee,  since  the  day  that  God  created 
man  upon  the  earth,"  etc  (Dt  4  32).  Conversely, 
the  due  handing  down  of  tradition  is  a  religious 
duty:  "And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  your  chil- 
dren shall  say  unto  you,  What  mean  ye  by  this  serv- 
ice? that  ye  shall  say,*'  etc  (Ex  12  26  f).  ^  "Only 
take  heed  to  thyself,  and  keep  thy  soul  diligently, 
lest  thou  forget  the  things  which  thine  eyes  saw, 
and  lest  they  depart  from  thy  heart  all  the  days  of 
thy  life;  but  make  them  known  unto  thy  children, 
and  thy  children's  children"  (Dt  4  9).  It  is  need- 
less to  multiply  quotations.  Enough  has  been  said 
to  show  clearly  the  attitude  of  this  people  toward 
history. 

(4)  The  good  faith  of  Deuteronoyny . — Closely  con- 
nected with  the  preceding  is  the  argument  from  the 
very  obvious  good  faith  of  the  speeches  in  Dt.  It 
is  not  possible  to  read  the  references  to  events  in 
such  a  chapter  as  ch  4  without  realizing  that  the 
speaker  most  fully  believed  the  truth  of  his  state- 
ments. The  most  unquestionable  sincerity  is  im- 
pressed upon  the  chapter.  The  speaker  is  referring 
to  what  he  believes  with  all  the  faith  of  which  he  is 


2311 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  Pentateuch 


capable.  Even  for  those  who  doubt  the  Rlosaio 
authenticity  of  these  speeches  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
as  to  the  writer's  unquestioning  acceptance  of  the 
historical  consciousness  of  the  people.  But  once 
the  Mosaic  authenticity  is  established  the  argu- 
ment becomes  overwhelming.  How  could  Moses 
have  spoken  to  people  of  an  event  so  impressive 
and  unparalleled  aa  having  happened  within  their 
own  recollection  if  it  had  not  really  occurred? 

(5)  Nature  of  the  events  recorded. — Another  very 
important  consideration  arises  from  the  nature  of 
the  events  recorded.  No  nation,  it  has  often  been 
remarked,  would  gratuitously  invent  a  story  of  its 
enslavenient  to  another.  The  extreme  sobriety  of 
the  patriarchal  narratives,  the  absence  of  miracle, 
the  lack  of  any  tendency  to  display  the  ancestors 
of  the  people  as  conquerors  or  great  personages,  are 
marks  of  credibility.  Many  of  the  episodes  in  the 
Mosaic  age  are  extraordinarily  probable.  Take 
the_  stories  of  the  rebelliousness  of  the  people,  of 
their  complaints  of  the  water,  the  food,  and  so  on: 
what  could  be  more  in  accordance  with  likelihood? 
On  the  other  hand  there  is  another  group  of  nar- 
ratives to  which  the  converse  argument  applies. 
A  Sinai  cannot  be  made  part  of  a  nation's  con- 
sciousness by  a  clever  story-teller  or  a  literary  forger. 
The  unparalleled  nature  of  the  events  narrated  was 
recognized  quite  as  clearly  by  the  ancient  Hebrews 
as  it  is  today  (see  Dt  4  .32  ff).  It  is  incredible 
that  such  a  story  could  have  been  made  up  and 
successfully  palmed  off  on  the  whole  nation.  A 
further  point  that  may  be  mentioned  in  this  con- 
nection is  the  witness  of  subsequent  history  to  the 
truth  of  the  narrative.  Such  a  unique  history  as 
that  of  the  Jews,  such  tremendous  consequences  as 
their  religion  has  had  on  the  fortunes  of  mankind, 
require  for  their  explanation  causal  events  of  suffi- 
cient magnitude. 

(6)  External  corroborations. — All  investigation 
of  evidence  depends  on  a  single  principle:  "The 
coincidences  of  the  truth  are  infinite."  In  other 
words,  a  false  story  will  sooner  or  later  become 
involved  in  conflict  with  ascertained  facts.  The 
Bib.  narrative  has  been  subjected  to  the  most  rigor- 
ous cross-examination  from  every  point  of  view 
for  more  than  a  century.  Time  after  time  confi- 
dent assertions  have  been  made  that  its  falsehood 
has  been  definitely  proved,  and  in  each  case  the  Pent 
has  come  out  from  the  test  triumphant.  The  de- 
tails will  for  the  most  part  be  found  enumerated  or 
referred  to  under  the  separate  articles.  Here  it 
must  suffice  just  to  refer  to  a  few  matters.  It  was 
said  that  the  whole  local  coloring  of  the  Egyp  scenes 
was  entirely  false,  e.g.  that  the  vine  did  not  grow  in 
Egypt.  Egyptology  has  in  every  instance  vindi- 
cated the  minute  accuracy  of  the  Pent,  down  to  even 
the  non-mention  of  earthenware  (in  which  the  dis- 
colored Nile  waters  can  be  kept  clean)  in  Ex  7  19 
and  the  very  food  of  the  lower  classes  in  Nu  11  5. 
It  was  said  that  writing  was  unknown  in  the  days 
of  Moses,  but  Egyptology  and  Assyriology  have 
utterly  demolished  this.  The  historical  character 
of  many  of  the  names  has  been  strengthened  by 
recent  discoveries  (see  e.g.  Jerusalem;  Amra- 
phel).  From  another  point  of  view  modern  ob- 
servation of  the  habits  of  the  quails  has  shown  that 
the  narrative  of  Nu  is  minutely  accurate  and  must 
be  the  work  of  an  eyewitness.  From  the  ends  of 
the  earth  there  comes  confirmation  of  the  details 
of  the  evolution  of  law  as  depicted  in  the  Pent. 
Finally  it  is  worth  noting  that  even  the  details  of 
some  of  the  covenants  in  Gen  are  confirmed  by  his- 
torical parallels  (Churchmayi,  1908,  17  f). 

It  is  often  said  that  history  in  the  true  sense  was 
invented  by  the  Greeks  and  that  the  Heb  genius 
was  so  intent  on  the  Divine  guidance  that  it  neg- 
lected secondary  causes  altogether.    There  is  a  large 


measure  of  truth  in  this  view;  but  so  far  as  the 
Pent  is   concerned   it  can    be   greatly  overstated. 
One  great  criticism  that  falls   to    be 
9.  The  made    is    entirely    in    favor    of    the 

Pentateuch    Hebrew  as  against  some  Greeks,  viz. 
as  Reason-    the  superior  art  with  which  the  causes 
ed  History    are  given.     A  Thucydides  would  have 
stated  the  reasons  that  induced  Pha- 
raoh to  persecute  the  Israelites,  or  Abraham  and  Lot 
to  separate,  or  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram  and  their 
followers  to  rebel;   but  every  reader  would  have 
known  precisely  what  he  was  doing  and  many  who 
can  read  the  material  passages  of  the  Pent  with 
delight  would  have  been  totally  unable  to  grapple 
with  his  presentation  of  the  narrative.     The  audi- 
ence is  here  more  unsophisticated  and  the  material 
presented  in  more  artistic  form.     In  truth,  any 
historian  who  sat  down  to  compose  a  philosoph- 
ical  history  of  the   period  covered  by  the   Pent 
would  in  many  instances  be  surprised  at  the  lavish 
material  it  offered  to  him.      A  second  criticism  is 
more  obvious.     The  writer  clearly  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  the  other  side  of  the  case.     For  example, 
the  secondary  causes  for  the  defeat  near  Hormah 
are  plain  enough  so  far  as  they  are   internal   to 
the  Israelites — lack  of  morale,  discipline  and  leader- 
ship, division  of  opinion,  discouragement  produced 
by  the  Divine  disapproval  testified  by  the  absence 
from  the  army  of  Moses  and  the  Ark,  and  the 
warnings  of  the  former — but  the  secondary  causes 
on  the  side  of  the  Amalekites  and  Canaauites  are 
entirely  omitted.     Thus  it  generally  happens  that 
we  do  not  get  the  same  kind  of  view  of  the  events 
as  might  be  possible  if  we  could  have  both  sides. 
Naturally  this  is  largely  the  case  with  the  work 
of  every  historian  who  tells  the  story  from  one 
side  only  and  is  not  peculiar  to  the  Pent.     Thirdly, 
the  object  of  the  Pent  is  not  merely  to  inform,  but 
to  persuade.     It  is  primarily  statesmanship,  not 
literature,  and  its  form  is  influenced  by  this  fact. 
Seeking  to  sway  conduct,  not  to  provide  a  mere 
philosophical  exposition  of  history,  it  belongs  to  a 
different  (and  higher)  category  from  the  latter,  and 
where  it  has  occasion  to  use  the  same  material  puts 
it  in  a  different  way,  e.g.  by  assigning  as  motives 
for  obeying  laws  reasons  that  the  philosophic  his- 
torian would  have  advanced  as  causes  for  their  en- 
actment.    To  some  extent,  therefore,  an  attempt 
to  criticize  the  Pent  from  the  standpoint  of  philo- 
sophic history  is  an  attempt  to  express  it  in  terms 
of  something  that  is  incommensurable  with  it. 

V.  Character  of  the  Pentateuch. — The  following 
sentences  from  Maine's  Early  Law  and  Custom  form 
a  suggestive  introduction  to  any  consideration  of 
the  character  of  the  Pent: 

"  The  theory  upon  which  these  schools  of  learned  men 
worked,  from  the  ancient,  perhaps  very  ancient,  Apas- 

tamtaa  and  Gautama  to  the  late  Manu 
1.  Hindu  ^"'^  f^s  ^'"1  later  Narada,  is  perhaps  still 
t'  r-„i-„  held  by  some  persons  ot  earnest  religious 
jjdw  DUUKS     convictions,    but  in   time   now   buried  it 

affected  every  walk  ot  thought.  The 
fundamental  assumption  is  that  a  sacred  or  inspired  lit. 
being  once  believed  to  e.\lst,  all  knowledge  is  contained 
in  it.  The  Hindu  way  of  putting  it  was.  and  is,  not 
.simply  that  the  Scripture  is  true,  but  that  everything 

which  is  true  is  contained  in  the  Scripture It  is 

to  be  observed  that  such  a  theory,  firmly  held  during  the 
infancy  of  systematic  thought,  tends  to  work  itself  into 
fact.  As  the  human  mind  advances,  accumulating 
ol^servation  and  accumulating  reflection,  nascent  phi- 
losophy and  dawning  science  are  read  into  the  sacred 
literature,  while  they  are  at  the  .same  time  limited  by  the 
ruling  ideas  of  its  priestly  authors.  But  as  the  mass  of 
this  literature  grows  through  the  additions  made  to  it 
by  successive  expositors,  it  gradually  specializes  itself, 
and  subjects,  at  first  mixed  together  under  vague  gen- 
eral conceptions,  become  separated  from  one  another 
and  isolated.  In  the  history  of  law  the  most  important 
early  specialization  is  that  which  separates  what  a  man 
ought  to  do  from  what  he  ought  to  know.  A  great  part 
of  the  religious  literature,  including  the  Creation  of  the 
Universe,  the  structure  of  Heaven,  Hell,  and  the  World 


Pentateuch 
Pent,  Samaritan 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2312 


or  Worlds,  and  the  nature  of  the  Gods,  falls  under  the 
last  head,  what  a  man  ought  to  know.  Law-books  first 
appear  as  a  subdivision  of  the  first  branch,  what  a  man 
should  do.  Thus  the  most  ancient  books  of  this  class 
are  short  manuals  of  conduct  for  an  Aryan  Hindu  who 
would  lead  a  perfect  life.  They  contain  much  more 
ritual  than  law,  a  great  deal  more  about  the  impm'ity 
caused  by  touching  impure  things  than  about  crime,  a 
great  deal  more  about  penances  than  about  punishments 
(pp.  16-18). 

It  is  impossible  not  to  see  the  resemblances  to 
the  Pent  that  these  sentences  suggest.  Particularly 
interesting  is  the  commentary  they  provide  on  the 
attitude  of  Moses  toward  knowledge:  "The  secret 
things  belong  unto  Jeh  our  God;  but  the  things 
that  are  revealed  belong  unto  us  and  to  our 
children  for  ever,  that  we  maj'  do  all  the  words  of 
this  law"  (Dt  29  29). 

But  if  the  Pent  has  significant  resemblances  to 
other  old  law  books,  there  are  differences  that  are 
even  more  significant. 

"By  an  act  that  is  unparalleled  in  liistory  a  God  took 
to  Himself  a  people  by  means  of  a  sworn  agreement. 

Some  words  that  are  fundamental  for  our 
2    Differ-        purpose  must  be  quoted  from  the  offer; 

'Now.  therefore,  if  ye  will  obey  my  voice 
ences  indeed,   and  keep  my  covenant,  then  ye 

shall  be  mine  own  possession  from  among 
all  peoples:  for  all  the  earth  is  mine:  and  ye  shall 
be  unto  me  a  kingdom  of  priests  and  a  holy 
nation.'  The  views  here  expressed  dominate  the  legis- 
lation. Holiness — the  correlative  holiness  to  which  the 
Israelites  must  attain  because  the  Lord  their  God  is 
holy — embraces  much  that  is  not  germane  to  our 
subject,  but  it  also  covers  the  whole  field  of  national 
and  individual  righteousness.  The  duty  to  God  that 
is  laid  upon  the  Israelites  in  these  words  is  a  duty 
that  has  practical  consequences  in  every  phase  of 
social  life.  I  have  already  quoted  a  sentence  from 
Sir  Henry  Maine  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  uniformity 
with  which  religion  and  law  are  implicated  in  archaic 
legislation.  There  is  a  stage  in  human  development 
where  life  is  generally  seen  whole,  and  it  is  to  this 
stage  that  the  Pent  belongs.  But  no  other  legislation 
so  takes  up  one  department  of  man's  life  after  another 
and  impresses  on  them  all  the  relationship  of  God  and 
people.  Perhaps  nothing  will  so  clearly  bring  out  my 
meaning  as  a  statement  of  some  of  the  more  fundamental 
dilferences  between  the  Pentateuchal  legislation  and  the 
old  Indian  law-books  which  often  provide  excellent  par- 
allels to  it.  Tliosc  to  which  I  desire  to  draw  particular 
attention  are  as  follows:  The  Indian  law-books  have  no 
idea  of  national  (as  distinct  from  individual)  righteous- 
ness— a  conception  that  entered  the  world  with  the  Mosaic 
legislation  and  has  perhaps  not  made  very  much  progress 
there  since.  There  is  no  personal  God:  hence  His  per- 
sonal interest  in  righteousness  is  lacking:  hence,  too, 
there  can  be  no  relationship  between  God  and  people: 
and  while  there  is  a  supernatural  element  in  the  contem- 
plated results  of  human  actions,  there  is  nothing  that  can 
in  the  slightest  degree  compare  with  the  Personal  Divine 
intervention  that  is  so  often  promised  in  the  Penta- 
teuchal laws.  The  caste  system,  like  Hammurabi's 
class  system,  leads  to  distinctions  that  are  always  in- 
equitable. The  conception  of  loving  one's  neighbour 
and  one's  sojourner  as  oneself  are  alike  lacking.  The 
systematic  provisions  for  poor  relief  are  absent,  and  the 
legislation  is  generally  on  a  lower  ethical  and  moral  level, 
while  some  of  the  penalties  are  distinguished  by  the  most 
perverted  and  barbarous  cruelty.  All  these  points  are 
embraced  in  the  special  relationship  of  the  One  God  and 
the  peculiar  treasure  with  its  resulting  need  for  national 
and  individual  holiness"    (PS,  330  f). 

These  sentences  indicate  some  of  the  most  inter- 
esting of  the  distinguishing  features  of  the  Pent — 

its  national  character,  its  catholic  view 
3.  Holiness  of  life,  its  attitude  toward  the  Divine, 

and  some  at  any  rate  of  its  most  pe- 
culiar teachings.  It  is  worth  noting  that  Judaism, 
the  oldest  of  the  religions  which  it  has  influenced, 
attaches  particular  importance  to  one  chapter, 
Lev  19.  The  keynote  of  that  chapter  is  the  com- 
mand: 'Holy  shall  ye  be,  for  holy  am  I  the  Lord 
your  God' — to  preserve  the  order  and  emphasis  of 
the  original  words.  This  has  been  called  the  Jew's 
imitalio  Dei,  though  a  few  moments'  reflection  shows 
that  the  use  of  the  word  "imitation"  is  here  inac- 
curate. Now  this  book  with  this  teaching  has 
exercised  a  unique  influence  on  the  world's  history, 
for  it  must  be  remembered  that  Judaism,  Chris- 
tianity and  Islam  spring  ultimately  from  its  teach- 


ings, and  it  is  impossible  to  sever  it  from  the  history 
of  the  "people  of  the  book"— as  Mohammed  called 
them.  It  appears  then  that  it  possesses  in  some 
unique  way  both  an  intensely  national  and  an  in- 
tensely universal  character  and  a  few  words  must 
be  said  as  to  this. 

The  great  literary  qualities  of  the  work  have  un- 
doubtedly been  an  important  factor.  All  readers 
have  felt  the  fascination  of  the  stories 
4.  The  of    Gen.     The   Jewish   character   has 

Universal  also  counted  for  much ;  so  again  have 
Aspect  the  moral  and  ethical  doctrines,  and 

the  miraculous  and  unprecedented 
nature  of  the  events  narrated.  And  yet  there  is 
much  that  might  have  been  thought  to  militate 
against  the  book's  obtaining  any  wide  influence 
Apart  from  some  phrases  about  all  the  families  of 
the  earth  being  blessed  (or  blessing  themselves)  m 
the  seed  of  Abraham,  there  is  very  little  in  its  direct 
teaching  to  suggest  that  it  was  ever  intended  to  be 
of  universal  application.  Possibly  these  phrases 
only  mean  that  other  nations  will  use  Israel  as  a 
typical  example  of  greatness  and  happiness  and 
pray  that  they  may  attain  an  equal  degree  of  glory 
and  prosperity.  Moreover,  the  Pent  provides  for  a 
sacrificial  system  that  has  long  ceased  to  exist,  and 
a  corpus  of  jural  law  that  has  not  been  adopted  by 
other  peoples.  Of  its  most  characteristic  require- 
ment— holiness — large  elements  are  rejected  by 
all  save  its  own  people.  Wherein  then  lies  its 
universal  element?  How  came  this  the  most  in- 
tensely national  of  books  to  exercise  a  world-wide 
and  ever-growing  influence?  The  reason  lies  in  the 
very  first  sentence:  "In  the  beginning  God  created 
the  heavens  and  the  earth."  This  doctrine  of  the 
unity  of  an  Almighty  God  is  the  answer  to  our 
question.  Teach  that  there  is  a  God  and  One  Only 
All-powerful  God,  and  the  book  that  tells  of  Him 
acquires  a  message  to  all  His  creatirres. 

Of  the  national  character  of  the  work  something 
has  already  been  said.  It  is  remarkable  that  for  its 
own  people  it  has  in  very  truth  con- 
6.  The  tained  life  and  length  of  days,  for  it 

National  has  been  in  and  through  that  book 
Aspect  that  the  Jews  have  maintained  them- 

selves throughout  their  unique  his- 
tory. If  it  be  asked  wherein  the  secret  of  this 
strength  lies,  the  answer  is  in  the  combination  of  the 
national  and  the  religious.  The  course  of  history 
must  have  been  entirely  different  if  the  Pent  had 
not  been  the  book  of  the  people  long  before  the  Jews 
became  the  people  of  the  book. 

Literature. — The  current  critical  view  is  set  forth 
in  vast  numbers  of  books.  The  following  may  be  men- 
tioned: LOT;  CorniU's  Intro  to  the  Canonical  Books  of 
the  OT;  Carpenter  and  Harford-Battersby's  Hexateuch 
(a  2d  ed  of  the  Intro  without  the  text  has  been  pub- 
lished as  The  Coin-position  of  the  Hexateuch)',  the  vols 
of  the  ICC,  Westminster  Covims.  and  Century  Bible, 
Slightly  less  thoroughgoing  views  are  put  forward 
in  the  Ger.  Intros  of  Konig  (1893),  Baudissin  (1901), 
Selliu  (1910);  and  Geden,  Outlines  of  Intro  to  the  Heb 
Bible  (1909);  Kittel,  Scientific  Study  of  the  OT  (ET, 
1910);  Eerdm.  St.  has  entirely  divergent  critical  views; 
POT;  TMH.  I,  and  W.  Moller,  Are  the  Critics  Bight? 
and  Wider  den  Bonn  der  Quellenscheidung;  Robertson. 
Early  Religion  of  Israel;  Van  Hoonacker,  Lieu  du  culte, 
and  Sacerdoce  Uvitique  are  all  much  more  conserv- 
ative and  valuable.  J.  H.  Raven,  OT  Intro,  gives  a 
good  presentation  of  the  most  conservative  case.  The 
views  taken  in  this  article  are  represented  bv  SBL, 
EPC,  OP,  PS.  Troelstra,  The  Name  of  God,  and 'in  some 
matters,   TMH,  I. 

Harold  M.  Wiener 

PENTATEUCH,  THE  SAMARITAN,  sa-mar'i- 
tan: 

I.     Knowledge  of  Samaritan  Pentateuch 

1.  In  Older  Times 

2.  Revived  Knowledge 
II.     Codices  and  Script 

1.  NablOs  Roll 

2.  The  Script 

3.  Peculiarities  of  Writing 


2313 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pentateuch 
Pent,  Samaritan 


4.  The  Tarikh 

5.  Pronunciation 

6.  Age  of  the  NablQs  Roll 

III.  Relation  of  the  Samaritan  Recension  to  the 

MT   AND   TO   THE   LXX 

1.  Relation  to  MT:    Classification  of  DifTerences 
(1)  Accidental  Variations 

(a)  Due  to  Sight 

(b)  Hearing 

(c)  Deficient  Attention 
(■2)  Intentional 

(a)  Grammatical 
(6)   Logical 
(c)    Doctrinal 

2.  Relation  to  LXX 

(1)  Statement  of  Hypotheses 

(2)  Review  of  Hypotheses 

IV.  On  Pentateuchal  Criticism 
V.     Targums  and  Chronicle 

Literature 

The  existence  of  a  Sam  community  in  Nablus  is 
generally  knowTi,  and  the  fact  that  they  have  a 
recension  of  the  Pent  which  differs  in  some  respects 
from  the  Massoretic  has  been  long  recognized  as 
important. 

/.  Knowledge  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch. — Of 
the  Gr  Fathers  Origen  knew  of  it  and  notes  two 
insertions  which  do  not  appear  in 
1.  In  Older  the  MT— Nu  13  1  and  21  12,  drawn 
Times  from  Dt  1  2  and  2  18.     Eusebius  of 

Caesarea  in  his  Chronicon  compares 
the  ages  of  the  patriarchs  before  Abraham  in  the 


*a 

;1 
m 

1 

■Hi 

1 

• 

Samaritan  High  Priest  with  Scroll. 

LXX  with  those  in  the  Sam  Pent  and  the  MT. 
Epiphanius  is  aware  that  the  Samaritans  acknowl- 
edged the  Pent  alone  as  canonical.  Cyril  of  Jerus 
notes  agreement  of  LXX  and  Sam  in  Gen  4  8. 
These  are  the  principal  evidences  of  knowledge  of 
this  recension  among  the  Gr  Fathers.  Jerome 
notes  some  omissions  in  the  MT  and  suppUes  them 
from  Sam.  The  Talm  shows  that  the  Jews  retained 
a  knowledge  of  the  Sam  Pent  longer,  and  speaks 
contemptuously  of  the  points  in  which  it  differs 
from  the  MT.  Since  the  differences  observed  by 
the  Fathers  and  the  Talmudists  are  to  be  seen  in 


the  Sam  Pent  before  us,  they  afford  evidence  of  its 
authenticity. 

After  nearly  a  millennium  of  obUvion  the  Sam 
Pent  was  restored  to  the  knowledge  of  Christendom 
by  Pietro  de  la  Valle  who  in  1616  pur- 
2.  Revived  chased  a  copy  from  the  Sam  com- 
Knowledge  munity  which  then  existed  in  Damas- 
cus. This  copy  was  presented  in  1623 
to  the  Paris  Oratory  and  shortly  after  published  in 
the  Paris  Polyglot  under  the  editorship  of  Morinus, 
a  priest  of  the  Oratory  who  had  been  a  Protestant. 
He  emphasized  the  difference  between  the  MT  and 
Sam  Pent  for  argumentative  rea.sons,  in  order  to 
prove  the  necessity  for  the  intervention  of  the 
church  to  settle  which  was  Scripture.  A  fierce 
controversy  resulted,  in  which  various  divines, 
Protestant  and  Catholic,  took  part.  Since  then 
copies  of  this  recension  have  multiplied  in  Europe 
and  America.  All  of  them  may  be  regarded  as 
copies  ultimately  of  the  Nabltls  roll.  These  copies 
are  in  the  form,  not  of  rolls,  but  of  codices  or  bound 
volumes.  They  are  usually  written  in  two  columns 
to  the  page,  one  being  the  Tg  or  interpretation  and 
this  is  sometimes  in  Aramaic  and  sometimes  in 
Arabic.  Some  codices  show  three  columns  with 
both  Tgs.  There  are  probably  nearly  100  of  these 
codices  in  various  Ubraries  in  Europe  and  America. 
These  are  all  written  in  the  Sam  script  and  differ 
only  by  scribal  blunders. 

//.   Codices  and  Script. — The  visitor  to  the  Sa- 
maritans is  usually  shown  an  ancient  roll,  but  only 
rarely  is  the  most  ancient  exhibited, 

1.  The  and  when  so  exhibited  still  more  rarely 
Nablfls  Roll  is  it  in  circumstances  in  which  it  may 

be  examined.  Dr.  Mills,  who  spent 
three  months  in  the  Sam  community,  was  able  to 
make  a  careful  though  interrupted  study  of  it.  His 
description  (Ndbl'ds  and  the  Modern  Samaritans, 
312)  is  that  "the  roU  is  of  parchment,  written  in 
columns,  13  in.  deep,  and  7 1  in.  wide.  The  writing 
is  in  a  fair  hand,  rather  small;  each  column  contains 
from  70  to  72  Unes,  and  the  whole  roll  contains  110 
columns.  The  name  of  the  scribe  is  written  in  a 
kind  of  acrostic,  running  through  these  columns,  and 
is  found  in  the  Book  of  Dt.  The  roll  has  the  ap- 
pearance of  very  great  antiquity,  but  is  wonder- 
fully well  preserved,  considering  its  venerable  age. 
It  is  worn  out  and  torn  in  many  places  and  patched 
with  re-written  parchment;  in  many  other  places, 
where  not  torn,  the  writing  is  unreadable.  It 
seemed  to  me  that  about  two-thirds  of  the  original 
is  still  readable.  The  skins  of  which  the  roll  is 
composed  are  of  equal  size  and  measure  each  2.5 
in.  long  by  15  in.  wide."  Dr.  Rosen's  account 
on  the  authority  of  Kraus  (Zeitschr.  der  deutsch- 
morgenl.  Gesellsch.,  XVIII,  582)  agrees  with  this, 
adding  that  the  "breadth  of  the  writing  is  a  hne 
and  the  space  between  is  similar."  Both  observers 
have  noted  that  the  parchment  has  been  written 
only  on  the  "hair"  side.  It  is  preserved  in  a  silk 
covering  inclosed  in  a  silver  case  embossed  with 
arabesque  ornaments. 

The  reader  on  opening  one  of  the  codices  of  the 

Sam  Pent  recognizes  at  once  the  difference  of  the 

writing  from  the  characters  in  an  ordi- 

2.  The  nary    Heb    Bible.     The    Jews    admit 
Script  that  the  character  in  which  the  Sam 

Pent  is  written  is  older  than  their 
square  character.  It  is  said  in  the  Talm  (Sanhe- 
dhrln  216):  "The  law  at  first  was  given  to  Israel 
in  'ibhri  letters  and  in  the  holy  tongue  and  again  by 
Ezra  in  the  square  ['dshurith]  character  and  the 
Aram,  tongue.  Israel  chose  for  themselves  the 
'dshurith  character  and  the  holy  tongue:  they  left 
to  the  hedhyototh  ["uncultured"]  the  Hbhri  character 
and  the  Arani.  tongue — 'the  Cuthaeans  are  the  hedh- 
yototh,' said  Rabbi  Hasda."     When  Jewish  hatred  of 


Pent,  Samaritan       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2314 


the  Samaritans,  and  the  contempt  of  the  Pharisees 
for  them  are  remembered,  this  admission  amounts 
to  a  demonstration.  The  Sam  script  resembles  that 
on  the  Maccabean  coins,  but  is  not  identical  with  it. 
It  may  be  regarded  as  between  the  square  character 
and  the  angular,  the  latter  as  is  seen  in  the  M  S 
and  the  Siloam  inscription.  Another  intermediate 
form,  that  found  on  the  Assouan  papyri,  owes  the 
differences  it  presents  to  having  been  written  with  a 
reed  on  papyrus.  As  the  chronology  of  these  scripts 
is  of  importance  we  subjoin  those  principally  in 
question. 


i 

1 
■c 

S 
Z 

.0 

0 

en 

3 

0 

m 
% 
15 

S 

0 
w 

0 

c 
v5 

0 

(a 

1 

C 
g 

0 

0 

1 

c 

.3 
1 

< 

Alaf 

Aleph 

^ 

Y^ 

»(\V 

1^ 

/V 

« 

Bit 

Beth 

3 

^ 

D^^ 

3 

a 

D 

Gaman 

Ginael 

1 

-A 

^^ 

T 

1 

: 

Dalath 

Daleth 

-d 

4 

1  T 

i 

^=1 

1 

I 

He 

^ 

-^^ 

'A'^-^ 

^ 

-^ 

n 

Bar 

Vav 

Y 

1 

7  ; 

t 

'>C 

1 

Zen 

Zajn 

3: 

^ 

J  / 

-^ 

T 

It 

Heth 

M 

w^ 

Hr) 

B 

^ 

n 

Tit 

Teth 

0 

t/6 

^ 

G 

Yud 

Yodh 

^ 

^5- 

A  A    i 

^ 

^ 

"( 

Kaf 

Kaph 

y 

J 

7  7;j 

> 

iJ 

31 

Labad 

Lamed 

6 

/ 

a^; 

I' 

I 

^ 

Mim 

Mem 

^ 

J 

^^"^ 

^ 

a 

CIQ 

NUQ 

Nun 

; 

J 

))) 

> 

b 

M 

Simcat 

.Samcch 

¥ 

^3 

^ 

D 

In 

Ain 

0 

0 

V  V  y 

V 

V 

V 

Fi 

Be 

7 

J 

?;^o 

3 

iq 

Cade 

Cadi 

1^ 

^ii-1 

vr 

^ 

V77 

^r 

Kof 

Koph 

T 

t 

v:pp 

7 

7 

p 

Eish 

Resh 

^ 

^ 

i^'j 

S 

-^ 

n 

Shin 

Shin 

w 

WW 

K)  \U 

w 

LLP 

^ 

Taf 

Tav 

X 

% 

A/*/^ 

y 

N 

n 

Table  Showing  Script  of  Semitic  Languages. 

The  study  of  these  alphabets  will  confirm  the 
statement  above  made  that  the  Sam  alphabet  is, 
in  evolution,  between  the  square  character  and  the 
angular,  nearer  the  latter  than  the  former,  while  the 
characters  of  the  Assouan  papyri  are  nearer  the 
former  than  the  latter.  Another  point  to  be  ob- 
served is  that  the  letters  which  resemble  each  other 
in  one  alphabet  do  not  always  resemble  in  another. 
We  can  thus,  from  comparison  of  the  letters  liable 
to  be  confused,  form  a  guess  as  to  the  script  in 
which  the  document  containing  the  confusion  was 
written. 


ities  in 
Writing 

each  other. 


In  inscriptions  the  lapidary  had  no  hesitation,  irre- 
spective of  syllables,  in  completing  in  the  next  line  any 
word  for  which  he  had  not  suiBcient  room. 
3  Peculiar-  Thus  the  beginnings  and  endings  of  lines 
were  directly  under  each  other,  as  on  the 
MS.  In  the  papyri  the  words  are  not 
divided,  but  the  scribe  was  not  particular 
to  have  the  ends  of  lines  directly  under 
The  scribe  of  the  square  character  by  use 
of  liUrae  dilalabiles  secured  this  without  dividing  the 
words.  The  Samaritan  secured  this  end  by  wider  spacing. 
The  flrst  letter  or  couple  of  letters  of  each  line  are  placed 
directly  under  the  flrst  letter  or  letters  of  the  preceding 
line. — so  with  the  last  letters — two  or  three — of  the  line, 
while  the  other  words  are  spread  out  to  fill  up  the  space. 
The  only  e.xception  to  this  is  a  paragraph  ending.  "Words 
are  separated  from  each  other  by  dots;  sentences  by  a 
sign  like  our  colon.  The  Torah  is  divided  into  966  kisam 
or  paragraphs.  The  termination  of  these  is  shown  by 
the  colon  having  a  dot  added  to  it.  thus  :.  Sometimes 
this  is  reinforced  by  a  line  and  an  angle — <.  These 
kisam  are  often  enumerated  on  the  margin;  sometimes, 
in  later  MSS  in  Arab,  numerals.  A  blank  space  some- 
times separates  one  of  these  kisam  from  the  next. 

When  the  scribe  wished  to  inform  the  reader  of  his 
personahty  and  the  place  where  he  had  written  the  MS 
he    made    use   of   a    peculiar   device.     In 
4.    Tlip  copying  he  left  a  space  vacant  in  the  middle 

%      LL  Of  a  column.     The  space  thus  left  is  every 

Jarlkn  now  and  then  bridged  by  a  single  letter. 

These  letters  read  down  the  column  form 
words  and  sentences  which  convey  the  information.  In 
the  case  of  the  Nablfls  roll  this  tarlkh  occurs  in  Dt  and 
occupies  three  columns.  In  this  it  is  said,  "I  Abishua, 
son  of  Pinhas  (Phinehas],  son  of  Eleazar,  son  of  Aharun 
[Aaron]  the  priest,  have  written  this  holy  book  in  the 
door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation  in  Mt.  Geri- 
zim  in  the  13th  year  of  the  rule  of  the  children  of  Israel 
in  the  land  of  Canaan."  Most  of  the  codices  in  the 
libraries  of  Europe  and  America  have  like  information 
given  in  a  similar  manner.  This  tarikh  is  usually  Heb, 
but  sometimes  it  is  in  Sam  Aramaic.  Falsification  of 
the  date  merely  is  practically  impossible;  the  forgery 
must  be  the  work  of  the  first  scribe. 

Not  onlv  has  the  difference  of  script  to  be  considered, 
but  also  the  different  values  assigned  to  the  letters.  The 
names  given  to  the  letters  differ  consid- 
erably from  the  Heb,  as  may  be  seen 
above.  There  are  no  vowel  points  or 
signs  of  reduplication.  Only  B  and  P  of 
the  BoGaDH-K-PHaTH  letters  are  as- 
pirated. The  most  singular  peculiarity 
is  that  none  of  the  gutturals  is  pronounced 
at  all — a  peculiarity  which  explains  some 
of  the  names  given  to  the  letters.  This  characteristic 
appears  all  the  more  strildng  when  it  is  remembered  how 
prominent  gutturals  are  in  Arab.,  the  everyday  language 
of  the  Samaritans.  The  flrst  5  verses  of  Gen  are  sub- 
joined according  to  the  Sam  pronunciation,  as  taken 
down  by  Petermann  {Versiu^h  einer  hebr.  Furmenlehre, 
161),  from  the  reading  of  Amram  the  high  priest;  Ba- 
rashet  bara  Eluwem  it  ashshamem  wit  aareg.  Waarei; 
ayata-te' ti  ube'u  waashek  at  fani  ....  turn  uru  Eluwem 
amra,  efet  at  fani  ammem  vmija' mcr  Eluwem  ya'i  or 
way' ai  or  wayere  Eluwem  it  a'  or  ki  tov  wayabdel  Eluwem, 
bill  a  or  ubin  aashek  uyikra  Eluwem  la' or  yom  ula  ' ashek 
kara  Ula.    Uyai  ' erev  uyai  hekar  yom  a'ad. 


6.  The 
Mode  of 
Prontin- 
ciation 


There  is  no  doubt  that  if  the  inscription  given 
above  is  really  in  the  MS  it  is  a  forgery  written  on 

the  skin  at  the  first.  Of  its  falsity 
6.  The  Age  also  there  is  no  doubt.  The  Am  Tab 
of  the  Na-  sent  from  Canaan  and  nearly  con- 
bliis  Roll       temporary  with  the  Israelite  conquest 

of  the  land  were  impressed  with  cunei- 
form characters  and  the  language  was  Bab.  Neg- 
lecting the  tarikh,  we  may  examine  the  matter  inde- 
pendently and  come  to  certain  conclusions.  If  it 
is  the  original  from  which  the  other  MSS  have  been 
copied  we  are  forced  to  assume  a  date  earlier  at 
least  than  the  10th  cent.  AD,  which  is  the  date  of 
the  earhest  Heb  MS.  The  script  dates  from  the 
Hasmoneans.  The  reason  of  this  mode  of  writing 
being  perpetuated  in  copying  the  Law  must  be 
found  in  some  special  sanctity  in  the  document 
from  which  the  copies  were  made  originally.  Dr. 
Mills  seems  almost  inclined  to  beheve  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  lar'ikh.  His  reasons,  however,  have 
been  rendered  valueless  by  recent  discoveries.  Dr. 
Cowley,  on  the  other  hand,  would  date  it  somewhere 
about  the  12th  cent.  AD,  or  from  that  to  the  14th. 
With  all  the  respect  due  to  such  a  scholar  we  venture 
to  think  his  view  untenable.  His  hypothesis  is 
that  an  old  MS  was  found  and  the  larlkh  now  seen 


2315 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Pent,  Samaritan 


in  it  was  afterward  added.  That,  however,  is  im- 
possible unless  a  new  skin — the  newness  of  which 
would  be  obvious — had  been  written  over  and  in- 
serted. Even  the  comparatively  slight  change 
implied  in  turning  Ishmael  into  Israel  in  the  larlkh 
in  the  NablAs  roll  necessitates  a  great  adjustment  of 
lines,  as  the  letters  of  the  tartkh  must  read  hori- 
zontally as  well  as  perpendicularly.  If  that  change 
were  made,  the  date  would  then  be  approximately 
6.50  AD,  much  older  than  Cowley's  12th  cent. 
There  is,  however,  nothing  in  this  to  explain  the 
sanctity  given  to  this  MS.  There  is  a  tradition 
that  the  roll  was  saved  from  fire,  that  it  leaped  out 
of  the  fire  in  the  presence  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  If 
it  were  found  unconsumed  when  the  temple  on  Mt. 
Gerizim  was  burned  by  John  Hyrcanus  I,  this  would 
account  for  the  veneration  in  which  it  ia  held.  It 
would  account  also  for  the  stereotyping  of  the 
script.  The  angular  script  prevailed  until  near  the 
tirne  of  Alexander  the  Great.  In  it  or  in  a  script 
akin  to  it  the  copy  of  the  Law  must  have  been  written 
which  Manasseh,_  the  son-in-law  of  Sanballat, 
brought  to  Samaria.  The  preservation  of  such  a 
copy  would  be  ascribed  to  miracle  and  the  script 
consecrated. 

///.  Relation  of  the  Samaritan  Recension  to  the 
MT  and  LA-X— While   the   reader   of    the   Sam 

Pent  will  not  fail  to  observe  its  prac- 
1.  Relation  tical  identity  with  the  MT,  closer  study 
to  MT:  reveals    numerous,    if    minor,    differ- 

Classifi-  ences.  These  differences  were  classi- 
cation  of  fied  by  Gesenius.  Besides  being  illogi- 
Differences  cal,    his    classification    is    faulty,    as 

founded  on  the  assumption  that  the 
Sam  Pent  text  is  the  later.  The  same  may  be  said 
of  Kohn'a.  We  would  venture  on  another  classi- 
fication of  these  variations,  deriving  the  principle 
of  division  from  their  origin.  These  variations 
were  due  either  to  (1)  accident  or  (2)  intention. 
(1)  The  first  of  these  classes  arose  from  the  way  in 
which  books  were  multiplied  in  ancient  days.  Most 
commonly  one  read  and  a  score  of  scribes,  probably 
slaves,  wrote  to  this  dictation.  Hence  errors  might 
arise  (a)  when  from  similarity  of  letters  the  reader 
mistook  one  word  for  another,  (h)  If  the  reader's 
pronunciation  was  not  distinct  the  scribes  might 
mis-hear  and  therefore  'm-ite  the  word  amiss,  (c) 
Further,  if  the  reader  began  a  sentence  which  opened 
in  a  way  that  generally  was  followed  by  certain 
words  or  phrases,  he  might  inadvertently  conclude 
it,  not  in  the  way  it  was  written  before  him,  but  in 
the  customary  phrase.  In  the  same  way  the  scribe 
through  defective  attention  might  also  blunder. 
Thus  the  accidental  variations  may  be  regarded  as 
due  to  mistakes  of  sight,  hearing  and  attention.  (2) 
Variations  due  to  intention  are  either  (a)  gram- 
matical, the  removal  of  peculiarities  and  conforming 
them  to  usage,  or  (b)  logical,  as  when  a  command 
having  been  given,  the  fulfilment  is  felt  to  follow  as 
a  logical  necessity  and  so  is  narrated,  or,  if  narrated, 
is  omitted  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  scribe;  (c) 
doctrinal  changes  introduced  into  the  text  to  suit 
the  doctrinal  position  of  one  side  or  other.  Ques- 
tions of  propriety  also  lead  to  alterations — these 
may  be  regarded  as  quasi-doctrinal. 

(1)  Examples  of  accidental  variations. — (a)  Due 
to  mistakes  of  sight:  The  cause  of  mistakes  of  sight 
is  the  likeness  of  differing  letters.  These,  however, 
differ  in  different  scripts,  as  may  be  proved  by  con- 
sideration of  the  table  of  alphabets.  Some  of  these 
mistakes  found  in  connection  with  the  Sam  Pent 
appear  to  be  mistakes  due  to  the  resemblance  of 
letters  in  the  Sam  script.  Most  of  these  are  obvious 
blunders;  thus  in  Gen  19  32,  we  have  the  mean- 
ingless tahhinu  instead  of  'abhinU,  "our  father," 
from  the  likeness  oi  X  ,  t,  to  ^ ,  a.    In  Gen  25 


29  we  have  gdzedh  instead  of  ydzedh,  "to  seethe," 
because  of  the  likeness  of  "fYl ,  f,  to  /yy  ,  y  or 
i.  These,  while  in  Blayney's  transcription  of 
Walton's  text,  are  not  in  Petermann  or  the  Sam 
Tg.  The  above  examples  are  mistakes  in  Sam 
MSS,  but  there  are  mistakes  also  in  the  MT.  In 
Gen  27  40  the  RV  rendering  is  "When  thou  shalt 
break  loose,  thou  shalt  shake  his  yoke  from  off  thy 
neck."  This  rendering  does  violence  to  the  sense 
of  both  vbs.  and  results  in  a  tautology.  In  the 
Hiphil  the  first  vb.  rUdh  ought  to  mean  "to  cause 
to  wander,"  not  "to  break  loose,"  and  the  second 
vb.  parak  means  "to  break,"  not  "to  shake  off." 
The  Sam  has  "When  thou  shalt  be  mighty,  thou 
shalt  break  his  yoke  from  off  thy  neck."  'The  MT 
mistake  may  be  due  to  the  confounding  of  /"^ , 
a,  with  >^  ,  t,  and  the  transposition  of  ^  ,  d,  and 
^  ,  6.  The  vb.  'ddhar,  "to  be  strong,"  is  rare  and 
poetic,  and  so  unlikely  to  suggest  itself  to  reader 
or  scribe.  The  renderings  of  the  LXX  and  Pesh 
indicate  confusion.  There  are  numerous  cases, 
however,  where  the  resembling  letters  are  not  in 
the  Sam  script,  but  sometimes  in  the  square  char- 
acter and  sometimes  in  the  angular.  Some  char- 
acters resemble  each  other  in  both,  but  not  in  the 
Samaritan.  The  cases  in  which  the  resemblance 
is  only  in  letters  in  the  square  script  may  all  be 
ascribed  to  variation  in  the  MT.  Cases  involving 
the  confusion  of  waw  and  yodh  are  instances  in 
point.  It  may  be  said  that  every  one  of  the  in- 
stances of  variation  which  depends  on  confusion  of 
these  letters  is  due  to  a  blunder  of  a  Jewish  scribe, 
e.g.  Gen  25  13,  where  the  Jewish  scribe  has  written 
n'bhUh  instead  of  n'bhayoth  {Nebaioth)  as  usual; 
36  5,  where  the  Jewish  scribe  has  y'Hsh  instead  of 
y'ush  (Jeush),  as  in  the  K're.  In  Gen  46  30,  by 
writing  r*'oiAi  instead  of  ra'tthi,  the  Jewish  scribe  in 
regard  to  the  same  letters  has  made  a  blunder  which 
the  Sam  scribe  has  avoided.  When  d  and  r  are 
confused,  it  must  not  be  ascribed  to  the  likeness  in 
the  square  script,  for  those  letters  are  alike  in  the 
angular  also.  As  the  square  is  admitted  to  be  later 
than  the  date  of  the  Sam  script,  these  confusions 
point  to  a  MS  in  angular.  There  are,  however, 
confusions  which  apply  only  to  letters  alike  in  angu- 
lar. Thus  binydmim,  invariably  in  the  Sam  Pent 
Benjamin,  binydmln,  is  written  Benjamin;  also  in 
Ex  1  11  pithon  instead  of  pithom,  but  m  and  n 
are  alike  only  in  the  script  of  the  Siloam  inscription. 
In  Dt  12  21,  the  Sam  has  I?!?'?,  I'shakkcn,  as 
the  MT  has  in  12  11,  whereas  theMT  has  CWb  , 
Idsum.  A  study  of  the  alphabets  on  p.  2314  will 
show  the  close  resemblance  between  waw  and  hdph 
in  the  Siloam  script,  as  well  as  the  likeness  above 
mentioned  between  m  and  n.  This  points  to  the 
fact  that  the  MSS  from  which  the  JMT  and  the  Sam 
were  transcribed  in  some  period  of  their  history 
were  written  in  angular  of  the  type  of  the  Siloam 
inscription,  that  is  to  say  of  the  age  of  Hezekiah. 

ih)  Variations  due  to  mistakes  of  hearing:  Thie  great 
mass  of  tiiese  are  due  to  one  of  two  sources,  eitlier  on  the 
one  hand  the  insertion  or  omission  of  ivdw  and  yodh,  so 
that  the  vowel  is  written  plenum  or  the  reverse,  or,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  the  mistal<e  of  the  gutturals.  Of  the 
former  class  of  variations  there  are  dozens  in  every 
chapter.  The  latter  also  is  fairly  frequent,  and  is  due 
doubtless  to  the  fact  that  in  the  time  when  the  originals 
of  the  present  MSS  were  transcribed  the  gutturals  were 
not  pronounced  at  all.  Gen  27  .36  shows  ^  and  n 
interchanged,  n  and  n  in  Gen  41  4.5,  PI  for  j?  in  Gen 
49  7,  and  X  and  J"  in  Gen  23  18.  in  many  Sam  MSS, 
but  the  result  is  meaningless.  This  inability  to  pro- 
nounce the  gutturals  points  to  a  date  considerably  before 
the  Arab  domination.  Possibly  this  avoidance  of  the 
gutturals  became  fashionable  during  the  Rom  rule,  when 
the  language  of  law  was  Lat,  a  language  without  gut- 
turals. A  parallel  instance  may  be  seen  in  Aquita,  who 
does  not  transliterate  any  gutturals.  This  loss  of  the 
gutturals  may  be  connected  with  the  tact  that  in  Assyr 
'aliph  is   practically  the  only  guttural.     The  colonists 


Pent,  Samaritan       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2316 


from  Assyria  might  not  unlikely  be  imable  to  pronounce 
the  gutturals. 

(c)  Changes  due  to  deficient  attention;  Another  cause 
of  variation  is  to  be  found  in  reader  or  scribe  not  attend- 
ing sufficiently  to  the  actual  word  or  sentence  seen  or 
heard.  This  is  manifested  in  putting  for  a  word  its 
equivalent.  In  Gen  26  31  the  Sam  has  Vre'ehu,  "to  his 
friend."  instead  of  as  the  MT^-'d/iiui,  "to  his  brother,"  and 
in  Ex  2  10  Sam  has  na  ar  for  yeledh  in  MT.  In  such 
cases  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  represents  the 
original  text.  We  may  remarii  that  the  assumption  of 
Gesenius  and  of  such  Jewish  writers  as  Kohn  that  the 
MT  is  always  correct  is  due  to  mere  prejudice.  More 
important  is  the  occasional  interchange  of  YH  WH  and 
'JSlohlm,  as  in  Gen  28  4,  where  Sam  has  YHWH  and 
the  MT  ' Elohlm,  and  Gen  7  1  where  it  has  'Eldhi?n 
against  YHWH  in  the  MT.  This  last  instance  is  the 
more  singular,  in  that  in  the  9th  verse  of  the  same  chap- 
ter the  MT  has  'Elshl m  and  the  Sam  YHWH.  Another 
class  of  instances  which  may  be  due  to  the  same  cause  is 
the  completion  of  a  sentence  by  adding  a  clause  or,  it 
mav  be,  dropping  it  from  failure  to  observe  it  to  be  in- 
complete, as  Gen  24  4.5.  If  the  MT  be  the  original 
text,  the  Sam  adds  the  clause  "a  little  water  from  thy 
pitcher";  if  the  Sam.  then  the  MT  has  dropped  it. 

(2)  Changes  due  to  intention. — (a)  Grammatical: 
Tlie  variations  from  the  MT  most  frequently  met 
with  in  reading  the  Sam  Pent  are  those  necessary 
to  conform  the  language  to  the  rules  of  ordinary 
grammar.  In  this  the  Sam  frequently  coincides 
with  the  K-'re  of  the  MT.  The  Knhibh  of  the  MT 
has  no  distinction  in  gender  between  hu'  in  the  3d 
personal  pronoun  sing. — in  both  masc.  and  fem.  it 
is  hu' .  The  Sam  with  the  K^re  corrects  this  to  hi' . 
So  with  na'ar,  "a  youth" — this  is  common  in  the 
KHhibh,  but  in  the  K're  when  a  young  woman  is  in 
question  the  fem.  termination  is  added,  and  so  the 
Sam  writers  also.  It  is  a  possible  supposition  that 
this  characteristic  of  the  Torah  is  late  and  due  to 
blundering  peculiar  to  the  MS  from  which  the 
Massoretes  copied  the  K^thibh.  That  it  is  sys- 
tematic is  against  its  being  due  to  blunder,  and  as 
the  latest  Heb  books  maintain  distinction  of  gender, 
we  must  regard  this  as  an  evidence  of  antiquity. 
This  is  confirmed  by  another  set  of  variations  be- 
tween the  Sam  and  the  MT.  There  are,  in  the 
latter,  traces  of  case-endings  which  have  dis- 
appeared in  later  Heb.  These  are  removed  in  the 
Sam.  That  case  terminations  have  a  tendency  to 
disappear  is  to  be  seen  in  Eng.  and  Fr.  The  sign  of 
the  accusative,  'eth,  frequently  omitted  in  the  AIT, 
is  generally  supplied  in  Sam.  A  short  form  of  the 
demonstrative  pronoun  pi.  ('eZ  instead  of  'ellah)  is 
restricted  to  the  Pent  and  1  Ch  20  8.  The  syntax 
of  the  cohortative  is  different  in  Sam  from  that  in 
the  Massoretic  Heb.  It  is  not  to  be  assumed  that 
the  Jewish  was  the  only  correct  or  primitive  use. 
There  are  cases  where,  with  colloquial  inexactitude, 
the  MT  has  joined  a  pi.  noun  to  a  singular  vb.,  and 
vice  versa;  these  are  corrected  in  Sam.  Conju- 
gations which  in  later  Heb  have  a  definite  meaning 
in  relation  to  the  root,  but  are  used  in  the  MT  of  the 
Torah  in  quite  other  senses,  are  brought  in  the  Sam 
Pent  into  harmony  with  later  use.  It  ought  in 
passing  to  be  noted  that  these  pentateuchal  forms 
do  not  occur  in  the  Prophets;  even  in  Josh  2  15 
we  have  the  fem.  3d  personal  pronoun;  in  Jgs  19  3 
we  have  na^drdh. 

(b)  Logical;  Sometimes  the  context  or  the  circum- 
stances implied  have  led  to  a  change  on  one  side  or  another. 
This  may  involve  only  the  change  of  a  word,  as  in  Gen 
2  2,  where  the  Sam  has  "sixth"  instead  of  "seventh" 
(MT),  in  this  agreeing  with  the  LXX  and  Pesh,  the 
■lewish  scribe  thinking  the  "sixth  day"  could  only  be 
reckoned  ended  when  the  "seventh'  had  begun.  In 
Gen  4  S,  after  the  clause,  "And  Cain  talked  with  [said  to] 
Abel  his  brother,"  the  Sam,  LXX  and  Pesh  add,  "Let  us 
go  into  the  field."  From  the  evidence  of  the  VSS,  from 
the  natural  meaning  of  the  vb.  'amar,  "to  say,"  not  "to 
speak,"  from  the  natural  meaning  also  of  the  preposition 
'el,  "to,"  not  "mth"  (see  Gesenius),  it  is  clear  that  the 
MT  has  dropped  the  clause  and  that  the  Sam  represents 
the  true  text.  If  this  is  not  the  case,  it  is  a  case  of  logical 
completion  on  the  part  of  the  Sam.  Another  instance  is 
the  addition  to  each  name  in  the  genealogy  in  Gen  11 
10-24  of  the  sum  of  the  years  of  his  life.     la  the  case  of 


the  narrative  of  the  plagues  of  Egypt  a  whole  paragraph 
is  added  frequently.  What  has  been  commanded  Moses 
and  Aaron  is  repeated  as  history  when  they  obey. 

(c)  Doctrinal:  There  are  cases  in  which  the  text  so 
suits  the  special  views  of  the  Samaritans  concerning  the 
sanctity  of  Gerizim  that  alteration  of  the  original  in  that 
direction  may  be  supposed  to  be  the  likeliest  explanation. 
Thus  there  is  inserted  at  Gen  20  67  a  passage  from  Dt 
27  2  slightly  modified:  Gerizim  being  put  for  Ebal,  the 
object  of  the  addition  being  to  give  the  consecration  of 
Gerizim  the  sanction  of  the  Torah.  Kennicott,  however, 
defends  the  authenticity  of  this  passage  as  against  the 
MT.  Insertion  or  omission  appears  to  be  the  result  of 
doctrinal  predilection.  In  Nu  25  4.5  the  Sam  har- 
monizes the  command  of  Jeh  with  the  action  of  Moses, 
The  passage  removed  has  a  bloodthirsty  Moloch-like 
look  that  might  seem  difficult  to  defend.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Jewish  hatred  of  idolatry  might  express  itself 
in  the  command  to  "take  all  the  heads  of  the  people  and 
hang  them  up  before  the  Lord  against  the  sun,"  and  so 
might  be  inserted.  There  are  cases  also  where  the 
language  is  altered  for  reasons  of  propriety.  In  these 
cases  the  Sam  agrees  with  the  IJore  of  the  MT. 

These  variations  are  of  unequal  value  as  evi- 
dences of  the  relative  date  of  the  Sam  recension 
of  the  Pent.  The  intentional  are  for  this  purpose 
of  little  value;  they  are  evidence  of  the  views 
prevalent  in  the  northern  and  southern  districts  of 
Pal  respectively.  Only  visual  blunders  are  of  real 
importance,  and  they  point  to  a  date  about  the 
days  of  Hezekiah  as  the  time  at  which  the  two  re- 
censions began  to  diverge.  One  thing  is  obvious, 
that  the  Sam,  at  least  as  often  as  the  MT,  repre- 
sents the  primitive  text. 

(1)  Statement  of  hypotheses. — The  frequency  with 
which  the  points  in  which  the  Sam  Pent  differs  from 
the  MT  agree  with  those  in  which  the 
2.  Relation  LXX  also  differs  has  exercised  scholars. 
of  Samari-  Castelli  asserts  that  there  are  a  thou- 
tan  Recen-  sand  such  instances.  It  may  be  noted 
sion  to  LXX  that  in  one  instance,  at  any  rate,  a  pas- 
sage in  which  the  Sam  and  the  LXX 
agree  against  the  MT  has  the  support  of  the  NT. 
In  Gal  3  17,  the  apostle  Paul,  following  the  Sam 
and  LXX  against  the  MT,  makes  the  "430.years" 
which  terminated  with  the  exodus  begin  with 
Abraham.  As  a  rule  the  attention  of  Bib.  scholars 
has  been  so  directed  to  the  resemblances  between 
the  Sam  and  the  LXX  that  they  have  neglected  the 
more  numerous  points  of  difference.  So  impressed 
have  scholars  been,  esp.  when  Jews,  by  these  resem- 
blances that  they  have  assumed  that  the  one  was 
dependent  on  the  other.  Frankcl  has  maintained 
that  the  Sam  was  tr''  from  the  LXX.  Against  this 
is  the  fact  that  in  all  their  insulting  remarks  against 
them  the  Talmudists  never  assert  that  the  "Cu- 
thaeans"  (Samaritans)  got  their  Torah  from  the 
Greeks.  Further,  even  if  they  only  got  the  Law 
through  Manasseh,  the  son-in-law  of  Sanballat, 
and  even  if  he  lived  in  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  yet  this  was  nearly  half  a  century  before  the 
earliest  date  of  the  LXX.  Again,  while  there  are 
many  evidences  in  the  LXX  that  it  has  been  tr'' 
from  Heb,  there  are  none  in  the  Sam  that  it  has 
been  tr""  from  Gr.  The  converse  hypothesis  is 
maintained  by  Dr.  Kohn  with  all  the  emphasis  of 
extended  type.  His  hypothesis  is  that  before  the 
LXX  was  thought  of  a  Gr  tr  was  made  from  a 
Sam  copy  of  the  Law  for  the  benefit  of  Samaritans 
resident  in  Egypt.  The  Jews  made  use  of  this  at 
first,  but  when  they  found  it  wrong  in  many  points, 
they  purposed  a  new  tr,  but  were  so  much  influ- 
enced by  that  to  which  they  were  accustomed  that 
it  was  only  an  improved  edition  of  the  Sam  which 
resulted.  But  it  is  improbable  that  the  Samaritans, 
who  were  few  and  who  had  comparatively  httle 
intercourse  with  Egypt,  should  precede  the  more 
numerous  Jews  with  their  huge  colonies  in  Egypt, 
in  making  a  Gr  tr.  It  is  further  against  the  Jewish 
tradition  as  preserved  to  us  by  Jos.  It  is  against 
the  Sam  tradition  as  learned  by  the  present  writer 
from  the  Sam  high  priest.     According  to  him,  the 


2317 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Pent,  Samaritan 


Samaritans  had  no  independent  tr,  beyond  the  fact 
that  five  of  the  LXX  were  Samaritan.  Had  there 
been  any  excuse  for  asserting  that  the  Samaritans 
were  the  first  translators,  that  would  not  have  dis- 
appeared from  their  traditions. 

(2)  Review  of  these  hypotheses. — The  above  un- 
satisfactory explanations  result  from  deficient  ob- 
servation and  unwarranted  assumption.  That 
there  are  many  cases  where  the  Sam  variations 
from  the  MT  are  identical  with  those  of  the  LXX 
is  indubitable.  It  has,  however,  not  been  observed 
by  those  Jewish  scholars  that  the  cases  in  which  the 
Sam  alone  or  LXX  alone,  one  or  other,  agrees  with 
the  MT  against  the  other,  are  equally  numer- 
ous. Besides,  there  are  not  a  few  cases  in  which 
all  throe  differ.  It  ought  to  be  observed  that  the 
cases  in  which  the  LXX  differs  from  the  MT  are 
much  more  numerous  than  those  in  which  the  Sam 
differs  from  it.  One  has  only  to  compare  the  Sam, 
LXX  and  MT  of  any  half  a  dozen  consecutive  chap- 
ters in  the  Pent  to  prove  this.  Thus  neither  is 
dependent  on  the  others.  Further,  there  is  the  un- 
warranted assumption  that  the  MT  represents  the 
primitive  text  of  th^  Law.  If  the  MT  is  compared 
with  the  VSS,  it  is  found  that  the  LXX,  despite  the 
misdirected  efforts  of  Origen  to  harmonize  it  to  the 
Palestinian  text,  differs  in  very  many  cases  from  the 
MT.  Theodotion  is  nearer,  but  still  differs  in  not 
a  few  cases.  Jerome  is  nearer  still,  though  even  the 
text  behind  the  Vulg  is  not  identical  with  the  MT. 
It  follows  that  the  MT  is  the  result  of  a  process 
which  stopped  somewhere  about  the  end  of  the  5th 
cent.  AD.  The  origin  of  the  MT  appears  to  have 
been  somewhat  the  result  of  accident.  A  MS  which 
had  acquired  a  special  sanctity  as  belonging  to  a 
famous  rabbi  is  copied  with  fastidious  accuracy, 
so  that  even  its  blunders  are  perpetuated.  This 
supplies  the  K^thibh.  Corrections  are  made  from 
other  MSS,  and  these  form  the  K^re.  If  our  hy- 
pothesis as  to  the  age  of  the  Nablfts  roll  is  correct, 
it  is  older  than  the  MT  by  more  than  half  a  millen- 
nium, and  the  MS  from  which  the  LXX  was  tr"" 
was  nearly  a  couple  of  centuries  older  still.  So  far 
then  from  its  being  a  reasonable  assumption  that 
the  LXX  and  Sam  differ  from  the  MT  only  by 
blundering  or  wilful  corruption  on  the  part  of  the 
former,  the  converse  is  at  least  as  probable.  The 
conclusion  then  to  which  we  are  led  is  that  of  Ken- 
nicott  {Slate  of  Heb  Text  Diss.,  II,  1G4)  that  the 
Sam  and  LXX  being  independent,  "each  copy  is 
invaluable — each  copy  demands  our  pious  vener- 
ation and  attentive  study."  It  further  ought  to 
be  observed  that  though  Dr.  Kohn  points  to  certain 
cases  where  the  difference  between  the  MT  and  the 
LXX  is  due  to  confusion  of  letters  only  possible  in 
Sam  character,  this  does  not  prove  the  LXX  to 
have  been  tr^^  from  a  Sam  MS,  but  that  the  MSS 
of  the  MT  used  by  the  LXX  were  written  in  that 
script.  Kohn  also  exhibits  the  relation  of  the  Sam 
to  the  Pesh.  While  the  Pesh  sometimes  agrees 
with  the  Sam  where  it  differs  from  the  MT,  more 
frequently  it  supports  the  MT  against  the  Sam. 

IV.  Bearing  on  the  Pentateachal  Question. — 
Jos  {Ant,  XI,  viii,  2)  makes  Sanballat  contemporary 
with  Alexander  the  Great,  and  states  that  his  son- 
in-law  Manasseh  came  to  Samaria  and  became  the 
high  priest.  Although  it  is  not  said  by  Jos,  it  is 
assumed  by  critics  that  he  brought  the  completed 
Torah  with  him.  This  Manasseh  is  according  to 
Jos  the  grandson  of  EUashib  the  high  priest,  the 
contemporary  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  there- 
fore contemporary  with  Artaxerxes  Longimanus. 
Nehemiah  (13  28)  mentions,  without  naming  him, 
a  grandson  of  Ehashib,  who  was  son-in-law  of  San- 
ballat, whom  he  chased  from  him.  It  is  clear  that 
Jos  had  dropped  a  century  out  of  his  history,  and 
that  the  migration  of  Manasseh  is  to  be  placed  not 


c  335  BC,  but  c  435  BC.  Ezra  is  reputed  to  be,  if 
not  the  author  of  the  PC  in  the  Pent,  at  all  events 
its  introducer  to  the  Palestinians,  and  to  have  edited 
the  whole,  so  that  it  assumed  the  form  in  which  we 
now  have  it.  But  he  was  the  contemporary  of 
Manasseh,  and  had  been,  by  his  denunciation  of 
foreign  marriages,  the  cause  of  the  banishment  of 
Manas.sch  and  his  friends.  Is  it  probable  that  he, 
Manasseh,  would  receive  as  Mosaic  the  enactments 
of  Ezra,  or  convey  them  to  Samaria?  The  date  of 
the  introduction  of  P,  the  latest  portion  of  the  Law, 
must  accordingly  be  put  considerably  earlier  than 
it  is  placed  at  present.  We  have  seen  that  there 
are  visual  blunders  that  can  be  explained  only  on  the 
assumption  that  the  MS  from  which  the  mother 
Sam  roll  was  copied  was  written  in  some  variety 
of  angular  script.  We  have  seen,  further,  that  the 
peculiarities  suit  those  of  the  Siloam  inscription 
executed  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  therefore  ap- 
proximately contemporary  with  the  priest  sent  by 
Esarhaddon  to  Samaria  to  teach  the  people  "the 
manner  of  the  God  of  the  land."  As  Amos  and 
Hosea  manifest  a  knowledge  of  the  whole  Pent 
before  the  captivity,  it  would  seem  that  this  "Book 
of  the  Law"  that  was  "read  [Am  4  5  LXX]  with- 
out," which  would  be  the  source  from  which  the 
priest  sent  from  Assyria  taught  as  above  "the 
manner  of  the  God  of  the  land,"  would  contain  all 
the  portions — J,  E,  D,  and  P — of  the  Law.  If  so, 
it  did  not  contain  the  Book  of  Josh;  notwith- 
standing the  honor  they  give  the  conqueror  of  Ca- 
naan, the  Samaritans  have  not  retained  the  book 
which  relates  his  exploits.  This  is  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  the  archaisms  in  the  MT  of  the 
Pont  are  not  found  in  Josh.  It  is  singular,  if  the 
Prophets  were  before  the  Law,  that  in  the  Law 
there  should  be  archaisms  which  are  not  found  in  the 
Prophets.  From  the  way  the  Divine  names  are 
interchanged,  as  we  saw,  sometimes  'Elohlm  in  the 
Sam  represents  YHWH  in  the  MT,  sometimes 
vice  versa,  it  becomes  obviously  impossible  to  lay 
any  stress  on  this.  This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by 
the  yet  greater  frequency  with  which  this  inter- 
change occurs  in  the  LXX.  The  result  of  investi- 
gation of  the  Sam  Pent  is  to  throw  very  consider- 
able doubt  on  the  validity  of  the  critical  opinions 
as  to  the  date,  origin  and  structure  of  the  Pent. 

V.  Targums  and  Chronicle. — As  above  noted,  there 
are  two  Tgs  or  interpretations  of  the  Sara  Pent,  an  Ara- 
maic and  an  Arabic.  The  Aram,  is  a  dialect  related  to  the 
Western  Aram.,  in  which  the  Jewish  Tgs  were  written, 
sometimes  called  Chaldee.  It  has  in  it  many  strange 
words,  some  ol  which  may  be  due  to  the  language  of  the 
Assyr  colonists,  but  many  are  the  result  of  blunders  of 
copyists  ignorant  of  the  language.  It  is  pretty  close  to 
the  original  and  is  little  given  to  paraphrase.  Much  the 
same  may  be  said  of  the  Arab.  Tg.  It  is  usually  attrib- 
uted to  Abu  Said  of  the  13th  cent.,  but  according  to  Dr. 
Cowley  only  revised  by  him  from  the  Tg  of  Abulhassan 
of  the  nth  cent.  There  is  reference  occasionally  in  the 
Fathers  to  a  Samaritikon  which  has  been  taken  to  mean 
a  Gr  version.  No  indubitable  quotations  from  it  sur- 
vive— what  seem  to  be  so  being  really  tr^  of  the  text  of 
the  Sam  recension.  There  is  in  Arab,  a  wordy  chronicle 
called  "The  Book  of  Joshua."  It  has  been  edited  by 
Juynboll.  It  may  be  dated  in  the  1.3th  cent.  More 
recently  a  "Book  of  Joshua"  in  Heb  and  written  in  Sam 
characters  was  alleged  to  be  discovered.  It  is,  however, 
a  manifest  forgery;  the  characters  in  which  it  is  written 
are  very  late.  It  is  partly  borrowed  from  the  canonical 
Josh,  and  partly  from  the  older  Sam  Book  of  Joshua 
with  fabulous  additions.  The  Chronicle  of  Abulfatah 
is  a  tolerably  accurate  account  of  the  history  of  the 
Samaritans  after  Alexander  the  Great  to  the  4th  cent. 
AD. 

Literature. — The  text  in  the  Sam  script  is  found  in 
the  polyglots — Paris  and  London.  Walton's  text  in  the 
London  Polijglot  is  transcribed  in  square  characters  by 
Blayney,  Oxford,  1790.  The  Eng.  works  of  importance 
of  recent  times  are  Mills,  Nablus  and  the  Samaritans, 
London,  1864;  Nutt,  Fragments  of  a  Sam  Tg,  Lon- 
don, 1S74;  Montgomery,  The  Samaritans,  Philadelphia, 
1907  (this  has  a  very  full  bibliography  which  in- 
cludes articles  in  periodicals) ;  Iverach  Munro,  The 
Sam  Pent  and  Modern  Criticism,  1911,  London.  In 
Germany,  Gesenius'  dissertation,  De  Pcntateuchi  Samari- 


Pentecost 
Peraea 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2318 


tani  orioine,  etc,  Jena,  1815,  has  not  quite  lost  its  value; 
Kohn,  be  Pentateucho  Samaritano,  Leipzig,  1865;  Peter- 
mann,  Versuch  einer  hebr.  Formenlehre  nach  der  Aussprache 
der  heutigen  Samaritaner,  Leipzig,  1868.  Tliere  are  be- 
sides arts,  on  this  in  the  various  Bib.  Diets,  and  Encs. 
In  the  numerous  religious  and  theological  periodicals 
there  have  been  arts,  on  the  Sam  Pent  of  varying  worth. 
The  Aram.  Tg  has  been  transcribed  in  square  characters 
and  edited  by  Brull  (Frankfort,  187.5). 

J.  E.  H.  Thomson 

PENTECOST,  pen'ts-kost:    As  the  name  indi- 
cates {irei'T-qKoaTri,  pentekoste) ,  this  second   of   the 
great    Jewish    national   festivals    was 
1.  In  the       observed  on  the  50th  day,  or  7  weeks, 
OT  from  the  Paschal  Feast,  and  therefore 

in  the  OT  it  was  called  "the  feast 
of  weeks."  It  is  but  once  mentioned  in  the  his- 
torical books  of  the  OT  (2  Ch  8  12.13),  from 
which  reference  it  is  plain,  however,  that  the 
people  of  Israel,  in  Solomon's  day,  were  perfectly 
familiar  with  it:  "offering  according  to  the  com- 
mandment of  Moses,  on  the  sabbaths,  and  on  the 
new  moons,  and  on  the  set  feasts,  three  times 
in  the  year,  even  in  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
and  in  the  feast  of  weeks,  and  in  the  feast  of 
tabernacles."  The  requirements  of  the  three  great 
festivals  were  then  well  understood  at  this  time, 
and  their  authority  was  founded  in  the  Mosaic 
Law  and  unquestioned.  The  festival  and  its 
ritual  were  minutely  described  in  this  Law.  Every 
male  in  Israel  was  on  that  day  required  to  appear 
before  the  Lord  at  the  sanctuary  (Ex  34  22.23). 
It  was  the  first  of  the  two  agrarian  festivals  of  Israel 
and  signified  the  completion  of  the  barley-harvest 
(Lev  23  1.5.16;  Dt  16  9.10),  which  had  begun  at 
the  time  of  the  waving  of  the  first  ripe  sheaf  of  the 
first-fruits  (Lev  23  11).  Pentecost,  or  the  Feast 
of  Weeks,  therefore  fell  on  the  50th  day  after  this 
occurrence.  The  wheat  was  then  also  nearly  every- 
where harvested  (Ex  23  16;  34  22;  Nu  28  26), 
and  the  general  character  of  the  festival  was  that 
of  a  harvest-home  celebration.  The  day  was  ob- 
served as  a  Sabbath  day,  all  labor  was  suspended, 
and  the  people  appeared  before  Jeh  to  express  their 
gratitude  (Lev  23  21;  Nu  28  26).  The  central 
feature  of  the  day  was  the  presentation  of  two  loaves 
of  leavened,  salted  bread  unto  the  Lord  (Lev  23 
17.20;  Ex  34  22;  Nu  28  26;  Dt  16  10).  The 
size  of  each  loaf  was  fixed  by  law.  It  must  contain 
the  tenth  of  an  ephah,  about  three  quarts  and  a 
half,  of  the  finest  wheat  flour  of  the  new  harvest 
(Lev  23  17).  Later  Jewish  WTiters  are  very 
minute  in  their  description  of  the  preparation  of 
these  two  loaves  (Jos,  Ant,  III,  x,  6).  According 
to  the  Mish  (M'nahoth,  xi.4),  the  length  of  the  loaf 
was  7  handbreadths,  its  width  4,  its  depth  7  fingers. 
Lev  23  18  describes  the  additional  sacrifices  re- 
quired on  this  occasion.  It  was  a  festival  of  good 
cheer,  a  day  of  joy.  Free-will  offerings  were  to  be 
made  to  the  Lord  (Dt  16  10),  and  it  was  to  be 
marked  by  a  liberal  spirit  toward  the  Levite,  the 
stranger,  and  orphans  and  widows  (Dt  16  11.14). 
Perhaps  the  command  against  gleaning  harvest- 
fields  has  a  bearing  on  this  custom  (Lev  23  22). 

The  OT  does  not  give  it  the  historical  significance 
which  later  Jewish  writers  have  ascribed  to  it. 
The  Israelites  were  admonished  to  remember  their 
bondage  on  that  day  and  to  reconsecrate  themselves 
to  the  Lord  (Dt  16  12),  but  it  does  not  yet  com- 
memorate the  giving  of  the  Law  at  Sinai  or  the  birth 
of  the  national  existence,  in  the  OT  conception 
(Ex  19).  Philo,  Jos,  and  the  earlier  Talm  are  all 
ignorant  of  this  new  meaning  which  was  given 
to  the  day  in  later  Jewish  history.  It  originated 
with  the  great  Jewish  rabbi  Maimonides  and  has 
been  copied  by  Christian  writers.  And  thus  a 
view  of  the  Jewish  Pentecost  has  been  originated, 
which  is  wholly  foreign  to  the  scope  of  the  ancient 
institution. 


The  old  Jewish  festival  obtained  a  new  signifi- 
cance, for  the  Christian  church,  by  the  promised 

outpouring  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Jn  16 
2.  In  the  7.13).  The  incidents  of  that  memor- 
NT  able  day,  in  the  history  of  Christianity, 

are  told  in  a  marvelously  vivid  and  dra- 
matic way  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  old  ren- 
dering of  sumpleroiisthai  (Acts  2  1)  by  "was  fully 
come"  was  taken  by  Lightfoot  (Hor.  Heb.)  to  signify 
that  the  Christian  Pentecost  did  not  coincide  with 
the  Jewish,  just  as  Christ's  last  meal  with  His  dis- 
ciples was  considered  not  to  have  coincided  with  the 
Jewish  Passover,  on  Nisan  14.  The  bearing  of  the 
one  on  the  other  is  obvious;  they  stand  and  fall 
together.  RV  translates  the  obnoxious  word  simply 
"was  now  come."  Meyer,  in  his  commentary  on  the 
Acts,  treats  this  question  at  length.  The  tradition 
of  the  ancient  church  placed  the  first  Christian 
Pentecost  on  a  Sunday.  According  to  John,  the 
Passover  that  year  occurred  on  Friday,  Nisan  14 
(18  28).  But  according  to  Mt,  Mk  and  Lk,  the 
Passover  that  year  occurred  on  Thursday,  Nisan 
14,  and  hence  Pentecost  fell  on  Saturday.  The 
Karaites  explained  the  shabbdth  of  Lev  23  15  as 
pointing  to  the  Sabbath  of  the  paschal  week  and 
therefore  always  celebrated  Pentecost  on  Sunday. 
But  it  is  very  uncertain  whether  the  custom  existed 
in  Christ's  day,  and  moreover  it  would  be  impossible 
to  prove  that  the  disciples  followed  this  custom,  if 
it  could  be  proved  to  have  existed.  Meyer  follows 
the  Johannic  reckoning  and  openly  states  that  the 
other  evangelists  made  a  mistake  in  their  reckoning. 
No  offhand  decision  is  possible,  and  it  is  but  candid 
to  admit  that  here  we  are  confronted  with  one  of  the 
knottiest  problems  in  the  harmonizing  of  the  Gos- 
pels.    See  Chronology  of  the  NT. 

The  occurrences  of  the  first  pentecostal  day  after 
the  resurrection  of  Christ  set  it  apart  as  a  Christian 
festival  and  invested  it,  together  with  the  com- 
memoration of  the  resurrection,  with  a  new  mean- 
ing. We  will  not  enter  here  upon  a  discussion  of 
the  significance  of  the  events  of  the  pentecostal 
day  described  in  Acts  2.  That  is  discussed  in 
the  article  under  Tongues  (q.v.).  The  Lutherans, 
in  their  endeavor  to  prove  the  inherent  power  of  the 
Word,  claim  that  "the  effects  then  exhibited  were 
due  to  the  Divine  power  inherent  in  the  words  of 
Christ;  and  that  they  had  resisted  that  power  up 
to  the  day  of  Pentecost  and  then  yielded  to  its  in- 
fluence." This  is  well  described  as  "an  incredible 
hypothesis"  (Hodge,  Systematic  Theol.,  Ill,  484). 
The  Holy  Spirit  descended  in  answer  to  the  explicit 
promise  of  the  glorified  Lord,  and  the  disciples  had 
been  prayerfully  waiting  for  its  fulfilment  (Acts  1 
4. 14) .  The  Spirit  came  upon  them  as  "a  power  from 
on  high."  God  the  Holy  Spirit  proved  on  Pente- 
cost His  personal  existence,  and  the  intellects,  the 
hearts,  the  lives  of  the  apostles  were  on  that  day 
miraculously  changed.  By  that  day  they  were 
fitted  for  the  arduous  work  that  lay  before  them. 
There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  what  is 
the  significance  of  Pentecost  for  the  church  as  an 
institution.  The  almost  universal  opinion  among 
theologians  and  exegetes  is  this:  that  Pentecost 
marks  the  founding  of  the  Christian  church  as  an 
institution.  This  day  is  said  to  mark  the  dividing 
line  between  the  ministry  of  the  Lord  and  the  min- 
istry of  the  Spirit.  The  later  Dutch  theologians 
have  advanced  the  idea  that  the  origm  of  the  church, 
as  an  institution,  is  to  be  found  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  apostolate,  in  the  selection  of  the 
Twelve.  Dr.  A.  Kuyper  holds  that  the  church  as 
an  institution  was  founded  when  the  Master  se- 
lected the  Twelve,  and  that  these  men  were  "quali- 
fied for  their  calling  by  the  power  of  the  Holy 
Spirit."  He  distinguishes  between  the  institution 
and  the  constitution  of  the  church.     Dr.  H.  Bavinck 


2319 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pentecost 
Peraea 


says:  "Christ  gathers  a  church  about  Himself,  rules 
it  directly  so  long  as  He  is  on  the  earth,  and  appoints 
twelve  apostles  who  later  on  wUl  be  His  witnesses. 
The  institution  of  the  apostolate  is  an  esp.  strong 
proof  of  the  institutionary  character  which  Christ 
gave  to  His  church  on  the  earth"  {Geref.  Doom.,  IV, 
64). 

Whatever  we  may  think  of  this  matter,  the  fact 
remains  that  Pentecost  completely  changed  the 
apostles,  and  that  the  enduement  with  the  Holy 
Spirit  enabled  them  to  become  witnesses  of  the 
resurrection  of  Christ  as  the  fundamental  fact  in 
historic  Christianity,  and  to  extend  the  church 
according  to  Christ's  commandment.  Jerome  has 
an  esp.  elegant  passage  in  which  Pentecost  is  com- 
pared with  the  beginning  of  the  Jewish  national  life 
on  Mt.  Sinai  (Ad  Tabiol,  §  7):  "There  is  Sinai, 
here  Sion;  there  the  trembling  mountain,  here  the 
trembling  house;  there  the  flaming  mountain,  here 
the  flaming  tongues;  there  the  noisy  thuuderings, 
here  the  sounds  of  many  tongues;  there  the  clangor 
of  the  ramshorn,  here  the  notes  of  the  gospel- 
trumpet."  This  vivid  passage  shows  the  close 
analogy  between  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Pentecost. 
In  the  post-apostolic  Christian  church  Pentecost 
belonged  to  the  so-called  "Semestre  Domini,"  as 

distinct  from  the  "Semestre  Ecclesiae," 
3.  Later  the  church  festivals  properly  so  called. 
Christian  As  yet  there  was  no  trace  of  Christmas, 
Observance  which  began  to  appear  about  360  AD. 

Easter,  the  beginning  of  the  Pente- 
costal period,  closed  the  "Quadragesima,"  or 
"Lent,"  the  entire  period  of  which  had  been  marked 
by  self-denial  and  humiliation.  On  the  contrary, 
the  entire  pentecostal  period,  the  so-called  "Quin- 
quagesima,"  was  marked  by  joyfulness,  daily  com- 
munion, absence  of  fasts,  standing  in  prayer,  etc. 
Ascension  Day,  the  40th  day  of  the  period,  ushered 
in  the  climax  of  this  joyfulness,  which  burst  forth 
in  its  fullest  volume  on  Pentecost.  It  was  highly 
esteemed  by  the  Fathers.  Chrysostom  calls  it  "the 
metropolis  of  the  festivals"  (Z)e  Pentec,  Hom.  ii); 
Gregory  of  Nazianzen  calls  it  "the  day  of  the 
Spirit"  {De  Pentec,  Orat.  44).  All  the  Fathers 
sound  its  praises.  For  they  fully  understood,  with 
the  church  of  the  ages,  that  on  that  day  the  dis- 
pensation of  the  Spirit  was  begun,  a  dispensation 
of  greater  privileges  and  of  a  broader  horizon  and  of 
greater  power  than  had  hitherto  been  vouchsafed 
to  the  church  of  the  living  God.  The  festival 
"Octaves,"  which,  in  accordance  with  the  Jewish 
custom,  devoted  a  whole  week  to  the  celebration 
of  the  festival,  from  the  8th  cent.,  gave  place  to  a 
two  days'  festival,  a  custom  still  preserved  by  the 
Roman  church  and  such  Protestant  bodies  as  follow 
the  ecclesiastical  year.  The  habit  of  dressing  in 
white  and  of  seeking  baptism  on  Pentecost  gave  it 
the  name  "Whitsunday,"  by  which  it  is  popularly 
known  all  over  the  world.        Henry  E.  Doskee 

PENTTEL,  p5-nu'el,  pen'u-el.     See  Peniel. 

PENURY,  pen'o-ri  (lion'O  ,  mahsor) :  In  Prov 
14  23,  with  sense  of  "poverty,"  "want":  "The  talk 
of  the  lips  tendeth  only  to  penury."  In  the  NT 
the  word  in  Lk  21  4  {ixTTip-mxa,  hustermna)  is  in 
RV  tr''  "want"  (of  the  widow's  mites). 

PEOPLE,  pe'p'l:  In  EV  represents  something 
over  a  dozen  Heb  and  Gr  words.  Of  these,  in  the 
OT,  U? ,  ''am,  is  overwhelmingly  the  most  common 
(some  2,000  t),  with  O'lXb,  l^'om,  and  "'ij,  goy,  next 
in  order;  but  the  various  Heb  words  are  used  with 
very  little  or  no  difference  in  force  (e.g.  Prov  14 
28;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  in  Ps  44  contrast  vs 
12  and  14).     Of  the  changes  introduced  by  RV  the 


only  one  of  significance  (cited  explicitly  in  the  Pref- 
ace to  ERV)  is  the  frequent  use  of  the  pi.  "peoples" 
(strangely  avoided  in  AV  except  Rev  10  11;  17 
15),  where  other  nations  than  Israel  are  in  question. 
So,  for  instance,  in  Ps  67  4;  Isa  55  4;  60  2,  with 
the  contrast  marked  in  Ps  33  10  and  12;  Ps  77 
14  and  15,  etc.  In  the  NT,  Xdos,  Idos,  is  the  most 
common  word,  with  &x^os,  ochlos,  used  almost  as 
often  in  AV.  But  in  RV  the  latter  word  is  almost 
always  rendered  "multitude,"  "people"  being 
retained  only  in  Lk  7  12;  Acts  11  24.26;  19  26, 
and  in  the  fixed  phrase  "the  common  people"  (i 
TToXis  6x'>^os,  ho  polus  dchlos)  in  Mk  12  37;  Jn  12 
9.12  m  (the  retention  of  "people"  would  have  been 
better  in  Jn  11  42,  also),  with  "crowd"  (Mt  9  23. 
25;  Acts  21  35).  The  only  special  use  of  "people" 
that  calls  for  attention  is  the  phrase  "people  of 
the  land."  This  may  mean  simply  "inhabitants," 
as  Ezk  12  19;  33  2;  39  13;  but  in  2  K  11  14, 
etc,  and  the  parallel  in  2  Ch,  it  means  the  people 
as  contrasted  with  the  king,  while  in  Jer  1  18,  etc, 
and  in  Ezk  7  27;  22  29;  46  3.9,  it  means  the  com- 
mon people  as  distinguished  from  the  priests  and  the 
aristocracy.  A  different  usage  is  that  for  the  hea- 
then (Gen  23  7.12.13;  Nu  14  9)  or  half-heathen 
(Ezr  9  1.2;  10  2.11;  Neh  10  28-31)  inhabitants 
of  Pal.  From  this  last  use,  the  phrase  came  to  be 
applied  by  some  rabbis  to  even  pure-blooded  Jews, 
if  they  neglected  the  observance  of  the  rabbinic 
traditions  (cf  Jn  7  49  AV).  For  "people  of  the 
East"  see  Children  of  the  East. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PEOR,  pe'or  ("liySH,  ha-p''or;  *o-y(Sp,  Pkogor): 

(1)  A  mountain  in  the  land  of  Moab,  the  last  of  the 
three  heights  to  which  Balaam  was  guided  by  Balak 
in  order  that  he  might  curse  Israel  (Nu  23  28). 
It  is  placed  by  Onom  on  the  way  between  Livias 
and  Heshbon,  7  Rom  miles  from  the  latter.  Buhl 
would  identify  it  with  Jebel  el-Mashakkar,  on  which 
are  the  ruins  of  an  old  town,  between  Wddy  A^yun 
Musa  and  Wddy  Hesban. 

(2)  A  town  in  the  Judaean  uplands  added  by 
LXX  {<^ayu>p,  Phagor)  to  the  list  in  Josh  15  9.  It 
may  be  identical  with  Khirbet  Faghur  to  the  S.  of 
Bethlehem. 

(3)  Peor,  in  Nu  25  18;  31  16;  Josh  22  17,  is 
a  Divine  name  standing  for  "Baal-peor." 

(4)  In  Gen  36  39,  LXX  reads  Phogor  for  "Pau" 
(MT),  which  in  1  Ch  1  50  appears  as  "Pai." 

W.  EWING 
PERAEA,  p5-re'a  (ij  HepaCa,  he  Persia,  Iltpaios, 
Peraios,  UtpatTtis,   Peraltes):  This  is  not  a  Scrip- 
tural name,  but  the  term  used  by  Jos 
1.  The  to  denote  the  district  to  which  the 

Country  rabbis  habitually  refer  as  "the  land 
beyond  Jordan."  This  corresponds 
to  the  NT  phrase  peran  tou  lorddnou  (Mt  4  15; 
19  1,  etc).  The  boundaries  of  the  province  are 
given  by  Jos  (BJ,  III,  iii,  3).  In  length  it  reached 
from  Pella  in  the  N.  to  Machaerus  in  the  S.,  and 
in  breadth  from  the  Jordan  on  the  W.  to  the 
desert  on  the  E.  We  may  take  it  that  the  southern 
boundary  was  the  Arnon.  The  natural  boundary 
on  the  N.  would  be  the  great  gorge  of  the  Yarmuk. 
Gadara,  Jos  tells  us  (BJ,  IV,  vii,  3,  6),  was  capital 
of  the  Peraea.  But  the  famous  city  on  the  YarmUk 
was  a  member  of  the  Decapolis,  and  so  could  hardly 
take  that  position.  More  probably  Jos  referred 
to  a  city  the  ruins  of  which  are  found  at  Jedilr — 
a  reminiscence  of  the  ancient  name — not  far  from 
es-Salt.  The  northern  Gadara  then  holding  the 
land  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Yarmuk,  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  Peraea  would  run,  as 
Jos  says,  from  Pella  eastward.  For  the  description 
of  the  country  thus  indicated  see  Gilead,  2. 

In  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  the  province  was 
mainly  gentile,  and  Judas  found  it  necessary  to 


Perazim 
Perfume 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2320 


remove  to  Judaea  the  scattered  handful  of  Jews  to 
secure  their  safety  (1  Mace  5  45).  Possibly  under 
Hyrcanus  Jewish  influence  began  to 
2.  History  prevail;  and  before  the  death  of  Jan- 
naeus  the  whole  country  owned  his 
sway  {HJP,  I,  i,  297,  306).  At  the  death  of  Herod 
the  Great  it  became  part  of  the  tetrarchy  of  An- 
tipas  (Ant,  XVII,  vii,  1).  The  tetrarch  built  a 
city  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Beth-haram  (Josh 
13  27)  and  called  it  Julias  in  honor  of  the  emperor's 
wife  (Ant,  XVIII,  ii,  1;  BJ,  II,  ix,  1).  Here 
Simon  made  his  abortive  rising  [Ant,  XVII,  x,  6; 
BJ,  II,  iv,  2).  Claudius  placed  it  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  Felix  (BJ,  II,  xii,  8).  It  was  finally 
added  to  the  Rom  dominions  by  Placidus  (BJ,  IV, 
vii,  3-6).  Under  the  Moslems  it  became  part  of 
the  province  of  Damascus. 

Peraea,  "the  land  beyond  Jordan,"  ranked  along 
with  Judaea  and  Galilee  as  a  province  of  the  land 
of  Israel.  The  people  were  under  the  same  laws 
as  regarded  tithes,  marriage  and  property. 

Peraea  lay  between  two  gentile  provinces  on  the 
E.,  as  Samaria  between  two  Jewish  provinces  on  the 
W.  of  the  Jordan.  The  fords  below  Beisan  and 
opposite  Jericho  afforded  communication  with 
Galilee  and  Judaea  respectively.  Peraea  thus 
formed  a  link  connecting  the  Jewish  provinces,  so 
that  the  pilgrims  from  any  part  might  go  to  Jerus 
and  return  without  setting  foot  on  gentile  soil. 
And,  what  was  at  least  of  equal  importance,  they 
could  avoid  peril  of  hurt  or  indignity  which  the 
Samaritans  loved  to  inflict  on  Jews  passing  through 
Samaria  (Lk  9  52f;  Ant,  XX,  vi,  1;  Vita,  52). 

It  seems  probable  that  Jesus  was  baptized  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  Peraea;  and  hither  He  came 
from  the  turmoil  of  Jerus  at  the  Feast  of  the  Dedi- 
cation (Jn  10  40).  It  was  the  scene  of  much  quiet 
and  profitable  intercourse  with  His  disciples  (Mt 
19;  Mk  10  1-31;  Lk  18  15-30).  These  passages 
are  by  many  thought  to  refer  to  the  period  after 
His  retirement  to  Ephraim  (Jn  11  54).  It  was 
from  Peraea  that  Lie  was  summoned  by  the  sisters 
at  Bethany  (ver  3) . 

Peraea  furnished  in  Niger  one  of  the  bravest  men 
who  fought  against  the  Romans  (BJ,  II,  xx,  4; 
IV,  vi,  1).  From  Bethezob,  a  village  of  Peraea, 
came  Mary,  whose  story  is  one  of  the  most  appall- 
ing among  the  terrible  tales  of  the  siege  of  Jenis 
(BJ,  VI,  iii,  4).  Jos  mentions  Peraea  for  the  last 
time  (BJ,  VI,  v,  1),  as  echoing  back  the  doleful 
groans  and  outcries  that  accompanied  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerus.  W.  Ewing 

PERAZIM,  per'a-zim,  pO-ra'zim,  MOUNT  ("in 
D''?nS  ,  har-p'rafim) :  "Jeh  will  rise  up  as  in  mount 
Perazim"  (Isa  28  21).  It  is  usually  considered  to 
be  identical  with  Baal-pehazim  (q.v.),  where 
David  obtained  a  victory  over  the  Philis  (2  S  5 
20;   1  Ch  14  11). 

PERDITION,  per-dish'un  (dir<5\eia,  apdleia, 
"ruin"  or  "loss,"  physical  or  eternal):  The  word 
''perdition"  occurs  in  the  Eng.  Bible  8  t  (Jn  17 
12;  Phil  1  28;  2  Thess  2  3;  1  Tim  6  9;  He 
10  39;  2  Pet  3  7;  Rev  17  11.18).  In  each  of 
these  cases  it  denotes  the  final  state  of  ruin  and 
punishment  which  forms  the  opposite  to  salvation. 
The  vb.  apolluein,  from  which  the  word  is  derived, 
has  two  meanings:  (1)  to  lose;  (2)  to  destroy. 
Both  of  these  pass  over  to  the  noun,  so  that  apdleia 
comes  to  signify:  (1)  loss;  (2)  ruin,  destruction. 
The  former  occurs  in  Mt  26  8;  Mk  14  4,  the 
latter  in  the  passages  cited  above.  Both  meanings 
had  been  adopted  into  the  religious  terminology  of 
the  Scriptures  as  early  as  the  LXX.  "To  be  lost" 
in  the  religious  sense  may  mean  "to  be  missing"  and 
"to  be  ruined."     The  former  meaning  attaches  to 


it  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  who  compares  the  lost 
sinner  to  the  missing  coin,  the  missing  sheep,  and 
makes  him  the  object  of  a  seeking  activity  (Mt  10 
6;  15  24;  18  11;  Lk  15  4.6.8.24.32;  19  10). 
"To  be  lost"  here  signifies  to  have  become  estranged 
from  God,  to  miss  realizing  the  relations  which  man 
normally  sustains  toward  Him.  It  is  equivalent  to 
what  is  theologically  called  "spiritual  death." 
This  conception  of  "loss"  enters  also  into  the  de- 
scription of  the  esohatological  fate  of  the  sinner  as 
assigned  in  the  judgment  (Lk  9  24;  17  33),  which 
is  a  loss  of  life.  The  other  meaning  of  "ruin"  and 
"destruction"  describes  the  same  thing  from  a 
different  point  of  view.  Apoleia  being  the  oppo- 
site of  soteria,  and  soteria  in  its  technical  usage  de- 
noting the  reclaiming  from  death  unto  life,  apoleia 
also  acquires  the  specific  sense  of  such  ruin  and 
destruction  as  involves  an  eternal  loss  of  life  (Phil 
1  28;  He  10  39).  Perdition  in  this  latter  sense 
is  equivalent  to  what  theology  calls  "eternal  death." 
When  in  Rev  17  8.11  it  is  predicated  of  "the 
beast,"  one  of  the  forms  of  the  world-power,  this 
must  be  understood  on  the  basis  of  the  OT  pro- 
phetic representation  according  to  which  the  com- 
ing judgment  deals  with  powers  rather  than 
persons. 

The  Son  of  Perdition  is  a  name  given  to  Judas 
(Jn  17  12)  and  to  the  Antichrist  (2  Thess  2  3). 
This  is  the  well-known  Heb  idiom  by  which  a  person 
typically  embodying  a  certain  trait  or  character  or 
destiny  is  called  the  son  of  that  thing.  The  name 
therefore  represents  Judas  and  the  Antichrist  (see 
Man  of  Sin)  as  most  irrecoverably  and  completely 
devoted  to  the  final  opoZeJa.        Gberhardus  Vos 

PERES,  pe'rez.     See  Mene. 

PERESH,  pe'resh  (UJnB ,  peresh,  "dung"):  Son 
of  Machir,  grandson  of  Manasseh  through  his 
Aramitish  concubine  (1  Ch  7  14.16). 

PEREZ,  pe'rez,  PHAREZ,  fa'rez  (f)3,  pereg, 
"breach"):  One  of  the  twins  born  to  Judah  by 
Tamar,  Zerah's  brother  (Gen  38  29.30).  In  AV 
Mt  1  3  and  Lk  3  33,  he  is  called  "Phares,"  the 
name  in  1  Esd  5  5.  He  is  "Pharez"  in  AV  Gen 
46  12;  Nu  26  20.21;  Ruth  4  12.18;  1  Ch  2  4.5; 
4  1;  9  4.  In  AV  and  RV  1  Ch  27  3;  Neh  11 
4.6,  he  is  "Perez."  He  is  important  through  the 
fact  that  by  way  of  Ruth  and  Boaz  and  so  through 
Jesse  and  David  his  genealogy  comes  upward  to  the 
Saviour.  The  patronymic  "Pharzite"  occurs  in 
Nu  28  20  AV. 

Perezites  (Nu  26  20,  AV  "Pharzites").  The 
patronymic  of  the  name  Perez. 

Henry  Wallace 

PEREZ-UZZA,  pe-rez-uz'za.     See  Uzza. 

PERFECT,  piir'fekt,  PERFECTION,  per-fek'- 
shun  (C!5'ttJ,  shalem,  D''12P.,  tamim;  ractos,  ieleios, 

Tt\(i6Tr]i,  teleiotcs):  "Perfect"  in  the 
1.  In  the  OT  is  the  tr  of  shalem,  "finished," 
OT  "whole,"     "complete,"    used     (except 

in  Dt  25  15,  "perfect  weight") ,  of 
persons,  e.g.  a  "perfect  heart,"  i.e.  wholly  or  com- 
pletely devoted  to  Jeh  (1  K  8  61,  etc;  1  Ch  12 
38;  Isa  38  3.  etc);  tamim,  "complete,"  "perfect," 
"sound  or  unblemished,"  is  also  used  of  persons  and 
of  God,  His  way,  and  law  ("Noah  was  a  just  man 
and  perfect,"  RVm  "blameless"  [Gen  6  9];  "As 
for  God,  his  way  is  perfect"  [Ps  18  30];  "The  law 
of  Jeh  IS  perfect"  [Ps  19  7],  etc) ;  tarn,  with  the  same 
meanmg,  occurs  only  in  Job,  except  twice  in  Pss 
(Job  1  1.8;  2  3,  etc;  Ps  37  37;  64  4);  kalll, 
'complete,"  and  various  other  words  are  tr"^  "ner- 
fect," 


2321 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Perazim 
Perfume 


Perfection  is  the  tr  of  various  words  so  tr^  once  only: 
kdlll  (Lam  2  15);  mikhldl,  "  completcntiss "  (Ps  50  2); 
minleh,  "possession"  (Job  15  29.  AV  "neither  sliall  he 
prolong  the  perfection  thereof  upon  the  earth,"  ARV 
"neither  shall  their  possessions  be  extended  on  the 
earth,"  m  "their  produce  bend  to  the  earth";  ERV 
reverses  this  text  and  m);  tikhlah.  "completeness," 
or  "perfection"  (Ps  119  96);  takhluh  (twice),  "end," 
"completeness"  (Job  11  7,  "Canst  thou  find  out  the 
Almighty  unto  perfection?"  28  3,  "searcheth  out  all 
perfection,"  AV,  RV  "to  the  furthest  bound";  cf  26  10, 
RV  "unto  the  confines  of  light  and  darkness");  iom, 
"perfect,"  "completeness"  (Isa  47  9,  AV  "They  shall 
come  upon  thee  m  their  perfection,"  RV  "in  their  full 
measure").  RVm  gives  the  meaning  of  "the  Urim 
and  the  Thummim"  (Ex  28  30,  etc)  as  "the  Lights  and 
the  Perfections." 


In  the  NT  "perfect"  is  usually  the  tr  of 

primarily,    "having    reached    the    end,"    "term," 

"limit,"     hence     "complete,"     "full," 

2.  In  the  "perfect"  (Mt  6  48,  "Ye  therefore 
NT  shall    be    perfect,    as    your   heavenly 

Father  is  perfect";  Mt  19  21,  "if 
thou  wouldst  be  perfect^';  Eph  4  13,  AV  "till  we 
all  come  ....  unto  a  perfect  man,"  RV  "full- 
grown";  Phil  3  15,  "as  many  as  are  perfect," 
ARVm  "full-grown";  1  Cor  2  6;  Col  1  28,  "per- 
fect in  Christ";  4  12;  Jas  3  2  m,  etc). 

Other  words  are  teleiud.  "to  perfect,"  "to  end,"  "com- 
plete" (Lk  13  32,  "The  third  day  I  am  perfected,"  RVm 
"end  my  course";  Jn  17  23,  "perfected  into  one"; 
2  Cor  12  9;  Phil  3  12,  RV  "made  perfect";  He  2  10, 
etc) ;  also  epiteUo,  "to  bring  through  to  an  end"  (2  Cor 

7  1,  "perfecting  holiness  in  the  fear  of  God";  Gal  3  3. 
"Are  ye  now  made  perfect  by  the  flesh  ?"  AV,  RV  "per- 
fected in  the  flesh,"  m  "Do  ye  now  make  an  end  in  the 
flesh?"):  katartizo,  "to  make  quite  ready,"  "to  make 
complete,"  is  tr<'  "perfect,"  "to  perfect"  (Mt  21  16, 
"perfected  praise";  Lk  6  40,  "Every  one  when  he  is  per- 
fected shall  be  as  his  teacher";  1  Cor  1  10;  2  Cor  13 
11,  "be  perfected";  1  Thess  3  10;  1  Pet  5  10,  RVm 
"restore");  akribds,  "accurately,"  "diligently,"  is  tr<i 
"perfect"  (Lk  1  3,  "having  had  perfect  understanding," 
RV  " having  traced  ....  accurately";  Acts  18  26  AV, 
RV  "more  accurately").  We  have  also  drtios,  "fitted," 
"perfected"  (2  Tim  3  17,  RV  "complete") ;  plerdo,  "to 
mi,"  "to  make  full"  (Rev  3  2,  ARV  "perfected,"  ERV 
"fulfilled");  kalartismds,  "complete  adjustment." 
"perfecting"  (Eph  4  12,  "for  the  perfecting  of  the 
saints"). 

Perfection  is  the  tr  of  katdrtisis.  "thorough  adjustment," 
"fitness"  (2  Cor  13  9,  RV  "perfecting");  of  telelosis 
(He  7  11);  of  teleidtes  (He  6  1,  RVm  "full  growth"); 
it  is  trd  " perf ectness "   (Col  3  14);    "perfection"  in  Lk 

8  14  is  the  tr  of  teUsphorio,  "to  bear  on  to  completion 
or  perfection."  In  Apoc  "perfect,"  "perfection,"  etc, 
are  for  the  most  part  the  tr  of  words  from  tidos,  "the 
end."  e.g.  Wisd  4  13;  Ecclus  34  8;  44  17;  45  8, 
sunttieia,  "full  end";  24  28;  50  11. 

RV  has  "perfect"  for  "upright"  (2  S  22  24,26  his); 
for  "sound  (Ps  119  80);  for  "perform"  (Phil  1  6); 
for  "undeflled"  (Ps  119  1,  m  "upright  in  way");  for 
"perfect  peace,  and  at  such  a  time"  (Ezr  7  12), 
"perfect  and  so  forth";  for  "He  maketh  my  way  per- 
fect" (2  S  22  33),  "He  guideth  the  perfect  in  his  way," 
m  "or,  'setteth  free.'  According  to  another  reading, 
'guideth  my  way  in  perfectness'  ' ' ;  "shall  himself  perfect, ' ' 
m  "restore,"  for  "make  you  perfect"  (1  Pet  5  10); 
"perfecter"  for  "finisher"  (He  13  2);  "perfectly"  Is 
omitted  in  RV  (Mt  14  36);  "set  your  hope  perfectly 
on "  for  AV  "  hope  to  the  end  for  "  (1  Pet  1   13). 

Perfection  is  the  Christian  ideal  and  aim,  but 

inasmuch  as  that  which  God  has  set  before  us  is 

infinite — "Ye  therefore  shall  be   per- 

3.  The  feet,  as  your  heavenly  Father  is  per- 
Christian  feet"  (Mt  5  48) — absolute  perfection 
Ideal  must  be  forever  beyond,  not  only  any 

human,  but  any  finite,  being;  it  is  a 
Divine  ideal  forever  shining  before  us,  calling  us 
upward,  and  making  endless  progression  possible. 
As  noted  above,  the  perfect  man,  in  the  OT  phrase, 
was  the  man  whose  heart  was  truly  or  wholly  de- 
voted to  God.  Christian  perfection  must  also 
have  its  seat  in  such  a  heart,  but  it  implies  the  whole 
conduct  and  the  whole  man,  conforrned  thereto  as 
knowledge  grows  and  opportunity  arises,  or  might 
be  found.  There  may  be,  of  course,  a  relative  per- 
fection, e.g.  of  the  child  as  a  child  compared  with 
that  of  the  man.  The  Christian  ought  to  be  con- 
tinually moving  onward  toward  perfection,  looking 


to  Him  who  is  able  to  "make  you  perfect  in  every 
good  thing  [or  work]  to  do  his  will,  working  in  us 
that  which  is  well-pleasing  in  his  sight,  through 
Jesus  Christ;  to  whom  be  the  glory  for  ever  and 
ever.  Amen"  (He  13  21).  W.  L.  Walker 

PERFORM,  per-form'  (Fr.  parfourrdr,  "to  furnish 
completely,"  "to  complete,"  "finish  entirely"): 
In  modern  Eng.,  through  a  mistaken  connection 
with  "form,"  "perform"  usually  suggests  an  act  in 
its  continuity,  while  the  word  properly  should  em- 
phasize only  the  completion  of  the  act.  AV  seems 
to  have  used  the  word  in  order  to  convey  the  proper 
sense  (cf  Rom  15  28;  2  Cor  8  11;  Phil  1  6, 
where  RV  has  respectively  "accomplish,"  "com- 
plete," "perfect"),  but  usually  with  ,so  little  justi- 
fication in  the  Heb  or  Gr  that  "do"  would  have 
represented  the  original  even  better.  RV  has 
rarely  changed  the  word  in  the  OT,  and  such  changes 
as  have  been  made  (Dt  23  23;  Est  1  15,  etc) 
seem  based  on  no  particular  principle.  In  the  NT 
the  word  has  been  kept  only  in  Mt  5  33  and  Rom 
4  21,  but  in  neither  verse  does  the  Gr  accent  the 
completion  of  the  act,  in  the  former  case  apodidomi, 
lit.  "to  give  back,"  in  the  latter  poieo,  "to  make," 
"to  do,"  being  used. 

Performance  is  found  in  AV  Sir  19  20  (RV  "do- 
ing"); 2  Mace  11  17  (inserted  needlessly  and 
omitted  by  RV);  Lk  1  45  (RV  "fulfilment"); 
2  Cor  8  11  (RV  "completion"). 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

PERFUME,  pdr'fum,  per-fum',  PERFUMER 
(nnbl?  ,  fc'«ore</i,  "lUp  ,  katar,  lit.  "incense"):  The 
ancients  were  fond  of  sweet  perfumes  of  all  kinds 
(Prov  27  9),  and  that  characteristic  is  still  esp. 
true  of  the  people  of  Bible  lands.  Perfumed  oils 
were  rubbed  on  the  body  and  feet.  At  a  feast  in 
ancient  Egypt  a  guest  was  anointed  with  scented 
oils,  and  a  sweet-smelling  water  lily  was  placed  in 
his  hand  or  suspended  on  his  forehead.  In  their 
religious  worship  the  Egyptians  were  lavish  with 
their  incense.  Small  pellets  of  dried  mixed  spices 
and  resins  or  resinous  woods  were  burned  in  special 
censers.  In  the  preparation  of  bodies  for  burial, 
perfumed  oils  and  spices  were  used.  Many  Bib. 
references  indicate  the  widespread  use  of  perfumes. 
Cant  7  8  suggests  that  the  breath  was  purposely 
scented;  clothing  as  well  as  the  body  was  perfumed 
(Ps  45  8;  Cant  3  6;  4  11);  couches  and  beds 
were  sprinkled  with  savory  scents  (Prov  7  17); 
ointments  were  used  in  the  last  rites  in  honor  of 
the  dead  (2  Ch  16  14;  Lk  24  1;  Jn  19  39). 
The  writer  has  in  his  collection  a  lump  of  prepared 
spices  and  resins  taken  from  a  tomb  dating  from  the 
1st  or  2d  cent.  AD,  which  was  apparently  fused  and 
run  into  the  thoracic  cavity,  since  an  impression  of 
the  ribs  has  been  made  on  the  perfume.  Its  odor 
is  similar  to  that  of  the  incense  used  today,  and  it 
perfumes  the  whole  case  where  it  is  kept.  The 
above  collection  also  contains  a  small  glass  vial  in 
which  is  a  bronze  spoon  firmly  held  in  some  solidi- 
fied ointment,  probably  formerly  perfumed  oil. 
Perfumes  were  commonly  kept  in  sealed  alabaster 
jars  or  cruses  (Lk  7  38).  Thou.sands  of  these 
cruses  have  been  unearthed  in  Pal  and  Syria. 

Perfumes  were  mixed  by  persons  skilled  in  the 
art.  In  AV  these  are  called  "apothecaries"  (Hp^'l, 
rakkah).  The  RV  "perfumer"  is  probably  a  more 
correct  rendering,  as  the  one  who  ditl  the  com- 
pounding was  not  an  apothecary  in  the  same  sense 
as  is  the  per,son  now  so  designated  (E.x  30  25.35; 
37  29;  Eccl  10  1). 

Today  incense  is  used  in  connection  with  all 
religious  services  of  the  oriental  Christian  churches. 
Although  there  is  no  direct  mention  of  the  uses  of 
incense  in  the  NT,  such  allusions  as  Paul's  "a  sac- 


Perfume-Making 
Persecution 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2322 


rifice  to  God  for  an  odor  of  a  sweet  smell"  (Eph  5  2 ; 
Phil  4  18)  would  seem  to  indicate  that  it  was  used 
by  the  early  Christians. 

The  delight  of  the  people  of  Syria  in  pleasant 
odors  is  recorded  in  their  literature.  The  attar  of 
roses  (from  Arab,  'itr,  "a  sweet  odor")  was  a  well- 
known  product  of  Damascus.  The  guest  in  a 
modern  Syrian  home  is  not  literally  anointed  with 
oil,  but  he  is  often  given,  soon  after  he  enters,  a 
bunch  of  aromatic  herbs  or  a  sweet-smelling  flower 
to  hold  and  smell.  During  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  year  the  country  air  is  laden  with  the  odor  of 
aromatic  herbs,  such  as  mint  and  sage.  The  Arab, 
phrase  for  taking  a  walk  is  shemm  el-hawa',  lit.  "smell 
the  air."     See  Incense;  Oil;  Ointment. 

James  A.  Patch 

PERFUME-MAKING.     See  Cbafts,  II,  14. 

PERGA,  plor'ga   (IlepYTi,  Perge):    An  important 

city  of  the  ancient  province  of  Pamphylia,  situated 

on  the  river  Cestris,  12  miles  N.E.  of 

1.  Location  Attalia.  According  to  Acts  13  13, 
and  History  Paul,  Barnabas  and  John  Mark  visited 

the  place  on  their  first  missionary 
journey,  and  2  years  later,  according  to  Acts  14 
24.25,  they  may  have  preached  there.  Though 
the  water  of  the  river  Cestris  has  now  been  diverted 
to  the  fields  for  irrigating  purposes,  in  ancient  times 
the  stream  was  navigable,  and  small  boats  from  the 
sea  might  reach  the  city.  It  is  uncertain  how  an- 
cient Perga  is;  its  walls,  still  standing,  seem  to  come 
from  the  Seleucidan  period  or  from  the  3d  cent.  BC. 
It  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Seleucid  kings 
until  189  BC,  when  Rom  influence  became  strong 
in  Asia  Minor.  A  long  series  of  coins,  beginning  in 
the  2d  cent.  BC,  continued  until  286  AD,  and  upon 
them  Perga  is  mentioned  as  a  metropolis.  Though 
the  city  was  never  a  stronghold  of  Christianity,  it 
was  the  bishopric  of  Western  Pamphylia,  and  several 
of  the  early  Christians  were  martyred  there.  Dur- 
ing the  8th  cent,  under  Byzantine  rule  the  city  de- 
clined; in  1084  AttaHa  became  the  metropolis,  and 
Perga  rapidly  fell  to  decay.  While  Attalia  was  the 
chief  Gr  and  Christian  city  of  Pamphylia,  Perga 
was  the  seat  of  the  local  Asiatic  goddess,  who  cor- 
responded to  Artemis  or  Diana  of  the  Ephesians, 
and  was  locally  known  as  Leto,  or  the  queen  of 
Perga.  She  is  frequently  represented  on  the  coins 
as  a  huntress,  with  a  bow  in  her  hand,  and  with 
sphinxes  or  stags  at  her  side. 

The  ruins  of  Perga  are  now  called  Murtana.     The 

walls,  which  are  flanked  with  towers,  show  the  city 

to  have  been  quadrangular  in  shape. 

2.  The  Very  broad  streets,  running  through 
Ruins  the  town,  and  intersecting  each  other, 

divided  the  city  into  quarters.  The 
sides  of  the  streets  were  covered  with  porticos,  and 
along  their  centers  were  water  channels  in  which  a 
stream  was  always  flowing.  They  were  covered 
at  short  intervals  by  bridges.  Upon  the  higher 
ground  was  the  acropolis,  where  the  earliest  city  was 
built,  but  in  later  times  the  city  extended  to  the  S. 
of  the  hill,  where  one  may  see  the  greater  part  of  the 
ruins.  On  the  acropolis  is  the  platform  of  a  large 
structure  with  fragments  of  several  granite  columns, 
probably  representing  the  temple  of  the  goddess 
Leto ;  others  regard  it  as  the  ruin  of  an  early  church. 
At  the  base  of  the  acropolis  are  the  ruins  of  an  im- 
mense theater  which  seated  13,000  people,  the 
agora,  the  baths  and  the  stadium.  Without  the 
walls  many  tombs  are  to  be  seen.    E.  J.  Banks 

PERGAMOS,  pflr'ga-mos,  or  PERGAMUM, 
pAr'ga-mum  (r\  II^p-ya|jios,  he  Pergamos,  or  to  II^p- 
■ya|iov,  t6  Pergamon):  Pergamos,  to  which  the 
ancient  writers  also  gave  the  neuter  form  of  the 
name,  was  a  city  of  Mysia  of  the  ancient  Rom 


province  of  Asia,  in  the  Caicus  valley,  3  miles  from 
the  river,  and  about  15  miles  from  the  sea.  The 
Caicus  was  navigable  for  small  native 
1.  History  craft.  Two  of  the  tributaries  of  the 
Caicus  were  the  Selinus  and  the 
Kteios.  The  former  of  these  rivers  flowed  through 
the  city;  the  latter  ran  along  its  walls.  On 
the  hill  between  these  two  streams  the  first  city 
stood,  and  there  also  stood  the  acropolis,  the  chief 
temples,  and  the  theaters  of  the  later  city.  The 
early  people  of  the  town  were  descendants  of  Gr 
colonists,  and  as  early  as  420  BC  they  struck 
coins  of  their  own.  Lysimachus,  who  possessed 
the  town,  deposited  there  9,000  talents  of  gold. 
Upon  his  death,  Philetaerus  (283-263  BC)  used 
this  wealth  to  found  the  independent  Gr  dynasty 
of  the  Attalid  kings.  The  first  of  this  dynasty  to 
bear  the  title  of  king  was  Attains  I  (241-197  BC), 
a  nephew  of  Philetaerus,  and  not  only  did  he  adorn 
the  city  with  beautiful  buildings  until  it  became 
the  most  wonderful  city  of  the  East,  but  he  added 
to  his  kingdom  the  countries  of  Mysia,  Lydia, 
Caria,  Pamphylia  and  Phrygia.  Eumenes  II  (197- 
159  BC)  was  the  most  illustrious  king  of  the 
dynasty,  and  during  his  reign  the  city  reached 
its  greatest  height.  Art  and  literature  were  en- 
couraged, and  in  the  city  was  a  library  of  200,000 
volumes  which  later  Antony  gave  to  Cleopatra. 
The  books  were  of  parchment  which  was  here 
first  used;  hence  the  word  "parchment,"  which  is 
derived  from  the  name  of  the  town  P.  Of  the 
structures  which  adorned  the  city,  the  most  re- 
nowned was  the  altar  of  Zeus,  which  was  40 
ft.  in  height,  and  also  one  of  the  wonders  of  the 
ancierit  world.  When  in  133  BC  Attalus  III,  the 
last  king  of  the  dynasty,  died,  he  gave  his  kingdom 
to  the  Rom  government.  His  son,  Aristonicus, 
however,  attempted  to  seize  it  for  himself,  but  in 
129  he  was  defeated,  and  the  Rom  province  of  Asia 
was  formed,  and  P.  was  made  its  capital.  The 
term  Asia,  as  here  employed,  should  not  be  confused 
with  the  continent  of  Asia,  nor  with  Asia  Minor. 
It  applied  simply  to  that  part  of  Asia  Minor  which 
was  then  in  the  possession  of  the  Romans,  and 
formed  into  the  province  of  which  P.  was  the  capi- 
tal. Upon  the  establishment  of  the  province  of 
Asia  there  began  a  new  series  of  coins  struck  at  P., 
which  continued  into  the  3d  cent.  AD.  The  mag- 
nificence of  the  city  continued. 

There  were  beautiful  temples  to  the  four  great 
gods  Zeus,  Dionysus,  Athena  and  Asklepios.  To 
the  temple  of  the  latter,  invalids  from 
2.  Religions  all  parts  of  Asia  flocked,  and  there, 
while  they  were  sleeping  m  the  court, 
the  god  revealed  to  the  priests  and  physicians  by 
means  of  dreams  the  remedies  which  were  necessary 
to  heal  their  maladies.  Thus  opportunities  of  de- 
ception were  numerous.  There  was  a  school  of 
medicine  in  connection  with  the  temple.  P.  was 
chiefly  a  religious  center  of  the  province.  A  title 
which  It  bore  was  "Thrice  Neokoros,"  meaning  that 
m  the  city  3  temples  had  been  built  to  the  Rom 
emperors,  in  which  the  emperors  were  worshipped 
as  gods.  Smyrna,  a  rival  city,  was  a  commercial 
center,  and  as  it  increased  in  wealth,  it  gradually 
became  the  political  center.  Later,  when  it  became 
the  capital,  P.  remained  the  religious  center.  As 
in  many  of  the  towns  of  Asia  Minor,  there  were  at 
P.  many  Jews,  and  in  1.30  BC  the  people  of  the  city 
passed  a  decree  in  their  favor.  Many  of  the  Jews 
were  more  or  less  assimilated  with  the  Greeks,  even 
to  the  extent  of  bearing  Gr  names. 

Christianity  reached  P.  early,  for  there  one  of  the 
Seven  Churches  of  the  Book  of  Rev  stood,  and 
there,  according  to  Rev  2  13,  Antipas  was  mar- 
tyred; he  was  the  first  Christian  to  be  put  to 
death  by  the  Rom  state.     The  same  passage  speaks 


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Perfume-Making 
Persecution 


of  P.  as  t,he  plane  "where  Sal,an'n  throne  is," 
probably  referring  to  the  temples  in  which  the  Rom 

emperors  were  worshipped.  During 
3.  Chris-  the  Byzantine  times  P.  still  continued 
tianity  as  a  religious  center,  for  there  a  bishop 

lived.  However,  the  town  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Seljuks  in  1304,  and  in  13.36  it  was 
taken  by  Suleiman,  the  son  of  Orkhan,  and  became 
Turkish. 

The  modern  name  of  the  town,  which  is  of  con- 
siderable size,  possessing  15  mosques,  is  Bergatna, 
the  Turkish  corruption  of  the  ancient  name.  One 
of  its  mosques  is  the  early  Byzantine  church  of  St. 
Sophia.  The  modern  town  is  built  among  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  city,  but  is  far  less  in  extent.  From 
1879  to  1886  excavations  among  the  ruins  were 
conducted  by  Herr  Humann  at  the  expense  of  the 
German  government.  Among  them  are  still  to  be 
seen  the  base  of  the  altar  of  Zeus,  the  friezes  of 
which  are  now  in  the  Pergamon  Museum,  Berlin; 
the  theater,  the  agora,  the  gymnasium  and  several 
temples.  In  ancient  times  the  city  was  noted  for 
its  ointments,  pottery  and  parchment;  at  present 
the  chief  articles  of  trade  are  cotton,  wool,  opium, 
valonia,  and  leather.  E.  J.  Banks 

PERIDA,  p?-rl'da  (NT""? .  P'ridM',  "recluse"): 
A  family  of  "Solomon's  servants"  (Neh  7  57).  In 
Ezr  2  55,  a  difference  in  the  Heb  spelling  gives 
"Peruda"  tor  the  same  person,  who  is  also  the 
"Pharida"  of  1  Esd  5  33. 

PERIZZITE,  per'i-zit,  pe-riz'it  C^'IIS,  p'rizzi; 
^epe^atos,  Pherezaios):  Signifies  "a  villager,"  and 
so  corresponds  with  the  Egyp  fellah.  Hence  the 
Perizzite  is  not  included  among  the  sons  of  Canaan 
in  Gen  10,  and  is  also  coupled  with  the  Canaanite 
(Gen  13  7;  34  30;  Jgs  1  4).  _  We  hear,  accord- 
ingly, of  Canaanites  and  Perizzites  at  Shechem 
(Gen  34  30),  at  Bezek  in  Judah  (Jgs  1  4)  and, 
according  to  the  reading  of  LXX,  at  Gezer  (Josh 

16  10).  In  Dt  3  5  and  1  S  6  18,  where  AV  has 
"unwalled  towns"  and  "country  villages,"  LXX 
has  "Perizzite,"  the  lit.  tr  of  the  Heb  being  "cities 
of  the  Perizzite"  or  "villager"  and  "village  of  the 
Perizzite."  The  same  expression  occurs  in  Est  9 
19,  where  it  is  used  of  the  Jews  in  Elam.     In  Josh 

17  15.18,  where  the  Manassites  are  instructed  to 
take  possession  of  the  forest  land  of  Carmel,  "Periz- 
zites and  Rephaim"  are  given  as  the  equivalent  of 
"Canaanite."  A.  H.  Saycb 

PERJURY,  pftr'ja-ri.  See  Crimes;  Oath;  Pun- 
ishments. 

PERPETUAL,      per-pet'fl-al,      PERPETUALLY, 

per-pet'a-al-i,  PERPETUITY,  pdr-pS-tu'i-ti  (DbW , 
'olam,  n?;  ,  negah,  "^'Ori ,  tamldh) : 

Perpetual  is  usually  the  tr  of  'dlam,  properly,  "a 
wrapping  up"  or  "hiding,"  used  often  of  time  indefi- 
nitely long,  and  of  eternity  when  applied  to  God; 
hence  we  have,  "for  perpetual  generations"  (Gen 
9  12);  "the  priesthood  by  a  perpetual  statute"  (Ex 
29  9;  cf  31  16;  Lev  3  17;  24  9,  etc);  "placed 
the  sand  for  the  bound  of  the  sea,  by  a  perpetual 
decree,  that  it  cannot  pass  it"  (Jer  5  22,  RVm  "an 
everlasting  ordinance  which  it  cannot  pass"); 
"sleep  a  perpetual  sleep"  (Jer  51  39.57);  "Moab 
shall  be  ...  .  a  perpetual  desolation"  (Zeph  2  9), 
etc;  negah,  "preeminence,"  "perpetuity,"  "eternity" 
(often  tr'd  "for  ever,"  Ps  9  6),  is  tr"'  "perpetual" 
(Ps  74  3;  Jer  15  18);  nagah  (part.)  (Jer  8  5); 
tamldh,  "continuance,"  generally  rendered  "con- 
tinually," but  sometimes  "perpetual"  or  "perpetu- 
ally" (Ex  30  8;  Lev  6  20). 


Perpetually  i.s  tho  rendering  of  'adh,  properly  "prog- 
ri!,ss,"  "tluraoion,"  henco  long  or  indefinite  time,  eter- 
nity (u.sually  in  AV  rendered  "for  over"),  in  Am  1  11. 
"His  anger  did  tear  perpetually" ;  and  ot  kot  ha-ydmim, 
"all  the  days"  (1  K  9  -'J;  2  Vh  7  16,  "my  heart  shall 
be  there  perpetually";  cf  Mt  28  20,  pdsas  Ida  hemeraa, 
lit.  "all  the  days"). 

Perpetuity  occurs  in  RV  of  Lev  25  23. .30,  "The  land 
shall  not  be  sold  in  perpetuity,"  "The  house  ....  shall 
be  made  sure  in  perpetuity." 

Perpetual  is  frequent  in  Apoc,  most  often  as  the  tr  of 
aidnios  and  kindred  words,  e.g.  .Jth  13  20,  "a  perpetual 
praise";  Wisd  10  14,  "perpetual  glorv,"  RV  "eternal"; 
Ecclus  11  33,  "a  perpetual  blot,"  RV  "blame  for  ever"; 
1  Mace  6  44,  "a  perpetual  name,"  RV  "everlasting"; 
aenaos,  "ever-flowing,"  occurs  in  Wisd  11  0  (so  RV); 
eiidelecMs,  "constant"  (Ecclus  41  6,  "perpetual  re- 
proach"). 

For  "perpetual"  (,Ier  50  5;  Hab  3  6)  RV  has  "ever- 
lasting"; for  "  the  old  hatred "  (Ezk  25  1.5),  "perpetual 
enmity";  for  "perpetual  desolation"  (Jer  25  12),  "deso- 
late for  ever,"  m  "Heb  'everlasting  desolations.' " 

W.  L.  Walker 

PERSECUTION,  pllr-sE-ku'shun  (8i»y(j.6s,  diog- 
mos  [Mt  13  21;  Mk  4  17;  10  30;  Acts  8  1;  13  .50; 
Rom  8  35;  2  Cor  12  10;  2  Thess  1  4;  2  Tim  3 
11]): 

1.  Persecution  in  OT  Times 

2.  Between  the  Testaments 

3.  Foretold  by  Christ 

4.  A  Test  of  Discipleship 

5.  A  Means  of  Blessing 

6.  Various  Forms 

7.  In  the  Case  of  Jesus 

8.  Instigated  by  the  Jews 

9.  Stephen 

10.  The  Apostles  James  and  Peter 

11.  Gentile  Persecution 

Christianity  at  First  Not  a  Forbidden  Religion 

12.  The  Neronic  Persecution 

(1)  Testimony  oi  Tacitus 

(2)  Reference  in  1  Pet 

(3)  Tacitus'  Narrative 

(4)  NT  References 

13.  Persecution  in  Asia 

14.  Rome  as  Persecutor 

15.  Testimony  of  Pliny.  112  AD 

16.  2d  and  3d  Centuries 

17.  Best  Emperors  the  Most  Cruel  Persecutors 

18.  Causes  of  Persecution 

19.  200  Years  of  Persecution 

20.  Persecution  in  the  Army 

21.  Tertuliian's  Apology 

22.  "The  Third  Race" 

23.  Hatred  against  Christians 

24.  The  Decian  Persecution 

25.  Libdli 

26.  The  Edict  of  Milan 

27.  Results  of  Persecution 

The  importance  of  this  subject  may  be  indicated 
by  the  fact  of  the  frequency  of  its  occurrence,  both 
in  the  OT  and  NT,  where  in  AV  the  words  "per- 
secute," "persecuted,"  "persecuting"  are  found 
no  fewer  than  53  t,  "persecution"  14  t,  and  "per- 
secutor" 9  t. 

It  must  not  be  thought  that  persecution  existed 

only  in  NT  times.     In  the  days  of  the  OT  it  existed 

too.     In  what  Jesus  said  to  the  Phari- 

1.  Perse-  sees,  He  specially  referred  to  the  inno- 
cution  in  cent  blood  which  had  been  shed  in 
OT  Times     those  times,  and  told  them  that  they 

were  showing  themselves  heirs — to  use 
a  legal  phrase — to  their  fathers  who  had  persecuted 
the  righteous,  "from  the  blood  of  Abel  the  righteous 
unto  the  blood  of  Zachariah"  (Mt  23  35). 

In  the  period  between  the  close  of  the  OT  and 
the  coming  of  Christ,  there  was  much  and  protracted 

suffering  endured  by  the  Jews,  because 

2.  Between  of  their  refusal  to  embrace  idolatry, 
the  Testa-  and  of  their  fidelity  to  the  Mosaic  Law 
ments  and  the  worship  of  God.     During  that 

time  there  were  many  patriots  who 
were  true  martyrs,  and  those  heroes  of  faith,  the 
Maccabees,  were  among  those  who  "know  their  God 
....  and  do  exploits"  (Dnl  11  32).  'We  have  no 
need  of  human  help,'  said  Jonathan  the  Jewish  high 
priest,  'having  for  our  comfort  the  sacred  Scriptures 
which  are  in  our  hands'  (1  Mace  12  9). 

In  the  Ep.  to  the  He,  persecution  in  the  days  of 
the  OT  is  summed  up  in  these  words:  "Others  had 


Persecution 


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2324 


trial  of  mockings  and  scourgings,  yea,  moreover 
of  bonds  and  imprisonment:  they  were  stoned,  they 
were  sawn  asunder,  they  were  tempted,  they  were 
slain  with  the  sword:  they  went  about  in  sheep- 
skins, in  goatskins;  being  destitute,  afflicted,  ill- 
treated  (of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy)"  (He 
11  36-38). 

Coming    now    to    NT    times,    persecution    was 

frequently  foretold  by  Christ,  as  certain  to  come  to 

those  who  were  His  true  disciples  and 

3.  Foretold  followers.  He  forewarned  them  again 
by  Christ       and  again  that  it  was  inevitable.     He 

said  that  He  Himself  must  suffer  it 
(Mt  16  21;  17  22.23;   Mk  8  31). 

It  would  be  a  test  of  true  discipleship.     In  the 
parable  of  the  Sower,  He  mentions  this  as  one  of  the 

causes  of  defection  among  those  who 

4.  A  Test      are  Christians  in  outward  appearance 
of  Disciple-  only.     WTien  affliction  or  persecution 
ship  ariseth  for  the  word's  sake,  immedi- 
ately   the    stony-ground    hearers    are 

offended  (Mk  4  17). 

It  would  be  a  sure  means  of  gaining  a  blessing, 

whenever  it  came  to  His  loyal  followers  when  they 

were  in  the  way  of  well-doing;  and  He 

5.  A  Means  thus  speaks  of  it  in  two  of  the  Beati- 
of  Blessing    tudes,  "Blessed  are  they  that  have  been 

persecuted  for  righteousness'  sake:  for 
theirs  is  the  kingdom  of  heaven";  "Blessed  are  ye 
when  men  shall  reproach  you,  and  persecute  you 
....  for  my  sake"  (Mt  5  10.11;  see  also  ver  12). 
It  would  take  different  forms,  ranging  through 
every  possible  variety,  from  false  accusation  to  the 
infliction  of  death,  beyond  which.  He 

6.  Various  pointed  out  (Mt  10  28;  Lk  12  4), 
Forms  persecutors    are   unable   to   go.     The 

methods  of  persecution  which  were 
employed  by  the  Jews,  and  also  by  the  heathen 
against  the  followers  of  Christ,  were  such  as  these: 
(1)  Men  would  revile  them  and  would  say  all  man- 
ner of  evil  against  them  falsely,  for  Christ's  sake 
(Mt  5  11).  (2)  Contempt  and  disparagement: 
"Say  we  not  well  that  thou  art  a  Samaritan,  and 
hast  a  demon?"  (Jn  8  48);  "If  they  have  called 
the  master  of  the  house  Beelzebub,  how  much  more 
them  of  his  household!"  (Mt  10  2.5).  (3)  Being, 
solely  on  account  of  their  loyalty  to  Christ,  forcibly 
separated  from  the  company  and  the  society  of 
others,  and  expelled  from  the  sjmagogues  or  other 
assemblies  for  the  worship  of  God:  "Blessed  are 
ye,  when  men  shall  hate  you,  and  when  they  shall 
separate  you  from  their  company,  and  reproach 
you,  and  cast  out  your  name  as  evil,  for  the  Son  of 
man's  sake"  (Lk  6  22);  "They  shall  put  you  out 
of  the  synagogues"  (Jn  16  2).  (4)  Illegal  arrest 
and  spoliation  of  goods,  and  death  itself. 

All  these  various  methods,  used  by  the  perse- 
cutor, were  foretold,  and  all  came  to  pass.  It  was 
the  fear  of  apprehension  and  death  that  led  the 
eleven  disciples  to  forsake  Jesus  in  Gcthsemane 
and  to  flee  for  their  lives.  Jesus  often  forewarned 
them  of  the  severity  of  the  persecution  which  they 
would  need  to  encounter  if  they  were  loyal  to  Him: 
"The  hour  cometh,  that  whosoever  killeth  you  shall 
think  that  he  offereth  service  unto  God"  (Jn  16  2); 
"I  send  unto  you  prophets  ....  some  of  them 
shall  ye  kill  and  crucify;  and  some  of  them  shall  ye 
scourge  in  your  synagogues,  and  persecute  from 
city  to  city"  (Mt  23  34). 

In  the  case  of  Christ  Himself,  persecution 
took  the  form  of  attempts  to  entrap  Him  in 
His  speech  (Mt  22  1.5);  the  questiou- 
7.  In  the  ing  of  His  authority  (Mk  11  28) ; 
Case  of  illegal  arrest;    the   heaping   of   every 

Jesus  insult  upon  Him  as  a  prisoner;    false 

accusation;  and  a  violent  and  most 
cruel  death. 


After  Our  Lord's  resurrection  the  first  attacks 

against  His  disciples  came  from  the  high  priest  and 

his   party.     The  high-priesthood   was 

8.  Insti-  then  in  the  hands  of  the  Sadducees, 
gated  by  and  one  reason  which  moved  them  to 
the  Jews        take  action  of  this  kind  was  their  'sore 

trouble,'  because  the  apostles  "pro- 
claimed in  Jesus  the  resurrection  from  the  dead" 
(Acts  4  2;  5  17).  The  gospel  based  upon  the 
resurrection  of  Christ  was  evidence  of  the  untruth 
of  the  chief  doctrines  held  by  the  Sadducees,  for 
they  held  that  there  is  no  resurrection.  But  instead 
of  yielding  to  the  evidence  of  the  fact  that  the  resur- 
rection had  taken  place,  they  opposed  and  denied 
it,  and  persecuted  His  disciples.  ^  For  a  time  the 
Pharisees  were  more  moderate  in  their  attitude 
toward  the  Christian  faith,  as  is  shown  in  the  case 
of  Gamaliel  (Acts  5  34) ;  and  on  one  occasion  they 
were  willing  even  to  defend  the  apostle  Paul  (Acts 
23  9)  on  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection.  But 
gradually  the  whole  of  the  Jewish  people  became 
bitter  persecutors  of  the  Christians.  Thus  in  the 
earliest  of  the  Pauline  Epp.,  it  is  said,  "Ye  also 
suffered  the  same  things  of  your  own  countrymen, 
even  as  they  [in  Judaea]  did  of  the  Jews;  who  both 
killed  the  Lord  Jesus  and  the  prophets,  and  drove 
out  us,  and  please  not  God,  and  are  contrary  to  all 
men"  (1  Thess  2  14.15). 

Serious  persecution  of  the  Christian  church  began 

with  the  case  of  Stephen  (Acts  7  1^60);    and  hia 

lawless  execution  was  followed  by  "a 

9.  Stephen    great    persecution"    directed    against 

the  Christians  in  Jerus.  This  "great 
persecution"  (Acts  8  1)  scattered  the  members  of 
the  church,  who  fled  in  order  to  avoid  bonds  and 
imprisonment  and  death.  At  this  time  Saul  sig- 
nalized himself  by  his  great  activity,  persecuting 
"this  Way  unto  the  death,  binding  and  delivering 
into  prisons  both  men  and  women"  (Acts  22  4). 

By  and  by  one  of  the  apostles  was  put  to  death — 

the  first  to  suffer  of  "the  glorious  company  of  the 

apostles" — James  the  brother  of  John, 

10.  The  who  was  slain  with  the  sword  by  Herod 
Apostles  Agrippa  (Acts  12  2).  Peter  also  was 
James  and  imprisoned,  and  was  delivered  only 
Peter              by  an  angel  (12  7-11). 

During  the  period  covered  by  the 
Acts  there  was  not  much  purely  gentile  persecution: 
at  that  time  the  persecution  suffered  by  the  Chris- 
tian church  was  chiefly  Jewish.     There 

11.  Gentile  were,  however,  great  dangers  and  risks 
Persecution  encountered  by  the  apostles  and  by 

all  who  proclaimed  the  gospel  then. 
Thus,  at  Philippi,  Paul  and  Silas  were  most  cruelly 
persecuted  (Acts  16  19-40) ;  and,  even  before  that 
time,  Paul  and  Barnabas  had  suffered  much  at 
Iconium  and  at  Lystra  (Acts  14  5.19).  On  the 
whole  the  Rom  authorities  were  not  actively  hostile 
during  the  greater  part  of  Paul's  lifetime.  Gallio, 
for  instance,  the  deputy  of  Achaia,  declined  to  go 
into  the  charge  brought  by  the  Jews  at  Corinth 
against  Paul  (Acts  18  14.15.16).  And  when  Paul 
had  pleaded  in  his  own  defence  before  King  Herod 
Agrippa  and  the  Rom  governor  Festus,  these  two 
judges  were  agreed  in  the  opinion,  "This  man  doeth 
nothing  worthy  of  death  or  of  bonds"  (Acts  26  31). 
Indeed  it  is  evident  (see  Ramsay,  Si.  Paul  the 
Traveller  and  the  Rom  Citizen,  308)  that  the  purpose 
of  Paul's  trial  being  recorded  at  length  in  the  Acts 
is  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel  was  not  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  the  Rom 
empire,  but  that  Christianity  was  a  religio  licita,  a 
lawful  religion. 

Christianity,  at  first,  not  a  forbidden  religion. — This 
legality  of  the  Christian  faith  was  illustrated  and  en- 
forced by  the  fact  that  whon  Pavil's  case  was  heard  and 
decided  by  the  supreme  court  of  appeal  at  Rome   he  was 


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Persecution 


set  free  and  resumed  his  missionary  labors,  as  these  are 
recorded  or  referred  to  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.  "One 
thing,  however,  is  clear  from  a  comparison  of  IPhil  with 
2  Tim.  There  had  been  in  the  interval  a  complete 
change  in  the  policy  toward  Christianity  of  the  Rom 
government.  This  change  was  due  to  the  great  Are 
of  Rome  (July,  64).  As  part  of  the  persecution  which 
then  broke  out,  orders  were  given  for  the  imprisonment 
of  the  Christian  leaders.  Poppaea,  Tigellinus  and  their 
Jewish  friends  were  not  likely  to  forget  the  prisoner  of 
two  years  before.  At  the  time  St.  Paul  was  away  from 
Rome,  but  steps  were  instantly  taken  for  his  arrest. 
The  apostle  was  brought  back  to  the  city  In  the  autumn 

or  winter  of  64 That  he  had  a  trial  at  all,  instead 

of  the  summary  punishment  of  his  brethren,  witnesses 
to  the  importance  attached  by  the  government  to  a  show 
of  legality  in  the  persecution  of  the  leader"  (Workman, 
Persecution  in  the  Early  Church,  38).  See  Pastoral 
Epistles;   Paul  the  Apostle. 

The  legal  decisions  which  were  favorable  to  the 
Christian  faith  were  soon  overturned  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  great  fire  in  Rome,  which 
12.  The         occurred    in    July,    64.     The    public 
Neronic  feeling  of  resentment  broke  out  against 

Persecution  the  emperor  to  such  a  degree  that,  to 
avoid  the  stigma,  just  or  unjust,  of 
being  himself  guilty  of  setting  the  city  on  fire,  he 
made  the  Christians  the  scapegoats  which  he 
thought  he  needed.  Tacitus  {Annals  xv.44)  relates 
all  that  occurred  at  that  time,  and  what  he  says  is 
most  interesting,  as  being  one  of  the  very  earliest 
notices  found  in  any  profane  author,  both  of  the 
Christian  faith,  and  of  Christ  Himself. 

(1)  Testimony  of  Tacitus. — What  Tacitus  says  is  that 
nothing  that  Nero  could  do,  either  in  the  way  of  gifts  to 
the  populace  or  in  that  of  sacrifice  to  the  Rom  deities, 
could  make  the  people  beUeve  that  he  was  innocent  of 
causing  the  great  fire  which  had  consumed  their  dwelhngs. 
Hence  to  relieve  himself  of  this  infamy  he  falsely  accused 
the  Christians  of  being  guilty  of  the  crime  of  setting  the 
city  on  fire.  Tacitus  uses  the  strange  expression  "the 
persons  commonly  called  Christians  who  were  hated  for 
their  enormities."  This  is  an  instance  of  the  saying  of 
all  manner  of  evil  against  them  falsely,  for  Christ's  sake. 
The  Cfcuistians,  whose  lives  were  pure  and  virtuous  and 
beneficent,  were  spoken  of  as  being  the  olTscouring  of  the 

(2)  References  in  1  Pet. — The  First  Bp.  of  Peter  Is  one 
of  the  parts  of  the  NT  which  seem  to  make  direct  refer- 
ence to  the  Neronic  persecution,  and  he  uses  words  (1 
Pet  4  12  fl!)  which  may  be  compared  with  the  narrative 
of  Tacitus:  "Beloved,  think  it  not  strange  concerning 
the  fiery  trial  among  you,  which  Cometh  upon  you  to 
prove  you,  as  though  a  strange  thing  happened  unto 
you:  but  insomuch  as  ye  are  partakers  of  Christ's  suffer- 
ings, rejoice If  ye  are  reproached  for  the  name  of 

Christ,  blessed  are  ye;  because  the  Spirit  of  glory  and 
the  Spirit  of  God  resteth  upon  you.  For  let  none  of  you 
suffer  as  a  murderer,  or  a  thief,  or  an  evil-doer,  or  as  a 
meddler  in  other  men's  matters :  but  If  a  man  suffer  as  a 
Christian,  let  him  not  be  ashamed ;  but  let  him  glorify 
God  in  this  name.     For  the  time  is  come  for  judgment 

to  begin  at  the  house  of  God Wherefore  let  them 

also  that  suffer  according  to  the  will  of  God  commit  their 
souls  in  well-doing  unto  a  faithful  Creator." 

(3)  Tacitus'  narrative. —  How  altogether  apposite  and 
suitable  was  this  comforting  exhortation  to  the  case  of 
those  who  suffered  in  the  Neronic  persecution.  The 
description  which  'Tacitus  gives  is  as  follows;  "  Christus, 
the  founder  of  that  name,  was  put  to  death  as  a  criminal 
hy  Pontius  Pilate,  procurator  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius. 
But  the  pernicious  superstition,  repressed  for  a  time, 
broke  out  again  not  only  through  Judaea,  where  the 
mischief  originated,  but  through  the  city  of  Rome  also, 
whither  all  things  horrible  and  disgraceful  flow  from  aU 
quarters  as  to  a  common  sink,  and  where  they  are  en- 
couraged. Accordingly,  first,  those  were  seized  who  con- 
fessed they  were  Christians;  next,  on  their  information, 
a  vast  miiltitude  were  convicted,  not  so  much  on  the 
charge  of  setting  the  city  on  fire,  as  of  hating  the  human 
race.  And  in  their  deaths  they  were  made  the  subject 
of  sport,  for  they  were  covered  with  the  skins  of  wild 
beasts  and  were  worried  to  death  by  dogs,  or  nailed  to 
crosses,  or  set  fire  to,  and  when  day  declined  were 
burned  to  serve  for  nocturnal  lights.  Nero  offered  his 
own  gardens  for  that  spectacle,  and  exhibited  circus 
games ,  indiscriminately  rmngling  with  the  common  people 
dressed  as  a  charioteer,  or  else  standing  in  his  chariot. 
Whence  a  feeling  of  compassion  arose  toward  the  sufferers, 
though  guilty  and  deserving  to  be  made  examples  of  by 
capital  punishment,  because  they  seemed  not  to  be  cut 
off  for  the  public  good,  but  to  be  victims  to  the  ferocity 
of  one  man."     See  Nero. 

(4)  AT  references. — Three  of  the  books  of  the 
NT  bear  the  marks  of  thttt  most  cruel  persecution 


under  Nero,  the  Second  Ep.  to  Timothy,  the  Fii'st 
Ep.  of  Peter — already  referred  to — and  the  Rev 
of  John.  In  2  Tim,  Paul  speaks  of  his  impending 
condemnation  to  death,  and  the  terror  inspired  by 
the  persecution  causes  "all"  to  forsake  him  when 
he  is  brought  to  public  trial  (2  Tim  4  16). 

The  "fiery  trial"  is  spoken  of  in  1  Pet,  and  Chris- 
tians are  exhorted  to  maintain  their  faith  with  pa- 
tience; they  are  pleaded  with  to  have  their  "conver- 
sation honest"  (1  Pet  2  12  AVJ,  so  that  all  accu- 
sations directed  against  them  may  be  seen  to  be 
untrue,  and  their  sufferings  sliall  then  be,  not  for 
Hi-doing,  but  only  for  the  name  of  Christ  (3  14.16). 
"This  important  ep.  proves  a  general  persecution 
(1  6;  4  12.16)  in  Asia  Minor  N.  of  the  Taurus 
(1  1;  note  esp.  Bithynia)  and  elsewhere  (5  9).  The 
Christians  suffer  'for  the  name,'  but  not  the  name 
alone  (4  14).  They  are  the  objects  of  vile  slanders 
(2  12.15;  3  14-16;  4  4.15),  as  well  as  of  consider- 
able zeal  on  the  part  of  officials  (5  8  [Gr  3  15]). 
As  regards  the  slanders,  the  Christians  should  be 
circumspect  (2  15.16;  3  16.17;  4  15).  The  per- 
secution will  be  short,  for  the  end  of  all  things  is  at 
hand  (4  7.13;  5  4)"  (Workman,  Persecution  in  the 
Early  Church,  354). 

In  Rev  the  apostle  John  is  in  "Patmos,  for  the 

word  of  God  and  the  testimony  of  Jesus"  (Rev  1 

9) .     Persecution  has  broken  out  among 

13.  Perse-  the  Christians  in  the  province  of  Asia. 
cution  in  At  Smyrna,  there  is  suffering,  imprison- 
Asia  ment  and  prolonged  tribulation;    but 

the  sufferers  are  cheered  when  they  are 
told  that  if  they  are  faithful  unto  death,  Christ  will 
give  them  the  crown  of  life  (Rev  2  10) .  At  Perga- 
mum,  persecution  has  already  resulted  in  Antipas, 
Christ's  faithful  martyr,  being  slain  (2  13).  At 
Ephesus  and  at  Thyatira  the  Christians  are  com- 
mended for  their  patience,  evidently  indicating 
that  there  had  been  persecution  (2  2.19).  At 
Philadelphia  there  has  been  the  attempt  made  to 
cause  the  members  of  the  church  to  deny  Christ's 
name  (3  8) ;  their  patience  is  also  commended,  and 
the  hour  of  temptation  is  spoken  of,  which  comes  to 
try  all  the  world,  but  from  which  Christ  promised 
to  keep  the  faithful  Christians  in  Philadelphia. 
Strangely  enough,  there  is  no  distinct  mention  of 
persecution  having  taken  place  in  Sardis  or  in  Lao- 
dicea. 

As  the  book  proceeds,  evidences  of  persecution 
are  multiplied.     In  6  9,  the  apostle  sees  under  the 

altar  the  souls  of  them  that  were  slain 

14.  Rome  as  for  the  word  of  God  and  for  the  testi- 
Persecutor    mony   which   they   held;    and   those 

souls  are  bidden  to  rest  yet  for  a  little 
season  "until  their  fellow-servants  also  and  their 
brethren,  who  should  be  killed  even  as  they  were, 
should  have  fulfilled  their  course"  (6  11).  The 
meaning  is  that  there  is  not  yet  to  be  an  end  of 
suffering  for  Christ's  sake;  persecution  may  con- 
tinue to  be  as  severe  as  ever.  Cf  20  4,  "I  saw 
the  souls  of  them  that  had  been  beheaded  for  the 
testimony  of  Jesus,  and  for  the  word  of  God,  and 
such  as  worshipped  not  the  beast,"  for  the  perse- 
cution had  raged  against  all  classes  indiscriminately, 
and  Rom  citizens  who  were  true  to  Christ  had  suf- 
fered unto  death.  It  is  to  these  that  reference  is 
made  in  the  words  "had  been  beheaded,"  decapi- 
tation being  reserved  as  the  most  honorable  form 
of  execution,  for  Rom  citizens  only.  So  terrible 
does  the  persecution  of  Christians  by  the  imperial 
authorities  become,  that  Rome  is  "drunken  with 
the  blood  of  the  saints,  and  with  the  blood  of  the 
martyrs  of  Jesus"  (17  6;  16  6;  see  also  18  24; 
19  2). 

Paul's  mart5Tdom  is  implied  in  2  Tim,  through- 
out the  whole  ep.,  and  esp.  in  4  6.7.8.  The  martyr- 
dom of  Peter  is  also  implied  in  Jn  21  18.19,  and  in 


Persecution 


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2326 


2  Pet  1  14.  The  abiding  impression  made  by 
these  times  of  persecution  upon  the  mind  of  the 
apostle  John  is  also  seen  in  the  defiance  of  the  world 
found  throughout  his  First  Ep.  (2  17;  5  19),  and 
in  the  rejoicing  over  the  fall  of  Babylon,  the  great 
persecuting  power,  as  that  fall  is  described  in  such 
passages  as  Rev  14  8;   15  2.3;   17  14;   18  24. 

Following  immediately  upon  the  close  of  the  NT, 
there  is  another  remarkable  witness  to  the  continu- 
ance of  the  Rom  persecution  against  the  Christian 
church.     This  is  Pliny,  proconsul  of  Bithynia. 

In  111  or  112  AD,  he  writes  to  the  emperor  Trajan 

a  letter  in  which  he  describes  tlie  growth  of  the  Cliristian 

faith.     He  goes  on  to  say  that  "many  of 

Ifi    Tp<;ti         ^^^  ages  and  of  all  ranks  and  even  of  both 

■  >'='""  sexes  are  being  called  into  danger,  and  will 
mony  of  continue  to  be  so.     In  fact  the  contagion 

Pliny,  of  this  superstition  is  not  confined  to  the 

112  AT)  cities  only,  but  has  spread  to  the  villages 

iiJJ  amj  country  districts."     He  proceeds  to 

narrate  how  the  heathen  temples  had  been 
deserted  and  the  religious  rites  had  been  abandoned  for 
so  long  a  time:  even  the  sacrificial  food — that  is,  the 
flesh  of  the  sacrificial  victims — could  scarcely  find  a 
purchaser. 

But  Pliny  had  endeavored  to  stem  the  tide  of  the  ad- 
vancing Christian  faith,  and  he  tells  the  emperor  how  he 
had  succeeded  in  bringing  back  to  the  heathen  worship 
many  professing  Christians.  That  is  to  say,  he  had  used 
persecuting  measures,  and  had  succeeded  in  forcing  some 
of  the  Cliristians  to  abandon  their  faith.  He  tells  the 
methods  he  had  used.  "The  method  I  have  observed 
toward  those  who  have  been  brought  before  me  as  Chris- 
tians is  this.  I  asked  them  whether  they  were  Chris- 
tians. If  they  admitted  it,  I  repeated  the  question  a 
second  and  a  third  time,  and  threatened  them  with  pun- 
ishment. If  they  persisted  I  ordered  them  to  be  pun- 
ished. For  I  did  not  doubt,  whatever  the  nature  of  that 
which  they  confessed  might  be,  that  a  contumacious  and 
inflexible  obstinacy  ought  to  be  punished.  There  were 
others  also,  possessed  with  the  same  infatuation,  whom, 
because  they  were  Rom  citizens,  I  ordered  to  be  sent 
to  Rome.  But  this  crime  spreading,  as  is  usually  the 
case,  while  it  was  actually  under  legal  prosecution,  several 
cases  occurred.  An  anonymous  information  was  laid 
before  me,  containing  tlie  names  of  many  persons.  Those 
who  denied  that  they  were  Christians,  or  that  they  had 
ever  been  so,  repeated  after  me  an  invocation  of  the  gods, 
and  offered  prayer,  with  wine  and  incense,  to  your 
statue,  which  I  had  ordered  to  be  brought  in  for  this  very 
purpose,  along  with  the  statues  of  the  gods,  and  they 
even  reviled  the  name  of  Chi'ist;  whereas  there  is  no 
forcing,  it  is  said,  those  who  are  realljr  Christians  into 
any  of  these  compliances;  I  thought  it  proper  to  dis- 
charge them.  Otliers  who  were  accused  by  a  witness 
at  first  confessed  themselves  Christians,  but  afterward 
denied  it.  Some  owned  indeed  that  they  had  been  Chris- 
tians formerly,  but  had  now,  some  for  several  years,  and 
a  few  above  20  years  ago,  renounced  it.  They  all  wor- 
shipped your  statue  and  the  images  of  the  gods 

I  forbade  the  meeting  of  any  assemblies,  and  therefore 
I  judged  it  to  be  so  much  the  more  necessary  to  endeavor 
to  extort  the  real  truth  by  putting  to  the  torture  two 
female  slaves,  who  were  called  deaconesses,  yet  I  found 
nothing  but  an  absurd  and  extravagant  superstition." 

In  Trajan's  reply  to  Pliny  he  writes,  "They  [the 
Christians]  ought  not  to  be  searched  for.  If  they  are 
brought  before  you  and  convicted,  they  should  be  pun- 
ished, but  this  should  be  done  in  such  a  way,  that  he 
who  denies  that  he  is  a  Christian,  and  when  his  state- 
ment is  proved  by  his  invoking  our  deities,  such  a  person, 
although  suspected  for  past  conduct,  must  nevertheless 
be  forgiven,  because  of  his  repentance." 

These  letters  of  Pliny  and  Trajan  treat  state- 
persecution  as  the  standing  procedure — and  this  not 
a  generation  after  the  death  of  the  apostle  John. 
The  sufTerings  and  tribulation  predicted  in  Rev  2 
10,  and  in  many  other  passages,  had  indeed  come  to 
pass.  Some  of  the  Christians  had  denied  the  name 
of  Christ  and  had  worshipped  the  images  of  the  em- 
peror and  of  the  idols,  but  multitudes  of  them  had 
been  faithful  unto  death,  and  had  received  the 
martyr's  crown  of  life. 

Speaking  generally,  persecution  of  greater  or  less 
severity  was  the  normal  method  employed  by  the 
Rom  empire  against  the  Christian 
16.  2d  and  church  during  the  2d  and  the  3d 
3d  Cen-  cents.  It  may  be  said  to  have  come 
turies  to  an  end  only  about  the  end  of  the 

3d  or  the  beginning  of  the  4th  cent., 
when    the    empire    became    nominally    Christian. 


"\^Tien  the  apostolic  period  is  left,  persecution  be- 
comes almost  the  normal  state  in  which  the  church 
is  found.  And  persecution,  instead  of  abolishing 
the  name  of  Christ,  as  the  persecutors  vainly  im- 
agined they  had  succeeded  in  doing,  became  the 
means  of  the  growth  of  the  Christian  church  and  of 
its  purity.  Both  of  these  important  ends,  and 
others  too,  were  secured  by  the  severity  of  the  means 
employed  by  the  persecuting  power  of  the  Rom 
empire. 

Under  Trajan's  successor,  the  emperor  Hadrian, 
the  lot  of  the  Christians  was  full  of  uncertainty :  per- 
secution might  break  out  at  any  moment.  At  the 
best  Hadrian's  regime  was  only  that  of  unauthorized 
toleration. 

With  the  exception  of  such  instances  as  those  of 

Nero  and  Domitian,  there  is  the  surprising  fact  to 

notice,  that  it  was  not  the  worst  em- 

17.  Best  perors,  but  the  best,  who  became  the 
Emperors  most  violent  persecutors.  One  reason 
the  Most  probably  was  that  the  ability  of  those 
Cruel  emperors  led  them  to  see  that  the 
Persecutors  religion  of  Christ  is  really  a  divisive 

factor  in  any  kingdom  in  which  civil 
government  and  pagan  religion  are  indissolubly 
bound  up  together.  The  more  that  such  a  ruler 
was  intent  on  preserving  the  unity  of  the  empire, 
the  more  would  he  persecute  the  Christian  faith. 
Hence  among  the  rulers  who  were  persecutors,  there 
are  the  names  of  Antoninus  Pius,  Marcus  Aurelius 
the  philosopher-emperor,  and  Septimius  Severus 
(diedat  York,  211  AD). 

Persecution  was  no  accident,  which  chanced  to 
happen,  but  which  might  not  have  occurred  at  all. 

It  was  the  necessary  consequence  of 

18.  Causes  the  principles  embodied  in  the  heathen 
of  Per-  Rom  government,  when  these  came 
secution         into  contact  and  into  conflict  with  the 

essential  principles  of  the  Christian 
faith.  The  reasons  for  the  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tian church  by  the  Rom  empire  were  (1)  political; 
(2)  on  account  of  the  claim  which  the  Christian 
faith  makes,  and  which  it  cannot  help  making,  to 
the  exclusive  allegiance  of  the  heart  and  of  the  life. 
That  loyalty  to  Christ  which  the  martyrs  dis- 
played was  believed  by  the  authorities  in  the  state 
to  be  incompatible  with  the  duties  of  a  Rom  citizen. 
Patriotism  demanded  that  every  citizen  should 
unite  in  the  worship  of  the  emperor,  but  Christians 
refused  to  take  part  in  this  worship  on  any  terms, 
and  so  they  continually  lived  under  the  shadow  of  a 
great  hatred,  which  always  slumbered,  and  might 
break  out  at  any  time.  The  claim  which  the  Chris- 
tian faith  made  to  the  absolute  and  exclusive  loyalty 
of  all  who  obeyed  Christ  was  such  that  it  admitted 
of  no  compromise  with  heathenism.  To  receive 
Christ  into  the  pantheon  as  another  divinity,  as  one 
of  several — this  was  not  the  Christian  faith.  To 
every  loyal  follower  of  Christ  compromise  with  other 
faiths  was  an  impossibility.  An  accommodated 
Christianity  would  itself  have  been  false  to  the  only 
true  God  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  He  had  sent,  and 
would  never  have  conquered  the  world.  To  the 
heathen  there  were  lords  many  and  gods  many,  but 
to  the  Christians  there  was  but  one  God  the  Father 
and  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
(1  Cor  8  5.6).  The  essential  absoluteness  of  the 
Christian  faith  was  its  strength,  but  this  was  also 
the  cause  of  its  being  hated. 

"By  a  correct  instinct  paganisms  of  all  sorts  dis- 
cerned in  the  infant  church  their  only  rival.  So,  while 
the  new  Hercules  was  yet  in  the  cradle,  they  sent  their 
snakes  to  kill  him.  But  Hercules  lived  to  cleanse  out 
the  Augean  stables"  (Workman,  op.  cit.,  88). 

"For  200  years,  to  become  a  Christian  meant  the 
great  renunciation,  the  joining  a  despised  and  persecuted 
sect,  the  swimming  against  the  tide  of  popular  prejudice, 
the  coming  under  the  ban  of  the  Empire,  the  possibility 
at  any  moment  of  imprisonment  and  death  under  its 


2327 


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Persecution 


most  fearful  forms.     For  200  years  he  that  would  follow 

Christ  must  count  the  cost,  and  be  prepared  to  pay  the 

same  with   his  liberty  and  life,     lor  200 

19.  200  years  the  mere  profession  of  Christianity 
Ypflr<!nf  ^*^  itself  a  crime.  Christianus  sum  was 
icaisui  almost  the  one  plea  for  wlilch  there  was 
Persecution  no  forgiveness,  in  itself  all  that  was  neces- 
sary as  a  'title'  on  the  back  of  the  con- 
demned. He  who  made  it  was  allowed  neither  to  present 
apology,  nor  call  in  the  aid  of  a  pleader.  '  Public  hatred,' 
writes  Tertullian,  'asks  but  one  thing,  and  that  not  in- 
vestigation into  the  crimes  charged,  but  simply  the  con- 
fession of  the  Christian  name.'  For  the  name  itself  In 
periods  of  stress,  not  a  few.  meant  the  rack,  the  Ijlazing 
shirt  of  pitch,  the  lion,  the  panther,  or  in  the  case  of 
maidens  an  infamy  worse  than  death"  (Workman,  103). 

Service  in  the  Rom  army  involved,  for  a  Christian, 

increasing  danger  in  the  midst  of  an  organized  and 

aggressive   heathenism.     Hence   arose 

20.  Perse-  the  persecution  of  the  Christian  soldier 
cution  in  who  refused  compliance  with  the  idola- 
the  Army       trous  ceremonies  in  which  the  army 

engaged,  whether  those  ceremonies 
were  concerned  with  the  worship  of  the  Rom  deities 
or  with  that  of  Mithraism.  "The  invincible  sav- 
iour," as  Mithra  was  called,  had  become,  at  the 
time  when  Tertullian  and  Origen  wrote,  the  special 
deity  of  soldiers.  Shrines  in  honor  of  Mithra  were 
erected  through  the  entire  breadth  of  the  Rom 
empire,  from  Dacia  and  Pannonia  to  the  Cheviot 
Hills  in  Britain.  And  woe  to  the  soldier  who  re- 
fused compliance  with  the  religious  sacrifices  to 
which  the  legions  gave  their  adhesion!  The  Chris- 
tians in  the  Rom  legions  formed  no  inconsiderable 
proportion  of  "the  noble  army  of  martjrrs,"  it  being 
easier  for  the  persecuting  authorities  to  detect  a 
Christian  in  the  ranks  of  the  army  than  else- 
where. 

In  the  2d  and  3d  cents.  Christians  were  to  be  found 

everywhere,    for    TertuUian,    in    an   oftentimes    quoted 

passage  in  his  Apology,  writes,  "We  live 

21.  Tertul-  beside  you  in  the  world,  making  use  of  the 
I'qti'o  same  forum,  market,  bath,  shop,  inn,  and 
"^^  ^  all  other  places  of  trade.  We  sail  with 
Apology         you,   fight  shoulder  to  shoulder,   till   the 

soil,  and  traffic  with  you";  yet  the  very 
existence  of  Christian  faith,  and  its  profession,  continued 
to  bring  the  greatest  risks.  "With  the  best  will  in  the 
world,  they  remained  a  peculiar  people,  who  must  be  pre- 
pared at  any  moment  to  meet  the  storm  of  hatred" 
(Workman,  189).  For  them  it  remained  true  that  in  one 
way  or  another,  hatred  on  the  part  of  the  world  inevi- 
tably fell  to  the  lot  of  those  who  walked  in  the  footsteps 
of  the  Master;  "All  that  would  Uve  godly  in  Christ  Jesus 
shall  suffer  persecution  "  (2  Tim  3  12). 

The  strange  title,  "the  third  race,"  probably  Invented 
by  the  heathen,  but  willingly  accepted  by  the  Christians 

without  demur,  showed  with  what  a  bitter 

99    "TVip         spirit  the  heathen  regarded  the  faith  of 

!.■•  jtT       ..Christ.     "  The  first  race  "  was  indifferently 

Third  Race"  called    the    Roman,    Greek,    or    Gentile. 

"The  second  race"  was  the  Jews;  while 
"the  third  race"  was  the  Christian.  The  cry  in  the 
circus  of  Carthage  was  Usque  quo  genus  tertiumf  "How 
long  must  we  endure  this  third  race  ?  " 

But  one  of  the  most  powerful  causes  of  the  hatred 
entertained  by  the  heathen  against  the  Christians 
was,  that  though  there  were  no  citizens 
23.  Hatred  so  loyal  as  they,  yet  in  every  case  in 
against  which  the  laws  and  customs  of   the 

Christians  empire  came  into  conflict  with  the  will 
of  God,  their  supreme  rule  was  loy- 
alty to  Christ,  they  must  obey  God  rather  than 
man.  To  worship  Caesar,  to  offer  even  one  grain 
of  incense  on  the  shrine  of  Diana,  no  Christian 
would  ever  consent,  not  even  when  this  minimum 
of  compliance  would  save  life  itself. 

The  Rom  empire  claimed  to  be  a  kingdom  of 
universal  sway,  not  only  over  the  bodies  and  the 
property  of  all  its  subjects,  but  over  their  consciences 
and  their  souls.  It  demanded  absolute  obedience 
to  its  supreme  lord,  that  is,  to  Caesar.  This  obe- 
dience the  Christian  could  not  render,  for  unlimited 
obedience  of  body,  soul  and  spirit  is  due  to  God 
alone,  the  only  Lord  of  the  conscience.  Hence  it 
was  that  there  arose  the  antagonism  of  the  govern- 


ment to  Christianity,  with  persecution  as  the  inevi- 
table result. 

These  results,  hatred  and  persecution,  were,  in  such 
circumstances,  inevitable;  they  were  "  the  outcome  of  the 
fundamental  tenet  of  primitive  Christianity,  tiiat  the 
Christian  ceased  to  be  his  own  master,  ceased  to  have 
his  old  environment,  ceased  to  hold  his  old  connections 
with  the  state ;  in  everything  he  became  the  bond-servant 
of  Jesus  Clirist,  in  everything  owing  supreme  allegiance 
and  fealty  to  the  new  empire  and  the  Crucified  Head. 
'We  engage  in  these  confiicts,'  said  Tertullian, 'as  men 
whose  very  lives  are  not  our  own.  We  have  no  master 
but  God'       (Workman,  195). 

The   persecution   inaugurated   by   the   emperor 
Decius  in  250  AD  was  particularly  severe.     There 
was  hardly  a  province  in  the  empire 
24.  The         where   there   were   no   martsTs;     but 
Decian  there  were  also  many  who  abandoned 

Persecution  their  faith  and  rushed  to  the  magis- 
trates to  obtain  their  libelli,  or  certifi- 
cates that  they  had  offered  heathen  sacrifice. 
When  the  days  of  persecution  were  over,  these  per- 
sons usually  came  with  eagerness  to  seek  readmission 
to  the  church.  It  was  in  the  Decian  persecution 
that  the  great  theologian  Origen,  who  was  then  in 
his  68th  year,  suffered  the  cruel  torture  of  the  rack; 
and  from  the  effects  of  what  he  then  suffered  he 
died  at  Tyre  in  254. 

Many  libelli  have  been  discovered  in  recent  exca- 
vations in  Egypt.  In  the  Expos  T  for  January,  1909, 
p.  185,  Dr.  George  Milligan  gives  an  ex- 
9R  /  *A  77;  ample,  and  prints  the  Gr  text  of  one  of 
^o.  L.ioeui  these  recently  discovered  Egyp  libelli. 
These  libelli  are  most  interesting,  illus- 
trating as  they  do  the  account  which  Cyprian  gives  of 
the  way  in  which  some  faint-hearted  Christians  during 
the  Decian  persecution  obtained  certificates — some  of 
these  certificates  being  true  to  fact,  and  others  false — 
to  the  effect  that  they  had  sacrificed  in  the  heathen 
manner.  The  one  which  Dr.  Milligan  gives  Is  as  follows : 
"To  those  chosen  to  superintend  the  sacrifices  at  the 
village  of  Alexander  Island,  from  Aurelius  Diogenes,  the 
son  of  Satabus,  of  the  village  of  Alexander  Island,  being 
about  72  years  old,  a  scar  on  the  right  eyebrow.  Not 
only  have  I  always  continued  sacrificing  to  the  gods,  but 
now  also  in  your  presence.  In  accordance  with  the  decrees, 
I  have  sacrificed  and  poured  libations  and  tasted  the 
offerings,  and  I  request  you  to  countersign  my  statement. 
May  good  fortune  attend  you.  I,  AureUus  Diogenes, 
have  made  this  request." 

(2d  Hand)  "I,  Aurelius  Syrus,  as  a  participant,  have 
certified  Diogenes  as  sacrificing  along  with  us." 

(1st  Hand)  "The  first  year  of  the  Emperor  Caesar 
Gains  Messius  Quintus  Trajan  Decius  Pius  Felix  Augus- 
tus, Epiph.  2"  (=  June  25,  250  AD). 

Under  Valerian  the  persecution  was  again  very 
severe,  but  his  successor,  Gallienus,  issued  an  edict 
of  toleration,  in  which  he  guaranteed  freedom  of 
worship  to  the  Christians.  Thus  Christianity 
definitely  became  a  religio  licita,  a  lawful  religion. 
This  freedom  from  persecution  continued  until  the 
reign  of  Diocletian. 

The  persecution  of  the  Christian  church  by  the 
empire  of  Rome  came  to  an  end  in  March,  313  AD, 
when  Constantine  issued  the  document 
26.  The  known  as  the  "Edict  of  Milan,"  which 
Edict  of  assured  to  each  individual  freedom  of 
Milan  religious  belief.     This  document  marks 

an  era  of  the  utmost  importance  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  Official  Rom  persecution  had 
done  its  worst,  and  had  failed;  it  was  ended  now; 
the  Galilean  had  conquered. 

The  results  of  persecution  were:    (1)  It  raised  up  wit- 
nesses, true  witnesses,  for  the  Christian  faith.     Men  and 
women  and  even  children  were  among  the 
27    Results    martyrs  whom  no  cruelties,   however  re- 
f'-D  fined   and   protracted,   could    terrify  into 

or  rel-  denial  of  their  Lord.     It  is  to  a  large  ex- 

secution  tent  owing  to  persecution  that  the  Chris- 
tian church  possesses  the  testimony  of  men 
like  Quadratus  and  TertulUan  and  Origen  and  Cyprian 
and  many  others.  While  those  who  had  adopted  the 
Christian  faith  in  an  external  and  formal  manner  only 
generally  went  back  from  their  profession,  the  true 
Christian,  as  even  the  Rom  proconsul  Pliny  testifies, 
could  not  be  made  to  do  this.  The  same  stroke  which 
crushed  the  straw — such  is  a  saying  of  Augustine's — 
separated  the  pure  grain  which  the  Lord  had  chosen. 


Persecution 
Persian  Language 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2328 


(2)  Persecution  showed  that  the  Christian  faith  is  im- 
mortal even  in  this  world.  Of  Christ's  kingdom  there 
shah  be  no  end.  "Hammer  away,  ye  hostile  bands,  your 
hammers  break,  CJod's  altar  stands."  Pagan  Rome, 
Babylon  the  Great,  as  it  is  called  by  the  apostle  John 
in  the  Apocalypse,  tried  hard  to  destroy  the  church  of 
Christ;  Babylon  was  drunk  with  tire  blood  of  the  saints. 
God  allowed  this  tyranny  to  exist  for  300  years,  and  the 
blood  of  His  cliildren  was  shed  like  water.  Why  was  it 
necessary  tliat  the  church  should  have  so  terrible  and  so 
prolonged  an  experience  of  suffering  ?  It  was  in  order 
to  convince  the  world  that  though  the  kings  of  the  earth 
gather  themselves  against  the  Lord  and  against  His 
Christ,  yet  all  that  they  can  do  is  vain.  God  is  in  the 
midst  of  Zion;  He  shaU  help  her,  and  that  right  early. 
The  Christian  church,  as  if  suspended  between  heaven 
and  earth,  had  no  need  of  other  help  than  that  of  the  un- 
seen but  Divine  hand,  which  at  every  moment  held  it  up 
and  kept  it  from  falling.  Never  was  the  church  more 
free,  never  stronger,  never  more  flourishing,  never  more 
extensive  in  its  growtli,  than  in  the  days  of  persecution. 

And  wliat  became  of  the  great  persecuting  power,  the 
Rom  empire  ?  It  fell  before  the  barbarians.  Rome  is 
fallen  in  its  ruins,  and  its  idols  are  utterly  abolished, 
while  the  barbarians  who  overwhelmed  the  empire  have 
become  the  nominally  Christian  nations  of  modern 
Europe,  and  their  descendants  have  carried  the  Christian 
faith  to  America  and  Austraha  and  Africa  and  all  over 
the  world. 

(3)  Persecution  became,  to  a  large  extent,  an  important 
means  of  preserving  the  true  doctrines  of  the  person  and 
of  the  work  of  Christ.  It  was  in  the  ages  of  persecution 
that  Gnosticism  died,  though  it  died  slowly.  It  was  in 
the  ages  of  persecution  that  Arianism  was  overthrown. 
At  the  Council  of  Nicea  in  32.5  AD,  among  those  who 
were  present  and  took  part  in  the  discussion  and  in  the 
decision  of  the  council,  there  were  those  who  "bore  in 
their  bodies  the  branding-marks  of  Jesus,"  who  had 
suffered  pain  and  loss  for  Chi'ist's  sake. 

Persecution  was  followed  by  these  important  results, 
for  God  in  His  wisdom  had  seen  fit  to  permit  these  evils 
to  happen,  in  order  to  change  them  into  permanent  good; 
and  thus  the  wrath  of  man  was  overruled  to  praise  God, 
and  to  effect  more  ultimate  good,  than  if  the  persecutions 
had  not  taken  place  at  all.  What,  in  a  word,  could  be 
more  Divine  than  to  curb  and  restrain  and  overrule  evil 
itself  and  change  it  into  good  ?  God  lets  iniquity  do 
what  it  pleases,  according  to  its  own  designs:  but  in  per- 
mitting it  to  move  on  one  side,  rather  tlian  on  another. 
He  overrules  it  and  makes  it  enter  into  the  order  of  His 
providence.  So  He  lets  this  fury  against  the  Cliristian 
faith  be  kindled  in  the  hearts  of  persecutors,  so  that  they 
afflict  the  saints  of  the  Most  High,  But  the  church 
remains  safe,  for  persecution  can  work  nothing  but  ul- 
timate good  in  the  hand  of  God,  "The  blood  of  the  mar- 
tyrs is  the  seed  of  the  chiu'ch."  So  said  TertuUian,  and 
what  he  said  is  true. 

Persecution  has  permanently  enriched  the  history  of 
the  church.  It  has  given  us  the  noble  heritage  of  the 
testimony  and  the  suffering  of  those  whose  lives  would 
otherwise  have  been  unrecorded.  Their  very  names 
as  well  as  their  careers  would  have  been  unknown  had 
not  persecution  "dragged  them  into  fame  and  chased  them 
up  to  heaven." 

Persecution  made  Christ  very  near  and  very  pre- 
cious to  those  who  suffered.  Many  of  the  martyrs 
bore  witness,  even  when  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
cruel  torments,  that  they  felt  no  pain,  but  that 
Christ  was  with  them.  Instances  to  this  effect 
could  be  multiplied.  Persecution  made  them  feel 
how  true  Christ's  words  were,  that  even  as  He  was 
not  of  the  world,  so  they  also  were  not  of  it.  If 
they  had  been  of  the  world,  the  world  would  love 
its  own,  but  because  Christ  had  chosen  them  out  of 
the  world,  therefore  the  world  hated  them.  They 
were  not  greater  than  their  Lord.  If  men  had  per- 
secuted Jesus,  they  would  also  persecute  His  true 
disciples.  But  though  they  were  persecuted,  they 
were  of  good  cheer,  Christ  had  overcome  the  world; 
He  was  with  them ;  He  enabled  them  to  be  faithful 
unto  death.  He  had  promised  them  the  crown  of 
life. 

Browning's  beautiful  lines  describe  what  was  a  com- 
mon experience  of  tlie  martyrs,  how  Christ  "in  them" 
and  "with  them,"  "quenched  the  power  of  fire,"  and 
made  them  more  than  conquerors ; 

"I  was  some  time  in  being  burned. 
But  at  the  close  a  Hand  came  through 
The  fire  above  my  head,  and  drew 
My  soul  to  Christ,  whom  now  I  see, 
Sergius,  a  brother,  writes  for  me 
This  testimony  on  the  wall — 
For  me,  I  have  forgot  it  all," 

John  Ruthebfued 


PERSEPOLIS,  per-scp'6-lis  (3  Mace  9  2;  Uepa-i- 

.  TToX.i.s,     Persepolis,     n€pa-aiiroX.is,     Persaipolis,     in 

Ptolemy  Ilepo-diroXis,  Persopolis;  orig- 

1.  Location   inal     Pers    name    unknown;    Pahlavi 

Stakhr,  now  Islakhr  and  Chihil  Minar, 
"Forty  Turrets") :  The  ruins  of  Persepolis  lie  about 
3.5  miles  N.E.  of  Shiraz  and  some  40  miles  S.  of  the 
ruins  of  Pasargadae. 

The  magnificent  palace  of  which  such  striking 
remains  are  still  visible  (Takht  i  Jamshid)  was  built 

by  Darius  and  Xerxes  of  white  marble 

2.  History     and  black  stone.     The  city  was  cap- 

tured, pillaged  and  burnt  by  Alex- 
ander in  324  BC,  most  of  the  inhabitants  being 
massacred  or  enslaved.  Much  of  the  treasure  of 
the  Pers  kings  was  found  there.  Curtius  says  the 
palace  was  never  rebuilt.  Antiochua  Epiphanes 
(166  BC)  tried  but  failed  to  plunder  the  temple 
(of  Anaitis,  Anahita?)  there  (2  Mace  9  2;  per- 
haps this  is  the  incident  referred  to  in  1  Maco 
6  Iff,  and  Polyb.  xxxi.ll).  At  Persepolis  were  the 
sepulchers  of  the  Achaemenian  kings  (except 
Cyrus) .  Long  and  important  inscriptions  of  Darius 
and  Xerxes  are  found  at  Persepolis  and  the  neigh- 
boring Naqsh  i  Rustam,  in  cuneiform  characters 
and  m  the  Achaemenian  Pers,  Assyr  andneo- 
Susian  tongues  (published  by  Spiegel,  Rawlinson 
and  Weisbach).  Clitarchus  first  among  Europeans 
mentions  the  city.  The  writer  of  this  article  visited 
it  in  1892.     Not  now  inhabited. 

LiTBR.\TUEE. — Inscriptions  (as above),  Arrian,  Curtius, 
Polybius,  Pliny,  Diod.  Siculus,  mediaeval  and  modern 
travelers. 

W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 

PERSEUS,  pftr'siis,  pur's5-us  (Ilcpa-tvis,  Perseus) : 
In  1  Mace  8  5  the  conquest  of  "Perseus,  king  of  the 
Citims"  (RV  "king  of  Chittim")  was  part  of  the 
"fame  of  the  Romans"  which  reached  the  ears  of 
Judas.  This  Perseus,  the  son  and  successor  of 
Philip  III  of  Macedonia,  came  to  the  throne  in  178 
BC  and  was  the  last  king  of  Macedonia.  In  171 
BC  began  the  war  with  Rome  which  ended  in  his 
disastrous  defeat  and  capture  at  Pydna,  168  BC 
(to  which  1  Maco  8  5  refers),  by  L.  Aemilius  Pau- 
lus.  Macedonia  soon  became  a  Rom  province. 
Perseus  was  led  to  Rome  to  grace  the  triumph  of 
his  conqueror,  by  whose  clemency  he  was  spared, 
and  died  in  captivity  at  Rome  (Polyb.  xxix.l7; 
Livyxliv.40ff). 

Kittim  or  Chittim,  properly  of  the  people  of  the  town 
of  Citium  in  Cyprus,  then  signifying  Cyprians,  and  ex- 
tended by  Jewish  writers  (Gen  10  4;  Nu  24  24;  Isa 
23  1;  Jer  2  10;  Ezk  27  6;  Dnl  11  30;  Jos,  Anl,  I,  vi) 
to  include  the  coasts  of  Greece  generally,  is  here  applied 
to  Macedonia.  In  1  Mace  1  1  Macedonia  (or  Greece) 
is  called  "the  land  of  Chittim." 

S.  Angus 

PERSEVERANCE,  pur-s5-ver'ans:  The  word 
occurs  only  once  in  AV  (Eph  6  18),  where  it  refers 
quite  simply  to  persistence  in  prayer.  In  theology 
(esp.  in  the  phrase  "final  perseverance")  the  word 
has  come  to  denote  a  special  persistency,  the  undying 
continuance  of  the  new  life  (manifested  in  faith  and 
holiness)  given  by  the  Spirit  of  God  to  man.  It  ia 
questioned  whether  such  imparted  life  is  (by  its 
nature,  or  by  the  law  of  its  impartation)  necessarily 
permanent,  indestructible,  so  that  the  once  regen- 
erate and  believing  man  has  the  prospect  of  final 
glory  infallibly  assured.  This  is  not  the  place  to 
trace  the  history  of  a  great  and  complex  debate. 
It  is  more  fitting  here  to  point  to  the  problem  as 
connected  with  that  supreme  class  of  truths  in  which, 
because  of  our  necessary  mental  limits,  the  entire 
truth  can  only  be  apprehended  as  the  unrevealed  but 
certain  harmony  of  seeming  contradictions.  Scrip- 
ture on  the  one  hand  abounds  with  assurances  of 
"perseverance"  as  a  fact,  and  largely  intimates  that 
an  exulting  anticipation  of  it  is  the  intended  ex- 
perience of  the  believer  (see  Jn  10  28  above  all, 


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Persecution 
Persian  Language 


and  cf  among  other  passages  Rom  8  31-37;  1  Pet 
1  8.9).  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  frequent  and 
urgent  warnings  and  cautions  (see  e.g.  1  Cor  8 
11;  9  27).  The  teacher  dealing  with  actual  cases, 
as  in  pastoral  work,  should  be  ready  to  adopt  both 
classes  of  utterances,  each  with  its  proper  appli- 
cation; applying  the  first,  e.g.,  to  the  true  but  timid 
disciple,  the  latter  to  the  self-confident.  Mean- 
while Scriptm-e  on  the  whole,  by  the  manner  and 
weight  of  its  positive  statements,  favors  a  humble 
belief  of  the  permanence,  in  the  plan  of  God,  of  the 
once-given  new  life.  It  is  as  if  it  laid  down  "perse- 
verance" as  the  Divine  rule  for  the  Christian, 
while  the  negative  passages  came  in  to  caution 
the  man  not  to  deceive  himself  with  appearances, 
nor  to  let  any  belief  whatever  palliate  the  guilt 
and  minimize  the  danger  of  sin.  In  the  biog- 
raphies of  Scripture,  it  is  noteworthy  that  no  person 
appears  who,  at  one  time  certainly  a  saint,  was  later 
certainly  a  castaway.  The  awful  words  of  He  6 
4-6;  10  26.27  appear  to  deal  with  cases  (such  as 
Balaam's)  of  much  light  but  no  loving  life,  and  so 
are  not  precisely  in  point.  Upon  the  whole  sub- 
ject, it  is  important  to  make  "the  Perseverance  of 
the  Saviour"  our  watchword  rather  than  "the  Per- 
severance of  the  saint."  Handley  Dtjnelm 

PERSIA,  pur'sha,  -zha  (D'^S ,  -paras;  Ilepo-Cs, 
Pers'is;  in  Assjt  Parsu,  Parsua;  in  Achaemenian 
Pers  Parsa,  modern  FCirs) :  In  the  Bible  (2  Ch  36 
20.22.23;  Ezr  1  1.8;  Est  1  3.14.18;  10  2;  Ezk  27 
10;  38  5;  Dnl  8  20;  10  1;  11  2)  this  name  denotes 
properly  the  modern  province  of  Ears,  not  the  whole 
Pers  empire.  The  lajter  was  by  its  people  called 
Airyana,  the  present  Iran  (from  the  Skt.  word  Ctrya, 
"noble");  and  even  now  the  Persians  never  call 
their  country  anything  but  Iran,  never  "Persia." 
The  province  of  Persis  lay  to  the  E.  of  Elam  (Susi- 
ana),  and  stretched  from  the  Pers  Gulf  to  the  Great 
Salt  Desert,  having  Carmania  on  the  S.E.  Its 
chief  cities  were  Persepolis  and  Pasargadae.  Along 
the  Pers  Gulf  the  land  is  low,  hot  and  unhealthy, 
Ijut  it  soon  begins  to  ri^e  as  one  travels  inland. 
Most  of  the  province  consists  of  high  and  steep 
mountains  and  plateaus,  with  fertile  valleys.  The 
table-lands  in  which  lie  the  modern  city  of  Shiraz 
and  the  ruins  of  Persepolis  and  Pasargadae  are  well 
watered  and  productive.  Nearer  the  desert,  how- 
ever, cultivation  grows  scanty  for  want  of  water. 
Persis  was  douljtless  in  early  times  included  in  Elam, 
and  its  population  was  then  either  Semitic  or  allied 
to  the  Accadians,  who  founded  more  than  one  state 
in  the  Bab  plain.  The  Aryan  Persians  seem  to 
have  occupied  the  coimtry  in  the  8th  or  9th  cent. 
BC.  W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 

PERSIAN,  pAr'shan,  -zhan,  LANGUAGE  AND 
LITERATURE  (ANCIENT) : 
I.    Language  (Introductory) 
Dialects 
II.     Old  Persian  Inscriptions 

III.  Medic  Dialect 

1.  Ordinary  Avestic 

2.  Gatliic 

IV.  Zoroaster 

1.  His  Date,  etc 

2.  Date  ot  Avesta 

3.  Divisions  of  tlie  Present  Avesta 

(1)  Ttie  Yasna 

(2)  Tlie  Vispered 

(3)  Tlie  Vendiddd 

(4)  Tlie  Yashts 

(5)  The  Khorda  Avesta 
V.     PahlavI 

1.  Literature 

2.  Comparison 
Literature 

/.  Language  (Introductory).— The  Pers  language, 
ancient  and  modern  alike,  is  an  Aryan  tongue.  In 
its  ancient  forms  it  is  more  closely  connected  with 
Vedic  Sanskrit  than  with  any  other  language  except 


Armenian.  Most  of  its  roots  are  to  be  found  also  in 
Slavonic,  Gr,  Lat  and  other  tongues  of  the  same 
stock. 

There  were  two  main  dialects  in  the  ancient  lan- 
guage of  Iran  (Airyanem),  (1)  that  of  the  Persians 
proper,  and  (2)  that  of  the  Medes. 
Dialects  The  former  is  known  to  us  from  the 
inscriptions  of  the  Achaemenian  kings, 
the  latter  from  the  Avesta,  and  a  few  Median  words 
preserved  for  us  by  Herodotus  and  other  Gr  writers. 

//.  Old  Persian  Inscriptions. — These  fall  between 
5.50  and  330  BC,  and  contain  about  1,000  lines  and 
400  words.     They  are  carved  upon  the  rocks  in 


Part  ot  Rods  of  Behistan. 

a  cuneiform  character,  simplified  from  that  of  the 
neo-Susian,  which  again  comes  from  the  neo- 
Bab  syllabary.  In  Old  Pers  inscriptioris  only  44 
characters  are  employed,  of  which  7  are  ideographs 
or  contractions.  The  remaining  37  phonetic  signs 
are  syllabic,  each  consisting  of  an  open  syllable  and 
not  merely  of  a  single  letter,  except  in  case  of  separate 
vowels.  The  syllabary,  though  much  simpler  than 
any  other  cuneiform  system,  does  not  quite  attain 
therefore  to  being  an  alphabet.  It  was  written  from 
left  to  right,  like  the  other  cuneiform  syllabaries. 
Of  Cyrus  the  Great  only  one  Pers  sentence  has  been 
found:  Adam  Kurush  Kkshayathiya  Hakhamani- 
shiya,  "1  am  Cyrus  the  King,  the  Achaemenian." 
Darius  I  has  left  us  long  inscriptions,  at  Behistan 
(Besitiin),  Mt.  Alvand,  Persepolis,  Naqsh  i  Rustam, 
etc,  and  one  at  Suez,  the  latter  mentioning  his  con- 
quest of  Egypt  and  the  construction  of  the  first  (?) 
Suez  canal: 

Adam  niyashtdyam  imam  yuviijam  kahianaiy  kacd 
Pirdva  ndma  rauta  tya  Mudrdyaiy  danauvaiiy  abiy  daraya 
tya  hacd  Pdrsd  aiti. 

("  I  commanded  to  dig  this  canal  from  the  river  named 
the  Nile,  which  flows  through  Egypt,  to  the  sea  which 
comes  from  Persia.") 

We  have  also  inscriptions  of  Xerxes  at  Persepolis 
and  many  short  ones  of  Artaxerxes  I,  Axtaxerxes 
Mnemon,  and  Artaxerxes  Ochus.  From  them  all 
taken  together  we  learn  much  concerning  the  his- 
tory and  the  religion  of  the  Achaemenian  period. 


Persian  Language 
Persian  Religion 


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2330 


It  is  from  Achaemenian  or  Old  Pers,  and  not  from 
the  Medic  or  Avestic,  tliat  modern  Pers  lias  sprung 
through  Pahlavi  and  Darl  as  intermediate  stages. 
This  is  probably  due  to  the  political  supremacy 
which  the  Persians  under  the  Achaemenides  gained 
over  the  Medes.  The  few  words  in  the  inscriptions 
which  might  otherwise  be  doubtful  can  be  under- 
stood through  comparison  with  Armenian  and  even 
with  the  modern  Pers,  e.g.  yuviya  in  the  above  in- 
scription is  the  modern  vulgar  Pers  jHh. 

III.  Medic  Dialect. — The  Medio  dialect  is  repre- 
sented in  literature  by  the  Avesta  or  sacred  books 
of     the    Zoroastrians     (Parsis).     The 
1.  Ordi-         word    Avesta  does  not  occur  in   the 
nary  _  book  itself  and  is  of  uncertain  meaning 

Avestic  and  signification.    It  is  probably  the 

Ahashta  of  Beh.  Inscr.,  IV,  64,  and 
means  either  (1)  an  interview,  meeting  (Skt.  avashta, 
"appearance  before  a  judge";  Av.  ava-sta,  "to 
stand  near"),  or  (2)  a  petition  (Pahl.  apastan, 
"petition";  Axm.  apastan,  "refuge,"  "asylum"), 
in  either  case  deriving  its  name  from  Zoroaster's 
drawing  near  to  Ahura  Mazda  in  worship. 


Biw»-'"»v>i55iica"i-'^'!;^E-jij.»; '  _,'..;i.,ji —   '^-vt"^-^-"'^!^" 


Yezdikhast. 

This  dialect  represents  a  much  greater  decadence  In 
grammar  and  vocabiilary  than  does  the  Old  Pers. 
Many  of  its  consonants  and  most  of  its  vowels  are  weak- 
ened. Its  verbs  have  almost  entirely  lost  the  augment; 
its  declensional  system  shows  extreme  confusion.  It 
stands  to  Old  Pers  grammatically  somewhat  as  Eng.  does 
to  Ger.  Its  alphabet,  consisting  of  43  letters,  is  derived 
from  the  Syr  (probably  the  Estrangela),  and  is  written 
from  right  to  left.  As  a  specimen  of  the  language  of 
most  of  the  Avesta  we  give  the  following  extract  ( Yasna 
LXIV,  1.5[B11): 

Daidi   moi,  yk  g3m  tasho  a-pasca  urvarojsca 
Amereidtd,    haitrvdtd.    Spini^td    Maint/u    Mazda, 
Tivlshi,  utayuiii,    Manahhd   Vohu,  s6hhe. 
("Give  me,  O  thou  who  didst  make  the  bull  [earth], 
and  the  waters  and  the  plants,  immortalitv,  health — 6 
most  Bountiful  Spirit,  Mazda — strength,  might,  through 
Vohu  Mano,  I  say") 

There  is  a  sub-dialect  of  Medic  (Avestic)  known  as  the 
Gatha-dialect,  from  the  fact  that  the  Gdthds.  or  "  Hymns  " 
(Yasna  XXVIII-XXXIV,  XLII-L;  LII) 
2     GathiC         ^^'^  ^'^°  "'^  prayers    (Yathd   Ahu   Vairyo, 
Ashem    Vohu,   Airyamd    Ishyo,    and    origi- 
nally  Yehhe  Hdidm.  and  a  few   scattered 
passages  elsewhere)  are  composed  in  it.     This  represents 
speaking  generally,  an  older  form  of  the  Avestic.     It  is 
probably  the  old  language  of  Bactria  or  of  Margiana. 
Gdthd  I,  2,  runs  thus: 

Yi  vp,  Mazda  Ahura,  pairijasai  Vohu  Manahhd, 

Maibyo  ddvdi  ahvut   (asivatasca  hyatca  manahhd) 

Ayaptd  Ashdt  hacd,  ydig  rapeiUo  daidit  hvdthre. 

("To  me,  O  Ahurji  Mazda,  who  approach  you  two 

through   Vohu   Mano,    grant   the   benefits   from    Asha 

[those]  of  both  worlds,  both  of  the  material  [world]  and 

of  that  which  is  of  the  spirit,  through  which  [benefits] 

may  [Asha]  place  in  glory  those  who  please  him.") 

The  meter  of  the  Gdthds,  like  that  of  the  other  Avestic 
poems,  is  based  on  the  number  of  syllables  in  a  line,  with 
due  regard  to  the  caesura.  But  the  condition  of  the 
text  is  such  that  there  is  great  difficulty  in  recovering 
the  original  reading  with  sufficient  accuracy  to  enable 
us  to  lay  down  rules  on  the  subject  with  any  certainty 


The  first  Gdthd  is  composed  of  strophes  of  3  lines  each 
(as  above).  Each  line  contains  16  syllables,  with  a 
caesura  after  the  7th  foot. 

IV.  Zoroaster. — Many  of  the  Gathas  are  gener- 
ally ascribed  to  Zoroaster  himself,  the  rest  to  his 
earliest  disciples.     They  compose  the 
1.  His  most  ancient  part  of  the  Avesta.     It 

Date,  etc  is  now  becoming  a  matter  of  very 
great  probability  that  Zoroaster  lived 
at  earliest  in  the  middle  of  the  7th  cent.  BC,  more 
probably  a  century  later.  The  Arta  Virdf  Namak 
says  that  his  religion  remained  pure  for  300  years, 
and  connects  its  corruption  with  the  alleged  de- 
struction of  much  of  the  Avesta  in  the  palace  burned 
by  Alexander  at  Persepolis,  324  BC.  This  tradi- 
tional indication  of  date  is  confirmed  by  other  evi- 
dence. Zoroaster's  prince  Vishtaspa  (in  Or  Hus- 
tdspes)  bears  the  same  name  as  the  father  of  Darius 
I,  and  was  probably  the  same  person.  Vishtaspa's 
queen  Hutaosa,  who  also  protected  and  favored 
Zoroaster,  bears  the  same  name  (in  Gr  Atossa)  as 
Cambyses'  sister  who  afterward  married  Darius, 
and  probably  belonged  to  the  same  family.  Zoro- 
astrianism  comes  to  the  fore  under  Darius,  whereas 
Cyrus  in  his  inscriptions  speaks  as  a  decided  poly- 
theist.  Hence  we  conclude  that  the  earliest  part 
of  the  Avesta  belongs  to  o  550  BC.  Of  Zoroaster 
himself  we  learn  much  from  the  Avesta,  which  traces 
his  genealogy  back  for  10  generations.  It  mentions 
his  wife's  name  (Hv5vi),  and  tells  of  his  3  sons  and 
3  daughters.  His  first  disciple  was  Frashaostra,  his 
wife's  natural  uncle.  His  own  name  means  "Owner 
of  the  yellow  camel,"  and  has  none  of  the  higher 
meanings  sometimes  assigned  to  it  by  those  who 
would  deny  his  existence.  Tradition  says  he  was 
born  at  Ragha  (Raga,  Rai),  about  5i  miles  S.  of 
the  present  Tehran,  though  BOme_  think  hia  native 
place  was  Western  Atropatene  (A^arbaijan).  Re- 
jected by  his  own  tribe,  the  Magi,  he  went  to  Vish- 
taspa's court  in  Bactria.  The  faith  which  he 
taught  spread  to  the  Pera  court  (very  naturally,  if 
Vishtaspa  was  identical  with  Darius'  father)  and 
thence  throughout  the  country.  Tradition  (  Yasht 
XIX,  2,  etc)  says  that  the  Avesta  was  revealed  to 
Zoroaster  on  Mt.  Ushi-darena  ("intellect-holding") 
in  Sistan.  But  it  is  not  the  composition  of  one 
man  or  of  one  age. 

Herodotus  makes  no  mention  of  Zoroaster,  but 
speaks  of  the  Magi  (whom  he  calls  a  Median  tribe 
[i.lOl])  as  already  performing  priestly 
2.  Date  of     functions.     His    description    of    their 
Avesta  repetition  of  charms  and  theological 

compositions  (i.l32)  would  agree  very 
well  with  recitation  of  the  Gathas  and  Yasna. 
Mention  of  controversies  with  Gautama,  Buddha's 
disciples  (Yasht  XIII,  16)  who  probably  reached 
Persia  in  the  2d  cent.  BC,  is  another  indication  of 
date.  The  fact  that  in  both  the  Yasna  and  the  Vendl- 
dad  heretics  (zanda)  are  mentioned  who  preferred  the 
comm.  (zand)  on  the  Avesta  to  the  Avesta  itself,  is  a 
sign  of  late  date.  Names  of  certain  persons  found 
in  the  Avesta  (e.g.  Atare-pata,  a  Dastur  who  lived 
under  Hormuzd  I,  273  AD,  and  RaStare-Yagheiiti, 
whom  the  Dlnkart  identifies  with  the  chief  Mobed 
of  Sapor  II,  309-379  AD  Aderpad  Marespand,  and 
who,  accordmg  to  the  Patet,  §28,  "purified''  the 
revelation  made  to  Zoroaster,  i.e.  revised  the  text 
of  the  earlier  parts  of  the  Avesta)  enable  us  to  prove 
that  certain  portions  of  the  work  as  we  now  have  it 
were  composed  as  late  as  near  the  end  of  the  4th 
cent,  of  our  era.  It  is  said  that  the  text  was  in 
confusion  in  the  time  of  Vologases  I  (51-78  [?]  AD). 
A  recension  was  then  begun,  and  continued  with 
much  zeal  by  Ardashir  Papakan,  226-40  AD. 
Accordmg  to  Geldner  (Prolegomena,  xlvi)  the  final 
recension  took  place  some  considerable  time  after 
Yezdigird  III  (overthrown  642  AD).     In  the  times 


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Persian  Language 
Persian  Religion 


of  the  Siisanides  there  were,  it  is  said,  21  Naskas 
or  volumes  of  the  Avesta,  and  the  names  of  these 
are  given  in  the  Dlnkart  (Book  IX).  Of  these  we 
now  possess  only  one  entire  Naska,  the  Vendidad, 
and  portions  of  three  others. 

The  present  Avesta  is  divided  into  5  parts:  (1) 
The  Yasna  (V  yaz,  Skt.  yaj,  "to  invoke,"  "to 
praise")  contains  72  chapters  of  hymns 
for  use  at  sacrifices,  etc,  including  the 
"Older  Yasna"  or  Gathas.  (2)  The 
Vispered  [vlspa,    "every,"   "all,"   and 


3.  Divi- 
sions of  the 
Present 
Avesta 


radha,  "a  lord  )  is  divided  into  24 
chapters  in  Geldner's  edition;  it  is 
supplementary  to  the  Yasna.  (3)  The  Vendlddd 
{va7i+daeva-\-ddta,  "law  for  vanquishing  the 
demons")  contains  22  chapters.  The  first  chapter 
contains  the  Iranian  myth  about  the  order  in  which 
the  provinces  of  the  Iranian  world  were  created  by 
Ahura  Mazda.  It  tells  how  the  Evil  Spirit,  Aiiro 
Mainyus,  created  plagues,  sins  and  death,  to  de- 
stroy the  good  creatures  of  the  Good  Spirit.  The 
greater  part  of  the  book  contains  ceremonial  laws 
and  formulae,  some  of  them  loathsome  and  all 
rather  petty  and  superstitious  in  character.  (4) 
The  Yashts,  21  in  all,  are  hymns,  telling  many 
mythological  talcs  about  Mithra,  Tishtriya,  etc. 
(.5)  The  Khorda  Avesta  ("Little  Avesta")  consists 
of  a  number  of  short  compositions,  hymns,  etc, 
compiled  by  the  Aderpad  Marespand  (Adharpadh 
IMahraspand,  Atarobat  Mansarspendan)  already 
mentioned,  in  Sapor  II's  reign. 

Much  of  the  Avesta  is  said  to  have  been  de- 
stroyed by  the  Khalifah  'Umar's  orders  when  Persia 
was  conquered  by  the  Arabs  after  the  battle  of 
Nahavand  (642  AD).  Certainly  'Umar  ordered 
the  destruction  of  Pers  libraries,  as  we  learn  from 
the  Kashfu'z  Zunun  (p.  341). 

V.  Pahlavi. — Under  ancient  Pers  literature  may  be 
classed  the  Pahlavi  (a)  inscriptions  of  Sapor  at  Hdjidhdd 
and  elsewlicre,  {b)  legends  on  Sasanian 
1  T  itpTfl  coins,  (r)  translations  of  certain  parts  of 
J..  jyiLcia-  ^jjg  Avesta,  made  under  the  Sasanidos 
ture  for  the  most  part,   (d)  such  books  as  the 

Arid  Virdf  Ndmak,  the  Zdd  Sparam,  Din- 
kart.  Ormazd  Yasht.  Palet,  Bundihlshnih,  etc.  These  are 
mostly  of  religious  import.  The  ArtdVirdf  Namakgivesz, 
description  of  the  visitof  the  young  da.siur  Arta  Viraf,  to 
the  Zoroastrian  heaven.  The  Bundihlshnih  ("creation") 
tells  how  Ormazd  and  Ahrlman  came  into  being,  and 
treats  of  the  9,000  years'  struggle  between  them.  Pah- 
lavi. as  written  (the  so-called  Huzvaresh),  contains^  an 
immense  number  of  Aram,  words,  but  the  Pers  termina- 
tions attached  to  these  show  that  they  were  read  as 
Pers:  thus  yehahunl-ano  is  written,  and  ddt-ano  ("to 
give")  is  read.  Pahlavi  works  that  are  no  longer  extant 
are  the  sources  of  the  Via  o  Rdmin,  Zardtusht  Ndmah, 
Shdhndmah,  etc. 

In  order  to  understand  the  relation  in  which  the 
Pers  dialects  and  stages  in  the  history  of  the  lan- 
guage stand  to  one  another,  it  may  be 
2.  Com-         well  to  sub.ioin  a  list  of  words  in  Old 
parison  Pers,    Avestic,    Pahlavi   and    modern 

Pers.  It  \vill  be  seen  that  Avestic  is 
not  the  source  of  the  Aryan  part  of  the  present 
tongue. 


Meaning 

Avestic 

Old  Pers 

Pahlavi 

Mod.  Pers 

Friend.  .  . 

zusta 

daushtd 

dost 

dust 

Hand  .... 

zasLa 

dasta 

daH 

dast 

Bactria. .  . 

Bnkhdhi 

Bdkhtri 

Bahr 

Balkh 

Straight .  . 

drvaiHta)t 

duru- 
vaiAta) 

drust 

durust 

Greatest  . 

maziiSlaf 

mathishta 

mahist 

mahin 

Most 

right   .  . 

razhstaf 

rnsta 

Tdst 

rdst 

Abode. .  .  . 

nmana 
(Gathic 

demdna) 

manit/a 

man 

(man-dan 

"to 

remain") 

t  Superlatives 

Literature. — Achaeraenian  inscriptions,  Korsowitz, 
Spiegel,  Ra-wlinson:  Geigerand  Kuhn  (editors),  Grundrisa 
deriranischen  Philologie;  D&rmesteter,  Eludes  iraniennes; 


Spiegel,  Eranitiche  AUertumskunde;  Noldcke.  Aufsdtze 
zur  persischen  Genchichte;  W.  Geiger,  Ostirnnische  Kultur 
im  Alterlum;  Geldner's  ed  of  Avesta;  Professor  Browne, 
Literary  History  of  Persia;  De  Harlez,  Manuel  de  la  langue 
de  I'  Avesta,  Manuel  de  la  langue  Pehlevie,  and  Intro  to  the 
Avesta;  Haug,  Book  of  Arid  Virdf;  Cook,  Origins  of 
Religion  and  Language. 

W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 
PERSIAN  RELIGION  (ANCIENT) : 

I.     Before  Zoroaster 

1.  Early  Aryan  Religion 

2.  Avesta  and  Rig- Veda 

3.  The  Creator 

II.       ZOROASTRIANLSM 

1.  Leading  Principle 

2.  Not  Monotheistic 

(1)  Darius  and  Xerxes 

(2)  Ahura  Mazda 

3.  Objects  of  V^orship 

4.  Ahro  Mainyu.4  and  His  Creatures 

5.  Production  versu-i  Destruction 
Fertility 

6.  Contest  between  Ormazd  and  Ahrlman 

7.  Ethics 

8.  Sacred  Thread 

9.  Early  Traditions 

10.  The  Earth 

11.  Heaven  and  Hell 

12.  Interment  .  ' 

13.  Worship 

14.  The  Magi 

15.  Eschatology 

16.  Hebrew  and  Christian  Influence 

17.  No  Virgin  Birth 
Literature 

/.  Before  Zoroaster. — There  are  clear  indications 

in  the  Avesta  that  the  religion  of  the  Medes  and 

Persians  before  Zoroaster's  time  agreed 

1.  Early  in  most  respects  with  that  of  the  In- 
Aryan  dian  Aryans,  and  in_a  less  degree  with 
Religion         the  beliefs  of  the  Aryans  in  general. 

All  the  Aryan  tribes  in  very  ancient 
times  showed  great  respect  for  the  dead,  though 
they  carefully  distinguished  them  from  the  gods  (cf 
Rig-Veda  X,  56,  4).  The  latter  were  principally 
the  powers  of  Nature,  the  wind,  fire,  water^  the  sky, 
the  sun,  the  earth,  and  a  hosli  of  personifications. 
The  procreative  powers  in  Nature,  animate  and 
inanimate,  seeming  to  be  the  source  of  animal  and 
vegetable  life,  received  adoration,  which  ultimately 
led  to  unspeakable  corruption.  Herodotus  tells  ua 
that  the  Persians  in  his  time  worshipped  the  sun, 
moon,  sky,  earth,  fire,  wind  and  water  (i.1.31). 
Offerings  to  the  gods  were  laid  on  a  mass  of  pome- 
granate twigs  (baresman,  Skt.  harhis),  and  the  flesh 
of  victims  was  hailed,  not  burnt.  Libations  of 
haoma-]u\cei  were  poured  out,  just  as  in  India  the 
soma  was  the  drink  of  both  gods  and  their  wor- 
shippers. 

A  comparison  between  the  spiritual  beings  men- 
tioned in  the  Avesta  and  those  spoken  of  in  the 
Rig-Veda  is  most  instructive  in  two 

2.  Avesta  ways.  It  shows  that  the  original  re- 
and  Rig-  Hgion  of  the  Iranians  and  of  the  Indian 
Veda  Aryans   agreed  very  closely;    and  it 

also  enables  us  to  realize  the  immensity 
of  the  reformation  wrought  by  Zoroaster.  Many 
of  the  names  of  supernatural  beings  are  practically 
the  same;  e.g.  Indra  (Indra,  Andra),  Mitra  (Mithra), 
Aryaman  (Airyaman),  Asura  (Ahura),  Apam  Napat 
(Apam  Napat),  Tvashtri  (?  Tishtrya),  Rama  (Ra- 
man), Vayu  (Vayu),  Viita  (Vata).  So  are  many 
words  of  religious  import,  as  Soma  (Haoma),  Mantra 
(Mathra),  Hotra  (Zaotar).  The  Yama  of  India 
is  the  Yima  of  Persia,  and  the  father  of  the  one  is 
Vivasvat  and  that  of  the  other  Vivahhat,  which  is 
the  same  word  with  dialectic  change.  The  Holy 
River  of  the  Avesta,  Aredhvl  SQra,  the  Unstained 
(.A.nahita),  is  represented  by  the  SarasvatI,  the 
Ganga  (Ganges)  and  other  _sacred  streams  wor- 
shipped in  India.  In  Persia  Atar  (or  Fire)  is  a  son 
of  Ahura  Mazda  {Yasna  LXIV,  46~.53),  as  Agni 
(  =  Ignis)  is  of  Tvashtri  in  the  Rig- Veda.  Armaiti 
is  Ahura  Mazda's  daughter,  aa  Saranyu  in  the  Rig- 


Persian  Religion     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2332 


Veda  is  Aie  daughter  of  Tvashtri,  the  "Creator," 
The  use  of  gomez  (bovis  urina)  for  purification  is 
common  to  both  India  and  Persia.  Though  the 
so?na-plant  is  not  now  the  same  as  the  haoma,  the 
words  are  the  same,  and  no  doubt  they  at  one  time 
denoted  one  and  the  same  plant.  Many  of  the 
myths  of  the  Avesta  have  a  great  resemblance  to 
those  of  the  Rig- Veda.  This  comparison  might  be 
extended  almost  indefinitely. 

In  another  respect  also  there  is  an  important 
agi-eement  between  the  two.  Though  some  33 
deities  are  adored  in  the  Vedio  Hymns,  yet,  in  spite 
of  polytheism  and  low  ideas  of  the  Divine,  traces  of 
something  higher  may  be  found.  Varuna,  for  in- 
stance, represents  a  very  lofty  conception.  In  the 
closest  connection  with  him  stands  Asura,  who  is  a 
being  of  great_  eminence,  and  whose  sons  are  the 
gods,  esp.  the  Adityas. 

Tvashtri  again  is  creator  of  heaven  and  earth  and 
of  all  beings,  though  his  worship  was  ultimately  in 
Vedio  times  displaced  by  that  of_Indra. 
3.  The  It  is  clear  then  that  the  Indian  Aryans 

Creator  were  worshippers  of  the  Creator  and 

that  they  knew  something  of  Him  long 
before  they  sank  into  polytheism.  In  the  Avesta 
and  in  the  Pers  cuneiform  inscriptions  alike,  Ahura 
Mazda  occupies  much  the  same  position  as  Varuna, 
Asura  (the  same  word  as  Ahura),  or  Tvashtri  in  the 
Rig- Veda,  or  rather  in  the  ancient  belief  of  which 
traces  are  retained  in  the  latter  work.  Hence,  as 
the  Avesta  teaches,  Zoroaster  was  not  for  the  first 
time  preaching  the  existence  of  Ahura  Mazda,  but 
he  was  rather  endeavoring  to  recall  his  people  to 
the  belief  of  their  ancestors,  the  doctrine  which 
Ahura  Mazda  had  taught  Yima  in  primeval  time 
in  his  first  revelation  (Vendiddd  II,  1-16,42).  The 
great  truth  of  the  existence  of  the  Creator,  testified 
to  by  tradition,  reason  and  conscience,  undoubtedly 
contributed  largely  to  Zoroaster's  success,  just  as  a 
similar  proclamation  of  the  God  Most  High  (Allah 
Ta'ala'),  worshipped  by  their  ancestors,  helped  the 
thoughtful  among  the  Arabs  in  later  years  to  accept 
Muhammad's  teaching.  The  consciousness  in  each 
case  that  the  doctrine  was  not  new  but  very  ancient, 
materially  helped  men  to  believe  it  true. 

//.  ZoToastrianism. — The    reformation    wrought 

by  Zoroaster  was  a  great  one.     He  recognized — as 

Euripides   in   Greece   did   later — that 

1.  Leading  "if  the  gods  do  aught  shameful,  they 
Principle        are  not  gods."     Hence  he  perceived 

that  many  of  the  deities  worshipped 
in  Iran  were  unworthy  of  adoration,  being  evil 
in  character,  hostile  to  all  good  and  therefore  to 
the  "All-Wise"  Spirit  (Ahura  Mazda)  and  to  men. 
Hence  his  system  of  dualism,  dividing  all  beings, 
spiritual  or  material,  into  two  classes,  the  creatures 
of  Ahura  Mazda  and  those  of  the  "Destroying 
Mind"  (Anro  Mainyus).  So  many  of  the  popular 
deities  were  evil  that  Zoroaster  used  the  word  daeva 
(the  same  as  deva,  deus,  and  Aram,  di)  to  denote 
henceforth  an  evil  spirit,  just  as  Christianity  turned 
the  Gr  daimones  and  daimonia  (words  used  in  a 
good  sense  in  classical  authors)  into  "demons." 
Instead  of  this  now  degraded  word  daeva,  he  em- 
ployed baga  (Old  Pers;  Av.  bagha,  Vedic  bhaga, 
"distribution,"  "patron,"  "lord")  for  "God." 

But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Zoroaster  did 

not  teach  monotheism.     Darius  says  that  "Aura- 

mazda   and   the   other   gods   that   there 

2.  Not  are"  brought  him  aid  {Beh.  Inscr.,  IV, 
Mono-  60-63),  and  both  he  and  Xerxes  speak 
theistic  of  Auramazda  as  "the  greatest  of  the 

gods,"  So,  even  in  the  first  Gdthd, 
Zoroaster  himself  invokes  Asha,  Vohu-Mano,  Ar- 
maiti,  Sraosha,  and  even  Geus-urvan  ("the  Soul 
of  the  Bull"),  as  well  as  Ahura  Mazda. 


(1)  Darius  and  Xerxes. —  Darius  mentions  the 
"clan-gods,"  but  does  not  name  any  of  them.  He 
and  Xerxes  ascribe  the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth 
to  Auramazda,  and  say  that  the  latter,  "Who  made 
this  earth,  who  made  yon  sky,  who  made  man,  who 
made  happiness  for  man,"  has  appointed  each  of 
them  king.  It  is  "by  the  grace  of  Auramazda" 
(vashna  Auramazddha)  that  Darius  conquers  his 
enemies.  _But  both  Ajtaxerxes  Mnemon  and  Ar- 
taxerxes  Ochus  couple  Mithra  and  Anahata  (Ana- 
hita)  with  Auramazda  (Ahura  Mazda)  in  praying 
for  the  protection  of  the  empire. 


' ^?pi?li§ 


iJ!!L''.ll.ia:KV.v,v';,_.(|||ii..:" 

Ahura  Mazda. 

(2)  Ahura  Mazda. — In  the  Avesta,  Ahura  Mazda 
is  one  of  the  seven  Amesha  Speritas  or  "Bountiful 
Immortajs."  He  is  the  father  of  one  of  them, 
Spefita  Armaiti,  who  is  also  his  spouse.  He  is 
primus  inter  pares  among  them,  their  chief,  but  by 
no  means  the  only  god.  Monotheism  is  distinctly 
taught  in  later  Zoroastrian  works,  for  instance,  in 
the  Zardtusht-Nmnah,  composed  1278  AD,  but  it 
is  due  to  Christian  and  Islamic  influence. 

The  modern  Zoroastrian  view,  clearly  stated  in  the 
Dasdtlr  i  Asmdnl  and  elsewhere,  that  all  the  good 

creatures  of  Ormazd  (Ahura  Mazda) 
3.  Objects  are  entitled  to  adoration,  undoubtedly 
of  Worship    rests    upon    the    Avesta.     There    we 

find,  in  the  first  place,  the  Amesha 
SpeMas,  who  occupy  in  regard  to  Mazda  the  same 
position  as  do  the  Vedio  Adityas  toward  Varuna, 
though  not  one  of  the  Adityas  is  identical  with  any 
of  the  Amesha  Spentas. 

The  names  ot  these  are:  (1)  Ahura  Mazda  (otherwise 
called  Spefito  Mainyu.s  or  "Bountiful  Mind") ;  (2)  Vohu 
Mauo  ("Good  Mind");  (3)  Asha  Vahista  ("Best  Right- 
eousness")^ (4)  Khshathra  Vairya  ("Excellent  Ruler"); 
(5)  Spefita  Armaiti  ("Bounteous  Piety  ") ;  (6)  Haurvatat 
("Health");  (7)  Ameretat  ("  Immortality  ").  Each  has 
a  special  province:  thus  Armaiti  is  the  general  spirit  of 
earth  and  presides  over  its  fruitfulness.  She  is  the  pa- 
troness of  virtuous  matrons.  Khshathra  is  the  guardian 
of  metals.  Vohu  Mano  guards  sheep  and  cattle  and 
introduces  to  Ahura  Mazda  the  spirits  of  the  just.  Next 
in  rank  come  the  Yazatas  ("Worshipful  Ones"),  of  whom 
there  are  a  large  number.  Three  of  them,  Mithra, 
Rashnu  and  Sraosha,  preside  at  the  judgment  of  the 
dead  on  the  4th  day  from  death.  Rashnu  holds  the 
scales  in  which  a  man's  deeds  are  weighed.  Sraosha 
guards  the  soul  during  the  first  three  nights  after  death. 
Airyaman  Ishya  ("the  longed-for  comrade")  is  the  pro- 
tector of  mankind,  the  bestower  of  peace  and  happiness. 
On  one  occasion  {Vend.,  Farg.  XXII,  23-29)  Ahura 
Mazda  sends  his  messenger  Nairyo  Sahha  ("male  in- 
structor") to  ask  his  aid  against  overwhelming  odds, 
Raman  IJvastra,  the  bosom  friend  of  Mithra,  presides 
over  the  atmosphere  and  also  gives  its  taste  to  food, 
Mithra  is  tlie  genius  of  truth,  possessed  of  1,000  ears, 
and  riding  in  a  single- wheeled  chariot  (the  sun),  while 
darling  golden  darts  and  driving  fiery  steeds.  Tishtrya, 
identified  with  the  dog-star  Sirius,  sends  rain  and  is  by 
Ahura  Mazda  endowed  with  his  own  power  and  dignity 
(Yasht  VIII,  52  fl).  This  is  true  of  Mithra  also  (Yasht 
X,  1),  itar  ("Fire"),  Vayu  ("Air"),  Vata  ("Wind"), 
Verethraglma  ("Mars"),  Saoka  ("Prosperity")  Ar5- 
tat  (genius  of  Justice),  Vazista  ("Lightning"),  Fradat- 
fshu  (the  guardian  of  cattle),  Berejya  (genius  of  corn). 


2333 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Persian  Religion 


Cista  and  Daena  ("Knowledge"  and  "Keligion"),  who 
are  others  of  the  Yazatas.  All  these  are  entitled  to  wor- 
ship at  the  hands  of  the  true  adorer  of  Mazda  (Mazda- 
yasna,  opposed  to  Daevayasna,  or  worshipper  of  the 
demons) . 

In  opposition  to  the  creatures  of  Ahura  Mazda 
are  those  of  Ariro  Mainyu§,  who  is  the  source  of  all 
moral    and    material    evil.     The   first 
4.  Anro  chapter  of  the    Vendldad  tells  how  he 

Mainyui  created  something  bad  in  opposition 
and  His  to  everything  good  made  by  Ahura 
Creatures      Mazda. 

A  demon  is  the  adversary  of  each  Amesha 
Speflta:  Aka  Mano  ("Evil  Mind")  that  of  Vohu  Mano, 
and  so  in  order:  Indra  (or  Andra,  "demon  of  untruth- 
fulness"). Saiu'va  ("evil  government"),  NShhaithya 
("discontent"),  Tauru  ("who  poisons  water")  and  Zairi 
("poison"),  being  antagonistic  to  the  other  Bountiful 
Immortals.  Aeshma-Daeva  ("  Demon  of  Wrath") — the 
Asmodeus  of  Tob  3  S — is  the  special  foe  of  Sraosha,  the 
genius  of  obedience.  Apaosha,_demon  of  drought,  is  the 
enemy  of  Tishtrya.  Buiti  (or  Buidhj)  teaches  men  to  wor- 
ship idols,  and  also  causes  death.  _Bushy  asta  is  the  demon 
of  sloth.  Vidhatus  or  AstuvidhotuS  causes  death  by  de- 
strojang  the  body.  Other  evil  beings,  Drujes,  Pairikas, 
Jainis,  Yatus,  are  so  numerous  in  the  later  parts  of  the 
Avesta  that  a  pious  Zoroastrian  must  have  lived  in  con- 
tinual dread  of  their  assaults.  He  had  even  to  conceal 
the  parings  of  his  nails,  lest  they  should  be  used  as  darts 
to  his  injury  by  these  his  spiritual  foes. 


Combat  between  King  and  Evil  Spirit. 

Holiness  does  not  enter  into  Zoroaster's  concep- 
tion of  the  Divine  nature.     This  is  a  point  to  which 

attention  has  not  yet  been  properly 
6.  Produc-  directed,  though  its  importance  can 
tion  V.  hardly  De  exaggerated.     The  epithet 

Destruction  Spenta,^  often  applied  to  Ahura  Mazda 

and  mistranslated  "Holy,"  is  by  the 
Zoroastriang  themselves^  in  Pahlavl  rendered 
afzunik,  i.e.  "that  causes  increase."  Its  V  span  or 
spen  =  Skt.  svi,  "to  swell,"  "to  grow,"  "to  increase." 
The  opposite  to  this  is  the  term  ahro  {angro,  from 
j/  aiigh;  cf  Ger.  eng,  "narrow")  applied  to  the  Evil 
Spirit,  and  denoting  "narrowing,"  "decreasing," 
"destroying."  Hence,  as  the  Destroyer,  he  is 
styled  poiirumahrka,  "full  of  death." 


Fertility. — Ahura  Mazda  and  his  assistants  promote 
life.  fertiUty  in  man,  beast  and  plant,  agriculture,  in- 
crease; while  Anro  MainyuS  and  his  creatures  cause 
destruction  and  death.  Atar  ("Fire"),  also  styled 
Apam  Nap/It  ("Offspring  of  the  Waters"),  is  the_  vital 
flame  and  the  male  energy  in  the  world;  Aredhvi  Sura 
Anahita  is  the  female.  As  a  river  the  latter  flows  from 
Mt.  Hukairya,  a  peak  in  the  Elburz  Range  {Yasna 
LXIV),  int®  the  Caspian  Sea  (Vourukasha)  in  the  midst 
of  which  grows  the  tree  Hvdpa  ("well  watered"),  which 
bears  the  seeds  of  all  plants.  Andhila  means  "unde- 
flled,"  but  it  is  applied  to  purity  of  water  (to  deflle  any 
of  the  four  "elements"  was,  for  later  Zoroastrians,  a 
grievous  sin)  and  not  to  any  moral  purity  in  the  goddess. 
Her  association  with  Mithra  was  close,  even  in  Herod- 
otus' time,  for  he  falls  into  the  mistake  of  saying  (1.131) 
that  the  Persians  called  Aphrodite  Mithra,  when  he 
should  have  said  Anaitis  (Anahita).  Though  god  of 
truth  and  righteousness  Mithra  is  not  associated  with 
moral  purity  (chastity).  On  the  contrary,  he  was  said 
to  fertilize  the  earth  with  his  rays,  as  sun-god,  and 
Anahita  as  goddess  of  frultfulness  represented  the  female 
principle  in  conjunction  with  him.  The  vileness  which 
led  to  the  identiflcation  of  Anahita  with  the  Bab  My- 
litta  was  doubtless  of  later  date  than  Zoroaster's  time, 
yet  there  was  little  or  nothing  in  Zoroastrianism  to  check 
it.  Something  similar  asserts  itself  in  Armenia,  as  well 
as  in  Iran,  and  in  fact  in  all  Nature-worship  everywhere. 
Associated  with  this  was  the  form  of  incest  known  as 
next-of-kin  marriage  (Av.  ^vaetva-datha,  Pahl.  Khvet- 
ukdas),  which  permitted  and  encouraged  marriages 
between  brothers  and  sisters. 

According  to  later  Zoroastrian  belief,  the  contest 

between    Ormazd    (Ahura    Mazda)    and    Ahriman 

(Anro  Mainyus),  after  continuing  for 

6.  Contest  9,000  years,  is  to  be  decided  in  favor 
between  of  the  former  only  through  his  possess- 
Ormazd  ing  foreknowledge  and  Ahriman's 
and  lacking  it  (BwTid.,  I).  Both  came  into 
Ahriman        existence  independently  in     limitless 

time  (Av.  Zrvana  Akarana;  Vend., 
Farg.  XIX,  13;  Pahl.  Daman  i  Akanarakhom- 
and,  Bund.,  I),  which,  personified  in  the  Vendl- 
dad, is  called  "Self-created,"  and  is  there  by  Ahura 
Mazda's  command  invoked  by  Zoroaster  in  con- 
junction with  Vayu,  the  Air,  the  Winds,  "the 
bountiful,  beauteous  daughter  of  Ahura  Mazda" 
(Armaiti),  the  Earth,  and  other  objects  of  worship 
(loc.  cit.).  No  creature  of  Ahrinian  is  to  be  wor- 
shipped; hence  Indra,  though  in  later  Vedic  times 
rising  in  India  to  a  leading  position  in  the  Pantheon, 
is  in  the  Avesta  accounted  a  fiend,  the  very  imper- 
sonation of  the  Lie  which  the  Avesta  so  firmly  de- 
nounces and  which  Darius  mentions  as  the  cause 
of  all  the  rebellions,  which  produced  so  much  blood- 
shed in  his  time.  No  virtue  was  valued  so  highly 
as  truth  in  ancient  Iran,  as  Herodotus  agrees  with 
the  Avesta  in  testifying. 

Avestic  morality  encourages  the  destruction  of 
all   hurtful   things,    as    being   of   Anro    Mainyu§' 

creation,  and  the  propagation  of  every- 

7.  Ethics       thing  good.     Hence  agriculture  is  esp. 

commended,  together  with  the  rearing 
of  cattle  and  sheep.  Somewhat  later  the  whole 
duty  of  man  was  said  to  consist  in  good  thoughts, 
good  words,  good  deeds.  Fierce  opposition  to  every 
other  religion  was  enjoined  as  a  religious  duty,  and, 
under  the  Sasanides  esp.,  this  led  to  fearful  and 
repeated  persecutions  of  Christians  throughout  the 
empire. 

The  Sacred  Thread  (Av.  Aiwyuhhana;  Skt. 
UpavUam,  etc,  now  by  the  Parsis  styled  the  Kushti) 

plays  as  important  a  part  in  Zoroas- 

8.  Sacred      trianism     as     in     Hindiiism.     So     do 
Thread  charms,  maihras  (Skt.   mantras),  con- 
sisting in  repetitions  of  the  verses  of 

the  Avesta.     The  latter  is  even  adored. 

The  first  thing  created  by  Ahura  Mazda  was  a 

Bull,  which  may  represent  the  earth,  and  reminds 

us  of  the  Cow  Audhumla  in  the  Edda 

9.  Early  {Gylfaginning  VI).  This  was  killed 
Traditions     by  Anro  Mainyus  (in  a  later  version, 

by  Mithra).  His  spirit  (Geus  Urvan) 
went  to  heaven  and  became  the  guardian  of  cattle. 


Persian  Religion 
Persians 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2334 


The  first  man  was  Gaya-maretan  ("Mortal  Life"); 
lience  the  phrase  Haca  Gaydt  Marethnat  a  Saosh- 
yantdt,  "from  Gaya-maretan  [Gayomard,  Kayo- 
martli]  to  Saoshyant"  (Yasna  XXVI,  10;  Yasht 
XIII,  145),  means  "from  the  beginning  to  the  end 
of  the  world."  From  the  Airyanem  Vaejd  ("Aryan 
germ"),  the  first  home  of  the  Iranians,  men  were  com- 
pelled to  migrate  because  Anro  Mainyus  so  altered 
the  climate  that  the  winter  became  ten  months  long 
and  the  summer  only  two.  Yima  Khshaeta  ("Yima 
the  Brilliant,"  Pers  Jamahid),  son  of  Vivahhat, 
though  he  twice  refused  Ahura  Mazda's  commission 
to  guard  his  creatures,  and  though  by  three  lies  he 
lost  the  "Royal  Light"  {Hvareno  Kavacm)  which  he 
originally  possessed,  was  yet  directed  to  prepare  a 
very  extensive  inclosure  (Vara),  in  which  he  pre- 
served "the  seeds  of  sheep  and  cattle,  of  men,  of 
dogs,  of  birds,  and  of  red,  glowing  fires"  from  some 
terribly  severe  winters  which  came  upon  the  earth 
(Vendlddd  II;  Yasht  XIX).  The  BUndihishnih 
tale  of  a  flood  differs  from  this,  preserving  an  inde- 
pendent narrative.  Ahura  Mazda's  law  was 
preached  to  men  within  Yima's  inclosure. 

The    earth    consists   of   seven    divisions,    called 

Karshvares  (cf  the  Skt.  doipas).     Only  one  of  these, 

Hvaniratha,  is  inhabited  by  men;   the 

10.  The  others  are  separated  from  it  by  im- 
Earth  passable    abysses.     Sun,    moon,    and 

stars  revolve  round  Mt.  Taera,  a  peak 
in  the  Elburz  Mountains  (Demavend?).  A  later 
legend  says  that  the  Elburz  Range  surrounds  the 
earth. 

Each  god  and  man  possesses  a  fravashi,  which  has 
been  compared  to  a  guardian  spirit  and  seems  to 

differ   from   the   soul    (urvan).     After 

11.  Heaven  judgment  by  Mithra,  Rashnu  and 
and  Hell        Sraosha,  the  souls  of  the. dead  must 

cross  the  Chinvat-hridge  ("Bridge  of 
the  Judge"),  which  is  guarded  by  two  dogs  and  is 
narrow  and  difficult  for  the  unjust,  but  wide  and 
easy  for  the  just.  The  righteous  man  then  advances 
through  three  Paradises,  those  of  Good  Thoughts, 
Good  Words  and  Good  Works  (Humala,  Hukhla, 
HvarUa:  Yasht  XVI;  Arta  Viraf  Namak,  VII- 
IX),  until,  led  by  Sraosha,  Atar,  and  Vohu  Mano, 
he  finally  reaches  Ahura  Mazda's  abode  of  light  and 
glory,  Garo-nmdna  (in  Gdthas,  Gdro-demdna;  Pahl. 
Garotman),  where  Ahura  Mazda  himself  receives 
him  with  the  words:  "Greeting  to  thee;  well  hast 
thou  come;  from  that  mortal  world  hast  thou  come 
to  this  pure,  bright  place"  (  A.  V.  Ndmak,  XI,  8,  9). 
But  the  soul  of  the  wicked  man,  passing  through 
regions  of  Evil  Thoughts,  Evil  Words  and  Evil 
Deeds,  finally  reaches  a  dark  and  gloomy  Hell 
(Duzhaiih).  In  later  times  it  was  believed  that 
those  not  yet  fit  for  heaven  waited  in  Misvdno  Gdlu's, 
an  intermediate  place  where  the  extra  merits  of 
the  just  were  stored  up  for  the  benefit  of  the  less 
fortunate  (Vend.,  Farg.  XIX).  A  later  name  was 
Hamistakan.  But  De  Harlez  is  of  the  opinion  that 
this  idea  was  borrowed  from  mediaeval  Christianity. 
In  primeval  times  the  Persians  buried  or  burned 
their  dead.     Zoroastrianism  may  have  introduced 

the    dakhma    (Vendiddd,^    passim)     or 

12.  Inter-  Tower  of  Silence,  on  which  bodies  are 
ment  exposed    to    be    eaten    by    vultures. 

Those  of  which  the  ruins  have  been 
discovered  at  Al  Hibbah  are  very  ancient.  But  in 
Herodotus'  time  it  was  usual,  after  permitting  the 
flesh  to  be  devoured  by  dogs  and  birds,  to  cover  the 
bones  with  wax  and  bury  them  (Herod.  i.l40). 
This  was  done  to  prevent  them  from  coming  in 
contact  with  and  so  polluting  the  earth.  The  cu,s- 
tom  of  burial  is  proved  by  the  tombs  of  the  Aehac- 
menian  kings  near  Persepolis,  and  that  of  Cyrus,  a 
stone  chamber  raised  high  above  the  ground,  at 
Pasargadae. 


Zoroastrianism  permits  no  idol-worship  and  no 
temples,  fire-altars  only  being  used.     These  were 

served  by  Alharvans  or  fire-priests, 
13.  Worship  who  fed  the  fire  with  costly  wood  and 

poured  into  it  libations  of  haoma- 
juice,  taking  care  to  cover  their  mouths  with  a  cloth 


^\ 


S:s;it4gaiLatt^ 


Fire   Altars. 

(paiti-dhdna)  to  keep  the  sacred  fire  from  being  pol- 
luted by  their  breath.  Sacrifices  were  often  offered 
on  the  tops  of  the  highest  mountains  under  the  open 
sky  (Herod.  i.l32;  Xen.  Cyrop.  viii). 

The   Magi   doubtless    owed   their   monopoly  of 

priestly  functions  to  their  being  Zoroaster's  own 

tribe.    They    are    not    mentioned    as 

14.  The  priests  in  the  Pers  cuneiform  inscrip- 
Magi  tions.      Only    once    does    the    word 

"Magus"  occur  in  the  Avesta,  and 
then  in  composition  (Moghu-tbish,  a  Magus-hater, 
Yasna  LXV,  7).  It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  to 
Bab  influence  the  decay  of  Zoroastrianism  and  its 
degradation  in  late  Achaemenian  times.  This  was 
at  least  in  large  measure  due  to  a  revival  of  the 
ideas  and  practices  forbidden  by  Zoroaster,  which 
reassert  themselves  in  some  parts  of  the  Avesta, 
and  which  afterward  gave  rise  to  Mithraism. 

"The  Avesta  states  that,  1,000  years  after  Zoro- 
aster's   death,    a   prophet  named    Ukhshyat-ereta 
will  arise  from  his  seed  to  restore  his 

15.  Escha-    religion.    After    another    1,000    years 
tology  another,   Ukhshyat-ncmahh,   will   ap- 
pear for  the  same  purpose.     The  end 

of  the  world  will  come  1,000  years  later.  Then  a 
third  prophet,  Saoshyaiit,  will  be  born,  and  will 
usher  in  the  Restoration  (frashd-kereti)  of  the  world 
to  its  primitive  happiness  and  freedom  from  the  evil 
creatures  of  Aiiro  Mainyus.  This  process  will  be 
completed  in  57  years,  during  which  6  other  proph- 
ets will  perform  in  the  other  6  Karshvares  the  work 
which  will  here  be  accomplished  by  Saoshyaiit. 
But  mention  of  this  Restoration  occurs  only  in  very 
late  parts  of  the  Avesta  (e.g.  Vend.,  Farg.  XVIII, 
51).  It  does  not  mean  Resurrection,  as  De  Harlez 
has  shown.  Later  still,  something  of  the  kind  was 
believed,  and  in  the  Bundihishnih  (ch  v)  and  the 
Palet  (§  28)  we  have  the  word  rJstdkMz  (from  Av. 
irista,  "departed,"  and  hvis,  "to  rise"),  which  does 
mean  "rising  of  the  dead."  But  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  the  doctrine  is  due  to  Heb  and  Chris- 
tian influence,  esp.  when  we  consider 

16.  Hebrew  the  late  and  uncertain  date  of  the 
and  Chris-  books  in  which  the  idea  occurs.  Israel- 
tian  In-  ites  settled  in  Media  in  large  numbers 
fluence  in  or  about  730-728  BC  under  Sargon 

(2  K  17  6),  long  before  Zoroaster's 
birth.  It  is  possible  that  his  reformation  may  have 
owed  much  therefore  to  Heb  influence.     Sec,  further, 

ZOBOASTRIANISM. 

The  idea  of  virgin  loirth  has  been  asserted  to  occur  in 
Zoroastrianism,  botli  witti  reference  to  Zoroaster  him- 
self and  to  the  last  three  great  prophets  of  wliom  mention 
has  been  made.  Tiiis  is  an  error.  The  Avesta  and  all 
later  Zoroastrian   books   speali  of  Zoroaster's    birth  as 


2335 


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Persian  Religion 
Persians 


quite   natural,    his   father  being  Pourushaspa.     Nor  is 
virgin  birth  referred  to  in  the  case   of   Saoshyaat  and 
the  rest.      {Mater  cuiusque    ex    iis.   sese    in 
17.   No  lacu  quodam  lavans,    Zoroastris  semine  illic 

^7:«>m«  'D:.-4.t.  Teposiio  gravida  facta  filium  pariet:  Vend., 
Virgin  airtJl  parg.  XIX.  4-6;  Yasht  XIII.  128,  142; 
Band.,  XXXII,  8,  9.)  Virginity  is  not 
higUy  esteemed  in  the  Avesta,  though  fornication  is 
condemned. 

Literature. — Geldner's  ed  of  text  of  Avesta;  De 
Harlez,  Avesta;  Achaemenian  Inscriptions;  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East,  vo\s  IV,  XXIII,  XXXI ;  Grassmann, 
Wnrterbuch  zum  Rig  Veda;  Haug  and  West,  Artd  Vlrdf 
Ndmak;  Spiegel,  Einleitung  in  die  trad.  Schriften  der 
Parsen;  Eranische  Aitertumskunde;  Darmesteter,  ffjtudcs 
iraniennes;  Haug,  Essays  on  ...  .  Religion  of  Pdrsis; 
De  Harlez,  Manuel  du  Pehlavi;  Cook,  Origins  of  Religion 
and  Language.     See  also  Zoroastbianism. 

W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 

PERSIANS,  ptlr'shanz,  -zhanz  (D"]S ,  para!),  also 
=  Persia,Persis  [q.v.];  adj.  "'P"1S,  par.??:, Heb,  and 
"^Pli,  parlay,  Aram.;  Il^pcrai,  Persai,  adj.  only  in 
Neh  12  22;  Dnl  6  28;  Achaem.  Pcrs  Parsa,  name 
of  both  country  and  people ;  does  not  occur  in  Avesta) : 


I. 

Affinity 

1.   Three  Classes 

2.   Tribal  and  Clan  Divisions 

3.  Achaemenian  Dynasty 

II. 

Civilization 

1.   Writing 

2.   Institutions  and  Customs 

Ill 

History 

1.    Cyrus 

2.    Capture  of  Babylon 

3.    Cambvses 

4.    Pseudo-Smerdis 

5.    Darius  I 

6.    Darius' Suez  Canal 

7.    Xerxes  I 

8     Artaxerxes  II 

9.    Xerxes  11 

10.    Later  Persian  Kings 

IV. 

First  Mention  in  Inscriptions 

Literature 

The  Persians  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible  until 

the   exilic  books    (2  Ch  36  20.22.23;    Ezr  1  1.2.8; 

3  7;     Est  1  19,    etc;      Dnl  5  28;     6  8.12.15.28), 

being  previously  included   under  the   Medcs  (Gen 

10  2),    as  they  were  by  Thucydides,  and  even  by 

Xenophon  often. 

Achaemenes  (Hakhamanish) 

I 
Teispes  (Chaishpish,  bispi.s) 


as  Persis  (modern  Pars),  including  probably  part 
of  Elam. 

The   Avesta    shows   that   the   Medo-Pers    com- 
munity was  divided  into  3   classes   {zanlu) :    the 
Athravans    or    fire-priests,    the    Ralh- 
1.  Three        aestars  or  charioteers,  and  the  Vastrya- 
Classes  fshuyans  or  cattle-roarers  (cf  the  three 

original  Hindu  castes,  the  Brdhmans, 
the  Kshallriyas  and  the  Vaisyas).  A  4th  class, 
the  artisans  or  Huilis,  came  later.  But  these  were 
classes,  not  castes. 

They  were  also  divided  into  tribes,  clans  (Achaem. 
vilh;  Av.  vis;  cf  vicus)  and  families  or  households 
(Achaem.  toM?rta;  Av.nmana).  Herod- 
otus (i.l25)  mentions  ten  Pers  tribes, 
the  chief  being  the  Pasargadae,  to 
which  belonged  the  Achaemenian  clan 
(r^p-ijTpii,  phritre)  which  included  the 
royal  family.  This  dynasty  traced  its  origin  to 
Achaemenes  {Hakhamanish)  according  to  Da- 
rius and  Herodotus.  The  following 
scheme  will  serve  to  show  the  descent 
of  the  line  of  Pers  kings  mentioned 
in  the  Bible  and  in  secular  history 
up  to  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the 
dynasty  in  331  BC. 

//.  Civilization. — The  Persians  had  indulged  less 
in  luxury  than  the  Medes,  until  their  conquest  of 
Media  and  other  lands  under  Cyrus 
1.  Writing  the  Great  gave  them  the  opportunity, 
which  they  were  not  slow  to  embrace, 
being  famed  for  their  readiness  to  adopt  foreign 
customs.  Writing  was  introduced  from  Babylonia 
through  Elam.  This  cuneiform  char- 
acter was  afterward  superseded  by  one 
derived  from  Sj'ria,  from  which  came 
the  Avestic  writing,  which,  in  its  cor- 
rupt Pahlavi  form,  lasted  until  the 
Arabian  conquest  imposed  the  Arab,  character  on 
the  people.  The  Achaemenian  kings  probably  bor- 
rowed from  Babylon  and  further  developed  their 
system  of    royal  posts   (Est  8  14)    or   messengers 


2.  Tribal 
and  Clan 
Divisions 


3.  Achae- 
menian 
Dynasty 


2.  Institu- 
tions and 
Customs 


Cyrus 

I 

Cambyses 

I 

Cyrus  the  Great 

Cambyses 


I 
Ariaramnes  (Ariyaramna) 

Arsames  (Arshama) 

I 

Hystaspes  (Vishtaspa) 

Darius  I 

I 

Xerxes  I  (Ahasuerus) 

I 

Artaxerxes  I  (Longimanus) 

I 


I 
Xerxes  II 


I 
Sogdianus 


I 

Darius  II 
(Nothos.  Ochos) 

Artaxerxes  It  (Mnem5n) 

I 


Artaxerxes  III  (Ochos) 

I 
Arses 


/.  Affinity. — Being  of  the  same  stock  as  the 
Medes  they  shared  the  name  Aryans  (Achaem. 
ariya;  Av.  airya;  Skt.  arya,  "noble");  cf  the 
Naqsh  i  Rustam  Inscription,  where  Darius  I  calls 
himself  "a  Persian,  son  of  a  Persian,  an  Aryan,  of 
Aryan  descent"  (11.  13,  14).  Tradition  assigns  as 
their  earliest  known  habitat  the  so-called  Airya- 
nem  Vaejo  ("Aryan  germ"),  a  district  between  the 
Jaxartes  and  the  Oxus  (Vendidad  I),  whence  they 
migrated  gradually  to  what  was  afterward  known 


(Sisygambis,  a 
daughter) 

Darius  III  (Codomannus) 
[Nch  12  22;  1  Mace  1   1] 

(and  even  the  words  i!l77apoi,  dggaroi,  anil  oaTdpSai, 
astdndai,  used  to  denote  them,  are  almost  cer- 
tainly Babylonian).  Of  these  men's  pace  it  was 
said,  "No  mortal  thing  is  quicker."  The  custom 
of  showing  special  honor  to  the  "Benefactors  of 
the  King"  (Herod,  viii.85:  Spoa-iyyai,  orosdggai  =  Av. 
uru+sanh,  "widely  renowned")  is  referred  to  in 
Est  6  1.2.3,  and  that  of  covering  the  (head  and) 
face  of  a  criminal  condemned  to  death  (with  a  large 
black  cap)  (Est  7  8.9)  occurs  in  the  Shahnamah 
also. 


Persians 
Person 


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2336 


(1)  The  king  was  an  arbitrary  ruler  with  un- 
limited power,  the  council  of  seven  princes  who  stood 
nearest  to  the  throne  (Est  1  14  ;  cf  Herod,  iii. 
70-84)  having  no  sliare  in  the  government. 

(2)  The  army. — As  soldiers,  the  Persians  were 
famous    as    archers     and    javelin-throwers;     they 


Persian  Warriors. 

were  also  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  sling,  and  above 
all  in  riding.  Boys  were  taken  from  the  women's 
into  the  men's  part  of  the  house  at  the  age  of  5,  and 
were  there  trained  in  "riding,  archery  and  speaking 
the  truth"  until  20  years  old.  In  Darius'  inscrip- 
tions, as  well  as  in  the  Avesta,  lying  is  regarded  as  a 
great  crime. 

(3)  Marriage. — The  Persians  practised  polygamy, 
and  marriages  between  those  ne.xt  of  kin  were  ap- 
proved of.  Pride  and  garrulity  are  mentioned  as 
distinctive  of  the  Pers  character. 

///.   History. — Pers    history,    as    known    to    us, 

begins  with  Cyrus  the  Great.     His  ancestors,  for 

at   least   some   generations,    seem   to 

1.  Cyrus        have  been  chiefs  or  "kings"  of  Anshan, 

a  district  in  Persia  or  Elam.  Cyrua 
himself  (WAI,  V,  plate  35)  gives  his  genealogy  up 
to  and  including  Teispes,  entitling  all  his  ancestors 
whom  he  mentions,  kings  of  Anshan.  Phraortes, 
king  of  the  Medes,  is  said  to  have  first  subjugated 
the  Persians  to  that  kingdom  about  97  years  before 
Cyrus  (Plerod.  i.l02).  Cyrus  himself  headed  his 
countrymen's  revolt  against  Astyages,  who  ad- 
vanced to  attack  Pasargadae  (549  BC).  His  army 
mutinied  and  surrendered  him  to  Cyrus,  whom  the 
Greeks  held  to  be  his  grandson  on  the  mother's 
side.  Cyrus,  becoming  supreme  ruler  of  both 
Medes  and  Persians,  advanced  to  the  conquest  of 
Lydia.  He  defeated  and  captured  Croesus,  over- 
ran Lydia,  and  compelled  the  Greek  colonies  in 
Asia  Minor  to  pay  tribute  (547  BC). 

He  overthrew  the  Sute  (Bedawin)  across  the 
Tigris  the  following  year,  and  was  then  invited  by  a 

a  large  party  in  Babylonia  to  come  to 

2.  Capture  their  help  against  the  usurper  Nabu- 
of  Babylon    nahid,  whose  religious  zeal  had  led  him 

to  collect  as  many  as  possible  of  the 
idols  from  other  parts  of  Babylonia  and  remove 
them  to  Babylon,  thereby  increasing  the  sacredness 
and  magnificence  of  that  city  but  inflicting  injury 
on  neighboring  and  more  ancient  sanctuaries. 
Defeating  Nabunahid's  army  and  capturing  the 
king,  Cyrus  sent  his  own  forces  under  Gobryas 
(Gubaru,  Gaubaruva)  to  take  possession  of  Baby- 
lon. This  he  did  in  June,  538,  "without  opposi- 
tion and  without  a  battle."  The  citadel,  however, 
where  Belshazzar  "the  king's  son"  was  in  command, 
held  out  for  some  months,  and  was  then  taken  in 
a  night  attack  in  which  "the  king's  son"  was  slain. 
Cyrus  made  Gobiyas  viceroy  of  Chaldaea,  and  he 
"appointed  governors  in  Babylonia"  (Cyrus' 
"Armalistic  Tablet").  When  Gobryas  died  within 
the  year,  Cyrus'  son  Cambyses  was  made  viceroy 
of  the  country,  now  become  a  provmce  of  the  Pers 
empire.     Cyrus  rcslored  the  gods  to   their  sanc- 


tuaries, and  this  doubtless  led  to  permission  being 
given  to  the  Jews  to  return  to  Jerus,  taking  with 
them  their  sacred  vessels,  and  to  rebuild  their 
temple.  Cyrus  was  killed  in  battle  against  some 
frontier  tribe  (accounts  differ  where)  in  529  BC. 
His  tomb  at  Murghab,  near  the  ruins  of  Pasargadae, 
is  still  standing. 

C3''rus'  son  and  successor,  Cambyses,  invaded 
Egypt  and  conquered  it  after  a  great  battle  near 
Pelusium  (525  BC).  During  his  ab- 
sence, a  Magian,  Gaumata,  who  pre- 
tended to  be  Smerdis  (Bardiya), 
Cambyses'  murdered  brother,  seized 
Marching  against  him,  Cambyses 
committed  suicide.  After  a  reign  of  7  months, 
the  usurper  was  overthrown  and  slain 
by  Darius  and  his  6  brother-nobles 
(their  names  in  Herod,  iii, 70  are  con- 
firmed with  one  exception  in  Darius' 
BesitOn  Inscription^  col.  iv,  80-86).  Darius  be- 
came king  as  the  heir  of  Cambyses  (521  BC).  But 
in  nearly  every  part  of  the  empire 
5.  Darius  I  rebellions  broke  out,  in  most  cases 
headed  by  real  or  pretended  descend- 
ants of  the  ancient  kings  of  each  country.  After 
at  least  3  years'  struggle  Darius'  authority  was 
firmly  established  everywhere.  He  then  divided 
the  empire  into  satrapies,  or  provinces  (dahyava), 
of  which  there  were  at  first  23  (Beh.  Inscription, 
col.  i,  13-17),  and  ultimately  at  least  29  (Naqsh  i 
Rustam  Inscription,  22-30).  Over  these  he  placed 
satraps  of  noble  Pers  or  Median  descent,  instead  of 
representatives  of  their  ancient  kings.  His  empire 
extended  from  the  Indus  to  the  Black  Sea,  from  the 
Jaxartes  to  beyond  the  Nile. 


3.  Cam- 
byses 

the   throne. 


4.  Pseudo 
Smerdis 


6.  Darius' 

Suez 

Canal 


Tomb  of  Cyrus. 

Darius  united  the  latter  river  witli  the  Red  Sea  by  a 
canal,  the  partly  obliterated  inscription  commemorating 
which  may  perhaps  be  thus  restored  and 
rendered;  "I  am  a  Persian;  with  Persia 
I  seized  Egypt.  I  commanded  to  dig 
thlscanal  from  the  river  named  the  Nile 
[Pirava],  wliich  flows  through  Egypt,  to 
this  sea  which  comes  from  Persia.  Then 
this  canal  was  dug.  according  as  I  commanded.  And  I 
said,  'Come  ye  from  the  Nile  through  this  canal  to 
Persia.'  " 

Darius'  expedition  into  Scythia,  his  success  in 
subduing  the  rebellion  among  the  Asiatic  Greeks, 
his  attempts  to  conquer  Greece  itself  and  his  over- 
throw at  Marathon  (499-490  BC)  are  part  of  the 
history  of  Greece.  A  rebellion  in  Egypt  had  not 
been  repressed  when  Darius  died  in  485  BC. 

Xerxes  I,  who  succeeded  his  father,  regained 
Egypt,  but  his  failure  in  his  attempts  to  conquer 
Greece  largely  exhausted  his  empire. 
7.  Xerxes  I  In  464  BC  he  was  murdered.  His 
son  Artaxerxcs  I,  surnamed  "the  long- 
armed,"  succeeded  him,  being  himself  succeeded  in 
424  BC  by  his  son  Xerxes  H,  who  was  murdered 


2337 


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Persians 
Person 


the   following    year.      This    ended    the  legitimate 

Achacmenian     line,    the     next     king,     Darius     11 

(stjded  Nothos,  or  "bastard,"  as  well 

8.  Arta-  as  Oehos),  being  one  of  Artaxerxes' 
xerxes  I        illegitimate  sons   (we  pass  over  Sog- 

dianus'  brief  reign).  Artaxerxes  11, 
Mnemon,  succeeded  his  father  and  left  the  throne 
to  his  son  Artaxerxes  III,  Ochos.     The  latter  was 

murdered   with   all  his  sons   but   the 

9.  Xerxes  II  youngest.  Arses,  by  an  Egyp  eunuch 

Bagoas,  probably  in  revenge  for  Ar- 
taxerxes' conduct  in  Egypt  (338  BC).  Arses  was 
murdered  by  Bagoas  3  years  later,  when  Darius  III, 

Codomannus,  the  son  of  Sisygambis, 

10.  Later       daughter    of   Artaxerxes   II,  and  her 
Persian  husband,  a  Pers  noble,  ascended  the 
Kings             throne.    Darius  was  completely  over- 
thrown by  Alexander  the  Great  in  the 

battle  of  Gaugamela  or  Arbela,  331  BC,  and  shortly 
after  fell  by  an  assassin's  hand.  This  ended  the 
Pers  empire  of  the  Achaemenides,  the  whole  of  the 
lands  composing  it  becoming  part  of  the  empire  of 
Macedon. 

IV.  First  Mention  in  Inscriptions. — Persia  (Par- 
sua)  is  first  mentioned  as  a  country  in  an  inscription 
of  Rammanu  Nirari  III  (WAI,  I,  plate  35,  no.  1, 
1.  8),  who  boasts  of  having  conquered  it  and  other 
lands  (he  reigned  from  812  to  783  or  from  810  to 
781  BC). 

Literature. — Besides  the  main  authorities  mentioned 
in  the  text,  we  learn  much  from  Spiegel,  Die  Altper- 
sischen  Keilinschriften,  Arrian,  Thucydides,  Polybius, 
Strabo,  Curtius. 

W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 

PERSIS,  ptir'sis  (Ilepo-Cs,  Persis) :  The  name  of 
a  female  member  of  the  Christian  community  at 
Rome,  to  whom  Paul  sent  greetings  (Rom  16  12). 
Paul  designates  her  "the  beloved,  who  labored 
much  in  the  Lord."  The  name  is  not  found  in  in- 
scriptions of  the  imperial  household,  but  it  occurs 
as  the  name  of  a  freedwoman  {CIL,  VI,  23,  959). 

PERSON,  pi^'sun,  pAr's'n,  PERSONALITY,  pHr- 

sun-al'i-ti  (ICDD,  nephesh,  TB^N,  'ish,  D~S,  'adham, 
D''rS,  pdnitn;  irpoo-wirov,  prdsopon,  vTroa-Toa-ii,  hupd- 
etasis) :  The  most  frequent  word  for  "person"  in  the 
OT  is  nephesh,  "soul"  (Gen  14  21,  "Give  me  the 
persons,  and  take  the  goods";  36  6,  AV  "all  the 
persons";  Nu  5  6,  AV  "that  person,"  etc);  'ish, 
"a,  man,"  "an  individual,"  is  also  used  (Jgs  9  2, 
"threescore  and  ten  persons" ;  1  S  16  18,  "a  comely 
person,"  etc);  'adham,  "a  man,"  "a  human  being" 
(Nu  31  28,  "of  the  persons,  and  of  the  oxen"; 
Prov  6  12,  "a  worthless  person,"  etc);  'Snosh,  "a 
man,"  "a  weak,  mortal  man,"  occurs  twice  (Jgs 
9  4,  AV  "vain  and  light  persons" ;  Zeph  3  4);  ba'al, 
"owner,"  "lord,"  is  once  tr"*  "person"  (Prov  24 
8,  AV  "a mischievous  person"),  and  mHhim,  "men," 
once  (Ps  26  4,  AV  "vain  persons");  panim,  "face," 
is  frequently  tr"'  "person"  when  the  reference  is  to 
the  external  appearance,  as  of  persons  in  high  places, 
rich  persons  who  could  favor  or  bribe,  etc,  chiefly 
in  the  phrases  "regarding  the  person,"  "accepting 
the  person"  (Dt  10  17;   Mai  1  8). 

In  the  NT  prosopon,  "face,"  "countenance," 
stands  in  the  same  connection  (Mt  22  16,  "Thou 
regardest  not  the  person  of  men";  Gal  2  6,  "God 
accepteth  not  man's  person";  Acts  10  34,  "God 
is  no  respecter  of  persons" ;  Rom  2  11,  "there  is  no 
respect  of  persons  with  God";  Eph  6  9;  Col  3 
25;  Jas  2  1.9);  in  2  Cor  1  11  we  have  "persons" 
(prosopon),  absol.  as  in  the  later  Gr,  "the  gift 
bestowed  ....  by  many  persons,"  the  only  occur- 
rence in  the  NT;  in  2  10  prosopon  may  stand  for 
"presence,"  as  RV  "in  the  presence  of  Christy"  but 
it  might  mean  "as  representing  Christ";  m  He 
1  d,  AY  hupostasis,  "that  which   lies   under,"  sub- 


slratum,  is  rendered  "person,"  "the  express  image 
of  his  person,"  i.e.  of  God,  which  RV  renders  "the 
very  image  of  his  substance,"  m  "the  impress  of  his 
substance,"  i.e.  the  manifestation  or  expression  of 
the  invisible  God  and  Father.  "Person"  is  also 
frequently  supplied  as  the  substantive  imjilied  in 
various  adjs.,  etc,  e.g.  profane,  perjured,  vile. 

In  the  Apoc  we  have  prosopon  tr''  "person"  (Jth 
7  15,  RV  "face";  Ecclus  10  5,  etc);  the  "accept- 
ing of  persons"  is  condemned  (Wisd  6  7;  Ecclus 
4  22.27;  7  6;  20  22,  RV  "by  a  foolish  counte- 
nance"; 35  13;  42  1 ;  "With  him  [God]  is  no  respect 
of  persons,"  Ecclus  35  12). 

RV  has  "soul"  for  "person"  (Nu  5  6),  "face"  (.Ter 
52  25),  "man"  (Mt  27  24);  " reprobate "  for  "  vile  per- 
son" (Ps  15  4),  ARV,  ERVm"fool"  (Isa  32  5.6):  ARV 
"men  of  fal.sehood"  for  "vain  persons"  (Ps  26  4);  lor 
"a  wicked  person,"  RV  has  "an  evil  thing"  (Ps  101  4); 
"bacl£  to  thee  in  his  own  person"  (autnii,  diflerent  text) 
for  "again  thou  therefore  receive  him"  (Pliilem  ver  12); 
"take  away  life"  for  "respect  any  person"  (2  S  14  14); 
"with  seven  others"  for  "the  eighth  person"  (2  Pet  2 
5);  "false swearers"  for  "perjured  persons"  (1  Tim  1  10); 
"seven  thousand  persons"  for  "of^  men  seven  thousand" 
(Rev  11  13). 

Personality  is  that  which  constitutes  and  charac- 
terizes a  person.  The  word  "person"  (Lat  persona) 
is  .derived  from  the  mask  through  which  an  actor 
spoke  his  part  (persona).  "From  being  applied  to 
the  mask,  it  came  next  to  be  applied  to  the  actor, 
then  to  the  character  acted,  then  to  any  assumed 
character,  then  to  anyone  having  any  character  or 
station";  lastly,  it  came  to  mean  an  individual,  a 
feeling,  thinking  and  acting  being.  For  full  person- 
ality there  must  be  self-consciousness,  with  the 
capability  of  free  thought  and  action — self-deter- 
mination— hence  we  speak  of  personal  character, 
personal  action,  etc.  A  person  is  thus  a  respon- 
sible being,  while  an  animal  is  not.  Personality  is 
distinctive  of  man.  The  personality  is  the  unit  of 
the  entire  rational  being,  perhaps  most  clearly 
represented  by  "the  will";  it  is  that  which  is  deep- 
est in  .man,  belonging,  of  course,  not  to  the  realm 
of  space  or  the  region  of  the  visible,  but  existing  as 
a  spiritual  reality  in  time,  with  a  destiny  beyond  it. 
it  is  the  substance  (hupostasis)  of  the  being,  that 
which  underlies  all  its  manifestations;  hence  the 
rendering  "the  express  image  of  his  person"  in  He 
1  3  AV.  Hupostasis  was  employed  by  the  early  Gr 
Fathers  to  express  what  the  Latins  intended  by  per- 
sona; afterward  prosopon  was  introduced. 

Recent  psychology  has  brought  into  prominence 
elements  in  the  subconscious  realm,  the  relation 
of  which  to  the  personality  is  obscure.  There  seems 
to  be  more  in  each  individual  than  is  normally  ex- 
pressed in  the  personal  consciousness  and  action. 
The  real,  responsible  personality,  however,  is  some- 
thing which  is  always  being  formed.  The  phe- 
nomenon of  double  personality  is  pathological,  as 
truly  the  result  of  brain  disease  as  is  insanity. 

In  the  Bible  man  is  throughout  regarded  as  per- 
sonal, although  it  was  only  gradually  that  the  full 
importance  of  the  individual  as  distinct  from  the 
nation  was  realized.  The  use  of  prosopon  for  "per- 
son" indicates  also  a  more  external  conception  of 
personality  than  the  modern.  With  the  Hebrews 
the  nephesh  was  the  seat  of  personality,  e.g.  "Thou 
wilt  not  leave  my  soul  [nephesh]  to  Sheol"  (Ps  16 
10);  "Thou  hast  brought  up  my  soul  from  Sheol" 
(Ps  30  3).  God  is  also  always  regarded  as  personal 
(who  has  created  man  in  His  own  image),  and 
although  the  representations  seem  often  anthro- 
pomorphic they  are  not  really  such.  The  Divine 
personality  could  only  be  conceived  after  the 
analogy  of  the  human,  as  far  as  it  could  be  definitely 
conceived  at  all;  but  God  was  regarded  as  tran- 
scending, not  only  the  whole  of  Nature,  but  all  that 
is  human,  e.g.  "God  is  not  a  man,  that  he  should  lie" 
(Nu  23  19;  1  S  15  29);  "Canst  thou  by  searching 


Person  of  Christ     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2338 


find  out  God?"  (Job  11  7;  Isa  40  28;  cf  Eccl  3  11; 
8  17,  etc).  In  the  NT  the  personality  of  God  is, 
on  the  warrant  of  Jesus  Himself,  conceived  after  the 
analogy  of  human  fatherhood,  yet  as  transcending 
all  our  human  conceptions:  "How  much  more?" 
(Mt  7  U);  "Who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the 
Lord  ?  or  who  hath  been  his  counsellor  ?"  (Rom  11 
34).  Man  is  body,  soul  and  spirit,  but  God  in 
Himself  is  Spirit,  infinite,  perfect,  ethical  Spirit 
(Mt  5  48;  Jn  4  24).  He  is  forever  more  than  all 
that  is  created,  "For  of  him,  and  through  him,  and 
unto  him,  are  all  things"  (Rom  11  36).  The  human 
personality,  being  spiritual,  survives  bodily  disso- 
lution and  in  Christ  becomes  clothed  again  with  a 
spiritual  body  (Phil  3  21;  1  Cor  15  44). 

W.  L.  Walker 
PERSON  OF  CHRIST: 

Method  of  the  Article 

I.     Tb.^ching   of  Paul 

1.  Phil  2  5-9 

(1)  General  Drift  of  Passage 

(2)  Our  Lord's  Intrinsic  Deity 

(3)  No  Exinanition 

(4)  Our  Lord's  Humanity 

2.  Other  Pauline  Passages 

II.     Teaching  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
He  2  1  £f 

(1)  Background  of  E.xpress  Deitj' 

(2)  Completeness  of  Humanity 

(3)  Continued  Possession  of  Deity 

III.  Teaching  of  Other  Epistles 

IV.  Teaching  of  John 

1.  The  Epistles 

2.  Prologue  to  the  Gospel 

(1)  The  Being  "Who  Was  Incarnated 

(2)  The  Incarnation 

(3)  The  Incarnated  Person 

3.  The  Gospel 

V.     Teaching  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels 
VI.     Teaching  of  Jesus 

1.  'The  Johannine  Jesus 

(1)  His  Higlier  Nature 

(2)  His  Humiliation 

2.  The  Synoptic  Jesus 

(1)  His  Deity 

(a)   Mk  13  32 

(h)   Other  Passages:    Son  of  Man  and  Son 

of  God 
(rt    Mt  11  27;  28   19 

(2)  His  Humanity 

(3)  Unity  of  the  Person 

VII.     The  Two  Natures  Everywhere  Presupposed 
VIII.     Formulation  of  the  Doctrine 
Literature 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  article  to  make  as  clear 
as  possible  the  conception  of  the  Person  of  Christ, 

in  the  technical  sense  of  that  term, 
Method  of  which  lies  on — or,  if  we  prefer  to  say 
the  Article     so,   beneath — the   pages   of   the   NT. 

Were  it  its  purpose  to  trace  out  the 
process  by  which  this  great  mystery  has  been  re- 
vealed to  men,  a  beginning  would  need  to  be  taken 
from  the  intimations  as  to  the  nature  of  the  person 
of  the  Messiah  in  OT  prophecy,  and  an  attempt 
would  require  to  be  made  to  discriminate  the  exact 
contribution  of  each  organ  of  revelation  to  our 
knowledge.  And  were  there  added  to  this  a  desire 
to  ascertain  the  progress  of  the  apprehension  of  this 
mystery  by  men,  there  would  be  demanded  a  further 
inquiry  into  the  exact  degree  of  understanding 
which  was  brought  to  the  truth  revealed  at  each 
stage  of  its  revelation.  The  magnitudes  with  which 
such  investigations  deal,  however,  are  very 
minute;  and  the  profit  to  be  derived  from  them  is 
not,  in  a  case  like  the  present,  very  great.  It  is,  of 
course,  of  importance  to  know  how  the  person  of  the 
Messiah  was  represented  in  the  predictions  of  the 
OT;  and  it  is  a  matter  at  least  of  interest  to  note, 
for  example,  the  difficulty  experienced  by  Our 
Lord's  immediate  disciples  in  comprehending  all 
that  was  involved  in  His  manifestation.  But,  after 
all,  the  constitution  of  Our  Lord's  person  is  a  matter 
of  revelation,  not  of  human  thought;  and  it  is  pre- 
eminently a  revelation  of  the  NT,  not  of  the  OT. 
And  the  NT  is  all  the  product  of  a  single  movement. 


at  a  single  stage  of  its  development,  and  therefore 
presents  in  its  fundamental  teaching  a  common 
character.  The  whole  of  the  NT  was  written 
within  the  limits  of  about  half  a  century;  or,  if  we 
except  the  writings  of  John,  within  the  narrow 
bounds  of  a  couple  of  decades;  and  the  entire  body 
of  writings  which  enter  into  it  are  so  much  of  a  piece 
that  it  may  be  plausibly  represented  that  they  all 
bear  the  stamp  of  a  single  mind.  In  its  funda- 
mental teaching,  the  NT  lends  itself,  therefore,  more 
readily  to  what  is  called  dogmatic  than  to  what  is 
called  genetic  treatment;  and  we  shall  penetrate 
most  surely  into  its  essential  meaning  if  we  take  our 
start  from  its  clearest  and  fullest  statements,  and 
permit  their  light  to  be  thrown  upon  its  more  inci- 
dental allusions.  This  is  peculiarly  the  case  with 
such  a  matter  as  the  person  of  Christ,  which  is  dealt 
with  chiefly  incidentally,  as  a  thing  already  under- 
stood by  all,  and  needing  only  to  be  alluded  to 
rather  than  formally  expounded.  That  we  may 
interpret  these  allusions  aright,  it  is  requisite  that 
we  should  recover  from  the  first  the  common  con- 
ception which  underlies  them  all. 

/.  The  Teaching  of  Pau/.— (1)  General  drift  of 
passage. — We  begin,  then,  with  the  most  didactic  of 

the  N'T  writers,  the  apostle  Paul,  and 
1.  Phil  2:  with  one  of  the  passages  in  which  he 
5-9  most   fully   intimates    his   conception 

of  the  person  of  his  Lord,  Phil  2  5-9. 
Even  here,  however,  Paul  is  not  formally  expound- 
ing the  doctrine  of  the  Person  of  Christ;  he  is  only 
alluding  to  certain  facts  concerning  His  person  and 
action  perfectly  well  known  to  his  readers,  in  order 
that  he  may  give  point  to  an  adduction  of  Christ's 
example.  He  is  exhorting  his  readers  to  unselfish- 
ness, such  unselfishness  as  esteems  others  better 
than  ourselves,  and  looks  not  only  on  our  own  things 
but  also  on  those  of  others.  Precisely  this  un- 
selfishness, he  declares,  was  exemplified  by  Our 
Lord.  He  did  not  look  upon  His  own  things  but 
the  things  of  others ;  that  is  to  say,  He  did  not  stand 
upon  His  rights,  but  was  willing  to  forego  all  that 
He  might  justly  have  claimed  for  Himself  for  the 
good  of  others.  For,  says  Paul,  though,  as  we  all 
know,  in  His  intrinsic  nature  He  was  nothing  other 
than  God,  yet  He  did  not,  as  we  all  know  right  well, 
look  greedily  on  His  condition  of  equality  with  God, 
but  made  no  account  of  Himself,  taking  the  form  of 
a  servant,  being  made  in  the  likeness  of  men;  and, 
being  found  in  fashion  as  a  man,  humbled  Himself, 
becoming  obedient  up  to  death  itself,  and  that,  the 
death  of  the  cross.  The  statement  is  thrown  into 
historical  form;  it  tells  the  story  of  Christ's  life 
on  earth.  But  it  presents  His  life  on  earth  as  a  life 
in  all  its  elements  alien  to  His  intrinsic  nature,  and 
assumed  only  in  the  performance  of  an  unselfish 
purpose.  On  earth  He  lived  as  a  man,  and  sub- 
jected Himself  to  the  common  lot  of  men.  But  He 
was  not  by  nature  a  man,  nor  was  He  in  His  own 
nature  subject  to  the  fortunes  of  human  life.  By 
nature  He  was  God;  and  He  would  have  naturally 
lived  as  became  God — 'on  an  equahty  with  God.' 
He  became  man  by  a  voluntary  act,  'taking  no 
account  of  Himself,'  and,  having  become  man,  He 
voluntarily  lived  out  His  human  life  under  the  con- 
ditions which  the  fulfilment  of  His  unselfish  purpose 
imposed  on  Him. 

(2)  Our  Lord's  intrinsic  Deity. — The  terms  in 
which  these  great  affirmations  are  made  deserve 
the  most  careful  attention.  The  language  in  which 
Our  Lord's  intrinsic  Deity  is  expressed,  for  example, 
is  probably  as  strong  as  any  that  could  be  devised. 
Paul  does  not  say  simply,  "He  was  God."  He 
says,  "He  was  in  the  form  of  God,"  employing  a  turn 
of  speech  which  throws  emphasis  upon  Our  Lord's 
possession  of  the  specific  quality  of  God.  "Form" 
is  a  term  which  expresses  the  sum  of  those  char- 


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acterizing  qualities  whicli  make  a  thing  the  precise 
thing  that  it  is.  Thus,  the  "form"  of  a  sword  (in 
this  case  mostly  matters  of  external  configuration) 
is  all  that  makes  a  given  piece  of  metal  specifically 
a  sword,  rather  than,  say,  a  spade.  And  "the  form 
of  God"  is  the  sum  of  the  characteristics  which  make 
the  being  we  call  "God,"  specifically  God,  rather 
than  some  other  being — an  angel,  say,  or  a  man. 
When  Our  Lord  is  said  to  be  in  "the  form  of  God," 
therefore,  He  is  declared,  in  the  most  express  man- 
ner possible,  to  be  all  that  God  is,  to  possess  the 
whole  fulness  of  attributes  which  make  God  God. 
Paul  chooses  this  manner  of  expressing  himself  here 
instinctively,  because,  in  adducing  Our  Lord  as 
our  example  of  self-abnegation,  hia  mind  is  natu- 
rally resting,  not  on  the  bare  fact  that  He  is  God,  but 
on  the  richness  and  fulness  of  His  being  as  God. 
He  was  all  this,  yet  He  did  not  look  on  His  own 
things  but  on  those  of  others. 

It  should  be  carefully  observed  also  that  in  making 
this  great  affirmation  concerning  Our  Lord,  Paul 
does  not  throw  it  distinctively  into  the  past,  as  if 
he  were  describing  a  mode  of  being  formerly  Our 
Lord's,  indeed,  but  no  longer  His  because  of  the 
action  by  which  He  became  our  example  of  un- 
selfishness. Our  Lord,  he  says,  "being,"  "existing," 
"subsisting"  "in  the  form  of  God" — as  it  is  vari- 
ously rendered.  The  rendering  proposed  by  RVm, 
"being  originally,"  while  right  in  substance,  is 
somewhat  misleading.  The  vb.  employed  means 
"strictly  'to  be  beforehand,'  'to  be  already'  so  and 
so"  (Blass,  Grammar  of  NT_  Greek,  ET,  244),  "to 
be  there  and  ready,"  and  intimates  the  existing 
circumstances,  disposition  of  mind,  or,  as  here, 
mode  of  subsistence  in  which  the  action  to  be  de- 
scribed takes  place.  It  contains  no  intimation, 
however,  of  the  cessation  of  these  circumstances  or 
disposition,  or  mode  of  subsistence;  and  that,  the 
less  in  a  case  Kke  the  present,  where  it  is  cast  in  a 
tense  (the  imperfect)  which  in  no  way  suggests  that 
the  mode  of  subsistence  intimated  came  to  an  end 
in  the  action  described  by  the  succeeding  vb.  (cf 
the  li's,  Lk  16  14.23;  23  50;  Acts  2  30;  3  2; 
2  Cor  8  17;  12  16;  Gal  1  14).  Paul  is  not  tell- 
ing us  here,  then,  what  Our  Lord  was  once,  but 
rather  what  He  already  was,  or,  better,  what  in 
His  intrinsic  nature  He  is ;  he  is  not  describing  a  past 
mode  of  existence  of  Our  Lord,  before  the  action 
he  is  adducing  as  an  example  took  place — although 
the  mode  of  existence  he  describes  was  Our  Lord's 
mode  of  existence  before  this  action — so  much  as 
painting  in  the  background  upon  which  the  action 
adduced  may  be  thrown  up  into  prominence.  He 
is  telling  us  who  and  what  He  is  who  did  these 
things  for  us,  that  we  may  appreciate  how  great  the 
things  He  did  for  us  are. 

(3)  No  exinanilion. — And  here  it  is  important 
to  observe  that  the  whole  of  the  action  adduced  is 
thrown  up  thus  against  this  background — not  only 
its  negative  description  to  the  effect  that  Our  Lord 
(although  all  that  God  is)  did  not  look  greedily  on 
His  (consequent)  being  on  an  equality  with  God; 
but  its  positive  description  as  well,  introduced  by 
the  "but  .  .  .  ."  and  that  in  both  of  its  elements, 
not  merely  that  to  the  effect  (ver  7)  that  'he  took 
no  account  of  himself  (rendered  not  badly  by  AV, 
He  "made  himself  of  no  reputation";  but  quite 
misleading  by  RV,  He  "emptied  himself"),  but 
equally  that  to  the  effect  (ver  8)  that  "he  humbled 
himself."  It  is  the  whole  of  what  Our  Lord  is  de- 
scribed as  doing  in  vs  6-8,  that  He  is  described  as 
doing  despite  His  "subsistence  in  the  form  of  God." 
So  far  is  Paul  from  intimating,  therefore,  that  Our 
Lord  laid  aside  His  Deity  in  entering  upon  His  lii:e 
on  earth,  that  he  rather  asserts  that  He  retained  His 
Deity  throughout  His  life  on  earth,  and  in  the  whole 
course  of  His  humiliation,  up  to  death  itself,  was 


consciously  ever  exercising  self-abnegation,  living  a 
life  which  did  not  by  nature  belong  to  Him,  which 
stood  in  fact  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  life  which 
was  naturally  His.  It  is  this  underlying  implication 
which  determines  the  whole  choice  of  the  language 
in  which  Our  Lord's  earthly  life  is  described.  It  is 
because  it  is  kept  in  mind  that  He  still  was  "in  the 
form  of  God,"  that  is,  that  He  still  had  in  possession 
all  that  body  of  characterizing  qualities  by  which 
God  is  made  God,  for  example,  that  He  is  said  to 
have  been  made,  not  man,  but  "in  the  likeness  of 
man,"  to  have  been  found,  not  man,  but  "in 
fashion  as  a  man";  and  that  the  wonder  of  His 
servanthood  and  obedience,  the  mark  of  servant- 
hood,  is  thought  of  as  so  great.  Though  He  was 
truly  man.  He  was  much  more  than  man;  and  Paul 
would  not  have  his  readers  imagine  that  He  had 
become  merely  man.  In  other  words,  Paul  does  not 
teach  that  Our  Lord  was  once  God  but  had  become 
instead  man;  he  teaches  that  though  He  was  God, 
He  had  become  also  man. 

An  impression  that  Paul  means  to  imply,  that  in 
entering  upon  His  earthly  life  Our  Lord  had  laid 
aside  His  Deity,  may  be  created  by  a  very  prevalent 
misinterpretation  of  the  central  clause  of  his  state- 
ment— a  misinterpretation  unfortunately  given  cur- 
rency by  the  rendering  of  ERV:  "counted  it  not  a 
prize  to  be  on  an  equality  with  God,  but  emptied 
himself,"  varied  without  improvement  in  ARV  to: 
"counted  not  the  being  on  an  equality  with  God 
a  thing  to  be  grasped,  but  emptied  himself."  The 
former  (negative)  member  of  this  clause  means  just: 
He  did  not  look  greedily  upon  His  being  on  an 
equality  with  God;  did  not  "set  supreme  store"  by 
it  (see  Lightfoot  on  the  clause).  The  latter  (posi- 
tive) member  of  it,  however,  cannot  mean  in  an- 
tithesis to  this,  that  He  therefore  "emptied  himself," 
divested  Himself  of  this.  His  being  on  an  equality 
with  God,  much  less  that  He  "emptied  himself," 
divested  Himself  of  His  Deity  ("form  of  God")  itself, 
of  which  His  being  on  an  equality  with  God  is  the 
manifested  consequence.  The  vb.  here  rendered 
"emptied"  is  in  constant  use  in  a  metaphorical  sense 
(so  only  in  the  NT:  Rom  4  14;  1  Cor  1  17;  9  15; 
2  Cor  9  3)  and  cannot  here  be  taken  literally. 
This  is  already  apparent  from  the  definition  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  "emptying"  is  said  to  have 
been  accomplished,  supphed  by  the  modal  clause 
which  is  at  once  attached:  by  "taking  the  form  of  a 
servant."  You  cannot  "empty"  by  "taking" — 
adding.  It  is  equally  apparent,  however,  from  the 
strength  of  the  emphasis  which,  by  its  position,  is 
thrown  upon  the  "himself."  We  may  speak  of  Our 
Lord  as  "emptying  Himself"  of  something  else,  but 
scarcely,  with  this  strength  of  emphasis,  of  His 
"emptying  Himself"  of  something  else.  This 
emphatic  "Himself,"  interposed  between  the_ pre- 
ceding clause  and  the  vb.  rendered  "emptied," 
builds  a  barrier  over  which  we  cannot  climb  back- 
ward in  search  of  that  of  which  Our  Lord  emptied 
Himself.  The  whole  thought  is  necessarily  con- 
tained in  the  two  words,  "emptied  himself,"  in 
which  the  word  "emptied"  must  therefore  be  taken 
in  a  sense  analogous  to  that  which  it  bears  in 
the  other  passages  in  the  NT  where  it  occurs. 
Paul,  in  a  word,  says  here  nothing  more  than 
that  Our  Lord,  who  did  not  look  with  greedy  eyes 
upon  His  estate  of  equality  with  God,  emptied 
Himself,  if  the  language  may  be  pardoned,  of  Him- 
self; that  is  to  say,  in  precise  accordance  with  the  ex- 
hortation for  the  enhancement  of  which  His  example 
is  adduced,  that  He  did  not  look  on  His  own  things. 
'He  made  no  account  of  Himself,'  we  may  fau-ly 
paraphrase  the  clause;  and  thus  all  question  of 
what  He  emptied  Himself  of  falls  away.  What 
Our  Lord  actually  did,  according  to  Paul,  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  clauses;   those  now  before 


Person  of  Christ     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2340 


us  express  more  the  moral  character  of  His  act.  He 
took  "the  form  of  a  servant,"  and  so  was  "made 
in  the  likeness  of  men."  But  His  doing  this  showed 
that  He  did  not  set  overweening  store  by  His  state 
of  equaUty  with  God,  and  did  not  account  Himself 
the  sufficient  object  of  all  the  efforts.  He  was  not 
self-regarding:  He  had  regard  for  others.  Thus  He 
becomes  our  supreme  example  of  self-abnegating 
conduct.     See  also  Kenosis. 

(4)  Our  Lord's  humanity. — The  language  in  which 
the  act  by  which  Our  Lord  showed  that  He  was 
self-abnegating  is  described,  requires  to  be  taken  in 
its  complete  meaning.  He  took  "the  form  of  a 
servant,  being  made  in  the  likeness  of  men,"  says 
Paul.  The  term  "form"  here,  of  course,  bears  the 
same  full  meaning  as  in  the  preceding  instance  of 
its  occurrence  in  the  phrase  "the  form  of  God."  It 
imparts  the  specific  quality,  the  whole  body  of  char- 
acteristics, by  which  a  servant  is  made  what  we 
know  as  a  servant.  Our  Lord  assumed,  then,  ac- 
cording to  Paul,  not  the  mere  state  or  condition  or 
outward  appearance  of  a  servant,  but  the  reality; 
He  became  an  actual  "servant"  in  the  world.  The 
act  by  which  He  did  this  is  described  as  a  "taking," 
or,  as  it  has  become  customary  from  this  description 
of  it  to  phrase  it,  as  an  "assumption."  What  is 
meant  is  that  Oin:  Lord  took  up  into  His  personality 
a  human  nature;  and  therefore  it  is  immediately 
explained  that  He  took  the  form  of  a  servant  by 
"being  made  in  the  likeness  of  men."  That  the 
apostle  does  not  say,  shortly,  that  He  assumed  a 
human  nature,  is  due  to  the  engagement  of  his 
mind  with  the  contrast  which  he  wishes  to  bring 
out  forcibly  for  the  enhancement  of  his  appeal  to 
Our  Lord's  example,  between  what  Our  Lord  is  by 
nature  and  what  He  was  willing  to  become,  not 
looking  on  His  own  things  but  also  on  the  things  of 
others.  This  contrast  is,  no  doubt,  embodied  in  the 
simple  opposition  of  God  and  man ;  it  is  much  more 
pungently  expressed  in  the  qualificative  terms, 
"form  of  God"  and  "form  of  a  servant."  The  Lord 
of  the  world  became  a  servant  in  the  world;  He 
whose  right  it  was  to  rule  took  obedience  as  His 
life-characteristic.  Naturally  therefore  Paul  em- 
ploys here  a  word  of  quality  rather  than  a  word  of 
mere  nature;  and  then  defines  his  meaning  in  this 
word  of  quality  by  a  further  epexegetical  clause. 
This  further  clause — "being  made  in  the  likeness  of 
men" — does  not  throw  doubt  on  the  reality  of  the 
human  nature  that  was  assumed,  in  contradiction 
to  the  emphasis  on  its  reality  in  the  phrase  "the 
form  of  a  servant."  It,  along  with  the  succeeding 
clause — "and  being  found  in  fashion  as  a  man" — 
owes  its  peculiar  form,  as  has  already  been  pointed 
out,  to  the  vividness  of  the  apostle's  consciousness, 
that  he  is  speaking  of  one  who,  though  really  man, 
possessing  all  that  makes  a  man  a  man,  is  yet,  at 
the  same  time,  infinitely  more  than  a  man,  no  less 
than  God  Himself,  in  possession  of  all  that  makes 
God  God.  Christ  Jesus  is  in  his  view,  therefore 
(as  in  the  view  of  his  readers,  for  he  is  not  instruct- 
ing his  readers  here  as  to  the  nature  of  Christ's 
person,  but  reminding  them  of  certain  elements 
in  it  for  the  purposes  of  his  exhortation),  both  God 
and  man,  God  who  has  "assumed"  man  into  per- 
sonal union  with  Himself,  and  has  in  this  His  as- 
sumed manhood  lived  out  a  human  life  on  earth. 

The  elements  of  Paul's  conception  of  the  person 
of  Christ  are  brought  before  us  in  this  suggestive 
passage  with  unwonted  fulness.  But 
2.  Other  they  all  receive  endless  illustration 
Pauline  from  his  occasional  allusions  to  them, 

Passages  one  or  another,  throughout  his  Epp. 
The  leading  motive  of  this  passage,  for 
example,  reappears  quite  perfectly  in  2  Cor  8  9, 
where  we  are  exhorted  to  imitate  the  graciousness 
of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  became  for  our  sakes 


(emphatic)  poor — He  who  was  (again  an  imper- 
fect participle,  and  therefore  without  suggestion  of 
the  cessation  of  the  condition  described)  rich — that 
we  might  by  His  (very  emphatic)  poverty  be  made 
rich.  Here  the  change  in  Our  Lord's  condition  at 
a  point  of  time  perfectly  understood  between  the 
writer  and  his  readers  is  adverted  to  and  assigned 
to  its  motive,  but  no  further  definition  is  given  of 
the  nature  of  either  condition  referred  to.  We  are 
brought  closer  to  the  precise  nature  of  the  act  by 
which  the  change  was  wrought  by  such  a  passage 
as  Gal  4  4.  We  read  that  "When  the  fulness  of  the 
time  came,  God  sent  forth  his  Son,  born  of  a  woman, 
born  under  the  law,  that  he  might  redeem  thern  that 
were  under  the  law."  The  whole  transaction  is 
referred  to  the  Father  in  fulfilment  of  His  eternal 
plan  of  redemption,  and  it  is  described  specifioally 
as  an  incarnation:  the  Son  of  God  is  born  of  a 
woman — He  who  is  in  His  own  nature  the  Son  of 
God,  abiding  with  God,  is  sent  forth  from  God  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  be  born  a  human  being,  subject 
to  law.  The  primary  implications  are  that  this 
was  not  the  beginning  of  His  being;  but  that  before 
this  He  was  neither  a  man  nor  subject  to  law.  But 
there  is  no  suggestion  that  on  becoming  man  and 
subject  to  law.  He  ceased  to  be  the  Son  of  God  or 
lost  anj'thing  intimated  by  that  high  designation. 
The  uniqueness  of  His  relation  to  God  as  His  Son 
is  emphasized  in  a  kindred  passage  (Rom  8  3)  by 
the  heightening  of  the  designation  to  that  of  God's 
"own  Son,"  and  His  distinction  from  other  men  is 
intimated  in  the  same  passage  by  the  declaration 
that  God  sent  Him,  not  in  sinful  flesh,  but  only  "in 
the  likeness  of  sinful  flesh."  The  reality  of  Our 
Lord's  flesh  is  not  thrown  into  doubt  by  this  turn  of 
speech,  but  His  freedom  from  the  sin  which  is  asso- 
ciated with  flesh  as  it  exists  in  lost  humanity  is 
asserted  (cf  2  Cor  5  21).  Though  true  man, 
therefore  (1  Cor  15  21;  Rom  5  21;  Acts  17  31), 
He  is  not  without  differences  from  other  men;  and 
these  differences  do  not  concern  merely  the  condition 
(as  sinful)  in  which  men  presently  find  themselves; 
but  also  their  very  origin :  they  are  from  below.  He 
from  above — 'thefirst  man  is  from  the  earth,  earthy; 
the  second  man  is  from  heaven'  (1  Cor  15  47). 
This  is  His  peculiarity:  He  was  born  of  a  woman 
like  other  men;  yet  He  descended  from  heaven 
(cf  Eph  4  9;  Jn  3  13).  It  is  not  meant,  of  course, 
that  already  in  heaven  He  was  a  man;  what  is 
meant  is  that  even  though  man  He  derives  His 
origin  in  an  exceptional  sense  from  heaven.  Paul 
describes  what  He  was  in  heaven  (but  not  alone  in 
heaven) — that  is  to  say  before  He  was  sent  in  the 
likeness  of  sinful  flesh  (though  not  alone  before  this) 
■ — in  the  great  terms  of  "God's  Son,"  "God's  own 
Son,"  "the  form  of  God,"  or  yet  again  in  words 
whose  import  cannot  be  mistaken,  'God  over  all' 
(Rom  9  5).  In  the  last  cited  passage,  together 
with  its  parallel  earlier  in  the  same  ep.  (Rom  1  3), 
the  two  sides  or  elements  of  Our  Lord's  person  are 
brought  into  collocation  after  a  fashion  that  can 
leave  no  doubt  of  Paul's  conception  of  His  twofold 
nature.  In  the  earlier  of  these  passages  he  tells  us 
that  Jesus  Christ  was  born,  indeed,  of  the  seed  of 
David  according  to  the  flesh,  that  is,  so  far  as  the 
human  side  of  His  being  is  concerned,  but  was  power- 
fully nsarked  out  as  the  Son  of  God  according  to 
the  Spu-it  of  Hohness,  that  is,  with  respect  to  His 
higher  nature,  by  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  which 
in  a  true  sense  began  in  His  own  rising  from  the  dead. 
In  the  later  of  them,  he  tells  us  that  Chi'ist  sprang 
indeed,  as  concerns  the  flesh,  that  is  on  the  human 
side  of  His  being,  from  Israel,  but  that,  despite  this 
earthly  origin  of  His  human  nature.  He  yet  is  and 
abides  (present  participle)  nothing  less  than  the 
Supreme  God,  '^God  over  all  [emphatic],  blessed 
forever."     Thus  Paul  teaches  us  that  by  His  coming 


2341 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Person  of  Christ 


forth  from  God  to  be  born  of  woman,  Our  Lord, 
assurning  a  human  nature  to  Himself,  has,  while 
remaining  the  Supreme  God,  become  also  true  and 
perfect  man.  Accordingly,  in  a  context  in  which 
the  resources  of  language  are  strained  to  the  utmost 
to  make  the  exaltation  of  Our  Lord's  being  clear — 
in  which  He  is  described  as  the  image  of  the  invisible 
God,  whose  being  antedates  all  that  is  created,  in 
whom,  through  whom  and  to  whom  all  things  have 
been  created,  and  in  whom  they  all  subsist — we 
are  told  not  only  that  (naturally)  in  Him  all  the  ful- 
ness dwells  (Col  1  19),  but,  with  complete  expli- 
cation, that  'all  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead  dwells 
in  him  bodily'  (Col  2  9);  that  is  to  say,  the  very 
Deity  of  God,  that  which  makes  God  God,  in  all  its 
completeness,  has  its  permanent  home  in  Our  Lord, 
and  that  in  a  "bodily  fashion,"  that  is,  it  is  in  Him 
clothed  with  a  body.  He  who  looks  upon  Jesus 
Christ  sees,  no  doubt,  a  body  and  a  man;  but  as 
he  sees  the  man  clothed  with  the  body,  so  he  sees 
God  Himself,  in  all  the  fulness  of  His  Deity,  clothed 
with  the  humanity.  Jesus  Christ  is  therefore  God 
"manifested  in  the  flesh"  (1  Tim  3  16),  and  His 
appearance  on  earth  is  an  "epiphany"  (2  Tim  1  10), 
which  is  the  technical  term  for  manifestations  on 
earth  of  a  God.  Though  truly  man.  He  is  never- 
theless also  our  "great  God"  (Tit  2  13). 

//.  Teaching  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. — 
The  conception  of  the  person  of  Christ  which  under- 
lies and  finds  expression  in  the  Ep.  to  the  He  is 
indistinguishable  from  that  which  governs  all  the 
allusions  to  Our  Lord  in  the  Epp.  of  Paul.  To 
the  author  of  this  ep.  Our  Lord  is  above  all  else  the 
Son  of  God  in  the  most  eminent  sense  of  that  word; 
and  it  is  the  Divine  dignity  and  majesty  belonging 
to  Him  from  His  very  nature  which  forms  the  funda- 
mental feature  of  the  image  of  Christ  which  stands 
before  his  mind.  And  yet  it  is  this  author  who, 
perhaps  above  all  others  of  the  NT  writers,  empha- 
sizes the  truth  of  the  humanity  of  Christ,  and 
dwells  with  most  particularity  upon  the  elements 
of  His  human  nature  and  experience. 

(1)  Background  of  express  Deity. — ^The  great 
Christological  passage  wliich  fills  ch  2  of  the  Ep. 

to  the  He  rivals  in  its  richness  and  ful- 
He  2: Iff  ness  of  detail,  and  its  breadth  of  im- 
plication, that  of  Phil  2.  It  is  thrown 
up  against  the  background  of  the  remarkable  expo- 
sition of  the  Divine  dignity  of  the  Son  which  occu- 
pies ch  1  (notice  the  "therefore"  of  2  1).  There  the 
Son  had  been  declared  to  be  "the  effulgence  of  his 
(God's)  glory,  and  the  very  image  of  his  substance," 
through  whom  the  universe  has  been  created  and 
by  the  word  of  whose  power  all  things  are  held  in 
being;  and  His  exaltation  above  the  angels,  by 
means  of  whom  the  Old  Covenant  had  been  inau- 
gurated, is  measured  by  the  difference  between  the 
designations  "ministering  siiirits"  proper  to  the  one, 
and  the  Son  of  God,  nay,  God  itself  (1  8.9),  proper 
to  the  other.  The  purpose  of  the  succeeding  state- 
ment is  to  enhance  in  the  thought  of  the  Jewish 
readers  of  the  ep.  the  value  of  the  salvation  wrought 
by  this  Divine  Saviour;  by  removing  from  their 
minds  the  offence  they  were  in  danger  of  taking  at 
His  lowly  life  and  shameful  death  on  earth.  This 
eartlily  humiliation  finds  its  abundant  justification, 
we  are  told,  in  the  greatness  of  the  end  which  it 
sought  and  attained.  By  it  Our  Lord  has,  with 
His  strong  feet,  broken  out  a  pathway  along  which, 
in  Him,  sinful  man  may  at  length  climb  up  to  the 
high  destiny  which  was  promised  him  when  it  was 
declared  he  should  have  dominion  over  all  creation. 
Jesus  Christ  stooped  only  to  conquer,  and  He 
stooped  to  conquer  not  for  Himself  (for  He  was  in 
His  own  person  no  less  than  God),  but  for  us. 

(2)  Completeness  of  humanity. — The  language 
in  which  the  humiliation  of  the  Son  of  God  is  in  the 


first  instance  described  is  derived  from  the  context. 
The  establishment  of  His  Divine  majesty  in  ch  1 
had  taken  the  form  of  an  exposition  of  His  infinite 
exaltation  above  the  angels,  the  highest  of  all  crea- 
tures. His  humiliation  is  described  here  therefore 
as  being  "made  a  little  lower  than  the  angels"  (2  9). 
What  is  meant  is  simply  that  He  became  man ;  the 
phraseology  is  derived  from  Ps  8  AV,  from  which 
had  just  been  cited  the  declaration  that  God  had 
made  man  (despite  his  insignificance)  "but  a  little 
lower  than  the  angels,"  thus  crowning  him  with  glory 
and  honor.  The  adojition  of  the  language  of  the 
psalm  to  describe  Our  Lord's  humiliation  has  the 
secondary  effect,  accordingly,  of  greatly  enlarging  the 
reader's  sense  of  the  immensity  of  the  humiliation 
of  the  Son  of  God  in  becoming  man :  He  descended 
an  infinite  distance  to  reach  man's  highest  con- 
ceivable exaltation.  As,  however,  the  primary 
purpose  of  the  adoption  of  the  language  is  merely 
to  declare  that  the  Son  of  God  became  man,  so  it  is 
shortly  afterward  explained  (2  14)  as  an  entering 
into  participation  in  the  blood  and  flesh  which  are 
common  to  men:  "Since  then  the  children  are 
sharers  in  flesh  and  blood,  he  also  himself  in  like 
manner  partook  of  the  same."  The  voluntariness, 
the  reality,  the  completeness  of  the  assumption  of 
humanity  by  the  Son  of  God,  are  all  here  empha- 
sized. 

The  proximate  end  of  Our  Lord's  assumption  of 
humanity  is  declared  to  be  that  He  might  die ;  He  was 
"made  a  little  lower  than  the  angels  ....  because 
of  the  suffering  of  death"  (2  9) ;  He  took  part  in 
blood  and  flesh  in  order  "that  through  death  .  .  .  ." 
(2  14).  The  Son  of  God  aa  such  could  not  die; 
to  Him  belongs  by  nature  an  "indissoluble  life" 
(7  16  m).  If  He  was  to  die,  therefore.  He  must 
take  to  Himself  another  nature  to  which  the  ex- 
perience of  death  were  not  impossible  (2  17).  Of 
course  it  is  not  meant  that  death  was  desired  by 
Him  for  its  own  sake.  The  purpose  of  our  passage 
is  to  save  its  Jewish  readers  from  the  offence  of  the 
death  of  Christ.  What  they  are  bidden  to  observe 
is,  therefore,  Jesus,  who  was  made  a  little  lower 
than  the  angels  because  of  the  suffering  of  death, 
'crowned  with  glory  and  honor,  that  by  the  grace 
of  God  the  bitterness  of  death  which  he  tasted 
might  redound  to  the  benefit  of  every  man'  (2  9), 
and  the  argument  is  immediately  pressed  home  that 
it  was  eminently  suitable  for  God  Almighty,  in 
bringing  manjr  sons  into  glory,  to  make  the  Captain 
of  their  salvation  perfect  (as  a  Saviour)  by  means  of 
suffering.  The  meaning  is  that  it  was  only  through 
suffering  that  these  men,  being  sinners,  could  be 
brought  into  glory.  And  therefore  in  the  plainer 
statement  of  ver  14  we  read  that  Our  Lord  took  part 
in  flesh  and  blood  in  order  "that  through  death  he 
might  bring  to  nought  him  that  had  the  power  of 
death,  that  is,  the  devil;  and  might  deliver  all  them 
who  through  fear  of  death  were  all  their  lifetime 
subject  to  bondage";  and  in  the  still  plainer  state- 
ment of  ver  17  that  the  ultimate  object  of  His 
assimilation  to  men  was  that  He  might  "make  pro- 
pitiation for  the  sins  of  the  people."  It  is  for  the 
salvation  of  sinners  that  Our  Lord  has  come  into  the 
world;  but,  as  that  salvation  can  be  wrought  only 
by  suffering  and  death,  the  proximate  end  of  His 
assumption  of  humanity  remains  that  He  might 
die;  whatever  is  more  than  this  gathers  around 
this. 

The  completeness  of  Our  Lord's  assumption  of  human- 
ity and  of  His  identification  of  Himself  with  it  receives 
strong  emphasis  in  this  passage.  He  tooli  part  in  the 
flesh  and  blood  which  is  the  common  heritage  ot  men, 
after  the  same  fasliion  that  other  men  participate  in  it 
(2  14);  and,  having  thus  become  a  man  among  men. 
He  shared  with  other  men  the  ordinary  circumstances 
and  fortunes  of  hfo.  "in  all  things"  (2  17).  The  stress 
is  laid  on  trials,  sufferings,  death;  but  this  is  due  to  the 
actual  course  in  which  His  life  ran— and  that  it  might 


Person  of  Christ     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2342 


run  in  which  He  became  man — and  is  not  exclusive  of 
other  liuman  experiences.  What  is  intended  is  that  He 
became  truly  a  man.  and  lived  a  truly  human  life,  sub- 
ject to  all  the  experiences  natural  to  a  man  in  the  par- 
ticular circumstances  in  which  He  lived. 

(3)  Continued  possession  of  Deity. — It  is  not  im- 
plied, however,  that  during  this  human  life — "the 
days  of  his  flesh"  (5  7) — He  had  ceased  to  be  God, 
or  to  have  at  His  disposal  the  attributes  which  be- 
longed to  Him  as  God.  That  is  already  excluded 
by  the  representations  of  ch  1.  The  glory  of  this 
dispensation  consists  precisely  in  the  bringing  of  its 
revelations  directly  by  the  Divine  Son  rather  than 
by  mere  prophets  (1  1),  and  it  was  as  the  effulgence 
of  God's  glory  and  the  express  image  of  His  sub- 
stance, upholding  the  universe  by  the  word  of  His 
power,  that  this  Son  made  purification  of  sins  (1  3). 
Indeed,  we  are  expressly  told  that  even  in  the  days 
of  the  flesh,  He  continued  still  a  Son  (5  8),  and  that 
it  was  precisely  in  this  that  the  wonder  lay:  that 
though  He  was  and  remained  (imperfect  participle) 
a  Son,  He  yet  learned  the  obedience  He  had  set 
Himself  to  (cf  Phil  2  8)  by  the  things  which  He 
suffered.  Similarly,  we  are  told  not  only  that, 
though  an  Israelite  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  He  pos- 
sessed "the  power  of  an  indissoluble  life"  (7  16  m), 
but,  describing  that  higher  nature  which  gave  Him 
this  power  as  an  "eternal  Spirit"  (cf  "spirit  of 
holiness,"  Rom  1  4),  that  it  was  through  this 
eternal  Spirit  that  He  could  offer  Himself  without 
blemish  unto  God,  a  real  and  sufficing  sacrifice,  in 
contrast  with  the  shadows  of  the  Old  Covenant 
(9  14).  Though  a  man,  therefore,  and  truly  man, 
sprung  out  of  Judah  (7  14),  touched  with  the  feel- 
ing of  human  infu-mities  (4  15),  and  tempted  like  as 
we  are.  He  was  not  altogether  like  other  men.  For 
one  thing,  He  was  "without  sin"  (4  15;  7  26),  and, 
by  this  characteristic,  He  was,  in  every  sense  of  the 
words,  separated  from  sinners.  Despite  the  com- 
pleteness of  His  identification  with  men.  He  re- 
mained, therefore,  even  in  the  days  of  His  flesh 
different  from  them  and  above  them, 

///.  Teaching  of  Other  Epistles. — It  is  only  as  we  carry 
this  conception  of  the  person  of  Our  Lord  with  us — the 
conception  of  Him  as  at  once  our  Supreme  Lord,  to 
whom  our  adoration  is  due,  and  our  fellow  in  the  expe- 
riences of  a  human  life — that  unity  is  induced  in  the 
multiform  aUusions  to  Him  throughout,  whether  the 
Epp.  of  Paul  or  the  Ep,  to  the  He,  or,  indeed,  the  other 
epistolary  literature  of  the  NT,  For  in  tills  matter 
there  is  no  difference  between  those  and  these.  There 
are  no  doubt  a  few  passages  in  these  other  letters  in 
which  a  plurality  of  the  elements  of  the  person  of  Christ 
are  brought  together  and  given  detailed  mention.  In 
1  Pet  3  IS,  for  instance,  the  two  constitutive  elements 
of  His  person  are  spoken  of  in  the  contrast,  familiar  from 
Paul,  of  the  "flesh  '  and  tlic  "spirit."  But  ordinarily  we 
meet  only  witli  references  to  this  or  that  element  sepa- 
rately. Everywhere  Our  Lord  is  spoken  of  as  having 
lived  out  His  life  as  a  man;  but  everywhere  also  He  is 
spoken  of  with  the  supreme  reverence  which  is  duo  to 
God  alone,  and  the  very  name  of  God  is  not  witiiheld 
from  Him.  In  1  Pet  1  11  His  preexistence  is  taken 
for  granted;  in  Jas  2  1  Ho  is  identified  with  the  She- 
kinah,  the  manifested  Jch — 'our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
the  Glory';  in  Jude  ver  4  He  is  "our  only  Master 
[Despot]  and  Lord";  o\er  and  over  again  He  is  the 
Divine  Lord  who  is  Jeh  (e.g,  1  Pet  2  3.13;  2  Pet  3 
2.18);  in  2  Pet  1  1,  He  is  roundly  called  "our  God  and 
Saviour."  There  is  nowhere  formal  inculcation  of  the 
entire  doctrine  of  the  person  of  Christ.  But  everywhere 
its  elements,  now  one  and  now  another,  are  presupposed 
as  the  common  property  of  writer  and  readers.  It  is  only 
in  the  Epp.  of  John  that  this  easy  and  unstudied  pre- 
supposition of  them  gives  way  to  pointed  insistence  upon 
them. 

IV.   Teaching  of  John. — In  the  circumstances  in 
which  he  wrote,  John  found  it  necessary  to  insist 
upon   the  elements  of  the  person  of 
1.  The  Our  Lord — His  true  Deity,  His  true 

Epistles  humanity  and  the  unity  of  His  person 

— in  a  manner  which  is  more  didactic 
in  form  than  anything  we  find  in  the  other  writings 
of  the  NT.  The  great  depository  of  his  teaching  on 
the  subject  is,  of  course,  the  prologue  to  his  Gospel. 


But  it  is  not  merely  in  this  prologue,  nor  in  the 
Gospel  to  which  it  forms  a  fitting  introduction,  that 
these  didactic  statements  are  found.  The  full  em- 
phasis of  John's  witness  to  the  twofold  nature  of  the 
Lord  is  brought  out,  indeed,  only  by  combining  what 
he  says  in  the  Gospel  and  in  the  Epp.  "In  the 
Gospel,"  remarks  Westcott  (on  Jn  20  31),  "the 
evangelist  shows  step  by  step  that  the  historical 
Jesus  was  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God  (opposed  to 
mere  'flesh') ;  in  the  Ep.  he  reaffirms  that  the  Christ, 
the  Son  of  God,  was  true  man  (opposed  to  mere 
'spirit';  1  Jn  4  2)."  What  John  is  concerned  to 
show  throughout  is  that  it  was  "the  true  God" 
(1  Jn  5  20)  who  was  "made  flesh"  (Jn  1  14);  and 
that  this  'only  God'  (Jn  1  18,  RVm  "God  only 
begotten")  has  truly  come  "in  ...  .  flesh"  (1  Jn 
4  2).  In  all  the  universe  there  is  no  other  being  of 
whom  it  can  be  said  that  He  is  God  come  in  flesh 
(cf  2  Jn  ver  7,  He  that  "cometh  in  the  flesh,"  whose 
characteristic  this  is).  And  of  all  the  marvels 
which  have  ever  occurred  in  the  marvelous  history 
of  the  universe,  this  is  the  greatest — that  'what 
was  from  the  beginning'  (1  Jn  2  13.14)  has  been 
heard  and  gazed  upon,  seen  and  handled  by  men 
(1  Jn  1  1). 

From  the  point  of  view  from  which  we  now  ap- 
proach it,  the  prologue  to  the  Gospel  of  John  may 
be  said  to  fall  into  three  parts.  In  the 
2.  Prologue  first  of  these,  the  nature  of  the  Being 
to  the  who  became  incarnate  in   the  person 

Gospel  we  know  as  Jesus  Christ  is  described; 

in  the  second,  the  general  nature  of  the 
act  we  call  the  incarnation;  and  in  the  third,  the 
nature  of  the  incarnated  person.  See  Johannine 
Theology,  III;  John,  Gospel  of,  IV,  1,  (3),  2. 

(1)  The  Being  who  was  incarnated. — John  here 
calls  the  person  who  became  incarnate  by  a  name 
peculiar  to  himself  in  the  NT — the  "Logos"  or 
"Word."  According  to  the  predicates  which  he 
here  applies  to  Him,  he  can  mean  by  the  "Word" 
nothing  else  but  God  Himself,  "considered  in  His 
creative,  operative,  self-revealing,  and  communi- 
cating character,"  the  sum  total  of  what  is  Divine 
(C.  F.  Schmid).  In  three  crisp  sentences  he  de- 
clares at  the  outset  His  eternal  subsistence.  His 
eternal  intercommunion  'with  God,  His  eternal 
identity  with  God:  'In  the  beginning  the  Word 
was;  and  the  Word  was  with  God;  and  the  Word 
was  God'  (Jn  1  1).  "In  the  beginning,"  at  that 
point  of  time  when  things  first  began  to  be  (Gen  1 
1),  the  Word  already  "was."  He  antedates  the 
beginning  of  all  things.  And  He  not  merely  ante- 
dates them,  but  it  is  immediately  added  that  He  is 
Himself  the  creator  of  all  that  is:  'All  things  were 
made  by  him,  and  apart  from  him  was  not  made  one 
thing  that  hath  been  made'  (1  3).  Thus  He  is 
taken  out  of  the  category  of  creatures  altogether. 
Accordingly,  what  is  said  of  Him  is  not  that  He  was 
the  first  of  existences  to  come  into  being — that  'in 
the  beginning  He  already  had  come  into  being' — 
but  that  'in  the  beginning,  when  things  began  to 
come  into  being.  He  already  was.'  It  is  express 
eternity  of  being  that  is  asserted:  "the  imperfect 
tense  of  the  original  suggests  in  this  relation,  as  far 
as  human  language  can  do  so,  the  notion  of  abso- 
lute, supra-temporal  existence"  (Westcott).  This, 
His  eternal  subsistence,  was  not,  however,  in  iso- 
lation: "And  the  Word  was  with  God."  The  lan- 
guage is  pregnant.  It  is  not  merely  coexistence 
^vith  God  that  is  asserted,  as  of  two  beings  standing 
side  by  side,  united  in  a  local  relation,  or  even  in  a 
common  conception.  What  is  suggested  is  an  active 
relation  of  intercourse.  The  distinct  personality 
of  the  Word  is  therefore  not  obscurely  intimated. 
From  all  eternity  the  Word  has  been  with  God  as  a 
fellow :  He  who  in  the  very  beginning  already  "was," 
"was"  also  in  communion  with  God.     Though  lie 


2343 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Person  of  Christ 


was  thus  in  some  sense  a  second  along  with  God,  He 
was  nevertheless  not  a  separate  being  from  God: 
"And  the  Word  was" — still  the  eternal  "was" — 
"God."  In  some  sense  distinguishable  from  God, 
He  was  in  an  equally  true  sense  identical  with  God. 
There  is  but  one  eternal  God;  this  eternal  God,  the 
Word  is;  in  whatever  sense  we  may  distinguish 
Him  from  the  God  whom  He  is  "with,"  He  is  yet 
not  another  than  this  God,  but  Himself  is  this  God. 
The  predicate  "God"  occupies  the  position  of  em- 
phasis in  this  great  declaration,  and  is  so  placed 
in  the  sentence  as  to  be  thrown  up  in  sharp  contrast 
with  the  phrase  "with  God,"  as  if  to  prevent  inade- 
quate inferences  as  to  the  nature  of  the  Word  being 
drawn  even  momentarily  from  that  phrase.  John 
would  have  us  realize  that  what  the  Word  was  in 
eternity  was  not  merely  God's  coeternal  fellow,  but 
the  eternal  God's  self. 

(2)  The  incarnation. — Now,  John  tells  us  that 
it  was  this  Word,  eternal  in  His  subsistence,  God's 
eternal  fellow,  the  eternal  God's  self,  that,  as  "come 
in  the  flesh,"  was  Jesus  Christ  (1  Jn  4  2).  "And 
the  Word  became  flesh"  (Jn  1  14),  he  says.  The 
terms  he  employs  here  are  not  terms  of  substance, 
but  of  personality.  The  meaning  is  not  that  the 
substance  of  God  was  transmuted  into  that  substance 
which  we  call  "flesh."  "The  Word"  is  a  personal 
name  of  the  eternal  God;  "flesh"  is  an  appropriate 
designation  of  humanity  in  its  entirety,  with  the 
implications  of  dependence  and  weakness.  The 
meaning,  then,  is  simply  that  He  who  had  just  been 
described  as  the  eternal  God  became,  by  a  voluntary 
act  in  time,  a  man.  The  exact  nature  of  the  act 
by  which  He  "became"  man  lies  outside  the  state- 
ment; it  was  matter  of  common  knowledge  be- 
tween the  writer  and  the  reader.  The  language  em- 
ployed intimates  merely  that  it  was  a  definite  act, 
and  that  it  involved  a  change  in  the  life-history  of 
the  eternal  God,  here  designated  "the  Word." 
The  whole  emphasis  falls  on  the  nature  of  this 
change  in  His  life-history.  He  became  ^es/i.  That 
is  to  say,  He  entered  upon  a  mode  of  existence  in 
which  the  e.xperiences  that  belong  to  human  beings 
would  also  be  His.  The  dependence,  the  weakness, 
which  constitute  the  very  idea  of  flesh,  in  contrast 
with  God,  would  now  enter  into  His  personal  ex- 
perience. And  it  is  precisely  because  these  are  the 
connotations  of  the  term  "flesh"  that  John  chooses 
that  term  here,  instead  of  the  more  simply  denota- 
tive term  "man."  What  he  means  is  merely  that 
the  eternal  God  became  man.  But  he  elects  to 
say  this  in  the  language  which  throws  best  up  to 
view  what  it  is  to  become  man.  The  contrast  be- 
tween the  Word  as  the  eternal  God  and  the  human 
nature  which  He  assumed  as  flesh,  is  the  hinge  of 
the  statement.  Had  the  evangelist  said  (as  he 
does  in  1  Jn  4  2)  that  the  Word  'came  in  flesh,' 
it  would  have  been  the  continuity  through^  the 
change  which  would  have  been  most  emphasized. 
When  he  says  rather  that  the  Word  became  flesh, 
while  the  continuity  of  the  personal  subject  is,  of 
course,  intimated,  it  is  the  reality  and  the  complete- 
ness of  the  humanity  assumed  which  is  made  most 
prominent. 

(3)  The  incarnated  person. — That  in  becoming  flesh 
the  Word  did  not  cease  to  be  what  He  was  before 
entering  upon  this  new  sphere  of  experiences,  the 
evangelist  does  not  leave,  however,  to  mere  sug- 
gestion. The  glory  of  the  Word  was  so  far  from 
quenched,  in  his  view,  by  His  becoming  flesh,  that  he 
gives  us  at  once  to  understand  that  it  was  rather  as 
"trailing  clouds  of  glory"  that  He  came.^  "And  the 
Worcl  became  flesh,"  he  says,  and  immediately  adds : 
"and  dwelt  among  us  (and  we  beheld  his  glory, 
glory  as  of  the  only  begotten  from  the  Father),  full 
of  grace  and  truth"  (1  14).  The  language  is  colored 
by  reminiscences  from  the  Tabernacle,  in  which  the 


Glory  of  God,  the  Shekinah,  dwelt.  The  flesh  of 
Our  Lord  became,  on  its  assumption  by  the  Word, 
the  Temple  of  God  on  earth  (cf  Jn  2  19),  and  the 
glory  of  the  Lord  filled  the  house  of  the  Lord.  John 
tells  us  expressly  that  this  glory  was  visible,  that  it 
was  precisely  what  was  appropriate  to  the  Son  of 
God  as  such.  "And  we  beheld  his  glory,"  he  says; 
not  divined  it,  or  inferred  it,  but  perceived  it.  It 
was  open  to  sight,  and  the  actual  object  of  obser- 
vation. Jesus  Christ  was  obviously  more  than 
man;  He  was  obviously  God.  His  actually  ob- 
served glory,  John  tells  \i.',  further,  was  a  "glory  as 
of  the  only  begotten  from  the  Father."  It  was 
unique;  nothing  like  it  was  ever  seen  in  another. 
And  its  uniquene.ss  consisted  precisely  in  its  con- 
sonance with  what  the  unique  Son  of  God,  sent 
forth  from  the  Father,  would  naturally  have;  men 
recognized  and  could  not  but  recognize  in  Jesus 
Christ  the  unique  Son  of  God.  When  this  unique 
Son  of  God  is  further  described  as  "full  of  grace  and 
truth,"  the  elements  of  His  manifested  glory  are  not 
to  be  supposed  to  be  exhausted  by  this  description 
(cf  2  11).  Certain  items  of  it  only  are  singled  out 
for  particular  mention.  The  visible  glory  of  the 
incarnated  Word  was  such  a  glory  as  the  unique 
Son  of  God,  sent  forth  from  the  Father,  who  was  full 
of  grace  and  truth,  would  naturally  manifest. 

"That  nothing  should  be  lacking  to  the  declaration 
of  the  continuity  of  all  that  belongs  to  the  Word  as 
such  into  this  new  sphere  of  existence,  and  its  full 
manifestation  through  the  veil  of  His  flesh,  John 
adds  at  the  close  of  his  exposition  the  remarkable 
sentence:  'As  for  God,  no  one  has  even  yet  seen 
him;  God  only  begotten,  who  is  in  the  bosom  of  the 
Father — he  hath  declared  him'  (1  18  m).  It  is  the 
incarnate  Word  which  is  here  called  'only  begotten 
God.'  The  absence  of  the  article  with  this  desig- 
nation is  doubtless  due  to  its  parallelism  with  the 
word  "God"  which  stands  at  the  head  of  the  cor- 
responding clause.  The  eff'ect  of  its  absence  is  to 
throw  up  into  emphasis  the  quality  rather  than  the 
mere  individuality  of  the  person  so  designated. 
The  adj.  "only  begotten"  conveys  the  idea,  not  of 
derivation  and  subordination,  but  of  uniqueness  and 
consubstantiality :  Jesus  is  all  that  God  is,  and  He 
alone  is  this.  Of  this  'only  begotten  God'  it  is 
now  declared  that  He  "is" — not  "was,"  the  state 
is  not  one  which  has  been  left  behind  at  the  incarna- 
tion, but  one  which  continues  uninterrupted  and 
unmodified — "into" — not  merely  "in" — "the  bosom 
of  the  Father" — that  is  to  say,  He  continues  in  the 
most  intimate  and  complete  communion  with  the 
Father.  Though  now  incarnate,  He  is  still  "with 
God"  in  the  full  sense  of  the  external  relation  inti- 
mated in  1  1.  This  being  true,  He  has  much  more 
than  seen  God,  and  is  fully  able  to  "interpret"  God 
to  men.  Though  no  one  has  ever  yet  seen  God,  yet 
he  who  has  seen  Jesus  Christ,  "God  only  begotten," 
has  seen  the  Father  (cf  14  9;  12  45).  _  In  this  re- 
markable sentence  there  is  asserted  in  the  most 
direct  manner  the  full  Deity  of  the  incarnate  Word, 
and  the  continuity  of  His  life  as  such  in  His  incar- 
nate life;  thus  He  is  fitted  to  be  the  absolute  revela- 
tion of  God  to  man. 

This  condensed  statement  of  the  whole  doctrine 
of  the  incarnation  is  only  the  prologue  to  a  his- 
torical treatise.     The  historical  treat- 
3.  The  ise  which  it  introduces,   naturally,  is 

Gospel  written  from  the  point  of  view  of  its 

prologue.  Its  object  is  to  present 
Jesus  Christ  in  His  historical  manifestation,  as 
obviously  the  Son  of  God  in  flesh.  "These  are 
written,"  the  Gospel  testifies,  "that  ye  may  believe 
that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God"  (20  31); 
that  Jesus  who  came  as  a  man  (1  30)  was  thor- 
oughly known  in  His  human  origin  (7  27),  con- 
fessed Himself  man  (8  40),  and  died  as  a  man  dies 


Person  of  Christ     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2344 


(19  5),  was,  nevertheless,  not  only  the  Messiah,  the 
Sent  of  God,  the  fulfiUer  of  all  the  Divme  promises 
of  redemption,  but  also  the  very  Son  of  God,  that 
God  only  begotten,  who,  abiding  in  the  bosom  of 
the  Father,  is  His  sole  adequate  interpreter.  From 
the  beginning  of  the  Gospel  onward,  this  purpose 
is  pursued:  Jesus  is  pictured  as  ever,  while  truly 
man,  yet  manifesting  Himself  as  equally  truly  God, 
until  the  veil  which  covered  the  eyes  of  His  followers 
was  wholly  lifted,  and  He  is  greeted  as  both  Lord  and 
God  (20  28).  But  though  it  is  the  prime  purpose 
of  this  Gospel  to  exhibit  the  Divinity  of  the  man 
Jesus,  no  ofjscuration  of  His  manhood  is  involved. 
It  is  the  Deity  of  the  man  Jesus  which  is  insisted  on, 
but  the  true  manhood  of  Jesus  is  as  prominent  in 
the  representation  as  in  any  other  portion  of  the 
NT.  Nor  is  any  effacement  of  the  humiliation  of 
His  earthly  life  involved.  For  the  Son  of  man  to 
come  from  heaven  was  a  descent  (3  13),  and  the 
mission  which  He  came  to  fulfil  was  a  mission  of 
contest  and  conflict,  of  suffering  and  death.  He 
brought  His  glory  with  Him  (1  14),  but  the  glory 
that  was  His  on  earth  (17  22)  was  not  all  the  glory 
which  He  had  had  with  the  Father  before  the  world 
was,  and  to  which,  after  His  work  was  done.  He 
should  return  (17  5).  Here  too  the  glory  of  the 
celestial  is  one  and  the  glory  of  the  terrestrial  is 
another.  In  any  event,  John  has  no  difficulty  in 
presenting  the  life  of  Our  Lord  on  earth  as  the  life 
of  God  in  flesh,  and  in  insisting  at  once  on  the  glory 
that  belongs  to  Him  as  God  and  on  the  humiliation 
which  is  brought  to  Him  by  the  flesh.  It  is  dis- 
tinctly a  duplex  life  which  he  ascribes  to  Christ,  and 
he  attributes  to  Him  without  embarrassment  all 
the  powers  and  modes  of  activity  appropriate  on 
the  one  hand  to  Deity  and  on  the  other  to  sinless 
(Jn  8  46;  cf  14  30;  1  Jn  3  5)  human  nature.  In 
a  true  sense  his  portrait  of  Our  Lord  is  a  dramatiza- 
tion of  the  God-man  which  he  presents  to  our  con- 
templation in  his  prologue. 

V,  Teaching  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels. — The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  other  Gospels.  They  are  all 
dramatizations  of  the  God-man  set  forth  in  thetical 
exposition  in  the  prologue  to  John's  Gospel.  The 
Gospel  of  Luke,  written  by  a  known  companion  of 
Paul,  gives  us  in  a  living  narrative  the  same  Jesus 
who  is  presupposed  in  all  Paul's  allusions  to  Him. 
That  of  Mark,  who  was  also  a  companion  of  Paul, 
as  also  of  Peter,  is,  as  truly  as  the  Gospel  of  John 
itself,  a  presentation  of  facts  in  the  life  of  Jesus  with 
a  view  to  making  it  plain  that  this  was  the  life  of 
no  mere  man,  human  as  it  was,  but  of  the  Son  of 
God  Himself.  Matthew's  Gospel  differs  from  its 
fellows  mainly  in  the  greater  richness  of  Jesus'  own 
testimony  to  His  Deity  which  it  records.  What  is 
characteristic  of  all  three  is  the  inextricable  inter- 
lacing in  their  narratives  of  the  human  and  Divine 
traits  which  alike  marked  the  life  they  are  depicting. 
It  is  possible,  by  neglecting  one  series  of  their 
representations  and  attending  only  to  the  other, 
to  sift  out  from  them  at  will  the  portrait  of  either  a 
purely  Divine  or  a  purely  human  Jesus.  It  is  im- 
possible to  derive  from  them  the  portrait  of  any 
other  than  a  Divine-human  Jesus  if  we  surrender 
ourselves  to  their  guidance  and  take  off  of  their 
pages  the  portrait  they  have  endeavored  to  draw. 
As  in  their  narratives  they  cursorily  suggest  now 
the  fulness  of  His  Deity  and  now  the  completeness 
of  His  humanity  and  everywhere  the  unity  of 
His  person,  they  present  as  real  and  as  forcible  a 
testimony  to  the  constitution  of  Our  Lord's  person 
as  uniting  in  one  personal  life  a  truly  Divine  and  a 
truly  human  nature,  as  if  they  announced  this  fact 
in  analytical  statement.  Only  on  the  assumption 
of  this  conception  of  Our  Lord's  person  as  under- 
lying and  determining  their  presentation,  can  unity 
be  given  to  their  representations;    while,  on  this 


supposition,  all  their  representations  fall  into  their 
places  as  elements  in  one  consistent  whole.  Within 
the  limits  of  their  common  presupposition,  each 
Gospel  has  no  doubt  its  own  peculiarities  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  its  emphasis.  Mark  lays  particular 
stress  on  the  Divine  power  of  the  man  Jesus,  aa 
evidence  of  His  supernatural  being;  and  on  the 
irresistible  impression  of  a  veritable  Son  of  God,  a 
Divine  being  walking  the  earth  as  a  man,  which  He 
made  upon  all  with  whom  He  came  into  contact. 
Luke  places  his  Gospel  by  the  side  of  the  Ep.  to  the 
He  in  the  prominence  it  gives  to  the  human  devel- 
opment of  the  Divine  being  whose  life  on  earth  it  ia 
depicting  and  to  the  range  of  temptation  to  which 
He  was  subjected.  Matthew's  Gospel  is  notable 
chiefly  for  the  heights  of  the  Divine  self-conscious- 
ness which  it  uncovers  in  its  report  of  the  words  of 
Him  whom  it  represents  as  nevertheless  the  Son  of 
David,  the  Son  of  Abraham;  heights  of  Divine 
self-consciousness  which  fall  in  nothing  short  of 
those  attained  in  the  great  utterances  preserved  for 
us  by  John.  But  amid  whatever  variety  there  may 
exist  in  the  aspects  on  which  each  lays  his  particular 
emphasis,  it  is  the  same  Jesus  Christ  which  all  three 
bring  before  us,  a  Jesus  Christ  who  is  at  once  God 
and  man  and  one  individual  person.  If  that  be  not 
recognized,  the  whole  narrative  of  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  is  thrown  into  confusion;  their  portrait  of 
Christ  becomes  an  insoluble  puzzle;  and  the  mass  of 
details  which  they  present  of  His  life-experiences  is 
transmuted  into  a  mere  set  of  crass  contradictions. 
See  also  Gospels,  The  Synoptic. 

VI.  Teaching  of  Jesus. — The  Gospel  narratives 
not  only  present  us,  however,  with  dramatizations 

of  the  God-man,  according  to  their 
1.  The  authors'  conception  of  His  composite 

Johaimiiie  person.  They  preserve  for  us  also  a 
Jesus  considerable  body  of  the  utterances  of 

Jesus  Himself,  and  this  enables  us  to 
observe  the  conception  of  His  person  which  underlay 
and  found  expression  in  Our  Lord's  own  teaching. 
The  discourses  of  Our  Lord  which  have  been  selected 
for  record  by  John  have  been  chosen  (among  other 
reasons)  expressly  for  the  reason  that  they  bear 
witness  to  His  essential  Deity.  They  are  accord- 
ingly peculiarly  rich  in  material  for  forming  a  judg- 
ment of  Our  Lord's  conception  of  His  higher  nature. 
This  conception,  it  is  needless  to  say,  is  precisely 
that  which  John,  taught  by  it,  has  announced  in  the 
prologue  to  his  Gospel,  and  has  illustrated  by  his 
Gospel  itself,  compacted  as  it  is  of  these  discourses. - 
It  will  not  be  necessary  to  present  the  evidence  for 
this  in  its  fulness.  It  will  be  enough  to  point  to  a 
few  characteristic  passages,  in  which  Our  Lord's 
conception  of  His  higher  nature  finds  esp.  clear 
expression. 

(1)  His  higher  nature. — That  He  was  of  higher 
than  earthly  origin  and  nature.  He  repeatedly 
asserts.  "Ye  are  from  beneath,'  he  says  to  the 
Jews  (8  23),  "I  am  from  above:  ye  are  of  this 
world;  I  am  not  of  this  world"  (cf  17  16).  There- 
fore, He  taught  that  He,  the  Son  of  Man,  had  "de- 
scended out  of  heaven"  (3  13),  where  was  His  true 
abode.  This  carried  with  it,  of  course,  an  assertion 
of  preexistence;  and  this  preexistence  is  explicitly 
affirmed:  "What  then,"  He  asks,  "if  ye  should  behold 
the  Son  of  man  ascending  where  he  was  before  ?" 
(6  62).  It  is  not  merely  preexistence,  however,  but 
eternal  preexistence  which  He  claims  for  Himself: 
"And  now,  Father,"  He  prays  (17  5),  "glorify  thou 
me  with  thine  own  self  with  the  glory  which  I 
had  with  thee  before  the  world  was"  (cf  ver  24); 
and  again,  as  the  most  impressive  language  possible, 
He  declares  (8  58  AV):  "Verily,  verily,  I  say  unto 
you.  Before  Abraham  was,  I  am,"  where  He  claims 
for  Himself  the  timeless  present  of  eternity  as  His 
mode  of  existence.     In  the  former  of  these  two  last- 


2345 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Person  of  Christ 


cited  passages,  the  character  of  His  preexistent  life 
is  intimated;  in  it  He  shared  the  Father's  glory 
from  all  eternity  ("before  the  world  was");  He 
stood  by  the  Father's  side  as  a  companion  in  His 
glory.  He  came  forth,  when  He  descended  to 
earth,  therefore,  not  from  heaven  only,  but  from  the 
very  side  of  God  (8  42;  17  8).  Even  this,  how- 
ever, does  not  express  the  whole  truth;  He  came 
forth  not  only  from  the  Father's  side  where  He  had 
shared  in  the  Father's  glory;  He  came  forth  out  of 
the  Father's  very  being — "I  came  out  from  the 
Father,  and  am  come  into  the  world"  (16  28;  of 
8  42).  "The  connection  described  is  inherent  and 
essential,  and  not  that  of  presence  or  external  fellow- 
ship" (Westcott).  This  prepares  us  for  the  great 
assertion:  "I  and  the  Father  are  one"  (10  30),  from 
which  it  is  a  mere  corollary  that  "He  that  hath  seen 
me  hath  seen  the  Father"  (14  9;  cf  8  19;  12  45). 
(2)  His  humiliation. — In  all  these  declarations 
the  subject  of  the  affirmation  is  the  actual  person 
speaking :  it  is  of  Himself  who  stood  before  men  and 
spoke  to  them  that  Our  Lord  makes  these  immense 
assertions.  Accordingly,  when  He  majestically  de- 
clared, "I  and  the  Father  are"  (plurality  of  persons) 
"one"  (neuter  singular,  and  accordingly  singleness 
of  being) ,  the  Jews  naturally  understood  Him  to  be 
making  Himself,  the  person  then  speaking  to  them, 
God  (10  33;  cf  5  18;  19  7).  The  continued  same- 
ness of  the  person  who  has  been,  from  all  eternity 
down  to  this  hour,  one  with  God,  is  therefore  fully 
safeguarded.  His  earthly  life  is,  however,  distinctly 
represented  as  a  humiliation.  Though  even  on 
earth  He  is  one  with  the  Father,  yet  He  "descended" 
to  earth;  He  had  come  out  from  the  Father  and 
out  of  God;  a  glory  had  been  left  behind  which 
was  yet  to  be  returned  to,  and  His  sojourn  on  earth 
was  therefore  to  that  extent  an  obscuration  of  His 
proper  glory.  There  was  a  sense,  then,  in  which, 
because  He  had  "descended,"  He  was  no  longer 
equal  with  the  Father.  It  was  in  order  to  justify 
an  assertion  of  equality  with  the  Father  in  power 
(10  25.29)  that  He  was  led  to  declare:  "I  and  my 
Father  are  one"  (10  30).  But  He  can  also  declare 
"The  Father  is  greater  than  I"  (14  28).  Obviously 
this  means  that  there  was  a  sense  in  which  He  had 
ceased  to  be  equal  with  the  Father,  because  of  the 
humiliation  of  His  present  condition,  and  in  so  far 
as  this  humiliation  involved  entrance  into  a  status 
lower  than  that  which  belonged  to  Him  by  nature. 
Precisely  in  what  this  humiliation  consisted  can  be 
gathered  only  from  the  general  implication  of  many 
statements.  In  it  He  was  a  "man":  'a  man  who 
hath  told  you  the  truth,  which  I  have  heard  from 
God'  (8  40),  where  the  contrast  with  "God"  throws 
the  assertion  of  humanity  into  emphasis  (cf  10  33). 
The  truth  of  His  human  nature  is,  however,  every- 
where assumed  and  endlessly  illustrated,  rather  than 
explicitly  asserted.  He  possessed  a  human  soul 
(12  27)  and  bodily  parts  (flesh  and  blood,  6  53ff; 
hands  and  side,  20  27);  and  was  subject  alike  to 
physical  affections  (weariness,  4  6,  and  thirst,  19  28, 
suffering  and  death),  and  to  all  the  common  human 
emotions — not  merely  the  love  of  compassion  (13  34; 
14  21;  15  8-13),  but  the  love  of  simple  affection 
which  we  pour  out  on  "friends"  (11  11;  cf  15  14. 
15),  indignation  (11  33.38)  and  joy  (15  11;  17  13). 
He  felt  the  perturbation  produced  by  strong  ex- 
citement (11  33;  12  27;  13  21),  the  sympathy 
with  suffering  which  shows  itself  m  tears  (ll  35), 
the  thankfulness  which  fills  the  grateful  heart  (6  11. 
23;  11  41;  16  27).  Only  one  human  character- 
istic was  alien  to  Him:  He  was  without  sin:  "the 
prince  of  the  world,"  He  declared,  "hath  nothing 
in  me"  (14  30;  cf  8  46).  Clearly  Our  Lord,  as 
reported  by  John,  knew  Himself  to  be  true  God 
and  true  man  in  one  indivisible  person,  the  common 
subject  of  the  quahties  which  belong  to  each. 


(1)  His  Deity.— ia)  Mk  13  32:  The  same  is 
true  of  His  self-consciousness  as  revealed  in  His 

sayings  recorded  by  the  eynoptists. 
2.  The  Perhaps  no  more  striking  illustration 

Synoptic  of  this  could  be  adduced  than  the 
Jesus  remarkable    declaration    recorded    in 

Mk  13  32  (cf  Mt  24  36) :  'But  of  that 
day  or  that  hour  knoweth  no  one,  not  even  the 
angels  in  heaven,  nor  yet  the  Son,  but  the  Father.' 
Here  Jesus  places  Himself,  in  an  ascending  scale  of 
being,  above  "the  angels  in  heaven,"  that  is  to  say, 
the  highest  of  all  creatures,  significantly  marked  here 
as  supramundane.  Accordingly,  He  presents  Him- 
self elsewhere  as  the  Lord  of  the  angels,  whose  be- 
hests they  obey:  "The  Son  of  man  shall  send  forth 
his  angels,  and  they  shall  gather  out  of  his  kingdom 
all  things  that  cause  stimibling,  and  them  that  do 
iniquity"  (Mt  13  41),  "And  he  shall  send  forth  his 
angels  with  a  great  sound  of  a  trumpet,  and  they 
shall  gather  together  his  elect  from  the  four  winds, 
from  one  end  of  heaven  to  the  other"  (Mt  24  31; 
cf  13  49;  25  31;  Mk  8  38).  Thus  the  "angels  of 
God"  (Lk  12  8.9;  15  10)  Christ  designates  as 
His  angels,  the  "kingdom  of  God"  (Mt  12  28; 
19  24;  21  31.43;  Mk  and  Lk  often)  as  His  King- 
dom, the  "elect  of  God"  (Mk  13  20;  Lk  18  7; 
cf  Rom  8  33;  Col  3  12;  Tit  1  1)  as  His  elect. 
He  is  obviously  speaking  in  Mk  13  22  out  of  a  Di- 
vine self-consciousness:  "Only  a  Divine  being  can 
be  exalted  above  angels"  (B.  Weiss).  He  therefore 
designates  Himself  by  His  Divine  name,  "the  Son," 
that  is  to  say,  the  unique  Son  of  God  (9  7;  1  11), 
to  claim  to  be  whom  would  for  a  man  be  blasphemy 
(Mk  14  61.64).  But  though  He  designates  Him- 
self by  this  Divine  name.  He  is  not  speaking  of  what 
He  once  was,  but  of  what  at  the  moment  of  speaking 
He  is:  the  action  of  the  vb.  is  present,  "knoweth." 
He  is  claiming,  in  other  words,  the  supreme  designa- 
tion of  "the  Son,"  with  all  that  is  involved  in  it,  for 
His  present  self,  as  He  moved  among  men:  He  is, 
not  merely  was,  "the  Son."  Nevertheless,  what  He 
affirms  of  Himself  cannot  be  affirmed  of  Himself 
distinctively  as  "the  Son."  For  what  He  affirms  of 
Himself  is  ignorance — "not  even  the  Son"  knows  it; 
and  ignorance  does  not  belong  to  the  Divine  nature 
which  the  term  "the  Son"  connotes.  An  extreme 
appearance  of  contradiction  accordingly  arises  from 
the  use  of  this  terminology,  just  as  it  arises  when 
Paul  says  that  the  Jews  "crucified  the  Lord  of 
glory"  (1  Cor  2  8),  or  exhorts  the  Ephesiau  elders 
to  "feed  the  church  of  God  which  he  purchased  with 
his  own  Ijlood"  (Acts  20  28  m);  or  John  Keble 
praises  Our  Lord  for  "the  blood  of  souls  by  Thee 
redeemed."  It  was  not  the  Lord  of  Glory  as  such 
who  was  nailed  to  the  tree,  nor  have  either  "God" 
or  "souls"  blood  to  shed. 

We  know  how  this  apparently  contradictory  mode  ol 
speech  has  arisen  in  Keble's  case.  He  is  spealiing  of 
men  who  are  composite  beings,  consisting  of  souls  and 
bodies,  and  these  men  come  to  be  designated  from  one 
element  of  their  composite  personalities,  though  what 
is  affirmed  by  them  belongs  rather  to  the  other ;  we  may 
speak,  therefore,  cf  the  "blood  of  souls"  meaning  that 
these  "souls,"  while  not  having  blood  as  such,  yet 
designate  persons  who  have  bodies  and  therefore  blood. 
We  know  equally  how  to  account  for  Paul's  apparent 
contradictions.  We  know  that  he  conceived  of  Our 
Lord  as  a  composite  person,  uniting  in  Himself  a  Divine 
and  a  human  nature.  In  Paul's  view,  therefore,  though 
God  as  such  has  no  blood,  yet  Jesus  Christ  who  is  God 
has  blood  because  He  is  also  man.  He  can  justly  speak, 
therefore,  when  speaking  of  Jesus  Christ,  of  His  blood 
as  the  blood  of  God.  When  precisely  the  same  phe- 
nomenon meets  us  in  Our  Lord's  speech  of  Himself,  we 
must  presume  that  it  is  the  outgrowth  of  precisely  the 
same  state  of  things.  When  He  speaks  of  "the  hon 
(who  is  God)  as  ignorant,  we  must  understand  that  He 
is  designating  Himself  as  "the  Son"  because  of  His 
higher  nature,  and  yet  has  in  mind  the  ignorance  of  His 
lower  nature;  what  He  means  is  that  the  person  properly 
designated  "the  Son"  Is  ignorant,  that  is  to  say  with 
respect  to  the  human  nature  which  is  as  mtimate  an 
element  of  His  personality  as  is  His  Deity. 


Person  of  Christ     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2346 


When  Our  Lord  says,  then,  that  "the  Son  knows 
not, ' '  He  becomes  as  express  a  witness  to  the  two  natures 
which  constitute  His  person  as  Paul  is  when  he  spealis 
of  the  blood  of  God,  or  as  Keble  is  a  witness  to  the  two- 
fold constitution  of  a  human  being  when  he  speaks  of 
souls  shedding  blood.  In  this  short  sentence,  thus,  Our 
Lord  bears  witness  to  His  Divine  nature  with  its  suprem- 
acy above  all  creatures,  to  His  human  nature  with  its 
creaturely  limitations,  and  to  the  unity  of  the  subject 
possessed  of  these  two  natures. 

(6)  Other  passages:  Son  of  Man  and  Son  of  God: 
All  these  elements  of  His  personality  find  severally 
repeated  assertions  in  other  utterances  of  Our  Lord 
recorded  in  the  Synoptics.  There  is  no  need  to  in- 
sist here  on  the  elevation  of  Himself  above  the  kings 
and  prophets  of  the  Old  Covenant  (Mt  12  41  ff), 
above  the  temple  itself  (Mt  12  6),  and  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  Divine  Law  (Mt  12  S);  or  on  His 
accent  of  authority  in  both  His  teaching  and  action, 
His  great  "I  say  unto  you"  (Mt  5  21.22),  T  will; 
be  cleansed'  (Mk  1  41;  2  5;  Lk  7  14);  or  on  His 
separation  of  Himself  from  men  in  His  relation  to 
God,  never  including  them  with  Himself  in  an  "Our 
Father,"  but  consistently  speaking  distinctively  of 
"my  Father"  (e.g.  Lk  24  49)  and  "your  Father" 
(e.g.  Mt  5  16) ;  or  on  His  intimation  that  He  is  not 
merely  David's  Son  but  David's  Lord,  and  that 
a  Lord  sitting  on  the  right  hand  of  God  (Mt  22  44) ; 
or  on  His  parabolic  discrimination  of  Himself  a 
Son  and  Heir  from  air'servants"  (Mt  21  33 ff);  or 
even  on  His  ascription  to  Himself  of  the  purely 
Divine  functions  of  the  forgiveness  of  sins  (Mk  2  8) 
and  judgment  of  the  world  (Mt  25  31),  or  of  the 
purely  Divine  powers  of  reading  the  heart  (Mk  2  8; 
Lk  9  47),  omniijotence  (Mt  24  30;  Mk  14  62)  and 
omnipresence  (Mt  18  20;  28  10).  These  things 
illustrate  His  constant  assumption  of  the  possession 
of  Divine  dignity  and  attributes;  the  claim  itself 
is  more  directly  made  in  the  two  great  designations 
which  He  currently  gave  Himself,  the  Son  of  Man 
and  the  Son  of  God.  The  former  of  these  is  His 
favorite  self-designation.  Derived  from  Dnl  7 
13.14,  it  intimates  on  every  occasion  of  its  employ- 
ment Our  Lord's  eonscioasness  of  being  a  supra- 
mundane  being,  who  has  entered  into  a  sphere  of 
earthly  life  on  a  high  mission,  on  the  accomplishment 
of  which  He  is  to  return  to  His  heavenly  sphere, 
whence  He  shall  in  due  season  come  back  to  earth, 
now,  however,  in  His  proper  majesty,  to  gather 
up  the  fruits  of  His  work  and  consummate  all  things. 
It  is  a  designation,  thus,  which  implies  at  once  a 
heavenly  preexistence,  a  present  humiliation,  and  a 
future  glory;  and  He  proclaims  Himself  in  this 
future  glory  no  less  than  the  universal  King  seated 
on  the  throne  of  judgment  for  quick  and  dead  (Mk 
8  31;  Mt  25  31).  The  unplication  of  Deity  im- 
bedded in  the  designation.  Son  of  Man,  is  perhaps 
more  plainly  spoken  out  in  the  companion  desig- 
nation. Son  of  God,  which  Our  Lord  not  only  ac- 
cepts at  the  hands  of  others,  accepting  with  it  the 
implication  of  blasphemy  in  permitting  its  appli- 
cation to  Himself  (Mt  26  63.65;  Mk  14  61.64; 
Lk  22  29.30),  but  persistently  claims  for  Himself 
both,  in  His  constant  designation  of  God  as  His 
Father  in  a  distinctive  sense,  and  in  His  less  fre- 
quent but  more  pregnant  designation  of  Himself 
as,  by  way  of  eminence,  "the  Son."  That  His  con- 
sciousness of  the  peculiar  relation  to  God  e.xpressed 
by  this  designation  was  not  an  attainment  of  His 
mature  spiritual  development,  but  was  part  of  His 
most  intimate  consciousness  from  the  beginning,  is 
suggested  by  the  sole  glimpse  which  is  given  us 
into  His  mind  as  a  child  (Lk  2  49).  The  high 
significance  which  the  designation  bore  to  Him 
is  revealed  to  us  in  two  remarkable  utterances 
preserved,  the  one  by  both  Matthew  (11  27  ff) 
and  Luke  (10  22  ff),  and  the  other  by  Matthew 
(28  19). 

(-)  Mt  11  27;    28  19:    In  the  former  of  these 


utterances.  Our  Lord,  speaking  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  not  only  presents  Himself,  as  the  Son,  as 
the  sole  source  of  knowledge  of  God  and  of  blessed- 
ness for  men,  but  places  Himself  in  a  position,  not 
of  equality  merely,  but  of  absolute  reciprocity  and  in- 
terpcnetration  of  knowledge  with  the  Father.  "No 
one,"  He  says,  "knoweth  the  Son,  save  the  Father; 
neither  doth  any  know  the  Father,  save  the  Son 
.  .  .  ."  varied  in  Luke  so  as  to  read:  "No  one 
knoweth  who  the  Son  is,  save  the  Father;  and  who 
the  Father  is,  save  the  Son  .  .  .  ."  as  if  the  being 
of  the  Son  were  so  immense  that  only  God  could 
know  it  thoroughly;  and  the  knowledge  of  the  Son 
was  so  unlimited  that  He  could  know  God  to  per- 
fection. The  peculiarly  pregnant  employment 
here  of  the  terms  "Son"  and  "Father"  over  against 
one  another  is  explained  to  us  in  the  other  utter- 
ance (Mt  28  19).  It  is  the  resurrected  Lord's 
commission  to  His  disciples.  Claiming  for  Himself 
all  authority  in  heaven  and  on  earth — which  implies 
the  possession  of  omnipotence — and  promising  to 
be  with  His  followers  'alway,  even  to  the  end  of 
the  world' — which  adds  the  implications  of  omni- 
presence and  omniscience — He  commands  them  to 
baptize  their  converts  'in  the  name  of  the  Father 
and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.'  The  pre- 
cise form  of  the  formula  must  be  carefully  observed. 
It  does  not  read:  'In  the  names'  (plural) — as  if 
there  were  three  beings  enumerated,  each  with  its 
distinguishing  name.  Nor  yet:  'In  the  name  of 
the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,'  as  if  there  were 
one  person,  going  by  a  threefold  name.  It  reads:  'In 
the  name  [singular]  of  the  Father,  and  of  the 
[article  repeated]  Son,  and  of  the  [article  repeated] 
Holy  Ghost,'  carefully  distinguishing  three  persons, 
though  uniting  them  all  under  one  name.  The 
name  of  God  was  to  the  Jews  Jeh,  and  to  name 
the  name  of  Jeh  upon  them  was  to  make  them 
His.  What  Jesus  did  in  this  great  injunction  was 
to  command  His  followers  to  name  the  name  of  God 
upon  their  converts,  and  to  announce  the  name  of 
God  which  is  to  be  named  on  their  converts  in  the 
threefold  enumeration  of  "the  Father"  and  "the 
Son"  and  'the  Holy  Ghost.'  As  it  is  unquestionable 
that  He  intended  Himself  by  "the  Son,"  He  here 
places  Himself  by  the  side  of  the  Father  and  the 
Spirit,  as  together  with  them  constituting  the  one 
God.  It  is,  of  course,  the  Trinity  which  He  is  de- 
scribing; and  that  is  as  much  as  to  say  that  He 
announces  Himself  as  one  of  the  persons  of  the 
Trinity.  This  is  what  Jesus,  as  reported  by  the 
Synoptics,  understood  Himself  to  be.  See  Trinity. 
(2)  His  humanity. — In  announcing  Himself  to 
be  God,  however,  Jesus  does  not  deny  that  He  is 
man  also.  If  all  His  speech  of  Himself  rests  on  His 
consciousness  of  a  Divine  nature,  no  less  does  all 
His  speech  manifest  His  consciousness  of  a  human 
nature.  He  easily  identifies  Himself  with  men  (Mt 
4  4;  Lk  4  4),  and  receives  without  protest  the 
imputation  of  humanity  (Mt  11  19;  Lk  7  34). 
He  speaks  familiarly  of  His  body  (Mt  26  12.26; 
Mk  14  8;  14  22;  Lk  22  19),  and  of  His  bodily 
parts — His  feet  and  hands  (Lk  24  39),  His  head 
and  feet  (Lk  7  44-46),  His  flesh  and  bones  (Lk 
24  39),  His  blood  (Mt  26  28;  Mk  14  24;  Lk  22 
20).  We  chance  to  be  given  indeed  a  very  express 
affirmation  on  His  part  of  the  reality  of  His  bodily 
nature;  when  His  disciples  were  terrified  at  His 
appearing  before  them  after  His  resurrection,  sup- 
posing Him  to  be  a  spirit.  He  reassures  them  with 
the  direct  declaration:  "See  my  hands  and  my  feet, 
that  it  is  I  myself:  handle  me,  and  see;  for  a  spirit 
hath  not  flesh  and  bones,  as  ye  behold  me  having" 
(Lk  24  39).  His  testimony  to  His  human  soul  ia 
just  as  expre.ss:  "My  soul,"  says  He,  "is  exceeding 
sorrowful,  even  unto  death"  (Mt  26  38;  Mk  14 
34).     He  speaks  of  the  human  dread  with  which 


2347 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Person  of  Christ 


He  looked  forward  to  His  approaching  death  (Lk 
12  50),  and  expresses  in  a  poignant  cry  His  sense  of 
desolation  on  the  cross  (Mt  27  46;  Mk  15  34). 
He  speaks  also  of  His  pity  for  the  weary  and  hunger- 
ing people  (Mt  15  32;  Mk  8  2),  and  of  a  strong 
human  desire  which  He  felt  (Lk  22  15).  Nothing 
that  is  human  is  alien  to  Him  except  sin.  He  never 
ascribes  imperfection  to  Himself  and  never  betrays 
consciousness  of  sin.  He  recognizes  the  evil  of 
those  about  Him  (Lk  11  13;  Mt  7  11;  12  34. 
39;  Lk  11  29),  but  never  identifies  Himself  with 
it.  It  is  those  who  do  the  will  of  God  with  whom 
He  feels  kinship  (Mt  12  50),  and  He  offers  Himself 
to  the  morally  sick  as  a  physician  (Mt  9  12).  He 
proposes  Himself  as  an  example  of  the  highest  virtues 
(Mt  11  28  S)  and  pronounces  him  blessed  who  shall 
find  no  occasion  of  stumbling  in  Him  (Mt  11  6). 

(3)  Unity  of  the  Person. — These  manifestations 
of  a  human  and  Divine  consciousness  simply  stand 
side  by  side  in  the  records  of  Our  Lord's  self-expres- 
sion. Neither  is  suppressed  or  even  qualified  by 
the  other.  If  we  attend  only  to  the  one  class  we 
might  suppose  Him  to  proclaim  Himself  wholly 
Divine;  if  only  to  the  other  we  might  equally 
easily  imagine  Him  to  be  representing  Himself  as 
wholly  human.  With  both  together  before  us  we 
perceive  Him  alternately  speaking  out  of  a  Divine 
and  out  of  a  human  consciousness;  manifesting 
Himself  as  all  that  God  is  and  as  all  that  man  is; 
yet  with  the  most  marked  unity  of  consciousness. 
He,  the  one  Jesus  Christ,  was  to  His  own  appre- 
hension true  God  and  complete  man  in  a  unitary 
personal  life. 

VII.  The  Two  Natures  Everywhere  Presupposed. 
■ — There  underlies,  thus,  the  entire  literature  of  the 
NT  a  single,  unvarying  conception  of  the  consti- 
tution of  Our  Lord's  person.  From  Mt  where  He 
is  presented  as  one  of  the  persons  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
(28  19) — or  if  we  prefer  the  chronological  order  of 
books,  from  the  Ep.  of  Jas  where  He  is  spoken  of  as 
the  Glory  of  God,  the  Shekinah  (2  1)— to  the  Apoc- 
alypse where  He  is  represented  as  declaring  that  He 
is  the  Alpha  and  the  Omega,  the  First  and  the  Last, 
the  Beginning  and  the  End  (1  8.17;  22  13),  He 
is  consistently  thought  of  as  in  His  fundamental 
being  just  God.  At  the  same  time  from  the  Synop- 
tic Gospels,  in  which  He  is  dramatized  as  a  man 
walking  among  men.  His  human  descent  carefully 
recorded,  and  His  sense  of  dependence  on  God  so 
emphasized  that  prayer  becomes  almost  His  most 
characteristic  action,  to  the  Epp.  of  John  in  which 
it  is  made  the  note  of  a  Christian  that  He  confesses 
that  Jesus  Christ  has  come  in  flesh  (1  Jn  4  2)  and 
the  Apocalypse  in  which  His  birth  in  the  tribe  of 
Judah  and  the  house  of  David  (5  5;  22  16),  His 
exemplary  life  of  conflict  and  victory  (3  21),  His 
death  on  the  cross  (11  8)  are  noted.  He  is  equally 
consistently  thought  of  as  true  man.  Neverthe- 
less, from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  whole 
series  of  books,  while  first  one  and  then  the  other 
of  His  two  natures  comes  into  repeated  prominence, 
there  is  never  a  question  of  conflict  between  the  two, 
never  any  confusion  in  their  relations,  never  any 
schism  in  His  unitary  personal  action;  but  He  is 
obviously  considered  and  presented  as  one,  coni- 
posite  indeed,  but  undivided  personality.  In  this 
state  of  the  case  not  only  may  evidence  of  the  con- 
stitution of  Our  Lord's  person  properly  be  drawn 
indifferently  from  every  part  of  the  NT,  and  passage 
justly  be  cited  to  support  and  explain  passage  with- 
out reference  to  the  portion  of  the  NT  m  which 
it  is  found,  but  we  should  be  without  justification 
if  we  did  not  employ  this  common  presupposition 
of  the  whole  Isody  of  this  literature  to  illustrate  and 
explain  the  varied  representations  which  meet  us 
cursorily  in  its  pages,  representations  which  might 
easily  be  made  to  appear  mutually  contradictory 


were  they  not  brought  into  harmony  by  their  rela- 
tion as  natural  component  parts  of  this  one  unitary 
conception  which  underlies  and  gives  consistency 
to  them  all.  There  can  scarcely  be  imagined  a 
better  proof  of  the  truth  of  a  doctrine  than  its  power 
completely  to  harmonize  a  multitude  of  statements 
which  without  it  would  present  to  our  view  only 
a  mass  of  confused  inconsistencies.  A  key  which 
perfectly  fits  a  lock  of  very  complicated  wards  can 
scarcely  fail  to  be  the  true  key. 

VIII.  Formulation  of  the  Doctrine. — Meanwhile 
the  wards  remain  complicated.     Even  in  the  case 
of  our  own  composite  structure,  of  soul  and  body, 
familiar  as  we  are  with  it  from  our  daily  experience, 
the  mutual  relations  of  elements  so  disparate  in  a 
single  personality  remain  an  unplumbed  mystery, 
and  give  rise  to  paradoxical  modes  of  speech  which 
would  be  misleading,  were  not  their  source  in  our 
duplex  nature  well  understood.     We  may  read,  in 
careful  writers,  of  souls  being  left  dead  on  battle- 
fields, and  of  everybody's  immortality.     The  mys- 
teries of   the   relations    in  which  the  constituent 
elements  in  the  more  complex  personality  of  Our 
Lord  stand  to  one  another  are  immeasurably  greater 
than  in  our  simpler  case.     We  can  never  hope  to 
comprehend  how  the  infinite  God  and  a  finite  hu- 
manity can  be  united  in  a  single  person;   and  it  is 
very  easy  to  go  fatally  astray  in  attempting  to  ex- 
plain  the   interactions   in   the   unitary   person   of 
natures  so  diverse  from  one  another.     It  is  not  sur- 
prising, therefore,  that  so  soon  as  serious  efforts 
began  to  be  made  to  give  systematic  explanations 
of  the  Bib.  facts  as  to  Our  Lord's  person,  many  one- 
sided and  incomplete  statements  were  formulated 
which  required  correction  and  complementing  before 
at  length  a  mode  of  statement  was  devised  which 
did  full  justice  to  the  Bib.  data.     It  was  accordingly 
only  after  more  than  a  century  of  controversy, 
during  which  nearly  every  conceivable  method  of 
construing  and  misconstruing  the  Bib.  facts  had 
been   proposed   and   tested,   that   a   formula   was 
framed   which   successfully   guarded   the   essential 
data  supplied  by  the  Scriptures  from  destructive 
misconception.     This  formula,  put  together  by  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  451  AD,  declares  it  to  have 
always  been  the  doctrine  of  the  church,  derived  from 
the  Scriptures  and  Our   Lord   Himself,  that  Our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  "truly  God  and  truly  man,  of 
a  reasonable  soul  and  body;    consubstantial  with 
the  Father  according  to  the  Godhead,  and  consub- 
stantial with  us  according  to  the  manhood;   in  all 
things  like  unto  us,  without  sin;  begotten  before  all 
ages  of  the  Father  according  to  the  Godhead,  and 
in  these  latter  days,  for  us  and  for  our  salvation, 
born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  the  Mother  of  God,  accord- 
ing to  the  manhood;  one  and  the  same  Christ,  Son, 
Lord,  Only-begotten,  to  be  acknowledged  in  two 
natures    inconfusedly,    unchangeably,    indivisibly, 
inseparably;    the  distinction  of  natures  being  by 
no  means  taken  away  by  the  union,  but  rather  the 
property  of  each  nature  being  preserved,  and  con- 
curring in  one  Person  and  one  subsistence,  not  parted 
or  divided  into  two  persons,  but  one  and  the  same 
Son,  and  Only-begotten,  God,  the  Word,  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ."     There  is  nothing  here  but  a  careful 
statement  in  systematic  form  of  the  pure  teaching 
of  the  Scriptures;   and  therefore  this  statement  has 
stood  ever  since  as  the  norm  of  thought  and  teach- 
ing as  to  the  person  of  the  Lord.     As  such,  it  has 
bee.n  incorporated,  in  one  form  or  another,  into  the 
creeds  of  all  the  great  branches  of  the  church;    it 
underlies  and  gives  their  form  to  all  the  allusions  to 
Christ  in  the  great  mass  of  preaching  and  song  which 
has  accumulated  during  the  centuries;    and  it  has 
supplied  the  background  of  the  devotions  of  the 
untold  multitudes  who  through  the  Christian  ages 
have  been  worshippers  of  Christ. 


Personality 
Peter,  Simon 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2348 


Literature. — The  appropriate  sections  in  ttie  treat- 
ises on  tiie  Bib.  theology  of  the  NT;  also  A.  B.  Bruce. 
The  Humiliation  of  Christ.  2d  ed,  Edinburgh,  1881;  R. 
L.  Ottley,  The  Doctrine  of  the  Incarnation,  London. 
1896;  H.  C.  Powell,  The  Principle  of  the  Incarnation, 
London,  1896;  Francis  J.  Hall,  The  Kenotic  Theory, 
New  York,  1898;  C.  A.  Briggs,  The  Incarnation  of  the 
Lord,  New  Yorli,  1902;  G.  S.  Streatfeild,  The  Self- 
Interpretation  of  Jesus  Christ,  London,  1906;  B.B.  "War- 
field,  The  Lord  of  Glory,  New  York,  1907;  James  Denney, 
Jesus  and  the  Gospel,  London,  1909;  M.  Lepin.  Christ  and 
the  Gospel:  or,  Jesus  the  Messiah  and  Son  of  God,  Phila- 
delphia, 1910;  James  Stalker,  The  Christolooy  of  Jesus, 
New  York,  1899;  D.  Somerville,  St.  Paul's  Conception  of 
Christ,  Edinburgh,  1897;  E.  H.  GlCford,  The  Incarnation: 
a  Study  of  Phil  2  5-11.  London,  1897;  S.  N.  Bostron, 
The  Christology  of  St.  Paul,  London,  1912;  E.  Digges  La 
Touche,  The  Person  of  Christ  in  Modern  Thoughts, 
London,  1912. 

[Note. — In  this  art.  the  author  has  usually  given  his 
own  translation  ol  quotations  from  Scripture,  and  not 
that  ol  any  particular  VS.] 

Benjamin  B.  Warfield 

PERSONALITY.    See  Person. 

PERSUADE,  per-swad',  PERSUASION,  per-swa'- 

zhun:  (1)  In  the  older  Eng.  "persuade"  need  not 
mean  "convince"  (although  this  is  its  usual  sense 
in  the  AV:  Mt  27  20,  etc),  but  may  mean  only 
"attempt  to  convince,"  "argue  with."  This  is  well 
brought  out  in  Acts  26  28,  where  the  Gr  is  lit.  "In 
little  thou  'persuadest'  [ireWeis,  peitheis]  to  make 
me  a  Christian."  AV  took  peitheis  as  "convince" 
("almost  thou  persuadest  me  .  .  .  ."),  but  this  is 
impossible,  and  so  the  RV  rendered  peitheis  by  "thou 
wouldest  fain."  To  keep  something  of  the  language 
of  AV,  "persuasion"  was  supplied  after  "little," 
but  it  should  have  been  italicized,  for  it  is  merely 
conjectural,  as  ARVm  recognizes  by  giving  "time" 
as  an  alternative  for  "persuasion."  The  text  of  the 
passage,  however,  is  suspected.  See  Almost. 
Similarly  in  Acts  13  43,  RV  replaces  "persuade" 
by  "urge,"  and  the  same  change  should  have  been 
made  also  in  2  K  18  32  and  H's.  (2)  The  "popular 
persuasions"  of  1  Esd  5  73  are  "efforts  to  persuade 
the  people"  (uncertain  text,  however).  Acts  19  8 
AV  writes  "persuading  the  things"  (RV  "as  to  the 
things")  for  "present  the  things  persuasively."  And 
in  Gal  1  10  (ERV  and  AV,  not  in  ARV)  and  2  Cor 
6  11,  there  is  a  half-ironic  force  in  the  word:  St. 
Paul's  enemies  have  accused  him  of  using  unworthy 
persuasion  in  making  his  conversions. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PERUDA,  pe-roo'da  (S-n~l? ,  p'rOdha').     See  Pe- 


PER VERSE,  per-vUrs':  The  group  "perverse, 
-ly,  -ness,"  "act  perversely"  in  AV  represents  nearly 
20  Heb  words,  of  which,  however,  most  are  deriva- 
tives of  the  stems  "Tl^,  '■awah,  Tib,  luz,  TCp^ ,  'aJcash. 
RV  has  made  few  changes.  In  Job  6  30,  RV 
"mischievous"  is  better  for  the  taste  of  a  thing,  and 
in  Isa  59  3  greater  emphasis  is  gained  by  RV 
"wickedness."  luEzk  9  9,  "wresting  of  judgment" 
is  perhaps  too  concrete,  and  "perverseness"  is  kept 
in  the  m  (inverted  in  AV).  RVm  "headlong"  in  Nu 
22  32  is  over-literal,  but  in  23  21  ARVm's  "trouble" 
is  a  distinct  improvement. 

PESTILENCE,  pes'ti-lens  (ll'n,  defe^er;  Xoi|i6s, 
loimos):  Any  sudden  fatal  epidemic  is  designated 
by  this  word,  and  in  its  Bib.  use  it  generally  indi- 
cates that  these  are  Divine  visitations.  The  word 
is  most  frequently  used  in  the  prophetic  books,  and 
it  occurs  25  t  in  Jer  and  Ezk,  always  associated  with 
the  sword  and  famine.  In  4  other  passages  it  is 
combined  with  noisome  or  evil  beasts,  or  war.  In 
Am  4  10  this  judgment  is  compared  with  the 
plagues  of  EgjT^t,  and  in  Hab  3  5  it  is  a  concomi- 
tant of  the  march  of  God  from  the  Arabian  moun- 
tain. There  is  the  same  judicial  character  asso- 
ciated with  pestilence  in  Ex  5  3;   9  15;    Lev  26 


25;  Nu  14  12;  Dt  28  21;  2  S  24  21;  1  Ch  21 
12;  Ezk  14  19.21.  In  the  dedication  prayer  of 
Solomon,  a  special  value  is  besought  for  such  peti- 
tions against  pestilence  as  may  be  presented  toward 
the  temple  (2  Ch  6  28).  Such  a  deliverance  is 
promised  to  those  who  put  their  trust  in  God  (Ps 
91  6).  Here  the  pestilence  is  called  _  noisome,  a 
shortened  form  of  "annoysome,"  used  in  the  sense 
of  "hateful"  or  that  which  causes  trouble  or  distress. 
In  modern  Eng.  it  has  acquired  the  sense  of  loath- 
some. "Noisome"  is  used  by  Tindale  where  AV 
and  RV  have  "hurtful"  in  1  Tim  6  9. 

The  Lat  word  pestilentia  is  connected  with  pestis, 
"the  plague,"  but  pestilence  is  used  of  any  visita- 
tion and  is  not  the  name  of  any  special  disease; 
debher  is  applied  to  diseases  of  cattle  and  is  tr"*  "mur- 
rain." 

In  the  NT  pestilence  is  mentioned  in  Our  Lord's 
eschatological  discourse  (Mt  24  7  AV;  Lk  21  11) 
coupled  with  famine.  The  assonance  of  loimos  and 
limos  in  these  passages  {loimos  is  omitted  in  the 
RV  passage  for  Mt)  occurs  in  several  classical  pas- 
sages, e.g.  Herodotus  vii.171.  The  pestilence  is 
said  to  walk  in  darkness  (Ps  91  6)  on  account  of  its 
sudden  onset  out  of  obscurity  unassociated  with 
any  apparent  cause.  Alex.  Macalistek 

PESTLE,  pes"l  Cb? ,  'eli) :  A  rounded  implement 
of  wood  or  stone  used  for  pounding,  bruising,  or 
powdering  materials  in  a  mortar.  Used  only  in 
Prov  27  22.     See  Mortar. 

PETER,  pe'ter  (SIMON,  si'mon): 

1.  Name  and  Early  Career 

2.  First  Appearance  in  Gospel  History 

3.  Lile-Story 

(1)  First  Period 

(2)  Second  Period 

4.  Character 

5.  Writings 

(1)  First  Epistle 

(2)  Second  Epistle 

6.  Theology 

(1)  Messianic  Teaching 

(2)  Justification 

(3)  Redemption 

(4)  Future  Lite 

(5)  Holy  Scripture 

(6)  Apostasy  and  Judgment 

(7)  Second  Coming  of  Christ 
Literature 

The  data  for  this  article  are  found  chiefly  in  the 
four  Gospels;  in  Acts,  chs  1-15;  in  Gal  1  and  2; 
and  in  the  two  Epp.  of  Peter. 

Simon   (or  Simeon)   was   the   original   name   of 

Peter,  the  son  of  Jonas  (or  John),  and  brother  of 

Andrew,  a  disciple  of  John  the  Baptist, 

1.  Name  as  Peter  also  may  have  been.  Afisher- 
and  Early  man  by  occupation,  he  was  an  inhabit- 
Career  ant  of  Bethsaida  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 

though  subsequently  he  dwelt  with 
his  family  at  Capernaum  (Mt  4  18;  8  14;  10  2; 
16  16.17;  17  25;  Mk  1  16.29..30.36;  Lk  5  3.4. 
5.8.10;   22  31;   24  34;   Jn  1  40-44). 

His  first  appearance  in  Gospel  history  is  in  Jn  1 
35-42,  when  Andrew,  having  discovered  Jesus  to 

be  the  Messiah,  "first  findeth  his  own 

2.  First  brotherSimon,"  and  "brought  him  unto 
Appearance  Jesus";  on  which  occasion  it  was  that 
in  Gospel  the  latter,  beholding  him,  said,  "Thou 
History  shalt  be  called  Cephas,"  an  Aram,  sur- 
name whose  Gr  synonym  is  Petrds,  or 

Peter,  meaning  "a  rook"  or  "stone."  At  this  time 
also  he  received  his  first  call  to  the  discipleship  of 
Jesus,  although,  in  common  with  that  of  others  of 
the  Twelve,  this  call  was  twice  repeated.  See  Mt  4 
19;  Mk  1  17;  Lk  5  3  for  the  second  call,  and  Mt 
10  2;  Mk  3  14.16;  Lk  6  13.14  for  the  third. 
Some  interpret  the  second  as  that  when  he  was 
chosen  to  be  a  constant  companion  of  Jesus,  and  the 
third  when  he  was  at  length  selected  as  an  apostle.   ■ 


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Personality 
Peter,  Simon 


The  jife-story  of  Peter  falls  into  two  parts:  first, 
from  his  call  to  the  ascension  of  Christ;  secondly, 
from  that  event  to  the  close   of  his 
3.  Life-  earthly  career. 

Story  (1)   The  first  period  again   may  be 

conveniently  divided  into  the  events 
prior  to  the  Passion  of  Christ  and  those  following. 
There  are  about  ten  of  the  former:  the  healing  of  his 
wife's  mother  at  Capernaum  (Mt  8  14  ff);  the 
great  draught  of  fishes,  and  its  effect  in  his  self- 
abasement  and  surrender  of  his  all  to  Jesus  (Lk  5 
1-11) ;  his  call  to  the  apostolic  office  and  his  spiritual 
equipment  therefor  (Mt  10  2);  his  attachment 
to  his  Master,  as  shown  in  his  attempt  to  walk  upon 
the  waves  (Mt  14  28);  the  same  attachment  as 
shown  at  a  certain  crisis,  in  his  inquiry  "Lord,  to 
whom  shall  we  go?"  (Jn  6  68);  his  noble  confession 
of  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God, 
and,  alas,  the  rebuke  that  followed  it  (Mt  16  13- 
23);  the  exalted  privileges  he  enjoyed  with  James 
and  John  as  witness  of  the  raising  of  Jairus'  daughter 
(Mk  6  37)  and  the  transfiguration  of  his  Lord  (Mt 
17  1-5);  and  finally,  the  incident  of  the  tribute 
money,  found  only  in  Mt  17  24. 

The  events  beginning  at  the  Passion  are  more 
easily  recalled,  because  to  so  large  an  extent  are  they 
found  in  all  the  Gospels  and  about  in  the  same  order. 
They  commence  with  the  washing  of  his  feet  by  the 
Master  at  the  time  of  the  last  Passover,  and  the  two 
mistakes  he  made  as  to  the  spiritual  import  of  that 
act  (Jn  13  1-10);  the  first  of  his  presumptuous 
boastings  as  to  the  strength  of  his  devotion  to  his 
Master,  and  the  warning  of  the  latter  as  to  Satan's 
prospective  assault  upon  him  (Lk  22  31-34),  twice 
repeated  before  the  betrayal  in  Gethsemane  (Mt 
26  31-35);  the  admission  to  the  garden  to  behold 
the  Saviour's  deepest  distress,  the  charge  to  watch 
and  pray,  and  the  failure  to  do  so  through  sleepi- 
ness (Mt  26  36-46);  the  mistaken  courage  in 
severing  the  ear  of  Malchus  (Jn  18  10-12);  the 
forsaking  of  his  Lord  while  the  latter  was  being  led 
away  as  a  prisoner,  his  following  Him  afar  off,  his 
admission  into  the  high  priest's  palace,  his  denial 
"before  them  all,"  his  confirmation  of  it  by  an  oath, 
his  remembrance  of  the  warning  when  "the  Lord 
turned  and  looked  upon  Peter,"  and  his  tears  of 
bitterness  as  he  went  out  (Mt  26  56-58;  Mk  14 
66-72;  Lk  22  54-62;  Jn  18  15-27). 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  story  of  Peter's  fall  is  thus 
related  by  all  the  evangelists,  but,  to  quote  another, 
"None  have  described  it  in  a  more  heinous  light 
than  Mark;  and  if,  as  is  generally  supposed,  that 
Gospel  was  reviewed  by  Peter  himself  and  even 
written  under  his  direction,  this  circumstance  may 
be  considered  as  an  evidence  of  his  integrity  and 
sincere  contrition." 

Nothing  more  is  heard  of  Peter  until  the  morning 
of  the  resurrection,  when,  on  the  first  tidings  of  the 
event,  he  runs  with  John  to  see  the  tomb  (Jn  20 
1-10);  his  name  is  esp.  mentioned  to  the  women 
by  the  angel  (Mk  16  7) ;  and  on  the  same  day  he 
sees  Jesus  alive  before  any  of  the  rest  of  the  Twelve 
(Lk  24  34;  1  Cor  15  5).  Subsequently,  at  the  Sea 
of  Tiberias,  Peter  is  given  an  opportunity  for  a 
threefold  confession  of  Jesus  whom  he  had  thrice 
denied,  and  is  once  more  assigned  to  the  apostolic 
office;  a  prediction  follows  as  to  the  kind  of  death 
he  should  die,  and  also  a  command  to  follow  his 
Lord  (Jn  21). 

(2)  The  second  period,  from  the  ascension  of 
Christ  to  the  conversion  of  Paul,  is  more  briefly 
sketched.  After  the  ascension,  of  which  Peter  was 
doubtless  a  witness,  he  "stood  up  in  the  midst  of 
the  brethren"  in  the  upper  room  in  Jerus  to  counsel 
the  choice  of  a  successor  to  Judas  (Acts  1  15-26). 
On  the  day  of  Pentecost  he  preaches  the  first  gospel 
sermon  (Acts  2),  and  later,  in  company  with  John, 


instrumentally  heals  the  lame  man,  addresses  the 
people  in  the  Temple,  is  arrested,  defends  himself 
before  the  Sanhedrin  and  returns  to  his  "own 
company"  (Acts  3,  4).  He  is  again  arrested  and 
beaten  (ch  5) ;  after  a  time  he  is  sent  by  the  church 
at  Jerus  to  communicate  the  Holy  Ghost  to  the 
disciples  at  Samaria  (ch  8).  Returning  to  Jerus 
(where  presumably  Paul  visits  him.  Gal  1  18),  he 
afterward  journeys  "throughout  all  parts,"  heals 
Aeneas  at  Lydda^  raises  Dorcas  from  the  dead  at 
Joppa,  sees  a  vision  upon  the  housetop  which  in- 
fluences him  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  gentile 
centurion  at  Caesarea,  and  explains  this  action 
before  "the  apostles  and  the  brethren  that  were  in 
Judaea"  (9  32-41;  ch  11). 

After  a  while  another  persecution  arose  against 
the  church,  and  Herod  Agrippa,  having  put  James 
to  death,  imprisons  Peter  with  the  thought  of  exe- 
cuting him  also.  Prayer  is  made  by  the  church  on 
his  behalf,  however,  and  miraculous  deliverance  is 
given  him  (ch  12).  Retiring  for  a  while  from  public 
attention,  he  once  more  comes  before  us  m  the 
church  council  at  Jerus,  when  the  question  is  to  be 
settled  as  to  whether  works  are  needful  to  salvation, 
adding  his  testimony  to  that  of  Paul  and  Barnabas 
in  favor  of  justification  by  faith  only  (ch  15). 

Subsequently  he  is  found  at  Antioch,  and  having 
fellowship  with  gentile  Christians  until  "that  cer- 
tain came  from  James,"  when  "he  drew  back  and 
separated  himself,  fearing  them  that  were  of  the  cir- 
cumcision," for  which  dissembling  Paul  "resisted 
him  to  the  face,  because  he  stood  condemned"  (Gal 
2  11-14). 

Little  more  is  authentically  known  of  Peter,  ex- 
cept that  he  traveled  more  or  less  extensively,  being 
accompanied  by  his  wife  (1  Cor  9  5),  and  that  he 
wrote  two  epp.,  the  second  of  which  was  penned  as 
he  approached  the  end  of  his  life  (2  Pet  1  12-15). 

The  tradition  is  that  he  died  a  martyr  at  Rome 
about  67  AD,  when  about  75  years  old.  His  Lord 
and  Master  had  predicted  a  violent  death  for  him 
(Jn  21  18.19),  which  it  is  thought  came  to  pass  by 
crucifixion  under  Nero.  It  is  said  that  at  his  own 
desire  he  was  crucified  head  downward,  feeling  him- 
self unworthy  to  resemble  his  Master  in  his  death. 

It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  the  tradi- 
tion that  he  visited  Rome  is  only  tradition  and 
nothing  more,  resting  as  it  does  partly  upon  a  mis- 
calculation of  some  of  the  early  Fathers,  "who 
assume  that  he  went  to  Rome  in  42  AD,  immedi- 
ately after  his  deliverance  from  prison"  (cf  Acts  12 
17).  Schaff  says  this  "is  irreconcilable  with  the 
silence  of  Scripture,  and  even  with  the  mere  fact 
of  Paul's  Ep.  to  the  Rom,  written  in  58,  since  the 
latter  says  not  a  word  of  Peter's  previous  labors  in 
that  city,  and  he  himself  never  built  on  other  men's 
foundations"  (Rom  15  20;  2  Cor  10  15.16). 

The  character  of  Peter  is  transparent  and  easily 
analyzed,  and  it  is  doubtless  true  that  no  other  "in 
Scriptural  history  is  drawn  for  us  more 
4.  His  clearly   or   strongly."     He   has    been 

Character  styled  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and, 
indeed,  seems  to  have  been  their  leader 
on  every  occasion.  He  is  always  named  first  in 
every  list  of  them,  and  was  their  common  spokes- 
man. He  was  hopeful,  bold,  confident,  courageous, 
frank,  impulsive,  energetic,  vigorous,  strong,  and 
loving,  and  faithful  to  his  Master  notwithstanding 
his  defection  prior  to  the  crucifixion.  It  is  true 
that  he  was  liable  to  change  and  inconsistency,  and 
because  of  his  peculiar  temperament  he  sometimes 
appeared  forward  and  rash.  Yet,  as  another  says, 
"His  virtues  and  faults  had  their  common  root  in 
his  enthusiastic  disposition,"  and  the  latter  were 
at  length  overruled  by  Divine  grace  into  the  most 
beautiful  humility  and  meekness,  as  evinced  in  his 
two  Epp. 


Peter,  Simon 
Peter,  First  Ep.  of 


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The  leadership  above  referred  to,  however,  should 
not  lead  to  the  supposition  that  he  possessed  any 
supremacy  over  the  other  apostles,  of  which  there 
is  no  proof.  Such  supremacy  was  never  conferred 
upon  him  by  his  Master,  it  was  never  claimed  by 
himself,  and  was  never  conceded  by  his  associates. 
See  in  this  connection  Mt  23  8-12;  Acts  15  13.14; 
2  Cor  12  11;   Gal  2  11. 

It  is  true  that  when  Christ  referred  to  the  mean- 
ing of  his  name  (Mt  16  18),  He  said,  "Upon  this 
rock  I  will  build  my  church,"  but  He  did  not  intend 
to  teach  that  His  church  would  be  built  upon  Peter, 
but  upon  Himself  as  confessed  by  Peter  in  ver  16 
of  the  same  chapter.  Peter  is  careful  to  affirm  this 
in  the  first  of  his  two  Epp.  (2  4-9).  Moreover, 
when  Christ  said,  "I  will  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of 
the  kingdom  of  heaven,"  etc  (Mt  16  19),  He  in- 
vested him  with  no  power  not  possessed  in  common 
with  his  brethren,  since  they  also  afterward  received 
the  same  commission  (Mt  18  18;  Jn  20  23).  A 
key  is  a  badge  of  power  or  authority,  and,  as  many 
Protestant  commentators  have  pointed  out,  to 
quote  the  language  of  one  of  them,  "the  apostolic 
history  explains  and  limits  this  trust,  for  it  was 
Peter  who  opened  the  door  of  the  gospel  to  Israel 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost  (Acts  2  38-42)  and  to  the 
Gentiles  in  the  house  of  Cornelius  (Acts  10  34-46)." 
Some,  however,  regard  this  authority  as  identical 
with  the  great  commission  (Mt  28  19).  See  Keys, 
Power  of  the. 

The  two  Epp.  of  Peter  were  written  presumably 
late  in  life,  as  appears  esp.  of  the  Second  (1  12-15). 
Both  were  addressed  to  the  same  class 
5.  His  of  persons,   chiefly  Jewish  Christians 

Writings  scattered  abroad  in  the  different  prov- 
inces of  Asia  Minor,  among  whom 
Paul  and  his  associates  had  planted  the  gospel  (1 
Pet  1  1.2;  2  Pet  3  1).  The  First  was  written 
at  Babylon  (1  Pet  5  13),  doubtless  the  famous 
Babylon  on  the  Euphrates,  which,  though  destroyed 
as  a  great  capital,  was  still  inhabited  by  a  small 
colony  of  people,  principally  Jews  (see  Weiss,  INT, 
II,  150;  but  see  also  Peter,  First  Epistle  of). 

(1)  First  Epistle. — The  theme  of  the  First  Ep. 
seems  to  be  the  living  hope  to  which  the  Christian 
has  been  begotten,  and  the  obligations  it  lays  upon 
him.  The  living  hope  is  expounded  in  the  earlier 
part  of  the  first  chapter  down  to  ver  13,  where  the 
obligations  begin  to  be  stated,  the  first  group  includ- 
ing hope,  godly  fear,  love  to  the  brethren,  and  praise 
(1  13—2  10). 

The  writer  drops  his  pen  at  this  point,  to  take  it 
up  again  to  address  those  who  were  suffering  per- 
secution for  righteousness'  sake,  upon  whom  two 
more  obligations  are  impressed,  submission  to 
authority,  and  testimony  to  Christ  (2  11 — 4  6). 
The  third  group  which  concludes  the  book  begins 
here,  dealing  with  such  themes  as  spiritual  hos- 
pitality in  the  use  of  heavenly  gifts,  patience  in 
suffering,  fidelity  in  service,  and  humility  in  min- 
istering to  one  another.  The  letter  was  sent  to 
the  churches  "by  Silvanus,  our  faithful  brother,"  the 
author  affirming  that  his  object  in  writing  was  to 
exhort  and  testify  concerning  "the  true  grace  of 
God"  (5  12). 

The  genuineness  of  this  First  Ep.  has  never  been 
doubted,  except  of  course  by  those  who  in  these 
latter  days  have  doubted  everything,  but  the  same 
cannot  be  said  of  the  Second.  It  is  not  known  to 
whom  the  latter  was  intrusted;  as  a  matter  of  fact 
it  found  no  place  in  the  catalogues  of  the  NT  Scrip- 
tures of  the  2d  and  3d  cents.  The  first  church  em- 
ploying it  was  at  Alexandria,  but  subsequently  the 
church  at  large  became  satisfied  from  internal  evi- 
dence of  its  genuineness  and  inspiration,  and  when 
the  Canon  was  pronounced  complete  in  the  4th 
cent.,  it  was  without  hesitancy  received. 


(2)  Second  Epistle. — The  Second  Ep.  claims  to 
have  been  written  by  Peter  (1  1;  3  1.2),  to  doubt 
which  would  start  more  serious  difficulties  than  can 
be  alleged  against  its  genuineness,  either  because  of 
its  late  admission  to  the  Canon  or  its  supposed  di- 
versity of  style  from  Peter's  early  writing.  See 
Peter,  Second  Epistle  of. 

His  object  is  the  same  in  both  Epp.,  to  "stir  up 
your  sincere  mind  by  putting  you  in  remembrance" 
(3  1).  Like  Paul  in  his  Second  Ep.  to  Tim,  he 
foresees  the  apostasy  in  which  the  professing  church 
will  end,  the  difference  being  that  Paul  speaks  of 
it  in  its  last  stage  when  the  laity  have  become  in- 
fected (2  Tim  3  1-5;  4  3.4),  while  Peter  sees  it  in 
its  origin  as  traceable  to  false  teachers  (2  Pet  2 
1-3.15-19).  As  in  the  First  Ep.  he  wrote  to  exhort 
and  to  testify,  so  here  it  is  rather  to  caution  and  warn. 
This  warning  was,  as  a  whole,  against  falling  from 
grace  (3  17.18),  the  enforcement  of  which  wammg  is 
contained  in  I  2-11,  the  ground  of  it  in  1  12-21, 
and  the  occasion  of  it  in  the  last  two  chapters.  To 
speak  only  of  the  occasion :  This,  as  was  stated,  was 
the  presence  of  false  teachers  (2  1),  whose  eminent 
success  is  predicted  (2  2),  whose  punishment  is 
certain  and  dreadful  (2  3-9),  and  whose  descrip- 
tion follows  (2  10-22).  The  character  of  their  false 
teaching  (eh  3)  forms  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  important  features  of  the  Ep.,  focusing  as  it 
does  on  the  Second  Coming  of  Christ. 

The  theology  of  Peter  offers  an  interesting  field 
of  study  because  of  what  may  be  styled  its  fresh- 
ness and  variety  in  comparison  with 
6.  Theology  that  of  Paul  and  John,  who  are  the 
great  theologians  of  the  NT. 

(1)  Messianic  teaching. — In  the  first  place,  Peter 
is  unique  in  his  Messianic  teaching  as  indicated  in 
the  first  part  of  the  Acts,  where  he  is  the  chief  per- 
sonage, and  where  for  the  most  part  his  ministry  is 
confined  to  Jerus  and  the  Jews.  The  latter,  already 
in  covenant  relations  with  Jeh,  had  sinned  in  reject- 
ing Jesus  as  the  Messiah,  and  Peter's  preaching  waa 
directed  to  that  point,  demanding  repentance  or  a 
change  of  mind  about  Him.  The  apparent  failure 
of  the  OT  promises  concerning  the  Davidic  king- 
dom (Isa  11  10-12;  Jer  23  5-8;  Ezk  37  21-28) 
was  explained  by  the  promise  that  the  kingdom 
would  be  set  up  at  the  return  of  Christ  (Acts  2 
2.5-31;  15  14-16);  which  return,  personal  and  cor- 
poreal, and  for  that  purpose,  is  presented  as  only 
awaiting  their  national  repentance  (Acts  3  19-26). 
See  Scofield,  Reference  Bible,  at  the  places  named. 

(2)  Justification. — But  Peter's  special  ministry 
to  the  circumcision  is  by  no  means  in  conflict  with 
that  of  Paul  to  the  Gentiles,  as  demonstrated  at  the 
point  of  transition  in  Acts  10.  Up  until  this  time 
the  gospel  had  been  offered  to  the  Jews  only,  but 
now  they  have  rejected  it  in  the  national  sense,  and 
"the  normal  order  for  the  present  Christian  age"  is 
reached  (Acts  13  44-48).  Accordingly,  we  find 
Peter,  side  by  side  with  Paul,  affirming  the  great 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only,  in  the  words, 
"We  believe  that  through  the  grace  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  we  [Jews]  shall  be  saved,  even  as  they 
[Gentiles]"  (Acts  15  11  AV).  Moreover,  it  is  clear 
from  Peter's  Second  Ep.  (1  1)  that  his  conception 
of  justification  from  the  Divine  as  well  as  the  human 
side  is  identical  with  that  of  Paul,  since  he  speaks  of 
justifying  faith  as  terminating  on  the  righteousness 
of  our  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.  As  we  under- 
stand it,  this  is  not  the  righteousness  which  God 
is,  but  the  righteousness  which  God  gives  (cf  Rom 
1  16.17;    3  21-25;    2  Cor  5  20.21). 

(3)  Redemption. — Passing  from  his  oral  to  his 
written  utterances,  Peter  is  particularly  rich  in  his 
allusions  to  the  redemptive  work  of  Christ.  Limit- 
ing ourselves  to  his  First  Ep.,  the  election  of  the 
individual  believer  is  seen  to  be  the  result  of  the 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Peter,  Simon 
Peter,  First  Ep.  oi 


sprinkling  of  Christ's  blood  (1  1) ;  his  obedience  and 
godly  fear  are  inspired  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  "lamb 
without  blemish  and  without  spot :  Who  verily  was 
foreordained  before  the  foundation  of  the  world" 
(1  17-20  AV).  But  most  interesting  are  the  man- 
lier and  the  connection  in  which  these  sublime  truths 
are  sometimes  set  before  the  reader.  For  example, 
an  exhortation  to  submission  on  the  part  of  house- 
hold slaves  is  the  occasion  for  perhaps  the  most 
concise  and  yet  comprehensive  interpretation  of 
Christ's  vicarious  sufferings  anywhere  in  the  NT 
(2  18-25,  esp.  the  last  two  verses;  cf  also  in  its 
contexts  18-22). 

(4)  Future  life. — Next  to  the  redemptive  work  of 
Christ,  the  Petrine  teaching  about  the  future  life 
claims  attention.  The  believer  has  been  begotten 
again  unto  "a  lively  [or  living]  hope"  (1  Pet  1  3); 
which  is  "an  inheritance"  "reserved  in  heaven" 
(1  4);  and  associated  with  "praise,  and  glory  and 
honor  at  the  revelation  [Second  Coming]  of  Jesus 
Christ"  (1  7.13;  4  13;  5  4.10;  2  Pet  1  11.16; 
3  13,  etc).  This  "hope"  or  "inheritance"  is  so  real 
and  so  precious  as  to  cause  rejoicing  even  in  times  of 
heaviness  and  trial  (1  Pet  16);  to  stimulate  to 
holiness  of  living  (1  13-16);  to  patience  in  perse- 
cution (4  12.13);  fidelity  in  service  (5  1-4);  sted- 
fastness  against  temptation  (5  8-10) ;  and  growth 
in  grace  (2  Pet  1  10.11).  It  is  a  further  pecul- 
iarity that  the  apostle  always  throws  the  thought  of 
the  present  suffering  forward  into  the  light  of  the 
future  glory.  It  is  not  as  though  there  were  merely 
an  allotment  of  suffering  here,  and  an  allotment  of 
glory  by  and  by,  with  no  relation  or  connection 
between  the  two,  but  the  one  is  seen  to  be  incident 
to  the  other  (cf  1  Pet  1  7.11;  4  13;  5  1;  2  Pet 
3  12.13).  It  is  this  circumstance,  added  to  others, 
that  gives  Peter  the  title  of  the  apostle  of  hope,  as 
Paul  has  been  called  the  apostle  of  faith,  and  John 
the  apostle  of  love. 

(5)  Holy  Scripture. — Considering  their  limitations 
as  to  space,  Peter's  Epp.  are  notable  for  the  em- 
phasis they  lay  upon  the  character  and  authority 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  1  Pet  1  10-12  teaches  a 
threefold  relation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  the  Holy 
Word  as  its  Author,  its  Revealer,  and  its  Teacher  or 
Preacher.  The  same  chapter  (vs  22-25)  speaks  of 
its  life-giving  and  purifying  power  as  well  as  its 
eternal  duration.  Ch  2  opens  with  a  declaration 
of  its  vital  relation  to  the  Christian's  spiritual 
growth.  In  4  11,  it  is  shown  to  be  the  staple  of  the 
Christian's  ministry.  Practically  the  whole  of  the 
Second  Ep.  is  taken  up  with  the  subject.  Through 
the  "exceeding  great  and  precious  promises"  of  that 
Word,  Christians  become  "partakers  of  the  divine 
nature"  (1  4AV);  that  they  may  be  kept  "always 
in  remembrance"  is  Peter's  object  in  writing  (vs  12- 
15  AV) ;  the  facts  of  that  Word  rest  on  the  testi- 
mony of  eyewitnesses  (vs  16-18);  its  origin  is  alto- 
gether Divine  (vs  20.21);  which  is  as  true  of  the  NT 
as  of  the  OT  (3  2);  including  the  Epp.  of  Paul  (vs 
15.16). 

(6)  Apostasy  and  judgment. — This  appreciation 
of  the  living  Word  of  God  finds  an  antithesis  in  the 
solemn  warning  against  apostate  teachers  and  teach- 
ing forming  the  substance  of  2  Pet  2  and  3.  The 
theology  here  is  of  judgment.  It  is  swift  and  "lin- 
gereth  not"  (2  1-3);  the  Judge  is  He  who  "spared 
not"  in  olden  time  (vs  4-7);  His  delay  expresses 
mercy,  but  He  "will  come  as  a  thief"  (3  9.10);  the 
heavens  "shall  pass  away,"  the  earth  and  its  works 
shall  be  burned  up  (ver  10) ;  "What  manner  of  per- 
sons ought  ye  to  be  in  all  holy  living  and  godliness?" 
(ver  11). 

(7)  Second  Coming  of  Christ. — Peter's  theology 
concerning  judgment  is  a  further  illustration  of  the 
Messianic  character  of  his  instruction .  For  example, 
the  Second  Coming  of  Christ  of  which  he  speaks  in 


the  closing  chapter  of  the  Second  Ep.  is  not  that 
aspect  of  it  associated  with  the  translation  of  His 
church,  and  of  which  Paul  treats  (1  Thess  4  13-18), 
but  that  pertaining  to  Israel  and  the  day  of  Jeh 
spoken  of  by  the  OT  prophets  (Isa  2  12-22;  Rev 
19  11-21,  etc). 

Literature. — The  history  of  Peter  is  treated  more  or 
less  at  length  in  the  intros  to  the  comras.  on  his  Epp., 
and  in  works  on  the  life  of  Christ.  But  ijarticular  refer- 
ence is  made  to  the  following:  F.  W.  Farrar,  Early 
Days  o/  Christianity,  London.  1882;  J.  S.  Howson,  Studies 
in  the  Life  of  St.  Peter,  London,  1883;  H.  A.  Birks.  Life 
and  Character  of  St.  Peter,  London,  1887;  W.  M.  Ramsay, 
The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire,  London,  1S0.3;  Mason 
Gallagher,  Was  Peter  Ever  at  Rome  f  Philadelphia,  189.5; 
A.  C.  McGiffert.  The  Apostolic  Age,  New  York.  1897; 
W.  H.  Griffith  Thomas,  The  Apostle  Peter,  London, 
1904;  G.  Matheson,  Representative  Men  of  the  NT,  Lon- 
don, 190.5;  A.  J.  Southouse,  The  Making  of  Simon  Peter, 
New  York,  1906;  A.  O.  Gaubelein,  The  Gospel  of  Matthew, 
New  York,  1907;  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  New  York, 
1912;  Edmundson,  Church  in  Rome  in  the  1st  Cent.,  1913; 
Smith,  The  Days  of  His  Flesh,  New  York,  1911. 

On  the  theology  of  Peter,  consult  the  subject  in  works 
on  Systematic  or  Bib.  Theology,  and  see  also  R.  W.  Dale, 
The  Atonement,  97-148,  London,  187,5;  C.  A.  Briggs, 
Messiah  of  the  Apostles,  21-41,  New  York,  1895;  Sco- 
field,  Reference  Bible,  where  pertinent. 

Among  comms.  on  1  and  2  Pet  may  be  mentioned: 
Brown,  3  vols,  Edinburgh,  1848-56;  Demarest,  2  vols. 
New  York.  18.51-65;  Leighton,  republished,  Philadelphia, 
1864;  Lillie,  New  York,  1869;  G.  F.  C.  Fronmuller.  in 
Lange's  Comm.,  ET,  New  York,  1874;  Plumptre,  Cam- 
bridge Bible,  1883;  Spitta,  Der  zweite  Brief  des  Petrus, 
Halle,  1885;  F.  B.  Meyer,  London,  1890;  Lumby,  Ex- 
positor's Bible,  London,  1894;  J.  H.  Jowett,  London, 
1905;  Bigg,  ICC,  1901. 

James  M.  Gray 

PETER,  APOCALYPSE  OF.  See  Apocryphal 
Gospels,  II,  4;  Literature,  Sub-apostouc 
(Intro). 

PETER,     GOSPEL     ACCORDING     TO.     See 

Apocryphal  Gospels;  Literature,  Sub- apos- 
tolic. 

PETER,  THE  FIRST  EPISTLE  OF: 

I.     Canonicity  of  1   Peter 

1,  External  Evidence 

2.  Internal  Evidence 
II.     The  Address 

Silvanus 

III.  Place  and  Time  of  Composition 

1.  Babylon:  W^hich  ? 

2.  Babylon  Not  Rome 

IV.  Design 

1.  Persecution 

2.  Example  of  Christ 

3.  Relation  to  State 

V.     Characteristic  Features  of  the  Epistle 

1.  Freedom  in  Structure 

2.  Hope 

3.  Inheritance 

4.  Testimony  of  Prophets 

(1)  Salvation 

(2)  Spirit  of  Christ 

(3)  Prophetic  Study 

5.  The  Christian  Brotherhood 
Spirits  in  Prison 


VI.     Analysis 
Literature 

Simon  Peter  was  a  native  of  Galilee.  He  was 
brought  to  the  Saviour  early  in  His  ministry  by  his 
brother  Andrew  (Jn  1  40.41).  His  call  to  the  office 
of  apostle  is  recorded  in  Mt  10  1-4;  Mk  3  13-16. 

He  occupied  a  distinguished  place  among  the  Lord's 
disciples.  In  the  four  lists  of  the  apostles  found  in  the 
NT  his  name  stands  first  (Mt  10  2-4;  Mk  3  16-19; 
Lk  6  14-16;  Acts  1  13).  He  is  the  chief  figure  in  the 
first  twelve  chapters  of  the  Acts.  It  is  Peter  that 
preaches  the  first  Christian  sermon  (Acts  2),  he  that 
opens  the  door  of  the  gospel  to  the  gentile  world  in  the 
house  of  the  Rom  soldier,  CorneUus,  and  has  the  exquisite 
delight  of  witnessing  scones  closely  akin  to  those  of 
Pentecost  at  Jerus  (Acts  10  44-47).  It  was  given  him 
to  pronounce  the  solemn  sentence  on  the  guilty  pair, 
Ananias  and  Sapphira,  and  to  rebuke  in  the  power  of  the 
Spirit  the  profane  Simon  Magus  (Acts  5  1-11;  8  18-23). 
In  these  and  the  like  instances  Peter  exhibited  the 
authority  with  which  Christ  had  invested  him  (Mt  16 
19) — an  authority  bestowed  upon  all  tho  disciples  (Jn 
20  22.23) — the  power  to  bind  and  to  loose. 

Two  Epp.  are  ascribed  to  Peter.     Of  the  Second 


Peter,  First  Ep.  of     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2352 


doubt  and  uncertainty  have  existed  from  the  early 
ages  to  the  present.  The  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity of  the  First  are  above  suspicion. 

/.   Canonicity  of  1  Peter. — The  proof  of  its  integ- 
rity and  trustworthiness  is  ample  and  altogether  sat- 
isfactory.    It  falls  into  parts :  external 

1.  External  and  internal.  The  historical  attesta- 
Evidence       tion  to  its  authority  as  an  apostolic 

document  is  abundant.  Polycarp,  dis- 
ciple of  the  apostle  John,  martyred  in  156  AD  at 
86  or  more  years  of  age,  refers  to  the  Ep.  in  unmis- 
takable terms.  Irenaeus,  a  man  who  may  well  be 
said  to  represent  both  the  East  and  the  West,  who 
was  a  disciple  of  Polycarp,  quotes  it  copiously,  we 
are  assured.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  born  c  150 
AD,  died  c  216  AD,  cites  it  many  times  in  his 
Stromata,  one  passage  (4  8)  being  quoted  five  times 
by  actual  count.  "The  testimony  of  the  early 
church  is  summed  up  by  Eusebius  (HE,  III,  xxiii, 
3).  He  places  it  among  those  wrritings  about  which 
no  question  was  ever  raised,  no  doubt  ever  enter- 
tained by  any  portion  of  the  catholic  church" 
(Professor  Lumby  in  Bible  Comm.). 

The  internal  evidence  in  favor  of  the  Ep.  is  as 
conclusive   as    the   external.     The    writer   is    well 

acquainted  with  Our  Lord's  teaching, 

2.  Internal  and  he  makes  use  of  it  to  illustrate  and 
Evidence       enforce  his  own.     The  references  he 

makes  to  that  teaching  are  many,  and 
they  include  the  four  Gospels.  He  is  familiar  like- 
wise with  the  Epp.,  particularly  Jas,  Rom,  and  Eph. 
But  what  is  esp.  noteworthy  is  the  fact  that  1  Pet 
in  thought  and  language  stands  in  close  relation 
with  the  apostle's  discourses  as  recorded  in  Acts. 
By  comparing  1  Pet  1  17  with  Acts  10  34;  1  21 
with  2  32-36  and  10  40.41;  2  7.8  with  4  10.11;  2  17 
with  10  28,  and  3  18  with  3  14,  one  will  perceive 
how  close  the  parallel  between  the  two  is.  The 
inference  from  these  facts  appears  legitimate,  viz. 
1  Pet  in  diction  and  thought  belongs  to  the  same 
period  of  time  and  moves  in  the  same  circle  of  truth 
as  do  the  other  writings  of  the  NT.  The  writer 
was  an  apostle,  and  he  was  Simon  Peter. 

//.  The  Address. — Peter  -(VTites  to  the  "elect 
who  are  sojourners  of  the  Dispersion."  James 
employs  the  term  "Dispersion"  to  designate  be- 
lieving Hebrews  of  the  Twelve  Tribes  who  lived 
outside  the  land  (1  1).  The  Jews  included  in  it 
the  whole  body  of  Israelites  scattered  among  the 
gentile  nations  (Jn  7  35).  But  we  must  not  con- 
clude from  this  that  the  Ep.  is  directed  to  Christian 
Jews  alone.  Gentile  believers  are  by  no  means 
excluded,  as  1  14.18.20;  2  10;  3  6;  4  3.4  abun- 
dantly attest.  Indeed,  the  gentile  element  in  the 
churches  of  Asia  Minor  largely  predominated  at  the 
time.  The  term  "sojourners"  represents  a  people 
away  from  home,  strangers  in  a  strange  land;  the 
word  is  tr"^  "pilgrims"  in  2  11  and  He  11  13 — an 
appropriate  name  for  those  who  confess  that  they 
have  here  no  continuing  city,  but  who  seek  one  to 
come.  While  no  doubt  Peter  had  believing  Israel- 
ites in  mind  when  he  wrote,  for  he  never  forgot  that 
his  ministry  belonged  primarily  to  the  circumcision 
(Gal  2  7.8),  he  did  not  neglect  the  more  numerous 
gentile  converts,  and  to  these  he  speaks  as  earnestly 
as  to  the  others;  and  these  also  were  "sojourners.'' 

Three  of  the  four  provinces  Peter  mentions,  viz. 
Pontus,  Cappadocia,  and  Asia,  had  representatives 
at  the  memorable  Pentecost  in  Jerus  (Acts  2  9; 
1  Pet  1  1).  Many  of  these  "sojourners  of  the 
Dispersion"  may  have  believed  the  message  of  the 
apostle  and  accepted  salvation  through  Jesus  Christ, 
and  returned  home  to  tell  the  good  news  to  their 
neighbors  and  friends.  This  would  form  a  strong 
bond  of  union  between  them  and  Peter,  and  would 
open  the  way  for  him  to  address  them  in  the  familiar 
and  tender  manner  of  the  Ep. 


Silvanus 


Silvanus  appears  to  have  been  the  bearer  of  the  letter 
to  the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor:  "By  Silvanus,  our 
faithful  brother,  as  I  account  him,  I  have 
written  unto  you  briefly"  (5  12).  It  is 
an  assumption  to  assert  from  these  words 
that  Silvanus  was  employed  in  the  compo- 
sition of  the  letter.  The  statement  denotes  rather  the 
bearer  than  the  writer  or  secretary.  Silvanus  was  Paul's 
companion  in  the  ministry  to  the  Asiatic  churches,  and 
since  we  do  not  read  of  him  as  going  with  Paul  to  Jerus 
or  to  Rome,  it  is  probable  he  returned  from  Corinth 
(Acts  18  5)  to  Asia  Minor  and  labored  there.  He  and 
Peter  met,  where  no  one  knows,  though  not  a  few  think 
in  Rome;  as  liliely  a  guess  perhaps  is  in  Pal.  At  any 
rate,  Silvanus  gave  Peter  an  account  of  the  conditions 
in  the  provinces,  the  afflictions  and  persecutions  of  be- 
lievers, and  the  deep  need  they  had  for  sympathy  and 
counsel.  He  would,  accordingly,  be  of  the  greatest 
assistance  to  the  apostle.  This  seems  to  account  for  the 
peculiarity  of  language  which  Peter  uses :  "By  Silvanus, 
our  faithful  brother,  I  have  written  unto  you,"  as  if  he 
had  some  share  in  furnishing  the  contents  of  the  Ep. 

///.  Place  and  Time  of  Composition. — According 
to  5  13  the  Ep.  was  written  in  Babylon.     But  what 

place  is  meant?  Two  cities  having  this 
1.  Babylon:  name  were  known  in  apostolic  times. 
Which?  One  was  in  Egypt,  probably  on  or  near 

the  present  site  of  Cairo,  and  we  are 
told  that  it  was  a  "city  of  no  small  importance." 
Epiphanius  calls  it  "great  Babylon"  (Zahn).  The 
absence,  however,  of  all  tradition  that  would  tend 
to  identify  this  place  with  the  Babylon  of  the  Ep. 
seems  to  shut  it  out  of  the  problem.  Babylon  on 
the  Euphrates  is  regarded  by  many  as  the  place  here 
designated.  Jews  in  considerable  numbers  still 
dwelt  in  Babylon,  notwithstanding  the  massacre  of 
thousands  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and  the  flight  of 
multitudes  into  other  countries.  'There  is  much  to 
be  said  in  favor  of  this  city  as  the  place  meant,  and 
yet  the  absence  of  tradition  in  its  support  is  a  very 
serious  difficulty.  A  third  view  regards  it  as  sym- 
bolical of  Rome.  Roman  Catholics  thus  interpret 
it,  and  not  a  few  Protestants  so  understand  it. 
Tradition  which  runs  back  into  the  first  half  of  the 
2d  cent,  appears  to  favor  it,  though  much  uncer- 
tainty and  obscurity  still  surround  the  earliest  ages 
of  our  era,  in  spite  of  the  unwearied  researches  of 
modern  scholars.  Papias,  bishop  of  Hierapolis, 
who  lived  in  the  first  half  of  the  2d  cent.,  appears  to 
have  had  no  doubt  that  Peter  was  martyred  in 
Rome,  and  that  the  Babylon  of  the  Ep.  designates 
the  Imperial  City.  There  are  very  serious  objec- 
tions to  this  interpretation.  One  is,  that  it  is 
totally  out  of  keeping  with  Peter's  manner  of 
writing.  Preeminently  he  is  direct  and  matter-of- 
fact  in  his  style.  The  metaphorical  language  he 
employs  is  mostly  dra'ma  from  the  OT,  or,  if  from 
himself,  it  is  so  common  of  use  as  to  be  well  under- 
stood by  all  readers.  It  is  altogether  improbable 
that  this  man,  plain  of  speech  almost  to  bluntness, 
should  interject  in  the  midst  of  his  personal  ex- 
planations and  final  salutations  such  a  mystical 
epithet  with  no  hint  of  what  he  means  by  it,  or  why 
he  employs  such  a  mode  of  speech. 

Besides,  there  is  no  evidence  that  Rome  was  called 
Babylon  by  the  Christians  until  the  Book  of  Rev  was 
published,  i.e.  c  90-96  AD.  But  if  1  Pet 
2  Babylon  "^  dependent  on  the  Apocalypse  for  this 
■pint  ■pX_.  name  of  Babylon  as  Rome.  Peter  could  not 
isoi  Jiome  have  been  its  author,  for  he  died  years 
before  that  date.  The  Ep.  was  written 
about  64  AD,  at  the  time  when  persecutions  under  the 
infamous  Nero  were  raging,  at  which  time  also  the  apostle 
himself  bore  his  witness  and  went  to  his  heavenly  home, 
even  as  his  Master  had  forewarned  him  (Jn  21  18.19). 
While  not  unmindful  of  the  great  difficulties  that  beset 
the  view,  nevertheless  we  are  incUned  to  the  opinion  that 
the  Babylon  of  5  1.3  is  the  ancient  city  on  the  Euplirates. 
See  Peter  (Simon). 

IV.  Design. — The  apostle  had  more  than  one 
object  in  view  when  he  addressed  the  "elect"  in 
Asia  Minor.  The  Lord  Jesus  had  charged  him, 
"Feed  my  lambs" — "Tend  my  sheep" — "Feed  my 
sheep"  (Jn  21  1.5-17).  His  two  Epp.  certify  how 
faithfully  he  obeyed  the  charge.     With  loving  and 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Peter,  First  Ep.  of 


tender  hand  he  feeds  the  lambs  and  tends  the  whole 
flock,  warns  against  foes,  guards  from  danger,  and 
leads  them  into  green  pastures  and  beside  still 
waters.  He  reminds  them  of  the  glorious  inherit- 
ance they  are  to  possess  (1  3-9) ;  he  exhorts  them 
to  walk  in  the  footsteps  of  the  uncomplaining 
Christ  (2  20-25);  to  be  compassionate,  loving, 
tender-hearted,  humble-minded,  and  circumspect 
in  their  passage  through  this  unfriendly  world  (3 
8-12).  He  sums  up  the  main  duties  of  Christian 
life  in  the  short  but  pregnant  sentences,  "Honor  all 
men.  Love  the  brotherhood.  Fear  God.  Honor 
the  king"  (2  17).  But  his  supreme  object  is  to 
comfort  and  encourage  them  amid  the  persecutions 
and  the  suiTerings  to  which  they  were  unjustly 
subjected,  and  to  fortify  them  against  the  heavier 
trials  that  were  impending. 

From  the  beginning  the  Christian  church  was  the 
object  of  suspicion  and  of  hatred,  and  many  of  its 

adherents  had  suffered  even  unto 
1.  Perse-  death  at  the  hands  of  both  hostile 
cution  Jews     and     fanatical     Gentiles.     But 

these  afflictions  were  generally  local 
and  sporadic.  There  were  churches  of  large  mem- 
bership and  wide  influence  which  were  unmolested 
(1  Cor  4  8-10),  and  which  seem  to  have  been  able 
to  get  fair  treatment  in  heathen  courts  (1  Cor  6 
1-6).  But  the  condition  brought  to  view  in  1  Pet 
is  altogether  different.  Trials  and  afflictions  of  the 
severest  sort  assail  them,  and  an  enmity  and  hos- 
tiUty,  bent  on  their  destruction,  pursue  them  with 
tireless  energy.  The  whole  Christian  body  shared 
in  the  persecutions  (6  9).  The  trial  was  a  surprise 
(4  12),  both  in  its  intensity,  for  Peter  calls  it 
"fiery,"  and  for  its  unexpectedness.  The  apostle 
represents  it  as  a  savage  beast  of  prey,  a  roaring  hon, 
prowhng  about  them  to  seize  and  devour  (5  8.9). 

A  variety  of  charges  were  brought  against  the 
Christians,  but  they  were  calumnies  and  slanders, 
without  any  foundation  in  fact.  They  were  spoken 
against  as  evil-doers  (2  12 — kakopoion;  malefici, 
Tacitus  calls  them).  Their  adversaries  railed 
against  them  (3  9) ;  reviled  them  (3  16) ;  spake  evil 
of  them  (4  4);  reproached  them  for  the  name  of 
Christ  (4  14).  These  are  ugly  epithets.  They 
show  how  bitter  was  the  hatred  and  how  intense  the 
hostOity  felt  by  the  heathen  toward  the  Christians 
who  dwelt  among  them.  If  there  had  been  any  jus- 
tification for  such  antagonism  in  the  character  and 
the  conduct  of  Christ's  people,  if  they  were  evil-doers, 
"haters  of  the  human  race,"  to  be  classed  with 
thieves  and  murderers  and  meddlers  in  other  men's 
matters  (4  14-16),  as  they  were  accused  of  being 
and  doing,  we  could  understand  the  fierce  opposi- 
tion which  assailed  them  and  the  savage  purpose  to 
suppress  them  altogether,  but  the  only  ground  for 
the  enmity  felt  against  them  was  the  refusal  of  the 
Christians  to  join  their  heathen  neighbors  in  their 
idolatries,  their  feasts,  winebibbings,  reveUngs, 
carousings,  lasciviousness  and  lusts  in  which  once 
they  freely  shared  (4  2-4).  The  Asian  saints  had 
renounced  all  such  wicked  practices,  had  separated 
themselves  from  their  old  companions  in  riotous 
living  and  revolting  debaucheries;  they  were  wit- 
nesses against  their  immoralities,  and  hence  became 
the  objects  of  intense  dislike  and  persecuting  ani- 
mosity. Peter  bears  testimony  to  the  high  char- 
acter, the  purity  of  life  and  the  seK-sacrificing  de- 
votion of  these  believers.  In  all  Asia  Minor  no 
better  company  of  men  and  women  could  be  found 
than  these  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ;  none  more  sub- 
missive to  constituted  authority,  none  more  ready 
to  help  their  fellow-men  in  their  distress  and  trouble. 
The  head  and  front  of  their  offending  was  their 
separation  from  the  ungodly  world  about  them,  and 
their  solemn  witness  against  the  awful  sins  done 
daily  before  their  eyes. 


How  mightily  does  the  apostle  minister  to  his 
suffering  friends!  He  bids  them  remember  the  un- 
complaining Christ  when  He  was  un- 
2.  Example  justly  afflicted  by  cruel  men  (2  19-25). 
of  Christ  He  tells  them  how  they  may  effectively 
put  to  silence  their  accusers,  and  refute 
the  calumnies  and  the  slanders  that  are  so  cruelly 
circulated  against  them,  namely,  by  hving  such  pure 
and  godly  lives,  by  being  so  meek,  docile,  patient, 
stedfast,  true  and  faithful  to  God,  that  none  can 
credit  the  fabe  accusations  (2  1-5;  2  13-17;  3 
8.9.13-17;   5  6-11). 

There  is  little  or  no  evidence  in  the  Ep.  that  the  per- 
secutions were  inflicted  by  imperial  authority  or  that  the 

state  was  dealing  witli  the  Christians  as 
3  Relation  enemies  who  were  dangerous  to  the  peace 
♦■ '  Cf  f  ^^  society.     In  the  provinces  to  which  the 

to  btate  letter  was  sent  there  seems  to  have  been 

complete  absence  of  formal  trial  and  pun- 
ishment through  the  courts.  Peter  does  not  speak  of  legal 
proceedings  against  the  Christians  by  the  magistrates. 
On  the  contrary,  he  urges  them  to  bo  subject  to  every  ordi- 
nance of  man  for  the  Lord's  sake:  whether  to  the  king 
as  supreme;  or  unto  governors,  as  sent  by  him  for  ven- 
geance on  evil-doers  and  for  praise  to  them  that  do  well 
(2  13).  They  are  to  honor  all  men,  to  honor  the  king 
(2  17).  This  submission  would  scarcely  be  pressed  if 
the  state  had  already  proscribed  Christianity  and  de- 
creed its  total  suppression.  This  the  imperial  govern- 
ment did  later  on,  but  there  is  no  evidence  furnished  by 
the  apostle  that  in  64  AD — the  date  of  the  Ep. — the 
government  formally  denounced  Christians  and  deter- 
mined to  annihilate  them. 

Peter  exhorts  his  fellow-behevers  to  silence  their 
persecutors  by  their  upright  conduct  (2  15);  they 
are  thus  to  put  them  to  shame  who  falsely  accuse 
them  (3  16);  and  they  are  not  to  combat  evil 
with  evil  nor  answer  reviling  with  revihng,  but  con- 
trariwise with  blessing  (3  9) .  The  antagonism  here 
indicated  obviously  springs  from  the  heathen  popu- 
lace; there  is  no  hint  of  arraignment  before  mag- 
istrates or  subjection  to  legal  proceedings.  It  is 
unbelievers  who  revile  and  slander  and  denounce 
the  people  of  God  in  the  provinces. 

Everything  in  the  Ep.  points  to  the  time  of  Nero,  64 
AD,  and  not  to  the  time  of  Domitian  or  Trajan,  or  even 
Titus.  In  Rome  vast  multitudes  of  Christians  were  put 
to  death  in  the  most  brutal  fashion,  so  Tacitus  relates, 
but  the  historian  asserts  that  there  was  a  sinister  report 
to  the  elTect  that  Nero  himself  instigated  the  burning  of 
the  city  (July  19,  64),  and  "  he  [Nero]  falsely  diverted  the 
charge  on  to  a  set  of  people  to  whom  the  vulgar  gave 
the  name  of  Christians  (or  Chrestians),  and  who  were 
detested  for  the  abominations  which  they  perpetrated." 
See  Neho.  Certain  facts  are  clear  from  Tacitus'  state- 
ments, viz.  that  at  the  time  the  Christians  were  well 
known  as  a  distinct  sect;  and  that  they  were  sul)jected 
to  the  dreadful  sufferings  Inflicted  upon  them  because 
they  were  Christians;  and  the  persecutions  at  the  time 
were  instigated  by  the  fear  and  the  brutality  of  the  ty- 
rant. Peter  likewise  recognizes  the  fact  that  believers 
were  disliked  and  calumniated  by  their  heathen  neighbors 
for  the  same  reason — they  were  Cln-istians:  "If  ye  are 
reproached  for  the  name  of  Christ,  blessed  are  ye"  (4 
14);  "But  if  a  man  suffer  as  a  Christian,  let  him  not  be 
ashamed;  but  let  him  glorify  God  in  this  name"  (4  16). 
But  the  imperial  government  at  the  time  docs  not  appear 
to  have  taken  formal  action  for  the  overthrow  of  Chris- 
tianity as  a  system  inimical  to  the  empire.  Of  course, 
where  direct  charges  of  a  criminal  nature  were  made 
against  Christians,  judicial  inquiry  into  them  would  be 
instituted.  But  in  the  Ep.  what  believers  had  to  endure 
and  suffer  were  the  detraction,  the  vituperation,  the 
opprobrium  and  the  vile  and  malignant  slanders  with 
which  the  heathen  assailed  them. 

V.  Characteristic  Features  of  the  Epistle. — It 

has  certain  very  distinct  marks,  some  of  which  may 
be  noticed. 

It  does  not  observe  a  close  logical  sequence  in  its 
structure,  as  those  of  Paul  so  prominently  display. 
There  is  truth  in  Dean  Alford's  state- 
1.  Free-         ment,  although  perhaps  he  pushes  it 
dom  in  rather  far:  "'The  link  between  one  idea 

Structure  and  another  is  found,  not  in  any  prog- 
ress of  unfolding  thought  or  argument, 
but  in  the  last  word  of  the  foregoing  sentence  which 
is  taken  up  and  followed  out  in  the  new  one"  (see 
1  5.6.7.9.10,  etc).     This  pecuharity,  however,  does 


Peter,  First  Ep.  of 
Peter,  Second  Ep. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2354 


not  interfere  with  tlie  unity  of  the  cp,,  it  rather 
adds  to  it,  and  it  gives  to  it  a  vividness  which  it 
otherwise  might  not  possess. 

It  is  the  ep.  of  hope.     How  much  it  makes  of  this 

prime  grace!     Peter  seems  never  to  grow  weary  of 

describing  it  and  exalting  its  radiant 

2.  Hope         beauty    and    desirableness.     He    calls 

it  a  living  hope  (1  3).  It  is  born  by 
the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  from  the  dead,  and 
it  calmly  awaits  the  glorious  inheritance  that  soon 
will  be  enjoyed.  It  is  a  hope  that  will  be  perfected 
at  the  advent  of  Christ  (1  13),  and  it  is  set  on  God, 
hence  cannot  fail  (1  21).  With  sickly,  dying  hope  we 
are  quite  familiar.  The  device  which  a  certain  state 
(South  Carolina)  has  inscribed  on  its  Great  Seal  is, 
duni  spiro  spero  ("while  I  live  I  hope").  Such  a 
hope  may  serve  for  a  commonwealth  whose  exist- 
ence is  limited  to  this  world,  but  a  man  needs  some- 
thing more  enduring,  something  imperi-shable.  "It 
is  a  fearful  thing  when  a  man  and  his  hopes  die 
together"  (Leigh ton).  A  Christian  can  confidently 
write,  "when  I  am  dying  I  hope,"  for  his  is  a  living 
hope  that  fills  and  thrills  the  future  with  a  blessed 
reality. 

The  Christian's   glorious  inheritance   (1  3-5)   is 
depicted  in  one  of  the  most  comprehensive  and  sug- 
gestive descriptions  of  the  believer's 

3.  Inherit-  heritage  found  in  the  Bible.  It  is 
ance  declared  to  be  "incorruptible."     The 

word  points  to  its  substance.  It  is 
imperishable.  In  it  there  is  no  element  of  decay. 
It  holds  in  its  heart  no  germ  of  death.  Like  its 
author,  the  living  God,  it  is  unchangeable  and 
eternal.  It  is  "undefiled."  It  is  not  stained  by 
sin  nor  polluted  by  crime,  either  in  its  acquisition 
or  its  possession.  Human  heritages  generally  are 
marred  by  human  wrongs.  There  is  hardly  an  acre 
of  soil  that  is  not  tainted  by  fraud  or  violence.  The 
coin  that  passes  from  hand  to  hand  is  in  many  in- 
stances soiled  by  guilt.  But  this  of  Peter  is  abso- 
lutely pure  and  holy.  It  "fadeth  not  away."  It 
never  withers.  Ages  do  not  impair  its  beauty  or 
dim  its  luster.  Its  bloom  will  remain  fresh,  its 
fragrance  undiminished,  forever.  Thus  our  in- 
heritance "is  glorious  in  these  respects:  it  is  in  its 
suhslance,  incorruptible:  in  its  purity,  undefiled:  in 
beauty,  unfading"  (Alford). 

Now  why  does  the  apostle  in  the  very  opening  of 
his  Ep.  give  so  lofty  a  place  to  the  saints'  inherit- 
ance? He  does  so  in  order  to  comfort  and  encour- 
age his  fellow-believers  with  the  consolations  of  the 
Lord  Himself,  that  they  may  bear  stedfastly  their 
manifold  sufferings  and  triumph  over  their  weighty 
afflictions.  Hence  he  writes:  "Wherein  ye  greatly 
rejoice,  though  now  for  a  little  while,  if  need  be,  ye 
have  been  put  to  grief  in  manifold  trials,  that  the 
proof  of  your  faith  ....  may  be  found  unto 
praise  and  glory  and  honor  at  the  revelation  of 
Jesus  Chri.st"  (1  6-9).  He  hfts  their  thoughts  and 
their  gaze  up  far  above  the  troubles  and  distresses 
around  them  to  Him  whose  they  are,  whom  they 
serve,  who  will  by  and  by  crown  them  with  immortal 
bhss. 

The  prophets  and  their  study  are  described  in 

1  10.11:   "Concerning  which  salvation  the  prophets 

sought   and   searched  diligently,   who 

4.  Testi-  prophesied  of  the  grace  that  should 
mony  of  come  unto  you,"  etc.  With  Peter 
Prophets        and  his  fellow-apostles  the  testimony 

of  the  prophets  was  authoritative  and 
final.  Where  they  had  a  clear  word  from  the  OT 
Scriptures,  they  felt  that  every  question  was  settled 
and  controversj'  was  at  an  end. 

(1)  Salvation. — The  burden  of  the  prophetic 
communications  was  salvation.  The  prophets 
spoke  on  many  subjects;  they  had  to  exhort,  rebuke 
and  entreat  their  wayward  contemporaries;    to  de- 


nounce sin,  to  announce  judgment  on  the  guilty 
and  to  recall  them  to  repentance  and  reforination. 
But  ever  and  anon  their  vision  was  filled  with  the 
future  and  its  blessedness,  their  voices  would  swell 
with  rapture  as  they  saw  and  foretold  the  great  sal- 
vation to  be  brought  to  the  world  and  the  grace 
that  would  then  so  copiously  go  out  unto  men;  for 
the  Messiah  was  to  appear  and  to  suffer,  the  just 
for  the  unjust,  that  He  might  bring  us  to  God. 

(2)  Spirit  of  Christ. — The  prophet's  messages 
were  the  messages  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ.  It  was 
He  who  testified  beforehand  the  sufferings  of  Christ 
and  the  glories  that  should  follow.  ^  The  prophets 
always  disclaim  any  part  in  the  origination  of  their 
messages.  They  affirm  in  the  most  positive  and 
solemn  manner  that  their  predictions  are  not  their 
own,  but  God's.  Hence  they  are  called  the  Lord's 
"spokesmen,"  the  Lord's  "mouth"  (Ex  4  15.16; 
7  1.2;  2  Pet  1  21). 

(3)  Prophetic  study. — They  "sought  and  searched 
diligently."  These  terms  are  strong  and  emphatic. 
They  pored  over  the  predictions  which  the  Spirit 
had  revealed  through  themselves;  they  scrutinized 
them  with  eager  and  prolonged  inquiry.  Two  points 
engaged  their  attention:  "What  time  or  what  man- 
ner of  time  the  Spirit  of  Christ  which  was  in  them 
did  point  unto."  The  first  "what"  relates  to  the 
time  of  the  Messiah's  advent;  the  second  "what" 
to  the  events  and  circumstances  which  would  attend 
His  appearing — a  fruitful  theme,  one  that  engages 
the  inquiry  of  nobler  students — "which  things  angels 
desire  to  look  into." 

The  Christian  brotherhood  is  described  in  2  9.10: 

"But  ye  are  an  elect  race,  a  royal  priesthood,  a  holy 

nation,  a  people  for   God's  own  pos- 

5.  The  session,  that  ye  may  show  forth  the 
Christian  excellencies  of  him  who  called  you  out 
Brotherhood  of  darkness  into  his  marvellous  light." 

The  brotherhood  is  the  new  Israel. 
The  apostle  describes  it  in  terms  which  were  apphed 
to  the  old  Israel,  but  which  include  more  than  the 
ancient  Israel  ever  realized.  The  exalted  concep- 
tion is  by  one  who  was  a  strict  Jew,  the  apostle  of 
the  circumcision,  and  who  held  somewhat  closely 
to  the  Mosaic  institutions  to  the  end  of  his  life.  All 
the  more  significant  on  this  account  is  his  testimony. 
The  descriptive  titles  which  he  here  gathers  together 
and  places  on  the  brow  of  the  Christian  brotherhood 
are  of  the  most  illustrious  sort.  A  distinguished 
man,  a  noble,  a  general,  a  statesman,  will  sometimes 
appear  in  public  with  his  breast  covered  with  re- 
splendent decorations  which  mark  his  rank  or  his 
achievements.  But  such  distinctions  sink  into 
insignificance  alongside  of  this  dazzling  cluster. 
This  is  the  heavenly  nobility,  the  royal  family  of 
the  Lord  of  glory,  decorated  with  badges  brighter 
far  than  ever  glittered  on  the  breast  of  king  or  em- 
peror. But  even  in  this  instance  Peter  reminds 
Christians  of  the  glorious  destiny  awaiting  them  that 
they  may  be  strengthened  and  stimulated  to  sted- 
fastness  and  loyalty  in  the  midst  of  the  trials 
and  afflictions  to  which  they  are  subjected  (2 
11.12) 

A  study  of  1  Pet  3  18-20— "preached  unto  the 
spirits  in  prison" — should  here  follow  in  the  present 

cursory   review   of   the   characteristic 

6.  Spirits       features  of  the  Ep.,  but  anything  like 
in  Prison        an  adequate  examination  of  this  diffi- 
cult passage  would  require  more  space 

than  could  be  given  it.  Suffice  it  to  quote  a  sen- 
tence from  Professor  Zahn  {NT,  II,  289)  with  which 
the  writer  agrees:  "That  interpretation  of  1  Pet  3 
19  is  in  all  probability  correct,  according  to  which  a 
preaching  of  Christ  at  the  time  of  the  Flood  is  re- 
ferred to,  i.e.  a  preaching  through  Noah,  so  that 
Noah  is  here  represented  as  a  preacher  of  righteous- 
ness, as  in  2  Pet  2  5."     See  Prison,  Spirits  in. 


2355 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Peter,  First  Ep.  of 
Peter,  Second  Ep. 


VI.  AncJysis. — A  very  general  analysis  of  the 
Ep.  is  the  following: 

(1)  Christian  privileges,  1—2  10. 

(2)  Cliristian  duties,  2  11—4  11. 

(3)  Persecutions  and  trials,  I  12—5  11. 

(4)  Personal  matters  and  salutations,  5  12-14. 

The  chief  doctrines  of  Christianity  are  found  in 
1  Pet.  The  vicarious  suffering  and  death  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  (2  24;  3  18);  the  new  birth 
(1  3.23);  redemption  by  the  blood  of  Christ  (1  18. 
19),  faith,  hope,  patient  endurance  under  unjust 
suffering,  and  holiness  of  life,  are  all  pressed  upon 
Christians  with  great  earnestness  and  force. 

Literature. — Bible  Diets..  DB,  HDB.  Davis,  DB, 
EB,  Sch-Herz,  vol  VIII;  Intros:  Westcott,  Salmon, 
Zahn;  Vincent,  Word  Studies:  Comms.:  Bible  Comm., 
Cambridge  Bible  for  Sehools:  Lillio,  Jameson,  Pausott 
and  Brown,  Altord,  Bigg,  Mayor  (on  2  Pet),  Johnstone 
(homiletical).  New  York,  1888;  Hort,  1  Pet  1  1—2  17, 
New  Yorlc,  1898. 

William  G.  Moorehead 

PETER,  THE  SECOND  EPISTLE  OF: 

I.     External  Evidence  in  Favor  of  Its  Apostolic 
Authority 

1.  Ancient  Opinion 

2.  Modern  Opinion 

3.  Dr.  Chase's  View 

U.     Internal    Evidence    in    Support    of    Its    Apos- 
tolic   AuTHORITr 

1.  Style  and  Diction 

2.  Reason  of  Dissimilarities 

3.  Claim  to  Petrine  Authorship 

4.  Christian  Earnestness 

5.  Relation  to  Apostles 

6.  Autobiographical  Allusions 

7.  Quoted  by  Jude 

III.     Doctrinal  Teachings  of  the  Epistle 

1.  Saving  Knowledge 

(1)  Basis 

(2)  Growth 

(3)  Inerrancy  of  Sources 

2.  The  Three  Worlds 

(1)  The  Old  World 

(2)  The  Present  World 

(3)  The  New  World 

The  Second  Ep.  of  Peter  comes  to  us  with  less 
historical  support  of  its  genuineness  than  any  other 
book  of  the  NT.  In  consequence,  its  right  to  a 
place  in  the  Canon  is  seriously  doubted  by  some  and 
denied  by  others.  There  are  those  who  confidently 
assign  it  to  the  ApostoUc  age  and  to  the  apostle 
whose  name  it  bears  in  the  NT,  while  there  are 
those  who  as  confidently  assign  it  to  post-apostolic 
times,  and  repudiate  its  Petrine  authorship.  It  is 
not  the  aim  of  this  article  to  trace  the  history  of  the 
two  opinions  indicated  above,  nor  to  cite  largely  the 
arguments  employed  in  the  defence  of  the  Ep.,  or 
those  in  opposition  to  it;  nor  to  attempt  to  settle 
a  question  which  for  more  than  a  thousand  years 
the  wisest  and  best  men  of  the  Christian  church 
have  been  unable  to  settle.  Such  a  procedure 
would  in  this  case  be  the  height  of  presumption. 
What  is  here  attempted  is  to  point  out  as  briefly 
as  may  be  some  of  the  reasons  for  doubting  its 
canonicity,  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  in  its  sup- 
port, on  the  other. 

/.  External  Evidence  in  Favor  of  Its  Apostolic 
Authority. — It  must  be  admitted  at  the  very  outset 
that  the  evidence  is  meager.  The 
1.  Ancient  first  writer  who  mentions  it  by  name  is 
Opinion  Origen  (o  240  AD).     In  his  homily  on 

Josh,  he  speaks  of  the  two  Epp.  of 
Peter.  In  another  place  he  quotes  2  Pet  1  4: 
"partakers  of  the  divine  nature,"  and  gives  it  the 
name  of  Scripture.  But  Origen  is  careful  to  say 
that  its  authority  was  questioned:  "Peter  has  left 
one  acknowledged  Ep.,  and  perhaps  a  second,  for 
this  is  contested."  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Caesarea, 
regarded  it  with  even  more  suspicion  than  did 
Origen,  and  accordingly  he  placed  it  among  the 
disputed  books  (Antilegomena) .  Jerome  knew  the 
scruples  which  many  entertained  touching  the  Ep., 
but  notwithstanding,  he  included  it  in  his  Vulg 
Version.     The  main  reason  for  Jerome's  uncertainty 


about  it  he  states  to  be  "difference  of  style  from 
I  Pet."  He  accounts  for  the  difference  by  sup- 
posing that  the  apostle  "made  use  of  two  different 
interpreters."  As  great  teachers  and  scholars  as 
Origen,  Eusebius,  and  Jerome,  e.g.  Athanasius, 
Augustine,  Epiphanius,  Rufinus  and  Cyril,  received 
it  as  genuine.  At  the  Reformation  Erasmus  re- 
jected 2  Pet;  Luther  seems  to  have  had  no  doubt 
of  its  genuineness;  while  Calvin  felt  some  hesitancy 
because  of  the  "discrepancies  between  it  and  the 
First."  In  the  4th  cent.,  two  church  councils 
(Laodicea,  c  372,  and  Carthage,  397)  formally  recog- 
nized it  and  placed  it  in  the  Canon  as  equal  in 
authority  with  the  other  books  of  the  NT. 

The  opinion  of  modern  scholars  as  to  references 
in  post-apostolic  literature  to  2  Pet  is  not  only  di- 
vided, but  in  many  instances  antago- 

2.  Modern    nistic.     Sabnon,   Warfield,   Zahn   and 
Opinion         others  strongly  hold  that  such  refer- 
ences are  to  be  found  in  the  writings 

of  the  2d  cent.,  perhaps  in  one  or  two  documents 
of  the  1st.  They  insist  with  abundant  proof  in 
support  of  their  contention  that  Irenaeus,  Justin 
Martyr,  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,  and  the  Didache, 
and  Clement  of  Rome,  were  all  acquainted  with  the 
Ep.  and  made  allusions  to  it  in  their  writings. 
Weighing  as  honestly  and  as  thoroughly  as  one  can 
the  citations  made  from  that  literature,  one  is 
strongly  disposed  to  accept  the  evidence  as  legiti- 
mate and  conclusive. 

On  the  other  side.  Professor  Chase  (HDB)  has 

subjected  all  such  references  and  allusions  in  the 

primitive  writings  to  a  very  keen  and 

3.  Dr.  searching   criticism,    and   it   must   be 
Chase's  frankly  confessed  that  he  has  reduced 
View  the  strength  of  the  evidence  and  argu- 
ment   very    greatly.     But    Professor 

Chase  himself,  from  the  remains  of  the  ancient  lit- 
erature, and  from  the  internal  evidence  of  the  Ep. 
itself,  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  2  Pet  is  not  at 
all  an  apostoHc  document,  that  it  certainly  was  not 
written  by  Peter,  nor  in  the  1st  cent,  of  our  era,  but 
about  the  middle  of  the  2d  cent.,  say  150  AD.  If 
this  view  is  accepted,  we  must  pronounce  the  Ep. 
a  forgery,  pseudonymous  and  pseudepigraphic, 
with  no  more  right  to  be  in  the  NT  than  has  the 
Apocal3T3se  of  Peter  or  the  romance  of  the  Shepherd 
of  Hermas. 

//.  Internal  Evidence  in  Support  of  Its  Apostolic 
Authority. — At  first  sight,  this  seems  to  be  not  al- 
together reassuring,  but  looking  deeper 
1.  Style  and  into  the  letter  itself  we  arrive  at  a 
Diction  satisfactory  conclusion.     Difference  of 

style  between  the  two  Epp.  attributed 
to  Peter  is  given  as  one  prominent  reason  for  ques- 
tioning the  vahdity  of  the  Second.  It  is  mainly  if 
not  entirely  on  this  ground  that  Jerome,  Calvin  and 
others  hesitated  to  receive  it.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  in  the  earher  times  objections  were  not  urged 
because  of  its  relation  to  Jude — its  borrowing  from 
Jude,  as  is  often  charged  in  our  days.  Its  alleged 
dissimilarity  to  1  Pet  in  diction,  structure,  and 
measurably  in  its  contents,  explains  why  it  was 
discredited.  Admitting  that  there  is  substantial 
ground  for  this  criticism,  nevertheless  there  are  not 
a  few  instances  in  which  words  rarely  found  in 
the  other  Bib.  books  are  common  to  the  two  Epp. 
Some  examples  are  given  in  proof:  "precious"  (1  Pet 

1  7.19;  2  Pet  1  1)  (a  compound),  occurring  often 
in  Rev,  not  often  in  other  books;  "virtue"  (1  Pet 

2  9  AVm;  2  Pet  1  3),  found  elsewhere  onlv  in  Phil 
4  8;  "supply"  (1  Pet  4  11;  2  Pet  1  5),  rare  in  other 
books;  "love  of  brethren"  (1  Pet  1  22;  2  Pet  1 
7  m),  only  in  three  places  besides;  "behold"  (1  Pet 
2  12;  3  2  [verbal form];  2  Pet  1  16)  (eyewitnesses), 
not  found  elsewhere  in  the  NT;  "without  blemish," 
"without  spot"   (1  Pet  1  19;    2  Pet  3  14)   (order 


Peter,  Second  Ep.     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2356 


of  words  reversed) ;  also  positive  side  (2  Pet  2  13), 
"spots  and  blemishes" ;  the  words  do  not  occur  else- 
where; "ungodly"  (1  Pet  4  18;  2  Pet  2  5;  3  7) 
occurs  in  but  three  other  places,  except  Jude,  which 
has  it  three  times. 

Besides,  there  are  many  striking  similarities  in 
thought  and  diction  in  the  two  Epp.  Two  instances 
are  given.  In  the  First  the  saved  are 
2.  Reason  described  as  the  "elect"  (1  1),  and  as 
of  Dissimi-  "called"  (2  21).  In  the  Second,  the 
larities  two  great  truths  are  brought  together 

(1  10).  Likewise,  in  both  stress  is 
laid  upon  prophecy  (1  Pet  1  10-12;  2  Pet  1 
19-21).  Now,  all  this  tends  to  prove  that  the 
writer  of  the  Second  Ep.  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  peculiarity  of  diction  employed  in  the  First,  and 
that  he  made  use  purposely  of  its  uncommon  terms, 
or,  if  the  Second  was  written  by  another  than  the 
apostle,  he  succeeded  surprisingly  well  in  imitating 
his  style.  The  latter  alternative  does  not  merit 
discussion.  The  differences  arise  mainly  out  of  the 
subjects  treated  in  the  two,  and  the  design  which 
the  writer  seems  to  have  kept  constantly  in  view. 
In  the  First,  he  sought  to  comfort,  strengthen  and 
sustain  his  persecuted  brethren;  this  is  his  supreme 
aim.  In  the  Second  he  is  anxious  to  warn  and  to 
shield  those  whom  he  addresses  as  to  impending 
dangers  more  disastrous  and  more  to  be  feared  than 
the  sufferings  inflicted  by  a  hostile  world.  In  the 
First,  judgment  had  begun  at  the  house  of  God 
(4  17.18),  and  behevers  were  to  arm,  not  to  resist 
their  persecutors,  but  for  martyrdom  (4  1).  But 
in  the  Second,  a  very  different  condition  of  things 
is  brought  to  view.  Ungodly  men  holding  de- 
grading principles  and  practising  shocking  imnioral- 
ities  were  threatening  to  invade  the  Christian 
brotherhood.  Evil  of  a  most  vicious  sort  was  de- 
tected by  the  watchful  eye  of  the  writer,  and  he 
knew  full  well  that  if  suffered  to  continue  and  grow, 
as  assuredly  it  would,  utter  ruin  for  the  cause  he 
loved  would  ensue.  Therefore  he  forewarns  and 
denounces  the  tendency  with  the  spirit  and  energy 
of  a  prophet  of  God. 

2  Pet  opens  with  the  positive  statement  of  Peter's 
authorship;  "Simon  ["Symeon,"  Nestle,  Weymouth] 
Peter,  a  servant  ....  of  Jesus  Christ." 
3  Claim  to  The  insertion  of  "Symeon,"  the  old  Heb 
Tj"  ,   .  name,  in  the  forefront  of  the  document  is 

f  etrme  _  significant.  If  a  forger  had  been  writing 
Authorship  in  Peter's  name  he  would  have  begun  his 
letter  almost  certainly  by  copying  the 
First  Ep.  and  simply  written,  "Peter,  an  apostle  of  Jesus 
Christ."  Note  also  that  "servant"  is  introduced  Into 
the  Second  Ep..  but  is  absent  from  the  First.  He  desig- 
nates himself  as  a  servant  and  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ. 
"Although  several  pseudonymous  writings  appear  in 
early  Christian  literature,  there  is  no  Christian  docu- 
ment of  value  written  by  a  forger  who  uses  the  name  of  an 
apostle"  (Dods,  SBD).  If  this  important  statement  is 
accepted  at  its  full  worth,  it  goes  far  to  settle  the  question 
of  authorship.  Both  "servant"  and  "apostle"  appear 
in  the  opening  sentence,  and  the  writer  claims  both  for 
himself. 

Furthermore,  the  writer  is  distinctively  a  Christian; 
he  addresses  those  who  "have  obtained  a  like  precious 
faith  with  us  in  the  righteousness  of  our 
A  rViriotian  God  and  the  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (1  1). 
*•  <-""="""  His  is  the  same  precious  faith  which  all  the 
Earnestness  saints  enjoy;  his  also  the  exceeding  great 
and  precious  promises  of  God,  and  he  ex- 
pects with  all  other  believers  to  be  made  a  partalier  of 
the  Divine  nature  (1  3.4).  Is  it  at  all  probable  that  one 
with  such  a  faith  and  such  expectations  would  deliber- 
ately forge  the  name  of  Simon  Peter,  an  apostle  of  Jesus 
Christ  ?  The  writer  is  unsparing  in  his  denunciations 
of  false  teachers,  corrupters  of  others,  and  perverters  of 
the  truth.  He  instances  the  fall  of  the  angels,  the  de- 
struction of  Sodom,  the  rebuke  of  Balaam,  as  examples 
of  the  doom  of  those  who  know  the  truth  and  yet  live 
in  shameful  sin  and  crime.  Would  a  Christian  and 
servant  of  Jesus  Christ  be  at  all  likely  to  commit  in  the 
most  flagrant  manner  the  things  he  so  vehemently  con- 
demns ?  If  the  writer  was  not  the  apostle  Peter,  he  was 
a  false  teacher,  a  corrupter  of  others,  and  a  hypocrite, 
which  seems  incredible  to  us. 

Moreover,  he  associates  himself  with  the  other  apostles 
(3  2),  is  in  full  sympathy  with  Paul  and  is  acquainted 


with  Paul's  Epp.  (3  15.16),  and  he  holds  and  teaches  the 
same  fundamental  truth.      An   apostolic  spirit  breathes 

through  this  document  such  as  is  generally 
r  Polatinn  absent  from  spurious  writings  and  such  as 
o.  iteiduuu  ^  forger  does  not  exhibit.  He  is  anxiously 
to  Apostles     concerned  for  the  purity  of  the  faith  and 

for  the  holiness  and  fidelity  of  believers. 
He  exhorts  them  to  give  "  diligence  that  ye  may  be  found 
in  peace,  without  spot  and  blameless  in  his  sight,"  and 
that  they  ' '  grow  in  the  grace  and  knowledge  of  our  Lord 
and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (3  14.18).  All  this  and 
much  more  of  like  devout  teaching  is  apostolic  in  tone 
and  betokens  genuineness  and  reality. 

Still  further,  the  writer  appeals  to  certain  facts 
in  the  life  of  Peter  that  are  almost  autobiographical. 
For  example,  he  speaks  of  "putting 
6.  Auto-  off  of  my  tabernacle  .  .  •  •  even  as 
biographical  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  signified  unto 
Allusions  me"  (1  13.14).  The  reference  un- 
doubtedly is  to  Jn  13  36;  21  18.19. 
He  claims  to  have  been  a  witness  of  the  Trans- 
figuration (1  16-18).  He  indirectly  claims  the 
inspiration  without  which  true  prophecy  is  im- 
possible (1  19-21).  He  asserts  that  this  is  his 
"second  epistle"  (3  1).  This  testimony  on  the  part 
of  the  writer  is  personal,  emphatic  and  direct.  It 
reads  much  like  Peter's  plain  way  of  speaking  of 
himself  at  the  Council  of  Jerus,  "Ye  know  that  a 
good  while  ago  God  made  choice  among  you,  that 
by  my  mouth  the  Gentiles  should  hear  the  word  of 
the  gospel,  and  believe"  (Acts  15  7). 

Once  more,  Jude  appears  to  quote  from  2  Pet  (see 
Jude).     The  question  of  the  priority  of  the  two  Epp.  is 

by  no  means  settled.  Many  recent  writers 
7  Quoted  give  the  precedence  to  Jude,  others  to 
!'    r    J  Peter.     One    of    the    highest    authority, 

by  Jude  zahn  (AT,  II,  238  ff),  argues  with  great 

force  in  support  of  the  view  that  Peter's  is 
the  older  and  that  Jude  cites  from  it.  The  arguments  In 
favor  of  this  latter  belief  are  here  only  summarized; 
(1)  Jude  cites  from  writings  other  than  Scripture,  as  the 
apocryphal  Book  of  En  and  perhaps  also  from  the  As- 
sumption of  Moses.  Peter  scarcely  quotes  from  any 
source.  The  former  would  be  more  hkely  to  cite  2  Pet 
2 — 3  3  than  the  latter  from  Jude  vs  4-16.  The  re- 
semblance between  these  two  sections  of  the  Epp.  Is  so 
close  that  one  must  have  drawn  both  thoughts  and 
language  from  the  other,  or  both  availed  themselves  of 
the  same  documentary  source.  Of  this  latter  supposi- 
tion antiquity  furnishes  no  hint.  The  differences  are 
as  marked  as  the  resemblances,  and  hence  the  one  who 
cites  from  the  other  is  no  servile  copyist.  The  real  differ- 
ence between  the  two  is  that  between  prediction  and  ful- 
filment. (2)  Peter  predicts  the  advent  of  the  "false 
teachers"  (2  1).  His  principal  vbs.  are  in  the  future 
tense  (2  1.2.3.12.13).  He  employs  the  present  tense 
Indeed  in  describing  the  character  and  the  conduct  of  the 
hbertines  (2  17.18),  but  their  presence  and  their  dis- 
astrous teaching  he  puts  in  the  future  (2  13.14).  The 
deadly  germs  were  there  when  he  wrote,  the  rank  growth 
would  speedily  follow.  Jude,  on  the  contrary,  through- 
out his  short  letter,  speaks  of  the  same  corrupters  as 
already  come;  his  objects  are  present,  they  are  in  the 
midst  of  the  people  of  God  and  actively  doing  their 
deadly  work.  (3)  Jude  twice  refers  to  certain  sources 
of  information  touching  these  enemies,  with  which  his 
readers  were  acquainted  and  which  were  designed  to 
warn  them  of  the  danger  and  keep  them  from  betrayal. 
The  two  sources  were  (a)  a  writing  that  spoke  of  ' '  un- 
godly men,  turning  the  grace  of  our  God  into  lascivious- 
ness,  and  denying  our  only  Master  and  Lord,  Jesus 
Christ,"  ver  4;  (b)  the  prediction  of  Peter  that  "in  the 
last  days  mockers  shall  come  with  mockery,  walking 
after  their  own  lusts"  (2  Pet  3  3).  Jude  urges  his 
readers  to  remember  the  words  which  the  apostles  of 
Christ  had  before  spoken,  and  then  he  cites  this  predic- 
tion of  Peter  in  almost  the  exact  terms;  "In  the  last 
time  there  shall  be  mockers,  walking  after  their  ungodly 
lusts."  He  applies  the  prediction  to  the  libertines  then 
and  there  practising  their  unholy  deeds ;  ' '  These  are  they 
who  make  separations,  sensual,  having  not  the  Spirit." 
The  conclusion  is  inevitable.  Jude  quotes  from  Peter. 
(4)  Chronology  gives  the  priority  to  Peter.  The  apostle 
died  between  63-67  AD,  probably  in  64  AD.  The  vast 
majority  of  recent  interpreters  date  the  Ep.  of  Jude  at 
75-80  AD.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  it  was  written 
after  the  destruction  of  Jems,  70  AD.  Accordingly,  it 
is  later  than  Peter's  death  by  from  6  to  10  years.  Jude 
quoted  from  2  Pet.  This  being  so.  it  follows  that  his 
Ep.  endorses  that  of  Peter  as  being  apostolic  and  likewise 
canonical,  for  he  recognizes  Peter  as  an  apostle  and  gifted 
with  the  prophetic  spirit.     See  Jude;   Peter  (Simon). 

///.  Doctrinal  Teachings   of  the  Epistle. — Only 
some  of  the  more  important  features  of  the  Ep.  are 


2357 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Peter,  Second  Ep. 


Jie^e  noticed.  If  all  were  treated  as  they  deserve 
to  be,  this  article  would  expand  into  the  proportions 
of  a  commentary. 

The  key-word  of  1  Pet  is  Hope;  of  2  Pet  Knoivl- 
edge.  The  apostle  gives  to  this  gift  of  grace  a 
promment  place  (1  2.3.5.6.8;  2  20.21; 
1.  Saving  3  18).  The  term  he  uses  is  largely  in 
Knowledge  the  intensified  form,  viz.  "full  knowl- 
edge"; that  is,  knowledge  that  rests 
on  fact,  knowledge  that  comes  to  the  believer  as 
something  supernatural,  as  being  communicated 
by  the  bpint  of  God,  and  therefore  is  true  and  com- 
plete. The  grace  and  peace  Peter  asks  for  the  saints 
should  issue  m  the  knowledge  of  God  and  of  Jesus 
Our  Lord,  who  has  granted  unto  us  all  things  that 
pertain  unto  hfe  and  godliness  through  the  knowl- 
edge of  Him  (1  2.3). 

^_  (1)  The  basis  of  saving  knowledge  rests  on  the 
exceeding  great  and  precious  promises"  which  He 
has  made  us,  and  which  become  ours  by  faith  in 
Him.  It  leads  us  into  acquaintance  with  the 
righteousness  of  God,  into  the  reahzation  of  our 
calhng  as  samts,  and  of  the  glorious  destiny  that 
awaits  them  who  know  and  trust  God  (1  2-4  AV). 

(2)  The  growth  in  true  knowledge  (1  5-11):  "In 
your  faith  supply  virtue,"  etc.  He  does  not  ask 
that  faith  be  supphed,  that  these  believers  akeady 
had.  But  starting  with  faith  as  the  foundation  of 
all,  let  the  other  excellencies  and  virtues  be  richly 
and  abundantly  furnished.  The  original  word  for 
"supply"  is  derived  from  the  Gr  "chorus,"  in  behalf 
of  the  members  of  which  the  manager  supplied 
all  the  equipments  needed.  And  Peter  appro- 
priating that  fact  urges  Christians  to  give  all  dili- 
gence to  furnish  themselves  with  the  gifts  and  grace 
he  mentions,  which  are  far  more  needful  to  the 
Christian  than  were  the  equipments  for  the  ancient 
chorus.     See  Supply. 

What  a  magnificent  cluster  Peter  here  gives  I  Each 
springs  out  of  the  other;  each  is  strengthened  by  the 
other.  "In  your  faith  supply  virtue,"  or  fortitude, 
manliness;  and  let  virtue  supply  "liuowledge."  Knowl- 
edge by  itself  tends  to  puff  up.  But  tempered  by  the 
others,  by  self-control,  by  patience,  by  godliness,  by  love, 
it  becomes  one  of  the  most  essential  and  powerful  forces 
in  the  Christian  character.  Paul  begins  his  list  of  the 
"fruits  of  the  Spirit"  with  love  (Gal  5  22);  Peter  ends 
his  with  love.  It  is  lilie  a  chain,  each  linlj  holds  fast  to 
its  fellow  and  is  a  part  of  the  whole.  It  matters  little 
at  which  end  of  the  chain  we  begin  to  count,  for  the 
links  form  a  unity,  and  to  touch  one  is  to  touch  all.  God 
freely  gives  what  we  need  and  all  we  need ;  we  are  to  "  add 
all  diUgence ' '  to  supply  the  need  richly. 

(3)  Inerrancy  of  the  sources  of  saving  knowledge 
(1  16-21).  The  apostle  rests  his  teaching  on  two 
trustworthy  facts:  (a)  the  fact  and  meaning  of  the 
Saviour's  Transfiguration;  (6)  the  fact  of  the  in- 
spiration of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Taken  together  these 
two  facts  invest  his  teaching  with  infallible  cer- 
tainty. "For  we  did  not  follow  cunningly  devised 
fables,  when  we  made  known  unto  you  the  power 
and  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  but  we  were 
eyewitnesses  of  his  majesty."  Pagan  mythology, 
so  widely  prevaiUng  at  the  time  in  Asia  Minor, 
indeed  over  the  whole  heathen  world,  was  composed 
of  "myths"  (Peter's  word)  skilfully  framed  and 
poetically  embellished.  Jewish  cabalism,  and  the 
wild  vagaries  springing  up  in  the  Christian  brother- 
hood itself  had  no  place  in  the  gospel  message  nor 
in  apostolic  teaching.  What  Peter  and  his  fellow- 
disciples  taught  was  the  very  truth  of  God,  for  at 
the  'Transfiguration  they  saw  the  outshining  glory 
of  the  Son  of  God,  they  heard  the  Divine  Voice,  they 
beheld  the  two  visitants  from  the  unseen  world, 
Moses  and  Elijah.  Of  the  majestic  scene  they  were 
eyewitnesses.  Peter  adds,  "And  we  have  the  word 
of  prophecy  made  more  sure."  The  Transfiguration 
has  confirmed  what  the  prophets  say  touching  the 
future  and  God's  purpose  to  fill  the  earth  with  His 
glory;  every  word  He  has  spoken  is  to  be  made  good. 


Moreover,  the  apostle  appeals  to  the  inspiration  of 
the  prophets  in  conflrmation  of  his  teaching:  "No 
prophecy  of  scripture  is  of  private  interpretation,  p'or 
no  prophecy  ever  came  by  the  will  of  man :  but  men 
spake  from  God,  being  moved  by  the  Holy  Spirit  "  He 
recognizes  this  as  primary  truth,  that  prophecy  is  not  of 
one  s  own  origination,  nor  is  it  to  be  tied  up  to  the  times 
of  the  prophet.  The  prophecy  was  brought  to  him,  as 
It  IS  brought  to  us.  Peter  and  his  fellow-believers  did 
not  follow  "cunningly  devised  fables";  they  were  borne 
along  in  their  prophetic  utterances  by  the  Spirit. 

Of  course  in  3  5-13,  where  the  three  worlds  are 
spoken  of,  three  globes  are  not  meant,  but  three 

vast  epochs,  three  enormous  periods  in 
2.  The  earth's  history.     The  apostle   divides 

Three  its  history  into  three  clearly  defined 

Worlds  sections,   and   mentions  some   of   the 

characteristic  features  of  each. 

(1)  The  old  ivorld.— "The  world  that  then  was" 
(3  6) :  this  is  his  first  world.  It  is  the  antediluvian 
world  that  is  meant,  the  world  which  the  Flood 
overwhelmed.  Scoffers  in  Peter's  time  asked,  no 
doubt  with  a  sneer,  "Where  is  the  promise  of  his 
coming?  for,  from  the  day  that  the  fathers  fell 
asleep,  all  things  continue  as  they  were  from  the 
beginning  of  the  creation"  (3  4).  This  is  a  sur- 
prisingly modern  inquiry.  Mockers  then  as  now 
appealed  to  the  continuity  of  natural  processes,  and 
to  the  inviolabihty  of  Nature's  laws.  Nature  keeps 
her  track  with  unwavering  precision.  There  is  no 
sign  of  any  change;  no  catastrophe  is  likely,  is 
possible.  The  promise  of  His  coming  fails.  Peter 
reminds  the  skeptics  that  a  mighty  cataclysm  did 
once  overwhelm  the  world.  The  Flood  drowned 
every  living  thing,  save  those  sheltered  within  the 
ark.  As  this  is  a  historical  fact,  the  query  of  the 
mockers  is  foolish. 

(2)  The  present  world. — Peter's  second  world  is 
"the  heavens  that  now  are,  and  the  earth"  (3  7). 
It  is  the  present  order  of  things  in  sky  and  earth 
that  is  meant.  He  asserts  that  this  world  is  "stored 
up  for  fire,  being  reserved  against  the  day  of  judg- 
rnent  and  destruction  of  ungodly  men."  The  mar- 
gin reads,  "stored  with  fire,"  i.e.,  it  contains  within 
itself  the  agency  by  which  it  may  be  consumed. 
The  world  that  now  is,  is  held  in  strict  custody, 
reserved,  not  for  a  second  deluge,  but  for  fire.  The 
advent  of  Christ  and  the  judgment  are  associated 
in  Scripture  with  fire:  "Our  God  shall  come,  and 
shall  not  keep  silence:  a  fire  shall  devour  before  him, 
and  it  shall  be  very  tempestuous  round  about  him" 
(Ps  50  3  AV;  cflsa  66  15.16;  Dnl  7  10.11).  Nor 
is  the  NT  silent  on  this  point:  "the  revelation  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  from  heaven  with  the  angels  of  his 
power  in  flaming  fire"  (2  Thess  1  7). 

Ample  materials  are  stored  up  in  the  earth  for  its  con- 
sumption by  fire.  The  oils  and  the  gases  so  inflammable 
and  destructive  in  their  energy  can.  when  it  may  please 
God  to  release  these  forces,  speedily  reduce  the  present 
order  of  things  to  ashes.  Peter's  language  does  not  signify 
earth's  annihilation,  nor  its  dissolution  as  an  organic 
body,  nor  the  end  of  time.  He  speaks  of  cosmical  con- 
vulsions and  physical  revolutions  of  both  sky  and  earth, 
such  as  shall  transform  the  planet  into  something  glo- 
rious and  beautiful. 

(3)  The  new  world. — The  third  world  is  this: 
"But,  according  to  his  promise,  we  look  for  new 
heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein  dwelleth  right- 
eousness" (3  13).  This  is  Paradise  restored.  We 
have  sure  ground  for  the  expectancy;  the  last  two 
chapters  of  Rev  contain  the  prophetic  fulfilment: 
"And  I  saw  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth:  for  the 
first  heaven  and  the  first  earth  are  passed  away; 
and  the  sea  is  no  more."  The  accomplishment  of 
these  sublime  predictions  will  involve  a  fundamental 
change  in  the  constitution  of  the  globe.  Life  would 
be  impossible  if  the  sea  was  no  more.  But  He  who 
made  the  world  can  surely  recreate  it,  clearing  it  of 
every  vestige  of  sin  and  misery  and  imperfection, 
fitting  it  for  the  dwelling  of  perfect  beings  and  of 


Pethahiah 
Pharaoh  Hophra 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2358 


His  supreme  glory.  Immanuel  will  dwell  with  the 
holy  inhabitants  of  the  new  earth  and  in  the  new 
Jerus  which  is  to  descend  into  the  glorified  planet. 
John  is  bidden,  "Write,  for  the  predictions  are  faith- 
ful and  true;  they  shall  not  fail  to  come  to  pass." 

"Earth,  thou  grain  of  sand  on  the  shore  ol  the  Universe 
of  God, 
On  thee  has  the  Lord  a  great  work  to  complete." 

LiTEB.iTURE. — See  at  end  of  Peter,  First  Epistle  of; 
Peter  (Simon). 

William  G.  Moorehead 
PETHAHIAH,    peth-a-hi'a    (n^jrinp,  p'thahyah, 
"Jeh  opens  up"): 

(1)  Chief  of  the  19th  course  of  priests  (1  Ch  24 

16).  .      , 

(2)  One  of  the  Levites  having  "foreign  wives  ' 
(Ezr  10  23;   Neh  9  5;   "Patheua"  in  1  Esd  9  23). 

(3)  Son  of  Meshezabeel,  descendant  of  Judah, 
who  was  "at  the  king's  hand  in  all  matters  con- 
cerning the  people"  (Neh  11  24). 

PETHOR,  pe'thor  ("liriS,  -p'thor;  *aeo«pa,  Pha- 

thoura,  Baeovpa,  Bathoura):   The  dwelling-place  of 

Balaam,  situated  on  "the  river"  (the 

1.  Possibly  Euphrates)  (Nu  22  5).  In  Dt  23  4,  it 
the  Assyr-  is  further  described  as  being  in  Meso- 
ian  Pitru        potamia  (Aram-naharaim).     Pethor  is 

identified  with  the  Pedru(i)  of  the 
geographical  lists  of  Thothmes  III  (c  1500  BC) 
and  the  Pitru  (Pithru)  of  the  Assyr  king  Shalman- 
eser  II,  who  states  that  in  his  3d  year  (857  BC) 
he  took  the  city  Ana-Assur-utlr-asbat  (meaning: 
"I  founded  [it]  anew  for  Assur"),  which  the  Hattaa 
(Hittites)  called  Pitru.  He  says  that  it  lay  on  the 
farther  (western)  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  by  the 
Sagurru  or  Sagura  River,  the  modern  Sajilr.  The 
importance  of  Pitru  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  he 
received  there  the  tribute  of  the  kings  of  Car- 
chemish,  Comagene,  JVIelitene  and  other  districts. 
As  Pitru  is  about  400  miles  from  Moab,  this 
meant  for  Balaam  a  three  or  four  weeks'  journey, 

but  the  messengers  sent  to  fetch  him, 

2.  Difficul-  though  they  had  to  travel  that  dis- 
ties  of  tance  twice,  could  naturally,  by  press- 
Identifi-  ing  their  mounts,  have  performed  it 
cation  in  much  less  time.  Doubt  may  like- 
wise be  entertained  as  to  the  identity 

of  Pethor  with  Pitru  by  the  absence  in  the  latter 
of  the  0,  which  would  lead  one  to  expect  rather  the 
Assyr  form  Pit(h)Uru.  Shalmaneser,  however, 
says  that  Pitru  was  the  Hittite  name,  and  that  may 
account  for  it.  With  regard  to  the  derivation, 
nothing  can  at  present  be  said,  except  that,  as  a 
Hittite  name,  Tomkins  (Records  of  the  Past,  V  [Lon- 
don, 1891],  38)  has  compared  the  name  Pitru  with 
the  Pteria  of  Herodotus  i.76  (identified  wdth  Bog- 
haz-keui,  the  great  Hittite  capital  in  Cappadocia, 
anciently  called  Hattu).  T.  G.  Pinches 

PETHTJEL,  pg-thu'el  (bxiPlS,  p'thu'el,  "God's 
opening"):   Father  of  Joel  the  prophet  (Joel  1  1). 

PETITION,  pe-tish'un:  Used  in  EV  only  as  a 
noun,  usually  as  representing  the  Heb  nbXlB, 
sh''elah  (Ps  20  5,  nbSTlJia,  mish'alah),  from  the 
common  vb.  bKlB,  shd'al,  "to  ask."  The  noun, 
consequently,  has  no  technical  meaning,  and  may 
be  used  indifferently  in  the  active  (Est  7  2)  or 
passive  (1  S  1  27)  sense,  or  for  a  petition  addressed 
to  either  God  (1  S  1  17)  or  man  (1  K  2  16),  while 
in  Jgs  8  24;  Job  6  8;  Ps  106  15,  it  is  rendered 
simply  "request."  Otherwise  "petition"  repre- 
sents the  Aram.  irS,  ba'u  (Dnl  6  7.13),  the  Gr 
atr-qfia.,  miema  (1  Jn  6  15),  and  Sir)cns,  deesis 
(1  Mace  7  37,  RV  "supphcation"),  and  the  Lat 
oratio   (2  Esd  8  24).       Burton  Scott  Easton 


PETRA,  pe'tra.     See  Sela. 

PEULTHAI,  ]ie-ul'thl,  PEULLETHAI,  pe-ul'e- 
thi  CrbS'S,  p<='ull'lhay,  "Jeh's  seed"):  One  of  the 
"porters,"  8th  son  of  Obed-edom   (1  Ch  26  5). 

PHAATH  MOAB,  fa'ath  mo'ab  (A,  *ade  Mudp, 
Phadth  Modh,  B  followed  by  Swete,  *ea\€i[ia)dp, 
Phthaleimodb  [1  Esd  5  11];  1  Esd  8  31  [AV  "Pa- 
hath  Moab"],  B  followed  by  Swete  reads  MaaBiiudp, 
Maathmodh;  Fritzsche  in  both  places  reads  'i'adO 
MwdP) :  One  of  the  families,  part  of  which,  consisting 
"of  the  sons  of  Jesus  and  Joab  2,812,"  went  up  out 
of  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua  (1  Esd 
5  11),  and  part  of  which,  viz.  "Eliaonias  the  son  of 
Zaraias  and  with  him  200  men,"  went  up  with  Ezra 
(1  Esd  8  31  =  "Pahath-moab"  of  Ezr  2  6;  8  4; 
[10  30];  and  Neh  7  11  [3  11;  10  14]).  As  the 
name  of  a  Jewish  clan  or  family  the  name  Phaath 
or  Pahath  Moab  presents  difficulties  of  which  ex- 
planations are  offered,  though  none  is  convincing. 
It  is  generally  taken  as  "ruler  of  Moab,"  which  may 
refer  to  the  Israelite  conquest  of  Moab  in  which  this 
family  may  have  distinguished  itself,  or  it  rnay 
have  arisen  from  the  settlement  and  incorporation 
of  a  Moabite  family  in  Heb  territory,  or  from  the 
settlement  of  an  Israelite  family  in  Moabite  terri- 
tory (cf  1  Ch  4  22);  or  it  may  be  the  corruption 
of  some  unknown  word  or  name.  Instances  of  such 
corruption  are  quite  common  in  these  apocryphal 
Heb  proper  names.     See  Pahath-Moab. 

S.  Angus 

PHACARETH,  fak'a-reth  (^aKapeB,  Phakareth, 
but  B  followed  by  Swete  correctly  reads  4>.  SaPeiri, 
Sabeit,  together,  A  followed  by  AV  reading  "sons 
of  Sabie,"  as  a  distinct  family,  1  Esd  5  34) :  The 
same  as  "Pochereth-hazzebaim"  of  Ezr  2  57. 

PHAISUR,  fa'sur,  fa-I'sur  (B,  ^aio-ovip,  Phaisour, 
A,  "l>oio-ov,  Phaisou) :  Head  of  one  of  the  families 
of  priests  some  of  whom  had  taken  "strange  wives" 
(1  Esd  9  22)  =  "Pashhur"  of  Ezr  10  22;  styled 
"Phassurus"  in  1  Esd  5  25. 

PHALDEUS,  fal-de'us  (A  [Fritzsche],  *a\8atos, 
Phaldaios,  B  [Swete],  #aX.a8aios,  Phaladaios;  AV 
Phaldaius) :  One  of  those  who  stood  on  Ezra's  left 
hand  when  he  expounded  the  Law  (1  Esd  9  44)  = 
"Pedaiah"  of  Neh  8  4. 

PHALEAS,  fa-le'as  (*aXaCas,  Phalaias) :  A  family 
of  "temple-servants"  who  went  up  with  Zerubbabel 
from  Babylon  (1  Esd  5  29)  =  "Padon"  of  Ezr  2  44. 

PHALEC,  fa'lek  ('i'aX^K,  PhaUk,  WH,  *dXcK, 
Phdlek):  AV;  Gr  form  of  "Peleg"  (thus  RV)  (Lk 
3  35). 

PHALIAS,  fa-h'as  (*aXCas,  Phalias,  A,  "l-iAeas, 
Phidthas;  AV  Biatas,  following  Aldine  Btaras, 
Bidtas) :  One  of  the  Levites  who  read  and  explained 
the  Law  to  the  multitude  (1  Esd  9  48)  =  "Pelaiah" 
of  Neh  8  7. 

PHALLU,   fal'oo    (N^^B,    pallu').     See    Pallc. 

PHALTI,  fal'ti  CTjbs  ,  palti).    See  Palti. 

PHALTIEL,  fal'ti-el  (bS^pbB ,  paltVel;  Syr 
"Psaltiel";  Vulg  and  AV  Salathiel) :  "The  captain 
of  the  people"  who  came  to  Esdras  between  his  first 
and  second  vision  (2  Esd  5  16).  Fritzsche  (Libri 
Apoc  vet.  test.)  reads  "Phalthiel."     See  Paltiel. 

PHANTJEL,  fan-u'el,  fan'a-el  (bX^D? ,  p'nu'el, 
"vision  of  God";  *avou^X.,  Phanoutl):  Parent  of 
Anna  (Lk  2  36).     See  Peniel. 


2359 


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Pethahiah 
Pharaoh  Hophra 


PHARAKIM,  far'a-kim  (4>apaK£C|j.,  PJiarakeim, 
B,  *apaK^|i,  Pharakem.;  AV  Pharacim) ;  One  of  the 
families  of  tomplc-scrvants  wiio  returned  with 
Zerubbabol  (1  Esd  5  31;  not  found  in  Ezr  or  Neh). 


1.  Use  of 
Name  in 
Egypt 


PHARAOH,  fa'ro,  fa'rS-o  (WIE,  par'oh; 
4>apau>,  PharaG;  Egyp  per  aa,  "great  house"): 
Many  and  strange  differences  of  opin- 
ion have  been  expressed  concerning 
the  use  of  this  name  in  Egypt  and  else- 
where, because  of  its  importance  in 
critical  discussions  (see  below).  Eli 
says  "a  name  given  to  all  Egyp  kings  in  the  Bible"; 
it  also  claims  that  the  name 
could  not  have  been  received 
by  the  Hebrews  before  1000 
BC.  HDB  (III,  819)  says 
that  a  letter  was  addressed  to 
Amenhotep  as  "Pharaoh,  lord  ni 
of,"  etc.  According  to  Winck-  /rv--4i 
ler's  theory  of  a  North  ^^^Jk.  ^"'^""  -' -  .  ^ 
Arabian  Musri,  it  was  the  k«3>  ^^^^^iii?*^ '-% 
Hebrews  alone  in  ancient  *s>'*''i ^  "'■^^  iv\.i,^ 
times  who  adopted  the  term 
Pharaoh  from  the  Egyptians, 
the  name  not  being  found 
even  in  the  Am  Tab  or  any- 
where else  in  cuneiform  liter- 
ature for  the  king  of  Egypt. 
Such  a  result  is  obtained  ac- 
cording to  Winckler's  theory 
by  referring  every  reference 
in  cuneiform  to  "Pir'u,  king  of 
Musri"  to  the  North  Arabian 
country. 

In  Egyp  inscriptions  the 
term  "Pharaoh"  occurs  from 
the  Pyramid  inscriptions  on- 
ward. At  first  it  ia  used 
with  distinct  reference  to  its 
etymology  and  not  clearly  as 
an  independent  title.  Pha- 
raoh, "great  house,"  like  Sub- 
hme  Porte,  was  applied  first 
as  a  metaphor  to  mean  the 
government.  But  as  in  such 
an  absolute  monarchy  as 
Egypt  the  king  was  the 
government,  Pharaoh  was, 
by  a  figure  of  speech,  put 
for  the  king.  Its  use  in 
Egypt  clearly  as  a  title  de- 
noting the  ruler,  whoever  he 
might  be,  as  Caesar  among 
the  Romans,  Shah  amonj 
Persians,  and  Czar  among 
Russians,  belongs  to  a  few 
dynasties  probably  beginning  with  the  XVIIIth, 
and  certainly  ending  not  later  than  the  XXIst, 
when  we  read  of  Pharaoh  Sheshonk,  but  the  Bible 
does  not  speak  so,  but  calls  him  "Shishak  king  of 
Egypt"  (1  K  14  25).  This  new  custom  in  the  use 
of  the  title  Pharaoh  does  not  appear  in  the  Bible 
until  we  have  "Pharaoh-necoh."  Pharaoh  is  cer- 
tainly used  in  the  time  of  Rameses  II,  in  the  "Tale 
of  Two  Brothers"  {Records  of  the  Past,  1st  series,  II, 
137;  Becueil  de  Travaux,  XXI,  13,  1.  1). 

It  appears  from  the  preceding  that  Bib.  writers 
use  this  word  with  historical  accuracy  for  the  various 
periods  to  which  it  refers,  not  only  for 
the  time  of  Necoh  and  Hophra,  but  for 
the  time  of  Rameses  II,  and  use  the 
style  of  the  time  of  Rameses  II  for  the 
time  of  Abraham  and  Joseph,  concern- 
ing which  we  have  not  certain  knowl- 
edge of  its  use  in  Egypt.  It  is  strongly  urged  that 
writers  of  the  7th  or  5th  cent.  BC  would  not  have 


Pharaoh. 


2.  Signifi- 
cance of 
Use  in  the 
Bible 


been  able  to  make  such  historical  use  of  this  name, 
while,  to  a  writer  at  the  time  of  the  exodus,  it  would 
have  been  perfectly  natural  to  use  Pharaoh  for  the 
king  without  any  further  name;  and  historical 
writers  in  the  time  of  the  prophets  in  Pal  would 
likewise  have  used  Pharaoh-necoh  and  Pharaoh 
Hophra.  This  evidence  is  not  absolutely  conclusive 
for  an  early  authorship  of  the  Pent  and  historical 
books,  but  is  very  difficult  to  set  aside  tor  a  late 
authorship  (ef  Gen  12  14-20;  41  14;  Ex  1  11; 
3  11;  1  K  3  1;  14  25;  2  K  23  29;  Jer  44  30; 
also  1  K  11  19;  2  K  18  21;   1  Ch  4  18). 

M.  G.  Kyle 
PHARAOH    HOPHRA,    hof'ra    (^l^n   nyiS, 
par'oh    hophra^     Oua(j)p-^,    Houaphre) :     He   is    so 
called  in  Scripture    (Jer  44  30);    He- 

1.  Sole  rodotus  calls  him  Apries  (ii.l09).  He 
King,  689-  is  known  on  the  monuments  as  Uah  'ab 
570  BC  'ra.     He  was  the  son  of  Psammetichus 

II,  whose  Gr  mercenaries  have  left  in- 
scriptions upon  the  rocks  of  Abu-Sim-bel,  and  the 
grandson  of  Pharaoh-necoh.  He  reigned  alone  from 
589  BC  to  570  BC,  and  jointly,  by  compulsion  of  his 
people,  with  his  son-in-law  Aahmes  (Gr  Amasis)  for 
some  years  longer.  No  sooner  had  he  mounted  the 
throne  than  he  yielded  to  the  overtures  of  Zedekiah 
of  Judah,  who  thought  Hophra's  accession  a  good  op- 
portunity for  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  Babylon.  So, 
as  Ezekiel  says  (17  15),  "he  rebelled  against  him 
[Nebuchadrezzar]  in  sending  his  ambassadors  into 
Egypt,  that  they  might  give  him  horses  and  much 
people."     Zedekiah  had  entered  into  the  intrigue 

against  the  advice  of  Jeremiah,  and 

2.  Alliance  it  proved  fatal  to  Zedekiah  and  the 
with  kingdom.  Nebuchadrezzar  was  not 
Zedekiah.       slow  to  punish  the  disloyalty  of  his 

vassal,  and  in  a  brief  space  his  armies 
were  beleaguering  Jerus.  The  Egyptians  did 
indeed  march  to  the  relief  of  their  allies,  and  the 
Chaldaeans  drew  off  their  forces  from  Jerus  to  meet 
them.  But  the  Egyptians  returned  without  at- 
tempting to  meet  the  Chaldaeans  in  a  pitched  battle, 
and  Jerus  was  taken,  the  walls  broken  down  and  the 
temple  burnt  up  with  fire. 

When    Jerus   had   fallen   and  Nebuchadrezzar's 
governor,  Gedaliah,  had  been  assassinated,  the  dis- 
pirited remnant  of  Judah,  against  the 

3.  Recep-  advice  of  Jeremiah,  fled  into  Egypt, 
tion  of  carrying  the  prophet  with  them .  They 
Jeremiah  settled  at  Tahpanhes,  then  Daphnae 
and  Jewish  (modern  Tell  Defe?ineh),  now  identified 
Captives        with  a  mound  bearing  the  significant 

name  of  Ka^r  Bint  el  Yahudi,  "the 
palace  of  the  Jew's  daughter."  Here  Pharaoh  had 
a  palace,  for  Jeremiah  took  great  stones  and  hid 
them  in  mortar  in  the  brickwork  "which  is  at  the 
entry  of  Pharaoh's  house  at  Tahpanhes,"  and 
prophesied  that  Nebuchadrezzar  would  spread  his 
royal  pavilion  over  them  (Jer  43  8-13).  The 
Pharaoh  of  that  day  was  Hophra,  and  when  the 
fortress  of  Tahpanhes  was  discovered  and  cleared 
in  1886,  the  open-air  platform  before  the  entrance 
was  found.  "Here  the  ceremony  described  by  Jere- 
miah took  place  before  the  chiefs  of  the  fugitives 
assembled  on  the  platform,  and  here  Nebuchadrezzar 
spread  his  royal  pavilion.  The  very  nature  of  the 
site  is  precisely  applicable  to  all  the  events"  (Flin- 
ders Petrie,  Nebesheh  and  Defenneh,  51).  It  was  in 
568  BC  that  the  prophecy  was  fulfilled  when  Nebu- 
chadrezzar marched  into  the  Delta. 

More  recently,  in  1909,  in  the  course  of  excava- 
tions carried  on  by  the  British  School  of  Archae- 
ology in  Egypt,   the  palace  of  King 

4.  Palace  Apries,  Pharaoh  Hophra,  has  been 
at  Memphis  discovered   on  the  site  of   Memphis, 

the  ancient  capital  of  Egypt.  Under 
the  grey  mud  hill,  close  to  the  squalid  Arab  village 


Pharaoh-necoh 
Pharisees 


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of  Mitrahenny,  which  every  tourist  passes  on  the 
way  to  Sakkhara,  had  lain  for  centuries  Hophra's 
magnificent  palace,  400  ft.  long  by  200  ft.,  with 
a  splendid  pylon,  an  immense  court,  and  stone- 
lined  halls,  of  which  seven  have  been  found  intact. 
With  many  other  objects  of  value  there  was  found 
a  fitting  of  a  palanquin  of  solid  silver,  decorated 
with  a  bust  of  Hathor  with  a  gold  face.  It  is 
said  to  be  of  the  finest  workmanship  of  the  time 
of  Apries,  a  relic  of  the  fire,  which,  Jeremiah  pre- 
dicted at  Tahpanhes,  the  Lord  of  Hosts  was  to 
kindle  "in  the  houses  of  the  gods  of  Egypt"  (Jer 
43  12). 

Pharaoh  Hophra,  as  Jeremiah  prophesied  (44  29  f), 
became  the  victim  of  a  revolt  and  was  finally 
strangled. 

LlTERATUBB. — Fliuders  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt.  Ill, 
344  t;  Wiedemann,  Geschichte  von  Alt-Aegypten.  190  fl; 
Flinders  Petrie  and  J.  H.  Walker.  Memphis,  I,  II  ("The 
Palace  of  Apries");    Herodotus  ii. 161-69. 

.T.   NlCOL 
PHARAOH-NECOH,  ne'ko  (HSJ  TOIS,  par'oh 
n'khoh,  also  ^33 ,  n'kho;  Ntxaci,  Nechao  [2  K  23  29. 
33.34;  2  Ch  35  22;  36  4,  AV  Necho, 

1.  Pharaoh- RV  NECO;  Jer  46  2;  2  Ch  35  20, 
Necoh,  610-  AV  Necho,  RV  NECO]) :  Nekau  II  of 
694  BC  the  monuments — Gr  Nekos — was  the 

2d  king  of  the  XXVIth  Dynasty,  being 
the  son  of  Psammetichus  I,  famous  in  Gr  contem- 
porary history,  whose  long  reign  has  left  so  many 
memorials  both  in  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt  (Herod. 
ii.l53,  158,  169).  The  great  event  of  his  reign  (610- 
594  BC)  was  his  expedition  across  Syria  to  secure 
for  himself  a  share  in  the  decaying  empire  of 
Assyria.  In  the  days  of  Esarhaddon  and  Ashur- 
banipal,  Egypt  had  been  tributary  to  Assyria,  and, 
when  it  began  to  break  up,  Egypt  and  other  sub- 
ject kingdoms  saw  their  opportunity  to  throw  off 
its  yoke.  Psammetichus  had  turned  back  the 
Scythian  hordes  which  had  reached  his  border  on 
their  western  march,  and  now  his  son  Necoh  was 
to  make  a  bold  stroke  for  empire. 

On  his  expedition  toward  the  East,  he  had  to  pass 

through   the  territory  of   Judah,  and    he   desirecl 

to    have  Josiah  its  king   as   an   ally. 

2.  Battle  of  Whatever  may  have  been  his  reasons, 
Megiddo,  Josiah  remained  loyal  to  his  Assyr 
608  BC  suzerain,  declined  the  Egyp  alliance, 

and  threw  himself  across  the  path  of 
the  invader.  The  opposing  armies  met  on  the 
battlefield  of  Megiddo,  608  BC,  where  Josiah  was 
mortally  wounded  and  soon  after^  died  amid  the 
lamentations  of  his  people.  Necoh  marched  north- 
ward, captured  Kadesh,  and  pressed  on  to  the  Eu- 
phrates. Not  having  met  an  enemy  there,  he  seems 
to  have  turned  back  and  established  himself  for  a 
time  at  Riblah  in  Syria.  To  Riblah  he  summoned 
Jehoahaz  whom  the  people  had  anointed  king  in 
room  of  his  father  Josiah,  deposed  him  after  a  brief 
reign  of  3  months,  and  set  his  brother  Jehoiakim 
on  the  throne  as  the  vassal  of  Egypt.  Jehoiakin") 
paid  up  the  tribute  of  a  hundred  talents  of  silver  and 
a  talent  of  gold  which  Necoh  had  imposed  upon  the 
land,  but  he  recovered  it  by  exactions  which  he 
made  from  the  people  (2  K  23  35). 

The  Egyp  monarch  still  kept  some  hold  upon 

Syria,   and  his  presence  there  had  attracted  the 

attention    of    the    newly    established 

3.  Battle  of  power  at  Babylon.  The  Chaldaeans 
Carchemish,  under  Nebuchadrezzar  set  out  for  the 
604  BC  Euphrates,  and,  meeting  the  army  of 

Pharaoh-necoh  at  Carchemish,  inflicted 
upon  him  a  signal  defeat.  The  Chaldaeans  were 
now  undisputed  masters  of  Western  Asia,  and  the 
sacred  historian  relates  that  "the  king  of  Egypt 
came  not  again  any  more  out  of  his  land;  for  the 
king  of   Babylon   had   taken,   from  the  brook  of 


Egypt  unto  the  river  Euphrates,  all  that  pertained 
to  the  king  of  Egypt"  (2  K  24  7). 

While  Pharaoh-necoh  II  was  ambitious  to  extend 
his  empire,  he  was  bent  also  upon  the  commercial 

development  of  Egypt.  For  this  he 
4.  Com-  set  himself  to  collect  a  navy.  He  had 
mercial  De-  two  fleets  built,  composed  of  triremes, 
velopment  one  of  them  to  navigate  the  Mediter- 
of  Egypt        ranean,  the  other  to  navigate  the  Red 

Sea.  In  order  to  secure  a  combina- 
tion of  his  fleets,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  reopening 
the  canal  between  the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea  which 
had  been  originally  constructed  by  Seti  I  and 
Rameses  II,  two  Pharaohs  of  the  days  of  the  Israel- 
ite oppression,  but  had  become  silted  up  by  desert 
sands.  He  excavated  this  old  canal,  following  the 
line  of  the  former  cutting,  and  widening  it  so  that 
two  triremes  might  meet  and  pass  each  other  in  it. 
According  to  Herodotus  he  was  obliged  to  desist 
from  the  undertaking  in  consequence  of  the  mortal- 
ity among  the  laborers,  and  it  was  left  to  Darius 
to  complete.  He  also  resolved  to  try  whether  it 
was  possible  to  circumnavigate  Africa,  and,  man- 
ning his  ships  with  Phoenician  sailors,  he  sent  them 
forth  with  instructions  to  keep  the  coast  of  Africa 
on  their  right  and  to  return  to  Egypt  by  way  of  the 
Mediterranean.  They  succeeded,  and,  rounding  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  from  the  East,  anticipated  by 
two  millenniums  the  feat  which  Vasco  da  Gama 
accomplished  from  the  West.  The  enterprise  took 
more  than  two  years,  and  the  result  of  it  was  of  no 
practical  value.  Herodotus,  when  he  visited  Egypt 
in  450  BC,  saw  still  remaining  the  docks  which 
Necoh  had  built  for  the  accommodation  of  his 
fleet. 

Literature. — Flinders  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt,  III, 
335  ff;  Wiedemann,  Geschichte  von  Alt-Aegypten,  179- 
90;  Rawlinson.  Egypt  ("Story  of  the  Nations"),  354  ff; 
Herodotus  ii.  158,  1S9. 

T.   NiCOL 

PHARAOH'S  DAUGHTER  (nyiSTia,  halh- 
par'-oh) :  The  princess  who  rescued  Moses  (Ex  2  5- 
10;  He  11  24).  This  is  probably  a  title  as  well  as 
an  appellation,  indicating  not  only  one  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  a  Pharaoh,  but  also  some  very  distinguished 
rank,  thought  to  be  most  probably  that  of  the  heir  to 
the  throne  by  birth;  though  she  was  debarred  from 
reigning  by  reason  of  sex,  she  still  possessed  the  right 
to  entail  the  scepter  and  crown  to  her  oldest  son. 
Positive  identification  of  the  "Pharaoh's  daughter" 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  is  not  possible  yet.  All 
attempts  toward  identification  are,  of  course,  guided 
by  the  particular  theory  of  the  oppressor  accepted. 
If  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression  was  Rameses  II, 
as  is  most  likely,  then  Pharaoh's  daughter  was  prob- 
ably the  daughter  of  Seti  I,  an  older  sister  of 
Rameses  II.  If,  as  many  think,  the  Pharaoh  of 
the  Oppression  was  Thothmes  III,  then  Pharaoh's 
daughter  was  some  unknown  princess.  Some  have 
thought  she  was  Hatshepsut,  the  "Queen  Elizabeth 
of  Egypt."  M.  G.  Kyle 

PHARATHON,  far'a-thon  (*apa9<5v,  Pharathdn): 
One  of  the  strong  cities  of  Judaea  fortified  by  Bac- 
chides  during  the  Maccabean  war  (1  Mace  9  50). 
LXX  reads  "Thamnatha-pharathon"  as  the  name 
of  one  city.  Jos,  however  {Ant,  XIII,  i,  3),  and 
Syr  supply  the  "and"_between  them.  The  name 
represents  a  Heb  pir'athon.  If  it  is  to  be  taken 
strictly  as  in  Judaean  territory,  it  cannot  be  identi- 
fied with  PiRATHON  (q.v.)  of  Jgs  12  15.  In  that 
case  we  should  probably  seek  for  it  with  Dr.  G.  A. 
Smith  in  some  fortress  covering  the  top  of  Wddy 
Far'ah.  w.  Ewing 

PHARES,  fa'rez  (-l-ap^s,  Pharos):  AV;  Gr  form 
of  "Perez"  (thus  RV)  (Mt  1  3;  Lk  3  33). 


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Pharaoh-necob 
Pharisees 


PHAREZ,  fa'rez  (AV  1  Esd  5  9;  8  30):  The 
same  as  RV  Phoros  (q.v.). 

PHARIDA,  fa-ri'da  (^opeiSa,  Phareidd,  A,  *a- 
piSa,  Pharidd;  AV  Pharira) :  The  clan  name  of  one 
of  the  families  of  "the  servants  of  Solomon"  who 
came  up  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd 
5  33)  =  "Peruda"  of  Ezr  2  55  =  "Perida"  of  Neh 
7  57. 

PHARIRA,    fa-rl'ra:    AV  =  RV  Pharida   (q.v.). 

PHARISEES,  far'i-sez  (DilB^nB,  p'ras/um;  ■I'api- 
cratoi,  Pharisaioi) : 

1.  Name  and  General  Character 

2.  Authorities — Josephus — NT— Talmud 
I.     History  of  the  Sect 

1.  Associated  at  First  with  Hasnaoneans,  but  Later 
Abandon  Them 

2.  Change  of  Name 

3.  Later  Fortunes  ot  the  Sect 

4.  In  NT  Times 

.5.  In  Post-apostolic  Times 
II.     Doctrines  of  the  Pharisees 

1.  Statements    of    Josephus    Colored    by    Greek 
Ideas 

2.  Conditional  Reincarnation 

3.  NT  Presentation  of  Pharisaic  Doctrines — Angels 
and  Spirits — Resurrection 

4.  Traditions  Added  to  the  Law 

5.  Traditional  Interpretations  (Sabbath,  etc) 

6.  Students  of  Scripture 

(1)  Messianic  Hopes 

(2)  Almsgiving 

III.  Organization  of  the  Pharisaic  Party 
The  hdbherim — Pharisaic  Brotherhoods 

IV.  Character   of  the  Pharisees 

1.  Pharisees  and  People  of  the  Land 

2.  Arrogance  toward  Other  Jews 

3.  Regulations  for  the  hdbher 

4.  The  NT  Account      ' 

(1)  Their  Scrupulosity 

(2)  Their  Hypocrisy 

5.  Talmudic  Classification  of  the  Pharisees 
V.     Our  Lord's  Relation  to  the  Pharisees 

1.  Pharisaic  Attempts  to  Gain  Christ  Over 

2.  Reasons  for  Pharisaic  Hatred  of  Christ 

3.  Our  Lord's  Denimciation  of  the  Pharisees 
Literature 

A  prominent  sect  of  the  Jews.     The  earliest  notice 

of  them  in  Jos  occurs  in  connection  with  Jonathan, 

the  high  priest.     Immediately  after 

1.  Name  and  the  account  of  the  embassy  to  the 
General  Lacedaemonians,  there  is  subjoined 
Character         (Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  v,  9)  an  account  of 

the  Pharisees,  Sadducees  and  Essenes, 
therefore  implying  that  then  and  in  this  connection 
they  had  been  prominent,  although  no  notice  of 
any  of  these  parties  is  to  be  found  that  confirms 
that  view.  Later  (XIII,  x,  5),  the  Pharisees  are 
represented  as  envious  of  the  success  of  John  Hyr- 
canus;  Eleazar,  one  of  them,  insults  him  at  his  own 
table.  From  the  fact  that  earlier  in  the  history  the 
Assidaeans  occupy  a  similar  place  to  that  occupied 
later  by  the  Pharisees,  it  may  be  deduced  that  the 
two  parties  are  in  a  measure  one.  See  Hasidaeans  ; 
AsMONEANS.  It  would  seem  that  not  only  the 
Pharisees,  but  also  the  Essenes,  were  derived  from 
the  Assidaeans  or  haijldhim. 

In  considering  the  characteristics  and  doctrines 

of  the  Pharisees  we  are  in  some  difficulty  from  the 

nature  of  our  authorities.    The  writers 

2.  Authorities  of  the  NT  assume  generally  that  the 

character  and  tenets  of  the  Pharisees 
are  well  known  to  their  readers,  and  only  lay  stress 
on  the  points  in  which  they  were  in  antagonism  to 
Our  Lord  and  His  followers.  The  evidence  of  Jos,  a 
contemporary  and  himself  a  Pharisee,  is  lessened  in 
value  by  the  fact  that  he  modified  his  accounts  of  his 
people  to  suit  the  taste  of  his  Rom  masters.  The 
Pharisees,  with  him,  are  a  philosophic  sect,  and  not 
an  active  political  party.  Their  Messianic  hopes 
are  not  so  much  as  mentioned.  Although  the 
Talm  was  written,  both  Mish  and  Gemara,  by  the 


descendants  of  the  Pharisees,  the  fact  that  the 
Gemara,  from  which  most  of  our  information  is 
derived,  is  so  late  renders  the  evidence  deduced 
from  Talmudic  statements  of  little  value.  Even 
the  Mish,  which  came  into  being  only  a  century 
after  the  fall  of  the  Jewish  state,  shows  traces  of 
exaggeration  and  modification  of  facts.  Still, 
taking  these  deficiencies  into  consideration,  we  may 
make  a  fairly  consistent  picture  of  the  sect.  The 
name  means  "separatists,"  from  IDHS ,  parash,  "to 
separate" — those  who  carefully  kept  themselves 
from  any  legal  contamination,  distinguishing  them- 
selves by  their  care  in  such  matters  from  the  com- 
mon people,  the  'am  hd-'areQ,  who  had  fewer  scruples. 
Like  the  Puritans  in  England  during  the  17th  cent., 
and  the  Presbyterians  in  Scotland  during  the  same 
period,  the  Pharisees,  although  primarily  a  religious 
party,  became  ere  long  energetically  political.  They 
were  a  closely  organized  society,  all  the  members 
of  which  called  each  other  hdbherim,  "neighbors"; 
this  added  to  the  power  they  had  through  their 
influence  with  the  people. 

/.  History  of  the  Sect. — The  Assidaeans  (hd^v- 
dhirn)  were  at  first  the  most  active  supporters  of  Judas 
Macoabaeus  in  his  struggle  for  religious  freedom. 
A  portion  of  them  rather  than  fight  retired  to  the 
desert  to  escape  the  tyranny  of  Epiphanes  (1  Maco 
2  2'7  f).  The  followers  of  these  in  later  days  became 
the  Essenes.  When  Judas  Maccabaeus  cleansed  the 
temple  and  rededicated  it  with  many  sacrifices,  it 
is  not  expressly  said,  either  in  the  Books  of  Mace 
or  by  Jos,  that  he  acted  as  high  priest,  but  the  prob- 
ability is  that  he  did  so.  This  would  be  a  shock  to 
the  Assidaean  purists,  as  Judas,  though  a  priest, 
was  not  a  Zadokite;  but  his  actions  would  be 
tolerated  at  that  time  on  account  of  the  immi- 
nent necessity  for  the  work  of  reconsecration  and 
the  eminent  services  of  Judas  himself  and  his 
family. 

When  Bacchides  appeared  against  Jerus  with 
Alcimus  in  his  camp,  this  feeling  against  Judas  took 
shape  in  receiving  the  treacherous 
1.  Asso-  Alcimus  into  Jerus  and  acknowledging 
ciated  at  him  as  high  priest,  a  line  of  action  which 
First  with,  soon  showed  that  it  was  fraught  with 
Has-  disaster,  as  Alcimus  murdered  many 

moneans,  of  the  people.  They  had  to  betake 
but  Later  themselves  anew  to  Judas,  but  this 
Abandon  desertion  was  the  beginning  of  a  sepa- 
Them  rating  gulf  which  deepened  when  he 

made  a  treaty  with  the  idolatrous 
Romans.  As  is  not  infrequently  the  case  with  reli- 
gious zealots,  their  valor  was  associated  with  a  mystic 
fanaticism.  The  very  idea  of  alliance  with  heathen 
powers  was  hateful  to  them,  so  when  Judas  began 
to  treat  with  Rome  they  deserted  him,  and  he  sus- 
tained the  crushing  defeat  of  Eleasa.  Believing 
themselves  the  saints  of  God  and  therefore  His 
peculiar  treasure,  they  regarded  any  association 
with  the  heathen  as  faithlessness  to  Jeh.  Their 
attitude  was  much  that  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men 
in  the  time  of  Cromwell,  still  more  that  of  the 
Cameronians  in  Scotland  at  the  Revolution  of  16S8 
who,  because  William  of  Orange  was  not  a  "cove- 
nanted" king,  would  have  none  of  him.  As  the 
later  Hasmoneans  became  more  involved  in  worldlj' 
politics,  they  became  more  and  more  alienated 
from  the  strict  Assidaeans,  yet  the  successors  of 
Judas  Maccabaeus  retained  their  connection  with 
the  party  in  a  lukewarm  fashion,  while  the  Sad- 
ducean  sect  was  gaining  in  influence. 

About  this  time  the  change  of  name  seems  to 
have  been  effected.  They  began  to  be  called 
Pharisees,  p'rushvm,  instead  of  hd^idhim — "sepa- 
ratists" instead  of  saints.  A  parallel  instance  is 
to  be  found  in  the  religious  history  of   England. 


Pharisees 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2362 


The  Puritans  of  the  17th  cent,  became  in  the  19th 

"Non-conformists."     The  earhest  instance  of  the 

Pharisees'  intervening  in  history  is  that 

2.  Change  referred  to  in  Jos  {Ant,  XIII,  x,  5), 
of  Name        where  Eleazar,  a  Pharisee,  demanded 

that  John  Hyrcanus  should  lay  down 
the  high-priesthood  because  his  mother  had  been  a 
captive,  thus  insinuating  that  he — Hyrcanus — 
was  no  true  son  of  Aaron,  but  the  bastard  of  some 
nameless  heathen  to  whom  his  mother  had  surren- 
dered herself.  This  unforgivable  insult  to  himself 
and  to  the  memory  of  his  mother  led  Hyrcanus  to 
break  with  the  Pharisaic  party  definitely.  He  seems 
to  have  left  them  severely  alone. 

The  sons  of  Hyrcanus,  esp.  Alexander  Jannaeus, 
expressed   their   hostility   in   a   more   active   way. 

Alexander  crucified  as  many  as  800  of 

3.  Later  the  Pharisaic  party,  a  proceeding  that 
Fortunes  of  seems  to  intimate  overt  acts  of  hos- 
the  Sect         tility  on  their  part  which  prompted 

this  action.  His  whole  policy  was  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  Jewish  state,  but  his  ambi- 
tion was  greater  than  his  military  abilities.  His  re- 
peated failures  and  defeats  confirmed  the  Pharisees 
in  their  opposition  to  him  on  religious  grounds.  He 
scandalized  them  by  calling  himself  king,  although  not 
of  the  Davidic  line,  and  further  still  by  adopting  the 
heathen  name  "Alexander,"  and  having  it  stamped 
in  Gr  characters  on  his  coins.  Although  a  high 
priest  was  forbidden  to  marry  a  widow,  he  married 
the  widow  of  his  brother.  Still  further,  he  incurred 
their  opposition  by  abandoning  the  Pharisaic  tra- 
dition as  to  the  way  in  which  the  libation  water  was 
poured  out.  They  retaliated  by  rousing  his  people 
against  him  and  conspiring  with  the  Syrian  king. 
On  his  deathbed  he  advised  his  wife,  Alexandra 
Salome,  who  succeeded  him  on  the  throne,  to  make 
peace  with  the  Pharisees.  This  she  did  by  throw- 
ing herself  entirely  into  their  hands.  On  her  death 
a  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  throne  and  the 
high-priesthood  began  between  her  two  sons,  John 
Hyrcanus  II  and  Aristobulus  II.  The  latter,  the 
more  able  and  energetic,  had  the  support  of  the 
Sadducces;  the  former,  the  elder  of  the  two  brothers, 
had  that  of  the  Pharisees.  In  the  first  phase  of  the 
conflict,  Hyrcanus  w^as  defeated  and  compelled  to 
make  a  disadvantageous  peace  with  his  brother, 
but,  urged  by  Antipater,  the  Idumaean,  he  called 
in  Aretas,  who  inclined  the  balance  at  once  to 
the  side  of  Hyrcanus.  The  Romans  were  appealed 
to  and  they  also,  moved  partly  by  the  astuteness 
of  Antipater,  favored  Hyrcanus.  All  this  resulted 
ultimately  in  the  supremacy  of  the  Herodians, 
who  through  their  subservience  to  Rome  became 
inimical  to  the  Pharisees  and  rivals  of  the  Sad- 
ducees. 

When  the  NT  records  open,  the  Pharisees,  who 

have  supreme  influence  among  the  people,  are  also 

strong,  though  not  predominant,  in  the 

4.  In  Sanhedrin.  The  Herodians  and  Sad- 
NT  Times     ducees,  the  one  by  their  alliance  with 

the  Rom  authorities,  and  the  other  by 
their  inherited  skill  in  political  intrigue,  held  the 
reins  of  government.  If  we  might  believe  the  Tal- 
mudic  representation,  the  Pharisees  were  in  the 
immense  majority  in  the  Sanhedrin;  the  7ia!>l\  or 
president,  and  the  'abh-heth-dln,  or  vice-president, 
both  were  Pharisees.  This,  however,  is  to  be  put 
to  the  credit  of  Talmudic  imagination,  the  relation 
of  which  to  facts  is  of  the  most  distant  kind. 

Recently  Buchler  (Das  grosse  Synedrion  in  Jeru^) 
has  attempted  to  harmonize  these  Talmudic  tables  with 
the  aspect  of  things  appearing  in  the  NT  and  Jos.  He 
assumes  that  there  were  two  Sanhcdi-ins,  one  civil,  having 
to  do  with  matters  of  government,  in  which  the  Sad- 
ducees  were  overwhelmingly  predominant,  and  the  other 
scholastic,  in  which  the  Pharisees  were  equally  pre- 
dominant— the  one  the  Senate  of  the  nation,  like  the 


Senate  of  the  United  States,  the  other  the  Senate  of  a 
university,  let  us  say,  of  Jerus.  Although  followed 
hy  Rabbi  Lauterbach  in  the  Jew  Enc,  this  attempt 
cannot  be  regarded  as  successful.  There  is  no  evidence 
for  this  dual  Sanhedrin  either  in  the  NT  or  Jos,  on  the 
one  hand,  or  in  the  Talm  on  the  other. 

Outside  the  Sanhedrin  the  Pharisees  are  ubi- 
quitous, in  Jerus,  in  Galilee,  in  Peraea  and  in  the 
Decapolis,  always  coming  in  contact  with  Jesus. 
The  attempts  made  by  certain  recent  Jewish  writers 
to  exonerate  them  from  the  guilt  of  the  condem- 
nation of  Our  Lord  has  no  foundation;  it  is  contra- 
dicted by  the  NT  records,  and  the-aftitude  of  the 
Talm  to  Jesus. 

The  Pharisees  appear  in  the  Book  of  Acts  to  be 
in  a  latent  way  favorers  of  the  apostles  as  against 
the  high-priestly  party.  The  personal  influence 
of  Gamaliel,  which  seems  commanding,  was  exer- 
cised in  their  favor.  The  anti-Christian  zeal  of 
Saul  the  Tarsian,  though  a  Pharisee,  may  have 
been  to  some  extent  the  result  of  the  personal  feel- 
ings which  led  him  to  perpetuate  the  relations  of 
the  earlier  period  when  the  two  sects  were  united 
in  common  antagonism  to  the  teaching  of  Christ. 
He,  a  Pharisee,  offered  himself  to  be  employed  by 
the  Sadducean  high  priest  (Acts  9  1.2)  to  carry 
on  the  work  of  persecution  in  Damascus.  In  this 
action  Saul  appears  to  have  been  in  opposition  to  a 
large  section  of  the  Pharisaic  party.  The  bitter 
disputes  which  he  and  the  other  younger  Pharisees 
had  carried  on  with  Stephen  had  possibly  influ- 
enced him. 

When  Paul,  the  Christian  apostle,  was  brought 
before  the  Sanhedrin  at  Jerus,  the  Pharisaic  party 
were  numerous  in  the  Council,  if  they 
5.  In  Post-  did  not  even  form  the  majority,  and 
apostolic  they  readily  became  his  defenders 
Times  against  the  Sadducees. 

From  Jos  we  learn  that  with  the  out- 
break of  the  war  with  the  Romans  the  Pharisees 
were  thrust  into  the  background  by  the  more  fanatical 
Zealots,  Simon  ben  Gioras  and  John  of  Gischala 
(BJ,  V,  i).  The  truth  behind  the  Talmudic  state- 
ments that  Gamaliel  removed  the  Sanhedrin  to 
Jabneh  and  that  Johanan  ben  Zakkai  successfully 
entreated  Vespasian  to  spare  the  scholars  of  that  city 
is  that  the  Pharisees  in  considerable  numbers  made 
peace  with  the  Romans.  In  the  Mish  we  have  the 
evidence  of  their  later  labors  when  the  Sanhedrin 
was  removed  from  Jabneh,  ultimately  to  Tiberias 
in  Galilee.  There  under  the  guidance  of  Jehuda 
ha-Kadhosh  ("the  Holy")  the  Mish  was  reduced  to 
■m-iting.  It  may  thus  be  said  that  Judaism  became 
Pharisaism,  and  the  history  of  the  Jews  became 
that  of  the  Pharisees.  In  this  later  period  the 
opposition  to  Christianity  sprang  up  anew  and 
became  embittered,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Talmudic 
tables  concerning  Jesus. 

//.  Doctrines   of  the    Pharisees. — The    account 
given  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Pharisees  by  Jos  is 
clearly    influenced    by    his    desire    to 
1.  Jo-  parallel    the    Jewish    sects    with    the 

sephus'  Gr  philosophical  schools.     He  directs 

Statements   especial    attention    to    the    Pharisaic    . 
Colored  by    opinion  as  to  fate  and  free  will,  since 
Greek  on  this  point  the  Stoic  and  Epicurean 

Ideas  sects  differed  very  emphatically.     He 

regards  the  Pharisaic  position  as  mtcT^ 
way  between  that  of  the  Sadducees,  who  denied  fate 
altogether  and  made  human  freedom  absolute,  and 
that  of  the  Essenes  that  "all  things  are  left  in  the 
hand  of  God."  He  says  "The  Pharisees  ascribe  all 
thirigs  to  fate  and  God,  yet  allow  that  to  do  what 
is  right  or  the  contrary  is  principally  in  man's  own 
po\yer,  although  fate  cooperates  in  every  action." 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  Jos,  in  giving  this  statement 
of  views,  identifies  "fate"  with  "God,"  a  process 
that  is  more  plausible  in  connection  with  the  Lat 


2363 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pharisees 


fatum,  "something  decreed,"  than  in  relation  to  the 
impersonal  moira,  or  keimarmSne,  of  the  Greeks. 
As  Jos  wrote  in  Gr  and  used  only  the  second  of 
these  terrns,  he  had  no  philological  inducement  to 
make  the  identification;  the  reason  must  have  been 
the  matter  of  fact.  In  other  words,  he  shows  that 
the  Pharisees  believed  in  a  personal  God  whose  will 
was  providence. 

In  connection  with  this  was  their  doctrine  of  a 

future  life  of  rewards  and  punishments.     The  phrase 

which    Jos    uses    is    a    peculiar    one: 

2.  Condi-  "They  think  that  every  soul  is  immor- 
tional  Re-  tal;  only  the  souls  of  good  men  will 
incarnation   pass  into  another  body,  but  the  souls 

of  the  evil  shall  suffer  everlasting 
punishment"  (a'idia  timoria  kohlzesthai) .  From 
this  it  has  been  deduced  that  the  Pharisees  held  the 
transmigration  of  souls.  In  our  opinion  this  is  a 
mistake.  We  believe  that  really  it  is  an  attempt 
of  Jos  to  state  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  of 
the  body  in  a  way  that  would  not  shock  Hellenic 
ideas.  The  Gr  contempt  for  the  body  made  the 
idea  of  the  resurrection  abhorrent,  and  in  this,  as 
in  most  philosophical  matters,  the  Romans  followed 
the  Greeks.  It  would  seem  that  Jos  regarded  the 
Pharisees  as  maintaining  that  this  resurrection 
applied  only  to  the  righteous.  Still  even  this  re- 
striction, though  certainly  the  natural  interpreta- 
tion, is  not  absolutely  necessary.  This  is  confirmed 
by  the  corresponding  section  in  the  Antiquities 
(XVIII,  i,  3):  "They  also  believe  ....  that 
under  the  earth  there  will  be  rewards  or  punish- 
ments, according  as  they  have  lived  virtuously  or 
viciously  in  this  life,  and  the  latter  are  to  be  de- 
tained in  an  everlasting  prison,  but  that  the  former 
shall  have  power  to  revive  and  live  again."  Jos 
also  declares  the  Pharisees  to  be  very  attentive 
students  of  the  law  of  God:  "they  interpret  the 
law  with  careful  exactitude." 

Nothing  in  the  Gospels  or  the  Acts  at  all  militates 

against  any  part  of  this  representation,  but  there  is 

much  to  fill  it  out.     They  believed  in 

3.  NT  Pres- angels  and  spirits  (Acts  23  8).  From 
entation  of  the  connection  it  is  probable  that  the 
Pharisaic  present  activity  of  such  beings  was  the 
Doctrines      question  in  the  mind  of  the  writer.     In 

that  same  sentence  belief  in  the  resur- 
rection is  ascribed  to  the  Pharisees. 

Another  point  is  that  to  the  bare  letter  of  the 
Law  they  added  traditions.     While  the  existence  of 

these   traditions  is  referred  to  in  the 

4.  Tradl-  Gospels,  too  little  is  said  to  enable  us 
tions  Added  to  grasp  their  nature  and  extent  (Mt 
to  the  Law    15  2  ff;     16  5  ff;     Mk  7  1-23).     The 

evangelists  only  recorded  these  tradi- 
tional glosses  when  they  conflicted  with  the  teaching 
of  Christ  and  were  therefore  denounced  by  Him. 
We  find  them  exemplified  in  the  Mish.  The  Phari- 
saic theory  of  tradition  was  that  these  additions  to 
the  written  law  and  interpretations  of  it  had  been 
given  by  Moses  to  the  elders  and  by  them  had  been 
transmitted  orally  down  through  the  ages.  The 
classical  passage  in  the  Mish  is  to  be  found  in 
Pirke  'Abhoth:  "Moses  received  the  [oral]  Law  from 
Sinai  and  delivered  it  to  Joshua  and  Joshua  to  the 
elders,  and  the  elders  to  the  prophets  and  the 
prophets  to  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue." 
Additions  to  these  traditions  were  made  by  prophets 
by  direct  inspiration,  or  by  interpretation  of  the 
words  of  the  written  Law.  All  this  mass,  as  related 
above,  was  reduced  to  writing  by  Jehuda  ha- 
Kadhosh  in  Tiberias,  probably  about  the  end  of  the 
2d  cent.  AD.  Jehuda  was  born,  it  is  said,  13.5  AD, 
and  died  somewhere  about  220  AD. 

The  related  doctrines  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul, 
the  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  the  final  judgment 


with  its  consequent  eternal  rewards  and  punish- 
ments formed  a  portion  and  a  valuable  portion  of 
this  tradition. 

.-■  I  T_(.„_  Less  valuable,  at  times  burdensome  and 
uonai  inter-  hurtful,  were  the  minute  refinements  they 
pretation  of  introduced  into  the  Law.  Sometimes  the 
the  Law  bv  >isenuity  of  the  Pharisaic  doctors  was 
Tj.       •  ■'     directed  to  Ughten  the  burden  of  the  pre- 

ir-narisees  cept  as  in  regard  to  the  Sabbath.  Thus 
a  person  was  permitted  to  go  much  far- 
ther than  a  Sabbath  day's  journey  if  at  some  tune  previ- 
ous he  had  deposited,  within  the  legal  Sabbath  day's 
journey  of  the  place  he  wished  to  reach,  bread  and 
water;  this  point  was  now  to  be  regarded  as  the  limit 
of  his  house,  and  consequently  from  this  all  distances 
were  to  be  ceremonially  reckoned  (Jew  Enc,  s.v.  "Erub"). 
The  great  defect  of  Pharisaism  was  that  it  made  sin  so 
purely  external.  An  act  was  rigbt  or  wrong  according 
as  some  external  condition  was  present  or  absent;  thus 
there  was  a  difference  in  bestowing  alms  on  the  Sab- 
bath whether  the  beggar  put  his  hand  within  the  door 
of  the  donor  or  the  donor  stretched  his  hand  beyond 
his  own  threshold,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  first  Mish  in 
the  Tractate  Shabhdth.  .  A  man  did  not  breali  the  Sab- 
bath rest  of  his  ass,  though  he  rode  on  it,  and  hence  did 
not  break  the  Sabbath  law,  but  if  he  carried  a  switch 
with  which  to  expedite  the  pace  of  the  beast  he  was 
guilty,  because  he  had  laid  a  burden  upon  it. 

Along  with  these  traditions  and  traditional  inter- 
pretations, the  Pharisees  were  close  students  of  the 

sacred  text.  On  the  turn  of  a  sentence 
6.  Close  they  suspended  many  decisions.  So 
Students  of  much  so,  that  it  is  said  of  them  later 
the  Text  of  that  they  suspended  mountains  from 
Scripture       hairs.     This    is    esp.    the    case    with 

regard  to  the  Sabbath  law  with  its 
burdensome  minutiae.  At  the  same  time  there  was 
care  as  to  the  actual  wording  of  the  text  of  the  Law; 
this  has  a  bearing  on  textual  criticism,  even  to  the 
present  day,  A  specimen  of  Pharisaic  exegesis 
which  Paul  turns  against  their  followers  as  an 
argumentuin  ad  hominem  may  be  seen  in  Gal  3  16: 
"He  saith  not,  And  to  seeds,  as  of  many;  but  as  of 
one,  And  to  thy  seed,  which  is  Christ." 

(1)  Messianic  hopes. — It  is  also  to  be  said  for 
them,  that  they  maintained  the  Messianic  hopes  of 
the  nation  when  their  rivals  were  ready  to  sacrifice 
everything  to  the  Romans,  in  order  to  gain  greater 
political  influence  for  themselves.  Their  imagina- 
tion ran  riot  in  the  pictures  they  drew  of  these 
future  times,  but  still  they  aided  the  faith  of  the 
people  who  were  thus  in  a  position  to  hsten  to  the 
claims  of  Christ.  They  were  led  by  Rabbi  Alpba 
in  the  reign  of  Hadrian  to  accept  Bar-Cochba  about 
a  century  after  they  had  rejected  Jesus.  They  were 
fanatical  in  their  obedience  to  the  Law  as  they  under- 
stood it,  and  died  under  untold  tortures  rather  than 
transgress. 

(2)  Almsgiving. — They  elevated  almsgiving  into 
an  equivalent  for  righteousness.  This  gave  poverty 
a  very  different  place  from  what  it  had  in  Greece  or 
among  the  Romans.  Learning  was  honored,  al- 
though its  possessors  might  be  very  poor.  The  story 
of  the  early  life  of  Hillel  brings  this  out.  He  is 
represented  as  being  so  poor  as  to  be  unable  some- 
times to  pay  the  small  daily  fee  which  admitted 
pupils  to  the  rabbinic  school,  and  when  this  hap- 
pened, in  his  eagerness  for  the  Law,  he  is  reported 
to  have  listened  on  the  roof  to  the  words  of  the 
teachers.  This  is  probably  not  historically  true, 
but  it  exhibits  the  Pharisaic  ideal. 

///.  Organization  of  the  Pharisaic  Party. — We 
have  no  distinct  account  of  this  organization,  either 
in  the  Gospels,  in  Jos,  or  in  the  Talm.  But  the 
close  relationship  which  the  members  of  the  sect 
sustained  to  each  other,  their  habit  of  united  action 
as  exhibited  in  the  narratives  of  the  NT  and  of  Jos 
are  thus  most  naturally  explained.  The  Talmudic 
account  of  the  hdbherim  affords  confirmation  of  this. 
These  were  persons  who  primarily  associated  for  the 
study  of  the  Law  and  for  the  better  observance  of 
its  precepts.     No  one  was  admitted  to  these  hd- 


Pharisees 
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bhuroth  without  taking  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
society  and  a  promise  of  strict  observance  of  Leviti- 
cal  precepts. 

One  of  the  elements  of  their  promise  has  to  be  noted. 
The  hdbher  promised  not  to  pay  ma'dsrOth,  "tithe,"  or 
terumah,  "heave  offering,"  to  a  priest  who 
Pharisaic        was  not  a  hdbher.     They  were  only  per- 
"RrntVipr  mitted  to  take  this  oath  when  their  asso- 

f^     ■,  ciates  In  the  brotherhood  certifled  to  their 

nooas  character.     Even  then  the  candidate  had 

to  pass  through  a  period  of  probation  of 
30  days,  according  to  the  "house  of  Hillel,"  of  a  year,  ac- 
cording to  the  "  house  of  Shammai."  This  latter  element, 
beingquite  more  ra^mudico.may  be  regarded  asdoubtful. 
Association  with  any  not  belonging  to  the  Pharisaic 
society  was  put  under  numerous  restrictions.  It  is  at 
least  not  improbable  that  when  the  lawyer  in  Lk  10  29 
demanded  "Who  is  my  neighbor?"  he  was  minded  to 
restrict  the  instances  of  the  command  in  Lev  19  18  to 
those  who  were,  like  himself,  Pharisees.  A  society 
which  thus  had  brotherhoods  all  over  Pal  and  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  rest  of  the  community  would  naturally 
wield  formidable  power  when  their  claims  were  supported 
by  the  esteem  of  the  people  at  large.  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  to  be  a  hdbher  was  a  purely  personal  thing,  not 
heritable  like  'priesthood,  and  women  as  well  as  men 
might  be  members.  In  this  the  Pharisees  were  like  the 
Christians.  In  another  matter  also  there  was  a  resem- 
blance between  them  and  the  followers  of  Jesus;  they, 
unlike  the  Sadducees,  were  eager  to  make  proselytes. 
"Ye  compass  sea  and  land  to  make  one  proselyte"  (Mt 
23  15).  Many  members  of  Rom  society,  esp.  women, 
were  proselytes,  as,  for  instance,  Poppaea  Sabina. 

IV.   Character  of  the  Pharisees. — Because   the 

ideal  of  the  Pharisees  was  high,  and  because  they 

reverenced     learning    and     character 

1.  Phari-  above  wealth  and  civil  rank,  they  had  a 
sees  and  tendency  to  despise  those  who  did  not 
People  of  agree  with  them.  We  see  traces  of 
the  Land       this  in   the  Go.spels;    thus  Jn  7  49: 

"This  multitude  that  imowrth  ncrb- 
the  law  are  accursed."  The  distinction  between 
the  Pharisees,  the  Puritans  and  the  "am  ha-'are^, 
"the  people  of  the  land,"  began  with  the  distinction 
that  had  to  be  kept  between  the  Jews  and  the 
Gentiles  who  had  entered  the  land  as  colonists  or 
intruders.  These  would,  during  the  Bab  captivity, 
almost  certainly  speak  Western  Aram.,  and  would 
certainly  be  heathen  and  indulge  in  heathen  prac- 
tices. They  were  "the  people  of  the  land"  whom  the 
returning  exiles  found  in  possession  of  Judaea. 

Mingled  wdth  them  were  the  few  Jews  that  had 
neither   been   killed   nor   deported   by   the   Baby- 
lonians, nor  carried  down  into  Egypt 

2.  Arro-  by  Johanan,  the  son  of  Kareah.  As 
gance  they  had  conformed  in  a  large  measure 
toward  to  the  habits  of  their  heathen  neigh- 
Other  Jews  bors  and  intermarried  with  them,  the 

stricter  Jews,  as  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
regarded  them  as  under  the  same  condemnation  as 
the  heathen,  and  shrank  from  association  with  them. 
During  the  time  of  Our  Lord's  life  on  earth  the  name 
was  practically  restricted  to  the  ignorant  Jews  whose 
conformity  to  the  law  was  on  a  broader  scale  than 
that  of  the  Pharisees.  Some  have,  however,  dated 
the  invention  of  the  name  later  in  the  days  of  the 
Maccabean  struggle,  when  the  ceremonial  precepts 
of  the  Law  could  with  difficulty  be  observed.  Those 
who  were  less  careful  of  these  were  regarded  as 
'am  hd-'are/;. 

The  distinction  as  exhibited  in  the  Talm  shows 

an  arrogance  on  the  part  of  the  Pharisaic  hdbher 

that  must  have  been  galling  to  those 

3.  Regula-  who,  though  Jews  as  much  as  the 
tions  for  the  Pharisees,  were  not  Puritans  like  them. 
habher  A  hdbher,  that  is  a  Pharisee,  might  not 

eat  at  the  table  of  a  man  whose  wife 
was  of  the  'a7n  hd-'are^,  even  though  her  husband 
might  bo  a  Pharisee.  If  he  would  be  a  full  hdbher, 
a  Pharisee  must  not  sell  to  any  of  the  'am  hd-'areQ 
anything  that  might  readily  be  made  unclean.  If 
a  woman  of  the  'am  hd-'dref  was  left  alone  in  a  room, 
all  that  she  could  touch  without  moving  from  her 


place  was  unclean.  We  must,  however,  bear  in 
mind  that  the  evidence  for  this  is  Talmudic,  and 
therefore  of  but  limited  historical  value. 

(1)  Their  scrupulosity. — We  find  traces  of  this 
scrupulosity  in  the  Gospels.     The  special  way  in 

which  the  ceremonial  sanctity  of  the 
4.  The  NT  Pharisees  exhibited  itself  was  in  tith- 
Account         ing,  hence  the  reference  to  their  tithing 

"mint  and  anise  and  cummin"  (Mt  23 
23).  In  the  parable  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Publi- 
can, one  of  the  things  that  the  Pharisee  plumes  him- 
self on  is  that  he  gives  tithes  of  all  he  possesses 
(Lk  18  12).  He  is  an  example  of  the  Pharisaic 
arrogance  of  those  "who  trusted  in  themselves  tha^t 
they  were  righteous  and  set  all  others  at  nought.  ' 
Their  claiming  the  first  seats  in  feasts  and  syna- 
gogues (Mt  23  6)  was  an  evidence  of  the  same  spirit. 

(2)  Their  hypocrisy. — Closely  akin  to  this  is  the 
hypocrisy  of  which  the  Pharisees  were  accused  by 
Our  Lord.  When  we  call  them  "hypocrites,"  we 
must  go  back  to  the  primary  meaning  of  the  word. 
They  were  essentially  "actors,"  poseurs.  Good 
men,  whose  character  and  spiritual  force  have  im- 
pressed themselves  on  their  generation,  have  often 
peculiarities  of  manner  and  tone  which  are  easily 
imitated.  The  very  respect  in  which  they  are  held 
by  their  disciples  leads  those  who  respect  them  to 
adopt  unconsciously  their  mannerisms  of  voice  and 
deportment.  A  later  generation  unconsciously 
imitates,  "acts  the  part."  In  a  time  when  religion 
is  persecuted,  as  in  the  days  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
or  despised  as  it  was  in  the  Hellenizing  times  which 
preceded  and  succeeded,  it  would  be  the  duty  of 
religious  men  not  to  hide  their  convictions.  The 
tendency  to  carry  on  this  public  manifestation  of 
religious  acts  after  it  had  ceased  to  be  protest 
would  be  necessarily  great.  The  fact  that  they- 
gained  credit  by  praying  at  street  corners  when  the 
hour  of  prayer  came,  and  would  have  lost  credit 
with  the  people  had  they  not  done  so,  was  not  recog- 
nized by  them  as  lessening  the  moral  worth  of  the 
action.  Those  who,  having  lived  in  the  period  of 
persecution  and  contempt,  survived  in  that  when 
religion  was  held  in  respect  would  maintain  their 
earlier  practice  without  any  arriere-pensee.  The 
succeeding  generation,  in  continuing  the  practice, 
consciously  "acted."  They  were  poseurs.  Their 
hypocrisy  was  none  the  less  real  that  it  was  reached 
by  unconscious  stages.  Hypocrisy  was  a  new  sin, 
a  sin  only  possible  in  a  spiritual  religion,  a  religion 
in  which  morality  and  worship  were  closely  related. 
Heathenism,  which  lay  in  sacrifices  and  ceremonies 
by  which  the  gods  could  be  bribed,  or  cajoled  into 
favors,  had  a  purely  casual  connection  with  morality; 
its  worship  was  entirely  a  thing  of  externals,  of  act- 
ing, "posing."  Consequently,  a  man  did  not  by  the 
most  careful  attention  to  the  ceremonies  of  religion 
produce  any  presumption  in  favor  of  his  trustworthi- 
ness. ^  There  was  thus  no  sinister  motive  to  prompt 
to  religion.  The  prophets  had  denounced  the  in- 
sincerity of  worship,  but  even  they  did  not  denounce 
hypocrisy,  i.e.  religion  used  as  a  cloak  to  hide  treach- 
ery or  dishonesty.  Religion  had  become  more  spirit- 
ual, the  connection  between  morality  and  worship 
more  intimate  by  reason  of  the  persecution  of  the 
Seleucids. 

The  Talm  to  some  extent  confirms  the  representation 
of  the  Gospels.     There  were  said  to  be  seven  classes  of 
Pharisees:     (1)    the  "shoulder"   Pharisee, 
R    TnlmiifliV  '^^'^°  wears  his  good  deeds  on  his  shoulders 
ni  '^"■tr  and  obeys  the  precept  of  the  Law,  not  from 

t^iassinca-  principle,  but  from  expediency;  (2)  the 
tion  of  the  "  wait-a-little "  Pharisee,  who  begs  for 
Phqri<!f>po  time  in  order  to  perform  a  meritorious 
i-uoiiscct.  action;  (3)  the  "bleeding"  Pharisee,  who 
in  his  eagerness  to  avoid  looking  on  a 
woman  shuts  his  eyes  and  so  bruises  himself  to  bleeding 
by  stumblmg  against  a  wall:  (4)  the  "painted"  Phari- 
sje,  who  advertises  his  holiness  lest  any  one  should  touch 


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Pharisees 
Phassurus 


him  so  that  he  should  be  defiled;  (5)  the  "reckoning" 
Pharisee,  who  is  always  saying  "What  duty  must  I  do 
to  balance  any  unpalatable  duty  which  I  have  neg- 
lected?"; (6)  the  "fearing"  Pharisee,  whose  relation  to 
God  IS  one  merely  of  trembling  awe;  (7)  tile  Pharisee 
from  "love."  In  all  but  the  last  there  was  an  element 
of  actmg,"  of  hypocrisy.  It  Is  to  be  noted  that  the 
lalm  denounces  ostentation;  but  unconsciously  that 
root  of  the  error  lies  in  the  externality  of  their  right- 
eousness ;  it  commands  an  avoidance  of  ostentation  which 
involves  equal  "posing." 

V.    Oar  Lord's  Relationship  to  the  Pharisees.-r 

The  attitude  of  the  Pharisees  to   Jesus,  to  begin 
with,  was,  as  had  been  their  attitude  to 

1.  Phari-  John,  critical.  They  sent  representa- 
sees'  tives  to  watch  Hia  doings  and  His 
Efforts  to  sayings  and  report.  They  seem  to 
Gain  Christ  have  regarded  it  as  possible  that  He 
to  Their  might  unite  Himself  with  them,  al- 
Side                though,    as   we   think.    His   affinities 

rather  lay  with  the  Essenes.  Grad- 
ually their  criticism  became  opposition.  This  op- 
position grew  in  intensity  as  He  disregarded  their 
interpretations  of  the  Sabbatic  law,  ridiculed  their 
refinements  of  the  law  of  tithes  and  the  distinctions 
they  introduced  into  the  validity  of  oaths,  and  de- 
nounced their  insincere  posing.  At  first  there  seems 
to  have  been  an  effort  to  cajole  Him  into  compliance 
with  their  plans.  If  some  of  the  Pharisees  tempted 
Him  to  use  language  which  would  compromise  Him 
with  the  people  or  with  the  Rom  authorities,  others 
invited  Him  to  their  tables,  which  was  going  far 
upon  the  part  of  a  Pharisee  toward  one  not  a  hdbhej:,- 
Even  when  He  hung  on  the  cross,  the  taunrwith 
which  they  greeted  Him  may  have  had  something 
of  longing,  lingering  hope  in  it:  "If  he  be  the  King 
of  Israel,  let  him  now  come  down  from  the  cross,  and 
we  will  believe  him"  (Mt  27  42  AV).  If  He  would 
only  give  them  that  sign,  then  they  would  acknowl- 
edge Him  to  be  the  Messiah. 

The  opposition  of  the  Pharisees  to  Jesus  was  in- 
tensified by  another  reason.     They  were  the  demo- 
cratic party;  their  whole  power  lay  in 

2.  Reasons  the  reputation  they  had  with  the  peo- 
for  Phari-  pie  for  piety.  Our  Lord  denounced 
sale  Hatred  them  as  hypocrites;  moreover  He  had 
of  Christ        secured  a  deeper  popularity  than  theirs. 

At  length  when  cajolery  failed  to  win 
Him  and  astute  questioning  failed  to  destroy  His  pop- 
ularity, they  combined  with  their  opponents,  the 
Sadducees,  against  Him  as  against  a  common  enemy. 
On  the  other  hand,  Jesus  denounced  the  Pharisees 
more  than  He  denounced  any  other  class  of  the 

people.     This  seems  strange  when  we 

3.  Our  remember  that  the  main  body  of  the 
Lord's  De-  religious  people,  those  who  looked  for 
nunciation  the  Messiah,  belonged  to  the  Pharisees, 
of  the  and  His  teaching  and  theirs  had  a 
Pharisees      strong   external  resemblance.     It  was 

this  external  resemblance,  united  as 
it  was  with  a  profound  spiritual  difference,  which 
made  it  incumbent  on  Jesus  to  mark  Himself  off 
from  them.  All  righteousness  with  them  was  ex- 
ternal, it  lay  in  meats  and  drinks  and  divers  wash- 
ings, in  tithing  of  mint,  anise  and  cummin.  He 
placed  religion  on  a  different  footing,  removed  it 
into  another  region.  With  Him  it  was  the  heart 
that  must  be  right  with  God,  not  merely  the  ex- 
ternal actions;  not  only  the  outside  of  the  cup  and 
platter  was  to  be  cleansed,  but  the  inside  first  of  all. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that,  as  observed  above,  the  Phari- 
sees were  less  antagonistic  to  the  apostles  when  their 
Lord  had  left  them.  The  after-history  of  Phari- 
saism has  justified  Our  Lord's  condemnation. 

LiTEHATURE. — Hlstories  of  Israel:  Ewald,  V,  36.5  fT, 
ET;  Herzfeld,  III,  354  ft;  Jost,  I,  197  £t;  Griitz,  V.  91  IT; 
Derenbourg,  75-78,  117-44,  452-54;  Holtzmann,  II, 
124  fl;  Renan,  V,  42  fl;  Stanley,  III,  376  it;  Oornill, 
145  fl,  ET;  Schurer,  II,  ii,  4  fl,  ET  (.GJV,  II,  447  fl) ; 
Kuenen,  III,  233  ff,  ET. 


Life  and  Times  of  Christ:  Hausrath,  I,  135  ff,  ET; 
Edershelm,  I,  310  fl;  Lange,  I,  302  ff,  ET;  Farrar,  II, 
494  fl;  Geikie,  II.  223  fl;  Keim,  I,  250  fl;  Thomson, 
Books  Which  Influenced  Our  Lord,  50  fl;  Weiss,  I,  285  fl, 
ET;   de  Prossensfi,  116  fl. 

Arts.  In  Encs,  Bible  Diets.,  Lexicons,  etc:  Ersch  and 
Gruber,  Allg.  Enc  (Daniel);  Winer,  RealwSrterbuch; 
Herzog,  RE.  ed  1  (Reuss),  edd  2,  3  (Sieffert) ;  Hamburger, 
Realenc;  Smith's  DB  (Twisleton) ;  Kitto's  Cyclopaedia 
of  Bib.  Lit.  (Ginsburg);  HDB  (Baton);  EB  (Cowley, 
Prince);  Schenkel,  Bibel-Lezicon  (Hau.srath) ;  Jew  Enc 
(Kohler);  Temple  Did.  of  the  Bible  (Christie);  Hastings, 
DCQ  (Hugh  Scott,  Mitchell), 

Monographs:  Wellhausen,  Montet,  Geiger,  Baneth, 
Miiller,  Hanne,  Davaine.  Herford;  Weber,  System  der 
att.^ynagogen  Palestinischen  Theolofjie,  lOff,  44fl;  Keil,  Bib. 
Archaeology.  II,  1680;  Ryle  and  James,  P-ss  of  Solomon, 
xlivff;    Nicolas,  Doctrines  rcligieuses  des  juifs.  48  fl. 

.J.  E.  H,  Thomson 
PHAROSH,    fa'rosh    (©I^IS,    par'osh).     See 
Parosh. 

PHARPAR,  far'par  (nS";?.  parjxir;  LXX  B, 
'A(j)ap(t>a,  Apharphd,  A,  'l>ap<t>apd,  Pharphard) :  A 
river  of  Damascus,  mentioned  in  2  K  5  12,  along 
with  the  Abana  or  Amana.     See  Abana. 


PHARZITES,   far'zits    C^aiSn,    ha-parQl). 
Perez. 


See 


PHASEAH,  fa-se'a,  PASEAH,  pa-se'a  (DPS, 
pa^e'h,  "lame"): 

(1)  A  descendant  of  Judah,  son  of  Eshton  (1  Ch 

4  12). 

,      (2)  Name  of  a  family  of  Nethinim   (Ezr  2  49; 
Neh  7  51    [AV   "Phaseah"];     "Phinoe"   of    1  Esd 

5  31  RV). 

(3)  Father  of  Joiada  (AV  "Jehoiada"),  the  re- 
pairer of  the  "old  gate"  in  Jerus  (Neh  3  6). 

PHASELIS,  fa-se'lis  (*iio-Ti\is,  Phdselis) :  A  city 
of  Lycia  in  Southern  Asia  Minor,  on  the  seacoast, 
near  the  boundary  of  Pamphylia,  to  which  country 
some  ancient  writers  have  assigned  it.  Situated 
on  the  extreme  end  of  a  promontory  which  pro- 
jected into  the  sea,  and  with  high  mountains  in  the 
rear,  it  was  separated  both  politically  and  geo- 
graphically from  the  rest  of  Lycia.  Hence  it  may 
be  understood  how  it  early  became  the  favorite 
haunt  of  pirates.  Already  in  the  6th  cent.  BC, 
when  trade  was  carried  on  with  Egypt,  the  city 
struck  coins  of  its  own;  upon  them  the  prow  and 
the  stern  of  a  war  galley  were  commonly  represented. 
The  coinage  ceased  in  466  BC,  but  it  was  resumed 
about  400  BC,  when  the  city  again  became  prac- 
tically independent.  For  a  time  Phaselis  was  under 
the  control  of  the  Seleucid  kings  of  Syria,  but  in 
190  BC  it  again  regained  its  independence  or  con- 
tinued as  a  member  of  the  league  of  Lycian  cities 
(1  Mace  15  23).  Before  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era  it  had  lost  considerable  of  its  earlier 
importance,  yet  it  was  still  famed  for  its  temple  of 
Athene  in  which  it  was  said  that  the  sword  of 
Achilles  was  preserved,  and  also  for  the  attar  of 
roses  which  was  produced  there.  It  figures  little 
in  early  Christian  history,  yet  in  Byzantine  times 
it  was  the  residence  of  a  bishop.  Its  site,  now 
marked  by  the  ruins  of  the  stadium,  temples  and 
theater,  bears  the  Turkish  name  of  Tekir  Ova. 
See  also  Lycia.  E.  J.  Banks 

PHASIRON,  fas'i-ron  (A,  *ao-i,pMv,  PhasirSn, 
B,  "l>ao-eipMv,  Phaseiron,  V,  4>api,<r(iv,  Pharison) : 
The  name  of  an  unknown  Arab  tribe  whom  Jona- 
than overcame  in  the  wilderness  near  Bethbasi;  or 
possibly  the  name  of  an  Arab  chief  (1  Mace  9  66). 

PHASSARON,  fas'a-ron:  AV  =  RV  Phassurus 
(q.v.), 

PHASSURUS,  fas-su'rus,  fas'il-rus  (^ao-o-oupos, 
Phdssouros,  B,  'i'ao-o-opos,  Phdssoros;  AVPhassaron, 


Phebe 
PhUip 


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after  Aldine) :  The  name  of  one  of  the  families 
which  went  up  from  exile  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd 
5  25)  =  "Pashhur"  of  Ezr  2  38;  Neh  7  41;  accord- 
ing to  Ezr  and  Neh  and  RV  numbering,  1,247; 
according  to  AV  following  A,  1,047. 

PHEBE,  fe'bs  (*oCpri,  Phoibe).     See  Phoebe. 

PHENICE,  fg-ni'sg.     See  Phoenicia;   Phoenix. 

PHENICIA,  fg-nish'i-a  (^oivUi],  Phoinike). 
See  Phoenicia. 

PHERESITES,  fer'g-sits:  AV  =  RV  "Pherezites" 
(1  Esd  8  69;   2  Esd  1  21)  =  "Perizzite." 

PHEREZITE,  fer'g-zlt:  AV  form  in  Jth  6  16  for 
RV  "Perizzite"  and  both  AV  and  RV  in  2  Esd  1 
21  for  "Perizzite";  one  of  the  Canaanitish  tribes. 

PHI-BESETH,  ft'bg-seth,  fib'g-seth  (noa-iS, 
pi-bhe^eth).     See  Pi-beseth. 

PHICOL,  fl'kol  (bbiS,  pikhol;  ^ik6\,  Phikol; 
AV  Phichol) :  The  captain  of  the  host  of  the  Phili 
king  Abimelech  of  Gerar  (Gen  21  22;   26  26). 

PHILADELPHLA.,       fil-a-del'fi-a        (*i\o8£\<t>£a, 

Philadelphia):  A  city  of  ancient  Lydia  in  Asia 
Minor  on  the  Cogamus  River,  105  miles  from 
Smyrna.  It  stood  upon  a  terrace  650  ft.  above  the 
sea.  Behind  it  are  the  volcanic  cliffs  to  which  the 
Turks  have  given  the  name  of  Devitt,  or  "ink- 
wells"; on  the  other  side  of  the  city  the  land  is 
exceedingly  fertile,  and  there  was  produced  a  wine 
of  whose  excellence  the  celebrated  Rom  poet  Virgil 
wrote.  Philadelphia  is  not  so  ancient  as  many  of 
the  other  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  for  it  was  founded 
after  189  EC  on  one  of  the  highways  which  led  to 
the  interior.  Its  name  was  given  to  it  in  honor  of 
Attains  II,  because  of  his  loyalty  to  his  elder 
brother,  Eumenes  II,  king  of  Lydia.  Still  another 
name  of  the  city  was  Decapolis,  because  it  was  con- 
sidered as  one  of  the  ten  cities  of  the  plain.  A 
third  name  which  it  bore  during  the  1st  cent.  AD 
was  Neo-kaisaria;  it  appears  upon  the  coins  struck 
during  that  period.  During  the  reign  of  Vespasian, 
it  was  called  Flavia.  Its  modern  name,  Ala-shehir, 
is  considered  by  some  to  be  a  corruption  of  the  Turk- 
ish words  Allah-shehir,  "the  city  of  God,"  but  more 
likely  it  is  a  name  given  it  from  the  reddish  color 
of  the  soil.  In  addition  to  all  of  these  names  it 
sometimes  bore  the  title  of  "Little  Athens"  because 
of  the  magnificence  of  the  temples  and  other  public 
buildings  which  adorned  it.  Philadelphia  quickly 
became  an  important  and  wealthy  trade  center, 
for  as  the  coast  cities  declined,  it  grew  in  power,  and 
retained  its  importance  even  until  late  Byzantine 
times.  One  of  the  Seven  Churches  of  the  Book  of 
Rev  (Rev  3  7  ff)  was  there,  and  it  was  the  scat  of 
a  bishop.  As  in  most  Asia  Minor  cities,  many  Jews 
lived  there,  and  they  possessed  a  sjTiagogue.  Dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Tiberius  the  city  was  destroyed  by 
an  earthquake,  yet  it  was  quickly  rebuilt.  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa  entered  it  while  on  his  crusade 
in  1190.  Twice,  in  1306  and  1324,  it  was  besieged 
by  the  Seljuk  Turks,  but  it  retained  its  independence 
until  after  1390,  when  it  was  captured  by  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  Turks  and  Byzantines.  In  1403 
Tamerlane  captured  it,  and,  it  is  said,  built  about 
it  a  wall  of  the  corpses  of  his  victims. 

Ala-shehir  is  still  a  Christian  town;  one-fourth 
of  its  modern  population  is  Greek,  and  a  Gr  bishop 
still  makes  his  home  there.  One  of  the  chief  modern 
industries  is  a  liquorice  factory;  in  the  fields  about 
the  city  the  natives  dig  for  the  roots.  On  the 
terrace  upon  which  the  ancient  city  stood,  the  ruins 


of  the  castle  and  the  walls  may  still  be  seen,  and 
among  them  is  pointed  out  the  foundation  of  the 
early  church.  The  place  may  now  best  be  reached 
by  rail  from  Smyrna.  E.  J.  Banks 

PHILARCHES,  fi-lar'kez.     See  Phtlabches. 

PHILEMON,    fi-le'mon,    fl-le'mun    (<i>i\^(iwv, 

Philtmon):  Among  the  converts  of  St.  Paul,  per- 
haps while  at  Ephesus,  was  one  whom  he  calls  a 
"fellow-worker,"  Philemon  (Philem  ver  1>.  He 
was  probably  a  man  of  some  means,  was  celebrated 
for  his  hospitality  (vs  5-7)  and  of  considerable  im- 
portance in  the  ecclesia  at  Colossae.  It  was  at  his 
house  (ver  2)  that  the  Colossian  Christians  met  as  a 
center.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  this  was  a 
group  of  the  Colossian  church  rather  than  the  en- 
tire ecclesia.  His  wife  was  named  Apphia  (ver  2) ; 
and  Archippus  (ver  2)  was  no  doubt  his  son.  From 
Col  4  17  we  learn  that  Archippus  held  an  office  of 
some  importance  in  Colossae,  whether  he  was  a 
presbyter  (Abbott,  ICC),  or  an  evangelist,  or  per- 
haps the  reader  (Zahn),  we  cannot  tell.  He  is 
called  here  (ver  2)  St.  Paul's  "fellow-soldier." 

The  relation  between  the  apostle  and  Philemon 
was  so  close  and  intimate  that  St.  Paul  does  not 
hesitate  to  press  him,  on  the  basis  of  it,  to  forgive 
his  slave,  Onesimus,  for  stealing  and  for  running 
away.     See  Philemon,  Epistle  to. 

Tradition  makes  Philemon  the  bishop  of  Colossae 
(Apos  Const,  vii,  46),  and  the  Gr  Martyrology 
(Menae)  for  November  22  tells  us  that  he  together 
with  his  wife  and  son  and  Onesimus  were  martyred 
by  stoning  before  Androcles,  the  governor,  in  the 
days  of  Nero.  With  this  the  Lat  Martyi'ology 
agrees  (cf  Lightfoot,  St.  Ignatius,  II,  535).  This 
evidence,  however,  is  unsatisfactory  and  cannot  be 
trusted  as  giving  unquestionable  facts  as  to  Phile- 
mon. The  only  sure  information  is  that  in  the  ep. 
bearing  his  name.  Charles  Smith  Lewis 

PHILEMON,  EPISTLE  TO:  This  most  beautiful 
of  all  St.  Paul's  Epp.,  and  the  most  intensely  human, 
is  one  of  the  so-called  Captivity  Epp.  of  which  Eph, 
Col,  and  Phil  are  the  others.  Of  these  four  Philip- 
piANS  (q.v.)  stands  apart,  and  was  written  more 
probably  after  the  other  three.  These  are  mutually 
interdependent,  sent  by  the  same  bearer  to  churches 
of  the  same  district,  and  under  similar  conditions. 

There  is  some  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  place 
from  which  the  apostle  wrote  these  letters.  Cer- 
tain scholars  (Reuss,  Schenkel,  Weiss, 
1.  Place  of  Holtzmann,  Hilgenfeld,  Hausrath  and 
Writing  Meyer)  have  urged  Caesarea  in  oppo- 

sition to  the  traditional  place,  Rome. 
The  arguments  advanced  are  first  that  Onesimus 
would  have  been  more  likely  to  have  escaped  to 
Caesarea  than  to  Rome,  as  it  is  nearer  Colossae  than 
Rome  is,  to  which  we  may  reply  that,  though  Caes- 
area is  nearer,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have  been 
far  greater  in  the  capital  than  in  the  provincial  city. 
Again  it  is  said  that  as  Onesimus  is  not  commended 
in  Eph,  he  had  already  been  left  behind  at  Colossae; 
against  which  there  are  advanced  the  precarious 
value  of  an  argument  from  silence,  and  the  fact 
that  this  argument  assumes  a  particular  course 
which  the  bearers  of  the  letters  would  follow,  viz. 
through  Colossae  to  Ephesus.  A  more  forcible 
argument  is  that  which  is  based  on  the  apostle's 
expected  visit.  In  Phil  2  24  we  read  that  he  ex- 
pected to  go  to  Macedonia  on  his  release;  in  Philem 
ver  22  we  find  that  he  expected  to  go  to  Colossae. 
On  the  basis  of  this  latter  reference  it  is  assumed  that 
he  was  to  the  south  of  Colossae  when  wi'iting  and  so 
at  Caesarea.  But  it  is  quite  as  probable  that  he 
would  go  to  Colossae  through  Philippi  as  the  reverse ; 
and  it  is  quite  possible  that  even  if  he  had  intended 


2367 


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Phebe 
Philip 


to  go  direct  to  Colossae  when  he  wrote  to  Philemon, 
events  may  have  come  about  to  cause  him  to  change 
his  plans.  The  last  argument,  based  on  the  omis- 
sion of  any  reference  to  the  earthquake  of  which 
Tacitus  (A?m.  xiv.27)  and  Eusebius  {Chron.,  01, 
207)  write,  is  of  force  as  opposed  to  the  Rom  origin 
of  the  letters  only  on  the  assumption  that  these 
writers  both  refer  to  the  same  event  (by  no  means 
sure)  and  that  the  epp.  were  written  after  that 
event,  and  that  it  was  necessary  that  St.  Paul 
should  have  mentioned  it.  If  the  early  chronology 
be  accepted  it  falls  entirely,  as  Tacitus'  earlier  date 
would  be  after  the  epp.  were  written.  In  addition 
we  have  the  further  facts,  favorable  to  Rome,  that 
St.  Paul  had  no  such  freedom  in  Caesarea  as  he  is 
represented  in  these  epp.  as  enjoying;  that  no 
mention  is  made  of  Philip  who  was  in  Caesarea  and 
a  most  important  member  of  that  community  (Acts 
21  8),  and  finally  that  there  is  no  probability  that 
so  large  a  body  of  disciples  and  companions  could 
have  gathered  about  the  apostle  in  his  earlier  and 
more  strict  imprisonment,  at  Caesarea.  We  may 
therefore  conclude  that  the  Captivity  Epp.  were 
written  from  Rome,  and  not  from  Caesarea. 

The  external  evidence  for  the  ep.  is  less  extensive 
than  that  of  some  of  the  other  epp.,  but  it  is  abun- 
dantly strong.     The  play  on  the  word 

2.  Authen-  Onesimus  which  St.  Paul  himself  uses 
ticity  (Philem  ver   11)   is  found  in  Ignat., 

Eph,  ii.  This  may  not  mean  neces- 
sarily a  literary  connection,  but  it  suggests  this. 
The  ep.  is  known  to  TertuUian,  and  through 
him  we  know  that  Marcion  accepted  it  {Adv. 
Marc,  v.21).  It  is  in  the  list  in  the  Murato- 
rian  Fragment  (p.  106,  1.  27),  and  is  quoted  by 
Origen  as  Pauline  {Horn,  in  Jer.,  19)  and  placed  by 
Eusebius  {HE,  III,  xxv)  among  the  acknowledged 
books. 

It  has  twice  been  the  object  of  attack.  In  the  4th  and 
5th  cents,  it  was  opposed  as  unworthy  of  St.  Paul's  mind 
and  as  of  no  value  for  edification.  This  attacli  was  met 
successfully  by  Jerome  {Comm.in  Philem,  praef.),  Chry- 
sostom  (Argum.  in  Philem)  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
(Spicil.  in  Solesm.  I.  149),  and  the  ep.  was  finally  estab- 
lished in  its  earher  firm  position.  The  later  attack  by 
Baur  was  inspired  by  his  desire  to  break  down  the  cor- 
roborative value  of  Philem  to  the  other  Captivity  Epp., 
and  has  been  characterized  by  Weiss  as  one  of  Baur's 
worst  bltmders.  The  suggestions  that  it  is  interpolated 
(Holtzmann),  or  allegorical  (Weizsacker  and  Pfleiderer), 
or  based  on  the  letter  of  Pliny  (Ep.  IX.  21)  to  Sabinianus 
(Steck),  are  interesting  examples  of  the  vagaries  of  their 
authors,  but  "deserve  only  to  be  mentioned"  (Zahn). 
In  its  language,  style  and  argument  the  letter  is  clearly 
Pauline. 

The  date  will,  as  is  the  case  with  the  other  Cap- 
tivity  Epp.,   depend   on   the   chronology.     If   the 
earlier  scheme  be  followed  it  may  be 

3.  Date         dated  about  58,  if  the  later  about  63, 

or  64. 
The   apostle  writes  in  his  own  and  Timothy's 
name  to  his  friend  Philemon  (q.v.)  in  behalf  of 
Onesimus,    a   runaway   slave   of    the 

4.  Argu-  latter.  Beginning  with  his  usual 
ment  thanksgiving,  here  awakened  by  the 

report  of  Philemon's  hospitality,  he 
intercedes  for  his  'son  begotten  in  his  bonds'  (ver 
10),  Onesimus,  who  though  he  is  Philemon's  run- 
away slave  is  now  "a  brother."  It  is  on  this  ground 
that  the  apostle  pleads,  urging  his  own  age,  and 
friendship  for  Philemon,  and  his  present  bonds. 
He  pleads,  however,  without  belittling  Onesimus' 
wrongdoing,  but  assuming  himself  the  financial 
responsibility  for  the  amount  of  his  theft.  At  the 
same  time  the  apostle  quietly  refers  to  what  Phile- 
mon really  owes  him  as  his  father  in  Christ,  and  begs 
that  he  will  not  disappoint  him  in  his  expectation. 
He  closes  with  the  suggestion  that  he  hopes  soon  to 
visit  him,  and  with  greetings  from  his  companions 
in  Rome. 


The  charm  and  beauty  of  this  ep.  have  been 
universally  recognized.     Its  value  to  us  as  giving 

a  glimpse  of  St.  Paul's  attitude 
6.  Value        toward  slavery  and  his  intimacy  with 

a  man  like  Philemon  cannot  be  over- 
estimated. One  of  the  chief  elements  of  value  in 
it  is  the  picture  it  gives  us  of  a  Chri.stian  home  in  the 
apostolic  days;  the  father  and  mother  well  known 
for  their  hospitality,  the  son  a  man  of  po.sition  and 
importance  in  the  church,  the  coming  and  going  of 
the  Christian  brethren,  and  the  life  of  the  brother- 
hood centering  about  this  household. 

LiTEBATUHE. — Lightfoot,  Col  and  Philem;  Vincent, 
"Phil"  and  "Philem"  (ICC);  von  Soden,  Hand  Com- 
menlar;    Ale.xander,  in  Speaker's  Comm. 

Charles  Smith  Lewis 
PHILETUS,  fi-le'tus,  fi-le'tus  (*aT]Tos,    Phlletos 
[2  Tim  2  17]) ;   This  person  is  mentioned  by  Paul, 
who  warns  Timothy  against  him  as 

1.  The  well  as  against  his  associate  in  error. 
Nature  of  Hymenaeus.  The  apostle  speaks  of 
His  Error      Hymenaeus  and  Philetus  as  instances 

of  men  who  were  doing  most  serious 
injury  to  the  church  by  their  teaching,  and  by  what 
that  teaching  resulted  in,  both  in  faith  and  morals. 
The  specific  error  of  these  men  was  that  they  denied 
that  there  would  be  any  bodily  resurrection.  They 
treated  all  Scriptural  references  to  such  a  state,  as 
figurative  or  metaphorical.  They  spiritualized  it 
absolutely,  and  held  that  the  resurrection  was  a 
thing  of  the  past.  No  resurrection  was  possible, 
so  they  taught,  except  from  ignorance  to  knowledge, 
from  sin  to  righteousness.  There  would  be  no  day 
when  the  dead  would  hear  the  voice  of  Christ  and 
come  forth  out  of  the  grave.  The  Christian,  know- 
ing that  Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead,  looked 
forward  to  the  day  when  his  body  should  be  raised 
in  the  likeness  of  Christ's  resurrection.     But  this 

faith  was  utterly  denied  by  the  teach- 

2.  How  It  ing  of  Hymenaeus  and  Philetus. 
Overthrew  This  teaching  of  theirs,  Paul  tells  us, 
Faith  had  overthrown  the  faith  of  some.     It 

would  also  overthrow  Christian  faith 
altogether,  for  if  the  dead  are  not  raised,  neither  is 
Christ  risen  from  the  dead,  and  "ye  are  yet  in  your 
sins"  (1  Cor  15  17). 

The  denial  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
whether  of  mankind  generally  or  of  Christ,  is  the 
overthrow  of  the  faith.  It  leaves  nothing  to  cling 
to,  no  living  Christ,  who  saves  and  leads  and  com- 
forts His  people.  The  apostle  proceeds  to  say  that 
teaching  of  this  kind  "eats  as  doth  a  gangrene,"  and 
that  it  increases  unto  more  ungodliness.  As  a 
canker  or  gangrene  eats  away  the  flesh,  so  does  such 
teaching  eat  away  Christian  faith.  Paul  is  careful 
to  say,  more  than  once,  that  the  teaching  which 
denies  that  there  will  be  a  resurrection  of  the  dead 
leads  inevitably  to  "ungodliness"  and  to  "iniquity." 
See  Hymenaeus.  John  Rutherfurd 

PHILIP,  fil'ip  ("i>(\i,in7os,  Philippos,  "lover  of 
horses"): 

(1)  The  father  of  Alexander  the  Great  (1  Mace 
1  1;  6  2),  king  of  IMacedonia  in  3.59-3.36  BC.  His 
influence  for  Greece  and  for  mankind  in  general  lay 
in  hastening  the  decadence  of  the  Gr  city-state  and 
in  the  preparations  he  left  to  Alexander  for  the 
diffusion  throughout  the  world  of  the  varied  phases 
of  Gr  intellectual  life. 

(2)  A  Phrygian  left  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  as 
governor  at  Jerus  (c  170  BC)  and  described  in  2 
Mace  5  22  as  "more  barbarous"  than  Antiochus 
himself,  burning  fugitive  Jews  who  had  assembled 
in  caves  near  by  "to  keep  the  sabbath  day  secretly" 
(2  Mace  6  11)  and  taking  special  measures  to  check 
the  opposition  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (2  Mace  8  8). 
There  is  some  ground  for  identifying  him  with — 


PhUip 
Philippi 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


236S 


(3)  A  friend  or  foster-brother  of  Antiochus  (2 
Mace  9  29),  appointed  by  Antiochus  on  his  death- 
bed as  regent.  Lysias  already  held  the  ofBce  of 
regent,  having  brought  up  the  son  of  Antiochus 
from  his  youth,  and  on  the  death  of  his  father  set 
him  up  as  king  under  the  name  of  Eupator.  The 
accounts  of  the  rivalries  of  the  regents  and  of  the 
fate  of  Philip  as  recorded  in  1  Mace  6  56;  2  Mace 
9  29;  Jos,  Ant,  XII,  ix,  7,  are  not  easily  recon- 
ciled. 

(4)  Philip  V,  king  of  Macedonia  in  220-179  BC. 
He  is  mentioned  in  1  Mace  8  5  as  an  example  of 
the  great  power  of  the  Romans  with  whom  Judas 
Maccabaeus  made  a  league  on  conditions  described 
(op.  cit.).  The  conflict  of  Philip  with  the  Romans 
coincided  in  time  with  that  of  Hannibal,  after  whose 
defeat  at  Zama  the  Romans  were  able  to  give  undi- 
vided attention  to  the  affairs  of  Macedonia.  Philip 
was  defeated  by  the  Romans  under  Flaminius,  at 
Cynoscephalae  (197  BC),  and  compelled  to  accept 
the  terms  of  the  conquerors.  He  died  in  179,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Perseus,  last  king  of 
Macedonia,  who  lost  his  crown  in  his  contest  with 
the  Romans.     See  Perseus.  J.  Hutchison 

PHILIP  (*ai.Tnros,  Philippos) :  One  of  the  Twelve 

Apostles.     Philip  belonged  to  Bethsaida  of  Galilee 

(Jn  1  44;     12-21).      Along   with    An- 

1.  NT  drew  and  other  fellow-townsmen,  he 
References    had  journeyed  to  Bethany  to  hear  the 

teaching  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  there 
he  received  his  first  call  from  Christ,  "Follow  me" 
(Jn  1  43).  Like  Andrew,  Philip  immediately  won 
a  fresh  follower,  Nathanael,  for  Jesus  (Jn  1  45). 
It  is  probable  that  he  was  present  at  most  of  the 
events  recorded  of  Jesus'  return  journey  from 
Bethany  to  Galilee,  and  that  the  information  relat- 
ing to  these  was  supplied  to  St.  John  by  him  and 
St.  Andrew  (cf  Andbew).  His  final  ordination  to 
the  Twelve  is  recorded  in  Mt  10  3;  Mk  3  18; 
Lk  6  14;  Acts  1  13.  At  the  feeding  of  the  5,000, 
Philip  was  asked  the  question  by  Jesus,  "Whence 
arewetobuy  bread,  that  these  may  eat?"  (Jn  6  5-7). 
He  was  appealed  to  by  the  Greeks  when  they  desired 
to  interview  Jesus  at  the  Passover  (Jn  12  20-33). 
During  the  address  of  Jesus  to  His  disciples  after 
the  Last  Supper,  Philip  made  the  request,  "Lord, 
show  us  the  Father,  and  it  sufficeth  us"  (Jn  14  8). 

According  to  the  "Genealogies  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles,"  Philip  was  of  the  house  of  Zebulun    (cf 

Budge,  Contendings  of  the  Apostles,  II, 

2.  Apocry-  50).  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom., 
phal  Ref-  iii.4,  25,  and  iv.9,  73)  gives  the  tradi- 
erences  tion  identifying  him  with  the  unknown 

disciple  who  asked  permission  to  go  and 
bury  his  father  ere  he  followed  Jesus  (cf  Mt  8  21; 
Lk  9  59),  and  says  that  he  died  a  natural  death. 
Owing  to  confusion  with  Philip  the  evangelist,  there 
is  much  obscurity  in  the  accounts  of  Apoc  lit.  con- 
cerning the  earlier  missionary  activities  of  Philip 
the  apostle.  The  "Acts  of  Philip"  tell  of  a  religious 
controversy  between  the  apostle  and  a  Judaean 
high  priest  before  the  philosophers  of  Athens.  Later 
Lat  documents  mention  Gaul  (Galatia)  as  his  field. 
As  to  his  sending  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  thence  to 
Britain,  see  Joseph  of  Arimathaea.  The  evidence 
seems  conclusive  that  the  latter  part  of  his  life  was 
spent  in  Phrygia.  This  is  supported  by  Polycrates 
(bishop  of  Ephesus  in  the  2d  cent.),  who  states  that 
he  died  at  Hierapolis,  by  Theodoret,  and  by  the 
parts  of  the  Contendings  of  the  Apostles  dealing 
with  Philip.  Thus  according  to  "The  Preaching 
of  St.  Philip  and  St.  Peter"  (cf  Budge,  Contendings 
of  the  Apostles,  II,  146),  Phrygia  was  assigned  to 
Philip  as  a  mission  field  by  the  risen  Christ  when  He 
appeared  to  the  disciples  on  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
and   "The  Martyrdom  of    St.  Philip  in  Phrygia" 


(Budge,  II,  156)  tells  of  his  preaching,  miracles  and 
crucifixion  there. 

Philip  was  regarded  in  early  times  as  the  author  of 
"The  Gospel  of  Philip,"  a  gnostic  work  of  the  2d  cent,, 
part  of  which  was  preserved  by  Epiphanius  (cf  Hennecke, 
Neutestamentliche  Apokryphen,  4:0,41).  See  Apochtphal 
Gospels. 

As  with  Andrew,  Philip's  Gr  name  implies  he  had 
Gr  connections,  and  this  is  strengthened  by  the  fact 

that  he  acted  as  the  spokesman  of  the 
3.  Char-  Greeks  at  the  Passover.  Of  a  weaker 
acter  mold   than  Andrew,   he  was  yet   the 

one  to  whom  the  Greeks  would  first 
appeal;  he  himself  possessed  an  inquirer's  spirit 
and  could  therefore  sympathize  with  their  doubts 
and  difficulties.  The  practical,  strong-rninded  An- 
drew was  naturally  the  man  to  win  the  impetuous, 
swift-thinking  Peter;  but  the  slower  Philip,  versed 
in  the  Scriptures  (cf  Jn  1  45),  appealed  more  to  the 
critical  Nathanael  and  the  cultured  Greeks.  Cau- 
tious and  deliberate  himself,  and  desirous  of  sub- 
mitting all  truth  to  the  test  of  sensuous  experience 
(cf  Jn  14  8),  he  concluded  the  same  criterion  would 
be  acceptable  to  Nathanael  also  (cf  Jn  1  46).  It 
was  the  presence  of  this  materialistic  trend  of  mind 
in  Philip  that  induced  Jesus,  in  order  to  awaken  in 
His  disciple  a  larger  and  more  spiritual  faith,  to  put 
the  question  in  Jn  6  6,  seeking  "to  prove  him." 
This  innate  diffidence  which  affected  Philip's  reli- 
gious beliefs  found  expression  in  his  outer  life  and 
conduct  also.  It  was  not  merely  modesty,  but  also 
a  certain  lack  of  self-reliance,  that  made  him  turn 
to  Andrew  for  advice  when  the  Greeks  wished  to  see 
Jesus.  The  story  of  his  later  life  is,  however,  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  he  overcame  those  initial  defects 
in  his  character,  and  fulfilled  nobly  the  charge  that 
his  risen  Lord  laid  upon  him  (cf  Mt  28  16-20). 

C    IVI    Iverr 
PHILIP  ("tetrarch,"  Lk  3  1).     See  Herod. 

PHILIP,  THE  EVANGELIST:  One  of  "the 
seven"  chosen  to  have  the  oversight  of  "the  daily 
ministration"  of  the  poor  of  the  Christian  com- 
munity in  Jerus  (Acts  6  5).  Whether  Philip,  bear- 
ing a  Gr  name,  was  a  Hellenist,  is  not  known,  but 
his  missionary  work  reveals  to  us  one  free  from  the 
religious  prejudices  of  the  strict  Hebrew. 

The  martyrdom  of  Stephen  was  the  beginning  of 
a  systematic  persecution  of  the  church  in  Jerus,  and 
all  except  the  apostles  were  scattered  over  Judaea 
and  Samaria  (Acts  8  1),  and  even  as  far  as  Phoeni- 
cia, Cyprus  and  Antioch  (11  19).  Thus  the  in- 
fluence of  the  new  teaching  was  extended,  and  a  be- 
ginning made  to  the  missionary  movement.  The 
story  of  Philip's  missionary  labors  is  told  in  Acts  8 
5  ff .  He  went  to  the  chief  city  of  Samaria,  called 
Sebaste  in  honor  of  Augustus  (Gr  Sebastds).  The 
Samaritans,  of  mixed  Israelitish  and  gentile  blood, 
had,  in  consequence  of  their  being  rigidly  excluded 
from  the  Jewish  church  since  the  return  from  exile, 
built  on  Mt.  Gerizim  a  rival  sanctuary  to  the  temple. 
To  them  Philip  proclaimed  the  Christ  and  wrought 
signs,  with  the  result  that  multitudes  gave  heed, 
and  "were  baptized,  both  men  and  women."  They 
had  been  under  the  influence  of  a  certain  sorcerer, 
Simon,  who  himself  also  believed  and  was  baptized, 
moved,  as  the  sequel  proved,  by  the  desire  to  learn 
the  secret  of  Philip's  ability  to  perform  miracles 
(see  Simon  Magus).  The  apostles  (Acts  8  14)  at 
Jerus  sanctioned  the  admission  of  Samaritans  into 
the  church  by  sending  Peter  and  John,  who  not  only 
confirmed  the  work  of  Philip,  but  also  themselves 
preached  in  many  Samaritan  villages. 

The  next  incident  recorded  is  the  conversion  of 
a  Gentile,  who  was,  however,  a  worshipper  of  the 
God  of  Israel,  a  eunuch  under  Candace,  queen  of 
the  Ethiopians.     As  he  was  returning  from   wor- 


2369 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Philip 
Philippi 


shipping  in  the  temple  at  Jerus,  he  was  met  by  Philip 
on  the  road  to  Gaza.  Philip  expounded  to  him  that 
portion  of  Isa  53  which  he  had  been  reading  aloud 
as  he  sat  in  his  chariot,  and  preached  unto  him 
Jesus.  It  is  another  sign  of  Philip's  insight  into  the 
universality  of  Christianity  that  he  baptized  this 
eunuch  who  could  not  have  been  admitted  into  full 
membership  in  the  Jewish  church  (Dt  23  1).  See 
Ethiopian  Eunuch. 

After  this  incident  Philip  went  to  Azotus  (Ash- 
dod),  and  then  traveled  north  to  Caesarea,  preach- 
ing in  the  cities  on  his  way.  There  he  settled,  for 
Luke  records  that  Paul  and  his  company  abode  in 
the  house  of  Philip,  "the  evangelist,"  "one  of  the 
seven,"  for  some  days  (Acts  21  8ff).  This  occurred 
more  than  20  years  after  the  incidents  recorded  in 
Acts  8.  Both  at  this  time  and  during  Paul's  im- 
prisonment at  Caesarea,  Luke  had  the  opportunity 
of  hearing  about  Philip's  work  from  his  own  lips. 
Luke  records  that  Philip  had  4  daughters  who  were 
preachers  (Acts  21  9). 

The  Jewish  rebellion ,  which  finally  resulted  in  the 
fall  of  Jerus,  drove  many  Christians  out  of  Pal,  and 
among  them  Philip  and  his  daughters.  One  tradi- 
tion connects  Philip  and  his  daughters  with  Hierap- 
olis  in  Asia,  but  in  all  probability  the  evangelist 
is  confounded  with  the  apostle.  Another  tradition 
represents  them  as  dwelling  at  Tralles,  Philip  being 
the  first  bishop  of  the  Christian  community. 

S.  F.  Hunter 

PHILIP,  THE  GOSPEL  OF.  See  Apocbyphal 
Gospels;  Philip  the  Evangelist. 

PHILIPPI,    fi-lip'i    {^CKiviroi,    Philippoi,   ethnic 

<i>iXi.ini"fj(rios,     Philippesios,    Phil   4    15) :    A    city 

of   Macedonia,   situated  in  41°  5'  N. 

1.  Position  lat.  and  24°  16'  E.  long.  It  lay  on  the 
and  Name     Egnatian  Road,  33  Rom  miles  from 

Amphipolis  and  21  from  Acontisma, 
in  a  plain  bounded  on  the  E.  and  N.  by  the  moun- 
tains which  lie  between  the  rivers  Zygactes  and 
Nestus,  on  the  W.  by  Mt.  Pangaeus,  on  the  S.  by 
the  ridge  called  in  antiquity  Symbolum,  over  which 
ran  the  road  connecting  the  city  with  its  seaport, 
Neapolis  (q.v.),  9  miles  distant.  This  plain,  a 
considerable  part  of  which  is  marshy  in  modern,  as 
in  ancient,  times,  is  connected  with  the  basin  of  the 
Strymon  by  the  valley  of  the  Angites  (Herodotus 
vii.113),  which  also  bore  the  names  Gangas  or 
Gangites  (Appian,  Bell.  Civ.  iv.106),  the  modern 
Anghista.  The  ancient  nam'-  of  Philippi  was 
Crenides  (Strabo  vii.331;  Diodorusxvi.3,  8;  Appian, 
Bell.  Civ.  iv.l05;  Stephanus  Byz.  s.v.),  so  called 
after  the  springs  which  feed  the  river  and  the  marsh ; 
but  it  was  refounded  by  Philip  II  of  Macedon,  the 
father  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  received  his 
name. 

Appian  {Bell.  Civ.  iv.l05)  and  Harpocration  say 
that  Crenides  was  afterward  called  Daton,  and  that 

this  name  was  changed  to  Philippi, 

2.  History     but  this  statement  is  open  to  question, 

since  Daton,  which  became  proverbial 
among  the  Greeks  for  good  fortune,  possessed,  as 
Strabo  tells  us  (vii.331  fr.  36),  "admirably  fertile 
territory,  a  lake,  rivers,  dockyards  and  productive 
gold  mines,"  whereas  Philippi  lies,  as  we  have  seen, 
some  9  miles  inland.  Many  modern  authorities, 
therefore,  have  placed  Daton  on  the  coast  at  or  near 
the  site  of  Neapolis.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  best 
to  adopt  the  view  of  Heuzey  (Mission  archeologique, 
35,  62  ff)  that  Daton  was  not  originally  a  city,  but 
the  whole  district  which  lay  immediately  to  the 
E.  of  Mt.  Pangaeus,  including  the  Philippian  plain 
and  the  seacoast  about  Neapolis.  On  the  site  of 
the  old  foundation  of  Crenides,  from  which  the  Gr 
settlers  had  perhaps  been  driven  out  by  the  Thra- 
cians  about  a  century  previously,  the  Thasians  in 


Coin  ol  Philippi. 


360  BC  founded  their  colony  of  Daton  with  the  aid 
of  the  exiled  Athenian  statesman  Callistratus,  in 
order  to  exploit  the  wealth,  both  agricultural  and 
mineral,  of  the  neighborhood.  To  Philip,  who 
ascended  the  Macedonian  throne  in  359  BC,  the 
possession  of  this  spot  seemed  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance. Not  only  is  the  plain  itself  well  watered 
and  of  extraordinary  fer- 
tility, but  a  strongly  forti- 
fied post  planted  here 
would  secure  the  natural 
land-route  from  Europe 
to  Asia  and  protect  the 
eastern  frontier  of  Mace- 
donia against  Thracian 
inroads.  Above  all,  the 
mines  of  the  district 
might  meet  his  most  pressing  need,  that  of  an  abun- 
dant supply  of  gold.  The  site  was  therefore  seized 
in  358,  the  city  was  enlarged,  strongly  fortified,  and 
renamed,  the  Thasian  settlers  either  driven  out  or 
reinforced,  and  the  mines,  worked  with  character- 
istic energy,  produced  over  1,000  talents  a  year 
(Diodorus  xvi.8)  and  enabled  Philip  to  issue  a  gold 
currency  which  in  the  West  soon  superseded  the 
Pers  darics  (G.  F.  Hill,  Historical  Greek  Coins,  80  ff). 
The  revenue  thus  obtained  was  of  inestimable  value 
to  Philip,  who  not  only  used  it  for  the  development 
of  the  Macedonian  army,  but  also  proved  himself 
a  master  of  the  art  of  bribery.  His  remark  is  well 
known  that  no  fortress  was  impregnable  to  whose 
walls  an  ass  laden  with  gold  could  be  driven.  Of 
the  history  of  Philippi  during  the  next  3  centuries 
we  know  practically  nothing.  Together  with  the 
rest  of  Macedonia,  it  passed  into  the  Rom  hands 
after  the  battle  of  Pydna  (168  BC),  and  fell  in  the 
first  of  the  four  regions  into  which  the  country  was 
then  divided  (Livy  xlv.29).  In  146  the  whole  of 
Macedonia  was  formed  into  a  single  Rom  province. 
But  the  mines  seem  to  have  been  almost,  if  not  quite, 
exhausted  by  this  time,  and  Strabo  (vii.331  fr.  41) 
speaks  of  Philippi  as  having  sunk  by  the  time  of 
Caesar  to  a  "small  settlement"  {KaToula  luKpd, 
katoikia  mikrd).  In  the  autumn  of  42  BC  it  wit- 
nessed the  death-struggle  of  the  Rom  republic. 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  the  leaders  of  the  band  of  con- 
spirators who  had  assassinated  Julius  Caesar,  were 
faced  by  Octavian,  who  15  years  later  became  the 
Emperor  Augustus,  and  Antony.  In  the  first  en- 
gagement the  army  of  Brutus  defeated  that  of 
Octavian,  while  Antony's  forces  were  victorious 
over  those  of  Cassius,  who  in  despair  put  an  end  to 
his  life.  Three  weeks  later  the  second  and  decisive 
conflict  took  place.  Brutus  was  compelled  by  his 
impatient  soldiery  to  give  battle,  his  troops  were 
routed  and  he  himself  fell  on  his  own  sword.  Soon 
afterward  Philippi  was  made  a  Rom  colony  with  the 
title  Colonia  lulia  Philippensis.  After  the  battle  of 
Aotium  (31  BC)  the  colony  was  reinforced,  largely 
by  Ital.  partisans  of  Antony  who  were  dispossessed 
in  order  to  afford  allotments  for  Octavian's  veter- 
ans (Dio  Cassius  li.4),  and  its  name  was  changed  to 
Colonia  Augusta  lulia  (Victrix)  Philippensium.  It  re- 
ceived the  much-coveted  iMs/taZicMTO  {Digest  L.  15,8, 
8),  which  involved  numerous  privileges,  the  chief  of 
which  was  the  immunity  of  its  territory  from  taxation. 
In  the  course  of  his  second  missionary  journey 
Paul  set  sail  from  Troas^  accompanied  by  Silas 
(who  bears  his  full  name  Silvanus  in 
3.  Paul's  2  Cor  1  19;  1  Thess  1  1;  2  Thess 
First  Visit  1  1),  Timothy  and  Luke,  and  on  the 
following  day  reached  Neapolis  (Acts 
16  11).  Thence  he  journeyed  by  road  to  Philippi, 
first  crossing  the  pass  some  1,600  ft.  high  which 
leads  over  the  mountain  ridge  called  Symbolum 
and  afterward  traversing  the  Philippian  plain.  Of 
his  experiences  there  we  have  in  Acts  16  12-40  a 


Philippi 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2370 


singularly  full  and  graphic  account.  On  the  Sab- 
bath, presumably  the  first  Sabbath  after  their  ar- 
rival, the  apostle  and  his  companions  went  out  to  the 
bank  of  the  Angites,  and  there  spoke  to  the  women, 
some  of  them  Jews,  others  proselytes,  who  had  come 
together  for  purposes  of  worship. 

One  of  these  "was  named  Lydia,  a  Gr  proselyte  from 
Thyatira,  a  city  of  Lydia  in  Asia  Minor,  to  the  church  of 
wliicli  was  addressed  the  message  recorded  in  Rev  2 
18-29.  She  is  described  as  a  "  seller  of  purple  "  (Acts  16 
14),  that  is,  of  woolen  fabrics  dyed  purple,  for  the  manu- 
facture of  which  her  native  town  was  famous.  Whether 
she  was  the  agent  in  Philippi  of  some  firm  in  Thyatira 
or  whether  she  was  carrying  on  her  trade  independently, 
we  cannot  say;  her  name  suggests  the  possibility  that 
she  was  a  freedwoman,  while  from  the  fact  that  we  hear 
of  her  household  and  her  house  (ver  15;  cf  ver  40), 
though  no  mention  is  made  of  her  husband,  it  has  been 
conjectured  that  she  was  a  widow  of  some  property. 
She  accepted  the  apostolic  message  and  was  baptized 
with  her  liousehold  (ver  1.5),  and  insisted  that  Paul  and 
his  companions  should  accept  her  hospitality  during  the 
rest  of  their  stay  in  the  city  (see  further  Lydia). 

All  seemed  to  be  going  well  when  opposition  arose 
from  an  unexpected  quarter.  There  was  in  the 
town  a  girl,  in  all  probability  a  slave,  who  was  re- 
puted to  have  the  jiower  of  oracular  utterance. 
Herodotus  tells  us  (vii.lll)  of  an  oracle  of  Dionysus 
situated  among  the  Thracian  tribe  of  the  Satrae, 
probably  not  far  from  Philippi;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  connect  the  soothsaying  of  this  girl  with 
that  worship.  In  any  case,  her  masters  reaped  a 
rich  harvest  from  the  fee  charged  for  consulting  her. 
Paul,  troubled  by  her  repeatedly  following  him  and 
those  with  him  crying,  "These  men  are  bondservants 
of  the  Most  High  God,  who  proclaim  unto  you  a  way 
of  salvation"  (Acts  16  17  m),  turned  and  commanded 
the  spirit  in  Christ's  name  to  come  out  of  her.  The 
immediate  restoration  of  the  girl  to  a  sane  and  nor- 
mal condition  convinced  her  masters  that  all  pros- 
pect of  further  gain  was  gone,  and  they  therefore 
seized  Paul  and  Silas  and  dragged  them  into  the 
forum  before  the  magistrates,  probably  the  duum- 
viri who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  colony.  They 
accused  the  apostles  of  creating  disturbance  in  the 
city  and  of  advocating  customs,  the  reception  and 
practice  of  which  were  illegal  for  Rom  citizens. 
The  rabble  of  the  market-place  joined  in  the  attack 
(ver  22),  whereupon  the  magistrates,  accepting 
without  question  the  accusers'  statement  that  Paul 
and  Silas  were  Jews  (ver  20)  and  forgetting  or 
ignoring  the  possibility  of  their  possessing  Rom 
citizenship,  ordered  them  to  be  scourged  by  the 
attendant  lictors  and  afterward  to  be  imprisoned. 
In  the  prison  they  were  treated  with  the  utmost 
rigor;  they  were  confined  in  the  innermost  ward, 
and  their  feet  \mi  in  the  stocks.  About  midnight, 
as  they  were  engaged  in  praying  and  singing  hymns, 
while  the  other  prisoners  were  listening  to  them,  the 
building  was  shaken  by  a  severe  earthquake  which 
threw  open  the  prison  doors.  The  jailer,  who  was 
on  the  point  of  taking  his  own  life,  reassured  by  Paul 
regarding  the  safety  of  the  prisoners,  brought  Paul 
and  Silas  into  his  house  where  he  tended  their 
wounds,  set  food  before  them,  and,  after  hearing 
the  gospel,  was  baptized  together  with  his  whole 
household  (vs  23-34). 

On  the  morrow  the  magistrates,  thinking  that  by 
dismissing  from  the  town  those  who  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  previous  day's  disturbance  they  could 
best  secure  themselves  against  any  repetition  of  the 
disorder,  sent  the  lictors  to  the  jailer  with  orders  to 
release  them.  Paul  refused  to  accept  a  dismissal 
of  this  kind.  As  Rom  citizens  he  and  Silas  were 
legally  exempt  from  scourging,  which  was  regarded 
as  a  degradation  (1  Thess  2  2),  and  the  wrong  was 
aggravated  by  the  publicity  of  the  punishment,  the 
absence  of  a  proper  trial  and  the  imprisonment 
which  followed  (Acts  16  37).  Doubtless  Paul  had 
declared  his  citizenship  when  the  scourging  was  in- 


flicted, but  in  the  confusion  and  excitement  of  the 
moment  his  protest  had  been  unheard  or  unheeded. 
Now,  however,  it  produced  a  deep  impression  on  the 
magistrates,  who  came  in  person  to  ask  Paul  and 
Silas  to  leave  the  city.  They,  after  visiting  their 
hostess  and  encouraging  the  converts  to  remain 
firm  in  their  new  faith,  set  out  by  the  Egnatian 
Road  for  Thessalonica  (vs  38-40).  How  long  they 
had  stayed  in  Philippi  we  are  not  told,  but  the  fact 
that  the  foundations  of  a  strong  and  flourishing 
church  had  been  laid  and  the  phrase  "for  many 
days"  (ver  18)  lead  us  to  believe  that  the  time  must 
have  been  a  longer  one  than  appears  at  first  sight. 
Ramsay  (St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  226)  thinks  that 
Paul  left  Troas  in  October,  50  AD,  and  stayed  at 
Philippi  until  nearly  the  end  of  the  year;  but  this 
chronology  cannot  be  regarded  as  certain. 

Several  points  in  the  narrative  of  these  incidents 
call  for  fuller  consideration.  (1)  We  may  notice, 
first,  the  very  small  part  played  by  Jews  and  Juda- 
ism at  Philippi. 

There  was  no  synagogue  here,  as  at  Salamis  in  Cyprus 
(Acts  13  5),  Antioch  in  Pisidia  (13  14.43),  Iconium 
(14  1),  Ephesus  (18  19.26;  19  8),  Thessalonica  (17  1). 
Beroea  (17  10),  Athens  (17  17)  and  Corinth  (18  4), 
The  number  of  resident  Jews  was  small,  their  meetings 
for  prayer  took  place  on  the  river's  bank,  the  worship- 
pers were  mostly  or  wholly  women  (16  13),  and  among 
them  some,  perhaps  a  majority,  were  proselytes.  Of 
Jewish  converts  we  hear  notiiing,  nor  is  there  any  word  of 
Jews  as  either  inciting  or  joining  the  mob  which  dragged 
Paul  and  Silas  before  the  magistrates.  Further,  the 
whole  tone  of  the  ep.  to  this  church  seems  to  prove  that 
here  at  least  the  apostolic  teaching  was  not  in  danger  of 
being  undermined  by  Judaizers.  True,  there  is  one 
passage  (Phil  3  2-7)  in  which  Paul  denounces  "the 
concision,"  those  who  had  "confidence  in  the  flesh"; 
but  it  seems  "that  in  this  warning  he  was  thinking  of 
Rome  more  than  of  Philippi;  and  that  his  indignation 
was  aroused  rather  by  the  vexatious  antagonism  which 
there  thwarted  him  in  his  daily  work,  than  by  any  actual 
errors  already  undermining  the  faith  of  his  distant  con- 
verts" (Lightfoot). 

(2)  Even  more  striking  is  the  prominence  of  the 
Rom  element  in  the  narrative.  We  are  here  not  in 
a  Gr  or  Jewish  city,  but  in  one  of  those  Rom  colonies 
which  Aulus  Gellius  describes  as  "miniatures  and 
pictures  of  the  Rom  people"  {Noctes  Atticae,xvi.l3). 

In  the  center  of  the  city  is  the  forum  (ajopd,  agord,  ver 
19),  and  the  general  term  "magistrates"  (apxoKTes.urc/ion- 
tes,  EV  "rulers,"  ver  19)  is  exchanged  for  the  specific  title 
of  praetors  {a-TpaT-qyoi,  strategoi,  EV  "magistrates,"  vs  20. 
22.35.36.38) ;  these  officers  are  attended  by  Uctors 
{pa^SovxoL,  rkabdouchoi,  EV  "sergeants,"  vg  35.38)  who 
bear  the  fasces  with  which  they  scourged  Paul  and  Silas 
(pa|3Sis'u),  rhabdizo,  ver  22).  The  charge  is  that  of  dis- 
turbing public  order  and  introducing  customs  opposed 
to  Rom  law  (vs  20.21),  and  Paul's  appeal  to  his  Rom 
civitas  (ver  37)  at  once  inspired  the  magistrates  with 
fear  for  the  consequences  of  their  action  and  made  them 
conciliatory  and  apologetic  (vs  38.39).  The  title  of 
praetor  borne  by  these  otHcials  has  caused  some  difficulty. 
The  supreme  magistrates  of  Rom  colonies,  two  in  num- 
ber, were  called  duoviri  or  duumviri  (iuri  dicundo),  and 
that  this  title  was  in  use  at  Philippi  is  proved  by  three 
inscriptions  (Orelli,  No.  3746;  Heuzey,  Mission' archio- 
logique,  15,  127).  The  most  probable  explanation  of  the 
discrepancy  is  that  these  magistrates  assumed  the  title 
of  praetor,  or  that  it  was  commonly  applied  to  them,  as 
was  certainly  the  case  in  some  parts  of  the  Rom  world 
(Cicero  De  lege  agrariaW.Zi.;  Horace  Sat.  i.5,  34;  Orelli, 
No.  3785). 

(3)  Ramsay  {St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  200  ff)  has 
brought  forward  the  attractive  suggestion  that  Luke 
was  himself  a  Philippian,  and  that  he  was  the  "man 
of  Macedonia"  who  appeared  to  Paul  at  Troas  with 
the  invitation  to  enter  Macedonia  (Acts  16  9). 

In  any  case,  the  change  from  the  3d  to  the  1st  person 
in  ver  10  marks  the  point  at  which  Luke  joined  the 
apostle,  and  the  same  criterion  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  Luke  remained  at  Philippi  between  Paul's  first  and 
his  third  visit  to  the  city  (see  below).  Ramsay's  hy- 
pothesis would  explain  (a)  the  fulness  and  vividness  of 
the  narrative  of  Acts  16  11-40;  (b)  the  emphasis  laid 
on  the  importance  of  Phihppi  (ver  12);  and  (c)  the  fact 
that  Paul  recognized  as  a  Macedonian  the  man  whom  he 
saw  in  his  vision,  although  there  was  nothing  either  in 
the  language,  features  or  dress  of  Macedonians  to  mark 
them  out  from  other  Greeks,     Yet  Luke  was  clearly  not 


2,371 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Philippi 


a  householder  at  Philippi  (ver  15),  and  early  tradition 
refers  to  him  as  an  Antiochene  (see,  however,  Ramsay, 
op.  cit.  389  f). 

(4)  Much  discussion  has  centered  round  the  de- 
scription of  Philippi  given  in  Acts  16  12.  The 
reading  of  N  A  C,  etc,  followed  by  WH,  RV,  etc,  is; 

rjTL^  emiv  TrpioTtj  ttjs  ^leptSo?  MaxeSoi'ta?  Tr6\is  KO\u}via,  hHis 
estln  prdte  Us  merldos  Makedonias  pdlis  kolDnia.  But  it 
is  doubtful  whether  Makedonias  is  to  be  taken  with  the 
word  which  precedes  or  with  that  which  follows,  and 
further  the  sense  derived  from  the  phrase  is  unsatis- 
factory. For  proie  must  mean  either  (1)  first  in  political 
importance  and  rank,  or  (2)  the  first  which  the  apostle 
reached.  But  the  capital  of  the  province  was  Thessa- 
lonica,  and  if  tea  meridos  be  taken  to  refer  to  the  eastern- 
most of  the  4  districts  into  which  Macedonia  had  been 
divided  in  168  BC  (though  there  is  no  evidence  that  that 
division  survived  at  this  time),  Amphipolis  was  its 
capital  and  was  apparently  still  its  most  important  city, 
though  destined  to  be  outstripped  by  Philippi  somewhat 
later.  Nor  is  the  other  rendering  of  prO(e  (adopted,  e.g. 
by  Lightfoot)  more  natural.  It  supposes  that  Luke 
reckoned  Neapolis  as  belonging  to  Thrace,  and  the 
boundary  of  Macedonia  as  lying  between  Philippi  and 
Its  seaport;  moreover,  the  remark  is  singularly  pointless; 
the  use  of  eslin  rather  than  In  is  against  this  view,  nor  is 
prite  found  in  this  sense  without  any  qualifying  phrase. 
Lastly,  the  lis  in  its  present  position  is  unnatural;  in 
B  it  is  placed  after,  instead  of  before,  meridos,  while  D 
(the  Bezan  reviser)  reads  Kt<f>aK^  t^s  MaKsSoj-ioi,  kephali 
lis  Makedonias.  Of  the  emendations  which  have  been 
suggested,  we  may  notice  three:  (a)  for  meridos  Hort 
has  suggested  Pierldos.  "a  chief  city  of  Pierian  Mace- 
donia"; (i>)  for  prole  tes  we  may  read  prdtes,  "which 
belongs  to  the  first  region  of  Macedonia";  (c)  meridos 
may  be  regarded  as  a  later  insertion  and  struck  out  of 
the  te.xt,  in  which  case  the  whole  phrase  will  mean, 
"which  is  a  city  of  Macedonia  of  first  rank"  (though 
not  necessarily  the  first  city). 

Paul  and  Silas,  then,  probably  accompanied  by 
Timothy  (who,  however,  is  not  expressly  mentioned 
in  Acts  between  16  1  and  17  14),  left 
4.  Patxl's  Philippi  for  Thessalonica,  but  Luke 
Later  Visits  apparently  remained  behind,  for  the 
"we"  of  Acts  16  10-17  does  not  appear 
again  until  20  .5,  when  Paul  is  once  more  leaving 
Philippi  on  his  last  journey  to  Jerus.  The  presence 
of  the  evangelist  during  the  intervening  5  years  may 
have  had  much  to  do  with  the  strength  of  the  Philip- 
pian  church  and  its  stedfastness  in  persecution 
(2  Cor  8  2;  Phil  1  29.30).  Paul  himself  did  not 
revisit  the  city  until,  in  the  course  of  his  third  mis- 
sionary journey,  he  returned  to  Macedonia,  pre- 
ceded by  Timothy  and  Erastus,  after  a  stay  of  over 
2  years  at  Ephesus  (Acts  19  22;  20  1).  We  are 
not  definitely  told  that  he  visited  Philippi  on  this 
occasion,  but  of  the  fact  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
and  it  was  probably  there  that  he  awaited  the 
coming  of  Titus  (2  Cor  2  13;  7  5.6)  and  wrote  his 
2d  Ep.  to  the  Corinthians  (8  1  ff;  9  2-4).  After 
spending  3  months  in  Greece,  whence  he  intended 
to  return  by  sea  to  Syria,  he  was  led  by  a  plot 
against  his  life  to  change  his  plans  and  return 
through  Macedonia  (Acts  20  3).  The  last  place 
at  which  he  stopped  before  crossing  to  Asia  was 
Philippi,  where  he  spent  the  days  of  unleavened 
bread,  and  from  (the  seaport  of)  which  he  sailed  in 
company  with  Luke  to  Troas,  where  seven  of  hia 
companions  were  awaiting  him  (20  4-6).  It  seems 
likely  that  Paul  paid  at  least  one  further  visit  to 
Philippi  in  the  interval  between  his  first  and  second 
imprisonments.  That  he  hoped  to  do  so,  he  himself 
tells  us  (Phil  2  24),  and  the  journey  to  Macedonia 
mentioned  in  1  Tim  1  3  would  probably  include  a 
visit  to  Philippi,  while  if,  as  many  authorities  hold, 
2  Tim  4  13  refers  to  a  later  stay  at  Troas,  it  may 
well  be  connected  with  a  further  and  final  tour  in 
Macedonia.  But  the  intercourse  between  the 
apostle  and  this  church  of  his  founding  was  not 
limited  to  these  rare  visits.  During  Paul's  first 
stay  at  Thessalonica  he  had  received  gifts  of  money 
on  two  occasions  from  the  Philippian  Christians 
(Phil  4  16),  and  their  kindness  had  been  repeated 
after  he  left  Macedonia  for  Greece  (2  Cor  11  9; 


Phil  4  1.5).  Again,  during  his  fir,st  imprisonment 
at  Rome  the  Philir)pians  sent  a  gift  by  the  hand  of 
one  of  their  number,  Epaphroditus  (Phil  2  25; 
4  10.14-19),  who  remained  for  ,some  time  with  the 
apostle,  and  finally,  after  a  serious  illness  which 
nearly  proved  fatal  (2  27),  returned  home  bearing 
the  letter  of  thanks  which  has  survived,  addressed 
to  the  Philippian  converts  by  Paul  and  Timothy 
(1  1).  The  latter  intended  to  visit  the  church 
shortly  afterward  in  order  to  bring  back  to  the  im- 
prisoned apostle  an  account  of  its  welfare  (2  19.23), 
but  we  do  not  know  whether  this  plan  was  actually 
carried  out  or  not.  We  cannot,  however,  doubt 
that  other  letters  passed  between  Paul  and  this 
church  besides  the  one  which  is  e.xtant,  though  the 
only  reference  to  them  is  a  disputed  passage  of  Poly- 
carp's  Epistle  to  the  Pkilippians  (iii.2),  where  he 
speaks  of  "letters"  (i-n-i.iTTo'Ka.l,  epistolal)  as  written 
to  them  by  Paul  (but  see  Lightfoot's  note  on  Phil 
3  1). 

After  the  death  of  Paul  we  hear  but  little  of  the 
church  or  of  the  town  of  Philippi.     Early  in  the  2d 

cent.  Ignatius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  was 
5.  Later  condemned  as  a  Christian  and  was 
History  of  taken  to  Rome  to  be  thrown  to  the 
the  Church    wild    beasts.     After    passing    through 

Philadelphia,  Smyrna  and  Troas,  he 
reached  Philippi.  The  Christians  there  showed 
him  every  mark  of  affection  and  respect,  and  after 
his  departure  wrote  a  letter  of  sympathy  to  the 
Antiochene  church  and  another  to  Polycarp,  bishop 
of  Smyrna,  requesting  him  to  send  them  copies  of 
any  letters  of  Ignatius  which  he  possessed.  This 
request  Polycarp  fulfilled,  and  at  the  same  time  sent 
a  letter  to  the  Philippians  full  of  encouragement, 
advice  and  warning.  From  it  we  judge  that  the 
condition  of  the  church  as  a  whole  was  satisfactory, 
though  a  certain  presbyter,  Valens,  and  his  wife 
are  severely  censured  for  their  avarice  which  belied 
their  Christian  profession.  We  have  a  few  records 
of  bishops  of  Philippi,  whose  names  are  appended 
to  the  decisions  of  the  councils  held  at  Sardica  (344 
AD),  Ephesus  (431)  and  Chalcedon  (451),  and  the 
see  appears  to  have  outlived  the  city  itself  and  to 
have  lasted  do^m  to  modern  times  (Le  Quien, 
Oriens  Christ.,  II,  70;  Neale,  Holif  Eastern  Church, 
I,  92).  Of  the  destruction  of  Philippi  no  account 
has  come  down  to  us.  The  name  was  perpetuated 
in  that  of  the  Turkish  hamlet  Felibedjik,  but  the 
site  is  now  uninhabited,  the  nearest  village  being 
that  of  Raktcha  among  the  hills  immediately  to  the 
N.  of  the  ancient  acropolis.  This  latter  and  the 
plain  around  are  covered  with  ruins,  but  no  sys- 
tematic excavation  has  yet  been  undertaken.  Of 
the  extant  remains  the  most  striking  are  portions 
of  the  Hellenic  and  Hellenistic  fortification,  the 
scanty  vest  iges  of  the  theater,  the  ruin  known  among 
the  Turks  as  Derekler,  "the  columns,"  which  perhaps 
represents  the  ancient  thermae,  traces  of  a  temple  of 
Silvanus  with  numerous  rock-cut  reliefs  and  in- 
scriptions, and  the  remains  of  a  triumphal  arch 
{Kiemer). 

Literature. — The  fullest  account  of  the  site  and 
antiquities  is  that  of  Heuzey  and  Daumet,  Mission 
archeologique  de  Mac^doine,  chs  i— v  and  Plan  A;  Leake, 
Travels  in  Norlhern  Greece,  III,  214—2.5;  Oousinery. 
Voyage  dans  la  Maeidoine,  II,  IS;  Perrot.  "  Daton. 
Neapolis.  Les  ruines  de  Philippos,"  in  Revue  archeologique, 
1860;  and  Hackett,  in  Bible  Union  Quarterly,  1860,  may 
also  be  consulted.  For  the  Latin  inscriptions  see  OIL. 
Ill,  1,  nos.  633-707;  III,  Suppl.,  nos.  7337-7358;  for 
coins,  B.  V.  Head,  Historia  Numorum,  192;  Catalogue  of 
Coins  in  the  British  Museum:  Macedonia,  etc,  96.  For 
the  history  of  the  Philippian  church  and  the  narrative  of 
Acts  16  12-40  see  Lightfoot.  St.  Paul's  Ep.  to  the  Philip- 
pians, 47—65;  Ramsay,  'St.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  the  Rom 
Citizen,  202-26;  Conybeare  and  Howson,  Life  and  Epp. 
of  ,St.  Paul,  ch  ix;  Farrar,  Life  and  Work  of  St.  Paul,  ch 
XXV ;  and  the  standard  comms.  on  the  Acts — esp.  Blass, 
Acta  Apostolorum — and  on  PhlUppians. 

M.  N.  Tod 


Philippians.Ep.to     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2372 


PHILIPPIANS,  fi-lip'i-anz,  THE  EPISTLE  TO: 


I. 

II. 

III. 


IV. 

V. 
VI. 


P.\UL  AND  THE  Church   at  Philippi 
Characteristics  of  the  Church  at  Philippi 
Characteristics  of  the  Epistle 

1.  A  Letter 

2.  A  Letter  of  Love 

3.  A  Letter  of  Joy 

4.  Importance  Theologically 
Genuineness  of  the  Epistle 

Place,  Date  and  Occasion  of  Writing 
Contents  of  the  Epistle 


Literature 

/.  Paul  and  the  Church  at  Philippi. — Paul  was 
on  his  second  missionary  journey  in  the  year  52  AD. 
He  felt  that  he  was  strangely  thwarted  in  many 
of  his  plans.  He  had  had  a  most  distressing  illness 
in  Galatia.  The  Spirit  would  not  permit  him  to 
preach  in  Asia,  and  when  he  essayed  to  enter  Bi- 
thynia  the  Spirit  again  would  not  suffer  it.  Baffled 
and  perplexed,  the  apostle  with  his  two  companions, 
Silas  and  Timothy,  went  on  to  the  seacoast  and 
stopped  in  Troas.  Here  at  last  his  leading  became 
clear.  A  vision  of  a  man  from  Macedonia  con- 
vinced him  that  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  he  should 
preach  in  the  western  continent  of  Europe.  The 
way  was  opened  at  once.  The  winds  were  favor- 
able. In  two  days  he  came  to  Neapolis.  At  once 
he  took  the  broad  paved  way  of  the  Via  Egnatia 
up  to  the  mountain  pass  and  down  on  the  other  side 
to  Philippi,  a  journey  of  some  8  miles.  There  was 
no  synagogue  at  Philippi,  but  a  little  company  of 
Jews  gathered  for  Sabbath  worship  at  "a  place  of 
prayer"  {Trpoa-evx-n,  proseuche,  Acts  16  1.3),  about 
a  mile  to  the  W.  of  the  city  gate  on  the  shore  of  the 
river  Gangites  (see  Proseucha).  Paul  and  his 
companions  talked  to  the  women  gathered  there, 
and  Lydia  was  converted.  Later,  a  maid  with  the 
spirit  of  divination  was  exorcised.  Paul  and  Silas 
were  scourged  and  thrown  into  prison,  an  earth- 
quake set  them  free,  the  jailer  became  a  believer, 
the  magistrates  repented  their  treatment  of  men 
who  were  Rom  citizens  and  besought  them  to  leave 
the  city  (Acts  16  6-40).  Paul  had  had  his  first 
experience  of  a  Rom  scourging  and  of  lying  in  the 
stocks  of  a  Rom  prison  here  at  Philippi,  yet  he  went 
on  his  way  rejoicing,  for  a  company  of  disciples 
had  been  formed,  and  he  had  won  the  devotion  of 
loyal  and  loving  hearts  for  himself  and  his  Master 
(see  Philippi).  That  was  worth  all  the  persecution 
and  the  pain.  The  Christians  at  Philippi  seem  to 
have  been  Paul's  favorites  among  all  his  converts. 
He  never  lost  any  opportunity  of  visiting  them  and 
refreshing  his  spirit  with  their  presence  in  the  after- 
years.  Slx  years  later  he  was  resident  in  Ephesus, 
and  having  sent  Titus  to  Corinth  with  a  letter  to  the 
Corinthians  and  being  in  doubt  as  to  the  spirit  in 
which  it  would  be  received,  he  appointed  a  meeting 
with  Titus  in  Macedonia,  and  probably  spent  the 
anxious  daj's  of  his  waiting  at  Philippi.  If  he 
met  Titus  there,  he  may  have  written  2  Cor  in  that 
city  (2  Cor  2  13;  7  6).  Paul  returned  to  Ephesus, 
and  after  the  riot  in  that  city  he  went  over  again  into 
Macedonia  and  made  his  third  visit  to  Philippi. 
He  probably  promised  the  Philippians  at  this  time 
that  he  would  return  to  Philippi  to  celebrate  the 
Easter  week  with  his  beloved  converts  there.  He 
went  on  into  Greece,  but  in  3  months  he  was  back 
again,  at  the  festival  of  the  resurrection  in  the  year 
58  AD  (Acts  20  2.6).  We  read  in  1  Tim  1  3  that 
Paul  visited  Macedonia  after  the  Rom  imprison- 
ment. He  enjoyed  himself  among  the  Philippians. 
They  were  Christians  after  his  own  heart.  He 
thanlca  God  for  their  fellowship  from  the  first  day 
until  now  (Phil  15).  He  declares  that  they  are 
his  beloved  who  have  always  obeyed,  not  in  his 
presence  only,  but  much  more  in  his  absence  (2  12). 
With  fond  repetition  he  addresses  them  as  his 
brethren,  beloved  and  longed  for,  his  joy  and  crown, 
his  beloved  (4  1).     This  was  Paul's  favorite  church, 


and  we  can  gather  from  the  ep.  good  reason  for  this 
fact. 

//.    Characteristics  of  the  Church  at  Philippi. — 

(1)  It  seems  to  be  the  least  Jewish  of  all  the  Pauline 
churches.  There  were  few  Jews  in  Philippi.  No 
Heb  names  are  found  in  the  list  of  converts  in  this 
church  mentioned  in  the  NT.  The  Jewish  oppo- 
nents of  Paul  seem  never  to  have  established  them- 
selves in  this  community.  (2)  Women  seem  to  be 
unusually  prominent  in  the  history  of  this  church, 
and  this  is  consistent  with  what  we  know  concern- 
ing the  position  accorded  to  woman  in  Macedonian 
society.  Lydia  brings  her  whole  family  with  her 
into  the  church.  She  must  have  been  a  very  influ- 
ential woman,  and  her  own  fervor  and  devotion  and 
generosity  and  hospitality  seem  to  have  been  con- 
tagious and  to  have  become  characteristic  of  the 
whole  Christian  community.  Euodia  and  Syn- 
tyche  are  mentioned  in  the  ep.,  two  women  who  were 
fellow-laborers  with  Paul  in  the  gospel,  for  both  of 
whom  he  has  great  respect,  of  both  of  whom  he  is 
sure  that  their  names  are  written  in  the  book  of  life, 
but  who  seem  to  have  differed  with  each  other  in 
some  matter  of  opinion.  Paul  exhorts  them  to  be 
of  the  same  mincl  in  the  Lord  (4  2).  The  promi- 
nence of  women  in  the  congregation  at  Philippi  or 
the  dominance  of  Lydia's  influence  among  them  may 
account  for  the  fact  that  they  seem  to  have  been 
more  mindful  of  Paul's  comfort  than  any  of  his 
other  converts  were.  They  raised  money  for  Paul's 
support  and  forwarded  it  to  him  again  and  again. 
They  were  anxious  that  he  should  have  all  that  was 
needful.  They  were  willing  to  give  of  their  time 
and  their  means  to  that  enci.  There  seem  to  have 
been  no  theological  differences  in  their  company. 
That  may  testify  to  the  fact  that  the  most  of  them 
were  women.  (3)  There  were  splendid  men  in  the 
church  membership  too.  Some  of  them  were 
Macedonians  and  some  of  them  were  Rom  veterans. 

Hausrath  declares  that  the  Macedonians  represented 
the  "noblest  and  soundest  part  of  the  ancient  world. 
....  Here  was  none  of  the  shuffling  and  the  indecision 
of  the  Asiatics,  none  of  the  irritable  vanity  and  the  un- 
certain levity  of  the  Gr  communities They  were 

men  of  sterner  mold  than  could  be  found  in  Asia  Minor 
or  languorous  Syria.  The  material  was  harder  to  work 
in,  and  offered  more  stubborn  resistance;  but  the  work, 
once  done,  endured.     A  new  Macedonian  phalanx  was 

formed   here,    a   phalanx   of  Pauline    Christians 

Manliness,  loyalty,  firmness,  their  characteristics  in  gen- 
eral history,  are -equally  their  characteristics  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Christian  church They  were  always 

true  to  Paul,  always  obedient,  always  helpful"  (Time 
of  the  Apostles,  III,  203^). 

Paul  rejoiced  in  them.  They  were  spirits  con- 
genial with  his  own.  The  Rom  veterans  had  been 
trained  in  the  Rom  wars  to  hardness  and  discipline 
and  loyalty.  They  were  Rom  citizens  and  proud 
of  the  fact.  In  the  ep.  Paul  exhorts  them  to  behave 
as  citizens  worthy  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  (1  27), 
and  he  reminds  them  that  though  they  were  proud 
of  their  Rom  citizenship,  as  was  he,  they  all  had 
become  members  of  a  heavenly  commonwealth,  citi- 
zenship in  which  was  a  much  greater  boon  than 
even  the  jus  Ilalicum  had  been.  In  3  20  Paul 
states  the  fact  again,  "Our  citizenship  is  in  heaven"; 
and  he  goes  on  to  remind  them  that  their  King  is 
seated  there  upon  the  throne  and  that  He  is  coming 
again  to  establish  a  glorious  empire,  for  He  has 
power  to  subject  all  things  unto  Himself. 

It  is  to  these  old  soldiers  and  athletes  that  Paul  ad- 
dresses his  military  and  gymnastic  figures  of  speech. 
He  informs  them  that  the  whole  praetorian  guard  had 
heard  of  the  gospel  through  his  imprisonment  at  Rome 
(1  13).  Ho  sends  them  greeting  from  the  saints  that  are 
in  Caesar's  household  (4  22).  He  prays  that  he  may 
hear  of  them  that  they  stand  fast  like  an  immovable 
phalanx,  with  one  soul  striving  athletically  for  the  faith 
of  the  gospel  (1  27) .  He  knows  that  they  will  be  fearless 
and  brave,  in  nothing  afTrightod  by  the  adversaries 
(1  28).  He  speaks  of  his  own  experience  as  a  wrestling- 
match,   a  conflict  or  contest   (1  30).     He  joys  in  the 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Philippians,  Ep.  to 


sacrifice  and  service  of  tlieir  faitli  (2  17).  He  calls 
Enaphroditus  not  only  his  fellow-worker  but  his  fellow- 
soldier  (2  25).  He  likens  the  Ctiristian  life  to  a  race  in 
wiilch  he  presses  on  toward  the  goal  unto  the  prize  (3  14) . 
He  asks  the  Philippians  to  keep  even,  soldierly  step  with 
him  in  the  Christian  walk  (3  16).  These  metaphors 
have  their  appeal  to  an  athletic  and  military  race,  and 
they  bear  their  testimony  to  the  high  regard  which  Paul 
had  for  this  type  of  Christianity  and  for  those  in  whose 
lives  it  was  displayed.  We  do  not  know  the  names  of 
many  of  these  men,  for  only  Clement  and  Epaphrodi- 
tus  are  mentioned  here;  but  we  gather  much  concerning 
their  spirit  from  this  ep.,  and  we  are  as  sure  as  Paul 
himself  that  their  names  are  all  written  in  the  book  of 
life  (4  3). 

(4)  If  the  constituent  elements  of  the  church  at 
Philippi  fairly  represented  the  various  elements  of 
the  population  of  the  city,  they  must  have  been 
cosmopolitan  in  character.  Philippi  was  an  old 
Macedonian  city  which  had  been  turned  into  a  Rom 
colony.  It  was  both  Gr  and  Rom  in  its  character- 
istics. Christianity  had  been  introduced  here  by 
two  Jews,  who  were  Rom  citizens,  and  a  Jewish  son 
of  a  gentile  father.  In  the  account  given  of  the 
founding  of  the  church  in  Acts  16  three  converts 
are  mentioned,  and  one  is  a  Jewish  proselyte  from 
Asia,  one  a  native  Greek,  and  one  a  Rom  official. 
The  later  converts  doubtless  represented  the  same 
diversity  of  nationality  and  the  same  differences  in 
social  position.  Yet,  apart  from  those  two  good 
women,  Euodia  and  Syrityche,  they  were  all  of  one 
mind  in  the  Lord.  It  is  a  remarkable  proof  of  the 
fact  that  in  Christ  all  racial  and  social  conditions 
may  be  brought  into  harmony  and  made  to  live 
together  in  peace.  (5)  They  were  a  very  liberal 
people.  They  gave  themselves  to  the  Lord  and  to 
Paul  (2  Cor  8  5),  and  whenever  they  could  help 
Paul  or  further  the  work  of  the  gospel  they  gave 
gladly  and  willingly  and  up  to  the  limit  of  their 
resources;  and  then  they  hypothecated  their  credit 
and  gave  beyond  their  power  (2  Cor  8  3).  Even 
Paul  was  astonished  at  their  giving.  He  declares 
that  they  gave  out  of  much  affliction  and  deep 
poverty,  that  they  abounded  in  their  bounty,  and 
that  they  were  rich  only  in  their  liberality  (2  Cor 
8  2). 

Surely  these  are  unusual  encomiums.  The  Philippians 
must  have  been  a  very  unusual  people.  If  the  depth  of 
one's  consecration  and  the  reality  of  one's  religion  are  to 
be  measured  by  the  extent  to  which  they  affect  the  dis- 
position of  one's  material  possessions,  if  one  measure  of 
Christian  love  is  to  be  found  in  Christian  giving,  then  the 
Philippians  may  well  stand  supreme  among  the  saints 
in  the  PauUne  churches.  Paul  seems  to  have  loved 
them  most.  He  loved  them  enough  to  allow  them  to 
contribute  toward  his  support.  Elsewhere  he  refused 
any  help  of  this  sort,  and  stedfastly  adhered  to  his  plan 
of  self-support  while  he  was  preaching  the  gospel.  He 
made  the  single  exception  in  the  case  of  the  Philippians. 
He  must  have  been  sure  of  their  afection  and  of  their 
confidence.  Four  times  they  gave  Paul  pecuniary  aid. 
Twice  they  sent  him  their  contributions  just  after  he 
had  left  them  and  gone  on  to  Thes.salonica  (4  15.16). 
When  J^aul  had  proceeded  to  Corinth  and  was  in  want 
during  his  ministry  there  his  heart  was  gladdened  by  the 
visitation  of  brethren  from  Philippi,  who  supplied  the 
measure  of  his  want  (2  Cor  11  8.9).  It  was  not  a  first 
enthusiasm,  forgotten  as  soon  as  the  engaging  person- 
ality of  the  apostle  was  removed  from  their  sight.  It 
was"  not  merely  a  personal  attachment  that  prompted 
their  gifts.  They  gave  to  their  own  dear  apostle,  but 
only  that  he  might  minister  to  others  as  he  had  min- 
istered to  them.  He  was  their  living  lirik  with  the  work 
in  the  mission  field. 

Eleven  years  passed  by,  and  the  Philippians  heard 
that  Paul  was  in  prison  at  Rome  and  again  in  need 
of  their  help.  Eleven  years  are  enough  to  make 
quite  radical  changes  in  a  church  membership,  but 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  change  in  the  loyalty 
or  the  liberality  of  the  Philippian  church  in  that 
time.  The  Philippians  hastened  to  send  Epaphro- 
ditus  to  Rome  with  their  contributions  and  their 
greetings.  It  was  like  a  bouquet  of  fresh  flowers  in 
the  prison  cell.  Paul  writes  this  ep.  to  thank  them 
that  their  thought  for  him  had  blossomed  afresh  at 
the  first  opportunity  they  had  had   (4  10).     No 


wonder  that  Paul  loved  them  and  was  proud  of 
them  and  made  their  earnestness  and  sincerity  and 
affection  the  standard  of  comparison  with  the  love 
of  others  (2  Cor  8  S). 

///.  Characteristics  of  the  Epistle. — It  is  a  letter. 

It  is  not  a  treatise,  as  Rom,  He,  and  1  Jn  are.     It  is 

not  an  encyclical  full  of  general  ob- 

1.  A  Letter    servations  and  exhortations  capable  of 

application  at  any  time  and  anywhere, 
as  the  Ep.  to  the  Eph  and  the  Ep.  of  James  and  the 
Epp.  of  Peter  are.  It  is  a  simple  letter  to  personal 
friends.  It  has  no  theological  discussions  and  no 
rigid  outline  and  no  formal  development.  It 
rambles  along  just  as  any  real  letter  would  with  per- 
sonal news  and  personal  feelings  and  outbursts  of 
personal  affection  between  tried  friends.  It  is  the 
most  spontaneous  and  unaffected  of  the  Pauline 
Epp.  It  is  more  epistolary  than  any  of  the  others 
addressed  to  the  churches. 

It  is  a  letter  of  love.     All  of  the  other  epp.  have 
mixed  feelings  manifest  in  them.     Sometimes  a  feel- 
ing of  grief  and  of  indignation  is  domi- 

2.  A  Letter  nant,  as  in  2  Cor.  Sometimes  the 
of  Love  uppermost  desire  of  Paul  in  his  writing 

seems  to  be  the  establishment  of  the 
truth  against  the  assault  of  its  foes,  as  in  Gal  and 
Rom.  Always  more  or  less  fault  is  suggested  in  the 
recipients  of  the  warnings  and  the  exhortations  Paul 
feels  compelled  to  write'to  them.  In  Philippi  alone 
there  is  no  fault  to  be  found.  The  only  suggestion 
of  such  a  thing  is  in  the  reference  to  the  difference 
of  opinion  between  Euodia  and  Syntyche,  and  while 
Paul  thinks  this  ought  to  be  harmonized,  he  does 
not  seem  to  consider  it  any  very  serious  menace  to 
the  peace  of  the  church.  Aside  from  this  Paul  has 
nothing  but  praise  for  his  beloved  brethren  and 
prayer  that  their  love  may  abound  yet  more  and 
more  in  knowledge  and  all  discernment  (1  9).  He 
is  full  of  thankfulness  upon  all  his  remembrance  of 
them  (1  3).  He  rejoices  in  the  privilege  of  being 
offered  upon  the  sacrifice  and  service  of  their  faith 
(2  17).  The  church  at  Philippi  may  not  have  been 
conspicuous  in  charisms  as  the  church  at  Corinth 
was,  but  it  had  the  fruits  of  the  Spirit  in  rich  meas- 
ure. Paul  seems  to  think  that  it  needed  only  to 
rejoice  in  its  spiritual  possessions  and  to  grow  in 
grace  and  in  the  mind  of  Christ.  His  heart  is  full 
of  gratitude  and  love  as  he  writes.  He  rejoices  as 
he  thinks  of  them.  His  peace  and  his  hope  are  tri- 
umphant over  present  affliction  and  the  prospect  of 
persecution  and  death.  If  this  is  his  last  will  and 
testament  to  his  beloved  church,  as  Holtzmann 
calls  it,  he  has  nothing  to  bequeath  them  but  his 
unqualified  benediction.  Having  loved  them  from 
the  first,  he  loves  them  to  the  end. 

It  is   a   letter  of  joy.     It  was  Bengel  who  said, 
Summa  epistolae:  gaudeo,  gaudete,  "The  sum  of  the 

ep.   is,   I   rejoice;    rejoice  ye."     Paul 

3.  A  Letter  was  a  man  whose  spirits  were  un- 
ci Joy  daunted    in    any    circumstances.     He 

might  be  scourged  in  one  city  and 
stoned  in  another  and  imprisoned  in  a  third  and 
left  for  dead  in  a  fourth,  but  as  long  as  he  retained 
consciousness  and  as  soon  as  he  regained  conscious- 
ness he  rejoiced.  Nothing  could  dampen  his  ardor. 
Nothing  could  disturb  his  peace.  In  Philippi  he  had 
been  scourged  and  cast  into  the  inner  prison  and  his 
feet  had  been  made  fast  in  the  stocks,  but  at  mid- 
night he  and  Silas  were  singing  hymns  of  praise  to 
God.  He  is  in  prison  now  in  Rome,  but  he  is  still 
rejoicing.  Some  men  would  have  been  discouraged 
in  such  circumstances.  Wherever  Paul  had  gone  his 
preaching  had  been  despised,  and  he  had  been  perse- 
cuted. The  Jews  had  slandered  him  and  harassed 
him,  and  so  many  of  his  converts  had  proved  to  be 
fickle  and  false.  The  years  had  gone  by  and  the 
breach  between  him  and  his  brethren  had  widened 


PhUippians.Ep.to    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2374 


rather  than  lessened,  and  at  last  they  had  succeeded 
in  getting  him  into  prison  and  keeping  him  there  for 
years.  Prison  life  is  never  pleasant,  and  it  was  far 
less  so  in  that  ancient  day  than  it  is  now. 

Paul  was  such  an  ardent  spirit.  It  was  more  difficult 
for  him  to  be  confined  tliau  it  would  be  lor  a  more  indo- 
lent man.  He  was  a  world-missionary,  a  restless  cos- 
mopolite ranging  up  and  down  through  the  continents 
with  the  message  of  the  Christ.  It  was  like  putting  an 
eagle  into  a  cage  to  put  him  into  prison.  Many  eagles 
mope  and  die  in  imprisonment.  Paul  was  not  moping. 
He  was  \vriting  this  £p.  to  the  Phil  and  saying  to  them, 
"Tlie  things  which  happened  unto  me  have  fallen  out 
rather  unto  the  progress  of  the  gospel  ....  therein 
I  rejoice,  yea,  and  will  rejoice"  (1  12.18).  His  enemies 
were  free  to  do  and  to  say  what  they  pleased,  and  they 
were  making  the  most  of  the  opportunity.  He  could  no 
longer  thwart  or  hinder  them.  Some  men  would  have 
broken  out  into  loud  lamentations  and  complaints. 
Some  men  would  have  worried  about  the  conditions  and 
would  have  become  nervous  about  the  outcome  of  the 
cause.  The  faith  of  even  John  the  Baptist  failed  in  prison. 
He  could  not  believe  that  things  were  going  right  if  he 
were  not  there  to  attend  to  them.  Paul's  faith  never 
wavered.  His  hope  never  waned.  His  joy  was  inex- 
haustible and  perennial.  He  was  never  anxious.  Did 
he  hear  the  sentry's  step  pacing  up  and  down  the  corridor 
before  his  prison  door?  It  reminded  him  of  the  peace 
of  God  which  passeth  all  understanding,  guarding  his 
tieart  and  liis  thoughts  in  Christ  Jesus  (4  7),  standing 
sentry  there  night  and  day.  The  keynote  of  this  ep.  is 
"  Rejoice  in  the  Lord  always:  again  I  will  say,  Rejoice" 
(4  4j. 

Paul  is  old  and  worn  and  in  prison,  but  some  20  t 
in  the  course  of  this  short  letter  to  the  Philippians 
he  uses  the  words,  joy,  rejoice,  peace,  content,  and 
thanksgiving.  It  is  a  letter  full  of  love  and  full  of 
joy. 

It  is  of  great  importance  theologically.  It  is  one  of  the 
paradoxes  to  which  we  become  almost  accustomed  in 

Paul's  writings  that  this  simplest  of  his 
4.  Impor-  letters,  most  epistolary  and  most  personal 
.  *         q^i  throughout,  should  yet  contain  the  fullest 

tance  ineo-  ^^j  j^qs^  important  putting  of  the  theology 
logically         of  the  incarnation  and  exaltation  that  came 

from  his  pen.  He  has  only  a  practical  end 
in  view.  He  is  exhorting  the  Philippians  to  humility, 
and  he  says  to  them,  'Have  the  mind  which  was  in  Christ 
who  emptied  liimself  and  then  was  exalted"  (2  5-11).  It 
is  the  most  theological  passage  in  the  ep.  It  is  one  of  the 
most  doctrinaUy  important  in  the  NT.  It  is  Paul's  final 
contribution  to  the  solution  of  the  great  mystery  of  the 
coming  of  the  Savioiu"  and  the  economy  of  salvation. 
It  is  Ins  last  word,  at  any  length,  on  this  subject.  He 
states  plainly  the  fact  of  the  kenosis,  the  morale  of  the 
redemption,  the  certainty  of  the  exaltation,  and  the  sure 
hope  of  the  universal  adoration  in  the  end.  The  most 
vital  truths  of  Christology  are  here  clearly  stated  and 
definitely  formulated  for  all  time.  Jesus  was  a  real 
man,  not  grasping  at  any  of  the  attributes  of  Deity 
which  would  be  inconsistent  with  real  and  true  humanity, 
but  in  whole-hearted  surrender  of  sacrifice  submitting 
to  all  the  disabilities  and  limitations  necessary  to  the 
incarnate  conditions.  He  was  equal  with  God,  but  He 
emptied  Himself  of  the  omnipotence  and  the  omniscience 
and  the  omnipresence  of  His  pre-incarnate  state,  and  was 
found  in  form  as  a  man,  a  genuine  man  obedient  to  God 
in  all  His  life.  He  always  maintained  that  attitude 
toward  God  which  we  ouglit  to  maintain  and  which  we 
can  maintain  in  our  humanity,  in  which  He  was  on  an 
equality  with  us.  We  ought  to  have  the  mind  which  was 
in  Christ.  He  humbled  Himself  and  became  obedient. 
He  was  obedient  through  life  and  obedient  unto  death, 
yea,  even  unto  the  deatli  of  the  cross.  It  is  a  great  pas- 
sage, setting  forth  profoundest  truths  in  the  tersest 
manner.  It  is  the  crowning  revelation  concerning  Jesus 
in  the  Pauhne  Epp.  It  represents  Paul's  most  mature 
thought  upon  this  theme.     See  Kenosis. 

IV,  Genuineness  of  the  Epistle. — The  genuineness  of 
the  ep.  is  very  generally  admitted  today.  It  was  in  the 
Canon  of  Marcion.  Its  name  occurs  in  the  hst  on  the 
Muratorian  Fragment.  It  is  found  in  both  the  Pesh 
and  the  Old  Lat  VSS.  It  is  mentioned  by  Polycarp  and 
quoted  in  the  letter  of  the  churches  of  Lyons  arid  "Vienne, 
in  the  Ep.  of  Diognetus,  and  in  the  writings  of  Irenaeus 
and  Clement  of  Alexandria.  Baur  made  a  determined 
attack  upon  its  authenticity.  He  declared  that  it  was  not 
doctrinal  and  polemical  like  the  other  Pauline  Epp.,  but 
that  it  was  full  of  shallow  imitations  of  these.  He  said 
it  had  no  apparent  motive  and  no  connected  argument 
and  no  depth  of  thought.  He  questioned  some  of  the 
historical  data  and  suspected  gnostic  influence  in  certain 
passages.  Bleek  said  of  Baur's  arguments  that  they  were 
partly  derived  from  a  perverted  interpretation  of  certain 
passages  in  the  ep.;  they  partly  rested  upon  arbitrary 
historical  presuppositions ;  and  some  of  them  were  really 
so  weak  that  it  was  hard  to  believe  that  he  could  have 


attached  any  importance  to  them  himself.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  few  critics  have  been  found  willing  to 
follow  Baur's  leadership  at  this  point.  Biederman, 
Kneucker,  Hinsch,  Hitzig,  Hoekstra,  and  Holsten  may  be 
mentioned  among  them.  The  genuineness  of  the  ep. 
has  been  defended  by  Weizsacker.  Weiss,  Pfleiderer, 
Julicher,  Klopper,  Schenkel,  Reuss,  Hilgenfold,  Harnack. 
Holtzmann,  Mangold,  Lipsius,  Renan,  Godet,  Zahn, 
Davidson,  Lightfoot,  Farrar,  McGiftert,  and  practically 
all  of  the  Eng.  writers  on  the  subject.  Weizsacker  says 
that  the  reasons  for  attributing  the  ep.  to  the  apostle 
Paul  are  "overwhelming."  McGiflert  declares:  "It 
is  simply  inconceivable  that  anyone  else  would  or  could 
have  produced  in  his  name  a  letter  in  which  no  doctrinal 
or  ecclesiastical  motive  can  be  discovered,  and  in  which 
the  personal  element  so  largely  predominates  and  the 
character  of  the  man  and  the  apostle  is  revealed  with  so 
great  vividness  and  fidelity.  The  ep.  deserves  to  rank 
alongside  of  Gal,  Cor,  and  Itom  as  an  undoubted  product 
of  Paul's  pen,  and  as  a  coordinate  standard  by  which  to 
test  the  genuineness  of  other  and  less  certain  writings ' ' 
(The  Apostolic  Age,  .393),  This  is  the  practically  unani- 
mous conclusion  of  modem  scholarship. 

V.  Place,  Date  and  Occasion  of  Writing. — This 
is  one  of  the  prison  epp.  (see  Philemon).  Paul 
makes  frequent  reference  to  his  bonds  (1  7.13.14.17). 
He  was  for  2  years  a  prisoner  in  Caesarea  (Acts  24 
27).  Paulus  and  others  have  thought  that  the  ep. 
was  written  during  this  imprisonment;  but  the  ref- 
erences to  the  praetorian  guard  and  the  members  of 
Caesar's  household  have  led  most  critics  to  conclude 
that  the  Rom  imprisonment  was  the  one  to  which  the 
ep.  refers.  Philem,  Col  and  Eph  were  also  written 
during  the  Rom  imprisonment,  and  these  three  form 
a  group  by  themselves.  Phil  ia  evidently^  separated 
from  them  by  some  interval.  Was  it  written 
earlier  or  later  than  they?  Bleek,  Lightfoot,  San- 
day,  Hort,  Beet  and  others  think  that  the  Ep.  to 
the  Phil  was  written  first.  We  prefer,  however,  to 
agree  with  Zahn,  Ramsay,  Findlay,  Shaw,  Vincent, 
Jtllicher,  Holtzmann,  Weiss,  Godet,  and  others, 
who  argue  for  the  writing  of  Phil  toward  the  close 
of  the  Rom  imprisonment. 

Their  reasons  are  as  follows:  (1)  "We  know  that  some 
considerable  time  must  have  elapsed  after  Paul's  arrival 
at  Rome  before  he  could  have  written  this  ep.;  for  the 
news  of  his  arrival  had  been  carried  to  Philippi  and  a 
contribution  to  his  needs  had  been  raised  among  his 
friends  there,  and  Epaphroditus  had  carried  it  to  Rome. 
In  Rome,  Epaphroditus  had  become  seriously  sick  and 
the  news  of  this  sickness  had  been  carried  back  to  Philip- 
pi  and  the  Philippians  had  sent  back  a  message  of  sym- 
pathy to  him.  At  least  four  trips  between  Rome  and 
Philippi  are  thus  indicated,  and  there  are  intervals  of 
greater  or  less  length  between  them.  The  distance 
between  the  two  cities  was  some  700  miles.  Communi- 
cation was  easy  by  the  Appian  Way  and  Trajan's  Way 
to  Brundusium  and  across  the  narrow  straits  there  to 
the  Egnatian  Way,  which  led  directly  to  Philippi.  There 
were  many  making  the  trip  at  all  times,  but  tlie  journey 
would  occupy  a  month  at  least,  and  the  four  journeys 
suggested  in  the  ep.  were  not  in  direct  succession.  (2) 
Paul  saj's  that  through  him  Christ  had  become  known 
throughout  the  whole  praetorian  guard  (1  13).  It  must 
have  taken  some  time  for  this  to  become  possible.  (3) 
The  conditions  outside  the  prison,  where  Christ  was 
being  preached,  by  some  in  a  spirit  of  love,  and  by  others 
in  a  spirit  of  faction,  cannot  be  located  in  the  earliest 
months  of  Paul's  sojourn  in  Rome  (1  15-17).  They 
must  belong  to  a  time  when  Christianity  had  developed 
in  the  city  and  parties  had  been  formed  in  the  church. 
(4)  Luke  was  well  known  at  Philippi.  Yet  he  sends  no 
salutation  to  the  Philippians  in  this  ep.  He  would  surely 
have  done  so  if  he  had  been  with  Paul  at  the  time  of  its 
writing.  He  was  with  the  apostle  when  he  wrote  to  the 
Colossians,  and  so  was  Demas  (Col  4  14).  In  this  ep. 
Paul  promises  to  send  Timothy  to  Philippi,  and  says, 
"I  have  no  man  likeminded,  who  will  care  truly  for 
your  state"  (2  20).  This  must  mean  that  Aristarchus, 
Demas  and  Luke  were  all  gone.  They  had  all  been  with 
him  when  he  wrote  the  other  epp.  (5)  His  condition  as 
a  prisoner  seems  to  have  changed  for  the  worse.  He  had 
enjoyed  comparative  liberty  for  the  first  2  years  of  his 
imprisonment  at  Rome,  living  in  his  own  hired  house  and 
accessible  to  all  his  friends.  He  had  now  been  removed, 
possibly  to  the  guardroom  of  the  praetorian  cohort. 
Here  he  was  in  more  rigorous  confinement,  in  want  and 
alone.  (6)  Paul  writes  as  if  he  thought  that  his  case 
would  be  decided  soon  (2  23.24).  He  seems  to  be  facing 
his  final  trial.  He  is  not  sure  of  its  outcome.  He  may 
die  a  martyr's  death,  but  he  expects  to  be  acquitted  and 
then  to  be  at  liberty  to  do  further  missionary  work. 
This  was  not  his  immediate  expectation  when  he  wrote 
the  other  epp. ,  and  therefore  they  would  seem  to  be  earlier 


2375 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Philippians, Ep. to 


than  this.  (7)  The  ep.  is  addressed  to  all  the  saints  in 
™MPpi..  with  the  bishops  and  deacons  (1  1).  These 
otticiai  titles  do  not  occur  in  any  earlier  epp.,  but  they 
are  found  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.,  which  were  written  slill 
later.  Therefore  they  link  the  Ep.  to  the  Phil  with  the 
later  rather  than  the  earlier  epp. 

From  these  indications  we  conclude  that  this  is 
the  last  of  Paul's  Epp.  to  the  churches.  Hilgenfeld 
calls  this  the  swan  song  of  the  great  apostle.  In  it 
Paul  has  written  his  last  exhortations  and  warnings, 
his  last  hopes  and  prayers  for  his  converts  to  the 
Christian  faith.  Its  date  must  be  somewhere 
toward  the  close  of  the  Rom  imprisonment,  in  the 
year  63  or  64  AD.  Epaphroditua  had  brought  the 
contribution  of  the  Philippians  to  Paul  in  Rome. 
He  had  plunged  into  the  work  there  in  rather  reck- 
less fashion,  risking  his  life  and  contracting  a  mala- 
rial fever  or  some  other  serious  sickness;  but  his  life 
had  been  spared  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  Paul 
and  his  friends.  Now  Paul  sends  him  back  to 
Philippi,  _  though  he  knows  that  he  will  be  very 
lonely  without  him;  and  he  sends  with  him  this 
letter  of  acknowledgment  of  their  gift,  filled  with 
commendation  and  encouragement,  gratitude  and 
love. 

VI.  Contents  of  the  Epistle. — The  ep.  is  not 
capable  of  any  logical  analysis.  Its  succession  of 
thought  may  be  represented  as  follows:  (1)  Address 
(1  1.2).  (2)  Thanksgiving  and  prayer  ^1  3-11): 
Paul  is  thankful  for  their  fellowship  and  confident 
of  their  perfection.  He  longs  for  them  and  prays 
that  their  love  may  be  wise  to  discriminate  among 
the  most  excellent  things  and  that  they  may  be  able 
to  choose  the  very  best,  until  they  are  filled  with  the 
fruits  of  righteousness,  which  are  through  Jesus 
Christ,  unto  the  glory  and  the  praise  of  God.  (3) 
Information  concerning  his  own  experience  (1  12- 
30):  (a)  His  evangelism  (vs  12-14):  Everything 
had  turned  out  well.  Paul  is  in  prison,  but  he  has 
been  indefatigable  in  his  evangelism.  He  has  been 
chained  to  a  soldier,  but  that  has  given  him  many 
an  opportunity  for  personal  and  private  and  pro- 
longed conversation.  When  the  people  have 
gathered  to  hear,  the  guard  has  listened  perforce; 
and  when  the  crowd  was  gone,  more  than  once  the 
soldier  has  seemed  curious  and  interested  and  they 
have  talked  on  about  the  Christ.  Paul  has  told  his 
experience  over  and  over  to  these  men,  and  his  story 
has  been  carried  through  the  whole  camp.  (6)  His 
tolerance  (vs  15-18) :  Not  only  has  the  gospel  found 
unexpected  furtherance  inside  the  prison  walls,  but 
through  the  whole  city  the  brethren  have  been  em- 
boldened by  Paul's  success  to  preach  Christ,  some 
through  faction  and  envy  and  strife,  and  some 
through  love.  Paul  rejoices  that  Christ  is  preached, 
whether  by  his  enemies  or  by  his  friends.  He  would 
much  prefer  to  have  the  gospel  presented  as  he  him- 
self preached  it,  but  he  was  great-souled  and  broad- 
minded  enough  to  tolerate  differences  of  opinion  and 
method  among  brethren  in  Christ.  "In  every  way, 
whether  in  pretence  or  in  truth,  Christ  is  proclaimed ; 
and  therein  I  rejoice,  yea,  and  will  rejoice"  (1  18). 
This  is  one  of  the  noblest  utterances  of  one  of  the 
greatest  of  men.  Paul  is  sorry  that  everybody  docs 
not  see  things  just  exactly  as  he  does,  but  he  re- 
joices if  they  glorify  Christ  and  would  not  put  the 
least  hindrance  in  their  way.  (c)  His  readiness  for 
life  or  death  (vs  19-26) :  Paul  says.  Give  me  liberty 
or  give  me  death;  it  will  be  Christ  either  way.  To 
live  is  to  work  for  Christ;  to  die  is  to  be  with  Christ. 
"To  me  to  live  is  Christ,  and  to  die  is  gain."  Here  is 
Paul's  soliloquy  in  the  face  of  possible  martyrdom 
or  further  missionary  labors. 

We  are  reminded  of  Hamlet's  soliloquy  in  Shake- 
speare. "To  be  or  not  to  be" — that  is  the  question  with 
both  Hamlet  and  Paul.  Hamlet  weighs  evils  against 
evils  and  chooses  the  lesser  evils  in  sheer  cowardice  in 
the  end.  Paul  weighs  blessings  against  blessings,  the 
blessings  of  life  for  Christ  and  the  blessings  of  death  with 


Christ,  and  chooses  the  lesser  blessings  in  pure  unself- 
ishness in  the  end.  They  both  choose  life,  but  the  mo- 
tives of  their  choice  are  radically  dillerent;  and  Paul 
lives  with  rejoicing  while  Hamlet  lives  in  despair  and  in 
shame.  The  aged  apostle  would  rather  die  than  live, 
but  he  would  rather  Jive  than  die  before  his  work  was 
done. 

(d)  His  example  (vs  27-30):  Paul  was  a  Rom 
citizen  and  so  were  they.  Lie  tried  to  live  worthy 
of  his  citizenship  and  so  must  they.  He  had  a  still 
higher  ambition,  that  he  and  they  might  live  as 
citizens  worthy  of  the  gospel  of  Christ.  He  fought 
as  a  good  soldier.  He  stood  fast  in  the  faith.  He 
was  in  nothing  affrighted  by  the  adversaries.  Let 
them  follow  his  example.  They  were  engaged  in 
the  same  conflict.  To  them  it  had  been  granted  to 
believe  and  to  suffer  in  the  behalf  of  Christ.  Their 
faith  was  not  of  themselves;  it  was  the  gift  of  God. 
Their  suffering  was  not  self-chosen;  it  too  was  a 
gift  of  God.  (4)  Exhortation  to  follow  the  example 
of  Christ  (2  1-18):  Let  the  Philippians  have  the 
mind  and  spirit  of  Jesus,  and  Paul  will  rejoice  to 
pour  out  his  life  as  a  libation  upon  the  sacrifice  and 
service  of  their  faith.  (5)  Reasons  for  sending  Tim- 
othy and  Epaphroditus  to  them  (2  19-30).  (6) 
Paul's  example  (3  1-21): 

(a)  In  the  repudiation  of  all  confidence  in  the  flesh 
(vs  1—7):  There  are  certain  dogs  and  evil  workers  who 
belong  to  the  old  Jewisli  persuasion  who  glory  in  the 
flesh.  Paul  does  not.  He  glories  in  Christ  Jesus  and 
has  no  confidence  in  the  flesh.  He  has  much  reason  to 
be  proud  of  his  past,  for  he  would  rank  high  on  his  record 
among  them.  He  was  of  the  stock  of  Israel,  the  prince 
with  God.  He  belonged  to  the  race  of  those  who  wrestled 
with  God  and  got  the  victory.  Ho  was  of  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin,  the  only  one  of  the  patriarchs  born  in  the 
Chosen  Land.  The  first  king  of  Israel  had  been  chosen 
from  this  tribe.  It  alone  had  been  faithful  to  the  house 
of  David  at  the  time  of  the  Great  Schism.  It  held  the 
place  of  honor  in  the  militant  host  of  the  Israelites  (Jgs 
6  14;  Hos  5  8).  It  was  a  matter  of  pride  to  belong 
to  this  singly  faithful  and  signally  honored  tribe.  He 
was  a  Hebrew  of  Hebrews,  and  he  belonged  to  that  sect 
among  the  Hebrews  that  was  notorious  for  its  scrupulous 
observance  of  all  the  religious  ritual,  for  its  patriotism 
and  zeal,  for  its  piety  and  devotion.  Among  these 
Pharisees  he  was  conspicuous  for  his  enthusiasm.  He 
was  the  chosen  instrument  of  the  Sanhedrin  to  persecute 
and  annihilate  the  Christian  church.  No  one  could  flnd 
fault  with  his  legal  righteousness.  He  claimed  to  be 
blameless  as  judged  by  their  standard.  That  was  his 
record.  "Who  has  any  better  one,  in  pedigree  or  in  piety  ? 
All  of  these  things  Paul  counts  but  loss  for  Christ.  (6) 
In  the  maintenance  and  pursuit  of  spiritual  perfection 
(vs  8-16) :  The  word  "  perfect ' '  is  used  twice  in  this  para- 
graph. We  read :  "  Not  that  I  have  already  obtained,  or 
am  already  made  perfect:  but  I  press  on."  Many  of 
the  authorities  quote  these  words  as  indicative  of  Paul's 
humility  in  disclaiming  any  present  perfection  of  char- 
acter while  he  avows  his  purpo.se  to  strive  on  toward 
perfection  as  long  as  he  lives.  Such  an  interpretation 
is  wholly  aside  from  Paul's  thought.  He  is  not  talking 
about  perfection  in  patience  and  peace  and  devotion 
and  character.  That  perfection  he  claims  for  himself 
and  for  the  Philippians  in  this  paragraph  toward  the 
close:  "  Let  us  therefore,  as  many  as  are  perfect,  be  thus 
minded."  The  perfection  of  which  he  speaks  earlier  is 
the  perfection  possible  in  the  resurrection  life  of  the 
saints  in  bliss.  He  has  not  attained  unto  the  resurrection 
from  the  dead  and  is  not  perfect  with  the  perfection  of 
heaven.  That  is  the  goal  of  his  endeavor.  He  presses 
on  to  that  mark.  In  the  meantime  lie  maintains  that  per- 
fection of  consecration  and  of  faith  that  results  in 
present  Christian  perfection  of  character  and  which  is 
the  only  guaranty  of  that  perfection  to  be  revealed  to 
those  who  attain  unto  the  resurrection  from  the  dead, 
(c)  In  heavenly  citizenship  (vs  17-21):  Paul  walks  with 
his  mind  on  heavenly  things.  There  are  those  who 
mind  earthly  things.  They  are  enemies  of  the  cross,  but 
he  has  sworn  eternal  allegiance  to  the  cross.  Their  end 
is  perdition,  while  his  end  is  sure  salvation.  Their  god 
is  the  belly,  while  his  goal  is  the  perfection  of  the  spirit. 
Their  glory  is  in  their  shame,  while  his  glory  is  in  Christ 
alone.  "Brethren,  be  ye  imitators  together  of  me,  and 
mark  them  that  so  walk  even  as  ye  have  us  for  an  en- 
sample."  Then  "The  Lord  ....  shall  fashion  anew  the 
body  of  our  humiliation,"  the  body  of  our  earthly  pilgrim- 
age, the  body  that  so  often  fails  the  racer  to  the  goal 
and  cannot  keep  up  with  the  desire  of  his  spirit,  and  will 
conform  it  "to  the  body  of  his  glory,"  the  perfect  body 
of  those  who  have  attained  to  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead.  It  is  not  "our  vile  body"  that  is  to  be  changed. 
That  gives  a  false  sense  in  modern  Eng.  The  body  is 
not  vile,  and  the  Bible  nowhere  says  that  it  is.     It  was 


Philistia 
PJiilistines 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2376 


Manichean  or  neo-Platonic  heresy  that  matter  was  evil 
and  the  body  vile.  Plotinus  blushed  that  he  had  a 
body;  Jesus  never  did.  The  Christian  will  honor  the 
body  as  the  temple  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  was  the  vehi- 
cle of  the  incarnation,  and  he  honors  it  for  that.  Yet 
the  body  prepared  for  Jesus  was  the  body  of  His  humili- 
ation. It  bound  Him  to  the  earth.  It  wearied  when  He 
was  most  anxious  to  work.  It  failed  Him  when  He  most 
needed  strength.  Paul  says  that  our  bodies  are  like  the 
body  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  now.  and  they  shall  be  like  the 
body  of  our  risen  Lord  in  due  time. 

(7)  A  series  of  short  exhortations  (4  1-9) :  This 
series  ends  with  the  command,  "The  things  which  ye 
both  learned  and  received  and  heard  and  saw  in  me, 
these  things  do :  and  the  God  of  peace  shall  be  with 
you."  All  these  exhortations,  then,  are  based  upon 
his  own  conduct  and  experience  and  example.  They 
had  seen  the  embodiment  of  these  things  in  him. 
They  were  to  be  imitators  of  him  in  their  obedience 
to  them.  Therefore  as  we  read  them  we  have  side- 
lights thrown  upon  the  character  of  the  apostle  who 
had  taught  and  preached  and  practised  these  things. 

What  do  they  teU  us  concerning  the  apostle  Paul? 
(a)  His  stedfastness  and  his  love  for  his  friends  (ver  1): 
He  had  a  genius  for  friendship.  He  bound  his  friends  to 
him  with  cords  of  steel.  They  were  ready  to  sacrifice 
anything  for  him.  The  reason  for  that  was  that  he  sac- 
rificed everything  for  them,  and  that  he  had  such  an 
overflowing  love  for  them  that  his  love  begot  love  in 
them.  They  could  depend  upon  him.  (b)  His  sym- 
pathy with  all  good  men  and  all  good  women  and  his 
desire  that  they  live  in  peace  (vs  2.3):  The  true  yoke- 
fellow mentioned  here  cannot  be  identified  now.  He 
has  been  variously  named  by  the  critics,  as  Epaphrodi- 
tus,  Barnabas,  Luke,  Silas,  Timothy,  Peter,  and  Christ. 
There  may  be  a  proper  name  in  the  phrase,  either  Geni- 
sius  or  Syzygus.  We  are  whoUy  ignorant  as  to  whom 
Paul  meant,  (c)  His  constant  rejoicing  in  the  Lord  (ver 
4).  (d)  His  sweet  reasonableness  ("moderation,"  AV, 
RV  "forbearance,"  ver  5):  So  Matthew  Arnold  translates 
the  Gr  noun  here.  Tindale  called  it  courtesy.  It  is  a 
combination  of  forbearance  and  graciousness,  of  modesty 
and  courtesy,  of  consideration  and  esteem  such  as  was 
characteristic  of  Christ.  Paul  had  it.  There  was  a 
sweet  reasonableness  about  him  that  made  his  person- 
ahty  a  most  winning  and  attractive  one.  (e)  His  free- 
dom from  anxiety  (vs  6.7):  Paul's  fearless  confidence 
was  born  on  the  one  hand  from  his  assurance  that  the 
Lord  was  near,  and  on  the  other  from  his  faith  in  prayer. 
It  passed  all  understanding  how  Paul  was  kept  from  all 
anxiety.  It  was  the  power  of  prayer  that  did  it.  It 
was  the  peace  of  God  that  did  it.  It  was  the  Lord  at 
hand  who  did  it.  (/)  His  habitual  high  thinking  (ver  .8) : 
All  that  was  worthy  in  the  ideals  of  the  Gr  philosophers 
Paul  made  the  staple  of  his  thought.  He  delighted  in 
things  true  and  honorable  and  just  and  pure  and  lovely 
and  of  good  report.  He  knew  that  virtue  was  in  these 
things  and  that  all  praise  belonged  to  them.  He  had 
learned  that  while  his  mind  was  filled  with  these  things 
he  lived  in  serenity  and  peace. 

(8)  Thanks  for  their  gift  (4  10-20).  (9)  Saluta- 
tions (4  21.22).  (10)  Benediction  (4  2.3).  This  is 
not  a  theological  ep.  and  therefore  it  is  not  an  esp. 
Christological  one.  Yet  we  count  the  name  of 
Christ  42  t  in  this  short  letter,  and  the  pronouns 
referring  to  Him  are  many  more.  Paul  cannot 
write  anything  without  writing  about  Christ.  He 
ends:  "The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with 
your  spirit."  The  spirit  of  Christ  and  the  grace  of 
Christ  are  in  the  entire  ep. 

Literature: — Works  on  Introduction:  Zahn,  Weiss 
Julicher,  Sahnon,  Dods,  Bacon,  Bennett  and  Adeney' 
McClymont,  The  NT  and  Its  Writers:  Parrar,  The 
Messages  of  the  Books:  Praser,  Synoptical  Lectures  on 
Books  of  the  Holy  Scripture;  Godet.  Studies  on  the  Epp 
Works  on  the  PauUne  Epp. :  Findlav,  Shaw  Comms  • 
Lightfoot.  Vincent,  Weiss,  Beet,  Ellicott,  Haupt,  Moule 
Devotional  studies:  Moule,  Meyer,  Jowett,  Noble. 
DoREMDS  Almy  Hayes 

PHILISTIA,  fi-lis'ti-a :  The  country  is  referred  to 
under  various  designations  in  the  OT:  viz.  miJbB 
p'lesheth  (Philistia)  (Ps  60  8  [Heb  10];  874)^ 
Dinip!:S  ynX,  'ereg  p'lishltm,  "land  of  the  Philis- 
tines" (Gen  21  32.34),  DiriTjJbgn  nib?,  g'lmh  ha- 
p'lishtim;  LXX  ge  tdn  Phulistieim,  "the  regions  of 
the  Philistines"  (Josh  13  2).  The  Egyp  monu- 
ments have  Puirsalha,  Pulsath  (Budge),  Peleset 
(Breasted)  and  Purasali  (HGHL),  according  to  the 


different  voweling  of  the  radicals;  the  Assyr  form 
is  Palaslu  or  Pilistu,  which  corresponds  very  closely 
to  the  Egyp  and  the  Heb.  The  extent  of  "the  land 
is  indicated  in  Josh  13  2  as  being  from  the  Shihor, 
or  Brook  of  Egypt  (RV),  to  the  border  of  Ekron, 
northward.  The  eastern  border  was  along  the 
Judaean  foothills  on  the  line  of  Beth-shemesh  (1  S 
6  9)  with  the  sea  on  the  W.  It  was  a  very  small 
country,  from  25  to  30  miles  in  length  and  with  an 
average  width  of  about  half  the  length,  but  it  was 
fertile,  being  an  extension  of  the  plain  of  Sharon,  ex- 
cept that  along  the  coast  high  sand  dunes  encroached 
upon  the  cultivated  tract.  It  contained  many  towns 
and  villages,  the  most  important  being  the  five  so 
often  mentioned  in  Scripture:  Gaza,  Ashdod,  Ash- 
kelon,  Gath  and  Ekron.  The  population  must 
have  been  large  for  the  territory,  which  enabled 
them  to  contend  successfully  with  the  Israelites, 
notwithstanding  the  superiority  of  position  in  the 
hills  to  the  advantage  of  the  latter,       H.  Porter 

PHILISTIM,fi-lis'tim,fil'is-tim  (DTlffibs,  p'lish- 
ilni  [Gen  10  14  AV]).     See  Philistines. 

PHILISTINES,  fi-lis'tinz,  fil'is-tlnz,  fil'is-tinz 
(DT^iPpS,  p'lishtlm;  •i'DXuo-Ti.eiii,  Phulistieim,  a.\\6- 
<|>v\oi,  allophuloi) : 

I.     OT  Notices 

1.  Race  and  Origin 

2.  Rehgion 

3.  Individual  Philistines  Mentioned 

4.  Title  of  Ruler  and  Circumcision 

5.  History  in  the  OT  to  Death  of  Saul 

6.  History  Continued  to  Time  of  Ahaz 

7.  Later  Notices 

II.     Monumental  Notices 

1.  Palestinian  Excavations 

2.  Egyptian  Monuments 

3.  AssjTian  Texts 

III.  The  Cretan  Theory 

1.  Cherethim  and  Kretes 

2.  Caphtor  and  Keft 

IV.  David's  Guards 

1.  The  "Cherethi"  and  the  "Pelethi"  Not  Mer- 
cenaries 

2.  Meaning  of  These  Terms 

3.  Native  Hebrews 

4.  Review 
Liter.\turb 

/.  OT  Notices. — The  Philis  were  an  uncircum- 
cised  people    inhabiting    the   shore  plain  between 
Gezer  and  Gaza  in  Southwestern  Pal 
1.  Race  (see  Philistia).     The  name  Pal  itself 

and  Origin  (Heb  p'lesheth)  refers  to  their  country. 
The  word  means  "migrants,"  and  they 
came  from  another  country.  They  are  noticed  286  t 
in  the  OT,  and  their  country  8  t.  The  question  of 
their  race  and  origin  is  of  great  importance  as  affect- 
ing the  genuine  character  and  reliability  of  the  Bible 
notices.  In  Gen  10  14  (1  Ch  1  12)  they  are, 
reckoned  with  other  tribes  in  Mizraim  (Egypt)  as 
descendants  of  Ham,  and  as  cousins  of  the  old 
inhabitants  of  Babylonia  (ver  6).  They  are  said 
to  be  a  branch  of  the  Casluhim — an  unknown  people 
— or,  according  to  LXX,  of  the  Casmanim,  which 
would  mean  "shavers  of  the  head" — a  custom  of  the 
Phoenicians  (forbidden  to  Hebrews  as  a  rule),  as 
known  from  a  picture  of  the  time  of  Thotlmies  III 
in  the  16th  cent.  BC.  They  are  also  connected  with 
the  Caphtorim  or  people  of  Caphtor,  whence  indeed 
they  are  said  to  have  come  (Jer  47  4;  Am  9  7). 
Caphtor  was  a  "shoreland,"  but  its  position  is  doubt- 
ful (see  Dt  2  23) ;  the  Caphtorim  found  an  earlier 
race  of  Avim  living  in  "enclosures"  near  Gaza,  and 
destroyed  them.  In  the  LXX  of  this  passage  (and 
in  Am  9  7)  Cappadocia  stands  for  Caphtor  {Kaph- 
tor),  and  other  VSS  have  the  same  reading.  Cappa- 
docia was  known  to  the  Assyrians  as  kat-pat-uka 
(probably  an  Akkadian  term — "land  of  the  Kati"), 
and  the  Kati  were  a  people  living  in  Cilicia  and 
Cappadocia,  which  region  had  a  Sem  population 


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Philistia 
Philistines 


side  by  side  with  Mongols  (see  Hittites)  at  least 
as  early  as  the  time  of  Moses.  It  is  very  likely 
therefore  that  this  reading  is  correct. 

According  to  the  OT  and  monuments  alike,  the  Philis 

were  a  Sem  people,  and  they  worshipped  two  Bab  gods, 

Dagon  (1  S  5  2)  and  Ashtaroth  (31   10), 

2  ■Rplimnn    ''oth  of  whom  wore  adored  very  early  in 

^   °  Babylonia,  both,  however,  having  nam&s 

of  Akkadian  and  not  of  Sem  origin.  In 
Sem  speech  Dagon  meant  "corn,"  and  was  so  under- 
stood in  the  time  of  Pliilo  of  Gebal,  a  Gr-Phoen  writer 
who  attributes  the  art  of  corn-growing  to  this  deity. 
But  tho  original  name  was  Da-gan,  and  in  Akkadian 
da  is  "the  upper  part  of  a  man,"  and  gan  (Turkish  fcoan) 
probably  means  "a  large  fish."  The  new  man  deity 
was  well  known  to  the  Assyrians,  and  is  represented  in 
connection  with  Sennacherib's  worship  of  Ea,  the  sea^god, 
when  he  embarked  on  tho  Pors  Gulf.  Thus  Dagon  was 
probably  a  title  of  Ea  ("the  water  spirit"),  called  by 
Berosus  Cannes  {u-ha-na,  "lord  of  the  fish  ),  and  said 
to  have  issued  froni  this  same  gulf.  We  consequently 
read  that  when  the  statue  of  Dagon  at  Ashdod  fell  (1  S 
5  4),  its  head  and  hands  were  broken  off,  and  only  "the 
great  fish"  was  left.  In  1874  the  present  writer  found 
a  seal  near  Ashdod  representing  a  bearded  god  (as  in 
Babylonia)  mth  a  fish  tail  (see  Dagon).  As  to  Ash- 
toreth,  who  was  adored  in  Philistia  itself,  her  name  is 
derived  from  the  Akkadian  Istar  ("light  maker"),  a 
name  for  the  moon-goddess  and — later — for  the  planet 
Venus  (see  Ashtoreth). 

The  Philis  had  reached  Gerar  by  the  time  of 

Abraham,  and  it  was  only  in  the  age  of  the  Hykso.s 

rulers  of  the   Delta  that  Can.  tribes 

3.  Indi-  could  be  described  as  akin,  not  only  to 
vidua]  Babylonians,  but  also  to  certain  tribes 
Philistines  in  Egypt,  a  circumstance  which  favors 
Mentioned    the    antiquity  of   the  ethnic  chapter, 

Gen  10.  We  have  9  Phili  names  in 
the  OT,  all  of  which  seem  to  be  Sem,  including 
Abimelech — "Moloch  is  my  father" — (Gen  20 
2-18;  21  22-32;  26  8-11)  at  Gerar,  S.E.  of  Gaza, 
Ahuzzath  ("possession,"  Gen  26  26),  and  Phicol 
(of  doubtful  meaning),  with  Delilah  ("delicate," 
Jgs  16  4),  Goliath  (probably  the  Bab  galu, 
"great"),  and  Saph  (2  S  21  18),  perhaps  meaning 
"increase."  These  two  brothers  were  sons  of 
Raphah  ("the  tall");  but  Ishbi-benob  (ver  16),  an- 
other of  the  family,  perhaps  only  means  "the  dweller 
in  Nob"  [Beit  Nitba,  N.  of  Gezer),  The  king  of 
Gath  in  David's  time  was  Achish  ("the  gift"  in 
Bab),  who  (1  S  27  2)  was  the  son  of  Maoch,  "the 
oppressor."  According  to  LXX,  Jonathan  killed 
a  Phili  named  Nasib  (1  S  13  3.4,  where  AV  reads 
"a  garrison").  If  this  is  correct  the  name  (meaning 
"a  pillar")  would  also  be  Sem. 

Besides  these  personal  names,  and  those  of  the 
cities  of  Philistia  which  are  all  Sem,  we  have  the 

title  given  to  Phili  lords,  i}eren,  which 

4.  Title  of  LXX  renders  "satrap"  and  "ruler," 
Ruler  and  and  which  probably  comes  from  a  Sem 
Circum-  root  meaning  "to  command'"  It  con- 
cision stantly  applies  to  the  rulers  of  Gaza, 

Ashdod,  Ashkelon,  Gath  and  Ekron, 
the  5  chief  cities  of  Philistia.  The  fact  that  the 
Philis  were  uncircumcised  does  not  prove  that  they 
were  not  a  Sem  people.  Herodotus  (ii.l04)  says 
that  the  Phoenicians  acknowledged  that  they  took 
this  custom  from  the  Egyptians,  and  the  Arabs 
according  to  this  passage  were  still  uncircumcised, 
nor  is  it  known  that  this  was  a  custom  of  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians.  The  LXX  translators  of 
the  Pent  always  render  the  name  Phulistidm,'  and 
this  also  is  found  in  8  passages  of  Josh  and  Jgs,  but 
in  the  later  books  the  name  is  tr"*  as  meaning 
"strangers"  throughout,  because  they  were  not  the 
first  inhabitants  of  Philistia. 

The  Philis  conquered  the  "downs"  (g'Moth,  Joel 

3  4)  near  the  seacoaBt,  and  were  so  powerful  at 
the  time  of  the  Heb  conquest  that  none  of  their 
great  towns  were  taken  (Josh  13  3;  Jgs  3  3).  By 
the  time  of  Samson  (about  1158  BC)  they  appear 
as  oppressors   of   Israel   for   40   years  (Jgs  13  1; 


15  20),  having  encroached  from  their  plains  into 
the  Sh'phelah  (or  low  hills)  of  Judah,  at  the  foot 

of  the  mountains.  Delilah  was  a  Phili 
6.  History  woman,  living  in  the  valley  of  Sorek, 
in  the  OT  close  to  Samson's  home.  In  the  last 
to  Death  of  year  of  Eli  (1  S  4  1)  we  find  the  Philis 
Saul  attacking  the  mountains  near  Mizpch, 

where  they  captured  the  ark.  Samuel 
drove  them  back  and  placed  his  monument  of  vic- 
tory between  Mizpeh  and  Jeshanah  (Shen;  see 
LXX;  1  S  7  12)  on  the  mountain  ridge  of  Benja- 
min. He  even  regained  towns  in  the  Sh'phelah  as 
far  as  Ekron  and  Gath  (ver  14) ;  but  at  the  opening 
of  Saul's  reign  (10  5)  the  Philis  had  a  "garrison"  at 
Gibeah — or  a  chief  named  Hasib  according  to  LXX. 
They  raided  from  this  center  (13  17-23)  in  all 
directions,  and  prevented  the  Hebrews  from  arm- 
ing themselves,  till  Jonathan  drove  them  from 
Michmash  (14  1-47).  David's  victory  (17  2)  was 
won  in  the  Valley  of  Elah  E.  of  Gath,  and  the  pur- 
suit (ver  .52)  was  as  far  as  Ekron.  "We  here  read  that 
the  Phili  champion  wore  armor  of  bronze  (vs  4-7), 
his  spear  head  being  of  iron.  They  still  invaded  the 
Sh'phelah  after  this  defeat,  robbing  the  threshing- 
floors  of  Keilah  (23  1)  near  AduUam  at  the  foot  of 
the  Hebron  Mountains  (see  23  27;  24  1).  David's 
band  of  outlaws  gradually  increasing  from  400  to 
600  men  (22  2;  27  2),  being  driven  from  the  Heb 
lands,  accompanied  him  to  Gath,  which  is  usually 
placed  at  Tell  es-Sdfi,  at  the  point  where  the  Valley 
of  Elah  enters  the  Phili  plain.  It  appears  that 
Achish,  king  of  Gath,  then  ruled  as  far  S.  as  Ziklag 
(Josh  15  31;  1  S  27  6)  in  the  Beersheba  plains; 
but  he  was  not  aware  of  the  direction  of  David's 
raids  at  this  distance.  Achish  supposed  David  to 
be  committed  to  his  cause  (27  12),  but  the  Pliili 
lords  suspected  him  and  his  Heb  followers  (29  3) 
when  going  up  to  Jezreel. 

After  they  had  killed  Saul,  we  hear  no  more  of 
them  till  the  8th  year  of  David,  when,  after  taking 

Jerus,   he   apparently  went   down   to 

6.  History  Adullam  (2  S  5  17)  and  fell  upon 
Continued  them  in  their  rear  as  they  advanced 
to  Time  on  his  capital.  He  then  destroyed 
of  Ahaz  their  supremacy  (8  1)  as  far  as  Gezer 

(1  Ch  20  4),  and  the  whole  of  PhiUstia 
was  subject  to  Solomon  (1  K  4  21),  though  not 
long  after  his  death  they  seem  to  have  held  the 
town  of  Gibbethon  (15  27;  16  15)  in  the  hills  of 
Dan.  Hezekiah  smote  the  Philis  as  far  as  Gaza 
(2  K  18  8)  before  702  BC,  in  which  year  (accord- 
ing to  the  Taylor  cylinder)  Sennacherib  made  Heze- 
kiah dehver  up  Padii,  king  of  Ekron,  who  had  been 
carried  prisoner  to  Jerus.  The  accounts  in  Ch  refer 
to  David's  taking  Gath  (1  Ch  18  1),  which  was 
recovered  later,  and  again  taken  by  TJzziah  (2  Ch 
26  6).  The  Philis  sent  gifts  to  Jehoshaphat  (17  11), 
but  invaded  the  Sh'phelah  (28  18)  in  the  time  of 
Ahaz. 

In  this  age  the  "lords"  of  the  5  cities  of  Phihstia 

are  called  "kings,"  both  in  the  Bible  and  on  Assyr 

monuments.     Isaiah    (2  6)    speaks   of 

7.  Later  Phili  superstitions,  Ezekiel  (25  15.16) 
Notices  connects    them   with    the    Cherethira 

on  the  seacoast.  They  still  held  Gath 
in  the  time  of  Amos  (6  2),  and  Gaza,  Ashdod  and 
Ekron  in  that  of  Zephaniah  (2  5),  who  again  men- 
tions the  Cherethim  with  Philis,  as  inhabitants  of 
Canaan  or  the  "lowlands."  The  last  notice  (Zee 
9  6)  still  speaks  of  kings  in  Ashkelon,  Gaza,  Eki'on 
and  Ashdod  at  a  time  when  the  lonians  had  become 
known  in  Judah  (ver  13);  but  the  Philis  are  un- 
noticed by  Ezra  or  Nehemiah,  unless  we  suppose 
that  the  "speech  of  Ashdod"  (Neh  13  24)  was  their 
old  dialect,  which  appears — like  the  language  of 
the  Canaanites  in  general  in  earlier  times — to  have 
resembled  that  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians, 


Philistines 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2378 


and  to  have  thus  differed — though  Sem — from  the 
Hebrews. 

Their  further  history  is  embraced  in  that  of  the 
various  cities  to  which  reference  can  be  made  under 
the  articles  pertaining  to  them. 

//.  Monumental  Notices. — These  are  of  great 
importance,  because  they  confirm  the  OT  state- 
ments from  a  time  at  least  as  early  as 
1.  Pales-  that  of  Moses,  and  down  to  670  BC. 
tinian  Ex-  Recent  excavations  at  Gezcr  show  the 
cavations  early  presence  of  two  races  at  this 
Phili  cit.y,  one  being  Sem,  the  other 
probably  Egyp.  Scarabs  as  old  as  the  Xllth  Dy- 
nasty were  found,  and  in  the  15th  cent.  BC  Gezer  was 


Heads  of  Philistines. 

held  by  Amenophis  III.  At  Lachish  also  seals  of  this 
king  and  his  queen  have  been  found,  with  a  cunei- 
form letter  to  Zimridi,  who  was  ruler  of  the  city 
under  the  same  Pharaoh.  At  Gaza  a  temple  was 
built  by  Amenophis  II.  The  names  of  places  in 
Philistia  noticed  yet  earlier  by  Thothmes  III  are 
all  Sem,  including  Joppa,  Saphir,  Gerar,  Gezer, 
etc.  In  the  Am  Tab  we  have  also  (about  1480  BC) 
letters  from  chiefs  subject  to  Amenophis  III  at 
Joppa,  Ashkelon,  Gezer,  Lachish  and  Keilah  which 
show  us  a  Sem  population,  not  only  by  the  language 
of  these  letters,  but  also  by  the  names  of  the  writers. 
In  the  case  of  Ashkelon  esp.  the  Sem  rulers  are  found 
to  have  worshipped  Dagon;   and,  though  the  name 


Philistine  Wagons. 

"Philistine"  does  not  occur,  the  race  was  clearly  the 
same  found  by  the  Assyrians  in  SOO  BC  in  the  land 
of  Palaslan  beside  the  Great  Sea.  These  names 
include  Yamir-Dagan  ("Dagon  sees"),  Dagan- 
takala  ("Dagon  is  a  protection")  and  Yadaya  (the 
"grateful")  at  Ashkelon;  Biia  ("asked  for"),  son 
of  the  woman  Gutata,  at  Joppa;  Yabnilu  ("God 
made"),  at  Lachish,  with  Zimridi — a  name  found 
also  in  Sabaean  Arab.;  while,  at  Gezer,  Yapa'a  rep- 
resents the  Bib.  Japhia  (Josh  10  3),  and  Milkilu 
("Moloch  is  king")  the  Heb  Malchiel.  Others 
might  be  atided  of  the  same  character,  but  these 
examples  are  enough  to  show  that,  in  the  time  of 
Moses  and  Joshua,  the  population  of  Philistia  was 
the  same  that  is  noticed  in  the  OT  as  early  as 
Abraham's  age. 

When  therefore  scholars  speak  of  the  Philis  as 
being  non-Sem — and  probably  Aryan — invaders  of 
the  country,  arriving  about  1200  BC,  they  appear 
not  only  to  contradict  the  Bible,  but  also  to  contra- 


dict the  monumental  evidence  of  the  earlier  exist- 
ence of  Sem  Dagon-worshippers  at  Ashkelon.     In 
this   later   age   Rameses   III  was  at- 

2.  Egyptian  tacked,  in  Egypt,  by  certain  northern 
Monuments  tribes  who  came  by  sea,   and  also  by 

land,  wasting  first  the  country  of  the 
Hittites  and  Amorites.  Among  them  were  the 
Danau,  who  were  probably  Gr  Danai.  They  were 
exterminated  in  the  Delta,  and  in  the  subsequent 
advance  of  Rameses  III  to  the  Euphrates.  On  a 
colored  picture  they  are  represented  as  fair  people; 
and  two  of  the  tribes  were  called  Pilrslau  and 
Takarri,  whom  Chabas  supposed  to  be  Pelasgi  (since 
I  and  r  are  not  distinguished  in  Egyp)  and  Teucrians. 
These  two  tribes  wear  the  same  peculiar  headdress. 
Brugsch  supposed  the  former  to  be  Philis  {Geog., 
I,  10),  but  afterward  called  them  Purosata  (Hist 
Egypt,  II,  148).  The  inscriptions  accompanying 
the  picture  on  the  temple  walls  say  that  they  came 
from  the  north,  and  "their  home  was  in  the  land 
of  the  Purstau,  the  Takarri,"  etc.  There  is  thus 
no  reason  at  all  to  suppose  that  they  were  Philis, 
nor  did  they  ever  settle  in  Philistia. 

The  Assyr  texts  agree  with  those  already  men- 
tioned in  making  the  inhabitants  of  Philistia  Semitic. 

Rimmon-nirari,  about  800  BC,  was  the 

3.  Assyrian  first  Assjt  conqueror  in  Palastau  ("by 
Texts  the  great  sea").     In  734  and  727  BC, 

Tiglath-pileser  attacked  the  Pilisti, 
and  mentions  a  king  of  Ashkelon  named  Mitinti 
("my  gift"),  and  his  son  Bukufti  whose  name  re- 
sembles that  of  the  Kenite  called  Rechab  in  the  OT. 
The  name  of  the  king  of  Gaza  was  Hanun,  or 
"merciful."  In  711  BC  Sargon  took  Ashdod,  and 
speaks  of  its  king  Azuri,  whose  name  recalls  the 
Amorite  Aziru,  and  of  Ahimiti  ("a  brother  is  sent"), 
and  the  usurper  Yamanu  ("stedfast"),  who  fled 
before  him.  Sennacherib,  in  702  BC,  gives  the 
names  of  cities  in  Philistia  (including  Eltekeh 
and  Beneberak  near  Joppa)  which  are  Sem.  He 
notices  Sidka  (Zadok)  of  Ashkelon,  and  also  Sar- 
ludari  ("the  Lord  be  praised"),  son  of  Rukubti  in 
the  same  city,  with  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  and  Padii 
("redeeming")  of  Ekron,  while  Sil-b'el  ("Baal  is  a 
protection")  was  king  of  Gaza.  In  679  BC  Esar- 
haddon  speaks  of  Silli-b'el  ("Baal  is  my  protection") 
of  Gaza,  with  Mitinti  of  Ashkelon,  Ilia-samsu  ("the 
sun-god  is  manifest")  of  Ekron,  and  Ahi-milki  of 
Ashdod,  who  bore  the  ancient  Phili  name  Abime- 
lech.  In  670  BC,  when  Assur-bani-pal  set  up 
many  tributary  kings  in  Egypt,  we  find  again  the 
name  Sarludari  applied  to  a  ruler  of  Pelusium,  who 
may  have  been  a  PhiUstine.  It  is  thus  abundantly 
clear  that  the  monumental  notices  all  agree  with  the 
OT  as  to  the  names  and  nationality  of  the  Philis, 
and  as  to  their  worship  of  Baal  and  Dagon;  the 
conjecture  that  they  were  Aryan  foreigners,  arriving 
in  1200  BC,  is  not  based  on  any  statement  of  the 
monuments,  but  merely  rests  on  a  guess  which 
Brugsch  subsequently  abandoned.  It  resembles 
many  other  supposed  discrepancies  between  Bib. 
and  contemporary  records  due  to  the  mistakes  of 
modern  commentators. 

///.   The  Cretan   Theory. — This  strange  theory, 
which   is   apparently   of   Byzantine   origin,   would 

make  the  Philis  come  from  Crete.  It 
1.  Chere-  still  finds  supporters,  though  it  does 
thim  and  not  rest  on  any  Bib-,  or  monumental 
Kretes  evidence.     The    Cherethim     (Ezk  25 

16;  Zeph  2  5)  were  a  Sem  people 
named  with  the  Philis  in  Canaan.  The  LXX 
renders  the  word  Kretes  or  Kreloi;  and,  about 
1770  AD,  Michaelis  {Spicil,  I,  292-308)  argued 
that  this  meant  "Cretans,"  and  that  the  Philis 
therefore  came  from  Caphtor,  which  must  be 
Crete.  The  passages,  however,  refer  to  Philistia 
and  not  to  any  island^  and  the  LXX  translators,  as 


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Philistines 


we  have  seen,  placed  Caphtor  in  Cappadocia.  The 
Cherethi — in  the  singular — is  mentioned  (1  S  30 
14)  as  a  people  of  Philistia  (ver  16),  near  Ziklag, 
and  their  name  probably  survives  at  the  present 
town  called  Keraliyeh  in  the  Phili  plain. 

Yet,  many  theories  are  founded  on  this  old  idea  about 
the  Cherethites.  Some  suppose  that  Tacitus  contused 
the  Jews  with  the  Philis  as  having  come  from  Crete;  but 
what  he  actually  says  (Hist.  v. 11)  is  that  "the  Jews  ran 
away  from  Crete,"  and  "the  inhabitants  are  named 
Idaci  (from  Mt.  Ida],  which,  with  a  barbarous  augment, 
becomes  the  name  of  the  Judaei."  This  absurd  deri- 
vation shows  at  least  that  Tacitus  did  not  mean  the 
Philis.  Stephen  of  Byzantium  said  that  the  god  Marna 
at  Gaza  was  like  the  Cretan  Jove.  Probably  he  had 
seen  the  huge  statue  of  a  seated  Jove  found  near  Gaza, 
and  now  at  Constantinople,  but  this  is  late  Gr  work,  and 
the  name  Marna  ("our  lord")  is  .Sem.  Stephen  also 
thought  that  Minois — the  port  of  Gaza — was  named 
from  the  Cretan  Minos,  but  it  is  an  Arab,  word  Mlneh, 
for  "harbor,"  still  applying  to  the  same  place. 

No  critical  student  is  likely  to  prefer  these  later 
speculations  to  our  present  monumental  information, 
even  without  reference  to  the  contra- 
2.  Caphtor  diction  of  the  Bible,  Yet  these 
and  Keft  blunders  have  given  rise  to  the  suppo- 
sition that  Caphtor  is  to  be  identified 
with  a  region  known  to  the  Egyptians  as  Kef  I,  with 
inhabitants  called  Kefau.  The  latter  are  repre- 
sented in  a  tomb  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  near 
Thebes,  They  are  youths  of  brown  color,  with  long 
black  hair,  and  the  same  type  is  found  in  a  Cypriote 
figure.  They  are  connected  with  islanders  of  the 
"green  sea,"  who  may  have  lived  in  Arvad  or  in 
Cyprus;  but  there  is  no  evidence  in  any  written 
statement  that  they  were  Cretans,  though  a  figure 
at  Knossos  in  Crete  somewhat  resembles  them. 
There  are  many  indications  that  this  figure — 
painted  on  the  wall  of  the  later  palace — is  not  older 
than  about  500  BC,  and  the  Sidonians  had  colonies 
in  Crete,  where  also  pottery  is  found  just  like  that 
marked  by  a  Phoen  inscription  in  Cyprus.  The 
Kefau  youths  bring  vases  as  presents,  and  these — 
in  all  their  details — are  exactly  the  same  as  those 
represented  in  another  picture  of  the  time  of  Thoth- 
mes  III,  the  bearers  in  this  case  being  Harri  from 
North  Syria,  represented  with  black  beards  and 
Sem  features.  Moreover,  on  the  bilingual  inscrip- 
tion called  the  Decree  of  Canopus  (238  BC),  the 
Keft  region  is  said  to  be  "Phoenicia,"  and  the  Gr 
translator  naturally  knew  what  was  meant  by  his 
Egyp  colleague.  Keft  in  fact  is  a  Sem  word  for 
"palm,"  occurring  in  Heb  (Isa  9  14;  19  1.5),  and 
thus  applicable  to  the  "palm"-land,  Phoenicia. 
Thus,  even  if  Keft  were  related  to  Caphtor,  the  evi- 
dence would  place  the  Phili  home  on  the  Phoen 
shores,  and  not  in  Crete.  There  is  indeed  no  evi- 
dence that  any  European  race  settled  near  the  coasts 
of  Pal  before  about  680  BC,  when  Esarhaddon 
speaks  of  Gr  kings  in  Cyprus.  The  Cretan  theory 
of  Michaelis  was  a  hterary  conjecture,  which  has 
been  disproved  by  the  results  of  exploration  in 
Asia. 

IV.  David's   Guards. — Another   strange   theory, 
equally  old,  represents  David  as  being  surrounded 
with  foreign  mercenaries — Philis  and 
1.  The  Carians — as    Rameses    II    employed 

"Cherethi"  mercenaries  called  Shairtanau  from 
and  the  Asia  Minor.     The  suggestion  that  the 

"Pelethi"  Cherethites  were  of  this  race  is  scarcely 
Not  Mer-  worth  notice,  since  the  Heb  kaph 
canaries  is  never  represented  by  sh  in  Egyp. 
David's  band  of  Heb  exiles,  400  in 
number,  followed  him  to  Gath  where  200  Gittitea 
joined  him  (2  S  15  18).  In  later  times  his  army 
consisted  of  "the  Cherethi"  {k'rethi,  in  sing.)  and 
"the  Pelethi"  {p'lethl),  commanded  by  the  Heb 
leader  Benaiah,  son  of  Jehoiada  (2  S  8  18;  15 
18;  20  7;  1  K  1  38.44),  together  with  the  Gittites 
under  Ittai  of  Gath.     These  guards  are  never  said 


to  have  been  Philis,  but  "the  Cherethi"  is  supposed 
to  mean  one  of  the  Cherethim  tribe,  and  "the  Pelethi" 
to  be  another  name  for  the  Philistine.  As  regards 
the  Gittites,  the  fact  that  they  came  from  Gath 
does  not  prove  that  they  were  Philis,  any  more  than 
was  David  himself  because  he  came  back  from  this 
city.  David  calls  Ittai  an  "enemy"  and  an  "exile," 
but  it  is  probable  that  he  was  the  same  hero,  so 
named  (2  S  23  29),  who  was  the  son  of  Ilibai  from 
Gibeah  of  Benjamin.  He  had  himself  not  long 
joined  David,  being  no  doubt  in  exile  at  Gath,  and 
his  tribe  at  first  opposed  David,  taking  the  side  of 
their  tribesman  Saul.  Even  when  Ittai'.s  men 
joined  the  Cherethi  and  Pelethi  against  Absalom, 
they  were  naturally  suspected;  for  David  still  had 
enemies  (2  S  15  5-13)  among  Benjamites  of  Saul's 
house.  It  is  also  surely  impossible  to  suppose  that 
David  would  have  left  the  ark  in  charge  of  a  Phili; 
and  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (2  S  6  10)  was  a  Levite, 
according  to  a  later  account  (1  Ch  15  18),  bearing 
a  Heb  name,  meaning  perhaps  ".servant  of  men,"  or 
"humble  worshipper."  It  seems  equally  unlikely 
that,  in  later  times,  a  pious  priest  like  Jehoiada 
(2  K  11  4)  would  have  admitted  foreign  mer- 
cenaries into  the  temple.  In  this  passage  they  are 
called  kdrl,  as  also  in  2  S  20  23,  where  LXX  has 
Cherethi.  The  suggestion  of  Wellhausen  that  they 
were  Carians  does  not  seem  probable,  as  Carians 
had  not  even  reached  Egypt  before  about  600 
BC. 

The  real  explanation  of  these  various  words  for 

soldiers  seems  simple;    and  David — being  a  very 

popular   king — is   not   likely   to   have 

2.  Meaning  needed  foreign  mercenaries;  while  the 
of  These  Philis,  whom  he  had  so  repeatedly 
Terms  smitten,   were  very  unlikely  to  have 

formed  trusty  guards.  The  word  "Che- 
rethi" (k'rethi)  means  a  "smiter"  or  a  "destroyer," 
and  "Pelethi"  (p'lethi)  means  "a  swift  one"  or  "pur- 
suer." In  the  time  of  Joash  the  temple-guards  are 
called  kari  (2  K  11  4.19,  Carites),  which  LXX 
treats  as  either  sing,  or  pi.,  and  ruQim  or  "runners" 
(see  1  S  22  17;  1  K  14  27.28;  2  K  10  25),  these 
two  bodies  perhaps  answering  to  the  Cherethi  and 
Pelethi  of  David's  time;  for  kari  means  "stabber." 
The  term  rdgim,  or  "runners,"  is  however  of  general 
apphcation,  since  Jehu  also  had  troops  so  called 
(2  K  10  25).  Evidently  we  have  here  two  classes 
of  troops — as  among  the  Romans — the  heavier 
regiment  of  "destroyers,"  or  "stabbers,"  being 
armed  with  swords,  daggers  or  spears;  while  the 
"swift  ones"  or  "runners"  pursued  the  defeated  foe. 
Thus  in  Egypt  we  find,  yet  earlier,  the  ax-mau  sup- 
ported by  the  bow-man  in  regular  regiments;  and 
in  Assyria  the  spear-man  with  heavy  shields  defend- 
ing the  bow-man.  We  have  also  a  picture  of  the 
time  of  Tiglath-pileser  II  representing  an  Assyr 
soldier  on  a  camel.  The  Pelethi  or  "pursuers"  may 
have  been  "runners"  on  foot,  but  perhaps  more 
probably  mounted  on  camels,  or  on  horses  like  the 
later  Assyrians;  for  in  the  time  of  Solomon  (1  K  4 
28)  horses  and  riding  camels  were  in  use — the 
former  for  chariots.  It  is  clear  that  David's  band, 
leaving  the  vicinity  of  Jezreel  (1  S  29  1;  30  1), 
could  not  have  reached  Ziklag  "on  the  third  day" 
(a  distance  of  120  miles)  on  foot;  so  that  the 
camel  corps  must  have  existed  even  before  the 
death  of  Saul, 

These  considerations  seem  to  make  it  evident  that 
David's  guards  were  native  Hebrews,  who  had  been 

with   him   as   exiles   and   outlaws   at 

3.  Native  AduUam  and  Gath,  and  that  the  Che- 
Hebrews        rethi  or  "destroyer"  only  accidentally 

had  a  title  like  that  of  the  Phili  tribe 
of  "destroyers"  or  Cherethim,  who  were  not  Cre- 
tans, it  would  seem,  any  more  than  the  "stabbers" 
were  Carians. 


Philistines,  Lords 
Philo  Judaeus 


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2380 


The  general  result  of  our  inquiry  is,  that  all 
monumental  notices  of  the  Philis  agree  with  the 
OT  statements,  which  make  them  to 
4.  Review  be  a  Sem  people  who  had  already  mi- 
grated to  Philistia  by  the  time  of 
Abraham,  while  the  supposed  discrepancies  are 
caused  by  the  mistakes  made  by  a  commentator  of 
the  18th  cent.,  and  by  archaeologists  of  later  times. 

LlTERATtJRE — Patoil,  Early  History  of  Syria  and  Pal; 
Smith,  HGHL:  Budge.  History  of  Egypt:  Breasted, 
History  of  Egypt:  Rawlinson.  Ancient  Monarchies: 
Herodotus  witii  most  histories  of  Egypt.  Babylon,  and 
Assyria  for  the  period  from  the  ISth  cent.  EG  to  the 
time  of  Alexander. 

C.    R.    CONDER 

PHaiSTINES,  LORDS  OF  THE.  See  Phi- 
listia. 


PHILISTINES,  SEA  OF  THE  (Ex  23  31). 
Mediterranean  Sea. 


See 


PHILO,  fl'lo,  JUD.SUS,  joo-de'us: 


1.  His  Life 

2.  Importance  of  the  Period 

3.  The  Task  of  Philo 

4.  Changes  and  New  Problems 

5.  Ttiree  Subjects  of  Inquiry 
(1)  The  Conception  of  God 

C2)  God's  Relation  to  the  World 
(3)   Doctrine  of  Man 

6.  Philo's  Works 
Literature 

Born  probably  in  the  first  decade  of  Augustus 

Caesar,  who  became  emperor  in  27  BC.     He  died 

possibly  in  the  last  years  of  Claudius 

1.  His  Life    (41-54  AD),  more  likely  in  the  early 

years  of  Nero  (54-65  AD).  We  have 
no  exact  information  about  either  date.  He  was 
a  native  of  Alexandria,  Egypt.  His  relatives  were 
wealthy  and  prominent,  probably  sacerdotal,  Jews. 
He  received  the  best  Jewish  education,  and  was 
trained  also  in  gentile  learning — grammar,  rhetoric, 
philosophy,  geometry,  poetry,  music.  Enjoying 
ample  means,  he  was  enabled  to  devote  his  career 
to  scholarship.  The  Alexandrian  Jews  wielded 
great  influence  in  the  contemporary  Rom  empire, 
and  the  prominence  of  Philo's  family  is  attested  by 
the  fact  that  his  brother,  Alexander  Lysimachus, 
was  Alabarch  of  Alexandria.  The  single  date  in 
Philo's  life  which  we  know  accurately  is  connected 
with  their  leadership.  In  the  winter  of  39^0  AD, 
he  was  spokesman  of  the  deputation  sent  to  Rome 
to  protest  against  imposition  of  emperor-worship 
upon  fellow-citizens  of  his  faith.  The  mission  failed, 
Philo,  with  his  two  colleagues,  meeting  rebuff,  even 
insult.  It  was  little  likely  that  Caligula  would  heed 
grievances  which  included  specifically  dissent  from 
worship  of  himself.  Philo  records  his  distaste  for 
political  activity,  and,  so  far  as  we  know,  the  Rom 
incident  excepted,  he  devoted  himself  principally  to 
letters.  As  a  young  man  probably,  he  had  under- 
taken a  journey  to  Jerus,  almost  in  the  nature  of  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  ancient  shrine  of  his  religion.  He 
paid  a  second  visit  to  Rome  possibly  after  50  AD, 
at  all  events,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius.  For  the  rest, 
our  knowledge  of  his  life  is  scanty  and,  sometimes, 
legendary. 

The  period  covered  by  his  career  coincides  with 

one  of  the  most  momentous  epochs  in  history.     For 

it  witnesses,  not  only  the  foundation 

2.  Impor-  of  the  Rom  imperial  system,  but  also 
tance  of  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  ancient 
the  Period     classical   civilization   in   its   dominant 

ideas,  and  the  plantation  of  Christian- 
ity. Preeminently  an  era  of  transition,  it  was 
marked  by  significant  displacements  in  culture,  the 
effects  of  which  continue  to  sway  mankind  even  yet. 
Minor  phenomena  aside,  three  principal  movements 
characterized  the  time:  the  Pagan  reaction,  or 
reversion  to  forms  of  religion  that  had  sufficed  the 


peoples  of  the  Rom  empire  hitherto — this  mani- 
fested itself  strongly  with  Augustus,  and  entered  its 
decline  perhaps  with  the  death  of  Plutarch  (c  120 
AD);  the  appearance  of  Christianity;  and  what  is 
known  as  Syncretism,  or  interfusion  between  the 
conceptions  of  different  races,  esp.  in  religion,  phi- 
losophy and  morals — a  circumstance  which  affected 
the  fortunes  of  Christianity  deeply,  found  its  chief 
exponent  in  Philo,  and  maintained  itself  for  several 
centuries  in  the  theosophical  systems  of  the  Gnostics 
and  neo-Platonists.  Thus,  to  understand  Philo,  and 
to  realize  his  importance,  it  is  essential  to  remem- 
ber the  internal  spirit  of  his  age.  The  "universal- 
ism"  of  the  Rom  empire  has  been  so  named  because, 
within  the  political  framework,  various  peoples  and 
divergent  civilizations  commingled  and  came  event- 
ually to  share  something  of  a  common  spirit,  even 
of  a  common  language.  Philo's  prominence  as  a 
figure  in  the  world  of  thought,  and  as  an  authority 
for  the  general  culture  of  NT  times,  is  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  the  fragmentary  information  available 
about  his  external  career.  Contemporary  currents, 
subtle  as  they  were,  perplexing  as  they  still  remain, 
met  and  fused  in  his  person.  Hence  his  value  as  an 
index  to  the  temperament  of  the  period  cannot  well 
be  overrated. 

A  Jew  by  nature  and  nurture,  an  oriental  mystic 
by  accident  of  residence,  a  Gr  humanist  by  higher 
education  and  professional  study,  an 
3.  The  ally   of   the   Rom    governing   classes. 

Task  of  familiar   with    their   intellectual   per- 

Philo  spective,  Philo  is  at  once  rich  in  sug- 

gestion and  blurred  in  outline.  More- 
over, he  addressed  himself  to  two  tasks,  difficult  to 
weld  into  a  flawless  unity.  On  the  one  hand,  he 
wrote  for  educated  men  in  Gr-Rom  society,  attempt- 
ing to  explain,  often  to  justify,  his  racial  religion 
before  them.  The  ancient  state  religion  having 
fallen  upon  inanition,  he  enjoyed  unusual  oppor- 
tunity to  point  the  merits  of  the  Jewish  faith  as  the 
"desire  of  all  nations,"  the  panacea  of  which  the 
need  was  everywhere  felt.  On  the  other  "hand,  he 
had  to  confront  his  orthodox  coreligionists,  with 
their  separatist  traditions  and  their  contempt  for 
paganism  in  all  its  works.  He  tried  to  persuade 
them  that,  after  all,  Gr  thought  was  not  inimical  to 
their  cherished  doctrines,  but,  on  the  contrary,  in- 
volved similar,  almost  identical,  principles.  He 
thus  represented  an  eclectic  standpoint,  one  in  which 
Gr  philosophy  blended  with  historical  and  dogmatic 
deductions  from  the  Jewish  Scriptures.  The  result 
was  Philo's  peculiar  type  of  theosophy — we  cannot 
call  it  a  system.  Taking  the  OT  for  text,  he  applied 
the  "allegorical"  method,  with  curious  consequences. 
He  taught  that  the  Scriptures  contain  two  meanings: 
a  "lower"  meaning,  obvious  in  the  literal  statements 
of  the  text;  and  a  "higher,"  or  hidden  meaning, 
perceptible  to  the  "initiate"  alone.  In  this  way  he 
found  it  possible  to  reconcile  Gr  intellectualism  with 
Jewish  belief.  Greek  thought  exhibits  the  "hidden" 
meaning;  it  turns  out  to  be  the  elucidation  of  the 
"allegory"  which  runs  through  the  OT  like  a  vein 
of  gold.  Moses,  and  the  rest,  are  not  merely  his- 
torical figures,  the  subjects  of  such  and  such  vicissi- 
tudes, but  representative  types  of  reason,  righteous- 
ness, the  virtues,  and  so  forth.  The  tendency  to 
fusion  of  this  kind  was  no  new  thing.  It  is  trace- 
able for  some  three  centuries  before  Philo,  who  may 
be  said  to  complete  the  process.  It  had  been 
familiar  to  the  rabbis,  and  to  the  Hellenistic  phi- 
losophers, particularly  the  Stoics,  who  applied  this 
method  to  the  Gr  poetical  myths.  Philo  reduces  it 
to  an  expert  art,  and  uses  it  as  an  instrument  to 
dissipate  all  difficulties.  He  believed  himself  to 
be  thoroughly  true  to  the  OT.  But,  thanks  to  his 
method,  he  rendered  it  malleable,  and  could  thus 
adjust  its  interpretation  to  what  he  considered  to  be 


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Philistines,  Lords 
Philo  Judseus 


the  intellectual  necessities  of  his  generation.  Nay 
more,  he  felt  that,  when  at  his  best  in  this  process, 
he  became  a  vehicle  of  Divine  possession.  He  says, 
"Through  the  influence  of  Divine  inspiration  I  have 
become  excited  profoundly  ....  then  I  have  been 
conscious  of  a  richness  of  interpretation,  an  enjoy- 
ment of  light,  a  most  penetrating  sight,  a  most  mani- 
fest energy  in  all  that  was  to  be  done."  Again,  "I 
am  irradiated  with  the  light  of  wisdom,"  and,  "all 
intellect  is  a  Divine  inspiration."  Little  wonder, 
then,  that  we  have  a  strange  mixture  of  philosophy 
and  religion,  of  rationalism  and  piety,  of  clear 
Gr  intellectualism  with  hazy  oriental  mysticism. 
Hence,  too,  the  philosophy  of  Philo  is  subordinate 
to  his  explanation  of  the  Scriptures,  and  compromise, 
rather  than  logical  thinking,  marks  his  leading 
positions. 

After  the  death   of  Cicero   (43   BC)   a   change, 
long  preparing,   asserted  itself  in  ancient  thought. 

Mixture  of  national,  or  racial,  char- 
4.  Changes  acteristics  was  consummated,  and 
and  New  thoughtful  men,  irrespective  of  race- 
Problems       origin,  became  persons  to  each  other. 

A  reorganization  of  standards  of  ethical 
judgment  was  thus  rendered  inevitable,  and  Judaism 
came  to  interfuse  more  freely  with  Gr  philosophy 
as  one  consequence.  AVhile  it  is  true  that  "reason" 
preserved  its  traditional  supremacy  as  the  means  to 
solve  all  problems,  the  nature  of  the  chief  quest 
underwent  transformation.  The  old  association  of 
man  with  Nature  gave  way  to  a  dualism  or  opposi- 
tion between  the  world-order  and  another  existence 
lying  behind  it  as  its  originator  or  sustainer.  The 
system  of  Nature  having  disappointed  expectation, 
thinkers  asked  how  they  could  escape  it,  and  assure 
themselves  of  definite  relations  with  the  Divine 
Being.  They  sought  the  desiderated  connection 
within  their  own  souls,  but  as  a  distant  ideal.  This 
was  the  problem  that  confronted  Philo,  who  attacked 
it  from  the  Jewish  side.  Now  Judaism,  like  Gr 
thought,  had  also  experienced  a  change  of  heart. 
Jeh  had  been  the  subject  of  an  idealizing  process, 
and  tended,  like  the  Stoic  deity,  to  lose  specific 
relation  with  the  world  and  man.  Accordingly,  a 
new  religious  question  was  bringing  the  philosophy 
and  the  faith  into  closer  contact.  Could  they  join 
forces?  Philo's  consequent  embarrassment  rooted, 
not  simply  in  this  fresh  problem,  but  in  the  diffi- 
culties inseparable  from  the  adjustment  of  his  avail- 
able methods  and  materials.  For,  while  the  Jewish 
Messiah  had  passed  over  into  the  Gr  Logos,  the  two 
systems  preserved  their  separation  in  no  small 
measure,  Philo  being  the  most  conspicuous  mediator. 
He  was  familiar  with  the  mystic,  transcendent  con- 
cept of  Deity  extracted,  thanks  to  long_  misin- 
terpretation, from  Plato's  cosmogonic  dialogue, 
Timaeus,  Here  God  was  elevated  above  the  world. 
His  conception  of  the  presence,  or  immanence,  of  the 
Deity  in  the  world  came  from  the  Stoics.  The 
Jewish  religion  gave  him  the  doctrine  of  a  righteous 
(pure)  Deity,  whose  moral  inwardness  made  rela- 
tions with  men  possible.  Moreover,  contemporary 
angelology  and  demonology  enabled  him  to  devise 
a  scheme  whereby  the  pure  Deity  could  be  linked 
with  the  gross  world,  notwithstanding  its  ineradi- 
cable evil.  Little  wonder,  then,  that  he  compassed 
an  amalgamation  only,  and  this  in  consonance  with 
the  theosophical  drift  of  the  age.  Nevertheless,  he 
counteracted  the  deistic  tendencies  of  rabbinical 
speculation  by  reference  to  Hellenistic  pantheism, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  counteracted  this  pantheism 
by  the  inward  moralism  of  his  national  faith.  The 
logical  symmetry  of  the  Gr  mind  was  reinforced  by 
Hebraic  religious  intuition.  The  consequence  was 
a  ferment  rather  than  a  system,  but  a  ferment  that 
cast  up  the  clamant  problem  in  unmistakable 
fashion.     The  crux  was  this:   Man  must  surmount 


his  own  fragmentary  experience  and  rise  to  an  abso- 
lute Being;  but,  its  absoluteness  notwithstanding, 
this  Being  must  be  brought  into  direct  contact  with 
the  finite.  Philo  was  unable  to  reconcile  the  two 
demands,  because  he  could  not  rise  above  them; 
but  the  effort  after  reconciliation  controls  all  his 
thought.  As  a  result,  he  concentrated  upon  three 
main  subjects  of  inquiry:  (1)  the  conception  of  God; 
(2)  the  manner  of  God's  relation  to  the  world;  (3) 
human  nature. 

(1)  Philo's  doctrine  of  God,  like  that  of  the  neo- 
Platonic  school,  which  he  heralded,  is  thoroughly 

dualistic.  No  doubt,  it  is  determined 
5.  Three  largely  by  certain  human  analogies. 
Subjects  of  For  example,  God's  existence  is  neces- 
Inquiry  sary  for  the  control  of  the  world,  just 

in  the  same  way  as  man's  mind  must 
exist  to  furnish  the  principle  of  all  human  action; 
and,  as  matter  is  not  self-determined,  a  principle, 
analogous  to  mind,  is  demanded,  to  be  its  first  cause. 
Further,  as  the  permanent  soul  remains  unchanged 
throughout  the  vicissitudes  of  a  human  life,  so, 
behind  the  ceaseless  play  of  phenomena,  there  must 
reside  a  self-existent  Being.  Nevertheless,  the 
human  analogy  never  extends  to  God  in  His  actual 
Being.  No  human  traits  can  attach  to  the  Deity. 
Language  may  indicate  such  parallelism,  nay  the 
Scriptures  are  full  of  instances,  but  we  must  view 
them  as  concessions  to  mortal  weakness.  These 
accommodations  eliminated,  it  becomes  evident  that 
man  can  never  know  God  positively.  Any  adjective 
used  to  describe  Him  can  do  no  more  than  point 
the  contrast  between  His  relationless  Being  and  the 
dependence  of  finite  things.  That  God  is,  Philo  is 
fully  persuaded;  what  He  is,  no  man  can  ever  tell. 
He  is  one  and  immutable,  simple  and  immeasurable 
and  eternal,  just  as  man  is  not.  "For  he  is  un- 
changeable, requiring  nothing  else  at  all,  so  that  all 
things  belong  to  Him,  but  He,  speaking  strictly, 
belongs  to  nothing."  This  doctrine  of  the  tran- 
scendence of  Deity  was  an  essential  postulate  of 
Philonic  thought.  For,  seeing  that  He  expels  all 
the  imperfections  of  the  world,  God  is  precisely  in 
that  condition  of  Being  for  which  the  whole  creation 
then  yearned.  In  a  word,  the  dualism,  so  far  from 
being  a  bar  to  salvation,  was  rather  a  condition 
without  which  the  problem  of  salvation  could  neither 
be  stated  nor  solved.  Men  stood  in  necessary 
relation  to  this  Being,  but,  as  yet.  He  stood  in  no 
relation  whatever  to  them.  Yet,  men  must  return 
to  God,  but  He  abides  so  remote,  in  the  realm  of  pure 
contemplation  and  completion,  that  He  cannot 
approach  them.  Philo's  familiarity  with  logical 
Gr  thought  debarred  him  from  surmounting  the 
difficulty  after  the  manner  of  Jewish  religion.  An 
otiose  reference  to  "God's  choice,"  as  distinct  from 
His  nature,  could  not  suflSce  a  mind  trained  in 
Hellenic  methods.  The  question  therefore  was. 
How  could  mediation  be  effected? 

(2)  God's  relation  to  the  world. — At  this  point 
Philo's  thought  assumes  a  phase  of  great  interest 
to  readers  of  the  NT.  God,  being  above  created 
things,  is  incomprehensible  and  immaterial.  Ac- 
cordingly, He  cannot  be  connected  with  the  world 
directly.  Therefore  He  created  it  and  sustains  it 
by  intermediate  powers.  These  agencies  were  sug- 
gested to  PhUo  by  the  Platonic  Ideas.  But  he 
personalized  them  more  or  less  and,  as  a  character- 
istic addition,  included  them  in  the  Logos.  He 
substituted  the  term  "Logos"  for  the  Platonic  term 
"Idea"  on  the  basis  of  the  Scripture  phrase,  "Word 
of  God."  The  conception  was  influenced  further 
by  his  Hellenistic  psychological  notion,  that  a  word 
is  a  "shadow"  of  a  deed.  Accordingly,  the  Logos 
is  the  "shadow  of  God" — God  being  the  "deed" 
whereby  the  "shadow"  is  cast.  As  a  direct  issue, 
the  Logos  presents  two  aspects.     On  the  one  side 


Philo  Judaeus 
Philosophy 


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it  is  internal  and  indwelling;  on  the  other,  it  is  ex- 
ternal and  mediating.  The  scope  of  this  distinction 
is  indicated  very  well  by  the  epithets  which  Philo 
applies  to  each  aspect  respectively.  The  internal 
Logos  is  the  "Firstborn,"  the  "Second  God,"  the 
"Mediator,"  the  "Ransom,"  the  "Image  of  God," 
"Member  of  the  Trinity,"  "High  Priest."  The 
external  Logos  "abides  in  man,"  is  the  "Prophet," 
"Shepherd,"  "Ambassador,"  "Artist,"  "Elder," 
"Interpreter,"  "Shadow  of  God."  The  former  rep- 
resents Philo's  conception  of  the  unity  of  the  Logos 
with  God,  the  latter  his  provision  for  the  mani- 
festation of  the  Logos  in  created  things.  He  thus 
tries  to  preserve  the  transcendence  of  God  equally 
with  His  immanence.  No  doubt,  in  previous  times, 
the  mysteriousness  of  the  Divine  nature  had  im- 
pressed itself  upon  men  with  at  least  as  much  force 
as  now.  But  with  one  of  two  consequences.  Either 
the  particular  finites  and  the  Deity  were  mixed  in 
inextricable  confusion,  as  by  oriental  pantheism,  or 
God  was  banished  from  the  world,  as  by  the  extreme 
developments  within  Gr  dualism.  Philo  attempted 
to  combine  the  two  tendencies,  and  was  able  con- 
sequently to  face  the  obvious  contradiction  between 
the  idea  of  an  absolute  Being  and  the  cloudy  con- 
ception of  a  multiplicity  of  phenomena  in  which 
this  Being  ought  to  be  present  somehow,  despite 
transcendence.  He  demands  a  God  who,  in  His 
exaltation,  shall  be  a  worthy  Deity;  this  is  the  Jew  in 
him.  But  he  also  demands  a  definite  relation  be- 
tween this  God  and  His  creation;  this  is  the  Greek 
and,  in  part,  the  Oriental,  in  him.  Thanks  to  the 
former,  he  could  not  be  satisfied  with  mere  natural- 
ism; thanks  to  the  latter,  no  fable  or  picture  could 
BufBce.  A  real  mediator  was  required,  who  would 
link  the  world  and  its  heart's  desire.  But  Philo 
could  not  surmount  one  difficulty  peculiar  to  con- 
temporary thought.  He  was  unable  to  connect 
God  directly  with  creation  and  preserve  His  purity 
unsullied.  Hence  the  obscurity  which  surrounds 
his  conception  of  the  Logos,  likewise  his  vacillation 
with  respect  to  its  personality.  So  we  find  the 
different  intellectual  forces  which  he  inherited  play- 
ing upon  him — now  one,  now  another.  Sometimes 
the  Platonic  theory  of  Ideas  dominates  him; 
sometimes  he  leans  to  Stoicism,  with  its  immanent 
world-reason;  and  here  he  even  seems  to  foreshadow 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity;  again,  the  ramifications 
of  rabbinical  lore  cause  him  to  bestow  upon  the  Logos 
a  priestly  function  or  an  atoning  office.  No  single 
aspect  achieves  supremacy,  although  on  the  whole 
mystical  Platonism  may  be  said  to  predominate. 
Thus, "The  world  of  Ideas  has  its  place  in  the  Divine 
Logos,  just  as  the  plan  of  a  city  is  in  the  soul  of  the 
master-builder."  Accordingly,  God's  thought  may 
take  its  place  in  the  world  by  being  impressed  upon 
things;  yet,  on  account  of  its  subjective  nature,  it 
must  tje  apprehended  subjectively,  that  is,  by  one 
who  is  capable  of  entering  this  sphere.  The  Logos 
thus  seems  to  exist  entirely  in  the  same  realm  as 
Deity ;  thus  it  can  mediate  between  Him  and  creation 
only  if  an  element  proper  to  Deity  be  discernible 
in  mundane  things.  In  other  words,  the  Logos 
mediates  between  God  and  the  world,  but  partakes 
of  the  Divine  nature  only.  This,  in  any  case,  is 
the  inner  logic  of  Philo's  view.  It  accounts  for 
creation,  but  has  no  power  to  persuade  man  to  over- 
pass the  limitations  placed  upon  him  by  his  bodily 
prison.  Thus  the  question  of  the  personality  of  the 
Logos  is  never  cleared.  In  so  far  as  Philo  needs 
Logos  to  connect  God  with  the  world,  he  inclines 
to  a  doctrine  of  personality.  In  so  far  as  he  makes 
it  the  principle  of  all  activities  within  the  world,  he 
inclines  away  from  personality.  In  short,  we  have 
a  "world-soul."  And,  as  a  consequence,  there  is 
an  inherent  tendency  to  reduce  all  finite  being  to 
illusion.     Indeed,  one  might  term  the  Logos  a  reply 


in  some  sort  to  Aristotle's  question — which  of  the 
Platonic  Ideas  could  connect  the  other  Ideas  with 
sensible  things?  Salvation  is  conceived  as  wrought 
out,  not  by  a  person,  but  by  an  abstract  essence 
flowing  from  Deity,  an  essence  that  found  due  ex- 
pression rather  in  the  cosmic  order  than  in  a 
person.  While,  therefore,  Philo  thinks  in  a  cul- 
tural perspective  akin  to  that  characteristic  of  the 
author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  two  vast  differences 
sway  his  doctrine.  On  the  one  hand,  it  is  specu- 
lative, not  ethically  personal.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  fails  completely  to  determine  the  nature  of 
his  mediator  in  itself,  vacillating  in  a  manner 
which  shows  how  vague  and  fluid  the  conception 
really  was. 

(3)  Doctrine  of  man. — This  appears  further  in 
the  doctrine  of  man.  Following  current  interpre- 
tations of  Plato,  Philo  makes  man  partake  in  the 
rational  nature  of  God,  but  denies  that  he  embodies 
the  highest  species  of  reason.  That  is,  the  ideal 
man  and  the  man  known  to  us  in  common  experience 
are  distinguished.  The  former  is  rational  as  God 
is.  The  latter  is  partly  rational,  partly  irrational. 
The  body  vitiates  the  original  angelic  pm-ity  of  the 
soul  and,  similarly,  reason  is  alloyed.  Aid  yet, 
although  the  higher  nature  becomes  more  and  more 
debased  as  the  years  lapse,  a  seed  of  Divinity  is 
present,  ready  to  burst  forth.  Thus  man  must 
crush  the  flesh  and  its  desires.  At  this  point  we 
note  the  effect  of  the  Stoic  ideal  of  imperturbability. 
When  he  has  attained  this  apathy,  man  can  enjoy 
the  life  of  contemplation.  'This,  in  its  turn,  cul- 
minates in  ecstasy,  when  the  human  soul  attains 
sudden  and  momentary  union  with  the  Divine.  For 
a  "fair  moment"  man  escapes  the  thraldom  of  sense. 
Yet  the  doctrine  remains  intellectual  even  here. 
He  "who  escapes  from  his  own  mind  flies  to  the 
mind  of  the  universe,  confessing  that  all  the  things 
of  the  human  mind  are  vain  and  unreal,  and  attrib- 
uting everything  to  God."  Philo's  anthropology 
therefore  ends  in  contempt  for  this  life,  which  is  in 
no  wise  worth  while,  and  in  a  counsel  of  perfection 
available  only  for  a  select  elite.  Accordingly,  the 
conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  is,  that  he  never  saw 
how  the  Divine  and  the  human  can  be  united, 
although  he  stated  the  factors  of  the  problem  with 
great  clearness,  and  felt  profoundly  the  urgency  of 
a  solution.  His  gospel  was  for  the  children  of  cul- 
ture. He  saw  the  eternal  in  the  temporal,  and 
hoped  that  good  might  lurk  in  evO.  But  he  never 
understood  that  "love  for  a  Divine  Person"  might 
be  so  diffused  throughout  a  human  soul  as  to  render 
evil  and  unreality  the  means  to  the  attainment  of 
good  and  to  the  revelation  of  truth.  The  salvation 
he  contemplated  was  from  self,  not  in  self.  Hence, 
as  he  asserts  himself,  harmony  with  God  "is  an 
incomprehensible  mystery  to  the  multitude,  and 
is  to  be  imparted  to  the  instructed  only."  Nor  is 
this  wonderful.  For  a  God  who  is  the  reasonable 
"form"  of  the  world;  a  "matter"  which  begins  as 
an  indistinguishable  mass  and  ends  as  a  "second 
principle";  and  objects  of  sense  rendered  apparent 
by  the  operation  of  many  curious  intermediate 
forces,  ranging  from  "angel-words"  to  the  human 
soul,  constitute  a  combination  beyond  the  reach  of 
any  save  the  "initiate."  More  practicable  is  Philo's 
conception  of  the  moral  life — as  a  warfare  of  the  soul 
against  passion,  pleasure  and  sensuality.  Yet, 
even  this  contest  is  hopeless  unless  it  be  waged 
with  the  equipment  of  the  "philosopher  athlete." 
Escape  from  the  "prison-house"  of  flesh  would 
seem  to  be  consequent  only  upon  profound  knowl- 
edge. 

The  probability  is  that  Philo's  works  were  written 
previous  to  his  Rom  embassy.  They  show  how  he  tried 
to  apply  Gr  philosophical  conceptions  to  Jewish  beliefs, 
history,    and   usages    exclusively.     The  voluminous  re- 


2383 


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Philo  Judeeua 
Philosophy 


Works 


mains  which  have  come  down  to  us  appear  to  belong  to 
three  commentaries  on  the  Pent  and  the  Mosaic  Law. 
In  all  likelihood ,  they  are  portions  of  Phi- 
6.  Philo's  '°^  popular  presentation,  written  lor  the 
instruction  and  information  of  educated 
Hellenistic  circles  rather  than  for  the  trained 
"Initiate."  The  treatises  most  Important 
for  Philo's  religio-philosophical  views  are  as  follows:  On 
the  Creation  of  the  World;  On  the  Allegoriea  of  the  Sacred 
Laws;  Ori  the  U nchangeableness  of  God;  On  the  Confusion 
of  Languages;  On  the  Migration  of  Abraham;  Oil  the  Meet- 
ing for  the  Sake  of  Receiving  Instruction;  On  the  Life  of 
the  Wise  Man  Made  Perfect  by  Instruction;  The  Unwritten 
Law;  Abraham;  On  Special  Laws;  On  Rewards  and 
Punishments:  That  Every  Man  Who  Is  Virtuous  Is  Also 
Free;  Concerning  the  World;  and  the  Fragments,  Some 
8  works  attributed  to  Philo  are  in  dispute.  Most  con- 
spicuous of  these  is  Concerning  the  Contemplative  Life, 
with  its  ascetic  view  of  morality,  and  its  description  of 
the  ideal  community  of  the  Therapoutao. 

Literature. — E.  Schiirer,  A  History  of  the  Jewish 
People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  div  II,  vol  III,  pp. 
321  f  (Edinburgh,  1886);  E.  Schurer,  "Philo"  in  EB; 
James  Drummoud,  Philo  Judaeus,  or.  The  Jewish-Alex- 
andrian Philosophy  in  Its  Development  and  Completion 
(2  vols,  London,  1888);  R.  M.  Wenley,  Socrates  and 
Christ:  a  Study  in  the  Philosophy  of  Religion,  chs  vii, 
vlli  (Edinburgh,  1889);  H.  Ewald,  The  History  of  Israel, 
VII,  194  f  (London,  1885);  A.  Hausrath,  A  History  of 
NT  Times,  div  II,  vol  I,  chs  Iv-vi  (London,  1885); 
H.  Graetz,  History  of  the  Jews  from  the  Earliest  Times  to 
the  Present  Day,  II,  183  f,  206  f  (London,  1891);  E. 
Caird,  The  Evolution  of  Theology  in  the  Gr  Philosophers, 
II,  lects  xx-xxi,  xxvil  (Glasgow,  1904);  art.  "Philo" 
in  Jew  Enc;  Ernest  F.  Scott,  The  Fourth  Gospel,  Its 
Purpose  and  Theology,  54  f,  145  f  (2d  ed,  Edinburgh, 
1908);  F.  C.  Conybeare,  Philo:  About  the  Contemplative 
Life  (Oxford,  1895).  An  Eng.  tr  has  been  made  by  C. 
D.  Yonge  in  the  Bohn  Library  (London,  G.  Bell  &  Sons). 
The  text  cited  usually  is  that  of  T.  Mangey.  The  best 
modem  text  is  that  of  Cohn  and  Wendland. 

R.  M.  Wenlet 
PHILOLOGUS,  fi-lol'6-gus  (*i.\6\o-^os,  PhiU- 
logos,  "fond  of  learning,"  "learned"):  The  name  of 
a  Rom  Christian  to  whom  St.  Paul  sent  greetings 
(Rom  16  15).  His  name  is  coupled  with  that  of 
Julia,  who  was  probably  his  wife  or  sister.  Phi- 
lologus  and  those  united  with  him  in  this  salutation 
formed  by  themselves  one  of  the  "house  churches" 
or  groups  in  the  Christian  community.  The  name 
is  found  in  inscriptions  connected  with  the  imperial 
household,  with  reference  to  one  of  which  Bishop 
Lightfoot  has  the  following  note:  "It  has  been 
supposed  that  the  name  Philologus  was  given  by 
the  master  to  the  freedman  mentioned  in  this  in- 
scription, as  being  appropriate  to  his  office  [Fried- 
lander  I,  89,  160] If  so,  some  light  is  thrown 

on  the  probable  occupation  of  the  Philologus  of  St. 
Paul"  iPhil,  177,  n.  1).  S.  F.  Hunter 

PHILOMETGR,  fil-o-me'tor.     See  Ptolemy  VI. 


fi-los'6-fi     ((t>iXo(ro<|>£a,     philoso- 


PHILOSOPHY, 

phia) : 

1.  Definition  and  Scope 

(1)  Intuitive  Philosophy 

(2)  Speculative  Philosophy 

2.  Greek  Philosophy 

3.  Philosophy  in  OT  and  Judaism 

(1)  Of  Nature 

(2)  Of  History 

(3)  Post-exihc 

(4)  Alexandrian 

4.  Philosophy  in  the  NT 

(1)  The  Teaching  of  Jesus  Christ 

(2)  Apostolic  Teaching 

(3)  Attitude  of  NT  Writers  toward  Philosophy 
Literature 

Only  found  in  Col  2  8;  ht.  the  love  and  pursuit 
of  wisdom  and  knowledge.  In  its  technical  sense, 
the  term  is  now  used  for  the  conscious 
1.  Defl-  endeavor  of  thought,  by  speculative 
nition  and  process,  to  interpret  the  whole  of 
Scope  human  experience,  as  a  consistent  and 

systematic  unity,  which  would  be  the 
ultimate  truth  of  all  that  may  be  known.  The 
term  is  also  used,  in  a  wider  sense,  of  all  interpreta- 
tions of  experience,  or  parts  of  experience,  however 
obtained,  whether  by  revelation,  intuition  or  un- 


conscious speculation.  No  hard-and-fast  line  can 
be  drawn  between  the  two  kinds  of  philosophy. 
Some  of  the  ruling  conceptions  of  speculation,  such 
as  God,  spirit,  order,  causation,  true  and  false,  good 
and  evil,  were  not  discovered  by  reason,  but  given 
in  experience. 

(1)  Intuitive  philosophy  is  universal.  The  human 
mind  has  always  and  everywhere  furnished  itself 
with  some  kind  of  explanation  of  the  universe. 
From  the  lowest  animism  and  fetichism  up  to  the 
higher  reUgions,  ideas  are  found  which  served  men 
as  explanations  of  those  features  of  experience 
which  attracted  their  attention.  They  were  often 
regarded  as  given  by  vision,  intuition  or  some  other 
method  of  revelation.  In  the  higher  religions,  the 
mind  reflected  upon  these  ideas,  and  elaborated 
them  into  systems  of  thought  that  bear  some  re- 
semblance to  the  speculative  theories  of  western 
thought.  In  China,  both  Confucianism  and  Taoism 
developed  theories  of  human  life  and  destiny  that 
bear  some  resemblance  to  Stoicism.  The  religions 
of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  enshrined  in  their  legends 
theories  of  the  world  and  of  man  and  his  institutions. 
In  India,  men's  belief  in  the  Nature-gods  gradually 
developed  into  pantheistic  Brahmanism,  which 
reduced  the  multiplicity  of  experience  into  one 
ultimate  being,  Brahma.  But  the  desire  for  moral 
salvation  and  the  sense  of  pain  and  evil  produced 
a  reaction,  and  led  to  the  pessimistic  and  nihilistic 
philosophy  of  Buddhism.  In  Persia,  the  moral 
consciousness  awoke  earlier,  and  the  attempt  to 
systematize  the  multiplicity  of  polytheism  issued 
in  the  duahstic  philosophy  of  later  Zoroastrianism. 
The  whole  realm  of  being  was  divided  into  two 
kingdoms,  created  and  ruled  by  two  lords:  Ahura 
Mazda,  the  creator  of  light  and  life,  law,  order  and 
goodness,  and  Anro  Mainyus,  the  author  of  darkness, 
evil  and  death.  Each  was  surrounded  by  a  court  of 
spiritual  beings  kindred  to  himself,  his  messengers 
and  agents  in  the  world  (see  Persian  Religion 
[Ancient]).  Of  all  these  religious  philosophies, 
only  those  of  Assjo-ia  and  Babylonia,  and  of  Persia, 
are  likely  to  have  come  into  any  contact  with  Bib. 
thought.  The  former  have  some  affinity  with  the 
accounts  of  creation  and  the  flood  in  Gen;  and  the 
influence  of  the  latter  may  be  traced  in  the  dualism 
and  angelology  and  demonology  of  later  Judaism, 
and  again  in  the  gnostic  systems  that  grew  up  in  the 
Christian  church,  and  through  both  channels  it  was 
perpetuated,  as  a  dualistic  influence,  in  the  lower 
strata  of  Christian  thought  down  through  the 
Middle  Ages. 

(2)  Speculative  philosophy  belongs  mainly  to  western 
thought.  It  arose  in  Greece  about  the  beginning  of  the 
6th  cent.  BO.  It  began  with  the  problem  of  the  general 
nature  of  being,  or  ontology.  But  it  was  soon  forced  to 
consider  the  conditions  of  knowing  anything  at  all,  or 
to  epistemology.  These  two  studies  constitute  meta- 
physics, a  term  often  used  as  synonymous  with  phi- 
losophy in  the  stricter  sense.  Speculation  about  ideal 
truth  again  led  to  inquiries  as  to  the  ultimate  nature  of 
the  kindred  ideas  of  the  good  (ethics)  and  the  beautiful 
(aesthetics).  And  as  these  ideas  were  related  to  society 
as  well  as  to  the  Individual,  the  Greeks  developed  theories 
of  the  ideal  organization  of  society  on  the  basis  of  the 
true,  the  good  and  the  beautiful,  or  politics  and  peda- 
gogics. The  only  branch  of  speculation  to  which  the 
Greeks  made  no  appreciable  contribution  was  the  phi- 
losophy of  religion,  which  is  a  modern  development. 

The  progress  of  philosophy  in  history  divides  itself 
naturally  into  three  main  periods;  (a)  ancient,  from  the 
6th  cent.  BO  to  the  3d  cent.  AD,  when  it  is  almost  ex- 
clusively Gr,  with  some  practical  adaptations  of  Gr 
thought  by  Rom  writers;  (6)  mediaeval,  from  the  3d  to 
the  16th  cent.,  where  some  of  the  ruling  conceptions  of 
Gr  thought  were  utilized  for  the  systematization  of  Chris- 
tian dogma,  but  speculation  was  mainly  confined  within 
the  limits  of  ecclesiastical  orthodoxy;  there  were,  how- 
ever, some  independent  Arabian  and  Jewish  speculations ; 
(c)  modern,  from  the  16th  cent,  to  the  present  time,  in 
wiiich  thought  becomes  free  again  to  speculate  upon  all 
the  problems  presented  by  experience,  though  it  only 
realized  its  liberty  fully  in  the  hands  of  Locke,  Hume 
and  Kant. 


Philosophy 
Phlegon 


THE  INTERNATIONAI,  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2384 


Gr  philosophy  was  the  only  speculative  system  that 
could  have  had  any   influence  upon  Bib.  thought.    Its 

main  development  was  contemporaneous 
2  Greek  with  the  later  OT  writers,  but  the  two 
_^,  ..  ,        peoples  were  in  every  way  so  remote  from 

PlUlOSOpny     one  another  that  no  interchange  of  ideas 

was  probable. 

During  the  last  two  centuries  BC,  Gr  thought 
spread  so  widely  that  it  came  to  dominate  the  cul- 
tured thought  of  the  world  into  which  Christianity 
entered,  and  it  would  have  been  strange  if  no 
trace  of  its  influence  were  found  in  the  NT.  In 
the  first  stage  of  its  development,  from  Thales  to 
Socrates,  it  was  concerned  almost  entirely  with  at- 
tempts to  explain  the  nature  of  reality  by  reducing 
the  phenomenal  world  into  some  one  of  its  elements. 
Socrates  changed  its  center  of  gravity,  and  definitely 
raised  the  problems  of  morahty  and  knowledge  to  the 
position  of  first  importance.  His  principles  were 
developed  by  Plato  into  a  complex  and  many-sided 
system  which,  more  than  any  other,  has  influenced 
all  subsequent  thought.  He  united  ultimate  reality 
and  the  highest  good  into  one  supreme  principle  or 
idea  which  he  called  the  Good,  and  also  God.  It 
was  the  essence,  archetype  and  origin  of  all  wisdom, 
goodness  and  beauty.  It  communicated  itself  as 
intermediary  archetypal  ideas  to  produce  all  in- 
dividual things.  So  that  the  formative  principles 
of  all  existence  were  moral  and  spiritual.  But  it 
had  to  make  all  things  out  of  preexisting  matter, 
which  is  essentially  evil,  and  which  therefore  was 
refractory  and  hostile  to  the  Good.  That  is  why 
it  did  not  make  a  perfect  world.  Plato's  system 
was  therefore  rent  by  an  irreconcilable  duahsm  of 
mind  and  body,  spirit  and  matter,  good  and  evil. 
And  his  mediating  ideas  could  not  bridge  the  gulf, 
because  they  belonged  only  to  the  side  of  the  ideal. 
Aristotle  was  Plato's  disciple,  and  he  started  from 
Plato's  idealistic  presuppositions,  but  endeavored  to 
transcend  his  dualism.  He  thus  applied  himself  to  a 
closer  and  more  accurate  study  of  actual  experience, 
and  added  much  to  the  knowledge  of  the  physical 
world.  He  organized  and  classified  the  methods 
and  contents  of  knowledge  and  created  the  science 
of  logic,  which  in  the  Christian  Middle  Ages  be- 
came the  chief  instrument  of  the  great  systematic 
theologians  of  the  church.  He  tried  to  bring  Plato's 
ideas  "down  from  heaven,"  and  to  represent  them 
as  the  creative  and  formative  principles  within  the 
world,  which  he  conceived  as  a  system  of  develop- 
ment, rising  by  spiritual  gradations  from  the  lower 
to  the  higher  forms,  and  culminating  in  God,  who  is 
the  uncaused  cause  of  all  things.  But  underneath 
all  the  forms  still  remained  matter  as  an  antithetical 
element,  and  Aristotle  rather  concealed  than  solved 
the  dualism  of  Plato. 

Meanwhile,  the  moral  principles  of  Socrates  were 
being  developed  with  a  more  directly  ethical  interest, 
by  the  Cyrenaics  and  Epicureans,  into  a  system  of 
Hedonism,  and,  by  the  Cynics  and  Stoics,  into  a 
doctrine  of  intuitive  right  and  duty,  resting  incon- 
sistently upon  a  pantheistic  and  materialistic  view 
of  the  universe.  But  the  spiritual  and  ethical  ele- 
ments in  Stoicism  became  only  second  to  Platonism 
in  the  preparation  of  the  Gr  world  for  Christianity. 
During  the  last  two  and  a  half  centuries  BC,  Gr 
philosophy  showed  signs  of  rapid  decline.  On  the 
one  hand,  PjTrho  and  his  school  propounded  a  thor- 
oughgoing skepticism  which  denied  the  possibility 
of  all  knowledge  whatsoever.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  older  schools,  no  longer  served  by  creative  minds, 
tended  to  merge  their  ideas  into  a  common  eclecti- 
cism which  its  teachers  reduced  into  an  empty  and 
formal  dogmati,sm.  The  most  fruitful  and  fateful 
product  of  Gr  thought  in  this  period  was  its  amal- 
gamation with  Jewish  and  oriental  ideas  in  the 
great  cosmopolitan  centers  of  the  Gr  world.  There 
are  evidences  that  this  process  was  going  on  in  the 


cities  of  Asia,  Syria  and  Egypt,  but  the  only  ex- 
tensive account  of  it  remaining  is  found  in  the 
works  of  Philo,  the  Jewish  philosopher  of  Alex- 
andria (see  Philo  Junius) .  He  tried  to  graft 
Plato's  idealism  upon  Heb  monotheism. 

He  starts  with  Plato's  two  principles,  pure  being  or 
God,  and  preexisting  matter.  In  his  endeavor  to  bridge 
the  gulf  between  them,  he  interposed  between  God  and 
the  world  the  powers  of  God,  goodness  and  justice;  and 
to  gather  these  into  a  final  unity,  he  created  his  concep- 
tion of  the  Logos  of  God.  In  the  formation  of  this  con- 
ception, he  merged  together  the  Platonic  idea  of  the  good, 
the  Stoic  world-reason,  and  a  number  of  Jewish  ideas, 
the  glory,  the  word,  the  name,  of  God,  the  heavenly 
man  and  the  great  high  priest,  and  personified  the  whole 
as  the  one  mediator  between  God  and  the  world.  Chris- 
tian thought  laid  hold  of  this  idea,  and  employed  it  as  its 
master-category  for  the  interpretation  of  the  person  of 
Christ  (see  Logos). 

There  is  no  speculative  philosophy  in  the  OT  nor 
any  certain  trace  of  its  influence.     Its  writers  and 

actors  never  set  themselves  to  pursue 
3.  In  the  knowledge  in  the  abstract  and  for  its 
OT  and  own  sake.  They  always  wrought  for 
in  Judaism    moral  purposes.     But  moral  activity 

proceeds  on  the  intellectual  presuppo- 
sitions and  interpretations  of  the  experiences  within 
which  it  acts.  Hence  we  find  in  the  O'T  accounts 
of  the  origin  and  course  of  nature,  a  philosophy  of 
history  and  its  institutions,  and  interpretations  of 
men's  moral  and  religious  experiences.  They  all 
center  in  God,  issue  from  His  sovereign  will,  and 
express  the  realization  of  His  purpose  of  righteous- 
ness in  the  world  (see  God)  . 

(1)  All  nature  originated  in  God's  creative  act 
(Gen  2)  or  word  (Gen  1).  In  later  literature  the 
whole  course  and  order  of  Nature,  its  beauty  and 
bounty,  as  well  as  its  wonders  and  terrors,  are  repre- 
sented as  the  acts  of  God's  will  (Isa  40-45;  Pss  8 
19,  29,  50,  65,  68,  104,  etc).  But  His  action  in 
Nature  is  always  subordinated  to  His  moral  ends. 

(2)  Similarly,  the  course  and  events  of  the  history 
of  Israel  and  her  neighbors  are  the  acts  of  Jeh's  will 
(Am  1;  2;  Isa  41  2;  43  3;  45  9.10.14).  In  the 
historical  books  of  S  and  K,  and  still  more  of  Ch,  all 
the  events  of  history  are  represented  as  the  acts  of 
God's  moral  government.  In  a  more  general  way, 
the  whole  of  history  is  set  forth  as  a  series  of  cove- 
nants that  God,  of  His  free  grace,  made  with  man 
(see  Covenant).  The  Noachic  covenant  fixed 
the  order  of  Nature.  The  covenant  with  Abraham, 
Isaac  and  Jacob  accounted  for  the  origin  and 
choice  of  Israel.  The  covenants  with  Moses  and 
Aaron  established  the  Law  and  the  priesthood,  and 
that  with  David,  the  kingship.  And  the  hope  of  the 
future  lies  in  the  new  covenant  (Jer  31  31-35). 
God's  covenants  were  all  acts  of  His  sovereign  and 
gracious  will. 

(3)  In  post-exilic  times,  new  experiences,  and 
perhaps  new  intellectual  influences,  drove  the  Jews 
to  probe  deeper  into  the  problem  of  existence. 
They  adhered  to  the  cardinal  principle  of  Heb 
thought,  that  God's  sovereign  will,  working  out  His 
purpose  of  righteousness,  was  the  first  cause  of 
all  things  (see  Righteousness).  But  they  found 
it  difficult  to  coordinate  this  belief  with  their  other 
ideas,  in  two  ways.  Ethical  monotheism  tended  to 
become  an  abstract  deism  which  removed  God 
altogether  out  of  the  world.  And  the  catastrophes 
that  befell  the  nation,  in  the  exile  and  after,  raised 
the  problem  of  suffering  and  evil  over  against  God's 
goodness  and  righteousness.  Therefore  in  the  Wis- 
dom lit.  we  find  some  conscious  speculation  on 
these  subjects  (see  Wisdom). 

(q)  The  Book  of  Job  discusses  the  problem  of  evil,  and 
repudiates  the  idea  that  hfe  and  history  are  the  proc- 
ess of  God's  rewards  and  punishments,  (b)  Eccl  comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  all  phenomenal  experience  is 
vanity.  Yet  its  ultimate  philosophy  is  not  pessimistic, 
for  it  finds  an  abiding  reality  and  hope  in  the  fear  of  God 


2385 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Philosophy 
Phlegon 


and  in  the  moral  life  (12  13.14').  The  f5ame  type  of 
thought  appears  in  Ecclu.s.  Both  boolis  have  been 
attributed  to  the  circle  of  the  Sadducees.  Some  would 
find  in  them  traces  of  the  influence  of  Epicureanism. 
(c)  In  Prov  a  more  optimistic  side  prevails.  Wisdom 
is  gathered  up  into  a  conception  or  personification  which 
is  at  once  God's  friend,  His  agent  in  creation,  His  vice- 
gerent in  the  world,  and  man's  instructress  and  guide 
(ch  8).  (d)  The  teaching  of  the  Pharisees  esp.  reveals 
the  tendency  to  dualism  or  deism  in  later  Judaism: 
they  interposed  between  God  and  the  world  various 
agents  of  mediation,  the  law,  the  word,  the  name,  the 
glory  of  God  and  a  host  of  angels,  good  and  bad.  They 
also  fostered  a  new  hope  of  the  future,  under  the  double 
form  of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  and  of  resurrection  and 
immortality.  How  far  these  tendencies  were  due  to 
the  influence  of  Pers  dualism  cannot  here  bo  considered. 
(e)  Essenism  represents  another  effort  to  get  from  the 
world  to  God  by  a  crude  kind  of  mysticism  and  asceti- 
cism, combined  with  an  extensive  angelology. 

(4)  Among  the  Hellenistic  Jews  in  Alexandria,  Aris- 
tobulus,  the  authors  of  Wisd  and  4  Mace,  and  preemi- 
nently Philo,  all  deal  with  the  two  chief  problems  of 
Judaism,  dualism  and  evil.  But  they  approach  them 
under  the  direct  influence  of  Gr  thought.  The  Heb  idea 
of  wisdom  was  merged  into  the  Gr  conception  of  the 
Logos,  and  so  it  becomes  the  mediator  of  God's  thought 
and  activity  in  the  world. 

Philosophy  appears  in  the  NT  as  intuitive,  specu- 
lative and  eclectic.     (1)  Jesus  Christ  came  to  fulfil 

the  law  and  the  prophets,  and,  out  of 
4.  In  the  His  filial  consciousness  of  God,  He 
NT  propounded  answers  to  the  practical 

demands  of  His  time.  His  doctrine 
of  God  the  Father  was  a  philosophy  of  Nature  and 
life  which  transcended  all  dualism.  In  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  the  good  would  ultimately  prevail 
over  the  evil.  The  law  of  love  expressed  the  ideal 
of  conduct  for  man  as  individual,  and  in  his  relation 
to  society  and  to  God,  the  supreme  and  ultimate 
reality.  This  teaching  was  given  in  the  form  of 
revelation,  without  any  trace  of  speculation. 

(2)  The  apostolic  writings  built  upon  the  teach- 
ing and  person  of  Jesus  Christ.  Their  ruling  ideas 
are  the  doctrines  which  He  taught  and  embodied. 
In  Paul  and  John,  they  are  realized  as  mystical 
experiences  which  are  expressed  in  doctrines  of  uni- 
versal love.  But  we  may  also  discover  in  the  apos- 
tolic writings  at  least  three  strands  of  speculative 
philosophy,  (a)  Paul  employed  arguments  from 
natural  theology,  similar  to  those  of  the  Stoics 
(Acta  14  1.5-17;  17  22-31;  Rom  1  19  ff),  which 
involved  the  principles  of  the  cosmological  and 
teleological  arguments,  (b)  John  employs  the 
Philonic  term  "Logos"  to  interpret  the  person  of 
Christ  in  His  universal  relation  to  God,  man  and 
the  world;  and  the  main  elements  of  Philo's  scheme 
are  clearly  present  in  his  doctrine,  though  here  it  is 
no  abstract  conception  standing  fjetween  God  and 
man,  but  a  living  person  uniting  both  (Jn  1  1-18). 
Although  the  term  "Logos"  is  not  mentioned,  in  this 
sense,  in  Paul  or  He,  the  Philonic  conception  has 
been  employed  by  both  writers  (Rom  5  8;  8  29; 
1  Cor  15  24.2.5;  2  Cor  5  18.19;  PhU  2  6;  Col 
1  15-17;  ,2  9.10;  He  1  1-3. .5.6).  Paul  also 
expresses  his  conception  of  Christ  as  the  mani- 
festation of  God  under  the  category  of  wisdom 
(1  Cor  1  20;  2  7;  Eph  1  8;  Col  2  3).  (c)  Both 
in  Paul  and  He  appear  original  speculations  designed 
to  interpret  individual  experience  and  human  his- 
tory as  they  culminate  in  Christ.  Paul's  interpre- 
tation consists  of  a  series  of  parallel  antitheses, 
flesh  and  spirit,  sin  and  righteousness,  law  and  grace, 
works  and  faith,  Adam  and  Christ.  But  the  author 
of  He  adopts  the  Platonic  view  that  the  world 
of  history  and  phenomena  is  but  the  shadow  or 
suggestion  of  the  spiritual  and  eternal  reality  which 
lies  behind  it,  and  which  partially  expresses  itself 
through  it. 

(3)  In  the  one  place  in  which  the  term  philosophy 
appears  in  the  NT  (Col  2  8),  it  seems  to  mean 
"subtle  dialectics  and  profitless  speculation  .... 
combined  with  a  mystic  cosmogony  and  angelology" 


(Lightfoot,  ad  loc),  the  first  beginnings  of  Gnosti- 
cism in  the  Christian  church.  Paul  warns  his 
readers  against  it,  as  he  also  does  the  Corinthians 
against  the  "wisdom"  of  the  Greeks  (1  Cor  1  19  ff; 
2  5.6).  A  similar  tendency  may  be  in  view  in  the 
warning  to  Timothy  against  false  doctrines  (1  Tim 
14;  4  3;  2  Tim  1  14.16  ff).  But  with  the  true 
spirit  of  philosophy,  as  the  pursuit  of  truth,  and 
the  endeavor  to  express  more  fully  and  clearly  the 
nature  of  reality,  the  spirit  and  work  of  the  NT 
writers  were  in  complete  accord. 

Literature. — Intros  to  philosophy  by  Kiilpe,  Paul- 
sen, Hoftding,  Watson  and  Mackenzie.  Hists  of  Gr 
philosophy  by  Ritter  and  Preller,  Burnet,  and  ZeUer, 
and  of  general  philosophy  by  Erdmann,  Ueberweg, 
Windelband  and  Rogers;  E.  Caird,  The  Evolution  oj 
Theology  in  the  Gr  Philosophies;  Hists  of  the  Jews  by 
Schiirer,  Graetz  and  Kent;  OT  Theologies  by  Schultz 
and  Davidson;  NT  Theologies  by  Beyschlag  and  Weinel; 
Philo's  works  and  treatises  thereon  by  Dahne,  Gfrorer 
and  Drummond;  Harnack,  What  Is  Christianity  f  Bigg, 
The  Christian  Platonists  of  Alexandria;  Lightfoot,  Col. 

T.  Rees 
PHINEES,  fin'S-es    (i^.vth,  Phinees,  B  [Swete], 
<i>ei.vWs,  Fheinees  [1  Esd  8  2]): 

(1)  Phinehas,  son  of  Eleazar,  son  of  Aaron  (1  Esd 

5  5;  8  2.29;  2  Esd  1  2;  1  Mace  2  26;  Sir  45  23). 

(2)  The  father  of  Achias  and  son  of  Heli  (Eli),  a 
descendant  of  (1),  and  one  of  Ezra's  progenitors 
(2  Esd  1  2);  but  this  link  is  not  found  in  Ezra's 
genealogy  (1  Esd  8  1  f),  nor  in  Ezr  7  1  ff;  1  Ch 
6,  and  its  insertion  in  2  Esd  1  2  is  a  mistake,  since 
Ezra's  descent  was  from  Eleazar,  while  this  Phinees 
(Phinehas)  was  a  descendant  of  Ithamar,  the  young- 
est son  of  Aaron. 

(3)  A  Levite,  the  father  of  Eleazar  (1  Esd  8  63) 
=  "Phinehas"  of  Ezr  8  33.  But  it  is  just  possible 
that  the  well-known  Eleazar  (1)  is  referred  to  here, 
and  so  not  another  and  different  Phinees. 

(4)  AV  =  RV  "Phinoe"  (1  Esd  5  31). 

S.  Angus 
PHIIfEHAS,  fin'5-as,  -az,  fin'e-has,  -haz  (DnpS , 
pin'hSf,  "mouth  of  brass") : 

(1)  Son  of  Eleazar  and  grandson  of  Aaron  (Ex 

6  25;  cf  1  Ch  6  4;  Ezr  7  5,  where  he  is  seen  to 
be  an  ancestor  of  Ezra).  He  took  a  leading  part 
in  cleansing  Israel  from  whoredom  at  Shittim.  He 
there  punished  the  brazen  licentiousness  of  Zimri, 
prince  of  Simeon,  by  slaying  both  him  and  the  Mid- 
ianite  woman  he  had  brought  into  camp  (Nu  25 
6-18).  This  incident  is  referred  to  in  Ps  106  30.31 
(cf  1  Mace  2  26.54;  Sir  45  23.24).  As  priest  he 
accompanied  the  expedition  sent  by  Moses  against 
Midian  (Nu  31  6).  He  was  chief  of  the  Korahite 
Levites  (1  Ch  9  20),  and  succeeded  his  father  as 
high  priest.  While  he  was  in  that  office  the  civil 
war  with  Benjamin  occurred,  and  it  was  he  who  de- 
livered the  oracle's  decision  to  fight  Benjamin  (Jgs 
20  28  ff).  His  faithful  services  secured  to  his  house 
the  succession  of  the  priesthood  (Nu  25  11-13). 
He  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  inquire  into  the  re- 
ported idolatry  of  Reuben,  Gad  and  part  of  Manasseh 
(Josh  22  13  ff.30-32).  According  to  LXX  he  was 
buried  with  his  father  in  Ephraim  on  the  hill  Gibeah 
Phinehas  (see  Josh  24  33).  His  character  was 
marked  with  strong  moral  indignation  and  fine  in- 
tegrity. 

(2)  The  younger  son  of  Eli  (1  S  1  3;  2  Esd  1  2, 
"Phinees").     See  Hopni  and  Phinehas. 

(3)  Fatherof  a  priest  named  Eleazar  (Ezr  8  33;  cf 
ver2;  1  Esd  8  63,  "Phinees").    Henry  Wallace 

PHINOE,  fin'6-5  (*iv6€,  Phinde;  AV  Phinees) : 
Name  of  one  of  the  families  of  temple-servants  who 
went  up  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5 
31)  =  "Paseah"of  Ezr  2  49;  Neh  7  51. 

PHLEGON,  fle'gon,  fleg'on  (*X^va)v,  Phlegon): 
The  name  of   a   Rom   Christian   to   whom   Paul 


Phoebe 
Phoenicia 


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sent  greetings  (Rom  16  14).     Of  him   nothing   is 
known . 

PHOEBE,  fe'be  (^oipi],  Phoibe;  AV  Phebe) : 
Described  by  St.  Paul  as  (1)  "our  sister,"  (2)  "who 
is  a  servant  of  the  church  that  is  at  Cenchreae," 
(3)  "a  lielper  of  many,  and  of  mine  own  self"  (Rom 
16  L2).  (1)  "Our  [Christian]  sister":  Paul  calls 
the  believing  husband  and  wife  "the  brother  or  the 
sister"  (1  Cor  7  15),  and  also  asks,  "Have  we  no 
right  to  lead  about  a  wife  that  is  a  sister?"  (1  Cor 
9  5m).  The  church  was  a  family.  (2)  The  Gr 
word  tr''  "servant"  is  didkonos.  "Servant"  is 
vague,  and  "deaconess"  is  too  technical.  In  the 
later  church  there  was  an  order  of  deaconesses  for 
special  work  among  women,  owing  to  the  peculiar 
circumstances  of  oriental  life,  but  we  have  no  reason 
to  believe  there  was  such  an  order  at  this  early 
period.  If  Phoebe  had  voluntarily  devoted  herself 
'  'to  minister  unto  the  saints' '  by  means  of  charity  and 
hospitality,  she  would  be  called  diakonos.  (3)  The 
Gr  word  prostdtis  tr'^  "helper"  is  better  "patroness." 
The  masc.  is  "the  title  of  a  citizen  in  Athens  who 
took  charge  of  the  interests  of  clients  and  persons 
without  civic  rights"  (Denney).  Many  of  the  early 
Christian  communities  had  the  appearance  of 
clients  under  a  patron,  and  probably  the  community 
of  Cenchreae  met  in  the  house  of  Phoebe.  She  also 
devoted  her  influence  and  means  to  the  assistance 
of  "brethren"  landing  at  that  port.  Paul  was 
among  those  whom  she  benefited.  Gilford  thinks 
some  special  occasion  is  meant,  and  that  Paul  refers 
to  this  in  Acts  18  IS.  The  vow  "seems  to  point 
to  a  deliverance  from  danger  or  sickness"  in  which 
Phoebe  may  have  attended  on  him. 

It  is  generally  assumed  that  this  letter  was  taken 
to  Rome  by  Phoebe,  these  verses  introducing  her 
to  the  Christian  community.  In  commending  her, 
Paul  asks  that  the  Rom  Cliristians  "receive  her  in 
the  Lord,"  i.e.  give  her  a  Christian  welcome,  and 
that  they  "assist  her  in  whatsoever  matter  she  may 
have  need"  of  them  (Rom  16  1.2). 

S.  F.  Hunter 

PHOENICE,  fg-ni'se  (*oivi^,  Pholnix).  See 
Phoenix  . 

PHOENICLA.,    fg-nish'i-a,    PHOENICIANS,    fe- 

nish'anz: 


6.  Language  and  Culture 

7.  Religion 

8.  History 

LlTER.\TURE 


1.  The  Land 

2.  The  Colonies 

3.  The  People 

4.  Arts  and  Manufactures 

5.  Commerce  and  Trade 

The  term  "Phoenicia"  is  Gr  (■foi^ixij,  Phoinike, 
"land  of  dates,  or  palm  trees,"  from  pholnix,  "the 

date-palm").  It  occurs  in  the  Bible 
1.  The  only  in  Acts  (11  19;   15  3;   21  2),  the 

Land  land  being  generally  designated  as  the 

"coast"  or  "borders  of  Tyre  and  Sidon" 
(Mt  15  21;  Mk  7  24.31;  Lk  6  17).  In  the  OT 
we  find  it  included  in  the  land  belonging  to  the 
Canaanites  or  to  Sidon  (Gen  10  19;  49  13;  Josh 
11  8;  1  K  17  9).  The  Kmits  of  P.  were  indefinite 
also.  It  i,s  sometimes  used  by  classic  writers  as 
including  the  coast  line  from  Mt.  Cassius  on  the  N. 
to  Gaza  or  beyond  on  the  S.,  a  distance  of  some  380 
miles,  or  about  400  miles  if  we  include  the  sweep  of 
indentations  and  bays  and  the  outstretching  of  the 
promontories.  But  in  the  stricter  sense,  it  did 
not  extend  beyond  Gabala  (modern  Jehleh)  on  the 
N.,  and  Mt.  Carmel  on  the  S.,  or  some  150  miles. 
The  name  was  probably  first  applied  to  the  region 
opposite  Cyprus,  from  Gabala  to  Aradus  and  Mara- 
thus,  where  the  date-palm  was  observed,  and  then, 
as  it  was  found  in  still  greater  abundance  farther 
S.,  it  was  applied  to  that  region  also.  The  palm 
tree  is  common  on  the  coins  of  both  Aradus  and 


Tyre,  and  it  still  grows  on  the  coast,  though  not  in 
great  abundance.  The  width  of  the  land  also  was 
indefinite,  not  extending  inland  beyond  the  crest 
of  the  two  ranges  of  mountains,  the  Bargylus 
(Nusairi  Mountains)  and  the  Lebanon,  which  run 
parallel  to  the  coast  and  leave  but  little  space  be- 
tween them  and  the  sea  for  the  greater  portion  of 
their  length.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Phoenicians 
occupied  the  mountain  tracts,  but  they  must  have 
dominated  them  on  the  western  slopes,  since  they 
derived  from  them  timber  for  their  ships  and 
temples.  The  width  of  the  country  probably  did 
not  exceed  25  or  30  miles  at  the  most,  and  in  many 
places  it  was  much  less,  a  very  small  territory,  in 
fact,  but  one  that  played  a  distinguished  role  in 
ancient  times. 

There  are  few  harbors  on  the  whole  coast,  none 
in  the  modern  sense,  since  what  few  bays  and  inlets 
there  are  afford  but  slight  shelter  to  modern  ships, 
but  those  of  the  ancients  found  sufficient  protection 
in  a  number  of  places,  esp.  by  means  of  artificial 
harbors,  and  the  facility  with  which  they  could  be 
drawn  out  upon  the  sandy  beach  in  winter  when 
navigation  was  suspended.  The  promontories  are 
few  and  do  not  project  far  into  the  sea,  such  as 
Theu-prosopon  S.  of  Tripolis,  Ra,?  BeinXt  and  the 
broad  projection  S.  of  Tyre  including  Ras  el-'Abyadh 
and  Ras  en-Naktlra  and  Ras  el-Musheirifeh  (see 
Ladder  or  Tyre).  The  promontory  of  Carmel 
is  rather  more  marked  than  the  others,  and  forms 
quite  an  extensive  bay,  which  extends  to  Acre.  The 
promontory  rises  to  a  height  of  500  ft.  or  more  near 
the  sea  and  to  more  than  double  that  elevation  in 
its  course  to  the  S.E. 

Mt.  Lebanon,  which  forms  the  background  of  P. 
for  about  100  miles,  is  a  most  striking  feature  of  the 
landscape.  It  rises  to  a  height  of  10,200  ft.  in  the 
highest  point,  E.  of  Tripolis,  and  to  8,500  in  Jebel 
Sunnin,  E.  of  Beirut,  and  the  average  elevation  is 
from  5,000  to  6,000  ft.  It  is  rent  by  deep  gorges 
where  the  numerous  streams  have  cut  their  way  to 
the  sea,  furnishing  most  varied  and  picturesque 
scenery.  It  was  originally  heavily  wooded  with 
cedar,  oak,  and  pine  trees,  which  are  still  found  in 
considerable  numbers,  but  by  far  the  larger  part  of 
the  mountain  has  been  denuded  of  forests,  and  the 
slopes  have  been  extensively  terraced  for  the  culti- 
vation of  vines  and  fruit  trees  and  the  mulberry  for 
silk  culture.  The  plains  along  the  coast  are  not 
extensive,  but  generally  very  fertile  and  bear  abun- 
dant crops  of  wheat,  barley  and  other  cereals,  where 
not  given  to  the  culture  of  the  mulberry,  orange, 
lemon,  fig,  apricot  and  other  small  fruits.  In  its 
greatest  extent  P.  included  the  broad  plain  of  Sharon 
and  that  of  Acre,  between  Carmel  and  that  city, 
and  a  portion  of  the  region  watered  by  the  Kishon, 
but  the  plains  of  P.,  strictly  speaking,  are  much 
more  restricted.  They  are:  the  plain  of  Tyre,  long 
but  narrow,  extending  from  Ras  el-'Abyadh  to  Sa- 
repta;  the  plain  of  Sidon  extending  from  Sarepla 
to  the  Bostrenus  {Nahr  el-'Auly);  the  plain  of 
Beirtit  ( Berylus)  between  the  extensive  sand  dunes 
along  the  shore  and  the  rocky  cape  on  the  W.  and 
the  foot  of  Lebanon,  10  or  12  miles  long  but  only 
one  or  two  wide,  containing  one  of  the  largest  olive 
groves  in  Syria;  the  very  small  plain  of  Tripohs, 
including  that  city  and  its  port;  and,  the  most  ex- 
tensive of  all,  the  plain  of  Marathus,  extendingfrom 
Arka  to  Aradus  or  even  beyond,  including  the  river 
Eleutherus  {Nahr  el-Kebir).  These  plains  fur- 
nished only  a  portion  of  the  food  needed  by  the 
inhabitants  who  were  more  or  less  dependent  on 
their  neighbors  for  it  (1  K  5  11;   Acts  12  20). 

The  rivers  of  P.  are  comparatively  short  and 
small;  the  Litany  rises  in  the  Buka',  between  Leba- 
non and  Anti-Lebanon,  and  finds  its  way  in  a  deep 
and  narrow  gorge  between  Lebanon  and  Mt.  Her- 


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Phoebe 
Phoenicia 


mon  to  the  S.,  and  finally  turns  westward  and 
reaches  the  sea  a  few  miles  N.  of  Tyre,  where  it  is 
called  the  Kasimlyeh.  About  12  miles  N.  of  Beirllt 
is  the  Dog  River  (Lycus),  a  very  short  stream  but 
noted  for  the  famous  pass  at  its  mouth,  where  Egyp, 
Assyr  and  Bab  kings  engraved  their  monuments; 
and  a  few  miles  S.  of  Jebail  (Gebal)  is  the  Adonis 
{Nahr  Ibrahim),  which  comes  down  from  ^Afka 
(Apheca  =  Aphek,  Josh  13  4),  noted  for  the  rites  of 
Venus  and  Adonis  (see  Tammuz);  and  the  Eleu- 
therus,  already  mentioned,  which  runs  through  the 
valley  between  Bargylus  and  Lebanon  and  provides 
the  pass  between  these  two  mountains  into  the  in- 
terior. The  other  rivers  are  very  short,  but  furnish 
a  perennial  water-supply  to  the  coast  dwellers. 

The  products  of  the  land,  as  well  as  the  climate, 
are  very  varied  on  account  of  the  difference  in  ele- 
vation of  the  tracts  suitable  to  culture,  ranging  in 
temperature  from  the  semi-tropical  to  Alpine.  How 
far  the  ancients  cultivated  the  mountain  sides  we 
do  not  know,  but  they  certainly  profited  largely  by 
the  forests  of  cedar  and  pine,  esp.  the  former,  which 
was  the  most  valuable  for  shipbuilding  and  archi- 
tectural purposes,  and  was  highly  prized,  not  only 
by  the  Phoenicians,  but  by  Egyptians,  Assyrians 
and  Babylonians,  who  transported  it  to  their  own 
countries  for  buildings.  The  mineral  products  are 
few,  and  the  Phoenicians  depended  on  their  colonies 
and  other  lands  for  what  they  needed  of  these. 

The  narrowness  of  the  land  and  the  difficulty  of  ex- 
pansion on  account  of  the  lofty  mountain  ranges  and  the 
hostility  of  the  tribes  of  the  interior  led 
2    The  ^^®  Phoenicians  to  turn  seaward  for  an 

^'  ,      .  outlet  to  their  increasing  population.     We 

UOiOnieS  have  only  one  instance  of  their  attempt  to 

colonize  the  Hinterland,  and  that  ended 
in  disaster  (Jgs  18).  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  was  not 
pleased  with  Solomon's  gift  of  20  cities  in  Galileo,  prob- 
ably not  desiring  to  assume  responsibility  for  their  de- 
fence. The  people  early  became  mariners,  and  the 
dominion  of  the  sea  was  more  inviting  to  them,  and  they 
found  room  for  expansion  in  the  islands  and  on  the  coast 
of  the  Mediterranean,  where  they  established  colonies 
far  and  wide.  Their  first  over-sea  possessions  were  in 
Cyprus,  the  coasts  of  which  they  occupied  in  the  2d 
millennium  BC.  probably  about  1500.  On  the  southern 
coast  they  planted  various  colonies,  such  as  Citium 
(Larnaca).  Amathus,  Curium  and  Paphos,  and  on  the 
eastern,  Salamis,  Ammachosta  and  Soli,  and,  in  the  in- 
terior, Idalium  and  Golgi,  besides  other  less  important 
settlements.  The  evidences  of  the  Fhoen  occupation 
of  Cyprus  are  numerous.  The  southern  portion  of  Asia 
Minor  also  attracted  them  at  an  early  date,  esp.  the  rich 
plains  of  Cilicia.  and  Tarsus  became  the  most  important 
of  their  colonies  there.  Its  coins  bear  Fhoen  types  and 
legends,  among  which  Baal  is  conspicuous.  Other 
points  along  the  coast  were  occupied,  and  the  island  of 
Rhodes  as  well  as  certain  ports  on  the  south  coast  of 
Crete,  and  most  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean.  Their 
presence  in  Attica  is  vouched  for  by  inscriptions,  and 
legend  connects  Thebes  with  them  in  the  person  of  Cad- 
mus, the  reputed  son  of  Agenor,  king  of  P.  But  it  is 
doubtful  whether  they  really  colonized  the  mainland  of 
Greece.  They  were  more  attracted  by  the  lands  farther 
to  the  W. 

The  greatest  of  their  colonies  was  in  Africa.  They 
occupied  Utica  first,  probably  in  the  12th  cent.  BC,  and 
others  in  the  same  region  until  in  the  9th  cent.  Great 
Carthage  was  founded,  which  was  destined  to  become 
the  richest  and  most  powerful  of  all  and  the  dreaded  rival 
of  Rome.  All  are  familiar  with  the  story  of  Elisa,  or 
Dido,  the  reputed  Tyrian  queen  who  led  her  followers 
to  the  place  and  founded  the  city.  The  story  is  perhaps 
legendary,  but  that  Carthage  was  a  colony  of  Tyre  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt.  Other  colonists  occupied  portions 
of  Sicily,  such  as  Motya,  Erix,  Soli  and  Panormus 
(Palermo).  They  also  crossed  over  to  Sardinia  and  the 
Balearic  Isles,  and  planted  colonies  on  the  south  coast  of 
Spain  and  the  northwestern  coast  of  Africa,  within  and 
beyond  the  straits  of  Gibraltar.  Of  their  settlements 
in  Spain  Gades  (Cades)  and  Tartessus  were  the  most 
noted,  the  latter  being  probably  the  Tarshish  of  Scrip- 
ture (1  K  10  22),  Malaca  (Malaga)  and  Abdera, 
within  the  straits,  were  likewise  important  settlements, 
and  there  were  others  of  less  note. 

The  colonial  enterprise  of  the  Phoenicians  was  remark- 
able for  the  age,  and  was  only  surpassed  in  ancient  times 
by  the  Greeks  who  came  later,  the  former  being  the 
pioneers.  The  energy  and  daring  of  the  Phoenicians  in 
pushing  out  into  unknown  seas,  with  the  imperfect 
means  at  their  disposal,  is  evidence  of  the  enterprise  of 
this  people.     Their  chief  object,   however,   was  trade. 


Their  colonics  were  mostly  factories  for  the  exchange  of 
their  manufactured  articles  for  the  products  of  the  lands 
they  visited.  They  cared  little  about  building  up  new 
states  or  for  extending  their  civilization  and  molding 
barbarous  tribes  and  imparting  to  them  their  culture. 
In  this  they  were  tar  surpassed  by  the  Greeks  whose 
colonies  profoundly  modified  the  peoples  and  lands  with 
which  they  came  in  contact. 

The  Phoenicians  were  the  same  as  the  Canaanites, 
under  which  name  they  are  known  in  the  OT,  as 
well  as  Sidonians  (Gen  10  19;  Nu 
3.  The  13  29).     They  were  of  Sem  stock,  if 

People  we  may  judge  by  their  language  and 

characteristics.  It  is  true  that  in 
Gen  10  6  Canaan  is  called  a  son  of  Ham,  but  it  is 
also  true  that  the  language  of  Canaan  is  identified 
with  Heb  (Isa  19  18).  If  the  early  Phoenicians 
spoke  a  different  tongue,  they  entirely  lost  it  before 
their  contact  with  the  Hebrews.  Their  writings 
and  all  the  references  to  them  in  ancient  authorities 
show  that  their  language  was  purely  Sem.  As 
to  their  origin  and  the  time  of  their  migration  to  the 
Syrian  coast,  it  is  more  difficult  to  determine. 
Herodotus  (i.2;  vii.89)  says  that  they  lived  at  first 
on  the  Erythraean  Sea,  which  is  identified  with  the 
Pers  Gulf,  and  modern  authorities  have  not  found 
evidence  to  refute  the  statement.  It  is  quite  certain 
that  they  were  not  the  aborigines  of  the  country, 
and  must  have  come  in  with  some  of  the  various 
migrations  from  the  E.,  which  we  know,  from  Egyp 
and  Bab  monuments,  occurred  in  the  3d,  perhaps  in 
the  4th,  millennium  BC.  Semites  are  found  in  S3Tia 
as  early  as  the  IVth  Egyp  Dynasty,  about  3000  BC, 
and  we  may  fairly  conjecture  that  the  Canaanites 
were  in  possession  of  the  seacoast  as  early  as  2500 
BC.  It  is  possible  that  they  were  among  the  Hyksos 
invaders  of  Egypt  (Paton,  Syria  and  Pal,  67). 

That  the  Phoenicians  took  to  the  sea  at  a  very 
early  date  and  became  the  most  skilful  mariners 
of  the  ancient  world  is  certain.  Their  enterprise 
in  this  direction  is  attested  by  classic  writers,  and 
the  references  to  it  in  the  OT  are  numerous.  This 
was  coupled  with  great  industry  and  skill  in  the 
manufacture  of  the  various  articles  which  furnished 
the  materials  of  their  extended  commerce.  They 
exhibited  a  boldness  and  audacity  in  braving  the 
perils  of  the  sea  in  their  little  ships,  which,  for  the 
age,  demands  our  admiration.  They  were  the  first 
who  dared  to  push  out  of  sight  of  land  in  their  voy- 
ages and  sail  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  into  the 
ocean.  But  in  their  commercial  dealings  they  were 
often  unscrupulous,  and  their  greed  of  gain  often 
led  them  to  take  unfair  advantage  of  the  barbarous 
races  with  whom  they  came  in  contact.  The  pur- 
chase of  the  land  on  which  the  citadel  of  Carthage 
was  built  may  illustrate  the  opinion  of  the  ancients 
regarding  them,  but  we  ought  to  remember  that 
trickery  and  deceit  are  charged  against  them  by  their 
enemies,  who  alone  have  handed  down  accounts  of 
them.  The  Heb  prophets  speak  of  their  pride  and 
vanity  (Ezk  28  17),  and  violence  (ver  16),  and 
Amos  hints  at  a  traffic  in  captives  taken  in  war,  but 
whether  of  Hebrews  or  not  is  not  clear  (Am  1  9). 
Slaves  were  among  the  articles  of  merchandise  in 
which  they  traded  (Ezk  27  13;  Joel  3  6),  but  this 
could  hardly  be  charged  against  them  as  a  great  sin 
when  slavery  was  universal.  The  chief  reason  for 
their  being  denounced  by  the  prophets  was  their 
corrupt  practices  in  worship  and  the  baleful  influ- 
ence of  the  Baal  and  Astarte  cult  introduced  by 
them  into  Israel  through  Ahab's  marriage  with 
Jezebel  (1  K  16  31-33).  This  evil  influence  was 
felt  even  after  the  captivity  when  the  rites  of  the 
Phoen  Tammuz  were  practised  in  Jerus  (Ezk  8  14). 
But  the  earlier  relations  of  the  Phoenicians  with 
Israel  in  the  days  of  David  and  Solomon  were 
friendly  and  mutually  beneficial.  On  the  whole  the 
judgment  of  history  assigns  to  this  people  a  high 


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position  for  their  enterprise  and  skill  in  carrying 
on  their  trade,  and  in  being  the  pioneers  of  civili- 
zation in  many  of  the  Mediterranean  lands,  esp. 
by  their  introduction  of  alphabetical  writing,  which 
was  by  far  the  most  valuable  of  all  their  contribu- 
tions to  the  culture  of  the  ancient  world. 

(1)  The  Phoenicians  were  celebrated  for  their 
textile  fabrics  of  silk,  wool,  linen  and  cotton.  The 
materials  of  the  last  three  were  ob- 
4.  Arts  and  tained  from  Syria  and  Egypt,  but  the 
Manufac-  silk  came  from  the  Far  East  through 
tures  Persia.     The  dyeing  of  these  fabrics 

was  by  a  process  invented  by  the 
Phoenicians,  and  the  luster  and  permanence  of  color 
were  unequaled  by  the  ancients  and  made  the 
Tyrian  purple  famous  throughout  the  world.  The 
finer  qualities  of  it  were  so  precious  that  only  the 
very  wealthy,  or  kings  and  princes,  could  obtain  it, 
and  it  became  at  last  a  synonym  of  royalty.  This 
dye  was  obtained  from  the  shell-fish  which  was 
abundant  in  the  Mediterranean,  esp.  along  the 
Phoen  coast,  species  of  the  Murex  and  the  Buc- 
cinum.  The  mode  of  manufacture  is  not  definitely 
known  and  was  probably  kept  a  secret  by  the 
Phoenicians.  At  least  they  had  a  monopoly  of  the 
business. 

(2)  Glass  was  another  well-known  product  of  the 
country,  and  although  not  invented  by  the  Phoeni- 
cians as  formerly  supposed,  it  was  made  in  large 
quantities  and  exported  to  all  countries  about  the 
sea.     See  Glass. 

(3)  Pottery  was  also  an  article  of  manufacture 
and  export,  and  some  of  the  examples  of  their  work 
found  in  Cyprus  show  considerable  skill  in  the  art 
of  decoration  as  well  as  making.  In  this,  however, 
they  were  far  surpassed  by  the  Greeks. 

(4)  Bronze  was  a  specialty  of  the  Phoenicians,  and 
they  were  for  centuries  the  leading  producers,  since 
they  controlled  the  sources  of  supply  of  the  copper 
and  tin  used  in  its  manufacture.  The  remains  of 
their  bronze  manufactures  are  numerous,  such  as 
arms  for  offence  and  defence,  knives,  toilet  articles, 
axes,  sickles,  cups,  paterae,  and  various  other  house- 
hold utensils.  Articles  for  artistic  purposes  are  not 
of  high  value,  although  the  pillars  named  Jachin 
and  Boaz,  the  molten  sea,  the  bases,  lavers  and 
other  articles  cast  by  Hiram  of  Tyre  for  the  temple 
of  Solomon  must  have  exhibited  considerable 
artistic  merit.  Their  bronze  was  of  good  quality 
and  was  tempered  so  as  to  serve  well  for  edgecl  tools. 
The  composition  was  about  9  parts  copper  to  1  of 
tin.  They  seem  also  to  have  made  iron  (2  Ch  2 
14),  and  some  specimens  have  come  down  to  us,  but 
we  cannot  judge  from  their  scarcity  as  to  the  extent 
of  their  manufactures  in  this  metal,  since  most  of 
the  articles  have  perished  by  corrosion. 

Aesthetic  art  among  the  Phoenicians  was  of  low  grade, 
as  it  was  among  the  Semites  generally,  and  where  we  find 
some  works  of  moderate  merit  they  undoubtedly  mani- 
fest the  influence  of  Gr  art,  such  as  those  found  in  Cyprus 
by  General  Di  Cesnola  and  others.  In  Phoenicia  proper 
very  little  of  artistic  value  has  come  to  light  that  can  be 
ascribed  to  native  artists.  In  sculpture  the  style  is  stiff 
and  conventional,  much  of  it  exceedingly  rude,  and  lacks 
e.icpression.  The  animal  forms  are  generaUy  grotesque 
often  absurd,  reminding  one  of  children's  attempts  at 
plastic  art.  The  antliropoid  sarcophagi  discovered  at 
Sidon  were  modeled  after  the  Egyp,  and  the  magnificent 
ones,  of  different  design,  from  the  same  place,  now  in 
the  JN'Iuseum  of  Constantinople,  were  certainly  the  work 
of  Gr  artists  of  the  age  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

The  architecture  of  the  Phoenicians  was  characterized 
by  massiveness,  rather  than  elegance.  The  substructures 
of  some  of  their  temples  and  castles  are  Cyclopean,  like 
those  of  the  temple  at  Jerus  (1  K  7  10),  and  other  ex- 
amples are  found  at  Sidon.  Gebal.  Marathus  and  other 
places  in  Phoenicia  itself.  Their  work  seems  lacking  in 
symmetry  and  grace,  showing  a  want  of  aesthetic  taste. 

Trade  was  the  very  life  of  Phoenicia.  The  con- 
tracted limits  of  the  land  forbade  any  extensive 
agriculture,  and  the  people  were  forced  to  get  their 


living  by  other  means.  They  applied  themselves  to 
industrial  arts,  and  this  led  them  to  seek  the  means 
for  distributing  their  wares.  Trade 
5.  Com-  was  essential  to  them,  and  they  sought 
merce  and  outlets  for  it  by  sea  and  land.  Their 
Trade  position  was  esp.  favorable  for  com- 

merce.    In    the    very   center    of   the 
ancient  world,  with  the  great  rich  and  populous 
nations  of  antiquity  at  their  back  and  on  either  side, 
they  faced  the  young,  vigorous  and  growing  nations 
of  the  West,  and  they  served  them  all  as  carriers 
and  producers.     Their  caravans  threaded  all  the 
well-beaten  routes  of  the  East,  the  deserts  of  Ai-abia 
and   the   mountain   defiles   of   Armenia   and   Asia 
Minor,  and  their  ships  pushed  boldly  out  to  sea  and 
explored  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Euxine  and 
did  not  hesitate  to  brave  the  unknown  dangers  of 
the  Atlantic  and  perhaps  even  penetrated  to  the 
Baltic,  emulating  the  mariners  of  a  later  day  in  their 
zeal  for  discovery  and  search  for  new  avenues  of 
trade.     Could  we  find  a  detailed  account  of  their 
voyages  and  discoveries,  it  would  be  a  most  inter- 
esting document,  but  we  have  little  except  what 
others  have  written  about  them,  which,  however, 
gives  us  a  pretty  fair  idea  of  the  extent  of  their  com- 
mercial enterprise.     The  prophet  Ezekiel  has  given 
us  a  remarkable  catalogue  of  the  wares  of  Tyre  and 
of  the  countries  with  which  she  traded  (Ezk  27). 
There  we  have  mention  of  nearly  all  the  regions  of 
Western  A,sia,  Egypt,  Greece  and  the  islands,  and 
Spain,  indicated  by  the  names  of  races,  tribes  and 
countries.     The  materials  of  their  traffic  include 
the  most  important  known  to  the  ancient  world,  the 
products  of  agriculture,  such  as  wool,  linen,   oil, 
balm,  spices,  frankincense,  wine,  corn,  etc;  of  metals, 
such  as  gold,  silver,  copper  (brass),  tin,  iron,  lead, 
etc;  precious  stones  and  the  articles  of  manufacture, 
the  "multitude  of  handiworks,"  which  they  were  so 
skilful  in  producing.     They  traded  in  animals  also, 
horses,  mules,  lambs,  rams  and  goats,  and,  what  is 
less  to  their  credit,  in  the  persons  of  men  (ver  13). 
The  range  of  their  trade  was  much  wider  than  is 
indicated  by  Ezekiel.     We  know  they  reached  the 
Scilly  Isles  in  Britain,  and  probably  the  Baltic, 
whither  they  went  for  amber,  though  this  might 
have  been  brought  overland  to  the  Adriatic  and 
received  into  their  ships  there.    They  passed  along 
the  western  coast  of  Africa  as  far  as  Cape  Non,  and 
perhaps  farther,  for  Herodotus  tells  us  that  Pharaoh- 
necoh  dispatched  a  crew  of  Phoen  sailors  to  circum- 
navigate Africa,  which  they  accomplished  in  3  years. 
We  know  that  they  had  a  fleet  in  the  Red  Sea 
sailing  from  Elath  or  Ezion-geber  (1  K  9  26.27), 
and  it  is  quite  possible  that  they  were  allowed  by 
some  of  the  kings  of  Egypt  to  avail  themselves  of 
ports  on  the  other  branch  of  the  Red  Sea.     They 
must  have  visited  the  eastern  shore  of  Africa  and 
perhaps  struck  across  the  Indian  Ocean,  after  skirt- 
ing the  coast  of  Arabia,  and  thus  carried  on  trade 
with  India.     The  Ophir  mentioned  in  connection 
with  these  voyages  has  not  been  definitely  located, 
but  was  perhaps  in  Southern  Arabia,  though  possibly 
in  Southeast  Africa  (see  Gold). 

The  ships  in  which  the  Phoenicians  made  these  voy- 
ages were  small  as  compared  with  the  great  vessels  of  the 
present  day,  but  the  largest  known  in  their  age,  as  we 
may  infer  from  the  long  voyages  they  made.  Their 
superiority  is  testified  to  by  classical  writers.  In  the 
famous  expedition  of  Xerxes  to  Greece  the  Phoen  ships 
excelled  all  others  in  speed,  and  the  king  chose  one  of 
them  when  he  embarked  upon  the  sea  (Herod.  vii.lOO). 
These  ships  were  impelled  both  by  sails  and  oars,  as  we 
know  from  illustrations  upon  the  coins  (see  Coins). 

The  ancients  attributed  the  invention  of  the 
alphabet  to  the  Phoenicians.  This  is  now  regarded 
as  doubtful,  and  there  are  no  reliable  data  for  de- 
termining what  people  first  analyzed  speech  to  its 
ultimate  elements,  but  to  the  Phoenicians  belongs 


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Phoenicia 


the  merit  of  bringing  the  invention  to  the  knowledge 

of  the  western  world.     It  is  quite  certain  that  the 

alphabets  of  Western  Asia  and  those 

6.  Language  of  Europe  were  derived  from  the  Phoen 
and  Culture  characters.     This  is  what  we  should 

have  expected  from  their  wide  commer- 
cial relations.  The  alphabetic  writing  was  in  fact 
one  of  their  exports  and  was  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant of  them  all.  The  world  owes  a  great  debt 
to  this  people  for  this  invaluable  aid  to  literature, 
science  and  culture  (see  Alphabet). 

The  Phoen  alphabet  comprises  22  letters  and  is  defi- 
cient in  signs  to  indicate  vowels,  which  were  left  to  be 
supplied  by  the  reader.  This  defect  is  common  to  the 
Sem  alphabets,  but  was  soon  remedied  when  the  Greeks 
adopted  the  Phoenician.  Some  of  the  letters  have  to 
serve  for  two  sounds,  such  as  the  signs  for  s  and  sh,  for 
P  and  ph,  for  t  and  th;  besides,  there  is  a  redundant  sign 
for  the  sound  of  s.  Also  the  sounds  of  y  and  w  are 
unrepresented. 

The  origin  of  the  letters  is  probably  to  be  found  in  the 
hieroglyphic  signs  for  words  and  syllables  used  by  the 
Egyptians  and  others,  since  the  similarity  of  some  of 
them  to  these  signs  is  evident,  but  in  some  cases  it  is  more 
hkely  that  the  Phoenicians  adopted  hieroglyphics  of 
their  own.  Thus  the  first  letter,  'dleph,  which  means 
"ox,"  was  evidently  derived  from  the  picture  of  an  ox's 
head  and  then  reduced  to  a  conventional  form. 

The  Phoen  alphabet  and  language  were  common 
to  the  Canaanitish  tribes  ajid  the  Hebrews,  as  we 
know  from  the  many  inscriptions  found  in  Western 
Asia.  The  M  S  testifies  to  their  use  E.  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  the  Siloam  Inscription  likewise  for  Israel, 
and  the  same  characters  have  been  found  in  North 
Syria.  This  would  be  natural,  for  people  of  these 
regions  had  become  largely  Sem  by  the  9th  cent. 
BC,  when  we  suppose  that  the  Phoen  alphabet  was 
in  general  use. 

It  is  strange  that  the  Phoenicians,  who  had  an  alphas 
bet  so  early,  and  made  it  so  widely  known  to  the  world, 
made  so  little  use  of  it  for  literature.  The  remains  of 
their  language  are  very  scanty,  mostly  inscriptions,  and 
these  generally  very  brief.  The  longest  ones  in  Phoen 
proper  are  those  from  Sidon,  the  most  famous  of  which 
is  that  of  Esmunazer,  king  of  Sidon,  comprising  298 
words.  Some  lew  others,  pertaining  to  the  same  dy- 
nasty, have  been  discovered  in  tombs  and  on  the  waUs 
of  the  temple  of  Asmun,  and  show  the  Phoen  character 
and  style  in  its  best  form.  Only  two  works  of  any  length 
are  known  to  us  by  tr  or  references  in  Gr  authors.  The 
first  is  the  Phoen  History  of  Sanchoniathon,  of  BeirQt, 
which  Philo  of  Byblus  claims  to  have  tr<i  from  the  Phoen 
original.  This,  however,  is  doubted,  and  both  the 
author  and  the  history  are  suspected  to  be  mythical. 
The  other  work  is  genuine;  the  short  account  of  the 
voyage  of  a  Carthaginian  king  beyond  the  PiUars  of  Her- 
cules, called  the  Periplus  of  Hanno,  is  not  without  merit 
as  a  narrative,  and  indicates  that  the  Carthaginian 
branch  of  the  Phoen  race,  at  least,  may  have  had  a  lit. 
of  some  value,  but  it  is  unfortunately  lost.  We  cannot 
suppose,  however,  that  it  was  very  extensive  or  very 
important,  as  more  of  it  would  then  have  been  preserved. 
The  conclusion  is  natural  that  the  Phoenicians  were  so 
absorbed  in  commercial  enterprise  and  the  pursuit  of 
wealth  that  they  neglected  the  nobler  uses  of  the  invalu- 
able instrument  of  culture  they  had  found  in  alphabetic 
writing. 

A  very  prominent  role  was  assigned  to  religion  in 

the  life  of  the  Phoenicians.     As  a  Sem  people,  such 

a  characteristic  was  but  natural  and 

7.  Religion    they  seem  to  have  possessed  it  in  large 

measure.  Their  religious  ideas  are 
important  on  account  of  the  influence  they  had  on 
the  Hebrews,  which  is  so  apparent  in  the  OT.  The 
worship  of  the  Canaanitish  Baal  and  Ashtoreth,  or 
Astarte,  led  the  Israelites  astray  and  produced  most 
disastrous  results. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  chief  deities 
of  the  Phoenicians,  as  well  as  the  forms  of  their  cult, 
were  derived  from  Babylonia,  brought  with  them 
probably  when  they  migrated  to  the  W.,  but  after- 
ward modified  by  contact  with  Egypt  and  Greece. 
Some  regard  the  earliest  conception  of  the  deity 
among  the  Semites  to  have  been  monotheism,  and 
we  find  traces  of  this  in  the  attributes  ascribed  by 
the  Phoenicians  to  their  chief  god.     He  is  Baal, 


"lord"  or  "master";  Baal-samin,  "lord  of  heaven"; 
Eliun,  "supreme,"  etc.  These  terms  imply  either 
one  God  or  one  who  is  supreme  among  the  gods  and 
their  ruler.  But  this  belief  was  changed  before  the 
Phoenicians  came  into  contact  with  the  Hebrews, 
and  polytheism  took  its  place,  though  their  gods 
were  less  numerous  than  among  most  polytheistic 
races.  One  of  the  most  corrupting  tendencies  we 
notice  was  the  ascription  of  sexual  characteristics 
to  the  chief  deities  of  their  pantheon,  such  as  Baal 
and  Ashtoreth,  which  led  to  licentious  rites  of  the 
most  abominable  character. 

Baal  (Phoen  5375 ,  ba^al)  was  the  chief  deity  and 
was  universally  worshipped,  being  usually  desig- 
nated by  the  locality  in  each  place:  Baal  of  Tyre 
or  Baal-Tsur,  Baal-Sidon,  Baal-Tars  (Tarsus), 
Baal-bek,  etc.  He  was  regarded  as  the  god  of  the 
generative  principle  in  Nature,  and  his  statues  were 
sometimes  flanked  by  bulls.  He  was  identified  with 
Zeus,  and  he  appears  on  the  coins  under  the  Gr 
type  of  Zeus,  seated  on  a  throne,  holding  an  eagle 
in  the  outstretched  right  hand  and  a  scepter  in  the 
left.  Sometimes  his  head  is  encircled  with  rays 
showing  him  to  be  the  sun-god. 

Ashtoreth  (Phoen  fTICTlJy,  ^ashtoreth)  was  the 
great  Nature-goddess,  the  Magna  Mater,  queen  of 
heaven  (Jer  7  18),  and  as  Baal  was  the  solar  deity, 
so  she  was  often  represented  under  the  lunar  aspect, 
Ashteroth-karnaim,  "Ashteroth  of  the  two  horns" 
(Gen  14  5).  Sometimes  she  is  represented  holding 
the  dove,  the  symbol  of  fecundity,  of  which  she  was 
the  goddess.  She  was  commonly  identified  with 
Aphrodite  or  Venus.  She,  like  Baal,  had  temples 
everywhere,  and  kings  were  sometimes  her  high 
priests,  and  her  worship  was  too  often  accompanied 
with  orgies  of  the  most  corrupt  kind,  as  at  Apheca 
(see  Ashtoreth;   Tammdz). 

Among  the  other  gods  we  may  mention:  El,  or 
II  (5S ,  'el),  originally  the  designation  of  the  supreme 
God,  but  afterward  a  subordinate  deity  who  became 
the  special  divinity  of  Byblus  (Gebal),  and  was 
regarded  by  the  Greeks  as  the  same  as  Kronos. 
Melkarth  {fifpb'O ,melkarth,  "kingof  thecity")origi- 
nally  was  the  same  as  Baal,  representing  one  aspect 
of  that  god,  but  later  a  separate  deity,  the  patron 
god  of  Tyre  whose  head  appears  on  many  of  its 
coins,  as  well  as  his  symbol,  the  club,  since  he  was 
identified  with  Hercules.  Herodotus  describes  his 
temple  at  Tyre  to  which  he  attributes  great  an- 
tiquity, 2,300  years  before  his  time.  Dagon 
CJIj^,  daghon)  seems  to  have  been  the  tutelary 
deity  of  Aradus,  his  head  appearing  on  the  early 
autonomous  coins  of  that  city.  He  seems  to  have 
been  regarded  as  the  god  of  agriculture  by  the 
Phoenicians,  rather  than  of  fishing  as  generally  sup- 
posed. Adonis  CiTl^,  'ddhon,  "lord")  was  re- 
garded as  the  son  of  Cinyras,  a  mythic  king  of  Gebal 
and  the  husband  of  Ashtoreth.  The  myth  of  his 
death  by  the  wild  boar  led  to  the  peculiar  rites 
celebrating  it,  instituted  by  the  women  of  Gebal  at 
Apheca  and  on  the  river  named  after  him  (see  Tam- 
mdz). Esmtin  CJIOIBi?,  'esmun)  one  of  the  sons  of 
Siddik,  the  father  of  the  Cabiri,  was  esp.  honored  at 
Sidon  and  Beirdt.  At  Sidon  a  great  temple  was 
built  in  his  honor,  the  ruins  of  which  have  been 
recently  explored  and  various  inscriptions  found 
dedicating  it  to  him.  His  name  signifies  "the 
eighth,"  i.e.  the  eighth  son  of  Siddik,  the  others 
being  the  Cabiri,  or  Great  Ones,  who  were  regarded 
as  presiding  over  ships  and  navigation,  and  as  such 
were  worshipped  in  many  places,  although  their 
special  seat  was  Beirtit.  Although  they  were  called 
"Great"  they  are  represented  as  dwarfs,  and  an 
image  of  one  of  them  was  placed  on  the  prow,  or 


Phoenicia 
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2390 


stern,  of  each  Phoen  war  galley.  The  goddess 
Tanith  {TCP, ,  tanith)  occupied  a  lofty  place  in  the 
pantheon,  since  in  inscriptions  she  takes  the  prece- 
dence over  Baal  when  the  two  names  occur  together. 
She  was  esp.  honored  at  Carthage  and  to  her  most 
exalted  names  are  given,  such  as  "the  parent  of  all"; 
"the  highest  of  the  gods";  "the  mistress  of  the  ele- 
ments," etc.  Besides  some  other  gods  of  less  note 
originally  worshipped  by  the  Phoenicians,  they  in- 
troduced some  foreign  deities  into  their  pantheon. 
Thus  Poseidon  appears  frequently  on  the  coins  of 
Beirut  and  became  its  patron  deity  in  Rom  times; 
Isis  and  her  temple  at  Gebal  are  likewise  represented 
on  its  coins,  the  Dioscuri  or  their  symbols  on  those 
of  Tripolis  and  Beirilt,  etc. 

The  corrupt  nature  of  the  Phoen  worship  has 
been  referred  to.  It  was  also  cruel,  the  custom  of 
human  sacrifices  being  common  and  carried  to  an 
extent  unheard  of  among  other  peoples,  such  as  the 
horrible  sacrifice  of  200  noble  youths  at  Carthage 
when  besieged  by  Agathocles.  The  sacrifice  was  by 
burning,  the  victim  being  placed  in  the  arms  of  the 
statue  of  the  god,  heated  for  the  purpose.  In  P. 
this  god  was  Melkarth,  or  Molech,  and  the  custom  is 
denounced  in  the  OT  (Lev  20  2-5),  but  other  gods 
were  also  honored  in  this  way.  The  religious  feeling 
of  the  Phoenicians  was  undoubtedly  deep,  but  sadly 
corrupt  and  depraved. 

The  political  history  of  P.  is  that  of  the  towns 
and  cities  belonging  to  it.  The  country  as  a  whole 
had  no  centralized  government,  but 
8.  History  the  chief  towns  exercised  a  sort  of 
hegemony,  at  times,  over  some  of  the 
lesser  ones.  This  was  esp.  the  case  with  Sidon  and 
Tyre,  but  every  city  had  its  king  and  its  local  govern- 
ment. The  land  is  never  referred  to  in  ancient 
documents,  but  the  people  are  designated  by  their 
cities.  Thus  we  find  in  Gen  10  17  f  the  mention 
of  Sidon,  the  Arvadite,  the  Arkite,  etc,  and,  in  Josh 
13  4,  the  Gebalites  and  the  Sidonians  in  connection 
with  the  land  of  the  Canaanites.  In  the  same  way 
the  inscriptions  of  Egypt,  Babylonia  and  Assyria 
refer  to  the  people  of  the  different  cities,  but  not 
to  the  land  as  a  political  unit,  which  it  never  was. 

The  cities  first  come  into  notice  in  the  period  of 
the  Egyp  domination,  beginning  in  the  16th  cent. 
BC  under  Thothmes  III.  This  king  subdued  most 
of  the  Phoen  cities,  or  received  their  submission,  in 
his  numerous  campaigns  to  Syria,  and  the  Egyp 
rule  continued  with  more  or  less  interruption  until 
the  decline  of  Egypt  under  the  XXth  Dynasty,  or 
about  300  years.  During  this  time  Arvad  seems 
to  have  exercised  the  hegemony  in  the  N.,  and  Sidon 
in  the  S.,  with  Gebal  controlling  the  middle  region. 
The  Am  Tab  reveal  many  facts  concerning  the  con- 
dition of  things  while  the  Egyp  power  was  declining 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  esp.  in 
the  reign  of  Amenhotep  IV  (Ikhnaton).  The  rise 
of  the  Amorite  and  Hittite  power  in  the  N.  threat- 
ened these  cities,  which  were  under  Egyp  governors, 
and  they  called  upon  their  suzerain  for  aid,  which 
was  not  given,  and  they  fell,  one  after  another,  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Rameses  II  restored 
Egyp  rule,  but  his  successors  of  the  XXth  Dynasty 
could  not  maintain  it,  and  the  invasion  of  tribes  from 
the  W.  and  N.,  called  the  Peleset,  or  Philis,  by  land 
and  sea,  though  repelled  by  Rameses  III,  continued 
to  increase  until  the  Egyp  domination  was  broken, 
and  the  coast  towns  resumed  their  independence 
about  the  middle  of  the  12th  cent.  BC.  Sidon  came 
to  the  front  as  the  chief  city  of  P.,  and  it  is  referred 
to  by  Joshua  aa  "Great  Sidon"  (Josh  11  8). 
Homer  also  mentions  Sidon  frequently,  but  makes 
no  reference  to  Tyre.  The  latter  city  was  certainly 
in  existence  in  his  day,  but  had  not  come  to  the 
front  as  the  leading  city  in  the  mind  of  the  Greeks. 
Yet  it  was  a  fortified  city  in  the  time  of  Joshua  (19 


29),  and  the  king  of  Tyre  is  among  the  correspond- 
ents mentioned  in  the  Am  Tab.  It  seems  to  have 
taken  precedence  of  Sidon  when  the  latter  was 
attacked  by  the  Philis  of  Askelon,  and  the  inhabit- 
ants were  compelled  to  flee  for  safety  to  Tyre.  At 
all  events  Tyre  exercised  the  hegemony  in  P.  by 
the  time  David  came  to  the  throne,  and  had  prob- 
ably obtained  it  a  century  or  two  before,  and  held 
it  unto  P.  became  subject  to  Assyria  in  the  9th  cent. 
BC.  Asshur-nazir-pal  first  came  into  contact  with 
P.,  which  submitted  to  tribute,  between  877  and 
860  BC,  and  this  subjection  continued  until  the 
downfall  of  Assyria  in  the  latter  part  of  the  7th  cent. 
BC.  The  subjection  was  nominal  only  for  more 
than  a  century,  the  cities  retaining  their  kings  and 
managing  their  own  affairs  with  no  interference 
from  the  Assyrians  as  long  as  they  paid  the  tribute. 
But  with  the  advent  of  Tiglath-pileser  in  Syria, 
about  740  BC,  conditions  changed,  and  the  Phoen 
towns  were  subjected  to  severe  treatment,  and  some 
of  the  dynasts  were  driven  from  their  cities  and 
Assyr  governors  appointed  in  their  places.  Their 
oppression  caused  revolts,  and  Elulaeus  of  Tyre 
united  Sidon  and  the  cities  to  the  S.  in  a  league  to 
resist  the  encroachments  of  Tiglath-pileser  and  his 
successor  Shalmaneser  IV,  whom  he  successfully 
resisted,  although  the  Assyrian  gained  over  to  his 
side  Sidon,  Acre,  and  some  other  towns  and  had  the 
assistance  of  their  fleets  to  make  an  attack  upon 
the  island  city.  The  attack  failed  completely,  and 
Shalmaneser  left  Elulaeus  to  his  independence, 
which  he  maintained  for  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
regaining  control  of  the  towns  that  had  fallen  away 
and  also  of  Cyprus.  Sargon  (722-705  BC)  let  P. 
alone,  but  Sennacherib  (705-681)  determined  to 
punish  the  king  of  Tyre  and  prepared  an  army  of 
200,000  men  for  the  war  with  P.  Elulaeus  was 
afraid  and  fled  to  Cyprus,  but  his  towns  dared  to 
resist  and  Sennacherib  had  to  reduce  them  one 
after  another,  but  did  not  succeed  in  taking  Tyre 
itself.  He  set  over  the  conquered  territory  a  certain 
Tubaal,  probably  a  Phoen,  who  paid  him  tribute. 
He  also  took  tribute  from  Gebal  and  Aradus,  which 
indicates  that  all  of  P.  was  subject  to  him,  as  these 
two  cities  probably  controlled  all  that  was  not  under 
Tyre.  In  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon  (681-668)  Sidon 
revolted  under  Abd-Melkarth,  who  was  caught  and 
beheaded,  the  city  sacked,  and  the  inhabitants  either 
killed  or  carried  into  captivity,  and  it  was  re- 
peopled  by  captives  from  the  E.  At  a  later  date 
(672),  when  Esarhaddon  was  preparing  to  invade 
Egypt,  Baal,  the  vassal  king  of  Tyre,  revolted  and 
refused  to  aid  him,  but  afterward  submitted  either 
to  Esarhaddon  or  to  his  son  Asshur-bani-pal  and 
assisted  the  latter  in  his  invasion  of  Egypt,  668  BC. 
Four  years  later,  however,  we  find  the  Assyr  king 
besieging  Tyre  and  punishing  Baal  by  making  him 
give  his  daughter  to  be  a  member  of  the  Assyrian's 
harem.  Baal  himself  was  left  on  his  throne.  The 
same  fate  was  the  lot  of  the  king  of  Aradus,  and 
Accho  (Acre)  was  also  punished. 

The  frequent  rebellions  of  the  Phoen  towns  show 
their  love  of  independence  and  a  sturdy  resistance 
to  oppression.  They  became  freed  from  the  yoke 
of  Assyria  probably  about  630  BC,  when  the  Medes 
attacked  Nineveh  and  the  Scythic  hordes  overran 
all  Western  Asia.  The  Phoen  cities  were  fortified 
and  did  not  suffer  very  much  from  the  barbarian 
invasion,  and,  as  Assyria  was  broken,  they  resumed 
their  independence.  In  the  struggle  which  followed 
between  Egypt  and  Babylon  for  the  mastery  of 
Syria,  P.  fell,  for  a  time,  under  the  sway  of  Egypt, 
but  was  not  oppressed,  and  her  towns  prospered, 
and  it  was  in  this  period  that  Tyre  attained  great 
wealth  and  renown  as  reflected  in  the  Book  of  Ezk. 
When  Nebuchadnezzar  laid  siege  to  it,  a  resistance 
of  13  years  showed  its  strength  and  resources,  and 


2391 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Phoenicia 
Phoenix 


although  the  town  on  the  mainland  waa  destroyed, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  king  of  Babylon  took  the 
island  city,  but  it  must  have  submitted  to  pay 
tribute  (585  BC).  P.  remained  subject  to  Babylon 
until  that  empire  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians 
(538),  and  then  accepted  the  yoke  of  the  latter  in 
the  days  of  Cambyses,  if  not  earlier,  but  the  Pers 
king  does  not  seem  to  have  used  force  to  gain  the 
adherence  of  the  Phoenicians.  He  needed  their 
fleets  to  assist  in  the  attack  upon  Egypt  and  secured 
them  without  difficulty.  They  aided  him  in  the 
conquest  of  Egypt,  but  when  he  asked  them  to  pro- 
ceed against  Carthage  they  refused,  and  he  had  to 
desist.  The  navy  of  P.  was  too  necessary  for  him 
to  run  any  risk  of  alienating  it. 
_  This  navy  was  the  strongest  sea  power  of  the  Per- 
sians in  all  their  coming  wars  with  Greece.  With- 
out its  assistance  Darius  and  his  successors  could 
with  difficulty  have  invaded  that  country  or  held 
in  subjection  the  western  coasts  of  Asia  Minor.  P. 
remained  faithful  to  her  Pers  rulers  about  150  years, 
but  when  the  general  revolt  of  the  western  satraps 
occurred  in  362  BC,  P.  seems  to  have  favored  them, 
but  no  open  rebellion  broke  out  until  351,  when 
Sidon,  underher  king  Tabnit  II  (Tennes),  boldly 
declared  her  independence  and  induced  most  of  the 
Phoen  cities  to  do  the  same.  The  Pers  garrisons 
were  massacred  or  driven  out.  Ochus,  the  king  of 
Persia,  marched  with  an  army  of  300,000  infantry 
and  30,000  horse  to  punish  the  rebels,  and  Tabnit,  in 
cowardly  alarm,  betrayed  Sidon  into  his  hands,  but 
the  citizens  set  fire  to  the  city  and  destroyed  them- 
selves rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  Ochus,  who, 
as  treacherous  as  Tabnit,  slew  the  traitor  (see 
Sidon).  The  other  cities  then  submitted,  and  P. 
remained  subject  to  Persia  until  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  When  this  conqueror  invaded 
the  dominions  of  Persia  and  had  defeated  Darius 
at  Issus,  333  BC,  he  demanded  the  submission  of 
the  Phoen  towns,  and  all  yielded  save  Tyre.  Alex- 
ander was  obliged  to  lay  siege  to  it,  which  cost  him 
7  months  of  the  severest  labor,  such  was  the  valor 
and  skill  of  the  Tyrians.  The  capture  of  Tyre  is 
reckoned  as  one  of  the  greatest  exploits  of  this 
mighty  conqueror  who  stained  his  record  by  his 
cruel  treatment  of  the  brave  defenders.  He  mas- 
sacred the  male  prisoners  and  sold  the  remainder 
of  the  inhabitants,  to  the  number  of  30,000,  into 
slavery  (see  Tyre).  After  the  death  of  Alexander 
the  Phoen  cities  were  subject  to  the  Ptolemies  of 
Egypt  and  the  Seleucids  of  Syria,  the  latter  finally 
obtaining  control  of  all  by  the  victory  of  Antiochus 
III  over  Scopas  in  198  BC.  From  this  time  on  P. 
formed  a  part  of  the  Seleucid  kingdom  until  it  passed, 
together  with  Sj'ria  and  Pal,  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans.  Its  cities  became  the  home  of  many 
Greeks  and  its  language  became  largely  Gr,  as  in- 
scriptions and  coins  testify.  The  Romans  had  also 
much  to  do  in  modifying  the  character  of  the  people, 
and  some  towns,  Berytus,  esp.,  became  largely 
Roman.  P.  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  had  a  sepa- 
rate existence  after  the  Gr  invasion. 

LiTEBATURE. — RawUnson,  Hist  of  Phoenicia;  Ken- 
rick,  Phoenicia:  Movers,  Phonizier;  Breasted,  Hist  of 
Egypt,  and  Ancient  Records;  Budge,  Hist  of  Egypt;  Eaw- 
linson,  Ancient  Monarchies;  Rogers,  Babylonia  and 
Assyria;  Bevan,  House  of  Seleucus;  Am  Tab;  Perrot  and 
Chipiez,  Art  in  Phoenicia, 

H.  Porter 

PHOENIX,  fe'niks  (*o£vi.|,  Pholnix;  AV 
Phenice):  A  harbor  in  Crete  (Acta  27  12).  The 
Alexandrian  corn  ship  carrying  St.  Paul  and  the 
author  of  Acts,  after  it  left  Myra  in  Lycia,  was  pre- 
vented by  adverse  winds  from  holding  a  straight 
course  to  Italy,  and  sailed  under  the  lee  of  Crete, 
off  the  promontory  of  Salmone  {Kara.  'ZoKixwvt^v, 
kald  Salmonen).  The  ship  was  then  able  to  make 
her  way  along  the  S.  shore  of  Crete  to  a  harbor 


called  Fair  Havens  (KaXoi  \i/j.hei,  Kaloi  Limines), 
near  a  city  Lasea  {Kaaala,  Lasala),  Thence,  in  spite 
of  St.  Paul's  advice  to  winter  in  Fair  Havens,  it 
was  decided  to  sail  to  Phoenix  (eis  ^oIvikcl,  Xi/x^ra. 
T^s  K/3i)t7;s)  pXi-Kovra  Kara  \lfSa  Kal  Karli  x^P"" 
(eis  Pholnika,  limena  lis  Krtles)  bleponta  kald  liba 
kai  kald  choron,  a  description  which  has  been  tr<' 
in  two  ways:  (1)  "looking  toward  the  S.W.  wind 
and  toward  the  N.W.  wind,  i.e.  looking  S.W.  and 
N.W.";  (2)  "looking  down  the  S.W.  wind  and  down 
the  N.W.  wind,  i.e.  looking  N.E.  and  S.E."  On  the 
way  thither,  they  were  struck  by  a  wind  from  the 
N.E,,  called  Euraquilo,  and  ran  before  it  under  the 
lee  of  an  island,  called  Cauda  or  Clauda  (KaCSa, 
Kauda  [i{°Bffi],  KXaCSo,  Klauda  [N*A,  etc])  in 
Acts  27  7-17.  It  will  be  convenient  to  discuss 
those  places  together.  The  following  account  is 
based  on  Smith's  elaborate  study  in  his  Voyage  and 
Shipwreck  of  St,  Paul,  which  has  been  followed  by 
all  later  writers. 

The  ship,  when  it  left  Myra,  was  obviously  making 
for  Italy  (Puteoli  or  Ostia)  by  the  shortest  route, 
round  Cape  Malea,  but  off  Cnidus  it  encountered 
a  N.W.  wind  and  had  to  sail  for  shelter  under  the 
lee  of  Crete.  Salmone,  now  called  Cape  Sidero,  waa 
the  promontory  which  forms  the  N.E.  corner  of  the 
island.  Thence  along  the  S.  shore  of  Crete,  as  far 
as  Cape  Matala,  a  sailing  ship  is  sheltered  by  the 
mountains  from  the  violence  of  the  N.W.  wind;  W. 
of  Cape  Matala,  where  the  coast  turns  toward  the 
N.W.,  there  is  no  such  shelter.  Fair  Havens  must 
therefore  be  looked  for  to  the  E.  of  Cape  Matala, 
and  there  is  a  harbor,  lying  6  miles  E.  of  Cape 
Matala,  which  is  called  Fair  Havens  by  the  modern 
Greek  inhabitants  of  the  island.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  this  is  the  harbor  in  which  the  Alexandrian 
ship  took  shelter.  It  is  sheltered  only  from  the  N. 
and  N.W.  winds. 

The  ruins  of  a  city  which  has  been  identified  with 
Lasea  have  been  found  5  miles  E.  from  Fair  Havens, 
and  12  miles  S.  of  the  important  city  of  Gortyna. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  St.  Paul's  desire  to  winter 
at  Fair  Havens  (Acts  27  10)  may  have  been  due 
to  its  proximity  to  Gortyna,  and  the  opportunity 
which  the  latter  city  afforded  for  missionary  work. 
There  were  many  Jews  in  Gortyna.     See  Crete. 

From  Fair  Havens,  against  the  advice  of  St.  Paul, 
it  was  decided  to  sail  to  Phoenix,  there  to  pass  the 
winter.  While  the  ship  was  on  its  way  thither,  it 
was  struck  by  a  violent  N.E.  wind  from  the  moun- 
tains, called  Euraquilo,  and  carried  under  the  lee  of 
an  islet  called  Cauda  or  Clauda.  When  this  hap- 
pened, the  ship  was  evidently  crossing  the  Bay  of 
Messariah,  and  from  this  point  a  N.E.  wind  must 
have  carried  her  under  the  lee  of  an  island  now  called 
Gaudho  in  Greek  and  Gozzo  in  Italian,  situated 
about  23  miles  S.W.  of  the  center  of  the  Gulf  of 
Messariah.  The  modem  name  of  the  island  shows 
that  Cauda  (Caudas  in  the  Noliiiae  Episcopatuum), 
and  not  Clauda  is  the  true  ancient  form. 

The  writer  of  Acts  never  saw  Phoenix,  which 
must  have  been  a  good  harbor,  as  the  nautical  ex- 
perts decided  to  winter  there  (Acts  27  11).  Now 
the  only  safe  harbor  on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete  in  which 
a  ship  large  enough  to  carry  a  cargo  of  corn  and  268 
souls  could  moor  is  the  harbor  beside  Loutro,  a 
village  on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete,  directly  N.  of  Cauda. 
All  the  ancient  authorities  agree  in  placing  Phoenix 
in  this  neighborhood.  The  harbor  at  Loutro 
affords  shelter  from  all  winds,  and  its  identification 
with  Phoenix  seems  certain.  But  a  serious  difficulty 
arises  on  this  view.  The  words  describing  the 
harbor  of  Phoenix  ordinarily  mean  "looking  toward 
the  S.W.  and  the  N.W.,"  but  the  harbor  beside 
Loutro  looks  eastward.  This  led  Bishop  Words- 
worth to  identify  Phoenix  with  an  open  roadstead 
on  the  western  side  of  the  isthmus  on  which  Loutro 


Phoros 
Physician 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2392 


stands.  But  this  roadstead  is  not  a  suitable  place 
for  wintering  in,  and  it  is  better  either  to  take  the 
words  to  mean,  in  sailor's  language,  "looking  down 
the  S.W.  and  N.W.  winds" — a  description  which 
exactly  fits  the  harbor  at  Loutro — or  to  assume  that 
the  reporter  of  the  discussion  referred  to  in  Acts  27 
10-12  or  the  writer  of  Acts  made  a  mistake  in  de- 
scribing a  place  which  he  had  never  seen.  An 
inscription  belonging  to  the  reign  of  Trajan  found 
at  Loutro  shows  that  Egyp  corn  ships  were  wont 
to  lie  up  there  for  the  winter.       W.  M.  Calder 

PHOROS,  fo'ros  (*op6s,  Phords,  B  [Swete], 
*ap^s,  Phares  [1  Esd  8  30,  where  AV  Pharez]): 
Name  of  one  of  the  families,  part  of  whom  went  up 
from  the  exile  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5  9)  and  part 
with  Ezra  (8  30  RV)  =  "Parosh"  of  Ezr  2  3;  8  3, 
and  some  members  of  which  had  taken  "strange 
wives"  (1  Esd  9  26). 

PHRURAI,  fru'rl,  fru'ra-i  (<i>povpaC,  Phrourai; 
al.  in  iS  and  A,  'i'poupaia,  Phrourala,  and  "iipoupCii, 
Phrourim;  AV  Phurim):  In  Ad  Est  11  1,  "the  ep. 
of  Phrurai"  means  the  preceding  Book  of  Est.     See 

PURIM. 

PHRYGIA,  frij'i-a  (^pvyla,  Phrugia):  A  large 
ancient  country  of  Central  Asia  Minor,  very  moun- 
tainous and  with  table-lands  reaching  4,000  ft.  in 
height.  Its  name  is  derived  from  Phryges,  a  tribe 
from  Thrace,  which  in  early  times  invaded  the 
country  and  drove  out  or  absorbed  the  earlier 
Asiatic  inhabitants,  among  whom  were  the  Hittites. 
Thus  the  Phrygians  borrowed  much  of  oriental 
civilization,  esp,  of  art  and  mythology  which  they 
transferred  to  Europe.  To  deiine  the  boundaries  of 
Phrygia  would  be  exceedingly  difficult,  for  as  in  the 
case  of  other  Asia  Minor  countries,  they  were  always 
vague  and  they  shifted  with  nearly  every  age.  The 
entire  country  abounds  with  ruins  of  former  cities 
and  with  almost  countless  rock-hewn  tombs,  some 
of  which  are  of  very  great  antiquity.  Among  the 
most  interesting  of  the  rock  sculptures  are  the  beau- 
tiful tombs  of  the  kings  bearing  the  names  Midas 
and  Gordius,  with  which  classical  tradition  has 
made  us  familiar.  It  seems  that  at  one  period  the 
country  may  have  extended  to  the  Hellespont,  even 
including  Troy,  but  later  the  Phrygians  were  driven 
toward  the  interior.  In  Rom  times,  however,  when 
Paul  journeyed  there,  the  country  was  divided  into 
two  parts,  one  of  which  was  known  as  Galatian 
Phrygia,  and  the  other  as  Asian  Phrygia,  because 
it  was  a  part  of  the  Rom  province  of  Asia,  but 
the  line  between  them  was  never  sharply  drawn. 
The  Asian  Phrygia  was  the  larger  of  the  two  di- 
visions, including  the  greater  part  of  the  older 
country;  Galatian  Phrygia  was  small,  extending 
along  the  Pisidian  Mountains,  but  among  its  im- 
portant cities  were  Antioch,  Iconium  and  ApoUonia. 
About  29.5  AD,  when  the  province  of  Asia  was  no 
longer  kept  together,  its  different  parts  were  known 
as  Phrygia  Prima  and  Phrygia  Secunda.  That  part 
of  Asia  Minor  is  now  ruled  by  a  Turkish  wali  or 
governor  whose  residence  is  in  Konia,  the  ancient 
Iconium.  The  population  consists  not  only  of 
Turks,  but  of  Greeks,  Armenians,  Jews,  Kurds  and 
many  small  tribes  of  uncertain  ancestry,  and  of 
peculiar  customs  and  religious  practices.  The 
people  live  mostly  in  small  villages  which  are  scat- 
tered throughout  the  picturesque  country.  Sheep 
and  goat  raising  are  the  leading  industries;  brigand- 
age is  common.  According  to  Acts  2  10,  Jews 
from  Phrygia  went  to  Jerus,  and  in  Acts  18  23  we 
learn  tliat  many  of  them  were  influential  and  per- 
haps fanatical.  According  to  Acts  16  6,  Paul 
traversed  the  country  while  on  his  way  from  Lystra 
to    Iconium    and    Antioch    in    Galatian    Phrygia. 


Twice  he  entered  Phrygia  in  Asia,  but  on  his  2d 
journey  he  was  forbidden  to  preach  there.  Chris- 
tianity was  introduced  into  Phrygia  by  Paul  and 
Barnabas,  as  we  learn  from  Acts  13  4;  16  1-6; 
18  23,  yet  it  did  not  spread  there  rapidly.  Churches 
were  later  founded,  perhaps  by  Timothy  or  by  John, 
at  Colossae,  Laodicea  and  Hierapolis. 

E.  J.  Banks 
PHURAH,  fu'ra   (mS,  purah,  "branch").     See 

PURAH. 

PHUT,  fut  (13^3,  put).     See  Put. 
PHUVAH,  fu'va.     SeePuAH. 

PHYGELUS,  fi-je'lus  (*vv£\\os,  PhiXgellos; 
Tischendorf  and  WH,  with  others,  read  ^iytkos, 
Phugelos,  Phygellus  or  Phygelus  [2  Tim  1  15];  AV 
Phygellus,  fi-jel'us):  One  of  the  Christians  who  de- 
serted Paul  at  the  time  of  his  2d  imprisonment  at 
Rome.  Paul  mentions  him,  along  with  Hermogenes, 
as  being  among  those  "that  are  in  Asia,"  who 
turned  away  from  him  then.  What  is  meant  may 
be  that  Phygelus  and  Hermogenes,  along  with 
other  native  Christians  from  proconsular  Asia,  were 
in  Rome  when  he  was  brought  before  the  emperor's 
tribunal  the  second  time,  and  that  they  had  not 
merely  taken  no  measures  to  stand  by  and  support 
him,  but  that  they  had  deserted  him. 

The  meaning,  however,  may  be  that  the  turning 
away  of  Phygelus  and  Hermogenes  from  Paul  took 
place,  not  in  Rome,  but  in  Asia  itself. 

The  times  during  and  immediately  following  the 
Nerouic  persecution  were  more  dreadful  than  can  easily 
be  conceived,  and  the  temptation  was  strong  to  forsake 
the  Christian  name,  and  to  do  so  in  a  wholesale  fashion. 
A  great  community  like  the  Christian  church  in  Ephesus 
or  in  Rome  felt  the  terrible  pressure  of  those  times, 
when  for  a  mere  word — a  word,  however,  denying  the 
Lord  who  bought  them — men  were  at  once  set  free  from 
persecution,  from  the  loss  of  property  or  of  home,  and 
from  death.  1  Pet  records  how  the  aftermath  of  the 
Neronic  persecution  had  extended  far  indeed  from  Rome, 
where  it  had  originated.  Peter  asks  the  Christians  not 
to  give  way  under  "the  flery  trial"  which  is  trying  them 
(1  Pet  4  12),  and  those  whom  ho  thus  addresses  were 
the  members  of  the  church  throughout  Pontus.  Galatia, 
Cappadocia,  Asia  and  Bithynia  (1  Pet  1  1).  The  epp. 
to  the  seven  churches  in  Asia  in  the  Apocalypse  also  show 
how  sorely  persecution  had  raged  tliroughout  that 
province.     See  Persecution. 

But  in  addition  to  the  temptation  to  deny  Christ's 
name  and  to  go  back  to  heathenism  or  to  Judaism,  there 
was  also  another  which  pressed  upon  some  of  the 
churches,  the  temptation  to  repudiate  the  authority  of 
Paul.  Many  passages  in  the  NT  show  how  the  name  of 
Paul  was  sometimes  very  lightly  esteemed,  and  how  his 
authority  was  repudiated,  e.g.  by  persons  in  Corinth,  and 
in  the  churches  of  Galatia. 

What  is  said  here  is,  that  among  the  Christians 
of  proconsular  Asia,  i.e.  of  Ephesus  and  the  churches 
in  the  valley  of  the  Cayster,  there  was  a  widespread 
defection  from  that  loyalty  to  Paul  which  was  to 
be  expected  from  those  who  owed  to  him  all  that 
they  possessed  of  the  knowledge  of  Christ's  salva- 
tion. "All  that  are  in  Asia  turned  away  from  me; 
of  whom  are  Phygelus  and  Hermogenes."  On  the 
whole,  all  the  necessary  conditions  of  these  words 
are  satisfied  by  a  reference  to  Rome  and  to  Paul's 
environment  there,  and  perhaps  this  is  the  more 
probable  meaning.     See  Hermogenes. 

John  Rutherfurd 

PHYLACTERY,  fi-lak'ter-i  (<j>v\aKT<ipiov,  phu- 
lakttrion,  "guard") :  This  word  is  found  only  in  Mt 
23  .5  in  Our  Lord's  denunciation  of  the 
1.  Bible  Pharisees,  who,  in  order  that  their 
References  works  might  "be  seen  of  men,"  and 
in  their  zeal  for  the  forms  of  religion, 
"make  broad  their  phylacteries  and  enlarge  the 
borders  of  their  garments."  The  corresponding 
word  in  the  OT,  nbuiu ,  toiaphoth  (Kennedy  in 
HDB  suggests  pointing  as  the  segholate  fem.  sing., 


2393 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Phoros 
Physician 


(otepheth),  is  found  in  three  passages  (Ex  13  16; 
Dt  6  8;  11  18),  where  it  is  tr''  "frontlets."  This 
rendering,  however,  is  not  at  all  certain,  and  may 
have  been  read  into  the  text  from  its  later  interpre- 
tatioii.  In  Ex  13  9  the  corresponding  word  to 
the  totdphoth  of  ver  16  is  zikkarun,  "memorial"  or 
"reminder";  and  in  the  |1  clauses  of  both  verses 
the  corresponding  word  is  'olh,  "a  sign"  upon  the 
hand,  also  used  for  the  "sign"  which  Jeh  appointed 
for  Cain  (Gen  4  15).  It  may  be  rendered  then  as 
a  mark  or  ornament  or  jewel,  and  used  figura- 
tively of  Jeh's  Law  as  an  ornament  or  jewel  to  the 
forehead  of  the  Israelite,  a  reference  to  the  charm 
or  amulet  worn  by  the  pagan.  The  word  used  in 
the  Talm  for  the  phylactery  is  MbSH ,  t'phillah, 
"prayer,"  or  "prayer-band"  (pi.  fphillin),  indi- 
cating its  use  theoretically  as  a  reminder  of  the  Law, 
although  practically  it  might  be  esteemed  as  an 
automatic  and  ever-present  charm  against  evil;  an 
aid  within  toward  the  keeping  of  the  Law,  a  guard 
without  against  the  approach  of  evil;  a  degradation 
of  an  OT  figurative  and  idealistic  phrase  to  the  ma- 
terialistic and  superstitious  practices  of  the  pagans. 
The  phylactery  was  a  leathern  box,  cube  shaped, 
closed  with  an  attached  flap  and  bound  to  the  person 

by  a  leather  band.  There  were  two 
2.  De-  kinds:     (1)   one  to  be  bound  to  the 

scription         inner  side  of  the  left  arm,  and  near 

the  elbow,  so  that  with  the  bending 
of  the  arm  it  would  rest  over  the  heart,  the  knot 


Phylacteries  for  Head  and  Arm. 

fastening  it  to  the  arm  being  in  the  form  of  the  letter 
yodh  (^)  ,  and  the  end  of  the  string,  or  band,  finally 
wound  around  the  middle  finger  of  the  hand,  "a  sign 
upon  thy  hand"  (Dt  6  8).  This  box  had  one  com- 
partment containing  one  or  all  of  the  four  passages 
given  above.  The  writer  in  his  youth  found  one  of 
these  in  a  comparatively  remote  locality,  evidently 
lost  by  a  Jewish  peddler,  which  contained  only  the 
2d  text  (Ex  13  11-16)  in  unpointed  Heb.  (2) 
Another  was  to  be  bound  in  the  center  of  the  fore- 
head, "between  thine  eyes"  (Dt  6  8),  theknot  of 
the  band  being  in  the  form  of  the  letter  dalclh  {1), 
with  the  letter  shin  (125)  upon  each  end  of  the  box, 
which  was  divided  into  four  compartments  with  one 
of  the  four  passages  in  each.  These  two  Heb  letters, 
with  the  "i  of  the  arm-phylactery  (see  [1]  above), 
formed  the  Divine  name  ■^'llp ,  shadday,  "Almighty." 
Quite  elaborate  ceremonial  accompanied  the  "lay- 
ing" on  of  the  phylacteries,  that  of  the  arm  being 
bound  on  first,  and  that  of  the  head  next,  quotations 
from  Scripture  or  Talm  being  repeated  at  each  stage 
of  the  binding.  They  were  to  be  worn  by  every  male 
over  13  years  old  at  the  time  of  morning  prayer, 
except  on  Sabbaths  and  festal  days,  such  days  bemg 
in  themselves  sufficient  reminders  of  "the  command- 
ment, the  statutes,  and  the  ordinances"  of  Jeh  (Dt 
6  1). 

The  passages  on  which  the  wearing  of  the  phy- 
lacteries is  based  are  as  follows:  "It  [i.e.  the  feast 
of  unleavened  bread]  shall  be  for  a  sign  unto  thee 
upon  thy  hand,  and  for  a  memorial  between  thine  I 


eyes,  that  the  law  of  Jeh  may  be  in  thy  mouth" 
(Ex  13  9);    "And  it  [i.e.  sacrifice  of  the  firstborn] 

shall  be  for  a  sign  upon  thy  hand,  and 
3.  Interpre-  for  frontlets  between  thine  eyes"  (13 
tation  of  OT  16);  "thou  shalt  bind  them  [i.e.  the 
Passages       words    of    Jeh]    for  a   sign  upon  thy 

hand,  and  they  shall  be  for  frontlets 
between  thine  eyes"  (Dt  6  8);  "therefore  shall 
ye  lay  up  these  my  words  in  your  heart  and  in 
your  soul;  and  ye  shall  bind  them  for  a  sign 
upon  your  hand,  and  they  shall  be  for  frontlets 
between  your  eyes"  (11  18).  It  is  evident  that 
the  words  in  Ex  are  beyond  all  question  used 
figuratively;  a  careful  reading  of  the  verses  in 
Dt  in  close  relation  to  their  contexts,  in  which  are 
other  figures  of  speech  not  to  be  taken  literally,  is 
sufficient  proof  of  their  purely  figurative  intention 
also.  Only  the  formalism  of  later  ages  could  distort 
these  figures  into  the  gross  and  materialistic  prac- 
tice of  the  phylactery.  Just  when  this  practice 
began  cannot  accurately  be  determined.  While 
the  Talm  attempts  to  trace  it  back  to  the  primitive, 
even  Mosaic,  times,  it  probably  did  not  long  ante- 
date the  birth  of  Christ.  In  conservative  Jewish 
circles  it  has  been  maintained  through  the  centuries, 
and  at  present  is  faithfully  followed  by  orthodox 
Judaism.  Every  male,  who  at  the  age  of  13  be- 
comes a  "son  of  the  Law"  (bar  mir^wah),  must  wear 
the  phylactery  and  perform  the  accompanying 
ceremonial. 

In  the  NT  passage  (Mt  23  5)  Our  Lord  rebukes 
the  Pharisees,  who  make  more  pronounced  the  un- 
Scriptural  formaUsm  and  the  crude  literalism  of  the 
phylacteries  by  making  them  obtrusively  large, 
as  they  also  seek  notoriety  for  their  religiosity  Ly 
the  enlarged  fringes,  or  "borders."  See  Fringes; 
Frontlets;  Pharisees. 

Literature. — The  various  comms.  on  Ex  and  Dt; 
tractate  T<'phillin;  the  comprehensive  art.  by  A.  R.  S. 
Kennedy  in  HDB;  arts,  in  EB  and  Jeiv  Enc. 

Edward  Mack 

PHYLARCH,  fi'lark  (<f>u\apxT)S,  phuUrches): 
Given  in  AV  of  2  Mace  8  32  as  a  proper  name 
"Philarches,"  but  in  RV  "the  phylarch  of  Timo- 
theus's  forces";  "probably  the  captain  of  an  irregu- 
lar auxiliary  force"  (RVm),  rather  than  a  cavalry 
officer. 

PHYLARCHES,  fi-Iar'kez  (AV  Philarches).  See 
Phylarch. 

PHYSICIAN,  fi-zish'an  (XSl,  rophi' ;  tarpos, 
iatrds) :  To  the  pious  Jew  at  all  times  God  was  the 
healer  (Dt  32  39):  "It  was  neither  herb  nor  molli- 
fying plaister  that  cured  them,  but  thy  word,  O 
Lord,  which  healeth  all  things"  (Wisd  16  12).  The 
first  physicians  mentioned  in  Scripture  are  those  of 
Egypt.  Long  before  the  sojourn  of  the  Hebrews 
in  that  land,  Egypt  had  a  priestly  class  of  physicians 
(snu)  and  a  god  of  healing  (Imhtp).  From  the 
ancient  medical  papyri  which  have  been  preserved, 
the  largest  of  which  is  the  Papyrus  Ebers,  we  know 
that  the  medical  knowledge  of  these  physicians  was 
purely  empirical,  largely  magical  and  wholly  un- 
scientific. In  spite  of  their  ample  opportunities 
they  knew  next  to  nothing  of  human  anatomy, 
their  descriptions  of  diseases  are  hopelessly  crude, 
and  three-fourths  of  the  hundreds  of  prescTiptions 
in  the  papyri  are  wholly  inert.  Even  their  art  of 
embalming  was  so  imperfect  that  few  of  their  mum- 
mies would  have  remained  in  any  other  climate 
than  that  of  Egypt.  Physicians  of  this  kind  who 
were  Joseph's  servants  embalmed  Jacob  (Gen  50 
2)  and  Joseph  (ver  26).  It  was  not  until  the  founda- 
tion of  the  School  of  Alexandria,  which  was  purely 
Greek,  that  Egypt  became  a  place  of  medical  edu- 
cation and  research. 


Physician 
Pigeon 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2394 


There  is  no  evidence  that  at  any  time  the  priests 
of  Israel  were  reputed  to  be  the  possessors  of  medi- 
cal knowledge  or  tradition.  In  the  ceremonial  law 
they  had  explicit  instructions  as  to  the  isolation  of 
those  suffering  from  skin  eruptions,  so  that  they 
might  recognize  certain  obstinate  and  infectious 
forms  which  caused  ceremonial  uncleanness,  but 
with  this  duty  as  sanitary  police  their  function  ended, 
and  they  used  no  means  to  cure  these  diseases. 
There  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  no  record  or  tradition  of 
a  priest-physician  in  Bible  times.  The  records  of 
cure  by  the  prophets,  esp.  Elisha,  are  mostly  re- 
corded as  miracles,  not  as  cures  by  treatment. 
The  salt  which  cured  the  noxious  water  at  Jericho 
and  the  meal  by  which  the  poisonous  gourds  were 
rendered  innoxious,  like  the  manipulation  of  the 
Shunammite's  son,  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  ade- 
quate remedies.  There  is  an  implied  reference  to  a 
healer  of  wounds  in  Ex  21  19,  as  also  in  Isa  3  7, 
and  it  is  recorded  in  P'^ahlm,  iv.9  that  there  was 
in  existence  in  the  time  of  the  monarchy  a  book  of 
cures,  sepher  r'phu'dth,  supposed  to  have  been 
written  by  Solomon,  but  withdrawn  from  public 
use  by  Hezekiah.  The  first  specific  mention  of  Heb 
physicians  is  2  Ch  16  12,  but  Asa  is  obviously  re- 
garded by  the  Chronicler  as  reprehensible  in  trust- 
ing to  their  skill.  In  2  K  8  29  Joram,  king  of 
Israel,  is  said  to  have  gone  to  Jezreel  to  be  healed. 
Not  far  from  this,  across  the  Jordan,  was  Gilead, 
which  possibly  may  also  have  been  a  place  resorted 
to  by  those  needing  medical  treatment,  as  indicated 
by  Jeremiah's  query:  "Is  there  no  balm  in  Gilead? 
is  there  no  physician  there?"  (Jer  8  22).  Job, 
irritated  by  the  platitudes  of  his  friends,  calls  them 
physicians  of  no  value  (13  4). 

In  the  NT  Our  Lord's  saying,  "They  that  are 
whole  have  no  need  of  a  physician,"  etc,  shows  that 
there  were  physicians  in  Galilee  (Mt  9  12;  Mk  2 
17;  Lk  5  31),  and  in  Nazareth  He  quotes  what 
seems  to  have  been  a  proverb:  "Physician,  heal  thy- 
self" (Lk  4  23).  There  were  physicians  in  Galilee 
who  received  fees  from  the  woman  of  Caesarea 
Philippi  who  had  the  issue  of  blood  (Mk  5  26;  Lk 
8  43).  Of  her  there  is  a  curious  story  told  in  Euse- 
bius  (VII,  18). 

There  are  several  Talmudic  references  to  physi- 
cians; in  Sh'kdllm  5  1,  it  is  said  that  there  was  a 
physician  at  the  temple  to  attend  to  the  priests. 
A  physician  was  appointed  in  every  city  {Oittin 
126)  who  was  required  to  have  a  license  from  the 
local  authorities  (Babhd'  Balhra'  21ct).  The  familiar 
passage  in  Ecclus  38  1-15  RV  in  praise  of  the 
physician  gives  him  but  limited  credit  for  his 
skill:  "There  is  a  time  when  in  their  very  hands 
is  the  issue  for  good,"  and  later,  "He  that  sinneth 
before  his  Maker,  Let  him  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
physician." 

Luke,  called  "the  beloved  physician"  in  Col  4 
14,  is  said  by  Eusebius  to  have  been  a  native  of 
Antioch  and  a  physician  by  profession.  According 
to  Origen  he  was  the  unnamed  "brother  whose 
praise  in  the  gospel  is  spread  through  all  the 
churches"  (2  Cor  8  IS).  There  are  evidences  of 
his  professional  studies  in  the  language  of  his  writ- 
ings, though  of  this  probably  more  has  been  made 
by  Hobart  and  others  than  it  really  merits.  Had 
we  not  known  of  his  profession  it  is  doubtful  whether 
it  could  have  been  conjectured  from  his  choice  of 
words.  Sir  W.  Ramsay  calls  attention  to  the  two 
words  used  of  the  healings  at  Melita  in  Acts  28  8-10: 
for  the  cure  of  Publius'  father  the  word  used  is 
idsato,  but  for  the  healing  of  those  who  came  later 
it  is  ethera'peuonlo,  which  he  renders  "received  medi- 
cal treatment."  From  this  he  infers  that  Luke 
helped  Paul  with  these  (Ramsay,  Luke  the  Physi- 
cian, 1908).  Alex.  Macalister 


PI-BESETH,  pl-be'seth  (nD3"iS,  pl-hheselh; 
LXX  Bu|3acrTos,  Buhdslos;  Egyp  Pi-Bdsht,  "the 
house  of  Basht,"  the  cat-headed  goddess;  the  Egyp 
form  is  usually  Ha-Bashi;  it  is  doubtful  if  the  form 
Pi-Basht  has  yet  been  found) :  A  city  of  ancient 
Egypt.  The  only  occurrence  of  the  name  of  this 
place  in  the  OT  is  in  Ezk  30  17;  where  it  is  coupled 
with  Aven,  i.e.  On  (Heliopolis). 

Pi-beseth  was  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Pelusiac 

branch  of  the  Nile,  about  40  miles  N.  of  Memphis, 

about  15  miles  N.E.  of  On.     Herod- 

1.  Location   otus  found  the  city  of  Bubastis  very 

beautiful  in  his  day.  The  annual 
festival  of  the  goddess,  Basht,  was  celebrated  here 
with  revolting  license,  similar  to  that  of  the  festival 
of  Sj^yid  el-Bedawer  now  kept  in  Tanta. 

Pi-beseth  was  explored  by  Professor  Naville  under 
the  Egyp  Exploration  Society  in  1887-90.      There 

were  uncovered  ruins  of  Eg3T3t  from 

2.  Explo-       the  IVth  Dynasty  of  the  Old  Empire, 
ration  from  the  Middle  Empire,  an  important 

Hyksos  settlement,  and  ruins  from  the 
New  Empire  down  to  the  end,  and  even  from  Rom 
times.  The  most  unique  discovery  at  Pi-beseth,  one 
of  the  most  unique  in  all  Egypt,  is  the  cemetery  of 
cats.  These  cats,  the  animal  sacred  to  Basht,  were 
mummified  at  other  places  in  Egypt,  but  at  Pi- 
beseth  they  were  burned  and  the  ashes  and  bones 
gathered  and  buried  in  great  pits  lined  with  brick 
or  hardened  clay.  Bones  of  the  ichneumon  were 
also  found  mixed  with  those  of  the  cats  in  these 
pits  {Egypt  Exploration  Fund  Report,  1891). 

M.  G.  Kyle 

PICTURE,  pik'ttlr:  This  word  (in  the  pi.)  is 
found  3  t  in  AV,  viz.  Nu  33  52;  Isa  2  16;  Prov 
25  11.  In  Nu  and  Prov  "pictures"  represents  the 
Heb  word  tT'S'lB'iQ,  masklth,  "showpiece,"  "figure." 
The  context  in  Nu  suggests  that  the  "pictures"  or 
"carved  figures"  (RV  "figured  stones")  which  the 
Israelites  were  to  destroy  were  symbols  of  Can. 
worship  and  therefore  foreign  to  the  religion  of  Jeh. 
In  Prov  for  AV  "pictures  of  silver,"  ERV  has 
"baskets  [ARV  "network"]  of  silver,"  but  a  more 
probable  tr  is  "carvings  of  silver."  "Pictures" 
stands  for  a  slightly  different  word  (but  from  the 
same  root)  in  Isa,  viz.  im^STl) ,  s'khlydth;  RV  renders 
"imagery"  (RVm  "watchtowers").  The  prophet 
probably  alludes  to  carved  figures  (of  gods  in  animal 
or  human  shapes)  on  the  prows  of  vessels. 

T.  Lewis 

PIECE,  pes:  In  AV  the  word  (sing,  and  pi.) 
represents  a  large  number  of  different  Heb  words, 
many  of  which  have  more  or  less  the  same  signifi- 
cance, e.g.  piece  of  meat  or  flesh  (Gen  15  10;  2  S 
6  19;  Ezk  24  4);  of  bread  or  cake  (1  S  2  36; 
30  12;  Jer  37  21);  of  ground  or  land  (2  S  23  11); 
of  wall  (Neh  3  11.19  ff);  of  an  ear  (Am  3  12);  of 
cloth  or  garment  (1  K  11  30);  of  millstone  (Jgs  9 
53).  It  is  u.sed  frequently  in  paraphrastic  render- 
ings of  various  Heb  vbs. :  "break,"  "tear,"  "cut," 
etc,  in  pieces  (Gen  44  28,  etc). 

In  the  NT  "piece"  renders  iirl^X-n/ia,  epiblema, 
"piece"  or  "patch  of  cloth"  (Mt  9  16;  Mk  2  21; 
Lk  5  36).  It  is  also  found  in  paraphrastic  render- 
ings— broken  in  pieces  (Mk  5  4),  pulled  in  pieces 
(Acts  23  10).  T.  Lewis 

PIECE  OF  GOLD:  The  word  "pieces"  is  supplied 
in  2  K  5  5  (story  of  Naaman),  "6,000  pieces  of 
gold,"  where  RVm  more  correctly  suggests  "shekels" 
(cf  1  K  10  16).     See  Money. 

PIECE  OF  MONEY:  Two  words  are  thus  ren- 
dered in  AV  (rrj^lCp,  k'slldh;  aTariip,  staler).  RV 
gives   only   the  first   this   rendering    (Job  42  11). 


2395 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Physician 
Pigeon 


It  is  supposed  to  be  from  Arab.  ioMS,  Ifassat,  "to 
divide  equally  by  weight,"  and  hence  something 
weighed;  a  piece  of  silver  weighed  for  money,  and 
perhaps  stamped  with  its  weight.  The  stater  is  the 
well-linown  Gr  weight  and  coin  (Mt  17  27  AV, 
m  stater,  RV  "shekel").  In  gold  it  was  equal  to 
about  a  guinea  or  five  dollars,  but  in  silver  only  to 
about  66  ots. 

PIECE  OF  SILVER:  Two  words  are  thus  ren- 
dered in  the  OT  (BOp—'SI,  raQ^e-khaseph,  and 
i^VIPR,  k'sitah)  and  two  in  the  NT  {dpyvpLov, 
argurion,  and  Spax/J.-/),  drachme).  The  first  ex- 
pression means  pieces  of  silver  broken  off  from  bars 
or  larger  pieces  (Ps  68  30).  The  second  is  used 
for  money  in  Josh  24  32,  and  is  so  rendered  in  RV. 
The  pieces  were  not  coins,  but  perhaps  bore  a  stamp. 
See  Money.  In  other  passages  of  the  OT  where 
pieces  of  silver  are  mentioned,  the  Heb  has  simply 
a  numeral  joined  with  ke^cph,  "silver,"  as  in  the 
account  of  the  selling  of  Joseph  (Gen  37  28).  In 
Isa  7  23  the  word  silverlings  means  small  pieces 
of  silver,  and  they  were  no  doubt  shekels.  In  the 
NT  the  Gr  ipyipia,  arguria  (Mt  26  L5;  27  3-9), 
is  tr"'  as  pieces  of  silver,  but  probably  means  shekels. 
In  Acts  19  19  the  same  word  occurs,  but  in  this 
case  the  reference  is  probably  to  the  denarius  or 
drachma  (cf  Lk  15  8f).  Thus  the  30  pieces  of 
Mt  would  be  equal  to  about  £4  or  $20,  and  the 
50,000  of  Acts  to  about  £2,000  or  $10,000. 

H.  Porter 

PIETY,  pi'e-ti:  Only  in  1  Tim  5  4:  "Let  them 
learn  first  to  show  piety  towards  their  own  family," 
where  "let  them  show  piety"  represents  a  single 
Gr  vb.  (eucre/3^w,  euseheo),  in  its  only  other  occur- 
rence (Acts  17  23)  being  rendered  "worship."  In 
Ehzabethan  Eng.  "piety"  (hke  the  Lat  pielas) 
could  be  used  of  devotion  to  one's  parents  (as  still 
in  the  phrase  "filial  piety"),  as  well  as  of  devotion 
to  God.  Hence  there  is  no  explicit  statement  here 
that  fiUal  devotion  is  one  form  of  Divine  worship. 

PIGEON,  pij'un  (HJT',  yonah;  irepio-Tepd,  peris- 
terd;  Lat  pipire) :  A  bird  of  the  family  Columbidae. 
See  Dove.  The  Heb  yonah  seems  to  be  tr''  either 
pigeon  or  dove,  yet  almost 
every  reference  made  to 
these  birds  proves  that 
there  were  distinct 
branches  of  the  family 
recognized,  and  one  or 
the  other  or  both  are 
designated.  On  the  other 
hand,  some  of  the  tr'  read 
doves,  where  the  remain- 
der of  the  text  makes  it 
very  clear  that  pigeons 
were  the  birds  intended. 
The  Lat  pipire  means  "to 
cheep,"  and  refers  to  the 
unusually  clamorous 
young  in  the  nest.  The  old  birds  coo,  moan  and  wail 
as  doves.  The  birds  are  almost  12  in.  long,  have  full, 
plump  bodies  that  are  delicious  food,  and  beautifully 
marked  and  shaded  plumage.  They  feed  princi- 
pally on  grain,  seeds,  small  buds  and  fruit.  Beyond 
question  wild  pigeons  were  the  first  birds  domesti- 
cated and  taught  to  home  with  man.  They  appeared 
in  a  state  of  such  complete  domestication,  that  they 
flew  free,  yet  homed  and  bred  in  places  provided  by 
man  at  the  time  of  the  very  first  attempts  at  keep- 
ing records  of  history.  At  the  time  the  earliest  Bib. 
accounts  were  written,  pigeons  were  so  domesticated 
that  in  all  known  countries  of  the  East  they  were 
reckoned  when  an  estimate  was  made  of  a  man's 
wealth. 


Pigeons. 


The  rich  provided  large  and  expensive  cotes  of 
molded  pottery  for  their  birds,  each  section  big 
enough  for  the  home  of  one  pair  of  birds,  the  regular 
rows  of  operungs  resembUng  lattice  work,  so  that 
Isaiah  refers  to  them  as  "windows"  (60  8).  LXX 
reads  <ruv  voaaoU,  sun  nossois,  lit.  "with  young"  or 
"fledglings"  (see  below).  The  middle  classes 
modeled  cotes  of  oven-baked  clay,  and  the  very 
poor  cut  holes  in  the  walls,  over  the  doors,  and 
allowed  the  birds  to  enter  and  live  with  the  family. 

In  wild  estate,  rock  and  wood  pigeons  swarmed 
in  countless  numbers  through  rocky  caves  and 
caverns  and  over  the  plains  of  Gennesaret,  the 
forests  of  Gilead  and  the  woody  slopes  of  Carmel. 
They  remained  throughout  the  season,  breeding  at 
all  times.  The  doves  were  migratory,  and  were  kept 
in  confinement  only  as  caged  pets  or  to  be  held  for 
sale  for  sacrifice.  For  these  purposes,  it  appears 
that  the  dove  was  slightly  preferred.  When  only 
one  bird  was  to  be  used,  a  dove  is  always  specified; 
where  two,  almost  in  every  case  the  dove  is  men- 
tioned first.  Where  one  or  the  other  will  suffice,  the 
dove  seems  to  have  been  given  preference.  This 
may  have  been  because  it  required  greater  effort  to 
procure  a  dove,  and  so  it  was  considered  a  greater 
sacrifice.  Everyone  having  a  home  of  any  sort  had 
pigeons  they  could  use,  or  they  could  be  taken  wild 
at  any  time.  The  dove  is  first  mentioned  in  Gen 
15  9:  "And  he  said  unto  him,  Take  me  a  heifer 
three  years  old,  and  a  she-goat  three  years  old,  and 
a  ram  three  years  old,  and  a  turtle-dove,  and  a  young 
pigeon." 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  dove  is  mentioned  first,  and  it 
is  specified  that  the  pigeon  was  to  be  young.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  people  protected  their  domesticated  pigeons 
by  using  the  wild  for  sacrifice,  whenever  possible.  Young 
birds  could  be  taken  from  a  nest  at  almost  any  time. 
The  old  birds,  among  the  wild,  were  shy  creatures  and 
far  more  difficult  to  capture  in  nets  or  snares  than  doves 
that  came  close  to  cities  and  villages  to  live,  and  exhibited 
much  less  fear  of  man  than  the  wild  pigeons.  The  next 
reference  is  in  Lev  5  7:  "  And  if  his  means  sufiice  not 
for  a  lamb,  then  he  shall  bring  his  trespass-offering  for 
that  wherein  he  hath  sinned,  two  turtle-doves,  or  two 
young  pigeons,  unto  Jeh ;  one  for  a  sin-offering,  and  the 
other  for  a  burnt-offering."  Here  two  birds  of  each 
kind  were  to  be  offered,  if  the  person  making  the  sacrifice 
could  not  afford  a  lamb.  Again  in  Lev  12  6:  "And  when 
the  days  of  her  purifying  are  fulfilled,  for  a  son,  or  for  a 
daughter,  she  shall  bring  a  lamb  a  year  old  for  a  biu-nt- 
oflering,  and  a  young  pigeon,  or  a  turtle-dove,  for  a  sin- 
offering,  unto  the  door  of  the  tent  of  meeting,  unto  the 
priest."  Here  is  a  rare  instance  where  the  text  or  the 
translators  place  the  pigeon  first. 

"And  on  the  eighth  day  he  shall  bring  two  turtle- 
doves, or  two  young  pigeons,  to  the  priest,  to  the 
door  of  the  tent  of  meeting"  (Nu  6  10).  In  Cant 
2  14: 

"O  my  dove,  that  art  in  the  clefts  of  the  rock, 
In  the  covert  of  the  steep  place, 
Let  me  see  thy  countenance. 
Let  me  hear  thy  voice ; 

For  sweet  is  thy  voice,  and  thy  countenance  is 
comely." 

Here  the  text  reads  "dove,"  but  the  description  of 
the  location  and  the  implication  of  the  text  prove 
the  bird  to  have  been  a  rock  pigeon — a  tender, 
loving  thing,  yet  shy  and  timid,  that  peeps  with 
eyes  of  bright  concern  over  the  rocks  of  its  chosen 
home,  down  at  the  intruder.  Isa  60  8:  "Who  are 
these  that  fly  as  a  cloud,  and  as  the  doves  to  their 
windows?"  Here  is  another  place  where  the  wrong 
bird  is  used.  Doves  were  wild  and  migratory.  They 
had  no  "windows."  But  the  tile  pots  massed  in 
one  diamond-shaped  cote  appeared  at  a  little  dis- 
tance, like  latticed  windows.  This  should  read 
"pigeons"  instead  of  "doves."  For  the  same 
reason  see  Jer  48  28:  "O  ye  inhabitants  of  Moab, 
leave  the  cities  and  dwell  in  the  rock;  and  be  like 
the  dove  that  maketh  her  nest  over  the  mouth  of 
the  abyss."  Again  the  bird  intended  is  the  rock 
pigeon.     Lk  2  24:    "A  sacrifice  according  to  that 


Pi-Hahiroth 
PUate,  Pontius 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2396 


which  is  said  in  the  law  of  the  Lord,  A  pair  of 
turtledoves,  or  two  young  pigeons."  This  describes 
the  sacrifice  offered  in  the  temple  by  Mary  following 
the  birth  of  Jesus.  Gene  Stratton-Pohter 

PI-HAHIROTH,  pi-ha-hi'roth  (nilinn  ''$ ,  ■pi- 

ha-hiroth   [Ex  14  2-9;     Nu  33  7-8]):     Nothing  is 

known  of  the  meaning  of  the  name 

1.  Meaning  Pi-H.  Some  attempts  toward  an 
of  Name        Egyp    etymology    for    it    have    been 

made,  but  without  much  success. 
Since  the  meaning  of  the  name  is  unknown  and  no 
description  of  the  place  or  its  use  is  given,  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine  anything  concerning  the  char- 
acter of  Pi-H.,  whether  a  city,  a  sanctuary,  a  for- 
tress, or  some  natural  feature  of  the  landscape. 

Neither  Pi-H.   nor  any  other  place  mentioned 
with  it  can  be  exactly  located.     A  recent  discovery 

of  manuscripts  in  Egypt  furnishes  a 

2.  Location  mention    of    this   place,    but    affords 

very  little  assistance  in  locating  it, 
nothing  comparable  to  the  account  in  the  Bible 
itself.  If  any  one  of  the  places  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  crossing  of  the  Red  Sea  could  be 
located  approximately,  all  the  others  could,  also, 
be  similarly  located  by  the  description  given  in  the 
account  in  Ex.  The  route  beyond  the  Sea  has 
been  made  out  with  almost  positive  certainty.  A 
journey  along  the  way  is  so  convincing  that  hardly 
anything  can  shake  the  conviction  which  it  produces. 
This  identification  of  the  route  of  the  exodus  beyond 
the  Sea  requires  the  place  of  the  crossing  to  be  within 
3  days'  journey  of  Marah,  which  puts  it  somewhere 
near  the  modern  Suez.  It  may  be  anywhere  within 
10  mUes  of  that  point.  This  approximately  locates 
aU  the  other  places  mentioned  in  connection  with 
the  crossing:  Migdol  must  be  Ras  'Alakah,  or  some 
other  high  point  in  the  mountains  of  the  western 
deserts,  where  might  be  placed  a  watch  tower.  Pi-H. 
is  between  this  point  and  the  Sea  and  Baal-zephon 
near  the  opposite  eastern  shore.  This  puts  Pi-H.  at 
some  point  along  the  old  shore  line  of  the  Sea  with- 
in 10  miles  of  the  site  of  modern  Suez. 

M.  G.  Kyle 
PILATE,  ACTS  OF.     See  following  art.,  4,  and 
Apocryphal  Gospels. 

PILATE,  pi'lat,  pi'Iat,  PONTIUS,  pon'shi-us 
(HovTios  iteiXdros,  Pontios  Peildtos): 

1.  Name  and  Office 

2.  Pilate's  Procuratorship 

3.  Pilate  and  .Jesus  Christ 

4.  Pilate  in  Tradition  and  Legend 

5.  Character  of  Pilate 
Literature 

The  nomen  Pontius  indicates  the  stock  from  which 
Pilate  was  descended.     It   was   one   of  the   most 

famous  of  Samnite  names;  it  was  a 
1.  Name  Pontius  who  inflicted  on  a  Rom  army 
and  Office     the   disgrace   of   the   Caudine   Forks. 

The  name  is  often  met  with  in  Rom 
history  after  the  Samnites  were  conquered  and  ab- 
sorbed. Lucius  Pontius  Aquila  was  a  friend  of 
Cicero  and  one  of  the  assassins  of  Juhus  Caesar. 
The  cognomen  Pilatus  indicates  the  familia,  or 
branch  of  the  gens  Pontius,  to  which  Pilate  be- 
longed. It  has  been  derived  from  pileus,  the  cap 
worn  by  freedmen;  this  is  improbable,  as  Pilate 
was  of  equestrian  rank.  It  has  also  been  derived 
from  pilum,  a  spear.  Probably  the  name  was  one 
that  had  descended  to  Pilate  from  his  ancestors, 
and  had  long  lost  its  meaning.  The  praenomen  is 
nowhere  mentioned.  Pilate  was  5th  procurator 
of  Judaea.  The  province  of  Judaea  had  formerly 
been  the  kingdom  of  Archelaus,  and  was  formed 
when  he  was  deposed  (6  AD).  Speaking  roughly, 
it  took  in  the  southern  half  of  Pal,  including  Sa- 


maria. Being  an  imperial  province  (i.e.  under  the 
direct  control  of  the  emperor),  it  was  governed  by 
a  procurator  (see  Procurator;  Province).  The 
procurator  was  the  personal  servant  of  the  emperor, 
directly  responsible  to  him,  and  was  primarily  con- 
cerned with  finance.  But  the  powers  of  procura- 
tors varied  according  to  the  appointment  of  the 
emperor.  Pilate  was  a  procurator  cum  polestate, 
i.e.  he  possessed  civil,  military,  and  criminal  juris- 
diction. The  procurator  of  Judaea  was  in  some  way 
subordinate  to  the  legate  of  Syria,  but  the  exact 
character  of  the  subordination  is  not  known.  As 
a  rule  a  procurator  must  be  of  equestrian  rank  and 
a  man  of  certain  military  experience.  LTnder  his 
rule,  the  Jews  were  allowed  as  much  self-govern- 
ment as  was  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of 
imperial  authority.  The  Sanhedrin  was  allowed 
to  exercise  judicial  functions,  but  if  they  desired  to 
inflict  the  penalty  of  death,  the  sentence  had  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  procurator. 

We  have  no  certain  knowledge  of  Pilate  except 
in  connection  with  his  time  of  rule  in  Judaea.  We 
know  nothing  of  his  birth,  his  origin,  or 
2.  Pilate's  his  earher  years.  Tacitus,  when  speak- 
Procurator-  ing  of  the  cruel  punishments  inflicted 
ship  by  Nero  upon  the  Christians,  tells  us 

that  Christ,  from  whom  the  name 
"Christian"  was  derived,  was  put  to  death  when 
Tiberius  was  emperor  by  the  procurator  Pontius 
Pilate  {A7inals  xv.44).  Apart  from  this  reference 
and  what  is  told  us  in  the  NT,  all  our  knowledge  of 
him  is  derived  from  two  Jewish  writers,  Jos  the  his- 
torian and  Philo  of  Alexandria. 

Pilate  was  procurator  of  Judaea,  in  succession 
to  Gratus,  and  he  held  office  for  10  years.  Jos  tells 
{Ant,  XVIII,  iv,  2)  that  he  ruled  for  10  years;  that 
he  was  removed  from  office  by  Vitellius,  the  legate 
of  Syria,  and  traveled  in  haste  to  Rome  to  defend 
himself  before  Tiberius  against  certain  complaints. 
Before  he  reached  Rome  the  emperor  had  passed 
away.  Jos  adds  that  Vitellius  came  in  the  year  36 
AD  to  Judaea  to  be  present  at  Jerus  at  the  time  of 
the  Passover.  It  has  been  assumed  by  most 
authorities  (so  HDB  and  EB)  that  Pilate  had  de- 
parted before  this  visit  of  Vitellius.  They  accord- 
ingly date  the  procuratorship  of  Pilate  as  lasting 
from  26  to  36  AD.  As  against  this  view,  von  Dob- 
schiitz  points  out  (RE  s.v.  "Pilate")  that  by  this 
reckoning  Pilate  must  have  taken  at  least  a  year 
to  get  to  Rome;  for  Tiberius  died  on  March  16, 
37  AD.  Such  delay  is  inconceivable  in  view  of  the 
circumstances;  hence  von  Dobschtltz  rightly  dates 
the  period  of  his  procuratorship  27-37  AD.  The 
procurator  of  Judaea  had  no  easy  task,  nor  did  Pilate 
make  the  task  easier  by  his  actions.  He  was  not 
careful  to  conciliate  the  religious  prejudices  of  the 
Jews,  and  at  times  this  attitude  of  his  led  to  violent 
collisions  between  ruler  and  ruled. 

On  one  occasion,  when  the  soldiers  under  his  command 
came  to  Jerus,  he  caused  them  to  bring  with  them  their 
ensigns,  upon  which  were  the  usual  images  of  the  em- 

Eeror.  The  ensigns  were  brought  in  privily  by  night, 
ut  their  presence  was  soon  discovered.  Immediately 
multitudes  of  excited  Jews  hastened  to  Caesarea  to  peti- 
tion him  for  the  removal  of  the  obnoxious  ensigns.  For 
five  days  he  refused  to  hear  them,  but  on  the  sixth  he 
took  his  place  on  the  judgment  seat,  and  when  the  Jews 
were  admitted  he  had  them  surrounded  with  soldiers 
and  threatened  them  with  instant  death  unless  they 
ceased  to  trouble  him  with  the  matter.  The  Jews  there- 
tipon  flung  themselves  on  the  ground  and  bared  their 
necks,  declaring  that  they  preferred  death  to  the  vio- 
lation of  their  laws.  Pilate,  imwilling  to  slay  so  manv. 
yielded  the  point  and  removed  the  ensigns  (Jos,  Ant, 
XVIII,  iii,  1;    BJ,  II,  ix,  2.  3). 

At  another  time  he  used  the  sacred  treasure  of  the 
temple,  called  corban  (korbdn),  to  pay  for  bringing  water 
into  Jerus  by  an  aqueduct.  A  crowd  came  together 
and  clamored  against  him;  but  he  had  caused  soldiers 
dressed  as  civilians  to  mingle  with  the  multitude,  and 
at  a  given  signal  they  feU  upon  the  rioters  and  beat  them 
so  severely  with  staves  that  the  riot  was  quelled  (Jos, 
yln(,  XVIII,  iii,  2;    BJ,  11.  ix.  4). 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pi-Hahiroth 
Pilate,  Pontius 


Philo  tells  us  {Legatio  ad  Caium,  xxxviii)  that  on  an- 
other occasion  he  dedicated  some  gilt  sliields  in  the  palace 
of  Herod  in  honor  of  the  emperor.  On  these  shields 
there  was  no  representation  of  any  forbidden  thing,  but 
simply  an  inscription  of  the  name  of  the  donor  and  of 
him  in  whose  honor  they  were  set  up.  The  Jews  peti- 
tioned him  to  have  them  removed;  when  he  refused, 
they  appealed  to  Tiberius,  who  sent  an  order  that  they 
should  be  removed  to  Caesarea. 

Of  the  incident,  mentioned  in  Lk  13  1,  of  the 
Gahleans  whose  blood  Pilate  mingled  with  their 
sacrifices,  nothing  further  is  known. 

Jos  {Ant,  XVIII,  iv,  1,  2)  gives  an  account  of  the 
incident  which  led  to  Pilate's  downfall.  A  religious 
pretender  arose  in  Samaria  who  promised  the 
Samaritans  that  if  they  would  assemble  at  Mt. 
Gerizim,  he  would  show  them  the  eacred  vessels 
which  Moses  had  hidden  there.  A  great  multitude 
assembled  in  readiness  to  ascend  the  mountain,  but 
before  they  could  accomplish  their  aim  they  were 
attacked  by  Pilate's  cavalry,  and  many  of  them  were 
slain.  The  Samaritans  thereupon  sent  an  embassy 
to  Vitellius,  the  legate  of  Syria,  to  accuse  Pilate  of 
the  murder  of  those  who  had  been  slain.  Vitellius, 
who  desired  to  stand  well  with  the  Jews,  deposed 
Pilate  from  office,  appointed  Marcellus  in  his  place, 
and  ordered  Pilate  to  go  to  Rome  and  answer  the 
charges  made  against  him  before  the  emperor. 
Pilate  set  out  for  Rome,  but,  before  he  could  reach 
it,  Tiberius  had  died;  and  it  is  probable  that,  in 
the  confusion  which  followed,  Pilate  escaped  the 
inquisition  with  which  he  was  threatened.  From 
this  point  onward  history  knows  nothing  more  of 
Pilate. 

The  shortest  and  simplest  account  of  Pilate's  deal- 
ings with  Jesus  Christ  is  given  in  the  Gospel  of  Mk. 
There  we  are  told  that  Jesus  was  de- 
3.  Pilate  livered  to  Pilate;  that  Pilate  asked 
and  Jesus  Him  if  He  was  the  king  of  the  Jews, 
Christ  receiving  an  affirmative  answer;   that, 

to  Pilate's  surprise,  Jesus  answered 
nothing  to  the  accusations  of  the  chief  priests; 
that  Pilate  tried  to  release  Jesus  according  to  an 
ancient  custom;  that  the  multitude,  in  spite  of  the 
protest  of  Pilate,  demanded  the  release  of  Barabbas, 
and  cried  out  that  Jesus  should  be  crucified;  that 
Pilate  scourged  Je.sus  and  dehvered  Him  to  be  cruci- 
fied; and  that  Jesus,  when  He  had  been  scourged 
and  mocked,  was  led  away  to  be  crucified.  Mk  tells 
further  how  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  begged  of  Pilate 
the  body  of  Jesus.  Pilate  was  surprised  that  Jesus 
died  so  quickly,  and  questioned  the  centurion  about 
it.  Pilate's  surprise  and  que.stion  are  pecuKar  to 
Mk.  Being  satisfied  on  this  point,  Pilate  granted 
the  body  to  Joseph.  Mt  adds  the  dream  and  mes- 
sage of  Pilate's  wife  (27  19) ;  it  also  tells  how  Pilate 
washed  his  hands  before  the  people,  disclaiming 
responsibility  for  the  death  of  Jesus,  and  how  the 
people  accepted  the  responsibihty  (27  24  f);  also 
how  Pilate  granted  a  guard  for  the  tomb  (27  62-66). 
Lk  alone  narrates  the  sending  of  Jesus  to  Herod 
(23  6-12),  and  reports  Pilate's  three  times  repeated 
asseveration  that  he  found  no  fault  in  Jesus  (23 
4.14,22).  Jn  gives  by  far  the  fullest  narrative, 
which  forms  a  framework  into  which  the  more 
fragmentary  accounts  of  the  Synoptics  can  be  fitted 
with  perfect  ease.  Some  critics,  holding  that  Mk 
alone  is  trustworthy,  dismiss  the  additional  inci- 
dents given  in  Mt  and  Lk  as  apologetic  amplifi- 
cations; and  many  dismiss  the  narrative  of  Jn  as 
wholly  unworthy  of  credence.  Such  theories  are 
based  on  preconceived  opinions  as  to  the  date, 
authorship  and  rehability  of  the  various  Gospels. 
The  reader  who  holds  all  the  Gospels  to  be,  in  the 
main,  authentic  and  trustworthy  narratives  will 
have  no  diffioulty  in  perceiving  that  all  four  narra- 
tives, when  taken  together,  present  a  story  con- 
sistent in  all  its  details  and  free  from  all  difficulty. 


See  Gospels.  It  should  be  noted  that  John  evi- 
dently had  special  opportunities  of  obtaining 
exacter  knowledge  than  that  possessed  by  the 
others,  as  he  was  present  at  every  stage  of  the  trial; 
and  that  his  narrative  makes  clear  what  is  obscure 
in  the  accounts  of  the  Synoptics. 

The  parts  may  be  fitted  together  thus :  Jesus  is  brought 
to  Pilate  (Mt  27  2;  Mk  15  1;  Lk  23  1;  Jn  18  28). 
Pilate  asks  for  a  specific  accusation  (.In  18  29-32). 
Pilate  enters  the  praetorium,  questions  Jesus  about  His 
alleged  kingship,  and  receives  the  answer  that  He  rules 
over  the  kingdom  of  truth,  and  over  the  hearts  of  men  who 
acknowledge  the  truth.  Pilate  asks:  "  What  is  truth  ?" 
(reported  briefly  in  Mt  27  11:  Mk  16  2;  Lk  23  3, 
and  with  more  detail  Jn  18  33-38).  Pilate  brings  Him 
forth  (tliis  is  the  only  detail  that  needs  to  be  supplied 
in  order  to  make  the  harmony  complete,  and  in  itself 
it  is  probable  enough),  and  many  accusations  are  made 
against  Him,  to  which,  to  Pilate's  surprise.  He  makes 
no  reply  (Mt  27  12-14;  Mk  15  3-5).  Pilate  affirms 
His  innocence,  but  the  charges  are  repeated  (Lk  23  4  f). 
Pilate  sends  Him  to  Herod,  who  in  mockery  clothes 
Him  in  shining  raiment,  and  sends  Him  back  (Lk  23 
6-12).  Pilate  declares  that  neither  Herod  or  himself 
can  find  any  fault  in  Him,  and  offers  to  scourge  Him  and 
let  Him  go  (Lk  23  13-16;  Jn  18  386).  Pilate  offers 
to  release  Jesus  in  accordance  with  an  ancient  custom 
(Mt  27  15-18;  Mk  15  6-10;  Jn  18  39).  Pilate's  wife 
sends  him  a  message  warning  him  not  to  harm  Jesus 
because  she  has  suffered  many  things  in  a  dream  because 
of  Him  (Mt  27  19).  The  people,  persuaded  thereto 
by  the  chief  priests  and  elders,  choose  Barabbas,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  repeated  protests  of  Pilate,  demand  that 
Jesus  shall  be  crucified  (Mt  27  20-23;  Mk  15  11-14; 
Lk  23  18-23;  Jn  18  40).  Pilate  washes  his  hands 
before  the  people,  and  they  take  the  guUt  of  the  deed 
upon  themselves  and  their  children  (Mt  27  24  f). 
Pilate  releases  Barabbas  and  orders  Jesus  to  be  scourged 
(Mt  27  26;  Mk  15  15;  Lk  23  24  f).  Jesus  is  scourged 
and  mocked,  buffeted  and  spit  upon  (Mt  27  27-31a,- 
Mk  15  16-20a,-  Jn  19  1-3).  Pilate  again  declares  the 
innocence  of  Jesus,  brings  Him  out,  and  says :  ' '  Behold 
the  man!"  The  chief  priests  and  officers  cry  out: 
"Crucify  him!"  They  accuse  Him  of  making  Himself 
the  Son  of  God.  Pilate,  becoming  more  afraid  at  this 
saying,  once  more  interviews  the  prisoner  in  the  praeto- 
rium. He  again  tries  to  release  Him,  but  is  accused 
of  treachery  to  the  emperor.  Overborne  by  this,  Pilate 
sits  on  the  judgment  seat  (see  Gabbatha),  and  says: 
' '  Behold ,  your  King ! ' '  Again  the  cry  goes  up :  "  Away  with 
him,  crucify  him!"  Pilate  says:  " Shall  I  crucify  your 
King?"  The  chief  priests  answered  with  a  final  renun- 
ciation of  all  that  God  had  given  them,  saying:  "Wehave 
no  Idng  but  Caesar"  (Jn  19  4-15).  Pilate  sentences 
Jesus  and  gives  Him  up  to  be  crucified,  and  He  is  led 
away  (Mt  27  316;  Mk  15  20b;  Lk  23  26a,-  Jn  19  16). 
Pilate  writes  a  title  for  the  cross,  and  refuses  to  alter  it 
(Jn  19  19-22).  The  Jews  ask  of  Pilate  that  the  legs 
of  the  three  who  were  crucified  might  be  broken  (Jn  19 
31).  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  begs  the  body  of  Jesus 
from  Pilate  (Mt  27  57.58<x;  Mk  15  42  f;  Lk  23  50-52; 
Jn  19  38a).  Pilate  is  surprised  that  Jesus  has  died 
so  soon,  and  questions  the  centurion  (Mk  15  44).  He 
gives  up  to  Joseph  the  body  of  Jesus  (Mt  27  586;  Mk 
15  45;  Jn  19  386).  The  chief  priests  and  the  Pharisees 
obtain  permission  from  Pilate  to  take  precautions 
against  any  theft  of  the  body  of  Jesus  (Mt  27  62-66). 

Pilate  is  mentioned  three  times  in  Acts:  in  a 
speech  of  Peter  (3  13) ,  in  a  thanksgiving  of  the  church 
(4  27),  and  in  a  speech  of  Paul  (13  28).  He  is  also 
mentioned  in  1  Tim  (6  13)  as  the  one  before  whom 
Christ  Jesus  witnessed  the  good  confession. 

Eusebius,  who  lived  in  the  4th  cent.,  tells  us 
{HE,  II)  on  the  authority  of  certain  Gr  historians 
that  Pilate  fell  into  such  calamities 
4.  Pilate  that  he  committed  suicide.  Various 
in  Tradition  apocryphal  writings  have  come  down 
and  Legend  to  us,  written  from  the  3d  to  the  5th 
cents.,  with  others  of  a  later  date,  in 
which  legendary  details  are  given  about  Pilate.  In 
all  these  a  favorable  view  is  taken  of  his  character; 
hence  the  Coptic  church  came  to  believe  that  he 
became  a  Christian,  and  enrolled  him  among  the 
number  of  its  saints.  His  wife,  to  whom  tradition 
gives  the  name  of  Claudia  Procula,  or  Procla,  is 
said  to  have  been  a  Jewish  proselyte  at  the  time  of 
the  death  of  Jesus,  and  afterward  to  have  become 
a  Christian.  Her  name  is  honored  along  with 
Pilate's  in  the  Coptic  church,  and  in  the  calendar 
of  saints  honored  by  the  Gr  church  her  name  is 
found  against  the  date  October  27. 


PMng  Skkness   ^HE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2398 


We  find  not  unkindly  references  to  Pilate  in  the  re- 
cently discovered  fragment  of  the  Gospel  of  Peter,  which 
was  composed  in  the  2d  cent.  In  the  so-called  Gospel 
of  Nicodemus.  which  belongs  to  the  4th  or  5th  cent., 
we  find  in  the  first  part,  called  the  Acts  of  Pilate,  a  long 
account  of  the  trial  of  Jesus.  It  tells  how  the  standards 
in  the  hall  of  judgment  bowed  down  before  Jesus,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  standard-bearers,  and  others 
who  attempted  it,  to  hold  them  erect.  It  tells  also  how 
many  of  those  who  had  been  healed  by  Jesus  bore  testi- 
mony to  Him  at  the  trial  (see  Apocryphal  Gospels). 
There  has  also  come  down  to  us,  in  various  forms  (e.g.  in 
the  .Acts  of  Peter  and  Paul),  a  letter,  supposed  to  be  the 
report  of  Pilate  to  Tiberius,  narrating  the  proceedings 
of  the  trial,  and  speaking  of  Jesus  in  the  highest  terms  of 
praise.  Eusebius,  when  he  mentions  this  letter,  avers 
that  Tiberius,  on  perusing  it,  was  incensed  against  the 
Jews  who  had  sought  the  death  of  Jesus  {HE,  II,  2). 
Elsewhere  {HE,  IX,  .5)  he  recounts  that  iinder  Maximin 
forged  Acts  of  Pilate,  containing  blasphemies  against 
Christ,  were  circulated  with  consent  of  the  emperor. 
None  of  these,  if  they  ever  existed,  have  come  down  to  us. 
In  the  Paradosis  Pilati  we  read  that  Caesar,  being  angry 
with  Pilate  for  what  he  had  done,  brought  him  to  Rome 
as  a  prisoner,  and  examined  him.  When  the  Cln-ist  was 
named,  all  the  gods  in  the  senate-chamber  fell  down  and 
were  broken.  Caesar  ordered  war  to  be  made  on  the 
Jews,  and  Pilate,  after  praying  to  Jesus,  was  beheaded. 
The  head  was  taken  away  by  an  angel,  and  Procla,  see- 
ing this,  died  of  joy.  Another  narrative,  of  late  date, 
recounts  that  Pilate,  at  his  trial,  wore  the  seamless  robe 
of  Jesus;  for  this  reason  Caesar,  though  filled  with  anger, 
could  not  so  much  as  say  a  harsh  word  to  Pilate;  but 
when  the  robe  was  taken  off,  he  condemned  Pilate  to 
death.  On  hearing  this,  Pilate  committed  suicide.  The 
body  was  sunk  in  the  Tiber,  but  such  storms  were  raised 
by  demons  on  account  of  this  that  it  was  taken  up  and 
Slink  in  the  Rhone  at  Vienne.  The  same  trouble  recurred 
there,  and  the  body  was  finally  buried  in  the  territory  of 
Losania  (Lausanne).  Tradition  connects  Mt.  Pilatus 
with  his  name,  although  it  is  probable  that  the  deriva- 
tion is  from  pileatus,  i.e.  the  mountain  with  a  cloud-cap. 

Philo  ( Lcgatio  ad  Caium,  xxxviii)  speaks  of  Pilate 
in  terms  of  the  severest  condemnation.     According 

to  him,  Pilate  was  a  man  of  a  very 
6.  The  inflexible  disposition,  and  very  merci- 

Character  less  as  well  as  obstinate.  Philo  calls 
of  Pilate        him  a  man  of  most  ferocious  passions, 

and  speaks  of  his  corruption,  his  acts 
of  insolence,  his  rapine,  his  habit  of  insulting  people, 
his  cruelty,  his  continual  murders  of  people  untried 
and  uncondemned,  and  his  never-ending  and  most 
grievous  inhumanity.  This  is  very  highly  colored 
and  probalily  much  exaggerated;  certainly  the 
instances  given  do  not  bear  out  this  description  of 
the  man.  Much  of  what  he  says  of  Pilate  is  in 
direct  opposition  to  what  we  learn  of  him  in  the 
Gospels.  There  he  appears  to  us  as  a  man  who,  in 
spite  of  many  undoubted  faults,  tries  hard  to  con- 
duct the  trial  with  fairness.  Pilate  had  the  ethics 
of  his  class,  and  obviously  tried  to  act  up  to  the 
standard  which  lie  had  formed.  There  was  in  him, 
however,  no  deep  moral  basis  of  character,  as  is 
shown  by  the  utter  skepticism  of  his  question, 
"What  is  truth?"  When  he  found  that  the  doing  of 
strict  .justice  threatened  to  endanger  his  position, 
he  reluctantly  and  with  a  great  deal  of  shame  gave 
way  to  the  demands  of  the  Jews.  He  sent  Jesus 
to  the  cross,  but  not  before  he  had  exhausted  every 
expedient  for  saving  Him,  except  the  simple  and 
straightforward  one  of  dismissing  the  case.  He  had 
the  haughtiness  of  the  dominant  race,  and  a  pro- 
found contempt  for  the  people  over  which  he  ruled. 
This  contempt,  as  we  have  seen,  continuahy  brought 
him  into  trouble.  He  felt  deeply  humiliated  at 
having  to  give  way  to  those  whom  he  utterly  de- 
spised, and,  in  the  manner  of  a  small  mind,  revenged 
himself  on  them  by  calling  Christ  their  king,  and 
by  refusing  to  alter  the  mocking  inscription  on  the 
cross.  It  is  certain  that  Pilate,  in  condemning 
Jesus,  acted,  and  knew  that  he  acted  against  his 
conscience.  He  knew  what  was  right,  but  for  self- 
ish and  cowardly  reasons  refused  to  do  it.  He  was 
faced  by  a  great  moral  emergency,  and  he  failed. 
We  rest  on  the  judgment  of  Our  Lord,  that  he  was 
guilty,  but  not  so  guilty  as  the  leaders  of  the  chosen 
people. 


Literature. — The  Gospels;  Philo,  Legaiio  ad  Caium; 
Jos,  Ant  and  BJ;  the  Annals  of  Tacitus;  Eusebius, 
HE;  Walker,  Apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Revelations 
in  the  "Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library,"  and  for  the 
Gospel  according  to  Peter,  vol  IX  of  the  same  series.  Orr, 
NT  Apocryphal  Writings  ("Temple  Bible  Series") ,  gives  the 
text  of  the  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  and  the  Gospel  of  Peter. 

There  is  a  great  mass  of  literature  on  the  subject,  but 
there  is  no  Eng.  monograph  on  Pontius  Pilate.  In  Ger- 
man there  is  G.  A.  JNIiiUer,  Pontius  Pilatus  der  fUnfte 
Prokurator  von  Judsa  (Stuttgart,  1888).  See  also  the 
various  articles  on  Pilate  in  books  of  reference  on  the 
NT,  notablv  RE  (von  Dobschtitz),  HDB  (G.  T.  Purves). 
DCG  (A.  Souter),  and  EB  (W.  J.  Woodhouse).  For 
the  name  of  Pilate  see  arts,  on  "Pontius  Pilatus  et  les 
Pontii"  by  Ollivier  in  Rev.  Bib, ,  vol  V.  For  the  Apocryphal 
Gospels  see  art.  on  "Gospel  of  Nicodemus"  in  HDB,  also 
art.  "Apocryphal  Gospels."  in  the  supplementary  volume 
of  HDB;  Orr.  NT  Apocryphal  Writings;  Zahn,  Geschichte 
des  NT  Kanons;  Harnack,  Altchristliche  Litteraturge- 
schichte.  For  the  trial  of  Jesus  see  Lives  of  Christ  by 
Keim,  Edersheim,  Stalker,  Andrews  and  others;  Taylor 
Innes,  Trial  of  Jesus  Christ,  a  Legal  Monograph,  1S99;  and 
for  the  historical  backgroimd,  Schlirer.  HJ P. 

J.    M.-iClRTNEY   WlLSO>f 

PILDASH,  pil'dash  (©"ibS,  piZdos/j,  "steely"): 
Nephew  of  Abram  (Gen  22  22). 

PILE,  pll  (iTinO,  m'dhurdh,  from  dur,  "heap 
up"):  Isa  30  3.3,  "The  pile  thereof  is  fire  and  much 
wood";  Ezk  24  9.10,  "I  also  will  make  the  pile 
great.  Heap  on  the  wood,  make  the  fire  hot." 
Isa  30  33  may  be  paraphrased,  'the  pyre  thereof  is 
of  much  wood,  burning  fiercely.'     See  Topheth. 

PILEHA,  pil'S-hii,  pl'l5-ha.     See  Pilha. 

PILGRIM,  pil'grim,  PILGRIMAGE,  pil'grim- 
Sj:  "Pilgrim"  in  EV  tor  wapeTrld-qfws,  parepidemos 
(He  11  13;  1  Pet  2  11).  "Pilgrimage"  for  li^H, 
vmghur  (Gen  47  9  [RVm  "sojournings"];  Ps  119 
54;  and  [AV]  Ex  6  4  [RV  "sojournings"]).  Both 
the  Heb  (see  Ger)  and  Gr  words  contain  the  idea 
of  foreign  residence,  but  it  is  the  residence  and  not 
travel  that  is  implied.  Consequently  "pilgrim"  is 
a  poor  tr,  and  "sojourner,"  "sojourning"  should 
have  been  used  throughout.  In  the  NT  passages 
heaven  is  thought  of  as  the  contrasted  permanent 
dwelling-place,  while  the  OT  usages  seem  to  be 
without  a  contrast  definitely  in  mind. 

PILHA,  pil'ha  (Snbs  ,  pilha',  "ploughman";  AV 
Pileha):  One  of  those  who  signed  Nehemiah's  cove- 
nant (Neh  10  24). 

PILL.    See  Peel. 

PILLAR,  pil'ar  (Hn^^ ,  magsebhah,  T^'B^ ,  'am- 
mudh;  o-tv\os,  stulos) :  In  a  good  many  cases  RV 
substitutes  "pillars"  for  AV  "images"  {ina(;(;ehhdlh, 
Ex  34  13;  Dt  7  5;  1  K  14  23,  etc).  In  Gen 
19  26,  where  "pillar  of  salt"  is  given,  the  word  is 
n'gibh;  in  1  S  2  8  it  is  mUguk;  while  in  most  other 
single  uses  RVm  gives  variant  renderings,  as  in  Jgs 
9  6  (musgdbh),  RVm  "garrison";  in  1  K  10  12 
(wi.s'ad/i),RVm  "  'a railing,'  Heb  'a prop'";  in  2  K 

18  16  {' om'noth) ,  RVm  "doorposts."  The  magi^e- 
bhoth  were  (1)  memorial  pillars,  as  in  the  "pillars" 
9t  Jacob  at  Bethel  (Gen  28  18.22;  cf  31  13;  35  14), 
in  covenant  with  Laban  (31  45  ff),  at  Rachel's 
grave  (35  20);  Absalom's  pillar  (2  S  18  18).  Such 
pillars  were  legitimate  (the  theory  of  a  fetishistic 
character  is  ungrounded);   it  is  predicted  in  Isa  19 

19  that  such  a  pillar  would  be  set  up  to  Jeh  at  the 
border  of  Egypt.  (2)  Idolatrous  pillars,  in  Canaan- 
itish  and  other  heathen  worships.  These  were  to  be 
ruthlessly  broken  down  (AV  "images,"  see  above; 
Ex  23  24;  34  13;  Dt  7  5,  etc;  cf  Lev  26  1). 
See  Images.  The  other  word,  ^amviudh,  is  used  of 
the  pillar  of  cloud  and  fire  (see  below) ;  of  the  pillars 
of  the  tabernacle  and  temple  (see  s.v.);  of  the  two 
pillars  Jachin  and  Boaz  (q.v.);    poetically  of  the 


2399 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Pilate,  Pontius 
Pining  Sickness 


"pillars"  of  heaven,  of  earth  (Job  9  6;  26  11;  Ps 
75  3;  99  7),  etc.  In  the  few  instances  of  the  word 
in  the  NT,  the  use  is  figurative.  James,  Cephas 
and  John  "were  reputed  to  be  pillars"  of  the  church 
at  Jerus  (Gal  2  9J;  the  church  is  "the  pillar  and 
ground  of  the  truth"  (1  Tim  3  15);  he  that  over- 
comes is  made  "a  pillar"  in  the  temple  of  God  (Rev 
3  12);  a  strong  angel  had  feet  "as  pillars  of  fire" 
(10  1). 

Pillar  of  Cloud  and  Fire:  The  visible  manifestation  of 
the  Divine  presence  in  the  journeyings  of  Israel  at  the 
time  of  the  Exodus.  Joh,  it  is  narrated,  went  before  the 
people  "  by  day  in  a  pillar  of  cloud,  to  lead  them  the  way, 

and  by  night  in  a  pillar  of  Are,  to  give  them  light 

The  pillar  of  cloud  by  day,  and  the  pillar  of  fire  by  night, 
departed  not  from  before  the  people"  (Ex  13  21.22; 
of  14  19.24;  Nu  14  14).  When  the  congregation  was 
at  rest,  the  cloud  abode  over  the  tabernacle  (Ex  40  30; 
Nu  9  17;  14  14).  When  Jeh  wished  to  communicate 
His  will  to  Moses,  the  pillar  descended  to  the  door  of  the 
Tent  of  Meeting  (Ex  33  9-11;  Nu  12  5;  Dt  31  15). 
These  descriptions  are  not  to  be  rationalistically  ex- 
plained; what  is  depicted  is  a  true  theophany.  Criti- 
cism has  sought  to  establish  discrepancies  between  the 
allusions  to  the  cloud  in  the  ,JE  and  the  P  parts  of  the 
narrative,  but  these  are  not  made  out  without  straining; 
e.g.  it  is  not  the  case  that  JE  alone  represents  Jeh  as 
speaking  with  Moses  in  the  cloud  at  the  door  of  the 
tabernacle.  The  same  representation  is  found  in  Ex 
29  42.43.  ascribed  to  P.  An  acute  discussion  of  the 
alleged  discrepancies  may  be  seen  in  H.  M.  Wiener, 
Essays  in  Peritatcuchal  Criticism,  S2fr. 

Jajies  Okb 
PILLAR  OF  SALT.     Sec  Slime;  Lot. 


PILLAR,  PLAIN  OF  THE. 

Pillar. 

PILLARS  OF  THE  EARTH. 

in,  2. 


See  Plain  of  the 


See  AfSTHONOMY, 


PILLOW,  pil'o.     See  Bolster;  Cushion. 

PILOT,  pi'lot.     See  Ships  and  Boats. 

PILTAI,  pil'ti,  pil-ta'I  (^'0^9,  piltay,  probably 
".Jeh  delivers"):  One  of  the  priests,  described  as 
"the  chiefs  of  the  fathers,"  in  the  days  of  Joiakim 
(Neh  12  17). 

PIN  (~ri^,  yalhedh,  from  yaihadh,  "to  drive  in 
a  peg"[?]);  A  cylindrical  piece  of  wood  or  metal 
(e.g.  brass,  Ex  27  19)  such  as  that  used  by  weavers 
in  beating  up  the  woof  in  the  loom  (Jgs  16  14, 
where  Delilah  fastened  Sam.son's  hair  with  the 
"pin");  or  as  a  peg  for  hanging  (Ezk  15  3;  cf  Isa 
22  23  f;  Ezr  9  8);  or  as  a  tent-pin,  such  as  those 
used  in  the  tabernacle  (Ex  27  19;  35  18;  38  20. 
31;  39  40;  Nu  3  37;  4  32;  Jgs  4  21,  where 
AV  translates  "nail,"  RV  "tent-pin";  cf  5  26,  where 
Heb  has  the  same  word,  EV  "nail").  The  tent-pin, 
like  that  of  today,  was  probably  sharpened  at  one 
end  (Jgs  4  21)  and  so  shaped  at  the  other  as  to  per- 
mit the  attaching  of  the  cords  so  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  same  connection  (Ex  35  18;  39  40; 
Nu  3  37;  4  32;  cf  Isa  33  20).  From  the  acts  of 
driving  in  the  tent-pin  {taka  )  and  pulling  it  out 
(ndsa')  are  derived  the  technical  Heb  terms  for 
pitching  a  tent  and  for  breaking  camp.  Sec  also 
Crisping  Pin  (Isa  3  22,  RV  "satchels");  Stake. 

Nathan  Isaacs 

PINE,  pin.     See  Pining  Sickness. 

PINE  TREE,  pin  tre:  (1)  "tlTZJ  7? ,  "ef  shemen,  tr'^ 
RV  "wild  olive,"  AV  "pine"  (Neh  8  15);  RV  "oil- 
tree,"  m  "oleaster"  (Isa  41  19);  "olive-wood" 
(1  K  6  23.31-33).  See  Oil  Tree.  (2)  "iniri, 
lidhhar  (Isa,  il  19,  m  "plane";  60  13);  tt^kt),  peuke, 
"fir."  Lagarde,  from  similarity  of  tidhhar  to  the 
Syr  deddar,  usually  the  "elm,"  considers  this  the  best 
tr.  Symmachus  also  tr''  tidhhar  (Isa  41  19)  by 
TTTeKia,  ptelea,  the  "elm."     The  elm,  Ulmus  campes- 


tris,  is  rare  in  Pal  and  the  Lebanon,  though  it  is 
found  today  N.  of  Aleppo.  Post  (HUB,  III,  592- 
93)  considers  that  (1)  should  be  tr""  as  "pine,"  which 
he  describes  as  a  "fat  wood  tree";  it  is  perhaps  as 
probably  a  correct  tr  for  (2),  but  great  uncertainty 
remains.     Two  species  of  pine  are  plentiful  in  the 


Piuu  Forest  at  Beirut. 

Lebanon  and  flourish  in  most  parts  of  Pal  when 
given  a  chance.  These  are  the  stone  pine,  Pinus 
pinca,  and  the  Aleppo  pine,  P.  halepensis;  all  the 
highlands  looking  toward  the  sea  are  suited  to  their 
growth.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

PINING,  pin'ing,  SICKNESS,  sik'nes:  In  the 
account  of  the  epileptic  boy  in  Mk  9  18  it  is  said 
that  "he  pineth  away."  The  vb.  used  here  (frj/iaii/w, 
xeralno)  means  "to  dry  up,"  and  is  the  same  which 
is  used  of  the  withering  of  plants,  but  seldom  used 
in  this  metaphorical  sense.  The  Eng.  word  is  from 
the  AS  pinian  and  is  often  found  in  the  Eliza- 
bethan literature,  occurring  13  t  in  Shake.speare. 
In  the  OT  it  is  found  in  Lev  26  39  {his)  and  in 
Ezk  24  23  and  33  10.  In  RV  it  replaces  "con- 
sume" in  Ezk  4  17.  In  all  the.se  passages  it  is  the 
rendering  of  the  Heb  mci-kak,  and  means  expressly 
being  wasted  on  account  of  sin.  In  Lev  26  16 
"pine  away"  is  used  in  RV  to  replace  "cause  sorrow 
of  heart,"  and  is  the  tr  of  the  Heb  dilbh;  and  in  Dt 
28  65  "sorrow  of  mind"  is  also  replaced  in  RV  by 
"pining  of  soul,"  the  word  so  rendered  being  d^'abhon, 
which  in  these  two  passages  is  expressive  of  home- 
sickness. In  Isa  24  16  the  reduplicated  exclama- 
tion, "my  leanness,"  of  AV  is  changed  into  "I  pine 
away,"  the  word  being  rdzi.  The  starving  people 
in  Lam  4  9  are  said  to  pine  away,  the  word  so  tr"" 
being  zubh.  All  these  Heb  words  have  a  general 
meaning  of  to  dry  or  to  waste  or  wear  away,  or  to 
be  exhausted  by  morbid  discharges. 

Pining  sickness  in  Isa  38  12  AV  is  a  mistrans- 
lation, the  word  so  rendered,  dalldh,  meaning  here 
the  thrum  by  which  the  web  is  tied  to  the  loom. 
The  figure  in  the  verse  is  that  Hezekiah's  life  is 
being  removed  from  the  earth  by  his  sickness  as 
the  web  is  removed  from  the  loom  by  having  the 
thrums  cut,  and  being  then  rolled  up.  Both  AVm 
and  RVm  have  the  correct  reading,  "from  the 
thrum."  LXX  has  iplSov  iyyi'^ova-qs  iKreixttv,  erithou 
eggizoi'ises  eklemein,  and  Vulg  dum  adhuc  ordirer, 
succidit  me.  The  other  reading  is  due  to  another 
interpretation  of  the  word  which  in  a  few  passages, 
as  Jer  52  15,  like  its  V  dal,  means  something  small, 
poor,  and  decaying  or  weak,  such  as  the  lean  kine 
of  Pharaoh's  dream  (Gen  41  19). 

Alex.  Macalister 


Pinion 

Pithom 


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PINION,  pin'yun  (^nX,  'ebher,  nnjS,  'ebhrSh): 
RV  has  tr"^  these  Heb  words  uniformly  by  "pinion," 
where  AV  uses  either  "wing"  or  "feathers,"  with 
which  words  they  stand  in  parallelism  in  all  passages. 
The  shorter  Heb  word  is  found  only  once,  in  Jeh's 
parable  to  Ezekiel:  "A  great  eagle  with  great  wings 
and  long  pinions  [AV  "longwinged"],  full  of  feathers, 
which  had  divers  colors,  came  unto  Lebanon,  and 
took  the  top  of  the  cedar"  (Ezk  17  3).  The  fem. 
form  i'cbhrdh)  is  used  of  the  wings  of  the  dove  (Ps 
68  13),  of  the  ostrich  (Job  39  13)  and  of  the  eagle 
(Dt  32  11).  Once  (Ps  91  4)  it  stands  in  a  figura- 
tive expression  for  the  protective  care  of  Jeh,  which 
is  bestowed  on  those  that  trust  in  Him. 

H.    L.    E.    LUERING 

PINNACLE,  pin'a-k'l  (irTtpiiYiov,  pterugio7i 
[Mt  4  5;  Lk  4  9,  RVm  "wing"]):  "The  pinnacle 
of  the  temple"  is  named  as  the  place  to  which  the 
devil  took  Jesus,  and  there  tempted  Him  to  cast 
Himself  down.  It  is  not  known  what  precise  ele- 
vated spot  is  meant,  whether  a  part  of  the  roof  of 
the  temple  itself,  or  some  high  point  in  the  adjacent 
buildings  overlooking  the  deep  ravine.  It  was  more 
probably  the  latter. 

PINON,  pi'non  (TS"'?,  plnon,  "darkness"):  One 
of  the  "chiefs  of  Edom"  (Gen  36  41;    1  Oh  1  52). 

PIPE,    pip.     See  Candlestick;   Lamp;   Music. 

PIRA,  pi'ra  (ot  Ik  Ileipds,  hoi  ek  Peirds  [1  Esd 
5  19]) :  Thought  to  be  a  repetition  of  Caphira 
(q.v.)  earlier  in  the  verse. 

PIRAM,  pi'ram  (DX")? ,  pir'am,  "indomitable"): 
King  of  Jarmuth,  one  of  the  five  Amorite  kings  who 
leagued  themselves  against  Joshua's  invasion  (Josh 
10  3  ff). 

PIRATHON,  ph-'a-thon,  PIRATHONITE,  pir'a- 
thon-it  CjinynS  ,  pir'aihon,  ■'jinS'lS ,  pir'athom;  B, 
'l>apa9M|x,  Pharathom,  A,  ^paaSuii,  Phraathom,  ^apa- 
euveiT7)s,  PharathuneUSs) :  The  home  of  Abdon  the 
son  of  Hillel  the  Pirathonite  (Jgs  12  13  ff  AV), 
where  also  he  was  buried,  "in  the  land  of  Ephraim 
in  the  mount  of  the  Amalekites."  The  latter  name 
may  have  clung  to  a  district  which  at  some  former 
time  had  been  held  by  the  Amalekites.  From  this 
town  also  came  Benaiah,  one  of  David's  chief  cap- 
tains (2  S  23  30;  1  Ch  11  31;  27  14).  It  is  prob- 
ably to  be  identified  with  Fer'aici,  about  6  miles  S.  W. 
of  Ndblus.  A  possible  rival  is  Fir'on,  1.5  miles  W. 
of  Ndblus.  G.  A.  Smith  suggests  a  position  at  the 
head  of  Wddy  Far'ah  (HGHL,  355).  Moore  thinks 
it  may  have  been  in  Benjamin,  Abdon  being  a  Ben- 
jamite  family  (1  Ch  8  23.30;  9  36).  It  is  just  pos- 
sible that  the  place  may  be  identical  with  Pharathon, 
one  of  the  towns  fortified  by  Bacchides  (1  Mace 
9  50).  W.  EwiNQ 

PISGAH,  piz'ga  (HJOSn,  ha-pi!}gah;  ia<ry6., 
Phnsgd,  to  XeXa^tuiievov,  to  lelaxeumenon,  tj  \a^- 
euTT],  he  laxeute):  This  name,  which  has  always  the 
definite  art.,  appears  only  in  combination  either 
with  rd'sh,  "head,"  "top,"  or  'ashdblh,  not  tr**  in 
AV  save  in  Dt  4  49,  where  it  is  rendered  "springs," 
RV  uniformly  "slopes,"  RVm  "springs." 

Pi-sgah  is  identified  with  Nebo  in  Dt  34  1;  cf 
3  27.  "The  top  of  Pisgah,  which  looketh  down 
upon  the  desert"  marks  a  stage  in  the  march  of  the 
host  of  Israel  (Nu  21  20).  Hither  Balak  brought 
Balaam  to  the  field  of  Zophim  (23  14).  Here 
Moses  obtained  his  view  of  the  Promised  Land,  and 
died.  See  Nebo.  Many  scholars  (e.g.  Buhl,  GAP, 
122;  Gray,  "Numbers," /CC,  291)  take  Pisgah  as  the 
name  applying  to  the  mountain  range  in  which  the 


Moab  plateau  terminates  to  the  W.,  the  "top"  or 
"head"  of  Pisgah  being  the  point  in  which  the  ridge 
running  out  westward  from  the  main  mass  cul- 
minates. The  summit  commands  a  wide  view, 
and  looks  down  upon  the  desert.  The  identifica- 
tion is  made  surer  by  the  name  TaVat  e^-Sufa 
found  here,  which  seems  to  correspond  with  the 
field  of  Zophim. 

'Ashdolh  is  the  constr.  pi.  of  'ashedhah  (sing,  form 
not  found),  from  'eshedh,  "foundation,"  "bottom," 
"lower  part"  (slope);  ci  Assyv  ishdu,  "foundation." 
Some  would  derive  it  from  Aram,  'ashadh,  "to 
pour,"  whence  "fall"  or  "slope"  (OHL,  s.v.). 
Ashdoth-pisgah  overlooked  the  Dead  Sea  from  the 
E.  (Dt  3  17;  4  49;  Josh  12  3;  13  20).  There 
can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  Ashdoth-pisgah 
signifies  the  steep  slopes  of  the  mountain  descend- 
ing into  the  contiguous  valleys. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  LXX  does  not  uniformly 
render  Pisgah  by  a  proper  name,  but  sometimes  by 
a  derivative  of  laxeuo,  "to  hew"  or  "to  dress  stone" 
(Nu  21  20;  23  14;  Dt  3  27;  4  49).  Jerome 
(Onom,  s.v.  Asedoth)  gives  abscisum  as  the  Lat  equiv- 
alent of  Fasga.  He  derives  Pisgah  from  pdsagh, 
which,  in  new  Heb,  means  "to  split,"  "to  cut  off." 
This  suggests  a  mountain  the  steep  sides  of  which 
give  it  the  appearance  of  having  been  "cut  out." 
This  description  applies  perfectly  to  Jebel  Nebd  as 
viewed  from  the  Dead  Sea.  W.  EwiNG 

PISHON,  pi'shon  (')'nB''E,  pishon;  AV  Pison, 
pi'son):  A  river  of  Eden  (q.v.),  said  to  compass 
the  whole  land  of  Havilah  where  there  is  gold, 
bdellium  and  onyx  stone  (Gen  2  11),  most  probably 
identified  with  the  Karun  River  which  comes  down 
from  the  mountains  of  Media  and  formerly  emptied 
into  the  Pers  Gulf. 

PISIDIA,  pi-sid'i-a  (tt]v  Ilio-iSCav,  ten  Pisidian 
[Acts  14  24];  in  Acts  13  14,  XABC  give  'Av- 
Ti.6x'''°-''  '''V  Hio-iStav,  Aniioeheian  tin  Pisidian, 
"the  Pisidian  Antioch,"  the  other  MSS,  'AvTiixeiav 
T-tis  Ilto-tSCas,  Aniioeheian  its  Pisidias,  "Antioch 
of  Pisidia."  The  former,  but  not  the  latter,  read- 
ing correctly  describes  the  condition  of  affairs  at 
the  time  when  St.  Paul  traveled  in  the  country;  see 
below) : 

Pisidia,  as  a  strict  geographical  term,  was  the 
name  given  to  the  huge  block  of  mountain  country 

stretching  northward  from  the  Taurus 
1.  Situation  range  where  the  latter  overlooked  the 
and  History  Pamphylian  coast  land,  to  the  valleys 

which  connected  Apamea  with  An- 
tioch, and  Antioch  with  Iconium.  It  was  bound- 
ed by  Lycia  on  the  W.,  by  the  Phrygian  country  on 
the  N.,  and  by  Isauria  on  the  E.;  but  there  is  no 
natural  boundary  between  Pisidia  and  Isauria,  and 
the  frontier  was  never  strictly  drawn.  The  name 
is  used  in  its  geographical  sense  in  the  Anabasis  of 
Xenophon,  who  informs  us  that  the  Pisidians  were 
independent  of  the  king  of  Persia  at  the  end  of  the 
5th  cent.  BC.  Alexander  the  Great  had  difficulty 
in  reducing  the  Pisidian  cities,  and  throughout 
ancient  history  we  find  the  Pisidian  mountains  de- 
scribed as  the  home  of  a  turbulent  and  warlike 
people,  given  to  robbery  and  pillage.  The  task  of 
subjugating  them  was  intrusted  by  the  Romans  to 
the  Galatian  king  Amyntas,  and,  at  his  death  in  25 
BC,  Pisidia  passed  with  the  rest  of  his  possessions 
into  the  Rorn  province  Galatia.  Augustus  now 
took  seriously  in  hand  the  pacification  of  Pisidia  and 
the  Isaurian  mountains  on  the  E.  Five  military 
colonies  were  founded  in  Pisidia  and  the  eastern 
mountains — Cremua,  Comama,  Olbasa,  Parlais 
and  Lystra — and  all  were  connected  by  military 
roads  with  the  main  garrison  city  Antioch,  which 
lay  in  Galatian  Phrygia,  near  the  northern  border  of 


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Pinion 
Pithom 


Pisidia.  An  inscription  discovered  in  1912  shows 
that  Quirinius,  who  is  mentioned  in  Lk  2  2  as  gov- 
ernor of  Syria  in  the  year  of  Christ's  birth,  was  an 
honorary  magistrate  of  the  colony  of  Antioch;  his 
connection  with  Antioch  dates  from  his  campaign 
against  the  Homonades — who  had  resisted  and 
killed  Amyntas — about  8  EC  (see  Ramsay  in  Expos, 
November,  1912,  385  ff,  406).  The  military  system 
set  up  in  Pisidia  was  based  on  that  of  Antioch,  and 
from  this  fact,  and  from  its  proximity  to  Pisidia, 
Antioch  derived  its  title  "the  Pisidian,"  which  served 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  other  cities  called  Antioch. 
It  is  by  a  mistake  arising  from  confusion  with  a  later 
political  arrangement  that  Antioch  is  designated 
"of  Pisidia"  in  the  majority  of  the  MSS. 

Pisidia  remained  part  of  the  province  Galatia 
till  74  AD,  when  the  greater  (southern)  part  of  it 
was  assigned  to  the  new  double  province  Lycia- 
Pamphylia,  and  the  cities  in  this  portion  of  Pisidia 
now  ranked  as  Pamphylian.  The  northern  part 
of  Pisidia  continued  to  belong  to  Galatia,  until,  in 
the  time  of  Diocletian,  the  southern  part  of  the 
province  Galatia  (including  the  cities  of  Antioch 
and  Iconium),  with  parts  of  Lycaonia  and  Asia, 
were  formed  into  a  province  called  Pisidia,  with 
Antioch  as  capital.  Antioch  was  now  for  the  first 
time  correctly  described  as  a  city  "of  Pisidia," 
although  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  term 
"Pisidia"  had  already  been  extended  northward 
in  popular  usage  to  include  part  at  least  of  the 
Phrygian  region  of  Galatia.  This  perhaps  explains 
the  reading  "Antioch  of  Pisidia"  in  the  Codex 
Bezae,  whose  readings  usually  reflect  the  conditions 
of  the  2d  cent,  of  our  era  in  Asia  Minor.  This  use 
of  the  term  was  of  course  political  and  adminis- 
trative; Antioch  continued  to  be  a  city  of  Phrygia 
in  the  ethnical  sense  and  a  recently  discovered  in- 
scription proves  that  the  Phrygian  language  was 
spoken  in  the  neighborhood  of  Antioch  as  late  as 
the  3d  cent,  of  our  era  (see  also  Calder  in  Journal 
of  Rom  Studies,  1912,  84). 

St.  Paul  crossed  Pisidia  on  the  journey  from  Perga 
to  Antioch  referred  to  in  Acts  13  14,  and  again  on 

the  return  journey,  Acts  14  24.  Of 
2.  St.  Paul  those  journeys  no  details  are  recorded 
in  Pisidia       in  Acts,  but  it  has  been  suggested  by 

Conybeare  and  Howson  that  the  "perils 
of  rivers"  and  "perils  of  robbers"  mentioned  by  St. 
Paul  in  2  Cor  11  26  refer  to  his  journeys  across 
Pisidia,  and  Ramsay  has  pointed  out  in  confirmation 
of  this  view  that  a  considerable  number  of  Pisidian 
inscriptions  refer  to  the  armed  policemen  and  soldiers 
who  kept  the  peace  in  this  region,  while  others  refer 
to  a  conflict  with  robbers,  or  to  an  escape  from 
drowning  in  a  river  ( The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire, 
23  f ;  cf  Journal  of  Rom  Studies,  1912,  82  f).  Adada, 
a  city  on  St.  Paul's  route  from  Perga  to  Antioch,  is 
called  by  the  Turks  Kara  Baulo;  "Baulo"  ia  the 
Turkish  pronunciation  of  "Paulos,"  and  the  name 
is  doubtless  reminiscent  of  an  early  tradition  con- 
necting the  city  with  St.  Paul.  Pisidia  had  remained 
unaffected  by  Hellenic  civilization,  and  the  Rom 
occupation  at  the  time  of  St.  Paul  was  purely 
military.  It  is  therefore  unlikely  that  St.  Paul 
preached  in  Pisidia.  Except  on  the  extreme  N.W., 
none  of  the  Christian  inscriptions  of  Pisidia— in 
glaring  contrast  with  those  of  Phrygia — date  before 
the  legal  recognition  of  Christianity  under  Con- 
stantine. 

LiTEBATTJHE. — MurTay,  Handbook  of  Asia  Minor, 
150  fl-  Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire,  18  fl; 
LanckoronsW,  Stadte  Pamphyliens  und  Pisidiens;  Ster- 
rett  Spigraphical  Journey  and  Wolfe  Expedition.  A 
few  inscriptions  containing  Pisidian  names  with  native 
inflections  have  been  pubhshed  by  Ramsay  in  Revue  des 
universitcs  du  midi,  189.5,  353  ff. 

W.  M.  Calder 
PISON,  pi'son.     See  Pishon. 


PISPA,  iiis'pa  (XBDS ,  pispa',  "dispersion,"  AV 
Pispah):  A  son  of  Jethcr,  an  Asheritc  (1  Ch  7  38). 

PIT:  The  word  translates  different  Heb  words 
of  which  the  mo.st  important  are:  (1)  "1"!^,  hor, 
"pit"  or  "cistern,"  made  by  digging  (Gen  3'r20); 
hence  "dungeon"  (.Jer  38  6,  m  "pit");  (2)  HS? , 
fi^'er,  "pit"  or  "well"  made  by  digging  (Gen  21  2.5); 
(3)  3i5Tp ,  sh'''ol,  generally  rendered  "hell"  in  AV  (see 
Hell);  (4)  riniB,  shahath,  a  pit  in  the  ground  to 
catch  wild  animals.  (1),  (2)  and  (4)  above  are 
used  metaphorically  of  the  pit  of  the  "grave"  or  of 
"sheol"  (Ps  28  1;  30  3;  Job  33  24).  AV  some- 
times incorrectly  renders  (4)  by  "corruption."  (.5) 
nnS,  pahath,  "pit,"  literally  (2  S  17  9),  and  fig- 
uratively (Jer  48  43).  In  the  NT  "pit"  renders 
pbBvvos,  bdthunos  (Mt  15  14),  which  means  any 
kind  of  hole  in  the  ground.  In  the  corresponding 
passage  Lk  (14  5  AV)  has  'Ppia.p,  phrear,  "well," 
the  same  as  (2)  above.  For  "bottomless  pit"  (Rev 
9  1,  AV,  etc)  see  Abyss.  T.  Lewis 

PITCH,  pich:  The  tr  of  the  noun  133,  hopher, 
and  the  vb.  1S3,  kdphar,  in  Gen  6  14  and  of  the 
noun  nST,  zepheth,  in  Ex  2  3;  Isa  34  9.  In  Gen 
6  14  the  words  are  the  ordinary  forms  for  "cover- 
ing," "cover,"  so  that  the  tr  "pitch"  is  largely  guess- 
work, aided  by  the  LXX,  which  reads  dacpa^ros, 
dsphaltos,  "bitumen,"  here,  and  by  the  fact  that 
pitch  is  a  usual  "covering"  for  vessels.  The  mean- 
ing of  zepheth,  however,  is  fixed  by  the  obvious  Dead 
Sea  imagery  of  Isa  34  9-15 — the  streams  and  land 
of  Edom  are  to  become  burning  bitumen,  like  the 
sites  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  In  Ex  2  3  zepheth 
is  combined  with  hemar,  which  also  means  bitumen 
(Gen  14  10;  see  Slime),  and  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  words  (different  consistencies  of  the  same 
substance?)  is  not  clear.  Bdeton  Scott  Easton 

PITCHER,  pich'er  (HS,  kadh;  K«pa|itov,  kerd- 
mion) :  The  word  is  found  chiefly  in  the  OT  in  the 
story  of  Rebekah  in  Gen  24  1.3  ff;  but  Gideon's 
men  also  had  their  lamps  in  pitchers  (Jgs  7  16.19). 
EccI  speaks  of  the  pitcher  broken  at  the  fountain 
(12  6).  The  single  use  in  the  NT  is  in  Mk  14  13  || 
Lk  22  10.  The  pitcher  was  an  earthenware  vessel 
(cf  Lam  4  2,  nehhel),  with  one  or  two  handles,  used 
for  carrying  water,  and  commonly  borne  upon  the 
head  or  shoulder  (cf  Gen  24). 

PITHOM,  pi'thom  (DnS ,  pithom;  neiOci,  Peithd 
[Ex  1  11]):  Champollion  (Gesenius,  Lex.,  s.v.)  con- 
sidered this  name  to  mean  "a  narrow 
1.  Meaning  place"  in  Coptic,  but  it  is  generally 
of  Name  explained  to  be  the  Egyp  Pa-tum,  or 
"city  of  the  setting  sun."  It  was  one 
of  the  cities  built  by  the  Hebrews  (see  Raamses), 
and  according  to  Wessel  was  the  Thoum  of  the 
Antonine  Itinerary. 

Brugsch  (.Hist  Egypt,  1879,  II,  343)  says  that  It  was 
identical  with  "  HeracleopoUs  Parva,  the  capital  of  the 
Sethroitic  noma  in  the  age  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
....  half-way  on  the  great  road  from  Pelusiura  to  Tanis 
(Zoan) ,  and  this  indication  given  on  the  authority  of  the 
itineraries  furnishes  the  solo  means  of  fixing  its  position." 
This  is,  however,  disputed.  Tum  was  worshipped  at 
Thebes,  at  Zoan,  and  probably  at  Bubastis,  while  Hehop- 
olis  (Brugsch,  Geogr.,  I,  254)  was  also  called  Pa-tum. 

There  were  apparently  several  places  of  the  name; 
and  Herodotus  (ii.l58)  says  that  the  Canal  of  Darius 
began  a  little  above  Bubastis,  "near  the  Arabian  city 
Patoumos,"  and  reached  the  Red  Sea. 

(1)  Dr.  Naville's  theory.— In  1885  Dr.  E.  Naville 
discovered  a  Rom  milestone  of  Maximian  and 
Severus,  proving  that  the  site  of  Heroopolis  was  at 
Tell  el  MaMtah  ("the  walled  mound")  in  Wddy 
Tumnldt.    'The  modern  name  he  gives  as  Tell  el 


Pithon 

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MaskhiUah,  which  was  not  that  heard  by  the  present 
writer  in  1S82.     This  identification  had  long  been 

supposed  probable.  Excavations  at 
2.  Situation  the   site   laid   bare  strong  walls  and 

texts  showing  the  worship  of  Turn. 
None  was  found  to  be  older  than  the  time  of 
Rameses  II — who,  however,  is  well  known  to  have 
defaced  older  inscriptions,  and  to  have  substituted 
his  own  name  for  that  of  earlier  builders.  A  statue 
of  later  date,  bearing  the  title  "Recorder  of  Pithom," 
was  also  found  at  this  same  site.  Dr.  Naville  con- 
cluded that  this  city  must  be  the  OT  Pithom,  and 
the  region  round  it  Succoth — the  Egyp  T-k-u  (but 
see  Succoth).  Brugsch,  on  the  other  hand,  says 
that  the  old  name  of  Heroopolis  was  Kes  (see 
Goshen),  which  recalls  the  identification  of  the  LXX 
(Gen  46  28);  and  elsewhere  (following  Lepsius) 
he  regards  the  same  site  as  being  "the  Pa-Khetam 
of  Rameses  II"  (see  Etham),  which  Lepsius  believed 
to  be  the  OT  Rameses  (see  Raamsbs)  mentioned 
with  Pithom  (Brugsch,  Geogr.,  I,  302,  262).  St. 
Silvia  in  385  AD  was  shown  the  site  of  Pithom  near 
Heroopolis,  but  farther  E.,  and  she  distinguishes 
the  two;  but  in  her  time,  though  Heroopolis  was  a 
village,  the  site  of  Pithom  was  probably  conjectural. 
In  the  time  of  Minepthah,  son  of  Rameses  II 
(Brugsch,  Hist,  II,  128),  we  have  a  report  that  cer- 
tain nomads  from  Aduma  (or  Edom)  passed  through 
"the  Kheiam  [or  fort]  of  Minepthah-Hotephima, 
which  is  situated  in  T-k-u,  to  the  lakes  [or  canals] 
of  the  city  Pi-ium  of  Minepthah-Hotephima,  which 
are  situated  in  the  land  of  T-k-u,  in  order  to  feed 
themselves  and  to  feed  their  herds." 

(2)  Patoumos  of  Herodotus. — These  places  seem 
to  have  been  on  the  eastern  border  of  Egypt,  but 
may  have  been  close  to  the  Bitter  Lakes  or  farther 
N.  (see  Succoth),  whereas  Tell  el  MahiUah  is  about 
12  miles  W.  of  Jsm'ailieh,  and  of  Lake  Timsah.  The 
definition  of  the  Pithom  thus  noticed  as  being  that 
of  Minepthah  suggests  that  there  was  more  than 
one  place  so  called,  and  the  Patoumos  of  Herodotus 
seems  to  have  been  about  30  miles  farther  W.  (near 
Zagazig  and  Bubastis)  than  the  site  of  Heroopolis, 
which  the  LXX  indentifies  with  Goshen  and  not 
with  Pithom.  The  latter  is  not  noticed  as  on  the 
route  of  the  Exodus,  and  is  not  identified  in  the  OT 
with  Succoth.  In  the  present  state  of  our  knowl- 
edge, of  Egyp  topography,  the  popular  impression 
that  the  Exodus  must  have  happened  in  the  time 
of  Minepthah,  because  Pithom  was  at  Heroopolis 
and  was  not  built  till  the  time  of  Rameses  II,  must 
be  regarded  as  very  hazardous.  See  Exodus.  The 
Patoumos  of  Herodotus  may  well  have  been  the 
site,  and  may  still  be  discovered  near  the  head  of 
Wddy  Tumeildt  or  near  Bubastis. 

C.    R.    CONDER 

PITHON,  pi'thon  (pfT^B ,  pUhon):  A  grandson 
of  iMeribbaal,  or  Mephibosheth  (1  Ch  8  35;  9  41). 

PITIFUL,  pit'i-fool:  As  found  in  Scripture,  means 
"full  of  pity";  it  is  expressed  by  "^ipnT,  rahdmdnl, 
from  rahamim  (pi.  of  raham),  "bowels,"  "compas- 
sion" (Lam  4  lOAV,  its  only  occurrence  in  theOT), 
"The  hands  of  the  pitiful  women  have  sodden  their 
own  children."  In  Jas  5  11,  we  have  the  beautiful 
saying,  "The  Lord  is  very  pitiful  [RV  "full  of  pity"] 
and  of  tender  mercy,"  where  "very  pitiful"  is  the  tr 
of  polusplagchnos,  lit.  "of  many  bowels,"  a  word 
which  docs  not  occur  elsewhere;  it  might  be  tr"* 
"large-hearted"  or  "tender-heai'ted."  In  Ecclus 
2  11,  we  have  "The  Lord  is  ...  .  very  pitiful" 
(oiktirmdn) ;  euspla gchnos,  "weXl-heavted,"  "compas- 
sionate," "full  of  pity,"  occurs  in  1  Pet  3  8,  "Love 
as  brethren,  be  pitiful,  be  courteous,"  RV  "loving 
as  brethren,  tenderhearted,  humble-minded."  The 
word  is  found  in  Pr  Man  7;  XII  P,  Zeb  8  2. 

W.  L.  Walker 


PITY,  pit'i  ("jlan ,  hamal,  CTl ,  hus;  iXiia,  eleeo) : 
"Pity,"  probably  contracted  from  "piety,"  is  a 
tender  feeling  for  others  in  misery  or  distress.  It  is 
allied  to  compassion  (q.v.),  but  differs  in  respect  of 
the  object  that  causes  the  distress  (or  feeling).  The 
feeling  of  pity  is  excited  chiefly  by  the  weakness, 
miserable  or  degraded  condition  of  the  object;  com- 
passion by  his  uncontrollable  and  inevitable  mis- 
fortunes: "We  pity  a  man  of  weak  understanding 
who  exposes  his  weakness;  we  compassionate  the 
man  who  is  reduced  to  a  state  of  beggary  and  want" 
(Crabb,  English  Sytionymes) .  Pity  often  becomes 
allied  to  contempt;  "a  pity"  is  something  to  be  re- 
gretted. See  Pitiful.  In  the  OT  "pity"  is  closely 
akin  to  "mercy."  It  is  most  frequently  the  tr  of 
hdmal,  "to  pity,"  "to  spare,"  e.g.  in  Nathan's  parable 
of  the  poor  man's  one  Iamb,  it  is  said  that  the  rich 
man  was  worthy  to  die  because  he  had  "no  pity" 
(2  S  12  6). 

In  Jer  13  14  wo  have,  "I  will  not  pity  nor  spare,  nor 
have  mercy,"  RV  "compassion";  ct  31  7;  Lam  2  2; 
Ezk  5  11:  7  4,  in  all  of  Avhicli  passages  "pity"  stands 
in  a  negative  connection:  we  have  it  positively  attrib- 
uted to  God  in  Ezk  38  21,  "I  had  pity  lor  mine  holy 
name,"  RV  "regard":  Joel  2  18;  ftiis,  probably  mean- 
ing, primarily,  "to  cover,"  "prote'ct?"  hence  to  pity, 
to  spare,  is  tr<i"pity"  (Dt  7  16;  13  S;  Ezk  16  5,  etc, 
all  negative;  Jon  4  10,  positive:  "Thou  hast  had  pity 
on  the  gourd  [RV  "regard  for"]  and  should  not  I  spare 
[RV  "have  regard  for,"  /tu.s]  Nineveh,"  etc) :  fidnau,  "to 
incline  toward,"  "be  gracious,"  "pity,"  is  thrice  ren- 
dored  "pity"  (Jol)  19  21,  "Have  pity  upon  me,  have 
pity  upon  me";  Prov  19  17;  28  8,  "he  that  hath  pity 
upon  the  poor");  rdham,  "to  feel  warm."  "to  love," 
twice  (Ps  103  1:3.  "  like  as  a  father  pitieth  his  children  " ; 
Isa  13  IS,  "no  pity");  once  in  pi.  rahdmlm  (Am  1  11); 
other  words  once  so  trd  are  tiemldh,  ^'pity"  (Isa  63  9); 
hesedh,  "loving-kindness"  (Job  6  14,  R V  " kindness ") ; 
maft,mni,  "object  of  pity  "  (Ezk  24  21);  7iu(f/i,  "  tomove," 
"bemoan"  (Ps  69  20).  In  the  NT  " pity  "  occurs  once 
only  as  the  tr  of  eleed,  "to  be  kind,"  "tender"  (Mt  18 
3:3,  RV  "mercy").  In  2  Mace  3  21  we  have  (AV  and 
RV)  "pitied"  in  the  obsolete  sense  of  exciting  pity, 
"Then  it  would  have  pitied  [eleeln]  a  man  to  see  the 
multitude,"  etc. 

RV  has  "pity"  for  "mercy"  (Prov  14  21);  "have 
pity  on"  for  "spare"  (Ps  72  13);  for  "favour"  (Ps 
109  12;  102  13.14),  "Have  pity  upon  her  dust."  See 
Mercy:   Compassion. 

W.  L.  Walker 
PLACE,  plas:  Normally  for  n^^p'q ,  makom,  OT, 
and  riiros,  tdpos,  NT,  but  in  AV  "place"  represents 
a  great  number  of  Heb  and  Gr  words,  often  used 
with  no  difference  in  force  (e.g.  2  Ch  35  10.15). 
RV  has  made  few  changes,  but  occasionally  has 
attempted  to  specialize  the  meaning  (Gen  40  13; 
Job  37  8;   Acts  8  32;   Jas  3  11,  etc). 

PLACE,  BROAD;  HIGH.  See  City,  II,  3,  2; 
High  Place;  Open  Place. 

PLAGUE,  plag  (^5] ,  negha\  PS^ ,  makkah,  HD?')? , 
maggephdh;  |iao-Tu|,  mdstix,  irX-Tiyfi,  plege) :  This 
word  which  occurs  more  than  120  t  is  applied,  like 
pestilence,  to  such  sudden  outbursts  of  disease  as 
are  regarded  in  the  light  of  Divine  visitations.  It  is 
used  in  the  description  of  leprosy  about  60  t  in  Lev 
13  and  14,  as  well  as  in  Dt  24  8.  In  the  poetical, 
prophetic  and  eschatological  books  it  occurs  about 
20 1  in  the  general  sense  of  a  punitive  disaster.  The 
Gospel  references  (Mk  3  10;  5  29.34;  Lk  7  21) 
use  the  word  as  a  synonym  for  disease. 

The  specific  disease  now  named  "plague"  has 
been  from  the  earliest  historic  times  a  frequent 
visitant  to  Pal  and  Egypt.  Indeed  in  the  S.E. 
between  Gaza  and  Bubastis  it  has  occurred  so  fre- 
quently that  it  may  almost  be  regarded  as  endemic. 
The  suddenness  of  its  attack,  the  shortness  of  its 
incubation  period  and  the  rapidity  of  its  course 
give  it  the  characters  which  of  old  have  been  asso- 
ciated with  manifestations  of  Divine  anger.  In  the 
early  days  of  an  epidemic  it  is  no  infrequent  occur- 
rence that  GO  per  cent  of  those  attacked  die  within 


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Pithon 

Plagues  of  Egypt 


three  days.  I  have  seen  a  case  in  which  death  took 
place  ten  hours  after  the  first  symptoms.  In  the 
filthy  and  insanitary  houses  of  eastern  towns,  the 
disease  spreads  rapidly.  In  a  recent  epidemic  in 
one  village  of  534  inhabitants  311  died  within  21 
days,  and  I  once  crossed  the  track  of  a  party  of 
pilgrims  to  Mecca  of  whom  two-thirds  died  of 
plague  on  the  road.  Even  with  modern  sanitary 
activity,  it  is  very  difficult  to  root  it  out,  as  our  recent 
experiences  in  Hong  Kong  and  India  have  shown. 

Of  the  Bib.  outbreaks  that  were  not  improbably 
bubonic  plague,  the  first  recorded  is  the  slaughter 
of  the  firstborn  in  Egypt — the  10th  jjlague.  We 
have  too  httle  information  to  identify  it  (Ex  11  1). 
The  Philis,  however,  userl  the  same  name,  negha', 
for  the  Egyp  plagues  (1  S  4  S)  as  is  used  in  Ex. 
The  next  outbreak  was  at  Kibroth-hataavah  (Nu 
11  33).  This  was  synchronous  with  the  phenome- 
nal flight  of  quails,  and  if  these  were,  as  is  probable, 
driven  by  the  wind  from  the  plague-stricken  Ser- 
bonian  region,  they  were  equally  probably  the  car- 
riers of  the  infection.  Experience  in  both  India  and 
China  has  shown  that  animals  of  very  diverse  kinds 
can  carry  germs  of  the  disease.  A  third  visitation 
fell  on  the  spies  who  brought  back  an  evil  report 
(Nu  14  37).  A  fourth  destroyed  those  who  mur- 
mured at  the  destruction  of  Korah  and  his  fellow- 
rebels  (Nu  16  47).  Thesemay  have  been  recrudes- 
cences of  the  infection  brought  by  the  quails.  The 
fifth  outbreak  was  that  which  followed  the  gross 
religious  and  moral  defection  at  Baal-peor  (Nu  25 
8.9,18;  26  1;  31  16;  Josh  22  17;  Ps  106  29.30). 
Here  the  disease  was  probably  conveyed  by  the 
Moabites. 

A  later  epidemic,  which  was  probably  of  bubonic 
plague,  was  that  which  avenged  the  capture  of  the  ark 
(18  5  6).  We  read  of  the  tumors  which  were  probably 
the  glandular  enlargements  characteristic  of  this  disease: 
also  that  at  the  time  there  was  a  plague  of  rats  (6  5) 
— "mice,"  in  our  version,  but  the  word  is  also  used  as  the 
name  of  the  rat.  The  cattle  seem  to  have  carried  the 
plague  to  Beth-sheraesh,  as  has  been  observed  in  more 
than  one  place  in  China  (6  19),  Concerning  the  three 
days'  pestilence  that  followed  David's  census  (2  S  24 
15;  1  Ch  21  12),  SCO  Jos,  Anl,  VII.  xiii,  .3,  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  army  of  Sennacherib  may  have  been  a  sudden 
outbreak  of  plague  (2  K  19  3.5;  Isa  37  36).  It  is  per- 
haps worthy  of  note  that  in  Herodotus'  account  of  the  de- 
struction of  this  army  (ii.l41)  he  refers  to  the  incursion  of 
swarms  of  mice. 

One  of  the  latest  prophetic  mentions  of  plague  is 
Hos  13  14,  where  the  plague  {dehher,  LXX  dike) 
of  death  and  the  destruction  {kdtabh,  LXX  kentron) 
of  the  grave  are  mentioned.  From  this  passage 
Paul  quotes  his  apostrophe  at  the  end  of  1  Cor  15 
5.5,  but  the  apostle  correlates  the  sting  {kentron) 
with  death,  and  changes  the  dike  into  nikos. 

Alex.  Macalister 

PLAGUES,  plagz,  OF  EGYPT  (HS^SD,  niph- 
l''oth,  "wonders,"  from  S5S ,  pdla',  "to  be  separate," 
i,e.  in  a  class  by  themselves;  also  called  DJ?  > 
negheph,  "plague,"  from  333,  naghaph,  "to  smite" 
[Ex  9  14],  and  y?! ,  negha\  "a  stroke,"  from  73:, 
nagha\  "to  touch"'[Ex  11  1;   cf  Josh  24  10]): 

Inthoduction 

I.     Natukal  Phenomena 

1.  Water  Turned  to  Blood 

2.  Frogs 

3.  Lice 

4.  Flies 

5.  Murrain 

6.  Boils 

7.  Hail 

8.  Locusts 

9.  Darkness 

10.  Death  of  the  Firstborn 
II,     Miraculous  Use  of  the  Phenomena 

1.  Intensification 

2.  Prediction 

3.  Discrimination 

4.  Orderliness  and  Increasing  Severity 

5.  Arrangement  to  Accomplish  Divine  Moral  Pur- 
pose 


III.     Divine  Moral  Purpo.se 

1,  Discrediting  of  the  Gods  of  Egypt 

2,  Pharaoh  Made  to  Know  .Jehovah  Ls  Lord 

3,  Revelation  of  God  as  Saviour 

4,  Exhibition  of  the  Divine  Use  of  Evil 
Literature 

The  Heb  words  are  so  used  as  to  give  the  name 
"plagues"  to  all   the   "wonders"  God  did  against 

Pharaoh.  Thus  it  appears  that  the 
Introduction  language  in  the  account  in  Ex  puts 

forward  the  wondrous  character  of 
these  dealings  of  Jeh  with  Pharaoh.  The  account 
of  the  plagues  is  found  in  Ex  7  8—12  31;  Ps  78 
42-51;  105  27-36.  These  poetical  accounts  of  the 
plagues  have  a  devotional  purpose  and  do  not  give 
a  full  historical  narrative,  Ps  78  omits  plagues 
4,  6,  9;  Ps  105  omits  plagues  5  and  6.  Both  pss 
change  the  order  of  the  plagues.  Account  of  the 
preparation  which  led  up  to  the  plagues  is  found  in 
the  narrative  of  the  burning  bush  (see  Burning 
Bush),  the  meeting  of  Aaron  with  Moses,  the 
gathering  together  of  the  elders  of  Israel  for  in- 
struction and  the  preliminary  wonders  before 
Pharaoh  (Ex  3,4).  This  preparation  contemplated 
two  things  important  to  be  kept  in  view  in  consider- 
ing the  plagues,  namely,  that  the  consummation  of 
plagues  was  contemplated  from  the  beginning  (Ex 
4  22.23),  and  that  the  skepticism  of  Israel  concern- 
ing Moses'  authority  and  power  was  likewise  an- 
ticipated (Ex  4  1).  It  was  thus  manifestly  not  an 
age  of  miracles  when  the  Israelites  were  expecting 
such  "wonders"  and  ready  to  receive  anything 
marvelous  as  a  Divine  interposition.  This  skepti- 
cism of  Israel  is  a  valuable  asset  for  the  credibility 
of  the  account  of  the  "wonders,"  The  immediate 
occasion  of  the  plagues  was  the  refusal  of  Pharaoh 
to  let  the  people  have  liberty  for  sacrifice,  together 
with  the  consequent  hardening  of  Pharaoh's  heart. 
No  indication  of  any  localizing  of  the  plagues  is 
given  except  in  Ps  78  12,43,  where  the  "field  of 
Zoan"  is  mentioned  as  the  scene  of  the  contest  be- 
tween Jeh  and  the  Egyptians.  But  this  is  poetry, 
and  the  "field  of  Zoan"  means  simply  the  territory 
of  the  great  capital  Zoan.  This  e.xpression  might 
be  localized  in  the  Delta  or  it  might  extend  to  the 
whole  of  Egypt.  Discussion  of  the  plagues  has 
brought  out  various  classifications  of  them,  some  of 
which  are  philosophical,  as  that  of  Philo,  others 
fanciful,  as  that  of  Origen.  Arrangements  of  the 
order  of  the  plagues  for  the  purpose  of  moralizing 
are  entirely  useless  for  historical  consideration  of 
the  plagues.  The  only  order  of  any  real  value  is 
the  order  of  Nature,  i.e.  the  order  in  which  the 
plagues  occurred,  which  will  be  found  to  be  the 
order  of  the  natural  phenomena  which  were  the 
embodiment  of  the  plagues. 

Much  elaborate  effort  has  been  made  to  derive  from 
the  description  of  the  plagues  evidence  for  different 
dociunents  in  the  narrative.  It  is  pointed  out  that 
Moses  (E)  declared  to  Pharaoh  that  he  would  smite  the 
waters  (Ex  7  17),  and  then  the  account,  as  it  proceeds, 
tolls  us  that  Aaron  smote  the  waters  (7  19  20),  But  this 
is  quite  in  accord  with  the  preceding  statement  (4  16) 
that  Aaron  was  to  be  the  spokesman,  Moses  was  to 
deal  with  God,  Aaron  with  Pharaoh.  Again  it  is  noticed 
that  some  of  the  plagues  are  ascribed  to  the  immediate 
agency  of  Jeh.  some  are  represented  as  coining  through 
the  mediation  of  Mosos,  and  still  others  through  the 
mediation  of  Moses  and  Aaron,  Certainly  this  may  be 
an  e.xact  statement  of  facts,  and,  if  the  facts  were  just  so, 
the  record  of  the  facts  affords  no  evidence  of  different 
documents. 

An  examination  of  the  account  of  the  plagues  as 
it  stands  will  bring  them  before  ua  in  a  most  graphic 
and  connected  story. 

/.  The  Natural  Phenomena. — All  the  "wonders" 
represented  anywhere  in  Scripture  as  done  by  the 
power  of  God  are  intimately  associated  with  natural 
phenomena,  and  necessarily  so.  Human  beings 
have  no  other  way  of  perceiving  external  events 
than  through  those  senses  which  only  deal  with 


Plagues  of  Egypt    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2404 


natural  phenomena.  Accordingly,  all  theophanies 
and  miraculous  doings  are  embodied  in  natural 
events. 

The  presence  of  Jeh  with  the  sacrifice  by  Abraham  was 
manifested  by  the  passing  of  a  "  sraoldng  furnace  and 
a  burning  lamp"  between  the  pieces  of  the  offerings 
(Gen  15  17  AV).  The  majesty  and  power  of  God  at  Slnal 
were  manifested  in  the  "cloud"  and  the  "brightness," 
the  "voice"  and  the  "sound  of  a  trimipet"  (He  12  19). 
The  Holy  Spirit  descended  "as  a  dove"  (Mt  3  16). 
The  Deity  of  Jesus  was  attested  on  the  mountain  by  a 
"voice"  (17  5).  Jesus  Himself  was  "God  ....  mani- 
fest in  theiiesh"  (1  Tim  3  16  AV).  He  was  "found  in 
fashion  as  a  man'  (Phil  2  8}.  And  all  the  miracles  of 
Jesus  were  coupled  with  sensible  phenomena:  He  spoke 
to  the  sea  and  it  was  calm;  He  touched  the  leper  and 
he  was  clean :  He  called  to  Lazarus  and  he  came  forth. 

Yet  in  all  these  natural  events,  the  miraculous 
working  of  God  was  as  clearly  seen  as  the  natural 
phenomena.  It  is  thus  to  be  expected  that  the 
"wonders"  of  God  in  the  land  of  Pharaoh  should 
also  be  associated  with  natural  events  as  well  as 
manifest  miraculous  elements.  The  "blood"  in 
the  river,  the  "frogs"  hopping  about  on  the  land, 
the  "lice,"  the  "flies,"  the  "murrain,"  the  "boUs," 
the  "hail,"  the  "locusts,"  the  "darkness,"  and  the 
"pestilence"  are  all  named  as  natural  phenomena. 
Long  familiarity  with  the  land  of  Egypt  has  made 
it  perfectly  plain  to  many  intelligent  people,  also, 
that  nearly,  if  not  quite,  all  the  plagues  of  Egypt 
are  still  in  that  land  as  natural  phenomena,  and 
occur,  when  they  do  occur,  very  exactly  in  the  order 
in  which  we  find  them  recorded  in  the  narrative  in 
Ex.  But  natural  events  in  the  plagues  as  in  other 
"wonders"  of  God  embodied  miraculous  doings. 

The  first  of  the  plagues  (D'l,  dam,  from  DHN, 
'adham,  "to  be  red"  [Ex  7  19-25])  was  brought 
about  by  the  smiting  of  the  water  with 
1.  Water  the  rod  in  the  hand  of  Aaron,  and  it 
Turned  to  consisted  in  the  defilement  of  the  water 
Blood  so  that  it  became  as   "blood."     The 

waters  were  polluted  and  the  fish  died. 
Even  the  water  in  vessels  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  river  became  corrupt.  The  people  were 
forced  to  get  water  only  from  wells  in  which  the 
river  water  was  filtered  through  the  sand.  There 
are  two  Egyp  seasons  when,  at  times,  the  water 
resembles  blood.  At  the  full  Nile  the  water  is 
sometimes  of  a  reddish  color,  but  at  that  season  the 
water  is  quite  potable  and  the  fish  do  not  die.  But 
a  similar  phenomenon  is  witnessed  sometimes  at  the 
time  of  the  lowest  Nile  just  before  the  rise  begins. 
Then  also  the  water  sometimes  becomes  defiled 
and  very  red,  so  polluted  that  the  fish  die  {Bih. 
Sacra,  1905,  409).  This  latter  time  is  evidently 
the  time  of  the  first  plague.  It  would  be  some  time 
in  the  month  of  May.  The  dreadful  severity  of  the 
plague  constituted  the  "wonder"  in  this  first  plague. 
The  startling  character  of  the  plague  is  apparent 
when  it  is  remembered  that  Egypt  is  the  product 
of  the  Nile,  the  very  soil  being  all  brought  down 
by  it,  and  its  irrigation  being  constantly  dependent 
upon  it.  Because  of  this  it  became  one  of  the  ear- 
liest and  greatest  of  the  gods  (Breasted,  Development 
of  Religion  and  Thought  in  Egypt,  3-47;  "Hymn  to 
the  Nile,"  Records  of  the  Past,  New  Series,  III,  46- 
54).  The  magicians  imitated  this  plague  with  their 
enchantments.  Their  success  may  have  been  by 
means  of  sleight  of  hand  or  other  devices  of  magic, 
as  may  be  seen  in  the  East  today,  with  claim  of 
supernatural  aid,  and  as  used  in  western  lands  for 
entertainment,  as  mere  cleverness.  Or  it  may  be, 
as  has  been  suggested,  that  they  counted  upon  the 
continuance  of  the  plague  for  at  least  a  time,  and 
so  took  advantage  of  the  materials  the  "wonder" 
had  provided. 

Frogs  (D''?''1"1D2 ,  ^"phard^Hm,  probably  "marsh- 
leapers"  [Ex  8  1-15])  are  very  abundant  just  after 
the  high  Nile  when  the  waters  begin  to  recede. 


Spawn  in  the  mud  is  hatched  by  the  sun,  and  the 
marshes  are   filled    with    myriads   of    these   crea- 
tures.     The  frog  was  the  hieroglyph 

2.  The  for  myriads.  The  frogs  usually  remain 
Plague  of  in  the  marshes,  but  in  this  case  they 
Frogs  came  forth  to  the  horror  and  disgust 

of  the  people.  "Frogs  in  the  houses, 
frogs  in  the  beds,  frogs  baked  with  the  food  in 
the  ovens,  frogs  in  the  kneading  troughs  worked 
up  with  the  flour;  frogs  with  their  monotonous 
croak,  frogs  with  their  cold  slimy  skins,  everjTvhere 
— from  morning  to  night,  from  night  to  morning — 
frogs."  The  frog  was  also  associated  with  Divinity, 
was  the  symbol  of  Heqt,  a  form  of  Hathor,  and  seems 
also  at  times  to  have  been  worshipped  as  divinity. 
This  plague  created  such  horror  that  thus  early 
Pharaoh  came  to  an  agreement  (8  8-10).  A  time 
was  set  for  the  disappearance  of  the  frogs  that  he 
might  know  that  "there  is  none  like  unto  Jeh  our 
God,"  but  when  the  frogs  were  dead,  Pharaoh  hard- 
ened his  heart  (8  15).  In  this  plague  "the  magi- 
cians did  in  like  manner  with  their  enchantments" 
(8  7).  Frogs  were  plentiful,  and  it  would  not  seem  to 
be  difficult  to  claim  to  have  produced  some  of  them. 
It  is  impossible  to  determine  what  particular 
troublesome  insect  pest  of  Egypt  is  meant  by  the  3d 
plague,    whether    body-lice    or    mos- 

3.  The  quitoes  or  sandflies  or  ticks  or  fleas 
Plague  of  (D33,  kinnlm,  "gnats"  [Ex  8  16]). 
Lice                Those  who  have  experience  of  these 

pests  in  Egypt  are  quite  ready  to  ac- 
cept any  of  them  as  adequate  for  the  plague.  Lice 
seem  rather  to  be  ruled  out,  unless  different  kinds 
of  lice  were  sent,  as  there  is  no  one  kind  that  tor- 
ments both  man  and  beast.  All  the  other  insect 
pests  appear  in  incredible  numbers  out  of  the  "dust" 
when  the  pools  have  dried  up  after  the  receding  of 
the  waters.  The  assertion  that  the  account  of  this 
plague  is  not  complete,  because  it  is  not  recorded 
that  Pharaoh  asked  its  removal  or  that  Moses  se- 
cured it,  is  amazing.  Perhaps  Pharaoh  did  not,  in 
fact,  ask  its  removal.  There  seems  also  at  this 
time  some  difficulty  in  Moses  having  access  to 
Pharaoh  after  this  plague  (8  20).  Perhaps  the 
plague  was  not  removed  at  all.  The  Egyptians 
are  disposed  to  think  it  was  not!  Certainly  that 
season  of  the  year  spent  in  Egypt,  not  in  a  dahabiyeh 
on  the  Nile,  but  in  a  native  village,  will  furnish  very 
satisfying  evidence  that  stinging  and  biting  insects 
are  a  very  real  plague  in  Egypt  yet.  The  magicians 
failed  with  their  enchantments  and  acknowledged 
that  Divine  power  was  at  work,  and  seem  to  have 
acknowledged  that  Jeh  was  supreme  (8  19),  but 
Pharaoh  would  not  heed  them. 

As  the  seasons  pass  on,  after  the  recession  of  the 
waters,  the  flies  (^l^,  'arobh,  "swarms,"  probably 

of  flies    [Ex  8  20-32])    become   more 

4.  The  and  more  numerous  until  they  are 
Plague  of  almost  a  plague  every  year.  The  in- 
Flies  creased  severity  of  this  plague,   and 

the  providential  interference  to  sepa- 
rate between  Israel  and  the  Egyptians,  drove 
Pharaoh  and  his  people  to  such  desperation  that 
Pharaoh  gave  a  half-promise  of  liberty  for  Israel 
to  sacrifice  "in  the  land."  This  called  out  the 
statement  that  they  would  sacrifice  the  "abomina- 
tion of  the  Egyptians."  This  may  have  referred 
to  the  sacrifice  of  sheep,  which  were  always  held 
in  more  or  less  detestation  by  Egyptians,  or  it 
may  have  had  reference  to  the  sacrifice  of  heifers, 
the  cow  being  the  animal  sacred  to  the  goddess 
Hathor.  The  new  element  of  separation  between 
the  Israelites  and  the  Egyptians  introduced  into 
this  plague  was  another  step  toward  estabhshing 
the  claims  of  Jeh  to  be  the  God  of  all  the  earth 
and  to  have  taken  Israel  under  His  especial  care. 


2405 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Plagues  of  Egypt 


In  addition  to  the  separation  established  between 

Israel  and  the  Egyptians,  a  definite  time  is  now  set 

for  the  coming  of  the  5th  plague.     It 

5.  The  is  to  be  noticed  also  that  diseases  of 
Plague  of  cattle  C^'^,  debher,  "destruction" 
Murrain         [Ex  9  1-7]')  and  of  men  follow  quickly 

after  the  plague  of  insects.  This  is  in 
exact  accord  with  the  order  of  Nature  as  now  thor- 
oughly understood  through  the  discovered  relation 
of  mosquitoes  and  flies  to  the  spread  of  diseases. 
Rinderpest  is  still  prevalent  at  times  in  Egypt,  so 
that  beef  becomes  very  scarce  in  market  and  is 
sometimes  almost  impossible  to  obtain.  It  is  a 
fact,  also,  that  the  prevalence  of  cattle  plague,  the 
presence  of  boils  among  men  (see  6,  below)  and  the 
appearance  of  bubonic  plague  are  found  to  be  closely 
associated  together  and  in  this  order.  The  mention 
of  camels  as  affected  by  this  plague  is  interesting. 
It  is  doubtfulif  any  clear  indication  of  the  presence 
of  the  camel  in  Egypt  so  early  as  this  has  yet  been 
found  among  the  monuments  of  Egypt.  There  is 
in  the  Louvre  museum  one  small  antiquity  which 
seems  to  me  to  be  intended  for  the  camel.  But 
Professor  Maspero  does  not  agree  that  it  is  so.  It 
would  seem  hkely  that  the  Hyksos,  who  were  Bed- 
ouin princes,  princes  of  the  desert,  would  have 
introduced  the  beasts  of  the  desert  into  Egypt.  If 
they  did  so,  that  may  have  been  sufficient  reason  that 
the  Egyptians  would  not  picture  it,  as  the  Hyksos 
and  all  that  was  theirs  were  hated  in  Egypt. 

In  the  plague  of  boils  ('''11115 ,  sh'hin,  and  Jiysyiii , 
'dbha'bu'oth,  "boils"  [Ex  9  8-17])  ashes  were  used, 

probably  in  the  same  way  and  to  the 

6.  The  same  end  as  the  clay  was  used  in  open- 
Plague  of  ing  the  eyes  of  the  blind  man  (Jn  9  6), 
Boils               i.e.  to  attract  attention  and  to  fasten 

the  mind  of  the  observer  upon  what 
the  Lord  was  doing.  This  plague  in  the  order  of 
its  coming,  immediately  after  the  murrain,  and  in 
the  description  given  of  it  and  in  the  significant 
warning  of  the  "pestilence"  yet  to  come  (Ex  9  15), 
appears  most  likely  to  have  been  peslis  minor,  the 
milder  form  of  bubonic  plague.  Virulent  rinder- 
pest among  cattle  in  the  East  is  regarded  as  the 
precursor  of  plague  among  men  and  is  believed  to 
be  of  the  same  nature.  It  may  well  be,  as  has  been 
thought  by  some,  that  the  great  aversion  of  the 
ancient  Egyptians  to  the  contamination  of  the  soil 
by  decaying  animals  was  from  the  danger  thereby 
of  starting  an  epidemic  of  plague  among  men  (Dr. 
Merrins,  Bib.  Sacra,  1908,  422-23). 

Hail  ("^3,  baradh,  "hail"  [Ex  9  18-35])  is  rare 
in  Egypt,  but  is  not  unknown.     The  writer  has  him- 
self seen  a  very  little,  and  has  known 

7.  The  of  one  instance  when  a  considerable 
Plague  of  quantity  of  hail  as  large  as  small 
Hail  marbles  fell.     Lightning,  also,  is  not 

as  frequent  in  Egypt  as  in  many  semi- 
tropical  countries,  yet  great  electric  storms  some- 
times occur.  This  plague  is  quite  accurately  dated 
in  the  seasons  of  the  year  (9  31.32).  As  the  first 
plague  was  just  before  the  rising  of  the  Nile,  so  this 
one  is  evidently  about  9  months  later,  when  the 
new  crops  after  the  inundation  were  beginning  to 
mature,  January-February.  This  plague  also  marks 
another  great  step  forward  in  the  revelation  of  Jeh 
to  Israel  and  to  the  Egyptians.  First  only  His 
power  was  shown,  then  His  wisdom  in  the  tirning  of 
the  plagues,  and  now  His  mercy  appears  in  the 
warning  to  all  godly-disposed  Egyptians  to  save 
themselves,  their  herds  and  their  servants  by  keep- 
ing all  indoors  (9  19-21).  Pharaoh  also  now  dis- 
tinctly acknowledged  Jeh  (9  27). 

The  plague  of  locusts  (nins,  'arbeh,  "locust" 
[Ex  10  1-20])  was  threatened,  and  so  frightened 
were  the  servants  of  Pharaoh  that  they  persuaded 


him  to  try  to  make  some  agreement  with  Moses, 

but  the  attempt  of  Pharaoh  still  to  limit  in  some 

way  the  going  of  Israel  thwarted  the 

8.  The  plan  (Ex  10  7-10).  Then  devouring 
Plague  of  swarms  of  locusts  came  up  over  the 
Locusts          land  from  the  eastern  desert  between 

the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea.  They  de- 
voured every  green  thing  left  by  the  hail.  The 
desperate  situation  created  by  the  locusts  soon 
brought  Pharaoh  again  to  acknowledgment  of  Jeh 
(10  16).  This  was  the  greatest  profession  of  re- 
pentance yet  manifested  by  Pharaoh,  but  he  soon 
showed  tliat  it  was  deceitful,  and  again  he  would 
not  let  the  people  go.  When  the  wind  had  swept 
the  locusts  away,  he  hardened  his  heart  once  more. 
The  progress  of  the  seasons  has  been  quite  marked 
from  the  first  plague,  just  before  the  rising  of  the 
waters,  on  through  the  year  until  now 

9.  The  the  khamsin  period  (^IDH ,  hoshekh, 
Plague  of  "darkness"  from  any  cause  [Ex  10 
Darkness  21-29])  has  come.  When  this  dread- 
ful scourge  comes  with  its  hot  sand- 
laden  breath,  more  impenetrable  than  a  London  fog, 
it  is  in  very  truth  a  "darkness  which  may  be  felt." 
The  dreadful  horror  of  this  monster  from  the  desert 
can  hardly  be  exaggerated.  Once  again  Pharaoh 
said  "Go,"  but  this  time  he  wished  to  retain  the 
flocks  and  herds,  a  hostage  for  the  return  of  the 
people  (10  24).  Upon  Moses'  refusal  to  accept  this 
condition,  he  threatened  his  life.  Why  had  he  not 
done  so  ere  this?  Why,  indeed,  did  he  let  this  man 
Moses  come  and  go  with  such  freedom,  defying 
him  and  his  people  in  the  very  palace?  Probably 
Moses'  former  career  in  Egypt  explains  this.  If, 
as  is  most  probable,  he  had  grown  up  at  court  with 
this  Merenptah,  and  had  been  known  as  "the  son 
of  Pharaoh's  daughter,"  heir  to  the  throne  and 
successor  to  Rameses  II,  instead  of  Merenptah, 
then  this  refugee  had  undoubtedly  many  friends  still 
in  Egypt  who  would  make  his  death  a  danger  to  the 
reigning  Pharaoh. 

No  intimation  is  given  of  the  exact  character  of 

the  death  inflicted  on  the  firstborn  ("llD3 ,  b'khor, 

"firstborn,"     "chief"     or     "best";    cf 

10.  Death  Job  18  13;  Isa  14  30  [Ex  11—12  36]) 
of  the  by  the  angel  of  the  Lord,  or  its  ap- 
Firstborn       pearance.     But  it  is  already  foretold 

as  the  "pestilence"  (9  15).  The  pestis 
major  or  virulent  bubonic  plague  corresponds  most 
nearly  in  its  natural  phenomena  to  this  plague.  It 
culminates  in  a  sudden  and  overwhelming  virulence, 
takes  the  strongest  and  best,  and  then  subsides  with 
startling  suddenness. 

Thus  it  appears  that  probably  all  the  plagues 
were  based  upon  natural  phenomena  which  still 
exist  in  Egypt  in  the  same  order,  and,  when  they  do 
occur,  find  place  somewhere  during  the  course  of 
one  year. 

//.  Miraculous  Use  of  the  Phenomena. — The 
miraculous  elements  in  the  plagues  are  no  less  dis- 
tinctly manifest  than  the  natural  phenomena 
themselves. 

There  was  an  intensification  of  the  effect  of  the 
various  plagues  so  much  beyond  all  precedent  as 
to  impress  everyone  as  being  a  special 
1.  Intensi-  Divine  manifestation,  and  it  was  so. 
fication  There  was  national  horror  of  the  blood- 

like water,  disgust  at  the  frogs,  in- 
tolerable torture  by  the  stinging  insects  and  flies, 
utter  ruin  of  the  farmers  in  the  loss  of  the  cattle, 
the  beating  down  of  the  crops  by  the  hail,  and  the 
devouring  of  every  green  thing  by  the  locusts,  the 
sufferings  and  dread  of  the  inhabitants  by  reason 
of  the  boils,  the  frightful  electric  storm,  the  suffo- 
cating darkness  and,  finally,  the  crushing  disaster 
of  the  death  of  the  firstborn.     All  these  calamities 


Plagues  of  Egypt 
Plaster 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2406 


may  be  found  in  Egypt  to  the  present  day,  but  never 
any  of  them,  not  to  say  all  of  them,  in  such  over- 
whelming severity.  That  all  of  them  should  come 
in  one  year  and  all  with  such  devastation  was 
plainly  a  Divine  arrangement.  Merely  natural 
events  do  not  arrange  themselves  so  systematically. 
In  this  systematic  severity  were  seen  miracles  of 
power. 

The  prediction  of  the  plagues  and  the  fulfilment 
of  the  prediction  at  the  exact  time  to  a  day,  some- 
times to  an  hour  (as  the  cessation  of 

2.  Predic-  the  thunder  and  lightning) :  There 
tion  was  first  a  general  prediction   (Ex  3 

19.20;  7  3;  9  14.15)  and  an  indi- 
cation as  the  plagues  went  on  that  the  climax  would 
be  pestilence  (9  15).  Then  several  of  the  plagues 
were  specifically  announced  and  a  time  was  set  for 
them:  e.g.  the  flies  (8  23),  the  murrain  (9  5),  the 
hail  (9  18),  the  locusts  (10  4),  the  death  of  the 
firstborn  (11  4).  In  some  cases  a  time  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  plague  was  also  specified:  e.g.  the 
frogs  (8  10),  the  thunder  and  lightning  (9  29).  In 
every  instance  these  predictions  were  exactly  ful- 
filled. In  some  instances  careful  foresight  might 
seem  to  supply  in  part  this  ability  to  predict.  Per- 
haps it  was  by  means  of  such  foresight  that  the 
magicians  "did  so  with  their  enchantments"  for 
the  first  two  plagues.  The  plague  being  in  exist- 
ence, foresight  might  safely  predict  that  it  would 
continue  for  a  little  time  at  least,  so  that,  it  the 
magicians  sought  for  bloody  water  or  called  for 
frogs,  they  would  seem  to  be  successful.  But  the 
evidence  which  Jeh  produced  went  beyond  them, 
and,  at  the  third  plague,  they  were  unable  to  do 
anything.  These  things  postulate,  on  the  part  of 
Moses  and  Aaron,  knowledge  far  beyond  human 
ken.  Not  only  magicians  could  not  do  so  with 
their  enchantments,  but  modern  science  and  dis- 
coveries are  no  more  able  so  to  predict  events. 
Even  meteorological  phenomena  are  only  predicted 
within  the  limits  of  reasonable  foresight.  Such 
wonders  as  the  plagues  of  Egypt  can  in  no  wise  be 
explained  as  merely  natural.  The  prediction  was 
a  miracle  of  knowledge. 

The  discrimination  shown  in  the  visitation  by  the 

plagues  presents  another  miraculous  element  more 

significant  and  important  than  either 

3.  Discrimi-  the  miracles  of  power  or  the  miracles 
nation  of  knowledge.     God  put  a  difference 

between  the  Egyptians  and  the  Israel- 
ites, beginning  with  the  plague  of  flies  and  continu- 
ing, apparently,  without  exception,  until  the  end. 
Such  miracles  of  moral  purpose  admit  of  no  possible 
explanation  but  the  exercise  of  a  holy  will.  Merely 
natural  events  make  no  such  regular,  systematic 
discriminations. 

The  orderliness  and  gradually  increasing  severity 

of  the  plagues  with  such  arrangement  as  brought 

"judgment  upon  the  gods  of  Egypt," 

4.  Order-  vindicating  Jeh  as  Ruler  over  all,  and 
liness  educating  the  people  to  know  Jeh  as 

Lord  of  all  the  earth,  present  an  aspect 
of  events  distinctly  non-natural.  Such  method 
reveals  also  a  Divine  mind  at  work. 

Last  of  all  and  most  important  of  all,  the  plagues 

were  so  arranged  as  to  accomphsh  in  particular  a 

great    Divine    moral   purpose    in    the 

5.  Moral  revelation  of  God  to  the  Israelites,  to 
Purpose         the  Egyptians  and  to  all  the  world. 

This  is  the  distinctive  mark  of  every 
real  miracle.  And  this  leads  us  directly  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  most  important  aspect  of  the 
plagues. 

///.  The  Divine  Moral  Purpose. — This  discredit- 
ing of  the  gods  of  Egypt  is  marked  at  every  step  of 
the  progress  of  the  plagues,  and  the  accumulated 
effect  of  the  repeated  discrediting  of  the  gods  must 


have  had,  and,  indeed,  had,  a  great  influence  upon 

the  Egyptians.     The  plagues  did  'execute  judgment 

against  the  gods  of  Egypt'  (12  12),  and 

1.  Discred-  the  people  and  princes  brought  great 
iting  of  the  pressure  to  bear  upon  Pharaoh  to  let 
Gods  of  the  people  go  (10  7).  The  magicians 
Egypt              who  claimed  to  represent  the  gods  of 

Egypt  were  defeated,  Pharaoh  himself, 
who  was  accounted  divine,  was  humbled,  the  great 
god,  the  Nile,  was  polluted,  frogs  defiled  the  temples 
and,  at  last,  the  sun,  the  greatest  god  of  Egypt,  was 
blotted  out  in  darkness. 

Pharaoh  was  made  to  know  that  Jeh  is  Lord, 
and  acknowledged  it  (9  27;   10  16).     To  this  end 

the  issue  was  clearly  drawn.     Pharaoh 

2.  Pharaoh  challenged  the  right  of  Jeh  to  com- 
Made  to  mand  him  (5  2),  and  God  required  him 
Know  Je-  then  to  "stand"  to  the  trial  until  the 
hovah  Is  evidence  could  be  fully  presented,  in 
Lord  accordance  with  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple that  he  who  makes  a  charge  is 

bound  to  stand  to  it  until  either  he  acknowledges 
its  utter  falsity  or  affords  opportunity  for  full  pres- 
entation of  evidence.  So  we  see  God  made  Pharaoh 
to  "stand"  (9  16)  (while  the  Bible,  which  speaks  in 
the  concrete  language  of  life,  calls  it  the  hardening 
of  Pharaoh's  heart)  until  the  case  was  tried  out  (cf 
Lamb,  Miracle  of  Science,  126-49). 

A  more  blessed  and  gracious  moral  purpose  of  the 

plagues  was  the  revelation  of  God  as  the  Saviour 

of  the  world.     This  began  in  the  reve- 

3.  Revela-  lation  at  the  burning  bush,  where  God, 
tion  of  God  in  fire,  appeared  in  the  bush,  yet  the 
as  Saviour     bush  was  not  consumed,   but  saved. 

This  revelation,  thus  given  to  the 
people,  was  further  evidenced  by  the  separation  be- 
tween Israel  and  the  Egj'ptians;  was  made  known 
even  to  the  Egyptians  by  the  warning  before  the 
plague  of  hail,  that  those  Egyptians  who  had  been 
impressed  with  the  power  of  God  might  also  learn 
that  He  is  a  God  that  will  save  those  who  give  heed 
unto  Him;  and,  at  last,  reached  its  startling  climax 
when  the  angel  of  the  Lord  passed  over  the  blood- 
marked  door  the  night  of  the  death  of  the  firstborn 
and  the  institution  of  the  Passover. 

Last  of  all,  the  plagues  had  a  great  moral  purpose 
in  that  they  embodied  the  Divine  use  of  evil  in  the 

experience  of  men  in  this  world.     As 

4.  Divine  the  experience  of  Job  illustrates  the 
Use  of  E-/il    use  of  evil  in  the  life  of  the  righteous, 

so  the  plagues  of  Egypt  illustrate  the 
same  great  problem  of  evil  in  the  lot  of  the  wicked. 
In  the  one  case,  as  in  the  other,  the  wonders  of  God 
are  so  arranged  as  "to  justify  the  ways  of  God  to 
men." 

The  minutely  accurate  knowledge  of  life  in 
Egypt  displayed  by  this  narrative  in  the  Book  of 
Ex  is  inconceivable  in  an  age  of  so  little  and  diffi- 
cult intercommunication  between  nations,  except 
by  actual  residence  of  the  author  in  Egypt.  This 
has  an  important  bearing  upon  the  time  of  the  com- 
position of  this  narrative,  and  so  upon  the  question 
of  its  author. 

Literature. — The  literature  of  this  subject  is  almost 
endless.  It  will  suffice  to  refer  the  reader  to  all  the 
general  comms.,  and  the  special  comms.  on  lilx,  for  dis- 
cussion of  doctrinal  and  critical  questions.  Two  ad- 
mirable recent  discussions  of  the  plagues,  in  English, 
are  Lamb,  Miracle  of  Science,  and  Merrins.  "  The  Plagues 
of  Egypt,"  in  Bibliolheca  Sacra,  1908,  July  and  October. 

M.  G.  Kyle 

PLAIN,  plan  ([1]  "13?,  kikkar,  "circle,"  "talent," 


ydshar,  "to  be  level";  cf  Arab,  .y^jjo ,  maisllr, 
"that  which  is  easy";  [3]  nyp33,  bilf'ah;  cf  Arab. 
XjLftj ,    bak^at,   "a    plot    of    ground,"    or   "a    wet 


2407  THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    P'^eues  of  Egypt 

Plaster 


meadow";  [4]  nnny,  'Arabhah;  [5]  nbSTC ,  sh'phe- 
lah;  ^  [6]  tottos  ireSivos,  Idpos  pedinds  [Lk  6  17]; 
[7]  libx,  'elon;  cf  nbs,  'elah,  and  pbX,  'allon, 
"oak"  [Gen  35  4.8,  etc];  also  nbx,  'eia/i,  "Elah" 
[1  S  17  2];  [8]  bnx,  'a6/ieO:  See  Natueal  Fea- 
tures. 

(1)  Kikkar,  when  meaning  "plain"  usually  refers 
to  the  alluvial  plain  about  Jericho  near  the  north 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea:  "Plain  [RVm  "circle"]  of  the 
Jordan"  (Gen  13  10.11;  1  K  7  4G;  2  Ch  4  17); 
"Plain  of  the  valley  of  Jericho"  (Dt  34  3);  "cities 
of  the  Plain"  (Gon  13  12;  19  29);  "all  the  Plain" 
(Gen  19  17.25);  "by  the  way  of  the  Plain"  (2  S 
18  23);  but  "the  plain  round  about  Jerus"  (Neh 
12  28).     See  Ciocar;  Circle. 

(2)  Mlshor,  EV  "plain,"  RVm  usually  "table- 
land," clearly  refers  in  most  places  to  the  highlands 
of  Gilead  and  Moab,  E.  of  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead 
Sea;  e.g.  Josh  13  9,  "the  plain  [RVm  "table-land"] 
of  Medeba." 

(3)  Bik'dh  is  more  often  tr-^  "valley"  (q.v.). 

(4)  'Ardhhah  is  in  RV  often  tr-^  "the  Arabah," 
denoting  the  whole  Jordan-Dead-Sea-Arabah  de- 
pression =  Arab.  Ghaur  (Ghor).  In  Dt  11  30,  AV 
has  "champaign"  (q.v.).  The  "plains  of  Moab" 
(Nu  22  1;  26  3.63;  31  12;  33  48.49.50;  35  1; 
36  13;  Dt  34  1.8;  Josh  13  32)  and  "plains  of 
Jericho"  (Josh  4  13;  5  10;  2  K  25  5;  Jer  39  5;. 
52  8)  are  the  low  plain  or  ghaur  N.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  ^Arahhah  is  here  equivalent  to  kikkar  (see 
above).  Note  the  distinction  between  mlshor  used 
of  the  highlands,  and  kikkar  and  'drabhdh  used  of  the 
ghaur.     See  Arabah. 

(5)  Sh'phelah  is  by  RV  throughout  tr''  "lowland" 
(q.v.),  and  includes  the  western  slopes  of  the  Judaean 
hills  and  the  maritime  plain. 

(6)  Topos  pedinos  occurs  only  in  Lk  6  17. 

(7)  ' Elon  is  tr'^  "plain"  in  AV:  "plain  of  Moreh" 
(Gen  12  6;  Dt  11  30);  "plain  ]or  plains]  of 
Mamre"  (Gen  13  18;  14  13;  18  1);  "plain  of 
Zaanaim"  (Jgs  4  11);  "plain  of  the  pillar"  (Jgs 
9  6);  "plain  of  Meonenim"  (Jgs  9  37);  "plain  of 
Tabor"  (1  S  10  3).  RV  has  throughout  "oak," 
RVm  "terebinth";  cf  "oak"  (Gen  35  4.8,  etc) 
and  "vale  of  Elah"  (1  S  17  2.19;   21  9). 

(8)  'Abhel  k'ramlm  (Jgs  11  33)  is  in  AV  "the 
plain  of  the  vineyards,"  RV  "Abel-cheramim," 
RVm  "the  meadow  of  vineyards."  Elsewhere  in 
EV  'dhhel  is  "Abel"  or  "Abel-."  See  Abel-cher- 
amim; Meadow.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

PLAIN,  plan,  PLAINLY,  plan'li:  In  Gen  25  27, 
AV  "plain"  represents  QI? ,  tarn.  If  a  contrast 
between  the  vocations  of  Jacob  and  Esau  is  meant, 
RV  ("quiet,"  m  "harmless")  may  be  right.  But 
elsewhere  (Job  1  1;  Ps  37  37,  etc)  the  word  means 
"perfect,"  and  so  probably  here;  the  failings  of  the 
great  patriarch  did  not  detract  from  the  general 
estimate  of  him  (Mt  8  11).  In  Ezr  4  18  "trans- 
lated" (RVm)  is  better  than  "plainly  read." 

PLAIN,  CITIES  OF  THE.  See  Cities  of  the 
Plain. 

PLAIN  OF  MOAB:  In  Dt  1  1;  2  8,  "plain"  is 
tr''  in  RV  "Arabah,"  and  explained,  "the  deep 
valley  running  N.  and  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea."  It  was 
here  that  Moses  delivered  his  last  addresses.  Usu- 
ally the  word  is  pi.  (ntt"}?,  'ar'bholh),  the  "plains" 
or  steppes  of  Moab  (Nu  22  1,  etc;  Dt  34  1.8). 
An  interesting  description  is  given  in  an  article  on 
"The  Steppes  of  Moab"  by  Professor  G.  B.  Gray 
in  Expos,  January,  1905.     See  Moab. 


PLAIN  OF  THE  PILLAR  (1^12  fh^,  'elonmus- 
i^dbh;  B  reads  Trpos  rfj  |3aXav(o  t^  cvpcr^  ttis  o-to- 
o-€a)s_Tf|s  €v  2i.k£|jiois,  pr6s  It  baldnu  it  heurele  Its 
sldseos  IT'S  en  Sikimois;  A  omits  rfj  evrptrfi,  and  the 
second  rT\s):  With  RVm  we  must  read  "terebinth 
of  the  pillar,"  the  place  where  the  men  of  Shechem 
and  Beth-millo  made  Abimelech  king  (Jgs  9  6). 
This  was  one  of  the  sacred  trees  of  which  there  seem 
to  have  been  several  near  Shechem.  See  Meon- 
enim, Oak  of.  "The  pillar"  may  po.ssibly  have 
been  the  great  stone  which  Joshua  set  up  "under 
the  oak  that  was  by  the  sanctuary  of  Jeh"  (Josh 
24  26).  W.  EwiNG 

PLAIN  OF  THE  VINEYARDS.  See  Abel- 
cheramim. 

PLAISTER,  plas'ter.     See  Plaster. 

PLAITING,  plat'ing,  plat'ing  (from  OFr.  pleit, 
from  Lat  plicatum,  "fold"):  An  interweaving, 
braiding,  knot;  an  elaborate  gathering  of  the  hair 
into  knots;  i/x-n-Xo^,  emplokt,  "outward  adorning 
of  plaiting  the  hair"  (1  Pet  3  3).  Compare 
"platted"  (crown  of  thorns)  (Mt  27  29  [|  Mk  15 
17;  Jn  19  2).     See  Braided,  Braiding. 

PLANE,  plan  (Isa  44  13).     See  Tools. 

PLANE  TREE,  plan'tre  (liiaiy,  'armon;  irXa- 
Tavos,  pldlanos  [Gen  30  37],  eXdrr],  eMie["pine"  or 
"fir"]  [Ezk  31  8];  AV 
chestnut) :  'Armon  is  sup- 
posed to  be  derived  from 
V  D")y ,  'dram,  meaning 
"to  be  bare"  or  "naked"; 
this  is  considered  a  suit- 
able term  for  the  plane, 
which  sheds  its  bark  annu- 
ally. The  chestnut  of  AV 
is  not  an  indigenous  tree, 
but  the  plane.  Planus 
orientalis,  is  one  of  the 
finest  trees  in  Pal,  flourish- 
ing esp.  by  water  courses 
(cf  Ecclus  24  14). 


" 

/  ^ 

5^  ^.^v^^:^ 

•  ~i 

io\ 

M     « 

A  ^M 

rr 

® 

Plane  (Planus  orientalis). 


PLANETS,   plan'ets    (nibra  , 
Astrology,  II,  3. 


mazzalolh).      See 


PLANK,  plank:  Thick  beams  or  pieces  of  wood, 
for  which  several  Heb  words  are  used.  RV  changes 
"planks"  (of  fir)  into  "boards"  in  1  K  6  15,  and 
in  a  few  instances  substitutes  "planks"  where  AV 
has  "boards"  (Ex  27  8;  38  7,  the  altar;  Ezk  27  5). 
So  in  the  NT  in  Acts  27  44,  for  aavLs,  sanls.  See 
Ships  and  Boats,  II,  2,  (3). 

PLANT,  PLANTS.     See  Botany. 

PLASTER,  plas'ter  (TiiC ,  sldh) :  In  Egypt,  now 
as  anciently,  the  buildings  are  plastered  inside  and 
out.  The  poor  quality  of  the  stone  commonly  used 
makes  this  necessary  if  a  smooth  attractive  sur- 
face is  desired.  Among  the  poorer  classes,  clay 
mixed  with  straw  is  used.  In  Pal  and  Syria,  where 
there  is  a  rainy  season,  the  coating  on  the  outside 
walls,  if  of  clay,  must  be  frequently  renewed.  In 
Egypt  burnt  gypsum,  and  in  Pal  and  Syria  burnt 
limestone  (lime)  are  the  commonest  materials  for 
making  mortar.  For  the  first  coat  of  plastering 
the  lime  is  mixed  with  "fat"  red  sand  or  with  the 
ash  from  the  bathhouse  fires,  and  the  finishing 
coat  is  composed  of  white  sand  and  slaked  lime 
with  or  without  chopped  flax  straw.  The  plaster 
on  some  of  the  ancient  Egyp  ruins  seems  to  indicate 


Plaster 
Plow 


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2408 


that  milk  or  some  similar  substance  was  added  to 
the  mortar  to  give  a  better  surface. 

The  ancients  preferred  plastered  surfaces  for 
decorating,  and  even  the  finest  granite  was  covered 
with  stucco  on  which  to  paint  or  carve  the  decora- 
tions (Dt  27  2;  Dnl  5  5).  Columns  were  often 
first  stuccoed  and  then  painted. 

The  Arab,  word  for  mortar  is  tin,  which  really 
means  "clay."  The  Heb  "■'IB,  sidh,  lit.  "to  boil 
up,"  refers  to  the  boiling  of  the  water  with  which  the 
lime  is  slaked,  because  of  the  heat  generated  during 
the  slaking  process.  In  Dnl  5  5  occurs  1^3 ,  gir, 
i.e.  "burned  in  a  kiln,"  which  might  mean  either 
lime  or  gypsum.  In  Lev  14  42  occurs  n^T3  ,  til''h, 
"to  smear."  James  A.  Patch 

PLASTER,  plas'ter  (n-|)2 ,  marah):  Only  used 
in  Isa  38  21  of  the  application  of  the  cake  of  figs 
to  the  boil  from  which  Hezekiah  suffered.  In 
Papyrus  Ebers,  figs  are  used  as  the  ingredient  in  a 
plaster  (xxxv,  Ixxix,  Ixxxiii).  Dioscorides  also  rec- 
ommends figs  with  other  substances  as  a  poultice 
in  some  skin  diseases. 

PLASTERING,  plas'ter-ing.     See  Ceafts,  II,  15. 

PLATE,  plat:  A  term  seemingly  not  used  in  the 
Bible  for  a  dish  as  it  is  so  commonly  used  at  present, 
but  always  for  a  tablet  or  sheet  of  metal.  (1)  f^? , 
ftf  (Ex  28  36;  39  30;  Lev  8  9),  a  plate  of  gold  on 
the  front  of  the  mitre  of  the  high  priest.  The  name 
seems  to  have  been  given  because  of  the  radiance 
of  the  object.  (2)  ns  ,  pah  (Ex  39  3;  Nu  16  38), 
of  plates  or  sheets  of  metal  produced  by  hammering. 
(3)  nib  ,  lil'h,  used  for  tablets  or  tables  of  stone  (Ex 
24  12,  etc),  but  in  1  K  7  36  for  the  metal  plates 
on  the  bases  of  the  lavers  in  the  temple.  The 
word  T^D ,  seren,  is  rendered  "plate"  in  1  K  7  30 
AV,  manifestly  incorrectly,  RV  "axle." 

Walter  R.  Betteridge 

PLATTER,  plat'er:  (1)  nn^p  ,  J^'araA,  "a  deep 
dish"  (Nu  7  13  f.84.85).  In'  AV  and  ERV 
"charger,"  ARV  "platter"  (cf  Ex  25  29;  37  16); 
LXX  Tpv^Xiov,  truhlion,  and  in  the  NT  rendered 
"dish"  (Mt  26  23;  Mk  14  20).  In  Ezr  1  9,  ARV 
b-jnji*,  'dghartal,  rendered  "platter,"  AV  and  ERV 
"chargers";  probably  a  deep  dish  or  basin  used  in 
sacrificial  slaughter.  (2)  ■n-a.po'f'ls,  paropsis,  origi- 
nally a  side  dish,  for  relishes,  entrees,  but  of  dishes 
for  food,  in  general,  esp.  meats,  fish,  etc,  used  with 
TTOT-fipLov,  poterion,  "cup"  or  "drinking  vessel"  (Mt 
23  2.5  f);  also  ttItoI,  pireax,  originally  a  large  wooden 
chsh  or  plate  (Lk  11  39);  rendered  "charger"  in 
Mt  14  8.11  AV,  and  Mk  6  25.28  AV  and  ERV. 
Edward  Bagby  Pollard 

PLAY,  pla.     See  Games. 

PLEAD,  pled:  In  modern  non-legal  Eng.  is  a 
synonym  of  "pray"  or  "beseech,"  but  in  legal 
phraseology  "plea,"  "plead,"  and  "pleading"  have 
a  great  variety  of  technical  meanings,  with  "present 
a  case  before  the  court"  as  the  idea  common  to  all. 
All  the  uses  of  "plead"  in  EV  are  connected  with 
this  legal  sense,  so  that  outside  of  the  set  phrase 
"plead  a  cause"  (1  S  24  15,  etc)  there  is  hardly 
a  use  of  the  word  in  AV,  ERV,  or  ARV  that  is  clear 
modern  Eng.  The  most  obscure  instances  are  due  to 
AV's  employment  of  "plead"  to  translate  the  Niphal 
of  USID ,  shapliat.  Shdphat  means  "judge,"  so  its 
Niphal  means  "bring  one's  self  into  a  case  to  be 
judged,"  "enter  into  controversy  with,"  and  so 
"plead"  in  the  legal  sense.  Hence  "None  pleadeth 
in  tn_ith"  (Isa  59  4)  means  "None  of  their  lawsuits 
are  honest."  Accordingly,  when  God  is  said  to 
"plead  with"  man  (Isa  66  16  AV,  ERV,  etc),  the 


meaning  is  that  God  states  His  side  of  the  case  and 
not  at  all  that  He  supplicates  man  to  repent.  And 
this  statement  by  God  is  a  judicial  act  that  of  course 
admits  of  no  reply.  Hence  RV  has  changed  "plead 
with"  into  "enter  into  judgment  with"  in  Jer  2  35, 
and  ARV  has  carried  this  change  into  all  the  other 
passages  (Jer  25  31;  Ezk  17  20;  20  35.36;  38  22), 
with  "execute  judgment"  in  Isa  66  16;  Joel  3  2. 
The  same  vb.-form  occurs  also  in  Isa  43  26:  "Let 
us  plead  together,"  where  "Let  us  present  our 
arguments  on  both  sides"  would  be  a  fair  para- 
phrase. Otherwise  "plead"  usually  represents 
3"'"1,  ribh,  for  which  RV  gives  "strive"  in  place 
of  "plead"  in  Ps  35  1,  and  "contend"  in  Job 
13  19;  23  6  (ARV  also  in  Jgs  6  31.32;  Isa  3  13; 
Jer  2  9;  12  1;  Hos  2  2,  retaining  "plead"  only  in 
Isa  1  17  and  in  the  phrase  "plead  a  cause").  H?^, 
yakhah,  is  rendered  "plead"  in  Job  19  5  ("plead 
against  me  my  reproach,"  where  the  meaning  is 
"convict  me  of"),  in  Mic  6  2  AV  and  ERV  (ARV 
"contend"),  and  Job  16  21  AV  (RV  "maintain 
the  right").  "Plead"  is  used  also  for  X!^.,  din,  in 
Jer  30  13  and  Prov  31  9  AV  (RV  "minister  jus- 
tice to"),  and  Jer  5  28  RV  (AV  "judge";  cf  22  16, 
AV  and  RV  "judge").  RV  would  have  done  vastly 
better  if  the  use  of  "plead"  had  been  avoided  alto- 
gether. 

Pleadings  (i.e.  "arguments")  occurs  in  Job  13  6 
(for  rihh),  and  "plea"  {din,  in  a  specific  legal  sense) 
in  Dt  17  S.  AV  uses  "implead"  in  Acts  19  38  for 
i^KoKioi,  egkaleo,  RV  "accuse  "  lit.  "call  into  court"; 
cf  also  "pleaded  the  cause  in  2  Mace  4  44  (lit. 
"argued  the  case")  and  ver  47,  RV  "pleaded"  (lit. 
"spoken,"  AV  "told  their  cause"). 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PLEASURE,  plezh'nr  (7Dn,  hepheg,  l^^n, 
rdgon;  eiSoKta,  eudokta,  T\Sovf\,  hedone) :  "Pleasure" 
is  the  tr  of  various  Heb  words,  chiefly  of  hephe;, 
"inclination,"  hence  "pleasure,"  "delight"  (job  21 
21,  "What  pleasure  hath  he  in  his  house?"  ARV 
"what  caret h  he  for";  22  3,  "Is  it  any  pleasure  to 
the  Almighty?";  Ps  111  2;  Eccl  5  4;  12  1;  in 
Isa  44  28;  46  10;  48  14;  53  10,  it  has  the  sense 
of  will  or  purpose,  "He  shall  perform  aU  my  pleas- 
ure," etc);  of  rof on,  "dehght,"  "acceptance,"  "good 
will"  (Ezr  10  11;  Neh  9  37;  Est  1  8;  Ps  51  18; 
103  21,  etc);  iiephesh,  "soul,"  "desire,"  is  tr"* 
"pleasure"  (Dt  23  24;   Ps  105  22;   Jer  34  16). 

In  the  NT  "pleasure"  is  the  tr  of  eudokia,  "good 
thought  or  will,"  "good  pleasure"  (Lk  2  14  RVm; 
Eph  1  5.9;  Phil  2  13;  2  Thess  1  11,  RV  "every 
desire  of  goodness,"  m  "Or  'good  pleasure  of  good- 
ness.'    CfRom  10  1"). 

"To  take  or  have  pleasure"  is  eudokid  (2  Cor  12  10; 

2  Thess  2  12;  He  10  6.8.38);  eudoked  is  once  tr^i 
"good  pleasure"  (Lk  12  32,  "It  is  your  father's  good 
pleasure  to  give  you  the  Idngdom  " ) ;  the  neuter  participle 
of  dokeo.  "to  think,"  etc — meaning  "it  seems  good  to 
me" —  td  dokoun,  is  trd  "pleasure"  {He  12  10,  "after 
their  pleasure,"  RV  "as  seemed  good  to  them");  he- 
done,  "sweetness,"  "pleasure,"  occurs  in  Lk  8  14;    Tit 

3  3;  2  Pet  2  13  (referring  to  the  lower  pleasures  of 
life);  thelema,  "wish,"  "will"  (Rev  4  11.  RV  "because 
of  thy  will");  chdris,  "favor"  (Acts  24  27;  25  9.  RV 
"favor");  spatalda.  "to  live  voluptuously"  (1  Tim  5 
6.  RV  "she  that  giveth  herself  to  pleasure") ;  suneudokeo, 
"to  think  well  with,"  "to  take  pleasure  with  others" 
(Rom  1  .32,  RV  "consent  with");  lruphdr>,  "to  live 
luxuriously"  (.Tas  5  5,  RV  "lived  delicately "). 

The  vb.  "to  pleasure"  occurs  in  2  Mace  2  27  as  the 
tr  of  eucharistia,  RV  "gratitude";  12  11,  ophelisein, 
RV  "to  help." 

W.  L.  Walker 

PLEDGE,  plej  (vbs.  bnn,  Mbhal  [10  t],  Dl^, 
'arabh  [2  K  18  23  =  Isa  36  8];  nouns  bnn,  hdbh'al 
[Ezk  18  12.16;  33  15],  nbln,  hdbholah  [Ezk  18 
7],  n;i-;y,  'ambbah  [l  S  17  18],  |i3-iy,  'erabhon 
[Gen  38  i7. 18.20];  also  133?,  'dbhot[Dt  24  10-13] 
and  [RV  only]  I2^P3? ,  'abhtit  [Hab  2  6]) :  All  these 


2409 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Plaster 
Plow 


words  have  about  the  same  meaning.  (1)  The 
"pledge"  is,  as  in  modern  Eng.,  security  given  for 
future  payment  (Gen  38  17-24)  or  conduct  (Hab 
2  6,  where  the  conquered  nations  have  given  guar- 
anties of  their  subserviency  to  the  Chaldaeans; 
AV's  "thick  clay"  here  rests  on  a  misreading  of  the 
Heb).  In  2  K  18  23  (  =  Isa  36  8)  the  "pledge" 
is  a  wager  (so  RVm).  Rabshakeh  mockingly  dares 
Hezekiah  to  stake  a  "pledge"  that  he  can  produce 
2,000  men  for  the  defence  of  Jerus,  although  the 
mighty  Assyr  host  has  that  number  of  horses  alone. 
The  general  point  of  the  obscure  passage  Prov  20 
16  (=  27  13)  is  that  he  who  guarantees  strangers 
needs  a  guaranty  himself.  1  S  17  18  is  uncertain 
and  the  text  may  be  corrupt.  If  not,  the  "pledge" 
is  some  (prearranged?)  token  of  the  welfare  of 
David's  brethren.  (2)  Most  of  the  occurrences  of 
"pledge,"  however,  deal  with  the  debts  of  the  very 
poor,  who  had  no  property  that  they  could  spare 
even  temporarily.  Consequently,  the  exaction  of 
a  pledge  from  such  persons  worked  genuine  hard- 
ship, and  to  take  a  pledge  at  all  was  a  cruel  act 
(Job  24  3),  although  of  course  the  dishonesty  of 
withholding  a  pledge  (Ezk  18  7;  33  15)  was  worse. 
Lowest  in  the  scale  was  the  creditor  who  took  the 
garment  the  borrower  was  wearing  (Am  2  8;  Job 
22  6;  24  9  m),  and  special  legislation  controlled 
this  practice.  A  garment  (the  outer  "cloak" — see 
Dress — not  worn  while  doing  manual  labor)  so 
taken  must  be  restored  at  night  (Ex  22  26;  Dt 
24  12.13),  for  it  was  the  usual  covering  of  the  sleep- 
er. (Apparently,  though,  the  creditor  regained 
custody  of  it  in  the  daytime  until  the  debt  was  paid.) 
A  widow's  clothing,  however,  was  entirely  ex- 
empt (Dt  24  17),  as  was  the  handmill  used  for 
bread-making  (24  6).  The  lender  had  no  right  of 
entry  into  the  borrower's  house  to  obtain  the  pledge 
(24  10.11),  but  it  is  not  said  that  he  could  not  dic- 
tate what  he  would  accept ;  indeed,  the  contrary  is 
inconceivable.  (3)  ARV  gives  "pledge"  for  AV 
and  ERV  "faith"  in  1  Tim  5  12.  See  also  Ear- 
nest. Burton  Scott  Easton 

PLEIADES,  pli'a-dez,  ple'ya-dez,  ple'a-dez.  See 
Astrology,  10;  Astronomy,  II,  10. 

PLEROMA,  pIS-ro'ma.     See  Fulness. 

PLOW,  plou  (liJin  ,  harash;  aporpiow,  arotrido) : 
No  implement  of  the  Bible  is  more  frequently 
illustrated  today  than  the  plow.  This  is  partly 
because  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
plows  still  used  throughout  Egypt,  Pal,  and  Syria 
are  counterparts  of  the  ancient  ones.  The  first 
plows  were  probably  an  adaptation  of  the  an- 
cient Egyp  hoe,  where  the  handle  was  lengthened 
in  order  that  animals  might  be  hitched  to  it.  To 
make  it  easier  to  break  up  the  ground,  it  was  pointed, 
and  handles  were  added  by  which  it  could  be 
guided.  The  ancient  plow  probably  varied  in 
type  in  different  sections  of  the  country,  as  it  does 
today.  In  one  form  a  young  tree  of  9ak  or  other 
strong  wood  of  a  diameter  of  3  or  4  in.  is  cut  off 
just  below  a  good-sized  branch  and  again  15  or 
20  in.  above.  The  upper  end  of  the  severed  trunk 
is  pointed  and  forms  the  share.  Between  this 
and  the  side  branch  is  fitted  a  brace.  The  branch 
is  cut  off  10  or  12  ft.  from  the  trunk  and  forms 
the  pole.  A  lighter  stick,  about  3  ft.  long,  projects 
upward  from  the  share  and  forms  the  handle. 
The  plow  used  in  Syria  is  of  slightly  different 
construction.  The  handle  and  share  are  one  con- 
tinuous piece,  so  cut  that  there  is  a  slight  bend  at 
the  middle.  The  share  is  pointed  and  is  used 
bare  in  the  plains,  or  in  more  stony  regions  is  shod 
with  iron.  The  pole  is  of  2  pieces  joined  end  to 
end.     The  thicker  end  of  the  pole  is  notched,  so 


that  it  may  be  attached  firmly  to  the  share.  The 
whole  plow  is  so  light  that  it  can  be  easily  carried 
on  a  man's  shoulder.  These  plows  literally  scratch 
the  soil,  as  the  Heb  word  implies.  They  do  not 
turn  over  the  ground  as  the  modern  implement  does. 
The  plowman  guides  the  plow  with  one  hand,  and 


Syrian  Plow,  Yoke  and  Pick. 

with  the  other  sometimes  goads  the  oxen,  and  at 
other  times  with  the  chisel  end  of  his  goad  breaks 
away  the  lumps  of  earth  or  other  material  which 
impedes  the  progress  of  his  plow.    See  Yoke. 

In  addition  to  the  words  which  are  found  above, 
the  following  terms  occur:  "1?^ ,  ^abhadh  (lit.  "to 
serve"),  "worked"  or  "plowed"'  (Dt  21  4);  nbs , 
palah  (lit.  "to  break  open,"  Ps  141  7). 

One  special  law  is  mentioned  in  connection  with 
plowing,  namely  that  an  ox  and  an  ass  should  not 
be  yoked  together  (Dt  22  10),  a  prohibition  which 
is  utterly  disregarded  today.  Principally  oxen 
were  used  for  plowing  (Job  1  14).  Often  several 
yokes  of  oxen  followed  each  other  plowing  parallel 
furrows  across  the  field,  a  sight  still  common  on 
the  plains  of  Syria  (1  K  19  19).  Plowing  was  done 
by  bond  servants  (Lk  17  7;  cf  'abhadh,  Dt  21  4). 
Plowing  cannot  be  done  before  the  rains  (Jer  14 
4) ;  on  the  other  hand  the  soil  is  too  sticky  to  plow 
in  the  winter  time  (Prov  20  4).  The  law  requiring 
one  day  of  rest  in  every  seven  included  plowing 
time  (Ex  34  21). 

Figurative:  "The  plowers  plowed  upon  my  back" 
typified  deep  affliction  (Ps  129  3;  cfl417).  "Plow 
imquity"  is  urged  in  the  sense  of  "plant  iniquity." 
Domg  evil  was  sure  to  bring  evil  consequences 
(Job  4  8;  cf  Mic  3  12).  As  surely  as  planting 
comes  after  plowing,  so  surely  will  Jeh  carry  out 
His  decree  of  destruction  (Isa  28  23-25).  "jfudah 
shall  plow,"  i.e.  become  enslaved  (Hos  10  11);  cf 
"Foreigners  shall  be  your  plowmen"  (Isa  61  5). 
"Will  one  plow  there  with  oxen?"  (Am  6  12), 
"neither  plowing  nor  harvest"  (Gen  45  6)  are 
figures  of  desolation.  Zion  plowed  as  a  field,  i.e. 
utterly  destroyed  (Jer  26  18).  The  plowman  shall 
overtake  the  reaper,  i.e.  the  soil  shall  be  so  fertile 
as  to  require  no  rest — typical  of  great  abundance 
(Am  9  13).  No  opportunity  to  plow  because  of 
lack  of  rain  is  a  desolate  picture  of  drought  (Jer 
14  4).  As  the  plowman  expects  to  share  in  the 
fruits  of  the  harvest,  so  might  an  apostle  expect  his 
temporal  needs  to  be  provided  for  (1  Cor  9  10). 
"If  ye  had  not  plowed  with  my  heifer,"  i.e.  used  my 
wife,  was  Samson's  reply  to  those  who  had  secured 
the  answer  to  his  riddle  from  her  (Jgs  14  18). 
"Beat  their  swords  into  plowshares"  (or  hoes)  (Isa 

2  4;  Mic  4  3)  typified  peace;  "beat  your  plow- 
shares into  swords" — war  (Joel  3  10).  "Having 
put  his  hand  to  the  plow,  and  looking  back,"  i.e. 
longing  for  evil  things  when  one  has  set  his  face 
toward  doing  what  is  right,  unfits  a  man  for  the 
kingdom  of  God   (Lk  9  62;    cf  Gen  19  26;    Phil 

3  13).  James  A.  Patch 


Plucking,  Hair 
Poetry,  Hebrew 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2410 


PLUCKING,   pluk'ing,    OFF  THE  HAIR.     See 

Hair,  7;  Punishments. 

PLUMB-LINE,  plumTm,  PLUMMET,  plum'et, 
plum'it.     See  Tools. 

POCHERETH-HAZZEBAIM,  pok'g-reth,  po'ke- 
reth,  p5-ke'reth,  -ha-zE-ba'im  (D"'32in  tTISE ,  po- 
kherelh  ha^s'bhayiyn  [Ezr  2  57],  or  b''')3^n  "E,  p. 
ha-('bhatjim  [Neh  7  59],  "binder  [fern.]  of  the 
gazelles"):  Name  of  the  head  of  a  post-exilic 
family.  The  first  word  is  a  fem.  participle  Kal; 
cf  koheleth  ("preacher"),  the  Heb  title  of  the 
Book  of  Eccl.  BDB  suggests  that  the  fem.  is 
that  of  office.  AV  has  "Pochereth  of  Zebaim"  in 
Ezr,  but  Ryle  (Cambridge  Bible,  235)  notes  that 
"of"  is  not  in  the  1611  ed. 

POET,  po'et  (iron)TT|s,  poietts,  "a  maker"): 
Occurs  in  this  sense  only  in  Acts  17  28,  where  St. 
Paul  quotes  from  the  general  expression  of  Gr 
mythology.  The  quotation  if  intended  to  be  exact 
is  probably  from  Aratus,  as  the  words  of  St.  Paul 
in  his  speech  at  Athens  precisely  agree  with  the 
opening  words  of  the  Phamiomena  by  Aratus.  A 
like  but  not  identical  expression  is  found  in  the 
Hymn  to  Zeus  by  Cleanthes.  Aratus  in  his  poem 
endeavors  to  posit  Jupiter  as  the  father  and  con- 
troller of  all  things,  and  worthy  to  be  worshipped. 
In  both  his  poem  and  that  of  Cleanthes,  but  esp. 
in  the  latter,  there  is  a  true  and  lofty  note  of 
spiritual  devotion.  St.  Paul  takes  this  praise  and 
devotion  offered  by  the  Gr  poets  to  their  un- 
known or  fictitious  gods  and  bestows  it  upon  the 
one  true  God  whom  he  declared  unto  the  people 
of  Athens.  C.  E.  Schenk 

POETRY,  po'et-ri,  HEBREW: 

I.     Is  There  Poetry  in  the  OT  ? 
Poetry  Defined : 

1.  In  Matter  Concrete  and  Imaginative 

2.  In  Form  Emotional  and  Rhytlimical 
II.     Neglect  OF  Hebrew  Poetry:   Causes 

III.  Ch.-vracteristics  of  Hebrew  Poetry,  External 
.^ND  Internal 

1.  External  or  Formal  Characteristics 

(1)  Vocabulary 

(2)  Grammar 

(3)  Rhythm 

(4)  Parallelism 

(.5)   Other  Literary  Devices 

(6)  Units  of  Hebrew  Poetry 

(7)  Classification  of  Stichs  or  Verses 

2.  Internal  or  Material  Characteristics 

(1)  Themes  of  Hebrew  Poetry 

(2)  Species  of  Hebrew  Poetry 

IV.  Poetical  Writings  of  the  OT 

1.  The  Poetical  Books  in  the  Narrow  Sense 

2.  Customary  Division  of  the  Poetical  Books 

3.  Poetry  in  Non-poetical  Books 
Literature 

By  Heb  poetry  in  the  present  article  is  meant 
that  of  the  OT.  There  is  practically  no  poetry  in 
the  NT,  but  in  the  OT  Apoc  Sir  is  largely  poetical 
and  Wisd  only  less  so.  Post-Bib.  Heb  poetry  could 
not  be  discussed  here. 

/.  Is  There  Poetry  in  the  OT? — It  is  impossible 
to  answer  this  question  without  first  of  aU  stating 
what  poetry  really  is.  The  present  writer  submits 
the  following  as  a  correct  definition:  "Poetry  is 
verbal  composition,  imaginative  and  concrete  in 
matter,  and  emotional  and  rhythmic  in  form." 
This  definition  recognizes  two  aspects  of  poetry, 
the  formal  and  the  material.  The  substance  of 
poetry  must  be  concrete — it  is  philosojjhy  that  deals 
with  the  abstract;  and  it  has  to  be  the  product 
more  or  less  of  the  creative  imagination.  It  is  of 
the  essence  of  poetry  that,  like  music,  it  should  be 
expressed  in  rhythmical  but  not  necessarily  in 
metrical  form.  Moreover,  the  language  has  to  be 
such  as  will  stir  up  the  aesthetic  emotions.     Adopt- 


ing this  account  of  poetry  as  criticism,  it  may  un- 
hesitatingly be  affirmed  that  the  Heb  Scriptures 
contain  a  goodly  amount  of  genuine  poetry;  cf  the 
Pss,  Job,  Cant,  etc.  It  is  strange  but  true  that 
poetical  is  older  than  prose  written  composition. 
An  examination  of  the  literature  of  the  ancient 
Indians,  Babylonians,  Hebrews,  Greeks  and  Arabs 
makes  this  quite  certain. 

//.  Neglect  of  Hebrew  Poetry:  Causes. — Not- 
withstanding the  undoubted  fact  that  poetry  is 
largely  represented  in  the  Bible,  it  is  noteworthy 
that  this  species  of  Bible  literature  was  almost  wholly 
ignored  until  the  18th  cent.  We  may  perhaps  ascribe 
this  fact  mainly  to  two  causes:  (1)  Since  the  Bible 
was  regarded  as  preeminently,  if  not  exclusively,  a 
revelation  of  the  Divine  mind,  attention  was  fixed 
upon  what  it  contained,  to  the  neglect  of  the  literary 
form  in  which  it  was  expressed.  Indeed  it  was 
regarded  as  inconsistent  with  its  lofty,  Divine 
function  to  look  upon  it  as  literature  at  all,  since  in 
this  last  the  appeal  is  made,  at  least  to  a  large  extent, 
to  the  aesthetic  and  therefore  carnal  man.  The 
aim  contemplated  by  Bible  writers  was  practical — 
the  communication  of  religious  knowledge — not 
literary,  and  still  less  artistic.  It  was  therefore 
regarded  as  inconsistent  with  such  a  high  purpose 
that  these  writers  should  trouble  themselves  about 
literary  embellishment  or  beautiful  language,  so  long 
as  the  sense  was  clear  and  unambiguous.  It  was 
in  this  spirit  and  animated  by  this  conception  that 
toward  the  middle  of  the  19th  cent.  Isaac  Taylor  of 
Ongar  (The  Spirit  of  Heb  Poetry,  1861,  56  ff)  and 
Keil  of  Dorpat  {Intro  to  the  OT,  1881,  I,  437)  denied 
on  a  priori  grounds  the  presence  of  epic  and  dra- 
matic poetry  in  the  Bible.  How,  they  exclaimed, 
could  God  countenance  the  writing  of  fiction  which 
is  untruth — and  the  epic  and  the  drama  have  both? 
Matthew  Arnold  rendered  invaluable  service  to  the 
cause  of  Bible  science  when  he  fulminated  against 
theologians,  Jewish  and  Christian,  for  making  the 
Bible  a  mere  collection  of  proof  texts,  an  arsenal 
whence  religious  warriors  might  get  weapons  with 
which  to  belabor  their  opponents.  "The  language 
of  the  Bible  is  fluid  ....  and  literary,  not  rigid, 
fixed,  scientific"  (Preface  to  1st  ed  of  Literature  and 
Dogma).  The  Bible  contains  literature,  poetical 
and  prose,  equal  as  literature  to  the  best,  as  Matthew 
Arnold,  Carlyle,  and  Froude  (on  Job)  held.  The 
neglect  of  this  aspect  of  the  Scriptures  made  theo- 
logians blind  to  the  presence  and  therefore  ignorant 
of  the  character  of  Bible  poetry.  (2)  Another 
factor  which  led  to  the  neglect  of  the  poetical  ele- 
ment in  the  OT  is  the  undoubted  fact  that  Bib.  Heb 
poets  were  less  conscious  as  poets  than  western 
poets,  and  thought  much  less  of  the  external  form 
in  which  they  expressed  themselves.  Bible  poetry 
lacks  therefore  such  close  adherence  to  formal  rules 
as  characterizes  Gr,  Arab,  or  Eng.  poetry.  The 
authors  -wrote  as  they  felt  and  because  they  felt, 
and  their  strong  emotions  dictated  the  forms  their 
words  took,  and  not  any  objective  standards  set 
up  by  the  schools.  Heb  poetry  is  destitute  of  meter 
in  the  strict  sense,  and  also  of  rhyme,  though  this 
last  occurs  in  some  isolated  cases  (see  below.  III, 
1,  [4],  c  and  e).  No  wonder  then  that  western  schol- 
ars, missing  these  marks  of  the  poetry  which  they 
knew  best,  failed  for  so  long  to  note  the  poetry  which 
the  OT  contains. 

///.  Characteristics  of  Hebrew  Poetry:  External 
and  Internal. — The  definition  of  poetry  accepted 
in  I,  above,  implies  that  there  are  marks  by  which 
poetry  can  be  distinguished  from  prose.  This  is 
equally  true  of  Heb  poetry,  though  this  last  lacks 
some  of  the  features  of  the  poetry  of  western  nations. 

(1)  Vocabulary. — There  are  several  Heb  words  which 
occur  most  frequently  and  in  some  cases  exclusively  in 
poetry.     In  the  foUowing  list  the  corresponding  prose 


2411 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Plucking,  Hair 
Poetry,  Hebrew 


word  is  put  in  parenthesis:  H^TJ,  millah."woTi"  (  =  "13^, 
datftor);  liSijX.  'inosh,  "man"  (='liJi5iC,  'ish);  rTii?. 
1  External  ""''''^'  "'^^y"  "^^^H'  derekh);  rnn.'ha- 
or  Formal  ^"'''  "*°  ^°''"  ^^f^^T  ''"'"''):  tho'propo- 
Character-  ^'t'o°s"'^N. '«'«," to',"  i"iy,  MdAe,  "unto," 
istics  ''''?'    ''"^'     "upon,"    and    1313,     minni, 

"from,"     instead     of    the    shorter    forms 
— 5St.  '*!'.  ny,  'arf/i,  by  . 'ai,  and  I'O  ,  mm.    The  pronoun 

^T .  zu.  rare  in  prose,  has  in  poetry  the  double  function 
of  a  demonstrative  and  a  relative  pronoun  in  both  gen- 
ders. The  negative  b2.  bal,  is  used  for  jjb .  lo' .  For 
the  inseparable  prepositions  b,  k,  I  ("in,"  "as,"  "to") 
the  separate  forms  6om(5,  kc^no  and  lumO  are  employed. 

(2)  Grammar. — (a)  Accidence:  The  pronominal  suf- 
fixes have  peculiar  forms  in  poetry.  For  m,  dm,  em 
("their,"  "them")  we  find  the  longer  forms  mO,  dmo, 
emo.  For  the  pi.  ending  of  nouns  n  (in)  takes  the  place 
of  m  (im),  as  m  Aram,  (cf  Job  4  2;  12  11),  and  fre- 
quently obsolete  case  endings  are  preserved,  but  their 
functions  are  whoUy  lost.  Thus  we  have  the  old  nomi- 
native ending  3  in  Ps  50  10,  etc;  the  old  genitive  end- 
ing i  in  Isa  1  21,  and  the  accusative  ah  in  Ps  3  :3. 

(b)  Syntax:  The  article,  relative  pronoun,  accusative 
sing.  'Uh  and  also  the  "li'am-consocutive"  are  frequently 
omitted  for  the  sake  of  the  rhythm.  There  are  several 
examples  of  the  last  in  Ps  112  12  ft.  The  construct 
state  which  by  rule  immediately  precedes  nouns  has  often 
a  preposition  after  it.  The  jussive  sometimes  takes  the 
place  of  the  indicative,  and  the  pi.  of  nouns  occurs  for 
the  singular. 

(3)  Rhythm. — Rhjithm  (from  pu9n6s,  rhulhmds)  in 
literary  composition  denotes  that  recurrence  of  accented 
and  unaccented  syllables  in  a  regular  order  which  we 
have  in  poetry  and  rhetorical  prose.  Man  is  a  rhythmic 
animal:  he  breathes  rhythmically,  and  his  blood  cir- 
culates— outward  and  inward — rhythmically.  It  may 
be  due  to  these  reflex  rhythms  that  the  more  men  are 
swayed  by  feeling  and  the  less  by  reflection  and  reason- 
ing, the  greater  is  the  tendency  to  do  things  rhythmically. 
Man  walks  and  dances  and  sings  and  poetizes  by  the 
repetition  of  what  corresponds  to  metrical  feet:  action 
is  followed  by  reaction.  We  meet  with  a  kind  of  rhythm 
in  elevated  and  passionate  prose,  like  that  of  John  Rus- 
kin  and  other  writers.  Preachers  when  mastered  by  their 
theme  unconsciously  express  themselves  in  what  may 
be  called  rhythmic  sentences.  Though,  however, 
rhythm  may  be  present  in  prose,  it  is  only  in  poetry  as 
in  music  that  it  recurs  at  intervals  more  or  less  the  same. 
In  iambic  poetry  we  get  a  repetition  of  a  short  and  long 
syUabie,  as  in  the  foUowing  lines: 

' '  With  ravished  ears 
The  monarch  hears. 
Assumes  the  gods, 
Afl'ects  the  nods." 

— Dry  den. 

(4)  Parallelism. — What  is  so  called  is  a  case  of 
logical  rhythm  as  distinguished  from  rhythm  that 
is  merely  verbal.  But  as  this  forms  so  important 
a  feature  of  Bible  poetry,  it  must  be  somewhat  fully 
discussed.  What  since  Bishop  Lowth's  day  has 
been  called  parallehsm  may  be  described  as  the 
recurring  of  symmetrically  constructed  sentences, 
the  several  members  of  which  usually  correspond 
to  one  another.  Lowth  (d.  1787),  in  his  epoch- 
making  work  on  Heb  poetry  (De  Sacra  poesi  Hebrae- 
orum  prelecliones,  ET  by  G.  Gregory),  deals  with 
what  he  (following  Jebb)  calls  Parallelismus  mem- 
brorum  (ch  x).  And  this  was  the  first  serious  at- 
tempt to  expound  the  subject,  though  Rabbi 
Asariah  (Middle  Ages),  Ibn  Ezra  (d.  1167  AD),  D. 
Kimhi  (d.  1232)  and  A.  de  Rossi  (1514-1578)  called 
attention  to  it.  Christian  Schoettgeii  (d.  1751)  (see 
Horae  Hebraicae  et  Talmudicae)  anticipated  much 
of  what  Lowth  has  written  as  to  the  nature,  func- 
tion and  value  of  parallelism.  The  first  to  use  the 
word  itself  in  the  technical  sense  was  Jebb  (Sacred 
Lit.,  1820),  For  the  same  thing  Ewald  used  the 
expression  Sinnrhythmus,  i.e.  sense  rhythm,  a  not 
unsuitable  designation. 

(a)  Kinds  of  parallelism:  Lowth  distinguished 
three  principal  species  of  parallelism,  which  he  called 
synonymous,  antithetic  and  synthetic. 

(i)  The  synonymous:   In  this  the  same  thing  is 
repeated  in  different  words,  e.g.  Ps  36  5: 
'Yahwe,     (a)     Thy    lovingkindness    [reaches]    to    the 
heavens, 
O)    Thy  faithfulness  [reaches]  to  the  clouds.' 


Omitting  "Yahwe,"  which  belongs  ahke  to  both 
members,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  rest  of  the  two 
half-lines  corresponds  word  for  word:  "thy  loving- 
kindness"  corresponding  to  "thy  faithfulness,"  and 
'to  the  heavens"  answering  to  "to  the  clouds" 
(cf  Ps  15  1;  24  1-3;  25  5;  IS  18  7;  Isa  6  4; 
13  7). 

(ii)  Antithetic  parallelism:  in  which  the  second 
member  of  a  line  (or  verse)  gives  the  obverse  side 
of  the  same  thought,  e.g.  Prov  10  1: 

'A  wise  son  gladdens  his  father. 
But  a  foolish  son  grieves  his  mother' 

(see  Prov  11  3;  Ps  37  9;  cf  Prov  10  1  ff;  Ps  20 
8;  30  6;  Isa  54  7ff).  Sometimes  there  are  more 
than  two  corresponding  elements  in  the  two  mem- 
bers of  the  verse,  as  in  Prov  29  27;  cf  10  5;  16 
9;   27  2. 

(iii)  Synthetic  parallelism:  called  also  con- 
structive and  epithetic.  In  this  the  second  member 
adds  something  fresh  to  the  first,  or  else  explains  it, 
e.g.  Ps  19  8f: 

*The  precepts  of  Yahwe  are  right,  rejoicing  the  heart: 
The  commandments  of  Yahwe  are  pure,  enlighten- 
ing the  eyes. 
The  fear  of  Yahwe  is  clean,  enduring  for  ever: 
The  judgments   of   Yahwe   are   true   and   righteous 

altogether. 
More  to  be  desired  are  they  than  gold,   yea,  than 

much  fine  gold; 
Sweeter  also  than  honey  and  the  honeycomb' 

(see  Prov  1  7;  cf  3  5.7;  Ps  1  3;  15  4).  In  addi- 
tion to  the  three  principal  species  of  parallelism 
noticed  above,  other  forms  have  been  traced  and 
described. 

(iv)  Introverted  parallelism  (Jebb,  Sacred  Lit., 
53) :  in  which  the  hemistichs  of  the  parallel  mem- 
bers are  chiastically  arranged,  as  in  the  scheme  ab 
ba.     Thus  Prov  23  15  f: 

(o)  'My  son,  if  thy  heart  be  wise 

(b)  My  heart  shall  be  glad,  even  mine: 

(h)  Yea,  my  reins  shall  rejoice 

(a)  When  thy  Ups  speak  right  things' 

(cf  Prov  10  4.12;    13  24;    21  17;    Ps  51  3). 

(v)  Palilogical  parallelism:  in  which  one  or  more 
words  of  the  first  member  are  repeated  as  an  echo, 
or  as  the  canon  in  music,  in  the  second.  Thus 
Nah  1  2: 

'Yahwe  is  a  jealous  God  and  avenges: 
Yahwe  avenges  and  is  full  of  wrath; 
Yahwe  takes  vengeance  on  his  adversaries, 
And  he  reserves  wrath  for  his  enemies' 

(cf  Jgs  5  3.6f.llf.l5f.23.27;  Ps  72  2.12.17;  121; 
124;  126;  Isa  2  7;  24  5;  Hos  6  4). 

(vi)  Climactic  or  comprehensive  parallelism :  In 
this  the  second  line  completes  the  first.  Thus  Ps 
29  1: 

"Give  unto  Yahwe.  O  ye  mighty  ones. 
Give  unto  Yahwe  glory  and  strength" 

(see  Ex  15  6;  Ps  29  8). 

(vii)  Rhythmical  parallelism  (De  Wette,  Franz 
Delitzsch):  thus  Ps  138  4: 

"All  the  kings  of  the  earth  shall  give  thee  thanks  .... 
For  they  have  heard  the  words  of  thy  mouth." 

See  Prov  15  3;  cf  16  7.10;  17  13.15;  19  20;  21 
23.25. 

Perfect  parallelism  is  that  in  which  the  number 
of  words  in  each  line  is  equal.  When  unequal,  the 
parallelism  is  called  imperfect.  Ewald  (see  Die 
poetischen  Biicher  des  alien  Bundes,  I,  57-92;  Die 
Dichter  des  alien  Bundes,  I,  91  ff,  2d  ed  of  the 
former)  aimed  at  giving  a  complete  list  of  the  rela- 
tions which  can  be  expressed  by  parallelism,  and  he 
thought  he  had  succeeded.  But  in  fact  every  kind 
of  relation  which  can  be  indicated  in  words  may  be 
expressed  in  two  or  more  lines  more  or  less  parallel. 
On  the  alleged  parallelism  of  strophes  see  below. 


Poetry,  Hebrew      THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2412 


(b)  Parallelism  as  an  aid  to  exegesis  and  textual  criti- 
cism; If  in  Lowth's  words  parallelism  implies  that  "in  two 
lines  or  members  of  the  same  period  things  for  the  most 
part  shall  answer  to  things,  and  words  to  words,"  we 
should  expect  obscure  or  unknown  words  to  derive  some 
light  from  words  corresponding  to  them  in  parallel  mem- 
bers or  clauses.  In  not  a  few  cases  we  are  enabled  by 
comparison  of  words  to  restore  with  considerable  con- 
fidence an  original  reading  now  lost.  The  formula  is  in 
a  general  v^y  ^s  follows:  ab:  ex.  "We  know  what  a.  b 
and  c  mean,  but  are  whoUy  in  the  dark  as  to  the  sense  of  j-. 
The  problem  is  to  find  out  what  x  means.  We  have  an 
illustration  in  Jgs  5  28,  which  may  be  thus  literally 
translated : 

"Through  the  window  she  looked. 
And  Sisera's  mother  x  through  the  rr." 
Here  we  have  two  unknown,  each,  however,  corre- 
sponding to  known  terms.  The  Heb  vb.  accompanying 
"Sisera's  mother"  is  DS^^'^'  ^atUyabbebh, 'EY ''3.n(i  .  .  .  . 
cried."  But  no  such  vb.  (ydbhabh)  is  known,  for  the 
Talm,  as  usually,  follows  the  traditional  interpretation. 
We  want  a  vb.  with  a  meaning  similar  to  "lool<ed."  If 
we  read  t35^^  *  ^'a/iabbef,  we  have  a  form  which  could  , 
easily  be  corrupted  into  the  word  in  the  MT,  which  gives 
a  suitable  sense  and  moreover  has  the  support  of  the 
Tgs  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan,  and  even  of  the  LXX 
(A  and  Luc!).  What  about  the  other  Heb  word  untrans- 
lated above  (HDliJiC.  'eskndbh)  ?  This  occurs  in  but  one 
other  passage  (Prov  7  6),  where  it  stands  as  in  the 
present  passage  in  parallehsm  with  'I'l^n  .  hallou,  "win- 
dow" (probably  Prov  7  6  is  dependent).  We  get  no 
help  from  etymology  or  in  this  case  from  the  VSS,  but 
parallelism  had  suggested  to  our  translators  the  meaning 
"lattice,"  a  kind  of  Eastern  window,  and  something  of 
the  kind  must  be  meant.  The  vb.  shdnabh,  "to  be  cool," 
may  possibly  suggest  the  rendering  "window,"  i.e.  a 
hole  in  the  wall  to  secure  coolness  in  the  house.  Glass 
windows  did  not  exist  in  Pal,  and  are  rare  even  now. 
There  are  innumerable  other  examples  in  the  OT  of  the 
use  of  parallelism  in  elucidating  "words  which  occur  but 
once,  or  which  are  otherwise  diincult  to  understand,  and 
frequently  a  textual  emendation  is  suggested  which  is 
otherwise  supported. 

(c)  Prevalence  and  value  of  parallelism:  Two 
statements  anent  parallelism  in  the  OT  may  be 
safely  made:  (i)  That  it  is  not  a  characteristic  of 
all  OT  poetry.  Lowth  who  had  so  much  to  do 
with  its  discovery  gave  it  naturally  an  exaggerated 
place  in  his  scheme  of  Heb  poetry,  but  it  is  lacking 
in  the  largest  part  of  the  poetry  of  the  OT,  and  it  is 
frequently  met  with  in  elevated  and  rhetorical  prose, 
(ii)  That  it  pervades  other  poetr}'  than  that  of  the 
OT.  It  occurs  in  Assyria  (see  A.  Jeremias,  Die 
bab-assyr.  Vorstellung  vom  Leben  nach  dem  Tode), 
in  Egypt  (Georg  Ebers,  Nord  u.  Slid,  I),  in  Finnish, 
Ger.  and  Eng.  Indeed,  A.  Wuttke  {Der  deutsche 
Volks-Aherglaube  der  Gegenioart,  1869,  157)  and 
Eduard  Norden  {Die  antike  Kunstprosa,  1898,  II, 
813)  maintain  that  parallelism  is  the  most  primitive 
form  of  the  poetry  of  all  nations.  It  must  never- 
theless be  admitted  that  in  the  OT  parallelism  has 
in  proportion  a  larger  place  than  in  any  other  htera- 
ture  and  that  the  correspondence  of  the  parts  of 
the  stichs  or  verses  is  closer. 

(.5)  Other  literary  devices. — OT  poetry  has  addi- 
tional features  which  it  shares  with  other  oriental 
and  with  western  poetry.  Owing  to  lack  of  space 
these  can  be  hardly  more  than  enumerated. 

(o)  Alliteration:  e.g.  "Round  and  round  the  rugged 
rocks."  We  have  good  examples  in  the  Heb  of  Ps  6  8 
and  27  17.  (6)  Assonance:  e.g.  "dreamy  seamy" 
(see  for  Bible  examples  the  Heb  of  Gen  49  17:  Ex  14 
14;  Dt  3  2).  (c)  Rhyme:  There  are  so  few  examples 
of  this  in  the  Heb  Scriptures  that  no  one  can  regard  it 
as  a  featiu'e  in  Heb  poetry,  though  in  Arab,  and  even 
in  post-Bib.  Heb  poetry  it  plays  a  great  part.  We  have 
Bib.  Instances  in  the  Heb  text  of  Gen  4  23;  Job  lo 
8-11;  16  12.  (d)  Acrostics:  In  some  poems  of  the  OT 
half-verses,  verses,  or  groups  of  verses  begin  with  the 
successive  letters  of  the  Heb  alphabet.  We  have  such 
alphabetical  acrostics  in  Pss  9  f,  34,  37;  Prov  31 
10  ff;  Lam  1-4;  cf  ch  5,  where  the  number  of  verses 
agrees  with  that  of  the  Heb  alphabet,  though  the  letters 
of  that  alphabet  do  not  introduce  the  verses. 

(e)  Meter :  The  view  of  the  present  writer  may 
be  stated  as  follows:  That  the  poetry  of  the  Heb  is 
not  in  the  strict  sense  metrical,  though  the  writers 
under  the  influence  of  strong  emotion  express  them- 


selves rhythmically,  producing  often  the  phenomena 
which  came  later  to  be  codified  under  metrical  rules. 
Thinking  and  reasoning  and  speaking  preceded 
psychology,  logic,  and  grammar,  and  similarly 
poetry  preceded  prosody.  In  the  OT  we  are  in  the 
region  of  the  fact,  not  of  the  law.  Poets  wrote 
under  strong  impulse,  usually  religious,  and  without 
recognizing  any  objective  standard,  though  all  the 
time  they  were  supplying  data  for  the  rules  of 
prosody.  Those  who  think  that  OT  poets  had  in 
their  min4s  objective  rules  of  meter  have  to  make 
innumerable  changes  in  the  text.  Instead  of  basing 
their  theory  on  the  original  material,  they  bring 
their  a  priori  theory  and  alter  the  text  to  suit  it.  It 
can  be  fearlessly  said  that  there  is  not  a  single  poem 
in  the  OT  with  the  same  number  of  syllables,  or 
feet,  or  accents  in  the  several  stichs  or  hemistichs, 
unless  we  introduce  violent  changes  into  the  IMT, 
such  as  would  be  resented  in  classical  and  other  an- 
cient literature.  It  is  important,  before  coming  to 
any  definite  conclusion,  to  take  into  consideration 
the  fact  that  the  poetry  of  the  OT  belongs  to  periods 
separated  by  many  centuries,  from  the  Song  of 
Deborah  (Jgs  5) ,  the  earhest  Heb  poem,  down  to  the 
last  hymns  in  the  Psalter.  In  the  oldest  specimens 
of  Heb  poetry  there  is  a  naive  simplicity  which 
excludes  the  idea  of  conscious  art.  In  the  latest 
the  poet  is  much  more  conscious,  and  his  poetry 
more  artistic.  It  would  be  manifestly  unfair  to 
propound  a  theory  of  poetry  based  on  the  poetry  of 
Keats  and  Tennyson  and  to  apply  it  to  the  produc- 
tions of  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Eng.  poetry.  Bound 
up  in  the  one  volume  called  the  Bible  there  is  a  lit- 
erature differing  widely  in  age,  aim  and  authorship, 
and  it  needs  care  in  educing  a  conception  of  Heb 
poetry  that  wiU  apply  to  all  the  examples  in  the  OT. 
The  later  pss-acrostic,  etc,  many  of  them  made  up 
of  bits  of  other  pss,  seem  to  have  sprung  from  a  more 
conscious  effort  at  imitation.  If,  however,  there 
were  among  the  ancient  Hebrews,  as  there  was 
among  the  ancient  Greeks,  a  code  of  prosody,  it  is 
strange  that  the  Mish  and  G'mara'  should  be  wholly 
silent  about  it.  And  if  some  one  system  underlies 
our  Heb  Bible,  it  is  strange  that  so  many  systems 
have  been  proposed.  It  should  be  remembered  too 
that  the  oldest  poetry  of  every  people  is  non- 
metrical. 

The  following  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  views  advo- 
cated: 

(i)  Philo  and  Josephus,  under  the  influence  of  Gr 
models  and  desiring  to  show  that  Heb  was  not  inferior 
to  pagan  literature,  taught  that  Heb  poetry  had  meter, 
but  they  make  no  attempt  to  show  \vhat  kind  of  meter 
this  poetry  possesses. 

(ii)  Calmet,  Lowth  and  Carpzov  held  that  though  in 
the  poetry  of  the  Heb  Bible  as  originally  written  and 
read  there  must  have  been  metrical  rules  which  the 
authors  were  conscious  of  following,  yet,  through  the 
corruption  of  the  te.xt  and  our  ignorance  of  the  sounds 
and  accentuation  of  primitive  Heb,  it  is  now  Impossible 
to  ascertain  what  these  metrical  rules  were. 

(iii)  In  their  scheme  of  Heb  meter  BickeU  and  Merx 
reckon  syllables  as  is  done  in  classical  poetry,  and  they 
adopt  the  Syr  law  of  accentuation,  placing  the  tone  on 
the  penultimate.  These  writers  make  drastic  changes 
in  the  text  in  order  to  bolster  up  their  theories. 

(iv)  The  dominant  and  by  far  the  least  objectionable 
theory  is  that  advocated  by  Ley,  Briggs,  Duhm,  Buhl, 
Grimme,  Sievers,  Rothstein  and  most  modem  scholars, 
that  in  Heb  prosody  the  accented  syllables  were  alone 
counted.  If  this  principle  is  appUed  to  Job.  it  will  be 
found  that  most  of  the  Bib.  verses  are  distichs  ha\'ing  two 
stichs,  each  with  three  main  accents.  See.  for  an  illustra- 
tion, Job  12  16:  nSTaT?^  53125  ib  :  n^Bin']  w  'irs? 

i'immd'  '6z  wethiishiydh:  Id  stidgh.i'qh  umasligeh' :  'Strength 
and  effectual  w^orking  belong  to  [lit.  "are  with"]  liim.  he 
that  errs  and  he  that  causes  to  err').  Rlan's  rhythmical 
instincts  are  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  this  phe- 
nomenon without  assuming  that  the  poet  had  in  mind 
an  objective  standard.  Those  who  adopt  this  last  view 
and  apply  it  rigidly  make  numerous  textual  changes. 
For  an  examination  of  the  metrical  systems  of  Hubert 
Grimme.  who  takes  account  of  quantity  as  well  as  accent, 
and  of  Eduard  Sievers  who,  though  no  Ileb  scholar,  came 
to  the  conclusion  after  examining  small  parts  ol  the  Heb 


2413 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA      Poetry,  Hebrew 


Bible  that  Heb  poetry  is  normally  anapaestic,  see  W.  H. 
Cobb,  Criticism  of  Systems  of  Heb  Metre.  152  ff,  169  ff. 
Herder,  De  Wette,  Hupfeld,  Keil,  Nowack,  Budde, 
DoUer,  and  Toy  reject  all  the  systems  of  Heb  meter 
hitherto  proposed,  though  Budde  has  a  leaning  toward 
Ley's  system. 

(/)  Budde's  kinah  measure:  Though  Budde  takes 
up  in  general  a  negative  position  in  regard  to  Heb 
meter,  he  pleads  strenuously  for  the  existence  of  one 
specific  meter  with  which  his  name  is  associated. 
This  is  what  he  calls  the  kinah  measure  (from  npp, 
kindh,  "a  lamentation").  In  this  each  stich  is  said 
to  consist  of  one  hemistich  with  three  beats  or  stress 
syllables  and  another  having  two  such  syllables, 
this  being  held  to  be  the  specific  meter  of  thedirge  (see 
Lam  1  1,  etc).  Ley  and  Briggs  call  it  "pentam- 
eter" because  it  is  made  up  of  five  (3+2)  feet  (a 
foot  in  Heb  prosody  being  equal  to  an  accented 
syllable  and  the  unaccented  syllables  combined  with 
it).  See  Budde's  full  treatment  of  the  subject  in 
ZATW,  60,  152,  "Das  heb.  Klagelied."  It  must, 
however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  even  Herder  (d. 
1803)  describes  the  use  in  elegies  of  what  he  calls, 
anticipating  Ley  and  Briggs,  the  "pentameter" 
(see  GHst  der  ehraischen  Poesie,  1782,  I,  32  f,  ET 
The  Spirit  of  Heb  Poetry,  1833,  I,  40).  But  the 
present  writer  submits  the  following  criticisms: 
(i)  Budde  is  inconsistent  in  rejecting  all  existing 
theories  of  meter  and  yet  in  retaining  one  of  his 
own,  which  is  really  but  part  of  the  system  advo- 
cated by  Bellermann,  Ley  and  Briggs.  (ii)  He 
says,  following  Herder,  that  it  is  the  measure  adopted 
by  mourning  women  (Jer  9  16),  but  we  have  ex- 
tremely few  examples  of  the  latter,  a«d  his  state- 
ment lacks  proof,  (iii)  There  are  dirges  in  the  OT 
not  expressed  in  the  kinah  measure.  David's 
lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan  is  more  hexametric 
and  tetrametric  than  pentametric,  unless  we  proceed 
to  make  a  new  text  (2  S  1  19  ff).  (iv)  The  kinah 
measure  is  employed  by  Heb  poets  where  the  theme 
is  joyous  or  indifferent;  see  Ps  119,  which  is  a 
didactic  poem. 

(6)  Units  of  Hebrew  poetry. — In  western  poetry 
the  ultimate  unit  is  usually  the  syllable,  the  foot 
(consisting  of  at  least  two  syllables)  coming  next. 
Then  we  have  the  verse-line  crowned  by  the  stanza, 
and  finally  the  poem. 

According  to  the  theory  of  Heb  poetry  adopted 
by  the  present  writer,  the  following  are  the  units, 
beginning  with  the  simplest: 

(a)  The  meter:  This  embraces  the  accented 
(tone)  syllable  together  with  the  unaccented  syllable 
preceding  or  succeeding  it.  This  may  be  called  a 
"rhythmic  foot." 

(b)  The  stich  or  verse:  In  Job  and  less  regularly 
in  Pss  and  Cant  and  in  other  parts  of  the  OT  (Nu 

23  19-24)  the  stich  or  verse  consists  commonly  of 
three  toned  syllables  and  therefore  three  meters 
(see  above  for  sense  of  "meter").  It  is  important 
to  distinguish  between  this  poetical  sense  of  "verse" 
and  the  ordinary  meaning — the  subdivision  of  a 
Bible  chapter.  The  stich  in  this  sense  appears  in  a 
separate  line  in  some  old  MSS. 

(c)  Combinations  of  stichs  (verses):  In  Heb 
poetry  a  stich  hardly  ever  stands  alone.  We  have 
practically  always  a  distich  (couplet,  Job  18  5), 
a  tristich  (triplet,  Nu  6  24-26),  a  tetrastich  (Gen 

24  23),  or  the  pentastich. 

(d)  Strophe:  Kosters  {Stud.  Krit.,  1831,  40-114, 
"Die  Strophen,"  etc)  maintained  that  all  poems  in 
the  Heb  Scriptures  are  naturally  divisible  into 
strophes  (stanzas)  of  similar,  if  not  equal,  length. 
Thus  Ps  119  is  arranged  in  strophes  named  after 
the  letters  of  the  Heb  alphabet,  each  one  containing 
eight  Scripture  verses,  or  sixteen  metrical  verses 
or  stichs,  most  of  the  stichs  having  three  meters  or 
rhythmical  feet.  But  though  several  Bib.  poems  are 
composed  in  strophes,  many  are  not. 


(e)  Song :  This  (HH'^TB ,  shirdh)  is  made  up  of  a 
series  of  verses  and  in  some  cases  of  strophes. 

(/)  Poem:  We  have  examples  of  this  (T^lp,  shir) 
in  the  books  of  Job  and  Cant  which  consist  of  a 
combination  of  the  song. 

(7)  Classification  of  stichs  or  verses. — Stichs  may  be 
arranged  as  follows,  according  to  the  number  of  meters 
(or  feet)  which  they  contain:  (a)  the  trimeter  or  tripod 
with  three  meters  or  feet;  BickoU  holds  that  in  Job  this 
measure  is  alone  used;  (6)  the  tetrameter  or  tetrapod, 
a  stich  with  four  meters  or  feet;  (c)  the  pentameter  or 
pentapod,  which  has  five  meters  or  feet:  this  is  Budde's 
kinah  measure  (see  III,  1,  [4]);  (rf)  the  hexameter  or 
liexapod:  this  consists  of  si.\  meters  or  feet,  and  is  often 
hard  to  distinguish  from  two  separate  trimeters  (or 
tripods). 

Our  first  and  most  original  authority  on  the  internal 
characteristics  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  that  great  German 
theologian  and  man  of  letters,  J.  G.  Herder, 
9  Tntprnnl  the  pastor  and  friend  of  Goethe  and  Schil- 
^V  1     •      ler    at    Weimar.     In   his    Vom    Geist    der 

CnaraCteriS- e(,rat.scAe7!.  Poesie.  1782  {The  Spirit  of 
tics  of  Poetry.  tr<i  by  James  Marsh,  U.S.A.,  1833), 

Hebrew  ^^  discusses  at  length  and  with  great  fresh- 

T-,      .  ness  those  internal  aspects  of  the  poetry 

Jf oetry  of  the  OT  (love  of  Nature,  folklore,  etc) 

which  impressed  him  as  a  literary  man.  Ref- 
erence may  be  nrade  also  to  George  Gilfillian's  Bards  of 
the  Bible,  1851  (popular) ,  and  Isaac  Taylor's  Spirit  of  Heb 
Poetry.  It  is  a  strange  but  striking  and  significant 
coincidence  that  not  one  of  these  writers  professed  much 
if  any  knowledge  of  the  Heb  language.  They  studied  the 
poetry  of  the  O'T  mainly  at  least  in  translations,  and  were 
not  therefore  diverted  from  the  Uterary  and  logical 
aspects  of  what  is  written  by  the  minutiae  of  Heb 
grammar  and  textual  criticism,  though  only  a  Heb 
scholar  is  able  to  enter  into  full  possession  of  the  rich 
treasures  of  Heb  poetry. 

(1)  Themes  of  Hebrew  poetry. — It  is  commonly  said 
that  the  poetry  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  is  wholly 
religious.  But  this  statement  is  not  strictly  correct, 
(a)  The  OT  does  not  contain  all  the  poetry  composed 
or  even  written  by  the  Hebrews  in  Bible  times,  but 
only  such  as  the  priests  at  the  various  sanctuaries 
preserved.  We  do  not  know  of  a  literary  caste 
among  the  Hebrews  who  concerned  themselves  with 
the  preservation  of  the  literature  as  such.  (6) 
Within  the  Bible  Canon  itself  there  are  numerous 
poems  or  snatches  of  poems  reflecting  the  everyday 
life  of  the  people.  We  have  love  songs  (Cant),  a 
wedding  song  (Ps  45),  a  harvest  song  (Ps  65), 
parts  of  ditties  sung  on  discovering  a  new  well  (Nu 
21  17  f),  on  drinking  wine,  and  there  are  references 
to  war  songs  (Nu  21  14;   Josh  10  13;   2  S  1  18). 

(2)  Species  of  poetry. — Bib.  poetry  may  be  sub- 
sumed under  the  following  heads:  (a)  folklore,  (6) 
prophetical,  (c)  speculative,  {d)  lyrical. 

(a)  Folklore:  "Poetry,"  said  J.  G.  Hamann  (d. 
1788),  "is  the  mother  tongue  of  the  human  race." 
In  both  folk-music  and  folk-poetry,  each  the  oldest 
of  its  class,  the  inspiration  is  immediate  and  spon- 
taneous. We  have  examples  of  folk-songs  in  Gen 
11  1-9;  19  24  f. 

(b)  Prophetic  poetry:  This  poetry  is  the  ex- 
pression of  the  inspiration  under  which  the  seer 
wrote.  One  may  compare  the  oracular  utterances 
of  diviners  which  are  invariably  poetical  in  form  as 
well  as  in  matter.  But  one  has  to  bear  in  mind  that 
the  heathen  diviner  claimed  to  have  his  messages 
from  jinns  or  other  spirits,  and  the  means  he  em- 
ployed were  as  a  rule  omens  of  various  kinds.  The 
OT  prophet  professed  to  speak  as  he  was  imme- 
diately inspired  by  God  (see  Divination,  VIII). 
Duhm  thinks  that  the  genuine  prophecies  of  Jere- 
miah are  wholly  poetical,  the  prose  parts  being 
interpolations.  But  the  prophet  is  not  merely  or 
primarily  a  poet,  though  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
a  very  large  proportion  of  the  prophecies  of  the  OT 
are  poetical  in  form  and  substance. 

(c)  Philosophical  poetry:  This  expression  is  in- 
tended to  include  such  poetry  as  is  found  in  the 
Wisdom  literature  of  the  OT  and  the  Apoc  (see 
Wisdom     Literature).    The    so-called     didactic 


Poetry,  Hebrew 
Poll 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2414 


poetry,  that  of  the  proverbs  or  parables  ('T^P, 
mdshal),  also  comes  in  here. 

(d)  Lyrical  poetry:  This  includes  the  hymns  of 
the  Psalter,  the  love  songs  of  Cant  and  the  many 
other  lyrics  found  in  the  historical  and  prophetical 
writings.  In  these  lyrics  all  the  emotions  of  the 
human  soul  are  expressed. 

Does  the  OT  contain  specimens  of  epic  and 
dramatic  poetry?  The  answer  must  depend  on 
which  definition  of  both  is  adopted. 

(a)  Epic  poetry:  The  present  writer  would  define 
an  epic  poem  as  a  novel  with  its  plot  and  develop- 
ment charged,  however,  with  the  passion  and  set 
out  in  the  rhythmic  form  of  poetry.  There  is  no 
part  of  the  OT  which  meets  the  requirements  of  this 
definition,  certainly  not  the  Creation,  Fall  and 
Deluge  stories,  which  De  Wette  {Beitrage,  228  ff, 
Einleitung,  147)  and  R.  G.  Moulton  {Literary  Study 
of  the  Bible,  ch  ix)  point  to  as  true  epics,  and  which 
Ewald  (Dichter  des  alten  Bundes,  I,  87  ff)  held  rightly 
to  have  in  them  the  stuff  of  epics,  though  not  the 
form. 

(5)  Dramatic  poetry:  Defining  dramatic  poetry 
as  that  which  can  be  acted  on  a  stage,  one  may  with 
confidence  say  that  there  is  no  example  of  this  in  the 
OT.  Even  the  literary  drama  must  have  the  general 
characteristics  of  that  which  is  actable.  Franz 
Delitzsch  and  other  writers  have  pointed  to  Job  and 
Cant  as  dramatic  poems,  but  the  definition  adopted 
above  excludes  both. 

IV.  Poetical  Writings  of  the  OT. — According  to 

the  Massoretes  or  editors  of  our  present  Heb  Bible, 

there  are  but  three  poetical  books  in 

1.  The  the  OT,  Job,  Prov,  and  Pss,  known  in 
Poetical  Jewish  circles  by  the  mnemonic  abbre- 
Books  in  viation  HTOS,  'emcth,  the  three  conso- 
the  Narrow  nants  forming  the  initial  letters  of  the 
Sense             Heb  names  of  the  above  books.     These 

three  books  have  been  supplied  by  the 
Massoretes  with  a  special  system  of  accents  known 
as  the  poetical  accents,  and  involving  a  method  of 
intoning  in  the  synagogue  different  from  that  fol- 
lowed when  the  prose  books  are  read.  But  these 
accentual  marks  cannot  be  traced  farther  back  than 
the  7th  or  8th  cent,  of  our  era. 

It  is  customary  to  divide  the  poetical  books  of  the 
OT  into  two  classes,  each  containing  three  books: 

(1)  those    containing    lyrical    poetry 

2.  Custom-  ("'"^'^1  shir,  or  nn''tt) ,  s/ura/i),  i.e.  Pss, 
ary  Di-  Cant,  Lam;  (2)  those  containing 
vision             for    the    most    part    didactic    poetry 

(blljp,  mashal),  i.e.  Job,  Prov,  Eccl. 
There  is  a  large  amount  of  poetry  in  the  OT  out- 
side  the   books   usually   classed   as   poetical:     (a) 
poetry  in  the  prophetical  books   (see 

3.  Poetry  above.  III,  2);  (h)  poetry  in  the  his- 
in  Non-  torical  books  including  the  Pent  (see 
poetical  Michael  Heilprin,  The  Historical  Poet- 
Books             ry  of  the    Hebrews,   2  vols,   1879-80). 

We  have  examples  in  Gen  4  23  f ;  49; 
Ex  15;  Nu  21  14  f.27-30  (JE);  23  f  (Balaam's 
songs);  Dt  32 f  (song  and  blessing  of  Moses); 
Josh  10  12-14  (JE);  Jgs  5  (Deborah's  Song); 
9  8-15;  1  S  2  1-10;  2  S  1;  3  33f;  23  (  =  Ps  18), 
etc. 

Literature. — The  most  important  books  and  articles 
on  the  subject  have  been  mentioned  in  the  course  of  the 
foregoing  article.  There  is  a  full  list  of  works  dealing 
with  Hob  meter  in  W.  H.  Cobb.  Criticism  of  Systems  of 
Heb  Miire,  19  ff.  The  first  edition  of  Ewald's  stiU  val- 
uable "Essay  on  Hel)  Poetry"  prefl.xed  to  his  comra.  on 
the  P.ss  was  published  in  Eng.  in  the  Journal  of  Sacred 
Literature  (1S4K).  74  ff,  295  ff.  In  1909  J.  W.  Rothstein 
issued  a  suggestive  treatise  on  Heb  rhytlun  {Grundzilge 
des  heb.  Rhythmus  ....  nebst  lyrischen  Tezten  mit 
kritischem  Kommenlar,  8vo +vi +.398).  reviewed  by  the 
present  writer  in  Review  of  Theol.  and  Philcjs.  (Edin- 
burgh), October,  1911.  Early  Religious  Poetry  of  the 
Hebrews  by  E,  G.  King  (Cambridge  University  Press) 


contains  a  good,  brief,  popular  statement  of  the  subject, 
though  it  makes  no  pretense  to  originality.  In  The 
Poets  of  the  OT,  1912,  Professor  A.  R.  Gordon  gives  an 
excellent  popular  account  of  the  poetry  and  poetical 
Uterature  of  the  OT. 

T.  WiTTON  Davies 

POETRY,  NEW  TESTAMENT:  No  one  ques- 
tions the  presence  of  poetry  of  a  high  order  in  the 
OT.  The  study  of  the  OT  as  the  literature  of 
the  ancient  Hebrews  has  been  critically  made,  and 
the  attention  of  even  the  ordinary  reader  of  the 
Scriptures  called  to  the  beauty  and  wealth  of  its 
poetic  passages.  The  message  of  the  NT  is  so 
vitally  spiritual  and  concerned  with  religion  that 
but  little  attention  has  been  paid  to  it  as  literature. 
Naturally  it  would  be  strange  if  the  poetic  inspira- 
tion which  runs  like  a  tide  through  the  prophetic 
and  post-exilic  periods  of  the  OT  should  altogether 
cease  under  the  clearer  spiritual  dispensation  of  the 
NT.  The  fact  is  that  it  does  not  cease,  but  that 
under  every  fundamental  rule  for  poetic  utterance, 
save  that  of  rhyme,  the  NT  is  seen  to  be  rich  in 
imaginative  vision,  in  religion  touched  by  emotion, 
and  in  poetic  expression.  The  Gospels,  the  Paul- 
ine Epp.,  and  the  Ep.  of  Jas,  all  afford  examples  of 
lofty  poetic  utterance,  while  the  message  of  Jesus  is 
saturated  with  words  which  readily  lend  themselves 
to  song.  In  fact  it  is  thought  by  some  that  Jesus 
was  no  less  careful  of  the  form  than  of  the  content 
of  His  message,  and  that  all  the  finer  types  of  Heb 
poetry  found  in  the  OT  can  be  matched  from  His 
sayings,  even  when  tested  by  the  same  rules. 

In  the  Gospels  that  of  St.  Luke  gives  us  our  best 
examples  of  poetry.  "No  sooner  have  we  passed 
through  the  vestibule  of  his  Gospel  than  we  find 
ourselves  within  a  circle  of  harmonies"  (Burton,  in 
Expositor's  Bible).  From  the  poetic  utterances 
of  Mary,  Elisabeth,  Zacharias,  Simeon,  and  the 
Angels,  the  church  gains  her  Magnificat,  Beatitude, 
Benedictus,  Nunc  Dimittis  and  Glorias. 

The  utterances  of  John  the  Baptist  are  filled  with  a 
rugged  desert  vision  and  an  expression  which  reveals 
a  form  of  poesy  in  nowise  to  be  mistaken  for  prose. 

St.  Paul  presents  many  of  his  ideas  in  harmonious 
and  beautiful  forms.  He  knew  the  secular  poets  of 
his  day,  and  has  immortahzed  Cleanthes'  Hymn 
to  Zeus  (Acts  17  28).  He  also  quotes  from  Epi- 
menides  and  the  Athenian  dramatist  Menander 
(1  Cor  15  33).  St.  Paul  knew  the  poetry  of  the 
Hebrews,  and  enriches  his  own  message  with  many 
quotations  from  it.  He  was  acquainted  with  the 
Christian  hymnology  of  his  own  times,  as  is  seen  in 
Eph  5  14  and  1  Tim  3  16.  He  offers  also  original 
flashes  of  poetic  inspiration  and  utterance,  a  good 
example  of  which  is  found  in  Rom  8  31-37. 

Who  could  doubt  the  poetic  imagery  of  St.  James? 
He  might  almost  be  called  the  poet  of  social  justice 
and  of  patient  waiting  under  affliction  for  the  will 
of  God  to  come  to  men. 

When  one  comes  to  the  words  of  Jesus  he  dis- 
covers that  in  a  very  true  sense  His  speech  answers 
to  the  requirements  for  Heb  poetry.  Examples 
of  synonymous,  antithetic,  synthetic  and  causal 
parallelism  are  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception 
in  the  utterances  of  Jesus.  For  the  synonymous 
form  see  Mt  10  24;  for  the  antithetic  see  Lk  6 
41;  for  the  synthetic  and  causal  forms  see  Lk  9  23 
and  Mt  6  7.  Not  alone  are  these  forms  of  Heb 
poetry  found  in  the  words  of  Jesus,  but  also  the 
more  involved  and  sustained  poetic  utterances 
(Lk  7  31-32). 

No  one  can  qviestion  the  deep  emotional  quality, 
the  vivid  imagination  and  spiritual  idealism  of 
Jesus.  That  the  form  of  His  speech  is  adequately 
set  to  poetic  inspiration  and  conforms  to  the  laws 
for  Hob  poetry  has  not  been  so  freely  acknowl- 
edged. Independently  of  the  theory  advanced 
in  Did  Jesus  Write  His  Own  Gospel  ?  (William  Pitt 


2415 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Poetry,  Hebrew 
PoU 


MacVey),  every  student  of  the  literature  of  the 
NT  must  be  grateful  for  the  chapter  on  "The 
Poems  of  Jesus." 

Spirituality  and  poetry  have  a  kinship,  and  the  in- 
terpretation of  any  message  is  aided  by  the  adequate 
knowledge  of  its  form.  When  the  NT  has  thus  been 
carefully  studied  as  literature,  it  will  be  seen,  not 
only  that  Jesus  was  a  poet,  but  that  the  entire  NT, 
if  not  as  rich  as  the  OT  in  poetic  passages,  is 
sufficiently  poetic  to  receive  treatment  as  such  in 
religious  encyclopaedias.  See  also  Faithful  Say- 
ings; Poetry,  Hbbebw.  C.  E.  Schbnk 

POINTS,  points:  The  word  occurs  in  Eccl  6  16, 
"In  all  points  [np^,  '■ummdh]  as  he  came,  so  shall 
he  go" — a  man  leaves  the  world  in  all  regards  as 
helpless  as  he  entered  it,  no  matter  what  he  may 
have  gained  or  accomplished  during  his  life. 

Also  in  He  4  15,  "In  all  points  [Kara.  irdvTa, 
katd  pdnta,  "in  all  things,"  as  in  His  human  nature 
(2  14),  so  in  His  human  experience  (cf  2  17.18)] 
tempted  like  as  we  are,  yet  without  sin."  He  suc- 
cessfully resisted  temptation  at  all  points  of  His 
nature,  in  body,  soul,  and  spirit.  See  Temptation 
OF  Christ.  Westcott  (in  loc.)  thinks  that  the 
reference  is  not  so  much  to  Christ  issuing  out  of  all 
His  trials  without  the  least  stain  of  sin,  as  to  "a 
limitation  of  His  temptation.  Man's  temptations 
come  in  many  cases  from  previous  sin.  Such  temp- 
tations had  necessarily  no  place  in  Christ.  He  was 
tempted  as  we  are,  sharing  our  nature,  yet  with  this 
exception,  that  there  was  no  sin  in  Him  to  become 
the  spring  of  trial."  Whichever  interpretation  is 
adopted  there  is  profound  insight  into  the  things  of 
the  soul  in  joining  sinlessness  with  fulness  of  expe- 
rience of  temptation.  M.  O.  Evans 

POISON,  poi'z'n  (npn,  hemSh,  T2JS"1,  ro'sh; 
fluiios,  thumds,  tos,  ids):  Residents  in  Pal  must, 
from  the  first,  have  been  acquainted  with  venomous 
serpents.  Six  species  of  these  are  widely  diffused 
in  the  land,  and  at  least  three  of  them  are  fairly 
common  in  places.  Besides,  there  are  scorpions, 
centipedes  and  the  large  spider,  .which  are  as  much 
dreaded  by  the  fellahln  as  are  the  serpents,  not  to 
speak  of  the  minor  but  very  serious  discomforts  of 
mosquitoes,  sandflies  and  ticks,  some  of  which  were 
credited  with  lethal  powers.  In  Wisd  16  9  RV  we 
read  that  "the  bites  of  locusts  and  flies  did  slay,  and 
there  was  not  found  a  healing  for  their  life."  There 
are  also  many  poisonous  plants,  such  as  belladonna, 
henlaane,  thorn  apple,  and  the  opium  poppy.  None 
of  these  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible;  the  only  names 
found  there  are  the  hemlock  (Conium  maculalum) 
of  Hos  10  4,  the  poisonous  gourd  {Citrullus  colo- 
cynlhis)  of  2  K  4  39,  and  the  grapes  of  gall,  prob- 
ably the  fruit  of  Caloiropis  procera,  the  apples  of 
Sodom  of  Jos  (BJ,  IV,  viii,  4).  Some,  however, 
believe  that  these  are  poppyheads.  Poisonous 
waters  are  referred  to  at  Marah  (Ex  15  23)  and 
Jericho  (2  K  2  19).  There  are  no  direct  records 
of  any  person  dying  of  poison  except  in  2  Mace  10 
13,  where  the  suicide  of  Ptolemy  Macron  is  related. 
Our  Lord's  promise  in  the  appendix  to  Mk  16  18 
shows,  however,  that  poisons  were  known  and  might 
be  administered  by  way  of  ordeal,  as  was  the 
unknown  "water  of  jealousy"  (Nu  5  17).  In  this 
connection  the  story  in  Eusebius  (HE,  III,  39)  is  in- 
teresting, that  "Justus  surnamed  Barsabbas,  though 
he  drank  a  deadly  poison,  suffered  no  injury, 
through  the  grace  of  the  Lord."  The  passages  in 
which  poisonous  serpents  are  mentioned  are  Dt  32 
24,  where  serpents  (RV  "crawling' things")  of  the 
dust,  probably  Cerastes  hasselquistii,  the  little 
horned  vipers,  are  mentioned,  and  in  ver  33 :  "poison 
of  serpents,  and  the  cruel  venom  of  asps."     The 


asp  may  be  the  cobra  Naia  haje,  not  uncommon  on 
the  borders  of  the  wilderness  to  the  S.  Ps  58  4 
mentions  the  poison  of  serpents.  Ps  140  3,  "They 
have  sharpened  their  tongue  lilce  a  serpent;  adders' 
poison  is  under  their  lips,"  indicates,  what  is  still 
a  common  belief,  that  the  forked  tongue  of  the  snake 
is  the  poison-bearer.  This  is  referred  to  in  Jas  3  8. 
That  it  was  the  fang  and  not  the  tongue  which 
carried  the  poison  was  known  to  Pliny  (xi.62). 
This  verse  of  Ps  140  is  given  in  St.  Paul's  composite 
quotation  in  Rom  3  13.  There  may  be  a  reference 
to  the  giving  of  an  intoxicant  poison  in  Hab  2  1.5, 
where  RV  reads  "that  addest  thy  venom."  The 
prophets  speak  in  several  places  of  God's  wrath  as 
a  cup  of  trembling  (RV  "staggering"),  e.g.  Isa  51 
17.22,  probably  suggested  by  the  fact  that  hemah 
primarily  means  "fury"  and  is  used  in  that  sense  in 
more  than  a  hundred  passages.  In  Zee  12  2 
Jerus  is  to  be  such  a  "cup  of  reeling  unto  all  the 
peoples  round  about." 

The  s'mamilh,  "lizard"  (AV  "spider"),  mentioned 
in  Prov  30  28  (LXX  kalaboles)  was  formerly  re- 
garded as  poisonous  and  it  is  still  much  disliked  by 
the  fellahtn,  as  they  believe  that  it  makes  mocking 
gestures  mimicking  them  at  their  prayers.  They  are 
really  not  poisonous.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the 
hzard  mentioned  by  Agur  is  really  this  stelhon;  the 
description  better  fits  the  gecko. 

Alex.  Macalister 

POLE,  pol:  Nu  21  8.9  AV  for  03,  ne.?,  RV 
"standard." 

POLICY,  pol'i-si:  Lit.  "method  of  government," 
and  so  "abihty  to  manage  affairs."  In  a  bad  sense, 
"cunning,"  "craft,"  in  Dnl  8  25  (bsll),  sekhel, 
"understanding");  in  a  good  sense  in  1  Mace  8  4 
(povX-q,  boule,  "counsel");  also  in  AV  2  Mace  13 
18;  14  29.31  {iJ.iffodos,  methodos,  a-TparriyTjim,  slrali- 
gema,  <rTpa.TTjyiu,  slrategeo),  where  RV  has  "strata- 
gem." Policies  occurs  in  Jth  11  8  AV  for  wamvp- 
ynp.a,  panourgema,  lit.  "readiness  for  anything," 
here  in  a  good  sense;   RV  "subtil  devices." 

POLISHED,  pol'isht.     See  Corner-stone,  (2). 

POLL,  pol:  The  word  (on  the  derivation  of  which 
see  Skeat,  Concise  Etym.  Diet,  of  the  Eng.  Language, 
360)  has  been  eliminated  as  a  vb.  in  ARV.  In  AV 
and  ERV  it  represents  the  Heb  vbs.  DOS,  fco-jam, 
Ht.  "to  shear"  (Ezk  44  20),  TT5,  gazaz,  ht.  "to  pull 
out,"  "to  uproot,"  thence  "to  shear  the  sheep," 
figuratively,  "to  destroy  an  enemy"  (Mic  1  16), 
nb3,  gdlah,  in  Piel,  lit.  "to  make  bald  or  round- 
headed"  (2  S  14  26)  and  fSR,  kdi-ac,  "to  cut  off" 
(Jer  9  26;  25  23;  49  32).  The  Heb  noun  is 
nbhbS,  gulgoleth.  As  will  be  seen  from  the  above 
enumeration,  the  Heb  vbs.  differ  considerably  in 
etymology,  while  RV  has  not  tried  to  distinguish. 
In  Mic  1  16  we  have  a  reference  to  the  oriental 
custom  of  cutting  or  tearing  one's  hair  as  a 
sign  of  mourning  for  one's  relatives.  "Make 
thee  bald,  and  cut  off  thy  hair  [AV  and  ERV 
"poll  thee,"  Heb  gdzaz]  for  the  children  of 
thy  delight:  enlarge  thy  baldness  as  the  eagle 
[m  "vulture"];  for  they  are  gone  into  captivity 
from  thee."  The  priests,  the  sons  of  Zadok, 
are  instructed  to  abstain  from  outward  resemblance 
to  heathen  patterns  of  priesthood:  "Neither  shall 
they  shave  their  heads,  nor  suffer  their  locks  to 
grow  long;  they  shall  only  cut  off  the  hair  [AV  and 
ERV  "poll,"  Heb  kdi^am]  of  their  heads"  (Ezk  44 
20).  The  Piel  form  of  gdlah  is  employed  in  the 
description  of  the  annual  hair-cutting  of  Absalom 
(2  S  14  26).  Thrice  we  find  the  vb.  "to  poll"  as 
the  tr  of  Heb  fcafaf,  where  ARV  materially  im- 


Pollution 
Pomegranate 


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2416 


proves  the  tr  by  adopting  the  marginal  version  of 
AV  (Jer  9  26;   25  23;   49  32).     See  Haie. 

The  noun  (gulgoleth,  lit.  "head")  is  tr'^  "poll"  in 
the  phrase  "by  the  poll,"  "by  their  polls"  (Nu  1  2. 
18.20.22;  3  47;  1  Ch  23  3.24).  The  expression 
has  its  origin  in  the  numbering  of  persons  by  their 
heads,  in  the  same  way  in  which  we  speak  of  head- 
tax,  etc.  H.  L.  E.  LuERiNG 

POLLUTION,  po-lu'shun  (bXJ,  ga'al,  "to  pol- 
lute"; aX.Co-7Tina,  allsgema,  "contamination"):  In 
Mai  1  7,  "Ye  offer  polluted  bread,"  i.e.  not  actually 
unclean,  but  worthless,  common  (cf  Ezr  2  62), 
bread  here  being  used  metonymically  for  sacrificial 
offerings  generally  (cf  Lev  21  6;  Mt  6  11).  The 
phrase  in  Acts  15  20,  "the  pollutions  of  idols,"  is 
explained  in  ver  29  by  "things  sacrificed  [AV  "meats 
offered"]  to  idols." 

POLLUX,  pol'uks.     See  Castor  and  Pollux. 

POLYGAMY,  p6-lig'a-mi: 

1.  Meaning  o(  tlic  Term      4.  Polygamy  Unnatural 

2.  Origin  of  Polygamy  The  Eunuch 

3.  OT  and  Polygamy  5.  WeaJmess  ot  Polygamy 

Polygamy  has  been  and  is  the  open  blazon  by  the 
human  race  of  sex  vice.  The  very  term  is  a  misno- 
mer. Since  man  became  moralized  he 
1.  Meaning  has  apprehended  that  the  proper  mar- 
of  the  Term  riage  relation  between  the  sexes  is  mo- 
nogamy. Whatever  may  have  been 
the  practice,  since  man  could  ask  himself.  What  is 
right?  he  has  known  that  <iir'  tipx^s,  ap'  archts 
("from  the  beginning,"  Mt  19  4),  an  fond,  at  bot- 
tom, marriage  is  the  choice  of  one  man  and  one 
woman  of  each  other  for  a  life  family  relation.  La 
Rochefoucauld  said :  "Hyjjocrisy  is  a  sort  of  homage 
which  vice  pays  to  virtue."  There  is  hypocrisy 
beneath  the  word  polygamy.  It  is  an  attempt  to 
cover  up  by  the  term  "plural  marriage"  what  is  not 
marriage  and  cannot  be  marriage.  There  is  no 
particular  need  of  defining  what  the  condition  is,  so 
long  as  we  can  look  upon  it  as  a  violation  and  nega- 
tion of  the  marriage  relation.  The  very  use  of  the 
term  from  any  language  covering  a  like  condition  is 
attempt — 

"To  steal  the  livery  of  the  court  of  heaven 
To  serve  the  Devil  in." 

Polygamy  is  a  general  term  and  might  mean  a 
multiphcity  of  partners  in  the  family  relation  by  one 
of  either  sex.  But  it  does  not.  Polygamy  prac- 
tically means  exactly  "polygyny"  (yvv^,  guni),  i.e. 
it  describes  a  inany-ioived  man.  The  correlative 
term  "polyandry"  describes  the  condition  of  a 
woman  who  has  many  men  in  family  relation  with 
herself.  They  are  all  husbands  to  her,  as  in  polyg- 
amy all  the  women  are  wives  to  one  man.  But 
polyandry  in  historic  times  has  had  so  little  illus- 
tration that  it  may  be  dismissed  as  so  exceptional 
as  to  be  worthy  of  no  further  notice  here. 

Why  polygamy  has  captured  the  whole  position 
philologically  covered  by  polygyny  is  readily  appar- 
ent. The  might  of  the  physically  strongest  has 
dictated  the  situation.  Man  has  on  the  average 
one-fourth  more  muscular  force  than  woman. 
When  it  comes  to  WTong  in  sex  relation,  man  has 
that  advantage,  and  it  has  given  him  the  field 
covered  by  the  word  "polygamy."  There  he  is 
master  and  woman  is  the  victim. 

It  is  plainly  evident  that  polygamy  is  primarily 
largely  the  outcome  of  tribal  wars.  When  men  had 
separated  into  clans  and  had  taken  up 
2.  Origin  of  different  places  of  abode,  coUisions 
Polygamy  would  soon  occur  between  them.  What 
would  happen  in  such  cases  would  be 
what  we  know  did  happen  in  North  America  soon 
after  its  first  settlement  by  Europeans,  to  wit,  the 


destruction  of  the  Hurons  by  the  Iroquois.  The 
great  majority  of  the  men  were  massacred;  the 
women  and  children,  driven  to  the  abode  of  the 
conquerors,  disappearing  there  mainly  in  concu- 
binage and  slavery.  What  shall  be  done  with  this 
surplus  of  women?  Here  again  the  might  of  the 
strongest  comes  to  the  front.  The  chief  or  the  most 
heroic  fighter  would  assert  his  right  to  choice  of 
captives,  and  thus  concubinage  or  what  is  the  same 
thing — polygamy — would  be  set  up.  Successes  in 
further  wars  come  and  add  other  women  to  be  dis- 
tributed. Of  course  to  the  sheik  or  king  there  soon 
comes  the  seraglio  and  the  harem.  Polygamous 
practices  will  come  in  in  other  ways.  The  prisoner 
of  war  becomes  property  and  passes  from  hand  to 
hand  by  gift  or  sale.  So  woman — the  weaker 
party — endures  what  comes  to  her  as  slave,  con- 
cubine. We  have  now  no  longer  the  "helpmeet" 
originally  destined  for  man — "bone  of  my  bones  and 
flesh  of  my  flesh" — for  whom  he  would  "leave  his 
father  and  his  mother"  and  to  whose  single  self  he 
would  "cleave"  for  life  (Gen  2  18.24;  Mt  19  5.6). 
Monogamy,  with  its  unity  in  labor,  thought  and 
feeling,  with  its  immeasurable  modifying  influences 
of  moral,  ideal  and  spiritual  cast,  is  gone.  Woman 
is  reduced  to  the  position  of  ministrant  to  man's 
unmodified  sensuality. 

The  complications  introduced  into  morals  by 
polygamy  are  not  often  considered.  But  the  Bible 
sets  them  forth  in  plainness.  The 
3.  The  OT  marriage  of  Abraham  and  Sarah  seems 
and  Po-  to  have  been  an  original  love  match, 
lygamy  and  even  to  have  preserved  something 

of  that  character  through  life.  Still 
we  find  Sarah  under  the  influence  of  polygamous 
ideas,  presenting  Abraham  with  a  concubine.  Yet 
afterward,  when  she  herself  had  a  son,  she  induced 
Abraham  to  drive  out  into  the  wilderness  this  con- 
cubine and  her  son.  Now  Abraham  was  humane 
and  kind,  and  it  is  said  "The  thing  was  very  grievous 
in  Abraham's  sight"  (Gen  21  11).  But  he  was 
in  the  toils  of  polygamy,  and  it  brought  him  pain 
and  retribution.  A  Divine  direction  may  be  hard 
to  bear. 

The  conditions  of  Jacob's  marriages  were  such 
that  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  any  of  his  children 
were  of  any  other  than  of  polygamous  origin  (Gen 
35  22-26).  Where  the  family  idea  and  affection 
went,  in  such  mi.xed  condition,  is  evidenced  by  the 
unblushing  sale,  for  slavery  in  Egypt,  of  one  of  the 
brothers  by  the  others  (37  28). 

David  was  a  singer  of  sweet  and  noble  songs  and 
wanted  to  be  a  righteous  man  with  his  whole  heart. 
Yet,  probably  in  common  with  all  the  military 
leaders  and  kings  of  the  earth  of  his  day,  he  had  a 
polygamous  career.  His  retributions  ran  along  an 
extended  line.  There  was  a  case  of  incest  and 
murder  among  his  children  (2  S  13).  The  son  in 
whom  he  had  most  hope  and  pride  organized  treason 
against  his  throne,  and  lost  his  life  in  the  attempt. 
David  left  his  kingdom  to  Solomon,  of  whom  much 
might  be  said,  but  of  whom  this  can  be  said — evi- 
dently originally  a  man  bright,  keen-witted,  wise, 
yet  in  his  old  age  he  went  to  pieces  by  the  wiles  of 
the  women  with  whom  he  had  loaded  his  harem. 
Partly  by  his  extravagance  in  his  polygamous  life, 
and  partly  in  attempt  to  build  temples  in  distant 
places  for  the  religions  represented  by  the  inmates 
of  his  harem,  he  bankrupted  his  nation.  As  a  con- 
sequence his  kingdom  was  divided  at  his  death,  and 
there  was  never  again  a  united  Israel  (1  K  11  12). 
Polygamy  may  be  justly  charged  with  these  un- 
toward results. 

It  can  be  demonstrated  scientifically,  even  mathe- 
matically, that  polygamy  is  a  moral  wrong.  Sta- 
tistics show  that  births  are  substantially  equally 
divided  between  the  sexes.     Excess  seems  slightly 


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Pollution 
Pomegranate 


5.  Weak- 
ness of 
Polygamy 


on  the  side  of  males.  When  this  fact  is  considered 
and  also  the  fact  of  the  wide  prevalence  of  polyg- 
amy, it  would  seem  that  polygamy 
4.  Polygamy  (polygyny)  is  a  greater  crime  against 
Unnatural  Nature  than  polyandry.  To  put  out 
of  view  for  a  moment  the  wrong  to 
woman  in  denying  to  her  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  monogamous  marriage,  the  interference  with  the 
rights  of  man  to  such  marriage  looms  up  in  vast 
proportion.  Every  harem  is  the  denial  to  men  of 
the  right  to  seek  among  its  inmates  wives  accord- 
ing to  the  dictates  of  their  own  hearts. 

The  eunuch. — But  we  are  not  done  with  the  crime 
against  man.  Given  a  harem,  and  he  who  set  it 
up  has  made,  or  there  brought,  the  eunuch.  The 
lord  of  the  harem  must  be  served  by  emasculated 
men.  A  search  in  history  will  reveal  an  amount  of 
this  wickedness  that  is  past  belief.  The  eunuch 
has  been  everywhere  among  all  nations  and  peoples 
and  tongues.  They  have  not  only  been  servitors 
to  women  in  harems,  but  they  have  acquired  such 
influence  with  their  masters  that  they  have  some- 
times even  dictated  the  policy  of  government. 
They  have  been  the  secret  cabinet  that  has  had  the 
last  word  in  public  affairs.  They  have  sometimes 
held  public  positions  and  shown  therein  astonish- 
ing ability.  Witness  Narses,  the  brilliant  general 
of  the  emperor  Justinian.     See  Eunuch. 

Gibbon  noticed  tlie  fact  that  nations  began  to  decline 
in  power  when  their  policies  were  dictated  and  managed 
by  eunuchs.  But  that  is  taking  a  symp- 
tom for  the  disease.  There  are  weaknesses 
behind  that  weakness.  We  have  found 
woman  in  muscular  strength  equal  to  three- 
fourths  of  a  man.  If  we  claim  nothing 
more  for  woman  than  that  ratio  through 
the  whole  scale  of  her  potencies,  what  would  be  thought 
of  a  nation  that  should  try  to  reduce  that  three-fourths 
of  potency  as  nearly  to  zero  as  it  could  ?  This  is  what 
polygamy  has  done — reduced  woman  as  nearly  to  a 
cipher  as  it  could  in  all  the  departments  of  her  being. 
She  has  been  held  to  the  lowest  and  most  primitive  indus- 
trial pursuits.  She  has  been  deprived  of  intellectual 
development.  She  has  been  debarred  from  society,  per- 
mitted to  look  at  it  only  through  a  home  lattice,  or,  if 
abroad,  through  a  swathed  face.  The  harem  of  sheik  or 
sultan  has  fixed  the  condition  of  woman  in  province  or 
nation — set  the  bounds  to  her  life.  The  highest  office 
assigned  her  has  been  breeder  of  children,  and  for  one- 
half  of  them — the  daughters — she  could  have  no  possible 
hope  or  ambition  (see  Woman). 

Where  in  such  degradation  is  the  "helpmeet"  for  man 
in  all  his  problems  ?  This  condition  is  reflected  back 
over  man.  What  possible  appeal  can  there  be  to  him 
for  thought  and  energy  except  to  repeat  the  same  dull 
round  exhibited  in  his  daily  life  ?  Polygamous  nations 
have  never  been  industrial  inventors,  have  contributed 
httle  to  science.  They  have  usually  ruined  the  fertility 
of  the  lands  they  have  occupied.  They  have  been 
heavily  weighted  with  the  lethargy  of  a  system  that 
appeals  to  nothing  but  the  most  primitive  instincts  and 
vices  of  man. 

The  monogamous  have  been  the  forceful  nations. 
Rome  conquered  the  world  while  she  was  monogamous, 
and  lost  control  of  it  when  she  dropped  to  the  moral  level 
of  the  sex  corruption  of  the  peoples  she  had  conquered. 
The  Teuton  trundled  into  and  over  Europe  in  ox-carts 
mounted  on  solid  wood  trucks.  But  his  cart  carried  one 
wife,  and  now  all  polygamy  is  held  under  the  trained  guns 
of  the  Teuton. 

There  may  seem  to  be  two  exceptions — the  establish- 
ment of  the  Mogul  empire  in  India  and  the  subjugation 
of  Western  Asia  and  Eastern  Europe  by  the  Turk.  That 
in  both  cases  there  was  great  success  in  war  is  granted. 
They  were  authorized  by  their  religion  to  exhibit  the 
frenzy  of  bloodshed  and  indulge  in  lust.  Indeed,  enjoy- 
ment of  the  latter  was  a  bright  hope  for  the  life  to  come. 
But  when  they  had  possession  of  a  country,  and  mas- 
sacres and  ravishing  were  over,  what  then  ?  For  what 
is  mankind  indebted  to  them  ?  ,      ,       j      .  ^i. 

A  lyric. — A  lyric  has  been  put  m  the  hand  of  the 
present  writer  by  a  friend  who  wrote  it  at  the  last  date  of 
the  title.  It  is  one  of  the  lyrics  of  the  centuries  in  its 
synthesis  of  history  and  in  its  insight  into  the  forces 
physical,  moral  and  immoral  at  work  in  the  Mogul 
empire  of  India.  Notice  the  dates.  The  text  will  show 
what  took  place  between. 

The  Mogul  1525-1857 
A  war  steed  coursed  out  the  wind-swept  north. 

Jarring  the  crags  with  hoofs  of  Are, 
Snuffing  far  battle  with  nostril  wide, 
Neighing  the  joy  of  fierce  desire. 


Tlie  crisping  herbage  of  arid  plains 

Had  toughened  his  sinews  hke  bands  of  steel; 

The  snow-fed  waters  of  Zarafshan 

Had  nerved  the  might  of  a  northern  will. 

The  war  steed  grazed  in  the  fertile  meads. 
Drinking  the  waters  of  indolent  streams: 

He  rested  at  eve  on  bloom-dight  beds. 

Toyed  with  by  maidens  in  the  goldening  gleams. 

They  charmed  his  ear  with  dalliant  song: 
They  closed  his  eyes  in  witchery's  glee: 

They  fed  him  the  vineyards'  wildering  draught — 
He  slept  in  the  breath  of  the  lotus  tree. 

White  bones  lie  strewn  on  the  flowering  mead. 
In  flesh-rank  grass  grown  high  and  dark. 

The  carrion  bird  hath  flown — hath  died — 

Riseth  the  war-horse '?     Neigheth 'Z     Hark! 
— JosiAH  ToERET  Reade,  Amhcrst,  1856. 

The  above  lyric  may  be  taken  as  the  epitaph  of  any 
polygamous  nation.  The  last  words  are  significant — 
"Neigheth'i'  Hark!"  Would  the  old  war  steed  arise? 
"Hark!"  The  Sepoy  rebellion  was  on!  We  "bark- 
ened," but  the  rebellion  went  to  pieces  and  an  end  was 
put  to  the  Mogul  empire.  We  have  listened  for  half  a 
century  and  heard  no  sound.  We  hear  mutterings  now, 
but  the  end  will  be  as  before — even  if  the  "war-horse" 
riseth  and  is  victorious.  He  will  then  again  lie  down  in 
"flesh-rank  grass  grown  high  and  dark."  and  the  "carrion 
bird"  will  fly  from  his  "white  bones."  Streams  cannot 
rise  higher  than  their  fountains.  The  causes  remain- 
ing, the  same  effects  will  follow.  See  Divorce;  Family; 
Marriage. 

C.  Cavehno 
POMEGRANATE,  pom'gran-at,  pom-gran'at, 
pum'gran-ftt  (T12T,  rimmon  [tree  and  fruit];  the 
Heb  name  is  similar  to  the  Arab., 
1.  A  Tree  Aram,  and  Ethiopic;  pia,  rh6a):  One 
Character-  of  the  most  attractive  and  most  char- 
istic  of  acteristic  of  the  fruit  trees  of  Syria, 

Palestine       probably    indigenous    to    Persia,    Af- 
ghanistan and  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Caucasus,  but  introduced  to  Pal  in  very  ancient 


Pomegranate. 

times.  The  spies  brought  specimens  of  figs  and 
pomegranates,  along  with  grapes,  from  the  Vale  of 
Eshcol  (Nu  13  23).  Vines,  figs  and  pomegranates 
are  mentioned  (Nu  20  5)  as  fruits  the  Israelites 
missed  in  the  wilderness;  the  promised  land  was 
to  be  one  "of  wheat  and  barley,  and  vines  and  fig- 
trees    and    pomegranates"    (Dt  8  8),    a    promise 


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renewed  in  Hag  2  19.  In  the  lamentation  in  Joel 
1  11.12  we  have  the  pomegranate,  the  palm  tree 
and  the  apple  tree  represented  as  withered,  "for 
joy  is  withered  away  from  the  sons  of  men." 

The  pomegranate  tree,   Punica  granatum   (N.O. 

Granateae)  occurs  usually  as  a  shrub  or  small  tree 

10-15  ft.  high,  and  is  distinguished  by 

2.  The  its  fresh  green,  oval  leaves,  which  fall 
Fruit  in    winter,    and    its    brilliant    scarlet 

blossoms  (cf  Cant  7  12).  The  beauty 
of  an  orchard  of  pomegranates  is  referred  to  in  Cant 
4  13.  The  fruit  which  is  ripe  about  September 
is  apple-shaped,  yellow-brown  with  a  blush  of  red, 
and  is  surmounted  by  a  crown-like  hard  calyx;  on 
breaking  the  hard  rind,  the  white  or  pinkish,  trans- 
lucent fruits  are  seen  tightly  packed  together  inside. 
The  juicy  seeds  are  sometimes  sweet  and  sometimes 
somewhat  .acid,  and  need  sugar  for  eating.  The 
juice  expressed  from  the  seeds  is  made  into  a  kind 
of  syrup  for  flavoring  drinks,  and  in  ancient  days 
was  made  into  wine:  "I  would  cause  thee  to  drink 
of  spiced  wine,  of  the  juice  [m  "sweet  wine"]  of  my 
pomegranate"  (Cant  8  2).  The  beauty  of  a  cut 
section  of  pomegranate — or  one  burst  open  naturally, 
when  fully  ripe — may  have  given  rise  to  the  com- 
parison in  Cant  4  3;  6  7:  "Thy  temples  are  like 
a  piece  of  a  pomegranate."  The  rind  of  the  pome- 
granate contains  a  very  high  percentage  of  tannic 
acid,  and  is  employed  both  as  a  medicine  and  for 
tanning,  particularly  in  making  genuine  morocco 
leather. 

Whether  the  pomegranate  tree  in  Migron  under 
which  Saul  is  said  (1  S  14  2)  to  have  abode  with 
his  600  men  was  really  a  tree  or  a  place,  Rimmon,  is 
doubtful.     See  Rimmon. 

A  large  number  of  references  to  the  pomegranate 
are  to  the  use  of  the  form  of  the  fruit  in  ornamenta- 
tion, in  which  respect  it  appears  among 

3.  The  the  Hebrews  to  have  something  of  the 
Pomegran-    position  of  the  lotus  bud  as  a  decora- 
ate  in  Art      five   motive   in   Egypt.     It   was   em- 
broidered in  many  colors  on  the  skirts 

of  Aaron's  garments,  together  with  golden  bells 
(Ex  28  33  f;  39  24-26;  cf  Ecclus  45  9).  Hiram 
of  Tyre  introduced  the  pomegranate  into  his  brass 
work  ornamentation  in  thfe  temple:  "So  he  made  the 
pillars;  and  there  were  two  rows  round  about  upon 
the  one  network,  to  cover  the  capitals  that  were 
upon  the  top  of  the  pillars"  (m  "So  the  Syr.  The 
Heb  has  'pomegranates'")  (1  K  7  18).  "And  the 
pomegranates  were  two  hundred,  in  rows  round 
about  upon  the  other  capital"  (ver  20;  cf  also  ver 
42;  2  K  25  17;  2  Ch  3  16;  4  13). 

E.  W.  G.  Mastbrman 
POMMEL,   pum'el   (2  Ch  4  12.13):    RV   reads 
"bowl"  (q.v.). 

POND.     See  Cistern;  Pool. 

PONDER,  pon'der:  Occurs  in  AV  5  t  in  the 
Book  of  Prov  and  nowhere  else  in  the  OT.  In 
each  case  it  means  "to  consider  carefully,"  "to 
weigh  mentally."  In  Prov  4  26  and  5  21,  RV 
substitutes  "make  level."  In  Prov  5  6,  it  drops 
out  entirely  in  RV.  In  Prov  21  2  and  24  12, 
"weigh"  is  substituted  for  "ponder."  The  one  NT 
passage  is  Lk  2  19;  here  RV  has  "pondering" 
where  AV  has  "and  pondered." 

PONTIUS,  pon'shi-us,  pon'ti-us.     See  Pilate. 

PONTUS,  pon'tus  (Hovtos,  Pordos):  Was  an 
important  province  in  the  northeastern  part  of 
Asia  Minor,  lying  along  the  south  shore  of  the  Black 
Sea.  The  name  was  geographical,  not  ethnical,  in 
origin,  and  was  first  used  to  designate  that  part  of 
Cappadocia  which  bordered  on  the  "Pontus,"  as 


the  Euxine  was  often  termed.  Pontus  proper  ex- 
tended from  the  Halys  River  on  the  W.  to  the 
borders  of  Colchis  on  the  E.,  its  interior  boundaries 
meeting  those  of  Galatia,  Cappadocia  and  Armenia. 
The  chief  rivers  besides  the  Halys  were  the  Iris, 
Lycus  and  Thermodon.     The  configuration  of  the 


Rock  Tombs  at  Amasia. 

country  included  a  beautiful  but  narrow,  riparian 
margin,  backed  by  a  noble  range  of  mountains 
parallel  to  the  coast,  while  these  in  turn  were  broken 
by  the  streams  that  forced  their  way  from  the 
interior  plains  down  to  the  sea ;  the  valleys,  narrower 
or  wider,  were  fertile  and  productive,  as  were  the 
wide  plains  of  the  interior  such  as  the  Chiliokomon 
and  Phanaroea.  The  mountain  slopes  were  origi- 
nally clothed  with  heavy  forests  of  beech,  pine  and 
oak  of  different  species,  and  when  the  country  was 
well  afforested,  the  rainfall  must  have  been  better 
adequate  than  now  to  the  needs  of  a  luxuriant 
vegetation. 

The  first  points  in  the  earliest  history  of  Pontus 
emerge  from  obscurity,  much  as  the  mountain  peaks 
of  its  own  noble  ranges  lift  their  heads  above  a  fog 
bank.  Thus  we  catch  glimpses  of  Assyr  culture 
at  Sinope  and  Amisus,  probably  as  far  back  as  the 
3d  millennium  BC.  The  period  of  Hittite  domina- 
tion in  Asia  Minor  followed  hard  after,  and  there 
is  increasing  reason  to  suppose  that  the  Hittites 
occupied  certain  leading  city  sites  in  Pontus,  con- 
structed the  artificial  mounds  or  tumuli  that  fre- 
quently meet  the  eyes  of  modern  travelers,  hewed 
out  the  rock  tombs,  and  stamped  their  character 
upon  the  early  conditions.  The  home  of  the 
Amazons,  those  warrior  priestesses  of  the  Hittites, 
was  located  on  the  banks  of  the  Thermodon,  ancl  the 
mountains  rising  behind  Terme  are  still  called  the 
"Amazon  Range";  and  the  old  legends  live  still 
in  stories  about  the  superior  prowess  of  the  modern 
women  living  there.  See  Archaeology  of  Asia 
Minor. 

As  the  Hittite  power  shrunk  in  extent  and  force, 
by  the  year  1000  BC  bands  of  hardy  Or  adventurers 
appeared  from  the  W.  sailing  along  the  Euxine 
main  in  quest  of  lands  to  exploit  and  conquer  and 
colonize.  Cape  Jason,  which  divides  the  modern 
mission  fields  of  Trebizond  and  Marsovan,  preserves 
the  memory  of  the  Argonauts  and  the  Golden  Fleece. 
Miletus,  "greatest  of  the  Ionic  towns,"  sent  out  its 
colonists,  swarm  after  swarm,  up  through  the 
Bosphorus,  and  along  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Black  Sea.  They  occupied  Sinope,  the  northern- 
most point  of  the  peninsula  with  the  best  harbor  and 
the  most  commanding  situation.  Sinope  was  in 
Paphlagonia,  but  politically  as  well  as  commercially 
enjoyed  intimate  relations  with  the  Pontic  cities. 
Settlers  from  Sinope,  reinforced  by  others  from 
Athens  du-ect,  pressed  on  and  founded  Amisus,  the 
modern  Samsoun,  always  an  important  commercial 


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city.  Another  colony  from  Sinope  founded  Trebi- 
zond,  near  which  Xenophon  and  the  Ten  Thousand 
reached  the  sea  again  after  they  had  sounded  the 
power  of  Persia  and  found  it  hollow  at  Cunaxa. 
Among  the  cities  of  the  interior,  picturesque  Amasia 
in  the  gorge  of  the  Iris  River  witnessed  the  birth  of 
Strabo  in  the  1st  cent.  EC,  and  to  the  geographer 
Strabo,  more  than  to  any  other  man,  is  due  our 
knowledge  of  Pontus  in  its  early  days.  Zille,  "built 
upon  the  mound  of  Semiramis,"  contained  the 
sanctuary  of  Anaitis,  where  sacrifices  were  per- 
formed with  more  pomp  than  in  any  other  place. 
Comana,  near  the  modern  Tokat,  was  a  city  famous 
for  the  worship  of  the  great  god  Ma.  Gr  culture 
by  degrees  took  root  along  the  coast;  it  mixed  with, 
and  in  turn  was  modified  by,  the  character  of  the 
older  native  inhabitants. 

When  the  Persians  established  their  supremacy 
in  Asia  Minor  with  the  overthrow  of  Lydia,  546 
BC,  Pontus  was  loosely  joined  to  the  great  empire 
and  was  ruled  by  Pers  satraps.  Ariobarzanes, 
Mithradates  and  Pharnaces  are  the  recurring  names 
in  this  dynasty  of  satraps  which  acquired  inde- 
pendence about  363  and  maintained  it  during  the 
Macedonian  period.  The  man  that  first  made 
Pontus  famous  in  history  was  Mithradates  VI, 
surnamed  Eupator.  Mithradates  was  a  typical 
oriental  despot,  gifted,  unscrupulous,  commanding. 
Born  at  Sinope  136  BC  and  king  at  Amasia  at  the 
age  of  twelve,  Mithradates  was  regarded  by  the 
Romans  as  "the  most  formidable  enemy  the  Repub- 
lic ever  had  to  contend  with."  By  conquest  or 
alliance  he  widely  extended  his  power,  his  chief  ally 
being  his  son-in-law  Dikran,  or  Tigranes,  of  Ar- 
menia, and  then  prepared  for  the  impending  struggle 
with  Rome.  The  republic  had  acquired  Pergamus 
in  133  BC  and  assumed  control  of  Western  Asia 
Minor.  There  were  three  Rom  armies  in  different 
parts  of  the  peninsula  when  war  broke  out,  88  BC. 
Mithradates  attacked  them  separately  and  over- 
threw them  all.  He  then  planned  and  executed  a 
general  massacre  of  all  the  Romans  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  80,000  persons  were  cut  down.  Sulla  by  patient 
effort  restored  the  fortunes  of  Rome,  and  the  first 
war  ended  in  a  drawn  game;  each  party  had  taken 
the  measure  of  its  antagonist,  but  neither  had  been 
able  to  oust  the  other.  The  second  war  began  in 
the  year  74,  with  Lucullus  as  the  Rom  general. 
LucuUus  took  Amisus  by  siege,  chased  Mithradates 
to  Cabira,  modern  Niksar,  scattered  his  army  and 
drove  the  oriental  sultan  out  of  his  country.  Sub- 
sequently on  his  return  to  Rome,  Lucullus  carried 
from  Kerasoun  the  first  cherries  known  to  the  west- 
ern world.  In  the  third  war  the  hero  on  the  Rom 
side  was  the  masterful  Pompey,  appointed  in  66 
BC.  As  a  result  of  this  war,  Mithradates  was 
completely  vanquished .  His  dominions  were  finally 
and  permanently  incorporated  in  the  territories 
of  the  Rom  republic.  The  aged  king,  breathing  out 
wrath  and  forming  impossible  plans  against  his 
lifelong  enemies,  died  in  exile  in  the  Crimea  from 
poison  administered  by  his  own  hand. 

Most  of  Pontus  was  for  administrative  purposes 
united  by  the  Romans  with  the  province  of  Bithynia, 
though  the  eastern  part  subsisted  as  a  separate  king- 
dom under  Polemon  and  his  house,  36  BC  to  63 
AD,  and  the  southwestern  portion  was  incorporated 
with  the  province  of  Galatia. 

It  was  during  the  Rom  period  that  Christianity 
entered  this  province.  There  were  Jews  dwelling 
in  Pontus,  devout  representatives  of  whom  were  in 
Jerus  on  the  Day  of  Pentecost  (Acts  2  9).  Paul's 
associates,  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  were  originally 
from  here  (Acts  18  2).  The  sojourners  of  the  Dis- 
persion are  included  in  the  address  of  the  first  Ep. 
of  Peter  together  with  the  people  of  four  other 
provinces  in  Asia  Minor  (1  Pet  1  1).     Local  tra- 


ditions connect  the  apostles  Andrew  and  Thaddeus 
with  evangelistic  labors  in  this  region.  They  are 
said  to  have  followed  the  great  artery  of  travel  lead- 
ing from  Caesarea  Mazaca  to  Sinope.  Pliny, 
governor  of  Bithynia  and  Pontus  111-13  AD, 
found  Christians  under  his  authority  in  great  num- 
bers (see  Bithynia),  and  Professor  Ramsay  argues 
that  Pliny's  famous  letters,  Nos.  96  and  97,  written 
to  the  emperor  Trajan  on  the  subject  of  the  treat- 
ment of  Christians  under  his  government  (see  Per- 
secution), were  composed  in  view  of  conditions 
in  Amisus  {Church  in  Rom  Empire,  224,  22.5). 

The  Rom  empire  in  the  East  was  gradually 
merged  into  the  Byzantine,  which  is  still  known  to 
the  local  inhabitants  as  the  empire  of  "Roum,"  i.e. 
Rome.  Pontus  shared  the  vicissitudes  of  this 
rather  unfortunate  government  until,  in  1204,  a 
branch  of  the  Byzantine  imperial  family  established 
in  Pontus  a  separate  small  state  with  its  capital  at 
Trebizond.  Here  the  house  of  the  Grand  Com- 
neni,  sheltered  between  the  sea  and  the  mountain 
ranges,  maintained  its  tinsel  sovereignty  to  and 
beyond  the  fall  of  Constantinople.  In  1461  Treb- 
izond was  taken  by  Mohammed  the  Conqueror, 
since  which  date  Pontus,  with  its  conglomerate 
population  of  Turks,  Armenians,  Greeks  and  frag- 
ments of  other  races,  has  been  a  part  of  the  Otto- 
man empire.  G.  E.  White 

POOL,  pool,  POND,  pond,  RESERVOIR,  rez'er- 
vwar,  rez'er-vwar  ([1]  n3"l5 ,  b'rekhah,  "pool";    cf 

Arab.   s5lj ,   birkat,    "pool";    cf   "^P^S,   h'rOkhah, 

"blessing,"   and  Arab,    iit^,   barakat,    "blessing"; 

[2]    DJS,    'dgham,    "pool,"    "marsh,"    "reeds";    cf 

Arab,  iv^lj  'ajajn,  "thicket,"  "jungle";  [3] 
T^'\^^)'12,  mikwah,  "reservoir,"  AV  "ditch"  [Isa  22 
11];'  [4]  nipa,  mikweh,  "pond,"  AV  "pool"  [Ex  7 
19];  D^'Sri  nlfpP,  mikweh  ha-mayim,  EV  "gather- 
ing together  of  the  waters"  [Gen  1  10];  DTa"nnp^, 
mikweh-mayim,  "a  gathering  of  water,"  AV  "plenty 
of  water"  [Lev  11  36];  [5]  Ko\v\i.pTfipa,  kolumbeihra, 
"pool,"  lit.  "a  place  of  diving,"  from  Ko\«(ipdo), 
kolumbdo,'"to  dive"):  Lakes  (q.v.)  are  very  rare  in 
Syria  and  Pal,  but  the  dry  climate,  which  is  one 
reason  for  the  fewness  of  lakes,  impels  the  inhabit- 
ants to  make  artificial  pools  or  reservoirs  to  collect 
the  water  of  the  rain  or  of  springs  for  irrigation  and 
also  for  drinking.  The  largest  of  these  are  made 
by  damming  water  courses,  in  which  water  flows 
during  the  winter  or  at  least  after  showers  of  rain. 
These  may  be  enlarged  or  deepened  by  excavation. 
Good  examples  of  this  are  found  at  Dibdn  and 
MAdeba  in  Moab.  Smaller  pools  of  rectangular 
shape  and  usually  much  wider  than  deep,  having 
no  connection  with  water  courses,  are  built  in  towns 
to  receive  rain  from  the  roofs  or  from  the  surface  of 
the  ground.  These  may  be  for  common  use  like 
several  large  ones  in  Jerus,  or  may  belong  to  par- 
ticular houses.  These  are  commonly  excavated  to 
some  depth  in  the  soil  or  rock,  though  the  walls 
are  likely  to  rise  above  the  surface.  Between  these 
and  cylindrical  pits  or  cisterns  no  sharp  line  can  be 
drawn. 

The  water  of  springs  may  be  collected  in  large  or 
small  pools  of  masonry,  as  the  pool  of  Siloam  (Jn 
9  7).  This  is  commonly  done  for  irrigation  when 
the  spring  is  so  small  that  the  water  would  be  lost 
by  absorption  or  evaporation  if  it  were  attempted  to 
convey  it  continuously  to  the  fields.  The  pool 
(Arab,  birkal)  receives  the  trickle  of  water  until  it 
is  full.  The  water  is  then  let  out  in  a  large  stream 
and  conducted  where  it  is  needed.     (In  this  way  by 


Pools  of  Solomon 
Porcupine 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2420 


patient  labor  a  small  trickling  spring  may  support 
much  vegetation.) 

'Agham  does  not  seem  to  be  used  of  artificial 
pools,  but  rather  of  natural  or  accidental  depressions 
containing  water,  as  pools  by  the  Nile  (Ex  7  19; 
8  5),  or  in  the  wilderness  (Ps  107  35;  114  8;  Isa 
14  23;  35  7;  41  18;  42  15).  In  Isa  19  10  the 
rendering  of  AV,  "all  that  make  sluices  and  ponds 
for  fish,"  would  be  an  exception  to  this  statement, 
but  RV  has  "all  they  that  work  for  hire  shall  be 
grieved  in  soul."  Mikweh  occurs  with  'agham  in 
Ex  7  19  of  the  ponds  and  pools  by  the  Nile. 
B'rekhah  is  used  of  "the  pool  of  Gibeon"  (2  S  2  13), 
"the  pool  in  Hebron"  (2  S  4  12),  "the  pool  of 
Samaria"  (1  K  22  38),  "the  pools  in  Heshbon" 
(Cant  7  4),  "the  pool  of  Shelah,"  AV  "Shiloah" 
(Neh  3  15);  cf  "the  waters  of  Shiloah"  (Isa  8  6). 
We  read  in  Eccl  2  6,  "I  made  me  pools  of  water,  to 
water  therefrom  the  forest  where  trees  were  reared." 
There  is  mention  of  "the  upper  pool"  (2  K  18  17; 
Isa  7  3;  36  2),  "the  lower  pool"  (Isa  22  9),  "the 
king's  pool"  (Neh  2  14).  Isa  22  11  has,  "Ye  made 
also  a  reservoir  [mikwah]  between  the  two  walls  for 
the  water  of  the  old  pool  [h'rekhah]."  Kolum- 
bethra  is  used  of  the  pool  of  Bethesda  (Jn  5  2.4.7) 
and  of  the  pool  of  Siloam  (Jn  9  7.1l).  See  also 
Cistern;  Natural  Features;  BJ,  V,  iv,  2. 

Alfred  Ely  Dat 

POOLS,  pdolz,  OF  SOLOMON.  See  Cistern; 
Pool. 

POOR,  poor  (li^^S,  'ebhyon,  vT,  dal,  '''i'S ,  'am, 

/.  In  the  OT. — The  poor  have  great  prominence 
in  the  Bible;  it  is  said,  indeed,  that  there  should  be 
no  poor  among  the  Hebrews  because  Jeh  should  so 
greatly  bless  them  (Dt  15  4  RV  and  AVm);  but 
this  was  only  to  be  realized  on  certain  conditions 
of  obedience  (ver  5),  and  in  ver  11  it  is  said,  "The 
poor  will  never  cease  out  of  the  land";  but  they 
were  to  see  to  it  that  none  was  left  in  destitution. 
The  very  foundation  of  the  Heb  religion  was  God's 
pity  on  a  poor  and  oppressed  people. 

The  words  for  "poor"  are  chiefly  'ebhyon,  "desirous," 
"needy,"     "poor"     (Ex  23  6,     etc);      dal,     "moving," 
"swaying,"     hence,     weak,     poor,     lowly 
1    The  (E.X  23  .3, etc):  daHa*.  "poverty,"  "weak- 

Tormc  ness"    (2  K  25  12,    etc);     rush,    perhaps 

lerms  .-^q    shake,"    "tremble,"    "to    be    poor." 

Employed  "impoverished"  (1  S  18  23.  etc);  ' anl, 
also  'anaio,  "poor,"  "oppressed,"  from 
'anah,  "to  bend"  or  "bow  down"  (Ex  22  2.5,  etc); 
'inch,  Aram.  (Dnl  4  27).  hel'khah,  " \Tretchedness " 
(Ps  10  8.14  AV);  ydrash,  "to  make  poor"  (1  S  2  7) ; 
mahsor,  "want"  (Prov  21  17);  misken,  " a  needy  One " 
(Eccl  4  13;   9  156is.l6). 

(1)  Generally. — God  (Jeh  and  'Slohlm)  is  rep- 
resented as  having  a  special  care  for  "the  poor," 

which  was  illustrated  in  the  deliver- 
2.  Repre-  ance  of  the  nation  from  Egyp  poverty 
sentations  and  bondage  and  was  never  to  be  for- 
gotten by  them  (Dt  24  22);  as  pun- 
ishing the  oppressors  of  the  poor  and  rewarding  those 
who  were  kind  to  them;  God  Himself  was  the  Pro- 
tector and  Saviour  of  the  poor  (Ex  22  23):  "If 
thou  afflict  them  at  all,  and  they  cry  at  all  unto  me, 
I  will  surely  hear  their  cry;  and  my  wrath  shall  wax 
hot,"  etc  (Dt  15  9;  24  15;  1  S  2  8;  Job  31  16; 
Ps  9  18;  12  5;  Prov  19  17;  Isa  25  4;  Eccl  5  8, 
"one  higher  than  the  high  regardeth,"  etc). 

(2)  Liberality  to  the  poor  is  specially  enjoined 
(Dt  15  7 1),  and  they  were  to  beware  of  self- 
deception  and  grudging  in  this  (vs  9.10). 

(3)  Special  provisions  were  made  on  behalf  of 
the  poor:  (a)  Every  third  year  a  tithe  was  to  be 
given  "unto  the  Levite,  to  the  sojourner,  to  the 
fatherless  and  to  the  widow"  that  Jeh  might  bless 
them  (Dt  14  28.29;  26  12  f);  (5)  the  poor  were 
to  have  the  free  use  of  all  that  grew  spontaneously 


in  field  or  vineyard  during  the  Sabbatic  year  (Ex 

23  10  f;  Lev  25  5.6);  (c)  each  year  the  gleanings  of 
the  fields  and  vineyards  should  belong  to  the  poor, 
the  corners  of  fields  were  to  be  left  for  them,  and  if 
a  sheaf  was  forgotten  it  should  remain  (Lev  19  9. 
10;  23  22;  Dt  24  19);  (rf)  fruit  and  ripe  grain  m  a 
field  might  be  eaten  by  any  hungry  person,  but  none 
should  be  carried  away  (Dt  23  24.25);  (e)  m  the 
Feast  of  Weeks  the  poor  were  to  participate  (Dt  16 
9-12);  (J)  every  seventh  year  there  should  be  a 
"release"  of  debts  (Dt  15  If);  in  the  seventh  year 
of  servitude  the  Heb  bond-servant  should  go  free 
(Ex  21  2),  or  in  the  Jubilee,  if  that  came  first,  on 
which  occasion — the  fiftieth  year — property  that 
had  been  sold  returned  to  its  owner  or  his  family 
(Lev  25  8-17) ;  (<?)  they  were  to  lend  readily  to  the 
poor,  and  no  interest  or  increase  was  to  be  taken 
from  their  brethren  (Ex  22  25;  Lev  25  35-37; 
Dt  15  7  f) ;  in  Lev  25  39,  no  poor  Hebrew  was  to 
be  made  a  bond-servant,  and,  if  a  hired  servant, 
he  was  not  to  be  ruled  with  rigor  (ver  43);  his 
hire  was  to  be  given  him  daily   (Lev  19  13;    Dt 

24  15);  no  widow's  raiment  was  to  be  taken  in 
pledge  (Dt  24  17),  nor  the  handmill,  nor  the 
upper  millstone  so  essential  for  daily  life  (ver  6), 
a  man's  garment  should  be  returned  to  him  before 
sundown,  and  no  house  should  be  entered  to  seize 
or  fetch  any  pledge  (vs  10-13) ;  breach  of  these  laws 
should  be  sin  and  their  observance  righteousness 
(Dt  24  13.15,  etc;  see  Alms,  Almsgiving);  (h) 
justice  was  to  be  done  to  the  poor  (Ex  23  6;  Dt 
27  19,  "Cursed  be  he  that  wresteth  the  justice 
due  to  the  sojourner,  fatherless,  and  widow"); 
(i)  offerings  were  graduated  according  to  means 
(Lev  5  7;   12  8). 

(4)  Definite  penalties  were  not  always  attached 
to  those  laws,  and  the  prophets  and  psalmists  have 
many  complaints  of  the  unjust  treatment  and  op- 
pression of  the  poor,  contrary  to  the  will  of  God,  and 
frequent  exhortations  to  justice  and  a  due  regard 
for  them  (Ps  10  2.9;  12  5;  14  6,  etc;  Isa  3  14.15; 
Jer  2  34;  Ezk  16  49,  "the  iniquity  of  ...  . 
Sodom";  18  12.17;  22  29;  Am  2  7;  4  1;  Hab  3 
14;  cf  Job  20  19;  24  9.14,  etc;  Prov  14  31). 

(5)  The  duty  of  caring  for  the  poor  is  frequently 
and  strongly  set  forth  and  Divine  promises  attached 
to  its  fuffiiment  (Ps  41  1;  72  12  ff;  Prov  17  5; 
22  9;  28  3.27;  Isa  58  7;  Jer  22  16;  Ezk  18  17; 
Dnl  4  27;  Zee  7  10,  etc;  cf  Job  29  12.16;  30 
25;   31  19;   Ps  112  9). 

(6)  The  day  of  the  Divine  manifestation,  the  times 
of  the  Messiah,  should  bring  dehverance  and  re- 
joicing to  the  poor  (Ps  72  12-15;  Isa  11  4,  "With 
righteousness  shaU  he  judge  the  poor,"  etc;  14  30; 
29  19;   61  1  RVm). 

(7)  The  equality  of  rich  and  poor  before  God  and 
the  superiority  of  the  righteous  poor  to  the  ungodly 
rich,  etc,  are  maintained  (Prov  19  1.22;  22  1.2; 
Eccl  4  13). 

(8)  Ways  in  which  men  can  wilfully  make  them- 
selves poor  are  mentioned  (Prov  6  11;  10  4;  12  24; 
13  4.18;  14  23;  20  13;  21  5.17;  23  21;  28  19). 

The  chief  words  given  above  all  mean  poor, 
literally,  but  'Cini   (rendered  also  "afflicted")  may 

also  denote  Israel  as  a  nation  in  its 
3.  The  afflictions  and  low  estate,  e.g.  Ps  68 

Godly  Poor   10;   Isa  41  17;  49  13;  51  21;  54  11; 

in  Zeph  3  12,  it  is  "the  ideal  Israel 
of  the  future."  Dr.  Driver  remarks  (art.  "Poor," 
HDB)  that  such  passages  show  that  'dnl  (as  also 
its  frequent  parallel  'ebhyon,  and,  though  somewhat 
less  distinctly,  dal)  came  gradually  "to  denote  the 
godly  poor,  the  suffering  righteous,  the  persons  who, 
whether  'bowed  down'  or  'needy'  or  'reduced,'  were 
the  godly  servants  of  Jeh."  The  humble  poor 
became  in  fact  distinguished  as  the  line  in  which 
faithfulness  to  Jeh  was  maintained  and  spiritual 


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Pools  of  Solomon 
Porcupine 


religion  developed.  The  less  frequent  word  'dnaw, 
often  tH  "meek,"  "humble,"  is  regarded  (see  Driver 
in  loc.)  as  having  from  the  first  a  moral  and  religious 
significance.  It  is  used  of  Moses  (Nu  12  3)  and 
occurs  in  Ps  10  12.17;  22  26;  25  9,  etc;  Prov 
3  34;  16  19;  Isa  29  19;  32  7;  61  1;  Am  2  7; 
Zeph  2  3. 

//.  In  the  NT.— In  the  NT  plochos,  "trembling," 
"poor,"  "beggar,"  is  almost  exclusively  the  word 
tr''  "poor."  It  does  not  occur  very  frequently,  but 
we  see  the  same  regard  for  the  poor  maintained  as 
we  have  in  the  OT;  besides,  the  new  principle  of  love 
and  the  example  of  Him  who  "though  he  was  rich, 
yet  for  your  sakes  ....  became  poor"  {plocheuo, 
2  Cor  8  9)  necessarily  carry  in  them  this  regard  even 
more  fully  than  in  the  OT.  Jesus  announced  His 
mission  (Lk  4  18)  by  quoting  Isa  61  1,  "to  preach 
good  tidings  [AV  "the  gospel"]  to  the  poor"  (or 
meek  or  humble);  He  gave  as  a  proof  of  His  Mes- 
siahship  the  fact  that  "the  poor  have  the  gospel 
[or  good  news  of  the  Kingdom]  preached  to  them" 
(Mt  11  5;  Lk  7  22);  according  to  Lk  6  20,  He 
pronounced  a  beatitude  on  the  pious  "poor"  because 
the  kingdom  of  God  was  theirs;  in  Mt  5  3  it  is  "the 
poor  in  spirit"  (the  humble);  we  have  the  injunc- 
tion to  "give  to  the  poor"  (Mt  19  21;  Mk  10  21; 
Lk  18  22)  who  are  "always  with  you"  (Mt  26  11; 
Mk  14  7;  Jn  12  8),  which  does  not  mean  that 
there  must  always  be  "the  poor,"  but  that,  in  con- 
trast with  Himself  who  was  soon  to  leave  them,  the 
poor  should  remain  and  kindness  could  be  shown 
to  them  at  any  time,  which  was  His  own  practice 
(Jn  13  29);  we  are  enjoined  to  call  not  the  rich 
or  well-to-do  to  our  entertainments,  but  the  poor 
(Lk  14  13;  cf  ver21);  Zacchaeus  cited  in  his  favor 
the  fact  that  he  gave  'half  of  his  goods  to  the  poor' 
(Lk  19  8) ;  special  notice  was  taken  by  Jesus  of  the 
poor  widow's  contribution  (Lk  21  3).  The  first 
church  showed  its  regard  for  the  poor  in  the  distri- 
bution of  goods  "according  as  any  man  had  need" 
(Acts  2  4.5;  4  32;  6  1);  when  the  council  at 
Jerus  freed  the  Gentiles  from  the  yoke  of  Judaism, 
they  made  it  a  condition,  Paul  says,  "that  we 
should  remember  the  poor;  which  very  thing  I  was 
also  zealous  to  do"  (Gal  2  10);  contributions  were 
accordingly  made  "for  the  poor  among  the  saints 
that  are  at  Jerus"  (Rom  15  26),  and  it  was  in 
conveying  such  contributions  that  Paul  got  into 
the  circumstances  that  led  to  his  arrest.  God's 
ability  and  will  to  provide  for  those  who  give  to  the 
poor  is  quoted  from  Ps  112  9  (2  Cor  9  9);  James 
specially  rebukes  certain  Christians  of  his  day  for 
their  partiality  for  the  rich  and  their  dishonor  of  the 
poor  (Jas  2  5-9),  and  John  asks  how,  in  the  man 
who  "hath  the  world's  goods,  and  beholdeth  his 
brother  in  need,  and  shutteth  up  his  compassion 
from  him,"  the  love  of  God  can  dwell  (1  Jn  3  17. 

18) 

Plochos  is  tr-i  "beggar"  (Lk  16  20.22)  and  "beg- 
garly" (Gal  4  9);  penes,  "one  who  works  for  his 
daily  bread,"  "a  poor  man,"  is  the  word  in  2  Cor 
9  9;  the  poor  widow  of  Mk  12  42  is  described  m 
Lk  21  2  as  penichros,  "very  poor." 

///  In  the  Apocrypha. — In  the  Apoc  the  poor  are 
often  mentioned ;  God's  regard  lor  them  (Ecclus  21  .5 
\nl6chos]-  35  12.1.3);  their  oppression  and  wrongs  (Wisd 
2  10  [p;"^--.^;  Ecclus  133.19:2.3  Iptocho.U  Bar  6  28); 
the  duty  of  care  for  and  of  giving  to  the  POor  (Tob  4  7 
[ptochos];  Ecclus  29  8  [(ap«no.s].9  [penes];  3i  20-22)  of 
justice  and  kindness  to  such  (Ecclus  4  1;.5.8,  7  32,  10  23 
[ptochos]):  "poor"  in  the  sense  of  pitiable  occurs  in  2 
Mace  4  47   (talalporos).   RV  "hapless.  ,,,.  ,t„=. 

IV.  /JV  CAan»e».-For  "the  poor  of  this  word  GTas 
2  6)  RV  has  "them  that  are  poor  as  to  the  world  ,  lor 
"The  poor  ....  shall  trust  in  it"  (Isa  14  32),  "In  her 
shall  the  afOicted  ....  take  refuge'  ;  instead  of 
"Whereas  also  he  that  is  bom  in  his  kingdom  becometh 
poor"  (Eccl  4  14).  "Yea,  even  in  his  kingdom  he  '"'as 
born  poor";  "poor"  for  "humble  (Ps  9  12,  10  12, 
m  "meek"),  for  "lowly"  (Prov  16  19,  m  "meek   ). 

W.  L.  Walker 


POPLAR,  pop'lar  (HDlb ,  lihhneh,  "whiteness"; 
o-TupdKivos,  sturdkinos,  "storax"  [Gon  30  37],  XtvKii, 
leiike,  "poplar"  [Hos  4  13]  [ZiM/ie/i  is  so  similar  to  the 
Arab,  libna,  the  storax,  that  the  latter  certainly  has 
the  first  claim  to  be  the  true  tr]):  "Jacob  took  him 
rods  of  fresh  poplar,"  m  "storax  tree"  (Gen  30  37). 
"They  ....  burn  incense  upon  the  hills,  under 
oaks  and  poplars  and  terebinths,  because  the 
shadow  thereof  is  good"  (Hos  4  13).  In  the  latter 
reference  the  conjunction  of  the  shrub,  storax,  with 
two  great  trees  like  the  oak  and  terebinth — even 
though  they  all  grow  in  the  mountains — is  strange. 
The  storax  cannot  give  a  shade  comparable  with 
these  trees.  Had  we  other  evidence  of  the  storax 
being  a  sacred  tree  among  the  Hebrews,  it  might 
explain  the  difficulty. 

The  storax,  Slyrax  officinalis  (N.O.  Siyraceae),  is 
a  very  common  shrub  in  Pal  which  occasionally 
attains  the  height  of  20  feet.  The  under  surfaces 
of  its  oval  leaves  are  covered  with  whitish  hairs,  and 
it  has  many  beautiful  pure-white  flowers  like  orange 
blossoms — hence  its  name  "whiteness." 

The  poplar,  the  traditional  tr  in  Hos  4  13, 
flourishes  in  many  parts  of  Pal.  The  white  poplar, 
Populus  alba,  Arab.  Haur,  is  common  everywhere; 
Euphratica  occurs  esp.  in  the  Jordan  valley;  the 
black  poplar,  P.  nigra,  and  the  Lombardy  poplar, 
P.  pyramidalis — probably  an  importation — are  both 
plentiful  in  the  plain  of  Coele-Syria,  around  Da- 
mascus and  along  the  river  banks  of  Syria. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

PORATHA,  p5-ra'tha,  por'a-tha  (Nnn'lS ,  poror- 
tha'):  One  of  the  sons  of  Haman  (Est  9  8).  The 
etymology  is  uncertain;  perhaps  from  the  Pers 
purdala,  "given  by  fate." 

PORCH,  porch:  Chiefly  in  the  OT  OblK,  'ulam, 
used  of  the  temples  of  Solomon  and  Ezekiel  (see 
Temple)  ;  once  misd'ron,  a  "vestibule,"  in  Jgs  3  23. 
In  the  NT,  the  word  occurs  in  connection  with  the 
high  priest's  palace  (Mt  26  11,  pidon;  Mk  14  68, 
proaulion) ,  and  as  the  rendering  of  (rroii,  stod,  a 
"portico,"  in  Jn  5  2  (pool  of  Bethesda);  and  Jn 
10  23;  Acts  3  11;  5  12.  See  Porch,  Portico, 
Solomon's. 

PORCH,  PORTICO,  por'ti-ko,  SOLOMON'S 
(t)  o-Tod  T)  Ka\o\)(i^vn  So\o(i(i5vTos,  he  stod  he  kalou- 
mene  Solomontos) :  This  important  element  of 
Herod's  temple,  preserving  in  its  name  a  traditional 
connection  with  Solomon,  is  thrice  referred  to  in  the 
NT,  viz.  in  Jn  10  23;  Acts  3  11,  "the  porch  that 
is  called  Solomon's";  and  Acts  5  12.  In  these 
passages  the  Gr  word  stoa  is  tr''  "porch,"  but  in 
RVm  of  Acts  3  11  more  correctly  "portico."  In 
architecture  a  "porch"  is  strictly  an  exterior  struc- 
ture forming  a  covered  approach  to  the  entrance  of  a 
lauilding;  a  "portico"  is  an  ambulatory,  consisting 
of  a  roof  supported  by  columns  placed  at  regular 
intervals — a  roofed  colonnade.  The  portico  bear- 
ing Solomon's  name  was  that  running  along  the 
eastern  wall  in  the  Court  of  the  Gentiles  of  Herod's 
temple.  It  had  double  columns,  while  that  on  the 
S.  known  as  the  Royal  Portico  had  four  rows  (cf 
Jos,  Ant,  XV,  xi,  3;  BJ,  V,  v,  and  see  Temple, 
Herod's).  The  portico  was  the  scene  of  Christ's 
teaching  at  the  Feast  of  the  Dedication  (.In  10  23), 
and  was  flocked  to  by  the  multitude  after  the  heal- 
ing of  the  lame  man  (Acts  3  11).  There  the  apos- 
tles preached  and  wrought  other  miracles  (Acts  5 
12).  W.  Shaw  Caldecott 

PORCIUS,  por'shus  (FESTUS).     See  Festus. 

PORCUPINE,  por'kii-pin  (lEp ,  kippodk  [Isa  14 
23;  34  11;  Zeph  2  14],  AV  "bittern,"  RV  "porcu- 


Porphyry 
Potter,  Pottery 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2422 


pine";  LXX  Ix^vos,  cchi.nos,  "hedgehog";  TlEp, 
kippoz  [Isa  34  15],  AV  "great  owl,"  ERV  "arrow- 
snake,"  ARV  "dart-snake";  LXX  echinos;  cf  Arab. 

(\sJ3 ,  hiinfud,  or  i^JiXi ,  kimfudh,  "hedgehog"  or 
"porcupine."  nSp  ,  kippodh,  is  referred  to  V  ~S|5  , 
kaphadh,  "to  draw  one's  self  together"  or  "to  roll 
one's  self  up,"  while  TlEp  is  referred  to  V  TSp , 
kaphaz,  and  V  f  SJJ ,  kaphas,  "to  draw  together 
in  order  to  spring."     The  resemblance  between  all 

these  words,  including  the  Arab.  (XsJci ,  is  obvious, 
and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  LXX  has  echinos  in  all 
the  places  cited) : 

The  Gr  echinos  is  the  hedgehog.  The  Arab,  kunfudk  is 
used  in  some  localities  for  the  hedgehog  and  in  others  for 
the  porcupine,  which  is  also  caUed  nis.  The  hedgehog 
is  also  called  kihbdhat-ush-.shauk.  or  "ball  of  spines." 
These  two  animals  are  both  found  in  SjTia  and  Pal,  and, 
while  both  have  spines,  they  are  very  different  animals, 
though  often  confounded.  The  hedgehog.  Erinaceus 
europeus.  is  one  of  the  Insectivora.  It  eats  not  only  in- 
sects but  also  snakes  and  other  small  animals,  as  well  as 
fruits  and  roots.  It  is  about  10  in.  long,  covered  with 
short  spines,  and  roUs  itself  into  a  ball  when  attacked. 
It  inhabits  the  countries  bordering  the  Mediterranean. 
The  porcupine,  Hystrix  cristata,  is  a  rodent,  about  26  in. 
long,  having  long  spines.  It  is  herbivorous.  It  backs 
rapidly  at  its  foes,  thrusting  its  sharp  spines  into  their 
fiesh,  not  shooting  its  spines,  as  is  often  stated.  It  in- 
habits most  of  Europe  and  Asia.  It  is  very  different  from 
the  Canadian  porcupine.  Erethizon  dorsatus,  as  well  as 
from  the  tree  porcupines  of  Mexico  and  Central  and 
South  America. 

As  to  the  rendering  "bittern"  for  kippodh  (Isa 
14  23;  34  1.5;  Zeph  2  14),  while  the  etymology 
favors  "hedgehog,"  the  context  favors  a  bird,  esp. 
in  Isa  34  11,  though  it  cannot  be  said  that  in  any 
of  the  passages  the  context  makes  "hedgehog"  an 
impossible  rendering. 

In  Isa  34  15,  for  kippoz,  most  modern  authorities 
(cf  RV)  have  some  sort  of  serpent,  referring  to  the 
Arab.  V  kafaz,  "to  spring."  (See  notes  above  on 
kaphaz  and  kapha:;.)  In  this  passage  also  the  con- 
text is  not  unfavorable  to  a  bird  (cf  AV  "great  owl"). 
See  Bittern;  Owl;  Serpent. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

PORPHYRY,  p6r'fi-ri  (in  Est  1  6,  RVm  has 
"porphyry"  [AVm  "porphyre"]  for  TiHS,  bahat, 
EV  "red  [marble]";  LXX  has  <r|iapa7S(Ttis,  smarag- 
d'USs,  which  was  a  green  stone):  Porphyry  is  an 
igneous  rock  containing  distinct  crystals  of  feldspar 
in  a  feldspathic  matrix.  It  may  be  purple  or  of 
other  colors,  as  green.  "Porphyry"  is  from  irop- 
(pipeos,  porphureos,  "purple." 

PORPOISE,  por'pus  (RVm  has  "porpoise-skin" 
for  Tlinn  -IW,  'or  tahash,  RV  "sealskin,"  AV 
"badgers' skins"  [Ex  25  5;  26  14;  35  7.2.3;  36  19; 
39  31;  Nu  4  6.8.10.11.12.14.25;  Ezk  16  10]):  The 
word  denotes  leather  used  in  the  furnishings  of 
the  tabernacle  (for  shoes  in  Ezk  16  10),  and  was 
probably  the  skin  of  the  dugong,  Halichore  dugong, 

Arab,  iw*^ ,  t-ukhas,  which  is  found  in  the  Red 
Sea.    See  Badger. 

PORT,  port,  PORTER,  por'ter:  "Port"  in  the 
sense  of  "gate"  (of  a  city  or  building)  is  obsolete 
in  modern  Eng.,  and  even  in  the  AV  is  found  only 
in  Neh  2  13.  "Porter,"  as  "gate-keeper,"  how- 
ever, is  still  in  some  use,  but  "porter"  now  (but 
never  in  EV)  generally  means  a  burden-carrier.  In 
the  OT,  except  in  2  S  18  26;  2  K  7  10.11,  the 
porter  ("1?"!©,  sAo'er)  is  a  sacred  officer  of  the  temple 
or  tabernacle,  belonging  to  a  particular  family  of  the 
Levites,  with  a  share  in  the  sacred  dues  (Neh  13  5; 
12  47).  The  "porters"  are  mentioned  only  in  Ch, 
Ezr  and  Neh,  and  Ch  has  an  especial  interest  in 


them,  relating  that  their  duties  were  settled  as  far 
back  as  the  time  of  David  (1  Ch  26  1-19),  and 
that  the  office  extended  further  to  the  first  settle- 
ment of  Pal  and  even  to  Moses'  day  (1  Ch  9  17- 
26).  The  office  was  evidently  one  of  some  dignity, 
and  the  "chief-porters"  (1  Ch  9  26)  were  impor- 
tant persons.  For  some  inscrutable  reason  RV 
renders  sTio'er  by  "doorkeeper"  in  1  Ch  15-26,  but 
not  elsewhere.    See  Doorkeeper. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

PORTION,  por'shun,  PART:  As  far  as  a  dis- 
tinction between  these  words  is  possible  in  Eng.,  it 
lies  in  the  fact  that  a  "portion"  is  a  "part"  about 
whose  destiny  something  is  implied  (Ps  142  5,  etc). 
The  Heb  has  no  two  synonyms  similarly  related, 
and  in  consequence  the  use  of  the  words  in  EV  is 
settled  either  by  rather  arbitrary  considerations 
(n:)3,  7n'ndh,  is  always  "portion"  in  RV,  but  ia 
"part"  in  AV,  Ex  29  26;  Lev  7  33;  8  29)  or  by 
the  context,  irrespective  of  the  Heb  word  used. 
So  "part"  and  "portion"  both  represent  13'^, 
ddbhar,  1  K  6  38;  Neh  12  47;  ns,  peh,  Zee  13 
8;  Dt  21  17;  bin,  hebhel,  Josh  17  5  (RV);  Ezk 
47  13;  /x^/jos,  meros,  Lk  11  36;  12  46.  And  in  the 
vast  majority  of  cases  in  the  OT  both  words 
represent  simply  some  derivative  of  p?n ,  halak, 
normally  the  noun  p  ?n ,  helek. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

POSIDONTUS,  pos-i-do'ni-us  (IIoxrtSMvios,  Posi- 
donios,  al.  noeruSdvios,  Posidonios  and  XIoo-ciSmv, 
Poseiddn):  One  of  the  three  envoys  sent  by  the 
Syrian  general  Nicanor  to  treat  with  the  Jews  under 
Judas  during  his  invasion  of  Judaea,  161  BC  (2 
Mace  14  19).  In  1  Mace  7  27  ff,  proposals  are 
sent  by  Nicanor  to  Judas,  but  no  envoys  are  named, 
and  it  is  there  asserted  in  contradiction  to  2  Mace 
that  Judas  broke  off  the  negotiation  because  of  the 
treacherous  designs  of  Nicanor. 

POSSESS,  po-zes',  POSSESSION,  po-zesh'un: 
"Possess"  in  modern  Eng.  means  normally  only 
"keep  in  one's  possession."  But  in  Elizabethan 
Eng.  it  means  also  "take  into  possession,"  and,  in 
fact,  the  word  in  the  OT  always  represents  Heb 
vbs.  with  the  latter  as  their  primary  meaning 
(125^^ ,  ydrash,  in  nearly  all  cases,  otherwise  bni , 
ndhal,  Hjp,  kdnah,  TnS,  'ahaz;  Aistm.  'jpri, /losan). 
Consequently,  in  almost  every  case  "take  possession 
of"  could  be  substituted  advantageously  for  "pos- 
sess," but  RV  has  not  thought  the  change  worth 
carrying  through.  In  the  Apoc  and  NT,  however, 
the  distinction  has  been  made,  AV's  "possess"  being 
retained  for  Karix^^,  katecho,  in  1  Cor  7  30;  2  Cor 
6  10,  but  the  same  tr  for  KrAofiai,  ktdomai,  ia 
changed  into  "take  us  for  a  possession"  (Jth  8  22), 
"get"  (Lk  18  12),  "win"  (Lk  21  19),  and  "pos- 
sess himself  of"  (1  Thess  4  4,  a  very  obscure  pas- 
sage). In  the  noun  possession,  on  the  other  hand, 
no  such  ambiguity  exists,  and  attention  need  be 
called  only  to  the  following  passages.  In  Dt  11  6, 
AV  has,  "all  the  substance  that  was  in  their  pos- 
session," Heb  "all  that  subsisted  at  their  feet,"  RV 
"every  living  thing  that  followed  them."  AV  uses 
"possession"  loosely  in  Acts  28  7  for  x^p'oi/, 
chorion,  RV  "lands."  wepm-ol-qa-ts,  peripoiesis, 
from  peripoieo,  "cause  to  remain  over,"  "gain,"  is 
rendered  "God's  own  pcssession"  in  Eph  1  14  RV 
(AV  "possession")  and  1  Pet  2  9  (AV  "peculiar," 
AVm  "purchased").  "God's  own"  is  a  gloss  but 
is  imphed  in  the  context. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

POSSESSION,  DEMONIACAL,  de-mo-ni'a-kal 
(Mt  4  24;  8  16,  etc).  See  Demon,  Demoniac, 
Demonology. 


2423 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Porphyry 
Potter,  Pottery 


POST,  post  (7^-1,  rj(f,  "to  run,"  DiST ,  raglm,  . 
"runners"):  The  "runners"  formed  the  royal 
guard  (1  S  22  17;  1  K  14  27;  2  K  11  4.13; 
see  Guard).  From  them  were  chosen  the  couriers 
who  carried  royal  letters  and  dispatches  through- 
out the  kingdom  (2  Ch  30  6.10;  Est  3  13.15; 
Jer  51  31).  In  the  Pers  service  they  were  mounted 
on  the  swiftest  horses  (Est  8  10.14;  cf  Xenophon, 
Cyrop.  viii.6.17;  Herodotus  viii.98).  They  had  the 
right  to  command  the  service  of  either  men  or 
animals  in  order  to  expedite  their  progress  (cf  Mt 

5  41;   Mk  15  21,  "compel,"  "impress"). 

Used  in  Job  9  25  and  AV  Wisd  5  9  {dyyeXia., 
aggelia,  RV  "message")  of  the  swift  passage  of  time. 
See  also  House,  II,  1,  (4),  (7).         M.  O.  Evans 

POT,  pot:  A  term  used  as  the  tr  of  a  number  of 
Heb  and  Gr  words  whose  fundamental  meaning 
seems  to  describe  them  as  intended  for  the  most 
part  to  hold  liquid  or  semi-liquid  substances,  but 
the  pots  of  Ex  27  3  are  intended  to  hold  ashes. 
(1)  ^P,  jir,  the  most  common  word  for  "pot."  It 
designates  most  frequently  some  household  utensil, 
probably  a  pot  or  kettle  for  boiling.  So  2  K  4 
38  ff;  Ex  16  3;  Jer  1  13  AV;  Ezk  11  3.7.11,  "cal- 
dron"; 24  3.6  AV;  Mic  3  3;  Zee  14  21,  etc.  It 
is  also  used  as  the  name  of  some  vessel  of  the 
sanctuary.  So  Ex  27  3,  where  the  context  shows 
it  was  intended  to  hold  ashes;  1  K  7  45;  2  Ch 
4  16;  2  K  25  14.  In  Ps  60  8;  108  9,  it  is  a  pot 
forwashing.  (2)  "iniS ,  poriZr  (Nu  11  8;  1  S  2  14), 
a  vessel  for  boiling;  in  Jgs  6  19,  a  vessel  for  holding 
broth.     (3)  1^1,   dudh,   rendered   "pot"   in  Ps  81 

6  in  AV,  "basket"  in  RV;  "pot"  both  AV  and  RV 
in  Job  41  20.  (4)  riDSTpS,  Qingeneth  (Ex  16  33), 
the  jar  in  which  the  manna  was  placed.  This  jar 
or  pot  is  mentioned  in  He  9  4  under  the  name 
a-Td/xiios,  stdmnos.  (5)  TIC^,  'oj^on  (2  K  4  2),  some 
kind  of  jar  for  holding  oil.     (6)  J^trTTjs,  xestes  (Mk 

7  4),  some  kind  of  household  utensil.  Mention 
may  also  be  made  of  the  word  rendered  "pot"  in 
Lev  6  28  AV,  where  RV  renders  more  correctly 
by  the  general  term  "vessel";  for  AV  "pots"  (Ps 
68  13)  RV  substitutes  "sheepfolds."  The  root 
is  uncertain.  Those  who  render  "sheepfolds"  con- 
nect with  the  related  root  in  Gen  49  14;  Jgs  5  16. 
Others  render  "fireplaces"  or  "ash  heaps."  See 
also  "range  for  pots"  in  Lev  11  35;  "pots,"  Jer 
36  5  AV,  correctly  "bowls"  RV;  "refining  pots" 
in  Prov  17  3;  27  21.     See  also  Food. 

Walter  R.  Betteridgb 
POTENTATE,  po'ten-tat  (8uvao-TT]s,  dimdstes, 
"mighty  one,"  from  8vva|j.ai,  dunamai,  "to  be 
able"):  A  person  who  possesses  great  power  and 
authority.  Only  in  1  Tim  6  15,  "the  blessed  and 
only  Potentate"  (  =  God).  The  same  Gr  word  is 
used  of  Zeus  in  Sophocles  (Ant.  608),  and  of  God  in 
Apoc  (e.g.  Sir  46  5;  2  Mace  15  3.23).  It  is  used 
of  men  in  Lk  1  52  (AV  "the  mighty,"  RV  "princes") 
and  Acts  8  27  ("of  great  authority"). 

POTIPHAR,  pot'i-far  (ISitl'lS,  potlphar;  cf 
Egyp  Potiphera  [Gen  39  If]):  A  high  Egyp  offi- 
cial who  became  the  master  of  Joseph.  It  is  par- 
ticularly mentioned  that  he  was  an  Egyptian,  i.e. 
one  of  the  native  Egyp  officials  at  the  Hyksos  court. 

POTI-PHERA,  po-tif 'e-ra  (J?"]?  itsis,  poti  phera'; 
Egyp  Padipara,  "the  [one]  given  of  the  sun-god"; 
cf  Heb  Nathaniel,  "the  gift  of  God,"  Gen  41  45.50; 
46  20):  There  is  no  certain  evidence  from  Egypt 
that  this  name  was  in  existence  until  the  XXIId 
Dynasty,  about  950  BC.  But  names  of  the  Hyksos 
period,  and,  indeed,  any  kind  of  Hyksos  inscrip- 
tions, are  so  scarce  on  account  of  the  destruction 
of  Hyksos  monuments  by  the  Egyptians  of  later 


times  that  the  absence  of  such  names  is  really  no 
evidence  on  the  subject.  The  fact  that  this  name 
has  not  been  discovered  earlier  than  950  BC  does 
not  give  any  warrant  for  the  claim  that  the  narra- 
tive is  of  a  late  date.  M.  G.  Kyle 

POTSHERD,  pot'shtlrd  (tHy) ,  heres):  A  piece 
of  earthenware  (Job  2  8;  Ps"22  15;  Isa  45  9). 
RV  renders  the  word  in  Prov  26  23,  "an  earthen 
vessel,"  and  in  Job  41  30  substitutes  "sharp  pot- 
sherds" for  "sharp  stones."  Sir  22  7  refers  to  the 
art  of  "gluing  a  potsherd  [AaTpamv,  dstrakon] 
together."     See  Harsith;   0.straca. 

POTSHERD  GATE  (Jer  19  2).  See  Harsith 
Gate. 

POTTAGE,  pot'aj.     See  Food,  III. 

POTTER,  pot'er,  POTTERY,  pot'er-i : 

1.  Historical  Development 

2.  Forms 

3.  Methods  of  Production 

4.  Uses 

5.  Biblical  Terms 

6.  Archaeological  Significance 
Literature 

(1)  Prehistoric. — The  making  of  pottery  ranks 
among  the  very  oldest  of  the  crafts.     On  the  rocky 

plateaus  of  Upper  Egypt,  overlooking 
1.  Histori-  the  Nile  vaUey,  are  found  the  pohshed 
cal  De-  red    earthenware    pots    of    the    pre- 

velopment     historic  Egyptians.     These  are  buried 

in  shallow  oval  graves  along  with  the 
cramped-up  bodies  of  the  dead  and  their  chipped 
flint  weapons  and  tools.  These  jars  are  the  oldest 
examples  of  the  potter's  art.  It  is  inconceivable 
that  in  the  country  of  Babel,  Egypt's  great  rival 
in  civilization,  the  ceramic  arts  were  less  developed 
at  the  same  period,  but  the  difference  in  the  nature 
of  the  country  where  the  first  Mesopotamian  settle- 
ment probably  existed  makes  it  unlikely  that  relics 
of  the  prehistoric  dwellers  of  that  country  will  ever 
be  recovered  from  under  the  debris  of  demolished 
cities  and  the  underlying  deposits  of  clay  and  silt. 

(2)  Babylonia. — The  oldest  examples  of  Bab 
ceramics  date  from  the  historical  period,  and  consist 
of  baked  clay  record  tablets,  bricks,  drainage  pipes, 
household  shrines,  as  well  as  vessels  for  holding 
liquids,  fruits  and  other  stores.  (See  Perrot  and 
Chipiez,  History  of  Art  in  Chaldaea  and  Assyria, 
I,  figs.  1.59,  160,  II,  figs.  163,  168.)  Examples  of 
pottery  of  this  early  period  are  shown  in  the  accom- 
panying figures.  By  the  9th  to  the  7th  cent.  BC 
the  shaping  of  vessels  of  clay  had  become  well  de- 
veloped. Fragments  of  pottery  bearing  the  name 
of  Esarhaddon  establish  the  above  dates. 

(3)  Egypt. — With  the  close  of  the  neolithic  period 
in  Egypt  and  the  beginning  of  the  historical  or 
dynastic  period  (4500-4000  BC)  there  was  a  decline 
in  the  pottery  art.  The  workmanship  and  forms 
both  became  bad,  and  not  until  the  IVth  Dynasty 
was  there  any  improvement.  In  the  meantime 
the  process  of  glazing  had  been  discovered  and  the 
art  of  making  beautiful  glazed  faience  became  one 
of  the  most  noted  of  the  ancient  Egyp  crafts. 
The  potter's  wheel  too  was  probably  an  invention  of 
this  date. 

(4)  Palestine. — The  making  of  pottery  in  the 
land  which  later  became  the  home  of  the  children  of 
Israel  began  long  before  this  people  possessed  the 
land  and  even  before  the  Phoenicians  of  the  coast 
cities  had  extended  their  trade  inland  and  brought 
the  earthenware  vessels  of  the  Tyrian  or  Sidonian 
potters.  As  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia,  the  first  ex- 
amples were  hand-made  without  the  aid  of  the 
wheel. 


Potter,  Pottery     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2424 


It  is  probable  that  Jewish  potters  learned  their 
art  from  the  Phoenicians.  They  at  least  copied 
Phoen  and  IVIycenaean  forms.  During  their  wander- 
ings the  children  of  Israel  were  not  Ukely  to  make 
much  use  of  earthenware  vessels,  any  more  than  the 
Arabs  do  today.  Skins,  gourds,  wooden  and  metal 
vessels  were  less  easily  broken. 

To  illustrate  this,  a  party,  of  which  the  writer  was  a 
member,  toolt  on  a  desert  trip  the  earthenware  water 
jars  specially  made  tor  travel,  preferring  them  to  the  skin 
bottles  such  as  the  Arab  guides  carried,  for  tlie  bottles 
taint  the  water.  At  the  end  of  si.x  days  only  one  out 
of  eight  earthenware  jars  was  left.  One  accident  or 
another  had  broken  all  the  others. 

When  the  Israelites  became  settled  in  their  new 
surroundings  they  were  probably  not  slow  in  adopt- 
ing earthenware  vessels,  because  of  their  advantages, 
and  their  pottery  gradually  developed  distinctive 
though  decadent  types  known  as  Jewish. 

Toward  the  close  of  the 
Heb  monarchy  the  pot- 
tery of  the  land  again 
showed  the  effect  of  out- 
side influences.  The  red 
and  black  figured  ware  of 
the  Greeks  was  intro- 
duced, and  still  later  the 
less  artistic  Rom  types, 
and  following  these  by 
several  centuries  came  the 
crude  glazed  vessels  of  the 
Arab,  or  Saracenic  period 
— forms  which  still  per- 
sist. 

It  Is  not  within  the  limits 
of   this    article    to    describe 

in    detail    the 

characteristics 

of  the  pottery 

of  the  various 
periods.  The  accompanying 
illustrations  taken  from  pho- 
tographs of  pottery  in  the 
Archaeological  Museum  of 
the  Syrian  Protestant  Col- 
lege, Beirut,  give  a  general 
Idea  of  the  forms.  Any  at-' 
tempt  at  classification  of 
Palestinian  pottery  must  be 


the  water  until  all  have  disintegrated  and  a  thin 
slimy  mud  or  "slip"  has  been  formed.  In  coast 
cities  the  potteries  are  all  near  the  sea,  as  the  sea- . 
water  is  considered  better  for  the  "slipping"  process. 
The  sUp  is  drawn  off  into  settling  tanks.  AU 
stones  and  lumps  remain  behind.  When  the  clay 
has  settled,  the  water  is  drawn  off  and  the  plastic 
material  is  worked  by  treading  with  the  feet  (cf 
Isa  41  25;  Wisd  15  7).  The  clay  used  on  the 
Syrian  coast  is  usually  a  mixture  of  several  earths, 
which  the  potters  have  learned  by  experience  gives 
the  right  consistency.  The  prepared  clay  is  finally 
packed  away  and  allowed  to  stand  another  six 
months  before  using,  during  which  time  the  quality, 
esp.  the  plasticity,  is  believed  to  improve. 

Before  the  invention  of  the  potter's  wheel  the 
clay  was  shaped  into  vessels  by  hand.  In  all  of  the 
countries  previously  mentioned  the  specimens  rep- 


2.  Forms 


Potters  at  Work  (Egyptian). 


considered  more  or  less  provisional,  due  to  the  uncer- 
tainty of  origin  of  many  forms.  The  classification  of 
pre-Rom  pottery  here  used  is  that  adopted  by  Bliss  and 
IVIacalistor  and  based  upon  Dr.  Petrie's  studies. 

(1)  Early  pre-Israelite,  culled  also  "Amorite"  (before 
leoo  DC). — Most  of  the  vessels  of  this  period  are  hand- 
made and  often  irregular  in  shape.  A  coarse  clay, 
turning  red  or  l)lack  when  burned,  characterizes  many 
specimens.  Some  are  brick  red.  Specimens  with  a 
poUshed  or  burnished  siu^ace  are  also  found. 

(2)  Late  pre-Israelite  or  Phoenician  (1500-1000  BC). — 
From  this  period  on,  tlie  pottery  is  all  wheel-turned. 
Tlie  clay  is  of  a  finer  quality  and  burned  to  a  brown  or 
red.  The  ware  is  thin  and  light.  Water  jars  witii 
pointed  instead  of  flat  bases  appear.  Some  are  deco- 
rated with  bands  or  lines  of  different  colored  meslies. 
Cypriote  ware  with  its  incised  decorations  was  a  like 
development  of  the  period. 

(3)  Jewish  (1000-300  BC). — Foreign  influence  is  lost. 
The  types  which  survive  degenerate.  New  forms  are 
introduced.  Ordinary  coarse  clay  burning  red  is  used. 
Cooking  pots  are  most  characteristic.  Many  examples 
bear  Heb  stamps,  the  exact  meaning  of  which  is  \mcer- 
tain. 

(4)  Seleucidan. — Foreign  influence  again  appears.  Gr 
and  other  types  are  imported  and  copied.  Ribbed  sur- 
faces are  introduced.  The  old  type  of  burnishing  disap- 
pears. 

(5)  Roman  and  Saracenic. — Degenerate  forms  per- 
sisting till  tlie  present  time. 

(6)  Present-dau    poUery. 

The  clay  as  found  in  the  ground  is  not  suitable  for 
use.     It  is  dug  out  and  brought  to  the  vicinity  of 

the  pottery  (the  "potter's  field,"  Mt 
3.  Methods  27  7)  and  allowed  to  weather  for 
of  Pro-  weeks.     The    dry    material    is    then 

duction  dumped  into  a  cement-lined  tank  or 

wooden  trough  and  covered  with  water. 
When  the  lumps  have  softened  they  are  stirred  in 


resenting    the   oldest    work     are 
Chopped  straw  was  usually  added  to 
early  specimens.     This  material  is 


all  hand-made, 
the  clay  of  these 
omitted  in  the 


Potter's  Wheel  Still  Used  in  Palestine  and  Syria. 

(I.  table;  h,  footreal;  c,  Bockft  for  pivot  uf  wheel:  d,  slanting  seat  against 
which  potter  "sits"  ;  e,  upper  wheel  on  which  jar  is  shaped;  /;  lower  wheei 
"Iticked"  by  potter. 

wheel-shaped  objects.  In  a  Mt.  Lebanon  village 
which  is  noted  for  its  pottery  the  jars  are  still  made 
by  hand.  Throughout  the  country  the  clay  stoves 
are  shaped  by  hand  out  of  clay  mixed  with  straw. 


ANCIENT   POTTERY 


Seloticidan  Period,  300  BC 
Koto  appearand;  of  "combing" 


Cypriote  Pottery 

2  and  3,  incist^d  ware  of  pro-bronzt 

period  before  2000  BC 

4  and  5,  of  Phoenician  Period, 

1500  BC 


Grt'co-Roiiian  Period 
1,  n.'d  and  black  figured,  l>eforc  HOO  UC 

2  and  Z,  Cyprian  of  300  BC 

4,  O  and  ft,  Roman  pottery  from  Beiriit 

Knte  cliaracteristic  "combin,-" 


Ji'wish  Period 
Blackoning  mi  3  due  to  use  over  fin 


Prc-Israelite  Period 

1,  liand-made  throughout 

1,  2  and  .1,  of  early  period  or  Amoril 

t,  :>,  Cand  7,  of  late  period  or  Plioenic 

4,  6  and  7  are  hnrnislv^d 


2425 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Potter,  Pottery 


The  shaping  of  vessek  is  now  done  on  wheels,  the 
use  of  which  dates  back  to  earhest  history.  Prob- 
ably the  Egyptians  were  the  first  to  use  such  a 
machine  (IVth  Dynasty).  In  thek  original  form 
they  were  stone  disks  arranged  to  be  turned  by 
hand  on  a  vertical  axis.  The  wheel  stood  only  a 
few  inches  above  the  ground,  and  the  potter  sat  or 
squatted  down  on  the  ground  before  it  as  he  shaped 
his  object  (see  Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egypt,  II,  fig. 
397).  The  wheels  used  in  Pal  and  Syria  today 
probably  differ  in  no  respect  from  those  used  in  the 
potter's  house  visited  by  Jeremiah  (Jer  18  1-6). 
The  wheel  or,  to  be  more  exact,  wheels  (cf  Jer  18 
3)  are  fitted  on  a  square  wooden  or  iron  shaft  about 
3_  ft.  long.  The  lower  disk  is  about  20  in.  in 
diameter,  and  the  upper  one  8  in.  or  12  in.     The 


dross,  which  comes  from  the  parting  of  silver,  for 
glazing  their  jars  (cf  Prov  26  23). 

In  firing  pottery  there  are  always  some  jars  which 
come  out  imperfect.  In  unpacking  the  kiln  and 
storing  the  product  others  get  broken.  As  a  con- 
sequence the  ground  in  the  vicinity  of  a  pottery 
is  always  strewn  with  potsherds  (see  also  separate 
article).  The  ancient  potteries  can  frequently  be 
located  by  these  sherds.  The  potter's  field  men- 
tioned in  Mt  27  7.10  was  probably  a  field  near  a 
pottery  strewn  with  potsherds,  thus  making  it  use- 
less for  cultivation  although  useful  to  the  potter  as 
a  place  in  which  to  weather  his  clay  or  to  dry  his 
pots  before  firing. 

Pottery  was  used  anciently  for  storing  liquids,  such 
as  wine  or  oil,  fruits,  grains,  etc.    The  blackened  bot- 


Interior  of  Pottery. 


lower  end  of  the  shaft  is  pointed  and  fits  into  a  stone 
socket  or  bearing  in  which  it  rotates.  A  second 
bearing  just  below  the  upper  disk  is  so  arranged 
that  the  shaft  incHnes  shghtly  away  from  the  potter. 
The  potter  leans  against  a  slanting  seat,  bracing 
himself  with  one  foot  so  that  he  will  not  slide  off, 
and  with  the  sole  of  his  other  foot  he  kicks  the 
upper  face  of  the  lower  wheel,  thus  making  the 
whole  machine  rotate.  The  lower  wheel  is  often 
of  stone  to  give  greater  momentum.  With  a 
marvelous  dexterity,  which  a  novice  tries  in  vain 
to  imitate,  he  gives  the  pieces  of  clay  any  shape 
he  desires. 

After  the  vessel  is  shaped  it  is  dried  and  finally 
fired  in  a  furnace  or  kiln.  The  ancient  Egyp  kiln 
was  much  smaller  than  the  one  used  today  (Wilkin- 
son, II,  192).  Most  of  the  kilns  are  of  the  crudest 
form  of  the  "up-draught"  variety,  i.e.  a  large  cham- 
ber with  perforated  bottom  and  a  fireplace  beneath. 
The  fire  passes  up  through  the  holes,  around  the 
jars  packed  in  tiers  in  the  chamber,  and  goes  out 
at  the  top.  An  interesting  survival  of  an  early  Gr 
form  is  still  used  in  Rachiyet-el-Fakhar  in  Syria. 
In  this  same  village  the  potters  also  use  the  lead 


toms  of  pots  of  the  Jewish  period  show  that  they  were 

used  for  cooking.   Earthenware  dishes  were  also  used 

for  boiling  clothes.    Every  one  of  these 

4.  Uses  uses  still  continues.    To  one  living  in 

Bible  lands  today  it  seems  inconceivable 
that  the  Hebrews  did  not  readily  adopt,  as  some 
writers  disclaim,  the  porous  earthen  water  jars  which 
they  found  already  in  use  in  their  new  country.  Such 
jars  were  used  for  carrying  live  coals  to  start  a  fire, 
and  not  only  for  drawing  water,  as  they  are  today, 
but  for  cooling  it  (Isa  30  14).  The  evaporation  of 
the  water  which  oozes  through  the  porous  material 
cools  down  the  contents  of  a  jar,  whereas  a  metal  or 
leathern  vessel  would  leave  it  tepid  or  tainted .  They 
were  also  used  for  holding  shoemaker's  glue  or  wax; 
for  filling  up  the  cracks  of  a  wall  before  [jlastering; 
ground  up  they  are  used  as  sand  in  mortar. 

Only  a  few  of  the  Heb  words  for  vessels  of  dilTerent 

sorts,   which  in  all  probability  were  made  of  pottery, 

have  been  tr'i  by  terms  which  indicate  that 

5.  Biblical      i^ct.     (For  iSin.    heres,  and  I^T  ,  ySsar, 
Terms  see  Earthen  Ves.sels;   Ostr.\ca.) 

"IS,    kadh,  is  trJ  "pitcher"  in  Gen  24 

14  fl;    Jgs  7  16  fl;  Eccl  12  6  (cf  Kepi/iioi',  Icerdmion,  Mk 


Potter,  Pottery 
Praetorian  Guard 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2426 


14  13;  Lk22  10);  "jar"  in  1  K  17  12  (cf  iSp.a,  hudria, 
Jn  i  28).  The  kadh  corresponded  in  size  and  use  to 
the  Arab,  jarrah  (cf  Eng.  deriv.  "jar").  The  jarrah 
is  used  for  drawing  and  storing  water  and  less  frequently 
for  holding  other  hquids  or  solids.  It  is  used  as  an  ap- 
proximate standard  of  measure.  For  example,  a  man 
estimates  the  capacity  of  a  cistern  in  jirdr  {pi. of  jarrah). 
p3pB  ,  bakhuk,  "abottle,"  usually  leathern,  but  in  Jer 

19  l.lb  of  pottery.     This  may  have  been  like  the  Arab. 

i_ftJ>j'  ,  ibrlk,  which  causes  a   gurgling   sound   when 

liquid  is  turned  from  it.      Bakbuk  is  rendered  "cruse"  in 
1  K  14  3. 

"'bS  ,  k'H,  "vessel,"  was  of  wood,  metal  or  earthen- 
ware'in  Lev  6  28;    Ps  2  9;   31   12;  Isa  30  14;    Jer  19 

11, etC;Ci  oarpaKiyO';,  osirdkinos,  2    Cor    4    7,  etc. 

^S,  pakh,  is  tr<i  "vial"  in  1  S   10  1;    2   K  9   1;    see 
so-called  pilgrim  bottles. 

DID'   ^'^s,  also  niUp  .   kdsdk,   "cup"   or   "bowl,"  tr^ 

"cup"  in  many  passages,  like  Arab.   iH^D  .  kd's,  which 


Figurative:  The  shaping  of  clay  into  pottery 
typiJBed  the  molding  of  the  characters  of  individuals 
or  nations  by  a  master  mind  (Jer  18  1-6;  Isa  29 
16;  45  9;  64  8;  Rom  9  20  ff);  commonplace 
(Lam  4  2;  2  Tim  2  20);  fraihiess  (Ps  2  9;  Isa 
30  14;  Jer  19  11;  Dnl  2  41;  2  Cor  4  7;  Rev 
2  27). 

LiTERATUKB. — PubHcations  of  PEF,  esp.  BUss  and 
MacaMster,  Excavations  in  Pal;  Excanations  oj  Gezer; 
Bliss,  A  Mound  of  Many  Cities:  Flinders  Petrie,  Tell 
el-Hesy  Bhss  and  Dickie,  Excamtions  at  Jems;  Perrot 
and  Chipiez,  History  of  Art  (i)  in  Chaldaea  and  Assyria, 
(ii)  Sardinia  and  Judaea,  (iii)  Cyprus  and  Phoenicia,  (iv) 
Egypt;  King  and  Hall,  Egypt  and  Western  Asia  in  Light 
of  Modern  Discoveries:  S.  Birch,  History  of  Ancient 
Pottery:  Wilkinson,  The  Ancient  Egyptians;  PEFQ;  EB; 
HDB.  .      .„ 

James  A.  Patch 
POTTER'S,  pot'erz,  FIELD.     See  Aceldama. 

POUND,  pound  (HDia,  maneh;  f-vS.,  mnd,  XCrpa, 


r~       ^*"    .     »■' 


Exterior  of  Pottery. 


was  formerly  used  for  drinking  instead  of  modem  cups. 

yiD3,  gdbhi",   trJ  "bowl"  in  Jer  35  5. 

1^"lS.   pdrHr,  tr'J  "pots"  in  Nu  11  S;    ct  Jgs  6  19; 
1  S  2  14;     cf  x^^'P'^,  chutra,  which  is  similar  to  Arab. 


; 


tXH  ,    kidr,  commonly  used  for  cooking  today. 
■eoebh,  "pot,"  Jer  22  28  ARVm. 


iSy,   'ecebh,  "pot,' 

The  chemical  changes  wrought  in  clay  by  weath- 
ering and  firing  render  it  practically  indestructible 
when  exposed  to  the  weather  and  to  the 
6.  Archaeo-  action  of  moisture  and  the  gaseous 
logical  Sig-  and  solid  compounds  found  in  the  soil. 
nificance  When  the  sun-baked  brick  walls  of  a 
Palestinian  city  crumbled,  they  buried, 
often  intact,  the  earthenware  vessels  of  the  period. 
In  the  course  of  time,  perhaps  after  decades  or 
centuries,  another  city  was  built  on  the  debris  of 
the  former.  The  brick  walls  required  no  digging 
for  foundations,  and  so  the  substrata  were  left 
undisturbed.  After  long  periods  of  time  the  de- 
struction, by  conquering  armies  or  by  neglect,  of 
succeeding  cities,  produced  mounds  rising  above  the 
surrounding  country,  sometimes  to  a  height  of  60 
or  100  ft.  A  typical  example  of  such  a  mound  is 
Tellel-Hesy  (?  Lachish).  Dr.  Flinders  Petrie,  as 
a  result  of  the  study  of  the  various  strata  of  this 
mound,  has  formed  the  basis  of  a  classification  of 
Palestinian  pottery  (see  2,  above).  With  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  forms  of  pottery  of  each  period,  the  ex- 
cavator has  a  guide,  though  not  infallible,  to  the 
date  of  the  ruin,s  ho  finds.     See  also  Crafts,  II,  4. 


I'Ura:  Lat  libra):  Pound  does  not  correctly  represent 
the  Heb  maneh,  which  was  more  than  a  pound  (see 
Maneh).  The  litra  of  Jn  12  3  and  19  39  is  the 
Rom  pound  [libra)  of  4,950  grains,  which  is  less  than 
a  pound  troy,  being  about  lO-j  oz.  In  a  monetary 
sense  (its  use  in  Lk  19  13-2.5)  it  is  the  mna,  or 
maneh,  which  was  either  of  silver  or  gold,  the  former, 
which  is  probably  the  one  referred  to  bv  Luke,  being 
equal  to  £6.17,  or  about  $33;  the  latter  £102.10  or 
$510.     See  Weights  and  Measures. 

Figurative:  "Pound,"  like  "talent,"  is  used  in 
the  NT  for  intellectual  gifts  and  spiritual  endow- 
ments, as  in  the  passage  given  above. 

H.  Porter 

POVERTY,  pov'er-ti:  This  word,  found  but  once 
in  the  OT  (Gen  45  11)  outside  of  the  Book  of  Prov 
in  which  it  occurs  11  t  (6  11;  10  15; 
1    OT  11  24  AV;    13  18;  20  13;   23  21;    24 

References  34;  28  19.22  AV;  30  8;  31  7),  is  a  tr 
of  121^1,  yiwwaresh,  "to  be  poor,"  "to 
come  to  poverty"  (Gen  45  11).  Four  different  Heb 
words  are  used  in  the  11  references  in  Prov,  all 
bearing  the  idea  of  being  in  need  of  the  neces- 
sities of  life,  although  a  distinction  is  made  between 
being  in  want  and  being  in  extreme  want.  Prov 
18  23  well  illustrates  the  general  meaning  of  "pov- 
erty" as  found  in  this  book:  "The  poor  [lt5'l"l ,  rush, 
"to  be  impoverished,"  "destitute"]  useth  entreaties; 
but  the  rich  answcreth  roughly." 

"Poverty"  occurs  3  t  in  the  NT  (2  Cor  8  2.9; 


2427 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Potter,  Pottery 
Praetorian  Guard 


Rev  2  9)  and  is  the  tr  of  Tmoxela,,  ptocheia,  "to  be 
reduced  to  a  state  of  beggary  or  pauperism." 

The  teaching  of   the  Bible  on  this 

2.  NT  subject  would,  however,  be  incomplete 
References   unless  all  the  references  to  the  "poor" 

were  considered  in  this  connection. 
Indeed  the  word  for  "poverty"  has  its  root  in  the 
word  for  "poor"  (irruxiis,  plochos;  "^D^,  'ani,  or  51 , 
dal).    See  Poor. 

At  least  two  degrees  of  poverty  are  recognized. 
The   OT   does   not   distinguish    between   them   as 

clearly  as  does  the  NT.     The  NT,  for 

3.  Two  example,  by  its  use  of  two  words  for 
Degrees  of  "poor"  sets  forth  this  distinction.  In 
Poverty         2  Cor  9  9,    "he    hath    given    to    the 

poor,"  the  word  used  is  tt^ci??,  pines, 
which  does  not  indicate  extreme  poverty,  but  simply 
a  condition  of  living  from  hand  to  mouth,  a  bare  and 
scant  livelihood,  such  as  that  made  by  the  widow 
who  cast  her  two  mites  into  the  treasury  (Lk  21  2) ; 
while  in  such  passages  as  2  Cor  6  10:  "As  poor, 
yet  making  many  rich,"  and  Lk  6  20:  "Blessed 
are  ye  poor"  (Tmoxoi,  ptochoi),  a  condition  is  indi- 
cated of  abject  beggary,  pauperism,  such  as  that  in 
which  we  find  Lazarus  who  was  laid  at  the  gate  of 
the  rich  man's  palace,  begging  even  the  crumbs 
which  fell  from  the  table  of  the  rich  man  (Lk  16  20. 
21).  It  was  into  this  latter  condition  that  Christ 
voluntarily  entered  for  our  sakes:  "For  ye  know 
the  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that,  though  he 
was  rich,  yet  for  your  sakes  he  became  poor  [a 
mendicant,  a  beggar],  that  ye  through  his  poverty 
might  become  rich"  (2  Cor  8  9).  Between  30 
and  40  t  in  the  NT  this  latter  word  is  used. 

The  causes  of  poverty  are  failure  of  harvest  and 
poor  crops  (Neh  5  1-3);  devastation  caused  by 
enemies  sweeping  through  the  land; 
4.  Causes  the  oppression  of  the  people  by  their 
of  Poverty  own  rulers  (Isa  5  8) ;  excessive  inter- 
est, usury  (Neh  5  1-5);  persecution 
because  of  the  faith  (2  Cor  6,  8).  Widows  and 
orphans  by  reason  of  their  desolate  condition  were 
in  a  special  sense  subject  to  poverty.  Gluttony 
brings  poverty  (Prov  23  21),  as  does  indolence 
(28  19). 

God  commanded  His  people  to  care  lor  the  poor.  The 
exhortations  to  relieve  poverty  are  nvmierous,  esp.  in  the 
Pent  Those  in  poverty  must  be  treated  with  kindness 
(Dt  15  7-11);  must  be  allowed  to  glean  in  the  vine- 
yards (Lev  19  10);  toreap  the  harvest  (23  22;  cf  Ruth 
2  14-16) ;  must  not  be  neglected  (Prov  28  27) ;  nor 
dealt  with  harshly  (Am  8  4-6) ;  must  be  treated  as 
equal  before  God  (Prov  22  2);  are  to  share  m  our  hos- 
pitality (Lk  14  1.3.21).  Indeed,  the  truth  or  falsity  ol 
a  man's  religion  Is  to  be  tested,  in  some  sense  at  least,  by 
his  relation  to  those  in  need  (Jas  1  27)  The  year  of 
JubUee  was  intended  to  be  of  great  benefit  to  the 
poor  by  restoring  to  them  any  possessions  which  they 
by  reason  of  their  poverty,  had  been  compeUed  to  deed 
over  to  their  creditors  (Lev  25  2.5-54;  Dt  15  12-1.5). 
God  required  certain  tithes  from  His  people  which  were 
to  be  devoted  to  the  helping  of  the  poor  and  needy 
(Dt  14  28-  86  12.i:3).  So  in  the  NT  the  apostles  lay 
special  emphasis  upon  remembering  the  Pooj;.'"  t^*; 
matter  of  offerings.  Paul,  esp.,  incucated  this  duty 
upon  the  churches  which  he  had  founded  (Rom  15  26 
Gal  2  10).  The  attitude  of  the  early  Christian  church 
towa?d  its  poor  is  amply  iUustrated  in  that  first  attempt 
at  communism  in  Acts  2,  4.  James  in  his  Bp.,  sting- 
inglv  reminds  his  readers  of  the  fact  that  they  had  grossly 
neglected  the  important  matter  ofc^r'ng  for  the  poor 
(ch  2).  Indeed,  so  strong  is  he  m  his  plea  for  the  care  of 
the  poor  that  he  clauns  that  the  man  w,lio75';i!ly,"^f: 
lects  the  needy  thereby  proves  that  the  'o™  of  God  has 
no  place  in  his  heart,  and  that  he  has  consequently  no 
rearfaith  in  God  (vs  14-26).  Christians  are  exhorted  to 
abound  in  the  grace  of  hospitality,  ^"ch,  of  course  is 
nothing  less  than  kindness  to  those  in  need  (Rom  1/  ic., 
1  Tim  6  18;    1  Jn  3   17).     See  Poor. 

The  happiest  mother  and  the  noblest  and  holiest 
son  that  ever  lived  were  among  the  poor.  Jesus 
was  born  of  poor  parents,  and  had  not  where  to  lay 
His  head  (Mt  8  20),  no  money  with  which  to  pay 
tribute  (Mt  17  27),  no  home  to  call  His  own  (Jn 


7  53;   cf  8  1),  and  was  buried  in  a  borrowed  grave 
(Mt  27  57-61). 

Figurative:  Of  course  there  is  also  a  spiritual 
poverty  indicated  by  the  use  of  this  word — a  poverty 
in  spiritual  things:  "Blessed  are  the  poor  in  spirit." 
By  this  is  meant.  Blessed  are  they  who  feel  that 
they  have  no  self-righteousness,  no  worth  of  their 
own  to  present  to  Christ  as  a  ground  of  their  salva- 
tion, who  feel  their  utter  bankruptcy  of  spirit,  who 
say  "Nothing  in  my  hand  I  bring."  It  is  to  this 
state  of  spirit  that  Christ  refers  in  Rev  3  17: 
"Because  thou  sayest,  I  am  rich,  and  have  gotten 
riches,  and  have  need  of  nothing;  and  knowest  not 
that  thou  art  the  wretched  one  and  miserable  and 
poor  and  blind  and  naked."         William  Evans 

POWDERS,  pou'derz  (bDT  npnS  ,  'ahh'kath 
rokhel):  The  "powders  of  the  merchant"  in  Cant 
3  6  were  probably  perfumes,  as  they  are  associated 
with  myrrh  and  frankincense  in  the  account  of  the 
festal  procession  of  the  litter  of  Solomon.  They 
may  have  been  some  sweet-scented  Wood  in  powder, 
or  else  some  form  of  incense. 

POWER,  pou'er:  This  word,  indicative  of  might, 
strength,  force,  is  used  in  the  OT  to  render  very 
many  Heb  terms,  the  tr  in  numerous  instances 
being  varied  in  RV  to  words  like  "valor,"  "rule," 
"strength,"  "might,"  "dominion."  The  principal 
words  for  "power"  in  the  NT  are  dimins,  dunamis, 
and  i^ovala,  exousla.  In  the  latter  case  RV  fre- 
quently changes  to  "authority"  (Mk  3  15;  6  7; 
Eph  1  21,  etc)  or  "right"  (Rom  9  21;  1  Cor  9 
6;  2  Thess  3  9,  etc).  Power  is  attributed  pre- 
eminently to  God  (1  Ch  29  11;  Job  26  14;  Ps 
66  7;  145  11;  Rev  7  12,  etc).  On  this  attribute 
of  power  of  God,  see  Omnipotence.  The  supreme 
manifestation  of  the  power,  as  of  the  wisdom  and 
love  of  God,  is  in  redemption  (1  Cor  1  18.24). 
The  preaching  of  the  gospel  is  accompanied  by  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (1  Cor  2  4;  1  Thess  1  5, 
etc).  Miracles,  as  "mighty  works,"  are  denoted 
by  the  term  "powers"  (so  Mt  11  21.23  RVm,  etc). 
The  end  of  all  time's  developments  is  that  God 
takes  to  Him  His  great  power  and  reigns  (Rev 
11  17).  James  Orr 

POWER  OF  KEYS.     See  Keys,  Power  of. 

PRffitORIAN, prg-to'ri-an,  GUARD:  "My  bonds 
in  Christ  are  manifest  in  all  the  palace,  and  in  all 
other  places"  (Phil  1  13  AV).  This  verse  is  tr'^  in 
RV,  "My  bonds  became  manifest  in  Christ  through- 
out the  whole  praetorian  guard,  and  to  all  the  rest," 
and  is  noteworthy. 

It  has  been  usual  to  connect  the  words,  "the  soldier 
that  guarded  him,"  Acts  28  16,  with  this  statement 
in  Phil  1  13,  that  the  apostle's  bonds 
1.  Prae-  were  manifest  in  the  whole  praetorium, 

torium  in       and  to  understand  that  the  former  was 
Phil —  the  cause  of  the  latter;  that  the  result 

Usual  View  of  Paul's  making  the  gospel  known  in 
his  own  hired  house  to  those  soldiers  to 
one  of  whom  he  was  chained  by  the  wrist  day  and 
night,  was  that  it  became  known  in  all  the  praeto- 
rian regiment  that  his  bonds  were  endured  for 
Christ's  sake,  that  it  was  for  conscience'  sake  that 
he  was  suffering  wrongfully,  that  he  was  no  wrong- 
doer but  a  prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ.  In  this  way 
the  gospel  would  spread  through  the  whole  of  the 
praetorian  guard  in  that  regiment's  headquarters 
which  were  situated  in  a  permanent  camp  estab- 
lished by  Tiberius  in  Rome,  outside  the  Colhne  Gate, 
at  the  N.E.  of  the  city.  This  verse  would  also 
mean  that  the  gospel  had  been  proclaimed  in  the 
same  way  to  those  members  of  the  prcetorian  guard 


Praetorian  Guard 
Praise 


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who  were  on  duty  as  the  bodyguard  of  the  emperor 
and  who  were  lodged  in  one  of  the  buildings  which 
adjoined  the  emperor's  palace  on  the  Palatine 
HiU. 

Thus  Lightfoot,  discussing  tlie  meaning  of  tlie  phrase 

"in  the  whole  prjetorium"  {Comm.  on  Phil,  99  fl),  reviews 

the   difEerent   interpretations    wtiich    have 

2    Liehtfoot  been  given  of  the  word,  and  shows  (1)  that 

„"   T„?„ ,^     no  instance  is  to  be  found  of  its  signifying 

oninterpre-  Zero's  palace  on  the  Palatine  HiU;  (2) 
tations  that  there  is  no  authority  for  the  interpre- 

tation which  would  make  it  mean  the 
prEetoriau  barracks  on  the  Palatine;  (3)  that  neither  is 
there  any  authority  for  making  it  mean  the  preetorian 
camp  outside  the  walls  of  Rome.  In  Lightfoot's  words 
(op.  cit.,  101).  "All  attempts  to  give  a  local  sense  to 
'praetorium'  thus  fail  for  want  of  evidence."  Lightfoot 
accordingly  defends  the  interpretation,  "the  prsetorian 
guard,"  and  RV",  above  cited,  follows  him  in  this. 

One  of  the  meanings  of  "prtetorium"  is  a  coun- 
cil of  war,  the  officers  who  met  in  the  general's 
tent  (see  Pe^torium).  Lightfoot  is 
3.  View  of  very  decided  in  interpreting  "prxto- 
Mommsen  rium"  to  mean  the  prajtorian  regi- 
and  Ramsay  ment,  the  imperial  guards,  and  he 
adds,  "in  this  sense  and  in  this  alone 
can  it  be  safely  affirmed  that  the  apostle  would 
hear  the  word  prfetorium  used  daUy,"  and  that 
this  sense  is  in  all  respects  appropriate.  But  the 
other  meaning,  though  not  appropriate  here,  viz. 
a  council  of  war  composed  of  the  officers  and  their 
general,  is  much  nearer  to  that  which  is  now  ac- 
cepted by  such  authorities  as  Mommsen  and  Sir 
W.  M.  Ramsay,  who  hold  that  in  this  passage 
"praetorium"  means  a  council,  not  of  war,  however, 
but  the  council  of  judgment,  the  emperor's  court  of 
appeal  in  which  he  was  assisted  by  his  legal  asses- 
sors (see  Mommsen,  Berlin  Akad.  SUzungaher . ,  189.5, 
501;  Ramsay,  Si.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  the  Rom 
Citizen,  3.57;  Workman,  Persecution  in  the  Early 
Church,  3.5).  Over  this  court  there  presided  the 
emperor  or  his  delegate,  the  prefect  of  the  prae- 
torian guard,  and  associated  with  him  were  twenty 
assessors  selected  from  the  senators.  Formerly 
their  votes  were  taken  by  ballot,  but  Nero  preferred 
to  receive  from  each  a  written  opinion  and  on  the 
next  day  to  deliver  his  judgment  in  person.  Such, 
it  is  now  beheved,  is  the  praetorium  to  which  Paul 
refers. 

The  meaning,  therefore,  of  the  words,  "My  bonds 
in  Christ  are  manifest  in  the  whole  praetorium,"  will 
be  that  when  Paul  wrote  the  Ep.  to  the  Phil  his  first 
Rom  trial  was  aheady  so  far  advanced  that  he  had 
been  able  to  impress  upon  his  judges,  the  twenty 
assessors  and  their  president,  the  fact  that  he  was 
no  evildoer,  but  that  the  sole  cause  of  his  imprison- 
ment was  his  loyalty  to  Christ.  It  was  manifest 
to  all  the  members  of  the  emperor's  court  of  appeal 
that  Paul  was  enduring  his  long  imprisonment, 
suffering  wrongfully,  but  only  for  the  sake  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

The  important  bearing  will  be  seen  which  this  sig- 
nification of  "praetorium"  in  this  passage  has  on  the 
question  of  the  order  in  which  Eph.  Phil, 
A    ■Rparinir      *-^°'  ^"^"^  Philem — the  epp.  of  Paul's  cap- 
■?.      11  tivity  in   Rome — were  written.     On  suta- 

on  Paul  S  jective  evidence  Lightfoot  concludes  that 
Captivity  P'^i'  '^  the  earliest  of  them,  basing  his 
anH  Trial  Opinion  largely  on  the  resemblance  which 
anu  iiiai  exists  in  many  particulars  between  the 
thoughts  and  expressions  in  Phil  and  in 
the  Ep.  to  the  Rom.  making  Phil,  as  it  were,  a  connecting 
link  between  Paul's  earlier  and  his  later  epp.  See 
Lightfoot,  Philippians,42f;  he  writes:  "These  resem- 
blances suggest  as  early  a  date  for  the  Ep.  to  the  Phil  as 
circumstances  will  allow."  earlier,  that  is,  than  Col  and 
Eph.  But  Lightfoot's  argument  is  set  aside  Ijy  the  new 
light  wliich  has  been  thrown  upon  the  real  meaning 
of  "pnetorium."  Sir  W.  ]VI.  Ramsay  (,S(.  Paul  the 
Trateller,  357)  writes:  "The  trial  seems  to  have  occurred 
toward  the  end  of  AD  Gl.  Its  earliest  stages  were  over 
before  Paul  wrote  to  the  Philippians,  for  he  says,  'The 
things  which  happened  unto  me  liave  fallen  out  rather 
unto  the  progress  of  the  Good  News ;  so  that  my  lionds 
became  manifest  in  Christ  in  the  whole  Prcrtorium,  and 


to  all  the  rest;  and  that  most  of  the  Brethren  in  the  Lord, 
being  confident  in  my  bonds,  are  more  abundantly  bold 
to  speak  the  word  of  God  without  fear.'  This  passage 
lias  been  generally  misconceived  and  connected  with  the 
period  of  imprisonment;  and  here  again  we  are  indebted 
to  Mommsen  for  the  proper  interpretation.  The  Prce- 
torium  is  the  whole  body  of  persons  connected  with  the 
sitting  in  judgment,  the  supreme  Imperial  Court,  doubt- 
less in  this  case  the  Prefect  or  both  Prefects  of  the  Prae- 
torian Guard,  representing  the  emperor  in  his  capacity 
as  the  fountain  of  justice,  together  with  the  assessors  and 
liigh  officers  of  the  court.  The  expression  of  the  chapter 
as  a  whole  shows  that  the  trial  is  partly  finished,  and  the 
issue  as  yet  is  so  favorable  that  the  Brethren  are  em- 
boldened by  the  success  of  Paul's  courageous  and  free- 
spoken  defence  and  the  strong  impression  which  he  evi- 
dently produced  on  the  court;  but  he  himself,  being 
entirely  occupied  with  the  trial,  is  for  the  moment 
prevented  from  preaching  as  he  had  been  doing  when 
he  wrote  to  the  Colossians  and  the  Asian  churches 
generally." 

Thus  the  correct  meaning  of  "praetorium"  enables  us 
to  fix  the  date  of  tlie  Ep.  to  the  Phil  as  having  been 
written  close  to  the  end  of  Paul's  first 
5.  Bearing  Rom  imprisonment.  That  this  inference 
*  T-|3^„  -.f  is  correct  is  confirmed  by  various  otlier 
on  uaie  oi  facts,  such  as  his  promise  to  visit  tliat  city. 
Epistle  and  the  fact  that  in  PhU  2  20  f  AV  he  says 

regarding  'Timotliy,  "I  have  no  man  like- 
minded,  who  will  naturally  care  for  your  state.  For 
all  seek  their  own,  not  tlie  things  whicli  are  Jesus  Christ's." 
We  could  not  conceive  of  Paul  writing  like  this  if  JNIark, 
Tychicus,  Aristarchus,  and  esp.  if  Luke  had  been  with 
him  then,  and  yet  we  know  (Col  4  7.10.14)  that  each 
and  all  of  these  companions  of  the  apostle  were  with  him 
in  Rome  when  he  wrote  the  Ep.  to  the  Col.  They  had 
evidently,  along  with  others,  been  sent  on  missions  to 
Asia  or  other  places,  so  that  Paul  now  had  only  Timothy 
"likeminded"  when  he  wrote  to  Philippi.  See  Paul  the 
Apostle;    Philippians,  Epistle  to  the. 

All  these  facts  and  considerations  confirm  us  in 
accepting  the  signification  of  "praetorium"  as  the 
emperor's  supreme  court  of  appeal,  before  which 
Paul  when  he  wrote  the  Ep.  to  the  Phil  had  so 
conducted  his  defence  as  to  produce  a  most  favor- 
able impression,  from  which  he  inferred  that  he 
might  soon  be  liberated  from  imprisonment.  And 
his  liberation,  as  the  event  proved,  soon  fol- 
lowed. John  Rutherfurd 

PRiETORIUM,  prS-to'ri-um  (irpaiTcapiov,  praito- 
rion,  Mt  27  27  [AV  "common  hall"];  Mk  15  16; 
Jn  18  28.33;  19  9  [in  all  m  "palace,"  and  in  the  last 
three  AV  "judgment  hall"];  Acts  23  35,  [Herod's] 
"palace,"  m  "Praetorium,"  AV  "judgment  hall"; 
Phil  1  13,  "praetorian  guard"  [m  "Gr  'in  the  whole 
Praetorium,'  "  AV  "palace,"  m  "Caesar's  court"]): 

The  Praetorium  was  originally  the  headquarters 

of  a  Rom  camp,  but  in  the  provinces  the  name 

became    attached    to    the    governor's 

1.  Govern-  official  residence.  In  order  to  provide 
or's  OflB.-  residences  for  their  provincial  govern- 
cial  Resi-  ors,  the  Romans  were  accustomed  to 
dence  seize    and     appropriate    the    palaces 

which  were  formerly  the  homes  of  the 
princes  or  kings  in  conquered  countries.  Such  a 
residence  might  sometimes  be  in  a  royal  palace,  as 
was  probably  the  case  in  Caesarea,  where  the  proc- 
urator used  Herod's  palace  (Acts  23  35). 

The  Praetorium  where  Jesus  was  brought  to  trial 

has  been  traditionally  located  in  the  neighborhood 

of  the  present  Turkish  barracks  where 

2.  In  Gos-  once  stood  the  Antonia  and  where  was 
pels  stationed  a  large  garrison  (cf  Acts  21 
Herod's  32-35),  but  the  statements  of  Jos  make 
Palace            it  almost  certain  that  the  headquarters 

of  the  procurator  were  at  Herod's  pal- 
ace. This  was  a  building  whose  magnificence  Jos 
can  hardly  sufficiently  appraise  (Wars,  I,  xxi,  1;  V, 
iv,  4).  It  was  in  this  palace  that  "Florus,  theproc- 
urator  took  up  his  quarters,  and  having  placed 
his  tribunal  in  front  of  it,  held  his  sessions  and  the 
chief  priests,  influential  persons  and  notables  of  the 
city  appeared  before  the  tribunal"  (Wars,  II,  xiv, 
8).  Later  on,  "Florus  ....  brought  such  as  were 
with  him  out  of  the  king's  palace,  and  would  have 


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Praetorian  Guard 
Praise 


compelled  them  to  get  as  far  as  the  citadel  [Antonia] ; 
but  his  attempt  failed"  (II,  xv,  5).  The  word  tr"" 
"palace"  here  is  aule,  the  same  word  as  is  tr"^ 
"court"  in  Mk  15  16,  "the  soldiers  led  him  away 
within  the  court  [aule],  which  is  the  Prsetorium." 
There  is  no  need  to  suppose  that  Herod  Antipas 
was  in  the  same  palace  (Lk  23  4  ff) ;  it  is  more 
probable  he  went  to  the  palace  of  the  Hasmoneans 
which  lay  lower  down  on  the  eastern  slope  of  this 
southwest  hill,  where  at  a  later  time  Jos  expressly 
states  that  Herod  Agrippa  II  and  his  sister  Bernice 
were  living  (Wars,  II,  xvi,  3). 

The  palace  of  Herod  occupied  the  highest  part 
of  the  southwest  hill  near  the  northwest  angle  of 
the  ancient  city,  now  traditionally  called  Zion,  and 
the  actual  site  of  the  Praetorium  cannot  have  been 
far  removed  from  the  Turkish  barracks  near  the 
so-called  "Tower  of  David."  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  the  two  stations  of  the  Turkish  garrison 
of  Jerus  today  occupy  the  same  spots  as  did  the 
Rom  garrison  of  Christ's  time.  It  is  needless  to 
point  out  how  greatly  this  view  of  the  situation  of 
the  Prfetorium  must  modify  the  traditional  claims 
of  the  "Via  Dolorosa,"  the  whole  course  of  which 
depends  on  the  theory  that  the  "Way  of  Sorrow" 
began  at  the  Antonia,  the  Praetorium  of  late  ecclesi- 
astical tradition.    See  also  Gabbatha. 

With  regard  to  the  expression  if  o\w  tw  TrpatTupi'a,,  en  hdlo 

if>  praitorio,  in  Phil  113,  there  is  now  a  general  consensus 

of  opinion  that  "Praetorium"  here  means, 

STj.  ■]  <.io  not  a  place,  but  the  imperial  pr^torian 
•  *^nii  1 .  10  guard,  ten  thousand  in  number,  which 
was  instituted  by  Augustus.  St.  Paul  was 
allowed  to  reside  in  his  private  house  in  the  custody  of  a 
praetorian  soldier.  As  these  were  doubtless  constantly 
changed,  it  must  have  become  "manifest"  to  the  whole 
guard  that  his  bonds  were  for  the  salie  of  Christ.  See 
also  preceding  article. 

,  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 
PRAISE,     praz      (n3nri,     t'hillah,       "psakn," 
"praise,"    HHin,    todhah,    "confession,"    "thanks- 
giving,"  nSlC ,  shabhah,    "to   praise," 

1.  Its  "glorify,"  TOT,  zamar,  ^']\,  yadhah, 
Meaning        "to  stretch  out  the  hand,"  "confess"; 

alve'o),  aineo,  ivaivia,  epaineo,  tiraivos, 
epainos):  The  word  comes  from  the  Lat  pre- 
lium,  "price,"  or  "value,"  and  may  be  defined 
generally  as  an  ascription  of  value  or  worth.  Praise 
may  be  bestowed  upon  unworthy  objects  or  from 
improper  motives,  but  true  praise  consists  in  a 
sincere  acknowledgment  of  a  real  conviction  of 
worth.  Its  type  may  be  seen  in  the  representa- 
tion given  in  the  Apocalypse  of  the  adoration  of 
God  and  of  the  Lamb,  which  is  inspired  by  a 
sense  of  their  worthiness  to  be  adored  (Rev  4 
11;   5  12). 

Man  may  be  the  object  of  praise,  and  may  receive 
it  either  from  God  or  from  his  fellow-men.     In  the 

former  case  (Rom  2  29;    1  Cor  4  5) 

2.  With  the  praise  is  inevitably  just,  as  resting 
Man  as  Its  on  a  Divine  estimate  of  worth;  in  the 
Object  latter   case   its   value   depends   upon 

the  grounds  and  motives  that  he 
behind  it.  There  is  a  praise  which  is  itself  a  con- 
demnation (Lk  6  26),  an  honor  which  seals  the 
eyes  in  unbehef  (Jn  5  44),  a  careless  use  of  the 
epithet  "good"  which  is  di.shonoring  to  God  (Lk 
18  19).  This  is  the  "praise  of  men"  which  Jesus 
warned  His  followers  to  shun  as  being  incompatible 
with  the  "praise  of  God"  (Mt  6  1-4;  cf  Jn  12 
43;  Gal  1  10;  1  Thess  2  6).  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  a  praise  that  is  the  instinctive  homage 
of  the  soul  to  righteousness  (Lk  23  47),  the 
acknowledgment  given  to  well-doing  by  just  gov- 
ernment (Rom  13  3;  1  Pet  2  14),  the  tribute  of 
the  churches  to  distinguished  Christian  service 
(2  Cor  8  18).  Such  praise,  so  far  from  being  in- 
compatible with  the  praise  of  God,  is  a  reflection 


of  it  in  human  consciousness;  and  so  Paul  associ- 
ates praise  with  virtue  as  an  aid  and  incentive 
to  holy  living  on  which  the  mind  should  dwell 
(Phil  4  8). 

In  the  Bible  it  is  God  who  is  esp.  brought  before 
us   as   the   object   of   praise.     His  whole   creation 

praises  Him,  from  the  angels  of  heaven 
3.  With  (Ps  103  20;  Rev  5  11)  to  those  lower 

God  as  Its  existences  that  are  unconscious  or 
Object  even   inanimate    (Ps  19  1-4;    148  1- 

10;  Rev  5  13).  But  it  is  with  the 
praises  offered  to  God  by  man,  and  with  the  human 
duty  of  praising  God,  that  the  Scriptures  are  prin- 
cipally concerned.  In  regard  to  this  subject  the 
following  points  may  be  noticed: 

(1)  The  grounds  of  praise. — Sometimes  God  is 
praised  for  His  inherent  qualities.  His  majesty 
(Ps  104  1)  or  holiness  (Isa  6  3)  fills  the  mind,  and 
He  is  "glorified  as  God"  (Rom  1  21)  in  view  of 
what  He  essentially  is.  More  frequently  He  is 
praised  for  His  works  in  creation,  providence,  and 
redemption.  References  may  be  dispensed  with 
here,  for  the  evidence  meets  us  on  almost  every 
page  of  the  sacred  literature  from  Gen  to  Rev,  and 
the  Book  of  Ps  in  particular,  from  beginning  to 
end,  is  occupied  with  these  themes.  When  God's 
operations  under  these  aspects  present  themselves, 
not  simply  as  general  effects  of  His  power  and 
wisdom,  but  as  expressions  of  His  personal  love 
to  the  individual,  the  nation,  the  church,  His 
works  become  benefits,  and  praise  passes  into 
blessing  and  thanksgiving  (Pss  34,  103;   Eph  1  3; 

1  Pet  1  3). 

(2)  The  modes  of  praise. — True  praise  of  God,  as 
distinguished  from  false  praise  (Isa  29  13;  Mt  15 
8),  is  first  of  all  an  inward  emolion — a  gladness  and 
rejoicing  of  the  heart  (Ps  4  7;  33  21),  a  music  of 
the  soul  and  spirit  (Ps  103  1;  Lk  1  46  f )  which 
no   language   can   adequately   express    (Ps  106  2; 

2  Cor  9  15).  But  utterance  is  natural  to  strong 
emotion,  and  the  mouth  instinctively  strives  to  ex- 
press the  praises  of  the  heart  (Ps  51  15  and  passim). 
Many  of  the  most  moving  passages  in  Scripture 
come  from  the  inspiration  of  the  spirit  of  praise 
awakened  by  the  contemplation  of  the  Divine 
majesty  or  power  or  wisdom  or  kindness,  but  above 
all  by  the  revelation  of  redeeming  love.  Again, 
the  spirit  of  praise  is  a  social  spirit  calling  for  social 
utterance.  The  man  who  praises  God  desires  to 
praise  Him  in  the  hearing  of  other  men  (Ps  40  10), 
and  desires  also  that  their  praises  should  be  joined 
with  his  own  (34  3).  Further,  the  spirit  of  praise 
is  a  spirit  of  song.  It  may  find  expression  in  other 
ways — in  sacrifice  (Lev  7  13),  or  testimony  (Ps 
66  16),  or  prayer  (Col  1  3);  but  it  finds  its  most 
natural  and  its  fullest  utterance  in  lyrical  and 
musical  forms.  When  God  fills  the  heart  with 
praise  He  puts  a  new  song  into  the  mouth  (Ps  40 
3) .  The  Book  of  Ps  is  the  proof  of  this  for  the  OT. 
And  when  we  pass  to  the  NT  we  find  that,  alike  for 
angels  and  men,  for  the  church  on  earth  and  the 
church  in  heaven,  the  higher  moods  of  praise  express 
themselves  in  bursts  of  song  (Lk  2  14;  Eph  5  19; 
Col  3  16;  Rev  5  9;  14  3;  15  3).  Finally,  both 
in  the  OT  and  NT,  the  spirit  of  song  gives  birth  to 
ordered  modes  of  public  praise.  In  their  earlier  ex- 
pressions the  praises  of  Israel  were  joyful  outbursts 
in  which  song  was  mingled  with  shouting  and 
dancing  to  a  rude  accompaniment  of  timbrels  and 
trumpets  (Ex  15  20  IT;  2  S  6  5.14  ff).  In  later 
times  Israel  had  its  sacred  Psalter,  its  guilds  of 
trained  singers  (Ezr  2  41;  Neh  7  44),  its  skilled 
musicians  (Pss  42,  49,  etc);  and  the  praise  that 
waited  for  God  in  Zion  was  full  of  the  solemn  beauty 
of  holiness  (Ps  29  2;  96  9).  In  the  NT  the 
Psalter   is  still  a  manual  of   social  praise.     The 


Prayer 

Prayers  of  Jesus 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2430 


"hymn"  which  Jesus  sang  with  His  disciples  after 
the  Last  Supper  (Mt  26  30)  would  be  a  Hebrew 
psahn,  probably  from  the  Hallel  (Pss  113-118) 
which  was  used  at  the  Passover  service,  and  various 
references  in  the  Epp.  point  to  the  continued  em- 
ployment of  the  ancient  psalms  in  Christian  worship 
(1  Cor  14  26;  Eph  5  19;  Col  3  16;  Jas  5  13). 
But  the  Psalter  of  the  Jewish  church  could  not 
suffice  to  express  the  distinctive  moods  of  Christian 
feeling.  Original  utterance  of  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tian song  was  one  of  the  manifestations  of  the  gift 
of  tongues  (1  Cor  14  1.5-17).  Paul  distinguishes 
hjTnns  and  spiritual  songs  from  psalms  (Eph  5  19; 
Col  3  16) ;  and  it  was  hymna  that  he  and  Silas 
sang  at  midnight  in  the  prison  of  Philippi  (Acts  16 
25  RV).  But  from  hymns  and  songs  that  were  the 
spontaneous  utterance  of  individual  feeling  the 
development  was  natural,  in  NT  as  in  OT  times,  to 
hymns  that  were  sung  in  unison  by  a  whole  congre- 
gation; and  in  rhythmic  passages  like  1  Tim  3  16; 
Rev  15  3  f,  we  seem  to  have  fragments  of  a  primi- 
tive Christian  hymnology,  such  as  Pliny  bears  wit- 
ness to  for  the  early  years  of  the  2d  cent.,  when  he 
informs  Trajan  that  the  Christians  of  Bithynia  at 
their  morning  meetings  sang  a  hymn  in  alternate 
strains  to  Christ  as  God  {Ep.  x.97).  See  Perse- 
cution. 

(3)  The  duly  of  -praise. — Praise  is  everjTvhere 
represented  in  the  Bible  as  a  duty  no  less  than  a 
natural  impulse  and  a  delight.  To  fail  in  this  duty 
is  to  withhold  from  God  a  glory  that  belongs  to 
Him  (Ps  50  23;  Rom  1  20  f);  it  is  to  shut  one's 
eyes  to  the  signs  of  His  presence  (Isa  40  26  if),  to  be 
forgetful  of  His  mercies  (Dt  6  12),  and  unthankful 
for  His  kindness  (Lk  6  35).  If  we  are  not  to  fall 
into  these  sins,  but  are  to  give  to  God  the  honor  and 
glory  and  gratitude  we  owe  Him,  we  must  earnestly 
cultivate  the  spirit  and  habit  of  praise.  From  holy 
men  of  old  we  learn  that  this  may  be  done  by  arous- 
ing the  soul  from  its  slothfulness  and  sluggishness 
(Ps  57  8;  103  1),  by  fi.xing  the  heart  upon  God 
(57  7;  108  1),  by  meditation  on  His  works  and 
ways  (77  11  ff),  by  recounting  His  benefits  (103  2), 
above  all,  for  those  to  whom  He  has  spoken  in  His 
Son,  by  dwelling  upon  His  unspeakable  gift  (2  Cor 
9  15;  cf  Rom  8  31  ff;  1  Jn  3  1).  See  also  Wor- 
ship. J.  C.  Lambert 

PRAYER,  prar  (Sctjo-is,  deesis,  irpoo-e-ux^,  pros- 
euchi,  (vTiv^is,  enleuxis;  for  an  excellent  discussion 
of  the  meaning  of  these  see  Thayer's  Lexicon,  p. 
126,  s.v.  84t)o-is;  the  chief  vbs.  are  €-uxo|''<'^i  euchomai, 
irpocreixonai,  prosetichomai,  and  Ssofiai,  deotnai,  esp. 
in  Lk  and  Acts;  aMu,  ailed,  "to  ask  a  favor," 
distinguished  from  tpwrdu,  eroldo,  "to  ask  a  ques- 
tion," is  found  occasionally) :  In  the  Bible  "prayer" 
is  used  in  a  simpler  and  a  more  complex,  a  narrower 
and  a  wider  signification.  In  the  former  case  it  is 
supplication  for  benefits  either  for  one's  self  (peti- 
tion) or  for  others  (intercession).  In  the  latter  it  is 
an  act  of  worship  which  covers  all  the  attitudes  of  the 
soul  in  its  approach  to  God.  Supphcation  is  at  the 
heart  of  it,  for  prayer  always  springs  out  of  a  sense 
of  need  and  a  belief  that  God  is  a  rewarder  of  them 
that  diligently  seek  Him  (He  11  6).  But  adora- 
tion and  confession  and  thanksgiving  also  find  a 
place,  so  that  the  suppliant  becomes  a  worshipper. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  distinguish  all  the  various  terms 
for  prayer  that  are  employed  in  the  OT  and  the  NT. 
But  the  fact  should  be  noticed  that  in  the  Heb  and 
Gr  alike  there  are  on  the  one  hand  words  for  prayer 
that  denote  a  dheet  petition  or  short,  sharp  cry  of 
the  heart  in  its  distress  (Ps  30  2;  2  Cor  12  8), 
and  on  the  other  "prayers"  like  that  of  Hannah 
(1  S  2  1-10),  which  is  in  reality  a  song  of  thanks- 
giving, or  that  of  Paul,  the  prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ, 


in  which  intercession  is  mingled  with  doxology  (Eph 
3  14-21). 

The  history  of  prayer  as  it  meets  us  here  reflects 
various  stages  of  experience  and  revelation.  In  the 
patriarchal  period,  when  'men  began 
1.  In  the  to  call  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord' 
OT  (Gen  4  26;    cf  12  8;    21  33),   prayer 

is  naive,  familiar  and  direct  (15  2  ff; 
17  18;  18  23  ff;  24  12).  It  is  evidently  associated 
with  sacrifice  (12  8;  13  4;  26  25),  the  underlying 
idea  probably  being  that  the  gift  or  offering  would 
help  to  eMcit  the  desired  response.  Analogous  to 
this  is  Jacob's  vow,  itself  a  species  of  prayer,  in  which 
the  granting  of  desired  benefits  becomes  the  condi- 
tion of  promised  service  and  fidelity  (28  20  ff).  In 
Ihe  preexilic  history  of  Israel  prayer  still  retains 
many  of  the  primitive  features  of  the  patriarchal 
type  (Ex  3  4;  Nu  11  11-15;  Jgs  6  13  if;  11  30  f; 
1  S  1  11;  2  S  15  8;  Ps  66  13  f).  The  Law  has 
remarkably  Uttle  to  say  on  the  subject,  differing  here 
from  the  later  Judaism  (see  Schtirer,  HJP,  II,  i,  290, 
index-vol,  p.  93;  and  cf  Mt  6  5ff;  23  14;  Acts 
3  1;  16  13);  while  it  confirms  the  association  of 
prayer  with  sacrifices,  which  now  appear,  however, 
not  as  gifts  in  anticipation  of  benefits  to  follow,  but 
as  expiations  of  guilt  (Dt  21  1-9)  or  thank  offerings 
for  past  mercies  (26  1-11).  Moreover,  the  free, 
frank  access  of  the  private  individual  to  God  is 
more  and  more  giving  place  to  the  mediation  of  the 
priest  (21  5;  26  3),  the  intercession  of  the  prophet 
(Ex  32  11-13;  1  S  7  5-13;  12  23),  the  ordered 
approach  of  tabernacle  and  temple  services  (Ex  40; 
1  K  8).  The  prophet,  it  is  true,  approaches  God 
immediately  and  freely — Moses  (Ex  34  34;  Dt  34 
10)  and  David  (2  S  7  27)  are  to  be  numbered 
among  the  prophets — but  he  does  so  in  virtue  of  his 
office,  and  on  the  ground  esp.  of  his  possession  of  the 
Spirit  and  his  intercessory  function  (cf  Ezk  2  2; 
Jer  14  15). 

A  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  prayer  in  Israel  was 
brought  about  by  the  experiences  of  the  Exile. 
Chastisement  drove  the  nation  to  seek  God  more 
earnestly  than  before,  and  as  the  way  of  approach 
through  the  external  forms  of  the  temple  and  its 
sacrifices  was  now  closed,  the  spiritual  path  of 
prayer  was  frequented  with  a  new  assiduity.  The 
devotional  habits  of  Ezra  (Ezr  7  27;  8  23),  Ne- 
hemiah  (Neh  2  4;  4  4.9,  etc)  and  Daniel  (Dnl  6 
10)  prove  how  large  a  place  prayer  came  to  hold  in 
the  individual  life;  while  the  utterances  recorded 
in  Ezr  9  6-15;  Neh  1  5-11;  9  5-38;  Dnl  9  4-19; 
Isa  63  7 — 64  12  serve  as  illustrations  of  the  lan- 
guage and  spirit  of  the  prayers  of  the  Exile,  and 
show  esp.  the  prominence  now  given  to  confession 
of  sin.  In  any  survey  of  the  OT  teaching  the 
Psalms  occupy  a  place  by  themselves,  both  on 
account  of  the  large  period  they  cover  in  the  his- 
tory and  because  we  are  ignorant  in  most  cases  as 
to  the  particular  circumstances  of  their  origin. 
But  speaking  generally  it  may  be  said  that  here 
we  see  the  loftiest  flights  attained  by  the  spirit  of 
pr.aj'er  under  the  old  dispensation — the  intensest 
craving  for  pardon,  purity  and  other  spiritual  bless- 
ings (51,  130),  the  most  heartfelt  longing  for  a 
living  communion  with  God  HimseU  (42  2;  63  1; 
84  2). 

Here  it  will  be  convenient  to  deal  separately 
with  the  material  furnished  by  the  Gospel  narra- 
tives of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ 
2.  In  the  and  that  found  in  the  remaining  books. 
NT  The   distinctively   Christian   view    of 

prayer  comes  to  us  from  the  Christ  of 
the  Gospels.  We  have  to  notice  His  own  habits  in 
the  matter  (Lk  3  21;  6  12;  9  16.29;  22  32.39- 
46;  23  34-46;  Mt  27  40;  Jn  17),  which  for  all 
who  accept  Him  as  the  revcaler  of  the  Father  and 
the  final  authority  in  religion  immediately  dissi- 


2431 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Prayer 

Prayers  of  Jesus 


pate  all  theoretical  objections  to  the  value  and  effi- 
cacy of  prayer.  Next  we  have  His  general  teaching 
on  the  subject  in  parables  (Lk  11  5-9;  18  1-14) 
and  incidental  sayings  (Mt  5  44;  6  5-8;  7  7-11; 
9  38;  17  21;  18  19;  21  22;  24  20;  26  41  and 
jl's),  which  presents  prayer,  not  as  a  mere  energiz- 
ing of  the  religious  soul  that  is  followed  by  bene- 
ficial spiritual  reactions,  but  as  the  request  of  a 
child  to  a  father  (6  8;  7  11),  subject,  indeed,  to 
the  father's  will  (7  11;    cf  6  10;    26  39.42;    1  Jn 

5  14),  but  secure  always  of  loving  attention  and 
response  (Mt  7  7-11;  21  22).  In  thus  teaching 
us  to  approach  God  as  our  Father,  Jesus  raised 
prayer  to  its  highest  plane,  making  it  not  less  rever- 
ent than  it  was  at  its  best  in  OT  times,  while  far 
more  intimate  and  trustful.  In  the  Lord's  Prayer 
(q.v.)  He  summed  up  His  ordinary  teaching  on  the 
subject  in  a  concrete  example  which  serves  as  a 
model  and  breviary  of  prayer  (Mt  6  9-13;  Lk  11 
2-4).  But  according  to  the  Fourth  Gospel,  this 
was  not  His  final  word  upon  the  subject.  On  the 
night  of  the  betrayal,  and  in  full  view  of  His  death 
and  resurrection  and  ascension  to  God's  right  hand. 
He  told  His  disciples  that  prayer  was  henceforth  to 
be  addressed  to  the  Father  in  the  name  of  the  Son, 
and  that  prayer  thus  offered  was  sure  to  be  granted 
(Jn  16  23.24.26).  The  differentia  of  Christian 
prayer  thus  consists  in  its  being  offered  in  the  name 
of  Christ;  while  the  secret  of  its  success  lies  on  the 
one  hand  in  the  new  access  to  the  Father  which 
Christ  has  secured  for  His  people  (17  19;  cf  He 
4  14-16;  10  19-22),  and  on  the  other  in  the  fact 
that  prayer  offered  in  the  name  of  Christ  will  be 
prayer  in  harmony  with  the  Father's  will  (15  7;  cf 
1  Jn  3  22f;    5  13  f). 

In  the  Ads  and  Epp.  we  see  the  apostoUc  church 
giving  effect  to  Christ's  teaching  on  prayer.  It  was 
in  a  praying  atmosphere  that  the  church  was  born 
(Acts  1  14;  cf  2  1);  and  throughout  its  early  his- 
tory prayer  continued  to  be  its  vital  breath  and 
native  air  (2  42;  3  1;  6  4.6  and  passim).  The 
Epp.  abound  in  references  to  prayer.  Those  of 
Paul  in  particular  contain  frequent  allusions  to  his 
own  personal  practice  in  the  matter  (Rom  1  9; 
Eph  1  16;  Phil  1  9;  1  Thess  1  2,  etc),  and  ma,ny 
exhortations  to  his  readers  to  cultivate  the  praying 
habit  (Rom  12  12;  Eph  6  18;   Phil  4  6;   1  Thess 

6  17,  etc).  But  the  new  and  characteristic  thing 
about  Christian  prayer  as  it  meets  us  now  is  its 
connection  with  the  Spirit.  It  has  become  a  spirit- 
ual gift  (1  Cor  14  14—16) ;  and  even  those  who  have 
not  this  gift  in  the  exceptional  charismatic  sense 
may  "pray  in  the  Spirit"  whenever  they  come  to  the 
throne  of  grace  (Eph  6  18;  Jude  ver  20).  The 
gift  of  the  Spirit,  promised  by  Christ  (.Jn  14  16  ff, 
etc),  has  raised  prayer  to  its  highest  power  by  se- 
curing for  it  a  Divine  cooperation  (Rom  8  15.26; 
Gal  4  6).  Thus  Christian  prayer  in  its  full  NT 
meaning  is  prayer  addressed  to  God  as  Father,  in 
the  name  of  Christ  as  Mediator,  and  through  the 
enabling  grace  of  the  indwelling  Spirit.  See 
Prayers  op  Jesus.  J.  C.  Lambert 

PRAYER,  HOURS  OF.     See  Hours  of  Prayer. 

PRAYER,  LORD'S.     See  Lord's  Prayer,  The. 

PRAYER  OF  HABAKKUK.  See  Habakkuk; 
Beth-horon,  Battle  of. 

PRAYER  OF  JOSEPH.     See  Joseph,   Pr.ayer 


PRAYER    OF    MANASSES.     See    Manasses, 
Prayer  of. 


PRAYERS,  prarz,  OF  JESUS: 

1.  The  Lord's  Prayer 

2.  Christ's  Doctrine  of  Prayer 
Sacredness,  Importunity,  Conditions 

3.  Prayers  Offered  by  Christ 

(1)  The  High-priestly  Prayer 

(2)  The  Prayer  in  Gethsemane 
(.3)  The  Prayers  on  the  Cross 

(4)  Prayer  after  the  Resurrection 

(5)  General  Conclusions 

In  the  history  and  doctrine  of  prayer,  nothing  is 
more  important  than  the  light  shed  upon  the  subject 
by  the  prayers  of  Jesus.  'These  are  to  be  studied  in 
connection  with  His  teaching  concerning  prayer 
found  in  the  model  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  gen- 
eral statements  and  hints  to  His  disciples. 

This  model  of  prayer  is  given  in  two  forms  (Mt 

6  9-13;  Lk  11  2-4).     The  differences  of  form  sho-sv 

that  exactness  of  similarity  in  words  is 

1.  The  not    essential.     The    prayer    includes 
Lord's  adoration,  supplication  for  the  King- 
Prayer  dom,  for  personal  needs,  for  forgive- 
ness, for  deliverance  from  temptation 

and  the  ascription  of  glory.  It  is  at  once  individual 
and  universal;  it  sets  the  recognition  of  Divine 
things  first,  and  yet  clearly  asserts  the  ethical  and 
social  relations  of  life.     See  Lord's  Prayer,  The. 

That  men  should  pray  is  taken  for  granted  (Mt 

6  5).     Its  sacredness  is  involved  in  the  command 

for  privacy  (Mt  6  6) ;  its  importunity 

2.  Christ's  (Lk  11  5-9;  18  1-8);  its  necessary 
Doctrine  of  conditions  of  humility,  absence  of  self- 
Prayer  righteousness  (Lk  18  9-14),  of  dis- 
play and  repetition  (Mt  6  7);  neces- 
sity of  faith  and  a  forgiving  spirit  (Mk  11 
24-26);  of  agreement  in  social  prayer  (Mt  18  19); 
submission  to  the  will  of  Christ,  "in  my  name" 
(Jn  14  13). 

InMtll  25.26  AV,   Christ  thanks  God:    "Thou 

hast  hid  these  things  from  the  wise  and  prudent, 

and  hast  revealed  them  unto  babes. 

3.  Prayers  Even  so,  Father:  for  so  it  seemed  good 
Offered  by  in  thy  sight."  This  language  shows 
Christ  the  essence  of  prayer  to  be  not  the 

mere  expression  of  need  and  request 
for  what  is  required,  but  resort  to  God.  The  prayer 
gives  us  insight  into  the  deeper  experience  of  the 
Son  with  the  Father,  and  His  perfect  submission 
to  the  Father's  will,  with  thanksgiving  even  for 
what  might  seem  inexplicable.  It  thus  illustrates 
the  truth  that  the  highest  form  of  prayer  is  found 
in  the  serenity  of  the  soul. 

Mt  14  23  narrates  the  retirement  of  the  Lord 
to  a  "mountain  apart  to  pray."  No  word  of  what 
the  prayer  was  is  given,  but  the  record  is  suggestive. 
Following  a  day  of  severe  toil  and  probably  excite- 
ment, Jesus  betakes  Himself  to  prayer.  The  reality, 
the  true  humanity  of  the  Christ,  are  here  revealed. 
The  former  prayer  may  almost  be  regarded  as  that 
of  the  Son  of  God  addressed  to  the  Father  in  the 
sublime  communion  of  the  Godhead.  This  passage 
emphatically  is  a  prayer-scene  of  the  Son  of  Man. 
The  as.sociation  of  this  incident  of  prayer  in  Christ's 
life  with  the  miracle  of  walking  on  the  sea  (an  ex- 
ample of  miracle  in  the  person  of  the  Lord  Himself, 
and  not  performed  on  another)  opens  up  an  inter- 
esting question  of  the  relation  of  the  supernatural 
and  the  natural.  Here  perhaps  lies  an  explanation 
of  the  true  significance  of  the  miraculous.  The 
communion  of  the  Lord  with  a  supreme  Father  had 
filled  the  physical  nature  of  Jesus  with  spiritual 
forces  which  extended  the  power  of  the  spirit  over 
the  material  world  beyond  the  limits  by  which  man 
is  bound  in  his  normal  and  sinful  condition  (see 
Lange,  Comm.  on  Mt;  Mt  15  36;  cf  14  19). 
Christ's  recognition  of  God  as  the  Giver  of  food,  in 
thanks  at  the  meal,  or  "asking  a  blessing,"  should 
be  noted  as  an  example  which  in  modern  times  is 


Prayers  of  Jesus 
Preacher 


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largely  ignored  or  followed  as  a  mere  formality. 
But  it  is  significant;  it  expresses  that  intense  and 
all-compelling  sense  of  the  Divine  which  ever  dwelt 
in  Him ;  of  which  prayer  is  an  expression,  and  which 
is  evoked  so  naturally  and  becomingly  at  a  social 
meal.  In  Mt  17  21,  Our  Lord's  reference  to 
prayer  as  a  necessar}'  condition  of  miraculous  power, 
in  the  light  of  Mk  7  34,  where  "looking  up  to 
heaven,  he  sighed,  and  saith  unto  him  [the  deaf 
man],  Ephphatha,"  may  imply  His  own  prayer  in 
connection  with  the  exercise  of  miraculous  energy. 
This  is  apparently  indicated  in  Ju  11  41.42,  al- 
though, as  above,  it  is  the  expression  of  the  intimate 
relation  between  Christ  and  the  Father,  which  is 
the  essence  of  prayer,  and  in  which  relation  He  ever 
exercised  the  fullest  power  of  God  Himself.  Mt 
19  13  records  that  little  children  were  brought 
to  Him  that  He  should  put  His  hands  on  them  and 
pray.  That  He  praj'ed  is  not  related,  but  ver  15 
relates  that  He  laid  His  hands  on  them  and,  pre- 
sumably, with  the  imposition,  prayed.  The  scene 
is  most  suggestive,  in  the  light  of  Our  Lord's  words. 
In  ver  14  and  in  Mt  26  26  Our  Lord  blesses  the 
bread  or  gives  thanks  at  the  institution  of  the  Sup- 
per, and  has  set  the  mode  of  celebration  univer- 
sally adopted,  even  giving  the  term  Eucharist 
("giving  of  thanks")  to  the  service. 

(1)  The  high-prieslly  prayer. — This  prayer  (Jn 
17)  is  the  special  prayer  of  the  Lord,  and  may  be 
regarded  as  the  sole  example  furnished  by  the 
evangelists  of  Our  Lord's  method  of  praj'er.  The 
thanksgiving  in  Mt  11  2.5  is  the  only  other  in- 
stance of  any  extent  in  the  report  of  the  prayers  of 
Jesus,  but  even  that  is  brief  compared  to  what  is 
here  furnished.  The  fulness  of  this  prayer  clearly 
shows  that  it  was  uttered  in  the  hearing  of  the  dis- 
ciples. Their  relation  to  it  is  remarkable.  Auditors, 
they  yet  could  not  share  in  it.  At  the  same  time, 
it  was  a  profound  revelation  to  them  both  of  the 
relation  of  the  Master  to  God,  and  the  character 
of  the  work  which  He  had  come  to  perform,  and 
the  part  which  they  were  to  take  in  it.  John  gives 
us  no  hint  as  to  the  place  in  which  it  was  spoken; 
14  31  indicates  a  departure  from  the  upper  room. 
But  apparentlj'  the  prayer  was  offered  where  the 
discourses  of  chs  15  and  16  were  delivered.  It  has 
been  suggested  by  Westcott  that  some  spot  in  the 
temple  courts  was  the  scene  of  chs  15,  16  and  17. 
It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  ornament 
of  the  Golden  Vine  would  naturally  suggest  the 
figure  of  the  Vine  and  Branches  which  Our  Lord 
employs.  Jn  18  1  shows  that  the  prayer  was 
offered  before  the  Lord  and  His  disciples  had  passed 
over  the  brook  Kidron.  The  determination  of  the 
exact  spot  is  certainly  impossible,  except  the  prob- 
ability that  the  words  were  spoken  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  temple. 

The  first  part  of  the  prayer  (Jn  17  l-'J)  is  an  expres- 
sion of  profound  communion  between  the  Son  and  the 
Father,  and  the  prayer  that  the  Father  should  glorify  the 
Son,  but  with  the  supreme  end  of  the  Father's  own  glory. 
The  absolutely  unique  character  of  Chrtst's  relation  to 
God  is  the  calm  assertion  of  ver  4.  Its  consciousness 
of  completeness  in  the  work  which  He  had  received  from 
God,  impossible  for  the  children  of  men,  marks  tlie  su- 
preme nature  of  the  Son  of  God. 

In  the  .second  part  of  the  prayer  (.In  17  6-19),  Our 
Lord  prays  for  His  disciples,  to  whom  He  has  revealed 
Himself  and  His  relation  to  God  (ys  78).  He  prays 
that  they  may  be  kept  by  the  Father,  and  for  their  imity. 
Their  separation  from  the  world  is  declared  (ver  14),  and 
Our  Lord  prays  that  they  may  be  kept  from  the  evil  that 
is  in  the  world,  which  is  alien  from  them  as  it  is  from 
Him. 

In  the  third  portion  of  the  prayer  Christ's  relation  to 
His  ultimate  followers  is  referred  to.  Their  unity  is 
sought,  not  an  external  unity,  but  the  deep,  spiritual 
unity  found  by  the  indwelling  of  Christ  in  them  and  God 
in  Christ.  The  prayer  closes  by  the  declaration  that 
Christ's  knowledge  of  the  Father  is  revealed  to  His 
people,  and  the  end  and  crown  of  all  is  to  l>e  the 
indwelling  of  God's  love  in  man  by  the  dwelling  of 
Christ  in  him. 


This  prayer  is  unique,  not  merely  among  the 
prayers  of  Our  Lord,  but  also  among  the  prayers  of 
humanity.  While  it  is  distinctly  a  petition,  it  is 
at  the  same  time  a  communion.  In  one  or  two 
places  Our  Lord  expresses  His  will,  thus  setting 
Himself  upon  a  level  with  God.  The  fact  of  this 
prayer  of  triumph  in  which  every  petition  is  vir- 
tually a  declaration  of  the  absolute  certainty  of  its 
reahzation,  immediately  preceding  the  prayer  of 
Gethsemane,  is  both  difficult  and  suggestive.  The 
anomaly  is  a  powerful  argument  for  the  historic 
reality.  The  explanation  of  these  contrasted  mooda 
is  to  be  found  in  the  depth  of  Our  Lord's  nature, 
and  esp.  in  the  complete  consistency  of  His  dual  na- 
ture with  the  spheres  to  which  each  nature  belongs. 
He  is  most  Divine;  He  is  most  human.  In  the 
fulness  of  the  reach  of  the  prayer  and  its  calm  con- 
fidence, the  believer  may  find  a  ceaseless  and  inex- 
haustible source  of  comfort  and  encouragement. 
Attention  might  be  called  to  the  remarkable  fore- 
cast of  the  history  and  experience  of  the  church 
which  the  prayer  furnishes. 

(2)  The  prayer  in  Gethsemane. — This  is  recorded 
by  the  three  Synoptics  (Mt  26  36-44;  Mk  14 
22^0;  Lk  22  39-46),  and  is  probably  referred  to 
in  He  5  7.  Brief  though  the  prayer  is,  it  exhibits 
most  clearly  recognition  of  God's  infinite  power,  a 
clear  object  sought  by  the  prayer,  and  perfect  sub- 
mission to  God's  will.  All  the  elements  of  prayer, 
as  it  can  be  offered  by  man,  are  here  except  the 
prayer  for  forgiveness.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
prayer  was  three  times  repeated.  This  is  not  to  be 
regarded  as  inconsistent  with  Our  Lord's  prohibi- 
tion of  repetition.  It  was  vain  repetition  which 
was  forbidden.  The  intensity  of  the  prayer  is  ex- 
pressed by  its  threefold  utterance  (cf  Paul's  prayer 
in  regard  to  the  thorn  in  2  Cor  12  8). 

(3)  The  prayers  on  the  cro.^s. — In  Mt  27  46;  Mk 
15  34,  Christ  uses  the  prayer  of  Ps  22  1.  In  the 
moment  of  complete  desolation,  the  Sufferer  claimed 
His  unbroken  relationship  with  God.  This  is  the 
victory  of  the  atoning  sacrifice.  Lk  23  34  records 
the  prayer  of  intercession  for  those  who  crucified 
Him ;  in  ver  46  is  the  calm  committal  of  His  spirit 
to  the  Father.  Prayer  here  again  assumes  its  high- 
est form  in  the  expression  of  recognition  and  trust. 
Thus  the  three  prayers  on  the  cross  not  only  reveal 
the  intimate  relation  of  Our  Lord  to  the  Father,  but 
they  also  illustrate  prayer  such  as  man  may  offer. 
They  represent  supplication,  intercession,  com- 
munion. Prayer  thus  expresses  our  relation  to  God, 
to  others,  to  ourselves;  our  trust,  our  love,  our 
need.  In  all  things  He  was  made  like  unto  His 
brethren,  except  without  sin  (see.  Points).  His 
prayers  on  ^  the  cross  illustrate  His  high-priestly 
office.  It  rises  at  that  intense  crisis  to  its  supreme 
manifestation  and  activity. 

(4)  Prayer  after  the  resurrection. — It  is  to  be  ob- 
served that  after  His  resurrection  there  is  no  record 
of  any  prayer  offered  by  Christ.  In  the  supper  at 
Emmaus  He  "blessed"  the  bread  (Lk  24  30);  and 
the  ascension  took  place  in  the  midst  of  blessing 
(Lk  24  .51),  suggestive  of  the  course  of  the  church 
as  ever  beneath  the  benediction  of  the  Lord,  to  be 
ended  only  at  the  final  consummation.  The  act  of 
eating  the  fish  and  honeycomb  (Lk  24  43)  seems  to 
have  been  unaccompanied  by  any  act  of  specifically 
religious  form.  Mk,  with  characteristic  regard  to 
details,  records  Christ's  "looking  up  to  heaven"  (Mk 
6  41;  7  34);  Jn  11  41  refers  to  a  similar  act,  and 
adds  the  Lord's  words  of  thanksgiving  that  God  had 
heard  Him  (see  also  Jn  17  1).  The  gesture  was 
usual  in  association  with  Christ's  prayers;  it  ia  ap- 
propriate and  suggestive.  Lk  narrates  that  Christ 
prayed  at  His  baptism  (Lk  3  21);  that  He  spent  a 
night  in  prayer  before  choosing  the  Twelve  (Lk  6 
12.13);   that  the  transfiguration  was  preceded  by 


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Prayers  of  Jesus 
Preacher 


prayer  (Lk  9  29) ;  and  records  the  prayer  in  the 
garden  (Lk  22  41-45).  The  third  evangehst  thus 
in  addition  to  the  notes  of  Our  Lord's  prayers  in 
retirement,  which  the  other  evangelists  record,  adds 
these  instances  of  the  special  relation  of  prayer  to 
events  of  critical  importance. 

(5)  Oeneral  conclusions. — The  following  conclu- 
sions as  to  prayer  may  be  drawn  from  the  records 
of  Christ's  prayers:  (1)  Prayer  is  the  highest  ex- 
ercise of  man's  spiritual  nature.  (2)  It  is  natural 
to  the  soul  even  in  perfect  accord  with  God.  (3)  It 
is  not  only  the  expression  of  need,  the  supply  of 
which  is  sought  of  God,  but  by  the  example  of  Christ 
it  is  the  highest  expression  of  trust,  submission  and 
union  with  God.  (4)  It  is  to  be  used  both  in  solitude 
and  in  society;  it  is  personal  and  intercessory.  (5)  It 
may  be  accompanied  by  the  plea  of  Christ's  name, 
and  for  Christ's  sake.  These  are  the  laws  which 
should  direct  it;  that  is  to  say,  it  should  be  based 
upon  the  merit  and  the  intercession  of  Christ,  and 
should  be  addressed  to  God  under  the  limitations 
of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Lord  and  His  purposes 
for  good,  both  for  the  interest  of  the  suppliant  and 
others,  under  the  conditions  of  the  interest  of  the 
whole  Kingdom.  Ll.  D.  Bevan 

PREACHER,  prech'cr,  PREACHING,  prech'ing 
(nbni5,  koheleth,  "preacher"  [Eccl  1  1],  lips, 
basar,  "to  bring  or  tell  good  tidings"  [Ps  40  9;  Isa 
61  1],  Xnp^,  kara',  "to  call,"  "proclaim"  [Neh  6  7; 
Jon  3  2],  nS^lp,  k'rl'ah,  "cry,"  "preaching"  [Jon 
3  2];  KT|pu^,  ktrux,  "crier,"  "herald"  [1  Tim  2  7), 
KHpio-o-iD,  kenlsso,  "to  cry  or  proclaim  as  a  herald" 
[Mt  3  1;  Rom  10  li],  dayyiM^lla,  euaggelllzo,  "to 
announce  good  news"  [Mt  11  5]): 

1.  Definition 

2.  The  Preacher's  Limitations 

3.  A  Man  with  a  Message 

4.  Preaching  a  Necessary  Agency 

5.  Biblical  Terms  and  Their  Meanings 

6.  The  Hebrew  Prophets 

7.  Christ  as  a  Preacher 
The  Apostles  as  Preachers 
Fundamental  Postulates 

(1)  Preach  the  Word 

(2)  "  We  Are  Ambassadors  " 

In  the  NT  sense  a  preacher  is  a  man  who  has  the 

inner  caO  from  the  Holy  Ghost  and  the  external  call 

from  the  church,  the  witnessing  body 

1.  Defini-  of  Christ  on  earth,  and  has  been  duly 
tion  set  apart  as  an  accredited  and  qualified 

teacher  of  the  Christian  religion.  His 
vocation  is  that  of  addressing  the  popular  mind  and 
heart  on  religious  truth,  as  that  truth  is  set  forth 
in  the  sacred  Scripture,  for  the  spiritual  profit  of  the 
hearer  as  its  end.  The  preacher,  recognized  as 
such  by  the  church,  speaks  as  a  personal  witness  of 
God's  saving  truth,  explaining  it  and  applying  it 
as  the  circumstances  of  the  people  and  the  time  may 
require.  The  gravity  and  importance  of  this  vo- 
cation, as  set  forth  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  and 
amply  illustrated  in  the  history  of  the  church,  sur- 
pass those  of  any  other  calling  among  men.  Luther 
said,  "The  devil  does  not  mind  the  written  word, 
but  he  is  put  to  flight  whenever   it   is   preached 

aloud."  -Till. 

The  preacher,  in  the  sense  indicated  above,  is 

with  all  other  Christians  a  sharer  in  the  freedom 

that  is  in  Christ.     But  as  a  recognized 

2.  The  teacher  and  leader  of  the  church,  he 
Preacher's  is  not  an  unattached  and  entirely  un- 
Limitations   restricted  teacher.     He  is  not  to  speak 

as  his  own,  but  as  the  mouthpiece  of 
the  church  whose  apprehension  of  the  gospel  he  has 
voluntarily  confessed.  The  faith  of  the  church  is, 
by  his  own  assent,  his  faith,  and  her  doctrine 
is  his  doctrine.  He  is  not  expected  to  give  his 
own,  as  distinct  from  or  opposed  to  the  faith  of 


9. 


the  church  in  whose  name  he  has  been  set  apart 
to  proclaim  the  gospel.  Both  the  personal  and 
the  representative  or  official  are  united  in  him  and 
his  preaching. 

His  work  is  always  to  be  related  to  the  OT  and 

NT.     His  sermon  is  under  the  creed  of  his  church 

as  the  creed  is  under  the  word.     The 

3.  A  Man  preacher  is  a  man  with  a  message,  and 
with  a  the  preacher  who  has  no  message  of  the 
Message        particular  kind  indicated  above  is  in  no 

true  sense  a  preacher.  It  has  been  well 
expressed  in  one  of  the  valuable  Yale  series  of  lec- 
tures on  the  subject,  "Every  living  preacher  must 
receive  his  communication  direct  from  God,  and 
the  constant  purpose  of  his  life  must  be  to  receive 
it  uncorrupted  and  to  deliver  it  without  addition 
or  subtraction."  When  he  presents  the  message  of 
his  Divinely  appointed  ambassadorship  in  its  in- 
tegrity, he  speaks  with  that  peculiar  kind  of  "au- 
thority" which  has  been  pronounced  "the  first  and 
indispensable  requisite"  in  giving  a  message  from 
God.  He  manifests  thereby  a  "high  celestial  dog- 
matism," and  "human  weakness  becomes  immor- 
tal strength."  The  true  preacher  preaches  from  a 
Divine  impulsion.  He  says  with  Paul,  "Necessity 
is  laid  upon  me;  for  woe  is  unto  me,  if  I  preach  not 
the  gospel"  (1  Cor  9  16;  cf  Jer  20  9).  He  says 
with  Peter,  "Whether  it  is  right  in  the  sight  of  God 
to  hearken  unto  you  rather  than  unto  God,  judge 
ye:  for  we  cannot  but  speak  the  things  which  we 
saw  and  heard"  (Acts  4  19.20).  The  message  of 
the  preacher  is  greater  than  the  man,  because  it  is 
from  God.  It  largely  makes  the  man  who  preaches 
it  in  its  fulness  and  power.  Whatever  be  his  own 
gifts  or  whatever  the  alleged  gift  conferred  in  the 
laying  on  of  hands,  without  the  sense  of  the  message 
he  is  not  chosen  of  God  to  proclaim  His  word. 
Destitute  of  that,  he  does  not  have  the  sustaining 
impulse  of  his  vocation  to  enlist  his  entire  person- 
ality in  his  work  and  give  him  mastery  over  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  men. 

No  agency  of  religion  is  older  than  preaching. 

It  is  as  old  as  the  Bible  itself  (2  Pet  2  5).     It  is 

a  necessary  adjunct  of  a  rehgion  that 

4.  Preach-  is  communicated  to  man  by  means  of 
ing  a  an  objective  and  authoritative  reve- 
Necessary  lation,  such  as  we  have  in  the  sacred 
Agency           Scriptures.     It  is  an  entirely  natural 

agency  of  the  forms  of  religion  revealed 
in  the  OT  and  NT.  It  is  strictly  in  harmony  with 
those  ideas  that  obtain  in  both  testaments  regarding 
the  method  of  propagating  the  faith,  set  forth 
through  the  agency  of  holy  men  who  spake  as  they 
were  moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  That  faith  is  dis- 
seminated by  means  of  teaching  through  argument, 
explanation,  motive  and  exhortation.  The  agency 
for  the  spread  of  a  rehgion  of  persuasion  must  be 
preaching. 

In  the  Bib.  usage  of  the  terms  which  have  refer- 
ence to  the  subject,  preaching  means  the  proclama- 
tion   of    religious    truth.     It    is    that 

5.  Biblical  continuous  and  public  testimony  which 
Terms  and  the  church  is  always  giving,  through 
Their  discourses,  by  men  set  apart  for  such 
Meanings      work,  to  her  own  living  faith  as  that 

faith  is  rooted  in  and  sustained  by  the 
written  word  of  God.  In  this  sense  "to  call," 
"proclaim,"  "cry  aloud"  are  used  frequently  of  the 
prophetic  message  under  the  various  aspects  of 
denunciation,  as  in  Jon  1  2;  of  the  relation  of  the 
Divine,  as  in  Jer  11  6,  and  of  Messianic  promise,  as 
in  Isa  61  1.  The  term  for  "preaching"  is  also  used 
to  designate  a  political  propagandism  set  forth  by 
the  prophet  (Neh  6  7).  In  two  passages  (Ps_68 
11,  "publish";  Isa  61  1)  another  word  for  preaching 
means  "to  declare  good  news."  In  the  case  of 
Jonah's  preaching  at  Nineveh,  the  word  used  to 


Preacher 
Predestination 


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2434 


designate  what  it  was  means  strictly  "proclama- 
tion" and  corresponds  to  the  NT  word  used  to 
define  Our  Lord's  "proclamation"  as  a  herald  of 
the  advent  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  (Mt  4  17), 
which  in  its  initial  stages  particularly  was  closely 
associated  with  the  preaching  of  John  the  Baptist 
(Mt  3  1.2), 

Thus  while  preaching  belongs  esp.  to  Christianity,  it 
has  well-defined  antecedents  in  the  OT,  Under  both  the 
old  and  the  new  dispensations  the  subject 
6.  The  takes  the  church  for  granted  and  utters 

TTphrpw  ^^^   testimony,    not  simply  of  a  solitary 

neurew  believer,    but  of  a   Divinely  founded   so- 

ProphetS  ciety,  whether  it  be  of  Jews  or  Christians. 
The  older  books  in  the  Canon  have  in 
them  the  beginnings  and  some  of  the  features  of  the 
preacher's  oflBce  and  of  the  high  function  of  preaching. 
In  them  we  find  a  special  class  of  men  .set  apart  and 
separated  unto  that  particular  work,  as  we  find  in  the 
Christian  church,  from  its  beginnings,  the  same  Di- 
vinely instituted  office.  The  Heb  prophet  had  a  mes- 
sage direct  from  God,  which  frequently  came  witli  super- 
natural knowledge  in  the  power  of  prediction.  The 
mission  of  the  prophet,  however,  was  not  simply  or 
chiefly  to  forecast  the  future,  but  to  declare  a  present 
message  from  the  Lord  to  the  people.  The  prophet 
of  the  OT  was  the  forerunner  in  of&ce  and  the  proto- 
type of  the  ambassador  of  Christ.  With  the  develop- 
ment of  the  synagogue  as  the  center  of  Heb  worship, 
application  as  well  as  interpretation  of  the  Law  became 
essential. 

Moses,  the  most  commanding  figure  in  Heb  history, 
was  a  prophet,  and  no  messages  in  the  OT  are  more 
imbued  with  power,  sublimity  and  pathos  than  those 
uttered  by  the  great  lawgiver.  He  became  the  guide  of 
Israel,  not  so  much  by  his  rod  as  by  the  word  he  de- 
livered to  the  people.  There  are  numerous  indications 
that  after  INIoses  there  was  a  continuous  class  of  religious 
teachers  whose  work  it  was  to  instruct  men  and  inspire 
the  people,  as  is  indicated  in  the  cases  of  Joshua,  in  the 
history  of  Deborah  and  Barak,  and  in  the  days  of  solemn 
assembly  which  are  inconceivable  without  men  who 
spoke  and  other  men  who  listened.  In  the  time  of  Sam- 
uel there  was  a  distinct  advance  made  in  the  work  of  the 
prophets,  and  the  prophetic  office  had  become  a  fixed 
institution.  There  were  schools  of  the  prophets  at 
Bethel,  Jericho  and  Gilgal,  the  very  seats  of  heathen 
idolatry.  Under  the  OT  dispensation  the  whole  course 
of  progress  was  toward  presenting  Divine  truth  in  its 
simplicity  and  power,  by  bringing  it  to  bear  upon  the 
popular  mind  and  heart.  One  of  the  marks  of  the  new 
era  beginning  with  John  the  Baptist  was  a  revival  of 
prophetic  preaching  (Mt  11  9),  which  again  resumed 
its  old  character  and  meaning.  See  Prophecy  and 
Prophets. 

The  words  meaning  "to  proclaim  as  a  herald" 

and   "preaching,"   are  frequent  in  the  NT.     The 

mission  of  Our  Lord  was  essentially 

7.  Christ  as  one  of  proclaiming  good  tidings  con- 
a  Preacher    cerning  the  Kingdom  of  God   (Mt  4 

17).  He  at  once,  on  His  entrance 
upon  His  ministry,  gave  to  preaching  a  spiritual 
depth  and  practical  range  which  it  never  had  before. 
At  that  time  preaching  had  manifestly  become  a 
fixed  part  of  the  synagogue  worship,  and  was  made 
one  of  the  chief  instruments  in  the  spread  of  the 
gospel.  Our  Lord  constantly  taught  in  the  syna- 
gogue (Mt  4  23;  Mk  1  21;  Jn  6  59).  He  thus 
read  and  interpreted  and  applied  the  Law  and  the 
Prophets  (Mk  1  39;  Lk  4  16).  Christ's  testi- 
mony about  Himself  was  that  He  came  "to  bear  wit- 
ness to  the  truth."  The  spoken  word  became  Llis 
great  power  in  His  life  and  ministry.  Throughout 
His  life  Jesus  was  above  all  things  a  preacher  of  the 
truths  of  His  kingdom.  Telling  men  what  He  was 
in  Himself,  what  in  His  relation  to  man  and  his 
salvation  and  what  to  God  the  Father,  formed  a 
large  part  of  His  pubhc  work. 

The  preaching   of   the   apostles  was   essentially 
prophetic  in  character,  and  bore  testimony  concern- 
ing the  resurrection  of  Jesus  and  His 

8.  The  early  return  to  judgment  (Acts  2 
Apostles  as  24.32.36;  1  Cor  15  15).  The  sermons 
Preachers      of  the  apostles  which  are  reported  with 

much  fulness  are  those  of  Peter  on 
the  Day  of  Penteco.st  (Acts  2),  his  address  in  the 
house  of  Cornelius  at  Caesarea  (Acts  10),  and  the 


counsels  of  James  to  the  brethren  at  Jerus,  as  to 
what  ordinances  should  be  imposed  on  gentile 
Christians.  In  the  early  church  preachers  were  first 
of  all  witnesses  to  what  Jesus  had  said  and  done, 
and  to  the  significance  to  be  attached  to  the  great 
facts  of  the  redemptive  history.  With  the  spread 
of  the  gospel  and  the  passing  of  time,  this  office 
was  taken  up  by  others,  esp.  such  as  were  endued 
with  "the  word  of  wisdom"  and  "of  knowledge" 
(1  Cor  12  8). 

Upon  the  basis  of  what  is  taught  in  the  word  of 
God  there  are  two  fundamentally  important  postu- 
lates   concerning    preaching    and    the 
9.  Funda-     preacher. 

mental  (1)  Preach  the  word. — The  first  note 

Postulates  of  preaching  is  that  it  be  the  word  of 
God  (2  Tim  4  2).  Out  of  the  Bible 
must  the  life  of  every  generation  of  Christians  be 
fed.  To  Holy  Scripture,  therefore,  ought  the  pulpit 
to  abide  faithful,  for  out  of  its  treasures  the  preacher 
fulfils  his  double  office  of  edifying  believers  and  sub- 
jugating the  world  to  Christ.  There  must  always 
be  an  organic  connection  between  the  word  in  the 
text  and  the  sermon. 

(2)  "We  are  ambassadors." — The  work  of  preach- 
ing is  the  fulfilment  of  a  Divinely  instituted  ambas- 
sadorship (2  Cor  5  20).  The  gospel  is  put  into 
the  hands  of  men  for  a  distinct  purpose,  and  is  to 
be  administered  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of  its 
author.  The  preacher  is  in  a  very  distinct  sense 
a  trustee.  "But  even  as  we  have  been  approved  of 
God  to  be  intrusted  with  the  gospel,  so  we  speak; 
not  as  pleasing  men,  but  God  who  proveth  our 
hearts"  (1  Thess  2  4).  Those  who  have  accepted 
the  responsibility  imposed  upon  them  by  this  Di- 
vine commission  are  enjoined  to  exercise  their 
office  so  as  to  warrant  the  approbation  of  Him  who 
has  appointed  them  to  a  specific  work.  The  homiletio 
practice  of  taking  the  theme  of  every  sermon  from 
a  passage  of  Holy  Writ  has  been  an  almost  invariable 
rule  in  the  history  of  the  church.  It  is  the  business 
of  the  preacher  to  present  the  truth  embodied  in  the 
text  in  its  integrity.  In  the  exercise  of  his  Divinely 
appointed  ambassadorship  he  is  to  administer  God's 
word  revealed  to  Christian  faith,  not  human  opin- 
ions or  speculations.  David  H.  Badslin 

PRECEPT,  pre'sept:  A  commandment,  an 
authoritative  rule  for  action;  in  the  Scriptures 
generally  a  Divine  injunction  in  which  man's  obli- 
gation is  set  forth  (Lat  praeceptum,  fr.  praecipere, 
'to  instruct"). 

Four  words  are  so  rendered  in  AV:  (1)  rnjZIO  .  mt's- 
wdh,  very  frequently  (168  t)  tr^  "commandment!"  but  4  t 
"precept"  (in  RV  only  Jer  35  18:  Dnl  9  5);  (2)  from 
the  same  root  is  12  ,  f  am,  or  li  ,  f  au)  (Isa  28  10,13);  (3) 
D1"l^pS3,  pi<:fcMdAim,  only  in  the  Pss  (21  tin  Ps  119,  e.g. 
vs  4.15.27;  also  HV  Ps  19  8;  103  18;  111  7);  (4)  in 
the  NT,  eiToA^,  entoli,  generally  in  AV  tr<i  "com- 
mandment" (08  t),  but  twice  "precept"  (Mk  10  5; 
He  9  19;  in  both  cases  RV  substitutes  "commandment"). 
See  Commandment. 

D,  MiALL  Edwards 
PRECIOUS,  presh'us  (stands  for  17  different 
words,  chief  of  which  are  "Ip'^,  yakar;  TC|iios, 
tirnios):  (1)  Generally  in  the  literal  sense,  "of  great 
price,"  "costly,"  "expensive,"  of  material  things 
(e.g,  Prov  1  13;  Jer  20  5;  Mk  14  3  AV),  esp. 
of  precious  stones  (2  S  12  30;  2  Ch  3  6;  1  Cor  3 
12  AV,  etc).  (2)  Sometimes  "of  great  moral  [non- 
material]  value."  "Precious  in  the  sight  of  Jeh  is 
the  death  of  his  saints"  (Ps  116  15);  "his  precious 
and  exceeding  great  promises"  (2  Pet  14);  cf 
Ps  139  17;  2  Pet  1  1.  The  literal  and  the  moral 
senses  are  both  involved  in  the  expression,  "know- 
ing that  ye  wore  redeemed,  not  with  corruptible 
things,  ....  but  with  precious  blood"   (1  Pet  1 


2435 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Preacher 
Predestination 


18.19).  "Preciousness"  (n/iii,  tiwff)  occurs  in 
1  Pet  2  7  ARV,  ERV,  for  AV  "precious." 

D.   MlALL  Edwakds 
PRECIOUS  STONES.     See  Stones,  Preciods. 

PRECIPITATION,  prS-sip-i-ta'shun.     Sec  Pun- 
ishments, III,  (5). 

PREDESTINATION,     prS-des-ti-na'shun   (irpi- 
Betris,  prdlhesis,   irp6Yvu<ris,    prognosis,   n-poopio-pibs, 

proorismds) : 

1.  Predestination  as  a  Biblical  Question 

2.  Importance  of  tiie  Subject  for  Our  Time 

3.  Nature  of  Predestination 

4.  Tlie  Doctrine  in  Scripture 

5.  Historic  Kise  and  Development  of  the  Doctrine 

6.  The  Doctrine  in  the  Middle  Ages 

7.  Predestination  in  the  Reformed  Theology 

8.  Predestination  in  Lutheranism 

9.  The  Arminian  View 

10.  Wesleyanism  on  Predestination 

11.  Present  Needs  and  Values  of  the  Doctrine 
Literature 

Predestination  can  be,  and  has  sometimes  been, 

regarded   as  a  philosopiiioal  question  rather  than 

a  Biblical  one.     It  is  with  predesti- 

1.  As  a  nation  as  a  Biblical  question,  however, 
Biblical  that  we  are  here  mainly  concerned. 
Question        It  is  possible  to  urge,  and  it  has  been 

urged,  that  the  philosophical  question 
— whether  aU  that  occurs  is  foreordained — is  not 
discussed  and  decided  by  Scripture.  Theology, 
starting  from  God  in  its  interpretation  of  all  things, 
has  arrived  at  universal  foreordination  by  a  species 
of  deductive  reasoning.  But  we  must  not  argue 
the  matter  from  any  abstract  principles,  but  deal 
with  the  actual  facts  as  set  forth  in  Scripture 
and  as  found,  inductively,  in  the  experience  of 
man. 

It  must  first  be  asserted,  however,  in  view  of 

much  loose  modern  thinking,  that  predestination 

is  a  category  of  religious  thought  of 

2.  Its  fundamental  importance.  No  cate- 
Funda-  gory  of  religious  thought  could  go 
mental  Tm-  deeper,  for  it  reaches  down  to  the  In- 
portance        finite  WiU  in  relation  to  the  universe 

of  finite  wills,  and  lays  stress  on  will 
as  the  core  of  reality.  The  philosophy  of  our  time 
may  be  said  to  have  received,  from  the  time  of 
Schopenhauer,  an  impact  toward  will-emphasis, 
alike  in  respect  of  will  in  the  universe  and  in  man. 
But  the  relation  of  the  Absolute  Will  to  the  universe, 
and  to  mankind,  is  precisely  that  with  which  we  are 
concerned  in  predestination. 

Predestination  is  that  aspect  of  foreordination 
whereby  the  salvation  of  the  believer  is  taken  to  be 

effected  in  accordance  with  the  will  of 

3.  Nature  God,  who  has  called  and  elected  him, 
of  Pre-  in  Christ,  unto  life  eternal.  The 
destination    Divine  plan  of  salvation  must  certainly 

be  conceived  under  this  aspect  of  indi- 
vidual reference.  To  understand  and  set  forth  the 
nature,  and  ethically  justifiable  character,  of  such 
a  foreordaining  to  life  eternal,  is  our  purpose.  For 
the  doctrine  has  need  to  be  purged  of  the  historic 
inconsistencies,  and  fatal  illogicalities,  with  which, 
in  its  older  forms  of  presentation,  it  was  often  in- 
fected. This,  esp.,  in  order  that  the  doctrine  may 
appear  as  grounded  in  reason  and  righteousness,  not 
in  arbitrariness  and  almighty  caprice. 

To  begin  with,  it  must  be  said  that  there  seems 
to  be  no  evading  the  doctrine  of  an  election  by 

grace,  as  found  both  in  the  letter  and 

4.  The  the  spirit  of  Scripture.  The  idea  of 
Doctrine  in  predestination  is  set  forth,  with  great 
Scripture       power  and  clearness,  in  Rom  8  29.30, 

and  with  its  elements  or  parts  articu- 
lated in  natural  and  striking  form.  The  idea  recurs 
in  Eph  1,  where  it  is  finely  said  (vs  4,5)  that  God 


hath  chosen  us  in  Christ  "before  the  foundation  of 
the  world,"  having  predestinated  or  "foreordained 
us  unto  adoption  as  sons  through  Jesus  Christ"; 
and  where  it  is  said,  further,  that  our  salvation 
imports  "the  mystery  of  his  will,  according  to  his 
good  pleasure"  (ver  9),  which  He  purposed  in 
Christ.  This  "eternal  purpose"  to  save  men 
through  Christ  is  again  referred  to  in  Eph  3  11. 
This  helpful  mode  of  viewing  predestination  as  in 
Christ,  and  never  outside  Him,  had  a  place  in  reli- 
gious thought  at  the  Reformation  time,  as  the  famous 
"Formula  of  Concord,"  to  be  referred  to  below, 
shows.  The  predestined  certainty  of  God's  gra- 
cious work  in  Christ  was  not  meant  to  perplex  men, 
but  to  encourage  and  reassure  all  who  trust  in  His 
grace.  In  Rom  9  14-25,  the  absolute  sovereignty 
of  God  is  put  in  a  form  whereby  election  is  made 
to  originate  in  the  Divine  will  apart  from  all 
human  merit,  whether  actual  or  foreseen.  But 
from  this  assertion  of  God's  free  supremacy  we 
can  derive  no  concrete  theodicy,  or  do  more  than 
infer  that  God  is  just  and  wise  in  His  exercise  of 
free  grace,  even  when  His  doings  are  most  perplex- 
ing to  us. 

The  needful  thing  is  to  understand,  so  far  as  may 

be,  the  nature  of  the  cooperation  that  takes  place 

between  the  Divine  and  the  human 

5.  Historic  factors  or  elements,  which  latter  fac- 
Rise  and  tors  include  natural  capacity,  dispo- 
Develop-  sition  and  development,  working  under 
ment  of  the  grace.  It  must  be  carefully  observed 
Doctrine        that  nothing  in  Scripture  points  to  any 

personal  and  inexorable  predestination 
to  reprobation,  in  any  sense  corresponding  to  the 
personal  election  to  salvation  just  spoken  of.  A 
non-election  there  may  be,  of  course,  but  not  in 
any  sense  that  annuls  full  personal  responsibility 
for  coming  short  of  life  everlasting.  The  appeal 
of  Scripture  from  first  to  last  is  to  men  as  free. 
Calvin's  strange  way  of  putting  the  matter  was, 
"Man  therefore  falls,  God's  Providence  so  ordaining, 
but  he  falls  by  his  own  fault."  This  idea  of  repro- 
bation was  first  introduced  by  GottschaUc,  a  monk 
of  the  9th  cent.,  long  after  the  predestination  doc- 
trine had  received  its  first  full  and  positive  exposi- 
tion by  Augustine.  Augustine,  following  upon  the 
indecision  shown  by  the  fathers  in  the  first  three 
centuries  of  the  church,  made  the  doctrine  of  a 
special  predestination  his  foundation  for  special 
grace,  in  opposition  to  Pelagius.  Augustine  gave 
new  prominence  in  his  theory  to  the  absolute  wiU 
of  God:  he  made  Divine  grace  the  only  ground  of 
man's  salvation;  it  was  to  him  the  irresistible  power 
working  faith  within  the  heart,  and  bringing  freedom 
as  its  result.  It  was  to  him  God's  absolute  predes- 
tination that  determined  who  were  believers.  But 
Augustine  held  predestination  as  an  inference  from 
his  conception  of  the  Fall  and  of  grace,  rather  than 
as  a  metaphysical  principle. 

In  the  IVIiddle  Ages,  Ansehn,  Peter  Lombard,  and 
Aquinas,  followed  the  Augustinian  views  only  to  a 

certain   extent.     Aquinas  admits  that 

6.  The  predestination  implies  a  relation  to 
Doctrine  in  grace,  but  holds  that  grace  is  not  of 
the  Middle  the  essence  of  predestination.  Pre- 
Ages  destination  is,  to  Aquinas,  a  part  of 

Providence,  and  it  presupposes  elec- 
tion in  the  order  of  reason.  Though  Divine  good- 
ness in  general  be  without  election,  Aquinas  thinks 
the  communication  of  a  particular  good  cannot  be 
without  election.  Predestination  has,  for  him,  its 
foundation  in  the  goodness  of  God,  which  is  its 
reason.  Aquinas  thinks  predestination  most  surely 
takes  effect,  but  not  as  from  necessity;  the  effect 
takes  place  under  the  working  of  contingency. 
From  such  views  we  are  recalled  to  the  idea  of  a 
rigorous  predestination,  by  Thomas  Bradwardine 


Predestination 
Presbyter 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2436 


and  John  Wyclif,  in  pre-Reformation  times.  We 
are  thus  brought  up  to  the  decretal  system — so 
called  from  Calvin's  making  predestination  con- 
sist of  the  eternal  decree  of  God — which  became, 
in  its  metaphysical  principle,  the  fundamental  posi- 
tion of  the  whole  Reformed  theology  after  the 
Reformation. 

The  theology  of  the  Reformed  church  adopted 
the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  the  decree  of  predesti- 
nation and  election.     Calvin,  however, 

7.  Predesti-  simply  carried  the  Augustinian  theory 
nation  in  to  its  logical  and  necessary  conclusion, 
the  Re-  and  he  was  the  first  to  adopt  the  doc- 
formed  trine  as  the  cardinal  point  or  primor- 
Theology       dial  principle  of  a  theological  system. 

ZwingU,  it  must  be  remembered,  was, 
even  before  Calvin,  of  consistent  deterministic 
leanings,  as  part  of  his  large  speculative  views, 
which  were  not  without  a  tendency  to  universalism. 
Salvation  was,  to  Calvin,  the  execution  of  a  Divine 
decree,  which  was  supposed  to  fix  the  extent  and 
conditions  of  such  salvation. 

(1)  Calvin's  definition. — Reprobation  was,  for 
Calvin,  involved  in  election,  and  Divine  fore- 
knowledge and  foreordination  were  taken  to  be 
identical.  Calvin's  mode  of  defining  predestination 
was  as  the  eternal  decree  of  God,  by  which  He  has 
decided  with  Himself  what  is  to  become  of  each  and 
every  individual.  For  all,  he  maintains,  are  not 
created  in  like  condition;  but  eternal  life  is  fore- 
ordained for  some,  eternal  condemnation  for  others. 
Calvin  confesses  that  this  is  a  "horrible  decree," 
and  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  competent  theologians 
in  our  time  denying  such  a  form  of  predestinarianism 
any  place  in  the  teachings  of  St.  Paul,  who  never 
speaks  of  reprobation. 

(2)  Theology  advanced  by  Calvin. — It  is  generally 
overlooked,  however,  that  the  theological  advance 
registered  by  Calvin  is  to  be  seen  by  study  of  the 
views  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  on  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, not  by  viewing  Calvinism  in  our  post-Refor- 
mation lights.  It  was  love — "the  fatherly  love  of 
God,"  as  he  terms  it — the  efficiency  of  saving  love — 
which  Calvin  insisted  upon,  above  all,  in  his  teach- 
ing about  God.  But  Calvin  also  heightened  men's 
ideas  as  to  the  certitude  of  personal  salvation.  It 
is  but  fair  to  Calvin  to  remember — for  superficial 
acquaintance  with  his  teachings  is  far  from  rare — 
that  he,  in  the  strongest  manner,  maintained  Divine 
sovereignty  to  be  that  of  Divine  wisdom,  righteous- 
ness, and  love,  and  expressly  rejected  the  notion  of 
absolute  power  as,  in  this  connection,  a  heathenish 
idea.  The  Calvinistic  doctrine  was  not  absolute, 
but  mediated  in  Christ,  and  conditioned  upon 
faith. 

Luther  and  the  Lutheran  church  at  first  shared 

the  doctrine  of  predestination  and  election,  Luther 

in   his   treatment   of   free   will  repro- 

8.  Predesti-  ducing  the  Augustinian  form  of  the 
nation  in  doctrine  in  a  strict  manner.  The 
Lutheran-  predestination  of  Luther  and  Melanch- 
ism  thon  proceeded,  not  from  their  con- 
ception of  God,  but  rather  from  the 

doctrine  of  sin  and  grace.  Melanchthon  was  less 
disposed  than  Luther  to  press  the  doctrine  of  ab- 
solute predestination,  and,  in  his  "synergistic" 
tendencies,  laid  increasing  stress  on  human  free- 
dom, until  he  at  length  rejected  the  doctrine  of 
absolute  predestination.  He  was  blamed  by  strict 
Lutheranism  for  yielding  too  much  to  Pelagianism. 
But  the  Lutheran  "Formula  of  Concord,"  prepared 
in  1577,  was  not  a  very  logical  and  consistent  pre- 
sentation of  the  case,  for,  opposed  at  points  to 
Augustinianism,  it  fell  back,  in  the  end,  on  election 
in  the  Augustinian  spirit.  Or,  to  put  the  matter 
in  another  form,  the  "Formula  of  Concord"  may  be 
said  to  have  held  with  Augustinianism,  but  to  have 


differed  by  maintaining  a  universal  call  along  with 
a  particular  election,  and  it  rejected  the  decree  of 
reprobation.  Later  Lutheranism  adopted  a  moder- 
ate form  of  the  doctrine,  wherein  predestination 
was  often  identified  with  prescience.  But  Luther- 
anism ought  not,  in  strictness,  to  be  identified,  as  is 
sometimes  done,  with  the  Arminian  theory.  The 
Lutheran  doctrine  of  predestination  was  ^  further 
developed  by  Schleiermacher,  who  emphasized  the 
efficiency  of  grace,  while  adopting  its  universality 
in  the  Lutheran  sense. 

Arminianism,    in    its    earliest    assertion,    main- 
tained simply  universal  grace  and  conditional  elec- 
tion.    But    in     the    five    Articles    it 

9.  The  formulated   its  opposition  to  Calvin- 
Arminian       ism,     although     Arminius     does     not 
View  appear  to  have  been  more  than  moder- 
ately Calvinistic,  as  we  would  account 

it.  Arminius  gave  grace  supreme  place,  and  made 
it,  when  welcome,  pass  into  saving  grace.  He 
made  election  depend  on  faith,  which  latter  is  the 
condition  of  rmiversal  grace.  Arminianism  rejects 
the  so-called  common  grace  of  the  predestination 
theory,  and  its  effectual  grace  for  the  elect,  for,  in 
the  Arminian  view,  saving  grace  can  in  no  case  be 
missed  save  by  resistance  or  neglect.  Arminianism 
holds  the  awakened  human  will  to  cooperate  with 
Divine  grace,  in  such  wise  that  it  rests  with  the 
human  will  whether  the  Divine  grace  is  really  ac- 
cepted or  rejected.  It  is  the  claim  of  Arminianism 
to  do  more  justice  than  Calvinism  to  faith  and 
repentance,  as  conditions  of  personal  salvation,  and 
precedent  thereto.  The  Arminian  standpoint  ad- 
mits the  foreknowledge  of  God,  but  denies  fore- 
ordination, though  it  must  seem  difficult  to  reduce 
the  foreknowledge  of  God  to  such  a  bare  knowledge 
of  the  future.  But  it  is,  of  course,  freely  to  be 
granted  that  foreknowledge  in  God,  simply  as  knowl- 
edge, does  not  carry  any  causal  energy  or  efficiency 
with  it.  But  it  may  stiU  be  doubted  whether  the 
prescience  of  God  can  be  nothing  more  fruitful  and 
creative  than  such  a  position  implies,  and  whether 
its  relation  to  predestination  may  not  be  a  more 
necessary  one.  The  theory  seems  to  fail  of  giving 
satisfactory  account  of  the  Divine  activity  in  its 
relation  to  human  activity,  in  the  sphere  of  grace. 
The  shortcoming  of  Arminianism  lies  in  its  failing 
also  to  do  justice  to  the  spirit  of  Scripture  with  its 
emphatic  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of  God  as  the 
one  absolute  wiU,  which,  in  its  expression,  is  the 
sole  originative  power  of  the  universe.  See  also 
Providence. 

Wesleyanism,  or  Methodist  Arminianism,  main- 
tains, like  Calvinism,  the  will  of  God  to  be  supreme. 
But  it  distinguishes  between  the  desires 

10.  Wesley-  and  the  determinations  of  God.  It 
anism  on  takes  Divine  foreknowledge  to  pre- 
Predes-  cede  the  Divine  volitions.  It  makes 
tination  God's    prescience    purely    intuitional, 

and  regards  that  which  He  knows  as 
nowise  necessitated  by  such  knowledge,  a  concep- 
tion of  God  which  differentiates  the  Wesleyan  type 
of  thought  from  Calvinism.  God  is  held  to  have 
left  events  in  the  moral  sphere  contingent,  in  an 
important  sense,  upon  the  human  will.  Hence 
human  probation  is  based  upon  this  position,  as  to 
man's  free  choice.  Influence  of  God  upon  man's 
will  is  postulated,  for  its  right  guidance  and  direc- 
tion, but  not  in  any  coercive  sense,  as  Augustin- 
ianism seems  to  Wesleyanism  to  imply.  Thus  it  is 
hoped  to  preserve  just  balance,  and  maintain  proper 
responsibility,  between  the  Divine  and  the  human 
factors  in  this  spiritual  cooperation. 

When  we  come  to  the  present  needs  and  values  of 
the  predestination  doctrine,  we  have  to  remark  the 
primal  need  of  a  thoroughly  ethicized  conception 
of  God.      The  past  few  decades  have  witnessed 


2437 


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Predestination 
Presbyter 


a  lessened  interest  in  this  doctrine,  largely  because 
of   the   increasingly  ethical  conceptions  of   Deity. 

That  is  to  say,  the  doctrine  of  the 
11.  Present  sovereignty  of  God's  will  has  ceased  to 
Needs  and  be  taken,  as  often  in  the  older  pres- 
Values  entations,    as    mere   almightiness,    or 

of  the  arbitrary  and  resistless  will.     Calvin 

Doctrine        expressly    taught    that    no    cause    or 

ground  but  God's  unconditioned  will 
was  to  be  sought;  but  he  feebly  tried  to  save 
Divine  will  from  sheer  omnipotence  by  saying  that 
God  is  law  to  Himself;  and  the  notion  of  sov- 
ereignty continued  to  be  presented  in  ways  quite 
absolute  and  irresponsible.  But  God  we  now  re- 
gard as  the  absolute  and  eternal  reason,  no  less 
than  the  supreme  will,  and  as  both  of  these  in 
the  one  indivisible  and  absolute  personality.  We 
have  passed  from  an  abstract  predestinationism 
to  maintain  God  in  living  and  ethical  relations 
to  the  world  and  to  man.  Such  an  ethical  sov- 
ereignty we  hold  to  be  necessary,  over  against 
that  lax  humanitarian  spirit,  which,  in  its  recoil 
from  the  older  Calvinism,  invests  the  Deity  with 
no  greater  powers  of  moral  determination  than 
may  be  imphed  in  His  love,  when  viewed  as  a 
mere  golden  haze  of   good   will.    See  Election; 

FOBEORDINATION. 

Literature. — The  relative  works  of  Augustine, 
Aquinas,  Zwingli,  Calvin,  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Ar- 
minius,  Wesley,  Rothe.  Dorncr,  Luthardt;  W.  Cun- 
ningham, TlLe  Reformers,  and  the  Theology  of  the  Refor- 
mation, 1862;  James  Orr,  art.  "Calvinism,"  in  Hastings, 
Enc  of  Religion  and  Ethics;  and  the  various  Histories 
of  Christian  Doctrine. 

James  Lindsay 

PREEMINENCE,  pre-em'i-nens :  Superiority, 
esp .  in  noble  or  excellent  qualities .  The  word  stands 
for:  (1)  iril^,  mothar,  "what  is  over  and  above," 
"excellence";  "Man  hath  no  preeminence  above 
the  beasts"  (Eccl  3  19);  (2)  -n-puiTeia,  proieuo, 
"tobefirst";  "That  in  all  things  he  [  =  Christ]  might 
have  the  preeminence"  (Col  1  18);  (.3)  A  4>i\oirpu- 
TcvwD,  ho  philoproteiidn,  is  tr''  "who  loveth  to  have 
the  preeminence,"  lit.  "who  loveth  to  be  first"  (of 
Diotrephes,  3  Jn  ver  9). 


PREFER,  pr5 

general  meaning 
Ps  137  6,  it  does 
agree;  in  Est  2 
has  "preferred"; 
its  place;  in  .In 
for  "preferred"; 
entirely;  in  Rom 


■fur':  Does  not  always  have  the 
"to  choose  before  another."  In 
have  this  sense  and  the  two  VSS 
J,  RV  has  "removed"  where  AV 
in  Dnl  6  3,  "distinguished"  takes 
1  1.5.30,  "become"  is  substituted 
in  ver  27,  "preferred"  drops  out 
12  10,  the  VSS  agree. 


PREPARATION,  prep-a-ra'shun :  The  concord- 
ances indicate  that  the  word  "preparation"  oc- 
curs only  twice  in  the  OT,  once  in  1  Ch  22  5, 
where  it  is  used  in  the  ordinary  sense  "to  make 
preparation,"  and  once  in  Nah  2  3,  "in  the  day 
of  his  preparation,"  both  of  them  translating  the 
same  Heb  root  and  requiring  no  special  elucida- 
tion. In  Eph  6  15  the  apostle  speaks  of  the 
equipment  of  the  Christian  as  including  the  "feet 
shod  with  the  preparation  of  the  gospel  of  peace," 
which  means,  according  to  Thayer,  "with  the 
promptitude  and  alacrity  which  the  gospel  pro- 
duces." 

The  word  occurs  with  technical  significanoe  ("the 
Preparation")  in  the  gospel  narratives  of  the  cruci- 
fixion, translating  the  Gr  TrapaaKevri,  pamskeuS  (Mt 
27  62;  Mk  15  42;  Lk  23  54;  .In  19  14.31.42). 
It  is  used  as  a  technical  term  indicating  the  day  of 
the  preparation  for  the  Sabbath,  that  is,  the  evening 
of  Friday.  This  is  its  use  in  Jos,  Ant,  XVI,  vi,  2, 
and  presumably  in  the  Synoptics.  Later  its  use 
seems  to  have  been  extended  to  denote  regularly 


the  6th  day  (Friday)  of  each  week.  So  in  Did.,  viii 
and  the  Martyrdom  of  Polycarp,  vii. 

The  addition  of  the  phrase  rod  7ra<rxa,  lou  pdscha, 
"of  the  passover,"  in  Jn  19  14,  and  of  the  phrase 
"for  the  day  of  that  sabbath  was  a  high  day,"  in 
19  31,  seems  to  indicate  that  the  author  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel  regarded  the  Passover  as  occurring 
on  the  Sabbath  in  the  year  of  the  crucifixion.  This 
is  clearly  the  natural  interpretation  of  the  words  of 
John's  Gospel,  and  if  it  were  not  for  the  seeming 
contradiction  to  the  narrative  of  the  Synoptics  it 
is  very  doubtful  whether  any  other  interpretation 
would  ever  have  been  put  upon  them.  This  ques- 
tion is  discussed  in  the  articles  on  the  date  of  the 
crucifi.xion  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  it  will  be 
necessary  only  to  allude  to  it  here. 

It  is  possible  that  the  phrase  the  ' '  Preparation  of  the 
passover"  in  Jn  19  14  may  mean  it  was  the  preparation 
day  (Friday)  of  the  Passover  week  (see  Andrews,  Life 
of  Our  Lord,  451  ff ;  and  most  recently  Zahn,  Das  Evange- 
Hum  des  Johannes,  1908,  637  11).  This  method  of  har- 
monizing seems  to  the  present  writer  to  be  forced,  and 
it  therefore  seems  wiser  to  give  to  the  words  of  Jn  19  14 
their  natural  interpretation,  and  to  maintain  that, 
according  to  the  author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  the  Pass- 
over had  not  been  celebrated  at  the  time  of  the  cruci- 
fixion. There  seems  to  bo  reason  to  believe  that  the 
ordinary  view  that  the  Lord's  Supper  was  instituted  in 
connection  with  the  Passover,  based  upon  the  narrative 
in  Mark  (14  12  ff) ,  does  not  have  the  unanimous  support 
of  the  Synoptic  Gospels. 

Literature. — In  addition  to  references  in  the  body 
of  the  article,  the  comms.,  esp.  Plummer,  Cambridge 
Bible,  "St.  John,"  Appendix  A;  Allen,  ICC,  "St.  Mat- 
thew," 270-74;  Godct.  Comm.  on  the  NT;  Gospel  of 
St.  John,  ET,  New  York,  1886,  II,  378,  379;  and  the 
significant  articles  on  the  interpretation  of  Lk  22  15.16 
by  Burkitt  and  Brooke,  Journal  of  Theological  Studies, 
IX,  569  S,  and  by  Box,  ib,  X.  106. 

Walter  R.  Betteridgb 

PRESBYTER,    prez'bi-ter,    pres'bi-ter    (irpeo-- 

PvTtpos,  presbuteros),  PRESBYTERY,  prez'bi-ter-i, 

pres'bi-ter-i    (irpeo-puT^piov,   presbuleri- 

1.  Words  ore):  This  latter  word  occurs  in  the 
Used  in  NT  once  (1  Tim  4  14),  so  rendered  in 
the  NT          both  AV  and  RV.     But  the  original  Gr 

occurs  also  in  Lk  22  66,  in  RV  tr"^ 
"the  assembly  of  the  elders,"  in  AV  simply  "the 
elders";  and  in  Acts  22  5^  tr^  in  EV  "the  estate  of 
the  elders";  in  both  of  which  occurrences  the  word 
might  more  accurately  be  tr''  "the  presbytery,"  just 
as  it  is  in  1  Tim  4  14.  Besides  these  three  occur- 
rences of  the  neuter  sing,  preshuterion,  the  masc.  pi. 
presbuteroi,  always  tr''  "elders,"  is  often  used  to 
indicate  the  same  organization  or  court  as  the 
former,  being  applied  earlier  in  NT  history  to  the 
Jewish  Sanhedrin  (Mt  27  1;  28  12;  Lk  9  22;  Acts 
4  5.8),  and  later  in  the  development  of  the  church 
to  its  governing  body,  either  in  general  (Acts  15 
2.4.6.22  f),  or  locally  (Acts  14  23;  16  4;  20  17; 
1  Tim  5  17;  Tit  1  5,  etc).  It  is  sometimes  used 
of  the  body,  or  succession,  of  religious  teachers  and 
leaders  of  the  nation's  past  (Mt  15  2;  He  11  2). 
The  word  "presbyter"  has  been  contracted  by  later 
ecclesiastical  usage  into  the  title  "priest,"  although 
in  the  NT  they  are  by  no  means  identical,  but  on  the 
contrary  are  often  explicitly  distinguished  (Mk  14 
43;  Acts  23  14). 

The  local  synagogue  of  the  Jewish  church  was 
under  the  care  and  control  of  a  body  of  representa- 
tive men  called  "the  elders"  (Lk  7  3). 

2.  Based  Naturally  the  Christian  church,  be- 
on  Syna-  ginning  at  Jerus  and  formed  on  the 
gogue  Plan    lines  of  the  synagogue,  took  over  the 

eldership  into  its  own  organization 
(Acts  11  30;  16  2;  1  Pet  5  1,  etc);  so  also  in 
all  the  cities  in  which  the  missionary  activities  of 
the  apostles  made  church  organization  necessary, 
the  local  synagogues  readily  suggested  and  supplied 
a  feasible  plan  for  such  organization  (Acts  14  23; 
Tit  1  5).  The  mother-church  at  Jerus,  formed 
after  the  pattern  of  the  synagogue,  might  well  have 


Presence 
Priest 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2438 


offered  to  the  churches  formed  elsewhere  under 
apostolic  preaching  the  only  conceivable  plan. 
We  do  not  know  from  the  NT  passages  how  these 
elders  were  selected;  we  must  infer  that  they  were 
elected  by  the  membership  of  the  churches,  as  under 
the  synagogue  plan;  they  were  then  installed  into 
their  office  by  apostles  (Acts  14  23),  or  by  apostolic 
helpers  (Tit  1  5),  or  by  "the  presbytery"  (1  Tim 
4  14),  or  by  both  together  (2  Tim  16;  cf  1  Tim 
4  14).  So  early  as  the  Pauline  letters  the  office  of 
presbyter  seems  already  to  have  borne  the  dis- 
tinction of  two  functions:  teaching  and  ruling 
(1  Tim  6  17;  cf  Acts  20  17.28;  1  Thess  5  12. 
13;   1  Pet  5  2). 

In  the  NT  history  and  epp.  it  does  not  appear 

that  the  various  churches  of  a  district  were  already 

organized  into  an  ecclesiastical  body 

3.  Principle  known   as   "the   presbytery,"   having 
Found  in       some  basis  of  representation  from  the 
the  NT  constituent    churches.     But    the    ab- 
sence of  such  mention  is  far  from  being 

final  proof  that  such  district  organizations  did  not 
exist;  little  dependence  can  be  placed  on  mere  nega- 
tive arguments.  Moreover,  the  council  of  apostles 
and  elders  in  Jerus,  to  which  Paul  and  Barnabas 
appealed  (Acts  15),  is  positive  evidence  of  the 
principle  of  representation  and  central  authority. 
The  various  district  organizations  would  quickly 
follow  as  administrative  and  judicial  needs  de- 
manded; such  development  came  early  in  the 
growth  of  the  church,  so  early  that  it  is  unmis- 
takably present  in  the  post-apostolic  age. 

In  Rev  the  24  elders  occupy  a  conspicuous  place 
in  the  ideal  church  (Rev  4  4.10;  5  6,  etc),  sitting 
for  those  they  represent,  as  an  exalted  presbytery, 
close  to  the  throne  of  the  Eternal  One.  "The  four 
and  twenty  elders  occupying  thrones  (not  seats) 
around  the  throne  are  to  be  regarded  as  representa- 
tives of  the  glorified  church ;  and  the  number,  twice 
twelve,  seems  to  be  obtained  by  combining  the 
number  of  the  patriarchs  of  the  OT  with  that  of  the 
apostles  of  the  NT"  (Milligan  on  Rev  4  4  in 
Expositor's  Bible). 

Presbytery  is  the  court,  or  representative  body,  in  the 

Presbyterian  Church  next  above  the  Session  of  the  local 

church.     The  Session  is  composed  of  the 

4.  In  the  ruling  elders,  elected  by  the  membership 
Prp«;hvtp         ^^  ^  particular  church,  with  the  minister 

•  /-.i.  u  "'^  moderator  or  presiding  officer.  The 
nan  Cnurcn  Presbytery  is  composed  of  all  the  ordained 
ministers,  or  teaching  elders,  and  one 
ruling  elder  from  the  Session  of  each  church  in  a  given 
district  or  community.  To  it  now,  as  in  NT  times 
(1  Tim  4  14),  is  committed  the  power  of  ordination; 
as  also  of  installation  and  removal  of  ministers.  It  has 
supervision  of  the  affairs  which  are  general  to  the  churches 
in  its  jurisdiction,  and  the  power  of  review  in  all  matters 
concerning  the  local  churches  (see  Form  of  Gov.,  Presb. 
Church  in  U.S.A.,  ch  x).  The  Presbytery  elects  the 
representatives  composing  the  General  Assembly,  which 
is  the  highest  court  of  the  Presbyterian  Chiirch. 

In  ecclesiastical  architecture  the  presbytery  is  that 
part  of  the  church  structure  which  is  set  apart  for  the 
c  T  A  t,-  clergy,  usually  the  space  between  altar 
0.  In  ArctU-  and  apse;  sometimes  used  of  the  whole 
tecture  choir   space,  but    ordinarily  the  word   is 

more  restricted  in  its  meaning.    See  fur- 
ther, Bishop;  Church;  Elder;  Government. 

Edward  Mack 
PRESENCE,  prez'ens:  In  the  OT  nearly  always 
the  rendition  of  CJE ,  pamm,  "face"  (Gen  3  8;  Ex 
33  14  f;  Ps  96  2:  Isa  63  9,  etc);  occasionally  of 
]->,?,  'ayin,  "eye''  (Gen  23  11;  Dt  25  9;  Jer  28 
1.11,  etc);  and  in  1  K  8  22;  Prov  14  7,  "the  pres- 
ence of"  represents  the  prep.  "133  ,  neghedh,  "before"; 
cf  also  Aram.  DnjJ  ,  kodham,  in  Dnl  2  27  AV  (RV 
"before").  In  Gr,  "presence"  has  an  exact  equiva- 
lent in  Trapovcrla,  parousla,  but  this  word  is  ren- 
dered "presence"  only  in  2  Cor  10  10;  Phil  2  12; 
RV  Phil  1  26  (AV  "coming").  Elsewhere  pa- 
rousia  is  rendered  "coming,"  but  always  with 
"presence"  in  the  m.     Otherwise  in  the  NT  "pres- 


ence" represents  no  particular  word  but  is  intro- 
duced where  it  seems  to  suit  the  context  (cf  e.g. 
Acts  3  13  AV  and  3  19).     See  Parousia. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
PRESENT,  prez'ent.     See  Gift. 

PRESENTLY,  prez'ent-h:  The  strict  meaning  ia 
of  course  "at  the  present  moment,"  "instantly," 
and  the  modern  force  "after  a  short  interval"  is  due 
simply  to  the  procrastinating  habits  of  mankind; 
hence  RV  modifications  of  the  AV  use  of  the  word 
into  "immediately"  (Mt  21  19),  "even  now"  (Mt  26 
53),  and  "forthwith"  (Phil  2  23).  In  Prov  12  16, 
the  uncertainty  of  the  meaning  (m  "openly,"  Heb 
"in  the  day")  has  led  to  the  retention  of  the  AV 
word. 

PRESIDENT,  prez'i-dent  (^"10,  ^arakh):  Used 
only  in  Dnl  6  2-7.  Probably  a  Pers  derivative 
from  sar,  "head,"  and  the  Aram,  equivalent  for 
Heb  shoter.  The  meaning  is  self-evident  and  refers 
to  the  appointment  of  Daniel  by  Darius  to  be  one 
of  the  three  princes  who  had  rule  over  the  satraps 
of  the  empire. 

PRESS,  pres:  As  a  vb.  is  used  in  RV  as  a  tr  of 
no  less  than  13  Gr  and  Heb  words  (rather  more  in 
AV).  All  the  RV  uses  are  modern.  In  AV  may 
be  noted  Wisd  17  11,  "pressed  with  conscience" 
(RV  "pressed  hard  by");  2  Mace  14  9,  "pressed 
on  every  side"  (RV  "surrounded  by  foes");  Acts 
18  5,  "pressed  in  the  spirit"  (RV  "constrained  by"). 
As  a  noun,  AV  uses  "press"  in  Mk  2  4  for  Sx^os, 
ochlos,  "crowd"  (so  RV).  For  wine  press  see  Vine; 
Wine. 

PRESSFAT,  pres'fat  (Hag  2  16  AV,  ERV  "wine- 
fat,"  ARV  "winevat").     See  Wine. 

PRESUME,  prS-zum',  PRESUMPTUOUS,  prS- 
zump'ta-us,  PRESUMPTUOUSLY,  prg-zump'ta- 
us-li:  "To  presume"  ("to  take  or  go  beforehand") 
is  to  speak  or  act  without  warrant  or  proudly.  In 
the  OT  the  words  are  for  the  most  part  the  tr  of 
n^T,  zHdh,  and  T^t,  zldh,  "to  boil  up"  (as  water), 
and  derivatives;  hence  to  act  proudly,  to  speak 
unauthorizedly,  etc  (Dt  18  20.22,  of  the  prophet; 
Ex  21  14;  Dt  1  43;  17  12.13;  Ps  19  13,  "pre- 
sumptuous sins"  [zedh,  "proud"];  cf  Ps  86  14; 
119  21,  etc;  Prov  21  24,  etc).  Other  words  are 
male',  "to  fiU,"  "to  be  full"  (Est  7  5,  "presume"); 
'aphal,  "to  lift  oneself  up"  (Nu  14  44);  h'yadh 
ramah,  "with  a  high  hand"  (Nu  15  30,  RV  "with 
a  high  hand");  in  2  Pet  2  10  iolmetes,  "bold  " 
"daring,"  is  tr"*  "presumptuous,"  RV  "daring  ; 
in  2  Mace  3  24;  5  15  we  have  katatolmdo;  ihrasus, 
is  rendered  "presumption"  in  2  Maco  5  18,  RV 
"daring  deed."  W.  L.  Walker 

PREVENT,  pre-vent'  (CIJ?  ,  kodham;  •n-po<t>eavw, 
prophlhdno,  ^ikva,,  phthdno):  "Prevent"  occurs  in 
AV  in  the  hteral  but  obsolete  sense  of  "to  come  or 
go  before,"  "to  anticipate,"  not  in  the  sense  of  "to 
hinder."  It  is  the  tr  of  kodham,  "to  be  sharp,"  "to 
be  in  front,"  "to  be  beforehand"  (2  S  22  6,19, 
RV  "came upon";  Job  3  12,  RV  "receive";  30  27, 
"are  come  upon" ;  41  11,  "firstgiven";  Ps  18  5.18, 
"came  upon";  21  3,  ARV  "meetest";  59  10,  ARV 
"meet";  79  8,  ARV  "meet";  88  13,  "come  before"; 
119  147.148,  ARV  "anticipated";  Isa  21  14,  "did 
meet";  Am  9  10,  ARV  "meet").  In  the  NT 
prophlhano,  with  same  meaning,  is  tr"*  "prevent" 
(Mt  17  25,  "Jesus  prevented  him,"  RV  "spake 
first  to  him");  phthano  (1  Thess  4  15,  "shall  not 
prevent,"  RV  "shall  in  no  wise  precede").  "Pre- 
vent" in  the  above  sense  occurs  in  Wisd  6  13,  RV 


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Presence 
Priest 


"forestalleth"  {phthano);   16  28,  "we  must  prevent 
the  sun  to  give  thee  thanks,"  RV  "rise  before." 

W.  L.  Walker 

PREY,  pra  (T3 ,  haz,  Onu ,  tereph,  bblB ,  shalal) : 
"Prey"  is  frequent  in  the  OT,  chiefly  as  the  tr  of 
baz,  "spoil,"  "plunder"  (Nu  14  3.31;  Dt  1  39; 
Isa  10  6,  etc);  of  tereph,  "prey  of  wild  beasts," 
"torn  thing"  (Gen"  49  9;  Nu  23  24;  Job  4  11, 
etc);  of  malko'h,  "a  taking"  (Nu  31  11,  etc;  Isa 
49  24.25);  of  shalal,  "spoil"  or  "booty"  (Jgs  5  30 
his;  8  24.25;  Isa  10  2,  etc).  Maher-shalal-hash- 
baz  (RVm  "The  spoil  speedeth,  the  prey  hasteth") 
was  the  symbolical  name  given  to  a  son  of  Isaiah 
(Isa  8  1.3).  "Prey"  does  not  occur  in  the  NT, 
but  is  found  in  the  Apoc:  1  Esd  8  77,  "for  our 
sins  ....  were  given  up  ...  .  for  a  prey" 
(pronomt);  Jth  9  4;  16  5;  1  Mace  7  47;  Ecclus 
27  10  {Ihtra);    Jth  5  24  (kaldhroma). 

In  RV  shalal  is  generally  tr""  "spoil"  (Jgs  5  30: 
8  24.25;    Isa  10  2,  etc),  while,  conversely,  "prey 
(noun    and    vb.)    is    occasionally    substituted    for 
"spoil,"    "booty"    (Nu  31  32,    etc).     See   Booty; 
Spoil.  W.  L.  Walker 

PRICE,  pris:  Represents  various  words  in  the 
OT;  Ti/iiJ,  limt,  is  the  usual  Gr  word  for  "price"  in 
the  NT.  "Of  great  price"  is  TroXirifios,  polutimos, 
in  Mt  13  46,  and  TroXuTeXiys,  polutelts,  in  1  Pet  3 
4.  The  vb.  occurs  in  Zee  11  13  AV  and  ERV  as 
"prised."  The  spelling  "prized"  in  ARV  and  some 
edd  of  AV  is  due  to  a  confusion  with  "prize."  For 
"price  of  a  dog"  (Dt  23  18  AV)  see  Dog. 

PRICK,  prik:  As  a  noun  (  =  any  slender  pointed 
thing,  a  thorn,  a  sting)  it  translates  two  words: 
(1)  TJlC  ,  sekh,  a  "thorn"  or  "prickle."  Only  in  Nu 
33  55,  "those  that  ye  let  remain  of  them  be  as 
pricks  in  your  eyes,"  i.e.  "shall  be  a  source  of  painful 
trouble  to  you."  (2)  K^prpov,  keniron,  "an  iron  goad" 
for  urging  on  oxen  and  other  beasts  of  burden:  "It 
is  hard  for  thee  to  kick  against  the  pricks"  (AV  of 
Acts  9  5,  where  RV  omits  the  whole  phrase,  follow- 
ing the  best  MSS,  including  S  ABCE;  AV  of  Acts 
26  14, where  RV  has  "goad,"  m  "Gr  'goads'  "),i.e.  to 
offer  vain  and  perilous  resistance.  See  Goad.  As 
a  vb.  (  =  "to  pierce  with  something  sharply  pointed," 
"to  sting"),  it  occurs  once  in  its  literal  sense:  "a 
pricking  brier"  (Ezk  28  24);  and  twice  in  a  fig- 
urative sense:  "I  was  pricked  in  my  heart"  (Ps  73 
21);  "They  were  pricked  in  their  heart"  (Acts  2 
37,  Karavvaa-ui,  katanusso,  Vulg  compungo;  cf  Eng. 
word  "compunction").  D.  Miall  Edwards 

PRIEST,  prest  (iri3,  kohen,  "priest,"  "prince," 
"minister";  tepevs,  hiereiis,  i-pxitptvi,  archiereus; 
for  UpEiis  H-^vas,  hiereiis  megas,  of  He  10  21,  see 
Thayer's  Lexicon,  s.v.  Upevs) : 

I.     Natcbe  of  the  Priestly  Office 

1.  Implies  Divine  Ctioice 

2.  Implies  Representation 

3.  Implies  Offering  Sacrifice 

4.  Implies  Intercession 

II.     The  Two  Gheat  Pbiests  of  the  OT 
Melchizedek  and  Aaron 

III  Pbiestlt  Functions  and  Character 

1.  A  Strictly  Religious  Order 

2.  Priestism  Denied 

3    The  High  Priest's  Qualifications 
4.  Symbolism  of  Aaron's  Rod 

IV  Consecration  of  Aaron  and  His  Sons 

1 .  Symbolism  of  Consecration 

2.  Type  and  Archetype 
Literature 

A  priest  is  one  who  is  duly  authorized  to  minister 
in  sacred  things,  particularly  to  offer  sacrifices  at 
the  altar,  and  who  acts  as  mediator  between  men 
and  God.  In  the  NT  the  term  is  applied  to  priests 
of  the  Gentiles  (Acts  14  13),  to  those  of  the  Jews 
(Mt  8  4),  to  Christ  (He  5  5.6),  and  to  Christians 


(1  Pet  2  9;  Rev  1  6).  The  office  of  priest  in 
Israel  was  of  supreme  importance  and  of  high  rank. 
The  high  jjriest  stood  next  the  monarch  in  influence 
and  dignity.  Aaron,  the  head  of  the  priestly  order, 
was  closely  associated  with  the  great  lawgiver, 
Moses,  and  shared  with  him  in  the  government  and 
guidance  of  the  nation.  It  was  in  virtue  of  the 
priestly  functions  that  the  chosen  people  were 
brought  into  near  relations  with  God  and  kejit 
therein.  Through  the  ministrations  of  the  priest- 
hood the  people  of  Israel  were  instructed  in  the  doc- 
trine of  sin  and  its  expiation,  in  forgiveness  and  wor- 
ship. In  short,  the  priest  was  the  indispensable 
source  of  religious  knowledge  for  the  people,  and 
the  channel  through  which  spiritual  life  was  com- 
municated. 

/.  Nature  of  the  Priestly  Office. — The  Scriptures 

furnish  information  touching  this  point.     To  them 

we  at  once  turn.     Priesthood  implies 

1.  Implies  choice.  Not  only  was  the  office  of 
Divine  Divine  institution,  but  the  priest  him- 
Choice  self  was  Divinely  appointed  thereto. 

"For  every  high  priest,  being  taken 
from  among  men,  is  appointed  for  men  in  things 

pertaining  to  God And  no  man  taketh  the 

honor  unto  himself,  but  when  he  is  called  of  God, 
even  as  was  Aaron"  (He  5  1.4).  The  priest  was 
not  elected  by  the  people,  much  less  was  he  self- 
appointed.  Divine  selection  severed  him  from  those 
for  whom  he  was  to  act.  Even  our  Great  High 
Priest,  Jesus  Christ,  came  not  into  the  world  unsent. 
He  received  His  commission  and  His  authority  from 
the  fountain  of  all  sovereignty.  At  the  opening  of 
His  earthly  ministry  He  said,  "He  anointed  me. 
....  He  hath  sent  me"  (Lk  4  18).  He  came 
bearing  heavenly  credentials. 

It  implies  the  principle  of  representation.     The 
institution  of  the  office  was  God's  gracious  pro- 
vision for  a  people  at  a  distance  from 

2.  Implies  Him,  who  needed  one  to  appear  in  the 
Repre-  Divine  presence  in  their  behalf.  The 
sentation       high  priest  was  to  act  for  men  in  things 

pertaining  to  God,  "to  make  propitia- 
tion for  the  sins  of  the  people"  (He  2  17).  He  was 
the  mediator  who  ministered  for  the  guilty.  "The 
high  priest  represented  the  whole  people.  All 
Israelites  were  reckoned  as  being  in  him.  The  pre- 
rogative held  by  him  belonged  to  the  whole  of  them 
(Ex  19  6),  but  on  this  account  it  was  transferred 
to  him  because  it  was  impossible  that  all  Israelites 
should  keep  themselves  holy  as  became  the  priests 
of  Jeh"  (Vitringa).  That  the  high  priest  did  rep- 
resent the  whole  congregation  appears,  first,  from 
his  bearing  the  tribal  names  on  his  shoulders  in  the 
onyx  stones,  and,  second,  in  the  tribal  names  en- 
graved in  the  twelve  gems  of  the  breastplate.  The 
Divine  explanation  of  this  double  representation  of 
Israel  in  the  dress  of  the  high  priest  is,  he  "shall  bear 
their  names  before  Jeh  upon  his  two  shoulders 
for  a  memorial"  (Ex  28  12.19).  Moreover,  his  com- 
mitting heinous  sin  involved  the  people  in  his  guilt: 
"If  the  anointed  priest  shall  sin  so  as  to  bring  guilt 
on  the  people"  (Lev  4  3).  The  LXX  reads,  "If 
the  anointed  priest  shall  sin  so  as  to  make  the  people 
sin."  The  anointed  priest,  of  course,  is  the  high 
priest.  When  he  sinned  the  people  sinned.  His 
official  action  was  reckoned  as  their  action.  The 
whole  nation  shared  in  the  trespass  of  their  repre- 
sentative. The  converse  appears  to  be  just  as  true. 
What  he  did  in  his  official  capacity,  as  prescribed 
by  the  Lord,  was  reckoned  as  done  by  the  whole 
congregation:  "Every high  priest  ....  is  appointed 
for  men"  (He  5  1). 

It  implies  the  ofTering  of  sacrifice.  Nothing  is 
clearer  in  Scripture  than  this  priestly  function.  It 
was  the  chief  duty  of  a  priest  to  reconcile  men  to 
God  by  making  atonement  for  their  sins;   and  this 


Priest 
Priest,  Higli 


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2440 


he  effected  by  means  of  sacrifice,   blood-shedding 

(He  5  1;   8  3).     He  would  be  no  priest  who  should 

have  nothing  to  offer.     It  was  the  high 

3.  Implies  priest  who  carried  the  blood  of  the  sin 
Offering  offering  into  the  Most  Holy  Place  and 
Sacrifice         who  sprinlded  it  seven  times  on  and 

before  the  mercy-seat,  thus  symboli- 
cally covering  the  sins  of  the  people  from  the  eyes 
of  the  Lord  who  dwelt  between  the  cherubim 
(Ps  80  1).  It  was  he  also  w^ho  marked  the  same 
blood  on  the  horns  of  the  altar  of  burnt  offering  in 
the  Court  of  the  Tabernacle,  and  on  those  of  the 
golden  altar,  that  the  red  sign  of  propitiation  might 
thus  be  lifted  up  in  the  sight  of  Jeh,  the  righteous 
Judge  and  Redeemer. 

It    implies    intercession.     In 
the  priestly  ministry  of   Aaron 

and  his  sons  this 

4.  Implies     function  is  not  so 
Intercession  expressly  set  forth 

as  are  some  of  their 

other  duties,  but  it  is  certainly 

included.     For   intercession    is 

grounded  in  atonement.     There 

can  be  no  effective  advocacy  on 

behalf  of  the  guilty  until  their 

guilt    is    righteously    expiated. 

The  sprinkling  of  the  blood  on 

the  mercy-seat  served  to  cover 

the  guilt  from  the  face  of  God, 

and  at  the  same  time  it  was 

an  appeal  to  Him  to  pardon  and 

accept  His  people.     So  we  read 

that  after  Aaron  had  sprinkled 

the  blood  he  came  forth  from 

the  sanctuary  and  blessed  Israel 

(Lev  9  22-24;   Nu  6  22-27). 
//.    The  Two  Great  Priests  of 

the  OT. — These  were  Melehize- 
dek  and  Aaron. 

Mel-  No    others    that 

chizedek        ever  bore  the  name 

and  Aaron     or  discharged  the 
office    rank  with 

these,  save,  of  course,  the  Lord 

Je.sus  Christ,  of  whom  they  were 

distinguished    types.       Of    the 

two,  IM  e  1  c  h  i  z  e  d  e  k  was  the 

greater.     There  are  two  reasons 

why  they  are  to  be  considered  chiefs:  first,  because 

they  are  first  in  their  respective  orders.  Melchize- 
dek  was  not  only  the  head   of  his  order,  but  he 

had  no  successor.  The  office  began  and  termi- 
nated with  him  (He  7  3).  The  ordinary  priests  and 
the  Levites  depended  for  their  official  existence  on 
Aaron.  Ajiart  from  him  they  would  not  be  priests. 
Second,  the  priesthood  of  Christ  was  tyjoified  by 
both.  The  office  is  summed  up  and  completed  in 
Him.  They  were  called  and  consecrated  that  they 
might  be  prophecies  of  Him  who  was  to  come  and 
in  whom  all  priesthood  and  offering  and  intercession 
would  find  its  ample  fulfilment.  In  the  Ep.  to  the 
He  the  priesthood  of  both  these  men  is  combined 
and  consummated  in  Christ.  But  let  it  be  noted 
that  while  He  is  of  the  order  of  Melchizedek  He 
exercises  the  office  after  the  pattern  of  Aaron.  He 
perfects  all  that  Aaron  did  typically,  because  He 
is  the  true  and  the  real  Priest,  while  Aaron  is  but 
a  figure. 

///.  Priestly  Functions  and  Character. — These 
are  minutely  prescribed  in  the  Law.  In  the  insti- 
tution of  the  office  the  Lord's  words  to 
1.  A  Strictly  Moses  were,  "Take  thou  unto  thee 
Religious  Aaron  thy  brother,  and  his  sons  with 
Order  him,  from  among  the  children  of  Israel, 

that  he  may  minister  unto  me  in  the 
priest's  oflRce"    (Ex  28  1  AV).     Their  duties  were 


strictly  religious.  They  had  no  political  power  con- 
ferred upon  them.  Their  services,  their  dependent 
position,  and  the  way  in  which  they  were  sustained, 
i.e.  by  the  free  gifts  of  the  people,  precluded  them 
from  exercising  any  undue  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
the  nation.  It  is  true  that  in  process  of  time  the 
high  office  degenerated,  and  became  a  thing  of 
barter  and  sale  in  the  hands  of  unscrupulous  and 
corrupt  men,  but  as  originally  appointed  the  priest- 
hood in  Israel  was  not  a  caste,  nor  a  hierarchy, 
nor  a  political  factor,  but  a  Divinely  appointed 
medium  of  communication  between  God  and  the 
people. 

The  Heb  priests  in  no  wise  interfered  with  the 
conscience  of  men.     The  Heb  worshipper  of  his  own 


Dress  of  Egyptian  Priests. 

free  will  laid  his  hand  on  the  head   of   his   sacri- 
fice,  and   confessed   his   sins    to   God  alone.     His 
conscience   was    quite    free    and    un- 

2.  Priestism  trammeled. 

Denied  There    were    certain    duties    which 

were  pecuhar  to  the  high  priest.     He 

alone  could  wear  the  "garments  for  glory  and  for 

beauty."     To  him  alone  it  pertained  to  enter  the 

Most  Holy  Place  and  to  sprinkle  the 

3.  The  blood  of  the  sin  offering  on  the  mercy- 
High  seat.  To  him  alone  it  pertained  to 
Priest's  represent  the  congregation  before  the 
Qualifi-  Lord  as  mediator,  and  to  receive  the 
cations  Divine  communications.      He  was  to 

be  ceremonially  pure  and  holy.  He 
must  be  physically  perfect.  Any  defect  or  de- 
formity disqualified  a  member  of  the  priestly  family 
from  performing  the  duties  of  the  office  (Lev  21  17- 
21).  The  Law  spoke  with  the  utmost  precision 
as  to  the  domestic  relations  of  the  high  priest. 
He  could  marry  neither  a  widow,  nor  a  divorced 
woman,  nor  one  polluted,  nor  a  harlot;  only  a 
virgin  of  his  own  people,  a  Hebrew  of  pure  ex- 
traction, could  become  his  wife  (Lev  21  14.15). 
Nor  was  he  to  come  in  contact  wdth  death.  He 
must  not  rend  his  clothes,  nor  defile  himself,  even 
for  his  father  or  his  mother  (Lev  21  10.11).  His 
sons  might  defile  themselves  for  their  kin,  but  the 


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Priest 
Priest,  High 


high  priest  must  not.  For  he  was  the  representa- 
tive of  life.  Death  did  not  exist  for  him,  in  so  far 
as  he  was  a  priest.  God  is  the  Ever-Living,  the 
Life-Giving;  and  His  priest,  who  had  "the  crown 
of  the  anointing  oil  of  his  God  upon  him,"  had  to 
do  with  life  alone. 

Adolph  Saphir  believes  there  is  deep  significance 
in  the  miracle  of  Aaron's  rod  that  budded  and  bare 
almonds    (Nu  17).     It   was   a   visible 
4.  Symbol-   sign    of    the    legitimacy    of    Aaron's 
ism  of  priesthood   and  a  confirmation  of  it, 

Aaron's  Rod  and  a  symbol  of  its  vitality  and  fruit- 
fulness.  The  twelve  rods  of  the  tribes 
were  dead  sticks  of  wood,  and  remained  dead; 
Aaron's  alone  had  life  and  produced  blossoms  and 
fruit.  It  was  the  emblem  of  his  office  which  corre- 
lated itself  with  life,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with 
death. 

IV.  Consecration  of  Aaron  and  His  Sons  {Ex 
29;  Lev  8). — The  process  of  the  consecration  is 
minutely  described  and  is  worthy  of  a  more  de- 
tailed and  careful  study  than  can  here  be  given  it. 
Only  the  more  prominent  features  are  noticed. 

(1)  Both  the  high  priest  and  his  sons  were  to- 
gether washed  with  water  (E.x  29  4).  But  when 
this  was  done,  the  high  priest  parted  company  with 
his  sons.  (2)  Next,  Aaron  was  arrayed  in  the  holy 
and  beautiful  garments,  with  the  breastplate  over 
his  heart,  and  the  holy  crown  on  his  head,  the  mitre, 
or  turban,  with  its  golden  plate  bearing  the  signifi- 
cant inscription,  "Holy  to  Jehovah."  This  was 
Aaron's  investiture  of  the  high  office.  (.3)  He  was 
then  anointed  with  the  precious  oil.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  Moses  poured  the  oil  on  his  head. 
When  he  anointed  the  tabernacle  and  its  furniture 
he  sprinkled  the  oil,  but  in  Aaron's  case  there  was 
a  profusion,  an  abundance  in  the  anointing  (Ps 
133  2).  (4)  After  the  anointing  of  the  high  priest 
the  appointed  sacrifices  were  offered  (Ex  29  10  if). 
Vp  to  this  point  in  the  ceremony  Aaron  was  the 
principal  figure,  the  sons  having  no  part  save  in  the 
bathing.  But  after  the  offerings  had  been  made  the 
sons  became  prominent  participants  in  the  cere- 
monies, sharing  equally  with  the  high  priest  therein. 
(5)  The  blood  of  the  offering  was  applied  to  the 
person  of  father  and  sons  alike  (Ex  29  20.21).  On 
the  tip  of  the  right  ear,  on  the  thumb 

1.  Symbol-  of  the  right  hand,  and  on  the  great 
ism  of  Con-  toe  of  the  right  foot  was  the  conse- 
secration       crating  blood-mark  set. 

The  significance  of  this  action  should 
not  escape  the  reader.  The  whole  person  and  career  of 
the  priest  were  thus  brought  under  power  of  the  blood. 
He  had  a  blood-stained  ear  that  he  might  hear  and  obey 
the  Divine  injunctions,  that  he  might  understand  the 
word  of  Jeh  and  interpret  it  to  the  people.  His  will  was 
brought  into  subjection  to  the  will  of  His  Lord  that  he 
might  be  a  faithful  minister  in  things  pertaining  to  God. 
He  had  a  blood-stained  hand  that  he  might  execute,  rightly 
and  efficiently,  the  services  of  the  sanctuary  and  the  duties 
of  his  great  office.  He  had  likewise  a  blood-stained  foot 
that  he  might  walk  in  the  statutes  and  commandments 
of  the  Lord  blameless,  and  tread  the  courts  of  the  Lord's 
house  as  the  obedient  servant  of  the  Most  High.  Sacri- 
ficial blood,  the  blood  of  atonement,  is  here,  as  every- 
where else,  the  foundation  for  saints  and  smners,  for 
priests  and  ministers  alike,  in  all  their  relations  with  God. 

The  priests  of  Israel  were  but  dim  shadows,  ob- 
scure sketches  and  drafts  of  the  one  Great  Priest  of 
God,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     Without 

2.  Type  and  drawing  out  at  length  the  parallelism 
Archetype     between  the  type  and  the  archetype, 

we  may  sum  up  in  a  few  brief  sentences 
the  perfection  found  in  the  priestly  character  of 
Christ:  (1)  Christ  as  Priest  is  appomted  of  God 
(He  5  5).  (2)  He  is  consecrated  with  an  oath  (He 
7  20-22).  (3)  He  is  sinless  (He  7  26).  (4)  His 
priesthood  is  unchangeable  (He  7  23.24).  (.5)  His 
offering  is  perfect  and  final  (He  9  25-28;  10  12) 
(6)  His  intercession  is  all-prevaihng  (He  7  25).     (7) 


As  God  and  man  in  one  Person  He  is  a  perfect 
Mediator  (He  1,  2).     See  Christ,  Offices  of,  V. 

Literature. — Smith,  DB:  HDB:  P.  Fairbairn,  Tyjinl- 
ooy  of  Scripture,  II;  Holtau,  Exposition  of  the  Tabernacle; 
the  Priestly  Garments  and  the  Priesthood;  Martin,  Atone- 
ment; A.  B.  Davidson,  Hebrews;  Moorehead,  Mosaic 
Institutions. 

William  G.  Moorehead 
PRIEST,  CHRIST  AS.    See  Christ,  Offices  of. 

PRIEST,  HIGH  CipiDn,  ha-kohen,  6  tepevs,  ho 
hiereus;  n"'12)pn  "JHSn,  ha-kdhen  ha-masld'^h, 
6  teptiis  6  xpi'^'T'^s,  ho  hiereus  ho  christos;  IHSn 
'"l^n,  ha-kuhen  ha-gddhol,  6  lepevs  6  H.«'7as,  ho 
hiereus  ho  megas;  li)N"in  'T\3 ,  kohen  hd-ru'sh,  6 
Upeis  Ti-yovpievos,  ho  hiereus  hegoilnienos;  NT 
dpxiEpeis,  archiereus) : 

I.  Institution  of  the  High-Priesthood 

1.  The  Family 

2.  The  Consecration 

3.  The  Dress 

4.  The  Duties  of  High- Priesthood 

5.  Special  Regulations 

6.  The  Emoluments 

7.  Importance  of  the  Office 

II.  History  of  the  High-Priesthood  in  Israel 

1.  In  the  OT 

2.  In  the  NT 
Literature 

/.  Institution  of  the  High-Priesthood. — Temples 
with  an  elaborate  ritual,  a  priesthood  and  a  high 
priest  were  familiar  to 
Moses.  For  a  millennium 
or  two  before  his  time 
these  had  flourished  in 
Egj'pt.  Each  temple  had 
its  priest  or  priests,  the 
larger  temples  and  centers 
having  a  high  priest.  For 
centuries  the  high  priest 
of  Amon  at  Thebes  stood 
next  to  the  king  in  power 
and  influence.  Many 
other  high-priesthoods  of 
less  importance  existed. 
Moses'  father-in-law  was 
priest  of  Midian,  doubt- 
less the  chief  or  high 
priest.  In  founding  a 
nation  and  establishing 
an  ecclesiastical  system, 
nothing  would  be  more 
natural  and  proper  for 
him  than  to  institute  a  priestly  system  with  a  high 
priest  at  the  head.  The  records  give  a  fairly  full 
account  of  the  institution  of  the  high-priesthood. 

Aaron,  the  brother  of  Moses,  was  chosen  first  to 
fill  the  office.     He  was   called   "the  priest"    {ha- 
kohen)  (Ex  31  10).     As  the  office  was 
1.  The  to  be  hereditary  and  to  be  preserved 

Family  in  perpetuity  in  the  family  of  Aaron 

(Ex  29  9.29),  he  is  succeeded  by  his 
son  Eleazar  (Nu  20  28;  Dt  10  6),  and  he  in  turn 
by  his  son  Phinehas  (Nu  25  11).  In  his  time  the 
succession  was  fixed  (Nu  25  12.13).  In  Lev  4 
3.5.16;  6  22  he  is  called  "the  anointed  priest." 
Three  times  in  the  Pent  he  is  spoken  of  as  "great 
priest"  or  "high  priest"  (Lev  21  10;  Nu  35  25.28). 
The  first  of  these  passages  identifies  him  with  the 
anointed  priest. 

The  ceremonies  by  which  he  was  installed  in  his  office 
are    recorded    in    Ex  29  29  fl.     Seven    days    of    special 

solemnities  were  spent.     Tlio  first  conse- 

2    The  Con-  cration  was  by  Moses;   it  is  not  said  who 

..  performed  the  others.     There  was  special 

secration         washing  and  anointing  with  oil  (Ps  133  2). 

Each  new  high  priest  must  wear  the  holy 
garments,  as  well  as  be  specially  anointed  (Lev  21  10). 
Every  day  a  bullock  for  a  sin  offering  must  be  oflered  for 
atonement:   the  altar  also  must  be  cleansed,  atoned  for. 


High  Priest  (Egyptian). 


Priest,  High  THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2442 


and  anointed,  the  high  priest  ofEering  a  sacrifice  or  min- 
AfiA  for  himself  (Lev  6  24  tf). 

Besides  the  regularly  prescribed  dress  of  the  priests, 
the  high  priest  must  wear  the   robe  of  the  ephod,  the 

ephod,  the  breastplate  and  the  mitre  or 
3.  The  headdress  (Lev  8  7-9).     The  robe  of  the 

yj  ephod  seems  to  have  been  a  sleeveless  tunic, 

i^ress  made  of  blue,  fringed  with  alternate  bells 

and  pomegranates  (Ex  28  31-35;  39  22- 
26).  The  ephod  seemed  to  be  a  variegated  dress  of  the 
four  colors  of  the  sanctuary,  blue,  purple,  scarlet  and  fine 
linen  interwoven  with  gold  (Ex  28  6-8 ;  39  2-.5) .  This  dis- 
tinguishing ephod  of  the  high  priest  was  fastened  at  the 
shoulders  by  two  clasps  of  shoham  stone,  upon  each  of 
which  was  engraved  the  names  of  six  tribes  of  Israel 
(Ex  28  9-14;  39  6.7).  Over  the  ephod  and  upon  his 
breast  he  wore  the  breastplate,  a  four-cornered  hoshen 
suspended  by  little  chains.  Set  in  this  in  four  rows 
were  twelve  precious  stones,  having  engraved  upon  them 
the  names  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  This  breast- 
plate must  have  contained  a  pocket  of  some  kind  inside, 
for  in  it  were  deposited  the  Urim  and  Thummim,  which 
seemed  to  be  tangible  objects  of  some  kind  (Ex  28  15-30; 
39  8-21).  The  mitre  or  headdress  was  of  fine  linen,  the 
plate  of  the  crown  of  pure  gold,  and  inscribed  upon  it 
the  words,  "Holy  to  .Jehovah"  (Ex  28  36-38;  39  30.31). 
When  entering  the  Holy  of  Holies  he  must  be  dressed 
wholly  in  linen,  but  in  his  ordinary  duties  in  the  dress  of 
the  priests;  only  when  acting  as  high  priest  he  must 
wear  his  special  robes.     See  Priest. 

In  addition  to  his  regular  duties  as  a  priest,  the 
high  priest  was  to  enter  the  Holy  of  Holies  on  the 

Day  of  Atonement  (Lev  16  3.15.33. 
4.  Duties  34).  He  must  also  officiate  at  the 
of  the  High-  ceremony  of  the  two  goats,  when  one 
Priesthood    is  sent  into  the  wilderness  to  Azazel, 

and  the  other  slain  to  make  atonement 
for  the  sanctuary  (Ex  30  10;  Lev  16  8-10).  He 
alone  could  make  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the 
people,  the  priests  and  his  own  house  (Lev  4  3  ff : 
9  8ff;  16  6;  Nu  15  25).  He  must  offer  the  regu- 
lar meal  offering  (Lev  6  14.15).  He  must  share 
with  the  priests  in  the  caring  for  the  lamp  that 
burned  continually  (E.x  27  21).  He  must  assist 
in  arranging  the  shewbread  (Ex  25  30).  When  he 
carried  the  breastplate  with  the  names  of  the  tribes 
inscribed  thereon  he  acted  as  mediator  between 
Israel  and  God  (Ex  28  29).  He  alone  could  con- 
sult the  Urim  and  Thummim  before  Jeh,  and  ac- 
cording to  his  decision  Israel  must  obey  (Nu  27  21). 

An  office  so  important  required  certain  special  regu- 
lations. He  must  be  free  from  every  bodily  defect 
(Lev  21  16-23).  He  must  marry  only 
5  Special  ^  virgin  of  Israel,  not  a  widow,  nor  a 
Ppo-Vilations:  divorced  woman,  nor  a  profane  one  (Lev 
Kegulations  21  14).  He  must  not  observe  the  external 
signs  of  mom-ning  for  any  person,  and  not 
leave  the  sanctuary  when  news  came  of  the  death  of 
even  a  father  or  mother  (vs  10-12).  He  must  not 
defile  himself  by  contact  with  any  dead  body  even 
father  or  mother  (ver  11);  and  is  forbidden  to  let  his 
hair  grow  long  or  rend  his  clothes  as  a  sign  of  mourn- 
ing (ver  10).  If  he  should  bring  guilt  upon  the  people 
he  must  present  a  special  offering  (Lev  4  3  fl).  Sins 
affecting  the  priesthood  in  general  must  be  expiated  by 
the  other  priests  as  well  as  himself  (Nu  18  1).  He  must 
eat  nothing  that  died  of  itself  or  was  torn  by  beasts  (Lev 
22  8) .  Ho  must  wash  his  feet  and  hands  when  he  went 
to  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation  and  when  he  came 
near  to  the  altar  to  minister  (Ex  30  19-21).  At  first 
Aaron  was  to  burn  incense  on  the  golden  altar  every 
morning  when  he  dressed  the  lamps  and  every  evening 
when  he  lighted  them  (Ex  27  21),  but  in  later"times  the 
common  priests  performed  this  duty.  He  must  abstain 
from  holy  things  during  his  uncleanness  (Lev  22  1-3) 
or  if  he  should  become  leprous  (vs  4.7).  He  was  to  eati 
the  people's  meat  offering  with  the  inferior  priests  in  the 
holy  place  (Lev  6  16).  He  must  assist  in  judging  the 
leprosy  in  the  human  body  and  garments  (Lev  13  2-69) 
and  in  adjudicating  legal  questions  (Dt  17  12).  When 
there  was  no  Divinely  in,spired  leader,  the  high  priest 
was  the  chief  ruler  till  the  time  of  David  and  again  after 
the  captivity.     SeePRiE.sT:  Priesthood. 

The  emoluments  were  not  much   greater  than 
those  of  the  priests  in  general.     He  received  no  more 
inheritance  among  the  tribes  than  any 
6.  The  other  Levite,   but  he  and  his  family 

Emolu-  were   maintained    upon    certain    fees, 

ments  dues  and  perquisites  which  they  en- 

joyed   from    the    common    fund.     In 
Nu  18  28  the  priests  were  to  receive  a  tithe  of  the 


tithe  paid  in  to  the  Levites.  Jos  says  this  was  a 
common  fund  (Ant,  IV,  iv,  4),  but  the  high  priest 
was  probably  charged  with  the  duty  of  distribut- 
ing it.  In  general  the  family  of  the  high  priest 
was  well-to-do,  and  in  the  later  period  became  very 
wealthy.  The  high  priest  and  his  family  were 
among  the  richest  people  of  the  land  in  the  time  of 
Christ,  making  enormous  profits  out  of  the  sacri- 
fices and  temple  business. 

The  importance  of  the  high  priest's  office  was 
manifest  from  the  first.  The  high  priest  Eleazar 
is  named  in  the  first  rank  with  Joshua, 
7.  Impor-  the  prince  of  the  tribes  and  successor  of 
tance  of  the  Moses  (Nu  34  17  f;  Josh  14  1).  He 
Office  with  others  officiated  in  the  distribu- 

tion of  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  (Nu 
31  21.26).  His  sins  were  regarded  as  belonging  to 
the  people  (Lev  4  3.22).  He  acted  with  Moses  in 
important  matters  (Nu  26  1;  31  29).  The  whole 
congregation  must  go  or  come  according  to  his 
word  (Nu  27  20 ff).  His  death  was  a  national  event, 
for  then  the  manslayer  was  free  to  leave  the  City  of 
Refuge  (Nu  35  25.28).  He  had  no  secular  author- 
ity, but  was  regarded  generally  as  the  leading  reli- 
gious authority.  Later,  he  became  also  the  leading 
secular  as  well  as  religious  authority. 

//.   History  of  the  High- Priesthood  in  Israel. — 
In  general  the  present  writer  accepts  the  historical 
records  of  the  OT  as  true  and  rejects 
1.  In  the        the   critical   views   of   a  fictitious   or 
OT  falsified  history.    Such  views  have  only 

subjective  reasons  to  support  them 
and  are  based  upon  a  naturalistic  evolutionary  view 
of  the  development  of  Israel's  religion.  As  Moses 
was  the  founder  of  the  high-priesthood  in  Israel  he 
anticipated  a  perpetuation  of  the  office  throughout 
the  history  (Dt  26  3).  The  high  priest  appears 
frequently.  Eleazar  officiated  with  Joshua  in  the 
division  of  the  land  among  the  twelve  tribes  (Josh 
14  1).  The  law  of  the  manslayer  shows  that  he 
was  an  important  personage  in  the  life  of  Israel 
(Josh  20  6).  He  seemed  to  have  the  power  to 
distribute  the  offices  of  the  priests  to  those  whom  he 
would,  and  poor  priests  would  appeal  to  him  for 
positions  (1  S  2  36).  The  office  seems  to  have 
remained  in  the  family  of  Eleazar  until  the  days 
of  Eli,  when,  because  of  the  wickedness  of  his  sons, 
the  family  was  destroyed  and  the  position  passed 
into  the  family  of  Ithamar  (1  S  2  31-36).  A 
descendant  of  that  family  officiated  at  Nob  in  the 
times  of  Saul,  whose  name  was  Ahimelech  (1  S  21 
2;  22  11).  His  son,  Abiathar,  escaped  from  the 
slaughter,  and  later  seems  to  have  succeeded  his 
father  and  to  have  been  chief  priest  throughout 
David's  reign  (1  S  22  20-23;  23  9;  30  7).  Zadok 
seems  to  have  had  almost  equal  privilege  (2  S  8  17; 

I  Ch  18  16;  24  6  almost  certainly  by  copyist's  error, 
transpose  Abiathar  and  Ahimelech;  Mk  2  26  may 
be  based  on  this  reading.  See  Abiathar,  etc). 
Because  he  joined  the  party  of  Adonijah  rather 
than  that  of  Solomon,  Abiathar  was  deposed  and 
banished  to  Anathoth,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of 
his  days  (1  K  2  26.27).  Zadok  was  put  in  his 
place  (ver  35) .  He  seems  to  have  been  a  descendant 
of  Eleazar.  Under  Jehoshaphat,  Amariah  was  high 
priest  (2  Ch  19  11)  and  was  the  leading  authority 
in  all  religious  matters.  In  the  time  of  AthaUah, 
diiring  the  minority  of  Joash  and  almost  his  entire 
reign  Jehoiada  was  high  priest  and  chief  adviser. 
He  seems  to  have  been  the  most  influential  man  in 
the  kingdom  for  more  than  half  a  century   (2  K 

II  4ff;  12  2-16;  2  Ch  24  vassim).  Azariah  of- 
ficiated m  the  days  of  Uzziah  and  Hezekiah  (2  Ch 
26  20;  31  10);  Urijah  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  K  16 
10-16),  and  the  latter  priest  seems  to  have  been  a 
friend  of  Isaiah  (Isa  8  2).  Hilkiah  held  the  office 
in  the  days  of  Josiah  when  the  Book  of  the  Law 


2443 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA         Priest,  High 


was  discovered  (2  K  22  4  f ;  23  4;  2  Ch  34  9); 
Zephaniah  in  the  time  of  Jeremiah  (Jer  29  25  f); 
Seraiah  in  the  days  of  Zedekiah,  who  was  put  to 
death  at  Riblah  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (2  K  25  18  f ; 
Jer  62  24).  At  the  time,  mention  is  made  of  a 
priest  of  the  second  rank  (2  K  23  4;  25  18)  and 
Zephaniah  fills  that  office  (Jer  62  24).  It  is  doubt- 
ful whether  this  is  the  same  Zephaniah  mentioned 
in  Jer  29  25.  This  "second  priest"  was  doubtless 
a  deputy,  appointed  to  take  the  high  priest's  place 
in  case  anything  should  prevent  his  performing  the 
duties  of  the  office.  Lists  of  high  priests  are  given 
in  1  Ch  6  1-15;  6  50-53.  The  first  of  these  gives 
the  line  from  Levi  to  Jehozadak  who  was  carried 
away  in  the  captivity  under  Nebuchadnezzar.  The 
second  traces  the  line  from  Aaron  to  Ahimaaz,  and 
is  identical  so  far  with  the  first  list. 

There  could  have  been  no  place  for  the  functions 
of  the  high  priest  during  the  captivity,  but  the 
family  line  was  preserved  and  Joshua  the  son  of 
Jehozadak  was  among  those  who  first  returned 
(Ezr  3  2).  From  this  time  the  high  priest  becomes 
more  prominent.  The  monarchy  is  gone,  the  civil 
authority  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  the  Jews 
are  no  longer  independent,  and  hence  the  chief 
power  tends  to  center  in  the  high-priesthood. 
Joshua  appears  to  stand  equal  with  Zerubbabel 
(Hag  1  1.12.14;  2  2.4;  Zee  3  1.8;  4  14;  6  11- 
13). 

He  is  distinctly  known  as  hiigli  priest  (ha-kdhen  ha- 
gadhol).  He  takes  a  leading  part  in  establishing  the 
ecclesiastico-civil  system,  particularly  the  building  of 
the  temple.  In  the  vision  of  Zechariah  (Zee  3  1-5) 
Satan  accuses  the  high  priest  who  is  here  the  represent- 
ative proper  of  the  nation.  The  consummation  of  the 
Messianic  age  cannot  be  completed  without  the  co- 
operation of  the  high  priest  who  is  crowned  with  Zerub- 
babel. and  sits  with  him  on  the  throne  (Zee  6  13).  The 
prophet  also  describes  Joshua  and  his  friends  as 
"Tnen  of  the  sign,"  alluding  to  the  coming  Messiah 
under  whom  the  sin  of  the  land  was  to  be  taken  away  in 
one  day  (Zee  3  9f).  The  promise  is  made  to  Joshua 
that  if  he  wiU  walk  in  Jeh's  ways  and  keep  His  house, 
he  shall  judge  Jeh's  house,  i.e.  Israel,  keep  His  court  and 
have  a  place  to  walk  among  those  who  stand  before  Jeh 
(3  7 ) .  He  is  anointed  equally  with  the  prince  of  the  royal 
line,  for  the  two  sons  of  oil  (4  14)  almost  certainly  refer 
to  the  royal  Zerubbabel  and  priestly  Joshua  who  are  to  be 
Joint  inspirers  of  Israel  in  rebuilding  the  temple. 

This  exaltation  of  the  high  priest  is  very  different 
from  the  state  of  things  pictured  by  Ezekiel  (Ezk 
40-42).  In  that  picture  no  place  is  left  for  a  high 
priest;  the  prince  seemed  to  be  the  chief  personage 
in  the  ecclesiastical  system.  Ezekiel's  vision  was 
ideal,  the  actual  restoration  was  very  different,  and 
the  institutions  and  conditions  of  the  past  were 
carried  out  rather  than  the  visions  of  the  prophet. 
In  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  Eliashib  was  high  priest 
(Neh  3  1.20).  For  abusing  his  office  by  using  a 
temple  chamber  in  the  interests  of  his  family  he  was 
reprimanded  (13  4-9).  The  list  of  high  priests 
from  Jeshua  to  Jaddua  is  given  in  Neh  12  10. 
According  to  Jos  {Ant,  XI,  viii,  5)  Jaddua  was 
priest  at  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great  (332 
BC),  but  it  is  practically  certain  that  it  was  Jad- 
dua's  grandson,  Simon,  who  was  then  priest  (see 
W.  J.  Beecher,  Reasonable  Bib.  Criticism,  ch  xviii). 
Thus  is  preserved  the  unbroken  line  from  Aaron  to 
Jaddua,  the  office  still  being  hereditary.  No  essen- 
tial change  can  be  found  since  the  days  of  Ezra. 
The  Book  of  Ch,  compiled  some  time  during  this 
period,  uses  the  three  names,  ha-kohen,  ha-kohen 
hor-ro'sh,  ha-kohen  ha-gadhol.  The  word  naghidh 
("prince")  is  also  used,  and  he  is  called  "the  ruler 
of  thehouseof  God"  (1  Ch  9  11).  This  seems  to 
imply  considerable  power  invested  in  him.  Usually 
the  Chronicler  in  both  Ch  and  Neh  uses  the  term 
"the  priest."  .  . 

The  line  of  Eleazar  doubtless  continued  until 
the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  when  a  decided  change 
took  place.     The  Syrian  Antiochus  deposed  Onias 


III  and  put  his  brother  Jason  in  his  place  (174  BC), 
who  was  soon  displaced  by  Menelaus.  About  153 
BC  Jonathan  the  Hasmonean  was  appointed  by 
King  Alexander,  and  thus  the  high-priesthood 
passed  to  the  priestly  family  of  Joiarib  (1  Mace  10 
18-21).  Whether  the  family  of  Joiarib  was  a 
branch  of  the  Zadokites  or  not  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. After  the  appointment  of  Jonathan,  the 
office  became  hereditary  in  the  Hasmonean  line, 
and  continued  thus  until  the  time  of  Herod  the 
Great.  The  latter  set  up  and  deposed  high  priests 
at  his  pleasure.  The  Romans  did  the  same,  and 
changed  so  frequently  that  the  position  became 
almost  an  annual  appointment.  Though  many 
changes  were  thus  made,  the  high  priest  was  always 
chosen  from  certain  priestly  families.  From  this 
group  of  deposed  priests  arose  a  class  known  as 
"chief  priests."  The  anointing  prescribed  in  the 
law  of  Moses  was  not  always  carried  out  in  later 
times,  and  in  fact  was  generally  omitted.  The 
Mish  speaks  of  high  priests  who  were  installed  in 
office  simply  by  clothing  them  with  their  special 
robes  (Schiirer,  II,  i,  p.  217,  note  24). 

In  NT  times  the  high  priest  was  the  chief  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  dignitary  among  the  Jews.     He 
was  chairman  of  the  Sanhedrin,  and 
2.  In  the       head  of  the  political  relations  with  the 
NT  Rom  government.     It  is  not  clear  just 

how  far  he  participated  in  the  cere- 
monies of  the  temple.  No  doubt  he  alone  entered 
the  Holy  of  Holies  once  a  year  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, and  also  offered  the  daily  offerings  during 
that  week.  What  other  part  he  took  in  the  work 
was  according  to  his  pleasure.  Jos  says  that  he 
officiated  at  the  Sabbath,  the  New  Moon  and 
yearly  festivals.  The  daily  minhah  (Lev  6  12  ff) 
which  he  was  required  to  offer  was  not  always 
offered  by  the  high  priest  in  person,  but  he  was 
required  to  defray  the  expense  of  it.  This  was  a 
duty  which,  according  to  Ezekiel's  vision,  was  to 
be  performed  by  the  prince.  The  Jews  had  many 
contentions  with  the  Romans  as  to  who  should  keep 
the  garments  of  the  high  priest.  When  Jerus  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  the  robe  of  state 
also  fell  into  their  hands. 

In  the  time  of  Christ.  Annas  and  Caiaphas  were  high 
priests  (Lk  3  2),  though,  as  appears  later  in  the  Gospel, 
Caiaphas  alone  acted  as  such.  Annas  had  probably  been 
deposed,  yet  retained  much  of  his  influence  among  the 
priestly  families.  For  particulars  see  Annas;  Caia- 
phas; Jesus  Chbist.  These  two  were  also  the  chief 
conspirators  against  Jesus.  As  president  of  the  council 
Caiaphas  deliberately  advised  them  to  put  Jesus  to 
death  to  save  the  nation  (Jn  11  51).  He  was  also  chair- 
man of  the  council  which  tried  and  condemned  Jesus 
(Mt  26  57.58.63.65;  Mk  14  53.60.61.63;  Lk  22  54; 
Jn  18  12-14.19.24.28).  They  were  also  leaders  in  the 
persecution  of  the  apostles  and  disciples  after  Pente- 
cost (Acts  4  6;  6  17.21);  Saul  sought  letters  from  the 
highjiriest  to  Damascus  to  give  him  authority  to  bring 
any  Christians  he  might  find  there  bound  to  Jerus  (Acts 
9  2).  He  presided  at  the  council  which  tried  Paul  (Acts 
22  5:  23  4).     See  Paul,  THE  Apostle. 

In  the  Ep.  to  the  He  the  doctrine  of  the  priesthood 
of  Jesus  is  fully  and  carefully  elaborated.  Jesus  is  here 
called  the  great  High  Priest,  as  well  as  priest.  The 
opening  words  of  the  Ep.  contain  the  essential  thought: 
"when  he  had  made  purification  of  sins"  (1  3).  The 
title  of  high  priest  is  first  introduced  in  2  17,  "  a  merciful 
and  faithful  high  priest  in  things  pertaining  to  God"  ;  also 
in  3  1,  "the  Apostle  and  High  Priest  of  our  confession." 
Having  thus  fairly  introduced  his  great  theme,  the  writer 
strikes  the  keynote  of  his  great  argument:  "Having 
then  a  great  high  priest,"  etc  (4  14.15).  From  4  14 
to  7  28  the  argument  deals  with  the  high-priestly  work 
of  Jesus.  His  qualifications  are  not  only  those  which 
distinguish  all  priesthood,  but  they  are  also  unique.  He 
is  named  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek.  The  general 
qualifications  are:  (1)  He  is  appointed  by  God  to  His 
ofBce  (6  1).  (2)  He  is  well  fitted  for  the  office  by  His 
experiences  and  participation  in  human  temptations  (5 
2-6;  2  18).  (3)  He  undergoes  a  Divine  preparation  (5 
8.9).  The  special  qualiflcations  of  His  priesthood  are: 
It  IS  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek  (5  10).  This  is  an 
eternal  one  (6  20) ;  royal  or  kingly  (7  1-3) ;  independent 
of  birth  or  family  (ver  3) ;  it  is  timeless  (ver  8) ;  superior 


Priesthood 
Priesthood  in  NT 


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2444 


to  that  of  Levi  (vs  4-10) ;  new  and  different  from  that  of 
Aaron  (vs  11.12).  It  is  also  indissoluble  (ver  16) ;  immu- 
table (ver  21);  inviolable  (ver  24).  Tlius  with  all  tliese 
general  and  special  qualifications  He  is  completely  fitted 
(or  His  work  (7  26).  That  work  consists  in  offering  up 
Himself  as  a  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  the  people  (ver  27) : 
entering  within  the  veil  as  a  forerunner  (6  20) ;  present- 
ing the  sacrificial  blood  in  heaven  itself  (8  3 ;  9  7.24) ;  thus 
obtaining  eternal  redemption  (9  12);  ratifying  the  new 
covenant  (vs  13-22).  The  result  of  this  high-priestly 
work  is  a  cleansing  from  all  sin  (9  23) ;  a  possibility  of 
full  consecration  to  God  and  His  service  (10  10) ;  an 
ultimate  perfection  (10  14) ;  and  full  access  to  the  throne 
of  grace  (10  21.22).  See  Chhist,  Offices  of;  Priest; 
Priesthood  in  the  NT. 

LiTER.\TURE. — Articles  on  the  priesthood  in  general, 
with  references  to  the  high  priest  in  HDB,  HCG,  EB. 
Jew  Enc,  Kitto,  Smith.  Fallows.  Schaff-Herzog,  etc; 
no  article  on  "High  Priest"  only.  For  the  history. 
Breasted,  Hislort/  of  Egypt:  Schurer,  History  of  the  Jewish 
People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  II,  i,  207-99;  Jos,  And, 
XV,  XVIII,  XX.  For  works  on  the  priesthood  from 
the  radical  viewpoint,  see  Graf,  S.  I.  Curtiss,  Jost,  Graetz, 
Kautzsch,  Budde,  Baentsch,  Benzingcr,  BUchler,  Meyer, 
Wellhausen.  For  a  more  moderate  position  see  Baudissin, 
Die  Geschichte  des  alttestamentlichen  Priesterthums  unter~ 
sucht.  For  a  more  conservative  position  see  A.  Van 
Hoonacker,  Le  sacerdocelevitique dans  la  loi  et  dans  Vhistoire 
des  Hebreux.  On  the  high-priesthood  subsequent  to  the 
return  from  Babylon,  see  B.  Pick,  Lutheran  Church 
Remew,  1898,  I,  127-41;  II,  370-74;  III,  5.5.5-56;  IV,  655- 
64;  and  the  comms.  on  the  passages  cited. 

James  Josxah  Reeve 

PRIESTHOOD,  prest'hood: 

1.  Priesthood  an  OfHce 

2.  In  the  OT 

3.  Hereditary  Priesthood 

4.  In  the  NT 

5.  Conclusions 

LiTEItATURE 

All  worship  is  based  on  priesthood,  for  the  priestly 
office  is  an  essential  part  of  salvation.  Christianity 
itself  has  its  glorious  Priest,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  it  is  through  His  one  supi-eme  offering  that  we 
are  brought  into  saved  relations  with  God  and  enjoy 
fellowship  with  Him.  The  priesthood  of  Christ  and 
its  mighty  effects  in  sacrifice  and  intercession  on 
behalf  of  the  people  of  God  are  the  chief  and  funda- 
mental theme  of  the  Ep.  to  the  He. 

Priesthood  is  a  real  office,  definite  and  specific.     It  is 

needful  to  insist  on  this  fact,  for  the  noble  word  "priest" 

has  been  misappropriated  and  misapplied, 

1.  Priest-       so  that  its  intrinsic  import  has  been  im- 
j^      J  paired.     There  is  a  certain  literary  slang 

""r  indulged    in    by    some    who    talk    of    the 

an  Oince  "priests  of  science,"  "priests  of  art,"  and 
similar  absurdities.  The  idea  of  priest- 
hood, if  priesthood  is  to  have  any  definite  meaning,  can 
have  no  place  in  literature  or  science  or  art  or  in  any- 
thing of  the  kind.  For  it  belongs  to  the  realm  of  grace, 
presupposing  as  it  does  sin  and  the  Divine  purpose  to 
remove  it.  Hugh  Martin  writes  that  he  "would  as  soon 
think  of  transferring  the  language  of  geometry  and  of 
algebra  to  botany  and  talk  of  the  hypotheniise  of  a 
flower  and  the  square  root  of  a  tree,  or  the  differential 
coefficient  of  a  convolvulus,  as  to  speak  of  the  priest- 
hood of  nature  or  letters."  Priesthood  is  an  office, 
embracing  very  specific  duties  and  functions. 

Priesthood  in  some  form  appears  to  have  existed 

from  the  earliest  times,  even  from  the  beginning 

of  the  history  of  our  race.     In  patriar- 

2.  In  the        chal  times  the  office  was  held  and  its 
OT  duties  were  discharged  by  those  who 

occupied  some  sort  of  headship,  and 
particularly  by  the  father  or  the  chief  of  the  family 
and  of  the  tribe.  Thus  Noah  in  his  capacity  of 
priest  and  in  behalf  of  his  household  "builded  an 
altar  unto  Jeh,  and  took  of  every  clean  beast,  and 
of  every  clean  bird,  and  offered  burnt-offerings  on 
the  altar"  (Gen  8  20).  Abraham  offered  the  ram 
"for  a  burnt-offering  in  the  stead  of  his  son"  (Gen 
22  13).  In  like  manner  Job  offered  burnt  offerings 
for  his  children,  and  likewise  by  Divine  direction 
for  the  three  "comforters"  when  the  great  trial  had 
passed  (Job  15;  42  8).  In  these  and  the  like 
instances  there  was  priestly  action  no  less  certainly 
than  in  that  of  Aaron  or  of  any  regularly  appointed 
priest  in  Israel.  Melchizedek  was  "priest  of  God 
JVIost  High"  (Gen  14  18).  Isaac  "builded  an 
^Itar  there  and  called  upon  the  name  of  Jeh"  (Gen 


26  25),  as  did  Jacob  (Gen  33  20).  In  these  cases 
priestly  acts  were  performed  by  the  patriarchs  in 
their  capacity  as  fathers  of  the  family  or  heads  of 
clans.  From  the  beginning,  priesthood  with  its 
acts  of  expiation  and  of  worship  was  thus  recog- 
nized as  a  Divinely  instituted  office.  But  in  pre- 
Mosaic  times  there  was  no  special  class  of  priests 
recognized. 

Regular  priestly  succession  in  a  single  family  was 
estabhshed  by  Moses  (Ex  28  1-3).  From  this 
point  of  time  onward  the  priesthood 
3.  Heredi-  in  Israel  was  confined  to  the  family 
tary  Priest-  of  Aaron.  No  hereditary  priesthood 
hood  seems  to  have  prevailed  in  patriarchal 

times.  According  to  the  Ep.  to  the 
He,  Melchizedek,  a  priest  of  the  highest  rank,  had 
neither  predecessor  nor  successor  in  his  great  office. 
By  Divine  direction  Moses  designated  the  Aaronio 
family  as  the  priestly  family  in  Israel,  and  he  pre- 
scribed the  garments  they  should  wear,  the  sacri- 
fices they  should  offer  both  for  themselves  and  for 
the  congregation,  their  maintenance,  their  domes- 
tic relations,  and  their  conduct  toward  their  feUow- 
Hebrews. 

In  the  appointment  of  the  priesthood  there  is  no 
trace  of  Egyp  influence.  Yet  we  know  that  Joseph 
married  the  daughter  of  the  priest  of  On  (Gen  41 
50).  But  this  fact  had  no  bearing  on  the  selection 
of  Israel's  priestly  family.  The  Aaronic  priesthood 
had  nothing  in  common  with  that  of  Egypt;  it 
claimed  to  be  of  Divine  origin,  and  its  duties,  func- 
tions and  powers  in  no  way  contradict  the  claim. 
The  witness  of  an  Egyp  archaeologist  (Dr.  M.  G. 
Kyle)  may  be  here  introduced  touching  one  essen- 
tial element  in  the  duties  of  the  priestly  office,  viz. 
sacrifice:  "The  entire  absence  from  the  offerings  of 
old  Egyp  religion  of  any  of  the  great  Pentateuchal 
ideas  of  sacrifice,  substitution,  atonement,  dedi- 
cation, fellowship,  and  indeed  of  almost  every  essen- 
tial idea  of  real  sacrifice,  as  clearly  established  by 
recent  very  exhaustive  examination  of  the  offering 
scenes,  makes  for  the  element  of  revelation  in  the 
Mosaic  system  by  delimiting  the  field  of  rational- 
istic speculation  on  the  Egyp  side.  Egypt  gave 
nothing  to  that  system,  for  it  had  nothing  to  give." 
As  much  may  be  said  respecting  the  priesthood; 
Israel  took  little  or  nothing  of  its  powers  and  func- 
tions from  Egyp  sources. 

Although  the  office  was  hmited  to  the  Aaronic 
family,  nevertheless  in  certain  exigencies  and 
emergencies  others  beside  the  regular  priest  offered 
sacrifices  to  the  Lord  and  were  accepted  by  Him. 
Thus  did  Gideon  in  a  time  of  great  straits  in  Israel 
(Jgs  6  24.26);  thus  the  men  of  Beth-shemesh  (1  S 
6  14.1.5);  the  prophet  Samuel  (1  S  7  9);  David 
(2  S  6  13.17);  Elijah  (1  K  18  23.32-38),  etc. 
The^  chosen  people  appear  to  have  felt  free  to  offer 
sacrifices  and  to  engage  in  priestly  functions  when 
occasion  required,  until  the  central  sanctuary  was 
estabhshed  on  Mt.  Moriah.  When  the  Temple 
was  built  and  dedicated,  priestly  action  was  con- 
fined to  Jerus  and  to  the  regular  priestly  household. 
When  Pharisaism,  with  its  rigid  legahsm,  with  its 
intolerable  burdens,  became  dominant,  all  liberty 
of  worship  and  spontaneous  service  largely  dis- 
appeared. The  religious  life  of  Israel  stiffened  into 
a  dreadful  monotony. 

All  priesthood  reaches  its  climax  in  that  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  It  is  because  of  the  perfection  of  His 
priesthood  that  the  office  as  represented 
A  Tn  the  NT  by  Melchizedek  and  Aaron  was  effective, 
■±.  HI  me  11  J.  j^jjfj  fuifiued  tjjg  g^j  jq^  which  it  was  ap- 
pointed. The  one  answers  to  the  other  as 
type  and  antitype,  as  prediction  and  fulMment.  Christ's 
priesthood  is  opened  to  us  in  the  Ep.  to  the  He  (2  14- 
18;  4  14-16;  6  1-10;  7  9.10.18).  Two  fundamental 
truths  touching  His  priesthood  are  made  very  promi- 
nent in  the  Ep.  to  the  He.  These  are  its  order  and  its 
duties.  By  the  order  is  meant  the  rank  or  grade  of  the 
Priest,  and  by  the  duties  the  various  functions  of  His 


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Priesthood 
Priesthood  in  NT 


ministry.  Christ'sorder  as  Priest  is  thatof  Melchizedelc, 
not  at  all  that  of  Aaron ;  Ho  7  makes  this  tact  perfectly 
clear.  Like  Melchizedek,  and  infinitely  above  Mel- 
chizedek,  Ho  is  Priest,  having  no  predecessor  in  the  great 
office,  and  no  successor;  herein  He  stands  absolutely 
alone,  peerless  and  perfect  forever.  He  executes  the 
duties  or  functions  of  it  after  the  pattern  of  Aaron,  as 
He  9  clearly  exhibits.  These  two  priesthoods,  Mel- 
chizedek's  and  Aaron's,  are  gloriously  accomplished  in 
the  person  and  work  of  Jesus  Christ. 

The  point  is  raised  and  discussed  with  some  keenness 
in  our  day.  Did  Clu-ist  execute  the  office  of  priest  during 
His  sojourn  on  earth,  or  does  He  exercise  the  office  only 
in  heaven  ?  A  full  discussion  of  this  interesting  subject 
would  bo  inappropriate.  However,  let  it  be  noted  (1) 
tliat  the  Lord  Jesus  was  appointed  a  Priest  no  iess  cer- 
tainly than  was  Aaron  (He  6  4. .5).  In  the  words,  "  Thou 
art  my  Son,  tills  day  have  I  begotten  thee,"  there  appears 
to  be  a  reference  both  to  His  incarnation  (Lk  1  32; 
He  1  5)  and  also  to  His  resurrection  (Acts  13  3.3). 
In  He  3  17  we  are  told  that  it  "behooved  him  in  all 
things  to  be  made  like  unto  his  brethren,  that  he  might 
become  a  merciful  and  faithful  high  priest  in  things  per- 
taining to  God,  to  make  propitiation  for  the  sins  of  the 
people."  The  assumption  of  human  nature  was  needful 
that  He  might  be  such  a  priest.  John  the  Baptist  saw 
this  truth,  and  said,  "Behold  the  Lamb  of  God,  that 
takoth  away  the  sin  of  the  world"  (Jn  1  29). 

There  was  certainly  priestly  action  in  His  death. 
Twice  we  are  told  that  He  "offered  up  himself"  (Ho 
7  27),  "For  this  he  did  once  for  all,  when  he  offered  up 
himself."  This  strong  term,  "offered,"  is  sacrificial 
and  points  to  His  death  as  an  offering  made  for  the  sins 
of  the  people.  His  own  action  in  it  must  not  be  over- 
looked; it  was  He  Himself  who  presented  the  offering; 
He  was  not,  therefore,  a  struggling  victim,  a  martyr,  who 
coidd  not  escape  the  doom  that  came  upon  Him — nay. 
He  voluntarily  offered  Himself. 

In  He  9  1-i  we  find  these  significant  words:  "How 
much  more  shall  the  blood  of  Christ,  who  through  the 
eternal  Spirit  offered  liimself  without  blemish  unto  God, 
cleanse  your  conscience  from  dead  works  to  serve  the 
living  God?"  It  was  as  Priest  that  He  made  this  stu- 
pendous offering,  and  this  He  did  when  still  on  earth. 
He  was  at  once  both  sacrifice  and  priest.  Never  was  He 
more  active  than  when  He  offered  Himself  to  God. 

It  is  worth  w^hile  to  remind  ourselves  that  the  words 
employed  in  Scripture  to  express  the  act  of  His^dying 
are  never  used  to  denote  the  death  of  a  creature,  a  man. 
Matthew  has,  He  "yielded  up  (dismissed)  his  spirit" 
(Mt  27  .50).  John  has.  He  "gave  up  his  spirit"  (Jn 
19  30);  Mk  15  37  and  Lk  23  46  both  have  the  same 
words:  He  "gave  up  the  ghost."  He  died,  not  because 
He  was  mortal  as  we  are,  nor  because  He  could  not  de- 
liver Himself,  but  because  He  gave  Himself  for  our  sins 
that  we  might  be  forgiven  and  saved  (Jn  10  17.18). 
The  voluntariness  of  His  offering  is  the  very  essence  of 
His  priestly  atonement.  See  Christ,  Offices  of,  V; 
Priesthood  in  the  NT. 

Priesthood  springs  out  of  the  deepest  need  of  the 
human  soul.     Men  universally  feel  that  somehow 
they  have  offended  the  Power  to  whom 
5.  Con-  they  are  responsible,   to  whom  they 

elusions  must  give  account  of  their  deeds. 
They  long  to  appease  their  offended 
Lord,  and  they  believe  that  one  who  is  authorized 
and  qualified  to  act  in  their  behalf  may  secure  for 
them  the  abrogation  of  penalty  and  the  pardon  they 
seek.  Hence  priesthood  connects  itself  most  closely 
with  sin,  with  guilt  and  its  removal.  The  heart 
craves  the  intervention  and  intercession  on  their 
behalf  of  one  who  has  liberty  of  access  to  God,  and 
whose  ministry  is  acceptable.  In  short,  the  priest 
is  the  representative  of  the  sinner  in  thmgs  pertam- 
ing  to  God.  He  is  the  mediator  whose  office  it  is 
to  meet  and  satisfy  the  claims  of  God  upon  those 
for  whom  he  acts,  and  who  secures  the  pardon  and 
the  favor  which  the  offender  must  have,  if  he  is  to 
enjoy  fellowship  with  God.  And  this,  and  more 
than  this,  we  have  in  our  Great  High  Priest,  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

Literature. — P.  Pairbairn,  Typology  of  Scripture, 
II-  Soltau  Exposition  of  the  Tabernacle,  the  Priestly 
Garments  and  the  Priesthood:  Martin.  Atonement:  Moore- 
head.  Mosaic  Institutions,  art.  "Priest." 

William  G.  Moorehead 

PRIESTHOOD  IN  THE  NT: 

1.  The  Jewish  Priesthood  ,       ,     ,  t  ^u  ■  ^ 

2  The  Priesthood  and  High-Priesthood  of  Jesus  Christ 
3.  The  Priesthood  of  Believers 

In  the  NT  Updrevfia,  hierdleuma  (1  Pet  2  5.9), 
"priesthood,"  is  not  found  with  reference  to  the 


Jewish  priesthood,  but  lepeiJs,  hiereus,  and  dpxi-epei^, 

archiereus,  "high  priest,"  frequently  occur.     As  until 

the  fall  of  Jerus  the  activities  of  the 

1.  The  priests  were  carried  on  in  careful  ac- 
Jewish  cordance  with  the  prescriptions  of  the 
Priesthood    OT,  there  naturally  is  nothing  new  or 

striking  in  the  numerous  NT  references 
to  their  work.  Perhaps  the  information  of  the 
greatest  interest  is  found  in  Lk  1  5-9  to  the 
effect  that  Zacharias  was  of  the  course  of  Abijah, 
the  8th  of  the  24  cour.ses  into  which  the  priests 
were  divided  (cf  1  Ch  24  7-lS),  and  that  in  these 
courses  the  priests  divided  their  work  by  lot.  In 
the  Gospels  the  archiereis  are  mentioned  oftener 
than  are  the  hiereis,  the  power  of  the  priesthood 
seeming  to  have  been  absorbed  by  a  sort  of 
priestly  aristocracy.  As  under  the  political  pres- 
sure of  that  time  the  office  of  high  priest  could 
seldom  be  retained  until  the  death  of  the  holder, 
there  might  even  be  several  hving  at  the  same  time 
who  had  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  held  this  office 
which  made  a  man  the  head  of  the  nation,  not  only 
ritually,  but  also  politically,  since  the  high  priest 
was  ex  officio  presiding  officer  of  the  Sanhedrin. 
Not  only  would  these  ex-high  priests  naturally 
retain  the  title  belonging  to  their  former  dignity, 
but  probably  the  name  had  come  to  include  as  well 
other  members  of  the  same  families  or  of  families 
of  equal  position,  so  that  it  seems  that  "chief 
priests"  is  a  more  exact  tr  of  archiereis  than  high 
priests.  In  the  sing.,  however,  the  reference  of 
archiereus  is  usually,  if  not  invariably,  to  the  indi- 
vidual who  at  the  time  given  was  holding  the  unique 
office  of  high  priest.  The  word  hiereus  is  of  course 
employed  in  its  ordinary  signification  on  the  rare 
occasions  when  reference  is  made  in  the  NT  to 
corresponding  ministers  of  other  religions,  as  to  the 
priest  of  Zeus  (Acts  14  13J  and  also  to  Melchizedek 
(He  7  1). 

Only  in  He  is  the  activity  of  Jesus  set  forth  as 

priestly  and  high-priestly,  but  in  this  Ep.   great 

emphasis  is  laid  on  these  aspects  of 

2.  The  His  work.  Interpreters  seldom  dis- 
Priesthood  tinguish  between  these  two  aspects 
and  High-  of  His  work,  and  it  is  plain  that  some- 
Priesthood  times  at  least  the  author  himself  made 
of  Jesus  no  effort  sharply  to  distinguish  theni. 
Christ  But    certain    considerations    make   it 

probable  that  they  were  not  really 
confused  or  combined  in  the  mind  of  the  author 
himself.  For  example,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
priesthood  of  Jesus  is  declared  to  be  after  the  order 
of  Melchizedek,  and  consequently  radically  unlike 
that  of  the  Levitical  priests.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Aaronic  high-priesthood  is  regarded  as  having  been 
analogous  to  that  of  Jesus,  so  that  in  spite  of  its 
inferiority,  comparison  is  frequently  made  with  it. 
It  is  readily  seen  that  the  work  of  the  high  priest, 
both  because  of  his  entry  into  the  Most  Holy  Place 
and  because  he  bore  the  names  of  the  children  of 
Israel  in  the  breastplate  of  judgment  for  a  memorial 
before  Jeh  continually,  far  more  suitably  than  that 
of  the  ordinary  priests  typified  the  atoning  and 
intercessory  work  of  Jesus  (Ex  28  12.15). 

Attempting  then  to  treat  separately  the  priestly 
and  high-priestly  functions  of  Jesus,  we  note  that 
most  of  what  is  said  of  the  priestly  functions  is  in- 
volved in  the  declaration  that  He  is  a  priest  after 
the  order  of  Melchizedek,  and  this  thought  is 
handled  in  He  7  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  plain  the 
superiority  of  a  priesthood  after  the  order  of  Mel- 
chizedek, and  thus  to  confirm  the  superiority  of 
Christianity  over  Judaism,  the  great  theme  of  the 
book.  Historically  the  blessing  bestowed  upon 
Abraham  and  the  reception  of  tithes  from  him  prove 
the  superiority  of  Melchizedek  to  Levi,  and  still 
more  to  the  priestly  descendants  of  Levi  (7  4-10). 


Priesthood  in  NT 
Priests,  Levites 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2446 


Further,  Jesus  became  priest  not  on  the  ground  of 
a  "carnal  commandment,"  i.e.  in  an  order  based  on 
descent  and  inheritance,  but  by  "the  power  of  an 
endless  life"  (7  16),  of  which  fact  Melchizedek 
reminds  us,  since  Scripture  is  silent  alike  as  to  his 
birth  and  his  death.  Again,  unlike  the  Levitical 
priests,  Christ  is  inducted  into  His  office  by  the  oath 
of  God  (7  20.21;  cf  Ps  110  4).  Finally,  while 
the  priests  of  the  Levitical  line  were  hindered  from 
permanence  in  office  by  their  death,  Jesus  holds  His 
priesthood  untransmitted  and  untransmissible  (7 
23.24).  This  discussion  of  the  priesthood  of  Christ 
"after  the  order  of  Melchizedek"  occupies  almost 
all  of  ch  7,  but  at  ver  26  His  high-priesthood  is 
suddenly  introduced,  and  after  that  point,  while 
His  work  is  more  than  once  contrasted  with  that  of 
the  temple  priests  (8  4.5;  9  6;  10  11  f),  no  further 
reference  is  in  any  way  made  to  Melchizedek. 

After  having  twice  merely  given  the  title  of  high 
priest  to  Jesus  (2  17;    3  1),  the  writer  of  the  Ep. 
to  the  He  at  4  14  begins  a  statement  of  the  resem- 
blance between  Jesus  and  the  Jewish  high  priest, 
such  "as  was  Aaron,"  finding  the  resemblance  to 
reside  (1)  in  His  Divine  appointment  to  His  work 
(5  4.5),   (2)  in  His  experience  of  suffering  (5  7.8; 
cf  4  15;   5  2),  and  (3)  in  His  saving  work  suggested 
by  the  sacrificial  activity  of  the  ordinary  high  priest 
(5  9),  which,  however,  it  far  transcends  in  value 
and  effect.     But  (4)  later  the  work  of  the  high  priest 
and  that  of  Jesus  are  contrasted  as  to  place  where 
done,  the  high  priest  going  into  the  second  taber- 
nacle, i.e.   the  Holy  of  Holies   (9  7),  while  Christ 
passes  through  the  greater  and  more  perfect  taber- 
nacle,  "heaven  itself"    (9  11.24).     A  similar  con- 
trast is  (5)  drawn  between  the  sacrifices  respectively 
offered,  the  ancient  sacrifices  being  the  blood  of 
goats  and  calves  (9  12),  Christ's  being  "himself" 
(9  14),  "his  own  blood"  (9  12),  "the  blood  of  Christ, 
who   through    the   eternal   Spirit   offered   himself 
without  blemish  unto  God"   (9  14).     The  author 
also  accepts  and  urges  without  argument  or  even 
explanation  (6)  the  truly  sacrificial  character  of  this 
self-immolation  of  Jesus.     Nor  is  this  fact  nullified 
by  the  emphasis  which  once  is  laid  on  doing  God's 
will  in  an  antithesis  copied  from  the  Ps  (10  5-9; 
cf  Ps  40  6ff),  for  here  the  contrast  drawn  is  not 
between  sacrifice  on  one  side  and  obedience  on  the 
other,  but  rather  between  the  sacrifice  of  animals 
dying  involuntarily  and  wholly  unconscious  of  the 
sacrificial  significance  of  their  death,  and  the  offer- 
ing of  Himself  on  the  part  of  Jesus  in  intelligent 
purpose  to  carry  out  the  will  of  God,  by  which  will 
the  body  of  Jesus  Christ  is  the  only  acceptable 
offering    (10  10).     Further   the   author   urges    (7) 
the  actual  effectiveness  of  Christ's  work,  his  argu- 
ment being  that  it  would  already  have  been  repeat- 
edly performed  if  this  single  offering  had  not  been 
sufficient  for  all  time,  "once  for  all"  (7  27;   9  26). 
Finally  is  asserted   (8)   the  intercessory  work  of 
Christ,  which,  though  not  explained,  seems  to  be  a 
figurative  presentation  of  his  idea  that  men  are 
blessed  because  Christ  died,  i.e.  that  this  was  an 
indispensable  condition  of  God's  manifestation  of 
His  merciful  love,  and  that  the  grace  consequent 
on  the  death  of  Christ  does  not  merely  grow  out  of 
a  fact,  but  that  the  Divine  love  and  providence  for 
believers  are  exercised,    neither  automatically  or 
impersonally,  but  in  virtue  of  a  constant  personal 
sympathy  for  varying  temptations  and  needs,   a 
sympathy   intensified   by   the   earthly   experience, 
temptation,  suffering  of  Him  who  had  been  and  is, 
not  only  the  Divine  Son,  but  also  the  Son  of  Man. 
Thus  the  salvation  of  the  believer  is  certain  and 
complete,  and  the  priestly  and  high-priestly  work 
of  Je.sus  reaches  its  consummation. 

The  priesthood  of  believers  is  an  idea  which  finds 
formal  expression  less  frequently  in  the  NT  than 


has  been  the  case  in  Protestant  theology.     But  it 
does  not  follow  that  there  has  been  a  corresponding 
divergence  from  the   thought  of  the 
3.  The  apostles.     It  only  shows  that  a  thought 

Priesthood  which  according  to  apostolic  concep- 
of  Believers  tion  was  one  of  the  invariable  privi- 
leges of  every  Christian,  and  which 
found,  if  not  constant,  yet  sufficiently  clear  ex- 
pression in  this  figurative  fashion,  has  come,  in 
consequence  of  errors  which  have  developed,  to  re- 
ceive in  the  controversies  of  later  centuries  stronger 
emphasis  than  it  did  at  first.  It  may  well  be  noted 
first  that  this  conception  of  the  priesthood  of  be- 
lievers, standing  by  itself,  is  in  no  way  related  to  the 
various  priestly  activities  which  are  also  figuratively 
attributed  to  them.  The  writer  of  the  Ep.  to  the 
He,  who  does  not  speak  of  the  priesthood  of  be- 
lievers, knowing  no  Christian  priesthood  but  that 
of  Jesus  Himself,  yet  calls  "praise,"  "to  do  good 
and  to  communicate,"  sacrifices  (13  15.16).  So 
Paul  bids  the  Romans  present  their  bodies  "a 
living  sacrifice"  (Rom  12  1),  and  Peter  calls  Chris- 
tians "a  holy  priesthood,  to  offer  up  spiritual  sac- 
rifices" (1  Pet  2  5).  But  this  figurative  usage  is 
entirely  distinct  from  the  subject  of  the  present 
paragraph.  Also  the  conception  of  the  Christian 
priesthood  never  in  the  NT  attaches  itself  merely 
to  the  ministry  of  the  Christian  church,  whatever 
may  be  held  as  to  its  orders  or  tasks.  In  no  sense 
has  the  church  or  any  church  an  official  priesthood. 
Nor  is  it  any  part  of  the  NT  conception  of  the  priest- 
hood of  believers  that  any  individual  should  act 
in  any  respect  for  any  other.  Though  the  inter- 
cessory suppUcation  of  believers  in  behalf  of  other 
persons  has  of  late  often  been  represented  as  a 
priestly  act,  as  being,  indeed,  that  activity  which  is 
essential  to  any  real  priesthood  of  believers,  the  NT 
thought  is  quite  different,  and  is  to  be  thus  con- 
ceived: In  ancient  times  it  was  held  that  men  in 
general  could  not  have  direct  access  to  God,  that 
any  approach  to  Him  must  be  mediated  by  some 
member  of  the  class  of  priests,  who  alone  could 
approach  God,  and  who  must  accordingly  be  em- 
ployed by  other  men  to  represent  them  before  Him. 
This  whole  conception  vanishes  in  the  light  of  Chris- 
tianity. By  virtue  of  their  relation  to  Christ  all 
believers  have  direct  approach  to  God,  and  conse- 
quently, as  this  right  of  approach  was  formerly  a 
priestly  privilege,  priesthood  may  now  be  predi- 
cated of  every  Christian.  That  none  needs  another 
to  intervene  between  his  soul  and  God;  that  none 
can  thus  intervene  for  another;  that  every  soul 
may  and  must  stand  for  itself  in  personal  relation 
with  God — such  are  the  simple  elements  of  the  NT 
doctrine  of  the  priesthood  of  all  behevers.  (Consult 
treatises  on  NT  theology,  and  comms.  on  the  Ep. 
to  the  Hebrews.)  David  Foster  Estes 

PRIESTS  AND  LEVITES  (p3 ,  itoTien,  "priest"; 
nothing  is  definitely  known  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
word;  ^Ji  ,  lewl,  "Levite,"  on  which  see  Levi): 

I.     Different  Views  of  the  History 

1.  The  Old  View 

2.  The  Grat-Wellhausen  View 
.3.  Mediating  Views 

4.  An  Alternative  View 
II.     The  Data  of  P  in  the  Pentateuch 

1.  The  Levites 

2.  Aaron  and  His  Sons 

III.     The  Other  Portions  op  the  Pentateuch 
IV.     From  Moses  to  Malachi 

1.  The  Sources  Other  than  Ezekiel 

(1)  The  Custody  of  the  Ark 

(2)  On  Its  Return  from  the  Philistines 

(3)  In  Abinadab's  House 

2.  Ezekiel 

V.     Ezra,  Nehemiah.  Chronicles 

1.  Estimates  of  the  Chronicler 

2.  His  Data 

VI.     Legal  Provisions 
Literature 


2447 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Priesthood  in  NT 
Priests,  Levites 


In  some  Minaean  inscriptions  found  at  El-"01&, 
dating  bacli;  about  1200-800  BC  (Hommel  in  Hil- 
precht,  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands,  719),  certain 
priests  and  priestesses  of  tlie  god  Wadd  are  des- 
ignated by  the  term  lawt,  fern.  lawVal"  (op.  cit., 
749) .  It  is  not  known  whetlier  this  is  due  to  Israel- 
itish  influence. 

/.  Different  Views  of  the  History. — There   are 

great  divergences  of  opinion  among  modern  writers 

as  to  the  true  course  of  history  and  the 

1.  The  Old  dating  of  the  different  documents.  It 
View  will  therefore  be  best  to  slcetoh  these 

views  in  rough  outline,  and  then  give 
the  evidence  of  the  various  autliorities,  together 
with  the  reasons  that  in  each  case  arise  naturally 
from  the  consideration  of  that  evidence. 

The  old  belief  was  that  the  whole  of  the  Penta- 
teuchal  laws  were  the  worlc  of  Moses,  that  the 
account  of  the  subsequent  history  given  in  the  Books 
of  Ch  was  correct,  that  Ezekiel's  vision,  if  taken 
literally,  could  not  be  reconciled  with  the  other 
known  facts  and  was  inexplicable,  and  that  in  the 
case  of  all  other  discrepancies  harmonistic  explana- 
tions should  be  adopted. 

The  modern  critical  school  have  traversed  every 

one  of  these  doctrines.     The  Chronicler  is  declared 

to  be  in  constant  and  irreconcilable 

2.  The  conflict  with  the  older  authorities, 
Graf -Well-  harmonistic  explanations  are  uniformly 
hausen  rejected,  the  Pent  is  denied  to  Moses 
View  and  split  up  into  a  variety  of  sources 

of  different  ages,  and  Ezk  gains  a  place 
of  honor  as  representing  a  stage  in  a  continuous  and 
normal  development.  The  subject  is  thus  inex- 
tricably linked  with  the  Pentateuchal  problem,  and 
reference  must  be  made  to  the  art.  Pentateuch 
for  an  explanation  of  the  supposed  documents  and 
a  consideration  of  the  analysis  with  its  nomen- 
clature. On  the  other  hand  the  present  article  and 
the  art.  Sanctuary  (q.v.)  explain  and  discuss  the 
most  widely  held  theory  of  the  historical  develop- 
ment into  which  the  history  of  the  supposed  Penta- 
teuchal sources  has  been  fitted. 

The  dominant  theory  is  that  of  Wellhausen. 
According  to  this,  "Levite"  was  originally  a  term 
denoting  professional  skill,  and  the  early  Levites 
were  not  members  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  but  pro- 
fessional priests.  Anybody  could  sacrifice.  "For 
a  simple  altar  no  priest  was  required,  but  only  for 
a  house  which  contained  a  sacred  image;  this 
demanded  watching  and  attendance"  (Wellhausen, 
Prolegomena,  130).  The  whole  Levitical  Law  was 
unknown  and  the  distinction  between  priests  and 
Levites  unheard  of.  There  were  a  few  great  sanc- 
tuaries and  one  influential  priesthood,  that  of 
Shiloh  (afterward  at  Nob).  With  the  monarchy 
the  priesthood  became  more  important.  The  royal 
priests  at  Jerus  grew  in  consequence  and  influence 
until  they  overshadowed  all  the  others.  Dt  recog- 
nized the  equal  priestly  right  of  all  Levites,  and 
Josiah's  reformation  placed  the  sons  of  Zadok,  who 
were  the  priests  of  Jerus  and  not  descendants  of 
Aaron,  in  a  position  of  decisive  superiority.  Then 
Ezk  drew  a  new  and  previously  unknown  distinc- 
tion between  "the  priests  the  Levites,  the  sons  of 
Zadok"  who  are  "keepers  of  the  charge  of  the 
altar  "  and  the  other  Levites  who  were  made  'keep- 
ers of  the  charge  of  the  house"  as  a  punishment  for 
having  ministered  in  the  high  places.  I  he  P(^ 
takes  up  this  distinction  and  represents  it  as  being 
of  Mosaic  origin,  making  of  the  sons  of  Zadok  sons 
of  Aaron  "  "In  this  way  arose  as  an  illegal  con- 
sequence of  Josiah's  reformation,  the  distinction 
between  priests  and  Levites.  With  Ezk  this  dis- 
tinction is  still  an  innovation  requiring  justifacation 
and  sanction;  with  the  PC  it  is  a  'statute  forever, 
although  even  yet  not  absolutely  undisputed,  as 


appears  from  the  priestly  version  of  the  story  of 
Korah's  company.  For  all  Judaism  subsequent  to 
Ezra,  and  so  for  Christian  tradition,  the  PC  in  this 
matter  also  has  been  authoritative.  Instead  of  the 
Deuteronomic  formula  'the  priests  the  Levites,'  we 
henceforward  have  'the  priests  and  the  Levites,' 
particularly  in  Ch"  (op.  cit.,  147).  From  that  time 
onward  the  priests  and  Levites  are  two  sharply  dis- 
tinguished classes.  It  is  an  essential  part  of  this 
theory  that  the  Chronicler  meant  his  work  to  be 
taken  as  Uteral  history,  correctly  representing  the 
true  meaning  of  the  completed  law.  See  Criticism. 
There  have  been  various  attempts  to  construct 
less  thoroughgoing  theories  on  the  same  data.  As 
a  rule  these  views  accept  in  some  form 

3.  Medi-  the  documentary  theory  of  the  Pent 
ating  Views  and  seek  to  modify  the  Wellhausen 

theory  in  two  directions,  either  by 
attributing  earlier  dates  to  one  or  more  of  the 
Pentateuchal  documents — esp.  to  the  PC — or  else 
by  assigning  more  weight  to  some  of  the  statements 
of  Ch  (interpreted  Uterally) .  Sometimes  both  these 
tendencies  are  combined.  None  of  these  views  has 
met  with  any  great  measure  of  success  in  the  attempt 
to  make  headway  against  the  dominant  Wellhausen 
theory,  and  it  will  be  seen  later  that  all  alike  make 
shipwreck  on  certain  portions  of  the  evidence. 

The   independent   investigations   on   which   the 
present  article  is  based  have  led  the  writer  to  a  view 

that  diverges  in  important  particulars 

4.  An  from  any  of  these,  and  it  is  necessary 
Alternative  to  state  it  briefly  before  proceeding  to 
View  the  evidence.     In  one  respect  it  differs 

from  all  the  rival  schemes,  not  merely 
in  result,  but  also  in  method,  for  it  takes  account 
of  versional  evidence  as  to  the  state  of  the  texts. 
Subject  to  this  it  accepts  the  Mosaic  authenticity 
of  all  the  Pentateuchal  legislation  and  the  clear  and 
consentient  testimony  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets 
(i.e.  of  the  two  earUer  and  more  authoritative  por- 
tions of  the  Heb  Canon),  while  regarding  Ch  as 
representing  a  later  interpretation,  not  merely  of 
the  history,  but  also  of  the  legal  provisions.  In 
outline  the  story  of  the  priesthood  is  then  as  follows: 
Moses  consecrated  Aaron  and  his  sons  as  the  priests 
of  the  desert  tabernacle.  He  purified  the  rest  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi  as  a  body  of  sacred  porters  for  the 
period  of  wanderings,  but  in  the  legislation  of  Nu 
he  made  no  provision  whatever  for  their  performing 
any  duties  after  the  sanctuary  obtained  a  permanent 
location.  At  the  same  time  he  gave  a  body  of 
priestly  teaching  requiring  for  its  administration  in 
settled  conditions  a  numerous  and  scattered  body 
of  priests,  such  as  the  house  of  Aaron  alone  could 
not  have  provided  immediately  after  the  entry  into 
Canaan.  To  meet  this,  Dt — the  last  legislative 
work  of  Moses — contains  provisions  enlarging  the 
rights  and  duties  of  the  Levites  and  conferring  on 
them  a  priestly  position.  The  earlier  distinction 
was  thus  largely  obUterated,  though  the  high- 
priestly  dignity  remained  in  the  house  of  Aaron 
till  the  time  of  Solomon,  when  it  was  transferred 
from  the  house  of  Eli  to  that  of  Zadok,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Ezekiel's  testimony,  was  a  Levite  (but  see 
below,  IV,  1).  So  matters  remained  till  the  exile, 
when  Ezekiel  put  forward  a  scheme  which  together 
with  many  ideal  elements  proposed  reforms  to  in- 
sure the  better  appUcation  of  the  Mosaic  principle 
of  the  distinction  between  holy  and  profane  to 
greatly  altered  circumstances.  Taking  his  in- 
spiration from  the  wilderness  legislation,  he  insti- 
tuted a  fresh  division  in  the  tribe  of  Levi,  giving  to 
the  sons  of  Zadok  a  position  similar  to  that  once  held 
by  the  sons  of  Aaron,  and  degrading  all  other 
Levites  from  the  priesthood  conferred  on  them  by 
Dt  to  a  lower  rank.  The  duties  now  assigned  to 
this  class  of  "keepers  of  the  charge  of  the  house" 


Priests,  Levites    THE  INTERNATIONxlL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2448 


were  never  even  contemplated  by  Moses,  but 
Ezekiel  applies  to  them  the  old  phrases  of  the  Pent 
which  he  invests  with  a  new  significance.  As  a 
result  of  his  influence,  the  distinction  between 
priests  and  Levites  makes  its  appearance  in  post- 
exilic  times,  though  it  had  been  unknown  to  all 
the  writers  of  the  second  division  of  the  Heb  Canon. 
At  the  same  time  a  meaning  w^as  read  into  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Law  which  their  original  author  could 
not  have  contemplated,  and  it  was  this  interpreta- 
tion which  is  presented  (at  any  rate  to  some  extent) 
in  Ch,  and  has  given  us  the  current  tradition. 
Many  of  the  Chronicler's  statements  are,  however, 
not  meant  to  be  taken  literally,  and  could  not  have 
been  so  taken  by  his  original  public. 

//.    The  Data  of  P  in  the  Pentateuch. — To  arrive 
at  an  objective  conclusion  it  is  necessary,  in  the 
first  instance,   to   examine   the  facts 
1.  The  without  such  bias  aa  any  view  put 

Levites  forward  by  any  other  author,  ancient 

or  modern,  sacred  or  profane,  might 
impart.  Every  legislator  is  entitled  to  be  judged 
on  his  own  language,  and  where  he  has,  so  to  speak, 
made  his  own  dictionary,  we  are  compelled  to  read 
his  meaning  into  the  terms  used.  The  very  first 
of  the  material  references  to  the  Levites  drives  this 
truth  home.  "But  appoint  thou  the  Levites  over 
the  tabernacle  of  the  testimony,  and  over  all  the 
furniture  thereof"  (Nu  1  50).  It  is  necessary  to 
consider  whether  such  expressions  are  to  be  read  in 
a  wide  or  a  narrow  sense.  We  learn  from  18  3  that 
death  would  be  the  result  of  a  Levite's  touching  any 
of  these  vessels,  and  it  therefore  appears  that  these 
words  are  meant  to  be  construed  narrowly.  "They 
shall  bear  the  tabernacle,  and  all  the  furniture  there- 
of; and  they  shall  minister  unto  it,"  are  the  next 
words  (1  60) ;  but  yet  we  read  later  of  the  Kohathites 
who  were  to  bear  it  that  "they  shall  not  touch  the 
sanctuary,  lest  they  die"  (4  15).^  This  shows  that 
the  service  in  question  is  strictly  limited  to  a  service 
of  porterage  after  the  articles  have  been  wrapped  up 
by_  Aaron  and  his  sons.  By  no  possibility  could 
it  include  such  a  task  as  cleaning  the  vessels.  It  is 
then  further  directed  that  the  Levites  are  to  take 
down  and  set  up  the  dwelling  and  camp  round  about 
it.  All  these  are  desert  services  and  desert  services 
only.  Then  we  read  that  "the  Levites  shall  keep 
the  charge  of  the  tabernacle  [dwelhng]  of  the  tes- 
timony." This  concludes  the  first  material  pas- 
sage (Nu  1  50-.5.3).  The  other  passages  of  Nu 
only  amplify  these  directions;  they  never  change 
them.  But  some  phrases  are  used  which  must  be 
more  particularly  considered. 

(1)  Technical  phrases. — We  hear  that  the  Levites 
are  "to  serve  the  service  of  the  tent  of  meeting," 
and  this  looks  as  it  it  might  refer  to  some  general 
duties,  but  the  context  and  the  kindred  passages 
always  forbid  this  interpretation.  Nu  7  5  ff  is 
an  admirable  instance.  Six  wagons  are  there  as- 
signed to  the  Levites  for  this  service,  two  to  the 
Gershonites  and  four  to  the  Merarites.  "But  unto 
the  sons  of  Kohath  he  gave  none,  because  the  serv- 
ice of^  the  sanctuary  belonged  unto  them;  they 
bare  it  upon  their  shoulders."  Here  service  is 
transport  and  nothing  else.  Again  we  read  of  the 
charge  of  the  Levites  in  the  tent  of  meeting,  e.g. 
4  2.5  f.  If  we  look  to  see  what  this  was,  we  find 
that  it  consisted  of  transporting  portions  of  the 
tent  that  had  been  packed  up.  The  "in"  of  EV 
does  not  represent  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  fairly  ■ 
for  the  context  makes  it  clear  that  the  legislator 
means  "in  respect  to."  "But  they  shall  not  go  in 
to  see  the  sanctuary  even  for  a  moment,  lest  they 
die"  (4  20).  In  Eng.  idiom  we  cannot  speak  of  the 
transport  of  portions  of  a  dismantled  tent  as  service 
in  that  tent.  One  other  expression  requires  notice, 
the  phrase  "keep  the  charge"  which  is  distinguished 


in  8  26  from  "doing  service."  The  exact  meaning 
cannot  be  determined.  It  appears  to  denote  some- 
thing kindred  to  service,  but  of  a  less  exacting  nature, 
perhaps  the  camping  round  the  tent  and  the  guard- 
ianship of  the  articles  on  the  march.  We  shall  see 
hereafter  by  comparison  with  other  books  that  in 
P  it  does  not  bear  the  same  meaning  as  elsewhere. 

(2)  Other  legal  provisions. — The  Levites  were  to 
act  under  the  orders  of  Aaron  and  his  sons,  who 
were  to  assign  to  each  man  his  individual  functions 
(Nu  3,4,  etc).  They  were  to  undergo  a  special 
rite  of  purification  (Nu  8),  but  not  of  consecration. 
They  were  taken  in  place  of  the  firstborn  (Nu  3). 
The  age  for  beginning  service  is  given  in  ch  4  as  30 
years,  but  in  8  24  as  25,  if  the  text  be  sound.  The 
age  for  ceasing  to  serve  was  50.  In  many  passages 
the  VSS  suggest  that  a  good  many  phrases  are  textu- 
ally  doubtful,  and  it  is  probable  that  when  a  criti- 
cal text  of  the  Pent  is  formed  on  scientific  principles, 
a  good  many  superfluous  expressions  will  be  found 
not  to  be  original;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  any  real  difi'erence  in  the  meaning  of  the  pas- 
sages would  be  revealed  by  such  a  text. 

The  story  of  Korah  is  easily  misunderstood.  It 
appears  from  Nu  16  3  that  his  real  object  was  to 
put  himself  on  an  equality  with  Moses  and  Aaron, 
and  this  is  the  "priesthood"  referred  to  in  ver  10. 
Nu  18  reinforces  the  earlier  passages.  It  is  note- 
worthy as  showing  that  in  the  conception  of  the 
legislator  the  Levites  were  not  to  come  near  the 
vessels  or  the  altar  (ver  3).  The  penalty  is  death 
for  both  Levites  and  priests. 

(3)  Contrast  with  Ezk  and  Ch. — The  impression  as 
to  the  meaning  of  P  which  may  be  gathered  from 
an  examination  of  its  statements  is  powerfully  rein- 
forced when  they  are  tested  by  reference  to  Ezk 
and  Ch.  Ezk  44  9-14  seems  to  demand  of  the 
Levites  some  service  as  gatekeepers,  the  slaying  of 
burnt  offering  and  sacrifice  for  the  people  and  a 
keeping  of  "the  charge  of  the  house,  for  all  the  serv- 
ice thereof,"  which  in  the  light  of  vs  7  f  appears  to 
mean  in  his  terminology,  not  a  service  of  transport, 
but  an  entry  into  the  house  and  the  performance 
of  certain  duties  there.  P,  on  the  contrary,  knows 
nothing  of  gatekeepers,  regards  the  slaying  of  the 
burnt  offering  and  sacrifice  as  the  duty  of  the  indi- 
vidual sacrificant  (Lev  1,  3),  and — if,  as  Wellhausen 
thinks,  it  refers  to  the  temple — it  would  have 
visited  with  death  a  Levite  who  was  present  in 
the  places  in  which  Ezk  requires  him  to  minister. 
Similarly  with  the  Chronicler.  For  instance,  he 
speaks  of  the  Levites  being  'for  the  service  of  the 
house  ....  in  the  courts  and  over  the  chambers, 
and  over  the  cleansing  of  every  holy  thing'  (1  Ch 
23  28),  but  P  knows  nothing  of  any  chambers, 
would  not  have  allowed  the  Levites  to  touch  (much 
less  clean)  many  of  the  holy  things,  and  regarded 
service  simply  as  porterage.  In  1  Ch  23  31  the 
Levites  are  to  offer  burnt  offerings  on  certain  occa- 
sions; in  P  their  approach  to  the  altar  would  have 
meant  death  both  to  themselves  and  the  priests 
(Nu  18  3).  Other  instances  wiU  be  found  in  PS, 
238  f. 

(4)  What  the  foregoing  proves. — In  view  of  these 
facts  it  is  impossible  to  hold  that  the  Levites  in  P 
represent  a  projection  of  the  Levites  of  the  second 
temple  or  any  post-Mosaic  age  into  the  desert  period. 
To  P  they  are  a  body  of  sacred  porters.  The  temple 
of  course  could  not  be  carried  about,  and  it  cannot 
be  held  that  in  this  respect  the  legislation  mirrors 
later  circumstances.  "Secondly,  the  net  result  of 
such  a  scheme  would  be  to  create  a  body  of  Levites 
for  use  during  the  period  of  wanderings  and  never 
thereafter.  As  soon  as  the  desert  age  was  over  the 
whole  tribe  would  find  their  occupation  gone.  How 
can  we  conceive  that  any  legislator  deUberately 
sat  down  and  invented  such  a  scheme  centuries 


2449 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Priests,  Levites 


after  the  epoch  to  which  it  relates,  well  knowing 
that  in  so  far  as  his  scheme  purported  to  be  a  narra- 
tive of  events  it  was  fictitious  from  beginning  to 
end,  and  in  so  far  as  it  might  be  regarded  as  a  legis- 
lation applicable  to  his  own  or  any  future  day,  there 
was  not  a  line  in  it  that  could  conceivably  be  put 
into  practice?  If  any  theorist  can  be  conceived  as 
acting  in  this  way,  how  are  we  to  suppose  that  his 
work  would  meet  with  acceptance?  ....  Thirdly, 
P  neither  embodies  the  views  of  Ezk  nor  finds  an 
accurate  reflection  in  Ch.  The  facts  are  such  as 
to  enable  us  to  say  definitely  that  P  is  not  in  line 
with  them.  It  is  impossible  to  assume  that  he 
appointed  the  death  penalty  for  certain  acts  if 
performed  by  Levites  because  he  really  wished  the 
Levites  to  perform  those  acts"  (PS,  241  f). 

P  also  speaks  of  Aaron  the  priest  and  the  sons  of 
Aaron  the  priest.^  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  ex- 
pression "the  sons  of  Aaron  the 
2.  Aaron  priests,"  which  occurs  frequently  in  the 
and  His  MT,  is  ever  original;   the  Massoretio 

Sons  expression  is  nowhere  supported  by  all 

the  authorities.  "The  phrase  'Aaron 
the  high  priest'  is  entirely  unknown  to  P.  Where 
the  high  priest's  name  is  given  the  only  qualifying 
apposition  possible  in  his  usage  is  'the  priest.' " 
Aaron  and  his  sons,  unhke  the  Levites,  were  con- 
secrated, not  merely  purified. 

At  this  point  two  features  only  of  the  legislation 
need  be  noticed :  the  inadequacy  of  the  staff  to  post- 
conquest  conditions  and  the  signs  of  date.  For  ex- 
ample, the  leprosy  laws  (Lev  13  f )  postulate  the  pres- 
ence of  priests  to  inspect  and  isolate  the  patient. 
"Remembering  that  on  the  critical  theory  P  assumes 
the  capital  at  Jcrus  as  self-evident,  we  must  ask 
how  such  provisions  were  to  work  after  the  con- 
quest. During  the  desert  period  nothing  could 
have  been  simpler,  but  what  was  to  happen  when 
the  Israelites  dwelt  aU  over  Canaan  from  Beersheba 
to  Dan?"  (PS,  246).  The  difficulty  is  immensely 
increased  if  we  postulate  an  exilic  or  post-e.xilic 
date,  when  the  Jewish  center  of  gravity  was  in 
Babylonia  and  there  were  large  colonies  in  Egypt 
and  elsewhere.  And  "What  are  we  to  say  when 
we  read  of  leprous  garments  (Lev  13  47  ff)?  Was 
a  man  to  make  the  pilgrimage  from  Babylonia 
to  Jerus  to  consult  a  priest  about  a  doubtful  gar- 
ment? And  what  about  the  leper's  offerings  in 
ch  14?  Could  they  conceivably  have  been  meant 
to  apply  to  such  circumstances?"  (PS,  247).  The 
case  is  no  better  with  the  law  of  leprous  houses, 
which  is  expressed  to  apply  to  the  post-conquest 
period  (Lev  14  33-.53).  The  notification  to  the 
priest  and  his  inspections  require  a  priesthood 
scattered  all  over  the  country,  i.e.  a  body  far  more 
numerous  than  the  house  of  Aaron  at  the  date 
of  the  conquest.  Such  instances  could  easily  be 
multiplied  from  the  legislation;  one  more  only  will 
be  cited  on  account  of  its  importance  to  the  history 
of  the  priesthood.  According  to  Lev,  the  indi- 
vidual sacrificant  is  to  kill  the  victims  and  flay  the 
burnt  offerings.  How  could  such  procedure  be 
applied  to  such  sacrifices  as  those  of  Solomon  (1  K 
8  63)?  With  the  growth  of  luxury  the  sacrifices 
would  necessarily  become  too  large  for  such  a  ritual, 
and  the  wealthy  would  grow  in  refinement  and 
object  to  performing  such  tasks  personally.  This 
suggests  the  reason  for  later  abuses  and  for  the 
modifications  of  Ezk  and  the  representations  of  the 
Chronicler. 

Result  of  the  evidence. — Thus  the  evidence  of  P 
is  unfavorable  alike  to  the  Wellhausen  and  the 
mediating  views.  The  indications  of  date  are  con- 
sistently Mosaic,  and  it  seems  impossible  to  fit  the 
laws  into  the  framework  of  any  other  age  without 
reading  them  in  a  sense  that  the  legislator  can  be 
shown  not  to  have  contemplated.     On  the  other 


hand  P  is  a  torso.  It  provides  a  large  body  of 
Levites  who  would  have  nothing  to  do  after  the 
conquest,  and  a  corpus  of  legislation  that  could  not 
have  been  administered  in  settled  conditions  by  the 
house  of  Aaron  alone. 

///.  The  Other  Portions  of  the  Pentateuch. — In 
Ex  19  22.24  we  read  of  priests,  but  a  note  has  come 
down  to  us  that  in  the  first  ol^  those  verses  Aquila 
had  "elders,"  not  "priests,"  and  this  appears  to  be 
the  correct  reading  in  both  places,  as  is  shown  by 
the  prominence  of  the  elders  in  the  early  part  of  the 
chapter.  In  Hebrew  the  words  differ  by  only  two 
letters.  It  is  said  by  Wellhausen  that  in  Ex  33 
7-11  (E)  Joshua  has  charge  of  the  ark.  This  rests 
on  a  mistranslation  of  Ex  33  7,  which  should  be 
rendered  (correcting  EV),  'And  Moses  used  to  take 
a  [or  the]  tent  and  pitch  it  for  himself  without  the 
camp.'  It  is  inconceivable  that  Moses  should 
have  taken  the  tent  of  the  ark  and  removed  it  to 
a  distance  from  the  camp  for  his  private  use,  leaving 
the  ark  bared  and  unguarded.  Moreover,  if  he  had 
done  so,  Joshua  could  not  have  been  in  charge  of 
the  ark,  seeing  that  he  was  in  this  tent  while  the 
ark  {ex  hypolhesi)  remained  in  the  camp.  Nor  had 
the  ark  yet  been  constructed.  Nor  was  Joshua  in 
fact  a  priest  or  the  guardian  of  the  ark  in  E:  (1)  in 
the  Book  of  Josh  E  knows  of  priests  who  carry  the 
ark  and  are  quite  distinct  from  Joshua  (3  ff) ;  (2)  in 
Dt  31  14  (E)  Joshua  is  not  resident  in  the  tent 
of  meeting;  (3)  in  E  Aaron  and  Eleazar  are  priests 
(Dt  10  6),  and  the  Levitical  priesthood  is  the  only 
one  recognized  (Dt  33  10);  (4)  there  is  no  hint 
anywhere  of  Joshua's  discharging  any  priestly  duty 
whatsoever.  The  whole  case  rests  on  his  presence 
in  the  tent  in  Ex  33  7-11,  and,  as  shown  in  the  art. 
Pentateuch  (q.v.),  this  passage  should  stand  after 
Ex  13  22. 

Then  it  is  said  that  in  Ex  4  14;  Jgs  17  7, 
"Levite"  denotes  profession,  not  ancestry.  In  the 
latter  passage  the  youth  whom  Micah  made  a  priest 
was  of  Levitical  descent,  being  the  grandson  of 
Moses  (Jgs  17  13) ,  and  the  case  rests  on  the  phrase, 
"of  the  family  of  Judah."  Neither  of  the  Septua- 
gintal  translations  had  this  text  (Field,  Hexapla, 
ad  loc),  which  therefore  cannot  be  supported,  since 
it  cannot  be  suggested  that  Moses  belonged  to  the 
tribe  of  Judah.  As  to  Ex  4  14,  the  phrase  "Aaron 
thy  brother  the  Levite"  is  merely  an  adaptation 
of  the  more  usual,  "Aaron,  son  of  Amram,  the 
Levite,"  rendered  neces.sary  by  the  fact  that  his 
brother  Moses  is  the  person  addressed.  The  Well- 
hausen theory  here  is  shown  to  be  untenable  in 
PS,  250  and  RE\  XI,  418. 

Ex  32  26-29  foreshadows  the  sacred  character  of 
Levi,  and  Dt  10  6  (E)  knows  the  hereditary  Aaronic 
priesthood.  In  D  the  most  important  passage  is 
Dt  18  6-8.  In  ver  7  three  Septuagintal  MSS 
omit  the  words  "the  Levites,"  and  if  this  be  a  gloss, 
the  whole  historic  sense  of  the  passage  is  changed. 
It  now  contains  an  enactment  that  any  Levite  coming 
to  the  religious  capital  may  minister  there  "as  all 
his  brethren  do,  who  stand  there,"  etc,  i.e.  like  the 
descendants  of  Aaron.  "The  Levites"  will  then 
be  the  explanation  of  a  glossator  who  was  imbued 
with  the  latest  post-exilic  ideas,  and  thought  that 
"his  brethren"  must  mean  those  of  his  fellow- 
Levites  who  were  not  descended  from  Aaron.  The 
passage  is  supplemented  by  21  5,  giving  to  the 
Levites  judicial  rights,  and  24  8  assigning  to  them 
the  duty  of  teaching  the  leprosy  regulations.  To- 
gether with  33  10  (E),  'they  shall  teach  thy  judg- 
ments to  Jacob  and  thy  law  to  Israel:  they  shall 
put  incense  in  thy  nostrils  and  whole  burnt-offering 
on  thine  altar,'  these  passages  complete  the  pro- 
visions of  P  in  giving  to  the  Levites  an  occupation 
in  place  of  their  transport  duties,  and  providing 
the  necessary  staff  for  administering  the  legislation 


Priests,  Levites    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2450 


when  the  Israelites  were  no  longer  massed  together 
in  a  single  camp,  but  scattered  over  the  country. 
We  shall  see  in  the  next  section  that  this  view  of 
the  meaning  of  the  Law  was  taken  by  every  writer  of 
the  second  part  of  the  Canon  who  touches  on  the 
subject.  Everywhere  we  are  confronted  with  the 
legitimacy  of  a  Levitical  priesthood;  nowhere  is 
there  any  mention  of  an  exclusive  Aaronic  right. 
Smaller  points  which  cannot  be  discussed  here  are 
examined  in  PS.  It  only  remains  to  notice  that 
these  provisions  fully  explain  the  frequent  Deuter- 
onomic  locution,  "the  priests  the  Levites."  One 
other  remark  must  be  made.  Though  it  is  not 
expressly  stated,  we  may  assume  that  consecration 
would  be  necessary  in  the  case  of  any  Levite  acting 
on  the  provisions  of  Dt  18  6-8,  and  was  not 
mentioned  because  in  Heb  antiquity  it  went  with- 
out saying  that  every  priest  must  be  consecrated 
(cf  Jgs  17). 

IV.  From  Moses  to  Malachi. — Josh  adds  but 
little  to  our  information.     In  18  7  the  priesthood  is 

called  the  inheritance  of  the  Levites, 
1.  The  and  it  is  singular  that  the  Wellhausen 

Sources  critics    attribute    this    to    a    priestly 

Other  than  redactor,  though  such  a  writer  should 
Ezekiel  ex   hypothesi    have    been    jealous     to 

withhold  the  priesthood  from  the 
Levites.  It  is  very  interesting  to  find  that  in  Josh 
3,  4,  all  the  different  critical  documents  speak  in 
exactly  the  same  terms  of  "the  priests  that  bare  the 
ark."  The  priestly  writer  ought,  on  the  Well- 
hausen theory,  to  have  said  "the  Levites."  The 
expression  "the  priests  the  Levites"  is  found  alter- 
nating with  the  expression  "the  priests."  All  this 
points  to  the  construction  put  upon  the  provisions 
of  the  Law  in  the  preceding  section,  and  finds  fresh 
confirmation  in  Jgs,  where  we  see  Micah  rejoicing 
at  having  a  Levite  as  a  priest  (17  13),  thus  showing 
that  the  sacred  character  of  the  tribe  was  recognized 
in  the  earliest  post-Mosaic  times.  The  lay  sacri- 
fices in  this  and  the  following  books  are  explained 
under  Sanctuary;   Sacrifice  (q.v.). 

The  period  of  the  early  kings  shows  us  kings 
blessing  the  people  (e.g.  2  S  6  18).  It  is  claimed 
that  this  is  the  priestly  blessing,  but  without  evi- 
dence, and  there  seems  no  more  reason  to  see  special 
priestly  rights  here  than  in  David's  blessing  his 
household  (2  S  6  20),  or  the  frequent  blessings  of 
the  Bible  (e.g.  Gen  passim,  esp,  "in  thee  will 
Israel  bless,"  Gen  48  20),  while  in  1  K  8  55  if 
we  actually  have  the  words  of  the  blessing  delivered 
on  one  of  these  occasions  by  Solomon,  and  it  is 
quite  unlike  the  blessing  of  the  priests  (Nu  6 
22  ff). 

Textual  criticism  disposes  of  tlie  supposed  priesthood 
of  certain  non-Levitical  persons.  In  2  S  8  18  the 
MT  malies  David's  sons  "priests,"  but  this  reading 
was  unlcnown  to  the  LXX,  Symmachus  and  Theo- 
dotion  (Field,  ad  loc.).  The  LXX  has  "aularchs,"  i.e. 
chamberlains.  That  this  represents  a  different  Hebrew 
word  is  proved  by  the  Septuagintal  list  of  3  K  2  46  (not 
extant  in  Heb),  where  we  read  that  Benaiah.  son  of 
Jchoiada,  was  "over  the  autarchy  and  over  the  brick- 
making."  It  cannot  bo  suggested  that  this  represents 
an  original  Hob  "over  the  priesthood  and  over  the  brick- 
making, "  and  accordingly  we  must  concede  the  exist- 
ence of  some  secular  court  office  which  was  rendered  by 
this  Gr  phrase.  Hitzig  and  Cheyne  conjecture  that 
□^53D.  sokh'nim,  should  be  read  for  D^3n3 .  koh&nim. 
This  word  gives  the  sense  required  (see  Isa  22  15,  RVm 
"steward").  In  2  S  20  26  we  read  that  Ira,  IIXIH. 
ha  ya'iri  ("the  .Jairite"),  was  a  priest,  but  the  Syr  sup- 
ported by  Lucian  and  23  38 reads  l^n^n,  /io-ya«iri  ("the 
Jattirite").  Jattir  was  a  priestly  city.  In  1  K  4  5 
Nathan's  son  is  described  as  'priest  friend  of  the  king.' 
but  LXX  reads  only  "friend  of  the  king"  (ct  e.sp.  1  Ch 
27  33  f:  2  8  15  32),  and  at  another  period  Nathan's 
son  held  the  kindred  secular  office  of  king's  counsellor 
(LXX  3  K  2  46.  a  fact  that  is  certainly  unfavorable 
to  the  view  that  he  ever  held  priestly  office).  There 
can  therefore  bo  no  doubt  that  the  word  "priest,"  ins , 
kohen.  has  arisen  through  dittography  of  the  preceding 
word  ]riD '  nathdii,  Nathan. 


Various  dealings  with  the  ark  in  the  age  of  Samuel 
require  notice.  As  a  boy  Samuel  himself  is  given 
into  the  service  of  Eli.  ,  It  has  been  argued  that  he 
really  officiated  as  a  priest,  though  probably  (if 
the  Chronicler's  data  be  rejected)  not  of  Levitical 
descent.  The  answer  is  to  be  found  in  his  age. 
Weaning  sometimes  took  place  at  as  late  an  age  as 
three,  and  accordingly  the  boy  may  have  been  as 
much  as  four  years  old  when  he  was  taken  to  Shiloh 
(1  S  1  24).  His  mother  used  to  bring  him  a  little 
cloak  (1  S  2  19)  every  year,  and  this  notice  also 
shows  his  extreme  youth.  In  view  of  this  it  cannot 
seriously  be  contended  that  he  performed  any 
priestly  service.  He  must  have  been  a  sort  of  page, 
and  he  performed  some  duties  of  a  porter,  opening 
the  door- valves  of  the  temple  at  Shiloh  (1  S  3  15). 

(1)  The  custody  of  the  ark. — When  the  ark  was 
captured  by  the  Philis,  it  was  in  the  charge  of  priests. 
When  David  brought  it  to  Jerus,  it  was  again  placed 
in  priestly  custody,  but  there  is  an  interregnum  of 
some  20  years  (1  S  7  2). 

It  must  be  remembered  that  whatever  may  have  hap- 
pened during  this  period  of  great  national  confusion,  the 
practice  of  all  the  rest  of  history,  extending  over  some  600 
or  700  years,  is  uniform  and  would  far  outweigh  any 
irregularities  during  so  short  and  troubled  a  period. 

(2)  On  its  return  from  the  Philistines. — The  first  diffi- 
culty arises  on  1  S  6  14.15.  In  the  second  of  these 
verses  the  Levites  come  up  after  the  Beth-shemites  have 
finished,  and.  in  Wellhausen's  words,  "proceed  as  If 
nothing  had  happened,  lift  the  ark  from  the  now  no 
longer  existent  cart,  and  set  it  upon  the  stone  on  which 
the  sacrifice  is  already  burning"  (Prolegomena,  128). 
It  is  therefore  suggested  that  ver  15  is  a  gloss.  But  there 
is  difficulty  in  ver  14  which  tells  of  the  breaking  up  of  the 
cart,  etc,  without  explaining  what  happened  to  the  ark. 
The  trouble  may  be  met  by  a  slight  transposition  thus: 

'14a     And   the   cart   came   into    the    field and 

stood  there,  and  there  was  there  a  great  stone:  15a  and 
the  Levites  took  down  the  ark,  etc,  and  put  them  on  the 
great  stone:  146  and  clave  the  wood  of  the  cart,'  etc, 
followed  by  156.     This  makes  perfect  sense. 

(3)  In  Abinadab's  house. — The  second  difficulty  is 
made  by  1  S  7  1,  where  we  read  that  the  ark  was 
brought  to  the  house  of  Abinadab  '  and  Eleazar  his  son 
they  sanctified  to  guard'  it.  Its  old  abode,  the  house 
at  Shiloh,  had  apparently  been  destroyed  (Jer  7  12.14; 

26  6.9).  There  it  enjoyed  considerable  importance,  for 
Pools  is  unquestionably  right  in  identifying  the  Gibeah 
of  God  (1  S  10  5)  with  the  Gibeah  (hill)  of  the  ark. 
Thus  there  was  a  high  place  there  and  a  Phili  garrison 
(cf  1  S  13  3,  where  LXX  and  Tg  have  "Gibeah"), 
There  remains  the  difficulty  caused  by  the  guardianship 
of  Eleazar.  Poels  may  be  right  in  reading  IJS  £1X1 
"ITybS,  wu'eth  b'ne'el'azar,  "  and  the  sons  of  Eleazar,"  for 
^13  ^tybX  niCI .  w^'eih  'el'azdr  b^no,  "and  Eleazar 
his  son  " :  but  in  the  entire  absence  of  information,'  alike 
as  to  Eleazar's  functions  and  as  to  his  tribe,  notliing 
definite  can  be  said.  The  narratives  of  the  slaughter 
among  the  Beth-shemites  and  the  fate  of  Uzzah  make  it 
certain  that  Eleazar's  custody  of  the  ark  kept  him  at  a 
respectful  distance  from  it. 

When  David  at  the  end  of  this  period  removed  the 
ark,  it  was  first  taken  in  a  cart.  'This  proved  fatal  to 
Uzzah,  and  the  ark  was  deposited  in  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  the  Gittite.  The  text  of  S  knows  nothing  of  any 
guardianship  of  the  ark  by  Obed-edom.  Probably  he 
took  very  good  care  not  to  go  near  it  in  view  of  Uzzah's 
fate.  Then  it  was  transported  to  Jerus  by  bearers  (2  S 
6  13) — presumably  of  Levitical  descent.  No  further 
irregularities  are  urged. 

More  important  is  the  change  of  priesthood; 
1  S  2  27-36  clearly  threatens  Eli,  whose  house  had 
been  chosen  in  Egypt,  with  a  transference  of  the 
high-priesthood  to  another  line.  Careful  compari- 
son with  1  K  2  27  makes  it  certain  that  the 
prophecy  was  fulfilled  when  Zadok  was  placed  by 
Solomon  in  the  place  of  Abiathar.  Who  was 
Zadok?    According   to    Ch    (1  Ch  6  8.53;     24  3; 

27  17)  he  was  descended  from  Aaron  through 
Eleazar,  and  this  is  accepted  by  Orr,  Van  Hoonacker 
and  many  others,  who  take  Ch  in  a  literal  sense. 
According  to  Ezk  he  was  a  Levite  (40  46,  etc).  It 
is  noteworthy  that  throughout  the  prophetical  books 
we  always  hear  of  the  Levitical  priesthood,  not  the 
Aaronic  (see  esp.  1  K  12  31;  Jer  33  18-22;  Mai 
2),  and  the  "father's  house"  of  1  S  2  27-36  that 
was  chosen  in  Egypt  could  only  be  the  house  of 


2451 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Priests,  Levites 


Aaron,  not  of  Ithamar,  if  the  passage  is  to  be  taken 
in  its  natural  sense.  On  this  view  Zadok's  appoint- 
ment could  only  have  fulfilled  the  prophecy  if  it 
terminated  the  Aaronic  succession.  It  would  seem 
therefore  that  the  high-priesthood  was  transferred 
to  a  family  of  non-Aaronic  Levites.  For  the  alter- 
native view  see  Zadok. 

The  prophet's  speech  in  1  S  2  27-36  is  also  im- 
portant for  the  light  it  throws  on  the  organization 
of  the  priesthood.  The  high  priest  has  in  his  gift 
a  number  of  priestly  offices  with  pecuniary  and 
other  emoluments.  This  postulates  a  far  more 
advanced  hierarchy  than  that  of  P. 

The  reference  to  "the  priests  and  the  Levites"  in 
1  K  8  4  was  unknown  to  the  LXX,  but  in  other 
passages  the  Books  of  K  show  further  advances  in 
hierarchical  organization.  There  is  not  merely  the 
high  priest — generally  like  Aaron  in  P  called  "the 
priest,"  but  sometimes  the  high  priest — but  also 
the  second  priest  (2  K  25  18;  Jer  52  24;  2  K 
23  4,  according  to  the  Tg),  three  keepers  of  the 
threshold  (ubi  supra,  and  2  K  12  10)  and  "elders 
of  the  priests"  (2  K  19  2;  Isa  37  2;  perhaps  also 
Jer  19  1).  See  also  Jer  20  1  f;  29  26  for  priestly 
organization  and  jurisdiction  in  the  temple  pre- 
cincts. All  this  contrasts  strikingly  with  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Pentateuchal  organization. 

Ezekiel  is  entirely  in  line  with  the  other  sources 
for  this  period,  but  he  seeks  to  institute  certain 
reforms.  He  writes,  "Her  priests 
2.  Ezekiel  have  done  violence  to  my  law,  and 
have  profaned  my  holy  things:  they 
have  made  no  distinction  between  the  holy  and  the 
common,  neither  have  they  caused  men  to  discern 
between  the  unclean  and  the  clean,"  etc  (Ezk  22 
26) .  If  these  words  have  any  meaning  they  signify 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  a  law  which  followed 
the  very  words  of  Lev  10  and  other  passages  of  P, 
and  was  intended  to  reach  the  people  through  the 
teaching  of  the  priests.  In  chs  40-48,  there  is  a 
vision  of  the  future  which  stands  in  the  closest 
relation  to  the  Pent.  Three  views  have  been  held 
of  this.  The  old  view  was  that  Ezk  could  not  be 
reconciled  with  the  Pent  at  all,  and  that  the  diffi- 
culties presented  were  insoluble.  Wellhausen  and 
his  followers  maintain  that  the  prophet  is  prior 
to  P,  and  here  introduces  the  distinction  between 
priests  and  Levites  for  the  first  time.  The  third 
alternative  is  to  hold  that  Ezekiel  was  famihar  with 
P  and  drew  from  it  the  inspiration  to  make  a  fresh 
division  among  the  Levites,  giving  the  sons  of 
Zadok  a  position  similar  to  that  occupied  by  the 
sons  of  Aaron  in  the  wilderness  period,  and  reenact- 
ing  with  slight  modifications  the  legislation  appli- 
cable to  the  sons  of  Aaron,  this  time  applying  it  to 
the  sons  of  Zadok.  The  crucial  passage  is  44  6-16, 
from  which  it  clearly  appears  that  in  Solomon's 
temple  ahens  had  performed  sundry  tasks  that 
should  have  been  executed  by  more  holy  persons, 
and  that  Ezekiel  proposes  to  degrade  Levites  who 
are  not  descended  from  Zadok  to  perform  such 
tasks  in  the  future  as  a  punishment  for  their  minis- 
trations to  idols  in  high  places.  Either  of  the  two 
latter  views  would  explain  the  close  connection  that 
evidently  exists  between  the  concluding  chapters  of 
Ezk  and  P,  and,  accordingly,  in  choosing  between 
them,  the  reader  must  consider  four  main  points: 
(1)  Is  P  shown  on  the  internal  evidence  to  be  early 
or  late?  Is  it  desert  legislation,  or  is  it  accurately 
reflected  in  Ch?  This  point  has  abeady  been  dis- 
cussed in  part  and  is  further  treated  in  Pentateuch 
(q.v.).  (2)  Is  the  theory  of  the  late  composition 
of  P  psychologically  and  morally  probable?  On 
this  see  Pentateuch  and  POT,  292-99.  (3)  Is  it 
the  case  that  the  earlier  history  attests  the  exist- 
ence of  institutions  of  P  that  are  held  by  Well- 
hausen and  his  followers  to  be   late — e.g.    more 


national  offerings  than  the  critics  allow?  On  this 
see  EPC,  200  ff,  and  passim;  POT,  305-15,  and 
passim;  SBL  and  OP  passim,  and  art.  Pentateuch. 
(4)  Does  Ezekiel  himself  show  acquaintance  with 
P  (e.g.  in  22  26),  or  not?  On  this  too  see  SBL,  96; 
PS,  281  f . 

With  regard  to  the  non-mention  of  the  high-priest- 
hood and  certain  other  institutions  in  Ezekiel's  vision, 
the  natural  explanation  is  that  in  the  case  of  these 
the  prophet  did  not  desire  to  institute  any  changes. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  Ezekiel  does  not  codify  and 
consolidate  all  existing  law.  On  the  contrary,  he  is 
rather  supplementing  and  reforming.  In  his  ideal 
temple  the  prince  is  to  provide  the  statutory  na- 
tional offerings  (45  17),  i.e.  those  of  Nu  28,  29. 
Apparently  the  king  had  provided  these  earlier 
(2  K  16  13).  But  in  addition  to  these  there  had 
grown  up  a  "king's  offering,"  and  it  is  probably  to 
this  only  that  45  22  ff;  46  2-15  relate.  In  46  13 
LXX,  Syr,  Vulg,  and  some  Heb  MSS  preserve  the 
reading  "he"  for  "thou." 

V.  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Chronicles. — Whatever  the 
course  of  the  earlier  history,  there  is  general  agree- 
ment that  in  these  books  a  distinction  between 
priests  and  Levites  is  established  (see  e.g.  Neh  10 
37  f  [38  f];  12  If).  We  also  find  singers  and  por- 
ters (Neh  13  5,  etc),  Nethinim  and  the  sons  of 
Solomon's  servants  (Ezr  7  7.24;  10  23  f;  Neh  10 
28  [29];  11  3,  etc).  It  must  not  be  assumed  that 
these  classes  were  new.  The  story  of  the  Gibeon- 
ites  (Josh  9)  gives  us  the  origin  of  some  of  these 
grades,  and  the  non-mention  of  them  in  many  of 
the  earlier  books  is  easily  explained  by  the  character 
of  those  books.  We  know  from  such  passages  as 
Am  5  23  that  there  were  musical  services  in  far 
earlier  times   (cf  Neh  12  42). 

Ch  presents  an  account  of  the  earlier  history  of 

the  priests  and  Levites  that  in  many  respects  does 

not    tally    with    the     older     sources. 

1.  Esti-  Many  modern  writers  think  that  the 
mates  author's  views  of  the  past  were  colored 
of  the  by  the  circumstances  of  his  own  day, 
Chronicler     and  that  he  had  a  tendency  to  carry 

back  later  conditions  to  an  earlier 
period.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  impossible  to  deny 
fairly  that  he  used  some  sources  which  have  not 
been  preserved  to  us  elsewhere.  Again,  there  is 
evidence  to  show  that  his  work  was  not  intended 
to  be  taken  for  history  and  would  not  have  been 
so  regarded  by  his  contemporaries.  Taknudical 
authorities  held  some  such  view  as  this.  The  his- 
torical value  of  his  work  has  yet  to  be  appraised  in 
a  more  critical  and  impartial  spirit  than  is  exhibited 
in  any  of  the  current  discussions.  For  the  present 
purpose  it  is  only  possible  to  notice  the  effect  of 
some  of  his  statements,  if  interpreted  literally.  As 
there  are  passages  where  he  has  clearly  substituted 
Levites  for  the  less  holy  personages  of  the  older 
sources  (contrast  e.g.  2  K  11  4-12  with  2  Ch  23 
1-11),  it  may  be  that  Levites  have  also  been  sub- 
stituted by  him  for  other  persons  in  notices  of  which 
no  other  version  has  survived. 

David  and   Solomon  recognized   the  hierarchy. 

The  former  king  instituted  the  musical  services 

(1  Ch  6  3ff;    16  4ff;    26).     The  Le- 

2.  His  Data  vites  were  divided  into  courses  (1  Ch 

23  6)  and  were  rendered  liable  to 
service  from  the  age  of  twenty  by  his  enactment 
(ver  27).  There  were  also  24  courses  or  divisions 
of  priests,  16  of  the  sons  of  Eleazar  and  8  of  the  sons 
of  Ithamar  (ch  24).  The  courses  were  divided  by 
lot.  In  Neh  12  1-7  we  read  of  "chiefs  of  the 
priests,"  but  these  are  only  22  in  number,  while 
vs  12-21  give  us  21  in  the  time  of  Joiakim  (ver  26). 
But  not  much  importance  can  be  attached  to  such 
lists,  as  names  could  easily  fall  out  in  transmission. 
According  to  1  Ch  9  26  the  tour  chief  porters  were 


Priests,  Levites 
Prince 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2452 


Levites,  and  Levites  were  also  over  the  things  baked 
in  pans  and  the  shewbread  (vs  31  f).  This  of  course 
is  not  in  accordance  with  the  Law,  but  is  found  else- 
where in  Ch.  In  1  Ch  23  the  Levites  from  30 
years  old  and  upward  number  38,000,  of  whom 
24,000  oversee  the  work  of  the  house  of  the  Lord, 
6,000  were  officers  and  judges,  4,000  were  door- 
keepers and  4,000  were  musicians.  David  altered 
the  age  of  beginning  service  to  20,  and  an  account 
of  their  functions  is  given  in  1  Ch  23  27-32  (see, 
further,  Music),  AH  these  arrangements  were 
confirmed  and  enforced  by  Solomon  (2  Ch  8  14  ff). 
There  is  often  uncertainty  as  to  whether  the  Chroni- 
cler identifies  priests  and  Levites  in  particular  cases 
or  not,  e.g.  in  2  Ch  30  27,  "the  priests  the  Levites" 
bless  the  people  according  to  the  ordinary  text,  but 
many  authorities  read  "the  priests  and  the  Levites." 
Hezekiah  appears  to  have  undertaken  some  reor- 
ganization (2  Ch  29-31),  but  the  details  are  not 
clear.  Jehoshaphat  established  in  Jerus  a  court 
composed  partly  of  Levites  and  priests  (19  8-11). 
Previously  he  had  sent  priests  and  Levites  and 
others  to  teach  the  Law  in  Judah  (ch  17).  In  29 
34  it  is  clearly  the  duty  of  the  priests  to  flay  burnt 
ofiferings  (contrast  Lev  1).  It  is  impossible  to  draw 
any  consistent  picture  from  the  Chronicler  because 
he  gives  different  data  for  different  periods;  it  is 
doubtful  whether  he  meant  his  statements  to  be 
taken  as  historical,  e.g.  in  1  Ch  26  we  find  Levites 
whose  names  Giddalti  (  =  "I  have  magnified"),  etc, 
are  really  words  forming  part  of  a  prayer,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  either  the  Chronicler  or  his 
public  intended  this  chapter  to  be  interpreted  in 
any  but  a  spiritual  sense  (see  PS,  284-86). 

In  Ezr  2  40  the  number  of  Levites  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  is  given  as  74,  as  against  973  priests 
(ver  36),  128  singers  (ver  41),  139  children  of  the 
porters  (ver  42),  392  Nethinim  and  children  of  Solo- 
mon's servants  (ver  58),  and  the  figures  are  the  same 
in  Neh  7,  except  that  there  the  singers  number  148 
(ver  44)  and  the  porters  138  (ver  45).  When  Ezra 
went  up,  he  was  at  first  joined  by  no  Levites  (8  15), 
but  subsequently  gathered  38  Levites  and  220 
Nethinim  (vs  18-20).  We  get  glimpses  of  the 
organization  in  Neh  12  44-47  and  13  10  ff.  It 
appears  that  in  this  period  genealogies  were  care- 
fully scrutinized  in  the  case  of  doubtful  claims  to 
priestly  descent  (Ezr  2  61  ff;  Neh  7  63  ff).  In 
Ezr  6  19  ff  the  Levites  are  represented  as  kilhng 
the  Passover. 

Of  these  books  no  satisfactory  account  can  be 
given  in  the  present  state  of  textual  criticism  and 
Bib.  science  generally.  Some  writers,  e.g.,  hold 
that  the  Chronicler  had  before  him  a  source  to 
which  the  Levites  were  entirely  unknown,  others 
that  he  invented  freely,  others  again  that  he  repro- 
duces trustworthy  preoxilic  information.  The 
student  has  only  an  assortment  of  theories  from 
which  to  choose.  The  bedrock  fact  is  that  the 
statements  of  these  books,  if  taken  in  their  natural 
meaning,  convey  an  entirely  different  impression 
from  the  statements  of  the  earlier  books  construed 
similarly.  Modern  research  has  not  yet  been 
seriously  addressed  to  the  question  whether  all  the 
statements  were  really  intended  to  be  interpreted 
as  mere  history. 

VI.  Legal  Provisions.  — Aaron  and  his  sons  under- 
went consecration  to  fit  them  for  their  duties. 
Ex  28  f  prescribes  their  garments  and  consecration 
(see  Dress;  Breastplate;  Ephod;  Robe;  Coat; 
Mitee;  Girdle;  Urim  and  Thummim),  and  the 
account  of  the  latter  may  be  read  in  Lev  8  f.  In 
individual  sacrifices  brought  to  the  religious  capital 
the  priests  performed  the  part  of  the  ritual  which 
related  to  the  altar  (sprinkling,  burning,  etc)  (Lev 
1-4).  See  Sacrifice.  A  principal  function  was 
the  duty  of  teaching  the  people  the  law  of  God 


(Lev  10  11;  14  54-57;  Dt  24  8;  33  10;  cf  Ezk 
44  23;  Hos  4  1-6;  Hag  2  11  ff,  and  many  pas- 
sages in  the  Prophets). 

The  priests  were  subject  to  special  laws  designed 
to  maintain  their  purity  (Lev  21  f;  cf  Ezk  44). 
The  rules  aim  at  preventing  defilement  through 
mourning  (save  in  the  case  of  ordinary  priests  for 
a  near  relation)  and  at  preventing  those  who  were 
physically  unfitted  from  performing  certain  func- 
tions, and  those  who  were  for  any  reason  unclean 
from  approaching  the  holy  things.  See  further 
Stranger.  They  performed  several  semi-judicial 
functions  (Nu  5  5ff.llff,  etc;  see  Judge).  They 
also  blessed  the  people  (Nu  6  22;  cf  Dt  10  8, 
etc).  See  Blessing.  On  their  dues  see  Sacri- 
fice; Tithes;  Firstlings;  First-Fruits;  Levit- 
ical  Cities;  Agrarian  Laws;  see  further 
Chemarim;  Nethinim;  Sons  op  Solomon's  Serv- 
ants; Singers;  Doorkeepers;  Serving-Women; 
Judge. 

Literature. — Wellhausen,  Prolegomena,  ch  iv,  for  the 
GraJ-Wellhausen  view;  Wiener,  PS,  230-89,  lor  the  view 
taken  above;  S.  I.  Curtiss,  Levitical  Priest:',  for  the  con- 
servative view.  This  writer  afterward  clianged  to  the 
critical  view.  James  Orr,  POT:  A.  Van  Hoonaclier,  Le 
sacerdoce  levitique  (important) ;  W.  Baudissin.  art.  "  Priests 
and  Levites  "  in  HDB.  IV,  for  mediating  views.  The  best 
account  in  Eng.  of  the  details  of  the  priestly  duties  is 
contained  in  Baudissin's  art.,  where  a  further  bibliography 
will  be  found. 

Harold  M.  Wiener 

PRIMOGENITURE,    pri-mo-jen'i-tar    (Hnisa, 

h'khorah,    from   h'khor,    "firstborn,"    from   bakhar, 

"to    act    early";      •n-poiTOToKia,    proto- 

1.  Recog-  tokia) :  The  right  of  the  firstborn  to 
nition  of  inherit  the  headship  of  the  family, 
Doctrine        carrying  with  it  certain  property  rights 

and  usually  such  titles  as  those  of  the 
high -priesthood  or  kingship.  The  writings  of  the 
Hebrews  take  for  granted  the  recognition  of  a  doc- 
trine of  primogeniture  from  the  earliest  times.  In 
the  most  ancient  genealogies  a  distinction  is  drawn 
between  the  firstborn  and  the  other  son  (Gen  10 
15;  22  21;  25  13;  35  23;  36  15).  In  the  be- 
stowal of  parental  blessings  in  patriarchal  times 
great  importance  was  attached  to  preferring  the 
firstborn  (Gen  25  31;  27  29;  48  13;  49  3).  The 
feud  between  Jacob  and  Esau  (Gen  27  1 — 28  21) 
grew  out  of  the  stealing  of  the  firstborn's  blessing 
by  the  younger  brother.  Joseph  was  displeased 
when,  in  his  blessing,  Jacob  seemed  to  prefer  Eph- 
raim  to  Manasseh,  his  firstborn  ((Sen  48  18). 
The  father  in  such  cases  seems  to  have  had  the 
right  to  transfer  the  birthright  from  one  son  to 
another,  from  the  days  of  Abraham  in  the  case  of 
Ishmael  and  Isaac,  through  those  of  Jacob  in  the 
matter  of  Reuben  and  Joseph  and  in  the  matter 
of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  down  to  the  days  of 
David  in  the  selection  of  a  successor  to  the  king- 
ship. Nevertheless  the  Mosaic  code,  which  declared 
(rather  than  enacted)  the  law  of  jirimogeniture,  pro- 
hibited the  abuse  of  this  parental  privilege  in  the 
case  of  a  younger  son  by  a  favorite  wife  (Dt  21 
16  f). 

The  manner  of  acknowledging  the  firstborn  inci- 
dentally referred  to  in  Dt  is  "by  giving  him  a  double 
portion  of  all  that  he  hath"   (Dt  21 

2.  The  17),  that  is  to  say,  double  the  share 
Double  of  each  of  the  other  brothers.  Jewish 
Portion          tradition    {B'kho,   46a,   47b,   61a,  516; 

Babha'  Bathra'  122a,  1226,  123a,  124a, 
1426)  accepts  and  elaborates  on  this  right  of  the 
firstborn  son.  Thus,  it  applies  only  to  the  first- 
born and  not  the  eldest  surviving  son;  it  does  not 
apply  to  daughters;  it  has  reference  only  to  the 
paternal  estate,  and  not  to  the  inheritance  left  by  a 
mother  or  other  relative,  nor  to  improvements  or 
accessions  made  to  an  estate  after  the  death  of  the 
father. 


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Priests,  Levites 
Prince 


The  object  of  the  doctrine  may  be  that  the  eldest 

son  might  be  enabled  to  preside  over  the  affairs  of 

family  with  proper  dignity,   or   that 

3.  Reasons  he  might  assume  additional  responsi- 
for  the  bilities,  such  as  the  support  of  unmar- 
Custom  ried   sisters.     Hence   one's   birthright 

could  be  waived  or  sold  (Gen  25  3  L 
34).  On  the  other  hand  it  may  be  based  in  the 
ultimate  analysis  on  the  primitive  feeling  of  favorit- 
ism for  the  firstborn  reflected  in  the  disappointment 
of  Jacob,  when  he  speaks  of  Reuben  as  his  first- 
born, his  might,  and  the  beginning  of  his  strength 
(re'shilh  'on,  Gen  49  3;  cf  Dt  21  17).  This 
theory  would  be  in  accord  with  the  right  of  the 
parent  to  transfer  the  right  to  a  younger  son.  The 
suggestion  of  favoritism  conveyed  by  the  Heb 
b'khor  is  manifested  in  its  figurative  use:  of  Israel 
(Ex  4  22),  of  Ephraim  (Jer  31  9),  of  one  dearly 
beloved  (Zee  12  10);  (cf  figurative  usage  in  the 
NT:   Rom  8  29;    He  12  23;    1  6;    Rev  1  5). 

Light  is  thrown  on  the  attitude  of  the  ancient 
world  toward  the  firstborn,  and  hence  on  the  his- 
tory of  primogeniture,  by  the  language 

4.  The  used  in  connection  with  the  plague  of 
Firstborn  the  finstborn:  "from  the  first-born  of 
in  Ancient  Pharaoh  that  sitteth  upon  his  throne, 
Society;  even  unto  the  first-born  of  the  maid- 
Sacrifice  servant  that  is  behind  the  mill"  or 
and  Re-  "the  captive  that  was  in  the  dungeon." 
demption  Apparently  no  more  dreadful  catas- 
trophe for  aU  classes  of  society  could 

be  thought  of  than  this  slaying  of  the  firstborn 
(Ex  11  5;  12  29).  The  misguided  fervor  of  the 
ancient  Semites  who  offered  their  firstborn  as  the 
thing  most  dearly  beloved  as  a  sacrifice  to  their 
gods  must  be  considered  in  this  light,  whether  it 
appears  among  the  Moabites,  the  Phoenicians  or 
the  Hebrews  themselves  (Jer  32  35;  Ezk  20  26. 
31;  2  Ch  28  3).  It  is  difficult  to  predicate  a  con- 
nection between  the  basis  of  the  doctrine  of  primo- 
geniture and  that  of  the  Redemption  of  the  First- 
born, other  than  that  both  are  ultimately  based  on 
the  importance  of  a  firstborn  son  and  the  fond- 
ness of  his  parents  for  him.  It  is  interesting  to 
note,  however,  that  the  tradition  of  redernption 
and  the  law  of  primogeniture  are  kept  so  distinct 
that,  while  the  latter  has  reference  only  to  the 
firstborn  of  a  father,  the  former  has  reference  only 
to  the  firstborn  of  a  mother  {B<'kho.,  viii.l,  46a; 
cf  jieter  reheni,  "whatsoever  openeth  the  womb," 
Ex  13  2).  '  In  a  polygamous  society  such  as  that 
presupposed  in  Dt  21  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that 
the  distinction  between  paternal  and  maternal 
primogeniture  would  be  clearly  before  the  minds 
of  the  people.     See  Birthright;  Firstborn. 

Nathan  Isaacs 

PRINCE,  prins:  This  word  occurs  quite  fre- 
quently in  our  Eng.  Bible,  mostly  in  the  OT.  While 
it  is  never  used  to  denote  royal  parentage  (cf  1  Ch 
29  24),  it  often  indicates  actual  royal  or  ruhng 
power,  together  with  royal  dignity  and  authority. 
As  a  rule,  the  name  is  given  to  human  beings;  in 
a  few  instances  it  is  applied  to  God  and  Christ,  the 
angels  and  the  devil. 

In  Mt  2  6  the  word  rendered  "prmces  might 
be  tr""  "princely  cities";  at  least,  this  seems  to  be 
impHed.  Here  the  term  vyeiJ.<i»,  hegemon,  "leader," 
"ruler,"  "prince,"  is  u.sed,  undoubtedly  to  hint  at 
the  fact  that  Bethlehem  was  the  native  city  of  a 
great  prince.  In  the  other  NT  passages^  the  word 
iSpx"",  drchon,  "a  potentate,"  "a  person  in  author- 
itv,"  "a  magistrate,"  occurs  most  frequently  (cf 
Mt  9  34;  12  24;  20  25  [RV  "ruler"];  Mk  3  22; 
Jn  12  31;  14  30;  16  11;  lCor2  6.8AV:  Eph 
2  2;  Rev  1  5  [RV  "ruler"]).  In  most  of  these 
instances  the  term  "prince"  refers  to  the  devil. 

In  Acts  3  15;  6  31,  the  word  apxvif'^,  archegds, 


"leader,"  is  employed  referring  to  Christ  as  the 
author  of  life  and  salvation  (cf  He  12  2,  where  the 
term  archegos  is  rendered  "author"  [RV]  or  "cap- 
tain" [RVm]). 

The  OT  contains  a  number  of  different  words 
mostly  rendered   "prince"  or  "princes"  in  the  EV. 

(I)  "lip,  sar:  In  Josh  5  14  the  mysterious  armed 
stranger  seen  by  Joshua  near  Jericho  calls  himself 
the  "prince  of  the  host  of  Jeh":  a  high  mihtary 
title  applied  to  a  superhuman  being.  In  Isa  9  6, 
the  name  is  given  to  the  child  representing  the 
future  Messiah.  The  term  "Prince  of  Peace"  de- 
notes the  eminent  position  and  the  peaceful  reign 
of  the  Messianic  king:  the  highest  human  title  in 
its  most  ideal  sense.  Dnl  8  11 :  here,  again,  as  in 
Josh  5  14,  occurs  the  phrase  "prince  of  the  host." 
In  Dnl  8  25  "the  prince  of  princes"  refers  to  God 
Himself:  the  highest  human  title  in  its  absolute 
sense  apphed  to  God.  Dnl  10  21:  "Michael  your 
prince."  Michael  the  archangel  is  here  called  the 
prince  of  the  Jewish  people.  He  is  the  princely 
representative  of  God's  people  in  the  sight  of  God, 
a  royal  title  suggesting  high  power  and  alliance  with 
God  in  the  great  struggle  going  on  between  Him 
and  the  powers  of  darkness.  Dnl  12  1 :  here 
Michael  is  called  "the  great  prince"  who  standeth 
for  the  children  of  Israel;  supplementing  Dnl  10 
21.  In  Dnl  10  13:  "the  prince  of  the  kingdom  of 
Persia"  (cf  ver  20,  "the  prince  of  Persia,"  "the 
prince  of  Greece"),  the  expression  is  used  in  the 
same  general  sense  as  in  Dnl  10  21.  Each  indi- 
vidual nation  is  represented  as  guided  by  a  spiritual 
being  that  may  or  may  not  be  an  ally  of  God  in  His 
combat  with  the  devil.  In  the  majority  of  cases, 
though,  the  term  sar  is  apphed  (a)  to  men  exer- 
cising royal  or  ruling  power:  Prov  8  16:  "By  me 
princes  [m  "or  rulers"]  rule";  Isa  32  1:  ^  "Behold, 
a  king  shall  reign  in  righteousness,  and  princes  shall 
rule  in  justice."  Judicial  power  is  included  (cf  Ex 
2  14:  "Who  made  thee  a  prince  and  a  judge  over 
us?"  and  Ps  148  11:  "princes  and  all  judges  of  the 
earth").  In  some  passages  the  word  sar,  having 
been  rendered  "prince,"  stands  for  "chief";  so 
Jgs  7  25:  "They  took  the  two  princes  of  Midian" 
(cf  Jgs  8  14;  IS  29  4;  2  S  10  3,  etc),  (b)  To 
royal  officers  of  a  high  rank:  Gen  12  15:  "the 
princes  of  Pharaoh"  (cf  2  K  24  14:  "Jerus  and 
all  the  princes";  1  Ch  29  24;  2  Ch  24  23;  Jer 
36  21;  52  10;  Hos  5  10,  etc).  "Ambassadors" 
(Jer  36  14);  "governors"  (1  K  20  14:  "By  the 
young  men  [m  "or,  servants"]  of  the  princes  of  the 
provinces";  cf  Est  1  3.14,  "the  seven  princes"); 
"the  chief  of  the  eunuchs"  (Dnl  1  7);  a  "quarter- 
master" (Jer  51  59:  "Seraiah  was  chief  chamber- 
lain" [m  "or,  quartermaster"]).  AV  renders  it  "a 
quiet  prince,"  i.e.  a  prince  having  rest,  instead  of 
procuring  rest  (Hn^Sp  "lip,  sar  mfriUhdh,  "a  sar 
of  rest").  In  post-exilic  times:  Ezr  9  1:  "The 
princes  drew  near  unto  me."  They  were  the  po- 
litical leaders  of  the  people  (cf  Ezr  10  8:  "the 
princes  and  the  elders";  Neh  9  38:  "our  princes, 
our  Levites,  and  our  priests";  Neh  11  1:  "The 
princes  of  the  people  dwelt  in  Jerus";  Neh  12  31: 
"the  princes  of  Judah").  Of  course,  they  were  aU 
subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Pers  kings,  (c)  To 
the  priesthood:  1  Ch  24  5:  "princes  of  the  sanc- 
tuary, and  princes  of  God"  (cf  Isa  43  28).  (_d)  On 
account  of  great  achievements:  2  S  3  38:  "Know 
ye  not  that  there  is  a  prince  and  a  great  man  fallen 
this  day  in  Israel?" — an  honorary  title.  Generally 
speaking,  a  prince  is  a  wealthy  man  (cf  Job  34  19: 
"That  respecteth  not  the  persons  of  princes,  nor 
regardeth  the  rich  more  than  the  poor"),  and  he  is  a 
prominent  man  embodying  true,  although  mortal, 
manhood  (cf  Ps  82  7:  "Nevertheless  ye  shall  die 
like  men,  and  fall  like  one  of  the  princes). 


Prince 
Prlsca 


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2454 


(2)  N"'TC5,  nasi':  usually  derived  from  Nl^J.  nasa', 
"to  lift,"  hence  "exalted";  otlierwise:  a  "speaker." 
(a)  An  honorary  title  (cf  Gen  23  6:  "Thou  art  a 
prince  of  God  among  us."  The  distinction  is  con- 
ferred upon  Abraham  by  the  children  of  Heth). 
(h)  A  name  given  to  the  heads  of  the  Israelitic  tribes, 
families  and  fathers' houses:  Nu  3  24:  "the  prince 
of  the  fathers'  house  of  the  Gershonites"  (cf  vs  30. 
35);  3  32:  "Eleazar  ....  shall  be  prince  of  the 
princes  of  the  Levites,  and  have  the  oversight  of 
them  that  keep  the  charge  of  the  sanctuary";  Nu  4 
34:  "the  princes  of  the  congregation."  They  seem 
to  be  identical  with  the  "rulers  of  thousands,  rulers 
of  hundreds,  rulers  of  fifties,  and  rulers  of  tens" 
(cf  Ex  18  21;  Nu  16  2).  Nu  7  2:  "the  princes 
of  Israel,  the  heads  of  their  fathers'  houses  .  .  .  . 
the  princes  of  the  tribes"  (cf  17  2.6;  34  18;  Josh 
22  14;  1  Ch  4  38).  (c)  Equivalent  to  chief  or 
king:  Gen  17  20:  "Twelve  princes  shall  he  beget" 
(cf  25  16);  Gen  34  2:  "Sheehem  the  son  of  Hamor 
the  Hivite,  the  prince  of  the  land";  Nu  25  IS: 
"Cozbi,  the  daughter  of  the  prince  of  Midian"  (cf 
Josh  13  21);  1  K  11  34:  "I  will  make  him 
prince  all  the  days  of  his  life."  This  was  said  of 
Solomon,  which  shows  the  term  equivalent  to  king. 
Of  special  interest  is  the  use  of  the  word  7idsl'  in 
Ezk.  The  name  is  given  to  the  Jewish  king  (cf 
12  10:  "This  burden  concerneth  the  prince  in 
Jerus").  Then,  again,  it  is  applied  to  the  future 
theocratic  king  (cf  34  24;  37  25,  etc,  and  esp.  clis 
45,46).  It  is  also  used  of  foreign  potentates  and 
high  ofRcers  (cf  26  16:  "the  princes  of  the  sea"; 
28  2:  "the  prince  of  Tyre";  30  13:  "a  prince  from 
the  land  of  Egypt");  32  29:  "Edom,  her  kings  and 
all  her  princes";  and,  likewise,  of  high  Jewish  offi- 
cers (21  12).  (d)  A  title  bestowed  upon  Shesh- 
bazzar  (Ezr  1  8). 

(3)  ^^13,  nadhlbh:  1  S  2  S:  "To  make  them  sit 
wilh  princes"  (cf  Ps  113  8).  The  original  mean- 
ing of  the  term  is  willing  or  obliging;  then  gener- 
ous ("liberal";  cf  Prov  19  6:  "Many  will  entreat 
the  favor  of  the  liberal  man";  yet,  it  might  safely 
be  rendered  here  "prince"  [m])  or  noble-minded; 
a  gentleman,  a  nobleman,  a  person  of  rank,  a  prince. 
Job  12  21:  "He  poureth  contempt  upon  princes" 
(cf  Ps  107  40);  Job  21  28:  "Where  is  the  house 
of  the  prince?  And  where  is  the  tent  wherein  the 
wicked  dwelt?"  The  context  here  suggests  the 
thought  of  a  wicked  prince,  a  tyrant.  Ps  47  9: 
"The  princes  of  the  peoples  are  gathered  together" 
(cf  Ps  118  9;  146  3;  Prov  17  7;  26  7;  Cant  7  1). 

(4)  "i^^; ,  naglddh:  According  to  Gesenius,  this 
term  denotes  originally  either  a  high-minded  person 
(cf  the  pre(;eding  word,  nddlnhh)  or  a  speaker,  a 
spokesman;  then  a  prince,  a  king.  1  S  13  14: 
"Jeh  hath  appointed  him  to  be  prince  over  his 
people"  (cf  2  S  5  2:  "Thou  shalt  be  prince  [RVm 
"leader"]  over  Israel";  6  21;  7  8;  1  K  1  35; 
14  7;  16  2;  Job  29  9;  31  37;  Ps  76  12;  Prov 
28  16;  Ezk  28  2:  "prince  of  Tyre";  Dnl  9  25: 
"the  anointed  one,  the  prince,"  AV  the  "Messiah 
the  Prince";  Dnl  9  26:  "the  prince  that  shall 
come"  [the  Rom  emperor?];  11  22:  "the  prince 
of  the  covenant"  [either  a  high  priest  or  some  Egyp 
king,  Ptolemaeus  Philometor?]). 

(5),  (6)  'i'lT'l,  razon,  and  ']Ti~l,  rozen,  "a  high 
official,"  "a  prince,"  u.sually  as.sociated  with  the 
word  "king"  or  "judge."  Prov  14  28:  "In  the 
multitude  of  people  is  the  king's  glory;  but  in  the 
want  of  people  is  the  destruction  of  the  prince" 
(razon);  Jgs5_3:  "Hear,  O  ye  kings;  give  ear,  O 
ye  princes"  (roz'iilm);  Prov  8  15:  "By  me  kings 
reign,  and  princes  [rdz'iam]  decree  justice"  (cf 
31  4;  Hab  1  10);  Isa  40  23:  "that  bringeth 
princes  [roz'nim]  to  nothing;  that  maketh  the  judges 
of  the  earth  as  vanity." 


(7)  ^""P?  ,  na§ikh,  derived  from  tfpD ,  na^akh,  "to 
install  a  king"  (cf  Ps  2  6);  hence  a  prince:  Josh 
13  21:  "the  princes  of  Sihon"  (cf  Ps  83  11); 
Ezk  32  30:  "the  princes  of  the  north";  Mio  5  5: 
RV  "principal  men,"  RVm  "princes  among 
men";  Dnl  11  8:  RV  "molten  images,"  RVm 
"princes." 

(8)  1"'2j5,  kd(in,  "a.  judge,"  "a  military  leader," 
"a  prince";  Dnl  11  18:  "A  prince  [RVm  "cap- 
tain"] shall  cause  the  reproach  ....  to  cease" 
(probably  a  Rom  consul;   a  Rom  general?). 

(9)  1D"'b'C,  shalish:  The  usual  explanation,  "one 
of  the  three  men  on  a  war-chariot"  is  highly  im- 
probable; Gesenius  suggests  that  it  is  a  loan-word, 
and  renders  it  "hero."  Ezk  23  15:  "All  of  them 
princes  to  look  upon"   ("picked  men,"   Gesenius). 

(10)  Craipn,  hashmannim:  Ps  68  31:  "Princes 
shall  come  out  of  Egypt."  LXX  renders  it  -wpiiy- 
/3fis,  presheis,  "ambassadors,"  Vulg  legati.  But 
the  meaning  is  uncertain.  See  also  Governor, 
1,  (8).  William  Baur 


PRmCES,    prin'sez,   -siz,    THE    SEVEN. 
Prince,  (1),  (h). 


See 


PRINCESS,  prin'ses:  The  Heb  term  is  nnll5, 
sdrdh    (cf    snr,    prince,    and    "Sarah");    it    means 

(1)  a  queen  (Isa  49  23,  AV  and  RV  both  "queen"); 

(2)  the  consort  of  a  king  contrasted  with  his  con- 
cubines (1  K  11  3,  "He  had  seven  hundred  wives, 
princesses,  and  three  hundred  concubines");  (3) 
the  wife  of  a  prince  (Est  1  IS:  the  "princesses  of 
Persia  and  Media");  (4)  it  is  metaphorically  used 
of  the  city  of  Jerus  (Lam  1  1). 

PRINCIPAL,  prin'si-pal:  Appears  in  AV  as  a 
tr  of  nine  Heb  words  (fewer  in  RV),  in  one  case 
(Isa  28  25)  being  used  quite  wrongly  and  in  2  K 
25  19  (Jer  52  25);  1  Ch  24  31  gives  a  wrong 
sense  (all  corrected  in  RV).  In  1  K  4  5,  "prin- 
cipal officer"  (ARV  "chief  minister")  is  an  arbi- 
trary tr  of  kohen  to  avoid  "priest"  (so  ERV;  cf 
2  S  8  18). 

PRINCIPALITY,  prin-si-pal'i-ti:  In  the  OT  the 
word  occurs  but  once  (Jer  13  IS,  "your  principali- 
ties shall  come  down").  Here  AVm  "head  tires" 
is  properly  preferred  by  RV  for  nlTUN^p,  nVra- 
'dsholh  (f rom  li5i{"l ,  ro'sh,  "head"),  "head-parts." 

In  the  NT  "principality"  occurs  for  apx'i, 
archt,  "rule,"  generally  in  the  pi.,  referring  (a)  to 
men  in  authority  (Tit  3  1,  "Put  them  in  mind  to  be 
subject  [AV;  "in  subjection,"  RV]  to  principalities 
[AV;  "rulers,"  RV],  and  powers"  [AV;  "to  author- 
ities," RV]);  (h)  to  superhuman  agencies,  angelic 
or  demonic  (Rom  8  38;  Eph  3  10;  6  12;  Col  1 
16;  2  10.15).  Paul  was  keenly  sensible  of  the 
dualism  of  mind  and  body  and  of  the  law  in  his 
members  warring  against  the  law  of  his  mind  (Rom 
7  23),  and  of  the  temporary  victory  of  the  evil, 
residing  in  the  flesh,  over  the  good  of  the  spirit  (vs 
14  ff).  This  dualism  was  objectified  in  Zoroastrian- 
ism,  and  among  the  Babylonians  the  several  heaven- 
ly bodies  were  regarded  as  ruled  by  spirits,  some 
good,  some  evil.  The  same  belief,  appropriated 
by  the  Jews  during  the  captivity,  appears  also  in 
Gr  thought,  as  e.g.  in  Plato  and  later  in  the  Stoics. 
The  higher  spheres,  which  hold  the  even  tenor  of 
their  way,  were  in  general  regarded  as  ruled  by  good 
spirits;  but  in  the  sublunar  sphere,  to  which  the 
earth  belongs,  ill-regulated  motions  prevail,  which 
must  be  due  to  evil  spirits.  The  perversities  of 
human  conduct,  in  particular,  thwarting,  as  was 
thought,  the  simple,  intelligible  Divine  plan,  were 
held  to  be  subject  to  rebellious  powers  offering  de- 


2455 


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Prince 
Prisca 


fiance  to  God.  While  Paul  clearly  recognized  a 
hierarchy  of  such  powers  (Col  1  16,  "thrones  or 
dominions  or  principalities  or  powers"),  it  is  not 
certain  that  he  had  elaborated  a  system  of  aeons 
to  serve  the  purposes  of  metaphysical  theology  and 
ethics,  such  as  appears  among  the  Gnostics,  although 
they  evidently  believed  they  were  developing  his 
thought.  In  1  Cor  2  6  he  repudiates  the  wisdom 
of  this  world  (aion)  and  of  the  rulers  of  this  world 
aidn),  and  declares  (Eph  6  12)  that  the  Christian 
has  to  contend  with  "the  world-rulers  of  this  dark- 
ness," and  proclaims  the  triumph  of  Christ  over 
"the  principalities  and  the  powers"  in  the  forgive- 
ness of  sins  (Col  2  l.'i).  The  same  personification 
of  such  agencies  or  powers  appears  also  in  another 
passage,  where  the  rendering  of  EV  obscures  it 
(Eph  1  20.21 :  "when  he  raised  him  [Christ]  from 
the  dead,  and  made  him  to  sit  at  his  right  hand  in 
the  heavenly  places,  far  above  all  [read  "every") 
rule  [RV;  "principality,"  AV],  and  authority,  and 
power,  and  dominion,  and  every  name  that  is  named 
not  only  in  this  world  [aion],  but  also  in  that  which 
is  to  come").  Not  the  least  interesting  passage  ia 
Eph  3  10,  where  the  church  is  said  to  be  the  means 
of  revealing  to  "the  principalities  and  the  powers 
in  the  heavenly  places"  "the  manifold  wisdom  of 
God."  One  naturally  inquires  what  was  the  pur- 
pose of  this  revelation.  Was  it  to  effect  a  redemp- 
tion and  reconcihation  of  these  demonic  powers  to 
God?  To  this  question  Paul  supplies  no  an.swer. 
See  Angel;  Satan.     William  Abtiiuk  Heidel 

PRINCIPLES,  prin'si-p'lz:  Found  twice  (He  6 
12;  6  1).  The  Gr  word  (o-toix^Iov,  sloicheion)  is 
also  tr'^  in  AV  as  "elements"  and  "rudiments."  As 
rendered  in  He,  its  meaning  is  clearly  related  to 
the  elementary  knowledge  of  Christian  truth  or 
doctrine.     See  Elements;  Rudiments. 

PRINT,  print,  PRINTING,  prin'ting,  PRINTED, 
prin'ted:  Printing  is  the  art  of  multiplying  records 
— the  "art  of  writing  with  many  pens"  {Jew  Enc, 
XII,  295),  or  wholesale  writing. 

The  art  of  making  original  records  is  writing. 
This,  however,  is  a  slow  process.  It  involves  tracing 
each  letter  and  part  of  a  letter  through  from  be- 
ginning to  end  by  the  moving  point  of  chisel,  pen, 
or  other  instrument,  and  this  process  must  be  re- 
peated with  every  copy.  As  soon,  therefore,  as 
occasion  arose  for  frequently  repeating  the  record, 
many  ways  were  devised  to  save  the  labor  of  form- 
ing each  symbol  separately.  All  these  ways  in- 
volve making  a  character  or  a  series  of  characters 
on  a  single  surface  and  transferring  as  a  whole  to 
another  surface.  Neither  "pressure,"  as  some  say, 
nor  "ink,"  aa  others,  is  e.ssential  to  the  process,  for 
printing  from  a  photographic  negative  takes_  no 
pressure,  and  printing  for  the  blind  takes  no  ink. 
Any  process  which  transfers  a  whole  surface  ia 
printing. 

The  earliest  use  of  printing  seems  to  have  been 
for  painting  the  face  or  body  with  ownership,  tribal, 
trophy,  or  ceremonial  marks  for  worship,  war, 
mourning,  etc.  This  paint  might  be  temporary 
or  pricked  in  by  the  tattoo  process.  Tattooing 
itself  is  rather  a  writing  than  a  printing  process,  but 
may  be  either,  according  as  the  color  is  laid  on  by 
drawing  or  by  the  "pintadera."  The  "pintadera" 
or  "stamp  used  to  impress  patterns  upon  the  skin" 
ia  best  known  from  the  Mexican  and  South  American 
examples,  but  in  recent  years  it  has  been  found  in 
deposits  all  over  the  Mediterranean  region  (North 
Italy,  Austria,  Hungary,  Mycenae,  Crete,  Egypt) 
and  in  Borneo  at  least.  Many  of  these  specimens 
are  from  the  Neolithic  or  Copper  age.  Both  in 
South  America  and  in  Neohthic  Liguria,  some  of 
these  stamps  were  cylindrical  and  "were  used  like 


a  printer's  roUer"  (Mosso,  The  Dawn  of  Mediter- 
ranean Cwilizalion,  2.54-61,  with  many  illustrations, 
and  Frobenius,  Childhood  of  Man,  fig.  31,  "Dayak 
block  for  painting  the  body"). 

The  injunction  of  Lev  19  28,  which  is  tr<'  "print," 
is  commonly,  and  probably  rightly,  in  view  of  the 
Heb  word,  supposed  to  refer  to  the  permanent 
marks  of  tattooing  which  may  or  may  not  have 
been  made  by  this  printing  process.  Job  13  27 
AV,  which  .speaks  of  printing  upon  the  heels  or  soles 
of  the  feet,  has  been  quite  changed  in  RV,  and,  if 
the  idea  is  one  of  printing  at  all,  it  refers  rather  to 
branding  than  stamping  with  color. 

The  u.se  of  the  inkhorn  in  setting  the  mark  upon 
the  forehead  (Ezk  9  .3.4.6)  certainly  points  to  mark- 
ing with  color  rather  than  branding.  See  Ink- 
HOBN.  This  may,  of  course,  have  been  drawing 
rather  than  printing,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
sealing  of  the  servants  of  God  on  their  foreheads 
(Rev  7  4;  9  4)  neces.sarily  means  printing  rather 
than  drawing,  and  probably  printing  rather  than 
branding,  for  the  use  of  the  seal  with  color  had  long 
been  common.  The  marks  of  the  beast  upon  the 
forehead  and  upon  the  hand  in  Rev  13,  14,  15,  16, 
19  and  20,  more  hkely  refer  to  branding,  as  the  Gr 
word  points  more  or  less  in  this  direction,  while  the 
stigmata  of  Gal  6  17  may  also  point  to  branding. 
Branding  was  at  all  events  also  a  common  method 
of  printing  characters  on  the  flesh  in  Bib.  times 
(Isa  3  24;  perhaps  Ex  21  2.5;  a  branding  on  the  fore- 
head, CH  §127;  branding  of  a  slave  §§226,  227). 
The  reference  in  Jn  20  2.5  is,  of  course,  to  the 
clearly  visible  marks  or  scars  left  by  the  nails  in  the 
hands.     See  Mark. 

The  use  of  seals  is  a  true  printing  process,  whether 
they  are  used  with  color,  as  they  were  both  in  Crete 
and  Egypt  almost  from  the  beginning  of  history, 
or  impressed  on  clay,  wax,  or  other  plastic  sub- 
stances. Mention  of  seals  is  frequent  in  the  Bible 
(see  Seal).  A  new  interest  has  been  given  to  this 
aspect  of  the  matter  by  the  seaUngs  discovered  in 
Ahab's  palace  and  other  excavations  throughout 
Pal,  which  are  forming  one  of  the  most  useful  classes 
of  modern  inscriptions. 

Both  stamp  and  seal  were  used  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages,  the  latter  abundantly,  and  the  stamp 
at  least  occasionally,  for  stamping  the  capital  letters 
in  Bib.  and  other  MSS,  as  well  as  for  various  other 
purposes. 

Modern  printing  begins  with  the  carving  of  whole 
pages  and  books  on  blocks  of  wood  (xylography),  or 
metal  plates  for  printing  (chalcography).  This 
method  was  quite  early  practised  by  the  Chinese, 
and  began  to  be  common  in  Europe  in  the  early 
1.5th  cent.,  most  of  the  books  printed  by  it  having 
to  do  with  Bib.  topics  (Bihlia  pauperum,  etc). 

It  was  only  with  the  invention  of  movable  type 
about  the  middle  of  the  1.5th  cent,  that  the  multi- 
plying of  books  by  writing  began  to  come  to  an 
end.  The  printing  with  movable  type  is  also  closely 
associated  with  Bib.  study,  the  Gutenberg  Psalter 
and  the  Gutenberg  Bible  standing  with  most  for 
the  very  beginning  of  modern  printing. 

For  the  printed  edd  of  the  Heb  and  Gr  originals, 
and  the  various  VSS,  see  arts,  on  Textual  Criti- 
cism and  allied  topics  in  this  encyclopaedia,  with 
their  literature.  The  art.  on  "Typography"  in 
Jew  Enc  is  of  unusual  excellence,  and  the  general 
literature  of  printing  given  in  Enc  Brit,  at  the 
end  of  the  first  part  of  the  art.  on  "Typography," 
is  full  and  good.  Compare  also  Book  in  this 
encyclopaedia  and  its  literature,  esp.  Hortz- 
schansky,  supplementing  the  bibliography  of  Enc 
Brit.  E.  C.  Richardson 

PRISCA,  pris'ka,  PRISCILLA,  pri-sil'a.  See 
Aquila. 


Prison,  Prisoner 
Procurator 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2456 


PRISON,  priz'n,   PRISONER,  priz"n-er,  priz'- 

ner     (there    are    various    Heb    words    which    are 

rendered  "prison"  in  AV,  among  them: 

1  Hebrew  j^j  ^^,0,  sohar,  "round  house,"  "for- 
Words  i_ 

tress"    [8  t  in  Gen],     [2]    i<p3,    kde' , 

"restraint,"  "confinement"  [12  t:  in  historic  books, 
Isa,  Jer,  with  "house"],  [3]  nn^'D ,  mailardh, 
"guard,"  "sentry"  [13  t  in  Jer  and  Neh],  [4] 
nDSn)3,  mah'phekheth,  "distorting,"  i.e.  stocks  or 
pillory  [4  t],  [5]  I'lDS,  'esur,  "bond,"  "fetters"  [Eccl 
4  14;  Jer  37  15];  "ward"  in  AV  is  usuaUy  the 
rendering  for  "l)311>T2  ,  mishmar) : 

The  earliest  occurrence  of  the  word  "prison"  in 

AV  is  found  in  the  narrative  of  Joseph's  life  in 

Egypt     (J).     The     term     used,     viz. 

2.  In  Early  sohar,  means  perhaps  "round  house" 
Times  or  "tower."     It  seems  probable  that 

among  the  Hebrews  there  were  no 
special  buildings  erected  as  "jails"  in  the  pre- 
monarchical  period,  and  perhaps  not  before  the 
post-exilic  period,  when  the  adoption  of  the  civic 
institutions  and  customs  of  surrounding  nations 
prevailed.  In  Egypt  and  Assyria,  on  the  contrary, 
there  were  probably  public  buildings  corresponding 
to  our  modern  jails.  Among  the  Hebrews,  rooms 
in  connection  with  the  royal  palace  or  the  residence 
of  prominent  court  officials  would  be  used  for  the 
purpose. 

According  to  one  narrative  (J)  in  Gen  the  prison 

in  which  Joseph  was  confined  had  a  "keeper,"  while 

according    to    another    narrative    (E) 

3.  Joseph  the  offending  members  of  the  royal 
in  Egypt         household,  viz.   the  royal  butler  and 

the  royal  baker,  were  placed  "in  ward" 
with  the  "captain  of  the  guard"  in  charge,  i.e.  in 
some  part  of  the  royal  palace.  This  is  still  more 
probable  if,  instead  of  "captain  of  the  guard,"  we 
should  translate  "chief  of  the  cooks,"  i.e.  super- 
intendent of  the  royal  kitchen. 

It  was  often  necessary  to  restrict  the  liberty  of 

individuals  who  for  various  causes  were  a  menace 

to  those  in  authority,  without  inflict- 

4.  Causes  ing  any  corporal  punishment,  e.g. 
of  Im-  Joseph's  brethren  were  kept  "in  ward" 
prisonment    three  days  (Gen  42  19);    Shimei  was 

forbidden  to  pass  beyond  the  boundary 
of  Jerus  (1  K  2  36) ;  the  person  who  was  caught 
gathering  sticks  on  the  Sabbath  was  put  "in  ward" 
pending  his  trial  (Nu  15  34).  In  the  monarchical 
period,  prophets  who  criticized  the  throne  were  put 
in  prison,  e.g.  Micaiah  by  Ahab  (1  K  22  27), 
Hanani  by  Asa  (2  Ch  16  10).  Hoshea,  after  his 
abortive  effort  to  institute  an  alliance  with  So  or  Seve, 
king  of  Egypt,  w^as  shut  up  in  prison  by  Shalmaneser 
(2  K  17  4);  cf  also  2  K  25  27  (Jehoiachin  in 
Babylon);    Jer  52  II  (Zedekiah  in  Babylon). 

The  Book  of  Jer  throws  considerable  light   on 

the  prison  system  of  Jerus  in  the  later  monarchical 

period.     The    prophet    was    put    "in 

5.  Under  the  stocks  that  were  in  the  upper  gate 
the  of  Benjamin,  which  was  in  the  house 
Monarchy     of  Jeh"  (20  2).     Mere  imprisonment 

was  not  adequate  punishment  for  the 
prophet's  announcement  of  Judah's  doom;  it  was 
necessary  to  have  recourse  to  the  pillory.  During 
the  siege  of  Jerus  Jeremiah  was  confined  in  the 
"court  of  the  guard,  which  was  in  the  king  of 
Judah's  house"  (32  2,  etc).  The  "court  of  the 
guard"  was  evidently  the  quarters  of  the  sentry  who 
guarded  the  royal  palace.  According  to  the  narra- 
tive of  ch  37,  the  prophet  was  arrested  on  a  charge 
of  treachery  and  i)ut  in  prison  "in  the  house  of 
Jonathan  the  scribe"  (37  15).  This  verse  does  not 
necessarily  mean  that  a  private  house  was  used  as 
a  prison.     The  words  are  capable  of  another  inter- 


pretation, viz.  that  a  building  known  as  the  "house 
of  Jonathan  the  scribe"  had  been  taken  oyer  by 
the  authorities  and  converted  into  a  jail.  We  read 
in  the  following  verse  that  the  house  had  a  "dun- 
geon" (fit.  "house  of  the  pit")  and  "cabins"  or  "cells." 

The  data  are  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  give 
any  detailed  description  of  the  treatment  of  pris- 
oners.    This  treatment  varied  accord- 
6.  The  ing   to   the   character   of   the   offence 

Treatment  which  led  to  incarceration.  Samson 
of  Prisoners  during  the  period  of  his  imprisonment 
was  compelled  to  do  hard  labor  (Jgs 
16  21).  Grinding  was  the  occupation  of  women, 
and  marked  the  depth  of  Samson's  humiUation. 
Dangerous  persons  were  subjected  to  various  kinds 
of  physical  mutilation,  e.g.  Samson  was  deprived  of 
his  sight.  This  was  a  common  practice  in  Assyria 
(2  K  25  7).  The  thumbs  and  great  toes  of 
Adonibezek  were  cut  off  to  render  him  incapable  of 
further  resistance  (Jgs  1  6). 

Various  forms  of  torture  were  in  vogue.  Hanani 
the  seer  was  put  into  the  pUlory  by  Asa  (for  "in  a 
prison  house"  we  should  render  "in  the  stocks"; 
see  RVm).  In  Jer  29  26  for  "prison,"  we  should 
render  "stocks"  (so  RV)  or  "pillory,"  and  for 
"stocks,"  "collar"  (as  in  RVm).  AV  renders  a 
different  Heb  word  by  "stocks"  in  Job  (13  27;  33 
11).  There  was  a  special  prison  diet  (1  K  22  27), 
as  well  as  a  prison  garb  (2  K  25  29). 

There  are  other  Heb  words  rendered  "prison"  (some- 

tiraes  incorrectly )  in  AV.     InPs  142  7,  the  word  which  is 

trd  "prison"  means  a  "place  of  execution," 

7.  Other  ^^^  is  derived  from  a  root  which  denotes. 
XT^iK^flTTT  for  instance,  tlie  isolation  of  the  leper  (Lev 
Meorew  ^3  g.  ^j  jg^  34  22;  42  7).  in  Isa  53  8 
Words             "oppression"  not  "prison"  is  the  correct 

tr,  whileinlsa  61  1  the  Heb  denotes  "  open- 
ing of  the  eyes,"  rather  than  "opening  of  the  prison." 
Prisoners  are  promised  "light  after  darkness,  gleam  after 
gloom." 

In  the  NT  "prison"  generally  occurs  for  the  Gr 

word    ^u'KaKTi,   phulake,   which  corresponds  to  the 

Heb  word  TOTl))? ,    mishmar,   referred 

8.  In  the  to  above  (Mt  5  25;  Mk  6  17;  Lk  3  20; 
NT  Acts  5  19;    1  Pet  3  19).     In  Rev  18 

2,  AV  renders  this  word  by  two  dif- 
ferent words,  viz.  "hold"  and  "cage";  RV  employs 
"hold"  in  each  case  (RVm  "prison").  In  one 
passage  "ward"  is  the  rendering  in  AV  (Acts  12  10). 
In  connection  with  the  imprisonment  of  John  the 
term  used  is  Sea-fiuir^^piov,  desmoterion,  "place  of 
bonds"  or  "fetters"  (Mt  11  2);  the  same  word  is 
used  in  the  case  of  Peter  and  John  (Acts  5  21.23), 
and  of  Paul  and  Silas  (Acts  16  26).  But  the  more 
common  term  is  also  found  in  these  narratives. 
In  Acts  12  17  "prison"  renders  a  Gr  word  which 
means  "dwelhng."  In  Acts  5  18  AV,  "prison"  is 
the  rendering  for  another  Gr  word,  viz.  Tripriais, 
Uresis,  "watching"  or  "ward"  (RV  "ward").  In 
Acts  4  3,  AV  employs  "hold"  as  the  rendering  for 
the  same  word.  This  would  corre.spond  to  the 
modern  "police  station"  or  "lockup."  See  also 
Punishments.  T.  Lewis 

PRISON  GARMENTS.     See  preceding  article. 

PRISON,  SPIRITS  IN:  The  phrase  occurs  in 
the  much-disputed  passage,  1  Pet  3  18-20,  where 
the  apostle,  exhorting  Christians  to  endurance 
under  suffering  for  well-doing,  says:  "Because 
Christ  also  suffered  for  sins  once,  the  righteous  for 
the  unrighteous,  that  he  might  bring  us  to  God; 
being  ptit  to  death  in  the  flesh,  but  made  alive  in  the 
spirit;  in  which  also  he  went  and  preached  unto 
the  spirits  in  prison,  that  aforetime  were  disobedi- 
ent, when  the  longsuffering  of  God  waited  in  the 
days  of  Noah,  while  the  ark  was  a  preparing,  where- 
in few,   that  is,   eight  souls,  were  saved  through 


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Prison,  Prisoner 
Procurator 


water."  It  is  plain  that  in  this  context  "the  spirits 
in  prison"  (toTs  iv  rfivXaKy  TTvei/iaa-iv,  tois  en 
phulake  pneumasin)  denote  the  generation  who 
were  disobedient  in  the  days  of  Noah,  while  the 
words  "spirits"  and  "in  prison"  refer  to  their  present 
disembodied  condition  in  a  place  of  judgment  in 
the  unseen  world  (cf  2  Pet  2  4-9).  The  crucial 
point  in  the  passage  lies  in  what  is  said  of  Christ's 
preaching  to  these  spirits  in  prison.  The  interpre- 
tation which  strikes  one  most  naturally  is  that 
Christ,  put  to  death  in  the  flesh,  and  made  alive 
again  in  the  spirit,  went  in  this  spiritual  (disem- 
bodied) state,  and  preached  to  these  spirits,  who 
once  had  been  disobedient,  but  are  viewed  as  now 
possibly  receptive  of  His  message.  This  is  the  idea 
of  the  passage  taken  by  the  majority  of  modern 
exegetes,  and  it  finds  support  in  what  is  said  in 

1  Pet  4  6,  "For  unto  this  end  was  the  gospel 
preached  even  to  the  dead,  that  they  might  be 
judged  indeed  according  to  men  in  the  flesh,  but 
live  according  to  God  in  the  spirit."  On  this  basis 
is  now  often  reared  a  mass  of  doctrine  or  conjecture 
respecting  "second  probation,"  "restoration," 
etc — in  part  going  back  to  patristic  times — for  which 
the  passage,  even  so  taken,  affords  a  very  narrow 
foundation  (see  on  this  view,  Plumptre,  The  Spirits 
in  Prison;  Dorner,  System  of  Christian  Doctrine, 
IV,  130-32;  E.  White,  Life  in  Christ,  ch  xxii).  It 
must  be  admitted,  however,  that,  on  closer  exam- 
ination, the  above  plausible  explanation  is  com- 
passed with  many  difficulties.  A  preaching  of 
Christ  in  Hades  is  referred  to  in  no  other  passage  of 
Scripture,  while  Peter  appears  to  be  speaking  to 
his  readers  of  something  with  which  they  are  famil- 
iar; it  seems  strange  that  these  antediluvians 
should  be  singled  out  as  the  sole  objects  of  this 
preaching  in  the  spiritual  world;  the  word  "made 
alive"  does  not  exegetically  refer  to  a  disembodied 
state,  but  to  the  resurrection  of  Christ  in  the  body, 
etc.  Another  line  of  interpretation  is  therefore 
preferred  by  many,  who  take  the  words  "in  which 
also  he  went,"  to  refer,  not  to  a  disembodied  mani- 
festation, but  to  the  historical  preaching  to  the 
antediluvian  generation  through  Noah  while  they 
yet  lived.  In  favor  of  this  view  is  the  fact  that  the 
apostle  in  1  11  regards  the  earlier  prophetic  preach- 
ing as  a  testifying  of  "the  Spirit  of  Christ,"_  that 
God's  long-suffering  with  Noah's  generation  is  de- 
scribed in  Gen  6  5,  which  Peter  has  doubtless  in 
his  mind,  as  a  striving  of  God's  Spirit,  and  that  in 

2  Pet  2  5  there  is  another  allusion  to  these  events, 
and  Noah  is  described  as  "a  preacher  of  righteous- 
ne.ss."  The  passage,  1  Pet  4  6,  may  have  the  more 
general  meaning  that  Christians  who  have  died  are 
at  no  disadvantage  in  the  judgment  as  compared 
with  those  who  shall  be  alive  at  the  Parousia  (cf 
1  Thess  4  1.5-18).  (For  an  exposition  of  this  view, 
with  a  full  account  of  the  interpretations  and  litera- 
ture on  the  subject,  cf  Salmond's  Christian  Doc- 
trine  of  Immortality,    4th    ed,   364-87.)     See   also 

ESCHATOLOGY   OF   THE    NT.  JaMES   OrR 

PRIVY,  priv'i,  PRIVILY,  priv'i-li:  These  words 
are  obsolete  in  modern  Eng.  and  are  replaced  by 
"secret,"  "secretly,"  rather  than  by  the  cognates 
"private,"  "privately."  RV  usually  has  not 
altered  AV's  use  of  the  word,  but  in  Ps  11  2  has 
substituted  "in  darkness"  and  in  Jgs  9  31  uses 
"craftily,"  m  "in  Tormah"  (see  Tormah).  In  Ezk 
21  14,  AV  "entereth  into  their  privy  chambers," 
"privy"  is  a  gloss,  omitted  in  RV.  "To  be  privy 
to  a  thing"  (1  K  2  44;  Acts  5  2)  is  simply  "to 
know"  it;  in  Wisd  8  4,  RV  has  changed  the  phrase 
into  "be  initiated  into." 

PRIZE,  priz:  Two  Gr  words  are  so  rendered  in 
EV:      (1)    ^papeiov,    brabeion,    the    award    to    the 


victor  in  the  Gr  games,  consisting  of  a  garland  of 
bay,  olive,  or  pine;  so  called  because  it  was  given 
by  the  (ipa^eis,  brabeus,  the  adjudicator  who  as- 
signed the  prize  at  the  games  (Vulg  bravium,  from 
which  may  be  derived  the  Eng.  "brave"  =  originally 
gaily  dressed,  handsome).  Used  lit.  in  1  Cor  9 
24,  and  figuratively  of  the  heavenly  reward  for 
Christian  character  in  Phil  3  14.  (2)  apivayixbs, 
harpagmds,  in  ERV  of  Phil  2  6,  "counted  it  not  a 
prize  to  be  on  an  equality  with  God."  The  termi- 
nation -IJ.OS,  -mos,  would  lead  us  to  ex-pect  the  active 
sense:  "an  act  of  grasping,"  "plundering"  (AV 
"robbery"),  which  would  imply  that  Christ  did  not 
deem  it  an  act  of  usurpation  to  claim  equality  with 
God,  for  such  equality  was  His  inherent  right.  But 
the  context  demands  a  reference  "not  to  the  right 
which  He  claimed,  but  to  the  dignity  which  He 
renounced"  (Lightfoot);  hence  the  majority  of 
modern  expositors  take  the  word  in  a  passive  sense 
{  =  S.pTra.yfm,  hdrpagma):  "a  thing  to  be  seized, 
prized,  retained  at  all  costs  as  a  booty"  (ERV  "a 
prize,"  ARV  "a  thing  to  be  grasped"),  implying  that 
Christ  did  not  regard  equality  with  God  as  a  thing 
to  be  clutched  greedily,  but  waived  His  rights  (see 
Lightfoot  on  Phil  2  6).  The  vb.  "to  prize"  occurs 
only  in  Zee  11  13.  See  Grasp;  Humiliation  of 
Christ;  Kenosis.  D.  Miall  Edwards 

PROBATION,  pro-ba'shun,   SECOND,  sek'und. 

See  EsCHATOLOGY  OF  THE  N'T. 

PROCHORUS,  prok'6-rus  (IIpoxopos,  Prdchoros) : 
One  of  "the  seven"  chosen  by  the  Christian  com- 
munity in  Jerus  to  superintend  the  dispensing  of 
charity  to  the  widows  and  other  poor  (Acts  6  5). 
The  name  is  Gr,  and  he  may  have  been  a  Hellenist. 
According  to  tradition  he  became  bishop  of  Nico- 
media  and  died  a  martyr  at  Antioch. 

PROCONSUL,  pro-kon'sul  (avfliiraTos,  anthupatos 
[Acts  13  7;  18  12];  A V  deputy).     See  Province. 

PROCURATOR,  prok'fl-ra-ter  (tirtTpoiros,  epi- 
tropos) :  This  word  signified  in  a  general  sense  a 
steward  or  bailiff  of  a  private  estate,  or  a  financial 
agent  with  power  of  attorney,  and  the  development 
of  the  special  usage  of  the  word  to  denote  an  impe- 
rial functionary  or  official  is  characteristic  of  the 
origin  of  many  departments  of  administration  under 
the  Roman  Empire  which  sprang  from  the  emperor's 
household.  At  the  time  of  Augustus,  when  the 
domestic  quality  of  these  offices  had  not  been 
entirely  lost,  the  procurators  were  mostly  imperial 
freedmen.  But  after  the  systematic  organization 
of  the  administration  in  the  2d  cent.,  the  title  of 
procurator  was  reserved  for  functionaries  of  the 
equestrian  class.  In  fact,  the  term  is  so  intimately 
connected  with  the  sphere  of  official  activity  of  the 
Rom  knights  that  the  e.xpressions  "procuratorial 
career"  and  "equestrian  career"  are  used  sj'nony- 
mously  (cf  Hirschfeld,  Die  kaiserlichen  VerivaUungs- 
heamlen  his  auf  Dioclelian,  410-6.5). 

During  the  last  century  of  the  Republic,  the  class 
of  knights  (equit.es)  embraced  in  general  all  citizens 
of  wealth  who  were  not  magistrates  or  members  of 
the  senate.  The  Roscian  Law  (67  BC)  established 
400,000  sesterces  (about  S18,000  or  £3,600)  as  the 
minimum  census  rating  for  membership  in  this  class. 
The  gold  ring,  tunic  with  narrow  purple  border,  and 
privilege  of  sitting  in  the  first  14  rows  at  the  theater 
were  the  tokens  of  knighthood.  Augustus  added 
to  these  the  public  horse  which  was  conferred  hence- 
forth by  the  emperor  and  recalled  the  original  mili- 
tary significance  of  the  order.  From  the  time  of 
Augustus  the  first  three  decuriae  of  jurors  (judices), 
each  containing  1,000  persons,  were  filled  with 
knights. 


Procurator 
Prophecy 


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2458 


Under  the  Republic  the  influence  of  the  equestrian 
class  was  chiefly  exerted  in  the  financial  transactions 
of  the  companies  which  farmed  the  variable  reve- 
nues. The  importance  of  the  publicani  was  greatly 
reduced  under  the  Empire,  but  the  emperors 
recompensed  the  knights  for  this  loss  of  oppor- 
tunity by  intrusting  them  with  a  great  variety  of 
administrative  functions.  Military  service  as  pre- 
fect or  tribune  was  the  preliminary  step  in  the  offi- 
cial equestrian  career.  The  highest  positions  held 
by  members  of  the  equestrian  class  were  cafled 
prefectures,  and  included  the  prefecture  of  the 
guard,  of  Egj'pt,  of  the  grain-supply,  of  the  watch- 
men in  Rome,  and  of  the  fleet.  But  between  these 
extremes  the  title  procurator  was  applied  generally 
to  the  functionaries  whose  positions  were  of  imperial 
origin. 

The  administration  of  the  fiscus  or  imperial  treas- 
ury at  Rome  and  of  the  finances  in  the  imperial 
provinces,  as  well  as  the  collection  of  fiscal  revenues 
in  the  senatorial  provinces,  was  in  the  hands  of 
procurators.  They  occupied  many  positions  which, 
on  account  of  their  intimate  relationship  with  the 
person  of  the  monarch,  could  be  safely  intrusted 
only  to  those  whose  limited  prestige  precluded 
inordinate  ambition  (Friedlaender,  Sittengeschichte 
Roms,  7th  ed,  Part  I,  132-4.3).  Finally,  several 
provinces,  where  the  conditions  were  unfavorable 
to  the  introduction  of  the  ordinary  administrative 
system  and  Rom  public  law,  were  governed  as  im- 
perial domains  by  officials  of  the  equestrian  class  as 
the  emperor's  representatives.  In  Egypt  the  title 
prefect  (praefectus)  was  emploj^ed  permanently  as 
the  appellation  of  the  viceroy,  and  while  the  same 
term  may  have  been  used  originally  to  denote  the 
governors  of  this  class  generally,  when  their  mili- 
tary outweighed  their  civil  functions,  yet  the  desig- 
nation procurator  became  at  an  early  date  the  term  of 
common  usage  to  designate  them  (Hirschfeld,  382). 

Mauretania,  Rhaetia,  Noricum,  Thrace,  Cappa- 
docia,  Judaea  and  some  smaller  districts  were  all, 
for  a  time  at  least,  governed  by  procurators  (Taci- 
tus Hist,  i.ll;  Dio  Cassius  lvii.l7). 

The  question  concerning  the  original  title  of  the 
Rom  governors  of  Judaea  has  arisen  because  the 
NT  employs  the  word  hegemon  (Mt  27  2.11.14.15. 
21.27;  28  14;  Lk  3  1;  20  20;  Acts  23  24;  24  1; 
26  30),  which  corresponds  with  the  I^at  term 
praescs,  which  might  be  considered  synonymous 
with  either  procurator  or  praefectus  (Hirschfeld, 
3S4).  There  is  no  inscriptional  evidence  to  estab- 
lish the  nomenclature  of  the  rulers  of  Pal  before 
the  time  of  Vespasian,  and  Hirschfeld  is  of  the 
opinion  that  a  certain  passage  in  Tacitus  {Arm. 
XV.44)  where  Pilate  is  called  procurator  is  not  suffi- 
cient proof  in  view  of  this  writer's  carelessness  in 
details  of  this  sort.  Josephus  {Ant,  XX,  i,  2), 
however,  employs  epitropos  {procurator)  for  the 
time  of  Claudius,  and  it  is  convenient  to  follow 
common  usage  and  assume  that  this  title  was  current 
from  the  first. 

It  was  evidently  the  intention  of  Augustus  that 
membership  in  the  equestrian  class  should  be  a 
necessary  qualification  for  the  procurators  who  were 
appointed  to  govern  provinces.  But  Claudius 
appointed  a  freedman,  Antonius  Felix,  brother  of 
the  famous  minister  of  finance,  Pallas,  as  procurator 
of  Judaea  (Suetonius  Claud,  xxviii;  Tacitus  Hist. 
V.9).  This  remained,  however,  an  isolated  instance 
in  the  annals  of  Pal  (Hirschfeld,  380),  and  it  is 
probable,  moreover,  that  Felix  was  raised  to  eques- 
trian rank  before  the  governorship  was  conferred 
upon  him. 

The  following  list  of  the  procurators  of  Judaea  is 
based  on  IVIarquardt  {Romische  iStaatsverwallung, 
I,  409,  412)  and  Schilrer  {Geschicitle  des  judischen 
Volkes\  I,  485-585) : 


Coponius  (6  AD  to  c  10  AD) 

M.  Ambibulus  (c  10-13) 

Annius  Rufus  (c  13-15) 

Valerius  Gratus  (c  15-26) 

Pontius  Pilatus  (26-35) 

MarceUus  (probably  35-38) 

Maryllus  (38^4) 

C.  Cuspius  Fadus  (44r-46) 

Tiberius  Alexander  (46-48) 

Ventidius  Cumanus  (48-52) 

M.  Antonius  Felix  (52-60  or  61) 

Note. — Marquardt  gives  his  name  as  Claudius  Felix, 
supposing  that  he  was  a  freedman  of  Claudius  and 
therefore  took  his  nomen  (Suetonius  Claud,  xxviii; 
Victor,  epitome  iv,  8);  but  there  is  stronger  evidence  in 
support  of  the  belief  that  Felix  was  a  freedman  of  An- 
tonia,  Claudius'  mother,  like  his  brother  Pallas  (Tacitus 
Ann.  xii.54:  Jos,  Ant,  XVIIl,  vi,  4;  XX,  vii.  1.  2; 
XX,  viii,  9;  BJ,  II,  xii,  8),  and  accordingly  had  received 
the  praenomen  and  nomen  Of  Antonia's  father  (Jos,  Ant, 
XVIII,  vl,  6). 

Fortius  Festus  (61) 
Albinus  (62-64) 

Gessius  Florus  (65-66) 

See,  further.  Governor.       George  H.  Allen 

PROFANE,  pr5-fan'  (vb.  bbn,  halal,  ad],  bbn , 

hdlal,  bn ,  hoi;  PePiiXdu,  bebeloo,  P£Pt)X.os,  hebelos): 
From  profanus,  "before  [i.e.  outside]  the  temple," 
therefore  unholy,  polluted,  secular,  is  of  frequent 
occurrence  (vb.  and  adj.)  in  both  the  OT  and  the 
NT.  It  occurs  as  the  tr  of  hoi  in  AV  only  in  Ezk 
(22  26,  RV  "common";  42  20;  44  23;  48  15, 
RV  "for  common  use");  as  the  tr  of  halal  in  Lev 
21  7.14,  RVm  "polluted";  and  Ezk  2i  25,  where, 
for  AV  "thou  profane  wicked  prince  of  Israel," 
RV  has  "thou,  O  deadly  wounded  wicked  one,  the 
prince  of  Israel."  "To  profane"  {halal)  is  seen  in 
Lev  18  21;  19  8;  Neh  13  17.18;'  Ps  89  39;  Isa 
43  28;  Ezk  22  8.26,  etc.  "Profaneness"  in  Jer 
23  15  {hanuppah)  is  in  ARV  "ungodliness."  In  the 
NT  "profane"  occurs  in  the  sense  of  unholy,  godless, 
regardless  of  God  and  Divine  things  (1  Tim  1  9; 
4  7;  6  20;  2  Tim  2  16;  He  12  16),  and  "to  pro- 
fane," or  violate,  in  Mt  12  5;  Acts  24  6.  The 
vb.  is  frequent  in  Apoc  in  1  Mace  (1  43.45.63;  2 
34,  etc;  also  in  2  Mace  8  2;  10  5;  cf  2  Esd  15  8; 
Jth  4  3.12;  1  Mace  1  48;  2  Mace  4  13).  In  nu- 
merous cases  RV  substitutes  "profane"  for  other 
words  and  phrases  in  AV,  as  for  "to  prostitute" 
(Lev  19  29),  "an  hypocrite"  (Isa  9  17),  "pollute" 
(Nu  18  32;    Ezk  7  21),  etc.       W.  L.  Walker 

PROFESS,  prS-fcs',  PROFESSION,  prc-fesh'un 
(T55 ,  imghadh;  6y,oKo-^ia,  homologeo,  onoXo-yCa, 
homologia):  "Profess"  moans  lit.  "to  own  before," 
hence  to  make  open  or  public  announcement;  it 
occurs  only  once  in  the  OT  as  the  tr  of  naghadh,  "to 
put  before,"  often  "to  tell,"  "to  show,"  "to  declare" 
(Dt  26  3);  in  the  NT  it  is  the  tr  of  homologeo,  "to 
speak  or  say  together  in  common,"  "to  assent," 
"to  confess  publicly"  (Mt  7  23,  "Then  will  I  pro- 
fess unto  them,  I  never  knew  you";  1  Tim  6  12, 
RV  "didst  confess  the  good  confession";  Tit  1  16, 
"They  profess  that  they  know  God");  of  epaggel- 
lomai,  "to  announce  one's  self,"  "to  make  profes- 
sion" (1  Tim  2  10;  6  21);  of  phdsho,  "to  say," 
"to  assert"  (Rom  1  22).  "Profession"  is  the  tr 
of  homologia  (2  Cor  9  13;  1  Tim  6  12;  He  3  1, 
AV  "the  High  Priest  of  our  profession"  [of  our  pro- 
fessed faith]; ^  4  14;  10  23;  in  each  instance  RV 
has  "confession").  "Profess"  occurs  in  AV  of 
Ecclus  3  25,  but  the  verse  is  omitted  by  RV;  m 
"Most  authorities  omit  verse  25." 

W.  L.  Walker 

PROG  NO  STIC ATORS,  prog-nos'ti-ka-terz, 
MONTHLY.    See  Astrology,  6. 

PROLOGUE,  pro'log,  prol'og  (irp6\o-yos,  prdlogos, 
"foreword,"  "preface,"  "introduction"):  The  word 
occurs  in  the  preface  to  Ecclus  (Sir),  and  is  com- 


2459 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Procurator 
Prophecy 


monly  applied  to  Jn  1  1-18.  See  Ecclesiasticus; 
John,  Gospel  of. 

PROLONG,  prg-long'  (tllS,  'arakh,  ^f^, 
mashakh):  "Prolong,"  "prolonged"  are  the  tr"  of 
'arakh,  "to  stretch,"  "to  make  long"  (Dt  4  26, 
and  frequently,    "prolong  days";    4  40,  etc;    Job 

6  11  AV;  Prov  28  16;  Eccl  7  15;  8  13;  Isa 
53  10);  of  mashakh,  "to  draw  out"  (Isa  13  22; 
Ezk  12  25.28  AV);  of  yai^aph,  "to  add,"  "to  in- 
crease" (Ps  61  6;  Prov  10  27);  of  natah,  "to 
stretch  out,"  "to  incline  to"  (Job  15  29,  "neither 
shall  he  prolong  the  perfection  thereof  upon  the 
earth,"  ARV  "neither  shall  their  possessions  be 
extended  on  the  earth,"  m  "their  produce  bend  to 
the  earth";  ERV  reverses  text  and  margin);  of 
'aVkkah  (Aram.)  (Dnl  7  12,  "Yet  their  lives  were 
prolonged,"  AVm  "A  prolonging  in  life  was  given 
them").  "Prolong"  occurs  in  Ecclus  29  5,  "prolong 
the  time"  (parelkiio) ;  38  14,  "prolong  life,"  RV 
"maintenance  of  life"  (embwsis) ;  30  22,  "prolongeth 
his  days,"  RV  "length  of  days"  (makroemereusin) ; 
37  31,  RV  "shall  prolong"  {proslilhemi) . 

W.  L.  Walker 
PROMISE,  prom'is  (most  frequently  in  the  OT 
"ll'l ,  dabhar,  "speaking,"  "speech,"  and  "15'^, 
dab/iar,  "to  speak,"  also  1'?'?,  'amar,  "to  say,"  once 
in  Ps  77  8,  'omer,  "speech";  in  the  NT  «ira7-y€X.Ca, 
epaggelia,  and  the  vbs.,€ira-yY€XXo|iai,  epaggellomai, 
and  compounds) ;  Promise  holds  an  important  place 
in  the  Scriptures  and  in  the  development  of  the  reli- 
gion that  culminated  in  Christ.  The  Bible  is  indeed 
full  of  "precious  and  exceeding  great  promises" 
(2  Pet  1  4),  although  the  word  "promise"  is  not 
always  used  in  connection  with  them.  Of  the  more 
outstanding  promises  of  the  OT  may  be  mentioned: 
(1)  the  proto-evangelium  (Gen  3  15);  (2)  the  prom- 
ise to  Noah  no  more  to  curse  the  ground,  etc 
(Gen  8  21.22;  9  1-17);  (3)  most  influential,  the 
promise  to  Abraham  to  make  of  him  a  great  nation 
in  whom  all  families  of  the  earth  should  be  blessed,- 
to  give  to  him  and  his  seed  the  land  of  Canaan 
(Gen  12  2.7,  etc),  often  referred  to  in  the  OT  (Ex 
12  25;  Dt  1  8.11;  6  3;  9  28,  etc);  (4)  the  promise 
to  David  to  continue  his  house  on  the  throne  (2  S 

7  12.13.28;  1  K  2  24,  etc);  (5)  the  promise  of  res- 
toration of  Israel,  of  the  Messiah,  of  the  new  and 
everlasting  kingdom,  of  the  new  covenant  and  out- 
pouring of  the  Spirit  (Isa  2  2-5;  4  2;  55  5;  66  13; 
Jer  31  31-34;  32  37-42;  33  14;  Ezk  36  22-31; 
37  llf;  39  25  f,  etc).  In  the  NT  these  promises  are 
founded  on,  and  regarded  as  having  their  true  fulfil- 
ment in,  Christ  and  those  who  are  His  (2  Cor  1  20; 
Eph  3  6).  The  promise  of  the  Spirit  is  spoken  of 
by  Jesus  as  "the  promise  of  my  Father"  (Lk  24  49; 
Acts  1  4),  and  this  was  regarded  as  fulfilled  at 
Pentecost.  The  promise  of  a  Saviour  of  the  seed  of 
David  is  regarded  as  fulfilled  in  Christ  (Acts  13  23. 
32,  26  6;  Rom  1  2;  4  13;  9  4).  Paul  argues  that 
the  promise  to  Abraham  that  he  should  be  "heir  of 
the  world,"  made  to  him  before  circumcision,  is  not 
confined  to  Israel,  but  is  open  to  all  who  are  children 
of  Abraham  by  faith  (Rom  4  13-16;  ct  Gal  3  16. 
19.29).  In  like  manner  the  writer  to  the  Hebrews 
goes  back  to  the  original  promises,  giving  them  a 
spiritual  and  eternal  significance  (4  1;  6  17;  11  9, 
etc).  The  NT  promises  include  manifold  bless- 
ings and  hopes,  among  them  "life,"  "eternal  life" 
(1  Tim  4  8;  6  19;  2  Tim  1  1;  Jas  1  12),  the 
"kingdom"  (Jas  2  6),  Christ's  "coming"  (2  Pet  3  9, 
etc),  "new  heavens  and  a  new  earth"  (2  Pet  3  13), 
etc.  For  "promise"  and  "promised"  in  AV,  RV  has 
frequently  other  terms,  as  "word"  (Ps  105  42), 
"spake,"  "spoken"  (Dt  10  9;  Josh  9  21;  22  4; 
23  5.15,  etc),  "consented"  (Lk  22  6),  etc.  Refer- 
ences to  the  promises  occur  repeatedly  in  the  Apoo 


(Bar  2  34;   2  Mace  2  18;   Wisd  12  21;    cf  2  Esd 
3  15;   5  29).  W.  L.  Walker 

PROPER,  prop'er:  For  AV  "proper"  (child), 
in  He  11  23,  RV  substitutes  "goodly";  in  1  Ch 
29  3;  1  Cor  7  7,  RV  "own"  is  employed,  and  for 
the  too  emphatic  "their  proper  tongue"  in  Acts  1 
19  "their  language"  is  written.  But  none  of  the 
AV  forms  are  really  obsolete. 

PROPER  NAMES.    See  Names,  Proper. 

PROPERTY,  prop'er-ti.  See  Agrarian  Laws; 
Jubilee;Poor;Poktion;  Primogeniture;  Wealth. 

PROPHECY,  prof'e-si,  prof'e-si,  PROPHETS, 
prof'ets: 

I.     The  Idea  of  Biblical  Prophecy 

1.  The  Seer  and  ypeakor  of  God 

2.  Prophetical  Inspiration 

3.  Relation  to  Dreani.s 

4.  Freedom  of  Inspiration 

5.  Supernatural  Visions  of  the  Future 

6.  The  Fuiniment 

II.    Historical    Development    of    the    Prophetic 
Office 

1.  Abraham 

2.  Moses 

3.  Period  of  the  Judges 

4.  Schools  of  Prophets 

5.  Period  of  the  Kings 

6.  Literary  Prophets,  Amos,  Hosea 

7.  Poetical  Form  of  Prophecy 

8.  Prophets  of  Judah,  Isaiah,  and  Others  Down 
to  Jeremiah 

9.  During    the    Exile,    Ezekiel,    Deutero-Isaiah, 
Daniel 

10.  After  the  Exile,  Haggai,  Zechariah,  Malachi 

11.  Cessation  of  Prophecy 

12.  Prophecy  in  the  NT 

III.  Historical  Development  of  Prophecy 

1.  Contents  of  Prophecy 

2.  Conception  of  tlie  Messiah 

3.  ]3efore  the  Exile  (through  Judgment  to   De- 
liverance) 

4.  Analogous  Ideas  among  Heathen  Peoples 

5.  During  the  Exile  (Ezekiel,  Deutero-Isaiah) 

6.  After  tlie  Exile  (Haggai,  Zechariah,  Malachi) 

7.  Contemporaneous  Character  of  Prophecy 

8.  Partial  Character  of  Prophecy 

9.  Perspective  Character  of  Prophecy 

IV.  Analogous  Phenomena  among  the  Gentiles 

1.  Necromancy  and  Technical  Witchcraft 

2.  The  Mantic  Art 

3.  Contents  of  Heathen  Oracles 
Literature 

/.  The  Idea  of  Biblical  Prophecy. — According  to 
the  uniform  teaching  of  the  Bible  the  prophet  is  a 

speaker  of  or  for  God.  His  words  are 
1.  The  Seer  not  the  production  of  his  own  spirit, 
and  Speak-  but  come  from  a  higher  source.  For 
er  of  God      he  is  at  the  same  time,  also,  a  seer,  who 

sees  things  that  do  not  lie  in  the  do- 
main of  natural  sight,  or  who  hears  things  which 
human  ears  do  not  ordinarily  receive;  cf  1  S  9  9, 
where  nabhl',  "speaker,"  and  rb'eh,  "seer,"  are  used 
as  synonymous  terms.  Jer  23  16  and  Ezk  13  2  f 
are  particularly  instructive  in  this  regard.  In  these 
passages  a  sharp  distinction  is  made  between  those 
persons  who  only  claim  to  be  prophets  but  who 
prophesy  "out  of  their  own  heart,"  and  the  true 
prophets  who  declare  the  word  which  the  Lord  has 
spoken  to  them.  In  the  latter  case  the  contents  of 
the  prophecy  have  not  originated  in  their  own  re- 
flection or  calculation;  and  just  as  little  is  this 
prophecy  the  product  of  their  own  feelings,  fears 
or  hopes,  but,  as  something  extraneous  to  man  and 
independent  of  him,  it  has  with  a  Divine  certainty 
entered  the  soul  of  the  prophet.  The  prophet  has 
seen  that  which  he  prophesies,  although  he  need  not 
have  seen  it  in  the  form  of  a  real  vision.  He  can 
al.so  "see"  words  with  his  inner  eyes  (Isa  2  1,  and 
often).  It  is  only  another  expression  for  this  when 
it  is  frequently  said  that  God  has  spoken  to  the 
prophet.     In  this  case  too  it  is  not  necessary  that 


Prophecy 


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2460 


there  must  have  been  a  voice  which  he  could  hear 
phonetically  through  his  natural  ear.  The  main 
thing  is  that  he  must  have  been  able  sharply  to 
distinguish  the  contents  of  this  voice  from  his  own 
heart,  i.e.  from  his  personal  consciousness.  Only  in 
this  way  is  he  capable  of  speaking  to  the  people 
in  the  name  of  God  and  able  to  publish  his  word  as 
that  of  Jeh.  In  this  case  he  is  the  speaker  of  Jeh 
(nabhi'),  or  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  (cf  Ezk  7  1  with 
4  16).  Under  these  conditions  he  then  regards  it 
as  absolute  compulsion  to  speak,  just  as  a  person 
must  be  filled  with  fear  when  he  hears  a  lion  roar 
nearby  (Am  3  8).  The  words  burn  in  his  soul  until 
he  utters  them  (Jer  20  7.9). 

The  Divine  power,  which  comes  over  a  human 
being  and  compels  him  to  see  or  to  hear  things 
which  otherwise  would  be  hidden  from 
2.  Pro-  him,  is  called  by  various  terms  express- 

phetical  In-  ive  of  inspiration.  It  is  said  that  the 
spiration  Spirit  of  God  has  come  over  someone 
(Nu  24  2);  or  has  fallen  upon  him 
(Ezk  11  5) ;  or  that  the  hand  of  Jeh  has  come  over 
him  and  laid  hold  of  him  (2  K  3  15;  Ezk  1  3; 
3  14.22,  and  often);  or  that  the  Holy  Spirit  has 
been  put  on  him  as  a  garment,  i.e.  has  been  incor- 
porated in  him  (1  Ch  12  18;  2  Ch  24  20);  or 
that  the  Spirit  of  revelation  has  permanently  de- 
scended upon  him  (Nu  11  25  f;  2  K  2  15;  Isa 
11  2;  61  1);  or  that  God  has  given  this  Spirit  of 
His  (Nu  11  29;  Isa  42  1);  or  pours  Him  out  upon 
man  (Joel  2  2Sf  [Heb  3  If]).  But  this  inspiration  is 
not  such  that  it  suppresses  the  human  consciousness 
of  the  recipient,  so  that  he  would  receive  the  word  of 
God  in  the  state  of  sleep  or  trance.  But  rather  the 
recipient  is  in  possession  of  his  full  consciousness, 
and  is  able  afterward  to  give  a  clear  account  of 
what  happened.  Nor  is  the  individuality  of  the 
prophet  eliminated  by  this  Divine  inspiration;  un- 
consciously this  individuality  cooperates  in  the 
formal  shaping  of  that  which  has  been  seen  and 
heard.  In  accordance  with  the  natural  peculiarity 
of  the  prophet  and  with  the  contents  of  the  message, 
the  psychological  condition  of  the  recipient  may  be 
that  of  intense  excitement  or  of  calmness.  As  a 
rule  the  inspiration  that  takes  possession  of  the 
prophets  is  evidenced  also  by  an  exalted  and  poetical 
language,  which  assumes  a  certain  rhythmical 
character,  but  is  not  bound  to  a  narrow  and  mechani- 
cal meter.  It  is,  however,  also  possible  that  pro- 
phetical utterances  find  their  expression  in  plain 
prose.  The  individual  peculiarity  of  the  prophet 
is  a  prime  factor  also  in  the  form  in  which  the 
revelation  comes  to  him.  In  the  one  prophet  we 
find  a  preponderance  of  visions;  another  prophet 
has  no  visions.  But  the  visions  of  the  future 
which  he  sees  are  given  in  the  forms  and  the 
color  which  have  been  furnished  by  his  own  con- 
sciousness. All  the  more  the  form  in  which  the 
prophet  gives  expression  to  his  word  of  God  is  de- 
termined by  his  personal  talents  and  gifts  as  also 
by  his  experiences. 

In  a  certain  respect  the  dream  can  be  cited  as  an 
analogous  phenomenon,  in  which  also  the  ideas  that 
are  slumbering  in  the  soul  uninvited 
3.  The  put  in  their  appearance  without  being 

Dream  controlled  by  consciousness  and  reason. 

On  the  other  hand,  prophecy  differs 
specifically  from  dreams,  first,  because  the  genuine 
prophetical  utterance  is  received  when  the  prophet 
is  clearly  conscious,  and,  secondly,  because  such  an 
utterance  brings  with  it  a  much  greater  degi-ee  of 
certainty  and  a  greater  guaranty  of  its  higher  origin 
than  is  done  even  by  a  dream  that  seems  to  be 
prophetical.  In  Jer  23  25  ff  it  is  declared  that 
these  two  are  entirely  dissimilar,  and  the  relation 
between  the  two  is  compared  to  straw  and  wheat. 
The  Moslem  Arabs  also  put  a  much  lower  estimate 


on  the  visionary  dream  than  on  the  prophetic  vision 
in  a  waking  condition. 

Because  this  Spirit  of  God  acts  with  full  freedom, 
He  can  select  His  organs  at  will  from  among  every 
station,  age  or  sex.     The  Spirit  is  not 
4.  Freedom  confined  to  any  priestly  class  or  organi- 
of  In-  zation.     It   indeed   was    the    case   at 

spiration  times  that  a  prophet  gathered  dis- 
ciples around  himself,  who  could 
themselves  in  turn  also  be  seized  by  his  spirit, 
although  the  transmission  of  this  spirit  was  a  diffi- 
cult matter  (2  K  2  10).  Yet  genuine  prophecies 
continued  to  be  at  all  times  a  free  gift  of  the  sov- 
ereign God.  Amos  (7  14  f)  appeals  expressly  to 
this  tact,  that  he  did  not  himself  choose  the  prophet's 
calling  nor  was  the  pupil  of  a  prophetic  school,  but 
that  he  had  been  directly  called  by  Jeh  from  his 
daily  occupation  as  a  shepherd  and  workman.  In 
the  same  way  we  indeed  find  prophets  who  belonged 
to  the  priestly  order  (Jeremiah,  Ezekiel  and  others), 
but  equally  great  is  the  number  of  those  who  cer- 
tainly did  not  so  belong.  Further,  age  made  no 
difference  in  the  call  to  the  prophetic  office.  Even 
in  his  earliest  youth  Samuel  was  called  to  be  a 
prophet  (1  S  3  1  ff),  and  it  did  not  avail  Jeremiah 
anything  when  he  excused  himself  because  of  his 
youth  (Jer  1  6).  Then,  too,  a  woman  could  be 
seized  by  this  Spirit.  From  time  to  time  prophet- 
esses appeared,  although  the  female  sex  is  by  no 
means  so  prominent  here  as  it  is  in  the  sorcery  of 
the  heathen.  See  Prophetess.  As  an  exceptional 
case  the  Spirit  of  God  could  lay  hold  even  of  a  per- 
son who  inwardly  was  entirely  estranged  from  Him 
and  could  make  an  utterance  through  him  (cf  Saul, 
1  S  10  11;  19  24;  Balaam,  Nu  23  f;  Caiaphas, 
Jn  11  51).  As  a  rule,  however,  God  has  selected 
such  prophetic  organs  for  a  longer  service.  These 
persons  are  called  and  dedicated  for  this  purpose 
by  Him  through  a  special  act  (cf  Moses  Ex  3  1  ff; 
1  K  19  16.19ff;  Isa  6;  Jer  1;  Ezk  1).  This 
moment  was  decisive  for  their  whole  lives  and  con- 
stituted their  authorization  as  far  as  they  them- 
selves and  others  were  concerned.  Yet  for  each 
prophetic  appearance  these  men  receive  a  special 
enlightenment.  The  prophet  does  not  at  all  times 
speak  in  an  inspired  state;  cf  Nathan  (2  S  7  3  ff), 
who  afterward  was  compelled  to  take  back  a  word 
which  he  had  spoken  on  his  own  authority.  Char- 
acteristic data  on  the  mental  state  of  the  prophets 
in  the  reception  and  in  the  declaration  of  the  Di- 
vine word  are  found  in  Jer  15  16  f;  20  7ff.  Origi- 
nally Jeremiah  felt  it  as  a  joy  that  Jeh  spoke  to  him 
(cf  Ezk  3  3),  but  then  he  lost  all  pleasure  in  life 
and  would  have  preferred  not  to  have  uttered  this 
word,  but  he  could  not  do  as  he  desired. 

The  attempt  has  often  been  made  to   explain 
prophecy  as  a  natural  product  of  purely  human 

factors.  Rationalistic  theologians  re- 
5.  Super-  garded  the  prophets  as  enthusiastic 
natural  teachers   of   religion    and   morals,    as 

Visions  of      warm  patriots  and  politicians,  to  whom 
the  Future    they  ascribed  nothing  but  a  certain 

ability  of  guessing  the  future.  But 
this  was  no  explanation  of  the  facts  in  the  case. 
The  prophets  were  themselves  conscious  of  this, 
that  they  were  not  the  intellectual  authors  of  their 
higher  knowledge.  This  consciousness  is  justified 
by  the  fact  that  they  were  in  a  condition  to  make 
known  things  which  lay  beyond  their  natural  hori- 
zon and  which  were  contrary  to  all  probability. 
Those  cases  are  particularly  instructive  in  this 
respect  which  beyond  a  doubt  were  recorded  by  the 
prophets  themselves.  Ezekiel  could  indeed,  on  the 
basis  of  moral  and  religious  reflections,  reach  the 
conviction  that  Zedekiah  of  Jerus  would  not  escape 
his  punishment  for  his  political  treachery  and  for 
his  disobedience  to  the  word  of  Jeh;   but  he  could 


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Prophecy 


never  from  this  source  have  reached  the  certainty 
that  this  Icing,  as  the  prophet  describes  the  case  in 
12  8  ff,  was  to  be  talcen  captive  while  trying  to 
escape  from  the  besieged  city  and  was  then  to  be 
blinded  and  taken  to  Babylon.  Just  as  little  could 
he  in  Babylon  know  the  exact  day  when  the  siege 
of  Jerus  began  (24  2) .  If  this  prophet  had  learned 
of  these  things  in  a  natural  way  and  had  afterward 
clothed  them  in  the  form  of  prophecy,  he  would 
have  been  guilty  of  a  deception,  something  unthink- 
able in  the  case  of  so  conscientious  a  preacher  of 
morality.  But  such  cases  are  frequently  met  with. 
Jeremiah  predicts  to  Hananiah  that  he  would  die 
during  the  year  (28  16),  but  it  is  not  only  such 
matters  of  detail  that  presuppose  an  extraordinary 
vision  of  the  prophet.  The  whole  way  also  in  which 
Jeremiah  predicts  the  destruction  of  Jerus  as  in- 
evitable, in  direct  contrast  to  the  hopes  of  the 
Jerusalemites  and  to  the  desires  of  his  own  heart, 
shows  that  he  was  speaking  under  Divine  compul- 
sion, which  was  more  powerful  than  his  own  re- 
flections and  sympathies.  On  any  other  presup- 
position his  conduct  would  have  been  reprehensible 
cowardice.  The  case  of  Isaiah  is  exactly  the  same. 
When  he  gives  to  Ahaz  the  word  of  God  as  a  guar- 
anty that  the  Syrians  and  the  Ephraimites  would  not 
capture  Jerus  (7  4ff),  and  when  he  promises  Hez- 
ekiah  that  the  Assyrians  would  not  shoot  an  arrow 
into  the  city,  but  would  return  without  having  ac- 
complished their  purpose  (37  22..33),  these  things 
were  so  much  in  contradiction  to  all  the  prob- 
abilities of  the  course  events  would  take  that  he 
would  have  been  a  frivolous  adventurer  had  he  not 
received  his  information  from  higher  sources. 
Doubtless  it  was  just  these  predictions  which  es- 
tablished and  upheld  the  influence  of  the  prophets. 
Thus  in  the  case  of  Amos  it  was  his  prediction  of  a 
great  earthquake,  which  did  occur  two  years  later 
(1  1);  in  the  case  of  Elijah,  the  prediction  of  the 
long  dearth  (1  K  17  1);  in  the  case  of  Elisha,  the 
undertakings  of  the  enemies  (2  K  6  12),  and  in 
other  cases.  It  is  indeed  true  that  the  contents  of 
the  prophetic  discourses  are  not  at  all  confined  to 
the  future.  Everything  that  God  has  to  announce 
to  mankind,  revelations  concerning  His  will,  ad- 
monitions, warnings.  He  is  able  to  announce  through 
the  mouth  of  the  prophet.  But  His  determinations 
with  reference  to  the  future  as  a  rule  are  connected 
with  prophetical  utterances  of  the  latter  kind.  The 
prophets  are  watchmen,  guardians  of  the  people, 
who  are  to  warn  the  nation,  because  they  see  the 
dangers  and  the  judgments  approaching,  which 
must  put  in  their  appearance  if  the  Divine  will  is 
disregarded.  The  prophets  interpret  also  for  the 
people  that  which  is  happening  and  that  which 
has  occurred,  e.g.  the  defeats  which  they  have 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  or  the  grass- 
hopper plague  (Joel),  or  a  famine.  They  lay  bare 
the  inner  reason  for  external  occurrences  and  explain 
such  events  in  their  connection  with  the  provi- 
dential government  of  God.  This  gives  to  prophecy 
a  powerful  inner  unity,  notwithstanding  the  great 
differences  of  times  and  surrounding  circumstances. 
It  is  prophecy  which  the  Heb  people  must  thank  for 
their  higher  conception  of  history.  This  people 
know  of  a  Highest  Author  of  all  things  and  of  a 
positive  end,  which  all  things  that  transpire  must 
serve.  God's  plan  has  for  its  purpose  to  bring 
about  the  complete  supremacy  of  His  will  among 
the  children  of  men. 

In  genuine  prophecy,  according  to  Bib.  concep- 
tions, the  fulfilment  constitutes  an  integral  part. 

This  is  set  up  by  Dt  18  21  f  as  a 
6.  The  Ful-  proof  of  the  genuineness  of  a  prophetic 
filment  utterance.     The  prophetic  word  "falls 

to  the  ground"  (1  S  3  19)  if  it  is  not 
"raised  up"  (OT^.   heldm,  "fulfil,"  for  which  we 


more  rarely  find  X372  ,  mille' ,  but  regularly  in  the 
NT  TrXTjpoOcr^ai,  plerousthai,  "being  fulfilled")  by  the 
course  of  events.  It  would  remain  an  empty  word 
if  it  did  not  attain  to  its  full  content  through  its 
realization.  In  fact,  in  the  word  spoken  by  the 
prophet  itself  there  dwells  a  Divine  power,  so  that 
at  the  moment  when  he  speaks  the  event  takes 
place,  even  if  it  is  not  yet  visible  to  man.  This 
realization  is  also  not  infrequently  represented 
symbolically  by  the  prophet  in  confirmation  of  his 
prediction.  Thus  in  a  certain  sense  it  is  the  prophet 
himself  who  through  his  word  builds  up  and  pulls 
down,  plants  and  roots  out  (Jer  1  10;  25  1.5  ff). 
But  the  fulfilment  can  be  judged  by  the  contem- 
poraries in  the  sense  of  Dt  18  22  only  when  this 
fulfilment  refers  to  the  near  future  and  when  special 
emphasis  is  laid  on  external  events.  In  these  cases 
the  prediction  of  certain  events  assumes  the  sig- 
nificance of  a  "sign"  (cf  Jer  28  16;  Isa  8  1  ff; 
37  30,  and  elsewhere).  In  other  cases  it  is  only 
later  generations  who  can  judge  of  the  correctness 
of  a  prediction  or  of  a  threat.  In  this  way  in  Zee  1 
6  the  fulfilment  of  a  threat  is  declared,  and  in  the 
NT  often  the  fulfilment  of  a  promise  is  after  a  long 
time  pointed  out.  But  it  is  not  the  case  that  a 
genuine  prophecy  must  be  fulfilled  like  an  edict  of 
fate.  Siich  prophecy  is  not  an  inevitable  decree  of 
fate,  but  is  a  word  of  the  living  God  to  mankind, 
and  therefore  conditioned  ethically,  and  God  can, 
if  repentance  has  followed,  withdraw  a  threat  (Jer 
18  2ff;  case  of  Jonah),  or  the  punishment  can  be 
mitigated  (1  K  21  29).  A  prediction,  too,  Jeh 
can  recall  if  the  people  prove  unworthy  (Jer  18  9  f). 
A  favorable  or  an  unfavorable  prediction  can  also 
be  postponed,  as  far  as  its  realization  is  concerned, 
to  later  times,  if  it  belongs  to  the  ultimate  counsels 
of  God,  as  e.g.  the  final  judgment  and  deliverance 
on  the  last  day.  This  counsel  also  may  be  realized 
successively.  In  this  case  the  prophet  already  col- 
lects into  one  picture  what  is  realized  gradually  in 
a  longer  historical  development.  The  prophet  in 
general  spoke  to  his  hearers  in  such  a  way  as  could 
be  understood  by  them  and  could  be  impressed  on 
them.  It  is  therefore  not  correct  to  demand  a  fulfil- 
ment pedantically  exact  in  the  form  of  the  historical 
garb  of  the  prophecy.  The  main  thing  is  that  the 
Divine  thought  contained  in  the  prophecy  be  en- 
tirely and  completely  realized.  But  not  unfre- 
quently  the  finger  of  God  can  be  seen  in  the  entirely 
literal  fulfilment  of  certain  prophecies.  This  is 
esp.  the  case  in  the  NT  in  the  appearance  of  the  Son 
of  Man,  in  whom  all  the  rays  of  OT  prophecy  have 
found  their  common  center. 

//.   Historical    Development    of   the    Prophetic 

Office. — It  is  a  characteristic   peculiarity  of  the 

religion  of  the  OT  that  its  very  ele- 

1.  Abraham  mentary  beginnings  are  of  a  propheti- 

cal nature.  The  fathers,  above  ^  all 
Abraham,  but  also  Isaac  and  Jacob,  are  the  recipi- 
ents of  visions  and  of  Divine  revelations.  Esp.  is 
this  true  of  Aliraham,  who  appeared  to  the  for- 
eigners, to  whom  he  was  neither  kith  or  kin,  to 
be  indeed  a  prophet  {nabhl')  (Gen  20  7;  cf  Ps  105 
1.5),  although  in  his  case  the  command  to  preach 
the  word  was  yet  absent.  Above  all,  the  creative 
founder  of  the  Israelitish  national  religion,  Moses, 

is  a  prophet  in  the  eminent  sense  of 

2.  Moses       the  word.     His  influence  among  the 

people  is  owing  neither  to  his  official 
position,  nor  to  any  military  prowess,  but  solely 
and  alone  to  the  one  circumstance,  that  since  his 
call  at  the  burning  bush  God  has  spoken  to  him. 
This  intercourse  between  God  and  Moses  was  ever 
of  a  particularly  intimate  character.  While  other 
men  of  God  received  certain  individual  messages 
only  from  time  to  time  and  through  the  mediation 
of  dreams  and  visions,  Jeh  spoke  directly  and  "face 


Prophecy 


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2462 


to  face"  with  Moses  (Nu  12  6  ff;  Dt  34  10;  cf 
Ex  33  11).  Moses  was  the  permanent  organ 
through  whom  Jeh  brought  about  the  Egyp  plagues 
and  through  whom  He  explained  what  these  meant 
to  His  people,  as  also  through  whom  He  led  and 
ruled  them.  The  voice  of  Moses  too  had  to  explain 
to  them  the  Divine  signs  in  the  desert  and  com- 
municate to  them  the  commandments  of  God.  The 
legislation  of  Moses  shows  that  he  was  not  only 
filled  with  the  Spirit  of  God  occasionally,  but  that 
he  abode  with  God  for  longer  periods  of  time  and 
produced  something  that  is  a  well-ordered  whole. 
A  production  such  as  the  Law  is  the  result  of  a  con- 
tinuous association  with  God. 

Since  that  time  revelation  through  prophecy  was 

probably  never  entirely  wanting  in  Israel  (Dt  18 

15).     But  this  fountain  did  not  always 

3.  Period  flow  with  the  same  fulness  or  clearness. 
of  the  During  the  period  of  the  Judges  the 
Judges           Spirit  of  God  urged  the  heroes  who 

served  Jeh  rather  to  deeds  than  to 
words.  Yet  Deborah  enjoyed  a  high  rank  as  a 
prophetess,  and  for  a  long  time  pronounced  de- 
cisions of  justice  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  before  she, 
through  her  prophetical  utterances,  aroused  the 
people  to  rise  up  against  their  oppressors.  What  is 
said  in  1  S  3  1  concerning  the  times  of  Eli  can  be 
applied  to  this  whole  period,  namely  that  the  word 
and  vision  of  the  prophet  had  become  rare  in  the 
land.  All  the  more  epoch-making  was  the  activity 
of  Samuel,  who  while  yet  a  boy  received  Divine 
revelations  (1  S3  1  ff).  He  was  by  the  whole 
people  regarded  as  a  "seer"  whose  prophecies  were 
always  fulfilled  (3  19  f).  The  passage  9  6  ff  shows 
that  the  people  expected  of  such  a  man  of  God  that 
he  should  also  as  a  clairvoyant  come  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  people  in  the  troubles  of  life.  Such  a 
professional  clairvoyant,  indeed,  Samuel  was  not, 
as  he  was  devoted  entirely  to  the  service  of  his  God 
and  of  his  people  and  obeyed  the  Divine  Sph-it,  even 
in  those  cases  when  he  was  compelled  to  act  con- 
trary to  his  personal  inclinations,  as  was  the  case 
when  the  kingdom  was  established  in  Israel  (8  6  ff). 
Since  the  days  of  Samuel  we  hear  of  schools  of 
prophets,  or  "sons  of  prophets."  These  associa- 
tions probably  originated  in  this  way, 

4.  Schools  that  an  experienced  prophet  attracted 
of  Prophets  to  himself  bands  of  youths,  who  sought 

to  receive  a  measure  of  his  spirit. 
These  disciples  of  the  prophets,  together  with  their 
families,  lived  in  colonics  around  the  master.  Pos- 
sibly Samuel  was  the  first  who  founded  such  a  school 
of  prophets.  For  in  or  near  the  city  of  Ramah  we 
first  find  nayolh,  or  colonies  of  such  disciples  (1  S 
19  18  f;  20  1).  Among  these  pupils  is  found  to  a 
much  greater  extent  than  among  the  teachers  a 
certain  ecstatic  feature.  They  arouse  their  feel- 
ings through  music  and  induce  a  frantic  condition 
which  also  affects  others  in  the  same  way,  in  which 
state  they  "prophesy"  and,  throwing  off  their  gar- 
ments, fall  to  the  ground.  In  later  times  too  we 
find  traces  of  such  ecstatic  phenomena.  Thus  e.g. 
in  Zee  13  6;  1  K  20  37.38,  the  "wounds"  on  the 
breast  or  on  the  forehead  recall  the  self-mutilation 
of  the  priests  of  Baal  (1  K  18  28).  The  deeds, 
suggestive  of  what  the  dervishes  of  our  own  day  do, 
probably  were  phenomena  quite  similar  to  the  action 
of  the  prophets  of  the  surrounding  tribes.  But  that 
prophecy  in  Israel  was  not,  as  is  now  not  infrequent- 
ly claimed,  merely  a  less  crude  form  of  the  heathen 
prophetic  institution,  is  proved  by  such  men  as 
Moses  and  Samuel,  who  even  in  their  times  repre- 
sent something  much  higher.  Also  in  the  colonies 
of  prophets  there  was  assuredly  not  to  be  found 
merely  an  enthusiasm  without  the  Spirit  of  God. 
Proof  for  this  is  Samuel,  the  spiritual  father  of  this 
colony,  as  Elijah  was  for  the  later  colonies  of  this 


kind.  These  places  were  rather  the  centers  of  a 
religious  life,  where  communion  with  God  was 
sought  by  prayer  and  meditation,  and  where  the 
recollection  of  the  great  deeds  of  God  in  the  past 
seemed  to  prepare  for  the  reception  of  new  reve- 
lations. From  such  centers  of  theocratic  ideas  and 
ideals  without  a  doubt  there  came  forth  also  corre- 
sponding influences  that  affected  the  people.  Per- 
haps not  only  was  sacred  music  cultivated  at  these 
places  but  also  sacred  traditions,  which  were  handed 
down  orally  and  in  writing.  Certain  it  is  that  at 
these  colonies  the  religion  of  Jeh  prevailed. 

During  the  period  of  the  kings  prophetically  in- 
spired men  frequently  appeared,  who  demanded 
even  of  the  kings  that  they  should 
5.  Period  of  submit  to  their  Divinely  inspired 
the  Kings  word.  Saul,  who  refused  such  sub- 
mission, perished  as  the  result  of  this 
conflict.  David  owed  much  to  the  support  of  the 
prophets  Samuel,  Nathan,  Gad  (1  S  16  1  ff;  2  S 
7;  2  Ch  29  25,  and  elsewhere).  But  David  also 
bowed  in  submission  when  these  prophets  rebuked 
liim  because  of  his  transgression  of  the  Divine  com- 
mands (2  S  12,24).  His  son  Solomon  was  educated 
by  the  prophet  Nathan.  But  the  destruction  of  his 
kingdom  was  predicted  by  the  prophet  Abijah,  the 
Shilonite  (1  K  11  29  ff).  Since  Jeh,  as  the  su- 
preme Sovereign,  has  the  right  to  enthrone  or  to 
dethrone  kings,  this  is  often  done  through  the 
mouths  of  the  prophets  (cf  1  K  14  7ff;  16  1  ff). 
After  the  division  of  the  kingdom  we  find  Shemaiah 
forbidding  Rehoboam  to  begin  a  war  with  his 
brethren  of  Israel  (1  K  12  21;  cf  2  Ch  11  2ff; 
cf  another  mission  of  the  same  prophet,  2  Ch  12 
5  ff).  On  the  other  hand  in  the  Northern  Kingdom 
the  prophetic  word  is  soon  turned  against  the  un- 
theocratic  rule  of  Jeroboam  (1  K  13,  14).  It  is 
in  this  very  same  Northern  Kingdom  that  the 
prophets  unfolded  their  full  activity  and  generally 
in  opposition  to  the  secular  rulers,  although  there 
was  no  lack  of  accommodating  "prophets,"  who 
were  willmg  to  sanction  everything  that  the  king 
wanted.  The  opposition  of  the  true  prophets  to 
these  false  representatives  of  prophecy  is  illustrated 
in  the  story  of  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah  (1  K  22). 
But  a  still  higher  type  of  prophecy  above  the  ordi- 
nary is  found  in  Elijah,  whose  historic  mission  it  was 
to  fight  to  the  finish  the  battle  between  the  follow- 
ers of  Jeh  and  the  worship  of  the  Tyrian  Baal.  He 
was  entirely  a  man  of  action ;  every  one  of  his  words 
is  a  deed  on  a  grand  scale  (cf  concerning  Elijah  and 
Elisha  the  art.  Religion  op  Israel).  His  suc- 
cessor Elisha  inherited  from  him  not  only  his  mantle, 
but  also  a  double  measure  of  his  spiritual  gifts.  He 
exhibits  the  prophetic  office  more  from  its  loving 
side.  He  is  accustomed  to  visit  the  schools  of 
prophets  found  scattered  throughout  the  land,  calls 
the  faithful  together  around  himself  on  the  Sabbaths 
and  the  new  moons  (2  K  4  23),  and  in  this  way 
establishes  centers  of  a  more  spiritual  culture  than 
was  common  elsewhere  among  the  people.  We 
read  that  first-fruits  were  brought  to  him  as  to  the 
priests  (2  K  4  42).  But  while  the  activity  of  Elijah 
was  entirely  in  antagonism  to  the  ruling  house  in 
the  kingdom,  this  feature  is  not  entirely  lacking  in 
the  work  of  Elisha  also.  He  has  even  been  charged 
with  wicked  conspiracies  against  the  dynasty  of 
Omri  and  the  king  of  Syria  (2  K  8,  9).  His  con- 
duct in  connection  with  these  events  can  be  excused 
only  on  the  ground  that  he  was  really  acting  in  the 
name  of  a  higher  Master.  But  in  general  it  was 
possible  for  Elisha,  after  the  radical  change  in  pub- 
lic sentiment  that  had  followed  upon  the  work  of 
Elijah,  in  later  time  to  assume  a  more  friendly  atti- 
tude toward  the  government  and  the  people.  He 
often  assisted  the  kings  in  their  arduous  contests 
with  the  Syrians  (cf  6  8ff;    13  14  ff).     His  deeds 


2463 


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Prophecy 


are  generally  of  a  benevolent  character.  In  con- 
nection with  these  he  exhibits  to  a  remarkable  degree 
the  gift  of  prophetic  foresight  (2  K  4  16;  5  26; 
6  8ff;  7  Iff;  8  10.12;  9  6  ff;  13  19).  Jonah, 
too,  the  son  of  Amittai,  had  at  that  time  a  favor- 
able message  for  the  Northern  Kingdom  (2  K 
14  25). 

However,  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  king- 
dom under  Jeroboam  II  had  an  unfavorable  in- 
fluence on   its  spiritual  development. 

6.  Amos,  Soon  Amos  and  Hosea  were  compelled 
Hosea  and  to  announce  to  this  kingdom  its  im- 
the  Literary  pending  destruction  through  a  great 
Prophets        world-power.    These  two  prophets  have 

left  us  books.  To  put  prophetic  utter- 
ances into  wi'itten  form  had  already  been  introduced 
before  this.  At  any  rate,  many  scholars  are  of 
the  conviction  that  the  prophecies  of  Obadiah  and 
Joel  belong  to  an  earlier  period,  although  others 
place  them  in  the  post-exilic  period.  In  any  case, 
the  expectation  of  a  day  of  settlement  by  Jeh  with 
His  people  was  already  in  the  days  of  Amos  common 
and  current  (5  18  ff ) .  As  the  writing  of  individual 
prophecies  (Isa  8  1  f ;  30  8;  Hab  2  2  f )  had  for 
its  purpose  the  preserving  of  these  words  in  per- 
manent authentic  form  and  later  to  convince  the 
reader  of  their  wonderful  fulfilment,  thus  too  the 
•WTiting  down  of  larger  collections  of  prophecies  had 
for  its  purpose  to  intensify  the  power  of  the  prophetic 
word  and  to  secure  this  as  a  permanent  possession 
of  the  people  (Jer  30  2;  36  Iff).  ^  Pupils  of  the 
prophets  assisted  them  in  this  writing  and  in  pre- 
serving their  books  (cf  Jer  36  4;   Isa  8  16). 

It  is  to  this  custom  that  we  owe  our  laiowledge 
of  the  very  words  of  the  utterances  of  many  of  the 

prophets  of  a  later  period.     In  addi- 

7.  Poetical  tion  to  the  larger  books  of  Isa,  Jer, 
Fonn  of  Ezk,  we  have  a  number  of  smaller 
Prophecy       prophetical   books,   which   have  been 

united  into  the  Book  of  the  Twelve 
Prophets.  These  utterances  as  a  rule  exhibited 
an  elevated  form  of  language  and  are  more  or  less 
poetical.  However,  in  modern  times  some  scholars 
are  inclined  to  go  too  far  in  claiming  that  these 
addresses  are  given  in  a  carefully  systematized 
metrical  form.  Hebrew  meter  as  such  is  a  freer 
form  of  expression  than  is  Arabic  or  Sanskrit  meter, 
and  this  is  all  the  more  the  case  with  the  discourses 
of  the  prophets,  which  were  not  intended  for  musi- 
cal rendering,  and  which  are  expressed  in  a  rhyth- 
mically constructed  rhetoric,  which  appears  now  in 
one  and  then  in  another  form  of  melody,  and  often 
changes  into  prose. 

In    the   kingdom   of   Judah    the   status   of   the 
prophets  was  somewhat  more  favorable  than  it  was 

in  Ephraim.     They  were  indeed  forced 

8.  Prophets  in  Jerus  also  to  contend  against  the 
in  Judah        injustice   on   the   part   of   the  ruling 

classes  and  against  immorality  of  all 
kinds.  But  in  this  kingdom  there  were  at  any  rate 
from  time  to  time  found  kings  who  walked  more  in 
the  footsteps  of  David.  Thus  Asa  followed  the 
directions  of  the  prophet  Azariah  (2  Ch  15  Iff). 
It  is  true  that  the  prophet  Hanani  censured  this 
king,  but  it  was  done  for  a  different  reason.  Je- 
hoshaphat  also  regularly  consulted  the  prophets. 
Among  those  who  had  dealings  with  him  Elisha  is 
also  mentioned  (2  K  3  14),  as  also  some  other 
prophets  (cf  2  Ch  19  2;  20  14-37).  The  greatest 
among  the  prophets  during  the  period  of  the  Assyr 
invasions  was  Isaiah,  who  performed  the  duties  of 
his  office  for  more  than  40  years,  and  under  the 
kings  Jotham,  Ahaz,  Hezekiah,  and  possibly  too 
under  Manasseh,  through  his  word  exercised  a 
powerful  influence  upon  the  king  and  the  nation. 
Although  a  preacher  of  judgments,  he  at  critical 
times  appeared  also  as  a  prophet  of  consolation. 


Nor  did  he  despise  external  evidences  of  his  pro- 
phetic office  (cf  7  11;  38  22.8).  His  contemporary 
Micah  is  in  full  agreement  with  him,  although  he 
was  not  called  to  deal  with  the  great  of  the  land,  with 
kings,  or  statesmen,  as  was  the  mission  of  Isaiah. 
Nahum,  Zephaniah  and  Habakkuk  belong  rather 
to  the  period  of  transition  from  the  Assyr  to  the 
Chaldaean  periods.  In  the  days  of  Josiah  the 
prophetess  Huldah  had  great  influence  in  Jerus 
(2  K  22  14).  Much  more  important  under  this 
same  king  was  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  who  was 
called  by  God  for  a  great  mission.  This  prophet 
during  the  siege  and  destruction  of  Jerus  and  after 
that  time  spoke  as  an  unyielding  yet  deeply  feeling 
exponent  of  God,  and  was  compelled  again  and 
again  to  dash  to  the  ground  the  false  hopes  of  the 
patriots,  whenever  these  arose.  Not  so  firm  was 
his  contemporary  and  fellow-sufferer  Uriah  (Jer 
26  20). 

In  the  time  of  the  exile  itself  we  find  the  period  of 

the  activity  of  Ezekiel.     It  was  significant  that  this 

prophet  became  the  recipient  of  Di- 

9.  In  the  vine  revelations  while  on  Bab  terri- 
Exile  tory.     His  work  was,   in   accordance 

with  the  condition  of  affairs,  more 
that  of  a  pastor  and  literary  man.  He  seems  also 
to  have  been  a  bodily  sufferer.  His  s.bnormal  con- 
ditions became  symbolical  signs  of  that  which  he 
had  to  proclaim.  Deutero-Isaiah,  too  (Isa  40  ff), 
spoke  during  the  Bab  period,  namely  at  its  close, 
and  prepared  for  the  return.  The  peculiar  prophe- 
cies of  Daniel  are  also  accorded  to  a  prophet  living 
during  the  exile,  who  occupied  a  distinguished  posi- 
tion at  the  court  of  the  heathen  rulers,  and  whose 
apocalj'ptic  utterances  are  of  a  kind  different  from 
the  discourses  of  the  other  prophets,  as  they  deal 
more  with  the  political  condition  of  the  world  and 
the  drama  of  history,  in  so  far  as  this  tends  toward 
the  establishment  of  the  supremacy  of  Jeh.  These 
prophecies  were  collected  in  later  times  and  did  not 
receive  their  final  and  present  form  until  the  Gr 
period  at  the  beginning  of  the  2d  cent.  BC. 

After  the  return  from  Babylon  the  Jews  were 

exhorted  by  Haggai  and  Zechariah  to  rebuild  their 

temple  (about  520  BC) .     At  that  time 

10.  After  there  were  still  to  be  found  prophets 
the  Exile        who  took  a  hostile  attitude  to  the  men 

of  God.  Thus  Nehemiah  (Neh  6 
6-14)  was  opposed  by  hostile  prophets  as  also  by 
a  prophetess,  Noadiah.  In  contrast  with  these, 
Malachi  is  at  all  times  in  accord  with  the  canonical 
prophets,  as  he  was  an  ardent  advocate  for  the 
temple  cultus  of  Jeh,  not  in  the  sense  of  a  spiritless 
and  senseless  external  worship,  but  as  against 
the  current  indifference  to  Jeh.  His  style  and  his 
language,  too,  evidence  a  late  age.  The  lyrical 
form  has  given  way  to  the  didactic.  This  is  also 
probably  the  time  when  the  present  Book  of  Jonah 
was  written,  a  didactic  work  treating  of  an  older 
tradition. 

Malachi  is  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  the  last  really 
canonical  prophet.     While  doubtless  there  was  not 

a  total  lack  of  prophetically  endowed 

11.  Cessa-    seers  and  speakers  of  God  also  in  the 
tion  of  closing  centuries  of  the  pre-Christian 
Prophecy       era,  nevertheless  the  general  convic- 
tion prevailed  that  the  Sphit  of  God 

was  no  longer  present,  e.g.  in  the  times  of  the  Macca- 
bees (cf  1  Mace  4  46;  9  27;  14  41).  It  is  true 
that  certain  modern  critics  ascribe  some  large  sec- 
tions of  the  Book  of  Isa,  as  well  as  of  other  prophets, 
even  to  a  period  as  late  as  the  Gr.  But  this  is  re- 
futed by  the  fact  mentioned  in  Ecclus  (beginning  of 
the  2d  cent.  BC)  that  in  the  writer's  time  the  pro- 
phetical Canon  appeared  already  as  a  closed  col- 
lection. Dnl  is  not  found  in  this  collection,  but  the 
Book  of  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  is.     It  was 


Prophecy 


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during  this  period  that  apocalyptic  literature  began 
to  flourish,  many  specimens  of  which  are  found 
among  the  Apoc  and  the  Pseudepigrapha.  These 
books  consist  of  eschatological  speculations,  not 
the  product  of  original  inspiration,  but  emanating 
from  the  study  of  the  prophetic  word.  The  very 
name  Pseudepigrapha  shows  that  the  author  issued 
his  work,  not  under  his  own  name,  but  under  the 
pseudonjin  of  some  man  of  God  from  older  times, 
such  as  Enoch,  Ezra,  Moses,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
Baruch,  and  others.  This  fact  alone  proves  the 
secondary  character  of  this  class  of  literature.  See 
Apocalyptic  Literature. 

Malachi  finds  a  successor  in  John  the  Baptist, 
whose  coming  the  former  had  predicted.     John  is 
the  greatest  of  the  prophets,  because 
12.  Proph-    he  could  directly  point  to  Him  who 
ecy  in  completed  the  old  covenant  and  ful- 

the  NT  filled  its  promises.     All  that  we  know 

in  addition  concerning  the  times  of 
Jesus  shows  that  the  prophetical  gift  was  yet 
thought  of  as  possibly  dwelling  in  many,  but  that 
prophecy  was  no  longer  the  chief  spiritual  guide  of 
the  people  (cf  e.g.  Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  xi,  2;  XV,  x,  5, 
among  the  Essenes,  or  in  the  case  of  Hyrcanus,  op. 
cit.,  XIII,  X,  7).  Jos  himself  claims  to  have  had 
prophetic  gifts  at  times  (cf  BJ,  III,  viii,  9).  He  is 
thinking  in  this  connection  chiefly  of  the  prediction 
of  some  details.  Such  "prophets"  and  "prophet- 
esses" are  reported  also  in  the  NT.  In  Jesus  Christ 
Himself  the  prophetic  office  reached  its  highest 
stage  of  development,  as  He  stood  in  a  more  inti- 
mate relation  than  any  other  being  to  His  Heavenly 
Father  and  spoke  His  word  entirely  and  at  all  times. 
In  the  Christian  congregation  the  office  of  prophecy 
is  again  found,  differing  from  the  proclamation  of 
the  gospel  by  the  apostles,  evangelists,  and  teachers. 
In  the  NT  the  terms  T!-po<p^TT)s,  prophttes,  irpoipTj- 
reia,  propheteia,  Trpo<priTe6ui,  propheleuo,  signify 
speaking  under  the  extraordinary  influence  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.  Thus  in  Acts  11  27  f  (prophecy 
of  a  famine  by  Agabus);  21  10  f  (prediction  of  the 
sufferings  of  Paul) ;  13  1  f  (exhortation  to  mission 
work) :  21  9  ff  (prophetical  gift  of  the  daughters  of 
Phflip).  Paul  himself  also  had  this  gift  (Acts  16 
6ff;  18  9;  22  17ff;  27  23f).  In  the  public  serv- 
ices of  the  church,  prophecy  occupied  a  prominent 
position  (see  esp.  1  Cor  14).  A  prophetical  book 
in  a  special  sense  is  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John. 
The  gift  of  prophecy  was  claimed  by  many  also  in 
later  times.  But  this  gift  ceased  more  and  more, 
as  the  Christian  church  more  and  more  developed 
on  the  historical  basis  of  revelation  as  completed  in 
Christ.  Esp.  in  spiritually  aroused  eras  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  church,  prophecy  again  puts  in  its  appear- 
ance. It  has  never  ceased  altogether,  but  on 
account  of  its  frequent  misuse  the  gift  has  become 
discredited.  Jesus  Himself  warned  against  false 
prophets,  and  during  the  apostolic  times  it  was  often 
found  necessary  to  urge  the  importance  of  trying 
spirits  (1  Jn  4  1;    1  Cor  12  10;    14  29). 

///.  Historical  Development  of  Prophecy. — The 
contents  of  prophecy  are  by  no  means  merely  pre- 
dictions concerning  the  future.  That 
1.  Contents  which  is  given  by  the  Spirit  to  the 
of  Prophecy  prophet  can  refer  to  the  past  and  to 
the  present  as  well  as  to  the  future. 
However,  that  which  is  revealed  to  the  prophet 
finds  its  inner  unity  in  this,  that  it  all  aims  to  es- 
tablish the  supremacy  of  Jeh.  Prophecy  views 
also  the  detailed  events  in  their  relation  to  the  Di- 
vine plan,  and  this  latter  has  for  its  purpose  the 
absolute  establishment  of  the  supremacy  of  Jeh  in 
Israel  and  eventually  on  the  entire  earth.  We  are 
accustomed  to  call  those  utterances  that  predict 
this  final  purpose  the  Messianic  prophecies.  How- 
ever, not  only  those  that  speak  of  the  person  of  the 


Messiah  belong  to  this  class,  but  all  that  treat  of 
the  coming  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

The  beginnings  of  the  religion  of  Israel,  as  also 

the  chief  epoch  in  its  development,  emanated  from 

prophetical  revelations.     The  prophet 

2.  The  Idea  Moses  elevated  the  tribal  religion  into 
of  the  a  national  religion,  and  at  the  same 
Messiah        time  taught  the  people  to  regard  the 

religion  of  the  fathers  more  ethically, 
spiritually  and  vitally.  Samuel  crowned  the  earthly 
form  of  the  concrete  theocracy  by  introducing  an 
"Anointed  of  Jeh"  in  whom  the  covenant  relation 
between  Jeh  and  Israel  was  concentrated  personally. 
The  Anointed  of  the  Lord  entered  into  a  much  more 
intimate  relationship  to  Jeh  as  His  Son  or  Servant 
than  it  was  possible  for  the  whole  people  of  Israel 
to  do,  although  as  a  people  they  were  also  called 
the  servant  or  the  son  of  God  (cf  Ps  2  7  f ;  110). 
The  Pss  of  David  are  a  proof  of  this,  that  this  high 
destiny  of  the  kingdom  was  recognized.  David 
himself  became  a  prophet  in  those  hymns  in  which 
he  describes  his  own  unique  relation  to  Jeh.  But 
the  actual  kings  of  history  as  a  rule  corresponded 
too  imperfectly  to  this  idea.  For  this  reason  the 
word  "prophetic"  already  in  David's  time  directs 
to  the  future,  when  this  relationship  shall  be  more 
perfectly  realized  (2  S  7  12  ff;  cf  David's  own 
words,  2  S  23  4  ff).     See  Messiah. 

Solomon  completed  the  external  equipment  of 

the  theocracy  by  the  erection  of  the  temple.     But 

it  was  just  his  reign  that  constituted 

3.  Before  the  turning-point,  from  which  time  on 
the  Exile        the  prophets  begin  to  emphasize  the 

judgment  to  come,  i.e.  the  dissolution 
of  the  external  existence  of  the  kingdom  of  Jeh. 
Yet  prophecy  at  all  times  does  this  in  such  a  manner, 
that  a  kernel  of  the  Divine  establishment  on  Zion 
remains  intact.  The  Divine  establishment  of  the 
sanctuary  and  the  kingdom  cannot  be  destroyed; 
all  that  is  necessary  is  that  they  be  restored  in 
greater  purity  and  dignity.  This  can  be  seen  also 
in  Amos,  who  predicts  that  the  fallen  tabernacle  of 
David  shall  be  raised  up  again  (Am  9  11  ff),  which 
shall  then  be  followed  by  a  condition  of  undis- 
turbed blessing.  The  same  is  found  in  Hosea,  who 
sees  how  all  Israel  is  again  united  under  "David" 
the  king  of  the  last  times,  when  between  God  and 
the  people,  between  heaven  and  earth,  an  unbroken 
covenant  of  love  shall  be  made  (Hos  2  If.lSff); 
and  also  in  Isaiah,  who  predicts  that  during  the 
time  of  the  conquest  and  subjection  of  the  country 
by  the  Gentiles  a  Son  of  David  shall  be  born  in  a 
miraculous  manner  and  attain  supremacy  (Isa  7  14; 
9  2  ff ;  11  Iff),  and  who  speaks  constantly  of  that 
Divine  establishment  on  Zion  (cf  the  quiet  waters  of 
Shiloah,  8  6),  the  foundation  stone  that  has  been  laid 
by  Jeh  (28  16,  etc).  Mioah,  his  contemporary,  does 
the  same,  and  in  an  entirely  similar  manner  predicts 
that  the  radical  judgment  of  destruction  which  shall 
come  over  the  temple  and  the  royal  palace  shall  be 
followed  by  the  wondrous  King  of  Peace  from  Beth- 
lehem (5  Iff).  Possibly  even  at  a  somewhat  earlier 
date  Zee  9  9  described  this  future  ruler  in  similar 
terms.  In  general  it  is  not  probable  that  Isaiah  and 
Micah  were  the  first  to  speak  so  personally  of  this 
King.  They  seem  to  presuppose  that  their  con- 
temporaries were  acquainted  with  this  idea. 

In  recent  times  scholars  have  pointed  to  the  fact 

that  in  the  old  Orient,  among  the  Egyptians,  the 

Babylonians   and    elsewhere,    the   ex- 

4.  Analo-  pectation  of  a  miraculously  born  King 
gous  Ideas  of  the  future,  who  was  to  bring  to  His 
among  own  people  and  to  all  nations  salvation 
Heathen  and  peace,  was  entertained  at  an  early 
Peoples         period.     Yet  so  much  is  certain,  that 

Isaiah  and  Micah  did  not  base  their 
hopes  on  the  vague  dreams  of  the  gentile  world,  but 


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Prophecy 


upon  the  prophetic  cst;iblishment  of  a  Divine  sanc- 
tuary and  kingdom  of  Zion.  The  personal  figure  of 
this  Son  of  David  is  not  so  much  in  the  foreground 
in  the  other  prophets  down  to  the  period  of  the  exile. 
These  prophets  mention  only  casually  the  Good 
Shepherd,  as  e.g.  Jer  23  Iff;  33  12  ff;  Ezk  34  23  f. 
But  after  that  time  this  Messianic  expectation  be- 
came a  permanent  element  in  the  hopes  of  Israel. 

In  the  meanwhile,  prophecy  had  thrown  much 
light  on  the  ways  of  God,  which  prepare  for  His 
kingdom  on  earth.  Even  long  before  Amos  (5  18  ff) 
the  idea  of  a  "day  of  Jeh,"  which  was  to  be  a  day  of 
revelation,  on  which  God  makes  a  settlement  with 
the  nations,  must  have  been  generally  Icnown,  since 
Amos  is  already  compelled  to  protest  against  the 
abuse  of  this  expectation.  But  hand  in  hand  with 
this  settlement  we  find  also  and  at  all  times  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  exaltation  and  of  the  salvation  of 
Israel.  Yet  the  prophets  have  all  emphasized  that 
Israel  and  Judah  must  first  be  thoroughly  purified 
by  a  judgment,  before  the  land  could,  through  God's 
grace,  be  glorified  and  richly  blessed.  The  judgment 
which  the  preexilio  prophets  are  continually  pre- 
dicting is,  however,  only  a  means  to  an  end.  This 
judgment  is  not  the  final  word  of  the  Lord,  as  Amos, 
Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah  and  Habakkuk  constantly 
teach.  They  announce  that  return  to  Jeh  and 
obedience  to  His  commandments  is  the  way  to  sal- 
vation (Hos  6  1;  Isa  1  18;  Jer  4  1,  and  often). 
However,  the  prophets  know  that  the  people  will  not 
turn  again  to  God,  but  that  first  the  Jewish  state 
must  be  entirely  overthrown  (Isa  6).  It  is  par- 
ticularly deserving  of  notice,  that  believing  trust  in 
Jeh  is  regarded  as  the  positive  means  for  deliver- 
ance (Isa  7  9;  30  1.5;  Hab  2  4).  It  is  through 
this  that  the  "remnant"  of  the  faithful,  "the  kernel" 
of  the  people,  is  saved .  Also  in  the  case  of  Jeremiah, 
whose  work  it  was  to  predict  the  immediate  de- 
struction of  Judah,  there  is  not  absent  a  kind  of 
an  esoteric  book  of  consolation.  His  battle  cry 
for  the  future  is  "Jeh  our  righteousness"  (23  6; 
33  16).  In  his  case  we  find  a  rich  spiritualization 
of  religion.  The  external  customs,  circumcision 
and  the  like,  he  declares,  do  no  good,  if  the  true 
state  of  the  heart  is  lacking.  Even  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  is  unnecessary  and  is  discarded  in  the 
enlargement  of  the  sanctuary.  Ezekiel,  who  lays 
more  stress  on  the  external  ordinances,  nevertheless 
agrees  with  Jeremiah  in  this,  that  Jerus  together 
with  the  temple  must  fall.  Only  after  this  de- 
struction the  prophet  in  his  spirit  builds  the  sanc- 
tuary again ;  notwithstanding  the  external  character 
of  his  restoration,  there  is  yet  found  in  his  picture 
a  further  development  of  its  spiritual  character. 
The  ethical  rights  and  the  responsibility  of  the  mdi- 
vidual  are  stronglv  emphasized  (chs  18,33).  The 
land  becomes  transformed;  the  Gentiles  are  re- 
ceived into  the  covenant  of  God.  _ 

Deutero-Isa  (Isa  40-66),  during  the  tune  of  the 
Bab  captivity,  enriches  prophecy  m  an  extraordi- 
nary manner,  through  the  figure  of  the 
6.  During  true  "Servant  of  Jeh,"  who  in  a  peace- 
the  Exile  ful  way,  through  his  words  of  mstruc- 
tion  and  esp.  through  his  innocent 
sufferings  and  his  vicarious  deeds,  converts  Israel, 
the  undeserving  servant,  and  also  wins  over  the 
gentile  world  to  Jeh.  It  was  not  possible  that  the 
picture  of  a  suffering  man  of  God,  who  through  his 
death  as  a  martyr  attains  to  exaltation,  should  be 
suggested  to  the  Jews  by  the  altogether  different 
figure  of  a  death  and  resurrection  of  a  Bab  god 
(Thammuz-Adonis!).  Since  the  unjust  persecu- 
tions of  Joseph  and  David  they  were  acquainted 
with  the  sufferings  of  the  just,  and  Jeremiah's  life 
as  a  prophet  was  a  continuous  martyrdom.  But 
the  writer  of  the  second  part  of  Isaiah  had  before 
his  eyes  a  vision  that  far  excelled  all  of  these  types 


in  purity  and  in  greatness  to  such  a  degree  as  did 
David's  Son  in  Isa  and  Mic  surpass  His  great  an- 
cestor. He  brings  to  a  completion  the  kingdom  of 
God  through  teaching,  suffering  and  death,  and 
attains  to  the  glory  of  ruler.ship.  In  this  way  He 
unites  the  offices  of  prophet,  priest  and  king. 

After  the  exile  prophecy  continues  its  work.     The 

Messianic  expectations,  too,  are  developed  further 

by  Haggai,  and  still   more  by  Zecha- 

6.  After  the  riah.  Malachi  announces  the  advent 
Exile  of  the  Day  of  Jeh,  but  expects  before 

this  a  complete  purification  of  the 
people  of  God.  God  Himself  will  come,  and  His 
angel  will  prepare  the  way  for  Him.  The  visions 
of  Daniel  picture  the  transformation  of  the  world 
into  a  kingdom  of  God.  The  latter  will  mark  the 
end  of  the  history  of  the  world.  It  comes  from 
above;  the  earthly  kingdoms  are  from  below,  and 
are  pictured  as  beasts;  the  Ruler  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  is  a  Son  of  man.  The  latter  comes  with  the 
clouds  of  the  heaven  to  take  possession  of  His  king- 
dom (Dnl  7  13  ff).  Then  the  judgment  of  the 
world  will  take  place  and  include  also  each  human 
being,  who  before  this  will  bodily  arise  from  the 
dead,  in  order  to  enter  upon  blessedness  or  con- 
demnation. Here  we  find  indicated  a  universal 
expansion  of  the  kingdom  of  God  extending  over  the 
whole  world  and  all  mankind. 

If  we  survey  this  prophecy  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  its  Divinely  blessed  Ruler,  the  Messiah,  from 

a  Christian  standpoint,  we  find  that 

7.  Con-  a  grand  Divine  unity  connects  its 
tempera-  different  elements.  The  form  of  this 
neous  Char-  prophecy  is  indeed  conditioned  by  the 
acter  of  views  and  ideas  of  the  time  of  utter- 
Prophecy       ance.     The  prophets  were  compelled 

to  speak  so  that  their  hearers  could 
understand  them.  Only  gradually  these  limitations 
and  forms  become  spiritualized,  e.g.  the  kingdom  of 
God  is  still  pictured  by  the  prophets  as  established 
around  the  local  center  of  Zion.  Mt.  Zion  is  in  a 
concrete  manner  exalted,  in  order  to  give  expression 
to  its  importance,  etc.  It  is  the  NT  fulfilment  that 
for  the  first  time  gives  adequate  form  to  Divine 
revelation.  At  least  in  the  person  of  Jesus  Christ 
this  perfection  is  given,  although  the  full  unfolding 
of  this  kingdom  is  yet  a  matter  of  the  future. 

A  second  characteristic  feature  of  prophecy  is  the 
partial  nature  of  the  individual  prophetical  utter- 
ances and  prophetical  pictures.     One 

8.  Partial  picture  must  be  supplemented  by  the 
Character  others,  in  order  not  to  be  misunder- 
of  Prophecy  stood.     Thus,    e.g.    according    to    Isa 

11  14;  Zee  9  13  ff,  we  might  expect 
that  the  kingdom  of  God  was  to  be  established  by 
force  of  arms.  But  the  same  prophets  show  in 
other  utterances  (Isa  9  6  f ;  Zee  9  9  f )  that  these 
warlike  expressions  are  to  be  understood  figura- 
tively, since  the  Messianic  King  is  more  than  all 
others  a  Prince  of  Peace. 

A  third  feature  that  deserves  attention  is  the 
perspective  character  of  prophecy.     The  prophet 

sees  together  and   at  once  upon   the 

9.  Per-  surface  of  the  pictures  things  which 
spective  are  to  be  fulfilled  only  successively  and 
Character  gradually.  Thus,  e.g.  Deutero-Isa  sees 
of  Prophecy  in   the  near   future  the  return  from 

captivity,  and  directly  connected  with 
this  a  miraculous  glorification  of  the  city  of  God. 
The  return  did  as  a  matter  of  fact  take  place  soon 
afterward,  but  the  glorification  of  the  city  in  which 
Jeh  Himself  had  promised  to  dwell  was  yet  in  the 
distant  future.  The  succeeding  prophets,  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  ^  predict  that  this  consummation 
shall  take  place  in  the  future. 

Also   in   the  predictions   concerning   the   future 
made  by  Jesus  and  in  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John, 


Prophecy 
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2466 


these  characteristics  of  prophecy,  its  contempo- 
raneous and  perspective  and  at  times  symbolical 
features,  are  not  disregarded.  The  firm  prophetic 
word  is  intended  to  give  the  congregation  certain 
directive  lines  and  distinctive  work.  But  an  ade- 
quate idea  of  what  is  to  come  the  Christian  church 
will  become  compelled  to  form  for  itself,  when  the 
fulfilment  and  completion  shall  have  taken  place. 

IV.   Analogous  Phenomena  among   Gentiles. — 
The  uniqueness  of  Bib.  prophecy  is  grasped  fully 
only   when   we  try  to  find   analogies 
1.  Necro-      among  the  gentile  peoples.     Here  we 
mancy  and    find  everywhere  indeed  the  art  of  sooth- 
Technical      saying,  the  headquarters  for  which  was 
Witchcraft     Babylon.     But  with  this  art  the  proph- 
ecy, of  the  OT  stands  out  in  bold  con- 
trast (cf  the  prohibitions  in  Lev  19  26.31;  20  6.27; 
Dt  18  10  ff,  prohibitions  that  refer  to  necromancy 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  future).     This 
art  was  practised  through  a  medium,  a  person  who 
had  an  'obh  (Bab  ubi),  i.e.  a  spirit  that  brought  forth 
the  dead  in  order  to  question  them.     The  spirits 
were  thought  to  speak  in  murmurings  or  piping 
sounds  (Isa  8  19),  which  could  be  imitated  by  the 
medium    (ventriloquist).     According   to   the   Law, 
which  forbade  this  under  penalty  of  death,  Saul 
had  tried  to  destroy  those  who  practised  incanta- 
tions,   who    generally    were    women     (1  S  28  9). 
This  practice,  however,  continued  to  flourish.     In 
addition,  the  Babylonians  and  other  peoples  had  also 
a  developed  art  of  interpretation  in  order  to  find 
omens  for  the  future.     Esp.  was  the  examination  of 
intestines  practised  by  them.     The  liver  of  sacrificial 
animals  particularly  was  carefully  examined,  and, 
from  this,  predictions,  good  or  bad,  were  inferred 
(cf  Ezk  21  21).     See  Divination.     This  art  passed 
over  from  the  Babylonians  to  the  seafaring  Etrus- 
cans, and  through  these  came  to  the  Romans.     But 
other  phenomena  also  were    by  the  different  na- 
tions interpreted   as  prophetically  significant  and 
were  by  those  skilled  in  this  art  interpreted  accord- 
ingly.    Among  these  were  miscarriages  by  human 
beings  and  animals,  the  actions  of  hens,  horses, 
the  flight  of  birds,  earthquakes,  forms  of  the  clouds, 
lightning,  and  the  like.     Further,  mechanical  con- 
trivances were  used,  such  as  casting  of  lots,  stones, 
sticks,  etc. 

More  spiritual  and  popular  was  the  interpretation 
of  dreams.     It  also  was  the  case  that  mediums  in- 
tentionally would  convert  themselves 

2.  The  into  a  semi-waking  trance.  In  this 
Mantic  Art    way  the  suitable  mediums  attained  to 

a  certain  kind  of  clairvoyance,  found 
among  various  peoples.  This  approaches  the  con- 
dition of  an  ecstatically  aroused  pseudo-prophet, 
of  whom  mention  is  made  above.  In  Greece,  too, 
oracles  were  pronounced  by  the  Pythian  prophetess, 
who  by  vapors  and  the  like  was  aroused  to  a  prac- 
tice of  the  mantic  art.  In  Dodona  it  was  the  voice 
of  the  divinity  in  Nature,  which  they  sought  to 
read  in  the  rustling  of  the  trees  and  the  murmuring 
of  the  water.  How  uncertain  these  sources  were 
was  well  known  to  heathen  antiquity.  The  ancients 
complain  of  the  enigmatical  character  of  the  Sibyl- 
line utterances  and  the  doubtful  nature  of  what  was 
said.  See  Greece,  Religion  of.  In  contrast  to 
this,  Israel  knows  that  it  possesses  in  prophecy  a 
clear  word  (Nu  23  23). 

But  the  contents  also  of  the  Bib.  prophecies  are 
unique  through  their  spiritual  uniformity  and  great- 
ness.    The  oracle  at  Delphi,   too,   at 

3.  Contents  times  showed  a  certain  moral  eleva- 
of  Extra-  tion  and  could  be  regarded  as  the  con- 
Biblical  science  of  the  nation.  But  how  in- 
Oracles  significant  and  meager  was  that  which 

it  offered  to  those  who  questioned  it, 
in  comparison  with  the  spontaneous  utterances  of 


the  prophets  of  Israel!  Also  what  has  in  recent 
times  been  said  concerning  the  "prophetical  texts" 
from  ancient  Egypt  (Gressmann,  Tcxte  und  Bilder, 
I,  20  ff)  may  indeed  show  some  external  similarity 
to  the  prophecies  of  Israel;  but  they  lack  the  spirit- 
ual and  religious  depth  and  the  strictly  ethical 
dignity  of  the  prophets  of  the  Scriptures,  as  also  the 
consistency  with  which  these  from  century  to  cen- 
tury reveal  the  thoughts  of  God  and  make  known 
with  constantly  increasing  clearness  their  purposes 
and  goal. 

Literature. — Witsius,  De  prophetis  et  prophetia,  1731; 
Ctir.  A.  Crusius,  Hypomnemata  ad  theologiam  propheticam. 
Part  I,  1764;  A.  Knobel,  Der  Prophetismus  der  Hebrcier, 
18.37;  F.  B.  Koester,  Die  Prophelen  des  AT  und  NT, 
1S3S:  B.  Dulim,  Die  Theologie  der  Propheten;  Kuenen, 
The  Prophets  and  Prophect/  in  Israel;  F.  E.  Koenig,  Der 
Offenbarungsbegriff  des  AT,  1882;  G.  von  Orelli,  Die 
alttestamentliche  Weissagung  von  der  VoUendung  des 
GoUesreiches,  1882;  W.  Robertson  Smith,  The  Prophets 
of  Israel  and  Their  Place  in  History,  1882;  E.  Riehm, 
Die  messianische  Weissagung,  ET,  1885:  Delitzsch, 
Messianic  Prophecy,  1891;  A.  T.  Kirkpatrick,  The  Doc- 
trine of  the  Prophets,  1892;  G.  Fr.  Oehler,  Theologie 
des  AT,  1891;  Ed.  Koenig, /)a.s  Berufungsbewusstsein  der 
alttestamentlichen  Propheten,  1900;  F.  H.  Woods,  The 
Hope  of  Israel.  1896;  R.  Kraetzschmar,  Prophet  und 
Seherim  alien  Israel.  1902;  A.  B.  Davidson.  OT  Proph- 
ecy. 1903;  Eb.  Schrader,  Die  Keilinschriften  und  das 
AT,  1902;  C.  von  Orelli,  Allgemeine  Religionsgeschichte; 
IM.  Jastrow,  Die  Religion  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens, 
1903;  Gressmann,  Ursprung  der  israelitisch-jildischen 
Eschatologie,  190.5;  W.  J.  Beecher,  The  Prophets  and  the 
Promise,  1905;  C.  S.  Macfarland,  Jesus  and  the  Prophets, 
1905;  G.  G.  Findlay,  The  Books  of  the  Prophets  in  Their 
Historical  Succession,  1906—7:  Gressmann,  Alt-orienta- 
lische  Texte  und  Bilder  zum  AT.  1909;  Sclwyn,  Christian 
Prophets. 

C.  VON  Orelli 
PROPHECY,  GIFT  OF.     See  Spiritual  Gifts. 

PROPHESYINGS,  prof'5-si-ingz,  FALSE:  The 
distinction  between  the  true  and  the  false  prophecy 
and  prophets  is  very  difficult  to  state.  Broadly 
speaking,  the  false  prophesying  related  itself  to  the 
national  ideal  independently  of  any  spiritual  quality, 
while  the  true  prophesying  ever  kept  uppermost  the 
spiritual  conception  of  the  national  life.  Among 
those  given  to  false  prophesying  were  the  ones  who 
spoke  after  "the  deceit  of  their  own  heart"  (Jer 
14  13.14);  those  who  without  real  prophetic  gift 
borrowed  a  message  and  assumed  the  speech  of 
prophecy  (Jer  23  28.31);  and  those  who  sought 
the  prophet's  role  in  order  to  gain  the  material  gifts 
which  came  from  the  people  to  their  prophets  (Mic 
3  5).  These,  when  discovered,  were  counted 
worthy  of  punishment  and  even  death.  There 
were,  however,  false  prophesyings  from  men  who 
honestly  believed  themselves  to  have  a  message 
from  Jeh.  These  prophecies  from  self-deceived 
prophets  often  led  the  people  astray.  The  dream 
of  national  greatness  was  substituted  for  the  voice 
of  Jeh.  It  was  against  such  prophesying  that  the 
true  prophets  had  to  contend.  The  only  test  here 
was  the  spiritual  character  of  the  utterance,  and 
this  test  demanded  a  certain  moral  or  spiritual 
sense  which  the  people  did  not  always  possess. 
Consequently,  in  times  of  moral  darkness  the  false 
prophets,  predicting  smooth  things  for  the  nation, 
independent  of  repentance,  consecration  and  the 
pursuit  of  spiritual  ideals,  were  honored  above  the 
true  prophets  who  emphasized  the  moral  greatness 
of  Jeh  and  the  necessity  of  righteousness  for  the 
nation.  In  NT  times  false  prophesying  did  much 
injury  in  the  church.     See  Prophecy. 

C.    E.    SCHENK 

PROPHET,  THE  OLD.  See  Old  Prophet, 
The. 

PROPHETESS,  prof'et-es  (nX^a: ,  n'hhl'ah; 
irpo<|)TjTis,  prnphetis) :  Women  were  not  excluded 
from  the  prophetic  office  in  the  OT,  and  were 
honored  with  the  right  of  prophetic  utterance  in  the 


2467 


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Prophecy 
Proselyte 


NT.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  women 
like  Mh-iam  (Ex  15  20),  Deborah  (Jgs  4  4)  and 
Huldah  (2  K  22  14)  were  not  credited  with  the 
seer's  insight  into  the  future,  but  were  called 
"prophetesses"  because  ot  the  poetical  inspiration 
of  their  speech.  Among  others  mentioned  as  having 
the  prophetic  gift  we  find  Hannah  (1  S  2  1), 
Anna  (Lk  2  36)  and  the  four  daughters  of  Philip 
(Acts  21  8.9).     See  Prophet.        C.  E.  Schenk 

PROPITIATION,  pro-pish-i-a'shun:  The  word 
is  Lat  and  brings  into  its  Eng.  use  the  atmosphere  of 
heathen  rites  for  winning  the  favor, 
1.  Terms  or  averting  the  anger,  of  the  gods.  In 
and  the  OT  it  represents  a  number  of  Heb 

Meaning  words — ten,  including  derivatives — 
which  are  sufficiently  discussed  under 
Atonement  (q.v.),  of  which  propitiation  is  one 
aspect.  It  represents  in  LXX  the  Gr  stems  iXacrx-, 
hilask-  (iXe-,  hile-),  and  KaraWay-,  katallag-,  with 
derivatives;^  in  the  NT  only  the  latter,  and  is  rarely 
used.  Propitiation  needs  to  be  studied  in  connection 
with  reconciliation,  which  is  used  frequently  in  some 
of  the  most  strategic  sentences  of  the  NT,  esp.  in  the 
newer  VSS.  In  He  2  17,  ERV  and  ARV  have  both 
changed  "reconciliation"  of  AV  to  "propitiation," 
to  inake  it  correspond  with  the  OT  use  in  con- 
nection with  the  sacrifice  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment (q.v.).  Lk  18  13  ("God,  be  thou  merciful 
[m  "be  propitiated")  to  me  the  sinner"  [ARVm]); 
He  8  12  (quoted  from  LXX);  and  Mt  16  22  (an 
idiomatic  asseveration  like  Eng.  "mercy  on  us")  will 
help  in  getting  at  the  usage  in  the  NT.  In  LXX 
hilastirion  is  the  term  for  the  "mercy-seat"  or  "lid 
of  the  ark"  of  the  covenant  which  was  sprinkled 
with  blood  on  the  Day  of  Atonement.  It  is  em- 
ploj'ed  in  exactly  this  sense  in  He  9  5,  where  later 
VSS  have  in  m  "the  propitiatory." 

Elsewhere  in  the  NT  this  form  is  found  only  in 
Rom  3  2.5,  and  it  is  here  that  difficulty  and  differ- 
ence are  found  extensively  in  interpreting.  Greek 
fathers  generally  and  prominent  modern  scholars 
understand  Paul  here  to  say  that  God  appointed 
Christ  Jesus  to  be  the  "mercy-seat"  for  sinners. 
The  reference,  while  primarily  to  the  Jewish  cere- 
monial in  tabernacle  and  temple,  would  not  depend 
upon  this  reference  for  its  comprehension,  for  the 
idea  was  general  in  religious  thought,  that  some 
place  and  means  had  to  be  provided  for  securing 
friendly  meeting  with  the  Deity,  offended  by  man's 
sin.  In  He  particularly,  as  elsewhere  generally, 
.Je.sus  Christ  is  presented  as  priest  and  sacrifice. 
Many  modern  writers  (cf  Sanday  and  Headlam), 
therefore,  object  that  to  make  Him  the  "mercy- 
seat"  here  compUcates  the  figure  still  further,  and 
so  would  understand  hilasterion  as  "expiatory  sac- 
rifice." While  this  is  not  impossible,  it  is  better  to 
take  the  word  in  the  usual  sense  of  "mercy-seat." 
It  is  not  necessary  to  comphcate  the  illustration  by 
bringing  in  the  idea  of  priest  at  all  here,  since  Paul 
does  not  do  so;  mercy-seat  and  sacrifice  are  both  in 
Chri.st.  iXair/xij,  hilasmos,  is  found  in  the  NT  only 
in  1  Jn  2  2;  4  10.  Here  the  idea  is  active  grace, 
or  mercy,  or  friendliness.  The  teaching  corre- 
sponds exactly  with  that  in  Rom.  ".Jesus  Christ 
the  righteous"  is  our  "Advocate  [m  "Helper"]  with 
the  Father,"  because  He  is  active  mercy  concerning 
(vrepi,  peri)  our  sins  and  those  of  the  whole  world. 
Or  (4  10),  God  "loved  us,  and  sent  his  Son  to  be 
the  propitiation  for  [active  mercy  concerning]  our 
sins."  This  last  passage  is  parallel  with  Rom  3 
2.5,  the  one  dealing  with  the  abstract  theory,  and  so 
Christ  is  set  forward  as  a  "mercy-seat,"  the  other 
dealing  with  experience  of  grace,  and  so  Christ  is 
the  mercy  of  God  in  concrete  expression. 

The  basal  idea  in  Heb  terms  is  that  of  covering 
what  is  offensive,  so  restoring  friendship,  or  causing 


to  be  kindly  disposed.  The  Gr  terms  lack  the 
physical  reference  to  covering  but  introduce  the 

idea  of  friendliness  where  antagonism 
2.  Theo-  would  be  natural;  hence  graciousn&ss. 
logical  Naturally,  therefore,  the  idea  of  expia- 

Implication    tion  entered  into  the  concept.    It  is  esp. 

to  be  noted  that  all  provisions  for  this 
friendly  relation  as  between  God  and  offending 
man  find  their  initiation  and  provision  in  God  and 
are  under  His  direction,  but  involve  the  active  re- 
sponse of  man.  All  heathen  and  unworthy  con- 
ceptions are  removed  from  the  Christian  notion  of 
propitiation  by  the  fact  that  God  Himself  proposed, 
or  "set  forth,"  Chri.st  as  the  "mercy-seat,"  and  that 
this  is  the  supreme  expression  of  ultimate  love. 
God  had  all  the  while  been  merciful,  friendly,  "pass- 
ing over"  man's  sins  with  no  apparently  adequate, 
or  .just,  ground  for  doing  so.  Now  in  the  blood  of 
Christ  sin  is  condemned  and  expiated,  and  God  is 
able  to  establish  and  maintain  His  character  for 
righteousness,  while  He  continues  and  extends  His 
dealing  in  gracious  love  with  sinners  who  exercise 
faith  in  Jesus.  The  propitiation  originates  with 
God,  not  to  appease  Himself,  but  to  justify  Himself 
in  His  uniform  kindness  to  men  deserving  harsh- 
ness. Cf  also  as  to  reconciliation,  as  in  Rom  5 
1-11;  2  Cor  5  IS  ff.  See  also  Johannine  Theol- 
ogy, V,  2. 

Literature. — Besides  the  comms.,  the  literature  is 
the  same  as  for  Atonement,  to  recent  works  on  which  add 
Stalker,  The  Atonement:  Workman.  At  Onement,  or  Recon- 
ciliation with  God;  Moberly,  in  Foundations,  Christian 
Belief  in   Terms  of  Modern   Thought. 

William  Owen  Carver 
PROPORTION,  prfi-por'shun:  Occurs  once  in 
the  sense  of  "space"  as  the  tr  of  "1?'3  ,  ma'ar,  "void 
or  open  space"  (1  K  7  36,  AVm  "Heb  'nakedness,'" 
RV  "space");  once  in  the  obsolete  sense  of  "form" 
as  the  tr  of  'erekh,  "array,"  or  "row"  (Job  41  12, 
RV  "frame");  and  once  in  the  sense  of  "measure" 
as  the  tr  of  analogia,  "proportion,"  "equahty" 
(Rom  12  6,  "the  proportion  of  faith,"  RV  "the 
proportion  of  our  faith").  "Proportionally"  occurs 
in  Wisd  13  .5,  analogos,  RV  "in  like  proportion," 
m  "correspondently." 

PROSELYTE,  pros'5-lit  (irpoo-^Xvixos,  prost- 
lulos,  from  proserchoinai,  "1  approach"):  Found  4  t 
in  the  NT.  In  the  LXX  it  often  occurs  as  the  tr  of 
"13,  ger.  The  Heb  vb.  gur  means  "to  sojourn"; 
ger  accordingly  means  a  stranger  who  has  come  to 
settle  in  the  land,  as  distinguished  on  the  one  hand 
from  'ezrdh,  "a  homeborn"  or  "native,"  and  on  the 
other  from  nokhri  or  ben-nekhdr,  which  means  a 
stranger  who  is  only  passing  through  the  country. 
Yet  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  2  Ch  2  17  those  of  the 
native  tribes  still  living  in  the  land  as  Amoritcs, 
Hittitcs,  etc,  are  also  called  gcrim.  In  two  places 
(Ex  12  19;  Isa  14  1)  LXX  uses  g[e]idras,  which  is 
derived  from  giyor,  the  Aram,  equivalent  for  ger. 
LXX  uses  pdroikos  (the  Gr  equivalent  for  Heb 
toshdbh,  "a  settler")  for  ger  when  Israel  or  the  pa- 
triarchs are  indicated  (Gen  15  13;  23  4;  Ex  2  22; 
18  3;  Dt  23  7;  1  Ch  29  1.5;  Ps  39  12;  119  19; 
Jer  14  8),  and  in  a  few  other  cases.  In  Talmudical 
lit.  ger  always  stands  for  proselyte  in  the  NT  sense, 
i.e.  a  Gentile  who  has  been  converted  to  Judaism. 
Onkelos,  who  was  himself  a  proselyte,  always  trans- 
lates the  word  in  this  way. 

No  difficulties  were  put  in  the  way  of  those 
strangers  who  wished  to  settle  down  in  the  land  of 

Israel.  All  strangers,  the  third  gen- 
1.  Ger  in  eration  of  Egyptians  and  Edomites 
the  OT  included,    and    only    Ammonites    and 

Moabites  excluded,  could  enter  "the 
congregation  of  God"  without  circumcision  and 
without  the  obligation  to  keep  the  ceremonial  law. 


Proselyte 
Proverb 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2468 


'The  stranger  within  the  gate'  was  free  to  eat  meat 
which  was  prohibited  to  the  Israelite  (Dt  14  21). 
If,  however,  the  stranger  wished  to  take  part  in  the 
Passover,  a  feast  permeated  with  national  ideals, 
he  must  be  circumcised.  The  keeping  of  the  Sab- 
bath and  other  feasts  was  regarded  rather  as  a 
privilege  than  as  a  duty  (Ex  23  12;  Dt  16  11.14) ; 
but  according  to  Lev  16  29  the  ger  was  obliged  to 
keep  the  fast  of  Atonement.  He  was  forbidden 
on  pain  of  death  to  blaspheme  (Lev  24  16)  or  to 
offer  children  to  Molech  (Lev  20  2).  If  he  de- 
sired to  bring  a  burnt  offering,  the  same  law  applied 
to  him  as  to  the  Israelites  (Lev  17  8;  22  18). 
Though  the  law  of  circumcision  was  not  forced  upon 
the  ger,  it  seems  that  the  Mosaic  Law  endeavored 
to  bring  him  nearer  to  the  cult  of  Israel,  not  from 
any  proselytizing  motives,  but  in  order  to  preserve 
the  theocracy  from  admixture  of  foreign  elements, 
which  would  speedily  have  proved  fatal  to  its 
existence. 

Though  the  God  of  Israel,  when  He  is  thought 
of  only  as  such,  ceases  to  be  God;  though  Israel 
was  chosen  before  all  nations  for  all  nations;  though 
Israel  had  been  again  and  again  reminded  that  the 
Messiah  would  bring  a  blessing  to  all  nations;  and 
though  there  were  instances  of  pagans  coming  to 
believe  in  Jeh,  yet  it  did  not  belong  to  the  economy 
of  OT  rehgion  to  spread  the  knowledge  of  God 
directly  among  the  Gentiles  (the  Book  of  Jon  is  an 
exception  to  this).  There  was  certainly  no  active 
propagandism.  Though  we  read  in  Neh  10  28  of 
those  who  "separated  themselves  from  the  peoples 
of  the  lands  unto  the  law  of  God"  (cf  Isa  56  3, 
"the  foreigner,  that  hath  joined  himself  to  Jeh" — 
the  only  and  exact  description  of  a  proselyte  proper 
in  the  OT),  the  spirit  of  exclusiveness  prevailed; 
the  doubtful  elements  were  separated  (Ezr  4  3); 
mixed  marriages  were  prohibited  by  the  chiefs,  and 
were  afterward  disapproved  of  by  the  people  (Ezr 
9,  10;  Neh  13  23  ff).  Direct  proselytism  did  not 
begin  till  about  a  century  later. 

The  preaching  of  the  gospel  was  preceded  and' 
prepared  for  by  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews,  and  a 
world-wide  propagandism  of  Judaism. 
2.  Prose-  In  the  5th  cent.  BC  the  Jews  had  a 
lytizing  temple  of  their  own  at  Syene.     Alex- 

ander the  Great  settled  8,000  Jews 
in  the  Thebais,  and  Jews  formed  a  third  of  the 
population  of  Alexandria.  Large  numbers  were 
brought  from  Pal  by  Ptolemy  I  (320  BC),  and  they 
gradually  spread  from  Egypt  along  the  whole 
Mediterranean  coast  of  Africa.  After  the  perse- 
cution of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (170  BC)  they  scat- 
tered themselves  in  every  direction,  and,  in  the 
words  of  the  Sibylline  Oracles  (c  160  BC),  "crowded 
with  their  numbers  every  ocean  and  country." 
There  was  hardly  a  seaport  or  a  commercial  center 
in  Asia  Minor,  Macedonia,  Greece,  or  the  Islands 
of  the  jEgean,  in  which  Jewish  communities  were 
not  to  be  found.  Jos  {Ant,  XIV,  vii,  2)  quotes 
Strabo  as  saying:  "It  is  hard  to  find  a  place  in  the 
habitable  earth  that  hath  not  admitted  this  tribe 
of  men,  and  is  not  pos.sessed  by  them."  Thus,  in 
.spite  of  the  hatred  and  contempt  which  Judaism 
everywhere  excited,  its  lofty,  austere  and  spiritual 
religious  aspirations  and  conceptions  became  known 
to  the  pagan  world  and  exercised  a  profound  at- 
traction upon  many  souls  that  were  deeply  dis- 
satisfied with  contemporary  religions.  Judaism 
was  at  that  period  filled  with  missionary  zeal  and 
aspired  to  world-mastery.  Many  books  on  Juda- 
ism (e.g.  the  Sibylline  Oracles)  were  written  anony- 
mously by  Jews  in  order  to  influence  pagan  readers. 
The  synagogue,  which  had  become  the  center  of 
Jewish  worship,  now  opened  its  doors  widely  to  the 
pagan  world  (cf  Acts  15  21),  and  many  of  the  ser- 
mons dehvered  there  were  directly  aimed  at  the 


conversion  of  ])agans.  The  Jews  began  to  feel  that 
they  were  "a  guide  of  the  blind,  a  light  of  them  that 
are  in  darkness"  (Rom  2  19). 

Not  only  Jos  {CAp,  II;  BJ,  VII,  iii,  3),  but  also 
Seneca  (A-pud  Aug.  De  Civil.  Dei  vi.U),  Dio  Cassms 
(xxxvii.l7),  Tacitus  (Ann.  ii.85;  Hist.  v. 5),  Horace 
[Sat.  i.4,  142),  Juvenal  [Sat.  xiv.96ff),  and  other  Gr 
and  Rom  writers  testify  to  the  widespread  effects  of 
the  proselytizing  propaganda  of  the  Jews. 

Many  gladly  frequented  the  synagogues  and  kept 
some  of  the  Jewish  laws  and  customs.  Among 
those  were  to  be  found  the  "men  who  feared  God," 
spoken  of  in  Acts.  They  were  so  called  to  distin- 
guish them  from  full  proselytes;  and  it  was  probably 
for  this  class  that  tablets  of  warning  in  the  temple 
were  inscribed  in  Gr  and  Lat. 

Another  class  kept  practically  all  the  Jewish  laws 
and  customs,  but  were  not  circumcised.  Some 
again,  though  not  circumcised,  had  their  children 
circumcised  (Juvenal  Sai.  xiv.96ff).  Such  Jewish 
customs  as  fasting,  cleansings,  abstaining  from  pork, 
lighting  the  candles  on  Friday  evening,  and  keeping 
the  Sabbath  (Jos,  CAp,  II,  29,  etc)  were  observed 
by  these  gentile  sympathizers.  Schiii-er  holds  that 
there  were  congregations  of  Greeks  and  Romans  in 
Asia  Minor,  and  probably  in  Rome,  which,  though 
they  had  no  connection  with  the  synagogue,  formed 
themselves  into  gatherings  after  the  pattern  of  the 
synagogue,  and  observed  some  of  the  Jewish  customs. 

Among  the  converts  to  Judaism  there  were  prob- 
ably few  who  were  circumcised,  and  most  of  those 
who  were  circumcised  submitted  to  the  rite  in  order 
to  marry  Jewesses,  or  to  enjoy  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges granted  to  the  Jews  by  SjTian,  Egyp  and  Rom 
rulers  (Jos,  Ant,  XIV,  vii,  2;  XX,  vii,  1;  cf  XVI, 
vii,  6).  It  would  appear  from  Christ's  words  (Mt 
23  15,  "one  proselyte")  that  the  number  of  full 
proselytes  was  not  large.  Hyrcanus  forced  the 
Edomites  to  adopt  Judaism  by  circumcision  (129 
BC);  and  on  other  occasions  the  same  policy  of 
propagandism  by  force  was  followed.  Jos  tells  an 
interesting  story  {Ant,  XX,  ii,  1)  of  the  conversion 
of  Queen  Helena  of  Adiabene  and  her  two  sons. 
The  conversion  of  the  sons  was  due  to  the  teaching 
of  a  merchant  called  Ananias,  who  did  not  insist 
on  circumcision.  Later,  another  Jew,  Eliezer  of 
Galilee,  told  the  young  princes  that  it  was  not 
enough  to  read  the  Law,  but  that  they  must  keep  it 
too,  with  the  result  that  both  were  circumcised. 
From  this  it  is  evident  that  Jewish  teachers  of  the 
gentile  converts  varied  in  the  strictness  of  their 
teaching. 

The  word  "proselyte"  occurs  4  t  in  the  NT;  once 
in  Mt  (23  15),  where  Our  Lord  refers  to  the  pros- 
elytizing zeal  of  the  Pharisees,  and 
3.  Prose-  to  the  pernicious  influence  which  they 
lytes  in  exerted  on  their  converts;   and  3  t  in 

the  NT  Acts.    Proselytes  were  present  at  Pen- 

tecost (Acts  2  10) ;  Nicolas,  one  of  the 
deacons  appointed  by  the  primitive  church  at 
Jerus,  was  a  proselyte  (6  5) ;  and  after  Paul  had 
spoken  in  the  synagogue  at  Antioch  of  Pisidia,  many 
devout  proselytes  followed  Paul  and  Barnabas 
(13  43).  It  is  to  be  noted  in  this  last  case  that  the 
proselytes  are  called  sehomenoi,  a  word  generally 
reserved  for  another  class.  Certain  people  are 
spoken  of  in  Acts  as  phobomnenoi  ton  thedn,  "fearing 
God"  (10  2.22.35;  13  16.26),  and  as  sebdmenoi  ton 
thedn,  "reverencing  God,"  or  simply  sebomenoi 
(13  50;  16  14;  17  4.17;  18  7).  These  seem  (as 
against  Bertholet  and  EB)  to  have  been  sym- 
pathizers with  Judaism,  who  attended  the  worship 
of  the  synagogue,  but  were  not  circumcised.  It 
was  among  this  class  that  the  gospel  made  its  first 
converts  among  the  Gentiles.  Those  who  were 
fully  proselytes  were  probably  as  fanatical  oppo- 
nents of  Christianity  as  were  the  Jews. 


2469 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Proselyte 
Proverb 


From  the  old  strict  Pharisaic-Palestinian  point 
of  view,  circumcision,  with  the  addition  of  baptism 
and  the  offering  of  sacrifice,  was  in- 
4.  Ger  dispensable  (so  to  Paul  every  circum- 

in  the  cised  person  was  a  Jew;   cf  Gal  6  3); 

Talmud  and  thus  their  converts  had  to  submit 

to  the  whole  burden  of  the  Mosaic  and 
traditional  Law.  The  rabbinic  distinction  between 
ger  toshabh,  "a  settler,"  and  ger  qedhek,  "a  proselyte 
of  righteousness,"  is,  according  to  Schiirer,  only 
theoretical,  and  arose  at  a  later  date  {Bahha'  M's^'a' 
6  6.9.12;  Makkolh  2  3;  N'gha'im  3  1,  etal.). 

While  the  ger  gedhek  (or  ger  ka-b'rllk,  "proselyte 
of  the  covenant")  was  considered  as  being  in  every 
respect  a  "perfect  Israelite,"  the  ger  toshabh  (or 
ger  sha'ar,  "proselyte  of  the  gate";  cf  Ex  20  10) 
only  professed  his  faith  in  the  God  of  Israel,  and 
bound  himself  to  the  observance  of  the  7  Noachic 
precepts,  abstinence  from  blasphemy,  idolatry, 
homicide,  fornication,  robbery,  eating  the  flesh  of  an 
animal  that  had  died  a  natural  death,  and  disobe- 
dience to  (Jewish)  authority  {Sanh.  56a;  cf  Acts 
15  20.29;  21  25).  He  was  considered  more  of 
a  Gentile  than  a  Jew. 

Three  things  were  required  for  the  admission  of 
a  proselyte,  circumcision,  baptism,  and  the  offering 
of  sacrifice  {B"r.  47b;  Y'bham.  456,  46a,  486,  76a; 
'Abhoth  B7a,  et  al.).  In  the  case  of  women  only 
baptism  and  the  offering  of  sacrifice  were  required; 
for  that  reason  there  were  more  women  converts 
than  men.  Jos  (BJ,  II,  xx,  2)  tells  how  most  of  the 
women  of  Damascus  were  addicted  to  the  Jewish 
religion.  Doubt  has  been  expressed  as  to  the  neces- 
sity of  proselytes  being  baptized,  since  there  is  no 
mention  of  it  by  Paul  or  Philo  or  Jos,  but  it  is  prob- 
able that  a  Gentile,  who  was  unclean,  would  not 
be  admitted  to  the  temple  without  being  cleansed. 

The  proselyte  was  received  in  the  following  man- 
ner. He  was  fu'st  asked  his  reason  for  wishing  to 
embrace  Judaism.  He  was  told  that  Israel  was  in  a 
state  of  affliction;  if  he  replied  that  he  was  aware 
of  the  fact  and  felt  himself  unworthy  to  share  these 
afflictions,  he  was  admitted.  Then  he  received 
instruction  in  some  of  the  "light"  and  "heavy" 
commandments,  the  rules  concerning  gleaning  and 
tithes,  and  the  penalties  attached  to  the  breach  of 
the  commandments.  If  he  was  willing  to  submit 
to  all  this,  he  was  circumcised,  and  after  his  recovery 
he  was  immersed  without  delay.  At  this  latter 
ceremony  two  "disciples  of  the  wise"  stood  by  to 
tell  him  more  of  the  "light"  and  "heavy"  com- 
mandments. When  he  came  up  after  the  immer- 
sion, those  assembled  addressed  him  saying:  "Unto 
whom  hast  thou  given  thyself?  Blessed  art  thou, 
thou  hast  given  thyself  to  God;  the  world  was 
created  for  the  sake  of  Israel,  and  only  Israelites 
are  called  the  children  of  God.  The  afflictions,  of 
which  we  spoke,  we  mentioned  only  to  make  thy 
reward  the  greater."  After  his  baptism  he  was 
considered  to  be  a  new  man,  "a  little  child  newly 
born"  (Y'bham.  22a,  47a,  486,  976) ;  a  new  name  was 
given  him;  either  he  was  named  "Abraham  the  son 
of  Abraham,"  or  the  Scriptures  were  opened  at 
hazard,  and  the  first  name  that  was  read  was  given 
to  him.  Thenceforth  he  had  to  put  behind  him 
all  his  past;  even  his  marriage  ties  and  those  of 
kinship  no  longer  held  good  (cf  Y'bham.  22a;  Sanh. 
686). 

Although  he  was  thus  juridically  considered  a 
new  man,  and  one  whose  praises  were  sung  in  the 
Talmudical  literature,  he  was  yet  on  the  whole 
looked  down  on  as  inferior  to  a  born  Jew  [Kidd. 
4  7;  Sh'bhu'oth  10  9,  et  al.).  Rabbi  Chelbo'said: 
"Proselytes  are  as  injurious  to  Israel  as  a  scab" 
{Y'bham.  476;  Kidd.  706;  cf  Phil  3  5).  See  also 
Strangeb. 


Literature. — See  articles  on  "Proselyte"  and  "Ger" 
In  EB,  HDB.  Jew  Enc,  and  RE;  Slevogt,  De  proselytis 
Judaeorum,  16.51;  A.  Bertholet.  Die  Stellung  der  Israeli- 
ten  und  der  .fuden  zu  den  Fremden,  189G;  Schiiror.  HJP, 
\r'  Huidekoper,  Judaism  al  Rome,  1887;  Harnack, 
Mission  und  Ausbreitung  des  Christentums,  1906,  ET; 
Allen,  "On  the  Meaning  of  proselutos  in  the  Septuagint," 
Expos,  1894;  A.  B.  Davidson,  "They  That  Fear  the 
Lord,"  Expos  T,  III  (1892),  491  £f. 

Paul  Levertofp 

PROSEUCHE,  pr6-su'k5,  PROSEUCHA,  pr6- 
su'ka  (Trpo(r«Dx<i,  proseucht):  "A  place  in  the  open 
air  where  the  Jews  were  wont  to  pray,  outside  of 
those  cities  where  they  had  no  synagogue,"  Acts 
16  13.16  [Thayer,  Lexicon  of  the  NT).   See  Philippi. 

PROSTITUTION,  pros-ti-tu'shun.  See  Crimes; 
Harlot;  Punishments. 

PROSTRATION,  pros-tra'shun.     See  Attitudes. 

PROTEVANGELIUM,  pro-te-van-jel'i-um,  OF 
JAMES.    See  Apocryphal  Gospels,  III,  1,  (a). 

PROVE,  proov  OP^,  bahan,  nOJ ,  na^ah;  Soki- 
liajw,  dokimdzo,  ireipdjo),  peirdzo):  Means  (1)  to 
test  or  try;  (2)  to  establish,  demonstrate;  (3)  to 
find  by  experience.  It  is  for  the  most  part  in  the 
first  (original)  sense  that  the  word  is  found  in 
Scripture.  In  the  OT  it  is  most  frequently  the  tr 
of  na^ah,  primarily  "to  lift,"  hence  to  weigh  (Gen 
42  15.16,  etc).  God  is  said  to  "prove"  His  people, 
i.e.  to  test  or  try  them  for  their  good  (Gen  22  1; 
Ex  15  25;  Dt  8  16,  etc).  The  Psalmist  prays 
that  God  may  prove  him  (Ps  26  2).  The  word  is 
frequently  rendered  "tempt."  See  Tempt.  The 
word  bahan,  primarily  "to  try  by  heat,"  has  a 
similar  meaning  (Ps  17  3,  the  heart,  like  metal, 
purified  from  dross;  cf  Job  23  10;  Ps  7  9;  Mai 
3  2,  etc).  In  the  NT  the  word  most  frequently 
rendered  "prove"  (sometimes  "try")  is  dokimazo 
(Lk  14  19;  Rom  12  2;  2  Cor  8  8.22;  13  5; 
Eph  5  10;  1  Thess  5  21).  Peirazo,  "to  tempt," 
"to  prove,"  used  in  both  a  good  and  a  bad  sense, 
frequently  tr''  "tempt"  (q.v.),  is  rendered  "prove" 
in  Jn  6  6,  "This  he  said  to  prove  him."  Both  Gr 
words  occur  frequently  in  Apoc  (Wisd  and  Ecclus). 
RV  has  "prove"  for  "tempt"  (Gen  22  1);  for 
"make"  (Job  24  25;  Gal. 2  18);  for  "manifest" 
(Eccl  3  18);  for  "examine"  (1  Cor  11  28);  for 
"try"  (1  Cor  3  13;   1  Jn  4  1),  etc. 

W.  L.  Walker 

PROVENDER,  prov'en-der  ([1]  Sisp^  ,  mispff, 
from  obs.  V  i'SD ,  ^aphd',  "to  feed,"  fodder 
for  cattle  in  general  [Gen  24  25.32;  42  27;  Jgs 
19  19.21];  [2]  biba,  6"^?;,  from  V  bba ,  balal,  "to 
mix":    "Loweth  the  ox  over  his  fodder?"  [Job  6 

5];  y^^  '^^?)  b'lilhamlQ:  "The  young  asses  that 
till  the  ground  shall  eat  savory  [Heb  "salted"] 
provender"  [Isa  30  24];  this  is  fodder  mixed  with 
salt  or  aromatic  herbs):  The  ordinary  provender 
in  Pal,  besides  fresh  pasturage,  is  tibn,  i.e.  straw 
broken  on  the  threshing  floor,  kursenneh  (Vetch, 
Vicia  ervilia),  given  esp.  to  camels  and  milch  cows; 
bran,  for  fattening  and  esp.  in  cold  weather;  and, 
occasionally,  hay  made  from  the  dried  mixed  grass 
and  herbs  which  spring  up  luxuriously  after  the 
rains.  The  Circassian  colonists  E.  of  the  Jordan 
are  teaching  their  neighbors  the  value  of  this  food, 
so  long  neglected.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

PROVERB,  prov'erb  (b;rip,  viashal,  r\yn , 
hldhah;  irapapoX^i,  parabole  [Lk  4  23],  irapoiiiia, 
paroimia  [Jii  16  25.29]): 

I.    Folk  Meaning  and  Use 

1.  The  Primitive  Sense 

2.  The  Communal  Origin 

3.  Animus  of  Proverbs 


Proverb 
Proverbs,  Book  of 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2470 


II.     Literary  Development  of  the  Proverb 

1.  Discovery  of  Literary  Value 

2.  The  Differentiation 

III.  Aa  Unit  of  a  Strain  of  Literature 

1.  From  Detachment  to  Continuity 

2.  The  Conception  of  AVisdom 

3.  In  Later  Time 

By  this  term  mainly,  but  sometimes  by  the  term 
"parable"  (e.g.  Nu  23  7.18;  24  3.15;  Job  27  1; 
29  1),  is  tr"!  the  Heb  word  mashal  (blBlp),  which 
designates  the  formal  unit  or  vehicle  of  didactic 
discourse.  The  mashal  was  an  enunciation  of 
truth,  self-evident  and  self-illustrative,  in  some 
pointed  or  concentrated  form  adapted  to  arrest 
attention,  awaken  responsive  thought,  and  remain 
fixed  in  memory.  Its  scope  was  broader  than  that 
of  our  word  "proverb,"  taking  in  subject-matter 
as  well  as  form.  The  mashal  broadened  indeed  in 
the  course  of  its  history,  until  it  became  the  char- 
acteristic idiom  of  Heb  philosophy,  as  distinguished 
from  the  dialectic  method  of  the  Greeks.  The  Heb 
mind  was  not  inductive  but  intuitive;  it  saw  and 
asserted;  and  the  word  mashal  is  the  generic  term 
for  the  form  in  which  its  assertion  was  embodied. 

/.  Folk  Meaning  and  Use. — The  vidshal,  nearly 

in  our  sense  of  proverb,  traces  back  to  the  heart  and 

life  of  the  common  foU^;   it  is  a  native 

1.  The  form  reflecting  in  a  peculiarly  intimate 
Primitive  way  the  distinctive  genius  of  the  Heb 
Sense  people.     As  to  the  primitive  sense  of 

the  word,  it  is  usually  traced  to  a  root 
meaning  "likeness,"  or  "comparison,"  as  if  the 
first  sense  of  it  were  of  the  principle  of  analogy 
underlying  it;  but  this  derivation  is  a  guess.  The 
word  is  just  as  likely  to  be  connected  with  the  vb. 
mashal,  "to  rule"  or  "master";  so  by  a  natural 
secondary  meaning  to  denote  that  statement  which 
gives  the  decisive  or  final  verdict,  says  the  master 
word.  The  idea  of  how  the  thing  is  said,  or  by 
what  phrasing,  would  be  a  later  differentiation, 
coming  in  with  literary  refinement. 

The  earhest  cited  proverb  (1  S  10  12,  repeated 

with  varied  occasion,    1  S  19  24)   seems  to  have 

risen  spontaneously  from  the  people's 

2.  The  observation.     That   Saul   the   son   of 
Communal    Kish,   whose  very  different  tempera- 
Origin  ment  everybody  knew,  should  be  sus- 
ceptible to  the  wild  ecstasy  of  strolling 

prophets  was  an  astonishing  thing,  as  it  were  a  di.s- 
covery  in  psychology;  "Therefore  it  became  a 
proverb.  Is  Saul  also  among  the  prophets?"  A 
few  years  later  David,  explaining  his  clemency  in 
sparing  the  life  of  the  king  who  has  become  his 
deadly  foe,  quotes  from  a  folk  fund  of  proverbs: 
1  S  24  13,  "As  saith  the  proverb  of  the  ancients. 
Out  of  the  wicked  cometh  forth  wickedness;  but 
my  hand  shall  not  be  upon  thee."  The  prophet 
Ezekiel  quotes  a  proverb  which  evidently  embodies 
a  popular  belief:  "The  days  are  prolonged,  and 
every  vision  faileth";  which  he  corrects  to,  "The 
days  are  at  hand,  and  the  fulfilment  of  every  vision" 
(Ezk  12  22.23).  Both  Ezekiel  and  Jeremiah  (Ezk 
18  2;  Jer  31  29)  quote  the  same  current  proverb, 
"The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes,  and  the 
children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge,"  in  order  to  an- 
nounce that  the  time  has  come  for  its  discontinu- 
ance. These  last  two  examples  are  very  in- 
structive. They  show  how  the  body  of  the  people 
put  the  inwardness  of  their  history  into  proverb 
form,  as  it  were  a  portable  lesson  for  the  times; 
they  show  also  how  the  prophets  availed  themselves 
of  these  floating  sayings  to  point  their  own  message. 
Ezekiel  seems  indeed  to  recognize  the  facihty  with 
which  a  situation  may  bring  forth  a  proverb:  Ezk 
16  44,  "Every  one  that  useth  proverbs  shall  use 
this  proverb  against  thee  [lit.  every  one  that  ma- 
shah  shall  mashal  against  thee],  saying,  As  is  the 
mother,  so  is  her  daughter." 


One  element  of  the  proverb,  which  a  wide-awake 
people  like  the  Hebrews  would  soon  discover,  was 
its  adaptability  for  personal  portrayal 
3.  Animus  or  satire,  like  a  home  thrust.  Hence 
of  Proverbs  the  popular  use  of  the  name  mashal 
came  to  connote  its  animus,  generally 
of  sarcasm  or  scorn.  The  taunting  verse  raised 
against  Heshbon,  Nu  21  27-30,  is  attributed  to 
them  "that  speak  in  proverbs"  (m'shalim);  and 
Isaiah's  taunt  in  his  burden  of  Babylon  (Isa  14 
4-20)  is  composed  in  the  proverb  measure:  "Thou 
shalt  take  up  this  parable  [mashal,  AV  "proverb"] 
against  the  king  of  Babylon."  Answering  to  this 
prevaiUng  animus  of  proverbs  was  a  corresponding 
susceptibility  to  their  sting  and  rankle;  they  were 
the  kind  of  utterance  that  most  surely  found  the 
national  and  individual  self-consciousness.  To  be 
a  proverb — to  be  in  everybody's  mouth  as  a  subject 
of  laughter,  or  as  a  synonym  for  some  awful  atrocity 
— was  about  the  most  dreadful  thing  that  could 
befall  them.  To  be  "a  reproach  and  a  proverb,  a 
taunt  and  a  curse"  (Jer  24  9)  was  all  one.  That 
this  should  be  the  nation's  fate  was  held  as  a  threat 
over  them  by  lawgiver  and  prophet  (Dt  28  37; 
1  K  9  7) ;  and  in  adversities  of  experience,  both 
individual  and  collective,  the  thing  that  was  most 
keenly  felt  was  to  have  become  a  byword  (mashal) 
(Ps  44  14;  69  11). 

//.  Literary  Development  of  the  Proverb. — The 
rank  of  proverb  was  by  no  means  attributed  to 
every    popular    saying,    however    the 
1.  Dis-  people  might  set  store  by  it.     If  its 

covery  of  application  was  merely  local  (e.g.  2  S 
Literary  20  18;  Gen  22  14)  or  temporary  (note 
Value  how  Jeremiah   and  Ezekiel  announce 

popular  sayings  as  obsolete),  it  re- 
mained in  its  place  and  time.  About  the  proverb, 
on  the  other  hand,  there  was  the  sense  of  a  value 
universal  and  permanent,  fitting  it  for  Uterary 
immortality.  Nor  was  the  proverb  itself  a  run- 
wild  thing,  at  the  shaping  of  the  crowd;  from  the 
beginning  it  was  in  the  hands  of  "those  who  speak 
in  m''shdlim,"  whose  business  it  was  to  put  it  into 
skilful  wording.  The  popular  proverb,  however, 
and  the  literary  proverb  were  and  continued  two 
different  things.  There  came  a  time,  in  the  lit- 
erary development  of  Israel,  when  the  value  of  the 
mashal  as  a  vehicle  of  instruction  came  to  be  recog- 
nized; from  which  time  a  systematic  cultivation 
of  this  type  of  discourse  began.  That  time,  as 
seems  most  probable,  was  the  reign  of  King  Solo- 
mon, when  in  a  special  degree  the  people  awoke  to 
the  life  and  industry  and  intercourse  and  wealth 
of  the  world  around  them.  The  king  himself  was 
'large  hearted'  (1  K  4  29),  versatile,  with  liter- 
ary tastes;  "spake  three  thousand  proverbs;  and 
his  songs  were  a  thousand  and  five";  and  his  whole 
generation,  both  in  Israel  and  surrounding  nations, 
was  engaged  in  a  vigorous  movement  of  thought 
and  "wisdom"  (see  the  whole  passage,  1  K  4  29- 
34).  For  the  unit  and  vehicle  of  this  new  thought 
the  old  native  form  of  the  mashal  or  proverb  was 
chosen;  it  became  the  recognized  medium  of  popu- 
lar education  and  coimsel,  esp.  of  the  young;  and 
the  mashal  itself  was  molded  to  the  classic  form, 
condensed,  pointed,  aphoristic,  which  we  see  best 
exemplified  in  the  Book  of  Prov  10 — 22  16 — 
probably  the  earliest  collection  of  this  kind  of 
literature.  In  this  body  of  proverbs  we  see  also 
that  instead  of  retaining  the  unbalanced  single 
assertion  of  the  popular  proverb,  as  it  appears  in 
1  S  10  12;  24  13,  these  composers  of  literary 
proverbs  borrowed  the  poetic  parallelism,  or 
couplet,  which  in  two  lines  sets  two  statements 
over  against  each  other  by  antithesis  or  repeti- 
tion, and  cultivated  this  to  its  most  condensed  and 
epigrammatic  construction.     Thus  the  mashal  took 


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Proverb 
Proverbs,  Book  of 


to  itself  a  literary  self-consciousness  and  became 
a  work  of  art. 

Up  to  the  time  of  this  literary  development  a 
proverb  was  recognized  simply  as  a  proverb,  with 

little  sense  of  its  various  phases,  except 
2.  The  Dif-  that  there  was  a  strong  popular  tend- 
ferentiation  ency  to  identify  it  with  satire,  and  with 

less  thought  of  the  elements  of  its  life 
and  power.  With  the  refinement  of  form,  however, 
came  a  recognition  of  its  inwardness.  Under  the 
generic  term  mashal,  certain  elements  were  differ- 
entiated; not,  however,  as  we  are  wont  to  distin- 
guish— parable,  fable,  apologue,  allegory — these 
remained  undifferentiated.  The  most  funda- 
mental distinction  of  classes,  perhaps,  is  given  in 
Prov  1  6:  "To  understand  a  proverb,  and  a  figure, 
the  words  of  the  wise,  and  their  dark  sayings." 
Here  it  seems  the  word  "proverb"  {mashal)  and 
"words  of  the  wise,"  paired  off  with  each  other,  are 
the  generic  terms;  the  other  two,  the  differentiating 
terrns,  name  respectively  the  two  fundamental  di- 
rections of  the  mashal,  toward  the  clear  and  toward 
the  enigmatic.  Both  are  essential  elements.  The 
word  tr'' "figure"  (nS'^ba,  m^Ztfa/j)  is  rather  "inter- 
pretation," and  seems  to  refer  to  the  illuminative 
element  of  the  mashal,  and  this  was  mainly  analogy. 
Natural  objects,  phases  of  experience,  contrasts 
were  drawn  into  the  mashal  to  furnish  analogies 
for  fife;  Solomon's  use  of  plants  and  animals  in 
his  discourses  (1  K  4  .33)  was  not  by  way  of 
natural  history,  but  as  analogies  to  illustrate  his 
m'shalim.  The  word  tr*"  "dark  sayings"  (tliT^n , 
hidhoth)  is  the  word  elsewhere  tr''  "riddle"  (Sam- 
son's riddle,  for  instance,  was  a  hidhah,  Jgs  14 
13.14),  and  refers  to  that  quality  of  the  proverb 
which,  by  challenging  the  hearer's  acumen,  gives  it 
zest;  it  is  due  to  an  association  of  things  so  indi- 
rectly related  that  one  must  supply  intermediate 
thoughts  to  resolve  them.  All  of  this  of  course 
goes  to  justify  the  proverb  as  a  capital  vehicle  for 
instruction  and  counsel;  it  has  the  elements  that 
appeal  to  attention,  responsive  thought,  and 
memory,  while  on  the  other  hand  its  basis  of  anal- 
ogy makes  it  illuminative. 

///.  As  Unit  of  a  Strain  of  Literature. — Until 
it  reached  its  classic  perfection  of  phrasing,  say 

during    the    time    from    Solomon    to 

1.  From  Hezekiah,  the  formal  development  of 
Detachment  the  proverb  was  concentrative;  the 
to  Con-  single  utterance  disposed  of  its  whole 
tinuity  subject,  as  in  a  capsule.  But  the  de- 
velopment of  the  mashal  form  from  the 

antithetic  to  the  synonymous  couplet  gave  rise  to 
a  proverb  in  which  the  explanatory  member  did 
not  fully  close  the  case;  the  subject  craved  further 
elucidation,  and  so  a  group  of  several  counlets  was 
sometimes  necessary  to  present  a  case  (cf  g.  about 
the  sluggard,  Prov  26  1.3-16).  From  this  group 
of  proverbs  the  transition  was  easy  to  a  continuous 
passage,  in  which  the  snappy  parallelism  of  the 
proverb  yields  to  the  flow  of  poetry;  see  e.g.  Prov 
27  23-27.  •  This  is  due  evidently  to  a  more  pene- 
trative and  analytic  mode  of  thinking,  which  can 
no  longer  satisfy  its  statement  of  truth  in  a  single 
illustration  or  maxim. 

As  the  store  of  detached  utterances  on  various 

phases  of  practical  life  accumulated  and  the  task 

of  collecting  them  was  undertaken,  it 

2.  The  was   seen   that   they   had   a   common 
Conception    suffusion  and  bearing,  that  in  fact  they 
of  Wisdom    constituted  a  distinctive  strain  of  lit- 
erature.    The  field  of  this  literature 

was  broad,  and  recognized  (see  Prov  1  1-5)  as 
promotive  of  many  intellectual  virtues;  but  the 
inclusive  name  under  which  it  was  gathered  was 
Wisdom    (n72Dn,    hokhmah).     Wisdom,    deduced 


thus  from  a  fund  of  maxims  and  analogies,  became 
the  Heb  equivalent  for  philosophy.  With  the 
further  history  of  it  this  article  is  not  concerned, 
except  to  note  that  the  mashal  or  proverb  form  held 
itself  free  to  expand  into  a  continuous  and  extended 
discourse,  or  to  hold  itself  in  to  the  couplet  form. 
As  to  illustrative  quality,  too,  its  scope  was  liberal 
enough  to  include  a  fully  developed  parable;  see 
for  instance  Ezk  17  1-10,  where  the  prophet  is 
bidden  to  "put  forth  a  riddle,  and  speak  a  parable 
[lit.  mashal  a  mashal]  unto  the  house  of  Israel." 

The  existence  of  so  considerable  a  body  of  prov- 
erbs is  a  testimony  to  the  Heb  genius  for  senten- 
tious and  weighty  expression,  a  virtue 
3.  In  Later   of  speech  which  was  held  in  special 
Time  esteem.     From   the  uses  of  practical 

wisdom  the  mashal  form  was  bor- 
rowed by  the  later  scribes  and  doctors  of  the  law; 
we  see  it  for  instance  in  loose  and  artificial  use  in 
such  books  as  Pirke  'Ahholh,  which  gives  the  im- 
pression that  the  utterance  so  grandly  represented  in 
the  Solomonic  proverbs  had  become  decadent.  It 
is  in  another  direction  rather  that  the  virtues  of  the 
mashal  reach  their  culmination.  In  the  phrasal 
felicity  and  illustrative  lucidity  of  Our  Lord's  dis- 
courses, and  not  less  in  His  parables,  employed  that 
the  multitude  "may  see  and  yet  not  see"  (Mk  4 
12),  we  have  the  values  of  the  ancient  mashal  in 
their  perfection,  in  a  literary  form  so  true  to  its  ob- 
ject that  we  do  not  think  of  its  artistry  at  all.  See 
also  Games,  I,  6.  John  Franklin  Genung 

PROVERBS,  prov'erbz,  BOOK  OF: 

I.     The  Book's  Account  of  Itself 

1.  Title  and  Headings 

2.  Authorship  or  Literary  Species  ? 
II.     The  Successive  Compil.\tions 

1.  The  Introductory  Section 

2.  The  Classic  Nucleus 

3.  A  Body  of  Solicited  Counsel 

4.  Some  Left-over  Precepts 
.5.  The  Hezekian  Collection 

6.  Words  of  Agur 

7.  Words  of  King  Lemuel 

8.  An  Acrostic  Eulogy  of  Woman 

III.  Movement  toward  a  Philosophy 

1.  Liberation  of  the  mdshfil 

2.  Emergence  of  Basal  Principles 
.3.  The  Conception  of  Wisdom 

IV.  Considerations  of  Age  and  Literary  Kinship 

1.  Under  the  Kings 

2.  The  Concentrative  Point 

3.  Its  Stage  in  Progressive  Wisdom 

The  Scripture  book  which  in  both  the  Heb  and 
the  Gr  arrangements  of  the  OT  Canon  immediately 
succeeds  the  Pss.  In  the  Heb  Canon  it  stands 
second  in  the  final  or  supplementary  division  called 
k'thubhim  (LXX  na/)oi/x(ai,  Paroimiai),  "writings"; 
placed  there  probably  because  it  would  be  most 
natural  to  begin  this  section  with  standard  col- 
lections nearest  at  hand,  which  of  course  would  be 
psalms  and  proverbs.  This  book  is  an  anthology 
of  sayings  or  lessons  of  the  sages  on  life,  character, 
conduct;  and  as  such  embodies  the  distinctively 
educative  strain  of  Heb  literature. 

/.  77ie  Book's  Account  of  Itself. — At  the  begin- 
ning, intended  apparently  to  cover  the  whole  work, 
stands  the  title:  "The  proverbs  of 
1.  Title  and  Solomon  the  son  of  David,  king  of 
Headings  Israel."  It  seemed  good  to  the  com- 
pilers, however,  to  repeat,  or  perhaps 
retain  an  older  heading,  "The  proverbs  of  Solo- 
mon" at  ch  10,  as  if  in  some  special  sense  the  col- 
lection there  beginning  deserved  it;  and  at  ch  25 
still  another  heading  occurs:  "These  also  are  prov- 
erbs of  Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  king 
of  Judah  copied  out."  All  these  ascribe  the  prov- 
erbs to  Solomon;  but  the  heading  (30  1),  "The 
words  of  Agur  the  son  of  Jakeh;  the  oracle,"  and 
the  heading  (31  1),  "The  words  of  king  Lemuel; 
the  oracle  which  his  mother  taught  him,"  indicate 


Proverbs,  Book  of     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2472 


that  authorship  other  than  that  of  Solomon  is  rep- 
resented; while  the  mention  of  "the  words  of  the 
wise"  (1  6;  22  17),  as  also  the  definite  heading, 
"These  also  are  sayings  of  the  wise"  (24  23),  ascriBe 
parts  of  the  book  to  the  sages  in  general.  The 
book  is  confessedly  a  series  of  compilations  made  at 
different  times ;  confessedly,  also,  to  a  considerable 
extent  at  least,  the  work  of  a  number,  perhaps  a 
whole  guild,  of  writers. 

It  is  hazardous  to  argue  either  for  or  against  a 
specific  authorship;   nor  is  it  my  intention  to  do  so. 

The  question  naturally  arises,  however, 
2.  Author-  in  what  sense  this  book,  with  its  com- 
ship  or  posite  structure  so  outspoken,  can  lay 

Literary  claim  to  being  the  work  of  Solomon. 

Species?        Does  the  title  refer  to  actual  personal 

authorship,  or  does  it  name  a  species 
and  type  of  literature  of  which  Solomon  was  the 
originator  and  inspirer — as  if  it  meant  to  say  "the 
Solomonic  proverbs"?  We  may  work  toward  the 
answer  of  this  question  by  noting  some  literary 
facts. 

Outside  of  the  prophets  only  three  of  the  OT  books  are 
provided  in  the  original  text  with  titles:  and  these  three 
are  all  associated  with  Solomon — two  of  them,  Prov  and 
the  Song  of  Songs,  directly;  the  third,  Eccl,  by  an  as- 
sumed name,  which,  however,  personates  Solomon. 
This  would  seem  to  indicate  in  the  composition  of  these 
books  an  unusual  degree  of  literary  finish  and  self-con- 
sciousness, a  sense  on  the  part  of  writers  or  compilers 
that  literature  as  an  art  has  its  claims  upon  them.  The 
subject-matter  of  the  books,  too,  bears  this  out;  they 
are,  relatively  speaking,  the  secular  books  of  the  Bible 
and  do  not  assume  Divine  origin,  as  do  law  and  prophecy. 
For  the  original  impulse  to  such  literary  culture  the  his- 
tory directs  us  to  tlie  reign  of  King  Solomon;  see  1  K  4 
29-34,  where  is  portrayed,  on  the  part  of  king  and  court, 
an  intense  intellectual  activity  for  its  own  sake,  the  like 
of  which  occurs  nowhere  else  in  Scripture,  The  forms 
then  esp.  impressed  upon  the  literature  were  the  mashal 
(proverb)  and  the  song,  in  both  of  which  the  versatile 
young  king  was  proficient;  cf  1  K  4  32.  For  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  vidshdl  these  men  of  letters  availed  them- 
selves of  a  favorite  native  form,  the  popular  proverb; 
but  they  gave  to  it  a  literary  mold  and  finisli  which 
would  thenceforth  distinguish  it  as  the  .Solomonic  mashal 
(see  Proverb).  This  then  was  the  literary  form  in 
which  from  the  time  of  Solomon  onward  the  sages  of  the 
nation  put  their  counsels  of  life,  character,  conduct;  it 
became  as  distinctively  the  mold  for  this  didactic 
strain  of  literature  as  was  the  heroic  couplet  for  a  similar 
strain  in  the  age  of  Dryden  and  Pope. 

It  is  reasonable  therefore  to  understand  this  title 
of  the  Book  of  Prov  as  designating  rather  a  literary 
species  than  a  personal  authorship;  it  names  this 
anthology  of  Wisdom  in  its  classically  determined 
phrasing,  and  for  age  and  authorship  leaves  a  field 
spacious  enough  to  cover  the  centuries  of  its  cur- 
rency. Perhaps  also  the  proverb  of  this  tjqje  was 
by  the  term  "of  Solomon"  differentiated  from 
mdshdls  of  other  types,  as  for  instance  those  of 
Balaam  and  Job  and  Koheleth. 

//.  The  Successive  Compilations. — That  the  Book 
of  Prov  is  composed  of  several  collections  made 
at  different  times  is  a  fact  that  lies 
1.  The  In-  on  the  surface;  as  many  as  eight  of 
troductory  these  are  clearly  marked,  and  perhaps 
Section  subdivisions    might    be    made.     The 

book  was  not  originally  conceived  as 
the  development  of  a  theme,  or  even  as  a  unity; 
whatever  unity  it  has  was  an  afterthought.  That 
it  did  come  to  stand,  however,  for  one  homogeneous 
body  of  truth,  and  to  receive  a  name  and  a  degree 
of  articulation  as  such,  will  be  maintained  in  a  later 
section  (see  III,  below).  Meanwhile,  we  will  take 
the  sections  in  order  and  note  some  of  the  salient 
characteristics  of  each.  The  introductory  section, 
chs  1-9,  has  the  marks  of  having  been  added  later 
than  most  of  the  rest;  and  is  introductory  in  the 
sense  of  concentrating  the  thought  to  the  concept 
of  Wisdom,  and  of  recommending  the  spiritual  atti- 
tude in  which  it  is  to  be  received.  Its  style — and 
in  this  it  is  distinguished  from  the  rest  of  the  book 


— is  hortatory;  it  is  addressed  to  "my  son"  (1  8 
and  often)  or  "my  sons"  (4  1;  5  7;  7  24;  8  32), 
in  the  tone  of  a  father  or  a  sage,  bringing  stores  of 
wisdom  and  experience  to  the  young.  The  fu-st 
six  verses  are  prefatory,  giving  the  purpose  and  use 
of  the  whole  book.  Then  ver  7  lays  down  as  the 
initial  point,  or  spiritual  bedrock  of  Wisdom,  the 
fear  of  Jeh,  a  principle  repeated  toward  the  end 
of  this  mtroductory  section  (9  10),  and  evidently 
regarded  as  very  vital  to  the  whole  Wisdom  sys- 
tem; cf  Job  28  2,S;  Ps  111  10;  Sir  1  14.  The 
effect  of  this  prefatory  and  theme-propoundmg 
matter  is  to  launch  the  collection  of  proverbs  much 
after  the  manner  of  modern  literary  works,  and  the 
rest  of  the  section  bears  this  out  fairly  well.  The 
most  striking  feature  of  the  section,  besides  its 
general  homiletic  tone,  is  its  personification  of 
Wisdom.  She  is  represented  as  calling  to  the  sons 
of  men  and  commending  to  them  her  ways  (1  20-33; 
8  1-21.32-36);  she  condescends,  for  right  and 
purity's  sake,  to  enter  into  rivalry  with  the  "strange 
woman,"  the  temptress,  not  in  secret,  but  in  open 
and  fearless  dealing  (7  6—8  9;  9  1-6.13-18);  and, 
in  a  supremely  poetic  passage  (8  22-31),  she  describes 
her  relation  from  the  beginning  with  God  and  with 
the  sons  of  men.  It  represents  the  value  that  the 
Heb  mind  came  to  set  upon  the  human  endowment 
of  Wisdom.  The  Heb  philosopher  thought  not  in 
terms  of  logic  and  dialectics,  but  in  sjinbol  and  per- 
sonality; and  to  this  high  rank,  almost  like  that  of 
a  goddess,  his  imagination  has  exalted  the  intel- 
lectual and  spiritual  powers  of  man.  See  Wis- 
dom. 

The  section  10  1 — 22  16,  with  the  repeated  head- 
ing  "The  proverbs  of    Solomon,"   seems  to  have 
been  the  original  nucleus  of  the  whole 

2.  The  collection.  AH  the  proverbs  in  this, 
Classic  the  longest  section  of  the  book,  are 
Nucleus         molded  strictly  to   the  couplet   form 

(the  one  triplet,  19  7,  being  only  an 
apparent  exception,  due  probably  to  the  loss  of  a 
line),  each  proverb  a  parallelism  in  condensed 
phrasing,  in  which  the  second  line  gives  either  some 
contrast  to  or  some  amplification  of  the  first.  This 
was  doubtless  the  classic  art  norm  of  the  Solomonic 
mashal. 

The  section  seems  to  contain  the  product  of  that 
period  of  proverb-culttu-e  during  which  the  sense  of  the 
model  was  a  little  rigid  and  severe,  not  venturing  yet 
to  limber  up  the  form.  Signs  of  a  greater  freedom, 
however,  begin  to  appear,  and  possibly  two  strata  of 
compilation  are  represented.  In  chs  10-15  the  prevail- 
ing couplet  is  antithetic,  which  embodies  the  most  self- 
closed  circuit  of  the  thought.  Out  of  184  proverbs  only 
19  do  not  contain  some  form  of  contrast,  and  10  of  these 
are  in  cti  15.  In  16 — 22  16,  on  the  other  hand,  the  pre- 
vailing form  is  the  so-called  synonymous  or  amplified 
couplet,  which  leaves  the  thought-circuit  more  open 
to  illustrative  additions.  Out  of  191  proverbs  only  18 
are  antithetic,  and  these  contain  contrasts  of  a  more 
subtle  and  hidden  suggestion.  As  to  subject-matter, 
the  whole  section  is  miscellaneous;  in  the  first  half, 
however,  where  the  antithesis  prevails,  are  the  great 
elemental  distinctions  of  life,  wisdom  and  folly,  righteous- 
ness and  wickedness,  industry  and  laziness,  wise  speech 
and  reticence,  and  the  like;  while  in  the  second  half 
there  is  a  decided  tendency  to  go  farther  afield  for  subtler 
and  less  obvious  distinctions.  In  this  way  they  seem  to 
reflect  a  growing  and  reflning  literary  development,  the 
gradual  shaping  and  accumulation  of  materials  for  a 
philosophy  of  life;  as  yet,  however,  not  articulated  or 
reduced  to  unity  of  principle. 

In  the  short  section  22  17—24  22,  the  proverb 

literature  seems  for  the  first  time  to  have  become  as 

it  were  self-conscious — to  regard  itself 

3.  A  Body  as  a  strain  of  wise  counsel  to  be  reck- 
of  Solicited  oned  with  for  its  educative  value. 
Counsel  The  section  is  introduced  by  a  preface 

(22  17-21),  in  which  these  "words  of 
the  wise"  are  recommended  to  some  person  or 
delegation,  "that  thou  mayest  carry  back  words  of 
truth    to    them    that    send    thee"    (22  21).     The 


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counsels  seem  intended  for  persons  in  responsible 
position,  perhaps  attached  to  the  court  (cf  23  1-3), 
who,  as  they  are  to  deal  officially  with  men  and 
affairs,  need  the  prudence,  purity,  and  temperance 
which  will  fit  them  for  their  duties.  As  to  form,  the 
detached  couplet  appears  only  occasionally;  the 
favorite  form  is  the  quatrain;  but  proverbs  of  a 
greater  number  of  lines  are  freely  used,  and  one,  the 
counsel  on  wine  drinking  (23  29-35),  runs  to  17 
lines.  In  tone  and  specific  counsel  the  section  has 
many  resemblances  to  the  introductory  section 
(chs  1-9),  and  provokes  the  conjecture  that  this 
latter  section,  as  the  introduction  to  a  compiled 
body  of  Wisdom,  was  composed  not  long  after  it. 

The  little  appendix  (24  23-34)  is  headed,  "These 

also  are  sayings  of  the  wise."     They  refer  to  wise 

intercourse     and     ordered     industry. 

4.  Some  The  little  poem  on  the  sluggard  (24 
Left-over  30-34),  with  its  refrain  (vs  33.34),  is 
Precepts        noteworthy   as  being  apparently  one 

stanza  of  a  poem  which  is  completed 
with  the  same  refrain  in  the  introductory  section 
(6  6-11).  The  stanzas  are  of  the  same  length  and 
structure;  and  it  would  seem  the  latter  named  was 
either  discovered  later  or  composed  as  a  supple- 
ment to  the  one  in  this  section. 

The  long  section  (chs  25-29)  is  headed,  "These 
also  are  proverbs  of  Solomon,  which  the  men  of 

Hezekiah  king  of  Judah  copied  out." 

5.  The  The  collection   claims   to   be  only   a 
Hezekian       compilation;    but  if,   as  already  sug- 
CoUection      gested,  we  understand  the  term  "prov- 
erbs of    Solomon"    as   equivalent    to 

"Solomonic  proverbs,"  referring  rather  to  species 
than  personal  authorship,  the  compilation  may  have 
been  made  not  merely  from  antiquity,  but  from  the 
archives  of  the  Wisdom  guilds.  If  so,  we  have 
a  clue  to  the  state  of  the  Wisdom  literature  in 
Hezekiah's  time.  The  collection  as  a  whole,  unlike 
sees.  3  and  4,  returns  predominantly  to  the  classic 
form  of  the  couplet,  but  with  a  less  degree  of  com- 
pression and  epigram.  There  is  a  tendency  to 
group  numbers  of  proverbs  on  like  subjects;  note 
for  instance  the  group  on  the  king  (25  2-7).  The 
most  striking  feature  of  the  collection  is  the  preva- 
lence of  simile  and  analogy,  and  in  general  the 
strong  figurative  coloring,  esp.  in  chs  25-27;  it 
reads  like  a  new  species  of  proverb  when  we  note 
that  in  all  the  earlier  Solomonic  sections  there  are 
only  two  clearly  defined  similes  (10  26;  11  22). 
In  chs  25-27  are  several  proverbs  of  three,  four,  or 
five  lines,  and  at  the  end  (27  23-27)  a  charming 
little  poem  of  ten  lines  on  husbandry.  Chs  28,  29 
are  entirely  of  couplets,  and  the  antithetic  proverb 
reappears  in  a  considerable  number.  As  to  subjects 
matter,  the  thought  of  this  section  makes  a  rather 
greater  demand  on  the  reader's  culture  and  think- 
ing powers,  the  analogies  being  less  obvious,  more 
subtle.  It  is  decidedly  the  reflection  of  a  more 
literary  age  than  that  of  sec.  2. 

Ch  30  is  taken  up  with  "the  words  of  Agur  the 

son  of  Jakeh,"  a  person  otherwise  unknown,  who 

disclaims  expert  knowledge  of  Wisdom 

6.  Words      lore    (30  3),    and   avows   an   agnostic 
of  Agur  attitude    toward    theological   specula- 
tions,  yet  shows   a   tender  reverence 

before  the  name  and  unplumbed  mystery  of  Jeh 
(vs  6.9.32).  His  words  amount  to  a  plea  against 
a  too  adventurous,  not  to  say  presumptuous,  spirit 
in  the  supposed  findings  of  human  Wisdom,  and  as 
such  supply  a  useful  makeweight  to  the  mounting 
pride  of  the  scholar.  Yet  over  this  peculiar  plea 
is  placed  the  word  "Massa"  (SlBBn,  ha-massa'), 
"burden"  or  "oracle,"  the  term  used  for  prophetic 
disclosures;  and  the  word  for  "said"  ("the  man 
said,"  "l^jn  DN3 ,  n''um  ha-gebher)  is  the  word  else- 


where used  for  mystic  or  Divine  utterance.  This 
seems  to  mark  a  stage  in  the  self-consciousness  of 
Wisdom  when  it  was  felt  that  its  utterances  could 
be  ranked  by  the  side  of  prophecy  as  a  revelation 
of  truth  (cf  what  Wisdom  says  of  herself,  8  14), 
and  could  claim  the  authoritative  term  "oracle." 
For  the  rest,  apart  from  the  humble  reverence  with 
which  they  are  imbued,  these  words  of  Agur  do  not 
rise  to  a  high  level  of  spiritual  thinking;  they  tend 
rather  to  the  riddling  element,  or  "dark  sayings" 
(cf  1  6).  The  form  of  his  proverbs  is  peculiar, 
verging  indeed  on  the  artificial;  he  deals  mostly  in 
the  so-called  numerical  proverb  ("three  things 
....  yea,  four"),  a  style  of  utterance  paralleled 
elsewhere  only  in  6  16-19,  but  something  of  a 
favorite  in  the  later  cryptic  sayings  of  the  scribes, 
as  may  be  seen  in  Pirke  'Abhoih. 

31  1-9    (possibly   the  whole  chapter  should  be 

included)  is  headed,  "The  words  of  king  Lemuel; 

the  oracle  which  his  mother  taught 

7.  Words       him."     Here   occurs   again   the   mys- 
of  King  terious    word   "oracle,"   which   would 
Lemuel          seem  to  be  open  to  the  same  interpre- 
tation as  the  one  given  in  the  previous 

paragraph,  though  some  would  make  this  other- 
wise unknown  monarch  a  king  of  Massa,  and  refer 
to  the  name  of  one  of  the  descendants  of  Ishmael 
(Gen  25  14),  presumably  a  tribal  designation. 
The  Heb  sages  from  the  beginning  were  in  rivalry 
and  fellowship  with  the  sages  of  other  nations  (cf 
1  K  4  30.31);  and  in  the  Book  of  Job,  the  supreme 
reach  of  Wisdom  utterance,  all  of  the  sages.  Job 
included,  are  from  countries  outside  of  Pal.  King 
Lemuel,  if  an  actual  personage,  was  not  a  Jew;  and 
probably  Agur  was  not.  The  words  of  Lemuel  are 
a  mother's  plea  to  her  royal  son  for  chastity,  tem- 
perance and  justice,  the  kingly  virtues.  The  form 
is  the  simple  Heb  parallelism,  not  detached  couplets, 
but  continuous. 

The  Book  of  Prov  ends  in  a  manner  eminently 

worthy  of  its  high  standard  of  sanity  and  wisdom. 

Without  any  heading  (it  may  possibly 

8.  An  belong  to  the  "oracle"  that  the  mother 
Acrostic  of  Lemuel  taught  her  son)  the  last  22 
Eulogy  of  verses  (31  10-31)  constitute  a  single 
Woman          poem  in  praise  of   a  worthy  woman, 

extolling  esp.  her  household  virtues. 
In  form  these  verses  begin  in  the  original  with  the 
successive  22  letters  of  the  Heb  alphabet;  a  favorite 
form  of  Heb  verse,  as  may  be  seen  (in  the  original) 
in  several  of  the  pss,  notably  Ps  119,  and  in  chs  1-4 
of  the  Book  of  Lam. 

///.  Movement  toward  a  Philosophy. — It  has  been 
much  the  fashion  with  modern  critics  to  deny  to  the 
Hebrews  a  truly  philosophic  mind;  this  they  say 
was  rather  the  distinctive  gift  of  the  Greeks;  while 
for  their  solution  of  the  problem  of  life  the  Hebrews 
depended  on  direct  revelation  from  above,  which 
precluded  that  quasi-abeyance  of  concepts,  that 
weighing  of  cosmic  and  human  elements,  involved 
in  the  commonly  received  notion  of  philosophy. 
This  criticism  takes  account  of  only  one  side  of  the 
Heb  mind.  It  is  true  they  believed  their  life  to  be 
in  direct  contact  with  the  will  and  word  of  Jeh,  re- 
vealed to  them  in  terms  which  could  not  be  ques- 
tioned; but  in  the  findings  and  deliverance  of  their 
own  intellectual  powers,  too,  they  had  a  reliance 
and  confidence  which  merits  the  name  of  an  authen- 
tic philosophy.  But  theirs  was  a  philosophy  not 
of  speculative  world-making,  but  of  conduct  and  the 
practical  management  of  life;  and  it  was  intuitive 
and  analogical,  not  the  result  of  dialectical  reason- 
ing. Hence  its  name  wisdom,  the  solution  itself, 
rather  than  philosophy,  the  love  of  wisdom,  the 
search  tor  solution.  This  Book  of  Prov,  beginning 
with  detached  maxims  on  the  elements  of  conduct, 
reveals  in  many  suggestive  ways  the  gradual  emer- 


Proverbs,  Book  of     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2474 


gence  of  a  philosophy,  a  comprehensive  wisdom,  as 
it  were,  in  the  making;  it  is  thus  the  pioneer  book 
of  that  Heb  Wisdom  which  we  see  developed  to 
maturer  things  in  the  books  of  Job  and  Eccl.  Some 
of  its  salient  stages  may  here  be  traced. 

We  may  first  note  it,  or  the  literary  preparation  for  it, 

in  ttie  opening  up  of  ttie  mdshdl,  or  proverb  unit,  toward 

added   elements    of   illustration,    explana- 

1.  Libera-  tion,  amplitude,  a  development  that  be- 
tinn  nf  thff  ^ins  to  appear,  in  the  oldest  section  (the 
uuu  ui  LUC  classic  nucleus,  sec.  2)  at  about  ch  16.  The 
mashal  primitive     antithetic     mdshdl     contrasted 

two  aspects  of  truth  in  such  a  way  as  to 
leave  the  case  closed;  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to 
go  on  to  a  new  subject.  This  had  the  good  effect  of 
setting  over  against  each  other  the  great  elemental 
antagonisms  of  life:  righteousness  and  wickedness,  obedi- 
ence and  lawlessness,  teachableness  and  perversity,  in- 
dustry and  laziness,  prudence  and  presumption,  reti- 
cence and  prating,  etc,  and  so  far  forth  it  was  a  mas- 
terly analysis  of  the  essentials  of  individual  and  social 
conduct.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  synonymous  and 
illustrative  mashdl  prevails,  we  are  conscious  of  a  limber- 
ing up  and  greater  penetrativeness  of  the  range  of 
thought;  it  is  open  to  subtler  distinctions  and  remoter 
discoveries,  and  the  analogies  tend  to  employ  the  less 
direct  relationships  of  cause  and  effect.  This  is  in- 
creased as  we  go  on,  esp.  by  the  greater  call  upon  the 
imagination  in  the  figurative  tissue  of  the  Hezekian 
section,  and  by  the  decidedly  greater  tendency  to  the 
riddling  and  paradox  element.  The  mdshdl  increases  in 
length  and  amplitude,  both  by  the  grouping  of  similar 
sub.iects  and  by  the  enlargement  from  the  couplet  to  the 
quatrain  and  the  developed  poem.  All  this,  while  not 
yet  a  self-conscious  philosophy,  is  a  step  on  the  way 
thereto. 

One  solid  presupposition  of  the  sages,   like  an 

axiom,  was  never  called  in  question:   namely,  that 

righteousness  and  wisdom  are  identical, 

2.  Emer-  that  wickedness  of  any  sort  is  folly. 
gence  of  This  imparts  at  once  a  kind  of  pro- 
Basal  phetic  coloring  to  the  Wisdom  precepts, 
Principles  well  represented  by  the  opening  prov- 
erb in   the  original  section  (after  the 

prefatory  one  about  the  wise  son),  "Treasures 
of  wickedness  profit  nothing;  but  righteousness 
delivereth  from  death"  (Prov  10  2).  Thus  from 
the  outset  is  furnished  an  uncompromising  back- 
ground on  which  the  fascinating  allurements  of  vice, 
the  crooked  ways  of  injustice  and  dishonesty,  the 
sober  habits  of  goodness  and  right  dealing,  show 
for  what  they  are  and  what  they  tend  to.  The 
sages  thus  put  themselves,  too,  in  entire  harmony 
with  what  is  taught  by  priests  and  prophets;  there 
is  no  quarrel  with  the  law  or  the  word ;  they  simply 
supply  the  third  strand  in  the  threefold  cord  of  in- 
struction (cf  Jer  18  18).  From  this  basal  presump- 
tion other  principles,  scarcely  less  axiomatic,  come 
in  view:  that  the  fount  and  spring  of  wise  living  is 
reverence,  the  fear  of  Jeh;  that  the  ensuring  frame 
of  mind  is  teach.ableness,  the  precluding  attitude 
perverseness ;  that  it  is  the  mark  of  wisdom,  or 
righteousness,  to  be  fearless  and  above  board,  of 
wickedness,  which  is  folly,  to  be  crooked  and  secret- 
ive. These  principles  recur  constantly,  not  as  a 
system,  but  in  numerous  aspects  and  applications 
in  the  practical  business  of  life.  For  their  sanctions 
they  refer  naively  to  the  Heb  ideal  of  rewards  on  the 
one  hand — wealth,  honor,  long  life,  family  (cf  Prov 
11  31) — and  of  shame  and  lass  and  destruction  on 
the  other;  but  these  are  emphasized  not  as  direct 
bestowments  or  inflictions  from  a  personal  Deity, 
rather  as  in  the  law  of  human  nature.  The  law 
that  evil  works  its  own  destruction,  good  brings  its 
own  reward,  is  forming  itself  in  men's  reason  as  one 
of  the  fundamental  concepts  out  of  which  grew  the 
Wisdom  philosophy. 

From  times  long  before  Solomon  sagacity  in 
counsel,  and  skill  to  put  such  counsel  into  maxim  or 
parable,  gave  their  possessor,  whether  man  or 
woman,  a  natural  leadership  and  repute  in  the 
local  communities  (cf  2  S  14  2;  20  16);  and  Solo- 
mon's exceptional  endowment  showed  itself  not 
merely  in  his  literary  tastes,   but  in  his   ability. 


much  esteemed  among  Orientals,  to  determine  the 
merits  of  cases  brought  before  him  for  judgment 
(1  K  3  16-2S),  and  to  answer  puzzling 
3.  The  questions  (1  K  10  l.e.7).    Itwasfrom 

Conception  such  estimate  of  men's  intellectual 
of  Wisdom  powers,  from  the  recognition  of  mental 
alertnes.s,  sagacity,  grasp,  in  their 
application  to  the  practical  issues  of  life  (cf  Prov 
1  1-5),  that  the  conception  of  Wisdom  in  its 
larger  sense  arose.  As,  however,  the  cultivation 
of  such  sagacity  of  utterance  passed  beyond  the 
pastime  of  a  royal  court  (cf  1  K  4  29-34)  into  the 
hands  of  city  elders  and  sages,  it  attained  to  greatly 
enhanced  value;  note  how  the  influence  of  such  a 
sage  is  idealized  (Job  29  7-25).  The  sages  had  a 
definite  calling  and  mission  of  their  onm,  more, 
potent  perhaps  than  belonged  to  priests  and 
prophets;  the  frequent  reference  to  the  young  and 
the  "simple"  or  immature  in  the  Book  of  Prov  would 
indicate  that  they  were  virtually  the  schoolmasters 
and  educators  of  the  nation.  As  such,  working  as 
they  did  in  a  fellowship  and  collaboration  with 
each  other,  the  subject-matter  with  which  they  dealt 
would  not  remain  as  casual  and  miscellaneous  max- 
ims, but  work  toward  a  center  and  system  of  doctrine 
which  could  claim  the  distinction  of  an  articulated 
philosophy  of  life,  and  all  the  more  since  it  was  so 
identified  with  the  great  Heb  ideal  of  righteousness 
and  truth.  We  have  already  noted  how  this  sense 
of  the  dignity  and  value  of  their  calling  manifested 
itself  in  the  body  of  precepts  sent  in  response  to 
solicitation  (3  above),  with  its  appendix  (4  above) 
(Prov  22  17 — 24  34).  It  was  not  long  after  this 
stage  of  Wisdom-culture,  I  think,  that  a  very  sig- 
nificant new  word  pame  into  their  vocabulary,  the 
vfordtushiyah  (H^lpin,  a  puzzle  to  the  translators, 
variously  rendered  "sound  wisdom,"  "effectual 
working,"  and  called  by  the  lexicographers  "a 
technical  term  of  the  Wisdom  literature,"  BDB, 
S.V.).  Its  earliest  appearance,  and  the  onlyone  ex- 
cept in  the  introductory  section  (Prov  18  1 ) ,  is  where 
the  man  who  separates  himself  from  others'  opinions 
and  seeks  his  own  desire  is  said  to  quarrel  with  all 
tushiyah.  The  word  seems  to  designate  Wisdom  in 
its  subjective  aspect,  as  an  authentic  insight  or 
intuition  of  truth,  the  human  power  to  rise  into  the 
region  of  true  revelation  from  below,  as  distinguished 
from  the  prophetic  or  legal  word  spoken  directly 
from  above.  Outside  of  Prov  and  Job  the  word 
occurs  only  twice:  once  in  Mic  6  9,  and  once  in 
Isa  28  29,  in  which  latter  case  the  prophet  has 
deliberately  composed  a  passage  (vs  23-29)  in  the 
characteristic  mashal  idiom,  and  attributed  that 
strain  of  insight  to  Jeh.  Evidently  there  came  a 
time  in  the  culture  of  Wisdom  when  its  utterances 
attained  in  men's  estimate  to  a  parity  with  utter- 
ances direct  from  the  unseen;  perhaps  this  explains 
why  Agur's  and  Lemuel's  words  could  be  boldly 
ranked  as  oracles  (see  above,  6  and  7),  At  any 
rate,  such  a  high  distinction,  an  authority  derived 
from  intimacy  with  the  creative  work  of  Jeh  (8 
30.31),  is  ascribed  to  Wisdom  {hokh7nah,  rTaDli) 
in  the  introductory  section;  "counsel  is  mine,'' 
Wisdom  is  made  to  say,  "and  tushiyah"  (8  14)- 
Thus  the  Book  of  Prov  reveals  to  us  a  philosophy, 
as  it  were,  in  the  making  and  from  scattered  coun- 
sels attaining  gradually  to  the  summit  where  the 
human  intellect  could  place  its  findings  by  the  side 
of  Divine  oracles. 

IV.  Considerations  of  Age  and  Literary  Kin- 
ship.— To  get  at  the  history  of  the  Book  of  Prov, 
several  inquiries  must  be  raised.  When  were  the 
proverbs  composed?  The  book,  like  the  Book  of 
Ps,  is  confessedly  an  anthology,  containing  various 
accumulations,  and  both  by  style  and  maturing 
thought  bearing  the  marks  of  different  ages.  When 
were    the    successive    compilations    made?     And, 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Proverbs,  Book  of 


finally,  when  did  the  strain  of  literature  here  repre- 
sented reach  that  point  of  self-conscious  unity  and 
coordination  which  justified  its  being  reckoned  with 
as  a  strain  by  itself  and  choosing  the  comprehen- 
sive name  Wisdom?  What  makes  these  inquiries 
hard  to  answer  is  the  fact  that  these  proverbs  are 
precepts  for  the  common  people,  relating  to  ordinary 
affairs  of  the  village,  the  market,  and  the  field,  and 
move  in  lines  remote  from  politics  and  dynastic  vicis- 
situdes and  wars.  They  are,  to  an  extent  far  more 
penetrative  and  pervasive  than  law  or  prophecy, 
the  educative  literature  on  which  the  sturdy  rank 
and  file  of  the  nation  was  nourished.  'Where  there 
is  no  vision,  the  people  let  loose,'  says  a  Hezekian 
proverb  (Prov  29  18) ;  but  so  they  are  also  when 
there  is  no  abiding  tonic  of  social  convention  and 
principle.  Precisely  this  latter  it  is  which  this  Book 
of  Prov  in  a  large  degree  reveals;  and  in  course  of 
time  its  value  was  so  felt  that,  as  we  have  seen, 
it  could  rank  itself  as  an  asset  of  life  by  the  side  of 
vision.  It  represents,  in  a  word,  the  human  move- 
ment toward  self-directiveness  and  self-reliance, 
without  supine  dependence  on  ruler  or  public  senti- 
ment (cf  Prov  29  25.26).  When  and  how  was  this 
sane  and  wholesome  communal  fiber  developed  ? 

When  Solomon  and  his  court  made  the  mashal 
an  elegant  fad,  they  builded  better  than  they  knew. 

They  gave  to  the  old  native  form  of  the 
1.  Under  proverb  and  parable,  as  reduced  to 
the  Kings      epigrammatic    mold    and    polish,  the 

Mat  of  a  popular  literature.  This 
was  done  orally  at  first  (Solomon  spoke  his  proverbs, 
1  K  4  32.33) ;  but  the  recording  of  such  carefully 
expressed  utterances  could  not  be  long  delayed; 
perhaps  this  brief  style  coupi  was  the  most  natural 
early  exercise  in  the  new  transition  from  the  un- 
wieldly  cuneiform  to  the  use  of  papyrus  and  a  more 
flexible  alphabet,  which  probably  came  in  with 
the  monarchy.  At  any  rate,  here  was  the  medium 
for  a  practical  didactic  literature,  applied  to  the 
matters  of  daily  life  and  intercourse  to  which  in 
Solomon's  time  the  nation  was  enthusiastically 
awake.  There  is  no  valid  reason  for  denying  to 
Solomon,  or  at  least  to  his  time,  the  initiation  of  the 
Solomonic  mashal;  and  if,  as  has  been  suggested, 
the  name  "proverbs  of  Solomon"  designates  rather 
literary  species  than  personal  authorship,  the  title 
of  the  whole  book  (1  1),  as  well  as  the  headings  of 
sections  (10  1;  25  l),may  be  given  in  entire  good 
faith,  whatever  the  specific  time  or  personal  author- 
ship of  the  utterances.  Nor  is  there  anything  either 
in  recorded  history  or  the  likelihood  of  the  case  to 
make  improbable  that  the  activity  of  the  "men  of 
Hezekiah"  means  just  what  is  said;  these  men  of 
letters  were  adding  this  supplementary  collection 
(Prov  25-29)  to  a  body  of  proverbs  that  already 
existed  and  were  recognized  as  Solomon's.  This 
would  put  the  composition  of  the  main  body  of  the 
proverbs  (chs  10-29)  prior  to  the  reign  of  Hezekiah. 
They  represent  therefore  the  chief  literary  in- 
struction available  to  the  people  in  the  long  period 
of  the  Kings  from  Solomon  onward,  a  period  which 
otherwise  was  very  meagerly  supplied.  The  Mo- 
saic Law,  as  we  gather  from  the  finding  of  the  Law 
in  the  time  of  Josiah  (2  K  22),  was  at  best  a  se- 
questered thing  in  the  keeping — or  neglect — of 
priests  and  judges ;  the  prophetic  word  was  a  specific 
message  for  great  national  emergencies;  the  accu- 
mulations of  sacred  song  were  the  property  of  the 
temple  and  the  cultus;  what  then  was  there  for  the 
education  of  the  people?  There  were  indeed  the 
folk-tales  and  catechetical  legends^  of  their  heroic 
history;  but  there  were  also,  most  influential  of  all, 
these  wise  sayings  of  the  sages,  growing  bodies  of 
precept  and  parable,  preserved  in  village  centers, 
published  in  the  open  places  by  the  gate  (cf  Job  29 
7),   embodying   the   elements  of   a   common-sense 


religion  and  citizenship,  and  representing  views  of 
life  which  were  not  only  Hebrew,  but  to  a  great 
extent  international  among  the  neighbor  kingdoms. 
Understood  so,  these  Solomonic  proverbs  furnish 
incomparably  the  best  reflection  we  have  of  the  re- 
ligious and  social  standards  of  the  common  people, 
during  a  period  otherwise  meagerly  portrayed. 
And  from  it  we  can  understand  what  a  sterling  fiber 
of  character  existed  after  all,  and  how  well  worth 
preserving  for  a  unique  mission  in  the  world,  in 
spite  of  the  idolatrous  corruptions  that  invaded  the 
sanctuaries,  the  self-pleasing  unconcern  of  the  rulers 
and  the  pessimistic  denunciations  of  the  prophets. 

For  the  point  in  the  Heb  literary  history  when 
these   scattered    Solomonic   proverbs   were   recog- 
nized   as    a    homogeneous    strain    of 
2.  The  thought   and    the   compilations   were 

Concentra-  made  and  recommended  as  Wisdom, 
tive  Point  we  can  do  no  better,  I  think,  than  to 
name  the  age  of  Israel's  literary  prime, 
the  age  of  Hezekiah.  The  "men  of  Hezekiah"  did 
more  than  append  their  supplementary  section 
(chs  25-29);  the  words  "these  also"  (nbX"D5,  gam 
'elleh)  in  their  heading  imply  it  (see  Hezekiah, 
The  Men  of). 

I  apprehend  the  order  and  nature  of  their  work  some- 
how thus:  Beginning  with  the  classic  nucleus  (10 — 22 
16)  (see  above,  II,  2),  which  may  have  come  to  them  in 
two  subsections  (clis  10-15;  16 — 22  16),  they  put  these 
together  as  the  proverbs  most  closely  associated  with 
Solomon,  without  much  attempt  at  systematizing,  sub- 
stantially as  these  had  accumulated  through  the  ages  In 
the  rough  order  of  their  developing  form  and  thought; 
compiling  thus,  in  their  zeal  for  the  literary  treasures  of 
the  past,  the  body  of  educational  literature  which  lay 
nearest  at  hand,  a  body  adapted  especially,  though  not 
exclusively,  to  the  instruction  of  the  young  and  imma- 
ture. This  done,  there  next  came  to  their  knowledge  a 
remarkable  body  of  "  words  of  the  wise "  (22  17 — 24  22), 
which  had  evidently  been  put  together  by  request  as  a 
vade  mecum  for  some  persons  in  responsible  position,  and 
which  were  prefaced  by  a  recommendation  of  them  as 
"words  of  truth"  designed  to  promote  "trust  in  Jeh" 
(22  19-21) — which  latter,  as  we  know  from  Isaiah,  was 
the  great  civic  issue  of  Hezekiah's  time.  With  this  sec- 
tion naturally  goes  the  little  appendix  of  "sayings  of  the 
wise"  (24  2.3-34),  added  probably  at  about  the  same 
time.  These  two  sections,  which  seem  to  open  the  col- 
lection to  matter  beyond  the  distinctive  Solomonic 
mashal.  are,  beyond  the  rest  of  the  book,  in  the  tone  of 
the  introductory  section  (chs  1-9),  which  latter,  along 
with  the  Hezekian  appendix  (chs  25-29),  was  added, 
partly  as  a  new  composition,  partly  as  incorporating 
some  additional  findings  (cf  for  instance  the  completion 
of  the  poem  on  the  sluggard,  6  6-11).  Thus,  by  the 
addition  of  this  introductory  section,  the  Book  of  Prov 
was  recognized  as  a  unity,  provided  with  a  preface  and 
initial  proposition  (1  1-6.7).  and  laimched  with  such 
hortatory  material  as  had  already,  on  a  smaller  scale, 
introduced  the  third  section.  This  part  not  only  con- 
tains the  praise  of  Wisdom  as  a  human  endowment, 
sharing  in  the  mind  and  purpose  of  the  Divine  (8  22-31), 
but  it  has  become  aware  also  of  the  revelatory  value  of 
tushiydh  (2  7;  3  21;  8  14),  or  chastened  intuition 
(see  above.  III,  3),  and  dares  to  aspire,  in  its  righteous 
teachableness,   to  the  intimacy  or  secret  friendship  of 

Jeh  ("nio.  sodho,  3  32).  All  this  indicates  the  holy 
self-consciousness  to  which  Wisdom  has  attained. 

I  see  no  cogent  reason  for  postponing  the  sub- 
stantial completion  of  the  Book  of  Prov  beyond  the 
time  of  Hezekiah.  The  words  of  Agur  and  of  King 
Lemuel,  with  the  final  acrostic  poem,  may  be  later 
additions;  but  their  difference  in  tone  and  work- 
manship is  just  as  likely  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that 
they  are  admitted,  in  the  liberal  spirit  of  the  com- 
pilers, from  foreign  stores  of  wisdom.  For  spiritual 
clarity  and  intensity  they  do  not  rise  to  the  height 
of  the  native  Heb  consciousness;  and  they  incline 
to  an  artificial  structure  which  suggests  thatthe 
writer's  interest  is  divided  between  sincere  tushiyah 
and  literary  skill.  For  the  sake  of  like-minded 
neighbors,  however,  something  may  be  forgiven. 

It  is  too  early  in  the  history  of  Wisdom  to  regard 
this  Book  of  Prov  as  an  articulated  and  coordinated 
system.     It  is  merely  what  it  purports  to  be,  a  col- 


Proverbs,  Book  of 
Providence 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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lected  body  of  literature  having  a  common  bearing 
and  purpose;  a  literature  of  reverent  and  intelligent 

self-culture,  moving  among  the  ordi- 
3.  Its  Stage  nary  relations  of  life,  and  not  assuming 
in  Progres-  to  embody  any  mystic  disclosures  of 
sive  truth    beyond    the    reach    of    human 

Wisdom         reason.     As  such,  it  has  a  vocabulary 

and  range  of  ideas  of  its  own,  which  dis- 
tinguishes it  from  other  strains  of  literature.  This 
is  seen  in  those  passages  outside  of  the  Book  of 
Prov  which  deliberately  assume,  for  some  specific 
purpose,  the  Wisdom  dialect.  In  Isa  28  23-29, 
the  prophet,  whom  the  perverse  rulers  have  taunted 
with  baby-talk  (vs  9.10),  appeals  to  them  with  the 
characteristic  Wisdom  call  to  attention  (ver  23), 
and  in  illustrations  drawn  from  husbandry  proves 
to  them  that  this  also  is  from  Jeh  of  hosts,  'who  is 
transcendent  in  counsel,  preeminent  in  tushtydh' 
(ver  29) — teaching  them  thus  in  their  own  vaunted 
idiom.  In  Mic  6  9-1.5,  similarly,  calling  in  tushi- 
yak  to  corroborate  prophecy  (."the  voice  of  Jeh," 
mn-'  bip,  mVahweh,  n^W^rri,  w'thushlyah,S  9), 
the  prophet  speaks  of  the  natural  disasters  that 
men  ought  to  deduce  from  their  abuse  of  trade  re- 
lations, evidently  appealing  to  them  in  their  own 
favorite  strain  of  thinking.  Both  these  passages 
seem  to  reflect  a  time  when  the  Wisdom  dialect  was 
prevalent  and  popular,  and  both  are  concerned  to 
call  in  sound  human  intuition  as  an  ally  of  prophecy. 
At  the  same  time,  as  prophets  have  the  right  to  do, 
they  labor  to  give  revelation  the  casting  vote;  the 
authentic  disclosure  of  truth  from  Jeh  is  their  ob- 
jective, not  the  mere  luxury  of  making  clever  ob- 
servations on  practical  life.  All  this  coincides,  in 
the  Wisdom  sphere,  with  what  in  Isaiah's  and 
Micah's  time  was  the  supreme  issue  of  state,  namely 
trust  in  Jeh,  rather  than  in  crooked  human  devices 
(cf  Isa  28  16;  29  15);  and  it  is  noteworthy  that 
this  is  the  venture  of  Wisdom  urged  by  the  editors 
of  Prov  in  their  introductory  exhortations  (cf  22  19; 
3  5-8).  In  other  words,  these  editors  are  con- 
cerned with  inducing  a  spiritual  attitude;  and  so 
in  their  literary  strain  they  make  their  book  an 
adjunct  in  the  movement  toward  spirituality  which 
Isaiah  is  laboring  to  promote.  As  yet,  however, 
its  findings  are  still  in  the  peremptory  stage,  stated 
as  absolute  and  unqualified  truths;  it  has  not 
reached  the  sober  testing  of  fact  and  interrogation 
of  motive  which  it  must  encounter  in  order  to  be- 
come a  seasoned  philosophy  of  life.  Its  main  per- 
vading thesis — that  righteousness  in  the  fear  of 
God  is  wisdom  and  bound  for  success,  that  wicked- 
ness is  fatuity  and  bound  for  destruction — is  eter- 
nally sound;  but  it  must  make  itself  good  in  a  world 
where  so  many  of  the  enterprises  of  life  seem  to 
come  out  the  other  way,  and  where  there  is  so  little 
appreciation  of  spiritual  values.  Nor  is  the  time 
of  skepticism  and  rigid  test  long  in  coming.  Two 
psalms  of  this  period  (as  I  apprehend)  (Pss  73  and  49) 
concern  themselves  with  the  anomaly  of  the  success 
of  the  wicked  and  the  trials  of  the  righteous;  the 
latter  pointedly  adopting  the  Wisdom  or  mashal 
style  of  utterance  (Ps  49  3.4),  both  laboring  to 
induce  a  more  inward  and  spiritual  attitude  toward 
the  problem.  It  remains,  however,  for  the  Book  of 
Job  to  take  the  momentous  forward  step  of  setting 
wisdom  on  the  unshakable  foundation  of  spiritual 
integrity,  which  it  does  by  subjecting  its  findings 
to  the  rigid  test  of  fact  and  its  motives  to  a  drastic 
Satanic  sifting.  It  is  thus  in  the  Book  of  Job, 
followed  later  by  the  Book  of  Eccl,  that  the  Wisdom 
strain  of  literature,  initiated  by  the  Proverbs  of 
Solomon,  finds  its  OT  culmination. 

John  Franklin  Genung 


PROVIDENCE,  prov'i-dens: 

I.     Providence  Defined 
II.     Different  Spheres  of  Providential  Activity 
Distinguished 

III.  Biblical    Presentation    of    the    Doctrine    of 
Providence 

1 .  The  Doctrine  ot  Providence  in  the  OT 

(1)  The  Pentateuch 

(2)  The  Historical  Books 

(3)  The  Psalms 

(4)  The  Wisdom  Literature 

(5)  The  Book  ol  Job 

(6)  The  Prophetical  Writings 

2.  The  Doctrine  o(  Providence  in  the  NT 

(1)  The  Synoptic  Gospels 

(2)  The  Johannine  Writings 

(3)  The  Acts,  and  Other  Historical  Writings  ol 
the  NT 

(4)  The  Pauline  Epistles 

(5)  The     Petrine     Epistles,     and    Other     NT 
Writings 

3.  OT   and    NT    Doctrines   ol   Providence    Com- 
pared 

(1)  The  New  Emphasis  on  the  Fatherhood  and 
Love  of  God 

(2)  The  Place  of  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit  in 
Providence 

(3)  The  New  Emphasis  upon  Moral  and  Spirit- 
ual Blessings 

IV.  Discussion   of  the  Contents   of  the  Biblical 
Doctrine 

1.  Different  Views  of  Providence  Compared 

(1)  The  Atheistic  or  MateriaUstic  View 

(2)  The  Pantheistic  View 

(3)  The  Deistic  View 

(4)  The  Theistic  or  Biblical  View 

(5)  The  Divine  Immanence 

2.  The  Divine  Purpose  and  Final  End  of  Provi- 
dence 

3.  Special  Providence 

(1)  Spiritual,  Not  Material.  Good  to  Man    the 
End  Sought  in  Special  Providence 

(2)  Special  Providence  and  "Accidents" 

(3)  Special  Providence  as  Related  to  Piety  and 
Prayer 

(4)  Special  Providence  as  Related  to  Human 
Cooperation 

(5)  General     and     Special     Providence     Both 
Equally  Divine 

4.  Divine  Pro^'idence  and  Human  Free  Will 

(1)  Divine  Providence  as   Related  to   Willing 
Wills 

(2)  Divine    Providence    as    Related    to    Sinful 
Free  Will 

5.  Divine  Providence  as  Related  to  Natural  and 
Moral  Evil 

6.  Evil  Providentially  Overruled  for  Good 

7.  Interpreting  Providence 

8.  Conclusion 
Literature 

/.  Providence  Defined. — The  word  "provide" 
(from  Lat  proiddere)  means  etymologically  "to 
foresee."  The  corresponding  Gr  word,  wpdvota,  -pro- 
noin,  means  "forethought."  Forethought  and  fore- 
sight imply  a  future  end,  a  goal,  and  a  definite  pur- 
pose and  plan  for  attaining  that  end.  The  doctrine 
of  final  ends  is  a  doctrine  of  final  causes,  and  means 
that  that  which  is  last  in  realization  and  attainment 
is  first  in  mind  and  thought.  The  most  essential 
attribute  of  rational  beings  is  that  they  act  with  refer- 
ence to  an  end;  that  they  act  not  only  with  thought 
but  with  forethought.  As,  therefore,  it  is  character- 
istic of  rational  beings  to  make  preparation  for  every 
event  that  is  foreseen  or  anticipated,  the  word 
"providence"  has  come  to  be  used  less  in  its  origi- 
nal etymological  meaning  of  foresight  than  to 
signify  that  preparation,  care  and  supervision  which 
are  necessary  to  secure  a  desired  future  result. 
While  all  rational  beings  exercise  a  providence  pro- 
portioned to  their  powers,  yet  it  is  only  when  the 
word  is  used  with  reference  to  the  Divine  Being 
who  is  possessed  of  infinite  knowledge  and  power 
that  it  takes  on  its  real  and  true  significance.  The 
doctrine  of  Divine  providence,  therefore,  has  refer- 
ence to  that  preservation,  care  and  government 
which  God  exercises  over  all  things  that  He  has 
created,  in  order  that  they  may  accomplish  the  ends 
for  which  they  were  created. 

"Providence  is  the  most  comprehensive  term  in  the 
language  of  theology.  It  is  the  background  of  all  the 
several  departments  of  religious  truth,  a  background 


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Proverbs,  Book  of 
Providence 


mysterious  in  its  commingled  brightness  and  darkness. 
It  penetrates  and  flUs  tiie  whole  compass  of  the  relations 
of  man  with  his  Maker.  It  connects  the  unseen  God 
with  the  visible  creation,  and  the  visible  creation  with  the 
work  of  redemption,  and  redemption  with  personal  sal- 
vation, and  personal  salvation  with  the  end  of  all  things. 
It  carries  our  thoughts  back  to  the  supreme  purpose 
which  was  in  the  beginning  with  God,  and  forward  to  the 
foreseen  end  and  consummation  of  all  things,  while  it 
includes  between  these  the  whole  infinite  variety  of  the 
deahngs  of  God  with  man"  (W.  B.  Pope,  Compendium 
of  Christian  Theology,  I,  456). 

//.  Different  Spheres  of  Providential  Activity 
Distinguished. — The  created  universe  may  be  con- 
veniently divided,  with  reference  to  Divine  provi- 
dence, into  three  departments:  first,  the  inanimate 
or  physical  universe,  which  is  conserved  or  governed 
by  God  according  to  certain  uniform  principles 
called  the  laws  of  Nature;  secondly,  animate  exist- 
ence, embracing  the  vegetable  and  animal  world, 
over  which  God  exercises  that  providential  care 
which  is  necessary  to  sustain  the  life  that  He 
created;  and  thirdly,  the  rational  world,  composed 
of  beings  who,  in  addition  to  animate  life,  are  pos- 
sessed of  reason  and  moral  free  agency,  and  are 
governed  by  God,  not  necessitatively,  but  through 
an  appeal  to  reason,  they  having  the  power  to  obey 
or  disobey  the  laws  of  God  according  to  the  decision 
of  their  own  free  wills.  This  widespread  care  and 
supervision  which  God  exercises  over  His  created 
universe  is  commonly  designated  as  His  general 
providence,  which  embraces  alike  the  evil  and  the 
good,  in  addition  to  which  there  is  a  more  special 
and  particular  providence  which  He  exercises  over 
and  in  behalf  of  the  good,  those  whose  wills  are  in 
harmony  with  the  Divine  will. 

///.  Biblical  Presentation  of  the  Doctrine  of 
Providence. — The  word  "providence"  is  used  only 
once  in  the  Scriptures  (Acts  24  2),  and  here  it 
refers,  not  to  God,  but  to  the  forethought  and  work 
of  man,  in  which  sense  it  is  now  seldom  used.  (See 
also  Rom  13  14,  where  the  same  Gr  word  is  tr"" 
"provision.")  While,  however,  the  Bib.  use  of  the 
word  calls  for  little  consideration,  the  doctrine  indi- 
cated by  the  term  "providence"  is  one  of  the  most 
significant  in  the  Christian  system,  and  is  either  dis- 
tinctly stated  or  plainly  assumed  by  every  Bib. 
writer.  The  OT  Scriptures  are  best  understood 
when  interpreted  as  a  progressive  revelation  of  God's 
providential  purpose  for  Israel  and  the  world. 
Messianic  expectations  pervade  the  entire  life  and 
ht.  of  the  Heb  people,  and  the  entire  OT  dispensa- 
tion may  not  improperly  be  regarded  as  the  moral 
training  and  providential  preparation  of  the  world, 
and  esp.  of  the  chosen  people,  for  the  coming  Mes- 
siah. In  the  apocryphal  "Book  of  Wisdom"  the 
word  "providence"  is  twice  used  (14  3;  17  2)  in 
reference  to  God's  government  of  the  world.  Rab- 
binical Judaism,  according  to  Jos,  was  much  occu- 
pied with  discussing  the  relation  of  Divine  provi- 
dence to  human  free  will.  The  Sadducees,  he  tells 
us,  held  an  extreme  view  of  human  freedom,  while 
the  Essenes  were  believers  in  absolute  fate;  the 
Pharisees,  avoiding  these  extremes,  believed  in  both 
the  overruhng  providence  of  God  and  in  the  free- 
dom and  responsibility  of  man  (Ant,  XIII,  v,  9; 
XVIII,  i,  3;  BJ,  II,  viii,  14).  See  Pharisees. 
The  NT  begins  with  the  announcement  that  the 
"kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand,"  which  declaration 
carries  along  with  it  the  idea  of  a  providential  pur- 
pose and  design  running  through  the  preceding  dis- 
pensation that  prepared  for  the  Messiah's  coming. 
But  the  work  of  Christ  is  set  forth  in  the  NT,  not 
only  as  the  culmination  of  a  Divine  providence  that 
preceded  it,  but  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  provi- 
dential order,  a  definite  and  far-reaching  plan,  for 
the  redemption  of  the  world,  a  forethought  aiid  plan 
so  comprehensive  that  it  gives  to  the  very  idea  of 
Divine  providence  a  new,  larger  and  richer  mean- 


ing, both  intensively  and  extensively,  than  it  ever 
had  before.  The  minutest  want  of  the  humblest 
individual  and  the  largest  interests  of  the  world- 
wide Idngdom  of  God  are  alike  embraced  within  the 
scope  of  Divine  providence  as  it  is  set  forth  by 
Christ  and  the  apostles. 

(1)  Providence  in  the  Pentateuch. — The  opening 
sentence  of  the  Scriptures,  "In  the  beginning  God 

created  the  heaven  and  the  earth,"  is 
1.  Divine  a  noble  and  majestic  affirmation  of 
Providence  God's  essential  relationship  to  the 
in  the  OT  origin  of  all  things.  It  is  followed  by 
Scriptures  numerous  utterances  scattered  through- 
out the  sacred  volume  that  declare  that 
He  who  created  also  preserves  and  governs  all  that 
He  created.  But  the  Israelitish  nation  was  from  the 
beginning  of  its  history,  in  the  Heb  conception,  the 
special  object  of  God's  providence  and  care,  though 
it  was  declared  that  Jeh's  lordship  and  government 
extended  over  all  the  earth  (Ex  8  22).  The  Deu- 
teronomist  (10  14)  uses  language  which  implies  that 
Divine  possession  of  all  things  in  heaven  and  earth 
carries  along  with  it  the  idea  of  Divine  providence 
and  control;  and  he  also  regards  Israel  as  Jeh's 
pecuhar  possession  and  special  care  (32  8). 

This  special  providence  that  was  over  the  elect  nation 
as  a  whole  was  also  minute  and  particular,  in  that  special 
individuals  were  chosen  to  serve  a  providential  purpose 
in  the  making  of  the  nation,  and  were  Divinely  gmded 
in  the  accomplishment  of  their  providential  mission. 
Thus  Abraham's  providential  place  in  history  is  set  forth 
in  Neh  9  7.8.  Jacob  acknowledges  the  same  provi- 
dential hand  in  his  life  (Gen  31  42;  48  15).  The  life 
of  Joseph  abounds  in  evidences  of  a  Divine  providence 
CGen  45  5.7;  50  20).  The  whole  life-Ustory  of  Moses 
as  it  is  found  in  the  Pent  is  a  study  in  the  doctrine  of 
Divine  providence.  Other  lives  as  set  forth  in  these 
early  narratives  may  be  less  notable,  but  they  are  not 
less  indebted  to  Divine  providence  for  what  they  are  and 
for  what  they  accomplish  for  others.  Indeed,  as  Pro- 
fessor Oehler  remarks,  "The  whole  Pentateuchal  history 
of  revelation  is  nothing  but  the  activity  of  that  Divine 
providence  which,  in  order  to  the  realization  of  the 
Divine  aim,  is  at  once  directed  to  the  whole,  and  at  the 
same  time  proves  itself  efficacious  in  the  direction  of  the 
life  of  separate  men,  and  in  the  guiding  of  all  circum- 
stances" (OT  Theology). 

(2)  The  historical  books  of  the  OT. — In  a  sense 
all  the  books  of  the  OT  are  historical  in  that  they 
furnish  material  for  writing  a  history  of  the  people 
of  Israel.  See  Israel,  History  op  the  People. 
The  Pent,  the  Poetical  Books,  the  Wisdom  Lit.,  the 
Prophets,  all  furnish  material  for  writing  OT  his- 
tory; but  there  is  still  left  a  body  of  literature, 
including  the  books  from  Josh  to  Est,  that  may 
with  peculiar  fitness  be  designated  as  historical. 
These  books  are  all,  in  an  important  sense,  an  inter- 
pretation and  presentation  of  the  facts  of  Heb  his- 
tory in  their  relation  to  Divine  providence.  The 
sacred  historians  undertake  to  give  something  of 
a  Divine  philosophy  of  history,  to  interpret  in  a 
religious  way  the  facts  of  history,  to  point  out  the 
evils  of  individual  and  national  sin  and  the  rewards 
and  blessings  of  righteousness,  and  to  show  God's 
ever-present  and  ever-guiding  hand  in  human  his- 
tory— that  He  is  not  a  silent  spectator  of  human 
alTairs,  but  the  supreme  moral  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse, to  whom  individuals  and  nations  alike  owe 
allegiance.  To  the  Heb  historian  every  event  in  the 
life  of  the  nation  has  a  moral  significance,  both 
because  of  its  relation  to  God  and  because  of  its 
bearing  on  the  providential  mission  and  testing  of 
Israel  as  the  people  of  God.  The  Book  of  Jgs, 
which  covers  the  "dark  ages"  of  Bible  history,  and 
is  an  enigma  to  many  in  the  study  of  God's  hand 
in  history,  shows  how  far  God  must  needs  conde- 
scend at  times  in  His  use  of  imperfect  and  even 
sensual  men  through  whom  to  reveal  His  will  and 
accomplish  His  work  in  the  world.  While  therefore 
He  condescends  to  use  as  instruments  of  His  provi- 
dence such  men  as  Samson  and  Jephthah,  it  is  never 


Providence 


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2478 


through  these  that  He  does  Hia  greatest  work,  but 
through  an  Abraham,  a  Joseph,  a  Moses,  an  Isaiah, 
through  men  of  lofty  moral  character.  And  this 
is  one  of  the  most  notable  lessons  of  OT  history  if 
it  be  studied  as  a  revelation  of  God's  providential 
methods  and  instrumentalities.  Among  these  his- 
torical writers  none  has  given  clearer  and  stronger 
expression  to  God's  providential  relation  to  the 
physical  world  as  its  preserver  and  to  the  moral 
world  as  its  Divine  Governor  than  the  author  of 
Nehemiah.  "Thou,  even  thou,  art  Lord  alone;  thou 
hast  made  heaven,  the  heaven  of  heavens,  with  all 
their  host,  the  earth,  and  all  things  that  are  therein, 
the  seas,  and  all  that  is  therein,  and  thou  preservest 

them  all Yet  thou  in  thy  manifold  mercies 

forsookest  them  not  in  the  wilderness:  the  pillar 
of  the  cloud  departed  not  from  them  by  day,  to 
lead  them  in  the  way;  neither  the  pillar  of  fire  by 
night,  to  shew  them  light,  and  the  way  wherein  they 
should  go.  Thou  gavest  also  thy  good  spirit  to  in- 
struct them"  (9  6.19.20  AV).  His  words  reflect  the 
views  that  were  entertained  by  all  the  OT  histo- 
rians as  to  God's  hand  in  the  government  and  guid- 
ance of  the  nation.  Heb  history,  because  of  the 
Divine  promises  and  Divine  providence,  is  ever 
moving  forward  toward  the  Messianic  goal. 

(3)  The  Psalms. — The  poets  are  among  the 
world's  greatest  religious  teachers,  and  the  theology 
of  the  best  poets  generally  represents  the  highest 
and  purest  faith  that  is  found  among  a  people. 
Applying  this  truth  to  the  Heb  race,  we  may  say 
that  in  the  Pss  and  the  Book  of  Job  we  reach  the 
high-water  mark  of  the  OT  revelation  as  to  the 
doctrine  of  Divine  providence.  The  Psalmist's 
God  is  not  only  the  Creator  and  Preserver  of  all 
things,  but  is  a  prayer-hearing  and  prayer-answering 
God,  a  Being  so  full  of  tender  mercy  and  loving- 
kindness  that  we  cannot  fail  to  identify  Him  with 
the  God  whom  Christ  taught  us  to  call  "our  Father." 
Nowhere  else  in  the  entire  Scriptures,  except  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount,  can  we  find  such  a  full  and 
clear  exhibition  of  the  minute  and  special  providence 
of  God  over  His  faithful  and  believing  children  as 
in  the  Pss— notably  such  as  Pss  91, 103, 104  and  139. 
Ps  105  traces  God's  hand  in  providential  and  gra- 
cious guidance  through  every  stage  of  Israel's 
wondrous  history.  Thanksgiving  and  praise  for 
providential  mercies  and  blessings  abound  in  Pss 
44,  66,  78,  85,  135.  While  the  relation  of  God's 
power  and  providence  to  the  physical  universe  and 
to  the  material  and  temporal  blessings  of  life  is 
constantly  asserted  in  the  Pss,  yet  it  is  the  connec- 
tion of  God's  providence  with  man's  ethical  and 
spiritual  nature,  with  righteousness  and  faith  and 
love,  that  marks  the  highest  characteristic  of  the 
Psalmist's  revelation  of  the  doctrine  of  providence. 
That  righteousness  and  obedience  are  necessary 
conditions  and  accompaniments  of  Divine  provi- 
dence in  its  moral  aspects  and  results  is  evidenced 
by  numerous  declarations  of  the  psalmists  (1  6; 
31  19.20;  74  12;  84  11;  91  1;  125  2).  This 
thought  finds  happiest  expression  in  Ps  37  23  AV: 
"The  steps  of  a  good  man  are  ordered  of  the  Lord, 
and  he  delighteth  in  his  way."  The  inspired  poets 
make  it  plain  that  the  purpose  of  Divine  providence 
is  not  merely  to  meet  temporal  wants  and  bring 
earthly  blessings,  but  to  secure  the  moral  good  of 
individuals  and  nations. 

(4)  The  Wisdom  Literature. — The  doctrine  of 
providence  finds  ample  and  varied  expression  in  the 
Wisdom  Lit.  of  the  OT,  notably  in  the  Book 
of  Prov.  The  power  that  preserves  and  governs 
and  guides  is  always  recognized  as  inseparable  from 
the  power  that  creates  and  commands  (Prov  3  21- 
26;  16  4).  Divine  providence  does  not  work  inde- 
pendently of  man's  free  will;  providential  blessings 
are  conditioned  on  character  and  conduct  (Prov  26 


10  AV;  2  7.8;  12  2.21).  There  cannot  be,  in  OT 
terms  of  faith,  any  stronger  statement  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Divine  providence  than  that  given  by  the 
Wise  Men  of  Israel  in  the  following  utterances 
recorded  in  the  Book  of  Prov:  "In  all  thy  ways 
acknowledge  him,  and  he  will  direct  thy  paths" 
(3  6);  "A  man's  heart  deviseth  his  way,  but  Jeh 
directeth  his  steps"  (16  9);  "The  lot  is  cast  into 
the  lap;  but  the  whole  disposing  thereof  is  of  Jeh" 
(16  33);  "A  man's  goings  are  of  Jeh"  (20  24); 
"The  king's  heart  is  in  the  hand  of  Jeh  as  the 
watercourses:  He  turneth  it  whithersoever  he  will" 
(21  1);  "The  horse  is  prepared  against  the  day  of 
battle;  but  victory  is  of  Jeh"  (21  31).  See  also 
3  21-26;  12  2.21.  The  conception  of  providence 
that  is  presented  in  the  Book  of  Eccl  seems  to  reflect 
the  views  of  one  who  had  had  experience  insin  and 
had  come  into  close  contact  with  many  of  life's  ills. 
All  things  have  their  appointed  time,  but  the  real- 
ization of  the  providential  purposes  and  ends  of 
creaturely  existence  is,  wherever  human  free  agency 
is  involved,  always  conditioned  upon  man's  exer- 
cise of  his  frpe  will.  The  God  of  providence  rules 
and  overrules,  but  He  does  not  by  His  omnipo- 
tence overpower  and  override  and  destroy  man's 
true  freedom.  Things  that  are  do  not  reflect  God's 
perfect  providence,  but  rather  His  providence  as 
affected  by  human  free  agency  and  as  marred  by 
man's  sin  (Eccl  3  1-11).  "I  know  that  there  is 
nothing  better  for  them,  than  to  rejoice,  and  to  do 
good  so  long  as  they  live.  And  also  that  every  man 
should  eat  and  drink,  and  enjoy  good  in  all  his  labor, 
is  the  gift  of  God"^  (vs  12.13;  see  also  ver  14); 
"The  righteous,  and  the  wise,  and  their  works,  are 
in  the  hand  of  God"  (9  1) ;  "The  race  is  not  to  the 
swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong"  (9  11).  The 
same  conclusion  that  the  author  of  Eccl  reached 
as  to  how  human  life  is  affected  by  Divine  provi- 
dence and  man's  sin  has  found  expression  in  the 
oft-quoted  lines  of  the  great  poet: 

"There's  a  Divinity  that  shapes  our  ends, 
Rough-hew  them  how  Ave  will." 

(.5)  The  Book  of  Job. — The  greatest  of  all  the  in- 
spired contributions  to  the  Wisdom  Lit.  of  the 
OT,  the  Book  of  Job,  demands  special  considera- 
tion. It  is  the  one  book  in  the  Bible  that  is  de- 
voted wholly  to  a  discussion  of  Divine  providence. 
The  perplexities  of  a  thoughtful  miad  on  the  subject 
of  Divine  providence  and  its  relation  to  human  suf- 
fering have  nowhere  in  the  literature  of  the  world 
founil  stronger  and  clearer  expression  than  in  this 
inspired  drama  which  bears  the  name  of  its  unique 
and  marvelous  hero.  Job.  Job  represents  not  only 
a  great  sufferer,  but  an  honest  doubter:  he  dared  to 
doubt  the  theology  of  his  day,  a  theology  which  he 
had  himself  doubtless  believed  until  experience,  the 
best  of  all  teachers,  taught  him  its  utter  inadequacy 
to  explain  the  deepest  problems  of  human  life  and  of 
Divine  providence.  The  purpose  of  this  book  in  the 
inspired  volume  seems  to  be  to  correct  the  prevailing 
theology  of  the  day  with  regard  to  the  subject  of  sin 
and  suffering  in  their  relation  to  Divine  providence. 
There  is  no  more  deplorable  and  hurtful  error  that 
a  false  theology  could  teach  than  that  all  suffering 
in  this  world  is  a  proof  of  sin  and  a  measure  of  one's 
guilt  (see  Affliction).  It  is  hard  enough  for  the 
innocent  to  suffer.  I'o  add  to  their  suffering  by 
teaching  them  that  it  is  all  because  they  are  awful 
sinners,  even  though  their  hearts  assure  them  that 
they  are  not,  is  to  lay  upon  the  innocent  a  burden 
too  grievous  to  be  borne.  The  value  in  the  inspired 
Canon  of  a  book  written  to  reveal  the  error  of  such 
a  misleading  doctrine  as  this  cannot  easily  be  over- 
estimated. The  invaluable  contribution  which  this 
book  makes  to  the  Bib.  doctrine  of  providence  is 
to  be  found,  not  in  individual  and  detached  sayings. 


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Providence 


striking  and  suggestive  as  some  of  these  may  be, 
but  rather  in  the  book  as  a  whole.  Statements 
concerning  God's  general  providence  abound  in 
this  inspired  drama — such  as  these,  for  example: 
"Who  knoweth  not  in  all  these,  that  the  hand  of 
Jeh  hath  wrought  this,  in  whose  hand  is  the  soul  of 
every  living  thing,  and  the  breath  of  all  mankind?" 
(Job  12  9.10);  "Who  hath  given  him  a  charge  over 
the  earth?  or  who  hath  disposed  the  whole  world? 
....  He  shall  break  in  pieces  mighty  men  without 
number,  and  set  others  in  their  stead"  (34  13.24 
AV). 

But  the  special  contribution  of  the  Book  of  Job 
to  the  doctrine  of  Divine  providence,  as  already 
indicated,  is  to  set  forth  its  connection  with  the 
fact  of  sin  and  suffering.  Perplexed  souls  in  all 
ages  have  been  asking:  If  God  be  all-powerful  and 
all-good,  why  should  there  be  any  suffering  in  a 
world  which  He  created  and  over  which  He  rules? 
If  He  cannot  prevent  suffering,  is  He  omnipotent? 
If  He  can,  but  will  not  prevent  suffering,  is  He  in- 
finitely good?  Does  the  book  solve  the  mystery? 
We  cannot  claim  that  it  does.  But  it  does  vindi- 
cate the  character  of  God,  the  Creator,  and  of  Job, 
the  moral  free  agent  under  trial.  It  does  show  the 
place  of  suffering  in  a  moral  world  where  free  agents 
are  forming  character;  it  does  show  that  perfect 
moral  character  is  made,  not  by  Divine  omnipo- 
tence, but  by  trial,  and  that  physical  suffering 
serves  a  moral  end  in  God's  providential  govern- 
ment of  men  and  nations.  While  the  book  does  not 
clear  the  problem  of  mystery,  it  does  show  how  on 
the  dark  background  of  a  suffering  world  the  lumi- 
nous holiness  of  Divine  and  human  character  may 
be  revealed.  The  picture  of  this  suffering  man  of 
Uz,  racked  with  bodily  pains  and  irritated  by  the 
ill-spoken  words  of  well-meaning  friends,  planting 
himself  on  the  solid  rock  of  his  own  conscious  recti- 
tude, and  defying  earth  and  hell  to  prove  him  guilty 
of  wrong,  and  knowing  that  his  Vindicator  liveth  and 
would  come  to  his  rescue — that  is  an  inspired  picture 
that  will  make  every  innocent  sufferer  who  reads 
it  stronger  until  the  end  of  time.  See  also  Job, 
Book  of. 

(6)  The  prophetical  writings. — Nowhere  in  all 
literature  is  the  existence  and  supremacy  of  a  moral 
and  providential  order  in  the  world  more  clearly 
recognized  than  in  the  writings  of  the  OT  prophets. 
These  writings  are  best  understood_  when  inter- 
preted as  the  moral  messages  and  passionate  appeals 
of  men  who  were  not  only  prophets  and  preachers 
of  righteousness  to  their  own  times,  but  students 
and  teachers  of  the  moral  philosophy_  of  history  for 
all  time,  seers,  men  of  vision,  who  interpreted  all 
events  in  the  light  of  their  bearing  on  this  moral 
and  providential  order,  in  which  Divine  order  the 
Israelitish  nation  had  no  small  part,  and  over  which 
Israel's  God  was  sovereign,  doing  "according  to  his 
will  in  the  army  of  heaven  and  among  the  inhabit- 
ants of  earth."  While  each  prophetic  message 
takes  its  coloring  from  the  political,  social  and  rnoral 
conditions  that  called  it  forth,  and  therefore  differs 
from  every  other  message,  the  prophets  are  all  one 
in  their  insistence  upon  the  supremacy  and  Divine 
authority  of  this  moral  order,  and  in  their  looking 
forward  to  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  and  the 
setting  up  of  the  Messianic  kingdom  as  the  provi- 
dential goal  and  consummation  of  the  moral  order. 
They  all  describe  in  varying  degrees  of  light  and 
shade  a  coming  time  when  One  born  of  their  own 
oppressed  and  down-trodden  race  should  come  in 
power  and  glory,  and  set  up  a  kingdom  of  righteous- 
ness and  love  in  the  earth,  into  which  kingdom  all 
nations  shall  be  ultimately  gathered;  and  of  His 
kingdom  there  shall  be  no  end.  God's  providential 
government  of  the  nation  was  always  and  every- 
where directed  toward  this  Messianic  goal.     The 


language  which  an  inspired  writer  puts  into  the 
mouth  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  heathen  king,  is  an 
expression,  not  so  much  of  the  gentile  conception  of 
God  and  His  government,  as  it  is  of  the  faith  of  a 
Heb  prophet  concerning  God's  relationship  to  men 
and  nations:  "He  doeth  according  to  his  will  in  the 
army  of  heaven,  and  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
earth;  and  none  can  stay  his  hand,  or  say  unto  him, 
What  doest  thou?"  (Dnl  4  35).  The  providential 
blessings  which  the  prophets  promise  to  the  people, 
whether  to  individuals  or  to  the  nation,  are  never 
a  matter  of  mere  omnipotence  or  favoritism,  but 
are  inseparably  connected  with  righteous  conduct 
and  holy  character.  The  blessings  promised  are 
mainly  spiritual,  but  whether  spiritual  or  material, 
they  are  always  conditioned  on  righteousness. 
The  Book  of  Isa  is  esp.  rich  in  passages  that  empha- 
size the  place  of  moral  conduct  and  character  in 
God's  providential  government  of  the  world,  the 
supreme  purpose  and  end  of  which  are  to  establish 
a  kingdom  of  righteousness  in  the  earth  (Isa  33 
13-16;  35  8-10;  43  2;  46  4;  64  14-17).  Divine 
providence  is  both  personal  and  national,  and  of 
each  it  is  declared  in  varying  terms  of  assurance 
that  "Jeh  will  go  before  you;  and  the  God  of 
Israel  will  be  your  rearward"  (52  12).  Each  of 
the  major  and  minor  prophets  confirms  and  reen- 
forces  the  teachings  of  this  greatest  and  most  truly 
representative  of  all  the  OT  prophets. 

(1)  The  Synoptic  Gospels. — The  Synoptic  Gospels 
furnish  the  richest  possible  material  for  a  study  of 

the  doctrine  of  Divine  providence. 
2.  Divine  They  recognize  in  the  advent  of  Christ 
Providence  the  fulfilment  of  a  long  line  of  Messi- 
in  the  NT     anic  prophecies  and  the  culmination  of 

providential  purposes  and  plans  that 
had  been  in  the  Divine  mind  from  the  beginning 
and  awaited  the  fulness  of  time  for  their  revelation 
in  the  Incarnation  (Mt  1  22;  2  5.15;  3  3).  In 
His  private  and  personal  life  of  service  and  prayer 
Christ  is  a  model  of  filial  trust  in  the  providence  of 
the  heavenly  Father  (Mt  11  25;  26  39;  Mk  1  35; 
6  46;  Lk  3  21;  11  1).  His  private  and  public 
utterances  abound  in  declarations  concerning  God's 
ever-watchful  and  loving  care  for  all  His  creatures, 
but  above  all  for  those  creatures  who  bear  His  own 
image;  while  His  teachings  concerning  the  King- 
dom of  God  reveal  a  Divine  providential  plan  for 
the  world's  redemption  and  education  extending 
of  necessity  far  into  the  future;  and  still  beyond 
that,  in  His  vision  of  Divine  providence,  comes  a 
day  of  final  judgment,  of  retribution  and  reward, 
followed  by  a  new  and  eternal  order  of  things,  in 
which  the  destiny  of  every  man  will  be  determined 
by  his  conduct  and  character  in  this  present  life 
(see  Our  Lord's  parables  concerning  the  Kingdom: 
Mt  13  24-50;  Mk  4  26ff;  Lk  14  16ff;  also  Mt  24 
and  25).  The  many  familiar  utterances  of  Our 
Lord,  found  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  contain  the 
most  essential  and  precious  of  all  the  NT  revela- 
tions concerning  the  providence  of  the  heavenly 
Father  (Mt  5  45;  6  26-34;  10  29-31;  Lk  21 
16-18). 

(2)  The  Johannine  writings. — St.  John's  Gospel 
differs  from  the  Synoptic  Gospels  in  its  mode  of 
presenting  the  doctrine  of  providence  chiefly  in  that 
it  goes  back  to  the  mind  and  purpose  of  God  in  the 
very  beginning  (Jn  1  1-5),  whereas  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  simply  go  back  to  the  Messianic  prophecies 
of  the  OT.  Both  the  Gospel  and  the  Epp.  of  John 
in  their  presentation  of  Divine  providence  place 
the  greatest  possible  emphasis  on  Divine  love  and 
filial  trust,  the  latter  rising  in  many  places  to  the 
point  of  positive  assurance.  The  Book  of  Rev 
is  a  prophetic  vision,  in  apocalyptic  form,  of  God's 
providential  purpose  for  the  future,  dealing  not  so 
much  with  individuals  aa  with  nations  and  with 


Providence 


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2480 


the  far-reaching  movements  of  history  extending 
through  the  centuries.  God  is  revealed  in  St. 
John's  writings,  not  as  an  omnipotent  and  arbitrary 
Sovereign,  but  as  an  all-loving  Father,  who  not  only 
cares  for  His  children  in  this  life  but  is  building  for 
them  in  the  world  to  come  a  house  of  many  man- 
sions (Jn  14  1-20) . 

(3)  The  Book  of  Acts  and  other  NT  history. — 
The  historical  portions  of  the  NT,  as  contained  in 
the  Acts,  and  elsewhere,  while  not  eliminating  or 
depreciating  the  element  of  human  freedom  in  indi- 
viduals and  nations,  yet  recognize  in  human  life 
and  history  the  ever-present  and  all-controlling 
mind  of  that  God  in  whom,  it  is  declared,  "we  live, 
and  move,  and  have  our  being"  (Acts  17  28).  The 
career  of  the  first  distinctive  NT  character  begins 
with  these  words:  "There  came  a  man,  sent  from 
God,  whose  name  was  John"  (Jn  1  6).  But  not 
only  John,  the  forerunner,  but  every  other  indi- 
vidual, according  to  the  NT  conceptions,  is  a  man 
"sent  from  God."  The  apostles  conceive  them- 
selves to  be  such;  Stephen,  the  martyr,  was  such; 
Paul  was  such  (Acts  22  21).  NT  biography  is  a 
study  in  providentially  guided  lives,  not  omitting 
references  to  those  who  refuse  to  be  so  guided — for 
such  is  the  power  of  human  free  agency,  many  who 
are  "sent  from  God"  refuse  to  go  upon  their  Di- 
vinely appointed  mission.  The  Day  of  Pentecost 
is  the  revelation  of  a  new  power  in  history — a  revela- 
tion of  the  place  and  power  which  the  Divine- 
human  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit  are  to  have  hence- 
forth in  making  history — in  making  the  character 
of  the  men  and  the  nations  whose  deeds  are  to  make 
history.  The  most  potent  moral  force  in  history 
is  to  be,  from  the  day  of  Pentecost  on,  the  ascended 
incarnate  Christ,  and  He  is  to  be  all  the  more  in- 
fluential in  the  world  after  His  ascension,  when  His 
work  shall  be  done  through  the  Holy  Spirit.  This 
is  the  historical  view  of  providence  as  connected 
with  the  person  of  Christ,  which  the  NT  historians 
present,  and  which  we,  after  19  centuries  of  Chris- 
tian history,  are  warranted  in  holding  more  confi- 
dently and  firmly  even  than  the  Christians  of  the 
1st  cent,  could  hold  it;  for  the  Christian  centuries 
have  proved  it  true.  What  God  is  in  Nature  Christ 
is  in  history.  All  history  is  becoming  Christian 
history,  thus  realizing  the  NT  conception  of  Divine 
providence  in  and  through  Christ. 

(4)  The  Pauline  writings. — No  character  of 
whom  we  have  any  account  in  Christian  literature 
was  providentially  prepared  for  his  life-work  and 
providentially  guided  in  accomplishing  that  life- 
work  more  truly  than  was  the  apostle  Paul.  We 
find,  therefore,  as  we  would  antecedently  expect, 
that  Paul's  speeches  and  ■m-itings  abound  in  proofs 
of  his  absolute  faith  in  the  overruling  providence 
of  an  all-wise  God.  His  doctrine  of  predestination 
and  foreordination  is  best  understood  when  inter- 
preted, not  as  a  Divine  power  predetermining  hu- 
man destiny  and  nullifying  the  human  will,  but  as 
a  conception  of  Divine  providence  as  the  eternal 
purpose  of  God  to  accomplish  an  end  contemplated 
and  foreseen  from  the  beginning,  viz.  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  world  and  the  creation  in  and  through 
Christ  of  a  new  and  holy  humanity.  Every  one 
of  the  Pauline  Epp.  bears  witness  to  the  author's 
faith  in  a  Divine  providence  that  overrules  and 
guides  the  life  of  every  soul  that  works  in  harmony 
with  the  Divine  will;  but  this  providence  is  working 
to  secure  as  its  chief  end,  not  material  and  temporal 
blessings,  but  the  moral  and  spiritual  good  of  those 
concerned.  Paul's  teachings  concerning  Divine 
providence  as  it  concerns  individuals  and  is  condi- 
tioned on  character  may  be  found  summed  up  in 
what  is  perhaps  the  most  comprehensive  single  sen- 
tence concerning  providence  that  was  ever  written: 
"And  we  know  that  all  things  work  together  for 


good  to  them  that  love  God,  to  them  who  are  the 
called  according  to  his  purpose"  (Rom  8  28  AV). 
Any  true  exposition  of  the  NT  doctrine  of  Divine 
providence  that  may  be  given  can  only  be  an  un- 
folding of  the  content  of  this  brief  but  comprehen- 
sive statement.  The  greatest  of  the  Pauline  Epp., 
that  to  the  Rom,  is  a  study  in  the  divine  phi- 
losophy of  history,  a  revelation  of  God's  providential 
purpose  and  plan  concerning  the  salvation,  not 
merely  of  individuals,  but  of  the  nations.  These 
purposes,  as  Paul  views  them,  whether  they  concern 
individuals  or  the  entire  race,  are  always  associated 
with  the  mediatorial  ministry  of  Christ:  "For  of 
him,  and  through  him,  and  unto  him,  are  all  things. 
"To  him  be  the  glory  for  ever"  (Rom  11  36). 

(5)  The  Petrine  Epp.  and  other  NT  writings. — 
The  Epp.  of  Peter,  James,  and  Jude,  and  the  Ep. 
to  the  He,  are  all  in  entire  accord  with  the  teach- 
ings of  the  other  NT  writings  already  considered. 
St.  Peter,  who  at  first  found  it  so  hard  to  see  how 
God's  providential  purpose  in  and  for  the  Messiah 
could  be  realized  if  Christ  should  suffer  and  die, 
came  later  to  see  that  the  power  and  the  glory  of 
Christ  and  His  all-conquering  gospel  are  inseparably 
connected  with  the  sufferings  and  death  of  the 
Messiah  (1  Pet  1  11.12).  No  statement  con- 
cerning God's  providence  over  the  righteous  can 
be  clearer  or  stronger  than  the  following  utterance 
of  Peter:  "The  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  upon  the 
righteous.  And  his  ears  unto  their  supplication: 
But  the  face  of  the  Lord  is  upon  them  that  do  evil. 
And  who  is  he  that  will  harm  you,  if  ye  be  zealous  of 
thatwhichisgood?"  (1  Pet  3  12.13).  The  purpose 
and  end  of  Divine  providence  as  viewed  in  the  Ep. 
of  Jas  are  always  ethical :  as  conduct  and  character 
are  the  end  and  crown  of  Christian  effort,  so  they 
are  the  end  and  aim  of  Divine  providence  as  it  co- 
operates with  men  to  make  them  perfect  (Jas  1  5. 
17.27;  2  5;  5  7).  The  apologetic  value  of  the  Ep. 
to  the  He  grows  out  of  the  strong  proof  it  presents 
that  Christ  is  the  fulfilment,  not  only  of  the  Mes- 
sianic prophecies  and  expectations  of  Israel,  but  of 
the  providential  purposes  and  plans  of  that  God 
who  at  sundry  times  and  in  divers  manners  had 
spoken  in  times  past  unto  the  fathers  by  a  long  line 
of  prophets  (He  1  1.2;  11  7-40;  13  20.21).  It 
would  be  difficult  to  crowd  into  one  short  chapter 
a  more  comprehensive  study  of  the  lessons  of  his- 
tory that  illustrate  the  workings  and  the  retribu- 
tions of  the  moral  law  under  Divine  providence 
than  is  found  in  the  Ep.  of  Jude  (see  esp.  vs  5.7.11. 
14.15.24). 

From  this  brief  survey  of  the  teachings  of  the 
OT  and  NT  Scriptures  concerning  the  doctrine 
of  Divine  providence,  it  will  be  seen 
3.  OT  and  that,  while  the  NT  reaffirms  in  most 
NT  Doc-  particulars  the  doctrine  of  Divine 
trines  of  providence  as  set  forth  in  the  OT 
Providence  Scriptures,  there  are  three  particu- 
Compared  lars  in  which  the  points  of  emphasis 
are  changed,  and  by  which  new  and 
changed  emphasis  the  doctrine  is  greatly  enriched 
in  the  NT. 

(1)  The  fatherhood  and  love  of  God  in  providence. 
— The  God  of  providence  in  the  OT  is  regarded  as  a 
Sovereign  whose  will  is  to  be  obeyed,  and  His  lead- 
ing attributes  are  omnipotence  and  holiness,  where- 
as in  the  NT  God  is  revealed  as  the  heavenly  Father, 
and  His  providence  is  set  forth  as  the  forethought 
and  care  of  a  father  for  his  children.  His  leading 
attributes  here  are  love  and  holiness — His  very 
omnipotence  is  the  omnipotence  of  love.  To  teach 
that  God  is  not  only  a  righteous  Ruler  to  be  feared 
and  adored,  but  a  tender  and  loving  Father  who  is 
ever  thinking  of  and  caring  for  His  children,  is  to 
make  God  lovable  and  turn  His  providence  into  an 
administration  of  Almighty  love. 


2481 


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Providence 


(2)  The  plarc  of  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit  in  proui- 
itence. — The  doctrine  ol  providence  in  tiie  NT  is  con- 
nected witli  tlie  person  of  Ctirist  and  tlie  administration 
of  ttie  Holy  Spirit,  in  a  manner  tliat  distinguishes  it  from 
the  OT  presentation  of  providence  as  the  worli  of  the 
one  God  who  was  there  revealed  in  the  simple  unity  of 
His  nature  witliout  distinction  of  persons.  If  it  be  true, 
as  some  theologians  have  taught,  that  "God  the  Father 
plans,  God  the  Son  executes,  and  God  the  Holy  Ghost 
applies,"  then  it  would  follow  that  providence  is  the 
work  exclusively  of  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit;  but  this 
theological  formula,  wliile  it  has  suggestive  value,  cannot 
be  accepted  as  an  accurate  statement  of  Bib.  doctrine 
with  reference  to  Divine  providence.  Christ  constantly 
refers  creation  and  providence  to  the  Father.  But  He 
also  said,  "My  Father  worketh  even  until  now,  and  I 
work"  (Jn  5  17),  and  the  NT  writers  attribute  to  Christ 
the  work  both  of  creation  and  providence.  Thus  Paul: 
"  For  by  him  were  all  tilings  created,  that  are  in  heaven 
and  that  are  in  earth,  visible  and  invisible,  whether  they 
be  thrones,  or  dominions,  or  principaUties,  or  powers:  all 
things  were  created  by  him,  and  for  him:  and  he  is 
before  all  things,  and  by  tiim  aU  things  consist"  (Col  1 
16.17  AV).  Although  this  and  other  passages  refer  to 
Christ's  relation  to  general  providence,  including  the 
government  of  the  physical  imiverse,  yet  it  is  only  when 
the  Divine  government  is  concerned  with  the  redemption 
of  a  lost  world  and  the  establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  men,  that  the  full  extent 
of  Clu-ist's  part  in  Divine  providence  can  be  realized. 
The  saving  and  perfecting  of  men  is  the  supreme  purpose 
of  providence,  if  it  be  viewed  from  the  NT  standpoint, 
wliich  is  that  of  Christ's  mediatorial  ministry. 

(3)  The  new  emphasis  upon  moral  and  spiritual 
blessings. — The  NT  not  only  subordinates  the  ma- 
terial and  temporal  aspects  of  providence  to  the 
spiritual  and  eternal  more  than  does  the  OT,  but 
Christ  and  the  apostles,  to  an  extent  that  finds  no 
parallel  in  the  OT,  place  the  emphasis  of  their 
teaching  concerning  providence  upon  man's  moral 
needs  and  eternal  interests,  and  upon  the  Kingdom 
of  God  and  His  righteousness,  the  establishment  of 
which  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  men  is  the  one  great 
object  for  which  both  the  heavenly  Father  and  His 
children  are  ceaselessly  working.  To  be  free  from 
sin,  to  be  holy  in  heart  and  useful  in  life,  to  love  and 
obey  God  as  a  Father,  to  love  and  serve  men  as 
brothers — this  is  the  ideal  and  the  end  for  which, 
according  to  the  NT,  men  should  work  and  pray, 
and  this  is  the  end  toward  which  God  is  working 
by  His  ceaseless  cooperative  providence. 

IV.  Discussion  of  the  Contents  of  the  Biblical 
Doctrine. — There  are  four  distinct  conceptions  of 
providence  as  it  concerns  God's  rela- 
1.  Different  tion  to  the  ongoing  of  the  world  and 
Views  of  to  man,  the  rational  and  moral  free 
Providence  agent  whom  He  has  placed  upon  it, 
viz.  the  atheistic,  the  deistic,  the  pan- 
theistic, and  the  theistic  or  Bib.  view.  See  also 
God,  I,  4.  The  last  named  view  can  best  be  under- 
stood only  when  stated  in  comparison  and  contrast 
with  these  opposing  views. 

(1)  Atheism,  or  materialism,  stands  at  one  extreme, 
affirming  that  there  is  no  God,  that  the  material  universe 
is  eternal,  and  that  from  material  atoms,  eternaUy  en- 
dowed with  certain  properties,  there  have  come,  by  a 
process  of  evolution,  all  existing  forms  of  vegetable, 
animal  and  rational  life.  As  materialism  denies  the 
existence  of  a  personal  Creator,  it  of  course  denies  any 
and  every  doctrine  of  Divine  providence. 

(2)  Pantheism  stands  at  the  other  extreme  from 
atheism,  teaching  that  God  is  everything  and  everytiung 
is  God.  The  created  universe  is  "the  Uving  garment" 
of  God — God  is  the  soul  of  the  world,  the  universe  His 
existence  form.  But  God  is  an  infinite  It,  not  a  personal 
Being  who  can  express  His  existence  in  terms  of  self- 
consciousness — I,  Thou,  He.  Providence,  according  to 
pantheism,  is  simply  the  evolution  of  impersonal  deity, 
differing  from  materialism  only  in  the  name  which  it  gives 
to  the  infinite  substance  from  wMch  all  things  flow. 

(3)  Deism  teaches  that  there  is  a  God,  and  that  He 
created  the  world,  but  created  things  do  not  need  His 
presence  and  the  exercise  of  His  power  in  order  to  con- 
tinue in  existence  and  fulfil  their  functions.  The  mate- 
rial world  is  placed  under  immutable  law;  while  man,  the 
rational  and  moral  free  agent,  is  left  to  do  as  he  wills. 
God  sustains,  according  to  deism,  very  much  the  same 
relation  to  the  universe  that  the  clock-maker  does  to 
his  timepiece.  Having  made  his  clock,  and  wound  it  up. 
he  does  not  interfere  with  it,  and  the  longer  it  can  run 
without  the  maker's  intervention  the  greater  the  evi- 


dence of  wisdom  and  skill  on  the  part  of  the  maker.  God 
according  to  deism  has  never  wrought  a  miracle  nor  made 
a  supernatural  revelation  to  man.  The  only  religion  that 
is  possible  to  man  is  natural  reUgion ;  he  may  reason  from 
Nature  up  to  Nature's  God.  The  only  value  of  prayer 
is  its  subjective  influence;   it  helps  us  to  answer  our  own 

?rayers,  to  become  and  be  what  we  are  praying  to  be. 
f  the  Divine  Being  is  a  prayer-hearing  God,  He  is  at 
least  not  a  prayer-answering  God.  The  laws  of  Nature 
constitute  God's  general  providence ;  but  there  is  no  other 
personal  and  special  providence  than  this,  according  to 
deism.  God,  the  deists  afBrm,  is  too  great,  too  distant, 
too  transcendent  a  Being  to  concern  Himself  witli  the 
details  of  creaturely  existence. 

(4)  The  theistic  or  Biblical  conception  of  provi- 
dence teaches  that  God  is  not  only  the  Creator  but 
thePreserver  of  the  universe,  and  that  the  preser- 
vation of  the  universe,  no  less  than  its  creation, 
implies  and  necessitates  at  every  moment  of  time 
an  omnipotent  and  omnipresent  personal  Being. 
This  world  is  not  "governed  by  the  laws  of  Nature," 
as  deism  teaches,  but  it  is  "governed  by  God,  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  of  Nature."  "Law,"  in  itself,  is  an 
impotent  thing,  except  as  it  is  the  expression  of  a 
free  will  or  person  back  of  it;  "the  laws  of  Nature" 
are  meaningless  and  impotent,  except  as  they  are 
an  expression  of  the  uniform  mode,  according  to 
which  God  preserves  and  governs  the  world.  It  is 
customary  to  speak  of  the  laws  of  Nature  as  if  they 
were  certain  self-existent  forces  or  powers  govern- 
ing the  world.  But  shall  we  not  rather  say  that 
there  is  no  real  cause  except  personal  will — either 
the  Divine  will  or  created  wills?  If  this  be  true, 
then  it  is  inconsistent  to  say  that  God  has  committed 
the  government  of  the  physical  universe  to  "second- 
ary causes" — that  is,  to  the  laws  of  Nature — and 
that  these  laws  are  not  immediately  dependent 
upon  Him  for  their  efficiency.  The  omnipresent 
and  ever-active  God  is  the  only  real  force  and  power 
and  cause  in  the  universe,  except  as  created  wills 
may  be  true  and  real  causes  within  their  limited 
bounds.  This  view  of  God's  relation  to  the  created 
universe  serves  to  distinguish  the  Bib.  doctrine  of 
Divine  providence  from  the  teachings  of  material- 
ists and  deists,  who  eliminate  entirely  the  Divine 
hand  from  the  ongoing  of  the  universe,  and  in  its 
stead  make  a  god  of  the  "laws  of  Nature,"  and 
hence  have  no  need  for  a  Divine  preserver.  Bib. 
theism  makes  ample  room  for  the  presence  of  the 
supernatural  and  miraculous,  but  we  must  not  be 
blind  to  a  danger  here,  in  that  it  is  possible  to  make 
so  much  of  the  presence  of  God  in  the  supernatural 
(revelation,  inspiration,  and  miracle)  as  to  over- 
look entirely  His  equally  important  and  necessary 
presence  in  the  natural — which  would  be  to  en- 
courage a  deistical  conception  of  God's  relation  to 
the  world  by  exaggerating  His  transcendence  at 
the  ejcpense  of  His  immanence.  That  is  the  true 
theistic  doctrine  of  providence  which,  while  not 
undervaluing  the  supernatural  and  miraculous,  yet 
stedf  astly  maintains  that  God  is  none  the  less  present 
in,  and  necessary  to,  what  is  termed  the  "natural." 

(5)  The  Divine  Immanence. — This  idea  of  God's 
essential  relation  to  the  continuation  of  all  things  in 
existence  is  perhaps  best  expressed  by  the  term  "im- 
manence." Creation  emphasizes  God's  transcend- 
ence, while  providence  emphasizes  His  immanence. 
Pantheism  affirms  God's  immanence,  but  denies  His 
transcendence.  Deism  affirms  His  transcendence, 
but  denies  His  immanence.  Bib.  theism  teaches  that 
God  is  both  transcendent  and  immanent.  By  the 
term  "transcendence,"  when  applied  to  God,  is 
meant  that  the  Divine  Being  is  a  person,  separate  and 
distinct  from  Nature  and  above  Nature — "Nature" 
being  used  here  in  its  largest  signification  as  including 
all  created  things.  By  the  Divine  Immanence  is 
meant  that  God  is  in  Nature  as  well  as  over  Nature, 
and  that  the  continuance  of  Nature  is  as  directly 
and  immediately  dependent  upon  Him  as  the  origin 
of  Nature — indeed,  by  some,  God's  preservation  of 


Providence 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2482 


the  created  universe  is  defined  as  an  act  of  "con- 
tinuous creation."  By  the  Divine  Immanence  is 
meant  something  more  than  omnipresence,  which 
term,  in  itself  alone,  does  not  affirm  any  causal 
relation  between  God  and  the  thing  to  which  He  is 
present,  whereas  the  term  "immanence"  does  affirm 
such  causal  relation.  By  asserting  the  Divine  Im- 
manence, therefore,  as  the  mode  of  God's  providen- 
tial efficiency,  we  affirm  that  all  created  things  are 
dependent  upon  Him  for  continued  existence,  that 
the  laws  of  Nature  have  no  efficiency  apart  from 
their  Creator  and  Preserver,  that  God  is  to  be 
sought  and  seen  in  all  forms  and  phases  of  creaturely 
existence,  in  the  natural  as  well  as  the  supernatural 
and  miraculous,  that  He  is  not  only  omnipresent 
but  always  and  everjTvhere  active  both  in  the  natu- 
ral and  the  spiritual  world,  and  that  without  Him 
neither  the  material  atom,  nor  the  living  organism, 
nor  the  rational  soul  could  have  any  being.  He  not 
only  created  all  things,  but  "by  him  all  things  con- 
sist," that  is,  by  Him  all  things  are  preserved  in 
being. 

What,  then,  let  us  ask,  do  the  Scriptures  teach 
as  to  the  purpose  and  end  of  God's  providential 

government  of  the  world?  Back  of 
2.  Purpose  this  question  is  another:  What  was 
and  Final  the  Divine  motive  and  supreme 
End  of  thought  in  the  creation  of  the  uni- 

Providence    verse,  and  what   the  final  cause  and 

end  of  all  things  in  the  mind  and  pur- 
pose of  God  ?  If  we  can  think  God's  thoughts  after 
Him  and  discover  this  "final  cause"  of  creation, 
with  even  approximate  accuracy,  then  we  shall  find 
a  principle  that  will  illuminate  at  least,  if  it  does  not 
fully  explain,  the  methods  and  mysteries  of  provi- 
dence. We  venture  to  affirm  that  the  controlling 
thought  in  the  mind  of  God  in  establishing  this 
order  of  things,  of  which  we  are  a  conscious  part, 
was  to  create  a  race  of  beings  who  should  find  their 
highest  happiness  by  being  in  the  highest  degree 
holy,  and  who  should,  in  proportion  as  they  attain 
their  highest  holiness  and  happiness,  thereby  in  the 
highest  degree  glorify  their  Creator.  The  Creator's 
highest  glory  can  be  promoted  only  by  such  beings 
as  are  at  once  rational,  moral,  free,  holy.  There 
are  unconscious,  unthinking,  unmoral  forms  of  ex- 
istence, but  the  motive  and  meaning  of  the  universe 
is  to  be  found,  not  in  the  lower,  the  physical  and 
animal,  but  in  the  highest,  in  the  rational  and  moral. 
The  lower  exists  for  the  higher,  the  material  and 
animal  for  the  spiritual  and  moral.  A  being  whose 
character  is  formed  under  the  conditions  and  laws 
of  intellectual  and  moral  freedom  is  higher  than 
any  being  can  be  that  is  what  it  is  necessitatively, 
that  is,  by  virtue  of  conditions  over  which  it  has  no 
control.  Character  that  is  formed  freely  under 
God's  government  and  guidance  will  glorify  the 
Creator  more  than  anything  can  which  is  made  to 
be  what  it  is  wholly  by  Divine  omnipotence.  These 
things  being  true,  it  follows  that  God's  providence 
in  the  world  will  be  directed  primarily  and  cease- 
lessly toward  developing  character  in  free  moral 
agents,  toward  reducing  sin  to  the  minimum  and 
developing  the  maximum  of  holiness,  in  every  way 
and  by  every  means  compatible  with  perfect  moral 
freedom  in  the  creature. 

The  possibility  of  sin  in  a  world  of  free  agents 
and  in  a  state  of  probation  is  unavoidable,  but  to 
say  that  sin  is  possible  does  not  mean  that  it  is 
necessary.  See  Choice;  Will.  The  final  cause 
and  end,  the  purpose  and  motive,  of  Divine  provi- 
dence, then,  are  not  the  temporal,  material  and 
earthly  happiness  of  men,  but  the  highest  ultimate 
moral  good  of  free  beings  whose  highest  happiness 
is  secured  through  their  highest  holiness — which 
means  first,  their  obedience  to  the  holy  will  of  God 
as   their   Father,   and  secondly,   loving   and   self- 


sacrificing  service  to  their  fellow-men.  This  ever- 
present  and  all-dominating  moral  purpose  of  Divine 
providence  determines  its  methods  and  explains,  in 
part  at  least,  what  would  otherwise  be  its  mysteries. 
With  this  conception  of  Divine  providence  the 
general  trend  of  Bib.  thought  is  in  entire  accord. 
In  the  light  of  Christ's  revelation  of  God  as  a  holy 
and  loving  Father  who  regards  all  men  as  His 
children  and  whose  chief  concern  is  to  develop  holi- 
ness and  love  in  those  whom  He  loves,  we  may 
define  Divine  providence  as  Infinite  Wisdom,  using 
infinite  power  to  accomplish  the  ends  of  infinite 
holiness  and  love.  The  originating  and  determining 
cause  of  Divine  providence  is,  in  the  NT  conception 
of  it,  always  to  be  found  in  the  love  of  God,  while 
the  final  cause  is  the  glory  of  the  Father  as  realized 
in  the  holiness  and  happiness  of  His  children. 

By  the  doctrine  of  special  providence,  according  to  tlie 
best  use  of  that  term  in  theological  Uterature,  is  meant 
as    already   indicated,    that    minute    care 
3    Special       ^^^  ever-watchful  supervision  which  God 
T5*       .J  exercises  over  His  obedient  and  behoving 

JrTOViaence  children  in  things,  both  small  and  great, 
which  are  designed  to  secure  their  ever- 
increasing  holiness  and  usefulness.  God's  general  provi- 
dence is  and  must  be  special,  in  that  it  descends  to  par- 
ticulars— to  the  minute  details  of  creaturely  existence — 
and  is  always  and  everywhere  active.  But  the  Scrip- 
tures teach  that  there  is  a  more  special  care  over  and 
ordering  of  the  lives  of  the  spiritually  good  than  pertains 
to  the  wicked,  who  have  not  the  fear  of  God  before  their 
eyes.  The  following  Scriptures  set  forth  in  unmistakable 
terms  the  doctrine  of  a  special  providence  exercised  by 
the  heavenly  Father  over  and  in  behalf  of  the  righteous: 
"A  man's  goings  are  established  of  Jeh;  and  he  delight- 
eth  in  his  way"  (Ps  37  23);  "In  all  thy  ways  acknowl- 
edge him,  and  he  will  direct  thy  paths"  (Prov  3  6); 
"There  shall  no  mischief  happen  to  the  righteous "  (Prov 
12  21);"  But  seek  ye  first  his  kingdom,  and  his  righteous- 
ness; and  all  these  things  shall  be  added  unto  you"  (Mt 
6  33) ;  "To  them  that  love  God  all  things  work  together 
for  good"  {Rom  8  28).  The  follomng  points  seem  to  be 
plainly  involved  in  any  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  special 
providence  that  can  claim  to  be  faithful  to  the  teachings 
of  the  Scriptures; 

(1)  Spiritual,  not  material,  good  to  man  the  end  souoht 
in  special  providence. — A  mistaken  and  hurtful  notion 
has  long  been  prevalent  to  the  effect  that  special  provi- 
dence is  designed  to  secure  the  secular  and  earthly  good, 
the  material  and  temporal  prosperity,  of  God's  children. 
Nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  truth.  Material  bless- 
ings may  indeed  come  as  a  special  providence  to  the  child 
of  God  (Mt  6  33etal.),  but  that  "good"  which  all  things 
work  together  to  secure  for  them  that  love  God  is  mainly 
spiritual  good,  and  not  financial,  or  social,  or  intellect- 
ual, or  temporal  good,  except  as  these  may  secure  ulti- 
mate spiritual  good.  Indeed,  God's  special  providence 
may  take  away  wealth  and  bring  poverty  in  its  stead  in 
order  to  impart  the  "true  riches."  It  may  defeat  rather 
than  further  one's  worldly  hopes  and  ambitions;  may 
bring  sickness  rather  than  health,  and  even  death  in- 
stead of  life — for  sometimes  a  Christian  can  do  more  good 
by  siclcness  or  death  than  by  health  or  continued  life — 
and  when  that  is  the  case,  his  sickness  or  death  may  well 
be  interpreted  as  a  special  providence.  "Every  branch 
that  bearcth  fruit,  he  purgeth  it,  that  it  may  bring  forth 
more  fruit."  Many  of  the  OT  promises  do.  it  is  true, 
seem  to  have  special  reference  to  material  and  temporal 
blessings,  but  we  should  remember  that  tho  best  inter- 
pretation of  these  is  to  be  found  in  the  NT,  where  they  are 
(as,  for  example,  when  quoted  by  Christ  in  the  Tempta- 
tion) interpreted  as  having  mainly  a  spiritual  significance. 
When  Our  Lord  speaks  of  the  very  hairs  of  our  heads 
being  numbered,  and  declares  that  if  a  sparrow  cannot 
fall  to  the  ground  without  the  Father's  notice,  surely  we, 
who  are  of  more  value  than  many  sparrows,  cannot  drift 
beyond  His  love  and  care.  His  words  might  be  inter- 
preted as  teaching  that  God  will  save  us  from  physical 
suffering  and  death;  but  such  is  not  His  meaning,  for 
in  tho  very  same  context  He  speaks  of  how  they  to  whom 
He  thus  pledges  His  love  and  care  shall  be  persecuted  and 
hated  for  His  name's  sake,  and  how  some  of  them  shall 
be  put  to  death;  and  yet  His  promise  was  true.  God 
was  with  them  in  their  physical  sufferings,  but  the  great 
blessing  wherewith  He  blessed  them  was  not  physical,  . 
but  moral  and  spiritual. 

(2)  Special  providence  and  "accidents." — Another  Still 
more  mistaken  and  hurtful  notion  concerning  special 
providence  is  the  association  of  it  with,  and  the  limitation 
of  it  largely  to,  what  are  caUed  "accidents,"  those  irregu- 
lar and  occasional  occurrences  which  involve  more  than 
ordinary  danger  and  risk  to  life.  The  popular  notion  of 
special  providence  associates  it  with  a  happy  escape  from 
visible  dangers  and  serious  injury,  as  when  the  house 
catches  on  fire,  or  the  horses  run  away,  or  the  train  ia 


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Providence 


wrecked,  or  the  ship  encounters  an  awlul  storm,  or  one 
comes  in  contact  with  contagious  disease  or  the  terrible 
pestilence  that  walketh  in  darkness.  A  happy  escape 
from  injury  and  death  on  such  an  occasion  is  popularly 
designated  as  a  "special  providence,"  and  this  regardless 
of  whether  the  individual  thus  escaping  is  a  saint  or  a 
sinner.  We  cannot  too  strongly  emphasize  the  fact  that 
God's  special  providence  is  not  a  capricious,  occasional, 
and  irregular  intervention  of  His  love  and  power  in  behalf 
of  His  children,  but  involves  ceaseless — yea  infinite — 
thought  and  care  for  those  that  love  Him,  everjTvhere  and 
in  all  the  experiences  of  life. 

(3)  Special  providence  as  related  to  piety  and  prayer. — 
God's  special  providence  is  conditioned  upon  piety  and 
prayer,  though  it  far  transcends,  in  the  blessings  it  brings, 
the  specific  requests  of  His  children.  While  we  may 
properly  pray  for  things  pertaining  to  our  temporal  and 
physical  life  with  the  assurance  that  God  will  answer  such 
prayers  in  so  far  as  He  deems  best,  yet  the  Scriptures 
encourage  us  to  mako  spiritual  blessings  the  main  object 
of  our  prayers.  "Seek  ye  first  his  kingdom,  and  his 
righteousness."  is  the  essence  of  the  N'T  teaching  on 
this  subject:  but  we  should  not  overlook  the  fact  that 
this  Divine  injunction  is  both  preceded  and  followed  by 
the  strongest  assurances  of  the  most  minute  and  ceaseless 
provision  for  all  our  temporal  and  physical  wants  by  the 
loving  heavenly  Father.  "Therefore  take  no  thought 
saying.  What  shall  we  eat?  or.  What  shall  we  drink?  or. 
Wherewithal  shall  we  be  clothed  ?  .  .  .  .  For  your 
heavenly  Father  knoweth  that  ye  have  need  of  all  these 
things.  But  seek  ye  first  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  his 
righteousness:  and  all  these  things  shall  be  added  unto 
you,"  AV.  In  keeping  with  this  Scripture,  the  poet  has 
written: 

"Make  you  His  service  your  delight: 
Your  wants  shall  be  His  care." 
But  while  it  is  true  that  God  has  promised  to  make  our 
wants  His  care,  we  should  remember  that  He  has  prom- 
ised this  only  to  that  devout  and  godly  number  of  pious, 
graying  souls  who  "seek  first  the  kingdom  of  God,  and 
is  righteousness."  His  general  providence  is  alike  to 
all,  by  which  "he  maketh  his  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil  and 
on  the  good,  and  sendeth  rain  on  the  just  and  on  the  un- 
just." But  it  is  only  "to  them  that  love  God"  that  it 
is  promised  that  "all  things  work  together  for  good" — 
and  the  proof  of  love  is  not  in  one's  profession,  but  in 
his  obedience  and  service. 

(4)  Special  providence  as  related  to  human  cooperation. 
— The  words  of  Clirist  concerning  the  heavenly  Father's 
watchful  and  loving  providence  do  not  mean  that  the 
children  of  God  are  not  in  any  sense  to  take  thought  for 
food  and  raiment,  and  ial^or  daily  to  obtain  the  necessi- 
ties of  life.  Labor,  both  mental  and  physical,  is  as  mucli 
a  duty  as  prayer.  The  prayer,  "Give  us  this  day  our 
daily  bread,"  does  not  render  it  unnecessary  that  they 
who  offer  it  should  work  for  their  own  daily  bread. 
Nothing  could  be  more  hurtful  to  healthful  Christian 
activity  than  to  interpret  Our  Lord's  insistence,  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  and  elsewhere,  upon  trust  in  the 
heavenly  Father's  watchful  providence  as  a  justification 
of  thoughtlessness,  idleness,  and  improvidence:  seeing 
that  its  purpose  is  simply  to  warn  us  against  that  need- 
less and  hurtful  anxiety  about  the  future  which  is  not 
only  inconsistent  with  trust  in  God,  but  which  is  utterly 
destructive  of  man's  best  efforts  in  his  own  behalf. 

(5)  General  and  special  ■providence  both  equally 
Divine. — While  the  Scriptures  appear  to  us  to  malce 
a  real  and  true  distinction  between  God's  natural 
and  His  supernatural  order,  and  between  His  general 
and  His  special  providence,  yet  to  truly  pious  and 
wisely  discerning  souls  all  is  alike  Divine,  the  natu- 
ral as  well  as  the  supernatural,  general  as  well  as 
special  providence.  So  far  as  God's  faithful  and 
loving  children  are  concerned,  general  and  special 
providence  blend  into  one.  The  only  real  and  im- 
portant distinction  between  the  two  is  that  made 
by  the  free  wills  of  men,  by  virtue  of  which  some 
are  in  loving  accord  with  the  Divine  plans  concern- 
ing them,  and  others  are  at  enmity  with  God  and 
oppose  the  purpose  of  His  love  concernmg  them 
If  all  men  wore,  and  had  always  been,  alike  trustful 
and  loving  children  of  the  heavenly  Father^  there 
would  perhaps  never  have  been  any  occasion  for 
making  a  distinction  between  the  general  and  the 
special  providence  of  God.  The  only  distmction 
we  should  have  needed  to  recognize  in  that  case 
would  have  been  as  to  the  varieties  of  Divme  provi- 
dence, in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  all-loving  Father 
would  cause  widely  different  events  to  happen  to 
His  different  children.  If  anyone,  therefore,  is  m- 
clined  to  deny  the  distinction  which  we  have  here 
made  between  general  and  special  providence,  and 


prefers  to  affirm  that  there  is  but  one  general  provi- 
dential order  over  mankind  in  the  world,  that  the 
distinction  is  in  man  and  not  in  God's  providence, 
his  position  cannot  be  seriously  objected  to,  pro- 
vided he  does  not  thereby  moan  that  the  world  is 
governed  by  impersonal  and  immutable  laws,  but 
will  affirm  with  clearness  and  confidence  that  the 
world  is  governed  by  the  all-loving,  all-wise,  omni- 
present, and  everywhere-active  God.  For,  indeed, 
the  only  thing  that  is  really  "special"  and  out  of 
order  is  the  limitation  which  sin  imposes  upon  the 
workings  of  Divine  providence  in  so  far  as  the  self- 
will  and  opposition  of  men  prevent  the  realization 
of  the  providential  purposes  of  God  concerning 
them.  But,  unfortunately,  sin  is  now,  and  has 
long  been,  so  prevalent  and  dominant  in  the  world 
that  we  have  come  to  regard  God's  providence  as 
affected  and  limited  by  it,  as  that  which  is  regular 
and  general^,  and  His  more  perfect  and  complete 
providence  m  behalf  of  and  over  the  good  as  the 
exceptional  and  special.  But  whether  we  call 
Divine  providence,  as  related  to  believers,  "general" 
or  "special,"  is  of  little  consequence,  provided  we 
believe  that  "the  steps  of  a  good  man  are  ordered 
by  the  Lord"  (Ps  37  23  AV),  that  "all  things  work 
together  for  [spiritual]  good  to  them  that  love  God," 
and  that  to  those  who,  duly  subordinating  the 
temporal  to  the  spiritual,  seek  "first  the  kingdom  of 
God  and  his  righteousness,"  all  things  needful 
"shall  be  added"  by  the  heavenly  Father. 

The  problem  of  Divine  providence  has  its  utmost 
significance,  not  in  its  bearing  on  the  laws  of  physi- 
cal nature,  but  in  that  phase  of  it 
4.  Divine  which  concerns  God's  dealings  with 
Providence  moral  agents,  those  creatures  who 
and  Human  may,  and  often  do,  act  contrary  to 
Free  Will  His  will.  God  governs  men  as  a 
father  governs  his  children,  as  a  king 
governs  his  free  subjects;  not  as  a  machinist  works 
his  machine,  or  as  a  hypnotist  controls  his  mesmer- 
ized victims.  A  father  in  his  family  and  a  sovereign 
in  his  realm  may  each  do  as  he  pleases  within 
certain  limits,  and  God  infinitely  more:  "He 
doeth  according  to  his  will  in  the  army  of  heaven, 
and  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth ;  and  none 
can  stay  his  hand,  or  say  unto  him.  What  doest 
thou?"  (Dnl  4  3.5).  He  setteth  up  one  andputteth 
down  another.  Nevertheless,  even  God  acts  within 
limits;  He  limited  Himself  when  He  created  free 
agents.  As  a  mere  matter  of  power  God  can  pre- 
determine man's  volitions  and  necessitate  his  acts, 
but  He  can  do  so  only  by  making  of  him  a  kind  of 
rational  machine,  and  destroying  his  true  freedom. 
But  Scripture,  reason  and  consciousness  all  unite 
in  teaching  man  that  he  is  morally  free,  that  he  is 
an  agent,  and  not  something  merely  acted  on. 
God's  providential  government  of  men,  therefore,  is 
based  on  their  freedom  as  rational  a,nd  moral  beings, 
and  consists  in  such  an  administration  and  guidance 
by  the  Holy  Spirit  of  the  affairs  of  men  as  shall  en- 
courage free  moral  agents  to  virtue,  and  discourage 
them  from  sin.  God's  providence  must  needs  work 
upon  and  with  two  kinds  of  wills — willing  wills  and 
opposing  wills. 

(1)  Divine  providence  as  related  to  willing  wills. — The 
apostle  declares  that  God  works  in  believers  ' '  both  to  will 
and  to  do  of  his  good  pleasure."  If  God's  special  provi- 
dence over  and  in  behalf  of  His  children  may  involve  an 
intervention  of  His  Divine  power  within  the  realm  of 
physical  law,  much  more,  it  would  seem,  will  it  Involve 
a  similar  intervention  within  the  realm  of  the  human 
mind  and  the  htmian  will.  Spiritual  guidance  is  one 
of  the  most  precious  privileges  of  believers,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  how  the  Holy  Spirit  can  effectually 
guide  a  believer  without  finding  some  way  of  controlling 
his  will  and  determining  his  voUtions  that  is  compatible 
with  free  agency.  While  most  of  man's  thoughts,  erno- 
tions  and  voUtions  are  self-determined  in  their  origin, 
being  due  to  the  free  and  natural  workings  of  his  own 
mind  and  heart  and  will,  yet  there  are  also  thoughts, 


Providence 
Province 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2484 


emotions  and  volitions  that  are  Divinely  produced.  Even 
a  sinner  under  conviction  of  sin  has  thoughts  and  emo- 
tions that  are  produced  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  Much  more 
has  the  believer  Divinely  produced  thoughts  and  feeUngs; 
and  if  Divinely  produced  thoughts  and  feelings,  there 
may  be,  in  like  manner,  it  would  seem.  Divinely  produced 
volitions.  Does  this  seem  irreconcilable  with  the  fact 
of  moral  free  agency  ?  We  think  not ;  it  is  no  more  sub- 
versive of  human  free  agency  for  God  to  influence  effect- 
ively a  man's  voUtions  and  secure  a  certain  course  of 
action  than  it  is  for  one  man  effectively  to  influence 
another.  No  volition  that  is  Divinely  necessitated  can 
be  a  free  moral  volition;  for  moral  volitions  are  such  as 
are  put  forth  freely,  in  view  of  motives  and  moral  ends. 
The  element  of  necessity  and  compulsion  would  destroy 
ail  true  freedom  in,  and  moral  accountability  for,  any 
particular  volition,  so  that  it  could  not  be  either  virtuous 
or  vicious.  But — and  here  is  the  crucial  point — ^whcn  a 
man,  by  an  act  of  his  own  will,  freely  commits  the  order- 
ing of  his  life  to  God,  and  prays  God  to  choose  for  him 
what  is  best,  working  in  him  both  to  will  and  to  do.  that 
act  of  self -commitment  to  God  involves  the  very  essence 
of  moral  freedom,  and  is  the  highest  exercise  of  free 
agency.  "Our  wills  are  ours  to  make  them  Tliine," 
the  poet  has  truly  said.  In  other  words,  the  highest 
moral  act  of  man's  free  will  is  the  surrender  of  itself  to 
the  Divine  will;  and  whatever  control  of  man's  will  on 
God's  part  results  from  and  follows  this  free  act  of  self- 
surrender  is  entirely  consistent  with  perfect  moral  free- 
dom, even  though  it  should  involve  Divinely  produced 
voUtions.  Does  a  perplexed  child  cease  to  be  free  when 
in  the  exercise  of  his  freedom  he  asks  a  wise  and  loving 
father  to  decide  a  matter  for  him,  and  be  his  guide  in 
attaining  a  certain  desired  end?  Surely  not;  and  this 
Intervention  of  parental  wisdom  and  love  is  none  the  less 
effective  if  It  should  work,  as  far  as  possible,  through  the 
mind  and  wiU  of  the  child,  rather  than  allow  the  child 
to  be  entirely  passive.  So  God  works  effectually  through 
the  mind  and  will  of  every  soul  who  unreservedly  commits 
himself  to  the  Divine  will — commits  himself  not  once 
simply,  but  continually.  God  cannot  under  the  Divinely 
appointed  laws  of  freedom  work  in  and  through  the 
sinner  *'  both  to  will  and  to  do,"  because  the  sinner's  will 
is  bent  on  evil,  and  hence  opposed  to  the  Divine  will. 
God's  wiU  can  work,  not  with,  but  only  against,  a  sinful 
will;  and  if  it  should  so  work  and  necessitate  his  voli- 
tions, that  would  destroy  his  true  freedom.  But,  if  God 
should  work  in  and  through  an  obedient  and  acquiescent 
will  that  is  seeking  Divine  guidance,  that  would  be  an 
exercise  of  Divine  power  in  no  way  incompatible  with 
the  true  moral  freedom  of  men.  Such  is  the  influence, 
as  we  conceive  it,  of  the  Divine  upon  the  human  will  in 
providence.  God's  providence  works  effectively  only 
through  willing  wills. 

(2)  Divine  providence  as  related  to  sinful  free  will. — • 
But  God's  providence  encounters  opposing  as  well  as 
willing  wills.  Not  every  unconverted  man,  however, 
represents  an  equally  antagonistic  will — there  are  differ- 
ent degrees  of  opposition.  That  God's  gracious  and 
special  providence  in  behalf  of  an  individual  often  ante- 
dates his  forsaking  sin  and  his  acceptance  of  Christ  as  a 
personal  Saviour  is  manifest  to  every  student  of  Christian 
biography.  Tvluch  of  the  best  training  that  many  a 
"chosen  vessel"  ever  receives  for  his  life-work  turns  out 
to  be  that  unconscious  providential  preparation  which 
he  was  receiving  under  a  Father's  guidance  before  he  con- 
sciously consecrated  himself  to  his  Divine  Master.  "I 
girded  thee,  though  thou  hast  not  known  me,"  said  God  to 
Cyrus — and  on  this  text  Horace  BushneU  preached  one 
of  the  greatest  of  modern  sermons  on  Divine  providence, 
taking  as  his  theme,  "Every  man's  life  a  plan  of  God." 
If  this  be  true  of  a  Christian  man,  that  even  before  his 
conversion  the  Holy  Spirit  was  seeking  him,  and  even 
preparing  him.  as  far  as  was  then  possible,  for  fulfilling 
the  "plan  of  God"  in  his  life,  is  it  not  in  aU  probability 
equally  true  that  the  Hol;^  Spirit  and  the  good  provi- 
dence of  God  were  working  in  behalf  of  other  sinners  who 
persisted  to  the  end  in  rebellion  against  God  ?  Such  is 
the  power  of  moral  free  agency  with  which  God  has  en- 
dowed man  that  the  created  free  agent  can  defeat  the 
plan  of  Infinite  Love  concerning  his  life,  and  frustrate 
the  workings  of  providence  in  his  behalf  ( Jer  18). 
Whether  a  free  moral  agent,  then,  shall  allow  God's 
providential  plans  to  be  wrought  out  for  him  or  not, 
depends  upon  his  own  free  will.  It  is  said  of  the  Divine 
Christ  that  He  could  not  do  many  mighty  works  in  a 
certain  city  because  of  their  imbelicf  aiid  opposition. 
In  like  manner  Divine  providence  is  conditioned  and 
Umited  by  a  sinful  free  will. 

That  the  Bib.  writers  do  not  regard  the  existence 
of  evil  as  a  valid  objeotion  to  Divine  providence  ia 
evident  to  every  student  of  the  Scriptures.  Indeed, 
it  is  in  working  good  out  of  what  the  world  accounts 
evil  that  Divine  providence  accomplishes  many  of 
its  most  salutary  and  beneficent  ends  in  behalf  of 
the  good.  That  natural  or  physical  evil  (poverty, 
sickness,  suffering,  etc)  is  one  of  the  mightiest 
agencies  in  the  hands  of  God  for  restraining  and 


correcting  moral  evil  and  for  working  out  moral 
and  spiritual  good  to  fallen  and  sinful  men,  adniits 
of  easy  demonstration.  For  the  exist- 
5.  Divine  ence  in  the  world  of  moral  evil  (sin), 
Providence  man,  the  moral  free  agent,  is  wholly 
as  Related  responsible.  God  could  prevent  moral 
to  Natural  free  agents  from  sinning  only  by  not 
and  Moral  creating  them,  or  else  by  placing 
Evil  their  wills  under  irresistible  Divine  re- 

straint and  compulsion.  But  the  lat- 
ter method  of  controlling  them  would  virtually 
destroy  their  real  and  true  freedom ;  and  if  this  were 
done,  then  not  only  all  sin,  but  all  virtue  and  holiness 
as  attributes  of  free  beings  would  be  thereby  rendered 
impossible  in  men;  for  only  such  beings  can  put 
forth  free  holy  volitions  as  can  put  forth  free  sinful 
volitions.  If  man  had  never  sinned,  there  would 
probably  have  never  been  such  a  large  providential 
use  of  natural  or  physical  evil  as  at  present  prevails; 
and  this  because  of  the  fact  that  an  unfallen  and 
holy  race  of  beings  would  not  have  needed  the 
presence  of  natural  evil  to  secure  their  highest  moral 
development.  But  a  fallen  and  sinful  race  does 
need  such  an  agency  to  bring  it  back  to  God  and  to 
develop  holy  character  and  the  highest  moral 
service.  It  is  not  true  that  sin  is  now  always  or 
even  generally  the  immediate  cause  of  an  indi- 
vidual's suffering  physical  evil,  or  that  extraor- 
dinary suffering  is  a  proof  of  extraordinary  sin. 
"Master,  who  did  sin,"  asked  the  disciples,  "this  man, 
or  his  parents,  that  he  was  born  blind?  Jesus 
answered,  Neither  hath  this  man  sinned,  nor  his 
parents:  but  that  the  works  of  God  should  be  made 
manifest  in  him"  (Jn  9  2.3AV).  Human  suffering  is 
for  man's  spiritual  good  and  for  the  Divine  glory, 
as  shown  in  working  good  out  of  evil — this  is  the 
explanation  which  the  Master  gives  as  to  why  natu- 
ral evil  is  permitted  or  sent  by  God.  It  is  not  only  a 
powerful,  but,  in  a  world  like  ours,  a  necessary  agency 
for  the  correction  and  cure  of  moral  evil  and  for  the 
spiritual  development  of  fallen  man.  *'Before  I 
was  afflicted  I  went  astray;  but  now  I  observe  thy 

word It  is  good  for  me  that  I  have   been 

afflicted;  that  I  may  learn  thy  statutes"  (Ps  119 
67.71);  "Every  branch  that  beareth  fruit,  he 
cleanseth  it,  that  it  may  bear  more  fruit"  (Jn  15  2). 
The  saintly  and  eminently  useful  men  and  women 
of  history  have,  as  a  rule,  had  to  undergo  a  severe 
discipline  and  to  endure  many  and  severe  trials, 
and  were  made  perfect  only  by  their  sufferings. 
Divine  providence  thus  turns  much  of  the  world's 
natural  and  physical  evil  into  moral  good. 

Many  of  the  things  that  befall  the  children  of  God  are 
directly  due  to  the  sins  of  other  men.     That  good  men, 
even  the  very  best  of  men.  suffer  many 
6    Evil  things  at  the  hands  of  wicked  men  admits 

■p*       .  ,  of   no  question;     and   yet   these  ills    are 

J^roviuen-  among  the  ' '  all  things  "  which  are  declared 
tially  Over-  by  the  apostle  to  work  together  for  good 
ruled  for  ^^  them  that  love  God.  The  good  that 
^      J  may  ensue  to  good  men  from  the  evil  con- 

ijooa  duct  of  the  wicked  is  certainly  not  due  to 

the  intrinsic  power  in  sin  to  work  good  to 
those  against  whom  it  is  maliciously  directed;  it  can 
only  be  due  to  the  fact  that  God  overrules  it  for  the 
good  of  the  innocent.  "As  for  you,"  said  Joseph,  "ye 
meant  evil  against  me;  but  God  meant  it  for  good" 
(Gen  50  20);  "The  things  which  happened  unto  me," 
said  Paul,  "have  fallen  out  rather  xmto  the  progress  of 
the  gospel"  (Phil  1  12).  God,  though  foreknowing  the 
evil  that  wicked  men  areplanning  to  work  against  His 
children,  may  not  preventit;  and  this  because  He  can  and 
will  overrule  it  for  His  glory  and  for  their  good,  if  they 
abide  faithful.  But,  suppose  a  good  man  is  not  simply 
injured,  but  killed  by  the  wicked,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
martyrs  that  died  at  the  stake — does  the  principle  still 
hold  good  ?  It  does,  we  answer;  the  saint  who  dies  in 
the  discharge  of  duty  and  because  of  his  fidehty  to  duty 
is  not  only  assured,  by  all  the  promises  of  revelation,  of 
a  happy  immortaUty,  but  he  has  the  rare  privilege  of 
serving  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  God  by  his  death  as 
well  as  by  his  life.  God's  kingdom  is  advanced  in  mani- 
fold ways  by  the  death  of  good  men.  Is  not  "the  blood 
of  the  martyrs  the  seed  of  the  church"  ?     But  we  need 


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Providence 
Province 


here  again  to  remark  that  it  is  not  material  and  tem- 
poral, but  moral  and  spiritual  good,  that  God  has  guar- 
anteed to  His  holy,  loving  and  faithful  children.  If  sin 
had  an  intrinsic  power  to  worl<  good,  thoy  would  be  right 
who  maintain  that  "  the  end  justiflos  the  means,  and  one, 
may  do  evil  when  good  will  come  of  it"  (cf  Rom  3  8); 
and  they  also  would  be  right  who  maintain  that  God  is 
the  author  of  evil,  seeing  that  evil  is,  on  that  supposition, 
only  disguised  good — propositions  which  are  thoroughly 
vicious  and  subversive  of  all  that  is  good  in  man  or  Gocl. 
The  Scriptures,  rightly  interpreted,  nowhere  lend  them- 
selves to  such  false  and  misleading  etliics  (cf  Isa  45  7). 

To  what  extent  may  we,  having  studied  God's  provi- 
dential methods  as  revealed  in  the  Scriptures,  in  Nature, 

in  human  history,  and  in  personal  expe- 
7.  Interpret-  rionce,  venture  to  interpret  providence  as 
:„„  Provi  ^^  applies  to  current  events  in  our  own  lives 
"•6 -^'"vi-  and  in  the  lives  of  others  ?  Experienceand 
aence  observation  will  warn  us  both  against  haste 

and  against  too  great  confidence  in  our  in- 
terpretations of  providence.  Hasty  misinterpretations  of 
providence  in  its  bearing  on  present  passing  events  fre- 
quently become  fruitful  sources  of  skepticism  for  the 
future.  Some  people  are  much  given  to  interpreting 
providence.  Certain  ills  or  misfortunes  come  to  a  bad 
man;  they  are  quick  to  assert  that  it  is  a  Divine  judg- 
ment sent  upon  him  in  view  of  his  sin.  Certain  blessings 
come  to  a  good  man;  they  are  sure  the  blessings  arc 
heaven-sent  in  view  of  his  extraordinary  piety.  A 
whiskey  merchant's  store  bums  down:  it  is,  say  they, 
a  Divine  judgment,  in  view  of  his  ill-gotten  gains.  But 
presently  the  property  of  an  unquestionably  pious  and 
consecrated  man  is  swept  away  by  the  flames:  where 
now  is  the  providence?  The  "oracles"  fail  to  explain; 
and  so  they  do  in  innumerable  other  cases:  as,  for  ex- 
ample, when  two  meuia  saint  and  a  sinner,  are  prostrated 
on  beds  of  sickness.  The  former,  in  spite  of  prayer  and 
piety,  continues  to  grow  worse,  and  perliaps  dies ;  while 
the  other,  without  piety  or  prayer,  is  restored  to  health. 
God  has  not  made  us  interpreters  of  His  providences 
except  lor  our.selves ;  and  even  much  of  that  which  we 
sincerely  beheve  comes  to  us  in  a  graciously  providential 
manner  we  can  well  afford  to  keep  as  a  sacred  secret  be- 
tween ourselves  and  our  God,  seeing  that  God  has  not 
furnished  us  with  any  means  of  absolutely  proving  that 
what  has  happened  to  us  might  not  have  happened,  under 
similar  circumstances,  even  to  sinful  men.  Many  a 
Christian  man  comes  to  see  that  the  ill  that  has  happened 
to  him — the  loss  of  property,  the  terrible  spell  of  sicl^- 
ness,  and  the  like — things  that,  at  the  time,  he  would 
not  interpret  as  providential — are  among  the  best  things 
that  were  ever  sent  upon  him,  in  that  they  made  him 
holier  and  more  useful  (cf  Jn  13  ■?)■ 

"  Blind  unbelief  is  sure  to  err. 
And  scan  His  work  in  vain; 
God  is  His  own  interpreter 
And  He  will  make  it  plain." 
There  are,  however,  many  evident  truths  "writ  large" 
on  the  pages  of  liistory,  in  the  rise,  decline  and  fall  of 
kingdoms  and  nations,  which  he  who  runs  may  read. 
And  to  him  who  truly  believes  in  the  God  and  Father  of 
Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  who  will  duly  consider  all  the 
facts  and  lessons  of  life,  in  himself  and  others,  in  indi- 
viduals and  in  nations,  and  not  for  a  day  merely  but 
patiently  as  the  years  come  and  go,  it  will  be  made  plain 
that  "God's  in  His  heaven— All's  right  with  the  world," 
and  that  all  things  work  together  for  the  spiritual  good  of 
those  who  love  God  and  who  prove  their  love  for  Him  by 
serving  their  feUow-men. 

We  conclude,  then,  that  there  is,  according  to  the 
Scriptures,  an  ever-watchful  providence  exercised 

by  the  heavenly  Father  over  His 
8.  Conclu-  faithful  and  loving  children,  which  is 
sion  ceaselessly    working    to    secure    their 

ever-increasing  holiness  and  usefulness 
here,  and  their  perfect  happiness  in  a  future  state  of 
existence.  To  prepare  rational  and  immortal  free 
agents  through  holiness  and  usefulness  here  for 
happiness  hereafter  is  the  aim  and  end  of  this  all- 
embracing  providence  of  God,  which  includes  within 
its  loving  care  every  human  being  except  such  as 
exclude  themselves  therefrom  by  their  own  wilful 
and  persistent  sinning.  And  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  end,  what  the  world  counts  as  the  mis- 
fortunes and  ills  of  life  often  contribute  far  more 
than  what,  in  the  estimation  of  men,  are  accounted 
the  greatest  earthly  blessings.  There  is  no  provi- 
dential highway  to  a  state  here  that  is  free  from  life  s 
ills,  and  that  abounds  in  temporal  and  earthly 
blessings  to  the  good.  But  there  is  a  royal  and  holy 
highway,  along  which  moves  a  providential  pillar 
of  cloud  by  day  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night,  leading 
the  children  of  the  covenant,  through  lives  of  loving 


service  and  sacrifice,  to  a  holy  land  of  promise,  the 
goal  of  a  gracious  providence ;  and  they  who  journey 
along  this  highway  bear  this  seal:  "The  Lord 
knoweth  them  that  are  his:  And,  Let  everyone  that 
nameth  the  name  of  Christ  depart  from  iniquity" 
(2  Tim  2  19  AV).  They  who  bear  this  seal  are  the 
Divinely  chosen  instruments  and  agents  of  that 
larger  and  wider  providence  that  is  ever  working 
to  establish  a  perfect  kingdom  of  righteousness  in 
the  whole  earth,  that  kingdom  of  God,  to  inaugurate 
which,  in  its  Messianic  form.  Our  Lord  became 
incarnate,  and  to  consummate  which,  in  its  final 
and  perfect  form.  He  reigns  from  heaven  and  will 
continue  to  reign  until,  having  "put  all  enemies 
under  his  feet,"  He  shall  "deliver  up  the  kingdom  to 
God,  even  the  Father" — when  the  poet's  vision 
shall  be  realized  of 

" That  God  who  ever  lives  and  loves; 
One  God,  one  law,  one  element. 
And  one  far-off  Divine  event, 
To  which  the  whole  creation  moves." 

Literature. — James  Orr,  The  Christian  View  of  God 
and  ike  World;  A.  B.  Bruce,  The  Providential  Order  of 
the  World;  James  McCosh,  The  Method  of  Divine  Gov- 
ernment; James  Hinton,  The  Mystery  of  Pain;  John  Tel- 
ford, Man's  Partnership  with  Divine  Providence;  .W.  N. 
Clarke,  The  Christian  Doctrine  of  God  and  An  Outline 
of  Christian  TheoloQy;  W.  B.  Pope,  Compendium  of 
Christian  Theology;  A.  L.  Lilley,  Adventus  Regni;  Oehler, 
Theology  of  the  OT;  Wendt,  The  Teaching  of  Jesus; 
George  B.  Stevens,  The  Pauline  Theology;  B.  P.  Gould, 
The  Bib.  Theology  of  the  NT;  T.  Jackson,  The  Provi- 
dence of  God  Viewed  in  the  Light  of  the  Holy  Scripture; 
H.  M.  Gwatkin,  The  Knowledge  of  God;  Lux  Mundi: 
Preparation  in  History  for  Christ;  J.  Flavell,  Divine 
Conduct,  or  the  Mystery  of  Providence;  O.  D.  "VVatldns, 
The  Divine  Providence;  Borden  P.  Bowne,  The  Imma- 
nence of  God, 

Wilbur  F.  Tillbtt 
PROVINCE,  prov'ins  (nj'i'lTa,  m'dhinah,  "juris- 
diction"; ewapxta,  eparc/iia  [EV  province]  [Acts  23 
M;  25  1]): 

1 .  Meaning  of  the  Term 

2.  Roman  Provincial  Administration 

(1)  First  Period 

(2)  Second  Period 

(3)  Third  Period 

3.  Division  of  Provinces 

4.  Province  of  Judaea 

5.  Revenue 
Literature 

Province  {prouincia)  did  not  originally  denote  a 
territorial  circumscription  in  Rom  usage,  since  the 
employment  of  the  word  was  much 
1.  Meaning  more  ancient  than  any  of  the  con- 
of  the  Term  quests  of  the  Romans  outside  of  Italy. 
In  the  most  comprehensive  official 
sense  it  signified  a  magistrate's  sphere  of  adminis- 
trative action,  which  in  one  instance  might  be  the 
direction  of  jurisdiction  at  Rome,  in  another  the 
management  of  military  operations  against  a  par- 
ticular hostile  community.  Wben  the  imperium 
was  conferred  upon  two  consuls  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Republic,  and  upon  a  praetor  in  367  BC,  and 
finally  upon  a  second  praetor  in  241  BC,  it  became 
necessary  in  practice  to  define  their  individual  com- 
petence which  was  unlimited  in  theory.  When  the 
Romans  extended  their  control  over  lands  situated 
outside  of  Italy,  it  became  expedient  to  fix  terri- 
torial limits  to  the  exercise  of  authority  by  the 
magistrates  who  were  regularly  sent  abroad,  so 
that  provincia  signified  henceforth  in  an  abstract 
sense  the  rule  of  the  governor,  and  in  a  concrete 
sense  the  specified  region  intrusted  to  his  care;  and 
with  the  development  and  consolidation  of  the 
Rom  system  of  administration,  the  geographical 
meaning  o£  the  word  became  more  and  more  sig- 
nificant. 

The  history  of  Rom  provincial  adrninistration 
in  the  more  definite  sense  commences  in  227  BC, 
when  four  praetors  were  elected  for  the  first  time, 
of  whom  two  were  assigned  to  the  government  of 


Province 
Psalms,  Book  of 


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2486 


the  provinces.     Three  periods  may  be  distinguished 
in  tlie  history  of  the  system  of  provincial  adminis- 
tration:   (1)  from  227  BC  to  Sulla,  (2) 

2.  Roman      from   Sulla  to  Augustus,  and  (3)  the 
Provincial      Empire. 

Adminis-  (1)    First  period. — During  the  first 

tration  period,    provision   was   made   for   the 

government  of  the  provinces  by  means 
of  special  praetors,  or,  in  exceptional  circumstances, 
by  consuls,  during  their  term  of  office.  Accord- 
ingly, the  number  of  praetors  was  increased  from 
four  in  227  BC  to  eight  at  the  time  of  Sulla. 

(2)  Second  period. — In  accordance  with  the  re- 
forms of  Sulla  all  the  consuls  and  praetors  remained 
at  Rome  during  their  year  of  office,  and  were  in- 
trusted with  the  administration  of  provinces  a  sub- 
sequent year  with  the  title  proconsul  (pro  consule) 
or  propraetor  {pro  praetore).  The  proconsuls  were 
sent  to  the  more  important  provinces.  The  senate 
determined  the  distinction  between  consular  and 
praetorian  provinces  and  generally  controlled  the 
assignment  of  the  provinces  to  the  ex-magistrates. 
Julius  Caesar  increased  the  praetors  to  sixteen,  but 
Augustus  reduced  them  to  twelve. 

(3)  Third  period. — In  27  BC,  Augustus  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Rom  army  definitely  assumed 
the  administration  of  all  provinces  which  required 
the  presence  of  military  forces  and  left  the  other 
provinces  to  the  control  of  the  senate.  There  were 
then  twelve  imperial  and  ten  senatorial  provinces, 
but  all  provinces  added  after  27  BC  came  under 
imperial  administration.  The  emperor  adminis- 
tered his  provinces  through  the  agency  of  personal 
delegates,  legati  Augusti  of  senatorial,  and  prae- 
fecti  or  procuratores  of  equestrian,  rank.  The  term 
of  their  service  was  not  uniform,  but  continued 
usually  for  more  than  a  single  year.  The  sena- 
torial administration  was  essentially  a  continuation 
of  the  post-SuUan,  republican  regime.  The  sena- 
torial governors  were  called  proconsuls  generally, 
whether  they  were  of  consular  or  praetorian  rank; 
but  Africa  and  Asia  alone  were  reserved  for  ex- 
consuls,  the  eight  remaining  senatorial  provinces 
being  attributed  to  ex-praetors.  The  financial 
administration  of  each  imperial  province  was  in- 
trusted to  a  procurator,  that  of  each  senatorial 
province  to  a  quaestor. 

The  provinces  were  divided  into  smaller  circum- 
scriptions [civitates)  for  the  purposes  of  local  govern- 
ment.    In  the  older  provinces  these 

3.  Division   districts  corresponded  generally  with 
of  Provinces  the  urban  communities  which  had  been 

the  units  of  sovereignty  before  the 
advent  of  the  Romans.  Under  Rom  rule  they  were 
divided  into  different  classes  on  the  basis  of  their 
dignity  and  prerogatives,  as  follows: 

(1)  Coloniae:  Rom  or  Lat  colonies  established  after 
the  model  of  the  Italian  commonwealths. 

(2)  Ctvitates  foederatac:  C'ommunitios  whose  independ- 
ence had  been  guaranteed  by  a  formal  treaty  with  Rome. 

(:i)  Civitates  liherae:  Communities  whose  independ- 
ence the  Romans  respected,  although  not  bound  to  do  so 
by  a  formal  obligation. 

(4)  Ciuitates  sii-pendiariar:  Communities  which  had 
surrendered  to  the  discretion  of  the  Romans  and  to 
which  limited  powers  of  local  government  were  granted 
by  the  conquerors  as  a  matter  of  convenience. 

The  civitates  stipendiariae.  and  in  some  cases  the  col- 
onics, paid  taxes  to  the  Rom  government,  the  greater 
part  of  which  was  in  the  form  either  of  a  certain  propor- 
tion of  the  annual  products  of  the  soil,  such  as  a  fifth  or 
tenth,  or  a  fixed  annual  payment  in  money  or  kind. 

Judaea  became  a  part  of  the  province  of  Syria 

in  63  BC,  but  was  assigned  in  40  BC  as  a  kingdom 

to  Herod  the  Great,  whose  sovereignty 

4.  Province  became    effective    three    years    later. 
of  Judaea      The   provincial   regime    was   reestab- 
lished in  6  AD,  and  was  broken  only 

during  the  years  41-44  AD,  when  Herod  Agrippa 
was  granted  royal  authority  over  the  land   (Jos, 


Ant,  XIX,  viii,  2).  The  Rom  administration  waa 
in  the  hands  of  the  procurators  (see  Procurators) 
who  resided  at  Caesarea  (Jos,  BJ,  II,  xv,  6;  Acta 
23  23.33;  25  1)  in  the  palace  of  Herod  the  Great 
(Acts  23-35).  The  procurators  of  Judaea  were 
subject  to  the  authority  of  the  imperial  governors 
of  Syria,  as  is  evident  from  the  deposition  of  Pontius 
Pilate  by  Vitellius  (Jos,  Ant,  XVIII,  iv,  2;  Tac. 
A7in.  vi.32).  The  procurator  was  competent  to 
exercise  criminal  jurisdiction  over  the  provincials 
in  cases  involving  a  capital  sentence  (Jos,  BJ,  II, 
viii,  1),  but  he  was  bound  to  grant  an  appeal  by 
Rom  citizens  for  trial  at  Rome  (Acts  25  11).  A 
death  sentence  by  the  Sanhedrin  required  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  procurator,  as  appears  in  the  process 
against  the  Saviour.  Under  Rom  rule  cities  like 
Caesarea,  Sebaste,  and  Jerus  became  organs  for 
local  government,  like  the  urban  communities  in 
other  parts  of  the  Empire. 

The  revenue  of  Pal  under  Claudius  is  said  to 
have  been  12,000,000  denarii  (about  $2,400,000,  or 

£500,000;  of  Jos,  Ant,  XIX,  viii,  2). 
5.  Revenue   In   addition   to   the  ground   tax,   the 

amount  of  which  is  not  known,  a  variety 
of  indirect  contributions  were  collected  on  auctions, 
salt,  highways,  bridges,  etc,  which  constituted,  no 
doubt,  the  field  of  activity  in  which  the  publicans 
gained  their  unenviable  reputation. 

LiTEHATnRE. — The  reader  may  be  directed  to  Mar- 
quardt,  ffomisoAe  Staatsveriealtung,  I,  497-502,  517-57, 
for  a  general  discussion  of  the  Rom  system  of  provincial 
administration,  and  to  the  same  volimie,  pp,  405-12,  for 
the  provincial  government  of  Pal. 

George  H.  Allen 

PROVOCATION,  prov-6-ka'shun,  PROVOKE, 
pr5-vok':  "Provoke,"  lit.  "to  call  forth,"  hence  to 
excite  or  stir  up,  whether  in  a  good  or  bad  sense, 
appears  frequently  in  the  OT  as  the  tr  of  Piel,  or 
Hiph.  of  CyS  ,  ks'as  (noun,  C^S  ,  /ca'o.s),  in  the  sense 
of  "to  make' angry"  (Dt  4  25;  9  18;'l  K  14  9.15, 
etc);  sometimes  of  "T^P ,  marah  (Isa  3  8),  and  of 
other  words.  In  the  NT  we  have  irapafTjXiw, 
parazeloo,  "to  make  jealous"  (Rom  10  19;  11  11. 
14);  irapopyl'^u,  parorgizo,  "to  make  angry"  (Eph 
6  4;  cf  Col  3  21);  with  TrapaTiKpahui,  para- 
pikraino,  "to  embitter"  (He  3  16;  cf  in  1  Esd  6 
15),  and  other  Gr  words.  "Provocation"  in  He  3 
8.15  (quoting  Ps  95  8)  is  parapikrasmos,  LXX  for 
Heb  m'rihhah.  An  example  of  the  good  sense  of  the 
word  is  in  He  10  24,  "Consider  one  another  to  pro- 
voke [lit.  "to  the  provoking,"  here  paroxusmds]  unto 
love  and  good  works." 

For  "provoke"  RV  has  "despise"  (Nu  14  11;  Dt 
31  20),  "rebel  against"  (Ps  78  40);  for  "provoked," 
"despised"  (Nu  14  23;  16  30;  Isa  1  4),  "moved" 
(Dt  32  16;  1  Ch  21  1),  "rebelled  against"  (Ps  78  56). 
"were  rebellious"  (106  33.43);  for  "provoking"  (Ps 
78  17),  "to  rebel  against";  for  "provoked"  (2  Cor  9 
2),  "stirred  up";  "provoked  within"  for  "stirred  in" 
(Acts  17  16);  "provoked"  for  "limited"  (Ps  78  41m, 
"limited");  "provoketh"  for  "emboldeneth"  (Job  16 
3);  instead  of  "Provoke  not  your  children  to  anger" 
(Col  3  21),  "Provoke  not  your  children." 

W.  L.  Walker 

PRUDENCE,  proo'dens,  PRUDENT,  prdo'dent: 
In  the  OT  "prudence"  is  the  tr  of  np"iy,  'ormah 
(Prov8  12);  also  in  AV  of  bDTS  ,  sekhel  {2  Ch  2  12, 
RV  "discretion");  and  "prudent"  is  the  tr  of  0^137, 
'arum,  "subtle"  (Prov  12  16,23;  13  16,  etc;  'cf 
Gen  3  1;  Job  5  12),  and  of  T^?,  bin  (1  S  16  18, 
RVm  "skilful";  Prov  16  21;  18  15;  Isa  5  21; 
10  13,  ARV  "understanding,"  etc),  with  other 
words.  In  the  NT  "prudence"  occurs  once  as  the 
tr  of  't>pkvT)<Tis,  phronesis  (Eph  1  8);  "prudent" 
is  in  AV  the  tr  of  awerks,  simctos,  changed  in  RV 
to  "understanding"  (Mt  11  25;  Acts  13  7);  in 
1  Cor  1  19,  ARV  has  "the  discerning,"  ERV  retains 
"prudent."  In  its  etymological  sense  of  seeing  be- 
forehand (contraction  of  "providence"),  "prudence" 


2487 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Province 
Psalms,  Book  of 


II. 


III. 


IV. 

V. 

VI. 


does  not  occur  in  the  NT.  As  forethought,  fore- 
sight, prudence  was  reckoned  one  of  the  cardinal 
virtues  by  the  ancient  ethical  writers.  See  the  re- 
marks of  Coleridge  on  its  lower  and  higher  character 
in  his  Aids  to  Reflection,  Aphor.  29. 

W.  L.  Walker 
PRUNING-HOOK,  proon'ing-hook.     See  Hook, 
(3);   Vine. 

PSALMS,  siimz,  BOOK  OF  (Di^nn,  t'hillim, 
"praises,"  D'^sHp  1BD  ,  ^epher  t'hilUm,  "book  of 
praises";  ^aX|jio6,  Psalmoi,  '^aXT'^piov,  Psalttrion): 

I.    Introductory  Topics 

1.  Title 

2.  Place  in  the  Canon 

3.  Number  of  Pss 

4.  Titles  in  the  Hebrew  Text 
Authorship  and  Age  of  the  Pss 

1.  David  as  a  Psalmist 

2.  Psahnody  after  David 
Growth   of  the  Psalter 

1.  Division  into  Five  Books 

2.  Smaller  Groups  of  Pss 
Poetry  of  the  Psalter 
The  Speaker  in  the  Pss 
The  Gospel  in  the  Psalter 

1.  The  Soul's  Converse  with  God 

2.  The  Messiah 

3.  Problem  of  Sin 

4.  Wrestling  with  Doubts 

5.  Out  of  the  Depths 

6.  Ethical  Ideals 

7.  Praving  against  the  Wicked 

8.  The  Future  Life 
Literature 

/.  Introductory  Topics. — The  Heb  title  for  the 
Psalter  is  sepher  t'hilllm,  "book  of  praises."  When 
we  consider  the  fact  that  more  than 
1.  Title  20  of  these  poems  have  praise  for  their 

keynote,  and  that  there  are  outbursts 
of  thanksgiving  in  many  others,  the  fitness  of  the 
Heb  title  dawns  upon  us.  As  Ker  well  says,  "The 
book  begins  with  benediction,  and  ends  with  praise 
— first,  blessing  to  man,  and  then  glory  to  God." 
Hymns  of  praise,  though  found  in  all_  parts  of  the 
Psalter,  become  far  more  numerous  in  Books  IV 
and  V,  as  if  the  volume  of  praise  would  gather  itself 
up  into  a  Hallelujah  Chorus  at  the  end. 

In  the  Gr  version  the  book  is  entitled  in  some 
MSS  Psalmoi,  in  others  Psallerion,  whence  come 
our  Eng.  titles  "Psalms,"  and  "Psalter."  The  Gr 
word  psalmos,  as  well  as  the  Heb  mizmor,  both  of 
which  are  used  in  the  superscriptions  prefixed  to 
many  of  the  separate  pss,  indicates  a  poem  sung  to 
the  accompaniment  of  stringed  instruments.  The 
title  mizmor  is  found  before  57  pss.  The  Psalter 
was  the  hymnal  of  the  Jewish  nation.  To  indi- 
vidual pss  other  titles  are  sometimes  prefixed,  such 
ass/iir,  "song";  t'hillah,  "praise" ;  t'phillah,  "pray- 
er," etc.  The  Psalter  was  both  prayerbook  and 
hymnal  to  the  Jewish  people.  It  was  also  a  manual 
for  the  nurture  of  the  spiritual  life  in  private  as  well 
as  public  worship. 

The  Pss  were  placed  in  the  k'thiibhim or  "Writings.'' 
the  third  group  of  the  Heb  Scriptures.     As  the  chief 

book  of  the  knhuhhim.  the  Psalter  appears 
9    Plarp  flrstin  the  great  majority  of  Gerrnan MSS, 

f-  5'''*'-"=  though  the  Spanish  MSS  place  Pss  after 

in  tne  Qj    and  the  Tahn  puts  Ruth  before  Pss. 

Canon  There  has  never  been  any  serious  question 

as  to  the  right  of  the  Psalter  to  a  place 
in  the  Canon  of  Scripture.  The  book  is  possibly  more 
highly  esteemed  among  Christians  than  by  the  Jews. 
If  Christians  were  permitted  to  retain  only  one  book  in 
the  OT,  they  would  ahnost  certainly  choose  Pss.  By 
100  BC,  and  probably  at  a  much  earher  date,  the  Book 
of  Pss  was  completed  and  recognized  as  part  of  the 
Hagiographa,  the  3d  division  of  the  Heb  Bible 

According  to  the  Heb  text,  toUo"!''''!  by  modern  VSS 
there  are  150  separate  poems  m  the  Psalter.  _  Ihe  Gr 

version  has  an  additional  ps,  m  which 
Q    TViP  David  describes  his  victory  over  Gohath; 

^T  T^  c  but  this  is  expressly  said  to  be  outside 
Number  OI  ^he  number."  The  LXX,  followed  by 
Psalms  Vulg.  combined  Pss  9  and  10,  and  also  114 

and  115,  into  a  single  ps.  On  the  other 
hand  they  divide  Pss  116  and  147  each  into  two  poems. 


Thus  for  the  greater  part  of  the  Psalter  the  Heb  enumera- 
tion is  one  number  in  advance  of  that  in  the  Gr  and  Lat 
Bibles. 

The  existing  division  in  the  Heb  text  has  been  called 
in  question  at  various  points.  Pss  42  and  43  are  almost 
certainly  one  poem  (see  refrain  in  42  5.11:  43  5);  and 
it  is  probable  that  Pss  9  and  10  were  originally  one,  as 
in  LXX.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  thought  by  some  that 
certain  pss  were  composed  of  two  originally  separate 
poems.  We  may  cite  as  examples  Ps  19  1-6.7-14; 
24  1-6.7-10;  27  1-6.7-14;  36  1-4. .5-12.  It  is  evident 
that  such  combinations  of  two  different  poems  into  one 
may  have  taken  place,  for  we  have  an  example  in  Ps 
108,  which  is  composed  of  portions  of  two  other  pss 
(57  7-11;  60  5-12). 

(1)  Value  of  the  superscriptions. — It  is  the  fashion 
among  advanced  critics  to  waive  the  titles  of  the 
pss  out  of  court  as  wholly  worthless 
4.  Titles  in  and  misleading.  This  method  is  as 
the  Hebrew  thoroughly  unscientific  as  the  older 
Text  procedure    of     defending    the    super- 

scriptions as  part  of  an  inspired  text. 
These  titles  are  clearly  very  old,  for  the  LXX,  in 
the  2d  cent.  BC,  did  not  understand  many  of  them. 
The  worst  that  can  be  said  of  the  superscriptions 
is  that  they  are  guesses  of  Heb  editors  and  scribes 
of  a  period  long  prior  to  the  Gr  version.  As  to 
many  of  the  musical  and  liturgical  titles,  the  best 
learning  of  Heb  and  Christian  scholars  is  unable  to 
recover  the  original  meaning.  The  scribes  who  pre- 
fixed the  titles  had  no  conceivable  reason  for  writing 
nonsense  into  their  prayerbook  and  hymnal.  These 
superscriptions  and  subscriptions  all  had  a  worthy 
meaning,  when  they  were  first  placed  beside  indi- 
vidual pss.  This  indisputable  fact  of  the  great 
antiquity  of  these  titles  ought  forever  to  make  it 
impossible  for  scientific  research  to  ignore  them 
Grant,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that  not  one  of 
them  came  from  the  pen  of  the  writers  of  the  Pss, 
but  only  from  editors  and  compilers  of  exilic  or 
post-exilio  days,  it  would  still  be  reasonable  to  give 
attention  to  the  views  of  ancient  Heb  scholars, 
before  considering  the  conjectures  of  modem  critics 
on  questions  of  authorship  and  date.  Sources  of 
information,  both  oral  and  written,  to  which  they 
had  access,  have  long  since  perished.  _  In  estimating 
the  value  of  their  work,  we  have  a  right  to  use  the 
best  critical  processes  known  to  us;  but  it  is  un- 
scientific to  overlook  the  fact  that  their  proximity 
to  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the  Pss  gave  them 
an  advantage  over  the  modem  scholar.  If  it  be 
said  by  objectors  that  these  ancient  scribes  formed 
their  conclusions  by  the  study  of  the  life  of  David 
as  portrayed  in  the  historical  books  of  _K  and  Ch, 
the  reply  is  ready  that  several  historical  notices 
in  the  titles  cannot  be  thus  explained.  Who  was 
Cush?  Who  was  Abimelech?  (Pss  7  and  34).  A 
careful  weighing  of  the  facts  concerning  the  super- 
scriptions will  make  it  seem  highly  improbable  that 
the  earUest  of  these  titles  does  not  reach  back  into 
preexilic  times.  We  almost  certainly  have  in  them 
the  results  of  the  labors  of  Heb  scribes  and  compilers 
stretching  over  several  centuries.  Some  of  the 
titles  may  have  been  appended  by  the  psalmists 
themselves. 

We  are  far  from  claiming  that  the  titles  are  always 
intelligible  to  us,  or  that,  when  understood,  they 
are  always  correct.  The  process  of  constructing 
titles  indicative  of  authorship  had  not  ceased  in 
the  2d  cent.  BC,  the  LXX  adding  many  to  pss  that 
were  anonymous  in  the  Heb.  The  view  expressed 
nearly  50  years  ago  by  Perowne  is  eminently  sane: 
'  'The  inscriptions  cannot  always  be  reUed  on.  They 
are  sometimes  genuine,  and  really  represent  the 
most  ancient  tradition.  At  other  times,  they  are 
due  to  the  caprice  of  later  editors  and  collectors, 
the  fruits  of  conjecture,  or  of  dimmer  and  more  un- 
certain traditions.  In  short,  the  inscriptions  of  the 
Pss  are  like  the  subscriptions  to  the  Epp.  of  the  NT. 
They  are  not  of  any  necessary  authority,  and  their 


Psalms,  Book  of      THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2488 


value  must  be  weighed  and  tested  by  the  usual 
critical  processes." 

(2)  Thirlle's  theory. — J.  W.  TMrtle  {The  Titles  of  the 
Pss.  1904)  advances  the  hypothesis  that  both  super- 
scriptions and  subscriptions  were  incorporated  in  the 
Psalter,  and  that  in  tlie  process  ot  copying  the  Pss  by 
hand,  the  distinction  between  the  superscription  of  a 
given  ps  and  the  subscription  of  the  one  immediately 
preceding  it  was  finally  lost.  When  at  length  the  differ- 
ent pss  were  separated  from  one  another,  as  in  printed 
edd,  the  subscriptions  and  superscriptions  were  all  set 
forth  as  superscriptions.  Thus  it  came  about  that  the 
musical  subscription  of  a  given  ps  was  prefixed  to  the 
literary  superscription  of  the  ps  immediately  following 
it.  The  prayer  of  Habakkuk  (Hab  3)  was  taken  by 
Thirtle  as  a  model  or  normal  ps ;  and  in  this  instance  the 
superscription  was  literary.  ' '  A  prayer  of  Habakkuk  the 
prophet  upon  Shigionoth,"  while  the  subscription  is 
musical,  "  For  the  Chief  Musician,  on  my  stringed  in- 
struments." The  poem  of  Hezekiah  in  celebration  of  his 
recovery  (Isa  38  9-20)  seems  to  support  Thirtle's  thesis, 
the  superscription  stating  the  authorship  and  the  occa- 
sion that  gave  birth  to  the  ps,  while  ver  20  hints  at  the 
musical  instruments  with  which  the  ps  was  to  be  accom- 
panied in  public  worship.  If  now  the  musical  notes  be 
separated  from  the  notes  of  authorship  and  date  that 
follow  them,  the  musical  notes  being  appended  as  sub- 
scriptions, while  the  literary  notes  are  kept  as  real  super- 
scriptions, the  outcome  of  the  separation  is  in  many  in- 
stances a  more  intelligible  nexus  between  title  and  poem. 
Thus  the  subscript  to  Ps  55,  "The  dove  of  the  distant 
terebinths,"  becomes  a  pictorial  title  of  vs  6-8  of  the  ps. 
The  appHcation  of  the  rule  that  the  expression  ' '  for  the 
Chief  Musician"  is  always  a  subscript  removes  the 
difficulty  in  the  title  of  Ps  88.  The  superscription  of 
Ps  88,  on  Thirtle's  hypothesis,  becomes  "Maschil  of 
Heraan  the  Ezrahite."  Ps  87  thus  has  a  subscript  that 
repeats  the  statement  of  its  superscription,  but  with  an 
addition  which  harmonizes  vdth  the  content  of  the  poem. 
"MahalathLeannoth,"  with  a  slight  correction  in  vocali- 
zation, probably  means  "  Dancings  with  Shoutings,"  and 
ver  7  of  Ps  87  s'peaks  of  both  singing  and  dancing.  The 
tone  of  Ps  87  is  exceedingly  cheerful;  but  Ps  88  is  the 
saddest  in  the  entire  Psalter.  The  application  of 
Thirtle's  hypothesis  also  leaves  Ps  88  with  a  consistent 
literary  title,  whereas  the  usual  title  ascribes  the  ps  first 
to  the  sons  of  Korah  and  then  to  Heman  the  Ezrahite. 

(3)  Meaning  of  the  Hebrew  titles. — Scholars  have  not 
been  able  to  come  to  agreement  as  to  the  meaning  and 
application  of  a  goodly  number  of  words  and  phrases 
found  in  the  titles  of  the  Pss.  We  append  an  alphabeti- 
cal list,  together  with  hints  as  to  the  probable  meaning : 

(a)  ' Ayelelh  ha-Shahar  (Ps  22)  means  "the  hind  of 
the  morning,"  or  possibly  "the  help  of  the  morning." 
Many  think  that  the  words  were  the  opening  line  of  some 
familiar  song. 

(b)  ',.1/amoi/i  (Ps  46)  nieans  "maidens."  The  common 
view  is  that  the  ps  was  to  be  sung  by  soprano  voices. 
Some  speak  of  a  female  choir  and  compare  1  Ch  15  20: 
Ps  68  11.24  f.  According  to  Thirtle,  the  title  is  a  sub- 
script to  Ps  45,  which  describes  the  marriage  of  a  prin- 
cess, a  function  at  which  it  would  be  quite  appropriate 
to  have  a  female  choir. 

(c)  '  Al-tashheth  (Pss  57-59;  75)  means  " destroy  not, " 
and  is  quite  suitable  as  a  subscript  to  Pss  56-58  and 
74  (cf  Dt  9  26).  Many  think  this  the  first  word  of  a 
vintage  song  (cf  Isa  65  8). 

(d)  "Ascents,  Song  of"  (Pss  120-134):  RV  translates 
the  title  to  15  pss  "A  Song  of  Ascents,"  where  AV  has  "A 
Song  of  Degrees. ' '  The  most  probable  explanation  of  the 
meaning  of  the  expression  is  that  these  1.5  pss  were  sung 
by  bands  of  pilgrims  on  their  wav  to  the  yearly  feasts  in 
.lerus  (Ps  122  4).  Pss  121-23,  125,  127,  128  and  132- 
34  are  well  suited  for  use  on  such  occasions  (see,  how- 
ever. Expos  T,  XII,  62). 

(e)  "For  the  Chief  Musician":  55  pss  are  dedicated 
to  the  precentor  or  choir  leader  of  the  temple.  "To 
the  Chief  Musician"  might  mean  that  the  precentor 
was  the  author  of  certain  pss,  or  that  there  was  a  col- 
lection of  hymns  compiled  by  him  for  use  in  temple  wor- 
ship, or  that  certain  pss  were  placed  in  his  hands,  with 
suggestions  as  to  the  character  of  the  poems  and  the 
music  which  was  to  accompany  them.  It  is  quite  likely 
that  there  was  an  official  collection  of  pss  for  public 
worship  in  the  custody  of  the  choir  master  of  the  temple. 

(/)  "Dedication  of  the  House"  (Ps  30):  The  title 
probably  refers  to  the  dedication  of  Jeh's  house:  whether 
m  the  days  of  David,  in  connection  with  the  removal 
of  the  ark  to  Jerus,  or  In  the  days  of  Zerubbabel,  or  in 
the  time  of  Judas  Maccabaeus,  it  is  impossiljle  to  say 
positively.  If  Ps  30  was  used  on  any  one  of  these  widely 
separated  occasions,  that  fact  might  account  for  the 
Insertion  of  the  caption,  "  a  Song  at  the  Dedication  of  the 
House." 

(g)  "Degrees":  see  "Ascents'*  above. 

(k)  Gittitk  (Pss  8,  81,  84)  is  commonly  suppased  to 
refer  to  an  instrmnent  invented  in  Gath  or  to  a  tune  that 
was  used  in  the  Phili  city.  Thirtle  emends  slightly  to 
gittoth.  "wine  presses."  and  connects  Pss  7,  80  and  83 
with  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 

(i)   HigguyCin:    This  word  is  not  strictly  a  title,  but 


occurs  in  connection  with  Selah  in  Ps  9  16.  RV  translates 
the  word  in  Ps  92  3,  "a  solemn  sound,"  and  in  Ps  19 
14,  "meditation."  It  is  probably  a  musical  note  equiva- 
lent to  largo. 

U)  Y'dhuthun:  In  the  title  of  Ps  39,  Jeduthun  might 
well  be  identical  with  the  Chief  Musician.  In  Pss  62 
and  7'f  RV  renders  "after  the  manner  of  Jeduthun." 
We  know  from  1  Ch  16  41;  25  3  that  Jeduthun  (q.v.) 
was  a  choir  leader  in  the  days  of  David.  He  perhaps 
Introduced  a  method  of  conducting  the  service  of  song 
which  ever  afterward  was  associated  with  his  name. 

(/t)  Yonath  'elem  r'hokim  (Ps  56):  We  have  already 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  as  a  subscript  to  Ps  55 
"the  dove  of  the  distant  terebinths,"  or  "the  silent  dove 
of  them  that  are  afar  off,"  would  have  a  point  of  contact 
with  Ps  55  6-8. 

(0  Mahdlath  (Ps  53),  Malfilath  V'annoth  (Ps  88): 
Perhaps  Thirtle's  vocalization  of  the  Heb  consonants 
as  meholoth,  "dancings,"  is  correct.  As  a  subscript  to 
Ps  87,  m'holoth  may  refer  to  David's  joy  at  the  bringing 
of  the  ark  to  Zion  (2  S  6  14.15). 

(m)  Maskil  (Pss  32,  42-45,  52-55,  74,  78,  88,  89, 
142):  The  exact  meaning  of  this  common  term  is  not 
clear.  Briggs  suggests  "a  meditation,"  Thirtle  and 
others  "a  ps  of  instruction,"  Kirkpatrick  "a  cunning 
ps."  Some  of  the  13  pss  bearing  this  title  are  plainly 
didactic,  while  others  are  scarcely  to  be  classed  as  pss 
of  instruction. 

(n)  Mikhtdm  (Pss  16,56-60):  Following  the  rabbinical 
guess,  some  translate  "a  golden  poem."  The  exact 
meaning  is  unknown. 

(o)  Math  lahben:  The  title  is  generally  supposed  to 
refer  to  a  composition  entitled  "Death  of  the  Son." 
Possibly  the  melody  to  which  this  composition  was  sung 
was  the  tune  to  which  Ps  9  (or  8)  was  to  be  sung. 
Thirtle  translates  "The  Death  of  the  Champion,"  and 
regards  it  as  a  subscription  to  Ps  8,  in  celebration  of  the 
victory  over  Goliath. 

(p)  On''N'ghindth"  occms&t  (Pss  4, 6,  54,  55,  67,  76), 
and  means  "with  stringed  instruments."  N^ghlnath 
(Ps  61)  may  be  a  slightly  defective  writing  for  N'ghindth. 
Perhaps  stringed  instruments  alone  were  used  with  pss 
having  this  title.  According  to  Thirtle's  hypothesis, 
the  title  was  originally  a  subscript  to  Pss  3,  5,  63,  54, 
60,  66,  75. 

(g)  N'^hUoth  (Ps  5).  possibly  a  subscript  to  Ps  4,  is 
supposed  by  some  to  refer  to  "wind  instruments," 
possibly  flutes. 

(r)  yjielah,  though  not  strictly  a  title,  may  well  be  dis- 
cussed in  connection  with  the  superscriptions.  It  occurs 
71  t  in  the  Pss  and  3  t  in  Hab.  It  is  almost  certainly  a 
technical  term  whose  meaning  was  well  known  to  the 
precentor  and  the  choir  in  the  temple.  The  LXX  always, 
Symmachus  and  Theodotion  generally,  render  did- 
psalma,  which  probably  denotes  an  instrumental  interlude. 
The  Tg  Aquila  and  some  other  ancient  VSS  render  "for- 
ever." Jerome,  following  Aquila,  translates  it  "  always." 
Many  moderns  derive  §eldh  from  a  root  meaning  "to 
raise,"  and  suppose  it  to  be  a  sign  to  the  musicians  to 
strike  up  with  a  louder  accompaniment.  Possibly  the 
singing  ceased  for  a  moment.  A  few  think  it  is  a  htur- 
gical  direction  to  the  congregation  to  "lift  up"  their 
voices  in  benediction.  It  is  unwise  to  dogmatize  as  to 
the  meaning  of  this  very  common  word.     See  Selah. 

(s)  Sh'minith  (Pss  6,  12),  meaning  "the  eighth," 
probably  denotes  the  male  choir,  as  distinguished  from 
'  Alamoth,  the  maidens'  choir.  That  both  terms  are  musi- 
cal notes  is  evident  from  1  Ch  15  19-21. 

(/)  ShiggdySn.  (Ps  7)  is  probably  a  musical  note. 
Some  think  it  denotes  "  a  dithyrambic  poem  in  wild 
ecstatic  wandering  rhythms,  with  corresponding  music." 
_  (u)  SAosftan/iim  (Pss  45,  69)  means  "lilies."  Shoshan- 
mm  'edhuth  (Ps  80)  means  "lilies,  a  testimony."  Shu- 
shan  'edhuth  (Ps  60)  may  be  rendered  "the  lily  of  testi- 
mony." Thirtle  represents  these  titles  as  subscripts  to 
Pss  44,  69,  68,  79,  and  associates  them  with  the  spring 
festival,  Passover.  Others  regard  them  as  indicating 
the  melody  to  which  the  various  pss  were  to  be  sung. 

(»)  "Song  ot  Loves"  (Ps  45)  is  appropriate  as  a  lit- 
erary title  to  a  marriage  song. 

(4)  Testimony  of  the  titles  as  to  authorship. —  (a)  Ps  90 
is  ascribed  to  Moses,  (b)  To  David  73  pss  are  ascribed, 
chiefly  in  Books  I  and  II.  (c)  Two  are  assigned  to 
Solomon  (Pss  72,  127).  (d)  12  are  ascribed  to  Asaph 
(Pss  50,  73-83).  (e)  11  are  assigned  to  the  sons  of 
Korah  (Pss  42-49,  84,  85,  87).  (/)  Ps  88  is  attributed 
to  Heman  the  Ezrahite.  {g)  Ps  89  bears  the  name  of 
Ethan  the  Ezrahite.  In  most  cases  it  is  plain  that  the 
editors  meant  to  indicate  the  authors  or  writers  of  the 
pss.  It  is  possible  that  the  phrase  "to  David"  may 
sometimes  have  been  prefixed  to  certain  pss,  merely  to 
indicate  that  they  were  found  in  a  collection  which  con- 
tained Davidic  pss.  It  is  also  possible  that  the  titles 
"to  Asaph"  and  "to  the  sons  of  Korah"  may  have 
originally  meant  that  the  pss  thus  designated  belonged 
to  a  collection  in  the  custody  of  these  temple  singers. 
Ps  72  may  also  be  a  prayer  for  Solomon  rather  than  a  ps 
by  Solomon.  At  the  same  time,  we  must  acknowledge, 
in  the  light  of  the  titles  describing  the  occasion  of  com- 
position, that  the  most  natural  interpretation  of  the 
various  superscriptions  is  that  they  indicate  the  sup- 
posed authors  of  the  various  poems  to  which  they  are 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA      Psalms,  Book  of 


prefixed.  Internal  evidence  shows  conclusively  that 
some  of  these  titles  are  incorrect.  Each  superscription 
should  be  tested  by  a  careful  study  of  the  ps  to  which 
it  is  appended. 

(5)  Titles  describing  the  occasion  of  writing. — There 
are  13  of  these,  all  bearing  the  name  of  David,  (a)  Pss 
7,  59,  56,  34,  53,  67,  142,  64  are  assigned  to  the  period 
of  his  persecution  by  Saul.  (6)  During  the  period  of 
his  reign  over  all  Israel,  David  is  credited  with  Pss  18, 
60,  51,  3  and  63. 

//.    The  Authorship  and  Age  of  the  Pss. — Ps  90 

is  ascribed  to  Moses.  It  is  the  fashion  now  to  deny- 
that  Moses  wrote  anything.  A  careful  study  of 
Ps  90  has  brought  to  hght  nothing  inconsistent 
with  Mosaic  authorship.  The  dignity,  majesty 
and  pathos  of  the  poem  are  worthy  of  the  great 
lawgiver  and  intercessor. 

(1)  The  age  of  David  offered  fruitful  soil  for  the 
growth   of  religious   poetry. — (a)  The  pohtical  and 

religious  reforms  of  Samuel  created  a 
1.  David  as  new  sense  of  national  unity,  and  kin- 
a  Psalmist    died  the  fires  of  religious  patriotism. 

(6)  Music  had  a  large  place  in  the  life 
of  the  prophetic  guilds  or  schools  of  the  prophets, 
and  was  used  in  public  reUgious  exercises  (1  S  10 
5f).  (c)  The  victories  of  David  and  the  internal 
expansion  of  the  life  of  Israel  would  inevitably 
stimulate  the  poetic  instinct  of  men  of  genius;  cf 
the  Elizabethan  age  and  the  Victorian  era  in  Eng. 
literature,  (d)  The  removal  of  the  ark  to  the  new 
capital  and  the  organization  of  the  Levitical  choirs 
would  stimulate  poets  to  compose  hymns  of  praise 
to  Jeh  (2  S  6;   1  Ch  16,  16,  25). 

It  is  the  fashion  in  certain  critical  circles  to  blot  out 
the  Mosaic  era  as  unhistoric,  all  accounts  of  it  being 
considered  legendary  or  mythical.  It  is  easy  then  to 
insist  on  the  elimination  of  all  the  higher  religious  teach- 
ing attributed  to  Samuel.  This  leaves  David  "a  rude 
king  in  a  semi-barbaric  age,"  or,  as  Cheyne  puts  it,  "the 
versatile  condottiere,  chieftain,  and  liing."  It  would 
seem  more  reasonable  to  accept  as  trustworthy  the 
uniform  tradition  of  Israel  as  to  the  great  leaders,  Moses, 
Samuel  and  David,  than  to  rewrite  Israel's  history  out 
of  the  tiny  fragments  of  historical  material  that  are  ac- 
cepted by  skeptical  critics  as  credible.  It  is  often  said 
ttiat  late  writers  read  into  their  accounts  of  early  heroes 
their  own  ideas  of  what  would  be  fitting.  James  Robert- 
son's remark  in  reply  has  great  weight:  "This  habit  of 
explaining  the  early  as  the  backward  projection  of  the 
late  is  always  liable  to  the_  objection  that  it  leaves  the 
late  itself  without  explanation"  {Poetry  and  Religion  of 
the  Pss,  332). 

(2)  David's  qualijicalions  for  composing  pss. — 
(a)  He  was  a  skilful  musician,  with  a  sense  of  rhythm 
and  an  ear  for  pleasing  sounds  (1  S  16  15-23). 
He  seems  to  have  invented  new  instruments  of 
music  (Am  6  5).  (b)  He  is  recognized  by  critics 
of  all  schools  as  a  poet  of  no  mean  ability.  The 
genuineness  of  his  elegy  over  Saul  and  Jonathan 
(2  S  1  19-27)  is  commonly  accepted;  also  his 
lament  over  Abner  (3  33  f).  In  the  elegy  over 
Saul  and  Jonathan,  David  displays  a  magnanimity 
and  tenderness  that  accord  with  the  representations 
of  S  as  to  his  treatment  of  Saul  and  of  Jonathan. 
No  mere  rough  border  chieftain  could  have  com- 
posed a  poem  full  of  the  tenderest  sentiment  and 
the  most  exemplary  attitude  toward  a  persecutor. 
The  moral  elevation  of  the  elegy  has  to  be  accounted 
for.  If  the  author  was  a  deeply  religious  man,  a 
man  enjoying  the  friendship  of  God,  it  is  easy  to 
account  for  the  moral  dignity  of  the  poem.  Surely 
it  is  only  a  step  from  the  patriotism  and  magna- 
nimity and  devoted  friendship  of  the  elegy  to  the  reli- 
gious fervor  of  the  Pss.  Moreover,  the  poetic  skill 
displayed  in  the  elegy  removes  the  possible  objection 
that  hterary  art  in  the  days  of  David  had  not  at- 
tained a  development  equal  to  the  composition  of 
poems  such  as  the  Pss.  There  is  nothing  more 
Ijeautiful  and  artistic  in  the  entire  Psalter. 

Radical  critics  saw  the  David  of  the  Bible  asunder. 
They  contrast  the  rough  border  chieftain  with  the  pious 
Psalmist.  Though  willing  to  beUeve  every  statement 
that  reflects  upon  the  moral  character  of  David,  tbcy 


consider  the  references  to  David  as  a  writer  of  hymns 
and  the  organizer  of  the  temple  choirs  as  tiie  pious 
imaginings  of  late  chroniclers.  Robertson  well  says: 
"This  habit  of  refusing  to  admit  complexity  in  the  ca- 
pacities of  Bib.  characters  is  exceedingly  hazardous  and 
unsafe,  when  history  is  so  full  of  instances  of  the  com- 
bination in  one  person  of  qualities  the  most  diverse. 
We  not  only  have  poets  who  can  harp  upon  more  than 
one  string,  but  wo  have  religious  leaders  who  have  united 
the  most  fervent  piety  with  the  exercise  of  poorly  devel- 
oped virtue,  or  the  practice  of  very  questionable  policy. 
A  critic,  if  he  has  not  a  single  measure  of  large  enough 
capacity  for  a  historical  character,  should  not  tliink 
himself  at  liberty  to  measure  him  out  in  two  half- 
bushels,  making  one  man  of  each"  {Poetry  and  Religion 
of  the  Pss,  332).  Among  kings,  Charlemagne  and  Gon- 
stantine  the  Great  have  lieen  likened  to  David;  and 
among  poets,  Robert  Burns.  There  were  contradictory 
elements  in  the  moral  characters  of  all  these  gifted  men. 
Of  Constantino  it  has  been  said  that  lie  "was  by  turns 
the  docile  believer  and  the  cruel  despot,  devotee  and 
murderer,  patron  saint  and  avenging  demon."  David 
was  a  many-sided  man,  with  a  character  often  at  war  with 
itself,  a  man  with  conflicting  impulses,  the  flesh  lusting 
against  the  spirit  and  the  spirit  against  the  flesh.  Men 
of  fiesh  and  blood  in  the  midst  of  life's  temptations  have 
no  diflBcuity  in  understanding  the  David  of  the  Bible. 

(c)  David  was  a  man  of  deep  feeling  and  of  im- 
perial imagination.  Think  of  his  love  for  Jonathan, 
his  grateful  appreciation  of  every  exploit  done  in 
his  behalf  by  his  mighty  men,  his  fondness  for 
Absalom.  His  successful  generalship  would  argue 
for  imagination,  as  well  as  the  vivid  imagery  of  the 
elegy,  (d)  David  was  an  enthusiastic  worshipper  of 
Jeh.  All  the  records  of  his  life  agree  in  represent- 
ing him  as  devoted  to  Israel's  God.  In  the  midst 
of  life's  dangers  and  disappointments,  "David 
strengthened  himself  in  Jeh  his  God"  (1  S  30  6). 
We  should  have  been  surprised  had  no  trace  of 
religious  poetry  come  from  his  pen.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  imagine  Milton  or  Cowper  or  Tennyson 
as  confining  himself  to  secular  poetry.  "Comus," 
"John  Gilpin,"  and  the  "Charge  of  the  Light  Bri- 
gade" did  not  exhaust  their  genius;  nor  did  the  elegy 
over  Saul  and  Jonathan  and  the  lament  over  Abner 
relieve  David's  soul  of  the  poetry  that  clamored  for 
expression.  The  known  facts  of  his  life  and  times 
prepare  us  for  an  outburst  of  psalmody  under  his 
leadership,  (e)  The  varied  experiences  through 
which  David  passed  were  of  a  character  to  quicken 
any  latent  gifts  for  poetic  expression. 

James  Robertson  states  this  argument  clearly,  and 
yet  with  becoming  caution:  "  The  vicissitudes  and  situ- 
ations in  David's  life  presented  in  these  narratives  are 
of  such  a  nature  that,  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  say 
precisely  that  such  and  such  a  ps  was  composed  at  such 
and  such  a  time  and  place,  yet  we  may  confidently  say. 
Here  is  a  man  who  has  jjassed  through  certain  expe- 
riences and  borne  himself  in  such  wise  that  we  are  not 
surprised  to  hear  that,  being  a  poet,  lie  composed  this 
and  the  other  pss.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  we  should 
tie  down  any  lyric  to  a  precise  set  of  circumstances,  the 
poet  being  like  a  painter,  who,  having  found  a  fit  land- 
scape, sits  down  to  transfer  it  to  canvas.  I  do  not  think 
it  likely  that  David,  finding  himself  in  some  great  per- 
plexity or  sorrow,  called  for  writing  materials  in  order 
to  describe  the  situation  or  record  liis  feelings.  But  I 
do  think  it  probaliie  that  the  vicissitude-s  through  which 
he  passed  made  such  an  impression  on  his  sensitive  heart, 
and  became  so  inwrought  into  an  emotional  nature,  that 
when  he  soothed  himself  in  his  retirement  with  his  lyre, 
they  came  forth  spontaneously  in  the  form  of  a  psalm 
or  song  or  prayer,  according  as  the  recollection  was  sad 
or  joyful,  and  as  his  singing  mood  moved  him"  {Poetry 
and  Religion  of  the  Pss,  343  f). 

The  Bib.  writers,  both  early  and  late,  agree  in 
affirming  that  the  Spirit  of  Jeh  rested  upon  David, 
empowering  him  for  serviceof  the  highest  order  (1  S 
16  13;  2  S  23  1-3;  Mt  22  43;  Acts  2  29-31). 
The  gift  of  prophetic  inspiration  was  bestowed 
upon  Israel's  chief  musician  and  poet. 

(3)  External  evidence  for  Davidic  pss. — (a)  In 
the  NT  David  is  named  as  the  author  of  certain 
pss.  Thus  Ps  110  is  ascribed  to  David  by  Jesus  in 
His  debate  with  the  Pharisees  in  the  Temple  (Mt 
22  41-45;  Mk  12  3.5-37;  Lk  20  41-44).  Peter 
teaches  that  David  prophesied  concerning  Judas 
(Acts  1  16),  and  he  also  refers  Pss  16  and  110  to 


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David  (Acts  2  25-34).  The  whole  company  of 
the  disciples  in  prayer  attribute  Ps  2  to  David 
(Acts  4  25  f).  Paul  quotes  Pss  32  and  69  as 
Davidic  (Rom  4  6-8;  11  9f).  The  author  of  He 
even  refers  Ps  95  to  David,  following  the  LXX 
(He  4  7),  From  the  last-named  passage  many 
scholars  infer  that  any  quotation  from  the  Pss  might 
be  referred  to  David  as  the  chief  author  of  the  Pss. 
Possibly  this  free  and  easy  method  of  citation,  with- 
out any  attempt  at  rigorous  critical  accuracy,  was 
in  vogue  in  the  l.st  cent.  AD.  At  the  same  time,  it 
is  evident  that  the  view  that  David  was  the  chief 
author  of  the  Pss  was  accepted  by  the  NT  writers. 
(6)  In  2  Mace  2  13  (RV),  in  a  letter  purporting  to 
have  been  \^Titten  by  the  Jews  of  Pal  to  their  brethren 
in  Egypt,  about  144  BC,  occurs  the  following:  "And 
the  same  things  were  related  both  in  the  public 
archives  and  in  the  records  that  concern  Nehemiah; 
and  how  he,  founding  a  Hbrary,  gathered  together 
the  books  about  the  kings  and  prophets,  and  the 
books  of  David,  and  letters  of  kings  about  sacred 
gifts."  We  do  not  know  the  exact  date  of  2  Mace, 
but  it  was  almost  certainly  in  the  1st  cent.  BC. 
The  author  regards  David  as  the  author  of  books  in 
the  sacred  library  gathered  together  by  Nehemiah. 
(c)  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach,  who  wrote  not  later 
than  180  BC,  and  possibly  a  good  deal  earlier,  thus 
describes  David's  contribution  to  pubhc  worship: 
"In  every  work  of  his  he  gave  thariks  to  the  Holy 
One  Most  High  with  words  of  glory ;  with  his  whole 
heart  he  sang  praise,  and  loved  him  that  made 
him"(Ecclus  47  8f  RV)-  David's  fame  as  a  psalmist 
and  the  organizer  of  choirs  for  the  sanctuary  was 
well  known  to  Ben  Sira  at  the  beginning  of  the  2d 
cent.  BC.  (d)  The  author  of  Ch,  writing  not  later 
than  300  BC,  and  probably  much  earlier,  represents 
David  as  making  provision  for  a  service  of  song 
before  the  ark  of  God  and  in  connection  with  its 
removal  to  the  city  of  David  (1  Ch  15,  16).  It 
seems  to  be  imagined  by  some  scholars  that  the 
Chronicler,  whose  historical  accuracy  is  severely 
attacked  by  certain  critics,  is  responsible  for  the 
idea  that  David  was  a  great  writer  of  hymns.  On 
the  contrary',  he  has  less  to  say  about  David  as  a 
poet  and  psalmist  than  the  author  of  S.  Only  in 
2  Ch  29  30  is  there  explicit  mention  of  David  as 
the  author  of  praises  to  Jeh.  The  Chronicler  speaks 
repeatedly  of  the  instruments  of  David  and  of  his 
organization  of  the  choirs.  And  so  in  the  kindred 
books  of  Ezr  and  Neh  there  is  mention  of  the  style 
of  worship  introduced  by  David  (Ezr  3  10;  Neh 
12  24.36).  The  author  of  the  Book  of  K  refers  re- 
peatedly to  David  as  a  model  king  (1  K  11  4;  2  K 
14  3;  20  5  f,  etc).  He  becomes  a  witness  for  the 
high  reputation  of  David  for  uprightness  and  reli- 
gious zeal,  (e)  Amos  refers  incidentally  to  David's 
great  skUl  as  an  inventor  of  musical  instruments 
(Am  6  5).  The  same  prophet  is  a  witness  to  the 
fact  that  songs  were  sung  in  worship  at  Bethel  to  the 
accompaniment  of  harps  or  viols  (Am  5  23).  (/) 
The  earliest  witness,  or  witnesses,  if  the  narrative  be 
composite,  we  find  in  1  and  2  S.  David  is  described 
as  a  wonderful  musician  and  as  one  on  whom  the 
Spirit  of  Jeh  rested  mightily  (1  S  16  13-23).  He 
is  credited  with  the  beautiful  elegy  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan  (2  S  1  17-27)  and  the  brief  lament  over 
Abner  (2  S  3  33  f).  He  is  said  to  have  danced  with 
joy  before  the  ark,  and  to  have  brought  it  up  to 
Jerus  with  shouting  and  with  sound  of  trumpet 
(2  S  6  12  ff).  He  is  credited  with  the  pious  wish 
that  he  might  build  a  temple  for  Jeh  and  the  ark^  and 
is  said  to  have  poured  forth  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving 
to  Jeh  for  the  promise  of  a  perpetual  throne  (2  S  7) . 
David  dedicated  to  Jeh  much  wealth  taken  from  his 
enemies  (2  S  8  11).  Both  the  good  and  the  bad 
in  David's  hfe  and  character  are  faithfully  set  forth 
in  the  vivid  narrative. 


We  come  next  to  two  statements  that  would  settle 
the  question  ol  David's  pss,  if  critics  would  only  accept 
them  as  the  work  of  an  author  living  within  a  generation 
or  so  of  the  time  of  David.  tJnfortunately  2  S  21-24 
is  regarded  by  most  critical  scholars  as  an  appendix  to 
the  early  narrative  of  David's  career.  There  is  no 
agreement  as  to  the  exact  date  of  the  composition  of 
these  chapters.  NaturaUy  the  burden  of  proof  is  on  the 
critic  who  tries  to  disintegrate  a  document,  and  sus- 
picion of  bias  is  inevitable,  if  by  the  disintegration  he  is 
able  to  escape  the  force  of  a  disagreeable  argument. 
Happily,  we  live  in  a  free  country,  every  man  having 
a  right  to  hold  and  to  express  his  own  opinion,  for  what- 
ever it  may  be  worth.  It  seems  to  the  present  writer 
that  2  S  21-24  may  well  have  come  from  the  pen  of  the 
early  narrator  who  told  the  story  of  David's  reign  in 
such  a  masterly  fashion.  Even  if  these  chapters  were 
added  by  a  later  editor  as  an  appendix,  there  is  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  putting  this  writer  so  late  as  the  exile. 
His  statements  cannot  be  set  aside  as  imrehable,  simply 
because  they  run  counter  to  the  current  theory  as  to  the 
date  of  the  Pss.  2  S  22  pm-ports  to  give  the  words  of  a 
song  which  David  spake  to  Jeh,  when  he  had  been  dehvered 
from  Saul  and  from  all  his  enemies.  Ps  18  is  evidently 
a  different  recension  of  the  same  poem.  The  differences 
between  2  S  32  and  Ps  18  are  not  much  greater  than 
the  differences  in  the  various  edd  of  "Rock  of  Ages." 
Only  the  most  advanced  critics  deny  that  David  wrote 
this  glorious  song.  2  S  23  1-7  must  not  be  omitted, 
for  here  David  claimed  prophetic  inspiration  as  the  sweet 
Psalmist  of  Israel.  This  original  and  striking  poem  is 
worthy  of  the  brilliant  royal  bard,  (g)  The  titles  of  the 
Pss  are  external  evidence  of  real  value  for  determining 
the  date  and  authorship  of  the  Pss;  and  these  ascribe 
7.3  to  David.  A  sweeping  denial  of  all  the  forms  of 
external  evidence  for  Davidic  pss  ought  to  be  buttressed 
by  convincing  arguments  from  internal  evidence.  Un- 
verified conjectures  will  not  answer. 

(4)  Internal  evidence  for  Davidic  pss. — The  fact 
that  many  of  the  pss  ascribed  to  David  correspond 
in  tone  and  temper  and  in  historical  allusions  with 
incidents  in  his  life,  while  not  in  itself  convincing 
proof  that  David  wrote  them,  certainly  reenforces 
the  external  evidence  in  favor  of  Davidic  pss.  We 
must  refer  the  reader  to  the  commentaries  of  De- 
litzsch,  Kirkpatrick,  Perowne  and  others  for  the 
evidence  discovered  in  individual  pss.  In  many 
pss  the  evidence  is  strongly  in  favor  of  the  super- 
scriptions, in  which  David  is  named  as  the  writer. 
See  esp.  Pss  18,  23,  32,  3. 

(5)  Number  of  Davidic  pss. — Opinion  varies  among 
conservative  scholars  all  the  way  from  3  or  4  to  44  or  45. 
It  has  come  to  pass  that  a  critic  who  acknowledges  even 
Ps  18  to  be  David's  is  called  conservative.  In  fact, 
the  more  radical  critics  regard  a  scholar  as  conservative 
if  he  assigns  even  a  small  group  of  pss  to  the  period  before 
the  exile.  We  must  not  allow  ourselves  to  be  deterred 
from  ascribing  to  David  any  ps  that  seems  to  us,  on  the 
basis  of  both  external  and  internal  evidence,  to  come 
from  his  pen.  DeUtzsch  and  Kirkpatrick  are  safer  guides 
than  Cheyne  and  Duhm.  Maclaren  also  has  made  a 
close  and  sympathetic  study  of  David's  life  and  character, 
and  accepts  the  results  of  sane  criticism.  W.  T.  Davi- 
son [HDB,  IV)  speaks  out  clearly  and  strongly  for 
Davidic  authorship  of  Pss  7,  11,  17,  18,  19  (first  haU), 
24  and  a  few  other  pss  or  parts  of  pss,  though  he  makes 
large  concessions  to  the  present  tendency  to  bring  down 
the  pss  to  a  later  date.  He  stands  firmly  for  a  large 
body  of  preexilic  pss.  Ewald  assigned  to  David  Pss 
3,  4,  7,  8,  11,  18,  19,  24,  29,  32,  101;  also  60  8-11  and  68 
14-19.  Hitzig  ascribed  to  David  Pss  3-19,  with  the 
exception  of  5,  6  and  14.  If  one  follows  the  titles  in  the 
Heb  text,  except  where  internal  evidence  clearly  contra- 
dicts the  superscriptions,  it  will  be  easy  to  follow  De- 
litzsch  in  attributing  44  or  45  pss  to  David. 

(1)  Pss  of  Asaph  (73-83,  ako  50).— The  pro- 
phetic  spirit  throbs  in    most  of   the  pss  ascribed 

to  Asaph  (q.v.).  God  is  pictured  as  a 
2.  Psal-  righteous  Judge.  He  is  also  pictured  as 
mody  after  the  Shepherd  of  Israel.  Ps  73  holds 
David  fast  to  God's  righteous  rule  of  mankind, 

in  spite  of  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked. 
Ps  60,  which  is  assigned  by  many  to  the  time  of 
Hosea  and  Isaiah,  because  of  its  powerful  prophetic 
message,  may  well  have  come  from  Asaph,  the  con- 
temporary of  David  and  of  Nathan.  Some  of  the 
Asaph  group,  notably  74  and  79,  belong  to  the 
period  of  the  exile  or  later.  The  family  of  Asaph 
continued  for  centuries  to  lead  in  the  service  of 
song  (2  Ch  35  15;  Neh  7  44).  Inspired  poets 
were  raised  up  from  age  to  age  in  the  Asaph  guild. 


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(2)  Pss  of  the  sons  of  Korah  {42-49,  84,  85,  8  7) . 
— This  family  of  singers  was  prominent  in  the 
temple-worship  in  the  days  of  David  and  afterward. 
Several  of  the  most  beautiful  poems  in  the  Psalter 
are  ascribed  to  members  of  this  guild  (see  Pss  42, 

43,  45,  46,  49,  84).  We  are  not  to  think  of  these 
poems  as  having  been  composed  by  a  committee  of 
the  sons  of  Korah;  no  doubt  each  poem  had  an 
individual  author,  who  was  willing  to  sink  his  per- 
sonaUty  in  the  ps  he  was  composing.  The  privi- 
leges and  blessings  of  social  worship  in  the  sanctuary 
are  greatly  magnified  in  this  group  of  pss. 

^  (3)  Pss  of  Solomon  (72,  127). — Even  conserva- 
tive critics  are  in  doubt  as  to  the  Solomonic  author- 
ship of  the  two  pss  ascribed  to  him  by  the  titles.  Per- 
haps assurance  is  not  attainable  in  the  present  state 
of  inquiry.  Delitzsch  well  says:  "Under  Solomon 
psalmody  already  began  to  decline;  all  the  produc- 
tions of  the  mind  of  that  period  bear  the  stamp  of 
thoughtful  contemplation  rather  than  of  direct  feel- 
ing, for  restless  yearning  for  higher  things  had  given 
place  to  sensuous  enjoyment,  national  concentration 
to  cosmopolitan  expansion." 

(4)  The  era  of  Jehoshaphat. — Delitzsch  and  others 
regard  the  period  of  Jehoshaphat  as  one  of  literary 
productivity.  Possibly  Pss  75  and  76  celebrate 
the  deliverance  from  the  great  eastern  invasion 
toward  the  close  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign. 

(.5)  The  era  of  Hezekiah.~The  latter  half  of  the 
8th  cent.  BC  was  one  of  literary  vigor  and  expansion, 
esp.  in  Judah.  Perhaps  the  great  deliverance  from 
Sennacherib's  invasion  is  celebrated  in  Pss  46  and 
48. 

(6)  The  period  of  Jeremiah. — Ehrt  and  some 
other  scholars  are  inclined  to  attribute  to  Jeremiah 
a  considerable  number  of  pss.  Among  those  which 
have  been  assigned  to  this  prophet  may  be  named 
Pss  31,  35,  38,  40,  55,  69,  71.  Those  who  deny  the 
Davidic  authorship  of  Ps  22  also  assign  this  great 
poem  to  Jeremiah.  Whether  we  are  able  to  name 
definitely  any  pss  of  Jeremiah,  it  seems  thoroughly 
reasonable  that  he  should  have  been  the  author  of 
certain  of  the  plaintive  poems  in  the  Psalter. 

(7)  During  the  exile. — Ps  102  seems  to  have  been 
composed  during  the  exile.  The  poet  pours  out 
his  complaint  over  the  present  distress,  and  reminds 
Jeh  that  it  is  time  to  have  pity  upon  Zion.  Ps  137 
pictures  the  distress  of  the  captives  by  the  rivers  of 
Babylon.  The  fire  and  fervor  of  the  poem  bespeak 
an  author  personally  involved  in  the  distress.  No 
doubt  other  pss  in  our  collection  were  composed 
during  the  captivity  in  Babylon. 

(8)  Post-exilic  pss. — As  specimens  of  the  joyous 
hymns  composed  after  the  return  from  exile,  we 
may  name  Pss  85  and  126.  Many  of  the  liturgical 
hymns  in  the  Psalter  were  no  doubt  prepared  for 
use  in  the  worship  of  the  second  temple.  Certain 
recent  critics  have  extended  this  class  of  hymns  so  as 
to  include  the  greater  part  of  the  Psalter,  but  that  is 
surely  an  extreme  view.  No  doubt,  the  stirring 
times  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  stimulated  poets  in 
Jerus  to  pour  forth  thanksgiving  and  praise  to 
Israel's  God.  Ewald  taught  that  the  latest  pss 
in  our  collection  were  composed  at  this  time. 

(9)  Are  there   Maccabean   p.^s  f — Calvin  assigned   Pss 

44,  74  and  79  to  the  Maccabean  period.  If  there  are 
Maccabean  pss,  Calvin  has  perhaps  hit  upon  three  of 
them.  Hitzig  assigns  to  the  Maccabean  period  all  the 
pss  from  73  to  150,  together  with  a  few  pss  in  the 
earlier  half  of  the  Psalter.  Among  moderns,  Duhm 
puts  practically  the  whole  Psalter  in  the  period  from 
170  to  70  BC.  Gesenius,  Ewald.  Hupfeld  and  Dilhnann, 
four  of  the  greatest  names  in  OT  criticism,  oppose  the 
view  that  the  Psalter  contains  Maccabean  pss.  Most 
recent  students  admit  the  possibility  of  Maccabean  pss. 
The  question  may  well  be  left  open  for  further  inves- 
tigation. 

///.  The  Growth  of  the  Psalter. — In  the  Heb  text 
as  well  as  in  RV,  the  Pss  are  grouped  into  five  books, 


as  follows:  Book  I,  P.ss  1-41;  Book  II,  Pss  42- 
72;    Book  III,  Pss  73-89;    Book  IV,  Pss  90-106; 

.    ^.  .  .       Book  V,  Pss  107-60. 

1.  Division 

intn  Five  *  '^  possible  that  this  division  into  five 

mtu  rivc  books  may  have  been  already  made  before 
Books  the  Chrorilcler    composed  his    history    of 

Judah  (cf  1  Ch  16  36  with  Ps  106  48). 
At  the  end  of  Book  II  appears  a  subscript  which  is  sig- 
nificant in  the  history  of  the  Psalter.  It  is  said  in  Ps 
72  20:  "The  prayers  of  David  the  son  of  Jesse  are 
ended."  It  would  seem  from  this  note  that  the  editor 
who  appended  it  meant  to  say  that  in  his  collection  he 
had  included  all  the  pss  of  David  known  to  him.  Singu- 
larly enough,  the  subscript  is  attached  to  a  ps  ascribed 
to  Solomon.  Pss  51-70,  however,  lie  near  at  hand,  all 
of  which  are  attributed  to  David.  Ps  71  is  anonymous, 
and  Ps  72  might  possibly  be  considered  a  prayer  /or 
Solomon.  There  is  a  further  difficulty  in  the  fact  that 
the  Second  Book  of  Pss  opens  with  nine  poems  ascribed 
to  the  sons  of  Korah  and  to  Asaph.  It  Is  a  very  natural 
conjecture  that  these  nine  pss  were  at  one  time  united 
with  Pss  73-83.  .With  these  removed,  it  would  be  pos- 
sible to  unite  Pss  51-70  with  Book  I.  Then  the  sub- 
script to  Ps  72  would  be  a  fitting  close  to  a  roll  made  up 
of  pss  ascribed  to  David.  It  Is  impossible  at  this  late 
date  to  trace  fully  and  accurately  the  history  of  the 
formation  of  the  Psalter. 

Within  the  Psalter  there  lie  certain  groups  of  pss 

which  have  in  a  measure  retained  the  form  in  which 

they  probably  once    circulated    sepa- 

2.  Smaller  rately.  Among  these  groups  may  be 
Groups  of  named  the  Psalms  of  Ascents  (Pss 
Psalms  120-34),    the   Asaph   group    (Pss  73- 

83),  the  sons  of  Korah  groups  (Pss 
42-49,  84-87,  except  86),  a  Mikhtam  group  (Pss 
66-60),  a  group  praising  Jeh  for  His  character  and 
deeds  (Pss  93-100),  to  which  Pss  90-92  form  a 
fitting  introduction.  Pss  103-7  constitute  an- 
other group  of  praise  pss,  and  Pss  145-50  make  a 
closing  Hallelujah  group. 

The  Psalter  has  had  a  long  and  varied  history. 
No  doubt  the  precentor  of  the  temple  choir  had  his 
own  collection  of  hymns  for  public  worship.  Small 
groups  of  pss  may  have  been  issued  also  for  private 
use  in  the  home.  As  time  went  on,  collections  were 
made  on  different  organizing  principles.  Sometimes 
hymns  attributed  to  a  given  author  were  perhaps 
brought  into  a  single  group.  Possibly  pss  of  a 
certain  type,  such  as  Maskll  and  Mikhtam  pss, 
were  gathered  together  in  small  collections.  How 
these  small  groups  were  partly  preserved  and  partly 
broken  up,  in  the  history  of  the  formation  of  our 
present  Psalter,  will,  perhaps,  never  be  known. 

IV.  The  Poetry  of  the  Psalter. — For  general  dis- 
cussion of  the  form  of  Heb  poetry,  see  Poetry.  In 
the  Pss  ahnost  all  known  varieties  of  poetic  paral- 
lelism are  exemplified.  Among  modems,  C.  A. 
Briggs  has  made  extensive  research  into  the  poetical 
structure  of  the  Pss.  In  summing  up  the  result  of 
his  study  of  the  various  measures  employed  in  the 
Pss,  he  classes  89  pss  or  parts  of  pss  as  trimeters, 
that  is,  the  lines  have  three  main  accents;  22  pss 
or  parts  he  regards  as  tetrameters,  each  of  the  lines 
having  four  accented  syllables;  25  pss  or  portions 
are  classed  as  pentameters,  and  an  equal  number  as 
hexameters.  He  recognizes  some  variety  of  meas- 
ure in  certain  pss.  There  is  coming  to  be  agreement 
among  Heb  scholars  that  the  rhythm  of  Heb  poetry 
is  largely  determined  by  the  number  of  accented 
syllables  to  the  line.  Some  critics  insist  rigorously 
on  perfect  regularity,  and  therefore  are  compelled 
to  resort  to  conjectural  emendation.  See  Poetry, 
Hebrew. 

Nine  pss  are  known  as  alphabetical  poems,  viz. 
Pss  9,  10,  25,  34,  37,  111,  112,  119,  145.  The  mo,st 
elaborate  of  these  is  Ps  119,  which  is  divided  into 
22  sections  of  8  vs  each.  Each  letter  of  the  Heb 
alphabet  occurs  8  t  in  succession  as  the  initial  letter 
of  the  verses  in  its  section. 

As  to  strophical  structure  or  stanza  formation, 
there  is  evidence  in  certain  pss  of  such  organization 
of  the  poems.     The  refrains  with  which  strophes 


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2492 


often  close  form  an  easy  guide  to  the  strophical 
divisions  in  certain  pss,  such  as  Pss  42, 43,  46,  107. 
Among  Eng.  commentators,  Briggs  pays  most 
attention  to  strophical  structure.  There  is  some 
evidence  of  antiphonal  singing  in  connection  with 
the  Psalter.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  Pss  20  and 
21  were  sung  by  responsive  choirs.  Pss  24  and 
118  may  each  be  antiphonal. 

V.  The  Speaker  in  the  Pss.— Smend,  in  ZA  TW, 
1888,  undertook  to  establish  the  thesis  that  the 
speaker  in  the  Pss  is  not  an  individual,  but  a  per- 
sonification of  the  Jewish  nation  or  church.  At  first 
he  was  inclined  to  recognize  an  individual  speaker 
in  Pss  3,  4,  62  and  73,  but  one  year  later  he  inter- 
preted these  also  as  collective.  Thus  at  one  stroke 
individual  religious  experience  is  wiped  out  of  the 
Psalter.  A  tew  scholars  have  accepted  Smend's 
thesis;  but  the  great  majority  of  critics  of  every 
school  have  withheld  their  assent,  and  some  of  the 
best  commentators  have  shown  that  the  theory  is 
whoUy  untenable. 

Perhaps  the  best  monograph  on  the  subject,  for  the 
Ger.  student,  is  one  by  Emil  Balla,  Das  Ich  der  Psalmen. 
Balla's  thesis  is  that  the  "I"  pss,  both  in  the  Psalter 
and  in  tlie  other  boolcs  of  the  OT.  are  always  to  be  under- 
stood as  indi\'idual,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  which 
from  plain  data  in  the  text  another  interpretation  of  the 
"I"  is  necessary.  Of  100  pss  in  which  "I"  occurs, 
Balla  classes  80  as  easy  to  interpret;  in  the  remaining  20 
there  might  be  reasonable  room  for  difference  of  opinion 
whether  the  ps  was  individual  or  collective. 

Personification  is  largely  used  in  aU  parts  of  the 
OT.  There  is  no  room  for  doubt  that  Ps  129, 
though  using  "I,"  "my"  and  "me,"  is  the  language 
of  Israel  as  a  people.  The  same  is  true  of  Ps  124. 
The  author  of  Ps  126  hkewise  associates  himself 
with  his  brethren.  The  author  of  Ps  122,  however, 
is  evidently  speaking  for  himself  individually,  when 
he  says  in  ver  8,  "For  my  brethren  and  companions' 
sakes,  I  will  now  say,  Peace  be  within  thee."  The 
intelligent  reader  usually  has  no  difficulty  in  de- 
ciding, after  a  careful  reading  of  a  ps,  whether  the 
"I"  refers  to  an  individual  Israelite  or  to  the  con- 
gregation of  Israel.  Sane  views  on  this  subject  are 
important,  inasmuch  as  Smend's  theory  does  vio- 
lence to  the  strength  and  power  of  the  individual 
religious  experience  of  OT  believers.  In  many  por- 
tions of  the  OT,  national  duties  are  urged,  and  Israel 
is  addressed  as  a  whole.  At  the  same  time,  it  would 
be  easy  to  exaggerate  the  relatively  small  place  that 
individual  reUgion  occupies  in  the  prophetic  writings 
and  in  the  Law.  The  Psalter  absolutely  refuses  to 
be  shut  up  in  the  molds  of  a  rigid  nationaUsm. 

VI.  The  Gospel  in  the  Pss. — Christians  love  the 
Psalter  as  much  as  the  ancient  Jew  could  possibly 
have  done.  On  every  page  they  discover  elements 
of  religious  life  and  experience  that  are  thoroughly 
Christian.  In  this  respect  the  earlier  dispensation 
came  nearer  to  the  perfection  of  Christian  standards 
than  in  political  and  social  organization.  Along 
with  the  NT,  the  aged  Christian  saint  desires  a 
copy  of  the  Pss.  He  passes  easily  from  the  Gospels 
to  the  Psalter  and  back  again  without  the  sense  of 
shifting  from  one  spiritual  level  to  another.  Reli- 
gious experience  was  enjoyed  and  was  portrayed  by 
the  ancient  psalmists  so  well  that  no  Christian 
book  in  the  apostohc  period  was  composed  to  dis- 
place the  Psalter. 

(1)  The  psalmists  are  alwaijs  reverent  in  their 
approach  to   Deity. — Jeh  is  infinitely  holy   (Ps  99 

3.5.9).  Pss  95-100  are  models  of  adora- 
1.  The  tion  and  worship. 

Soul's  (2)   Thirsting  for  God.— Fss  42  and 

Converse  43,  which  were  originally  one  ps,  voice 
with  God       the    longing    of    the    individual   soul 

for  God  as  no  other  human  composi- 
tion has  been  able  to  express  it.  Ps  63  is  a  worthy 
companion  ps  of  yearning  after  God. 


(3)  Praising  God. — More  than  20  pss  have  for 
their  keynote  praise  to  God.  See  esp.  Ps  8  1.9; 
57  7-11;  71  22-24;  95  1-7.  The  first  three  vs  of 
Pss  33,  34,  40,  92  and  105  reveal  a  rich  vocabulary 
of  praise  for  stammering  human  Hps. 

(4)  Joy  in  God's  house. — Pss  84  and  122  are 
classic  hymns  expressive  of  joy  in  pubhc  worship 
in  the  sanctuary.  Religious  patriotism  has  never 
received  a  more  striking  expression  than  is  found  in 
Ps  137  5  f . 

(.5)  Practising  the  presence  of  God. — In  Pss  91 
and  23  the  worshipping  saint  delights  his  soul  with 
the  sense  of  God's  protecting  presence.  The  Shep- 
herd, tender  and  true,  is  ever  present  to  shield  and 
to  comfort.  The  shadow  of  the  Almighty  is  over 
the  saint  who  dwells  in  the  secret  place  of  the  Most 
High. 

(6)  God  in  Nature. — The  Psalmist  did  not  go 
"through  Nature  up  to  Nature's  God" ;  for  he  found 
God  immanent  in  all  things.  He  heard  God's  voice 
in  the  thunder;  felt  His  breath  in  the  twilight 
breeze;  saw  the  gleam  of  His  sword  in  the  hght- 
ning's  flash,  and  recognized  His  hand  in  every  pro- 
vision for  the  wants  of  man  and  the  lower  animals. 
See  Ps  104,  "Hymn  of  Creation";  Ps  29,  "Jeh, 
the  God  of  the  storm";  and  the  first  half  of  Ps  19, 
"the  heavens  are  telling." 

(7)  Love  for  God's  word. — Ps  119  is  the  classic 
description  of  the  beauty  and  power  and  helpful- 
ness of  the  Word  of  God.  The  second  half  of  Ps 
19  is  also  a  gem.  Ps  119  was  happily  named  by 
one  of  the  older  commentators  "a  holy  alphabet  for 
Zion's  scholars."  The  Psalmist  sings  the  glories 
of  God's  Word  as  a  lamp  to  guide,  as  a  spring  of 
comfort,  and  as  a  fountain  of  hope. 

(8)  God's  care  of  all  things. — Faith  in  Divine 
Providence — both  general  and  special — was  a 
cardinal  doctrine  with  the  psalmists;  yea  more, 
the  very  heart  of  their  religion.  Ps  65  sings  of 
God's  goodness  in  sunshine  and  shower,  which 
clothes  the  meadows  with  waving  grain.  The  river 
of  God  is  always  fuU  of  water.  Ps  121,  "Jeh  thy 
Keeper,"  was  read  by  David  Livingstone  at  family 
worship  on  the  morning  when  he  left  home  to  go  out 
to  Africa  as  a  missionary. 

(9)  God  OUT  refuge. — The  psalmists  were  fond  of 
the  figure  of  "taking  refuge  in  God."  Jeh  was  to 
them  a  rock  of  refuge,  a  stronghold,  a  high  tower, 
an  impregnable  fortress.  Pss  46,  61  and  62  exalt 
God  as  the  refuge  of  His  saints.  His  help  is  always 
easy  to  find.  The  might  and  wisdom  of  God  do  not 
overwhelm  the  inspired  singers,  but  become  a 
theme  of  devout  and  joyous  contemplation. 

Our  Lord  Jesus  found  in  the  Pss  prophecies  con- 
cerning Himself  (Lk  24  44-47). 

(1)   The    suffering    Saviour. — While 
2.  The  hanging  on  the  cross,  the  mind  of  Our 

Messiah  Lord  turned  to  the  Psalter.  He  voiced 
the  terrible  anguish  of  His  soul  in  the 
opening  words  of  Ps  22,  and  breathed  out  His 
spirit  at  the  end  with  the  trustful  words  of  Ps  31  5. 
He  also  invited  the  fulfilment  of  a  Messianic  pre- 
diction in  Ps  69  21  by  saying,  "I  thirst."  Isa  and 
the  Pss  did  not  fail  Him  in  the  hour  of  His  shame, 
when  reproach  broke  His  heart,  and  there  was  none 
to  comfort  Him.  Only  Isa  52  13 — 53  12  surpasses 
Ps  22  as  a  picture  of  Calvary  and  an  interpretation 
of  the  significance  of  the  cross.  Whether  Ps  22  is 
a  direct  prophecy  of  Christ,  or  only  a  typically 
Messianic  ps,  is  in  dispute.  Every  sentence  can  be 
applied  to  Jesus  without  straining  its  meaning.  If 
David  or  some  other  sufferer  took  up  his  harp  to  sing 
of  his  own  sorrows,  the  Spirit  of  God  guided  him  to 
describe  those  of  a  greater. 

Rationalistic  critics  Insist  that  to  apply  part  of  a  pa 
to  David  and  part  to  Christ  introduces  confusion.  They 
ridicule   the  theory  of  a  "double  sense,"  and  contend 


2493 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA      Psalms,  Book  of 


that  the  language  refers  to  the  Psalmist  and  to  him  alone, 
and  that  the  application  of  certain  vs  to  Our  Lord  Jesus 
is  only  by  way  of  accommodation.  This  theory  ignores 
the  presence  and  activity  of  the  Holy  Spirit  altogether; 
and  when  men  tails  of  "psychological  impossibilities," 
they  may  be  talking  nonsense ;  for  who  of  us  can  under- 
stand fuiiy  the  psychological  experience  of  men  while 
receiving  revelations  from  God  7  The  real  author  of 
inspired  prophecies  is  tlie  Hoiy  Spirit.  His  meaning  is 
that  which  the  reverent  interpreter  most  delights  to 
find;  and  we  have  evidence  that  the  OT  writers  did  not 
fully  comprehend  their  own  predictions  concerning 
Christ  (1  Pet  1  10-12).  We  ought  not  to  be  surprised 
that  we  should  be  unable  to  explain  fully  the  method  of 
the  Holy  Spirit's  activity  in  guiding  'the  thought  of 
prophets  and  psalmists  in  their  predictions  of  tiie  suffer- 
ings of  Christ  and  the  glories  that  should  follow  them. 

(2)  The  conquering  King. — Pss  2  and  110  (with 
which  Ps  72  may  be  compared)  describe  the  Mes- 
siah as  Jeh's  Son,  a  mighty  Conqueror,  who  shall 
overwhelm  all  foes  and  reign  supported  by  Jeh. 
Some  will  oppose  the  Messiah,  and  so  perish;  others 
will  enter  His  army  as  volunteers,  and  in  the  end 
will  enjoy  the  fruits  of  victory.  "It  is  better  to 
sit  on  His  throne  than  to  be  His  footstool." 

(3)  The  growing  kingdom. — There  is  room  in  the 
earth  for  no  god  other  than  Jeh,  the  Creator  and 
Redeemer  of  manltind.  Pss  47,  67,  96-100  and 
117  are  proofs  of  the  glorious  missionary  outlook  of 
the  Psalter.  AU  nations  are  exhorted  to  forsake 
idols  and  worship  Jeh.  Ps  47  closes  with  a  picture 
of  the  whole  world  united  in  the  worship  of  the  God 
of  Israel.  Ps  67  is  a  bugle  call  to  all  nations  to 
unite  in  the  worship  of  the  true  God.  Pss  96-100 
paint  the  character  of  Jeh  as  a  basis  of  appeal  to  all 
nations  to  turn  from  idols  and  worship  the  God  of 
Abraham.  Pss  96  and  98  exalt  His  righteousness; 
Ps  97  His  power  and  dominion ;  Ps  99  His  holiness 
and  His  fidelity  to  Israel,  while  Ps  100  tells  of  His 
goodness.  Idols  will  finally  go  down  before  a  God 
worthy  of  men's  reverence  and  love. 

The  Psalter  deals  with  man  as  a  sinner.     Seven  of 
the   best  known   poems   in  the  collection   are  so 
charged  with  a  sense  of  sin  and  of  its 
3.  The  deadly    fruits    that    they    have   been 

Problem  known  for  centuries  as  the  Penitential 
of  Sin  Pss  (6,  32,  38,  51,  102,  130,  143).     Be- 

sides these  poems  of  penitence  and 
confession,  there  are  many  passages  elsewhere  in  the 
Psalter  which  depict  the  sinfulness  of  men.  And 
yet  there  are  assertions  of  personal  innocence  and 
righteousness  in  the  Psalter  that  sound  hke  the 
claims  of  self-righteous  persons  (7  3-9;  17  1-5; 
18  20-24;  35  11-17;  44  17-22).  The  psahnists 
do  not  mean  to  affirm  that  they  are  sinless  before 
God,  but  rather  that  they  are  righteous  in  compari- 
son with  their  foes  who  are  seeking  to  destroy  them. 
Sometimes  they  plead  for  mercy  in  the  same  con- 
text. The  honest  exegete  does  not  find  the  Phari- 
saic temper  in  these  noble  hymns,  though  he  is  quite 
willing  to  admit  that  the  Christian  cannot  well 
employ  some  of  the  expressions  concerning  his  own 
experiences.  Jesus  requires  a  humility  deeper  than 
that  which  was  attained  in  OT  times. 

(1)  Confessing  sin. — (a)  Individual  confession: 
Pss  32  and  51  are  notable  examples  of  individual 
confession.  The  cries  of  the  penitent  in  Ps  51  have 
been  repeated  by  thousands  on  bended  knee  as  the 
best  expression  of  their  own  sense  of  sin  and  yearn- 
ing for  forgiveness,  {b)  National  confession  (see 
esp.  78,  95  and  106).  Ps  105  celebrates  the  praises 
of  Jeh  for  His  unfailing  kindness  to  Israel;  106  tells 
the  tale  of  Israel's  repeated  rebeUion. 

(2)  Seeking  forgiveness  .—Fa  51  is  the  penitent's 
cry  for  mercy.  Never  did  the  soul  of  man  plead 
more  powerfully  for  forgiveness.  God  cannot 
despise  a  heart  broken  and  crushed  with  the  sense 
of  sin  and  pleading  hke  a  lost  child  for  home  and 
mother. 

(3)  Conquering  sin.— 7a  130  begins  with  a  cry 


out  of  the  depths  and  ends  with  a  note  of  joy  over 
redemption  from  sin.  The  plenteous  redemption 
of  which  the  poet  speaks  includes  triumph  over  sin 
in  one's  heart  and  life.  The  cries  of  the  OT  saints 
for  victory  over  sin  were  not  unheeded  (139  23  f; 
19  13;  119  133).  The  author  of  Ps  84  truthfuUy 
depicts  the  hfe  of  Jeh's  worshippers,  "They  go  from 
strength  to  strength."  Victory  over  sin  is  sure  in 
the  end. 

The  ancient  Hebrew  seems  to  have  had  no  temp- 
tation to  atheism  or  pantheism.     The  author  of 
Eccl  felt  1;he  puU  of  agnosticism  and 

4.  Wres-  materialism  (Eccl  3  19-21;  9  2-10), 
tling  with  but  in  the  end  he  rejected  both  (12 
Doubts  7.13  f).     The   ancient   Hebrew   found 

in  the  world  about  him  one  difficulty 
which  seemed  almost  insuperable.  He  believed  in 
the  wisdom  and  power  and  justice  of  God.  How 
then  could  it  be  possible,  in  a  world  over  which  a 
wise  and  just  God  presides,  that  the  wicked  should 
prosper  and  the  righteous  suffer?  This  is  the 
question  which  is  hotly  debated  by  Job  and  his 
three  friends.  A  partial  solution  of  the  difficulty 
may  be  seen  in  Ps  37,  the  theme  of  which  is  'the 
brevity  of  godless  prosperity,  and  the  certainty  that 
well-doing  wiU  lead  to  well-being.'  A  better  solu- 
tion is  attained  in  Ps  73,  which  depicts  God's  atti- 
tude toward  the  wicked  and  toward  the  righteous. 
The  wicked  will  be  suddenly  overthrown,  while  the 
righteous  will  live  forever  in  the  enjoyment  of  com- 
munion with  God.  Not  even  death  can  sever  him 
from  God.  The  fleeting  pleasures  of  proud  scoffers 
pale  into  insignificance  before  the  glories  of  ever- 
lasting fellowship  with  God. 

(1)  Out  of  the  depths  of  persecution  and  slander 
the  author  of  Ps  31  cUmbed  into  his   refuge,  as 

he  exclaimed,  "In  the  covert  of   thy 

5.  Out  of  presence  wilt  thou  hide  them  from  the 
the  Depths   plottings  of  man :  Thou  wilt  keep  them 

secretly  in  a  pavihon  from  the  strife 
of  tongues."  (2)  Ps  77  is  a  stairway  out  of  the 
depths  of  suspense  and  anxiety.  The  experience 
of  the  author  well  illustrates  Maclaren's  epigram, 
"If  out  of  the  depths  we  cry,  we  shall  cry  ourselves 
out  of  the  depths."  (3)  The  author  of  Ps  116 
looked  into  the  jaws  of  death.  Perhaps  no  other  ps 
has  so  much  to  say  of  physical  death.  The  singer 
is  filled  with  gratitude  as  he  reviews  the  deadly  peril 
from  which  Jeh  has  saved  him.  (4)  Ps  88  is 
unique,  because  it  is  sad  and  plaintive  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  The  singer  has  long  cried  for  deUver- 
ance  from  bodily  weakness  and  from  loneliness.  (5) 
Out  of  the  depths  of  disaster  and  defeat  the  authors 
of  Pss  60,  74,  79  and  89  cry  to  God.  The  Bab  exile 
was  a  sore  trial  to  patriotic  Jews.  They  mourned 
over  the  destruction  of  their  beautiful  temple  and 
the  holy  city  in  which  their  fathers  had  worshipped. 
The  author  of  Ps  60  closes  with  hope  and  confi- 
dence (60  12). 

"Unquestionably  in  the  Pss  we  reach  the  high- 
water  mark  of  OT  practical  piety,  the  best  that 
the  OT  can  exhibit  of  heart-reUgion." 

6.  Ethical  (1)  What  sort  of  man,  then,  would 
Ideals            the  Pss  acclaim  as  goodf — Ps  1  opens 

with  a  vivid  contrast  between  the 
righteous  and  the  wicked.  Ps  15  is  the  most  com- 
plete description  of  a  good  man  to  be  found  in  the 
Psalter.  The  picture  is  drawn  in  answer  to  the 
question,  What  sort  of  man  will  Jeh  receive  as  an 
acceptable  worshipper?  The  morahty  of  the  Bible 
is  rooted  in  religion,  and  the  rehgion  of  the  Bible 
blossoms  and  bears  fruit  in  the  highest  ethics  known 
to  man.  Ps  131  makes  humility  a  prime  quality 
in  real  goodness.  Ps  133  magnifies  the  spirit  of 
brotherly  love.  The  social  virtues  had  a  large 
place  in  the  psalmists'  ideals  of  goodness.  HumUity 
and  brotherly  love  are  a  guaranty  of  peace  in  the 


Psalms,  Book  of 
Psychology 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2494 


home,   the  church  and  the    nation.     Ps  24  4  is  a 
compend  of  ethics  in  a  single  sentence. 

(2)  The  ethics  of  speech. — Even  a  casual  reading 
of  the  Pss  must  impress  one  with  the  fact  that  the 
psalmists  felt  very  keenly  the  Ues  and  slanders  and 
boastings  of  the  wicked.  Stirred  with  righteous 
indignation,  they  call  upon  God  to  awake  and  con- 
front the  blatant  foes  of  truth  and  righteousness 
(see  esp.  Pss  12,  52  and  120). 

(3)  Ministering  to  the  needy. — Bible  readers  are 
familiar  with  the  ideal  of  the  good  man  in  Job  29 
12-16;  31  13-22.  Ps  82  is  a  plea  for  justice. 
Venal  judges  are  one  day  to  confront  the  great 
Judge.  Men  need  fair  play  first.  Perhaps  there 
will  then  be  no  occasion  for  the  exercise  of  alms- 
giving. Ps  41  is  a  plea  for  kindness.  The  Christian 
reader  is  reminded  of  the  words  of  Jesus,  "Blessed 
are  the  merciful:  for  they  shall  obtain  mercy." 
The  Ideal  Ruler  is  both  just  and  beneficent  (Ps  72 
2.12-14). 

To  be  a  good  lover  one  must  know  how  to  hate. 
The  excitement  of  battle  throbs  in  many  of  the  Pss. 
The  enemies  of  righteousness  are  vic- 
7.  Praying  torious  and  defiant.  Their  taunts 
against  the  drive  the  psaknists  to  importunate 
Wicked  prayer.     Jeh's  honor  is   at  stake  and 

His  cause  in  peril.  More  than  20  pss 
contain  prayer  for  the  defeat  and  overthrow  of  the 
wicked.  Warlike  imagery  of  the  boldest  kind  is 
found  in  many  of  the  imprecatory  pss.  To  the 
Christian  reader  some  of  the  curses  pronounced 
against  the  wicked  are  startling  and  painful.  Many 
are  led  to  wonder  how  such  imprecations  ever  found 
a  place  in  the  Bible.  The  most  severe  curses  are 
found  in  Pss  35,  69  and  109.  Maclaren's  words 
are  well  worth  reading  as  an  introduction  to  Ps 
109:  "For  no  private  injuries,  or  for  those  only  in 
so  far  as  the  suffering  singer  is  a  member  of  the  com- 
munity which  represents  God's  cause,  does  he  ask 
the  descent  of  God's  vengeance,  but  for  the  insults 
and  hurts  inflicted  on  righteousness.  The  form  of 
these  maledictions  belongs  to  a  lower  stage  of 
revelation;  the  substance  of  them,  considered  as 
passionate  desires  for  the  destruction  of  evil,  burn- 
ing zeal  for  the  triumph  of  truth,  which  is  God's 
cause,  and  unquenchable  faith  that  He  is  just,  is  a 
part  of  Christian  perfection."  Two  remarks  may 
be  made,  as  suggestions  to  the  student  of  the  Psalter: 
(1)  We  ought  to  study  the  pss  of  imprecation  in  the 
light  of  their  origin.  They  are  poetry  and  not 
prose;  and  De  Witt  reminds  us  that  the  language 
of  oriental  poetry  is  that  of  exaggerated  passion. 
Some  of  these  imprecations  pulse  with  the  throb  of 
actual  battle.  Swords  are  drawn,  and  blood  is 
flowing.  The  champion  of  Jeh's  people  prays  for 
the  overthrow  of  His  foes.  The  enemies  cursed 
are  men  who  break  every  moral  law  and  defy  God. 
The  Psalmist  identifies  himself  with  Jeh's  cause. 
"Do  not  I  hate  them,  O  Jeh,  that  hate  thee?  And 
am  not  I  grieved  with  those  that  rise  up  against 
thee?  I  hate  them  with  perfect  hatred:  They  are 
become  mine  enemies"  (Ps  139  21  f).  Thus  the 
psaknists  pray  with  God's  glory  in  view.  (2)  We 
ought  to  use  the  imprecatory  pss  in  the  Hght  of  Our 
Lord's  teaching.  We  cannot  pronounce  curses  on 
our  personal  enemies.  This  heavenly  artillery  may 
be  turned  upon  the  saloon,  the  brothel  and  the 
gambling  hell,  though  we  must  not  forget  to  pray 
for  the  conversion  of  the  persons  who  are  engaged 
in  these  hues  of  business. 

"If   a   man    die,    shall   he   live   again?"     What 
answer  do  the  Pss  give  to  Job's  cry  for  light?    There 

are  expressions  in  the  Psalter  which 
8.  The  seem  to  forbid  hope  of  a  blessed  im- 

FutureLife   mortahty  (Ps  6  .5;   30  9;   39  13;   115 

17).     The    p.sahnists    are    tempted  to 
fear   that    fellowship   with    God    would    cease   at 


death.  Let  this  fact,  however,  be  borne  in  mind, 
that  not  one  of  the  poets  or  prophets  of  Israel  settled 
down  to  a  final  denial  of  immortahty.  Some  of 
them  had  moments  of  joyous  assurance  of  a  blessed 
life  of  fellowship  with  God  in  the  world  to  come. 
Life  everlasting  in  the  presence  of  Jeh  is  the  pros- 
pect with  which  the  author  of  Ps  16  refreshes  him- 
self (16  S-11).  The  vision  of  God's  face  after  the 
sleep  of  death  is  better  than  worldly  prosperity 
(17  13-15).  The  author  of  Ps  73  wins  rest  for 
his  distressed  mind  in  the  assurance  of  a  fellowship 
with  God  that  cannot  be  broken  (73  23-26).  God 
will  finally  take  the  singer  to  Himself.  It  has  been 
weU  said  that  Ps  49  registers  the  high-water  mark 
of  OT  faith  in  a  future  Ufe.  Death  becomes  the 
shepherd  of  the  wicked  who  trusted  in  riches,  while 
God  redeems  the  righteous  from  the  power  of  Sheol 
and  takes  the  believing  soul  to  Himself. 

LiTER.^TUEE. — One  of  the  most  elaborate  and  inform- 
ing articles  on  the  history  of  the  exposition  of  the  Pss 
is  found  in  the  Intro  to  Dehtzsch's  C'omm.  (pp.  64-87, 
ET).  Among  the  Fathers,  Jerome,  Chrysostom  and 
Augustine  are  most  helpful.  Among  the  Keformers, 
Calvin,  the  prince  of  expositors,  is  most  valuable. 
Among  modern  commentators,  Ewald  and  Dehtzsch 
are  scholarly  and  sane.  Their  comms.  are  accessible 
in  Eng.  tr.  Hupfeld  is  strong  in  grammatical  exegesis. 
Baethgen  (1904)  is  very  thorough.  Among  recent  Eng. 
and  American  commentators,  the  most  helpful  are 
Perowne  (6th  ed.  1866),  Maclaren  in  Expositor's  Bible 
(1890-92),  and  Kirkpatrick  in  Cambridge  Bible  (1893- 
95).  Briggs  in  ICC  (1906)  is  learned;  Davison,  Neia 
Century  Bible,  is  bright  and  attractive.  Spurgeon, 
Treasury  of  David,  is  a  valuable  compilation,  chiefly  from 
the  Puritan  divines.  Cheyne,  The  Book  of  Pss  (1888) 
and  The  Origin  and  Religious  Contents  of  the  Psalter  (1891), 
is  quite  radical  in  his  critical  views.  Binnie.  The  Pss: 
Their  Origin,  Teachings  and  Use  (1886),  is  a  fine  intro- 
duction to  the  Psalter.  Robertson,  The  Poetry  and  Re- 
ligion of  the  Pss  (1898),  constructs  an  able  argument 
against  recent  radical  views. 

John  Richard  Sampet 

PSALMS,  IMPRECATORY,  im'pr5-ka-t5-ri,  im- 
pre-ka'ter-i.     See  Psalms,  VI,  7. 

PSALTER,  sorter  (PSALMS),  OF  SOLOMON. 
See  Apocalyptic  Literature,  III,  1;  Between 
THE  Testaments,  IV,  1,  (1),  (6). 

PSALTERY,  s61'ter-i.     See  Music. 

PSALTIEL,  s61'ti-el:  Syr  and  RVm=  "Phaltiel" 
of  2  Esd  5  16. 

PSEUDO-MATTHEW,  su'ds-math'u,  GOSPEL 
OF.     See  Apocryphal  Gospels,  III,  1,  (6). 

PSYCHOLOGY,  sl-kol'5-ji: 

1.  Introduction:  Scope  of  Biblical  Psychology 

2.  Nature  and  Origm  of  the  Soul 

3.  False  Theories 

4.  Creationism  and  Traducianism 
.5.  Trichotomy 

6.  Scriptural  Terms 

7.  Pauline  E.xpressions 

8.  Monism  and  Other  Theories 

9.  The  Pall  of  Man 

10.  Effects  of  the  Fall 

11.  Death  as  a  Problem 

12.  Immortality  of  the  Soul 
Literature 

The  extravagant  claims  made  by  some  wi-itera 
for  a  fully  developed  system  of  Bib.  psychology  has 
brought  the  whole  subject   into  dis- 
1.  Intro-        repute.     So  much  so,   that  Hofmann 
duction:  {Schriftbeweis)  has  boldly  asserted  that 

Scope  of         "a    system    of    Bib.    psychology    has 
Biblical  been  got  together  without  any  justi- 

Psychology  fication  for  it  in  Scripture."  At  the 
outset,  therefore,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  Bible  does  not  present  us  with  a 
systematized  philosophy  of  man,  but  gives  in  popu- 
lar form  an  account  of  human  nature  in  all  its 
various  relationships.  A  reverent  study  of  Scrip- 
ture will  undoubtedly  lead  to  the  recognition  of  a 


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Psalms,  Book  of 
Psychology 


well-defined  system  of  psychology,  on  which  the 
whole  scheme  of  redemption  is  based.  Great  truths 
regarding  human  nature  are  presupposed  in  and 
accepted  by  the  OT  and  the  NT;  stress  is  there 
laid  on  other  aspects  of  truth,  unknown  to  writers 
outside  of  revelation,  and  presented  to  us,  not  in  the 
language  of  the  schools,  but  in  that  of  practical 
life.  _  Man  is  there  described  as  fallen  and  degraded, 
but  intended  by  God  to  be  raised,  redeemed,  re- 
newed. From  this  point  of  view  Bib.  psychology 
must  be  studied,  and  our  aim  should  be  "to  bring 
out  the  views  of  Scripture  regarding  the  nature,  the 
life  and  life-destinies  of  the  soul,  as  they  are  de- 
termined in  the  history  of  salvation"  (Delitzsch, 
Bibl.  Psych.,  1.5). 

As  to  the  origin  of  the  soul.  Scripture  is  silent. 

It  states  very  clearly  that  life  was  inbreathed  into 

man     by     God     (nS'lT,      wayyippah; 

2.  Nature      LXX    ivecpva-rja-fi',    e7ie phiisesen;    Vulg 
and  Origin    inspiravit).     The    human    being   thus 
of  the  Soul    inspired  by  God  was  thereby  consti- 
tuted a  ncphesh  hayyah  ("living  soul"), 

because  the  nishmath  hayyim  ("breath  of  lives") 
had  been  imparted  to  him  (Gen  2  7).  Beyond 
this  the  first  book  of  the  Bible  does  not  go.  In 
later  books  the  doctrine  is  taught  with  equal  clear- 
ness. Thus  in  the  Book  of  Job:  "The  Spirit  of 
God  hath  made  me,  and  the  breath  of  the  Almighty 
giveth  me  life"  (Job  33  4).  The  difference  in 
expression  should  be  carefully  noted.  The  "living 
soul"  (LXX  psuche  zosa)  is  made  to  depend  upon, 
as  it  ha,s  its  origin  in,  the  "breath  of  lives"  (LXX 
pnotzots).  The  n'shamah  ("breath")  is  character- 
istic of  man — though  it  is  very  rarely,  if  ever,  at- 
tributed to  animals;  man  is  described  as  a  being 
'in  whose  nostrils  is  but  a  breath'  (n'shdmah)  (Isa 
2  22).  That  "breath"  is  'God's  breath  in  man' 
(Job  32  8;  34  14),  or,  as  it  is  represented  in  Prov 
20  27,  "The  spirit  of  man  [nishmath]  is  the  lamp  of 
Jeh."  In  the  NT  Paul  evidently  refers  to  this  view 
of  man's  origin  in  the  statement  that  "the  first  man 
Adam  became  a  living  soul.  The  last  Adam  .  .  .  . 
a  life-giving  [quickening]  spirit"  (1  Cor  15  4.5). 
This  too  agrees  with  what  Christ  has  said:  "It  is  the 
spirit  that  giveth  life  [quickenethj"  (Jn  6  63), 
and  with  what  Paul  himself  has  stated  elsewhere 
in  the  Ep.  to  the  Rom  (8  2) :  "The  Spirit  of  life  in 
Christ  Jesus  made  me  free  from  the  law  of  sin  and 
of  death." 

Scripture   therefore  repudiates   all  doctrines   of 

emanation,  by  which  is  meant  a  natural,  forth-flowing 

life  from  God  into  the  human  sphere; 

3.  False  it  teaches  a  doctrine  of  creation,  where- 
Theories        by  it  declares  that  the  Almighty  acts 

with  deliberation  and  design,  in  free 
choice,  and  not  of  necessity.  "Let  us  make  man" 
is  the  sublime  utterance  of  Divine  wisdom  and 
power.  Nor  does  Scripture  teach  the  preexistence 
of  the  soul — a  doctrine  found  in  the  extra-canonical, 
platonically  inspired  Book  of  Wisd  (8  19.20),  "For 
I  was  a  child  of  parts,  and  a  good  soul  fell  to  my 
lot;  nay  rather,  being  good,  I  came  into  a  bofly 
undefiled."  This  doctrine  was  well  known  to  Jewish 
writers,  and  was  taught  in  Talm  and  Kabbalah. 

"All  souls  were,  according  to  the  Talm.  created  and 
kept  in  secret  from  the  first  moment  of  creation.  As 
creatures  of  the  highest  sphere  they  are  omniscient;  but 
at  the  moment  of  birtli  in  a  human  body  an  angel  touches 
the  lips  of  the  child,  so  that  he  forgets  whatever  has  been  " 
(Emanuel  Deutsch,  The  Talmud).  The  doctrine,  how- 
ever, must  be  a  later  importation  into  Jewish  theology 
through  Plato  and  Philo.  It  reminds  us  of  Vergil  {Mneid 
vi.713),  who  makes  the  souls — destined  by  the  Pates  to 
inhabit  new  bodies  on  earth — drink  of  the  waters  of 
Lethe  (f orgetf ulness) ,  so  as  to  remove  all  remembrance 
of  the  joys  of  Elysium : 

"The  souls  that  throng  the  flood, 
Are  those  to  whom  by  Fate  are  other  bodies  owed ; 
In  Lethe's  lake  they  long  oblivion  taste 
Of  future  life  secure,  forgetful  of  the  past." 


According  to  the  Kabbalah,  souls  are  supposed  to  have  an 
ideal  as  well  as  a  real  pree.xistence :  "ideal  as  emanations 
from  the s-phiroth,  whicli  are  themselves  emanations  from 
the  infinite  real,  as  having  been  'created'  at  a  definite 
time"  (cf  Eric  Bischoff,  De  Kabbala). 

The  doctrine  with  some  modifications  passed  into 
the  Christian  church,  was  accepted  by  Justin 
Martyr,  Theodoretus,  Origen  and  others  of  the 
church  Fathers,  but  became  obsolete  by  the  latter 
part  of  the  4th  cent,  (cf  Shedd,  Hist  of  Christian 
Doctrine,  II,  9).  It  was  formally  condemned  by  a 
synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  the  6th  cent.  In 
later  times  it  was  accepted  in  modified  form  by 
Kant,  Schelling  and  others,  and  was  specially  de- 
fended by  Julius  Mtiller,  who  held  that  the  soul 
had  a  timeless  preexistence  and  underwent  a  fall 
before  the  final  act,  whereby  it  was  united  in  time 
to  the  body  as  its  temporary  home  {Ein  ausser- 
zeitlicher  tjrzustand  und  Urfall).  Reference  is 
sometimes  made  to  Jer  1  .5,  where  Jeh  addresses 
His  servant:  "Before  I  formed  thee  in  the  belly  I 
knew  thee;  and  before  thou  camest  forth  out  of 
the  womb  I  sanctified  thee;  I  have  appointed  thee 
a  prophet  unto  the  nations."  But  this  text  gives 
no  warrant  to  the  doctrine  as  taught  by  the  writers 
mentioned.  All  that  may  be  conceded  is,  what 
Delitzsch  has  termed  "an  ideal  preexistence,"  i.e. 
"a  pree.xistence,  not  only  of  man  as  such,  but  also 
of  the  individual  and  of  all:  a  preexistence  in  the 
Divine  knowledge,  which  precedes  the  existence  in 
the  individual  consciousness"  (Bihl.  Psych.,  46). 

A  new  question  arises  at  this  point,  viz.  Is  the  soul  a 
special  creation  ?  Is  it  derived  from  the  parents  ? 
Opinions  are  and  have  been  divided  on 
4.  Preatinn  *'^'^  point.  Many  have  supported  the 
.  '^^"^'*""'^"  theory  of  Creationism,  by  wlilch  is  meant 
Ism  and  that  in  every  instance  where  a  new  indi- 

Traducian-  vidual  comes  into  being  a  soul  is  specially 
ic,yf,  created  by  God,  de  nihilo,  to  inhabit  tiie 

'""'■  new-formed     body.     This     view     of     the 

soul's  birth  found  great  favor  in  the  early 
church.  It  was  dominant  in  the  East  and  was  advo- 
cated in  the  West.  "Jerome  asserts  that  God  quotidie 
fabricatur  aiiimas,  and  cites  Scripture  in  proof"  (Shedd, 
op.  cit.,  II,  11).  Scholastic  theologians  in  the  JNIiddle 
Ages.  Roman  Catholic  divines,  Reformed  orthodoxy 
upheld  the  theory.  Though  finding  little  support  in 
Scripture,  they  appealed  to  such  texts  as  the  following: 
"He  fashioneth  their  hearts  alike"  (Ps  33  15  AV) ; 
Jeh  " formeth  the  spirit  of  man  within  him "  (Zee  12  1): 
"The  spirit  returneth  unto  God  who  gave  it"  (Eccl  12 
7:  cf  Nu  16  22;  He  12  9);  "God,  the  God  of  the 
spirits  of  all  flesh"  (.Nu  27  16) — of  which  Delitzsch 
declared :  '  •  There  can  hardly  be  a  more  classical  proof- 
text  for  creationism  "  (Bibl.  Psyeh.,  137). 

Traducianism  again  has  found  equal  support  in  the 
Christian  church.  It  declared  that  the  parents  were 
responsible,  not  merely  for  the  bodies,  but  also  for  the 
sotLls  of  their  offspring — per  Iraducem  vrl  per  propaginem 
(i.e.  by  direct  derivation,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  propa- 
gation). Tertullian  was  a  strong  supporter  of  this  view: 
"The  soul  of  man,  like  the  shoot  of  a  tree,  is  dra^vn  out 
(deducla)  into  a  physical  progeny  from  Adam,  the 
parent  stock"  (Shedd,  Hi-'it  of  Doctrine,  II,  14).  Jerome 
remarked  that  in  his  day  it  was  adopted  by  maxima  pars 
occideiUalium  ("the  large  majority  of  western  tiieolo- 
gians").  Leo  the  Great  (d.  461)  asserted  that  "the 
Catholic  faith  teaches  tliat  every  man  with  reference  to 
the  substance  of  his  soul  as  well  as  of  his  body  is  formed 
in  the  womb"  (Shedd).  Augustine,  however,  though 
doctrinally  inclined  to  support  the  claims  of  Traducian- 
ists,  kept  an  open  mind  on  the  subject:  "You  may 
blame,  if  you  will,  my  hesitation,"  lie  wrote,  "l)ecause 
I  do  not  venture  to  affirm  or  deny  tliat  of  which  I  am 
ignorant."  And,  perhaps,  this  is  the  safest  attitude  to 
assume;  for  there  is  little  Scriptural  warrant  for  either 
theory.  Birth  is  a  mystery  which  liafRcs  investigation, 
and  Scripture  throws  no  light  upon  that  mystery.  Yet 
some  who  have  discussed  this  subject  have  tried  actually 
to  calculate  the  very  day  on  which  the  soul  is  created 
or  infused  into  the  body,  as  it  is  being  formed  in  the 
mother's  womb — in  ijoys  on  tlie  40th  day  after  preg- 
nancy and  in  girls  on  the  80th.  This  indeed  is  the 
reduetio  ad  absurdum  of  Creationism. 

Whichever  theory  we  accept,  the  difficulties  are  great 
either  way.  For  if  God  creates  a  soul,  tliat  soul  must  be 
pure  and  sinless  and  stainless  at  l^irth.  How  then  can 
it  be  said  tliat  man  is  "conceived"  as  well  as  "born  in 
sin  "  ?  If  the  impure,  sin-stained  body  contaminates  the 
pure,  unstained  soul  by  contact,  why  cannot  the  stainless 
soul  disinfect  the  contaminated  body'?  And  again,  if 
every   individual  soul   is   a  special  creation   by   direct 


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interposition  of  the  Almighty,  what  becomes  of  the 
unity  and  solidarity  of  the  race  ?  Is  its  connection  with 
Adam  then  purely  one  of  physical  or  corporeal  genera- 
tion ?  Creationism  cannot  account  for  the  birth  of  the 
soul.  Nor  can  Traducianism.  For  it  can  accoimt  neither 
for  the  origin,  nor  for  the  hereditary  taint  of  the  soul. 
It  lands  us  in  a  hopeless  dilemma.  In  the  one  case  we 
fall  back  upon  Creationism  with  its  dilHculties;  in  the 
other,  we  plunge  into  a  materialism  which  is  equally 
fatal  to  the  theory  (cf  Bavinck,  Gereformeerde  Dogmaliek, 
II,  626).  Perhaps  the  words  of  Petrus  Lombardus, 
though  frequently  misunderstood  and  misapplied,  throw 
most  light  on  the  subject- — a  light,  however,  which  is 
little  more  than  "darkness  visible" — creando  infundit 
eas  Deus,  et  iiifundendo  creat  ("in  creating  God  infused 
[the  soul];  and  in  infusing  He  creates").  The  problem 
is  and  remains  insoluble. 

Passing  allusion  may  be  made  to  another  very  curious 
theory,  to  which  reference  is  made  by  Martensen 
(,Christliche  Ethik,  I,  107).  It  bears  upon  human  indi- 
viduality, as  impressed  not  only  upon  the  soul,  but  also 
upon  the  body.  The  soul  and  the  body  are  represented 
as  arising  at  the  same  moment,  but  the  latter  (not  in 
regard  to  its  physico-chemical  composition,  but  in  other 
respects)  is  the  resultant  of  soul-influences,  whatever 
these  may  be.  The  soul  therefore  e.xercises  a  formative 
influence  upon  the  body,  with  which  it  is  united.  This 
theory  is  attributed  by  Martensen  to  G.  E.  Stahl,  who 
died  in  Berlin  in  1734,  as  physician  to  the  royal  family. 
We  are  here  in  a  region  where  the  way  is  barred — "a 
palpable  obscure  "  without  the  light  of  day. 

The  next  important  question  which  has  occupied 
many  minds  is   equally  difficult  of   solution — the 

theory  of  Tripartition.  Is  man  com- 
5.  Tri-  posed  of  "body"  and  "soul"   [dichot- 

chotomy         omy)  only,  or  is  a  third  to  be  added 

to  the  two,  so  that  "spirit"  is  another 
element  in  the  constitution  of  human  nature 
(trichotomy)?  Either  theory  ia  supposed  to  be 
supported  by  Scripture,  and  both  have  had  their 
defenders  in  all  ages  of  the  church.  Where  the 
tripartite  division  has  found  favor,  soul  and  spirit 
have  been  distinguished  from  each  other,  as  man's 
lower  is  distinguished  from  his  higher  nature; 
where  dichotomy  prevailed,  soul  and  spirit  were 
represented  as  manifestations  of  the  same  spiritual 
essence.  Under  the  influence  of  Platonic  philosophy, 
trichotomy  found  favor  in  the  early  church,  but 
was  discredited  on  account  of  the  ApoUinarian 
heresy.  The  threefold  division  of  human  nature 
into  soma  ("body"),  psuchi  ("soul"),  pjieuma 
("spirit")  had  been  accepted  by  many  when 
ApoUinaris,  bishop  of  Laodicea  (d.  382),  attempted 
to  explain  the  mystery  of  Christ's  person  by  teach- 
ing that  the  Logos  (or  second  person  of  the  Trinity) 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  rational  soul  in  Christ, 
so  that  the  person  of  Christ  on  earth  consisted  of 
the  Divine  Logos,  a  human  body,  and  a  soul  (psuche) 
as  the  link  between  the  two. 

For  the  tripartite  division  of  human  nature  two 
texts  are  specially  brought  into  the  discussion: 
viz.  1  Thess  5  23,  "May  your  spirit  and  soul  and 
body  be  preserved  entire,  without  blame" — a  text 
which  is  popularly  interpreted  as  conveying  that 
"soul"  stands  for  "our  powers  natural — those  we 
have  by  nature,"  and  that  by  "spirit"  is  meant 
"that  life  in  man  which  in  his  natural  state  can 
scarcely  be  said  to  exist  at  all,  but  which  is  to 
be  called  out  into  power  and  vitality  by  regenera- 
tion" (F.  W.  Robertson,  Seniions).  There  is  very 
little  warrant  in  Scripture  for  such  interpretation. 
"The  language  does  not  require  a  distinction  of 
organs  or  substances,  but  may  be  accounted  for 
by  a  vivid  conception  of  one  substance  in  different 
relations  and  under  different  aspects.  The  two 
terms  are  used  to  give  exhaustive  expression  to  the 
whole  being  and  nature  of  man"  (Davidson,  OT 
Theology,  13.5).  There  is  evidently  no  distinction 
of  essence  here — viz.  of  a  soul  distinct  from  the 
spirit,  and  a  body  distinct  from  either.  In  his 
"fervid  desire  for  the  comjilete  and  perfect  sancti- 
fication  of  his  disciples,  the  apostle  accumulates 
these  terms"  in  order  to  emphasize  the  doctrine  of 
an  entire  renewal  of  the  whole  man  by  the  working 


of  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  has  been  pointed  out  (A. 
Kuyper,  Het  werk  v.  d.  Heiligen  Oeest,  III,  101) — ■ 
and  this  must  be  carefully  borne  in  mind — that 
"the  apostle  does  not  use  the  word  holomerels,  'in 
all  your  parts,'  and  then  summarize  these  parts  in 
body,  soul  and  spirit,  but  holoteleis,  a  word  that  has 
no  reference  to  the  parts,  but  to  the  telos,  the  end 
or  aim.  Calvin  interprets  'soul'  and  'spirit'  here 
as  referring  to  our  rational  and  moral  existence,  as 
thinking,  willing  beings,  both  modes  of  operation 
of  the  one,  undivided  soul." 

The  next  text  to  which  an  appeal  is  made  is  He 
4  12:  "The  word  of  God  is  living,  and  active,  and 
sharper  than  any  two-edged  sword,  and  piercing 
even  to  the  dividing  of  soul  and  spirit,  of  both 
joints  and  marrow,  and  quick  to  discern  tlie  thoughts 
and  intents  of  the  heart."  Here  spirit,  soul  and 
heart  are  brought  into  close  correspondence,  with 
heart  evidently  as  the  center  of  personality,  mani- 
festing itself  in  soul  and  spirit.  The  only  question 
is,  whether  the  dividing  which  takes  place  by  the 
piercing  word  of  God  is  one  within  the  soul  and 
spirit,  causing  a  complete  exposure  of  the  inner  man, 
a  cutting  asunder  of  all  that  composes  his  nature, 
or  one  between  the  soul  and  spirit,  causing  a  di- 
vision between  them  as  separate  parts  of  human 
nature.  The  probability  lies  with  the  first  of  these 
two  contradictory  views.  The  writer  evidently 
meant  that,  as  a  sharp  two-edged  sword  pierces  to 
the  very  marrow  in  its  sundering  process,  so  the 
sword  of  the  spirit  cuts  through  all  obstacles, 
pierces  the  very  heart,  lays  bare  what  hitherto  was 
hidden  to  all  observers,  even  to  the  man  himself, 
and  "discerns"  the  "thoughts  and  intents,"  which 
in  the  unity  of  soul  and  spirit  have  hitherto  been 
kept  in  the  background.  "The  meaning  is  rather, 
that  the  word  of  God  pierces  and  dissects  both  the 
soul  and  spirit,  separates  each  into  its  parts,  subtle 
though  they  may  be,  and  analyzes  their  thoughts 
and  intents"  (Davidson,  op.  cit.,  187).  At  any 
rate,  to  found  a  doctrine  of  Trichotomy  on  an  iso- 
lated, variously  interpreted  text  is  dangerous  in  the 
extreme.  The  language  of  metaphor  is  not  the 
language  of  literal  speech;  and  here  evidently  we 
are  in  the  region  of  metaphor. 

The  ground  is  now  cleared  for  a  fuller  investiga- 
tion of  the  meaning  of  these  terms: 

(1)  The  terms  are  used  inter- 
6.  Scrip-  changeably,  though  they  are  not 
tural  Terms  synonymous.  Lebhabh  ("heart"), 
nephesh  ("soul"),  ril'h  ("spirit")  are 
very  closely  connected  in  the  CT.  The  heart  is 
there  represented  as  "the  organ,  the  spirit  as  the 
principle,  the  soul  as  the  subject  of  hfe"  (Cremer, 
Lexicon).  Hence  we  read  that  "out  of  it  [the  heart] 
are  the  issues  of  life"  (Prov  4  23).  Dying  is  rep- 
resented as  the  surrender  of  soul  (Gen  35  18;  Job 
11  20),  but  also  of  spirit  (Ps  31  5;  146  4).  The 
dead  are  called  souls  (Rev  6  9;  20  4),  and  also 
spirits  (He  12  23;  1  Pet  3  19).  In  the  last 
mentioned  text  the  "spirits  in  prison"  are  also  called 
"souls."  The  living  are  described  as  "disturbed" 
or  "grieved"  in  soul  (.Jgs  10  16),  "vexed"  (Jgs  16 
16),  "discouraged"  (Nu  21.4),  "weary"  (Zee  11 
8);  but  also  as  in  "anguish  of  spirit"  (Ex  6  9), 
"impatient  in  spirit"  (Job  21  4,  in  the  Heb), 
'straitened  in  spirit'  (Mic  2  7).  At  death  the 
"spirit"  departs  (Ps  146  4,  in  the  Heb),  but  also 
the  "soul"  (Gen  35  18).  As  in  the  OT  so  in  the 
NT,  Our  Lord  "sighed,"  or  "was  troubled  in  the 
spirit"  (Jn  13  21);  but  we  also  read  that  His 
soul  was  "exceeding  sorrowful,"  or  troubled  (Mt 
26  38;   Jn  12  27).     See  Spirit;   Soul;   Heart. 

(2)  And  yet  there  is  a  distinction,  whatever  the 
real  nature  of  it  may  be.  In  Mary's  Magnificat, 
e.g.,  we  find  the  two  combined  in  an  interesting 
manner:  "My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord,  and  my 


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f^''A^^  u^  rejoiced  in  God  my  Saviour"  (Lk  1 
4b. 47;,  the  one  clause  "referring  to  the  personal 
emotions  of  Mary,  to  her  feelings  as  a  woman  and 
a  mother,  all  of  which  find  an  outlet  in  adoration," 
the  second  clause  "appearing  to  indicate  the  mo- 
ment when  m  the  profoundest  depths  of  her  being, 
by  the  touch  of  the  Divine  spirit,  the  promise  of  the 
angel  was  accomplished  in  her*'  (Godet,  in  loc  ). 
A  like  contrast  meets  us  in  the  story  of  Gethsemane. 
Xhe  Master  was  'exceeding  sorrowful  in  soul'  (i  e 
the  emotional,  sensitive  center  of  His  being  was  in 
deep  sorrow),  the  disciples  were  'willing  in  spiriL' 
but  'weak  in  the  flesh'  (Mt  26  38.41).  In  the  ot 
we  tmd  that  when  a  man  dies  his  "soul"  departs, 
ffV^T  o<J\''  IS  restored  to  life  his  "soul"  returns 
U  yy  17  II);  but  when  consciousness-  or  life- 
power  returns  to  one  not  dead,  "spirit"  is  used 
(Gen  45  27;  Jgs  15  19;  1  S  30  12;  IK  10  5) 
liven  m  popular  language  the  distinction  is  recog- 
nized: we  speak  of  so  many  "souls,"  not  "spirits  " 
as  having  perished. 

(3)  Frorn  all  this   it  would   appear  that  philo- 
sophic distinction  or  scientific  accuracy  of  expression 
IS  not  met  with  in  Scripture.     Man  is  there  repre- 
sented as  a  unity,  and  the  various  terms  employed 
to  mdicate  that  unity  in  its  diversity  of  activities 
or  passivities  do  not  necessarily  imply  the  existence 
of  9™^^6nt  essences,  or  of  separate  organs,  through 
which  these  are  realized.     Psychical  action  is  some- 
times ascribed  to  the  body,  as  well  as  to  the  soul, 
for  soul  and  body  are  inseparably  united  to  each 
other.     It  is  the  possession  of  a  soul  which  makes 
the  body  what  it  is;   and  on  the  other  hand,  a  soul 
without  a  body  is  unthinkable.     The  resurrection 
of  the  body  therefore  is  no  mere  figment  of  the 
creeds.     The  body  is  God's  work  (Job  10  8),  in- 
separable from  the  life  of  the  soul.     In  the  NT  it  is 
spoken  of  as  "the  house  on  earth"  {epigeios  oikia) , 
the  "tabernacle"  or  tent  prepared  for  the  occupant 
(sktnos)  (1  Cor  12  18;   2  Cor  4  7;   5  1).     In  the 
OT   "we   have  such   metaphorical   expressions  as 
'houses    of    clay';     or,    as   in   post-Bib.   writings, 
'earthly  tabernacle.'     In  the  latest,  we  have  words 
which  suggest  a  hollow,  a  framework,  or  a  sheath, 
favoring  the  Gr  idea  of  the  body  as  the  husk  or 
clothing  of  the  soul"  (Laidlaw).    Hence  in  Scripture, 
spirit  and  soul  are  interchangeably  used  with  body 
for  human  nature  in  general,  not  as  though  indi- 
cating three  separate  entities,  but  as  denoting  a 
parallelism  which  brings  out  the  full  personality  of 
man.     Soul  and  body  are  threatened  with  destruc- 
tion (Mt  10  28);   body  without  spu-it  is  a  corpse 
(Jas  2  26);    soul    and    spirit   are   interchangeably 
united:    "Stand  fast  in  one  spirit,  with  one  soul 
striving,"  etc  (Phil  1  27). 

(4)  Gathering  all  together,  the  Scriptural  posi- 
tion seems  to  be  as  follows:  The  Divine  Spirit  is 
the  source  of  all  life,  and  its  power  is  communicated 
in  the  physical,  intellectual  and  moral  sphere. 
That  Spirit,  as  the  spiritus  spirans,  the  inspiring 
spirit,  by  its  very  breath  makes  man  a  living  soul: 
"The  spirit  [or  breath]  of  God  is  in  my  nostrils" 
(Job  27  3);  "Thou  takest  away  their  breath 
[rWh,  "spirit"],  they  die,  and  return  to  their  dust" 
(Ps'l04  29).  Hence  God  is  called  "God  of  the 
spirits  of  all  flesh"  (Nu  16  22;  27  16). 

Soul,  though  identical  with  spirit,  has  shades  of 
meaning  which  spirit  has  not;  it  stands  for  the  in- 
dividual. "Man  is  spirit,  because  he  is  dependent 
upon  God.  Man  is  soul^  because,  unlike  the 
angels,  he  has  a  body,  which  links  him  to  earth. 
He  is  animal  as  possessing  anima,  but  he  is  a  reason- 
ing animal,  which  distinguishes  him  from  the  brute" 
(Bavinck,  Ger.  Dogm.,  Il,  628). 

(5)  In  this  connection  stress  may  be  laid  upon 
some  of  Paul's  expressions.  He  exhorts  the  Philip- 
pians  to  "stand  fast  in  one  spirit  [pneuma],  with 


one  soul  [psuche]  striving   for   the   faith"    (Phil  1 
27).     He  exhorts  them  to  be  "of  the  same  mind" 
[sumpsuchoi,  Phil  2  2);    he  hopes   to 
7.  Pauline     be  "of  good  comfort"  {eupsucho,  Phil  2 
Expressions  19);  he  knows  of  'no  man  likeminded, 
[isopsuchon],   who    [would]   care  truly 
for  [then-]  state'   (Phil  2  20).     Everywhere  there- 
fore we  have   "soul"   in  various   combinations   to 
indicate  the  mental  attitude,  which  in  the  "fellow- 
ship of  the  Spirit"  he  would  assume  toward  his 
readers,  and  his  readers  would  adopt  toward  him- 
self. _  There  cannot  be  therefore   that  subtle  dis- 
tinction which  men  have  found  in  the  terms  "spirit" 
and  "soul,"  as  though  two  separate  essences  were 
housed  in  one  body.     The  text  in  Job  (33  4),  "The 
Spirit  of  God  hath  made  me,  and  the  breath  of  the 
Almighty  giyeth  me  life,"  is  the  key  to  the  whole 
problem.     The  spiritus  spirans  becomes  the  spiritus 
spiratus — the  inspiring  spirit  becomes  in  man  the 
life  which  is  expired,  outbreathed  by  man,  in  both 
soul  and  spirit.     "Soul,"  therefore,  may  well  stand 
for  the  personal,  living,  animated  being — the  suffer- 
ing,  acting,   thinking,   reasoning,   dying   creature, 
"whose  breath  is  in  his  nostrils."     Christ  gave  His 
'soul'  {psuche)  for  His  sheep  (Jn  10  11).     On  the 
cross  He  Himself  exclaimed:    "Into  thy  hands  I 
commend  my  spirit"  {pneuma)  (Lk  23  46).     Spirit 
may_  therefore  indicate  the  all-embracing  power, 
guiding  the  inward  and  the  outward  life — princi- 
pium  illud  internum  ex  quofluunt  acliones,  is  Bengel's 
comment   on    Eph  2  2    (cf    Lk  9  55  AV;     4  36). 
Hence  by  an  easy  gradation  it  may  stand  for  the 
abysmal  depths  of  personality;  while  "soul"  would 
express  man's  individuality  in  general.     See  Soul; 
Spirit. 

Pauline  phraseology  has  somewhat  confused  the 
issue;  at  any  rate,  new  meanings,  not  obvious  to  the 
reader,  have  been  assigned  to  various  terms.  Paul 
contrasts  the  psychical  and  the  pneumatic,  the  man 
under  the  influence  of  the  Divine  p?iexima,and  the 
man  as  influenced  by  his  own  psuche.  The  psy- 
chicalm&Ti  is  man  in  his  natural,  unregenerate  state, 
psychical  in  this  connection  being  almost  equivalent 
to  carnal;  while  the  pneumatic  man  would  be  the 
man  guided  and  directed  by  the  Spirit  from  on  high. 
Nature  and  grace  are  contrasted  in  the  two  terms 
as  the  first  and  second  Adam  are  contrasted  in  1  Cor 
15  45 — the  first  Adam  being  described  as  a  living 
psuche  ("soul"),  the  second  as  a  life-giving  pneuma 
("spirit").  Even  so  the  psychical  body  is  the  body 
intended,  fitted  to  bear  the  psuche,  while  the  pneu- 
matic body  is  evidently  the  body  capable  of  bearing 
the  pneuma.  Hence  the  one  is  corruptible  and 
weak,  the  other  incorruptible  and  full  of  power. 
The  soul  confined  to  the  carnal  body  uses  it  as  an 
organ,  till  it  falls  into  decay  and  no  longer  lends 
itself  to  such  use.  The  sjn'rit,  in  constant  fellow- 
ship with  the  Divine  Spirit,  communicates  its 
energy  to  a  body  fitted  to  be  the  bearer  of  this 
renewed  life,  spiritualizes  that  organ,  makes  that 
body  its  docile  instrument,  enables  the  body  to  fulfil 
its  wishes  and  thoughts,  wjth  inexhaustible  power  of 
action,  "as  we  even  now  see  the  artist  using  his 
voice  or  his  hand  with  marvelous  freedom  and  thus 
foreshadowing  the  perfect  spiritualizing  of  the 
body." 

Other  questions  call  for  discussion  here:  they  may 
be  briefly  touched  upon.  Scripture  acknowledges 
a  dualism,  which  recognizes  the  sepa- 
8.  Monism  rate  existence  of  soul  and  body.  It  re- 
and  Other  jects  a  monism,  which  makes  man  but 
Theories  "a  doublefaced  unity"  (Bain);  or  con- 
siders mind  and  body  as  equally  un- 
real, and  as  "aspects,"  "appearances,"  "sides"  of  one 
and  the  same  reality  (scientific  monism).  It  knows 
nothing  of  mere  idealism,  which  makes  mind  the 
only  reality,  of  which  matter  is  but  a  manifestation. 


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nor  of  malerialism,  which  considers  matter  as  that 
which  alone  is  substantial,  while  mind  is  a  mere 
product  of  the  brain  (Haeckel).  It  does  not  sup- 
port the  theory  of  harmonia  praestabilita — pre- 
established  harmony,  whereby 

"Oiir  birth  is  but  a  sleep  and  a  forgetting," 

because  soul  and  body  were  united  in  harmonious 
action  before  the  individual  was  called  into  active 
being,  body  and  soul  acting  in  harmony  after 
creation  like  two  clocks  accurately  regulated,  point- 
ing to  the  same  hour  on  the  dial  plate,  though  driven 
by  different  springs  (Leibnitz).  Scripture  has  no 
theory.  It  deals  with  facts  and  facts  only  in  so  far 
as  they  bear  upon  the  history  of  man's  sin  and  man's 
redemption.  It  throws  no  light  on  many  problems 
raised  by  science  or  philosophy.  It  does  not  dis- 
cuss origins — the  origin  of  evil,  of  matter,  of  mind. 
"All  is  of  God"  is  the  Scriptural  answer  to  many 
questions.  Thus  the  relation  of  mind  to  body  is 
and  remains  a  mystery — as  great  as  the  relation 
between  the  forces  in  Nature,  to  which  the  names 
of  light  and  electricity  have  been  given.  Science 
has  attempted  to  explain  that  mystery  and  has 
failed.  The  words  of  Shenstone  {Cornhill  Maga- 
zine, 1907)  may  be  applied  to  all  psychical  prob- 
lems, outside  of  Holy  Writ,  which  by  him  were 
applied  to  those  scientific  questions  which  remain 
unanswered  in  spite  of  all  our  efforts  at  solution: 
''We  are  still  very  far  from  knowing  definitely  that 
atoms  are  composed  entirely  of  electrons  or  that 
electrons  are  nothing  else  than  electric  charges;  and 
though  electrons  have  been  shown  to  exhibit  electric 
inertia,  it  has  not  been  proved  that  the  inertia  of 
atoms  also  is  electrical."  The  mystery  of  matter  is 
great;  that  of  soul  is  greater  still. 

The  next  question  which  falls  to  be  discussed  is  the 
influence  of  the  fall  of  man  upon  his  soul.  Scripture  is 
clear  upon  the  point.  Man's  fall  from  a 
9  The  Fall  prinaeval  state  of  innocence  is  there  told 
f  -j^jf  in  unambiguous  terms,  though  the  word 

or  Man  itself  is  not  found  in  the  narrative,  except 

perhaps  in  Rom  11  11.12,  where  allusion 
is  made  to  the  fall  (pardptoma)  of  Israel.  Witli  tho 
oriijiii  of  evil  Scripture  apparently  does  not  concern 
itself,  though  it  clearly  states  that  man's  sinful  condition 
stands  in  direct  connection  with  the  transgression  of 
Adam,  as  in  Rom  5  12,  where  the  introduction  of  sin 
(hamartia)  into  the  world  (kdsmos)  is  spoken  of  as  the 
act  of  one  man  (s.c.  Adam),  hamartia  being  evidently 
taken  as  a  power  of  evil  working  in  the  world  of  men. 
The  OT  allusion  in  Hos  6  7  can  hardly  be  referred  to 
Adam's  transgression;  at  any  rate  the  reference  is 
doubtful.  AV  renders  the  passage:  "They  like  men 
have  transgressed  the  covenant,"  though  the  revisers 
have  trJ;  "But  they  like  Adam  have  transgressed  the 
covenant."  The  German  and  Dutch  VSS  give  the  same 
interpretation  to  the  verso:  "like  Adam."  The  LXX 
takes  the  term  as  an  appellative  (/io,s  dnthropos,  "as  man"), 
but  the  Vulg  refers  the  transgression  to  Adam  \sicui 
Adam  transgressi  sunt).  Tile  other  allusions  in  the  OT 
to  this  event  are  slight,  as  in  Job  31  3.3;  Ezk  28  13.15. 
In  the  NT,  however,  the  references  are  much  more  fre- 
quent, esp.  in  the  writings  of  .John  and  of  St.  Paul  (cf 
.Tn  8  44:  1  Jn  3  8;  2  Cor  11  3;  1  Tim  2  14).  The 
strong  parallelism  between  Adam  and  Christ  in  Rom  5 
12-21,  the  obedience  of  the  one  bringing  freedom,  while 
that  of  tho  other  brought  woe,  and  the  contrast  in  1  Cor 
15  22  between  Adam  and  Christ  throw  sufBcient  light 
on  the  question  at  issue. 

Modern  science,  under  tho  influence  of  the  evolution- 
ary hypothesis,  has  eliminated  or  at  least  has  attempted 
to  eliminate  the  factor  of  the  Fall.  That  "fall"  has 
been  interpreted  as  a  "rise,"  the  "descent"  is  supposed 
to  have  been  a  real  "ascent."  Far  down  the  ages, 
millenniums  ago,  "a  miserable,  half-starved,  naked 
wretch,  just  emerged  from  the  bestial  condition,  torn 
with  fierce  passions,  and  fighting  his  way  among  his 
compeers  with  low-browed  cunning"  (Orr,  Chrislian 
View  of  God,  180)  must  have  emerged  somehow  out  of 
darkness  into  light.  "  We  are  no  longer,"  says  Professor 
J.  A.  Thomson,  "as  those  who  look  back  to  a  paradise 
in  which  man  fell;  we  are  as  those  'who,  rowing  hard 
against  the  stream,  see  distant  gates  of  Eden  gleam,  and 
do  not  dream  it  is  a  dream'  "  (Bible  of  Nature,  226). 
If  science  definitely  teaches  that  man  has  arisen  by  slow, 
insensible  gradations  from  the  brute,  and  no  further 
word  may  be  said  on  the  subject,  then  indeed  the  prob- 
lem of  human  sin  is  utterly  inexplicable.  There  can 
then  be  no  agreement  between  the  Bib.  conception  and 


the  evolutionary  theory  as  so  presented.  For  primitive 
man's  transgression  would  under  such  circumstances 
be  but  the  natural  expression  of  brute  passion,  to  which 
the  name  of  sin  in  the  Christian  sense  can  hardly  be 
applied.  But  if  for  "minute"  and  "insensible"  grada- 
tions in  the  evolutionary  process  be  substituted  the 
"mutations,"  "leaps"  or  "lifts,"  to  which  an  increasing 
number  of  evolutionists  are  appealing ;  if  primitive  man 
be  not  pictured  as  a  semi-animal,  subject  to  brutish 
impulse  and  passion ;  if  with  man  a  new  start  was  made, 
a  "lift"  occurred  in  the  process  of  development  under 
the  guiding  and  directing  influence  of  Almighty  power, 
the  problem  assumes  a  different  shape.  A  sinless  crea- 
ture, transgressing  the  moral  law,  is  then  not  an  un- 
scientific assumption;  conscience  asserting  itself  as  the 
voice  Divine  within  the  human  soul  is  then  not  only 
possible,  but  actual  and  real,  in  the  history  of  man's 
earliest  progenitors.  The  Bib.  narrative  will  after  all 
remain  as  the  most  reasonable  explanation  of  man's 
original  couclition  and  his  terrible  fall.  In  that  narra- 
tive will  be  found  enshrined  the  "shadowing  tradition" 
of  a  real,  historic  event,  which  has  influenced  the  human 
race  through  all  the  ages.  Professor  Driver,  writing 
under  the  strong  influence  of  the  evolutionary  theory, 
and  accepting  as  "the  law  stamped  upon  the  entire 
range  of  organic  nature,  progress,  gradual  advance  from 
lower  to  higher,  from  the  less  perfect  to  the  more  perfect," 
has  wisely  remarked  that  "man  failed  in  the  trial  to 
which  he  was  exposed,  that  sin  has  entered  into  the 
world  ....  and  that  through  the  whole  course  of  the 
race  it  has  been  attended  by  an  element  of  moral  dis- 
order, and  thus  it  has  been  marred,  perverted,  impeded 
or  drawn  back"  (Driver,  Genesis,  57).     See  Fall,  The. 

An   equally   serious   question   arises   as   to   the 

effects  of  the  fall  of  man.    Shame,  corruption,  death  is 

the  answer  given  by  the  OT  and  NT. 

10.  Effects  "In  the  day  that  thou  eatest  thereof 
of  the  thou  shaft  surely  die"  (Gen  2  17) 
Fall                 was  the  judgment  pronounced  upon 

man.  By  this  was  evidently  meant 
"death"  as  a  physical  and  as  a  spiritual  fact.  Man 
was  doomed.  The  posse  non  mori,  which  accord- 
ing to  older  theologians  was  man's  privilege,  was 
lost  and  was  succeeded  by  a  punishment  of  which 
the  non  posse  non  mori  was  the  doom,  i.e.  the  possi- 
bility of  immortal  life  was  followed  by  the  impossi- 
bility of  not  suffering  death.  Not  as  though  im- 
mortality was  absolutel}'  lost;  for  with  sin  came 
decay,  degeneration,  death,  not  of  the  inbreathed 
spirit,  but  of  the  body  into  which  the  soul  was 
breathed  by  God.  But  even  the  body  is  imperish- 
able. It  undergoes  change,  but  not  extinction. 
The  resurrection-body  has  become  a  possibility 
through  the  atonement  and  resurrection  of  Christ. 
The  tabernacle  is  removed,  but  renewed.  The 
body  is  not  a  prison  house,  but  a  temple;  not  an 
adjunct  but  an  integral  part  of  the  human  being. 
The  Bible  teaches  not  only  a  resurrection-body,  but 
a  transformed  body  (Rom  12  1).  It  speaks  not 
only  of  a  soul  to  be  saved,  but  of  a  body  to  be  re- 
deemed. Scripture  alone  accounts  for  death  and 
explains  it. 

With  modern  evolutionists  death  is  an  unsolved 
problem.     Weissmann  {Essays  on  Heredity)  main- 
tains on  the  one  hand  that  "death  is 

11.  Death  not  an  essential  attitude  of  matter" 
as  a  (p.  159),  and  on  the  other,  "it  is  only 
Problem        from  the  point  of  view  of  utility  that 

we  can  understand  the  necessity  of 
death"  (p.  23),  and  again  "death  is  to  be  looked 
upon  as  an  occurrence  which  is  advantageous  to 
the  species  as  a  concession  to  the  outer  conditions 
of  life,  and  not  as  an  absolute  necessity,  essentially 
inherent  in  life."  He  even  speaks  of  "the  immor- 
tality of  the  protozoa,"  because  "an  immense  num- 
ber of  the  lower  organisms"  are  not  subject  to 
death  (ib,  26).  Death  therefore  according  to  him 
has  been  "acquired  secondarily  as  an  adaptation," 
and  must  in  a  certain  sense  be  unnatural.  It  is 
indeed  "one  of  the  most  difficult  problems  in  the 
whole  range  of  physiology."  If  this  be  so,  we 
may  safely  turn  to  Scripture  for  an  explanation  of 
the  problem,  which  has  a  value  peculiarly  its  own. 
"By  man  came  death"  is  the  authoritative  declara- 


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tion,  because  by  man  came  sin.  "In  Adam  all  die," 
because  through  Adam  came  sin.  Here  we  may 
safely  leave  the  problem,  because  "by  man"  will 
come  "resurrection  from  the  dead."  See  Death. 
But  if  the  body  is  mortal,  is  the  soul  immortal? 
On  this  point  the  NT  gives  no  uncertain  sound,  and 
though  the  doctrine  be  not  as  clearly 
12.  Immor-  expressed  in  the  OT,  yet  even  there 
tality  of  kinship  with  God  is  man's  guaranty 

the  Soul  for  everlasting  communion  with  Him 
(cfPs  73).  Job  longed  for  such  fellow- 
ship, which  to  him  and  to  the  OT  saints  before  and 
after  him  was  life.  In  memorable  words  he  gave 
utterance  to  the  hope  which  was  in  him:  'I  know 
that  my  Redeemer  liveth  ....  and  after  my  skin 
[read  "body"]  ....  has  been  destroyed,  yet  from 
my  flesh  shall  I  see  God ;  whom  I  shall  see  for  my- 
self, and  mine  eyes  shall  behold  and  not  another' 
(Job  19  25).  Hosea,  the  mourner,  is  responsible 
for  that  sublime  utterance,  which  in  its  NT  form  is 
recited  at  the  graveside  of  those  who  die  in  the 
Lord :  "I  will  ransom  them  from  the  power  of  Sheol ; 
I  will  redeem  them  from  death:  O  death,  where 
are  thy  plagues?  O  Sheol,  where  is  thy  destruc- 
tion?" (13  14).  Reference  may  also  be  made  to 
the  words  of  Isaiah  (26  19):  "Thy  dead  shall  live; 
my  dead  bodies  shall  arise.  Awake  and  sing,  ye 
that  dwell  in  the  dust."  Still  clearer  is  the  note 
sounded  by  Daniel  (12  2.3):  "Many  of  them  that 
sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth  shall  awake,  some  to 
everlasting  life,  and  some  to  shame  and  everlasting 
contempt.  And  they  that  are  wise  shall  shine  as 
the  brightness  of  the  firmament;  and  they  that 
turn  many  to  righteousness  as  the  stars  for  ever 
and  ever."  In  one  word,  the  OT  saint  based  all 
his  hope  and  fellowship  on  God.  That  hope 
strengthened  his  soul  when  he  shuddered  at  the 
darkness  of  Sheol.  "It  overleaps  Sheol  in  the  vigor 
of  his  faith."  In  the  Pss  we  find  the  same  hope 
expressed  on  almost  every  page:  "As  for  me,  I 
shall  behold  thy  face  in  righteousness;  I  shall  be 
satisfied,  when  I  awake,  with  beholding  thy  form" 
(AV  "with  thy  likeness,"  Ps  17  15);  and  again: 
"Thou  wilt  not  leave  my  soul  to  Sheol;  neither 
wilt  thou  suffer  thy  holy  one  to  see  corruption. 
....  In  thy  presence  is  fulness  of  joy;  in  thy 
right  hand  there  are  pleasures  for  evermore"  (16 
10.11).  Whatever  the  ultimate  verdict  of  science 
may  be  regarding  the  "utility"  of  death  in  regard 
to  the  human  race.  Scripture  considers  it  abnormal, 
unnatural,  a  punishment,  an  infliction,  the  result 
of  man's  wrongdoing  and  his  transgression  of  the 
law  of  God.  But  death  in  Holy  Writ  is  not  a  hope- 
less separation  of  body  and  soul.  The  NT  sounds 
a  note  even  clearer  than  the  OT;  for  Christ  has 
brought  "life  and  immortality  to  light."  "We 
know,"  says  Paul,  "that  we  have  a  building  from 
God,"  after  the  dissolution  of  our  tabernacle  (2  Cor 
6  1);  and  that  is  but  the  necessary  corollary  to 
Christ's  great  utterance:  "I  am  the  resurrection, 

AND  THE  life"  (Jn    11   25). 

Literature. — Beck,  Umriss  der  hihlischen  Seelen- 
lehre,  ET;  Hofmarm,  Schriftbeweis;  Delitzsch,  Sustem 
of  Bib.  Psycholoov:  Oehler,  OT  Theology:  Wendt,  Die 
Begriffe  Fleisch  u.  Geist,  etc;  Dickson,  St.  Paul's  Use 
of  the  Flesh  and  Spirit;  Cremer.  Bibl.-iheol.  Wiirterbuch, 
etc;  Herzog.  RE,  arts,  "Geist"  and  "Seele";  Laid- 
law,  Bible  Doctrine  of  Man;  Orr.  God's  Image  in  Man; 
Davidson,  OT   Theology. 

J.  I.  Marais 
PTOLEMAIS,  tol-g-ma'is  (IlToXtiiats,  Ptolemals) : 
Same  as  "Acco"  in  Jgs  1  31.  Ptolemais  was  the 
most  prominent  town  on  the  Phoen  seacoast  in 
Maccabean  times  (1  Mace  5  15.55;  10  1.58.60; 
12  48),  and  is  once  mentioned  in  the  NT  in  Acts 
21  7  as  a  seaport  at  which  Paul  landed  for  one 
day,  visiting  the  "brethren"  in  the  place.  See 
Acco;   Phoenicia. 


PTOLEMY,  tol'G-mi  (nxoXtixatos,  Plolemalos, 
but  usually  called  Ptolemy  —  "the  Warlike"): 
The  name  Ptolemy  is  rather  common  from  the  days 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  but  is  best  known  as  the 
dynastic  name  of  the  13  (14)  Macedonian  kings  of 
Egypt  (323-43  BC)  (as  Pharaoh  in  the  OT) .  Those 
of  interest  to  the  Bib.  student  are: 

(1)  Ptolemy  I,  surnamed  Soter  (Swrijp,  Soltr, 
"Savior"),  called  also  Ptolemy  Lagi,  was  born  c 
366  BC,  the  son  of  Lagus  and  Arsinoe,  a  concubine 
of  Philip  of  Macedon.  He  was  prominent  among 
the  officers  of  Alexander  the  Great,  whom  he  accom- 
panied in  his  eastern  campaigns.  On  the  death  of 
Alexander,  Ptolemy  seized  the  satrapy  of  Egypt 
as  his  share  (1  Mace  1  6ff).  Now  commenced 
the  long  hostilities  between  Egypt  and  Syria, 
Ptolemy  on  more  than  one  occasion  invading  Syria. 
In  316  he  joined  in  a  war  against  Antigonus  during 
which  Coele-Syria  and  Phoenicia  were  lost,  but  in 
312  regained  from  Demetrius  the  son  of  Antigonus. 
It  was  most  probably  in  this  year  (312)  that  Ptolemy 
captured  Jerus  on  a  Sabbath  day  (Jos,  Anl,  XII,  i,  1), 
and  by  force  or  persuasion  induced  many  Jews  to 
accompany  him  to  Egjrpt  as  colonists  or  merce- 
naries. His  kind  treatment  of  them  induced  others 
to  leave  Sj'ria  for  Egypt.  In  306  Ptolemy  was 
defeated  in  the  great  naval  fight  off  Salamis  in 
Cyprus  by  which  Cyprus  was  lost  to  Egypt. 
About  this  date  Ptolemy  assumed  the  title  of  "king," 
following  the'  example  of  the  Syrian  ruler.  In 
305-304  he  defended  the  Rhodians  against  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes,  forcing  the  latter  to  raise  the  siege 
—hence  the  title  "Savior."  In  285  BC  Ptolemy 
abdicated  in  favor  of  his  youngest  son  Philadel- 
phus — the  son  of  his  favorite  wife  Berenice — and 
died  in  283  BC.  According  to  the  usual  interpre- 
tation this  Philadelphus  is  "the  king  of  the  south" 
in  Dnl  11  5.  This  Ptolemy  shares  with  his  son  and 
successor  the  honor  of  founding  the  famous  Alex- 
andrian Museum  and  Library. 

(2)  Ptolemy  II,  surnamed  Philadelphus  {^t.\6,- 
5eX0os,  Philddelphos,  "Brother[sister?]-loving"),  the 
youngest  son  of  Ptolemy 
1;  b.  309  BC  in  Cos; 
succeeded  his  father  in 
285  BC  and  d.  247.  Like 
his  father,  he  was  actively 
engaged  in  two  Syrian 
wars  until  peace  was  made 
about  250  BC,  Berenice, 
the  daughter  of  Philadel- 
phus, being  given  in  mar- 
riage to  Antiochus  II.  This  Ptolemy  planted 
numerous  colonies  in  Egypt,  Syria  and  Pal,  among 
which  were  several  of  the  name  of  Arsinoe  (his 
sister-wife),  Philadelphia  on  the  ruins  of  old  Rabbah, 
Philotera  south  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  Ptolemais 
on  the  site  of  Acco.  He  devoted  great  attention  to 
the  internal  administration  of  his  kingdom,  endowed 
the  Museum  and  Alexandrian  Library  in  which  his 
father  had  taken  much  interest;  in  general  he  fol- 
lowed his  father's  example  as  a  liberal  patron  of 
art^  science  and  literature.  According  to  one  tra- 
dition it  was  Philadelphus  who  was  instrumental  in 
beginning  the  LXX  tr  (see  Septuagint).  At  any 
rate,  he  was  favorably  disposed  toward  his  Jewish 
subjects,  and  in  his  reign  Jewish  wisdom  and  Gr 
philosophy  began  to  blend.  Philadelphus  is  sup- 
posed to  be  "the  king  of  the  south"  of  Dnl  11  6, 
whose  daughter  "shall  come  to  the  king  of  the  north 
to  make  an  agreement." 

(3)  Ptolemy  III,  surnamed  Euergetes  (Euep- 
•yirris,  Euergetes,  "Benefactor"),  son  of  Philadel- 
phus, whom  he  succeeded  in  247  BC.  In  246  he 
was  provoked  to  a  Syrian  war  to  avenge  the  murder 
of  his  sister  Berenice  at  Antioch;  in  the  course  of 
this  campaign  he  met  with  remarkable  success. 


Octodrachm    (Egyptian 
Talent)  of  Ptolemy  II. 


Ptolemy 
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overran  Syria,  plundered  Susa  and  Babylonia, 
penetrated  to  the  shores  of  India  and  captured  the 
important  stronghold  of  Seleucia  (1  Mace  11  8). 
Euergetes  was,  however,  prevented  from  reaping 
the  fruits  of  his  victories  by  being  recalled  by  inter- 
nal troubles  in  Egypt.  He  brought  back  with  him 
frorn  the  East  the  Egyp  gods  that  Cambyses  had 
carried  away  300  years  before,  thus  earning  from  the 
Egyptians  the  title  of  "Benefactor."  Two  tradi- 
tions obtain  as  to  his  death:  the  more  probable  is 
that  of  Polybius  (ii.71),  according  to  which  he 
died  a  natural  death  (222  BC),  or,  according  to 
another  (Justin  xxix.l),  he  was  murdered  by  his 
son.  Some  regard  this  king  as  the  Euergetes  men- 
tioned in  the  Prologue  to  Sir,  but  the  reference  must 
rather  be  to  Euergetes  II  (Ptolemy  VII).  The 
"shoot"  who  "shall  enter  into  the  fortress  of  the 
king  of  the  north"  and  prevail  is  Euergetes  I  (Dnl 
11  7-9),  ver  8  referring  to  the  act  by  which  he  won 
his  title. 

(4)  Ptolemy  IV,  surnamed  Philopator  (*iXo7r(i- 
Twp,  Philopator,  "Lover  of  his  father"),  or  Tryphon 
{tpirpuv,  Truphon),  the  eldest  son  of  Euergetes 
whom  he  succeeded  in  222  BC.  Antiochus  the 
Great  of  Syria  declared  war  against  Egypt  about 
219  BC,  but,  after  conquering  Coele-Syria  and 
Phoenicia,  he  was  defeated  by  Philopator  at  the 
battle  of  Raphia  near  Gaza  (217  BC).  On  his  vic- 
torious return  to  Alexandria,  Philopator  assumed 
a  very  anti-Jewish  attitude,  and  indeed  caused  dis- 
content generally  among  his  subjects.  In  spite  of 
the  victory  of  Raphia,  Egypt  began  to  decline  under 
his  weakness.  He  was  as  dissolute  as  Nero,  while 
his  domestic  tragedies  are  as  dark  as  those  of  Herod 
the  Great.  He  died  in  20.5  BC.  Dnl  11  10-12 
refers  to  the  reign  of  Philopator.  He  was  most 
probably  the  oppressor  of  3  Mace. 

(5)  Ptolemy  V,  surnamed  Epiphanes  ('E7ri0an)s, 
Epiphants,  "Illustrious").  He  was  only  5  years 
old  when  his  father  Philopator  died.  Taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  king's  minority,  Antiochus  the  Great 
leagued  with  Philip  of  Macedon  against  Egypt. 
Philip  took  the  Cyclades  and  some  cities  in  Thrace, 
while  Antiochus  defeated  the  Egyp  general  Scopas 
at  Paneas  on  the  Jordan  in  198  BC,  and  thus  Pal 
passed  to  the  Seleucid  dynasty.  The  Romans  now 
interfered  to  make  Antiochus  surrender  his  con- 
quests. Not  daring  to  disobey  Rome,  Antiochus 
compromised  by  making  peace  with  Ptolemy  and 
betrothing  to  him  his  daughter  Cleopatra,  who  was 
to  receive  as  her  dower  the  revenues  of  the  con- 
quered provinces  Coele-Syria,  Pal  and  Phoenicia 
(Jos,  Aid,  XII,  iv,  1;  Polyb.  xxviii.l7),  but  the 
control  of  these  provinces  seems  to  have  been  re- 
tained by  Antiochus.  The  marriage  took  place 
in  193  BC.  After  the  dismissal  of  his  faithful 
minister,  Aristomenes,  Epiphanes'  character  and 
reign  deteriorated.  At  last  he  bestirred  himself 
to  recover  the  lost  provinces  from  Seleucus,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Antiochus,  but  was  poisoned  before  his 
plans  materialized,  in  182  (181)  BC  (Jos,  Ant,  XII, 
iv,  11).  Dnl  11  14-17  is  to  be  interpreted  as  re- 
ferring to  the  relations  between  Ptolemy  V  and 
Antiochus  III,  "the  Great." 

(6)  Ptolemy  VI,  surnamed  Philometor  (<i>iXofi^- 
Tup,  Philometor,  "Fond  of  his  mother"),  elder  son 
of  Ptolemy  V  whom  he  succeeded  in  182  (181)  BC. 
For  the  first  7  years  of  his  reign  his  mother  Cleopatra 
acted  as  queen-regent,  and  peace  was  maintained 
with  Syria  till  173  BC.  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanes 
then  invaded  Egypt,  defeated  the  Egyptians  at 
Pelusium  and  secured  the  person  of  Philometor, 
whom  he  spared,  hoping  to  employ  him  as  a  tool 
to  gain  the  ascendancy  over  Egypt.  Philometor's 
brother  was  now  proclaimed  king  by  the  Alexan- 
drians, with  the  title  of  Euergetes  (II).  When 
Antiochtts  retired,  Philometor  made  peace  with  his 


brother,  conceding  him  a  share  in  the  government 
(170  BC) .  This  displeased  Antiochus,  who  marched 
against  Alexandria,  but  was  stopped  beneath  the 
walls  by  a  Rom  embassy  (168  BC),  in  obedience  to 
which  he  withdrew.  The  brothers  quarreled  again, 
and  Philometor,  expelled  by  Euergetes,  went  to 
Rome  to  seek  assistance  (164  BC).  The  Romans 
seated  him  again  on  his  throne,  assigning  Cyrenaica 
to  Euergetes.  The  next  quarrel  was  about  Cyprus. 
Philometor  this  time  secured  his  brother  as  a  pris- 
oner, but  sent  him  back  to  his  province.  Philo- 
metor was  later  drawn  into  Syrian  poHtics  in  the 
conflict  between  Alexander  Balas  and  Demetrius. 
The  Egyp  king  espoused  the  cause  of  the  former,  to 
whom  he  also  betrothed  his  daughter  Cleopatra. 
But  on  discovering  Balas'  treachery,  he  took  away 
his  daughter  from  him  and  gave  her  to  his  oppo- 
nent, Demetrius  Nikator,  whom  he  now  supported 
against  Balas.  Balas  was  defeated  in  a  decisive 
battle  on  the  Oenoparas  and  killed,  but  Ptolemy 
himself  died  in  146  BC  from  the  eiTects  of  a  fall 
from  his  horse  in  the  battle  (1  Maco  1  18;  10  51  ff; 
2  Mace  1  10;  4  21).  Dnl  11  25-30  refers  to  the 
events  of  this  reign.  Philometor  seems  to  have 
taken  a  friendly  attitude  toward  the  Jews.  In  his 
reign  the  Jewish  temple  of  Leontopolis  near  Heliop- 
olis  was  founded  in  154  BC  (Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  iii,  1  f), 
and  two  Jewish  generals,  Onias  and  Dositheus, 
were  at  the  head  of  his  armies  and  had  a  large  share 
in  the  government  (Jos,  CAp,  II,  5).  The  Jewish- 
Alexandrine  philosopher  Aristobulus  probably  lived 
in  this  reign. 

(7)  (On  the  death  of  Philometor  his  young  son 
was  proclaimed  king  as  Ptolemy  Eupator  ["of  a 
noble  father"],  but  after  reigning  but  a  few  months 
was  put  to  death  by  his  uncle  Euergetes  II  [Just. 
xxxviii.8].  His  reign  being  so  brief  he  need  hardly 
be  numbered  among  the  Ptolemies.) 

(8)  Ptolemy  VII  (VIII),  surnamed  Euergetes 
(II)  and  called  also  Physcon  {^v(tkwv,  Phuskon, 
"Big-paunch"),  became  sole  ruler  in  succession  to 
his  brother  Philometor  (or  to  his  murdered  nephew) 
in  146  BC,  and  reigned  till  117  BC.  His  reign  was 
characterized  by  cruelty,  tjTanny  and  vice,  so  that 
he  was  hated  by  his  sulDJects,  esp.  by  the  people  of 
Alexandria,  who  on  one  occasion  expelled  him  during 
an  insurrection.  It  is  uncertain  whether  Physcon 
was  an  enemy  and  persecutor  of  the  Jews  or  their 
patron.  Some  authorities  refer  the  persecutions 
mentioned  in  3  Mace  to  this  reign,  but  most  modern 
authorities  are  disposed  to  date  them  in  the  reign 
of  the  anti-Jewish  Ptolemy  IV  Philopator.  The 
statement,  "in  the  38th  year  of  King  Euergetes," 
in  the  Prologue  to  Sir  refers  to  Physcon  Euergetes 
II  and  =  132  BC,  since  he  dated  his  reign  from 
the  year  of  joint  kingship  with  his  brother  (170 
BC). 

The  other  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  require  no  mention 
here. 

The  following  are  the  apocryphal  Ptolemies: 

(1)  Ptolemy  Macron.     See  Macron. 

(2)  Ptolemy,  son  of  Abubus,  son-in-law  of  Simon 
the  Maccabee.  He  treacherously  assassinated 
Simon  and  two  of  his  sons  in  the  stronghold  of  Dok 
near  Jericho,  135  BC  (1  Mace  16  15). 

(3)  Ptolemy,  the  father  of  Lysimachus  (Apoc) 
(Ad  Est  11  1). 

(4)  Ptolemy,  son  of  a  Dositheus;  he  and  his 
father  were  bearers  of  the  "epistle  of  Phrurai"  (Ad 
Est  11  1). 

Literature. — J.  P.  Mahafly,  Empire  of  the  Ptolemies, 
la  the  best  account  for  Eng.  reader.?.  A  long  list  of 
Ptolemies  will  be  found,  e.g.  in  Smith's  Classical  Diet. 
The  ancient  authorities  are  Josephus,  Polybius,  Justin, 
Pausanias,  Plutarch  (Cteom.),  Livy,  Diodorus,  Jerome 
(Comm.  to  Diit  11). 

S.  Angus 


2501 


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PUAH,  pu'a,  PTJVAH,  pti'va: 

(1)  ny^B,  pu'ah:  One  of  the  Heb  midwives 
whom  the  king  of  Egypt  commanded  to  kill  all  male 
children  of  the  Hebrews  at  birth.  The  midwives, 
fearing  God,  refused  to  obey,  pretending  that  the 
children  of  the  Heb  women  were  usually  born  before 
they  arrived.  Their  act  is  spoken  of  as  being 
meritorious  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord,  who  is  said  to 
have  rewarded  them  by  making  "houses"  for  them 
(Ex  1  15-20).  In  the  Midhrash,  Ex  Rabba',  Puah 
is  identified  with  Miriam,  and  Shiphrah,  the  other 
midwife,  with  her  mother  Jochebed.  According  to 
another  tradition  Puah  was  a  proselyte. 

(2)  nSIB,  pu'ah,  in  1  Ch  7  1;  Hjp,  puwwah, 
in  Gen  46  13;  Nu  26  23;  written  also  "Pua"  AV, 
and  "Puvah"  RV:  Second  son  of  Issaohar,  ancestor 
of  the  Punites,  enumerated  in  the  desert  census  taken 
by  Moses  and  Eleazar. 

(3)  nXIB  ,  pu'ah:  Member  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar, 
mentioned  (Jgs  10  1)  as  the  son  of  Dodo  and  the 
father  of  Tola,  the  judge.       Ella  Davis  Isaacs 

PUBLICAN,  pub'li-kan.     See  Tax,  Taxing. 

PUBLIUS,  pub'li-us  (IliirXios,  Pdplios,  from 
the  Lat  praenomen  Publius,  derived  from  populus, 
"popular";  according  to  Ramsay  it  is  the  Gr  form 
of  the  Lat  nomen  Popilius;  the  Gr  title  meaning 
"first,"  applied  to  Publius  in  Acts  28  7,  was  an 
official  one,  and  has  been  found  on  an  inscription 
from  the  island  of  Gaulus  near  Malta  [cf  Bockh, 
CIG,  no.  5,  754]):  Publius. held  office  under  the 
governor  of  Sicily.  As  the  leading  official  in  Malta, 
he  was  responsible  for  any  Rom  soldiers  and  their 
prisoners  who  might  land  there,  but  the  account  in 
Acts  28  7  imphes  that  he  displayed  more  than  ordi- 
nary solicitude  for  Paul  and  his  shipwrecked  com- 
pany, for,  according  to  the  writer,  he  "received  us, 
and  lodged  us  three  days  courteously"  (AV).  The 
Apocryphal  "Acts  of  St.  Paul"  (see  Apocryphal 
Acts,  B,  I)  states  also  that  "he  did  for  them  many 
acts  of  great  kindness  and  charity"  (cf  Budge,  Con- 
tendings  of  the  Apostles,  II,  605).  On  this  occasion 
Paul  miraculously  healed  the  father  of  Publius, 
who  "lay  sick  of  fever  and  dysentery"  (Acts  28  8). 
The  exactitude  of  the  medical  terms  here  employed 
forms  part  of  the  evidence  that  the  writer  of  Acts 
was  a  physician.  Tradition  relates  that  Publius 
was  the  first  bishop  of  Malta  and  that  he  afterward 
became  bishop  of  Athens.  C.  M.  Kerr 

PUDENS,    pu'denz,    pu'dens    (IIoiiSTis,   Poudes, 
lit.   "bashful"   [2  Tim  4  21]):    One  of  the  Chris- 
tians in  Rome  who  remained  loyal  to 
1.  Faithful     Paul  during  his  second  and  last  im- 
to  Paul  prisonment  there,  when  most  of  the 

memljers  of  the  church  "forsook  him." 
The  pressure  under  which  they  acted  must  have  been 
very  great,  as  the  apostle's  final  trial  before  the 
supreme  court  of  the  empire  followed  quickly  after 
the  Neronic  persecution.  Their  defection  from 
their  loyalty  to  Paul  must  not  be  taken  as  implying 
that  they  had  also  proved  untrue  to  Christ.  At 
this  time,  however,  there  were  some  of  the  Chris- 
tians who  risked  their  earthly  all,  and  their  lives 
too,  in  order  to  prove  their  adherence  to  Paul,  and 
Pudens  was  one  of  these. 

Writing  tlie  last  of  all  liis  letters,  the  Second  Ep.  to 
Tim    Paul  sends  greeting  from  "all  the  brethren"  who 
were    then    with    him.     Among    these    ho 
0    ■Piirronc      names    Pudens.     There    are    three    other 
7  i;,      ?•     names  associated  by  the  apostle  with  that 
and  Claudia  of  Pudens:    Eubulus,  Linus  and  Claudia. 
There  is  an  interesting  conjecture  regard- 
ing Pudens  and  Claudia,  that  they  were  husband  and 
wife  and  that  Claudia  was  of  British  birth,  a  daughter 
of  a  British  king,  called  Cogidunus.     King  Cogidunus 
was  an  ally  of  the  Romans,  and  assumed  the  name  of  the 
emperor  Tiberius  Claudius,  who  was  his  patron.     In  this 


way  his  daughter  would  be  named  Claudia.  But  this 
identiflcation  of  the  British  princess  with  the  Claudia 
who  sends  salutation  to  Timottiy  is  only  a  supposition; 
it  lacks  both  evidence  and  proof.  See  Claudia  and 
CH  (St.P),  ch  xxvii. 

In  modern  Rome,  however,  the  tourist  is  still  shown 
a  building  which  is  called  the  house  of  Pudens.  in  the  same 
way  as  "Paul's  hired  house"  is  also  shown.  The 
authenticity  in  both  cases  is  lacking. 

Pudens  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  NT. 
John  Rutherfurd 
PUHITES,    pu'hits    (TIB,    puthl).    ,See    Pu- 

THITES. 

PUL,  pul: 

(1)  An  Assyr  king  (2  K  16  19).     See  Tiglath- 

PILESER. 

(2)  An  African  country  and  people  (Isa  66  19). 
See  Put. 

PULPIT,  pfi&l'pit:  Neh  8  4,  "Ezra  the  scribe 
stood  upon  a  mighdol  of  wood."  Mighdol  is  one  of 
the  commonest  words  in  the  OT  and  means  simply 
a  high  object — here  a  scaffolding  or  platform 
((3^/ia,  bima,  1  Esd  9  42).  "Tower"  (so  RVm) 
gives  an  entirely  wrong  picture. 

PULSE,  puis  (D'ly-lT,  zeroHm  [Dnl  1  12  m, 
"herbs"],  D^jyiT,  zer'onim  [Dnl  1  16];  cf  y^lT, 
zeru'^\  "sowing  seed"  [Lev  11  37],  and  D^'y^llT, 
zeru'im,  "things  sown"  [Isa  61  11]):  (1)  In  Dnl  1 
12.16,  it  must  mean  herbs  or  vegetables  grown  from 
seeds;  a  vegetable  diet  is  what  is  implied.  (2)  In  2 
S  17  28,  "pulse"  after  "parched"  is  not  in  the  origi- 
nal, but  is  probably  more  correct  than  the  tr  in  (1), 
as  pulse"  usually  implies  leguminous  plants,  peas, 
beans,  etc. 

PUNISHMENT,  pun'ish-ment,  EVERLASTING: 

I.     Pheliminaby  Assumptions 

1.  Survival  after  Death 

2.  Retribution  for  Sin 

3.  Conscious  Suffering  in  Future 
II.     Scriptural  Support 

1.  OT  and  Jewish  Conceptions 

2.  NT  Teaching 
(1)  "Eternal" 

(2J  Equivalent  Expressions 
(3)  The  Last  Judgment 

3.  Teaching  of  Analogy 

III.  Difficulties  and  Rival  Hypotheses 

1.  Universal  Salvation 

2.  Annihilation 

3.  Second  Probation 

IV.  Nature,  Conditions  and  Issues 

1.  Mystery  of  the  Future 

2.  Nature  of  Punishment 

3.  Range  of  Divine  Mercy 

4.  Gradation  of  Punishment 

5.  God  "AUin  AU" 
Literature 

/.  Preliminary  Assumptions.  —  (For  "everlast- 
ing," where  used  in  AV  as  the  rendering  of  aldvios, 
aidnios,  RV  substitutes  "eternal.")  It  is  assumed 
in  this  art.  that  Scripture  teaches  the  survival  of 
the  soul  after  death,  the  reality  of  retribution  and 
of  judgment  to  come,  and  a  shorter  or  longer  period 
of  suffering  for  sin  in  the  case  of  the  unredeemed 
in  the  world  beyond.  Only  a  few  words  need  be 
said,  therefore,  in  preliminary  remark  on  these 
assumptions. 

Whatever  view  may  be  taken  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  doctrine  of  immortality  in  the  OT  (see 
Eschatology  of  the  OT),  it  will 
1.  Survival  scarcely  be  doubted  that  it  is  through- 
after  Death  out  assumed  in  the  NT  that  the  souls 
of  men,  good  and  bad,  survive  death 
(see  Immortality).  Two  passages  only  need  be 
referred  to  in  proof:  one,  Christ's  saying  in  Mt  10 
28:  "Be  not  afraid  of  them  that  kill  the  body,  but 
are  not  able  to  kill  the  soul;  but  rather  fear  him 
who  is  able  to  destroy  both  soul  and  body  in  hell" 


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(Gehenna);  the  other,  the  parable  of  the  Rich 
Man  and  Lazarus  in  Lk  16  19-31:  Lazarus  is 
carried  by  the  angels  to  Abraham's  bosom;  the  rich 
man  lifts  up  his  eyes  in  Hades,  being  in  torments. 
The  whole  doctrine  of  the  future  judgment  in  the 
NT  presupposes  survival  after  death. 

Retribution  for  sin  is  a  cardinal  point  in  the  teach- 
ing of  both  the  OT  and  NT.     The  doctrine  of  judg- 
ment, again,  in  the  NT,  with  Christ  as 

2.  Retribu-  judge,  turns  on  this  point.  ThetoUow- 
tion  for  Sin   ing  passages  are  decisive:    Isa  3  10.11; 

Mt  11  22.24;   12  41.42;   Rom  2  5.12; 
2  Cor  5  10;    Gal  6  7.8,     etc    (see  Retribution). 
The  conscious  endurance  of  punishment  for  sin 
in  the  future  state  is  already  implied  in  the  pre- 
ceding.    The  parable  of  the  Rich  Man 

3.  Con-  speaks  of  it  as  following  immediately 
scious  on  death  in  Hades;  all  the  descrip- 
Suffering  tions  of  the  judgment  imply  pain  and 
in  Future       anguish  as  the  result  of  condemnation 

(cfRoni  2  5.12).  This  does  not  settle 
the  nature  or  duration  of  the  punishment;  but  it 
excludes  the  idea  that  physical  death  is  the  ex- 
tinction of  being,  or  that  annihilation  follows  im- 
mediately upon  death  or  judgment. 

These  things  being  assumed,  the  questions  that 
remain  are:  Is  the  period  of  suffering  for  sin  eternal, 
or  is  it  terminable?  May  it  be  cut  short  by  re- 
pentance or  by  annihilation?  Is  there  any  final 
solution  of  the  discord  it  implies  in  the  universe? 
It  is  maintained  here  that  the  punishment  of  sin, 
in  the  case  of  the  finally  impenitent,  is  everlasting. 

//.  Scriptural  Support. — The  doctrine  that  the 
punishment  of  sin  is  everlasting  is  sustained  by 
many  plain  testimonies  of  Scripture. 

The  doctrine  of  future  punishment  is  not  promi- 
nent in  the  OT,  where  rewards  and  punishments 
are  chiefly  connected  with  the  present 

1.  OT  and  life.  In  a  few  passages  (Ps  49  14.15; 
Jewish  73  18,19;  cf  Isa  24  21.22;  66  24), 
Conceptions  Dr.  Charles  thinks  that  "Sheol  appears 

as  the  place  of  punishment  of  the 
wicked"  {Eschatology,  7:3-76,  156).  If  so,  there  is 
no  suggestion  of  escape  from  it.  In  Dnl  12  2, 
some  that  sleep  in  the  dust  are  represented  as  awak- 
ing to  "shame  and  everlasting  contempt"  (the  word 
for  "everlasting"  is  the  usual  one,  'oldm).  In  the 
Jewish  literature  of  the  century  before  Christ, 
"Sheol  is  regarded,"  says  Dr.  Charles,  "as  the  place 
of  final  eternal  punishment,  that  is,  it  has  become 
hell"  (op.  eit.,  2.36;  see  Eschatology  of  the  OT). 
In  the  NT,  the  strongest  language  is  used  by 
Jesus  and  the  apostolic  writers  on  the  certainty  and 

severity  of  the  punishment  of  sin  in 

2.  NT  the  future  state,  and  always  in  a  man- 
Teaching       ner  which  suggests  that  the  doom  is 

final. 

(1)  "Eternal." — The  word  "eternal"  (aionios) 
is  repeatedly  applied  to  the  punishment  of  sin,  or 
to  the  fire  which  is  its  symbol.  A  principal  example 
is  Mt  25  41.46,  "eternal  fire,"  "eternal  punish- 
ment" (kolasis  amnios).  Here  precisely  the  same 
word  is  applied  to  the  punishment  of  the  wicked 
as  to  the  blessedness  of  the  righteous.  Other  in- 
stances are  Mt  18  8;  Jude  ver  7;  cf  Rev  14  11; 
19  3;  20  10.  In  2  Thess  1  9,  we  have,  "eternal 
destruction."  The  kindred  word  aidios,  "ever- 
lasting," is  in  Jude  ver  6  applied  to  the  punishment 
of  the  fallen  angels. 

The  reply  made  by  Maurice  {Theological  Essays, 
442  fT)  that  aionios  in  such  passages  denotes  quality, 
not  duration,  cannot  be  sustained.  Whatever  else 
the  term  includes,  it  connotes  duration.  More 
pertinent  is  the  criticism  of  other  writers  (e.g.  Cox, 
Salvalor  Mundi,  96  ff;  Farrar,  Eternal  Hope,  Pref., 
.xxxiv,  pp.  78ff,  197ff;  vi  his  Mercy  and  Judgment, 
passim)    that   aionios   does   not   necessarily   mean 


"eternal"  (according  to  Cox  it  does  not  mean  this 
at  all),  but  is  strictly  "age-long,"  is  therefore  com- 
patible with,  if  it  does  not  directly  suggest,  a  ter- 
minable period.  Cox  allows  that  the  term  is  "sat- 
urated through  and  through  with  the  element  of 
time"  (p.  100),  but  he  denies  its  equivalence  with 
"everlasting."  The  sense,  no  doubt,  is  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  context,  but  it  can  hardly  be 
questioned  that  "the  aeons  of  the  aeons"  and  simi- 
lar phrases  are  the  practical  NT  equivalents  for 
eternity,  and  that  aionios  in  its  application  to  God 
and  to  life  ("eternal  life")  includes  the  idea  of  un- 
ending duration  (cf  Jn  10  28.29  for  express  asser- 
tion of  this).  When,  therefore,  the  term  is  applied 
in  the  same  context  to  punishment  and  to  life  (Mt 
25  46),  and  no  hint  is  given  anywhere  of  limitation, 
the  only  reasonable  exegesis  is  to  take  the  word  in 
its  full  sense  of  "eternal." 

(2)  Equivalent  expressions. — The  meaning  "eter- 
nal" '  is  confirmed  by  the  use  of  equivalent  expressions 
and  of  forms  of  speech  which  convey  in  the  strong- 
est manner  the  idea  of  finality.  Such  are  the  ex- 
pressions, "the  unquenchable  fire,"  the  "worm" 
that  "dieth  not"  (Mt  3  12;  Mk  9  43-48;  cf  Mt 
13  42.50),  with  those  numerous  references  to 
"death,"  "destruction,"  "second  death,"  on  which 
the  advocates  of  conditional  immortality  build 
their  arguments  for  final  extinction.  Such  is  the 
dictum  of  Jesus:  "He  that  obeyeth  not  the  Son 
shall  not  see  life,  but  the  wrath  of  God  abideth 
[remains]  on  him"  (Jn  3  36;  the  opposite  of  "life" 
is  "perishing,"  ver  16);  or  that  in  Rev  22  11,  "He 
that  is  unrighteous,  let  him  do  unrighteousness 
still:  and  he  that  is  filthy,  let  him  be  made  filthy 
still."  Finality  is  the  note  in  all  Christ's  warnings 
—"the  outer  darkness"  (Mt  8  12;  22  13);  "The 
door  was  shut  ....  I  know  you  not"  (Mt  25 
10.12;  cf  7  23),  as  in  those  of  the  Epp.  (e.g. 
He  2  3;  6  6.S;  10  27.31;  12  25.29).  Jesus 
speaks  of  the  blasphemy  against  the  Spirit  as  a  sin 
which  shall  not  be  forgiven,  "neither  in  this  world, 
nor  in  that  which  is  to  come"  (Mt  12  32;  not  as 
implying  that  other  sins,  unforgiven  in  this  life, 
may  be  forgiven  in  the  next),  a  passage  which  Mk 
gives  in  the  remarkable  form,  "hath  never  forgive- 
ness, but  is  guilty  of  an  eternal  sin"  (Mk  3  29). 
The  Rich  Man  in  Hades  found  an  impassable  gulf 
fixed  between  himself  and  Lazarus  (Lk  16  26). 
See  Gdlf.  It  adds  to  the  terribleness  of  these  say- 
ings that,  as  before  remarked,  there  is  nothing  to 
put  against  them;  no  hint  or  indication  of  a  termi- 
nation of  the  doom.  Why  did  Jesus  not  safeguard 
His  words  from  misapprehension,  if  behind  them 
there  lay  an  assurance  of  restoration  and  mercy? 
One  may  ask  with  Oxenham,  in  a  reply  to  Jukes, 
"whether  if  Christ  had  intended  to  teach  the  doc- 
trine of  eternal  punishment.  He  could  possibly  have 
taught  it  in  plainer  terms." 

(3)  The  last  judgment. — The  NT  doctrine  of  the 
last  judgment  leads  to  the  same  conclusion.  Two 
things  seem  plainly  taught  about  this  j  udgment :  the 
first,  that  it  proceeds  on  the  matter  of  the  present 
life— "the  things  done  in  the  body"  (Mt  25  31-46;  2 
Cor  5  10;  Rev  20  12);  and  the  second,  that  it  is 
decisive  in  its  issues.  Not  a  single  suggestion  is 
given  of  a  reversal  of  its  decisions  in  any  future  age. 
Such  silence  is  inexplicable  if  the  Scriptures  meant 
to  teach  what  the  opponents  of  this  doctrine  so 
confidently  maintain. 

In  corroboration  of  this  Scriptural  view  analogy 
might  be  pleaded.     How  constantly  even  in  this 

life  is  the  law  illustrated  of  the  tend- 
3.  Teaching  ency  of  character  to  fixity!  The 
of  Analogy     present  is  the  season  of  grace  (2  Cor 

6  2),  yet  what  powers  of  resistance  to 
God  and  goodness  are  seen  to  lie  in  human  nature, 
and  how  effectually,  often,   does  it  harden  itself 


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under  the  influences  that,  seem  most  fitted  to  break 
down  its  rebellion!  What  likehhood  is  there  that 
eternity  will  alter  this  tendency,  or  make  conversion 
more  easy?  Eternity  can  hardly  be  thought  of  as 
more  really  a  scene  of  grace  than  time  is  for  those 
to  whom  the  gospel  has  aheady  come.  Its  charac- 
teristic mark  is  said  to  be  "judgment"  (He  9  27). 
Like  the  photographer's  bath,  may  its  effect  not  be 
to  develop  and  fix  existing  character,  rather  than  to 
change  it?  If  so,  the  state  in  which  judgment  finds 
the  soul  may  be  presumed  to  be  one  that  will  remain. 

///.  Difficulties  and  Objections — Rival  Hypothe- 
ses.— What,  it  will  now  be  asked,  of  the  tremendous 
difficulties  which  inhere  in  this  doctrine,  with  their 
undeniable  effect  in  alienating  many  generous 
minds  from  it  and  from  Christianity?  The  lurid 
rhetorical  picturings  of  the  sufferings  of  the  lost,  too 
frequent  in  the  teaching  of  the  past,  may  be  dis- 
counted; it  is  not  necessary  to  go  beyond  the  in- 
expressibly solemn  words  of  Christ  Himself  and 
His  apostles.  But  even  with  this  limitation,  does 
it  not  seem  as  if,  by  this  doctrine,  a  reflection  was 
cast  on  the  righteousness  and  mercy  of  God  in 
creating  such  multitudes  of  the  human  race,  as,  on 
any  showing,  are  outside  the  pale  of  Christ's  salva- 
tion— the  countless  generations  of  the  heathen, 
with  the  masses  even  in  Christian  lands  who  have 
not  received  or  do  not  obey  the  light — only  to  doom 
them  to  endless  misery?  Before  attempting  a  posi- 
tive answer,  it  is  proper  that  a  glance  be  taken  at  the 
rival  theories  put  forth  in  alleviation  of  the  difficulty. 

The  most  comprehensive  solution  propounded 
is  that  of  universal  salvation — of  a  flnal  restitution 
of  all  souls  to  God's  favor  and  to  bless- 
1.  Universal  edness.  This  tempting  speculation — 
Salvation  for  it  is  no  more — advocated  by  Origen 
in  the  early  church,  by  Schleiermacher 
in  the  last  century,  has  been  urged  by  many  writers 
in  modern  times.  One  of  its  best  known  advocates 
was  Samuel  Cox,  in  his  book  Salvalor  Mundi.  It 
is  noticeable  that  not  a  few  who  favor  this  theory 
(e.g.  Maurice,  Farrar)  decline  to  commit  themselves 
to  it  as  more  than  a  "hope,"  and  admit  the  possi- 
bility of  human  souls  continuing  to  resist  God  end- 
lessly (Maurice,  Theological  Essays,  476;  Farrar, 
Eternal  Hope,  Pref.,  xv,  xvi;  Mercy  and  Judgment, 
I,  485,  "In  this  sense  there  may  be  for  some  souls 
an  endless  hell").  It  must,  however,  be  evident 
that,  be  the  number  greater  or  smaller — and  who 
shall  give  assurance  of  its  smallness? — if  there  are 
any  such  souls,  the  difficulty  in  principle  remains, 
and  the  passages  alleged  as  teaching  universal 
restoration  are  equally  contradicted.  The  deeper 
objection  to  this  theory  is  that,  springing,  not  from 
real  knowledge,  but  from  men's  hopes  and  wishes, 
it  has,  as  already  shown,  the  tremendous  stress  of 
Scripture  testimony  against  it;  nor  do  the  pas.sages 
commonly  adduced  as  favoring  it  really  bear  the 
weight  put  upon  them.  We  read,  e.g.,  of  a  "res- 
toration of  all  things" — the  same  that  Christ  calls 
the  palingenesla — but,  in  the  same  breath,  we  are 
told  of  those  who  will  not  hearken,  and  will  be  de- 
stroyed (Mt  19  28;  Acts  3  21.23).  We  read  of 
Christ  drawing  all  men  unto  Him  (.In  12  32) ;  but 
we  are  not  less  clearly  told  that  at  His  coming  Christ 
will  pronounce  on  some  a  tremendous  condemna- 
tion (Mt  7  23;  25  41);  we  read  of  aU  things  being 
gathered,  or  summed  up,  in  Christ,  of  Christ  sub- 
duing all  things  to  Himself,  etc;  but  representative 
exegetes  like  Meyer  and  Weiss  show  that  it  is  far 
from  Paul's  view  to  teach  an  ultimate  conversion 
or  annihilation  of  the  kingdom  of  evil  (cf  Meyer 
on  1  Cor  15  21.28  and  Eph  1  10;  Weiss,  Bib. 
Theol.,  II,  723,  107,  109,  ET).  We  confess,  how- 
ever, that  the  strain  of  these  last  passages  does  seem 
to  point  in  the  direction  of  some  ultimate  unity,  be 
it  through  subjugation,  or  in  some  other  way,  in 


which  active  opposition  to  God's  kingdom  is  no 
longer  to  be  reckoned  with. 

'The  view  favored  by  another  class  is  that  of  the 

annihilation  of  the  finally  impenitent.     The  type 

of    doctrine    called    "conditional    im- 

2.  Anni-  mortality"  includes  other  elements 
hilation  which  need  not  here  be  discussed  (see 

Immortality).  The  annihilation 
theory  takes  different  forms.  So  far  as  the  anni- 
hilation is  supposed  to  take  place  at  death,  it  is  con- 
tradicted by  the  Scriptures  which  support  the  soul's 
survival  after  death;  so  far  as  it  is  believed  to  take 
place  after  a  longer  or  shorter  period  of  conscious 
suffering  (which  is  White's  theory),  it  involves  its 
advocates  in  difficulties  with  their  own  interpreta- 
tions of  "death,"  "destruction,"  "perishing,"  seeing 
that  in  Scripture  this  doom  is  uniformly  represented 
as  overtaking  the  ungodly  at  the  day  of  judgment, 
and  not  at  some  indefinite  period  thereafter.  The 
theory  conflicts  also  with  the  idea  of  gradation  of 
punishment,  for  which  room  has  to  be  sought  in  the 
period  of  conscious  suffering,  and  rests  really  on  an 
unduly  narrowed  conception  of  the  meaning  of  the 
Scriptural  terms  "life"  and  "death."  ^  Life  is  not 
bare  existence,  nor  is  "death"  necessarily  extinction 
of  being.  As  said  earher,  the  language  of  many  parts 
of  Scripture  implies  the  continued  existence  of  the 
subjects  of  the  Divine  wrath. 

It  is  significant  that  on  the  side  alike  of  the  advo- 
cates of  restoration  and  of   those  of   annihilation 

(e.g.  E.  White),  refuge  from  the  diffi- 

3.  Second  culties  is  frequently  sought  in  the 
Probation      hypothesis  of  an  extended  probation 

and  work  of  evangehzation  beyond 
death.  This  theory  labors  under  the  drawback 
that,  in  marked  contrast  with  Scripture,  it  throws 
immensely  the  larger  part  of  the  work  of  salvation 
into  the  future  state  of  being.  It  is,  besides,  apart 
from  the  dubious  and  hmited  support  given  to  it  by 
the  passage  on  Christ's  preaching  to  "the  spirits  in 
prison"  (1  Pet  3  19.20),  destitute  of  Scriptural  sup- 
port. It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  final 
judgment  is  uniformly  represented  as  proceeding  on 
the  matter  of  this  life.  The  theory  is  considered 
elsewhere  (see  Eschatology  of  the  NT,  X). 

IV.  Nature,  Conditions  and  Issues. — While  dog- 
matisms like  the  above,  which  seem  opposed  to 

Scripture,    are   to   be   avoided,    it    is 

1.  Mystery  equally  necessary  to  guard  against 
of  the  dogmatisms  of  an  opposite  kind,  as 
Future  if  eternity  must  not,  in  the  nature  of 

the  case,  have  its  undisclosed  mysteries 
of  which  we  here  in  time  can  frame  no  conception. 
The  difficulties  connected  with  the  ultimate  des- 
tinies of  mankind  are  truly  enormous,  and  no  serious 
thinker  will  minimize  them.  Scripture  does  not 
warrant  it  in  negative,  any  more  than  in  positive, 
dogmatisms;  with  its  uniformly  practical  aim,  it 
does  not  seek  to  satisfy  an  idle  curiosity  (cf  Lk  13 
23.24).  Its  language  is  bold,  popular,  figurative, 
intense;  the  essential  idea  is  to  be  held  fast,  but 
what  is  said  cannot  be  taken  as  a  directory  to  all 
that  is  to  transpire  in  the  ages  upon  ages  of  an  un- 
ending duration.  God's  methods  of  dealing  with 
sin  in  the  eternities  may  prove  to  be  as  much  above 
our  present  thoughts  as  His  dealings  now  are  with 
men  in  grace.  In  His  hands  we  must  be  content 
to  leave  it,  only  using  such  fight  as  His  immediate 
revelation  yields. 

As  respects  the  nature  of  the  punishment  of  sm, 

it  cannot  be  doubted  that  in  its  essence  it  is  spirit- 

ual.     Everything  can  be  adopted  here 

2.  Nature  which  is  said  by  Maurice  and  others 
of  Punish-  —"The  eternal  punishment  is  the 
ment  punishment    of    being    without    the 

knowledge  of  God,  who  is  love,  and 
of  Jesus  Christ  who  has  manifested  it;    even  as 


Punishment 
Punishments 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2504 


eternal  life  is  declared  to  be  the  having  the  knowl- 
edge of  God  and  of  Jesus  Christ"  (Theological 
Essays,  450).  The  supreme  penalty  of  sin  is  un- 
questionably the  loss  of  God's  life  and  love — the 
being  sinful.  Environment,  indeed,  may  be  ex- 
pected to  correspond  with  character,  but  the  hell 
is  one  the  sinner  essentially  makes  for  himself,  and, 
like  the  kingdom  of  God,  is  ivilhin.  The  fire,  the 
worm,  the  stripes,  that  figure  its  severity,  are  not 
physical.  Even  should  the  poena  sensus  (were 
that  conceivable)  be  utterly  removed,  the  poena 
damni  would  eternally  remain. 

It  is  a  sound  principle  that,  in  His  deaUng  with 

sin  in  the  world  to  come,  God's  mercy  will  reach  as 

far  as  ever  it  can  reach.     This  follows 

3.  Range  of  from  the  whole  Scriptural  revelation 
Divine  of  the  character  of  God.  What  may 
Mercy           be  included  in  it,  it  is  impossible  for 

anyone  to  say.  It  should  be  noticed 
that  those  of  whom  it  is  said  that  they  shall  not  see 
life,  but  the  wrath  of  God  abideth  on  them,  are 
those  who  "obey  not"  the  truth  (Jn  3  36) — who 
actively  and  consciously  disregard  and  oppose  it. 
But  all  do  not  belong  to  this  class.  It  may  be 
assumed  that  none  will  be  lost  who  can  in  consist- 
ency with  holiness  and  love  be  saved.  The  most 
germinal  goodness,  which  is  the  implantation  of  His 
own  Spirit,  God  will  acknowledge  and  develop. 
The  problem  of  undeveloped  character  may  receive 
a  solution  we  do  not  wot  of  with  the  entrance  into 
the  eternal  light — not  in  change  of  character,  but 
rather,  as  said  before,  in  the  revelation  of  char- 
acter's inmost  bent.  In  this  sense,  the  entrance 
into  eternity  may  be  to  many  the  revelation  of  a 
love  and  grace  which  had  not  been  understood  or 
appreciated  as  it  should  have  been  on  earth,  but 
with  which  it  is  in  essential  kinship.  There  are  at 
least  many  shades  and  degrees  of  character,  and 
God  may  be  intrusted  to  take  the  most  just,  yet 
most  merciful,  account  of  all. 

The  fullest  weight  must  further  be  given  to  what 

the  Scripture   so   expressly   says   of   gradation  of 

punishment,  even  of  the  unsaved.     It 

4.  Grada-  is  not  the  case  that  the  lot  of  all  who 
tion  of  fail  of  the  eternal  life  in  Christ  is  all 
Pimishment  of   one   grade.     There   are   the   "few 

stripes"  and  the  "many  stripes"  (Lk 
12  47.48);  those  for  whom  it  will  be  "more  toler- 
able" than  for  others  in  the  day  of  judgment  (Mt 
11  20.24).  Even  "Sodom  and  her  daughters"  will 
be  mercifully  dealt  with  in  comparison  with  others 
(Ezk  16  48.49.53.55.61).  There  will  be  for  every- 
one the  most  exact  weighing  of  privilege,  knowledge 
and  opportunity.  There  is  a  vast  area  here  for  the 
Divine  administration  on  which  no  light  at  all  is 
afforded  us. 

There  remain  those  passages  already  alluded  to 
which  do  seem  to  speak,  not,  indeed,  of  conversion 

or  admission  into  the  light  and  fellow- 
6.  God  "All  ship  of  Christ's  kingdom,  but  still  of  a 
in  All"  final  subjugation  of  the  powers  of  evil, 

to  the  extent,  at  least,  of  a  cessation 
of  active  opposition  to  God's  will,  of  some  form  of 
ultimate  unification  and  acknowledgment  of  Christ 
as  Lord.  Such  passages  are  Eph  1  10;  Phil  2 
9-11;  above  all,  1  Cor  15  24-28.  God,  in  this 
final  vision,  has  become  "all  in  all."  Here,  again, 
dogmatism  is  entirely  out  of  place,  but  it  is  per- 
missible to  believe  that  these  texts  foreshadow  such 
a  final  persuasion  of  God's  righteousness  in  His  judg- 
ment and  of  the  futility  of  further  rebellion  as  shall 
bring  about  an  outward  pacification  and  restoration 
of  order  in  the  universe  disturbed  by  sin,  though  it 
can  never  repair  that  eternal  loss  accruing  from 
exclusion  from  Christ's  kingdom  and  glory. 

Literature. — Against:      Maurice.      Theological     Es- 
says, "Eternal  Life  and  Eternal  Death";    S.  Cox,  Sal- 


vator  Mundi;  F.  W.  Farrar,  Eternal  Hope;  Mercy  and 
Judgment;  A.  Jukes,  The  Second  Death  and  the  Resti- 
tution of  All  Things;  E.  White,  Life  in  Christ;  H.  Con- 
stable, Duration  and  Nature  of  Future  Punishment.  For: 
Pusey,  What  Is  of  Faith  as  to  Everlasting  Punishment  f 
H.  N.  Oxenham,  Catholic  Eschatology;  C.  Olemance, 
Future  Punishment;  Edershelm,  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus, 
the  Messiah,  Appendix,  xlx,  "On  Eternal  Punishment, 
according  to  the  Rabbis  and  the  NT";  The  Future  Life, 
A  Defence  of  the  Orthodox  "View,  by  the  Most  Eminent 
American  Scholars;  S.  D.  F.  Salmond,  The  Christian  Doc- 
trine of  Immortality, 'Boo]s.Yl;  Orr,  Christian  View  of  God, 
lecture  Ix;  Luthardt,  Saving  Truths  CET),  lecture  x.  See 
also  the  various  works  on  Dogmatic  and  Bib.  Theology. 

James  Orb 

PUNISHMENTS,  pun'ish-ments  QV ,  'aw5n, 
"fault,"  "iniquity,"  "punishment  for  iniquity," 
"sin"  [Gen  4  13;  Lev  26  41;  Job  19  29;  Ps  149 
7;  Lam  4  22;  Ezk  14  10  m;  Am  1  3.6.9.11.13; 
2  1.4.6],  IBJy,  'onesh,  "tribute,"  "fine,"  "punish- 
ment" [Lam  3  39],  HXpn,  hatd'ah,  or  nXBn, 
halta'ih,  "sin"  and  its  retribution,  "penalty,"  "ex- 
piation" [Zee  14  19);  KdXoo-is,  kdlasis,  "punish- 
ment," "torment"  [Mt  25  46],  €iriTi|i£a,  epitimia, 
"poll  tax,"  hence  "penalty"  [2  Cor  2  6],  Ti|i<DpCo, 
iimoria,  "vindication,"  hence  "penalty"  [He  10 
29],  IkSCkiio-is,  ekdlkesis,  "vindication,"  "retri- 
bution" [1  Pet  2  14  AV]):  A  court  could  inflict 
for  a  crime  against  the  person,  a  sentence  of  (1) 
death  in  the  form  of  stoning,  burning,  beheading, 
or  strangling,  etc;  (2)  exile  to  one  of  the  cities  of 
refuge  in  case  of  manslaughter  (Nu  36) ;  or  (3) 
stripes,  not  to  exceed  40,  in  practice  39  or  less  (Dt 
25  3;  2  Cor  11  24).  Offences  against  property 
(theft,  fraudulent  conversion  of  deposit,  embezzle- 
ment, robbery)  were  punished  by  exacting  more  than 
the  value  of  the  things  taken  (Lk  19  8),  the  excess 
going  to  the  injured  party,  thus  differing  from  a 
fine,  which  goes  into  the  treasury  of  the  community. 
The  housebreaker  was  liable  to  be  slain  with  im- 
punity (Ex  22  2).  A  fine  in  the  modern  sense  is 
unknown  in  the  Scriptures,  unless  Lev  5  6-19  be 
interpreted  as  referring  to  such. 

The  earliest  theory  of  punishment  seems  to  have 

been  that  of  retaliation — "blood  for  blood" — and 

to  some  extent  this  principle  appears 

1.  History  even  in  the  Law  of  Moses  (Lev  24  19. 
of  the  He-  20;  Mt  5  38).  Early  in  the  history 
brew  Law  of  the  race,  punishment  was  admin- 
concerning  istered  for  sin  and  crime.  Adam  and 
Punish-  Eve  were  driven  from  the  Garden,  and 
ment  Cain,  the  first  murderer,  though  not 

executed  in  retaliation  for  his  deed, 
had  a  mark  set  on  him.  The  words  of  Lamech 
(Gen  4  24)  indicate  that  death  was  regarded  as 
the  fitting  punishment  for  murder,  and  the  same 
thought  apparently  was  in  the  minds  of  the  brethren 
of  Joseph  (42  21).  Judah,  as  head  of  his  family, 
seems  to  have  had  power  of  life  and  death  (38  24), 
and  Abimelech  threatens  his  people  with  the  extreme 
punishment  in  case  they  injure  or  insult  Isaac  or  his 
wife  (26  11).  Similar  power  is  ascribed  to  Pharaoh 
(41  13). 

LTnder  the  Law  of  Moses,  the  murderer  was  to  be 

put  to  death  without  mercy.     Even  if  he  took 

refuge  at  the  altar  in  a  sanctuary  or  in 

2.  The  an  asylum  city,  he  would  not  be  im- 
Mosaic  Law  mune  from  arrest  and  execution,  and 
concerning  the  same  principle  was  applied  in  the 
Punishment  case   of   an   animal    (Ex  21  12.14.23. 

28.36  II).  But  punishment  under  the 
Mosaic  Law  was  not  to  be  entailed  or  transmitted 
(Dt  24  16),  as  was  the  case  among  the  Chaldaeans 
(Dnl  6  24)  and  the  kings  of  Israel  (1  K  21;  2  K 
9  26). 

It  has  been  noted  that  capital  punishment  is 
extensively  prescribed  by  the  Mosaic  Law,  and 
undoubtedly  the  Law  was  carried  out.  This  cir- 
cumstance has  been  explained  by  reference  to  the 


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Punishment 
Punishments 


fact  that  the  nation  consisted  of  newly  emancipated 
slaves,  and  therefore  required  harsh  measures  to 
keep  them  in  check. 

Under  the  Mosaic  Law,  the  offences  that  made 
one  liable  to  the  punishment  of  death  were:  (1) 
striking  or  revihng  a  parent  (Ex  21  15.17);  (2) 
blasphemy  (Lev  24  14.16.23;  1  K  21  10;  Mt 
26  65.66);  (3)  Sabbath-breaking  (Ex  31  14;  35 
2;  Nu  15  32-36);  (4)  witchcraft  and  false  pre- 
tension to  prophecy  (Ex  22  18;  Lev  20  27;  Dt 
13  5;  18  20;  1  S  28  9);  (5)  adultery  (Lev  20 
10;  Dt  22  22);  (6)  unchastity:  (a)  before  mar- 
riage, but  detected  afterward  (Dt  22  21),  (b)  in 
case  of  a  woman  with  someone  other  than  her  be- 
trothed (Dt  22  23),  (c)  in  a  priest's  daughter  (Lev 
21  9);  (7)  rape  (Dt  22  25);  (8)  incestuous  and 
unnatural  connections  (Ex  22  19;  Lev  20  11.14. 
16);  (9)  man-steaUng  (Ex  21  16);  (10)  idolatry, 
actual  or  virtual,  in  any  form  (Lev  20  2;  Dt  13 
6;   17  2-7);    (11)  false  witness  in  capital  cases  (Dt 

19  16.19). 

A  large  number  of  offences  come  under  the  law 
of  punishment  by  cutting  off  from  the  people,  the 
meaning  of  which  expression  has  led  to  some  con- 
troversy. It  may  signify  excommunication  or 
death,  and  occurs  in  connection  with  the  following 
offences:  (1)  breach  of  morals,  such  as  wilful  sin 
in  general  (Nu  15  30.31);  incestuous  or  unclean 
connections  (Lev  18  29;  20  9-21);  (2)  breach  of 
covenant,  brought  about  through  uncircumcision 
(Gen  17  14;  Ex  4  24),  neglect  of  Passover  (Nu 
9  13),  Sabbath-breaking  (Ex  31  14),  neglect  of 
Atonement  Day  (Lev  23  29),  work  done  on  the 
Atonement  Day  (Lev  23  30),  children  offered  to 
Molech  (Lev  20  3),  witchcraft  (Lev  20  6),  anoint- 
ing an  ahen  with  holy  oil  (Ex  30  33) ;  (3)  breach  of 
ritual,  committed  by  eating  leavened  bread  during 
Passover  (Ex  12  15.19),  eating  fat  of  sacrifices 
(Lev  7  25),  eating  blood  (Lev  7  27;  17  14),  eat- 
ing sacrifices  while  unclean  (Lev  7  20.21;  22  3.4. 
9),  offering  too  late  (Lev  19  8),  making  holy  oint- 
ment for  private  use  (Ex  30  32.33),  making  per- 
fume for  private  use  (Ex  30  38),  general  neglect 
of  purification  (Nu  19  13.20),  not  bringing  offering 
after  slaying  a  beast  for  food  (Lev  17  9),  slaying 
the  animal  at  a  place  other  than  the  tabernacle 
door  (Lev  17  4),  touching  holy  things  illegally 
(Nu  4  15.18.20). 

Of  capital  punishments  that  are  properly  re- 
garded as  of  Hebrew  origin,  we  note : 

(1)  Stoning,  which  was  the  ordinary  mode  of 
.execution  (Ex  19  13;    Lev  20  27;    Josh  7  25;   Lk 

20  6;  Acts  7  58;  14  5).  The  witnesses,  of  whom 
there  were  at  least  two,  were  required  to  cast 
the  first  stone  (Dt  13  9  f ;  Jn  8  7).  If  these  failed 
to  cause  death,  the  bystanders  proceeded  to  com- 
plete the  sentence,  whereupon  the  body  was  to 
be  suspended  until  sunset  (Dt  21  23). 

(2)  Hanging  is  mentioned  (Nu  25  4;  Dt  21 
22),  probably  not  as  a  mode  of  execution,  but 
rather  of  exposure  after  death.  It  may  have  been 
a  Canaanitish  punishment,  since  it  was  practised 
by  the  Gibeonites  on  the  sons  of  Saul  (2  S  21  6.9). 

(3)  Burning,  before  the  age  of  Moses,  was  the 
punishment  of  unchastity  (Gen  38  24).  The  Law 
prescribes  it  as  a  punishment  in  the  case  of  a  priest's 
daughter  (Lev  21  9),  and  in  case  of  incest  (Lev 
20  14),  but  it  is  also  mentioned  as  following  death 
by  other  means  (Josh  7  25),  and  some  believe  it 
was  never  used  excepting  after  death.  That  it  was 
sometimes  used  as  a  punishment  on  living  persons 
among  the  heathen  is  shown  by  Dnl  3. 

(4)  The  sword  or  spear  as  an  instrument  of  pun- 
ishment is  named  in  the  Law  (Ex  19  13;  32  27; 
Nu  26  7ff).  It  occurs  frequently  in  monarchic 
and  post-Bab  times  (Jgs  9  5;  1  S  15  33;  2  S  20 
22;  1  K  19  1;  Jer  26  23;  Mt  14  8.10),  but  among 


these  cases,  there  are  some  of  assassination  rather 
than  of  punishment. 

(5)  Strangling  as  a  form  of  punishment  has  no 
Scripture  authority,  but  according  to  tradition  was 
frequently  employed,  and  is  said  to  have  been  per- 
formed by  immersing  the  convict  in  clay  or  mud,  and 
then  strangling  him  by  a  cloth  tied  around  the  neck. 

Besides  these,  which  are  to  be  regarded  as  the 
ordinary  capital  punishments,  we  read  of  some  that 
were  either  of  foreign  introduction  or  of 
3.  Punish-  an  irregular  kind,  such  as:  (1)  cru- 
ments  of  cifixion  (q.v.);  (2)  drowning  (Mt  18 
Foreign  6  ||  ) ;     (3)  sawing  asunder  or  crushing 

Origin  (2  S  12  31;     He  11  37);     (4)    tortur- 

ing (1  Ch  20  3;  He  11  35);  (5)  pre- 
cipitation (2  Ch  25  12;  Lk  4  29);  (6)  suffocation 
(2  Mace  13  4-8).  The  Persians  are  said  to  have 
filled  a  high  tower  a  great  way  up  with  ashes, 
and  then  to  have  thrown  the  criminal  into  it,  and 
continually  stirred  up  the  ashes  by  means  of  a 
wheel  till  he  was  suffocated  (Rawlinson,  Ancient 
Monarchy,  III,  246).     See  also  Herod,  II,  100. 

Secondary  forms  of  punishment  not  heretofore 
mentioned  are  to  be  noted  as  follows: 

(1)  Blinding  or  putting  out  of  eyes  in  the  case  of 
captives  (Jgs  16  21;  1  S  11  2;  2  K  25  7). 

(2)  Chaining  by  means  of  manacles  or  fetters  of 
copper  or  iron,  similar  to  our  handcuffs  fastened  on 
the  wrists  and  ankles  and  attached  to  each  other  by 
a  chain  (Jgs  16  21;  2  S  3  34;  2  K  25  7);  also 
alluded  to  in  the  life  of  Paul  (Acts  28  20;  Eph  6 
20;  2  Tim  1  16);  and  in  the  case  of  Peter  (Acts 
12  6). 

(3)  Confiscation  of  property  that  had  fallen  under 
the  ban,  i.e.  had  been  singled  out  for  destruction  by 
the  special  decree  of  Jeh,  as  in  Nu  21  2;  Josh  6 
17;  or  had  been  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  army 
(Dt  2  35;  20  14;  Josh  22  8);  or  given  over  to  the 
priesthood  (Josh  6  19).  The  term  may  be  ex- 
tended to  include  all  things  vowed  or  sanctified  and 
those  irrevocably  devoted  or  consecrated  to  God 
(Lev  27  21.28).  The  idea  is  applied  with  special 
emphasis  to  those  things  which,  because  of  their 
uncleanness,  must  not  be  used  by  the  Israelites, 
though,  through  their  warfare  with  the  heathen, 
they  might  have  come 
into  possession  of  them 
(Dt7  26;    IS  15  16-23). 

(4)  Dashing  in  pieces 
(Ps  2  9;    Isa  13  18). 

(5)  Divine  visitation. 
See  Visitation. 

(6)  Exposure  to  wild 
beasts  (Lev  26  22;  IS 
17  46;   Dnl  6). 

(7)  Flaying  {Rstwlinson, 
Ancient  Monarchy,  I,  478; 
Nineveh  and  Babylon; 
mentioned  figuratively  in 
Mic  3  3). 

(8)  Forfeiture  (Ezr  10 
8). 

(9)  Gallows  in  the  mod- 
ern sense  probably  were 
unknown  to  the  ancients. 
Where  the  word  occurs  in 
Est  (5  14;  6  4;  7  9.10; 
9  13.25),  it  probably  re- 
fers to  a  beam  or  pole  on 
which  the  body  was  im- 
paled and  then  elevated 
to  a  height  of  50  cubits  as  an  object  of  warning  to 
the  people  (see  "Hanging"). 

(10)  Imprisonment  is  frequently  referred  to  in 
both  the  OT  and  the  NT,  indicating  that  this  was 
a  common  mode  of  punishment  among  both  the 
Israelites    and    other  nations   (Gen  40  3;    42  17; 


Hanging. 

Aaayrian  Sculptures  (Brit,  Mua.). 


Punites 
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Lev  24  12;  Nu  15  34;  1  K  22  27;  Jer  37  15.21; 
Lk  3  20;  Acts  4  3.10;  23  10;  and  the  Epp.  of 
Paul).     See  Prison. 

(11)  Indignilies. — In  this  term  may  be  included 
all  those  outbursts  of  vengeance  or  other  evil  dis- 
positions that  were  practised  in  times  or  under  cir- 
cumstances when  liberties  with  the  prisoner  were 
permitted  on  the  part  of  bystanders  or  those  who 
had  charge  beyond  the  execution  of  the  judicial 
decree.  Instances  are  found  in  the  life  of  Christ 
(Mt  26  59.67;  Lk  22  63  ff;  Jn  18  22);  also  in 
the  hfe  of  Paul  (Acts  23  2). 

(12)  Mutilation  {Jgs  1  6.7;  Ezk  23  25;  2  Mace 
7). — The  Law  was  opposed  to  thus  treating  any 
Israelite,  and  Samuel,  when  referring  to  the  arbi- 
trary power  of  the  future  king  (1  S  8  10  ff),  does 
not  say  that  he  would  thus  treat  "their  sons."  It 
was  a  barbarous  custom  of  the  East  (see  Eunuchs; 
Polygamy),  evidently  regarded,  among  the  He- 
brews, as  a  heinous  practice  (Dt  23  1).  The  only 
act  authorizing  mutilation  (except  in  retaliation)  is 
mentioned  in  Dt  25  11. 

(13)  Plucking  off  the  hair  is  alluded  to  as  a  mode 
of  punishment  in  Neh  13  25;    Isa  50  6. 

(14)  Prison  garments  were  in  vogue  to  mark  the 
convicts  (Jer  52  33). 

(15)  Restitution  has  been  alluded  to  in  the  general 
introduction  to  this  topic. 

(16)  Retaliation  was  recognized  by  Moses  as  a 
principle,  but  the  application  of  it  was  left  to  the 
.judge  (Lev  24  19-22).  A  fine  example  of  it  is 
found  in  the  law  of  Dt  19  19. 

(17)  Scorpions,  chastising  with. — Probably  the 
use  of  thongs  armed  with  pointed  pieces  of  lead 
or  other  metal  (1  K  12  11;  2  Ch  10  14).  See 
Scorpions. 

(18)  Scourging.     See  separate  article. 

(19)  Slavery.     See  separate  article. 

(20)  Slocks.     See  Prison. 

Frank  E.  Hirsch 
PUNITES,  pu'nits  CJIE,  puni,  probably  "dark"): 
Descendants  of    Puvah,    of   the  tribe  of  Issachar 
(Nu  26  23;   of  Gen  46  13;   Jgs  10  1;    1  Ch  7  1). 

PUNON,  pu'non  Ci-^^  >  pUnon):  A  desert  camp 
of  the  Israelites,  the  second  after  leaving  Mt.  Hor 
(Nu  33  42.43).  Eusebius  (Onom  299  85;  123  9) 
mentions  an  Idumaean  village,  N.  of  Petra,  in  the 
desert,  where  convicts  were  mining  copper,  called 
Phinon  or  Phainon.  These  are  doubtless  identical. 
See  Wanderings  of  Israel. 

PUR,  pur  (Est  3  7;  9  26).     See  Purim. 

PURAH,  pu'ra  (ITIE,  purah,  "branch"):  Gideon's 
"servant,"  lit.  "young  man,"  i.e.  armor-bearer 
(Jgs  7  10  f,  AV  "Phurah"). 

PURCHASE,  pflr'chas:  In  modern  Eng.,  "to 
acquire  by  payment,"  in  EUzabethan  Eng.,  "to 
acquire"  by  any  means.  In  the  OT,  AV  has  used 
"purchase"  to  represent  T^'2p^ ,  kdnah,  and  its  deriv- 
atives (vb.  and  noun),  except  in  Lev  25  33,  where 
thewordis  bs^,  ga'al  (RV  "redeem").  In  the  NT 
the  noun  does  not  occur  and  the  vb.  is  used  for 
KTdoiJ.ai,  ktdotnai,  in  Acts  1  18;  8  20,  and  -rrepi- 
TToUw,  peripoied,  in  Acts  20  28;  1  Tim  3  13.  But 
none  of  these  words  connotes  the  payment  of  a  price, 
so  that  RV  has  kept  the  word  only  in  Acts  20  28 
(m  "acquired"),  changing  it  into  obtain"  in  Acts 
1  IS;  8  20,  and  "gain"  in  1  Tim  3  13.  In  the 
OT,  RVm  has  "gotten"  in  Ex  15  16  and  ARV  has 
(very  properlv)  introduced  the  same  word  into  the 
text' of  Ps  74  2;   78  54. 

Burton  Scott  Eahton 


PURE,  pur,  PURELY,  pOr'li,  PURITY,  pu'ri-ti: 
This  group  of  words  has  in  the  OT  and  the  NT  an 
almost  exclusively  ethical  significance,  though  the 
word  "pure"  is  of  course  used  also  in  its  literal  sense 
of  freedom  from  alloy  or  other  ahen  matter  (Ex  25 
11,  etc).  "Pure"  in  the  OT  represents  many  Heb 
words,  most  frequently  lIHa ,  ta-hor;  "purely," 
occurs  once  only  in  A  V,  as  the  tr  of  "13  ,  bor,  properly 
"that  which  cleanses"  (cf  Job  9  30,  RVm  "Heb 
'cleanse  my  hands  with  lye,' "  i.e.  alkali  for  soap) 
in  Isa  1  25,  RV  "thoroughly  [m  "as  with  lye," 
AV  "purely")  purge  away  thy  dross";  "pureness" 
is  the  AV  tr  of  the  same  word  in  Job  22  30,  RV 
"cleanness."  In  the  NT  "pure"  is  the  tr  chiefly 
of  KadapSs,  katkaros  (Mt  5  8,  "Bl&ssed  are  the  pure 
in  heart,"  etc),  but  also  of  a7>'i5s,  hagnds  (Phil  4 
8;  1  Tim  5  22;  Jas  3  17;  1  Jn  3  3— always  in 
an  ethical  sense).  A  different  word  (eilikrines)  is 
used  in  2  Pet  3  1,  RV  "sincere."  "Purity" 
(hagneia)  occurs  only  in  AV  in  1  Tim  4  12;  5  2; 
in  RV  in  2  Cor  11  3  (as  the  tr  of  tts  hagnotetos). 
See  Clean;    Purity.  W.  L.  Walker 

PURGE,  pArj:  A  number  of  words  in  both  the 
OT  and  the  NT  are  so  rendered  in  AV  and  RV, 
although  frequently  in  RV  the  older  Eng.  word 
"purge"  is  displaced  by  the  more  applicable  modern 
terms  "cleanse"  and  "purify,"  since  the  emphatic 
and  medical  senses  of  the  word,  as  we  now  use  it, 
are  not  justified  by  some  of  the  Heb  and  Gr  originals. 
In  older  Eng.  the  word  was  broader  in  meaning, 
today  it  is  specific.  Occurrences  in  AV,  with  the 
changes  made  in  RV,  are  as  follows: 

(1)  int3  M/ier.lit.  "to  beclean,"  used  of  the  putting- 
away  of  idolatry  from  Judah  by  Josiah  (2  Ch  34  .3.8), 

is  trd  "purge"  in  all  VSS,  but,  in  Ezk  24 
1     T    til  13,  ARV  changes  to  "cleanse."      (2)  i{X3n  , 

y-jqi  tidtd',  lit.  "to  make  a  sin  offering"  (Ps  51 

^■^  7).*  is   changed   without  improvement  to 

"purify"  in  ARV,  while  "purge"  is  re- 
tained in  ERV.      (3)   ^S3     kdphar,  "to  Cover"  or  "to 

make  atonement,"  occurs  in  Ps  65  3;    79  9:    Ezk  43 
20.26:    in  the  two  passages  in  Pss,   RV  has  "forgive" 
(the  "expiate"  of  m  is  still  better),  and  in  Ezk  the  even 
more  accurate  "make  atonement."     In  both  (4)  Cin^E 
QdTaph,    "to   refine"    (Isa  1  25),    and    (5)    n^^     du^/i. 

Ut.  "to  rinse"  (Isa  4  4),  "purge"  is  well  retained  in 
RV.     (6)   T13     bdrar,  lit.  "to  be  shining,"  RV  retains 

in  Ezk  20  38,  but  in  Dnl  11  3.5  changes  to  "purify." 
(7)  ppT  zdkak,  "to  pour  down"  as  molten  metal  (Mai 
3  3),  also  becomes  "purify"  in  RV, 

These  occurrences  are  all  in  the  figurative  sense, 
and  apply  to  sin,  uncleanness,  idolatry,  etc.  Most 
noteworthy  is  the  ARV  change  of  the  familiar  Ps 
51  7. 

The  Gr  words  rendered  "purge"  in  AV  of  the  Apoc 
and  NT  are  Kadalpiii,  kathairo,  and  KaSapV^w,  katharizo, 
and  their  compounds  and  derivatives. 
2.  In  the       In  all  passages  except  four,  RV  more 
NT  properly  translates  "cleanse'*  (Mt  3  12; 

Mk7  19;Lk3  17;  Jn  15  2;  He 9  14.22; 
10  2).  In  He  1  3  "when  he  had  by  himself  purged 
our  sins"  is  changed  to  "had  made  purification  of." 
But  in  the  case  of  the  vb.  compounded  with  the 
preps.  dTTo,  api>,  and  iK,  ek,  i.e.  apokathairo  and 
ekkathairo  (Job  12  9;  1  Cor  5  7;  2  Tim  2  21), 
with  strong  signification  to  "cleanse  out,"  RV 
properly  retains  "purge."  Most  worthy  of  note 
is  the  change  of  the  famiUar  verse  in  Jn,  "Every 
branch,  that  beareth  fruit,  he  purgeth"  to  "Every 
branch  ....  he  cleanseth"  (15  2). 

Edward  Mack 

PURIFICATION,  pu-ri-fi-ka'shun.  See  Purge; 
Purity;  Unclean. 

PURIM,  pu'rim  (Dil.lB ,  purlm,  "lots";  LXX 
"i>poiipa(,    Phrourai),   PUR,  pilr:    The  name  of  a 


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Punites 
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Jewish  festival  celebrated  on  the  14th  and  l.'jth  days 

of  the  month  Adar,  the  final  month  of  the  Bib.  year, 

corresponding  to  February-March.  The 

1.  Scripture  origin  of  the  festival  is  narrated  in  the 
References    Book  of  Est,  and  indeed  is  the  motive 

of  the  book,  as  the  time,  reason  and 
manner  of  its  celebration  are  given  in  detail  (Est 
3  7;  9  24ff).  Reference  also  is  made  to  it  in 
apocryphal  literature  (Ad  Est  10  10-13;  2  Mace 
15  36)  and  in  Jos  (Ant,  XI,  vi,  13).  No  reference 
is  made  to  this  feast  in  the  NT,  as  it  was  celebrated 
locally,  and  is  therefore  not  to  be  connected  with 
any  of  the  festal  pilgrimages  to  Jerus.  For  this 
reason  the  supposition  of  some  that  the  feast  of  Jn 
5  1  was  Purim  is  to  be  rejected,  mention  of  it  being 
immediately  followed  by  the  words,  "And  Jesus 
went  up  to  Jerus." 

For  the  complete  account  of  the  institution  of 
Purim  reference  must  be  made  to  the  Book  of  Est. 

Only  a  brief  statement  is  po.ssible  here. 

2.  History  Haman,  son  of  Hammedatha  the 
of  Insti-  Agagitb  (q.v.;  cf  1  S  15  8.32),  who  had 
tution  been  made  prime  minister  by   King 

Ahasuerus  (Xerxes),  bitterly  hated 
the  Jews,  some  of  whom,  as  Mordecai,  were  rising 
to  prominence  in  the  empire.  After  Queen  Vashti 
had  been  put  away  from  her  royal  position  for  cause 
(1  9-12),  a  Jewess  named  Esther,  kinswoman  and 
adopted  daughter  of  Mordecai,  was  chosen  to  be- 
come the  royal  consort.  This  only  increased  the 
hatred  of  Haman,  who  in  his  jealous  fury  soon 
began  to  seek  an  opportune  day  to  work  his  hate 
upon  Mordecai  and  the  whole  Jewish  people,  and 
therefore  resorted  to  the  casting  of  the  lots  for  the 
auspicious  time:  "They  cast  Pur,  that  is,  the  lot, 
before  Haman  from  day  to  day,  and  from  month  to 
month,  to  the  twelfth  month,  which  is  the  month 
Adar"  (3  7).  Beginning  with  the  1st  month,  all 
the  days  and  months  were  tried  with  unfavorable 
result,  until  the  last.  At  Haman's  request  Ahasuerus 
caused  his  scribes  to  send  into  all  the  realm  on  the 
13th  day  of  the  1st  month  a  decree  that  all  Jews 
should  be  put  to  death  on  the  13th  day  of  the 
12th  month  (3  12  ff).  As  the  narrative  shows,  the 
wisdom  of  Mordecai,  E.sther's  heroism,  and  fasting 
and  prayer  availed  to  foil  the  dastardly  scheme  of 
Haman,  who  had  already  built  the  gallows  on  which 
his  hated  rival  should  be  hanged.  Haman  was 
himself  hanged  on  this  gallows,  while  Mordecai 
was  honored  yet  more  (7  10;  8  1.2).  A  second 
decree  was  issued  on  the  23d  day  of  the  3d  month 
that  on  the  13th  day  of  the  12th  month  (8  9.12), 
the  day  appointed  in  the  first  decree  for  their 
extermination,  the  Jews  should  gather  together  and 
defend  themselves  against  their  foes.  On  that 
fateful  day  not  only  did  the  Jews  successfully  resist 
the  malice  of  their  enemies,  but  the  public  officials 
also,  seeing  that  the  royal  favor  was  with  the  Jews, 
espoused  their  cause.  In  Shushan,  the  royal  city, 
a  second  day,  the  14th,  was  granted  the  Jews  for 
vengeance  on  their  foes  (9  11-16).  In  view  of  so 
great  a  deliverance  "Mordecai  wrote  these  things 
....  unto  all  the  Jews  ....  to  enjoin  them 
that  they  should  keep  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
month  Adar,  and  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  same, 
yearly,  as  the  days  wherein  the  Jews  had  rest  from 
their  enemies"  (9  20-22).  „    ,      ,t         i 

Already  as  early  as  the  times  of  the  Maccabees 
(2  Mace  15  36),    the   festival   was   observed,    the 

14th    day    being    called    "Mordecai's 

3.  Manner  day."  Jos  refers  to  it  as  continuously 
of  Ob-  and  widely  observed  down  to  his  time: 
servance        "For  this  cause  the  Jews  still  keep  the 

forementioned  days,  and  call  them  days 
of  Purim"  [Ant,  XI,  vi,  13).  In  succeeding  cen- 
turies as  the  Jews  have  passed  from  one  civilization 
or  empire  to  another,  so  many  causes  have  arisen 


to  remind  them  of  the  persecutions  of  Haman  as  to 
make  the  festival  of  a  triumph  over  such  persecu- 
tions both  attractive  and  most  significant  to  them. 
Experiences  in  Syria,  Egypt,  Rome,  Russia  and 
elsewhere  have  not  been  lacking  in  suggestion  of  the 
original  occasion  of  Purim.  The  13th  day  has  been 
observed  by  fasting  in  commemoration  of  Esther's 
prayer  and  fasting  before  she  approached  the  king; 
in  the  evening,  at  the  beginning  of  the  14th  day,  the 
Jews  repair  to  the  synagogues  where  the  Book  of 
Est,  one  of  the  m'ghilldth,  is  read  with  interpreta- 
tions, execrations  bursting  out  at  the  reading  of 
Haman's  name,  accompanied  by  noise  of  rattles 
and  stamping  of  feet,  other  persecutors  and  foes  also 
sometimes  coming  in  for  a  share  of  execration.  The 
names  of  Mordecai  and  Esther  receive  blessings. 
On  the  following  morning  of  the  14th  synagogue 
services  are  again  held,  at  which,  in  addition  to  the 
repetition  of  the  E.st  reading,  Ex  17  8-16,  which 
records  the  destruction  of  the  Amalekites  (cf  Est 

3  1),  is  also  read  as  the  lesson  from  the  Law,  pres- 
ents are  given  to  the  poor  and  to  friends,  and  the 
rest  of  the  day,  as  also  the  15th,  observed  with 
feasting  and  rejoicing,  even  exces.ses  being  condoned 
in  the  exuberance  of  national  spirit. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  trace  the  origin 

of  Purim  in  pagan  or  ccsniic  festivals,  but  to  the  present 

time  without    success,   without   approach 

4  Theories  ^ven   to    probability.     Supposed   connec- 
t  f^  •    •  tions  with  nature  myths,  national  festivals, 

01  Ungm  polytheistic  legends  have  all  found  advo- 
cates. The  word  itself  has  suggested  the 
possibility  of  identification  with  words  of  similar  form 
or  sound  in  other  languages.  But  the  ease  of  finding 
such  similarities  for  any  word  casts  doubt  upon  the  reli- 
abihty  of  any  identification.  (1)  It  has  been  traced  to 
the  Assyr  purU,  and  identified  with  the  Assyr  New 
Year  when  officials  entered  upon  their  term  of  service. 
(2)  The  Bab  puhru,  new  year  festival,  has  also  been 
claimed  as  the  origin  of  Purim;  Mordecai  becomes 
Marduli,  Esther  is  Ishtar,  while  Haman,  Vashti  and 
Zeresh  are  Median  gods.  (.3)  The  most  popular  attempts 
at  identification  are  in  the  Pers  field,  where  bahr,  "lot," 
is  claimed  as  the  source  of  Pur,  or  rurdighdn,  "new  year," 
or  farwardighan,  the  feast  of  departed  souls.  (4)  Origin 
also  in  a  Gr  bacchanalian  occasion  has  been  sought. 
(.5)  Others  suggest  origin  in  other  .Jewish  experiences 
than  that  claimed  by  the  Book  of  Est  itself,  such  as  a 
captivity  in  Edom,  or  a  persecution  under  the  Ptolemies 
in  Egypt,  or  the  victory  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  over 
Nicanor  in  161  BC  (1  Mace  7  49).  No  one  of  all  these 
theories  has  sufficient  probabihty  to  secure  for  itself 
anything  like  general  acceptance;  the  Book  of  Est 
remains  as  the  most  reasonable  account;  the  difficulties 
met  in  it  are  not  so  great  as  those  of  the  explanations 
sought  in  other  languages  and  religions. 

Literature. — Bible  diets.,  esp.  HDB,  EB  and  Jew 
Enc:  Paton,  comm.  on  "Est"  in  ICC\  particularly  pp. 
77-94. 

Edward  Mack 

PURITY,  pu'ri-ti:  The  Bible  bears  witness  to  the 
long  struggle  over  and  in  man  to  secure  physical, 
mental,  and. moral  cleanliness.  The  various  forms 
of  purity  have  relation  to  each  other. 

We  have  a  common  proverb  that  "cleanliness  is  akin 
to  godliness."  Cleanliness  and  aesthetics  are  certainly 
nigh  neighbors.  But  cleanliness  and  ethics  do  not 
dwell  farther  apart.  When  one  realizes  that  by  un- 
cleanness  of  person  or  property  he  may  endanger  tlie 
health  or  life  of  family,  or  even  of  society  about  him — 
as  in  keeping  conditions  that  develop  typhoid  fever — he 
begins  to  realize  that  there  is  a  close  tie  between  clean- 
liness and  morals.  "Ought"  comes  in  on  the  sphere  of 
cleanliness,  and  then  the  whole  realm  of  ethics  is  open. 
So  near  are  the  departments  of  physical  and  ethical 
cleanliness  that  now  if  one  hears  the  word  "shun"  with- 
out explanation,  he  cannot  tell  whether  it  relates  to  filth 
or  sin. 

The  perception  of  this  relationship  is  of  very 
ancient  date.  Though  it  is  Isaiah  who  says  (52 
11),  "Cleanse  yourselves,  ye  that  bear  the  vessels 
of  Jeh,"  and  Mk  7  3.4,  "All  the  Jews,  except  they 
wa,sh  their  hands  diligently,  cat  not,  holding  the 
tradition  of  the  elders;  and  when  they  come  from 
the  marketplace,  except  they  bathe  themselves, 
they  eat  not;  and  many  otlier  things  there  are, 
which  they  have  received  to  hold,  washings  of  cups. 


Purity 
Purple 


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and  pots,  and  brasen  vessels,"  yet  such  statements 
are  but  summaries  of  directions  distributed  here 
and  there  throughout  the  whole  Levitical  Law.  We 
can  read  therein  what  sounds  hke  the  hygienic 
orders  of  a  general  to  his  soldiers  on  the  march,  or 
like  the  rules  of  the  board  of  health  to  preserve  a 
city  from  pestilence.  And  these  Levitical  direc- 
tions for  cleanliness  are  connected  inseparably  with 
the  worship  of  Jeh,  as  though  physical  purity  were 
to  that  an  essential.  The  Psalmist  blends  these 
two  elements,  the  physical  and  the  ethical,  in  the 
familiar  question  and  answer  (24  3-5),  "Who  shall 
ascend  into  the  hill  of  Jeh  ?  and  who  shall  stand  in 
his  holy  place?  He  that  hath  clean  hands,  and  a  pure 
heart;  who  hath  not  lifted  up  his  soul  unto  false- 
hood, and  hath  not  sworn  deceitfully.  He  shall 
receive  a  blessing  from  Jeh,  and  righteousness  from 
the  God  of  his  salvation." 

The  ceremonial  cleansings  called  for.  by  the  Law 
had  meaning  and  influence.  They  were  interpre- 
tative of  something  spiritual — were  a  parable  way 
of  illustrating  the  necessity  of  purity  of  heart  in 
order  to  gain  acceptance  with  God.  If  in  after-days 
the  thing  symbohzed  was  forgotten  in  the  symbol, 
that  was  owing  to  "bhndness  of  mind."  The 
darkness  was  not  necessary. 

But  the  main  subject  in  respect  to  which  we  shall 

in  this  art.  seek  light  on  purity  from  the  Bible  will 

not  be  hygiene  or  aesthetics,  but  morals. 

1.  The  Sex  When  we  turn  to  that  department 
Relation        we  shall  at  once  realize  the  fact  that 

the  sex  relation  is  the  most  primitive 
and  comprehensive  of  all  the  human  relations. 

The  family. — The  attitude  of  the  Bible  in  respect 
to  that  relation  is  unmistakable.  From  the  vision 
of  the  Garden  of  Eden  to  that  of  the  New  Jerusalem, 
the  Bible  rings  true  to  the  ideal  of  purity  in  family 
life  and  in  the  relations  of  the  sexes  to  each  other. 
This  is  remarkable,  for  it  is  a  vast  history  over 
which  its  narrative  sweeps,  and  in  it  every  species 
of  hterature  is  represented.  It  sets  forth  the  acts 
and  views  of  a  people  in  all  the  stages  of  civiliza- 
tion, from  wandering  nomads  to  dwellers  in  cities 
embelhshed  by  architecture  and  every  device  of 
man  to  set  forth  riches  and  splendor.  It  sets  forth 
their  crime,  shame  and  sin,  as  well  as  their  virtues, 
but  its  tone  is  approbative  of  the  virtues  and  repro- 
bative  of  the  crime,  shame  and  sin.  In  the  Magna 
Charta  of  the  Heb  people — the  Ten  Command- 
ments— there  stands  in  equal  rank  with  any  other 
principle,  "Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery."  The 
sanction  of  reUgion  and  law  was  thus  given  to  the 
integrity  and  purity  of  family  life.  The  minute 
regulations  against  marriage  with  relatives,  and 
the  severe  punishments  inflicted  for  disregard  of 
the  restrictions  (Lev  18  and  20),  were  a  powerful 
force  in  the  same  direction.  The  adultery  of  mar- 
ried persons  was  to  be  punished  by  the  death  of 
both  the  parties  (Lev  20  10;   Dt  22  22). 

Such  laws  may  sometimes  seem  severe.  Doubtless 
they  are  primitive  and  date  from  the  time  of  nomadism. 
In  primitive  conditions,  penalties  for  infraction  of  law 
are  to  be  severe  and  swift.  Pioneers  the  world  over  and 
through  time,  for  very  self-preservation's  sake,  coiild 
show  little  favor  or  tolerance  to  lawlessness.  Be  these 
laws  severe,  they  show  the  intense  earnestness  of  a  people 
to  have  a  pure  family  life  in  which  children  bom  should 
be  genuine  to  it.  These  Ijevitical  restrictions  upon  inter- 
marriage with  relatives  fit  the  sense  of  propriety  and 
right  of  civilized  people,  even  to  this  day. 

There  is  no  question  about  the  attitude  of  the 

prophets  on  purity.     They  were  in  harmony  with 

the  Law.     They  had  no  tolerance  for 

2.  The  corrupt  morals  or  manners  leading  to 
Prophets        impurity  or   suggesting   it.     An  illus- 
tration sometimes  has  the  light  of  the 

sun  in  it.  What  it  is  that  is  illustrated  is  frequently 
best  seen  by  looking  at  the  illustration  itself.     The 


prophets  were  passionate  monotheists.  The}' 
wanted  above  all  things  that  Israel  should  be  true 
to  Jeh  and  to  Him  alone.  To  the  prophets,  wor- 
ship of  other  gods  was  treason  to  Jeh.  One  prophet 
after  another,  and  over  and  over  again,  illustrates 
this  highest  of  crimes  by  infidelity  in  the  marriage 
relation.  That  shows  in  what  estimate  the  family 
was  held.  To  put  any  other  in  the  place  of  Jeh  was 
"to  go  a- whoring  after  other  gods,"  or  "to  play  the 
harlot."  That  shows  as  nothing  else  could  how 
deep  in  the  heart  was  sunk  regard  for  pure  family 
life.  Infidelity  was  high  treason  there,  or  it  never 
would  have  furnished  language  to  describe  high 
treason  to  God. 

Prov  5  and  7  indicate  the  attitude  of  the  book  on 
purity.     We  may  let  the  book  make  its  own  case. 

The  wiles  of  "the  strange  woman"  and 
3.  The  the  stupid  folly  and  destruction  of  her 

Proverbs        victim  are  specially  set  forth  in  the 

chapters  mentioned.  In  the  last  chap- 
ter of  the  book  we  have  a  portraiture  of  a  "virtuous 
woman"  in  whom  domesticity  in  purity  has  reached 
a  high  stage.  "Let  her  own  works  praise  her  in 
the  gates." 

It  is  pleasant  to  turn  from  the  tense  severity  of  law, 
since  it  must  deal  largely  with  crime  and  sin,   to  the 

idealism  of  poetry.     In  the  Pss  and  the 

4    The  Sonp  Prophets  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife, 

■  ^       '^""6  of  bridegroom  and  bride,  of  lover  and  loved 

or  bongs  are   always   treated   with  tenderness   and 

reverence.  Here  is  familiar  Scripture 
(Ps  19):    "The  heavens  declare  the  glory  of  God;    and 

the  firmament  showeth  his  handiwork In  them 

hath  he  set  a  tabernacle  for  the  sun,  which  is  as  a  bride- 
groom coming  out  of  his  chamber,  and  rejoiceth  as  a 
strong  man  to  run  his  course."  That  does  not  betray 
any  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  exuberant  spirit  of  a 
lover.  So  Isa  62  4.5:  "For  Jeh  delighteth  in  thee,  and 
thy  land  shall  be  married.  For  as  a  yoimg  man  marrieth 
a  virgin,  so  shall  thy  sons  marry  thee;  and  as  the  bride- 
groom rejoiceth  over  the  bride,  so  shall  thy  God  rejoice 
over  thee."  Language  cannot  more  clearly  disclose 
delight  in  the  joy  of  those  who  are  adjusting  themselves 
under  -the  "primal  eldest"  riile  over  sex:  "Therefore 
shall  a  raian  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  shall 
cleave  unto  his  wife:  and  they  shall  be  one  flesh"  (Gen 
2  24). 

It  is  sometimes  thought  strange  that  the  Song  of 
Songs  should  be  in  the  Scripture  Canon.  But  why 
should  there  be  such  doubt?  It  is  but  a  more  par- 
ticular elaboration  of  what  is  boldly  brought  to 
notice  in  the  quotations  above.  There  is  no  more 
necessity  of  reading  impurity  into  it  than  there  is  of 
reading  it  into  the  quotations  above.  The  poem  ia 
illustrative  of  an  experience  as  widely  known  as 
any  in  the  life  of  the  human  race — an  experience 
in  which  sin  is  no  necessity.  One  must  go  out  of 
his  way  who  imputes  sin  to  a  single  act  or  thought 
that  comes  to  expression  in  the  poem.  The  maiden 
is  guileless  and  the  lover  ia  manly.  The  poem  ia 
said  to  be  erotic.  But  the  eroa  is  ideahzed.  It 
may  be  sensuous,  but  it  ia  not  sensual.  It  is  not 
selfish.  The  passion  of  each  finds  expression  in  care- 
ful thoughtfulness  for  the  other.  It  does  not  turn 
back  to  itself  in  coarse  brute  craving  of  lust  for  its 
own  self-indulgence.     The  refrain  of  the  poem  is — • 

"I  adjure  you,  O  daughters  of  Jerusalem 

That  ye  stir  not  up,  nor  awake  my  love." 

—Cant  2  7;  3  5;   8  4. 

The  watchfulness  is  as  tender  as  that  for  an  infant. 
Where  will  the  law  lay  its  indictment  of  sin  against 
such  thoughts  and  feehngs?  The  lovers  are  under 
the  charm  that  has  been  and  is  to  be  from  everlast- 
ing to  everlasting  with  the  human  race  upon  the 
earth. 

Christ  at  His  strictest  did  not  set  Himself  against  the 
charm  of  love.  He  said  it  should  be  eternally  single  and 
true  in  spirit.  The  maiden  in  the  song  goes  forth  in  the 
night,  in  the  simplicity  of  her  heart,  to  And  her  beloved 
(3  2ff).  In  the  same  simplicity,  Evangeline  wandered 
all  the  night  of  her  life  to  find  the  object  of  her  aflection. 


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Purity 
Purple 


From  the  same  charm  in  the  beginning  came  the  faith- 
fulness of  Enoch  Arden.  Out  of  the  love  that  springs 
from  purity  has  come  the  integrity  that  has  endured  to 
the  end.  The  exuberance  of  the  charm,  lllce  every  other 
spring  of  life  and  action,  needs  regulation,  but  the  charm 
itself  is  not  to  bo  treated  as  sin. 

Paul  has  said,  "Ye  are  not  under  law,  but  under 
grace"   (Rom  6  14).     But  that  depends  upon  the 

conditions  to  which  it  is  applied. 
5.  Christ  We  may  not  be  under  the  Levitical, 
and  Purity     ceremonial  Law,  but  we  are  under  the 

wide  realm  of  ethical  law  always,  even 
when  we  are  under  grace.  What  grace  does  is  to 
idealize  and  spiritualize  and  make  attractive  and 
beautiful  what  before  was  perhaps  hard,  repellent 
statute  and  rule.  Christ  is  sometimes  thought  to 
have  relaxed  the  severity  of  "the  reign  of  law." 
But  six  times  even  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount 
He  added  to  its  strictness.  Take  the  idea  of  the 
purity  of  the  family  as  secured  by  its  unity.  Under 
the  Mosaic  legislation,  certain  not  onerous  forms 
of  legal  proceeding  intervening,  the  termination 
of  marriage  might  be  said  to  be  optional  with 
the  parties.  All  this  liberty  is  swept  away  in  one 
sentence:  "I  say  unto  you.  Whosoever  shall  put 
away  his  wife,  except  for  fornication,  and  shall 
marry  another,  committeth  adultery"  (Mt  19  9). 
That  is  a  law  sentence.  It  was  uttered  in  the  realm 
of  law.  It  was  intended  to  have  effect  in  law.  No 
wonder,  considering  the  liberty  that  had  been 
allowed  in  the  Law  up  to  that  time,  that  the  dis- 
ciples as  soon  as  they  got  breath  said,  "If  the  case 
of  a  man  is  so  with  his  wife,  it  is  not  expedient  to 
marry."  They  knew  that  a  new  law  for  Christ's 
disciples  was  put  over  marriage.  Even  the  ex- 
ception confirmed  His  rule.  If  the  exception  is  not 
allowed,  polyandry  or  polygamy  is  established. 
No  other  sentence  of  human  speech  has  done  more 
for  the  purity  of  family  life  (see  Divorce).  But 
Christ  did  not  stop  with  the  utterance  of  law  pro- 
tective of  purity  physically;  He  went  behind  all 
acts  and  laid  down  law  for  the  thoughts  and  intents 
of  the  heart:  "But  I  say  unto  you,  that  every  one 
that  looketh  on  a  woman  to  lust  after  her  hath  com- 
mitted adultery  with  her  already  in  his  heart" 
(Mt  5  28). 

Sometimes  it  may  be  thought  that  there  is  a  look  of 
moral  indifference  about  the  way  in  which  Jesus  disposed 
of  the  woman's  case  who  was  taken  in  adultery  (Jn  8 
1-11);  "Did  no  man  condemn  thee?  And  she  said. 
No  man.  Lord.  And  Jesus  said.  Neither  do  I  condemn 
thee;  go  thy  way;  from  henceforth  sin  no  more."  But 
it  must  first  be  remembered  that  it  was  not  her  case  but 
that  of  her  accusers  that  was  immediately  before  the 
mind  of  Jesus.  They  brought  her  before  Him  to  trap 
Him,  but  He  turned  and  put  them  on  trial.  He  made 
their  moral  condition  the  main  issue.  Hers  was  but  an 
incident.  But  then,  Jesus  did  not  leave  her  without 
impressing  on  her  mind  that  she  was  a  sinner.  The  last 
words  left  ringing  in  her  ears  were,  "Sin  no  more."  And 
she  was  left,  as  all  in  sin  are  left,  to  wrestle  out  adjustment 
with  the  Holy  Spirit  who  leaves  no  soul  without  con- 
viction of  "sin,  righteousness  and  judgment."  The 
words  of  Jesus  no  more  than  the  words  of  anyone  else 
can  explain  all  things  at  once.  They  can  cover  a  point 
in  view  but  much  must  always  be  left  to  the  under- 
standing that  comes  from  known  experience  imder  the 
moral  government  of  God. 

The  subsequent  psychology  of  a  sinner  after  the  words 
of   Scripture   leave   him   is   of  deepest   interest.     Psy- 
chological action  he  must  have  had;   what  is  it?     The 
question    arises.    Had    the   prodigal  son  completed  his 
repentance  till  he  had  asked  the  forgiveness  of  his  mother 
and  his  elder  brother?     What  is  the  subsequent  psy- 
chology of  a  sinner  as  he  disappears  from  our  view  7     We 
can  interpret  here  by  what  we  know  to  be  the  operations 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  soul;  just  as  we  know  a  material 
object  that  disappears  from  view  is  still  under  the  law 
of  gravitation.     Few  who  have  thought  on  this  subject 
have  expressed  the  truth  so  well  as  Wliittier  in   "Our 
Master,"  or  in  "John  Underhill"  in  these  words: 
"And  men  took  note  of  his  gloomy  air 
The  shame  in  his  eye,  the  halt  in  his  prayer. 
The  signs  of  a  battle  lost  within. 
The  pain  of  a  soul  in  the  coils  of  sin. 


Into  tho  desert  alone  rode  he, 

Alone  with  the  Infinite  Purity; 

And  bowing  his  soul  to  its  tender  rebuke. 

As  Peter  did  to  the  Master's  look. 

He  measured  his  path  with  prayer  of  pain 

For  peace  with  God  and  nature  again." 

There  Is  a  recognition  of  the  burning  with  fire  that  Is 

infolded  in  tho  word  "purity." 

Paul  is  like  his  Master.     He  seeks  for  purity  in 
this  relation   after  marriage  as.  well  as  before — 
purity  of  mind.    In  1  Cor  7  we  see 
6.  Paul  how   carefully   and   kindly   Paul  dis- 

coursed about  all  the  compUcations 
in  matters  pertaining  to  sex.  Then  again,  if  Paul 
has  exhorted  wives  to  obedience  to  husbands,  he 
has  also  called  for  equal  self-surrender  on  the  part 
of  husbands  (Eph  5  22-32):  "Husbands,  love  your 
wives,  even  as  Christ  also  loved  the  church,  and  gave 
himself  up  for  it."  Can  there  be  any  self -surrender 
greater  than  that  which  Christ  made?  Here  let 
attention  rest  on  the  fact  that  in  his  catalogue  of 
the  fruits  of  the  Spirit  (Gal  5  22),  if  he  has  put 
"love"  in  the  first  place  of  emphasis  among  the  nine, 
he  has  put  "self-control"  in  the  last. 

We  have  only  space  for  a  glance  at  a  few  departments 
of  action  and  thought  to  see  what  the  world  has  gained  in 
purity  from  tho  religion  of  the  Bible.  The  age  of 
chivalry  ought  to  have  a  word  put  to  its  credit.  The 
knights  took  the  vow  of  chastity  before  the  tribunals  of 
the  church.  Take  art — compare  a  Venus  and  a  Ma- 
donna. Not  only  spirituality,  but  even  intellectuality 
is  wanting  in  a  Venus.  There  is  not  a  suggestion  in  a 
Venus  that  does  not  inhere  in  flesh  and  sense.  Of  what 
would  she  or  could  she  speak  if  she  were  to  open  her 
mouth  7  To  judge  from  her  appearance,  the  utterance 
would  be  so  "fiat,  stale  and  unprofitable"  that  even  the 
charm  of  her  physical  beauty  would  disappear.  In 
the  Madonna  you  scarce  see  the  physical.  If  she  were 
to  speak,  her  words  would  picture  the  peace  and  cahn 
joy  of  a  heavenly  realm.  If  her  countenance  is  suggest- 
ive of  something  far  away,  it  is  of  something  far  above. 

But  art  is  not  dead,  and  spiritual  art  did  not  die 
with  the  creation  of  the  Madonna.  Take  St.  Gaudens' 
"Puritan."  Compare  that  with  an  Apollo.  Again  we 
have  the  contrast  there  is  between  a  Madonna  and  a 
Venus.  We  have  the  physical  and  the  aesthetic  in  an 
Apollo,  but  there  is  not  a  gleam  of  the  intellectual. 
That  Apollo  thinks  is  not  indicated,  much  less  what  he 
might  be  thinking  about.  There  is  not  the  faintest  sug- 
gestion of  the  ethical.  There  is  no  intent  and  purpose 
in  him.  But  in  the  Puritan  there  is  intent  and  purpose. 
He  means  much.  He  is  ethical.  That  determined 
bearing  can  only  come  from  a  spirit  alive  with  the  sense 
of  right.  When  it  comes  to  that,  you  will  warrant  that 
the  Puritan  carries  more  physical  guns  than  the  Apollo, 
and  that  if  they  were  to  clinch  in  a  tug  of  wrestling 
Apollo  would  fall  underneath.  That  ethical  intent  and 
purpose  is  masterly.  You  may  look  through  a  whole 
pantheon  of  Greek  gods  and  meet  not  a  trace  of  the  force 
concentrated  in  the  Puritan.  He  is  forceful  because 
right  makes  might.  He  is  in  the  majority  because  he 
knows  Who  is  with  him.  He  is  constious  of  power  be- 
cause he  has  subdued  the  kingdom  within.  He  has  won 
the  greatest  of  all  victories — self-control. 

C.  Caverno 

PURLOINING,  pAr-loin'ing:  Lit.  "for  far  off," 
hence  to  carry  away  or  steal;  the  word  is  the  tr 
of  Kocr^ifo/iai,  nosiphizomai,  "to  take  away  for  one's 
self,"  "to  secrete,"  "to  steal,"  a  word  appropriate 
to  those  in  the  position  of  slaves  in  a  master's 
service  (Tit  2  10,  "not  purloining") . 

PURPLE,  pAr'p'l  (IBanS,  'argamdn;  Chald 
■inanS,  'arg'wan  [2  Ch  2  7];  cf  Arab,  jjl^vl  , 
'urjuwdn,  and  Pers  ijlji)!  ,  'arghawdn;  irop<|>vipa, 
porphura,  ■irop<t>upeos,  porphureos  [LXX  and  NT] ) : 

Purple  dye  was  manufactured  by  the  Phoenicians  from 
a  marine  mollusk.  Murex  trunculus.  The  shell  was 
broken  in  order  to  give  access  to  a  small  gland  which  was 
removed  and  crushed.  The  crushed  gland  gives  a  milky 
fiuid  that  becomes  red  or  purple  on  exposure  to  the  air. 
Piles  of  these  broken  shells  still  remain  on  the  coast  at 
Sidon  and  Tyre.  The  purple  gland  is  found  in  various 
species  of  Murex  and  also  of  Purpura. 

Purple  cloth  was  used  in  the  furnishings  of  the 
tabernacle  (Ex  26  4,  etc)  and  of  Solomon  s  temple 


Purpose  of  God 
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2510 


(2  Ch  2  14;  3  14);  in  the  palanquin  of  Solomon 
(Cant  3  10) ;  and  in  the  hangings  of  the  palace  of 
Ahasuerus  (Est  1  6).  The  kings  of  Midian  had 
purple  raiment  (Jgs  8  26);  the  worthy  woman  of 
Prov  31  22  has  clothing  of  fine  hnen  and  purple. 
Mordeoai  was  clothed  with  purple  by  Ahasuerus 


Shells  of  Murex  trunculus  (the  Broken  Ones  from  a 
Large  Shell  Heap  at  Sidon). 

(Est  8  15);  Jesus  by  the  Rom  soldiers  (Mk  15 
17.20;  Jn  19  2.5).  The  rich  man  of  Lk  16  19 
and  the  scarlet  woman  of  Rev  18  12.16  were  ar- 
rayed in  purple.  In  Cant  7  5  the  bride  has  hair 
like  purple.  Purple  is  in  the  merchandise  of  Baby- 
lon (Rev  18  12).  It  is  surprising  that  Ezekiel 
speaks  of  the  Tyrians  as  obtaining  purple  from  the 
isles  of  Elishah  (Ezk  27  7)  and  from  Syria  (Ezk 
27  16).     See  Colors;   Dye,  Dyeing. 

Alfred  Ely'  Day 
PURPOSE,  ptlr'pus,  OF  GOD  (-TrpoBeo-is,  proihe- 
sis  [Rom  9  11;  Eph  1  11]):  The  word  "purpose" 
seems  to  be  an  equivalent  of  the  word  "decree"  as 
used  in  regard  to  man's  relation  to  eternity.  More 
correctly  stated,  it  softens  the  word  "decree"  and 
refers  back  to  the  cause  of  the  decree  as  lodged  in 
an  intelligent  design  and  forward  to  an  aim  con- 
sistent with  the  character  of  God.  See  Foeeoh- 
dination;    Predestination. 


PURSE,  purs.     See  Bag. 


PURSLAIN,    purs'lan,    JUICE,    joos,    jC 
Juice. 


See 


PURTENANCE,  pur'te-nans:  With  the  sig- 
nificance of  "belongings,"  this  word  occurs  in  AV 
of  Ex  12  9  as  the  tr  of  anf3  ,  Jcerebh,  "within,"  "in- 
ward," "roast  ....  with  the  purtenance  thereof," 
RV  "inwards"  (cf  Lev  19;   3  3,  etc). 

PUT,  put  CJ'S  ,  pfd:  -i>oiS,  PJwud,  in  Gen  and  Ch, 

variant  for  Gen  <i>o\iT,  Phout,  for  Ch,  ^ov6,  Phouth) : 

In   consequence   of   the   identification 

1.  Render-    at  the  time,  the  prophets  have  "Libya" 
ings  (A(/3ues,     Libues),     except     Nah   3   9, 

where  the  Gr  renders  the  word  as  ipvyifi, 
phuge,  "flight."  The  Vulg  has  "Phut,"  "Phuth," 
and  in  the  Prophets  "Libyes"  and  "Libya";  AV 
"Phut." 

In  the  "Table  of  Nations"  Put  is  the  third  son 
of  Ham    (Gen  10  6),   the  first   and  second   being 

Cush    and    Misraim,    and   the   fourth 

2.  Son  of       Canaan.     Put  is  the  only  one  of  the 
Ham  sons  of  Ham  who  is  not  credited  with 

descendants. 
In  the  Prophets,  warriors  from  Put  are  referred 
to,   principally   in   connection   with   the   forces   of 


Egypt.  They  appear  as  shield-bearers  (Jer  46  9: 
"Cush  and  Put,  that  handle  the  shield;  and  the 
Ludim,  that  handle  and  bend  the 
3.  As  Na-  bow").  See  also  Ezk  30  5,  where  the 
tionality  order  in  the  Heb  is  Cush,  Put  and 
Lud.  In  Nah  3  9  Put  is  the  helper 
of  No-amon  (Thebes  in  Egypt),  and  in  Ezk  27  10 
Put  appears  with  Persia  and  Lydia  (Lud)  as  being 
in  the  army  of  Tyre. 

The  common  identification  of  Put  is  the  Egyp 
Puni  (or  Pwent)  proposed  by  Ebers.  The  assimi- 
lation of  n  to  a  following  consonant 
i.  Identi-  is  common  in  the  Sem  languages,  and 
fied  with  would  occasion  no  difficulty  if  the 
Punt  vocalization  be  found  to  agree.     The 

final  t  of  Punt,  however,  seems  to  be 
the  Egyp  fem.  ending,  whereas  the  t  of  Put  is 
radical. 

Nevertheless,  the  district  would  seem  to  be  rightly 
identified  with  the  tract  to  the  E.  of  Abyssinia 
(Somaliland),  and  as  it  is  described 
5.  Somali-  as  being  on  both  sides  of  the  sea  (the 
land  and  Red  Sea),  Yemen  would  seem  to  be 
Yemen  included.     In    connection    with    this, 

it  is  worthy  of  note  that  a  fragment  of 
a  Bab  tablet  referring  to  Nebuchadrezzar's  cam- 
paign in  Egjrpt  in  his  37th  year  mentions,  as  though 
in  the  neighborhood,  the  city  (here,  apparently, 
standing  for  the  district)  of  Putu-yaman — probably 
not  "Ionian  [Gr]  Put"  (Lesbos,  according  to  Winck- 
ler),  but  "Put  of  Yemen."  If  this  be  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  district  of  Put  (Punt)  on  the 
African  mainland,  the  latter  would  be  the  Pulu 
referred  to  in  the  Pers  inscription  of  Naqsh-i- 
Rustem,  which  mentions,  among  the  tributary- 
countries,  Kushiya,  Putiya  and  Masiya,  in  Baby- 
lonian {mat)  Pida,  [{mat)  K\usu,  (mdt)  Massui"!), 
"the  land  Put,  the  land  Kush  (Ethiopia),  the  land 
Mass(l(?)."  The  soldiers  of  Put  in  the  army  of 
Tyre  may  have  been  either  from  the  African  or 
the  Yemenite  Put,  in  which  case  there  was  no  north- 
ern tract  of  that  name,  unless  settlements  had  been 
made  at  any  time  from  the  original  district.  See 
W.  Max  MtlUer,  Asien  und  Europa,  Leipzig,  1893, 
106  ff.  T.  G.  Pinches 

PUTEOLI,  pa-te'6-li  (UoTioXoi,  Poiloloi,  "sul- 
phur springs"  [Acts  28  13,  WH],  the  modern  Poz- 
zuoli):  A  maritime  city  of  Campania,  which  occu- 
pied a  central  position  on  the  northern  shore  of  a 
recess  in  the  Gulf  of  Naples,  protected  on  the  W. 
by  the  peninsula  of  Baiae  and  Cape  Misenum.  It 
was  originally  a  colony  of  the  neighboring  Gr  city 
Cumae. 

The  earliest  event  in  the  history  of  Puteoli  which 
can  be  dated  definitely  was  the  repulse  of  Hannibal 
before  its  walls  by  a  Rom  garrison  in  214  BC.  The 
design  of  the  Carthaginian  to  secure  a  seaport  as 
base  of  supplies  and  communication  was  thus 
thwarted  (Livy  xxiv.7,  12,  13).  A  Rom  colony 
was  established  here  in  194  BC,  and  Puteoli  thus 
became  the  first  Rom  port  on  the  Gulf  of  Naples 
(Livy  x.xxiv.45;  Strabo  v.245;  Velleius,  i.l5).  Its 
subsequent  remarkable  prosperity  and  commercial 
activity  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  safety  of  the 
harbor  and  the  inhospitable  character  of  the  coast 
nearer  Rome.  For  Puteoh  became  the  chief  sea- 
port of  the  capital  before  the  creation  of  an  arti- 
ficial harbor  at  Portus  Augusti  by  Claudius,  and 
before  Trajan  made  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  the 
principal  converging  point  for  the  over-sea  carrying 
trade.  The  imports  at  Puteoli  consisted  mainly 
of  Egyp  grain  and  oriental  wares,  dispatched  from 
Alexandria  and  other  cities  of  the  Levant  (Cicero 
Pro  Rabirio  40;  Suetonius  Aug.  98;  Strabo  xvii. 
793;  Cicero  Pro  Caelio  10).  The  eastern  element 
in  the  population  was  very  numerous  (Petronius  81 ; 


25n 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Purpose  of  God 
Python 


CIL,  X,  1797).  The  harbor  was  rendered  doubly 
safe  by  a  mole,  which  is  known  to  have  been  at 
least  418  yds.  in  length,  consisting  of  massive  piers 
connected  by  means  of  arches  constructed  in  soUd 
masonry  (Strabo  v.245).  Extensive  remains  of 
this  mole  still  exist.  The  shore  hne  devoted  to 
purposes  of  commerce  {emporium)  extended  for  a 
distance  of  about  Ij  miles  westward  from  the  mole. 
At  the  height  of  its  prosperity  under  Claudius  and 
Nero,  the  town  is  thought  to  have  contained  a 
population  of  nearly  100,000. 

The  region  in  which  the  town  was  situated  is  of 
volcanic  formation,  the  name  Puteoli  being  due  to 
the  odor  of  the  sulphureous  springs  or  to  the  wells 
of  a  volcanic  nature  which  abound  in  the  vicinity. 
The  volcanic  dust,  called  pozzolana  today,  was 
mixed  with  lime  to  form  a  cement  of  the  greatest 
durability,  which  was  proof  against  the  influence  of 
seawater. 

Extensive  remains  of  an  amphitheater,  whose 
axes  measure  160  and  126  yds.  across  the  space 
inclosed  by  the  outer  fagade  and  75  and  45  yds. 
within  the  arena,  bear  testimony  to  the  fornaer 
affluence  of  Puteoli. 

The  region  about  Puteoli  together  with  Baiae 
became  the  favorite  resort  of  the  Rom  nobility,  and 
the  foundations  of  many  ancient  villas  are  still 
visible,  although  partly  covered  by  the  sea.  Cic- 
ero's villa  in  the  territorj'  of  Puteoli  (Cicero  Ad 
Fam.  v.15,  2;  Ad  Alt.  xiv.l6,  1;  20,  1)  was  after- 
ward selected  as  the  place  of  burial  of  Hadrian 
(Spartianus  Had.  25).  The  portion  of  the  bay 
between  Puteoli  and  Baiae  was  the  scene  of  the 
attempt  made  at  the  instigation  of  Nero  upon 
the  life  of  his  mother  by  means  of  a  vessel  so  con- 
trived that  it  was  to  break  to  pieces  while  convey- 
ing Agrippina  toward  her  villa  near  the  Lucrine 
Lake  (Tacitus  Annals  xiv.8).     See  Nero. 

The  apostle  Paul  found  a  Christian  community 
at  Puteoli,  when  he  arrived  there  on  his  way  to 
Rome,  and  stopped  7  days  with  them  (Acts  28  13. 
14).  At  that  time  the  ordinary  route  to  Rome, 
following  the  Via  Appia  from  Capua,  was  155  Rom, 
or  about  142|  Eng.,  miles  (Nissen,  Italische  Landes- 
kunde,  II,  739).  Later,  Domitian  reduced  the  di.s- 
tance  to  139  Rom  miles  (about  129  Eng.)  by  layirig 
out  the  Via  Domitia  along  the  coast,  joining  the  Via 
Appia  at  Sinuessa  {Geog.  Raven.,  IV,  32;  Itin.  Ant., 
122;  Tab.  Pent.).  George  H.  Allen 

PUTHITES,  pu'thlts  C^n^S  ,  puthl,  "simple";  AV 
Puhites) :  One  of  the  families  of  Kiriath-jearim, 
grandchildren  of  Caleb  (1  Ch  2  50.53). 

PUTIEL,  pu'ti-el  (bX"itD1S ,  piitl'el,  "contemned 
by  El") :  Father  of  the  wife  of  Eleazar,  Aaron's  son, 
and  thus  grandfather  of  Phinehas,  Eleazar's  son 
(Ex  6  25).     See  Phinehas,  (3). 

PUVAH,  pu'va.     See  Puah. 

PYGARG,  pi'garg  i'\T^''l,  dishon;  LXX  irv-yap- 
•yo9,  pugargos;  cf  proper  nouns,  "Di.shon"  and 
"Dishan"   [Gen  36  21-30;  1  Ch  1  38-42];  accord- 


ing to  BZ)B,Hommel,iSd?<<7e«7t!ere,  derives  'ili5"'1  from 

TDT^,    dusk,   Arab.    iwjIj)  ,    d&s,   "to    tread,"    and 

cf  Assyr  dashshu,  "mountain-goat"):  Dishon  as 
the  name  of  an  animal  occurs  only  in  Dt  14  5  in 
the  list  of  clean  beasts.  Both  AV  and  RV  have 
"pygarg,"  which  is  not  the  recognized  name  of 
any  animal  whatever.  The  LXX  pugargos  (from 
TTvyi),  pugt,  "rump,"  and  apyb^,  argos,  "white") 
was  used  by  Herodotus  (iv.l92)  as  the  name  of  an 
antelope.  A  white  rump  is  a  very  common  feature 
of  deer  and  antelopes,  and  is  commonly  explained 
as  enabling  the  fleeing  herd  easily  to  keep  in  sight 
of  its  leaders.  It  has  been  used  as  a  specific  name 
of  Cervus  pygargus,  the  Tartarian  roe,  and  Buhalis 
pygargus,  a  small  South  African  antelope-  The 
Arabic  Bible  has  ri^m,  "a  white  gazelle,"  a  kindred 
word  to  r''em,  AV  "unicorn,"  RV  "wild-ox." 
Tristram,  NHB,  considers  dishon  to  be  the  addax, 
Antilope  addax  or  Addax  nasomaculatus.  There 
is  excellent  reason,  however,  for  believing  that  the 
range  of  this  African  antelope  does  not  extend  into 
Pal,  Sinai  or  Arabia.  For  a  discussion  of  the  ani- 
mal names  in  Dt  14  4.5,  see  Zoology. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

PYRAMID,  pir'a-mid  (irDpa(j.ts,  puramis):  Pyr- 
amids are  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  splendid 
monument  reared  by  Simon  Maccabaeus  in  mem- 
ory of  his  parents  and  brethren  at  Modin  (1  Mace 
13  28;  of  Ant,  XIII,  vi,  6).  Jos  describes  them 
as  "very  surprising,  both  for  their  largeness  and 
beauty."  There  is  nothing  to  show  how  the  pyra- 
mid aUotted  to  each  was  distinguished,  whether  by 
difference  in  size  or  by  inscriptions.  It  is  remark- 
able that  in  Scripture  there  is  no  allusion  to  the 
giant  structures  in  Egypt;  but  these  may  have 
supphed  the  suggestion  to  Simon's  mind. 

W.   EwiNG 

PYRRHUS,  pir'us  (Ilijppos,  Purros,  "fiery-red"): 
The  name  is  inserted  in  the  text  of  RV  in  Acts  20  4 
as  that  of  the  father  of  Sopateb  (q.v.). 

PYTHON,  pi'thon:  Occurs  only  in  Acts  16  16, 
where  RV  reads,  "a  certain  maid  having  a  spirit  of 
divination  [m  "a  spirit,  a  Python"]  met  us." 
mdap,  Puthon,  or  livSdi,  Putho,  is  the  oldest  name 
of  Delphi  (or  the  country  about  Delphi),  in  which 
was  situated  the  famous  Delphic  Oracle.  Conse- 
quently "Pythian  spirit"  came  to  be  the  generic 
title  of  the  supposed  source  of  inspiration  of  di- 
viners, including  the  slave-girl  of  the  account  in 
Acts.  Exactly  what  facts  underlie  the  narrative 
it  is  rather  hard  to  say,  but  it  is  evident  that  the 
girl  was  sincere  in  her  conviction  that  she  spoke 
with  Pythian  inspiration.  Probably  she  represents 
some  hysterical  type,  of  none  too  strong  mentality, 
whose  confused  utterances  were  taken  as  coming 
from  some  supernatural  power.  Impressed  by  St. 
Paul's  personality,  she  followed  him  about,  and, 
when  his  command  came,  was  in  a  state  of  mind 
that  had  prepared  her  to  obey  it.  The  narrative, 
incidentally,  gives  an  interesting  sidelight  on  a 
society  in  which  a  girl  with  hysteria  had  a  greater 
commercial  value  than  she  had  after  her  cure.  See 
Divination.  Burton  Scott  Easton 


Qoph 

Queen  Mother 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2512 


QOPH,  kof  (p,  k).    See  Koph. 

QUAIL,  kwal  ("Ijl?,  s'law;  opTu-yo(i^Tpa,  ortu- 
gomilra;  Lat  Cotumix  vulgaris):  A  game  bird  of 
the  family  Cotumix,  closely  related  to  "partridges" 
(q.v.).  Quail  and  partridges  are  near  relatives,  the 
partridge  a  Uttle  larger  and  of  brighter  color.  Quail 
are  hke  the  gray,  brown  and  tan  of  earth.  Their 
plumage  is  cut  and  penciled  by  markings,  and  their 
flesh  juicy  and  delicate  food.  Their  habits  are  very 
similar.  They  nest  on  the  ground  and  brood  on 
from  12  to  20  eggs.     The  quail  are  more  friendly 


Quail. 

birds  and  Uve  in  the  open,  brooding  along  roads 
and  around  fields.  They  have  a  longer,  fuller  wing 
than  the  partridge  and  can  make  stronger  flight. 
In  Pal  they  were  migratory.  They  are  first  men- 
tioned in  Ex  16  13:  "And  it  came  to  pass  at  even, 
that  the  quails  came  up,  and  covered  the  camp : 
and  in  the  morning  the  dew  lay  round  about  the 
camp."  This  describes  a  large  flock  in  migration, 
so  that  they  passed  as  a  cloud.  Nu  11  31-33: 
"And  there  went  forth  a  wind  from  Jeh,  and  brought 
quails  from  the  sea,  and  let  them  fall  by  the  camp, 
about  a  day'.s  journey  on  this  side,  and  a  day's 
journey  on  the  other  side,  round  about  the  camp, 
and  about  two  cubits  above  the  face  of  the  earth. 
And  the  people  rose  up  all  that  day,  and  all  the 
night,  and  all  the  next  day,  and  gathered  the  quails: 
he  that  gathered  least  gathered  ten  homers:  and 
they  spread  them  all  abroad  for  themselves  round 
about  the  camp";    cf  Ps  78  26-30: 

"He  caused  the  east  wind  to  blow  in  the  heavens- 
And  by  his  power  he  guided  the  south  wind 
He  rained  flesh  also  upon  them  as  the  dust 
And  winged  birds  as  the  sand  o(  the  seas: 
And  he  let  it  fall  in  the  midst  of  their  camp 
Round  about  their  habitations. 
So  they  did  eat,  and  were  well  flUed; 
And  he  gave  them  their  own  desire." 

Again  the  birds  are  mentioned  in  migration.  Those 
that  fell  around  the  camp  and  the  bread  that  was 
sent  from  heaven  are  described  in  Ps  105  39-42. 
Commentators  have  had  trouble  with  the  above 
references.  They  cause  the  natural  historian  none 
— they  are  so  in  keeping  with  the  location  and  the 
laws  of  Nature.  First  the  Heb  s'law  means  "to  be 
fat."  That  would  be  precisely  the  condition  of  the 
quail  after  a  winter  of  feeding  in  the  S.  The  time 
was  early  spring,  our  April,  and  the  quail  were 
flocking  from  Africa  and  spreading  in  clouds — even 
to  Europe.  They  were  birds  of  earth,  heavy  feed- 
ers and  of  plump,  full  body.     Migration  was  such 


an  effort  that  when  forced  to  cross  a  large  body  of 
water  they  always  waited  until  the  wind  blew  in  the 
direction  of  their  course,  lest  they  tire  and  fall. 
Their  average  was  about  16  birds  to  each  nest. 
If  half  a  brood  escaped,  they  yet  multiplied  in  such 
numbers  as  easily  to  form  clouds  in  migration. 
Phny  writes  of  their  coming  into  Italy  in  such 
numbers,  and  so  exhausted  with  their  long  flight, 
that  if  they  sighted  a  sailing  vessel  they  settled 
upon  it  by  hundreds  and  in  such  numbers  as  to  sink 
it.  Taking  into  consideration  the  diminutive 
vessels  of  that  age  and  the  myriads  of  birds,  this 
does  not  appear  incredible.  Now  compare  these 
facts  with  the  text.  Israelites  were  encamped  on 
the  Sinai  Peninsula.  The  birds  were  in  migration. 
The  quail  followed  the  Red  Sea  until  they  reached 
the  point  of  the  peninsula  where  they  selected  the 
narrowest  place,  and  when  the  wind  was  with  them 
they  crossed  the  water.  Not  far  from  the  shore 
arose  the  smoke  from  the  campfires  of  the  Israehtes. 
This  bewildered  them,  and,  weary  from  their  jour- 
ney, they  began  to  settle  in  confused  thousands 
over  and  around  the  camp.  Then  the  Israehtes 
arose  and,  with  the  ever-ready  "throw  sticks," 
killed  a  certain  number  for  every  soul  of  the  camp 
and  spread  the  bodies  on  the  sand  to  dry,  just  as 
Herodotus  (ii.77)  records  that  the  Egyptians 
always  had  done  (see  Rawlinson,  Herod,  II,  for  an 
illustration  of  catching  and  drying  quail).  Nature 
and  natural  history  can  account  for  this  incident, 
with  no  need  to  call  in  the  miraculous. 

Gene  Stkatton-Poetek 
QUARREL,  kwor'el:  Originally  (1)  "a  com- 
plaint" (cf  "querulous"),  or  (2)  "a  cause  of  com- 
plamt,"  and  so  (3)  "a  contention."  (1)  In  AV 
Mk  6  19  (RV  "set  herself";  the  coUoquial  "had 
It  in  for  him"  is  an  exact  tr)  and  Col  3  13  (mom*^, 
mompht,  "complaint";  so  RV).  (2)  In  2  K  5  7 
(riDS,  'anah,  "be  opportune,"  RVm  "an  occasion"). 
(3)  In  AV  Lev  26  25  (loose  tr  of  DJ33,  mkam, 
"vengeance";  so  RV).  Cf  Sir  31  29"aV  (RV 
"conflict")  and  Prov  20  3  RV  (AV  "meddling"). 

QUARRIES,  kwor'iz  (Dib-ipS,  p<:filim  [Jgs  3 
19.26,  "graven  images"],  D"!"!!?},  sh'bharmi  [Josh 
7  5,  "Shebarim,"  RVm  "the  quarries"]) : 

P'sillm  is  elsewhere  tr-i  "graven  images"  (Dt  7  5; 
Ps  78  58;  Isa  10  10;  Mic  5  13,  etc)  and  is  a  pi.  form 
of  pesel,  " graven  image "  (Ex  20  4,  etc),  from  pdsal,  "to 
carve."  It  occurs  in  the  story  of  Ehud  and  Eglon  and 
refers  to  images  or  hewn  stones  in  the  vicinity  of  Gilgal. 
Sh'bharim  is  pi.  of  shebher,  "breach,"  "fracture  "  more 
often  "destruction"  (e.g.  Prov  16  18),  from  shabhar. 
"to  break."  The  form  sh'bharim  is  also  found  in  Job 
41  2.5,  "consternation,"  AV  "breakings."  In  Josh  7 
5  Shebarim  is  the  point  to  which  the  Israelites  were 
chased  after  their  first  attack  upon  Ai.     See  Shebarim. 

Quarries  in  Pal  are  not  usually  very  deep  because 
there  is  plenty  of  good  stone  to  be  found  at  the 
surface.  The  quarryman  seeks  a  thick  stratum  of 
firm  hmestone  which  has  a  favorable  exposure. 
The  vertical  joint-planes  divide  the  stratum  into 
large  blocks  which  the  quarryman  dislodges  with 
the  aid  of  crowbars.  These  great  blocks  he  skil- 
fully cleaves  by  inserting  several  wedges  in  a  line 
in  holes  made  by  a  pick,  and  driving  the  wedges  in 
with  a  heavy  hammer.  In  these  days  gunpowder 
is  occasionally  used,  esp.  when  there  are  not  favor- 
able joint-planes  producing  blocks  capable  of  being 
moved  by  the  crowbar. 

Another  method,  which  is  employed  where  stones 
of  great  size  are  wanted,  is  to  carve  the  stones  out 
of  the  rook  by  cutting  channels  around  them  with 


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Qoph 

Queen  Mother 


the  pick.  In  the  limestone  quarries  of  Ba'albek 
and  the  granite  quarries  of  A^wdn  at  the  first 
cataract  of  the  Nile,  enormous  stones  may  be  seen 
which  were  abandoned  while  in  process  of  being 
removed  by  this  method.  The  channels  are  wide 
enough  to  admit  the  body  of  the  workman,  and  the 
marks  of  the  picks  on  the  sides  of  the  channels  are 
plainly  visible.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

QUARTER,  kwor'ter:  Lit.,  of  course,  "the  fourth 
part,"  and  so  of  the  four  "ends"  (n2J3,  kacah)  in 
Jer  49  36,  and  AV  of  the  four  "corner's"'  (so  RV, 
yuuia,  gonia)  in  Rev  20  8.  Hence,  "any  part" 
and  in  this  sense  used  freely  for  various  words  by 
AV.  RV  has  usually  dropped  "quarter,"  but  un- 
fortunately has  retained  it  in  Nu  34  3;  Josh  IB  5; 


in  his  cell  between  two  soldiers,  "bound  with  two 
chains,"  his  left  hand  chained  to  one  and  his  right 
to  the  other.  The  other  two  soldiers  of  the  quater- 
nion mounted  guard  before  the  door,  and  are 
spoken  of  as  "the  first  and  the  second  guard"  (ver 
10)  whom  St.  Peter  and  his  angel  guide  had  to  pass 
on  the  way  to  liberty.  The  Gr  word  thus  rendered 
is  not  found  in  LXX  or  anywhere  else  in  the  NT. 

T.  NicoL 
QUEEN,  kwen:  The  Bible  applies  this  term: 
(1)  To  the  wife  of  a  king  ("queen  consort")  (HSb'O, 
malkah).  In  the  Book  of  Est  it  is  the  title  given  to 
Vashti  (1  9)  and  Esther  (2  22) ;  cf  Cant  6  8  f . 
Another  Heb  word  for  queen  consort  is  n'1'^33, 
g'hhirah,  lit.  "mistress"  (cf  1  K  11  19,  the  wife  of 
Pharaoh;  2  K  10  13,  "the  children  of  the  king  and 


Stone  in  Quarries  at  Ba'albek. 


18  14.15,  and  introduced  it  in  Josh  18  12.14.20 
for  nXS,  pgah,  usually  rendered  "side."  The 
result  is  very  obscure.  Elsewhere  in  RV  only  in 
the  phrase  "from  every  quarter"  (Gen  19  4;  Isa 
56  11;  Mk  1  45).     Cf  Border;  Coast. 

QUARTUS,  kw6r'tu3  (Kovapros,  Kouarlos):  A 
Christian  in  Corinth  who  with  "Erastus  the  treas- 
urer of  the  city"  sent  greetings  to  the  Christian 
community  in  Rome  (Rom  16  23).  He  is  known 
to  Paul  only  as  a  Christian,  "the  brother." 

QUATERNION,  kwa-tflr'ni-un  (TerpaSiov,  tetrd- 
dion):  The  name  given  to  a  company  of  four 
soldiers  of  Herod's  army  (Acts  12  4).  To  four 
such  companies  St.  Peter  had  been  handed  over, 
who  would  take  their  turn  of  acting  as  guard  over 
the  prisoner,  each  of  the  four  watches  of  the  night 
according  to  Rom  reckoning,  which  Herod  Agrippa  I 
would  follow.  In  the  castle  of  Antonia  St.  Peter 
was  thus  closely  secured,  in  order  that  Herod,  who 
had  already  killed  James,  the  brother  of  John,  with 
the  sword  (12  2),  might,  after  the  solemnities  of  the 
Passover,  make  sure  of  his  death  likewise.  On  the 
night  before  his  intended  execution  he  was  sleeping 


the  children  of  the  queen").  In  Neh  2  6  and  Ps  45 
9  we  find  the  expression  bSTlJ ,  sheghal,  which  some 
trace  back  to  '?1^,  shdghal,  "to  ravish,"  a  rather 
doubtful  derivation.  Still  another  term  is  n'I'C, 
sardh,  lit.  "princess"  (Isa  49  23).  The  LXX  some- 
times uses  the  word  fSaa-iXicra-a,  basllissa;  cf  Ps  45 
9.  (2)  To  a  female  ruler  or  sovereign  ("queen 
regnant").  The  only  instances  are  those  of  the 
queen  (malkah)  of  Sheba  (1  K  10  1-13;  cf  2  Ch 
9  1-12)  and  of  Candace,  the  queen  (basilissa)  of 
the  Ethiopians  (Acts  8  27).  In  Mt  12  42  (cf  Lk 
11  31)  Christ  refers  to  the  queen  of  the  south 
(^atrfXio-o-a  p&rov,  basllissa  ndtou) ,  meaning,  of  course, 
the  queen  of  Sheba.  (3)  To  a  heathen  deity, 
□"^IQlBn  £lDbl3,  m'lekheih  ha-shamayim,  "the  queen' 
of  heaven"' (Jer  7  18;  44  17  ff).  See  Queen  of 
Heaven. 

(4)  Metaphorically,  to  the  city  of  Babylon 
(Rome)  (Rev  18  7) :  an  expression  denoting 
sovereign  contempt  and  imaginary  dignity  and 
power.  William  Baur 

QUEEN  MOTHER  (m/3H,  g'bhirah,  lit.  "mis- 
tress," then  a  female  ruler,  and  sometimes  simply 


Queen  of  Heaven 
Quotations,  NT 


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the  wife  of  a  king  ["queen,"  1  K  11  19];  in  DnI 
5  10  the  term  XHpb'a,  malk'lha',  "queen,"  really 
means  the  mother  of  the  king) :  It  stands  to  reason 
that  among  a  people  whose  rulers  are  polygamists 
the  mother  of  the  new  king  or  chief  at  once  becomes 
a  person  of  great  consequence.  The  records  of  the 
Books  of  K  prove  it.  The  g'bhirah,  or  queen  mother, 
occupied  a  position  of  high  social  and  political  im- 
portance; she  took  rank  almost  with  the  king. 
When  Bath-sheba,  the  mother  of  Solomon,  desired 
"to  speak  unto  him  for  Adonijah,"  her  son  "rose 
up  to  meet  her,  and  bowed  himself  unto  her,  and 
sat  down  on  his  throne,  and  caused  a  throne  to  be 
set  for  the  king's  mother;  and  she  sat  on  his  right 
hand"  (1  K  2  19).  And  again,  in  2  K  24  15,  it  is 
expressly  stated  that  Nebuchadnezzar  carried  away 
the  king's  mother  into  captivity;  Jeremiah  calls  her 
g'bhirdh  (29  2).  The  king  was  Jehoiachin  (Jeco- 
niah,  Jer  29  2),  and  his  mother's  name  was  Nehushta 
(2  K  24  8).  This  was  the  royal  pair  whose  im- 
pending doom  the  prophet  was  told  to  forecast  (Jer 

13  18).  Here  again  the  queen  mother  is  mentioned 
with  the  king,  thus  emphasizing  her  exalted  position. 
Now  we  understand  why  Asa  removed  Maacah 
his  (grand?)  mother  from  being  queen  (queen 
mother),  as  we  are  told  in  1  K  15  13  (cf  2  Ch  15 
16).  She  had  used  her  powerful  influence  to 
further  the  cause  of  idolatry.  In  this  connection 
Athaliah's  coup  d'etat  may  be  briefly  mentioned. 
After  the  violent  death  of  her  son  Ahaziah  (2  K 
9  27),  she  usurped  the  royal  power  and  reigned  for 
some  time  in  her  own  name  (2  K  11  3;    cf  2  Ch 

22  12) .  This  was,  of  course,  a  revolutionary  under- 
taking, being  a  radical  departure  from  the  usual 
traditions. 

And  finally,  the  political  importance  of  the  g'- 
hhlrah  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Books  of 
K,  with  two  exceptions,  the  names  of  the  Jewish 
kings  are  recorded  together  with  those  of  their 
respective  mothers;  they  are  as  follows:  Naamah, 
the  Ammonitess,  the  mother  of  Rehoboam   (1  K 

14  21;  cf  ver  31,  and  2  Ch  12  13);  Maacah,  the 
daughter  of  Abishalom  (1  K  15  2)  or  Absalom 
(2  Ch  11  20),  the  mother  of  Abijah;  Maacah,  the 
daughter  of  Abishalom,  the  mother  (grandmother?) 
of  Asa  (1  K  15  10;  cf  2  Ch  15  16);  Azubah,  the 
daughter  of  Shilhi,  the  mother  of  Jchoshaphat 
(1  K  22  42;  cf  2  Ch  20  31);  Athaliah,  the  grand- 
daughter of  Omri,  the  mother  of  Ahaziah  (2  K  8 
26;  cf  2  Ch  22  2);  Zibiah  of  Beersheba,  the 
mother  of  Jehoash  (2  K  12  1;  cf  2  Ch  24  1); 
Jehoaddin  (Jehoaddan,  2  Ch  25  1)  of  Jerus,  the 
mother  of  Amaziah  (2  K  14  2) ;  Jecoliah  (Jechi- 
liah,  2  Ch  26  3)  of  Jerus,  the  mother  of  Azariah 
(2  K  15  2)  or  Uzziah  (2  K  15  13.30,  etc;  cf  2 
Ch  26  3);  Jerusha  (Jerushah,  2  Ch  27  1),  ^the 
daughter  of  Zadok",  the  mother  of  Jotham  (2  K  15 
33);  Abi  (Abijah,  2  Ch  29  1),  the  daughter  of 
Zechariah,  the  mother  of  Hezekiah  (2  K  18  2); 
Hephzibah,  the  mother  of  Manasseh  (2  K  21  1); 
MeshuUemeth,  the  daughter  of  Haruz  of  Jotbah, 
the  mother  of  Anion  (2  K  21  19);  Jedidah,  the 
daughter  of  Adaiah  of  Bozkath,  the  mother  of 
Josiah  (2  K  22  1);  Hamutal,  the  daughter  of 
Jeremiah  of  Libnah,  the  mother  of  Jehoahaz  (2  K 

23  31);  Zebidah,  the  daughter  of  Pedaiah  of  Ru- 
mah,  the  mother  of  Jehoiakim  (2  K  23  36); 
Nehushta,  the  daughter  of  Elnathan  of  Jerus,  the 
mother  of  Jehoiachin  (2  K  24  8);  Hamutal 
(Hamital),  the  daughter  of  Jeremiah  of  Libnah,  the 
mother  of  Zedekiah  (2  K  24  18).  The  exceptions 
are  Jehoram  and  Ahaz.  William  Baur 

QUEEN  OF  HEAVEN  (C^'ClSn  Tsb}? ,  m'lckheth 
ha-shdmayim,  although  there  is  another  reading, 
riDSbp,     m'le'kheth,     "worship"     or     "goddess"): 


Occurs  only  in  two  passages:  Jer  7  IS;  44  17- 
19.25,  where  the  prophet  denounces  the  wrath 
of  God  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Judah  and  Jerus 
who  have  given  themselves  up  to  the  worship 
of  the  host  of  heaven.  This  is  no  doubt  a  part  of 
the  astral  worship  which  is  found  largely  developed 
among  the  Jews  in  the  later  period  of  their  history 
in  Canaan.  It  is  first  mentioned  in  2  K  17  16  aa 
practised  by  the  men  of  the  Northern  Kingdom 
when  Samaria  had  fallen  and  the  ten  tribes  were 
being  carried  away  into  captivity.  Moses  is  rep- 
resented as  warning  the  Israelites  against  the  wor- 
ship of  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars  and  all  the  host 
of  heaven,  practised  by  the  people  of  Canaan  (Dt 
4  19;  17  3),  and  the  existence  of  such  worship 
among  the  Canaanites  and  neighboring  nations  is 
attested  from  an  early  period  (cf  Job  31  26-28). 
The  worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  was  widely 
spread  in  the  East  and  in  Arabia;  and  the  Bab 
pantheon  was  full  of  astral  deities,  where  each 
divinity  corresponded  either  to  an  astral  phenome- 
non or  to  some  circumstance  or  occurrence  in 
Nature  which  is  connected  with  the  course  of  the 
stars  (Jeremias,  The  OT  in  the  Light  of  the  Ancient 
East,  I,  100).  From  the  prophets  we  gather  that 
before  the  exile  the  worship  of  the  host  of  heaven 
had  become  established  among  all  classes  and  in  all 
the  towns  of  Israel  (Jer  ubi  supra;  Ezk  8  16).  In 
that  worship  the  queen  of  heaven  had  a  conspicu- 
ous place;  and  if,  as  seems  probable  from  the 
cakes  which  were  offered,  she  is  to  be  identified  with 
the  Assyr  Ishtar  and  the  Canaanite  Astarte,  the 
worship  itself  was  of  a  grossly  immoral  and  debasing 
character.  That  this  Ishtar  cult  was  of  great 
antiquity  and  widely  spread  in  ancient  Babylonia 
may  be  seen  from  the  symbols  of  it  found  in  recent 
excavations  (see  Nippur,  II,  236).  How  far  the 
astral  theorists  like  Winckler  and  Jeremias  are 
entitled  to  link  up  with  this  worship  the  mourning 
for  Josiah,  the  lamentations  over  Tammuz,  the  story 
of  Jephthah's  daughter,  and  even  the  narrative 
of  the  misfortunes  and  the  exaltation  of  Joseph,  is 
questionable.  But  that  the  people  of  Judah  in  the 
daj's  before  the  exile  had  given  themselves  over  to 
the  worst  and  vilest  forms  of  heathen  worship  and 
incurred  the  grievous  displeasure  of  Jeh  is  made 
clear  by  the  denunciation  of  the  worship  of  the 
queen  of  heaven  by  Jeremiah.  T.  NicOL 

QUEEN  OF  SHEBA,  she'ba  (1  K  10  1-13; 
2  Ch  9  1-12,  called  in  Mt  12  42;  Lk  11  31,  "the 
queen   of  the   south"    [pao-tXto-cra    votov,    basilissa 

?i6tou]) : 

The  two  OT  accounts  of  the  coming  of  the  queen  of 
Sheba  (see  Sheba)  to  Solomon  differ  slightly  from  one 

another,  and,  of  the  two,  that  in  1  K  is  the 
1    OT  older.      (1)    The    words    "concerning    the 

/  .  name   of   Jeh"    (1   K  10  1)    are    wanting 

Accounts        in  2  Ch;  while  LXX  in  1   K  has  "and  the 

name  of  Jeh,"  apparently  a  correction  of 
the  MT.  (2)  For  1  K  10  9,  "because  Jeh  loved  Israel 
for  ever,"  2  Ch  9  8  has  "because  thy  God  loved  Israel, 
to  establish  them  for  ever " ;  LXX  in  1  K  has  "because 
Jeh  loved  Israel,  to  establish  it  for  ever."  (3)  In  the  last 
verse  of  each  account,  we  find  another  dilTerenee:  2  Ch 
9  12  says  that  .Solomon  gave  to  the  queen  all  her  desire, 
"besides  that  wliich  she  had  brought  unto  the  king." 
i.e.  according  to  some,  besides  the  equivalent  of  what 
she  had  brought  to  him;  1  K  10  13  m  has  "  besides  that 
which  he  gave  her  according  to  the  hand  of  king  Solo- 
mon," i.e.  besides  gifts  commensurate  with  his  own 
wealth  and  power  {SBOT),  or  besides  gifts  which  he 
gave  her  qud  king. 

The  narrative  tells  of  the  queen  of  Sheba,  on 
hearing    of   Solomon's   great   wisdom,    coming   to 

test  him  with  perplexing  questions  or 
2.  The  riddles   (cf  Jgs  14  12).     She  brought 

Narrative      presents  to  the  king,  and  interviewed 

him:  "And  when  the  queen  of  Sheba 
had  seen  all  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  the  house 
that  he  had  built"  (i.e.  the  palace,  not  the  temple)  as 


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Queen  of  Heaven 
Quotations,  NT 


well  as  its  arrangements,  "and  his  burnt-offering 
which  he  offered  in  the  house  of  Jeh  [so  read  and 
translate  with  RVm  in  1  K  10  5,  and  also  in  2  Ch 
9  4];  there  was  no  more  spirit  in  her":  the  half  of 
Solomon's  wisdom  had  not  been  told  her.  "Happy," 
she  said  to  him,  "are  thy  wives  [so  read  with  LXX, 
Syr  and  Old  Lat  VSS],  happy  are  these  thy  serv- 
ants." She  then  exchanged  gifts  with  him  and 
returned  to  her  own  land. 

The  narrative  is  a  complement  of  that  in  1  K  3 
16-28,  where  the  king's  justice  is  exemplified;  here 
his  wisdom. 

The  narrative  is  referred  to  by  Jesus  in  Mt  12 

42;    Lk  11  31,  where  He  refuses  to  accede  to  the 

request  of    the  scribes  and  Pharisees 

3.  Em-  for  a  sign  from  Him.  He  tells  them 
ployed  by  that  no  sign  will  be  given  them  ex- 
Jesus  cept  that  of  Jonah,  whose  sign  was  his 

preaching,  one  that  proved  sufficient 
to  the  Ninevites;  and  'behold  something  greater 
than  Jonah  is  here.'  The  men  of  Nineveh  will  be 
a  living  condemnation  of  them  "in  the  judgment" 
(cf  Lk  16  31);  and  so  will  the  "queen  of  the  south" 
who  came  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  after  hearing 
of  Solomon's  wisdom,  'and  behold  something  greater 
than  Solomon  is  here.'  The  only  sign  to  be  given  is 
that  of  the  wisdom  of  Jesus,  a  wisdom  far  greater 
than  that  of  Solomon  (see  D.  Smith,  Days  of  His 
Flesh,  176  S). 

Eastern  lit.  has  mucli  to  say  about  thie  queen  ol  Sheba. 
The   Arabs   called   her   Bilkis.      Abyssinian   legend   de- 
clares that  she  came  from  Ethiopia,  her 

4.  Eastern  name  being  Makeda,  and  that  she  had  a 
t:j.«.„4.  son  by  Solomon.  See  Delitzsch,  Jris,  116- 
l,Xterature      27;    ZDMG.  X,  19f;    J  Pr  T.  VI,  524  ff 

(1880).  Gressraann  (in  Schri/ten  des  AT, 
II ,  1 ,  20.3)  has  further  references  to  Wilhelm  Hertz ,  Gesam- 
melte  Abhandlunqen.  190.5,  41.3  fl;  Bezold,  Kebra  Naganl. 
190.5,  and  also  ZDMG.  60,  666  ff.  For  the  Mohammedan 
story,  see  Koran  xxvii,  with  notes  in  Sale's  tr. 

David  Francis  Roberts 
QUENCH,  kwench,  kwensh:  Where  the  word  is 
used  of  fire  or  of  thirst  it  has  the  usual  meaning:  "to 
allay,"  "to  extinguish,"  "to  suppress,"  "to  cool." 
In  the  OT  it  is  frequently  applied  to  the  affections 
and  passions  (see  2  K  22  17;  Cant  8  7;  Isa  42  3; 
Jer  4  4;  21  12).  Quenching  the  coal  or  the  lighl; 
of  Israel  may  mean  slaying  a  dear  one  or  a  brilliant 
leader.  In  the  NT  it  is  also  used  figuratively,  as 
in  Eph  6  16  the  shield  of  faith  quenches  the  fiery 
darts  of  the  evil  one.  In  Mk  9  48,  (rpiwvui^ 
sbennumi,  and  its  derivative  are  applied  with  refer- 
ence to  Gehenna  (tr'^  "hell").  The  same  word  is 
also  used  of  resisting  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
in  1  Thess  5  19.  G.  H.  Gerberding 

QUESTION,  kwes'chun:  The  noun  for  in'n, 
dabhar,  "word,"  in  1  K  10  3  |1  2  Ch  9  2,  with 
"hard  question"  for  HT^n,  hidhah,  "dark  saying," 
"riddle,"  in  1  K  10  1  II  2  Ch  9  1.  In  the  NT  for 
^■fjT-qixa,  zetema,  the  synonym  fi7T7)o-is,  zetesis  (and 
1  Tim  1  4,  iK^TjTTitTis,  ekzitesis),  being  rendered 
"questionings"  by  RV  (AV  does  not  distinguish). 
In  Mk  11  29  for  Xiyos,  liigos,  "word"  (so  RVm). 
The  vb.  in  the  sense  "ask  a  question"  in  2  Ch  31  9 
for  T151"1,  darash,  and  Lk  2  46;  23  9  for  iwepwrdt^, 
eperotdd  (cf  ARV,  ERVm  Jn  16  23).  Elsewhere 
the  vb.  is  for  (Tv^-qT^w,  suzeteo,  "dispute"  (Mk  1  27, 
etc;  cf  Acts  6  9;  9  29).  "Called  in  question," 
Acts  19  40  AV,  represents  ^7/caX^w,  egkaUo,  "call 
into  court,"  but  in  23  6;  24  21,  "I  am  called  in 
question"  is  for  Kplm/xai.,  krinomai,  "I  am  being 
judged."  Burton  Scott  Easton 

QUICK,  kwik,  QUICKEN,  kwik"n:  Translates 
in  AV  four  different  words:  (1)  rT^^n,  haydh,  (2) 
i^lTl-a,  mihyah,  (3)  PIT,  ru'^h,  and  (4)  faw,  zdo. 
Of  these  words  (1)  and  (4)  had  simply  the  sense  of 


life,  and  this  idea  was  in  1611  adequately  given  by 
the  word  "quick,"  although  this  sense  of  the  word 
has  long  been  somewhat  obscured.  As  the  tr  of  rWh 
(Isa  11  3)  "quick"  as  found  in  AV  signified  "acute." 
In  this  passage  RV  substitutes  "delight"  for  "quick 
understanding."  In  Lev  13  10.24  RV  retains  the 
rendering  "quick,"  although  originally  the  word 
mihyah  must  in  some  way  have  involved  the  con- 
ception of  life,  which  no  longer  belongs  to  the  Eng. 
word  "quick."  It  is  not  clear  exactly  in  what 
sense  the  flesh  in  the  sore  or  scar  was  thought  of  as 
living,  esp.  as  it  was  plainly  regarded  as  in  an 
unhealthy  condition.  Possibly  the  condition  under 
consideration  resembled  what  is  sometimes  idio- 
matically styled  in  Eng.  "proud  flesh,"  and  was 
thought  of  as  a  peculiar  manifestation  of  life. 

To  quicken  also  means  a  reviving,  a  refreshing, 
an  increasing  of  life  (Ps  71  20;  85  6;  119  37.40. 
88;  Isa  57  10).  It  often  has  reference  to  the  resur- 
rection from  the  dead  (1  Cor  15  36)  and  is  so  used 
in  many  places  in  AV.  Where  it  refers  to  the  giving 
of  spiritual  life  ARV  has  changed  it  in  every  case 
(Eph  2  1.5;   Col  2  13;   cf  Jn  6  21). 

David  Foster  Estes 

QUICKSANDS,  kwik'sandz.     See  Syrtis. 

QUIET,  kwi'et:  Vb.  or  adj.  only  in  EV,  "quiet- 
ness" being  used  for  the  noun.  No  special  Heb  or 
Gr  words  are  represented,  but  in  the  OT  usually 
for  some  form  or  derivative  of  t3|5T|J ,  shdkat,  "be 
undisturbed"  (Jgs  18  7;  cf  Prov  1  33,  "INTIJ, 
sha'ar,  "to  loll,"  "be  at  ease";  Eccl  9  17,  VXTi, 
nakath,  "quiet,"  "be  set  on").  For  "them  that  are 
quiet  in  the  land"  in  Ps  35  20,  see  Meek;  Poor. 
For  "quiet  prince"  in  Jer  51  59,  RV  substitutes 
"chief  chamberlain,"  m  "quartermaster."  "Jacob 
was  a  quiet  [DP ,  tdm,  "gentle"]  man"  (Gen  26  27, 
AV  "plain"),  'in  the  NT,  it  is  the  tr  of  wvxd^a, 
hesuchdzo,  "to  refrain  from  gossip  or  meddlesome- 
ness": "that  ye  study  to  be  quiet"  (1  Thess  4  11), 
and  of  i^iri/x'os.  hesuchios,  "gentle":  "a  meek  and 
quiet  spirit"  (1  Pet  3  4;   cf  1  Tim  2  2). 

M.  O.  Evans 

QUINTUS  MEMMIUS,  kwin'tus  mem'i-us.  See 
Memmius,  Quintus. 

QUIRINIUS,  kwi-rin'i-us.  See  Chronology  op 
THE  NT,  I,  1,  (2);    Luke,  Gospel  of,  5. 

QUIT,  kwit:  Same  derivation  as  "quiet,"  so  that 
"to  be  quit"  (Ex  21  19.28;  Josh  2  20  AV)  is  "to 
be  relieved  of  responsibility,"  np25,  nakah,  "^p! , 
naki,  "guiltless"  (so  RV  Josh  2  20).  Hence  "to 
quit  one's  self"  means  "to  be  freed  by  discharging 
a  duty."  The  phrase  in  EV,  however,  is  a  gloss, 
for  in  1  S  4  9  it  is  used  for  iT^n ,  haydh,  "to  be," 
while  in  1  Cor  16  13  dpSpi^o/xat,  andrizomai,  means 
"to  behave  like  a  man." 

QUIVER,  kwiv'er  (HStpN ,  'ashvdh,  ^bp ,  iHl; 
<t>ap^Tpa,  pharelra  [Sir  26  12]) :  A  case  or  sheath 
for  carrying  arrows,  a  part  of  the  ordinary  equip- 
ment of  the  warrior,  both  foot-soldier  and  charioteer 
(Job  39  23;  Isa  22  6),  and  also  of  the  huntsman 
(Gen  27  3).  Figuratively  of  a  group  in  passages 
where  children  (Ps  127  5)  or  prophets  of  Jeh  (Isa 
49  2)  are  spoken  of  as  arrows.  Arrows  are  called 
b'ne  'ashpdh,  "sons  of  the  quiver"  (Lam  3  13). 
By  identifying  the  arrows  with  the  death  they  pro- 
duce, the  quiver  is  likened  to  an  open  sepulcher 
(Jer  5  16). 

QUOTATIONS,  kwO-ta'shunz,  NEW  TESTA- 
MENT: 

I.  Introductory 

Limitation  of  the  Discussion 


Quotations,  NT     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2516 


II.     Constructive  Principles  of  NT  Quotation 

1.  Unity  of  the  Two  Dispensations 

2.  Biblical  Movement  Planned  from  tlie  Beginning 

3.  The  OT  Accepted  as  Authoritative 

4.  Issue  Involved  in  Foregoing  Principles  of  Ref- 
erence 

III.     Typical  Instances  of  NT  Quotation 

1.  Introductory  Formulas 

2.  Unity  of  the  Two  Dispensations 

3.  Prevision  of  Christianity  in  the  OT 

4.  Argumentative  Quotations 

5.  Catena  of  Passages.   Illustrating   Principles   of 
Quotation 

Literature 

/.  Introductory. — There  are,   all  told,  approxi- 
mately 300  direct  quotations  from  the  OT  in  the 
NT.     The  presence  of  so  many  cita- 
Limitation     tions,  each  one  of  which  involves  an 
of  the  interpretation  of  the  passage  given  a 

Discussion  new  context  in  quotation,  opens  many 
avenues  of  discussion  and  propounds 
many  difficult  and  far-reaching  problems.  In 
every  separate  instance,  in  the  long  list  of  NT 
quotations,  the  principle  of  accommodation  (see 
Accommodation)  in  some  form  is  involved,  and, 
consequently,  the  question  of  historical  and  exe- 
getical  accuracy  is  unavoidably  raised.  In  the 
present  article  we  shall  concentrate  attention  upon 
that  which  is  of  far  greater  importance  than  the 
question  whether  the  writer  is  incidentally  correct, 
according  to  modern  scientific  principles,  in  any 
specific  citation.  This  more  important  and  vital 
issue  we  take  to  be  the  general,  guiding  principles 
adopted  by  the  NT  writers  in  their  use  of  the 
book  of  the  older  covenant.  A  review  of  these 
principles,  together  with  certain  outstanding  and 
typical  instances  in  which  these  principles  are 
used  and  applied,  will  form  the  substance  of  the 
discussion. 

//.  Constructive  Principles  of  NT  Quotation. — 
In  the  first  place,  the  NT  writers  regard  the  Chris- 
tian religion  as  having  its  roots  in  the 
1.  Unity  of  OT.  From  the  call  of  Abraham  to  the 
the  Two  founding  and  expansion  of  the  Chris- 
Dispensa-  tian  church  the  men  of  the  NT  recog- 
tions  nize  a  single  organic  movement.     In 

their  use  of  the  ancient  oracles  in  new 
setting  they  constantly  and  confidently  rely  upon 
the  unity  of  the  two  dispensations,  that  recorded  in 
the  OT  and  that  in  which  they  themselves  were 
participants.  Such  a  unity,  taking  for  granted  its 
existence^  would  remove  to  a  degree  the  very  dis- 
tinction implied  in  the  terms  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, and  would  involve  a  definite  and  organic 
relationship  of  all  the  books  to  each  other.  There 
are  no  longer  two  separate  groups  of  books  standing 
apart  from  each  other  and  having  bonds  of  union 
only  within  the  group,  but,  on  the  contrary,  two 
related  sub-groups  outwardly  corresponding  to  con- 
trasted phases  of  the  historical  movement,  but  in- 
wardly conformed  to  the  deep-lying  principles  which 
make  the  entire  movement  one.  According  to  this 
idea  the  Book  of  Gen  is  as  really  related  to  the 
Gospel  of  Mt  as  it  is  to  the  Book  of  Ex.  On  the 
surface,  and  historically  speaking,  the  Book  of  Gen 
leads  immediately  to  the  Book  of  Ex,  which  is  its 
companion  volume  and  complement,  but  go  more 
deeply  into  Gen  and  just  as  really  and  just  aa  di- 
rectly it  leads  to  Mt,  which  ia  also  its  fellow  and 
complement.  And  so  throughout.  The  unifying 
medium  is,  of  course,  the  history  which  is  one  in 
that  it  involves  the  same  organic  principles  applied 
to  successive  areas  of  human  experience.  The 
books  of  the  Bible  are,  therefore,  like  any  group  of 
books  on  a  common  subject,  phases  of  each  other, 
contrasted  and  yet  intimately  cognate.  In  quoting 
from  the  OT  the  NT  writers  were  simply  obeying 
an  impulse  common  to  all  thoughtful  writers  and 
accounting  for  all  quotations,  seeking  for  diversi- 
fied expression  of  the  same  truths. 


The  second  great  constructive  principle  of  NT 

quotation,  and  manifestly  in  close  harmony  with 

the  first  one,  is  that  the  movement 

2.  Biblical  from  Abraham  to  Christ  was  not  only 
Movement  organically  one,  but  that  it  was  from 
Planned  the  beginning  planned  and  prepared 
from  the  for.  The  Bible  is  one  because  the 
Beginning     history  out  of  which  it  grew  is  one. 

The  history  is  one  because  God  is  in 
the  history  and  God  is  one.  According  to  the 
writers  of  the  NT  in  this  history  as  a  whole  we  have 
the  unfolding  of  an  all-embracing  plan  of  God, 
stretching  out  into  the  remotest  future  and  coming 
to  its  culmination  in  the  person  and  the  kingdom  of 
the  Messiah.  They  maintain  also  that  this  plan 
was  disclosed  in  part  beforehand,  by  way  of  antici- 
pation and  preparation,  in  order  that  men  might 
intelligently  cooperate  with  God  in  the  fulfilment  of 
His  purpose.  This  is  the  idea  involved  in  prophecy 
and  its  fulfilment,  and  in  the  closely  related  idea  of 
promise  and  its  reaUzation.  One  mind,  one  will, 
and  one  central  purpose  are  operating^  throughout 
the  entire  history  which  is,  on  the  Divine  side,  the 
fulfilment  of  a  plan  complete  in  thought  before  it 
takes  shape  in  events.  On  the  basis  of  this  con- 
ception, of  the  foreseen  plan  of  God  and  its  gradual 
revelation  to  men  through  messages  of  hope  and 
warning  set  in  the  key  of  the  great  future  and 
pointing  the  way  thither,  the  greater  part  of  the 
structure  of  NT  quotation  is  reared. 

A  third  principle  which  reaUy  involves  a  com- 
bination of  the  other  two  and  is  prominently  brought 
forward  in  the  use  of  quotation  for 

3.  The  OT  purposes  of  argument  is  the  recog- 
Accepted  as  nition  and  acceptance  of  the  OT  as 
Authorita-  authoritative,  a  real  Word  of  God,  in 
tive  form  occasional,  but  essentially  appli- 
cable to  all  experiences,  and  hence  good 

for  all  time.  It  is  evident  that  the  belief  in  the 
continued  authority  of  the  Scripture  of  the  old 
covenant  over  the  men  of  the  new,  rests  upon  the 
unity  of  the  two  dispensations  and  the  acceptance  of 
the  same  Divine  mind  and  will  as  operating  through- 
out aU  outward  and  historical  changes.  This  is 
admirably  expressed  by  Paul  when  he  speaks  of 
'the  mystery  of  his  will,  according  to  his  good  pleas- 
ure which  he  purposed  in  him  unto  an  economy  of 
the  fulness  of  the  periods,  to  sum  up  aU  things  in 
Christ'  (Eph  1  9.10),  and  by  the  author  of  He 
when  he  says:  'God,  having  of  old  spoken  unto  the 
fathers  in  the  prophets  by  various  portions  and  in 
various  ways,  hath  at  the  end  of  these  days  spoken 
unto  us  in  his  Son'  (1  1.2). 

The  justification  of  these  accepted  principles  of 

reference  on  the  part  of  the  NT  writers  hes  beyond 

the  scope  of  the  present  discussion. 

4.  Issue  In-  It  is  sufficient  to  emphasize  the  fact 
volved  in  that  any  detailed  discussion  of  NT 
Foregoing  quotations  seriatim  is  meaningless  and 
Principles  futile  except  upon  the  basis  of  an  ex- 
of  Ref-  plicit  and  consistent  determination 
erence  of  these  antecedent  questions.     To  the 

present  writer  the  vahdity  of  these 
principles  is  beyond  question.  The  denial  of  any 
one  of  the  three  involves  one  in  difficulties  of  inter- 
pretation, both  critical  and  historical,  from  which 
there  is  no  escape.  It  is  to  be  noted,  therefore, 
that  the  establishment  of  the  principles,  in  accord- 
ance with  which  the  NT  ■^\Titers  quote,  carries  with 
it  in  a  general  way  the  justification  of  their  usage. 

///.  Typical  Instances  of  NT  Quotation. — With 
these  constructive  principles  in  mind  we  are  pre- 
pared to  pass  in  review  typical  instances  in  which 
general  principles  are  embodied.  At  this  point  we 
shall  be  greatly  assisted  in  the  analysis  and  distri- 
bution of  the  complex  material  before  us  by  giving 
careful  heed  to  the  formulas,  more  or  less  fixed  and 


2517 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Quotations,  NT 


uniform,  by  which  the  writers  introduce  quotations 
and  indicate  their  sense  of  the  value   and   signifi- 
cance of  that  which  is  quoted.     While 

1.  Intro-  these  formulas  exhibit  certain  verbal 
ductory  variations,  they  are  practically  re- 
Formulas      ducible    to   three,    which    correspond 

with  substantial  accuracy  to  the  three 
constructive  principles  already  noted:  the  unity  of 
the  OT  and  NT;  the  prevision  of  the  NT  in  the 
OT;  the  authority  of  the  OT  as  the  Word  of  God 
intended  for  all  time. 

The  unity  of  the  two  dispensations  is  asserted  in 
all  those  passages  introduced  by  a  formula,  in  which 

fulfilment  is  asserted  as  a  fact,  and  in 

2.  Unity  of  which  the  operation  of  identical  prin- 
the  Two  ciples  in  two  or  more  separate  events  in 
Dispensa-  the  field  of  history  is  implied.  A  sug- 
tions  gestive  example  is  in  Mt  13  14,  where 

Our  Lord  asserts^  in  connection  with  the 
parable  of  the  Sower,  that  m  the  unbelief  of  the 
people  of  His  day  "the  prophecy  of  Isaiah"  is  ful- 
filled. The  prophetic  words  here  quoted  (Isa  6 
9.10)  are  not  predictive  in  any  immediate  sense, 
but  are  susceptible  of  repeated  application  and 
realization  because  of  the  general  principle  which 
they  contain.  They  apply  to  the  prophet's  own 
day;  they  also  apply — and  in  that  sense  are  ful- 
filled— to  the  time  of  Jesus,  and  by  a  legitimate  ex- 
tension of  meaning,  to  stubborn  unbelief  in  any  age 
(cfJn6  45). 

Another  passage  in  which  the  same  formula  is 
used  in  a  very  exceptional  way  clearly  sets  forth 
the  fundamental  principle  upon  which  this  usage 
rests.  Jas  2  23  asserts  that  the  justification  of 
Abraham  in  the  offering  of  Isaac  "fulfilled"  the 
passage  which  affirms  that  his  belief  was  counted 
to  him  for  righteousness  (Gen  15  6)._  This  passage 
is  not  predictive  in  any  sense,  nor  is  there  in  the 
narrative  any  hint  of  a  connection  between  the 
passage  and  the  episode  on  Mt.  Moriah.  This  use 
of  the  formula  of  fulfilment  by  James  involves  the 
principle  that  any  event  which  realizes  the  mean- 
ing and  truth  of  a  Scriptural  statement  fulfils  it. 
A  vast  number  of  quotations  in  the  NT  come  under 
this  head.  Persons,  events,  doctrines,  illustrate 
and  confirm,  or  embody  and  concretely  realize, 
principles  which  are  taught  in  the  OT  or  implied  in 
its  history.  We  are  warned  by  this  passage  and 
many  others  like  it  against  a  too  rigid  and  literal 
interpretation  of  any  formula  implying  fulfilment. 
While  it  may  certainly  be  intended  to  imply  literal 
prediction  and  an  equally  literal  fulfilment,  it  may, 
on  the  contrary,  be  intended  to  intimate  nothing 
more  than  a  harmony  of  principle,  fitting  the  passage 
to  the  person  or  event  with  which  it  is  connected. 
In  this  connection  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  a 
harmony  of  principle  may  extend  all  the  way  from 
a  comparatively  superficial  illustrative  resemblance 
to  a  profound  assonance  of  thought.  Not  a  few 
OT  quotations  were  made  for  purposes  of  illustration 
and  literary  embellishment.  Herein  lies  the  sig- 
nificance of  Matthew's  use  (2  17f)of  Jer  31  15.  _  A 
glance  at  this  quoted  passage  indicates  that  it  is  a 
figurative  and  poetic  expression  in  which  Rachel 
(already  for  many  years  in  her  tomb)  is  represented 
as  weeping  for  her  exiled  children  and  refusing  to 
be  comforted  except  by  their  return.  There  is  no 
strictly  predictive  element  in  the  passage,  save  only 
the  promise  of  return,  which  is  not  used  by  Matthew. 
Its  applicability  to  the  massacre  of  the  children  of 
Bethlehem  lies  in  its  poetical  appositeness,  and 
there  alone.  Once  again  the  voice  of  wailmg 
motherhood  is  heard  in  Israel.  The  tender  and 
beautiful  imagery  is  applicable  in  this  sense  and  is 
used  with  true  insight,  but  with  no  intention  of 
justifying  a  claim  of  prediction  and  fulfilment  in 
the  literal  sense. 


The  prevision  of  events  in  the  life  of  Jesus  and  in 
the  history  of  Christianity  is  involved  in  all  the 
quotations  in  which  a  necefisary  con- 
3.  Previ-       nection  between  the  passage  as  pre- 
sion  of  dictive  and  the  event  is  asserted,  or 

Christianity  in  which  a  prophet  is  said  to  have  been 
in  the  OT  speaking  or  writing  concerning  the 
event  or  person  in  question.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  OT  without  reference  to  its  use 
in  the  NT  seems  to  justify  the  conclusion  that  its 
bearing  upon  the  future  may  be  particularized  under 
four  heads,  which  in  turn  with  sufficient  accuracy 
and  exhaustiveness  will  classify  the  pertinent  NT 
quotations. 

(1)  The  prophetic  teaching  of  Israel  embodied 
not  only  in  the  messages  of  the  prophets,  but  also 
in  laws,  institutions,  and  rites,  has  a  twofold  dis- 
pensational  application.  Reference  is  made  here 
only  to  those  explicit  references  to  a  future  era  of 
especial  blessing.  For  example,  in  Acts  2  17  £f 
Peter  interprets  the  Pentecostal  experience  in  the 
terms  of  prophecy,  referring  to  Joel  (2  28  ff) ,  who 
promises  an  outpouring  of  God's  Spirit  in  a  "great 
and  notable  day"  of  the  Lord.  The  promise 
through  Joel  is  an  undeniable  prediction  (every 
promise  is  such),  which  in  a  measure  would  be  ful- 
filled in  any  exceptional  manifestation  of  God's 
Spirit  among  men.  The  only  question  which  can 
possibly  be  raised  in  connection  with  Peter's  use 
of  this  passage  is  whether  the  Pentecostal  outpour- 
ing was  the  climactic  realization  of  the  promise:  that 
is,  the  establishment  of  the  era  of  blessing  foretold 
by  the  prophet.  Later  in  the  same  book  (3  20-26) 
the  same  apostle  sweeps  the  whole  field  of  prophecy 
as  centering  in  certain  promises  fulfilled  in  Christ 
and  the  Christian  community. 

He  instances  two,  the  prophet  like  Moses  (Dt 
18  IS)  and  the  promised  inclusive  blessing  through 
Abraham  (Gen  12  3).  He  also  includes  (Acts  3 
26)  a  hint  of  the  Servant  passages  of  Isa.  This 
identification  of  the  NT  movement  through  two 
specific  predictive  promises  is  wholly  justified  by 
the  prophetic  character  of  Jesus,  the  range  and  rich- 
ness of  the  blessings  brought  from  Abraham  through 
Him,  and  by  the  fact  elsewhere  emphasized  that  no 
other  has  measured  up  to  the  standard  of  the  ideal 
servant.  Negatively,  it  may  be  urged  that  if  these 
promises  were  not  fulfilled  in  Christ,  history  affords 
no  possibility  of  discovering  any  fulfilment  meas- 
urably adequate,  either  in  the  past  or  future.  In 
He  (8  8-12)  reference  is  made  to  the  promise  of  a 
new  covenant  in  Jer  (31  31  fi')  as  a  justification  for 
believing  that  the  OT  dispensation  was  not  com- 
plete in  itself  and  that  in  its  very  constitution  it 
pointed  forward  to  Christianity  as  its  fulfilment. 
Combining  this  passage  with  that  quoted  above 
(Acts  2  17  ff)  taken  from  Joel,  the  strength  of  the 
case  for  this  use  of  the  OT  is  at  once  seen.  Dis- 
tinctively Jeremiah's  "new  covenant"  was  to  be 
inward  and  gracious  rather  than  outward  and  legal. 
The  promise  through  Joel  is  an  awakening  of 
prophecy  through  the  free  outpouring  of  God's 
Spirit.  The  distinctive  feature  of  the  gospel  is 
its  idea  of  justification  by  faith,  through  grace 
revealed  in  Christ  and  imparted  by  the  Holy  Spirit 
given  according  to  promise  at  Pentecost.  The 
"new  covenant"  foretold  by  Jeremiah  was  estab- 
lished at  Pentecost  through  the  outpouring  of  the 
Spirit  promised  through  Joel.  To  deny  this  as 
fulfilment  is  to  nullify  the  meaning  of  Christian 
history  and  to  erase  both  promises  from  the  page 
of  credible  prophecy. 

(2)  Contemporary  persons  or  institutions  are 
sometimes  interpreted,  not  in  the  terms  of  present 
actuality,  but  on  the  basis  of  the  ideal  not  revealed 
or  realized  until  the  coming  of  Christ.  One  strik- 
ing example  of  this  method  is  to  be  found  in  the 


Quotations,  NT     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2518 


so-called  "Immanuel  passage"  (Mt  1  23,  quoting 
Isa  7  14).  Undoubtedly  the  message  of  the 
prophet  to  Ahaz  had  an  immediate  and  contem- 
porary significance.  But,  like  many  another 
notable  prophetic  message,  it  is  set  in  the  key  of 
the  Messianic  King  whose  unworthy  predecessor 
Ahaz  was.  "The  Messiah  comes,  but  the  wilful- 
ness of  Ahaz  has  rendered  His  reign  impossible" 
(G.  A.  Smith,  "Isa,"  Expositor's  Bible,  I,  134). 
In  Acts  2  24-36,  passages  representative  of 
many  others  quoted,  both  the  resurrection  and 
ascension  of  Jesus  are  interpreted  in  the  light  of  two 
quotations  from  the  Pss  (16  8ff;  110  1)  as  prede- 
termined and  therefore  certain  events  in  the  plan 
and  purpose  of  God.  In  both  instances  the  argu- 
ment is  that  the  promises  nominally  made  to  David, 
or  claimed  by  him,  were  couched  in  terms  too  vast 
to  find  fulfilment  in  his  own  experience,  but  were 
spoken  of  the  greater  King  who  was  to  come  and 
in  whose  experience  alone  they  were  realized.  In 
the  former  instance,  a  triumph  over  death  was 
anticipated  with  assurance  which  not  the  Psahnist 
but  only  Christ  attained;  in  the  latter  a  royal 
ascendancy  was  promised  that  only  Christ's  ascen- 
sion to  the  place  of  power  could  satisfy.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  passages  shows  that  Peter's  inter- 
pretation is  justified  not  merely  by  the  wording  of 
the  promises,  which  point  to  a  fulness  of  experience 
not  realized  by  any  OT  man,  but  still  more  clearly 
by  the  descriptive  titles  which  identify  the  person 
who  is  the  subject  of  the  experience.  In  the  first 
instance  he  is  spoken  of  as  Jeh's  "Holy  One,"  in  the 
second  as  "My  Lord."  The  triumph  over  death 
which  the  speaker  anticipates  is  grounded  in  a  unity 
of  purpose  and  will  with  God — a  holiness  which  was 
ideal  and  still  unrealized  until  Christ  came.  The 
logic  of  the  ps  is:  God's  "Holy  One"  must  not  see 
corruption.  The  logic  of  history  is :  Christ  is  God's 
Holy  One  and  He  did  not  see  corruption.  The 
principle  that  triumph  over  death  is  the  logical  issue 
of  holiness  found  its  justification  and  proof  not 
directly  in  the  experience  of  the  singer  who  first 
glimpsed  it  as  a  truth,  but  in  the  career  of  Christ 
who  first  realized  it  as  a  fact. 

Note. — The  argument  here  is  not  affected  if  one 
accepts  the  variant  reading  "Holy  Ones"  for  the  pre- 
ceding passage. 

The  second  passage  is  particularly  interesting 
because  Our  Lord  Himself  first  pointed  out  its 
implications  as  to  the  place  and  work  of  the  Messiah. 
Such  a  passage  as  this  entire  ps  (110)  would  have 
been  impossible  had  not  the  powers  and  respon- 
sibilities of  the  Davidic  King  been  keyed  from  the 
beginning  at  the  Messianic  level.  The  logic  here 
is  the  same  as  in  Ps  16.  The  Messianic  kingdom 
over  all  nations  awaited  the  coming  of  the  true 
Messianic  King.  The  long-delayed  triumph  fol- 
lowed hard  upon  the  coming  of  the  long-e.xpected 
King  (cf  Ps  2  1.2;   Acts  13  32-34). 

The  same  principle  is  involved  in  Our  Lord's  use 
of  the  Servant  passage  (Isa  61  1  if)  in  His  sermon 
at  Nazareth.  Here  the  issue  as  to  Messianic 
prophecy  is  fairly  joined  at  the  center.  It  is  central 
because  it  occurs  in  the  Lord's  own  teaching  and 
also  because  it  concerns,  not  any  external  or  inci- 
dental happenings  in  the  life  of  .lesus,  but  the  whole 
trend  and  movement  of  prophetic  thought,  together 
with  the  entire  meaning  and  interpretation  of  His 
career. 

Interpreted  altogether  apart  from  the  NT,  the 
passage  has  an  unmistakable  bearing  upon  the 
future.  As  one  of  the  series  concerned  with  the 
Servant  (Isa  42  1  ff),  the  quoted  passage  focuses 
attention  upon  the  mission  of  Israel  to  the  world, 
still  to  be  carried  out.  "Ye  are  my  witnesses,  saith 
Jeh,  and  my  servant  whom  1  have  chosen"  (43  10), 
"Yet  now  hear,  O  Jacob  my  servant,  and  Israel, 


whom  I  have  chosen"  (44  1).  It  also  involves  the 
entire  scope  and  meaning  of  the  prophetic  office 
through  which  Jeh's  will  was  made  known  to  Israel 
and  through  Israel  to  the  world.  Both  these  con- 
siderations sweep  out  into  the  prophet's  future  and 
both  point  unerringly  to  Christ  as  the  historical 
fulfilment  of  Israel's  mission  and  as  the  actual  reaK- 
zation  of  the  ideal  and  ministry  of  prophethood. 
The  very  ambiguity  of  the  reference  in  this  chapter 
(ch  61),  whether  to  the  Servant  or  to  the  prophet, 
and  the  questions  raised  as  to  whether  Israel  ideal- 
ized is  referred  to  or  some  person  or  personification, 
serve  to  make  more  clear  and  unmistakable  the 
central  fact  that  only  in  Christ  is  the  conception 
embodied  in  the  entire  series  of  passages  altogether 
realized.  It  thus  becomes  for  sober  thought  a 
distinct  revelation  and  portraiture  in  advance  of 
what  Jesus  was  in  His  person  and  work. 

(3)  In  the  course  of  Israel's  training  to  receive 
the  Messiah,  certain  external  items  were  given  as 
bearing  upon  the  identification  of  Him  when  He 
should  come.  We  shall  instance  three  items, 
closely  related  to  each  other,  and  each  intensely 
interesting  in  itself.  These  three  items  are  (a)  His 
sonship  to  David  (Acts  2  30.31),  (6)  His  birth  from 
a  Virgin  (Mt  1  22  f),  (c)  His  birth  at  Bethlehem 
(Mt  2  5).  Objection  is  offered  at  once  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  these  OT  passages  as  predictive,  and 
to  the  alleged  fulfilments  in  the  life  of  Jesus,  on  the 
ground  mainly  that  being  definite  events  (cf  Mt 
2  15)  they  are  not  included  within  the  legitimate 
scope  of  prediction;  and,  secondarily,  that  being 
items  of  this  external  kind  it  would  be  an  easy  matter 
to  invent  fulfilments.  It  may  be  granted  at  once 
that  incidents  of  this  kind  could  be  indefinitely  mul- 
tiplied by  fabricating  coincidences,  but  the  fact 
remains  that,  in  the  absence  of  any  visible  check 
upon  invention,  very  few  such  instances  are  alleged 
by  NT  writers.  Furthermore,  there  are  suggestive 
variations  between  the  events  recorded  and  the 
natural  interpretations  of  the  OT  passages  con- 
nected with  them;  that  is,  the  fulfilments  arrive 
by  such  devious  routes  as  to  make  it  difficult  to 
suppose  them  to  be  due  to  the  imaginative  stimu- 
lation of  the  passages.  For  example,  the  birth  at 
Bethlehem  was  brought  about  by  circumstances 
not  at  all  to  the  liking  of  Jewish  patriots,  and  was 
obscured  to  contemporaries  by  the  previous  and 
subsequent  residence  at  Nazareth.  The  kinship 
of  Jesus  to  the  house  of  David  was  made  adoptive 
(unless  Mary  was  of  that  house)  by  the  virgin 
birth.  The  interpretation  of  Isa  7  14  as  inti- 
mating a  virgin  birth  was  not  compulsory  to  one 
familiar  with  the  Heb  text  of  the  passage  and 
would  have  been  thought  of  in  that  connection 
only  by  one  assured  of  the  fact.  The  virgin  birth 
(see  Immanuel;  Virgin  Birth)  is  not  an  ety- 
mological but  a  providential  commentary  on  Isa 
7  14.  One  other  consideration  of  primary  impor- 
tance remains.  In  the  one  point  where  the  identi- 
fication of  Jesus  with  the  Messiah  by  His  foUowera 
can  be  tested  most  severely,  they  are  most  com- 
pletely triumphant.  It  would  be  comparatively 
easy  to  invent  incidents  suggested  by  OT  proph- 
ecies, and  to  take  dignities  and  titles  wholesale 
from  the  same  source — but  given  all  these,  to  find 
one  capable  of  realizing  and  fulfilling  the  expecta- 
tions so  aroused  is  the  chief  problem.  Here  fabri- 
cation is  impossible.  And  here  too  the  NT  meets 
and  answers  the  challenge  of  truth.  In  view  of 
these  considerations  it  is  safe  to  assert  that  even 
in  matters  of  historical  detail  the  career  of  Jesus  was 
foreseen  and  predicted.  Such  passages  belong  to 
the  philosophy  of  preparation  as  a  whole  and  should 
be  studied  in  that  connection. 

(4)  In  certain  instances  the  original  passage  and 
its  reappearance  in  quotation   indicate  a  process 


2519 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Quotations,  NT 


which  is  continuous  throughout  all  history.  For 
example,  the  use  of  Zee  13  7  (Mk  14  27)  sug- 
gests a  deeper  view  of  the  connection  between 
prophecy  and  history,  immediate  and  more  remote, 
than  we  are  often  aware  of.  On  the  face  of  them 
such  passages  as  those  concerning  the  Smitten 
Shepherd  and  the  scattered  sheep  are  predictions, 
and  the  life  of  Christ  stands  as  fulfilment.  It  simply 
cannot  be  contended  that  such  passages  as  these 
do  not  find  fulfilment  and  explanation  in  the  career 
of  Jesus  as  nowhere  else  in  the  history.  Neverthe- 
less, the  connection  is  far  deeper  than  mere  fore- 
sight of  an  isolated  event  and  its  occurrence.  We 
may  well  say  that,  in  a  sense,  the  event  is  foreseen 
because  it  is  already  a  fact.  The  allegory  of  the 
Smitten  Shepherd  is,  as  has  well  been  said,  "a  sum- 
mary of  the  history  of  Israel."  But  it  is  more  than 
that.  The  relationship  of  God  with  Israel,  which 
involved  a  dealing  of  Divine  grace  with  men,  their 
rejection  of  it  and  the  consequent  vicarious  immo- 
lation of  the  Divine  Friend  and  Shepherd,  which 
came  to  its  climax  in  the  tragedy  of  the  cross,  was 
established  in  all  essential  factors  in  the  early  days. 
Therefore,  Christ  can  say,  as  the  outcome  of  the 
profoundest  insight  into  the  meaning  of  history, 
'That  which  concerneth  me  hath  fulfilment'  (cf  Lk 
24  44).  He  was  more  deeply  concerned  in  the 
doings  of  an  earher  time  than  being  there  foreseen. 
In  a  real  sense,  "the  Lamb"  was  "slain  from  the 
foundation  of  the  world"  (Rev  13  8).  In  this  alle- 
gory of  the  rejected  Shepherd  and  in  the  successive 
delineations  of  the  Servant  passages,  we  have  the 
portrait  of  the  Christ  as  He  was — not  merely  as  He 
was  to  be.  In  these  quotations  deep  answers  to 
deep.  The  only  satisfactory  interpretation  of  the 
tragedy  of  the  cross  is  that  in  accordance  with 
principles  long  operative  in  human  history,  "it  must 
needs  be."  The  only  satisfactory  interpretation  of 
the  passages  cited  is  that  they  disclose  the  actual 
operation  of  the  forces  which  in  their  culmination 
issued  in  the  tragedy  of  the  cross.  This  brings  the 
passages  in  the  original  and  in  quotation  into  the 
framework  of  the  same  course  of  events.  Peter  in 
his  sermon  in  Solomon's  porch  thus  sums  up  the 
whole  process:  "But  the  things  which  God  fore- 
showed by  the  mouth  of  all  the  prophets,  that  his 
Christ  should  suffer,  he  thus  fulfilled"  (Acts  3  18). 

The  argumentative  use  of  the  OT  involves  exactly 
the  same  principles  which  have  been  dealt  with 
in  the  foregoing  discussion.  These 
4.  Argu-  principles  coalesce  in  the  conception  of 
mentative  the  OT  as  authoritative. 
Quotations  (1)  Throughout  the  NT,  in  the 
teaching  of  Our  Lord  Himself  and  in 
the  apostolic  writings,  a  clear-cut  distinction  is 
drawn  between  the  temporary  and  permanent 
offices  of  the  OT.  It  is  recognized  that  in  essential 
principles  the  OT  is  for  all  time,  while  in  its  out- 
ward form  and  in  its  actualization  of  underlying 
and  essential  truths  it  is  preliminary  and  prepara- 
tory. There  are  different  dispensations,  but  one 
economy.  Whenever  Our  Lord  uses  the  OT  for 
purposes  of  argument  (see  Mt  4  4.7;  12  17  ff;  19 
18  f;  Mk  10  19;  Lk  19  46)  it  is  on  the  basis  of 
essential  truth  which  is  permanent  and  unchanging 
(Mt  5  17-19).  On  the  other  hand,  He  never 
hesitates  to  annul  that  which  had  a  merely  tem- 
porary or  preliminary  value  (Mt  5  21.33.38; 
cf  by  way  of  contrast  ver  27).  He  came  not  to 
destroy,  but  to  fulfil,  but  fulfilment  implies  a  new 
era — a  new  and  higher  stage  in  the  delivery  of  truth. 

(2)  In  like  manner  Paul  and  the  other  NT  writers 
argue  on  the  basis  of  an  identity  of  principle  which 
binds  the  two  eras  together.  Paul  contends  for 
three  great  principles,  the  Messiahship  of  Jesus, 
justification  by  faith,  the  inclusion  of  the  Gentiles 
in  the  plan  of  salvation  (the  doctrine  of  election  is 


a  detail  of  this  last  argument;  see  Rom  9  7.9.12. 
13.1.5.17).  We  shall  consider  typical  examples  of 
Paul's  use  of  the  OT  in  argumentation.  Choice 
has  been  made  of  those  which  have  provoked  ad- 
verse criticism.  Among  these  is  the  use  of  Gen  13 
1.5;  17  8  in  Gal  3  16.  This  is  a  leading  example  of 
Paul's  alleged  "rabbinical"  method:  "He  saith 
not,  And  to  seeds,  as  of  many ;  but  as  of  one.  And 
to  thy  seed,  which  is  Christ."  The  Heb  word 
"seed"  as  appUed  to  offspring  (^^T,  zero-)  is 
singular.  This,  of  course,  means  that  a  man's 
descendants  are  looked  upon  as  organically  one, 
inasmuch  as  they  continue  his  hfe.  The  word 
would  apply  to  any  one  of  the  family,  but  only  by 
virtue  of  his  belonging  to  the  family.  Etymologi- 
cally  Paul's  argument  would  apply  to  Isaac  as  well 
as  to  Jesus — provided  only  the  promise  is  looked 
upon  as  being  fulfilled  in  him.  But  the  promise 
which  was  fulfilled  in  Isaac,  was  fulfilled  in  a  larger 
way  in  Israel  as  a  whole,  and  was  fulfilled  in  the 
largest  way  of  all  in  Christ.  The  use  of  the  sing, 
word  indicates  that  Abraham's  children  were  looked 
upon  as  one  in  him — they  are  also  one  in  Christ. 
The  true  children  of  Abraham  are  such  in  Christ. 
Historically  the  argument  is  fully  justified.  "The 
personality  of  Christ  is  in  some  sense  coextensive 
with  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  to  Abraham" 
(Beet).  "Christ  istheorganof  fulfilment"  (Meyer). 
The  classical  passage  in  the  discussion  of  justi- 
fication based  upon  an  OT  quotation  is  Rom  1  17, 
quoting  Hab  2  4.  The  quoted  passage  seems  to 
fail  the  argument  because  the  literal  tr  would 
appear  to  be  that  "the  righteous  shall  live  by  their 
faithfulness."  A  deeper  view,  however,  amply 
justifies  the  quotation;  first,  because  the  stedfast- 
ness  demanded  by  the  prophet  is  a  persistent  trust 
in  God  in  view  of  the  delay  of  the  promised  vision; 
second,  the  deepest  principle  common  to  the  OT  and 
NT  is  that  stability  of  character  has  its  root  in 
trust  in  Jeh  (Isa  28  16;  cf  26  1-3).  Nothing 
could  be  more  foreign  to  the  thought  of  the  OT  than 
that  a  man  could  be  righteous  without  trust  in  God. 

One  further  quotation  argmnentatively  used  by  Paul 
may  fitly  close  this  section  of  our  discussion.  In  Eom 
11  26.27  he  quotes  Isa  59  20.21  as  indicating  the  Di- 
vine purpose  to  include  the  Gentiles  within  the  scope  of 
salvation.  This  passage  is  doubly  significant  because 
it  is  attacked  by  Kuenen  {Prophets  and  Prophecy  in 
Israel)  on  the  ground  that  it  is  uncritically  taken  from 
the  LXX  version  which  in  this  instance  does  not  cor- 
rectly represent  the  Hcb  text.  It  may  be  remarked  that 
a  large  percentage  of  the  NT  quotations  are  taken  from 
the  LXX.  (For  estimates  of  the  number  see  Johnson, 
Quotations  of  the  NT,  ch  i.J  This  prevalent  habit  is 
amply  justifiable  by,  and  in  large  consideration  of,  the 
fact  that  the  NT  was  written  for  the  purpose  of  being 
read  and  understood  by  those  to  whom  the  LXX  was 
often  the  only  version  available,  and  the  familiarity  of 
that  version  was  ample  compensation  for  any  slight  loss 
in  verbal  accuracy.  The  only  reasonable  qualification 
of  this  general  statement  is  that  we  should  call  in  ques- 
tion any  deviation  which  is  depended  upon  for  a  point 
in  argument.  Kuenen,  tlie  severest  critic  of  the  NT 
writers  in  this  particular,  alleges  very  few  instances,  and 
Professor  Johnson  has  satisfactorily  dealt  with  these  in 
detail  (as  above).  In  the  case  immediately  before  us 
the  deviations  in  the  version  used  by  Paul  do  not  in  the 
least  modify,  in  the  way  of  strengthening,  the  reference 
to  the  Gentiles  (beginning  in  ver  19  and  continuing 
throughout)  which  is  the  point  upon  which  Paul  is  laying 
stress.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Paul's  argmnent 
would  be  unimpaired  had  he  used  the  Heb  text,  upon 
which  our  RV  rests  (cf  He  2  6-8).  In  general,  it  may 
be  premised  that  no  stringent  rule  of  verbal  accuracy 
should  bo  considered  binding  upon  writers  who  address  a 
popular  audience  beyond  that  which  guards  the  sub- 
stantial cogency  of  their  argument.  From  the  fair 
application  of  this  reasonable  rule  the  NT  writers  have 
nothing  to  fear. 

For  the  most  part  the  NT  writers  confine  their  quo- 
tations to  the  OT.  In  a  single  instance  an  extra- 
canonical  saying  of  Jesus  (Acts  20  3.5),  and.  in  at  least 
two  instances  (Jude  vs  9.14),  non-canonical  books  are 
referred  to.  In  addition  to  this  Paul  uses  in  the  letter 
to  Titus  (1  12)  and  in  his  sermon  at  Athens  (Acts  17 
28)  lines  from  native  poets  to  illustrate  and  enforce  his 
discussion  (see  Poetry,  New  Testament).  In  these 
latter  instances  the  difference  in  usage  from  his  ordi- 


Raama 
Rabbah 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2520 


nary  habit  of  fiuotins  authoritative  Scripture  is  suffi- 
ciently devious.  In  the  case  of  tlie  saying  attributed 
to  Christ,  it  is  enougli  to  say  that  it  is  so  obviously 
Christlike  that  we  need  not  hesitate  to  accept  it  as 
genuine,  while  in  the  case  of  Jude  nothing  is  made  to 
depend  upon  the  quotations  except  certain  accepted  Chris- 
tian trutlis  (see  Plumnier,  Expositor's  Bible,  "James  and 
Jude,"  4.34  f). 

(1)    Based  on  unity  of  dispensations. — ^It  2   IS:    13    14 

27  9;      Mk  7  6;      Lk  4  21;      20  17;     Jn  4  37;     6  45 

7  38;  12  14 f;    Acts  2  31.39;    3  25;    4  25 

5    Pfltpna  nf  8  23.32f;  13  22.32.33.34;  28  26.27;  1  Cor 

0.  (-.atenaoi  ^^  .^^..     ^^  g  g^^;     jas  2  23. 

Passages  (2)    Based     on     precision. — Mt   1   22;      2 

Illustrating  5.15;  4  14;  8  17;  12  17;  13  35;  26  31; 
Prinrinlesof  Ml*:  14  27;     Lk  22  37;     Jn  7  38.42;     12 

guotation      20  9;    Acts  1  20;    2  2.5-2 
25.26;    13   32-34. 
(3)    Based  on  authority  of   the  OT. — Mt  4  4;    5  38.43; 


19  24.28.36; 
3  25;    4  11. 


9  13;    19  4.18;    21  13.10.42;   22  24.31.32.43;    Mk  4  12; 

7  10;  10  19;  11  17;  12  19;  Lk  2  22.23;  4  10;  19  46; 
Acts    15    1017;    Rom   1    17;    4  3.7.8;    9  25.20;    10  5.6- 

8  11.13.16;  12  19;  15  21;  1  Cor  1  19  (identity  of  prin- 
ciple).31;  15  45;  2  Cor  4  13;  6  2.16;  8  15;  Gal  3 
6.8.10.11.12.13.10;   4  27;   Eph  4  8;  6  2;   1  Tim  5  18. 

See  also  Chronicle.s,  Bookb  of,  5,  7,  10. 

LiTEHATUBE. — The  lit.  is  voluminous.  Beside  the 
standard  comms.  and  diets.,  the  reader  will  do  well  to 
consult  C.  H.  Toy,  Quotations  in  the  NT;  Franklin 
Johnson,  Quotations  of  the  NT;  Cambridge  Bib.  Essays 
("Our  Lord's  Use  of  the  OT"  by  McNeile) ;  Westcott, 
Intro  to  the  Study  of  the  NT,  Appendix  A. 

Louis  Matthews  Sweet 


R 


RAAMA,  ra'a-ma  (X^7"]  ,  ra'ma'):  Thus  spelled 
only  in  1  Ch  1  9;  elsewhere  "Raamah"  (HTpyT, 
rcCmah).  A  son  of  Cush  and  father  of  Sheba  and 
Dedan  (Gen  10  7  =  1  Ch  1  9).  In  Ezekiel's  la- 
ment over  Tyre  (Ezk  27  22)  the  tribe  of  Raamah 
is  mentioned  along  with  Sheba  as  a  mercantile 
people  who  provided  the  inliabitants  of  Tyre  with 
spices,  precious  stones  and  gold.  It  has  generally 
been  identified  -n'ith  Regma,  mentioned  by  Ptolemy 
and  Steph.  Byzantr.  as  a  city  in  Southeastern 
Arabia  on  the  shores  of  the  Pers  Gulf.  The  LXX 
('Pe7/id,  Rhegmd)  itself  supposes  this  site.  But  the 
Arab,  name  of  the  city  here  indicated  is  spelled  with 
a  g  and  so  gives  rise  to  a  phonological  difficulty.  A 
more  probable  identification  has  been  found  in  the 
Sabaean  ra'mah  in  Southwestern  Arabia  near  MeHn 
in  the  north  of  Marib.  MeHn  was  the  capital  of 
the  old  Minacan  kingdom.  A.  S.  Fulton 

RAAMIAH,  ra-a-mi'a  (H^'Oy"] ,  ra'amyah;  B, 
Naa|iid,  Naamid,  A,  'PetXfia,  Rheelmd) :  One  of 
the  leading  men  who  retm'ned  with  Zerubbabcl 
from  captivity  (Neh  7  7).  In  the  corresponding 
passage  in  Ezr  2  2,  where  the  same  list  is  named, 
a  slight  variation  in  form  is  given.  "Reelaiah"  is 
the  name  found  in  this  passage.  One  is  doubtless 
a  corruption  of  the  other.  Both  have  the  same 
root  meaning. 

RAAMSES,    ra-am'sez    (Ex  1  11),    RAMESES, 

ram'(S-.sez    (Gen   47  11;     E.x  12  37;      Nu  33  3..5) 

(DCTOyT  ,  ra'm'sc.s,  DC'by'1 ,  ra'amses; 

1.  Meaning  'Paiieo-o-fj,  Rhamesse;  Egyp  Ra-nies- 
of  "Store-  Hii,  "Ra  created  him"  [or  "it"]):  One 
Cities"  of  the  two  "settlements"   {misk'-nolh) 

built,  or  "built  up,"  by  the  Hebrews 
for  the  Pharaoh,  the  other  being  Pithom,  to 
which  the  LXX  adds  a  third,  namely,  "On  which 
is  Heliopolis,"  a  town  near  Cairo  (Ex  1  11). 
The  Heb  term  misk'nolh  comes  from  a  root  mean- 
ing "to  settle  down"  (Arab,  sakan,  "settlement," 
Assyr  sakanii  or  shakanu,  "to  set"),  but  it  is  ren- 
dered "strong  cities"  in  LXX,  "treasure  cities"  in 
AV,  and  (incorrectly)  "store-cities"  in  RV.  The 
"land  of  Ramoses,"  where  Jacob  and  his  sons 
settled,  was  apparently  the  "field  of  Zoan"  (see 
Zoan),  thus  Ij'ing  in  the  Delta  E.  of  the  Bubastic 
branch  of  the  Nile. 

It  is  often  assumed  that  no  city  called  Rameses 

would  have  existed  before  the  time  of  Rameses  II, 

or   the   14th   cent.    BC,   though   even 

2.  Meaning  before  'Rame,ses  I  the  name  occurs  as 
of  Name        that  of  a  brother  of  Horemhib  under 

the  XVIIIth  Dynasty.  The  usual 
tr  "Child  of  Ra"  is  grammatically  incorrect  in 
Egyp,  ami  as  Ra  was  an  ancient  name  for  the  "sun" 


it  seems  possible  that  a  town  may  have  borne  the 
title  "Ra  created  it"  very  early.  The  mention  of 
Rameses  in  Gen  (47  11)  is  often  regarded  as  an 
anachronism,  since  no  scholar  has  supposed  that 
Jacob  lived  as  late  as  the  time  of  Rameses  II.  This 
would  equally  apply  to  the  other  notices,  and  at 
most  would  serve  to  mark  the  age  of  the  passages 
in  the  Pent  where  Rameses  is  mentioned,  but  even 
this  cannot  be  thought  to  be  proved  (see  Exodus). 
According  to  De  Rouge  (see  Pierret,  Vocab.  Hiero- 
glyph., 1875,  143)  there  were  at  least  three  towns  in 
Lower  Egj-pt  that  bore  the  name  Pa  Rames-ses 
("city  of  Rameses");  but  Brugsch  supposes  that 
the  place  mentioned  in  the  OT  was  Zoan,  to  wdiich 
Rameses  11  gave  this  name  when  making  it  his 
capital  in  the  Delta.  Dr.  Budge  takes  the  same 
view,  while  Dr.  Naville  and  others  suppose  that  the 
site  of  Raamses  has  still  to  be  found. 

There  appears  to  have  been  no  certain  tradition 
preserving  the  site,  for  though  St.   Silvia   (about 

385  AD)  was  told  that  it  lay  4  miles 
3.  Situation  from  the  town  of  Arabia  (see  Goshen), 

she  found  no  traces  of  stich  a  place. 
Brugsch  ("A  New  City  of  Rameses,  1S7G,"  Aegyp- 
lische  Zeilschrift,  69)  places  one  such  city  in  the 
southern  part  of  Memphis  itself.  Goodwin  {Rec. 
of  Past,  Old  Series,  VI,  11)  gives  an  Egj^p  letter 
describing  the  "city  of  Rameses-Miamun,"  which 
appears  to  be  Zoan,  since  it  was  on  the  seacoast. 
It  was  a  very  prosperous  city  when  this  letter  was 
\\Titten,  and  a  pa-khennu  or  "palace  city."  It  had 
canals  full  of  fish,  lakes  swarming  with  birds,  fields 
of  lentils,  melons,  wheat,  onions  and  sosime,  gardens 
of  vines,  almonds  and  figs.  Ships  entered  its  har- 
bor; the  lotus  and  papyrus  grew  in  its  waters.  The 
inhabitants  greeted  Rameses  II  with  garlands  of 
flowers.  Be.sides  wine  and  mead,  of  the  "con- 
queror's city,"  beer  was  brought  to  the  harbor  from 
the  Kati  (in  Cilicia),  and  oil  from  the  "Lake 
Sagabi."  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Zoan 
was  less  prosperous  in  the  early  Hyksos  age,  when 
the  Hebrews  dwelt  in  its  plain,  whatever  be  the 
conclusion  as  to  the  date  when  the  city  Rameses 
received  that  name.  The  description  above  given 
agrees  with  the  OT  account  of  the  possession  given 
by  Joseph  to  his  family  "in  the  best  of  the  land,  in 
the  land  of  Rameses"  (Gen  47  11). 

C.    R.    CONDER 

RABBAH,  rab'a : 

(1)  (nST,  rabbah;  'PajSiSd,  Rhahbd,  'Pa/3/3c£S,  Rhab- 
bdth,  'Pap^iv,  Rhabbdn.  The  full  name  is  "^D?  n?") 
ITS?  ,  rabbalh  b'ne  ''ammon;  -fj  S.Kpa  Tdv  nidi' ' kixixuv, 
he  dkra  ion  hiiion  Ammon,  'Pa/3(3dS  vluiv  ' Xiiiuiiv, 
Rhahbdth  hu.ion  Amm6n,  "Rabbah  of  the  children 
of  Amnion"):  This  alone  of  the  cities  of  the  Am- 
monites is  mentioned  in  Scripture,  so  we  may  take 


2521 


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Raama 
Rabbah 


it  as  the  most  important.  It  is  first  named  in 
connection  with  the  "bed"  or  sarcophagus  of  Og, 
king  of  Bashan,  which  was  said  to  be  found  here 
(Dt  3  11).  It  lay  E.  of  the  territory  assigned  to 
Gad  (Josh  13  2.5).  Whatever  may  have  been  its 
history  in  the  interval,  it  does  not  appear  again  in 
Scripture  till  the  time  of  David.  This  monarch 
sent  an  embassy  of  sympathy  to  King  Hanun  when 
his  father  Nahash  died.  The  kindness  was  met  by 
wanton  insult,  which  led  to  the  outbreak  of  war. 
The  Ammonites,  strengthened  by  Aramaean  allies, 
were  defeated  by  the  Israelites  under  Joab,  and  took 
refuge  in  Rabbah.  After  David's  defeat  of  the 
Aramaeans  at  Helam  a  year  later,  the  Ammonites 
were  exposed  alone  to  the  full  force  of  Israel,  the 
ark  of  the  covenant  being,  carried  with  the  troops. 
The  country  was  ravaged  and  siege  was  laid  to 


Peraea.  In  the  4th  cent.  AD,  it  ranked  with 
Bostra  and  Gerasa  as  one  of  the  great  fortified  cities 
of  Coele-Syria  (Ritter,  Erdkunde,  XV,  ii,  11.54  f). 
It  became  the  seat  of  a  bishop.  Abulfeda  (1321 
AD)  says  that  Rabbah  was  in  ruins  at  the  time  of 
the  Moslem  conquest. 

Rabbah  is  represented  by  the  modern  ^ Amman, 
a  ruined  site  with  extensive  remains,  chiefly  from 
Rom  times,  some  14  miles  N.E.  of  Heshbon,  and 
about  22  miles  E.  of  the  .lordan.  It  Ues  on  the 
northern  bank  of  WMy  Am,man,  a  tributary  of 
the  upper  Jabbok,  in  a  well-watered  and  fruitful 
valley.  Possibly  the  stream  which  rises  here  may 
be  "the  waters"  referred  to  in  2  S  12  27.  An- 
cient Rabbah  may  have  stood  on  the  hill  now  occu- 
pied by  the  citadel,  a  position  easy  of  defence  be- 
cause of  its  precipitous  sides.     The  outer  walls  of 


Ruins  at  '.dtmmfln— Facade  of  Theatee. 


Rabbah.  It  was  during  this  siege  that  Uriah  the 
Hittite  by  David's  orders  was  exposed  "in  the  fore- 
front of  the  hottest  battle"  (2  S  11  15),  where, 
treacherously  deserted  by  his  comrades,  he  was  slain. 
How  long  the  siege  lasted  we  do  not  know;  probably 
some  years;  but  the  end  was  in  sight  when  Joab 
captured  "the  city  of  waters"  (2  S  12  27).  This 
may  mean  that  he  had  secured  control  of  the  water 
supply.  In  the  preceding  verse  he  calls  it  the 
"royal  city."  By  the  chivalry  of  his  general,  David 
was  enabled  in  person  to  enjoy  the  honor  of  taking 
the  city.  Among  the  booty  secured  was  the  crown 
of  Melcom,  the  god  of  the  Ammonites.  Such  of  the 
inhabitants  as  survived  he  treated  with  great 
severity  (2  S  12  26-31;    1  Ch  20  Iff). 

In  the  utterances  of  the  prophets  against  Ammon, 
Rabbah  stands  for  the  people,  as  their  most  impor- 
tant, or  perhaps  their  only  important,  city  (Jer  49 
2.3;  Ezk21  20;  25  5;  Ami  14).  Jer  49  4  speaks 
of  the  "flowing  valley" — a  reference  perhaps  to  the 
abundance  of  water  and  fruitfulness — and  the  treas- 
ures in  which  she  gloried.  Ezk  21  21  represents 
the  king  of  Babylon  at  "the  head  of  the  two  ways" 
deciding  by  means  of  the  divining  arrows  whether 
he  should  march  against  Jerus  or  against  Rabbah. 
Amos  seems  to  have  been  impressed  with  the 
palaces  of  Rabbah. 

The  city  retained  its  importance  in  later  times. 
It  was  captured  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (28.5- 
247  BC),  who  called  it  Philadelphia.  It  was  a 
member  of  the  league  of  ten  cities.  Antiochus  the 
Great  captured  it  by  means  of  treachery  (Polyb. 
V.71).     Jos  {BJ,  III,  iii,  3)  names  it  as  lying  E.  of 


the  citadel  appear  to  be  very  old;  but  it  is  quite 
impossible  to  say  that  anything  Ammonite  is  now 
above  ground.  The  citadel  is  connected  by  means 
of  an  underground  passage  with  a  large  cistern  or 
tank  to  the  N.,  whence  probably  it  drew  its  water- 
supply.  This  may  be  the  passage  mentioned  in  the 
account  of  the  capture  of  the  city  by  Antiochus. 


^ii*tfL  ^K 

- .„.;..airr^4MII**' iWP'—^  '    .  f   j 

— — '-ii---,~^..'s,'-T'}  r"'".,"ym  >      ■" — i~.-„-<.<^,. 

Colonnade  at  'Amman. 

"It  is,"  says  Conder  (Helh  and  Moab,  158),  "one 
of  the  finest  Rom  towns  in  Syria,  with  baths,  a 
theater,  and  an  odeum,  as  well  as  several  large  pri- 
vate masonry  tombs  built  in  the  valley  probably  in 
the  2d  cent.  The  fortress  on  the  hill,  now  surround- 
ing a  considerable  temple,  is  also  probably  of  this 
same  date.  The  church  with  two  chapels  farther 
N.,  and  perhaps  some  of  the  tombs,  must  belong  to 
a  later  age,  perhaps  the  4th  cent.  The  fine  mosque 
and  the  fine  Moslem  building  on  the  citadel  hill 


Rabbi 
Rachel 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2522 


cannot  be  earlier  than  the  7th,  and  are  perhaps  as 
late  as  the  Uth  cent.;  and  we  have  thus  relics  of 
every  building  epoch  except  the  Crusading,  of  which 
there  appears  to  be  no  indication." 

The  place  is  now  occupied  by  Arabs  and  Cir- 
cassians who  profit  by  the  riches  of  the  soil.  It  is 
brought  into  contact  with  the  outside  world  by 
means  of  the  Damascus-Hejaz  Railway,  which  has 
a  station  here. 

(2)  (nann,  ha-rahbah;  B,  S(^(?7,/3a,  Soihebd,  A, 
'A^e/3/3a,  Arebbd):  An  unidentified  city  of  Judah 
named  along  with  Kiriath-j  earim   (Josh  15  (30). 

W.   EWING 

RABBI,  rab'i,  rab'i  (^3"),  rabbi;  papp£,  rhabbi, 
or  pa(3pe£,  rhabbel) :  A  term  used  by  the  Jews  of 
their  religious  teachers  as  a  title  of  respect,  from 
3T,  rabh,  "great,"'  so  "my  great  one"  (cf  Lat 
magister),  once  of  masters  of  slaves,  but  later  of 
teachers  (Mt  23  7);  therefore  tr"'  by  5i5dcr/caXos, 
diddskalos,  "teacher"  (Mt  23  8;  Jn  1  38;  cf  ver  49). 
In  AV  frequently  rendered  "Master"  (Mt  26  25.49; 
Mk  9  5;  11  21;  14  45;  Jn  4  31;  9  2;  11  8). 
John  the  Baptist  (Jn  3  26),  as  well  as  Christ,  is 
addressed  with  the  title  (Jn  1  49;  6  25),  both  by 
disciples  and  others.  Jesus  forbade  its  use  among 
His  followers  (Mt  23  8).  Later  (Galilean)  form  of 
same,  Rabboni  (q.v.).  For  Rabbinical  literature 
see  Talmud.  Edward  Bagby  Pollard 

RABBITH,  rab'ith  (n^Sin ,  ha-rabbith;  B,  Aa(3€i- 
pwv,  Dabeiron,  A,  'Pappcie,  Rhabboth):  A  town 
in  the  territory  of  Issachar  (Josh  19  20)  which  is 
probably  represented  today  by  Raba,  a  village  in 
the  southern  part  of  the  Gilboa  range  and  N.  of 
Ibzak.     The  ha  is,  of  course,  the  def.  art. 

RABBLE,  rab"l:  This  word  is  not  found  in  AV. 
RV  has  it  once  as  the  tr  of  dyopatos,  agoraios 
(ht.  "lounger  in  the  market  place"),  in  Acts  17  5, 
where  it  replaces  "baser  sort"  of  AV.  It  has  the 
common  meaning  of  an  unruly,  lawless  set  who  are 
ready  to  join  a  mob. 

RABBONI,  rab-o'ni,  rab-o'ni  (pappovl,  rhabbonl, 
"my  great  master"  [Mk  10  51];  pappowt  [WH  -veC], 
rhabbouni  [-net]  [3n  2Q  16]).     See  Rabbi. 

RAB-MAG,  rab'mag  {Va-^-^ ,  rabh-magh ;  LXX 
as  proper  noun,  'Papa|xii9,  Rhabamdth) :  The  name 
of  one  of  the  Bab  princes  who  were  present  at  the 
destruction  of  Jerus  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  during  the 
reign  of  Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah  (Jer  39  3.13). 
The  word  is  a  compound,  the  two  parts  seemingly 
being  in  apposition  and  signifying  tautologically 
the  same  thing.  The  last  syllable  or  section  of  the 
word,  7yiaijh,  was  the  designation  among  the  Medes, 
Persians  and  Babylonians  for  priests  and  wise  men. 
Its  original  significance  was  "great"  or  "powerful"; 
Gr  fiiyas,  megas,  Lat  magis,  magnus.  The  first 
syllable,  rabh,  expresses  practically  the  same  idea, 
that  of  greatne.ss,  or  abundance  in  size,  quantity,  or 
power.  Thus  it  might  be  interpreted  the  "all- 
wi.se"  or  "all-powerful"  prince,  the  chief  magician  or 
physician.  It  is,  therefore,  a  title  and  not  a  name, 
and  is  accordingly  put  in  appositive  relations  to  the 
proper  name  just  preceding,  as  "Nergal-sharezer, 
the  Rab-mag,"  tr""  fully,  "Nergal-sharezer  the  chief 
prince  or  magician."     See  Nebgal-sharezer. 

In  harmony  with  the  commonly  accepted  view, 
the  proper  rendering  of  the  text  should  be,  "All  the 
princes  of  the  king  of  Babylon  came  in,  and  sat  in 
the  middle  gate,  to  wit,  Nergal-sharezer,  Samgar- 
nebo,  Sarsechim,  [the]  Rab-saris,  Nergal-sharezer, 
[the]  Rab-mag"  (Jer  39  3);  and  "so  Nebuzaradari 
the  captain  of  the  guard  sent,  and  Nebushazban, 
[the]  Rab-saris,  and  Nergal-sharezer,  [the]  Rab-mag, 


and  all  the  chief  officers  of  the  king  of  Babylon" 
(39  13).  Walter  G.  Clippingek 

RAB-SARIS,  rab'sa-ris  (Di"lD"n"!,  rab/i-jori?) : 
As  with  Rab-mag,  which  is  not  regarded  as  a  name, 
but  a  title,  so  this  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  descriptive 
title  for  the  person  whose  name  precedes  it  (see 
Rab-mag).  The  first  part,  rabh,  signifies  "great" 
or  "chief,"  the  second,  sarl^,  is  the  title  for  eunuch  or 
chamberlain.  The  tr  then  would  be  chief  eunuch  or 
the  chief  of  the  eunuchs  (or  chamberlains). 

The  oriental  custom  was  for  the  king  to  surround  him- 
self with  a  number  of  eunuclis,  who  performed  varied 
kinds  of  services,  both  menial  and  dignified.  They 
usuaUy  had  charge  of  his  harem;  sometimes  they  occu- 
pied court  positions.  Frequently  they  superintended 
the  education  of  the  youth.  The  term  itself  was 
sometimes  used  to  designate  persons  in  places  of  trust 
who  were  not  emasculated.  The  above  title  describes 
the  highest  or  chief  in  rank  of  these  eunuchs.  See 
Eunuch. 

The  full  title  is  used  3  t,  once  in  connection  with 
the  titles  of  other  important  officers  who  were  sent 
by  the  king  of  Assyria  with  a  large  army  to  demand 
the  surrender  of  Jerus.  The  passage  would  be  tr"* 
properly,  'And  the  king  of  Assyria  sent  the  Tartan 
and  the  Rab-saris  (the  chief  eunuch)  and  the  Rab- 
shakeh  from  Lachish  to  king  Hezekiah' (2  K  18  17). 
Again,  it  refers  to  a  Babylonian  whose  real  name 
was  Sarsechim,  who  with  the  other  Bab  princes 
sat  in  the  middle  gate  during  the  capture  of  Jerus. 
This  event  is  described  as  having  occm'red  in  the 
11th  year  of  Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah  (Jer  39  3). 
The  third  use  is  in  connection  with  the  name  Ne- 
bushazban, who,  with  the  other  chief  officers  of  the 
king  of  Babylon,  sent  and  took  Jeremiah  out  of  the 
court  of  the  guard  and  committed  him  to  Gedaliah, 
who  was  to  take  him  home  to  dwell  with  his  own 
people  (Jer  39  13). 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  based  upon  this  accepted 
theory  the  three  titles  would  be  in  their  connec- 
tions as  follows:     (1)   simply  "the  chief  eunuch," 

(2)  Sarsechim,  the  Rab-saris  (or  chief  eunuch),  and 

(3)  Nebushazban,  the  Rab-saris  (or  chief  eunuch). 
See  also  Assyria,  X.        Walter  G.  Clippinger 

RABSHAKEH,  rab'sha-ke,  rab-sha'ke  (npfflai , 
rabhshakeh):  A  compound  word,  the  first  part, 
rabh,  indicating  "head"  or  "chief"  (see  Rab-mag; 
Rab-saris).  The  second  part,  which  in  the  Aram., 
probably  meant  "cupbearer,"  had  in  this  connection 
and  elsewhere,  according  to  later  discoveries,  an  ex- 
tended significance,  and  meant  chief  officer,  i.e. 
chief  of  the  heads  or  captains. 

R.  was  one  of  the  officers  sent  by  Sennacherib, 
the  king  of  Assyria,  with  the  Tartan  and  the  Rab- 
saris  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Jerus,  which  was 
under  siege  by  the  AssjT  army  (2  K  18  17.19.26.27. 
28.37;  19  4,8;  Isa  36  2.4.11.12.13.22.;  37  4.8). 
The  three  officers  named  went  from  Lachish  to 
Jerus  and  appeared  by  the  conduit  of  the  upper 
pool.  Having  called  upon  King  Hezekiah,  his 
representatives  Eliakim,  the  son  of  HiLkiah,  Sheb- 
nah,  the  scribe,  and  Joah,  the  recorder,  appeared. 
R.  sent  through  them  a  message  to  the  king  in  which 
he  represented  himself  as  the  spokesman  for  the 
king  of  Assyria.  He  derided  King  Hezekiah  in  an 
insolent  fashion  in  representing  his  trust  in  Egypt 
as  a  bruised  reed  which  would  pierce  the  hand. 
Likewise  his  confidence  in  Jeh  was  vain,  for  He  also 
would  be  unable  to  deliver  them.  Then  the  officers 
of  the  king  replied,  requesting  him  to  speak  in  the 
Syrian  language  which  they  understood,  and  not  in 
the  Jews'  language  which  the  people  on  the  wall 
understood.  This  he  refused  to  do,  speaking  still 
more  loudly  in  order  that  they  might  hear  and  be 
persuaded.  By  bribery  and  appeal,  by  promise 
and  by  deception  he  exhorted  them  to  turn  traitor 


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Rabbi 
Rachel 


to  Hezekiah  and  surrender  to  him.  The  people, 
however,^  true  to  the  command  of  Hezekiah  (2  K 
18  36),  "held  their  peace,  and  answered  him  not  a 
word.  Afterward  R.  returned  and  "found  the 
kmg  of  Assyria  warring  against  Libnah"  (2  K  19 
8).  From  this  description  it  is  interred  that  R. 
was  a  man  of  considerable  literary  attainment,  being 
atole,m  all  probability,  to  speak  in  three  languages. 
He  had,  in  addition  to  his  official  power,  dauntless 
courage,  an  insolent  spirit  and  a  characteristic  ori- 
ental disregard  for  veracity. 

Walter  G.  Clippinger 
RACA,  ra'ka,  ra-ka'  (paKd,  rhakd,  WH  with  codd. 
K^BE,  etc;  paxa,  rhachd,  Tisch.  with  N*  D;  Aram. 
^R"^"l,  rekd',  from  p^"!,  relf,  "empty"):  Vain  or 
worthless  fellow;  a  term  of  contempt  used  by  the 
Jews  in  the  time  of  Christ.  In  the  Bible,  it  occurs 
in  Mt  5  22  only,  but  John  Lightfoot  gives  a  num- 
ber of  instances  of  the  use  of  the  word  by  Jewish 
writers  {Hor.  Heb.,  ed  by  Gandell,  Oxford,  1859,  II, 
108).  Chrysostom  (who  was  acquainted  with  Syr  as 
spoken  in  the  neighborhood  of  Antioch)  says  it  was 
equivalent  to  the  Gr  tv,  su,  "thou,"  used  contemptu- 
ously instead  of  a  man's  name.  Jerome  rendered 
it  inanis  aul  vacuus  absque  cerebro.  It  is  generally 
explained  as  expressing  contempt  for  a  man's  in- 
tellectual capacity  (="you  simpleton!"),  while 
iMup^,  more  (tr''  "thou  fool"),  in  the  same  verse  is 
taken  to  refer  to  a  man's  moral  and  religious  char- 
acter (  =  "you  rascal!"  "you  impious  fellow!"). 
Thus  we  have  three  stages  of  anger,  with  three  cor- 
responding grades  of  punishment:  (1)  the  inner 
feehng  of  anger  (dpyi^SiJievos,  orgizdmenos),  to  be 
punished  by  the  local  or  provincial  court  (xij  Kpit^ei, 
It  krisei,  "the  judgment");  (2)  anger  breaking 
forth  into  an  expression  of  scorn  (Raca),  to  be  pun- 
ished by  the  Sanhedrin  (t$  (TwtSpitp^  td  sunedrlo, 
"the  council");  (3)  anger  culminating  in  abusive 
and  defamatory  language  {More),  to  be  punished  by 
the  fire  of  Gehenna.  This  view,  of  a  double  climax, 
which  has  been  held  by  foremost  Eng.  and  Ger. 
commentators,  seems  to  give  the  passage  symmetry 
and  gradation.  But  it  is  rejected  among  others  by 
T.  K.  Cheyne,  who,  following  J.  P.  Peters,  rear- 
ranges the  text  by  transferring  the  clause  "and 
whosoever  shall  say  to  his  brother,  Raca,  shall  be 
in  danger  of  the  council"  to  the  end  of  the  preceding 
verse  {EB,  IV,  cols.  4001  f).  There  certainly  does 
not  seem  to  be  trustworthy  external  evidence  to 
prove  that  the  terms  "the  judgment,"  "the  council," 
"the  Gehenna  of  fire"  stand  to  each  other  in  a  rela- 
tion of  gradation,  as  lower  and  higher  legal  courts, 
or  would  be  so  understood  by  Christ's  hearers. 
What  is  beyond  dispute  is  that  Christ  condemns 
the  use  of  disparaging  and  in.sulting  epithets  as  a 
supreme  offence  against  the  law  of  humanity,  which 
belongs  to  the  same  category  as  murder  itself.  It 
should  be  added,  however,  that  it  is  the  underlying 
feeling  and  not  the  verbal  expression  as  such  that 
constitutes  the  sin.  Hence  Our  Lord  can,  without 
any  real  inconsistency,  address  two  of  His  followers 
as  "foolish  men"  (Lk  24  25,  dvhriToi,  andeloi, 
practically  equivalent  to  Raca,,  as  is  also  James's 
expression,  "O  vain  man,"  Jas  2  20). 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 
RACAL,  ra'kal  P?"7,  rdkhdl,  "trader"):  A 
place  in  Judah,  enumerated  among  "the  places 
where  David  himself  and  his  men  were  wont  to 
haunt,"  to  the  elders  of  which  he  sent  a  share  of  his 
spoils  (1  S  30  29).  The  LXX  reading  "Carmel" 
has  been  adopted,  by  many,  because  of  the  simi- 
larity of  the  words  in  Heb  (5DT  and  b'QID)  and 
because  there  was  a  Carmel  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Hebron  (Josh  15  55;  1  S  15  12),  which  figures 
in  the  story  of  David's  adventures  when  pursued 
by  Saul  (1  S  25)  in  a  manner  that  makes  it  im- 


probable that  he  would  overlook  the  place  in  his 
good  fortune  (AV  "Rachal").        Nathan  Isaacs 

RACE,   i;as   (f  11^ ,   merog;    &.yiv,   agon,  Spifios, 
dromos).     See  Games,  I,  2;   II,  3. 

RACES,  ras'iz.    See  Table  of  Nations. 

RACHAB,    ra'kab   ("Paxap,    Rhachdb):  AV;  Gr 
form  of  "Rahab"  (thus  Mt  1  5  RV). 

RACHAL,    ra'kal.     See  Racal. 

RACHEL,  ra'chel  (briT,   rdhel,  "ewe";    'Pax^X, 
/JAac/ia  [Gen  29  6;  Jer  31  15,  AV  "Rahel")):  An  an- 
cestress of  Israel,  wife  of  Jacob,  mother 
1.  Biog-         of  Joseph  and  Benjamin.     Rachel  was 
raphy  the  younger  daughter  of  Laban,  the 

Aramaean,  the  brother  of  Jacob's 
mother;  so  Rachel  and  Jacob  were  cousins.  They 
met  for  the  first  time  upon  the  arrival  of  Jacob  at 
Haran,  when  attracted  by  her  beauty  he  imme- 
diately fell  in  love  with  her,  winning  her  love  by 
his  chivalrous  act  related  in  Gen  29  10  ff .  Accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  the  times  Jacob  contracted  with 
Laban  for  her  possession,  agreeing  to  serve  him  7 
years  as  the  stipulated  price  (29  17-20).  But 
when  the  time  had  passed,  Laban  deceived  Jacob 
by  giving  him  Leah  instead  of  Rachel.  When 
Jacob  protested,  Laban  gave  him  Rachel  also,  on 
condition  that  Jacob  serve  7  years  more  (29  21-29). 
To  her  great  dismay  "Rachel  was  barren"  (Gen  29 
30.31),  while  Leah  had  children.  Rachel,  envious 
of  her  sister,  complained  to  Jacob,  who  reminded 
her  that  children  are  the  gift  of  God.  Then  Rachel 
resorted  to  the  expedient  once  employed  by  Sarah 
under  similar  circumstances  (16  2  ff) ;  she  bade 
Jacob  take  her  handmaid  Bilhah,  as  a  concubine, 
to  "obtain  children  by  her"  (30  3).  Dan  and 
Naphtali  were  the  offspring  of  this  union.  The  evil 
of  polygamy  is  apparent  from  the  dismal  rivalry 
arising  between  the  two  sisters,  each  seeking  by 
means  of  children  to  win  the  heart  of  Jacob.  In  her 
eagerness  to  become  a  mother  of  children,  Rachel 
bargained  with  Leah  for  the  mandrakes,  or  love- 
apples  of  her  son  Reuben,  but  all  to  no  avail  (30  14) . 
Finally  God  heard  her  prayer  and  granted  her  her 
heart's  desire,  and  she  gave  birth  to  her  firstborn, 
whom  she  named  Joseph  (30  22-24) . 

Some  years  after  this,  when  Jacob  fied  from 
Laban  with  his  wives,  the  episode  of  the  theft  of 
the  teraphim  of  Laban  by  Rachel,  related  in  31  19. 
34.35,  occurred.  She  hoped  by  securing  the  house- 
hold gods  of  her  father  to  bring  prosperity  to  her 
own  new  household.  Though  she  succeeded  by 
her  cunning  in  conceaUng  them  from  Laban,  Jacob 
later,  upon  discovering  them,  had  them  put  away 
(35  2-4).  In  spite  of  all,  she  continued  to  be  the 
favorite  of  Jacob,  as  is  clearly  evidenced  by  33  2, 
where  we  are  told  that  he  assigned  to  her  the  place 
of  greatest  safety,  and  by  his  preference  for  Joseph, 
her  son.  After  the  arrival  in  Canaan,  while  they 
were  on  the  way  from  Beth-el  to  Ephrath,  i.e.  Beth- 
lehem, Rachel  gave  birth  to  her  second  Bon,  Benja- 
min, and  died  (35  16  ff). 

In  a  marked  manner  Rachel's  character  shows  the 
traits  of  her  family,  cunning  and  covetousness,  so 

evident  in  Laban,  Rebekah  and  Jacob. 
2.  Char-  Though  a  beUever  in  the  true  God 
acter  (30  6.8.22),  she  was  yet  given  to  the 

superstitions  of  her  country,  the  wor- 
shipping of  the  teraphim,  etc  (31  19).  The  futility 
of  her  efforts  in  resorting  to  self-help  and  super- 
stitious expedients,  the  love  and  stronger  faith  of 
her  husband  (35  2-4),  were  the  providential  means 
of  purifying  her  character.     Her  memory  lived  on 


Raddai 
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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2524 


in  Israel  long  after  she  died.  In  Ruth  4  11,  the 
names  of  Rachel  and  Leah  occur  in  the  nuptial  bene- 
diction as  the  foundresses  of  the  house  of  Israel. 

Rachel's  Tomb  (bnn  rTl3f5  fl?^'?,  maQgebheth 
k'bhuratk  rahel):  In  Gen  35  20  we  read:  "Jacob 
set  up  a  pillar  upon  her  grave:    the  same  is  the 


■  --'     '■ 

wm 

P 

WL 

'^  **  '^''^^HJ^^^l^ 

^^^^jj 

n 

1 

^K ^ 

M 

^Si 

^M 

Rachel's  Tomb. 

Pillar  of  Rachel's  grave  unto  this  day,"  i.e.  the  time 
of  the  writer.  Though  the  pillar,  i.e  sepulchral 
monument,  has  long  disappeared,  the  spot  is  marked 
until  this  day,  and  Christians,  Jews  and  Moham- 
medans unite  in  honoring  it.  The  present  tomb, 
which,  apparently,  is  not  older  than  the  15th  cent., 
is  built  in  the  style  of  the  small-domed  buildings 
raised  by  Moslems  in  honor  of  their  saints.  It  is 
a  rough  structure  of  four  square  walls,  each  about 
23  ft.  long  and  20  ft.  high;  the  dome  rising  10  ft. 
higher  is  used  by  Mohammedans  for  prayer,  while 
on  Fridays  the  Jews  make  supplication  before  the 
empty  tomb  within.  It  is  doubtful,  but  probable, 
that  it  marks  the  exact  spot  where  Rachel  was 
buried.  There  are,  apparently,  two  traditions  as 
to  the  location  of  the  place.  The  oldest  tradition, 
based  upon  Gen  35  16-20;  48  7,  points  to  a  place 
one  mile  N.  of  Bethlehem  and  4  miles  from  Jerus. 
Mt  2  18  speaks  for  this  place,  since  the  evangelist, 
reporting  the  slaughter  of  the  innocents  of  Beth- 
lehem, represents  Rachel  as  weeping  for  her  chil- 
dren from  her  neighboring  grave.  But  according  to 
1  S  10  2  fT,  which  apparently  represents  another 
tradition,  the  place  of  Rachel's  grave  was  on  the 
"border  of  Benjamin,"  near  Beth-el,  about  10  miles 
N.  of  Jerus,  at  another  unknown  Ephrath.  This 
location,  some  believe,  is  corroborated  by  Jer  31 
15,  where  the  prophet,  in  relating  the  leading  away 
of  the  people  of  Ramah,  which  was  in  Benjamin, 
into  captivity,  introduces  Rachel  the  mother  of 
that  tribe  as  bewailing  the  fate  of  her  descendants. 
Those  that  believe  this  northern  location  to  be  the 
place  of  Rachel's  grave  take  the  words,  "the  same 
is  Beth-lehem,"  in  Gen  35  19;  48  7,  to  be  an  in- 
correct gloss;  but  that  is  a  mere  assumption  lack- 
ing sufficient  proof. 

Mr.  Nathan  Strauss,  of  New  York  City,  has  purchased 
the  land  surrounding  Rachel's  grave  for  the  purpose  of 
erecting  a  Jewish  university  in  the  Holy  Land. 

S.  D.  Press 

RAD  DAI,  rad'a-i,  ra-da'I  Clll ,  radday,  "beating 
down"[?]):  The  .5th  of  the  7  sons  of  Jesse,  father  of 
David,  according  to  1  Ch  2  14  (LXX  Alex,  "Rhad- 
dal";  Luc,  "Rhedai";  others,  "Zaddal"). 

RADIANT,  ra'di-ant  ("IlI:  ,  nahar,  "to  sparkle," 
i.e.   [fig.]  be  cheerful;    hence  [from  the  sheen  of  a 


running  stream],  to  flow,  i.e.  [fig.]  assemble;  flow 
[together],  be  lightened):  ARV  substitutes  the 
active  "radiant"  for  the  passive  "were  lightened" 
in  Ps  34  5;  Isa  60  5  (ERV,  AV  "flow  together"). 
As  the  earth  and  moon,  both  being  dark,  face  a  com- 
mon sun  and  lighten  each  other,  they  are  not  only 
lightened,  but  radiant.  So  with  the  believers,  "They 
looked  unto  him  [Jeh],  and  were  radiant."  Thus 
nahar  combines  the  two  ideas  of  being  lightened  and 
jhming  together.  This  appears,  also,  in  a  different 
connection,  in  Isa  60  5,  "Then  thou  shalt  see  and 
be  radiant."  "It  is  liquid  light — hght  that  ripples 
and  sparkles  and  runs  across  the  face;  .  .  •  ■  the 
light  which  a  face  catches  from  sparkling  water" 
(G.  A.  Smith,  Isaiah,  II,  430).  M.  O.  Evans 

RAFT,  raft.     See  Ships  and  Boats,  II,  1,  (2). 

RAFTER,  rafter  (Cant  1  17).  See  Gallery; 
House. 

RAG:  PI.  in  Prov  23  21,  "Drowsiness  will  clothe 
a  man  with  rags"  (D''7"lp  ,  kTa'im,  "torn  garment"; 
cf  1  K  11  30),  and  figuratively  in  Isa  64  6  AV,  "All 
our  righteousnesses  are  as  filthy  rags, "  in  the  sense  of 
"tattered  clothing"  ("33,  beghedh,  RV  "garment"). 
In  Jer  38  11,12  ARV  translates  n^no  ,  s'habhah,  as 
"rag"  (AV,  ERV  "old  cast  clout")'  while  AV,  ERV 
use  "rotten  rag"  for  nb^ ,  melah  (ARV  "worn-out 
garment").  Both  ^'habhah  and  melah  mean  "worn 
out." 

RAGAU,  ra'g6  ("Pa-yav  [WH],  "Pa^ai,  Rhagau): 
AV;  Gr  form  of  "Reu"  (thus  RV)  (Lk  3  35). 

RAGES,  ra'jez,   RAGAU,  ra'go   ("Rages,"  Tob 

1  14;    4  1,20;    5  5;    6  9.12;    9  2;    ';Ragau,"  Jth 

1  5.15;    'Pa7aC,  Rhagai,  'Pa"ya,,  Rhdga, 

1.  Location  'Pa-yT],  Rhdge,  'Payai,  Rhagau;  in  Da- 

rius' Behistun  Inscriptions,  II,  71,72, 
Raga,  a  province;  in  Avesta,  Vend.  I,  15,  Ragha,  city 
and  province;  perhaps,  "the  excellent") :  In  Eastern 
Media,  one  forced  march  from  Caspian  Gates,  11 
days'  journey  from  Ecbatana,  5i  miles  S.  of  present 
Tehran;  the  capital  of  the  province  of  the  same 
name,  though  by  Ptolemy  called  Rhagiana. 

(1)  Ancient. — A  very  ancient  city,  the  tradi- 
tional birthplace  of  Zoroaster  (Zarathustra;  Pahlavi 

Vendidad,   Zsd  sparad  XVI,  12,   and 

2.  History     Dabistani  Ma^ahib).     In  YasnaXlX, 

18,  of  the  Avesta,  it  is  thus  mentioned: 
"The  Zoroastrian,  four-chief -possessing  Ragha,  hers 
are  the  royal  chiefs,  both  the  house-chief,  the 
village-chief,  and  the  town-chief:  Zoroaster  is  the 
fourth."  In  Vend.  I,  15:  "As  the  tenth,  the  best 
of  both  districts  and  cities,  I,  who  am  Ahura  Mazda, 
did  create  Ragha,  which  possesses  the  three  class- 
es," i.e.  fire-priests,  charioteers,  husbandmen. 
Later  it  was  the  religious  center  of  magism.  A 
large  colony  of  captive  Israelites  settled  there. 
Destroyed  in  Alexander's  time,  it  was  rebuilt  by 
Seleucus  Nicator  (c  300  BC),  who  named  it  Europos. 
Later,  Arsaces  restored  it  and  named  it  Arsacia. 

(2)  Mediaeval. — In  the  early  Middle  Ages  Ragha, 
then  called  Rai,  was  a  great  literary  and  often  political 
center  with  a  large  population.  It  was  the  Ijirthplace 
of  Hariin'al  Rashid  (763  AD).  It  was  seized  and  plun- 
dered (1029  AD)  by  Sultan  JSIahmud.  but  became  Tugh- 
ril's  capital.  In  the  Vis  o  Ramln  (c  1048  AD)  it  is  an 
important  place,  10  days'  journey  across  the  Kavir 
desert  from  Merv.  It  was  a  small  provincial  town  in 
about  1200  AD.  It  was  sacked  by  Mongols  In  1220 
AD  and  entirely  destroyed  under  Ghazan  Khan  c  129.5. 
A  Zoroastrian  community  lived  there  in  1278  AD,  one 
of  whom  composed  the  Zaratusht-Namah. 

(3)  Present  condition. — Near  the  ruins  there  now 
stands  the  village  of  Shah  '  Abditl  '  Azim,  connected  with 
Tehran  l)y  the  only  railway  in  Persia' (opened  in  188S). 

Literature, — Ptolemy,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Pliny, 
Strabo;     Ibnu'l    Athir,    Jimi'u    't    Tawarikh,    Tdrikhi 


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Jahan-gusha  Yaqut;  Justi,  Iranisches  Namenbuch;  E. 
G.  Browne,  Literary  Hist  of  Persia:  modern  travelers. 
W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall 
RAGUEL,  ra-gu'el  ('Pavou^X,  RhagouU):  "The 
friend  of  God,"  of  Ecbatana,  the  husband  of  Edna, 
father  of  Sarah,  and  father-in-law  of  Tobias  (Tob 
3  7.17;  6  10;  7  2f;  14  12).  In  7  2  he  is  called 
cousin  of  Tobit,  and  in  Tob  6  10  AV  he  is  erro- 
neously represented  as  "cousin"  of  Tobias  =  "kins- 
man" in  RV.  In  En  20  4  Raguel  appears  as  one 
of  the  archangels,  perhaps  by  confusion  for  Raphael 
(Tob  3  17).  Another  form  of  the  name  is  Reuel 
(q.v.). 

RAGUEL,  ra-gu'el,  rag'a-el  (bSWl,  r"u'el; 
LXX  RhagouU) :  The  Midianite  hothen,  i.e.  either 
father-in-law  or  brother-in-law  of  Moses  (Nu  10  29 
AV,  RV  "Reuel"),  the  father  of  Hobab,  called  a  Ken- 
ite,  who  is  likewise  described  as  a  hothen  of  Moses 
(Jgs  4  11).  See  Relationships,  Family.  Moses' 
wife's  father  is  called  r^'u'cHn  Ex  2  ISwhereLucian 
reads  "lothor"  and  EV  "Reuel,"  which  translitera- 
tion is  adopted  in  RV  in  Nu  10  29  also.  In  other 
passages  the  hothen  of  Moses  is  called  "Jether"  or 
"Jethro."  Among  the  harmonizations  suggested 
the  following  are  worthy  of  consideration :  (a)  that 
all  are  names  or  perhaps  titles  of  one  man  (Rashi) ; 
(5)  that  Reuel  was  the  father  of  Hobab  and  Jethro, 
that  Jethro  was  the  father-in-law  of  Moses,  and 
that  the  word  "father"  is  used  for  grandfather  in 
Ex  2  18;  (c)  that  Reuel  was  the  father-in-law  and 
Jethro  and  Hobab  brothers-in-law;  (d)  that  either 
Reuel  or  Hobab  is  to  be  identified  with  Jethro. 
None  of  these  views  is  free  from  difficulty,  nor  is 
the  view  of  those  who  would  give  Jethro  as  the 
name  in  E  and  Reuel  as  that  in  J  and  JE.  See  also 
Reuel.  Nathan  Isaacs 

RAHAB,  ra'hab: 

(1)  (3nn ,  rahabh,  "broad";  in  Jos,  Ant,  V,  i, 
2,  7,  'Pa'xa/3,  Rhdchah;  He  11  31  and  Jas  2  25, 
'Pda^,  Rhdab):  A  zondh,  that  is  either  a  "harlot," 
or,  according  to  some,  an  "innkeeper"  in  Jericho 
(LXX  irbprn,  pome,  "harlot").  The  two  spies  sent 
by  Joshua  from  Shittim  came  into  her  house  and 
lodged  there  (Josh  2  1).  She  refused  to  betray 
them  to  the  king  of  Jericho,  and  when  he  demanded 
them,  she  hid  them  on  the  roof  of  her  house  with 
stalks  of  flax  that  she  had  laid  in  order  to  dry.  She 
pretended  that  they  had  escaped  before  the  shutting 
of  the  gate,  and  threw  their  pursuers  off  their  track. 
She  then  told  the  spies  of  the  fear  that  the  coming 
of  the  Israelites  had  caused  in  the  minds  of  the 
Canaanites — "Our  hearts  did  melt  ....  for  Jeh 
your  God,  he  is  God  in  heaven  above,  and  on  earth 
beneath" — and  asked  that  the  men  promise  to 
spare  her  father,  mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  and 
all  that  they  had.  They  promised  her  to  spare 
them  provided  they  would  remain  in  her  house  and 
provided  she  would  keep  their  business  secret. 
Thereupon  she  let  them  down  by  a  cord  through  the 
window,  her  house  being  built  upon  the  town  wall, 
and  gave  them  directions  to  make  good  their 
escape  (Josh  2  1-24).  True  to  their  promise,  the 
Israelites  under  Joshua  spared  Rahab  and  her  family 
(Josh  6  16  ff  AV) ;  "And,"  says  the  author  of 
Josh,  "she  dwelleth  in  Israel  even  unto  this  day. 
Her  story  appealed  strongly  to  the  imagination 
of  the  people  of  later  times.  He  11  31  speaks  of 
her  as  having  been  saved  by  faith;  James,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  demonstrating  that  a  man  is  justified 
by  works  and  not  by  faith  only,  curiously  chooses 
the  same  example  (Jas  2  25).  Jewish  tradition 
has  been  kindly  disposed  toward  Rahab ;  one  hy- 
pothesis goes  so  far  as  to  make  her  the  wife  of 
Joshua  himself  (Jew  Enc,  s.v.).  Naturally  then 
the  other  tr  of  zonah,  deriving  it  from  zun,  "to  feed, 


instead  of  zandh,  "to  be  a  harlot,"  has  been  pre- 
ferred by  some  of  the  commentators. 

(2)  ('Pixa/3,  Rhdchah):  Jos,  Ant,  V,  1,  2,  7,  so 
spells  the  name  of  (1)  (LXX  and  NT  contra).  "The 
wife  of  Salmon  and  mother  of  Booz  (Boaz)  accord- 
ing to  the  genealogy  in  Mt  1  5.  Query,  whether 
there  was  a  tradition  identifying  (1)  and  (2);  see 
Lightfoot,  Horae  Heb  on  Mt  1  5. 

(3)  (3nT,  rahabh,  lit.  "storm,"  "arrogance"): 
A  mythical  sea-monster,  probably  referred  to  in 
several  passages  where  the  word  is  tr"'  as  a  common 
noun  "pride"  (Job  9  13),  "the  proud"  (Job  26  12; 
cf  Ps  89  10) .  It  is  used  in  parallelism  with  tannin, 
"the  dragon"  (Isa  51  9).  It  is  most  familiar  as 
an  emblem  of  Egypt,  'the  boaster  that  sitteth  still' 
(Isa  30  7;  Ps  87  4;  cf  89  10).  The  Talm  in 
Babha'  Bathra'  speaks  of  rahabh  as  sar  ha-yam, 
"master  of  the  sea."     See  also  Astronomy. 

Nathan  Isaacs 
RAHAM,  ra'ham  (Dn"!  ,  raham,  "pity,"  "love"): 
Son  of  Shema,  and  father  of  Jorkeam  (1  Ch  2  44). 

RAHEL,  ra'hel  (Jer  31  15  AV).     See  Rachel. 

RAID,  rad  (1  S  27  10).    See  War,  3. 

RAIL,  ral,  RAILING,  ral'ing,  RAILER,  ral'er: 
To  "rail"  on  (in  modern  usage  "against")  anyone 
is  to  use  insolent  or  reproachful  language  toward 
one.  It  occurs  in  the  OT  as  the  tr  of  D'^n ,  haraph 
(2  Ch  32  17,  "letters  to  rail  on  Jeh"),  and  of  t3i?  , 
Ht  (1  S  25  14,  of  Nabal,  "he  railed  at  them," 
ERV  "flew  upon  them,"  m  "railed  on").  In  the 
NT  "to  rail"  is  the  tr  of  ^'Ka.acp-qixita,  blasphemed 
(Mk  15  29;  Lk  23  39;  "railing,"  1  Tim  6  4; 
2  Pet  2  11;  Jude  ver  9).  The  word  loidoria, 
rendered  "railing"  in  1  Pet  3  9  AV,  is  in  RV  "re- 
vihng,"  and  loldoros,  "railer,"  in  1  Cor  5  11  is  in 
RV  "reviler."     See  also  Raca.      W.  L.  Walker 

RAIMENT,  ra'ment.    See  Dress. 

RAIMENT,  SOFT  (H.a\aK6s,ma;afc(5.s):  In  Mt  11 
8  EV,  where  Jesus,  speaking  of  John  the  Baptist, 
asks  "What  went  ye  out  to  see?  a  man  clothed 
in  soft  raiment  ?"  where  "raiment,"  though  implied, 
is  not  expressed  in  the  best  text,  but  was  probably 
added  from  Lk  7  25  [|.  It  is  equivalent  to  "ele- 
gant clothing,"  such  as  courtiers  wore,  as  shown  by 
the  words  following,  "Behold,  they  that  wear  soft 
raiment  are  in  kings'  houses."  John  had  bravely 
refused  to  play  courtier  and  had  gone  to  prison  for 
it.  In  the  early  days  of  Herod  the  Great  some 
scribes  who  attached  themselves  to  him  laid  aside 
their  usual  plain  clothing  and  wore  the  gorgeous 
raiment  of  courtiers  (Jost,  in  Plumptre). 

Geo.  B.  Eager 

RAIN,    ran    ("lUp ,  matar,   Arab.     Jax,   malar, 

"rain,"  Oip.?,  geshem,  "heavy  rain,"  rT1113 ,  moreh, 
"early  rain,"  iTl'T' ,  yoreh,  "former 
1.  Water-  rain,"  iB'lpb'O ,  malkosh,  "latter  rain"; 
Supply  in  ppix<"i  brecho,  ierds,  huetds) :  In 
Egypt  and  Egypt  there  is  little  or  no  rainfall,  the 
Palestine  water  for  vegetation  being  supplied 
in  great  abundance  by  the  river 
Nile;  but  in  Syria  and  Pal  there  are  no  large  rivers, 
and  the  people  have  to  depend  entirely  on  the  fall 
of  rain  for  water  for  themselves,  their  animals  and 
their  fields.  The  children  of  Israel  when  in  Egypt 
were  promised  by  Jeh  a  land  which  "drinketh 
water  of  the  rain  of  heaven"  (Dt  11  11).  Springs 
and  fountains  are  found  in  most  of  the  valleys,  but 
the  flow  of  the  springs  depends  directly  on  the  fall 
of  rain  or  snow  in  the  mountains. 


Rain 
Ramah 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2526 


The  cultivation  of  the  land  in  Pal  is  practically 

dry  farming  in  most  of  the  districts,  but  even  then 

some  water  is  necessary,  so  that  there 

2.  Impor-  may  be  moisture  in  the  soil.  In  the 
tance  of  summer  months  there  is  no  rain,  so 
Rain  in  that  the  rains  of  the  spring  and  fall 
Season  seasons    are    absolutely    essential    for 

starting  and  maturing  the  crops.  The 
lack  of  this  rain  in  the  proper  time  has  often  been 
the  cause  of  complete  failure  of  the  harvest.  A 
sniall  difference  in  the  amount  of  these  seasonal 
rains  makes  a  large  difference  in  the  possibility  of 
growing  various  crops  without  irrigation.  Ells- 
worth Huntington  has  insisted  on  this  point  with 
great  care  in  his  very  important  work.  Pal  ayid  Its 
Transformation.  The  promise  of  prosperity  is 
given  in  the  assurance  of  "rain  in  due  season" 
(Lev  26  4AV).  The  withholding  of  rain  according 
to  the  prophecy  of  EUjah  (1  K  17  1)  caused  the 
mountain  streams  to  dry  up  (1  K  17  7),  and  cer- 
tain famine  ensued.  A  glimpse  of  the  terrible 
suffering  for  lack  of  water  at  that  time  is  given  us. 
The  people  were  uncertain  of  another  meal  (1  K 
17  12),  and  the  animals  were  perishing  (1  K  18  5). 
Pal  and  Syria  are  on  the  borderland  between  the 
sea  and  the  desert,  and  besides  are  so  mountainous, 

that  they  not  only  have  a  great  range 

3.  Amount  of  rainfall  in  different  years,  but  a 
of  Rainfall     great  variation  in  different  parts  of  the 

country. 

The  amount  of  rain  on  tile  western  slopes  is  compar- 
able with  that  in  England  and  America,  varying  from  25 
to  40  in.  per  annum,  but  it  falls  mostly  in  the  four 
winter  months,  when  the  downpour  is  often  very  heavy, 
giving  oftentimes  from  12  to  16  in.  in  a  month.  On  the 
eastern  slopes  it  is  much  less,  varying  from  8  to  20 
in.  per  annum.  The  highest  amount  faUs  in  the 
mountains  of  Lebanon  where  it  averages  about  50  in. 
In  Beirut  the  yearly  average  is  35.87  in.  As  we  go 
S.  from  Syria,  the  amount  decreases  (Haifa  27.75 
JaCFa  22.39,  Gaza  17.61),  while  in  the  Sinaitic  Penin- 
sula there  is  little  or  none.  Going  from  W.  to  E.  the 
change  is  much  more  sudden,  owing  to  the  mountains 
which  stop  the  clouds.  In  Damascus  the  average  is 
less  than  10  in.  In  Jems  the  average  for  50  years  is 
26. 16  in.,  and  the  range  is  from  13.39  in  1870  to  41 .62 
In  1897.  The  yearly  records  as  given  by  J.  Glaisher 
and  A.  Datzi  in  PEFQ  from  1861  to  1910,  60  years,  are 
given  in  the  accompanying  table. 


RAINFALL  IN  JERUSALEM  IN  INCHES 

Year 

Amount 

Year 

Amount 

Year 

Amount 

1861 

27.30 

1878. .. 

32.21 

1895 . . . 

23.25 

1862. . . . 

21.86 

1879. .. 

18.04 

1896. . . 

32.90 

1863 

26 .  54 

1880... 

32.11 

1897 . . . 

41.62 

1864 

16.51 

1881. . . 

16 .  50 

1898 . . . 

28.66 

1865 

18.19 

1882. . . 

26.72 

1899. . . 

22.43 

1866 

18.65 

1883. . . 

31.92 

1900. . . 

21.20 

1867. . . . 

29.42 

1884. . . 

23 .  96 

1901. . . 

17.42 

1868 

29.10 

1885. . . 

29.47 

1902. . . 

25.61 

1869 

18.61 

1886 . . . 

31.69 

1903. .. 

18.04 

1870. . . . 

13.39 

1887.. . 

29.81 

1904. . . 

34.48 

1871 

23 .  57 

1888. . . 

37.79 

1905 . . . 

34.22 

1872 

22.26 

1889. . . 

13.56 

1906. . . 

28.14 

1873 

22.72 

1890. . . 

35.51 

1907. . . 

27.22 

1874 

29  .  75 

1891. . . 

34.72 

1908. .. 

31.87 

1875. . . . 

27.01 

1892. . . 

31.23 

1909. . . 

21.13 

1876 

14.41 

1893. . . 

30 .  54 

1910. . . 

24.64 

1877  .... 

26.00 

1894. . . 

35.38 

The  amount  of  rainfall  in  ancient  times  was 
probably  about  the  same  as  in  present  times,  though 
it  may  have  been  distributed  somewhat  differently 
through  the  year,  as  suggested  by  Huntington. 
Conder  maintains  that  the  present  amount  would 
have  been  sufficient  to  support  the  ancient  cities 
(Tent-Work  in  Pal).  Trees  are  without  doubt 
fewer  now,  but  meteorologists  agree  that  trees  do 
not  produce  rain. 

The  rainfall  is  largely  on  the  western  slopes  of  the 
mountains  facing  the  sea,  while  on  the  eastern 
slopes  there  is  very  little.  The  moisture-laden  air 
comes  up  from  the  sea  with  the  west  and  southwest 


wind.  When  these  currents  strike  the  hills  they 
are  thrown  higher  up  into  the  cooler  strata,  and 

the  moisture  condenses  to  form  clouds 
4.  Dry  and  and  rain  which  increases  on  the  higher 
Rainy  Sea-  levels.  Having  passed  the  ridge  of  the 
sons  hills,  the  currents  descend  on  the  other 

side  to  warmer  levels,  where  the  mois- 
ture is  easily  held  in  the  form  of  vapor  so  that  no 
rain  falls  and  few  clouds  are  seen,  except  in  the 
cold  mid-winter  months. 

The  summer  months  are  practically  rainless,  with 
very  few  clouds  appearing  in  the  sky.     From  May 

1  to  the  middle  of  October  one  can  be  sure  of  no 
rain;   "The  winter  is  past;  the  rain  is  over"  (Cant 

2  11),  so  many  sleep  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses  or 
in  tents  of  leaves  and  branches  in  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards throughout  the  summer.  The  continuous 
hot  droughts  make  the  people  appreciate  the  springs 
and  fountains  of  fresh  running  water  and  the  cool 
shade  of  rock  and  tree. 

The  rainy  season  from  October  to  May  may  be 
divided  into  three  parts,  the  former,  the  winter, 
and  the  latter  rains,  and  they  are  often  referred  to 
under  these  names  in  the  OT. 

The  "former  rains"  are  the  showers  of  October 
and  the  first  part  of  November.  They  soften  the 
parched  ground  so  that  the  winter  grain  may  be 
sown  before  the  heavy  continuous  rains  set  in. 
The  main  bulk  of  the  rain  falls  in  the  months  of 
December,  January  and  February.  Although  in 
these  months  the  rains  are  frequent  and  heavy,  a 
dark,  foggy  day  is  seldom  seen.  The  "latter  rains" 
of  April  are  the  most  highly  appreciated,  because 
they  ripen  the  fruit  and  stay  the  drought  of  summer. 
They  were  considered  a  special  blessing:  Jeh  "will 
come  ....  as  the  latter  rain  that  watereth  the 
earth"  (Hos  6  S);  "They  opened  their  mouth  wide 
as  for  the  latter  rain"  (Job  29  23);  and  as  a  reason 
for  worshipping  Jeh  who  sent  them,  "Let  us  now 
fear  Jeh  our  God,  that  giveth  rain,  both  the  former 
and  the  latter,  in  its  season"  (Jer  5  24). 

The  rain  storms  always  come  from  the  sea  with 
a  west  or  southwest  wind.  The  east  wind  is  a  hot 
wind  and  the  "north  wind  driveth  away  rain" 
(Prov  25  23  AV).  "Fair  weather  cometh  out  of 
the  north"   (Job  37  22  AV). 

The  Psalmist  recognizes  that  the  "showers  that 
water  the  earth"  (Ps  72  6)  ere  among  the  choicest 
blessings  from  the  hand  of  Jeh:  "The 
6.  Biblical  early  rain  covereth  it  with  blessings" 
Uses  (Ps  84  6).     The  severest  punishment 

of  Jeh  was  to  withhold  the  rain,  as  in 
the  time  of  Ahab  and  Elijah,  when  the  usual  rain 
did  not  fall  for  three  years  (1  K  17);  "the  anger 
of  Jeh  be  kindled  against  you,  and  he  shut  up  the 
heavens,  so  that  there  shall  be  no  rain,  and  the  land 
shall  not  yield  its  fruit;  and  ye  perish  quickly" 
(Dt  11  17).  Too  much  rain  is  also  a  punishment, 
as  witness  the  flood  (Gen  7  4)  and  the  plague  of 
rain  and  hail  (Ezr  10  9).  Sending  of  rain  was  a 
reward  for  worship  and  obedience:  "Jeh  will  open 
unto  thee  his  good  treasure,  the  heavens,  to  give 
the  rain  of  thy  land  in  its  season,  and  to  bless  all 
the  work  of  thy  hand"  (Dt  28  12).  Jeh  controls 
the  elements  and  commands  the  rain:  "He  made  a 
decree  for  the  rain"  (Job  28  26) ;  "For  he  saith 
to  the  snow.  Fall  thou  on  the  earth;  likewise  to 
the  shower  of  rain"  (Job  37  6). 

Literature. — PEFQ;  meteorological  observations 
from  the  Dead  Sea,  Jerus.  Jaffa  and  Tiberias;  various 
observers;  Zeitscfirift  des  deutschen  PaUstina-Vereins; 
H.  Hilderscheid,  Die  NiederscMagsverlialtnisse  Paldstinaa 
in  alter  and  nener  Zeit:  C.  R.  Conder,  Tent-Work  in 
Pal:  Edward  Hull,  Mount  Seir,  Sinai  and  Western  Pal; 
Ellsworth  Huntington,  Pal  and  Its  Transformation:  bul- 
letin of  the  Syrian  Protestant  College  Observatory, 
Meteorological  Observations  in  Beirut  and  Syria. 

Alfred  H.  Jot 


2527 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Rain 
Kamah 


RAINBOW,  ran 'bo  (f11B|? ,  besheth,  tr-i  "a  bow"; 
Ipis,  Iris,  "rainbow"):  As  most  of  the  rainfall  in 
Pal  is  in  the  form  of  short  heavy  showers  it  is  often 
accompanied  by  the  rainbow.  Most  beautiful 
double  bows  are  often  seen,  and  occasionally  the 
moon  is  bright  enough  to  produce  the  bow.  It  is 
rather  remarkable  that  there  are  so  few  references 
to  the  rainbow  in  the  Bible.  The  Heb  kesheth  is 
the  ordinary  word  for  a  bow,  there  being  no  special 
word  for  rainbow. 

The  interpretation  of  the  significance  of  the  bow 
in  the  sky  is  given  at  the  close  of  the  story  of  the 
flood,  where  it  is  called  "the  token  of  the  covenant" 
of  Jeh  with  Noah  that  there  should  be  no  more  flood : 
"Idoset  my  bowin  thecloud,  ....  and  the  waters 
shall  no  more  become  a  flood  to  destroy  all  flesh" 
(Gen  9  13.15).  This  addition  to  the  story  of  the 
flood  is  not  found  in  other  mythical  accounts.  The 
foundation  for  the  interpretation  of  the  bow  in  this 
way  seems  to  be  that  while  His  bow  is  hung  in  the 
sky  God  must  be  at  peace  with  His  people.  The 
glory  of  God  is  likened  to  "the  appearance  of  the 
bow  that  is  in  the  cloud  in  the  day  of  rain"  (Ezk  1 
28).  The  rainbow  forms  a  striking  part  of  the 
vision  in  Rev  4  3:  "And there  was  a  rainbow  round 
about  the  throne."  Alfred  H.  Joy 

RAISE,  raz:  "To  raise"  in  the  OT  is  most  fre- 
quently the  tr  of  the  Hiphil  form  of  Qlp ,  kum,  "to 
cause  to  arise,"  e.g.  raising  up  seed  (Gen  38  8), 
a  prophet  (Dt  18  18),  judges  (Jgs  2  16.18),  etc; 
also  of  I^J',  'ur,  "to  awake,"  "stir  up"  (Ezr  1  5 
AV;  Isa  41  2,  etc),  with  other  words.  In  the  NT 
the  chief  words  are  iyeipa,  egelro,  "to  awaken," 
"arouse"  (Mt  3  9;  Lk  1  69;  3  8,  etc),_ frequently 
of  raising  the  dead;  and  avicrTiitiL,  anistemi  (Mt  22 
24;  Jn  6  39,  etc;  Acts  2  24  [30  AV],  etc),  with 
compounds  of  the  former.  Among  the  RV  changes 
may  be  noted,  "to  stir  the  fire"  for  "from  raising" 
(Hos  7  4);  "raiseth  high  his  gate"  for  "exalteth 
his  gate"  (Prov  17  19);  ARV,  "can  it  be  raised 
from  the  roots  thereof"  for  "pluck  it  up  by  the 
roots  thereof"  (Ezk  17  9  AV  and  ERV)^  "raised 
up"  for  "rise  again"  (Mt  20  19;  cf  Mt  26  32; 
Rom  8  34;    Col  3  1).  W.  L.  Walker 

RAISIN-CAKES,  ra'z'n-kaks:  RV  gives  this 
rendering  for  AV  "foundations"  in  Isa  16  7  (Heb 
'ikhishah  from  'ashash,  "to  found,"  "make  firm," 
"press").  The  trade  in  these  would  cease  through 
the  desolation  of  the  vineyards.  For  AV  "flagons  of 
wine"  in  Hos  3  1,  RV  gives  "cakes  of  raisins," 
such  as  were  offered  to  the  gods  of  the  land,  the 
givers  of  the  grape  (cf  Cant  2  5).     See  next  article. 

RAISINS,  ra'z'nz:  (1)  D"'p^T3?  ,  Qimmukim;  irra- 
(pldes,  slaphldes,  tr^  "dried  grapes,"  Nu  6  3; 
mentioned  in  all  other  references  as  a  portable 
food  for  a  march  or  journey.  Abigail  supplied 
David  with  "a  hundred  clusters  of  rai.sins,"  among 
other  things,  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran  (1  S  25 
18);  David  gave  two  clusters  of  raisins  to  a 
starving  Egyp  slave  of  the  Amalekites  at  Besor 
(30  12);  raisins  formed  part  of  the  provision 
brought  to  David  at  Hebron  for  his  army  (1  Ch 
12  40);  Ziba  supplied  David,  when  flying  from 
Absalom,  with  a  hundred  clusters  of  raisins  (2  S 
16  1).  (2)  riTp'^lBX,  'as/iwAa/i,  something  "pressed 
together,"  hence  &  "cake."  In  Hos  3  1,  mention 
is  made  of  O"^???  "'T!?''!?!* ,  'ashishe  'anahhim  (t^/x- 
jiara  fierd.  a-ra^ldos,  pemmata  metd  staphidos), 
"cakes  of  raisins":  "Jeh  loveth  the  children  of 
Israel,  though  they  turn  unto  other  gods,  and  love 
[m  "or  them  that  love"]  cakes  of  raisins."  These 
are  supposed  to  have  been  cakes  of  dried,  com- 
pressed grapes  offered  to  false  gods.     Gratz  con- 


siders that  the  Heb  words  are  a  corruption  of 
'Asherim  Skudhammanim  ("sun.ima.ges").  Cf  Isa  17 
8;  27  9.  In  other  passages  "cakes"  stands  alone 
without  "rai.sins,"  but  the  tr  "cakes  of  raisins"  is 
given  in  2  S  6  19;  1  Ch  16  3;  Cant  2  5  (AV 
"flagons");    Isa  16  7  m  "foundations." 

Raisins  are  today,  as  of  old,  prepared  in  con- 
siderable quantities  in  Pal,  e.sp.  at  es-Sall,  E.  of  the 
Jordan.  The  bunches  of  grapes  are  dipped  in  a 
strong  solution  of  potash  before  being  dried. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

RAKEM,  ra'kem  (Dl?"!  ,  rakem,  the  pausal  form 
of  DJ31 ,  rekem) :  The  eponym  of  a  clan  of  Machir 
(1  Ch'7  16).     See  Rekem. 

RAKKATH,  rak'ath  (np.l ,  rakhilh;  B,  'rinaea- 
8aK^6,  Omaihadaketh,  A,  'P«KKde,  Rhekkdlh):  The 
Gr  is  obviously  the  result  of  confusing  the  two 
names  Rakkath  and  Hammath,  taking  r  in  the 
former  for  d.  Rakkath  was  one  of  the  fortified 
cities  in  Naphtali  (Josh  19  35),  It  is  named  be.- 
tween  Hammath  and  Chinnereth.  Hammath  is 
identified  with  the  hot  baths  to  the  S.  of  Tiberias. 
There  are  traces  of  ancient  fortifications  here. 
The  rabbis  think  that  Tiberias  was  built  on  the  site 
of  Rakkath.  Certain  it  is  that  Herod's  town  was 
built  upon  an  ancient  site,  the  graves  of  the  old 
inhabitants  being  disturbed  in  digging  the  new 
foundations  (Neubauer,  Giog.  du  Talm,  208). 

W.  EwiNG 

RAKKON,  rak'on  ("Ip'iri,  ha-rakkon;  'IcpaKiuv, 
Hierdkon).     See  Me-Jabkon. 

RAM,  ram  (D"J ,  rmn,  "high,"  "exalted"): 

(1)  An  ancestor  of  David  (Ruth  4  19  [' Appiv, 
Arrdn];  Mt  1  3.4  ['ApdM,  Ardm]);  in  1  Ch  2  9 
he  is  called  the  "brother,"  but  in  ver  25,  the  "son  of 
Jerahmeel"  (cf  ver  27).  Ram  as  the  son  of  Hezron 
appears  more  likely  than  Ram  the  son  of  Jerahmeel, 
since,  according  to  the  narratives  of  1  and  2  S, 
David  cannot  have  been  a  Jerahmeelite. 

(2)  Name  of  Elihu's  family  (Job  32  2).  It  is  an 
open  question  as  to  whether  Ram  should  be  taken 
as  a  purely  fictitious  name,  invented  by  the  author 
of  the  Elihu  speeches,  or  whether  it  is  that  of  some 
obscure  Arab  tribe.  In  Gen  22  21  Aram  is  a 
nephew  of  Buz  (cf  Elihu  the  Buzite),  and  the  con- 
jecture was  at  one  time  advanced  that  Ram  was  a 
contraction  of  Aram;  but  this  theory  is  no  longer 
held  to  be  tenable.  The  suggestion  that  the  initial 
a  (X)  has  been  changed  by  a  scribal  error  into  h 
(H)  is  more  acceptable.  Rashi,  the  rabbinical  com- 
mentator, takes  the  quaint  position  that  Ram  is 
identical  with  Abraham.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

RAM,  ram:  (1)  The  ordinary  word  is  5''S  ,  'ayil, 
which  is  remarkably  near  to  b^'X ,  'ayyal,  "deer" 
(cf  Lat  caper,  capra,  "goat,"  and  capreolus,  "wild 
goat"  or  "roe-buck";  also  Gr  Sop/cds,  dorkds, 
"roe-buck"  or  "gazelle").  (2)  "I?"?  >  d'khdr,  lit. 
"male"  (Ezr  6  9.17;  7  17).  (3)  13,  kar,  "bat- 
tering ram"  (Ezk  4  2;  21  22);  elsewhere  "lamb" 
(Dt  32  14,  etc).  (4)  l^H? ,  'alludh,  properly  "he- 
goat"  ("ram,"  Gen  31  10.12  AV).     See  Sheep. 

RAM,  BATTERING.     See  Siege. 

RAMA,  ra'ma  ("Paixa, /^/lamd) :  AV;  Gr  form  of 
Ramah  (q.v.)  (Mt  2  18). 

RAMAH,  ra'ma  (Hiann ,  ha-rdindh,  without  the 
def .  art.  only  in  Neh  11 '33;  Jer  31  15):  The  name 
denotes  height,  from  root  UT\,.rum,  "to  be  high," 
and  the  towns  to  which  it  applied  seem  all  to  have 
stood  on  elevated  sites. 


Ramah 
Ramoth-Gilead 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2528 


(1)  B,  'Apa-^X,  Arael,  A,  'Pa/id,  Rhamd:  A  fenced 
city  in  the  lot  assigned  to  Naphtali  (Josh  19  36). 
Only  in  this  passage  is  the  place  referred  to.  It  is 
probably  identical  with  the  modern  er-Rameh,  a 
large  Christian  village  on  the  highway  from  Safed 
to  the  coast,  about  8  miles  W.S.W.  of  that  city. 
To  the  N.  rises  the  mountain  range  which  forms  the 
southern  boundary  of  Upper  Galilee.  In  the  valley 
to  the  S.  there  is  much  rich  land  cultivated  by  the 
villagers.  The  olives  grown  here  are  very  fine,  and 
fruitful  vineyards  cover  many  of  the  surrounding 
slopes.  No  remains  of  antiquity  are  to  be  seen 
above  ground;  but  the  site  is  one  likely  to  have 
been  occupied  in  ancient  times. 

(2)  "Paixa,  Rhamd:  A  city  that  is  mentioned  only 
once,  on  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Josh  19  29). 
The  line  of  the  boundary  cannot  be  followed  with 
certainty;  but  perhaps  we  may  identify  Ramah 
with  the  modern  Rdmiyeh,  a  village  situated  on  a 
hill  which  rises  in  the  midst  of  a  hollow,  some  13 
miles  S.E.  of  Tjtc,  and  12  miles  E.  of  the  Ladder 
of  Tyre.  To  the  S.W.  is  a  marshy  lake  which  dries 
up  in  summer.  Traces  of  antiquity  are  found  in  the 
cisterns,  a  large  reservoir  and  many  sarcophagi. 
To  the  W.  is  the  high  hill  BelSt,  with  ancient  ruins, 
and  remains  of  a  temple  of  which  several  columns 
are  still  in  situ. 

(3)  B,  "Paij.d,  Rhamd,  A,  'Iati,d,  lamd,  and  other 
forms:  A  city  in  the  territory  of  Benjamin  named 
between  Gibeon  and  Beeroth  (Josh  18  25).  The 
Levite  thought  of  it  as  a  possible  resting-place  for 
himself  and  his  concubine  on  their  northward  jour- 
ney (Jgs  19  13).  The  palm  tree  of  Deborah  was 
between  this  and  Bethel  (Jgs  4  5).  Baasha,  king 
of  Samaria,  sought  to  fortify  Ramah  against  Asa, 
king  of  Judah.  The  latter  frustrated  the  attempt, 
and  carried  off  the  materials  which  Baasha  had 
collected,  and  with  them  fortified  against  him  Geba 
of  Benjamin  and  Mizpah  (1  K  15  17;  2  Ch  16 
5).  Here  the  captain  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  guard 
released  Jeremiah  after  he  had  been  carried  in  bonds 
from  Jerus  (Jer  40  1).  It  figures  in  Isaiah's  picture 
of  the  Assyrians'  approach  (10  29).  It  is  named 
by  Hosea  in  connection  with  Gibeah  (5  8),  and 
is  mentioned  as  being  reoccupied  after  the  exile 
(Ezr  2  26;  Neh  7  30).  It  was  near  the  traditional 
tomb  of  Rachel  (Jer  31  15;  cf  1  S  10  2;  Mt  2  18, 
AV  "Rama"). 

From  the  passages  cited  we  gather  that  Ramah 
lay  some  distance  to  the  N.  of  Gibeah,  and  not  far 
from  Gibeon  and  Beeroth.  The  first  is  identified 
with  Tell  el-Fcd,  about  3  miles  N.  of  Jerus.  Two 
miles  farther  N.  is  er-Ram.  Gibeon  {el-Jih)  is 
about  3  miles  W.  of  er-Ram,  and  Beeroth  {el- 
Bireh)  is  about  4  miles  to  the  N.  Onom  places 
Ramah  6  Rom  miles  N.  of  Jerus;  while  Jos  (Ant, 
VIII,  xii,  3)  says  it  lay  40  furlongs  from  the  city. 
All  this  points  definitely  to  identification  with  er- 
Ram.  The  modern  village  crowns  a  high  limestone 
hill  to  the  S.  of  the  road,  a  position  of  great  strength. 
W.  of  the  village  is  an  ancient  reservoir.  In  the 
hill  are  cisterns,  and  a  good  well  to  the  S. 

(4)  ' kpaixaBalfj.,  Aramathaim:  The  home  of 
Elkanah  and  Hannah,  and  the  birthplace  of  Sam- 
uel (1  S  1  19;  2  11,  etc).  In  1  S  1  1  it  is  called 
"Ramathaim-zophim"  (D''B13Z  D'^rTQ'in ,  ha^rdma- 
thaymi-gophlm) .  The  phrase  as  it  stands  is 
grammatically  incorrect,  and  suggests  tampering 
with  the  text.  It  might  possibly  be  tr"'  "Rama- 
thaim  of  the  Zuphiles."  It  was  in  Mt.  Ephraim, 
within  accessible  distance  of  Shiloh,  whither  Sam- 
uel's parents  went  up  from  year  to  year  to  wor- 
ship and  to  sacrifice  (1  3).  From  Ramah  as  a 
center  Samuel  went  on  circuit  annually,  to  judge 
Israel,  to  Bethel,  Gilgal  and  Mizpah  (7  16  f).  It 
is  very  probable  that  this  is  the  city   in   which. 


guided  by  his  servant,  Saul  first  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Samuel  (9  6.10),  where  there  was  a 
high  place  (ver  12).  Hither  at  all  events  came  the 
elders  of  Israel  with  their  demand  that  a  king  should 
be  set  over  them  (8  4  f).  After  his  final  break  with 
Saul,  Samuel  retired  in  sorrow  to  Ramah  (15  34  f). 
Here,  in  Naioth,  David  found  asylum  with  Samuel 
from  the  mad  king  (19  18,  etc),  and  hence  he  fled 
on  his  ill-starred  visit  to  Nob  (20  1).  In  his  native 
city  the  dust  of  the  dead  Samuel  was  laid  (26  1; 
28  3).  In  1  Mace  11  34  it  is  named  as  one  of  the 
three  toparohies  along  with  Aphaerema  and  Lydda, 
which  were  added  to  Judaea  from  the  country  of 
Samaria  in  145  BC.  Onom  places  it  near  Diospolis 
(Euseb.)  in  the  district  of  'Tlmnah  (Jerome). 

There  are  two  serious  rivals  for  the  honor  of 
representing  the  ancient  Ramah.  (a)  Beit  Rlma, 
a  village  occupying  a  height  13  miles  E.N.E.  of 
Lydda  (Diospolis),  12  miles  W.  of  Shiloh,  and  about 
the  same  distance  N.W.  of  Bethel.  This  identifi- 
cation has  the  support  of  G.  A.  Smith  {HGHL, 
254),  and  Buhl  {GAP,  170).  (6)  Ramallah,  a  large 
and  prosperous  village  occupying  a  lofty  position 
with  ancient  remains.  It  commands  a  wide  pros- 
pect, esp.  to  the  W.  It  lies  about  8  miles  N.  of 
Jerus,  3  W.  of  Bethel,  and  12  S.W.  of  Shiloh.  The 
name  meaning  "the  height"  or  "high  place  of  God" 
may  be  reminiscent  of  the  high  place  in  the  city 
where  Saul  found  Samuel.  In  other  respects  it 
agrees  very  well  with  the  Bib.  data. 

Claims  have  also  been  advanced  on  behalf  of 
Ramleh,  a  village  2  miles  S.W.  of  Lydda,  in  the 
plain  of  Sharon.  This,  however,  is  out  of  the 
question,  as  the  place  did  not  exist  before  Arab 
times.  Others  support  identification  with  Neby 
Samwll,  which  more  probably  represents  the  an- 
cient Mizpah  (q.v.). 

(5)  Ramah  of  the  South,  AV  "Ramath  of  the 
South":  Ramath  is  the  construct  form  of  Ramah 
(Josh  19  8)  (335  n^t*"?,  ra'math  neghehh;  BoMeS 
Kara  Xi/Sa,  Bdmeth  katd  liba).  A  city  in  that  part  of 
the  territory  of  Judah  which  was  allotted  to  Simeon. 
It  stands  here  in  apposition  to  Baalath-beer, 
and  is  probably  a  second  name  for  the  same  place. 
It  seema  to  correspond  also  with  "Ramoth  [pi.]  of 
the  South"  (1  S  30  27),  a  place  to  which  David 
sent  a  share  of  the  spoil  taken  from  the  Amalekites. 
In  this  passage  LXX  retains  the  sing,  form,  Rhamd 
ndtou.  Identification  has  been  suggested  with 
Kubbet  el-Baul  about  37  miles  S.  of  Hebron;  and 
with  Kurnub  a  little  farther  S.  There  is  no  sub- 
stantial ground  for  either  identification. 

(6)  B,  "PeiJ.fj.ti6,  Rhemmoth,  A,  'Vafj.di9,  Rhamoth: 
Ramah  in  2  K  8  29;  2  Ch  22  6,  is  a  contraction 
of  Ramoth-gilead.  W.  Ewinq 

RAMATH,  ra'math,  OF  THE  SOUTH  (Josh  19 
8  AV).     See  Ramah,  (5). 

RAMATH-LEHI,  ra'math-le'hl  (Tib  niOn ,  ra- 
math  lehl,  "the  hill"  or  "height  of  Lehi";  'Ava(pe(ris 
o-iaYovos,  Anairesis  siagonos) :  So  the  place  is  said 
to  have  been  called  where  Samson  threw  away 
the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass,  with  which  he  had  slain 
1,000  Philis  (Jgs  15  17).  LXX  seems  to  have 
supposed  that  the  name  referred  to  the  "heaving" 
or  throwing  up  of  the  jaw-bone.  The  Heb,  how- 
ever, corresponds  to  the  form  used  in  other  place- 
names,  such  as  Ramath-mizpeh,  and  must  be  read 
as  "Ramah  of  Lehi."  The  name  Lehi  may  have 
been  given  because  of  some  real  or  imagined  like- 
ness in  the  place  to  the  shape  of  a  jaw-bone  (Jgs 
15  9.14.19).  It  may  have  been  in  Wady  es-Sarar, 
not  far  from  Zorah  and  Timnath;  but  the  available 
data  do  not  permit  of  certain  identification.  See 
Jaw-bone;   Lehi.  W.  Ewing 


2529 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Ramah 
Ramoth-Gilead 


RAMATH-MIZPEH,  ra'mat,h-miz'pe  (n^T 
nSJ/Qn ,  ramalh  ha-miQpeh;  B,  'ApaPol)9  Karot  tt]v 
Ma(r<rt](j)a,  Arabolh  kald  Itn  Massephd,  A,  Pa|j.w9 
....  Ma(r<j>a,  Rhamolh  ....  Masphd) :  A  place 
mentioned  in  Josh  13  26  in  a  statement  of  the 
boundary  of  Gad,  between  Heshbon  and  Betonim. 
It  may  possibly  be  identical  with  Mizpah,  (1). 

RAMATHAIM,  ra-ma-tha'im  (1  Mace  11  34; 
AV   Ramathem,   ram'a-themj.     See   Ramah,    (4). 

RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM,  ra-ma-tha'im-zo'fim. 
See  Ramah,  (4). 

RAMATHITE,  ra'math-it  CPann  ,  ha-ramalhl; 
B,  6  Ik  "Pa.-i\K,  ho  ek  Rhael,  A,  6  'Pa|ia9aios,  ho  Rha- 
mathaios) :  So  Shimei  is  called  who  was  set  by  David 
over  the  vineyards  (1  Ch  27  27).  There  is  nothing 
to  show  to  which  Ramah  he  belonged. 

RAMESES,  ram'6-sez,  ra-me'sez.     See  Raamses. 

RAMIAH,  ra-ml'a  (n^UT ,  ramyah,  "Jeh  hath 
loosened"  or  "Jeh  is  high"):  One  of  the  Israelites, 
of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  mentioned  in  the  register  of 
those  who  had  offended  in  the  matter  of  foreign 
marriages  (Ezr  10  25).  The  form  of  the  name  in 
1  Esd  (9  26),  "Hiermas,"  presupposes  a  Heb  form 
y^remyah  or  possibly  2/'rm''!/a/i"=  "Jeremiah." 

RAMOTH,  ra'moth: 

(1)  niliST,  ra'moth;  v  'Pa/iwfl,  he  Rhamolh:  A 
city  in  the  territory  of  Issachar  assigned  to  the 
Gershonite  Levites  (1  Ch  6  73),  mentioned  be- 
tween Daberath  and  Anem.  It  seems  to  corre- 
spond to  "Remeth"  in  Josh  19  21,  and  to  "Jar- 
muth"  in  21  29,  and  is  possibly  identical  with 
er-Rameh  about  11  miles  S.W.  of  Jenm. 

(2)  Ramoth  of  the  South.     See  Ramah,  (5). 

(3)  Ramoth  in  Gilead.     See  Ramoth-gilead. 

RAMOTH,  ra'moth  (ni^T ,  ramoth,  K=re  for 
yremoth  [Ezr  10  29  AV);  RVm  Knhlbh  makes 
the  name  similar  to  those  in  vs  26.27):  One  of 
the  offenders  in  the  matter  of  foreign  marriages. 
ERV  and  ARV,  adopting  KHhibh,  read  Jeremoth 
(q.v.)- 

RAMOTH  (Job  28  18  AVm).  See  Stones,  Pre- 
cious. 

RAMOTH-GILEAD,  ra'moth-gil'6-ad  (nbn 
nyba  ,  ramoth  gil'adh;  B,  "P6(i|jid9  TaXadS,  Rhemmdth 
Gaiadd,  A,  'Pa|i(ii69,  Rhammoth,  and  other  forms) : 
A  great  and  strong  city  E.  of  the  Jordan  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Gad,  which  played  an  important  part  in 
the  wars  of  Israel.  It  is  first  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  appointment  of  the  Cities  of  Refuge 
(Dt  4  43;  Josh  20  8).  It  was  assigned  to  the 
Merarite  Levites  (Josh  21  38;  1  Ch  6  80).  In 
these  four  pa.ssages  it  is  called  "Ramoth  in  Gilead" 
(nybaa  'l,  ramoth  ba-gil'ddh).  This  form  is  given 
wrongly  by  AV  in  1  K  22  3.  In  all  other  places 
the  form  "Ramoth-gilead"  is  used. 

Here  Ben-geber  was  placed  in  charge  of  one 
of  Solomon's  administrative  districts  (1  K  4  13), 
which  included  Havvoth-jair  and  "the 
1.  History  region  of  Argob,  which  is  in  Bashan." 
The  city  was  taken  from  Omri  by  the 
Syrians  under  Ben-hadad  I  (Ant,  VIII,  xv,  3  ff),  and 
even  after  the  defeat  of  Ben-hadad  at  Aphek  they 
remained  masters  of  this  fortress.  In  order  to 
recover  it  for  Israel  Ahab  invited  Jehoshaphat  of 
Judah  to  accompany  him  in  a  campaign.     Despite 


the  discouragement  of  Micaiah,  the  ro.val  pair  set 
out  on  the  disastrous  enterprise.  In  their  attack 
on  the  city  Ahab  fought  in  disguise,  but  was  mor- 
tally wounded  by  an  arrow  from  a  bow  drawn  "at 
a  venture"  (1  K  22  1-40;  2  Ch  18).  The  at- 
tempt was  renewed  by  Ahab's  son  Joram;  but  his 
father's  ill  fortune  followed  him,  and,  heavily 
wounded,  he  retired  for  healing  to  Jezreel  (2  K  8 
28  ff;  2  Ch  22  5f).  During  the  king's  absence 
from  the  camp  at  Ramoth-gilead  Jehu  was  there 
anointed  king  of  Israel  by  Elisha  (2  K  9  1  ff ; 
2  Ch  22  7).  He  proved  a  swift  instrument  of  ven- 
geance against  the  doomed  house  of  Ahab.  Accord- 
ing to  Jos  (Ant,  IX,  vi,  1)  the  city  was  taken  before 
Joram's  departure.  This  is  confirmed  by  2  K  9 
14  ff.  The  place  is  not  mentioned  again,  unless, 
indeed,  it  be  identical  with  "Mizpeh"  in  1  Mace 
5  35. 

It   is   just   possible   that    Ramoth-gilead    corre- 
sponds  to   Mizpah,  (1),  and  to   Ramath-mizpeh. 
The    spot    where    Laban    and    Jacob 
2.  Identi-      parted    is    called    both    Galeed    and 
fication  Mizpah.     Ramath   may  become   Ra- 

moth,   as    we    see    in    the    case    of 
Ramah  of  the  South. 

Merrill  identifies  the  city  with  Jerash,  the  splen- 
did ruins  of  which  lie  in  Wddy  ed-Deir,  N.  of  the 
Jabbok.  He  quotes  the  Bab  Talm  (Makkoth  96) 
as  placing  the  Cities  of  Refuge  in  pairs,  so  that 
those  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan  are  opposite  those  on 
the  W.  Shechem,  being  the  middle  one  of  the  three 
W.  of  the  Jordan,  should  have  Ramoth-gilead  nearly 
opposite  to  it  on  the  E.,  and  this  would  place  its 
site  at  Gerasa,  the  modern  Jerash  (HDB,  s.v.). 
But  the  words  of  the  Talm  must  not  be  interpreted 
too  strictly.  It  seems  very  probable  that  Golan 
lay  far  S.  of  a  line  drawn  due  E.  from  Kedes  (Ke- 
desh-naphtali).  No  remains  have  been  discovered 
at  Jerash  older  than  Gr-Rom  times,  although  the 
presence  of  a  fine  perennial  spring  makes  occupa- 
tion in  antiquity  probable.  The  place  could  be 
approached  by  chariots  along  Wddy  ''Ajlun,  and 
the  country  adjoining  was  not  unsuitable  for 
chariot  evolutions. 

Conder  and  others  have  suggested  Reimun,  an 
ancient  site  to  the  W.  of  Jerash.  The  absence  of 
any  source  of  good  water-supply  is  practically  fatal 
to  this  identification.  Buhl  (GAP,  261  ff)  favors 
el-JiVdd,  a  ruined  site  on  a  hill  S.  of  the  Jabbok; 
see  Gilead,  (1).  Eusebius  and  Jerome  (Onom, 
s.v.)  contradict  each  other,  the  former  placing 
Ramoth-gilead  15  miles  W.,  and  the  latter  15  miles 
E.  of  Philadelphia.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  this 
is  a  mere  slip  on  Jerome's  part,  as  both  say  it  is 
near  the  Jabbok.  Many  have  identified  it  with 
es-Salt,  which  is  indeed  15  miles  W.  of  'Amman 
(Philadelphia),  but  it  is  10  miles  S.  of  the  Jabbok, 
and  so  can  hardly  be  described  as  near  that  river. 
It  is  also  no  place  for  chariot  warfare.  The  case 
against  identification  with  Ramoth-gilead  is  con- 
clusively stated  by  Rev.  G.  A.  Cooke  in  Driver's 
Dt,  XX. 

In  suggesting  these  sites  sufficient  attention  has 
not  been  given  to  what  is  said  in  1  K  4.  The 
authority  of  the  king's  officer  in  Ramoth-gilead 
extended  over  the  land  of  Argob  in  Bashan,  as  well 
as  over  the  towns  of  Jair  in  Gilead.  A  situation 
therefore  to  the  N.  of  Mahanaim  must  be  sought. 
Guthe  would  find  it  at  er-Remtheh,  on  the  pilgrim 
road,  about  10  miles  S.  of  Mezerib  (cf  HGHL,  586 
ff).  Cheyne's  suggestion  of  Sidkhad,  away  on  the 
crest  of  the  mountain  of  Bashan,  is  out  of  the 
question.  Rev.  Caleb  Hauser  (PEFS,  1906  304  f) 
argues  in  favor  of  Beit  Ras,  over  1 1  miles  S.E.  of 
Gadara,  a  position  commanding  all  Northern  Gilead 
and  as  favorably  situated  as  Jerash  for  chariot 
warfare  and  communication  with  the  W.  of  Jordan. 


Rampart 
Ransom 


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2530 


"Here  we  have  the  heights  of  Northern  Gilead. 
Ramoth,  Capitolias,  and  Beit  Ran  are  in  their 
respective  languages  idiomatic  equivalents.  It  is 
improbable  that  a  large  city  like  Capitolias  should 
have  superseded  anything  but  a  very  important 
city  of  earlier  times."  We  must  be  content  to 
leave  the  question  open  meantime.       W.  Ewing 

RAMPART,  ram'part  (Lam  2  8;  Nah  3  8). 
See  Fortification. 

RAM'S  HORN.     See  Music. 

RAMS'  SKINS:  The  skin  of  the  sheep,  roughly 
tanned  with  all  the  wool  on,  is  the  common 
winter  jacket  of  the  shepherd  or  peasant,  the  ram's 
being  considered  esp.  desirable  (cf  He  11  37). 
Hence  the  appropriateness  of  these  skins  in  the 
covering  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex  26  5,  etc).  See 
Tabernacle;  Dye,  Dyeing. 

RANGE,  ranj:  "Range"  and  "rank"  have  the 
same  derivation,  and  in  the  sense  of  a  "row"  (of  men, 
etc)  they  were  formerly  interchangeable.  "Range" 
with  this  meaning  is  found  in  2  K  11  8.15  AV 
\2  Ch  23  14  (RV  "rank";  TTTitp  ,  s'dherah,  "row"). 
Hence  "to  range"  is  "to  set  in  a  line"  (Jth  2  16; 
2  Mace  12  20,  diatdsso)  or  "to  move  in  a  line"  or, 
simply,  "to  roam,"  whence  "a  ranging  bear"  (Prov 
28  15;pplp,  s/ja/ca;fc,  "runtoandfro").  A  cooking 
"range"  is  a  stove  on  which  pots,  etc,  can  be  set  in 
a  row,  but  the  klrayim  (D")"]^?)  of  Lev  11  35  is  a 
much  more  primitive  affair,  composed,  probably, 
of  two  plates  (klrayim  is  a  dual).  In  Job  39  8 
"range  of  the  mountains"  is  good  modern  use,  but 
"in"' ,  ythr,  should  be  pointed  yathilr  (not  y'thur 
as  in  MT)  and  connected  with  tHr,  "search."  So 
translate  "He  searcheth  out  the  mountains  as  his 
pasture."  Burton  Scott  Easton 

RANK,  rank:  (1)  n^'X ,  'orah,  used  in  Joel  2  7 
of  the  advance  of  the  locust  army  which  marched 
in  perfect  order  and  in  straight  lines,  none  crossing 
the  other's  track.  (2)  HDiya  ,  ma'arakhah,  "battle 
array"  (1  Ch  12  38  AV;  Vf  1  S  4  16;  17  22.48). 
See  Army. 

RANKS,  ranks  (irpao-id,  -prasid,  "a  square  plot 
of  ground,"  "a  garden-bed"):  "They  sat  down  in 
ranks"  (Mk  6  40);  the  several  reclining  ranks 
formed,  as  it  were,  separate  plots  or  "garden-beds." 

RANSOM,  ran'sum  (the  noun  occurs  in  the 
Eng.  Bible  12  t  [Ex  21  30  AV,  "i'^IS ,  -pidhyon; 
30  12;  Job  33  24;  36  18;  Prov  6  35;  13  8;  21 
18;  Isa  43  3,  ^S3 ,  kopher;  Mt  20  28;  Mk  10  45, 
Xirpov,  lutron;  1  Tim  2  6,  dvrtXvTpov,  antUidron]; 
the  verbal  form  occurs  4  t  [Isa  35  10;  Hos  13  14, 
n-S,  pSdhdh;  Isa  51  10  AV;  Jer  31  11,  b^5,,ga'al; 
these  two  Heb  vbs.  are  generally  rendered  in  other 
passages  by  the  Eng.  "redeem"]): 

1.  Usage  by  Christ 

2.  OT  Usage — the  Law 

(1)  General  Cases 

(2)  Redemption  Money — the  Firstborn 

(3)  Connection  with  .Sacrifice 

(4)  Typical  Reference  to  the  Messiali 

3.  The  Pss  and  Job 

4.  Apostohc  Teaching 

5.  To  Whom  Was  the  Ransom  Paid  ? 

(1)  Not  to  Satan 

(2)  To  Divine  Justice 

(a)   Redemption  by  Price 
(6)    Redemption  by  Power 
Literature 

The  supremely  important  instance  is  the  utter- 
ance of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as  reported  by  Matthew 


and  Mark  (Mt  20  28;    Mk  10  45),  and  in   look- 
ing at  it  we  shall  be  able,  by  way  of  illustration, 
to  glance  at  the  OT  passages.     The 

1.  Usage  context  refers  to  the  dispute  among 
by  Christ       the  disciples  concerning  position  in  the 

Kingdom,  with  their  misconception  of 
the  true  nature  of  Christ's  Kingdom.  Christ  makes 
use  of  the  occasion  to  set  forth  the  great  law  of 
service  as  determining  the  place  of  honor  in  that 
Kingdom^  and  illustrates  and  enforces  it  by  show- 
ing that  its  greatest  exemplification  is  to  be  found 
in  His  own  mission:  "For  the  Son  of  man  also  came 
not  to  be  ministered  unto,  but  to  minister"  (Mk  10 
45).  His  ministry,  however,  was  to  pass  into  the 
great  act  of  sacrifice,  of  which  all  other  acts  of  self- 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  His  people  would  be  but  a 
faint  reflection — "and  to  give  his  life  [soul]  a  ran- 
som for  many"  (ib).  He  thus  gives  a  very  clear 
intimation  of  the  purpose  and  meaning  of  His 
death;  the  clearest  of  all  the  intimations  reported 
by  the  synoptists.  The  word  He  uses  bears  a 
well-established  meaning,  and  is  accurately  rendered 
by  our  word  "ransom,"  a  price  paid  to  secure  the 
freedom  of  a  slave  or  to  set  free  from  liabilities 
and  charges,  and  generally  the  deliverance  from 
calamity  by  paying  the  forfeit.  The  familiar  vb. 
liio,  "to  loose,"  "to  set  free,"  is  the  root,  then  Iti- 
trbn,  that  which  secures  the  freedom,  the  payment 
or  forfeit;  thence  come  the  cognate  vb.  lutroo,  "to 
set  free  upon  payment  of  a  ransom,"  "to  redeem"; 
lutrosis,  "the  actual  setting  free,"  "the  redemption," 
and  lutrotts,  "the  redeemer."  The  favorite  NT 
word  for  "redemption"  is  the  compound  form, 
apolutrosis. 

The  word  lutron  was  common  in  Gr  classical  lit., 

constantly  bearing  the  sense  of  "ransom  price,"  and 

was  frequently  connected  with  ritual 

2.  OT  usage,  with  sacrifice  and  expiation. 
Usage —  But  for  the  full  explanation  of  Our 
the  Law         Lord's  great  thought  we  have  to  look 

to  the  OT  usage.  The  two  leading 
Heb  vbs.  tr''  in  our  version  by  "redeem,"  are  gen- 
erally rendered  in  the  LXX  by  lutroo,  and  deriva- 
tives of  these  words  conveying  the  idea  of  the 
actual  price  paid  are  tr''  by  this  very  word  lutron. 

(1)  General  cases. — In  Ex  21  30  we  have  the  law 
concerning  the  case  of  the  person  killed  by  an  ox;  the 
ox  was  to  be  killed  and  the  owner  of  it  was  also  liable  to 
death  but  the  proviso  was  made,  "If  there  be  laid  on 
him  a  sum  of  money,  then  he  shall  give  for  the  ransom 
of  his  life  whatsoever  is  laid  upon  him"  (AV).  The 
Heb  for  "sum  of  money"  is  kopher,  lit.  "atonement" 
(RV  "ransom"):  the  word  for  "ransom"  (RV  "re- 
demption") is  pidhyon  (from  pddhah);  the  LXX  renders 
both  by  lutron  (rather  by  the  pi.  form  Intra).  In  Lev 
25,  among  the  directions  in  relation  to  the  Jubilee,  we 
have  the  provision  (ver  23)  tliat  the  land  was  not  to  be 
sold  "in  perpetuity,"  but  where  any  portion  has  been 
sold,  opportunity  is  to  be  given  for  re-purchase:  "Ye 
shall  grant  a  redemption  for  the  land"  (ver  24).  The 
Heb  is  gc'ulldh,  a  derivative  of  goal,  the  LXX  lutra.  In 
vs  25.26,  the  case  is  mentioned  of  a  man  who  through 
poverty  has  sold  part  of  his  land;  if  a  near  kinsman  is 
able  to  redeem  it  he  shall  do  so;  if  there  is  no  one  to  act 
this  brotherly  part,  and  the  man  himself  is  able  to  re- 
deem it,  then  a  certain  scale  of  price  is  arranged.  In  the 
Heb  it  is  again  goal  that  is  used  with  the  cognate  go  el 
for  "kinsman."  The  last  clause  rendered  in  AV,  "and 
himself  be  able  to  redeem  it"  (in  RV  "and  he  be  waxed 
rich  and  find  stifllcient  to  redeem  it"),  is  lit.  "and  his 
hand  shall  acquire  and  he  find  sulTicient  for  its  redemp- 
tion"; LXX  has  the  vb.  lutroo  in  the  first  part,  and 
renders  the  clause  pretty  literally,  "and  there  be  fur- 
nished to  his  hand  and  there  be  found  with  him  the  suffi- 
cient price  [lulra]  of  it."  In  vs  51.52,  in  reference  to  the 
redemption  of  tlie  Jew  sold  into  slavery,  we  have  twice 
in  the  Heb  the  word  g^^ulldh,  rendered  in  Eng.  accurately 
"the  price  of  his  redemption";  and  by  LXX  with  eqiral 
accuracy,  in  both  cases,  lutra,  "the  ransom-price."  In 
Lev  27  31  AA^,  the  phrase  "if  a  man  will  at  all  redeem 
aught  of  his  tithes  '  is  intended  to  represent  the  em- 
phatic Heb  idiom,  "if  a  man  redeeming  will  redeem," 
wliich  is  rendered  by  LXX  edn  di  lutrdtai  lutrO  dnthrOpos. 

(2)  Redemption  money — the  firstborn. — But  per- 
haps the  most  important  passage  is  the  law  concern- 


2531 


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Rampart 
Ransom 


ing  the  half-shekel  to  be  paid  by  every  Israelite 
from  20  years  old  and  upward  when  a  census  was 
taken.  It  was  to  be  the  same  for  rich  and  poor, 
and  it  was  called  "atonement  money,"  "to  make 
atonement  for  their  souls."  In  the  opening  words 
of  the  law,  as  given  in  Ex  30  12  (AV),  we  read 
"Then  shall  they  give  every  man  a  ransom  for  his 
soul  unto  the  Lord" — the  Heb  kopher;  the  LXX 
rendering  is  lutra  its  psuchis  autou,  "a  ransom  price 
for  his  soul."  All  the  people  were  thus  considered 
as  doomed  and  needing  atonement,  and  it  is  sig- 
nificant that  this  atonement  money  paid  at  the 
first  census  furnished  the  silver  for  the  sockets  of 
the  tabernacle  boards,  intimating  that  the  typical 
tabernacle  was  built  upon  atonement.  The  same 
thought,  that  the  people's  lives  were  forfeited, 
comes  out  in  the  provision  for  the  consecration  of 
theLevites,  recorded  in  full  in  Nu  3  40-51.  The 
firstborn  represented  the  people.  God  claimed  all 
the  firstborn  as  forfeited  to  Himself,  teaching  that 
Israel  deserved  the  same  punishment  as  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  was  only  spared  by  the  grace  of  Jeh,  and 
invirtue  of  the  sprinkled  blood.  Now  He  takes  to 
Himself  for  His  services  the  Levites  as  the  equiva- 
lent of  the  firstborn,  and  when  it  was  found  that 
the  number  of  the  firstborn  exceeded  the  number  of 
the  Levites,  equivalence  was  maintained  by  ran- 
soming at  a  certain  price  the  surplusage  of  the  first- 
born males.  In  the  LXX  account,  lutra  occurs  4  t, 
twice  for  the  phrase  "those  to  be  redeemed,"  and 
twice  for  "redemption  money."  Thus  the  idea  of 
ransom  for  the  forfeited  life  became  familiar  to  the 
people  as  educated  by  the  typical  system,  and  re- 
demption expressed  the  sum  total  of  their  hopes  for 
the  futiire,  however  faulty  might  be  their  concep- 
tion of  the  nature  of  that  redemption. 

(3)  Connection  with  sacrifice, — It  is  also  clear  in  the 
typical  teaching  that  sacriflee  and  ransom  were  closely 
related.  Even  in  classical  Gr,  as  we  have  noted,  the 
two  conceptions  were  connected,  and  it  is  not  surprising 
to  find  it  so  in  the  OT.  Kdpher,  we  have  seen,  is  lit. 
"atonement"  and  comes  from  kdphar,  lit.  "to  cover." 
and  thence  by  covering  to  make  atonement,  or  to  cover 
by  making  atonement;  and  so  it  is  in  the  Piel  form,  the 
most  common  and  technical  Heb  word  for  making  atone- 
ment, or  expiation,  or  propitiation,  and  is  frequently 
rendered  in  the  Gr  by  hildskomai,  often  too  by  the  com- 
pound exildskomai.  In  Ex  21  30,  kopher,  we  noted,  is 
used  interchangeably  with  pidhydn,  both  being  repre- 
sented in  the  LXX  by  lutra,  and  so  in  Ex  30  12;  Nu 
35  31.32;  the  Heb  kapher  is  lutra  in  the  Gr.  In  the 
latter  place,  where  it  is  twice  stated  that  no  satisfaction 
shall  be  taken  for  the  life  of  a  murderer,  the  Heb  is 
kopher,  LXX  lutra,  RV  "ransom,"  AV  "satisfaction." 

(4)  Typical  reference  to  the  Messiah, — Sacrifice 
was  thus  linked  with  ransom.  Sacrifice  was  the 
Divinely  appointed  covering  for  sin.  The  ransom 
for  the  deliverance  of  the  sinner  was  to  be  by  sacri- 
fice. Both  the  typical  testimony  of  the  Law  and 
the  prophetic  testimony  gave  prominence  to  the 
thought  of  redemption.  The  Coming  One  was  to 
be  a  Redeemer.  Redemption  was  to  be  the  great 
work  of  the  Messiah.  The  people  seem  to  have 
looked  for  the  redemption  of  the  soul  to  God  alone 
through  the  observance  of  their  appointed  ritual, 
while  redemption,  in  the  more  general  sense  of  de- 
liverance from  all  enemies  and  troubles,  they  linked 
with  the  advent  of  the  Messiah.  It  required  a 
spiritual  vision  to  see  that  the  two  things  would 
coincide,  that  the  Messiah  would  effect  redemption 
in  all  its  phases  and  fulness  by  means  of  ransom,  of 
sacrifice,  of  expiation. 

Jesus  appeared  as  the  Messiah  in  whom  all  the 
old  economy  was  to  be  fulfilled.  He  knew  per- 
fectly the  meaning  of  the  typical  and  prophetic 
testimony;  and  with  that  fully  in  view,  knowing 
that  His  death  was  to  fulfil  the  OT  types  and  ac- 
complish its  brightest  prophetic  anticipations.  He 
deliberately  uses  this  term  liitron  to  describe  it 
(Mt  20  28) ;  in  speaking  of  His  death  as  a  ransom. 


He  also  regarded  it  as  a  sacrifice,  an  expiatory  offer- 
ing. The  strong  preposition  used  intensifies  the 
idea  of  ransom  and  expiation,  even  to  the  point  of 
substitution.  It  is  antl,  "instead  of,"  and  the  idea 
of  exchange,  equivalence,  substitution  cannot  be 
removed  from  it.  In  Nu  3  45,  "Take  the  Levites 
instead  of  all  the  first-born,"  the  LXX  uses  anli, 
which,  like  the  Eng.  "instead  of,"  exactly  repre- 
sents the  Heb  tahath;  and  all  three  convey  most 
unmistakably  the  idea  of  substitution.  And  as  the 
Levites  were  to  be  substituted  for  the  firstborn,  so 
for  the  surplus  of  the  firstborn  the  "ransom  money" 
was  to  be  substituted,  that  idea,  however,  being 
clearly  enough  indicated  by  the  use  of  the  genitive. 
Indeed  the  simpler  way  of  describing  a  ransom  would 
be  with  the  genitive,  the  ransom  of  many;  or  as 
our  version  renders,  "a  ransom  for  many";  but 
just  because  the  ransom  here  is  not  simply  a  money 
payment,  but  is  the  actual  sacrifice  of  the  life,  the 
substitution  of  His  soul  for  many,  He  is  appropri- 
ately said  "to  give  his  soul  a  ransom  instead  of 
many."  The  Kingdom  of  God  which  Christ  pro- 
claimed was  so  diverse  in  character  from  that 
which  Salome  and  her  sons  anticipated  that,  so  far 
from  appearing  in  dazzling  splendor,  with  distin- 
guished places  of  power  for  eager  aspirants,  it  was 
to  be  a  spiritual  home  for  redeemed  sinners.  Men 
held  captive  by  sin  needed  to  be  ransomed  that  they 
might  be  free  to  become  subjects  of  the  Kingdom, 
and  so  the  ransom  work,  the  sufferings  and  death 
of  Christ,  must  lie  at  the  very  foundation  of  that 
Kingdom.  The  need  of  ransom  supposes  life  for- 
feited; the  ransom  paid  secures  life  and  liberty; 
the  life  which  Christ  gives  comes  through  His 
ransoming  death. 

Besides  the  passages  in  the  Pent  which  we  have 

noted,  special  mention  should  be  made  of  the  two 

great  passages  which  bear  so  closely 

3.  The  Pss  upon  the  need  of  spiritual  redemption, 
and  Job         and   come   into   line   with   this   great 

utterance  of  Christ.  Ps  49  7.8,  "None 
of  them  can  by  any  means  redeem  [pSdhdh; 
luiroo]  his  brother,  nor  give  to  God  a  ransom 
[kopher;  exilasma]  for  him  (tor  the  redemption  of 
their  life  is  costly,  and  it  faileth  for  ever)."  (The 
Heb  gives  pidhyon  for  "redemption" ;  the  Gr  has 
"the  price  of  the  redemption  of  his  soul.")  No 
human  power  or  skill,  no  forfeit  in  money  or  service 
or  life  can  avail  to  ransom  any  soul  from  the  doom 
entailed  by  sin.  But  in  the  same  ps  (ver  15)  the 
triumphant  hope  is  expressed,  "But  God  will  re- 
deem [padhah;  lutroo]  my  soul  from  the  power  of 
Sheol."  In  Job  33  24,  "Deliver  him  from  going 
down  to  the  pit,  I  have  found  a  ransom":  God  is 
the  speaker,  and  whatever  may  be  the  particular 
exegesis  of  the  passage  in  its  original  application,  it 
surely  contains  an  anticipation  of  the  gospel  re- 
demption. This  Divine  eureka  is  explained  in  the 
light  of  Christ's  utterance;  it  finds  its  realization 
through  the  cross:  "I  have  found  a  ransom,"  for 
"the  Son  of  Man"  has  given  "his  soul  a  ransom  for 
many." 

This  great  utterance  of  the  Saviour  may  well 
be  considered  as  the  germ  of  all  the  apostolic  teach- 
ing  concerning  redemption,  but  it  is 

4.  Apostolic  not  for  us  to  show  its  unfolding  beyond 
Teaching       noting  that  in  apostolic  thought  the 

redemption  was  always  connected  with 
the  death,  the  sacrifice  of  Christ. 

Thus  Paul  (Eph  1  7) ,  "  In  whom  we  have  our  redemp- 
tion through  his  lilood."  Thus  Peter  (1  Pet  1  18.19), 
"Ye  were  redeemed,  not  with  corruptible  things  .... 
but  with  precious  blood,  as  of  a  lamb  without  blemish 
and  without  spot,  even  the  blood  of  Christ."  So  in  He 
9  12  it  is  shown  that  Christ  "through  his  own  blood, 
entered  in  once  for  all  into  the  holy  place,  having  ob- 
tained eternal  redemption";  and  in  the  Apocalypse 
(Rev  5  9)  the  song  is,  "Thou  wast  slain,  and  didst  pur- 
chase unto  God  with  thy  blood  men  of  every  tribe,"  etc. 


Ransom 
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In  all  but  the  last  of  these  passages  there  is  an  echo  of 
the  very  word  used  by  Christ,  apolutrosis  and  lutrosis, 
both  being  connected  with  (li/ron.  In  1  Tim  2  5.6  Paul 
has  a  still  closer  verbal  coincidence  when  he  says.  "Christ 
Jesus,  who  gave  himself  a  ransom  for  all"  (anlilutron). 
The  word  used  in  the  Apocalypse  is  aaordxs,  to  buy  in  the 
open  market,  and  is  frequently  used  of  the  redeeming 
work  of  Christ  (Rev  14  3.4;  2  Pet  2  1;  1  Cor  6  20; 
7  23) .  In  the  two  places  where  Paul  uses  it  he  adds  the 
means  of  purchase:  "Ye  were  bought  with  a  price," 
which  from  his  point  of  view  would  be  equivalent  to 
ransom.  In  the  passage  in  Gal  3  13;  4  5,  Paul  uses 
the  compound  exagordzo,  which  is  equivalent  "to  "re- 
deem, buy  off,  deliver  by  paying  the  price." 

The  question  "Who  receives  the  ransom?"  is  not 

directly  raised  in  Scripture,  but  it  is  one  that  not 

unnaturally  occurs  to  the  mind,  and 

6.  To  theologians  have  answered  it  in  vary- 

Whom  Was  ing  ways. 

the  Ransom  (1)  Not  to  Satan. — The  idea  enter- 
Paid?  tained  by  some  of  the  Fathers  (Ire- 
naeus,  Origen)  that  the  ransom  was 
given  to  Satan,  who  is  conceived  of  as  having 
through  the  sin  of  man  a  righteous  claim  upon  him, 
which  Christ  recognizes  and  meets,  is  grotesque, 
and  not  in  any  way  countenanced  by  Scripture. 

(2)  To  Divine  justice. — But  in  repudiating  it, 
there  is  no  need  to  go  so  far  as  to  deny  that  there 
is  anything  answering  to  a  real  ransoming  trans- 
action. All  that  we  have  said  goes  to  show  that, 
in  no  mere  figure  of  speech,  but  in  tremendous  real- 
ity, Christ  gave  "his  life  a  ransom,"  aiKl  if  our  mind 
demands  an  answer  to  the  question  to  whom  the 
ransom  was  paid,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  unreason- 
able to  think  of  the  justice  of  God,  or  God  in  His 
character  of  Moral  Governor,  as  requiring  and 
receiving  it.  In  all  that  Scripture  asserts  about 
propitiation,  sacrifice,  reconciliation  in  relation  to 
the  work  of  Christ,  it  is  implied  that  there  is  wrath 
to  be  averted,  someone  to  be  appeased  or  satisfied, 
and  while  it  may  be  enough  simply  to  think  of  the 
effects  of  Christ's  redeeming  work  in  setting  us  free 
from  the  penal  claims  of  the  Law — the  just  doom  of 
sin — it  does  not  seem  going  beyond  the  spirit  of 
Scripture  to  draw  the  logical  inference  that  the 
ransom  price  was  paid  to  the  Guardian  of  that  holy 
law,  the  Administrator  of  eternal  justice.  "Christ 
redeemed  us  from  the  curse  of  the  law,  having 
become  a  curse  for  us"  (Gal  3  13).  This  essential, 
fundamental  phase  of  redemption  is  what  theolo- 
gians, with  good  Scripture  warrant,  have  called 
redemption  by  blood,  or  by  price,  as  distinguished 
from  the  practical  outcome  of  the  work  of  Christ 
in  the  life  which  is  redemption  by  power. 

(a)  Redemption  by  price:  As  to  Satan's  claims,  Christ 
by  paying  the  ransom  price,  having  secured  the  right 
to  redeem,  exercises  His  power  on  behalf  of  the  believing 
sinner.  He  does  not  recognize  the  right  of  Satan.  He 
is  the  "strong  man"  holding  his  captives  lawfully,  and 
Christ  the  "stronger  than  he"  overcomes  him  and 
spoils  him,  and  sets  his  captives  free  (Lk  11  21.22). 
In  one  sense  men  may  be  said  to  have  sold  themselves 
to  Satan,  but  they  had  no  right  to  sell,  nor  he  to  buy, 
and  Christ  ignores  that  transaction  and  brings  "t» 
nought  him  that  had  the  power  of  death,  that  is.  the 
devil"  (He  2  14),  and  sols  able  to  "dehverall  them  who 
through  fear  of  death  were  all  their  hfetlme  subject  to 
bondage"  (He  2  IS). 

(h)  Redemption  by  power:  Many  of  the  OT  pas- 
sages about  the  redemption  wrought  on  behalf  of 
God's  people  illustrate  this  redemption  by  power, 
and  the  redemption  by  power  is  always  founded  on 
the  redemption  by  price;  the  release  follows  the 
ransom.  In  the  case  of  Israel,  there  was  first  the 
redemption  by  blood — the  sprinkled  blood  of  the 
Paschal  Lamb  which  sheltered  from  the  destroying 
angel  (Ex  12) — and  then  followed  the  redemption 
by  power,  when  by  strength  of  hand  Jeh  brought 
His  people  out  from  Egypt  (Ex  13  14),  and  in  His 
mercy  led  forth  the  people  which  He  had  redeemed 
(Ex  15  13). 
So  under  the  gospel  when  "he  hath  visited  and 


wrought  redemption  for  his  people"  (Lk  1  68),  He 
can  "grant  unto  us  that  we  being  delivered  out  of 
the  hand  of  our  enemies  should  serve  him  without 
fear"  (Lk  1  74).  It  is  because  we  have  in  Him 
our  redemption  through  His  blood  that  we  can  be 
delivered  out  of  the  power  of  darkness  (Col  1  13. 
14).    See  further,  Redeemer,  Redemption. 

LiTEBATTTBE. — See  works  on  NT  Theology  (Weiss, 
Schmid,  Stevens,  etc) ;   arts,  in  HZ) B,-   DCG. 

Archibald  M'Caig 

RAPE,  rap.     See  Crimes;   Punishments. 

.  RAPHA,  RAPHAH,  ra'fa  (SST ,  ravha') : 

(1)  In  RVm  these  names  are  substituted  for  "the 
giant"  in  1  Ch  20  4.6.8  and  in  2  S  21  16.18.20.22. 
The  latter  passage  states  that  certain  champions  of 
the  Philis  who  were  slain  by  David's  warriors  had 
been  born  to  the  raphah  in  Gath.  The  text  is  cor- 
rupt; Raphah  is  probably  an  eponym.  Originally 
the  name  of  one  of  the  Philis  who  was  of  the  body 
"Rephaites"  stood  in  the  text.  The  plural  of  this 
word,  or  at  least  a  plural  of  this  stem,  is  Rephaim 
(q.v.). 

(2)  Raphah  (AV  "Rapha"),  a  descendant  of 
Saul  (1  Ch  8  37).     See  Rephaiah. 

Horace  J.  Wolp 
RAPHAEL,  raf'a-el,  ra'fa-el  (bSB^ ,  r'pha'el, 
from  rapha'  'el,  "God  has  healed";  ■Pa<{>aTJ\,  Rha- 
phael):  The  name  of  the  angel  who,  as  Azarias, 
guides  Tobias  to  Ecbatana  and  Rages  (q.v.). 
The  purpose  of  his  mission  is,  in  accordance  with 
his  name,  to  cure  Tobit  of  blindness,  and  to  deliver 
Sarah,  the  daughter  of  Raguel,  from  the  power  of 
the  evil  spirit  Asmodaeus  (Tob  3  8;  12  14). 
Later,  in  addition,  when  he  reveals  himself  (12  15), 
he  declares  that  he  is  "one  of  the  seven  holy  angels, 
which  present  the  prayers  of  the  saints,  and  go  in 
before  the  glory  of  the  Holy  One."  These  seven 
angels  are  derived,  according  to  Dr.  Kohut,  from  the 
seven  Am-shaspands  (Amesha-spentas)  of  Zoro- 
astrianism  (cf  Rev  4  5).  At  the  head  of  the 
elaborate  angelology  of  the  Enoch  books  there  are 
"four  presences,"  and  Raphael  is  one  of  them  (En 
40  9;  54  6).  In  the  first  of  these  passages  Raphael 
is  the  healer;  in  the  second,  he  with  Michael, 
Gabriel  and  Phanuel  lead  the  wicked  away  to  pun- 
ishment. These  four  presences  seem  related  to 
the  four  "living  creatures"  of  Ezk  (1  5)  and  of  the 
Apocalypse  (Rev  4  6).  While  this  is  the  general 
representation  of  Raphael's  position  in  En,  in  20  3 
he  is  named  among  the  angels  who  "watch," 
whose  number  according  to  the  Gr  text  is  seven. 
Raphael  shared  in  the  function  assigned  to  the 
archangels,  in  the  Oracula  Sibyllina,  of  leading  souls 
to  the  judgment  seat  of  God  (II,  215,  Alexandre's 
text).  He  occupies  a  prominent  place  in  Jewish 
mediaeval  writings;  he  with  Michael  and  Gabriel 
cured  Abraham  (Yoma'  37a);  according  to  the 
book  Zohar,  Raphael  conveyed  to  Adam  a  book  con- 
taining 72  kinds  of  wisdom  in  670  writings.  The 
painters  of  the  Renaissance  frequently  depicted 
Raphael.  J.  E.  H.  Thomson 

RAPHAIM,  raf'ft-im,  ra-fa'im  (B  omits;  N  and  A 
have  'Pa<j)a[c](v,  Rhapha[e]in) :  An  ancestor  of  Judith 
(Jth  8  1). 

RAPHON,  ra'fon  ('Pa<|)€it6v,  Rhapheion):  The 
place  where  in  his  campaign  E.  of  Jordan  Judas 
inflicted  disastrous  defeat  on  the  host  of  Timotheus, 
the  fugitives  fleeing  for  refuge  to  the  temple  at  Car- 
naim(l  Mace  5  37ff;  An<,XII,  viii,  4).  Thesame 
place  is  doubtless  referred  to  by  Pliny  as  "Raphana" 
{NH,  V.16).  It  may  possibly  be  represented  by 
the  modern  Rafeh,  on  the  E.  of  the  pilgrimage  road, 
about  17  miles  N.  of  Der'ah,  and  11  miles  N.E.  of 


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Ransom 
Razor 


Tell  el-'Ash'ary.  It  is  a  mile  and  a  half  N.  of  Wddy 
Kanaioal,  which  would  thus  be  the  "brook"  men- 
tioned in  the  narrative.  It  is  perhaps  far  enough 
away  from  Carnaim,  if  this  is  rightly  placed  at 
Tell  el-'Ash'ary.  W.  Ewinq 

RAPHTJ,  ra'fu  (SIST ,  rap/tu',  "one  healed"): 
The  father  of  Palti,  the  spy  selected  from  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (Nu  13  9). 

RASSES,  ras'ez  (X,  'Paao-crets,  Rhaasseis,  A  B, 
'Pao-<r€£s,  Rhassels;  Vulg  Tharsis;  Old  Lat  Thiras 
et  Basis):  The  children  of  Rasses  are  mentioned 
with  Put,  Lud  and  the  children  of  Ishmael  as  liaving 
been  subdued  by  Holof ernes  (Jth  2  23). 

Their  identity  is  a  matter  of  conjecture  only.  Some 
think  Vulg  Thar  sis  (  =  Tarsus)  is  meant,  others  Rosh 
(Ezk  38  2.3;  39  1),  others  Rhosos,  a  mountain  range 
and  city  S.  from  Anunus,  on  the  Gulf  of  Issus.  Most 
probably  a  district,  not  a  town,  is  named,  situated  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Asia  Minor. 

S.  F.  Hunter 

RATHUMUS,  ra-thu'mus  ('P<i9»j|ios,  Rhdthumos)  : 
One  of  those  who  joined  in  writing  a  letter  to  pro- 
test to  Artaxerxes  against  the  Jews  (1  Esd  2  16  ff). 
In  2  17  he  is  stjded  "story-writer,"  RVm  "recorder" 
(6  ra  wpocnriTrrovTa  sc.  ypdcptjPj  ho  td  prospiyionta 
[grdphu)i\)  =  "'Re\mm.  the  chancellor"  of  Ezr  4  8, 
Rathumus  being  a  Gr  form  of  Rehum.  In  1  Esd 
2  16  his  title  appears  as  an  independent  proper 
name,  Beeltethmus  (q.v.)  (here  AVm  gives 
"Bahumus,"  a  misprint),  and  in  2  25  R.  and  Beel- 
tethmus  are  given  as  distinct  persons. 

RAVEN,  ra'v'n  (l"l'y ,  'arehh;  K6pa|,  k&rax;  Lat 
Corvus  corax) :  A  large  family  of  the  smaller  birds 
of  prey  belonging  to  the  genus  Corvus  corax.  A 
bird  of  such  universal  distribution  that  it  is  known 


r    " 

^  "W"'^ 

"mi»t  "msg^"     ^^^i 

i          -^tH 

i 

bL^ 

Ifr"- 

tp**   ^  ^*8S 

^Pw'' 

y,'  ^     ' 

\           '>      „wi.«k!t 

Raven  {Corvus  corax). 

from  Iceland  to  Japan,  all  over  Asia,  Europe  and 
Africa,  but  almost  extinct  and  not  of  general  dis- 
tribution in  our  own  country.  In  no  land  is  it 
more  numerous  than  in  Pal.  In  general  appearance 
it  resembles  the  crow,  but  is  much  larger,  being 
almost  two  feet  long,  of  a  glossy  black,  with  whisk- 
ers around  the  beak,  and  rather  stiff-pointed  neck 
feathers.  A  bird  exhibiting  as  much  intelligence 
as  any,  and  of  a  saucy,  impudent  disposition,  it 
has  been  an  object  of  interest  from  the  begin- 
ning. It  has  been  able  to  speak  sentences  of  a  few 
words  when  carefully  taught,  and  by  its  uncanny  acts 
has  made  itself  a  bu:d  surrounded  by  superstition, 
myth,  fable,  and  is  connected  with  the  religious 
rites  of  many  nations.  It  is  partially  a  carrion 
feeder,  if  offal  or  bodies  are  fresh;  it  also  eats  the 
young  of  other  birds  and  very  small  animals  and 
seeds,  berries  and   fruit,  having  as  varied  a  diet 


as  any  bird.  It  is  noisy,  with  a  loud,  rough, 
emphatic  cry,  and  its  young  are  clamorous  at 
feeding  time. 

Aristotle  wrote  that  ravens  drove  their  young  from 
their  location  and  forced  them  to  care  for  themselves 
from  the  tim(!  they  left  the  nest.  This  is  doubtful. 
Bird  habits  and  characteristics  change  only  with  slow 
ages  of  evolution.  Our  ravens  of  today  are,  to  all  intents, 
tlie  same  birds  as  those  of  Pal  in  the  time  of  Moses,  and 
ours  follow  the  young  afield  for  several  days  ajid  feed 
them  until  the  cawing,  flapping  youngsters  appear 
larger  than  the  parents.  In  Pliny's  day,  ravens  had 
been  taught  to  speak,  and  as  an  instance  of  their  cunning 
he  records  that  in  time  of  drought  a  raven  found  a  bucket 
containing  a  little  water  beside  a  sepulcher  and  raised 
it  to  drinlfing  level  by  dropping  in  stones. 

Pal  has  at  least  8  different  species  of  ravens. 
This  bird  was  the  first  sent  out  by  Noah  in  an  effort 
to  discover  if  the  flood  were  abating  (Gen  8  6-S). 
Because  it  partially  fed  on  carrion  it  was  included 
among  the  abominations  (see  Lev  11  15;  Dt  14 
14).  On  1  K  17  4-6,  see  Elijah  and  the  present 
writer's  Birds  of  the  Bible,  401-3.  Among  the 
marvels  of  creation  and  providence  in  Job  38  41, 
we  have  this  mention  of  the  raven, 

"Who  provideth  for  the  raven  his  prey, 
When  hLs  young  ones  cry  unto  God, 
And  wander  for  lack  of  food  ?  " 

The  answer  to  this  question  is  in  Ps  147  9 : 

"  He  giveth  to  the  beast  his  food. 
And  to  the  young  ravens  which  cry." 

Both  these  quotations  point  out  the  fact  that  the 
young  are  peculiarly  noisy.  In  Prov  30  17  it  is 
indicated  that  the  ravens,  as  well  as  eagles,  vultures 
and  hawks,  found  the  eye  of  prey  the  vulnerable 
point,  and  so  attacked  it  first.  The  Heb  'orebh 
means  "black,"  and  for  this  reason  was  applied  to 
the  raven,  so  the  reference  to  the  locks  of  the  bride- 
groom in  the  Song  of  Solomon  becomes  clear  (Cant 
5  11).  The  raven  is  one  of  the  birds  indicated  to 
prey  upon  the  ruins  of  Edom  (Isa  34  11).  The  last 
reference  is  found  in  Lk  12  24:  "Consider  the 
ravens,  that  they  sow  not,  neither  reap;  which 
have  no  store-chamber  nor  barn;  and  God  feedeth 
them."  This  could  have  been  said  of  any  wOd  bird 
with  equal  truth.  Gene  Stratton-Porteb 

RAVEN,  rav"n,  RAVIN,  rav'in:  "Raven"  (vb.)  is 
from  "rapine,"  "violent  plundering,"  used  for  Cl"ip  , 
taraph,  in  Gen  49  27;  Ps  22  13;  Ezk  22  85.27, 
while  "ravin"  (noun)  is  the  object  ravened,  in  Nah 
2  12  the  torn  carcases  (nD"ltp ,  t'rephah).  So  a 
"ravenous  bird"  (Isa  46  11;  Ezk  39  4)  is  a  bird 
of  prey  (not  a  "hungry  bird"),  Uiy ,  'ayil,  ht.  "a 
screecher."  "Ravenous  beast"  in  Isa  35  9  is  for 
■flS ,  pdrtf,  "violent  one."  In  the  NT  Hp-wai,, 
hdrpax,  "rapacious,"  is  tr''  "ravening"  in  Mt  7  15, 
while  for  the  cognate  apirayri,  harpagt  (Lk  11  39), 
AV  gives  "ravening,"  RV  "extortion." 

RAZIS,  ra'zis  ('Pojets,  Rhazeis):  "An  elder  of 
Jerus,"  "lover  of  his  countrymen,"  and  for  his  good 
will  toward  them  called  "father  of  the  Jews," 
accused  before  the  Syrian  general  Nicanor  as  an 
opponent  of  Hellenism.  In  order  to  escape  falling 
into  the  hands  of  Nicanor's  soldiers  he  committed 
suicide  with  the  greatest  determination  in  a  rather 
revolting  manner  (2  Mace  14  37  ff),  in  his  death 
calling  upon  "the  Lord  of  life"  in  the  hope  of  a 
resurrection.  His  suicide — contrary  to  Jewish 
sentiment — was  regarded  with  approbation  by  the 
author  of  2  Mace  (14  42.43). 

RAZOR,  ra'zer  ("l?ri,  ia'ar,  "knife"  [Nu  6  5; 
Ps  52  2;  Isa  7  20;  Ezk  5  1],  nni'Q,  morah, 
"razor"  [Jgs  13  5;  16  17;  1  S  1  11]).  See  Bar- 
ber; Hair. 


Reading 
Rechab 


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2534 


READING,  red'ing  (X'lp^  ,  mikra' ;  avayvaa-is, 
andgnosis) :  As  a  noun  occurs  once  in  the  OT  (Neh 
8  8)  and  3  t  in  the  NT  (Acts  13  15;  2  Cor  3  14; 
1  Tim  4  13),  each  time  with  reference  to  the  public 
reading  of  the  Divine  Law.  The  vb.  "to  read" 
(Xnp  ,  harff ;  amyii/iba-Kio,  anag-inosho)  occurs  fre- 
que'ntly  both  in  the  OT  and  in  the  NT:  (1)  often 
in  the  sense  of  reading  aloud  to  others,  esp.  of  the 
public  reading  of  God's  Law  or  of  prophecy,  as  by 
Moses  (Ex  24  7),  Ezra  (Neh  8  3.18),  Jesus  in  the 
synagogue  at  Nazareth  (Lk  4  16),  of  the  regular 
reading  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  in  the  syna- 
gogues (Acts  13  27;  15  21),  and  of  the  reading  of 
apostoUc  epp.  in  the  Christian  church  (Col  4  16; 
1  Thess  5  27);  (2)  also  in  the  sense  of  reading  to 
one's  self,  whether  the  Divine  word  in  Law  or 
prophecy  (Dt  17  19;  Acts  8  28-30,  etc),  or  such 
things  as  private  letters  (2  K  5  7;  19  14;  Acts 
23  34,  etc).  D.  Miall  Edwards 

READY,  red'i  (T'nTS  ,  mahir) :  Occurs  twice  in 
the  sense  of  apt,  skilful  (Ezr  7  6;  Ps  45  1).  RV 
gives  "ready"  for  "fit"  (Prov  24  27),  for  "asketh" 
(Mic  7  3),  for  "prepared"  (Mk  14  15),  for  "not 
be  negligent"  (2  Pet  1  12). 

REAIAH,  re-a'ya,  ri-l'a  (IT^S"],  r'aydh,  "Jeh  has 
seen";  LXX  B,  'PaSd,  Rhadd,  A,  'Peid,  Rheid): 

(1)  The  eponym  of  a  Calebite  family  (1  Ch  4  2). 
The  word  "Reaiah"  should  probably  be  substituted 
for  "Haroeh"  in  1  Ch  2  52,  but  both  forms  may 
be  corruptions. 

(2)  A  Reubenite  (1  Ch  5  5,  AV  "Reaia").  See 
Joel. 

(3)  The  family  name  of  a  company  of  Nethinim 
(Ezr  2  47;    Neh  7  50=1  Esd  5  31). 

REAPING,  rep'ing  ("l?p, ,  kaqar;  9£pt|<o,  therizo) : 
Reaping  in  ancient  times,  as  at  present,  consisted 
in  either  pulling  up  the  grain  by  the  roots  or  cutting 
it  with  a  sickle  (see  Sickle),  and  then  binding  the 


Reaping  and  Binding  Siieaves. 

stalks  into  bundles  to  be  carried  to  the  threshing- 
floor.  If  the  Egyp  sculptures  are  true  to  life,  reap- 
ing was  sometimes  divided  into  two  operations,  the 
heads  of  grain  and  the  stalks  being  reaped  separately. 
In  Pal  and  Syria  both  pulling  and  cutting  are  still 
practised,  the  former  when  the  ground  is  stony 
and  the  spears  scarce.  Even  where  the  sickle  is 
used,  much  of  the  grain  comes  up  by  the  roots, 
owing  to  the  toughness  of  the  dried  stalks  or  the 
dullness  of  the  sickle.  The  reaper  sometimes  wears 
pieces  of  cane  on  the  fingers  of  the  hand  which 
gathers  the  grain  in  order  to  protect  them  from 
injury  by  the  sharp  grasses  or  the  sickle.  There 
were  definite  laws  established  by  the  Hebrews  in 
regard  to  reaping  (Lev  19  9;  23  10;  25  5.11;  Dt 
16  9).  Samuel  mentions  the  task  of  reaping  the 
harvest  as  one  of  the  requirements  which  would  be 
made  bv  the  king  for  whom  the  people  were  clamor- 
ing (1  S  8  12). 

Figurative:  The  certainty  of  the  consequences 
of  good  and  evil  doing  were  often  typified  by  the 
sowing  and  the  reaping  of  harvests  (Job  4  8;  Prov 
22  8;  Hos  8  7;  10  12.13;  2  Cor  9  6;  Gal  6 
7.8).     "They  that  sow  in  tears  shall  reap  in  joy" 


is  found  in  the  liberated  captives'  song  (Ps  126  5). 
"He  that  regardeth  the  clouds  shall  not  reap,"  i.e. 
a  lack  of  faith  in  God's  care  wiU  be  punished  (Eccl 
11  4);  cf  also  the  lesson  of  trust  drawTU  from  the 
birds  (Mt  6  26;  Lk  12  24).  Sowing  and  not 
reaping  the  harvest  is  mentioned  as  a  punishment 
for  disobedience  (Job  31  8;  Jer  12  13;  Mic  6  15). 
Reaping  where  he  sowed  not,  showed  the  injustice 
of  the  landlord  (Mt  25  26),  as  did  also  the  with- 
holding of  the  reapers'  wages  (Jas  5  4).  In  God's 
Kingdom  there  is  a  division  of  labor :  '  'He  that  soweth 
and  he  that  reapeth  may  rejoice  together"  (Jn  4 
36-38).  In  John's  vision  he  saw  an  angel  reap  the 
earth  (Rev  14  15.16).  See  Agriculture ;  Glean- 
ing. James  A.  Patch 

REARWARD, rer'word  (nOX  ,  'a^aph,  "to  gather," 
Nu  10  25;  Josh  6  9  [AVm  "'gathering  host"];  Isa 
52  12).     See  Army;  Dan,  Tribe  of;  War,  3. 

REASON,  re'z'n,  REASONABLE,  re'z'n-a-b'l, 
REASONING,  re'z'n-ing  (HS; ,  ydkhah,  etc;  Xoyos, 
logos,  8ta\o-Y£Eo|iai,  -i(r|x6s,  dialogizomai,  -ismos,  etc) : 
"Reason,"  with  related  terms,  has  a  diversity 
of  meanings,  representing  a  large  number  of  Heb 
and  Gr  words  and  phrases.  In  the  sense  of 
"cause"  or  "occasion"  it  stands  in  1  K  9  15  for 
dabhdr,  "a  word"  (RVm  "account"),  but  in  most 
cases  renders  prepositional  forms  as  "from,"  "with," 
"because  of,"  "for  the  sake  of,"  etc.  As  the  ground 
or  argument  for  anything,  it  is  the  tr  of  ta^am  (Prov 
26  16,  RVm  "answers  discreetly"),  of  ydkhah,  as 
in  Isa  1  IS,  "Come  now,  and  let  us  reason  together" 
(cf  Job  13  3;  15  3);  in  1  S  12  7,  the  word  is 
shdphat,  RV  "that  I  may  plead,"  etc.  The  prin- 
cipal Gr  words  for  "reason,"  "reasoning,"  are  those 
given  above.  The  Christian  believer  is  to  be  ready 
to  give  a  reason  (logos)  for  the  hope  that  is  in  him 
(1  Pet  3  15  AV).  "Reason"  as  a  human  faculty 
or  in  the  abstract  sense  appears  in  Apoc  in  Wisd 
17  12  (logismds);  Ecclus  37  16,  "Let  reason  [Zo(70s] 
go  before  every  enterprise,"  RV  "be  the  beginning 
of  every  work."  In  Acts  18  14,  "reason  would"  is 
lit.  katd  logon,  "according  to  reason";  in  Rom  12  1, 
for  "reasonable  [logikds]  service,"  RV  has  "spir- 
itual," and  in  m  "Gr  'belonging  to  the  reason.'  "  In 
RV  "reason,"  etc,  occurs  much  oftener  than  in  AV 
(cf  Lev  17  11;  Dt  28  47;  Jgs  5  22;  Job  20  2;  23 
7,  etc;  Lk  3  15;  12  17;  Acts  17  17,  etc). 

W.  L.  Walker 

REBA,  re'ba  (71"],  rebha',  "fourth  part";  LXX 
B,  'P6Pe,  Rhdbe,  A,  'PcpeK,  Rhebek):  One  of  the  five 
chieftains  of  Midian  who  were  slain  by  the  Israel- 
ites, under  Moses  (Nu  31  8;  Josh  13  21).  Like 
his  comrades,  he  is  termed  a  "king"  in  Nu,  but  a 
"chief"  or  "prince"  in  Josh. 

REBEKAH,  re-bek'a  (Hp^n"! ,  rihhkdh;  LXX  and 
NT  'Pep^KKa,  Rhebekka,  whence  the  usual  Eng. 
spelling  Rebecca) :  Daughter  of  Bethuel  and  an 
unknown  mother,  granddaughter  of  Nahor  and 
Milcah,  sister  of  Laban,  wife  of  Isaac,  mother  of 
Esau  and  Jacob. 

Her  name  is  usually  explained  from  the  Arab.,  SJij. , 

rabkat,  "a  tie-rope  for  animals,"  or,  rather,  "a  noose"  in 
such  a  rope :  its  application  would  then  by  figure  suggest 
the  beauty  (  ?)  of  her  that  bears  it,  by  means  of  which  men 
are  snared  or  boimd.  The  root  is  found  in  Heb  only  in 
the  noun  meaning  " hitching-place "  or  "stall,"  in  the 
famihar  phrase  "fatted  calf"  or  "calf  of  the  stall,"  and 
in  view  of  the  meaning  of  such  names  as  Rachel  and 
Eglah  the  name  Rebekah  might  well  mean  (concrete 
for  abstract,  like  HTOp"! ,    rikmdh,  n^^H  ■   hemddh,  etc) 

a  "tied-up  calf"  (or  "lamb"?),  one  therefore  peculiarly 
choice  and  fat. 

Rebekah  is  first  mentioned  in  the  genealogy  of  the 
descendants  of   Nahor,  brother  of  Abraham  (Gen 


2535 


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Reading 
Rechab 


22  20^24).  In  fact,  the  family  is  there  carried 
down  just  so  far  as  is  necessary  in  order  to  introduce 
this  woman,  for  whose  subsequent  appearance  and 
r61e  the  genealogy  is  obviously  intended  as  a  prepa- 
ration. AH  this  branch  of  the  family  of  Terah 
had  remained  in  Aram  when  Abraham  and  Lot  had 
migrated  to  Canaan,  and  it  is  at  Haran,  "the  city  of 
Nahor,"  that  we  first  meet  Rebekah,  when  in  ch  24 
she  is  made  known  to  Abraham's  servant  at  the 
well  before  the  gate. 

That  idyllic  narrative  of  the  finding  of  a  bride  for 
Isaac  is  too  familiar  to  need  rehearsal  and  too 
simple  to  require  comment.  Besides,  the  substance 
both  of  that  story  and  of  the  whole  of  Rebekah's 
career  is  treated  in  connection  with  the  sketches  of 
the  other  actors  in  the  same  scenes.  Yet  we  note 
from  the  beginning  the  maiden's  decision  of  char- 
acter, which  appears  in  every  line  of  the  narrative, 
and  prepares  the  reader  to  find  in  subsequent  chapters 
the  positive,  ambitious  and  energetic  woman  that 
she  there  shows  herself. 

Though  the  object  of  her  husband's  love  (Gen  24 
67),  Rebekah  bore  him  no  children  for  20  years 
(25  20.26).  Like  Sarah,  she  too  was  barren,  and 
it  was  only  after  that  score  of  years  and  after  the 
special  intercession  of  Isaac  that  God  at  length 
granted  her  twin  sons.  "The  purpose  of  God  ac- 
cording to  election,"  as  Paul  expresses  the  matter 
in  Rom  9  11,  was  the  cause  of  that  strange  oracle 
to  the  wondering,  inquiring  parents,  "The  elder  shall 
serve  the  younger"  (Gen  26  23). 

Whether  because  of  this  oracle  or  for  some  other 
reasonj  it  was  that  younger  son,  Jacob,  who  became 
the  object  of  his  mother's  special  love  (Gen  25  28). 
She  it  was  who  led  him  into  the  deception  practised 
upon  Isaac  (Gen  27  5-17),  and  she  it  was  who  de- 
vised the  plan  for  extricating  Jacob  from  the  danger- 
ous situation  into  which  that  deception  had  brought 
him  (vs  42-46).  When  the  absence  of  Jacob  from 
home  became  essential  to  his  personal  safety,  Re- 
bekah proposed  her  own  relations  in  Aram  as  the 
goal  of  his  journey,  and  gave  as  motive  the  desira- 
bility of  Jacob's  marrying  from  among  her  kindred. 
Probably  she  did  not  realize  that  in  sending  her 
favorite  son  away  on  this  journey  she  was  sending 
him  away  from  her  forever.  Yet  such  seems  to 
have  been  the  case.  Though  younger  than  Isaac, 
who  was  still  living  at  an  advanced  age  when  Jacob 
returned  to  Canaan  a  quarter  of  a  century  later, 
Rebekah  seems  to  have  died  during  that  term.  We 
learn  definitely  only  this,  that  she  was  buried  in  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  near  Hebron  (Gen  49  31). 

Outside  of  Gen,  Rebekah  is  alluded  to  in  Scrip- 
ture only  in  the  passage  from  Rom  (9  10-12) 
already  cited.  Her  significance  there  is  simply 
that  of  the  wife  of  Isaac  and  the  mother  of  two  sons 
of  such  different  character  and  destiny  as  Esau  and 
Jacob.  And  her  significance  in  Gen,  apart  from  this, 
lies  in  her  contribution  to  the  family  of  Abraham  of 
a  pure  strain  from  the  same  eastern  stock,  thus 
transmitting  to  the  founders  of  Israel  both  an  un- 
mixed lineage  and  that  tradition  of  separateness 
from  Can.  and  other  non'-Heb  elements  which  has 
proved  the  greatest  factor  in  the  ethnological 
marvel  of  the  ages,  the  persistence  of  the  Heb 
people.  J.  Oscar  Boyd 

REBUKE,  rS-buk' :  As  a  vb.  "rebuke"  is  in  the  OT 
the  tr  of  ny3 ,  gd'-ar  and  HD^ ,  yakhah;  another  word, 
rlbh,  in  Neh  5  7,  is  in  RV  tr''  "contended  with." 
"Rebuke"  (noun)  is  most  frequently  the  tr  of  g'^arah; 
also  in  AV  of  herpah  (Isa  25  8;  Jer  15  15,  RV 
"reproach"),  and  of  a  few  other  words  signifying 
reproach,  etc.  "Rebuker"  {miliar,  lit.  "correction," 
"chastisement")  in  Hos  5  2  has  RVm  "Heb 
'rebuke.'  "  In  the  NT  "to  rebuke"  is  most  often  the 
tr  of  iTriTi/idu,  epitimdo  (Mt  8  26;    16  22;    17  18, 


etc);  also  in  AV  of  i\4yxw,  elegcho,  always  in  RV 
rendered  "reprove"  (1  Tim  5  20;  Tit  1  13;  2  15; 
He  12  5;  Rev  3  19).  Another  word  is  epipltUo 
(once,  1  Tim  5  1);  "without  rebuke"  in  Phil  2 
15  is  in  RV  "without  blemish."  On  the  other  hand, 
RV  has  "rebuke"  for  several  words  in  AV,  as  for 
"reprove"  (2  K  19  4;  Isa  37  4),  "reproof"  (Job 
26  11;  Prov  17  10),  "charged"  (Mk  10  48).  In 
Isa  2  4;  Mic  4  3,  ERV  has  "reprove"  for  "re- 
buke," and  in  m  "decide  concerning,"  which  is  text 
in  ARV.  In  Ecclus  11  7  we  have  the  wi.se  counsel: 
"Understand  first,  and  then  rebuke"  (epitimao). 

W.  L.  Walker 
RECAH,  re'ka  (HDI. ,  rekhah;  B,  'Piixap,  Rhe- 
chdb,  A,  'Ft]4>i.,  Rhepfui;  AV  Rechah) :  In  1  Ch  4 
12  certain  persons  are  described  as  "the  men  of 
Recah,"  but  there  is  absolutely  no  information 
either  about  the  place  or  its  position. 

RECEIPT,  rS-set',  OF  CUSTOM.     See  Cd.stom. 

RECEIVER,  rS-sev'er:  Found  in  AV  (Isa  33 
18);  but  RV  substitutes  "he  that  weighed  the 
tribute."  The  Heb  is  shokel,  which  means  "one 
who  weighs,"  "a  weigher." 

RECHAB,  re'kab,  RECHABITES,  rek'a-bits 
(DD"1 ,  rekhabh,  D''3D") ,  rekhabhim) :  Rechab  is  the 
name  of  two  men  of  some  prominence  in  the  OT 
records: 

(1)  A  Benjamite  of  the  town  of  Beeroth,  son  of 
Rimmon  (2  S  4  2) ;  he  and  his  brother  Baanah 
were  "captains"  of  the  military  host  of  Ish-bosheth. 
On  the  death  of  Abner  (2  S  3  30)  the  two  brothers 
treacherously  entered  Ish-bosheth's  house,  when 
at  noon  he  was  resting  and  helpless,  beheaded  him, 
and  escaped  with  the  head  to  David  at  Hebron 
(4  6-8).  They  expected  to  receive  reward  and 
honor  from  David  for  the  foul  deed,  which  left  him 
without  a  rival  for  the  throne  of  all  Israel.  But 
the  just  and  noble-minded  king  ordered  their  im- 
mediate execution  (4  9-12),  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Amalekite,  who  asserted  that  he  had  killed  Saul 
(2  S  1).  For  some  reason  the  Beerothites  left 
their  own  town  and  fled  to  Gittaim,  another  town 
in  Benjamin,  where  they  were  still  living  when  the 
Books  of  S  were  written  (2  S  4  3). 

(2)  The  more  prominent  of  the  men  bearing  this 
name  was  a  Kenite  (q.v.),  a  descendant  of  Ham- 
math  (1  Ch  2  55).  A  part  of  the  Kenite  tribe 
joined  the  Israelites  during  the  wilderness  wander- 
ings (Nu  10  29-32;  Jgs  1  16;  4  17),  becoming 
identified  with  the  tribe  of  Judah,  although  Heber 
and  Jael  his  wife  were  settled  in  Northern  Pal  (Jgs 
4  17).  Rechab  was  the  ancestor  or  founder  of  a 
family,  or  order,  in  Israel  known  as  the  Rechabites, 
who  at  various  times  were  conspicuous  in  the  reli- 
gious life  of  the  nation.  The  most  notable  member 
of  this  family  was  Jehonadab  (2  K  10  15  ff.23), 
or  Jonadab,  as  he  is  called  in  Jer  35.  Jehonadab 
was  a  zealous  Jeh-worshipper  and  took  part  with 
Jehu  in  the  extirpation  of  Baal-worship  and  the 
house  of  Ahab.  He  set  for  his  descendants  a  vow 
of  asceticism:  that  they  should  drink  no  wine,  nor 
plant  fields  or  vineyards,  nor  build  nor  live  in  houses 
throughout  their  generations  (Jer  35  6.7).  That 
must  have  been  a  singular  feature  in  Palestinian 
life:  the  simple,  nomadic  life  of  this  family  from 
generation  to  generation  in  the  midst  of  settled 
agricultural  and  industrial  conditions!  They  fol- 
lowed this  simple  life  in  order  to  guard  against  the 
enervating  tendencies  of  sensualism,  and  as  a  cove- 
nant of  fidelity  to  Jeh,  to  whom  they  wholly  de- 
voted themselves  when  they  joined  themselves  to 
Israel.  Jeremiah  used  the  Rechabites,  who  had 
been  driven  into  Jerus  by  Nebuchadnezzar's  invest- 
ment of  the  land,  as  an  object-lesson  to  covenant- 


Rechah 
Reconcile 


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2536 


Ijreaking  Judah.  The  Rechabites,  hungry  and 
thirsty,  refused  wine  when  it  was  set  before  them, 
because  of  the  command  of  their  ancestor  Jonadab 
(Jer  35  8-10);  but  Judah  refused  to  heed  Jeh's 
commands  or  to  keep  His  covenant  (vs  14.15). 

If  the  Rechab  of  Nch  3  14  is  tlie  same  as  tlais  Kenite, 
tlien  his  descendant  Malcliijah,  who  assisted  Nehemiah 
in  rebuilding  the  "wall  of  Jerus,  may  have  abandoned 
the  vow  of  his  ancestors,  for  he  was  "ruler  of  the  dis- 
trict of  Beth-haccherem"  (i.e.  "house  of  the  vineyard"). 

Edward  Mack 

RECHAH,  re'ka  (HDI ,  rvkhah).     See  Recah. 

RECLINING,  re-klin'ing(Jn  13  2.3).  See  Meals, 
III;  Triclinium. 

RECONCILE,    rek'on-sll,    RECONCILIATION, 

rek-on-sil-i-a'shun  (KaraWao-o-u,  katalldsso,  KaraX.- 
Xa7TJ,  katallagt,  also  the  compound  form  diroKa- 
TaXXao-o-io,  apokatnlldsso;  once  the  cognate  8ia\- 
Xacrcro|iai,,  dialldssomai  is  used  in  Mt  5  24): 

1.  The  Terms 

(1)  NT  Usage 

(2)  OT  Usage 

(3)  Special  Passage  in  1  S  29  4 

(4)  Usage  in  the  Apocrypha 

2.  Non-doctrinal  Passage — Mt  5  24 

3.  Doctrinal  Passages 

(1)  Eom  5 

(2)  2  Cor  5   18-20 
(.3)  Eph  2  16 

(4)    Col  1   20-22 

LITER.4.TURE 

(1)  AT  usage. — In  the  last  case,  Mt  5  24,  the 
word  is  not  used  in  a  doctrinal  sense,  though  its 

use  is  very  helpful  in  considering  the 
1.  The  force  of  the  other  terms.     All  the  other 

Terms  instances  are  in  Paul's  Epp.  (Rom  5 

10;  1  Cor  7  11;  2  Cor  5  18-20,  the 
vb.;  Rom  5  11;  11  15;  2  Cor  5  18.19,  the  noun; 
Eph  2  16;  Col  1  22,  the  compound).  The  word 
"reconcile"  has  a  double  meaning  and  usage, 
and  the  context  must  in  each  case  determine 
how  it  is  to  be  taken.  The  great  doctrine  is  the 
reconciliation  of  God  and  men,  but  the  question 
to  be  decided  is  whether  it  is  God  who  is  reconciled 
to  men,  or  men  who  are  reconciled  to  God,  and 
different  schools  of  theology  emphasize  one  side 
or  the  other.  The  true  view  embraces  both  aspects. 
The  word  "to  reconcile"  means  literally  to  ex- 
change, to  bring  into  a  changed  relationship.  Some 
maintain  that  it  is  only  a  change  in  the  sinner  that 
is  intended,  a  laying  aside  of  his  enmity,  and  coming 
into  peaceful  relations  with  God.  But  that  mani- 
festly does  not  e.xliaust  the  meaning,  nor  is  it  in  the 
great  Pauline  passages  the  primary  and  dominant 
meaning. 

(2)  The  OT  usage  does  not  materially  help  in  the 
elucidation  of  the  NT  terms,  for  though  the  word 
occurs  in  a  number  of  passages  in  AV,  it  is  in  RV 
generally  changed  to  "atonement,"  which  more 
accurately  represents  the  Heb  kaphar,  which  is 
generally  rendered  by  "atonement,"  and  by  hilds- 
komai  or  exildskomai  in  the  Gr.  (In  one  passage 
of  the  NT  [He  2  17],  t;he  phrase  "to  make  recon- 
ciliation" represents  the  Gr  hilaskomai,  and  is 
better  rendered  in  RV  by  "to  make  propitiation.") 
The  making  atonement  or  propitiation  is  the  basis 
of  the  reconciliation,  the  means  of  its  accomplish- 
ment, and  the  fact  that  the  translators  of  AV  some- 
times rendered  kaphar  by  "reconcile"  shows  that 
they  understood  reconciliation  to  have  the  Godward 
aspect.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  nature  of  the 
atonement  or  propitiation  in  the  old  dispensation, 
it  was  something  contemplated  as  appeasing  or 
satisfjdng,  or  at  least  in  some  way  affecting  God 
so  as  to  make  Him  willing,  or  render  it  possible  for 
Him,  to  enter  into,  or  abide  in,  gracious  relations 
with  men.  In  one  passage  in  the  OT  where  "recon- 
ciliation" occurs  (2  Ch  29  24)  it  represents  a  differ- 


ent Heb  word,  but  here  RV  has  changed  it  into 
"sin-offering,"  which  is  in  harmony  with  the  general 
meaning  and  usage  of  the  Heb. 

(3)  Special  passage  in  1  S  29  4- — There  is  yet  another 
Heb  word  rendered  "reconcile"  in  1  S  29  4,  and  inas- 
much as  this  passage  in  the  LXX  has  as  the  equivalent 
of  the  Heb  the  Gr  word  dialldssd,  it  is  of  some  importance 
in  guiding  to  the  NT  meaning.  On  one  occasion  when 
the  PhiUs  gathered  together  to  battle  against  Israel, 
David  and  his  band  of  men  accompanied  Achish  king  of 
Gath  to  the  muster-place.  "The  princes  of  the  Phihs" 
did  not  at  all  appreciate  the  presence  of  "these  Hebrews," 
and  although  Achish  testified  in  favor  of  David's  fidelity, 
they  were  very  indignant,  and  demanded  that  David 
and  his  men  be  sent  back,  "lest  in  the  battle  he  become 
an  adversary  to  us:  for  wherewith  should  this  fellow 
reconcile  himself  unto  his  lord  ?  shoiildit  not  be  with  the 
heads  of  these  men?"  Tlie  Heb  is  ra^dh,  which  means 
"to  be  pleased  with"  or  "to  accept  favorably."  and  the 
Hithpael  form  here  used  is  "to  mal^e  himself  pleasing 
or  acceptable,"  "to  reconcile  himself."  But  assuredly 
the  Philistines'  idea  of  David  reconciling  himself  to  Saul 
was  not  that  he  should  lay  aside  his  enmity  against  Saul , 
and  so  become  friends  with  him.  The  enmity  was  on 
Saul's  side,  and  the  thought  of  the  princes  was  that 
David  by  turning  against  them  in  the  battle  would 
gratify  Saul,  and  lead  him  to  lay  aside  his  enmity  against 
David. 

(4)  Usage  in  the  Apocrypha. — It  may  be  noted  that 
in  2  Mace  5  20,  katallage  is  used  evidently  of  the  God- 
ward  side :  ' '  And  the  place  which  was  forsaken  in  the 
wrath  of  the  Almighty  was,  at  the  reconciliation  of  the 
great  Sovereign,  restored  again  with  all  glory."  The 
vb.  occurs  in  2  jvlacc  1  5  when  again  the  Godward  side 
seems  intended,  though  not  perhaps  so  certainly:  "May 
God  ....  hearken  to  yoru'  supplications,  and  be  recon- 
ciled with  you, ' '  and  in  t  33 :  "  If  for  rebulce  and  chasten- 
ing our  living  Lord  has  been  angered  a  little  while,  yet 
shall  he  again  be  reconciled  with  his  own  servants,"  and 

8  29:  "They  besought  the  merciful  Lord  to  be  wholly 
reconciled  with  his  servants."  In  these  two,  esp.  the 
last,  it  is  unquestionably  the  laying  aside  of  the  Divine 
displeasure  that  is  meant. 

Before  passing  on  to  look  at  the  great  utterances  in  the 

Epp.,  we  may  now  look  at  the  non-doctrinal  passage 

referred   to  at  the   beginning.     There  is, 

9  T^nn  indeed,  another  non-doctrinal  instance  in 
"•  •"■'.""  1  Cor  7  11,  where  the  wife  who  has  de- 
doctrinal  parted  from  her  husband  is  enjoined  either 
Passage —  to  "remain  unmarried,  or  else  be  recon- 
TVrt  fi*94.  ciled  to  her  husband."  But  as  it  is  inde- 
ivn  o .  ^^         terminate  whether  the  wife  or  the  husband 

is  the  oITending  party,  and  so  which  is  the 
one  to  be  influenced,  the  passage  does  not  help  us  much. 
But  ]NIt  5  24  is  a  very  lUuminating  passage.  Here  as 
in  the  passage  from  1  S.  the  word  used  is  diallasso,  but 
it  is  practically  identified  in  meaning  with  katallasso. 
The  injunction  is  given  by  Christ  to  the  one  who  is  at 
variance  with  his  brother,  not  to  complete  his  offering 
until  first  he  has  been  reconciled  to  his  brother.  But 
the  whole  statement  shows  that  it  is  not  a  question  of  the 
one  who  is  offering  the  gift  laying  aside  his  enmity 
against  his  brother,  but  the  reverse.  Christ  says,  "It 
therefore  thou  art  offering  thy  gift  at  the  altar,  and  there 
remembercst  [not  that  thou  hast  a  grudge  against  thy 
brother  but]  tliat  thy  brother  hath  aught  against  thee" 
— the  brother  was  the  offended  one.  he  is  the  one  to  be 
brought  round — "leave  there  thy  gift  before  the  altar, 
and  go  thy  way,  first  be  reconciled  to  thy  brother,  and 
then  come  and  offer  thy  gilt."  Plainly  it  means  that 
he  should  do  something  to  remove  his  brother's  dis- 
pleasure and  so  bring  about  a  rcconcihation. 

(1)  Rom  5. — Turning  now  to  Rom  5,  how  stands 
the  matter?     Paul  has  been  speaking  of  the  blessed 

results  of  justification;  one  of  these 
3.  Doctrinal  results  is  the  shedding  abroad  of  the 
Passages       love  of  God  in  the  heart.     Then  he 

dwells  upon  the  manifestation  of  that 
love  in  the  cleath  of  Christ,  a  love  that  was  dis- 
played to  the  loveless,  and  he  argues  that  if  in  our 
sinful  and  unloving  state  we  were  embraced  by  the 
love  of  God,  a  fortiori  that  love  will  not  be  less  now 
that  it  has  already  begun  to  take  effect.  If  He  loved 
us  when  we  were  under  His  condemnation  sufficient- 
ly to  give  His  Son  to  die  for  our  salvation,  much 
more  shall  His  love  bestow  upon  us  the  blessings 
secured  by  that  death.  "Much  more  then,  being 
now  justified  by  his  blood,  shall  we  be  saved  from 
the  wrath  of  God  through  him"  (5  9). 

(a)  The  fact  of  Divine  wrath:  It  is  well  to  note, 
then,  that  there  is  "wrath"  on  the  part  of  God 
against  sin  and  sinners.  One  of  the  key-thoughts 
of  the  apostle  in  this  cp.  is  that  "the  wrath  of  God 


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Rechah 
Reconcile 


is  revealed  from  heaven  against  all  ungodliness  and 
unrighteousness  of  men"  (1  18),  and  the  coming 
day  of  judgment  is  "the  day  of  wrath  and  revela- 
tion of  the  righteous  judgment  of  God"  (2  5).  And 
because  of  this  stern  fact,  the  gospel  is  a  revelation 
not  only  of  love,  but  specifically  "a  righteousness 
of  God"  (1  17).  And  he  shows  that  the  essence  of 
the  gospel  is  found  in  the  propitiatory  death  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  (3  24.25.26),  through  whom  alone 
can  men  who  have  been  "brought  under  the  judg- 
ment of  God"  (3  19)  find  justification,  salvation, 
deliverance  from  the  wrath  of  God  (4  25;  5  1-6). 
Of  course  it  is  not  necessary  to  add  that  the  wrath 
of  God  is  not  to  be  thought  of  as  having  any  un- 
worthy or  capricious  element  in  it — it  is  the  settled 
opposition  of  His  holy  nature  against  sin. 

(b)  Reconciliation,  Godward,  as  well  as  man- 
ward:  The  apostle  proceeds  (ver  10):  "For  if, 
while  we  were  enemies,  we  were  reconciled  to  God 
through  the  death  of  his  Son,  much  more,  being 
reconciled,  shall  we  be  saved  by  his  life."  Now 
if,  as  many  maintain,  it  is  only  the  reconciliation 
on  the  manward  side  that  is  meant,  that  the  mani- 
fested love  led  to  the  sinner  laying  aside  his  enmity, 
it  would  entirely  reverse  the  apostle's  argument. 
He  is  not  arguing  that  if  we  have  begun  to  love 
God  we  may  reckon  upon  His  doing  so  and  so  for 
us,  but  because  He  has  done  so  much,  we  may  ex- 
pect Him  to  do  more.  The  verse  is  parallel  to  the 
preceding,  and  the  being  reconciled  is  on  the  same 
plane  as  being  justified;  the  being  justified  was 
God's  action,  and  so  is  the  reconciling.  Justifi- 
cation delivers  from  "the  wrath  of  God";  recon- 
ciliation takes  efi'ect  upon  enemies. 

(c)  The  meaning  of  the  word  "enemies":  The 
word  "enemies"  is  important.  By  those  who 
take  the  manward  aspect  of  reconciliation  as  the 
only  one,  it  is  held  that  the  word  must  be  taken 
actively — those  who  hate  God.  But  the  passive 
meaning,  "hatred  of  God,"  seems  far  the  prefer- 
able, and  is  indeed  demanded  by  the  context.  Paul 
uses  the  vb.  echlhroi,  "enemies,"  in  Rom  11  28, 
in  antithesis  to  "beloved"  of  God,  and  that  is  the 
consistent  sense  here.  The  enemies  are  those  who 
are  the  objects  of  the  wrath  of  the  previous  verse. 
And  when  we  were  thus  hated  of  God,  the  objects  of 
His  just  displeasure  on  account  of  our  sin,  "we  were 
reconciled  to  God  by  the  death  of  his  Son."  God 
laid  aside  His  enmity,  and  in  the  propitiatory  death 
of  Christ  showed  Himself  willing  to  receive  us  into 
His  favor. 

(d)  The  manward  side:  By  this  propitiation, 
therefore,  the  barrier  was  removed,  and,  God  having 
assumed  a  gracious  attitude  toward  the  sinner,  it 
is  possible  for  the  sinner  now,  influenced  by  His 
love,  to  come  into  a  friendly  relationship  with  God. 
And  so  in  the  second  phrase,  the  two  meanings,  the 
Godward  and  the  manward,  may  coalesce:  "being 
reconciled,  we  shall  be  saved  by  his  life."  The 
reconciliation  becomes  mutual,  for  there  is  no  kmd 
of  doubt  that  sinners  are  enemies  to  God  in  the 
active  sense,  and  require  to  lay  aside  their  hostility, 
and  so  be  reconciled  to  Him.  But  the  first  step  is 
with  God,  and  the  reconciliation  which  took  place 
in  the  death  of  His  Son  could  only  be  the  Godward 
reconciliation,  since  at  that  time  men  were  still 
uninfluenced  by  His  love.  But,  perhaps,  just 
because  that  first  reconciliation  is  brought  about 
through  the  Divine  love  which  provides  the  pro- 
pitiation, the  apostle  avoids  saying  "God  is  recon- 
ciled," but  uses  the  more  indirect  forrn  of  speech. 
The  manward  aspect  is  emphasized  in  the  next 
verse,  although  the  Godward  is  not  lost  sight  of: 
"We  also  rejoice  in  God  through  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  through  whom  we  have  now  received  the 
reconciliation"  (5  11).  It  is  therefore  something 
that  comes  from  God  and  does  not  proceed  from 


man.  God  is  the  first  mover;  He  makes  the  recon- 
ciliation as  already  indicated,  and  then  the  fruit  of 
it  is  imputed  to  the  believing  sinner,  and  the  very 
fact  that  our  receiving  the  reconciliation,  or  being 
brought  into  a  state  of  reconciliation,  follows  the 
being  reconciled  of  ver  10,  shows  that  the  other  is 
Divine  reconciliation  as  the  basis  of  the  human. 

(2)  '2  Cor  5  18-20.— {a)  The  Godward  aspect 
primary:  In  the  same  way  the  great  passage  in 
2  Cor  5  18-20  cannot  be  understood  apart  from  the 
conception  that  there  is  a  reconciliation  on  the 
Divine  side.  There  is  unquestionably  reference  to 
the  human  side  of  the  matter  as  well,  but,  as  in  Rom, 
the  Godward  aspect  is  primary  and  dominating:  "All 
things  are  of  God,  who  reconciled  us  to  himself 
through  Christ,  and  gave  unto  us  the  ministry  of 
reconciliation."  It  might  be  possible  to  argue 
from  AV  that  this  describes  the  process  going  on 
under  gospel  influences,  men  being  brought  into 
gracious  relations  with  God,  but  the  aorist  of  the 
Gr  rightly  rendered  by  RV,  "who  reconciled  us  to 
himself,"  points  back  to  the  historic  time  when 
the  transaction  took  place.  It  cannot  be  simply 
the  surrender  of  the  sinner  to  God  that  is  meant, 
though  that  comes  as  a  consequence;  it  is  a  work 
that  proceeds  from  God,  is  accomplished  by  God, 
and  because  of  the  accomplishment  of  that  work  it 
is  possible  for  a  ministry  of  reconciliation  to  be 
intrusted  to  men.  To  make  this  mean  the  human 
aspect  of  the  reconciliation,  it  would  be  necessary 
unduly  to  confine  it  to  the  reconciliation  of  Paul 
and  his  fellow-workers,  though  even  then  it  would 
be  a  straining  of  language,  for  there  is  the  other 
historic  act  described,  "and  gave  unto  us  the  min- 
istry of  reconciliation."  The  plain  meaning  is  that 
through  Jesus  Christ,  God  established  the  basis  of 
agreement,  removed  the  barrier  to  the  sinner's 
approach  to  Himself,  accomplished  the  work  of 
propitiation,  and,  having  done  so.  He  intrusts  His 
servants  with  the  ministry  of  reconciliation,  a  min- 
istry which,  basing  itself  upon  the  great  propitia- 
tory, reconciling  work  of  Christ,  is  directed  toward 
men,  seeking  to  remove  their  enmity,  to  influence 
them  in  their  turn  to  be  reconciled  with  God.  This 
is  more  clearly  set  forth  in  the  verse  which  follows, 
which  in  explaining  the  ministry  of  reconciliation 
says:  "To  wit,  that  God  was  in  Christ  reconciling 
the  world  unto  himself,  not  reckoning  unto  them 
their  trespasses."  Here  there  can  be  no  question 
that  the  historic  Incarnation  is  meant,  and  the 
reconciling  of  the  world  can  be  nothing  other  than 
the  objective  work  of  atonement  culminating  in 
the  cross.  And  in  that  transaction  there  can  be 
no  thought  of  the  sinner  laying  aside  his  hostility 
to  God;  it  is  God  in  Christ  so  dealing  with  sin  that 
the  doom  lying  upon  the  guilty  is  canceled,  the 
wrath  is  averted,  propitiation  is  made. 

(6)  The  manward  side  also  prominent:  God,  in 
a  word,  enters  into  gracious  relations  with  a  world 
of  sinners,  becomes  reconciled  to  man.  This  being 
done,  gracious  influences  can  be  brought  to  bear 
upon  man,  the  chief  of  which  is  the  consideration 
of  this  stupendous  fact  of  grace,  that  God  has  in 
Christ  dealt  with  the  question  of  sin.  This  is  the 
substance  of  the  "word  of  reconciliation"  which  is 
preached  by  the  apostle.  So  he  continues,  "We 
are  ambassadors  therefore  on  behalf  of  Christ,  as 
though  God  were  entreating  by  us :  we  beseech  you 
on  behalf  of  Christ,  be  ye  reconciled  to  God." 
Here  is  the  human  side.  The  great  matter  now  is 
to  get  the  sinner  to  lay  aside  his  enmity,  to  respond 
to  the  gracious  overtm-es  of  the  gospel,  to  come  into 
harmony  with  God.  ]5ut  tliat  is  only  possible 
because  the  reconciliation  in  the  Godward  aspect 
has  already  been  accomjilished.  If  the  first  recon- 
ciliation, "the  reconciliation  of  the  world  unto 
himself,"   had   been   the   laying   aside  of   human 


Record 
Red  Sea 


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2538 


enmity,  there  could  now  be  no  point  in  the  exhor- 
tation, "Be  ye  reconciled  to  God." 

(3)  Eph  2  16. — The  two  passages  where  the  com- 
pound word  occurs  are  in  complete  harmony  with 
this  interpretation.  Eph  2  16:  "And  might  recon- 
cile them  both  [Jew  and  Gentile]  in  one  body  unto 
God  through  the  cross,  having  slain  the  enmity 
thereby,"  is  the  outcome  of  Christ  "making  peace" 
(2  15),  and  the  reconciling  work  is  effected  through 
the  cross,  reconciliation  both  Godward  and  man- 
ward,  and,  having  made  peace,  it  is  possible  for 
Christ  to  come  and  preach  peace  to  them  that  are 
far  off — far  off  even  though  the  reconciling  work  of 
the  cross  has  been  accomplished. 

(4)  Col  1  20-22.-^0  in  Col  1  20,  "And  through 
him  to  reconcile  aU  things  unto  himself,  having 
made  peace  through  the  blood  of  his  cross; 
through  him,  I  say,  whether  things  upon  the  earth, 
or  things  in  the  heavens."  Here  the  thought  of  the 
apostle  trembles  away  into  infinity,  and  there  seems 
a  parallel  to  the  thought  of  He  9  23,  that  according 
to  the  typical  teaching  even  "the  things  in  the 
heavens"  in  some  way  stood  in  need  of  cleansing. 
May  it  be  that  the  work  of  Christ  in  some  sense 
affected  the  angelic  intelligence,  making  it  possible 
for  harmony  to  be  restored  between  redeemed  sin- 
ners and  the  perfect  creation  of  God?  In  any  case, 
the  reconciling  all  things  unto  Himself  is  not  the 
laying  aside  of  the  creaturely  hostility,  but  the 
determining  of  the  Divine  attitude.  Then  comes 
the  specific  reference  to  the  human  side,  "And  you, 
being  in  time  past  alienated  and  enemies  in  your 
mind  in  your  evil  works,  yet  now  hath  he  recon- 
ciled in  the  body  of  his  flesh  through  death"; 
there,  as  in  Rom,  the  two  phases  coalescing,  God 
appearing  gracious  through  the  work  of  Christ, 
sinners  coming  into  gracious  relation  with  Him. 
"Having  made  peace  through  the  blood  of  his 
cross,"  the  ground  of  peace  has  been  established. 
Christ  has  done  something  by  His  death  which 
makes  it  possible  to  offer  peace  to  men.  God  has 
laid  aside  His  holy  opposition  to  the  sinner,  and 
shows  Himself  willing  to  bring  men  into  peace  with 
Himself.  He  has  found  satisfaction  in  that  great 
work  of  His  Son,  has  been  reconciled,  and  now  calls 
upon  men  to  be  reconciled  to  Him — to  receive  the 
reconciliation.  See  Atonement;  Propitiation; 
Whath. 

Literature. — See  the  works  on  NT  Theology  of 
Weiss,  Schmid,  Stevens,  etc;  Denney.  Death  of  Christ; 
arts,  on  "Reconciliation"  in  HDB,  DCG,  etc. 

Akchibald  M'Caig 

RECORD,  rek'ord,  rek'ord:  (1)  The  Eng.  word, 
where  it  occurs  in  the  OT  and  the  NT  in  the  sense 
of  testimony,  is  tr''  in  RV  "witness"  (Dt  30  19;  31 
28;  Jn  1  19.32;  8  13.14;  Rom  10  2,  etc).  See 
Witness.  But  in  Job  16  19  for  AV  "my  record," 
RV  has  "he  that  voucheth  for  me."  (2)  In  Ezr  4 
15;  6  2  [dokhran,  dikhron),  and  Est  6  1  (zikkdron) , 
the  word  denotes  Pers  state  chronicles;  ct  1  Mace 
14  23;   2  Mace  2  1. 

RECORDER,  r5-k6r'der  (I^ST'a ,  mazkir;  RVm 
"chronicler"):  A  high  functionary  in  the  court  of 
the  Jewish  kings,  part  of  whose  duty  seems  to  have 
been  to  chronicle  the  events  of  the  reign,  but  who 
also  occupied  a  position  corresponding  with  that  of 
the  modern  vizier  (2  S  8  16;  20  24;  1  Ch  18  15, 
etc).  His  high  rank  is  shown  by  the  facts  that, 
with  other  officers,  he  represented  Hezekiah  in 
speaking  with  Rabshakeh  (2  K  18  18),  and,  in  the 
reign  of  Josiah,  superintended  the  repairs  of  the 
temple  (2  Ch  34  8). 

RECOVER,  r5-kuv'er:  "Recover"  has  (1)  the 
transitive  meaning  of  "to  retake"  or  "regain"  (any- 
thing); and  (2)  the  intransitive  sense  of  "to  regain 


health"  or  "become  well."  In  Jth  14  7  it  means 
"restore  to  consciousness."  In  the  former  sense  it 
is  in  the  OT  the  tr  of  553,  na^al,  "to  snatch  away" 
(Jgs  11  26;  1  S  30  8.22;  in  Hos  2  9,  RV  "pluck 
away");  also  of  2W  ,  shubh  (KalandHiph.  1  S  30 
19  AV;  2  S  8  3,  etc),  and  of  various  other  words  in 
single  instances.  In  2  K  6  3.6.7.11,  "to  restore 
to  health"  is  SOS,  'dsaph.  In  its  intransitive  sense 
"recover"is  chiefly  the  tr  of  H^n  ,  hay  ah,  "to  live," 
"revive"  (2  K  1  2,  etc;  Isa  38  9.21).  "Recover" 
appears  only  twice  in  AV  of  the  NT;  Mk  16  18 
(for  kalos  hexousin)  and  2  Tim  2  26  (from  anant- 
pho,  RVm  "Gr  'return  to  soberness'  ") ;  but  RV  has 
"recover"  for  "do  well"  in  Jn  11  12  {sothiseta.i; 
m  "Gr  'be  saved'").  "Recovering"  (of  sight) 
(andblepsis)  occurs  in  Lk  4  18.     W.  L.  Walker 

RED.     See  Colors,  (10). 

RED  DRAGON.    See  Revelation  of  John. 

RED  HEIFER.     See  Heifer,  Red. 

RED  HORSE.  See  Horse,  Red;  Revelation 
OF  John. 

RED  SEA  (aiD"D^,  yam-^uph  [Ex  10  19  and 
often],  but  in  many  passages  it  is  simply  D^n ,  ha- 
ydm,  "the  sea" ;  LXX  with  2  or  3  exceptions  renders 
it  by  T)  €pv9pd  6d\a(r<ra,  he  eruthrd  thdlassa,  "the 
Red  Sea' ' ;  Lat  geographers  Mare  Rubrum) : 

1.  Name 

2.  Peculiarities 

3.  OT  Eeferences 

4.  Passage  of,  by  Israelites 
Objections 

(1)  Steep  Banks  of  the  Channel 

(2)  Walls  Formed  by  the  Water 

(3)  The  East  Winds 

(4)  The  Miraculous  Set  Aside 
Literature 

The  Heb  name  yam-suph  has  given  rise  to  much  con- 
troversy. Yam  is  the 'general  word  for  sea,  and  when 
standing  alone  may  refer  to  the  Mediter- 
1  NflTtna  ranean,  the  Dead  Sea,  the  Red  Sea,  or  the 
J.,  i^ame  gg^  Qf  Gahlee.  In  several  places  it  des- 
ignates the  river  Nile  or  Euphrates.  §uph 
means  a  rush  or  seaweed  such  as  abounds  in  the 
lower  portions  of  the  Nile  and  the  upper  portions  of  the 
Red  Sea.  It  was  in  the  suph  on  the  brink  of  the  river 
that  the  ark  of  Moses  was  hidden  (Ex  2  3.5).  But  as 
this  word  does  not  in  itself  mean  red,  and  as  that  is  not 
the  color  of  the  bulrush,  authorities  are  much  divided 
as  to  the  reason  for  this  designation.  Some  have  sup- 
posed that  it  was  called  red  from  the  appearance  of  tlie 
mountains  on  the  western  coast,  others  from  the  red 
color  given  to  the  water  by  the  presence  of  zoophytes,  or 
red  coral,  or  some  sjjecies  of  seaweed.  Others  still,  with 
considerable  probability,  suppose  that  the  name  origi- 
nated in  the  red  or  copper  color  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  bordering  Arabian  peninsula.  But  the  name  yam- 
suph,  though  applied  to  the  whole  sea,  was  esp.  used 
with  reference  to  the  northern  part,  which  is  alone  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible,  and  to  the  two  gulfs  (Suez  and 
Akabah)  which  border  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula,  esp.  the 
Gulf  of  Suez. 

The  Red  Sea  has  a  length  of  1,350  miles  and  an 
extreme  breadth  of  205  miles.     It  is  remarkable 
that   while   it   has   no   rivers   flowing 
2.  Pecu-        into  it  and  the  evaporation  from  its 
liarities  surface  is  enormous,  it   is   not  much 

Salter  than  the  ocean,  from  which  it 
is  inferred  that  there  must  be  a  constant  influx  of 
water  from  the  Indian  Ocean  through  the  Straits 
of  Bab-el-Mandeb,  together  with  an  outflow  of  the 
more  saline  water  beneath  the  surface.  The  deep- 
est portion  measures  1,200  fathoms.  Owing  to  the 
lower  land  levels  which  prevailed  in  recent  geo- 
logical times,  the  Gulf  of  Suez  formerly  extended 
across  the  lowland  which  separates  it  from  the 
Bitter  Lakes,  a  distance  of  15  or  20  miles  now 
traversed  by  the  Suez  Canal,  which  encountered  no 
elevation  more  than  30  ft.  above  tide.     In  early 


2539 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Record 
Red  Sea 


historic  times  the  Gulf  ended  at  Ismailia  at  the  head 
of  Lake  Timsah.  North  of  this  the  land  rises  to  a 
height  of  more  than  50  ft.  and  for  a  long  time 
furnished  a  road  leading  from  Africa  into  Asia.  At 
a  somewhat  _  earlier  geological  (middle  and  late 
Tertiary)  period  the  depression  of  the  land  was  such 
that  this  bridge  was  also  submerged,  so  that  the 
Red  Sea  and  the  Mediterranean  were  connected 
by  a  broad  expanse  of  water  which  overflowed  the 
whole  surface  of  Lower  Egypt. 

The  evidence  o(  the  more  recent  depression  of  the  land 
surface  in  all  Lower  Egypt  is  unmistakable.  Raised 
beaches  containing  shells  and  corals  still  living  in  the 
Red  Sea  are  found  at  various  levels  up  to  more  than  200 
ft.  above  tide.  One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  is 
to  be  seen  near  the  summit  of  the  "Crow's  Nest,"  a 
half-mile  S.  of  the  great  pyramids,  where,  near  the 
summit  of  the  eminence,  and  approximately  200  ft. 
above  tide,  on  a  level  with  the  base  of  the  pyramids, 
there  is  a  clearly  defined  recent  sea  beach  composed  of 
water-worn  pebbles  from  1  in.  to  1  or  2  ft.  in  diameter, 
the  interstices  of  which  are  fUled  with  small  shells  loosely 
cemented  together.  These  are  identified  as  belonging 
to  a  variable  form,  Alectryonia  cucullata  Born,  which 
lives  at  the  present  time  in  the  Red  Sea.  On  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  river,  on  the  Mokattam  Hills  S.  of  Cairo, 
at  an  elevation  of  220  ft.  above  tide,  similar  deposits 
are_  found  containing  numerous  shells  of  recent  date, 
while  the  rock  face  is  penetrated  by  numerous  borings 
of  hthodomus  moUusks  (Pholades  rugosa  Broc).  Other 
evidences  of  the  recent  general  depression  of  the  land 
in  this  region  come  from  various  places  on  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  According  to  Lartet  at 
Ramleh,  near  Jaffa,  a  recent  beach  occurs  more  than  200 
ft.  above  sea-level  containing  many  shells  of  Pectunculus 
violascens  Lamk,  which  is  at  the  present  time  the  most 
abundant  moUusk  on  the  shore  of  the  adjoining  Medi- 
terranean. A  similar  beach  has  been  described  by  Dr. 
Post  at  Lattakia,  about  30  miles  N.  of  Beirflt;  while 
others,  according  to  Hull,  occur  upon  the  island  of 
Cyprus.  Further  evidence  of  this  depression  is  also 
seen  in  the  fact  that  the  isthmus  between  Suez  and  the 
Bitter  Lakes  is  covered  "With  recent  deposits  of  Nile  mud, 
holding  modern  Red  Sea  shells,  showing  that,  at  no  very 
distant  date,  there  was  an  overflow  of  the  Nile  through 
an  eastern  branch  into  this  sUghtly  depressed  level.  The 
Une  of  this  branch  of  the  Nile  overflow  was  in  early 
times  used  for  a  canal,  which  has  recently  been  opened 
to  furnish  fresh  water  to  Suez,  and  the  depression  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  railroad.  According  to  Dawson,  large  sur- 
faces of  the  desert  N.  of  Suez,  which  are  now  above  sea- 
level,  contain  buried  In  the  sand  "recent  marine  shells  in 
such  a  state  of  preservation  that  not  many  centuries  may 
have  elapsed  since  they  were  in  the  bottom  of  the  sea" 
{Egypt  and  Syria,  67). 

The  Red  Sea  is  connected  with  the  children  of 
Israel  chiefly  through  the  crossing  of  it  recorded  in  Ex 
(see  4,  below) ;  but  there  are  a  few  refer- 
3.  OT  ences  to  it  in  later  times.     Solomon  is 

References  said  (1  K  9  26)  to  have  built  a  navy 
at  "Ezion-geber,  which  is  beside  Eloth, 
on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  in  the  land  of  Edom." 
This  is  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Aljabah,  the  east- 
ern branch  of  the  Red  Sea.  Here  his  ships  were 
manned  by  Hiram  king  of  Tyre  with  "shipmen  that 
had  knowledge  of  the  sea"  (ver  27).  And  (ver  28) 
"they  came  to  Ophir,  and  fetched  from  thence 
gold."  But  Eloth  was  evidently  lost  to  Israel  when 
Edom  successfully  revolted  in  the  time  of  Joram 
(2  K  8  20).  For  a  short  time,  however,  it  was 
restored  to  Judah  by  Amaziah  (2  K  14  22);  but 
finally,  during  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  the  Syrians,  or 
more  probably,  according  to  another  reading,  the 
Edomites,  recovered  the  place  and  permanently 
drove  the  Jews  away.  But  in  1  K  22  48  Jehosha- 
phat  is  said  to  have  "made  ships  of  Tarshish  to  go 
to  Ophir  for  gold:  but  they  went  not;  for  the  ships 
were  broken  at  Ezion-geber";  while  in  2  Ch  20 
36  .Jehoshaphat  is  said  to  have  joined  with  Ahaziah 
"to  make  ships  to  go  to  Tarshish;  and  they  made 
the  ships  in  Ezion-geber." 

Unless  there  is  some  textual  confusion  here,  "ships 
of  Tarshish"  is  simply  the  name  of  the  style  of  the  ship, 
like  "East  Indiaman,"  and  Tarshish  in  Ch  may  refer  to 
some  place  in  the  East  Indies.  This  is  the  more  likely, 
since  Solomon's  "  navy  "  that  went  to  Tarshish  once  every 
3  years  came  "bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes, 
and  peacocks,"  which  could  hardly  have  come  from  any 
other  place  than  India.     See  Ships  and  Boats,  II,  1,  (2). 


Until  in  recent  times  it  was  discovered  that  the 
Gulf  of  Suez  formerly  extended  30  miles  northward 

to  the  site  of  the  present  Ismailia  and 
4.  Passage  the  ancientPithom,  the  scene  of  the  Bib. 
of,  by  miracle  was  placed  at  Suez,  the  present 

Israelites       head  of  the  Gulf.    But  there  is  at  Suez 

no  extent  of  shoal  water  sufficient  for 
the  east  wind  mentioned  in  Scripture  (Ex  14  21) 
to  have  opened  a  passage-way  sufficiently  wide  to 
have  permitted  the  host  to  have  crossed  over  in  a 
single  night.  The  bar  leading  from  Suez  across, 
which  is  now  sometimes  forded,  is  too  insignificant 
to  have  furnished  a  passage-way  as  Robinson  sup- 
posed {BR^,  I,  56-.59).  Besides,  if  the  children  of 
Israel  were  S.  of  the  Bitter  Lakes  when  there  was 
no  extension  of  the  Gulf  N.  of  its  present  limits, 
(here  would  have  been  no  need  of  a  miracle  to  open 
the  water,  since  there  was  abundant  room  for  both 
them  and  Pharaoh's  army  to  have  gone  around  the 
northern  end  of  the  Gulf  to  reach  the  eastern  shore, 
while  S.  of  Suez  the  water  is  too  deep  for  the  wind 
anywhere  to  have  opened  a  passage-way.  But 
with  an  extension  of  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  to  the 
Bitter  Lakes  and  Lake  Timsah,  rendered  probable 
by  the  facts  cited  in  the  previous  paragraph,  the 
narrative  at  once  so  perfectly  accords  with  the 
physical  conditions  involved  as  to  become  not  only 
easily  credible,  but  self-evidencing. 

The  children  of  Israel  were  at  Rameses  (Ex  12  37)  in 
the  land  of  Goshen,  a  place  which  has  not  been  certainly 
identified,  but  could  not  have  been  far  from  the  modern 
Zagazig  at  the  head  of  the  Fresh  Water  Canal  leading 
from  the  Nile  to  the  Bitter  Lakes.  One  day's  journey 
eastward  along  W&dy  Tumilat,  watered  by  this  canal, 
brought  them  to  Succoth,  a  station  probably  identical 
with  Thuket,  close  upon  the  border  line  separating  Egypt 
from  Asia.  Through  the  discoveries  of  Naville  in  1883 
this  has  been  identified  as  Pithom.  one  of  the  store-cities 
built  by  Pharaoh  during  the  period  of  Heb  oppression 
(Ex  1  11).  Here  Naville  uncovered  vast  store  pits  for 
holding  grain  built  during  the  reign  of  Rameses  II  and 
constructed  according  to  the  description  given  in  Ex  1 : 
the  lower  portions  of  brick  made  with  straw,  the  middle 
with  stubble,  and  the  top  of  simple  clay  without  even 
stubble  to  hold  the  brick  together  (see  Naville,  "The 
Store-City  Pithom  and  the  Route  of  the  Exodus." 
Egyp  ExploTalion  Fund,  1885;  M.  G.  Kyle,  "A  Reexami- 
nation of  Naville's  Works."  Records  of  the  Past,  VIII, 
1901,  304-7).  The  next  day's  journey  brought  them  to 
Etham  on  the  "edge  of  the  wilderness"  (Ex  13  20;  Nu 
33  6),  probably  in  the  vicinity  of  the  modern  Ismailia 
at  the  head  of  Lake  Timsah.  From  this  point  the  natural 
road  to  Pal  would  have  been  along  the  caravan  route  on 
the  neck  of  land  referred  to  above  as  now  about  50  ft. 
above  sea-level.  Etham  was  about  30  miles  S.E.  of 
Zoan  or  Tanis,  the  headquarters  at  that  time  of  Pharaoh, 
from  which  he  was  watching  the  movements  of  the  host. 
If  they  should  go  on  the  direct  road  to  Pal,  his  army 
could  easily  execute  a  flank  movement  and  intercept 
them  in  the  desert  of  Etham.  But  by  Divine  command 
(Ex  14  2)  Moses  turned  southward  on  the  west  side  of 
the  extension  of  the  Red  Sea  and  camped  "before  Pi- 
hahiroth,  between  Migdol  and  the  sea,  before  Baal- 
zephon"  (Ex  14  2;  Nu  33  5-7).  At  this  change  of 
course  Pharaoh  was  dehghted,  seeing  that  the  children 
of  Israel  were  "entangled  in  the  land"  and  "the  wilder- 
ness" had  "shut  them  in."  Instead  of  issuing  a  flank 
movement  upon  them,  Pharaoh's  army  now  followed  them 
in  the  rear  and  "overtook  them  encamping  by  the  sea, 
beside  Pi-hahiroth,"  the  location  of  which  is  essential  to 
a  proper  understanding  of  the  narrative  which  follows. 

In  ver  2  Pi-hahiroth  is  said  to  be  "between  Migdol  and 
the  sea,  before  Baal-zephon."  Now  though  Migdol 
originally  meant  "watch-tower,"  it  is  hardly  supposable 
that  this  can  be  its  meaning  here,  otherwise  the  children 
of  Israel  would  have  been  moving  directly  toward  a 
fortified  place.  Most  probably,  therefore,  Migdol  was  the 
tower-like  mountain  peak  marking  the  northeast  corner 
of  Jebel  Geneffeh,  which  runs  parallel  with  the  Bitter 
Lakes,  only  a  short  distance  from  their  western  border. 
Baal-zephon  may  equally  well  be  some  of  the  mountain 
peaks  on  the  border  of  the  Wilderness  of  Paran  opposite 
Cheloof,  midway  between  the  Bitter  Lakes  and  Suez. 
In  the  clear  atmosphere  of  the  region  this  line  of  moun- 
tains is  distinctly  visible  throughout  the  whole  distance 
from  Ismailia  to  Suez.  There  would  seem  to  be  no  ob- 
jection to  this  supposition,  since  all  authorities  are  in  dis- 
agreement concerning  its  location.  From  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  name  it  would  seem  to  be  the  seat  of  some 
form  of  Baal  worship,  naturally  a  mountain.  Brugsch 
would  identify  it  with  Mt.  Cassius  on  the  northern  shore 
of  Egypt.  Naville  (see  Murray's  Illustrated  Bible  Diet., 
"Red  Sea,  Passage  of")  would  connect  it  with  the  hill 


Red  Sea 
Redeemer 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2540 


called  TussHm  E.  of  Lake  Timsah,  where  there  is  a  shrine 
at  the  present  day  visited  every  year  about  July  14  by 
thousands  of  pilgrims  to  celebrate  a  religious  festival: 
but,  as  this  is  a  ^Mohammedan  festival,  there  seems  no 
reason  to  connect  it  with  any  sanctuary  of  the  Canaanites. 
Dawson  favors  the  general  location  which  we  have 
assigned  to  Pi-hahiroth,  but  would  place  it  beside  the 
narrow  southern  portion  of  the  Bitter  Lakes. 

Somewhere  in  this  vicinity  would  be  a  most 
natural  place  for  the  children  of  Israel  to  halt,  and 
there  is  no  difficulty,  such  as  Naville  supposes,  to 
their  passing  between  Jebel  Genejfeh  and  the  Bitter 
Lakes;  for  the  mountain  does  not  come  abruptly 
to  the  lake,  but  leaves  ample  space  for  the  passage 
of  a  caravan,  while  the  mountain  on  one  side  and 
the  lake  on  the  other  would  protect  them  from  a 
flank  movement  by  Pharaoh  and  limit  his  army 
to  harassing  the  rear  of  the  Israelitish  host.  Pro- 
tected thus,  the  Israelites  found  a  wide  plain  over 
which  they  could  spread  their  camp,  and  if  we 
suppose  them  to  be  as  far  S.  as  Cheloof,  every 
condition  would  be  found  to  suit  the  narrative 
which  follows.  Moses  was  told  by  the  Lord  that 
if  he  would  order  the  children  of  Israel  to  go  for- 
ward, the  sea  would  be  divided  and  the  children 
of  Israel  could  cross  over  on  dry  ground.  And 
when,  in  compliance  with  the  Divine  command, 
Moses  stretched  out  his  hand  over  the  sea,  "Jeh 
caused  the  sea  to  go  back  by  a  strong  east  wind 
all  the  night,  and  made  the  sea  dry  land,  and 
the  waters  were  divided.  And  the  children  of 
Israel  went  into  the  midst  of  the  sea  upon  the  dry 
ground:  and  the  waters  were  a  wall  unto  them  on 
their  right  hand,  and  on  their  left.  And  the 
Egyptians  pursued,  and  went  in  after  them  into  the 
midst  of  the  sea,  all  Pharaoh's  horses,  his  chariots, 
and  his  horsemen"  (Ex  14  21-30).  But  when  the 
children  of  Israel  were  safely  on  the  other  side  the 
waters  returned  and  overwhelmed  the  entire  host 
of  Pharaoh.  In  the  Song  of  Moses  which  follows, 
describing  the  event,  it  is  said  that  the  waters  were 
piled  up  by  the  "blast  of  thy  [God's]  nostrils"  (Ex 
15  8),  and  again,  ver  10,  "Thou  didst  blow  with 
thy  wind,  the  sea  covered  them."  Thus  3  t  the 
wind  is  mentioned  as  the  means  employed  by  God 
in  opening  the  water.  The  competency  of  the 
wind  temporarily  to  remove  the  water  from  the 
passage  connecting  the  Gulf  of  Suez  with  the  Bitter 
Lakes,  provided  it  was  only  a  few  feet  deep,  is 
amply  proved  by  facts  of  recent  observation. 
Major  General  Tullock  of  the  British  army  (Proc. 
Victoria  Inst.,  XXVIII,  267-SO)  reports  having  wit- 
nessed the  driving  off  of  the  water  from  Lake 
Menzaleh  by  the  wind  to  such  an  extent  as  to  lower 
the  level  6  ft.,  thus  leaving  small  vessels  over  the 
shallow  water  stranded  for  a  while  in  the  muddy 
bottom.  According  to  the  report  of  the  Suez 
Canal  Co.,  the  difference  between  the  highest  and 
the  lowest  water  at  Suez  is  10  ft.  7  in,,  all  of  which 
must  be  due  to  the  effect  of  the  wind,  since  the  tides 
do  not  affect  the  Red  Sea,  The  power  of  the  wind 
to  affect  water  levels  is  strikingly  witnessed  upon 
Lake  Erie  in  the  United  States,  where  according 
to  the  report  of  the  Deep  A^'aterways  Commission 
for  1896  (16.5,  168)  it  appears  that  strong  wind  from 
the  S,W.  sometimes  lowers  the  water  at  Toledo, 
Ohio,  on  the  western  end  of  the  lake  to  the  extent 
of  more  than  7  ft.,  at  the  same  time  causing  it  to 
rise  at  Buffalo  at  the  eastern  end  a  similar  amount; 
while  a  change  in  the  wind  during  the  passage  of  a 
single  storm  reverses  the  effect,  thus  sometimes 
producing  a  change  of  level  at  either  end  of  the 
lake  of  14  ft,  in  the  course  of  a  single  day.  It  would 
require  far  less  than  a  tornado  to  lower  the  water 
at  Cheloof  sufficiently  to  lay  bare  the  shallow  chan- 
nel which  we  have  supposed  at  that  time  to  separate 
Egvpt  from  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula.  See  Exodus, 
The. 


Several  objections  to  this  theory,  however,  have 
been  urged  which  should  not  pass  without  notice. 

(1)  Some  have  said  that  the  children  of  Israel 
would  have  found  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  their 
advance  in  the  steep  banks  on  either  side  of  the 
supposed  channel.  But  there  were  no  steep  banks 
to  be  encountered.  A  gentle  sag  leads  down  on 
one  side  to  the  center  of  the  depression  and  a  corre- 
spondingly   gentle    rise    leads    up    on    the    other. 

(2)  Much  has  also  been  made  of  the  statement  (Ex 
14  22)  that  "the  waters  were  a  wall  unto  them  on 
their  right  hand,  and  on  their  left";  but  when  we 
consider  the  rhetorical  use  of  this  word  "wall"  it 
presents  no  difficulty.  In  Prov  18  11  we  are  told 
that  "The  rich  man's  wealth  is  his_  strong  city, 
And  as  a  high  wall  in  his  onm  imagination."  In 
Isa  26  1  we  are  told  that  God  will  appoint  salvation 
"for  walls  and  bulwarks."  Again  Nahum  (3  8) 
says  of  Egypt  that  her  "rampart  was  the  sea  [m 
"the  Nile"),  and  her  wall  was  of  the  sea,"  The 
water  upon  either  side  of  the  opening  served  the 
purpose  of  a  wall  for  protection.  There  was  no 
chance  for  Pharaoh  to  intercept  them  by  a  flank 
movement.  Nor  is  there  need  of  paying  further 
attention  to  the  poetical  expressions  in  the  Song  of 
Moses,  where  among  other  things  it  is  said  "that 
the  deeps  were  congealed  in  the  heart  of  the  sea," 
and  that  the  "earth  [instead  of  the  water]  swallowed 
them."  (3)  Again  it  is  objected  that  an  east  wind 
does  not  come  from  the  right  direction  to  produce 
the  desired  result.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  an  east 
wind  only  which  could  have  freed  the  channel  from 
water.  A  north  wind  would  have  blown  the  water 
from  the  Bitter  Lakes  southward,  and  owing  to  the 
quantity  of  water  impounded  would  have  increased 
the  depth  of  the  water  in  the  narrow  passage  from 
the  southern  end  of  Suez.  An  east  wind,  however, 
would  have  pressed  the  water  out  from  the  channel 
both  ways,  and  from  the  contour  of  the  shore  lines 
would  be  the  only  wind  that  could  have  done  so. 
(4)  Again,  it  is  objected  that  this  explanation 
destroys  the  miraculous  character  of  the  event. 
But  it  should  be  noted  that  little  is  said  in  the 
narrative  about  the  miraculous.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  a  straightforward  statement  of  events, 
leaving  their  miraculous  character  to  be  inferred 
from  their  nature.  On  the  explanation  we  have 
given  the  transaction  it  is  what  Robinson  felicitously 
calls  a  mediate  miracle,  that  is,  a  miracle  in  which 
the  hand  of  God  is  seen  in  the  use  of  natural  forces 
which  it  would  be  impossible  for  man  to  command. 
If  anyone  should  say  that  tliis  was  a  mere  coinci- 
dence, that  the  east  wind  blew  at  the  precise  time 
that  Moses  reached  the  place  of  crossing,  the 
answer  is  that  such  a  coincidence  could  have  been 
brought  about  only  by  supernatural  agency.  There 
was  at  that  time  no  weather  bureau  to  foretell  the 
approach  of  a  storm.  There  are  no  tides  on  the 
Red  Sea  with  regular  ebb  and  flow.  It  was  by  a 
miracle  of  prophecy  that  Moses  was  emboldened  to 
get  his  host  into  position  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
temporary  opportunity  at  exactly  the  right  time. 
As  to  the  relation  of  the  Divine  agency  to  the  event, 
speculation  is  useless.  The  opening  of  the  sea 
may  have  been  a  foreordained  event  in  the  course 
of  Nature  which  God  only  foreknew,  in  which 
case  the  direct  Divine  agency  was  limited  to  those 
influences  upon  the  human  actors  that  led  them  to 
place  themselves  where  they  could  take  advantage 
of  the  natural  opportunity.  Or,  there  is  no  a  priori 
difficulty  in  supposing  that  the  east  wind  was 
directly  aroused  for  this  occasion;  for  man  himself 
produces  disturbances  among  the  forces  of  Nature 
that  are  as  far-reaching  in  their  extent  as  would  be 
a  storm  produced  by  direct  Divine  agency.  But 
in  this  case  the  disturbance  is  at  once  seen  to  be 
beyond  the  powers  of  human  agency  to  produce. 


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Red  Sea 
Redeemer 


It  remains  to  add  an  important  word  concerning 
the  evidential  value  of  this  perfect  adjustment  of  the 
narrative  to  the  physical  conditions  involved.  So  per- 
fect is  this  conformity  of  the  narrative  to  the  obscure 
physical  conditions  involved,  which onlyrecent  inves- 
tigations have  made  clear,  that  the  account  becomes 
self-evidencing.  It  is  not  within  the  power  of  man 
to  invent  a  story  so  perfectly  in  accordance  with 
the  vast  and  complicated  conditions  involved.  The 
argument  is  as  strong  as  that  for  human  design 
when  a  key  is  found  to  fit  a  Yale  lock.  This  is  not 
a  general  account  which  would  fit  into  a  variety  of 
circumstances.  There  is  only  one  place  in  all  the 
world,  and  one  set  of  conditions  in  all  history, 
which  would  meet  the  requirements;  and  here  they 
are  all  met.  This  is  scientific  demonstration.  No 
higher  proof  can  be  found  in  the  inductive  sciences. 
The  story  is  true.  It  has  not  been  remodeled  by 
the  imagination,  either  of  the  original  writers  or  of 
the  transcribers.  It  is  not  the  product  of  mythologi- 
cal fancy  or  of  legendary  accretion. 

LiTEHATuBE. — DawsoH,  Egypt  and  Syria;  Hull,  Ml. 
Seir,  Sinai  and  Western  Pal:  Naville,  "The  Store-City 
Pithom  and  the  Route  of  the  E.xodus,"  Egyp  Exploration 
Fund,  1885;  Kyle,  "Bricks  without  Straw  at  Pithom: 
A  Reexamination  of  Naville's  Works,"  Records  of  the 
Past.  VIII,  1901.  304-7;  Wright,  Scientific  Confirmations 
of  OT  Hist,  83-117. 

George  Frederick  Wright 
REDEEMER,    re-dem'er,    REDEMPTION,    rS- 

demp'shun  (p'^S  ,  parak,  "to  tear  loose,"  "to  rescue," 

n~S  ,  padhah,  5X3 ,  ga'al;  ayopaX,ta,  agordzo,  refer- 
ring to  purchase,  XuTpoB|j,ai,  lulroumai,  from  XvTpov, 
lutron,  "a  ransom") : 

1 .  Gradual  Moralizing  of  Idea  of  Redemption 

2.  Redemption  as  Life  in  Individual 

3.  Redemption  as  Social 

4.  Redemption  as  Process 

5.  Moral  Imphcations  in  Scriptural  Idea  of  Redeemer 

6.  Uniqueness  of  Son  of  God  as  Redeemer 
Literature 

The  idea  of  redemption  in  the  OT  takes  its  start 
from  the  thought  of  property  (Lev  26  26;  Ruth 
4  4  ff).  Money  is  paid  according  to  law  to  buy  back 
something  which  must  be  dehvered  or  rescued  (Nu 
3  51;  Neh  5  8).  From  this  start  the  word  "re- 
demption" throughout  the  OT  is  used  in  the  general 
sense  of  deliverance.  God  is  the  Redeemer  of  Israel 
in  the  sense  that  He  is  the  Dehverer  of  Israel  (Dt 
9  26;  2  S  7  23;  1  Ch  17  21;  Isa  52  3).  Theidea 
of  deliverance  includes  dehverance  from  all  forms 
of  evil  lot,  from  national  misfortune  (Isa  62  9; 
63  9;  cf  Lk  2  38),  or  from  plague  (Ps  78  35.52),  or 
from  calamity  of  any  sort  (Gen  48  16;  Nu  25  4.9). 
Of  course,  the  general  thought  of  the  relation  of 
Israel  to  God  was  that  God  had  both  a  claim  upon 
Israel  (Dt  16  15)  and  an  obhgation  toward  Israel 
(1  Ch  17  21;  Ps  25  22).  Israel  belonged  to  Him, 
and  it  was  by  His  own  right  that  He  could  move 
into  the  hfe  of  Israel  so  as  to  redeem  Israel.  On 
the  other  hand,  obligation  was  upon  Him  to  redeem 
Israel. 

In  the  NT  the  idea  of  redemption  has  more  a 
suggestion  of  ransom.  Men  are  held  under  the  curse 
of  the  law  (Gal  3  13),  or  of  sin  itself  (Rom  7  23  f). 
The  Redeemer  purchases  their  deliverance  by  offer- 
ing Himself  as  payment  for  their  redemption  (Eph 
1  7;   1  Pet  1  18). 

Throughout  both  the  OT  and  the  NT  there  is  to 
be  observed  a  gradual  morahzing  of  the  meaning  of 
redemption.  The  same  process  of 
1.  Gradual  moralizing  has  continued  throughout 
Moralizing  all  the  Christian  ages.  Starting  with 
of  Idea  the  idea  of  redemption  price,  conceived 

almost  in  material  terms,  religious 
thought  has  advanced  to  conceptions  entirely  moral 
and  spiritual.  Through  the  Scriptures,  too,  the  idea 
of  redemption  becomes  more  specific  with  the  prog- 
ress  of   Christian   revelation.     In    the    beginning 


God  is  the  Redeemer  from  distresses  of  all  kinds. 
He  redeems  from  calamity  and  from  sorrows.  This 
general  idea,  of  course,  persists  throughout  the 
revelation  and  enters  largely  into  our  thinking  of 
today,  but  the  growing  moral  discernment  of  the 
Bib.  writers  comes  to  attach  more  and  more  im- 
portance to  sin  as  the  chief  disturber  of  man's  wel- 
fare. We  would  not  minimize  the  force  of  the 
Scriptural  idea  that  God  is  the  Deliverer  from  all 
misfortune  to  which  man  falls  heir,  but  the  Scrip- 
tural emphasis  moves  more  and  more  to  deliverance 
from  sin.  Paul  states  this  deliverance  as  a  deliver- 
ance from  the  law  which  brings  sin  out  into  ex- 
pression, but  we  must  not  conceive  his  idea  in  any 
artificial  fashion.  He  would  have  men  delivered 
not  only  from  the  law,  but  also  from  the  conse- 
quences of  evil  doing  and  from  the  spirit  of  evil 
itself  (Rom  8  2). 

In  trying  to  discern  the  meaning  of  redemption 
from  sin,  toward  which  the  entire  progress  of  Bib. 

and  Christian  thought  points,  we  may 
2.  Redemp-  well  keep  in  mind  the  Master's  words 
tion  as  Life  that  He  came  that  men  might  have 
in  Indi-  life  and  might  have  it  more  abundantly 

vidual  (Jn  10  10).      The  word   "life"   seems 

to  be  the  final  NT  word  as  a  statement 
of  the  purpose  of  Christ.  God  sent  His  Son  to 
bring  men  to  life.  The  word  "life,"  however,  is 
indefinite.  Life  means  more  at  one  period  of  the 
world's  history  than  at  another.  It  has  the  ad- 
vantage, nevertheless,  of  always  being  entirely  in- 
telUgible  in  its  essential  significance.  Our  aim  must 
be  to  keep  this  essential  significance  in  mind  and 
at  the  same  time  to  provide  for  an  increasing  ful- 
ness and  enlargement  of  human  capacity  and  en- 
deavor. The  aim  of  redemption  can  only  be  to 
bring  men  to  the  fullest  use  and  enjoyment  of  their 
powers.  This  is  really  the  conception  impUcit 
even  in  the  earliest  statements  of  redemption.  The 
man  redeemed  by  money  payment  comes  out  of  the 
prison  to  the  light  of  day,  or  he  comes  out  of  slavery 
into  freedom,  or  he  is  restored  to  his  home  and 
friends.  The  man  under  the  law  is  redeemed  from 
the  burden  and  curse  of  the  law.  Paul  speaks  of  his 
experience  under  the  law  as  the  experience  of  one 
chained  to  a  dead  body  (Rom  7  24).  Of  course, 
rehef  from  such  bondage  would  mean  hfe.  In  the 
more  spiritual  passages  of  the  NT,  the  evil  in  men's 
hearts  is  hke  a  bKght  which  paralyzes  their  higher 
activities  (Jn  8  33-51). 

In  all  redemption,  as  conceived  of  in  Christian 
terms,  there  is  a  double  element.  There  is  first 
the  deliverance  as  from  a  curse.  Something  binds 
a  man  or  weights  him  down;  redemption  relieves 
him  from  this  load.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the 
positive  movement  of  the  soul  thus  reheved  toward 
larger  and  fuUer  hfe.  We  have  said  that  the  Bib. 
emphasis  is  always  upon  deliverance  from  sin  as  the 
essential  in  redemption,  but  this  deliverance  is  so 
essential  that  the  life  cannot  progress  in  any  of  its 
normal  activities  until  it  is  redeemed  from  evil. 
Accordingly  in  the  Scriptural  thought  all  manner 
of  blessings  follow  deliverance.  The  man  who  seeks 
first  the  Kingdom  of  God  and  His  righteousness  finds 
all  other  things  added  unto  him  (Mt  6  33).  Mate- 
rial, intellectual  and  social  blessings  follow  as 
matters  of  course  from  the  redemption  of  the  inner 
spirit  from  evil.  The  aim  of  redemption,  to  beget 
in  men's  hearts  the  will  to  do  right,  once  fulfilled, 
leads  men  to  seek  successfully  along  all  possible 
avenues  for  life.  This,  of  course,  does  not  mean 
that  the  redeemed  life  gives  itself  up  to  the  culti- 
vation of  itself  toward  higher  excellencies.  It 
means  that  the  redeemed  hfe  is  delivered  from  every 
form  of  selfishness.  In  the  unselfish  seeking  of  life 
for  others  the  redeemed  Hfe  finds  its  own  greatest 
achievement  and  happiness   (Mt  16  25). 


Redeemer 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2542 


Just  as  the  idea  of  redemption  concerned  itself 

chiefly  with  the  inner  spirit,  so  also  it  concerns  itself 

with  the  individual  as  the  object  of 

3.  Redemp-  redemption.  But  as  the  redemption 
tion  as  of  the  inner  spirit  leads  to  freedom  in 
Social  all  realms  of  life,  so  also  the  redemption 

of  the  individual  leads  to  large  social 
transformations.  It  is  impossible  to  strike  out  of 
the  Scriptures  the  idea  of  a  redeemed  humanity. 
But  humanity  is  not  conceived  of  in  general  or  class 
terms.  The  object  of  redemption  is  not  humanity, 
or  mankind,  or  the  mas,ses.  The  object  of  redemp- 
tion is  rather  men  set  in  relation  to  each  other  as 
members  of  a  family.  But  it  would  do  violence  to 
the  Scriptural  conception  to  conceive  of  the  indi- 
vidual's relations  in  any  narrow  or  restricted  fashion 
(1  Cor  12  12-27). 

An  important  enlargement  of  the  idea  of  redemp- 
tion in  our  own  time  has  come  as  men  have  con- 
ceived of  the  redemption  of  individuals  in  their 
social  relationships.  Very  often  men  have  thought 
of  redemption  as  a  snatching  of  individuals  from 
the  perils  of  a  world  in  itself  absolutely  wicked. 
Even  the  material  environment  of  men  has  at  times 
been  regarded  as  containing  something  inherently 
evil.  The  thought  of  redemption  which  seems  most 
in  line  with  Scriptural  interpretation  would  seem 
to  be  that  which  brings  the  material  and  social 
forces  within  reach  of  individual  wilk.  Paul  speaks 
of  the  whole  creation  groaning  and  travailing  in 
pain  waiting  for  the  revelation  of  the  sons  of  God 
(Rom  8  22).  This  graphic  figure  sets  before  ua 
the  essentially  Christian  conception  of  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  forces  in  the  midst  of  which  men  are 
placed.  Those  redeemed  for  the  largest  life,  by 
the  very  force  of  their  fife,  will  seize  all  powers  of 
this  w'orld  to  make  them  the  servants  of  Divine 
purposes.  The  seer  saw  a  great  multitude  which 
no  man  could  number,  of  every  kindred  and  nation 
and  tongue,  shouting  the  joys  of  salvation  (Rev  7  9), 
yet  the  implication  nowhere  appears  that  these 
were  redeemed  in  any  other  fashion  than  by  sur- 
rendering themselves  to  the  forces  of  righteousness. 
We  have  said  that  the  aim  of  redemption  is  to 
bring  men  to  the  largest  and  fullest  life.     We  have 

also  said  that  "Ufe"  is  a  general  term. 

4.  Redemp-  To  keep  close  to  the  Scrijotural  con- 
tion  as  ceptions  we  would  best  say  that  the 
Process  aim  of  redemption  is  to  make  men  like 

Christ  (Rom  8  9).  Otherwise,  it 
might  be  possible  to  use  the  word  "life"  so  as  to 
imply  that  the  riotous  exercise  of  the  faculties  is 
what  we  mean  by  redemption.  The  idea  of  re- 
demption, as  a  matter  of  fact,  has  been  thus  inter- 
preted in  various  times  in  the  history  of  Christian 
thinking.  Life  has  been  looked  upon  as  sheer 
quantitative  exuberance — the  lower  pleasures  of 
sense  being  reckoned  as  about  on  the  same  plane 
with  the  higher.  We  can  see  the  moral  and  spirit- 
ual anarchy  which  would  thus  be  brought  about. 
In  Christ's  words  to  His  disciples  He  once  used  the 
expression,  "Ye  are  clean  because  of  the  word  which 
I  have  spoken  unto  you"  (.In  15  3).  In  this  par- 
ticular context  the  idea  does  not  seem  to  be  that  of 
an  external  washing.  Christ  seems  rather  to  mean 
that  His  disciples  are  cleansed  as  a  vineyard  is 
cleansed  by  pruning  away  some  of  the  branches 
that  others  may  bear  fruit.  In  other  words,  the 
redemption  of  life  is  to  be  interpreter!  so  that  stress 
is  laid  upon  the  qualitative  rather  than  the  quanti- 
tative. Christ  indeed  found  place  in  His  instruc- 
tions and  in  His  own  hfe  for  the  normal  and  healthy 
activities  of  human  existence.  He  was  not  an  as- 
cetic; He  went  to  feasts  and  to  weddings,  but  His 
emphasis  was  always  upon  life  conceived  of  in  the 
highest  terms.  We  can  say  then  that  the  aim  of  re- 
demption is  to  beget  in  men  Ufe  like  that  in  Christ. 


Moreover,  redemption  must  not  be  conceived  of 
in  such  fashion  as  to  do  away  with  the  need  of  re- 
sponse upon  the  part  of  the  individual 
5.  Moral  will.  The  hteral  suggestion  of  ransom 
Implications  has  to  do  with  paying  a  price  for  a 
in  Scrip-  man's  deliverance,  whether  the  man  is 
tural  Idea  willing  to  be  delivered  or  not.  Of 
course,  the  assumption  in  the  mind  of 
the  Bib.  writers  was  that  any  man  in  prison  or  in 
slavery  or  in  sickness  would  be  overjoyed  at  being 
redeemed ;  but  in  dealing  with  men  whose  lives  are 
set  toward  sin  we  cannot  always  make  this  assump- 
tion. The  dreadfulness  of  sin  is  largely  in  the  love 
of  sinning  which  sinning  begets.  Some  thinkers 
have  interpreted  redemption  to  mean  almost  a 
seizing  of  men  without  regard  to  their  own  will. 
It  is  very  easy  to  see  how  this  conception  arises. 
A  man  who  himself  hates  sin  may  not  stop  to  real- 
ize that  some  other  men  love  sin.  Redemption,  to 
mean  anything,  must  touch  this  inner  attitude  of 
will.  We  cannot  then  hold  to  any  idea  of  redemp- 
tion which  brings  men  under  a  cleansing  process 
without  the  assent  of  their  o'mi  wills.  If  we  keep 
ourselves  alive  to  the  growing  moral  discernment 
which  moves  through  the  Scriptures,  we  must  lay 
stress  always  upon  redemption  as  a  moral  process. 
Not  only  must  we  say  that  the  aim  of  redemption 
is  to  make  men  hke  Christ,  but  we  must  say  also 
that  the  method  of  redemption  must  be  the  method 
of  Christ,  the  method  of  appealing  to  the  moral  will. 
There  is  no  Scriptural  warrant  for  the  idea  that  men 
are  redeemed  by  fiat.  The  most  we  can  get  from 
the  words  of  Christ  is  a  statement  of  the  persistence 
of  God  in  His  search  for  the  lost:  '[He  goeth]  after 
that  which  is  lost,  until  he  finds  it'  (Lk  15  4). 
Some  would  interpret  these  words  to  mean  that  the 
process  of  redemption  continues  until  every  man  is 
brought  into  the  kingdom.  We  cannot,  in  the 
hght  of  the  NT,  limit  the  redeeming  love  of  God; 
but  we  cannot,  on  the  other  hand,  take  passages 
from  figurative  expressions  in  such  sense  as  to  limit 
the  freedom  of  men.  The  redemption  must  be 
conceived  of  as  respecting  the  moral  choices  of 
men.  In  our  thought  of  the  Divine  search  for  the 
control  of  inner  human  motive  we  must  not  stop 
short  of  the  idea  of  men  redeemed  to  the  love  of 
righteousness  on  its  own  account.  This  would  do 
away  with  the  plan  of  redeeming  men  by  merely 
reheving  them  of  the  consequences  of  their  sins. 
Out  of  a  changed  life,  of  course,  there  must  come 
changed  consequences.  But  the  Scriptural  teach- 
ing is  that  the  emphasis  in  redemption  is  alwaj's 
moral,  the  turning  to  life  because  of  what  life  is. 

Having  thus  attempted  to  determine,  at  least  in 
outline,  the  content  of  the  Christian  idea  of  redemp- 
tion, it  remains  for  us  to  point  out  some  impUca- 
tions  as  to  the  work  of  the  Redeemer.  Through- 
out the  entire  teaching  on  redemption  in  the 
Scriptures,  redemption  is  set  before  us  primarily 
as  God's  own  affair  (Jn  3  16).  God  redeems  His 
people;  He  redeems  them  out  of  love  for  them. 
But  the  love  of  God  is  not  to  be  conceived  of  as  mere 
indulgence,  partiality,  or  good-humored  aflection. 
The  love  of  God  rests  down  upon  moral  foundations. 
Throughout  the  Scriptures,  therefore,  we  find  im- 
plied often,  if  not  always  clearly  stated,  the  idea 
that  God  is  under  obhgations  to  redeem  His  people. 
The  progress  of  later  thinking  has  expanded  this 
implication  with  sureness  of  moral  discernment. 
We  have  come  to  see  the  obligations  of  power.  The 
more  powerful  the  man  the  heavier  his  obligations 
in  the  discharge  of  this  power.  This  is  a  genuinely 
Christian  conception,  and  this  Christian  conception 
we  apply  to  the  character  of  God,  feeling  confident 
that  we  are  in  line  with  Scriptural  teaching.  Hence 
we  may  put  the  obligations  of  God  somewhat  as 
follows:  God  is  the  most  obligated  being  in  the  uni- 


2543 


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Redeemer 


verse.  If  a  man  is  under  heavy  obligations  to  use 
aright  the  power  of  controlling  the  forces  already  at 
work  ill  the  world,  how  much  heavier  must  be  the 
obhgatiqns  on  the  Creator  who  started  these  forces ! 
The  obUgation  becomes  appalling  to  our  human 
thought  when  we  think  that  creation  includes  the 
calling  of  human  beings  into  existence  and  endowing 
them  with  the  unsolicited  boon  of  freedom.  Men 
are  not  in  the  world  of  their  own  choice.  Vast 
masses  of  them  seem  to  be  here  as  the  outworking 
of  impulses  almost  blind.  The  surroundings  of 
men  make  it  very  easy  for  them  to  sin.  The  tend- 
encies which  at  least  seem  to  be  innate  are  too 
often  tragically  inclined  toward  evil.  Men  seem, 
of  themselves,  utterly  inadequate  for  their  own 
redemption.  If  there  is  to  be  redemption  it  must 
come  from  God,  and  the  Christian  thought  of  a 
moral  God  would  seem  to  include  the  obligation 
on  the  part  of  God  to  redeem  those  whom  He  has  sent 
into  the  world.  Christ  has  made  clear  forever  the 
absolutely  binding  nature  of  moral  considerations. 
If  the  obhgation  to  redeem  men  meant  everything 
to  Christ,  it  must  also  mean  everything  to  the  God 
of  Christ.  So  we  feel  in  line  with  true  Christian 
thinking  in  the  doctrine  that  redemption  comes  first 
as  a  discharge  of  the  obligations  on  the  part  of  God 
Himself. 

If  we  look  for  the  common  thought  in  all  the  Christian 
statements  of  God's  part  in  redemption  we  find  it  in  this: 
that  in  all  these  statements  God  is  conceived  of  as  doing 
all  that  He  can  do  for  the  redemption  of  man.  If  in 
earUer  times  men  conceived  of  the  human  race  as  under 
the  dominion  of  Satan,  and  of  Satan  as  robbed  of  his 
due  by  the  deliverance  of  man  and  therefore  entitled  to 
some  compensation,  they  also  conceived  of  God  Himself 
as  paying  the  ransom  to  Satan.  If  they  thought  of  God 
as  a  feudal  lord  whose  dignity  had  been  offended  by  sin, 
they  thought  of  God  as  Himself  paying  the  cost  due  to 
offended  dignity.  If  their  idea  was  that  a  substitute  for 
sinners  must  be  furnished,  the  idea  included  the  thought 
of  God  as  Himself  providing  a  substitute.  If  they  con- 
ceived of  the  universe  as  a  vast  system  of  moral  laws — 
broken  by  sin — whose  dignity  must  be  upheld,  they 
thought  of  God  Himself  as  providing  the  means  for  main- 
taining the  dignity  of  the  laws.  If  they  conceived  of 
men  as  saved  by  a  vast  moral  influence  set  at  work,  they 
thought  of  this  influence  as  proceeding,  not  from  man, 
but  from  God.  The  common  thought  m  theories  of  re- 
demption then,  so  far  as  concerns  God's  part,  is  that  God 
Himself  takes  the  initiative  and  does  all  He  can  in  the 
discharge  of  the  obligation  upon  Himself.  Each  phras- 
ing of  the  doctrine  of  redemption  is  the  attempt  of  an 
age  of  Christian  thinking  to  say  in  its  own  way  that  God 
has  done  all  that  He  can  do  for  men. 

It  is  from  this  standpoint  that  we  must  approach 
the  part  played  by  Christ  in  redemption.     "This  is 

not  the  place  for  an  attempt  at  formal 
6.  Unique-  statement,  but  some  elements  of 
ness  of  Son  Christian  teaching  are,  at  least  in  out- 
of  God  as  line,  at  once  clear.  "The  question  is, 
Redeemer     first,  to  provide  some  relation  between 

God  and  Christ  which  wiU  make  the 
redemptive  work  of  Chrisst  really  effective.  Some 
have  thought  to  find  such  a  statement  in  the  con- 
ception that  Christ  is  a  prophet.  They  would 
empty  the  expression,  "Son  of  God,"  of  any  unique 
meaning;  they  would  make  Christ  the  Son  of  God 
in  the  same  sense  that  any  great  prophet  could  be 
conceived  of  as  a  son  of  God.  Of  course,  we  would 
not  minimize  the  teaching  of  the  Scripture  as  to  the 
full  humanity  of  Christ,  and  yet  we  may  be  per- 
mitted to  voice  our  behef  that  the  representation 
of  Christ  as  the  Redeemer  merely  in  the  same  sense 
in  which  a  prophet  is  a  redeemer  does  not  do  justice 
to  the  Scripture  teaching;  and  we  feel,  too,  that 
such  a  solution  of  the  problem  of  Christ  would  be 
inadequate  for  the  practical  task  of  redemption. 
If  Christ  is  just  a  prophet  giving  us  His  teaching 
we  rejoice  in  the  teaching,  but  we  are  confronted 
with  the  problem  as  to  how  to  make  the  teaching 
effective.  If  it  be  urged  that  Christ  is  a  prophet 
who  in  Himself  realized  the  moral  ideal,  we  feel 
constrained  to  reply  that  this  really  puts  Christ 


at  a  vast  distance  from  us.  Such  a  doctrine  of 
Christ's  person  would  make  Him  the  supreme  reli- 
gious genius,  but  the  human  genius  stands  apart 
from  the  ordinary  mass  of  men.  He  may  gather 
up  into  Himself  and  realize  the  ideals  of  men;  He 
may  voice  the  aspirations  of  men  and  realize  those 
aspirations;  but  He  may  not  be  able  to  make  men 
like  unto  Himself.  Shakespeare  is  a  consummate 
literary  genius.  He  has  said  once  and  for  all  many 
things  which  the  common  man  thinks  or  half 
thinks.  When  the  common  man  comes  upon  a 
phrase  of  Shakespeare  he  feels  that  Shakespeare 
has  said  for  all  time  the  things  which  he  would  him- 
self have  said  if  he  had  been  able.  But  the  appre- 
ciation of  Shakespeare  does  not  make  the  ordinary 
man  like  Shakespeare;  the  appreciation  of  Christ 
has  not  proved  successful  in  itself  in  making  men 
like  unto  Christ. 

If,  on  the  contrary,  without  attempting  formal 
theological  construction,  we  put  some  real  meaning 
into  the  idea  of  Christ  as  the  Son  of  God  and  hold 
fast  to  a  unique  relationship  between  Christ  and 
God  which  makes  Christ  the  greatest  gift  that  God 
can  give  us,  we  find  indeed  that  Christ  is  lifted  up 
to  essentially  Divine  existence;  but  we  find  also 
that  this  divinity  does  not  estrange  Him  from  us. 
Redemption  becomes  feasible,  not  merely  when  we 
have  a  revelation  of  how  far  up  man  can  go,  but 
when  we  have  also  a  revelation  of  how  far  down 
God  can  come.  If  we  can  think  of  God  as  having 
in  some  real  way  come  into  the  world  through  His 
Son  Jesus  Christ,  that  revelation  makes  Christ  the 
Lord  who  can  lead  us  to  redemption. 

Such  a  conception  furnishes  the  dynamic  which  we 
must  have  in  any  real  process  of  redemption.  We 
need  not  only  the  ideal,  but  we  need  power  by 
which  to  reach  the  ideal.  If  we  can  feel  that  the 
universe  is  under  the  sway  of  a  moral  God,  a  God 
who  is  under  obligations  to  bear  the  burdens  of 
men,  and  who  willingly  assumes  these  obligations, 
we  really  feel  that  moral  life  at  its  fullest  and  best 
is  the  greatest  fact  in  the  universe.  Moreover,  we 
must  be  true  to  the  Scriptures  and  lift  the  entire 
conception  of  redemption  beyond  the  realm  of 
conscience  to  the  realm  of  the  heart.  What  the 
conscience  of  God  calls  for,  the  love  of  God  wilhngly 
discharges.  The  Cross  of  Christ  becomes  at  once 
the  revelation  of  the  righteousness  of  God  and  the 
love  of  God.  Power  is  thus  put  back  of  human 
conscience  and  human  love  to  move  forward  toward 
redemption  (Rom  8  3.5-39). 

The  aim  of  the  redemption  in  Christ  then  is  to 
lift  men  out  of  death  toward  hfe.  The  mind  is  to 
be  quickened  by  the  revelation  of  the  true  ideals  of 
human  life.  The  conscience  is  to  be  reenforced  by 
the  revelation  of  the  moral  God  who  carries  on  all 
things  in  the  interests  of  righteousness.  The 
heart  is  to  be  stirred  and  won  by  the  revelation  of 
the  love  which  sends  an  only  begotten  Son  to  the 
cross  for  our  redemption.  And  we  must  take  the 
work  of  Christ,  not  as  a  solitary  incident  or  a  mere 
historic  event,  but  as  a  manifestation  of  the  spirit 
which  has  been  at  work  from  the  beginning  and 
works  forever.  The  Lamb  was  slain  from  the 
foundation  of  the  world  (Rev  13  8);  the  spirit  of 
God  revealed  in  the  cross  of  Christ  is  the  same  yes- 
terday, today  and  forever.  We  have  in  the  cross 
a  revelation  of  holy  love  which,  in  a  sense,  over- 
powers and  at  the  same  time  encourages.  The 
cross  is  the  revelation  of  the  length  to  which  God 
is  wiUing  to  go  in  redemption  rather  than  set  aside 
one  jot  or  tittle  of  His  moral  law.  He  will  not 
redeem  men  except  on  terms  which  leave  them  men. 
He  will  not  overwhelm  them  in  any  such  manner 
as  to  do  away  with  their  power  of  free  choice.  He 
will  show  men  His  own  feeling  of  holiness  and  love. 
In  the  name  of  a  holy  love  which  they  can  forever 


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aspire  after,  but  which  they  can  never  fuUy  reach, 
men  call  to  Him  for  forgiveness  and  that  forgiveness 
men  find  forever  available. 

It  remains  to  add  one  further  item  of  Scriptural 
teaching,  namely  that  redemption  is  a  continuous 
process.  If  we  may  again  use  the  word  "life," 
which  has  been  the  key  to  this  discussion,  we  may 
say  that  the  aim  of  redemption  is  to  make  men 
progressively  alive.  There  are  not  limits  to  the 
development  of  human  powers  touched  by  the 
redemptive  processes  of  God.  The  cross  is  a  reve- 
lation of  Divine  willingness  to  bear  with  men  who 
are  forever  being  redeemed.  Of  course,  we  speak 
of  the  redeemed  man  as  redeemed  once  and  for  all. 
By  this  we  mean  that  he  is  redeemed  once  and  for 
all  in  being  faced  about  and  started  in  a  right  di- 
rection, but  the  progress  toward  full  life  may  be 
faster  or  slower  according  to  the  man  and  the  cir- 
cumstances in  the  midst  of  which  he  is  placed. 
Still  the  chief  fact  is  the  direction  in  which  the  man 
is  moving.  The  revelation  of  God  who  aids  in 
redemption  is  of  the  God  who  takes  the  direction 
as  the  chief  fact  rather  than  the  length  of  the  stride 
or  the  rate  of  the  movement.  Every  man  is  ex- 
pected to  do  his  best.  If  he  stumbles  he  is  supposed 
to  find  his  way  to  his  feet;  if  he  is  moving  slowly,  he 
must  attempt  to  move  faster;  if  he  is  moving  at  a 
slower  rate  than  he  can  attain,  he  must  strive  after 
the  higher  rate,  but  always  the  dynamic  force  is 
the  revelation  of  the  holy  love  of  God. 

The  Scriptures  honor  the  prophets  in  whatever 
land  or  time  they  appear.  The  Scriptures  welcome 
goodness  under  any  and  all  circumstances.  They 
have  a  place  for  a  "light  that  hghteneth  every  man 
that  cometh  into  the  world,"  but  they  still  make 
it  clear  that  the  chief  force  in  the  redemption  of  men 
is  the  revelation  of  holy  love  in  Jesus  Christ.  The 
redemption,  we  repeat,  is  never  conceived  of  in 
artificial  or  mechanical  terms.  If  any  man  hath 
not  the  spirit  of  Christ  he  does  not  belong  to  Christ 
(Rom  8  9).  The  aim  of  redemption  is  to  beget 
this  spirit,  and  this  spirit  is  hfe. 

Literature. — H.  C.  Sheldon,  Systematic  Theology; 
Clarke,  Outline  of  Christian  Theology;  Brown.  Christian 
Theology  in  Outline;  Mackintosh.  Doctrine  of  Person  of 
Christ;  Bowne,  Studies  in  Christianity;  Tymms,  The 
Christian    Atonement. 

Francis  J.  McConnell 
REDNESS,   red'nes,    OF   EYES.     See   Dhunk- 

ENNESS,  II. 

REDOUND,  r5-dound'  (from  re,  "back,"  and 
undare,  "to  surge  as  a  wave") :  To  be  sent  back  as 
a  reaction,  to  overflow;  occurs  only  as  the  tr  of 
Trepurirei/w,  perisseuo,  "to  be  over  and  above,"  "to 
superabound"  (frequent  in  the  NT) ;  in  2  Cor  4  15, 
"might  through  the  thanksgiving  of  many  redound 
to  the  glory  of  God,"  RV  "may  cause  the  thanks- 
giving to  abound." 

REED,  red:    (1)  inS ,  'ahu,  tr-^  "reed-grass"  (Gen 

41  2.18;  Job  8  11m). '  See  Flag.  (2)  nnX  ,  'ebheh, 
W^  "swift,"  m  "reed"  (Job  9  26).  The  "ships  of 
reed"  are  the  light  skiffs  made  of  plaited  reeds  used 
on   the  Nile;   ef   "vessels  of   papyrus"  (Isa  18  2). 

(3)  D"'TQ5?? ,  'aghammim,  tr''  "reeds,"  m  "marshes," 
Heb  "pools"  (Jer  51  32);  elsewhere  "pools" 
(E.x  7  19;     8  5;     Isa  14  23,     etc).     See    Pools. 

(4)  riliy ,  'aruih;  S-xt,  dchi,  tr^  "meadows,"  AV 
"paper  reeds"  (Isa  19  7).  See  Meadows.  (5) 
nif)  ,  kdneh;  KdXafiot,  kdlamos  (the  Eng.  "cane" 
comes  from  Heb  via  Lat  and  Gr  canna),  "stalk" 
(Gen  41  5.22);  "shaft"  (Ex  37  17,  etc);  "reed," 
or    "reeds"    (1  K  14  15;     2  K  18  21;     Isa  36  6; 

42  3;  Ps  68  30,  AV  "spearman");  "calamus" 
(Ex  30  23;  Cant  4  14;  Ezk  27  19);  "sweetcane," 
m     "calamus"     (Isa  43  24;     Jer  6  20);     "bone" 


(Job  31  22);  used  of  the  cross-beam  of  a  "balance" 
(Isa  46  6);  "a  measuring  reed"  (Ezk  40  3);  "a  staff 
of  reed,"  i.e.  a  walking-stick  (Isa  36  6;  Ezk  29  6); 
the  "branches"  of  a  candlestick  (Ex  37  18).  ^  (6) 
KdXaiios,  kdlamos,  "a  reed  shaken  with  the  wind" 
(Mt  11  7;  Lk  7  24);  "a  bruised  reed"  (Mt  12 
20);  they  put  "a  reed  in  his  right  hand"  (Mt  27 
29.30);  "They  smote  his  head  with  a  reed"  (Mk  15 
19);  "put  it  on  a  reed"  (Mt  27  48;  Mk  15  36); 
"a  measuring  reed"  (Rev  11  1;  21  15.16);  "a 
pen"  (3  Jn  ver  13). 

It  is  clear  that  kaneh  and  its  Gr  equivalent 
kalamos  mean  many  things.  Some  refer  to  differ- 
ent uses  to  which  a  reed  is  put,  e.g.  a  cross-beam  of 
a  balance,  a  walking-stick,  a  measuring  rod,  and  a 
pen  (see  above),  but  apart  from  this  kaneh  is  a  word 
used  for  at  least  two  essentially  different  things: 
(1)  an  ordinary  reed,  and  (2)  some  sweet-smelling 
substance. 


Reed  {Arundo  donax). 

(1)  The  most  common  reed  in  Pal  is  the  Arundo 
donax  (N.O.  Gramineae),  known  in  Arab,  as  ka^ah- 
farasi,  "Persian  reed."  It  grows  in  immense 
quantities  in  the  Jordan  valley  along  the  river  and 
its  tributaries  and  at  the  oases  near  the  Dead  Sea, 
notably  around  ''Ain  Feshkhah  at  the  northwest 
corner.  It  is  a  lofty  reed,  often  20  ft.  high,  of  a 
beautiful  fresh  green  in  summer  when  all  else  is  dead 
and  dry,  and  of  a  fine  appearance  from  a  distance 
in  the  spring  months  when  it  is  in  full  bloom  and 
the  beautiful  silky  panicles  crown  the  top  of  every 
reed.  The  "covert  of  the  reed"  (Job  40  21)  shelters 
a  large  amount  of  animal  and  bird  life.  This  reed 
will  answer  to  almost  all  the  requirements  of  the 
above  references. 

(2)  Kdneh  is  in  Jer  6  20  qualified  310n  n:]5, 
kdneh  ha-tdhh,  "sweet"  or  "pleasant  cane,"  and  in 
Ex  30  23,  Dipi  n5]5,J;|'rae/i6/ioseTO,"sweet calamus," 
or,  better,  a  "cane  of  fragrance."  Cant  4  14;  Isa 
43  24;  Ezk  27  19  all  apparently  refer  to  the  same 
thing,  though  in  these  passages  the  kdneh  is  unquali- 
fied. It  was  an  ingredient  of  the  holy  oil  (Ex  30 
23);    it  was  imported  from  a  distance  (Jer  6  20; 


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Refuge,  Cities  of 


Ezk  27  19),  and  it  was  rare  and  costly  (Isa  43  24). 
It  may  have  been  the  "scented  calamus"  {Axorus 
calamus)  of  Pliny  {Nil,  xii.48),  or  some  other 
aromatic  scented  reed  or  flag,  or,  as  some  think, 
some  kind  of  aromatic  bark.  The  sweetness  refers 
to  the  scent,  not  the  taste.  See  also  Bulrush; 
Papyrus.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

REED-GRASS  (Gen  41  2,18;  Job  8  11  m).  See 
Flag,  (2);  Reed,  (1). 

HEED,  MEASURING,  mezh'tlr-ing  (HTOH  HDp , 
k'neh  ha-middah) :  In  Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  temple 
a  "man"  (an  angel)  appears  with  a  "measuring 
reed"  to  measure  the  dimensions  of  the  temple 
(Ezk  40  3  ff;  42  16  ff).  The  reed  is  described  as 
6  cubits  long,  "of  a  cubit  and  a  handbreadth  each," 
i.e.  the  cubit  used  was  a  handbreadth  longer  than 
the  common  cubit  (see  Cubit;  Weights  and 
Measures;  Temple).  In  the  Apocalypse  this 
idea  of  a  measuring  reed  reappears  for  measuring 
the  temple  (Rev  11  1)  and  the  holy  city  (21  15.16, 
"a  golden  reed").  The  thought  conveyed  is  ex- 
actitude in  the  dimensions  of  these  edifices,  symbolic 
of  the  symmetry  and  perfection  of  God's  church. 

James  Orb 

REELAIAH,  re-el-a'ya,  re-el-l'a  (!T;'??'1 ,  r^'el- 
yah):  One  of  the  12  chiefs  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  2  1|  Neh  7  7).  In  the  passage 
in  Neh  the  name  is  "Raamiah"  (H^'!??'!,  r&'amydh), 
and  in  1  Esd  5  8  "Resaias."  Which  is  the  origi- 
nal, it  is  almost  impossible  to  decide;  "Reelaiah" 
seems  preferable. 

REELIAS,  rS-el'i-as  (A,  'PeA.ias,  Rhedias 
[Fritzsche],  B,  followed  by  Swete,  BopoXelas, 
Boroleias;  AV  Reelius):  One  of  the  "leaders"  with 
Zerubbabel  in  the  return  from  exile  (1  Esd  5  8, 
m  "Reelaiah").  It  occupies  the  place  of  "Bigvai" 
in  Ezr  2  2;  Neh  7  7,  but  in  form  it  must  be  the 
equivalent  of  "Reelaiah"  of  Ezr  and  "Raamiah" 
of  Neh.     It  is  perhaps  a  duplicate  of  "Resaias." 

REESAIAS,  re-g-sa'yas,  re-S-sI'as:  AV;  RV 
RESAIAS  (q.v.). 

REFINER,  rS-fln'er,  REFINING,  r5-fin'ing:  Two 
Heb  words  have  been  tr'^  "refine" :  (1)  D12  ,  paraph, 
lit.  to  "fuse"  (Zee  13  9;  Isa  48  10;  Mai  3  2.3, 
etc).  The  same  word  is  rendered  also  "tried" 
(Ps  66  10);  "melt"  (Jer  6  29  AV);  "purge"  (Isa  1 
25).  (2)  pp-l  ,  zaixik,  lit.  to  "strain"  or  "sift."  In 
the  case  of  silver  and  gold  the  term  probably  re- 
ferred to  some  washing  jjrocess  in  connection  with 
refining  as  in  Mai  3  3  both  paraph  and  zaJcak  are 
used  (1  Ch  28  18;  29  4;  Job  28  1).  The  same 
word  in  Isa  25  6  referred  to  the  straining  of  wine. 
Gr  -rrvpSui,  puroo,  in  the  passive,  lit.  "to  be  ignited," 
is  tr'^  "refined,"  in  Rev  1  15;   3  18. 

The  ancient  process  of  refining  gold  has  already 
been  described  under  Metallurgy  (q.v.).  Most 
of  the  Bible  references  are 
to  the  refining  of  silver 
(Prov  25  4;  Zee  13  9; 
Isa  48  10).  The  silver 
used  by  the  ancients  was 
probably  obtained  by 
smelting  lead  sulphide 

ore,  rich  in  silver  (argen- 

tiferous  galena) .  After  the  gio^ypipe  and  Small  Fur- 
ore had  been  reduced  to  nace.— Thebes. 
a  metallic  condition,  the  ,  ,  ,  •  ,  ^ 
lead  was  separated  from  the  silver  by  blowing  hot 
air  over  the  surface  of  the  melted  metal.  _  The  lead 
was  thus  changed  to  lead  oxide  which,  in  a  pow- 
dered condition,  was  driven  away  by  the  air  blast. 


The  resulting  lead  oxide,  called  in  the  Bible  silver 
dross,  was  used  for  glazing  pottery  (Prov  26  23),  a 
use  to  which  it  is  still  put  by  Syrian  jjottcrs.  The 
description  of  refining  in  Ezk  22  lS-22  may  indi- 
cate that  a  flux  (cf  "as  with  lye,"  Isa  1  25  ARVm) 
was  sometimes  added  to  the  melted  metal  to  dis- 
solve the  oxides  of  copper,  lead,  tin  and  iron  as 
they  formed,  thus  leaving  the  silver  pure.  Crude 
processes  similar  to  those  described  above  are  used 
in  the  Taurus  Mountains  today. 

Figurative:  In  the  various  Bible  references  the 
refining  of  precious  metals  is  used  fig.  to  illustrate 
the  kind  of  trial  God's  children  are  called  upon  to 
go  through.  If  they  are  of  the  right  metal  the 
dross  will  finally  be  blown  away,  leaving  pure,  clear, 
shining  silver.  If  of  base  metal  they  will  be  like 
the  dross  described  in  Jer  6  29.30.  The  refiner 
may  blow  fiercely,  but  in  vain,  for  nothing  but  lead 
dross  appears.  James  A.  Patch 

REFORM,  re-form'  ("ID^ ,  ya.'^ar) :  The  word  in 
RV  is  found  only  in  Lev  26  23,  in  the  phrase  "ye 
will  not  be  reformed."  The  meaning  is,  "to  be 
instructed,"  or,  more  fully,  "to  let  one's  self  be 
chastened,"  i.e.  by  God's  discipline  to  learn  the 
lessons  of  this  chastening. 

The  Heb  word  is  the  same  In  a  similar  connection  in 
Jer  6  8,  where  it  is  rendered,  "Be  thou  instructed,"  and 
in  31  18,  "  r  was  chastised,"  Ps  2  10  ("instructed"); 
Prov  29  19  ("corrected")  use  the  Heb  term  of  admoni- 
tion by  the  words  of  man. 

AV  also  has  "reform"  in  2  Esd  8  12;  Wisd  9  18. 

REFORMATION,  ref-or-ma'shun :  The  word 
is  found  only  in  He  9  10,  being  the  tr  of  Si6pduais, 
diorthosis,  in  its  only  occurrence.  This  Gr  word 
means  etymologically  "making  straight,"  and  was 
used  of  restoring  to  the  normally  straight  condition 
that  which  is  crooked  or  bent.  In  this  passage  it 
means  the  rectification  of  conditions,  setting  things 
to  rights,  and  is  a  description  of  the  Messianic 
time. 

REFRESH,  r5-fresh',  REFRESHING,  rS-fresh'- 
ing;  "Refresh"  occurs  a  few  times  in  the  OT  as  the 
tr  of  11)33 ,  naphash,  "to  take  breath,"  figurative 
"to  be  refreshed"  (Ex  23  12;  31  17;  2  S  16  14); 
of  HIT,  rawah,  "to  have  room"  (1  S  16  23;  Job 
32  20,  m  "find  relief,"  AVm  "may  breathe");  of 
n?D,  sa'adh,  "to  support"  (1  K  13  7);  and  in  the 
NT  as  the  tr  of  amwaiia,  anapauo,  "to  give  rest" 
(1  Cor  16  18;  2  Cor  7  13;  Philemvs7.20;  in  com- 
pound middle,  Rom  15  32  AV);  also  of  ava-^/ix'^-, 
anapsucho,  "to  invigorate,"  "revive"  (2  Tim  1  16), 
and  other  words.  "Refreshing"  is  in  Isa  28  12  mar- 
ge'ah,  "rest"  or  "quiet";  and  in  Acts  3  19,  dvd'fiv^is, 
andpsuxis,  "seasons  of  refreshing,"  through  the 
coming  of  Jesus,  the  Christ;  cf  2  Esd  11  46  and 
AV  Sir  43  22  (aop6cu).  W.  L.  Walker 

REFUGE,  ref'ilj :  A  place  of  resort  and  safety. 
The  principal  words  in  the  OT  are  norTO  ,  mah^eh 
(Ps  14  6;  46  1;  62  7.8;  Isa  4  6,  etc')'  and  Dlitl, 
7nand!}  (2  S  22  3;  Ps  59  16,  etc),  both  applied 
chiefly  to  God  as  a  "refuge"  for  His  people.  For 
AV  "refuge"  in  Dt  33  27,  RV  has  "dwelling-place," 
and  in  Ps  9  9,  "high  tower,"  Conversely,  RV 
has  "refuge"  for  AV  "shelter"  in  Ps  61  3,  and 
"hope"  in  Jer  17  17, 

REFUGE,  CITIES  OF  (ubpJTSn  "'137 ,  'are  ha-mik- 
Idt;  TrdXcis  twv  <J>i;'Ya8€vTT]p(MV,  poleis  ton  phugadeu- 

lerion  [cf  1  Mace  10  28],  and  other 
1.  Location   forms) :  Six  cities,  three  on  each  side  of 

the  Jordan,  were  set  apart  and  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  Levites,  to  serve  as  places  of  asylum 
for  such  as  might  shed  blood  unwittingly.     On  the 


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E.  of  the  Jordan  they  were  Bezer  in  the  lot  of  Reu- 
ben, Ramoth-gilead  in  the  tribe  of  Gad,  and  Golan 
in  the  territory  of  Manasseh.  On  the  W.  of  the 
Jordan  they  were  Hebron  in  Judah,  Shechem  in 
Mt.  Ephraim,  and  Kedesh  in  Naphtah  (Nu  35  6. 
14;  Josh  20  2.7  ff;  2113.21.27.32.38;  Bezer  is 
named  in  ver  36,  but  not  described  as  a  City  of 
Refuge).  An  account  of  these  cities  is  given  in 
separate  arts,  under  their  names.  Dt  19  2  speaks 
of  three  cities  thus  to  be  set  apart,  referring  appar- 
ently to  the  land  W.  of  the  Jordan. 

From  time  immemorial  in  the  East,  if  a  man  were 

slain  the  duty  of  avenging  him  has  lain  as  a  sacred 

obligation   upon   his   nearest  relative. 

2.  Purpose    In  clistricts  where  more  primitive  con- 

ditions prevail,  even  to  this  day,  the 
distinction  between  intentional  and  unintentional 
killing  is  not  too  strictly  observed,  and  men  are 
often  done  to  death  in  revenge  tor  what  was  the 
purest  accident.  To  prevent  such  a  thing  where 
possible,  and  to  provide  for  a  right  administration 
of  justice,  these  cities  were  instituted.  Open  high- 
ways were  to  be  maintained  along  which  the  man- 
slayer  might  have  an  unobstructed  course  to  the 
city  gate. 

The  regulations  concerning  the  Cities  of  Refuge  are 
found  in  Nu  35;    Dt  19  1-13;    Josh  20.     Briefly, 

everything  was  to  be  done  to  facilitate 

3.  Regu-  the  flight  of  the  manslayer,  lest  the 
lations  avenger  of  blood,  i.e.  the  nearest  of 

kin,  should  pursue  him  with  hot  heart, 
and,  overtaking  him,  should  smite  him  mortally. 
On  reaching  the  city  he  was  to  be  received  by  the 
elders  and  his  case  heard.  If  this  was  satisfactory, 
they  gave  him  asylum  until  a  regular  trial  could 
be  carried  out.  They  took  him,  apparently,  to 
the  city  or  district  from  which  he  had  fled,  and 
there,  among  those  who  knew  him,  witnesses  were 
examined.  If  it  were  proved  that  he  was  not  a 
wilful  slayer,  that  he  had  no  grudge  against  the 
person  killed,  and  had  shown  no  sign  of  purpose  to 
injure  him,  then  he  was  declared  innocent  and  con- 
ducted back  to  the  city  in  which  he  had  taken 
refuge,  where  he  must  stay  until  the  death  of  the 
high  priest.  Then  he  was  free  to  return  home  in 
safety.  Until  that  event  he  must  on  no  account 
go  beyond  the  city  boundaries.  If  he  did,  the 
avenger  of  blood  might  slay  him  without  blame. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  he  were  found  guilty  of  de- 
liberate murder,  there  was  no  more  protection  for 
him.  He  was  handed  over  to  the  avenger  of  blood 
who,  with  his  own  hand,  took  the  murderer's  life. 
Blood-money,  i.e.  money  paid  in  compensation  for 
the  murder,  in  settlement  of  the  avenger's  claim, 
was  in  no  circumstances  permitted;  nor  could  the 
refugee  be  ransomed,  so  that  he  might  "come  again 
to  dwell  in  the  land"  until  the  death  of  the  high 
priest  (Nu  35  32). 

A  similar  right  of  refuge  seems  to  have  been  recog- 
nized in  Israel  as  attaching  to  the  altar  in  the  temple 
at  Jerus  (1  K  1  50;  2  28;  cf  Ex  21  12  f).  This 
may  be  compared  with  the  right  of  asylum  connected 
with  the  temples  of  the  heathen.         W.  Ewing 

REFUSE,  r5-f uz' :  Formerly  used  with  the  addi- 
tional meaning  "reject,"  and  hence  the  change  from 
AV  to  RV  in  1  S  16  7;  Ezk  5  6;  1  Tim  4  4; 
1  Pet  2  7,  etc. 

REFUTE,  re-fut':  Only  in  Jude  ver  22,  ARVm 
"And  some  refute  while  they  dispute  with  you," 
where  RV  in  the  text  reads  "And  on  some  have 
mercy,  who  are  in  doubt." 

The  Gr  text  of  vs  22.2.3  is  very  uncertain,  being  given 
very  differently  in  the  various  MSS.  RV  te.\t  foiiows 
the  two  oldest  MSS,  S  and  B.  Instead  of  i\ei.re,  eledte, 
"have  mercy."   the  reading  eAeyxcTs,  rligrheir,  "refute.'' 


"convict,"  has  the  powerful  support  of  A  C.  the  best  cur- 
sives, Vulg,  Memphitic,  Armenian  and  Ethiopian  VSS, 
and  is  placed  in  the  text  by  Lachmann,  Tischendorf  and 
TregeUes  (WH  in  list  of  "Suspected  Readings"  says: 
"  Some  primitive  error  probable:  perhaps  the  first  iAeare 
an  interpolation").  Cf  ver  15.  where  the  same  Gr  word 
occurs  in  the  same  sense  (AV  "convince,"  RV  "con- 
vict"); cf  also  1  Tim  5  20;  Tit  1  9.  where  the  same 
idea  of  refuting  the  sinful  occurs. 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 
REGEM,    re'gem    (D^T ,    reghein,    "friend"    [?]); 
A  Calebite,  the  son  of  Jahdai  (1  Ch  2  47),  men- 
tioned as  the  eponym  of  a  Calebite  family  or  clan. 

REGEM-MELECH,  re'gem-me'lek,  -mel'ek  (Djn 
tjbp ,  reghevi  jnelekh) :  One  of  a  deputation  sent 
to  inquire  concerning  the  propriety  of  continuing 
the  commemoration  of  the  destruction  of  the 
temple  by  holding  a  fast  (Zee  7  2).  The  text 
of  the  passage  is  in  disorder.  The  name  may  mean 
"friend  of  the  king";  hence  some  have  sought  to 
remove  the  difficulty  by  interpreting  reghem  melekh 
as  a  title,  not  a  personal  name,  reading  the  clause, 
"They  of  Beth-el  had  sent  Shabezer  [q.v.  (2)],  the 
friend  of  the  king." 

REGENERATION,  re-jen-er-a'shun,  re- : 

I.     The  Term  Explained 

1.  First  Biblical  Sense  (Eschatological) 

2.  Second  Biblical  Sense  (Spiritual) 

II.     The  Biblic.\l  Doctrine  of  Regener.^tion 

1.  In  the  OT 

2.  In  the  Teaching  of  .Jesus 

3.  In  Apostolic  Teaching 

III.  Later  Develop.ment  of  the  Doctrine 

IV.  Present  Significance 
Literature 

/.  The  Term  Explained. — The  theological  term 
"regeneration"  is  the  Lat  tr  of  the  Gr  expression 
i!-a\tiiyei>e<7la,  palingenesia,  occurring  twice  in  the  NT 
(Mt  19  28;  Tit  3  5).  The  word  is  usually  written 
TToKiyyeiieala,  paliggenesla,  in  classical  Gr.  Its  mean- 
ing is  different  in  the  two  passages,  though  an  easy 
transition  of  thought  is  evident. 

In  Mt  19  28  the  word  refers  to  the  restoration 
of  the  world,  in  which  sense  it  is  synonymical  to 
the  expressions  d-n-OKarda-Tacrts  irdfTiov, 
1.  First  apokaldstasis    pdnton,    "restoration  of 

Biblical  all    things"     (Acts  3  21;     the    vb.   is 

Sense  (Es-  found  in  Mt  17  11,  dTro/caTno-T^iret 
chatologi-  TrdvTa,  apokatasttsei  pdnia,  "shall  re- 
cal)  store  all  things"),  and  dva\pv^ii,  and- 

psuxis,  "refreshing"  (Acts  3  19),  which 
signifies  a  gradual  transition  of  meaning  to  the 
second  sense  of  the  word  under  consideration. 
It  is  supposed  that  regeneration  in  this  sense 
denotes  the  final  stage  of  development  of  all  crea- 
tion, by  which  God's  purposes  regarding  the  same 
are  fully  realized,  when  "all  things  [are  put]  in 
subjection  under  his  feet"  (1  Cor  15  27).  "This 
is  a  "regeneration  in  the  proper  meaning  of  the  word, 
for  it  signifies  a  renovation  of  all  visible  things 
when  the  old  is  passed  away,  and  heaven  and  earth 
are  become  new"  (cf  Rev  21  1).  To  the  Jew  the 
regeneration  thus  prophesied  was  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  reign  of  the  Messiah. 

We  find  this  word  in  the  same  or  very  similar  senses 
in  profane  literature.  It  is  used  of  the  renewal  of  the 
world  in  Stoical  philosophy.  Jos  {Ant,  XI.  Hi,  9)  speaks 
of  the  andktesis  kal  patiggenesia  i^s  patridos,  "a  new 
foundation  and  regeneration  of  the  fatherland,"  after  the 
return  from  the  Bab  captivity.  Philo  (ed.  Mangey,  ii. 
144)  uses  the  word,  speaking  of  the  post-diluvial  epoch  of 
the  earth,  as  of  a  new  world,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoni- 
nus (xi.l),  of  a  periodical  restoration  of  all  things,  laying 
stress  upon  the  constant  recurrence  and  uniformity  of  all 
happenings,  which  thought  the  Preacher  expressed  by 
"There  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun"  (EccI  1  9).  In 
most  places,  however,  where  the  word  occurs  in  philo- 
sophical writings,  it  is  used  of  the  "reincarnation"  or 
"subsequent  birth"  of  the  individual,  as  in  the  Buddhistic 
and  Pythagorean  doctrine  of  the  transmigration  of  souls 
(Plut.,  ed.  Xylander,  ii.998c;  Clem.  Alex.,  ed.  Potter, 
539)  or  else  of  a  revival  of  life  (Philo  i.  1591.     Cicero  uses 


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the  word  in  his  letters  to  Atticus  (vi.6)  metaphorically  of 
his  return  from  exile,  as  a  new  lease  of  life  granted  to  him. 
See  EacHATOLoaY  of  the  NT,  IX. 

This  sense  is  undoubtedly  included  in  the  full 
Bib.   conception  of  the  former  meaning,  for  it  is 
unthinkable  that  a  regeneration  in  the 
2.  Second      eschatological  sense  can  exist  without 
Biblical  a  spiritual  regeneration  of  humanity 

Sense  or    the    individual.     It    is,    however, 

(Spiritual)  quite  evident  that  this  latter  concep- 
tion has  arisen  rather  late,  from  an 
analysis  of  the  former  meaning.  It  is  found  in  Tit 
3  5  which,  without  absolute  certainty  as  to  its 
meaning,  is  generally  interpreted  in  agreement  with 
the  numerous  nouns  and  vbs.  which  have  given  the 
dogmatical  setting  to  the  doctrine  of  regeneration 
in  Christian  theology.  Clem.  Alex,  is  the  first  to 
differentiate  this  meaning  from  the  former  by  the 
addition  of  the  adj.  TrvevfiariKri,  'pneumalikt, 
"spiritual"  (cf  anapsuxis,  Acts  3  20;  see  Re- 
freshing). In  this  latter  sense  the  word  is  typi- 
cally Christian,  though  the  OT  contains  many  adum- 
brations of  the  spiritual  process  expressed  thereby. 

//.    The  Biblical  Doctrine  of  Regeneration. — It 
is  well  known  that  in  the  earlier  portions  of  the  OT, 
and  to  a  certain  degree  all  through  the 
1.  In  the        OT,  religion  is  looked  at  and  spoken 
OT  of  more  as  a  national  possession,  the 

benefits  of  which  are  largely  visible 
and  tangible  blessings.  The  idea  of  regeneration 
here  occurs  therefore — though  no  technical  expres- 
sion has  as  yet  been  coined  for  the  process — in  the 
first  meaning  of  the  word  elucidated  above.  Whether 
the  Divine  promises  refer  to  the  Messianic  end  of 
times,  or  are  to  be  realized  at  an  earlier  date,  they 
all  refer  to  the  nation  of  Israel  as  such,  and  to  indi- 
viduals only  as  far  as  they  are  partakers  in  the 
benefits  bestowed  upon  the  commonwealth.  This 
is  even  true  where  the  blessings  prophesied  are  only 
spiritual,  as  in  Isa  60  21.22.  The  mass  of  the  people 
of  Israel  are  therefore  as  yet  scarcely  aware  of  the  fact 
that  the  conditions  on  which  these  Divine  prornises 
are  to  be  attained  are  more  than  ceremonial  and  ritual 
ones.  Soon,  however,  great  disasters,  threatening 
to  overthrow  the  national  entity,  and  finally  the 
captivity  and  dispersion  which  caused  national 
functions  to  be  almost,  if  not  altogether,  discon- 
tinued, assisted  in  the  growth  of  a  sense  of  indi- 
vidual or  personal  responsibility  before  God.  The 
sin  of  Israel  is  recognized  as  the  sin  of  the  individual, 
which  can  be  removed  only  by  individual  repent- 
ance and  cleansing.  This  is  best  seen  from  the 
stirring  appeals  of  the  prophets  of  the  exde,  where 
frequently  the  necessity  of  a  change  of  attitude 
toward  Jeh  is  preached  as  a  means  to  such  regen- 
eration. This  cannot  be  understood  otherwise 
than  as  a  turning  of  the  individual  to  the  Lord. 
Here,  too,  no  ceremony  or  sacrifice  is  sufficient,  but 
an  interposition  of  Divine  grace,  which  is  repre- 
sented under  the  figure  of  a  washing  and  sprinkling 
from  all  iniquity  and  sin  (Isa  1  18;  .ler  13  2.3).  It 
is  not  possible  now  to  follow  m  full  the  development 
of  this  idea  of  cleansing,  but  already  in  Isa  62  15 
the  sprinkling  of  many  nations  is  mentioned  and  is 
soon  understood  in  the  sense  of  the  "baptism 
which  proselytes  had  to  undergo  before  their  recep- 
tion into  the  covenant  of  Israel.  It  was  the  syinbol 
of  a  radical  cleansing  like  that  of  a  "new-born  babe, 
which  was  one  of  the  designations  of  the  proselyte 
(cf  Ps  87  5;  see  also  the  tractate  Y'hhamolh  62a). 
Would  it  be  surprising  that  Israel,  which  had  been 
guilty  of  many  sins  of  the  Gentiles,  needed  a  similar 
baptism  and  sprinkling?  This  is  what  Ezk  36  25 
suggests:  "I  will  sprinkle  clean  water  upon  you, 
and  ye  shall  be  clean:  from  all  your  filthiness,  and 
from  all  your  idols,  will  I  cleanse  you."  In  other 
passages  the  cleansing  and  refining  power  of  fire  is 


alluded  to  (e.g.  IVIal  3  2),  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  John  the  Baptist  found  in  such  passages  the 
ground  for  his  practice  of  baptizing  the  Jews  who 
came  to  him  (Jn  1  2.5-2S  and  ii's). 

The  turning  of  Israel  to  God  was  necessarily 
meant  to  be  an  inward  change  of  attitude  toward 
Him,  in  other  words,  the  sprinkling  with  clean 
water,  as  an  outward  sign,  was  the  emblem  of  a  pure 
heart.  It  was  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  who  drew  atten- 
tion to  this  (Isa  57  15;  Jer  24  7;  31  33-35;  32 
38-40,  et  passim).  Here  again  reference  is  made  to 
individuals,  not  only  to  the  people  in  general  (.ler 
31  34).  This  promised  regeneration,  so  lovingly 
offered  by  Jeh,  is  to  be  the  token  of  a  new  covenant 
between  God  and  His  people  (Jer  31  31;  Ezk  11 
19-21;   18  31..32;  37  23.24). 

The  renewing  and  cleansing  here  spoken  of  is  in 
reality  nothing  else  than  what  Dt  30  6  had  prom- 
ised, a  circumcision  of  the  heart  in  contradistinction 
to  the  flesh,  the  token  of  the  former  (Abrahamic) 
covenant  (of  circumcision,  Jer  4  4).  As  God  takes 
the  initiative  in  making  the  covenant,  the  conviction 
takes  root  that  human  sin  and  depravity  can  be 
effectually  eliminated  only  by  the  act  of  God  Himself 
renewing  and  transforming  the  heart  of  man  (Hos  14 
4) .  This  we  see  from  the  testimony  of  some  of  Israel's 
best  sons  and  daughters,  who  also  knew  that  this 
grace  was  found  in  the  way  of  repentance  and 
humiliation  before  God.  The  cla-ssical  expression 
of  this  conviction  is  found  in  the  praj'er  of  David: 
"Create  in  me  a  clean  heart,  O  God;  and  renew  a 
right  [m  "stedfast"]  spirit  within  me.  Cast  me 
not  away  from  thy  presence;  and  take  not  thy  holy 
Spirit  from  me.  Restore  unto  me  the  joy  of  thy 
salvation;  and  uphold  me  with  a  willing  spirit" 
(Ps  51  10-12).  Jeremiah  puts  the  following  words 
into  the  mouth  of  Ephraim:  "Turn  thou  me,  and 
I  shall  be  turned"  (Jer  31  18).  Clearer  than  any 
passages  of  the  OT,  John  the  Baptist,  forerunner  of 
Christ  and  last  flaming  torch  of  the  time  of  the 
earlier  covenant,  spoke  of  the  baptism,  not  of  water, 
but  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  of  fire  (Mt  3  11;  Lk  3 
16;  Jn  1  33),  leading  thus  to  the  realization  of  OT 
foreshadowings  which  became  possible  by  faith  in 
Christ. 

In  the  teaching  of  Jesus  the  need  of  regeneration 
has  a  prominent  place,  though  nowhere  are  the 
reasons  given.  The  OT  had  suc- 
2.  In  the  ceeded — and  even  the  gentile  con- 
Teaching  science  agreed  with  it — in  convincing 
of  Jesus  the  people  of  this  need.  The  clearest 
assertion  of  it  and  the  explanation  of 
the  doctrine  of  regeneration  is  found  in  the  conver- 
sation of  Jesus  with  Nicodemus  (Jn  3).  It  is  based 
upon  (1)  the  observation  that  man,  even  the  most 
punctilious  in  the  observance  of  the  Law,  is  dead 
and  therefore  unable  to  "live  up"  to  the  demands 
of  God.  Only  He  who  gave  hfe  at  the  beginning 
can  give  the  (spiritual)  life  necessary  to  do  God's 
will.  (2)  Man  has  fallen  from  his  virginal  and 
Divinely  appointed  sphere,  the  realm  of  the  spirit, 
the  Kingdom  of  God,  living  now  the  perishing 
earthly  life.  Only  by  having  a  new  spiritual  nature 
imparted  to  him,  by  being  "born  anew"  (.In  3  3, 
RVm  "from  above,"  Gr  &vaieev,  dnothen),  by  being 
"born  of  the  Spirit"  (3  G.8),  can  he  live  the  spiritual 
life  which  God  requires  of  man. 

These  words  are  a  NT  exegesis  of  Ezekiel's  vision 
of  the  dead  bones  (37  1-10).  It  is  the  "breath  from 
Jeh,"  the  Spirit  of  God,  who  alone  can  give  life  to 
the  spiritually  dead. 

But  regeneration,  according  to  Jesus,  is  more 
than  life,  it  is  also  purity.  As  God  is  pure  and  sin- 
less, none  but  the  pure  in  heart  can  see  God  (Mt  5 
8).  This  was  always  recognized  as  impossible  to 
mere  human  endeavor.  Bildad  the  Shuhite  de- 
clared, and  his  friends,  each  in  his  turn,  expressed 


Regeneration         THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2548 


very  similar  thoughts  (Job  4  17;  14  4):  "How 
then  can  man  be  just  with  God?  Or  liow  can  he  be 
clean  that  is  born  of  a  woman?  Behold,  even  the 
moon  hath  no  brightness,  and  the  stars  are  not 
pure  in  his  sight:  how  much  less  man,  thatisaworm! 
and  the  son  of  man,  that  is  a  worm!"  (25  4-6). 

To  change  this  lost  condition,  to  impart  this 
new  life,  Jesus  claims  as  His  God-appointed  task: 
"The  Son  of  man  came  to  seek  and  to  save  that 
which  was  lost"  (Lk  19  10);  "I  came  that  they 
may  have  life,  and  may  have  it  abundantly"  (Jn 
10  10).  This  life  is  eternal,  imperishable:  "I  give 
unto  them  eternal  life;  and  they  shall  never  perish, 
and  no  one  shall  snatch  them  out  of  my  hand"  (Jn 
10  28).  This  life  is  imparted  by  Jesus  Himself: 
"It  is  the  spirit  that  giveth  life;  the  flesh  profiteth 
nothing:  the  words  that  I  have  spoken  unto  you 
are  spirit,  and  are  life"  (Jn  6  63).  This  life  can 
be  received  on  the  condition  of  faith  in  Christ  or 
by  coming  to  Him  (Jn  14  6).  By  faith  power  is 
received  which  enables  the  sinner  to  overcome  sin, 
to  "sin  no  more"  (Jn  8  11). 

The  parables  of  Jesus  further  illustrate  this  doc- 
trine. The  prodigal  is  declared  to  have  been  '  'dead" 
and  to  be  "alive  again"  (Lk  15  24).  The  new  life 
from  God  is  compared  to  a  wedding  garment  in  the 
parable  of  the  Marriage  of  the  King's  Son  (Mt  22 
11).  The  garment,  the  gift  of  the  inviting  king, 
had  been  refused  by  the  unhappy  guest,  who,  in 
consequence,  was  'cast  out  into  the  outer  darkness' 
(Mt  22  13). 

Finally,  this  regeneration,  this  new  life,  is  ex- 
plained as  the  knowledge  of  God  and  His  Christ: 
"And  this  is  life  eternal,  that  they  should  know  thee 
the  only  true  God,  and  him  whom  thou  didst  send, 
even  Jesus  Christ"  (Jn  17  3).  This  seems  to  be 
an  allusion  to  the  passage  in  Hos  (4  6):  "My 
people  are  destroyed  for  lack  of  knowledge:  be- 
cause thou  hast  rejected  knowledge,  I  will  also  reject 
thee,  that  thou  shalt  be  no  priest  to  me." 

It  may  be  said  in  general  that  the  teaching  of  the 
apostles  on  the  subject  of  regeneration  is  a  develop- 
ment of  the  teaching  of  Jesus  on  the 
3.  In  lines  of  the  adumbrations  of  the  OT. 

Apostolic  Considering  the  differences  in  the  per- 
Teaching  sonal  character  of  these  writers,  it  is 
remarkable  that  such  concord  of  views 
should  exist  among  them.  St.  Paul,  indeed,  lays 
more  stress  on  the  specific  facts  of  justification  and 
sanctification  by  faith  than  on  the  more  compre- 
hensive head  of  regeneration.  Still  the  need  of  it 
is  plainly  stated  by  St.  Paul.  It  is  necessary  to 
salvation  for  all  men.  "The  body  is  dead  because 
of  sin"  (Rom  8  3-11;  Eph  2  1).  The  flesh  is  at 
enmity  with  God  (Eph  2  15);  all  mankind  is 
"darkened  in  their  understanding,  alienated  from 
the  life  of  God"  (4  IS).  Similar  passages  might  be 
multiplied.  Paul  then  distinctly  teaches  that  thus 
is  a  new  life  in  store  for  those  who  have  been  spirit- 
ually dead.  To  the  Ephesians  he  writes:  "And 
you  did  he  make  alive,  when  ye  were  dead  through 
your  trespasses  and  sins"  (2  1),  and  later  on:  "God, 
being  rich  in  mercy,  ....  made  us  alive  together 
with  Christ"  (2  4. .5).  A  spiritual  resurrection  has 
taken  place.  This  regeneration  causes  a  complete 
revolution  in  man.  He  has  thereby  passed  from 
under  the  law  of  sin  and  death  and  has  come  under 
"the  law  of  the  Spirit  of  life  in  Christ  Jesus"  (Rom 
8  2).  The  change  is  so  radical  that  it  is  possible 
now  to  speak  of  a  "new  creature"  (2  Cor  5  17; 
Gal  6  15,  m  "new  creation"),  of  a  "new  man,  that 
after  God  hath  been  created  in  righteousness  and 
holiness  of  truth"  (Eph  4  24),  and  of  "the  new  man, 
that  is  being  renewed  unto  knowledge  after  the 
image  of  him  that  created  him"  (Col  3  10).  All 
"old  things  are  passed  away;  behold,  they  are 
become  new"  (2  Cor  6  17). 


St.  Paul  is  equally  explicit  regarding  the  author 
of  this  change.  The  "Spirit  of  God,"  the  "Spirit 
of  Christ"  has  been  given  from  above  to  be  the 
source  of  all  new  life  (Rom  8);  by  Him  we  are 
proved  to  be  the  "sons"  of  God  (Gal  4  6);  we  have 
been  adopted  into  the  family  of  God  {uiodea-la, 
hidothesia,  Rom  8  15;  Gal  4  5).  Thus  St.  Paul 
speaks  of  the  "second  Adam,"  by  whom  the  life  of 
righteousness  is  initiated  in  us;  just  as  the  "first 
Adam"  became  the  leader  in  transgression,  He  is  "a 
life-giving  spirit"  (1  Cor  15  45).  St.  Paul  him- 
self experienced  this  change,  and  henceforth  ex- 
hibited the  powers  of  the  unseen  world  in  his  life  of 
service.  "It  is  no  longer  I  that  live,"  he  exclaims, 
"but  Christ  liveth  in  me:  and  that  life  which  I  now 
live  in  the  flesh  I  live  in  faith,  the  faith  which  is  in 
the  Son  of  God,  who  loved  me,  and  gave  himself 
up  for  me"  (Gal  2  20). 

Regeneration  is  to  St.  Paul,  no  less  than  to  Jesus, 
connected  with  the  conception  of  purity  and  knowl- 
edge. We  have  already  noted  the  second  NT 
passage  in  which  the  word  "regeneration"  occurs 
(Tit  3  5):  "According  to  his  mercy  he  saved  us, 
through  the  washing  [m  "laver"]  of  regeneration 
and  renewing  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  he  poured 
out  upon  us  richly,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Sav- 
iour." In  1  Cor  12  13  such  cleansing  is  called 
the  baptism  of  the  Spirit  in  agreement  with  the  oft- 
repeated  promise  (Joel  2  28  [in  the  Heb  text  3  1]; 
Mt  3  11;  Mk  1  8;  Lk  3  16;  Acts  1  5;  11  16). 
There  is,  of  course,  in  these  passages  no  reference 
to  mere  water-baptism,  any  more  than  in  Ezk  36 
25.  Water  is  but  the  tertium  comparationis.  As 
water  cleanseth  the  outer  body,  so  the  spirit  puri- 
fies the  inner  man  (cf  1  Cor  6  11;    1  Pet  3  21). 

The  doctrine  that  regeneration  redounds  in  true 
knowledge  of  Christ  is  seen  from  Eph  3  15-19  and 
4  17-24,  where  the  darkened  understanding  and 
ignorance  of  natural  man  are  placed  in  contradis- 
tinction to  the  enlightenment  of  the  new  life  (see 
also  Col  3  10).  The  church  redeemed  and  regen- 
erated is  to  be  a  special  "possession,"  an  "heritage" 
of  the  Lord  (Eph  1  11.14),  and  the  whole  creation 
is  to  participate  in  the  final  redemption  and  adoption 
(Rom  8  21-23). 

St.  James  finds  less  occasion  to  touch  this  subject 
than  the  other  writers  of  the  NT.  His  Ep,  is  rather 
ethical  than  dogmatical  in  tone,  still  his  ethics  are 
based  on  the  dogmatical  presuppositions  which 
fully  agree  with  the  teaching  of  other  apostles. 
Faith  to  him  is  the  human  response  to  God's  desire 
to  impart  His  nature  to  mankind,  and  therefore  the 
indispensable  means  to  be  employed  in  securing  the 
full  benefits  of  the  new  life,  i.e.  the  sin-conquering 
power  (1  2-4),  the  spiritual  enlightenment  (1  5) 
and  purity  (1  27).  There  seems,  however,  to  be 
little  doubt  that  St.  James  directly  refers  to  regen- 
eration in  the  words:  "Of  his  own  will  he  brought 
us  forth  by  the  word  of  truth,  that  we  should  be  a 
kind  of  firstfruits  of  his  creatures"  (1  18).  It  is 
supposed  by  some  that  these  words,  being  addressed 
"to  the  twelve  tribes  which  are  of  the  Dispersion" 
(1  1),  do  not  refer  to  individual  regeneration,  but 
to  an  election  of  Israel  as  a  nation  and  so  to  a 
Christian  Israel.  In  this  case  the  aftermath  would 
be  the  redemption  of  the  Gentiles.  I  understand 
the  expression  "first-fruits"  in  the  sense  in  which  we 
have  noticed  St.  Paul's  final  hope  in  Rom  8  21-32, 
where  the  regeneration  of  the  believing  people  of 
God  (regardless  of  nationality)  is  the  first  stage  in 
the  regeneration  or  restoration  of  all  creation.  The 
"implanted  [RVm  "inborn"]  word"  (Jas  1  21;  cf 
1  Pet  1  23)  stands  parallel  to  the  PauUne  expres- 
sion, "law  of  the  Spirit"  (Rom  8  2). 

St.  Peter  uses,  in  his  sermon  on  the  day  of  Pente- 
cost, the  words  "refreshing"  (Acts  3  19)  and 
"restoration  of  all  things"  (3  21)  of  the  final  com- 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA         Regeneration 


pletion  of  God's  plans  concerning  the  whole  creation, 
and  accordingly  looks  here  at  God's  people  as  a 
whole.  In  a  similar  sense  he  says  in  his  Second 
Ep.,  after  mentioning  "the  day  of  God":  "We  look 
for  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein  dwelleth 
righteousness"  (2  Pet  3  13).  Still  he  alludes  very 
plainly  to  the  regeneration  of  individuals  (1  Pet 
1  3.23).  The  idea  of  a  second  birth  of  the  believ- 
ers is  clearly  suggested  in  the  expression,  "newborn 
babes"  (1  Pet  2  2),  and  in  the  explicit  statement 
of  1  Pet  1  23:  "having  been  begotten  again,  not 
of  corruptible  seed,  but  of  incorruptible,  through 
the  word  of  God,  which  liveth  and  abideth."  It  is 
in  this  sense  that  the  apostle  calls  God  "Father" 
(1  17)  and  the  behevers  "children  of  obedience" 
(1  14),  i.e.  obedient  children,  or  children  who  ought 
to  obey.  We  have  seen  above  that  the  agent  by 
which  regeneration  is  wrought,  the  incorruptible 
seed  of  the  word  of  God,  finds  a  parallel  in  St.  Paul's 
and  St.  James's  theology.  All  these  expressions  go 
back  probably  to  a  word  of  the  Master  in  Jn  15  3. 
We  are  made  partakers  of  the  word  by  having  re- 
ceived the  spirit.  This  spirit  (cf  the  Pauline  "life- 
giving  spirit,"  1  Cor  15  45),  the  "mind"  of  Christ 
(1  Pet  4  1),  is  the  power  of  the  resurrected  Christ 
active  in  the  life  of  the  believer.  St.  Peter  refers 
to  the  same  thought  in  1  Pet  3  15.21.  By  regen- 
eration we  become  "an  elect  race,  a  royal  priesthood, 
a  holy  nation,  a  people  for  God's  own  possession," 
in  whom  Divine  virtues,  "the  excellencies  of  him 
who  called  you"  (1  Pet  2  9),  are  manifested.  Here 
the  apostle  uses  well-known  OT  expressions  fore- 
shadowing NT  graces  (Isa  61  6;  66  21;  Ex  19  6; 
Dt  7  6),  but  he  individualizes  the  process  of  regen- 
eration in  full  agreement  with  the  increased  light 
which  the  teaching  of  Jesus  has  brought.  The 
theology  of  St.  Peter  also  points  out  the  contact  of 
regeneration  with  purity  and  holiness  (1  Pet  1 
15.16)  and  true  knowledge  (1  14)  or  obedience 
(1  14;  3  16).  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  idea 
of  purity  should  invite  the  OT  parallel  of  "cleansing 
by  water."  The  flood  washed  away  the  iniquity  of 
the  world  "in  the  days  of  Noah,"  when  "eight  souls 
were  saved  through  water:  which  also  after  a  true 
likeness  [RVm  "in  the  antitype"]  doth  now  save 
you,  even  baptism,  not  the  putting  away  of  the 
filth  of  the  flesh,  but  the  interrogation  [RVm  "in- 
quiry," "appeal"]  of  a  good  conscience  toward  God, 
through  the  resurrection  [-Ufe]  of  Jesus  Christ" 
(1  Pet  3  20.21). 

The  teaching  of  St.  John  is  very  closely  aUied 
with  that  of  Jesus,  as  we  have  already  seen  from  the 
multitude  of  quotations  we  had  to  select  from  St. 
John's  Gospel  to  illustrate  the  teaching  of  the 
Master.  It  is  esp.  interesting  to  note  the  cases 
where  the  apostle  didactically  elucidates  certain 
of  these  pronouncements  of  Jesus.  The  most 
remarkable  apostoUc  gloss  or  commentary  on  the 
subject  is  found  in  Jn  7  39.  Jesus  had  spoken  of 
the  change  which  faith  in  Him  ("commg  to  him") 
would  cause  in  the  lives  of  His  disciples;  how  Di- 
vine energies  hke  "rivers  of  water"  should  isssue 
forth  from  them;  and  the  evangelist  continues  m 
explanation :  '  'But  this  spake  he  of  the  Spirit,  which 
they  that  believed  on  him  were  to  receive:  for  the 
Spirit  was  not  yet  given;  because  Jesus  was  not 
yet  glorified."  This  recognition  of  a  special  mani- 
festation of  Divine  power,  transcending  the  expe- 
rience of  OT  believers,  was  based  on  the  declaration 
of  Christ,  that  He  would  send  "another  Comforter 
[RV  "advocate,"  "helper,"  Gr  Paraclete],  that  he 
may  be  with  you  for  ever,  even  the  Spirit  of  truth" 
(Jnl4  16,17).  ,  .    „   .  .^  , 

In  his  Epp.  St.  John  shows  that  this  Spirit  be- 
stows the  elements  of  a  Godlike  character  which 
makes  us  to  be  "sons  of  God,"  who  before  were 
"children  of  the  devil"  (1  Jn  3  10.24;  4  13,  etc). 


This  regeneration  is  "eternal  life"  (1  Jn  5  13)  and 
moral  similarity  with  God,  the  very  character  of 
God  in  man.  As  "God  is  love,"  the  children  of 
God  will  love  (1  Jn  5  2).  At  the  same  time  it  is 
the  life  of  God  in  man,  also  called  fellowship  with 
Christ,  victorious  life  which  overcomes  the  world 
(1  Jn  5  4);  it  is  purity  (1  Jn  3  3-6)  and  knowl- 
edge (1  Jn  2  20). 

The  subject  of  regeneration  lies  outside  of  the 
scope  of  the  Ep.  to  the  He,  so  that  we  look  in  vain  for 
a  clear  dogmatical  statement  of  it.  Still  the  ep.  does 
in  no  place  contradict  the  dogma,  which,  on  the 
other  hand,  underlies  many  of  the  statements  made. 
Christ,  "the  mediator  of  a  better  covenant,  which 
hath  been  enacted  upon  better  promises"  (8  6), 
has  made  "purification  of  sins"  (1  3).  In  contra- 
distinction to  the  first  covenant,  in  which  the  people 
approached  God  by  means  of  outward  forms  and 
ordinances,  the  "new  covenant"  (8  13)  brought  an 
"eternal  redemption"  (9  12)  by  means  of  a  Divine 
cleansing  (9  14).  Christ  brings  "many  sons  unto 
glory"  and  is  "author  of  their  salvation"  (2  10). 
Immature  Christians  are  spoken  of  (as  were  the 
proselytes  of  the  OT)  as  babes,  who  were  to  grow 
to  the  stature,  character  and  knowledge  of  "full- 
grown  men"  (5  13.14). 

///.  Later  Development  of  the  Doctrine. — Very  soon 
the  high  spiritual  meaning  of  regeneration  was  obscured 
by  the  development  of  priestcraft  within  the  Christian 
church.  When  the  initiation  into  the  church  was  thought 
of  as  accomphshed  by  the  mediation  of  ministers  thereto 
appointed,  the  ceremonies  hereby  employed  became 
means  to  which  magic  powers  were  of  necessity  ascribed. 
This  we  see  plainly  in  the  view  of  baptismal  regeneration, 
which,  based  upon  half-understood  passages  of  Scrip- 
ture quoted  above,  was  taught  at  an  early  date.  While 
in  the  post-apostolic  days  we  frequently  iind  traces  of  a 
proper  appreciation  of  an  underlying  spiritual  value  in 
baptism  (cf  Didache,  vii)  many  of  the  expressions  used 
are  highly  misleading.  Thus  Gregory  Nazianzen  {Ora- 
Hons,  xi.2)  calls  baptism  the  second  of  the  three  births 
a  child  of  God  must  experience  (the  first  is  the  natural 
birth,  the  third  the  resurrection).  This  birth  is  "of  the 
day,  free,  delivering  from  passions,  taking  away  every 
veil  of  our  nature  or  birth,  i.e.  everything  hiding  the 
Divine  image  in  which  we  are  created,  and  leading  up 
to  the  life  above"  (Ulhnann,  Gregor  v.  Naziem,  323). 
Cyril  of  Jerus  {Cat.,  xvii,  c.  37)  ascribes  to  baptism  the 
power  of  absolution  from  sin  and  the  power  of  endow- 
ment with  heavenly  virtues.  According  to  Augustine 
baptism  is  essential  to  salvation,  though  the  baptism  of 
blood  (martyrdom)  may  take  the  place  of  w^ater-baptism, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  thief  at  the  cross  (Aug.,  De  Anima  et 
Eius  Origine,  i.ll,  c.  9;  h.l4,  c.  10;  ii.l6,  C.  12).  Leo 
the  Great  compares  the  spirit-filled  water  of  baptism  with 
the  spirit-filled  womb  of  the  Virgin,  in  which  the  Holy 
Spirit  engenders  a  sinless  child  of  God  (Serm.  x.xiv.3; 
XXV. 5;    see  Hagenbach,  Dogmengeschichte,  §  137). 

In  general  this  is  still  the  opinion  of  pronotmced  sacra- 
mentarians,  while  evangelical  Christianity  has  gone 
back  to  the  teaching  of  the  NT. 

IV.  Present  Significance. — Although  a  clear  dis- 
tinction is  not  always  maintained  between  regen- 
eration and  other  experiences  of  the  spiritual  life, 
we  may  summarize  our  belief  in  the  following 
theses: 

(1)  Regeneration  implies  not  merely  an  addition 
of  certain  gifts  or  graces,  a  strengthening  of  certain 
innate  good  qualities,  but  a  radical  change,  which 
revolutionizes  our  whole  being,  contradicts  and 
overcomes  our  old  fallen  nature,  and  places  our 
spiritual  center  of  gravity  wholly  outside  of  our  own 
powers  in  the  realm  of  God's  causation. 

(2)  It  is  the  will  of  God  that  all  men  be  made 
partakers  of  this  new  life  (1  Tim  2  4)  and,  as  it  is 
clearly  stated  that  some  fall  short  of  it  (Jn  5  40), 
it  is  plain  that  the  fault  thereof  lies  with  man.  God 
requires  all  men  to  repent  and  turn  unto  Him  (Acts 
17  30)  before  He  will  or  can  effect  regeneration. 
Conversion,  consisting  in  repentance  and  faith  in 
Christ,  is  therefore  the  human  response  to  the  offer 
of  salvation  which  God  makes.  This  response 
gives  occasion  to  and  is  synchronous  with  the  Di- 
vine act  of  renewal  (regeneration).  The  Spirit  of 
God  enters  into  union  with  the  believing,  accept- 


Regeneration 
Rehoboam 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2550 


ing  spirit  of  man.     This  is  fellowship  with  Christ 
(Rom  8  10;    1  Cor  6  17;    2  Cor  5  17;    Col  3  3). 

(3)  The  process  of  regeneration  is  outside  of  our 
observation  and  beyond  the  scope  of  psychological 
analysis.  It  takes  place  in  the  sphere  of  subcon- 
sciousness. Recent  psychological  investigations 
have  thrown  a  flood  of  light  on  the  psychic  states 
■which  precede,  accompany  and  follow  the  work  of 
the  Holy  Spirit.  "He  handles  psychical  powers; 
He  works  upon  psychical  energies  and  states;  and 
this  work  of  regeneration  lies  somewhere  within  the 
psychical  field."  The  study  of  religious  psychology 
is  of  highest  value  and  greatest  importance.  The 
facts  of  Christian  experience  cannot  be  changed, 
nor  do  they  lose  in  value  by  the  most  searching 
psychological  scrutiny. 

Psychological  analysis  does  not  eliminate  the  direct 
workings  ol  the  Holy  Spirit.  Nor  can  it  disclose  its 
process;  the  "underlying  laboratory  where  are  wrought 
radical  remedial  processes  and  structiu-al  changes  in  the 
psychical  being  as  portrayed  in  exphcit  scripttiral  utter- 
ances: '  Create  in  me  a  clean  heart '  (Ps  51  10);  'Ye  must 
be  bom  again'  (Jn  3  7  AV) ;  'If  any  man  be  in  Christ, 
he  is  a  new  creature:  old  things  are  passed  away;  behold 
all  things  are  become  new'  (2  Cor  5  17  AV),  is  in  the 
region  of  subconsciousness.  To  look  in  the  region  of 
consciousness  for  this  Person  or  for  His  work  is  fruitless 
and  an  effort  fraught  with  endless  confusion.  Christian 
psychology  thus  traces  to  its  deep-lying  retreat  the  Di- 
vine elaboration  of  the  regenerated  hfe.  Here  God  works 
in  the  depths  of  the  soul  as  silently  and  securely  as  if 
on  the  remotest  world  of  the  stellar  universe"  (H.  E. 
Warner,  P&ychology  of  the  Christian  Life,  117). 

(4)  Regeneration  manifests  itself  in  the  conscious 
soul  by  its  effects  on  the  will,  the  intelligence  and 
the  affections.  At  the  same  time  regeneration 
supplies  a  new  life-power  of  Divine  origin,  which 
enables  the  component  parts  of  human  nature  to 
fulfil  the  law  of  God,  to  strive  for  the  coming  of 
God's  kingdom,  and  to  accept  the  teachings  of 
God's  spirit.  Thus  regenerate  man  is  made  con- 
scious of  the  facts  of  justification  and  adoption. 
The  former  is  a  judicial  act  of  God,  which  frees 
man  from  the  law  of  sin  and  absolves  him  from  the 
state  of  enmity  against  God;  the  latter  an  endue- 
ment  with  the  Spirit,  which  is  an  earnest  of  his  in- 
heritance (Eph  1  14).  The  Spirit  of  God,  dwelling 
in  man,  -tvitnesses  to  the  state  of  sonship  (Rom  8 
2.15.16;    Gal  4  6). 

(5)  Regeneration,  being  a  new  birth,  is  the 
starting-point  of  spiritual  growth.  The  regenerated 
man  needs  nurture  and  training.  He  receives  it 
not  merely  from  outside  experiences,  but  from  an 
immanent  power  in  himself,  which  is  recognized  as 
the  power  of  the  life  of  the  indwelling  Christ  (Col  1 
26.27).  Apart  from  the  mediate  dealings  of  God 
with  man  through  word  and  sacraments,  there  is 
therefore  an  immediate  communication  of  life  from 
God  to  the  regenerate. 

(6)  The  truth  which  is  mentioned  as  the  agent 
by  whom  regeneration  is  made  possible  (Jn  8  32; 
Jas  1  18;  1  Pet  1  23),  is  nothing  el.se  than  the 
Divine  Spirit,  not  only  the  spoken  or  written  word 
of  God,  which  may  convince  people  of  right  or 
wrong,  but  which  cannot  enable  the  will  of  man 
to  forsake  the  wrong  and  to  do  the  right,  but  He 
who  calls  Himself  the  Truth  (.In  14  6)  and  who  has 
become  the  motive  power  of  regenerated  life  (Gal 
2  20). 

(7)  Recent  philosophy  expressive  of  the  reaction 
from  the  mechanical  view  of  bare  materialism,  and 
also  from  the  depreciation  of  personality  as  seen  in 
socialism,  has  again  brought  into  prominence  the 
reality  and  need  of  personal  life.  Johannes  Muller 
and  Rudolf  Eucken  among  others  emphasize  that 
a  new  life  of  the  spirit,  independent  of  outward 
conditions,  is  not  only  possible,  but  necessary  for 
the  attainment  of  the  highest  development.  This 
new  life  is  not  a  fruit  of  the  free  play  of  the  tend- 
encies and  powers  of  natural  life,  but  is  in  sharp 


conflict  with  them.  Man  as  he  is  by  nature  stands 
in  direct  contrast  to  the  demands  of  the  spiritual 
life.  Spiritual  life,  as  Professor  Eucken  says,  can 
be  implanted  in  man  by  some  superior  power  only 
and  must  constantly  be  sustained  by  superior  life. 
It  breaks  through  the  order  of  causes  and  effects; 
it  severs  the  continuity  of  the  outer  world;  it  makes 
impossible  a  rational  joining  together  of  reaUties; 
it  prohibits  a  monistic  view  of  the  immediate  con- 
dition of  the  world.  This  new  life  derives  its  power 
not  from  mere  Nature;  it  is  a  manifestation  of 
Divine  life  within  us  (Hauptprobleme  der  Re- 
ligionsphilosophie,  Leipzig,  1912,  17  ff;  Der  Kampf 
um  einen  geistigen  Lebensinhalt,  Leipzig,  1907; 
Grundlinien  einer  neuen  Lebensanschauung,  Leipzig, 
1907;  Johannes  Mtiller,  Bmisteine  filr  personliche 
Kuhur,  3  vols,  Mtinchen,  1908).  Thus  the  latest 
development  of  idealistic  philosophy  corroborates 
in  a  remarkable  way  the  Christian  truth  of  regen- 
eration.    See  also  Conversion. 

LiTERATuBE. — NT  Theologics  by  'Weiss.  Beyschlag, 
Holtzmann,  Schlatter,  Feine,  Stevens,  Sheldon,  "Weinel. 
Textbooks  on  Systematic  Theology:  arts.  "Bekehrung" 
by  R.  Seeberg;  "  Wiedergeburt "  by  O.  Kirn  in  Hauck- 
Herzog  RE':  "Regeneration"  by  J.  V.  Bartlett  in  HDB; 
"Conversion"  by  J.  Strachan  in  ERE:  George  Jackson, 
The  Fact  of  Conversion,  London,  190S;  Newton  H. 
Marshall,  Conversion;  or,  the  New  Birth,  London,  1909; 
J.  Herzog.  Der  Begriff  der  Bekehrung,  Giessen,  1903; 
P.  Feine,  Bekehrung  im  NT  und  in  der  Gegenwart,  Leipzig, 
1908;  P.  Gennrich,  Die  Lehrevonder  Wiedergeburt, 'Lieipzig, 
1907.  Psychological:  W.  James,  Varieties  of  Religious  Ex- 
perience, 189-258;  G.  Stanley  Hall,  Adolescence,  II,  281- 
362;  G.  A.  Coe,  The  Spiritual  Lj/e,  New  York.  1900;  E. 
D.  Starbuck,  Psychology  of  Religion,  New  York,  1911; 
G.  B.  Cutten,  Psychological  Phenomena  of  Christianity, 
London,  1909;  H.  E.  Warner,  The  Psychology  of  the 
Christian  Life,  New  York,  1910;  H.  W.  Clark,  The 
Philosophy  of  Christian  Experience,  London,  1906;  Harold 
Begbie,  Broken  Earthenware,  or  Twice-Born  Men,  London, 
1909;  M.  Scott  Fletcher,  The  Psychology  of  the  NT, 
London,  1912. 

John  L.  Nuelsen 

REGENERATION,  BAPTISMAL.  See  Bap- 
tismal Regeneration. 

REGION,  re'jun:  A  "district,"  as  in  modern 
Eng.  The  word  "region"  is  used  by  EV  inter- 
changeably with  "country,"  "coasts,"  etc,  for 
various  Heb  and  Gr  terms,  but  "region  round 
about"  is  usually  in  AV  and  invariably  in  RV  the 
tr  of  Teplx<^po$,  perlchoros,  "surrounding  country." 
For  a  possible  technical  use  of  "region"  in  Acts  16 
6  and  RV  18  23;  see  Galatia. 

REGISTER,  rej'is-ter.     See    Genealogy;    Qdi- 

RINIUS. 

REHABIAH,  re-ha-bl'a  (H'^^ni,  r'habhyah, 
irr^DnT  ,  r'habhyahu,  "Jeh  is  wide") :  Son  of  Eliezer, 
and  grandson  of  Moses.  Eponym  of  a  Levitical 
family  (1  Ch  23  17;   24  21;   26  25). 

REHEARSE,  rS-htirs'  {DW ,  sum,  in'n  ,  dabhar, 
~?5  7  ndghadh,  njH,  tdnah;  dva-yy^Xu,  anaggello): 
Usually  means  simply  "to  relate,"  "to  tell,"  "to 
declare"  (Ex  17  14;  Jgs  5  11;  1  S  8  21;  17  31: 
Acts  14  27);  with  "rehearse  from  the  beginning' 
in  Acts  11  4  for  dpxo/juii,  drchomai,  "begin"  (so  RV). 
RV  has  preserved  uniformity  by  translating  anaggello 
by  "rehearse"  also  in  Acts  15  4,  and  has  introduced 
"rehearse"  as  the  tr  of  i^vi^ofiai,  exegeamai,  through- 
out (Lk  24  35;  Acts  10  8;  15  12.14;  21  19),  except 
in  Jn  1  18  ("declare").  Sir  19  7,  AVhas  "rehearse" 
for  SevTep6u,  deuteroo,  "repeat"  (so  RV). 

REHOB,  re'hob  (ahn,  r'hobh;  'Poiip,  Rho6b, 
■Padp,  Bhadb): 

(1)  Etymologically  the  word  means  "broad" 
and  might  be  applied  either  to  a  road  or  a  plain. 
Rehob  is  given  (Nu  13  21)  as  the  northern  limit 


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Regeneration 
Rehoboam 


of  Israel  as  reached  by  the  spies.  This  agrees  with 
the  position  assigned  to  Beth-rehob  in  the  narrative 
of  the  settlement  of  the  Danites  (Jgs  18  28).  It 
is  mentioned  again  along  with  the  kingdom  of 
Zobah  in  connection  with  the  wars  of  Saul  (1  S  14 
47  LXX  Lag.),  and  as  having  been  associated  with 
Zobah  and  Maacah  against  David  in  the  Ammon- 
ite war  and  as  having  been  defeated  by  him  (2  S 
10  6).  Robinson  sought  to  identify  it  with  Hunin, 
but  it  hardly  suits  the  references.  Buhl  {GAP, 
240)  following  Thomson  {LB,  II,  547)  seeks  it  at 
Paneas  (modern  Banids).  This  would  suit  all  the 
requirements  of  the  capital,  Beth-rehob,  which 
might  then  be  the  second  Rehob,  assigned  as  part  of 
the  territory  of  Sidon  to  the  tribe  Asher  (Josh  19 
28.30;  Jgs  18  28).  We  must,  however,  assign 
to  the  kingdom  of  Rehob  a  territory  extending 
from  the  settlements  of  the  Danites  to  the  "enter- 
ing in  of  Hamath"  or  to  Libo  (modern  Leboue), 
i.e.  the  Great  Plain  of  Coele-Syria  bounded  by 
Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon  and  within  the  limits 
indicated. 

(2)  Two  separate  towns  belonging  to  Asher 
(Josh  19  28;  19  30).  One  of  them  was  given  to 
the  Gershonite  Levites  (Josh  21  31),  and  one  is 
mentioned  as  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  Canaan- 
ites  (Jgs  1  31). 

(3)  Father  of  Hadadezer,  king  of  Aram  Zobah, 
who  was  overwhelmed  by  David  at  the  Euphrates 
(2  S  8  3.12). 

(4)  One  of  the  Levites  who  sealed  Nehemiah's 
covenant  on  the  24th  Tishri,  444  BC  (Neh  10  11). 

W.  M.  Christie 
REHOBOAM,  re-ho-bo'am  (Dy?nn ,  r'habh'am, 
"the  people  is  enlarged,"  or  perhaps  "Am  is  wide"; 
'PoPoapi,  Rhobodm;  "Roboam,"  Mt  1  7AV): 

1.  The  Disruption  of  the  Kingdom 

2.  Underlying  Causes  ol  Disruption 

3.  Shemaiah  Forbids  Civil  War 

4.  Rehoboam's  Prosperity 

5.  Shishak's  Invasion 

6.  His  Death 

The  son  and  successor  of  Solomon,  the  last  king 
to  claim  the  throne  of  old  Israel  and  the  first  king 
of  Judah  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom.  He 
was  bom  c  978  BC.  His  mother  was  Naamah,  an 
Ammonitess.  The  account  of  his  reign  is  contained 
in  1  K  14  21-31;  2  Ch  10-12.  The  incidents 
leading  to  the  disruption  of  the  kingdom  are  told 
in  1  K  11  43—12  24;    2  Ch  9  31—11  4. 

R.  was  41  years  old  (2  Ch  12  13)  when  he  began 
to  reign  (LXX  1  K  12  24a  says  16  years).  He 
ascended  the  throne  at  Jerus  imme- 
1.  The  Dis-  diately  upon  his  father's  death  with 
ruption  apparently     no     opposition.       North 

of  the  Israel,  however,   was  dissatisfied,  a,nd 

Kingdom  the  people  demanded  that  the  king 
meet  them  in  popular  assembly  at 
Shechem,  the  leading  city  of  Northern  Israel.  True, 
Israel  was  no  longer,  if  ever,  an  elective  monarchy. 
Nevertheless,  the  people  claimed  a  constitutional 
privilege,  based  perhaps  on  the  transaction  of 
Samuel  in  the  election  of  Saul  (1  S  10  2.5),  to  be 
a  party  to  the  conditions  under  which  they  would 
serve  a  new  king  and  he  become  their  ruler.  David, 
in  making  Solomon  his  successor,  had  ignored  this 
wise  provision,  and  the  people,  having  lost  such 
a  privilege  by  default,  naturally  deemed  their  neg- 
ligence the  cause  of  Solomon's  burdensome  taxes 
and  forced  labor.  Consequently,  they  would  be 
more  jealous  of  their  rights  for  the  future,  and  R. 
accordingly  would  have  to  accede  to  their  demand. 
Having  come  together  at  Shechem,  the  people  agreed 
to  accept  R.  as  their  king  on  condition  that  he 
would  lighten  the  grievous  service  and  burdensome 
taxes  of  his  father.  R.  asked  for  three  days'  time  m 
which  to  consider  the  request.     Against  the  advice 


of  men  of  riper  judgment,  who  assured  him  that  he 
might  win  the  people  by  becoming  their  servant, 
he  chose  the  counsel  of  the  younger  men,  who  were 
of  his  own  age,  to  rule  by  sternness  rather  than  by 
kindness,  and  r(;lurned  the  people  a  rough  answer, 
saying:  "My  father  made  your  yoke  heavy,  but  I 
will  add  to  your  yoke:  my  father  chastised  you  with 
whips,  but  I  will  chastise  you  with  scorpions" 
(1  K  12  14).  R.,  however,  misjudged  the  temper 
of  the  people,  as  well  as  his  own  ability.  The 
people,  led  by  Jeroboam,  a  leader  more  able  than 
himself,  were  ready  for  rebellion,  and  so  force  lost 
the  day  where  kindness  might  have  won.  The 
threat  of  the  king  was  met  by  the  Marseillaise  of 
the  people:  "What  portion  have  we  in  David? 
neither  have  we  inheritance  in  the  son  of  Jesse: 
to  your  tents,  O  Israel:  now  see  to  thine  own  house, 
David  "  (1  K  12  16).  Thus  the  ten  tribes  de- 
throned R.,  and  elected  Jeroboam,  their  champion 
and  spokesman,  their  king  (see  Jeroboam).  R., 
believing  in  his  ability  to  carry  out  his  threat  (1  K 
12  14),  sent  Adoram,  his  taskmaster,  who  no  doubt 
had  quelled  other  disturbances,  to  subdue  the  popu- 
lace, which,  insulted  by  indignities  and  enraged 
by  R.'s  renewed  insolence,  stoned  his  messenger  to 
death.  Reahzing,  for  the  first  time,  the  seriousness 
of  the  revolt,  R.  fled  ignominiously  back  to  Jerus, 
king  only  of  Judah  and  of  the  adjacent  territory  of 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  The  mistake  of  R.  was  the 
common  mistake  of  despots.  He  presumed  too 
much  on  privilege  not  earned  by  service,  and  on 
power  for  which  he  was  not  wilUng  to  render  ade- 
quate compensation. 

It  is  a  mistake,  however,  to  see  in  the  disruption  the 
shattering  of  a  kingdom  that  had  long  been  a  harmonious 

whole.  From  the  earhest  times  the  con- 
9  TTnHprlv  federationof  tribes  was  imperfectly  cement- 
z.  unaeny-  g^_  They  seldom imited  against  their  com- 
ing Causes  mon  foe.  No  mention  is  made  of  Judah 
of  Disrup-  in  ths  list  of  tribes  who  fought  with  Deb- 
^.  *^        orah  against  Sisera.    A  chain  of  cities  held 

lion  ]r)y  i^Q    Canaanites,  stretching   across  the 

country  from  E.  to  W.,  kept  the  North 
and  the  South  apart.  Different  physical  characteristics 
produced  different  types  of  life  in  the  two  sections.  Old 
jealousies  repeatedly  fanned  into  new  flame  intensified 
the  divisions  due  to  natural  and  artificial  causes.  David 
labored  hard  to  break  down  the  old  antagonisms,  but 
even  in  his  reign  Israel  rebelled  twice.  Northern  Israel 
had  produced  many  of  the  strongest  leaders  of  the 
nation,  and  it  was  not  easy  for  them  to  submit  to  a 
ruler  from  the  Judaean  dynasty.  Solomon,  following 
David's  policy  of  unification,  drew  the  tribes  closely 
together  tlirough  the  centralization  of  worship  at  Jerus 
and  through  the  general  splendor  of  his  reign,  but  he, 
more  than  any  other,  finally  widened  the  gulf  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  through  his  unjust  discrimi- 
nations, his  heavy  taxes,  his  forced  labor  and  the  gen- 
eral extravagances  of  his  reign.  The  reUgion  of  Jeh 
was  the  only  bond  capable  of  holding  the  nation  together. 
The  apostasy  of  Solomon  severed  tliis  bond.  The 
prophets,  with  their  profound  knowledge  of  religious 
and  pohtical  values,  saw  less  danger  to  the  true  wor- 
ship of  Jeh  in  a  divided  kingdom  than  in  a  united 
nation  ruled  over  by  E.,  who  had  neither  political 
sagacity  nor  an  adequate  conception  of  the  greatness  of 
the  reUgion  of  Jeh.  Accordingly,  Ahijah  openly  en- 
couraged the  revolution,  while  Shemaiah  gave  it  passive 
support. 

Immediately  upon  his  return  to  Jerus,  R.  col- 
lected a  large  army  of   180,000  men   (reduced  to 

120,000  in  LXX  B),  for  the  purpose 
3.  She-  of   making   war   against    Israel.     The 

maiah  expedition,    however,    was    forbidden 

Forbids  by    Shemaiah    the    prophet    on    the 

Civil  War      ground    that    they    should    not   fight 

against  their  brethren,  and  that  the 
division  of  the  kingdom  was  from  God.  Notwith- 
standing the  prohibition,  we  are  informed  that 
"there  was  war  between  Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam 
continuaUy"  (1  K  14  30;    2  Ch  12  15). 

R.  next  occupied  himself  in  strengthening  the 
territory  which  still  remained  to  him  by  fortifying 
a  number  of  cities  (2  Ch  11  .5-12).  These  cities 
were  on  the  roads  to  Egypt,  or  on  the  western  hills 


Rehoboth 
Rekem 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2552 


of  the  Judaean  Shephelah,  and  were  doubtless  forti- 
fied as  a  protection  against  EgjTDt.     According  to 
2  Ch  11  13-17,  Rehoboam's  prosperity 

4.  Reho-  was  augmented  by  an  immigration  of 
beam's  priests  and  Levites  from  Israel,  who 
Prosperity  came  to  Jems  because  of  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  idolatrous  worship  insti- 
tuted by  Jeroboam.  AH  who  were  loyal  to  Jeh 
in  the  Northern  Kingdom  are  represented  as  follow- 
ing the  example  of  the  priests  and  Levites  in  going 
to  Jerus,  not  simply  to  sacrifice,  but  to  reside  there 
permanently,  thus  strengthening  R.'s  kingdom. 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  R.  added  to  the  innovations 
of  his  father,  erected  pillars  of  Baal  in  Jerus  long 
before  thej'  were  common  in  Northern  Israel,  and 
that  he  permitted  other  heathen  abominations  and 
immoralities,  it  seems  that  the  true  worship  of  Jeh 
received  little  encouragement  from  the  king  him- 
self. As  a  further  evidence  of  his  prosperity,  Ch 
gives  an  account  of  R.'s  family.  Evidently  he  was 
of  luxurious  habit  and  followed  his  father  in  the 
possession  of  a  considerable  harem  (2  Ch  11  18-23). 
He  is  said  to  have  had  18  wives  and  60  concubines, 
(2  Ch  11  21;  LXX  B  and  Jos,  A7it,  VIII,  x,  1 
give  "30  concubines"). 

One  of  the  direct  results  of  the  disruption  of  the 

kingdom  was  the  invasion  of  Pal  by  Shishak,  king 

of  Egypt,  in  the  5th  year  of  R.     Shi- 

5.  Shi-  shak  is  Sheshonk  I,  the  first  king  of 
shak's            the  XXIId  or  Bubastite  Dynasty.     He 
Invasion        is  the  same  ruler  who  granted  hospi- 
tality to  Jeroboam  when  he  was  obliged 

to  flee  from  Solomon  (1  K  11  40).  The  LXX 
(IK  12  24e)  informs  us  that  Jeroboam  married  Ano, 
the  sister  of  Shishak's  wife,  thus  becoming  brother- 
in-law  to  the  king  of  Egypt.  It  is  therefore  easy 
to  suppose  that  Jeroboam,  finding  himself  in  straits 
in  holding  his  own  against  his  rival,  Rehoboam, 
called  in  the  aid  of  his  former  protector.  The  results 
of  this  invasion,  however,  are  inscribed  on  the 
temple  at  Karnak  in  Upper  EgjTJt,  where  a  list  of 
some  ISO  (Curtis,  "Chronicles,"  ICC)  towns  cap- 
tured by  Shishak  is  given.  These  belong  to  North- 
ern Israel  as  well  as  Judah,  showing  that  Shishak 
exacted  tribute  there  as  well  as  in  Judah,  which 
seems  scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  view  that  he 
invaded  Pal  as  Jeroboam's  ally.  However,  the 
king  of  Israel,  imploring  the  aid  of  Shishak  against 
his  rival,  thereby  made  himself  vassal  to  Eg>-pt. 
This  would  suffice  to  make  his  towns  figure  at  Kar- 
nak among  the  cities  subjected  in  the  course  of  the 
campaign.  The  Chronicler  saw  in  Shishak  an 
instrument  in  the  hand  of  God  for  the  punishment 
of  R.  and  the  people  for  the  national  apostasy. 
According  to  2  Ch  12  3,  Shishak  had  a  force  of 
1,200  chariots  and  60,000  horsemen  to  which  Jos 
adds  400,000  foot-soldiers,  composed  of  Lubim, 
Sukkiim  and  Ethiopians.  No  resistance  appears 
to  have  been  offered  to  the  advance  of  the  invading 
army.  Not  even  Jerus  seems  to  have  stood  a  siege. 
The  palace  and  the  temple  were  robbed  of  all  their 
treasures,  including  the  shields  of  gold  which  Solo- 
mon had  made.  For  these  R.  later  substituted 
shields  of  brass  (vs  9.10).  R.  died  at  the  age  of 
fifty-eight,  after  having  reigned  in  Jerus  for  17 
years.     His    son    Abijah    became    his 

6.  His  successor.     He   was  buried   in   Jerus. 
Death  Jos  says  that  in  disposition  he  was  a 

proud  and  foolish  man,  and  that  he 
"despised  the  worship  of  God,  till  the  people  them- 
selves imitated  his  wicked  actions"  (Ant,  VIII,  x,  2). 

S.   K.    MoSIMAN 

REHOBOTH,  rS-hoTaoth,  re-ho'both  (tlinhn, 
r'hobhdth,  "broad  places";  'Eip\>x<ipi.a,  Euruchoria) : 
One  of  the  wells  dug  by  Isaac  (Gen  26  22).  It  is 
probably  the  Rubuta  of  the  Am  Tab  (Petrie.  nos. 


256,  260;  see  also  Expos  T,  XI,  239  [Konig],  377 
[Sayce]),  and  it  is  almost  certainly  identical  with  the 
ruin  Ruhaibeh,  8  hours  S.W.  of  Beersheba.  Robin- 
son {BR,  I,  196-97)  describes  the  ruins  of  the  an- 
cient city  as  thickly  covering  a  "level  tract  of  10 
to  12  acres  in  extent";  "many  of  the  dwellings  had 
each  its  cistern,  cut  in  the  solid  rock";  "once  this 
must  have  been  a  city  of  not  less  than  12,000  or 
15,000  inhabitants.  Now  it  is  a  perfect  field  of 
ruins,  a  scene  of  unutterable  desolation,  across 
which  the  passing  stranger  can  with  difficulty  find 
his  way."  Huntington  {Pal  and  Its  Transforma- 
tion, 124)  describes  considerable  remains  of  a  sub- 
urban population  extending  both  to  the  N.  and  to 
the  S.  of  this  once  important  place. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 
REHOBOTH  BY  THE  RIVER  ("insn  ninJT), 
r'hobhdth  ha-nahdr;  B,  "PomPw9  ['PmPmO  in  Ch] 
T]  irapd  TTOTaiiov,  Rhooboth  [Rhoboth]  he  para  potamori, 
A,  TuPm9,  Rhoboth) :  This  city  is  mentioned  only 
as  the  residence  of  Shaul,  one  of  the  rulers  of  Edom 
(Gen  36  37;  1  Ch  1  48).  There  is  nothing  to 
guide  us  with  certainty  as  to  the  situation  of  the 
city.  Onom  places  it  in  Idumaea  (Gebaleue),  but 
no  trace  of  a  name  resembling  this  has  been  found 
in  the  district.  "The  river"  usually  means  the 
Euphrates.  If  the  city  could  have  been  so  far  from 
Edom,  it  might  be  identified  with  Rahaba  on  the 
W.  of  the  river,  8  miles  S.  of  its  confluence  with  the 
Khabur.  Winckler  thinks  it  might  possibly  be  on 
the  boundary  between  Pal  and  Egj-pt,  "the  river" 
being  W&dy  el-'Arlsh,  "the  brook  of  Egypt"  (Nu  34 
5;   Josh  15  4,  etc).  W.  Ewing 

REHOBOTH-IR,r.-lir,r.-ir('T'y  Tib.h'} ,  r'hobhdth 

Hr,  "Rehoboth  City";    LXX  t)  'Poupis  fPooipie] 

iroXts,    he     Rhoobos    [Rhooboth]    polis, 

1.  Probably  "the  city  Rhoobos,  Rhooboth") :  The 
Rebit  second  of  the  cities  built  by  Asshur 
Ninua  (RV  by  Nimrod)   in  Assyria  (Gen  10 

11.12).  Unlike  the  other  three,  the 
exact  equivalent  of  this  name  is  not  found  in  Assjt 
lit.  Fried.  Delitzsch  points  out  (TT^o  lag  das  Para- 
dies?  260  f)  that  r'hobhdth  is  the  equivalent  of  the 
Assyr  rebite,  "streets,"  and  suggests  that  the  site 
referred  to  may  be  the  Rebit  Ninua,  "streets  of 
Nineveh,"  mentioned  by  Sargon  of  Assyria  in  con- 
nection with_the  peopling  of  Maganubba  (Khorsa- 
bad  or  Dur-Sarru-kIn ;  see  Nikb\'Eh);  and  it  was 
through  this  tract  that  Esar-haddon,  his  grandson, 
caused  the  heads  of  the  kings  of  Kundi  and  Sidon 
to  be  carried  in  procession  when  he  returned  from 
his  expedition  to  the  Mediterranean. 

Though  the  probabilities  in  favor  of  Rebit  Ninua 

are  great,  it  is  doubtful  wliether  a  suburb  could 

have  been  regarded  as  a  foundation 

2.  Or,  Pes-  worthy  of  a  primitive  ruler,  and  that 
sibly,  the  a  very  important  city,  Assur,  the  old 
Old  Capi-  capital  of  Assyria,  would  rather  be 
tal,  Assur  expected.  One  of  the  groups  express- 
ing its  name  is  composed  of  the  char- 
acters Sag-uru,  or,  dialectically,  Sab-eri,  the  second 
element  being  the  original  of  the  Heb  'ir.  As  the 
"center-city,"  Assur  may  have  been  regarded  as  the 
city  of  broad  spaces  {r'hobhdth) — its  ruins  are  of 
considerable  extent.  The  German  explorers  there 
have  made  many  important  discoveries  of  temples, 
temple-towers,  palaces  and  streets,  the  most  pictur- 
esque anciently  being  the  twin  tower-temples  of  Anu 
(the  sky)  and  Adad  (Hadad).  The  ruins  lie  on  the 
Tigris,  about  50  miles  S.  of  Nineveh.  It  practically 
ceased  to  be  the  capital  about  the  middle  of  the  8th 
cent.  BC.    See  Nineveh.  T.  G.  Pinches 

REHTJM,  re'hum  (D^ITI ,  r'hum,  or  DFI"] ,  r^hum) : 
(1)  One  of  the  twelve  heads  of  the  Jewish  com- 


2553 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Rehoboth 
Rekem 


munity  returning  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr  2  2;  Neh  7  7  (by  a  copyist's  error  "Nehum"]; 
12  3;   1  Esd  5  8,  "Roimus"). 

(2)  A  Pera  officer  of  high  rank  (lit.  "master  of 
judgment,  taste,  reason")  who  with  others  wrote 
a  letter  against  Jerus  to  King  Artaxerxes  (Ezr  4 
8.9.17.23). 

(3)  Son  of  Bani,  a  Levite,  one  of  the  wall-builders 
under  Nehemiah  (Neh  3  17). 

(4)  One  of  the  signers  of  the  covenant  in  Neh 
10  25. 

(5)  In  Neh  12  3  (omitted  in  LXX)  one  Rehum 
is  mentioned  with  those  who  went  up  with  Zerub- 
babel. It  is  probable  that  we  should  read  here 
"Harim"  (Din  for  Dinn  of  12  15). 

W.  N.  Stearns 
REI,  re'I  (ly-l ,  reH,  "friendly";  'Pr^o-il,  Rhesei): 
Rei,  Shimei  and  the  Gibborim  who  belonged  to 
David  are  Usted  among  those  who  did  not  join 
Adonijah  in  his  attempt  on  the  throne  (1  K  1  8). 
The  name  is  very  uncertain.  Winckler  {Geschichte, 
II,  247)  identifies  him  with  Ira,  the  Jairite,  who  was 
a  "priest  to  David"  (2  S  20  26  RVm);  he  tries 
to  prove  that  this  Ira  (or  Jair)  was  a  priest  of  Beth- 
lehem. Stade  {GVI,  I,  293,  n.  1)  holds  that  Shi- 
mei and  Rei  were  two  officers  of  David's  body- 
guard. Jos  (Ant,  VII,  xiv,  4)  has  l>  AaoufSov  <f)C\os, 
ho  Daouidou  philos,  thus  making  Shimei  a  "friend," 
the  courtier  of  2  S  15  37;  16  16,  and  omitting 
Rei  entirely.  This  would  call  for  an  original  read- 
ing ^b'Qn  yn  ,  re"'  ha-meUhh,  or  tfban  n?"! ,  re' eh 
ha-melekh,  and  is  too  wide  a  variant  from  the  MT. 
Assuming  that  Rei  belongs  in  the  text,  it  is  safe 
to  conjecture  that  he  was  an  officer  of  the  royal 
guard.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

REIGN,  ran:  The  Heb  word  n^Dbtl ,  vial'khulh, 
may  be  rendered  "kinghood,"  "royal  dignity," 
"kingdom,"  "government"  ("reign").  The  vb.  is 
^b'Q,  malakh,  "to  be  king"  ("to  reign  as  king"), 
"to' become  king,"  "to  accede  to  the  throne,"  "to 
assume  royal  power  publicly"  and,  generally  speak- 
ing, "to  become  powerful."  In  the  NT  vjefiovla., 
hegemonla,  pauiKela,  basileia,  fiaaiKeiiiv,  bas- 
ileuein.  The  word  is  used,  either  as  a  noun  or  as 
a  vb.,  of  Jeh  (God),  the  Messiah  (Christ)  and  men 
(kings,  etc);  then  of  such  terms  as  sin,  death, 
grace;  of  the  woman  in  Rev  and,  conditionally,  of 
the  Christians;  once,  ironically,  of  the  Corinthians. 
"Reign"  as  a  noun  referring  to  the  time  of  reign- 
ing occurs  in  1  K  6  1  (Solomon);  2  K  24  12 
(Nebuchadnezzar);  1  Ch  4  31  (David;  cf  1  Ch  29 
30)-  2  Ch  36  20  ("until  the  reign  of  the  kingdom 
of  Persia");  Neh  12  22  (Darius);  Est  2  16 
(Ahasuerus);  Lk  3  1  (Tiberius  Caesar).  More 
often  occurs  the  vb.  "to  reign,"  malakh,  basileuein. 
It  is  applied  to:  (1)  Jeh  at  the  close  of  the  song  of 
Moses  (Ex  15  18);  "Jeh  reigneth"  (1  Ch  16  31; 
cf  Ps  93  1;  96  10;  99  1;  Rev  19  6);  "God 
reigneth  over  the  nations"  (Ps  47  8);  "Jeh  of 
hosts  will  reign  in  mount  Zion"  (Isa  24  23:  cf  Mic 
4  7);  "Thy  God  reigneth"  (Isa  52  7);  "Thou  hast 
taken  thy  great  power,  and  didst  reign"  (Rev  11  17, 
meanmg,  probably,  "thou  didst  assume  thy  might  ); 
(2)  the  Messiah  (Christ)  as  a  just  and  righteous 
king  (Jer  23  5);  an  eternal  king  (Lk  1  33;  cf 
Rev  11  15);  punishing  and  subdumg  His  enemies 
(Lk  19  14.27;    1  Cor  15  25). 

(3)  Men  (kings,  etc),  in  regard  to  the  source  of  their 
power  ("By  me  [i.e.  the  wisdom  of  God],  kings  reign 
rProv  8  151);  respecting  legitimate  succession__  (2  Ch 
23  3)-  meaning  "to  have  power  or  dominion  (Uen 
37  8  and  Job  34  30);  in  regard  to  an  essential  char- 
artpristic  (Isa  32  1);  in  connection  with  the  covenant 
of  Jeh  with  David  (ier  33  21);  then  the  word  is  used  in 
1  S  12  12  where  Samuel  reminds  the  children  of  Israel 
of  their  demanding  a  king  of  him  (cf  ver  14) ;    of  Saul 


(1  8  13  l;cfll  12);ofaaurssonIsh-bosheth(2  S  2  10); 
of  David  (2  S  5  4  f ;  cf  3  21) ;  of  Adonijah  (1  K  1  11.24; 
cf  2  15) ;  of  Solomon  (1  K  1  13);  quite  frequently  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  and  Israel  (in  the  Books  of  K  and  Ch) ;  of 
thokingsof  Edom  (Gen  36  31);  of  Jabin,  king  of  Canaan, 
in  Hazor  (Jgs  4  2);  of  Abimelech,  Jerubbaal's  son,  in 
.Totham's  fable  (Jgs  9  8-15) ;  of  Hanun.  king  of  the  Am- 
monites (2  8  10  1);  of  Rezon  and  his  men  in  Damascus 
(1  K  11  24);  of  Hazael  and  Ben-hadad,  kings  of  Syria 
(2  K  8  15  and  13  24);  of  Esar-haddon,  king  of  Assyria 
(2  K  19  37);  of  Ahasuerus,  king  of  Persia  (Est  1  1);  of 
Archelaus  (Mt  2  22). 

(4)  In  the  NT  the  term  basileuein,  "to  reign," 
is  used  to  illustrate  and  emphasize  the  power  of 
sin,  death  and  grace  (Rom  5  14.17.21  and  6  12). 
Sin,  the  vitiating  mental  factor,  is  to  be  looked  upon 
as  being  constantly  and  resolutely  bent  on  main- 
taining or  regaining  its  hold  upon  man,  its  power 
being  exercised  and  reinforced  by  the  lusts  of  the 
body.  Death,  the  logical  outcome  of  sin,  at  once 
testifies  to  the  power  of  sin  and  its  inherent  corrup- 
tion, while  grace  is  the  restoring  spiritual  factor 
following  up  and  combating  everywhere  and  always 
the  pernicious  influence  of  sin.  It  strives  to  de- 
throne sin,  and  to  establish  itself  in  man  as  the  only 
dominating  force.  (5)  In  describing  the  future 
glorious  state  of  the  believers,  the  NT  uses  the 
expression  of  those  who  endure  (in  faith;  cf  2  Tim 
2  12) ;  of  those  'purchased  unto  God  with  the 
blood  of  the  Lamb'  (Rev  5  10) ;  of  those  partaking 
in  the  first  resurrection  (Rev  20  6) ;  of  the  servants 
of  God,  "they  shall  reign  for  ever  and  ever"  (22  5) ; 
on  the  other  hand,  it  teaches  us  not  to  anticipate 
the  privileges  of  heaven,  while  our  Christian  life  is 
anything  but  satisfactory  (1  Cor  4  8),  and  Rev  17 
18  shows  us  the  terrible  fate  of  the  woman,  the 
great  city  (the  corrupt  church),  "which  reigneth 
over  the  kings  of  the  earth."  See  further  King, 
Kingdom.  William  Baur 

REINS,  ranz  (p'l^'? ,  kilyah;  v€<(>p6s,  nephrds, 
words  promiscuously  tr"*  "heart,"  "inward  parts," 
"kidneys"  or  "reins."  The  latter  word,  which  is 
derived  from  Lat  renes  through  OFr.  reins,  has 
given  place  in  modem  Eng.  to  the  word  "kidneys" 
[see  Skeat,  Concise  Etymological  Dictionary  of  the 
Eng.  Language,  398].  RV  has,  however,  retained 
the  older  word,  at  least  in  the  m,  in  all  passages  in 
which  it  is  found  in  AV):  According  to  Heb  psy- 
chology the  reins  are  the  seat  of  the  deepest  emo- 
tions and  affections  of  man,  which  God  alone  can 
fully  know.  Thus  RV  has  substituted  "heart"  for 
"reins"  in  the  text  of  Job  19  27;  Ps  7  9;  16  7; 
26  2;  73  21;  Prov  23  16;  Jer  11  20;  12  2;  17 
10;  20  12;  the  tr  "inward  parts"  is  found  but 
once  (Ps  139  13).  In  one  passage  AV  has  tr"*  the 
Heb  haldg  ("loins")  with  "reins"  (Isa  11  5),  where 
the  RV  has  rightly  substituted  "waist"  (q.v.).  The 
(5r  word  nejphros  (which  is  etymologically  allied  to 
the  Middle  Eng.  nere,  Ger.  Niere;  see  Skeat,  ibid, 
231,  s.v.  "Kidney")  is  found  in  1  Maco  2  24;  Rev 
2  23.     See  Kidneys.  H.  L.  E.  Luerinq 

REKEM,  re'kem  (Qp,"1 ,  rekem,  "friendship"): 

(1)  One  of  the  five  kings  of  Midian  slain  by  the 
Israelites  under  Moses  (Nu  31  8;  Josh  13  21 
[B,  'P6)3ok,  Rhdbok,  A,  'P6koh,  Rhokom]).  Like  his 
companions,  he  is  called  a  "king"  in  Nu,  but  a 
"prince"  or  "chieftain"  in  the  pa.ssage  in  Josh. 
The  two  references  are  hardly  related;  both  are 
based  on  an  earlier  tradition. 

(2)  Eponym  of  a  Calebite  family  (1  Ch  2  43 
["PiKo/ji,  Rhekom]).  Probably  a  town  in  Southern 
Judah.  A  town  of  this  name  is  given  as  belonging 
to  Benjamin  (Josh  18  27). 

(3)  A  city  of  Benjamin,  mentioned  with  Irpeel 
and  Taralah  (Josh  iS  27);  the  site  is  unknown. 
See  also  Rakem.  Horace  J.  Wolf 


Relationships        THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2554 


RELATIONSHIPS,  re-la'shun-ships,  FAMILY: 

I.       CoXSANGriNITT 

1.  In  General 

2.  Parents  and  Children 

3.  Brothers  and  Sisters 

4.  Uncles,  Aunts,  Co^lsins,  Kinsmen 
II.     Affinity 

1.  Husband  and  ^Vife 

2.  Father-in-Law,  etc 

3.  Brother-in-Law,  etc 

III.     Other  Domestic  Relations 

1.  Foster-Father 

2.  Master  and  Servants 

3.  Host  and  Guest 

4.  The  Dependent  Stranger 

The  family  or  domestic  relations  of  the  Bible  in- 
clude (1)  those  of  consanguinity  or  blood  relation- 
ship, (2)  affinity  or  marriage  relationship,  and  (3) 
legal  convention.  Those  of  consanguinity  may  be 
divided  into  lineal  and  collateral  groups;  the  former 
are  those  of  parents  and  children,  grandparents  and 
grandchildren,  and  ancestors  and  descendants  in 
general;  the  latter  are  those  of  brothers  and  sisters, 
uncles  and  aunts  in  relation  to  nephews  and  nieces, 
cousins  of  variotis  degrees,  including  mere  tribes- 
men and  even  remoter  kinsfolk.  The  relations  of 
affinity  include  besides  that  of  husband  and  wife 
or  concubine,  the  relations  among  rival  wives,  and 
their  children,  those  of  father-in-law  and  mother- 
in-law  in  relation  to  son-in-law  and  daughter-in- 
law,  and  those  of  brothers-in-law  and  sisters-in-law. 
The  domestic  relations  based  on  legal  convention 
are  either  legal  fictions  or  the  results  of  agreement: 
among  the  former  we  must  include  those  of  foster- 
father  or  mother  and  foster-children;  among  the 
latter  the  relations  between  master  and  the  various 
classes  of  servants  and  slaves  held  by  the  ancient 
Hebrews,  those  between  host  and  guest,  esp.  where 
they  became  covenant  brothers,  and  between  the 
citizen  and  the  stranger  who  had  attached  himself 
to  him  for  his  protection. 

/.   Consanguinity. — Genealogies    were    carefully 

kept  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  (cf  those  of  Gen,  Nu, 

Ch,  Ezr,  Neh,  Alt,  Lk),  not  only  be- 

1.  In  cause  they  formed  the  basis  of  a  man's 
General         title    to    his   property    (Nu  27  8-11; 

exceptional  case,  36  1-12),  but  also 
because  on  one's  pedigree  depended  the  right  of  his 
family  to  intermarry  with  the  priestly  caste.  De- 
scent was  traced  through  the  father;  a  man's  closest 
association  was  therefore  with  his  father's  family, 
and  he  was  ordinarily  referred  to  as  the  son  of  his 
father,  thus  Isaac  the  son  of  Abraham  (Gen  26  19), 
Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephunneh 
(Nu  14  6).  Still  there  are  instances  of  men  named 
for  their  mothers  (Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah),  and  a 
man's  relation  with  his  mother's  family  was  fully 
recognized  in  the  laws  forbidding  incest.  No  lineal 
relatives  were  permitted  to  intermarry  (Lev  18 
7.10).  The  relations  of  ancestors  and  descendants 
were  considered  so  close  that  the  ordinary  terms  of 
relationship  between  children  and  parents  are  used 
constantly  in  relation  to  grandparents  and  remoter 
ancestors.  The  wishes  of  a  great-grandfather  are 
respected  long  after  his  death  as  the  wishes  of  a 
father  (Jer  35  16). 

The  father    (3S ,    'abh;    irar-^p,    pattr)   was  the 

head  of  the  family  (mishpakdh)   or  household  [ba- 

yith),  which   was   a  religious  (1  S  20 

2.  Parents  6.29;  Ex  12  3;  Job  1  5)  as  well  as 
and  a  social  and  political  unit,  consisting 
Children        usually  of  a  combination  of  families 

in  the  modern  sense.  A.s  long  as  polyg- 
amy prevailed  a  family  ^^-ould  include  at  least  the 
several  groups  of  children  of  the  wi\'e3  and  concu- 
bines. The  Bible  rejiresents  the  Ileb  father  as 
commanding  (Gen  50  16;  Jer  35  6fT;  Prov  6  20), 
instructing  (Prov  18;  4  1),  and  rebuking  (Geii 
37  10;    Nu  12  14);    at  the  same  time,  as  loving 


(Gen  25  28;    37  4;    44  20),  pitying  (Ps  103  13), 
and  blessing  his  household  (Gen  27  41),  rejoicing 
over  its  triumphs  (Prov  10  1;   15  20),  or  grieving 
over  its   misfortunes    (Gen  37  35).     The  mother, 
too  (DX,  'em-;  ^tjti;/),  ?rafter),  naturally  displays  love 
and  care  (Gen  25  28;    Prov  4  3;    Isa  49  15;    66 
13).     To  the  Heb  woman  childlessness  was  con- 
sidered the  greatest  of  misfortunes    (1  S  1  10  ff, 
of  Hannah;  Gen  30  23,  of  Rachel).     Children  were     , 
looked  upon  as  a  blessing  from  God  (Ps  127  3)  and  V 
the  defenders  of  the  home  (vs  4.5).     In  early  life 
a  child  was  more  directly  under  the  control  of  the 
mother  than  the  father;   the  mother  was  its  first 
teacher  (Prov  1  8).     Thereafter  the  father  was  ex- 
pected to  direct  the  training  of  the  son  (]3 ,  hen; 
viis,   huios,   TiKvov,   teknon)    (Gen    18   19;     Ex   12 
26;  13  8.14.15;    Dt  6  7),  whae  the  daughter  (H?, 
hath;    dv/dT-qp,  thugdter)    probably  remained  with 
the  mother  until  her  marriage  (Mic  7  6).     Both 
parents  are  looked  upon  in  the  Law  as  objects  of 
honor  (Ex  20  12  H  Dt  5  16  [the  Fifth  Command- 
ment];    Ex  21  15;     Lev  20  9;     Dt  27  16;     Prov 
20  20;    Ezk  22  7;    Mic  7  6),  obedience    (Gen  28 
7;     Lev  19  3;     Dt  21  18  ff;     Prov  1  8;     30  17) 
and  love  (1  K  19  20;    Prov  28  24;   30  11).     The 
control  of  parents  was  so  great  as  to  include  the 
right  to  sell  daughters  in  marriage,  but  not,  without 
restrictions,  into  slavery  (Ex  21  7-11;   cf  22  16  ff; 
Neh  5  5),  and  never  into  a  life  of  shame  (Lev  19 
29);  they  could  chastise  children  (Dt  8  5;   21  18; 
Prov  13  24;    cf  Ecclus  30  1-13),  and  in  the  early 
days  even  exerted  the  power  of  life  and  death  over 
them   (Gen  22;    Jgs  11  39;    Lev  18  21;    20  2-5; 
2  K  23  10;    cf  Mt  15  4).     This  power,   at  least 
for  sacrificial  purposes,  was  entirely  removed  by  the 
Law,  and  changed,  even  for  punishment,  in  the  case 
of  a  stubborn,  rebellious,  gluttonous  and  disobedient 
son  to  a  mere  right  of  complaint  to  the  proper  au- 
thorities (Dt  21  18-21),  who  were  to  put  him  to 
death.     Infanticide  by  exposure,  such  as  was  com- 
mon  among   other   ancient   peoples,  seems   never 
to  have  been  practised  by  the  Hebrews.     That  the 
children  were  nevertheless  the  chattels  of  the  parents 
seems  to  be  attested  from  the  fact  that  they  could 
be  seized  for  the  debts  of  the  father  (2  K  4  1). 
The  father  could  annul  the  vows  of  his  daughter 
(Nu  30  3-5),  and  damages  for  wrongs  done  to  her 
were  paid  to  him,  as  in  Eng.  law  "for  loss  of  serv- 
ices" (Dt  22  29).     A  widowed  or  divorced  daughter 
could  return  to  her  father  (Gen  38  11;  Lev  22  13; 
Ruth  1  15).     At  his  death  the  mother  would  be- 
come the  actual,  if  not  the  legal,  head  of  the  house- 
hold   (2  K  8  1-6,  the  Shunammite  woman;    Tob 

1  8,  Tobit's  grandmother;  cf  the  position  of  the 
mother  of  Jesus).  This  was  esp.  true  of  the  queen 
mother  (g'hhirah),  whose  name  is  usually  given  in 
the  accounts  of  the  kings  of   Judah    (1  K  1  11; 

2  19,  where  a  throne  at  the  king's  right  hand  was 
set  for  the  king's  mother;  11  26;  14  21.31;  15  2.10. 
13;  22  42;  2  K  8  26;  10  13;  14  2;  15  2.33;  18 
2;  21  1.19;  22  1;  23  31..36;  24  8.12.15.18;  2  Ch 
22  2;  Jer  13  18;  22  26;  see  Queen  Mother). 
While  it  is  true  that  the  position  of  the  widowed 
mother  depended  to  some  extent  on  the  will  of  her 
son  (1  K  2  18  ff),  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
sense  of  filial  duty  was  highly  developed  among  all 
classes  in  Pal  (Josh  2  13.18;  6  23;  1  S  22  3;  2  S 
19  37;  1  K  19  20).  The  rebellion  of  children 
marked  the  acme  of  social  degeneration  (Mic  7  6; 
Prov  30  11);  on  the  other  hand  the  "great  day" 
according  to  Malachi  (4  5  [Heb  3  23])  is  one  of 
conciliation  of  parents  and  children. 

The  terms  "brother"  (HX ,  'ah;  aSeXrpos,  adel- 
phos)  and  "sister"  (pi^H}^  ,'ahdlh;  aSe\<pri,  adelphe) 
apply  to  children  of  the  same  father  and  mother 
(Gen  4  2),  and  also  to  children  of  one  father  (Gen 


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20  12)  or  of  one  mother  (Gen  43  7;   Lev  18  9;  20 

17).     The  brother  as   well  as  the  father  was  the 
natural  protector  of  the  honor  of  his 

3.  Brothers  sister;  thus,  the  sons  of  Jacob  speak  of 
and  Sisters    Dinah  as  "our  daughter"  (Gen  34  17). 

Absalom  feels  more  deeply  aggrieved 
over  the  crime  against  Tamar  than  does  David  him- 
self (2  S  13  21).  The  brother's  other  duties  toward 
a  sister  were  very  much  like  those  of  a  father  (Cant 
8  8) .  The  Law  strictly  forbids  the  intermarriage  of 
brother  and  sister,  whether  of  the  same  father  and 
mother  or  not,  whether  born  at  home  or  born 
abroad,  as  a  "disgraceful  thing"  {he^edh,  a  different 
word  from  fye^edh,  "kindness"  (Lev  18  9.11;  20 
17) .  In  earlier  times  marriage  between  half-brother 
and  sister  was  allowable  (Gen  20  12;  cf  2  S  13 
13).^  Ill  fact,  we  are  expressly  told  that  the  laws 
against  incest  were  not  obeyed  by  the  Egyptians  or 
the  Canaanites  (Lev  18  3ff;  20  23).  Brotherly 
sentiment  was  highly  developed  (Gen  24  60;  Josh 
2  13;  Prov  17  17;  cf  Lev  25  35;  Dt  15  11  f;  25 
3);  the  dwelhng  of  brothers  together  in  unity  is 
considered  good  and  pleasant  (Pa  133  1).  Brothers 
were  ever  ready  to  protect  or  avenge  each  other 
(2  S  3  27).  Indeed,  it  is  part  of  the  unwritten, 
common  law,  recognized  though  not  necessarily 
approved  in  the  Bible,  that  the  brother  or  next  of 
kin,  the  go'el,  is  expected  to  avenge  a  death  (Nu  35 
19  ff;  Dt  19  6;  Josh  20  3;  2  S  14  11),  and  no 
punishment  is  meted  out  to  prevent  such  self-help, 
unless  it  occurs  in  a  refuge-city.  A  brother  was 
also  expected  to  ransom  a  captive  or  slave  (Lev  25 
48;  Ps  49  7).  Half-brothers  were  of  course  not 
so  near  as  brothers  of  the  full  blood  (cf  Joseph  and 
his  brothers),  and  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  the  sons 
of  a  wife  despising  and  driving  out  the  son  of  a 
harlot  (Jgs  11  1,  Jephthah).  The  words  "brother" 
and  "sister"  are  used  frequently  of  more  distant 
relationships  (see  below)  and  figuratively  of  a  friend. 
The  Heb  nil,  dodh  (Lev  10  4,  "uncles";  Nu 
36  11,  "cousins";  1  S  14  50),  coming  from  a 
primitive  caressing  word,  possibly  in- 

4.  Uncles  dicating  "dandle,"  "fondle."  "love," 
Aunts  '  means  both  "uncle"  and  'beloved." 
Cousins  It 's  used  of  the  father's  and  also  of  the 
Kinsmen  mother's  brother,  and  the  correspond- 
ing fem.  form  (nnil ,  dodhdh)  is  used 

of  the  father's  sister  (Ex  6  20;  cf  Nu  26  59)  and 
even  of  the  father's  brother's  wife  (Lev  18  14;  20 
20).  Intermarriage  between  nephew  and  aunt 
(i.e.  father's  sister,  mother's  sister,  or  father's 
brother's  wife,  or,  in  general,  uncle's  wife)  was  pro- 
hibited (Lev  18  12.13.14;  20  19.20),  though 
nothing  is  said  of  intermarriage  between  uncle  and 
niece  nor  between  cousins  (of  Nu  36  11).  On  the 
relations  between  uncle  and  nephew  compare  the 
Bible  accounts  of  Jacob  and  Laban,  Abraham  and 
Lot,  David  and  Joab,  etc.  In  a  more  general  sense 
the  word  dodh  is  used  of  kinsmen.  Am  6  10  (where 
the  dodh,  "even  he  that  burneth  him"  [m'ljar'phd, 
perhaps  "maternal  uncle";  Jew  Enc,  s.v.  "Crema- 
tion"], takes  charge  of  a  dead  body);  ben  dodh  is 
used  of  cousin  (cf  ben  'dhi  'immo,  "son  of  the 
brother  of  his  mother,"  etc)  and  balh  dodh  of  a  female 
cousin.  For  other  relations  of  this  and  remoter  de- 
grees the  word  for  brother  is  loosely  used  (e.g.  of 
nephews.  Gen  13  8;    14  14,  etc;  of  tribesmen.  Lev 

21  10;  and  of  more  distant  relatives,  Dt  2  4.8; 
23  7) 

//.  Affinity.— The  husband  (llJii?,  'Ish;  cf  b??, 
ba^al,   Hos  2  16;    di'-fip,   antr),   though   in  a  sense 

leaving  father  and  mother  for  his  wife 
1.  Husband  (n'lBS,  'ishshah;  yvrlj,  gum)  (Gen  2 
and  Wife      24),  under  normal  conditions  remained 

a  member  of  his  father's  family.  If 
such  passages  as  Gen  2  24;  21  10;  24  5.67;  30  3; 


31  31;  Jgs  4  17ff;  5  24  ff;  8  19;  9  3,  indicate 
the  existence  in  pre-Bib.  times  of  a  matriarchate, 
the  allusions  are  at  least  too  vague  to  justify  the 
predication  of  its  persistence  in  Bib.  times.  The 
wife  was  "taken"  by  her  husband,  or  "given"  by  her 
father  or,  in  the  case  of  a  servant,  by  her  master  or 
mistress  (Gen  2  22;  16  3;  34  9.21),  and  although 
the  contract  was  between  the  men  (Gen  29;  34  16; 
Ex  22  16;  Dt  22  29;  Ruth  4  10)  or  the  parents 
(Gen  21  21;  24),  it  is  probable  that  the  consent 
of  the  girl  was  usually  asked  (Gen  24  58).  Love 
between  the  young  people  was  given  due  consid- 
eration (as  in  the  case  of  Samson,  Shechem,  Jacob 
and  Rachel  [Gen  29  18],  David  and  Michal  [1  S 
18  20]);  at  least  it  developed  among  married  people, 
so  that  Hosea  could  compare  the  attitude  of  hus- 
band toward  wife  to  that  of  Jeh  toward  Israel.  As 
a  matter  of  legal  right,  it  is  probable  that  throughout 
the  Orient  long  before  the  events  narrated  in  the 
Book  of  Est,  every  man  did  "bear  rule  in  his  own 
house"  (Est  1  22).  In  fact  a  precedent  for  the 
Pers  decree  has  been  traced  as  far  back  as  the  first 
human  pair  (Gen  3  16).  Nevertheless,  we  find 
many  instances  in  which  the  wife  seems  to  take  the 
lead  in  the  affairs  of  the  household,  as  in  the  case  of 
Samson's  parents  (Jgs  13  23),  of  the  Shunammite 
woman  (2  K  4),  of  Jael  (Jgs  4  18  ff;  5  24  ff),  of 
Achsah  (.losh  15  18  f;  Jgs  1  12  f),  and  in  less 
pleasant  matters  of  Jezebel  (1  K  18  4;  21),  Sap- 
phira  (Acts  5  2),  and  Zeresh  (Est  5  14),  who  were 
at  least  consulted  in  the  affairs  of  their  several 
households.  Abraham  is  even  commanded  by  the 
voice  of  God,  "In  all  that  Sarah  saith  unto  thee, 
hearken  unto  her  voice"  (Gen  21  12).  That  most 
women  were  not  so  fortunate  is  probably  best  at- 
tested by  the  fact  that  at  least  in  the  earlier  times 
the  best  of  them  had  to  resort  to  stratagem  to  ac- 
complish their  purposes  (as  in  the  cases  of  Rebekah 
[Gen  27  6  ff],  Rachel  [Gen  31  34],  Leah  [Gen  30 
16]  and  Abigail  [1  S  25  18  ff],  and  even  to  get 
information  as  to  their  husband's  affairs  [Sarah, 
Gen  18  10;  Rebekah,  Gen  27  5]).  Perhaps  their 
humbler  sisters  in  later  days  accomplished  their 
ends  by  being  so  contentious  as  to  attract  the  notice 
of  two  proverb-collectors  (Prov  21  9;  26  24), 
Though  we  have  no  instance  of  the  exercise  of  the 
right  of  life  and  death  over  the  wife  by  the  husband, 
and  though  it  is  clear  that  the  Heb  husband  had  no 
power  of  sale  (cf  Ex  21  8),  it  is  frequently  asserted 
on  the  basis  of  the  one-sided  divorce  doctrine  of  the 
OT  (Dt  24  1),  and  on  the  basis  of  analogy  with 
other  ancient  laws,  as  well  as  because  the  wife  is 
spoken  of  in  conjunction  with  property  (Ex  20  17) 
and  because  the  husband  exercised  the  right  to 
annul  the  wife's  vows  (Nu  30  6),  that  the  wife 
occupied  in  the  ordinary  Heb  home  a  very  subordi- 
nate position.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  however, 
that  the  husband  owed  duties  to  the  wife  (Ex  21 
10).  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  great  di- 
vergence existed  at  different  times  and  places,  and 
in  different  stations  of  society.  Most  of  our  OT 
evidence  pertains  to  the  wealthier  classes.  The 
two  extremes  of  the  women  that  are  "at  ease  in 
Zion"  (Isa  32  9-20;  cf  Am  4  1  ff;  6  1  ff)  and  the 
busy  "good  wife"  described  in  Prov  31  10  ff  are 
hardly  exceeded  in  the  most  complex  society  today. 
The  latter  probably  gives  the  fairer  as  well  as  the 
more  wholesome  picture  of  the  functions  of  the  wife 
in  the  home,  and  it  is  significant  that  her  husband  as 
well  as  her  sons  are  expected  to  call  her  blessed 
(Prov  31  28). 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  extent  to  which 
polygamy  and  concubinage  were  practised  in  ancient 
Pal,  but  it  is  clear  that  the  former  practice  was  dis- 
couraged even  among  kings  (Dt  17  17),  and  the 
latter,  an  outgrowth  of  slavery,  was  not  held  in 
high  repute  (cf  Dt  21  10-14).     The  position  of  a 


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2556 


less-favored  wife  (Dt  21  15,  "hated")  was  natu- 
rally unpleasant,  and  her  relations  with  other  wives 
of  her  husband  decidedly  bitter — they  were  called 
each  other's  garoth,  lit.  "vexers"  (RV  "rivals,"  Lev 
18  IS;  1  S  1  6,  AV  "adversary";  of  Ecclus  37 
11) — even  when  they  were  sisters  (as  in  the  case  of 
Rachel  and  Leah,  Gen  30  1).  Hence  the  Law 
forbade  the  marrying  of  two  sisters  (Lev  18  18). 
On  the  other  hand  so  strong  was  the  desire  of  a  Heb 
mother  for  children  that  the  childless  wife  welcomed 
the  children  of  a  maidservant  born  to  her  husband 
as  her  own  (Gen  30  1-12,  etc) . 

In  normal  Heb  society,  for  reasons  already  ex- 
plained, the  relations  of  a  family  with  the  husband's 
parents  (Dn,  Mm,  from  711)3)1,  hamoth) 

2.  Father-  were  closer  than  those  with  the  wife's 
ia-Law,  etc   parents     Cjrih ,    hothen,   fem.    fljriH , 

holheneth;  ivevdepbi^  -d,  pentherds,  -d). 
Where  under  special  conditions  a  man  remained  with 
his  wife's  tribe  after  marriage,  as  in  the  case  of 
Jacob,  serving  out  his  mohar,  or  Moses  fleeing  from 
the  wrath  of  the  Egyptians,  or  the  sons  of  Elime- 
lech  sojourning  in  the  land  of  Moab  because  of  the 
famine  in  Pal,  his  identity  with  his  own  tribe  was 
not  destroyed,  and  at  the  first  opportunity  the  natu- 
ral impulse  was  to  return  to  his  own  country.  The 
bride,  on  the  other  hand,  leaving  her  people,  would 
become  a  member  of  her  husband's  family,  with  all 
the  rights  and  duties  of  a  daughter  (Mic  7  6). 
Thus  Judah  can  order  Tamar  burned  for  violation 
of  the  obligations  of  a  widow  (Gen  38  24).  No 
doubt  the  position  of  the  daughter-in-law  varied 
in  the  Heb  home  between  the  extremes  of  those 
who  vexed  their  parents-in-law  unto  the  death 
(Gen  26  35;  27  46;  28  8)  and  the  one  who  said 
to  her  mother-in-law,  "Jeh  do  so  to  me  ....  if 
aught  but  death  pari;  thee  and  me"  (Ruth  1  17). 
Parents-in-law  and  children-in-law  were  considered 
too  closely  related  to  intermarry  (Lev  18  15; 
20  12.14). 

A  woman's  brother  acting  in  loco  'parentis  might 

perform  all  the  offices  of  a  father-in-law  and  possibly 

be   called   hothen    (Gen  24  .50.55;     34 

3.  Brother-  11  ff).  Naturally,  brothers-in-law  and 
in-Law,  etc    sisters-in-law  would  be  considered  too 

closely  related  to  intermarry  (Lev  18 
16.18;  20  21).  Nevertheless  the  husband's  brother 
(C3^ ,  yahham)  was  expected  to  marry  the  childless 
widow  to  establish  the  name  of  the  deceased  on  his 
inheritance  (Dt  25  5-10).  This  custom  dated 
back  to  Canaanitic  practice  (Gen  38  8),  and  from 
the  connection  between  marrying  the  childless 
widow  and  the  redemption  of  land  may  be  called  a 
part  of  the  land  law  of  Pal  (Ruth  4  1-12;  cf  Jer 
32  6ff).  In  practice  the  Levirate  was  probably 
considered  more  in  the  nature  of  a  moral  duty  than 
a  privilege  (Dt  25  7;  Ruth  4  6),  and  devolved 
not  only  on  the  brother,  but  on  other  members  of  a 
deceased  husband's  family  in  the  order  of  the  near- 
ness of  their  relationship  to  him  (Ruth  3  12).  In 
the  Heb  family  brothers-in-law  and  sisters-in-law 
would  form  part  of  the  same  household.  In  this 
relation  as  in  others  we  find  both  ideal  friendship 
(David  and  Jonathan,  1  S  18  3;  2  8  1  26)  and 
petty  jealousies  (in  the  matter  of  Moses'  wife,  Nu 
12  1). 

///.    Other  Domestic  Relations.— The  Heb  TOk  , 
'omen,  fem.  HJIOS? ,  'omenelh  (participle  of  'dman), 

lit.  "nourishing,"  is  tr""  "nursing  father" 
1.  Foster-  (Nu  11  12;  Isa  49  23),  "nursing 
Father  mother"    (Isa  49  23),  "nurse"    (Ruth 

4  16;  2  S  4  4),  or  simply  as  the 
equivalent  of  "bringing  up"  (2  K  10  1.5;  Est  2  7). 
In  the  case  of  Esther  and  of  Ahab's  children,  and 
possibly  in  the  other  instances  referred  to,  the  rela- 
tion of    foster-parents   is  suggested.     The  foster- 


children  under  such  conditions  obeyed  the  words 
of  the  foster-father  as  the  words  of  a  father  (Est 
2  20).  Michal  is  spoken  of  as  the  mother  of  Merab's 
two  children  (2  S  21  8)  because  she  reared  them 
(Sanhedhnn  19h) .  Adoption  in  the  Rom  sense  was, 
however,  hardly  to  be  expected  in  a  polygamous 
society  where  the  childless  father  could  remarry. 
Nevertheless,  Jacob  adopts  Manasseh  and  Ephraim 
(Gen  48  5),  and  thereby  makes  them  the  fathers  of 
tribes.  According  to  Jos,  while  Abraham  was  child- 
less he  adopted  Lot  {Ant,  I,  vii,  1),  and  thedaughter 
of  Pharaoh  adopted  Moses  (Ant,  II,  ix,  7;  cf  Ex 
2  10).  In  NT  times  the  notion  of  adoption  was  so 
familiar  that  Paul  uses  the  word  figuratively  of 
conversion  (vioBea-ta,  huiothesia,  Rom  8  15;  9  4; 
Gal  4  5;   Eph  1  5). 

The   "family"  as  the  word  is  used   of   ancient 

peoples  included  dependents.     The  Heb  mishpahah 

is  connected  with  the  word  shiphhah, 

2.  Master  "maidservant,"  as  the  Lat  familia 
and  is  connected  with,  famulus,  "servant." 
Servants        For  a  discussion  of  the  various  classes 

of  servants  and  slaves,  Heb  and  foreign, 
male  and  female,  see  Slavery. 

When  Lot  protested  against  betraying  his  visitors 

to  the  men  of  Sodom,  forasmuch  as  they  had  come 

under  the  shadow  of  his  roof,  and  he 

3.  Host  even  preferred  to  give  his  daughters  to 
and  Guest     the  mob  rather  than  fail  in  his  duties  as 

a  host  (Gen  19  8),  he  was  acting  on  the 
ancient  principle  of  guest-friendship  (cf  Gr  xenia), 
which  bound  host  and  guest  by  sacred  ties.  In 
the  light  of  this  principle  the  act  of  Jael,  who  receives 
Sisera  as  a  guest,  and  then  betrays  him,  becomes 
startling  and  capable  of  explanation  only  on  the 
basis  of  the  intense  hatred  existing  at  the  time,  and 
justifiable,  if  at  all,  only  on  the  theory  that  all  is 
fair  in  war  (Jgs  4  18-21;  5  24-27).  The  nomads 
of  ancient  times  and  even  the  post-exilic  Hebrews ,  like 
the  Arabs  of  today,  were  bound  by  a  temporary 
covenant  whenever  there  was  "salt  between  them," 
that  is,  in  the  relation  of  host  and  guest  (Ezr  4  14; 
cf  the  expression  "covenant  of  salt,"  2  Ch  13  5; 
Nu  18  19).  In  the  early  Christian  church  break- 
ing bread  together  served  as  a  sort  of  a  b'rlth  'ahlm, 
or  covenant  of  brothers.  In  large  households  such 
as  those  of  a  king,  those  that  ate  at  the  table  were 
members  of  the  household  (2  S  9  11,  compared 
to  sons;  cf  also  2  S  9  7.10.13;  19  28;  1  K  2  7; 
4  27;   18  19).     See  Hospitality. 

The  ger  or  stranger  (as  indicated  by  the  expres- 
sion "thy  stranger"  [Ex  20  10;    Lev  25  6;    Dt  5 
14;   29  11;   31  12;   cf  Dt  1  16],  Heb 

4.  The  De-  gero,    Ut.     "his    stranger")     attached 
pendent         himself  to  an  influential  Hebrew  for 
Stranger        protection.     Thus  we  read  of  a  "so- 
journer of  the  priest's"    (Lev  22  10, 

toshabh;  cf  25  6)  who  was  in  many  respects  a  de- 
pendent, but  still  to  be  distinguished  from  a  serv- 
ant (Lev  22  11).  The  Mosaic  Law  commands 
that  such  strangers  be  treated  with  consideration 
(Ex  12  49;  20  10;  22  21  ff;  23  9;  Lev  19  33; 
Dt  1  16;  10  18;  14  21,  etc;  Ps  146  9)  and  even 
with  love  (Dt  16  14;  Lev  19  34).  See  Stranger. 
Nathan  Isaacs  and  Ella  Davis  Isaacs 
RELEASE,  rg-les':  (1)  The  forgiveness  of  a  debt 
(nCJICtJ ,  sA'jwiWa/j  [Dt  15  1.2.9;  31  10;  see  Jubilee 
Year]),  with  vb.  shdmat,  "to  release,"  vs  2.3.  (2) 
To  exempt  from  taxation  or  militarv  service 
(nnjn,  hanahah,  "release,"  "rest"  [Est  2  18]). 
Some  would  render  "granted  a  holiday."  (3)  To 
set  a  prisoner  or  slave  at  liberty  (a.wo\6ui,  apoluo,  "to 
let  go  free"  [Mt  27  15  ||  Jn  19  10],  etc). 

RELIGION,  rS-lij'un:  "Religion"  and  "religious" 
in  Elizabethan  Eng.  were  used  frequently  to  denote 


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Renew 


the  outward  expression  of  worship.  This  is  the 
force  of  Bpria-Kela,  threskeia,  tr"!  "religion"  in  Acts 
26  5;  Jas  1  26.27  (with  adj.  thrtskos,  "religious"), 
while  the  same  noun  in  Col  2  18  is  rendered  "wor- 
shipping" ("cult"  would  give  the  exact  meaning). 
And  in  the  same  external  sense  "religion"  is  used 
by  AV  for  'Karpela,  latreia,  "worship"  (so  RV),  in 
1  Maco  1  43;  2  19.22.  Otherwise  "Jews'  re- 
ligion" (or  "religion  of  the  Jews")  appears  in  2  Mace 
8  1;  U  38  (RV  bis);  Gal  1  13.14  ('Ioi.5cii<r^6s, 
louddismds,  "Judaism");  and  "an  alien  religion" 
in  2  Mace  6  24  (aX\o<pvKi<Tiib$,  allophulismds,  "that 
belonging  to  another  tribe").  The  neglect  of  the 
external  force  of  "religion"  has  led  to  much  reckless 
misquoting  of  Jas  1  26.27.  Cf  Acts  17  22  and 
see  Superstition.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

RELIGION,  COMPARATIVE.  See  Compara- 
tive Religion. 

RELIGION,  SCIENCE  OF.  See  Comparative 
Religion. 

REMAINDER,  rt-man'der  OVi"; ,  yathar,  "to 
be  left,"  ni-)STlJ,  sh''erUh,  "remnant"):  In  2  S  14 
7  "residue"  would  have  been  clearer  (cf  Ps  76  10), 
but  the  changes  of  RV  in  Lev  6  16;  7  16.17  are 
pointless  (contrast  Ex  29  34). 

REMALIAH,  rem-a-ll'a  (in^bu"1 ,  r'malyahu^ 
"whom  Jch  has  adorned") :  The  father  of  Pekah 
(2K15  2.5ff;  Isa  7  4ff;  8  6).  The  contemptuous 
allusion  to  Pekah  as  "the  son  of  Remaliah"  in  Isa 
7  4  (similarly  "the  son  of  Kish,"  1  S  10  11)  may 
be  a  slur  on  Remaliah's  humble  origin. 

REMEMBER,   re-mem'bcr,    REMEMBRANCE, 

rS-mem'brans:  "Remember"  is  mostly  the  tr,  in 
the  OT,  of  ~I?T  ,  zakhar,  and  in  the  NT  of  /j-fdofun, 
mndomai  (Mt  5  23;  26  75;  Jn  2  17,  etc),  and  of 
lj.vT)ixoveiii>,  mnemoneilo  (Mt  16  9;  Mk  8  18;  Lk 
17  32,  etc),  and  "remembrance"  the  tr  of  deriva- 
tives of  these  {zekher,  anamnesis,  etc).  There 
are  a  few  other  words.  "To  remember"  is  used  of 
God  in  remembering  persons  (Gen  8  1;  19  29, 
etc),  His  covenant  (Gen  9  15;  Ex  2  24;  Ezk  16 
60,  etc),  in  answering  prayer  (Jgs  16  28;  Neh  13 
14.22;  Ps  20  3,  etc),  and  in  other  ways.  Men  are 
e.xhorted  to  "remember"  God's  dealings  with  them. 
His  commandments  (Dt  8  2.18;  Jgs  8  34;  1  Ch 
16  12,  etc),  the  Sabbath  (Ex  20  8),  etc.  A  spe- 
cially solemn  command  is  that  relating  to  the  Lord's 
Supper  in  Lk  22  19;  1  Cor  11  24.25,  "This  do 
in  remembrance  of  me."  "Remembrancer"  (writer 
of  chronicles)  occurs  in  AVm  of  2  S  8  16;  20  24; 
1  K  4  3;  1  Ch  18  15  (text  "recorder,"  RVm 
"chronicler").  In  Isa  62  6,  RV  reads,  "ye  that 
are  Jeh's  remembrancers."  RV  has  frequent 
changes  on  AV  text,  as  "have  marked"  (1  S  15  2); 
"make  mention  of"  (Ps  20  7;  77  11;  Cant  1  4); 
"remember"  for  "be  ye  mindful  of"  (1  Ch  16  15); 
"memorial"  for  "remembrance"  (Isa  57  8);  in 
ARV,  "to  his  holy  memorial  name"  (Ps  30  4;  97 
12,  ERV  "to  his  holy  name,"  m  "Heb  'memorial'  ") ; 
in  2  Tim  1  5,  "having  been  reminded  of"  for  AV 
"call  to  remembrance,"  etc.  W.  L.  Walker 

REMETH,  re'meth,  rem'eth  (inpn ,  remeth;  B, 
'Pejiiids,  Rhemmds,  A,  'Pa|id9,  Rhamdth):  A  place 
in  the  territory  of  Issachar  named  with  En-gannim 
(Josh  19  21).  It  is  probably  identical  with  Ra- 
moth  of  1  Ch  6  73,  and  Jarmuth  of  Josh  21  29. 
It  is  represented  today  by  the  village  er-Rameh, 
situated  on  a  hill  which  rises  abruptly  from  the 
green  plain  about  11  miles  S.W.  of  Jenin  (En- 
gannim).     While  the  southern  boundary  of  Issa- 


char was,  roughly,  the  southern  edge  of  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  the  possessions  of  the  tribes  seem  some- 
times to  have  overlapped.     See  Jarmuth;  Ramoth. 

REMISSION,  rS-mish'un,  OF  SINS  (ii<|>e<ris, 
dphesis,  irdpeo-is,  pdresis):  The  two  Gr  words,  of 
which  the  latter  occurs  only  in  Rom  3  25,  were 
tr**  by  the  same  Eng.  word  in  AV.  In  RV,  paresis 
is  tr''  "passing  over."  It  is  contrasted  with  the 
other  term  as  pretermission  with  remission.  Re- 
mission is  exemption  from  the  consequences  of  an 
offence,  forgiveness;  pretermission  ia  the  suspen- 
sion of  the  penalty  (Philippi,  Ellicott,  Trench 
\Synonyms,  XXXIII],  Weiss;  cf  Acts  17  30). 
Cremer  (Lexicon  of  NT  Gr)  regards  the  meaning 
of  the  two  words  as  identical,  except  that  the  one 
refers  to  the  OT  and  the  other  to  the  NT.  Sins 
are  remitted  when  the  offender  is  treated  as  though 
the  offence  had  never  been  committed.  Remission 
is  restricted  to  the  penalty,  while  forgiveness  refers 
more  particularly  to  the  person,  although  it  may 
be  used  also  of  the  sin  itself.  Remission  also  is 
used  of  offences  against  God's  law;  forgiveness, 
against  either  Divine  or  human  law.  See  Abso- 
lution; Forgiveness.  H.  E.  Jacobs 

REMMON,  rem'on  Cii^l ,  rimmon,  Josh  19  7). 
See  Rimmon. 

REMMON-METHOAR,  rem'on-meth'S-ar,  rem'- 
on-mS-tho'ar  (Itjn'Sn  112") ,  rimmon  ha^m'tho'dr 
[Josh  19  13]).     See  Rimmon,  (3). 

REMNANT,  rem'nant:  Remnant  is  the  tr  of 
in;;,  yelker,  "what  is  left  over"  (Dt  3  11;  28  54; 
Josh  12  4,  etc);  of  "lifllJ,  sh''dr,  "the  rest"  (Ezr 
3  8AV;  Isa  10  20.21.22;  11  16,  etc;  Zeph  1  4); 
more  frequently  of  rT'"!S5U} ,  sh'-'erith,  "residue,"  etc 
(2  K  19  4.31;  2  Ch  34  9;  Ezr  9  14;  Isa  14  30, 
etc).  As  the  tr  of  the  last-mentioned  two  words, 
"remnant"  has  a  special  significance  in  the  proph- 
ecies of  Isaiah,  as  denoting  "a  holy  seed,"  or 
spiritual  kernel,  of  the  nation  which  should  survive 
impending  judgment  and  become  the  germ  of  the 
people  of  God,  being  blessed  of  God  and  made  a 
blessing  (cf  Mic  2  12;  4  7;  5  7.8;  7  18;  also 
Zeph  2  7;  3  13;  Hag  1  12.14;  Zee  8  6;  Joel  2 
32).  Paul,  in  Rom  9  27,  quotes  from  Isa  10  22  f, 
"the  remnant  [kaldleimma,  "what  is  left  over"] 
shall  be  saved";  cf  also  Rom  11  5  (where  the  word 
is  leimma)  with  2  K  19  4.  Several  other  Heb 
words  are  less  frequently  tr"*  "remnant":  'ahar, 
"after";  yalhar,  "to  be  left  over,"  etc;  in  the  NT 
(AV)  we  have  also  loipds,  "left,"  "remaining"  (Mt 
22  6;  Rev  11  13,  etc). 

Pov  "remnant"  RV  has  "overhanging  part"  (Ex  26 
12),  "rest"  (Lev  14  18,  etc);  on  the  other  hand,  gives 
"remnant"  for  "posterity"  (Gen  45  7),  for  "rest" 
(.Josh  10  20;  1  Ch  4  4.3;  Isa  10  19),  for  "residue" 
(Hag  2  2;   Zee  8  11).  etc. 

W.  L.  Walker 

REMPHAN,  rem'fan.     See  Rephan. 

RENDING,    ren'ding,    OF    GARMENTS.     See 

Burial,  IV;    Dress. 

RENEW,  re-nu':  The  word  is  used  in  various 
senses:  (1)  of  material  things,  e.g.  Ps  104  30;  here 
it  means  to  give  a  new  appearance,  to  refresh,  to 
restore  the  face  of  the  earth;  (2)  in  1  S  11  14, 
to  establish  more  firmly  the  kingdom  by  reinstalling 
King  Saul;  (3)  in  2  Ch  15  8,  to  rebuild  or  repair 
the  broken  altar;  (4)  in  Lam  5  21,  "renew  our 
days,"  restore  the  favors  of  former  days;  (5)  in 
Isa  41  1, 'let  them  gather  together,  or  marshal  their 
strongest  arguments  for  answer';    (6)  in  Ps  103  5; 


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Isa  40  31,  it  refers  to  the  restoring  of  spiritual 
strength;  (7)  in  the  NT  it  invariably  refers  to  spirit- 
ual renewal,  e.g.  Rom  12  2;  2  Cor  4  16;  Eph  4  23; 
Col  3  10;  Tit  3  5;  He  6  6;  all  derivatives  of  Kaivos, 
kainos,  "new."  G.  H,  Gebberdinq 

REPAIR,  rg-pdr'  (nDn)2 ,  mahseh,  "refuge"): 
In  Joel  3  16,  for  AV  "The  Lord  will  be  the  hope 
of  his  people"  AVm  renders  "place  of  repair,"  or, 
"harbour"  =  haven  of  repair.  RV  gives  "refuge." 
Other  words  arepTH,  hazak,  "to strengthen,"  "har- 
den," "fix"  (2  K  12  5  and  often;  Neh  3);  b5S^, 
raphd\  "to  heal"  (1  K  18  30);  'VO'S  ,'amadh,''io 
cause  to  stand  still"  (Ezr  9  9);  "T^n ,  haydh,  "to 
revive"  (1  Ch  11  8);  "IJD,  saghar,' "to  close  up" 
(1  K  11  27). 

In  RV  Ajioc  for  vnoppawTM,  huporrdpto,  "to  patch  up" 
(Sir  50  1);  Eiricr«6iiifiu,  episkeudzo,  "to  get  readv"  (1  Mace 
12  37).  In  1  Mace  14  34  occurs  "reparation"  (modern 
Eng.  "repairs")  for  eTravopSiocrL?,  epandrthosis,  "straigtiten- 
'°g"P-"  M.  O.  Evans 

REPENTANCE,  rS-pen'tans: 

I.     OT   Terms 

1.  To  Repenti — "to  Pant,"  "to  Sigii" 

2.  To  Repent — "to  Turn"  or  "Return" 
II.     NT   Terms 

1.  Repent — "to  Care,"  "Be  Concerned" 

2.  Repent — "  to  Change  tlie  Mind  " 

3.  Repent — "to  Turn  Over"  or  "Unto" 
III.     The  Psychological  Elements 

1.  The  Intellectual  Element 

2.  The  Emotional  Element 

3.  The  Volitional  Element 
Literature 

To  get  an  accurate  idea  of  the  precise  NT  mean- 
ing of  this  highly  important  word  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  its  approximate  synonyms  in  the  original 
Heb  and  Gr.  The  psychological  elements  of  re- 
pentance should  be  considered  in  the  light  of  the 
general  teaching  of  Scripture. 

/.  OT  Terms. — The  Heb  word  DFIJ  ,  naham,  is  an 
onomatopoetio    term    which    implies    difficulty    in 

breathing,  hence  "to  pant,"  "to  sigh," 
1.  Repent,  "to  groan,"  Naturally  it  came  to 
"to  Pant,"  signify  "to  lament"  or  "to  grieve," 
"to  Sigh"      and  when  the  emotion  was  produced 

by  the  desire  of  good  for  others,  it 
merged  into  compassion  and  sympathy,  and  when 
incited  by  a  consideration  of  one's  own  character 
and  deeds  it  means  "to  rue,"  "to  repent."  To 
adapt  language  to  our  understanding,  God  is 
represented  as  repenting  when  delayed  penalties 
are  at  last  to  be  inflicted,  or  when  threatened 
evils  have  been  averted  by  genuine  reformation 
(Gen  6  6;  Jon  3  10).  This  word  is  tr"^  "repent" 
about  40  t  in  the  OT,  and  in  nearly  all  cases  it 
refers  to  God.  The  principal  idea  is  not  personal 
relation  to  sin,  either  in  its  experience  of  grief 
or  in  turning  from  an  evil  course.  Yet  the  re- 
sults of  sin  are  manifest  in  its  use.  God's  heart 
is  grieved  at  man's  iniquity,  and  in  love  He  bestows 
His  grace,  or  in  justice  He  terminates  His  mercy. 
It  indicates  the  aroused  emotions  of  God  which 
prompt  Him  to  a  different  course  of  dealing  with  the 
people.  Similarly  when  used  with  reference  to 
man,  only  in  this  case  the  consciousness  of  personal 
transgression  is  evident.  This  distinction  in  the 
application  of  the  word  is  intended  by  such  declara- 
tions as  God  "is  not  a  man,  that  he  should  repent" 
(1  S  15  29;  Job  42  6;  Jer  8  6). 

The  term  2W  ,  shubh,  is  most  generally  employed 
to  express  the  Scriptural  idea  of  genuine  repentance. 

It  is  used  extensively  by  the  jirophets, 
2.  Repent,  and  makes  prominent  the  idea  of  a 
"to  Turn"  radical  change  in  one's  attitude  toward 
or  "Return"  sin  and  God.     It  implies  a  conscious, 

moral  separation,  and  a  personal  de- 
cision to  forsake  sin  and  to  enter  into  fellowship 
with  God.     It  is  employed  extensively  with  refer- 


ence to  man's  turning  away  from  sin  to  righteous- 
ness (Dt  4  30;  Neh  19;  Ps  7  12;  Jer  3  14). 
It  quite  often  refers  to  God  in  His  relation  to  man 
(Ex  32  12;  Josh  7  26).  It  is  employed  to  indi- 
cate the  thorough  spiritual  change  which  God  alone 
can  effect  (Ps  85  4).  When  the  term  is  tr"^  by 
"return"  it  has  reference  either  to  man,  to  God,  or 
to  God  and  man  (1  S  7  3;  Ps  90  13  [both  terms, 
naham  and  sliilbh];  Isa  21  12;  55  7).  Both  terms 
are  also  sometimes  employed  when  the  twofold 
idea  of  grief  and  altered  relation  is  expressed,  and 
are  tr"*  by  "repent"  and  "return"  (Ezk  14  6;   Hos 

12  6;  Jon  3  8). 

//.  NT    Terms. — The     term    tieTaiiiXo/iai,    meta- 

melomai,  literally  signifies    to    have    a    feeling  or 

care,  concern  or   regret;    like   naham, 

1.  Repent,  it  expresses  the  emotional  aspect  of 
"to  Be  repentance.  The  feeling  indicated  by 
Careful"  or  the  word  may  issue  in  genuine  repent- 
"Concemed  ance,  or  it  may  degenerate  into  mere 
"With"  remorse  (Mt  21  29,32;  27  3).     Judas 

repented  only  in  the  sense  of  regret, 
remorse,  and  not  in  the  sense  of  the  abandonment 
of  sin.  The  word  is  used  with  reference  to  Paul's 
feeling  concerning  a  certain  course  of  conduct,  and 
with  reference  to  God  in  His  attitude  toward  His 
purposes  of  grace  (2  Cor  7  8  AV;   He  7  21). 

The  word  ixeravoiu,  metanoeo,  expresses  the  true 
NT  idea  of  the  spiritual  change  implied  in  a  sinner's 

return    to    God.     The    term    signifies 

2.  Repent,  "to  have  another  mind,"  to  change 
"to  Change  the  opinion  or  purpose  with  regard  to 
the  Mind"     sin.     It  is  equivalent  to  the  OT  word 

"turn,"  Thus  it  is  employed  by  John 
the  Baptist,  Jesus,  and  the  apostles  (Mt  3  2; 
Mk  1  15;  Acts  2  38).  The  idea  expressed  by  the 
word  is  intimately  associated  with  different  aspects 
of  spiritual  transformation  and  of  Christian  life, 
with  the  process  in  which  the  agency  of  man  is 
prominent,  as  faith  (Acts  20  21),  and  as  conver- 
sion (Acts  3  19);  also  with  those  experiences  and 
blessings  of  which  God  alone  is  the  author,  as  re- 
mission and  forgiveness  of  sin  (Lk  24  47;  Acts  5 
31).  It  is  sometimes  conjoined  with  baptism, 
which  as  an  overt  public  act  proclaims  a  changed 
relation  to  sin  and  God  (Mk  14;    Lk  3  3;    Acts 

13  24;  19  4).  As  a  vital  experience,  repentance 
is  to  manifest  its  reality  by  producing  good  fruits 
appropriate  to  the  new  spiritual  life  (Mt  3  8). 

The  word  i-maTp^ipa,  epistrepho,  is  used  to  bring 

out  more  clearly  the  distinct  change  wrought  in 

repentance.     It     is     employed     quite 

3.  Repent,  frequently  in  Acts  to  express  the  posi- 
"to  Turn  five  side  of  a  change  involved  in  NT 
Over"  or  repentance,  or  to  indicate  the  return 
"Upon,"  to  God  of  which  the  turning  from  sin 
"Unto"  is  the  negative  aspect.  The  two  con- 
ceptions are  inseparable  and  comple- 
mentary. The  word  is  used  to  express  the  spiritual 
transition  from  sin  to  God  (Acts  9  35;  1  Thess  1 
9);  to  strengthen  the  idea  of  faith  (Acts  11  21); 
and  to  complete  and  emphasize  the  change  required 
by  NT  repentance  (Acts  26  20). 

There  is  great  difficulty  in  expressing  the  true 
idea  of  a  change  of  thought  with  reference  to  sin 
when  we  translate  the  N'T  "repentance"  into  other 
languages.  The  Lat  version  renders  it  "exercise 
penitence"  (pocnitentiam  agere).  But  "penitence" 
etymologically  signifies  pain,  grief,  distress,  rather 
than  a  change  of  thought  and  purpose.  Thus  Lat 
Christianity  has  been  corrupted  by  the  pernicious 
error  of  presenting  grief  over  sin  rather  than  aban- 
donment of  sin  as  the  primary  idea  of  NT  repent- 
ance. It  was  easy  to  make  the  transition  from 
penitence  to  penance,  consequently  the  Romanists 
represent  Jesus  and  the  apostles  as  urging  people 
to    do    penance    (poenilentiam    agile).      The   Eng. 


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Repair 
Rephaim 


word  "repent"  is  derived  from  the  Lat  repoenitere, 
and  inherits  the  fault  of  the  Lat,  making  grief  the 
principal  idea  and  keeping  in  the  background,  if 
not  altogether  out  of  sight,  the  fundamental  NT 
conception  of  a  change  of  mind  with  reference  to 
sin.  But  the  exhortations  of  the  ancient  prophets, 
of  Jesus,  and  of  the  apostles  show  that  the  change 
of  mind  is  the  dominant  idea  of  the  words  em- 
ployed, while  the  accompanying  grief  and  conse- 
quent reformation  enter  into  one's  experience  from 
the  very  nature  of  the  case. 

///.    The  Psychological  Elements. — Repentance 

is  that  change  of  a  sinner's  mind  which  leads  him 

to  turn  from  his  evil  ways  and  live. 

1.  The  In-  The  change  wrought  in  repentance  is 
tellectual  so  deep  and  radical  as  to  affect  the 
Element        whole  spiritual  nature  and  to  involve 

the  entire  personality.  The  intellect 
must  function,  the  emotions  must  be  aroused,  and 
the  will  must  act.  Psychology  shows  repentance 
to  be  profound,  personal  and  all-pervasive.  The 
intellectual  element  is  manifest  from  the  nature  of 
man  as  an  intelligent  being,  and  from  the  demands 
of  God  who  desires  only  rational  service.  Man 
must  apprehend  sin  as  unutterably  heinous,  the 
Divine  law  as  perfect  and  inexorable,  and  himself 
as  coming  short  or  falling  below  the  requirements  of 
a  holy  God  (Job  42  5.6;   Ps  51  3;   Rom  3  20). 

There  may  be  a  knowledge  of  sin  without  turning 

from  it  as  an  awful  thing  which  dishonors  God  and 

ruins  man.     The  change  of  view  may 

2.  The  lead  only  to  a  dread  of  punishment 
Emotional  and  not  to  the  hatred  and  abandon- 
Element        ment    of    sin    (Ex  9  27;     Nu  22  34; 

Josh  7  20;  _  1  S  15  24;  _  Mt  27  4). 
An  emotional  element  is  necessarily  involved  in 
repentance.  WhUe  feeling  is  not  the  equivalent  of 
repentance,  it  nevertheless  may  be  a  powerful 
impulse  to  a  genuine  turning  from  sin.  A  penitent 
cannot  from  the  nature  of  the  case  be  stolid  and 
indifferent.  The  emotional  attitude  must  be  altered 
if  NT  repentance  be  experienced.  There  is  a  type 
of  grief  that  issues  in  repentance  and  another  which 
plunges  into  remorse.  There  is  a  godly  sorrow  and 
also  a  sorrow  of  the  world.  The  former  brings  life; 
the  latter,  death  (Mt  27  3;  Lk  18  23;  2  Cor  7 
9.10).  There  must  be  a  consciousness  of  sin  in  its 
effect  on  man  and  in  its  relation  to  God  before  there 
can  be  a  hearty  turning  away  from  unrighteousness. 
The  feeling  naturally  accompanying  repentance 
implies  a  conviction  of  personal  sin  and  sinfulness 
and  an  earnest  appeal  to  God  to  forgive  according 
to  His  mercy  (Ps  51  1.2.10-14). 

The  most  prominent  element  in  the  psychology 
of  repentance  is  the  voluntary,  or  volitional.     This 

aspect  of  the  penitent's  experience  is 

3.  The  Vo-  expressed  in  the  OT  by  "turn,"  or 
Utional  "return,"  and  in  the  NT  by  "repent," 
Element        or  "turn."     The  words  employed  m 

the  Heb  and  Gr  place  chief  emphasis 
on  the  will,  the  change  of  mind,  or  of  purpose, 
because  a  complete  and  sincere  turning  to  God  in- 
volves both  the  apprehension  of  the  nature  of  sin 
and  the  consciousness  of  personal  guilt  (Jer  25  5; 
Mk  1  15;  Acts  2  38;  2  Cor  7  9.10).  _  The  de- 
mand for  repentance  implies  freewill  and  individual 
responsibility.  That  men  are  called  upon  to  repent 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  that  God  is  represented 
as  taking  the  initiative  in  repentance  is  equally 
clear.  The  solution  of  the  problem  belongs  to  the 
spiritual  sphere.  The  psychical  phenomena  have 
their  origin  in  the  mysterious  relations  of  the  human 
and  the  Divine  personalities.  There  can  be  no 
external  substitute  for  the  internal  change.  Sack- 
cloth for  the  body  and  remorse  for  the  soul  are  not 
to  be  confused  with  a  determined  abandonment 
of  sin  and  return  to  God.     Not  material  sacrifice, 


but  a  spiritual  change,  is  the  inexorable  demand  of 
God  in  both  dispensations  (Ps  51  17;  Isa  1  11; 
Jer  6  20;   Hos  6  6). 

Repentance  is  only  a  condition  of  salvation  and 
not  its  meritorious  ground.  The  motives  for 
repentance  are  chiefly  found  in  the  goodness  of  God, 
in  Divine  love,  in  the  pleading  desire  to  have  sinners 
saved,  in  the  inevitable  consequences  of  sin,  in  the 
universal  demands  of  the  gospel,  and  in  the  hope  of 
spiritual  life  and  membership  in  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  (Ezk  33  11;  Mk  1  15;  Lk  13  1-5;  Jn 
3  16;  Acts  17  30;  Rom  2  4;  1  Tim  2  4).  The 
first  four  beatitudes  (Mt  5  .3-6)  form  a  heavenly 
ladder  by  which  penitent  souls  pass  from  the  do- 
minion of  Satan  into  the  Kingdom  of  God.  A  con- 
sciousness of  spiritual  poverty  dethroning  pride,  a 
sense  of  personal  unworthiness  producing  grief,  a 
willingness  to  surrender  to  God  in  genuine  humility, 
and  a  strong  spiritual  desire  developing  into  hunger 
and  thirst,  enter  into  the  experience  of  one  who 
wholly  abandons  sin  and  heartily  turns  to  Him  who 
grants  repentance  unto  life. 

Literature. — Various  theological  worlis  and  comms. 
Note  osp.  Strong,  Systematic  Theology,  III,  8.32-.36; 
Broadus  on  Mt  3  2,  American  Comm.;  art.  "Busse" 
(Penance),  PRE. 

Byron  H.  DeMent 

REPETITIONS,  rep-S-tish'unz:  In  Mt  6  7  only, 
"Use  not  vain  repetitions,"  for  paTTokoyia,  hal- 
tulogeo  (so  SB),  a  word  found  nowhere  else  and 
spelled  variously  in  the  MSS,  hattologeo  in  K  L  M, 
etc,  batologeo  in  F  G,  hlattologeo  in  D  (probably 
influenced  by  the  Lat  blatero,  "talk  idly");  pre- 
sumably connected  with  ^arTapl^u,  hattarizo, 
"stammer,"  and  perhaps  formed  under  the  influence 
of  the  Aram.  h'ta\  "speak  carelessly,"  or  batel, 
"useless."  Whether,  however,  hattalogeo  means 
the  constant  repetition  of  the  same  phrase  or  the 
mechanical  recitation  of  a  long  series  of  obscure  or 
meaningless  formulas  (if,  indeed,  a  distinction 
between  the  acts  was  thought  of)  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. Either  practice  is  abundantly  evidenced  as 
a  "heathen"  custom  of  the  day,  and  either  can  be 
classed  as  "much  speaking."    See  Prayer. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

REPHAEL,  re'fa-el,  ref'a-el  (bXS"] ,  r'vha'el,  "God 
has  healed" ;  'Pa<)>a'()\,  Rhaphael) :  The  eponym  of  a 
family  of  gatekeepers  (1  Ch  26  7).  The  name 
occurs  in  Tob  and  En  ("Raphael");  it  probably 
belongs  to  a  group  of  late  formations.  See  Gray, 
HPN,  225,  311. 

REPHAH,  re'fa  (nST ,  rephah  [the  form  is  cor- 
rupt] ;  'Pa<t)ii,  Rhdphe) :  The  eponym  of  an  Ephraim- 
ite  family  (1  Ch  7  25). 

REPHAIAH,  rS-ta'ya,  rS-fi'a  (ni^S") ,  r'phayah, 
probably  "Jeh  is  healing";  LXX  'Pa<j)aid[s],  Rha- 
phaid[s]): 

(1)  In  David's  family,  LXX  also  Rhaphdl  (1  Ch 
3  21). 

(2)  A  captain  of  Simeon  (1  Ch  4  42). 

(3)  A  grandson  of  Issachar,  LXX  also  Rhaphard 
(1  Ch  7  2). 

(4)  A  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Ch  9  43;  in  8  37 
called  "Raphah"  [HSn];    LXX  also  Raphai). 

(5)  One  of  the  repairers  of  the  wall  under  Ne- 
hemiah  (Neh  3  9). 

REPHAIM,  ref'a-im,  re-fa'im  (D'^NS"; ,  r-phd'lm, 
from  S3T  ,  raphd',  "a  terrible  one,"  hence  "giant,"  as 
in  1  Ch  20  4,  5?S"in  "'"l"'"?";,  y'lldhe  hd-raphd' ,  ".sons 
of  the  giant";  AV  Rephaims):  A  race  of  aboriginal 
or  early  inhabitants  E.  of  the  Jordan  in  Ashteroth- 
karnaim  (Gen  14  5)  and  in  the  vale  of  Rephaim 
S.W.  of  Jerus  (Josh  15  8).     They  associated  with 


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2560 


other  giant  races,  as  the  Emim  and  Anakkn  (Dt 
2  10.11)  and  the  Zamzummim  (ver  20).  It  is 
probable  that  they  were  all  of  the  same  stock,  being 
given  different  names  by  the  different  tribes  who 
came  in  contact  with  them.  The  same  Heb  word 
is  rendered  "the  dead,"  or  "the  shades"  in  various 
passages  (Job  26  5m;  Ps  88  10m;  Prov  2  18m; 
9  18m;  21  16m;  Isa  14  9m;  26  14.19m).  In 
these  instances  the  word  is  derived  from  HST ,  rdpheh, 
"weak,"  "powerless,"  "a  shadow"  or  "shade." 

H.  Porter 

REPHAIM,  VALE  OF  (DiNp-|  pW,  'emek 
r'phd'im;  koiXcis  'Pa<t>a€£|i,  koilds  Rhaphaelm, 
KoiXds  TMv  Tirdvwv,  koilds  ton  Titdnon) :  This  was 
a  fertile  vale  (Isa  17  5),  to  the  S.W.  of  Jerus  (Josh 
15  8;  18  16;  AV  "Valley  of  the  Giants"),  on  the 
border  between  Judah  and  Benjamin.  Here  David 
repeatedly  defeated  the  invading  Philis  (2  S  5  18. 
22;  23  13;  1  Ch  11  15;  14  9).  It  is  located  by 
Jos  between  Jerus  and  Bethlehem  {Ant,  VII,  iv,  i; 
xii,  4).  It  corresponds  to  the  modern  el-Bika\  which 
falls  away  to  the  S.W.  from  the  lip  of  the  valley  of 
Hinnom.  The  name  in  ancient  times  may  perhaps 
have  covered  a  larger  area,  including  practically  all 
the  land  between  Jerus  and  Bethlehem,  where  the 
head- waters  of  Nahr  Rubin  are  collected. 

W.  EwiNG 

REPHAN,  re'fan:  A  name  for  Chiun,  the  planet 
Saturn.     See  Astrology,  7 ;  Chiun. 

REPHIDIM,  ref'i-dim  (D-il^Sn,  r'phidhim, 
"rests";  'Pa<t>iSCv,  Rhaphidin):  A  station  in  the 
Wanderings,  between  the  wilderness  of  Sin  and  the 
wilderness  of  Sinai  (Ex  17  1.8;  19  2;  Nu  33  14). 
The  host  expected  to  find  water  here;  to  their  dis- 
tress the  streams  were  dry,  and  water  was  miracu- 
lously provided.  Palmer  {Desert  o/  the  Exodus, 
158  ff)  states  cogent  reasons  for  identifying  Rephi- 
dim  with  Wddy  Feirdn.  It  is  the  most  fertile 
part  of  the  peninsula,  well  watered,  with  a  palm 
grove  stretching  for  miles  along  the  valley.  Palmer 
speaks  of  passing  through  the  palm  grove  as  a 
"most  delightful"  walk;  "the  tall,  graceful  trees 
afforded  a  deUcious  shade,  fresh  water  ran  at  our 
feet,  and,  above  all,  bulbuls  flitted  from  branch  to 
branch  uttering  their  sweet  notes."  His  camp  was 
pitched  at  "the  mouth  of  Wddy  ^Aleydt,  a  large 
open  space  completely  surrounded  by  steep,  shelving 
mountains  of  gneiss,  the  fantastic  cleavage  of  which 
added  greatly  to  the  beauty  of  the  scene.  Palms 
and  tamarisks  were  dotted  all  around,  and  on  every 
knoll  and  mountain  slope  were  ruined  houses, 
churches,  and  walls,  the  relics  of  the  ancient  mo- 
nastic city  of  Paran.  Behind  our  tents  rose  the 
majestic  mass  of  Serbal,  and  beneath  the  rocky  wall 
opposite  ran  a  purling  brook,  only  a  few  inches  in 
depth,  but  still  sufficiently  cool,  clear,  and  refresh- 
ing." 

Such  a  place  as  this  the  Amalekites  would  natu- 
rally wish  to  preserve  tor  themselves  against  an 
invading  people.  For  these  desert  dwellers,  in- 
deed, the  possession  of  this  watered  vale  may  well 
have  been  a  matter  of  life  and  death. 

If  this  identification  is  correct,  then  Jebel  Tahu- 
neh,  "Mount  of  the  mill,"  a  height  that  rises  on  the 
N.  of  the  valley,  may  have  been  the  hill  from  which 
Moses,  with  Aaron  and  Hur,  viewed  the  battle. 

W.  EwiNG 

REPROBATE,  rep'rO-bat:  This  word  occurs  in 
the  Eng.  Bible  in  the  following  pas.sages:  Jer  6  30 
(RV  "refuse");  Rom  1  28;  2  Cor  13  5.6.7;  2 
Tim  3  8;  Tit  1  16.  In  all  these  cases  the  Gr  has 
d56/cifios,  adokimos.  The  same  Gr  word,  however, 
is  found  with  other  renderings  in  Isa  1  22  ("dross"); 
Prov  25  4  ("dross");  1  Cor  9  27  ("castaway," 
RV    "rejected").     The   primary   meaning   of   ado- 


kimos is  "not-received,"  "not-acknowledged."  This 
is  applied  to  precious  metals  or  money,  in  the 
sense  of  "not-current,"  to  which,  however,  the 
connotation  "not-genuine"  easily  attaches  itself. 
It  is  also  applied  to  persons  who  do  not  or  ought 
not  to  receive  honor  or  recognition.  This  purely 
negative  conception  frequently  passes  over  into 
the  positive  one  of  that  which  is  or  ought  to  be 
rejected,  either  by  God  or  men.  Of  the  above 
passages  1  Cor  9  27  uses  the  word  in  this  meaning. 
Probably  Rom  1  28,  "God  gave  them  up  unto  a 
reprobate  mind,"  must  be  explained  on  the  same 
principle :  the  nous  of  the  idolatrous  heathen  is  per- 
mitted by  God  to  fall  into  such  extreme  forms  of 
evil  as  to  meet  with  the  universal  rejection  and 
reprobation  of  men.  Wettstein's  interpretation, 
"an  unfit  mind,"  i.e.  incapable  of  properly  per- 
forming its  function  of  moral  discrimination,  has 
no  linguistic  warrant,  and  obliterates  the  word- 
play between  "they  refused  to  have  God  in  their 
knowledge  [ouk  edokimasan],"  and  "God  gave  them 
up  to  a  reprobate  [  =  unacknowledged,  adokimos] 
mind."  Even  Tit  1  16,  "unto  every  good  work 
reprobate,"  affords  no  instance  of  the  meaning 
"unfit,"  but  belongs  to  the  following  rubric. 

The  close  phonetic  resemblance  and  etymological 
affinity  of  dokimos  to  the  vb.  dokitndzo,  "to  try," 
"test,"  has  caused  the  notion  of  "being  tested," 
"tried,"  and  its  opposite  of  "being  found  wa,nting 
in  the  test"  to  associate  itself  more  or  less  distinctly 
with  the  adjs.  dokimos  and  adokimos.  Thus  the 
more  complex  meaning  results  of  that  which  ia 
acknowledged  or  rejected,  because  it  has  approved 
or  not  approved  itself  in  testing.  This  connotation 
is  present  in  2  Cor  13  5.6.7;  2  Tim  3  8;  Tit  1  16; 
He  6  8.  In  the  first  two  of  these  passages  the  word 
is  used  of  Christians  who  ostensibly  were  in  the  true 
faith,  but  either  hypothetically  or  actually  are 
represented  as  having  failed  to  meet  the  test. 
"Reprobate  unto  every  good  work"  (Tit  1  16)  are 
they  who  by  their  life  have  disappointed  the  ex- 
pectation of  good  works.  The  "reprobate  [rejected] 
land"  of  He  6  8  is  land  that  by  bearing  thorns  and 
thistles  has  failed  to  meet  the  test  of  the  husband- 
man. It  should  be  noticed,  however,  that  adoki- 
mos, even  in  these  cases,  always  retains  the  mean- 
ing of  rejection  because  of  failure  in  trial;  cf  in 
the  last-named  passage:  "rejected  and  nigh  unto 
cursing." 

Literature. — Cremer,  Bihlisch-theologisches  WQrter- 
buch  der  neutestamentlichen  Grdcitdt^°,  356-57. 

Geerhardus  Vos 
REPROOF,  rS-proof,  REPROVE,  rS-prdov': 
"Reprove"  in  Elizabethan  Eng.  had  a  variety  of 
meanings  ("reject,"  "disprove,"  "convince,"  "re- 
buke"), with  "put  to  the  proof"  (see  2  Tim  4  2 
RVm)  as  the  force  common  to  all,  although  in 
modern  Eng.  the  word  means  only  "rebuke"  (with 
a  connotation  of  deliberateness).  AV  uses  the 
word  chiefly  (and  RV  exclusively,  except  in  2  Esd 
12  32;  14  13;  2  Mace  4  33)  for  HD^,  ydkhah, 
and  ^X^7X".  elegcho,  words  that  have  very  much 
the  same  ambiguities  of  meaning.  Hence  a  fairly 
easy  rendition  into  Eng.  was  possible,  but  the 
result  included  all  the  ambiguities  of  the  original, 
and  to  modern  readers  such  a  passage  as  "But  your 
reproof,  what  doth  it  reprove?  Do  ye  think  to 
reprove  words"  (Job  6  25.26  ARV)  is  virtually 
incomprehensible.  The  meaning  is,  approximately: 
"What  do  your  rebukes  prove?  Are  you  quibbling 
about  words?"  In  Jn  16  8  no  single  word  in 
modern  Eng.  will  translate  elegcho,  and  "reprove" 
(AV),  "convince"  (AVm),  and  "convict"  (R,V) 
are  all  unsatisfactory.  The  sense  is:  "The  Spirit 
will  teach  men  the  true  meaning  of  these  three 
words:  sin,  righteousness,  judgment." 

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REPTILE,   rep'til,    -til:    Vulg  in  Mic  7  17  has 

repUhs  for  zoh&le,  "crawling  things,"  ARV  "worms 
of  the  earth,"  AVm  "creeping  things."  See  Levia- 
than; Lizard;  Serpent;  Tortoise. 

REPUTATION,  rep-u-ta'shun :  AV  uses  "repu- 
tation" where  modern  Eng.  would  use  "repute," 
as  connoting  prominence  rather  than  moral  char- 
acter. Hence  RV's  change  to  "repute"  in  Gal  2 
2  (for  doK4u,  dokeo,  "seem,"  perhaps  with  a  slightly 
sarcastic  touch).  RV's  alteration  of  "reputation" 
into  "have  in  honor"  (Acts  5  34;  Phil  2  29)  is  to 
secure  uniformity  of  tr  for  the  derivatives  of  ti^uiJ, 
timt,  "honor,"  but  RV  retains  "reputation"  in 
Sus  ver  64.  AV's  "made  himself  of  no  reputation" 
in  Phil  2  7  is  a  gloss.  See  Kenosis.  On  Eocl 
10  1  see  the  commentaries. 

REQUIRE,  rS-kwir':  "Require"  meant  origi- 
nally "seek  after,"  whence  "ask,"  and  so  (as  in 
modem  Eng.)  "demand."  All  meanings  are  com- 
mon in  AV  (e.g.  1  S  21  8;  Eccl  3  L5;  Ezr  8  22; 
1  Cor  4  2),  and  RV  has  made  little  change. 

REREWARD,  rer'w6rd.     See  Rearward. 

RESAIAS,  rS-sa'yas,  rS-sI'as  ('Prio-atas,  Rhesaias; 
AV  Reesaias):  One  of  the  "leaders"  with  Zerub- 
babel  in  the  return  (1  Esd  5  8)  =  "Reelaiah"  in 
Ezr  2  2,  "Raamiah"  in  Neh  7  7.  The  name  is 
apparently  duplicated  in  1  Esd  5  8  in  the  form 
"Reelias." 

RESEN,  re'sen  CiDT  ,  re?en;   LXX  Ado-ev,  Ddsen, 

Aia-ifi,  Ddsem) :   The  Gr  forms  show  that  the  LXX 

translators  had  1 ,  d,  for  "1 ,  r,  but  the 

1.  The  reading  of  the  M  T  is  to  be  preferred. 
Name  and  Resen — the  last  of  the  four  cities 
Its  Native  mentioned  in  Gen  10  11.12  as  having 
Equivalent     been    founded    by    Nimrod    (AV    by 

Asshur) — probably  represents  the  Assyr 
pronunciation  of  the  place-name  R^s-Sni,  "fountain- 
head."  The  only  town  so  named  in  the  inscriptions 
is  one  of  18  mentioned  by  Sennacherib  in  the  Bavian 
inscription  as  places  from  which  he  dug  canals  con- 
necting with  the  river  Khosr — in  fact,  it  was  one  of 
the  sources  of  Nineveh's  water  supply.  It  probably 
lay  too  far  N.,  however,  to  be  the  city  here  intended. 
Naturally  the  name  "Resen"  could  exist  in  any 
place  where  there  was  a  spring. 

As  the  Bib.  text  requires  a  site  lying  between 

Nineveh  and  Calah  (Kouyunjik  and  Nimroud),  it 

is  generally  thought  to  be  represented 

2.  Possibly  by  the  ruins  at  Selamiyeh,  about  3 
the  Modem  miles  N.  of  the  latter  city.  It  is  note- 
Selamiyeh     worthy   that  Xenophon    {Anab.  iii.4) 

mentions  a  "great"  city  called  Larissa 
as  occupying  this  position,  and  Bochart  has  sug- 
gested that  it  is  the  same  place.  He  supposes  that 
when  the  inhabitants  were  asked  to  what  city  the 
ruins  belonged,  they  answered  la  Resen,  "to  Resen," 
which  was  reproduced  by  the  Greeks  as  Larissa. 
Xenophon  describes  its  walls  as  being  25  ft.  wide, 
100  ft.  high,  and  2  parasangs  in  circuit.  Except 
for  the  stone  plinth  20  ft.  high,  they  were  of  brick. 
He  speaks  of  a  stone-built  pyramid  near  the  city — 
possibly  the  temple-tower  at  Nimroud.  See 
Calah;  Nineveh,  10.  T.  G.  Pinches 

RESERVOIR,  rez'er-vwor,  -vwar  (n^pJ^,  mik- 
wdh;  AV  ditch  [Isa  22  11]).  See  Ditch;  Cistern; 
Pool. 

RESH,  resh,  rash  (1) :  The  20th  letter  of  the  Heb 
alphabet;  transliterated  in  this  Encyclopaedia  as 
r.  It  came  also  to  be  used  for  the  number  200. 
For  name,  etc,  see  Alphabet. 


^  RESHEPH,  re'-shef  (aiB'l ,  resheph,  "flame"  or 
"fire-bolt"):  Personal  name  found  in  Phoen  as  a 
divine  name.  In  the  OT  the  name  of  a  descendant 
of  Ephraim,  the  eponym  of  an  Ephraimite  family 
or  clan  (1  Ch   7  25). 

RESIDUE,  rez'i-du.     See  Remnant. 

RESPECT,  rg-spekt',  OF  PERSONS:  The  phrase 
QiJS  Xll);  ^  ndsa'  phdnlm,  means  lit.  "Uft  up  the 
face,"  and,  among  other  tr",  is  rendered  indifferently 
"accept"  or  "respect  the  person"  in  AV  (contrast 
Prov  18  5  and  2i  23).  As  applied  to  a  (prostrate) 
suppliant,  the  phrase  means  "receive  him  with 
favor,"  and  is  so  used  in  1  S  25  35;  Mai  1  8.9 
(cf  Gen  19  21,  etc).  By  a  shift  in  force  the  phrase 
came  to  mean  "accept  the  person  instead  of  the 
cause''  or  "show  partiality"  (Job  13  8.10  ARVJ, 
and  is  so  used  commonly.  A  literal  tr  into  Gr  gave 
Xaixfidpcj  Trpbauirov,  lamhdno  prosopon  (Sir  36  13 
[32  16];  Lk  20  21;  Gal  2  6),  with  the  noun 
irpoi7unro\T]ix^la.  prosopolempsia,  "face-taking"  (Rom 
2  11;  Eph  6  9;  Col  3  25;  Jas  2  1),  rendered 
uniformly  "respect  of  persons"  in  EV.  A  noun 
■n-poaairoKijinrrrii,  prosopoUmpUs,  "respecter  of  per- 
sons," and  a  vb.  Trpoo-MTroXiy/iTTT^w,  prosopolempleo, 
are  found  Acts  10  34;  Jas  2  9.  God's  judgment 
rests  solely  on  the  character  of  the  man  and 
will  be  influenced  by  no  worldly  (Eph  6  9)  or 
national  (Rom  2  11)  considerations.  See  also 
Accept.  Bdrton  Scott  Easton 

REST  (niD,  nWh,  nm:)3,  m'nuhdh,  "cessation 
from  motion,"  "peace,"  "quiet,"  etc;  dvairauo-is, 
andpausis,  Karairaijo-is,  katdpausis) :  "Rest"  in  the 
above  sense  is  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  is  the  tr 
of  several  words  with  various  applications  and 
shades  of  meaning,  chiefly  of  the  words  given  above. 
It  is  applied  to  God  as  ceasing  from  the  work  of 
creating  on  the  7th  day  (Gen  2  2  f ) ;  as  having  His 
place  of  rest  in  the  midst  of  His  people  in  the 
temple  (1  Ch  28  2;  Ps  132  8.14);  as  resting  in 
His  love  among  His  people  (Zeph  3  17,  RVm  "Heb, 
'be  silent'").  The  7th  day  was  to  be  one  of  rest 
(Ex  16  23;  31  15;  see  Sabbath);  the  land  also 
was  to  have  its  rest  in  the  7th  year  (Lev  26 
4f).  Jeh  promised  His  people  rest  in  the  land 
He  should  give  them;  this  they  looked  forward  to 
and  enjoyed  (Dt  12  9;  Josh  11  23).  "To  rest 
on"  often  means  to  come  upon  to  abide,  as  of  the 
Spirit  of  Jeh  (Nu  11  25  f;  Isa  11  2),  of  wisdom 
(Prov  14  33),  of  anger  (Eccl  7  9).  There  is  again 
the  "rest"  of  the  grave  (Job  3  13.17.18;  Isa  67 
2;  Dnl  12  13).  Rest  is  sometimes  equivalent  to 
trust,  reliance  (2  Ch  14  11,  RV  "rely").  Hencerest 
in  Jeh  (Ps  37  7,  etc);  "rest"  in  the  spiritual  sense 
is  not,  however,  prominent  in  the  OT.  In  the  NT 
Christ's  great  offer  is  rest  to  the  soul  (Mt  11  28). 
In  He  4  1  ff,  it  is  argued  from  God's  having  prom- 
ised His  people  a  "rest" — a  promise  not  realized  in 
Canaan  (ver  8) — that  there  remains  for  the  people 
of  God  "a  Sabbath  rest"  (sahhalism6s,  ver  9).  For 
"rest"  RV  has  "solemn  rest"  (Ex  16  23;  31  15,  etc), 
"resting-place"  (Ps  132  8.14;  Isa  11  10),  "peace" 
(Acts  9  31),  "reUef"  (2  Cor  2  13;  7  5),  etc.  See 
also  Remnant.  W.  L.  Walker 

RESTITUTION,  res-ti-tu'shun,  RESTORATION. 

See  Punishments. 

RESTORATION,  res-to-ra'shun :  The  idea  of  a 
restoration  of  the  world  had  its  origin  in  the  preach- 
ing of  the  OT  prophets.  Their  faith  in  the  unique 
position  and  mission  of  Israel  as  the  chosen  people 
of  God  inspired  in  them  the  conviction  that  the 
destruction  of  the  nation  would  eventually  be  fol- 


Resurrection         THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2562 


lowed  by  a  restoration  under  conditions  that  would 
insure  the  reahzation  of  the  original  Divine  purpose. 
When  the  restoration  came  and  passed  without 
fulfilment  of  this  hope,  the  Messianic  era  was  pro- 
jected into  the  future.  By  the  time  of  Jesus  the 
conception  became  more  or  less  spirituahzed,  and 
the  anticipation  of  a  new  order  in  which  the  conse- 
quences of  sin  would  no  longer  appear  was  a  promi- 
nent feature  of  the  Messianic  conception.  In  the 
teaching  of  Jesus  and  the  apostles  such  a  restora- 
tion is  taken  for  granted  as  a  matter  of  course. 

In  Mt  17  11  (cf  Mk  9  12),  the  moral  and  spirit- 
ual regeneration  preached  by  John  the  Baptist  is 
described  as  a  restoration  and  viewed  as  a  fulfil- 
ment of  Mai  4  6.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however, 
that  the  work  of  John  could  be  characterized  as  a 
restoration  only  in  the  sense  of  an  inception  of  the 
regeneration  that  was  to  be  completed  by  Jesus. 
In  Mt  19  28  Jesus  speaks  of  a  regeneration  (iraXij'- 
yeveala.,  palmgenesia)  of  the  world  in  terms  that 
ascribe  to  the  saints  a  state  of  special  felicity.  Per- 
haps the  most  pointed  expression  of  the  idea  of  a 
restoration  as  a  special  event  or  crisis  is  found  in 
the  address  of  Peter  (Acts  3  21),  where  the  restora- 
tion is  described  as  an  djroKardo-raiTis  wdvToiv,  apo- 
katdstasis  ■pdnlon,  and  is  viewed  as  a  fulfilment  of 
prophecy. 

In  all  the  passages  cited  the  restoration  is  assumed 
as  a  matter  with  which  the  hearers  are  familiar, 
and  consequently  its  nature  is  not  unfolded.  The 
evidence  is,  therefore,  too  limited  to  justify  any 
attempt  to  outline  its  special  features.  Under  such 
circumstances  there  is  grave  danger  of  reading  into 
the  language  of  the  Scriptures  one's  own  conception 
of  what  the  restoration  is  to  embody.  We  are 
probably  expressing  the  full  warrant  of  the  Scripture 
when  we  say  that  the  reconstruction  mentioned  in 
these  passages  contemplates  the  restoration  of  man, 
under  the  reign  of  Christ,  to  a  life  in  which  the 
consequences  of  sin  are  no  longer  present,  and  that 
this  reconstruction  is  to  include  in  some  measure 
a  regeneration  of  both  the  physical  and  the  spirit- 
ual world. 

Whether  the  benefits  of  the  restoration  are  to 
accrue  to  all  men  is  also  left  undefined  in  the  Scrip- 
tures. In  the  passages  already  cited  only  the  dis- 
ciples of  Christ  appear  in  the  field  of  vision.  Cer- 
tain sayings  of  Jesus  are  sometimes  regarded  as 
favorable  to  the  more  inclusive  view.  In  Jn  12 
32  Jesus  speaks  of  drawing  all  men  to  Himself,  but 
here,  as  in  Jn  3  14.1.5,  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
while  Christ's  sacrifice  includes  all  men  in  its  scope, 
its  benefits  will  doubtless  accrue  to  those  only  who 
respond  willingly  to  His  drawing  power.  The 
saying  of  Caiaphas  (Jn  11  52)  is  irrelevant,  for 
the  phrase,  "the  children  of  God  that  are  scattered 
abroad,"  probably  refers  only  to  the  worthy  Jews  of 
the  dispersion.  Neither  can  the  statements  of  Paul 
(Rom  11  32;  1  Cor  15  22;  Eph  1  9.10;  Col  1  20; 
1  Tim  2  4;  4  10;  Tit  2  11)  be  pressed  in  favor 
of  the  restorationist  view.  They  affirm  only  that 
God's  plan  makes  provision  for  the  redemption  of 
all,  and  that  His  saving  will  is  universal.  But  men 
have  wills  of  their  own,  and  whether  they  share  in 
the  benefits  of  the  salvation  provided  depends  on 
their  availing  themselves  of  its  privileges.  The 
doctrine  of  the  restoration  of  all  can  hardly  be 
deduced  from  the  NT.  See  also  Punishment, 
Everlasting.  Russell  Benjamin  Miller 

RESURRECTION,  rez-u-rek'shun  (in  the  NT 
dvd(rTaen.s,  andstasis,  with  vbs.  dvio-rqjii,  anislemi, 
"stand  up,"  and  t-ytCpu,  egeiro,  "raise."  There  is 
no  technical  term  in  the  OT,  but  in  Isa  26  19  are 
found  the  vbs.  H^n,  hdydh,  "live,"  Dip,  kum, 
"rise,"  yp  ,  klg,  "awake") : 


I.     Israel  and  Immortality 

1.  Nationalism 

2.  Speculation 

3.  Religious  Danger 

4.  Belief  in  Immortality 

5.  Resurrection 

6.  Greek  Concepts 

II.     Resurrection    in    the    OT    and    Intermediate 
Literature 

1.  The  OT 

2.  The  Righteous 

3.  The  Unrighteous 

4.  Complete  Denial 
III.     Teaching   of  Christ 

1.  Mk  12  18-27 

2.  In  General 

ly.     The  Apostolic  Doctrine 

1.  References 

2.  Pauline  Doctrine 

3.  Continuity 

4.  2  Cor  5 
V.     Summary 

1.  NT  Data 

2.  Interpretation 
Literature 

/.  Israel  and  Immortality. — It   is   very  remark- 
able that  a  doctrine  of  life  after  death  as  an  essential 
part  of  religion  was  of  very  late  de- 

1.  Nation-  velopment  in  Israel,  although  this 
alism  doctrine,  often  highly  elaborated,  was 

commonly  held  among  the  surrounding 
nations.  The  chief  cause  of  this  lateness  was  that 
Israel's  religion  centered  predominantly  in  the  ideal 
of  a  holy  nation.  Consequently  the  individual 
was  a  secondary  object  of  consideration,  and  the 
future  of  the  man  who  died  before  the  national 
promises  were  fulfilled  either  was  merged  in  the 
future  of  his  descendants  or  else  was  disregarded 
altogether. 

Much  speculation  about  life  after  death  evidently 
existed,  but  it  was  not  in  direct  connection  with 

the   nation's   religion.     Therefore  the 

2.  Specu-      OT  data  are  scanty  and  point,  as  might 
lation  be  expected,  to  non-homogeneous  con- 
cepts.    Still,    certain  ideas  are   clear. 

The  living  individual  was  composed  of  "flesh"  and 
nephesh,  or  rWh  (a  trichotomy  appears  to  be  post- 
Bib.,  despite  1  Thess  5  23;  see  Psychology).  In 
the  individual  nephesh  and  rW^h  seem  to  be  fairly 
synonymous  words,  meaning  primarily  "breath," 
as  the  animating  principle  of  the  flesh  (so  for  the 
lower  animals  in  Ps  104  29.30).  But  nep/ies/i  came 
to  be  used  to  denote  the  "inner  man"  or  "self" 
(Dt  12  20,  etc;  see  Heart),  and  so  in  EV  is 
usually  rendered  "soul."  But  there  are  only  a  very 
few  cases  where  nephesh  is  used  for  the  seat  of  the 
personahty  after  death  (Ps  30  3;  cf  16  10;  Isa 
38  17;  Job  33  18,  etc),  and  nearly  all  of  such 
passages  seem  quite  late.  Indeed,  in  some  13  cases 
the  nephesh  of  a  dead  man  is  unmistakably  his 
corpse  (Lev  19  28;  Nu  5  2;  Hag  2  13,  etc).  It 
seems  the  question  of  what  survives  death  was 
hardly  raised;  whatever  e.xisted  then  was  thought 
of  as  something  quite  new.  On  the  one  hand  the 
dead  man  could  be  called  a  "god"  (1  S  28  13),  a 
term  perhaps  related  to  ancestor-worship.  But 
more  commonly  the  dead  are  thought  of  as  "shades," 
r'pha'lm  (Job  26  5  m,  etc),  weak  copies  of  the  origi- 
nal man  in  all  regards  (Ezk  32  25).  But,  what- 
ever existence  such  "shades"  might  have,  they  had 
passed  out  of  relation  to  Jeh,  whom  the  "dead 
praise  not"  (Ps  115  17.18;  Isa  38  18.19),  and 
there  was  no  religious  interest  in  them. 

Indeed,  any  interest  taken  in  them  was  likely 

to  be  anti-religious,  as  connected  with  necromancy, 

etc  (Dt  14  1;     26  14;    Isa  8  19;    Ps 

3.  Religious  106  28,  etc;  see  Sorcery),  or  as  con- 
Danger  nected  with  foreign  religions.      Here, 

probably,  the  very  fact  that  the  sur- 
rounding nations  taught  immortality  was  a  strong 
reason  for  Israel's  refusing  to  consider  it.  That 
Egypt  held  an  elaborate  doctrine  of  individual 
judgment  at  death,  or  that  Persia  taught  the  resur- 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA         Resurrection 


rection  of  the  body,  would  actually  tend  to  render 
these  doctrines  suspicious,  and  it  was  not  until  the 
danger  of  syncretism  seemed  past  that  such  beUefs 
could  be  considered  on  their  own  merits.  Hence 
it  is  not  surprising  that  the  prophets  virtually  dis- 
regard the  idea  or  that  Eccl  denies  any  immortahty 
doctrine  categorically. 

None  the  less,  with  a  fuller  knowledge  of  God, 

wider  experience,  and  deeper  reflection,  the  doctrine 

was    bound    to    come.     But    it    came 

4.  Belief  in  slowly.  Individualism  reaches  ex- 
Immortality  plicit    statement    in    Ezk  14,    18,    33 

(cf  Dt  24  16;  Jer  31  29.30),  but  the 
national  point  of  view  still  made  the  rewards 
and  punishments  of  the  individual  matters  of  this 
world  only  (Ezk  14  14;  Ps  37,  etc),  a  doctrine 
that  had  surprising  vitality  and  that  is  found  as 
late  as  Sir  (1  13;  11  26).  But  as  this  does  not 
square  with  the  facts  of  life  (Job),  a  doctrine  of  im- 
mortality, already  hinted  at  (II,  1,  below),  was  inevi- 
table. It  appears  in  full  force  in  the  post-Macca- 
bean  period,  but  why  just  then  is  hard  to  say; 
perhaps  because  it  was  then  that  there  had  been 
witnessed  the  spectacle  of  martyrdoms  on  a  large 
scale  (1  Mace  1  60-64). 

Resurrection  of  the  body  was  the  form  immor- 
tahty took,  in  accord  with  the  religious  premises. 

As  the  saint  was  to  find  his  happiness 

5.  Resur-  in  the  nation,  he  must  be  restored  to 
rection  the  nation;  and  the  older  views  did  not 

point  toward  pure  soul-immortahty. 
The  "shades"  led  a  wretched  existence  at  the  best; 
and  St.  Paul  himself  shudders  at  the  thought  of 
"nakedness"  (2  Cor  5  3).  The  nevhesh  and  rWh 
were  uncertain  quantities,  and  even  the  NT  has 
no  consistent  terminology  for  the  immortal  part  of 
man  ("soul,"  Rev  6  9;  20  4;  "spirit,"  He  12 
23;  1  Pet  3  19;  St.  Paul  avoids  any  term  in  1  Cor 
15,  and  in  2  Cor  5  says:  "I").  In  the  Tahn  a 
common  view  is  that  the  old  bodies  will  receive 
new  souls  {Ber.  ij.  2  7;  6  7;  Vayy.  R.  12  2;  15  1, 
etc;  cf  SibOr  4  187). 

Where   direct    Gr    influence,    however,    can   be 

predicated,    pure    soul-immortality    is    found     (cf 

Wisd  8  19.20;     9  15  [but  Wisd's  true 

6.  Greek  teaching  is  very  uncertain];  En  102 
Concepts       4 — 105;   108;   Slav  En;  4  Maco;  Jos, 

and  esp.  Philo).  According  to  Jos 
(BJ,  II,  viii,  11)  the  Essenes  held  this  doctrine, 
but  as  Jos  graecizes  the  Pharisaic  resurrection  into 
Pythagorean  soul-migration  (II,  viii,  14;  contrast 
Ant,  XVIII,  i,  3),  his  evidence  is  doubtful.  Note, 
moreover,  how  Lk  6  9;  9  25;  12  4.5  has  reworded 
Mk  3  4;  8  36;  Mt  10  28  for  Gr  readers.  Iri  a 
vague  way  even  Palestinian  Judaism  had  something 
of  the  same  concepts  (2  Esd  7  88;  2  Cor  4  16; 
12  2),  while  it  is  commonly  held  that  the  souls  in 
the  intermediate  state  can  enjoy  happiness,  a  state- 
ment first  appearing  in  En  22  (Jub  23  31  is  hardly 
serious). 

'  //.  Resurrection  in  the  OT  and  Intermediate 
Literature. — For  the  reasons  given  above,  references 

in  the  OT  to  the  resurrection  doctrine 
1.  The  OT    are  few.     Probably  it  is  to  be  found 

in  Ps  17  15;  16  11;  49  15;  73  24, 
and  in  each  case  with  increased  probability,  but 
for  exact  discussions  the  student  must  consult  the 
comms.  Of  course  no  exact  dating  of  these  Ps 
passages  is  possible.  With  still  higher  probability 
the  doctrine  is  expressed  in  Job  14  13-15;  19  25- 
29,  but  again  alternative  explanations  are  just 
possible,  and,  again,  Job  is  a  notoriously  hard  book  to 
date  (see  Job,  Book  op).  The  two  certain  passages 
are  Isa  26  19  m  and  Dnl  12  2.  In  the  former 
(to  be  dated  about  332  [?])  it  is  promised  that  the 
"dew  of  light"  shall  fall  on  the  earth  and  so  the 
(righteous)  dead  shall  revive.     But  this  resurrection 


is  confined  to  Pal  and  does  not  include  the  unright- 
eous.    For  Dnl  12  2  see  below. 

Indeed,  resurrection  for  the  righteous  only  was 

thought  of  much  more  naturally  than   a  general 

resurrection.     And  still  more  naturally 

2.  The  a  resurrection  of  martyrs  was  thought 
Righteous      of,  such  simply  receiving  back  what 

they  had  given  up  for  God.  So  in 
En  90  33  (prior  to  107  BC)  and  2  Mace  7  9.11. 
23;  14  46  (only  martyrs  are  mentioned  in  2  Mace); 
cf  Rev  20  4.  But  of  cour.se  the  idea  once  given 
could  not  be  restricted  to  martyrs  only,  and  the  in- 
termediate lit.  contains  so  many  references  to  the 
resurrection  of  the  righteous  as  to  debar  citation. 
Early  passages  are  En  91  10  (perhaps  pre-Mac- 
cabean);  XII  P,  Test.^  Judah  25  4  (before  107). 
A  very  curious  passage  is  En  25  6,  where  the  risen 
saints  merely  live  longer  than  did  their  fathers,  i.e. 
resurrection  does  not  imply  immortality.  This  pas- 
sage seems  to  be  unique. 

For  a  resurrection  of  unrighteous  men  (Dnl  12  2; 
En  22  ll;XIIP,Test.  Benj.  10  7.8,  Armenian  text 

— in  none  of  these  cases  a  general  resur- 

3.  The  Un-   rection),  a  motive  is  given  in  En  22 
righteous       13:    for  such  men  the  mere  condition 

of  Sheol  is  not  punishment  enough. 
For  a  general  resurrection  the  motive  is  always 
the  final  judgment,  so  that  all  human  history  may 
be  summed  up  in  one  supreme  act.  The  idea  is 
not  very  common,  and  XII  P,  Test.  Benj.  10  7.8 
(Grtext);  Bar  50  2;  En  51  1;  Sib  Or  4  178-90; 
Life  of  Adam  (Gr)  10,  and  2  Esd  5  45;  7  32; 
14  35  about  account  for  all  the  unequivocal  pas- 
sages. It  is  not  found  in  the  earliest  part  of  the 
Talm.  XII  P,  Test.  Benj.  10  7.8  (Gr)  has  two 
resurrections. 

Finally,  much  of  the  lit.  knows  no  immortality 

at  all.     Eccl,  Sir  and  1  Mace  are  the  most  familiar 

examples,  but  there  are  many  others. 

4.  Complete  It    is    esp.   interesting   that  the  very 
Denial  spiritual  author  of  2  Esd  did  not  think 

it  worth  while  to  modify  the  categori- 
cal denial  in  the  source  used  in  13  20.  Of  course, 
the  Jewish  party  that  persisted  most  in  a  denial 
of  any  resurrection  was  the  Sadducees  (Mt  22  23 
and  II  's;  Acts  23  8),  with  an  extreme  conservatism 
often  found  among  aristocrats. 

///.    Teaching  of  Christ. — The   question   is   dis- 
cussed  explicitly   in   the  familiar  passage   Mk  12 

18-27  II  Mt  22  23-33  ||  Lk  20  27-38. 
1.  Mk  12:  The  Sadducees  assumed  that  resurrec- 
18-27  tion  implies  simply  a  resuscitation  to 

a  resumption  of  human  functions,  in- 
cluding the  physical  side  of  marriage.  Their  error 
lay  in  the  low  idea  of  God.  For  the  Scriptures 
teach  a  God  whose  ability  and  willingness  to  care 
for  His  creatures  are  so  unlimited  that  the  destiny 
He  has  prepared  for  them  is  caricatured  if  con- 
ceived in  any  terms  but  the  absolutely  highest. 
Hence  there  follows  not  only  the  truth  of  the  resur- 
rection, but  a  resurrection  to  a  state  as  far  above 
the  sexual  sphere  as  that  of  the  angels.  (The  possi- 
bility of  mutual  recognition  by  husband  and  wife 
is  irrelevant,  nor  is  it  even  said  that  the  resurrection 
bodies  are  asexual.)  Luke  (20  36)  adds  the  explana- 
tion that,  as  there  are  to  be  no  deaths,  marriage 
(in  its  relation  to  births)  will  not  exist.  It  may 
be  thought  that  Christ's  argument  would  support 
equally  well  the  immortality  of  the  soul  only,  and, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  same  argument  is  used  for 
the  latter  doctrine  in  4  Mace  7  18.19;  16  25. 
But  in  Jerus  and  under  the  given  circumstances 
this  is  quite  impossible.  And,  moreover,  it  would 
seem  that  any  such  dualism  would  be  a  violation 
of  Christ's  teaching  as  to  God's  care. 

However,  the  argument  seems  to  touch  only  the 
resurrection  of  the  righteous,  esp.  in  the  form  given 


Resurrection 
Res.  of  Christ 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2564 


in  Lk  (cf  Lk  14  14).  (But  that  Luke  thought  of 
so  limiting  the  resurrection  is  disproved  by  Acts 
24  15.)  Similartyiu  Mt  8  11  ||  Lk  13 
2.  In  Gen-  28;  Mk  13  27  |i  Mt  24  31.  But,  as  a 
eral  feature  in  the  Judgment,   the  resur- 

rection of  all  men  is  taught.  Then 
the  men  of  Sodom,  Tyre,  Nineveh  appear  (Mt  11 
22.24;  12  41.42  1|  Lk  10  14;  11  32),  and  those  cast 
into  Gehenna  are  represented  as  having  a  body 
(Mk  9  43-47;  Mt  5  29.30;  10  28;  18  8.9).  And 
at  the  great  final  assize  (Mt  25  31-46)  all  men 
appear.  In  the  Fourth  Gospel  a  similar  distinc- 
tion is  made  (6  39.40.44..54;  11  25),  the  re.sur- 
rection  of  the  righteous,  based  on  their  union  with 
God  through  Christ  and  their  present  possession 
of  this  union,  and  (in  5  28.29)  the  general  resur- 
rection to  judgment.  Whether  these  passages 
imply  two  resurrections  or  emphasize  only  the  ex- 
treme difference  in  conditions  at  the  one  cannot  be 
determined. 

The  passages  in  4  Mace  referred  to  above  read: 
"They  who  care  for  piety  with  their  whole  heart,  they 
alone  are  able  to  conquer  the  impulses  of  the  flesh,  be- 
heving  that  like  our  patriarchs  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob, 
they  do  not  die  to  God  but  live  to  God"  (7  18.19): 
and  "They  knew  that  dying  for  God  they  would  hve 
to  God,  even  as  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob  and  all 
the  patriarchs"  (16  25).  It  is  distinctly  possible  that 
Our  Lord's  words  may  have  been  known  to  the  author 
of  4  IMacc,  although  the  possibihty  that  Christ  approved 
and  broadened  the  tenets  of  some  spirituaUy-minded 
few  is  not  to  be  disregarded.  More  possible  is  it  that 
4  Mace  influenced  Luke's  Gr  phraseology.  See  M.ic- 
CABEE8,  Book  of,  IV. 

IV.    The  Apostolic  Doctrine. — For  the  apostles, 

Christ's  ■victory  over  death  took  the  resurrection 

doctrine  out  of  the  realm  of  specula- 

1.  Refer-       tive  eschatology.     Henceforth  it  is  a 
ences  fact   of   experience,    basic   for   Chris- 
tianity.    Direct  references  in  the  NT 

are  found  in  Acts  4  2;  17  18.32;  23  6;  24  15.21; 
Rom  4  17;  5  17;  6  5.8;  8  11;  11  15;  1  Cor  6 
14;  15;  2  Cor  1  9;  4  14;  5  1-10;  Phil  3  10. 
11.21;  Col  1  18;  1  Thess  4  13-18;  2  Tim  2  18; 
He  6  2;  11  19.35;  Rev  20  4.5  (martyrs  only); 
20  12.13.  Of  these  only  Acts  24  15;  Rev  20  12. 
13,  refer  to  a  general  resurrection  with  absolute 
unambiguity,  but  the  doctrine  is  certainly  con- 
tained in  others  and  in  2  Tim  4  1  besides. 

A  theology  of  the  resurrection  is  given  fully  by 

St.  Paul.     Basic  is  the  conception  of  the  union  of 

the  believer  with  Christ,  so  that  our 

2.  Pauline  resurrection  follows  from  His  (esp. 
Doctrine        Rom  6  5-11;     Phil  3  10.11).     Every 

deliverance  from  danger  is  a  foretaste 
of  the  resurrection  (2  Cor  4  10.11).  Indeed  so 
certain  is  it,  that  it  may  be  spoken  of  as  accom- 
plished (Eph  2  6).  From  another  standpoint,  the 
resuiTection  is  simply  part  of  God's  general  redemp- 
tion of  Nature  at  the  consummation  (Rom  8  11. 
18-25).  As  the  believer  then  pas.ses  into  a  condi- 
tion of  glory,  his  body  must  be  altered  for  the  new 
conditions  (1  Cor  15  50;  Phil  3  21);  it  becomes 
a  "spii'itual"  body,  belonging  to  the  realm  of  the 
spirit  {not  "spiritual"  in  opposition  to  "material"). 
Nature  shows  us  how  different  "bodies"  can  be — 
from  the  "body"  of  the  sun  to  the  bodies  of  the 
lowest  animals  the  kind  depends  merely  on  the 
creative  will  of  God  (1  Cor  15  38-41).  Nor  is  the 
idea  of  a  change  in  the  body  of  the  same  thing  un- 
familiar: look  at  the  difference  in  the  "body"  of 
a  grain  of  wheat  at  its  sowing  and  after  it  is  grown! 
(ver  37).  Just  so,  I  am  "sown"  or  sent  into  the 
world  (probably  not  "buried")  with  one  kind  of 
body,  but  my  resurrection  will  see  me  with  a  body 
adapted  to  my  life  with  Christ  and  God  (vs  42-44). 
If  I  am  still  alive  at  the  Parousia,  this  new  body 
shall  be  clothed  upon  my  present  body  (vs  53.54; 
2  Cor  5  2-4).  otherwise  I  shall   be  raised    in    it 


(ver  52).  This  body  exists  already  in  the  heavens 
(2  Cor  5  1.2),  and  when  it  is  clothed  upon  me  the 
natural  functions  of  the  present  body  will  be  abol- 
ished (1  Cor  6  13).  Yet  a  motive  for  refraining 
from  impurity  is  to  keep  undefiled  the  body  that 
is  to  rise  (1  Cor  6  13.14). 

The  relation  of  the  matter  in  the  present  body 

to  that  in  the  resurrection  body  was  a  question  St. 

Paul  never  raised.     In  1  Cor  6  13.14 

3.  Conti-  it  appears  that  he  thought  of  the  body 
nuity  as  something  more  than   the  sum  of 

its  organs,  for  the  organs  perish,  but 
the  body  is  raised.  Nor  does  he  discuss  the  even- 
tual fate  of  the  dead  body.     The  imagery  of  1  Thess 

4  16.17;  1  Cor  15  52  is  that  of  leaving  the  graves, 
and  in  the  case  of  Christ's  resurrection,  the  type  of 
ours,  that  which  was  buried  was  that  which  was 
raised  (1  Cor  15  4).  Perhaps  the  thought  is  that 
the  touch  of  the  resurrection  body  destroys  all 
things  in  the  old  body  that  are  unadapted  to  the 
new  state;  perhaps  there  is  an  idea  that  the  essence 
of  the  old  body  is  what  we  might  call  "non-material, " 
so  that  decay  simply  anticipates  the  work  the  resur- 
rection will  do.  At  all  events,  such  reflections  are 
"beyond  what  is  written." 

A  partial  parallel  to  the  idea  of  the  resurrection 

body  being  aheady  in   heaven  is   found  in  Slav 

En  22  8.9,    where    the    soul    receives 

4.  2  Cor,  clothing  laid  up  for  it  (cf  Asc  Isa  7 
Ch  5  22.23   and   possibly  Rev  6  11).      But 

Christ  also  speaks  of  a  reward  being 
already  in  heaven  (Mt  5  12).  A  more  important 
question  is  the  time  of  the  clothing  in  2  Cor  5  1-5. 
A  group  of  scholars  (Heinrici,  Schmiedel,  HoltZ- 
mann,  Clemen,  Charles,  etc)  consider  that  St.  Paul 
has  here  changed  his  views  from  those  of  1  Cor; 
that  he  now  considers  the  resurrection  body  to  be 
assumed  immediately  at  death,  and  they  translate 
vs  2.3  "  'we  groan  [at  the  burdens  of  life],  longing  to 
be  clothed  upon  with  our  habitation  which  is  from 
heaven' :  because,  when  we  shall  be  clothed  with  it, 
we  shall  have  no  more  nakedness  to  experience" 
(Weizsacker's  tr  of  the  NT) .  But  2  Cor  would  have 
been  a  most  awkward  place  to  announce  a  change  of 
views,  for  it  was  written  in  part  as  a  defence  against 
inconsistency  (1  17,  etc).  The  wiUingness  to  be  ab- 
sent from  the  body  (5  8)  loses  all  its  point  if  another 
and  better  body  is  to  be  given  at  once.  The  gram- 
matical reasons  for  the  interpretation  above  (best 
stated  by  Heinrici)  are  very  weak.  And  the  tr  given 
reads  into  the  verse  something  that  simply  is  not 
there.  Consequently  it  is  far  better  to  follow  the 
older  interpretation  of  Meyer  (B.  Weiss,  Bousset, 
Lietzmann,  Bachmann,  Menzies,  etc;  Bachmann  is 
esp.  good)  and  the  obvious  sense  of  the  passage: 
St.  Paul  dreads  being  left  naked  by  death,  but  finds 
immediate  consolation  at  the  thought  of  being  with 
Christ,  and  eventual  consolation  at  the  thought  of 
the  body  to  be  received  at  the  Parousia.  (In  Phil 
1  21-24  this  dread  is  overcome.) 

Of  a  resurrection  of  the  wicked,  St.  Paul  has  little 
to  say.     The  doctrine  seems  clearly  stated  in  2  Cor 

5  10  (and  in  2  Tim  4  1,  unless  the  Pauline  author- 
ship of  2  Tim  is  denied).  But  St.  Paul  is  willing 
to  treat  the  fate  of  the  unrighteous  with  silence. 

V.  Summary. — The  points  in  the  NT  doctrine 
of  the  resurrection  of  the  righteous,  then,  seem  to  be 

these:  The  personality  of  the  believer 
1.  NT  survives  after  death  and  is  with  Christ. 

Data  But  it  is  lacking  in  something  that  will 

be  supphed  at  the  consummation,  when 
a  body  will  be  given  in  which  there  is  nothing  to 
hinder  perfect  intercourse  with  God.  The  connec- 
tion of  this  body  with  the  present  body  is  not  dis- 
cussed, except  for  saying  that  some  connection 
exists,  with  the  necessity  of  a  transformation  for 
those  alive  at  the  end.     In  this  state  nothing  remains 


2565 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Resurrection 
Res.  of  Christ 


that  is  inconsistent  with  the  height  to  which  man 
is  raised,  and  in  particular  sexual  relations  (Mk  12 
25)  and  the  processes  of  nutrition  (1  Cor  6  13) 
cease.  For  this  end  the  whole  power  of  God  is 
available.  And  it  is  insured  by  the  perfect  trust 
the  believer  may  put  in  God  and  by  the  resurrection 
of  Christ,  with  whom  the  believer  has  become  inti- 
mately united.  The  unrighteous  are  raised  for  the 
final  vindication  of  God's  dealings  in  history.  Two 
resurrections  are  found  in  Rev  20  5.13  and  quite 
possibly  in  1  Thess  4  16;  1  Cor  15  23.24.  Hence 
the  phrase  first  resurrection;   see  Last  Judgment. 

Into  the  "blanks"  of  this  scheme  the  beUever  is  natu- 
rally entitled  to  insert  such  matter  as  may  seem  to  him 
best  compatible  with  liis  other  concepts 
2.  Internre-  °'  Christianity  and  of  philosophy.  As 
, ',.  ^         is  so  often  the  case  with  passages  in  the 

lanoil  Bible,    the    student    marvels    at    the  way 

the  sacred  writers  were  restrained  from 
committing  Christianity  to  metaphysical  schemes  that 
growth  in  human  knowledge  might  afterward  show  to 
be  false.  But  the  theologian  must  take  care  to  distin- 
guish between  the  revealed  facts  and  the  interpretation 
given  them  in  any  system  that  he  constructs  to  make  the 
doctrine  conform  to  the  ideas  of  his  own  time  or  circle — 
a  distinction  too  often  forgotten  in  the  past  and  some- 
times with  lamentable  results.  Esp.  is  it  well  to  remem- 
ber that  such  a  phrase  as  "  a  purely  spiritual  immortality  " 
rests  on  a  metaphysical  dualism  that  is  today  obsolete, 
and  that  such  a  phrase  is  hardly  less  naive  than  the 
expectation  that  the  resurrection  body  wiU  contain 
identically  the  material  of  the  present  body.  We  are 
still  quite  in  the  dark  as  to  the  relations  of  what  we  call 
"soul"  and  "body."  and  so.  naturally,  it  is  quite  im- 
possible to  dogmatize.  A.  Meyerin  his  RGG  art.  ("  Auf- 
erstehung,  dogmatisch")  has  some  interesting  sugges- 
tions. For  an  ideahstic  metaphysic,  where  soul  and  body 
are  only  two  forms  of  God's  thought,  the  resurrection 
offers  no  difficulties.  If  the  body  be  regarded  as  the 
web  of  forces  that  proceed  from  the  soul,  the  resurrection 
would  take  the  form  of  the  return  of  those  forces  to  their 
center  at  the  consummation.  If  "body"  be  considered 
to  embrace  the  totality  of  effects  that  proceed  from  the 
individual,  at  the  end  the  individual  will  find  in  these 
effects  the  e.xact  e.xpression  of  himself  (Fechuer's  theory). 
Or  resurrection  may  be  considered  as  the  end  of  evo- 
lution— the  reunion  in  God  of  all  that  has  been  differ- 
entiated and  so  evolved  and  enriched.  Such  lines  must 
be  followed  cautiously,  but  may  be  found  to  lead  to 
results  of  great  value. 

In  recent  years  the  attention  of  scholars  has  been 
directed  to  the  problem  of  how  far  the  teachings  of  other 
rehgions  assisted  the  Jews  in  attaining  a  resurrection 
doctrine.  Practically  only  the  Pers  system  comes  into 
question,  and  here  the  facts  seem  to  be  these:  A  behef 
among  the  Persians  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body  is 
attested  for  the  pre-Christian  period  by  the  fragments 
of  Theopompus  (4th  cent.  BC),  preserved  by  Diogenes 
Laertius  and  Aeneas  of  Gaza.  That  this  doctrine  was 
taught  by  Zoroaster  himself  is  not  capable  of  exact 
proof,  but  is  probable.  But  on  the  precise  details  we  are 
m  great  uncertainty.  In  the  Avesta  the  doctrine  is  not 
found  in  the  oldest  part  (the  Gathas),  but  is  mentioned 
in  the  19th  Yashl,  a  document  that  has  certainly  under- 
gone post-Christian  redaction  of  an  extent  that  is  not 
determinable.  The  fullest  Pers  source  is  the  Bunda- 
hesh  (.30),  written  in  the  9th  Christian  cent.  It  certainly 
contains  much  very  ancient  matter,  but  the  age  of  any 
given  passage  in  it  is  always  a  problem.  Consequently 
the  sources  must  be  used  with  great  caution.  It  may  be 
noted  that  late  Judaism  certainly  was  affected  to  some 
degree  by  the  Pers  reUgion  (see  Tob,  esp.),  but  there  are 
so  many  native  Jewish  elements  that  were  leading  to  a 
resurrection  doctrine  that  familiarity  with  the  Pers 
behef  could  have  been  an  assistance  only.  Esp.  is  it  to 
be  noted  that  the  great  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  lies 
in  the  post-Maccabean  period,  when  direct  Pers  influ- 
ence is  hardly  to  be  thought  of.     See  Zoroastrianism. 

Literature. — The  older  works  suffer  from  a  defective 
understanding  of  the  presuppositions,  but  Salmond, 
Christian  Doctrine  of  Immortality,  is  always  useful. 
Brown,  The  Christian  Hope,  1912,  is  excellent  and  con- 
tains a  full  bibhography.  Charles,  Bschatologu,  and  art. 
"  Eschatology "  in  EB  are  invaluable,  but  must  be  nsed 
criticaUy  by  the  thorough  student,  for  the  opinions 
are  often  individualistic.  Wotherspoon's  art.  "Resur- 
rection" in  DCG  is  gaod;  Bernard's  in  HDB  is  not  so 
good.  On  1  Cor,  Pindlay  or  (better)  Edwards;  on  2  Cor 
Menzies.  In  German  the  NT  Theologies  of  Weiss, 
Holtzmann,  Feine;  Schaeder's  "Auferstehung"  in  PRE'. 
On  1  Cor,  Heinrici  and  J.  Weiss  in  Meyer  (eds  8  and 
9) ;  on  2  Cor,  Bachmann  in  the  Zahn  series.  On  both 
Cor  epp.  Bousset  in  the  Schriften  des  NT  of  J.  Weiss 
(the  work  of  an  expert  in  eschatology) ,  and  Lietzraann  in 
his  Handbuch.  See  Body:  Eschatology  (OT  and  NT); 
Flesh;  Soul;  Spirit. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 


RESURRECTION,    GOSPEL    OF    THE. 

Apocryphal  Gospels. 


See 


RESURRECTION  OF  JESUS  CHRIST,  THE: 

1.  First  Proof:    The  Life  of  Jesus 

2.  Second  Proof:   The  Empty  Grave 

'6.  Third  Proof:   Transformation  of  the  Disciples 

4.  Fourth  Proof:   Existence  of  the  Primitive  Church 

5.  Fifth  Proof:   The  Witness  of  St.  Paul 

6.  Sixth  Proof:   The  Gospel  Record 

7.  Summary  and  Conclusion 

8.  Theology  of  the  Resurrection 
Literature 

The  Resurrection  has  always  been  felt  to  be 
vital  in  connection  with  Christianity.  As  a  con- 
sequence, opponents  have  almost  always  concen- 
trated their  attacks,  and  Christians  have  centered 
their  defence,  upon  it.  It  is  therefore  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  give  attention  to  the  subject,  as  it 
appears  in  the  NT.  There  are  several  converging 
lines  of  evidence,  and  none  can  be  overlooked. 
Each  must  have  its  place  and  weight.  The  issues 
at  stake  are  so  serious  that  nothing  must  be  omitted. 

The  first  proof  is  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ  Himself. 
It  is  always  a  disappointment  when  a  life  which 
commenced  well  finishes  badly.  We 
1.  First  have    this    feeling    even    in    fiction; 

Proof:  The  instinct  demands  that  a  story  should 
Life  of  end   well.     Much   more   is   this   true 

Jesus  of  Jesus  Christ.     A  perfect  life  char- 

acterized by  Divine  claims  ends  in 
its  prime  in  a  cruel  and  shameful  death.  Is  that 
a  fitting  close?  Surely  death  could  not  end  every- 
thing after  such  a  noble  career.  The  Gospels  give 
the  resurrection  as  the  completion  of  the  picture 
of  Jesus  Christ.  There  is  no  real  doubt  that  Christ 
anticipated  His  own  resurrection.  At  first  He  used 
only  vague  terms,  such  as,  "Destroy  this  Temple, 
and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  But  later  on 
He  spoke  plainly,  and  whenever  He  mentioned  His 
death,  He  added,  "The  Son  of  man  ....  must 
be  raised  the  third  day."  These  references  are  too 
numerous  to  be  overlooked,  and,  in  spite  of  diffi- 
culties of  detail,  they  are,  in  any  proper  treatment 
of  the  Gospels,  an  integral  part  of  the  claim  made 
for  Himself  by  Jesus  Christ  (Mt  12  38-40;  16  21; 
17  9  23;  20  19;  27  63;  Mk  8  31;  9  9.31;  10  34; 
14  58;  _  Lk  9  22;  18  33;  Jn  2  19-21).  His  ve- 
racity is  at  stake  if  He  did  not  rise.  Surely  the 
word  of  such  a  One  must  be  given  due  credence. 
We  are  therefore  compelled  to  face  the  fact  that  the 
resurrection  of  which  the  Gospels  speak  is  the  resur- 
rection of  no  ordinary  man,  but  of  Jesus — that  is  of 
One  whose  life  and  character  had  been  unique,  and 
for  whose  shameful  death  no  proper  explanation 
was  conceivable  (Denney,  Jesus  and  the  Gospel, 
122  f).  Is  it  possible  that,  in  view  of  His  perfect 
truthfulness  of  word  and  deed,  there  should  be  such 
an  anti-climax  as  is  involved  in  a  denial  of  His  assur- 
ance that  He  would  rise  again  (C.  H.  Robinson, 
Studies  in  the  Resurrection,  30)?  Consider,  too,  the 
death  of  Christ  in  the  light  of  His  perfect  life.  If 
that  death  was  the  close  of  a  life  so  beautiful,  so 
remarkable,  so  Godhke,  we  are  faced  with  an  insol- 
uble mystery — the  permanent  triumph  of  wrong 
over  right,  and  the  impossibility  of  believing  in 
truth  or  justice  in  the  world  (C.  H.  Robinson,  op. 
cit.,  36).  So  the  resurrection  is  not  to  be  regarded 
as  an  isolated  event,  a  fact  in  the  history  of  Christ 
separated  from  all  else.  It  must  be  taken  in  close 
connection  with  what  precedes.  The  true  solution 
of  the  problem  is  to  be  found  in  that  estimate  of 
Christ  which  "most  entirely  fits  in  with  the  totality 
of  the  facts"  (Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  14). 

Another  line  of  proof  is  the  fact  of  the  empty 
grave  and  the  disappearance  of  the  body.  That 
Jesus  died  and  was  buried,  and  that  on  the  third 
morning  the  tomb  was  empty,  is  not  now  seriously 


Res.  of  Christ       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2566 


challenged.  The  theory  of  a  swoon  and  a  recovery 
in  the  tomb  is  impossible,  and  to  it  Strauss  "practi- 
cally gives  its  deathblow"  (Orr,  op. 
2.  Second  cit.,  43).  At  Christ's  burial  a  stone 
Proof:  The  was  rolled  before  the  tomb,  the  tomb 
Empty  was   sealed,  and   a  guard  was  placed 

Grave  before  it.     Yet  on  the  third  morning 

the  body  had  disappeared,  and  the 
tomb  was  empty.  There  are  only  two  alternatives. 
His  body  must  have  been  taken  out  of  the  grave  by 
human  hands  or  else  by  superhuman  power.  If  the 
hands  were  human,  they  must  have  been  those  of 
His  friends  or  of  His  foes.  If  His  friends  had  wished 
to  take  out  His  body,  the  question  at  once  arises 
whether  they  could  have  done  so  in  the  face  of  the 
stone,  the  seal  and  the  guard.  If  His  foes  had  con- 
templated this  action,  the  question  arises  whether 
they  would  seriously  have  considered  it.  It  is  ex- 
tremely improbable  that  any  effort  should  have  been 
made  to  remove  the  body  out  of  the  reach  of  the  dis- 
ciples. Why  should  His  enemies  do  the  very  thing 
that  would  be  most  likely  to  spread  the  report  of 
His  resurrection?  As  Chiysostom  said,  "If  the  body 
had  been  stolen,  they  could  not  have  stolen  it  naked, 
because  of  the  delay  in  stripping  it  of  the  burial 
clothes  and  the  trouble  caused  by  the  drugs  adhering 
to  it"  (quoted  in  Day,  Evidence  for  the  Resurrection, 
35).  Besides,  the  position  of  the  grave-clothes 
proves  the  impossibility  of  the  theft  of  the  body 
(see  Gr  of  Jn  20  6.7;  11  44;  Grimley,  Temple  of 
Humanity,  69,  70;  Latham,  The  Risen  Master;  Ex- 
pos T,  XIII,  293  f ;  XIV,  510).  How,  too,  is  it  pos- 
sible to  account  for  the  failure  of  the  Jews  to  dis- 
prove the  resurrection?  Not  more  than  seven  weeks 
aftenvard  Peter  preached  in  that  city  the  fact  that 
Jesus  had  been  raised.  What  would  have  been 
easier  or  more  conclusive  than  for  the  Jews  to  have 
produced  the  dead  body  and  silenced  Peter  forever? 
"The  silence  of  the  Jews  is  as  significant  as  the 
speech  of  the  Christians"  (Fairbaim,  Studies  in  the 
Life  of  Christ,  Zbl). 

The  fact  of  the  empty  tomb  with  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  body  remains  a  problem  to  be  faced. 
It  is  now  admitted  that  the  evidence  for  the  empty 
tomb  is  adequate,  and  that  it  was  part  of  the  primi- 
tive behef  {Foundations,  134,  154).  It  is  important 
to  reahze  the  force  of  this  admission,  because  it  is  a 
testimony  to  St.  Paul's  u.se  of  the  term  "third  day" 
(see  below)  and  to  the  Christian  observance  of  the 
first  day  of  the  week.  And  yet  in  spite  of  this  we 
are  told  that  a  belief  in  the  empty  tomb  is  impossible. 
By  some  writers  the  idea  of  resurrection  is  inter- 
preted to  mean  the  revival  of  Christ's  spiritual 
influence  on  the  disciples,  which  had  been  brought 
to  a  close  by  His  death.  It  is  thought  that  the 
essential  idea  and  value  of  Christ's  resurrection 
can  be  conserved,  even  while  the  behef  in  His  bodily 
rising  from  the  grave  is  surrendered  (Orr,  The 
Resurrection  of  Jesus,  23) .  But  how  can  we  believe 
in  the  resurrection  while  we  regard  the  basis  of  the 
primitive  belief  in  it  as  a  mistake,  not  to  say  a 
fraud?  The  disciples  found  the  tomb  empty,  and 
on  the  strength  of  this  they  believed  He  had  risen. 
How  can  the  belief  be  true  if  the  foundation  be 
false?  Besides,  the  various  forms  of  the  vision- 
theory  are  now  gradually  but  surely  being  regarded 
as  inadequate  and  impossible.  They  involve  the 
change  of  almost  every  fact  in  the  Gospel  history, 
and  the  invention  of  new  scenes  and  conditions  of 
which  the  Gospels  know  nothing  (Orr,  op.  cit.,  222). 
It  has  never  been  satisfactorily  shown  why  the 
disciples  should  have  had  this  abundant  experience 
of  visions;  nor  why  they  should  have  had  it  so  soon 
after  the  death  of  Christ  and  within  a  strictly  limited 
period;  nor  why  it  suddenly  ceased.  The  disciples 
were  familiar  with  the  apparition  of  a  spirit,  hke 
Samuel's,  and  with  the  resuscitation  of  a  body,  like 


Lazarus',  but  what  they  had  not  experienced  or 
imagined  was  the  fact  of  a  spiritual  body,  the  com- 
bination of  body  and  spirit  in  an  entirely  novel  way. 
So  the  old  theory  of  a  vision  is  now  virtually  set 
aside,  and  for  it  is  substituted  the  theory  of  a  real 
spiritual  manifestation  of  the  risen  Christ.  The 
question  at  once  arises  whether  this  is  not  prompted 
by  an  unconscious  but  real  desire  to  get  rid  of  any- 
thing like  a  physical  resurrection.  Whatever  may 
be  true  of  unbelievers,  this  is  an  impossible  position 
for  those  who  beheve  Christ  is  alive. 

Even  though  we  may  be  ready  to  admit  the  reahty 
of  telepathic  communication,  it  is  impossible  to  ar- 
gue that  this  is  equivalent  to  the  idea  of  resurrec- 
tion. Psychical  research  has  not  proceeded  far 
enough  as  yet  to  warrant  arguments  being  built 
on  it,  though  in  any  case  it  is  difficult,  if  not  im- 
possible, to  obtain  material  from  this  quarter  which 
will  answer  to  the  conditions  of  the  physical  resur- 
rection recorded  in  the  NT.  "The  survival  of  the 
soul  is  not  resurrection."  "Whoever  heard  of  a  spirit 
being  buried?"  (Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  229). 

In  view  of  the  records  of  the  Gospels  and  the  gen- 
eral testimony  of  the  NT,  it  is  impossible  to  be 
"agnostic"  as  to  what  happened  at  the  grave  of 
Jesus,  even  though  we  are  quite  sure  that  He  who 
died  now  lives  and  reigns.  It  is  sometimes  said 
that  faith  is  not  bound  up  with  holding  a  particular 
view  of  the  relations  of  Christ's  present  glory  with 
the  body  that  was  once  in  Joseph's  tomb,  that  faith 
is  to  be  exercised  in  the  exalted  Lord,  and  that 
behef  in  a  resuscitation  of  the  human  body  is  no 
vital  part  of  it.  It  is  no  doubt  true  that  faith  today 
is  to  be  exercised  solely  in  the  exalted  and  glorified 
Lord,  but  faith  must  ultimately  rest  on  fact,  and  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  Christian  faith  can 
really  be  "agnostic"  with  regard  to  the  facts  about 
the  empty  tomb  and  the  risen  body,  which  are  so 
prominent  in  the  NT,  and  which  form  an  essential 
part  of  the  apostohc  witness.  The  attempt  to  set 
faith  and  historical  evidence  in  opposition  to  each 
other,  which  is  so  marked  a  characteristic  of  much 
modem  thought,  will  never  satisfy  general  Christian 
intelligence,  and  if  there  is  to  be  any  real  belief  in 
the  historical  character  of  the  NT,  it  is  impossible 
to  be  "agnostic"  about  facts  that  are  writ  so  large 
on  the  face  of  the  records.  When  once  the  evidence 
for  the  empty  tomb  is  allowed  to  be  adequate,  the 
impossibility  of  any  other  explanation  than  that 
indicated  in  the  NT  is  at  once  seen.  The  evidence 
must  be  accounted  for  and  adequately  explained. 
And  so  we  come  again  to  the  insuperable  barrier  of 
the  empty  tomb,  which,  together  with  the  apostolic 
witness,  stands  impregnable  against  all  the  attacks 
of  visional  and  apparitional  theories.  It  is  becom- 
ing more  evident  that  these  theories  are  entirely 
inadequate  to  account  for  the  records  in  the  Gospels, 
as  well  as  for  the  place  and  power  of  those  Gospels 
in  the  early  church  and  in  all  subsequent  ages.  The 
force  of  the  evidence  for  the  empty  grave  and  the 
disappearance  of  the  body  is  clearly  seen  by  the 
explanations  suggested  by  various  modern  writers 
(those  of  Oscar  Holtzmann,  K.  Lake,  and  A.  Meyer 
can  be  seen  in  Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  ch 
viii,  and  that  of  Reville  in  C.  H.  Robinson,  Studies 
in  the  Resurrection  of  Christ,  69;  see  also  art.  by 
Streeter  in  Foundations).  Not  one  of  them  is 
tenable  without  doing  violence  to  the  Gospel  story, 
and  also  without  putting  forth  new  theories  which 
are  not  only  improbable  in  themselves,  but  are 
without  a  shred  of  real  historical  or  literary  evidence. 
The  one  outstanding  fact  which  baffles  all  these 
writers  is  the  empty  grave. 

Others  suggest  that  resurrection  means  a  real 
objective  appearance  of  the  risen  Christ  without 
implying  any  physical  reanimation,  that  "the  resur- 
rection of  Christ  was  an  objective  reality,  but  was 


2567 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Res.  of  Christ 


not  a  physical  resuscitation"  (C.  H.  Robinson, 
Sltidies  in  the  Resurreciion  of  Christ,  12).  But  the 
difficulty  here  is  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  term 
"resurrection."  If  it  means  a  relurnirom  the  dead, 
a  rising  again  {re-),  must  there  not  have  been  some 
identity  between  that  which  was  put  in  the  tomb 
and  the  "objective  reality"  which  appeared  to  the 
disciples?  Wherein  lies  the  essential  ditTerence 
between  an  objective  vision  and  an  objective  appear- 
ance? If  we  believe  the  apostolic  testimony  to 
the  empty  tomb,  why  may  we  not  accept  their 
evidence  to  the  actual  resurrection?  They  evi- 
dently recognized  their  Master,  and  this  recogni- 
tion must  have  been  due  to  some  familiarity  with 
His  bodily  appearance.  No  difficulty  of  conceiving 
of  the  resurrection  of  mankind  hereafter  must  be 
allowed  to  set  aside  the  plain  facts  of  the  record 
about  Christ.  It  is,  of  course,  quite  clear  that  the 
resurrection  body  ot  Jesus  was  not  exactly  the  same 
as  when  it  was  put  in  the  tomb,  but  it  is  equally 
clear  that  there  was  definite  identity  as  well  as 
definite  dissimilarity,  and  both  elements  must  be 
faced  and  accounted  for.  There  need  be  no  insuper- 
able difficulty  if  we  believe  that  in  the  very  nature 
of  things  Christ's  resurrection  must  be  unique,  and, 
since  the  life  and  work  ot  Jesus  Christ  transcend 
our  experience  (as  they  certainly  should  do),  we 
must  not  expect  to  bring  them  within  the  limita- 
tions of  natural  law  and  human  history.  How 
the  resurrection  body  was  sustained  is  a  problem 
quite  outside  our  "^ken,  though  the  reference  to 
"flesh  and  bones,"  compared  with  St.  Paul's  words 
about  "flesh  and  blood"  not  being  able  to  enter  the 
kingdom  of  God,  may  suggest  that  while  the  resur- 
rection body  was  not  constituted  upon  a  natural 
basis  through  blood,  yet  that  it  possessed  "all 
things  appertaining  to  the  perfection  ot  man's 
nature"  (Church  ot  England  Article  IV).  We  may 
not  be  able  to  solve  the  problem,  but  we  must  hold 
fast  to  all  the  facts,  and  these  may  be  summed  up 
by  saying  that  the  body  was  the  same  though  differ- 
ent, different  though  the  same.  The  true  descrip- 
tion of  the  resurrection  seems  to  be  that  "it  was  an 
objective  reality,  but  that  it  was  not  merely  a 
physical  resuscitation."  We  are  therefore  brought 
back  to  a  consideration  of  the  tacts  recorded  in  the 
Gospels  as  to  the  empty  tomb  and  the  disappearance 
of  the  body,  and  we  only  ask  for  an  explanation 
which  will  take  into  consideration  all  the  facts 
recorded,  and  will  do  no  violence  to  any  part  of 
the  evidence.  To  predicate  a  new  resurrection  body 
in  which  Christ  appeared  to  His  disciples  does  not 
explain  how  in  three  days'  time  the  body  \vhich 
had  been  placed  in  the  tomb  was  disposed  of.  Does 
not  this  theory  demand  a  new  mu-acle  of  its  own 
(Kennett,  Interpreter,  V,  271)? 

The  next  line  of  proof  to  be  considered  is  the 
transformation  of  the  disciples  caused  by  the  resur- 
rection.    They  had  seen  their  Master 
3    Third         die,  and  through  that  death  they  lost 
Proof:  all   hope.     Yet    hope   returned   three 

Trans-  days  after.     On  the  day  ot  the  cruci- 

formation  fixion  they  were  filled  with  sadness; 
of  the  Dis-  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  with  glad- 
ciples  ness.     At   the    crucifixion    they   were 

hopeless;  on  the  first  day  of  the  week 
their  hearts  glowed  with  certainty.  When  the 
message  of  the  resurrection  first  came  they  were 
incredulous  and  hard  to  be  convinced,  but  when 
once  they  became  assured  they  never  doubted  again. 
What  could  account  for  the  astonishing  change  in 
these  men  in  so  short  a  time?  The  mere  removal 
of  the  body  from  the  grave  could  never  have  trans- 
formed their  spirits  and  characters.  Three  days 
are  not  enough  for  a  legend  to  spring  up  which 
should  so  affect  them.  Time  is  needed  tor  a  process 
of  legendary  growth.    There  is  nothing  more  strik- 


ing in  the  history  of  primitive  Christianity  than 
this  marvelous  change  wrought  in  the  disciples  by 
a  belief  in  the  resurrection  of  their  Master.  It  is 
a  psychological  fact  that  demands  a  full  explana- 
tion. The  disciples  were  prepared  to  believe  in  the 
appearance  of  a  spirit,  but  they  never  contemplated 
the  possibility  of  a  resurrection  (see  Mk  16  II). 
Men  do  not  imagine  what  they  do  not  believe,  and 
the  women's  intention  to  emlDalm  a  corpse  shows 
they  did  not  expect  His  resurrection.  Besides,  a 
hallucination  involving  five  hundred  people  at  once, 
and  repeated  several  times  during  forty  days,  is 
unthinkable. 

From  this  fact  of  the  transformation  ot  personal 
life  in  so  incredibly  short  a  space  ot  time,  we  pro- 
ceed  to  the  next   line   ot   proof,   the 
4.  Fourth      existence    of    the    primitive    church. 
Proof:  "There  is  no  doubt  that  the  church  of 

Existence  the  apostles  believed  in  the  resurrection 
of  the  of  their   Lord"    (Burkitt,   The   Oospel 

Primitive       History  and  Its  Transmission,  74). 
Church  It  is  now  admitted  on  all  hands  that 

the  church  of  Christ  came  into  exist- 
ence as  the  result  of  a  belief  in  the  resurrection  of 
Christ.  When  we  consider  its  commencement,  as 
recorded  in  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  we 
see  two  simple  and  incontrovertible  facts:  (1)  the 
Christian  society  was  gathered  together  by  preach- 
ing; (2)  the  substance  of  the  preaching  was  the 
resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ.  Jesus  Christ  was  put 
to  death  on  a  cross,  and  would  therefore  be  rejected 
by  Jews  as  accursed  ot  God  (Dt  21  23) .  Yet  mul- 
titudes of  Jews  were  led  to  worship  Him  (Acts  2  41), 
and  a  great  company  of  priests  to  obey  Him  (Acts 
6  7) .  The  only  explanation  of  these  facts  is  God's 
act  of  resurrection  (Acts  2  36),  for  nothing  short  of 
it  could  have  led  to  the  Jewish  acceptance  of  Jesus 
Christ  as  their  Messiah.  The  apostohc  church  is 
thus  a  result  of  a  belief  in  the  resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ.  The  early  chapters  of  Acts  bear  the  marks 
of  primitive  documents,  and  their  evidence  is  un- 
mistakable. It  is  impossible  to  allege  that  the 
early  church  did  not  know  its  own  history,  that 
myths  and  legends  quickly  grew  up  and  were 
eagerly  received,  and  that  the  writers  of  the  Gospels 
had  no  conscience  for  principle,  but  manipulated 
their  material  at  will,  for  any  modern  church  could 
easily  give  an  account  ot  its  history  for  the  past 
fifty  years  or  more  (Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus, 
144).  And  it  is  simply  absurd  to  think  that  the 
earliest  church  had  no  such  capability.  In  reality 
there  was  nothing  vague  or  intangible  about  the 
testimony  borne  by  the  apostles  and  other  members 
of  the  church.  "As  the  church  is  too  holy  for  a 
foundation  ot  rottenness,  so  she  is  too  real  for  a 
foundation  of  mist"  (Archbishop  Alexander,  The 
Great  Question,  10). 

One  man  in  the  apostolic  church  must,  however,  be 

singled  out  as  a  special  witness  to  the  resurrection.     The 

conversion  and  work  of  Saul  of  Tarsus  is 

K    VttU  our  next  line  of  proof.     Attention  is  first 

0.  J<inn  called  to  the  evidence  of  his  life  and  writ- 
Proof:  The  ings  to  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Witnp«;s  of  Some  years  ago  an  article  appeared  (E. 
c+   Dof,!  Medley,    Expos.  V,   iv,  359),    inquiring  as 

01.  fa.ui  Jo   (Jig  conception  of  Christ  which  would 

be  suggested  to  a  heathen  inquirer  by  a 
pertisal  ot  Paul's  earUest  extant  writing  (1  Thess).  One 
point  at  least  would  stand  out  clearly — that  Jesus  Christ 
was  killed  (2  15;  4  14)  and  was  raised  from  the  dead 
(4  14).  As  this  Ep.  is  usually  dated  about  51  AD — that 
is,  only  about  22  years  after  the  resurrection — and  as  the 
same  Ep.  plainly  attributes  to  Jesus  Christ  the  (unctions 
of  God  in  relation  to  men  (1  1.6;  2  14;  3  11).  we  can 
readily  see  the  force  of  this  testimony  to  the  resurrection. 
Then  a  few  years  later,  in  an  ep.  which  is  universally 
accepted  as  one  of  St.  Paul's,  we  have  a  much  fuller  refer- 
ence to  the  event.  In  the  well-known  chapter  (1  Cor  ID) 
where  he  is  concerned  to  prove  (not  Christ's  resurrection, 
but)  the  resurrection  of  Christians,  he  naturaUy  adduces 
Christ's  resurrection  as  his  greatest  evidence,  and  so  gives 
a  list  of  the  various  appearances  of  Christ,  ending  with  one 
to  himself,  which  he  puts  on  an  exact  level  with  the  others : 


Res.  of  Christ 
Retention  of  Sins 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2568 


"  Last  of  all  he  was  seen  of  me  also."  Now  it  is  essential 
to  give  special  attention  to  the  nature  and  particularity 
of  tills  testimony.  "I  delivered  imto  you  first  of  all 
that  which  also  I  received:  that  Christ  died  for  our  sins 
according  to  the  scriptures ;  and  that  he  was  buried :  and 
that  he  hath  been  raised  on  the  third  day  according  to 
the  scriptures"  (1  Cor  15  3  f).  This,  as  it  has  often 
been  pointed  out.  is  our  earliest  authority  for  the  appear- 
ances of  Christ  after  the  resm-rection,  and  dates  from 
within  30  years  of  the  event  itself.  But  there  is  much 
more  than  this:  "He  affirms  that  within  5  years  of  the 
crucifixion  of  Jesus  he  was  taught  that  '  Ctirist  died  for 
our  sins  according  to  the  Scriptures;  and  that  he  was 
buried,  and  that  he  rose  again  the  third  day  according 
to  the  Scriptures'"  (Kennett,  Interpreter,  V,  267). 
And  if  we  seelf  to  appreciate  the  full  bearing  of  this  act 
and  testimony  we  have  a  right  to  draw  the  same  con- 
clusion :  "  That  within  a  very  few  years  of  the  time  of  the 
crucifixion  of  Jesus,  the  evidence  for  the  resurrection  of 
Jesus  was,  in  the  mind  of  at  least  one  man  of  education, 
absolutely  irrefutable"  (Kennett,  op.  cit.,  V,  267). 

Besides,  we  find  this  narrative  includes  one  small  but 
significant  statement  which  at  once  recalls  a  very  definite 
feature  of  the  Gospel  tradition — the  mention  of  "the 
third  day."  A  reference  to  the  passage  in  the  Gospels 
where  Jesus  Christ  spoke  of  His  resurrection  will  show 
how  prominent  and  persistent  was  this  note  of  time. 
Why,  then,  should  St.  Paul  have  introduced  it  in  his 
statement  ?  AVas  it  part  of  the  teaching  which  he  had 
"received"?  What  is  the  significance  of  this  plain 
emphasis  on  the  date  of  the  resurrection  ?  Is  it  not  that 
it  iSears  absolute  testimony  to  the  empty  tomb  ?  From 
all  this  it  may  be  argued  that  St.  Paul  believed  the  story 
of  the  empty  tomb  at  a  date  when  the  recollection  was 
fresh,  when  he  could  examine  it  for  himself,  when  he 
could  make  the  fullest  possible  inquiry  of  others,  and 
when  the  fears  and  opposition  of  enemies  would  have 
made  it  impossible  for  the  adherents  of  Jesus  Christ  to 
make  any  statement  that  was  not  absolutely  true. 
' '  Surely  common  sense  requires  us  to  beheve  that  that  for 
which  he  so  suffered  was  in  his  eyes  established  beyond 
the  possibihty  of  doubt"  (Kennett,  op.  cit.,  V,  271). 

In  view,  therefore,  of  St.  Paul's  personal  testimony  to 
his  own  conversion,  his  interviews  with  those  who  had 
seen  Jesus  Christ  on  earth  before  and  after  His  resurrec- 
tion, and  the  prominence  given  to  the  resurrection  in 
the  apostle's  own  teaching,  we  may  challenge  attention 
afresh  to  this  evidence  for  the  resurrection.  It  is  well 
known  that  Lord  Lyttelton  and  his  friend  Gilbert  West 
left  Oxford  University  at  the  close  of  one  academic 
year,  each  determining  to  give  attention  respectively 
during  the  long  vacation  to  the  conversion  of  St.  Paul 
and  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  in  order  to  prove  the 
baselessness  of  both.  They  met  again  in  the  autumn 
and  compared  experiences.  Lord  Lyttelton  had  become 
convinced  of  the  truth  of  St.  Paul's  conversion,  and 
Gilbert  West  of  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ.  If, 
therefore,  Paul's  2.5  years  of  suffering  and  service  for 
Christ  were  a  reality,  his  conversion  was  true,  for 
everything  he  did  began  with  that  sudden  change. 
And  if  his  conversion  was  true,  Jesus  Christ  rose  from 
the  dead,  for  everything  Paul  was  and  did  he  attributed 
to  the  sight  of  the  risen  Christ. 

The  next  line  of  proof  of  the  resurrection  is  the 
record  in  the  Gospels  of  the  appearances  of  the  risen 

Christ,  and  it  is  the  last  in  order  to 
6.  Sixth  be  considered.  By  some  -writers  it  is 
Proof:  The  put  first,  but  this  is  in  forgetfuhiess 
Gospel  of  the  dates  vfhea  the  GospeLs  ivere 

Record  written.    The  resurrection  was  believed 

in  by  the  Christian  church  for  a  number 
of  years  before  our  Gospels  were  written,  and  it  is 
therefore  impossible  for  these  records  to  be  our 
primary  and  most  important  evidence.  We  must 
get  behind  them  if  we  are  to  appreciate  fully  the 
force  and  variety  of  the  evidence.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that,  following  the  proper  logical  order,  we 
have  reserved  to  the  last  our  consideration  of  the 
appearances  of  the  risen  Christ  as  given  in  the 
Gospels.  The  point  is  one  of  great  importance 
(Denney,  Jesus  and  the  Gospel,  111). 

Now.  with  this  made  clear,  we  proceed  to  consider 
the  evidence  afforded  by  the  records  of  the  post-resurrec- 
tion appearances  of  Christ.  Modern  criticism  of  the 
Gospels  during  recent  years  has  tended  to  adopt  the 
view  that  Mk  is  the  earhest,  and  that  Mt  and  Lk  are 
dependent  on  it.  This  is  said  to  be  "the  one  solid  result " 
(W.  C.  Allen,  "St.  Matthew,"  ICC.  Preface,  vii:  Burkitt, 
The  Gospel  History,  37)  of  the  literary  criticism  of  the 
Gospels.  If  this  is  so,  the  question  of  the  records  of  the 
resurrection  becomes  involved  in  the  difficult  problem 
about  the  supposed  lost  ending  of  Mk,  which,  according 
to  modem  criticism,  would  thus  close  -without  any  record 
of  an  appearance  of  the  risen  Christ.  On  this  point, 
however,  two  things  may  be  said  at  the  present  juncture: 


(1)  There  are  some  indications  that  the  entire  question 
of  the  criticism  of  the  Gospels  is  to  be  reopened  (Ramsay, 
St.  Luke  the  Physician,  ch  11;  see  also  Orr.  The  Resurrec- 
tion of  Jesus,  63 fl).  (2)  Even  if  the  current  theory  be 
accepted,  it  would  not  seriously  weaken  the  intrinsic 
force  of  the  evidence  for  the  resurrection,  because,  after 
all,  Mark  does  not  invent  or  "doctor"  his  material, 
but  embodies  the  common  apostohc  tradition  of  his 
time  (Orr,   The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  62). 

We  may,  therefore,  meanwhile  examine  the  record 
of  the  appearances  without  finding  them  essentially 
affected  by  any  particular  theory  of  the  origin  and 
relations  of  the  Gospels.  There  are  two  sets  of 
appearances,  one  in  Jerus  and  the  other  in  Galilee, 
and  their  number,  and  the  amplitude  and  weight 
of  their  testimony  should  be  carefully  estimated. 
While  we  are  precluded  by  our  space  from  examin- 
ing each  appearance  minutely,  and  indeed  it  is 
unnecessary  for  our  purpose  to  do  so,  it  is  impossible 
to  avoid  calling  attention  to  two  of  them.  No  one 
can  read  the  story  of  the  walk  to  Emmaus  (Lk  24), 
or  of  the  visit  of  Peter  and  John  to  the  tomb 
(Jn  20),  without  observing  the  striking  marks  of 
reality  and  personal  testimony  in  the  accounts.  As 
to  the  former  incident:  "It  carries  with  it,  as 
great  literary  critics  have  pointed  out,  the  deepest 
inward  evidences  of  its  o-svn  literal  truthfulness. 
For  it  so  narrates  the  intercourse  of  'a  risen  God' 
with  commonplace  men  as  to  set  natural  and  super- 
natural side  by  side  in  perfect  harmony.  And  to 
do  this  has  always  been  the  difficulty,  the  despair  of 
imagination.  The  alternative  has  been  put  reason- 
ably thus:  St.  Luke  was  either  a  greater  poet,  a 
more  creative  genius,  than  Shakespeare,  or — he 
did  not  create  the  record.  He  had  an  advantage 
over  Shakespeare.  The  ghost  in  Hamlet  was  an 
effort  of  laborious  imagination.  The  risen  Christ 
on  the  road  was  a  fact  supreme,  and  the  Evangelist 
did  but  tell  it  as  it  was"  (Bishop  Moule,  Meditations 
for  the  Church's  Year,  108).  Other  writers  whose 
attitude  to  the  Gospel  records  is  very  different 
bear  the  same  testimony  to  the  impression  of  truth 
and  reality  made  upon  them  by  the  Emmaus  narra- 
tive (A.  Meyer  and  K.  Lake,  quoted  in  Orr,  The 
Resurreclion  of  Jesus,  176  f). 

It  is  well  known  that  there  are  difficulties  con- 
nected with  the  number  and  order  of  these  appear- 
ances, but  they  are  probably  due  largely  to  the 
summary  character  of  the  story,  and  certainly  are 
not  sufficient  to  invalidate  the  uniform  testimony  to 
the  two  facts:  (1)  the  empty  grave,  (2)  the  appear- 
ances of  Christ  on  the  third  day.  These  are  the 
main  facts  of  the  combined  witness  (Orr,  op.  cit., 
212). 

The  very  difficulties  which  have  been  observed 
in  the  Gospels  for  nearly  nineteen  centuries  are  a 
testimony  to  a  conviction  of  the  truth  of  the  narra- 
tives on  the  part  of  the  whole  Christian  church. 
The  church  has  not  been  afraid  to  leave  these 
records  as  they  are  because  of  the  facts  that  they 
embody  and  express.  If  there  had  been  no  diffi- 
culties men  might  have  said  that  everything  had 
been  artificially  arranged,  whereas  the  differences 
bear  testimony  to  the  reality  of  the  event  recorded. 
The  fact  that  we  possess  these  two  sets  of  appear- 
ances— one  in  Jerus  and  one  in  Galilee — is  really 
an  argument  in  favor  of  their  credibility,  for  if  it  had 
been  recorded  that  Christ  appeared  in  Galilee  only, 
or  Jerus  only,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  account 
might  have  been  rejected  for  lack  of  support.  It  is 
well  known  that  records  of  eyewitnesses  often  vary 
in  details,  while  there  is  no  question  as  to  the  events 
themselves.  The  various  booksrecording  the  story  of 
the  Indian  mutiny,  or  the  surrender  of  Napoleon  HI 
at  Sedan  are  cases  in  point,  and  Sir  William  Ramsay 
has  shown  the  entire  compatibility  of  certainty  as  to 
the  main  fact  with  great  uncertainty  as  to  precise 
details  (Ramsay,  St.  Paid  the  Traveller,  29).  We 
believe,  therefore,  that  a  careful  examination  of  these 


2569 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Res.  of  Christ 
Retention  of  Sins 


■  appearances  will  afford  evidence  of  a  chain  of  cir- 
cumstances extending  from  the  empty  grave  to  the 
day  of  the  ascension. 

When  we  examine  carefully  all  these  converging 
lines  of  evidence  and  endeavor  to  give  weight  to  all 
the  facts  of  the  case,  it  seems  impossible 
7.  Summary  to  escape  from  the  problem  of  a  physi- 
andCon-  cal  miracle.  That  the  prima  facie 
elusion  view  of  the  evidence  afforded  by  the 

NT  suggests  a  miracle  and  that  the 
apostles  really  believed  in  a  true  physical  resurrec- 
tion are  surely  beyond  all  question.  And  yet  very 
much  of  present-day  thought  refuses  to  accept  the 
miraculous.  The  scientific  doctrine  of  the  uniform- 
ity and  continuity  of  Nature  bars  the  way,  so  that 
from  the  outset  it  is  concluded  that  miracles  are 
impossible.  We  are  either  not  allowed  to  believe 
(see  Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  44),  or  else  we 
are  told  that  we  are  not  required  to  believe  (C.  H. 
Robinson,  Studies  in  the  Resurrection  of  Christ,  ch  ii), 
in  the  reanimation  of  a  dead  body.  If  we  take  this 
view,  "there  is  no  need,  really,  for  investigation  of 
evidence:  the  question  is  decided  before  the  evi- 
dence is  looked  at"  (Orr,  op.  cit.,  46). 

We  challenge  the  tenableness  of  this  position. 
It  proves  too  much.  We  are  not  at  all  concerned  by 
the  charge  of  believing  in  the  abnormal  or  unusual. 
New  things  have  happened  from  the  beginning  of 
the  present  natural  order,  and  the  Christian  faith 
teaches  that  Christ  Himself  was  a  "new  thing," 
and  that  His  coming  as  "God  manifest  in  the  flesh" 
was  something  absolutely  unique.  If  we  are  not 
allowed  to  believe  in  any  Divine  intervention  which 
we  may  call  supernatural  or  miraculous,  it  is  im- 
possible to  account  for  the  Person  of  Christ  at  all. 
"A  Sinless  Personality  would  be  a  miracle  in  time." 
Arising  out  of  this,  Christianity  itself  was  unique, 
inaugurating  a  new  era  in  human  affairs.  No  Chris- 
tian, therefore,  can  have  any  difficulty  in  accepting 
the  abnormal,  the  unusual,  the  miraculous.  If  it  be 
said  that  no  amount  of  evidence  can  establish  a 
fact  which  is  miraculous,  we  have  still  to  account 
for  the  moral  miracles  which  are  really  involved 
and  associated  with  the  resurrection,  esp.  the  decep- 
tion of  the  disciples,  who  could  have  found  out  the 
truth  of  the  case;  a  deception,  too,  that  has  proved 
so  great  a  blessing  to  the  world.  Surely  to  those 
who  hold  a  true  theistic  view  of  the  world  this  a 
priori  view  is  impossible.  Are  we  to  refuse  to  allow 
to  God  at  least  as  much  liberty  as  we  possess  our- 
selves? Is  it  really  thinkable  that  God  has  less 
spontaneity  of  action  than  we  have?  We  may  like 
or  dislike,  give  or  withhold,  will  or  not  will,  but  the 
course  of  Nature  must  flow  on  unbrokenly.  Surely 
God  cannot  be  conceived  of  as  having  given  such  a 
constitution  to  the  universe  as  limits  His  power  to 
intervene  if  necessary  and  for  sufficient  purpose 
with  the  work  of  His  own  hands.  Not  only  are 
all  things  of  Him,  but  all  things  are  through  Him,  and 
to  Him.  The  resurrection  means  the  presence  of 
miracle,  and  "there  is  no  evading  the  issue  with 
which  this  confronts  us"  (Orr,  The  Resurrection  of 
Jesus,  53).  Unless,  therefore,  we  are  prepared  to 
accept  the  possibility  of  the  miraculous,  all  explana- 
tion of  the  NT  evidence  is  a  pure  waste  of  time. 

Of  recent  years  attempts  have  been  made  to  account 
for  the  resurrection  by  means  of  ideas  derived  from  Bab 
and  other  Eastern  sources.  It  is  argued  that  mythology 
provides  the  key  to  the  problem,  that  not  only  analogy 
but  derivation  is  to  be  found.  But  apart  from  the 
remarkable  variety  of  conclusions  of  Bab  archaeologists 
there  is  nothing  in  the  way  of  historical  proof  worthy  of 
the  name.  The  whole  idea  is  arbitrary  and  baseless,  and 
nreiudiced  by  the  attitude  to  the  supernatural.  There 
IS  literally  no  link  of  connection  between  these  oriental 
cults  and  the  Jewish  and  Christian  beliefs  in  the  resur- 
rection. 

And  so  we  return  to  a  consideration  of  the  various 
lines  of  proof.     Taking  them  singly,  they  must  be 


admitted  to  be  strong,  but  taking  them  altogether, 
the  argument  is  cumulative  and  sufficient.  Every 
effect  must  have  its  adequate  cause,  and  the  only 
proper  explanation  of  Christianity  today  is  the 
resurrection  of  Christ.  Thomas  Arnold  of  Rugby, 
no  mean  judge  of  historical  evidence,  said  that  the 
resurrection  was  the  "best-attested  fact  in  human 
history."  Christianity  welcomes  all  possible  sifting, 
testing,  and  use  by  those  who  honestly  desire  to 
arrive  at  the  truth,  and  if  they  will  give  proper 
attention  to  all  the  facts  and  factors  involved,  we 
believe  they  will  come  to  the  conclusion  expressed 
years  ago  by  the  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  that  the 
resurrection  is  the  rock  from  which  all  the  hammers 
of  criticism  have  never  chipped  a  single  fragment 
{The  Great  Question,  24). 

The  theology  of  the  resurrection  is  very  impor- 
tant and  calls  for  special  attention.     Indeed,  the 
prominence   given   to    it    in    the    NT 
8.  Theology  affords  a  strong  confirmation  of  the 
of  the  fact  itself,  for  it  seems  incredible  that 

Resurrec-  such  varied  and  important  truths 
tion  should  not  rest  on  historic  fact.     The 

doctrine  may  briefly  be  summarized: 
(1)  evidential:  the  resurrection  is  the  proof  of  the 
atoning  character  of  the  death  of  Christ,  and  of  His 
Deity  and  Divine  exaltation  (Rom  1  4) ;  (2) 
evangelistic:  the  primitive  gospel  included  testi- 
mony to  the  resurrection  as  one  of  its  characteristic 
features,  thereby  proving  to  the  hearers  the  assur- 
ance of  the  Divine  redemption  (1  Cor  15  1-4; 
Rom  4  25);  (3)  spiritual:  the  resurrection  is 
regarded  as  the  source  and  standard  of  the  holiness 
of  the  believer.  Every  aspect  of  the  Christian  life 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  is  somehow  associ- 
ated therewith  (Rom  6);  (4)  eschatological:  the 
resurrection  is  the  guaranty  and  model  of  the 
believer's  resurrection  (1  Cor  15).  As  the  bodies 
of  the  saints  arose  (Mt  27  52),  so  ours  are  to  be 
quickened  (Rom  8  11),  and  made  like  Christ's 
glorified  body  (Phil  3  21),  thereby  becoming 
spiritual  bodies  (1  Cor  15  44),  that  is,  bodies  ruled 
by  their  spirits  and  yet  bodies.  These  points 
offer  only  the  barest  outline  of  the  fulness  of  NT 
teaching  concerning  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection 
of  Christ. 

Literature. — Orr,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  190S: 
W.  J.  Sparrow  Simpson.  The  Resurrection  and  Modern 
Thought;  WestCOtt,  The  Historic  Faith  and  The  Gospel 
of  the  Resurrection.  Very  full  literary  references  in  Bowen, 
The  Resurrection  in  the  NT,  1911,  which,  although  nega- 
tive in  its  own  conclusions,  contains  a  valuable  refuta- 
tion of  many  negative  arguments. 

W.  H.  Griffith  Thomas 

RETAIN,  rS-tan':  Several  Heb  words  are  thus 
tr'':  ptn,  hazak,  "to  hold  fast"  (Jgs  7  8;  19  4; 
Job  2  q'AV  [RV  "hold  fast"];  Mic  7  18);  n?37, 
'agar,  "to  shut  up"  (only  in  Dnl  10  8.16;  11  6); 
tyun,  tamakh,  "to  hold"  (Prov  3  18;  4  4;  11  16 
AV  [RV  "obtain"]);  in  one  case  hdld'  (Eccl  8  8). 
In  the  NT  Kpariu),  kralio,  is  used  in  Jn  20  23  of 
the  "retaining"  of  sins  by  the  apostles  (see  Reten- 
tion OF  Sins);  in  Rom  1  28,  RV  has  "refused  to 
have,"  m  "Gr,  'did  not  approve,'  "  for  AV  "did  not 
like  to  retain"  {echo);  and  in  Philem  ver  13,  substi- 
tutes "fain  have  kept"  for  "retained"  {katecho).  Sir 
41  16  has  "retain"  for  diaphuldsso,  "keep." 

RETALIATION,  r^-tal-i-a'shun,  re-.  See  Law  in 
THE  NT;   Punishments;  Retbibution. 

RETENTION,  rS-ten'shun,  OF  SINS  (Kpax^w, 
krat4d,'  "to  lay  fast  hold  of"  [Jn  20  23]):  The 
opposite  of  "the  remission  of  sins."  Where  there 
was  no  evidence  of  repentance  and  faith,  the 
community  of  believers  were  unauthorized  to 
give  assurance  of  forgiveness,  and,  therefore,  could 
only  warn  that  the  guilt  of  sin  was  retained,  and 


Retribution 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2570 


that  the  sinner  remained  beneath  God's  judg- 
ment. 

While  sach  retention  lias  its  place  in  connection  with 
all  preaching  of  the  gospel,  since  the  offers  of  grace  are 
conditional,  it  is  esp.  exercised.  lils:e  the  absolution,  in  the 
personal  deahng  of  a  pastor  with  a  communicant,  pre- 
paratory to  the  reception  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  As  the 
absolution  is  properly  an  assurance  of  individual  for- 
giveness, so  the  retention  is  an  assurance  of  individual 
non-forgiveness.  Tliat  the  retention  is  exercised  by  the 
ministry,  not  as  an  order,  but  as  the  representatives  of 
the  congregation  of  believers  to  which  Christ  gave  the 
power  of  the  keys,  is  shown  by  Alford,  Gr  Test.,  on  above 
passage.  See  also  Melanchthon,  Avv^^^^^^  to  the 
"Schmalkald  Articles." 

H.  E.  Jacobs 

RETRIBUTION,  ret-ri-bii'shun: 

1.  NT  Terms 

2.  A  Revelation  of  Wrath  as  Well  as  Grace 

3.  Witness  of  Natural  Theology 

4.  Retribution  the  Natural  Consequence  of  Sin 

5.  Also  the  Positive  Infliction  of  Divine  Wrath 

6.  Instances  of  Use  of  org^  and  thumos 

7.  Instances  of  Use  of  Greek  Words  for  "Vengeance" 

8.  Words  Meaning   "Chastisement"  Not  Used  of  the 
Impenitent 

9.  Judgment  Implies  Retribution 

10.  Moral  Sense  Demands  Vindication  of  God's  Right- 
eousness 

11.  Scripture  Indicates  Certainty  of  Vindication 
Literature 

The  word  as  appUed  to  the  Divine  administration 

is  not  used  in  Scripture,  but  undoubtedly  the  idea 

is  commonly  enough  expressed.     The 

1.  NT  words  which  come  nearest  to  it  are 
Terms            ipyv,   orge,    and    SvfjAs,   ihumos,   wrath 

attributed  to  God;  iKSiKiu,  ekdikeo, 
^kSIktio-h,  ekdikesis,  eKSiKos,  ekdikos,  and  SIkij,  dike, 
all  giving  the  idea  of  vengeance;  K&\aais,  kdlasis, 
and  Tifiuipla,  timorla,  "punishment";  besides  Kphui, 
krino,  and  its  derivatives,  words  expressive  of 
judgment. 

Rom  2  is  full  of  the  thought  of  retribution.  The 
apostle,  in  vs  5.6,  comes  very  near  to  using  the  word 

itself,  and  gives  indeed  a  good  descrip- 

2.  A  Reve-  tion  of  the  thing:  the  day  of  wrath  and 
lation  of  revelation  of  the  righteous  judgment 
Wrath  as  of  God,  "who  will  render  to  every  man 
Well  as  according  to  his  works."  It  is  well 
Grace             in  approaching  the  subject  to  remind 

ourselves  that  there  is  undoubtedly, 
as  the  apostle  says,  a  Revelation  of  wrath.  We  are 
so  accustomed  to  think  of  the  gracious  revelation 
which  the  gospel  brings  us,  and  to  approach  the 
subject  of  the  doom  of  the  impenitent  under  the 
influence  of  the  kindly  sentiments  engendered  there- 
by, and  with  a  view  of  God's  gracious  character  as 
revealed  in  salvation,  that  we  are  apt  to  overlook 
somewhat  the  sterner  facts  of  sin,  and  to  miscon- 
ceive the  Divine  attitude  toward  the  impenitent 
sinner.  It  is  certainly  well  that  we  should  let  the 
grace  of  the  gospel  have  full  influence  upon  all  our 
thinking,  but  we  must  beware  of  being  too  fully 
engrossed  with  one  phase  of  the  Divine  character. 
It  is  an  infirmity  of  human  nature  that  we  find  it 
difficult  to  let  two  seemingly  conflicting  concep- 
tions find  a  place  in  our  thought.  We  are  apt  to 
surrender  ourselves  to  the  sway  of  one  or  the  other 
of  them  according  to  the  pre.ssure  of  the  moment. 

Putting  ourselves  back  into  the  position  of  those 
who  have  only  the  light  of   natural   theology,  we 

find  that  all  deductions  from  the  per- 

3.  Witness  fections  of  Go<l,  as  revealed  in  His 
of  Natural  works,  combined  with  a  consideration 
Theology       of  man's  sin  and  want  of  harmony  with 

the  Holy  One,  lea-i  to  the  conclusion 
anno\mce(l  by  the  apostle:  "The  wrath  of  God  is 
revealed  from  heaven  against  all  ungodliness  and 
unrighteousness  of  men"  (Rom  1  18).  Wrath 
implies  punishment,  punishment  is  decreed,  pun- 
ishment is  denounced.  The  word  of  God  but  con- 
firms the  verdict  which  conscience  forecasts,     Na- 


ture teaches  that  punishment,  retribution,  must 
follow  sin.  Within  the  sphere  of  physical  law  this 
is  clearly  exemplified.  No  breach  of  the  so-called 
laws  of  Nature  is  tolerated.  Strictly  speaking,  the 
laws  of  Nature  cannot  be  broken,  but  let  a  man  fail 
to  keep  in  harmony  with  them,  and  the  natural 
consequences  will  be  trouble,  punishment,  retri- 
bution. Harmony  with  law  is  blessing;  collision 
with  law  is  loss.  Thus  law  in  Nature  "worketh 
wrath"  to  the  neglecters  of  it.  Punishment  neces- 
sarily results.  So  we  may  well  expect  that  in  the 
higher  sphere,  God's  moral  laws  cannot  be  neg- 
lected or  violated  with  impunity,  and  Scripture  fully 
justifies  the  expectation  and  shows  that  sin  must 
be  punished.  All  things  considered,  the  fact  of 
punishment  for  sinners  need  not  surprise;  the  fact 
of  pardon  is  the  surprising  thing.  The  surprise  of 
pardon  has  ceased  to  surprise  us  because  we  are  so 
familiar  with  the  thought.  We  know  the  "how" 
of  it  because  of  the  revelation  of  grace.  Grace, 
however,  saves  on  certain  conditions,  and  there  is 
no  such  thing  known  in  Scripture  as  indiscriminate, 
necessary,  universal  grace.  It  is  only  from  the 
Bible  that  we  know  of  the  salvation  by  grace.  That 
same  revelation  shows  that  the  grace  does  not  come 
to  all,  in  the  sense  of  saving  all;  though,  of  course, 
it  may  be  considered  as  presented  to  all.  Those 
who  are  not  touched  and  saved  by  grace  remain 
shut  up  in  their  sins.  They  are,  and  must  be,  in 
the  nature  of  the  case,  left  to  the  consequences  of 
their  sins,  with  the  added  guilt  of  rejecting  the 
offered  grace.  "Except  ye  believe  that  I  am  he," 
said  Incarnate  Grace,  "ye  shall  die  in  your  sins" 
(Jn  8  24). 

Another  conclusion  we  may  draw  from  the  gen- 
eral Scriptural  representation   is   that   the  future 
retribution  is  one  aspect  of  the  natural 

4.  Retribu-  consequence  of  sin,  yet  it  is  also  in 
tion  the  another  aspect  the  positive  inUiclion 
Natural  of  Divine  wrath.  It  is  shown  to  be  the 
Conse-  natural  outcome  of  sin  in  such  pas- 
quence  of  sages  as  "Whatsoever  a  man  soweth. 
Sin                 that  shall  he   also   reap"    (Gal  6  7); 

"He  that  soweth  unto  his  own  flesh 
shall  of  the  flesh  reap  corruption"  (Gal  6  8).  It 
is  not  without  suggestiveness  that  the  Heb  word 
'dwon  means  both  iniquity  and  punishment,  and 
when  Cain  said  "My  punishment  is  greater  than  I 
can  bear"  (Gen  4  13),  he  really  said  "My  iniquity 
is  greater  than  I  can  bear";  his  iniquity  became  his 
punishment.  A  due  consideration  of  this  thought 
goes  a  long  way  toward  meeting  many  of  the  ob- 
jections brought  against  the  doctrine  of  future 
punishment. 

The  other  statement,  however,  remains  true  and 
must  be  emphasized,   that  there  is  an  actual  in- 
fliction of  Divine  wrath.     All  the  great 

5.  Also  the  statements  about  the  Divine  judgment 
Positive  imply  this,  and  while  it  is  wrong  not 
Infliction  to  take  account  of  the  natural  work- 
of  Divine  ing  out  of  sin  in  its  terrible  conse- 
Wrath  quences,  it  is  equally  wrong,  perhaps 

more  so,  to  refuse  to  recognize  this 
positive  Divine  infliction  of  punishment.  This, 
indeed,  is  the  outstanding  feature  of  retribution  as  it 
assumes  form  in  Scripture.  Even  the  natural  con- 
sequences of  sin,  rightly  viewed,  are  part  of  the 
Divine  infliction,  since  God,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
has  conjoined  sin  and  its  consequences,  and  part 
of  the  positive  infliction  is  the  judicial  shutting  up 
of  the  sinner  to  the  consequences  of  his  sin.  So 
in  the  case  of  Cain,  his  iniquity  became  his  punish- 
ment, inasmuch  as  God  sentenced  him  to  bear  the 
consequences  of  that  iniquity.  On  the  other  hand, 
we  might  say  that  even  the  terribly  positive  out- 
pourings of  God's  wrath  upon  the  sinner  are  the 
natural  consequences  of  sin,  since  sin  in  its  very 


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Retribution 


nature  calls  down  the  Divine  displeasure.  Indeed, 
these  two  phases  of  future  punishment  are  so  very 
closely  connected  that  a  right  view  of  the  matter 
compels  us  to  keep  both  before  us,  and  no  full  ex- 
planation of  the  punishment  is  possible  when  either 
phase  is  ignored. 

The  terms  in  Scripture  applied  to  the  doom  of 
sinners  all  imply  Divine  displeasure,  punitive  action, 
retribution.  The  two  outstanding  Gr 
6.  In-  words  for  "wrath,"  orge  and   thumos, 

stances  of  are  both  freely  applied  to  God.  Orge 
Use  of  indicates  settled   displeasure,  whereas 

orgs'  and  thumos  is  rather  the  blazing  out  of  the 
thumos  anger.     The  former  is,  as  we  should  ex- 

pect, more  frequently  applied  to  God, 
and,  of  course,  all  that  is  capricious  and  reprehen- 
sible in  human  wrath  must  be  eliminated  from  the 
word  as  used  of  God.  It  indicates  the  settled  oppo- 
sition of  His  holy  nature  against  sin.  It  was  an  affec- 
tion found  in  the  sinless  Saviour  Himself,  for  "he 
looked  round  about  on  them  with  anger"  (Mk  3  5). 
In  the  Baptist's  warning  "to  flee  from  the  wrath  to 
come"  (Mt  3  7;  Lk  3  7),  it  is  unquestionably 
the  wrath  of  God  that  is  meant,  the  manifestation 
of  that  being  further  described  as  the  burning  of  the 
chaff  with  unquenchable  fire  (Mt  3  12).  In  Jn 
3  36  it  is  said  of  the  unbeliever  that  "the  wrath  of 
God"  abideth  on  him.  In  Rom  it  is  used  at  least 
9  t  in  reference  to  God,  first  in  Rom  1  18,  the  great 
passage  we  have  already  quoted  about  "the  wrath 
of  God  revealed  from  heaven."  The  connection 
is  a  suggestive  one  and  is  often  overlooked.  In 
the  passage  Paul  has  quite  a  chain  of  reasons;  he 
is  ready  to  preach  the  gospel  at  Rome  for  he  is  not 
ashamed  of  the  gospel;  he  is  not  ashamed  of  the 
gospel  for  it  is  the  power  of  God  unto  salvation;  it 
is  the  "power  of  God"  for  therein  is  revealed  the 
righteousness  of  God  by  faith;  and  this  salvation 
by  faith  is  a  necessity  "for  the  wrath  of  God  is  re- 
vealed," etc.  Thus  the  Divine  wrath  on  account 
of  sin  is  the  dark  background  of  the  gospel  message. 
Had  there  been  no  such  just  wrath  upon  men,  there 
had  been  no  need  for  the  Divine  salvation.  The 
despising  of  God's  goodness  by  the  impenitent 
means  a  treasuring  up  of  "wrath  in  the  day  of 
wrath  and  revelation  of  the  righteous  judgment  of 
God"  (Rom  2  3-5).  God  "visiteth  with  wrath" 
(3  5). 

In  Rom  4  15  the  apostle  shows  that  "the  law 
worketh  wrath"  (ie.  brings  down  the  Divine  dis- 
pleasure), while  in  5  9  he  shows  that  believers  are 
saved  from  wrath — undoubted  wrath  of  God.  The 
other  two  instances  are  in  9  22.  Men  are  "by 
nature  children  of  wrath"  (Eph  2  3);  surely  not 
"wrathful  children,"  but  liable  to  the  wrath  of 
God,  and  because  of  evil  deeds  cometh  "the  wrath 
of  God  upon  the  sons  of  disobedience"  (Eph  5  6; 
Col  3  6).  Christ  "delivereth  us  from  the  wrath 
to  come"  (1  Thess  1  10);  wrath  has  come  upon  the 
opposing  Jews  (2  16);  but  believers  are  not  ap- 
pointed unto  wrath  (5  9).  With  all  these  specific 
passages  in  view,  to  say  nothing  of  the  general 
teaching  of  the  apostle  on  the  question  of  coming 
judgment  and  punishment,  it  is  utterly  impossible 
to  eliminate  the  idea  of  the  Divine  displeasure 
against  sinners,  and  His  consequent  retributive 
action  toward  them.  Even  Ritschl,  who  absolutely 
denies  the  great  principle  of  retribution,  of  positive 
displeasure,  admits  that  Paul  teaches  it;  hence  the 
only  way  for  him  out  of  the  difficulty  is  to  reject 
Paul's  teaching  as  unauthoritative.  Other  referen- 
ces to  the  "wrath  of  God"  are  in  He  3  11;  4  3; 
and  6  passages  in  the  Apocalypse— Rev  6  16  f ;  11 
18;  14  10;  16  19;  19  15.  Two  of  these  refer  to  the 
"wrath  of  the  Lamb,"  one  of  the  most  terrible 
phrases  in  the  whole  of  the  NT.  Thumos  is  only 
used  in  the  Apocalypse    concerning   God    (Rev  14 


10-19;  15  1-7;  16  1-19;  19  15).  In  each  case 
it  refers  to  the  manifestation,  the  blazing  forth  of 
the  wrath;  in  the  last  two  passages  it  is  used  in 
combination  with  orge,  and  is  rendered  "fierceness," 
the  fierceness  of  His  wrath. 

Ekdikeo,  which  means  to  avenge,  Is  twice  used  of  God 
CEev  6   10;     19  2):      and    ekdikesia,    "vengeance,"    6t 

(Lie  18  7  fl;     Rom  12  19;     2  Thess  1  8; 
7  PrpplrTTcA  ^^  10  30).     In  the  first  two  instances  it 
i  w     J  '**  ^'"l   ^^  Jesus   concerning  the   Divine 

or  Words  action;  ekdikos,  "avenger,"  occurs  once 
for"Ven-  in  apphcation  to  God  (1  Thess  4  6); 
ooanro"  dike,  "judgment"  or  "vengeance"  is  twice 

geauce  ^^^^  q,  ^^^  ^^  Thess  1  9;    .Jude  ver  7). 

The  use  of  these  terms  shows  that  the  pun- 
ishment infilcted  on  sinfui  men  is  strictiy  punishment  of 
the  vindicatory  sort,  the  vindication  of  outraged  justice, 
the  infliction  of  deserved  penalty.  Very  significant  is 
the  passage  in  2  The.ss  1  6.  "  It  is  a  righteous  thing  with 
God  to  recompen.se  afBlction  to  them  that  afflict  you." 
There  is  no  question  of  bettering  the  offender. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  terms  in   Gr  which 
would  carry  the  meaning  of  punishment  for  the  good  of 

the  offender  are  never  used  in  the  NT  of  the 

8.  Words  infliction  which  comes  upon  the  Impenl- 
TVTpflnirKr  tent;  these  are  paidela  and  paideuo, 
iirnT^'  ^n*^  they  are  frequently  used  of  the  "  chas- 

Chastise-  tisement"  of  believers,  but  not  of  the  ira- 
ment"  Not  penitent.  It  is  often  claimed  that  the 
TTspfi  nt  thp  word  kolasis  used  in  Mt  25  46  carries  the 
u&eu  oi  me  meaning  of  chastisement  for  the  improve- 
Impenitent  ment  of  the  offender,  but  although  Aris- 
totle, in  comparing  it  with  timoria,  may 
seem  to  suggest  that  it  is  meant  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  offender  (what  he  really  says  is  that  it 
Is  to-il  pdschontos  heneka,  "on  account  of  the  one  suffer- 
ing It,"  "has  the  punished  one  in  view,"  whereas 
timoTia  is  tou  poiountos,  "on  account  of  the  one  inflict- 
ing" "that  he  may  be  satisfied"),  the  usage  even  in 
classical  Gr  is  predominantly  against  making  the  sup- 
posed distinction.  Both  words  are  used  Interchangeably 
by  the  leading  classical  authors,  including  Aristotle 
himself,  and  kolasia  is  continually  employed  where  no 
thought  of  betterment  can  be  in  question,  while  ail  admit 
that  in  Hellenistic  Gr  the  distinction  is  not  maintained, 
and  in  any  case  timoria  is  also  used  of  the  punishment  of 
the  sinner  (He  10  29). 

All  the  representations  of  the  coming  day  of 

judgment  tell  of  the  fact  of  retribution,  and  Christ 

Himself   distinctly   asserts   it.     Apart 

9.  Judg-  from  His  great  eschatological  dis- 
ment  courses,  concerning  which  criticism 
Implies  still  hesitates  and  stammers,  we  have 
Retribu-  the  solemn  close  of  the  Sermon  on  the 
tion  Mount,  and  the  pregnant  statement  of 

Mt  16  27,  "The  Son  of  man  shall  come 
in  the  glory  of  his  Father  with  his  angels;  and  then 
shall  he  render  unto  every  man  according  to  his 
deeds,"  and  all  the  apostolic  teaching  upon  the 
solemn  theme  is  but  the  unfolding  of  the  same  great 
thought. 

The  conception  of  God  as  a  perfect  moral  governor 
demands  that  His  righteousness  shall  be  fully  vindi- 
cated.    Looking  at  the  course  of  his- 

10.  Moral  tory  as  it  unfolds  itself  before  us,  we 
Sense  De-  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  anom- 
mands  Vin-  alies  which  are  presented.  Right- 
dication  of  eousness  does  not  always  triumph, 
God's  goodness  is  often  put  to  shame, 
Righteous-  wickedness  appears  to  be  profitable, 
ness  and  wicked  men  often  prosper  while 

good  men  are  under  a  cloud.  Some- 
times signal  Divine  interpositions  proclaim  that 
God  is  indeed  on  the  side  of  righteousness,  but  too 
often  it  seems  as  if  He  were  unmindful,  and  men 
are  tempted  to  ask  the  old  question,  "How  doth 
God  know?  And  is  there  knowledge  in  the  Most 
High?"  (Ps  73  11),  while  the  righteous  say  in 
their  distress,  "Jeh,  how  long  shall  the  wicked,  how 
long  shall  the  wicked  triumph?"  (Ps  94  3).  The 
moral  sense  cries  out  for  some  Divine  vindication, 
and  the  Scriptures,  in  harmony  with  this  feeling, 
indicate  that  the  final  judgment  will  bring  such 
vindication. 

In  the  OT  it  is  frequently  presented  as  the  solu- 
tion of  the  baffling  problems  which  beset  the  ethical 


Reu 

Revelation 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2572 


sphere,  as  for  instance  in  that  fine  utterance  of  re- 
ligious philosophy  in  Ps  73;  the  Psalmist  has  before 
him  all  the  puzzling  elements  of  the 
11.  Scrip-  problem;  the  prosperity,  the  insolent 
ture  Indi-  and  aggressive  prosperity  of  the  wicked, 
cates  Car-  the  non-success,  the  oppression,  the 
tainty  of  misery  of  the  righteous;  he  is  well-nigh 
Vindication  overwhelmed  by  the  contemplation, 
and  nearly  loses  his  footing  on  the 
eternal  verities,  until  he  carries  the  whole  problem 
into  the  light  of  God's  presence  and  revelation,  and 
then  he  understands  that  the  end  will  bring  the 
true  solution. 

So  too  the  somber  ruminations  of  the  Preacher 
upon  the  contradictions  and  anomalies  and  mysteries 
of  human  life,  '  'under  the  sun,"  close  in  the  reflection 
which  throws  its  searchlight  upon  all  the  blackness : 
"This  is  the  end  of  the  matter:  ....  Fear  God,  and 
keep  his  commandments;  for  this  is  the  whole  duty 
of  man.  For  God  will  bring  every  work  into  judg- 
ment, with  every  hidden  thing,  whether  it  be  good, 
or  whether  it  be  evil"  (Eccl  12  13  f).  In  the  light 
of  the  same  truth,  the  apostles  labored,  believing 
that  when  the  Lord  comes  He  "will  both  bring  to 
light  the  hidden  things  of  darkness,  and  make  mani- 
fest the  counsels  of  the  hearts"  (1  Cor  4  5).  The 
more  fully  the  subject  is  considered,  the  more  we 
must  feel  that  for  the  vindication  of  righteousness, 
the  justification  of  the  Divine  procedure,  the  recti- 
fication of  wrongs,  the  explanation  of  mysteries, 
the  reward  and  triumph  of  the  righteous  and  the 
confession  and  punishment  of  the  wicked,  a  great 
final,  retributive  judgment  is  Scriptural,  reasonable, 
necessary. 

Literature. — See  arts,  on  Punishment,  Everlast- 
ing; Judgment;   Sheol,  etc,  and  works  cited  there. 
Archibald  M'Caiq 

REU,  re'u,  roo  (Wl ,  r^'u;  'PaYav,  Rhagaii):  A 
son  of  Peleg,  a  descendant  of  Shem  (Gen  11  18  ff; 
1  Ch  1  25;   Lk  3  35). 

REUBEN,  rooTaen,  ru'ben  ("3^N"1,  r^'ubhen; 
■PoDpt)v,  Rhouhtn) :  The  eldest  son  of  Jacob,  born 
to  him  by  Leah  in  Paddan-aram  (Gen 
1.  Jacob's  29  32).  This  verse  seems  to  suggest 
Eldest  Son  two  derivations  of  the  name.  As  it 
stands  in  MT  it  means  "behold  a  son" ; 
but  the  reason  given  for  so  calling  him  is  "The  Lord 
hath  looked  upon  my  affliction,"  which  in  Heb  is 
ra'ahh''onyl,  \it.  "He  hath  seen  my  affliction."  Of 
his  boyhood  we  have  only  the  story  of  the  man- 
drakes (Gen  30  14).  As  the  firstborn  he  should 
really  have  been  leader  among  his  father's  sons. 
His  birthright  was  forfeited  by  a  deed  of  peculiar 
infamy  (35  22),  and  as  far  as  we  know  his  tribe 
never  took  the  lead  in  Israel.  It  is  named  first, 
indeed,  in  Nu  1  5.20,  but  thereafter  it  falls  to  the 
fourth  place,  Judah  taking  the  first  (2  10,  etc).  To 
Reuben's  intervention  Joseph  owed  his  escape 
from  the  fate  proposed  by  his  other  brethren  (Gen 
37  29).  Some  have  thought  Reuben  designed  to 
set  him  free,  from  a  desire  to  rehabilitate  himself 
with  his  father.  But  there  is  no  need  to  deny  to 
Reuben  certain  noble  and  chivalrous  qualities. 
Jacob  seems  to  have  appreciated  these,  and,  per- 
haps, therefore  all  the  more  deeply  lamented  the 
lapse  that  spoiled  his  life  (Gen  49  3  f).  It  was 
Reuben  who  felt  that  their  perils  and  anxieties  in 
Egypt  were  a  fit  recompense  for  the  unbrotherly 
conduct  (42  22).  To  assure  his  father  of  Benja- 
min's safe  return  from  Egypt,  whither  Joseph 
required  him  to  be  taken,  Reuben  was  ready  to 
pledge  his  own  two  sons  (ver  37).  Four  sons  born 
to  him  in  Canaan  went  donm  with  Reuben  at  the 
descent  of  Israel  into  Egypt  (46  8  f). 

The  incidents  recorded  are  regarded  by  a  certain 
school  of  OT  scholars  as  the  vague  and  fragmentary 


traditions  of  the  tribe,  wTOUght  into  the  form  of  a 
biography  of  the  supposed  ancestor  of  the  tribe. 
This  interpretation  raises  more  difficulties  than  it 
solves,  and  depends  for  coherence  upon  too  many 
assumptions  and  conjectures.  The  narrative  as  it 
stands  is  quite  intelligible  and  self-consistent. 
There  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  that,  as  far  as  it 
goes,  it  is  an  authentic  record  of  the  life  of  Jacob's 
son. 

At  the  first   census   in   the   wilderness   Reuben 
numbered  46,500  men  of  war  (Nu  1  21);    at  the 
second  they  had  fallen  to  43,730;   see 
2.  Tribal       Numbers.     The  standard  of  the  camp 
History  of  Reuben  was  on  the  south  side  of  the 

tabernacle;  and  with  him  were  Simeon 
and  Gad;  the  total  number  of  fighting  men  in  this 
division  being  151,450.  Tg  Pseudojon  says  that 
the  standard  was  a  deer,  with  the  legend  "Hear  O 
Israel,  the  Lord  thy  God  is  one  Lord."  On  the 
march  this  division  took  the  second  place  (Nu  2 
10  ff).  The  prince  of  the  tribe  was  Elizur  ben 
Shedeur,  whose  oblation  is  described  in  7  30  ff . 
The  Reubenite  among  the  spies  was  Shammua  ben 
Zaccur  (13  4).  It  is  possible  that  the  conspiracy 
against  Moses,  organized  by  the  Reubenites  Dathan 
and  Abiram,  with  the  assistance  of  Korah  the  Levite 
(Nu  16),  was  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  tribe  to 
assert  its  rights  as  representing  the  firstborn.  It  is 
significant  that  the  children  of  Korah  did  not  perish 
(26  11).  May  not  the  influence  of  this  incident  on 
Moses'  mind  be  traced  in  his  "blessing,"  wishing 
for  the  continuance  of  the  tribe,  indeed,  but  not  in 
great  strength  (Dt  33  6)?  This  was  a  true  fore- 
cast of  the  tribal  history. 

When  the  high  plateau  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea  and 
the  Jordan  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Israelite  in- 
vaders, these  spacious  pastoral  uplands  irresistibly 
attracted  the  great  flock-masters  of  Reuben  and 
Gad,  two  tribes  destined  to  be  neighbors  during 
succeeding  centuries.  At  their  earnest  request 
Moses  allowed  them  their  tribal  possessions  here 
subject  to  one  condition,  which  they  loyally  ac- 
cepted. They  should  not  "sit  here,"  and  so  dis- 
courage their  brethren  who  went  to  war  bej'ond 
the  Jordan.  They  should  provide  for  the  security 
of  their  cattle,  fortify  cities  to  protect  their  little 
ones  and  their  wives  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
land,  and  their  men  of  war  should  go  before  the 
host  in  the  campaign  of  conquest  until  the  children 
of  Israel  should  have  inherited  every  man  his  in- 
heritance (Nu  32  1-27).  Of  the  actual  part  they 
took  in  that  warfare  there  is  no  record,  but  per- 
haps "the  stone  of  Bohan  the  son  of  Reuben"  (Josh 
15  6;  18  17)  marked  some  memorable  deed  of  valor 
by  a  member  of  the  tribe.  At  the  end  of  the  cam- 
paign the  men  of  Reuben,  having  earned  the  grati- 
tude of  the  western  tribes,  enriched  by  their  share  of 
the  spoils  of  the  enemy,  returned  with  honor  to  their 
new  home.  Along  with  their  brethren  of  Gad  they 
felt  the  dangers  attaching  to  their  position  of  isola- 
tion, cut  off  from  the  rest  of  their  people  by  the  great 
cleft  of  the  Jordan  valley.  They  reared  therefore  the 
massive  altar  of  Ed  in  the  valley,  so  that  in  the  very 
throat  of  that  instrument  of  severance  there  might 
be  a  perpetual  witness  to  themselves  and  to  their 
children  of  the  essential  unity  of  Israel.  The  western 
tribes  misunderstood  the  action  and,  dreading  re- 
ligious schism,  gathered  in  force  to  stamp  it  out.  Ex- 
planations followed  which  were  entirely  satisfactory, 
and  a  threatening  danger  was  averted  (Josh  22). 
But  the  instincts  of  the  eastern  tribes  were  right, 
as  subsequent  history  was  to  prove.  The  Jordan 
valley  was  but  one  of  many  causes  of  sundering. 
The  whole  circumstances  and  conditions  of  life  on 
the  E.  differed  widely  from  those  on  the  W.  of  the 
river,  pastoral  pursuits  and  life  in  the  open  being 
contrasted  with  agricultural  and  city  life. 


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Reu 
Revelation 


The  land  given  by  Moses  to  the  tribe  of  Reuben 
reached  from  the  Arnon,  Wddxj  el-Mojib,  in  the  S., 
to  the  border  of  Gad  in  the  N.  In  Nu  32  34 
cities  ot  Gad  are  named  which  lay  far  S.,  Aroer  being 
on  the  very  lip  of  the  Arnon;  but  these  are  probably 
to  be  taken  as  an  enclave  in  the  territory  of  Reuben. 
From  Josh  13  15  ff  it  is  clear  that  the  northern 
border  ran  from  some  point  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea  in 
a  direction  E.N.E.,  passing  to  the  N.  of  Heshbon. 
The  Dead  Sea  formed  the  western  boundary,  and 
it  marched  with  the  desert  on  the  E.  No  doubt 
many  districts  changed  hands  in  the  course  of  the 
history.  At  the  invasion  of  Tiglath-pileser,  e.g., 
we  read  that  Aroer  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Reuben- 
ites,  "and  eastward  ....  even  unto  the  entrance 
of  the  wilderness  from  the  river  Euphrates"  (1  Ch 
5  8f).  Bezer  the  city  of  refuge  lay  in  Reuben's 
territory  (Josh  20  8,  etc).  A  general  description 
of  the  country  will  be  found  under  Moab  ;  while  the 
cities  of  Reuben  are  dealt  with  in  separate  articles. 

Reuben  and  Gad,  occupying  contiguous  districts, 
and  even,  as  we  have  seen,  to  some  extent  over- 
lapping, are  closely  associated  in  the  history. 
Neither  took  part  in  the  glorious  struggle  against 
Sisera  (Jgs  5  15  ff).  Already  apparently  the  sun- 
dering influences  were  taking  effect.  They  are  not 
excepted,  however,  from  "all  the  tribes  of  Israel" 
who  sent  contingents  for  the  war  against  Benjamin 
(Jgs  20  10;  21  5),  and  the  reference  in  5  15  seems 
to  show  that  Reuben  might  have  done  great  things 
had  he  been  disposed.  The  tribe  therefore  was  still 
powerful,  but  perhaps  absorbed  by  anxieties  as  to 
its  relations  with  neighboring  peoples.  In  guarding 
their  numerous  flocks  against  attack  from  the  S., 
and  sudden  incursions  from  the  desert,  a  warlike 
spirit  and  martial  prowess  were  developed.  They 
were  "valiant  men,  men  able  to  bear  buckler  and 
sword,  and  to  shoot  with  bow,  and  skilful  in  war" 
(1  Ch  5  18).  They  overwhelmed  the  Hagrites 
with  Jetur  and  Naphish  and  Nodab,  and  greatly 
enriched  themselves  with  the  spoil.  In  recording 
the  raid  the  Chronicler  pays  a  compliment  to  their 
religious  loyalty:  "They  cried  to  God  in  the  battle, 
and  he  was  entreated  of  them,  because  they  put 
their  trust  in  him"  (5  19  ff).  Along  with  Gad  and 
Manasseh  they  sent  a  contingent  of  120,000  men 
"with  all  manner  of  instruments  of  war  for  the 
battle,  ....  men  of  war,  that  could  order  the 
battle  array,"  men  who  "came  with  a  perfect  heart 
to  Hebron,  to  make  David  king"  (12  37  f).  Among 
David's  mighty  men  was  Adina,  "a  chief  of  the 
Reubenites,  and  thirty  with  him"  (11  42).  In  the 
40th  year  of  David's  reign  overseers  were  set  over 
the  Reubenites  "for  every  matter  pertaining  to  God, 
and  for  the  affairs  of  the  king"  (26  32).  Perhaps 
in  spite  of  the  help  given  to  David  the  Reubenites 
had  never  quite  got  over  their  old  loyalty  to  the 
house  of  Saul.  At  any  rate,  when  disruption  came 
they  joined  the  Northern  Kingdom  (1  K  11  31). 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  tribe  is  left  in 
much  obscurity.  Exposed  as  they  were  to  hostile 
influences  of  Moab  and  the  East,  and  cut  off  from 
fellowship  with  their  brethren  in  worship,  in  their 
isolation  they  probably  found  the  descent  into 
idolatry  all  too  easy,  and  the  once  powerful  tribe 
sank  into  comparative  insignificance.  Of  the  im- 
mediate causes  of  this  decline  we  have  no  knowl- 
edge. Moab  established  its  authority  over  the 
land  that  had  belonged  to  Reuben;  and  Mesha, 
in  his  inscription  (M  S),  while  he  speaks  of  Gad, 
does  not  think  Reuben  worthy  of  mention.  They 
had  probably  become  largely  absorbed  in  the  north- 
ern tribe.  They  are  named  as  suffering  in  the 
invasion  of  Hazael  during  the  reign  of  Jehu  (2  K  10 
32  f).  That  "they  trespassed  against  the  God  of 
their  fathers,  and  played  the  harlot  after  the  gods 
of  the  peoples  of  the  land"  is  given  as  the  reason  for 


the  fate  that  befell  them  at  the  hands  of  Pul,  king  of 
Assyria,  who  carried  them  away,  "and  brought  them 
unto  Halah,  and  Habor,  and  Hara,  and  to  the  river 
of  Gozan"  (1  Ch  6  25  f). 

The  resemblance  of  Reuben's  case  to  that  of 
Simeon  is  striking,  for  Simeon  also  appears  to  have 
been  practically  absorbed  in  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
The  prestige  that  should  have  been  Reuben's  in 
virtue  of  his  birthright  is  said  to  have  passed  to 
Joseph  (1  Ch  5  1).  And  the  place  of  Reuben  and 
Simeon  in  Israel  is  taken  by  the  sons  of  Joseph,  a 
fact  referred  to  in  the  blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen  48  5). 

Ezekiel  finds  a  place  for  Reuben  in  his  picture  of 
restored  Israel  (48  6).  He  appears  also — in  this 
case  preceded  by  Judah  only — in  Rev  7  5. 

W.  EwiNG 

REUBENITES,  roo'ben-Its  p?31S^n,  ha-r-^'u- 
hhem;  8f|(j.oi  'Vov^iyv,  dimoi  Rhouhtn):  Members 
of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Nu  26  7,  etc).  Adina,  one 
of  David's  mighty  men,  was  a  Reubenite  (1  Ch  11 
42). 

REUEL,  roo'el  (bsw;i,  r'^u'el,  "God  is  his 
friend";  LXX 'Pa-you'^X, /JtogoweZ) : 

(1)  In  the  genealogical  system  Reuel  is  both  a 
son  of  Esau  by  Basemath  (Gen  36  4.10.13.17;  1 
Ch  X  35.37)  and  the  father  of  the  father-in-law  of 
Moses,  Hobab  (Nu  10  29).  In  the  account  of  the 
marriage  of  Zipporah  to  Moses  (Ex  2  16-21) 
Jethro  seems  to  be  called  Reuel  (cf  Hobab).  The 
various  names  of  Jethro  perplexed  the  Talmudists, 
too;  some  held  that  his  real  name  was  "Hobab," 
and  that  Reuel  was  his  father.  Reuel  is  probably 
a  clan  name  (Gray,  "Nu,"  ICC),  and  Hobab  is  a 
member  of  the  clan  ("son")  of  Reuel  (Nu  10  29 
AV  reads  "Raguel"). 

(2)  The  father  of  Eliasaph,  the  prince  of  Gad 
(Nu  2  14),  called  (by  some  copyist's  mistake) 
"Deuel"  in  1  14;  7  42.47;  10  20.  LXX  has 
uniformly  Rhagouel. 

(3)  A  Benjamite  (1  Ch  9  8). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
REUMAH,  roo'ma  (H'aiS") ,  r'umah) :    The  con- 
cubine of  Nahor  (Gen  22*  24). 

REVELATION,  rev-5-la'shun: 

I.     The  Nature   of  Revelation 

1.  The  Religion  of  the  Bible  the  Only  Supernatural 
Religion 

2.  General  and  Special  Revelation 

(1)  Revelation  in  Eden 

(2)  Revelation  among  the  Heathen 
II.     The  Process   of  Revelation 

1.  Place   of    Revelation   among   the    Redemptive 
Acts  of  God 

2.  Stages  of  Material  Development 

III.  The  Modes  of   Revelation 

1.  The  Several  Modes  of  Revelation 

2.  Equal  Supernaturalness  of  the  Several  Modes 

3.  The  Prophet  God's  Mouthpiece 

4.  Visionary  Form  of  Prophecy 

5.  "Passivity "  of  Prophets 

6.  Revelation  by  Inspiration 

7.  Complete  Revelation  of  God  in  Christ 

IV.  Biblical  Terminology 

1.  The  Ordinary  Forms 

2.  "Word  of  the  Lord"  and  "Torah" 

3.  "  The  Scriptures  " 
Literature 

/.  The  Nature  of  Revelation. — The  religion  of  the 
Bible  is  a  frankly  supernatural  religion.     By  this 

is  not  meant  merely  that,  according 
1.  The  to  it,  all  men,  as  creatures,  live,  move 

Religion  of  and  have  their  being  in  God.  It  is 
the  Bible  meant  that,  according  to  it,  God  has 
the  Only  intervened  extraordinarily,  in  the 
Supernatu-  course  of  the  sinful  world's  develop- 
ral  Re-  ment,  for  the  salvation  of  men  other- 

ligion  wise  lost.     In  Eden  the  Lord  God  had 

been  present  with  sinless  man  in  such 
a  sense  as  to  form  a  distinct  element  in  his  social 


Revelation 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2574 


environment  (Gen  3  8).  This  intimate  association 
was  broken  up  by  the  Fall.  But  God  did  not  there- 
fore withdraw  Himself  from  concernment  with 
men.  Rather,  He  began  at  once  a  series  of  inter- 
ventions in  human  history  by  means  of  which  man 
might  be  rescued  from  his  sin  and,  despite  it, 
brought  to  the  end  destined  for  him.  These  inter- 
ventions involved  the  segregation  of  a  people  for 
Himself,  by  whom  God  should  be  known,  and  whose 
distinction  should  be  that  God  should  be  "nigh 
unto  them"  as  He  was  not  to  other  nations  (Dt  4 
7;  Ps  145  IS).  But  this  people  was  not  permitted 
to  imagine  that  it  owed  its  segregation  to  anything 
in  itself  fitted  to  attract  or  determine  the  Divine 
preference;  no  consciousness  was  more  poignant 
in  Israel  than  that  Jeh  had  chosen  it,  not  it  Him, 
and  that  Jeh's  choice  of  it  rested  solely  on  His 
gracious  will.  Nor  was  this  people  permitted  to 
imagine  that  it  was  for  its  own  sake  alone  that  it 
had  been  singled  out  to  be  the  sole  recipient  of  the 
knowledge  of  Jeh;  it  was  made  clear  from  the 
beginning  that  God's  mysteriously  gracious  dealing 
with  it  had  as  its  ultimate  end  the  blessing  of  the 
whole  world  (Gen  12  2.3;  17  4.5.6.16;  18  18;  22 
18;  cf  Rom  4  13),  the  bringing  together  again  of 
the  divided  families  of  the  earth  under  the  glorious 
reign  of  Jeh,  and  the  reversal  of  the  curse  under 
which  the  whole  world  lay  for  its  sin  (Gen  12  3). 
Meanwhile,  however,  Jeh  was  known  only  in  Israel. 
To  Israel  God  showed  His  word  and  made  known 
His  statutes  and  judgments,  and  after  this  fashion 
He  dealt  with  no  other  nation;  and  therefore  none 
other  knew  His  judgments  (Ps  147  19  f).  Accord- 
ingly, when  the  hope  of  Israel  (who  was  also  the  de- 
sire of  all  nations)  'came.  His  own  lips  unhesitatingly 
declared  that  the  salvation  He  brought,  though 
of  universal  application,  was  "from  the  Jews"  (Jn 
4  22).  And  the  nations  to  which  this  salvation 
had  not  been  made  known  are  declared  by  the  chief 
agent  in  its  proclamation  to  them  to  be,  mean- 
while, "far  off,"  "having  no  hope"  and  "without 
God  in  the  world"  (Eph  2  12),  because  they  were 
aliens  from  the  commonwealth  of  Israel  and 
strangers  from  the  covenant  of  the  promise. 

The  religion  of  the  Bible  thus  announces  itself, 
not  as  the  product  of  men's  search  after  God,  if 
haply  they  may  feel  after  Him  and  find  Him,  but 
as  the  creation  in  men  of  the  gracious  God,  forming 
a  people  for  Himself,  that  they  may  show  forth  His 
praise.  In  other  words,  the  religion  of  the  Bible 
presents  itself  as  distinctively  a  revealed  religion. 
Or  rather,  to  speak  more  exactly,  it  announces  itself 
as  the  revealed  religion,  as  the  only  revealed  reli- 
gion; and  sets  itself  as  such  over  against  all  other 
religions,  which  are  represented  as  all  products,  in 
a  sense  in  which  it  is  not,  of  the  art  and  device  of 
man. 

It  is  not,  however,  implied  in  this  exclusive 
claim  to  revelation — which  is  made  by  the  religion 
of  the  Bible  in  all  the  stages  of  its  history — that 
the  living  God,  who  made  the  heaven  and  the 
earth  and  the  sea  and  all  that  in  them  is,  has  left 
Himself  without  witness  among  the  peoples  of  the 
world  (Acts  14  17).  It  is  asserted  indeed,  that 
in  the  process  of  His  redemptive  work,  God  suffered 
for  a  season  all  the  nations  to  walk  in  their  own 
ways;  but  it  is  added  that  to  none  of  them  has  He 
failed  to  do  good,  and  to  give  from  heaven  rains  and 
fruitful  seasons,  filling  their  hearts  with  food  and 
gladness.  And  not  only  is  He  represented  as  thus 
constantly  showing  Himself  in  His  providence  not 
far  from  any  one  of  them,  thus  wooing  them  to  seek 
Him  if  haply  they  might  feel  after  Him  and  find 
Him  (Acts  17  27),  but  as  from  the  foundation  of 
the  world  openly  manifesting  Himself  to  them  in 
the  works  of  His  hands,  in  which  His  everlasting 
power  and  Divinity  are  clearly  seen  (Rom  1  20). 


That  men  at  large  have  not  retained  Him  in  their 
knowledge,  or  served  Him  as  they  ought,  is  not  due 
therefore  to  failure  on  His  part  to  keep  open  the 
way  to  knowledge  of  Him,  but  to  the  darkening  of 
their  senseless  hearts  by  sin  and  to  the  vanity  of 
their  sin-deflected  reasonings  (Rom  1  21  ff),  by 
means  of  which  they  have  supplanted  the  truth  of 
God  by  a  lie  and  have  come  to  worship  and  serve 
the  creature  rather  than  the  ever-blessed  Creator. 
It  is,  indeed,  precisely  because  in  their  sin  they  have 
thus  held  down  the  truth  in  unrighteousness  and 
have  refused  to  have  God  in  their  knowledge  (so  it 
is  intimated);  and  because,  moreover,  in  their  sin, 
the  revelation  God  gives  of  Himself  in  His  works  of 
creation  and  providence  no  longer  suffices  for  men's 
needs,  that  God  has  intervened  supernaturally  in 
the  course  of  history  to  form  a  people  for  Himself, 
through  whom  at  length  all  the  world  should  be 
blessed. 

It  is  quite  obvious  that  there  are  brought  before  us 
in  these  several  representations  two  species  or  stages 

of  revelation,  which  should  be  dis- 
2.  General  criminated  to  avoid  confusion.  There 
and  Special  is  the  revelation  which  God  continu- 
Revelation    ously  makes   to   all  men:    by   it  His 

power  and  Divinity  are  made  known. 
And  there  is  the  revelation  which  He  makes  exclu- 
sively to  His  chosen  people:  through  it  His  saving 
grace  is  made  known.  Both  species  or  stages  of 
revelation  are  insisted  upon  throughout  the  Scrip- 
tures. They  are,  for  example,  brought  signifi- 
cantly together  in  such  a  declaration  as  we  find  in 
Ps  19:  "The  heavens  declare  the  glory  of  God 
....  their  line  is  gone  out  through  all  the  earth" 
(vs  1.4);  "The  law  of  Jeh  is  perfect,  restoring  the 
soul"  (ver  7).  The  Psalmist  takes  his  beginning 
here  from  the  praise  of  the  glory  of  God,  the  Creator 
of  all  that  is,  which  has  been  written  upon  the  very 
heavens,  that  none  may  fail  to  see  it.  From  this 
he  rises,  however,  quickly  to  the  more  full-throated 
praise  of  the  mercy  of  Jeh,  the  covenant  God,  who 
has  visited  His  people  with  saving  instruction. 
Upon  this  higher  revelation  there  is  finally  based 
a  prayer  for  salvation  from  sin,  which  ends  in  a 
great  threefold  acclamation,  instinct  with  adoring 
gratitude:  "O  Jeh,  my  rock,  and  my  redeemer" 
(ver  14).  "The  heavens,"  comments  Lord  Bacon, 
"indeed  tell  of  the  glory  of  God,  but  not  of  His  will 
according  to  which  the  poet  prays  to  be  pardoned 
and  sanctified."  In  so  commenting.  Lord  Bacon 
touches  the  exact  point  of  distinction  between  the 
two  species  or  stages  of  revelation.  The  one  is 
adapted  to  man  as  man;  the  other  to  man  as  sinner; 
and  since  man,  on  becoming  sinner,  has  not  ceased 
to  be  man,  but  has  only  acquired  new  needs  requir- 
ing additional  provisions  to  bring  him  to  the  end  of 
his  existence,  so  the  revelation  directed  to  man  as 
sinner  does  not  supersede  that  given  to  man  as  man, 
but  supplements  it  with  these  new  provisions  for 
his  attainment,  in  his  new  condition  of  blindness, 
helplessness  and  guilt  induced  by  sin,  of  the  end  of 
his  being. 

These  two  species  or  stages  of  revelation  have 
been  commonly  distinguished  from  one  another 
by  the  distinctive  names  of  natural  and  super- 
natural revelation,  or  general  and  special  revelation, 
or  natural  and  soteriological  revelation.  Each 
of  these  modes  of  discriminating  them  has  its  par- 
ticular fitness  and  describes  a  real  difference  between 
the  two  in  nature,  reach  or  purpose.  The  one  is 
communicated  through  the  media  of  natural  phe- 
nomena, occurring  in  the  course  of  Nature  or  of 
history;  the  other  implies  an  intervention  in  the 
natural  course  of  things  and  is  not  merely  in  source 
but  in  mode  supernatural.  The  one  is  addressed 
generally  to  all  intelligent  creatures,  and  is  there- 
fore accessible  to  all  men;  the  other  is  addressed  to 


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Revelation 


a  special  class  of  sinners,  to  whom  God  would  make 
known  His  salvation.  The  one  has  in  view  to 
meet  and  supply  the  natural  need  of  creatures  for 
knowledge  of  their  God;  the  other  to  rescue  broken 
and  deformed  sinners  from  their  sin  and  its  con- 
sequences. But,  though  thus  distinguished  from 
one  another,  it  is  important  that  the  two  species 
or  stages  of  revelation  should  not  be  set  in  oppo- 
sition to  one  another,  or  the  closeness  of  their 
mutual  relations  or  the  constancy  of  their  inter- 
action be  obscured.  They  constitute  together  a 
unitary  whole,  and  each  is  incomplete  without  the 
other.  In  its  most  general  idea,  revelation  is 
rooted  in  creation  and  the  relations  with  His 
intelligent  creatures  into  which  God  has  brought 
Himself  by  giving  them  being.  Its  object  is  to 
realize  the  end  of  man's  creation,  to  be  attained 
only  through  knowledge  of  God  and  perfect  and 
unbroken  communion  with  Him.  On  the  entrance 
of  sin  into  the  world,  destroying  this  communion 
with  God  and  obscuring  the  knowledge  of  Him 
derived  from  Nature,  another  mode  of  revelation 
was  necessitated,  having  also  another  content, 
adapted  to  the  new  relation  to  God  and  the  new 
conditions  of  intellect,  heart  and  will  brought  about 
by  sin.  It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  this 
new  mode  of  revelation  was  an  ex  -post  facto  expe- 
dient, introduced  to  meet  an  unforeseen  contin- 
gency. The  actual  course  of  human  development 
was  in  the  nature  of  the  case  the  expected  and  the 
intended  course  of  human  development,  for  which 
man  was  created;  and  revelation,  therefore,  in 
^ts  double  form  was  the  Divine  purpose  for  man 
from  the  beginning,  and  constitutes  a  unitary  pro- 
vision for  the  realization  of  the  end  of  his  creation 
in  the  actual  circumstances  in  which  he  exists.  We 
may  distinguish  in  this  unitary  revelation  the  two 
elements  by  the  cooperation  of  which  the  effect  is 
produced;  but  we  should  bear  in  mind  that  only  by 
their  cooperation  is  the  effect  produced.  Without 
special  revelation,  general  revelation  would  be  for 
sinful  men  incomplete  and  ineffective,  and  could 
issue,  as  in  point  of  fact  it  has  issued  wherever  it 
alone  has  been  accessible,  only  in  leaving  them 
without  excuse  (Rom  1  20).  Without  general 
revelation,  special  revelation  would  lack  that  basis 
in  the  fundamental  knowledge  of  God  as  the  mighty 
and  wise,  righteous  and  good  maker  and  ruler  of 
all  things,  apart  from  which  the  further  revelation 
of  this  great  God's  interventions  in  the  world  for 
the  salvation  of  sinners  could  not  be  either  intelli- 
gible, credible  or  operative. 

(1)  Revelation  in  Eden. — Only  in  Eden  has  general 
revelation  been  adequate  to  the  needs  of  man.  Not 
being  a  sinner,  man  in  Eden  had  no  need  of  that  grace  of 
God  itself  by  which  sinners  are  restored  to  communion 
■with  Him,  or  of  the  special  revelation  of  this  grace  of 
God  to  sinners  to  enable  them  to  live  with  God.  And 
not  being  a  sinner,  man  in  Eden,  as  he  contemplated  the 
worKs  of  God,  saw  God  in  the  unclouded  mirror  of  his 
mind  with  a  clarity  of  vision,  and  lived  with  Him  in  the 
untroubled  depths  of  his  heart  with  a  trustful  mtimacy 
of  association,  inconceivable  to  sinners.  Nevertheless, 
the  revelation  of  God  in  Eden  was  not  merely  "natural. 
Not  only  does  the  prohibition  of  the  forbidden  fruit 
involve  a  positive  commandment  (Gen  2  16),  but  the 
whole  history  imphes  an  immediacy  of  intercourse  with 
God  which  cannot  easily  be  set  to  the  credit  of  the  pictur- 
esque art  of  the  narrative,  or  be  fully  accounted  for  by 
the  vividness  of  the  perception  of  God  in  His  works 
proper  to  sinless  creatures.  The  impression  is  strong 
that  what  is  meant  to  be  conveyed  to  us  is  that  man 
dwelt  with  God  in  Eden,  and  enjoyed  with  Him  imme- 
diate and  not  merely  mediate  communion.  In  that 
case  we  may  understand  that  if  man  had  not  faUen.  he 
would  have  continued  to  enjoy  immediate  intercourse 
with  God,  and  that  the  cessation  of  this  immediate  in- 
tercourse is  due  to  sin.  It  is  not  then  the  supernatural- 
ness  of  special  revelation  which  is  rooted  in  sin,  but,  if 
we  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  the  specialness  of 
supernatural  revelation.  Had  man  not  fallen,  heaven 
would  have  continued  to  lie  about  him  through  all  his 
history,  as  it  lay  about  his  .infancy;  every  man  would 
have  enjoyed  direct  vision  of  God  and  immediate  speech 
with  Him.     Man  having  fallen,  the  cherubim  and  the 


flame  of  a  sword,  turning  every  way,  keep  the  path; 
and  God  breaks  His  way  in  a  round-about  fashion  into 
man's  darkened  heart  to  reveal  there  His  redemptive  love. 
By  slow  steps  and  gradual  stages  Ho  at  once  works  out 
His  saving  purpose  and  molds  the  world  for  its  recep- 
tion, choosing  a  people  for  Him.self  and  training  it 
through  long  and  weary  ages,  until  at  last  when  the 
fulness  of  time  has  come.  He  bares  His  arm  and  sends 
out  the  proclamation  of  His  great  salvation  to  all  the 
earth. 

(2)  Revelation  among  the  heathen. — Certainly, 
from  the  gate  of  Eden  onward,  God's  general  reve- 
lation ceased  to  be,  in  the  strict  sense,  supernatural. 
It  is,  of  course,  not  meant  that  God  deserted  His 
world  and  left  it  to  fester  in  its  iniquity.  His 
providence  still  ruled  over  all,  leading  steadily  on- 
ward to  the  goal  for  which  man  had  been  created, 
and  of  the  attainment  of  which  in  God's  own  good 
time  and  way  the  very  continuance  of  men's  exist- 
ence, under  God's  providential  government,  was 
a  pledge.  And  His  Spirit  still  everywhere  wrought 
upon  the  hearts  of  men,  stirring  up  all  their  powers 
(though  created  in  the  image  of  God,  marred  and 
impaired  by  sin)  to  their  best  activities,  and  to  such 
splendid  effect  in  every  department  of  human 
achievement  as  to  command  the  admiration  of  all 
ages,  and  in  the  highest  region  of  all,  that  of  con- 
duct, to  call  out  from  an  apostle  the  encomium  that 
though  they  had  no  law  they  did  by  nature  (observe 
the  word  "nature")  the  things  of  the  law.  All 
this,  however,  remains  within  the  limits  of  Nature, 
that  is  to  say,  within  the  sphere  of  operation  of 
Divinely  directed  and  assisted  second  causes.  It 
illustrates  merely  the  heights  to  which  the  powers 
of  man  may  attain  under  the  guidance  of  provi- 
dence and  the  influences  of  what  we  have  learned 
to  call  God's  "common  grace."  Nowhere,  through- 
out the  whole  ethnic  domain,  are  the  conceptions  of 
God  and  His  ways  put  within  the  reach  of  man, 
through  God's  revelation  of  Himself  in  the  works  of 
creation  and  providence,  transcended;  nowhere  is 
the  slightest  knowledge  betrayed  of  anything  con- 
cerning God  and  His  purposes,  which  could  be 
known  only  by  its  being  supernaturally  told  to  men. 
Of  the  entire  body  of  "saving  truth,"  for  example, 
which  is  the  burden  of  what  we  call  "special  reve- 
lation," the  whole  heathen  world  remained  in  total 
ignorance.  And  even  its  hold  on  the  general  truths 
of  religion,  not  being  vitalized  by  supernatural 
enforcements,  grew  weak,  and  its  knowledge  of  the 
very  nature  of  God  decayed,  until  it  ran  out  to  the 
dreadful  issue  which  Paul  sketches  for  us  in  that 
inspired  philosophy  of  religion  which  he  incorpo- 
rates in  the  latter  part  of  the  first  chapter  of  the  Ep. 
to  the  Rom. 

Behind  even  the  ethnic  development,  there  lay,  of 
course,  the  supernatural  intercourse  of  man  with  God 
which  had  obtained  before  the  entrance  of  sin  into  the 
world,  and  the  supernatural  revelations  at  the  gate  of 
Eden  fGen  3  8),  and  at  the  second  origin  of  the  human 
race,  the  Flood  (Gen  8  21.22;  9  1-17).  How  long  the 
tradition  of  this  primitive  revelation  lingered  in  nooks 
and  corners  of  the  heathen  world,  conditioning  and 
vitalizing  the  natural  revelation  of  God  always  accessible, 
we  have  no  means  of  estimating.  Neither  is  it  easy  to 
measure  the  effect  of  God's  special  revelation  of  Himself 
to  His  people  upon  men  outside  the  bounds  of,  indeed, 
but  coming  into  contact  with,  this  chosen  people,  or 
sharing  with  them  a  common  natural  inheritance.  Lot 
and  Ishmael  and  Esau  can  scarcely  have  been  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  word  of  God  which  came  to  Abraham 
and  Isaac  and  Jacob;  nor  could  the  Egyptians  from 
whose  hands  God  wrested  His  people  with  a  mighty  arm 
fail  to  learn  something  of  Jeh,  any  more  than  the  mixed 
multitudes  who  witnessed  the  ministry  of  Christ  could 
fail  to  infer  something  from  His  gracious  walk  and 
mighty  works.  It  is  natural  to  infer  that  no  nation 
which  was  intimately  associated  with  Israel's  life  could 
remain  entirely  unaffected  by  Israel's  revelation.  But 
whatever  impressions  were  thus  conveyed  reached  ap- 
parently individuals:  only :  the  heathen  which  surrounded 
Israel,  even  those  most  closely  aflBliated  with  Israel, 
remained  heathen;  they  had  no  revelation.  In  the 
sporadic  instances  when  God  visited  an  alien  with  a  super- 
natural communication — such  as  the  dreams  sent  to 
Abimelech  (Gen  20)  and  to  Pharaoh  (Gen  40,  41)  and 


Revelation 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2576 


to  Nebuchadnezzar  (DnI  2  18')  and  to  the  soldier  in  the 
camp  of  Midian  (Jgs  7  13) — it  was  in  the  interests,  not  of 
the  heathen  world,  but  of  the  chosen  people  that  they  were 
sent ;  and  these  instances  derive  their  significance  wholly 
from  this  fact.  There  remain,  no  doubt,  the  myste- 
rious figure  of  Melchizedek,  perhaps  also  of  Jethro,  and 
the  strange  apparition  of  Balaam,  who  also,  however, 
appear  in  the  sacred  narrative  only  in  connection  with 
the  history  of  God's  dealings  with  His  people  and  in 
their  interest.  Their  unexplained  appearance  cannot 
In  any  event  avail  to  modify  the  general  fact  that  the 
life  of  the  heathen  peoples  lay  outside  the  supernatural 
revelation  of  God.  The  heathen  were  suffered  to  walk 
In  their  own  ways  (Acts  14  16). 

//.  The  Process  of  Revelation. — Meanwhile,  how- 
ever, God  had  not  forgotten  them,  but  was  prepar- 
ing salvation  for  them  also  through  the  super- 
natural revelation  of  His  grace  that  He  was  making 
to  His  people.  According  to  the  Bib.  represen- 
tation, in  the  midst  of  and  working  confluently 
with  the  revelation  which  He  has  always  been 
giving  of  Himself  on  the  plane  of  Nature,  God  was 
making  also  from  the  very  fall  of  man  a  further 
revelation  of  Himself  on  the  plane  of  grace.  In 
contrast  with  His  general,  natural  revelation,  in 
which  all  men  by  virtue  of  their  very  nature  as 
men  share,  this  special,  supernatural  revelation 
was  granted  at  first  only  to  individuals,  then  pro- 
gressively to  a  family,  a  tribe,  a  nation,  a  race, 
until,  when  the  fulness  of  time  was  come,  it  was 
made  the  possession  of  the  whole  world.  It  may 
be  difficult  to  obtain  from  Scripture  a  clear  account 
of  why  God  chose  thus  to  give  this  revelation  of 
His  grace  only  progressively;  or,  to  be  more  ex- 
pUcit,  through  the  process  of  a  historical  develop- 
ment. Such  is,  however,  the  ordinary  mode  of 
the  Divine  working:  it  is  so  that  God  made  the 
worlds,  it  is  so  that  He  creates  the  human  race  itself, 
the  recipient  of  this  revelation,  it  is  so  that  He  builds 
up  His  kingdom  in  the  world  and  in  the  individual 
soul,  which  only  gradually  comes  whether  to  the 
knowledge  of  God  or  to  the  fruition  of  His  salvation. 
As  to  the  fact,  the  Scriptures  are  explicit,  tracing 
for  us,  or  rather  embodying  in  their  own  growth, 
the  record  of  the  steady  advance  of  this  gracious 
revelation  through  definite  stages  from  its  first 
faint  beginnings  to  its  glorious  completion  in  Jesus 
Christ. 

So  express  is  its  relation  to  the  development  of 
the  kingdom  of  God  itself,  or  rather  to  that  great 
series  of  Divine  operations  which  are 
1.  Place  of  directed  to  the  building  up  of  the 
Revelation  kingdom  of  God  in  the  world,  that  it  is 
among  the  sometimes  confounded  with  them  or 
Redemptive  thought  of  as  simply  their  reflection 
Acts  of  God  in  the  contemplating  mind  of  man. 
Thus  it  is  not  infrequently  said  that 
revelation,  meaning  this  special,  redemptive  reve- 
lation, has  been  communicated  in  deeds,  not  in 
words;  and  it  is  occasionally  elaborately  argued 
that  the  sole  manner  in  which  God  has  revealed 
Himself  as  the  Saviour  of  sinners  is  just  by  perform- 
ing those  mighty  acts  by  which  sinners  are  saved. 
This  is  not,  however,  the  Bib.  representation. 
Revelation  is,  of  course,  often  made  through  the 
instrumentality  of  deeds;  and  the  series  of  His 
great  redemptive  acts  by  which  He  saves  the  world 
constitutes  the  preeminent  revelation  of  the  grace 
of  God — so  far  as  these  redemptive  acts  are  open  to 
observation  and  are  perceived  in  their  significance. 
But  revelation,  after  all,  is  the  correlate  of  under- 
standing and  has  as  its  proximate  end  just  the 
production  of  knowledge,  though  not,  of  course, 
knowledge  for  its  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake  of  sal- 
vation. The  series  of  the  redemptive  acts  of  God, 
accordingly,  can  properly  be  designated  "revelation" 
only  when  and  so  far  as  they  are  contemplated  as 
adapted  and  designed  to  produce  knowledge  of  God 
and  His  purpose  and  methods  of  grace.  No  bare 
series  of  unexplained  acts  can  be  thought,  however. 


adapted  to  produce  knowledge,  esp.  if  these  acts  be, 
as  in  this  case,  of  a  highly  transcendental  character. 
Nor  can  this  particular  series  of  acts  be  thought  to 
have  as  its  main  design  the  production  of  knowledge; 
its  main  design  is  rather  to  save  man.  No  doubt 
the  production  of  knowledge  of  the  Divine  grace  is 
one  of  the  means  by  which  this  main  design  of  the 
redemptive  acts  of  God  is  attained.  But  this  only 
renders  it  the  more  necessary  that  the  proximate 
result  of  producing  knowledge  should  not  fail;  and 
it  is  doubtless  for  this  reason  that  the  series  of  re- 
demptive acts  of  God  has  not  been  left  to  explain 
itself,  but  the  explanatory  word  has  been  added 
to  it.  Revelation  thus  appears,  however,  not  as 
the  mere  reflection  of  the  redeeming  acts  of  God  in 
the  minds  of  men,  but  as  a  factor  in  the  redeeming 
work  of  God,  a  component  part  of  the  series  of  His 
redeeming  acts,  without  which  that  series  would 
be  incomplete  and  so  far  inoperative  for  its  main 
end.  Thus  the  Scriptures  represent  it,  not  con- 
founding revelation  with  the  series  of  the  redemp- 
tive acts  of  God,  but  placing  it  among  the  redemp- 
tive acts  of  God  and  giving  it  a  function  as^  a  sub- 
stantive element  in  the  operations  by  which  the 
merciful  God  saves  sinful  men.  It  is  therefore  not 
made  even  a  mere  constant  accompaniment  of  the 
redemptive  acts  of  God,  giving  their  explanation 
that  they  may  be  understood.  It  occupies  a  far 
more  independent  place  among  them  than  this, 
and  as  frequently  precedes  them  to  prepare  their 
way  as  it  accompanies  or  follows  them  to  interpret 
their  meaning.  It  is,  in  one  word,  itself  a  redemp- 
tive act  of  God  and  by  no  means  the  least  impor- 
tant in  the  series  of  His  redemptive  acts. 

This  might,  indeed,  have  been  inferred  from  its 
very  nature,  and  from  the  nature  of  the  salvation 
which  was  being  wrought  out  by  these  redemptive 
acts  of  God.  One  of  the  most  grievous  of  the 
effects  of  sin  is  the  deformation  of  the  image  of 
God  reflected  in  the  human  mind,  and  there  can 
be  no  recovery  from  sin  which  does  not  bring  with 
it  the  correction  of  this  deformation  and  the  re- 
flection in  the  soul  of  man  of  the  whole  glory  of  the 
Lord  God  Almighty.  Man  is  an  intelligent  being; 
his  superiority  over  the  brute  is  found,  among  other 
things,  precisely  in  the  direction  of  all  his  life  by 
his  intelligence;  and  his  blessedness  is  rooted  in 
the  true  knowledge  of  his  God — for  this  is  life 
eternal,  that  we  should  know  the  only  true  God 
and  Him  whom  He  has  sent.  Dealing  with  man  as 
an  intelligent  being,  God  the  Lord  has  saved  him 
by  means  of  a  revelation,  by  which  he  has  been 
brought  into  an  ever  more  and  more  adequate 
knowledge  of  God,  and  been  led  ever  more  and 
more  to  do  his  part  in  working  out  his  own  salvation 
with  fear  and  trembling  as  he  perceived  with  ever 
more  and  more  clearness  how  God  is  working  it  out 
for  him  through  mighty  deeds  of  grace. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  trace,  even  in  outhne, 
from  the  material  point  of  view,  the  development 
of  God's  redemptive  revelation  from 
2.  Stages  its  first  beginnings,  in  the  promise 
of  Material  given  to  Abraham — or  rather  in  what 
Develop-  has  been  called  the  Protevangelium 
ment  at  the  gate  of  Eden — to  its  comple- 

tion in  the  advent  and  work  of  Christ 
and  the  teaching  of  His  apostles;  a  steadily  ad- 
vancing development,  which,  as  it  lies  spread  out 
to  view  in  the  pages  of  Scripture,  takes  to  those  who 
look  at  it  from  the  consummation  backward,  the 
appearance  of  the  shadow  cast  athwart  preceding 
ages  by  the  great  figure  of  Christ.  Even  from  the 
formal  point  of  view,  however,  there  has  been 
pointed  out  a  progressive  advance  in  the  method 
of  revelation,  consonant  with  its  advance  in  con- 
tent, or  rather  with  the  advancing  stages  of  the 
building  up  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  to  subserve 


2577 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Revelation 


which  is  the  whole  object  of  revelation.  Three 
distinct  steps  in  revelation  have  been  discriminated 
from  this  point  of  view.  They  are  distinguished 
precisely  by  the  increasing  independence  of  revelation 
of  the  deeds  constituting  the  series  of  the  redemptive 
acts  of  God,  in  which,  nevertheless,  all  revelation 
is  a  substantial  element.  Discriminations  like  this 
must  not  be  taken  too  absolutely;  and  in  the 
•  present  instance  the  chronological  sequence  cannot 
be  pressed.  But,  with  much  interlacing,  three 
generally  successive  stages  of  revelation  may  be 
recognized,  producing  periods  at  least  character- 
istically of  what  we  may  somewhat  conventionally 
call  theophany,  prophecy  and  inspiration.  What 
may  be  somewhat  indefinitely  marked  off  as  the 
Patriarchal  age  is  characteristically  "the  period  of 
Outward  Manifestations,  and  Symbols,  and  Theoph- 
anies" :_  during  it  "God  spoke  to  men  through  their 
senses,  in  physical  phenomena,  as  the  burning  bush, 
the  cloudy  pillar,  or    in  sensuous  forms,  as  men, 

angels,  etc In  the   Prophetic  age,   on   the 

contrary,  the  prevailing  mode  of  revelation  was  by 
means  of  inward  prophetic  inspiration" :  God  spoke 
to  men  characteristically  by  the  movements  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  in  their  hearts.  "Prevailingly,  at  any 
rate  from  Samuel  downwards,  the  supernatural 
revelation  was  a  revelation  in  the  hearts  of  the 
foremost  thinkers  of  the  people,  or,  as  we  call  it, 
prophetic  inspiration,  without  the  aid  of  external 
sensuous  symbols  of  God"  (A.  B.  Davidson,  OT 
Prophecy,  1903,  p.  148;  cf  pp.  12-14,  145  ff).  This 
internal  method  of  revelation  reaches  its  culmination 
in  the  NT  period,  which  is  preeminently  the  age  of 
the  Spirit.  What  is  esp.  characteristic  of  this  age  is 
revelation  through  the  medium  of  the  written  word, 
what  may  be  called  apostolic  as  distinguished  from 
prophetic  inspiration.  The  revealing  Spirit  speaks 
through  chosen  men  as  His  organs,  but  through 
these  organs  in  such  a  fashion  that  the  most  inti- 
mate processes  of  their  souls  become  the  instruments 
by  means  of  which  He  speaks  His  mind.  Thus  at 
all  events  there  are  brought  clearly  before  us  three 
well-marked  modes  of  revelation,  which  we  may 
perhaps  designate  respectively,  not  with  perfect  dis- 
crimination, it  is  true,  but  not  misleadingly,  (1)  ex- 
ternal manifestation,  (2)  internal  suggestion,  and 
(3)  concursive  operation. 

///.  Modes  of  Revelation. — Theophany  may  be 
taken  as  the  typical  form  of  "external  manifesta- 
tion"; but  by  its  side  may  be  ranged 
1.  Modes  of  all  of  those  mighty  works  by  which 
Revelation  God  makes  Himself  known,  including 
express  miracles,  no  doubt,  but  along 
with  them  every  supernatural  intervention  in  the 
affairs  of  men,  by  means  of  which  a  better  under- 
standing is  communicated  of  what  God  is  or  what 
are  His  purposes  of  grace  to  a  sinful  race.  Under 
"internal  suggestion"  may  be  subsumed  all  the 
characteristic  phenomena  of  what  is  most  properly 
spoken  of  as  "prophecy" :  visions  and  dreams,  which, 
according  to  a  fundamental  passage  (Nu  12  6),  con- 
stitute the  typical  forms  of  prophecy,  and  with 
them  the  whole  "prophetic  word,"  which  shares  its 
essential  characteristic  with  visions  and  dreams, 
since  it  comes  not  by  the  will  of  man  but  from  God. 
By  "concursive  operation"  maybe  meant  that  form 
of  revelation  illustrated  in  an  inspired  psalm  or 
epistle  or  history,  in  which  no  human  activity— 
not  even  the  control  of  the  will — is  superseded,  but 
the  Holy  Spirit  works  in,  with  and  through  them  all 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  communicate  to  the  product 
qualities  distinctly  superhuman.  There  is  no  age 
in  the  history  of  the  religion  of  the  Bible,  from  that 
of  Moses  to  that  of  Christ  and  His  apostles,  in  which 
all  these  modes  of  revelation  do  not  find  place. 
One  or  another  may  seem  particularly  characteris- 
tic of  this  age  or  of  that;  but  they  all  occur  in  every 


age.  And  they  occur  side  by  side,  broadly  speak- 
ing, on  the  same  level.  No  discrimination  is  drawn 
between  them  in  point  of  worthiness  as  modes  of 
revelation,  and  much  less  in  point  of  purity  in  the 
revelations  communicated  through  them.  The 
circumstance  that  God  spoke  to  Moses,  not  by 
dream  or  vision  but  mouth  to  mouth,  is,  indeed, 
adverted  to  (Nu  12  8)  as  a  proof  of  the  peculiar 
favor  shown  to  Moses  and  even  of  the  superior  dig- 
nity of  Moses  above  other  organs  of  revelation :  God 
admitted  him  to  an  intimacy  of  intercourse  which 
He  did  not  accord  to  others.  But  though  Moses 
was  thus  distinguished  above  all  others  in  the  deal- 
ings of  God  with  him,  no  distinction  is  drawn  be- 
tween the  revelations  given  through  him  and  those 
given  through  other  organs  of  revelation  in  point 
either  of  Divinity  or  of  authority.  And  beyond  this 
we  have  no  Scriptural  warrant  to  go  on  in  contrast- 
ing one  mode  of  revelation  with  another.  Dreams 
may  seem  to  us  little  fitted  to  serve  as  vehicles  of 
Divine  communications.  But  there  is  no  sugges- 
tion in  Scripture  that  revelations  through  dreams 
stand  on  a  lower  plane  than  any  others;  and  we 
should  not  fail  to  remember  that  the  essential  char- 
acteristics of  revelations  through  dreams  are  shared 
by  all  forms  of  revelation  in  which  (whether  we 
should  call  them  visions  or  not)  the  images  or  ideas 
which  fill,  or  pass  in  procession  through,  the  con- 
sciousness are  determined  by  some  other  power 
than  the  recipient's  own  will.  It  may  seem  natural 
to  suppose  that  revelations  rise  in  rank  in  propor- 
tion to  the  fulness  of  the  engagement  of  the  mental 
activity  of  the  recipient  in  their  reception.  But 
we  should  bear  in  mind  that  the  intellectual  or 
spiritual  quality  of  a  revelation  is  not  derived  from 
the  recipient  but  from  its  Divine  Giver.  The 
fundamental  fact  in  all  revelation  is  that  it  is  from 
God.  This  is  what  gives  unity  to  the  whole  proc- 
ess of  revelation,  given  though  it  may  be  in  divers 
portions  and  in  divers  manners  and  distributed 
though  it  may  be  through  the  ages  in  accordance 
with  the  mere  will  of  God,  or  as  it  may  have  suited 
His  developing  purpose — this  and  its  unitary  end, 
which  is  ever  the  building  up  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
In  whatever  diversity  of  forms,  by  means  of  what- 
ever variety  of  modes,  in  whatever  distinguishable 
stages  it  is  given^  it  is  ever  the  revelation  of  the 
One  God,  and  it  is  ever  the  one  consistently  devel- 
oping redemptive  revelation  of  God. 

On  a  prima  facie  view  it  may  indeed  seem  likely  that 
a   difference   in   the   quality   of   their   supernaturalness 
would  inevitably  obtain  between  revela- 
2    Eaual  tions  given  through  such  divergent  modes. 

„'      ^  The  completely  supernatural  character  of 

bupernatu-  revelations  given  in  theophanies  is  obvious. 
ralness  of  He  who  will  not  allow  that  God  spealis  to 
the  Several  "^'^n,  to  make  known  His  gracious  pur- 
-,    Ir  poses  toward  him,  has  no  other  recourse 

MOaes  here  than  to  pronounce  the  stories  legend- 

ary. The  objectivity  of  the  mode  of  com- 
munication which  is  adopted  is  intense,  and  it  is  thrown  up 
to  observation  with  the  greatest  emphasis.  Into  the  natu- 
ral life  of  man  God  intrudes  in  a  purely  supernatural 
manner,  bearing  a  purely  supernatural  communication. 
In  ttiese  communications  wo  are  given  accordingly  just  a 
series  of  "  naked  messages  of  God."  But  not  even  in  the 
Patriarchal  age  were  all  revelations  given  in  theophanies 
or  objective  appearances.  There  were  dreams,  and 
visions,  and  revelations  without  explicit  intimation  in 
the  narrative  of  how  they  were  communicated.  And 
when  we  pass  on  in  the  history,  we  do  not.  indeed,  leave 
behind  us  theophanies  and  objective  appearances.  It  is 
not  only  made  the  very  characteristic  of  Moses,  the 
greatest  figure  in  the  whole  history  of  revelation  e-xcept 
only  that  of  Christ,  that  he  knew  God  face  to  face  (Dt 
34  10),  and  God  spoke  to  him  mouth  to  mouth,  even 
manifestly,  and  not  in  dark  speeclies  (Nu  12  8j ;  but 
ttiroughout  the  whole  history  of  revelation  down  to  the 
appearance  of  Jesus  to  Paul  on  the  road  to  Damascus, 
God  has  shown  Himself  visibly  to  His  servants  whenever 
it  has  seemed  good  to  Him  to  do  so  and  has  spoken  with 
them  in  objective  speech.  Nevertheless,  it  is  expressly 
made  the  characteristic  of  tlie  Prophetic  age  that  God 
makes  Himself  known  to  His  servants"in  a  vision,"  "in 
a  dream"  (Nu  12  6).  And  although,  throughout  its 
entire  duration,  God,  in  fulfilment  of  His  promise  (Dt 


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2578 


18  18),  put  His  words  in  the  moutlis  of  His  prophets 
and  gave  t  hem  His  commandments  to  speali.  yet  it  would 
seem  inherent  in  the  very  employment  of  men  as  instru- 
ments of  revelation  that  the  words  of  God  given  through 
them  are  spoken  by  human  mouths;  and  the  purity  of 
their  supernaturalness  may  seem  so  far  obscured.  And 
when  it  is  not  merely  the  mouths  of  men  with  which 
God  thus  serves  Himself  in  the  delivery  of  His  messages, 
but  tlieir  minds  and  hearts  as  well — the  play  of  their 
religious  feehngs,  or  the  processes  of  their  logical  reason- 
ing, or  the  tenacity  of  their  memories,  as,  say,  in  a  psalm 
or  in  an  epistle,  or  a  history — the  supernatural  element 
in  the  communication  may  easily  seem  to  retire  still 
farther  Into  the  background.  It  can  scarcely  be  a 
matter  of  surprise,  therefore,  that  question  has  been 
raised  as  to  the  relation  of  the  natural  and  the  super- 
natural in  such  revelations,  and,  in  many  current  man- 
ners of  thinking  and  speaking  of  them,  the  completeness 
of  their  supernaturalness  has  been  hmited  and  curtailed 
in  the  interests  of  the  natural  instrumentaUties  em- 
ployed. The  plausibility  of  such  reasoning  renders  it 
the  more  necessary  that  we  should  observe  the  unvary- 
ing emphasis  which  the  Scriptures  place  upon  the  abso- 
lute supernaturalness  of  revelation  in  all  its  modes  ahke. 
In  the  view  of  the  Scriptures,  the  completely  super- 
natural character  of  revelation  is  in  no  way  lessened  by 
the  circumstance  that  it  has  been  given  through  the  in- 
strumentality of  men.  They  afBrm,  indeed,  with  the 
greatest  possible  emphasis  that  the  Divine  word  de- 
livered through  men  is  the  pure  word  of  God,  diluted 
with  no  hiunan  admixttu'e  whatever. 

We  have  already  been  led  to  note  that  even  on 
the  occasion  when  Moses  is  exalted  above  all  other 

organs  of  revelation  (Nu  12  6  ff),  in 
3.  The  point  of  dignity  and  favor,   no  sug- 

Prophet  gestion  whatever  is  made  of  any  in- 

God's  feriority,   in   either  the   directness  or 

Mouthpiece  the  purity  of  their  supernaturalness, 

attaching  to  other  organs  of  revelation. 
There  might  never  afterward  arise  a  prophet  in 
Israel  like  unto  Moses,  whom  the  Lord  knew  face 
to  face  (Dt  34  10).  But  each  of  the  whole  series 
of  prophets  raised  up  by  Jeh  that  the  people  might 
always  know  His  will  was  to  be  like  Moses  in 
speaking  to  the  people  only  what  Jeh  commanded 
them  (Dt  18  15.18.20).  In  this  great  promise, 
securing  to  Israel  the  succession  of  prophets,  there 
is  also  included  a  declaration  of  precisely  how  Jeh 
would  communicate  His  messages  not  so  much  to 
them  as  through  them.  "I  will  raise  them  up  a 
prophet  from  among  their  brethren,  like  unto  thee," 
we  read  (Dt  18  18),  "and  I  will  put  my  words  in 
his  mouth,  and  he  shall  speak  unto  them  all  that 
I  shall  command  him."  The  process  of  revelation 
through  the  prophets  was  a  process  by  which  Jeh 
put  His  words  in  the  mouths  of  the  prophets,  and 
the  prophets  spoke  precisely  these  words  and  no 
others.  So  the  prophets  themselves  ever  asserted. 
"Then  Jeh  put  forth  his  hand,  and  touched  my 
mouth,"  e.xplains  Jeremiah  in  his  account  of  how 
he  received  his  prophecies,  "and  Jeh  said  unto  me, 
Behold,  I  have  put  my  words  in  thy  mouth"  (Jer 
19;  of  5  14;  Isa  51  16;  59  21;  Nu  22  35;  23  5. 
12.16).  Accordingly,  the  words  "with  which"  they 
spoke  were  not  their  own  but  the  Lord's:  "And 
he  said  unto  me,"  records  Ezekiel,  "Son  of  man, 
go,  get  thee  unto  the  house  of  Israel,  and  speak 
with  my  words  unto  them"  (Ezk  3  4).  It  is  a 
process  of  nothing  other  than  "dictation"  which  is 
thus  described  (2  S  14  3.19),  though,  of  course, 
the  question  may  remain  open  of  the  exact  processes 
by  which  this  dictation  is  accomplished.  The 
fundamental  passage  which  brings  the  central  fact 
before  us  in  the  most  vivid  manner  is,  no  doubt, 
the  account  of  the  commissioning  of  Moses  and 
Aaron  given  in  Ex  4  10-17;  7  1-7.  Here,  in 
the  most  express  words,  Jeh  declares  that  He  who 
made  the  mouth  can  be  with  it  to  teach  it  what  to 
speak,  and  announces  the  precise  function  of  a 
prophet  to  be  that  he  is  "a  mouth  of  God,"  who 
speaks  not  his  own  but  God's  words.  Accordingly, 
the  Heb  name  for  "prophet"  {ndbhV),  whatever 
may  be  its  etymology,  means  throughout  the 
Scriptures  just  "spokesman,"  though  not  "spokes- 


man" in  general,  but  spokesman  by  way  of  emi- 
nence, that  is,  God's  spokesman;  and  the  character- 
istic formula  by  which  a  prophetic  declaration  is 
announced  is:  "The  word  of  Jeh  came  to  me,"  or 
the  brief  "saith  Jeh"  (mn^  DSD,  n''um  Yahweh). 
In  no  case  does  a  prophet  put  his  words  forward 
as  his  own  words.  That  he  is  a  prophet  at  all  is 
due  not  to  choice  on  his  own  part,  but  to  a  call  of 
God,  obeyed  often  with  reluctance;  and  he  prophe- 
sies or  forbears  to  prophesy,  not  according  to  his 
own  will  but  as  the  Lord  opens  and  shuts  his  mouth 
(Ezk  3  26  f)  and  creates  for  him  the  fruit  of  the 
lips  (Isa  57  19;  cf  6  7;  60  4).  In  contrast  with 
the  false  prophets,  he  strenuously  asserts  that  he 
does  not  speak  out  of  his  own  heart  ("heart"  in  Bib. 
language  includes  the  whole  inner  man),  but  all 
that  he  proclaims  is  the  pure  word  of  Jeh. 

The  fundamental  passage  does  not  quite  leave 
the  matter,  however,  with  this  general  declaration. 

It  describes  the  characteristic  manner 
4.  Prophecy  in  which  Jeh  communicates  His  mes- 
in  Vision-  sages  to  His  prophets  as  through 
Form  the  medium  of  visions   and    dreams. 

Neither  visions  in  the  technical  sense 
of  that  word,  nor  dreams,  appear,  however,  to  have 
been  the  customary  mode  of  revelation  to  the 
prophets,  the  record  of  whose  revelations  has  come 
down  to  us.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are 
numerous  indications  in  the  record  that  the  uni- 
versal mode  of  revelation  to  them  was  one  which 
was  in  some  sense  a  vision,  and  can  be  classed  only 
in  the  category  distinctively  so  called. 

The  whole  nomenclature  of  prophecy  presupposes, 
indeed,  its  vision-form.  Prophecy  is  distinctively  a 
word,  and  what  is  delivered  by  the  prophets  is  pro- 
claimed as  the  "word  of  Jeh."  'That  it  should  be  an- 
nounced by  the  formula,  "Thus  saith  the  Lord,"  is, 
therefore,  only  what  we  expect;  and  we  are  prepared 
for  such  a  description  of  its  process  as:  "The  Lord  Jeh 
.  .  .  .  wakeneth  mine  ear  to  hear,"  He  "hath  opened 
mine  ear"  (Isa  50  4.5).  But  this  is  not  the  way  of 
spealdng  of  their  messages  which  is  most  usual  in  the 
prophets.  Rather  is  the  whole  body  of  prophecy  cur- 
sorily presented  as  a  thing  seen.  Isaiah  places  at  the 
head  of  his  book:  "The  vision  of  Isaiah  ....  whicti 
he  saw"  (cf  Isa  29  10.11;  Ob  ver  1);  and  then  proceeds 
to  set  at  the  head  of  subordinate  sections  the  remarkable 
words,  "The  word  that  Isaiah  ....  saw"(2  1):  "the 
biu*den  [m  "oracle"]  ....  which  Isaiah  ....  did  see" 
(13  1).  Similarly  there  stand  at  the  head  of  other  prophe- 
cies: "the  words  of  Amos  ....  which  he  saw"  (Am 
1  1);  "the  word  of  Jeh  that  came  to  Micah  ....  which 
he  saw"  (Mic  1  1);  "the  oracle  which  Habakkuk  the 
prophet  did  see"  (Hab  1  Im);  and  elsewhere  such 
language  occurs  as  this:  "the  word  that  Jeh  hath 
showed  me"  (Jer  38  21);  "the  prophets  have  seen 
....  oracles"  (Lam  2  14);  "the  word  of  Jeh  came 
....  and  I  looked,  and,  behold"  (Ezk  1  3.4);  "Woe 
unto  the  foolish  prophets,  that  follow  their  own  spirit, 
and    have  seen   nothing"    (Ezk  13  3);     "I  .  .  .  .  will 

look  forth  to  see  what  he  will  speak  with  me 

Jeh  ....  said.  Write  the  vision"  (Hab  2  If).  It  is 
an  inadequate  e.xplanation  of  such  language  to  suppose 
it  merely  a  rehc  of  a  time  when  vision  was  more  pre- 
dominantly the  form  of  revelation.  There  is  no  proof 
that  vision  in  the  technical  sense  ever  was  more  pre- 
dominantly the  form  of  revelation  than  in  the  days  of 
the  great  writing  prophets;  and  such  language  as  we 
have  quoted  too  obviotisly  represents  the  living  point  of 
view  of  the  prophets  to  admit  of  the  supposition  that  it 
was  merely  conventional  on  their  hps.  The  prophets, 
in  a  word,  represent  the  Divine  communications  which 
they  received  as  given  to  them  in  some  sense  in  visions. 

It  is  possible,  no  doubt,  to  exaggerate  the  significance 
of  this.  It  is  an  exaggeration,  for  example,  to  insist  that 
therefore  all  the  Divine  communications  made  to  the 
prophets  must  have  come  to  them  in  external  appear- 
ances and  objective  speech,  addressed  to  and  received 
by  means  of  the  bodily  eye  and  ear.  This  would  be  to 
break  down  the  distinction  between  manifestation  and 
revelation,  and  to  assimilate  the  mode  of  prophetic 
revelation  to  that  granted  to  Moses,  though  these  are 
expressly  distinguished  (Nu  12  6-8).  It  is  also  an 
exaggeration  to  insist  that  therefore  the  prophetic  state 
mtist  be  conceived  as  that  of  strict  ecstasy,  involving 
the  complete  abeyance  of  all  mental  life  on  the  part  of 
the  prophet  (amentia),  and  possibly  also  accompanying 
physical  effects.  It  is  quite  clear  from  the  records 
which  the  prophets  themselves  give  us  of  their  revela- 
tions that  their  intelligence  was  alert  in  all  stages  of  their 
reception  of  them.     The  purpose  of  both  these  extreme 


2579 


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Revelation 


views  is  tlie  good  one  of  doing  full  justice  to  the  objec- 
tivity of  the  revelations  vouchsafed  to  the  prophets.  If 
these  revelations  took  place  entirelv  externally  to  the 
prophet,  who  merely  stood  off  and  contemplated  them, 
or  if  they  wore  implanted  in  the  prophets  by  a  process 
BO  violent  as  not  only  to  supersede  their  mental  activity 
but,  for  the  time  being,  to  annihilate  it,  it  would  be  quite 
clear  that  they  came  from  a  source  other  than  the 
prophets'  own  minds.  It  is  undoubtedly  the  funda- 
mental contention  of  the  prophets  that  the  revelations 
given  through  them  are  not  their  own  but  wholly  God's. 
The  significant  language  we  have  just  quoted  from  Ezk 
13  3:  "Woe  unto  the  foohsh  prophets,  that  follow  their 
own  spirit,  and  have  seen  nothing,"  is  a  typical  utter- 
ance of  their  sense  of  the  complete  objectivity  of  their 
messages.  What  distinguishes  the  false  prophets  is 
precisely  that  they  "prophesy  out  of  their  own  heart" 
(Ezk  13  2-17).  or,  to  draw  the  antithesis  sharply,  that 
"they  speak  a  vision  of  their  own  heart,  and  not  out  of 
the  mouth  of  Jeh"  (Jer  23  10.26;  14  14).  But  these 
extreme  views  fail  to  do  justice,  the  one  to  the  equally 
important  fact  that  the  word  of  God,  given  through  the 
prophets,  comes  as  the  pure  and  unmixed  word  of  God 
not  merely  to,  but  from,  the  prophets;  and  the  other 
to  the  equally  obvious  fact  that  the  inteUigence  of  the 
prophets  is  alert  throughout  the  whole  process  of  the 
reception  and  delivery  of  the  revelation  made  through 
them  (see  Inspiration;  Prophecy). 

That  -which  gives  to  prophecy  as  a  mode  of  reve- 
lation its  place  in  the  category  of  visions,  strictly 
Bo  called,  and  dreams  is  that  it  shares  with  them 
the  distinguishing  characteristic  which  determines 
the  class.  In  them  all  alike  the  movements  of  the 
mind  are  determined  by  something  extraneous  to 
the  subject's  will,  or  rather,  since  we  are  speaking 
of  supernaturally  given  dreams  and  virions,  extra- 
neous to  the  totality  of  the  subject's  own  psychoses. 
A  power  not  himself  takes  possession  of  his  con- 
sciousness and  determines  it  according  to  its  will. 
That  power,  in  the  case  of  the  prophets,  was  fully 
recognized  and  energetically  asserted  to  be  Jeh 
Himself  or,  to  be  more  specific,  the  Spirit  of  Jeh 
(1  S  10  6.10;  Neh  9  30;  Zee  7  12;  Joel  2  28.29). 
The  prophets  were  therefore  'men  of  the  Spirit' 
(Hos  9  7).  What  constituted  them  prophets  was 
that  the  Spirit  was  put  upon  them  (Isa  42  1)  or 
poured  out  on  them  (Joel  2  28.29),  and  they  were 
consequently  filled  with  the  Spirit  (Mic  3  8),  or, 
in  another  but  equivalent  locution,  that  "the 
hand"  of  the  Lord,  or  "the  power  of  the  hand" 
of  the  Lord,  was  upon  them  (2  K  3  15;  Ezk  1  3; 
3  14.22;  33  22;  37  1;  40  1),  that  is  to  say,  they 
were  under  the  Divine  control.  This  control  is 
represented  as  complete  and  compelling,  so  that, 
under  it,  the  prophet  becomes  not  the  "mover,"  but 
the  "moved"  in  the  formation  of  his  message.  The 
apostle  Peter  very  purely  reflects  the  prophetic 
consciousness  in  his  well-known  declaration:  'No 
prophecy  of  scripture  comes  of  private  interpre- 
tation; for  prophecy  was  never  brought  by  the 
will  of  man;  but  it  was  as  borne  by  the  Holy  Spirit 
that  men  spoke  from  God'  (2  Pet  1  20.21). 

What  this  language  of  Peter  emphasizes — and 
what  is  emphasized  in  the  whole  account  which  the 
prophets  give  of  their  own  conscious- 
5.  "Passiv-  ness — is,  to  speak  plainly,  the  passivity 
ity"  of  the  of  the  prophets  with  respect  to  the 
Prophets  revelation  given  through  them.  This 
is  the  significance  of  the  phrase :  'it  was 
as  borne  by  the  Holy  Spirit  that  men  spoke  from 
God.'  To  be  "borne"  (0^/'e"',  pherein)  is  not  the 
same  as  to  be  led  {^yetv,  dgein),  much  less  to  be 
guided  or  directed  {oS-q-ye'iv,  hodegein):  he  that  is 
"borne"  contributes  nothing  to  the  movement  in- 
duced, but  is  the  object  to  be  moved.  The  term 
"passivity"  is,  perhaps,  however,  liable  to  some 
misapprehension,  and  should  not  be  overstrained. 
It  is  not  intended  to  deny  that  the  intelhgence  of 
the  prophets  was  active  in  the  reception  of  their 
message;  it  was  by  means  of  their  active  intelli- 
gence that  their  message  was  received:  their  in- 
teUigence was  the  instrument  of  revelation.  It  is 
intended  to  deny  only  that  their  intelligence  was 


active  in  the  production  of  their  message:  that  it 
was  creatively  as  distinguished  from  receptively 
active.  For  reception  itself  is  a  kind  of  activity. 
What  the  prophets  are  sohcitous  that  their  readers 
shall  understand  is  that  they  are  in  no  sense  co- 
authors with  God  of  their  messages.  Their  mes- 
sages are  given  them,  given  them  entire,  and  given 
them  precisely  as  they  are  given  out  by  them.  God 
speaks  through  them:  they  are  not  merely  His 
messengers,  but  "His  mouth."  But  at  the  same 
time  their  intelligence  is  active  in  the  reception, 
retention  and  announcing  of  their  messages,  con- 
tributing nothing  to  them  but  presenting  fit  instru- 
ments for  the  communication  of  them — instruments 
capable  of  understanding,  responding  profoundly 
to  and  zealously  proclaiming  them. 

There  is,  no  doubt,  a  not  unnatural  hesitancy  abroad 
in  thinking  of  the  prophets  as  exhibiting  only  such  merely 
receptive  activities.  In  the  interests  of  their  personalities, 
we  are  asked  not  to  represent  God  as  dealing  mechani- 
cally with  them,  pouring  His  revelations  into  their  souls 
to  be  simply  received  as  in  so  many  buckets,  or  violently 
wresting  their  minds  from  their  own  proper  action  that 
He  may  do  His  own  thinking  with  them.  Must  we  not 
rather  suppose,  we  are  asked,  that  all  revelations  must 
be  "psychologically  mediated,"  must  be  given  "after 
the  mode  of  moral  mediation,"  and  must  be  made  first 
of  all  their  recijiients'  "own  spiritual  possession"  ?  And 
is  not,  in  point  of  fact,  the  personality  of  each  prophet 
clearly  traceable  in  his  message,  and  that  to  such  an 
extent  as  to  compel  us  to  recognize  him  as  in  a  true 
sense  its  real  author  ?  The  plausibility  of  such  question- 
ings should  not  be  permitted  to  obscure  the  fact  that 
the  mode  of  the  communication  of  the  prophetic  mes- 
sages which  is  suggested  by  them  is  directly  contra- 
dicted by  the  prophets'  own  representations  of  their 
relations  to  the  revealing  Spirit.  In  the  prophets'  own 
view  they  were  just  instruments  through  whom  God 
gave  revelations  which  came  from  them,  not  as  their 
own  product,  but  as  the  pure  word  of  Jeh.  Neither 
should  the  plausibility  of  such  questionings  blind  us  to 
their  speciousness.  They  exploit  subordinate  consid- 
erations, which  are  not  without  their  vahdity  in  their 
own  place  and  under  their  own  Umiting  conditions,  as 
if  they  were  the  determining  or  even  the  sole  consid- 
erations in  the  case,  and  in  neglect  of  the  really  deter- 
mining considerations.  God  is  Himself  the  author  of  the 
instruments  He  employs  for  the  communication  of  His 
messages  to  men  and  has  framed  them  into  precisely 
the  instruments  He  desired  for  the  exact  communication 
of  His  message.  There  is  just  ground  for  tlie  expectation 
that  He  wiU  use  all  the  instruments  He  employs  accord- 
ing to  their  natures;  intelligent  beings  therefore  as  in- 
telhgent  beings,  moral  agents  as  moral  agents.  But 
there  is  no  just  ground  for  asserting  tliat  God  is  inca- 
pable of  employing  the  intelligent  beings  He  has  Himself 
created  and  formed  to  His  will,  to  proclaim  His  messages 
purely  as  He  gives  them  to  them;  or  of  making  truly 
the  possession  of  rational  minds  conceptions  which  they 
have  themselves  had  no  part  in  creating.  And 
there  is  no  ground  for  imagining  that  God  is  unable 
to  frame  His  own  message  in  the  language  of  the  organs 
of  His  revelation  without  its  thereby  ceasing  to  be,  be- 
cause expressed  in  a  fashion  natural  to  these  organs, 
therefore  purely  His  message.  One  would  suppose  it 
to  lie  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case  that  if  the  Lord 
makes  any  revelation  to  men.  He  would  do  it  in  tlie  lan- 
guage of  men;  or,  to  individualize  more  explicitly,  in 
the  language  of  the  man  He  employs  as  the  organ  of  His 
revelation;  and  that  naturally  means,  not  the  language 
of  his  nation  or  circle  merely,  but  his  own  particular 
language,  inclusive  of  all  that  gives  individuality  to  his 
self-expression.  We  may  speak  of  this,  if  we  will,  as 
"  the  accommodation  of  the  revealing  God  to  the  several 
prophetic  individuahties."  But  we  should  avoid  think- 
ing of  it  externaUy  and  therefore  mechanically,  as  if  the 
revealing  Spirit  artiflcially  phrased  the  message  which 
He  gives  through  each  prophet  in  the  particular  forms 
of  speech  proper  to  the  individuality  of  each,  so  as  to 
create  the  illusion  that  the  message  comes  out  of  the 
heart  of  the  prophet  himself.  Precisely  what  the 
prophets  afflrm  is  that  their  messages  do  not  come  out 
of  their  own  hearts  and  do  not  represent  the  workings 
of  their  own  spirits.  Nor  is  there  any  illusion  in  the 
phenomenon  we  are  contemplating;  and  it  is  a  much 
more  intimate,  and,  we  may  add,  a  much  more  inter- 
esting phenomenon  than  an  external  "accommodation" 
of  speech  to  individual  habitudes.  It  includes,  on  the 
one  hand,  the  "accommodation"  of  the  prophet,  through 
his  total  preparation,  to  the  speech  in  which  the  revela- 
tion to  be  given  through  him  is  to  be  clothed ;  and  on  the 
other  involves  little  more  than  the  consistent  carrying 
into  detail  of  the  broad  principle  that  God  uses  the  instru- 
ments He  employs  in  accordance  with  their  natures. 

No  doubt,  on  adequate  occasion,  the  very  stones 
might  cry  out  by  the  power  of  God,  and  dumb 


Revelation 


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2580 


beasts  speak,  and  mysterious  voices  sound  forth 
from  the  void;  and  there  have  not  been  lacking 
instances  in  which  men  have  been  compelled  by 
the  same  power  to  speak  what  they  would  not,  and 
in  languages  whose  very  sounds  were  strange  to 
their  ears.  But  ordinarily  when  God  the  Lord 
would  speak  to  men  He  avails  Himself  of  the  serv- 
ices of  a  human  tongue  with  which  to  speak,  and 
He  employs  this  tongue  according  to  its  nature  as  a 
tongue  and  according  to  the  particular  nature  of  the 
tongue  which  He  employs.  It  is  vain  to  say  that  the 
message  delivered  through  the  instrumentality  of 
this  tongue  is  conditioned  at  least  in  its  form  by  the 
tongue  by  which  it  is  spoken,  if  not,  indeed,  limited, 
curtailed,  in  some  degree  determined  even  in  its 
matter,  by  it.  Not  only  was  it  God  the  Lord  who 
made  the  tongue,  and  who  made  this  particular 
tongue  with  all  its  peculiarities,  not  without  regard 
to  the  message  He  would  deliver  through  it;  but 
His  control  of  it  is  perfect  and  complete,  and  it  is  as 
absurd  to  say  that  He  cannot  speak  His  message  by 
it  purely  without  that  message  suffering  change  from 
the  peculiarities  of  its  tone  and  modes  of  enunciation, 
as  it  would  be  to  say  that  no  new  truth  can  be  an- 
nounced in  any  language  because  the  elements  of 
speech  by  the  combination  of  which  the  truth  in 
question  is  announced  are  already  in  existence  with 
their  fixed  range  of  connotation.  The  marks  of  the 
several  individualities  imprinted  on  the  messages 
of  the  prophets,  in  other  words,  are  only  a  part  of 
the  general  fact  that  these  messages  are  couched 
in  human  language,  and  in  no  way  beyond  that 
general  fact  affect  their  purity  as  direct  commu- 
nications from  God. 

A  new  set  of  problems  is  raised  by  the  mode  of 
revelation  which  we  have  called  "concursive  opera- 
tion."    This  mode  of  revelation  differs 
6.  Revela-     from    prophecy,    properly    so   called, 
tion  by  precisely  by    the  employment  in   it, 

Inspira-  as  is  not  done  in  prophecy,  of  the 
tion  total  personality  of  the  organ  of  revela- 

tion, as  a  factor.  It  has  been  com- 
mon to  speak  of  the  mode  of  the  Spirit's  action  in 
this  form  of  revelation,  therefore,  as  an  assistance, 
a  superintendence,  a  direction,  a  control,  the  mean- 
ing being  that  the  effect  aimed  at — the  discovery 
and  enunciation  of  Divine  truth — is  attained  through 
the  action  of  the  human  powers — historical  re- 
search, logical  reasoning,  ethical  thought,  religious 
aspiratioti — acting  not  by  themselves,  however, 
but  under  the  prevailing  assistance,  superintend- 
ence, direction,  control  of  the  Divine  Spirit.  This 
manner  of  speaking  has  the  advantage  of  setting 
this  mode  of  revelation  sharply  in  contrast  with 
prophetic  revelation,  as  involving  merely  a  deter- 
mining, and  not,  as  in  prophetic  revelation,  a  super- 
cessive  action  of  the  revealing  Spirit.  We  are 
warned,  however,  against  pressing  this  discrimi- 
nation too  far  by  the  inclusion  of  the  whole  Ijody 
of  Scripture  in  such  passages  as  2  Pet  1  20  f  in  the 
category  of  prophecy,  and  the  assignment  of  their 
origin  not  to  a  inere  "leading"  but  to  the  "bearing" 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  In  any  event  such  terms  as 
assistance,  superintendence,  direction,  control,  in- 
adequately express  the  nature  of  the  Spirit's  action 
in  revelation  by  "concursive  operation."  TheSpirit 
is  not  to  be  conceived  as  standing  outside  of  the 
human  powers  employed  for  the  effect  in  view,  ready 
to  supplement  any  inadequacies  they  may  show 
and  to  supply  any  defects  they  may  manifest,  but 
as  working  confluently  in,  with  and  by  them,  ele- 
vating them,  directing  them,  controlling  them,  ener- 
gizing them,  so  that,  as  His  instruments,  they  rise 
above  themselves  and  under  His  inspiration  do 
His  work  and  reach  His  aim.  The  product,  there- 
fore, which  is  attained  by  their  means  is  His  prod- 
uct through  them.     It  is  this  fact  which  gives  to 


the  process  the  right  to  be  called  actively,  and  to 
the  product  the  right  to  be  called  passively,  a  reve- 
lation. Although  the  circumstance  that  what  is 
done  is  done  by  and  through  the  action  of  human 
powers  keeps  the  product  in  form  and  quality  in  a 
true  sense  human,  yet  the  confluent  operation  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  throughout  the  whole  process 
raises  the  result  above  what  could  by  any  possi- 
bility be  achieved  by  mere  human  powers  and  con- 
stitutes it  expressly  a  supernatural  product.  The 
human  traits  are  traceable  throughout  its  whole 
extent,  but  at  bottom  it  is  a  Divine  gift,  and  the 
language  of  Paul  is  the  most  proper  mode  of  speech 
that  could  be  applied  to  it:  "Which  things  also  we 
speak,  not  in  words  which  man's  wisdom  teacheth, 
but  which  the  Spirit  teacheth"  (1  Cor  2  13);  "The 
things  which  I  write  unto  you  ....  are  the  com- 
mandment of  the  Lord"  (1  Cor  14  37).  See  In- 
spiration. 

It  is  supposed  that  all  the  forms  of  special  or 
redemptive  revelation  which  underlie  and  give  its 
content  to  the  religion  of  the  Bible 
7.  Complete  may  without  violence  be  subsumed  un- 
Revelation  der  one  or  another  of  these  three  modes 
of  God  — external  manifestation,  internal  sug- 

in  Christ  gestion,  and  concursive  operation. 
All,  that  is,  except  the  culminating 
revelation,  not  through,  but  in,  Jesus  Christ.  As 
in  His  person,  in  which  dwells  all  the  fulness  of  the 
Godhead  bodily,  He  rises  above  all  classification 
and  is  sui  generis;  so  the  revelation  accumulated 
in  Him  stands  outside  all  the  divers  portions  and 
divers  manners  in  which  otherwise  revelation  has 
been  given  and  sums  up  in  itself  all  that  has  been 
or  can  be  made  known  of  God  and  of  His  redemp- 
tion. He  does  not  so  much  make  a  revelation  of 
God  as  Himself  is  the  revelation  of  God;  He  does 
not  merely  disclose  God's  purpose  of  redemption,  He 
is  unto  us  wisdom  from  God,  and  righteousness  and 
sanctification  and  redemption.  Thetheophaniesare 
but  faint  shadows  in  comparison  with  His  manifesta- 
tion of  God  in  the  flesh.  The  prophets  could 
prophesy  only  as  the  Spirit  of  Christ  which  was  in 
them  testified,  revealing  to  them  as  to  servants  one 
or  another  of  the  secrets  of  the  Lord  Jeh;  from  Him 
as  His  Son,  Jeh  has  no  secrets,  but  whatsoever  the 
Father  knows  that  the  Son  knows  also.  Whatever 
truth  men  have  been  made  partakers  of  by  the 
Spirit  of  truth  is  His  (for  all  things  whatsoever 
the  Father  hath  are  His)  and  is  taken  by  the 
Spirit  of  truth  and  declared  to  men  that  He  may 
be  glorified.  Nevertheless,  though  all  revelation 
is  thus  summed  up  in  Him,  we  should  not  fail  to 
note  very  carefully  that  it  would  also  be  all  sealed  up 
ip  Him — so  little  is  revelation  conveyed  by  fact 
alone,  without  the  word — had  it  not  been  thus 
taken  by  the  Spirit  of  truth  and  declared  unto  men. 
The  entirety  of  the  NT  is  but  the  explanatory  word 
accompanying  and  giving  its  effect  to  the  fact  of 
Christ.  And  when  this  fact  was  in  all  its  meaning 
made  the  possession  of  men,  revelation  was  com- 
pleted and  in  that  sense  ceased.  Jesus  Christ  is 
no  less  the  end  of  revelation  than  He  is  the  end  of 
the  law. 

IV.  Biblical  Terminology. — There  is  not  much 
additional  to  be  learned  concerning  the  nature  and 
processes  of  revelation,  from  the  terms 
1.  The  currently    employed    in    Scripture    to 

Ordinary  express  the  idea.  These  terms  are 
Forms  ordinarily  the  common  words  for  dis- 

closing, making  known,  making  mani- 
fest, applied  with  more  or  less  heightened  signifi- 
cance to  supernatural  acts  or  effects  in  kind.  In 
the  Eng.  Biljle  (AV)  the  vb.  "reveal"  occurs  about 
51  t,  of  which  22  are  in  the  OT  and  29  in  the  NT. 
In  the  OT  the  word  is  always  the  rendering  of  a 


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Revelation 


Heb  term  ri-'^ ,  gdlah,  or  its  Aram,  equivalent 
nbjl ,  gHah,  the  root  meaning  of  which  appears  to  be 
"naliedness."  When  applied  to  revelation,  it  seems 
to  hint  at  the  removal  of  obstacles  to  perception 
or  the  uncovering  of  objects  to  perception.  In  the 
NT  the  word  "reveal"  is  always  (with  the  single 
exception  of  Lk  2  35)  the  rendering  of  a  Gr  term 
AiroKoXinvTu,  apokaluplo  (but  in  2  Thess  17;  1 
Pet  4  13  the  corresponding  noun  awoKdXvfis,  apokd- 
lupsis),  which  has  a  very  similar  basal  significance 
with  its  Heb  parallel.  As  this  Heb  word  formed  no 
substantive  in  this  sense,  the  noun  "revelation"  does 
not  occur  in  the  Eng.  OT,  the  idea  being  expressed, 
however,  by  other  Heb  terms  variously  rendered. 
It  occurs  in  the  Eng.  NT,  on  the  other  hand,  about 
a  dozen  times,  and  always  as  the  rendering  of  the 
substantive  corresponding  to  the  vb.  rendered 
"reveal"  {apokalupsis) .  On  the  face  of  the  Eng. 
Bible,  the  terms  "reveal,"  "revelation"  bear  there- 
fore uniformly  the  general  sense  of  "disclose,"  "dis- 
closure." The  idea  is  found  in  the  Bible,  however, 
much  more  frequently  than  the  terms  "reveal," 
"revelation"  in  EV.  Indeed,  the  Heb  and  Gr 
terms  exclusively  so  rendered  occur  more  frequently 
in  this  sense  than  in  this  rendering  in  the  Eng.  Bib. 
And  by  their  side  there  stand  various  other  terms 
which  express  in  one  way  or  another  the  general 
conception. 

In  the  NT  the  vb.  4>ai>ep6oi,  phanerdo,  with  the  gen- 
eral sense  of  making  manifest,  manifesting,  is  the 
most  common  of  these.  It  differs  from  apokaluplo 
as  the  more  general  and  external  term  from  the 
more  special  and  inward.  Other  terms  also  are 
occasionally  used:  i-n-Kpavaa,  epiphdneia,  "mani- 
festation" (2  Thess  2  8;  1  Tim  6  14;  2  Tim  1  10; 
4  1;  Tit  2  13;  cf  iTncfaha,  epiphaino,  Tit  2  11; 
3  4);  SeiKvioi,  deiknuo  (Rev  11;  17  1;  22  1.6.8; 
cf  Acts  9  16;  1  Tim  4  15);  i^-rftioixai,  exegeomai 
(Jn  1  18),  of  which,  however,  only  one  perhaps — 
Xp-niMTl^w,  chremallzo  (Mt  2  12.22;  Lk  2  20; 
Acts  10  22;  He  8  5;  11  7;  12  25);  xprnanuixb^ 
chremalismds  (Rom  11  4) — calls  for  particular  no- 
tice as  in  a  special  way,  according  to  its  usage,  ex- 
pressing the  idea  of  a  Divine  communication. 

In  the  OT,  the  common  Heb  vb.  for  "seeing" 
(HXI ,  rd'dh)  is  used  in  its  appropriate  stems,  with 
God  as  the  subject,  for  "appearing,"  "showing": 
"the  Lord  appeared  unto  .  .  .  .";  "the  word  which 
the  Lord  showed  me."  And  from  this  vb.  not  only 
is  an  active  substantive  formed  which  supplied  the 
more  ancient  designation  of  the  official  organ  of 
revelation:  HXT  ,  ro'e/i,  "seer";  but  also  objective 
substantives,  nS'l'D  ,  mar'dh,  and  HN"]^  ,  mar'eh, 
which  were  used  to  designate  the  thing  seen  in  a 
revelation — the  "vision."  By  the  side  of  the.se 
terms  there  were  others  in  use,  derived  from  a  root 
which  supplies  to  the  Aram,  its  common  word  for 
"seeing,"  but  in  Heb  has  a  somewhat  more  pregnant 
meaning,  ntn  ,  hdzdh.  Its  active  derivative,  HTn , 
hozeh,  was  a  designation  of  a  prophet  which  remained 
in  occasional  use,  alternating  with  the  more  cus- 
tomary S"'?5  ,  ndbhi',  long  after  Hi?"! ,  ro'eh,  had  be- 
come practically  obsolete;  and  its  passive  deriva- 
tives hazon,  hizzayon,  hazulh,  mah&zeh  provided 
the  ordinary  terms  for  the  substance  of  the  reve- 
lation or  "vision."  The  distinction  between  the 
two  sets  of  terms,  derived  respectively  from  ra'ah 
and  hazdh,  while  not  to  be  unduly  pressed,  seems  to 
lie  in  the  direction  that  the  former  suggests  external 
manifestations  and  the  latter  internal  revelations. 
The  ro'eh  is  he  to  whom  Divine  manifestations,  the 
hozeh  he  to  whom  Divine  communication's,  have 
been  vouchsafed;  the  mar'eh  is  an  appearance,  the 
hdzon  and  its  companions  a  vision.  It  may  be  of 
interest  to  observe  that  mar' ah  is  the  term  employed 


in  Nu  12  6,  while  it  is  hdzon  which  commonly 
occurs  in  the  headings  of  the  written  prophecies  to 
indicate  their  revelatory  character.  From  this  it 
may  possibly  be  inferred  that  in  the  former  passage 
it  is  the  mode,  in  the  latter  the  contents  of  the  reve- 
lation that  is  empha.sized.  Perhaps  a  like  distinc- 
tion may  be  traced  between  the  hazon  of  Dnl  8  15 
and  the  mar'eh  of  the  next  verse.  The  ordinary 
vb.  for  "knowing,"  S?!^ ,  yddha',  expressing  in  its 
causative  stems  the  idea  of  making  known,  inform- 
ing, is  also  very  naturally  employed,  with  God  as 
its  subject,  in  the  sense  of  revealing,  and  that,  in 
accordance  with  the  natural  sen.se  of  the  word,  with 
a  tendency  to  pregnancy  of  implication,  of  reveal- 
ing effectively,  of  not  merely  uncovering  to  obser- 
vation, but  making  to  know.  Accordingly,  it  is 
paralleled  not  merely  with  n55 ,  gdldh  (Ps  98  2: 
'The  Lord  hath  made  known  his  salvation;  his 
righteousness  hath  he  displayed  in  the  sight  of  the 
nation'),  but  also  with  such  terms  as  T33 ,  Idmadh 
(Ps  26  4:  'Make  known  to  me  thy  ways,  O  Lord: 
leach  me  thy  paths').  This  vb.  yddha'  forms  no 
substantive  in  the  sense  of  "revelation"  (cf  nyT  ^ 
da'alh,  Nu  24  16;  Ps  19  3). 

The  most  common  vehicles  of  the  idea  of  "reve- 
lation" in  the  OT  are,  however,  two  expressions 
which  are  yet  to  be  mentioned.  These 
2.  "Word  are  the  phrase,  "word  of  Jeh,"  and 
of  Jeho-  the  term  commonly  but  inadequately 
vah"  and  rendered  in  the  EV  by  "law."  The 
"Torah"  former  {d'bhar  Yahweh,  varied  to  d'hhar 
'Slohim  or  d'bhar  ha-' Elohlm;  cf  n''um 
Yahweh,  massd'  Yahweh)  occurs  scores  of  times  and 
is  at  once  the  simplest  and  the  most  colorless  desig- 
nation of  a  Divine  communication.  By  the  latter 
(torah),  the  proper  meaning  of  which  is  "instruction," 
a  strong  implication  of  authoritativeness  is  conveyed ; 
and,  in  this  sense,  it  becomes  what  may  be  called 
the  technical  designation  of  a  specifically  Divine 
communication.  The  two  are  not  infrequently 
brought  together,  as  in  Isa  1  10:  "Hear  the  word 
of  Jeh,  ye  rulers  of  Sodom;  give  ear  unto  the  law 
[m  "teaching")  of  our  God,  ye  people  of  Gomorrah"; 
or  Isa  2  3  m;  Mic  4  2:  "For  out  of  Zion  shall  go 
forth  the  law  [m  "instruction"],  and  the  word  of  Jeh 
from  Jerus."  Both  terms  are  used  for  any  Divine 
communication  of  whatever  extent;  and  both  came 
to  be  employed  to  express  the  entire  body  of 
Divine  revelation,  conceived  as  a  unitary  whole. 
In  this  comprehensive  usage,  the  emphasis  of  the 
one  came  to  fall  more  on  the  graciousness,  and  of 
the  other  more  on  the  authoritativeness  of  this  body 
of  Divine  revelation;  and  both  passed  into  the  NT 
with  these  implications.  "The  word  of  God,"  or 
simply  "the  word,"  comes  thus  to  mean  in  the  NT 
just  the  gospel,  "the  word  of  the  proclamation  of 
redemption,  that  is,  all  that  which  God  has  to  say 
to  man,  and  causes  to  be  said"  looking  to  his  sal- 
vation. It  expresses,  in  a  word,  precisely  what  we 
technically  speak  of  as  God's  redemptive  revelation. 
"The  law,"  on  the  other  hand,  means  in  this  NT  use, 
just  the  whole  body  of  the  authoritative  instruction 
which  God  has  given  men.  It  expresses,  in  other 
words,  what  we  commonly  speak  of  as  God's  super- 
natural revelation.  The  two  things,  of  course,  are 
the  same:  God's  authoritative  revelation  is  His 
gracious  revelation;  God's  redemptive  revelation 
is  His  supernatural  revelation.  The  two  terms 
merely  look  at  the  one  aggregate  of  revelation  from 
two  aspects,  and  each  emphasizes  its  own  aspect 
of  this  one  aggregated  revelation. 

Now,  this  aggregated  revelation  lay  before  the 
men  of  the  NT  in  a  written  form,  and  it  was  im- 
possible to  speak  freely  of  it  without  consciousness 
of  and  at  least  occasional  reference  to  its  written 
form.     Accordingly  we  hear  of  a  Word  of  God  that 


Revelation 
Revelation  of  John 


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2582 


is  written  (Jn  15  25;  1  Cor  15  54),  and  the  Divine 
Word  is  naturally  contrasted  with  mere  tradition, 
as  if  its  written  form  were  of  its  very 
3.  "The  idea  (Mk  7  10);   indeed,  the  written 

Scriptures"  body  of  revelation — with  an  empha- 
sis on  its  written  form — is  designated 
expressly 'the  prophetic  word'  (2  Pet  1  19).  More 
distinctly  still,  "the  Law"  comes  to  be  thought  of 
as  a  written,  not  exactly,  code,  but  body  of  Divine- 
ly authoritative  instructions.  The  phrase,  "It  is 
written  in  your  law"  (Jn  10  34;  15  25;  Rom  3 
19;  1  Cor  14  21),  acquires  the  precise  sense  of, 
"It  is  set  forth  in  your  authoritative  Scriptures,  all 
the  content  of  which  is  'law,'  that  is,  Divine  in- 
struction." Thus  "the  Word  of  God,"  "the  Law," 
came  to  mean  just  the  written  body  of  revelation, 
what  we  call,  and  what  the  NT  writers  called,  in 
the  same  high  sense  which  we  give  the  term,  "the 
Scriptures."  These  "Scriptures"  are  thus  identi- 
fied with  the  revelation  of  God,  conceived  as  a  well- 
defined  corpus,  and  two  conceptions  rise  before  us 
which  have  had  a  determining  part  to  play  in  the 
history  of  Christianity — the  conception  of  an 
authoritative  Canon  of  Scripture,  and  the  concep- 
tion of  this  Canon  of  Scripture  as  just  the  Word  of 
God  written.  The  former  conception  was  thrown 
into  prominence  in  opposition  to  the  gnostic  heresies 
in  the  earliest  age  of  the  church,  and  gave  rise  to  a 
richly  varied  mode  of  speech  concerning  the  Scrip- 
tures, emphasizing  their  authority  in  legal  language, 
which  goes  back  to  and  rests  on  the  Bib.  usage  of 
"Law."  The  latter  it  was  left  to  the  Reformation 
to  do  justice  to  in  its  struggle  against,  on  the  one 
side,  the  Romish  depression  of  the  Scriptures  in 
favor  of  the  traditions  of  the  church,  and  on  the 
other  side  the  Enthusiasts'  supercession  of  them 
in  the  interests  of  the  "inner  Word."  When 
TertuUian,  on  the  one  hand,  speaks  of  the  Scrip- 
tures as  an  "Instrument,"  a  legal  document,  his 
terminology  has  an  express  warrant  in  the  Scrip- 
tures' own  usage  of  lordh,  "law,"  to  designate  their 
entire  content.  And  when  John  Gerhard  argues 
that  "between  the  Word  of  God  and  Sacred  Scrip- 
ture, taken  in  a  material  sense,  there  is  no  real  differ- 
ence," he  is  only  declaring  plainly  what  is  definitely 
implied  in  the  NT  use  of  "the  Word  of  God"  with 
the  written  revelation  in  mind.  What  is  important 
to  recognize  is  that  the  Scriptures  themselves  repre- 
sent the  Scriptures  as  not  merely  containing  here 
and  there  therecordof  revelations — ' 'words  of  God , ' ' 
toroth — given  by  God,  but  as  themselves,  in  all  their 
extent,  a  revelation,  an  authoritative  body  of  gracious 
instructions  from  God;  or,  since  they  alone,  of  all 
the  revelations  which  God  may  have  given,  are  ex- 
tant— rather  as  the  Revelation,  the  only  "Word  of 
God"  acces,sible  to  men,  in  all  their  parts  "law," 
that  is,  authoritative  instruction  from  God. 

Literature. — Herman  Witsius,  "  De  Prophetis  et 
Prophetia"  in  Miscell.  Sacr..  I,  Leiden,  1736,  1-318; 
G,  F.  Oehler,  Theology  of  the  OT,  ET,  Edinljurgti,  1874, 
I,  part  I    (and  the  appropriate  sections  in  other  Bib. 

Theologies);      H.     Bavincli,      Gereformeerde      Doijmatiek', 

I,  Kampen,  1906,  290-406  (and  the  appropriate  sec- 
tions in  other  dogmatic  treatises) ;  H.  Voigt,  Fun- 
tlamentaldogmatik,  Gotha,  1874,  173  ff;  A.  Kuyper, 
Encyclopaedia  of  Sacred  Theology,  ET,  New  Yorli,  1898, 
div.  Ill,  ch  ii;  A.  E.  Krauss,  Die  Lehre  von  der  Offen- 
barung,  Gotha,  1868;  C.  F.  Fritzschc,  De  revelaiionis 
notione  biblica,  Leipzig.  1828;  E.  W.  Hengstenljerg, 
The  Christolofjy  of  the  OT,  ET',  Edinburgh,  1868,  IV, 
Appendix  6,  pp.  396-444;  E.  Konig,  Der  Offenbarungs- 
begriff  des  AT,  Leipzig,  1882;  A.  B.  Davidson,  OT 
Prophecy,  1903;  AV.  J.  Beecher,  The  Prophets  and  the 
Promise,  New  Yorlc,  1905;  James  Orr,  The  Christian 
View  of  God  and  the  World,  1893,  as  per  Index,  "Revela- 
tion," and  Revelation  and  Inspiration,  London  and  New 
Yorli,  1910.  Also:  T.  Christlieb,  Modem  Doubt  and 
Christian  Belief,  ET,  New  York,  1874;  G.  P.  Fisher, 
The  Nature  and  Method  of  Revelation,  New  York,  1890; 
C.  M.  Mead.  Supernatural  Revelation,  1889;  J.  Quirm- 
bach.  Die  Lehre  des  h.  Paulus  von  der  natilrlichen  Gottes- 
erkennlnis,  etc,  Freiburg,  1906. 

Benjamin  B.  W.^efield 


REVELATION  OF  JOHN: 

I.     Title  and  General  Character  of  Book 

1.  Title 

2.  Uniqueness  and  Reality  of  Visions 
II.   Canonicity  and  Authorship 

1.  Patristic  Testimony 

2.  Testimony  of  Book  Itself 

3.  Objections  to  Johannine  Authorship — Relation 
to  Fourth  Gospel 

III.  Date  and  Unity  of  the  Book 

1.  Traditional  Date  under  Domitian 

2.  The  Nero-Theory 

3.  Composite  Hypotheses — Babylonian  Tlieory 

IV.  Plan  and  Analysis   of  the  Book 

1.  General  Scope 

2.  Detailed  Analysis 

V.     Principles  of  Interpretation 

1.  General  Scheme  of  Interpretation 

2.  The  Newer  Theories 

3.  The  Book  a  True  Prophecy 
VI.     Theology  of  the  Book 

Literature 

The  last  book  of  the  NT.  It  professes  to  be  the 
record  of  prophetic  visions  given  by  Jesus  Christ 
to  John,  while  the  latter  was  a  prisoner,  "for  the 
word  of  God  and  the  testimony  of  Jesus"  (1  9),  in 
Patmos  (q.v.),  a  small  rocky  island  in  the  Aegean, 
about  15  miles  W.  of  Ephesus.  Its  precursor  in  the 
OT  is  the  Book  of  Dnl,  with  the  syrribolic  visions 
and  mystical  numbers  of  which  it  stands  in  close 
affinity.  The  peculiar  form  of  the  book,  its  relation 
to  other  "apocalyptic"  writings,  and  to  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  likewise  attributed  to  John,  the  interpreta- 
tion of  its  symbols,  with  controverted  questions  of 
its  date,  of  worship,  unity,  relations  to  contem- 
porary history,  etc,  have  made  it  one  of  the  most 
difficult  books  in  the  NT  to  explain  satisfactorily. 

/.  Title  and  General  Character  of  Book. — "Reve- 
lation" answers  to  dTOKdXvJ/is,  apokdlupsis,  in  ver  1. 
The  oldest  form  of  the  title  would  seem 

1.  Title  to  be  simply,  "Apocalypse  of  John," 

the  appended  words  "the  Divine" 
(SeoX(S7os,  theologos,  i.e.  "theologian")  not  being 
older  than  the  4th  cent,  (cf  the  title  given  to  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus,  "Gregory  the  theologian").  The 
book  belongs  to  the  class  of  works  commonly  named 
"apocalyptic,"  as  containing  visions  and  revelations 
of  the  future,  frequently  in  symbolical  form  (e.g. 
the  Book  of  En,  the  Apocalypse  of  Bar,  the  Apoca- 
lypse of  Ezr;  see  Apocalyptic  Literature),  but 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  word  here  bears  this  technical 
sense.  The  tendency  at  present  is  to  group  the 
NT  Apocalypse  with  these  others,  and  attribute  to 
it  the  same  kind  of  origin  as  theirs,  viz.  in  the  un- 
bridled play  of  religious  phantasy,  clothing  itself 
in  unreal  visional  form. 

But  there  is   a  wide  distinction.     These  other 

works  are  pseudonymous — fictitious;    on  the  face 

of    them    products    of    imagination; 

2.  Unique-  betraying  that  this  is  their  origin  in 
ness  and  their  crude,  confused,  unedifying  char- 
Reality  of  acter.  The  Apocalypse  bears  on  it 
Visions  the  name  of   its   author — an   apostle 

of  Jesus  Christ  (see  below) ;  claims  to 
rest  on  real  visions;  rings  with  the  accent  of  sin- 
cerity; is  orderly,  serious,  sublime,  purposeful,  in 
its  conceptions;  deals  with  the  most  solemn  and 
momentous  of  themes.  On  the  modern  Nero- 
theory,  to  which  most  recent  expositors  give  ad- 
herence, it  is  a  farrago  of  baseless  phantasies,  no  one 
of  which  came  true.  On  its  own  claim  it  is  a  prod- 
uct of  true  prophecy  (13;  22  18 f),  and  has  or 
will  have  sure  fulfilment.  Parallels  here  and  there 
are  sought  between  it  and  the  Book  of  En  or  the 
Apocalypse  of  Ezr.  As  a  rule  the  resemblances 
arise  from  the  fact  that  these  works  draw  from  the 
same  store  of  the  ideas  and  imagery  of  the  OT.  It 
is  there  the  key  is  chiefly  to  be  sought  to  the  sym- 
bolism of  John.  The  Apocalypse  is  steeped  in  the 
thoughts,  the  images,  even  the  language  of  the  OT 
(cf  the  illustrations  in  Lightfoot,  Gal,  361,  where  it 


2583 


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Revelation 
Revelation  of  John 


is  remarked:  "The  whole  book  is  saturated  with 
illustrations  from  the  OT.  It  speaks  not  the  lan- 
guage of  Paul,  but  of  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel  and 
Daniel").  These  remarks  will  receive  elucidation 
in  what  follows. 

//.   Canonicity  and  Authority. — The  two  ques- 
tions of  canonicity  and  authorship  are  closely  con- 
nected.    Eusebius  states  that  opinion 

1.  Patristic  in  his  day  was  divided  on  the  book,  and 
Testimony     he  himself  wavers  between  placing  it 

among  the  disputed  books  or  ranking 
it  with  the  acknowledged  {homologmmena) .  "Among 
these,"  he  says,  "if  such  a  view  seem  correct,  we 
must  place  the  Apocalj'pse  of  John"  (HE,  III,  25). 
That  it  was  rightly  so  placed  appears  from  a  survey 
of  the  evidence.  The  first  to  refer  to  the  book  ex- 
pressly is  Justin  Martyr  (c  140  AD),  who  speaks 
of  it  as  the  work  of  "a  certain  man,  whose  name 
was  John,  one  of  the  apostles  of  Christ"  {Dial,  81). 
Irenaeus  (c  180  AD)  repeatedly  and  decisively 
declares  that  the  Apocalypse  was  written  by  John, 
a  disciple  of  the  Lord  (Adv.  Haer.,  iv.20,  11;  30, 
4;  v.26,  1;  35,  2,  etc),  and  comments  on  the  number 
666  (v.30,  1).  In  his  case  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  apostle  John  is  meant.  Andreas  of  Cappa- 
docia  (5th  cent.)  in  a  Comm.  on  the  Apocalypse 
states  that  Papias  (c  130  AD)  bore  witness  to  its 
credibility,  and  cites  a  comment  by  him  on  Rev 
12  7-9.  The  book  is  quoted  in  the  Ep.  on  the 
martyrs  of  Vienne  and  Lyons  (177  AD);  had  a 
commentary  written  on  it  by  Melito  of  Sardis  (c  170 
AD),  one  of  the  churches  of  the  Apocalypse  (Euseb., 
HE,  IV,  26) ;  was  used  by  Theophilus  of  Antioch  (c 
168  AD)  and  by  Apollonius  (c  210  AD;  HE,  V, 
25)— in  these  cases  being  cited  as  the  Apocalypse 
of  John.  It  is  included  as  John's  in  the  Canon  of 
Muratori  (c  200  AD).  The  Johannine  authorship 
(apostolic)  is  abundantly  attested  by  TertuUian 
(c  200  AD;  Ad«.  Mar.,  iii.  14,  24,  etc);  by  Hippo- 
lytus  (c  240  AD),  who  wrote  a  work  upon  it;  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  (o  200  AD);  by  Origen  (c 
230  AD),  and  other  writers.  Doubt  about  the 
authorship  of  the  book  is  first  heard  of  in  the  ob- 
scure sect  of  the  Alogi  (end  of  2d  cent.),  who,  with 
Cains,  a  Rom  presbyter  (c  205  AD),  attributed  it 
to  Cerinthus.  More  serious  was  the  criticism  of 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (c  250  AD),  who,  on  inter- 
nal grounds,  held  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  the 
Apocalypse  could  not  have  come  from  the  same  pen 
(Euseb.,  HE,  VII,  25).  He  granted,  however,  that 
it  was  the  work  of  a  holy  and  inspired  man — an- 
other John.  The  result  was  that,  while  "in  the 
Western  church,"  as  Bousset  grants,  "the  Apoca- 
lypse was  accepted  unanimously  from  the  first" 
(EB,  I,  193),  a  certain  doubt  attached  to  it  for  a 
time  in  sections  of  the  Gr  and  Syrian  churches.  It 
is  not  found  in  the  Pesh,  and  a  citation  from  it  in 
Ephraim  the  Syrian  (f  373)  seems  not  to  be  genu- 
ine. Cyril  of  Jerus  (c  386  AD)  omits  it  from  his 
list,  and  it  is  unmentioned  by  the  Antiochian  writers 
(Chrysostom,  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  Theodoret). 
The  Canon  attributed  to  the  Council  of  Laodicea 
(c  360  AD)  does  not  name  it,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  this  document  is  not  of  later  date  (cf  West- 
cott;  also  Bousset,  Die  Offenb.  J  oh.,  28).  On  the 
other  hand,  the  book  is  acknowledged  by  Methodius, 
Pamphilus,  Athanasius,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Cyril 
Alex.,  Epiphanius,  etc. 

The  testimony  to  the  canonicity,  and  also  to  the 

Johannine  authorship,   of  the  Apocalypse  is  thus 

exceptionally  strong.     In  full  accord- 

2.  Testi-  ance  with  it  is  the  claim  of  the  book 
mony  of  itself.  It  proclaims  itself  to  be  the 
Book  Itself    work  of   John    (1  1.4.9;    22  8),   who 

does  not,  indeed,  name  himself  an 
apostle,  yet,  in  his  inspired  character,  position  of 
authority  in  the  Asian  churches,  and  selection  as 


the  medium  of  these  revelations,  can  hardly  be 
thought  of  as  other  than  the  well-known  John  of 
the  Go.spels  and  of  consentient  church  tradition. 
The  alternative  view,  first  suggested  as  a  possibility 
by  Eusebius,  now  largely  favored  by  modern  writers, 
is  that  the  John  intended  is  the  "presbyter  John" 
of  a  well-known  passage  cited  by  Eusebius  from 
Papias  (HE,  III,  39).  Without  entering  into  the 
intricate  questions  connected  with  this  "presbyter 
John" — whether  he  was  really  a  distinct  person  from 
the  apostle  (Zahn  and  others  dispute  it),  or  whether, 
if  he  was,  he  resided  at  Ephesus  (see  John,  Gospel 
of) — it  is  enough  here  to  say  that  the  reason  al- 
ready given,  viz:  the  importance  and  place  of 
authority  of  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  in  the  Asian 
churches,  and  the  emphatic  testimony  above  cited 
connecting  him  with  the  apostle,  forbid  the  attri- 
bution of  the  book  to  a  writer  wholly  unknown  to 
church  tradition,  save  for  this  casual  reference  to 
him  in  Papias.  Had  the  assumed  presbyter  really 
been  the  author,  he  could  not  have  dropped  so  com- 
pletely out  of  the  knowledge  of  the  church,  and  had 
his  place  taken  all  but  immediately  by  the  apostle. 
One  cause  of  the  hesitancy  regarding  the  Apoca- 
lypse in  early  circles  was  dislike  of  its  millenarian- 
ism;  but  the  chief  reason,  set  forth 
3.  Objec-  with  much  critical  skill  by  Dionysius 
tions  to  of  Alexandria  (Euseb.,  HE,  VII,  25), 

Johannine  was  the  undoubted  contrast  in  char- 
Authorship  acter  and  style  between  this  work  and 
— Relation  the  Fourth  Gospel,  likewise  claiming 
to  Fourth  to  be  from  the  pen  of  John.  Two 
Gospel  works  so  diverse  in  character — the  Gos- 

pel calm,  spiritual,  mystical,  abound- 
ing in  characteristic  expressions  as  "life,"  "light," 
"love,"  etc,  written  in  idiomatic  Gr;  the  Apocalypse 
abrupt,  mysterious,  material  in  its  imagery,  in- 
exact and  barbarous  in  its  idioms,  sometimes  em- 
ploying solecisms — could  not,  it  was  argued,  pro- 
ceed from  the  same  author.  Not  much,  beyond 
amplification  of  detail,  has  been  added  to  the  force 
of  the  arguments  of  Dionysius.  There  were  three 
possibilities — either  first,  admitting  the  Johannine 
authorship  of  the  Apocalypse,  to  assail  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  Gospel — this  was  the  method  of  the 
school  of  Baur;  or,  second,  accepting  the  Gospel, 
to  seek  a  different  author  for  the  Apocalypse — 
John  the  presbyter,  or  another:  thus  not  a  few 
reverent  scholars  (Bleek,  Neander,  etc);  or,  third, 
with  most  moderns,  to  deny  the  Johannine  author- 
ship of  both  Gospel  and  Apocalypse,  with  a  leaning 
to  the  "presbyter"  as  the  author  of  the  latter  (Har- 
nack,  Bousset,  Moffatt,  etc).  Singularly^  there 
has  been  of  late  in  the  advanced  school  itself  a 
movement  in  the  direction  of  recognizing  that  this 
difficulty  of  style  is  less  formidable  than  it  looks — 
that,  in  fact,  beneath  the  surface  difference,  there 
is  a  strong  body  of  resemblances  pointing  to  a  close 
relationship  of  Gospel  and  Apocalypse.  This  had 
long  been  argued  by  the  older  writers  (Godet, 
Luthardt,  Afford,  Salmon,  etc),  but  it  is  now  more 
freely  acknowledged.  As  instances  among  many 
may  be  noted  the  use  of  the  term  "Logos"  (19  13), 
the  image  of  the  "Lamb,"  figures  like  "water  of 
life,"  words  and  phrases  as  "true,"  "he  that  over- 
cometh,"  "keep  the  commandments,"  etc.  A 
striking  coincidence  is  the  form  of  quotation  of  Zee 
12  10  in  ,Jn  19  37  and  Rev  1  7.  If  the  Gr  in 
parts  shows  a  certain  abruptness  and  roughness,  it 
is  plainly  evidenced  by  the  use  of  the  correct  con- 
structions in  other  passages  that  this  is  not  due  to 
want  of  knowledge  of  the  language.  "The  very 
rules  which  he  breaks  in  one  place  he  observes  in 
others"  (Salmon).  There  are,  besides,  subtle 
affinities  in  the  Gr  usage  of  the  two  books,  and  some 
of  the  very  irregularities  complained  of  are  found  in 
the  Gospel  (for  ample  details  consult  Bous.set,  op. 


Revelation  of  John     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2.584 


cit.;  Godet,  Comm.  onJn,  I,  267-70,  ET;  Alford,  Gr 
Test.,  IV,  224-28;  Salmon,  Intro  to  the  NT,  233-43, 
2d  pd;  the  last-named  writer  says:  "I  have  pro- 
duced instances  enough  to  establish  decisively  that 
there  is  the  closest  possible  affinity  between  the 
Revelation  and  the  other  Johannine  books"). 
Great  differences  in  character  and  style  no  doubt 
still  remain.  Some,  to  leave  room  for  these,  favor 
an  early  date  for  the  Apocalypse  (68-69  BC;  on 
this  below);  the  trend  of  opinion,  however,  now 
seems,  as  will  be  shown,  to  be  moving  back  to  the 
traditional  date  in  the  reign  of  Domitian,  in  which 
case  the  Gospel  will  be  the  earlier,  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse the  later  work.  This,  likewise,  seems  to  yield 
the  better  explanation.  The  tremendous  experiences 
of  Patmos,  bursting  through  all  ordinary  and  calmer 
states  of  consciousness,  must  have  produced  startling 
changes  in  thought  and  style  of  composition.  The 
"rapt  seer"  will  not  speak  and  write  like  the  self- 
collected,  calmly  brooding  evangelist. 

///.   Date  and  Unity  of  the  Book. — Eusebius,  in 
summing  up  the  tradition  of  the  Church  on  this  sub- 
ject, assigns  John's   exile  to   Patmos, 

1.  Tradi-  and  consequently  the  composition  of 
tional  Date  the  Apocalypse,  to  the  latter  part  of 
under  the  reign  of  Domitian  (81-96  AD). 
Domitian       Irenaeus  (c  180  AD)  says  of  the  book, 

"For  it  was  seen,  not  a  long  time  ago, 
but  almost  in  our  own  generation,  at  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Domitian"  (Adv.  Haer.,  v.30,  3).  This 
testimony  is  confirmed  by  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(who  speaks  of  "the  tyrant"),  Origen,  and  later 
writers.  Epiphanius  (4th  cent.),  indeed,  puts  {Haer., 
Ii.l2,  233)  the  exile  to  Patmos  in  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius (41-54  AD) ;  but  as,  in  the  same  sentence,  he 
speaks  of  the  apostle  as  90  years  of  age,  it  is  plain 
there  is  a  strange  blunder  in  the  name  of  the 
emperor.  The  former  date  answers  to  the  conditions 
of  the  book  (decadence  of  the  churches;  widespread 
and  severe  persecution),  and  to  the  predilection  of 
Domitian  for  this  mode  of  banishment  (cf  Tacitus 
Hist,  i.2;   Euseb.,  HE,  III,  18). 

This,  accordingly,  may  be  regarded  as  the  tradi- 
tional   date    of    composition    of    the    Apocalypse, 

though  good  writers,  influenced  partly 

2.  The  by  the  desire  to  give  time  for  the  later 
Nero-  composition  of  the  Gospel,  have  sig- 
Theory  nified  a  preference  for  an  earlier  date 

(e.g.  Westcott,  Salmon).  It  is  by  no 
means  to  be  assumed,  however,  that  the  Apocalypse 
is  the  earlier  production.  The  tendency  of  recent 
criticism,  it  will  be  seen  immediately,  is  to  revert 
to  the  traditional  date  (Bousset,  etc) ;  but  for  a  dec- 
ade or  two,  through  the  prevalence  of  what  may  be 
called  the  "Nero-theory"  of  the  book,  the  pendulum 
swung  strongly  in  favor  of  its  composition  shortly 
after  the  death  of  Nero,  and  before  the  destruction 
of  Jerus  (held  to  be  shown  to  be  still  standing 
by  ch  11),  i.e.  about  68-69  AD.  This  date  was 
even  held  to  be  demonstrated  beyond  all  question. 
Reuss  may  be  taken  as  an  example.  According  to 
him  {Christian  Theology  of  the  Apostolic  Age,  I, 
369  ff,  ET),  apart  from  the  ridiculous  preconcep- 
tions of  theologians,  the  Apocalypse  is  "the  most 
simple,  most  transparent  book  that  prophet  ever 
penned."  "There  is  no  other  apostolical  writing 
the  chronology  of  which  can  be  more  exactly  fixed." 
"It  was  written  before  the  destruction  of  Jerus, 
under  the  emperor  Galba — that  is  to  say,  in  the 
second  half  of  the  year  68  of  our  era."  He  proceeds 
to  discuss  "the  irrefutable  proofs"  of  this.  The 
proof,  in  brief,  is  found  in  the  beast  (not  introduced 
till  ch  13)  with  seven  heads,  one  of  which  has  been 
mortally  wounded,  but  is  for  the  present  healed 
(13  3).  "This  is  the  Rom  empire,  with  its  first 
7  emperors,  one  of  whom  is  killed,  but  is  to  live  again 
as  Antichrist"  (cf  17  10 f).     The  key  to  the  whole 


book  is  said  to  be  given  in  13  18,  where  the  number 
of  the  beast  is  declared  to  be  666.  Applying  the 
method  of  numerical  values  (the  Jewish  Gematria), 
this  number  is  found  to  correspond  with  the  name 
"Nero  Caesar"  in  Heb  letters  (omitting  the  yodh). 
Nero  then  is  the  5th  head  that  is  to  live  again;  an 
interpretation  confirmed  by  rumors  prevalent  at 
that  time  that  Nero  was  not  really  dead,  but  only 
hidden,  and  was  soon  to  return  to  claim  his  throne. 
As  if  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  it  is  found  that 
by  dropping  the  final  n  in  "Neron,"  the  number 
becomes  616 — a  number  which  Irenaeus  in  his  com- 
ments on  the  subject  (v. 30.1)  tells  us  was  actually 
found  in  some  ancient  copies.  The  meaning  there- 
fore is  thought  to  be  clear.  Writing  under  the 
emperor  Galba,  the  6th  emperor  (reckoning  from 
Augustus),  the  author  anticipates,  after  a  short 
reign  of  a  7th  emperor  (17  10),  the  return  of  the 
Antichrist  Nero — an  8th,  but  of  the  7,  with  whom 
is  to  come  the  end.  Jerus  is  to  be  miraculously 
preserved  (ch  11),  but  Rome  is  to  perish.  This  is 
to  happen  within  the  space  of  3i  years.  "The 
final  catastrophe,  which  was  to  destroy  the  city  and 
empire,  was  to  take  place  in  three  years  and  a  half. 
....  The  writer  knows  ....  that  Rome  will 
in  three  years  and  a  half  perish  finally,  never  to  rise 
again."  It  does  not  matter  for  this  theory  that 
not  one  of  the  things  predicted  happened — that 
every  anticipation  was  falsified.  Nero  did  not 
return ;  Jerus  was  not  saved ;  Rome  did  not  perish ; 
3i  years  did  not  see  the  end  of  all  things.  Yet  the 
Christian  church,  though  the  failure  of  every  one 
of  these  predictions  had  been  decisively  demon- 
strated, received  the  book  as  of  Divine  inspiration, 
apparently  without  the  least  idea  that  such  things 
had  been  intended  (see  the  form  of  the  theory  in 
Renan,  with  a  keen  criticism  in  Salmon's  Intro  to 
f/ieiVr,  lect  xiv). 

What  is  to  be  said  with  reference  to  this  "Nero- 
theory"   belongs   to   subsequent   sections:     mean- 
while it  is  to  be  observed  that,  while 
3.  Com-         portions  of  the  theory   are  retained, 
posite  significant   changes  have  since  taken 

Hypotheses  place  in  the  view  entertained  of  the 
— Babylo-  book  as  a  whole,  and  with  this  of  the 
nian  Theory  date  to  be  assigned  to  it.  First,  after 
1882,  came  a  flood  of  disintegrating 
hypotheses,  based  on  the  idea  that  the  Apocalypse 
was  not  a  unity,  but  was  either  a  working  up  of  one 
or  more  Jewish  apocalypses  by  Christian  hands,  or 
at  least  incorporated  fragments  of  such  apoca- 
lypses (Volter,  Vischer,  Weizsacker,  Weyland, 
Pfieiderer,  Spitta,  etc).  Hamack  lent  his  influ- 
ential support  to  the  form  of  this  theory  advocated 
by  Vischer,  and  for  a  time  the  idea  had  vogue. 
Very  soon,  however,  it  fell  into  discredit  through 
its  own  excesses  (for  details  on  the  different  views, 
see  Bousset,  or  Moffat's  Intro  to  the  NT,  489  ff),  and 
through  increasing  appreciation  of  the  internal  evi- 
dence for  the  unity  of  the  book.  Gunkel,  in  his 
Schopfung  und  Ctoos  (1895),  started  another  line 
of  criticism  in  his  derivation  of  the  conceptions  of 
the  book,  not  from  Jewish  apocalypse,  but  from 
Bab  mythology.  He  assailed  with  sharp  criticism 
the  "contemporary  history"  school  of  interpretation 
(the  "Nero-theory"  above),  and  declared  its  "bank- 
ruptcy." The  number  of  the  beast,  with  him, 
found  its  solution,  not  in  Nero,  but  in  the  Heb  name 
for  the  primeval  chaos.  This  theory,  too,  has  failed 
in  general  acceptance,  though  elements  in  it  are 
adopted  by  most  recent  interpreters.  The  modified 
view  most  in  favor  now  is  that  the  Apocalypse  is,  in- 
deed, the  work  of  a  Christian  writer  of  the  end  of  the 
1st  cent.,  but  embodies  certain  sections  borrowed 
from  Jewish  apocalypse  (as  7  1-8,  the  144,000; 
ch  11,  measuring  of  the  temple  and  the  two  wit- 
nesses;   esp.  ch  12,  the  woman  and  red  dragon — 


2585 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Revelation  of  John 


this,  in  turn,  reminiscent  of  Bab  mythology).  These 
supposed  Jewish  sections  are,  however,  without 
real  support  in  anything  that  is  known,  and  the 
symbolism  admits  as  easily  of  a  Christian  interpre- 
tation as  any  other  part  of  the  book.  We  are  left, 
therefore,  as  before,  with  the  book  as  a  unity,  and 
the  tide  of  opinion  flows  back  to  the  age  of  Domitian 
as  the  time  of  its  origin.  Moffatt  (connecting  it 
mistakenly,  as  it  seems  to  us,  with  Domitian's 
emphasis  on  the  imperial  cultus,  but  giving  also 
other  reasons)  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  "any  earlier 
date  for  the  book  is  hardly  possible"  (Expos  Or 
Test.,  V,  317).  The  list  of  authorities  for  the 
Domitianic  date  may  be  seen  in  Moffatt,  Intro,  508. 
IV.  Plan  and  Analysis  of  the  Book. — The 
method  of  the  book  may  thus  be  indicated.     After 

an  introduction,  and  letters  to  the 
1.  General  seven  churches  (chs  1-3),  the  properly 
Scope  prophetic  part  of  the  book  commences 

with  a  vision  of  heaven  (chs  4, 6), 
following  upon  which  are  two  series  of  visions  of 
the  future,  parallel,  it  would  appear,  to  each  other — 
the  first,  the  7  seals,  and  under  the  7th  seal,  the  7 
trumpets  (chs  6-11,  with  interludes  in  ch  7  and 
again  in  10;  11  1-12);  the  second,  the  woman  and 
her  child  (ch  12),  the  2  beasts  (ch  13),  and,  after 
new  interludes  (ch  14),  the  bowls  and  7  last 
plagues  (chs  15,  16).  The  expansion  of  the  last 
judgments  is  given  in  separate  pictures  (the  scarlet 
woman,  doom  of  Babylon,  Har-Magedon,  chs  17- 
19) ;  then  come  the  closing  scenes  of  the  millennium, 
the  last  apostasy,  resurrection  and  judgment  (ch 
20),  followed  by  the  new  heavens  and  new  earth, 
with  the  descending  new  Jerus  (chs  21,22).  The 
theme  of  the  book  is  the  conflict  of  Christ  and  His 
church  with  anti-Christian  powers  (the  devil,  the 
beast,  the  false  prophet,  16  13),  and  the  ultimate 
and  decisive  defeat  of  the  latter;  its  keynote  is  in 
the  words,  "Come,  Lord  Jesus"  (22  20;  cf  1  7); 
but  it  is  to  be  noticed,  as  characteristic  of  the  book, 
that  while  this  "coming"  is  represented  as,  in  a 
manner,  ever  near,  the  end,  as  the  crisis  approaches, 
is  again  always  postponed  by  a  fresh  development 
of  events.  Thus,  under  the  6th  seal,  the  end  seems 
reached  (6  12-17),  but  a  pause  en.sues  (ch  7),  and 
on  the  opening  of  the  seventh  seal,  a  new  series 
begins  with  the  trumpets  (8  2ff).  Similarly,  at 
the  sounding  of  the  6th  trumpet,  the  end  seems  at 
hand  (9  12-21),  but  a  new  pause  is  introduced 
before  the  last  sounding  takes  place  (11  15  ff). 
Then  is  announced  the  final  victory,  but  as  yet  only 
in  summary.  A  new  series  of  visions  begins,  open- 
ing into  large  per.spectives,  till,  after  fresh  inter- 
ludes, and  the  pouring  out  of  6  of  the  bowls  of  judg- 
ment, Har-Magedon  itself  is  reached;  but  though, 
at  the  outpouring  of  the  7th  bowl,  it  is  proclaimed, 
"It  is  done"  (16  17),  the  end  isagam  held  over  till 
these  final  judgments  are  shown  in  detail.  At 
length,  surely,  in  ch  19,  with  the  appearance  of  the 
white  horseman — "The  Word  of  God"  (ver  13) — 
and  the  decisive  overthrow  of  all  his  adversaries 
(vs  18-21),  the  climax  is  touched;  but  just  then, 
to  our  surprise,  intervenes  the  announcement  of  the 
binding  of  Satan  for  1,000  years,  and  the  reign  of 
Jesus  and  His  saints  upon  the  earth  (the  interpre- 
tation is  not  here  discussed),  followed  by  a  fresh 
apostasy,  and  the  general  resurrection  and  judg- 
ment (ch  20).  Precise  time-measures  evidently 
fail  in  dealing  with  a  book  so  constructed:  the  3| 
years  of  the  Nero-interpreters  sink  into  insignifi- 
cance in  its  crowded  panorama  of  events.  The 
symbolic  numbers  that  chiefly  rule  in  the  book  are 
"seven,"  the  number  of  completene.ss  (7  spirits, 
seals,  trumpets,  bowls,  heads  of  beasts);  "ten," 
the  number  of  worldly  power  (10  horns);  "four," 
the  earthly  number  (4  living  creatures,  corners  of 
earth,  winds,  etc);    3i  years— 42  months— "time. 


and  times,  and  half  a  time"  (12  14)  =  1,260  days, 
the  period,  borrowed  from  Dnl  (7  25;  12  7),  of 
anti-Christian  ascendency. 

The  following  is  a  more  detailed  analysis: 
I.     Introduction 

1.  Title  and  Address  (1   1-8) 
2     Detailed    ^-  V^ion    of   Jesus    and    Message  to  the 
a"  „i    „•„  Seven  Churches  of  the  Province  of  Asia 

Analysis  (vs  9-20) 

3.  The  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches  (chs 
2  3) 

(1)  Ephesus    (2   1-7) 

(2)  Smyrna    (vs  8-11) 
(.3)    Pergamos  (vs  12-17) 
(4)    Thyatira  (vs  18-29) 
(.5)    Sardis  (3   1-6) 

(6)  Philadelphia  (vs  7-13) 

(7)  Laodicea  (vs  14-22) 

II.     The  Things  to  Come.     First  Series  of  Visions: 
The  Seals  and  Trumpets 

1.  The  Vision  of  Heaven 

(1)  Adoration  of  the  Creator  (ch  4) 

(2)  The  7-Sealed  Book;    Adoration  of  God  and 
the  Lamb  (ch  5) 

2.  Opening  of  Six  Seals  (ch  6) 

(1)  The  White   Horse    (vs   1.2) 

(2)  The  Red  Horse    (vs  3.4) 

(3)  The  Black   Horse   (vs  5.6) 

(4)  The   Pale    Horse    (vs   7.8) 

(5)  Souls  under  the  Altar  (vs  9-11) 

(6)  The  Wrath  of  the  Lamb  (vs  12-17) 

3.  Interludes  (ch  7) 

(1)  Seahng  of  144.000  on  Earth  (vs  1-8) 

(2)  Triumphant  Multitude  in  Heaven  (vs  9-17) 

4.  Opening  of  Seventh   Seal:     under    This    Seven 

Trumpets,  of  Which  Six  Now  Sounded  (chs 
8    9) 

(1)  Hail  and  Fire  on  Earth  (8  7) 

(2)  Burning    Mountain  in   Sea    (vs   8.9) 

(3)  Burning  Star  on  Rivers  and  Fountains  (vs 
10.11) 

(4)  One-third  Sun.  Moon,  and  Stars  Darkened 
(ver  12).      "Woe" — Trumpets  (ver  13) 

(5)  The  FaUen  Star-Locusts  (9  1-11) 

(6)  Angels  Loosed  from  Euphrates — the  Horse- 
man (vs  12-21) 

5.  Interludes — 

(1)  Angel  with  Little  Book  (ch  10) 

(2)  Measuring  of  Temple  and  Altar — the  Two 
Witnesses  (11  1-13) 

6.  Seventh  Trumpet  Sounded — Final  Victory 
(vs  14-19) 

III.  Second  Series  OF  Visions:  The  Woman  and  the 
Red  Dragon;  the  Two  Beasts;  the  Bowls 
and  Last  Plagues 

1.  The  Woman  and  Child;  the  Red  Dragon  and 
His  Persecutions  (ch  12) 

2.  The  Beast  from  the  Sea.  Seven-headed,  Ten- 
horned  (13  1-10) ;  the  Two-horned  Beast  (vs 
11-18) 

3.  Interludes  (ch  14) 

(1)  The  Lamb  on  Mt.  Zion;     the  144,000  (vs 
1-5) 

(2)  The  Angel  with  "an  Eternal  Gospel"  (vs 
6.7) 

(3)  Second    Angel — (Anticipatory)     Proclama- 
tion of  Fall  of  Babylon  (ver  8) 

(4)  Third  Angel — Doom  of  Worshippers  of  the 
Beast  (vs  9-12) 

(5)  Blessedness  of  the  Dead  in  the  Lord  (ver  13) 

(6)  The  Son  of  Man  and  the   Great  Vintage 
(vs  14-20) 

4.  The  Seven  Last  Plagues — the  Angels  and  Their 

Bowls:    the  Preparation  in  Heaven  (ch  15) 
— the  Outpouring  (ch  16) 

(1)  On  Earth  (16  2) 

(2)  On  Sea  (ver  3) 

(3)  On  Rivers  and  Fountains  (vs  4-7) 

(4)  On  Sun  (vs  8.9) 

(5)  On  Seat  of  Beast  (vs  10.11) 

(6)  On  Euphrates  — Har-Magedon  (vs    12-16) 

(7)  In  the  Air — Victory  and  Fall  of  Babylon 
(vs  17-21) 

IV.     Expansion  of  Last  Judgments  (chs  17-19) 

1.  The  Scarlet  Woman  on  Beast — Her  Judgment 
(ch  17) 

2.  Doom  of  Babylon  and  Lament  over  Her  (ch  18) 

3.  Interlude — Announcement  of  Marriage  of  the 
Lamb  (19  1-10) 

4.  Rider  on  White  Horse  ("The  Word  of  God") 
and  His  Armies — Last  Battle  and  Doom  of 
Beast,  False  Prophet,  and  Their  Followers  (vs 
11-21) 

V.     The    Millennium — New     Heavens    and    New 
Earth  (chs  20-22) 

1.  Satan  Bound;  First  Resurrection  and  Reign  of 
Saints  for  1.000  Years  (20  1-6) 

2.  Loosing  of  Satan  and  Final  Conflict — Doom  of 
Adversaries  and  of  the  Devil  (vs  7-10) 

3.  General  Resurrection  and  Last  Judgment  (vs 
11-15) 


Revelation  of  John 
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2586 


4.  New  Heavens  and  New  Earth 

(1)  The  New  Jerus  from  Heaven  (21   1- 

(2)  Description  of  the  City  (vs  10-27) 

(3)  Blessedness  of  Its  Citizens  (22  1-7) 

(4)  Epilogue  (vs  S-21) 


9) 


V.  Principles  of  Interpretation. — As  a  book  in- 
tended for  the  consolation  of  the  church  under 
present  and  future  afflictions,  the 
1.  General  Apocaljqise  is  meant  by  its  author  to 
Scheme  of  be  understood  (1  3;  22  7).  He  must 
Interpre-  have  been  aware,  however,  that,  while 
tation  its  general  scope  might  be  apprehended, 

mystery  must  rest  upon  many  of  its 
symbols,  till  the  time  of  their  actual  fulfilment. 
The  book  relates  to  "things  which  must  shortly 
come  to  pass"  (1  1) — in  their  beginnings  at  least — 
and  the  divers  interpretations  since  put  upon  its 
prophecies  are  the  best  evidence  of  the  difficulties 
attaching  to  them.  Schemes  of  interpretation 
have  generally  been  grouped  into  praeterist  (the 
prophecies  being  regarded  as  already  fulfilled), 
futurist  (the  fulfilment  being  thrown  wholly  into  the 
future),  and  the  historical  (the  fulfilment  being 
looked  for  in  the  continuous  history  of  the  church 
from  John's  day  till  the  end).  (1)  The  older  prae- 
terist view  may  be  taken  as  represented  by  Moses 
Stuart,  who  finds  the  fulfilment  of  chs  6-11  in  the 
destruction  of  Jerus  (Comm.,  520  ff),  and  of  chs  IS- 
IS in  the  reign  of  Nero  (690  ff).  Even  he,  however, 
has  to  interpret  the  chapter  on  the  last  things  of 
the  future.  (2)  The  futurist  view  connects  the 
whole  with  the  times  of  the  second  advent  and  the 
millennium.  The  beast  is  an  individual  who  shall 
then  appear  as  Anticlirist.  This  rejects  the  plain 
intimations  of  the  book  that  the  events  predicted 
lay,  in  their  beginnings  at  least,  immediately  in  the 
future  of  the  writer.  (3)  The  historical  view  connects 
the  various  symbols  with  definite  occurrences — 
as  the  invasions  which  overthrew  the  Rom  Empire 
(the  first  4  trumpets),  the  Saracens  (first  woe-trum- 
pet), the  Turks  (second  woe-trumpet),  the  papacy 
(the  beast,  ch  13;  the  scarlet  woman,  eh  17),  etc. 
A  day-year  principle  is  applied  to  the  periods  (1,260 
days — 1,260  years).  As  representatives  of  this 
view  may  be  mentioned  Mode,  Vitringa,  Sir  Isaac 
Newton,  Elliott  in  Horae  Apocalypticae,  A.  Barnes. 
These  older  schemes  are  largely  put  out  of  date 
by  the  newer  theories,  already  alluded  to,  in  which 
the  Apocalypse  is  explained  out  of 
2.  The  contemporary  conditions,  the  legend  of 

Newer  the    returning    Nero,    Jewish    apoca- 

Theories  lypse,  and  Bab  mythology.  These  are 
praeterist  theories  also,  but  differ 
from  the  older  in  that  in  them  all  real  prophecy  is 
denied.  A  mainstay  of  such  theories  is  the  declara- 
tion of  the  book  that  the  events  announced  are  close 
at  hand  (1  1.3;  22  20).  When,  however,  it  is 
remembered  that,  on  any  view,  this  nearness  in- 
cludes a  period  of  1,000  years  before  the  judgment 
and  descent  of  the  new  Jerus,  it  will  be  felt  that  it 
will  not  do  to  give  these  expressions  too  restricted 
a  temporal  significance.  The  horizon  is  wider. 
The  coming  of  Christ  is  ever  near — ever  approach- 
ing— yet  it  is  not  to  be  tied  down  to  "times  and 
seasons";  it  is  more  of  the  nature  of  a  process  and 
has  anticipatory  exemplifications  in  many  crises 
and  providential  events  forecasting  the  end  (see 
above).  The  "coming,"  e.g.  to  the  church  at 
Ephesus  (2  5),  or  to  the  church  at  Pergamos  (2  16) 
— contingent  events — can  hardly  exhaust  the  full 
meaning  of  the  Parousia.  The  Nero-theory  de- 
mands a  date  at  latest  under  Galba,  but  that  date 
we  have  seen  to  be  generally  abandoned.  Those 
who  place  it  under  Vespasian  (omitting  three  short 
reigns)  sacrifice  the  advantage  of  dating  the  book 
before  the  destruction  of  Jerus,  and  have  to  fall 
back  on  a  supposititious  Jewish  fragment  in  ch  11, 


which  those  who  incorporated  it  must  have  known 
had  never  been  fulfilled.  The  attempt  to  give  a 
"contemporary  historical"  interpretation  to  the 
symbols  of  the  successive  churches,  as  Gunkel  has 
acutely  shown,  completely  breaks  down  in  practice, 
while  Gunkel's  own  attempt  at  a  Bab  explanation 
will  be  judged  by  most  to  be  overstrained.  "Drag- 
on" in  the  OT  and  elsewhere  may  be  associated  with 
widespread  oriental  ideas,  but  the  definite  symbol- 
ism of  the  Apocalypse  in  ch  12  has  no  provable  con- 
nection with  Bab  myths.  There  is  the  widest  dis- 
agreement in  the  theories  of  "composite"  origin 
(from  Jewish  apocalypse) .  ^  What  seems  simple  and 
demonstrable  to  one  has  no  plausibility  to  others. 
A  form  of  "Nero  Caesar,"  indeed,  yields  the  mystic 
666,  but  so  do  1 ,000  other  names — almost  any  name, 
with  proper  manipulation  (cf  Salmon,  lect  xiv). 
Lastly,  the  retuming-Nero  legend  yields  no  satis- 
factory explanation  of  the  language  in  13  3.12.14; 
17  11.  The  theory  is  that  these  words  allude  to  the 
belief  that  Nero  would  return  from  the  dead  and 
become  Antichrist  (see  above) .  Tacitus  attests  that 
there  were  vague  rumors  that  Nero  had  not  really 
died  {Hist,  ii.8),  and  later  a  pretender  arose  in 
Parthia  taking  advantage  of  this  feeling  (Suet.  Nero. 
57).  The  idea  of  Nero  returning  from  the  dead  is 
categorically  stated  in  Sib  Or  5  363-70  (c  120 AD); 
cf  Sib  Or  4  119-22  (c  80  AD).  Augustine  mentions 
the  idea  (City  of  God,  xx.l9,  3),  but  without  con- 
nection with  the  Apocalypse.  By  Domitian's  time, 
however,  it  wag  perfectly  certain  that  Nero  had 
not  returned,  and  there  was  no  longer,  on  this  in- 
terpretation, any  appositeness  in  speaking  of  a 
"head"  the  "deathstroke"  of  which  was  healed  (13 
3),  which  became  the  "eighth  head"  of  17  11 — 
if,  indeed,  the  apostle  could  be  conceived  capable 
of  being  influenced  by  such  vagaries.  The  events 
predicted  lay,  evidently,  still  in  the  future.  It  may 
be  added  that  neither  Irenaeus,  nor  any  early  inter- 
preter, seems  to  have  heard  of  the  connection  of  666 
with  "Nero."  Irenaeus  himself  suggests  the  solu- 
tion Lateinos  (cf  Salmon,  ut  supra). 

It  is  not  proposed  here  to  attempt  the  lines  of  a 
positive  interpretation.     If  it   is   once  recognized 
that  the  Apocalypse  is  a  book  of  true 
3.  The  prophecy,  that  its  symbols  stand  for 

Book  a  something  real,  and  that  its  perspective 

True  is  not  to  be  limited  to  a  brief  period 

Prophecy  like  31  years,  the  way  is  opened,  not, 
indeed,  for  a  reading  into  it  of  a  series 
of  precise  historical  occurrences,  but  still  for  doing 
justice  to  the  truth  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  the 
historical  interpretation,  viz.  that  there  are  here  pre- 
figured the  great  crises  in  the  age-long  conflict  of 
Christ  and  His  church  with  pagan  and  anti- 
Christian  adversaries.  Events  and  tendencies  may 
be  grouped,  or  under  different  forms  may  relate  to 
the  same  subject  (e.g.  the  144,000  sealed  on  earth — 
a  spiritual  Israel — in  7  1-8,  and  the  triumphant 
multitude  in  heaven,  vs  9-17) ;  successions  of  events 
may  be  foreshortened;  different  pictures  may 
overlap;  but,  shining  through  the  symbols,  great 
truths  and  facts  which  have  historical  realization 
appear.  There  is  no  need  for  supposing  that,  in  a 
drama  of  this  range,  the  "heads"  of  the  beast  of 
chs  13  and  17  (behind  whom  is  the  Dragon-enemy, 
Satan,  of  ch  12)  stand,  in  contrariety  to  the 
analogy  of  Dnl,  for  seven  individual  emperors,  and 
that  "the  image  of  the  beast,"  which  has  life  given 
to  it  and  "speaks"  (13  14.15),  is  the  statue  of  the 
emperor;  or  that  such  tremendous  events  as  the  fall 
of  the  Rom  Empire,  or  the  rise  of  the  papacy — with 
which,  however,  must  be  combined  all  ecclesiastical 
anti-Christianism — or  the  false  prophecy  of  later 
intellectual  anti-Christianism  have  no  place  in  the 
symbolism  of  the  book.  Sane,  reverent  thought 
will  suggest  many  lines  of  correspondence  with  the 


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course  of  God's  providence,  which  may  serve  to 
illuminate  its  dark  places.  More  than  this  need  not 
be  said  here. 

VI.  Theology  of  the  Book. — On  this  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  dwell,  for  expositors  are  now  well 
agreed  that  in  its  great  doctrines  of  God,  Christ, 
man,  sin,  redemption,  the  teaching  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse does  not  vary  essentially  from  the  great  types 
in  the  Epp.  The  as.sonances  with  John's  mode 
of  thinking  have  already  been  alluded  to.  It  is 
granted  by  all  writers  that  the  Christology  is  as 
high  as  anywhere  in  the  NT.  "It  ought  unhesi- 
tatingly to  be  acknowledged,"  says  Reuss,  "that 
Christ  is  placed  in  the  Apocalypse  on  a  par  with 
God"  (op.  cit.,  I,  397-98;  cf  Rev  1  4.17;  2  S; 
6  12-14;  22  13,  etc).  Not  less  striking  are  the 
correspondences  with  the  teaching  of  Paul  and  of 
Peter  on  redemption  through  the  blood  of  Christ 
(1  5;  5  9;  7  14;  14  4,  etc).  The  perverted  con- 
ception of  the  school  of  Baur  that  we  have  in  the 
book  an  anti-Pauline  manifesto  (thus  also  Pflei- 
derer;  cf  Hibbert  Lectures,  178),  is  now  practically 
dead  (see  the  criticism  of  it  by  Reuss,  op.  cit.,  I, 
308-12).  The  point  in  which  its  eschatology  differs 
from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  NT  is  in  its  introduction 
of  the  millennium  before  the  final  resurrection  and 
judgment.  This  enlarges,  but  does  not  necessarily 
contradict,  the  earlier  stage  of  thought. 

Literature. — Moses  Stuart,  Comm.  on  Apocalypse;  A\- 
ford,  Gr  Test.,  IV,  "The  Revelation";  S.  Davidson,  Inlro 
to  the  NT  (3d  ed),  176  flf:  G.  Salmon,  Intro  to  the  NT  {2a 
ed),  lects  xiii,  xiv:  Elliott,  Horae  Apocalypticae,  with 
lit.  there  mentioned:  Farrar,  Early  Days  of  Christianity, 
ch  xxviii;  RliUigan,  Discu.^sions  on  the  Apocalypse;  H. 
Gunkel,  Schopfung  und  Chaos;  W.  Bousset,  Die  Offen- 
harung  Johannis,  and  art.  "Apocalypse"  in  EB,  1; 
C  Anderson  Scott,  "Revelation"  in  Century  Bible;  J. 
Moffatt,  Intro  to  Lit.  of  the  NT  (with  notices  of  lit.) ; 
also  "Revelation"  in  Expositor's  Bible;  Trench,  Epp. 
to  the  Seven  Churches;  \V.  M.  Ramsay,  Letters  to  the 
Seven  Churches;  H.  B.  Swete.  The  Apocalypse  of  St. 
John. 

James  Orr 
REVELLINGS,  rev'el-ingz  (k»(i.os,  komos):  The 
word  is  found  both  in  AV  and  in  RV  in  Wisd  14 
23  (RV  "revels,"  orgiastic  heathen  worship  is  in 
point);  2  Mace  6  4;  Gal  5  21;  1  Pet  4  3.  In 
Gal  5  21  it  ia  classed  with  fornication,  uncleanness, 
lasciviousness,  etc,  as  one  of  the  works  of  the  flesh. 
In  1  Pet  4  3  it  is  spoken  of  the  Gentiles  and  is 
classed  with  drunkenness  and  carousings  and  such 
like.  In  Rom  13  13  RVhas  "reveUing"  instead  of 
AV  "rioting,"  and  in  2  Pet  2  13,  "revel"  replaces 
"riot."  Similarly  in  Am  6  7,  "revelry"  replaces 
"banquet."  The  obvious  meaning  of  the  word  is 
excessive  and  boisterous  intemperance  and  lustful 
indulgence.  G.  H.  Gerberding 

REVENGE,  re-venj',  REVENGER,  rS-venj'er: 
The  same  Heb  and  Gr  words  are  used  to  express 
the  idea  of  "to  avenge"  and  "to  revenge"  (Dj53, 
nakam,  or  derivative ;  iKSiKiu,  €MtA:eo,  or  derivative). 
In  Eng.  these  words  are  synonymous  in  that  they 
are  both  used  to  express  the  infliction  of  punishment 
upon  the  wrongdoer,  but  "to  take  revenge"  rnay 
also  imply  a  spiteful,  wrong  or  malignant  spirit. 
In  the  latter  case  RV  preserves  "revenge"  (cf  Jer  20 
10;  Ezk  25  1.5;  25  17  is  an  anthropomorphism), 
but,  wherever  it  is  synonymous  with  "avenge,"  this 
word  is  used  (cf  Nu  31  2.3;  Ps  79  10;  Nah  1  2; 
Jth  13  20;  Rom  13  4;  2  Cor  7  11;  10  6  RV; 
AV  has  "revenge"  in  all  these  cases).  In  Dt  32  42, 
AV  "revenge"  is  a  wrong  tr.  Read  with  RV  "from 
the  head  of  the  leaders  of  the  enemy"  or  RVm  "the 
hairy  head  of  the  enemy."  Cf  Avenge,  Avenger; 
Blood;  Goel.  A.  L.  Bheslich 

REVENUE,  rev'S-nii:  (1)  DflSS,  'app'ihom, 
"revenue  or  income"  (Ezr  4  13AVJ;  (2)  HXinn, 
t'bhu'ah,  "increase,"  "revenue"  (Prov  8  19;    15  6; 


Isa  23  3;  Jer  12  13);  wp6croSos,  prdsodos,  "mcome" 
(2  Mace  3  3;   4  8  [RV  "fund"];   9  16). 

REVERENCE,  rev'er-ens:  In  the  OT,  "rever- 
ence" occurs  as  the  tr  of  two  Heb  words,  yare'  and 
shdhah.  The  root  idea  of  the  former  is  "fear."  It 
is  used  to  express  the  attitude  toward  God  Himself, 
as  in  Ps  89  7  AV;  or  toward  His  sanctuary,  as  in 
Lev  19  30;  26  2.  So  the  group  of  ideas  there  would 
be  "fear,"  "awe,"  "reverence."  The  root  idea  of 
the  second  is  "falling  down,"  as  prostration  of 
the  body.  It  is  used  to  express  the  bearing  toward 
another  who  is  considered  superior,  as  in  2  S  9  6 
AV;  1  K  1  31  AV;  Est  3  2.5.  The  group  of 
ideas  here,  therefore,  is  "honor,"  "obeisance," 
"reverence." 

In  the  NT  "reverence"  occurs  as  the  tr  of  three 
Gr  words,  aidos,  phobiomai,  and  enlrepomai.  In 
the  first,  the  idea  is  "modesty"  (He  12  28;  cf 
1  Tim  2  9).  In  the  second,  "fear"  (Eph  5  33  AV), 
though  here  it  is  used  to  set  forth  the  attitude  of 
proper  subjection  on  the  part  of  a  wife  toward 
her  husband  (cf  1  Pet  3  2.5).  In  the  third,  the 
idea  is  that  of  the  "self-valuation  of  inferiority," 
and  so  sets  forth  an  attitude  toward  another  of 
doing  him  honor  (Mt  21  37;  Mk  12  6;  Lk  20 
13;    He  12  9). 

In  the  Apoo  entrepomai  occurs  in  Wisd  2  10; 
Sir  4  22.  In  addition,  proskuneo,  "make  obei- 
sance," occurs  in  Jth  10  23;  14  7;  thaumdzo, 
"wonder,"  Sir  7  29,  and  aischunomai,  "be  ashamed," 
Bar  4  15. 

Reverend  occurs  in  the  OT  in  Ps  111  9,  of  the 
name  of  God  (yare'),  and  in  the  Apoc  in  2  Mace  15 
12,  "a  man  reverend  [aidtmon,  "modest"]  in  bear- 
ing," and  in  the  NT  RV  has  "reverent  in  demeanor" 
(hieroprepts)  in  Tit  2  3  and  "reverend"  in  Phil 
4  8m  (semnds).  E.  J.  Forrester 

REVILE,  rS-vir.     See  Crimes;    Punishments. 

REVIVE,  rS-viv',  REVIVING,  rS-vIv'ing:  "To 
revive"  is  the  trof  iT^n  ,  hayah,  "to  live,"  "cause  to 
live,"  used  of  restoration  to  life  (Gen  45  27;  Jgs 
15  19,  etc);  of  rebuilding  (Neh  4  2);  of  restora- 
tion to  well-being  (Ps  85  6  [RV  "quicken"];  138  7; 
Isa  57  15;  Hos  6  2;  14  7);  of  Jeh's  gracious  work 
for  His  people  (Hab  3  2,  "revive  thy  work  in  the 
midst  of  the  years,"  etc);  "reviving"  is  the  tr  of 
HTip  ,  mihyah,  "preservation,"  or  "means  of  life" 
(E'zr  9  8.9).  "Revive"  occurs  in  the  NT  as  the 
tr  of  dva^dw,  anazdo,  "to  live  again"  (Rom  7  9,  and 
14  9,  AV  "Christ  both  died,  and  rose,  and  revived," 
RV  [omitting  "and  rose"]  "Christ  died  and  lived 
again,"  zdo). 

In  1  Mace  13  7  RV  we  have  "And  the  spirit  of 
the  people  revived,"  dm^onrvp^oi,  anazopureo,  "to 
stir  or  kindle  up  as  a  fire,"  the  same  word  as  in  2 
Tim  1  6,  RV  "stir  up  the  gift  of  God,  which  is  in 
thee,"  m  "Gr  'stir  into  flame.'  " 

In  view  of  the  frequent  modern  use  of  "revive"  and 
"revival,"  it  is  wortliy  of  notice  that  it  is  to  Timothy 
himself  the  exhortation  is  addressed.  We  too  often 
merely  pray  for  "revivals,"  forgetting  that  it  is  for  us 
to  "stir  into  flame"  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  which  we  have 
already  received  of  God.  It  is  ours  from  Him,  but  we  let 
it  lie  dormant,  as  a  slumbering  ember  merely. 

W.  L.  Walker 

REWARD,  re-word':  In  modern  Eng.  (except 
when  influenced  by  the  Bib.  forms)  a  "reward"  is 
something  given  in  recognition  of  a  good  act.  In 
EV,  however,  "reward"  is  used  quite  generally  for 
anything  given,  and  the  term  covers  the  recompense 
of  evil  (Ps  91  8),  wages  (1  Tim  5  18  AV),  bribes 
(Mic  7  3),  and  gifts  (Jer  40  5  AV).  RV  has 
specialized  the  meaning  in  a  number  of  cases  (Ps 
94  2;  Ezk  16  34;  Jer  40  5,  etc),  but  not  sys- 
tematically. 


Rezeph 
Rhodes 


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2588 


REZEPH,  re'zef  (32") ,  regeph;  B,  'Pd4>ets,  Rhd- 

pheis,  'Pa<t>€s,  Rhdphes,  A,  r^v  'P(i<|>eO,  tin  Rhdpheth 

[2  K  19  12],  BQ'»8'P(i4)€9,XQo"P4<t>€s, 

1.  Forms  of  A,  'Pd<t>6is  [Isa  37  12);  Vulg  Roseph 
the  Name      [2  K  19  12],  Reseph  [Isa  37  12]):  One 

of  the  places  referred  to  by  Sen- 
nacherib's Rabshakeh  when  delivering  that  king's 
message  to  Hezekiah  demanding  the  surrender  of 
Jerus.  The  names  which  precede  are  Gozan  and 
Haran;  and  "the  children  of  Eden  that  were  in 
Telassar"  follows. 

It  is  now  represented  by  Ru§afa,  E.  of  Tipsah 
and  N.E.  of    Hamath,    and    is    regarded   as  the 

'PTj(Td(pa,  {Rhesdpha)  of  Ptolemy  (v.l5). 

2.  Now  It  was  for  some  time  under  Assyr  do- 
Called  minion,  and  appears  in  a  geographical 
Rusafa          list  (2  R  53,  37a)  preceded  by  Arrapha 

(Arrapachitis)  and  Halahhu  (Halah), 
and  followed  by  Tamnunu,  under  the  form  of  Ra- 
9appa  (elsewhere  Rasapi). 

From  the  Eponyrn  Canons,  Ninip-kibsi-u?ur  was, 
it  appears,  prefect  in  839  BC,  Uras-eres  from  804 

to  775  BC,  Sin-sallimanni  in  747,  and 

3.  Its  Bel-emuranni    in    737    BC.     Judging 
Assyrian        from    their    names,    all    these    were 
Governors     Assyrians,  but  a  seemingly  native  gov- 
ernor,   Abda'u    (or  Abda'i),  possibly 

later  than  the  foregoing,  is  mentioned  in  a  list  of 
officials  (K.  9921).  Yahutu  was  sanil  (deputy- 
governor?)  of  Rezeph  in  673  BC.  Its  mention  in 
the  Assyr  geographical  lists  implies  that  Rezeph 
was  an  important  trade-center  in  OT  times. 

T.  G.  Pinches 
REZIA,  rg-zi'a.     See  Rizia. 

REZIN,  re'zin  (T"?"] ,  r'gin;  'Paao-o-civ,  Rhaas- 
s6n) :  The  last  of  the  kings  of  Syria  who  reigned  in 
Damascus  (2  K  15  37;  16  5-10;  Isa  7  1;  8  4-7). 
Along  with  Pekah,  the  son  of  Remaliah,  who  reigned 
20  years  over  Israel  in  Samaria,  he  joined  in  the 
Syro-Ephraimitic  war  against  Ahaz,  the  king  of 
Judah.  Together  they  laid  siege  to  Jerus,  but 
were  unsuccessful  in  the  effort  to  take  it  (2  K  16  5; 
Isa  7  1).  It  was  to  calm  the  fears,  and  to  restore 
the  fainting  spirits  of  the  men  of  Judah,  that  Isaiah 
was  commissioned  by  the  Lord  to  assure  them  that 
the  schemes  of  "these  two  tails  of  smoking  fire- 
brands" (Isa  7  4)  were  destined  to  miscarry.  It 
was  then,  too,  that  the  sign  was  given  of  the  virgin 
who  should  conceive,  and  bear  a  son,  and  should 
call  his  name  Immanuel.  Rezin  had  to  content 
himself  on  this  campaign  to  the  S.  with  the  capture 
of  Elath  from  the  men  of  Judah  and  its  restoration 
to  the  men  of  Edom,  from  whom  it  had  been  taken 
and  made  a  seaport  by  Solomon  (2  K  18  6,  where 
it  is  agreed  that  "Syria"  and  "Syrians"  should  be 
read  "Edom"  and  "Edomites,"  which  in  the  Heb 
script  are  easy  to  be  mistaken  for  one  another, 
and  are  in  fact  often  mistaken).  Rezin,  however, 
had  a  more  formidable  enemy  to  encounter  on  his 
return  to  Damascus.  Ahaz,  like  kings  of  Judah 
before  and  after  him,  placed  his  reliance  more  on  the 
arm  of  flesh  than  on  the  true  King  of  his  people, 
and  appealed  to  Tiglath-pileser  III,  of  Assyria, 
for  help.  Ahaz  deliberately  sacrificed  the  inde- 
pendence of  his  country  in  the  terms  of  his  offer 
of  submission  to  the  Assyrian:  "I  am  thy  servant 
and  thy  son"  (2  K  16  7).  Tiglath-pileser  had 
already  carried  his  arms  to  the  W.  and  ravaged  the 
northern  border  of  Israel;  and  now  he  crossed  the 
Euphrates  and  hastened  to  Damascus,  slaying 
Rezin  and  carrying  hh  people  captive  to  Kir  (2  K 
16  9).  In  the  copious  Annals  of  Tiglath-pileser, 
Rezin  figures  with  the  designation  Rasunui.ni),  but 
the  tablet  recording  his  death,  found  and  read  by 
Sir  Henry  Rawlinson,  has  been  irrecoverably  lost, 


and  only  the  fact  of  its  existence  and  loss  remains 
(Schrader,  COT,  I,  252,  257).  With  the  death  of 
Rezin  the  kingdom  of  Damascus  and  Syria  came 
to  an  end. 

Rezin,  Sons  of:  Mentioned  among  the  Nethinim 
(Ezr  2  48),  who  returned  to  Jerus  with  Zerubbabel 
from  captivity  (of  Neh  7  50). 

Literature. — Schrader,  COT,  as  above;  Driver, 
Authority,  99  ff. 

T.  NicoL 
REZON,  re'zon  (pTT,  r'zm;  'Pa^wv,  Rhdzon): 
Son  of  Eliadah,  and  a  subject  of  Hadadezer, 
king  of  Zobah  (1  K  11  23).  The  name  appears  to 
be  given  as  TT'TH ,  hezyon;  'Afefc,  Hazein  (1  K 
15  18;  see  Hezion),  where  he  is  the  father  of  Tab- 
rimmon,  whose  son  Ben-hadad  I  is  known  through 
his  league  with  Asa,  king  of  Judah.  When  David 
conquered  Zobah,  Rezon  renounced  his  allegiance  to 
Hadadezer  and  became  powerful  as  an  independent 
chief,  capturing  Damascus  and  setting  up  as  king. 
Along  with  Hadad,  the  noted  Edomite  patriot,  he 
became  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  Solomon,  the  one  mak- 
ing himself  obnoxious  in  the  S.,  the  other  in  the  N., 
of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  both  being  animated  with 
a  bitter  hatred  of  the  common  foe.  It  is  said  of 
Rezon  that  he  "reigned  over  Syria"  (1  K  11  25), 
and  if  the  surmise  adopted  by  many  scholars  is 
correct  that  he  is  the  same  as  Hezion  (1  K  15 
18),  then  he  was  really  the  founder  of  the  dynasty 
of  Syrian  kings  so  weU  known  in  the  history 
of  this  period  of  Israel;  and  the  line  would  run: 
Rezon,  Tabrimmon,  Ben-hadad  I,  and  Ben-hadad 
II. 

Literature. — Burney  on   1  K  11  23   and   15  18  in 

Notes  on  Heb   Text  of  Books  of  Kings;  Winckler,  Alttest. 
Untersuchungen,  60  fl. 

T.  NicoL 
RHEGITTM,  re'ji-um:  This  city  ('P^tioc,  Rktgion 
[Acts  28  13],  the  modem  Reggio  di  Calabria)  was 
a  town  situated  on  the  east  side  of  the  Sicilian 
Straits,  about  6  miles  S.  of  a  point  opposite  Messana 
(Messina).  Originally  a  colony  of  Chalcidian 
Greeks,  the  place  enjoyed  great  prosperity  in  the 
5th  cent.  BC,  but  was  captured  and  destroyed  by 
Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  in  387  BC,  when  all 
the  surviving  inhabitants  were  sold  into  slavery 
(Diodorus  xiv.106-8.  111,  112).  The  city  never 
entirely  recovered  from  this  blow,  although  it  was 
partially  restored  by  the  younger  Dionysius.  On 
the  occasion  of  the  invasion  of  Italy  by  Pjorhus,  the 
people  of  Rhegium  had  recourse  to  an  alliance  with 
Rome  (280  BC)  and  received  4,000  Campanian 
troops  within  their  walls,  who  turned  out  to  be 
very  unruly  guests.  For,  in  imitation  of  a  similar 
band  of  mercenaries  across  the  strait  in  Messana, 
they  massacred  the  male  inhabitants  and  reduced 
the  women  to  slavery  (Polybius  i.7;  Orosius  iv.3). 
They  were  not  punished  by  the  Romans  until  270 
BC,  when  the  town  was  restored  to  those  of  its  former 
inhabitants  who  still  survived.  The  people  of 
Rhegium  were  faithful  to  their  alliance  with  Rome 
during  the  Second  Punic  War  (Livy  xxiii.30;  xxiv.l; 
xxvi.l2;  xxix.6).  At  the  time  of  the  Social  War 
they  were  incorporated  with  the  Rom  state, 
Rhegium  becoming  a  municipality  (Cicero  Verr. 
V.60;  Pro  Archia,  3). 

The  ship  in  which  Paul  sailed  from  Melita  to 
Puteoli  encountered  unfavorable  winds  after  leaving 
Syracuse,  and  reached  Rhegium  by  means  of  tack- 
ing. It  waited  at  Rhegium  a  day  for  a  south  wind 
which  bore  it  to  Puteoli  (Acts  28  13),  about  180 
miles  distant,  where  it  probably  arrived  in  about 
26  hours.  George  H.  Allen 

RHESA,  re'sa  ('Prio-d,  Rhesd) :  A  son  of  Zerub- 
babel in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  according  to  St. 
Luke  (Lk  3  27). 


2589 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Rezeph 
Rhodes 


•  RHINOCEROS,  rJ-nos'er-os:  This  word  is  found 
in  AVm  to  Isa  34  7  ("rhinocerots")  for  DiTaSI, 
r'emlm,  AV  "unicorns,"  RV  "wild-oxen,"  The 
word  is  quite  inappropriate  to  the  passage,  which 
refers  to  the  land  of  Edom.  The  one-horned  rhi- 
noceros, Rhinoceros  unicornis,  is  confined  to  India. 
Other  rhinoceroses  are  found  in  India  and  in  equa- 
torial Africa,  but  it  is  hardly  to  be  presumed  that 
these  animals  were  meant  by  the  Heb  writers.  See 
Unicorn. 

_  RHODA,  ro'da  ('P68ti,  Rhdde,  "rose");  A  maid 
in  the  house  of  Mary  the  mother  of  John  Mark. 
She  came  to  answer  when  Peter  knocked  at  Mary's 
door  after  his  miraculous  release  from  prison.  On 
recognizing  his  voice,  she  so  forgot  herself  with  joy 
that  she  neglected  to  open  the  door,  but  ran  in  to  tell 
the  others  the  glad  news.  They  would  not  believe 
her,  thinking  she  was  mad;  and  when  she  persisted 
in  her  statement  they  said  it  must  be  his  angel. 
The  Jewish  belief  was  that  each  man  had  a  guardian 
angel  assigned  to  him.  Peter  continued  knocking, 
and  was  ultimately  admitted  (Acts  12  12  ff). 

S.  F.  Hunter 
_  RHODES,  rodz  ('PoSos,  Rhddos) :  An  island  (and 
city)  in  the  Aegean  Sea,  W.  of  Caria,  rough  and 
rocky  in  parts,  but  well  watered  and  productive, 
though  at  present  not  extensively  cultivated. 
Almost  one-third  of  the  island  is  now  covered  with 
trees  in  spite  of  earlier  deforestation.  The  highest 
mountains  attain  an  altitude  of  nearly  4,000  ft. 
The  older  names  were  Ophiusa,  Asteria,  Trinacria, 
Corymbia.  The  capital  in  antiquity  was  Rhodes, 
at  the  northeastern  extremity,  a  strongly  fortified 
city  provided  with  a  double  harbor.  Near  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor  stood  one  of  the  seven  won- 
ders of  the  ancient  world — a  colossal  laronze  statue 
dedicated  to  Helios.  This  colossus,  made  by 
Chares  about  290  BC,  at  a  cost  of  300  talents 
($300,000),  towered  to  the  height  of  104  ft. 

In  the  popular  mind — both  before  and  after  Shake- 
speare represented  Caesar  as  bestriding  the  world  like  a 
colossus — this  gigantic  figure  is  conceived  as  an  image 
of  a  human  being  of  monstrous  size  with  legs  spread 
wide  apart,  at  the  entrance  of  the  inner  harbor,  so  huge 
that  the  largest  ship  with  sails  spread  could  move  in 
under  it;  but  the  account  on  which  this  conception  is 
based  seems  to  have  no  foundation. 

The  statue  was  destroyed  in  223  BO  by  an  earthquake. 
It  was  restored  by  the  Romans.  In  672  AD  the  Sara- 
cens sold  the  ruins  to  a  Jew.  The  quantity  of  metal 
was  so  great  that  it  would  fill  the  cars  of  a  modern  freight 
train  (900  camel  loadsj . 

The  most  ancient  cities  of  Rhodes  were  lalysus, 
Ochyroma,  and  Lindus.  The  oldest  inhabitants 
were  immigrants  from  Crete.  Later  came  the 
Carians.  But  no  real  advance  in  civilization  was 
made  before  the  immigration  of  the  Dorians  under 
Tlepolemus,  one  of  the  Heraclidae,  and  (after  the 
Trojan  war)  Aethaemanes.  Lindus,  lalysus  and 
Camirus  formed  with  Cos,  Cnidus  and  Halicarnassus 
the  so-called  Dorian  Hexapolis  (Six  Cities),  the 
center  of  which  was  the  temple  of  the  Triopian 
Apollo  on  the  coast  of  Caria.  Rhodes  now  founded 
many  colonies — in  Spain  (Rhode),  in  Italy  (Par- 
thenope,  Salapia,  Sirus,  Sybaris),  in  Sicily  (Gela), 
in  Asia  Minor  (Soli),  in  Cilicia  (Gagae),  and  in 
Lycia  (Corydalla).  The  island  attained  no  po- 
litical greatness  until  the  three  chief  cities  formed 
a  confederation  and  founded  the  new  capital 
(Rhodes)  in  408  BC.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  Rhodes  sided  with  the  Athe- 
nians, but,  after  19  years  of  loyalty  to  Athens,  went 
over  to  the  Spartans  (412  BC).  In  394,  when 
Conon  appeared  with  his  fleet  before  the  city,  the 
island  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians  again. 
A  garrison  was  stationed  at  Rhodes  by  Alexander 
the  Great.  After  his  death  this  garrison  was  driven 
out  by  the  Rhodians.     It  is  at  this  time  that  the 


really_  great  period  of  the  island's  history  begins. 
The  inhabitants  bravely  defended  their  capital 
against  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  in  304  BC— the 
same  Demetrius  who  two  years  before  had  won  a 
naval  victory  and  had  coins  stamped  with  a  "Vic- 
tory" that  is  the  counterpart  of  the  "Winged  Vic- 


Coin  of  Rhodes. 


tory"  which  commands  the  unbounded  admiration 
of  the  modern  world — and  extended  their  dominion 
over  a  strip  of  the  Carian  coast,  as  well  as  over 
several  of  the  neighboring  islands,  and  for  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  world  established  an  inter- 
national maritime  and  commercial  law.     The  arts 
and  sciences  now  began  to  flourish  in  the  fair  island 
in     the     southeastern     Aegean.      Aeschines,     the 
famous  orator  of  Athens,  fled  to  Rhodes  after  his 
defeat  by  Demosthenes,  and  founded  a  school  of 
oratory,   which  was  attended  by  many  Romans. 
Rhodes  became  the  faithful  ally  of  Rome  after  the 
defeat  of  Antiochus  in  189  BC.     As  a  reward  for 
her  loyalty  she  received  Caria.     In  168,  however, 
only  a  small  portion  of  this  territory  remained  under 
Rhodian  sway  (Peraea,  or  the  Chersonesus).     In 
42    BC    the   island    was    devastated    by   Cassius. 
Later  it  was  made  a  part  of  the  Rom  province  of 
Asia    (44  AD).     Strabo   says   that   he   knows   no 
city  so  splendid  in  harbor,  walls  and  streets.    When 
the  Rom  power  declined,  Rhodes  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Caliph  Moawijah,  but  later  was  taken  by  the 
Greeks,  from  whom  at  a  later  date  the  Genoese 
wrested  the  island.     In  1249  John  Cantacuzenus 
attempted  to  recover  Rhodes,  but  in  vain.     Finally, 
however,  success  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  Greeks 
under    Theodores    Protosebastos.     In     1310    the 
Knights  of  St.  John,  who  had  been  driven  from  Pal, 
made  Rhodes  their  home.     After  the  subjugation  of 
the  island  by  Sultan  Soliman  in  1522  the  Knights 
of  St.  John  removed  to  Malta,  and  Rhodes  has 
remained  uninterruptedly  a  possession  of  the  Sub- 
lime Porte  down  to  the  recent  war  between  Turkey 
and   the   Balkan   allies,   forming,   with   the  other 
islands,  the  province  of  the  "Islands  of  the  White 
Sea"  (Archipelago).     It  has  a  Christian  governor 
whose  seat,  though  mostly  at  Rhodes,  is  sometimes 
at  Chios.     The  population  of  the  island  has  greatly 
diminished  by  emigration.     In  1890  the  total  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  was  30,000  (20,000  Greeks,  7,000 
Mohammedans,  1,.500  Jews).     The  chief  products 
of  Rhodes  are  wheat,  oil,  wine,  figs  and  tropical 
fruits.     A  very  important  industry  is  the  exporta- 
tion of  sponges.     The  purity  of  the  air  and  the 
mildness  of  the  climate  make  Rhodes  a  most  de- 
lightful place  to  live  in  during  the  fall,  winter  and 
early  spring.     The  city,  built  in  the  shape  of  an 
amphitheater,  has  a  magnificent  view  toward  the 
sea.     It  contains  several  churches  made  out  of  old 
mosques.     The  once  famous  harbor  is  now  almost 
filled  with  sand.     The  inhabitants  number  nearly 
12,000  (all  Turks  and  Jews).     Rhodes  is  mentioned 
in  the  NT  only  as  a  point  where  Paul  touched  on 
his    voyage    southward    from    the    Hellespont    to 
Caesarea   (Acts  21  1);    but  in   1  Mace  15  23  we 
are  informed  that  it  was  one  of  the  states  to  which 
the  Romans  sent  letters  in  behalf  of  the  Jews. 


Rhodocus 
Righteousness 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2590 


Literature. — Berg,  Die  Insel  Rhodes  (Braunschweig, 
1860-62):  Schneiderwirth,  Geschichte  der  Insel  Rhodes 
(Heiligenstadt.  1868) :  Guerin.  L'tle  de  Rhodes,  2d  ed. 
Paris,  1880;  Bihotti  and  Cottrel,  L'lle  de  Rhodes  (Paris, 
1881);  Torr,  Rhodes  in  Ancient  Times  (Cambridge,  1885) 
and  Rhodes  in   Modern   Times  (1887). 

J.  E.  Harry 
RHODOCUS,   rod'B-kus    ("PoSokos,    Rhddokos): 
A  Jewish  traitor  who  disclosed  the  plans  of  Judas 
to  Antioohus   (Eupator)   (2  Mace  13  21)   162  BC. 
Of  his  fate  nothing  more  is  known. 

RIB  (ybar,  gela\  nybs,  gaVah;  Aram,  yb^ , 
^d.la'):  The  Heb  words  designate  the  "side," 
"flank,"  thence  the  "ribs."  They  are  found  thus 
tr"*  only  in  connection  with  the  creation  of  Eve: 
"He  [Jeh]  took  one  of  his  [Adam's]  ribs,  and  closed 
up  the  flesh  instead  thereof:  and  the  rib,  which  Jeh 
God  had  taken  from  the  man,  made  he  [m  "builded 
he  into"]  a  woman"  (Gen  2  21.22).  The  Aram, 
word  is  only  found  in  Dnl  7  5. 

Twice  the  RV  uses  the  word  "rib"  in  a  figurative 
sense  of  two  beams  or  rafters  built  into  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  and  the  altar  of  incense,  on  which  the  golden 
rings  were  fastened,  which  served  to  carry  ark  and  altar 
by  means  of  staves  (Ex  30  4;    37  27). 

A  curious  mistr  has  crept  into  AV,  which  here 
follows  Jewish  commentators  or  etymologists,  in 
four  passages  in  2  S  (2  23;  3  27;  4  6;  20  10), 
where  the  "fifth  rib"  is  mentioned  as  the  place  of 
the  body  under  which  spears  or  swords  are  thrust, 
so  as  to  cause  lethal  wounds.  The  Heb  word 
homesh,  which  indeed  means  "fifth,"  is  here  a  noun, 
derived  from  a  root  meaning  "to  be  staunch," 
"stalwart,"  "stout,"  "fleshy,"  "obese"  (of  llJian , 
hamush,  "armed,"  "equipped  soldier";  Arab, 
ij ■  ■ '  I  ■< I  _  el  khamls  [el  hamis],  "the  army,"  which, 

however,  Arab,  lexicographers  explain  as  meaning 
"fivefold,"  viz.  vanguard,  right  and  left  wing, 
center  and  rear  guard).  The  word  is  to  be  tr** 
"abdomen,"  "belly."  RV  renders  correctly  "into 
the  body."  H.  L.  E.  Luering 

RIBAI,  rl'ba-I,  ri'bl  C2^-\ ,  rlbhay;  LXX  'Ptipd, 
Rheihd,  with  variants):  A  Benjamite,  the  father  of 
Ittai  (q.v.),  one  of  David's  "mighty  men"  (2  S 
23  29  11  1  Ch  11  31). 

RIBBAND,  rib'and,  rib'an  (b"'nE  ,  pathil  [Nu  16 
38  AV]).     See  Colob,  (2) ;  Cord,  (4). 

RIBLAH,  rib'la  (nban ,  Hhhlah;  "P€p\a9d,  Rhe- 
hlathd,  with  variants) ; 

(1)  Riblah  in  the  land  of  Hamath  first  appears 
in  history  in  608  BC.  Here  Pharaoh-necoh,  after 
defeating  Josiah  at  Megiddo  and  destroying  Kady- 
tis  or  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  fixed  his  headquarters, 
and  while  in  camp  he  deposed  Jehoahaz  and  cast 
him  into  chains,  fixed  the  tribute  of  Judah,  and 
appointed  Jehoiakim  king  (2  K  23  31-35).  In 
588  BC  Nebuchadnezzar,  at  war  with  Egypt  and 
the  Syrian  states,  also  established  his  headquarters 
at  Riblah,  and  from  it  he  directed  the  sub.jugation 
of  Jerus.  When  it  fell,  Zedekiah  was  carried  pris- 
oner to  Riblah,  and  there,  after  his  sons  and  his 
nobles  had  been  slain  in  his  presence,  his  eyes  were 
put  out,  and  he  was  taken  as  a  prisoner  to  Babylon 
(2  K  25  6.20;  Jer  39  5-7;  52  8-11).  Riblah 
then  disappears  from  history,  but  the  site  exists 
today  in  the  village  of  Ribleh,  35  miles  N.E.  of  Baal- 
bek, and  the  situation  is  the  finest  that  could  have 
been  chosen  by  the  Egyp  or  Bab  kings  for  their 
headquarters  in  Syria.  An  army  camped  there 
had  abundance  of  water  in  the  control  of  the  copious 
springs  that  go  to  form  the  Orontes.  The  Egyptians 
coming  from  the  S.  had  behind  them  the  command 
of  the  rich  corn  and  forage  lands  of  Coele-Syria, 


while  the  Bab  army  from  the  N.  was  equally  fortu- 
nate in  the  rich  plains  extending  to  Hamath  and  the 
Euphrates.  Lebanon,  close  by,  with  its  forests, 
its  hunting  grounds  and  its  snows,  ministered  to  the 
needs  and  luxuries  of  the  leaders.  Riblah  com- 
manded the  great  trade  and  war  route  between 
Egypt  and  Mesopotamia,  and,  besides,  it  was  at  the 
dividing-point  of  many  minor  routes.  It  was  in 
a  position  to  attack  with  facility  Phoenicia,  Damas- 
cus or  Pal,  or  to  defend  itself  against  attack  from 
those  places,  while  a  few  miles  to  the  S.  the  moun- 
tains on  each  side  close  in  forming  a  pass  where  a 
mighty  host  might  easily  be  resisted  by  a  few.  In 
every  way  Riblah  was  the  strategical  point  between 
North  and  South  Syria.  Riblah  should  probably 
be  read  for  Diblah  in  Ezk  6  14,  while  in  Nu  34  11 
it  does  not  really  appear.     See  (2). 

(2)  A  place  named  as  on  the  ideal  eastern  bound- 
ary of  Israel  in  Nu  34  11,  but  omitted  in  Ezk  47 
15-18.  The  MT  reads  "Hariblah";  but  the  LXX 
probably  preserves  the  true  vocalization,  accord- 
ing to  which  we  should  tr  "to  Harbel."  It  is  said 
to  be  to  the  east  of  'Ain,  and  that,  as  the  designa- 
tion of  a  district,  can  only  mean  Merj  'Ayun,  so  that 
we  should  seek  it  in  the  neighborhood  of  Hermon, 
one  of  whose  spurs  Furrer  found  to  be  named  Jebel 
'Arbel.  W.  M.  Christie 

RICHES,  rich'ez,  rich'iz:  Used  to_  render  the 
following  Heb  and  Gr  words:  (1)  ^Osher,  which 
should,  perhaps,  be  considered  the  most  general 
word,  as  it  is  the  most  often  used  (Gen  31  16; 
Eccl  4  8;  Jer  9  23).  It  looks  at  riches  simply  as 
riches,  without  regard  to  any  particular  feature. 
Alongside  this  would  go  the  Gr  ttXoCtos,  ploiitos 
(Mt  13  22;  Eph  2  7).  (2)  Hosen  (Prov  27  24; 
Jer  20  5),  n'khwjim  and  r'khush  (Gen  36  7;  Dnl 
11  13.24  AV)  look  at  riches  as  things  accumu- 
lated, collected,  amassed.  (3)  Hon  looks  upon 
riches  as  earnings,  the  fruit  of  toil  (Ps  119  14; 
Prov  8  18;  Ezk  27  27).  (4)  ffomo/i  regards  riches 
in  the  aspect  of  being  much,  this  coming  from  the 
original  idea  of  noise,  through  the  idea  of  a 
multitude  as  making  the  noise,  the  idea  of 
many,  or  much,  being  in  multitude  (Ps  37  16 
AV).  (5)  Hayil  regards  riches  as  power  (Ps  62 
10;  Isa  8  4;  10  14).  (6)  Yilhrah  means  "run- 
ning over,"  and  so  presents  riches  as  abundance 
(Jer  48  36  AV).  Along  with  this  may  be  placed 
s/iu"',  which  has  the  idea  of  breadth,  and  so  of 
abundance  (Job  36  19  AV).  (7)  Kinyan  regards 
riches  as  a  creation,  something  made  (Ps  104  24; 
cf  m) ;  (8)  x/''7Ma  {ehrima)  looks  at  riches  as  useful 
(Mk  10  23  f  1).  Like  the  NT,  the  Apoo  uses  only 
ploutos  and  chrema. 

Material  riches  are  regarded  by  the  Scriptures 
as  neither  good  nor  bad  in  themselves,  but  only 
according  as  they  are  properly  or  improperly 
used.  They  are  transitory  (Prov  27  24) ;  they  are 
not  to  be  trusted  in  (Mk  10  23;  Lk  18  24;  1  Tim 
6  17);  they  are  not  to  be  gloried  in  (Jer  9  23); 
the  heart  is  not  to  be  set  on  them  (Ps  62  10) ;  but 
thev  are  made  bj'  God  (Ps  104  24),  and  come  from 
God  (1  Ch  29  12);  and  they  are  the  crown  of  the 
wise  (Prov  14  24).  Material  riches  are  used  to 
body  forth  for  us  the  most  precious  and  glorious 
realities  of  the  spiritual  realm.  See,  e.g.,  Rom  9  23; 
11  33;  Eph  2  7;  Phil  4  19;  Col  1  27.  Ct  Mam- 
mon; Treasure;  Wealth.        E.  J.  Forrester 

RID,  rid,  RIDDANCE,  rid'ans:  "Rid"  originally 
meant  "rescue"  (AV  Gen  37  22;  Ex  6  6;  Ps  82 
4;  144  7.11),  whence  the  meaning  "remove"  or 
"clean  out"  (Lev  26  6  AV,  with  "riddance"  in  Lev 
23  22;  Zcph  1  18).  The  word  occurs  in  ARV  and 
in  ERV  in  Ex  6  6. 


2591 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Rhodocus 
Righteousness 


RIDDLE,  rid"l  {T^-pTl ,  hulhah;  atvivjia,  alnig- 
ma).     See  Games. 

RIE,  ri  (AV,  Ex  9  32;  Isa  28  25).    See  Spelt. 

RIGHT,  rit  (lip";,  yashar,  'OSllJ'JS ,  mishpat; 
SUaios,  dikaios,  (i9i<i,  euthtls):  Many  Heb  words 
are  tr''  "right,"  with  different  shades  of  meaning. 
Of  these  the  two  noted  are  the  most  important: 
yashar,  with  the  sense  of  being  straight,  direct,  as 
"right  in  the  sight"  of  Jeh  (Ex  15  26;  Dt  12  25 
etc),  in  one's  own  eyes  (.Jgs  17  6),  "right  words 
(Job  6  25  AV,  i/osher),  "right  paths"  (Prov  4  11 
AV);  and  mishpat,  "judgment,"  "cause,"  etc,  a 
forensic  term,  as  "Shall  not  the  Judge  of  all  the 
earth  do  right?"  (Gen  18  25).  In  Job  34  17,  RV 
has  "justice"  (ver6,  "right"),  etc.  Thewovds gedhek, 
Q'dhakah,  ordinarily  tr**  "righteousness,"  are  in  a 
few  cases  rendered  "right"  (2  S  19  28;  Neh  2  20; 
Ps  9  4;  17  1;  119  75;  Ezk  18  5,  etc).  In  the 
NT  the  chief  word  is  dikaios,  primarily  "even," 
"equal"  (Mt  20  4;  Lk  12  57,  etc);  more  generally 
the  word  is  rendered  "just"  and  "righteous." 
Eulhus,  used  by  LXX  for  yashar  (1  S  12  2.3;  Hos 
14  9),  occurs  a  few  times  (Acts  8  21;  13  10;  2  Pet 
2  15);  so  orthos,  "straight,"  "upright"  (Lk  10  28). 

"Right-hand"  or  "side"  represents  Heb  ydmln 
and  kindred  forms  (Gen  48  13.14.17;  Ex  15  6, 
etc);  the  Gr,  in  this  sense,  is  dexios  (Mt  6  3;  20  21, 
etc). 

RV,  among  other  changes,  has  "right"  for  AV 
"judgment"  in  Job  27  2;  34  5,  and  for  "right"  in 
AV  substitutes  "straight"  in  Ezr  8  21,  "skilful" 
in  Eccl  4  4,  m  "successful,"  etc.  In  Jn  1  12  RV 
reads,  "the  right  to  become  children  of  God"  for 
AV  "the  power"  {exousia);  in  Mt  20  7.15  "right" 
is  omitted,  with  the  larger  part  of  the  verse.  In  2 
Tim  2  15  "rightly  dividing"  (orthotomeo)  is  changed 
to  "handling  aright,"  with  m  "holding  a  straight 
course  in  the  word  of  truth.  Or,  rightly  dividing 
the  word  of  truth."  W.  L.  Walker 

RIGHTEOUSNESS,  ri'chus-nes  (p'^lt ,  gaddlk, 
adj.,  "righteous,"  or  occasionally  "just";  p"]3?, 
Qedhek,  noun,  occasionally  =  "righteousne.ss,"  occa- 
sionally ="justice";  SCKatos,  dikaios,  adj.,  SiKaioo-vvT), 
dikaiosune,  noun,  from  SCkt),  dike,  whose  first  mean- 
ing seems  to  have  been  "custom";  the  general  use 
suggested  conformity  to  a  standard:  righteousness, 
"the  state  of  him  who  is  such  as  he  ought  to  be" 
[Thayer]): 

1.  Double    Aspect    of    Righteou.snes.s :      Changing    and 
Permanent 

2.  Social  Customs  and  Righteousness 

3.  Changing  Conception  of  Character  of  God:    Obliga- 
tions of  IPower 

4.  Righteousness  as  Inner 

5.  Righteousness  as  Social  ...    ^ 

6.  Righteousness  as  Expanding  m  Content  with  Growth 
in  Ideals  of  Human  Worth 

Literature 

In  Christian  thought  the  idea  of  righteousness 
contains  both  a  permanent  and  a  changing  element. 

The  fixed  element  is  the  will  to  do 
1.  Double  right;  the  changing  factor  is  the 
Aspect  of  conception  of  what  may  be  right  at 
Righteous-  different  times  and  under  different  cir- 
ness  cumstances.     Throughout    the   entire 

course  of  Christian  revelation  we  dis- 
cern the  emphasis  on  the  first  factor.  To  be  sure, 
in  the  days  of  later  Pharisaism  righteousness  came 
to  be  so  much  a  matter  of  externals  that  the  inner 
intent  was  often  lost  sight  of  altogether  (Mt  23  23) ; 
but,  on  the  whole  and  in  the  main.  Christian  thought 
in  all  ages  has  recognized  as  the  central  element  in 
righteousness  the  intention  to  be  and  do  right. 
This  common  spirit  binds  together  the  first  wor- 
shippers of  God  and  the  latest.     Present-day  con- 


ceptions of  what  is  right  differ  by  vast  distances 
from  the  conceptions  of  the  earlier  Hebrews,  but  the 
intentions  of  the  first  worshippers  are  as  discernible 
as  are  those  of  the  doers  of  righteousness  in  the 
present  day. 

There  seems  but  little  reason  to  doubt  that  the 
content  of  the  idea  of  righteousness  was  determined 
in  the  first  instance  by  the  customs 
2.  Social  of  social  groups.  There  are  some,  of 
Customs  course,  who  would  have  us  believe  that 
and  Right-  what  we  experience  as  inner  moral 
eousness  sanction  is  nothing  but  the  fear  of  con- 
sequences which  come  through  dis- 
obeying the  will  of  the  social  group,  or  the  feeling 
of  pleasure  which  results  as  we  know  we  have  acted 
in  accordance  with  the  social  demands.  At  least 
some  thinkers  would  have  us  beheve  that  this  is  all 
there  was  in  moral  feeling  in  the  beginning.  If  a 
social  group  was  to  survive  it  must  lay  upon  its  indi- 
vidual members  the  heaviest  exactions.  Back  of 
the  performance  of  rehgious  rites  was  the  fear  of 
the  group  that  the  god  of  the  group  would  be  dis- 
pleased if  certain  honors  were  not  rendered  to  him. 
Merely  to  escape  the  penalties  of  an  angry  deity 
the  group  demanded  ceremonial  religious  observ- 
ances. From  the  basis  of  fear  thus  wrought  into  the 
individuals  of  the  group  have  come  aU  our  loftier 
movements  toward  righteousness. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  deny  the  measure  of  truth 
there  may  be  in  this  account.  To  point  out  its 
inadequacy,  however,  a  better  statement  would  be 
that  from  the  beginning  the  social  group  utihzed 
the  native  moral  feeling  of  the  individual  for  the 
defence  of  the  group.  The  moral  feeling,  by  which 
we  mean  a  sense  of  the  difference  between  right  and 
wrong,  would  seem  to  be  a  part  of  the  native  fur- 
nishing of  the  mind.  It  is  very  likely  that  in  the  be- 
ginning this  moral  feeling  was  directed  toward  the 
performance  of  the  rites  which  the  group  looked 
upon  as  important  (see  Alms)  . 

As  we  read  the  earlier  parts  of  the  OT  we  are 
struck  by  the  fact  that  much  of  the  early  Heb  moral- 
ity was  of  this  group  kind.  The  righteous  man  was 
the  man  who  performed  the  rites  which  had  been 
handed  down  from  the  beginning  (Dt  6  25).  The 
meaning  of  some  of  these  rites  is  lost  in  obscurity, 
but  from  a  very  early  period  the  characteristic  of 
Heb  righteousness  is  that  it  moves  in  the  direction 
of  what  we  should  call  today  the  enlargement  of 
humanity.  There  seemed  to  be  at  work,  not  merely 
the  forces  which  make  for  the  preservation  of  the 
group,  not  merely  the  desire  to  please  the  God  of  the 
Hebrews  for  the  sake  of  the  material  favors  which 
He  might  render  the  Hebrews,  but  the  factors  which 
make  for  the  betterment  of  humanity  as  such.  As 
we  examine  the  laws  of  the  Hebrews,  even  at  so 
late  a  time  as  the  completion  of  the  formal  Codes, 
we  are  indeed  struck  by  traces  of  primitive  survivals 
(Nu  5  11-31).  There  are  some  injunctions  whose 
purpose  we  cannot  weU  understand.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  vast  mass  of  the  legislation  had  to 
do  with  really  human  considerations.  There  are 
rules  concerning  sanitation  (Lev  13),  both  as  it 
touches  the  life  of  the  group  and  of  the  individual; 
laws  whose  mastery  begets  emphasis,  not  merely 
upon  external  consequences,  but  upon  the  inner 
result  in  the  life  of  the  individual  (Ps  51  3);  and 
prohibitions  which  would  indicate  that  morality, 
at  least  in  its  plainer  decencies,  had  come  to  be 
valued  on  its  own  account.  If  we  were  to  seek  for 
some  clue  to  the  development  of  the  moral  life  of 
the  Hebrews  we  might  well  find  it  in  this  emphasis 
upon  the  growing  demands  of  human  hfe  as  such. 
A  suggestive  writer  has  pointed  out  that  the  appar- 
ently meaningless  commandment,  "Thou  shalt  not 
boil  a  kid  in  its  mother's  milk"  (Ex  23  19),  has 
back  of  it  a  real  human  purpose,  that  there  are  some 


Righteousness 
Rimmon 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2592 


things  which  in  themselves  are  revolting  apart  from 
any  external  consequences  (see  also  Lev  18). 

An  index  of  the  growth  of  the  moral  Life  of  the 
people  is  to  be  found  in  the  changing  conception 
of  the  character  of  God.  We  need  not 
3.  Changing  enter  into  the  question  as  to  just  where 
Conception  on  the  moral  plane  the  idea  of  the  God 
of  Char-  of  the  Hebrews  started,  but  from  the 
acter  of  very  beginning  we  see  clearly  that  the 

God  Hebrews  beheved  in  their  God  as  one 

passionately  devoted  to  the  right 
(Gen  18  25).  It  may  well  be  that  at  the  start  the 
God  of  the  Hebrews  was  largely  a  God  of  War,  but 
it  is  to  be  noticed  that  His  enmity  was  against  the 
peoples  who  had  Httle  regard  for  the  larger  human 
considerations.  It  has  often  been  pointed  out  that 
one  proof  of  the  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  is  to 
be  found  in  their  moral  superiority  to  the  Scriptures 
of  the  peoples  around  about  the  Hebrews.  If  the 
Heb  writers  used  material  which  was  common 
property  of  Chaldaeans,  Babylonians,  and  other 
peoples,  they  nevertheless  used  these  materials  with 
a  moral  difference.  They  breathed  into  them  a 
moral  life  which  forever  separates  them  from  the 
Scriptures  of  other  peoples.  The  marvel  also  of 
Heb  history  is  that  in  the  midst  of  revoltingly  im- 
moral surroundings  the  Hebrews  grew  to  such  ideals 
of  human  worth.  The  source  of  these  ideals  is  to 
be  found  in  their  thought  of  God.  Of  course,  in 
moral  progress  there  is  a  reciprocal  effect;  the 
thought  of  God  affects  the  thought  of  human  hfe 
and  the  thought  of  human  hfe  affects  the  thought 
of  God;  but  the  Hebrews  no  sooner  came  to  a  fresh 
moral  insight  than  they  made  their  moral  discovery 
a  part  of  the  character  of  God.  From  the  begin- 
ning, we  repeat,  the  God  of  the  Hebrews  was  a  God 
directed  in  His  moral  wrath  against  all  manner  of 
abominations,  aberrations  and  abnormalities.  The 
purpose  of  God,  according  to  the  Hebrews,  was  to 
make  a  people  "separated"  in  the  sense  that  they 
were  to  be  free  from  anything  which  would  detract 
from  a  fuU  moral  hfe  (Lev  20  22). 

We  can  trace  the  more  important  steps  in  the 
growth  of  the  Heb  ideal.  First,  there  was  an  in- 
creasingly clear  discernment  that  certain  things  are 
to  be  ruled  out  at  once  as  immoral.  The  primitive 
decencies  upon  which  individual  and  social  life  de- 
pended were  discerned  at  an  early  period  (cf  pas- 
sages in  Lev  cited  above).  Along  with  this  it 
must  be  admitted  there  was  a  slower  approach  to 
some  ideals  which  we  today  consider  important, 
the  ideals  of  the  marriage  relations  for  example 
(Dt  24  1.2).  Then  there  was  a  growing  sense  of 
what  constitutes  moral  obhgation  in  the  discharge 
of  responsibilities  upon  the  part  of  men  toward  their 
fellows  (Isa  5  8.2.3).  There  was  increasing  reah- 
zation  also  of  what  God,  as  a  moral  Being,  is  obh- 
gated  to  do.  The  hope  of  salvation  of  nations  and 
individuals  rests  at  once  upon  the  righteousness  of 
God. 

By  the  time  of  Isaiah  the  righteousness  of  God 
has  come  to  include  the  obligations  of  power  (Isa 
63  1).  God  will  save  His  people,  not  merely  be- 
cause He  has  promised  to  save  them,  but  because 
He  must  save  them  (42  6).  The  must  is  moral. 
If  the  people  of  Israel  show  themselves  unworthy, 
God  must  punish  them;  but  if  a  remnant,  even  a 
small  remnant,  show  themselves  faithful,  God  must 
show  His  favor  toward  them.  Moral  worth  is  not 
conceived  of  as  something  that  is  to  be  paid  for  by 
external  rewards,  but  if  God  is  moral  He  must  not 
treat  the  righteous  and  the  unrighteous  ahke.  This 
conception  of  what  God  must  do  as  an  obligated 
Being  influences  profoundly  the  Heb  interpretation 
of  the  entire  course  of  history  (10  20.21). 

l^pon  this  ideal  of  moral  obligation  there  grows 
later  the  thought  of  the  virtue  of  vicarious  suffering 


(ch  53).  The  sufferings  of  the  good  man  and  of 
God  for  those  who  do  not  in  themselves  deserve 
such  sufferings  (for  them)  are  a  mark  of  a  stiU  higher 
righteousness  (see  Hosea,  Book  of).  The  move- 
ment of  the  Scriptures  is  all  the  way  from  the 
thought  of  a  God  who  gives  battle  for  the  right  to 
the  thought  of  a  God  who  receives  in  Himself  the 
heaviest  shocks  of  that  battle  that  others  may  have 
opportunity  for  moral  hfe. 

These  various  hnes  of  moral  development  come, 
of  course,  to  their  crown  in  the  NT  in  the  life 
and  death  of  Christ  as  set  before  us  in  the  Gospels 
and  interpreted  by  the  apostles.  Jesus  stated 
certain  moral  axioms  so  clearly  that  the  world 
never  will  escape  their  power.  He  said  some  things 
once  and  for  all,  and  He  did  some  things  once  and 
for  all;  that  is  to  say,  in  His  life  and  death  He 
set  on  high  the  righteousness  of  God  as  at  once 
moral  obhgation  and  self-sacrificing  love  (Jn  3  16) 
and  with  such  effectiveness  that  the  world  has  not 
escaped  and  cannot  escape  this  righteous  influence 
(Jn  12  32).  Moreover,  the  course  of  apostohc 
and  subsequent  history  has  shown  that  Christ  put 
a  winning  and  compeUing  power  into  the  idea  of 
righteousness  that  it  would  otherwise  have  lacked 
(Rom  8  31. .32). 

The  ideas  at  work  throughout  the  course  of  Heb 
and  Christian  history  are,  of  course,  at  work  today. 
Christianity  deepens  the  sense  of  obli- 
4.  Right-  gation  to  do  right.  It  makes  the  moral 
eousness  spirit  essential.  Then  it  utihzes  every 
as  Inner  force  working  for  the  increase  of  human 
happiness  to  set  on  high  the  meaning 
of  righteousness.  Jesus  spoke  of  Himself  as  "hfe," 
and  declared  that  He  came  that  men  might  have 
life  and  have  it  more  abundantly  (Jn  10  10).  The 
keeping  of  the  commandments  plays,  of  course,  a 
large  part  in  the  unfolding  of  the  life  of  the  righteous 
Christian,  but  the  keeping  of  the  commandments  is 
not  to  be  conceived  of  in  artificial  or  mechanical 
fashion  (Lk  10  25-37).  With  the  passage  of  the 
centuries  some  commandments  once  conceived  of 
as  essential  drop  into  the  secondary  place,  and  other 
commandments  take  the  controlling  position.  In 
Christian  development  increasing  place  is  given  for 
certain  swift  insights  of  the  moral  spirit.  We  be- 
lieve that  some  things  are  righteous  because  they 
at  once  appeal  to  us  as  righteous.  Again,  some 
other  things  seem  righteous  because  their  conse- 
quences are  beneficial,  both  for  society  and  for  the 
individual.  Whatever  makes  for  the  largest  life 
is  in  the  direction  of  righteousness.  In  interpreting 
life,  however,  we  must  remember  the  essentially 
Christian  conception  that  man  does  not  hve  through 
outer  consequences  alone.  In  all  thought  of  con- 
sequences the  chief  place  has  to  be  given  to  inner 
consequences.  By  the  surrender  of  outward  hap- 
piness and  outward  success  a  man  may  attain  inner 
success.  The  spirit  of  the  cross  is  still  the  path 
to  the  highest  righteousness. 

The  distinctive  note  in  emphasis  upon  righteous- 
ness in  our  own  day  is  the  stress  laid  upon  social 
service.  This  does  not  mean  that 
6.  Right-  Christianity  is  to  lose  sight  of  the 
eousness  worth  of  the  individual  in  himself. 
as  Social  We  have  come  pretty  clearly  to  see  that 
the  individual^  is  the  only  moral  end 
in  himself.  Righteousness  is  to  have  as  its  aim  the 
upbuilding  of  individual  lives.  The  commandments 
of  the  righteous  life  are  not  for  the  sake  of  society 
as  a  thing  in  itself.  Society  is  nothing  apart  from 
the  individuals  that  compose  it;  but  we  are  coming 
to  see  that  individuals  have  larger  relationships 
than  we  had  once  imagined  and  greater  responsi- 
bilities than  we  had  dreamed  of.  The  influence  of 
the  individual  touches  others  at  more  points  than 
we  had  formerly  realized.     We  have  at  times  con- 


2593 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Righteousness 
Rmiinon 


demned  the  system  of  things  as  being  responsible 
for  much  human  misciy  which  we  now  see  can  be 
traced  to  the  agency  of  individuals.  The  employer, 
the  day-laborer,  the  professional  man,  the  pubUc 
servant,  all  these  have  large  responsibilities  for  the 
life  of  those  around.  The  unrighteous  individual  has 
a  power  of  contaminating  other  individuals,  and  his 
deadliness  we  have  just  begun  to  understand.  All 
this  is  receiving  new  emphasis  in  our  present-day 
preaching  of  righteousness.  While  our  social  rela- 
tions are  not  ends  in  themselves,  they  are  mighty 
means  for  reaching  individuals  in  large  numbers. 
The  Christian  conception  of  redeemed  humanity 
is  not  that  of  society  as  an  organism  existing  on  its 
own  account,  but  that  of  individuals  knit  very 
closely  together  in  their  social  relationships  and 
touching  one  another  for  good  in  these  relationships 
(1  Cor  1  2;  Rev  7  9.10).  If  we  were  to  try  to 
point  out  the  line  in  which  the  Christian  doctrine  of 
righteousness  is  to  move  more  and  more  through 
the  years,  we  should  have  to  emphasize  this  element 
of  obligation  to  society.  This  does  not  mean  that 
a  new  gospel  is  to  supersede  the  old  or  even  place 
itself  alongside  the  old.  It  does  mean  that  the 
righteousness  of  God  and  the  teaching  of  Christ 
and  the  cross,  which  are  as  ever  the  center  of  Chris- 
tianity, are  to  find  fresh  force  in  the  thought  of  the 
righteousness  of  the  Christian  as  binding  itself,  not 
merely  by  commandments  to  do  the  will  of  God  in 
society,  but  by  the  inner  spirit  to  Kve  the  hfe  of 
God  out  into  society. 

In  all  our  thought  of  righteousness  it  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  there  is  nothing  in  Christian 
revelation    which    will    teU    us    what 
6.  Expand-    righteousness  calls  for  in  every  particu- 
ing  in  lar  circumstance.     The  differences  be- 

Content  tween  earlier  and  later  practical  stand- 

ards of  conduct  and  the  differences 
between  differing  standards  in  different  circum- 
stances have  led  to  much  confusion  in  the  realm  of 
Christian  thinking.  We  can  keep  our  bearing, 
however,  by  remembering  the  double  element  in 
righteousness  which  we  mentioned  in  the  beginning; 
on  the  one  hand,  the  wiU  to  do  right,  and,  on  the 
other,  the  difficulty  of  determining  in  a  particular 
circumstance  just  what  the  right  is.  The  larger 
Christian  conceptions  always  have  an  element  of 
fluidity,  or,  rather,  an  element  of  expansiveness. 
For  example,  it  is  clearly  a  Christian  obhgation  to 
treat  all  men  with  a  spirit  of  good  will  or  with  a 
spirit  of  Christian  love.  But  what  does  love  call 
for  in  a  particular  case?  We  can  only  answer  the 
question  by  saying  that  love  seeks  for  whatever  is 
best,  both  for  him  who  receives  and  for  him  who 
gives.  This  may  lead  to  one  course  of  conduct  in 
one  situation  and  to  quite  a  different  course  in 
another.  We  must,  however,  keep  before  us  always 
the  aim  of  the  largest  hfe  for  all  persons  whom  we 
can  reach.  Christian  righteousness  today  is  even 
more  insistent  upon  material  things,  such  as  sani- 
tary arrangements,  than  was  the  Code  of  Moses. 
The  obligation  to  use  the  latest  knowledge  for  the 
hygienic  welfare  is  just  as  binding  now  as  then,  but 
"the  latest  knowledge"  is  a  changing  term.  ^  Mate- 
rial progress,  education,  spiritual  instruction,  are 
all  influences  which  really  make  for  full  life. 

Not  only  is  present-day  righteousness  social  and 
growing;  it  is  also  concerned,  to  a  large  degree,  with 
the  thought  of  the  world  which  now  is.  Righteous- 
ness has  too  often  been  conceived  of  merely  as  the 
means  of  preparing  for  the  life  of  some  future  King- 
dom of  Heaven.  Present-day  emphasis  has  not 
ceased  to  think  of  the  hfe  beyond  this,  but  the  life 
beyond  this  can  best  be  met  and  faced  by  those  who 
have  been  in  the  full  sense  righteous  in  the  life  that 
now  is.  There  is  here  no  break  in  true  Christian 
continuity.     The  seers  who  have  understood  Chris- 


tianity best  always  have  insisted  that  to  the  fullest 
degree  the  present  world  must  be  redeemed  by  the 
life-giving  forces  of  Christianity.  We  still  insist 
that  all  idea  of  earthly  righteousness  takes  its  start 
from  heavenly  righteousness,  or,  rather,  that  the 
righteousness  of  man  is  to  be  based  upon  his  con- 
ception of  the  righteousness  of  God.  Present-day 
thinking  concerns  itself  largely  with  the  idea  of  the 
Immanence  of  God.  God  is  in  this  present  world. 
This  does  not  mean  that  there  may  not  be  other 
worlds,  or  are  not  other  worlds,  and  that  God  is 
not  also  in  those  worlds;  but  the  immediate  reve- 
lation of  God  to  us  is  in  our  present  world.  Our 
present  world  then  must  be  the  sphere  in  which  the 
righteousness  of  God  and  of  man  is  to  be  set  forth. 
God  is  conscience,  and  God  is  love.  The  present 
sphere  is  to  be  used  for  the  manifestation  of  His 
holy  love.  The  chief  channel  through  which  that 
holy  love  is  to  manifest  itself  is  the  conscience  and 
love  of  the  Christian  believer.  But  even  these 
terms  are  not  to  be  used  in  the  abstract.  There  is 
an  abstract  conscientiousness  which  leads  to  barren 
living:  the  life  gets  out  of  touch  with  things  that 
are  real.  There  is  an  experience  of  love  which  ex- 
hausts itself  in  well-wishing.  Both  conscience  and 
love  are  to  be  kept  close  to  the  earth  by  emphasis 
upon  the  actual  reaUties  of  the  world  in  which  we 
live. 

Literature. — G.  B.  Stevens,  The  Christian  Doctrine 
of  Salvation;  A.  E.  Garvie,  Handbook  of  Christian  Apolo- 
getics; Borden  P.  Bowne,  Principles  of  Ethics;  Newman 
Smyth,  Christian  Ethics;  A.  B.  Bruce,  The  Kinadom  of 
God;  W.  N.  Clarke.  The  Ideal  of  Jesus;  H.  C.  King, 
The  Ethics  of  Jesus. 

FhANCIS   J.    McCoNNELL 

RIMMON,  rim'on: 

(1)  The  rock  Rimmon  CJI^T  •''^?  >  je^a'  rimmon; 
ij  iriTpa.  'Fep.fi.wf,  he  pelra  Rhemmdn):  The  place  of 
refuge  of  the  600  surviving  Benjamites  of  Gibeah 
{Jeba')  who  "turned  and  fled  toward  the  wilderness 
unto  the  rock  of  Rimmon,  and  abode  in  the  rock 
of  Rimmon  four  months"  (Jgs  20  4.5.47;  21  1.3). 
Robinson's  identification  (RB,  I,  440)  has  been 
very  generally  accepted.  He  found  a  conical  and 
very  prominent  hill  some  6  miles  N.N.E.  of  Jeba^ 
upon  which  stands  a  village  called  Bummon.  This 
site  was  known  to  Eusebius  and  Jerome  {OS  146  6; 
287  98),  who  describe  it  as  15  Rom  miles  from  Jerus. 
Another  view,  which  would  locate  the  place  of 
refuge  of  the  Benjamites  in  the  Mugharet  el  jai,  a 
large  cavern  on  the  south  of  the  Wddy  Suweinit, 
near  Jeba',  is  strongly  advocated  by  R.awnsley  and 
Birch  (see  PEF,  III,  1.37-48).  The  latter  connects 
this  again  with  1  S  14  2,  where  Saul,  accompanied 
by  his  600,  "abode  in  the  uttermost  part  of  Gibeah" 
under  the  pomegranate  tree  (Rimmon). 

(2)  CiTS"!,  rimmon;  'Epemxiiv,  Eremmon,  or 'Pf/"- 
IJ.ii6,  RhemmolK):  A  city  in  the  Negeb,  near  the 
border  of  Edom,  ascribed  to  Judah  (Josh  15  32) 
and  to  Simeon  (19  7;  1  Ch  4  32,  AV  "Remmon"). 
In  Zee  14  10  it  is  mentioned  as  the  extreme  S.  of 
Judah — "from  Geba  to  Rimmon,  S.  of  Jerus."  In 
the  earlier  references  Rimmon  occurs  in  close  asso- 
ciation with  'Ain  (a  spring),  and  in  Neh  11  29, 
what  is  apparently  the  same  place,  'Aira  Rimmon,  is 
called  En-rimmon  (q.v.). 

(3)  CiiBT,  rimmon  [Josh  19  13],  nsia"! ,  rim- 
monah,  in  some  Heb  MSS  HD'Q^  ,  dimn&h  [see  DiM- 
nah]  [Josh  21  35],  and  i:'lBn ,  'nminono  [1  Ch  6  77]) : 
In  AV  we  have  "Remmon-methoar"  in  Josh  19  13, 
but  RV  translates  the  latter  as  "which  stretcheth." 
This  was  a  city  on  the  border  of  Zebulun  (Josh  19 
13)  allotted  to  the  Levites  (Josh  21  35,  "Dimnah"; 
1  Ch  6  77).  The  site  is  now  the  little  village  of 
Rummaneh  on  a  low  ridge  S.  of  the  western  end  of  the 
marshy  plain  el  Battauf  in  Galilee;  there  are  many 
rock-cut  tombs  and  cisterns.     It  is  about  4  miles 


Rimtnon 

Robbers  of  Temples 


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2594 


N.  of  el  Mesh-hed,  usually  considered  to  be  the  site 
of  Gath-hepher.     See  PEF,  I,  363,  Sh  VI. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastbrman 
RIMMON  ("IBT ,  rimmon,  "pomegranate";  see 

RiMMON-PEREZ)  : 

(1)  A  SjTian  god.  Naaman  the  Syrian  leper 
after  being  cured  is  troubled  over  the  fact  that  he 
will  still  have  to  bow  down  in  the  house  of  the 
Syrian  god,  Rimmon,  when  his  master  goes  into 
the  house  to  worship  leaning  on  his  hand  (2  K  5 
18).  Elisha  answers  him  ambiguously:  "Go  in 
peace."  Judging  from  Naaman's  position  and  this 
incident,  R.  must  have  been  one  of  the  leading  gods 
of  the  Syrians  worshipped  in  Damascus.  He  has 
been  identified  with  Rammanu,  the  Assyr  god  of 
wind,  rain  and  storm.  The  name  appears  in  the 
Syrian  personal  names  Hadadrimmon  and  Tab- 
EiMMON  (q.v.)  and  its  meaning  is  dubious  (ramdmu, 
"to  thunder"  [?]) 

(2)  A  Benjamite  of  Beeroth,  whose  sons  Baanah 
and  Rechab  assassinated  Ish-bosheth  (2  S  4  2.5.9). 

Nathan  Isaacs 
RIMMON-PEREZ,  r.-pe'rez  (flS  f^l,  rim- 
mon -pereg;  AV  Rimmon-parez) :  A  desert  camp  of 
the  Israelites  (Nu  33  19  f),  unidentified.  Gesenius 
translates  rimmon  as  "pomegranate,"  the  place 
deriving  its  name  from  the  abundance  of  pome- 
granates. But  Conder  derives  it  from  rdmam,  "to 
be  high,"  and  translates  it  "cloven  height."  See 
Wanderings  of  Israel. 

RIMMON,  ROCK  OF.     See  Rimmon,  (1). 

RIMMONAH,  rim-mo'na,  RIMMONO,  rim- 
mo'no.     See  Rimmon,  (3). 

RING  (AS  Hring,  "ring"):  The  word  renders 
(ARV)  two  Heb  words  (in  AV  and  ERV  three)  and 
two  Gr  words.  T\V'3.'g  ,  tabba'ath,  the  principal  Heb 
word,  is  from  75^  ,  labha',  "sink,"  either  because  the 
ring  is  something  "cast"  or  molded,  or,  more  prob- 


Egyptiau  Signet  Rings  and  Impressions  Made 
from  Them. 

ably,  since  the  principal  use  of  the  ring  was  as  a  seal, 
because  it  "sank"  into  the  wax  or  clay  that  received 
the  impression.  In  Ex,  tabba'ath,  "ring,"  is  a 
detail  of  furniture  or  equipment,  as  the  rings  of  the 
ark  through  which  the  staves  were  thrust  (Ex  25 
12,  etc),  rings  for  curtains,  in  the  high  priest's  ephod 
(Ex  28  28;  39  21),  etc.  Its  other  use  was  per- 
haps the  original,  to  describe  the  article  of  personal 
adornment  worn  on  the  finger,  apparently  in  the 
OT  always  a  signet-ring,  and  as  such  an  indispen- 
sable article  of  mascuUne  attire.  Such  a  ring  Pha- 
raoh gave  Joseph  as  a  symbol  of  authority  (Gen  41 
42);  and  Ahasuerus  gave  Haman  (Est  3  10);  with 
it  the  royal  missive  was  sealed  (Est  3  12;  8  8  bis. 
10).  It  was  also  a  feminine  ornament  in  Isaiah's 
list  of  the  fashionable  feminine  paraphernalia,  "the 
rings  and  the  nose-jewels"  (quite  likely  rings  also) 
(Isa  3  21).     Either  as  ornaments   or  for  their  in- 


trinsic value,  or  both,  rings  were  used  as  gifts  for 
sacred  purposes  from  both  men  and  women: 
"brooches,  and  ear-rings,  and  signet-rings"  (m  "nose- 
rings") (Ex  35  22);  "bracelets,  rings  [ARV  "signet- 
rings"],  ear-rings"  (Nu  31  50  AV).  nriin,  kotham, 
"signet,"  mentioned  in  Gen  38  18.25;  Ex  28  11. 
21.36;  Ex  39  6.14.30;  Jer  22  24;  Hag  2  23,  etc, 
was  probably  usually  a  seal  ring,  but  in  Gen  38  and 
elsewhere  the  seal  may  have  been  swung  on  wire, 
and  suspended  by  a  cord  from  the  neck.  It 
was  not  only  an  identification,  but  served  as  a 
stamp  for  signature.  bib5 ,  galll,  "circle"  (cf 
"Galilee,"  "Circle"  of  the  Gentiles),  rendered 
"ring"  in  Est  1  6;  Cant  5  14,  may  rather  mean 
"cylinder"  or  "rod"  of  metal.  Earring  (q.v.)  in  AV 
is  from  totally  different  words :  D.J5  ,  nezem,  whose 
etymology  is  unknown,  5''?^,  'dghll,  "round,"  or 
TlJnb ,  lahash,  "amulet";  so  rV.  The  "rings"  of  the 
wheels  in  Ezk  1  18  (AV)  are  33 ,  gabh,  "curved," 
and  mean  "rims"  (ARV),  "felloes."  Egyptians  esp. 
wore  a  great  profusion  of  rings,  principally  of  silver 
or  gold,  engraved  with  scarabaei,  or  other  devices. 
In  the  NT  the  ring,  Sa/criiXios,  daktulios,  "finger- 
ring,"  is  a  token  of  means,  position,  standing:  "put 
a  ring  on  his  hand"  (Lk  15  22).  Perhaps  also  it 
included  the  right  to  give  orders  in  his  father's  name. 
To  be  x/'i«'"<'5a«:Ti5\ios,  chrusodakliUios,  "golden- 
ringed,"  perhaps  with  more  than  one,  indicated 
wealth  and  social  rank:  "a  man  with  a  gold  ring" 
(Jas  2  2).     See  also  Earring;  Signet;  Seal. 

Philip  Wendell  Crannell 
RINGLEADER,  ring'led-er:  In  Acts  24  5  the  tr 
of  TT/jwToo-rdTT/s,  protosldtes,  "one  who  stands  first." 
Not  an  opprobrious  word  in  the  Gr. 

RINGSTREAKED,  ring'strekt  (AV  and  ERV 
ringstraked) :  Gen  30  35.39.40;  31  8  (6Js).10.12  for 
~py ,  'akodh.  In  the  context  of  30  35,  etc,  '■akodh 
certainly  denotes  defective  coloring  of  some  sort,  but 
the  exact  meaning  of  the  word  is  uncertain.  The 
tr  "ringstreaked"  ("marked  with  circular  bands") 
comes  from  connecting  the  word  with  the  V  kd,  "to 
bind"  (Gen  22  9),  but  this  connection  is  dubious. 

RINNAH,  rin'a  (n|"l,  rimiah,  "praise  to  God"; 
LXX  B,  'Avd,  And,  A,  'Pavviov,  Rhannon):  A 
Judahite,  according  to  MT  a  son  of  Shimon  (1  Ch 
4  20).  But  LXX  makes  him  a  son  of  Hanan  (B, 
Phand,  A,  Andn)  by  reading  "ben"  in  the  next  name 
(Ben-hanan)  as  "son  of." 

RIOT,  ri'ut:  Properly,  "unrestrained  behavior" 
of  any  sort,  but  in  modern  Eng.  usually  connoting 
mob  action,  although  such  phrases  as  a  "riotous 
banquet"  are  still  in  common  use.  AV  uses  the 
word  in  the  first  sense,  and  it  is  retained  by  RV  in 
Lk  15  13;  Tit  16;  1  Pet  4  4  for  a<T<l>Tw,  asotos, 
dauiTla,  asotia,  "having  no  hope  of  safety,"  "prof- 
ligate." In  Prov  23  20;  28  7  RV  has  preferred 
"gluttonous,"  "glutton,"  in  Rom  13  13,  "revelling  " 
and  in  2  Pet  2  13,  "revel." 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

RIPHATH,  ri'fath  (ns^l ,  riphath):  A  son  of 
Gomer,  the  eldest  son  of  Japhet  (Gen  10  3;  1  Ch 
1  6,  where  MT  and  RV  read  Diphath  [q.v.]).  Jos 
(Ant,  I,  vi,  1)  identifies  the  Ripheans  with  the 
Paphlagonians,  through  whose  country  on  the 
Black  Sea  ran  the  river  "Rhebas"  (Pliny,  NH,  vi.4). 

RISING,  riz'ing  (Pl^^Tp ,  s''eth,  "a  tumor,"  "swell- 
ing" [Lev  13  2.10,  etc]).     See  Leprosy. 

RISSAH,  ris'a  (HDI,  ri^.mh,  "dew"):  A  camp  of 
the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness  wanderings  betweea 


2595  THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  Ro""e°rs  of  Temple 


Libnah  and  Kehelathah  (Nu  33  21  f).     See  Wan- 
derings OF  Israel. 

RITHMAH,  rith'ma  (Hpni,  rilhmah,  "broom"): 
A  desert  camp  of  the  Israelites  (Nu  33  18.19). 
The  name  refers  to  the  white  desert  broom.  See 
Wanderings  of  Israel. 

RIVER,  riv'er: 

(1)  The  usual  word  is  Ifl?,  nahar  (Aram.  ^HS , 
n'har  [Ezr  4  10,  etc]),  used'  of  the  rivers  of  Eden 
(Gen  2  10-14),  often  of  the  Euphrates  (Gen  15  18, 
etc),  of  Abana  and  Pharpar  (2  K  5  12),  the  river 
of  Gozan  (2  K  17  6),  the  river  Chebar  (Ezk  11), 
the  rivers  (canals?)  of  Babylon  (Ps  137  l),therivers 

of  Ethiopia  (Isa  18  1;   Zeph  3  10).    Cf   -^,nahr, 
the  common  Arab,  word  for  "river."       '' 

(2)  "lis"; ,  xf'or,  according  to  BDB  from  Egyp 
'iolr,  'io'r,  "watercourse,"  often  of  the  Nile  (Ex  1 
22,  etc).  In  Isa  19  6,  for  '\\Tg  ^i&l,  y'ore 
moQdr,  AV  "brooks  of  defence,"  RV  has  "streams  of 
Egypt."  In  Isa  19  7^8,  for  y'dr,  AV  "brooks," 
and  Zee  10  11,  AV  "river,"  RV  has  "Nile."  In 
Job  28  10,  AV  "He  cutteth  out  rivers  among  the 
rocks,"  RV  has  "channels,"  RVm  "passages." 

(3)  There  are  nearly  100  references  to  sH? , 
nahal.  In  about  half  of  these  AV  has  "brook"  and 
in  about  half  "river."  RV  has  more  often  "brook" 
or  "valley."  But  RV  has  river  in  "whatsoever 
hath  fins  and  scales  in  the  waters,  in  the  seas,  and 
in  the  rivers"  (Lev  11  9);  "the  river  Jabbok" 
(Dt  2  37;  Josh  12  2);  the  stream  issuing  from 
the  temple  (Ezk  47  5-12).  RV  has  "brook  of 
Egypt,"  i.e.  el-'AAsh  (Nu  34  5;  Josh  15  47;  1  K 
8  65;  2  K  24  7;  2  Ch  7  8;  Am  6  14,  "of  the 
Arabah");  "brook  [AV  "river"]  of  Kanah"  (Josh 
16  8);  "valley  (AV  "river"]  of  the  Amon"  (Dt  2 
24).  EV  has  "valley":  of  Gerar  (Gen  26  17),  of 
Zered  (Nu  21  12),  but  "brook  Zered"  (Dt  2  13), 
of  Eschol  (Nu  32  9),  of  Sorek  (Jgs  16  4),  of  Shit- 
tim  (Joel  3  18).  EV  has  "brook":  Besor  (1  S  30 
10),  Kidron  (2  S  15  23),  Gaash  ^  (2  S  23  30), 
Cherith  (1  K  17  3);  also  the  fem.  Jlbn?,  nahdlah, 
"brook  [AV  "river"!  of  Egypt"  (Ezk' 47  19;  48 
28).     The  torrent-valley  (wd'dy)  is  often  meant. 

(4)  ^bs  pelegh,  with  fem.  nSbs ,  p'lagoah,  AV 
"river,"  is  in  RV  tri  "stream."  except  EV  "river  of 
God"  (Ps  65  9);  "streams  of  water"  (Ps  1  3;  Prov 
5  16;  Isa  32  2;  Lam  3  48);  " streams  of  honey "  (Job 
20  17);    " streams  of  oil "  (Job  29  6). 

(5)  p^'EX,  'aphlk,  AV  "river,"  except  EV  "water 
broolis"  (Ps  42  1),  is  in  RV  "watercourses"  (Ezlc  6  3; 
31  12;  32  6;  34  13;  35  8;  36  4.6),  " water-broolis " 
(Cant  5  12;  Joel  1  20). 

(6)  byV ,  yubhal,  EV  "river"  (Jer  17  8).  bSX , 
•ubhal,  and'bDlS,  'ubhdl,  EV  "river"  (Dnl  8  2.3.6)'.  ' 

(7)  iroTand;,'  potamds:  of  the  Jordan  (Mlc  1  S); 
Euphrates  (Rev  9  14);  "rivers  of  hving  water"  (Jn 
7  38);  "river  of  water  of  life"  (Rev  22  1).  So 
always  in  Gr  for  "river"  in  RV  Apoc  (1  Esd  4  23,  etc). 
SeeBKOOK;  Stream;  Valley. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 
RIVER  OF  EGYPT.     See  Brook  of  Egypt. 

RIVER,  THE  (GREAT).     See  Euphrates. 

RIVERS  OF  EDEN.    See  Eden   (1). 

RIZIA,  riz'i-a  (i5^2f "1 ,  risya') :  An  Asherite  (1  Ch 
7  39). 

RIZPAH,  riz'pa  (nS¥"l ,  rigyah,  "hot  stone";  Jos, 
'Pai(r(t)d,  Rhaisphd):  In  2  S  3  7  the  subject  of  a 
coarse  slander.  2  S  21  contains  the  pathetic  story 
of  Rizpah's  faithful  watch  over  the  bodies  of  her 
dead  sons  Mephibosheth  and  Armoni   (vs  10.11). 


Did  this  story  suggest  Tennyson's  "Rizpah"  ?  A 
three  years'  famine  had  made  David  anxious,  and 
in  seeking  a  reason  for  the  affliction  he  concluded 
that  it  lay  in  Saul's  unavenged  conduct  to  the 
Gibeonites  (ver  2).  To  appease  Jeh  he  gave  up  to 
the  Gibeonites  the  two  sons  of  Saul,  Mephibosheth 
and  Armoni,  as  well  as  Saul's  5  grandsons  (whether 
by  Michal  or  Merab;  see  Merab).  These  seven 
were  hanged  at  Gibeah.  Rizpah  watched  5  months 
over  their  exposed  bodies,  but  meanwhile  the 
famine  did  not  abate.  Word  was  brought  to  David 
of  Rizpah's  act  (vs  10.11),  and  it  is  possible  that  her 
action  suggested  to  David  his  next  step  in  expiation. 
At  any  rate,  he  remembered  the  uncared-for  bones 
of  Jonathan  and  Saul  lying  in  ignominy  at  Jabesh- 
gilead,  whither  they  had  been  carried  by  stealth 
after  the  Philis  had  kept  them  hung  in  the  streets 
of  Beth-shan  for  some  time.  The  bones  were  re- 
covered and  apparently  mingled  with  the  bones 
Rizpah  had  guarded,  and  they  were  together  buried 
in  the  family  grave  at  Zelah.  We  are  told  that 
then  "God  was  entreated  for  the  land"  (ver  14). 

Henry  Wallace 
ROAD,  rod  (INROAD)  AV  (1  S  27  10;    cf  23 
27).     See  Raid. 

ROAD  (WAY).  See  Roman  Empire  and  Chris- 
tianity, II,  6;   Way. 

ROAST,  rost.     See  Food. 

ROBBER,  rob'er,  ROBBERY,  rob'er-i:  "Robber" 
represents  no  particular  Heb  word  in  the  OT,  but 
in  the  Apoc  and  the  NT  is  always  a  tr  of  \r]<TT-^s, 
lestts  (see  Thief).  In  AV  Job  5  5;  18  9,  "rob- 
ber" stands  for  the  doubtful  word  D'''95Z  ,  gammim, 
RV  "hungry"  in  5  5  and  "snare"  in  18  9.  The 
meaning  is  uncertain,  andperhaps  fme'im,  "thirsty," 
should  be  read  in  both  places.  Ps  62  10,  "Become 
not  vain  in  robbery,"  means  "put  not  your  trust 
in  riches  dishonestly  gained."  RV's  changes  of 
AV  in  Prov  21  7;  Dnl  11  14;  Nah  3  1  are  ob- 
vious. In  Phil  2  6  AV  reads  "thought  it  not  rob- 
bery to  be  equal  with  God."  ERV  has  "a  prize," 
while  ERVm  and  ARV  read  "a  thing  to  be  grasped," 
ARV  rewording  "counted  not  the  being  on  an  equal- 
ity with  God  a  thing  to  be  grasped."  The  Gr  here 
is  apiray/jids,  harpagmds,  a  word  derived  from  har- 
■pdzo,  "to  ravish  away,  '  "carry  off,"  "plunder"  (cf 
"harpy").  Properly  speaking,  the  termination 
-mos  should  give  the  derived  noun  an  active  sense, 
"the  act  of  plundering,"  whence  AV's  "robbery." 
The  verse  would  then  mean  "who  thought  that 
being  on  an  equality  with  God  did  not  consist  in 
grasping,"  and  this  tr  gives  good  sense  in  the  con- 
text and  has  some  excellent  scholarly  support.  But 
a  passive  significance  is  frequently  found  despite 
a  -mos  termination,  giving  to  harpagmos  the  sense 
of  "thing  grasped,''  as  in  RV.  Usually  Eng.  com- 
mentators take  "grasped"  as  meaning  "clung  to" — 
"did  not  think  equality  with  God  should  be  clung 
to  tenaciously" — but  "to  cling  to"  seems  unknown 
as  a  tr  of  harpazo.  Hence  render  "a  thing  to  be 
grasped  at" — "did  not  seek  equality  with  God  by 
selfish  methods  but  by  humbling  himself."  It  is 
to  be  noticed,  naturally,  that  St.  Paul  is  thinking 
of  "equality  with  God"  simply  in  the  sense  of  "re- 
ceiving explicit  adoration  from  men"  (vs  10.11), 
and  that  the  metaphysical  relation  of  the  Son  to  the 
Father  is  not  at  all  in  point.     See  also  Grasp. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

ROBBERS  OF  TEMPLES  iUp6<ru\oi,  hierosuloi, 
"guilty  of  sacrilege"):  A  term  used  by  the  town 
clerk  of  Ephesus  (Acts  19  37,  AV  "robbers  of 
churches").  As  the  temple  of  Diana  had  a  great 
treasure-chamber,  the  offence  might  not  be  unknown 
among  them;  cf  Rom  2  22. 


Robe 
Romamti-Ezer 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2596 


In  2  Mace  4  42  AV  the  epithet  "church-robber' ' 
(RV  "author  of  the  sacrilege")  is  apphed  toLYSiMA- 
CHUS  (q.v.). 

ROBE,  rob.     See  Dress,  1,  (3). 

ROBOAM,  r5-bo'am  ("Popoa|i,  Rhobodm).  AV; 
Gr  form  of  "Rehoboam"  (thus  RV)  (Mt  1  7); 
successor  of  Solomon. 

ROCK,   rok   ([1]   ybo,   sela':    [2]   "112 ,   fi7r;    [3] 

liJiTOSn ,   hnUdndsh,  "flint";    of  Arab.    (Uj^jJULi*. , 

khalanhUs,  "flint";    [4]  D'^ES ,   kephlm 

1.  Names     [Job   30  6;      Jer  4  29];      cf    KTi<)>as, 

Kephds,  "Cephas"  =  IltTpos,  Petros, 
"Peter"  [Jn  1  42  AV  and  RVm];  [5]  ireTpa,  petra): 
Qur  and  sefa'  are  the  words  most  often  found,  and 
there  is  no  well-defined  distinction  between  them. 
They  are  frequently  coupled  together  in  the  paral- 
lelism which  is  characteristic  of  the  Heb  writers: 
e.g. 

"Be  thou  to  me  a  strong  rock  [qut], 
A  house  of  defence  to  save  me. 

For  thou  art  my  rock  [sela']  and  my  fortress"    (Ps 
31  2.3). 
"He  clave  rocks  [qut]  in  the  "wilderness. 
And  gave  them  drink  abundantly  as  out  of  the  depths. 
He  brought  streams  also  out  of  the  rock  [sela']. 
And  caused  waters  to  rim  down  like  rivers      (Ps  78 
15.16). 

It  is  plain  here  that  the  two  words  are  used  for 
the  sake  of  variety,  without  any  clear  difference  of 
meaning.  Even  halldmish  (tr"*  "flint")  is  used  in 
the  same  way  with  Qur  in  Ps  114  8: 

"  Who  turned  the  rock  [iur]  into  a  pool  of  water. 
The  flint  [halldTmsh]  into  a  fountain  of  waters." 

(1)  Some  of  the  most  striking  and  beautiful 
imagery  of  the  Bible  is  based  upon  the  rocks.     They 

are  a  symbol  of  God:   "Jeh  is  my  rock, 

2.  Figura-     and  my  fortress"  (2  S  22  2;  Ps  18  2; 
live  71  3);  "God,  the  rock  of  my  salvation" 

(2  S  22  47;cf  Ps  62  2.7;89  26);  "my 
God  the  rock  of  my  refuge"  (Ps  94  22);  "the  rock  of 
thy  strength"  (Isa  17  10);  "Lead  me  to  the  rock 
that  is  higher  than  I"  (Ps  61  2);  repeatedly  in  the 
song  of  Moses  (Dt  32  3.4.18..30.31;  cf  2  S  22  32). 
Paul  applies  the  rock  smitten  in  the  wilderness 
(Ex  17  6;  Nu  20  11)  to  Christ  as  the  source  of 
living  water  for  spiritual  refreshment  (1  Cor  10  4). 

(2)  The  rocks  are  a  refuge,  both  figuratively  and 
literally  (Jer  48  28;  Cant  2  14);  "The  rocks  are 
a  refuge  for  the  conies"  (Ps  104  18).  Many  a 
traveler  in  Pal  has  felt  the  refreshment  of  "the 
shade  of  a  great  rock  in  a  weary  lund"  (Isa  32  2). 
A  very  different  idea  is  expressed  in  Isa  8  14,  "And 
he  shall  be  for  a  sanctuary;  but  for  a  stone  of 
stumbling  and  for  a  rock  of  offence"  (cf  Rom  9  33; 
1  Pet  2  8). 

(3)  The  rock  is  a  symbol  of  hardness  (Jer  6  3; 
cf  Isa  50  7).  Therefore  the  breaking  of  the  rock 
exemplifiea  the  power  of  God  (Jer  23  29;  cf  1  K 
19  11).  The  rock  is  also  a  symbol  of  that  which 
endures,  "Oh  that  they  ....  were  graven  in  the 
rock  for  ever!"  (Job  19  23.24).  A  rock  was  an  ap- 
propriate place  for  offering  a  sacrifice  (Jgs  6  20;  13 
19).  The  central  feature  of  the  Mosque  of  '  Umar 
in  Jerus  is  Kubbai-u^-Sakhrat,  the  "dome  of  the 
rock."  The  rock  or  ^akhrat  under  the  dome  is 
thought  to  be  the  site  of  Solomon's  altar  of  burnt 
offering,  and  further  is  thought  to  be  the  site  of 
the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite  which 
David  purchased  to  build  an  altar  to  Jeh. 

(1)  The  principal  rock  of  Pal  and  Syria  is  lime- 
stone of  which  there  are  many  varieties,  differing 
in  color,  texture,  hardness  and  degrees  of  impurity, 
some  of  the  limestone  having  considerable  admix- 


tures of  clay  or  sand.  Some  of  the  harder  kinds 
are  very  dense  and  break  with  a  conchoidal  fracture 

similar  to  the  fracture  of  flint.  In 
3.  Kinds  rocks  which  have  for  ages  been  ex- 
of  Rock  posed  to  atmospheric  agencies,  erosion 

has  produced  striking  and  highly  pic- 
turesque forms.  Nodules  and  layers  of  flint  are  of 
frequent  occurrence  in  the  limestone. 

(2)  Limestone  is  the  only  rock  of  Western  Pal, 
with  the  exception  of  some  local  outpourings  of 
basaltic  rock  and  with  the  further  exception  of  a 
light-brown,  porous,  partly  calcareous  sandstone, 
which  is  found  at  intervals  along  the  coast.  This 
last  is  a  superficial  deposit  of  Quaternary  or  recent 
age,  and  is  of  aeolian  origin.  That  is,  it  consists 
of  dune  sands  which  have  solidified  under  the  in- 
fluence of  atmospheric  agencies.  This  is  very  ex- 
ceptional, nearly  all  stratified  rocks  having  origi- 
nated as  beds  of  sand  or  mud  in  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 

(3)  In  Sinai,  Edom,  Moab,  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon  is  found  the  Nubian  sandstone,  a  silicious 
sandstone  which,  at  least  in  the  N.,  is  of  middle  or 
lower  Cretaceous  age.  In  the  S.,  the  lower  strata 
of  this  formation  seem  to  be  paleozoic.  Most  of 
it  is  not  sufficiently  coherent  to  make  good  building 
stone,  though  some  of  its  strata  are  very  firm  and 
are  even  used  for  millstones.  In  some  places  it  is 
so  incoherent  or  friable  that  it  is  easily  dug  with  the 
pick,  the  grains  falling  apart  and  forming  sand  that 
can  be  used  in  mortar.  In  color  the  Nubian  sand- 
stone is  on  the  whole  dark  reddish  brown,  but 
locally  it  shows  great  variation,  from  white  through 
yellow  and  red  to  black.  In  places  it  also  has  tints 
of  blue.  The  celebrated  rock  tombs  and  temples 
of  Petra  are  carved  in  this  stone. 

(4)  Extensive  areas  of  the  northern  part  of  East- 
em  Pal  are  covered  with  igneous  rock.  In  the 
Jaulan  S.E.  of  Mt.  Hermon,  this  has  been  for  ages 
exposed  to  the  atmosphere  and  has  formed  super- 
ficially a  rich  dark  soil.  Further  S.E.  is  the  Leja' 
(Arab,  "refuge"),  a  wild  tract  covered  with  a  deposit 
of  lava  which  is  geologically  recent,  and  which, 
while  probably  earlier  than  man,  is  still  but  little 
affected  by  the  atmosphere.  It  is  with  difficulty 
traversed  and  frequently  furnishes  an  asylum  to 
outlaws.     See  Crag;   Flint;   Geology;    Lime. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 
ROCK  OF  AGES.     See  Ages,  Rock  of;  Isaiah, 
VII. 

ROCK-BADGER,  r.-baj'er:  This  term  is  found 
in  RVm  for  "coney,"  IS'ttJ,  shdphdn  (Lev  11  5;  cf 
Dt  14  7;  Ps  104  IS;  Prov  30  26).  It  is  a  tr  of 
klip  das,  the  name  given  by  the  Boers  to  the  Cape 
hyrax  or  coney.     See  Coney. 

_  ^ROD  (bp'O  ,  makkel,  f112^  ,  matteh,  tsntp  ,  shebhet; 
pdpSos,  rhdbdos):  Little  distinction  can  be  drawn 
between  the  Heb  words  used  for  "rod"  and  "staff." 
Makkel  is  the  word  used  in  Gen  30  37  ff  for  the 
twigs  of  poplar  put  by  Jacob  before  his  sheep,  and 
in  Jer  1  11  of  the  "rod  of  an  almond-tree."  Mat- 
teh is  used  of  a  rod  in  the  hand,  as  the  "rods"  of 
Moses  and  of  Aaron  (Ex  4  2  ff;  7  9  IT,  etc). 
Shebhet  is  used,  but  sometimes  also  matteh,  of  the 
rod  used  for  correction  (Ex  21  20;  2  S  7  14; 
Prov  10  13;  13  24;  Isa  10  5,  etc).  In  Ps  23  4 
("Thy  rod  and  thy  staff,  they  comfort  me"),  how- 
ever, shebhet  is  the  shepherd's  rod,  figurative  of 
Divine  guidance  and  care.  In  Ezk  21  10.13,  the 
word  stands  for  the  royal  scepter.  In  the  NT 
"rod"  is  used  of  a  rod  of  correction  (1  Cor  4  21), 
Aaron's  rod  (He  9  4),  a  ruler's  rod  "of  iron" 
(severity,  as  in  Rev  2  27;  12  5;  19  15),  a  meas- 
uring rod  (Rev  11  1).     See  also  Armor,  Arms. 

James  Orr 


2597 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


tLohe 
Romamti-Ezer 


RODANIM,  rod'a-nim:    The  reading  of  MT  in 

1  Ch  1  7  for  the  Dodanim  (q.v.)  of  Gen  10  4, 
corresponding  to  the  'P65ioi,  Rhodioi  of  LXX  in 
both  passages.  The  Rodanim  are  generally  identi- 
fied as  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Rhodes  (q.v.), 
well  known  to  the  ancient  Phoenicians  (Homer's 
Iliad) . 

ROE,  ro,  ROEBUCK,  ro'buk:  AV  has  "roe"  and 
"roebuck"  for  ^na,  fhhl,  TV'^'l ,  Q'hhlyah.  RV 
usually  substitutes  "gazelle"  in  the  text  (Dt  12  15, 
etc)  or  m  (Prov  6  5,  etc),  but  retains  "roe"  in  2  S 

2  18;  1  Ch  12  8;  Cant  3  5;  7  3.  So  RV  has  "ga- 
zelle" for  AV  "roe"  in  Sir  27  20  (dorkds).     RV  has 


Gazelle  {Antilope  dorcas). 

"roe-buck"  for  l^^an?,  yahniur  (Dt  14  5;  1  K  4 
23),  where  AV  has  "fallow  deer."  In  the  opinion  of 
the  writer,  bJ^5 ,  'ayyal,  EV  "hart,"  should  be  tr'' 
"roe-buck,"  yakmur  "fallow  deer,"  and  ffe/iJ  "ga- 
zelle."    See  Deer;  Gazelle.     Alfred  Ely  Day 

ROGELIM,  ro'gS-lim,  r5-ge'lim  (D^55'~l ,  rdgh'ltm; 
'Pa)7e\\e£(i,  RhogeUelm) :  The  place  whence  came 
Barzillai  the  Gileadite  to  succor  David  in  his  flight 
from  Absalom  (2  S  17  27;  19  31).  It  probably 
lay  near  the  path  followed  by  David,  but  it  is  not 
identified. 

ROHGAH,  ro'ga  (K'thlbh  njnlT,  roMghah, 
Ri^re  n3m  ,  rohgah) :  A  name  in  the  genealogy  of 
Asher  (1  Ch  7  34). 

ROIMUS,  ro'i-mus  ('Poeinos,  Rhdeimos,  A,  'Po- 
(ji^Xtos,  Rhomelios) :  One  of  the  leaders  with 
Zerubbabel  in  the  return  (1  Esd  5  8)  =  "Rehum"  in 
Ezr  2  2,  of  which  it  is  the  Gr  form  =  "Nehum" 
in  Neh  7  7. 

ROLL,  rol  (SCROLL) :  The  usual  form  of  book  in 
Bib.  times.  It  had  been  in  use  in  Egypt  for  per- 
haps 2,000  years  at  the  time  when,  according  to  the 
Pent,  the  earliest  Bib.  books  were  written  in  this 
form.  The  Bab  tablet  seems  to  have  been  the  pre- 
vailing form  in  Pal  up  to  about  1350  BC,  but  by 
1100  BC,  at  least,  the  roll  had  been  in  established 
use  for  some  time  as  far  N.  as  Byblos.  Two  Heb 
words,  gillayon,  m'ghillah,  one  Aram.,  .fphar,  and 
one  Gr  word,  biblion,  are  so  tr""  in  AV.  S'phar 
(Ezr  6  1,  RV  "archives,"  m  "books"),  with  the 
corresponding  Heb  form  .^epher,  is  the  generic  word 
for  any  whole  work  large  or  small,  but  as  a  book  form 
(Isa  34  4)  it  may  mean  "roll,"  and,  according  to  Blau 
(pp.  37,  45,  etc),  it  never  does  mean  anything  else. 
Both  the  other  words  seem  to  be  connected  with 
galal,  "roll,"  which  is  the  technical  term  for  open- 


ing or  closing  a  book  The  7n'gh,illath  sepher  (.Jer 
36  2)  means  the  unwritten  roll,  or  the  roll  considered 
in  its  material  form  as  contrasted  with  the  work. 
M'ghillah,  which  is  found  in  Ezr  6  2  (EV  "roll"),  Jer 
(often),  Ezk  (often)  and  Zec',  is  a  somewhat  late 
word,  and  came  to  mean  a  'small  roll  (but  w  ith  a  com- 
plete work)  as  dis- 
tinguished from  a 
book,  corresponding 
thus  to  the  modem 
distinction  of  pam- 
phlet and  book  or 
document  and  book 
The  word  gillayon  \^ 
tr*  in  RV  as  "tablet," 
and  is  universally  re- 
garded as  meaning 
(Isa  8  1)  somesmooth 
surface,  correspond- 
ing to  the  same  word 
in  Isa  3  23  which  is 
rendered  "hand- 
m  irror."  But 
"cylinder-seaF'would 
possibly  fit  the  sense 
in  both  cases;  this 
being  hung  round  the 
neck  as  an  ornament 
in  one  case  and  in- 
scribed with  a  per-  Egyptian  BoU  and  Case. 
sonal  name  in  the  other. 

Biblion  is  regarded  by  the  Bible  translators  as 
equivalent  to  mfghillah  in  the  sense  of  small  roll. 
It  is  in  fact  4  t  in  the  LXX  of  Jer  36  used  as  the 
tr  for  m'ghillah,  but  very  much  oftener  it  is  the  tr 
for  ^epher,  for  which  in  fact  it  is  the  correct  techni- 
cal equivalent  (Birt,  Buchrolle,  21).  Indeed  the 
"small  book"  (Thayer,  Lex.,  101)  is  hardly  con- 
sistent with  the  ideas  of  the  heavens  as  a  scroll,  of 
the  Lamb's  Book  of  Life,  or  of  the  vast  quantity  of 
books  of  Jn  21  25,  although  in  Lk  4  17  it  may 
perhaps  correspond  closely  with  m'ghillah  in  the 
sense  of  a  complete  roll  and  work,  which  is  at  the 
same  time  a  whole  part  of  a  larger  work.  Its  use 
in  Rev  6  14  is  reminiscent  of  Isa  34  4  ("scroll"), 
and  is  conclusive  for  the  roll  form.  It  is  indeed 
always  technically  a  roll  and  never  codex  or  tablet. 

It  is  not  likely  tliat  Isaiaii  and  St.  John  (here  and  in 
his  Gospel,  31  25)  refer  directly  to  the  Bab  idea  that  the 
heavens  are  a  series  of  written  tablets  or  to  the  rabbinic 
saying  that  "if  all  the  oceans  were  ink,  all  reeds  pens, 
the  heavens  and  earth  sheets  to  write  upon,  and  all  men 
writers,  still  it  would  not  suffice  for  writing  out  the  teach- 
ings of  my  Masters"  (Blau,  op.  cit.,  34).  Nevertheless, 
the  "whole  Cosmos"  does  suggest  "the  heavens  and 
earth"  as  sheets  to  write  on,  and  under  all  there  does 
perhaps  lurk  a  conception  of  tlie  broad  expanse  of  heaven 
as  a  roll  for  writing  upon. 

Literature. — Birt,  Die  Buchrolle  in  der  Kunst,  Leip- 
zig, 1907;  Jew  Enc,  XI,  12e-34,  "Scroll  of  the  Law"; 
Blau,  Studien  z.  allhebr.  Buehwesen.  Strassburg,  1902,  37- 
66,  etc,  and  the  literature  under  the  art.  "Writing,"  esp. 
G  ardtliausen ,  134-54. 

E.  C.  Richardson 

ROLLER,  rol'er:  AV  and  ERV  in  Ezk  30  21 
for  binn,  hillill,  "bandage"  (so  ARV).  "Roller" 
was  formerly  a  technical  term  in  surgery  for  a  wide 
bandage. 

ROLLING,  rol'ing,  THING:  Isa  17  13,  AV 
"like  a  rolling  thing  before  the  whirlwind,"  a  non- 
committal tr  of  b5"?3,  galgal,  "revolving  thing," 
"wheel"  (Eccl  12  6)'.  RV  "like  the  whirling  dust 
before  the  storm"  is  probably  right.  But  see 
Chaff;    Dust;   Stubble. 

ROMAMTI-EZER,  rO-mam-ti-e'zer,  rS-mam-ti- 
e'zer  ("IT^  inp/Q'"! ,  romamli  'ezer,  "highest  help"): 
Son  of  Heman,'  appointed  chief  of  the  24th  division 


Roman,  Romans 
Roman  Empire 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2598 


of  singers   in   David's   time   (1  Ch  26  4.31).     See 

JOSHBEKASHAH. 

ROMAN,     ro'man,     ROMANS,     ro'manz.     See 
Rome,  III,  2;   Citizenship. 

ROMAN  ARMY.     See  Army,  Roman. 

ROMAN  EMPIRE,  em'pir,  AND  CHRISTIAN- 
ITY: 

I.     Outline  of  the  Romax  Empire 

1.  Roman  Empire  a  Result  of  Social  Conflict 

2.  Coining  of  Monarciiy 

(1)  ExLiaustion  of  Parties 

(2)  Inability    of    Either    Aristocracy    or    De- 
mocracy to  Hold  Equilibrium 

(3)  Precedents 

(4)  Withdrawal  from  Public   Life:   Individu- 
alism 

(5)  Industrial 
C6)  Military 

(7)  Imperial  Interests 

(8)  Influence  of  Orient 

II.     Preparation  of  the  Roman  Empire  for  Chris- 
tianity 

1.  Pax  Romana 

2.  Cosmopolitanism 

3.  Eclecticism 

4.  Protection  for  Greek  Culture 

5.  Linguistically 

6.  Materially 

7.  Tolerance 

8.  Pattern  for  a  Universal  Church 

9.  Roman  Jurisprudence 
10.  Negative  Preparation 

III.  Attitude  of  the  Roman  Empire  to  Religions 

1.  Roman  ReUgion 

2.  Non-Roman    Religions — religiones  licitae  and 
religiones  illicitae 

(1)  Judaism  a  religio  licita 

(2)  Why  Christianity  Was  Alone   Proscribed 

(3)  Two  Empires:  Causes  of  Conflict 

(a)   Confusion  of  Spiritual  and  Temporal 

{b)   Unique  Claims  of  Christianity 

ic)    Christianity  the  Newest  Religion  in 

the  Empire 
{d)    Intolerance  and  E.xclusiveness  of  the 
Christian  Religion  and  Christian  So- 
ciety 
(e)    Obstinalio 

(/)    Aggressiveness  against  Pagan  Faith 
(g)     Christianos  ad  leones:     Public  Calami- 
ties 
{h)     Odium  generis  humani 

(4)  The  Roman  Empire  Not  the  Only  Disturb- 
ing Factor 

IV.  Relations    between    the    Roman    Empire    .\nd 
Christianity 

1.  Beginning  of  Christianity  till  Death  of  Nero, 
68  AD 

2.  Flavian  Period,  68-96  AD 

3.  The  Antonine  Period.  96-192  AD 

4.  Changing  Dynasties,  192-284  AD 

5.  Diocletian  till  First  General  Edict  of   Tolera- 
tion, 284-311  AD 

6.  First   Edict  of   Toleration    till    Extinction   of 
Western  Empire,  311-478  AD 

V.     Victory   of  Christianity 

1.  Negative  Causes 

2.  Positive  Causes 
Literature 

/.  Outline  of  Roman  Empire. — The  founding  of 
the  Rom  empire  was  the  grandest  political  achieve- 
ment ever  accomplished.  The  con- 
1.  Roman  quests  of  Alexander  the  Great,  Charle- 
Empire  a  magne  and  Napoleon  seem  small  com- 
Result  pared     with     the    durable    structure 

reared  by  Julius  and  his  successor, 
Augustus.  In  one  sense  Julius  Caesar — the  most 
wonderful  man  that  Rome  or  any  other  country 
produced — was  the  founder  of  the  empire,  and 
Augustus  the  founder  of  the  principate.  But  the 
Rom  empire  was  the  culmination  of  a  long  process 
of  political,  constitutional,  and  social  growth  which 
gives  a  lasting  interest  to  Rom  history.  The  Rom 
empire  was  the  only  possible  solution  of  a  700 
years'  struggle,  and  Rom  history  is  the  story  of  the 
conflict  of  class  with  cla.ss,  patrician  against  ple- 
beian, populus  against  plebs,  the  antagonism  of  oli- 
garchy and  democracy,  plutocracy  against  neglected 
masses.     It  is  the  account  of  the  triumphant  march 


of  democracy  and  popular  government  against  an 
exclusive  governing  caste.  Against  heavy  odds  the 
plebeians  asserted  their  rights  till  they  secured  at 
least  a  measure  of  social,  political  and  legal  equality 
with  their  superiors  (see  Rome,  I,  2-4).  But  in 
the  long  conflict  both  parties  degenerated  until 
neither  militant  democracy  nor  despotic  oligarchy 
could  hold  the  balance  with  justice.  Democracy 
had  won  in  the  uphill  fight,  but  lost  itself  and  was 
obliged  to  accept  a  common  master  with  aristoc- 
racy. It  was  of  no  small  importance  for  Christian- 
ity that  the  Rom  empire — practically  synonymous 
with  the  orbis  ierrarum — had  been  converging  both 
from  internal  and  external  causes  toward  a  one- 
man  government,  the  political  counterpart  of  a 
universal  religion  with  one  God  and  Saviour. 

(1)  Julius  Caesar. — For  a  couple  of  generations  politi- 
cal leaders  had  foreseen  the  coming  of  supreme  power  and 
had  tried  to  grasp  it.  But  it  was  Julius  Caesar  who  best 
succeeded  in  exploiting  democracy  for  his  own  aggran- 
dizement. He  proved  the  potent  factor  of  the  first 
triumvirate  (60  EC);  his  consulship  (59)  was  truly 
kingly.  In  49  BC  he  crossed  the  Rubicon  and  declared 
war  upon  his  country,  but  in  the  same  year  was  ap- 
pointed Dictator  and  thus  made  his  enemies  the  enemies 
of  his  country.  He  vanquished  the  Pompeians — sena- 
torial and  republican — at  Pharsaha  in  48  BC,  Thapsus 
in  46  BC,  and  Munda  in  45  BO.  Between  46  and  the 
Ides  of  March  44  no  emperor  before  Diocletian  was  more 
imperial.  He  was  recognized  officially  as  "demigod": 
temples  were  dedicated  to  his  "  clemency . "  He  en- 
couraged the  people  to  abdicate  to  him  their  privileges 
of  self-government  and  right  of  election,  became  chief 
{-princeps)  of  the  senate  and  high  priest  {pontifex  maxi- 
mus),  so  that  he  could  manipulate  even  the  will  of  the 
gods  to  his  own  purposes.  His  plans  were  equally  great 
and  beneficent.  He  saw  the  necessity  of  blending  the 
heterogeneous  populations  into  one  people  and  extend- 
ing Rom  citizenship.  His  outlook  was  larger  and  more 
favorable  to  the  coming  of  Christianity  than  that  of  his 
successor.  Augustus.  The  latter  learned  from  the  fate 
of  Caesar  that  he  had  advanced  too  rapidly  along  the 
imperial  path.     It  taught  Augustus  caution. 

(2)  Augustus. — Octavian  (Augustus)  proved  the  po- 
tent factor  of  the  second  triumvirate.  The  field  of 
Actium  on  September  2,  31  BC,  decided  the  fate  of  the 
old  Rom  repubhc.  The  commonwealth  sank  in  ex- 
haustion after  the  protracted  civil  and  internecine 
strife.  It  was  a  case  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  It 
was  a  great  crisis  in  human  history,  and  a  great  man  was 
at  hand  for  the  occasion.  Octavian  realized  that  su- 
preme power  was  the  only  possible  solution.  On  his 
return  to  Rome  he  began  to  do  over  again  what  Caesar 
had  done — gather  into  his  own  hands  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment. He  succeeded  with  more  caution  and  shrewd- 
ness, and  became  the  founder  of  the  Rom  empire,  which 
formally  began  on  January  16,  27  BC,  and  was  signalized 
by  the  bestowal  of  the  title  Augustus  (q.v.).  Under 
repubhcan  forms  he  ruled  as  emperor,  controlling  legis- 
lation, administration  and  the  armies.  His  policy  was 
on  the  whole  adhered  to  by  the  Julio-Claudian  line,  the 
last  of  which  was  Nero  (d.  68  AD). 

(3)  Flavian  Dynasty. — In  68  AD  a  new  "secret  of 
empire"  was  discovered,  viz.  that  the  principate  was 
not  hereditary  in  one  line  and  that  emperors  could  be 


nominated  by  the  armies.  After  the  bloody  civil  wars 
of  68,  "the  year  of  the  four  emperors,  Vespasian 
founded  the  lid  Dynasty,  and  djmastic  succession  was 


for  the  present  again  adopted.  With  the  Flavians  begins 
a  new  epoch  in  Rom  history  of  pronounced  importance 
for  Christianity.  The  exclusive  Rom  ideas  are  on  the 
wane.  Vespasian  was  of  plebeian  and  Sabine  rank  and 
thus  non-Rom,  the  first  of  many  non-Rom  emperors. 
His  ideas  were  provincial  rather  than  Rom,  and  favor- 
able to  the  amalgamation  of  classes,  and  the  leveling 
process  now  steadily  setting  in.  Though  he  accepted  the 
Augustan  "diarchy,"  he  began  to  curtail  tlie  powers  of 
the  senate.  His  son  Titus  died  young  (79-81).  Domi- 
tian's  reign  marks  a  new  epoch  in  imperialism:  his 
autocratic  spirit  stands  half-way  between  the  Augustan 
principate  and  the  absolute  monarchy  of  Diocletian. 
Domitian,  the  last  of  the  "twelve  Caesars"  (Suetonius), 
was  assassinated  September  18.  96  AD.  The  soldiers 
amid  civil  war  had  elected  the  last  dynasty.  This  time 
the  senate  asserted  itself  and  nominated  a  brief  series 
of  emperors — on  the  whole  the  best  that  wore  the 
purple. 

(4)  Adoptive  or  Antonine  emperors. — The  Antonine 
is  another  distinct  era  marked  by  humane  government, 
recognition  of  the  rights  of  the  provinces  and  an  enlarge- 
ment of  the  ideas  of  universahsm.  Under  Trajan  the 
empire  was  extended:  a  series  of  frontier  blockades  was 
estabUshed — a  confession  that  Rome  could  advance  no 
farther.  Under  Hadrian  a  policy  of  retreat  began; 
henceforth  Rome  is  never  again  on  the  aggressive  but 
always  on  the  defensive  against  restless  barbarians. 
Unmistakable  signs  of  weakness  and  decay  set  in  under 


2599 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Roman,  Romans 
Roman  Empire 


Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus  Aurelius.  Tliis,  tiie  best  and 
liappiest  period  of  Rom  imperiai  government,  was  tlie  be- 
ginning of  thie  end.  In  ttiis  era  we  detect  a  growing  cen- 
tralization of  autliority;  the  senate  practicaiiy  becomes 
a  tool  of  tiie  emperor.  A  distinct  civil  service  was  estab- 
lished which  culminated  in  bureaucracy  under  Hadrian. 

(5)  Changing  dynasties,  19S-28/f  AD. — On  the  death 
Of  Commodus.  whose  reign  180-93  AD  stands  by  itself ,  the 
empire  was  put  up  for  sale  by  the  soldiery  and  knocked 
down  to  the  highest  bidder.  The  military  basis  of  the 
empire  was  emphasized — which  was  indeed  essential  in 
this  period  of  barbaric  aggressiveness  to  postpone  the 
fall  of  the  empire  until  its  providential  mission  was  ac- 
complished. A  rapid  succession  of  rulers  follows,  almost 
each  new  ruler  bringing  a  new  dynasty.  Those  dis- 
integrating forces  set  in  which  developed  so  rapidly  from 
the  reign  of  Diocletian.  The  pax  Romana  had  passed: 
civil  commotion  accentuated  the  dangers  from  invading 
barbarians.  Plague  and  famine  di^populated  rich  prov- 
inces. Rome  itself  drops  into  the  background  and 
the  provincial  spirit  assorts  itself  proportionally.  The 
year  212  AD  is  memorable  for  the  edict  of  Caracalla 
converting  aU  the  free  population  into  Rom  citizens. 

(6)  From  Diocletian  till  partition. — In  the  ne.xt  period 
absolute  monarchy  of  pure  oriental  type  was  established 
by  Diocletian,  one  of  the  ablest  of  Rom  rulers.  He 
inaugurated  the  principle  of  division  and  subdivision  of 
imperial  power.  The  inevitable  separation  of  East  and 
West,  with  the  growing  prominence  of  the  East,  becomes 
apparent.  Rome  and  Italy  are  reduced  to  the  rank  of 
provinces,  and  new  courts  are  opened  by  the  two  Augusti 
and  two  Caesars.  Diocletian's  division  of  power  led  to 
civil  strife,  until  Constantine  once  more  united  the  whole 
empire  under  his  sway.  The  center  of  gravity  now 
shifted  from  West  to  East  by  the  foundation  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  empire  was  again  parceled  out  to  the 
sons  of  Constantine,  one  of  whom,  Constantius,  suc- 
ceeded in  again  reuniting  it  (,350  AD).  In  364  it  was 
again  divided,  Valentiniau  receiving  the  West  and  Valens 
the  East. 

(7)  Final  partition. — On  the  death  of  Theodosius  I 
(395),  West  and  East  fell  to  his  sons  Honorius  and  Arca- 
dius,  never  again  to  be  united.  The  western  half  rapidly 
degenerated  before  barbaric  hordes  and  weakling  rulers. 
The  western  provinces  and  Africa  were  overrun  by  con- 
quering barbarians  who  set  up  independent  kingdoms 
on  Rom  soil.  Burgundians  and  Visigoths  settled  in 
Gaul;  the  latter  established  a  kingdom  in  Spain.  The 
Vandals  under  Genseric  settled  first  in  Southern  Spain, 
then  crossed  to  Africa  and  reduced  it.  Goths  burst  over 
Rom  frontiers,  settled  in  Illyria  and  invaded  Italy. 
Alaric  and  his  Goths  spared  Rome  in  408  for  a  ransom; 
in  409  he  appeared  again  and  set  up  Attains  as  king  of  the 
Romans,  and  finally  in  410  he  captured  and  sacked  the 
city.  It  was  again'  sacked  by  the  Vandals  under  Gen- 
seric in  462,  and,  lastly,  fell  before  Odoacer  and  his 
Germans  in  476;  he  announced  to  the  world  that  the 
empire  of  the  West  had  ceased.  The  empire  of  the  East 
continued  at  Constantinople  the  greatest  political  power 
through  a  chequered  history  down  to  the  capture  of  the 
city  in  1214  and  its  final  capture  by  the  Turks  in  14,53, 
when  its  spiritual  and  intellectual  treasures  were  opened 
to  western  lands  and  proved  of  untold  blessing  in  prepar- 
ing the  way  for  the  Reformation  of  the  18th  cent.  The 
East  conquered  the  West  intellectually  and  spiritually. 
In  the  East  was  bom  the  religion  of  humanity. 

(1)  Exhaustion  of  parties. — The  Rom  world  had  for 
two  generations  been  steadily  drifting  toward  monarchy. 

and  at  least  one  generation  before  the  om- 
2  Comine  P'™  ^^^  ^^*  "P  clear  minds  saw  the  inevi- 
n(  l\/rr.T>  table  necessity  of  one-man  government  or 

01  lYlon-  supreme  power,  and  each  political  leader 

archy  made  it  his  ambition  to  grasp  it.     The 

civil  wars  ceased  for  a  century  with  tlie 
death  of  Antony.  But  the  struggles  of  Tiberius  Gracchus 
and  Scipio  Aemihanus,  Caius  Gracchus  and  Opimius, 
Drusus  and  PhiUppus,  Marius  and  Sulla,  Pompey  and 
Caesar,  and  lastly  Octavian  and  Antony  had  exhausted 
the  state,  and  this  exhaustion  of  political  parties  opened 
the  way  for  monarchy.  In  fact  it  was  a  necessity  for  the 
welfare  of  the  commonwealth  that  one  should  be  elevated 
who  could  fairly  hold  the  balance  between  oligarchy  and 
the  commons  and  duly  recognize  the  claims  of  all  parties. 
Even  Cato  Uticensis — the  incarnation  of  republican 
ideas — admitted  it  would  be  better  to  choose  a  master 
than  wait  for  a  tyrant.  The  bloody  wars  could  find  no 
solution  except  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  Moreover, 
the  free  political  institutions  of  Rome  had  become  use- 
less and  could  no  longer  work  under  the  armed  oppression 
of  factions.  If  any  form  of  government,  only  supreme 
power  would  prove  effectual  amid  an  enfeebled,  un- 
popular senate,  corrupt  and  idle  commons,  and  ambi- 
tious individuals. 

(2)  Inability  of  either  aristocracy  or  democracy  to  hold 
equilibrium. — Events  had  proved  that  a  narrow  exclu- 
sive aristocracy  was  incapable  of  good  government 
because  of  its  utterly  selfish  policy  and  disregard  for  the 
rights  of  all  lower  orders.  It  had  learned  to  burke 
liberty  by  political  murders.  Neither  was  the  hetero- 
geneous population  of  later  Rome  disciplined  to  obey  or 
to  initiate  just  government  when  it  had  seized  power. 
This  anarchy  within  the  body  politic  opened  an  easy  way 
to  usurpation  by  individuals.     No  republic  and  no  form 


of  free  popular  government  could  live  under  such  con- 
ditions. Caesar  said  of  the  republic  that  it  was  "  a  name 
without  any  substance,"  and  Curio  declared  it  to  be  a 
"vain  chimera,"  The  law  courts  shared  in  the  general 
corruption.  The  judiria  became  the  bone  of  contention 
between  the  senate  and  the  Icnights  as  the  best  instru- 
ment for  party  interests,  and  enabled  the  holders  (a)  to 
receive  large  bribes,  (6)  to  protect  their  own  order  when 
guilty  of  the  most  flagrant  injustice,  and  (c)  to  oppress 
other  orders.  Justice  for  all,  and  esp.  for  conquered 
peoples,  was  impossible.  Elective  assemblies  refused  to 
perform  their  proper  functions  because  of  extravagant 
bribery  or  the  presence  of  candidates  in  arms.  In  fact, 
the  people  were  willing  to  forego  the  prerogative  of 
election  and  accept  candidates  at  the  nomination  of  a 
despotic  authority.  The  whole  people  had  become  in- 
capable of  self-government  and  were  willing — almost 
glad — to  be  relieved  of  the  necessity. 

(3)  Precedents. — Besides,  precedents  for  one-man 
government,  or  the  concentration  of  supreme  power  in 
one  hand,  were  not  wanting,  and  had  been  rapidly  mul- 
tiplying in  Rom  history  as  it  drew  nearer  to  the  end  of 
the  republic.  Numerous  protracted  commands  and 
special  commissions  had  accustomed  the  state  to  the 
novelty  of  obedience  without  participation  in  admin- 
istration. The  7  consulships  of  Marius,  the  4  of  Cinna, 
the  3  extraordinary  commi.ssions  of  Pompey  and  his  sole 
consulship,  the  dictatorship  of  Sulla  without  time  limit, 
the  two  5-year-period  military  commands  of  Caesar, 
his  repeated  dictatorships  the  last  of  which  was  to  ex- 
tend for  10  years — all  these  were  pointing  directly 
toward  Caesarism. 

(4)  Withdrawal  from  public  life:  individualism. — On 
another  side  tlie  way  was  opened  to  supreme  power  by 
the  increasing  tendency  for  some  of  the  noblest  and  best 
minds  to  withdraw  from  public  life  to  the  seclusion  of 
the  heart  life  and  thus  leave  the  field  open  for  dema- 
gogic ambition.  After  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  philosophy  abandoned  the  civic,  political  or  city- 
state  point  of  view  and  became  moral  and  individual. 
Stoicism  adopted  the  lofty  spirituai  teachings  of  Plato 
and  combined  thom  with  the  idea  of  the  brotherhood  of 
humanity.  It  also  preached  that  man  must  work  out 
his  salvation,  not  in  public  political  life,  but  in  the  secret 
agonies  of  his  own  soul.  This  religion  took  hold  of  the 
noblest  Rom  souls  who  were  conscious  of  the  weariness 
of  life  and  felt  the  desire  for  spiritual  fellowship  and  com- 
fort. The  pendulum  in  human  systems  of  thought  gen- 
erally swings  to  the  opposite  extreme,  and  these  serious 
souls  abandoned  public  life  for  private  speculation  and 
meditation.  Those  who  did  remain  at  the  helm  of 
affairs — like  the  younger  Cato — were  often  too  much 
idealists,  living  in  the  past  or  in  an  ideal  Platonic  repub- 
lic, and  proved  very  unequal  to  the  practical  dema- 
gogues who  lived  much  in  the  present  with  a  keen  eye 
to  the  future.  Also  a  considerable  number  of  the  mod- 
erate party,  who  in  better  days  would  have  furnished 
leaders  to  the  state,  disgusted  with  the  universal  cor- 
ruption, saddened  by  the  liopeless  state  of  social  strife 
and  disquieted  by  uncertainty  as  to  the  issue  of  victory 
for  either  contending  party,  held  aloof  and  must  have 
wished  for  and  welcomed  a  paramount  authority  to  give 
stability  to  social  life.  Monarchy  was  in  the  air,  as 
proved  by  the  sentiments  of  tlie  two  pseudo-Sallustian 
letters,  the  author  of  which  calls  upon  Caesar  to  restore 
government  and  reorganize  the  state,  for  if  Rome  perish 
the  whole  world  must  perish  with  her. 

(.5)  Industrial. — To  another  considerable  class  mon- 
archy must  have  been  welcome — the  industrial  and 
middle  class  who  were  striving  for  competence  and  were 
engaged  in  trade  and  commerce.  Civil  wars  and  the 
strife  of  parties  must  have  greatly  hindered  their  activity. 
They  cast  thoir  lot  neither  with  the  optimates  nor  with 
the  idle  commonalty.  They  desired  only  a  stable  con- 
dition of  government  under  which  they  could  uninter- 
ruptedl.v  carry  on  their  trades. 

(6)  Military. — Military  conditions  favored  supreme 
power.  Not  only  had  the  lengthened  commands  famil- 
iarized the  general  with  his  legions  and  given  him  time 
to  seduce  tlie  soldiery  to  his  own  cause,  but  the  soldiery 
too  had  been  petted  and  spoiled  like  the  spoon-fed 
populace.  The  old  repubhcan  safeguards  against  am- 
bition had  been  removed.  The  ranks  of  the  armies  had 
also  been  swollen  with  large  numbers  of  provincials  and 
non-Romans  who  had  no  special  sentiment  about  repub- 
lican forms.  We  have  seen  the  military  power  growing 
more  and  more  prominent.  The  only  way  of  averting 
a  military  despotism  supported  and  prompted  by  tlie 
soldiers  was  to  set  up  a  monarchy,  holding  all  the  military, 
legislative  and  administrative  functions  of  the  state  in 
due  proportion.  This  was  superior  to  a  merely  nominal 
repubUc  always  cringing  under  fear  of  military  leaders. 

(7)  Imperial  interests. — Lastly,  the  aggression  and 
conquests  of  the  republic  had  brought  about  a  state  of 
afl'airs  demanding  an  empire.  The  East  and  the  West 
had  been  subdued;  many  provinces  and  heterogeneous 
populations  were  living  under  the  Rom  eagle.  These 
provinces  could  not  permanently  be  plundered  and 
oppressed  as  under  the  repul^lican  senate.  Tlie  jus  ciiiile 
of  Rome  must  learn  also  the  jus  naturale  and  jus  gen- 
tium. An  exclusive  selfish  senatorial  clique  was  inca- 
pable of  doing  justice  to  the  conquered  peoples.  One 
supreme   ruler   over   all    classes   raised    above    personal 


Roman  Empire      THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2600 


ambition  could  best  meet  their  grievances.  Tlie  senate 
had  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron:  the  provinces  could  not 
possibly  bo  worse  under  any  form  of  government.  Be- 
sides, monarchy  was  more  congenial  to  the  provincials 
than  a  republic  wliich  they  could  not  comprehend. 

(8)  Influence  of  Orient. — The  Orientals  had  long  been 
used  to  living  under  imperial  and  absolute  forms  of 
government  and  would  welcome  such  a  form  among  their 
new  conquerors.  Besides,  residence  in  the  Orient  had 
affected  Rom  military  leaders  with  the  thirst  after 
absolute  power.  And  no  other  form  was  possible  when 
the  old  city-state  system  broke  down,  and  as  yet  federal 
government  had  not  been  dreamed  of.  Another  con- 
sideration: the  vast  and  dissimilar  masses  of  population 
living  within  the  Rom  dominions  could  more  easily  be 
held  together  under  a  king  or  emperor  than  by  a  series 
of  ever-changing  administrations,  just  as  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  and  the  British  empires  are  probably  held 
together  better  under  the  present  monarchies  than  would 
be  possible  under  a  republican  system.  This  survey 
may  make  clear  the  permanent  interest  in  Rom  history 
for  all  students  of  human  history.  The  Rom  empire 
was  estabUshed  indeed  in  the  fulness  of  the  times  for  its 
citizens  and  for  Christianity. 

//.  Preparation  of  the  Roman  Empire  for  Chris- 
tianity.— About  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Augustus 
a  Jewish  child  was  bom  who  was  destined  to  rule 
an  empire  more  extensive  and  lasting  than  that  of 
the  Caesars.  It  is  a  striking  fact  that  almost 
synchronous  with  the  planting  of  the  Rom  empire 
Christianity  appeared  in  the  world.  Although  on 
a  superficial  glance  the  Rom  empii'e  may  seem  the 
greatest  enemy  of  early  Christianit}',  and  at  times 
a  bitter  persecutor,  yet  it  was  in  many  ways  the 
grandest  preparation  and  in  some  ways  the  best 
ally  of  Christianity.  It  ushered  in  politically  the 
fulness  of  the  times.  The  Caesars — whatever  they 
may  have  been  or  done — prepared  the  way  of  the 
Lord.  A  brief  account  must  here  be  given  of  some 
of  the  services  which  the  Rom  empire  rendered  to 
humanity  and  esp.  to  the  kingdom  of  God. 

The   first    universal    blessing    conferred    by   the 

empire  was  the  famous  pax  Romana  ("Rom  peace"). 

The  world  had  not  been  at  peace  since 

1.  Pax  the  days  of  Alexander  the  Great.  The 
Romana  quarrels  of  the  Diadochi,  and  the  ag- 
and  Unifi-  gression  of  the  Rom  republic  had  kept 
cation  of  the  nations  in  a  state  of  constant  tur- 
the  World      moil.     A    universal    peace    was    first 

established  with  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Augustus  and  the  closing  of  the  temple  of 
Janus.  In  all  the  countries  round  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  from  distant  Britain  to  the  Euphrates 
the  world  was  at  rest.  Rome  had  made  an  end  of 
her  own  civil  wars  and  had  put  a  stop  to  wars 
among  the  nations.  Though  her  wars  were  often 
iniquitous  and  unjustifiable,  and  she  conquered  like 
a  barbarian,  she  ruled  her  conquests  like  a  humane 
statesman.  The  quarrels  of  the  Diadochi  which 
caused  so  much  turmoil  in  the  East  were  ended,  the 
territory  of  the  Lagids,  Attalids,  Seleucids  and 
Antigonids  having  passed  under  the  sway  of  Rome. 
The  empire  united  Greeks,  Romans  and  Jews  all 
under  one  government.  Rome  thus  blended  the 
nations  and  prepared  them  for  Christianity.  Now 
for  the  first  time  we  may  speak  of  the  world  as  uni- 
versal humanity,  the  orhis  terrarum,  ij  oiKoviiiv-r),  he 
oikoumene  (Lk  2  1),  the  getius  humanum.  These 
terms  represented  humanity  as  living  under  a  uni- 
form .system  of  government.  All  were  members  of 
one  earthly  state;  the  Rom  empire  was  their  com- 
munis omnium  patria. 

This  state  of  alTairs  contributed  largely  to  the 

spread  of  cosmopolitanism  which  had  set  in  with 

the  Macedonian  conqueror.    Under  the 

2.  Cosmo-  Rom  empire  all  national  barriers  were 
politanism  removed;  the  great  cities — Rome,  Alex- 
andria, Antioch,  etc — became  meeting- 
places  of  all  races  and  languages.  The  Romans 
were  everywhere  carrying  their  laws  and  civilization; 
Greeks  settled  in  thousands  at  all  important  centers 
as   professors,  merchants,  physicians,  or   acrobats; 


Orientals  were  to  be  found  in  large  numbers  with 
their  gods  and  mysteries  in  Rome,  "the  epitome  of 
the  world."  In  the  Rom  armies  soldiers  from  all 
quarters  of  the  empire  became  companions.  And 
many  thousands  of  slaves  of  fine  education  and 
high  culture  contributed  much  to  cosmopolitanism. 
Being  in  many  cases  far  superior  in  culture  to  their 
masters,  they  became  their  teachers.  And  in  every 
city  of  importance.  East  or  West,  large  bodies  of 
the  Jewish  Diaspora  were  settled. 

This  cosmopolitanism  gave  great  impetus  to  a 
corresponding    eclecticism     of     thought.     Nothing 
could   have   been    more   favorable   to 
3.  Eclec-       Christianity  than  this  intermixture  of 
ticism  all    races    and    mutual    exchange    of 

thought.  Each  people  discovered 
how  much  it  had  in  common  with  its  neighbors. 
From  the  days  of  the  Diadochi,  Stoicism  had  been 
preaching  the  gospel  of  a  civic  and  ethical  brother- 
hood of  humanity.  In  the  fusion  of  different  philo- 
sophic systems  the  emphasis  had  shifted  from  the 
city-state  or  political  or  national  to  the  moral  and 
human  point  of  view.  All  men  were  thus  reduced 
to  equality  before  the  One;  only  virtue  and  vice 
were  the  differentiating  factors.  Men  were  akin 
with  the  Divine — at  least  the  wise  and  good — so 
that  one  poet  could  say,  "We  are  His  offspring." 

Stoicism  did  a  noble  service  in  preparation  for  Chris- 
tianity by  preaching  universalism  along  the  path  of  indi- 
vidualism. It  also  furnished  comfort  and  strength  to 
countless  thousands  of  weary  hiunan  lives  and  min- 
istered spiritual  support  and  calm  resignation  at  many 
a  heathen  deathbed.  It  may  be  declared  to  be  the  first 
system  of  reUgious  thought — for  it  was  a  rehgion  more 
than  a  philosophy — which  made  a  serious  study  of  the 
diseases  of  the  human  soul.  We  know  of  com-se  its 
weakness  and  imperfections,  that  it  was  an  aristocratic 
creed  appealing  only  to  the  elect  of  mortals,  that  it  had 
little  message  for  the  fallen  and  lower  classes,  that  it  "was 
cold  and  stem,  that  it  lacked — as  Seneca  felt — the  in- 
spiration of  an  ideal  Ufe.  But  with  aU  its  failiu"es  it 
proved  a  worthy  pedagogue  to  a  rehgion  which  brought 
a  larger  message  than  that  of  Greece.  It  afforded  the 
spiritual  and  moral  counterpart  to  the  larger  human  so- 
ciety of  which  the  Rom  empire  was  the  poUtical  and 
visible  symbol.  Hitherto  a  good  citizen  had  been  a 
good  man.  Now  a  good  man  is  a  good  citizen,  and  that 
not  of  a  narrow  city-state,  but  of  the  world.  Stoicism 
also  proved  the  interpreter  and  mouthpiece  to  the  Rom 
empire  of  the  higher  moral  and  spiritual  quaUties  of  Gr 
civiUzation:  it  diffused  the  best  convictions  of  Greece 
about  God  and  man.  selecting  those  elements  that  were 
imiversal  and  of  lasting  hiunau  value  (see  Stoics). 

The  mind  of  the  Rom  empire  was  further  pre- 
pared for  Christianity  by  the  Jewish  Diaspora. 
Greeks  learned  from  Jews  and  Jews  from  Greeks 
and  the  Romans  from  both.  The  unification 
effected  by  Rom  Law  and  administration  greatly 
aided  the  Diaspora.  Jewish  settlements  became  still 
more  numerous  and  powerful  both  in  the  East  and 
West.  Those  Jews  bringing  from  the  homeland 
the  spiritual  monotheism  of  their  race  combined  it 
with  Gr  philosophy  which  had  been  setting  steadily 
for  monotheism.  With  the  Jews  the  exclusively 
national  element  was  subordinated  to  the  more 
human  and  universal,  the  ceremonial  to  the  reli- 
gious. They  even  adopted  the  world-language  of 
that  day — Greek — and  had  their  sacred  Scriptures 
tr"'  into  this  language  in  which  they  carried  on  an 
active  proselytism.  The  Rom  spirit  was  at  first 
essentially  narrow  and  exclusive.  But  even  the 
Romans  soon  fell  beneath  the  spell  of  this  cos- 
mopolitanism and  eclecticism.  As  their  conquests 
increased,  their  mind  was  correspondingly  widened. 
They  adopted  the  policy  of  Alexander — sparing  the 
gods  of  the  conquered  and  admitting  them  into  the 
responsibility  of  guarding  Rome;  they  assimilated 
them  with  their  own  Pantheon  or  identified  them 
with  Rom  gods.  In  this  way  naturally  the  religious 
ideas  of  conquered  races  more  highly  civilized  than 
the  conquerors  laid  hold  on  Rom  minds  (see  Dis- 
persion). 


2601 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Roman  Empire 


Another  inestimable  service  rendered  to  human- 
ity and  Christianity  was  the  protection  which  the 
Rom  power  afforded  the  Gr  civilization. 

4.  Protec-  We  must  remember  that  the  Romans 
tion  for  were  at  first  only  conquering  barba- 
Greek  rians  who  had  little  respect  for  culture, 
Culture  but    idealized    power.     Already    they 

had  wiped  out  two  ancient  and  supe- 
rior civilizations — that  of  Carthage  without  leaving 
a  trace,  and  that  of  Etruria,  traces  of  which  have 
been  discovered  in  modern  times.  It  is  hard  to 
conceive  what  a  scourge  Rome  would  have  proved 
to  the  world  had  she  not  fallen  under  the  influence 
of  the  superior  culture  and  philosophy  of  Greece. 
Had  the  Rom  Mars  not  been  educated  by  Pallas 
Athene  the  Romans  would  have  proved  Vandals 
and  Tartars  in  blotting  out  civilization  and  arrest- 
ing human  progress.  The  Greeks,  on  the  other 
hand,  could  conquer  more  by  their  preeminence  in 
everything  that  pertains  to  the  intellectual  lite  of 
man  than  they  could  hold  by  the  sword.  A  prac- 
tical and  political  power  was  needed  to  protect  Gr 
speculation.  But  the  Romans  after  causing  much 
devastation  were  gradually  educated  and  civilized 
and  have  contributed  to  the  uplifting  and  enlight- 
enment of  subsequent  civilizations  by  both  preserv- 
ing and  opening  to  the  world  the  spiritual  qualities 
of  Greece.  The  kinship  of  man  with  the  Divine, 
learned  from  Socrates  and  Plato,  went  forth  on  its 
wide  evangel.  This  Gr  civilization,  philosophy  and 
theology  trained  many  of  the  great  theologians  and 
leaders  of  the  Christian  church,  so  that  Clement  of 
Alexandria  said  that  Gr  philosophy  and  Jewish 
law  had  proved  schoolmasters  to  bring  the  world  to 
Christ.  Paul,  who  prevented  Christianity  from 
remaining  a  Jewish  sect  and  proclaimed  its  uni- 
versalism,  learned  much  from  Gr — esp.  from  Stoic — 
thought.  It  is  also  significant  that  the  early  Chris- 
tian missionaries  apparently  went  only  where  the 
Gr  language  was  known,  which  was  the  case  in  all 
centers  of  Rom  administration. 

The  state  of  the  Rom  empire  linguistically  was 

in  the  highest   degree  favorable  to  the  spread  of 

Christianity.     The    Gr    republics    by 

5.  Linguis-  their  enterprise,  superior  genius  and 
tically  commercial    abilities    extended    their 

dialects  over  the  Aegean  Islands,  the 
coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  Sicily  and  Magna  Graecia. 
The  preeminence  of  Attic  culture  and  literature 
favored  by  the  short-lived  Athenian  empire  raised 
this  dialect  to  a  standard  among  the  Gr  peoples. 
But  the  other  dialects  long  persisted.  Out  of  this 
babel  of  Gr  dialects  there  finally  arose  a  normal 
koine  or  "common  language."  By  the  conquests  of 
Alexander  and  the  Hellenistic  sympathies  of  the 
Diadochi  this  common  Gr  language  became  the 
lingua  franca  of  antiquity.  Gr  was  known  in  North- 
ern India,  at  the  Parthian  court,  and  on  the  distant 
shores  of  the  Euxine  (Black  Sea).  The  native  land 
of  the  gospel  was  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  Gr 
civilization.  Gr  culture  and  language  penetrated 
into  the  midst  of  the  obstinate  home-keeping  Pales- 
tinian Jews.  Though  Gr  was  not  the  mother- 
tongue  of  Our  Lord,  He  understood  Gr  and  appar- 
ently could  speak  it  when  occasion  required — Aram, 
being  the  language  of  His  heart  and  of  His  public 
teachings.  The  history  of  the  Maocabean  struggle 
affords  ample  evidence  of  the  extent  to  which  Gr 
culture,  and  with  it  the  Gr  language,  were  familiar 
to  the  Jews.  There  were  in  later  days  Hellenistic 
bodies  of  devout  Jews  in  Jerus  itself.  Gr  was  recog- 
nized by  the  Jews  as  the  universal  language:  the 
inscription  on  the  wall  of  the  outer  temple  court 
forbidding  Gentiles  under  pain  of  death  to  enter 
was  in  Gr.  The  koine  became  the  language  even 
of  religion — where  a  foreign  tongue  is  least  likely 
to  be  used— of  the  large  Jewish  Diaspora.     They 


perceived  the  advantages  of  Gr  as  the  language  of 
commerce — the  Jews'  occupation — of  culture  and 
of  proselytizing.  They  threw  open  their  sacred 
Scriptures  in  the  LXX  and  other  VSS  to  the  Gr- 
Rom  world,  adapting  the  tr  in  many  respects  to  the 
requirements  of  Gr  readers.  "The  Bible  whose  God 
was  Yahiueh  was  the  Bible  of  one  people:  the  Bible 
whose  God  was  loipios  [kurios,  "Lord"]  was  the 
Bible  of  humanity."  When  the  Romans  came  upon 
the  scene,  they  found  this  language  so  widely  known 
and  so  deeply  rooted  they  could  not  hope  to  sup- 
plant it.  Indeed  they  did  not  try — except  in 
Sicily  and  Magna  Graecia — to  suppress  Gr,  but 
rather  gladly  accepted  it  as  the  one  common  means 
of  intercourse  among  the  peoples  of  their  eastern 
dominions  (see  Langitage  op  the  NT) . 

Though  Latin  was  of  course  the  official  language 
of  the  conquerors,  the  decrees  of  governors  gener- 
ally appeared  with  a  Gr  tr,  so  that  they  might  be 
"understanded  of  the  people,"  and  Gr  overcame 
Lat,  as  English  drove  out  the  French  of  the  Norman 
invaders.  Lat  poets  and  historians  more  than  once 
complained  that  Graecia  capla  ferum  viclorem  cepit 
("conquered  Greece  vanquished  its  stern  con- 
queror"). With  the  spread  of  Lat  there  were  two 
world-languages  side  by  side  for  the  whole  Rom 
empire,  but  Gr  was  prevailingly  the  language  of  the 
eastern  half  of  the  Rom  empire  which  was  the  first 
soil  for  Christian  churches  and  the  first  half  of  the 
empire  to  be  Christianized.  Later  when  Chris- 
tianity was  able  to  extend  her  activity  to  the  West, 
she  found  Lat  ready  as  the  common  means  of  inter- 
course. That  Rome  respected  Gr  is  greatly  to  her 
credit  and  much  to  the  advantage  of  Christianity. 
For  Christianity,  when  it  began  to  aim  at  univer- 
saltsm,  dropped  its  native  Aramaic.  The  gospel  in 
order  to  become  a  world-evangel  was  tr"^  into  Gr. 
The  early  Christian  missionaries  did  not  learn  the 
languages  or  patois  of  the  Rom  empire,  but  con- 
fined themselves  to  centers  of  Gr  culture.  Paul 
wrote  in  Gr  to  the  church  in  Rome  itself,  of  which 
Gr  was  the  language.  And  while  Christianity  was 
spreading  through  the  Gr  East  under  the  unifica- 
tion of  Rom  administration,  the  Romans  were 
Romanizing  and  leveling  the  West  for  Lat  Chris- 
tianity (see  Latin).  In  the  West  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  first  foothold  of  the  Christian  religion  was 
in  Gr — witness  the  church  in  Gaul. 

In  material  ways  too  Rome  opened  the  way  for 
Christianity  by  building  the  great  highways  for  the 

gospel.  The  great  system  of  roads 
6.  Mate-  that  knit  the  then  civilized  world 
rially  together  served  not  only  the  legions 

and  the  imperial  escorts,  but  were  of 
equal  service  to  the  early  missionaries,  and  when 
churches  began  to  spring  up  over  the  empire,  these 
roads  greatly  facilitated  that  church  organization 
and  brotherhood  which  strengthened  the  church 
to  overcome  the  empire.  With  the  dawn  of  the 
pax  Romana  all  these  roads  became  alive  once  more 
with  a  galaxy  of  caravans  and  traders.  Commerce 
revived  and  was  carried  on  under  circumstances 
more  favorable  than  any  that  obtained  till  the  past 
century.  Men  exchanged  not  only  material  things, 
but  also  spiritual  things.  Many  of  these  early 
traders  and  artisans  were  Christians,  and  while  they 
bought  and  sold  the  things  that  perish,  they  did 
not  lose  an  opportunity  of  spreading  the  gospel. 
For  an  empire  which  embraced  the  Mediterranean 
shores,  the  sea  was  an  important  means  of  inter- 
communication; and  the  Mediterranean  routes 
were  safer  for  commerce  and  travel  at  that  period 
than  during  any  previous  one.  Pompey  the  Great 
had  driven  the  pirates  off  the  sea,  and  with  the  fall 
of  Sextus  Pompey  no  hostile  maritime  forces  re- 
mained. The  ships  which  phed  in  countless  num- 
bers from  point  to  point  of  this  great  inland  sea 


Roman  Empire     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2602 


offered  splendid  advantages  and  opportunity  for 
early  Christian  missionary  enthusiasm. 

The  large  measure  of  freedom  permitted  by  Rom 

authorities  to  the  religions  of  all  nations  greatly 

favored  the  growth  of  infant  Chris- 

7.  Toler-       tianity.     The  Rom  empire  was  never 
ance  in  principle  a  persecutor  with  a  per- 
manent court  of  inquisition.     Strange 

cults  from  the  East  and  Egypt  flourished  in  the 
capital,  and  except  when  they  became  a  danger  to 
public  morality  or  to  the  peace  of  society  they  were 
allowed  to  spread  unchecked  under  the  eyes  of  the 
police.     See  below  on  non-Rom  religions. 

Further,  the  Rom  empire  afforded  Christianity  a 
material  and  outward  symbol  for  its  spiritual  am- 
bition.    It  enlarged  the  vision  of  the 

8.  Pattern  church.  Only  a  citizen  (Paul)  of  such 
for  a  Uni-  a  world-empire  could  dream  of  a  reli- 
versal  gion  for  all  humanity.  If  the  Rom 
Church           sword  could  so  conquer  and  unify  the 

orhis  terrarum,,  the  militant  church 
should  be  provoked  to  attempt  nothing  less  in  the 
religious  sphere.  It  also  furnished  many  a  sug- 
gestion to  the  early  organizers  of  the  new  com- 
munity, until  the  Christian  church  became  the 
spiritual  counterpart  of  the  Rom  empire.  The 
Christians  appropriated  many  a  weapon  from  the 
arsenal  of  the  enemy  and  learned  from  them  ag- 
gressiveness, the  value  of  thorough  organization  and 
of  military  methods. 

Rom  law  in  its  origins  was  cliaracterized  by  tlie  nar- 
rowest exclusiveness,  and  the  first  formal  Rom  code  was 
on  Gr  patterns,  yet  the  Romans  here  as  in 

9.  Roman  ^o  many  other  respects  improved  upon 
x  •  what  they  had  borrowed  and  became  mas- 
jurispru-  ^pj,g  qj  jm-ispnidence  in  the  antique  world. 
dence               As  their  empire  and  conceptions  expanded, 

they  remodeled  their  laws  to  embrace  all 
their  subjects.  One  of  tlie  greatest  boons  conferred  by 
Rome  upon  the  antique  world  was  a  uniform  system  of 
good  laws — the  source  of  much  of  our  European  juris- 
prudence. The  Rom  law  played  an  equally  important 
role  with  the  Jewish  in  molding  and  disciplining  for 
Christianity.  It  taught  men  to  obey  and  to  respect 
authority,  and  proved  an  eiTective  leveling  and  civilizing 
power  in  the  empire.  The  universal  law  of  Rome  was 
the  pedagogue  for  the  universal  law  of  the  gospel.  See 
Roman  Law. 

The  Romans  could  offer  their  subjects  good  laws, 

uniform  government  and  military  protection,  but 

not  a  satisfactory  religion.     A  univer- 

10.  Nega-  sal  empire  called  for  a  universal  re- 
tive  F^ep-  ligion,  which  Christianity  alone  could 
aration  offer.     Finally,  not  only  by  what  Rome 

had  accomplished  but  by  what  she 
proved  incapable  of  accomplishing,  the  way  of  the 
Lord  was  made  ready  and  a  people  prepared  for  His 
coming.  It  was  a  terrible  crisis  in  the  civilization 
and  religion  of  antiquity.  The  old  national  reli- 
gions and  systems  of  belief  had  proved  unable  to 
soothe  the  increasing  imperious  moral  and  spiritual 
demands  of  man's  nature.  A  moral  bankruptcy 
was  immanent.  The  old  Rom  religion  of  abstract 
virtues  had  gone  down  in  formalism;  it  was  too 
cold  for  human  hearts.  Man  could  no  longer  find 
the  field  of  his  moral  activity  in  the  religion  of  the 
state;  he  was  no  longer  merely  an  atom  in  society 
performing  religious  rites,  not  for  his  own  soul,  but 
for  the  good  of  the  commonwealth.  Personality 
had  been  slowly  emerging,  and  the  new  schools  of 
philosophy  called  man  away  from  the  state  to  seek 
peace  with  God  in  the  .solitude  of  his  own  soul  first 
of  all.  But  even  the  best  of  these  schools  found  the 
crying  need  of  a  positive,  not  a  negative  religion, 
the  need  for  a  perfect  ideal  life  as  a  dynamic  over 
ordinary  human  lives.  Thus  was  felt  an  imperious 
demand  for  a  new  revelation,  for  a  fre.sh  vision  or 
knowledge  of  God.  In  earlier  days  men  had  be- 
lieved that  God  had  revealed  Himself  to  primitive 
wise  men  or  heroes  of  their  race,  and  that  subsequent 


generations  must    accept    with   faith    what    these 
earlier  seers,  who  stood  nearer  God,  as  Cicero  said, 
had  been  pleased  to  teach  of  the  Divine.     But  soon 
this  stock  of  knowledge  became  exhausted.     Plato, 
after  soaring  to  the  highest  point  of  poetic  and  phil- 
osophic thought  about  the  Divine,  admitted  the 
need  of  a  demon  or  superman  to  tell  us  the  secrets 
of  eternity.     With  the  early  Rom  empire  began  a 
period  of  tremendous  religious  unrest.     Men  tried 
philosophy,  magic,  astrology,  foreign  rites,  to  find  a 
sure  place  of  rest.     This  accounts  for  the  rapid  and 
extensive    diffusion    of    oriental    mysteries    which 
promised  to  the  initiated  communion  with  God  here, 
a  "better  hope"  in  death,  and  satisfied  the  craving 
for  immortality  beyond  time.     These  were  the  more 
serious  souls  who  would  gladly  accept  the  conso- 
lations of  Jesus.     Others,  losing  all  faith  in  any  form 
of  religion,  gave  themselves  up  to  blank  despair 
and  accepted  Epicureanism  with  its  gospel  of  anni- 
hilation and  its  carpe  diem  morals.     This  system 
had  a  terrible  fascination  for  those  who  had  lost 
themselves;    it  is  presented  in  its  most  attractive 
form  in  the  verses  of  Lucretius — the  Omar  Khay- 
yam of   Lat  literature.     Others  again,  unable  to 
find    God,    surrendered    themselves    to    cheerless 
skepticism.     The  sore  need  of  the  new  gospel  of  life 
and  immortality  will  be  borne  in  upon  the  mind  of 
those  who  read  the  Gr  and  Rom  sepulchral  inscrip- 
tions.    And  even  Seneca,  who  was  almost  a  Chris- 
tian in  some  respects,  speaks  of  immortality  as  a 
"beautiful  dream"  (helium  somniuvi),  though  tribu- 
lation later  gave  a  clearer  vision  of  the  "city  of  God." 
Servius  Sulpieius,  writing  to  Cicero  a  letter  of  con- 
solation on  the  death  of  his  much-missed  Tullia, 
had  only  a  sad  "if"  to  offer  about  the  future  (Cic. 
Fam.  iv.5).     Nowhere  does  the  unbelief  and  pes- 
simism  of  pre-Christian   days   among   the  higher 
classes  strike  one  more  forcibly  than  in  the  famous 
discussion  recorded  by  Sallust   {Bel.   Cat.  li  f)  as 
to  the  punishment  of  the  CatiUnarian  conspirators. 
Caesar,  who  held  the  Rom  high-priesthood  and  the 
highest  authority  on  the  religion  of  the  state,  pro- 
poses life  imprisonment,  as  death  would  only  bring 
annihilation  and  rest  to  these  villains — no  hereafter, 
no  reward  or  punishment   {earn  cuncta  mortaliiim 
mala   dissolvere;    ultra  neque    ciirae  neque    gaudio 
locum  esse) .     Cato  next  speaks — the  most  religious 
man   of  his   generation — in  terms  which  cast  no 
rebuke  upon  Caesar's  Epicureanism  and  material- 
ism (ib,  52).     Cicero  {In  Cat.  iv.4)  is  content  to 
leave   immortality    an   open   question.      The  phi- 
losophers of  Athens  mocked   Paul  on  Mars'  Hill 
when  he  spoke  of  a  resurrection.     Such  was  the 
attitude  of  the  educated  classes  of  the  Gr-Rom 
world  at  the  dawn  of  Christianity,  though  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  there  was  also  a  strong  desire  for 
continued  existence.     The  other  classes  were  either 
perfunctorily  performing  the  rites  of  a  dead  national 
rehgion  or  were  seeking,  some,  excitement  or  aesthetic 
worship  or  even  scope  for  their  baser  passions,  some, 
peace  and  promise  for  the  future,  in  the  eastern 
mysteries.     The    distinction    between    moral  and 
physical  evil  was  coming  to  the  surface,  and  hence 
a  consciousness  of  sin.     Religion  and  ethics  had  not 
yet  been  united.     "The  throne  of  the  human  mind" 
was  declared  vacant,  and  Christianity  was  at  hand 
as  the  best  claimant.     In  fact,  the  Gr-Rom  mind 
had  been  expanding  to  receive  the  pure  teachings  of 
Jesus. 

///.  Attitude  of  the  Roman  Empire  to  Religions, — 
The  history  of  Rom  religion  reveals  a  continuous 
penetration  of  ItaUan,  Etruscan,  Gr, 
1.  Roman  Egyp  and  oriental  worship  and  rites, 
or  State  until  the  old  Rom  religion  became 
Religion  almost  unrecognizable,  and  even  the 
antiquarian  learning  of  a  Varro  could 
scarcely  discover  the  original  meaning  or  use  of 


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:2 


2603 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA      Roman  Empire 


many  Rom  deities.  The  Rom  elements  or  modes  of 
worship  progressively  retreated  until  they  and  the 
foreign  rites  with  which  they  were  overlaid  gave 
way  before  the  might  of  Christianity.  As  Rome 
expanded,  her  religious  demands  increased.  During 
the  regal  period  Rom  religion  was  that  of  a  simple 
agricultural  community.  In  the  period  between  the 
Regifugium  and  the  Second  Punic  War  Rom  religion 
became  more  complicated  and  the  Rom  Pantheon 
was  largely  increased  by  importations  from  Etruria, 
Latium  and  Magna  Graecia.  The  mysterious 
rehgion  of  Etruria  first  impressed  the  Rom  mind, 
and  from  this  quarter  probably  came  the  Trinity 
of  the  Capitol  (Jupiter,  Juno,  Minerva)  previously 
introduced  into  Etruria  from  Gr  sources,  thus  show- 
ing that  the  Romans  were  not  the  first  in  Italy  to 
be  influenced  by  the  religion  of  Greece.  New  modes 
of  worship,  non-Rom  in  spirit,  also  came  in  from  the 
Etruscans  and  foreign  elements  of  Gr  mythology. 
Latium  also  made  its  contribution,  the  worship  of 
Diana  coming  from  Aricia  and  also  a  Lat  Jupiter. 
Two  Lat  cults  penetrated  even  within  the  Rom 
pomoerium — that  of  Hercules  and  Castor,  with 
deities  of  Gr  origin.  The  Gr  settlements  in  Soutli- 
ern  Italy  (Magna  Graecia)  were  generous  in  their 
contributions  and  opened  the  way  for  the  later 
invasion  of  Gr  deities.  The  Sibylline  Books  were 
early  imported  from  Cumae  as  sacred  scriptures  for 
the  Romans.  In  493  BC  during  a  famine  a  temple 
was  built  to  the  Gr  trinity  Demeter,  Dionysus,  and 
Persephone,  under  the  I^at  names  of  Ceres,  liber, 
and  Libera — the  beginning  of  distrust  in  the  primi- 
tive Rom  nuniina  and  of  that  practice,  so  oft  re- 
peated in  Rom  history,  of  introducing  new  and 
foreign  gods  at  periods  of  great  distress.  In  433 
Apollo  came  from  the  same  region.  Mercury  and 
Asclepius  followed  in  293  BC,  and  in  249  BC  Dis 
and  Proserpina  were  brought  from  Tarentum. 
Other  non-Rom  modes  of  approach  to  deity  were 
introduced.  Rome  had  been  in  this  period  very 
broad-minded  in  her  policy  of  meeting  the  growing 
religious  needs  of  her  community,  but  she  had  not 
so  far  gone  beyond  Italy.  A  taste  had  also  devel- 
oped for  dramatic  and  more  aesthetic  forms  of 
worship.  The  period  of  the  Second  Punic  War  was 
a  crisis  in  Rom  religious  life,  and  the  faith  of  the 
Romans  waned  before  growing  unbelief.  Both  the 
educated  classes  and  the  populace  abandoned  the 
old  Rom  religion,  the  former  sank  into  skepticism, 
the  latter  into  superstition;  the  former  put  phi- 
losophy in  the  place  of  religion,  the  latter  the  more 
sensuous  cults  of  the  Orient.  The  Romans  went 
abroad  again  to  borrow  deities — this  time  to  Greece, 
Asia  and  Egypt.  Gr  deities  were  introduced  whole- 
sale, and  readily  assimilated  to  or  identified  with 
Rom  deities  (see  Rome,  III,  1).  In  191  BC  Hebe 
entered  as  Juventas,  in  179  Artemis  as  Diana,  in 
138  Ares  as  Mars.  But  the  home  of  religion— 
the  Orient — proved  more  helpful.  In  204  BC 
Cybele  was  introduced  from  Pessinus  to  Rome, 
known  also  as  the  Great  Mother  {magna  mater) — 
a  fatal  and  final  blow  to  old  Rom  religion  and  an 
impetus  to  the  wilder  and  more  orgiastic  cults  and 
mysterious  glamor  which  captivated  the  common 
mind.  Bacchus  with  his  gross  immorality  soon 
followed.  Sulla  introduced  Ma  from  Phrygia  as  the 
counterpart  of  the  Rom  Bellona,  and  Egypt  gave 
Isis.  In  the  wars  of  Pompey  against  the  pu-ates 
Mithra  was  brought  to  Rome— the  greatest  rival 
of  Christianity.  Religion  now  began  to  pass  into 
the  hands  of  politicians  and  at  the  close  of  the  repub- 
lic was  almost  entirely  in  their  hands.  Worship 
degenerated  into  formalism,  and  formalism  cul- 
minated in  disuse.  Under  the  empire  philosophic 
systems  continued  still  more  to  replace  religion, 
and  oriental  rites  spread  apace.  The  religious  re- 
vival of  Augustus  was  an  effort  to  breathe  life  into 


the  dry  bones.  His  plan  was  only  partly  religious, 
and  partly  political — to  establish  an  imperial  and 
popular  religion  of  which  he  was  the  head  and 
centering  round  his  person.  He  discovered  the 
necessity  of  an  imperial  religion.  In  the  East  kings 
had  long  before  been  regarded  as  divine  by  their 
subjects.  Alexander  the  Great,  like  a  wise  politi- 
cian, intended  to  use  this  as  one  bond  of  union  for 
his  wide  dominions.  The  same  habit  extended 
among  the  Diadochian  kings,  esp.  in  Egypt  and 
Syria.  When  Augustus  had  brought  peace  to  the 
world,  the  Orient  was  ready  to  hail  him  as  a  god. 
Out  of  this  was  evolved  the  cult  of  the  reigning 
emperor  and  of  Roma  personified.  This  worship 
gave  religious  unity  to  the  empire,  while  at  the  same 
time  magnifying  the  emperor.  But  the  effort  was  in 
vain :  the  old  Rom  religion  was  dead,  and  the  spiritual- 
needs  of  the  empire  continued  to  be  met  more  and 
more  by  philosophy  and  the  mysteries  which  prom- 
ised immortality.  The  cult  of  the  Genius  of  the 
emperor  soon  lost  all  reality.  Vespasian  himself 
on  his  deathbed  jested  at  the  idea  of  his  becoming 
a  god.  The  emperor-worship  declined  steadily,  and 
in  the  3d  and  4th  cents,  oriental  worships  were 
supreme.  The  religion  of  the  Rom  empire  soon 
became  of  that  cosmopolitan  and  eclectic  type  so 
characteristic  of  the  new  era. 

The  non-Rom   religions   were  divided  into  reli- 
giones  licilae  ("licensed   worships")    and   religiones 

illicitae  ("unlicensed").  The  Romans 
2.  Reli-  at  different  times,  on  account  of  earth- 

giones  li-  quakes,  pestilences,  famine  or  military 
citae  and  disasters,  introduced  non-Rom  cults 
religiones  as  means  of  appeasing  the  numina. 
illicitae  This  generally  meant  that  the  cults  in 

question  could  be  performed  with 
impunity  by  their  foreign  adherents.  It  legalized 
the  collegia  necessary  for  these  worships  from  which 
Rom  citizens  were  by  law  excluded.  But,  generally 
speaking,  any  people  settling  at  Rome  was  permitted 
the  liberty  of  its  own  native  worship  in  so  far  as 
the  exercise  of  it  did  not  interfere  with  the  peace  of 
the  state  or  corrupt  the  morals  of  society.  On  one 
occasion  (186  BC),  by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  a 
severe  inquisition  was  instituted  against  the  Baccha- 
nalian rites  which  had  caused  flagrant  immorality 
among  the  adherents.  But  Rome  was  never  a  sys- 
tematic persecutor.  These  foreign  rites  and  super- 
stitions, though  often  forbidden  and  their  professed 
adherents  driven  from  the  city,  always  returned 
stronger  than  ever.  Rom  citizens  soon  discovered 
the  fascination  of  oriental  and  Gr  mysteries,  and 
devoted  themselves  to  foreign  gods  while  maintain- 
ing the  necessary  formalism  toward  the  religion  of 
the  state.  Very  often  too  Rom  citizens  would  be 
presidents  of  these  religious  brotherhoods.  It  should 
not  be  forgotten  that  the  original  moral  elements 
had  fallen  out  of  Rom  religion,  and  that  it  had  be- 
come simply  a  political  and  military  religion  for 
the  welfare  of  the  state,  not  for  the  salvation  of  the 
individual.  The  individual  must  conform  to  cer- 
tain prescribed  rites  in  order  to  avert,  calamity  from 
the  state.  This  done,  the  state  demanded  no  more, 
and  left  him  a  large  measure  of  freedom  in  seeking 
excitement  or  aesthetic  pleasure  in  the  warm  and 
more  social  foreign  mysteries.  Thus,  while  the 
Romans  retained  the  distinction  of  religiones  licilae 
and  illicitae,  they  seldom  used  severity  against  the 
latter.  Many  unlicensed  cults  were  never  dis- 
turbed. In  fact,  the  very  idea  of  empire  rendered 
toleration  of  non-Rom  religions  a  necessity.  Prac- 
tically, though  not  theoretically,  the  empire  aban- 
doned the  idea  of  religiones  illicitae,  while  it  retained 
it  upon  the  statute-book  to  use  in  case  of  such  an 
emergency  as  the  Christian  rehgion  involved.  Not 
only  the  government  was  tolerant,  but  the  differ- 
ent varieties  of  religions  were  tolerant  and  on  good 


Roman  Empire     THE  IXTEENATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2604 


terms  with  each  other.  The  same  man  might  be 
initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  half  a  dozen  divinities. 
The  same  man  might  even  be  priest  of  two  or  more 
gods.  Some  had  not  the  shghtest  objection  to  wor- 
shipping Christ  along  with  Mithra,  Isis  and  Adonis. 
Men  were  growing  conscious  of  the  oneness  of  the 
Divine,  and  credited  their  neighbors  with  worship- 
ping the  One  l^nknoT\Ti  under  different  names  and 
forms.  Hadrian  is  said  to  have  meditated  the 
erection  of  temples  throughout  the  empire  to  the 
UnknoT\Ti  God. 

(1)  Judaism  a  "religio  licita." — An  interesting 
and,  for  the  history  of  Christianity,  important  ex- 
ample of  a  religio  licita  is  Judaism.  No  more  ex- 
clusive and  obstinate  people  could  have  been  found 
upon  whom  to  bestow  the  favor.  Yet  from  the 
days  of  Julius  Caesar  the  imperial  policy  toward  the 
Jew  and  his  religion  was  uniformly  favorable,  with 
the  brief  exception  of  the  mad  attempt  of  Gains. 
The  government  often  protected  them  against  the 
hatred  of  the  populace.  Up  to  70  AD  they  were 
allowed  freely  to  send  their  yearly  contribution  to 
the  temple;  they  were  even  allowed  self-governing 
privileges  and  legislative  powers  among  themselves, 
and  thus  formed  an  exclusive  community  in  the 
midst  of  Rom  societj\  Even  the  disastrous  war 
of  6S-70  AD  and  the  fall  of  Jerus  did  not  bring 
persecution  upon  the  Jew,  though  most  of  these 
self-governing  and  self-legislating  powers  were  with- 
drawn and  the  Jews  were  compelled  to  pay  a  poll- 
tax  to  the  temple  of  the  Capitoline  Jupiter.  Still 
their  religion  remained  licensed,  tolerated,  protected. 
They  were  excused  from  duties  impossible  for  their 
rehgion,  such  as  mihtary  service.  This  tolerance 
of  the  Jewish  reUgion  was  of  incalculable  importance 
to  infant  Christianity  which  at  first  professed  to  be 
no  more  than  a  reformed  and  expanded  Judaism. 

(2)  Why  Christianity  alone  was  proscribed. — The 
question  next  arises:  If  such  was  the  universally 
mild  and  tolerant  policy  of  the  empire  to  find  room 
for  all  gods  and  cults,  and  to  respect  the  beliefs  of 
all  the  subject  peoples,  how  comes  the  anomaly  that 
Christianity  alone  was  proscribed  and  persecuted? 
Christianity  was  indeed  a  religio  illicila,  not  having 
been  accepted  by  the  government  as  a  religio  licita, 
like  Judaism.  But  this  is  no  answer.  There  were 
other  unhcensed  religions  which  grew  apace  in  the 
empire.  Neither  was  it  simply  because  Christian- 
ity was  aggressive  and  given  to  proselytism  and 
dared  to  appear  even  in  the  imperial  household: 
Mithraism  and  Isism  were  militant  and  aggressive, 
and  yet  were  tolerated.  Nor  was  it  simply  because 
of  popular  hatred,  for  the  Christian  was  not  hated 
above  the  Jew.  Other  reasons  must  explain  the 
anomaly. 

(3)  Two  empires:  cause  of  conflict. — The  fact 
was  that  two  empires  were  born  about  the  same 
time  so  like  and  yet  so  unlike  as  to  render  a  conflict 
and  struggle  to  the  death  inevitable.  The  Chris- 
tians were  unequivocal  in  asserting  that  the  society 
for  which  they  were  waiting  and  laboring  was  a 
"kingdom." 

(a)  Confusion  of  spiritual  and  temporal:  They 
thought  not  merely  in  national  or  racial  but  in 
ecumenical  terms.  The  Romans  could  not  under- 
stand a  kingdom  of  God  upon  earth,  but  confused 
Christian  ambition  with  political.  It  was  soon 
discovered  that  Christianity  came  not  to  save  but 
to  destroy  and  disintegrate  the  empire.  Early 
Christian  enthusiasm  made  the  term  "kingdom 
very  provoking  to  pagan  patriotism,  for  many, 
looking  for  the  Parousia  of  their  Lord,  were  them- 
selves misled  into  thinking  of  the  new  society  as  a 
kingdom  soon  to  be  set  up  upon  the  earth  with 
Christ  as  king.  Gradually,  of  course.  Christians 
became  enlightened  upon  this  point,  but  the  harm 
had  been  done.     Both  the  Rom  empire  and  Chi'is- 


tianity  were  aiming  at  a  social  organization  to  em- 
brace the  genus  humanum.  But  though  these  two 
empires  were  so  alike  in  several  points  and  the  one 
had  done  so  much  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  other, 
yet  the  contrast  w.as  too  great  to  allow  conciliation. 
Christianity  would  not  lose  the  atom  in  the  mass; 
it  aimed  at  universalism  along  the  path  of  indi- 
vidualism— giving  new  value  to  human  personahty. 
(6)  I'nique  claims  of  Christianity:  It  seemed  also 
to  provoke  Rom  pride  by  its  absurd  claims.  It 
preached  that  the  world  was  to  be  destroyed  by  fire 
to  make  way  for  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  that 
the  Eternal  City  (Rome)  was  doomed  to  fall,  that 
a  king  would  come  from  heaven  whom  Christians 
were  to  obey,  that  amid  the  coming  desolations  the 
Christians  should  remain  tranquil. 

(c)  Novelty  of  Christianity:  Again  after  Chris- 
tianity came  from  underneath  the  aegis  of  Judaism, 
it  must  have  taken  the  government  somewhat  by 
surprise  as  a  new  and  unlicensed  religion  which  had 
grown  strong  under  a  misnomer.  It  was  the  newest 
and  latest  religion  of  the  empire;  it  came  suddenly, 
as  it  were,  upon  the  stage  with  no  past.  It  was  not 
apparent  to  the  Rom  mind  that  Christianity  had 
been  spreading  for  a  generation  under  the  tolerance 
granted  to  Judaism  {sub  iimbraculo  licitae  Judaeo- 
rum  religionis:  Tert.),  the  latter  of  which  was 
"protected  by  its  antiquity,"  as  Tacitus  said.  The 
Romans  were  of  a  conservative  nature  and  disliked 
innovations.  The  gi'eatest  statesman  of  the  Augus- 
tan era,  Maecenas,  advised  the  emperor  to  extend 
no  tolerance  to  neiv  religions  as  subversive  of  mon- 
archy (Dio  Cassius  lii.36).  A  new  faith  appearing 
suddenly  with  a  large  clientele  might  be  dangerous 
to  the  public  peace  {muUitudo  ingens:  Tac.  Ann. 
XV.44;   iroXi)  TrXijffos:  Clem.  Rom.;  Cor  1  6). 

(d)  Intolerance  and  exclusiveness  of  Christian  religion 
and  society :  In  one  marked  way  Christians  contravened 
the  tolerant  eclective  spirit  of  the  empire — the  intoler- 
ance and  absoluteness  of  their  reUgion  and  the  exclusive- 
ness of  their  society.  All  other  religions  of  the  empire 
admitted  compromise  and  eclecticism,  were  willing  to 
dwell  rather  on  the  points  of  contact  with  their  neiglibors 
than  on  the  contrast.  But  Christianity  admitted  no 
compromise,  was  intolerant  to  all  other  systems.  It 
must  be  admitted  that  in  this  way  it  was  ratlier  unfair 
to  other  cults  which  offered  comfort  and  spiritual  support 
to  thousands  of  the  human  race  before  the  dawn  of 
Christianity.  But  we  shaU  not  blame,  when  we  recog- 
nize that  for  its  own  life  and  mission  it  was  necessary 
to  show  itself  at  first  intolerant.  ]Many  heathen  would 
gladly  accept  Christ  along  with  Mitlira  and  Isis  and 
Serapis.  But  Christianity  demanded  complete  sepa- 
ration. The  Jesus  cult  could  tolerate  no  rival :  it  claimed 
to  be  absolute,  and  worshippers  of  Jesus  must  be  separate 
from  the  world.  The  Christian  churcli  was  absolute  in 
its  demands;  would  not  rank  witli,  but  above,  all  wor- 
ships. This  spirit  was  of  course  at  enmity  with  that  of 
the  day  wliich  enabled  rival  cults  to  co-exist  with  the 
greatest  indifference.  Add  to  this  the  exclusive  state  of 
Christian  society.  No  pious  heathen  wlio  had  purified 
his  soul  by  asceticism  and  the  sacraments  of  antiquity 
could  be  admitted  into  memljership  unless  he  renouuced 
things  dear  to  him  and  of  some  spiritual  value.  In 
every  detail  of  pubhc  life  tliis  exclusive  spirit  made  itself 
felt.  Christians  met  at  night  and  held  secret  assembhes 
in  which  they  were  reputed  to  perpetrate  the  most 
scandalous  crimes.  Thyestean  banquets,  Oedipean 
incest,  child  murder,  were  among  the  charges  provoked 
by  their  exclusiveness. 

(e)  Ohsiinatio:  Add  to  tliis  also  the  suUen  obstinacy 
with  which  Cliristians  met  the  demands  of  imperial 
power — a  feature  very  offensive  to  Kom  governors. 
Their  religion  would  be  left  them  imdistm-bed  if  they 
would  only  render  formal  obedience  to  the  religion  of  the 
state.  Rom  clemency  and  respect  for  law  were  baffled 
before  Christian  obstinacy.  Tlie  martyr's  courage  ap- 
peared as  sheer  fanaticism.  The  pious  Aurehus  refers 
but  once  to  Christianity,  and  in  tlae  words  i^Utj  Traparaf  ts, 
p&ilt^  pardtaxis,  " slieer  oiistinacy,"  and  Aristides  appar- 
ently refers  to  Cliristianity  as  au9a6eia,  authddeia, 
"stubbornness."     See  Pekseoutions,  18. 

(/)  Aggressiveness  against  pagan  faith:  But  the 
Christians  were  not  content  with  an  uncompromising 
withdrawal  from  the  practices  of  heathen  worship: 
they  also  actively  assailed  the  pagan  cultus.  To 
the  Christians  they   became  doctrines   of   demons. 


2605 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Roman  Empire 


The  imperial  cult  and  worship  of  the  Genius  of  the 
emperor  were  very  unholy  in  their  sight.  Hence 
they  fell  under  the  charges  of  disloyalty  to  the  em- 
peror and  might  be  proved  guilty  of  majeslas.  They 
held  in  contempt  the  doctrine  that  the  greatness  of 
Ronie  was  due  to  her  reverence  for  the  gods;  the 
Christians  were  atheists  from  the  pagan  point  of 
view.  And  as  religion  was  a  political  concern  for 
the  welfare  of  the  state,  atheism  was  likely  to  call 
down  the  wrath  of  divinity  to  the  subversion  of  the 
state. 

(.g)  Christianas  ad  leones:  Very  soon  when  dis- 
asters began  to  fall  thickly  upon  the  Rom  empire, 
the  blame  was  laid  upon  the  Christians.  In  early 
days  Rome  had  often  sought  to  appease  the  gods  by 


Coliseum. 

introducing  external  cults;  at  other  times  oriental 
cults  were  expelled  in  the  interests  of  public  morality. 
Now  in  times  of  disaster  Christians  became  the  scape- 
goats. If  famine,  drought,  pestilence,  earthquake 
or  any  other  public  calamity  threatened,  the  cry 
was  raised  "the  Christians  to  the  lions"  (see  Nero; 
Persecutions,  12).  This  view  of  Christianity 
as  subversive  of  the  empire  survived  the  fall  of 
Rome  before  Alaric.  The  heathen  forgot — as  the 
apologists  showed — that  Rome  had  been  visited 
by  the  greatest  calamities  before  the  Christian  era 
and  that  the  Christians  were  the  most  self-sacrificing 
in  periods  of  public  distress,  lending  succor  to  pagan 
and  Christian  alike. 

(A)  Odium  generis  humani:  All  prejudices  against 
Christianity  were  summed  up  in  odium  generis 
humani,  "hatred  for  the  human  race"  or  society, 
which  was  reciprocated  by  "hatred  of  the  human 
race  toward  them."  The  Christians  were  bitterly 
hated,  not  only  by  the  populace,  but  by  the  upper 
educated  classes.  Most  of  the  early  adherents 
belonged  to  the  slave,  freedman  and  artisan  classes, 
"not  many  wise,  not  many  noble."  Few  were 
Rom  citizens.  We  have  mentioned  the  crimes 
which  popular  prejudice  attributed  to  this  hated 
sect.  They  were  in  mockery  styled  Christiani  by 
the  Antioohians  (a  name  which  they  at^  first  re- 
sented), and  Nazarenes  by  the  Jews.  No  nicknames 
were  too  vile  to  attach  to  them —  Asinarii  (the  sect 
that  worshipped  the  ass's  head),  Sarmenlicii  or 
Semaxii.  Rom  WTiters  cannot  find  epithets  strong 
enough.  Tacitus  reckons  the  Christian  faith 
among  the  "atrocious  and  abominable  things" 
{atrocia  aui  -pudenda)  which  flooded  Rome,  and 
further  designates  it  superstitio  exitiabilis  ("bane- 
ful superstition,"  Ann.  xv.44),  Suetonius  {Ner.  16) 
as  novel  and  malefic  {novae  ac  maleficae),  and  the 
gentle  Pliny  {Ep.  97)  as  vile  and  indecent  (prava 
immodica).  Well  might  Justus  say  the  Christians 
were  "hated  and  reviled  by  the  whole  human  race." 
This  opprobrium  was  accentuated  by  the  attacks 
of  philosophy  upon  Christianity.     AVhen  the  atten- 


tion of  philosophers  was  drawn  to  the  new  religion, 
it  was  only  to  scorn  it.  This  attitude  of  heathen 
philosophy  is  best  understood  in  reading  Celsus 
and  the  Christian  apologists. 

(4)  The  Rojnan  empire  not  the  only  disturbing 
factor. — Philosophy  long  maintained  its  aloofness 
from  the  religion  of  a  crucified  Galilean:  the  "wise" 
were  the  last  to  enter  the  kingdom  of  God.  When 
later  Christianity  had  established  itself  as  a  perma- 
nent force  in  human  thought,  philosophy  deigned 
to  consider  its  claims.  But  it  was  too  late;  the 
new  faith  was  already  on  the  offensive.  Philosophy 
discovered  its  own  weakness  and  began  to  reform 
itself  by  aiming  at  being  both  a  philosophy  and  a 
religion.  This  is  particularly  the  case  in  nco- 
Platonism  (in  Plotinus)  in  which  reason  breaks 
down  before  revelation  and  mysticism.  Another 
force  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  Christian  church 
was  the  enemy  within  the  fold.  Large  numbers  of 
heathen  had  entered  the  ecclesia  bringing  with  them 
their  oriental  or  Gr  ideas,  just  as  Jewish  Christians 
brought  their  Judaism  with  them.  This  led  to 
grave  heresies,  each  system  of  thought  distorting 
in  its  own  way  the  orthodox  faith.  Later  another 
ally  joined  the  forces  against  Christianity — reformed 
paganism  led  by  an  injured  priesthood.  At  first 
the  cause  of  Christianity  was  greatly  aided  by  the 
fact  that  there  was  no  exclusive  and  jealous  priest- 
hood at  the  head  of  the  Gr-Rom  religion,  as  in  the 
Jewish  and  oriental  religions.  There  was  thus  no 
dogma  and  no  class  interested  in  maintaining  a 
dogma.  Religious  persecution  is  invariably  insti- 
tuted by  the  priesthood,  but  in  the  Rom  world  it 
was  not  till  late  in  the  day  when  the  temples  and 
sacrifices  were  falling  into  desuetude  that  we  find 
a  priesthood  as  a  body  in  opposition.  Thus  the 
Rom  imperial  power  stood  not  alone  in  antagonism 
to  Christianity,  but  was  abetted  and  often  pro- 
voked to  action  by  (a)  popular  hate,  (6)  philosophy, 
(c)  pagan  priesthood,  (d)  heresies  within  the  church. 

IV,  Relations  between  the  Roman  Empire  and 
Christianity. — We  have  here  to  explain  how  the 
attitude  of  the  Rom  empire,  at  first  friendly  or  in- 
different, developed  into  one  of  fierce  conflict,  the 
different  stages  in  the  policy — if  we  can  speak  of 
any  uniform  policy — of  the  Rom  government 
toward  Christianity,  the  charges  or  mode  of  pro- 
cedure on  which  Christians  were  condemned,  and 
when  and  how  the  profession  of  Christianity 
{nomen  ipsum)  became  a  crime.  We  shall  see  the 
Rom  empire  progressively  weakening  and  Chris- 
tianity gaining  ground.  For  the  sake  of  clearness 
we  shall  divide  the  Rom  empire  into  six  periods, 
the  first  from  the  commencement  of  the  Christian 
era  till  the  last  of  the  Julio-Claudian  dynasty. 

At  first  the  presence  of  the  Christian  faith  was 
unknown  to  Rom  authorities.  It  appeared  first 
merely  as  a  reformed  and  more  spirit- 
1.  Begin-  ual  Judaism;  its  earliest  preachers 
ning  of  and  adherents  alike  never  dreamed  of 

Christianity  severing  from  the  synagogue.  Chris- 
till  Death  tians  were  only  another  of  the  Jewish 
of  Nero,  sects  to  which  a  Jew  might  belong 
68  AD  while  adhering  to  Mosaism  and  Juda- 

ism. But  soon  this  friendly  relation 
became  strained  on  account  of  the  expanding  views 
of  some  of  the  Christian  preachers,  and  from  the 
introduction  of  gentile  proselytes.  The  first  per- 
secutions for  the  infant  church  came  entirely  from 
exclusive  Judaism,  and  it  was  the  Jews  who  first 
accused  Christians  before  the  Rom  courts.  Even 
so,  the  Rom  government  not  only  refused  to  turn 
persecutor,  but  even  protected  the  new  faith  both 
against  Jewish  accusations  and  against  the  violence 
of  the  populace  (Acts  21  31  f).  And  the  Christian 
missionaries — esp.  Paul — soon  recognized  in  the 
Rom  empire  an  ally  and  a  power  for  good.     Writing 


Roman  Empire      THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2606 


to  the  Romans  Paul  counsels  them  to  submit  in 
obedience  to  the  powers  that  be,  as  "ordained  of 
God."  His  favorable  impression  must  have  been 
greatly  enhanced  by  his  mild  captivity  at  Rome  and 
his  acquittal  by  Nero  on  the  first  trial.  The  Rom 
soldiers  had  come  to  his  rescue  in  Jerus  to  save  his 
life  from  the  fanaticism  of  his  own  coreligionists. 
Toward  the  accusations  of  the  Jews  against  their 
rivals  the  Romans  were  either  indifferent,  as  Gallio 
the  proconsul  of  Achaia,  who  "cared  for  none  of 
those  things"  (Acts  18  12  ff),  or  recognized  the 
innocence  of  the  accused,  as  did  both  Felix  (Acts 
24  Iff)  and  Porcius  Festus  (25  14 ff).  Thus  the 
Romans  persisted  in  looking  upon  Christians  as  a 
sect  of  the  Jews.  But  the  Jews  took  another  step 
in  formulating  a  charge  of  disloyalty  (begun  before 
Pilate)  against  the  new  sect  as  acting  "contrary 
to  the  decrees  of  Caesar,  saying  that  there  is  an- 
other king,  one  Jesus"  (Acts  17  7;  cf  25  8).  Chris- 
tianity was  disowned  thus  early  by  Judaism  and 
cast  upon  its  own  resources.  The  increasing  num- 
bers of  Christians  would  confirm  to  the  Rom  govern- 
ment the  independence  of  Christianity.  And  the 
trial  of  a  Rom  citizen,  Paul,  at  Rome  would  further 
enlighten  the  authorities. 

The  first  heathen  persecution  of  Christianity 
resulted  from  no  definite  policy,  no  apprehension 
of  danger  to  the  body  politic,  and  no  definite  charges, 
but  from  an  accidental  spark  which  kindled  the  con- 
flagration of  Rome  (July,  64  AD).  Up  to  this  time 
no  emperor  had  taken  much  notice  of  Christianity. 
It  was  only  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Augustus 
that  Jesus  was  born.  In  the  reign  of  Tiberius 
belong  Jesus'  public  ministry,  crucifixion  and  resur- 
rection; but  his  reign  closed  too  early  (37  AD)  to 
allow  any  prominence  to  the  new  faith,  though  this 
emperor  was  credited  with  proposing  to  the  senate 
a  decree  to  receive  Christ  into  the  Rom  pantheon — - 
legend  of  course.  LTnder  the  brief  principate  of  the 
mad  Gaius  (.37-41  AD)  the  "new  way"  was  not  yet 
divorced  from  the  parent  faith.  Gaius  caused  a 
diversion  in  favor  of  the  Christians  by  his  perse- 
cution of  the  Jews  and  the  command  to  set  up  his 
own  statue  in  the  temple.  In  the  next  reign 
(Claudius,  41-54  AD)  the  Jews  were  again  harshly 
treated,  and  thousands  were  banished  from  Rome 
(Jiidaeos  impulsore  Chresto  assidue  tumultuanles 
Roma  expulit:  Suet.  Claud.  25).  Some  would  see 
in  this  an  action  against  the  Christians  by  inter- 
preting the  words  as  meaning  riots  between  Jews 
and  Christians,  in  consequence  of  which  some  Chris- 
tians were  banished  as  Jews,  but  Dio  Cassius  (lx.6) 
implies  that  it  was  a  police  regulation  to  restrain 
the  spread  of  Jewish  worship.  It  was  in  the  reign 
of  Nero,  after  the  fire  of  64  AD,  that  the  first  hostile 
step  was  taken  by  the  government  against  the 
Christians,  earhest  account  of  which  is  given  by 
Tacitus  (Ann.  xv.44).  Nero's  reckless  career  had 
given  rise  to  the  rumor  that  he  was  the  incen- 
diary, that  he  wished  to  see  the  old  city  burned 
in  order  to  rebuild  it  on  more  magnificent  plans. 
See  Nero.  Though  he  did  everything  possible  to 
arrest  the  flames,  even  exposing  his  own  life,  took 
every  means  of  alleviating  the  destitution  of  the 
sufferers,  and  ordered  such  religious  rites  as  might 
appease  the  wrath  of  the  gods,  the  suspicion  still 
clung  to  him. 

"Accordingly  in  order  to  dissipate  tlie  rumor,  lie  put 
forward  as  guilty  [subdidit  reos]  and  inflicted  the  most 
cruel  punishments  on  those  who  were  hated  for  their 
abominations  [flaoitia]  and  called  Christians  by  the 
populace.  The  originator  of  that  name,  Christus,  had 
been  executed  by  the  procurator  Pontius  Pilatus  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius,  and  the  baneful  superstition  lexitiabilis 
superstitio]  put  down  for  the  time  being  brolve  out  again, 
not  only  throughout  Judaea,  the  home  of  this  evil,  but 
also  in  the  City  [Rome]  where  aU  atrocious  and  shameful 
[atrocia  aut  pudenda]  things  converge  and  are  welcomed. 
Those  therefore  who  confessed  [i.e.  to  being  Ohristiansl 
were  first  arrested,  and  then  by  the  information  gained 


from  them  a  large  number  [muUitudo  ingens]  were  impli- 
cated [coiiiuncti  is  the  iVIS  reading,  not  conuicti],  not  so 
much  on  the  charge  of  incendiarism  as  for  hatred  of 
manlcind  [odio  humani  generis].  The  victims  perished 
amid  mockery  [text  here  uncertain];  some  clothed  in 
the  slcins  of  wild  beasts  were  torn  to  pieces  by  dogs; 
others  impaled  on  crosses  in  order  to  be  set  on  fire  to 

afford   light   by   night   after   daylight  had   died 

Whence  [after  these  cruelties]  commiseration  began  to 
be  felt  for  them,  though  guilty  and  deserving  the  sever- 
est penalties  ]quamquam  adversus  sontes  et  novissima 
exempla  meritos],  for  men  felt  their  destruction  was  not 
from  considerations  of  pubhc  welfare  but  to  gratify  the 
cruelty  of  one  person  [Nero]." 

This  passage — the  earliest  classical  account  of  the 
crucifi.xion  and  the  only  mention  of  Pilate  in  a  heathen 
autlior — offers  some  difficulties  which  require  to  be 
glanced  at.  It  is  held  by  some  that  Tacitus  contradicts 
himself  by  writing  subdidit  reos  at  the  beginning  and 
sontes  at  the  end,  but  sontes  does  not  mean  guilty  of  in- 
cendiarism, but  guilty  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
populace  and  deserving  severe  punishment  for  other  sup- 
posed flagitia.  not  for  arson.  It  is  thus  quite  clear  that 
Tacitus  regards  the  Christians  as  innocent,  though  he 
had  not  the  slightest  kindly  feeling  toward  them.  Qui 
fniebantur  means  most  naturally,  "those  who  confessed 
to  being  Cliristians."  thougii  Arnold  argues  that  confiteri 
or  profiteri  would  i)e  the  correct  word  for  professing  a 
religion.  But  this  would  contradict  both  the  sense  and 
the  other  evidences  of  the  context;  for  it  fatebantur  could 
mean  "confessed  to  arson,"  then  the  whole  body  of 
Christians  should  have  been  arrested,  and,  further,  this 
woidd  have  diverted  suspicion  from  Nero,  which  was 
not  the  case  according  to  Tacitus.  Some  Christians 
boldly  asserted  their  religion,  others  no  doubt,  as  in 
Bitliynia,  recanted  before  tribulation.  By  indicia 
eorum  Ramsay  (Christianity  iti  the  Rom  Empire.  233) 
understands  "on  the  information  elicited  at  their  trial," 
i.e.  from  information  gathered  by  the  inquisitors  in  the 
course  of  the  proceedings.  Tills  incidental  information 
implicated  a  large  number  of  others,  hence  Ramsay 
prefers  the  MS  reading  coniuncti  to  the  correction  con- 
u  icti.  This  is  in  order  to  explain  the  difficulty  seemingly 
raised,  viz.  tliat  the  noblest  Christians  who  boldly  con- 
fessed their  Christianity  woidd  seek  to  implicate  brethren. 
But  it  is  not  impossible  that  some  of  these  bold  spirits 
did  condescend  to  give  the  names  of  their  coreligionists 
to  the  Rom  courts.  Hence  Hardy  (Christianity  and  the 
Rom  Government.  67)  prefers  the  more  usual  rendering 
of  indicia  eorum  as  "on  information  received  from  them." 
This  may  have  occurred  either  (1)  through  torture,  or 
(2)  for  promised  immunity,  or  (3)  on  account  of  local 
jealousies.  The  early  Christian  communities  were  not 
perfect;  party  strife  often  ran  higli  as  at  Corinth.  And 
in  a  church  like  that  of  Rome  composed  of  Je^vish  and 
pagan  elements  and  undoubtedly  more  cosmopolitan 
than  Corinth,  a  bitter  sectarian  spirit  is  easy  to  under- 
stand. This  as  a  probable  explanation  is  much  strength- 
ened and  rendered  almost  certain  by  the  words  of  Clement 
of  Rome,  who,  writing  to  the  church  at  Corinth  (ch  vi) 
from  Rome  only  a  generation  after  the  persecution,  and  thus 
famihar  with  the  internal  history  of  the  Rom  ecclesia. 
twice  asserts  that  a  ttoAu  ■n\rj6o<;  (polu  pUthos  =Tac. 
multitudo  ingens)  of  the  Rom  Christians  suffered  5ta 
CiAo5  (did  zHos).  "through  jealousy  or  strife."  The 
most  natural  and  obvious  meaning  is  "mutual  or  sec- 
tarian jealousy."  But  those  who  do  not  like  this  fact 
explain  it  as  "by  the  jealousy  of  the  Jews."  Nothing 
is  more  easily  refuted,  for  had  it  been  the  jealousy  of 
the  Jews  Clement  would  not  have  hesitated  one  moment 
to  say  so.  Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  Christian 
literature  of  that  age  know  that  the  Christians  were 
none  too  sensitive  toward  Jewish  feelings.  But  the  very 
fact  that  it  was  not  the  Jews  made  Clement  rather 
modestly  omit  details  the  memory  of  which  was  prob- 
ably still  bearing  fruit,  even  in  his  day.  Once  more 
correpti,  usually  rendered  "arrested,"  Is  taken  by  Hardy 
as  "put  upon  their  trial."  He  argues  that  this  is  more 
in  accord  with  Tacitean  usage.  A  "huge  multitude" 
need  not  cause  us  to  distrust  Tacitus.  It  is  a  relative 
term;  it  was  a  considerable  number  to  be  so  inhumanly 
butchered.  There  is  some  hesitation  as  to  whether 
odio  humani  generis  is  objective  or  subjective  genitive: 
"hatred  of  the  Christians  toward  the  human  race"  or 
"hatred  of  the  human  race  toward  the  Christians." 
Grammatically  of  course  it  may  be  either,  but  that  it  is 
the  former  there  can  be  no  doubt:  it  was  of  the  nature 
of  a  charge  against  Cliristians  (Ramsay).  See  Perse- 
cution. 

Some  have  impugned  the  veracity  of  Tacitus  in  this 
very  important  passage,  asserting  that  he  had  read  bacl£ 
the  feelings  and  state  of  affairs  of  his  own  day  (half  a 
centiu'y  later)  into  this  early  Neronian  period.  This 
early  appearance  of  Cliristianity  as  a  distinct  religion 
and  its  "huge  multitude"  seem  impossible  to  some. 
Schiller  has  accordingly  suggested  that  it  was  the  Jews 
who  as  a  body  at  Rome  were  persecuted,  tliat  the  Chris- 
tians being  not  yet  distinct  from  .lews  shared  in  the  per- 
secutions and  suffered,  not  as  Christians,  but  as  Jews. 
But  Tacitus  is  too  trustworthy  a  historian  to  be  guilty  of 
such  a  confusion;  besides,  as' proconsul  in  Asia  he  must 
have  been  more  or  less  familiar  with  the  origin  of  the 
Ctiristian  party.     Also  Poppaea  was  at  this  time  mis- 


2607 


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tress  ol  Nero's  affections  and  sufficiently  influential  witli 
him  to  stay  sucli  a  cruel  persecution  against  tliose  to 
wliom  she  had  a  leaning  and  who  claimed  her  as  a 
proselyte.  Again,  the  Jewish  faith  was  certe  licita  and 
a  recognized  worslilp  of  the  empire. 

The  next  question  is,  Why  were  the  Christians 
alone  selected  for  persecution?  That  they  were  so 
singled  out  we  know,  but  exactly  for  what  reason  is 
hard  to  say  with  certainty.  A  number  of  reasons 
no  doubt  contributed.  (1)  Farrar  {Early  Days, 
ch  iv)  sees  "in  the  proselytism  of  Poppaea,  guided 
by  Jewish  malice,  the  only  adequate  explanation 
of  the  first  Christian  persecution,"  and  Lightfoot 
is  of  the  same  opinion,  but  this  by  itself  is  inade- 
quate, though  the  Jews  would  be  glad  of  an  oppor- 
tunity of  taking  revenge  on  their  aggressive  oppo- 
nents. (2)  Christians  had  abeady  become  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Rom  authorities  a  distinct  sect,  either 
from  the  reports  of  the  eastern  provincial  governors, 
where  Christianity  was  making  most  headwa}^  or 
from  the  attention  attracted  by  Paul's  first  trial. 
They  were  thus  the  newest  religious  sect,  and  as 
such  would  serve  as  victims  to  appease  deity  and 
the  populace.  (3)  Even  if  ingens  multitudo  be 
rhetorical,  the  Christians  were  no  doubt  consid- 
erably numerous  in  Rome.  Their  aggressiveness 
and  active  proseljrtism  made  their  numbers  even 
more  formidable.  (4)  They  were  uncompromising 
in  their  expression  of  their  beliefs;  they  looked  for 
a  consummation  of  the  earth  by  fire  and  were  also 
eagerly  expecting  the  Parousia  of  their  king  to 
reconstitute  society.  These  tenets  together  with 
their  calm  faith  amid  the  despair  of  others  would 
easily  cast  suspicion  upon  them.  (5)  For  whatever 
reason,  they  had  earned  the  opprobrium  of  the 
populace.  "The  hatred  for  the  Jews  passed  over 
to  hatred  for  the  Christians"  (Mommsen).  A 
people  whom  the  populace  so  detested  must  have 
fallen  under  the  surveillance  of  the  city  police  ad- 
ministration. (6)  A  large  proportion  of  the  Chris- 
tian community  at  Rome  would  be  non-Rom  and 
so  deserve  no  recognition  of  Rom  privileges. 
These  reasons  together  may  or  may  not  explain  the 
singUng-out  of  the  Christians.  At  any  rate  they 
were  chosen  as  scapegoats  to  serve  Nero  and  his 
minion  Tigellinus.  The  origin  of  the  first  perse- 
cution was  thus  purely  accidental — in  order  to 
remove  suspicion  from  Nero.  It  was  not  owing  to 
any  already  formulated  policy,  neither  through 
apprehension  of  any  danger  to  the  state,  nor  because 
the  Christians  were  gudty  of  any  crimes,  though  it 
gave  an  opportunity  of  investigation  and  accumu- 
lation of  evidence.  But  accidental  as  this  perse- 
cution was  in  origin,  its  consequences  were  of  far- 
reaching  importance.  There  are  three  principal 
views  as  to  the  date  of  the  pohcy  of  proscription  of 
the  new  faith  by  the  Rom  government:  (1)  the  old 
view  that  persecution  for  the  name,  i.e.  for  the 
mere  prof ession  of  Christianity,  began  under  Trajan 
in  112  AD — a  view  now  almost  universally  aban- 
doned; (2)  that  of  Ramsay  {Christianily  in  the  Bom 
Empire,  242  ff,  and  three  arts,  in  Expos,  189.3),  who 
holds  that  this  development  from  punishment  for 
definite  crimes  (flagitia)  to  proscription  "for  the 
name"  took  place  between  68  and  96  AD,  and  (3) 
that  of  Hardy  {Christianity  and  the  Rom  Govern- 
ment, 77),  Mommsen  {Expos,  1893,  1-7)  and 
Sanday  (ib,  1894, 406  ff)— and  adopted  by  the  writer 
of  this  article— that  the  trial  of  the  Christians  under 
Nero  resulted  in  the  declaration  of  the  mere  pro- 
fession of  Christianity  as  a  crime  punishable  by 
death.  Tacitus  apparently  represents  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Christians  as  accidental  and  isolated 
and  of  brief  duration  (I.e.),  while  Suetonius  {Ner.  16) 
mentions  the  punishment  of  Christians  in  a  list  of 
permanent  police  regulations  for  the  maintenance 
of  good  order,  into  which  it  would  be  inconsistent 
to  introduce  an  isolated  case  of  procedure  against 


the  "baneful superstition"  (Ramsay,  op.  cit.,  p.  230). 
But  these  two  accounts  are  not  contradictory, 
Tacitus  giving  the  initial  stage  and  Suetonius  "a 
brief  statement  of  the  permanent  administrative 
principle  into  which  Nero's  action  ultimately  re- 
solved itself"  (ib,  232).  Nero's  police  adminis- 
tration, then,  pursued  as  a  permanent  policy  what 
was  begun  merely  to  avert  suspicion  from  Nero. 
But  as  yet,  according  to  Ramsay,  Christians  were 
not  condemned  as  Christians,  but  on  account  of 
certain  flagitia  attaching  to  the  profession  and 
because  the  Rom  police  authorities  had  learned 
enough  about  the  Christians  to  regard  them  as 
hostile  to  society.  A  trial  still  must  be  held  and 
condemnation  pronounced  "in  respect  not  of  the 
name  but  of  serious  offences  naturally  connected 
with  the  name,"  viz.  first  incendiarism,  which  broke 
down,  and  secondly  hostility  to  civihzed  society 
and  charges  of  magic.  The  others  agree  so  far  with 
Ramsay  as  describing  the  first  stages,  but  assert 
that  odium  humani  generis  was  not  of  the  nature 
of  a  definite  charge,  but  disaffection  to  the  social 
and  political  arrangements  of  the  empire.  At  the 
outset  a  trial  was  needed,  but  soon  as  a  consequence 
the  trial  could  be  dispensed  with,  the  Christians 
being  "recognized  as  a  society  whose  principle 
might  be  summarized  as  odium  generis  humani." 
A  trial  became  unnecessary;  the  religion  itself  in- 
volved the  crimes,  and  as  a  religion  it  was  hence- 
forth proscribed.  The  surveillance  over  them  and 
their  punishment  was  left  to  the  police  administra- 
tion which  could  step  in  at  any  time  with  severe 
measures  or  remain  remiss,  according  as  exigencies 
demanded.  Christianity  was  henceforth  a  religio 
illicita.  The  Rom  government  was  never  a  sys- 
tematic persecutor.  The  persecution  or  non-per- 
secution of  Christianity  depended  henceforth  on  the 
mood  of  the  reigning  emperor,  the  character  of  his 
administration,  the  activity  of  provincial  governors, 
the  state  of  popular  feeling  against  the  new  faith, 
and  other  local  circumstances.  There  is  no  early 
evidence  that  the  Neronian  persecution  extended 
beyond  Rome,  though  of  course  the  "example  set 
by  the  emperor  necessarily  guided  the  action  of  all 
Rom  officials."  The  stormy  close  of  Nero's  reign 
and  the  tumultuous  days  till  the  accession  of  Ves- 
pasian created  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Christianity. 
Orosius  {Hist,  vii.7)  is  too  late  an  authority  for  a 
general  persecution  {per  omnes  provincias  pari  per- 
secutione  excruciari  imperavit;  ipsum  nomen  ex- 
stirpare  conaius  .  .  .  .).  Besides,  Paul  after  his 
acquittal  seems  to  have  prosecuted  his  missionary 
activity  without  any  extraordinary  hindrances,  till 
he  came  to  Rome  the  second  time.  This  Neronian 
persecution  is  important  for  the  history  of  Chris- 
tianity: Nero  commenced  the  principle  of  punish- 
ing Christians,  and  thus  made  a  precedent  for  future 
rulers.  Trouble  first  began  in  the  world-capital; 
the  next  stage  will  be  found  in  the  East ;  and  another 
in  Africa  and  the  West.  But  as  yet  persecution 
was  only  local.  Nero  was  the  first  of  the  Rom 
persecutors  who,  like  Herod  Agrippa,  came  to  a 
miserable  end — a  fact  much  dwelt  upon  by  Lac- 
tantius  and  other  Christian  writers. 

In  the  Flavian  period  no  uniform  imperial  policy 
against  Christianity  can  be  discovered.     According 

to  Ramsay  the  Flavians  developed  the 
2.  The  practice  set  by  Nero  from  punishment 

Flavian  of  Christians  for  definite  crimes  to  pro- 

Period,  68-  scription  of  the  name.  But,  as  we  have 
96  AD  seen,  the  Neronian  persecution  settled 

the  future  attitude  of  the  Rom  state 
toward  the  new  faith.  The  Flavians  could  not 
avoid  following  the  precedent  set  by  Nero.  Chris- 
tianity was  spreading^esp.  in  the  East  and  at 
Rome.  We  have  no  account  of  any  persecution 
under  Vespasian  (though  Hilary  erroneously  speaks 


Roman  Empire      THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2608 


of  him  as  a  persecutor  along  with  Nero  and  Decius) 
and  Titus,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  none  such  took 
place.  As  the  whole  matter  was  left  to  the  police 
administration,  severity  would  be  spasmodic  and 
called  forth  by  local  circumstances.  The  fall  of 
Jerus  must  have  had  profound  influence  both  on 
Judaism  and  on  Christianity.  For  the  former  it 
did  what  the  fall  of  Rome  under  Goths,  Vandals, 
and  Germans  did  for  the  old  Rom  religion — it  weak- 
ened the  idea  of  a  national  God  bound  up  with  a 
political  religion.  The  cleft  between  Judaism  and 
its  rival  would  now  become  greater.  Christianity 
was  reheved  from  the  overpowering  influence  of  a 
national  center,  and  those  Jews  who  now  recog- 
nized the  futihty  of  political  dreams  would  more 
readily  join  the  Christian  faith.  Not  only  the  dis- 
tinction but  the  opposition  and  hostility  would  now 
be  more  apparent  to  outsiders,  though  Vespasian 
imposed  the  poll-tax  on  Jewish  Christians  and  Jews 
alike.  No  memory  of  harshness  against  Chris- 
tianity under  Vespasian  has  survived.  Ramsay  (op. 
cit.,  257)  would  interpret  a  mutilated  passage  of 
Suetonius  {Vesp.  15)  as  implying  Vespasian's  reluc- 
tance to  carry  out  justa  supplicia  against  Christians. 
Titus,  "the  darling  of  the  human  race,"  is  not 
recorded  as  a  persecutor,  but  his  opinion  of  Judaism 
and  Christianity  as  stated  in  the  council  of  war 
before  Jerus  in  70  AD  and  recorded  by  Sulpicius 
Severus  (Chron.  ii..30,  6)  is  interesting  as  an  ap- 
proval of  the  policy  adopted  by  Nero.  Severus' 
authority  is  undoubtedly  Tacitus  (Bernays  and 
Mommsen).  The  authenticity  of  the  speech  as 
contradicting  the  account  of  Jos  has  been  im- 
pugned; at  any  rate  it  represents  the  point  of  view 
of  Tacitus.  Titus  then  advocates  the  destruction 
of  the  temple  in  order  that  the  religion  of  the  Jews 
and  the  Christians  may  be  more  thoroughly  extir- 
pated {quo  plenius  Judaeorum  et  Christianorum 
religio  toUerelur),  since  these  religions  though  op- 
posed to  each  other  were  of  the  same  origin,  the 
Christians  having  sprung  from  the  Jews.  If  the 
root  was  removed  the  stem  would  readily  perish 
(rndice  suhlata,  stirpem  facile  perituram).  We 
know,  however,  of  no  active  measures  of  Titus 
against  either  party,  his  short  reign  perhaps  allow- 
ing no  time  for  such. 

It  is  Domitian  who  stands  out  prominently  as 
the  persecutor  of  this  period,  as  Nero  of  the  first 
period.  His  procedure  against  Christians  was  not 
an  isolated  act,  but  part  of  a  general  policy  under 
which  others  suffered.  His  reign  was  a  return  to 
ancient  principles.  He  attempted  to  reform  morals, 
suppress  luxury  and  vice,  banish  immoral  oriental 
rites,  actors,  astrologers  and  philosophers.  It  was 
in  his  attempt  to  revive  the  national  religion  that 
he  came  in  conflict  with  the  universal  religion.  His 
own  cousin,  Flavius  Clemens,  was  condemned 
apparently  for  Christianity  (atheism),  and  his  wife, 
Domitilla,  was  banished.  The  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity was  not  sufficient  for  the  condemnation  of 
Rom  citizens  of  high  standing;  hence  the  charges 
of  atheism  or  majestas  were  put  forward.  Refusal 
to  comply  with  the  religion  of  the  national  gods 
could  be  brought  under  the  latter.  But  for  ordi- 
nary Rom  citizens  and  for  provincials  the  profession 
of  Christianity  merited  death.  No  definite  edict 
or  general  proscription  was  enacted ;  only  the  prin- 
ciple instituted  by  Nero  was  allowed  to  be  carried 
out.  There  was,  as  Mommsen  remarks,  a  standing 
proscription  of  ChrLstians  as  of  brigands,  but  harsh 
procedure  against  both  was  spasmodic  and  dependecl 
on  the  caprice  or  character  of  provincial  governors. 
Domitian  took  one  definite  step  against  Christianity 
in  establishing  an  easy  test  by  which  to  detect  those 
who  were  Christians  and  so  facilitate  inquiries. 
This  test  was  the  demand  to  worship  the  Genius  of 
the  emperor.     This  too  was  only  part  of  Domitian's 


general  policy  of  asserting  his  own  dominus  et  deus 
title  and  emphasizing  the  imperial  cult  as  a  bond  of 
political  union.  The  Apocalypse  reflects  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  church  in  this  reign. 

(1)  Nerva  and  Trajan. — On  the  death  of  Domi- 
tian peace  was  restored  to  the  Christian    church 

which  lasted  throughout  the  brief  reign 
3.  The  of  Nerva  (96-98)  and  the  first  13  years 

Antonine  of  Traj  an.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  some 
Period,  of    the   best    of    the    Rom   emperors 

96-192  AD    (Trajan,  Marcus  Aurelius,  Decius  and 

Diocletian)  were  harsh  to  the  Chris- 
tians, while  some  of  the  worst  (as  Commodus, 
Caracalla,  Heliogabalus)  left  them  in  peace  (see 
Pehsecution,  17).  Christianity  had  been  rapidly 
spreading  in  the  interval  of  tranquillity.  Pliny 
became  governor  of  Bithynia  in  111  AD  and  found, 
esp.  in  the  eastern  part  of  his  province,  the  temples 
almost  deserted.  Some  Christians  were  brought 
before  him  and  on  established  precedents  were  ordered 
to  be  executed  for  their  religion.  But  Pliny  soon 
discovered  that  many  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages, 
provincials  and  Rom  citizens,  were  involved.  The 
Rom  citizens  he  sent  to  Rome  for  trial;  but  being 
of  a  humane  disposition  he  shrank  from  carrying 
out  the  wholesale  execution  required  by  a  consistent 
policy. 

He  wrote  to  Trajan  teUing  him  what  he  had  ah-eady 
done,  rather  covertly  suggesting  tolerant  measures. 
Shouid  no  distinction  be  made  between  old  and  young  ? 
Should  pardon  not  be  extended  to  those  who  recanted 
and  worshipped  the  emperor's  image  and  cursed  Christ  ? 
Should  mere  profession  (nomen  ipsum)  be  a  capital 
offence  if  no  crimes  could  be  proven,  or  should  the  crimes 
rather  be  punished  that  were  associated  with  the  faith 
(an  flagitia  cohaerentia  nomini)  ?  He  then  explains  his 
procedure:  he  gave  those  who  were  accused  an  abundant 
opportunity  of  recanting;  those  who  persisted  in  this 
faith  were  executed.  He  considered  their  "stubborn- 
ness and  inflexible  obstinacy"  ipertinaciam  certe  et 
inflexihilem  obsti nation  em)  as  in  itself  deserving  punish- 
ment. But  the  administration  having  once  interfered 
found  plenty  to  do.  An  anonymous  hst  of  many 
names  was  handed  in,  most  of  whom,  however,  denied 
being  Christians.  Informers  then  put  forward  others 
who  likewise  denied  belonging  to  the  faith.  PUny  was 
convinced  their  meetings  were  harmless,  and  on  exami- 
nation of  two  deaconesses  tmder  torture  discovered 
nothing  but  a  perverse  extravagant  superstition  (sup. 
pravam  immodicam).  Trajan  rephed  that  no  universal 
and  definite  rule  could  be  laid  down,  apparently  confirm- 
ing the  correctness  of  Pliny's  action  and  perhaps  dis- 
appointing Pliny  in  not  yielding  to  his  humane  sugges- 
tions. Nevertheless,  the  emperor  made  three  important 
concessions:  (1)  the  Christians  were  not  to  tie  sought 
out  by  the  pohce  authorities,  hut  if  they  were  accused 
and  con\'icted  they  must  be  punished;  (2)  anonymous 
information  against  them  was  not  to  be  accepted;  (3) 
even  those  suspected  of  flag  ilia  in  the  past  were  to  be 
pardoned  on  proving  they  were  not  Christians  or  on 
renouncing  Christianity.  Some  regard  this  rescript 
of  Trajan  as  the  first  official  and  legal  authorization  to 
proscribe  Christianity;  but  we  have  already  seen  that 
Christianity  as  such  was  proscribed  as  a  result  of  the 
Neronian  investigations.  Besides,  there  is  not  the  shght- 
est  trace  of  any  new  principle  of  severity,  either  in  the 
letters  of  PUny  or  in  the  rescript  of  Trajan.  The  perse- 
cution of  Christianity  had  been  "permanent"  like  that 
of  highwaj'men,  but  not  systematic  or  general.  Neither 
was  Trajan's  rescript  an  edict  of  toleration,  though  on 
the  whole  it  was  favorable  to  the  Christians  in  minimizing 
the  dangers  to  which  they  were  exposed.  The  question 
was  as  yet  purely  one  of  administration. 

Trajan  initiated  no  procedure  against  Christians 
— in  fact  rather  discouraged  any,  asking  his  lieu- 
tenant to  close  his  eyes  to  offenders — and  Pliny  con- 
sulted him  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  milder  treatment 
for  the  Christians  by  putting  in  question  form  what 
he  really  wished  to  be  approved.  Trajan's  rescript 
"marks  the  end  of  the  old  system  of  uncompro- 
mising hostility"  (see  Persecution,  15). 

(2)  Hadrian.~The  reign  of  Hadrian  (117-38) 
was  a  period  of  toleration  for  the  Christians.  He 
was  no  bigot,  but  tolerant  and  eclective,  inquiring 
into  all  religions  and  initiated  into  several  mysteries 
and  willing  to  leave  religion  an  open  question.  In 
Asia,  where  Christianity  was  making  most  progress, 


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a  state  of  terrorism  was  imminent  if  delalores  were 
encouraged  against  Christians  making  a  profession 
of  delatio  (giving  information).  As  we  saw  in  the 
letter  of  Pliny,  even  non-Christians  were  accused, 
and  any  professing  Christian  could  be  threatened 
by  these  informers  in  order  to  secure  a  bribe  for 
proceeding  no  farther.  Licinius  Silvanus  Gra- 
nianus,  lUce  Pliny,  found  himself  involved  in  diffi- 
culties and  wrote  to  Hadrian  for  advice.  Ha- 
drian's rescript  in  reply  is  addressed  to  Granianus' 
successor,  Minucius  Fundanus,  the  proconsul  of 
Asia,  about  124  AD.  The  genuineness  of  this  im- 
portant document,  though  impugned  by  Overbeck, 
Keim  and  Lipsius,  is  vouched  for  by  Mommsen, 
Hardy,  Lightfoot  and  Ramsay.  Indeed,  it  is  much 
easier  accounted  for  as  authentic  than  as  a  forgery, 
for  who  but  the  broad-minded  Hadrian  could  have 
written  such  a  rescript?  Apparently  the  questions 
put  by  the  proconsul  must  have  been  of  a  similar 
nature  to  those  extant  of  Pliny.  The  answer  of 
Hadrian  is  a  decided  step  in  favor  of  Christianity 
and  goes  beyond  that  of  Trajan:  (1)  information 
is  not  to  be  passed  over  (a)  lest  the  innocent  suffer 
(as  was  the  case  under  Pliny),  and  (b)  lest  informers 
should  make  a  trade  of  lodging  accusations;  (2) 
provincials  accusing  Christians  must  give  proof 
that  the  accused  have  committed  something  illegal; 
(3)  mere  petitions  and  acclamations  against  the 
Christians  are  not  to  be  admitted;  (4)  a  prosecutor 
on  failing  to  make  good  his  case  is  to  be  punished. 
These  terms  would  greatly  increase  the  risk  for 
informers  and  lessen  the  dangers  for  Christians. 
That  the  name  is  a  crime  is  not  admitted,  neither 
is  this  established  principle  rescinded.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  Hadrian's  rescript  "gave  a  certain 
stimulus  toward  the  employment  of  the  more  definite 
and  regular  legal  procedure." 

(3)  Antoninus  Pius  (138-61). — The  liberal  policy 
of  Trajan  and  Hadrian  was  continued  by  An- 
toninus, though  persecution  occurred  in  his  reign 
in  which  Ptolemaeus  and  Lucius  were  executed  at 
Rome  and  Polycarp  at  Smyrna.  But  he  decidedly 
confirmed  Hadrian's  policy  of  protecting  the  Chris- 
tians uncondemned  against  mob  violence  in  his 
letters  to  Larissae,  Athens,  Thessalonica  and  to  "all 
the  Hellenes."  As  at  Smyrna,  his  "rescript  was  in 
advance  of  public  feeling,"  and  so  was  disregarded. 
Anonjrmous  delation  was  also  repressed. 

(4)  Marcus  Aurdius  [16 ISO)  .—VnAar  Aurelius 
a  strong  reaction  set  in  afi'ecting  the  Christians, 
caused  partly  by  the  frontier  disasters  and  devastat- 
ing pestilence  and  partly  by  Aurelius'  policy  of 
returning  to  ancient  principles  and  reviving  the 
Rom  national  religion.  In  this  reign  we  find  per- 
secution extending  to  the  West  (Gaul)  and  to 
Africa — a  step  toward  the  general  persecutions  of 
the  next  century.  Though  no  actual  change  was 
made  by  Aurelius,  the  leniency  of  the  last  three 
reigns  is  absent.  No  general  edict  or  definite 
rescript  of  persecution  was  issued;  the  numerous 
martyrdoms  recorded  in  this  reign  are  partly  due  to 
the  fuller  accounts  and  the  rise  of  a  Christian  litera- 
ture. Christianity  in  itself  still  constituted  a  crime, 
and  the  obstinacy  (Tra/jdrafis,  -parataxis)  of  Chris- 
tians in  itself  deserved  punishment.  _  Aurelius 
seems  to  have  actually  rebuked  the  severity  of  the 
Rom  governor  at  Lugdunum,  and  to  have  further 
discouraged  the  trade  of  informers  against  Chris- 
tians. Tertullian  actually  styles  him  as  debellator 
Christianorum  ("protector  of  Christians").  We 
find  as  yet  therefore  no  systematic  or  serious  attempt 
to  extirpate  the  new  faith.  The  central  govern- 
ment "was  all  this  time  without  a  permanent  or 
steady  policy  toward  the  Christians.  It  had  not 
yet  made  up  its  mind"  (Hardy). 

Under  the  rule  of  Commodus  (180-92)  Christians 
again  enjoyed  a  respite.     The  net  result  of  the  colhsions 


between  tlic  new  faith  and  tlie  government  in  tlii.s  period 
is  somewhat  differently  estimated  by  Ramsay  and  by 
Hardy.  The  latter  thinks  (Christianity  and  Rom  Gov- 
ernment,  1.56  f)  that  Ramsay  "has  to  some  extent  ante- 
dated the  existence  of  anything  like  a  policy  of  pro.scrip- 
tion,"  due  to  antedating  tlie  time  when  Christianity 
was  regarded  as  a  serious  pohtical  danger.  Hardy  thinks 
that  the  Christian  organization  was  never  suspected  as 
more  than  an  abstract  danger  during  the  first  two  cen- 
turies. Had  Rome  taken  the  view  that  Christianity  In 
its  organization  was  a  real  danger  and  an  imperium  in 
im-perio,  she  must  have  started  a  systematic  extermi- 
nating policy  during  a  period  when  Christianity  could 
have  least  withstood  it.  When  the  empire  did — as  in 
the  .'Jd  cent. — apprehend  the  practical  danger  and  took 
the  severest  general  measures,  Christianity  was  already 
too  strong  to  be  harmed,  and  we  shall  find  the  empire 
henceforth  each  time  worsted  and  Anally  offering  terms. 

In  the  next  period  the  insecurity  of  the  throne, 
when  in  less  than  100  years  about  a  score  of  candi- 
dates wore  the  purple  and  almost 
4.  Chang-  each  new  emperor  began  a  new  dynasty, 
ing  Dy-  enabled  Christianity  to  spread  prac- 

nasties,  192  tically  untroubled.  Further  diver- 
-284  At)  sions  in  its  favor  were  created  by  those 
fierce  barbarian  wars  and  by  the 
necessity  of  renewed  vigilance  at  the  frontier  posts. 
The  Christians'  aloofness  from  political  strife  and 
their  acquiescence  in  each  new  dynasty  brought 
them  generally  into  no  collision  with  new  rulers. 
Further,  the  fact  that  many  of  these  emperors  were 
non-Rom  provincials,  or  foreigners  who  had  no 
special  attachment  to  the  old  Rom  faith,  and  were 
eclectic  in  their  religious  views,  was  of  much  im- 
portance to  the  new  eastern  faith.  Moreover, 
some  of  the  emperors  proved  not  only  not  hostile 
to  Christianity,  but  positively  friendly.  In  this 
period  we  find  no  severe  (except  perhaps  that  of 
Decius)  and  certainly  no  protracted  persecution. 
The  Christian  church  herself  was  organized  on  the 
principle  of  the  imperial  government,  and  made 
herself  thus  strong  and  united,  so  that  when  the 
storm  did  come  she  remained  unshaken.  In  202 
Severus  started  a  cruel  persecution  in  Africa  and 
Egypt,  but  peace  was  restored  by  the  savage  Cara- 
calla  {lacte  Christiana  educatus:  Tert.).  HeUo- 
gabalus  assisted  Christianity  indirectly  (1)  by  the 
degradation  of  Rom  religion,  and  (2)  by  tolerance. 
According  to  one  writer  he  proposed  to  fuse  Chris- 
tianity, Judaism  and  Samaritanism  into  one  reli- 
gion. Alexander  Severus  was  equally  tolerant  and 
syncretic,  setting  up  in  his  private  chapel  images 
of  Orpheus,  ApoUonius,  Abraham,  and  Christ,  and 
engraving  iihe  golden  rule  on  his  palace  walls  and 
public  buildings.  He  was  even  credited  with  the 
intention  of  erecting  a  temple  to  Christ.  Local 
persecution  broke  out  under  Maximin  the  Thra- 
cian.  The  first  general  persecution  was  that  of 
Decius,  in  which  two  features  deserve  notice:  (1) 
that  death  was  not  the  immediate  result  of  Christian 
profession,  but  every  means  was  employed  to  induce 
Christians  to  recant;  (2)  Rom  authorities  already 
cognizant  of  the  dangers  of  Christian  organization 
directed  their  efforts  esp.  against  the  officers  of  the 
church.  Gallus  continued  this  policj^,  and  Valerian, 
after  first  stopping  persecution,  tried  to  check  the 
spread  of  the  worship  by  banishing  bishops  and 
closing  churches,  and  later  enacted  the  death  pen- 
alty. Gallienus  promulgated  what  was  virtually 
the  first  edict  of  toleration,  forbade  persecution 
and  restored  the  Christian  endowments.  Chris- 
tianity now  entered  upon  a  period  of  40  years' 
tranquillity:  as  outward  dangers  decreased,  less 
desirable  converts  came  within  her  gates  and  her 
adherents  were  overtaken  in  a  flood  of  worldliness, 
stayed  only  by  the  persecution  of  Diocletian. 

LUie  some  other  persecutors,  Diocletian  was  one 
of  the  ablest  Rom  rulers.  He  was  not  disposed 
to  proceed  against  the  Christians,  but  was  finally 
driven  to  harsh  measures  by  his  son-in-law  Galerius. 
The  first  edict,  February  24,  303,  was  not  intended 


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to  exterminate  Christianity,  but  to  check  its  growth 

and  weaken  its  political  influence,  and  was  directed 

principally   against    Bibles,   Christian 

5.  Diocle-  assemblies  and  churches.  The  second 
tian  till  was  against  church  organization.  A 
First  Gen-  third  granted  freedom  to  those  who 
eral  Edict  recanted,  but  sought  to  compel  the 
of  Tolera-  submission  of  recalcitrants  by  tortures 
tion,  284-  — a  partial  confession  of  failure  on 
311  AD  the  part  of  the  imperial  government. 

Bloodshed  was  avoided  and  the  death 
penalty  omitted.  But  a  fourth  edict  issued  by 
Maximin  prescribed  the  death  penalty  and  required 
the  act  of  sacrifice  to  the  gods.  In  the  same  year 
(304)  Diocletian,  convinced  of  the  uselessness  of 
these  measures,  stayed  the  death  penalty.  The 
change  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  emperor  and 
his  abdication  next  year  were  virtually  a  confession 
that  the  Galilean  had  conquered.  After  the  persecu- 
tion had  raged  8  years  (or  10,  if  we  include  local 
persecutions  after  311),  Galerius,  overtaken  by  a 
loathsome  disease,  issued  from  Nicomedia  with  Con- 
stantine  and  Licinius  the  first  general  edict  of  tolera- 
tion, April  30,  311.  Christianity  had  thus  in  this 
period  proved  a  state  within  a  state;  it  was  finally 
acknowledged  as  a  religio  licita,  though  not  yet  on 
equality  with  paganism. 

In  the  next  period  the  first  religious  wars  began, 

and  Christianity  was  first  placed  on  an  equal  footing 

with    its    rival,   then    above    it,    and 

6.  First  finally  it  became  the  state  religion  of 
General  both  West  and  East.  As  soon  as 
Edict  of  Christianity  had  gained  tolerance  it 
Toleration  immediately  became  an  intolerant, 
till  Fall  of  bitter  persecutor,  both  of  its  old  rival 
Western  and  of  heresy.  Constantine,  having 
Empire,  defeated  Maxentius  at  the  MUvian 
311^76  AD  Bridge  (October  27,  312),  became  sole 

ruler  of  the  West,  and,  in  conjunction 
with  his  eastern  colleague  Licinius,  i.ssued  the  famous 
edict  of  toleration  from  Milan,  March  30,  313,  by 
which  all  religions  were  granted  equal  tolerance, 
and  Christianity  was  thus  placed  on  an  equal  foot- 
ing with  heathenism.  Constantine's  favors  toward 
the  Christian  faith  were  largely  political;  he  wished 
simply  to  be  on  the  winning  side.  With  each  fresh 
success  he  inclined  more  toward  Christianity, 
though  his  whole  life  was  a  compromise.  His 
dream  was  to  weld  pagan  and  Christian  into  one 
society  under  the  same  laws;  he  in  no  way  pro- 
hibited paganism.  With  the  founding  of  Con- 
stantinople Christianity  became  practically  the 
state  religion — an  alliance  with  baneful  conse- 
quences for  Christianity.  It  now  began  to  stifle 
the  liberty  of  conscience  for  which  it  had  suffered 
so  much,  and  orthodoxy  began  its  long  reign  of 
intolerance.  The  sons  of  Constantine  inherited 
their  father's  cruel  nature  with  his  nominal  Chris- 
tianity. Constantine  had  left  the  old  and  the  new 
religions  on  equal  footing:  his  sons  began  the  work 
of  exterminating  paganism  by  violence.  Constan- 
tius  when  sole  emperor,  inheriting  none  of  his  father's 
compromise  or  caution,  and  prompted  by  women 
and  bishops,  published  edicts  demanding  the  closing 
of  the  temples  and  prohibiting  sacrifices.  Wise 
provincial  administrators  hesitated  to  carry  out 
these  premature  measures.  Christianity  was  now 
in  the  ascendancy  and  on  the  aggre.ssive.  It  not 
only  persecuted  paganism,  but  the  dominant  Chris- 
tian party  proscribed  its  rival — this  time  hcterodo.xy 
banishing  orthodoxy.  The  violence  and  intoler- 
ance of  the  sons  of  Constantine  justified  the  mild 
reaction  under  Julian  the  Apostate — the  most 
humane  member  of  the  Constantine  family.  He 
made  a  "romantic"  effort  to  ree.stablish  the  old  re- 
ligion, and  while  proclaiming  tolerance  for  Chris- 
tianity, he  endeavored  to  weaken  it  by  heaping 


ridicule  upon  its  doctrines,  rescinding  the  privileges 
of  the  clerg}',  prohibiting  the  church  from  receiving 
many   bequests,  removing   Christians  from  public 
positions  and   forbidding  the  teaching  of  classics 
in  Christian  schools  lest  Christian  tongues  should 
become  better  fitted  to  meet  heathen  arguments, 
and  lastly  by  adding  renewed  splendor  to  pagan 
service   as   a  counter-attraction.      But    the   moral 
power   of    Christianity    triumphed.      Dying    on    a 
battle-field,  where  he  fought  the  Persians,  he  is  said 
(but  not  on  good   authority)    to   have   exclaimed, 
"Thou  hast  conquered,  O  Galilean"  {vevlKriKai  Va\i- 
'Koie,  nenikekas  Galilaie).     For  a  brief  period  after 
his  death  there  was  religious  neutrality.     Gratian — 
at  the  instigation  of  Ambrose — departed  from  this 
neutrality,  removed  the  statue  of  Victory  from  the 
senate-house,  refused  the  title  and  robes  of  pontifex 
maximus,  prohibited  bloody   sacrifices,    and   dealt 
a  severe  blow  to  the  old  faith  by  withdrawing  some 
of  the  treasury  grants,  thereby  making  it  dependent 
on  the  voluntary  system.     Theodosius  I,  or  the 
Great,  adopted  a  strenuous  religious  policy  against 
both  heresy  and  paganism.     His  intolerance  must 
be    attributed    to    Ambrose — a    bigot    in    whose 
eyes  Jews,  heretics  and  pagans  alike  had  no  rights. 
Systematic  proscription  of  paganism  began.     In  381 
Theodosius  denied  the  right  of  making  a  will  to 
apostates  from  Christianity,  in  383  the  right  of  in- 
heritance, in  391  heathen  public  worship  was  inter- 
dicted, in  392  several  acts  of  both  private  and  pub- 
lic heathen  worship   were  forbidden,  and   greater 
penalties  were  attached  to  the  performance  of  sac- 
rifice.    Christian  vandalism  became  rampant;    all 
kinds  of  violence  and  confiscation  were  resorted  to, 
monks  or  priests  often  leading  the  populace.     For 
the  present  the  W^est  did  not  suff'er  so  severely  from 
fanatic  iconoclasm.     Under  the  sons  of  Theodosius 
the  suppression  of  paganism  was  steadily  pursued. 
Honorius  in  the  West  excluded  (408  AD)  pagans 
from  civil  and  military  offices;  in  a  later  edict  (423) 
the  very  existence  of  paganism  is  doubted  (paganos 
....  quamquam  iam  nullos  esse  credamus).    That 
heathenism  was  still  an  attraction  is  proved  by 
the  repeated  laws  against  apostasy.     Under  Valen- 
tinian  III  (423-55)  and  Theodosius  II,  laws  were 
enacted  for  the  destruction  of  temples  or  their  con- 
version into  Christian  churches.     In   the  western 
empire  heathenism  was  persecuted  till  the  end,  and 
its  final  overthrow  was  hastened  by  the  extinction 
of  the  western  empire  (476).     In  the  East  Justinian 
closed  the  heathen  schools  of  philosophy  at  Athens 
(.529  AD),  and  in  a  despotic  spirit  prohibited  even 
heathen  worship  in  private  under  pain  of  death. 

V,  Victory  of  Christianity  and  Conversion  of  the 
Roman  Empire, — Christianity  was  now  acknowl- 
edged as  the  religion  of  both  East  and  West.  It 
had  also  grown  strong  enough  to  convert  the  bar- 
barians who  overran  the  West.  It  restrained  and 
educated  them  under  the  lead  of  the  papacy,  so  that 
its  conquests  now  e.xtended  beyond  the  Rom  em- 
pire. 

Merivale  (preface  to  Conversion  of  Rom  Empire) 
attributes  the  conversion  of  ttie  Rom  empire  to  four 
causes:  (1)  tiie  external  evidence  of  apparent  fulfliment 
of  propiiecjr  and  the  evidence  of  miracles,  (2)  internal 
evidence  as  satisfying  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  empire 
and  offering  a  Redeemer,  (3)  the  example  of  the  pure 
lives  and  heroic  deaths  of  the  early  Christians,  ancf  (4) 
the  success  which  attended  the  Christian  cause  imder 
Constantine.  Gibbon  (ch  xv  of  Decline  and  Fall)  seeks 
to  account  for  the  phenomenal  success  of  Christianity 
in  the  empire  by  (1)  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  the  early 
Christians,  (2)  the  belief  of  Christianity  in  immortality 
with  both  future  rewards  and  future  retributions,  (3) 
miracles,  (4)  the  high  ethical  code  and  pure  morals  of 
professing  Christians,  and  (5)  strong  ecclesiastical  organi- 
zation on  imperial  patterns.  But  neither  of  tliese  lists 
of  causes  seems  to  account  satisfactorily  for  the  progress 
and  success  of  the  reUgion  of  Jesus. 

This  was  due  in  the  first  place  to  negative  causes 


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Roman  Law 


—the  moral  and  spiritual  bankruptcy  of  the  antique 

world,  the  internal  rottenness  and  decay  of  heathen 

systems.     All  ancient  national  religions 

1.  Negative  had  failed  and  were  abandoned  ahke 
Causes  by  philosophers  and  the  masses,  and 

no  universal  religion  for  humanity 
was  offered  except  by  Christianity.  Worship  had 
degenerated  into  pure  formalism  which  brought  no 
comfort  to  the  heart.  An  imperious  demand  for 
revelation  was  felt  which  no  philosophy  or  natural 
religion  could  satisfy. 

But  it  was  to  positive  causes  chiefly  that  the  suc- 
cess of  the  new  religion  was  due,  among  which  were 

the   zeal,  enthusiasm,  and  moral  ear- 

2.  Positive    nestness   of    the  Christian  faith.     Its 
Causes  sterling  qualities  were  best  shown  in 

persecution  and  the  heroic  deaths  of 
its  adherents.  Paganism,  even  with  the  alliance 
of  the  civil  power  and  the  prestige  of  its  romantic 
past,  could  not  withstand  persecution.  And  when 
heathenism  was  thrown  back  on  the  voluntary 
system,  it  could  not  prosper  as  Christianity  did 
with  its  ideals  of  self-sacrifice.  The  earnestness 
of  early  Christianity  was  raised  to  its  highest  power 
by  its  belief  in  a  near  second  coming  of  the  Lord 
and  the  end  of  the  aeon.  The  means  of  propagation 
greatly  helped  the  spread  of  Christianity,  the  prin- 
cipal means  being  the  exemplary  lives  of  its  pro- 
fessors. It  opposed  moral  and  spiritual  power  to 
political.  Besides,  Christianity  when  once  studied 
by  the  thinkers  of  the  ancient  world  was  found  to 
be  in  accord  with  the  highest  principles  of  reason  and 
Nature.  But  "the  chief  cause  of  its  success  was 
the  congruity  of  its  teaching  with  the  spiritual 
nature  of  mankind"  (Lecky).  There  was  a  deep- 
seated  earnestness  in  a  large  section  of  the  ancient 
world  to  whom  Christianity  offered  the  peace,  com- 
fort and  strength  desired.  It  was  possessed  also 
of  an  immense  advantage  over  all  competing  reli- 
gions of  the  Rom  empire  in  being  adapted  to  all 
classes  and  conditions  and  to  all  changes.  There 
was  nothing  local  or  national  about  it;  it  gave  the 
grandest  expression  to  the  contemporary  ideal  of 
brotherhood.  Its  respect  for  woman  and  its  at- 
traction for  this  sex  gained  it  many  converts  who 
brought  honor  to  it;  in  this  respect  it  was  far 
superior  to  its  greatest  rival,  Mithraism.  In  an 
age  of  vast  social  change  and  much  social  distress 
it  appealed  to  the  suffering  by  its  active-  self-denial 
for  the  happiness  of  others.  As  an  ethical  code 
it  was  equal  and  superior  to  the  noblest  contern- 
porary  systems.  One  incalculable  advantage  it 
could  show  above  all  religions  and  philosophies — 
the  charm  and  power  of  an  ideal  perfect  life,  in  which 
the  highest  manhood  was  held  forth  as  an  incentive 
to  nobler  living.  The  person  of  Jesus  was  an  ideal 
and  moral  dynamic  for  both  philosopher  and  the 
common  man,  far  above  any  abstract  virtue.  "It 
was  because  it  was  true  to  the  moral  sentiments  of 
the  age,  because  it  represented  faithfully  the  supreme 
type  of  excellence  to  which  men  were  then  tending, 
because  it  corresponded  with  their  religious  wants, 
aims  and  emotions,  because  the  whole  spiritual 
being  could  then  expand  and  expatiate  under  its 
influence  that  it  planted  its  roots  so  deeply  in  the 
hearts  of  men"  (Lecky,  Hist  of  European  Morals, 
ch  iii).  Add  to  all  this  the  favorable  circunista,nces 
mentioned  under  "Preparation  for  Christianity," 
above  (II),  and  we  can  understand  how  the  Rom 
empire  became  the  kingdom  of  Christ. 

Literature. — Ancient  sources  include  Tacitus,  Sue- 
tonius, Josepims,  Pliny '.s  Letters,  x.97-98  (in  Hardy  s 
ed),  Dlo  Cassius  (in  Xiphllin),  the  apologists,  Ctiurcn 
Fathers,  Inscriptions,  etc.  •     *  ,i 

Modern  sources  are  too  numerous  to  mention  in  tun, 
but  those  most  helpful  to  the  student  are:  Gibbon 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Rom  Empire;  MerxxaXe  Hist  of 
the  Romans  under  the  Empire;  The  Fall  of  the  Rom 
Republic,    1856;     Conversion    of   the    Rom    Empire.    lSb5, 


Milman,  Hist  of  Christianity;  Hist  of  Lai  Christianity; 
Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire;  Expos.  IV, 
Viii,  pp.  8ff,  110  ir,  282  ft;  E.  G.  Hardy,  Christianity  and 
the  Rom  Government.  1894;  D.  Duff,  The  Early  Church: 
a  Hist  of  Christianity  in  the  First  Six  Centuries.  Edin- 
burgh, 1891;  J.  J.  Blunt,  A  Hist  of  the  Christian  Church 
during  the  First  Three  Centuries,  18(31;  Harnack,  Mission 
and  Expansion  of  Christianity.  1907;  Mommsen,  "  Der 
Religionsfrevel  nach  rom.  Recht,"  in  Hist.  Zeit.  1890, 
LXIV  (important);  Provinces  of  the  Rom  Empire;  Expos, 
1893,  pp.  G  ff;  G.  Boissier,  La  religion  romaine  d'  Auguste 
aux  Antonins;  La  fin  du  paganisme;  Wissowa,  Religion  u. 
Kultus  der  Rtjmer;  Gerb.  Uhlhorn.  Conflict  of  Christianity 
with  Heathenism,  ET  by  Smyth  and  Ropes,  1879;  B.  Aube, 
Histoire  des  persecutions  de  I'eglise  jusqu'A  la  fin  des  An- 
tonins.  187.5;  Schaff,  Hist  of  the  Christian  Church  (with 
useful  bibliographies  of  both  ancient  and  modern  authori- 
ties) ;  Orr,  Neglected  Factors  in  Early  Church  Hist;  Keim, 
Rom  u.  Christentum;  Deissmann,  Light  from  the  Ancient 
East.  ET,  London,  1910;  Wendland,  Die  hellenistisch- 
rOmische  Kultur^.  1912;  F.  Overbeck,  " Gesetzo  der  rom. 
Kaiser  gegen  die  Christen,"  in  his  Studien.  187.5;  C.  F. 
Arnold,  Die  Neronische  Christenverfolgung;  Stud.  zuT 
Gesch.  der  Plinianischen  Christenverfolgung;  Westcott, 
"The  Two  Empires,"  in  comm.  to  Epp.  of  St.  John, 
2.50-82;  Friedlander,  Sittengeschichte  Roms;  Lightfoot, 
Apostolic  Fathers;  Lecky,  Hist  of  European  Morals,  ch 
ill,  "The  Conversion  of  Rome." 

S.  Angus 
ROMAN  LAW: 

I.     Roman  Private  Law 

1.  The  Twelve  Tables 

2.  Civil  Procedure 
.3.    Jus   honorarium 

4.  The  praetor  peregrinus 

5.  Imperial  Ordinances 

6.  Golden  Age  of  Juristic  Literature 

7.  Codification  in  the  Later  Empire 
II.     Roman  Criminal  Law 

1.  Jurisdiction  in  the  Royal  Period 

2.  The  Right  of  Appeal 

(1)  Penalties 

(2)  The  Porcian  Law 

3.  Popular  Jurisdiction  Curtailed 

4.  Jurors 

5.  Disappearance  of  Criminal  Courts 

6.  Right  of  Trial  at  Rome 
Literature 

In  the  present  art.  we  shall  treat  (I)  Rom  Private 
Law  and  (II)  Criminal  Law  only,  reserving  a  con- 
sideration of  the  development  of  the  principles  of 
constitutional  law  for  the  art.  on  Rome,  since  it  is 
so  closely  interwoven  with  the  political  history  of 
the  state. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  confine  the  discussion  of  private 
law  to  its  external  history,  without  attempting  to  deal 
with  the  substance  of  the  law  itself.  In  the  treatment 
of  criminal  law  attention  will  be  directed  chiefly  to  the 
constitutional  guaranties  which  were  intended  to  pro- 
tect Rom  citizens  against  arbitrary  and  unjust  punish- 
ments, these  being  one  of  the  most  important  privileges 
of  Rom  citizenship  (see  Citizenship). 

Rom  law  found  its  original  source  in  the  family  as 
a  corporation.  The  proprietary  rights  of  the  paler 
familias  as  representative  of  this  primitive  unit  of 
organization  are  a  fundamental  element  in  private 
law,  and  the  scope  of  the  criminal  jurisdiction  of  the 
state  was  limited  by  the  power  of  life  and  death 
which  was  exercised  by  the  head  of  the  family  over 
those  who  were  under  his  authority,  by  virtue  of 
which  their  transgressions  were  tried  before  the 
domestic  tribunal. 

It  is  likewise  of  fundamental  importance  to  re- 
call the  tact  that  before  the  earhest  period  in  the 
history  of  Rom  law  of  which  we  have  positive  in- 
formation, there  must  have  been  a  time  when  a 
large  number  of  different  classes  of  crime  were  pun- 
ished by  the  priests  as  sacrilege,  in  accordance  with 
divine  law  {fan),  by  putting  the  offender  to  death 
as  a  sacrifice  to  the  offended  deity,  while  restitution 
for  private  violence  or  injustice  was  left  to  private 
initiative  to  seek.  For  a  law  of  the  Twelve  Tables 
that  the  person  guilty  of  cutting  another's  grain  by 
night  should  be  hanged,  as  an  offering  to  Ceres,  is 
a  survival  of  the  older  religious  character  of  con- 
demnation to  death,  and  the  right  to  kill  the  noc- 
turnal thief  and  the  adulterer  caught  in  the  act 
may  be  cited  as  survivals  of  primitive  private  ven- 


Roman  Law 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2612 


geance.  The  secular  conception  of  crime  as  an 
offence  against  the  welfare  of  the  state  gradually 
superseded  the  older  conception,  while  private  law 
arose  when  the  community  did  away  with  the  dis- 
order incident  to  the  exercise  of  self-help  in  attempt- 
ing to  secure  justice,  by  insLstiug  that  the  parties 
to  a  disagreement  should  submit  their  claims  to  an 
arbitrator. 

/.  Roman  Private  Law. — Rom  private  law  was 

at  first  a  body  of  unwritten  usages  handed  down  by 

tradition    in    the    patrician    families. 

1.  The  The  demand  of  the  plebeians  for  the 
Twelve  publication  of  the  law  resulted  in  the 
Tables  adoption  of  the  famous  Twelve  Tables 

(449  BC),  which  was  looked  upon  by 
later  authorities  as  the  source  of  aU  public  and 
private  law  {quae  nunc  quoque  in  hoc  immenso  aliarum 
super  alias  acervatarum  legum  cumulo  fans  omnis 
publici  privatique  estiuris:  Livyiii. 34,  6),  although  it 
was  not  a  scientific  or  comprehensive  code  of  all  the 
legal  institutions  of  the  time.  This  primitive  sys- 
tem of  law  was  made  to  expand  to  meet  the  growing 
requirements  of  the  republican  community  chiefly 
by  means  of  interpretation  and  the  jus  honorarium, 
which  corresponds  to  equity. 

The  function  of  interpretation  may  be  defined  by 

mentioning  the  principal  elements  in  civil  procedure. 

The  praetor,  or  magistrate,  listened  to 

2.  Civil  the  claims  of  the  litigants  and  prepared 
Procedure     an  outline  of  the  disputed  issues,  called 

a  formula,  which  was  submitted  to  the 
judex,  or  arbitrator,  a  jury,  as  it  were,  consisting  of 
one  man,  who  decided  the  questions  of  fact  in- 
volved in  the  case.  Neither  praetor  nor  judex  had 
special  legal  training.  The  court  had  recourse, 
therefore,  for  legal  enlightenment  to  those  who  had 
gained  distinction  as  authorities  on  the  law,  and  the 
opinions,  or  responsa,  of  these  scholars  (Jurispru- 
dentes)  formed  a  valuable  commentary  on  the  legal 
institutions  of  the  time.  In  this  way  a  body  of 
rules  was  amassed  by  interpretative  adaptation 
which  the  authors  of  the  Twelve  Tables  would  never 
have  recognized. 

Jus  honorarium  derived  its  name  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  it  rested  upon  the  authority  of 

magistrates    (Aoreor  =  magistrac}')-     In 

3.  Jus  hon-  this  respect  and  because  it  was  com- 
orariam         posed  of  orders  issued  for  the  purpose 

of  affording  relief  in  cases  for  which 
the  existing  law  did  not  make  adequate  provision, 
this  second  agency  for  legal  expansion  may  be  com- 
pared with  English  equity.  These  orders  issued 
by  the  praetors  had  legal  force  during  the  tenure 
of  their  office  only;  but  those  the  expediency  of 
which  had  been  established  by  this  period  of  trial 
were  generally  reissued  by  succeeding  magistrates 
from  year  to  year,  so  that  in  time  a  large,  but  uni- 
form body  of  rules,  subject  to  annual  renewal,  formed 
the  greater  part  of  the  edict  which  was  issued  by  the 
praetors  before  entering  upon  their  term  of  office. 
By  these  means  Rom  law  maintained  a  proper  bal- 
ance between  elasticity  and  rigidity. 

After  the  institution  of  the  praetor  peregrinus 

(241  BC),  who  heard  cases  in  which  one  or  both  of 

the  parties  were  foreigners,  a  series  of 

4.  The  similar   edicts   proceeded   from   those 
praetor  who  were  chosen  to  this  tribunal.     The 
peregrinus    annual    edicts    of    the    praetor    pere- 
grinus  became   an   important   means 

for  broadening  Rom  law,  for  the  strangers  who 
appeared  in  the  court  of  this  magistrate  were  mostly 
Greeks  from  Southern  Italy,  so  that  the  principles 
of  law  which  were  gradually  formulated  as  a  basis 
for  proceedings  were  largely  an  embodiment  of  the 
spirit  of  Gr  law. 

Direct  legislation  superseded  the  other  sources 
of  law  under  the  empire,  taking  the  form,  occasion- 


ally,   of   bills   ratified   by   the   people   {leges),  but 

usually  of  enactments  of  the  senate  (senatus  con- 

sultd),    or   imperial   ordinances.      The 

5.  Imperial  latter,  which  eventually  prevailed  to 
Ordinances  the  exclusion  of  all  other  types,  may 

be  classified  as  edicta,  which  were  issued 
by  the  emperor  on  the  analogy  of  the  similar  orders 
of  the  republican  magistrates,  decreta,  or  decisions  of 
the  imperial  tribunal,  which  had  force  as  precedents, 
and  rescripta,  which  were  replies  by  the  emperor 
to  requests  for  the  interpretation  of  the  law.  All 
these  acts  of  imperial  legislation  were  known  as 
constitutiones. 

In  the  2d  cent.  Salvius  Julianus  was  commis- 
sioned to  invest  the  praetorian  edict  with  definite 

form.     The    Institutes    of    Gaius    ap- 

6.  Golden  pearing  about  the  same  time  became  a 
Age  of  model  for  subsequent  textbooks  on 
Juristic  jurisprudence  {Gait  institulionum  com- 
Literature      meiitarii  quattuor,  discovered  by  Nie- 

buhrin  1816  at  Verona  in  a  palimpsest) . 
This  was  the  Golden  Age  of  juristic  literature.  A 
succession  of  able  thinkers,  among  whom  Papinian, 
Paulus,  Ulpian,  Modestinus,  and  Gaius  hold  fore- 
most rank  (cf  Codex  Theodosianus  1,  4,  3),  applied 
to  the  incoherent  mass  of  legal  material  the  methods 
of  scientific  investigation,  developing  a  system  of 
Rom  law  and  establishing  a  science  of  jurispru- 
dence. 

The  period  of  the  later  empire  was  characterized 
by  various  attempts  at  codification  which  culmi- 
nated in  the  final  treatment  of  the  body 

7.  Codifi-  of  Rom  law  under  Justinian.  The 
cation  in  work  of  the  board  of  eminent  jurists 
the  Later  to  whom  this  vast  undertaking  was 
Empire  intrusted  was  published  in  three  parts: 

(1)  the  Code,  which  contains  a  selec- 
tion of  the  imperial  enactments  since  Hadrian  in 
twelve  books,  (2)  the  Digest  or  Pandects,  which  is 
composed  of  extracts  from  the  juristic  literature  in 
fifty  books,  and  (3)  the  Institutes,  which  is  a  text- 
book in  four  books.  In  this  form  mainly  Rom 
private  law  has  come  down  to  modern  times,  and 
has  become,  in  the  words  of  an  eminent  authority 
(Bryce,  Studies  in  History  and  Jurisprudence,  Ox- 
ford, 1901),  next  to  the  Christian  religion,  the  most 
plentiful  source  of  the  rules  governing  actual  con- 
duct throughout  Western  Europe. 

//.   Roman  Criminal  Law. — In  the   royal  period 
criminal  jurisdiction,  in  so  far  as  it  was  a  function 

of  secular  administration,  belonged  by 
1.  Juris-  right  to  the  king.  The  titles  quaes- 
diction  in  tores  parricidii  and  duumviri  perduel- 
the  Royal  lionis,  belonging  to  officials  to  whom 
Period  the  royal  authority  in  these    matters 

was  occasionally  delegated,  indicate 
the  nature  of  the  earliest  crimes  brought  under 
secular  jurisdiction.  The  royal  prerogative  passed 
to  the  republican  magistrates,  and  embraced,  be- 
sides the  right  to  punish  crimes,  the  power  to  com- 
pel obedience  to  their  own  decrees  {coercitio)  by 
means  of  various  penalties. 

But  the  right  of  the  people  to  final  jurisdiction  in  cases 
involving  the  life  or  civil  status  of  citizens  "was  estab- 
lished by  an  enactment  ilex  Valeria)  which 
2    Right  of     '^  ^^*^  ^^  iia^'e  been  proposed  by  one  of  the 
.'        ^,  first  consuls  (.509  BC),  and  which  granted 

Appeal  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  assembly  (pro- 

vocatio)  against  the  execution  of  a  "capital 
or  other  serious  penalty  pronounced  by  a  magistrate 
(Cicero  De  Re  Publica  ii.31,  54;  Livy  ii.8.  2:  Dionysius 
V.19).  This  right  of  appeal  was  reinforced  or  extended 
by  subsequent  enactments  {tegea  Valeriae)  in  449  and 
299  BC.  It  was  vahd  against  penalties  imposed  by 
virtue  of  the  coercive  power  of  tlie  magistrates  as  well 
as  those  based  upon  a  regular  criminal  charge.  Gen- 
erally the  magistrates  made  no  provisional  sentence  of 
their  own,  but  brought  their  charges  directly  before  the 
people. 

(1)    Penalties. — The    death    penalty    was    practically 
abrogated  in  republican  times  by  allowing  the  accused 


2613 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Roman  Law 


the  alternative  of  voluntary  exile.  Tlie  Romans  rarely 
employed  imprisonment  as  a  punishment.  The  imposi- 
tion of  fines  above  a  certain  amount  was  made  subject  to 
the  right  of  appeal.  At  first  the  dictator  possessed  ab- 
solute power  of  lite  and  death  over  the  citizens,  but  this 
authority  was  limited,  probably  about  300  BC  (Livy 
xxyii.6  5),  by  being  made  subject  to  the  right  of  appeal. 
(2)  The  Porciaii  law. — The  right  of  appeal  to  the 
people  was  valid  within  the  city  and  as  far  as  the  first 
milestone:  and  although  it  was  never  extended  beyond 
this  hmit,  yet  its  protection  was  virtually  secured  for 
all  Rom  citizens,  wherever  they  might  be,  by  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Porcian  law  (of  unknown  date),  which 
established  their  right  to  trial  at  Rome.  In  consequence 
of  this  a  distinction  of  great  importance  was  created  in 
criminal  procedure  in  the  provinces,  since  Rom  citizens 
were  sent  to  Rome  for  trial  in  all  serious  cases,  while 
other  persons  were  subject  to  the  criminal  jurisdiction 
of  the  municipalities,  except  when  the  governor  sum- 
moned them  before  his  own  tribunal. 


of  70  BC  provided  for  the  equal  representation  of  all 
three  classes  of  the  people  in  the  courts.  There  were 
then  about  1,080  names  on  the  list  of  available  jurors, 
of  whom  7.5  seem  to  iiave  been  chosen  for  each  trial 
(Cicero  In  Piaonem  40).  Caesar  abolished  the  plebeian 
jurors  (Suetonius  Caesar  41).  Augustus  restored  the 
representatives  of  the  third  class  (Suetonius  Aug.  32), 
but  confined  their  action  to  civil  cases  of  minor  impor- 
tance. He  likewise  excused  the  members  of  the  senate 
from  service  as  jurors. 

The  system  of  criminal  courts  (quaesHones  per- 
petuae)  diminished  in  importance  under  the  em- 
pire and  finally  disappeared  toward  the  close  of  the 
2d  cent.  Their  place  was  taken  by  the  senate 
under  the  presidency  of  a  consul,  the  emperor, 
and  eventually  by  imperial  officials  by  delegated 
authority  from  the  emperor.     In  the  first  case  the 


Roman  Forum. 


The  exercise  of  popular  jurisdiction  in  criminal 
matters  was  gradually  curtailed  by  the  establish- 
ment of  permanent  courts  (quaesHones 

3.  Popular  perpetuae)  by  virtue  of  laws  by  which 
Jurisdiction  the  people  delegated  their  authority 
Curtailed       to  judge  certain  classes  of  cases.     The 

first  of  these  courts  was  authorized  in 
149  BC  for  the  trial  of  charges  of  extortion  brought 
against  provincial  governors.  Compensation  was 
the  main  purpose  of  accusers  in  bringing  charges 
before  this  and  later  permanent  courts,  and  for  this 
reason,  perhaps,  the  procedure  was  similar  to  that 
which  was  employed  in  civil  cases.  A  praetor  pre- 
sided over  the  tribunal;  a  number  of  jiulices  took 
the  place  of  the  single  juror.  The  laws  by  which 
Sulla  reorganized  the  systems  of  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion provided  for  seven  courts  dealing  individually 
with  extortion,  treason,  peculation,  corrupt  elec- 
tioneering practices,  murder,  fraud,  and  assault. 

The  indices,  or  jurors,  were  originally  chosen  from  the 

senate.     A  law   proposed   by  C.    Gracchus  transferred 

membership  in  all  the  juries  to  the  eques- 

A     T  ..„.c        trian  class.     Sulla  replenished  the  senate 

4.  jurors        |3y  admitting  about  300  members  of  the 

equestrian  class,  and  then  restored  to  it 
the  exclusive  control  of  the  juries.     But  a  judicial  law 


senate  stood  in  somewhat  the  same  relation  to  the 

presiding  consul  as  the  jurors  in  the  permanent 

courts  to  the  praetor.     But  the  em- 

5.  Disap-  peror  and  imperial  officials  decided 
pearance  of  without  the  help  of  a  jury,  so  that 
Criminal  after  the  3d  cent.,  when  the  judicial 
Courts  competence  of  the  senate  was  gradu- 
ally lost,  trial  by  jury  ceased  to  exist. 

An  important  innovation  in  the  judicial  system  of 
the  empire  was  the  principle  of  appeal  from  the 
decision  of  lower  courts  to  higher  tribunals.  For 
the  emperors  and  eventually  their  delegates,  chiefly 
the  praefectus  urbi  and  praefectus  praetorio,  heard 
appeals  from  Rom  and  ItaUan  magistrates  and  pro- 
vincial governors. 

Under   the   early   empire,    provincial   governors 
were  generally  under  obligation  to  grant  the  de- 
mand of  Rom  citizens  for  the  privilege 

6.  Right  of  of  trial  at  Rome  {Digest  xlviii.6,  7), 
Trial  at  although  there  appear  to  have  been 
Rome  some  exceptions  to   this  rule   (Pliny, 

Episl.  ii.ll;  Digest  xlviii.8,  16).  Lysias, 
tribune  of  the  cohort  at  Jerus,  sent  St.  Paul  as 
prisoner  to  Caesarea,  the  capital  of  the  province. 


Roman  Religion 
Romans, Epistle  to 


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so  that  Felix  the  procurator  might  determine  what 
was  to  be  done  in  his  case,  inasmuch  as  he  was  a 
Rom  citizen  (Acts  23  27),  and  two  years  later  St. 
Paul  asserted  his  privilege  of  being  tried  at  Rome 
by  the  emperor  for  the  same  reason  (25  11.21). 

Rom  citizens  who  were  sent  to  Rome  might  be 
brought  either  before  the  senate  or  emperor,  but 
cognizance  of  these  oases  by  the  imperial  tribunal 
was  more  usual,  and  finally  supplanted  entirely  that 
of  the  senate,  the  formula  of  appeal  becoming  pro- 
verbial: cives  Romantis  sum,  provoco  ad  Caesarem 
( Kaisara  epikaloiimai:  Acts  25  11). 

As  Rom  citizenship  became  more  and  more  widely 
extended  throughout  the  empire  its  relative  value 
diminished,  and  it  is  obvious  that  many  of  the 
special  privileges,  such  as  the  right  of  trial  at  Rome, 
which  were  attached  to  it  in  the  earlier  period  must 
have  been  gradually  lost.  It  became  customary  for 
the  emperors  to  delegate  their  power  of  final  juris- 
diction over  the  lives  of  citizens  {ius  gladii)  to  the 
provincial  governors,  and  finally,  after  Rom  citizen- 
ship had  been  conferred  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the 
empire  generally  by  Caracalla,  the  right  of  appeal 
to  Rome  remained  the  privilege  of  certain  classes 
only,  such  as  senators,  municipal  decurions  {Digest 
xlviii.l9,  27),  officers  of  equestrian  rank  in  the  army, 
and  centurions  (Dio  Cassius  lii.22,  33). 

LlTER.\TURE. — Greenidge.  The  Legal  Procedure  of 
Cicero's  Time.  0-"tford,  1901;  Kriiger.  Geschichte  der 
Quellen  u.  Litteratur  des  romischen  Rechls,  Leipzig,  1888; 
Mommsen.  Romisches  Strafrecht,  Leipzig,  1899:  Roby, 
Rom  Private  Law  in  the  Times  of  Cicero  and  of  the  An- 
ionines.  Cambridge,  1902;  Sohm,  The  Institutes  of  Rom 
Law,  tr<i  by  J.  C.  Ledlie,  Oxford,  1892. 

George  H.  Allen 

ROMAN  RELIGION.  See  Roman  Empire  and 
Christianity,  III;   Rome,  IV. 

ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE: 

1.  Genuineness 

2.  Integrity 

3.  Pro-ximate  Date 

4.  Place  of  Writing 

5.  Destination 

6.  Language 

7.  Occasion 

8.  Some  Characteristics 

9.  Main  Teachings  of  the  Epistle 

(1)  Doctrine  of  Man 

(2)  Doctrine  of  God 

(3)  Doctrine   of    Son   of    God — Redemption;     Justi- 
fication 

(4)  Doctrine  of  the  Spirit  of  God 

(5)  Doctrine  of  Duty 

(6)  Doctrine  of  Israel 
Literature 

This  is  the  greatest,  in  every  sense,  of  the  apostolic 
letters  of  St.  Paul;  in  scale,  in  scope,  and  in  its 
wonderful  combination  of  doctrinal,  ethical  and 
administrative  wisdom  and  power.  In  some  re- 
spects the  later  Epp.,  Eph  and  Col,  lead  us  to  even 
higher  and  deeper  arcana  of  revelation,  and  they, 
like  Rom,  combine  with  the  exposition  of  truth  a 
luminous  doctrine  of  duty.  But  the  range  of  Rom 
is  larger  in  both  directions,  and  presents  us  also  with 
noble  and  far-reaching  discussions  of  Christian 
polit}^  instructions  in  spiritual  utterance  and  the 
like,  to  which  those  Epp.  present  no  parallel,  and 
which  only  the  Corinthian  Epp.  rival. 

No  suspicion  on  the  head  of  the  genuineness  of 
the  Ep.  exists  which  needs  serious  consideration. 
Signs  of  the  influence  of  the  Ep.  can 
1.  Genuine-  be  traced,  at  least  very  probably,  in 
ness  the  NT  itself;   in  1  Pet,  and,  as  some 

think,  in  Jas.  But  in  our  opinion  Jas 
was  the  earlier  writing,  and  Lightfoot  has  given 
strong  grounds  for  the  belief  that  the  paragraph  on 
faith  and  justification  (Jas  2)  has  no  reference  to 
perversions  of  Pauline  teaching,  but  deals  with  rab- 
binism.  Clement  of  Rome  repeatedly  quotes  Rom, 
and  so  do  Ignatius,  Polycarp,  Justin.  Marcion 
includes  it  in  his  list  of  Pauline  Epp.,  and  it  is  safe 


to  say  in  general  Rom  "has  been  recognized  in  the 
Christian  church  as  long  as  any  collection  of  St. 
Paul's  Epp.  has  been  e.xtant"  (A.  Robertson,  in 
HDB,  S.V.).  But  above  all  other  evidences  it 
testifies  to  itself.  The  fabrication  of  such  a  writing, 
with  its  close  and  complex  thought,  its  power  and 
marked  originality  of  treatment,  its  noble  morale, 
and  its  spiritual  elevation  and  ardor,  is  nothing 
short  of  a  moral  impossibihty.  A  mighty  mind 
and  equally  great  heart  live  in  every  page,  and  a  soul 
exquisitely  sensitive  and  alwaj's  intent  upon  truth 
and  holiness.  Literary  personation  is  an  art  which 
has  come  to  anything  like  maturity  only  in  modern 
times,  certainly  not  before  the  Renaissance.  In  a 
fully  developed  form  it  is  hardly  earlier  than  the 
19th  cent.  And  even  now  who  can  point  to  a  con- 
sciously personated  authorship  going  along  with 
high  moral  principle  and  purpose? 

The  question  remains,  however,  whether,  accept- 
ing the  Ep.  in  block  as  Pauline,  we  have  it,  as  to 
details,  just  as  it  left  the  author's 
2.  Integrity  hands.  Particularly,  some  phenom- 
ena of  the  text  of  the  last  two  chapters 
invite  the  inquiry.  We  may — in  our  opinion  we 
must — grant  those  chapters  to  be  Pauline.  They 
breathe  St.  Paul  in  every  sentence.  But  do  they 
read  precisely  hke  part  of  a  letter  to  Rome?  For 
example,  we  have  a  series  of  names  (16  1-15), 
representing  a  large  circle  of  personally  known  and 
loved  friends  of  the  writer,  a  much  longer  list  than 
any  other  in  the  Epp.,  and  all  presumably — -on  the 
theory  that  the  passage  is  integral  to  the  Ep. — ■ 
residents  at  Rome.  May  not  such  a  paragraph  have 
somehow  crept  in,  after  date,  from  another  writing  ? 
Might  not  a  message  to  Philippian,  Thessalonian 
or  Ephesian  friends,  dwellers  in  places  where  St. 
Paul  had  already  established  many  intimacies,  have 
fallen  out  of  its  place  and  found  lodgment  by  mis- 
take at  the  close  of  this  letter  to  Rome?  It  seems 
enough  to  reply  by  one  brief  statement  of  fact. 
We  possess  some  300  MSS  of  Rom,  and  not  one  of 
these,  so  far  as  it  is  uninjured,  fails  to  give  the  Ep. 
complete,  all  the  chapters  as  we  have  them,  and 
in  the  present  order  (with  one  exception,  that  of  the 
final  doxology).  It  is  observable  meanwhile  that 
the  difficulty  of  supposing  St.  Paul  to  have  had  a 
large  group  of  friends  living  at  Rome,  before  his 
own  arrival  there,  is  not  serious.  To  and  from 
Rome,  through  the  whole  empire,  there  was  a  per- 
petual circulation  of  population.  Suppose  Aquila 
and  Priscilla  (e.g.)  to  have  recently  returned  (Acts 
18  2)  to  Rome  from  Ephesus,  and  suppose  similar 
migrations  from  Greece  or  from  Asia  Minor  to  have 
taken  place  within  recent  years;  we  can  then  readily 
account  for  the  greetings  of  Rom  16. 

Lightfoot  has  brought  it  out  in  an  interesting  way 
(see  his  Philippiatis,  on  4  22)  that  many  of  the 
names  (e.g.  Amplias,  Urbanus,  Tryphena)  in  Rom 
16  are  found  at  Rome,  in  inscriptions  of  the  early 
imperial  age,  in  cemeteries  where  members  of  the 
widely  scattered  "household  of  Caesar"  were  in- 
terred. This  at  least  suggests  the  abundant  possi- 
bility that  the  converts  and  friends  belonging  to  the 
"household"  who,  a  very  few  years  later,  perhaps 
not  more  than  three,  were  around  him  at  Rome 
when  he  wrote  to  Philippi  (Phil  4  22),  and  sent 
their  special  greeting  ("chiefly  they")  to  the  Philip- 
pians,  were  formerly  residents  at  Philippi,  or  else- 
where in  Macedonia,  and  had  moved  thence  to  the 
capital  not  long  before  the  apostle  wrote  to  the 
Romans.  A.  Robertson  (ut  supra)  comes  to  the 
conclusion,  after  a  careful  review  of  recent  theories, 
"that  the  case  for  transferring  this  section  .... 
from  its  actual  connection  to  a  lost  Ep.  to  Ephesus 
is  not  made  out." 

Two  points  of  detail  in  the  criticism  of  the  text 
of  Rom  may  be  noted.     One  is  that  the  words  "at 


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Roman  Religion 
Romans,  Epistle  to 


Rome"  (1  7.15)  are  omitleil  in  a  very  few  MSS,  in  a 
way  to  remind  us  of  the  interesting  phenomenon  of 
the  omission  of  "at  Ephesus"  (Eph  1  1  m).  But 
the  evidence  for  this  omission  being  original  is 
entirely  inadequate.  The  fact  may  perhaps  be 
accounted  for  by  a  possible  circulation  of  Rom 
among  other  mission  churches  as  anEp.  of  universal 
interest.  This  would  be  much  more  likely  if  the 
MSS  and  other  authorities  in  which  the  last  two 
chapters  are  missing  were  identical  with  those  which 
omit  "at  Rome,"  but  this  is  not  the  case. 

The  other  and  larger  detail  is  that  the  great  final 
doxology  (16  25-27)  is  placed  by  many  cursives  at 
the  end  of  ch  14,  and  is  omitted  entirely  by  three 
MSS  and  by  Marcion.  The  leading  uncials  and  a 
large  preponderance  of  ancient  evidence  place  it 
where  we  have  it.  It  is  quite  possible  that  St.  Paul 
may  have  reissued  Rom  after  a  time,  and  may 
only  then  have  added  the  doxology,  which  has  a 
certain  resemblance  in  manner  to  his  later  (cap- 
tivity) style.  But  it  is  at  least  likely  that  dog- 
matic objections  led  Marcion  to  delete  it,  and  that 
his  action  accounts  for  the  other  phenomena  which 
seem  to  witness  against  its  place  at  the  finale. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  Hort,  a  singularly  fearless, 
while  sober  student,  defends  without  reserve  the 
entirety  of  the  Ep.  as  we  have  it,  or  practically  so. 
See  his  essay  printed  in  Lightfoot's  Bib.  Studies. 

We  can  fix  the  proximate  date  with  fair  certainty 

within  reasonable  limits.     We  gather  from  15  19 

that  St.  Paul,  when  he  wrote,  was  in 

3.  Proxi-  the  act  of  closing  his  work  in  the  East 
mate  Date     and  was  looking  definitely  westward. 

But  he  was  first  about  (15  25.26)  to 
revisit  Jerus  with  his  collection,  mainly  made  in 
Macedonia  and  Achaia,  for  the  "poor  saints." 
Placing  these  allusions  side  by  side  with  the  refer- 
ences in  1  and  2  Cor  to  the  collection  and  its  con- 
veyance, and  again  with  the  narrative  of  Acts,  we 
may  date  Rom  very  nearly  at  the  same  time  as 
2  Cor,  just  before  the  visit  to  Jerus  narrated  in 
Acts  20,  etc.  The  year  may  be  fixed  with  great 
probability  as  58  AD.  This  estimate  follows  the 
lines  of  Lightfoot's  chronology,  which  Robertson 
(ut  supra)  supports.  More  recent  schemes  would 
move  the  date  back  to  56  AD. 

"The  reader's  attention  is  invited  to  tliisdate.  Broadly 
.speaicing.  it  was  about  30  years  at  tlie  most  after  tlie 
Crucifixion.  Let  anyone  in  middie  life  reflect  on  the 
freshness  in  memory  of  events,  whether  public  or  pri- 
vate, which  .30  years  ago  made  any  marked  impression 
on  his  mind.  Let  him  consider  how  concrete  and  vivid 
still  are  the  prominent  personages  of  30  years  ago,  many 
of  whom  of  course  are  still  with  us.  And  let  him  trans- 
fer this  thought  to  the  1st  cent.,  and  to  the  time  of  our 
Ep.  IjCt  him  remember  that  we  have  at  least  this  one 
great  Christian  writing  composed,  for  certain,  within 
such  easy  reach  of  the  very  lifetime  of  Jesus  Christ 
when  His  contemporary  friends  were  still,  in  numbers, 
alive  and  active.  Then  let  him  open  the  Ep.  afresh, 
and  read,  as  if  for  the  first  time,  its  estimate  of  Jesus 
Christ — a  Figure  then  of  no  legendary  past,  with  its  halo, 
but  of  the  all  but  present  day.  Let  him  note  that  this 
transcendent  estimate  comes  to  us  conveyed  in  the 
vehicle  not  of  poetry  and  rhetoric,  but  of  a  treatise  preg- 
nant with  masterly  argument  and  admirable  practical 
wisdom,  tolerant  and  comprehensive.  And  we  think 
that  the  reader  will  feel  that  the  result  of  his  meditations 
on  date  and  circumstances  is  reassuring  as  to  the  solidity 
of  the  historic  basis  of  the  Christian  faith"  (from  the 
present  writer's  introduction  to  the  Ep.  in  the  Temple 
Bible;  see  also  his  Light  from  the  First  Days:  fihort 
Studies  in  1    Thess). 

With  confidence  we  may  name  Corinth  as  the 

place  of  writing.     St.  Paul  was  at  the  time  in  some 

"city"  (16  2.3).     He  was  staying  with 

4.  Place  of    one  Gains,  or  Caius  (ib),  and  we  find 
Writing  in   1  Cor  1  14  a  Gaius,  closely  con- 
nected with  St.  Paul,  and  a  Corinthian. 

He  commends  to  the  Romans  the  deaconess  Phoebe, 
attached  to  "the  church  at  Cenchreae"  (16  1), 
presumably  a  place  near  that  from  which  he  was 


writing;  and  Cenchreae  was  the  southern  part  of 
Corinth. 

The  first  advent  of  Christianity  to  Rome  is  un- 
recorded, and  we  know  very  little  of  its  early  prog- 
ress. Visiting  Romans  (^7ri5-))ftoCcTei,epi- 

5.  Desti-  dcinounles),  both  Jews  and  proselytes, 
nation  appear  at  Pentecost  (Acts  2  10),  and 

no  doubt  some  of  these  returned  home 
believers.  In  Acts  18  2  we  have  Aquila  and  Pris- 
cilla,  Jews,  evidently  Christians,  "lately  come  from 
Italy,"  and  probably  from  Rome.  But  we  know 
practically  nothing  else  of  the  story  previous  to  this 
Ep.,  which  is  addressed  to  a  mission  church  obviously 
important  and  already  spiritually  advanced.  On 
the  other  hand  (a  curious  paradox  in  view  of  the 
historical  development  of  Rom  Christianity),  there 
is  no  allusion  in  the  Ep.  to  church  organization.  The 
Christian  ministry  (apart  from  St.  Paul's  own 
apostleship)  is  not  even  mentioned.  It  may  fairly 
be  said  to  be  incredible  that  if  the  legend  of  St. 
Peter's  long  episcopate  were  historical,  no  allusion 
whatever  to  his  work,  influence  and  authority 
should  be  made.  It  is  at  least  extremely  difficult 
to  prove  that  he  was  even  present  in  Rome  till 
shortly  before  his  martyrdom,  and  the  very  ancient 
beUef  that  Peler  and  Paul  founded  the  Rom  church 
is  more  likely  to  have  had  its  origin  in  their  martyr- 
doms there  than  in  St.  Peter's  having  in  any  sense 
shared  in  the  early  evangelization  of  the  city. 

As  to  Rome  itself,  we  may  picture  it  at  the  date 
of  the  Ep.  as  containing,  with  its  suburbs,  a  closely 
massed  population  of  perhaps  800,000  people;  a 
motley  host  of  many  races,  with  a  strong  oriental 
element,  among  which  the  Jews  were  present  as  a 
marked  influence,  despised  and  sometimes  dreaded, 
but  always  attracting  curiosity. 

The  Ep.  was  written  in  Gr,  the  "common  dia- 
lect," the  Gr  of  universal  intercourse  of  that  age. 
One  naturally  asks,  why  not  in  Lat, 

6.  Lan-  when  the  message  was  addressed  to  the 
guage  supreme  Lat  city?     The  large  major- 
ity of  Christian  converts  beyond  doubt 

came  from  the  lower  middle  and  lowest  classes,  not 
least  from  the  slave  class.  These  strata  of  society 
were  supplied  greatly  from  immigrants,  much  as  in 
parts  of  East  London  now  aliens  make  the  main 
population.  Not  Lat  but  Gr,  the  then  lingua 
franca  of  the  Mediterranean,  would  be  the  daily 
speech  of  these  people.  It  is  remarkable  that  all 
the  early  Rom  bishops  bear  Gr  names.  And  some 
40  years  after  the  date  of  this  Ep.  we  find  Clement  of 
Rome  writing  in  Gr  to  the  Corinthians,  and  later 
again,  early  in  the  2d  cent.,  Ignatius  writing  in  Gr 
to  the  Romans. 

We  cannot  specify  the  occasion   of  -nTiting  for 

certain.     No  hint  appears  of  any  acute  crisis  in  the 

mission  (as  when  1  Cor,  2  Cor,  Gal,  or 

7.  Occasion  Col  were  written).     Nor  would   per- 

sonal reminiscences  influence  the  writer, 
for  he  had  not  yet  seen  Rome.  We  can  only  sug- 
gest some  possibilities  as  follows: 

(1)  A  good  opportunity  for  safe  communication  was 
offered  by  the  deaconess  Phoebe's  proposed  visit  to  the 
metropolis.  She  doubtless  asked  8t.  Paul  for  a  com- 
mendatory letter,  and  this  may  have  suggested  an  ex- 
tended message  to  the  church. 

(2)  St.  Paul's  thoughts  had  long  gone  toward  Rome. 
See  Acts  19  21:  "/  must  see  Rome,"  words  which  seem 
perhaps  to  imply  some  Divine  intimation  (cf  33  11). 
And  his  own  life-course  would  fall  in  with  such  a  super- 
natural call.  He  had  always  aimed  at  large  centers; 
and  now  his  great  work  in  the  central  places  of  the 
Levant  was  closing;  he  had  worked  at  Ephesus,  Thessa- 
lonica,  Corinth;  he  was  at  last  to  think  of  the  supreme 
center  of  all.  Rome  must  always  have  had  a  dominant 
interest  for  the  "Apostle  of  the  Nations,"  and  any  sug- 
gestion that  his  Lord's  will  tended  that  way  would 
intensify  it  to  the  highest  degree. 

(3)  The  form  of  the  Ep.  may  throw  further  light  on 
the  occasion.  The  document  falls,  on  the  whole,  into 
three  parts.     First  we  liave  chs  1-8  inclusive,  a  prolonged 


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2616 


exposition  of  tlie  contrasted  and  related  plienomena  of 
sin  and  salvation,  with  special  initial  references  to  the 
cases  of  Jew  and  non-Jew  respectively.  Then  come 
chs  9-11,  which  deal  with  the  Jewish  rejection  of  the 
Jewish  Messiah,  developing  into  a  prophetic  revelation 
of  the  future  of  Israel  in  the  grace  of  God.  Lastly  we 
have  chs  12-16.  Some  account  of  the  writer's  plans, 
and  his  salutations  to  friends,  requests  for  prayer,  etc, 
form  the  close  of  this  section.  But  it  is  mainly  a  state- 
ment of  Cliristian  duty  in  common  hfe,  personal,  civil, 
rehgious.  Under  the  latter  head  we  have  a  noble  treat- 
ment of  problems  raised  by  varying  opinions,  particularly 
on  reUgious  observances,  among  the  converts,  Jew  and 
Gentile. 

Such  phenomena  oast  a  possible  hght  on  the 
occasion  of  writing.  The  Rom  mission  was  on 
one  side,  by  its  locality  and  surroundings,  eminently 
gentile.  On  the  other,  there  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
a  strong  Judaic  element  in  Rom  life,  particularly 
in  its  lower  strata,  and  no  doubt  around  the  Jewish 
community  proper  there  had  grown  up  a  large  com- 
munity of  "worshippers"  {<Tef36fxevoi,  sebomenoi) 
or,  as  we  commonly  call  them,  "proselytes"  ("ad- 
herents," in  the  language  of  modern  missionary 
enterprise),  people  who,  without  receiving  circum- 
cision, attended  Jewish  worship  and  shared  largely 
in  Jewish  beliefs  and  ideals.  Among  these  prose- 
lytes, we  may  believe,  the  earliest  evangeUsts  at 
Rome  found  a  favorable  field,  and  the  mission  church 
as  St.  Paul  knew  of  it  contained  accordingly  not 
only  two  definite  classes,  converts  from  paganism, 
converts  from  native  Judaism,  but  very  many  in 
whose  minds  both  traditions  were  working  at  once. 
To  such  converts  the  problems  raised  by  Judaism, 
both  without  and  within  the  church,  would  come 
home  with  a  constant  intimacy  and  force,  and  their 
case  may  well  have  been  present  in  a  special  degree 
in  the  apostle's  mind  alike  in  the  early  passages 
(chs  1-3)  of  the  Ep.  and  in  such  later  parts  as  chs 
2-11,  14,  15.  On  the  one  hand  they  would  greatly 
need  guidance  on  the  significance  of  the  past  of 
Israel  and  on  the  destiny  of  the  chosen  race  in  the 
future.  Moreover,  discussions  in  such  circles  over 
the  way  of  salvation  would  suggest  to  the  great 
missionary  his  exposition  of  man's  reconciUation 
with  a  holy  God  and  of  His  secrets  for  purity  and 
obedience  in  an  unholy  world.  And  meanwhile 
the  ever-recurring  problems  raised  by  ceremonial 
rules  in  common  daily  life — problems  of  days  and 
seasons,  and  of  forbidden  food — would,  for  such 
disciples,  need  wise  and  equitable  treatment. 

(4)  Was  it  not  with  this  position  before  him, 
known  to  him  through  the  many  means  of  commu- 
nication between  Rome  and  Corinth,  that  St.  Paul 
cast  his  letter  into  this  form?  And  did  not  the  reali- 
zation of  the  central  greatness  of  Rome  suggest  its 
ample  scale?  The  result  was  a  writing  which  shows 
everywhere  his  sense  of  the  presence  of  the  Judaic 
problem.  Here  he  meets  it  by  a  statement,  massive 
and  tender,  of  "heaven's  easy,  artless,  unencum- 
bered plan"  of  redemption,  grace,  and  glory,  a  plan 
which  on  its  other  side  is  the  very  mystery  of  the 
love  of  God,  which  statement  is  now  and  forever 
a  primary  treasure  of  the  Christian  faith.  And  then 
again  he  lays  down  for  the  too  eager  champions  of 
the  new  "liberty"  a  law  of  loving  tolerance  toward 
slower  and  narrower  views  which  is  equally  our 
permanent  spiritual  possession,  bearing  a  signifi- 
cance far-reaching  and  benign. 

(5)  It  has  been  held  by  some  great  students, 
notably  Lightfoot  and  Hort,  that  the  main,  purpose 
of  Rom  was  to  reconcile  the  opposing  "schools"  in 
the  church,  and  that  its  e.xposition  of  the  salvation 
of  the  individual  is  secondary  only.  The  present 
writer  cannot  take  this  view.  Read  the  Ep.  from 
its  spiritual  center,  so  to  speak,  and  is  not  the  per- 
spective very  different?  The  apostle  is  always  con- 
scious of  the  coUeotive  aspect  of  the  Christian  life, 
an  aspect  vital  to  its  full  health.  But  is  he  not 
giving  his  deepest  thought,  animated  by  his  own 


experience  of  conviction  and  conversion,  to  Ihe 
sinful  man's  relation  to  eternal  law,  to  redeeming 
grace,  and  to  a  coming  glory?  It  is  the  question  of 
personal  salvation  which  with  St.  Paul  seems  to  us 
to  live  and  move  always  in  the  depth  of  his  argu- 
ment, even  when  Christian  poUty  and  policy  is  the 
immediate  theme. 

Excepting  only  Eph  (the  problem  of  the  author- 
ship of  which  is  insoluble,  and  we  put  that  great 
document  here  aside),  Rom  is,  of  all 

8.  Some  St.  Paul  has  written,  least  a  letter  and 
Character-  most  a  treatise.  He  is  seen,  as  we  read, 
istics  to  approach  religious  problems  of  the 

highest  order  in  a  free  but  reasoned  suc- 
cession; problems  of  the  darkness  and  of  the  light, 
of  sin  and  grace,  fall  and  restoration,  doom  and 
remission,  faith  and  obedience,  suffering  and  glory, 
transcendent  hope  and  humblest  duty,  now  in  their 
relation  to  the  soul,  now  so  as  to  develop  the  holy 
collectivity  of  the  common  life.  The  Rom  converts 
are  always  first  in  view,  but  such  is  the  writer,  such 
his  handUng,  that  the  results  are  for  the  universal 
church  and  for  every  behever  of  all  time.  Yet  all 
the  while  (and  it  is  in  this  a  splendid  example  of 
that  epistolary  method  of  revelation  which  is  one  of 
the  glories  of  the  NT)  it  is  never  for  a  moment  the 
mere  treatise,  however  great.  The  writer  is  always 
vividly  personal,  and  conscious  of  persons.  The 
Ep.  is  indeed  a  masterpiece  of  doctrine,  but  also 
always  "the  unforced,  unartificial  utterance  of  a 
friend  to  friends." 

Approaching  the  Ep.  as  a  treatise  rather  than  a 

letter  (with  the  considerable  reserves  just  stated), 

we  indicate  briefly  some  of  its  main 

9.  Main  doctrinal  deliverances.  Obviously,  in 
Teachings  limine,  it  is  not  set  before  us  as  a  com- 
of  the  plete  system  either  of  theology  or  of 
Epistle  morals;  to  obtain  a  full  view  of  a  Paul- 
ine dogma  and  ethics  we  must  certainly 

place  Eph  and  Col,  not  to  speak  of  passages  from 
Thess,  beside  Rom.  But  it  makes  by  far  the  near- 
est approach  to  doctrinal  completeness  among  the 
Epp. 

(1)  The  doctrine  of  man. — In  great  measure  this 
resolves  itself  into  the  doctrine  of  man  as  a  sinner, 
as  being  guilty  in  face  of  an  absolutely  holy  and 
absolutely  imperative  law,  whether  announced  by 
abnormal  revelation,  as  to  the  Jew,  or  through 
nature  and  conscience  only,  as  to  the  Gentile.  At 
the  back  of  this  presentation  lies  the  full  recognition 
that  man  is  cognizant,  as  a  spiritual  being,  of  the 
eternal  difference  of  right  and  wrong,  and  of  the 
witness  of  creation  to  personal  "eternal  power  and 
Godhead"  as  its  cause,  and  that  he  is  responsible 
in  an  awe-inspiring  way  for  his  unfaithfulness  to 
such  cognitions.  He  is  a  being  great  enough  to  be 
in  personal  moral  relation  with  God,  and  able  to 
realize  his  ideal  only  in  true  relation  with  Him; 
therefore  a  being  whose  sin  and  guilt  have  an  un- 
fathomable evil  in  them.  So  is  he  bound  by  his 
own  failure  that  he  cannot  restore  himself;  God 
alone,  in  sovereign  mercy,  provides  for  his  pardon 
by  the  propitiation  of  Christ,  and  for  his  restoration 
by  union  with  Christ  in  the  life  given  by  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Such  is  man,  once  restored,  once  become 
"a  saint"  (a  being  hallowed),  a  "son  of  God"  by 
adoption  and  gi-ace,  that  his  final  glorification  will 
be  the  signal  (in  some  sense  the  cause?)  of  a  trans- 
figuration of  the  whole  finite  universe.  Meanwhile, 
man  is  a  being  actually  in  the  midst  of  a  life  of 
duty  and  trial,  a  member  of  civil  society,  with  ob- 
ligations to  its  order.  He  lives  not  in  a  God- 
forsaken world,  belonging  only  to  another  and  evil 
power.  His  new  life,  the  "mind  of  the  Spii-it"  in 
him,  is  to  show  itself  in  a  conduct  and  character 
good  for  the  state  and  for  society  at  large,  as  well 
as  for  the  "brotherhood." 


2617 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    Romans, Epistle  to 


(2)  The  doctrine  of  God. — True  to  the  revelation 
of  the  OT,  St.  Paul  presents  God  as  absolute  in 
will  and  power,  so  that  He  is  not  only  the  sole  author 
of  nature  but  the  eternal  and  ultimately  sole  cause 
of  goodness  in  man.  To  Him  in  the  last  resort  all 
is  due,  not  only  the  provision  of  atonement  but  the 
power  and  will  to  embrace  it.  The  great  passages 
which  set  before  us  a  "fore-defining"  (jpobpi.<ni, 
proorisis,  "predestination")  and  election  of  the 
saints  are  all  evidently  inspired  by  this  motive,  the 
jealous  resolve  to  trace  to  the  one  true  Cause  all 
motions  and  actions  of  good.  The  apostle  seems 
e.g.  almost  to  risk  affirming  a  sovereign  causation 
of  the  opposite,  of  unbelief  and  its  sequel.  But 
patient  study  will  find  that  it  is  not  so.  God  is  not 
said  to  "fit  for  ruin"  the  "vessels  of  wrath."  Their 
woeful  end  is  overruled  to  His  glory,  but  nowhere  is 
it  taken  to  be  caused  by  Him.  All  along  the  writer's 
intense  purpose  is  to  constrain  the  actual  believer 
to  see  the  whole  causation  of  his  salvation  in  the  will 
and  power  of  Him  whose  inmost  character  is  re- 
vealed in  the  supreme  fact  that,  "for  us  all,"  "he 
spared  not  his  Son." 

(.3)  The  doctrine  of  the  Son  of  God.— The  Ep. 
affords  materials  for  a  magnificently  large  Chris- 
tology.  The  relation  of  the  Son  to  creation  is 
indeed  not  expounded  in  terms  (as  in  Col),  but  it 
is  implied  in  the  language  of  ch  8,  where  the  inter- 
relation of  our  redemption  and  the  transfiguration 
of  Nature  is  dealt  with.  We  have  the  Lord's  man- 
hood fully  recognized,  while  His  Godhead  (as  we 
read  in  9  5;  so  too  Robertson,  ut  supra)  is  stated  in 
terms,  and  it  is  most  certainly  implied  in  the  lan- 
guage and  tone  of  e.g.  the  close  of  ch  8.  Who  but 
a  bearer  of  the  Supreme  Nature  could  satisfy  the 
conception  indicated  in  such  words  as  those  of  8 
32.35-39,  coming  as  they  do  from  a  Heb  monotheist 
of  intense  convictions'?  Meantime  this  transcend- 
ent Person  has  so  put  Himself  in  relation  with  us, 
as  the  willing  worker  of  the  Father's  purpose  of 
love,  that  He  is  the  sacrifice  of  peace  for  us  (ch  3), 
our  "propitiatory"  One  (IXaffT-Ziptov,  hilasltrion, 
is  now  known  to  be  an  adj .),  such  that  (whateverthe 
mystery,  which  leaves  the  fact  no  less  certain)  the 
man  who  believes  on  Him,  i.e.  (as  ch  4  fully  demon- 
strates) relies  on  Him,  gives  himself  over  to  His 
mercy,  is  not  only  forgiven  but  "justified,"  "justi- 
fied by  faith . ' '  Aid  ' ' j  ustification' '  is  more  than  for- 
giveness; it  is  not  merely  the  remission  of  a  penalty 
but  a  welcome  to  the  offender,  pronounced  to  be 
lawfully  at  peace  with  the  eternal  holiness  and  love. 
See  Justification;  Propitiation. 

In  closest  connection  with  this  message  of  justi- 
fication is  the  teaching  regarding  union  with  the 
Christ  who  has  procured  the  justification.  This  is 
rather  assumed  than  expounded  in  Rom  (we  have 
the  exposition  more  expUcitly  in  Eph,  Col,  and 
Gal),  but  the  assumption  is  present  wherever  the 
pregnant  phrase  "in  Christ"  is  used.  Union  is,  for 
St.  Paul,  the  central  doctrine  of  all,  giving  life  and 
relation  to  the  whole  range.  As  Lightfoot  has  well 
said  {Sermons  in  St.  Paul's,  no.  16),  he  is  the  apostle 
not  primarily  of  justification,  or  of  liberty,  great 
as  these  truths  are  with  him,  but  of  union  with 
Christ.  It  is  through  union  that  justification  is 
ours;  the  merits  of  the  Head  are  for  the  member. 
It  is  through  union  that  spiritual  liberty  and  power 
are  ours;  the  Spirit  of  life  is  from  the  Head  to  the 
member.  Held  by  grace  in  this  profound  and  multi- 
plex connection,  where  life,  love  and  law  are  inter- 
laced, the  Christian  is  entitled  to  an  assurance  full 
of  joy  that  nothing  shall  separate  him,  soul  and 
(ultimately)  body,  from  his  once  sacrificed  and  now 
risen  and  triumphant  Lord.  .  . 

(4)  The  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  of  God.— No  writing 
of  the  NT  but  St.  John's  Gospel  is  so  full  upon  this 
great  theme  as  Rom.     Ch  8  may  be  said  to  be  the 


locus  classicus  in  the  Epp.  for  the  work  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  in  the  believer.  By  implication  it  reveals 
personality  as  well  as  power  (see  esp.  ver26).  Note 
particularly  the  place  of  this  great  passage,  in  which 
revelation  and  profoundest  conditions  run  con- 
tinually into  each  other.  It  foUows  ch  7,  in  which 
the  apostle  depicts,  in  terms  of  his  own  profound 
and  typical  experience,  the  struggles  of  conscience 
and  will  over  the  awful  problem  of  the  "bondage" 
of  indwelling  sin.  If  we  interpret  the  passage  aright, 
the  case  supposed  is  that  of  a  regenerate  man,  who, 
however,  attempts  the  struggle  against  inward 
evil  armed,  as  to  consciousness,  with  his  own  facul- 
ties merely,  and  finds  the  struggle  insupportable. 
Then  comes  in  the  Divine  solution,  the  promised 
Spirit  of  life  and  liberty,  welcomed  and  put  into 
use  by  the  man  who  has  found  his  own  resources 
vain.  "In  Christ  Jesus,"  in  union  with  Him,  he 
"by  the  Spirit  does  to  death  the  practices  of  the 
body,"  and  rises  through  conscious  liberty  into  an 
exulting  hope  of  "the  liberty  of  the  glory  of  the  sons 
of  God" — not  so,  however,  as  to  know  nothing  of 
"groaning  within  himself,'  while  yet  in  the  body; 
but  it  is  a  groan  which  leaves  intact  the  sense  of 
sonship  and  Divine  love,  and  the  expectation  of  a 
final  completeness  of  redemption. 

(5)  The  doctrine  of  duty. — While  the  Ep.  is  emi- 
nently a  message  of  salvation,  it  is  also,  in  vital 
connection  with  this,  a  treasury  of  principle  and  pre- 
cept for  the  fife  of  duty.  It  does  indeed  lay  down 
the  sovereign  freedom  of  our  acceptance  for  Christ's 
sake  alone,  and  so  absolutely  that  (6  1.2.15)  the 
writer  anticipates  the  inference  (by  foes,  or  by  mis- 
taken friends),  "Let  us  continue  in  sin."  But  the 
answer  comes  instantly,  and  mainly  through  the 
doctrine  of  union.  Our  pardon  is  not  an  isolated 
fact.  Secured  only  by  Christ's  sacrifice,  received 
only  by  the  faith  which  receives  Him  as  our  all,  it 
is  ipso  facto  never  received  alone  but  with  all  His 
other  gifts,  for  it  becomes  ours  as  we  receive,  not 
merely  one  truth  about  Him,  but  Him.  Therefore, 
we  receive  His  Life  as  our  true  life;  and  it  is  morally 
unthinkable  that  we  can  receive  this  and  express 
it  in  sin.  This  assumed,  the  Ep.  (ch  12  and  on- 
ward) lays  down  with  much  detail  and  in  admirable 
appKcation  large  ranges  of  the  law  of  duty,  civil, 
social,  personal,  embracing  duties  to  the  state, 
loyalty  to  its  laws,  payment  of  its  taxes,  recognition 
of  the  sacredness  of  political  order,  even  ministered 
by  pagans;  and  also  duties  to  society  and  the 
church,  including  a  large  and  loving  tolerance  even 
in  rehgious  matters,  and  a  response  to  every  call 
of  the  law  of  unselfish  love.  However  we  can  or 
cannot  adjust  mentally  the  two  sides,  that  of  a 
supremely  free  salvation  and  that  of  an  inexorable 
responsibility,  there  the  two  sides  are,  in  the  Pauline 
message.  And  reason  and  faith  combine  to  assure 
us  that  both  sides  are  eternally  true,  "antinomies" 
whose  harmony  will  be  explained  hereafter  in  a 
higher  life,  but  which  are  to  be  lived  out  here  con- 
currently by  the  true  disciple,  assured  of  their  ulti- 
mate oneness  of  source  in  the  eternal  love. 

(6)  The  doctrine  of  Israel. — Very  briefly  we  touch 
on  this  department  of  the  message  of  Rom,  mainly 
to  point  out  that  the  problem  of  Israel's  unbelief 
nowhere  else  in  St.  Paul  appears  as  so  heavy  a 
load  on  his  heart,  and  that  on  the  other  hand  we 
nowhere  else  have  anything  like  the  light  he  claims 
to  throw  (ch  11)  on  Israel's  future.  Here,  if  any- 
where, he  appears  as  the  predictive  prophet,  charged 
with  the  statement  of  a  "mystery,"  and  with  the 
announcement  of  its  issues.  The  promises  to  Israel 
have  never  failed,  nor  are  they  canceled.  At  the 
worst,  they  have  always  been  inherited  by  a  chosen 
remnant,  Israel  within  Israel.  And  a  time  is  com- 
ing when,  in  a  profound  connection  with  Messianic 
blessing  on  the  Gentiles,  "all  Israel  shall  be  saved," 


Rome 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2618 


with  a  salvation  which  shall  in  turn  be  new  life  to 
the  world  outside  Israel.  Throughout  the  passage 
St.  Paul  speaks,  not  as  one  who  "will  not  give  up  a 
hope,"  but  as  having  had  revealed  to  him  a  vast 
and  definite  prospect,  in  the  Divine  purpose. 

It  is  not  possible  in  our  present  space  to  work  out 
other  Mnes  of  the  message  of  Rom.  Perhaps  enough 
has  been  done  to  stimulate  the  reader's  own  in- 
quiries. 

LiTEHATUBE. — Of  the  Fathers,  Chrysostom  and 
Augustine  are  preeminent  as  interpreters  of  Rom: 
Chrysostom  in  his  e-xpository  Homilies,  models  of  elo- 
quent and  illuminating  discourse,  full  of  "sanctified 
conunon  sense,"  while  not  perfectly  appreciative  of  the 
inmost  doctrinal  characteristics;  Augustine,  not  in  any 
continuous  comm.,  but  in  his  anti-Pelagian  writings, 
which  show  the  sympathetic  intensitj^  of  his  study  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Ep.,  not  so  much  on  justification  as  on 
grace  and  the  will.  Of  the  Reformers,  Calvin  is  emi- 
nently the  great  commentator,  almost  modern  in  his 
constant  aim  to  ascertain  the  sacred  writer's  meaning 
by  open-eyed  inference  direct  from  the  words.  On 
Rom  he  is  at  his  best;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  on  cer- 
tain leading  passages  where  grace  is  the  theme  he  is 
much  less  rigidly  "  Calvinistic "  than  some  of  his  fol- 
lowers. In  modern  times,  the  not  learned  but  masterly 
exposition  of  Robert  Haldane  (c  1830)  claims  mention, 
and  the  eloquent  and  highly  suggestive  expository  lec- 
tures (about  the  same  date)  of  Thomas  Chalmers.  "H.  A. 
W.  Meyer  {.5th  ed,  1872,  ET  1873-74)  among  the  Ger- 
mans is  exceUent  for  carefulness  and  insight:  Godet  (1879, 
ET  1881)  equally  so  among  French-writing  divines:  of 
late  English  interpreters  I.  A.  Beet  (1877,  many  revisions), 
Sanday  and  Headlam  (1895,  in  the  "International"  series) 
and  E.  H.  Gifford  (admirable  for  scholarship  and  exposi- 
tion; his  work  was  printed  first  in  the  Speaker's  [Bible] 
Comm.,  ISSl,  now  separately)  claim  particular  mention. 
J.  Denney  "writes  on  Rom  in  The  Expositor's  Gr  Test. 
(1900). 

Luther's  Iccttu'es  on  Rom,  delivered  in  1516-17  and 
long  supposed  lost,  have  been  recovered  and  were  pub- 
lished by  J.  Ficker  in  1908.  Among  modern  German 
commentators,  the  most  important  is  B.  "U^iss  in  the 
later  revisions  of  the  I^Ieyer  series  (9th  ed,  1899),  while 
a  very  elaborate  comm.  has  been  produced  by  Zahn  in 
his  own  series  (1910).  Briefer  are  the  works  of  Lipsius 
(Haud-Kommentar,  2d  ed,  1892,  very  scholarly  and  sug- 
gestive) ;  Lietzmann  (Handbuch  zum-  NT,  interest  chiefly 
linguistic),  and  Jiilicher  (in  J.  Weiss,  Schriften  des  2\[Ts, 
2d  ed,  1908,  an  intensely  able  piece  of  popular  ex- 
position). 

A.  E.  Garvie  has  written  a  brilliant  little  comm. in  the 
"[New]  Century"  series  (no  date) ;  that  of  R.  St.  John 
Parry  in  the  Cambridge  Gr  Test,,  1913,  is  more  popular, 
despite  its  use  of  the  Gr  text.  P.  B.  Westcott's  St.  Paul 
and  Justification,  1913,  Contains  a  close  grammatical 
study  with  an  excellent  paraphrase. 

The  writer  may  be  allowed  to  name  his  short  comm. 
(1879)  in  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and  a  fuller 
one,  in  a  more  homiletic  style,  in  the  Expositor's  Bible, 
1894, 

Handley  Dunelm 
ROME,  rom: 

I.     Development  of  the  Republic.\n  Coxstitution 

1.  Original  Roman  State 

2.  Struggle  between  Patricians  and  Plebeians 

3.  The  Senate  and  JNIagistrates 

4.  Underlying  Principles 

II.     Extension  of  Rom.\n  Sovereignty 

III.  The  I.mperial  Government 

1.  Imperial  Authority 

2.  Three  Classes  of  Citizens 

IV.  R0.MAN  Religion 

1.  Deities 

2.  Religious  Decay 
V.     Rome   and   the  .Jews 

1.  .Tudaeaunder  Roman  Procurators  and  Governors 

2.  Jewish  Proselytism 

VI.     Rome   and  the  Christians 

1.  Introduction 

2.  Tolerance  and  Proscription 

3.  Persecution 
Literature 

Rome  (Lat  and  Ital.  Roma;  'Puj|jlt],  Rhome) : 
The  capital  of  the  Rom  republic  and  empire,  later 
the  center  of  Lat  Christendom,  and  since  1871 
capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  is  situated  mainly 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tiber  about  1.5  miles  from 
the  Mediterranean  Sea  in  41°  .5.3'  54"  N,  lat.  and 
12°  0'  12"  long.  E.  of  Greenwich. 

It  wcjuld  be  impo,ssible  in  the  limited  space  a.s- 
signed  to  this  article  to  give  even  a  comprehensive 
outline  of  the  ancient  history  of  the  Eternal  City. 
It   win   suit   the  general  purpose  of  the  work  to 


consider  the  relations  of  the  Rom  government  and 
society  with  the  Jews  and  Christians,  and,  in  addi- 
tion, to  present  a  rapid  sur^'ey  of  the  earUer  devel- 
opment of  Rom  institutions  and  power,  so  as  to 
provide  the  necessary  historical  setting  for  the 
appreciation  of  the  more  essential  subjects. 

/.  Development  of  the  Republican  Constitution. 
— The  traditional  chronology  for  the  earhest  period 
of  Rom  history  is  altogether  unreli- 
1.  Original    able,    partly    because   the    Gauls,    in 
Roman  ravaging    the    city    in  390   BC,    de- 

State  stroyed  the  monuments  which  might 

have  offered  faithful  testimony  of  the 
earlier  period  (Li'^^y  vi.l).  It  is  known  that  there 
was  a  settlement  on  the  site  of  Rome  before  the 
traditional  date  of  the  founding  (753  BC).  The 
original  Rom  state  was  the  product  of  the  coalition 
of  a  number  of  adjacent  clan-communities,  whose 
names  were  perpetuated  in  the  Rom  gentes,  or 
groups  of  imaginary  kindred,  a  historical  survival 
which  had  lost  aU  significance  in  the  period  of 
authentic  history.  The  chieftains  of  the  associated 
clans  composed  the  primitive  senate  or  council  of 
elders,  which  exercised  sovereign  authority.  But 
as  is  customary  in  the  development  of  human  society 
a  mihtary  or  monarchical  regime  succeeded  the 
looser  patriarchal  or  sacerdotal  organs  of  authority. 
This  second  stage  may  be  identified  with  the 
legendary  rule  of  the  Tarquins,  which  -tvas  probably 
a  period  of  Etruscan  domination.  The  confederacy 
of  clans  was  welded  into  a  homogeneous  poUtical 
entity,  and  society  was  organized  for  civic  ends, 
upon  a  timocratic  basis.  The  forum  was  drained 
and  became  a  social,  industrial  and  political  center, 
and  the  CapitoUne  temple  of  Jupiter,  Juno,  and 
Minerva  (Etruscan  pseudo-Hellenic  deities)  was 
erected  as  a  common  shrine  for  aU  the  people.  But 
above  aU  the  Romans  are  indebted  to  these  foreign 
kings  for  a  training  in  disciphne  and  obedience 
which  w^as  exempUfied  in  the  later  conception  of 
magisterial  authority  signified  by  the  term  im- 
perium. 

The  prerogatives  of  the  kings  passed  over  to  the 
consuls.  The  reduction  of  the  tenure  of  power  to 
a  single  year  and  the  institution  of  the  principle 
of  coUeagueship  were  the  earhest  checks  to  the 
abuse  of  unlimited  authority.  But  the  true  corner- 
stone of  Rom  Kberty  was  thought  to  be  the  lex 
Valeria,  which  provided  that  no  citizen  should  be 
put  to  death  by  a  magistrate  without  being  allowed 
the  right  of  appeal  to  the  decision  of  the  assembly 
of  the  people. 

A  period  of  more  than  150  years  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  repubhc  was  consumed  chiefly  by  the 
struggle  between  the  two  classes  or 
2.  Struggle  orders,  the  patricians  and  plebeians, 
between  The  former  were  the  descendants  of 
Patricians  the  original  clans  and  constituted  the 
and    ^  populus,   or   body-politic,    in   a   more 

Plebeians  particular  sense.  The  plebeians  were 
descendants  of  former  slaves  and  de- 
pendents, or  of  strangers  who  had  been  attracted 
to  Rome  by  the  obvious  advantages  for  industry 
and  trade.  They  enjoyed  the  franchise  as  mem- 
bers of  the  mihtary  assembly  (comitia  centuriata), 
but  had  no  share  in  the  magistracies  or  other  civic 
honors  and  emoluments,  and  were  excluded  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  civil  law  which  was  handed 
down  in  the  patrician  families  as  an  oral  tradition. 
The  first  step  in  the  progress  of  the  plebeians 
toward  political  equality  was  taken  when  they 
wrested  from  the  patricians  the  privilege  of  choosing 
representatives  from  among  themselves,  the  trib- 
unes, whose  function  of  bearing  aid  to  oppressed 
plebeians  was  rendered  effective  by  the  right  of 
veto  (inlerccssio) ,  by  virtue  of  which  any  act  of  a 
magistrate  could  be  arrested.     The  codification  of 


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Rome 


the  law  in  the  Twelve  Tables  was  a  distinct  ad- 
vantage to  the  lower  classes,  because  the  evils  which 
they  had  suffered  were  largely  due  to  a  harsh  and 
abusive  interpretation  of  legal  institutions,  the 
nature  of  which  had  been  obscure  (see  Roman 
Law).  The  abrogation,  directly  thereafter,  of  the 
prohibition  of  intermarriage  between  the  classes 
resulted  in  their  gradual  intermingling. 

The  kings  had  reduced  the  senate  to  the  position 
of  a  mere  advising  body.  But  under  the  republi- 
can regime  it  recovered  in  fact  the 
3.  Senate  authority  of  which  it  was  deprived  in 
and  Magis-  theory.  The  controlling  power  of  the 
trates  senate  is  the  most  significant  feature 

of  the  republican  government,  although 
it  was  recognized  by  no  statute  or  other  constitu- 
tional document.  It  was  due  in  part  to  the  diminu- 
tion of  the  power  of  the  magistrates,  and  in  part 
to  the  manner  in  which  the  senators  were  chosen. 
The  lessening  of  the  authority  of  the  magistrates 
was  the  result  of  the  increase  in  their  number, 
which  led  not  only  to  the  curtailment  of  the  actual 
prerogative  of  each,  but  also  to  the  contraction  of 
their  aggregate  independent  influence.  The  aug- 
mentation of  the  number  of  magistrates  was  made 
necessary  by  the  territorial  expansion  of  the  state 
and  the  elaboration  of  administration.  But  it  was 
partly  the  result  of  plebeian  agitation.  The  events 
of  367  BC  may  serve  as  a  suitable  example  to  illus- 
trate the  action  of  these  influences.  For  when  the 
plebeians  carried  by  storm  the  citadel  of  patrician 
exclusiveness  in  gaining  admission  to  the  consul- 
ship, the  highest  regular  magistracy,  the  necessity 
for  another  magistrate  with  general  competency 
afforded  an  opportunity  for  making  a  compensating 
concession  to  the  patricians,  and  the  praetorship 
was  created,  to  which  at  first  members  of  the  old 
aristocracy  were  alone  eligible.  Under  the  fully 
developed  constitution  the  regular  magistracies 
were  five  in  number,  consulship,  praetorship, 
aedileship,  tribunate,  and  quaestorship,  aU  of  which 
were  filled  by  annual  elections. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  manner  of  choosing 
the  members  of  the  senate  as  a  factor  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  authority  of  the  supreme  council. 
At  first  the  highest  executive  officers  of  the  state 
exercised  the  right  of  selecting  new  members  to 
maintain  the  senators  at  the  normal  number  of 
three  hundred.  Later  this  fimction  was  transferred 
to  the  censors  who  were  elected  at  intervals  of  five 
years.  But  custom  and  later  statute  ordained  that 
the  most  distinguished  citizens  should  be  chosen, 
and  in  the  Rom  community  the  highest  standard  of 
distinction  was  service  to  the  state,  in  other  words, 
the  holding  of  public  magistracies.  It  followed, 
therefore,  that  the  senate  was  in  reality  an  assem- 
bly of  aU  living  ex-magistrates.  The  senate  in- 
cluded, moreover,  all  the  poUtical  wisdom  and 
experience  of  the  community,  and  so  great  was  its 
prestige  for  these  reasons,  that,  although  the  ex- 
pression of  its  opinion  (senatus  consuUum)  was 
endowed  by  law  with  no  compelUng  force,  it  inevi- 
tably guided  the  conduct  of  the  consulting  magis- 
trate, who  was  practically  its  minister,  rather  than 

When  the  plebeians  gained  admission  to  the  mag- 
istracies, the  patriciate  lost  its  political  significance. 
But  only  the  wealthier  plebeian  famihes  were  able 
to  profit  by  this  extension  of  privilege,  inasniuch 
as  a  poHtical  career  required  freedom  from  gainful 
pursuits  and  also  personal  influence.  These  ple- 
beian families  readily  coalesced  with  the  patricians 
and  formed  a  new  aristocracy,  which  is  called  the 
nobilitas  for  the  sake  of  distinction.  It  rested  ulti- 
mately upon  the  foundation  of  wealth.  The  dig- 
nity conferred  by  the  holding  of  pubUc  magistra- 
cies was  its  title  to  distinction.     The  senate  was  its 


organ.  Rome  was  never  a  true  democracy  except 
in  theory.  During  the  whole  period  embraced  be- 
tween the  final  levelhng  of  the  old  distinctions  based 
upon  blood  (287  BC)  and  the  beginning  of  the 
period  of  revolution  (1.33  BC),  the  magistracies  were 
occupied  almost  exclusively  by  the  representatives 
of  the  comparatively  limited  number  of  families 
which  constituted  the  aristocracy.  These  alone 
entered  the  senate  through  the  doorway  of  the 
magistracies,  and  the  data  would  almost  justify 
U3  in  asserting  that  the  repubhcan  and  senatorial 
government  were  substantially  and  chronologically 
identical. 

The  seeds  of  the  political  and  social  revolution 
were  sown  during  the  Second  Punic  War  and  the 
period  which  followed  it.  The  prorogation  of  mili- 
tary authority  established  a  dangerous  precedent 
in  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  repubhc,  so  that 
Pub.  Cornelius  Scipio  was  really  the  forerunner  of 
Marius,  Julius  Caesar,  and  Augustus.  The  stream 
of  gold  which  found  its  way  from  the  provinces  to 
Rome  was  a  bait  to  attract  the  cupidity  of  the  less 
scrupulous  senators,  and  led  to  the  growth  of  the 
worst  kind  of  professionalism  in  politics.  The 
middle  class  of  small  farmers  decayed  for  various 
reasons;  the  allurement  of  service  in  the  rich  but 
effete  countries  of  the  Orient  attracted  many.  The 
cheapness  of  slaves  made  independent  farming 
unprofitable  and  led  to  the  increase  in  large  estates; 
the  cultivation  of  grain  was  partly  displaced  by 
that  of  the  vine  and  oUve,  which  were  less  suited 
to  the  habits  and  ability  of  the  older  class  of  farmers. 

The  more  immediate  cause  of  the  revolution  was 
the  inabihty  of  the  senate  as  a  whole  to  control  the 
conduct  of  its  more  radical  or  violent  members. 
For  as  poUtical  ambition  became  more  ardent  with 
the  increase  in  the  material  prizes  to  be  gained, 
aspiring  leaders  turned  their  attention  to  the  people, 
and  sought  to  attain  the  fulfilment  of  their  pur- 
poses by  popular  legislation  setting  at  nought  the 
concurrence  of  the  senate,  which  custom  had  con- 
secrated as  a  requisite  preliminary  for  popular  ac- 
tion. The  loss  of  initiative  by  the  senate  meant  the 
subversion  of  senatorial  government.  The  senate 
possessed  in  the  veto  power  of  the  tribunes  a 
weapon  for  coercing  unruly  magistrates,  for  one  of 
the  ten  tribunes  could  always  be  induced  to  inter- 
pose his  veto  to  prohibit  the  passage  of  popular 
legislation.  But  this  weapon  was  broken  when  Tib. 
Gracchus  declared  in  133  BC  that  a  tribune  who 
opposed  the  wishes  of  the  people  was  no  longer  then- 
representative,  and  sustained  this  assertion. 

It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  the  present 
article  to  trace  the  vicissitudes  of  the  civil  strife 
of  the  last  century  of  the  republic.  A 
4.  Under-  few  words  will  suffice  to  suggest  the 
lying  general  principles  which  lay  beneath 

Principles  the  surface  of  political  and  social 
phenomena.  Attention  has  been  called 
to  the  ominous  development  of  the  influence  of 
military  commanders  and  the  increasing  empha- 
sis of  popular  favor.  These  were  the  most  im- 
portant tendencies  throughout  this  period,  and  the 
coahtion  of  the  two  was  fatal  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  senatorial  government.  Marius  after  winning 
unparalleled  military  glory  formed  a  political  alli- 
ance with  Glaucia  and  Satuminus,  the  leaders  of 
the  popular  faction  in  the  city  in  100  BC.  This 
was  a  turning-point  in  the  course  of  the  revolution. 
But  the  importance  of  the  sword  soon  outweighed 
that  of  the  populace  in  the  combination  which  was 
thus  constituted.  In  the  civil  wars  of  Marius  and 
Sulla  constitutional  questions  were  decided  for  the 
first  time  by  superiority  of  military  strength  exclu- 
sively. Repeated  appeals  to  brute  force  dulled  the 
perception  for  constitutional  restraints  and  the 
rights  of  minorities.     The  senate  had  already  dis- 


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2620 


jilayed  signs  of  partial  paralysis  at  the  time  of  the 
Gracchi.  How  rapidly  its  debility  must  have  in- 
creased as  the  sword  cut  off  its  most  stalwart  mem- 
bers! Its  power  expired  in  the  proscriptions,  or 
organized  murder  of  poUtical  opponents.  The 
popular  party  was  nominally  triumphant,  but  in 
theory  the  Rom  state  was  still  an  urban  common- 
wealth with  a  single  poUtical  center.  The  fran- 
chise could  be  exercised  only  at  Rome.  It  followed 
from  this  that  the  actual  political  assemblies  were 
made  up  largely  of  the  worthless  element  which 
was  so  numerous  in  the  city,  whose  irrational  in- 
stincts were  guided  and  controlled  by  shrewd 
political  leaders,  particularly  those  who  united  in 
themselves  military  ability  and  the  wiles  of  the 
demagogue.  Sulla,  Crassus,  JuUus  Caesar,  Antony, 
and  lastly  Octavian  were  in  effect  the  ancient 
counterpart  of  the  modern  pohtical  "boss."  When 
such  men  realized  their  ultimate  power  and  inevi- 
table rivalry,  the  ensuing  struggle  for  supremacy 
and  for  the  survival  of  the  fittest  formed  the  neces- 
sary process  of  elimination  leading  naturally  to  the 
establishment  of  the  monarchy,  which  was  in  this 
case  the  rule  of  the  last  survivor.  When  Octavian 
received  the  title  Augustus  and  the  proconsular 
power  (27  BC),  the  transformation  was  accom- 
plished. 

Literature. — The  standard  work  on  Rom  political 
institutions  is  Mommsen  and  Marquardt,  Handbuch  der 
klassischen  AUertilmer.  Abbott,  Rom  Political  Institu- 
tions, Boston  and  London,  1901,  offers  a  useful  summary 
treatment  of  the  subject. 

//,  Extension  of  Roman  Sovereignty. — See  Ro- 
man Empire  and  Christianity,  I. 

Literature. — Only  the  most  important  general  works 
on  Rom  history  can  be  mentioned:  Ihne,  Rijmische 
Geschichte  (2d  ed),  Leipzig,  1893-96,  ET,  Longmans, 
London,  1871-82:  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  ET  by 
Dickson,  New  York,  1874:  Niebuhr,  History  of  Rome, 
ET  by  Hare  and  Thirlwall,  Cambridge,  18.31-32:  Pais, 
Storia  di  Roma,  Turin,  1898-99;  Ferrero,  Greatness  and 
Decline  of  Rome,  ET  by  Zimmem,  New  York,  1909. 

///.  The  Imperial  Government. — Augustus  dis- 
played considerable  tact  in  blending  his  own  mastery 
in  the  state  with  the  old  institutions 
1.  Imperial  of  the  republican  constitution.  His 
Authority  authority,  legally,  rested  mainly  upon 
the  tribunician  power,  which  he  had 
probably  received  as  early  as  36  BC,  but  which 
was  established  on  a  better  basis  in  23  BC,  and  the 
proconsular  prerogative  (imperium  proconsulare), 
conferred  in  27  BC.  By  virtue  of  the  first  he  was 
empowered  to  summon  the  senate  or  assemblies 
and  could  veto  the  action  of  almost  any  magistrate. 
The  second  title  of  authority  conferred  upon  him 
the  command  of  the  military  forces  of  the  state 
and  consequently  the  administration  of  the  prov- 
inces where  troops  were  stationed,  besides  a  general 
supervision  over  the  government  of  the  other 
provinces.  It  follows  that  a  distinction  was  made 
(27  BC)  between  the  imperial  provinces  which  were 
administered  by  the  emperor's  representatives 
(legati  Augusti  pro  praelore)  and  the  senatorial 
provinces  where  the  republican  machinery  of  ad- 
ministration was  retained.  The  governors  of  the 
latter  were  called  generally  proconsuls  (see  Prov- 
ince). Mention  is  made  of  two  proconsuls  in  the 
NT,  Galho  in  Achaia  (Acts  18  12}  and  Sergius 
Paulus  in  Cyprus  (13  7).  It  is  instructive  to  com- 
pare the  lenient  and  common-sense  attitude  of  these 
trained  Rom  aristocrats  with  that  of  the  turbulent 
local  mobs  who  dealt  with  St.  Paul  in  Asia  Minor, 
Judaea,  or  Greece  (Tucker,  Life  in  the  Rom  World 
of  Nero  and  St.  Paul,  New  York,  1910,  9.5). 

Rom  citizens  were  still  divided  into  three  classes 
socially,  senatorial,  equestrian,  and  plebeian,  and 
the  whole  system  of  government  harmonized  with 
this  triple  division.  The  senatorial  class  was  com- 
posed of  descendants  of  senators  and  those  upon 


whom  the  emperors  conferred  the  lalus  clavus,  or 
privilege  of   wearing  the  tunic  with  broad  purple 

border,  the  sign  of  membership  in  this 
2.  Three  order.  The  quaestorship  was  stiU  the 
Classes  of  door  of  admission  to  the  senate._  The 
Citizens         qualifications  for  membership   in  the 

senate  were  the  possession  of  senatorial 
rank  and  property  of  the  value  of  not  less  than 
1,000,000  sesterces  ($45,000;  £9,000).  Tiberius 
transferred  the  election  of  magistrates  from  the 
people  to  the  senate,  which  was  already  practically 
a  closed  body.  Under  the  empire  senatus  consulla 
received  the  force  of  law.  Likewise  the  senate 
acquired  judicial  functions,  sitting  as  a  court  of 
justice  for  trying  important  criminal  cases  and 
hearing  appeals  in  civil  cases  from  the  senatorial 
provinces.  The  equestrian  class  was  made  up  of 
those  who  possessed  property  of  the  value  of  400,000 
sesterces  or  more,  and  the  privilege  of  wearing  the 
narrow  purple  band  on  the  tunic.  With  the  knights 
the  emperors  filled  many  important  financial  and 
administrative  positions  in  Italy  and  the  provinces 
which  were  under  their  control. 

IV.  Roman  Religion. — (1)  The  Rom  religion 
was  originally  more  consistent  than  the  Gr,  because 

the  deities  as  conceived  by  the  un- 
1.  Deities      imaginative  Lat  genius  were  entirely 

without  human  character.  They  were 
the  influences  or  forces  which  directed  the  visible 
phenomena  of  the  physical  world,  whose  favor  was 
necessary  to  the  material  prosperity  of  mankind. 
It  would  be  incongruous  to  assume  the  existence  of 
a  system  of  theological  doctrines  in  the  primitive 
period.  Ethical  considerations  entered  to  only  a 
limited  extent  into  the  attitude  of  the  Romans 
toward  their  gods.  Religion  partook  of  the  nature 
of  a  contract  by  which  men  pledged  themselves  to 
the  scrupulous  observance  of  certain  sacrifices  and 
other  ceremonies,  and  in  return  deemed  themselves 
entitled  to  expect  the  active  support  of  the  gods  in 
bringing  their  projects  to  a  fortunate  conclusion. 
The  Romans  were  naturally  polytheists  as  a  result 
of  their  conception  of  divinity.  Since  before  the 
dawn  of  science  there  was  no  semblance  of  unity 
in  the  natural  world,  there  could  be  no  unity  in 
heaven.  There  must  be  a  controlhng  spirit  over 
every  important  object  or  class  of  objects,  every 
person,  and  every  process  of  nature.  The  gods, 
therefore,  were  more  numerous  than  mankind  itself. 

(2)  At  an  early  period  the  government  became 
distinctly  secular.  The  priests  were  the  servants 
of  the  community  for  preserving  the  venerable 
aggregation  of  formulae  and  ceremonies,  many  of 
which  lost  at  an  early  period  such  spirit  as  they 
once  possessed.  The  magistrates  were  the  true 
representatives  of  the  community  in  its  relation- 
ship with  the  deities  both  in  seeking  the  divine  will 
in  the  auspices  and  in  performing  the  more  impor- 
tant sacrifices. 

(3)  The  Romans  at  first  did  not  make  statues  of 
their  gods.  This  was  partly  due  to  lack  of  skill, 
but  mainly  to  the  vagueness  of  their  conceptions 
of  the  higher  beings.  Symbols  sufficed  to  signify 
their  existence,  a  spear,  tor  instance,  standing  for 
Mars.  The  process  of  reducing  the  gods  to  human 
form  was  inaugurated  when  they  came  into  contact 
with  the  Etruscans  and  Greeks.  The  Tarquins 
summoned  Etruscan  artisans  and  artists  to  Rome, 
who  made  from  terra  cotta  cultus  statues  and  a 
pediment  group  for  the  CapitoUne  temple. 

The  types  of  the  Gr  deities  had  already  been  definitely 
established  when  the  Hellenic  influence  in  molding 
Rom  culture  became  predominant.  When  the  form  of 
the  Gr  gods  became  familiar  to  the  Romans  in  works  of 
sculpture,  they  gradually  supplanted  those  Rom  deities 
with  which  they  were  nominally  identifled  as  a  result  of  a 
real  or  fancied  resemblance.      See  Greece,  Religion  in. 

(4)  The  importation  of  new  gods  was  a  comparatively 


2621 


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Rome 


easy  matter.  Polytheism  is  by  its  natm-e  tolerant  be- 
cause of  its  indeflniteness.  The  Romans  could  no  more 
presume  to  have  exhaustive  knowledge  ol  the  gods  than 
they  could  pretend  to  possess  a  comprehensive  acquaint- 
ance with  the  universe.  The  nimiber  of  their  gods  in- 
creased of  necessity  as  human  consciousness  of  natural 
phenomena  expanded.  Besides,  it  was  customary  to 
invite  the  gods  of  conquered  cities  to  transfer  their  abode 


.^ 

f^m 

^Rf*  ■•--»... 

! 

11 

J 

-•^ 

"^ 

^ 

^/'^^ 

'■-' i*  ' 

^;'i%-.. , 

U. 

L-^ 

Pautlicon. 

to  Rome  and  favor  the  Romans  in  their  undertakings. 
But  the  most  productive  source  for  religious  expansion 
was  the  Sibylhne  Books.  See  Apoc.vlyptic  Literature, 
V.  This  oracular  work  was  brought  to  Rome  from 
Cumae,  a  center  of  the  cult  of  Apollo.  It  was  consulted 
at  times  of  crisis  with  a  view  to  discover  what  special 
ceremonies  would  secure  adequate  divine  aid.  The  forms 
of  worship  recommended  by  the  Sibylhne  Books  were 
exclusively  Gr.  As  early  as  the  5th  cent.  BC  the  cult 
of  ApoUo  was  introduced  at  Rome.  Heracles  and  the 
Dioscuri  found  their  way  thither  about  the  same  time. 
Later  Italian  Diana  was  merged  with  Artemis,  and  the 
group  of  Ceres,  Liber,  and  Libera  were  identified  with 
foreign  Demeter,  Dionysus,  and  Persephone.  Thus 
Rom  religion  became  progressively  Hellenized.  By  the 
close  of  the  Second  Punic  War  the  greater  gods  of  Greece 
had  all  found  a  home  by  the  Tiber,  and  the  myriad  of 
petty  local  deities  who  found  no  counterpart  in  the 
celes'tial  beings  of  Mt.  Olympus  fell  into  oblivion.  Their 
memory  was  retained   by  the  antiquarian   lore  of   the 

friests  alone    (see   Roman   Empire   and   Christianity, 
II,  1). 

Rom  religion  received  with  the  engrafted 
branches  of  Gr  rehgion  the  germs  of  rapid  decay, 
for  its  Hellenization  made  Rom  reli- 
2.  Religious  gion  peculiarly  susceptible  to  the  attack 
Decay  of   philosophy.     The  cultivated  class 

in  Gr  society  was  already  permeated 
with  skepticism.  The  philosophers  made  the  gods 
appear  ridiculous.  Gr  philosophy  gained  a  firm 
foothold  in  Rome  in  the  2d  cent.  BC,  and  it  became 
customary  a  little  later  to  look  upon  Athens  as  a 
sort  of  university  town  where  the  sons  of  the  aris- 
tocracy should  be  sent  for  the  completion  of  their 
education  in  the  schools  of  the  philosophers.  Thus 
at  the  termination  of  the  republican  era  rehgious 
faith  had  departed  from  the  upper  classes  largely, 
and  during  the  turmoil  of  the  civil  wars  even  the 
external  ceremonies  were  often  abandoned  and 
many  temples  fell  into  ruins.  There  had  never 
been  any  intimate  connection  between  formal 
reUgion  and  conduct,  except  when  the  faith  of  the 
gods  was  invoked  to  insure  the  fulfibnent  of  sworn 
promises. 

Augustus  tried  in  every  way  to  restore  the  old 
rehgion,  rebuilding  no  fewer  than  82  temples  which 
lay  in  ruins  at  Rome.  A  revival  of  religious  faith 
did  occur  under  the  empire,  although  its  spirit  was 
largely  ahen  to  that  which  had  been  displayed  in 
the  performance  of  the  official  cult.  The  people 
remained  superstitious,  even  when  the  cultivated 
classes  adopted  a  skeptical  philosophy.  The 
formal  religion  of  the  state  no  longer  appealed  to 
them    since  it  offered  nothing  to  the  emotions  or 


hopes.  On  the  other  hand  the  sacramental,  mys- 
terious character  of  oriental  religions  inevitably 
attracted  them.  This  is  the  reason  why  the  reli- 
gions of  Egypt  and  Syria  spread  over  the  empire  and 
exercised  an  immeasurable  influence  in  the  moral 
life  of  the  people.  The  partial  success  of  Judaism 
and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  Christianity  may  be  as- 
cribed in  part  to  the  same  causes. 

In  concluding  we  should  bear  in  mind  that  the 
state  dictated  no  system  of  theology,  that  the  em- 
pire in  the  beginning  presented  the  spectacle  of  a 
sort  of  religious  chaos  where  all  national  cults  were 
guaranteed  protection,  that  Rom  polytheism  was 
naturally  tolerant,  and  that  the  only  form  of  religion 
which  the  state  could  not  endure  was  one  which  was 
equivalent  to  an  attack  upon  the  system  of  poly- 
theism as  a  whole,  since  this  would  imperil  the  wel- 
fare of  the  community  by  depriving  the  deities  of 
the  offerings  and  other  services  in  return  for  which 
their  favor  could  be  expected. 

Literature. — Marquardt,  Rlimische  SiaaUverwaltung, 
III,  3,  "Das  Sacralwesen " ;  Wissowa,  Religion  u.  Kul~ 
tus  der  RSmer,  Munich,  1902;  Boissier,  La  religion  to- 
maine,  Paris,  1SS4. 

V.  Rome  and  the  Jews. — Judaea  became  a  part 
of  the  province  of  Syria  in  63  BC  (Jos,  BJ,  vh,  7), 
and  Hyrcanus,  brother  of  the  last 
1.  Judaea  king,  remained  as  high  priest  {archier- 
under  etls   kai   ethndrches;    Jos,    Ant,   XIV, 

Roman  iv,  4)  invested  with  judicial  as  well  as 

Procurators  sacerdotal  functions.  But  Antony 
and  and  Octavius   gave  Pal    (40   BC)   as 

Governors  a  kingdom  to  Herod,  sumamed  the 
Great,  although  his  rule  did  not  be- 
come effective  until  3  years  later.  His  sovereignty 
was  upheld  by  a  Rom  legion  stationed  at  Jerus 
(Jos,  A?d,  XV,  iii,  7),  and  he  was  obhged  to  pay 
tribute  to  the  Rom  government  and  provide  auxil- 
iaries for  the  Rom  army  (Appian,  Bell.  Civ.,  v. 75). 
Herod  built  Caesarea  in  honor  of  Augustus  (Jos,  Ant, 
XV,  ix,  6),  and  the  Rom  procurators  later  made  it 
the  seat  of  government.  At  his  death  in  4  BC  the 
kingdom  was  divided  between  his  three  surviving 
sons,  the  largest  portion  falling  to  Archelaus,  who 
ruled  Judaea,  Samaria  and  Idumaea  with  the  title 
ethnarches  (Jos,  Ant,  XVII,  xi,  4)  until  6  AD,  when 
he  was  deposed  and  his  realm  reduced  to  the  position 
of  a  province.  The  administration  by  Rom  proc- 
urators (see  Procurator),  which  was  now  estab- 
hshed,  was  interrupted  during  the  period  41-44  AD, 
when  royal  authority  was  exercised  by  Herod  Agrippa, 
grandson  of  Herod  the  Great,  over  the  lands  which 
had  been  embraced  in  the  kingdom  of  his  grandfather 
(Jos,  Ant,  XIX,  viii,  2),  and,  after  53  AD,  Agrippa  II 
ruled  a  considerable  part  of  Pal  (Jos,  Arit,  XX, 
vii,  1;  viii,  4). 

After  the  fall  of  Jerus  and  the  termination  of  the 
great  revolt  in  70  AD,  Pal  remained  a  separate 
province.  Henceforth  a  legion  (legio  X  Frelensis) 
was  added  to  the  military  forces  stationed  in  the 
land,  which  was  encamped  at  the  ruins  of  Jerus. 
Consequently,  imperial  governors  of  praetorian 
rank  {legati  Augusli  pro  praetore)  took  the  place 
of  the  former  procurators  (Jos,  BJ ,  VII,  i,  2,  3;  Dio 
Cassiuslv.23). 

Several  treaties  are  recorded  between  the  Ro- 
mans and  Jews  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Macca- 
bees (Jos,  Ant,  XII,  X,  6;  XIII,  ix,  2;  viii,  5),  and 
Jews  are  known  to  have  been  at  Rome  as  early  as  138 
BC.  They  became  very  numerous  in  the  capital 
after  the  return  of  Pompey  who  brought  back  many 
captives  (see  Libertines).  Cicero  speaks  of  mul- 
titudes of  Jews  at  Rome  in  58  BC  {Pro  Flacco  28), 
and  Caesar  was  very  friendly  toward  them  (Sueto- 
nius Caesar  84).  Held  in  favor  by  Augustus,  they 
recovered  the  p  ivilcge  of  collecting  sums  to  send  to 
the  temple  (Philo  Legatio  ad  Caium  40).     Agrippa 


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offered  100  oxen  in  the  temple  when  visiting  Herod 
(Jos,  Ant,  XVI,  ii,  1),  and  Augustus  established  a 
daily  offering  of  a  bull  and  two  lambs.  Upon  the 
whole  the  Rom  government  displayed  noticeable 
consideration  for  the  rehgious  scruples  of  the  Jews. 
They  were  exempted  from  miUtary  service  and 
the  duty  of  appearing  in  court  on  the  Sabbath. 
Yet  Tiberius  repressed  Jewish  rites  in  Rome  in  19 
AD  (Suetonius  Tiberius  36)  and  Claudius  expelled 
the  Jews  from  the  city  in  49  AD  (Suetonius  Clau- 
dius 25) ;  but  in  both  instances  repression  was  not 
of  long  duration. 

The  Jews  made  themselves  notorious  in  Rome 
in  propagating  their  religion  by  means  of  prosely- 
tizing (Horace  Satires  i.4,  142;  i.9, 
2.  Jewish  69;  Juvenal  xiv.96;  Tacitus  Hist. 
Proselytism  v.  5) ,  and  the  hterature  of  the  Augustan 
age  contains  several  references  to  the 
observation  of  the  Sabbath  (TibuUus  i.3;  Ovid 
Ars  amatoria  i.67,  415;  Remedium  amoris  219). 
Proselytes  from  among  the  Gentiles  were  not  always 
required  to  observe  all  the  prescriptions  of  the  Law. 
The  proselytes  of  the  Gate  {sebomenoi),  as  they  were 
called,  renounced  idolatry  and  serious  moral  abuses 
and  abstained  from  the  blood  and  meat  of  suffocated 
animals.  Among  such  proselytes  may  be  included 
the  centurion  of  Capernaum  (Lk  7  5),  the  centu- 
rion ComeKus  (Acts  10  1),  and  the  empress 
Poppaea  (Jos,  Ant,  XX,  vui,  11;  Tacitus  Ann. 
xvi.6). 

On  "proselj'tes  of  the  Gate,"  GJV,  III.  177,  very 
properly  corrects  the  error  in  HJP.  These  "Gate"  people 
were  not  proselytes  at  all ;  they  refused  to  take  the  final 
step  that  carried  them  into  Judaism — viz.  circumcision 
(Ramsay.  Expos,  1896.  p.  200;  Hamack,  Expansion  of 
Cliristianity,  1,  11;  see  Devout;  Proselytes). 

Notwithstanding  the  diffusion  of  Judaism  by 
means  of  proselytism,  the  Jews  themselves  Uved  for 
the  most  part  in  isolation  in  the  poorest  parts  of  the 
city  or  suburbs,  across  the  Tiber,  near  the  Circus 
Maximus,  or  outside  the  Porta  Capena.  Inscrip- 
tions show  that  there  were  seven  communities,  each 
with  its  synagogue  and  councU  of  elders  presided 
over  by  a  gerusiarch.  Five  cemeteries  have  been 
discovered  with  many  Gr,  a  few  Lat,  but  no  Heb 
inscriptions. 

Literature. — Ewald,  The  Hist  of  LsraeLTLT  hy  Smith, 
London,  188.5;  Renan.  Hist  of  the  People  of  Israel.  ET. 
Boston,  1896;  Schiirer,  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of 
Jesus  Christ.  ET  by  MacPherson,  New  York. 

VI.  Rome  and  the  Christians. — The  date  of  the 
introduction  of  Christianity  into  Rome  cannot  be 

determined.  A  Christian  community 
1.  Intro-  existed  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  St. 
duction  of  Paul  (Acts  28  15),  to  which  he  had 
Christianity  addressed  his  Ep.  a  few  years  before 

(58  AD).  It  is  commonly  thought 
that  the  statement  regarding  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jews  from  Rome  under  Claudius  on  account  of  the 
commotion  excited  among  them  by  the  agitation  of 
Chrestus  (Suetonius  Claudius  25:  ludaeos  impul- 
sore  Chresto  assidue  tumultuantis  Roma  expulit), 
probably  in  49  AD,  is  proof  of  the  diffusion  of  Chris- 
tian teaching  in  Rome,  on  the  ground  that  Chrestus 
is  a  colloquial,  or  mistaken,  form  of  Christus.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  the  Christian  faith  was 
brought  to  the  capital  of  the  empire  by  some  of 
the  Romans  who  were  converted  at  the  time  of 
Penfeco.st  (Acts  2  10.41).  It  would  be  out  of  place 
to  discuss  here  the  grounds  for  the  traditional  be- 
hef  that  St.  Peter  was  twice  in  Rome,  once  before 
50  AD  and  again  subsequent  to  the  arrival  of  St. 
Paul,  and  that  together  the  two  apostles  established 
the  church  there.  Our  present  concern  is  with  the 
attitude  of  the  government  and  society  toward 
Christianity,  when  once  estabhshed.  It  may  suf- 
fice, therefore,  to  remind  the  reader  that  St.  Paul 


was  permitted  to  preach  freely  while  nominally  in 
custody  (Phil  1  13),  and  that  as  early  as  64  AD  the 
Christians  were  very  numerous  (Tacitus  Ann.  xv.44: 
multitudo  ingens). 

At  first  the  Christians  were  not  distinguished  from 
the  Jews,  but  shared  in  the  toleration,  or  even  pro- 
tection, which  was  usually  conceded 
2.  Toler-  to  Judaism  as  the  national  rehgion  of 
ance  and  one  of  the  peoples  embraced  within 
Proscription  the  empire.  Christianity  was  not 
legally  proscribed  untU  after  its  dis- 
tinction from  Judaism  was  clearly  perceived.  Two 
questions  demand  our  attention:  (1)  When  was 
Christianity  recognized  as  distinct  from  Judaism? 
(2)  When  was  the  profession  of  Christianity  declared 
a  crime?  These  problems  are  of  fundamental  im- 
portance in  the  history  of  the  church  under  the 
Rom  empire. 

(1)  If  we  may  accept  the  passage  in  Suetonius  cited 
above  {Claudius  2.5)  as  testimony  on  the  vicissitudes  of 
Christianity,  we  infer  that  at  that  time  the  Christians 
were  confused  with  the  Jews.  The  account  of  Pomponia 
Graecina,  who  was  committed  to  the  jurisdiction  of  her 
husband  (Tacitus  Ann.  xiii.32)  tor  adherence  to  a  foreign 
belief  (superstitionis  externae  rea).  is  frequently  cited  as 
proof  that  as  early  as  57  AD  Christianity  had  secured  a 
convert  in  the  aristocracy.  The  characterization  of  the 
evidence  in  this  case  by  the  contemporary  authority 
from  whom  Tacitus  has  gleaned  this  incident  would 
apply  appropriately  to  the  adherence  to  Judaism  or 
several  oriental  religions  from  the  point  of  view  of  Ro- 
mans of  that  time;  for  Pomponia  had  hved  in  a  very 
austere  manner  since  44  AD.  Since  there  is  some  other 
evidence  that  Pomponia  was  a  Christian,  the  indefinite 
account  of  the  accusation  against  her  as  mentioned  by 
Tacitus  is  partial  proof  that  Christianity  had  not  as 
yet  been  commonly  recognized  as  a  distinct  religion 
(Marucchi,  Itlements  d'archeologie  chretienne  I,  13).  At 
the  time  of  the  great  conflagration  in  64  AD  the  popu- 
lace knew  of  the  Christians,  and  Nero  charged  them 
collectively  mth  a  plot  to  destroy  the  city  (Tacitus  Ann. 
xv.44).  The  recognition  of  the  distinctive  character  of 
Christianity  had  already  taken  place  at  this  time.  This 
was  probably  due  in  large  measure  to  the  circimastances 
of  St.  Paul's  sojourn  and  trial  in  Rome  and  to  the  unprec- 
edented number  of  converts  made  at  that  time.  The 
empress  Poppaea,  who  was  probably  an  adherent  of 
Judaism  (Jos.  .-Int.  XX,  viii),  may  have  enlightened  the 
imperial  court  regarding  the  heresy  of  the  Chiistians  and 
their  separation  from  the  parent  stock. 

(2)  In  attempting  to  determine  approximately  the 
time  at  which  Christianity  was  placed  under  the  official 
ban  of  the  imperial  government,  it  will  be  convenient  to 
adopt  as  starting-points  certain  incontestable  dates 
between  which  the  act  of  prosecution  must  have  been 
issued.  It  is  clear  that  at  the  time  of  the  great  confla- 
gration (64  AD),  the  profession  of  Christianity  was  not 
a  ground  for  criminal  action.  St.  Paul  had  just  been  set 
at  liberty  by  decree  of  the  imperial  court  (cf  2  Tim  4  17). 
Moreover,  the  charge  against  the  Christians  was  a  plot 
to  burn  the  city,  not  adherence  to  a  proscribed  religion, 
and  they  were  condenmed,  as  it  appears,  for  an  attitude 
of  hostility  toward  the  human  race  (Tacitus  Ann.  xv. 
44).  While  governor  of  Bithynia  (c  112  AD),  Phny  the 
younger  addressed  Trajan  in  a  celebrated  letter  (x.96) 
asking  advice  to  guide  his  conduct  in  the  trial  of  many 
persons  who  were  accused  as  Christians,  and  inquiring 
particularly  whether  Cliristianity  in  itself  w^as  culpable, 
or  only  the  faults  which  xisually  accompanied  adherence 
to  the  new  faith.  The  reply  of  the  emperor  makes  quite 
plain  the  fundamental  guilt  at  that  time  of  adherence 
to  Christianity,  and  it  supposes  a  law  already  existing 
against  it  (x.97).  It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  law 
against  Christianity  wliich  w^as  the  legal  basis  for 
persecution  must  have  i)een  issued  between  the  con- 
flagration in  64  AD  and  Phny's  administration  of  Bi- 
thynia. 

We  cannot  define  the  time  of  this  important  act  of 
legislation  more  closely  with  absolute  certainty,  al- 
though evidence  is  not  wanting  for  the  support  of  the- 
ories of  more  or  less  apparent  probability.  Tradition 
ascribes  a  general  persecution  to  the  reign  of  Domitian, 
which  would  imply  that  Christianity  was  already  a 
forbidden  religion  at  that  time.  AUusions  in  Rev  (as 
6  9),  the  references  to  recent  calamities  in  Rome  by  St. 
Clement  in  his  letter  to  the  Corinthians  (1  Ad  Cor.)',  the 
condemnation  of  Acilius  Glabrio  (Dio  Cassius  lxvii.13). 
a  man  of  consular  rank,  together  with  the  emperor's 
cousin  Flavins  Clemens  (Dio  Cassius,  xiii)  and  Flavia 
Domitilla  and  many  others  on  the  charge  of  atheism  and 
Jewish  customs  (95  AD),  are  cited  as  evidence  for  this 
I^ersecution.  The  fact  that  a  number  of  persons  in 
Bithynia  abandoned  Christianity  20  years  before  the 
judicial  investigation  of  Pliny  (Pliny  x.  96)  is  of  some  im- 
portance as  coiToborative  evidence. 


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Rome 
Rosh 


But  there  are  grounds  worthy  of  consideration  for 
carrying  the  point  of  departure  baclj  oi  Domitian.  The 
letter  of  St.  Peter  from  Babylon  (Rome  ?)  to  the  Chris- 
tians in  Asia  Minor  implies  an  impending  persecution 
(1  Pet  4  12-16).  This  was  probably  in  the  closing 
years  of  the  reign  of  Nero.  Allard  cleverly  observes 
{flistoire  dcs  pcrsGcutions,  61)  that  the  mention  of  the 
Neronian  persecution  of  the  Christians  apart  from  the 
description  of  the  great  Are  in  the  work  of  Suetonius 
(Ner.  16),  amid  a  number  of  acts  of  legislation,  is  evi- 
dence of  a  general  enactment,  which  must  have  been 
adopted  at  the  time  of,  or  soon  after,  the  proceedings 
which  were  instituted  on  the  basis  of  the  charge  of  arson. 
Upon  the  whole  the  theory  that  the  policy  of  the  imperial 
government  was  definitely  estabhshed  under  Nero  carries 
with  it  considerable  probabihty  (cf  Sulpitius  Severus, 
Chron.,  ii.41). 

Although  the  original  enactment  has  been  lost  the 
correspondence  of  Pliny  and  Trajan  enables  us  to  formu- 
late the  imperial  policy  in  dealing  with  the 
3.  PerseCU-  Christians  during  the  2d  cent.     Adherence 
.."  to  Christianity  was  in  itself  culpable.     But 

"O'^  proceedings  were  not  to  be  undertaken  by 

magistrates  on  their  own  initiative:  they 
were  to  proceed  only  from  charges  brought  by  volun- 
tary accusers  legally  responsible  tor  estabUshing  the 
proof  of  their  assertions.  Informal  and  anonymous  in- 
formation must  be  rejected.  Penitence  shown  in  abjur- 
ing Christianity  absolved  the  accused  from  the  legal 
penalty  of  former  guilt.  The  act  of  adoring  the  gods  and 
the  living  emperor  before  their  statues  was  sufficient 
proof  of  non-adherence  to  Christianity  or  of  repentance. 

The  attitude  of  the  imperial  authorities  in  the  3d  cent, 
was  less  coherent.  The  problem  became  more  compli- 
cated as  Christianity  grew.  Persecution  was  directed 
more  esp.  against  the  church  as  an  organization,  since  it 
was  believed  to  exert  a  dangerous  power.  About  202 
AD,  Septimius  Severus  issued  a  decree  forbidding  spe- 
cifically conversion  to  Judaism  or  Christianity  (Spar- 
tianus,  Severus,  17) ,  in  which  he  departed  from  the  method 
of  procedure  prescribed  by  Trajan  (conquirendi  non 
sunt),  and  commissioned  the  magistrates  to  proceed 
directly  against  suspected  converts.  At  this  time  the 
Christians  organized  funerary  associations  for  the  pos- 
session of  their  cemeteries,  substituting  corporative  for 
individual  ownership,  and  it  would  appear  that  under 
Alexander  Severus  they  openly  held  places  of  worship  in 
Rome  (Lampridius.  AlexandeT  Severus,  22,  49).  The  em- 
peror Philip  (244^-49)  is  thought  to  have  been  a  Christian 
at  heart  (Eusebius,  HE,  VI,  34).  A  period  of  com- 
parative calm  was  interrupted  by  the  persecution  un- 
der Decius  (250-51  AD),  when  the  act  of  sacrifice  was 
required  as  proof  of  non-adherence  to  Christianity. 
Several  certificates  testifying  to  the  due  performance  of 
this  rite  have  been  preserved. 

Under  Valerian  (257  AD)  the  Christian  organizations 
were  declared  illegal  and  the  cemeteries  were  sequestrated. 
But  an  edict  in  260  AD  restored  this  property  (Eusebius, 
VII,  13).  A  short  persecution  under  AureUan  (274  AD) 
broke  the  long  period  of  cahn  which  extended  to  the  first 
edict  of  persecution  of  Diocletian  (February  24,  303). 
The  Christians  seem  to  have  gained  a  sort  of  prescriptive 
claim  to  exist,  for  Diocletian  did  not  at  first  consider 
them  guilty  of  a  capital  crime.  He  sought  to  crush  their 
organization  by  ordering  the  cessation  of  assembhes, 
the  destruction  of  churches  and  sacred  books,  and  ab- 
juration under  pain  of  pohtical  and  social  degradation. 
(Lactantius,  £»e  Morte  Persecutorum,  x.ll,  12,  13;  Euse- 
bius VIII,  2 ;  IX,  10).  Later  he  ordered  the  arrest  of  all 
the  clergy  who  were  to  be  put  to  death  unless  they  re- 
nounced the  faith  (Eusebius,  VIII,  6).  Finally  the 
requirement  of  an  act  of  conformity  in  sacrificing  to  the 
gods  was  made  general.  This  final  persecution,  con- 
tinuing in  an  irregular  way  with  varying  degrees  of  se- 
verity terminated  with  the  defeat  of  Maxentms  by  Con- 
stantino (October  29,  312).  The  Edict  of  Milan  issued 
by  Constantino  and  Liclnius  the  following  year  estab- 
lished toleration,  the  restoration  of  ecclesiastical  property 
and  the  peace  of  the  church.  See  Roman  Empibe  and 
Christianity,  III,  IV,  V.  <     , .  -n     • 

LiTEKATUHE. — Allard,  Hisloire  des  persecutions,  i'aris, 
1903:  he  christianisme  el  I'empire  romain.  Paris,  1903: 
Duchesne,  Hisloire  ancienne  de  I'ei/lise,  Paris,  1907  (lil); 
Marucchi,  Elements  d'archeologie  chretienne,  Paris,  1899- 
1902-  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the  Rom  Government, 
London,  1894:  Renan,  L'eglise  chretienne.  Pans,  1879: 
Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Rom  Empire,  London,  ISOc!. 

George  H.  Allen 

ROOF,  roof.     See  House. 

ROOF-CHAMBER.     See  House. 

ROOM,  room.     See  House. 

ROOT,  root  (iSnilJ ,  shoresh;  pila,  rlAza) :  Fre- 
quently mentioned  'in  the  OT  and  NT,  but  almost 
always  in  a  figurative  sense,  e.g.  "root  of  the  right- 
eous"  (Prov  12  3.12);     "root    that    beareth  gall" 


(Dt  29  18);  "Their  root  shall  be  as  rottenness" 
(Lsa  5  24);  "root  of  bitterness"  (He  12  15). 
Also  of  peoples:  "they  whose  root  is  in  Amalek" 
(Jgs  6  14);  of  A.ssyria  (Ezk  31  7);  "Ephraim  is 
smitten,  their  root  is  dried  up"  (Hos  9  16);  ",Judah 
shall  again  take  root  downward"  (2  K  19  30;  of 
Isa  27  6;  37  31);  the  root  of  Je,sse  (Isa  11  10; 
Rom  15  12);  root  of  David  (Rev  5  5;  22  16). 

ROOT  OF  DAVID.    See  David,  Root  of. 

ROOT  OF  JESSE  ("iffl"!  ffihilj ,  shmeah  yishay  [Isa 
11  10];  pC^a  Tov  Ttcro-at,  rhiza  lou  lessai  [Rom 
15  12]) :  The  Heb  and  Gr  words  are  practically  the 
same  in  meaning.  "Root"  means  descendant, 
branch  of  the  family  or  stock.  The  Messianic  king 
was  to  be  of  the  family  of  Jesse  the  father  of  David. 
In  Rom  15  12  Paul  quotes  the  LXX  of  Isa  11  10. 
Jesus  is  a  branch  or  descendant  of  the  family  of 
Je.sse,  as  well  as  of  David.     See  also  David,  Root 

OP. 

ROPE,  rop:  Used  in  the  OT  for  5Dn ,  hebhel, 
"that  which  binds"  (2  S  17  13,  etc),  and  for  Diy, 
'abholh,  "that  which  is  woven"  (.Igs  15  13,  etc). 
In  neither  word  is  any  specified  thickness  or  strength 
connoted,  and  hebhel  is  tr"*  equally  well  by  "line" 
(2  S  8  2,  etc)' 01-  "cord"  (Josh  2  15,  etc),  and 
'abhoih  by  "cord"  (Ps  118  27,  etc),  as  best  suits 
the  context.  Similarly  in  the  NT  the  word  a-xoivlov, 
schoinion,  lit.  "made  of  rushes,"  can  mean  the 
rope  by  which  a  boat  is  fastened  (Acts  27  32)  or 
small  cords  suitable  for  a  whip  (Jn  2  15).  The 
usual  material  for  ropes  was  certainly  flax  (hemp), 
but  the  Egyptians,  and  so  possibly  the  Hebrews, 
at  times  made  ropes  of  leathern  thongs.  See  Cokd; 
Line;  Ships  ajstd  Boats,  III,  2. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

ROSE,  roz:  (1)  (rtsan,  MbhafQeleih;  &veo$, 
dnthos,  "a  flower"  [Cant  2  1],  Kplvov,  krinon,  "a 
lily"  [Isa  35  1]):  By  general  consent  EV  is  wrong: 
in  Cant  2  1m  reads  "Heb  hahazzeleth,  the  autumn 
crocus,"  and  in  Isa  35  1,  m  reads  "or  autumn  cro- 
cus." This  is  the  Colchicum  autumnale (N.O.  Lilia- 
ceae).  A  Tg  on  Cant  2  1  explains  the  Heb  word 
as  "narcissus,"  a  very  common  plant  in  the  plains 
and  mountains  of  Pal  and  a  great  favorite  with  the 
natives.  Two  species,  A'^.  iazella  and  A'',  serolinus 
(N.O.  Amaryllideae) ,  occur,  the  latter  being  the  finer; 
they  are  autumn  plants.  AU  authorities  agree  that 
the  so-called  "rose"  was  some  kind  of  bulbed  plant. 
(2)  (jihSov,  rh6don,  "the  rose,"  mentioned  in  Ecclus 
24  14;  39  13;  50  8;  Wisd  2  8;  2  Esd  2  19): 
There  is  no  reason  why  the  rose,  of  which  several 
varieties  are  common  in  Pal,  should  not  be  meant. 
Tristram  favors  the  rhododendron.  The  expression, 
"rose  plants  in  Jericho,"  in  Ecclus  24  14  has  nothing 
whatever  to  do  with  what  is  now  sold  there  as  a 
"rose  of  Jericho,"  a  dwarf  annual  plant,  Anastatica 
hierochuntina  (N.O.  Cruciferae),  which  dries  up  and 
can  be  made  to  reexpand  by  placing  the  root  in 
water.  E.  W.  G.  Mastekman 

ROSH,  rosh,  rosh  (ffiSI ,  ro'sh):  A  son  or  grand- 
son of  Benjamin  (Gen  46  21). 

ROSH  (fflSI,  ro'sh;  'Pus,  Bho.?,  var.  [Q-""]  kc- 
^a\i\s,  kephales;  Yulg  capitis):    This   name   occurs 

in  the  prophecies  against  Gog  in  Ezk 
1.  Rosh  38  2.3  and  39  1,  where  AV  has  "Gog, 
and  Its  the  land  of  IMagog,  the  chief  prince  of 

Renderings   IVIeshech  and  Tubal."     This  tr  is  due 

to  ro'sh  being  the  common  Heb  word 
for  "head"  or  "chief"  (cf  the  Gr  variant  and  the 
Vulg),  and  is  regarded  as  incorrect,  that  of  the  RV, 


Rot,  Rottenness 
Ruler 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2624 


"Gog,  of  the  land  of  Magog,  the  prince  of  Rosh, 
Meshech  and  Tubal,"  being  preferred. 

The  identification  of  Rosh  is  not  without  its  diffi- 
culties.    Gesenius    regarded    it    as    indicating    the 
Russians,  who  are  mentioned  in  Byzan- 

2.  Identi-  tine  writers  of  the  10th  cent,  under 
ficationwith  the  name  of  'Pws,  Rhos.  He  adds  that 
Russia  they  are  also  noticed  by  Ibn  Fosslan 

(same  period),  under  the  name  of  Rus, 
as  a  people  dwelling  on  the  river  Rha  (Volga). 
Apart  from  the  improbabiUty  that  the  dominion 
of  Gog  extended  t«  this  district,  it  would  be  needful 
to  know  at  what  date  the  Rtis  of  the  Volga  arrived 
there. 

Notwithstanding  objections  on  account  of  its 
eastern  position,  in  all  probability  Fried.  Delitzsch's 

identification   of   Rosh   with   the   mdt 

3.  Probably  Rdsi,  "land  of  Rash"  of  the  Assyr 
the  Assyr-  inscriptions,  is  the  best.  Sargon  of 
ian  Rasu        Assyria    (c    710    BC)    conquered    the 

countries  "from  the  land  of  Rasu 
on  the  border  of  Elam  as  far  as  the  river  of 
Egypt,"  and  this  country  is  further  described  in  his 
Khorsabad  Inscription,  18,  as  "the  land  of  Rdsu, 
of  the  boundary  of  Elam,  which  is  beside  the  Tigris." 
Assj'ria  having  disappeared  from  among  the  nations 
when  Ezekiel  WTote  his  prophecies.  Babylonia  was 
probably  the  only  power  with  which  "Gog  of  the 
land  of  Magog"  would  have  had  to  reckon,  but  it 
may  well  be  doubted  whether  the  Bab  king  would 
have  allowed  him  to  exercise  power  in  the  district  of 
Rasu,  except  as  a  very  faithful  vassal.  It  may  here 
be  noted  that  the  Heb  spelling  of  Rosh  presupposes 
an  earUer  pronunciation  as  Rdsh,  a  form  agreeing 
closely  with  that  used  by  the  Assyrians.  See  Fried. 
Dehtzsch,  Wo  lag  das  Parodies?  325. 

T.  G.  Pinches 
ROT,  rot,  ROTTENNESS,  rot"n-nes  (vb.  2p,-\ , 
rakebh,  noun  rakahh  [rikkabhon,  Job  41  27],  with 
p«,  mak,  "decay"  [Isa  5  24],  and  TBa?,  'ahhash, 
"shrivel"  [so  Joel  1  17  RVm]):  "Rottenness  of  the 
bones"  (Prov  12  4;  14  30;  Hab  3  16)  is  ulcera- 
tion {caries)  of  the  bones,  used  as  an  example  of  an 
intensely  painful  disease.  AV,  in  addition,  has 
"rot"  in  Nu  6  21.22.27,  where  RV  has  "fall  away" 
(5SD ,  naphol),  but  a  euphemistic  paraphrase  is  in 
point  (see  the  comms.).  In  Jer  38  11.12  AV  has 
"old  rotten  rags"  for  nbu  ,  melah,  "rag"  (RV  "worn- 
out  garments,"  a  tr  that  specializes  too  far). 

ROTE,  rot:  RVm  gives  "learned  by  rote"  in  Isa 
29  13  for  AV  "taught,"  which  indicates  that  the 
service  of  Jeh  was  merely  formal. 


ROWER,   ro'er,    ROWING,    ro'ing. 

AND  BOAT.S,  III,    1. 


See   Ships 


ROYAL,  roi'al:  Either  belonging  to  a  king  (king- 
dom) or  having  kingly  power,  dignity,  authority, 
etc.  In  Heb,  the  word  is  expressed  by  using  different 
nouns  in  the  gen.  case  (the  "construct  state"). 
They  are:  (1)  melekh,  "king":  "Asher  ....  shall 
yield  royal  dainties,"  lit.  choice  morsels  of  the  king, 
meaning  fit  for  a  king  (Gen  49  20);  "besides  that 
which  Solomon  gave  her  of  his  royal  bounty,"  lit. 
which  he  gave  her  according  to  the  hand  (the  wealth) 
of  King  Solomon  (1  K  10  13;  cf  RVm);  "a  royal 
statute,"  lit.  statute  of  a  malka',  which  is  the  em- 
phatic Aram,  term  for  melekh,  "king"  (Dnl  6  7); 
(2)  mamldkhah,  "the  power  and  dignity  of  a  king," 
"Gibeon  ....  one  of  the  royal  cities,"  i.e.  a 
capital  city  with  a  king  of  her  own  (Josh  10  2;  cf 
1  S  27  5);  "all  the  seed  royal,"  Ut.  the  seed  of  the 
kingdom  (2  K  11  1;  cf2  Ch  22  10);  (3)  inalkhnth, 
"kinghood,"     "kingdom":     "royal    majesty,"    lit. 


majesty  of  kinghood  (1  Ch  29  25);  quite  fre- 
quently m  the  Book  of  Est;  royal  wine  (1  7); 
crown  (1  11;  cf2  17;  6  8);  commandment  (1  19); 
"her  royal  estate,"  ht.  her  kinghood  (1  19);  house 
royal  (2  16;  cf  5  1);  royal  apparel  (5  1;  cf  6  8. 
15);  throne  (5  1);  (4)  m'lUkhah,  "kingdom," 
"kingly  power  and  dignity":  "royal  city,"  lit.  the 
city  of  the  kingdom,  meaning  here  that  part  of  the 
city  (Rabbah)  in  which  the  royal  palace  was  situated 
(2  S  12  26);  "royal  diadem,"  lit.  turban  of  king- 
hood (Isa  62  3) ;  (5)  in  Jer  43  10  we  find  the  word 
shaphrvr;  its  meaning  is  uncertain:  "royal  pavilion" 
(RV  and  AV),  "ghttering"  (RVm),  "scepter," 
"a  carpet  covering  a  throne." 

The  NT  uses  the  word  for  basilikos,  "belonging  to  a 
king":  "royal  apparel"  (Acts  12  21);  "the  royal 
law,"  something  like  "the  golden  rule,"  being  fore- 
most because  including  all  others  (Jas  2  8),  and 
for  baMleios  (being  vested  with  kingly  power  and 
honor),  "royal  priesthood,"  the  Heb  rendering  would 
be  mamlekheth  kohanlm,  "a  kingdom  of  priests,"  i.e. 
a  kingdom  whose  citizens  are  priests,  emphasizing 
the  two  facts  that  the  true  Christians  have  free 
access  to  the  grace  of  God  and  that  they  enjoy 
the  liberties  and  privileges  of  His  kingdom  (1  Pet 
2  9).  William  Baub 

ROYAL  CITY.     See  Royal,  (2),  (4). 


RUBY,  roo'bi.     See  Stones,  Precious. 

RUDDER,  rud'er,  RUDDER-BANDS. 

Ships  and  Boats,  III,  2,  (3). 


See 


RUDDY,  rud'i  CIlTanX ,  'adhmoni  [1  S  16  12; 
17  42;  Gen  25  25  RVm],bnS  ,  'adhom  [Cant  5  10]; 
vbs.  DIX ,  'adiiam  [Lam  4  7],  and  tpuBpiaa),  eru- 
thrido,  "to  blush"  [Ad  Est  15  5]):  "Ruddy"  is  the 
form  taken  by  the  adj.  "red"  when  tised  as  a  term 
of  praise  of  the  human  skin,  and  this  is  its  use  in  the 
Bible  (the  Heb  and  Gr  words  are  all  usual  words  for 
"red"  or  "to  be  red").  The  dark-skinned  Hebrews 
found  great  beauty  in  a  clear  complexion. 

RUDE,  rood:  Not  "impoKte"  in  EV  (except  per- 
haps 2  Mace  12  14),  but  "untrained,"  "ignorant"; 
cf  the  modern  phrase,  "a  rude  drawing."  So  Sir 
8  4  (awalSiVTos,  apaideutos)  and  2  Cor  11  6  (/5i(iT7;s, 
idiotes,  'though  I  lack  technical  training  in  rhetoric'); 
cf  AV  and  RVm  Sir  21  24. 

RUDIMENTS,  roo'di-ments  (o-roixeia,  stoicheia, 
pi.  of  o-Toixeiov,  sloicheion  [Gal  4  3.9;  Col  2  8.20; 
He  5  12;  2  Pet  3  10.12]):  This  word  occurs  7  t 
in  the  NT,  and  AV  translates  it  in  three  different 
ways.  In  the  two  passages  in  Gal,  and  in  the  two 
in  2  Pet,  it  is  rendered  "elements."  In  the  two 
passages  in  Col,  it  is  tr"*  "rudiments."  In  He  it 
is  rendered  "first  principles." 

The  etymological  meaning  of  the  word  is,  that 
which  belongs  to  a  row  or  rank,  hence  any  first 
thing,  an  element,  first  principle.  It 
1.  Etymo-  denotes,  specially  (1)  the  letters  of  the 
logical  alphabet,   the  spoken  sounds,   as  the 

Meaning  elements  of  speech;  (2)  the  material 
elements  of  the  universe,  the  physical 
atoms  of  which  the  world  is  composed;  (3)  the 
heavenly  bodies;  (4)  the  elements,  rudiments, 
fundamental  principles  of  any  art,  science  or  dis- 
cipUne;  cf  the  phrase,  "the  a,  b,  c." 

(1)  The  NT  use  of  the  word,  where  it  always 
occurs  in  the  pi.,  is  as  follows:  In  2  Pet  3  10.12,  "The 
elements  shall  be  dissolved  with  fervent  heat,"  that 
is,  the  physical  elements  of  the  world  and  of  the 
heavens  are  to  be  consumed,  or  subjected  to  change. 


2625 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Rot,  Rottenness 
Ruler 


by  means  of  fire.  In  He  5  12,  AV  "Ye  have  need 
that  one  teach  you  again  which  be  the  first  prin- 
ciples of  the  oracles  of  God."  This 
2.  Use  of  means  that  the  Heb  Christians  had 
Term  in  not  made  the  advance  expected,  in 
the  NT  grace  and  in  the  knowledge  of  God, 

but  were  in  need  of  instruction  in  the 
elementary  truths  of  the  Christian  faith. 

(2)  The  Pauline  use  of  the  term  is  in  Gal  and  Col; 
see  references  as  above.  InGal4  3.9  AV  Paul  writes, 
"When  we  were  children,  [we]  were  in  bondage  un- 
der the  elements  of  the  world' ' ;  "How  turn  ye  again  to 
the  weak  and  beggarly  elements,  whereunto  ye  desire 
again  to  be  in  bondage?"  The  apostle  here  means 
the  ceremonial  precepts  of  the  worship  of  the  Jews. 
These  requirements  involved  much  and  protracted 
difficulty  in  their  observance;  they  were  "a  yoke 
....  which  neither  our  fathers  nor  we  were  able 
to  bear"  (Acts  15  10).  Yet  the  Galatian  converts 
were  turning  back  again  to  these  legal  ordinances, 
and  desired  to  be  in  bondage  to  them.  These  ele- 
ments were  "of  the  world,"  they  had  reference  to 
material  and  not  to  spiritual  things,  they  were 
formal  and  sensuous.  They  were  "weak,"  for  they 
had  no  power  to  rescue  man  from  condemnation, 
and  they  could  not  save  him  from  sin.  They  were 
"beggarly,"  for  they  brought  no  endowment  of  the 
heavenly  riches.  By  these  epithets  Paul  signifies 
that  rites,  ordinances,  sacrifices,  observance  of 
days  and  seasons  belonged  to  the  elementary  stages 
of  the  Jewish  religion,  which  had  now  attained  its 
end  and  purpose  in  the  coming  of  Christ  and  His 
work.  These  things  were  necessary  at  the  time  they 
were  Divinely  instituted,  but  the  time  had  come 
when  they  were  no  longer  required.  They  con- 
tained and  conveyed  an  elementary  knowledge,  and 
were  intended,  from  the  first,  to  lead  to  an  advance 
ip  the  moral  and  spiritual  hfe,  which  is  now  revealed 
in  Christ. 

It  has  been  thought  by  some  that  what  is  meant  by 
"elements"  or  "rudiments"  in  Gal  and  Col  is  the  physi- 
cal elements,  presided  over  by  angels,  and  that  this  is  in 
some  way  connected  with  the  worship  of  angels,  to  which 
Paul  refers  in  Col  2  18.  The  Jews  beUeved  that  there 
were  angels  of  fire  and  of  the  wind,  and  of  the  other 
physical  elements.  The  apostle  therefore  wished  to 
show  the  foohshness  of  the  worship  of  angels  and 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  which  they  were  supposed  to 
control.  .  .,.■,.   .1       i 

This  latter  meaning  of  the  term  is  a  possible,  but  not  a 
probable  one.  The  interpretation,  already  first  given, 
which  understands  "elements"  to  mean  the  ordinances 
of  Jewish  legahsm,  is  most  in  harmony  with  the  gospel 
and  with  the  teaching  of  Paul.  "This  is  probably  the 
correct  interpretation,  both  as  simpler  m  itself  and  as 
suiting  the  context  better.  St.  Paul  seems  to  be  dweU- 
ing  still  on  the  rudimentary  character  of  the  law,  as  fitted 
for  an  earher  stage  in  the  world's  history"  (Lightfoot, 
Comm.  on  Gal,  167). 

In  Col  2  8  AV  Paul  vprites,  "Beware  lest  any  man 
spoil  you  ....  after  the  rudiments  of  the  world, 
and  not  after  Christ" ;  and  in  ver  20,  AV  "Wherefore 
if  ye  be  dead  with  Christ  from  the  rudiments  of  the 
world,  why  ....  are  ye  subject  to  ordinances?" 
The  meaning  of  the  term  here  is  the  elements  of  reh- 
gious  training,  the  ceremonial  precepts  of  the  Jewish 
Law.  In  Col  and  Gal  the  meaning  is  that  the  sys- 
tems of  the  false  teachers,  both  in  Colossae  and  in 
Galatia,  laid  stress  on  Jewish  ritual,  ceremonial  law 
and  ascetic  observances— things  of  this  world,  be- 
longing to  the  visible  sphere,  things  elementary, 
and  intended,  so  far  as  the  Jewish  Law  is  concerned, 
simply  as  a  preparation  for  the  commg  of  Christ. 
Such  were  the  rudiments  of  the  world,  so  far  as  their 
source  was  Jewish.  On  their  heathen  side  they 
were  still  more  decidedly  anti-Christian.  Both  of 
these  tendencies,  Jewish  and  heathen,  were  not 
according  to  Christ."  For  Christ  HimseH  who 
atoned  for  sin,  and  who  now  lives  and  reigns,  de- 
livers believers  from  all  such  methods,  as  well  as 
from  the  need  of  them.  John  Ruthbrfurd 


1, 

/ 

•*          f^^.' 

.,,-,- 

^  'vf% 

RUE,  roo  (irTi-yavov,  ptganon) :  One  of  the  plants 
mentioned  in  Lk  11  42  as  subject  to  tithe:  in  the  || 
passage,  Mt  23  23,  anise 
and  cummin  are  men- 
tioned. Ruta  graveolens 
(N.O.  Rutaceae)  is  the 
officinal  rue,  and  a  very 
similar  species,  R.  chale- 
pensis,  is  indigenous.  Rue 
is  a  small  shrub  grow- 
ing 2  to  4  ft.  high  with 
a  heavy  odor,  disagree- 
able to  Westerners,  but 
a  favorite  with  Orientals. 
A  sprig  of  rue  is  often 
fixed  on  a  child's  cap  or 
clothes    as   a   kind   of 

charm.  Rue  (Ruta  graveolens). 

RUFUS,  roo'fus  ('PoO<t)os,  Rhouphos) :  The  name 
is  mentioned  twice:  (1)  Simon  of  Cyrene,  who  was 
compelled  to  bear  the  cross  of  JesuSj  is  "the  father 
of  Alexander  and  Rufus"  (Mk  15  21);  (2)  Paul 
sends  greetings  to  Rom  Christians,  "Rufus  the 
chosen  in  the  Lord,  and  his  mother  and  mine" 
(Rom  16  13).  Rufus  was  well  known  among  those 
for  whom  Mark  primarily  wrote  his  Gospel,  and 
according  to  tradition  this  was  the  Christian  com- 
munity at  Rome.  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt, 
therefore,  that  the  Rufus  of  Mark  and  the  Rufus  of 
Paul  are  the  same  person.  The  name,  meaning 
"red,"  "reddish,"  was,  however,  one  of  the  com- 
monest of  slave  names;  the  identification  of  these 
two  is  therefore  merely  a  conjecture.  The  Rufus 
whom  Paul  greets  is  "the  chosen  in  the  Lord,"  i.e. 
"that  choice  Christian"  (Denney).  Since  all  Chris- 
tians are  "chosen,"  this  title  must  express  some 
distinction.  The  mother  of  Rufus  had  played  the 
mother's  part  to  Paul  on  some  occasion  of  which  we 
are  ignorant,  hence  the  phrase  "his  mother  and 
mine"  (cf  Mk  10  30).  S.  F.  Hunter 

RUG,  rug:  Alternative  rendering  of  a  word 
(np-'iytp,  s'mlkhah)  in  Jgs  4  18  RV,  "mantle" 
AV.  The  tr  is  doubtful;  OHL  gives  "rug  or  thick 
coverlet  [?]." 

RUHAMAH,  roo-ha'ma,  rob-ha'ma:  See  Lo- 
RuHAMAH,  the  symbohcal  name  of  Hosea's  daughter 
(Hos  1  6.8). 

RUIN,  rob'in  (nD"iin,  hdrl?ah,  etc;  pfj-yiia, 
rhtgma):  "Ruin,"  the  tr  of  hdri?ah  (Am  9  11;  cf 
Acts  15  16,  where  RV  Gr  text,  td  katestrammena), 
and  of  a  number  of  other  Heb  words:  in  Lk  6  49 
rhegma,  "breakage,"  is  used  both  iQ  a  hteral  sense 
(Isa  23  13;  25  2,  of  faUen  buildings;  Ezk  27  27; 
31  13,  of  a  state  or  people;  Lk  6  49,  of  a  house, 
etc)  and  with  a  moral  significance  (Prov  26  28). 
RVm  correctly  renders  mikhshol  in  Ezk  18  30 
"stumblingblock"  (AV  "ruin"),  and  RV  in  21  15 
"stumblings"  (AV  "ruins").  RV  has  "ruins"  for 
AV  "desolations"  in  Ezr  9  9,  m  "waste  places"; 
Ps  74  3;  "in  their  ruins"  for  "with  their  mat- 
tocks" (2  Ch  34  6.  m  "'with  their  axes.'  The 
Heb  is  obscure");  ''midst  of  the  ruin"  for  "deso- 
lation" (Job  30  14);  "their  ruin"  for  "their  wicked- 
ness" (Prov  21  12).  "Ruinous"  is  the  tr  of  map- 
pdlah  (Isa  17  1)  and  of  ndgah  (2  K  19  25;  Isa 
37  26).  W.  L.  Walker 

RULER,  rool'er: 

(1)  bm,  moshel,  "ruler,"  "prince,"  "master" 
(tyrant),  applied  to  Joseph  in  Egypt  (Gen  45  8; 
cfPs  105  21);  to  the  Philis  (Jgs  15  11);  to  David  s 
descendants,  the  future  kings   of   Israel    (2    Ch   7 


Ruler 
Ruth 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2626 


IS;  cf  Jer  33  26);  to  Pharaoh  (Ps  105  20);  to  a 
wicked    prince,    a    tjTant    (Prov    28    15;     cf   Isa 

14  5;  49  7);  to  the  theocratic  king, 
1.  In  the  the  Messiah  (Mic  5  2);  it  is  often 
OX  used   in   general   (Prov  6  7;  23  1;  29 

12;  Eccl  10  4;  Isa  16  1,  etc). 

(2)  T"?;,  naghldh,  "leader,"  "noble"  (nobles), 
"prince."  In  a  number  of  instances  RV  renders 
it  "prince,"  where  AV  has  ruler  (1  S  25  30;  2  S 
6  21;  1  K  1  35,  etc).  It  is  used  of  Azrikam  hav- 
ing charge  of  the  palace  of  King  Ahaz  (2  Ch  28  7, 
"governor"  of  the  house,  AV);  of  Azariah  (Seraiah, 
Neh  11  11),  who  is  called  the  "ruler  of  the  house 
of  God"  (1  Ch  9  11;  cf  2  Ch  31  13);  he  was  the 
leader  of  a  division  or  group  of  priests.  In  2  Ch 
35  8  the  names  of  three  others  are  given  (Hilkiah, 
Zechariah  and  Jehiel). 

(3)  ^<^^CD,  nasV,  "prince"  (so  Nu  13  2,  AV 
"ruler");  generally  speaking,  the  nasi'  is  one  of 
the  public  authorities  (Ex  22  28) ;  the  rulers  of  the 
congregation  (Ex  16  22;  ef  34  31);  "The  rulers 
brought  the  onyx  stones"  (Ex  35  27),  as  it  was  to 
be  expected  from  men  of  their  social  stancling  and 
financial  abihty:  "when  a  ruler  [the  head  of  a  tribe 
or  tribal  division]  sinneth"  (Lev  4  22). 

(4)  ')3D ,  ^dghdn,  the  representative  of  a  king  or 
a  prince;  a  vice-regent;  a  governor;  then,  in  the 
times  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  a  leader  or  principal 
of  the  people  of  Jerus  under  the  general  supervision 
of  these  two  men.  The  EV  renders  it  "ruler"  (Ezk 
23  12.23),  "deputy"  (Jer  51  23.28.57),  and,  in 
most  ca.ses,  "ruler"  with  "deputy"  in  m  (Ezr  9  2; 
Neh  2  16;  4  14.19;  5  7.17;  7  5;  12  40;  13  11; 
Isa  41  25;  Ezk  23  6)  always  used  in  pi. 

(•5)  r^P.  bmn,  "a  judge"  or  "magistrate"  (Isa 
1  10;  3  6.7;  22  3;  Mic  3  1.9);  "a  military 
chief"  (Josh  10  24). 

(6)  rril ,  rodheh,  one  having  dominion:  "There 
is  httle  Benjamin  their  ruler"  (Ps  68  27);  the 
meaning  is  obscure;  still  we  may  point  to  the  facts 
that  Saul,  the  first  one  to  conquer  the  heathen  (1  S 
14  47  f),  came  of  this  the  smallest  of  aU  the  tribes, 
and  that  within  its  boundaries  the  temple  of  Jeh 
was  erected. 

(7)  "Til,  rozen,  a  "dignitary,"  a  "prince."  "The 
kings  of  the  earth  set  themselves,  and  the  rulers 
take  counsel  together,  against  Jeh"  (Ps  2  2);  in 
the  NT  the  word  is  rendered  drchonles  (Acts  4  26). 

(8)  "IW ,  sar,  "chief,"  "head";  prince,  king;  a 
nobleman  having  judicial  or  other  power;  a  royal 
officer.  RV  renders  it  frequently  "prince": 
"rulers  over  my  cattle"  ("head-shepherds,"  Gen 
47  6);  "rulers  of  thousands,  rulers  of  hundreds," 
etc  (Ex  18  21);  they  had  to  be  men  of  good  char- 
acter because  they  were  endowed  with  judicial 
power  (ver  22);  in  Dt  1  15  the  rendering  of  EV 
is    "captains,"    etc;     they   were   military   leaders. 


chariots"  (1  K  9  22);  the  rulers  of  Jezreel  (2  K 
10  1)  were,  presumably,  the  ruler  of  the  palace  of  the 
king  and  the  ruler  of  the  city  of  Samaria  (cf  ver  5). 
It  is  difficult  to  explain  why  they  should  be  called 
the  rulers  of  Jezreel;  both  LXX  and  Vulg  omit  the 
word;  "the  rulers  of  the  substance  which  was  king 
David's"  (1  Ch  27  31)  overseers  of  the  royal  do- 
main; "The  rulers  were  behind  aU  the  house  of 
Judah"  (Neh  4  16),  the  officers  were  ready  to 
assume  active  command  in  case  of  an  attack. 

(9),  (10)  "VoblC,  shiUmi,  "a  commander,"  "an 
officer":  "the  rulers  of  the  provinces"  (Dnl  3  2  f); 
U"!?!? ,  shallU,  "a  person  in  power,"  "a  potentate" 
(Dnl  2  10) ;  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  the 


Aram,  term  is  used  as  an  adj.  (cf  RVm);  in  Dnl 
5  7  occurs  the  vb.  sh'lat,  "to  have  dominion,"  "he 
shall  rule  as  the  third  in  rank"  (cf  vs  16.29). 

(11)  ]^'^  ,  mdghen,  "shield" :  "Her  rulers  [shields] 
dearly  love  shame"  (Hos  4  18).  Perhaps  we  ought, 
to  read  (with  LXX)  migg"' ondm,  "their  glory,"  and 
to  translate  it  "they  love  shame  more  than  their 
glorj'";  they  would  rather  have  a  good  (!)  time 
than  a  good  name. 

(1)  apx"**',  drckon,  used  of  the  "rulers"  of  the  Spar- 
tans   (1  Mace  14  20)    and,   in   a  general  sense,   of  the 
priest    Mattathias     (1  Mace  2   17).      AV 
9    Tn  thp         has   the   word    also  in  a  general  sense  in 
^.  XII  uie         g.j,  ^^  jg  ^-^y  "mighty  man"). 

^P^**  (2)    Tjyoii/i-ei'o?,  higoumenos,    "one  leading 

the  way."  A  quite  general  term,  Sir  10 
2  (ruler  of  a  eitv) ;  17  17  (of  gentile  nations) ;  46  18  (of 
the  Tyrians).  Also  3  17  AV  (BV  "he  that  ruleth"), 
and  32  1  RV  ("ruler  o/ a /easf."  AV  "master"). 

(.3)  OL  ^e-yicTTai-eg,  hoi  megistdnes,  a  rare  word  found 
only  in  the  pi.,  for  "rulers  of  the  congregation"  (Sir 
33  18).     The  same  word  in  Mk  6  21  is  tr-i  "lords." 

(4)  2  Mace  4  27  AV  for  en-ipx"?,  epdrchos  (RV  "gov- 
ernor"). 

(5)  AV  inserts  the  word  without  Gr  equivalent  in 
1  Mace  6  14;    11  57;    2  Maee  13  2. 

(1)  (Spxwi  drchon,  "a  person  in  authority,"  "a 
magistrate,"  "a  judge,"  "a  prince";    a  councillor, 

a  member  of  the  supreme  council  of 
3.  In  the  the  Jews;  a  man  of  influence.  "There 
NT  came  a  ruler"  (Mt  9  IS),  meaning  a 

ruler  of  the  synagogue  (cf  Mk  5  22; 
Lk  8  41);  see  (2)  below;  "one  of  the  rulers  of  the 
Pharisees"  (Lk  14  1),  perhaps  a  member  of  the 
Jewish  council  belonging,  at  the  same  time,  to  the 
Pharisees,  or,  more  probably,  one  of  the  leading 
Pharisees;  "the  chief  priests  and  the  rulers"  (Lk 
23  13..35;  24  20;  cf  Jn  3  1;  7  26.48;  12  42; 
Acts  3  17;  4  5.8;  13  27;  14  5);  the  rulers  were, 
wdth  the  chief  priests  and  the  scribes,  members  of 
the  Sanhedrin,  either  of  two  councils  of  the  Jews 
(the  Great  and  the  Lesser) ;  they  were  lay-members' 
(elders);  "before  the  rulers"  (Acts  16  19),  the 
pohce  magistrates  {praetores,  "praetors")  of  the 
city  of  Philippi;  "Thou  shalt  not  speak  evil  of  a 
ruler  of  thy  people"  (Acts  23  5;  cf  Ex  22  2S,  nasi'; 
see  1,  [3]  above),  a  magistrate,  a  person  in  authority 
(cf  Acts  7  27.35;  Rom  13  3,  the  pubhc  authori- 
ties); "the  rulers  of  this  world"  (1  Cor  2  6.8), 
persons  being  mentally  superior  to  their  fellow-men, 
and  so  having  great  influence  in  shaping  their  opin- 
ions and  directing  their  actions. 

(2)  dpxi-o-viidyujyos,  archisundgogos,  "ruler  of  the 
synagogue."  He  was  the  presiding  officer  of  a 
board  of  elders,  who  had  charge  of  the  synagogue. 
Sometimes  they,  also,  were  given  the  same  name 
(cf  "one  of  the  rulers  of  the  synagogue,"  Mk  5 
22.35;  Lk  8  41.49;  in  Mt  9  18  Jairua  is  simply 
called  archon);  the  ruler  mentioned  in  Lk  13  14 
was,  of  course,  the  president  of  the  board  (cf  Acts 
18  l7,  Sosthenes),  whUe  in  Acts  13  15  the  phrase 
"rulers  of  the  synagogue"  simply  signifies  the 
board.  It  was  a  dehberative  body,  but  at  the  same 
time  responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  good  order 
in  the  synagogue  and  the  orthodoxy  of  its  members; 
having,  therefore,  disciphnary  power,  they  were 
authorized  to  reprimand,  and  even  to  excommuni- 
cate, the  guilty  ones  (cf  Jn  9  22;  12  42;  16  2). 

(3)  apxiTpiKXtvos,  architrihlinos,  the  ruler  ("stew- 
ard," RVm)  of  the  feast  (Jn  2  8.9).  See  sepa- 
rate article. 

(4)  Koaij.oKp6.Tup,  kosmokrdtor,  a  "world-ruler" 
(Eph  6  12).  The  angels  of  the  devU  (Mt  25  41; 
12  45)  or  Satan,  the  prince  of  this  world  (Jn  12  31), 
participate  in  his  power;  they  are  his  tools,  their 
sphere  of  action  being  "this  darkness,"  i.e.  the 
morally  corrupt  state  of  our  present  existence. 

(5)  woXirdpxv^,  politdrches;  the  prefect  of  a 
city  (Acts  17  6.8).  Luke  being  the  only  one  of  the 
Bib.  authors  to  hand  down  to  us  this  word,  it  is  a 


2627 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Ruler 
Ruth 


noteworthy  tact  that,  in  rohitively  modern  times, 
a  Gr  inscription  was  discovered  containing  this  very 
word  and,  moreover,  having  reference  to  the  city 
of  Thessalonica  {AJT,  1898,  II,  598-643).  Here 
it  was  where  Paul  and  Silas  preiiched  the  gospel  so 
successfully  that  the  Jews,  "being  moved  with 
jealousy,"  caused  Jason  and  certain  brethren  to  be 
dragged  before  the  rulers  of  the  city  (epi  toils  politdr- 
chas).  These  magistrates  suffered  themselves  to  be 
made  the  tools  of  the  unscrupulous  Jews  by  demand- 
ing and  getting  security  from  Jason  and  the  rest. 

William  Baur 
RULER  OF  THE  FEAST  (apxirplKXivos,  arcU- 
trlklinos;  AV  governor) :  The  word  occurs  in  the  NT 
in  the  account  of  the  wedding  feast  in  Cana  of 
Galilee  (Jn  2  8.9).  According  to  Ecclus  (32  1)  it 
was  customary  to  appoint  a  "master  of  the  cere- 
monies" from  among  the  invited  guests.  It  was  his 
duty  to  determine  the  places  of  the  guests,  to  see 
that  the  ordinary  rules  of  etiquette  were  observed, 
etc,  and  generally  to  supervise  the  arrangements. 
RVm  "steward"  is  possible  if  the  "governor  of  the 
feast"  meant  the  "head  waiter"  (Merx  renders  "head 
servant  of  the  feast"),  and  not  one  of  the  guests 
appointed  for  the  purpose.  But  the  context  is  in 
favor  of  the  view  that  the  person  in  question  was  one 
of  the  prominent  guests — an  intimate  friend  or  rela- 
tive of  the  host.     See  Ruler,  2,  (2).      T.Lewis 

RULER  OF  THE  SYNAGOGUE.  See  Ruler, 
3,  (1),  (2). 

RULERS  OF  THE  CITY.  See  Ruler,  1,  (8),  2, 
(2),  3,  (5). 

RUMAH,  roo'ma  (rTall,  rumah;  B,  'Po\j|ia, 
Rhoumd,  A,  'Pu|ia,  Rhumd):  To  this  place  belonged 
Pedaiah  whose  daughter  Zebudah  (RV  "Zebidah") 
entered  the  harem  of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah,  and 
became  the  mother  of  Jehoiakim  (2  K  23  36). 
Jos  {Ant,  X,  V,  2)  calls  the  place  Abouma,  but  this 
is  an  obvious  clerical  error  for  Arouma.  This  sug- 
gests a  possible  identification  with  Arumah  (Jgs 
9  41),  which  lay  not  far  from  Shechem.  Another 
possible  identification  is  with  the  Rumah  men- 
tioned by  Jos  (BJ,  III,  vii,  21)  in  Galilee  (cf  Neu- 
bauer,  Geog.  du  Talm,  203),  which  may  be  identical 
with  the  modem  Khirbet  Eumeh,  about  3  miles 
N.  of  Seffuriyeh.  Some,  however,  would  identify 
Rumah' with  Dumah  of  Josh  15  52,  where  the  sub- 
stitution of  r  for  d  is  supported  by  the  LXX  {Rheu- 
ma),  possibly  represented  by  the  modern  Domeh, 
about  13  miles  S.E.  of  Beit  Jihrin.  This  of  course 
was  in  the  territory  of  Judah,  and  no  question  of 
jus  connuhium  is  involved,  such  as  might  arise  in  the 
case  of  a  GaUlean  site.  W.  Ewma 

RUMP,  rump:  AV  uses  this  word  as  tr  of  Tnt^  , 
'alyah  (Ex  29  22;  Lev  3  9;  7  3;  8  25;  9  19), 
where  RV  correctly  renders  "fat  tail."  Reference 
is  here  had  to  the  broad  tail  of  the  Syrian  sheep, 
which  occasionally  weighs  as  much  as  20  lbs.,  and 
is  considered  one  of  the  daintiest  portions  of  mutton. 
It  was  one  of  those  portions  of  the  peace  and  tres- 
pass offering  which  were  not  eaten  by  the  priest  or 
the  sacrificer,  but  which  with  other  choice  portions 
were  waved  before  the  Lord  and  wholly  burnt  on  the 
altar  as  a  sweet  savor  unto  Jeh. 

RUNAGATE,  run'a-gat:  A  runaway:  "The  runa- 
gates continue  in  scarceness"  (Ps  68  6,  Prayer  Book 
Version,  RV  "The  rebellious  dwell  in  a  parched 
land"). 

RUNNER,  run'er.     See  Games. 

RUSH:  (1)  (X^il,  gome';  vdwvpos,  pdpuros,  "bul- 
rushes," m  "papyrus"  [Ex  2  3];  "rush,"  m  "papy- 


rus" [Job  8  11];  "papyrus,"  AV  "rush"  [Isa  18 
2);  "rushes"  [35  7]):  This  is  ahnost  certainly  the 
famous  papyrus,  C'yperus  papyrus  (N.O.  Cypera- 
ceae),  known  in  Arab,  as  habir  (whence  comes  our 
word  "paper").  This  plant,  the  finest  of  the 
sedges,  flourishes  plentifully  m  Upper  Egypt;  in 
Pal  there  is  a  great  mass  of  it  growing  in  the  marsh 
to  the  N.  of  Lake  Huleh,  and  it  also  occurs  on  the 
Lake  of  Galilee  and  the  Jordan.  Light  boats  of 
plaited  papyrus  have  been  used  on  the  Nile  from 
ancient  times  and  are  mentioned  by  many  writers 
(cf  Ex  2  3;   Isa  18  2). 

(2)  (li^5S5 ,  'aghmon,  "rope,"  m  "Heb  'a  rope  of 
rushes,'  "  AV  "hook"  [.lob  41  2);  "[burning]  rushes," 
AV  "caldron"  [Job  41  20];  "rush,"  AV  "bulrush" 
[Isa  58  5];  "rush"  in  Isa  9  14;  19  15,  used  of  the 
humble  and  lowly  folk  as  contrasted  with  the  "palm 
branch,"  the  highest  class):  The  word  'aghmon 
comes  from  QJb? ,  'ogham,  meaning  a  marsh  (see 
Pools),  being  transferred  from  the  place  of  the 
things  growing  there.  The  word  doubtless  includes 
not  only  the  rushes — of  which  there  are  several 
kinds  in  Pal — but  also  members  of  the  sedge  family, 
the  Cyperaceae.    See  also  Reed. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

RUST,  rust  (nsbn ,  hel'ah;  ppw<ris,  hrosis) : 
Strictly  speaking  rust  is  the  red  oxide  of  iron  formed 
by  the  corrosion  of  that  metal,  but  by  extension  it 
has  come  to  mean  corrosion  produced  on  any  metal. 
Hel'ah  is  tr'^  "rust"  in  Ezk  24  11.12.  This 
rendering  is  probably  based  on  ver  11.  Copper 
caldrons  are  still  used  in  Bible  lands.  Such  vessels 
must  be  constantly  watched  when  on  the  fire  to 
guard  against  the  possibility  of  their  becoming  dry. 
If  this  should  happen  the  contents,  whatever  they 
may  be,  and  the  vessel  itself  will  be  injured.  The 
copper  of  the  caldron  oxidizes  and  scales  off  in 
black  or  brownish  scales,  or  rust.  Us,  ids,  was 
used  in  Gr  to  denote  the  corroding  of  metals.  In 
Jas  5  3  occurs,  "Your  gold  and  your  silver  are 
rusted;  and  their  rust  ....  shall  eat  your  flesh 
as  fire."  The  writers  must  have  had  in  mind  the 
actions  of  chemicals  upon  these  metals  which  formed 
some  such  compound  as  the  caustic  silver  nitrate. 

Brosis,  lit.  "eating,"  which  occurs  in  Mt  6  19. 
20,  may  refer  to  the  diseases  which  attack  such 
vegetation  as  wheat,  grapes,  cucumbers,  etc.  In 
no  country  is  the  saying  "where  moth  and  rust  con- 
sume" (Mt  6  19)  more  true  than  in  Syria.  Any 
metal  subject  to  corrosion  seems  to  rust  faster  in 
that  country  than  anywhere  else.  There  are  also 
many  rusting  fungi  which  the  people  have  not 
learned  to  destroy  and  which  do  much  damage  to 
the  crops.     See  also  Scum.         James  A.  Patch 

RUTH,  rooth  (nil ,  ruth;  'Pov9,  Rhouth) :  The 
name  Ruth  is  found  in  the  OT  only  in  the  book 
which  is  so  entitled.  It  is  a  contraction  for  re'uth 
(PW)),  perhaps  signifying  "comrade,"  "compan- 
ion" (fem.;  cf  Ex  11  2,  "every  woman  of  her  neigh- 
bor"). OHL,  946,  explains  the  word  as  an  abstract 
noun  =  "friendship."  The  Book  of  Ruth  details  the 
history  of  the  one  decisive  episode  owing  to  which 
Ruth  became  an  ancestress  of  David  and  of  the 
royal  house  of  Judah.  From  this  point  of  view 
its  pecuhar  interest  hes  in  the  close  friendship  or 
alhance  between  Israel  and  Moab,  which  rendered 
such  a  connection  possible.  Not  improbably  also 
there  is  an  allusion  to  this  in  the  name  itself. 

The  history  hes  in  the  period  of  the  Judges  (1  1), 
at  the  close  of  a  great  famine  in  the  land  of  Israel. 
Ehmelech,  a  native  of  Bethlehem,  had, 
1.  History  with  his  wife  Naomi  and  two  sons, 
taken  refuge  in  Moab  from  the  famine. 
There,  after  an  interval  of  time  which  is  not  more 
precisely  defined,  he  died  (1  3),  and  his  two  sons, 


Ruth 
Sabbath 


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2628 


liaving  married  women  of  Moab,  in  the  course  of  a 
further  ten  j'ears  also  died,  and  left  Orpah  and 
Ruth  widows  (1  5).  Naomi  then  decided  to  return 
to  Pal,  and  her  two  daughters-in-law  accompanied 
her  on  her  way  (1  7).  Orpah,  however,  turned 
back  and  only  Ruth  remained  with  Naomi,  journey- 
ing with  her  to  Bethlehem,  where  they  arrived 
"in  the  beginning  of  barley  harvest"  (1  22).  The 
piety  and  fidelity  of  Ruth  are  thus  early  exhibited 
in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  in  that  she  refused 
to  abandon  her  mother-in-law,  although  thrice 
exhorted  to  do  so  by  Naomi  herself,  on  account  of 
her  own  great  age  and  the  better  prospects  for  Ruth 
in  her  own  country.  Orpah  yielded  to  persuasion, 
and  returned  to  Moab,  but  Ruth  remained  with 
Naomi. 

At  Bethlehem  Ruth  employed  herself  in  gleaning 
in  the  field  during  the  harvest  and  was  noticed  by 
Boaz,  the  owner  of  the  field,  a  near  kinsman  of  her 
father-in-law  EUmelech.  Boaz  gave  her  permission 
to  glean  as  long  as  the  harvest  continued;  and  told 
her  that  he  had  heard  of  her  fiUal  conduct  toward 
her  mother-in-law.  Moreover,  he  directed  the 
reapers  to  make  intentional  provision  for  her  by 
dropping  in  her  way  grain  from  their  bundles  (2  15  f). 
She  was  thus  able  to  return  to  Naomi  in  the  even- 
ing with  a  whole  ephah  of  barley  (ver  17).  In 
answer  to  questioning  she  explained  that  her  success 
in  gleaning  was  due  to  the  good-will  of  Boaz,  and 
the  orders  that  he  had  given.  She  remained  accord- 
ingly and  gleaned  with  his  maidens  throughout  the 
barley  and  wheat  harvest,  making  her  home  with 
her  mother-in-law  (2  23).  Naomi  was  anxious  for 
the  remarriage  of  Ruth,  both  for  her  sake  and  to 
secure  compliance  with  the  usage  and  law  of  Israel; 
and  sent  her  to  Boaz  to  recall  to  him  his  duty  as 
near  kinsman  of  her  late  husband  EUmelech  (3  If). 
Boaz  acknowledged  the  claim  and  promised  to 
take  Ruth  in  marriage,  failing  fulfilment  of  the  legal 
duty  of  another  w'hose  relationship  was  nearer 
than  that  of  Boaz  himself  (3  8-13).  Naomi  was 
confident  that  Boaz  would  fulfil  his  promise,  and 
advised  Ruth  to  ■lAait  in  patience. 

Boaz  then  adopted  the  customary  and  legal  meas- 
ures to  obtain  a  decision.  He  summoned  the  near 
kinsman  before  ten  elders  at  the  gate  of  the  city, 
related  to  him  the  circumstances  of  Naomi's  return, 
with  her  desire  that  Ruth  should  be  married  and 
settled  with  her  father-in-law's  land  as  her  marriage- 
portion,  and  called  upon  him  to  declare  his  inten- 
tions. The  near  kinsman,  whose  name  and  degree  of 
relationship  are  not  stated,  declared  his  inability  to 
undertake  the  charge,  which  he  renounced  in  legal 
form  in  favor  of  Boaz  according  to  ancient  custom 
in  I.srael  (4  6ff).  Boaz  accepted  the  charge  thus 
transferred  to  him,  the  elders  and  bystanders  bear- 
ing witness  and  pronouncing  a  formal  blessing  upon 
the  union  of  Boaz  and  Ruth  (4  9-12).  Upon  the 
birth  of  a  son  in  due  course  the  women  of  the 
city  congratulated  Naomi,  in  that  the  continuance 
of  her  family  and  house  was  now  assured,  and  the 
latter  became  the  child's  nurse.  The  name  of  Obed 
was  given  to  the  boy;  and  Obed  through  his  son 
Jesse  became  the  grandfather  of  David  (cf  Mt  1 
5.6;    Lk  3  31.32). 

Thus  the  life  and  history  of  Ruth  are  important 
in  the  eyes  of  the  narrator  because  she  forms  a 
link  in  the  ancestry  of  the  greatest 
2.  Interest  king  of  Israel.  From  a  more  modern 
and  Tm-  point  of  view  the  narrative  is  a  simple 
portance  of  idyllic  history,  showing  how  the  faith- 
the  Nana-  ful  loving  service  of  Ruth  to  her 
tive  mother-in-law  met  with  its  due  reward 

in  the  restored  happiness  of  a  peaceful 
and  prosperous  home-life  for  herself.  Incidentally 
are  illustrated  also  ancient  marriage  customs  of 
Israel,  which  in  the  time  of  the  writer  had  long  since 


become  obsolete.  The  narrative  is  brief  and  told 
without  affectation  of  style,  and  on  that  account 
will  never  lose  its  interest.  It  has  preserved  more- 
over the  memory  of  an  incident,  the  national  signifi- 
cance of  which  may  have  passed  away,  but  to  which 
value  will  alwaj's  be  attached  for  its  simplicity  and 
natural  grace. 

For  the  literature,  see  Ruth,  Book  of. 

A.  S.  Geden 
RUTH,  BOOK  OF:    The  place  which  the  Book 
of  Ruth  occupies  in  the  order  of  the  books  of  the 
Eng.   Bible   is   not   that  of   the   Heb 

1.  Order  in  Canon.  There  it  is  one  of  the  five 
the  Canon     m'ghillolh  or  Rolls,  which  were  ordered 

to  be  read  in  the  synagogue  on  5 
special  occasions  or  festivals  during  the  year. 

In  printed  edd  of  tlie  OT  the  m'ghiUoth  are  usually 
arranged  In  the  order :  Cant,  Ruth,  Lam,  Eccl,  Est.  Ruth 
occupied  the  second  position  because  the  booli  was  ap- 
pointed to  be  read  at  the  Feast  of  Weeks  which  was  the 
second  of  the  5  special  days.  In  Heb  MSS,  however, 
the  order  varies  considerably.  In  Spanish  MSS  gen- 
erally, and  in  one  at  least  of  the  Ger.  school  cited  by  Dr. 
Ginsburg  {Intro  to  the  Heb  Bible,  London,  1897,  4),  Ruth 
precedes  Cant;  and  in  the  former  Eccl  is  placed  before 
Lam.  The  m'gh  Moth  constitute  the  second  portion  of  the 
kHhuhhlm  or  Haglographa,  the  third  great  division 
of  the  books  of  the  Heb  Scriptures.  The  Talm,  how- 
ever, dissociates  Ruth  altogether  from  the  remaining 
m^ghilldth,  and  places  it  first  among  the  Haglographa, 
before  the  Book  of  Fss.  By  the  Gr  translators  the  book 
was  removed  from  the  position  which  it  held  in  the  Heb 
Canon,  and  because  it  described  events  contemporaneous 
with  the  Judges,  was  attached  as  a  kind  of  appendix  to 
the  latter  work.  This  sequence  was  adopted  in  the  Vulg, 
and  so  has  passed  into  aU  modern  Bibles. 

The  book  is  written  without  name  of  author,  and 

there  is  no  direct  indication  of  its  date.     Its  aim  is 

to  record  an  event  of  interest  and  im- 

2.  Author-  portance  in  the  family  history  of  David, 
ship  and  and  incidentally  to  illustrate  ancient 
Purpose         custom  and  marriage   law.     There  is 

no  ground  for  supposing,  as  has  been 
suggested,  that  the  writer  had  a  polemical  purpose 
in  view,  and  desired  to  show  that  the  strict  and 
stern  action  taken  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  after  the 
return  in  forbidding  mixed  marriages  was  not  justi- 
fied by  precedent.  The  narrative  is  simple  and 
direct,  and  the  preservation  of  the  tradition  which 
it  records  of  the  descent  of  Israel's  royal  house 
from  a  Moabite  ancestress  was  probably  due  in 
the  first  instance  to  oral  communication  for  some 
considerable  time  before  it  was  committed  to 
writing.  The  Book  of  1  S  also  indicates  a  close  rela- 
tion between  David  and  Moab,  when  during  the 
period  of  his  outlawry  the  future  king  confided  his 
father  and  mother  to  the  care  of  the  king  of  Moab 
(1  S  22  3f),  and  so  far  supports  the  truth  of  the 
tradition  which  is  embodied  in  the  Book  of  Ruth. 

With  regard  to  the  date  at  which  the  narrative 

was  committed  to  writing,  it  is  evident  from  the 

position  of  the  Book  of  Ruth  in  the 

3.  Date  of  Heb  Canon  that  the  date  of  its  com- 
Composition  position  is  subsequent  to  the  close  of 

the  great  period  of  the  "earlier  proph- 
ets." Otherwise  it  would  have  found  a  natural 
place,  as  was  assigned  to  it  in  the  Gr  Bible,  together 
with  the  Book  of  Jgs  and  other  historical  writings, 
in  the  second  division  of  the  Heb  Scriptures.  In  the 
opening  words  of  the  book  also,  "It  came  to  pass  in 
the  days  when  the  judges  judged"  (Ruth  1  1),  the 
writer  appears  to  look  back  to  the  period  of  the 
Judges  as  to  a  comparatively  distant  epoch.  The 
character  of  the  diction  is  pure  and  chaste;  but 
has  been  supposed  in  certain  details,  as  in  the  pres- 
ence of  so-called  Aramaisms,  to  betray  a  late  origin. 
The  reference  to  the  observance  of  marriage  cus- 
toms and  their  sanctions  "in  former  time  in  Israel" 
(4  7)  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  the  composi- 
tion of  Ruth  was  later  than  that  of  Dt,  in  which  the 
laws  and  rights  of  the  succession  are  enjoined,  or 


2629 


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Ruth 
Sabbath 


that  the  writer  of  the  former  work  was  acquainted 
with  the  latter  in  its  existing  form.  Slight  differ- 
ences of  detail  in  the  procedure  would  seem  to  sug- 
gest the  contrary.  On  the  other  hand,  the  motive 
of  the  book  in  the  exhibition  of  the  ancestry  of 
David's  house  would  have  lost  its  significance  and 
raison  d'etre  with  the  death  or  disappearance  of  the 
last  ruler  of  David's  line  in  the  early  period  of  the 
return  from  Babylon  (cf  Zee  4  9).  The  most 
probable  date  therefore  for  the  composition  of  the 
book  would  be  in  the  later  days  of  the  exile,  or 
immediately  after  the  return.  There  is  no  clue  to 
the  authorship.  The  last  four  verses,  giving  the 
genealogy  from  Perez  to  David  (cf  1  Ch  2  4-15; 
Mt  1  3-6;  Lk  3  31-33),  are  generally  recognized 
as  a  later  addition. 

The  ethical  value  of  the  Book  of  Ruth  is  con- 
siderable, as  setting  forth  an  example  of  stedfast 

fihal  piety.  The  action  of  Ruth  in 
4.  Ethical  refusing  to  desert  her  mother-in-law 
Teaching        and  persevering  in  accompanying  her 

to  her  own  land  meets  with  its  due 
reward  in  the  prosperity  and  happiness  which  be- 
come hers,  and  in  the  honor  which  she  receives  as 


ancestress  of  the  royal  house  of  David.  The 
writer  desires  to  show  in  the  person  and  example  of 
Ruth  that  a  sincere  and  generous  regard  for  the 
claims  of  duty  and  affection  leads  to  prosperity  and 
honor;  and  at  the  same  time  that  the  principles 
and  recompense  of  righteous  dealing  are  not  de- 
pendent upon  race,  but  are  as  valid  for  a  Moabit- 
ess  as  for  a  Jew.  There  is  no  distinctive  doctrine 
taught  in  the  book.  It  is  primarily  historical, 
recording  a  decisive  incident  in  the  origin  of  David's 
house;  and  in  the  second  place  ethical,  indicating 
and  enforcing  in  a  well-known  example  the  ad- 
vantage and  importance  of  right  dealing  and  the 
observance  of  the  dictates  of  filial  duty.  For  de- 
tailed contents  see  preceding  article. 

Literature. — Eng.  comm.s.  upon  the  Book  of  Ruth 
are  natarall.v  not  numerous.  Cf  G.  W.  Thatcher, 
"Judges  and  Kuth,"  in  [New]  Century  Bible;  R.  A. 
Watson,  in  Expositor" fi  Bible;  the  most  recent  critical 
comm.  is  by  L.  B.  Woifeuson  in  AJSL.  XXVII  (.July, 
1911),  28.5  ft,  who  defends  the  early  date  of  the  book. 
See  also  the  relevant  arts,  in  Jew  Eric,  HUB,  EB,  and 
Driver,  LOT,  6,  454  If. 

A.  S.  Geden 

RYE,  ri.     See  Spelt. 


SABACHTHANI,  sa-biik'tha-ne. 
Lama  Sabachthani. 


See  Eli,  Eli, 


SABACO,  sab'a-ko,  SABAKON,  sab'a-kon.     See 
So. 

SABAEANS,  sa-be'anz  (□"'S31i5 ,  sh'bha'lm  [Joel 

3  8    AV],    □"'SID ,     .fbha'un;     'Za.^a.dy.,    Sahadm, 

2£ptt£(n,  Sehaeim  [Isa  45  14];  O'^XIID  , 

1.  Forms  of  read  ^dbha'im,  but  rendered  as  though 
the  Word       from     .sdbha',     "to     imbibe,"      hence 

"drunkards";  otvufi^voi,  oinomenoi, 
"wine-drunken"  [Ezk  23  42  AV]) :  "Sabaeans"  is 
also  the  tr  of  the  name  of  the  country  itself  (i'?!? , 
sh'bha')  in  Job  1  15;  6  19.  This  last,  which  is 
the  root  of  sh'hha'im,  is  regarded  by  Arabists  as 
coming  from  that  root  with  the  meaning  of  "to 
take  captive,"  though  seba'a,  "he  raided"  (cf  Job 
1  15),  has  aiso  been  suggested. 

As  Sheba  is  said  m  Gen  10  7;   10  28;   and  25  3 
respectively  to  have  been  (1)  a  son  of  Raamah,  the 

4th  son  of  Cush;   (.2)  the  10th  son  of 

2.  Two  Joktan,  son  of  Eber;  (3)  the  1st  son 
Different  of  Jokshan,  2d  son  of  Abrahani  and 
Races  Keturah,  at  least  two  nationahties  of 

this  name  are  implied.  The  former 
were  identified  by  Jos  (Ant,  II,  x,  2)  with  the  tall 
people  of  Saba  in  Upper  Egypt,  described  by  him 
as  a  city  of  Ethiopia,  which  Moses,  when  m  the 
service  of  the  Egyptians,  besieged  and  captured. 

It  is  the  Sem  Sabaeans,  however,  who  are  the  best 

known,  and  the  two  genealogies  attributed  to  them 

(Joktan-Eber  and   Jokshan-Abraham) 

3.  Semitic  seem  to  imply  two  settlements  in  the 
Sabaeans  land  regarded  as  that  of  their  origin. 
and  Their  As  Ezekiel  (27  23)  mentions  Haran 
Commerce     (Hirran),  Canneh  (Kannah),  and  Eden 

(Aden)  as  being  connected  with  Sheba, 
and  these  three  places  are  known  to  have  been  in 
Southern  Arabia,  their  Sem  parentage  is  undoubted. 
The  Sabaeans  are  described  as  being  exporters  of 
gold  (Isa  60  6;  Ps  72  15),  precious  stones  (Ezk  27 
23),  perfumes  (Jer  6  20;  Isa  and  Ezk),  and  it  the 
rendering  "Sabaeans"  for  Joel  3  (4)  8  be  correct, 
the  Sebaim,  "a  nation  far  off,"  dealt  m  slaves. 
See  Seba;   Sheba;  Table  of  Nations. 

T.  G.  Pinches 


SABANNEUS,  sab-a-ne'us  (B,  SapawaioBs,  Sa- 
bannaious,  A,  Bavvaioiis,  BannaiotXs;  AV  Bannaia, 
following  the  Aldine) :  One  of  the  sons  of  Asom 
who  had  married  '  'strange  wives' '  ( 1  Esd  9  33)  = 
"Zabad"  in  Ezr  10  33. 

SABANNUS,  sa-ban'nus  (Sdpawos,  Sdbannos; 
AV  Sabban):  The  father  of  Moeth,  one  of  the 
Levites  to  whom  the  silver  and  gold  were  delivered 
(1  Esd  8  63).  "MoeththesonofSabannus"  stands 
in  the  position  of  "Noadiah  the  son  of  Binnui," 
in  Ezr  8  33. 

SABAOTH,  sab'a-oth,  sa-ba'oth.  See  God, 
Names  OF,  III,  8;  Lord  or  Hosts. 

SABAT,  sa'bat:  AV  =  RVSaphat,  (2)  (q.v.). 

SABATEUS,  sab-a-te'us  (A,  SaPParaCas,  Sab- 
balaias,  B,  'Apratos,  Abtaios;  AV  Sabateas) :  One  of 
the  Levites  who  "taught  the  law  of  the  Lord"  to 
the  multitude  (1  Esd  9  48)  =  "Shabbethai"  in  Neh 
8  7. 

SABATHUS,  sab'a-thus ,  (SaPaOos,  Sdbathos;  AV 
Sabatus):  An  Israelite  who  put  away  his  "strange 
wife"  (1  Esd  9  28)="Zabad"  in  Ezr  10  27. 

SABATUS,  sab'a-tus:  AV  =  RV  Sabathds  (q.v.). 

SABBAN,  sab'an:   AV  =  RV  Sabannus  (q.v.). 

SABBATEUS,  sab-a-te'us  (SaPParatos,  Sab- 
balaios;  AV  Sabbatheus) :  One  of  the  three  (or 
rather  two,  for  "Levis"  =  Levite)  "assessors"  in 
the  investigation  held  concerning  "foreign  wives" 
(1  Esd  9  14)  =  "Shabbethai  the  Levite"  in  Ezr  10 
15.  He  is  probably  the  "Sabateus,"  one  of  the 
Levites  who  expounded  the  Law  (1  Esd  9  48), 
and  so  =  the  "Shabbethai"  in  Neh  8  7. 

SABBATH,  sab'ath  (nSTlJ,  shabbalh,  |in31|5 , 
shabbdlkon;  o-Apparov,  sdbbalon,  to,  o-dppaxa,  td 
sdbbata;  the  y  shdbhalh  in  Heb  means  "to  desist," 
"cease,"  "rest"): 

I.  Origin   of  the  Sabbath 

1.  The  Biblical  Account 

2.  Critical  Theories 


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II.  History   of  the  Sabbath  after  Moses 

1.  In  the  OT 

2.  In  the  Intcr-Testamental  Period 

3.  Jestis  and  the  Sabbath 

4.  Paul  and  the  Sabbath 
Literature 

The  Sabbath  was  the  day  on  which  man  was  to 
leave  off  his  secular  labors  and  keep  a  day  holy  to 
Jeh. 

/.  Origin  of  the  Sabbath. — The  sketch  of  crea- 
tion in  Gen  1  1 — 2  3  closes  with  an  impress- 
ive account  of  the  hallowing  of  the 
1.  The  7th  day,  because  on  it  God  rested  from 

Biblical  all   the   work   which   He   had    made 

Account  creatively.  The  word  "Sabbath"  does 
not  occur  in  the  story;  but  it  is  recog- 
nized by  critics  of  every  school  that  the  author  (P) 
means  to  describe  the  Sabbath  as  primeval.  In 
Ex  20  8-11  (ascribed  to  JE)  the  reason  assigned 
for  keeping  the  7th  day  as  a  holy  Sabbath  is  the 
fact  that  Jeh  rested  after  the  six  days  of  creative 
activity.  E.x  31  17  employs  a  bold  figure,  and 
describes  Jeh  as  refreshing  Himself  ("catching  His 
breath")  after  six  days  of  work.  The  statement 
that  God  set  apart  the  7th  day  for  holy  purposes  in 
honor  of  His  own  rest  after  six  days  of  creative  activ- 
ity is  boldly  challenged  by  many  modem  scholars  as 
merely  the  pious  figment  of  a  priestly  imagination 
of  the  exile.  There  are  so  few  hints  of  a  weekly 
Sabbath  before  Moses,  who  is  comparatively  a 
modem  character,  that  argumentation  is  alrnost 
excluded,  and  each  student  will  approach  the  ques- 
tion with  the  bias  of  his  whole  intellectual  and 
spiritual  history.  There  is  no  distinct  mention  of 
the  Sabbath  in  Gen,  though  a  7-day  period  is 
referred  to  several  times  (Gen  7  4.10;  8  10.12; 
29  27  f).  The  first  express  mention  of  the  Sabbath 
is  found  in  Ex  16  21-30,  in  connection  with  the 
giving  of  the  manna.  Jeh  taught  the  people  in  the 
wilderness  to  observe  the  7th  day  as  a  Sabbath  of 
rest  by  sending  no  manna  on  that  day,  a  double 
supply  behig  given  on  the  6th  day  of  the  week. 
Here  we  have  to  do  with  a  weekly  Sabbath  as  a 
day  of  rest  from  ordinary  secular  labor.  A  little 
later  the  Ten  Words  were  spoken  by  Jeh  from  Sinai 
in  the  hearing  of  all  the  people,  and  were  afterward 
written  on  the  two  tables  of  stone  (Ex  20  1-17; 

34  1-5.27  f).  The  Fotu-th  Commandment  enjoins 
upon  Israel  the  observance  of  the  7th  day  of  the 
week  as  a  holy  day  on  which  no  work  shall  be  done 
by  man  or  beast.  Children  and  servants  are  to 
desist  from  aU  work,  and  even  the  stranger  within 
the  gates  is  required  to  keep  the  day  holy.  The 
reason  assigned  is  that  Jeh  rested  on  the  7th  day  and 
blessed  it  and  hallowed  it.  There  is  no  hint  that 
the  restrictions  were  meant  to  guard  against  the 
wrath  of  a  jealous  and  angry  deity.  The  Sabbath 
was  meant  to  be  a  blessing  to  man  and  not  a  burden. 
After  the  sin  in  connection  with  the  golden  calf 
Jeh  rehearses  the  chief  duties  required  of  Israel,  and 
again  announces  the  law  of  the  Sabbath  (Ex  34  21, 
ascribed  to  J).  In  the  Levitical  legislation  there  is 
frequent  mention   of  the  Sabbath   (Ex  31  13-16; 

35  2f;  Lev  19  3.30;  23  3..38).  A  wilful  Sab- 
bath-breaker was  put  to  death  (Nu  15  32-36). 
In  the  Deuteronomic  legislation  there  is  equal 
recognition  of  the  importance  and  value  of  the 
Sabbath  (Dt  5  12-15).  Here  the  reason  assigned 
for  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  is  philanthropic 
and  humanitarian:  "that  thy  man-servant  and  thy 
maid-servant  may  rest  as  well  as  thou."  It  is 
thus  manifest  that  aU  the  Pentateuchal  codes, 
whether  proceeding  from  Moses  alone  or  from  many 
hands  in  widely  different  centuries,  equally  recog- 
nize the  Sabbath  as  one  of  the  characteristic  insti- 
tutions of  Israel's  religious  and  social  life.  If  we 
cannot  point  to  any  observance  of  the  weekly  Sab- 
bath prior  to  Moses,  we  can  at  least  be  sure  that  this 


was  one  of  the  institutions  which  he  gave  to  Israel. 
From  the  daj-s  of  Moses  until  now  the  holy  Sabbath 
has  been  kept  by  devout  Israelites. 

"The  older  theories  of  the  origin  of  the  Jewish 
Sabbath  (connecting  it  with  Egypt,  with  the 
day  of  Saturn,  or  in  general  with  the 
2.  Critical  seven  planets)  have  now  been  almost 
Theories  entirely  abandoned  [see  Astbonomy, 
I,  5].  The  disposition  at  present  is  to 
regard  the  day  as  originally  a  lunar  festival,  similar 
to  a  Bab  custom  (Schrader,  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1874), 
the  rather  as  the  cuneiform  documents  appear  to 
contain  a  term  sahattu  or  sahaltum,  identical  in 
form  and  meaning  with  the  Heb  word  sahhathon." 
Thus  wrote  Professor  C.  H.  Toy  in  1899  {JBL, 
XVIII,  190).  _  In  a  syUabary  (II  R,  32,  16o,  6) 
sahaltum  is  said  to  be  equivalent  to  iim  n'CLh  libbi, 
the  natural  tr  of  which  seemed  to  be  "day  of  rest 
of  the  heart."  Schrader,  Sa3rce  and  others  so 
understood  the  phrase,  and  naturally  looked  upon 
sabattum  as  equivalent  to  the  Heb  Sabbath.  But 
Jensen  and  others  have  shown  that  the  phrase  should 
be  rendered  "day  of  the  appeasement  of  the  mind" 
(of  an  offended  deity).  The  reference  is  to  a  day  of 
atonement  or  pacification  rather  than  a  day  of  rest, 
a  day  in  which  one  must  be  careful  not  to  arouse  the 
anger  of  the  god  who  was  supposed  to  preside  over 
that  particular  day.  Now  the  term  sabattum  has 
been  found  only  5  or  6  t  in  the  Bab  inscriptions  and 
in  none  of  them  is  it  connected  with  the  7th  day  of  a 
week.  There  was,  however,  a  sort  of  institution 
among  the  superstitious  Babylonians  that  has 
been  compared  with  the  Heb  Sabbath.  In  certain 
months  of  the  year  (Elul,  Marcheshvan)  the  7th, 
14th,  19th,  21st  and  28th  days  were  set  down  as 
favorable  daj^s,  or  unfavorable  days,  that  is,  as  days 
in  which  the  king,  the  priest  and  the  physician  must 
be  careful  not  to  stir  up  the  anger  of  the  deity.  On 
these  days  the  king  was  not  to  eat  food  prepared  by 
fire,  not  to  put  on  royal  dress,  not  to  ride  in  his 
chariot^  etc.  As  to  the  19th  day,  it  is  thought  that 
it  was  mcluded  among  the  unlucky  days  because  it 
was  the  49th  (7  times  7)  from  the  1st  of  the  preced- 
ing month.  As  there  were  30  days  in  the  month, 
it  is  evident  that  we  are  not  dealing  with  a  recurring 
7th  day  in  the  week,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Heb  Sab- 
bath. Moreover,  no  proof  has  been  adduced  that 
the  term  sabattum  was  ever  appUed  to  these  dies 
nefasti  or  unlucky  days.  Hence  the  assertions  of 
some  Assyriologists  with  regard  to  the  Bab  origin 
of  the  Sabbath  must  be  taken  with  several  grains 
of  salt.  Notice  must  be  taken  of  an  ingenious  and 
able  paper  by  Professor  M.  Jastrow,  which  was  read 
before  the  Eleventh  International  Congress  of 
Orientalists  in  Paris  in  1897,  in  which  the  learned 
author  attempts  to  show  that  the  Heb  Sabbath  was 
originally  a  day  of  propitiation  like  the  Bab  sabat- 
tum {AJT,  II,  312-52).  He  argues  that  the  restrict- 
ive measures  in  the  Heb  laws  for  the  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  arose  from  the  original  conception  of 
the  Sabbath  as  an  unfavorable  day,  a  day  in  which 
the  anger  of  Jeh  might  flash  forth  against  men. 
Although  Jastrow  has  supported  his  thesis  with 
many  arguments  that  are  cogent,  yet  the  reverent 
student  of  the  Scriptures  wiU  find  it  difficult  to 
resist  the  impression  that  the  OT  writers  without 
exception  thought  of  the  Sabbath  not  as  an  unfavor- 
able or  unlucky  day  but  rather  aa  a  day  set  apart 
for  the  benefit  of  man.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
attitude  of  the  early  Hebrews  toward  the  day  which 
was  to  become  a  characteristic  institution  of  Judaism 
in  all  ages  and  in  aU  lands,  the  organs  of  revelation 
throughout  the  OT  enforce  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath  by  arguments  which  lay  emphasis  upon  its 
beneficent  and  humanitarian  aspects. 

We    must    call    attention    to    Mcinhold's    ingenious 
hypothesis  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Sabbath.     In   1894 


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Sabbath 


Thcophilus  G.  Pinches  discovered  a  tablet  in  wliich  tlie 
term  shapattu  is  applied  to  the  15th  day  of  the  month. 
Meinhold  argues  that  shabaltu  in  Bab  denotes  the  day  of 
the  full  moon.  Dr.  Skinner  thas  describes  Meinhold's 
theory:  "  He  points  to  the  close  association  ot  new-moon 
and  Sabbath  in  nearly  all  the  pree.xiUc  references  (Am 
8  5;  Hos  2  11:  Isa  1  13;  2  K  4  23  f ) ;  and  concludes 
that  in  early  Israel,  as  in  Babylonia,  the  Sabbath  was 
the  full-moon  festival  and  nothing  else.  The  institution 
of  the  weekly  Sabbath  he  traces  to  a  desire  to  compensate 
for  the  loss  of  the  old  lunar  festivals,  when  these  were 
abrogated  by  the  Deutoronomic  reformation.  This 
innovation  he  attributes  to  Ezekiel;  but  steps  toward 
it  are  found  in  the  introduction  of  a  weekly  day  of  rest 
during  harvest  only  (on  the  ground  of  Dt  16  8  f ;  cf 
Ex  34  21),  and  in  the  establishment  of  the  sabbatical 
year  (Lev  25),  which  he  considers  to  bo  older  than  the 
weekly  Sabbath"  (ICC  on  Gen,  p.  39).  Dr.  Skinner  well 
says  that  Meinhold's  theory  involves  great  improbabili- 
ties. It  is  not  certain  that  the  Babylonians  applied  the 
term  i-abattu  to  the  l.'jth  day  of  the  month  because  it 
was  the  day  of  the  full  moon;  and  it  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  the  early  prophets  in  Israel  identified  Sabbath 
with  the  festival  of  the  full  moon. 

The  wealth  of  learning  and  ingenuity  expended 
in  the  search  for  the  origin  of  the  Sabbath  has  up 
to  the  present  yielded  small  returns. 

//.   History  of  the  Sabbath   after  Moses. — The 

early   prophets   and   historians  occasionally   make 
mention  of  the  Sabbath.     It  is  some- 

1.  In  the  times  named  in  connection  with  the 
OT  festival  of  the  new  moon  (2  K  4  23; 

Am  8  5;  Hos  2  11;  Isa  1  13;  Ezk 
46  3).  The  prophets  found  fault  with  the  worship 
on  the  Sabbath,  because  it  was  not  spiritual  nor 
prompted  by  love  and  gratitude.  The  Sabbath  is 
exalted  by  the  great  prophets  who  faced  the  crisis 
of  the  Bab  exile  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  institu- 
tions in  Israel's  life.  Great  promises  are  attached 
to  faithful  observance  of  the  holy  day,  and  confession 
is  made  of  Israel's  unfaithfulness  in  profaning  the 
Sabbath  (Jer  17  21-27;  Isa  56  2.4;  58  13;  Ezk 
20  12-24).  In  the  Pers  period  Nehemiah  struggled 
earnestly  to  make  the  people  of  Jerus  observe  the  law 
of  the  Sabbath  (Neh  10  31;  13  15-22). 

With  the  development  of  the  synagogue  the 
Sabbath  became  a  day  of  worship  and  of  study  of 

the  Law,  as  weU  as  a  day  of  cessation 

2.  In  the  from  all  secular  employment.  That 
Inter-Testa-  the  pious  in  Israel  carefully  observed 
mental  the  Sabbath  is  clear  from  the  conduct 
Period  of  the  Maccabees  and  their  followers, 

who  at  first  declined  to  resist  the 
onslaught  made  by  their  enemies  on  the  Sabbath 
(1  Mace  2  29-38);  but  necessity  drove  the  faith- 
ful to  defend  themselves  against  hostile  attack  on 
the  Sabbath  (1  Mace  2  39-41).  It  was  during 
the  period  between  Ezra  and  the  Christian  era  that 
the  spirit  of  Jewish  legalism  flourished.  Innumer- 
able restrictions  and  rules  were  formulated  for  the 
conduct  of  life  under  the  Law.  Great  principles 
were  lost  to  sight  in  the  mass  of  petty  details.  Two 
entire  treatises  of  the  Mish,  Shahbath  and  'Erubhln, 
are  devoted  to  the  details  of  Sabbath  observance. 
The  subject  is  touched  upon  in  other  parts  of  the 
Mish;  and  in  the  Gemara  there  are  extended  dis- 
cussions, with  citations  of  the  often  divergent 
opinions  of  the  rabbis.  In  the  Mish  (Shahbath, 
vii.2)  there  are  39  classes  of  prohibited  actions 
with  regard  to  the  Sabbath,  and  there  is  much  hair- 
spUtting  in  working  out  the  details.  The  beginnmga 
of  this  elaborate  definition  of  actions  permitted  and 
actions  forbidden  are  to  be  found  in  the  centuries 
immediately  preceding  the  Christian  era.  The 
movement  was  at  flood  tide  during  Our  Lord's 
earthly  ministry  and  continued  for  centuries  after- 
ward, in  spite  of  His  frequent  and  vigorous  protests. 
Apart  from  His  claim  to  be  the  Messiah,  there  ia 
no  subject  on  which  Our  Lord  came  into  such  sharp 
conflict  with  the  religious  leaders  of  the  Jews  as 
in  the  matter  of  Sabbath  observance.  He  set  Him- 
self squarely  against  the  current  rabbinic  restric- 


tions as  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  original  law 

of  the  Sabbath.     The  rabbis  seemed  t»  think  that 

the  Sabbath  was  an  end  in  itself,  an 

3.  Jesus  in.stitution  to  which  the  pious  Israelite 
and  the  must  subject  all  his  personal  interests; 
Sabbath        in  other  words,  that  man  was  made  for 

the  Sabbath:  man  might  suffer  hard- 
ship, but  the  institution  must  be  preserved  inviolate. 
Jesus,  on  the  contrary,  taught  that  the  Sabbath  was 
made  for  man's  benefit.  If  there  should  arise  a 
confhct  between  man's  needs  and  the  letter  of  the 
Law,  man's  higher  interests  and  needs  must  take 
precedence  over  the  law  of  the  Sabbath  (Mt  12 
1-14;  Mk  2  23—3  6;  Lk  6  l-U;  also  Jn  5  1-18; 
Lk  13  10-17;  14  1-6).  There  is  no  reason  to 
think  that  Jesus  meant  to  discredit  the  Sabbath 
as  an  institution.  It  was  His  custom  to  attend 
worship  in  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath  (Lk 
4  16).  The  humane  element  in  the  rest  day  at  the 
end  of  every  week  must  have  appealed  to  Hia 
sympathetic  nature.  It  was  the  one  precept  of  the 
Decalogue  that  was  predominantly  ceremonial, 
though  it  had  distinct  sociological  and  moral  value. 
As  an  institution  for  the  benefit  of  toiling  men  and 
animals,  Jesus  held  the  Sabbath  in  high  regard.  As 
the  Messiah,  He  was  not  subject  to  its  restrictions; 
He  could  at  any  moment  assert  His  lordship  over 
the  Sabbath  (Mk  2  28).  The  institution  was  not 
on  a  par  with  the  great  moral  precepts,  which  are 
unchangeable.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  while 
Jesus  pushed  the  moral  precepts  of  the  Decalogue 
into  the  inner  realm  of  thought  and  desire,  thus 
making  the  requirement  more  difflcult  and  the  law 
more  exacting,  He  fought  for  a  more  hberal  and 
lenient  interpretation  of  the  law  of  the  Sabbath. 
Rigorous  Sabbatarians  must  look  elsewhere  for  a 
champion  of  their  views. 

The  early  Christians  kept  the  7th  day  as  a  Sab- 
bath, much  after  the  fashion  of  other  Jews.     Gradu- 
ally the  1st  day  of  the  week  came  to  be 

4.  Paul  recognized  as  the  day  on  which  the 
and  the  followers  of  Jesus  would  meet  for 
Sabbath         worship.     The    resurrection     of     Our 

Lord  on  that  day  made  it  for  Christians 
the  most  joyous  day  of  all  the  week.  When 
Gentries  were  admitted  into  the  church,  the  question 
at  once  arose  whether  they  should  be  required  to 
keep  the  Law  of  Moses.  It  is  the  glory  of  Paul 
that  he  fought  for  and  won  freedom  for  his  gentile 
fellow-Christians.  It  is  significant  of  the  attitude 
of  the  apostles  that  the  decrees  of  the  Council  at 
Jerus  made  no  mention  of  Sabbath  observance 
in  the  requirements  laid  upon  gentile  Christians 
(Acts  15  28  f).  Paul  boldly  contended  that  be- 
lievers in  Jesus,  whether  Jew  or  Gentile,  were  set 
free  from  the  burdens  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  Even 
circumcision  counted  for  nothing,-  now  that  men 
were  saved  by  believing  in  Jesus  (Gal  5  6).  Chris- 
tian liberty  as  proclaimed  by  Paul  included  all 
days  and  seasons.  A  man  could  observe  special 
days  or  not,  just  as  his  own  judgment  and  conscience 
might  dictate  (Rom  14  5  f) ;  but  in  all  such  matters 
one  ought  to  be  careful  not  to  put  a  stumbling- 
block  in  a  brother's  way  (Rom  14  13  ff).  That 
Paul  contended  for  personal  freedom  in  respect  of 
the  Sabbath  is  made  quite  clear  in  Col  2  16  f, 
where  he  groups  together  dietary  laws,  feast  days, 
new  moons  and  sabbaths.  The  early  Christians 
brought  over  into  their  mode  of  observing  the  Lord's 
Day  the  best  elements  of  the  Jewish  Sabbath, 
without  its  onerous  restrictions.  See  further 
Lord's  Day;  Ethics  of  Jesus,  I,  3,  (1). 

Literature. — J.  A.  Hessey,  Sunday,  Its  Origin,  fft'j- 
tory,  and  Present  Obligation  (Bampton  Lects  for  1860); 
Zahn,  Geschichte  des  Honntags.  1878;  Davis,  Genesis  and 
Semitic  Tradiliun,  1894,  23-3.5;  Jastrow,  "The  Original 
Character  of  the  Heb  Sabbath."  AJT,  II.  1898,  312-52; 
Toy,  "The  Earliest  Form  ot  the  Sabbath,"  JBL,  XVIII, 


Sabbath 


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2632 


1899,  190-94;  W.  Lotz,  Questionum  de  historia  Sahbali 
libri  duo,  188^;  Nowack,  Hebr.  Arch.,  II,  1894.  140  fl; 
Driver,  HDB,  IV,  1902,  317-23;  ICC,  on  "Gen,"  1911, 
3.5-39;  Dillmann,  Ex  u.  Ln",  1897,212-16;  Edersheim, 
Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the  Messiah,  II,  1883,  51-62, 
777-87;  Broadus,  Comm.  on  M(,  256-61;  -BB.  IV,  1903, 
4173-80;  Gunkel.  Gen'.  1910.  114-16;  Meinhold,  Sa66o( 
u.   Woche  im  AT,  1905;   Beer.  Schabbalh,  1908. 

John  Richard  Sampey 
Se\'enth-Day  Adventist  Position 

The  views  entertained  by  Seventh-Day  Advent- 
ists  concerning  the  nature  and  obUgation  of  the 
Sabbath  may  conveniently  be  presented  under  three 
general  divisions:  (1)  what  the  Bible  says  concern- 
ing the  Sabbath;  (2)  what  history  says  concerning 
the  Sabbath;   (3)  the  significance  of  the  Sabbath. 

(1)  OT  teaching. — In  their  views  concerning  the 
institution  and  primal  obUgation  of  the  Sabbath, 
Seventh-Day  Adventists  are  in  har- 
1.  What  the  mony  with  the  views  held  by  the 
Bible  Says  early  representatives  of  nearly  all  the 
concerning  evangelical  denominations.  The  Sab- 
the  Sabbath  bath  is  coeval  with  the  finishing  of 
creation,  and  the  main  facts  connected 
with  establishing  it  are  recorded  in  Gen  2  2.3. 
The  blessing  here  placed  upon  the  seventh  day  dis- 
tinguishes it  from  the  other  days  of  the  week,  and 
the  day  thus  blessed  was  "sanctified"  (AV,  RV 
"hallowed")  and  set  apart  for  man. 

That  the  Sabbath  thus  instituted  was  well  known 
throughout  the  Patriarchal  age  is  clearly  estabhshed 
both  by  direct  evidence  and  by  necessary  inference. 

"If  we  had  no  other  passage  than  this  of  Gen  2  3,  there 
would  be  no  difficulty  in  deducing  from  it  a  precept  for 
the  universal  observance  of  a  Sabbath,  or  seventh  day, 
to  be  devoted  to  God  as  lioly  time  by  all  of  that  race  for 
whom  the  earth  and  all  things  therein  were  specially 
prepared.  The  first  men  must  have  laiown  it.  The 
words,  'He  hallowed  it,'  can  have  no  meaning  other- 
wise. They  would  be  a  blank  unless  in  reference  to  some 
who  were  required  to  keep  it  holy"  (Lange's  Comm.  on 
Gen  2  3. 1,  197). 

"And  the  day  arrived  when  Moses  went  to  Goshen  to 
see  tiis  brethren,  that  he  saw  the  children  of  Israel  in 
their  burdens  and  hard  labor,  and  Moses  was  grieved 
on  their  account.  And  Moses  returned  to  Egypt  and 
came  to  the  house  of  Pharaoh,  and  came  before  the  king, 
and  Moses  bowed  down  before  the  king.  And  Moses 
said  unto  Pharaoh,  I  pray  thee,  my  lord,  I  have  come  to 
seek  a  small  request  from  thee,  turn  not  away  my  face 
empty;  and  Pharaoli  said  unto  liim.  Speali:.  And  Moses 
said  unto  Pharaoh,  Let  tliere  be  given  unto  thy  servants 
the  children  of  Israel  who  are  in  Goshen,  one  day  to 
rest  therein  from  their  labor.  And  the  king  answered 
Moses  and  said.  Behold  I  have  lifted  up  thy  face  in  this 
thing  to  grant  thy  request.  And  Pharaoh  ordered  a 
proclamation  to  be  issued  throughout  Egypt  and  Goshen, 
saying.  To  you.  all  the  children  of  Israel,  thus  says  the 
king,  for  six  days  you  shall  do  your  work  and  labor,  but 
on  the  seventh  day  you  shall  rest,  and  shall  not  perform 
any  work;  thus  shall  you  do  in  all  the  days,  as  the  king 
and  Moses  the  son  of  Bathia  have  commanded.  And 
Moses  rejoiced  at  this  thing  which  the  king  liad  granted 
to  him.  and  aU  the  children  of  Israel  did  as  Moses 
ordered  them.  For  this  thing  was  from  the  Lord  to  the 
children  of  Israel,  for  the  Lord  had  begun  to  remember 
the  children  of  Israel  to  save  them  for  the  sake  of  their 
fathers.  And  the  Lord  was  with  Moses,  and  his  fame 
went  throughout  Egypt.  And  Moses  became  great  in 
the  eyes  of  all  the  Egyptians,  and  in  the  eyes  of  all  the 
children  of  Israel,  seeking  good  for  his  people  Israel,  and 
speaking  words  of  peace  regarding  them  to  the  king" 
(Book  of  Jashar  70:41-51,  pubUshed  by  Noah  &  Gould. 
New  York,  1840). 

"Hence  you  can  see  that  the  Sabbath  was  before  the 
Law  of  Moses  came,  and  has  existed  from  the  beginning 
of  the  world.  Esp.  have  the  devout,  who  have  preserved 
the  true  faith,  met  together  and  called  upon  God  on  this 
day"  (Luther's  Works.  XXXV.  p.  330). 

"Why  should  God  begin  two  thousand  years  after  (the 
creation  of  the  world)  to  give  men  a  Sabbath  upon  the 
reason  of  His  rest  from  the  creation  of  it.  if  He  had  never 
called  man  to  that  commemoration  before '!  And  it  is 
certain  that  the  Sabbath  was  observed  at  the  falling  of 
the  manna  before  the  giving  of  the  Law;  and  let  any 
considering  Christian  judge  ....  (1)  whether  the  not 
falling  of  manna,  or  the  rest  of  God  after  the  creation, 
was  like  to  be  the  original  reason  of  the  Sabbath;  (2) 
and  whether,  if  it  had  been  the  first,  it  would  not  have 
been  said,  Remember  to  keep  holy  the  Sabbath  day; 
for  on  six  days  the  manna  fell,  and  not  on  the  seventh; 
rather  than  'for  in  six  days  God  created  heaven  and 
earth,    etc,    and    rested   the    seventh    day.'     And    it   is 


casually  added.  '  Wherefore  the  Lord  blessed  the  Sab- 
bath day,  and  hallowed  it.'  Nay.  consider  whether 
this  annexed  reason  intimates  not  that  the  day  on  this 
ground  being  hallowed  before,  therefore  it  was  that  God 
sent  not  down  the  manna  on  that  day,  and  that  He  pro- 
hibited the  people  from  seeking  it"  (Richard  Baxter, 
Practieal   Works,  III,  774,  ed  1707). 

That  the  Sabbath  was  known  to  those  who  came 
out  of  Egypt,  even  before  the  giving  of  the  Law  at 
Sinai,  is  shown  from  the  experience  with  the  manna, 
as  recorded  in  Ex  16  22-30.  The  double  portion 
on  the  sixth  day,  and  its  preservation,  was  the  con- 
stantly recurring  miracle  which  reminded  the  people 
of  their  obligation  to  observe  the  Sabbath,  and  that 
the  Sabbath  was  a  definite  day,  the  seventh  day. 
To  the  people,  first  wondering  at  this  remarkable 
occurrence,  Moses  said,  "This  is  that  which  the 
Lord  hath  said.  To  morrow  is  the  rest  of  the  holy 
sabbath  unto  the  Lord"  (ver  23  AV).  And  to  some 
who  went  out  to  gather  manna  on  the  seventh  da}', 
the  Lord  administered  this  rebuke:  "How  long 
refuse  ye  to  keep  my  commandments  and  my 
laws?"  (ver  28).  All  this  shows  that  the  Sabbath 
law  was  well  understood,  and  that  the  failure  to 
observe  it  rendered  the  people  justly  subject  to 
Divine  reproof. 

At  Sinai,  the  Sabbath  which  was  instituted  at 
creation,  and  had  been  observed  during  the  inter- 
vening centuries,  was  embodied  in  that  formal 
statement  of  man's  duties  usually  designated  as  the 
"Ten  Commandments."  It  is  treated  as  an  insti- 
tution already  well  known  and  the  command  is, 
"Remember  the  sabbath  day,  to  keep  it  holy" 
(Ex  20  8).  In  the  4th  commandment  the  basis  of 
the  Sabbath  is  revealed.  It  is  a  memorial  of  the 
Creator's  rest  at  the  close  of  those  six  days  in  which 
He  made  "heaven  and  earth,  the  sea,  and  all  that 
in  them  is."  For  this  reason  "Jeh  blessed  the  sab- 
bath day,  and  hallowed  it."  This  blessing  was  not 
placed  upon  the  day  at  Sinai,  but  in  the  beginning, 
when  "God  blessed  the  seventh  day,  and  hallowed 
it"  (Gen  2  3). 

From  the  very  nature  of  the  basis  of  the  Sabbath, 
as  set  forth  in  this  commandment,  both  the  insti- 
tution itself  and  the  definite  day  of  the  Sabbath 
are  of  a  permanent  nature.  So  long  as  it  is  true 
that  God  created  heaven  and  earth,  and  all  things 
therein,  so  long  will  the  Sabbath  remain  as  a  me- 
morial of  that  work;  and  so  long  as  it  is  true  that 
this  creative  work  was  completed  in  six  days,  and 
that  God  Himself  rested  on  the  seventh  day,  and 
was  refreshed  in  the  enjoyment  of  His  completed 
work,  so  long  will  it  be  true  that  the  memorial  of 
that  work  can  properly  be  celebrated  only  upon  the 
seventh  day  of  the  week. 

During  all  the  period  from  the  dehverance  out  of 
Egypt  to  the  captivity  in  Babylon,  the  people  of 
God  were  distinguished  from  the  nations  about 
them  by  the  worship  of  the  only  true  God,  and  the 
observance  of  His  holy  day.  The  proper  observance 
of  the  true  Sabbath  would  preserve  them  from  idol- 
atry, being  a  constant  reminder  of  the  one  God,  the 
Creator  of  all  things.  Even  when  Jerus  was  suffer- 
ing from  the  attacks  of  the  Babylonians,  God  as- 
sured His  people,  through  the  prophet  Jeremiah, 
that  if  they  would  hallow  the  Sabbath  day,  great 
should  be  their  prosperity,  and  the  city  should 
remain  forever  (Jer  17  18).  This  shows  that  the 
spiritual  observance  of  the  Sabbath  was  the  su- 
preme test  of  their  right  relation  to  God.  In  those 
prophecies  of  Isaiah,  which  deal  primarily  with  the 
restoration  from  Babylon,  remarkable  promises  were 
made  to  those  who  would  observe  the  Sabbath,  as 
recorded  in  Isa  66  1-7. 

(2)  NT  teaching. — From  the  record  found  in  the 
four  Gospels,  it  is  plain  that  the  Jews  during  all  the 
previous  centuries  had  preserved  a  knowledge  both 
of  the  Sabbath  institution  and  of  the  definite  day. 


2633 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sabbath 


It  is  equally  plain  that  they  had  made  the  Sabbath 
burdensome  by  their  own  rigorous  exactions  con- 
cerning it.  And  Christ,  the  Lord  of  the  Sabbath, 
both  by  example  and  by  precept,  brushed  aside 
these  traditions  of  men  that  He  might  reveal  the 
Sabbath  of  the  commandment  as  God  gave  it — a 
blessing  and  not  a  burden.  A  careful  reading  of  the 
testimony  of  the  evangelists  will  show  that  Christ 
taught  the  observance  of  the  commandments  of 
God,  rather  than  the  traditions  of  men,  and  that 
the  charge  of  Sabbath-breaking  was  brought  against 
Him  for  no  other  reason  than  that  He  refused 
to  allow  the  requirements  of  man  to  change  the 
Sabbath,  blessed  of  God,  into  a  merely  human  insti- 
tution, grievous  in  its  nature,  and  enforced  upon  the 
people  with  many  and  troublesome  restrictions. 

All  are  agreed  that  Christ  and  His  disciples  observed 
the  seventh-day  .Sabbath  previous  to  the  crucifixion. 
That  His  followers  had  received  no  intimation  of  any 
proposed  change  at  His  death,  is  evident  from  the 
recorded  fact  that  on  the  day  when  He  was  in  the  tomb 
they  rested,  "on  the  sabbath  ....  according  to  the  com- 
mandment" (Lk  23  .56);  and  that  they  treated  the  fol- 
lowing day.  the  first  day  of  the  week,  the  same  as  of  old, 
is  further  evident,  as  upon  that  day  they  came  unto  the 
sepulcher  for  the  purpose  of  anointing  the  body  of  Jesus. 
In  the  Book  of  Acts,  which  gives  a  brief  history  of  the 
work  of  the  disciples  in  proclaiming  the  gospel  of  a  risen 
Saviour,  no  other  Sabbath  is  recognized  than  the  seventh 
day,  and  this  is  mentioned  in  the  most  natural  way  as 
the  proper  designation  of  a  well-known  institution  (Acts 
13   14.27.42;    16   13;    18  4). 

In  Our  Lord's  great  prophecy,  in  which  He  foretold 
the  experience  of  the  church  between  the  first  and  the 
second  advent.  He  recognized  the  seventh-day  Sabbath 
as  an  existing  institution  at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of 
Jerus  (70  AD),  when  He  instructed  His  disciples,  "Pray 
ye  that  your  flight  be  not  in  the  winter,  neither  on  a 
sabbath"  (Mt  24  20).  Such  instruction  given  in  these 
words,  and  at  that  time,  would  have  been  confusing 
in  the  extreme,  had  there  been  any  such  thing  contem- 
plated as  the  overthrow  of  the  Sabbath  law  at  the  cruci- 
fixion, and  the  substitution  of  another  day  upon  an 
entirely  different  basis. 

That  the  original  Sabbath  is  to  be  observed, 
not  only  during  the  present  order  of  things,  but  also 
after  the  restoration  when,  according  to  the  vision 
of  the  revelator,  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth  will 
take  the  place  of  the  heaven  and  the  earth  that  now 
are,  is  clearly  intimated  in  the  words  of  the  Lord 
through  the  prophet  Isaiah:  "For  as  the  new 
heavens  and  the  new  earth,  which  1  will  make,  shall 
remain  before  me,  saith  Jeh,  so  shall  your  seed  and 
your  name  remain.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that 
from  one  new  moon  to  another,  and  from  one  sab- 
bath to  another,  shall  all  flesh  come  to  worship  before 
me,  saith  Jeh"  (Isa  66  22.2.3). 

Seventh-Day  Adventists  regard  the  effort  to 
establish  the  observance  of  another  day  than  the 
seventh  by  using  such  texts  as  Jn  20  19.26;  Acts 
20  7;  1  Cor  16  1.2;  Rev  1  10  as  being  merely  an 
afterthought,  an  effort  to  find  warrant  for  an  observ- 
ance established  upon  other  than  Bib.  authority. 
During  the  last  two  or  three  centuries  there  has 
been  a  movement  for  the  restoration  of  the  origmal 
seventh-day  Sabbath,  not  as  a  Jewish,  but  as  a 
Christian,  institution.  This  work,  commenced  and 
carried  forward  by  the  Seventh-Day  Baptists,  has 
been  taken  up  and  pushed  with  renewed  vigor  by 
the  Seventh-Day  Adventists  during  the  present 
generation,  and  the  Bible  teaching  concerning  the 
true  Sabbath  is  now  being  presented  in  nearly  every 
country,  both  civilized  and  uncivilized,  on  the  face 
of  the  earth. 

(1)  Josephus. — This  summary  of  history  must  neces- 
sarily be  brief,  and  it  will  be  impossible,  for  lack  of  space, 
to  quote  authorities.  Prom  the  testi- 
c%    Tin,   J.  mony  of  Jos  it  is  clear  that  the  Jews,  as  a 

2.   Wnat  nation,  continued  to  observe  the  seventh- 

History  day  Sabbath  until  their  overthrow,  when 

«!flv<!  about  Jerus  was  captured  by  Titus,  70  AD.  As 
oays  duuui  ggiQjjigg^  a^„jj  individuals,  scattered  over 
the  oaDDatn  ^jjg  f^^^  ^j  ^jm  earth,  the  Jews  have  pre- 
served a  knowledge  of  the  original  Sabbath, 
and  the  definite  day,  until  the  present  time.     They  con- 


stitute a  living  testimony  for  the  benefit  of  all  who  desire 
to  know  the  truth  of  this  matter. 

(2)  Church  hi-itory. — According  to  church  history  the 
seventh-day  Sabbath  was  observed  by  the  early  church, 
and  no  other  day  was  observed  as  a  Sabbath  during  the 
first  two  or  three  centuries  (see  HDB,  IV,  322  b). 

In  the  oft-repeated  letter  of  Pliny,  the  Rom  governor 
of  Bithynia,  to  the  emperor  Trajan,  written  about 
112  AD,  there  occurs  the  expression,  "a  certain  stated 
day,"  which  is  usually  assumed  to  mean  Sunday.  With 
reference  to  this  matter  VV.  B.  Taylor,  in  Historical 
Comms.,  ch  i,  sec.  47,  makes  the  following  statement: 
"As  the  Sabbath  day  appears  to  have  been  quite  as 
commonly  observed  at  this  date  as  the  sun's  day  (if  not 
even  more  so),  it  is  just  as  probable  that  this  "stated 
day'  referred  to  by  Pliny  was  the  7th  day  as  that  it  was 
the  1st  day;  though  the  latter  is  generally  taken  for 
granted."  "Sunday  wa.s  distinguished  as  a  day  of  joy 
by  the  circumstances  that  men  did  not  fast  upon  it,  and 
that  they  prayed  standing  up  and  not  kneeling,  as  Christ 
had  now  been  raised  from  the  dead.  The  festival  of 
Sunday,  like  all  other  festivals,  was  always  only  a  human 
ordinance,  and  it  was  far  from  the  intentions  of  the 
apostles  to  establish  a  Divine  command  in  this  respect, 
■  far  from  them,  and  from  the  early  apostolic  church,  to 
transfer  the  laws  of  the  Sabbath  to  Sunday.  Perhaps 
at  the  end  of  the  2d  cent. ,  a  false  application  of  this  kind 
had  begun  to  take  place;  for  men  appear  by  that  time 
to  have  considered  laboring  on  Sunday  as  a  sin"  (Tertul- 
lian  De  Oral.,  c.  23).  This  quotation  is  taken  from  Rose's 
Meander.  London,  1831,  I,  33  f,  and  is  the  correct  tr  from 
Neander's  first  Ger.  ed,  Hamburg,  1826,  I,  pt.  2,  p.  339. 
Neander  has  in  his  2d  ed,  1842,  omitted  the  second  sen- 
tence, in  which  he  expressly  stated  that  Sunday  was  only 
a  human  ordinance,  l5ut  he  has  added  nothing  to  the  con- 
trary. "The  Christians  in  the  ancient  church  very  soon 
distinguished  the  first  day  of  the  week,  Sunday;  however, 
not  as  a  Sabbath,  but  as  an  assembly  day  of  the  chm-ch, 
to  study  the  Word  of  God  together  and  to  celebrate  the 
ordinances  one  with  another:  without  a  shadow  of  doubt 
this  took  place  as  early  as  the  first  part  of  the  2d  cent." 
{Geschiefde  den  Sonnlags.  60). 

Gradually,  however,  the  first  day  of  the  week  came  into 
prominence  as  an  added  day.  but  finally  by  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  authority  as  a  required  observance.  The 
first  legislation  on  this  subject  was  the  famous  law  of  Con- 
stantine,  enacted  321  AD.  The  acts  of  various  councils 
during  the  4th  and  .5th  cents,  established  the  observance 
of  the  first  day  of  the  week  by  ecclesiastical  authority,  and 
in  the  great  apostasy  which  followed,  the  rival  day  ob- 
tained the  ascendancy.  During  the  centuries  which  fol- 
lowed, however,  there  were  always  witnesses  for  the  true 
Sabbath,  although  under  great  persecution.  And  thus  in 
various  lands,  tile  knowledge  of  the  true  Sabbath  has 
been  preserved. 

In  the  creation  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth  the 
foundation  of  the  gospel  was  laid.  At  the  close  of 
His  created  work,  "God  saw  everything 
3.  The  Sig-  that  he  had  made,  and,  behold,  it  was 
nificance  of  very  good"  (Gen  1  31).  The  Sab- 
the  Sabbath  bath  was  both  the  sign  and  the 
memorial  of  that  creative  power  which 
is  able  to  make  all  things  good.  But  man,  made  in 
the  image  of  God,  lost  that  image  through  sin.  In 
the  gospel,  provision  is  made  for  the  restoration  of 
the  image  of  God  in  the  soul  of  man.  The  Creator 
is  the  Redeemer  and  redemption  is  the  new  creation. 
As  the  Sabbath  was  the  sign  of  that  creative  power 
which  wrought  in  Christ,  the  Word,  in  the  making 
of  the  heaven  and  the  earth  and  all  things  therein, 
so  it  is  the  sign  of  that  same  creative  power  working 
through  the  same  eternal  Word  for  the  restoration 
of  all  things.  "Wherefore  if  any  man  is  in  Christ, 
there  is  a  new  creation:  the  old  things  are  passed 
away;  behold,  they  are  become  new"  (2  Cor 
5  17  m).  "For  neither  is  circumcision  anything, 
nor  uncircumoision,  but  a  new  creation"  (Gal  6 
1.5  m).  "For  we  are  his  workmanship,  created  in 
Christ  Jesus  for  good  works,  which  God  afore  pre- 
pared that  we  should  walk  in  them"  (Eph  2  10). 

A  concrete  illustration  of  tills  gospel  meaning  of  the 
Sabbath  is  found  in  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  Egypt. 
The  same  creative  power  which  wrought  in  the  beginning 
was  exorcised  in  the  signs  and  miracles  which  preceded 
their  dehverance,  and  in  those  miracles,  such  as  the  open- 
ing of  the  Red  Sea,  the  giving  of  the  manna,  and  the  water 
from  the  rock,  which  attended  the  journeyings  of  the 
Israelites.  In  consequence  of  these  manifestations  of 
creative  power  in  their  behalf,  the  children  of  Israel  were 
instructed  to  remember  in  their  observance  of  the  Sabbath 
that  they  were  bondmen  in  the  land  of  Egypt.  Israel's 
deliverance  from  Egypt  is  the  type  of  every  man's  deliv- 
erance from  sin ;  and  the  instruction  to  Israel  concerning 


i*uu*?"^T^'°^    THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 
Sabbatical  Year 


2634 


the  Sabbath  shows  its  true  significance  in  the  gospel  of 
salvation  from  sin,  and  the  new  creation  in  the  image 
of  God. 

Furthermore,  the  seventh-day  Sabbath  is  the 
sign  of  both  the  divinity  and  the  deity  of  Christ. 
God  only  can  create.  He  througli  whom  tliis  woric 
is  wrougltt  must  be  one  with  God.  To  this  the 
Scriptures  testify:  "In  the  beginning  was  the  Word, 

....  and  the  Word  was  God All  things 

were  made  through  him ;  and  without  him  was  not 
anything  made  that  hath  been  made."  But  this 
same  A^'ord  which  was  with  God,  and  was  God, 
"became  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us"  (Jn  1  1.3.14). 
This  is  the  eternal  Son,  "in  whom  we  have  our 
redemption  through  his  blood,  the  forgiveness  of  our 
trespasses,  according  to  the  riches  of  his  grace"  (Eph 
17).  To  the  Christian  the  Sabbath,  which  was  the 
sign  and  memorial  of  that  Divine  power  which 
wrought  through  the  eternal  Word  in  the  creation 
of  the  heaven  and  the  eartli,  becomes  the  sign  of  the 
same  power  working  through  the  same  eternal  Son 
to  accomphsh  the  new  creation,  and  is  thus  the  sign 
of  both  the  divinity  and  the  deity  of  Christ. 

Inasmuch  as  the  redemptive  work  finds  its  chief  est 
expression  in  the  cross  of  Christ,  the  Sabbath,  which 
is  the  sign  of  that  redemptive  work,  becomes  the 
sign  of  the  cross. 

Seventh-Day  Adventists  teach  and  practise  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Sabbath,  not  because  they  believe  in  salvation 
through  man's  effort  to  keep  the  law  of  God,  but  because 
they  beheve  in  that  salvation  which  alone  can  be  accom- 
plished by  the  creative  power  of  God  working  through 
the  eternal  Son  to  create  believers  anew  in  Christ  Jesus, 

Seventh-Day  Adventists  believe,  and  teach,  that  the 
observance  of  any  other  day  than  the  seventh  as  the 
Sabbath  is  the  sign  of  that  predicted  apostasy  in  which 
the  man  of  sin  would  be  revealed  who  would  exalt 
himself  above  all  that  is  called  God,  or  that  is  worshipped. 

Seventh-Day  Adventists  believe,  and  teach,  that  the 
observance  of  the  true  Sabbath  in  this  generation  is  a 
part  of  that  gospel  work  which  is  to  make  ready  a  people 
prepared  for  the  Lord. 

SABBATH-BREAKING,'  s.-brak'ing.     See 

Crimes  ;  Punishments. 


SABBATH,  COURT   OF  THE. 

Way. 


See   Covered 


SABBATH,     DAY    BEFORE    THE.     Sec    Day 

BEFORE  THE  SaBBATH. 

SABBATH  DAY'S  JOURNEY,  jur'ni  (o-appdrou 
686s,  sahhnlou  hodos) :  I'sed  only  in  Acts  1  12, 
where  it  designates  the  distance  from  Jerus  to  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  to  which  Jesus  led  His  disciples  on 
the  day  of  His  ascension.  The  expression  comes 
from  rabbinical  usage  to  indicate  the  distance  a 
Jew  might  travel  on  the  Sabbath  without  trans- 
gressing the  Law,  the  command  against  working  on 
that  day  being  interpreted  as  including  travel 
(see  Ex  16  27-30).  The  limit  set  by  the  rabbis  to 
the  Sabbath  day's  jom-ney  was  2,000  cubits  from 
one's  house  or  domicile,  which  was  derived  from  the 
statement  found  in  Josh  3  4  that  this  was  the 
distance  between  the  ark  and  the  people  on  their 
march,  this  being  assumed  to  be  the  distance  between 
the  tent.s  of  the  people  and  the  tabernacle  during  the 
sojourn  in  the  wilderness.  Hence  it  must  have  been 
allowable  to  travel  thus  far  to  attend  the  worship 
of  the  tabernacle.  We  do  not  know  when  this 
assumption  in  regard  to  the  Sabbath  day's  journey 
was  made,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  in  force  in  the 
time  of  Christ.  The  distance  of  the  ]\'Iount  of 
Olives  from  Jerus  is  stated  in  .Jos  (AnI,  XX,  viii, 
6)  to  have  been  five  stadia  or  furlongs  and  in  BJ, 
V,  ii,  3,  six  stadia,  the  discrepancy  being  explainecl 
by  supposing  a  different  point  of  departure.  This 
would  make  the  distance  of  the  Sabbath  day's  jour- 
ney from  1,000  to  1,200  yds.,  the  first  agreeing  very 
closely  with  the  2,000  cubits.     The  rabbis,  however, 


invented  a  way  of  increasing  this  distance  without 
technically  infringing  the  Law,  by  depositing  some 
food  at  the  2,000-cubit  limit,  before  the  Sabbath, 
and  declaring  that  spot  a  temporary  domicile. 
They  might  then  proceed  2,000  cubits  from  this 
point  without  transgressing  the  Law. 

And  in  some  cases  even  this  intricacy  of  preparation 
was  unnecessary.  If,  for  instance,  the  approach  of  the 
Sabbath  found  one  on  his  journey,  the  traveler  might 
select  some  tree  or  some  stone  wall  at  a  distance  of  2,000 
paces  and  mentally  declare  this  to  be  his  residence  for 
the  Sabbath,  in  which  case  he  was  permitted  to  go  the 
2,000  paces  to  the  selected  tree  or  wall  and  also  2,000 
paces  beyond,  but  in  such  a  case  he  most  do  the  work 
thoroughly  and  must  say;  "Let  my  Sabbath  residence 
be  at  the  trunk  of  that  tree."  for  if  he  merely  said: 
"Let  my  Sabbath  residence  be  under  that  tree,"  this 
would  not  be  sufficient,  because  the  expression  would  be 
too  general  and  indefinite  (Tract.  'Erubhin  i  7). 

Other  schemes  for  extending  the  distance  have 
been  devised,  such  as  regarding  the  quarter  of  the 
town  in  which  one  dwells,  or  the  whole  town  itself, 
as  the  domicile,  thus  allowing  one  to  proceed  from 
any  part  of  the  town  to  a  point  2,000  cubits  beyond 
its  utmost  limits.  This  was  most  probably  the  case 
with  walled  towns,  at  least,  and  boundary  stones 
have  been  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Gaza  with  in- 
scriptions supposed  to  mark  these  Hmits.  The  2,000- 
cubit  limits  around  the  Levitical  cities  (Nu  35  5) 
may  have  suggested  the  limit  of  the  Sabbath  day's 
journey  also.  The  term  came  to  be  used  as  a  desig- 
nation of  distance  which  must  have  been  more  or 
less  definite.  H.  Porter 


SABBATH,     MORROW     AFTER     THE. 

Morrow  after  the  Sabbath. 


See 


SABBATH,  SECOND  AFTER  THE  FIRST 
(o-dpPaTov  ScvTepoTrpwTov,  sdbbaton  deuteroprolon 
[Lk  6  1],  ht.  "the  second-first  sabbath,"  of  RVm): 
We  will  mention  only  a  few  of  the  e.xplanations 
ehcited  by  this  ex-pression.  (1)  It  was  the  first  Sab- 
bath in  the  second  year  of  a  7-year  cycle  compris- 
ing the  period  from  one  Sabbatic  year  to  the  other; 
(2)  the  first  Sabbath  after  the  second  day  of  Pass- 
over, i.e.  the  first  of  the  seven  Sabbaths  the  Hebrews 
were  to  "count  unto"  themselves  from  "the  morrow 
after  the  sabbath"  (the  day  after  Easter)  until 
Pentecost  (Lev  23  15);  (3)  the  first  Sabbath  in 
the  Jewish  ecclesiastical  year  (about  the  middle  of 
March),  the  first  Sabbath  in  the  civil  year  (aljout 
the  middle  of  September)  being  counted  as  the 
"first-first"  Sabbath;  (4)  the  term  deuterdprotos, 
is  a  monstrous  combination  of  the  words  deuteros, 
"second,"  and  protos,  "first,"  attributable  to  un- 
skilful attempts  at  textual  emendation  on  the  ])art 
of  copyists.  This  supposition  would,  of  course, 
render  unnecessary  all  other  efforts  to  unravel  the 
knotty  problem,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  deutero- 
protos  is  omitted  by  many  MSS  (including  X  and 
B).  To  those  not  feehng  incUned  to  accept  this 
solution  we  would  suggest  the  first  of  the  above- 
named  explanations  as  the  most  natural  and  protj- 
able  one.  William  Baur 

SABBATHEUS,  sab-a-the'us:  AV  =  RV  Sab- 
bateus  (q.v.). 

SABBATHS,  sab'aths,  OF  YEARS  (D^JTIJ  nhaiT  , 
shahbHhoth  shanlm;  dvairaio-tis  eroiv,  anapailseis 
(■(o/iILev  25  8]):  The  seven  sabbatic  years  preceding 
the  Year  of  Jubilee.  See  Sabbatical  Year; 
Jubilee  Year;  Astronomy',  I,  5. 

SABBATICAL,  sa-bat'ik-al,  YEAR  ( )in3T15  n:ia , 
sh'nath  shahbdthdii;  eviauros  dva-n-avio-ems,  eiiiaulos 
anapauseos,  "a  year  of  solemn  rest" ;  or  'jinSlp  nSlB  , 
shahbalh  shahbdthon;  o-dppara  dvdirauo-Ls,  sdbbala 
andpausis,  "a  sabbath  of  solemn  rest"  [Lev  26  4]; 


2635 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sabbath-Breaking 
Sabbatical  Year 


or   nCJ'alBn  rilll),    sh'nath   ha-sh'mitlah;    «tos   t<^s 

d(|>^(rcus,  elos  Its  apheseos,  "the  year  of  release"  [Dt 

15  9;   31  10]):   We  find  the  first  rudi- 

1.  Primary  ments  of  tiiis  institution  in  the  so- 
Intention       calledCovenant  Boole  (Ex  21-23).    Its 

connection  with  the  day  of  rest  (Sab- 
bath) is  obvious,  although  it  strikes  us  as  somewhat 
remarkable  that  in  Ex  23  10-12  the  regulation 
regarding  the  7th  year  should  precede  the  statute 
respecting  the  7th  day.  Still  it  seems  natural  that 
after  the  allusion  in  ver  9,  "Ye  were  sojourners  in 
the  land  of  Egypt,"  the  Covenant  Book  should  put 
in  a  good  word  for  the  poor  in  Israel  (ver  11 :  "Let 
it  rest  and  he  fallow,  that  the  poor  of  thy  people 
may  eat").  Even  the  beasts  of  the  field  are  re- 
membered (cf  Jon  4  11). 

We  must,  therefore,  conclude  that  in  this  early 
period  of  the  history  of  Israel  the  regulation  regard- 
ing the  7th  year  was  primarily  intended  for  the  relief 
of  the  poor  and  for  the  awakening  of  a  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility in  the  hearts  of  those  better  provided 
with  the  means  of  subsistence.  It  would  be  wrong, 
however,  to  deny  its  Sabbatic  character,  for  the 
text  says  expressly,  "But  in  the  7th  year  thou  shaft 
let  it  rest"  (ht.  "thou  shalt  release  it"),  implying 
that  the  land  was  entitled  to  a  rest  because  it  needed 
it;  it  must  be  released  for  a  time  in  order  to  gain 
fresh  strength  and  insure  its  future  fertility.  Two 
motives,  then,  present  themselves  most  clearly, 
one  of  a  social,  the  other  of  an  economic  character, 
and  both  are  rooted  in  God's  dealings  with  Israel 
(cfEx  21  1). 

Another  evidence  of  the  humane  spirit  pervading  the 

Mosaic  Law  may  be  found  in  Ex  21  2-6  where,  in  the 

case   of   a   Heb   slave,    the  length   of   his 

2.  Mosaic  servitude  is  limited  to  six  years.  The  con- 
f'  -  1  ^-  nection  with  the  idea  of  the  Sabbath  is 
i/egisiauon  evident,  but  we  fail  to  detect  here  any 
Humane  reference    to    the    Sabbatical  year.     It  is 

clear  that  the  7th  year  in  which  a  slave 
might  be  set  free  need  not  necessarily  coincide  with  the 
SaiSbatical  year,  though  it  might,  of  course.  The  same  is 
true  of  Dt  15  12-18;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Sabbatical  year.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  reasonable  to 
assume  that  the  "release"  mentioned  in  Dt  15  1-3  took 

glace  in  the  Sabbatical  year;  in  other  words,  its  scope 
ad  been  enlarged  in  later  years  so  as  to  include  the 
release  from  pecuniary  obligation,  i.e.  the  remission  of 
debts  or,  at  least,  their  temporary  suspension.  This 
means  that  the  children  of  Israel  were  now  developing 
from  a  purely  agricultural  people  to  a  commercial  na- 
tion. Still  the  same  spirit  of  compassion  for  the  poor 
and  those  struggling  for  a  living  asserts  itself  as  in  the 
earlier  period,  and  it  goes  without  saying  that  the  old 
regulation  concerning  the  release  of  the  land  in  the  7th 
year  was  still  in  force  (cf  ver  2;  "because  Jeh's  release 
hatli  been  proclaimed"). 

According  to  ver  1,  this  proclamation  occurred  at  the 
end  of  every  7  years,  or,  rather,  during  the  7th  year; 
for  we  must  be  careful  not  to  strain  the  expression  '  at 
the  end"  (cf  ver  9,  where  the  7th  year  is  called  "the  year 
of  release";  it  is  quite  natural  to  identify  this  7th  year 
with  the  Sabbatical  year). 

Moreover  we  are  now  almost  compelled  to  assert  that 
the  Sabbatical  year  by  this  time  had  become  an  institution 
observed  simultaneously  all  over  the  country.  Prom 
the  wording  of  the  regulation  regarding  the  7th  year  in 
the  Covenant  Book  we  are  not  certain  about  this  in 
those  early  times.  But  now  it  is  different.  Jeh  s 
release  hath  been  proclaimed." 

It  was  a  solemn  and  general  proclamation,  the  date 

of  which  was  very  hkely  the  day  of  atonement  in 

the 7th  month  (the  Sabbatical  month). 

3.  General  The  celebration  of  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
Observance  nacles  (booths)  began  five  days  later  and 

it  lasted  from  the  1.5th  day  to  the  21st 
of  the  7th  month  (Tisri) .  In  the  Sabbatical  year  at 
that  time,  the  Law  was  read  "before  all  Israel  m 
their  hearing,"  a  fact  which  tends  to  prove  that  the 
Sabbatical  year  had  become  a  matter  of  general  and 
simultaneous  observance  (cf  Dt  31  10-13).  An- 
other lesson  may  be  deduced  from  this  passage: 
it  gives  us  a  hint  respecting  the  use  to  which  the 
people  may  have  put  their  leisure  time  during  the 


12  months  of  Sabbatical  rest;  it  may  have  been  a 
period  of  religious  and  probably  other  instruction. 

In  Lev  25  1-7  the  central  idea  of  the  Sabbatical 
year  is  unfolded.  Although  it  has  been  said  we 
should  be  careful  not  to  look  for  too  much  of  the 
ideal  and  dogmatic  in  the  institutions  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  yet  we  must  never  lose  sight  of  the 
religious  and  educational  character  even  of  their 
ancient  legislation. 

One  central  thought  is  brought  home  to  them, 
viz.  God  is  the  owner  of  the  soil,  and  through  His 
grace  only  the  chosen  people  have  come 
4.  Central  into  its  possession.  Their  time,  i.e. 
Idea  they  themselves,  belong  to  Him:   this 

is  the  deepest  meaning  of  the  day  of 
rest;  their  land,  i.e.  their  means  of  subststence, 
belong  to  Him:  this  reveals  to  us  the  innermost 
significance  of  the  year  of  rest.  It  was  Jeh's  pleas- 
ure to  call  the  children  of  Israel  into  life,  and  if  they 
live  and  work  and  prosper,  they  are  indebted 
to  His  unmerited  loving-kindness.  They  should, 
therefore,  put  their  absolute  trust  in  Him,  never 
doubt  His  word  or  His  power,  always  obey  Plim  and 
so  always  receive  His  unbounded  blessings. 

If  we  thus  put  all  the  emphasis  on  the  religious 
character  of  the  Sabbatical  year,  we  are  in  keeping 
with  the  idea  permeating  the  O'T,  namely  that  the 
children  of  Israel  are  the  chosen  people  of  Jeh. 
AU  their  agricultural,  social,  commercial  and  politi- 
cal relations  were  to  be  built  upon  their  Divine 
calling  and  shaped  according  to  God's  sovereign  will. 

But  did  they  live  up  to  it?  Or,  to  limit  the  ques- 
tion to  our  subject:  Did  they  really  observe  the 
Sabbatical  year?  There  are  those  who  hold  that  the 
law  regarding  the  Sabbatical  year  was  not  observed 
before  the  captivity.  In  order  to  prove  this  asser- 
tion they  point  to  Lev  26  34f.43;  also  to  2  Ch 
36  21.  But  all  we  can  gather  from  these  passages 
is  the  palpable  conclusion  that  the  law  regarding 
the  Sabbatical  year  had  not  been  strictly  obeyed,  a 
deficiency  which  may  mar  the  effect  of  any  law. 

The  possibility  of  observing  the  precept  respect- 
ing the  Sabbatical  year  is  demonstrated  by  the  post- 
exilic  history  of  the  Jewish  people.  Nehemiah 
registers  the  solemn  fact  that  the  reestablished 
nation  entered  into  a  covenant  to  keep  the  law  and 
to  maintain  the  temple  worship  (Neh  9  38;  10 
32  if).  In  ver  31  of  the  last-named  chapter  he 
alludes  to  the  7th  year,  "that  we  would  forego  the 
7th  year,  and  the  exaction  of  every  debt."  We 
are  not  sure  of  the  exact  meaning  of  this  short  allu- 
sion; it  may  refer  to  the  Sabbatical  rest  of  the  land 
and  the  suspension  of  debts. 

For  a  certainty  we  know  that  the  Sabbatical  year 
was  observed  by  the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  When  he  was  petitioned  by  the  Samari- 
tans "that  he  would  remit  the  tribute  of  the  7th 
year  to  them,  because  they  did  not  sow  therein, 
he  asked  who  they  were  that  made  such  a  petition' ' ; 
he  was  told  they  were  Hebrews,  etc  (Jos,  Ant,  XI, 
viii,  6). 

During  Maccabean  and  Asmonean  times  the 
law  regarding  the  Sabbatical  year  was  strictly  ob- 
served, although  it  frequently  weakened  the  cause 
of  the  Jews  (1  Mace  6  49.53;  Jos,  Anf,  XIII,  viii, 
1;  cf  BJ,  I,  ii,  4;  Ant,  XIV,  x,  6;  XV,  i,  2).  Again 
we  may  find  references  to  the  Sabbatical  year  in  Jos, 
Ant,  XIV,  xvi,  2,  etc;  Tac.  Hist.  v. 4,  etc,  all  of 
which  testifies  to  the  observance  of  the  Sabbatical 
year  in  the  Herodian  era.  The  words  of  Tacitus 
show  the  proud  Roman's  estimate  of  the  Jewish 
character  and  customs:  "For  the  7th  day  they  are 
said  to  have  prescribed  rest  because  this  day  ended 
their  labors;  then,  in  addition,  being  allured  by 
their  lack  of  energy,  they  also  spend  the  7th  year 
in  laziness."  See  also  Astronomy,  I,  5,  (3),  (4); 
Jubilee  Year.  William  Baur 


Sabbeus 
Sacraments 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2636 


SABBEUS,    sa-be'us    (Sappatas,    Sabbaias):     In 

I  Esd  9  32,  the  same  as  "Shemaiah"  in  Ezr  10  31. 

SABI,  sa'bl: 

(1)  A,  Sa/3el,  Sabd,  B,  Tw^eis,  Tobels.  Fritzsche; 
AV  Sami) :  Eponym  of  a  family  of  porters  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5  28)  =  "Shobai" 
in  Ezr  2  42;    Neh  7  45. 

(2)  AV  =  RVSabie  (q.v.). 

SABIAS,  sa-bi'as  (SapCas,  Sabias,  Fritzsche, 
'Ao-apCas,  Asabias;  AV  Assabias):  One  of  the  six 
"captains  over  thousands"  who  supplied  the  Levites 
with  much  cattle  for'Josiah's  Passover  (1  Esd  1  9) 
=  "Hashabiah"  in  2  Ch  35  9. 

SABIE,  sa'bi-e  (Sapei-ii,  Saheit,  or  SaPirj,  Sabie; 
AV  Sabi) :  In  1  Esd  5  34  both  AV  and  RV,  follow- 
ing A,  read  "the  sons  of  Phacareth,  the  sons  of 
Sabie"  (AV  "Sabi")  for  the  "Pochereth-hazzebaim" 
of  Ezr  2  57;  Neh  7  59.  B  reads  correctly  as  one 
proper  name:   "Phacareth  Sabie." 

SABTA,  or  SABTAH,  sab'ta  (SnnO,  sabhta', 
nri?D,  sabhiah):  Third  son  of  Cush '(Gen  10  7  =  1 
Ch  19).  A  place  Sabta  is  probably  to  be  looked  for 
in  South  Arabia.  Arab  geographers  give  no  exact 
equivalent  of  the  name.  Al  Bekri  (i.65)  quotes 
a  line  of  early  poetry  in  which  Dhu  '1  Sabta  is  men- 
tioned, and  the  context  might  indicate  a  situation 
in  Yemamah ;  but  the  word  is  possibly  not  a  proper 
name.  It  is  usually  identified  with  Saubatha 
(Ptol.,  vi.7,  38)  or  with  the  Sabota  of  Pliny  (vi.32; 
xii.32),  an  old  mercantile  city  in  South  Arabia 
celebrated  for  its  trade  in  frankincense  and,  accord- 
ing to  Ptolemy,  possessing  60  temples.  It  is  said 
also  to  have  been  the  territory  of  a  king  Elisarus, 
whose  name  presents  a  striking  resemblance  to  Dhu 
'1-Adhar,  one  of  the  "Tubbas"  or  Himyarite  kings 
of  Yemen.  Another  conjecture  is  the  Saphtha  of 
Ptolem5'  (vi.7,  30)  near  the  Arabian  shore  of  the 
Pers  Gulf.  A.  S.  FrLTON 

SABTECA,  sab't5-ka  (X?ri3p ,  sabhi'kha' :  Sapa- 
Ka6d,  Sabakathd,  Stpteaxa,  Sebethachd;  AV  Sab- 
techah) :  The  5th  named  of  the  sons  of  Cush  in 
the  genealogy  of  Gen  10  .5-7.  In  1  Ch  1  8.9 
AV  reads  "Sabtecha,"  RV  "Sabteoa."  Many  con- 
jectures have  been  made  as  to  the  place  here  indi- 
cated. Recently  Glazer  (Skizze,  II,  252)  has  re- 
vived the  suggestion  of  Bochart  that  it  is  to  be 
identified  with  Samydake  in  Carmania  on  the  E.  of 
the  Pers  Gulf.  This  seems  to  rest  on  nothing  more 
than  superficial  resemblance  of  the  names;  but 
the  phonetic  changes  involved  are  difficult.  Others 
have  thought  of  various  places  in  Arabia,  toward 
the  Pers  Gulf;  but  the  data  necessary  for  any  sat- 
isfactory decision  are  not  now  available. 

W.  EwiNG 

SACAR,  sa'kar  (ID©  ,  sakhar) : 

(1)  Father  of  Ahiam,  a  follower  of  David  (1  Ch 

II  35,  B, 'Axdp,  ^c/iiir.  A,  2(ix<ip,  iSacMr="Sha.rar" 
of  2  S  23  33;  Sharar  is  favored  as  the  original 
reading). 

(2)  Eponym  of  a  family  of  gatekeepers  (1  Ch 
26  4). 

SACKBUT,  sak'but.     See  Mu.sic,  III,  1,  (/). 

SACKCLOTH,  sak'kloth.     See  Bubi.^l. 

SACRAMENTS,  sak'ra-ments:  The  word  "sac- 
rament" comes  from  the  Lat  sacramentum,  which 
in  the  classical  period  of  the  language  was  used  in 
two  chief  senses:  (1)  as  a  legal  term  to  denote  the 
sum  of  money  deposited  by  two  parties  to  a  suit 


which  was  forfeited  by  the  loser  and  appropriated 

to  sacred  uses;    (2)  as  a  mihtary  term  to  designate 

the  oath  of  obedience  taken  by  newly 

1.  The  enlisted  soldiers.  Whether  referring  to 
Term  an  oath  of  obedience  or  to  something 

set  apart  for  a  sacred  purpose,  it  is 
evident  that  sacramentum  would  readily  lend  itself 
to  describe  such  ordinances  as  Baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper.  In  the  Gr  NT,  however,  there  is 
no  word  nor  even  any  general  idea  corresponding 
to  "sacrament,"  nor  does  the  earliest  history  of 
Christianity  afford  any  trace  of  the  apphcation  of 
the  term  to  certain  rites  of  the  church.  Pliny 
(c  112  AD)  describes  the  Christians  of  Bithynia 
as  "binding  themselves  by  a  sacramentum  to  com- 
mit no  kind  of  crime"  [Epp.  x.97),  but  scholars 
are  now  pretty  generally  agreed  that  Pliny  here 
uses  the  word  in  its  old  Rom  sense  of  an  oath  or 
solemn  obligation,  so  that  its  occurrence  in  this 
passage  is  nothing  more  than  an  interesting  co- 
incidence. 

It  is  in  the  writings  of  TertuUian  (end  of  2d  and 
beginning  of  3d  cent.)  that  we  find  the  first  evidence 
of  the  adoption  of  the  word  as  a  technical  term  to 
designate  Baptism,  the  Eucharist,  and  other  rites 
of  the  Christian  church.  This  Christian  adoption 
of  sacramentum'  may  have  been  partly  occasioned 
by  the  evident  analogies  which  the  word  suggests 
with  Baptism  and  the  Eucharist;  but  what  appears 
to  have  chiefly  determined  its  history  in  this  direc- 
tion was  the  tact  that  in  the  Old  Lat  VSS  (as  after- 
ward in  the  Vulg)  it  had  been  employed  to  translate 
the  Gr  fiv<TT-fipiov,  musttrion,  "a  mystery"  (e.g. 
Eph  5  32;  1  Tim  3  16;  Rev  1  20;  17  7)— an 
association  of  ideas  which  was  greatly  fostered  in 
the  early  church  by  the  rapidly  growing  tendency 
to  an  assimilation  of  Christian  worship  with  the 
mystery-practices  of  the  Gr-Rom  world. 

Though  esp.  employed  to  denote  Baptism  and 

the  Eucharist,  the  name  "sacraments"  was  for  long 

used  so  loosely  and  vaguely  that  it 

2.  Nature  was  applied  to  facts  and  doctrines  of 
and  Christianity  as  well  as  to  its  symbolic 
Number        rites.     Augustine's     definition     of     a 

sacrament  as  "the  visible  form  of  an 
invisible  grace"  so  far  limited  its  application.  But 
we  see  how  widely  even  a  definition  like  this  might 
be  stretched  when  we  find  Hugo  of  St.  Victor  (12th 
cent.)  enumerating  as  many  as  30  sacraments  that 
had  been  recognized  in  the  church.  The  Council 
of  Trent  was  more  exact  when  it  declared  that  visible 
forms  are  sacraments  only  when  they  represent  an 
invisible  grace  and  become  its  channels,  and  when 
it  sought  further  to  delimit  the  sacramental  area  by 
reenacting  (1547)  a  decision  of  the  Council  of 
Florence  (1439),  in  which  for  the  first  time  the 
authority  of  the  church  was  given  to  a  suggestion 
of  Peter  Lombard  (r2th  cent.)  and  other  schoolmen 
that  the  number  of  the  sacraments  should  be  fixed 
at  seven,  viz.  Baptism,  Confirmation,  the  Eucharist, 
Penance,  Extreme  Unction,  Orders,  and  Matri- 
mony— a  suggestion  which  was  supported  by  cer- 
tain fanciful  analogies  designed  to  show  that  seven 
was  a  sacred  number. 

The  divergence  of  the  Protestant  churches  from 
this  definition  and  scheme  was  based  on  the  fact 
that  these  proceeded  on  no  settled  principles.  The 
notion  that  there  are  seven  sacraments  has  no  NT 
authority,  and  must  be  described  as  purely  arbi- 
trary; while  the  definition  of  a  sacrament  is  still 
so  vague  that  anything  but  an  arbitrary  selection 
of  particulars  is  impossible.  It  is  perfectly  arbi- 
trary, for  example,  to  place  Baptism  and  the  Lord's 
Supper,  which  were  instituted  by  Christ  as  ordi- 
nances of  the  church,  in  the  same  category  with 
marriage,  which  rests  not  on  His  appointment  but 
on  a  natural  relationship  between  the  sexes  that  is 


2637 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sabbeus 
Sacraments 


as  old  as  the  human  race.  While,  therefore,  tlie 
Reformers  retained  the  term  "sacrament"  as  a 
convenient  one  to  express  the  general  idea  that  has 
to  be  drawn  from  the  characteristics  of  the  rites 
classed  together  under  this  name,  they  found  the 
distinguishing  marks  of  sacraments  (1)  in  their 
institution  by  Christ,  (2)  in  their  being  enjoined  by 
Him  upon  His  followers,  (3)  in  their  being  bound 
up  with  His  word  and  revelation  in  such  a  way  that 
they  become  "the  expressions  of  Divine  thoughts, 
the  visible  symbols  of  Divine  acts."  And  as  Bap- 
tism and  the  Lord's  Supper  are  the  only  two  rites 
for  which  such  marks  can  be  claimed,  it  follows 
that  there  are  only  two  NT  sacraments.  Their 
unique  place  in  the  original  revelation  justifies  us 
in  separating  them  from  all  other  rites  and  cere- 
monies that  may  have  arisen  in  the  history  of  the 
church,  since  it  raises  them  to  the  dignity  of  form- 
ing an  integral  part  of  the  historical  gospel.  A 
justification  for  their  being  classed  together  under 
a  common  name  may  be  found,  again,  in  the  way 
in  which  they  are  associated  in  the  NT  (Acts  2 
41.42;  1  Cor  10  1-4)  and  also  in  the  analogy 
which  Paul  traces  between  Baptism  and  the  Lord's 
Supper  on  the  one  hand,  and  Circumcision  and  the 
Passover — the  two  most  distinctive  rites  of  the 
Old  Covenant— on  the  other  (Col  2  11;  1  Cor  5 
7;  11  26). 

The  assumption  made  above,  that  both  Baptism 
and  the  Lord's  Sapper  owe  their  origin  as  sacra- 
ments of  the  church  to  their  definite 
3.  Institu-     appointment   by   Christ   Himself,  has 
tion  by  been    strongly    challenged    by    some 

Christ  modern  critics. 

(1)  In  regard  to  Baptism  it  has  been 
argued  that  as  Mk  16  15  f  occurs  in  a  passage 
(vs  9-20)  which  textual  criticism  has  shown  to  have 
formed  no  part  of  the  original  Gospel,  Mt  28  19, 
standing  by  itself,  is  too  slender  a  foundation  to 
support  the  belief  that  the  ordinance  rests  upon  an 
injunction  of  Jesus,  more  esp.  as  its  statements  are 
inconsistent  with  the  results  of  historical  criticism. 
These  results,  it  is  affirmed,  prove  that  all  the  narra- 
tives of  the  Forty  Days  are  legendary,  that  Mt  28 
19  in  particular  only  canonizes  a  later  ecclesiastical 
situation,  that  its  universalism  is  contrary  to  the 
facts  of  early  Christian  history,  and  its  Trinitarian 
formula  "foreign  to  the  mouth  of  Jesus"  (see  Har- 
nack,  History  of  Dogma,  I,  79,  and  the  references 
there  given) .  It  is  evident,  however,  that  some  of 
these  objections  rest  upon  anti-supernatural  pre- 
suppositions that  really  beg  the  question  at  issue, 
and  others  on  conclusions  for  which  real  premises 
are  wanting.  Over  against  them  all  we  have  to  set 
the  positive  and  weighty  fact  that  from  the  earliest 
days  of  Christianity  Baptism  appears  as  the  rite 
of  initiation  into  the  fellowship  of  the  church  (Acts 
2  38.41,  et  passim),  and  that  even  Paul,  with  all 
his  freedom  of  thought  and  spiritual  interpreta- 
tion of  the  gospel,  never  questioned  its  necessity 
(cf  Rom  6  3ff;  1  Cor  12  13;  Eph  4  5).  On  any 
other  supposition  than  that  of  its  appointment 
by  Our  Lord  Himself  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how 
within  the  brief  space  of  years  between  the  death 
of  Jesus  and  the  apostle's  earliest  references  to  the 
subject,  the  ordinance  should  not  only  have  origi- 
nated but  have  established  itself  in  so  absolute  a 
manner  for  Jewish  and  gentile  Christians  alike. 

(2)  In  the  case  of  the  Lord's  Supper  the  challenge 
of  its  institution  by  Christ  rests  mainly  upon  the 
fact  that  the  saying,  "This  do  in  remembrance  of 
me,"  is  absent  from  the  Mk-Mt  text,  and  is  found 
only  in  the  Supper-narratives  of  Paul  (1  Cor  11 
24.25)  and  his  disciple  Luke  (Lk  22  19).  Upon 
this  circumstance  large  structures  of  critical  hy- 
pothesis have  been  reared.  It  has  been  affirmed 
that  in  the  upper  room  Jesus  was  only  holding  a 


farewell  supper  with  His  disciples,  and  that  it  never 
occurred  to  Him  to  institute  a  feast  of  commemo- 
ration. It  has  further  been  maintained  that  the 
views  of  Jesus  regarding  the  speedy  consummation 
of  His  kingdom  make  it  impossible  that  He  should 
have  dreamed  of  instituting  a  sacrament  to  com- 
memorate His  death.  The  significance  of  the  feast 
was  eschatological  merely;  it  was  a  pledge  of  a 
glorious  future  hour  in  the  perfected  kingdom  of 
God  (see  Mt  26  29  and  parallels) .  And  the  theory 
has  even  been  advanced  that  the  institution  of  this 
sacrament  as  an  ordinance  of  the  church  designed  to 
commemorate  Christ's  death  was  due  to  the  initia- 
tive of  Paulj  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  influ- 
enced in  this  direction  by  what  he  had  seen  in 
Corinth  and  elsewhere  of  the  mystery-practices  of 
the  Gr  world. 

All  these  hypothetical  fabrics  fall,  of  course,  to 
the  ground  if  the  underlying  assumption  that  Jesus 
never  said,  "This  do  in  remembrance  of  me,"  is 
shown  to  be  unwarrantable.  And  it  is  unwarrant- 
able to  assume  that  a  saying  of  Jesus  which  is 
vouched  for  by  Paul  and  Luke  cannot  be  authentic 
because  it  does  not  occur  in  the  corresponding  nar- 
ratives of  Matthew  and  Mark.  In  these  narratives, 
which  are  highly  compressed  in  any  case,  the  first 
two  evangelists  would  seem  to  have  confined  them- 
selves to  setting  down  those  sayings  which  formed 
the  essential  moments  of  the  Supper  and  gave  its 
sjinbolic  contents.  The  command  of  its  repetition 
they  may  have  regarded  as  sufficiently  embodied 
and  expressed  in  the  universal  practice  of  the 
church  from  the  earliest  days.  For  as  to  that 
practice  there  is  no  question  (Acts  2  42.46;  20  7; 
1  Cor  10  16;  11  26),  and  just  as  little  that  it 
rested  upon  the  belief  that  Christ  had  enjoined  it. 
"Every  assumption  of  its  having  originated  in  the 
church  from  the  recollection  of  intercourse  with 
Jesus  at  table,  and  the  necessity  felt  for  recalling 
His  death,  is  precluded"  (Weizsacker,  Apostolic 
Age,  II,  279).  That  the  simple  historical  supper 
of  Jesus  with  His  disciples  in  the  upper  room  was 
converted  by  Paul  into  an  institution  for  the  gentile 
and  Jewish  churches  alike  is  altogether  inconceiv- 
able. The  primitive  church  had  its  bitter  contro- 
versies, but  there  is  no  trace  of  any  controversy  as 
to  the  origin  and  institutional  character  of  the  Lord's 
Supper. 

In  the  NT  the  sacraments  are  presented  as  means 
of  grace.  Forgiveness  (Acts  2  38),  cleansing  (Eph 
5  25  f),  spiritual  quickening  (Col  2 
4.  Efficacy  12)  are  associated  with  Baptism;  the 
Lord's  Supper  is  declared  to  be  a  par- 
ticipation in  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  (1  Cor 
10  16).  So  far  all  Christians  are  agreed;  but  wide 
divergence  shows  itself  thereafter.  According  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  Rom  church,  sacraments  are 
efficacious  ex  opere  operato,  i.e.  in  virtue  of  a  power 
inherent  in  themselves  as  outward  acts  whereby 
they  communicate  saving  benefits  to  those  who 
receive  them  without  opposing  any  obstacle.  The 
Reformed  doctrine,  on  the  other  hand,  teaches  that 
their  efficacy  lies  not  in  themselves  as  outward  acts, 
but  in  the  blessing  of  Christ  and  the  operation  of 
His  Spirit,  and  that  it  is  conditioned  by  faith  in 
the  recipient.  The  traditional  Lutheran  doctrine 
agrees  with  the  Reformed  in  affirming  that  faith  is 
necessary  as  the  condition  of  saving  benefits  in  the 
use  of  the  sacraments,  but  resembles  the  Rom  teach- 
ing in  ascribing  the  efficacy  of  Baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper,  not  to  the  attendant  working  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  but  to  a  real  inherent  and  objective 
virtue  resident  in  them — a  virtue,  however,  which 
does  not  lie  (as  the  Rom  church  says)  in  the  mere 
elements  and  actions  of  the  sacraments,  but  in  the 
power  of  the  Divine  word  which  they  embody. 
See  Baptism;   Lord's  Supper. 


Sacrifice  (OT)         THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2638 


Literature. — Candlish,  The  Christian  Sacraments; 
Lambert.  The  Sacraments  in  the  NT;  Bartlet.  Apostolic 
Age.  495  fl;    Hodge,  Systematic  Theology,  III.  ch  xx, 

J.  C.  Lambert 
SACRIFICE,  sak'ri-fis,  sak'ri-fiz: 

In  the  Old  Testament 

I.     Terms   .\nd  Definitions 
II.     Origin  and  Nature  of  Sacrifices 

1.  Theory  of  a  Divine  Revelation 

2.  Tiieories  of  a  Human  Origin 

(1)  Tlie  Gilt-Tiieorv 

(2)  Tlie  Magic  Theory 

(3)  The  Table-Bond  theory 

(4)  The  Sacramental  Comniunion  Theory 
(.5)  The  Homage  Theory 

(6)  The  Piacular  Theory 

(7)  Originating  in  Religious  Instincts 

III.  Classification  of  S.\crifices 

1.  Maimonides 

2.  W.  R.  Smith  and  Others 

3.  Oehler 

4.  Paterson  and  Others 

5.  H.  M.  Wiener 

IV.  Sacrifices  in  the  Pre-Mosaic  Age 

1.  In  Egypt 

2.  In  Babylonia 

3.  Among  Arabians  and  Syrians,  etc 

4.  The  Offerings  of  Cain  and  Abel 

5.  Of  Noah 

6.  Of  Abraham 

7.  Of  Job 

8.  Of  Isaac 

9.  Of  Jacob 

10.  Of  Israel  in  Egypt 

11.  Of  Jethro 

12.  Summary  and  Conclusions 

V.     The  Mosaic  S.4.crificial  System 

1.  The  Covenant  Sacrifice 

2.  The  Common  Altars 

3.  The  Consecration  of  Aaron  and  His  Sons 

4.  Before  the  Golden  Calf 

6.  The  Law  of  the  Burnt  Offering 

(1)  Ritual  for  the  Offerer 

(2)  Ritual  for  the  Priest 

(3)  General  Laws  for  the  Priest 

(4)  Laws  in  Deuteronomy 

6.  The  Law  of  the  Meal  Offering 

(1)  Ritual  for  the  Offerer 

(2)  Ritual  for  the  Priest 

(3)  General  Laws  for  the  Priest 

7.  The  Law  of  the  Peace  Offering 

(1)  Ritual  for  the  Offerer 

(2)  Ritual  for  the  Priest 

(3)  General  Laws  for  the  Priest 

8.  The  Law  of  the  Sin  Offering 

(1)  At  the  Consecration  of  Aaron 

(2)  Laws 

(a)  The  Occasion  and  Meaning 

(b)  Ritual  for  the  Offerer 

(c)  Ritual  for  the  Priest 

(d)  General  Laws  for  the  Priest 

(e)  Special  Uses  of  the  Sin  Offering 

(i)  Consecration  of  Aaron  and  His 

Sons 
(ii)  Purifications  from  Uncleanness 
(iii)  On  the  Day  of  Atonement 
(iv)   Other  Special  Instances 

9.  The  Guilt  Offering 

(1)  The  Ritual 

(2)  Special  Laws:   Leper,  Nazirite,  etc 

10.  The  Wave  Offering 

11.  The  Heave  Offering 

12.  Drink  Offerings 

13.  Primitive  Nature  of  the  Cultus 
VI.     S.^cRiFicES  in  the  History  of  Isr.ael 

1.  The  Situation  at  Moses'  Death 

2.  In  the  Time  of  Joshua 

3.  The  Period  of  the  Judges 

4.  Times  of  Samuel  and  Saul 

5.  Days  of  David  and  Solomon 

6.  In  the  Northern  Kingdom 

7.  In  the  Southern  Kingdom  to  the  Exile 

8.  In  the  Exilic  and  Post-exihc  Periods 

9.  At  Elephantine 

10.  Human  Sacrifices 

11.  Certain  Heathen  Sacrifices 
VII.     The  Prophets   and  Sacrifices 

VIII.     Sacrifice  in  the  "Writings" 

1.  Proverbs 

2.  The  Psahns 

IX.     The  Idea  and  Efficacy  of  Sacrifices 

1.  A  Gift  of  P'ood  to  the  Deity 

2.  Expression  of  Adoration  and  Devotion,  etc 

3.  Means  of  Purification  from  Uncleanness 

4.  Means  of  Consecration  to  Divine  Service 

5.  Means  of  Establishing  a  Community  of  Lite 
b.  View  of  Ritschl 

7.  The  Sacramental  View 

8.  Symbol  or  Expression  of  Prayer   . 

9.  View  of  Kautzsch 


10.  Vicarious  Expiation  Theory;    Objections 

11.  Typology  of  Sacrifice 
Literature 

/.    Terms    and  Definitions. — Ti^T,  ^ebhah.  "  sa,cv\ace"  ; 

nbiy.  'ofd*,"  burnt  offering"-,  nsbn,  hataah.  nsDn , 

hattath,  "  sin  offering" ;  DUJS  .  'asAam,  "guilt"  or  "tres- 
pass offering  " ;  nbip,  sheleni,  QTob©  ,  sA'iamtm,  "peace 
offerings";  nn?iO .  minhah,  "offering."  "present"; 
D"''!3bTlJ  niT ,  ^zebhah  sh'lamim,  "sacrifice  of  peace  offer- 
ings"; rninn  n3T.  zeiAaft^ia-iodAa/i,"  thank  offerings"; 
nD~5  nit,  zebhah  n'dhabhah,  "free-wiU  offerings"; 
"1";  nST,  zebhah  nedher,  "votive  offerings";  nS^rP . 
t'niphah,  "wave  offering";  H^liri .  t'rHmdh,  "heave 
offering";  "S^lp  ■  korbdn,  "oblation,"  "gift";  HIBN . 
'ishsheh,  " fire  offering "  ;  TTCS,  nesefc/i,  "drink  offering"; 
b'^bs  ,  kalll,  "  whole  burnt  offering "  ;  yn  <  hagh,  "feast"; 
ni'l^b,  I'bhonah,  "frankincense";  mlUp.  kHordh, 
rriiljp .  k'toreth,  "odor,"  "incense";  nb^,  melah, 
"salt":  'i.'ty^ ,  shemen,  "oil": 

Zebhah:\  " slaughtered  animal,"  a  "sacrifice,"  general 
term  for  animals  used  in  sacrifice,  including  burnt  offer- 
ings, peace  offerings,  thank  offerings,  and  all  sacrifices 
offered  to  the  Deity  and  eaten  at  the  festivals.  More 
particularly  it  refers  to  the  flesh  eaten  by  the  worship- 
pers after  the  fat  parts  had  been  burned  on  the  altar  and 
the  priest  had  received  his  portion. 

'Olah:  a  "burnt  offering."  sometimes  whole  burnt 
offering.  Derived  from  the  vb. 'd/d/z,  "to  go  up."  Itmay 
mean  "that  which  goes  up  to  the  altar"  (Knobel,  Well- 
iiausen,  Nowack,  etc),  or  "that  which  goes  up  in  smoke 
to  the  sky"  (Bahr,  Delitzsch,  Dillmann,  etc);  some- 
times used  synonymously  with  kdUl  (q.v.).  The  term 
applies  to  beast  or  fowl  "when  entirely  consumed  upon 
the  altar,  the  hide  of  the  beast  being  taken  by  the  priest. 
This  was  perhaps  the  most  solemn  of  the  sacrifices,  and 
symbolized  worship  in  the  full  sense,  i.e.  adoration,  de- 
votion, dedication,  supplication,  and  at  times  expiation. 

Hdtd'dh,  hattd'th:  a  "sin  offering,"  a  special  kind,  first 
mentioned  in  the  Mosaic  legislation.  It  is  essentially 
expiatory,  intended  to  restore  covenant  relations  with 
the  Deity.  The  special  features  were:  (1)  the  blood 
must  be  sprinkled  before  the  sanctuary,  put  upon  the 
horns  of  the  altar  of  incense  and  poured  out  at  the  base 
of  the  altar  of  burnt  olfering:  (2)  the  flesh  was  holy,  not 
to  be  touched  by  worshipper,  but  eaten  by  the  priest 
only.  The  special  ritual  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  centers 
around  the  sin  offering. 

'Ashdm:  "  guilt  offering,"  "  trespass  offering "  (AV;  in 
Isa  53  10.  AV  and  RV  "an  offering  for  sin,"  ARVm"  tres- 
pass offering").  A  special  kind  of  sin  offering  intro- 
duced in  the  ISIosaic  Law  and  concerned  with  offences 
against  God  and  man  that  could  be  estimated  by  a 
money  value  and  thus  covered  by  compensation  or  resti- 
tution accompanying  the  offering.  A  ram  of  different 
degrees  of  value,  and  worth  at  least  two  shekels,  was  the 
usual  victim,  and  it  must  be  accompanied  by  full  resti- 
tution with  an  additional  fifth  of  the  value  of  the  damage. 
The  leper  and  Nazirite  coifld  offer  he-lambs.  The  guilt 
toward  God  was  expiated  by  the  blood  poured  out,  and 
the  guilt  toward  men  by  the  restitution  and  fine.  The 
calUng  of  the  Servant  an  'dshdm  (Isa  63  10)  shows  the 
value  attached  to  this  offering. 

Shelem,  shHdmlm:  "peace  offering,"  generally  used  in 
the  pi.,  sh'lamim,  only  once  shelem  (Am  5  22).  These 
were  sacrifices  of  friendship  expressing  or  promoting 
peaceful  relations  with  the  Deity,  and  almost  invariably 
accompanied  by  a  meal  or  feast,  an  occasion  of  great  joy. 
They  are  sometimes  caUed  z'bhdhim.  sometimes  zebkah 
sh'lamim ,  and  were  of  different  kinds,  such  as  zebhah 
ha-todhdh,  "thank  offerings,"  which  expressed  the  grati- 
tude of  the  giver  because  of  some  t)lessings,  zebhah  n'^- 
dhabhah,  "free-will  offerings,"  bestowed  on  the  Deity 
out  of  a  full  heart,  and  zebhah  nedher,  "votive  offerings," 
which  were  offered  in  f lUfilmeut  of  a  vow. 

Minhah:  "meal  Offering"  (RV),  "meat  offering" 
(AV),  a  gift  or  presentation,  at  first  applied  to  both 
bloody  and  unbloody  offerings  (Gen  4  5),  but  in  Moses' 
time  confined  to  cereals,  whether  raw  or  roasted,  ground 
to  flour  or  baked  and  mixed  with  oil  and  frankincense. 
These  cereals  were  the  produce  of  man's  labor  with  the 
soil,  not  fruits,  etc,  and  thus  represented  the  necessities 
and  results  of  hfe,  if  not  life  itself.  They  were  the  in- 
variable accompaniment  of  animal  sacriflces,  and  in  one 
instance  could  be  substituted  for  them  (see  Sin  Offer- 
ing). The  term  minhah  describes  a  gift  or  token  of 
friendship  (Isa  39  1),  an  act  of  homage  (1  S  10  27;  1  K 
10  25),  tribute  (,lgs  3  15.17  f),  propitiation  to  a  friend 
wronged  (Gen  32  13.18  [Heb  14  19]),  to  procure  favor  or 
assistance  (Gen  43  11  fl;   Hos  10  fj). 

T'nUphdh:  "wave  offering,"  usually  the  breast,  the 
priest's  share  of  the  peace  oirerings,  which  was  waved 
before  the  altar  by  both  offerer  and  priest  together  (the 
exact  motion  is  not  certain),  symbolic  of  its  presentation 


2639 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA         Sacrifice  (OT) 


to  Deity  and  given  back  by  Him  to  the  offerer  to  be  used 
in  the  priests'  service. 

T'rumdii:  "heave  offering,"  sometiung  lifted  up,  or, 
properly,  separated  from  the  rest  and  given  to  the  service 
ot  the  Deity.  Usually  the  right  shoulder  or  thigh  was 
thus  separated  (or  the  priest.  The  term  is  apphed  to 
products  of  the  soil,  or  portion  of  land  separated  unto  the 
Divine  service,  etc. 

Korban:  "an  oblation,"  or  "offering";  another  ge- 
neric term  for  all  kinds  of  offerings,  animal,  vegetable,  or 
even  gold  and  silver.  Derived  from  the  vb.  karabh,  "to 
draw  near,"  it  signifies  what  is  drawn  or  brought  near 
and  given  to  God. 

'Ishsheh:  "  flro  offering,"  applied  to  offerings  made  by 
Are  and  usually  bloody  offerings,  but  at  times  to  the 
minhdh.  the  sacred  bread  and  frankincense  placed  on  the 
tables  as  a  memorial,  part  of  which  was  burned  with  the 
frankincense,  the  bulk,  however,  going  to  the  priest. 
The  gift  was  thus  presented  through  fire  to  the  Deity  as 
a  sort  of  etlierealized  food. 

Nesekh:  "drink  offering,"  or  "hbation,"  a  liquid  offer- 
ing of  wine,  rarely  water,  sometimes  of  oil,  and  usually 
accompanying  the  'oldh,  but  often  with  the  peace  offer- 
ings. 

Kdlil:  "whole  burnt  offering,"  the  entire  animal 
being  burned  upon  the  altar.  Sometimes  used  synony- 
mously with  'olah.  A  technical  term  among  the  Cartha- 
ginians. 

Hagh:  a  "feast,"  used  metaphorically  for  a  sacrificial 
feast  because  the  meat  ot  the  sacrifices  constituted  the 
material  of  the  feast. 

L^bhondh:  "frankincense,"  "incense,"  used  in  com- 
bination with  the  meal  offerings  and  burnt  offerings  and 
burned  also  upon  the  altar  in  the  holy  place.  See  In- 
cense. 

KHordh,  k^oreih:  "smoke,"  "odor  of  sacrifice,"  or 
incense  ascending  as  a  sweet  savor  and  supposed  to  be 
pleasing  and  acceptable  to  God. 

Melah:  "salt,"  used  in  all  sacrifices  because  of  its 
purifying  and  preserving  qualities. 

Shemen:  "oil,"  generally  olive  oil,  used  with  the  meal 
offerings  of  cakes  and  wafers,  etc. 

Sacrifice  is  thus  a  complex  and  comprehensive 
term.  In  its  simplest  form  it  may  be  defined  as 
"a  gift  to  God."  It  is  a  presentation  to  Deity  of 
some  material  object,  the  possession  of  the  offerer, 
as  an  act  of  worship.  It  may  be  to  attain,  restore, 
maintain  or  to  celebrate  friendly  relations  with  the 
Deity.  It  is  religion  in  action — in  early  times, 
almost  the  whole  of  religion — an  inseparable  ac- 
companiment to  all  religious  exercises.  Few  or 
many  motives  may  actuate  it.  It  may  be  wholly 
piacular  and  expiatory,  or  an  offering  of  food  as 
a  gift  to  God;  it  may  be  practically  a  bribe,  or  a 
prayer,  an  expression  of  dependence,  obligation 
and  thanksgiving.  It  may  express  repentance, 
faith,  adoration,  or  all  of  these  combined.  It  was 
the  one  and  only  way  of  approach  to  God.  Theo- 
phrastus  defines  it  as  expressing  homage,  gratitude 
and  need.  Hubert  and  Mauss  define  it  as  "a  reli- 
gious act  which  by  the  consecration  of  the  victim 
modifies  the  moral  state  of  the  sacrificer,  or  of  certain 
material  objects  which  he  has  in  view,  i.e.,  either 
confers  sanctity  or  removes  it  and  its  analogue, 
impiety." 

//.  Origin  and  Nature  of  Sacrifices. — The  begin- 
nings of  sacrifice  are  hidden  in  the  mysteries  of  pre- 
historic life.  The  earliest  narrative  in  Gen  records 
the  fact,  but  gives  no  account  of  the  origin  and 
primary  idea.  The  custom  is  sanctioned  by  the 
sacred  writings,  and  later  on  the  long-estabhshed 
custom  was  adopted  and  systematized  in  the 
Mosaic  Law.  The  practice  was  almost  universal. 
The  Vedas  have  their  elaborate  rituals.  Some 
Sem  peoples,  Greeks,  Romans,  Africans,  and  Indians 
of  Mexico  offered  human  sacrifices.  It  is  unknown 
in  Austraha,  but  even  there  something  akin  to  it 
exists,  for  some  natives  offer  a  portion  of  a  kind  of 
honey,  others  offer  a  pebble  or  a  spear  to  their  god. 
For  this  practically  universal  habit  of  the  race, 
several  solutions  are  offered. 

One  view  maintains  that  God  Himself  initiated 
the  rite  by  Divine  order  at  the  beginnmgs  of  human 
history.  Such  a  theory  implies  a  monotheistic 
faith  on  the  part  of  primitive  man.  This  theory 
was  strongly  held  by  many  of  the  Reformed  theo- 


logians, and  was  based  mainly  on  the  narrative  in 

Gen  4   4  f .     Abel  offered  an   acceptable   sacrifice, 

and,  according  to   He  11  4,   this  was 

1.  Theory  because  of  his  faith.  Faber  makes  a 
of  a  Divine  strong  plea  as  follows:  Since  faith  was 
Revelation     what  made  the  sacrifice  acceptable  to 

God,  this  faith  must  have  been  based 
upon  a  positive  enactment  of  God  in  the  past. 
Without  this  Divine  positive  enactment  to  guaran- 
tee its  truthfulness,  faith,  in  Abel,  would  have  been 
superstition.  In  other  words,  faith,  in  order  to  be 
truly  based  and  properly  directed,  must  have  a 
revelation  from  God,  a  positive  expression  of  the 
Divine  will.  Fairbairn,  in  his  Typology,  goes 
further  and  holds  that  the  skins  wherewith  Adam 
and  Eve  were  clothed  were  from  animals  which  had 
been  slain  in  sacrifices.  This  is  entirely  without 
support  in  the  narrative.  The  theory  of  a  Divine 
order  cannot  be  maintained  on  the  basis  of  the  Bib. 
narrative.  Moreover,  it  involves  certain  assump- 
tions regarding  the  nature  of  faith  and  revelation 
which  are  not  generally  held  in  this  age.  A  revela- 
tion is  not  necessarily  a  positive  Divine  command, 
an  external  thing,  and  faith  may  be  just  as  real  and 
true  without  such  a  revelation  as  with  it.  That 
there  may  have  been  such  a  revelation  cannot  be 
denied,  but  it  is  not  a  necessary  or  probable  ex- 
planation. 

(1)  The  gift-theory. — By  this  it  is  held  that  sacri- 
fices were  originally  presents  to  the  deity  which  the 

offerer  took  for  granted  would  be  re- 

2.  Theories  ceived  with  pleasure  and  even  grati- 
of  a  Human  tude.  Good  relations  would  thus  be 
Origin  established  with  the  god   and  favors 

would  be  secured.  Such  motives, 
while  certainly  true  among  many  heathen  people, 
were  obviously  based  upon  low  conceptions  of  the 
deity.  They  were  either  Nature-spirits,  ancestral 
ghosts  or  fetiches  which  needed  what  was  given, 
and  of  course  the  god  was  placed  under  obligations 
and  his  favor  obtained.  Or,  the  god  may  have  been 
conceived  of  as  a  ruler,  a  king  or  chief,  as  was  the 
custom  in  the  East. 

Cicero  vouches  for  such  a  view  when  he  says:  "Let 
not  the  impious  dare  to  appease  the  gods  with  gifts. 
Let  them  hearken  to  Plato,  who  warns  them  that  there 
can  be  no  doubt  what  God's  dispo.sition  to  them  will  be, 
since  even  a  good  man  will  refuse  to  accept  presents  from 
the  wicked"  UIDB,  IV,  3:31a).  This  view  of  sacrifice 
prevails  in  classical  literature.  Spencer  therefore  thinks 
it  is  self-evident  that  this  was  the  idea  of  primitive  man. 
Tylor  and  Herbert  Spencer  also  find  the  origin  of  sacri- 
fices in  the  idea  of  a  gift,  whether  to  the  deity  or  to  dead 
ancestors,  food  being  placed  for  them,  and  this  afterward 
comes  to  be  regarded  as  a  sacrifice.  Such  a  view  gives 
no  account  of  the  peculiar  value  attached  to  the  blood, 
or  to  the  burnt  offerings.  It  may  account  for  some 
heathen  systems  of  sacrifice,  but  can  help  in  no  degree 
in  understanding  the  Bib.  sacrifices. 

(2)  The  magic  theory. — There  are  two  slightly  variant 
forms  of  this:  (a)  that  of  R.  C.  Thompson  (Sem  Magic, 
lU  Origins  and  Developments,  175-218),  who  holds  that 
a  sacrificial  animal  serves  as  a  substitute  victim  offered 
to  a  demon  whose  activity  has  brought  the  offerer  into 
trouble;  the  aim  of  the  priest  is  to  entice  or  drive  the 
malignant  spirit  out  of  the  sick  or  sinful  man  into  the 
sacrificial  victim  where  it  can  be  isolated  or  destroyed; 
(6)  that  of  L.  Marillier,  who  holds  that  sacrifice  in  its 
origin  is  essentially  a  magical  rite.  The  liberation  of  a 
magical  force  by  the  effusion  of  the  victim's  blood  will 
bend  the  god  to  the  will  of  the  man.  From  this  arose 
under  the  "cult  of  the  dead"  the  gift-theory  of  sacrifice. 
Men  sought  to  ally  themselves  with  the  god  in  particular 
by  purifying  a  victim  and  effecting  communion  with  the 
god  by  the  application  ot  the  blood  to  the  altar,  or  by 
the  sacrifice  ot  tlie  animal  and  the  contact  ot  the 
sacrificer  with  its  blood.  Such  theories  give  no  account 
of  the  burnt  offerings,  meal  offerings  and  sin  offermgs, 
disconnect  them  entirely  from  any  sense  ot  sm  or  estrange- 
ment from  God,  and  divest  them  of  all  piacular  value. 
They  may  account  for  certain  depraved  and  heathen 
systems,  but  not  for  the  Biblical. 

(3)  The  table-bond  theory. — Ably  advocated  by  Well- 
hausen  and  W.  R.  Smith,  this  view  holds  that  sacrifices 
were  meals  which  the  worshippers  and  the  god  shared, 
partaking  of  the  same  food  and  thus  establishing  a  firmer 
bond  of  fellowshiip  between  them.      Sykes   (Nature  of 


Sacrifice  (OT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2640 


Sacrifices,  75)  first  advocated  this,  holding  that  the  efS- 
cacy  of  sacrifices  ' '  is  the  fact  that  eating  and  drinking 
were  the  Icnown  and  ordinary  symbols  of  friendship  and 
were  the  usual  rites  in  engaging  in  covenants  and 
leagues."  Thus  sacrifices  are  more  than  gifts;  they  are 
deeds  of  hospitality  which  knit  god  and  worsliipper 
together.  W.  R.  Smith  has  expounded  the  idea  into  the 
notion  that  the  common  meal  unites  physically  those  who 
partake  of  it.  Though  this  view  may  contain  an  ele- 
ment of  truth  in  regard  to  certain  Arabian  customs,  it 
does  not  help  much  to  account  for  Bible  sacrifices.  As 
A.  B.  Davidson  says,  "It fails  utterly  to  account  for  the 
burnt  offering,  which  was  one  of  the  earliest,  most  solemn 
and  at  times  the  most  important  of  all  the  sacrifices." 

(4)  The  sacramental  communion  theory. — This  is 
a  modification  of  the  table-bond  theory.  The 
basis  of  it  is  the  totemistic  idea  of  reverencing  an 
animal  which  is  beheved  to  share  with  man  the 
Divine  nature.  On  certain  solemn  occasions  this 
animal  would  be  sacrificed  to  furnish  a  feast.  At 
this  meal,  according  to  men's  savage  notions,  they 
literally  "ate  the  god,"  and  thus  incorporated  into 
themselves  the  phj'sical,  the  intellectual  and  the 
moral  qualities  which  characterized  the  animal.  If 
the  Divine  life  dwelt  in  certain  animals,  then  a  part 
of  that  precious  life  would  be  distributed  among  all 
the  people  (RS^,  31.3).  In  some  cases  the  blood 
is  drunk  by  the  worshippers,  thus  imbibing  the  life. 
Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  the  sacred  camel,  they 
devoured  the  quivering  flesh  before  the  animal  was 
really  dead,  and  the  entire  carcase  was  eaten  up 
before  morning. 

The  brilhant  work  of  W.  R.  Smith  has  not  been 
universally  accepted.  L.  MariUier  has  criticized 
it  along  several  lines.  It  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  totemism  prevailed  so  largely  among  Semites 
and  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  existence  in  Israel. 
Also,  if  an  original  bond  of  friendship  existed  be- 
tween the  god  and  the  kin,  there  is  no  need  to 
maintain  it  by  such  sacrificial  rites.  There  is  no 
clear  instance  of  this  having  been  done.  If  on  the 
other  hand  there  was  no  common  bond  between  the 
god  and  the  people  but  that  of  a  common  meal,  it 
does  not  appear  that  the  god  is  a  totem  god.  There 
is  no  reason  why  the  animal  should  have  been  a 
totem.  In  any  case,  this  idea  of  sacrifice  could 
hardly  have  been  anything  but  a  slow  growth, 
and  consequently  not  the  origin  of  sacrifice.  Hubert 
and  Mauss  also  point  out  that  W.  R.  Smith  is  far 
from  having  estabhshed  the  historical  or  the  logical 
connection  between  the  common  meal  and  the  other 
kinds  of  sacrifices.  Under  piacula  he  confuses  puri- 
fication, propitiation  and  expiations.  His  attempts 
to  show  that  purifications  of  magical  character  are 
late  and  not  sacrificial  do  not  succeed.  Smith's 
theory  is  mainly  the  sacramental,  though  he  does 
recognize  the  honorific  and  piacular  element.  The 
theory  may  be  apphcable  to  some  of  the  heathen  or 
savage  feasts  of  the  Arabs,  but  not  to  the  practices 
of  the  Hebrews  (see  Enc  Brit,  XXIII,  981). 

(5)  The  homage  theory. — This  has  been  advocated 
by  Warburton  and  F.  D.  Maurice.  The  idea  is 
that  sacrifices  were  originally  an  expression  of  hom- 
age and  dependence.  Man  naturally  felt  impelled 
to  seek  closer  communion  with  God,  not  so  much 
from  a  sense  of  guilt  as  from  a  sense  of  dependence 
and  a  desire  to  show  homage  and  obedience.  In 
giving  expression  to  this,  primitive  man  had  re- 
course to  acts  rather  than  words  and  thoughts. 
Thus  sacrifice  was  an  acted  prayer,  rather  than  a 
prayer  in  words.  It  was  an  expression  of  his  long- 
ings and  aspirations,  his  reverence  and  submission. 
There  is  much  truth  in  this  view;  the  elements  of 
prayer — dependence  and  submission — enter  into 
some  sacrifices,  the  burnt  offerings  in  particular; 
but  it  does  not  account  for  all  kinds  of  offerings. 

(6)  The  piacular  theory. — This  holds  that  sacri- 
fices are  fundamentally  expiatory  or  atoning,  and 
the  death  of  the  beast  is  a  vicarious  expiation  of  the 
sins  of  the  offerer.     Hubert  and  Mauss  admit  that 


in  all  sacrifices  there  are  some  ideas  of  purchase  or 
substitution,  though  these  may  not  have  issued  from 
some  primitive  form.  The  unifying  principle  in 
all  sacrifices  is  that  the  Divine  is  put  in  communi- 
cation with  the  profane  by  the  intermediary — the 
victim — which  may  be  piacular  or  honorific.  It  is 
thus  a  messenger,  a  means  of  divination,  a  means 
of  alimenting  the  eternal  life  of  the  species,  a  source 
of  magical  energy  which  the  rite  diffuses  over  objects 
in  its  neighborhood.  Westermarck  (Origin  of  Moral 
Ideas)  makes  the  original  idea  in  sacrifice  a  piacu- 
lum,  a  substitute  for  the  offerer. 

This  view  is  the  most  simple,  the  most  natural, 
and  the  only  one  that  can  explain  certain  sacrifices. 
Man  felt  himself  under  liability  to  punishment  or 
death.  The  animal  was  his,  it  had  life,  it  was  of 
value,  and  perchance  the  god  would  accept  that 
life  in  place  of  his.  He  felt  that  it  would  be  accepted, 
and  thus  the  animal  was  sacrificed.  The  offerer 
in  a  sense  gives  up  part  of  himself.  The  beast  must 
be  his  own;  no  sacrifice  can  be  made  of  another 
person's  property  (2  S  24  24a).  The  true  spirit 
of  sacrifice  appears  in  a  willingness  to  acknowledge 
God's  right  to  what  is  best  and  dearest  (Gen  12). 

Objection  is  raised  to  this  by  A.  B.  Davidson 
[OT  Theology),  Paterson  {HDB,  IV,  331)  and 
others,  on  the  ground  that  such  an  origin  represents 
too  advanced  a  stage  of  ethical  thought  and  reflec- 
tion for  primitive  man.  We  question  seriously 
whether  this  be  an  advanced  stage  of  moral  reflec- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  it  represents  a  very  simple 
and  primitive  stage.  The  feeling  that  sin  of  some 
kind  is  never  absent  from  human  life,  and  that  its 
true  penalty  is  death,  has  been  inseparable  from  the 
human  heart's  sense  of  sin.  What  could  be  more 
simple  and  natural  than  to  take  an  innocent  animal 
and  offer  it  in  place  of  himself,  hoping  that  the 
Deity  would  accept  it  instead?  Nor  is  there  much 
force  in  Professor  Paterson's  objection  that  sacrifices 
were  preponderantly  joyous  in  character  and  there- 
fore could  not  be  offered  as  an  expiation.  This 
joyous  character  belongs  to  such  sacrifices  as  peace 
offerings  and  thank  offerings,  but  does  not  belong  to 
the  ''oldh  and  others.  In  most  cases  the  joyous  feast 
followed  the  killing  of  the  animal  by  which  the  ex- 
piation was  accomplished,  and  the  feast  was  joyoua 
because  atonement  had  been  made.  In  fact,  many 
sacrifices  were  of  the  most  solemn  character  and 
represented  the  deepest  and  most  serious  emotions 
of  the  heart. 

(7)  Originating  in  religious  instiyicts. — Neither 
the  theory  of  an  objective  Divine  revelation,  nor 
of  a  human  origin  will  account  for  the  universality 
and  variety  of  sacrifices.  The  truth  lies  in  a  proper 
combination  of  the  two.  The  notion  of  offering 
a  gift  to  the  Deity  arose  out  of  the  religious  instincts 
of  the  human  heart,  which  in  an  early  period  had 
a  consciousness  of  something  wrong  between  itself 
and  God,  and  that  this  something  would  mean 
death  sooner  or  later.  Added  to  these  true  in- 
stincts was  the  Omnipresent  Spirit  to  guide  men 
in  giving  expression.  What  could  be  more  simple 
and  primitive  than  to  offer  something  possessing 
life?  Of  course  the  notion  originated  in  simple  and 
childlike  ideas  of  God,  and  its  real  motive  was  not 
to  gratify  God  by  sharing  a  meal  with  Him,  or  to 
gain  His  favor  by  a  bribe,  but  to  present  Him  with 
something  that  represented  a  part  of  the  offerer 
which  might  be  accepted  in  his  stead.  Thus  sac- 
rifices became  the  leading  features  of  the  reUgious 
life  of  primitive  man.  Naturally  other  ideas  would 
be  added,  such  as  a  gift  of  food  by  fire  to  the  Deity, 
the  peace  offerings,  etc,  to  celebrate  the  friendly 
relations  with  God,  the  thank  offerings,  the  sin 
offerings,  etc,  all  of  which  naturally  and  logically 
developed  from  the  primitive  idea.  It  might  be 
expected  that  there  would  be  many  corruptions  and 


2641 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (OT) 


6.  Wiener 


abuses,  that  the  sense  of  sin  would  be  obscured  or 
lost  among  some  peoples,  and  the  idea  of  sacrifice 
correspondingly  degraded.  Such  has  heen'  the  case, 
and  as  well  might  we  try  to  understand  man  at  his 
best  by  studying  the  aboriginal  tribes  of  Africa  and 
Australia,  or  the  inmates  of  asylums  and  peniten- 
tiaries, as  to  attempt  to  understand  the  Bible  ideas 
in  sacrifices  by  studying  the  cults  of  those  heathen 
and  savage  tribes  of  Semites,  etc. 

///.  Classification     of    Sacrifices. — Maimonides     was 

among  the  first  to  classify  them,  and  he  divided  them 

into  two  Idnds:    (1)  Those  on  behalf  of  the 

1.  Maimon-  "whole  congregation,  fixed  by  statute,  time. 
j  J  number  and  ritual  being  specified.     This 
laes  would  include  burnt,  meal  and  peace  offer- 
ings    with     their     accompaniments.      (2) 

Those  on  behalf  of  the  individual,  whether  by  virtue  of 
his  connection  with  the  community  or  as  a  private  per- 
son. These  would  be  burnt,  sin  and  guilt  offerings  with 
their  accompaniments. 

Others,  such  as  W.  R.  Smith,  classify  them  as:    (1) 

honorific,   or  designed  to  render  homage,  devotion,  or 

adoration,  such  as  burnt,  meal  and  peace 

2.  W.  R.  offerings;  (2)  piacular,  designed  to  ex- 
Qmi+ln  anH  piate  or  make  atonement  for  the  errors 
omim  ana  q,  ^^g  people,  i.e.  burnt,  sin  and  guilt 
Others  offerings;     (3)  communistic,    intended    to 

establish  the  bond  between  the  god  and 
the  worshipper,  such  as  peace  offerings. 

Oehler  divides  them  into  two  classes,  viz. ;    (1)  those 
which  assume  that  the  covenant  relation  is  undisturbed, 

such  as  peace  offerings ;  (2)  those  intended 
«    Oplilpr       ^^  *^°  away  with  any  disturbance  in  the 

0.  v-»eiiier       relation  and  to  set  it  right,  such  as  burnt, 

sin  and  guilt  offerings. 
Professor  Pat«rson  and  others  divide  them  into  three: 
(1)  animal  sacrifices,  burnt,  peace,  sin  and  guilt  offer- 
ings;   (2)  vegetable  sacrifices,  meal  offer- 
A    Patpr<:nTi   '"^s,    shewbread,    etc;       (3)     liquid    and 
*'  .rauci&uii  incense  offerings;    wine,  oil,  water,  etc. 

H.  M.  Wiener  offers  a  more  suggestive 
and  scientific  division  {Essai/s  on  Pentateuchal  Criti- 
cism, 200  f) :  (1)  customary  lay  offerings,  such  as  had 
from  time  immemorial  been  offered  on  rude 
altars  of  earth  or  stone,  without  priest, 
used  and  regulated  by  Moses  and  in  more 
or  less  general  use  until  the  exile,  viz.  burnt, 
meal  and  peace  offerings;  (2)  statutory  individual  offer- 
ings, introduced  by  Moses,  offered  by  laymen  with 
priestly  assistance  and  at  the  religious  capital,  i.e.  burnt, 
peace,  meal,  sin  and  guilt  offerings;  (3)  statutory  na- 
tional offerings  introduced  by  Moses  and  offered  by  the 
priest  at  the  religious  capital,  viz.  burnt,  meal,  peace 
and  sin  offerings. 

IV.  Sacrifices  in  the  Pre-Mosaic  Age. — Out  of 

the  obscure  period  of  origins  emerged  the  dimly  light- 
ed period  of  ancient  history.  Everywhere  sacrifices 
existed  and  sometimes  abounded  as  an  essential 
part  of  religion.  The  spade  of  the  archaeologist, 
and  the  researches  of  scholars  help  us  understand 
the  pre-Mosaic  period. 

In  Egypt — probably  from  the  beginning  of  the  4th 

millennium    BO — there    were    sacrifices    and    sacrificial 

systems.     Temples    at    Abydos,    Thebes, 

1     T    I7,v^m<.    On,  etc,  were  great  priestly  centers  with 

1.  in  Hgypt    ijjgij  priests,  lower  priests,  rituals  and  sac- 

rifices in  abundance.  Burnt,  meal  and 
peace  offerings  predominated.  Oxen,  wild  goats,  pigs, 
geese  were  the  chief  animals  offered.  Besides  these, 
wine  oil,  beer,  milk,  cakes,  grain,  ointment,  flowers, 
fruit  vegetables  were  offered,  but  not  human  bemgs. 
In  these  offerings  there  were  many  resemblances  to 
the  Heb  gifts,  and  many  significant  exceptions.  Moses 
would  be  somewhat  familiar  with  these  practices  though 
not  with  the  details  of  the  ritual.  He  would  appreciate 
the  unifying  power  of  a  national  religious  center.  It  is 
inconceivable  that  in  such  an  age  a  national  leader  and 
organizer  like  Moses  would  not  take  special  care  to  in- 
stitute such  a  system. 

In  Babylonia,  from  the  year  3000  BC  or  thereabouts, 
according  to  E.  Meyer  {GeschirMe  des  Alterthuma) ,  there 

were  many  centers  of  worship  such  as 
9  Tt,  Rahv  Eridu,  Nippur,  Agade.  Erech,  Ur,  Nisin, 
i.  m  oaoy  La^sa,  Sippar,  etc.  These  and  others 
lonia  continued    for    centuries    with    elaborate 

systems  of  worship,  sacrifices,  temples, 
priesthoods,  etc.  Considerably  over  100  temples  and 
sanctuaries  are  mentioned  on  inscriptions,  and  several 
hundreds  in  the  lit.  and  tablets,  so  that  Babylonia  was 
studded  with  temples  and  edifices  for  the  gods.  At  all 
these,  sacrifices  were  constantly  offered — animal  and 
vegetable.  A  long  list  of  the  offerings  of  King  Gudea 
includes  oxen,  sheep,  goats,  lambs,  fish,  birds  (i.e. 
eagles  and  doves),  dates,  milk,  greens  (Jastrow.  in  HDB, 
V    580  t    s  v  )       The  sacrifices  provided  an  income  for 


the  priests,  as  did  the  Mosaic  system  at  a  later  time. 
It  had  long  passed  the  stage  when  it  was  supposed  to 
furnish  a  meal  for  the  god.  A  sacrifice  always  accom- 
panied a  consultation  with  a  priest,  and  was  really  an 
assessment  for  the  services  rendered.  It  was  not  a  vol- 
untary offering  or  ritualistic  observance.  The  priests  on 
their  own  behalf  offered  a  daily  sacrifice,  as  in  the  Mosaic 
Law,  and  likewise  on  special  occasions,  to  insure  the  good 
will  of  tlie  gods  they  served.  It  seems  certain  that  in 
some  of  the  larger  centers  of  worship  animals  were  offered 
up  twice  a  day,  morning  and  evening.  At  these  sacrifices 
certain  portions  were  consumed  on  the  altar,  the  rest  be- 
longing to  the  priest.  The  similarity  of  much  of  this  to 
the  Mosaic  institutions  is  obvious.  Tliat  the  culture  and 
civilization  of  Babylon  was  known  to  Egypt  and  Israel 
with  other  nations  is  shown  clearly  by  the  Am  Tab. 
Special  sacrifices  on  special  occasions  were  offered  in 
Babylonia  as  in  Israel.  As  Jastrow  says.  "In  the  Heb 
codes,  both  as  regards  the  purely  legal  portions  and  those 
sections  dealing  with  religious  ritual,  Bab  methods  of 
legal  procedure  and  of  ritual  developed  in  Bab  temples 
must  be  taken  into  consideration  as  determining  factors." 
We  do  not  doubt  that  Moses  made  use  of  many  elements 
found  in  the  Egyp  and  Bab  systems,  and  added  to  or 
subtracted  from  or  purified  as  occasion  required.  As 
sacrificial  systems  and  ritual  had  been  in  use  more  than 
a  millennium  before  Moses,  there  is  absolutely  no  need 
to  suppose  that  Israel's  ritual  was  a  thousand  years  in 
developing,  and  was  completed  after  the  exile.  To  do  so 
is  to  turn  history  upside  down. 

Among  the  nomads  and  tribes  of  Arabia  and  Syria, 
sacrifices  had  been  common  for  millenniiuns  before  Moses. 

The  researches  of  WelUiausen  and  W.  R. 
n    ivrrtmoile     Smith   are   valuable    here,    whatever    one 
J  ™  -u  ™^y  think   ol   their  theories.     The  offer- 

and  Tribes  ings  were  usually  from  the  fiocks  and  herds. 
of  Arabia  sometimes  from  the  spoils  taken  in  war 
and  "^vrifl  which  had  been  appropriated  as  their  own. 
ana  oyna       r^j^g   occasions    were    many    and    various. 

and  the  ritual  was  very  simple.  A  rude 
altar  of  earth  or  stone,  or  one  stone,  a  sacred  spot,  the 
offerer  killing  the  victim  and  burning  all,  or  perhaps 
certain  parts  and  eating  the  remainder  with  the  clan  or 
family,  constituted  the  customary  details.  Sometimes 
wild  animals  were  offered.  Babylonians,  Phoenicians 
and  Arabs  offered  gazelles,  but  the  Hebrews  did  not. 
Arabs  would  sometimes  sacrifice  a  captive  youth,  while 
the  Carthaginians  chose  some  of  the  fairest  of  the  captives 
for  offerings  by  night.  Assyr  kings  sometimes  sacrificed 
captive  Itings.  The  Canaanites  and  others  constantly 
sacrificed  children,  esp.  the  firstborn. 

The  account  of  the  offerings  of  Cain  and  Abel 

(Gen  4  4  f )  shows  that  the  ceremony  dates  from 

almost  the  beginnings  of  the  human 

4.  Cain  race.  The  custom  of  offering  the  first- 
and  Abel        hngs  and  first-fruits  had  already  begun. 

Arabian  tribes  later  had  a  similar  cus- 
tom. Cain's  offering  was  cereal  and  is  called  minhah, 
"a  gift"  or  "presentation."  The  same  term  is  applied 
to  Abel's.  There  is  no  hint  that  the  bloody  sacrifice 
was  in  itself  better  than  the  unbloody  one,  but  it  is 
shown  that  sacrifice  without  a  right  attitude  of  heart 
is  not  acceptable  to  God.  This  same  truth  is  em- 
phasized by  the  prophets  and  others,  and  is  needed 
in  this  day  as  much  as  then.  In  this  case  the  altars 
would  be  of  the  common  kind  and  no  priest  was 
needed.  The  sacrifices  were  an  act  of  worship, 
adoration,  dependence,  prayer  and  possibly  pro- 
pitiation. 

The  sacrifices  of  Noah  followed  and  celebrated  the 

epochal  and  awe-inspiring  event  of  leaving  the  ark 

and  beginning  hfe  anew.     He  offered 

5.  Noah         burnt  offerings  of   all   the  clean  ani- 

mals (Gen  8  20  ff) .  On  such  a  solemn 
occasion  only  an  'olah  would  suffice.  The  custom 
of  using  domestic  animals  had  arisen  at  this  time. 
The  sacrifices  expressed  adoration,  recognition  of 
God's  power  and  sovereignty,  and  a  gift  to  please 
Him,  for  it  is  said  He  smelled  a  sweet  savor  and  was 
pleased.  It  was  an  odor  of  satisfaction  or  restful- 
ness.  Whether  or  not  the  idea  of  expiation  was 
included  is  difficult  to  prove. 

Abraham  lived  at  a  time  when  sacrifices  and  reh- 
gion  were  virtually  identical.     No  mention  is  made 

of  his  offering   at  Ur  or  Haran,   but 

6.  Abraham  on  his  arrival  at  Shechem  he  erected 

an  altar  (Gen  12  7).  At  Beth-el  also 
(ver  8),  and  on  his  return  from  Egypt  he  worshipped 
there  (Gen  13  4).     Such  sacrifices  expressed  adora- 


Sacrifice  (OT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2642 


tion  and  prayer  and  probably  propitiation.  They 
constituted  worship,  which  is  a  complex  exercise. 
At  Hebron  he  built  an  altar  (Gen  13  18),  officiating 
always  as  his  own  priest.  In  15  4  ff  he  offers  a 
"covenant"  sacrifice,  when  the  animals  were  slain, 
divided,  the  parts  set  opposite  each  other,  and  pre- 
pared for  the  appearance  of  the  other  party  to  the 
covenant.  The  exact  idea  in  the  killing  of  these 
animals  may  be  difficult  to  find,  but  the  effect  is  to 
give  the  occasion  great  solemnity  and  the  highest 
religious  sanction.  What  was  done  with  the  car- 
cases afterward  is  not  told.  That  animals  were 
slain  for  food  with  no  thought  of  sacrilice  is  shown 
by  the  narrative  in  ch  18,  where  Abraham  had  a  calf 
slain  for  the  meal.  This  is  opposed  to  one  of  the 
chief  tenets  of  the  Wellhausen  school,  which  main- 
tains that  all  slaughtering  of  animals  was  sacrificial 
until  the  7th  cent.  BC.  In  ch  22  Abraham  at- 
tempts to  offer  up  Isaac  as  a  burnt  offering,  as  was 
probably  the  custom  of  his  neighbors.  That  he 
attempted  it  shows  that  the  practice  was  not 
shocking  to  his  ethical  nature.  It  tested  the 
strength  of  his  devotion  to  God,  shows  the  right 
spirit  in  sacrifices,  and  teaches  for  all  time  that  God 
does  not  desire  human  sacrifice — a  beast  will  do. 
What  God  does  want  is  the  obedient  heart.  Abra- 
ham continued  his  worship  at  Beer-sheba  (Gen  21 
33), 

Whatever  may  be  the  date  of  the  writing  of  the 

Book  of  Job,  the  saint  himself  is  represented  as 

living    in    the    Patriarchal    age.     He 

7.  Book  constantly  offered  sacrifices  on  behalf 
of  Job  of   his    children    (1  5),    "sanctifying" 

them.  His  purpose  no  doubt  was  to 
atone  for  possible  sin.  The  sacrifices  were  mainly 
expiatory.  This  is  true  also  of  the  sacrifices  of  his 
friends  (42  7-9). 

Isaac  seems  to  have  had  a  permanent  altar  at 
Beer-sheba  and  to  have  regularly  offered  sacrifices. 

Adoration,     expiation     and    supplica- 

8.  Isaac         tion  would  constitute  his  chief  motives 

(Gen  26  25). 
Jacob's  first  recorded  sacrifice  was  the  pouring 
of  the  oil  upon  the  stone  at  Beth-el  (Gen  28  18). 
This   was   consecration   or   dedication 

9.  Jacob        in    recognition    of    the    awe-inspiring 

presence  of  the  Deity.  After  his  cove- 
nant with  Laban  he  offered  sacrifices  (z'bhdhim)  and 
they  ate  bread  (Gen  31  54).  At  Shechem,  Jacob 
erected  an  altar  (Gen  33  20).  At  Beth-el  (35  7) 
and  at  Beer-sheba  he  offered  sacrifices  to  Isaac's 
God  (46  1). 

While  the  Israelites  were  in  Egypt  they  would 
be  accustomed  to  spring  sacrifices  and  spring  feasts, 

for  these  had  been  common  among  the 

10.  Israel  Arabs  and  Syrians,  etc,  for  centuries. 
in  Egypt         Nabataean  inscriptions  testify  to  this. 

Egyp  sacrifices  have  been  mentioned 
(see  above).  At  these  spring  festivals  it  was  prob- 
ably customary  to  offer  the  firstlings  of  the  flocks  (cf 
Ex  13  15).  At  the  harvest  festivals  sacrificial  feasts 
were  celebrated.  It  was  to  some  such  feast  Moses 
said  Israel  as  a  people  wished  to  go  in  the  wilderness 
(Ex  3  18;  5  3ff;  7  16).  Pharaoh  understood  and 
asked  who  was  to  go  (Ex  10  8).  Moses  demanded 
flocks  and  herds  tor  the  feast  (10  9).  Pharaoh 
would  keep  the  flocks,  etc  (10  24),  but  Moses  said  they 
must  offer  sacrifices  and  burnt  offerings  (10  25  f). 

The  sacrifice  of  the  Passover  soon  occurs  (Ex 
12  3-11).  That  the  Hebrews  had  been  accustomed 
to  sacrifice  their  own  firstborn  at  this  season  has 
no  support  and  is  altogether  improbable  (Frazer, 
Golden  Bough',  pt.  Ill,  175 f).  The  whole  ceremony 
is  very  primitive  and  has  retained  its  primitiveness 
to  the  end.  The  choosing  of  the  lamb  or  kid,  the 
killing  at  a  certain  time,  the  family  gathered  in  the 
home,  the  carcase  roasted  whole,  eaten  that  night. 


and  the  remainder,  if  any,  burned,  while  the  feasters 
had  staff  in  hand,  etc,  all  this  was  continued.  The 
blood  in  this  case  protected  from  the  Deity,  and 
the  whole  ceremony  was  "holy"  and  only  for  the 
circumcised.  Frazer  in  his  Golden  Bough  gives  a 
very  different  interpretation. 

As  a  priest  of  Midian  Jethro  was  an  expert  in 

sacrificing.     On  meeting  Moses  and  the  people  he 

offered  both   'olah  and   z'bhahim  and 

11.  Jethro     made  a  feast  (Ex  18  12). 

From  the  above  it  is  evident  that 
sacrifices  were  almost  the  substance  of  religion  in 
that  ancient  world.     From  hilltops  and  temples  in- 
numerable, the  smoke  of  sacrifices  was 

12.  Sum-       constantly  rising  heavenward.     Burnt 
mary  and       offerings  and  peace  offerings  were  well 
Conclusions  known.     Moses,  in  establishing  a  reli- 
gion, must  have  a  sacrificial  system. 

He  had  abundance  of  materials  to  choose  from, 
and  under  Divine  guidance  would  adopt  such  rules 
and  regulations  as  the  pedagogic  plans  and  pur- 
poses of  God  would  require  in  preparing  for  better 
things. 

V.    The  Mosaic  Sacrificial  System. — The  funda- 
mental function  of  Moses'  work  was  to  establish  the 
covenant    between    Israel    and    God. 
1.  The  This  important  transaction  took  place 

Covenant  at  Sinai  and  was  accompanied  by 
Sacrifice  solemn  sacrifices.  The  foundation 
principle  was  obedience,  not  sacrifices 
(Ex  19  4-8).  No  mention  is  made  of  these  at  the 
time,  as  they  were  incidental — mere  by-laws  to  the 
constitution.  The  center  of  gravity  in  Israel's 
religion  is  now  shifted  from  sacrifices  to  obedience 
and  lojralty  to  Jeh.  Sacrifices  were  helps  to  that 
end  and  without  obedience  were  worthless.  This 
is  in  exact  accordance  with  Jer  7  21  ff.  God  did 
not  speak  unto  the  fathers  at  this  time  about  sac- 
rifices;   He  did  speak  about  obedience. 

The  covenant  having  been  made,  the  terms  and 
conditions  are  laid  down  by  Moses  and  accepted 
by  the  people  (Ex  24  3).  The  Decalogue  and 
Covenant  Code  are  given,  an  altar  is  built,  burnt 
and  peace  offerings  of  oxen  are  slain  by  young  men 
servants  of  Moses,  not  by  priests,  and  blood  is 
sprinkled  on  the  altar  (24  4  ff).  The  blood  would 
symbohze  the  community  of  hfe  between  Jeh  and 
Israel,  and  consecrated  the  altar.  The  Law  was 
read,  the  pledge  again  given,  and  Moses  sprinkled 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  consecrating  them 
also  (24  7f).  Ascending  the  mount,  they  had  a 
vision  of  God,  held  a  feast  before  Him,  showing  the 
joys  and  privileges  of  the  new  relationship.  The 
strilting  feature  of  these  ceremonies  is  the  use  of  the 
blood.  It  is  expiatory  and  consecrating,  it  is  life 
offered  to  God,  it  consecrates  the  altar  and  the 
people:  they  are  now  acceptable  to  God  and  dare 
approach  Him  and  feast  with  Him.  There  is  no 
idea  of  God's  drinking  the  blood.  The  entire  ritual 
is  far  removed  from  the  crass  features  of  common 
Sem  worship. 

In  the  Covenant  Code,  which  the  people  accepted, 
the  customary  altars  are  not  abolished,  but  regu- 
lated    (Ex  20  24  ff).     This     law     ex- 
2.  The  pressly  applies  to  the  time  when  they 

Common  shall  be  settled  in  Canaan.  Tn  the 
Altars  whole  place  where  I  cause  my  name  to 

be  remembered,'  etc  (ver  24  m).  No 
need  to  change  the  reading  to  "in  every  place  where 
I  cause,"  etc,  as  the  Wellhausen  school  does  for  ob- 
vious reasons.  All  the  land  was  ehgible.  On  such 
rude  altars  sacrifices  were  allowed.  This  same  law 
is  implied  in  Dt  16  21,  a  passage  either  ignored  or 
explained  away  by  the  Wellhausen  school  (see 
Wiener,  Essays  in  Pentateuchal  Criticism,  200  f). 
Moses  commanded  Joshua  in  accordance  with  it 
(Dt  27  5ff).     Joshua,  Gideon,  Jephthah,  Samuel, 


2643 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (OT) 


Saul,  David,  Elijah  and  many  others  used  such  altars. 
There  were  altars  at  Shechem  (Josh  24  1.26),  Miz- 
pa,h  in  Gilead  (Jgs  11  11),  Gilgal  (1  S  13  9). 
High  places  were  chiefly  used  until  the  times  of 
Hezekiah  and  Josiah,  when  they  were  abolished 
because  of  their  corruptions,  etc.  All  such  altars 
were  perfectly  legitimate  and  in  fact  necessary, 
until  there  was  a  central  capital  and  sanctuary 
in  Jerus.  The  customary  burnt  and  peace  offer- 
ings with  the  worshipper  officiating  were  the  chief 
factors.  Heathen  sacrifices  and  the  use  of  heathen 
altars  were  strictly  forbidden  (Ex  22  20  [Heb  19] ; 
34  15). 

The  altar  used  at  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his 
sons  was  a  "horned"  or  official  altar,  the  central  one. 

The  offerings  were  a  tjullocls,  two  rams, 
q  The  Con- ""'''^^^'"'^'i  bread,  etc  (Ex  29  1-4).  and 
,7  "  were  brought  to  the  door  of  the  sanctuary. 
secration  or  The  ritual  consisted  of  Aaron  laying  his 
Aaron  and  hand  on  the  bullock's  head,  designating 
Hi<!  Snn<i  **  ^*^  ^'^  substitute  (29  10).  killing  it  before 
ouiio        ji^g   ^gj^j.   Qj   meeting    (ver    11),    smearing 

some  blood  on  the  horns  of  the  altar, 
and  pouring  the  rest  at  its  base  (ver  12).  The  blood 
consecrated  the  altar,  the  life  was  given  as  atonement 
for  sins,  the  fat  parts  were  burned  upon  the  altar  as 
food  for  God,  and  the  flesh  and  remainder  were  burned 
without  tile  camp  (vs  13.14).  Tiiis  is  a  sin  offering — 
hatfd'th — the  first  time  the  term  is  used.  Probably  in- 
troduced by  Moses,  it  was  intended  to  be  piacular  and 
to  "cover"  possible  sin.  One  ram  was  next  slain,  blood 
was  sprinkled  round  about  the  altar,  flesh  was  cut  in 
pieces,  washed  and  piled  on  the  altar,  then  burned  as  an 
offering  by  Are  Cishsheh)  unto  God  as  a  burnt  offering, 
an  odor  of  a  sweet  savor  (vs  15-18).  The  naive  and 
primitive  nature  of  this  idea  is  apparent.  The  other 
ram,  the  ram  of  consecration,  is  slain,  blood  is  smeared 
on  Aaron's  right  ear,  thumb  and  great  toe;  in  the  case 
of  his  sons  likewise.  The  blood  is  sprinkled  on  the  altar 
round  about;  some  upon  the  garments  of  Aaron  and  his 
.sons  (vs  19-21J.  Certain  parts  are  waved  before  Jeh 
along  with  the  bread,  and  are  then  burned  upon  the 
altar  (vs  22-2.5).  The  breast  is  offered  as  a  wave  offer- 
ing (fnuphdh),  and  the  right  thigh  or  shoulder  as  a  heave 
offering  {t'-rumdh).  These  portions  here  first  mentioned 
were  the  priests'  portion  for  all  time  to  come,  although 
this  particular  one  went  to  Moses,  since  he  officiated 
( vs  26— :30j .  The  flesh  must  be  boiled  in  a  holy  place,  and 
must  be  eaten  by  Aaron  and  his  sons  only,  and  at  the 
sanctuary.  What  was  left  till  morning  must  be  burned 
(vs  3 1-34) .  Consecrated  to  a  holy  service  it  was  dangerous 
for  anyone  else  to  touch  it,  or  the  Divine  wrath  would 
flame  forth.  The  same  ceremony  on  each  of  the  seven 
days  atoned  for,  cleansed  and  consecrated  the  altar  to 
the  service  of  Jeh,  and  it  was  most  holy  (vs  35-37). 
The  altar  of  incense  is  ordered  (Ex  30  1),  and  Aaron 
is  to  put  the  blood  of  the  sin  offering  once  a  year  upon 
its  horns  to  consecrate  it. 

When  the  golden  calf  was  made   an   altar  was 

erected,  burnt  and  peace  offerings  were  presented. 

From  the  latter  a  feast  was  made,  the 

4.  Sacrifices  people  followed  the  usual  habits  at  such 
before  the  festivals,  went  to  excess  and  Joined  in 
Golden  CaU  revelry.     Moses'  ear  quickly  detected 

the  nature  of  the  sounds.  The  cove- 
nant was  now  broken  and  no  sacrifice  was  available 
for  this  sin.  Vengeance  was  executed  on  3,000  Is- 
raelites. Moses  mightily  interceded  with  God.  A 
moral  reaction  was  begun;  new  tables  of  the  Law 
were  made  with  more  stringent  laws  against  idols 
and  idol  worship  (Ex  32  1-35). 

At  the  setting-up  of  the  tabernacle  burnt  and 
meal  offerings  were  sacrificed  (Ex  40  29).     The  law 

of  the  burnt  offering  is  found  in  Lev  1 . 

5.  Law  of  Common  altars  and  customary  burnt 
the  Burnt  offerings  needed  no  minute  regulations, 
Offering  but  this  ritual  was  intended  primarily 
Qolah)  for  the  priest,  and  was  taught  to  the 

people  as  needed.  They  were  for  the 
statutory  individual  and  national  offering  upon 
the  "homed"  altar  before  the  sanctuary.  Already 
the  daily  burnt  offerings  of  the  priests  had  been  pro- 
vided for  (Ex  29  38-42).  The  burnt  offering  is  here 
called  korhan,  "oblation." 

(1)  The  ritual  Jor  the  offerer  {Lev  1  3-17).— This 
may  have  been  from  the  herd  or  flock  or  fowls, 
brought  to  the  tent  of  meeting;    hands  were  laid 


(heavily)  upon  its  head  designating  it  as  the  offerer's 
substitute,  it  was  killed,  flayed  and  cut  in  pieces. 
If  of  the  flock,  it  was  to  be  killed  on  the  north  side  of 
the  altar;   if  a  fowl,  the  priest  must  kill  it. 

(2)  The  riliial  for  the  priest  (Lev  1  3-17).~I!  a 
bullock  or  of  the  flock,  the  priest  was  to  sprinkle  the 
blood  round  about  the  altar,  put  on  the  fire,  lay  the 
wood  and  pieces  of  the  carcase,  wash  the  inwards, 
legs,  etc,  and  burn  it  all  as  a  sweet  savor  to  God. 
If  a  fowl,  he  must  wring  the  neck,  drain  out  the 
blood  on  the  side  of  the  altar,  cast  the  crop,  filth, 
etc,  among  the  ashes,  rend  the  wings  without 
dividing  the  bird  and  burn  the  carcase  on  the 
altar. 

(3)  General  laws  for  the  priest. — The  burnt  offering 
must  be  continued  every  morning  and  every  evening 
(Ex  29  38  f ;  Nu  28  3-8).  At  the  fulfiknent  of  his 
vow  the  Nazirite  must  present  it  before  God  and 
offer  it  upon  the  altar  through  the  priest  (Nu  6  14. 
16) :  on  the  Sabbath,  two  lambs  (Nu  28  9) ;  on  the 
first  of  the  month,  two  bullocks,  one  ram  and  seven 
lambs  (Nu  28  11);  on  the  day  of  first-fruits,  the 
same  (Nu  28  27) ;  on  the  1st  day  of  the  7th  month, 
one  bullock,  one  ram,  seven  lambs  (Nu  29  8) ;  on  the 
15th  day,  13  bullocks,  two  rams,  14  lambs,  the  number 
of  bullocks  diminishing  daily  until  the  7th  day,  when 
seven  bullocks,  two  rams,  14  lambs  were  offered  (Nu 
29  12-34) ;  on  the  22nd  day  of  this  month  one  bul- 
lock, one  ram  and  seven  lambs  were  offered  (Nu 
29  35.36).  Non-Israelites  were  permitted  to  offer 
the  'oldh,  but  no  other  sacrifices  (Lev  17  8;  22 
18.25). 

(4)  Laws  in  Dt  (12  6.13.14.27;  27  6).— Antici- 
pating a  central  sanctuary  in  the  future,  the  law- 
giver counsels  the  people  to  bring  their  offerings 
there  (12  6.11);  they  must  be  careful  not  to  offer 
them  in  any  place  (ver  13),  but  must  patronize  the 
central  sanctuary  (ver  14) .  In  the  meantime  com- 
mon altars  and  customary  sacrifices  were  allowable 
and  generally  necessary  (16  21;  27  6). 

The  term  "meal  offering"  is  here  confined  to  offer- 
ings of  flour  or  meal,  etc  (AV  "meat-offering"),  and 

was  first  used  at  the  consecration  of 
6.  Law  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (Ex  29  41).  These 
the  Meal  must  not  be  offered  on  the  altar  of 
Offering  incense  (Ex  30  9);  were  used  at  the 
(minhaK)       completion  of  the  tabernacle  (40  29); 

and  always  with  the  morning  and 
evening  burnt  offerings. 

(1)  Thi  ritual  for  the  offerer  (Lev  2  1-16). — It  must 
be  of  fine  flour,  with  oil  and  frankincense  added,  and 
brought  to  the  priest;  if  baked  in  the  oven,  unleavened 
cakes  mingled  with  oil,  or  wafers  and  oil;  if  of  the  baking 
-pan,  flne  flom'  mingled  with  oil  parted  into  pieces  and  oil 
thereon;  if  of  the  frying  pan,  the  same  ingredients. 
Ijeaven  and  honey  must  never  be  used  as  they  quickly 
become  corrupt.  Every  offering  must  be  seasoned  with 
salt.  If  of  the  first-fruits  (bikkurim),  it  should  consist 
of  corn  in  the  ear,  parched  with  oil  and  frankincense 
upon  it. 

(2)  The  ritual  for  the  priest  {Lev  2  1-16). — This  required 
him  to  take  out  a  handful  with  the  oil  and  frankincense 
thereon  and  burn  it  as  a  memorial  upon  the  altar.  The 
remainder  was  holy  and  belonged  to  the  priest.  Of  the 
cakes,  after  bringing  them  to  the  altar,  he  was  to  take  a 
portion,  burn  it  and  appropriate  the  remainder ;  the  same 
with  the  first-fruits. 

(3)  General  laws  for  the  priest  (Lev  6  14-18  [Heb 
7-11],  etc). — He  might  eat  his  portion  without  leaven 
in  the  holy  place.  At  his  anointing  Aaron  offered 
his  own  oblation  of  fine  flour — ^  of  an  ephah,  one- 
half  in  the  morning  and  one-haff  in  the  evening.  If 
baked,  it  must  be  with  oil.  This  meal  offering  must 
all  be  burnt;  none  could  be  eaten.  With  the  sin 
and  guilt  offerings  every  meal  offering  baked  in  any 
way  belongs  to  the  priest  (Lev  7  9.10;  10  12;  Nu 
18  9).  The  meal  offerings  accompanied  the  other 
offerings  on  all  important  occasions,  such  as  the 
consecration  of  Aaron  (Lev  9  4.17);  cleansing  of 
a  leper  (Lev  14  10.20.21.31);    feast  of  first-fruits 


Sacrifice  (OT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2644 


(Lev  23  13);  Pentecost  (Lev  23  16);  set  feasts 
(Lev  23  37).  Special  charge  was  given  to  Eleazar 
to  care  for  the  continual  meal  offerings  (Nu  4  16). 
The  Nazirite  must  offer  it  (Nu  6  15.17).  When  the 
tribes  presented  their  offerings,  meal  offerings  were 
always  included  (Nu  7  13.19,  etc);  when  the 
Levites  were  set  apart  (Nu  8  8);  with  vows  of 
freewill  offerings  (Nu  15  4.6) ;  with  the  sin  offer- 
ings (15  24) ;  at  all  the  several  seasons  (Nu  28  5 — 
29  39).  A  special  form  was  the  "showbread" 
(bread  of  memorial).  Twelve  loaves  were  to  be 
placed  in  two  rows  or  heaps  of  six  each  on  a  pure 
table  in  the  holy  place,  with  frankincense  on  each 
pile  or  row.  These  were  to  remain  for  one  -week  and 
then  to  be  eaten  by  the  priests.  They  were  an 
offering  of  food  by  fire,  though  probably  only  the 
frankincense  was  actually  burned  (Lev  24  5f). 

The  peace  offerings  indicated  right  relations  with 
God,     expressing    good-fellowship,    gratitude    and 

obligation.  The  common  altars  were 
7.  Law  of  fitted  for  their  use  (Ex  20  24),  as 
the  Peace  feasts  had  been  thus  celebrated  from 
Offering         time  immemorial.     At  the  feast  before 

God  on  the  Mount,  peace  offerings 
provided  the  food  (Ex  24  5) ;  also  before  the  golden 
bull  (Ex  32  6).  The  wave  and  heave  offerings 
were  portions  of  these. 

(1)  The  ritual  for  the  ogerer  (Lev  3  1-17). — The 
offering  might  be  a  bullock,  a  lamb,  or  a  goat,  either  male 
or  female,  latitude  being  allowed  In  tliis  case.  The 
ritual  was  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  the  l:»umt  offering 
(see  above). 

(2)  The  ritual  for  the  priest  (Lev  3  1-17). — Blood 
must  be  sprinkled  on  the  altar  round  about,  the  caul, 
the  liver  and  the  kidneys  must  be  taken  away  and  the 
fat  parts  bm'ned  on  the  altar;  the  fat  tail  of  the  lamb 
must  also  be  burned.  These  portions  were  offerings  of 
food  by  fire  to  the  Deity.  The  ritual  for  a  goat  was  the 
same  as  for  a  bullock. 

(3)  General  laws  for  the  priest  (Lev  6  12  [Heb  5]; 
7  1  ff). — The  fat  was  to  be  burned  on  the  altar  of 
burnt  offering.  If  it  was  a  thank  offering  (zebhah 
ha-todhah),  it  must  have  unleavened  cakes  with  oil, 
cakes  mingled  with  oil  and  fine  fiour  soaked.  Cakes 
of  leavened  bread  might  be  offered,  and  one  cake  was 
to  be  a  heave  offering  to  the  priest.  The  fiesh  was 
to  be  eaten  that  day,  none  was  to  be  left  till  morn- 
ing (Lev  22  30).  If  it  was  a  votive  offering  {zebhah 
nedher)  or  a  freewill  offering  {zebhah  n'dhdhhdh),  it 
might  be  eaten  on  the  first  and  second  days,  but  not 
on  the  third  day;  it  should  then  be  an  abomination 
(Lev  7  18  f).  If  eaten  then  by  anyone,  that  per.son 
was  to  be  cut  off  from  the  community.  Of  all  peace 
oft'erings  the  wave-breast  and  heave-thigh  belong  to 
the  priest  (Lev  7  29-34),  the  remainder  was  to  be 
eaten  by  the  worshippers.  At  Aaron's  consecration 
an  ox  and  a  ram  were  the  peace  offerings  (Lev  9  4. 
18.22).  The  priest's  portion  was  to  be  eaten  in  a 
clean  place  by  the  priest's  family  (Lev  10  14). 
When  Israel  should  have  a  central  sanctuary,  all 
were  to  be  brought  there  (Lev  17  4.5).  When  they 
had  no  central  place,  the  common  altars  would 
suffice.  All  peace  offerings  must  be  made  in  an 
acceptable  manner  (Lev  19  5).  Votive  offerings 
must  be  perfect  (Lev  22  18-22),  but  certain  imper- 
fections are  allowable  in  freewill  offerings  (ver  23). 
At  Pentecost  two  he-lambs  of  the  first  year  could  be 
offered  as  peace  offerings  (Lev  23  19).  The  Nazi- 
rite  at  the  end  of  his  separation  must  offer  one  ram 
for  a  peace  offering  with  unleavened  bread  (Nu  6 
14.17),  and  the  hair  shaved  from  his  head  must 
be  burned  under  the  peace  offerings  (6  18).  This 
hair  was  regarded  as  a  thing  having  life  and  offered 
as  a  sacrifice  by  other  nations.  The  various  tribes 
brought  peace  offerings  (ch  7,  passim),  and  at  the 
feast  of  trumpets  the  people  were  to  rejoice  and 
blow  trumpets  over  the  peace  offerings  (10  10). 
Some  further  regulations  are  given  (15  9  f). 


The  sin  offering  was  a  sacrifice  of  a  special  kind, 

doubtless  pecuhar  to  Israel     and  first  mentioned 

at  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his 

8.  The  Sin    sons.     It  is  not  then  spoken  of  as  an 

Offering         innovation.     It  was   of  special  value 

as  an  expiatory  sacrifice. 

(1)  Use  at  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  sons 
{Ex  29  10ff).—A  bullock  was  killed  before  the 
altar,  some  blood  was  put  upon  the  horns  of  the 
altar  by  Moses,  the  rest  was  poured  out  at  the  base. 
The  fat  of  the  inwards  was  burned  upon  the  altar, 
the  flesh  and  skin  were  burned  without  the  camp. 
Every  day  during  the  consecration  this  was  done 
(Ex  29  36). 

(2)  The  law  of  the  sin  offering  {Lev  4  1-S5;  6 
24-30,  etc). — (a)  The  occasion  and  meaning:  Specifi- 
cally to  atone  for  unwitting  sins,  sins  of  error 
{sh'ghdghdh) ,  mistakes  or  rash  acts,  unknown  at  the 
time,  but  afterward  made  known.  There  were 
gradations  of  these  for  several  classes  of  offenders: 
the  anointed  priest  (vs  3-12),  the  whole  congregation 
(vs  13-21),  a  ruler  (vs  22-26),  one  of  the  common  peo- 
ple (vs  27-35),  forswearing  (5  1),  touching  an  unclean 
thing  (ver  2)  or  the  imcleanness  of  man  (ver  3),  or 
rashly  swearing  in  ignorance  (ver  4).  For  conscious 
and  wifful  violations  of  the  Law,  no  atonement  was 
possible,  with  some  exceptions,  for  which  provision 
was  made  in  the  guilt  offerings  (see  below) . 

(b)  The  ritual  for  the  offerer  (Lev  4  1-5.13,  etc): 
The  anointed  priest  must  offer  a  bullock  at  the  tent 
of  meeting,  lay  his  hands  upon  it  and  slay  it  before  Jeh. 
The  congregation  was  also  required  to  bring  a  young 
bullock  before  the  tent  of  meeting,  the  elders  were  to  lay 
hands  upon  it  and  slay  it  before  Jeh.  The  ruler  must 
bring  a  lie-goat  and  do  the  same.  One  of  the  common 
people  might  bring  a  she-goat  or  lamb  and  present  it  in 
the  same  manner.  If  too  poor  for  these,  two  turtledoves 
or  young  pigeons,  one  for  a  sin  offering  and  one  for  a 
burnt  offering,  would  suffice.  If  too  poor  for  these,  the 
tenth  part  of  an  ephah  of  fine  flour  without  oil  or  frank- 
incense would  suffice. 

(c)  The  ritual  for  the  priest  (Lev  4  1-5.13,  etc):  He 
must  bring  the  bullock's  blood  to  the  tent  of  meeting, 
dip  his  finger  into  it  and  sprinkle  blood  7  t  before  the 
veil  of  the  sanctuary,  and  put  some  on  the  horns  of  the 
altar  of  incense,  but  most  of  the  blood  must  be  poured 
out  at  the  base  of  the  altar.  The  fat  must  be  burned 
upon  the  altar,  all  the  rest  of  the  carcase  must  be  carried 
to  a  clean  place  without  the  camp  and  burned.  In  the 
case  of  the  whole  congregation,  the  ritual  is  the  same. 
In  the  case  of  a  ruler,  the  blood  is  to  be  put  upon  the 
horns  of  the  altar  of  burnt  offering,  not  the  altar  of  in- 
cense. In  the  case  of  one  of  the  common  people,  the 
ritual  is  similar  to  that  of  the  ruler.  In  both  the  latter 
cases  the  carcase  belonged  to  the  priest.  If  a  bird,  the 
priest  must  wring  off  its  head,  sprinkle  some  blood  on  the 
side  of  the  altar  and  pour  the  rest  at  the  base.  Nothing 
is  said  of  the  disposal  of  the  carcase.  If  of  fine  flour,  the 
priest  must  take  out  a  handful  and  burn  it  upon  the  altar, 
keeping  the  remainder  for  himself.  The  use  of  fine 
flour  for  an  expiatory  sacrifice  is  evidentlj'  exceptional 
and  intended  to  be  so.  Though  life  was  not  given,  yet  a 
necessity  of  life — that  which  represented  Uf  e — was  offered. 

{d)  General  laws  for  the  priest  (Lev  6  24-30): 
The  sin  offering  was  to  be  slain  in  the  same  place  as 
the  burnt  offering.  It  was  most  holy,  and  the  priest 
alone  might  eat  what  was  left  of  the  ram,  pigeon  or 
flour,  in  the  holy  place.  Whatever  touched  it  was 
to  be  holy,  any  garment  sprinkled  with  the  blood 
must  be  washed  in  a  holy  place,  earthen  vessels 
used  must  be  broken,  and  brazen  vessels  thoroughly 
scoured  and  rinsed. 

(e)  Special  uses  of  the  sin  offering:  (i)  The  con- 
secration of  Aai-on  and  his  sons  (Lev  8  2.14.15)  was 
similar  to  that  of  Lev  4  11.12,  only  Moses  was  to 
kill  the  offering  and  put  the  blood  on  the  horns  of 
the  altar.  On  the  8th  day  a  bull-caff  was  offered 
(9  2),  and  the  congregation  offered  a  he-goat  (ver  3). 
In  this  case  Aaron  perfonned  the  ceremony,  as  in 
Lev  4  11.12.  Moses  complained  that  they  had 
not  eaten  the  flesh  of  the  calf  and  goat  in  the  sanc- 
tuary, since  that  was  requisite  when  the  blood  was 
not  brought   into   the  sanctuary    (Lev  10  16-20). 

(ii)  Purifications  from  uncleannesses  required  after 
childbirth  a  young  pigeon  or  turtledove    (Lev  12 


2645 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (OT) 


6-8).  The  leper  must  bring  a  guilt  offering'  (a 
special  kind  of  sin  offering),  a  he-lamb  (Lev  14 
12-14.19);  if  too  poor  for  a  lamb,  a  turtledove 
or  young  pigeon  (vs  22.31).  Special  use  of  the 
blood  is  required  (ver  25).  In  uncleanness  from 
issues  a  sin  offering  of  a  turtledove  or  young  pigeon 
must    be    offered    by    the    priest    (Lev  15  15.30). 

(iii)  On  the  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev  16  1-28) 
Aaron  must  take  a  bullock  for  himself  and  house, 
two  he-goats  for  the  people,  present  the  goats  at 
the  sanctuary,  cast  losts,  one  for  Jeh,  as  a  sin  offer- 
ing, the  other  for  Azazel,  to  be  sent  into  the  wilder- 
ness. The  bullock  was  killed,  sweet  incense  was 
burned  within  the  rail,  blood  was  sprinkled  on  the 
mercy-seat  and  before  it  7  times.  The  one  he-goat 
was  killed  and  a  similar  ceremony  was  performed. 
Blood  must  be  put  on  the  horns  of  the  altar  and 
sprinkled  7  t  about  it.  The  other  goat  was  pre- 
sented, hands  were  laid  on  it,  the  sins  of  all  con- 
fessed and  put  upon  the  goat,  and  it  was  sent  into 
the  wilderness.  The  carcase  of  the  bullock  and  he- 
goat  were  burned  without  the  camp.  At  the  feast 
of  first-fruits  a  he-goat  was  offered    (Lev  23  19). 

(iv)  Other  special  instances  were:  in  the  case  of 
defilement,  the  Nazirite  must  offer  a  turtledove  or 
young  pigeon  on  the  8th  day  after  contraction 
(Nu  6  10  ff ) ;  when  the  days  of  the  separation  were 
fulfilled  a  ewe-lamb  with  the  other  offerings  (ver  14) 
was  to  be  offered;  the  twelve  tribes  included  in 
each  case  a  he-goat  for  sin  offering  (7  16  ff) ;  at 
the  consecration  of  the  Levites  a  young  bullock  (8 
8.12).  For  unwitting  sins  of  the  congregation  a  he- 
goat  was  to  be  offered  (15  24.25).  If  one  person 
erred,  a  she-goat  was  permitted  (ver  27).  A  sin 
offering  was  required  at  the  feast  of  the  new 
moon  (28  15),  at  the  Passover  (ver  22),  at  Pen- 
tecost (ver  30),  on  the  1st  day  of  the  7th  month 
(29  5),  and  on  the  10th,  15th-22d  days  (vs  10-38). 
The  ceremony  of  the  red  heifer  (19  1-10.17)  was 
a  special  sin  offering  for  purification  purposes  only. 
It  was  of  ancient  and  primitive  origin.  The  young 
cow  was  brought  without  the  camp  and  was  slain 
before  the  priest's  face,  blood  was  sprinkled  7  t  be- 
fore the  sanctuary,  the  entire  carcase  with  cedar 
wood,  hyssop  and  scarlet  was  burned,  the  ashes 
gathered  and  laid  without  the  camp  in  a  clean  place 
to  be  kept  for  the  water  of  impurity.  It  was  to 
purify  after  contact  with  the  dead.  In  the  case 
of  the  unknown  homicide  (Dt  21  1-9)  a  young 
unbroken  heifer  was  brought  to  a  running  stream, 
its  neck  was  broken,  the  elders  washed  their  hands 
over  the  heifer  in  the  presence  of  the  priests,  de- 
claring their  innocence.  Thus  the  bloodshed  was 
expiated.  The  action  was  a  judicial  one,  but  essen- 
tially vicarious  and  expiatory  and  had  doubtless  a 
primitive  origin. 

The  guilt  offering  (AV  "trespass  offering")  (Lev 
6  14 — 6  7)  was  a  special  kind  of  sin  offering,  always 
of  a  private  character  and  accompanied 
9.  The  by  a  fine.     It  expressed  expiation  and 

Guilt  restitution.     The  classes  of  sin  requir- 

Offering  ing  a  guilt  offering  with  reparation  in 
money  are:  (1)  a  trespass  in  the  holy 
things  done  unwittingly;  (2)  anything  which  the 
Law  forbade  depriving  God  or  the  priest  of  their  due; 
(3)  deahng  falsely  with  a  neighbor  in  a  deposit,  or 
pledge,  or  robbery,  or  oppression;  (4)  swearmg 
falsely  regarding  anything  lost;  (5)  seduction  of  a 
betrothed  bondmaid  (Lev  19  20-22).  The  first  two 
of  these  are  unwitting  sins,  the  others  cannot  be. 
The  clear  statement  is  made  in  another  place  that 
sins  done  with  a  "high  hand,"  i.e.  in  rebeUion  against 
the  covenant  and  its  provisions,  can  have  no  sacri- 
fice (Nu  15  30).  Is  this  a  contradiction,  or  a  later 
development  when  it  was  found  that  the  more 
stringent  law  would  not  work?  (See  J.  M.  P. 
Smith,  at  al.,    Atonement,  47  f.)     Neither  conclu- 


sion is  probable.  These  conscious  sins  are  of  a 
kind  that  will  admit  of  full  reparation  because 
against  rights  of  property  or  in  money  matters. 
The  sin  offering  makes  atonement  toward  God,  the 
restitution  with  the  additional  one-fifth  makes  full 
reparation  to  man.  No  such  reparation  can  be 
made  with  such  sins  described  as  committed  with  a 
"high  hand."  In  the  case  of  seduction,  rights  of 
property  are  violated  (cf  Nu  5  5-8;   Dt  22  29). 

(1)  The  ritual  (Lev  S  14—6  7). — A  ram  proportion- 
ate in  value  to  tlie  offence  and  worth  at  lea.st  two  shekels 
is  required.  The  ritual  is  probably  the  same  as  that  of 
the  sin  offering,  though  no  mention  is  made  of  the  laying 
on  of  hands,  and  the  blood  is  not  brought  into  the  sanc- 
tuary, but  sprinkled  about  the  base  of  the  altar,  the  fat 
and  inside  parts  being  burned,  and  the  flesh  eaten  by  the 
priests  in  a  holy  place. 

(2)  Special  statutes. — The  leper,  when  cleansed, 
on  the  8th  day  must  bring  a  guilt  offering  of  two  he- 
lambs  and  one  ewe-lamb ;  the  priest  must  wave  one 
he-lamb  before  Jeh,  kill  it,  and  smear  blood  on  the 
right  ear,  thumb  and  toe  of  the  leper.  The  guilt 
offering  belongs  to  the  priest  (Lev  14  12-20).  If 
the  leper  were  too  poor  for  two  lambs,  one  sufficed, 
with  a  corresponding  meal  offering,  or  one  turtle- 
dove and  a  young  pigeon  (vs  21.22).  The  Nazirite, 
if  defiled  during  his  period  of  separation,  must  bring 
a  he-lamb  for  a  guilt  offering  (Nu  6  12).  All  guilt 
offerings  were  the  priests'  and  most  holy  (18  9). 

The  wave  offerings  were  parts  of  the  peace  offerings, 
and  the  custom  was  seemingly  initiated  at  the  consecra- 
tion of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (Ex  29  24—27), 
in  XVflTTp  when  the  breast  and  bread  were  waved 
iu.  yytivc  ijgfore  Jeh.  Lev  7  30.. 34  fixes  the  law. 
UliermgS  it  niust  be  brought  from  the  peace  offer- 
ings of  the  offerer  himself.  At  Aaron's 
consecration  Moses  put  the  breast,  etc,  on  Aaron's 
hands  and  waved  them  before  Jeh  (Lev  8  27).  On  the 
8th  day  Aaron  did  the  waving  (Lev  9  21).  The  priests 
were  to  eat  it  in  a  clean  place  (Lev  10  14  f).  The  leper's 
he-lamb  was  to  be  waved  by  the  priest,  before  being 
offered  (Lev  14  12) ;  the  lamb  of  the  guilt  offering  also 
(14  24).  At  the  feast  of  flrst-frults  the  sheaf  must  be 
waved  before  Jeh  (Lev  23  10.11.15);  two  loaves  also 
(vs  17.20).  Of  the  Nazirite  the  priest  took  the  boiled 
shoulder,  a  cake  and  a  wafer,  put  them  on  the  Nazirite's 
hand  and  waved  them  before  Jeh  (Nu  6  19  f). 

Heave  offerings  also  are  parts  of  the  peace  offerings, 
and  refer  particularly  to  what  is  lifted  up,  or  separated 
unto  the  service  of  Jeh.  They  are  first 
1 1  TTpflvp  mentioned  at  the  consecration  of  Aaron 
i±.  xicttvc  ^g^  gg  27.28).  The  offering  consisted  of 
UnenngS  the  right  shoulder  or  thigh  and  was  the  fixed 
due  of  the  priest  (Lev  7  32.34).  One 
cake  of  the  peace  offering  must  be  heaved  (Lev  7  14). 
The  offering  must  be  eaten  in  a  clean  place  (Lev  7  14) 
by  the  priest's  family  only  (Lev  10  14.15).  Of  the 
Nazirite's  offering  the  heave  thigh  also  went  to  the  priest 
(Nu  6  20).  When  the  Israehtes  should  come  into  the 
promised  land  to  eat  bread,  they  must  offer  a  heave 
offering  of  the  dough,  a  cake  (Nu  15  19.20.21).  The 
law  is  repeated  in  Nu  18  8.11.19,  and  the  Levites  are 
to  receive  a  tithe  of  the  heave  offerings  of  tlie  people 
(ver  24).  They  were  in  turn  to  offer  up  a  tithe  of  this 
to  the  priests  (vs  26-32).  A  portion  of  the  spoil  of 
Midian  was  a  heave  offering  (31  29.41).  Dt  commands 
that  all  heave  offerings  be  brought  to  the  central  sanc- 
tuary and  eaten  there  (12  6.11). 

Jacob  poured  oil  on  the  stone  he  had  set  up  (Gen 
28  18)  in  honor  of  the  Deity  and  consecrated  the 

spot.  Jacob  later  (Gen  35  14)  set  up 
12.  Drink  a  pillar  where  God  had  revealed  Himself 
Offerings  or  and  poured  drink  offerings  and  oil  upon 
Libations       it.     Probably  wine  was  used.     Drink 

offerings  accompanied  many  of  the  sac- 
rifices (Ex  29  40.41).  None  could  be  poured  upon 
the  altar  of  incense  (Ex  30  9).  At  all  set  feasts 
the  drink  offerings  must  be  presented  (Lev  23 
13.18.37).  The  Nazirite  was  not  exempt  (Nu  6 
15.17).  Wine  and  oil  must  accompany  all  votive 
and  freewill  offerings  (15  4.5.7.10.24);  the  con- 
tinual burnt  offering  (28  7.8);  sabbaths  (vs  9.10) 
and  all  the  other  set  feasts'  (vs  14-31;  29  6-39, 
passim) .  That  drink  offerings  were  common  among 
the  heathen  is  shown  by  Dt  32  38. 

The  cultus  is  thoroughly  in  keeping  with  and 
adapted  to  the  age,  and  yet  an  ideal  system  in 


Sacrifice  (OT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2646 


many  respects.  The  ethical  side  is  in  the  back- 
ground, the  external  has  the  emphasis.     No  sacrifices 

will  avail  for  a  breach  of  the  covenant 
13.  Primi-  between  God  and  the  people.  The 
tive  Nature  people  thoroughly  believed  in  the  effi- 
of  the  cacy  of  the  blood.     It  secured  atone- 

Cultus  ment  and  forgiveness.     Their  religious 

life  found  expression  in  the  sacrifices. 
God  was  fed  and  pleased  by  the  offerings  by  fire. 
Many  of  the  customs  are  ancient  and  crude,  so 
that  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  how  such  a  primitive 
system  could  have  been  arranged  and  accepted 
afterward  by  the  people  who  had  the  lofty  ethical 
teachings  of  the  prophets  in  their  hands. 

VI.  Sacrifices   in    the    History    of  Israel. — The 
tribes  were  outwardly  consolidated,  and  a  religious 

system  was  provided.     Some  of  it  was 

1.  The  for  the  rulers,  much  for  the  people  and 
Situation  much  for  the  priests  alone.  The  vari- 
at  Moses'  ous  laws  were  given  in  portions  and 
Death  afterward  compiled.     No  one  expected 

them  to  be  observed  until  the  nation 
had  a  capital  and  central  sanctuary.  Even  then 
not  every  detail  was  always  possible.  They  were 
not  observed  to  any  extent  in  the  wilderness  (Am 
5  25),  as  it  was  impracticable.  Even  circum- 
cision was  neglected  until  the  wanderers  crossed 
the  Jordan  (Josh  5  2).  The  body  of  the  system 
was  not  in  full  practice  for  300  or  400  years.  The 
ritual,  as  far  as  it  could  be  observed,  served  as  an 
educational  agency,  producing  in  the  minds  of  the 
worshippers  proper  conceptions  of  the  holiness  of 
God,  the  sinfulness  of  man,  and  the  proper  spirit 
in  approaching  God. 

Lay  or  common  altars  were  in  accordance  with 
Ex  20  24;   Dt  16  21;  27  7.    In  the  days  of  Joshua, 

the   Passover  was  celebrated  (Josh  5 

2.  In  the  10  f).  At  Ebal  an  altar  was  erected. 
Time  of  burnt  and  peace  offerings  were  pre- 
Joshua  sented  (Josh  8  30-32).    The  tabernacle 

was  set  up  at  Shiloh  with  a  horned 
altar  doubtless  (Josh  18  1),  and  the  cultus  was 
observed  to  some  extent.  Concerning  the  altar  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Jordan,  see  Altar. 

Canaanitish    altars    were    abundant    with    their 

corrupt  and  licentious  cults  of  the   Nature-gods. 

Israelites   with   their    common    altars 

3.  In  the       would  naturally  use  the  high  places, 
Period  of       when  possible.     The  stationary  altars 
the  Judges    of  the  Canaanites  were  of  course  unlaw- 
ful.    The  inevitable  tendency  would  be 

to  imitate  the  worship  of  the  Canaanites.  They 
were  rebuked  and  threatened  for  this,  and,  weeping, 
offered  sacrifices  at  Bochim  (Jgs  2  1-5).  Gideon 
rebuilt  an  altar  of  Jeh  and  offered  a  bullock  as  a 
burnt  offering  (6  2.5.26).  The  kid  prepared  for  the 
angel  was  not  first  a  sacrifice,  but  its  acceptance  as 
a  gift  was  indicated  by  its  being  burned  (6  19  f ) . 
Jephthah  offered  up  his  daughter  as  a  burnt  offering, 
believing  such  a  sacrifice  well-pleasing  to  Jeh  (11 
31.39).  Manoah  and  his  wife  prepared  a  kid  for  a 
burnt  offering,  a  meal  offering  accompanying  it  (13 
16  f).  Atthetimeof  the  civil  war  with  Benjamin  the 
ark  and  statutory  altar  seemed  to  be  at  Beth-el,  where 
they  offered  burnt  and  peace  offerings  (20  26). 
The  feasts  at  Shiloh  imply  at  least  peace  offerings 
(21  19). 

Common    lay    altars    and    customary    sacrifices 

were  still   much   in   use.      The  official   altar  with 

the  statutory  individual  and  national 

4.  In  the  offerings  appears  to  be  at  Shiloh.  El- 
Times  of  kanah  sacrifices  and  feasts  there  yearly 
Samuel  (1  S  1  3f).  Such  feasts  were  joy- 
and  Saul  ous  and  tended  to  excesses,  as  drunken- 
ness .seemed    common    (1  13 f).     All 

Israel  came  thither  (2  14) ;  the  priests  claimed  their 
portion,  seizing  it  in  an  unlawful  manner  before  the 


fat  had  been  burned,  or  the  flesh  had  been  boiled 
(2  13-17).  This  shows  that  such  ritual  as  was  pre- 
scribed in  Lev  was  practised  and  considered  by  the 
people  the  only  lawful  custom.  Was  it  in  writ- 
ing? Why  not?  Guilt  offerings  were  made  by  the 
PhiUs  when  smitten  by  tumors  (6  3.4.8.17).  There 
were  five  golden  mice  and  five  golden  tumors.  Crude 
as  were  their  ideas  of  a  guilt  offering,  their  actions 
show  familiarity  with  the  concept.  Burnt  offerings 
were  used  on  special  occasions  and  in  great  crises, 
such  as  receiving  the  ark  (6  14  f),  going  to  war  (7 
9f;  13  9-12),  victory  (11  15), etc.  Saul  met  Samuel 
at  a  sacrificial  feast  in  a  small  city  (9  12.13)  on  a  high 
place.  At  Gilgal  there  were  burnt  and  peace  offer- 
ings (10  8;  15  15.21).  Saul  offered  burnt  offerings 
himself  (13  9-12),  but  his  fault  was  not  in  offering 
them  himself,  but  in  his  haste  and  disobedience 
toward  Samuel.  "To  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice," 
etc,  says  Samuel  (15  22),  recognizing  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  the  covenant  and  realizing  that 
ceremonies  are  in  themselves  worthless  without  the 
right  spirit.  The  same  truth  is  reiterated  by  the 
prophets  later.  To  prevent  the  eating  of  flesh  with 
the  blood  Saul  built  a  special  altar  (14  32-35). 
Family  and  clan  sacrifices  and  feasts  were  evidently 
common  (16  2-5). 

The  common  altars  and  those  on  the  high  places 
were  still  in  use.     The  central  sanctuary  at  ShOoh 
had  been  removed,  first  apparently  to 
6.  In  the        Gilgal,    then    to    Nob,    and    later    to 
Days  of  Gibeon.     David's  and  Saul's  families 

David  and  kept  the  feast  of  the  new  moon,  when 
Solomon  peace  offerings  would  be  sacrificed  (1  S 
20  5.24-29).  The  sanctuary  at  Nob 
had  the  shewbread  upon  the  table  (21  4  ff)  according 
to  Ex  25  30.  When  the  ark  was  brought  up  to  Jerus, 
burnt  and  peace  offerings  were  offered  according  to 
the  Law  (2  S  6  17.18;  1  Ch  16  2.40).  Ahithophel 
offered  private  sacrifices  at  Shiloh  (2  S  15  12). 
David  offered  up  burnt,  meal  and  peace  offerings 
when  purchasing  the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah 
(1  Ch  21  23-26).  The  statutory  horned  altar  at 
this  time  was  at  Gibeon  (2  Ch  1  6;  1  Ch  21  29), 
but  was  soon  removed  to  Jerus  (1  Ch  22  1).  In  the 
organized  sanctuary  and  ritual,  Levites  were  ap- 
pointed for  attendance  on  the  shewbread,  meal 
offerings,  burnt  offerings,  morning  and  evening 
sacrifices,  sabbaths,  new  moons  and  set  feasts  (23 
28-31),  attempting  to  carry  out  the  Levitical  laws 
as  far  as  possible.  At  the  dedication  of  the  temple 
Solomon  offered  burnt,  meal  and  peace  offerings 
in  enormous  quantities  (1  K  8  63;  2  Ch  7  4-7); 
also  burnt  and  peace  offerings  with  incense  trien- 
nially  (1  K  9  25) .  The  ritual  at  the  regular  seasons, 
daily,  sabbaths,  new  moons,  set  feasts,  etc,  was 
observed  according  to  the  Levitical  Law  (2  Ch  2 
4;    8  13).     Was  it  written? 

The  golden  calf  worship  was  carried  on  at  Dan 
and  Beth-el,  with  priests,  altars  and  ritual  (1  K  12 
27  f).  The  high  places  were  in  use, 
6.  lathe  but  very  corrupt  (13  2ff).  A  com- 
Northem  mon  altar  was  in  use  on  Mt.  Carmel 
Kingdom  (18  30.32).  Many  others  were  known 
as  Jeh's  altars  (19  10).  The  system 
was  in  full  swing  in  Amos'  time  (Am  4  4.5)  at 
Beth-el  and  Gilgal  and  probably  at  Beer-sheba  (5  5). 
Amos  bitterly  satirizes  the  hollow,  insincere  wor- 
ship, but  does  not  condemn  the  common  altars  and 
sacrifices,  as  these  were  legitimate.  With  Hosea  the 
situation  is  worse,  the  cultus  has  been  "canonized," 
priests  have  been  fed  on  the  sin  or  sin  offerings  of 
the  people,  and  the  kingdom  soon  perished  because 
of  its  corruption. 

The  high  places  were  still  in  use  and  not  de- 
nounced yet  by  the  prophets  (1  K  3  2;  2  K  14  4; 
15  4.35).  Worship  was  not  fully  centrahzed,  though 
tendmg  m  that  du-ection.     In  the  days  of  Abijah 


2647 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (OT) 


the  temple  cult  was  in  full  operation  according  to 

Moses'  Law  (2  Ch  13  10  f).     Asa  removed  many 

strange  altars  and  high  places  because 

7.  In  the  of  their  corruption  (14  3),  but  not  all 
Southern  (15  17;  20  33).  In  the  days  of  Je- 
Kingdom  to  hoiada  priests  and  Levites  were  on  duty 
the  Exile       according  to  Moses   (23  18;    24  14fc; 

2  K  12  4-16).  Sin  and  guilt  offer- 
ings were  in  sufficient  numbers  to  be  mentioned,  but 
the  money  went  to  the  priests.  Kautzsch  (HDB, 
V)  and  Paterson  (HDB,  IV),  with  others,  think 
these  offerings  were  only  fines  and  altogether  differ- 
ent from  those  of  Lev  4,  5.  Such  a  statement  is 
wholly  gratuitous.  The  guilt  offerings  must  be 
accompanied  by  fines,  but  not  necessarily  the  sin 
offerings.  The  passage  speaks  of  both  as  perfectly 
familiar  and  of  long  standing,  but  details  are  lack- 
ing and  there  can  be  no  certainty  in  the  matter, 
except  that  it  proves  nothing  regarding  a  ritual 
of  sin  and  guilt^offerings  existent  or  non-existent 
at  that  time.  Kautzsch's  and  Paterson's  motives 
are  obvious.  Having  reversed  the  history  and  put 
the  ritual  law  late,  they  must  needs  make  adjust- 
ments in  the  records  to  have  them  agree.  In  the 
days  of  Ahaz,  the  regular  offerings  were  observed 
for  priests,  kings  and  people  (2  K  16  13-15). 
Hezekiah  destroyed  many  high  places  (18  4). 
When  repairing  the  temple,  many  sin  offerings  were 
presented  to  expiate  the  terrible  sins  of  the  previous 
reigns  and  the  desecration  of  the  temple  (2  Ch  29 
21-24) ;  and  so,  also,  burnt  offerings  (vs  27  f),  peace 
and  thank  offerings,  etc,  in  large  number  (vs  31-3.5; 
cf  Isa  1  10-17).  The  Passover  was  celebrated 
with  peace  offerings  (2  Ch  30  1.2.15.22),  oblations 
and  tithes  (31  12);  courses  of  Levites  were  estab- 
lished (31  2),  and  the  king's  portion  (ver  3).  All 
the  common  altars  were  aboUshed  as  far  as  possible, 
and  worship  centralized  in  Jerus  (32  12).  Reversed 
by  Manasseh  (33  3f),  the  high  places  were  again 
used  (ver  17).  Josiah  purged  Jerus  (34  3),  and 
on  the  discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law,  with  its 
rule  regarding  a  central  sanctuary,  that  law  was 
rigidly  enforced  (35  6-14).  The  reformation  under 
Josiah  did  not  change  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and 
the  rule  followed  in  spite  of  aU  the  efforts  of  Jeremiah 
and  other  prophets. 

That  the  cultus  was  entirely  suspended  in  Jerus 

from  586  to  536  BC  seems  certain.    There  is  no 

support  for  G.  F.  Moore's  statement 

8.  In  the  (EB,  IV)  that  an  altar  was  soon  re- 
Exihc  and  built  and  sacrificing  was  carried  on 
Post-exiUc  with  scarcely  a  break.  On  the  return 
Periods  of  the  exiles  an  altar  was  soon  built  and 

the  continual  burnt  offerings  began 
(Ezr  3  2  f),  and  likewise  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles, 
new  moons  and  set  feasts  (vs  4-7).  Darius  decreed 
that  the  Israelites  should  be  given  what  was  needed 
for  the  sacrifices  (6  9f).  The  band  under  Ezra 
offered  many  sin  offerings  on  their  return  (8  35). 
At  the  dedication  of  the  temple  many  burnt  and 
sin  offerings  were  made  for  all  the  tribes  (6  17). 
Those  who  had  married  foreign  wives  offered  guilt 
offerings  (10  19).  The  firman  of  Artaxerxes  pro- 
vided money  for  bullocks,  rams,  lambs,  with  meal 
and  drink  offerings  (7  17).  Under  Nehemiah  and 
after  the  formal  acceptance  of  the  Law,  a  more  com- 
plete effort  was  made  to  observe  it.  The  shew- 
bread,  continual  burnt  and  meal  offerings,  sabbaths, 
new  moons,  set  feasts,  sin  offerings,  first-fruits, 
firsthngs,  first-fruits  of  dough,  heave  offerings  of  all 
trees,  wine  and  oil,  etc,  were  carefully  attended 
to  (Neh  10  33-37)  and  were  in  full  force  later 
(13  5.9).  There  is  no  hint  of  innovation,  only  a 
thoroughgoing  attempt  to  observe  laws  that  had 
been  somewhat  neglected. 

At  the  time  of  Nehemiah  and  probably  two  or  tliree 
centuries  previous,  there  existed  a  temple  on  the  island 


of  Elephantine  in  the  Nile.     It  was  built  by  a  Jewish 
military  colony,  and  a  system  of  sacrifices  was  observed. 

Just  how  far  they  copied  the  laws  of  Moses. 
q     A  Xpmnlp  "'^'^  what  were  their  ideas  of   a  central 

H  Q       •        sanctuary  are  uncertain. 
and  bacri-  Several  Sem  tribes  or  nations  practised 

fices  at  Ele-  human  sacrifices.     It  was  common  among 
Dhantine  ^^^  Canaanitcs,  as  is  shown  by  the  exca- 

'^  vations    at    Gezer,    Taanach,    etc.     They 

seemed  to  offer  children  in  sacrifice  at  the 
laying  of  cornerstones  of  houses  and  other  such  occa- 
sions.    Among  the  Carthaginians,  Phoenicians.  Greeks 

and  Romans  human  sacrifices  were  all  too 
in  TTiiman  common.  Thecustom  was  not  unknown  to 
lu.  numcm  ^jjg  Israelites.  Abraham  felt  called  ui>on 
oacriflces  to  offer  up  Isaac,  but  was  stopped  in  the 
in  Israel's  ^ct,  and  a  lesson  was  given  for  all  time. 
TTict/^rif  '^^^  abominable  practice  is  forbidden  by 

nisiory  Moses  (Lev  18  21),  where  it  is  spoken  of 

as  a  passing  through  the  fire  to  Moloch, 
referring  to  Moaijitish  and  Ammonitish  practices. 
Anyone  practising  it  was  to  be  stoned  (Lev  20  2-5; 
Dt  12  31;  18  10).  The  rash  vow  of  Jephthah  resulted 
in  the  immolation  of  his  daughter,  but  the  incident  is 
recorded  as  something  e.xtraordinary  (Jgs  11  .31  f). 
The  execution  of  Zebah  and  Zalmunna  is  a  case  of 
blood  revenge,  not  sacrifice  (8  18  fl).  Nor  is  the 
slaughter  of  Agag  in  any  sense  a  sacrifice  (1  ,S  15  32  f). 
The  death  of  Saul's  sons  because  of  his  breach  of  cove- 
nant with  the  Gibeonites  was  an  expiatory  sacrifice,  to 
atone  for  the  father's  perfidy  (2  S  21  9).  The  Moabite 
king  in  desperation  offered  up  his  firstborn  and  heir  to 
appease  the  anger  of  Chemosh,  and  the  effect  was  start- 
ling to  the  Israelites  (2  K  3  27).  Ahaz  practised  the 
abomination  in  times  of  trouble  (16  3).  Such  sacrifices 
were  intended  to  secure  favor  with  the  Deity  or  appease 
His  wrath.  Kiel's  firstborn  and  youngest  sons  were 
probably  sacrificed  at  the  rebuilding  or  fortifying  of 
Jericho  (1  K  16  34;  cf  Josh  6  26).  Manasseh  practised 
the  custom  (2  K  21  6),  but  it  was  stopped  by  Josiah 
(23  10).  Micah's  words  were  probably  apphcable  to 
those  times  of  Ahaz  or  Manasseh,  when  they  thought 
to  obtain  God's  favor  by  costly  gifts  apart  from  ethical 
conditions  (Mic  6  6-8).  Isaiah  refers  to  a  heathen  cus- 
tom practised  by  Israel  of  slaying  the  children  in  secret 
places  (Isa  57  5),  and  Jeremiah  represents  it  as  practised 
in  his  time  (Jer  7  31;  19  .5).  Ezekiel  denounces  the 
same  practice  (Ezk  16  20.21;  23  37). 

Heathen  sacrifices  are  hinted  at  in  the  later  books,  such 
as  swine,  a  mouse,  a  horse,  a  dog  (Isa  65  4;    66  3.17; 

Ezk  8  10;  2  K  23  11).  All  such  ani- 
11.  Certain  nials  were  unclean  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the 
TTpfltVipn  practice  had   its   roots   in  some  form   of 

jxeaineu  primitive  totemism  which  survived  in  those 

Sacrifices       heathen  cults.     They  were  little  practised 

among  the  Israelites.     See  Totemism. 

VII.  The  Prophets  and  Sacrifices. — The  prophets 
were  reformers,  not  innovators.  Their  emphasis 
was  on  the  ethical,  rather  than  the  ritual.  They 
based  their  teachings  on  the  fundamentals  of  the 
covenant,  not  the  incidentals.  They  accepted 
sacrifices  as  part  of  the  reUgious  hfe,  but  would  give 
them  their  right  place.  They  accepted  the  law 
regarding  common  altars,  and  Samuel,  David  and 
Elijah  used  these  altars.  They  also  endorsed  the 
movement  toward  a  central  sanctuary,  but  it  is  the 
abuse  of  the  cult  that  they  condemned,  rather  than 
its  use.  They  combated  the  heathenish  idea  that 
all  God  needed  was  gifts,  lavish  gifts,  and  would 
condone  any  sin  if  only  they  bestowed  abundance 
of  gifts.  They  demanded  an  inward  religion,  moral- 
ity, justice,  righteousness,  in  short,  an  ethical  reli- 
gion. They  preached  an  ethical  God,  rather  than 
the  profane,  debasing  and  almost  blasphemous  idea 
of  God  which  prevailed  in  their  times.  They  re- 
minded the  people  of  the  covenant  at  Sinai,  the  foun- 
dation principle  of  which  was  obedience  and  loyalty 
to  Jeh.  If  Joel  be  early,  the  cult  is  in  full  practice, 
as  he  deplores  the  cutting-off  of  the  meal  offering, 
or  minhdh,  and  the  ne^ekh  or  drink  offering,  through 
the  devastation  of  the  locusts.  He  does  not  mention 
the  burnt  offerings,  etc,  as  these  would  not  be  cut 
off  by  the  locusts  (Joel  1  7.13;  2  14).  Joel  empha- 
sized the  need  for  a  genuine  rei)entance,  telling  them 
to  rend  their  hearts  and  not  their  garments  (2  13). 

Amos  condemns  the  cultus  at  Bcth-el  and  Gilgal, 
and  sarcastically  bids  them  go  on  transgressing 
(4  4.5),  mentions  burnt,  peace,  thank  and  freewill 
offerings  (4  4  f ;  5  22),  reminds  them  of  the  fact  that 
they  did  not  offer  sacrifices  in  the  wilderness  (5  25), 


Sacrifice  (OT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2648 


but  demands  rather  righteousness  and  justice.  There 
is  nothing  liere  against  the  Mosaic  origin  of  the  laws. 

In  Hosea's  time  the  hollow  externalism  of  the  cult 
had  become  worse,  while  vice,  falsehood,  murder, 
oppression,  etc,  were  rampant.  He  utters  an  epoch- 
making  sentence  when  he  says,  "I  desire  mercy, 
and  not  sacrifice,"  etc  (6  6).  This  is  no  sweeping 
renunciation  of  sacrifices,  as  such;  it  is  only  putting 
the  emphasis  in  the  right  place.  Such  sacrifices  as 
Hosea  speaks  of  were  worse  than  worthless.  It  is 
somewhat  extravagant  for  Kautzsch  to  say,  "It 
is  perfectly  futile  to  read  out  of  6  6  anything  else 
than  a  categorical  rejection  of  sacrifices."  Hosea 
recognizes  their  place  in  religion,  and  deplores  the 
loss  during  exile  (3  4).  The  corrupt  cults  he  con- 
demns (4  13  f),  for  the}'  are  aa  bad  as  the  Canaan- 
itish  cults  (4  9).  Jeh  will  spurn  them  (8  13;  9  4). 
The  defection  of  the  nation  began  earlv  (11  2),  and 
they  have  multiplied  altars  (12  11;"  13  2).  He 
predicts  the  time  when  they  shall  render  as  bullocks 
the  "calves"  of  their  lips  (14  2  AV). 

Micah  is  as  emphatic.  The  sacrifices  were 
more  costly  in  his  day,  in  order  the  more  surely  to 
purchase  the  favor  of  the  Deity.  Human  sacrifices 
were  in  vogue,  but  Micah  says  God  requires  them 
"to  do  justly,  and  to  love  kindness,  and  to  walk 
humbly  with  thy  God"  (6  8).  This  does  not  in 
the  least  affect  sacrifices  of  the  right  kind  and  with 
the  right  spirit. 

Isaiah  faces  the  same  situation.  There  are  mul- 
titudes of  sacrifices,  burnt  offerings,  blood  of  bullocks 
and  goats,  oblations,  sweet  incense,  beasts,  etc, 
but  no  justice,  morality,  love,  truth  or  goodness. 
Thus  their  sacrifices,  etc,  are  an  abomination, 
though  right  in  themselves  (1  11-17;  61  8). 
The  same  is  true  of  all  pious  performances  today. 
It  is  probable  that  Isaiah  worshipped  in  the  temple 
(6  1.6).  In  his  eschatological  vision  there  is  free- 
dom to  offer  sacrifices  in  Egypt  (19  19.21).  The 
people  are  to  worship  in  the  holy  mountain  (27  13). 
Ariel  must  let  the  feasts  come  around  (29  1). 

Jeremiah  maintains  the  same  attitude.  Your 
"frankincense  from  Sheba,  and  the  sweet  cane," 
burnt  offerings  and  sacrifices  are  not  pleasing  to 
God  (6  20;  14  12).  They  made  the  temple  a  den 
of  robbers,  in  the  streets  they  baked  cakes  to  the 
Queen  of  heaven,  etc.  He  speaks  sarcastically, 
saying,  "Add  your  burnt-offerings  unto  your  sac- 
rifices, and  eat  ye  flesh.  For  I  spake  not  unto 
your  fathers  ....  concerning  ....  sacrifices: 
but  ....  commanded  ....  saying.  Hearken  un- 
to my  voice,"  etc  (7  21-23).  This  was  literally 
true,  as  we  have  seen  above;  the  covenant  was  not 
based  on  sacrifices  but  on  obedience.  Such  a  state- 
ment docs  not  deny  the  institution  of  sacrifices  for 
those  within  the  covenant  who  are  obedient.  It  is 
no  "subterfuge,"  as  Kautzsch  calls  it,  "to  say  that 
the  prophets  never  polemize  against  sacrifice  per  se, 
but  only  against  offerings  presented  hypocritically, 
without  repentance  and  a  right  disposition,  with 
blood-stained  hands ;  against  the  opera  operata  of  the 
carnally-minded,  half-heathen  mass  of  the  people." 
This  is  exactly  what  they  do,  and  thej'  are  in  perfect 
harmony  with  the  covenant  constitution  and  with 
their  own  ethical  and  spiritual  functions.  Kautzsch 
can  make  such  an  extravagant  assertion  only  by 
ignoring  the  fact  that  Jeremiah  himself  in  predict- 
ing the  future  age  of  righteousness  and  blessedness 
makes  sacrifice  an  important  factor  (33  11.18). 
Picturing  possible  prosperity  and  glory,  Jeremiah 
speaks  of  burnt  and  meal  offerings,  frankincense, 
thank  offerings,  etc,  being  brought  into  the  house 
of  Jeh  (17  26).  (We  are  aware  of  the  harsh  and 
arbitrary  transference  of  this  passage  to  a  later 
time.) 

Ezekiel  is  called  by  Kautzsch  "the  founder  of  the 
Levitical  system."     He  is  said  to  have  preserved 


the  fragment  of  the  ritual  that  was  broken  up  in 
the  exile.  But  his  references  to  Ihe  burnt,  sin  and 
trespass  offerings  presuppose  familiaritv  with  them 
(40  38-42). 

He  assigns  tlio  nortli  and  .soiitli  chambers  for  tlie  meal, 
sin  and  trespass  ofterings  (42  13).  The  cleansing  of  the 
altar  requires  a  bullock  and  he-goat  for  a  sin  offering, 
ivith  burnt  and  peace  offerings  with  a  ritual  similar  to 
Lev  8  If  (Ezk  43  18-27).  The  Levites  are  to  be  minis- 
ters and  slay  burnt  offerings  and  sacrifice  for  the  people 
(44  11).  The  priest  must  offer  his  sin  offering  before 
he  ministers  in  the  sanctuary  (44  27).  They  are  to  eat 
the  meal,  sin,  and  trespass  offerings  as  in  44  29.  In 
ch  45  the  people  are  to  give  the  wheat,  barley,  oil  and 
lambs  for  meal,  burnt  and  peace  offerings,  while  the 
prince  shall  give  the  meal,  biirnt  and  drink  offerings  for 
tlie  feasts,  the  new  moons,  sabbaths  and  appointed 
feasts.  He  is  to  prepare  them  to  make  atonement  (45 
13-17).  In  cleansing  the  sanctuary  the  Levitical  ritual  is 
followed  with  added  details  (45  18-20).  The  Passover 
requires  the  burnt,  sin  and  meal  offerings  with  an  extra 
amount  of  cereal.  The  priests  prepare  the  prince's 
burnt  and  peace  offerings  (46  2-4.6.9-12)  for  the  sab- 
baths, new  moons,  etc.  The  daily  burnt  offerings  (vs 
13-15)  must  have  a  sixth  instead  of  a  tenth  part  of  an 
ephah,  as  in  Lev  1.  The  sin  and  guilt  offerings  are  to  be 
boiled  in  a  certain  place,  and  the  meal  offering  baked  (vs 
20.26).  Ezk  varies  from  the  Levitical  Law  in  the  quan- 
tity of  the  meal  offering,  picturing  the  ritual  in  a  more 
ideal  situation  than  Moses.  The  people  are  all  righteous, 
with  new  hearts,  the  Spirit  in  them  enabling  them  to 
keep  the  Law  (36  26  f ) ,  and  j'et  he  institutes  an  elaborate 
ritual  of  purification  for  them.  Does  this  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  the  prophets  would  abolish  sacrifices  entirely  ? 
It  is  strange  reasoning  which  makes  the  prophets  de- 
nounce the  whole  sacrificial  system,  when  one  of  the 
greatest  among  them  seeks  to  conserve  an  elaborate  cult 
for  the  blessed  age  in  tlie  future. 

In  the  second  part  of  Isa,  God  declares  that  He  has  not 
been  honored  by  the  people  with  burnt  and  meal  offerings, 
etc.,  and  that  He  has  not  burdened  them  with  such  offer- 
ings, but  that  He  is  wearied  with  their  sins  (43  23  f). 
Those  foreigners  who  respect  the  covenant  shall  offer  ac- 
ceptable sacrifices  (56  7)  in  the  blessed  age  to  come.  The 
Servant  of  Jeh  ts  to  be  a  guilt  offering  (53  10)  to  expiate 
the  sins  of  Israel.  Sacrifice  is  here  for  the  first  time  lifted 
out  of  the  animal  to  the  human  sphere,  thus  forging  the 
link  between  the  OT  and  the  NT.  In  the  glorious  age  to 
come  there  are  to  be  priests  and  Levites,  new  moons, 
sabbaths  and  worsliip  in  Jerus  (66  21.23). 

Daniel  speaks  of  the  meal  offering  being  caused  to 
cease  in  the  midst  of  the  week  (9  27). 

Zechariah  pictures  the  golden  age  to  come  when  all 
nations  shall  go  up  to  Jerus  to  keep  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, which  implies  sacrifices.  Pots  are  used,  and  ail  the 
worshippers  shall  use  them  in  the  ritual  (14  16-21). 

In  Malachi's  age  the  ritual  was  in  practice,  but 
grossly  abused.  They  offered  polluted  bread  (1  7), 
blind,  lame  and  sick  animals  (1  13  f).  Jeh  has  the 
same  attitude  toward  these  as  toward  those  in  the 
times  of  Amos,  Hosea,  and  Isaiah  (Mai  1  10  f). 
The  Gentiles  offer  better  ones  (1  11).  The  Israel- 
ites covered  the  altar  of  Jeh  with  tears  by  their 
hypocritical,  non-ethical  actions  (2  13).  They 
robbed  God  in  withholding  tithes  and  heave  offer- 
ings (3  8).  It  is  the  abuse  of  the  cult  that  is  de- 
nounced here,  as  in  all  the  other  Prophets. 

A  special  use  of  the  term  "sacrifice"  is  made  by 
Zephaniah  (1  7  f),  applying  it  to  the  destruction  of 
Israel  by  Jeh.  Bozrah  and  Edom  are  to  be  victims 
(Isa  34  6);   also  Gog  and  Magog  (Ezk  39  17.19). 

In  summing  up  the  general  attitude  of  the 
prophets  toward  sacrifices,  even  G.  F.  Moore  in 
EB  admits:  "It  is  not  probable  that  the  prophets 
distinctly  entertained  the  idea  of  a  religion  without 
a  cultus,  a  purely  spiritual  worship.  Sacrifice  may 
well  have  seemed  to  them  the  natural  expression  of 
homage  and  gratitude."  He  might  have  added,  "and 
of  atonement  for  sin,  and  full  fellowship  with  God." 

Vm.  Sacrifice  in  the  "Writings." — Dates  are 
very  uncertain  here.  The  Pss  and  Prov  extend 
from  David  and  Solomon  into  the  Pers  period. 

The  sages  take  the  same  attitude  as  the  prophets. 
They  enjoin  the  sacrifice  of  first-fruits  (Prov  3  9). 
A  feast  usually  follows  a  sacrifice  of 
1.  In  the  peace  offerings  (7  14).  The  trespass 
Proverbs  offering  (?)  has  no  meaning  to  fools 
(14  9),  and  the  sacrifices  of  the  wicked 
are  an  abomination  to  God  (15  8;  21  27).     Right- 


2649 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (OT) 


eousness  and  justice  are  more  acceptable  to  Jeh 
than  sacrifices  (21  3),  yet  to  them  sacrifices  are  a 
regular  part  of  worship.  Koheleth  spealis  of  sacri- 
fices as  quite  the  custom,  and  deprecates  the  offer- 
ings of  fools  (Eccl  5  1;  9  2). 

The  Psalmist  admonishes  the  faithful  to  offer 
the  sacrifices  of  righteousness,  i.e.  sacrifices  offered 
in  the  right  spirit  (4  5).  The  drink 
2.  In  the  offerings  of  idolaters  are  well  known 
Psalms  (16  4).     Prayer  is  made  for  the  ac- 

.ceptanoe  of  sacrifices  (20  3).  It  is 
a  coveted  privilege  to  offer  them  (27  6;  84  1-4). 
The  true  relation  between  sacrifice  and  obedience 
is  expressed  in  40  6-8.  As  in  Jer  7  21  f,  the  em- 
phasis is  laid  on  obedience,  without  which  sacrifices 
are  worthless  and  repugnant  to  God.  They  are  not 
the  important  thing  in  Israel's  religion,  for  that 
religion  coald  exist  without  them  as  in  the  wilder- 
ness and  exile.  The  teaching  corresponds  exactly 
with  that  of  the  prophets  and  is  probably  late. 
Ps  50  is  even  more  emphatic.  The  Psalmist  knows 
that  sacrifices  are  in  the  covenant  regulations  (ver  5), 
but  repudiates  the  idea  of  giving  anything  to  Gocl 
or  of  feeding  Him  (vs  12.13).  Everything  belongs 
to  Him,  He  is  not  hungry,  He  would  scorn  the  idea 
of  drinking  the  blood  of  goats,  etc.  The  idea  of  the 
cultus  being  of  any  real  value  to  God  is  scouted. 
Yet  in  the  next  verse  the  reader  is  admonished  to 
offer  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  and  pay  vows  (ver 
14).  The  sacrifices  that  express  worship,  penitence, 
prayer,  thanksgiving  and  faith  are  acceptable. 
The  penitent  Psalmist  speaks  in  similar  terms. 
Sacrifices  as  such  are  no  delight  to  God,  the  real 
sacrifice  is  a  broken  heart  (51  16  f) .  When  the  heart 
is  right,  then,  as  an  expression  of  true-hearted- 
ness,  devotion,  repentance  and  faith,  burnt  offerings 
are  highly  acceptable  (ver  19).  Another  Psalmist 
promises  a  freewill  offering  to  God  (54  6;  66  13. 
1.5).  Sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  are  advised  (96  8; 
107  22;  118  27)  and  promised  (116  17).  Prayer 
is  likened  to  the  evening  sacrifice  (141  2). 

IX.  The  Idea  and  Efficacy  of  Sacrifices. — That 
the  Hebrews  thoroughly  beheved  in  the  efficacy  of 
sacrifices  is  without  doubt.  What  ideas  they  en- 
tertained regarding  them  is  not  so  clear.  No 
single  theory  can  account  for  all  the  facts.  The 
unbloody  sacrifices  were  regarded  as  food  for  the 
Deity,  or  a  pleasant  odor,  in  one  instance,  taking 
the  place  of  a  bloody  offering  (see  above).  The 
bloody  offerings  present  some  difficulties,  and  hence 
many  different  views. 

Included  under  the  head  of  gifts  of  food  to  the 

Deity  would  be  the  meal  and  peace  offerings,  in  so 

far   as   they   were   consumed   by  fire, 

1.  A  Gift  the  burnt  offerings  and  the  shewbread, 
of  Food  to  etc.  They  were  fire-food,  the  fire- 
the  Deity       distilled   essence  or  etherealized  food 

for  God  which  gave  Him  pleasure  and 
disposed  Him  favorably  toward  the  offerer.  They 
were  intended  either  to  appease  wrath,  to  win  favor, 
or  to  express  thanks  and  gratitude  for  favors  ex- 
perienced. The  earher  and  more  naive  idea  was 
probably  to  win  the  favor  of  the  Deity  by  a  gift. 
Later,  other  ideas  were  expressed  in  the  offerings. 

The  burnt  offering  best  gave  expression  to  the 
sentiments  of  adoration  and  devotion,  though  they 

may  not  be  excluded  from  the  meal 

2.  Expres-  and  peace  offerings.  In  other  words, 
sion  of  sacrifice  meant  worship,  which  is  a 
Adoration  complex  exercise  of  the  soul.  Such 
and  was  Abraham's  attempted  sacrifice  of 
Devotion        Isaac.     The  daily  burnt  offerings  were 

intended  to  represent  an  unbroken 
course  of  adoration  and  devotion,  to  keep  the  right 
relations  with  the  Deity.  On  particular  occasions, 
special  offerings  were  made  to  insure  this  relation 
which  was  specially  needed  at  that  time. 


The  burnt  and  sin  offerings  were  the  principal 

kinds  used  for  the  purpose  of  purification;    water 

being  used  in  case  of  uncleanness  from 

3.  A  Means  contact  with  the  dead.  There  were 
of  Purifi-  three  classes  of  uncleanness:  (1)  those 
cation  from  inseparable  from  the  sex  functions  of 
Unclean-  men  and  women;  (2)  those  resulting 
ness  from  contact  with  a  corpse;    (3)  the 

case  of  recovery  from  leprosy.  Puri- 
fication ceremonies  were  the  condition  of  such  per- 
sons enjoying  the  social  and  religious  life  of  the 
community.  Why  they  should  require  a  sin  offer- 
ing when  most  of  them  occurred  in  the  regular 
course  of  nature  and  could  not  be  guarded  against, 
can  be  understood  only  as  we  consider  that  these 
offences  were  the  effects  of  sin,  or  the  weaknesse.s 
of  the  fleshly  nature,  due  to  sin.  Such  unclean- 
nesses  made  the  subject  unfit  for  society,  and  that 
unfitness  was  an  offence  to  God  and  required  a 
piacular  offering. 

Consecration  was  of  men  and  things.     The  cere- 
monies at  the  seahng  of  the  covenant  and  the  con- 
secration of  the  Ijcvites  and  of  Aaron 

4.  A  Means  and  his  sons  have  been  mentioned. 
of  Conse-  The  altar  and  furniture  of  the  taber- 
cration  to  nacle  were  consecrated  by  the  blood 
the  Divine  of  the  sin  offering.  This  blood  being 
Service  the  means  of  expiation,  it  cleansed  from 

all  defilement  caused  by  human  hands, 
etc.  The  sprinkling  and  smearing  of  the  blood  con- 
secrated them  to  the  service  of  God.  The  blood  be- 
ing holy,  it  sanctified  all  it  touched  (cf  Ezk  45  19  f). 
In  other  words,  it  is  a  kind  of  sacral  communion. 
The  blood  is  the  sacred  cement  between  man  and 

God.     This   is  possible  only   because 

5.  To  Es-  it  contains  the  life  and  is  appropriated 
tablish  a  by  God  as  a  symbol  of  the  communion 
Community  into  which  He  enters  with  the  offerer. 
of  Life  This  blood  "covers"  all  sin  and  de- 
between  filement  in  man,  permits  him  to  enter 
Worshipper  God's  presence  and  attests  the  oom- 
and  God        munion  with  Him.     This  is  the  view  of 

Schultz,  and  partly  that  of  Kautzsch,  in 
regard  to  earlier  ideas  of  sacrifice.  Such  a  view  may 
have  been  held  by  certain  peoples  in  primitive  times, 
but  it  does  not  do  justice  to  the  Levitical  system. 

The  view  o(  Ritschl  is  tliat  sacrifices  served  as  a  form 
of  self-protection  from  God  whose  presence  meant  de- 
struction to  a  weali  creature.     Thus  sacri- 
6    View  of     ^'^^^  have  no  moral  value  and  no  relation 
Tj'.,     .,  to  sin  and  defilement.     They  have  relation 

lULSCnx  only  to  man's  creaturely  weakness  which 

is  in  danger  of  destruction  as  it  approaches 
the  presence  of  God.  God's  presence  necessarily  meant 
death  to  the  creature  without  reference  to  his  holiness, 
etc.  Such  a  view  banishes  all  real  sense  of  sin,  all  ethical 
values,  and  furnishes  no  proper  motives.  It  gives  a  false 
idea  of  the  character  of  God,  and  is  entirely  out  of  accord 
with  the  sacred  record. 

That  sacrifices  were  really  a  sacrament  has  been 
advocated  by  many.  According  to  some  theolo- 
gians, the  sacrifices  were  signs  of  spirit- 
7.  Sacrifice  ual  realities,  not  only  representing  but 
a  Sacra-  sealing  and  applying  spiritual  blessings, 
ment  and  their  eflicacy  was  proportionate  to 

the  faith  of  the  offerer.  By  some 
Roman  Catholic  theologians  it  is  held  that  the  Pass- 
over was  esp.  of  a  sacramental  character,  correspond- 
ing to  the  Eucharist.  The  purificatory  rites  corre- 
sponded to  penance  and  the  consecrating  sacrifices 
to  the  sacrament  of  ordination.  Biihr  says  that 
the  acceptance  of  the  sacrifice  by  Jeh  and  His 
gift  of  sanctification  f  o  the  worshippers  give  to  the 
sacrifice  the  character  of  a  sacramental  act.  Cave 
also  speaks  of  them  as  having  a  sacramental  sig- 
nificance, while  refuting  the  position  of  Bahr. 
Though  there  may  be  a  slight  clement  of  truth  in 
some  of  these  ideas,  it  is  not  the  idea  expressed  in 
the  cultus,  and  seems  to  read  into  the  ritual  the 


Sacrifice  (OT) 
Sacrifice  (NT) 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2650 


theology  of  the  theologians  themselves.  This  view 
is  closely  allied  to  a  phase  of  the  following  view 
(see  Paterson,  HDB,  IV). 

That  it  is  a  symbol  or  expression  of  prayer  is  held 
by  Maurice  and  to  some  extent  b}'  Schultz.     Thus 

the  sacrifices  are  supposed  to  be  sym- 
8.  A  Sym-  bols  of  the  rehgious  sentiment,  which 
bol  or  Ex-  are  the  conditions  of  acceptance  with 
pression  of  God.  The  victim  serves  as  an  index 
Prayer  of  what  is  in  the  worshipper's  heart, 

and  its  virtue  is  exhausted  when  it  is 
presented  to  God.  Thus  it  may  express  spiritual 
aspiration  or  supplication,  hatred  of  sin  and  sur- 
render to  God  with  confession  and  supplication. 
Bahr  holds  that  a  valuable  and  unblemished  victim 
is  selected  as  symbolical  of  the  excellence  and 
purity  to  which  the  offerer  aspires,  the  death  is 
necessary  to  procure  life  which  may  be  offered  to 
God,  and  the  sprinklins  of  the  blood  is  the  pres- 
entation to  God  of  the  life  still  resident  in  the  blood. 
Schultz  thinks  that  the  sin  offering  was  distinct- 
ively purifying.  "Hence  the  real  ground  of  puri- 
fication is  that  God  accepts  the  sacrifice  and  thereby 
enters  into  communion  with  the  sinner,  granting 
him  actual  pardon,  and  that  man  in  this  offering 
enjoined  by  God  as  the  embodied  prayer  of  a  peni- 
tent expresses  his  confession,  his  regrets  and  his 
petition  for  forgiveness."  While  there  is  an  element 
of  truth  in  this,  and  it  is  particularly  applicable  to 
the  burnt  offering,  it  does  not  embrace  all  the  facts. 
It  represents  the  views  of  the  prophets  and  psalm- 
ists more  than  that  of  the  Levitical  code. 

Kautzsch  holds  that  the  efficacy  of  sacrifices  consists 
in   this;    "God   lias   connected   the   accomplishment   of 
atonement  with  the  obedient  discharge  of 
9    View  of     ^^®  sacrificial  prescriptions;    whoever  ful- 
.jj  ,  fils  these  and  gets  the  priest  to  perform  tlie 

Js.autzscll  atoning  usage.s,  is  forgiven.  Tlie  ritual, 
&sp.  the  presenting  of  tile  blood,  istheindis- 
pensable  condition  of  atonement,  but  it  is  not  synony- 
mous. Forgiveness  of  sin  flows  from  the  ^race  of  God 
as  taught  by  the  prophets,  only  with  them  it  is  unneces- 
sary, but  with  the  PC  it  is  necessary."  Thus  Kautzsch 
teaches  a  fundam'ental  contradiction  between  the 
prophets  and  the  Law,  which  is  utterly  wrong  and  is 
made  necessary  by  first  turning  the  history  upside  down 
and  making  the  PC  a  hideous  anachronism.  He  says, 
"That  tlie  process  of  atonement  is  connected  with  the 
presenting  of  blood,  explains  itself  naturally  as  a  powerful 
after-influence  of  primitive  sacrificial  usages,  in  which  the 
presenting  of  blood  had  a  different  meaning.  It  is  a 
symbohc  (not  real)  satisfaction,  as  through  the  animal's 
li'fe  symbolic  expression  is  given  to  the  fact  that  the  sin- 
ner's life  is  forfeited  to  God.  But  tlie  main  idea  is  that 
God  has  commanded  it"  (H DB,  Y ,721a).  The  half-truths 
in  these  statements  will  be  obvious  to  most  readers. 

The  theory  that  sacrifices  were  a  vicarious  ex- 
piation of  sin  and  defilement,  by  a  victim  whose  life 

is  forfeited  instead  of  the  sinner's,  is 
10.  Vicari-  the  only  one  that  will  complete  the 
ous  Ex-  Levitical   idea   of  sacrifices.     This   of 

piation  course  applies  esp.  to  the  sin  offering. 

Theory  While  there  is  an  element  of  truth  in 

the  gift-theory,  the  praj'er  and  sacra- 
mental theories  and  others,  including  that  of 
Kautzsch,  the  idea  of  a  vicarious  suffering  is  neces- 
sary to  complete  the  conception.  Oehlcr  recognizes 
the  force  of  the  prayer-theory,  but  advances  to  the 
idea  that  in  sacrifices  man  places  the  life  of  a  pure, 
innocent,  sacrificial  animal  between  himself  and 
God,  because  he  is  unable  to  approach  God  on 
account  of  his  sinfulness  and  impurity.  Thus  it 
becomes  a  kopher  for  him,  to  cover  his  sin.  This 
is  not  a  punishment  inflicted  on  the  animal,  although 
in  the  case  of  uncertain  homicide  it  is  (Dt  21  1-9). 
The  law  does  not  lay  tlie  emphasis  upon  the 
slaughter,  but  on  the  shedding  of  the  blood  and  the 
sprinkling  of  it  on  certain  articles.  The  slaughter 
is  of  course  presupposed.  The  all  ar  is  not  regarded 
as  a  placeof  execution,  it  is  themcansfor  "covering" 
the  sins  of  the  covenant  people,  a  gracious  ordi- 
nance of  God  and  well-pleasing  to  Him.     But  the 


gift  can  please  God  only  as  the  gift  of  one  who  has 
given  himself  up  to  Him;  therefore  the  ritual  must 
represent  this  self-surrender,  the  hfe  of  the  clean 
and  guiltless  animal  in  place  of  the  impure  and 
sinful  soul  of  the  offerer,  and  this  pure  soul,  coming 
in  between  the  offerer  and  the  Holy  God,  lets  Him 
see  at  the  altar  a  pure  life  by  which  the  impure  hfe 
is  covered.  In  the  same  way  the  pure  element 
serves  to  cover  the  pollutions  of  the  sanctuary  and 
the  altar,  etc.  Its  meaning  is  specific,  it  is  the  self- 
sacrifice  of  the  offerer  vicariously  accomplished. 
This  self-sacrifice  necessarily  involves  suffering  and 
punishment,  which  is  inflicted  on  the  beast  to  which 
the  guilt  and  sin  are  imputed,  not  imparted  (see 
Oehler,  or  Theol.,278i). 

Objections  have  been  raised  by  Dillmann,  Kautzsch 
and  others  on  the  ground  that  it  could  not  have  been 
vicarious  because  sacrifices  were  not  aUowed  for  sins 
which  merited  death,  but  only  for  venial  transgressions 
(Nu  15  30).  Certainly,  but  the  entire  sacriflcial  system 
was  for  those  who  were  in  the  covenant,  who  did  not 
commit  sins  that  merited  death,  and  was  never  intended 
as  a  penal  substitute,  because  the  sins  of  those  in  the 
covenant  were  not  of  a  penal  nature.  The  sacrifices 
were  "to  cover"  the  sin  and  defilement  of  the  offerer,  not 
the  deserved  death-penalty  of  one  who  broke  the  cov- 
enant. Again,  they  object,  a  cereal  offering  may  atone, 
and  this  excludes  a  penal  substitute.  But  sacrifices  were 
not  strictly  penal,  and  the  cereal  was  distinctly  an  excep- 
tion in  case  of  the  very  poor,  and  the  exception  proves 
the  rule.  In  any  case  it  represented  the  self-sacriflce  of 
the  offerer,  and  that  was  the  important  thing.  Further, 
the  victim  was  slain  by  the  offerer  and  not  by  the  priest, 
whereas  it  sliould  have  been  put  to  death  by  God's 
representative.  This  carries  no  weight  whatever,  as 
the  essential  thing  was  a  sacriflce,  and  priests  were  not 
necessary  for  that.  A  more  serious  objection  is  that  in 
the  case  of  penal  substitution,  by  wliich  the  sin  and 
guilt  are  transferred  to  the  animal,  the  flesh  of  that  ani- 
mal is  regarded  as  most  holy  and  to  be  eaten  by  the 
priests  only,  whereas  it  would  necessarily  be  regarded 
as  laden  with  guilt  and  curse,  and  hence  polluted  and 
unfit  for  use.  This  is  a  pure  assumption.  In  the  first 
place,  the  substitution  was  not  strictly  penal,  and,  sec- 
ondly, there  is  no  hint  that  actual  pollution  is  conveyed  to 
the  iiesh  of  the  animal  or  to  the  blood.  Even  if  it  were 
so,  the  shedding  of  the  blood  would  expiate  the  sin  and 
guilt,  wipe  out  the  pollution,  and  the  flesh  would  be  in 
no  way  affected.  On  the  contrary,  the  fiesh,  having  been 
the  vehicle  for  the  blood  which  has  accomplished  such  a 
sacred  and  meritorious  service,  would  necessarily  be 
regarded  as  most  holy.  All  the  animal  would  be  holy, 
rather  than  polluted,  since  it  had  performed  such  a  holy 
service.  Kautzsch's  objection  thus  appears  puerile. 
The  ritual  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  presents  all  these 
features.  It  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  high  priest 
confesses  the  iniquities  of  the  children  of  Israel  over  the 
scapegoat,  and  tiiat  the  goat  carries  this  guilt  away  to 
the  desert.  Its  blood  is  not  shed,  it  is  wholly  unclean, 
and  the  man  leading  it  away  is  unclean.  This  is  unde- 
niably a  vicarious  act.  In  the  case  of  the  other  goat,  a 
sin  offering,  the  sin  and  guilt  are  imputed  to  it,  but  the 
life  is  taken  and  thus  the  expiation  is  made  and  the  flesh 
of  the  victim  used  in  such  a  holy  service  is  most  holy. 

That  this  view  of  a  vicarious  expiation  was  gen- 
erally accepted  is  evident  on  every  hand.  There 
was  no  need  of  a  theoretical  explanation  in  the 
cultus;  it  was  self-evident;  as  Holtzmann  says, 
"the  most  external  indeed,  but  also  the  simplest 
and  most  generally  intelligible  and  the  readiest 
answer  to  the  natureof  expiation"  {NT  Theol.,  I,  68). 
This  view  is  amply  corroborated  by  the  researches 
of  S.  I,  Curtiss  in  his  Primitive  Sem  Religion  of 
Today.  By  searching  questions  he  found  that  the 
fundamental  idea  of  bloody  sacrifices  was  that  the 
victim  took  the  place  of  the  man,  redeemed  him,  or 
atoned  for  him  as  a  substitute.  The  "bursting  forth 
of  the  blood"  was  the  essential  thing  (see  pp.  218  f). 

The  typology  of  sacrifice  has  been  much  dis- 
cussed. 'There  can  be  no  question  that,  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  NT,  many  of  the 
11.  Typol-  sacrifices  were  typical.  They  pre- 
ogy  of  figured,  and  designedly  so,  the  great 

Sacrifice  sacrifice  of  Christ.  Thus  they  could 
not  really  take  away  sin;  they  were 
in  that  sense  unreal.  But  the  question  is,  were  they 
typical  to  the  people  of  Israel?  Did  Moses  and  the 
priests  and  prophets  and  people  understand  that 


2651 


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Sacrifice  (OT) 
Sacrifice  (NT) 


they  were  merely  figures,  adumbrations  of  the  true 
Sacrifice  to  come,  which  alone  could  take  away  sin? 
Did  they  understand  that  their  Messiah  was  to  be 
sacrificed,  His  blood  shed,  to  make  an  atonement 
for  them,  and  render  their  Divinely  given  means  of 
atonement  all  unreal  ?  The  answer  must  be  an  em- 
phatic "No."  There  is  no  hint  that  their  minds  were 
directed  to  think  of  the  Coming  One  as  their  sacrifice, 
foreshadowed  by  their  offerings.  That  was  the  one 
thing  the  nation  could  not  and  would  not  under- 
stand, and  to  this  day  the  cross  is  their  chief 
stumbling-block.  The  statement  that  the  Servant 
is  to  be  a  guilt  offering  (Isa  53  10)  is  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  it,  but  this  is  far  from  saying  that  the  whole 
sacrificial  system  was  understood  as  foreshadowing 
that  event.  The  great  prophets  all  speak  of  a  sacri- 
ficial system  in  full  vogue  in  the  Messianic  age. 

We  prefer  to  regard  the  sacrificial  system  as  a 
great  religious  educational  system,  adapted  to  the 
capacity  of  the  people  at  that  age,  intended  to 
develop  right  conceptions  of  sin,  proper  apprecia- 
tion of  the  holiness  of  God,  correct  ideas  of  how  to 
approach  God,  a  familiarity  with  the  idea  of  sacri- 
fice as  the  fundamental  thing  in  redemption,  life, 
and  service  to  God  and  man. 

Literature. — Only  a  selection  is  attempted:  arts, 
in  Enc  Brit,  nth  ed;  EB  (G.  F.  Moore);  UDB  (Pater- 
son);  RE  and  Sc/i-Herz  (Orelli);  Jew  Enc:  McClintock 
and  Strong,  etc;  INIurray's  Bible  Diet.;  Standard  BD,  etc. 
Kautzsch,  Jastrow  and  Wiedermann  in  HDB:  art.  on 
"Comparative  Religion"  in  Sch-Herz:  OT  Theologies  of 
Oehler,  Dillmann.  Sraend,  Schultz.  Davidson,  Koenig,  etc. 

On  sacrifices  in  general:  Wellhausen,  Re^te  des  ara- 
bisehen  Heidenthums;  W.  R.  Smith.  Religion  of  the  Semites; 
3.  G.  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  II,  III;  E.  B.  Tylor,  Primi- 
tive Culture;  E.  Westermarck,  Origin  of  Moral  Ideas; 
H.  Hubert  ct  iVIauss,  Annee  sociologique,  II;  L.  Maril- 
lier,  Revue  de  Vhistoire  des  religions,  XXXVI,  208;  S.  I. 
Curtiss,  Primitive  Sem  Religion  of  Today. 

Biblical  sacrifices:  F.  Bahr,  Symbolik  des  Mosdischen 
Kultus;  J.  H.  Kurtz,  Der  alttestamentliche  Opfercultus; 
A.  Stewart,  The  Mosaic  Sacrifices;  J.  G.  Murphy,  Sac- 
rifice as  Set  Forth  in  Scripture;  A.  Cave,  Scriptural  Doc- 
trine of  Sacrifice;  F.  Maurice,  The  Doctrine  of  Sacrifice; 
J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Bib.  Doctrine  of  Atonement.  See  also: 
Schultz.  AJT,  1900,  2.57  (f ;  Smoller,  Studien  und  Kritiken, 
1891;  Wiener,  Essays  in  Pentateuchal  Criticism;  Penta- 
teuchal  Studies;  Driver,  ERE,  VI.  t     t    -n 

J.  J.  Reeve 

In  the  New  Testament 

I.     Terms   of  Sacrifice  Epitomized 
II.     Attitude    of  Jesus    and   NT  Writers  to  the 
OT  Sacrificial  System 

1.  Jesus'  Attitude 

2.  Paul's  Attitude 

3.  Attitude  of  the  Author  of  Hebrews 

III.  The  Sacrificial  Idea   in   the  NT 

1.  Teaching  of  John  the  Baptist 

2.  Teaching  of  Jesus 

3.  Teaching  of  Peter 

4.  Paul's  Teaching 

5.  Teaching  of  Hebrews 

6.  Johannine  Teaching 

IV.  Relation    of    Christ's    Sacrifice    to    Man's 
Salvation 

1.  Redemption  or  Deliverance  from  Curse  of  Sin 

2.  Reconciliation 

3.  Remission  of  Sins 

4.  The  Cancellation  of  Guilt 

5.  Justification  or  Right  Standing  with  God 

6.  Cleansing  or  Sanctiflcation 

7.  Sonship  ^ 

V.     How  Christ's  Sacrifice  Procures  Salvation 

1.  Jesus'  Teaching 

2.  Paul's  Teaching 

3.  Teaching  of  Hebrews 

4.  Petrine  and  Johannine  Teaching 

VI.     Rationale  of  the  Efficacy  of  Christ's  Sacri- 
fice 

1.  Jesus'  Teaching 

2.  Paul's  Teaching 

3.  The  Teaching  in  Hebrews 

VII       The  Human  Conditions   of  Application 

1.  Universal  in  Objective  Potentiality 

2.  Efficacious  When  Subjectively  Applied 

VIII      The  Christian's  Life  the  Life   of  Sacrifice 

1.  Consequence  of  Christ's  Sacrifice     „,    .  ^.      , 

2.  Christ's    Death    the    Appeal    for    Christian  s 

3.  Necessary  to  Fill  Out  Christ's  Sacrifice 

4.  Content  of  the  Christian's  Sacrifice 

5.  The  Supper  as  a  Sacrifice 
Literature 


/.  Terms  of  Sacrifice  Epitomized. — The  word  "offer- 
ing" (Trpo(T(fiop<x,  prosphord)  describes  the  death  of  Christ, 
once  in  P-aul  (Eph  5  2);  5  t  in  He  (10  5.8.10.14.18). 
The  vb.  jTpo<Ti^epa),  prosphf'ro,  "to  offer,"  is  also  used, 
15  t  in  He  (5  1.3;   8  32.3.4;    9  7.14.25.28;   10    1.8.11.12; 

11  4).  The  noun  prosphora  occurs  15  t  in  LXX,  usually 
as  the  tr  of  nns^j.  minhah,  "sacrifice."     This  noun  in 

the  NT  refers  to  OT  sacrifices  in  Acts  7  42;  21  26;  to 
the  ofrcring  of  money  in  Acts  24  17;  Rom  l5  16.  The 
vl).  (ii'n<|>epuj,  anaphrro,  also  occurs  3  t  in  He  (7  27;  9  28; 
13   15);    also  in  1  Pet  2  5. 

The  word  "sacrifice"  (t^vaia.  thusia,  translates  in  LXX 
8  Heb  words  for  various  kinds  of  sacrifice,  occurring  about 
350  t)  refers  to  Christ's  death,  once  in  Paul  (Eph  5  2) 
and  5  t  in  He  (5  1;  9  23.20;  10  12.26).  It  refers  ' 
several  times  to  OT  sacrifice  and  5  t  to  Christian  living 
or  giving  (Phil  2  17;  4  18;  He  13  15.16;  1  Pet  2  5). 
The  vi>.  "to  sacrifice"  (0uu>,  thud)  is  used  once  by  Paul  to 
describe  Christ's  death  (1  Cor  6  7). 

The  blood  {a.\ti.a.,  haima)  of  Christ  is  said  to  secure  re- 
demption or  salvation,  6  t  in  Paul  (Rom  3  25;  5  9; 
1  Cor  10  16;  Eph  1  7;  2  13;  Col  1  20) ;  3  t  in  He 
(9  12.14;  10  19;  ct  also  10  29);  2  t  in  1  Pet  (1  2.19) 
and  5  t  in  the  Johannine  writings  (1  Jn  1  7;  5  6^.8; 
Rev  1  5) .  Unmistakably  this  figure  of  the  blood  refers 
to  Christ's  sacrificial  death.  "In  any  case  the  phrase 
kv  Tw  auToy  a'l^aTt.  [ea  td  auiou  haimati,  'in  his  blood,' 
Rom  3  25]  carries  with  it  the  idea  of  sacrificial  blood- 
shedding"  (Sanday,  Comm.  on  Ep.  to  Rom,  91). 

AuTpoi-  {lutron,  "ransom,"  the  price  paid  for  redeem- 
ing, occurring  in  LXX  19  t,  meaning  the  price  paid  for 
redeeming  the  servant  [Lev  25  51.52];  ransom  for  first- 
born [Nu  3  46] ;  ransom  for  the  life  of  the  owner  of  the 
goring  ox  [E.x  21  30,  etc])  occurs  in  tlie  NT  only  twice 
(Mt  20  28;  Mk  10  45).  This  word  is  used  by  Jesus  to 
signify  the  culmination  of  His  sacrificial  life  in  His 
sacrificial  death. 

'Ai'TtAuTpof  (antilutron,  "ransom,"  a  word  not  found 
in  LXX,  stronger  in  meaning  than  the  preceding  word) 
occurs  only  once  in  the  NT  (1  Tim  2  6). 

'ATToAuTpojcTLy  (apolutrosis,  "redemption,"  in  Ex  21  8. 
meaning  the  ransom  paid  by  a  father  to  redeem  his 
daughter  from  a  cruel  master)  signifies  (1)  deliverance 
from  sin  by  Clirist's  death,  5  t  in  Paul  (Rom  3  24;   1  Cor 

1  30;  Eph  1  7.14;  Col  1  14);  once  in  He  (9  15);  (2)  gen- 
eral deliverance,  twice  (Lk  21  28;  He  11  35);  (3)  the 
Christian's  final  deliverance,  physical  and  spiritual  (Rom 
8  23;  Eph  4  30).  The  simple  word  AiJTpwo-ts  ilutrosis, 
"redemption,"  10  t  in  LXX  as  the  tr  of  5  Heb  words) 
occurs  once  for  spiritual  deliverance  (He  9  12). 

'E^ayopa^w  {exagordzo,  "redeem,"  only  once  in  LXX, 
Dnl  2  8)  in  the  NT  means  (1)  to  deliver  from  the  curse 
of  the  law,  twice  by  Paul  (Gal  3  13;  4  5);  (2)  to  use 
time  wisely,  twice  by  Paul  (Eph  5  18;  Col  4  5).  The 
simple  vb.  ayopd^'w  {agordzij,  meaning  in  Lev  27  19  to 
redeem  land)  occurs  twice  in  Paul  (1  Cor  6  20;  7  23) 
and  means  "to  redeem"  (in  a  spiritual  sense). 

KarnAAav^  (katallagf,  "  reconciUation,"  only  twice  in 
LXX)  means  the  relation  to  God  into  which  men  are 
brought  by  Christ's  death,  4  t  by  Paul  (Rom  5  11;  11 
15;   2  Cor  5   18.19). 

KaTa\\d(Ta-€Lv  {katalldssein,  "to  reconcile,"  4  t  in 
LXX  [3  in  2  Mace])  means  to  bring  men  into  the  state 
of  reconciliation  with  God.  5  t  in  Paul  (Rom  5  10  bis; 

2  Cor  5   18.19.20). 

The  words  with  the  propitiatory  idea  occur  as  follows: 
l\aaKOfj.o.t  (hildskomai,  "to  propitiate,"  12  tin  LXX,  trd 
"to  forgive")  occurs  twice  (Lk  18  13;  He  2  17); 
iXaiTnoi  (hilasmds.  9  t  in  LXX,  Nu  5  8;  Ps  129  [130]  4, 
etc;  "atonement,"  "forgiveness")  occurs  twice  in  1  Jn 
(2  2;  4  10);  iAao-rijptoi'  {hilast^rion,  24  tin  LXX,  trans- 
lates "mercy-seat,"  where  God  was  gracious  and  spake  to 
man)  translates  in  the  NT  "propitiation"  (Rom  3  25), 
"mercy-seat"  (He  9  5). 

Christ  is  called  "the  Lamb,"  d^ti'd^,  amnds,  twice  by 
the  Baptist  (Jn  1  29.36) ;  once  by  Philip  apphed  to 
Christ  from  Isa  53  7  (Acts  8  32);  and  once  by  Peter 
(1  Pet  1  19);  dipi'.ov,  arnion.  28  t  in  Rev  (5  6.8.12.13; 
6  1.16;   7  9.10.14;    19  7.9;   21  9.14.22.23.27;   22  1.3). 

The  cross  (crTaupds,  staurds)  is  used  by  Paul  10  t  to 
describe  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ  (1  Cor  1  17.18; 
Gal  5  11;  6  12.14;  Eph  2  16:  Phil  2  8;  3  IS;  1  Cor 
1  20;  2  14)  and  once  by  the  author  of  He  (12  2).  Jesus 
also  5  t  used  tlie  figure  of  tlie  cross  to  define  the  life  of 
sacriflco  demanded  of  His  disciples  and  to  make  His  own 
cross  the  symbol  of  sacrifice  (Mt  10  38;  16  24;  Mk 
8  34;     Lk  9  23;     14  27,    with    contexts;     cf    Jn  3   14; 

12  32,  etc). 

Though  it  is  not  our  province  in  this  article  to 
discuss  the  origin  and  history  of  sacrifice  in  the 
ethnic  religions,  it  must  be  noted  that  sacrifice  has 
been  a  chief  element  in  almost  every  religion  (Jain- 
ism  and  Buddhism  being  the  principal  exceptions). 
The  bloody  sacrifice,  where  the  idea  of  propitiation 
is  prominent,  is  well-nigh  universal  in  the  ethnic 
religions,  being  found  among  even  the  most  enhght- 
ened  peoples  like  the  Greeks  and  Romans  (see  art. 
"Expiation  and  Atonement"  in  ERE).    Whether 


Sacrifice  (NT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2652 


or  not  the  system  of  animal  sacrifices  would  have 
ceased,  not  only  in  Judaism  but  also  in  aU  the  ethnic 
religions,  had  not  Jesus  hved  and  taught  and  died, 
is  a  question  of  pure  speculation.  It  must  be  con- 
ceded that  the  sect  of  the  Jews  (Essenes)  attaining 
to  the  highest  ethical  standard  and  living  the  most 
unselfish  lives  of  brotherhood  and  benevolence  did 
not  believe  in  animal  sacrifices.  But  they  exerted 
small  influence  over  the  Jewish  nation  as  compared 
with  the  Pharisees.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the 
prophets  Amos,  Hosea,  Micah  and  Isaiah  exalted 
the  ethical  far  above  the  ceremonial;  even  de- 
nounced the  sacrifice  of  animals  if  not  accompanied 
by  personal  devotion  to  righteousness  (Am  5  21  iT; 
Hos  6  6;  Mic  6  6  ff;  Isa  1  11  ff).  The  Stoic  and 
Platonic  philosophers  also  attacked  the  sj'stem  of 
animal  sacrifices.  But  these  exceptions  only  accen- 
tuate the  historical  fact  that  man's  sense  of  the 
necessity  of  sacrifice  to  Deity  is  well-nigh  universal. 
Only  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  and  the  destruction 
of  Jerus  caused  a  cessation  of  the  daily,  weekly, 
monthly  and  annual  sacrifices  among  the  Jews,  and 
only  the  knowledge  of  Christ's  sacrifice  of  Himself 
will  finally  destroy  the  last  vestige  of  animal  sacrifice. 
//.  Attitude  of  Jesus  and  NT  Writers  to  the 
OT  Sacrificial  System. — Jesus  never  attacks  the 
sacrificial  system.     He  even  takes  for 

1.  Jesus'  granted  that  the  Jews  should  offer 
Attitude         sacrifices  (Mt  5  24).     More  than  that. 

He  accepted  the  whole  sacrificial 
system,  a  part  of  the  OT  scheme,  as  of  Divine 
origin,  and  so  He  commanded  the  cleansed  leper  to 
offer  the  sacrifice  prescribed  in  the  Mosaic  code 
(Mt  8  4) .  _  There  is  no  record  that  Jesus  Himself 
ever  worshipped  by  offering  the  regular  sacrifices. 
But  He  worshipped  in  the  temple,  never  attacking 
the  sacrificial  system  as  He  did  the  oral  law  (Mk 
7  6  ff).  On  the  other  hand,  Jesus  undermined  the 
sacrificial  system  by  teaching  that  the  ethical  tran- 
scends the  ceremonial,  not  only  as  a  general  prin- 
ciple, but  also  in  the  act  of  worship  (Mt  5  23.24). 
He  endorses  Hosea's  fine  ethical  epigram,  'God  will 
have  mercy  and  not  sacrifice'  (Mt  9  13;  12  7). 
He  also  commends  as  near  the  kingdom  the  scribe 
who  put  love  to  God  and  man  above  sacrifice  (Mk 
12  33).  But  Jesus  teaches  not  merely  the  inferiority 
of  sacrifice  to  the  moral  law,  but  also  the  discon- 
tinuance of  sacrifice  as  a  system,  when  He  said,  "This 
is  my  blood  of  the  covenant,  which  is  poured  out 
for  many"  (Mk  14  24;  Mt  26  28;  Lk  22  20).  Not 
only  is  the  ethical  superior  to  the  ceremonial,  but 
His  sacrifice  of  Himself  is  as  superior  to  the  sacri- 
fices of  the  old  system  as  the  new  covenant  is  superior 
to  the  old. 

Paul's  estimate  of  the  Jewish  sacrifices  is  easily 

seen,   although  he  does  not  often  refer  to  them. 

Once    only     (Acts  21  26)     after     his 

2.  Paul's  conversion  does  he  offer  the  Jewish 
Attitude         sacrifice,  and  then  as  a  matter  of  ex- 

_  pediency  for  winning  the  Judaistic 
wing  of  Christianity  to  his  universal  gospel  of  grace. 
He  regarded  the  sacrifices  of  the  OT  as  types  of 
the  true  sacrifice  which  Christ  made  (1  Cor  5  7). 

The  author  of  the  Ep.  to  the  He  discusses  the  OT 

sacrifices  more  fully  than  other  NT  writers.     He 

regards  the  bloody  sacrifices  as  superior 

3.  Attitude  to  the  unbloody  and  the  yearly  sacri- 
of  the  fice  on  the  Day  of  Atonement  by  the 
Author  of  high  priest  as  the  climax  of  the  OT 
Hebrews        system.     The   high   priest   under   the 

old  covenant  was  the  type  of  Christ 
under  the  new.  The  sacrifices  of  the  old  covenant 
could  not  take  away  sin,  or  produce  moral  trans- 
formation, because  of  the  frailties  of  men  (10  1-11), 
shown  by  the  necessity  of  repeating  the  offerings 
(5  2),  and  because  God  had  appointed  another  high 
priest,  His  Son,  to  supplant  those  of  the  old  cove- 


nant (6  5;  7  1-28).  The  heart  of  this  author's 
teaching  is  that  animal  sacrifices  cannot  possibly 
atone  for  sin  or  produce  moral  transformation,  since 
they  are  Divinely  appointed  only  as  a  type  or  shadow 
of  the  one  great  sacrifice  by  Christ  (8  7;   10  1). 

To  sum  up,  the  NT  writers,  as  well  as  Jesus,  re- 
garded the  OT  sacrificial  system  a^  of  Divine  origin 
and  so  obhgatory  in  its  day,  but  imperfect  and  only 
a  type  of  Christ's  sacrifice,  and  so  to  be  supplanted 
by  His  perfect  sacrifice. 

///.  The  Sacrificial  Idea  in  the  NT.— The  one 
central  idea  of  NT  writers  is  that  the  sacrifice 
made  by  Christ  on  the  cross  is  the  final  perfect 
sacrifice  for  the  atonement  of  sin  and  the  salvation 
of  men,  a  sacrifice  t}T)ified  in  the  various  sacrifices 
of  the  OT,  which  are  in  turn  abrogated  by  the 
operation  of  the  final  sacrifice.  Only  James  and 
Jude  among  NT  writers  are  silent  as  to  the  sacrifice 
of  Christ,  and  they  -nTite  for  practical  purposes  only. 

The  Baptist,  it  is  true,  presents  Jesus  as  the  com- 
ing Judge  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  but  in  Jn  1 
29.36  he  refers  to  Him  as  "the  Lamb  of 

1.  Teaching  God,"  in  the  former  passage  adding 
of  John  the  "that  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the 
Baptist  world."     Westcott     {Comm.     on     St. 

John,  20)  says:  "The  title  as  applied 
to  Christ  ....  conveys  the  ideas  of  vicarious 
suffering,  of  patient  submission,  of  sacrifice,  of 
redemption,  etc."  There  is  scarcely  any  doubt 
that  the  Baptist  looked  upon  the  Christ  as  the  one 
who  came  to  make  the  great  sacrifice  for  man's 
sins.  Professor  Burton  {Bib.  Ideas  of  Atonement, 
Burton,  Smith  and  Smith,  107)  says  that  John  sees 
Christ  "sufJering  under  the  load  of  human  sin." 
There  are  recorded  in  the  SjTioptic  Gospels  two 
immistakable  references  by  Jesus  to  His  death  as  a 

sacrifice  (Mk  10  45  i|  Mt  20  28;    Mk 

2.  Teach-  14  24  ||  Mt  26  28  1|  Lk  22  20;  cf  1 
ing  of  Cor  11  25).  In  the  former  He  declares 
Jesus             He  came  to  give  His  "life  a  ransom." 

Thayer  (Gr-Eng.  Lex.  of  the  NT) 
says  this  word  means  "the  price  paid  for  redeem- 
ing." Hence  the  idea  in  ransom  must  be  of  sac- 
rificial significance.  But  if  there  could  be  any 
doubt  as  to  the  sacrificial  import  of  this  passage, 
there  is  a  clear  case  of  the  sacrificial  idea  in  Mk 
14  24.  Practically  all  -nTiters  of  the  NT  theology, 
Wendt,  Weiss,  Stevens,  Sheldon  and  others,  hold 
that  Jesus  considered  the  death  as  the  ratification 
sacrifice  of  the  new  covenant,  just  as  the  sacrifice 
offered  at  Sinai  ratified  the  old  covenant  (Ex  24 
3-8). _  Ritschl  and  Beyschlag  deny  that  this  pas- 
sage is  sacrificial.  But  according  to  most  exegetes, 
Jesus  in  this  reference  regarded  His  death  as  a 
sacrifice.  The  nature  of  the  sacrifice,  as  Jesus 
estimated  it,  is  in  doubt  and  is  to  be  discussed  later. 
What  we  are  pressing  here  is  the  fact  that  Jesus 
regarded  His  death  as  a  sacrifice.  We  have  to 
concede  the  meagerness  of  material  on  the  sacrificial 
idea  of  His  death  as  taught  by  Jesus.  Yet  these 
two  references  are  unquestioned  by  Hterary  and  his- 
torical critics.  They  both  occur  in  Mk,  the  primi- 
tive Gospel  (the  oldest  Gospel  record  of  Jesus' 
teachings).  The  first  occurs  in  two  of  the  Synop- 
tists,  the  second  in  aU  three  of  them.  Luke  omits 
the  first  for  reasons  peculiar  to  his  purpose.  Accord- 
ing to  Lk  24  25,  Jesus  regarded  His  sufferings  and 
death  as  the  fulfilment  of  the  OT  Scriptures. 

Though  the  head  apostle  does  not  in  the  early 

chapters  of  Acts  refer  to  Christ  as  the  sacrifice  for 

sin,  he  does  imply  as  much  in  2  36 

3.  Teach-  (He  is  Lord  and  Christ  in  spite  of  His 
ing  of  crucifixion);  3  18.19  (He  fulfilled  the 
Peter  prophecies  lay  suffering,  and  by  means 

of  repentance  sins  are  to  be  blotted 
out);  4  10-12  (only  in  His  name  is  salvation) 
and  in  5  30.31  (through  whose  death  Israel  received 


2653 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (NT) 


remission  of  sins).  In  his  First  Ep.  (1  18.19)  he 
expressly  declares  that  we  are  redeemed  by  the 
blood  of  the  spotless  Christ,  thus  giving  the  sacri- 
ficial significance  to  His  death.  The  same  is  implied 
in  1  2;  3  18. 

Paul  ascribes  saving  efficacy  to  the  blood  of  Christ 

in  Rom  3  25;  5  9;   1  Cor  10  16;  Eph  1  7;  2  13; 

Col  1  20.     He  identifies  Christ  with 

4.  Paul's  a  sin  offering  in  Rom  8  3,  and  perhaps 
Teaching       also    in    2  Cor  5  21,    and    with    the 

paschal  lamb  in  1  Cor  5  7.  In  other 
passages  he  implies  that  the  death  of  Christ  secured 
redemption,  forgiveness  of  sins,  justification  and 
adoption  (Rom  3  24-26;  5  10.11;  8  15.17,  etc). 

The  argument  of  the  author  of  He  to  prove  the 
finaUty  of  Christianity  is  that  Christ  is  superior  to 

the  Aaronic  high  priest,  being  a  royal, 

5.  Teaching  eternal  high  priest,  after  the  order  of 
of  Hebrews  Melchizedek,  and  offering  Himself  as 

the  final  sacrifice  for  sin,  and  for  the 
moral  transformation  of  men  (4  14;  10  18). 
_  In  the  First  Ep.  of  Jn  (1  7;   2  2;   5  6.8)  propi- 
tiation for  sin  and  cleansing  from  sin  are  ascribed 

to  the  blood  of  Christ.     In  Rev  1  5 

6.  Johan-  John  ascribes  deliverance  (not  washing 
nine  Teach-  or  cleansing,  according  to  best  MSS) 
ing  from  sin ,  to  the  blood  of  Christ.    Several 

times  he  calls  Christ  the  Lamb,  making 
the  sacrificial  idea  prominent.  Once  he  speaks  of 
Him  as  the  Lamb  slain  from  the  foundation  of  the 
world  (13  8). 

To  sum  up,  all  the  NT  writers,  except  James  and 
Jude^  refer  to  Christ's  death  as  the  great  sacrifice 
for  sm.  Jesus  Himself  regarded  His  death  as  such. 
In  the  various  types  of  NT  teaching  Christ's  death 
is  presented  (1)  as  the  covenant  sacrifice  (Mk  14 
24  II  Mt  26  28  ||  Lk  22  20;  He  9  15-22);  (2)  as 
the  sin  offering  (Rom  8  3;  2  Cor  5  21;  He  13  11; 
1  Pet  3  18);  (3)  as  the  offering  of  the  paschal 
lamb  (1  Cor  6  7);  (4)  as  the  sacrifice  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement  (He  2  17;   9  12  ff). 

IV.  Relation  of  Christ's  Sacrifice  to  Man's  Sal- 
vation.— The  saving  benefits  specified  in  the  NT  as 
resulting  from  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ  are 
as  follows: 

Redemption  or  dehverance  from  the  curse  of 
sin:  This  must  be  the  implication  in  Jesus'  words, 
"The  Son  of  man  also  came  .... 
1.  Redemp-  to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for  many" 
tion  or  (Mk  10  45  ||  Mt  20  28).     Man    is    a 

Deliverance  captive  in  sin,  the  Father  sends  His 
from  Ctxrse  Son  to  pay  the  ransom  price  for  the 
of  Sin  deliverance   of   the   captive,   and   the 

Son's  death  is  the  price  paid.  Paul 
also  uses  the  words  "redeemed"  and  "redemption" 
in  the  same  sense.  In  the  great  letters  he  asserts 
that  we  are  "justified  freely  by  his  grace  through 
the  redemption  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus :  whom  God 
set  forth  to  be  a  propitiation  ....  in  his  blood" 
(Rom  3  24.25).  Here  the  apostle  traces  justifica- 
tion back  to  redemption  as  the  means  for  securing 
it,  and  redemption  back  to  the  "blood"  (Christ's 
death)  as  the  cause  of  its  procurement.  That  is, 
Christ's  death  secures  redemption  and  redemption 
procures  justification.  In  Gal  (3  13),  he  speaks  of 
being  redeemed  "from  the  curse  of  the  law."  The 
law  involved  man  in  a  curse  because  he  could  not 
keep  it.  This  curse  is  the  penalty  of  the  broken  law 
which  the  transgressor  must  bear,  unless  deliverance 
from  said  penalty  is  somehow  secured.  Paul 
represents  Christ  by  His  death  as  securing  for 
sinners  deliverance  from  this  curse  of  the  broken 
law  (cf  Gal  4  5  for  the  same  thought,  though  the 
word  "curse"  is  not  used).  Paul  also  emphasizes 
the  same  teaching  in  the  Captivity  Epp.:  "In 
whom  we  have  our  redemption  through  his  blood, 
the  forgiveness  of  our  trespasses"   (Eph  17;    cf 


Col  1  14).  In  the  pastoral  letters  (1  Tim  2  6) 
he  teaches  that  Christ  gave  "himself  a  ransom  for 
all."  This  is  the  only  NT  passage  in  which  occurs 
the  strong  word  anliluiron  for  "ransom."  In  his 
old  age  the  apostle  feels  more  positively  than  ever 
before  that  Christ's  death  is  the  ransom  price  of 
man's  deliverance  from  sin. 

The  author  of  He  asserts  that  Christ  by  the  sacri- 
fice of  Himself  "obtained  eternal  redemption"  for 
man  (9  12).  John  says  that  Christ  "loosed  [Xi^w, 
Mo]  us  from  our  sins  by  his  blood"  (Rev  1  5).  This 
idea  in  John  is  akin  to  that  of  redemption  or  deliver- 
ance by  ransom.     Peter  teaches  the  same  truth  in 

1  Pet  1  19.  So,  we  see,  Jesus  and  all  the  NT 
writers  regard  Christ's  sacrifice  as  the  procuring 
cause  of  human  redemption. 

The  idea  of  reconciliation   involves   a   personal 
difference  between  two  parties.     There  is  estrange- 
ment between  God  and  man.     Recon- 

2.  Recon-  ciUation  is  the  restoration  of  favor  be- 
ciliation  tween  the  two  parties.     Jesus  does  not 

utter  any  direct  message  on  recon- 
ciliation, but  implies  God's  repugnance  at  man's 
sin  and  strained  relations  between  God  and  the 
unrepentant  sinner  (see  Lk  18  13).  He  puts  into 
the  mouth  of  the  praying  ta.x-gatherer  the  words, 
'God  be  propitious  to  me'  (see  Thayer,  Gr-Eng. 
Lex.,  hilaskomai) ,  but  Jesus  nowhere  asserts  that 
His  death  secures  the  reconciliation  of  God  to  the 
sinner.  Paul,  however,  does.  "For  if,  while  we 
were  enemies,  we  were  reconciled  to  God  through 
the  death  of  his  Son,"  etc  (Rom  5  10).  There  can 
be  no  doubt  from  this  passage  that  Paul  thought  of 
the  death  of  Christ  as  the  procuring  cause  of  recon- 
ciliation. In  Eph  2  13.14.18  Paul  makes  the  cross 
of  Christ  the  means  of  reconciUation  between  the 
hostile  races  of  men.  Paul  reaches  the  climax  in 
his  conception  of  the  reconcihation  wrought  by  the 
cross  of  Christ  when  he  asserts  the  unifying  results 
of  Christ's  death  to  be  cosmic  in  extent  (Eph  1  10). 

The  author  of  He  also  implies  that  Christ's  death 
secures  reconciliation  when  he  regards  this  death  as  the 
ratification  of  the  "better  covenant"  (8  611),  and  wlien 
he  plays  on  the  double  meaning  of  the  word  ScaSiiKri 
{diathtke,  9  15  IT),  now  "covenant"  and  now  "will," 
' '  testament. "  The  death  of  Christ  is  necessary  to  secure 
the  ratification  of  the  new  covenant  which  brings  God  and 
man  into  new  relations  (8  12).  In  2  17  the  autlior  uses 
a  word  implying  propitiation  as  wrought  by  the  death  of 
Christ.  So  the  doctrine  of  reconciliation  is  also  in  the 
Ep.  to  the  He.  John  teaches  reconciliation  with  God 
through  Christ  our  Advocate,  but  does  not  expressly 
connect  it  with  His  death  as  the  procuring  cause  (1  Jn 

2  1.2).     Peter  is  hkewise  silent  on  this  point. 

Reconciliation    imphes    that    God    can    forgive; 
yea,  has  forgiven.     Jesus  and  the  NT  writers  de- 
clare the  death  of  Christ  to  be  the  basis 

3.  Remis-  of  God's  forgiveness.  Jesus  in  insti- 
sion  of  Sins  tuting  the  memorial  supper  said,  "This 

is  my  blood  of  the  covenant,  which  is 
poured  out  for  many  unto  remission  of  sins"  (Mt 
26  28).  It  is  true  Mk  and  Lk  do  not  record  this 
last  phrase,  "unto  remission  of  sins."  But  there  is 
no  intimation  that  this  phrase  is  the  result  of  Mat- 
thew's theologizing  on  the  purpose  of  Christ's  death 
(see  Wendt,  Teaching  of  Jesus,  II,  239  ff,  who  claims 
this  phrase  is  not  from  Jesus;  also  Allen  in  "Mt," 
ICC,  in  loc).  But  Paul  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the 
connection  between  man's  forgiveness  by  God  and 
Christ's  sacrifice  for  him.  This  idea  is  rooted  in  the 
great  passage  on  justification  (Rom  3  21 — 5  21; 
see  esp.  4  7);  is  positively  declared  in  Eph  1  7; 
Col  1  14.  The  author  of  He  teaches  that  the 
shedding  of  Christ's  blood  under  the  new  covenant 
is  as  necessary  to  secure  forgiveness  as  the  shedding 
of  animal's  blood  under  the  old.  John  also  implies 
that  forgiveness  is  based  on  the  blood  (1  Jn  1  7-9). 
True  reconciliation  and  forgiveness  include  the 
canceling  of  the  offender's  guilt.     Jesus  has  no  direct 


Sacrifice  (NT)       THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2654 


word  on  the  cancellation  of  guilt.     Paul  closes  his 
argument  for  the  universality  of  human  sin  by  assert- 
ing that  "all  the  world  may  be  brought 

4.  The  under  the  judgment  of  God"  (AV 
Cancellation  "guilty  before  God,"  Rom  3  19). 
of  Guilt  Thayer   {Gr-Eng.    Lex.,  in  loc.)   says 

this  word  "guilty"  means  "owing  satis- 
faction to  God"  (liable  to  punishment  by  God). 
But  in  Rom  8  1.3  Paul  exclaims,  "There  is  therefore 
now  no  condemnation  to  them  that  are  in  Christ 
Jesus  ....  God,  sending  his  own  Son  in  the  like- 
ness of  sinful  flesh  and  for  sin"  (ERVandARVm  "as 
an  offering  for  sin").  The  guilt,  or  exposure  of  the 
sinner  to  God's  wrath  and  so  to  punishment,  is  re- 
moved by  the  sin  offering  which  Christ  made. 
This  idea  is  implied  by  the  author  of  He  (2  1.5), 
but  is  not  expressed  in  Peter  and  John, 

Right  standing  with  God  is  also  implied  in  the 

preceding  idea.     Forgiving  sin  and  canceling  guilt 

are  the  negative,  bringing  into  right 

5.  Justifica-  standing  with  God  the  positive,  aspects 
tion  or  of  the  same  transaction.  "Him  who 
Right  knew  no  sin  he  made  to  be  sin  [i.e. 
Standing  the  sin  offering;  so  Augustine  and 
with  God       other    Fathers,    Ewald,    Ritschl;    see 

Meyer,  Comm.,  in  loc,  who  denies  this 
meaning]  on  our  behalf;  that  we  might  become 
the  righteousness  of  God  in  him"  (2  Cor  5  21). 
In  this  passage  Paul  makes  justification  the  Divine 
purpose  of  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ.  This 
thought  is  elaborated  by  the  apostle  in  Gal  and  Rom, 
but  is  not  expressed  by  Jesus,  or  in  He,  in  Pet  or 
in  Jn. 

Jesus  does  not  connect  our  cleansing  or  sanctifica- 
tion  with  His  death,  but  with  His  word  (.Jn  17  17). 

The  subst.  "cleansing"  {KaSapia-fiSs,  ki- 

6.  Cleansing  tharismds)  is  not  used  by  Paul,  and  the 
or  Sancti-  vb.  "to  cleanse"  ((ca9ap(fu,  kntharlzo) 
fication  occurs  only  twice  in   his  later  letters 

(Eph  5  26;  Tit  2  14).  He  does  use 
the  idea  of  sanctification,  and  in  Rom  6-8  teaches 
that  sanctification  is  a  logical  consequence  of  justi- 
fication which  is  secured  by  Christ's  sacrificial  death. 
In  Phil  3  10.11,  he  views  Christ's  death  and  resur- 
rection as  the  dynamic  of  transformation  in  the  new 
life.  The  author  of  He  (1  3;  9  14.22.23;  10  2), 
following  his  OT  figures,  uses  the  idea  of  cleansing 
for  the  whole  process  of  putting  away  sin,  from 
atonement  to  sanctification  (see  Westcott,  Comm., 
in  loc).  He  makes  Christ's  death  the  procuring 
cause  of  the  cleansing.  John  does  the  same  (1  Jn 
1  7;   Rev  7  14). 

Divine  sonship  of  the  believer  is  also  traced  by 

Paul  to  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ  (Rom  8  17), 

though  this  thought  is  not  found  in 

7.  Sonship     other  NT  writers. 

So,  ^\'e  sum  up,  the  whole  process  of 
salvation,  from  reconciliation  with  God  to  the  adop- 
tion of  the  saved  sinner  into  heaven's  household, 
is  ascribed,  to  some  extent  by  Jesus,  largely  by  Paul 
the  theologian  of  the  NT,  and,  in  varying  degrees,  by 
other  NT  writers,  to  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ. 
Even  Holtzmann  {A^eulest.  Theol,  II,  111)  admits 
"It  is  upon  the  moment  of  death  that  the  grounding 
of  salvation  is  exclu.sively  concentrated." 

V.  Mow  Christ's  Sacrifice  Procures  Salvation, — 
It  must  be  conceded  that  the  NT  writers,  much  less 
Jesus,  did  not  discu.ss  this  subject  from  the  i)hilo- 
sophical  point  of  view.  Jesus  never  philosophizes 
except  incidentally.  Paul,  the  author  of  He,  and 
John  had  a  philosophy  underlying  their  theology, 
the  first  and  second  dealing  most  with  the  sacrificial 
work  of  Christ,  the  last  with  His  person.  But  Paul 
and  the  author  of  He  did  not  write  their  letters 
to  produce  a  philosophical  system  explaining  how 
Christ's  sacrificial  death  can  and  does  procure 
man's  salvation. 


By  some  it  is  claimed  tliat  the  word  "ransom"   (Mlj 
10  4.5)  gives  us  ttie  \Ley  to  ttie  philosophy  of  the  atone- 
ment   as    presented    by    Jesus    Himself. 
1      Tpsik:'        S'lt  *he  rules  of  e.xegesis  are  against  this 
i.  jesua  supposition.     Jesus  in  the  context  is  teach- 

Teacning  ing  His  disciples  that  sacrificial  service  is 
greatness.  To  illustrate  the  truth  He 
refers  to  His  own  example  of  coming  to  "minister,  and 
to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for  many,"  That  is,  Jesus  is 
enforcing  a  practical  principle  and  not  elaborating  a 
theoretical  truth.  Moreover,  the  word  "ransom"  is 
used  metaphorically,  and  the  laws  of  exegesis  forbid  us 
to  press  the  literal  meaning  of  a  figure.  The  figure  sug- 
gests captivity  in  sin  and  deliverance  by  payment  of  a 
price  (the  death  of  Christ).  But  Jesus  does  not  tell  us 
how  His  sacrificial  death  can  and  does  pay  the  price  for 
man's  redemption  from  sin.  The  word  "ransom"  docs 
give  the  clue  to  the  development  of  the  vicarious  sacrifice 
elaborated  later  by  Paul.  Ritschl  (Rechtfertigung  und 
Versohnung.  II,  8.5)  does  not  do  the  word  "ransom" 
justice  when  he  claims. that  it  merely  reproduces  the 
meaning  of  the  Heb  1S3 .  kopher,  "covering  as  a  pro- 
tection." and  that  Christ's  death,  like  a  covering,  delivers 
us  by  stimulating  us  to  lead  the  life  of  sacrificial  service  as 
Christ  did.  AVendt  {Lehre  Jesu,  II,  237;  Teaching  of 
Jesus,  II,  226  f)  admits  the  "  ransom  "-idea  in  the  word, 
hut  says  Christ  delivers  us  from  bondage  to  suffering  and 
death,  not  by  His  death,  but  by  His  teaching  which  is 
illustrated  by  His  sacrificial  death.  Beyschlag  {Neutest. 
Theol..  I,  1.53)  thinks  Christ's  death  delivers  us  from 
worldly  ambitions  and  such  sins  by  showing  us  the  ex- 
ample of  Jesus  in  sacrifice.     Weiss  {Bih.  Theol.  of  Ihe  NT, 

1,  101-3)  thinks  Christ's  "surrender  of  His  life  .... 
avails  as  a  ransom  which  He  gives  instead  of  the  many" 
who  were  not  able  to  pay  the  price  themselves.  He  also 
adds,  "The  saying  regarding  the  ransom  lays  emphasis 
upon  the  God-pleasing  performance  of  Jesus  which 
secures  the  salvation,"  etc. 

Nor  does  Jesus'  saying  at  the  Last  Supper,  "This  is 
my  blood  of  the  covenant"  (Mk  14  24)  give  us  luimis- 
takable  evidence  of  how  His  death  saves  men.  It  docs 
teach  that  sinners  on  entering  the  kingdom  come  into  a 
new  covenant  relation  with  God  which  implies  forgive- 
ness of  sin  and  fellowship  with  God,  and  that,  as  the 
covenant  sacrifices  at  INlt.  Sinai  (E.x  24  3-8)  ratified  the 
legal  covenant  between  God  and  His  people,  so  the  death 
of  Christ  as  a  covenant  sacrifice  ratifies  the  covenant 
of  grace  between  God  and  lost  sinners,  by  virtue  of 
which  covenant  God  on  His  part  forgives  the  penitent 
sinner,  and  tlie  surrendering  sinner  on  his  part  presents 
himself  to  God  for  the  life  of  sacrifice.  But  this  state- 
ment fails  to  tell  us  how  God  can  forgive  sin  on  the  basis 
of  a  covenant  thus  ratified  by  Christ's  deatli.  Does  it 
mean  substitution,  that  as  the  animal  whose  blood 
ratified  the  covenant  was  slain  instead  of  the  people,  so 
Christ  was  slain  in  the  place  of  sinners  'I  Or  does  it 
suggest  the  immutability  of  the  covenant  on  the  basis  of 
the  animal's  (and  so  Christ's)  representing  both  God  and 
man,  and  killing  signifying  loss  of  life  or  will  to  change 
the  covenant  (so  Westcott,  Comm.  on.  He,  301)?  It 
could  scarcely  mean  that  Christ's  sacrifice  was  the  offer- 
ing of  a  perfect,  acceptable  life  to  God  (Wendt,  op.  cit., 

II,  237),  or  that  Clirist's  death  is  viewed  merely  as  the 
common  meal  sacrifice,  that  God  and  His  peor)le  thus 
enter  into  a  kind  of  union  and  communion  (so  some 
evolutionists  in  the  study  of  comparative  religion:  see 
INIenzies,   Hist  of  Religion.  416  fl). 

Ritschl  and  many  modern  scholars  are  disposed 

to  reject  all  philosophy  in  religion.     They  say,  "Back 

to  Christ."     Paul  was  only  a  human 

2.  Paul's  interpreter  of  Jesus.  But  he  was  a 
Teaching       Divinely-guided    interpreter,   and    we 

need  his  first-hand  interpretations  of 
Jesus.  What  has  he  to  say  as  to  how  Christ's 
death  saves  men? 

(1)  The  ivords  expressing  the  idea  of  redemption. — 
See  above  on  the  terms  of  sacrifice.  The  classical 
passage  containing  the  idea  of  redemption  is  Rom 
3  24-26:  "Being  justified  freely  by  his  grace  through 
the  redemption  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus:  whom  God 
set  forth  to  be  a  propitiation,  through  faith,  in  his 
blood,  to  show  his  righteousness  because  of  the  pass- 
ing over  of  the  sins  done  aforetime,  in  the  forbear- 
ance of  God;  for  the  showing,  I  say,  of  his  right- 
eousness at  this  present  season:  that  he  might  him- 
self be  just,  and  the  justifier  of  him  that  hath  faith 
in  Je.sus."  A  fair  interpretation  of  this  passage  gives 
us  the  following  propositions:  (a)  The  believer  ob- 
tains right  standing  with  God  by  means  of,  through 
the  channel  of  (see  Thayer,  Gr-Eng.  Lex.,  Aid,  A, 

III,  2),  redemption  which  is  in  Christ,  (b)  This 
redemption  in  Christ  involves,  or  is  based  upon,  the 
Divinely-purposed  propitiation  which  Christ  made 


2655 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA       Sacrifice  (NT) 


in  His  death,  (c)  The  design  of  God  in  making 
such  a  propitiation  was  the  exhibition  of  His  right- 
eousness; i.e.,  the  vindication  of  that  side  of  His 
character  which  demands  the  punishment  of  sin, 
which  had  not  been  shown  in  former  generations 
when  Hia  forbearance  passed  over  men's  sins. 
See  Sanday,  Camm.  on  Rom,  in  loo.  The  classical 
passage  containing  the  other  word  to  redeem 
{i^ayopd^a,  exagordzo)  is  Gal  3  13:  "Christ  re- 
deemed us  from  the  curse  of  the  law,  having  become 
a  curse  for  us,"  etc.  Professor  E.  D.  Burton  {AJT, 
October,  1907)  thinks:  (a)  Law  here  means  "law 
legalistically  understood."  (h)  The  "curse"  was  the 
verdict  of  the  law  of  pure  legalism,  "a  disclosure  to 
man  of  his  actual  status  before  God  on  a  basis  of 
merit."  (c)  The  redemption  meant  is  that  Christ 
"brought  to  an  end  the  ri5gime  of  law  ....  rather 
than  deliverance  of  individuals  through  release  from 
penalty."  He  bases  this  argument  largely  on  the 
use  of  vms,  hemds,  "us,"  meaning  Jews  in  antithesis 
with  tA  edvTi,  td  ethne,  the  Gentiles  (ver  14). 
Everett  (The  Gospel  of  Paul)  thinks  that  Christ 
was  cursed  in  that  He  was  "crucified"  (the  manner 
not  the  fact  of  His  death  being  the  curse) ;  that  is, 
as  Everett  sees  it,  Christ  became  ceremonially 
unclean,  and  so  free  from  the  law.  So  does  His 
follower  _  by  being  crucified  with  Christ  become 
ceremonially  unclean  and  so  free  from  the  law.  The 
passage  seems  to  give  us  the  following  propositions: 
(a)  Man  under  law  (whether  the  revealed  law  of 
the  OT  or  the  moral  law)  is  under  a  "curse,"  that 
is,  liable  to  the  penalty  which  the  broken  law 
demands.  (6)  Christ  by  His  death  on  the  cross 
became  a  "curse  for  us."  (c)  By  means  of  Christ 
thus  becoming  a  "curse  for  us"  He  delivered  us,  "not 
the  Jews  as  a  nation,  but  all  of  us,  Jews  and  Gentiles, 
who  beUeved,"  from  the  curse  incurred  by  the  break- 
ing of  the  law.  Professor  Burton  admits  that  the 
participle  yev6fievos,  gendmenos,  "becoming,"  may 
be  a  "participle  of  means"  (art.  cited  above,  643), 
and  so  we  have  "Christ  redeemed  us  from  the  curse 
of  the  law  hy  becoming  a  curse  for  us."  The  pas- 
sage at  least  suggests,  if  it  does  not  declare,  that 
Christ  saves  us  by  vicariously  enduring  the  penalty 
to  which  we  were  exposed. 

(2)  The  idea  of  reconciliation. — Paul  uses  the 
phrase  "wrath  of  God"  (Rom  1  18,  etc)  to  express 
the  attitude  of  God  toward  sin,  an  attitude  of  dis- 
pleasure and  of  grief,  of  revulsion  of  holy  character 
which  demands  the  punishment  of  sin.  On  the 
other  hand,  God  loves  the  sinner;  love  is  the 
prompting  cause  of  redemption  through  Christ 
(Rom  5  8 ;  8  32) .  That  is,  wrath  is  love  grieving 
and  righteousness  revolting  because  of  sin,  and 
both  phases  may  act  simultaneously  (Simon, 
Redemption  of  Man,  216,  to  the  contrary).  So 
Paul  says,  "God  was  in  Christ  reconciling  the  world 
unto  himself,  not  reckoning  unto  them  their  tres- 
passes" (2  Cor  5  19).  Now  this  word  "recon- 
cile" (katallassein)  means  in  the  active,  "to  receive 
into  favor,"  in  the  passive,  "to  be  restored  to  favor" 
(Thayer).  See  also  Reu.  and  Expos,  October,  1909, 
600  ff,  where  Professor  Estes  shows,  from  Sophocles, 
Xenophon,  Josephus,  LXX  and  passages  in  the  NT 
like  Mt  5  24,  that  the  word  must  mean  a  change 
in  the  attitude  of  God  toward  men  and  not  merely  a 
change  of  men  toward  God.  Practically  the  same 
is  taught  by  Meyer  (Comm.  on  2  Cor);  Lipsius 
{Handcomm.  zum  NT);  Sanday  (Comm.  on  Rom); 
Denney  (Exeget.  Gr  Test,  on  Rom) ;  Lietzmann  (Hand- 
buchzum  NT);  Holtzmann  (Neutest.  TheoL);  Weiss 
(Rel.  of  the  NT);  Pfleiderer  (Paulinism);  Stevens 
(Christian  Doctrine  of  Salvation),  and  in  nearly  all 
the  great  comms.  on  Rom  and  2  Cor,  and  by  all  the 
writers  on  NT  theology  except  Beyschlag.  See  also 
Reconciliation;  Retribution. 

(3)  The  idea  of  propitiation. — Only  once   (Rom 


3  2.5)  does  Paul  use  the  word  "propitiation."  As 
we  saw  in  (1)  above,  the  redemption  in  Christ  is 
based  upon  the  propitiation  which  Christ  made  in 
His  death.  Thayer  (Gr-Eng.  Lex.,  in  loe.)  says 
the  noun  signifies  "a  means  of  appeasing,  expiating, 
a  propitiation,  an  expiatory  sacrifice."  He  thinks 
it  has  this  meaning  in  Rom  3  25.  but  refers  it  to  the 
"mercy-seat"  in  He  9  5.  Sanday  (Comm.  on  Rom, 
88)  regards  hilasterion  as  an  adj.  meaning  "propitia- 
tory." De  Wette,  Fritzsche,  Meyer,  Lipsius  and 
many  others  take  it  in  this  sense;  Gifford,  Vaughan, 
Liddon,  Ritschl  think  it  means  "mercy-seat"  here 
as  in  He.  But  with  either  meaning  the  blood 
of  Christ  is  viewed  as  securing  the  mercy  of  God. 
Propitiation  of  God  is  made  by  the  blood  of  Christ, 
and  because  of  that  men  have  access  to  the  mercy-seat 
where  shines  the  glory  of  God  in  His  forgiveness 
of  man's  sins.  See  Romans,  Epistle  to  the,  9,  (3). 
(4)  The  prepositions  inrip,  huper,  and  ivri,  ardi. 
— Paul  never  uses  are<i  ("for,"  "instead  of,"  "in  place 
of,"  so  Thayer)  to  express  what  Christ's  sacrifice 
does  for  the  sinner,  but  huper  ("for  one's  safety  or 
advantage,"  primarily,  but  also  "in  the  place  of," 
"instead  of,"  so  Thayer).  See  Rom  5  8;  8  32;  14 
15;  1  Cor  11  24;  2  Cor  5  15;  Gal  3  13;  Eph  5 
2.25;  1  Thess  6  10;  1  Tim  2  6;  Tit  2  14.  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  in  1  Tim  2  6  Paul  uses  antilutron, 
"ransom,"  compounded  with  the  preposition  anti,  but 
follows  it  with  huper,  which  may  suggest  that  huper 
is  here  used  in  the  sense  of  anti,  "in  the  place  of." 

Summing  up  Paul's  teaching  as  to  iiow  Christ's  sacri- 
flcesaves:  (a)  The  propitiatory  sacrifice  does  not  "soften 
God,  or  assuage  the  anger  of  God"  (as  Bushnell  claims 
the  advocates  of  the  satisfaction  theories  assert.  Vicarious 
Sacrifice,  486).  God  is  already  willing  to  save  men.  His 
love  makes  the  propitiatory  sacrifice  (Rom  5  8).  God's 
love  makes  the  sacrifice,  not  the  sacrifice  His  willingness 
to  save.  (6)  But  man  by  breaking  God's  law  had  come 
under  the  curse,  the  penalty  of  tlie  broken  law  (Gal  3  1-3) , 
and  so  was  under  God's  wrath  (Rom  1  18),  i.e.  man's  sin 
exposed  him  to  punishment,  while  at  the  same  time  God's 
love  for  the  sinner  was  grieved,  (c)  Christ  by  His  sacri- 
ficial death  made  it  possible  for  God  to  show  His  righteous- 
ness and  love  at  the  same  time;  i.e.  that  He  did  punish 
sin,  but  did  love  the  sinner  and  wish  to  save  him  (Rom  3 
25.26;  5  8).  (d)  Christ,  who  was  sinless,  sufTered  ?)tcari- 
ously  for  sinful  men.  His  death  was  not  due  to  His  sins 
but  those  of  men  (2  Cor  5  21).  (e)  His  death,  followed 
by  His  resurrection  which  marked  Him  off  as  the  sinless 
Son  of  God,  and  so  appointed  the  Saviour  of  men  (Rom 
14),  was  designed  by  God  to  bring  men  into  right  relation 
with  God  (Rom  3  2%b;  2  Cor  5  2\b).  So,  wemaysay, 
Paul  explained  the  relation  of  Christ's  death  to  the 
sinner's  spiritual  life  by  thinking  of  a  transfer  of  the 
sinner's  "curse"  to  Christ,  which  He  bore  on  the  cross, 
and  of  God's  righteousness  through  Christ  (Phil  3  9) 
to  the  sinner  by  faith  in  Christ.  But  we  must  not  press 
this  vicarious  idea  too  far  into  a  system  of  philosophy  of 
the  atonement  and  claim  that  the  system  is  the  teaching 
of  Paul.  The  quantitative,  commercial  idea  of  transfer 
is  not  in  Paul's  mind.  The  language  of  redemption, 
propitiation,  ransom,  is  largely  figurative.  We  must  feel 
the  spiritual  truth  of  a  qualitative  transfer  of  sin  from 
man  to  Christ  and  of  righteousness  from  Christ  to  man, 
and  rest  the  matter  there,  so  far  as  Paul's  teaching  goes. 
Beyond  this  our  conclusions  as  to  substitution  as  the 
method  of  atonement  are  results  of  philosophizing  on 
Paul's  teaching. 

The  author  of  He  adds  nothing  to  Paul's  teaching 
respecting  the  method   whereby  Christ's  sacrifice 
operates  in  saving  men.     His  purpose 
3.  Teach-      to  produce  an  apology  showing  forth 
ing  of  the  superior  efficacy  of  Christ's  high- 

Hebrews  priestly  sacrifice  over  that  of  the 
Aaronic  priesthood  fixes  his  first  thought 
on  the  efficacy  of  the  sacrifice  rather  than  on  its  mode 
of  operation.  He  does  use  the  words  "redemption" 
(9  12;  cf  ver  1.5),  "propitiate"  (2  17),  and  empha- 
sizes the  opening  up  of  the  heavenly  holy  of  holies 
by  the  high-priestly  sacrifice  of  Christ  (the  way  of 
access  to  the  very  presence  of  God  by  Christ's 
death,  10  19.20),  which  gives  us  data  for  forming 
a  system  based  on  a  real  propitiation  for  sin  and 
reconciliation  of  God  similar  to  the  Pauline  teach- 
ing formulated  above. 


Sacrifice  (NT)        THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2656 


Peter  asserts  that  Christ  suffered  vicariously 
(1  Pet  2  22-24),  who,  although  He  "did  no  sin," 
"his  own  self  bare  our  sins  in  his  body 
4.  Petrine  upon  the  tree";  who  "suffered  for 
and  Johan-  sins  once,  the  righteoiis  for  [hiiper, 
nine  Teach-  not  anti]  the  unrighteous"  (I  Pet 
ing  3  18).     But    Peter    goes    no    farther 

than  Paul  (perhaps  not  so  far)  in 
elaborating  how  Jesus'  vicarious  suffering  saves  the 
sinner.  The  Johannine  writings  contain  the  pro- 
pitiatory idea  (1  Jn  2  2;  4  10),  although  John 
writes  to  emphasize  the  incarnation  and  not  the 
work  of  the  Incarnate  One  (Jn  1  1-18;   1  Jn  4  2.3). 

To  sum  up  the  NT  teachings  on  the  mode  or 
operation:  Jesus  asserts  His  vicarious  suffering 
(Mk  10  45;  cf  Jn  10  11)  and  hints  at  the  mode 
of  its  operation  by  using  the  "ransom"  figure. 
Paul,  Peter  and  John  teach  that  Christ's  sacrifice 
was  vicarious,  and  all  but  Peter  suggest  the 
idea  of  propitiation  as  to  the  mode  of  its  operation. 
There  is  no  direct  discussion  of  what  propitiation 
means. 

VI.  Rationale  of  the  Efficacy  of  Christ' s  Sacrifice. — 

Jesus  emphasizes  His  voluntary  spirit  in  making  tlie  sacri- 
fice.    "The  Son  of  maa  also  came  .... 

1  Tesus'  ^"-'  Sive  his  life  a  ransom."  The  sacrifice 
™  -^  ,  .  was  voluntary,  not  compulsory.  God 
ieacnmg        (jj^  not  force  Him  to  lay  down  His  life; 

He  chose  to  do  so  (cf  Jn  10  11).  But 
Jesus  gives  us  no  philosophy  on  this  or  any  other  element 
in  His  sacrifice  as  being  the  ground  of  its  elScacy. 

Paul   also   emphasizes   the   voluntary   gift  of   Christ 

(Gal  2  20),  but  he  urges  rather  the  dignity  of  Him  who 

makes  the  sacrifice  as  a  ground  of  its  effi- 

2  PauPs  cacy.  It  is  the  sacrifice  of  God's  Son, 
™*  ,  .  shown  to  be  such  in  His  resurrection  (Rom 
ieacning         l  4;  4  256).     It  was  no  ordinary  man  but 

the  sinless  Son  who  gave  "himself"  (Gal 
2  20).  It  was  not  merely  a  dying  Christ  but  the  Son 
who  rose  again  "in  power"  (Rom  \  4),  who  secures  our 
"justification"  (Rom  4  2.56;  1  Cor  15  3.4.17ft).  Paul 
also  emphasizes  the  sinless  life  and  character  of  Jesus  as 
a  ground  of  efficacy  in  Christ's  sacrifice,  "who  knew  no 
sin"  in  His  life  experience  (2  Cor  5  21a). 

The  author  of  He,  most  of  all  NT  writers,  elaborates  the 
grounds  of  efficacy  in  Christ's  sacrifice.  (1)  It  was  a 
personal  not  an  animal  sacrifice  (9  12-14; 
3.  The  9  26,      "sacrifice     of     himself";      10  4). 

Touz-liJrKr  I'n  (2)  It  was  the  sacrifice  of  the  Son  of  God 
ieacnmg  m  (g  g^  (g,  it  was  a  royai  person  who  made 
Hebrews  the  sacrifice  (6  206;  7  l,  "  after  the  order 
of  Melchizedek  ....  king  of  Salem"). 
(4)  It  was  a  sinless  person  (7  26.27;  9  14;  10  10.12). 
Westcott,  Comm.  on  He,  298,  well  says,  "It  becomes 
necessary,  therefore,  in  order  to  gain  a  complete  view  of 
the  Sacrifice  of  Christ,  to  combine  Avith  the  crowning  act 
upon  the  Cross  His  fulfilment  of  the  will  of  God  from 
first  to  last,  the  Sacrifice  of  Life  with  the  Sacrifice  of 
Death."  (.5)  It  was  an  e^er/ia^  person  (6  20,  "for  ever"; 
"7  16,  "after  the  power  of  an  endless  [m  "indissoluble"] 
life").  The  author  of  He  reaches  the  climax  of  his 
argument  for  the  superior  efficacy  of  Christ's  sacrifice 
when  he  represents  Him  as  entering  the  holy  of  holies 
in  the  very  presence  of  God  to  complete  the  offering  for 
man's  sin  (8   1.2;    9  11.12.24). 

Peter  and  John  do  not  discuss  the  ground  of  efficacy, 
and  so  add  notlilng  to  our  conclusions  above.  The 
efficacy  of  the  sacrifice  is  suggested  by  describing  the 
glory  of  the  person  (1  Pet  1  19;  2  22.23;  1  Jn  1  76; 
2  2). 

To  sum  up  our  conclusion  as  to  the  efficacy  of 
Christ's  sacrifice:  Jesus  and  the  leading  NT  writers 
intimate  that  the  efficacy  of  His  sacrifice  centers  in 
His  personahty.  Jesus,  Peter  and  John  do  not 
discuss  the  subject  directly.  Paul,  though  discuss- 
ing it  more  extensively,  does  not  do  so  fully,  but  the 
author  of  He  centers  and  culminates  his  argument 
for  the  finality  of  Christianity,  in  the  superior  effi- 
cacy of  Christ's  sacrifice,  which  is  grounded  in  His 
personality,  Divine,  royal,  sinless,  eternal  (see  M&g- 
goz,  Theol.  de  I'Ep.  mix  Hehreux).  It  is  easy  to  see, 
from  the  position  taken  by  the  author  of  He,  how 
Anselm  in  Cur  Deus  Homo  develo|)ed  his  theory 
of  satisfaction,  according  to  which  the  Divinity  in 
Christ  gave  His  atoning  sacrifice  its  priceless  worth 
in  God's  ej'es. 

VII.  The  Human  Conditions  of  Application. — 
The  sacrificial  death  ot  Christ  is  universal  in  its 


objective    potentiality,    according    to    Jesus    (Lk 

24  47,    "unto    all    the    nations");     according    to 

Paul  (Rom  1  5;    5  18;    11  32;    2  Cor 

1.  Universal  5  14.15;  Gal  3  14);  according  to  the 
in  Objective  author  of  He  (2  9,  "taste  of  death  for 
Potentiality  every  man");    according  to  John  (1 

Jn  2  2,    "propitiation  ....  for    the 
whole  world"). 

But  the  objective  redemption  to  be  efficacious 
must  be  subjectively  applied.     The  blood  of  Christ 

is    the    universally  efficacious  remedy 

2.  Effica-  for  the  sin-sick  souls  of  men,  but 
cious  When  each  man  must  make  the  subjective 
Subjectively  apphcation.  How  is  the  apphcation 
Applied  made?      And    the    threefold     answer 

is,  by  repentance,   by  faith,  and  by 
obedience. 

(1)  By  repentance. — The  Baptist  and  Jesus  empha- 
sized repentance  (change  of  mind  first  of  all,  then 
change  of  relation  and  of  life)  as  the  condition  of  en- 
trance into  the  kingdom  and  of  enjoyment  of  the  Mes- 
sianic salvation  (Mt  3  2;  Mk  1  15).  Peter  preached 
repentance  at  Pentecost  and  immediately  after  as  a  means 
of  obtaining  forgiveness  (Acts  2  38:  3  19,  etc).  Paul, 
although  emphasizing  faith,  also  stressed  repentance  as 
an  element  in  the  human  condition  of  salvation  (Acts  20 
21;  Rom  3  4,  etc).  John  (Rev  2,  3,  passim)  emphasizes 
repentance,  tfiough  not  stressing  it  as  a  means  of  receiv- 
ing the  benefits  of  redemption. 

(2)  By  faith. — Jesus  connected  faith  with  repentance 
(Mk  1  15)  as  the  condition  of  receiving  the  Messianic 
salvation.  Paul  makes  faith  the  all-inclusive  means  of 
applying  the  work  of  Christ.  The  gospel  is  ' '  the  power  of 
God  unto  salvation  to  every  one  that  believeth"  (Rom 
1  16);  "whom  God  set  forth  to  be  a  propitiation,  through 
faith"  (3  25);  "faith  [not  works!  is  reckoned  for  right- 
eousness" (4  5);  "justified  by  faith"  (5  l).  In  Gal, 
the  letters  to  the  Cor,  in  the  Captivity  and  the  Pastoral 
Epp.  he  emphasizes  faith  as  the  sole  condition  of  receiv- 
ing salvation.  But  what  kind  of  faith  is  it  that  appropri- 
ates the  saving  benefit  of  Christ's  death  ?  Not  historical 
or  intellectual  but  "heart"  faith  (Rom  10  10).  To 
Paul  "heart"  meant  the  seat  or  essence  of  the  whole 
personalitj;,  and  so  faith  which  appMes  the  redemption 
in  Clirist  is  the  personal  commitment  of  one's  self  to 
Christ  as  Saviour  and  Lord  (2  Cor  5  15).  See  Thayer, 
Gr-Eng.  Lex.,  TrttrTeua),  pisteud,  1,  6,  y,  for  a  particular 
discussion  of  the  meaning  of  faith  in  this  sense.  The 
author  of  He  discusses  esp.  faith  as  a  conquering 
power,  but  also  implies  that  it  is  the  condition  of  entrance 
upon  the  life  of  spiritual  rest  and  fellowship  (clas  3  and  4, 
passim).  Peter  (1  Pet  1  9)  and  .John  (1  Jn  3  23;  4  16: 
5  1.5,  etc)  also  regard  faitfi  as  a  means  of  applying  the 
saving  benefits  of  Christ's  death. 

(3)  By  obedience  in  sacrificial  service. — Jesus  said, 
"  If  any  man  would  come  after  me,  let  him  deny  himself, 
and  take  up  his  cross,  and  follow  me"  (Mk  8  34). 
Here  He  lays  down  two  elements  in  the  conditions  of 
discipleship,  denying  one's  self  and  taking  up  his  cross. 
The  former  means  the  renunciation  of  self  as  the  center 
of  thought,  faith,  hope  and  life.  The  latter  means  the 
life  of  sacrifice.  Jesus  was  stressing  this  truth  when  He 
uttered  that  incomparable  saying,  "The  Son  of  man  came 
not  to  be  ministered  unto,  but  to  minister,  and  to  give 
his  lite  a  ransom  for  many"  (Mk  10  45  ||  Mt  20  28). 
Paul  also  emphasizes  this  phase  of  the  human  condition 
of  salvation  when  he  shows  how  sanctiflcation  grows 
spontaneously  out  of  justification  (Rom  6  8)  and  when 
he  says  that  what  "avails"  is  "faith  working  through 
love"  (Gal  5  6).  The  author  of  He  says,  "He  became 
unto  all  them  that  obey  him  the  author  |Gr  a'lnos,  aitios, 
"cause"]  of  eternal  salvation "  (5  9).  Peter  and  John, 
the  latter  esp.,  emphasize  the  keeping  of  His  command- 
ments, the  life  of  service,  as  the  means  of  appropriating 
to  the  fullest  the  saving  benefits  of  Christ's  death.  The 
theologians  in  classrooms  and  preachers  in  the  pulpits 
have  failed  to  emphasize  this  aspect  of  "saving  faith"  as 
did  Jesus,  Paul,  the  author  of  He,  and  John.  In  the  NT 
salvation  is  a  process  as  well  as  an  instantaneous  act  on 
the  part  of  God,  and  the  process  is  carried  on  by  means 
of  obedience,  the  life  of  service,  which  appropriates  by 
faith  the  dynamic  of  Christ's  sacrifice. 

VIII.    The  Christian 's  Life  the  Life  of  Sacrifice. 

— This  discussion  of  the  faith  that  "obeys"  leads 
to  the  consideration  of  that  chmactic  thought  of 
NT  writers,  namely,  that  the  Christian's  life  is 
sacrificial  living  based  on  Christ's  sacrifice  for  him. 
We  note  in  outline  the  following: 

The  Christian's  life  ot  sacrifice  is  the  logical 
consequence  of  Christ's  sacrificial  death.  The 
Christ  who  sacrificed  Himself  for  the  believer  is 
now  continuing  the  sacrifice  in  the  behever's  life 


2657 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA      Sacrifice  (NT) 


(Gal  2  20;    Phil  1  21).     Paul  was  crucified  when 

Christ  was  crucified  (in  a  bold  mystic  figure),  and 

the  life  of  Christ  which  sacrificed  itself 

1.  Conse-  on  the  cross  and  perpetuates  itself 
quence  of  in  resurrection  power  now  operates  as  a 
Christ's  mighty  dynamic  for  the  apostle's  moral 
Sacrifice         and    spiritual   transformation    (Phil  3 

10.11).  It  is  to  be  noted,  Jesus  also 
emphasized  this  kind  of  living,  though  not  so  ex- 
pressly connecting  the  believer's  sacrificial  Ufe  with 
His  sacrifioial  death  (see  Mk  8  34  f). 

Christ's  sacrificial  death  becomes  the  persuasive 
appeal  for  the  Christian's  sacrificial  hfe,  "Because 

we  thus  judge,  that  one  died  for  all, 

2.  Christ's  therefore  all  diedj  and  he  died  for  all. 
Death  the  that  they  that  live  should  no  longer 
Appeal  for  hve  unto  themselves,  but  unto  him 
Christian's  who  for  their  sakes  died  and  rose  again" 
Sacrifice         (2  Cor  5  14.15).     Because    He    died 

for  us  we  should  live  for  Him.  But 
what  is  the  appeal  which  Christ's  sacrificial  death 
makes  to  the  saved  sinner?  "The  love  of  Christ 
constraineth  us"  (2  Cor  5  14).  Christ's  death 
on  the  cross  exhibits  His  love,  unspeakable,  unthink- 
able love,  for  it  was  love  for  His  "enemies"  (Rom  5 
10),  and  that  matchless  love  kindles  love  in  the 
forgiven  sinner's  heart.  He  is  willing  to  do  any- 
thing, even  to  die,  for  his  Saviour  who  died  for  him 
(Acts  21  13;  Phil  1  29.30).  It  is  a  greater  privi- 
lege for  the  saved  sinner  to  suffer  for  Christ  than 
it  is  to  believe  on  Him.  Peter  (1  Pet  3  17.18), 
the  author  of  He  (12 ;  13  13)  and  John  (1  Jn  3  16; 
4  16-19)  emphasize  this  truth. 

The  Christian's  sacrifice  is  necessary  to  fill  out 

Christ's  sacrifice.     "Now  I  rejoice  in  my  sufferings 

for  your  sake,  and  fill  up  on  my  part 

3.  Neces-  that  which  is  lacking  of  the  afflictions 
sary  to  Fill  of  Christ  in  my  flesh  for  his  body's 
Out  Christ's  sake,  which  is  the  church"  (Col  1  24). 
Sacrifice        Roman  Catholic  exegetes  have  made 

the  apostle  teach  that  the  sufferings 
of  the  saints,  along  with  Christ's  sufferings,  have 
atoning  efficacy.  But  Paul  nowhere  intimates  that 
his  sufferings  avail  for  putting  away  sins.  We  may 
hold  with  Weiss  (Comm.  on  the  NT)  that  Paul  longed 
to  experience  in  his  life  the  perfect  sacrificial  spirit 
as  Christ  did ;  or  with  Alford  (in  loc.)  that  he  wished 
to  suffer  his  part  of  Christ's  sufferings  to  be  endured 
by  him  through  His  church;  or,  as  it  seems  to  us, 
he  longed  to  make  effective  by  his  ministry  of  sac- 
rificial service  to  as  many  others  as  possible  the 
sacrificial  death  of  Christ.  Christ's  sacrifice  avails 
in  saving  men  only  when  Christians  sacrifice  their 
fives  in  making  known  this  sacrifice  of  Christ. 

(1)  The  Christian  is  to  present  his  personality 

(Rom  15  16).     Paul  commends  the  Macedonians 

for   "first"    giving    "their  own  selves 

4.  Content  to  the  Lord"  (2  Cor  8  5).  (2)  Chris- 
of  the  tians  must  present  their  "bodies  a 
Christian's  living  sacrifice,  holy,  acceptable  to 
Sacrifice        God"  (Rom  12  1).     In  the  old  system 

of  sacrifices  the  animals  were  offered 
as  dead;  Christians  are  to  offer  their  bodies,  all  their 
members  with  their  powers,  to  God  a  "livmg  sacri- 
fice," i.e.  a  sacrifice  which  operates  in  lives  of 
holiness  and  service  (see  also  Rom  6  13.19).  (3) 
Christians  must  offer  their  money  or  earthly  posses- 
sions to  God.  Paul  speaks  of  the  gift  from  the  church 
at  Philippi  as  "a  sacrifice  acceptable,  well-pleasing  to 
God"  (Phil  4  18).  This  gift  was  to  the  apostle  a 
beautiful  expression  of  the  sacrificial  spirit  imparted 
to  them  because  they  had  the  "mind"  of  Christ  who 
"emptied  himself,  ....  becoming  obedient  even 
unto  death,  yea,  the  death  of  the  cross"  (2  5-8). 
The  author  of  He  (13  16)  exhorts  his  readers,  "But 
to  do  good  and  to  communicate  forget  not:  for  with 
such  sacrifices  God  is  well  pleased."     (4)  Thegeneral 


exercise  of  all  our  gifts  and  graces  is  viewed  by  Peter 
as  sacrificial  living  (1  Pet  2  5):  "Ye  also,  as  living 
stones,  are  built  up  a  spiritual  hou.se,  to  be  a  holy 
priesthood,  to  offer  up  spiritual  sacrifices,"  etc.  All 
Christians  are  priests  and  daily  offer  up  their  burnt 
offerings  acceptable  to  God,  if  they  'suffer  as 
Christians'  (1  Pet  2  20;  3  18)  in  tMl  exercise  of 
their  graces  and  powers. 

But  how  do  these  sacrifices  of  the  Christian  affect 
him  and  God?  The  NT  writers  never  hint  that  our 
sacrifices  propitiate  God,  or  so  win  His  favor  that 
He  will  or  can  on  account  of  our  sacrifices  forgive 
our  sins.  They  are  "well-pleasing"  to  Him,  a 
"sweet  odor";  that  is,  they  win  His  approval  of 
our  lives  thus  lived  according  to  the  standard  which 
Christ  gives  us.  Their  influence  on  us  is  the  in- 
crease of  our  spiritual  efficiency  and  power  and 
finally  a  greater  capacity  for  enjoying  spiritual 
blessings  in  heaven   (1  Cor  3  14). 

Some  scholars  (Roman  Catholic,  Episcopahan,  etc) 
regard  the  memorial  supper  as  a  kind  of  sacrifice 
which  the  Christian  offers  in  worship. 
5.  The  Neither  Jesus,  Paul,  the  author  of  He, 

Supper  as  a  Peter,  or  John,  ever  hints  that  in 
Sacrifice  eating  the  bread  and  drinking  the  wine 
the  Christian  offers  a  sacrifice  to  God 
in  Christ.  Paul  teaches  that  in  partaking  of  the 
Supper  we  "proclaim  the  Lord's  death  till  he  come" 
(1  Cor  11  26).  That  is,  instead  of  offering  a 
sacrifice  ourselves  to  God,  in  partaking  of  the  Supper 
we  proclaim  the  offering  of  Christ's  sacrifice  for  us. 
Milligan  argues  that  as  Christ  in  heaven  perpetually 
offers  Himself  for  us,  so  we  on  earth,  in  the  Supper, 
offer  ourselves  to  Him  (Heavenly  Priesthood,  266). 
Even  Cave  {Spiritual  Doctrine  of  Sacrifice,  439) 
maintains,  "In  a  certain  loose  sense  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per may  be  called  a  sacrifice."  See  the  above 
books  for  the  argument  supporting  this  position. 

To  sum  up  our  conclusions  on  sacrifice  in  the  NT: 

(1)  Jesus  and  NT  writers  regard  the  OT  sacrificial 
system  as  from  God,  but  imperfect,  the  various 
sacrifices  serving  only  as  types  of  the  one  great 
sacrifice  which  Christ  made. 

(2)  All  the  writers,  except  James  and  Jude,  with 
Jesus,  emphasize  the  sacrificial  idea,  Jesus  less, 
giving  only  two  hints  of  His  sacrificial  death  (in 
the  Synoptic  Gospels),  the  author  of  He  putting  the 
climactic  emphasis  on  Christ's  sacrifice  as  the  sac- 
rifice of  atonement. 

(3)  As  to  the  relation  of  Christ's  sacrifice  to  man's 
salvation,  the  latter  is  the  achievement  of  the 
former,  so  expressed  only  twice  by  Jesus,  but 
emphatically  so  declared  by  Paul,  the  author  of  He, 
Peter,  and  John  (Paul  and  He  laying  most  emphasis 
on  this  point). 

(4)  As  to  how  Christ's  sacrifice  saves  men,  Jesus, 
the  author  of  He,  Peter  and  John  suggest  the  idea 
of  propitiation,  while  Paul  emphatically  teaches  that 
man  is  under  a  curse,  exposed  to  the  displeasure  of 
God,  and  that  Christ's  sacrifice  secured  the  recon- 
ciliation of  God  by  vindicating  His  righteousness  in 
punishing  sin  and  His  love  in  saving  sinners.  Jesus 
and  the  leading  NT  writers  agree  that  Christ  saves 
men  through  His  vicarious  suffering. 

(5)  As  to  the  rational  basis  of  efficacy  in  Christ's 
sacrifice,  there  is  no  direct  discussion  in  the  NT  except 
by  the  author  of  He  who  grounds  its  final,  eternal 
efficacy  in  Christ's  personality.  Divine,  royal,  sin- 
less and  eternal. 

(6)  As  to  the  conditions  of  applying  Christ's  sacri- 
fice, repentance  and  faith,  which  lives  and  fruits  in 
obedience  and  sacrificial  living,  are  recognized  by 
Jesus  and  all  the  leading  NT  writers  as  the  naeans  of 
appropriating  the  benefits  of  Christ's  sacrifice. 

(7)  By  Jesus,  Paul,  the  author  of  He,  Peter  and 
John  t'he  Christian  life  is  viewed  as  the  life  of  sacri- 
fice.    Christ's  death  is  at  once  the  cause,  motive, 


Sacrifice,  Human 
Sadducees 


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2658 


measure,  and  the  dynamic  of  the  Christian's  sacrificial 
life. 

Literature. — In  addition  to  tiie  great  comms. — 
ICC,  Allen  on  "Mt,"  Gould  on  "Mk,"  Sanday-Headlam 
on  "Rom":  Westcott  on  the  Gospel  and  Epp.  of  Jolm, 
and  on  the  Hchrews:  Davidson.  Dehtzsch  and  Meyer  on 
He:  ]Muyer  on  ^  Cor:  Lightfoot  and  Abbott  on  Col: 
and  the  standard  authors  of  the  Bib.  Theol.  of  the  NT, 
Weiss.  Beyschlag.  Bovon,  Stevens,  Sheldon — see  tho 
following  special  works:  Cave,  Scriptural  Doctrine  of 
Sacrifice,  Edinl^urgh,  1S90:  Simon,  Redemption  of  Man, 
1886:  G.  IMilligan,  The  Theology  of  the  Ep.  to  the  He, 
Edinburgh,  1899:  Milhgan.  The  Ascension-  and  lleacenhj 
Priesthood  of  Our  Lord.  London,  1908:  AV.  P.  Du  Bose. 
High-Priesthood  and  Sacrifice;  Everett.  The  Gospel  of  Paul, 
Boston,  1893:  Burton,  Smith,  and  Smith,  Bib.  Ideas  of 
Atonement,  Chicago,  1909:  Denncy,  The  Death  of  Christ: 
Its  Place  and  Interpretation  in  the  NT.  London,  1902: 
Denney,  The  Atonement  and  the  Modern  Mind,  London. 
1903"  Ritschl.  Reehtfertigung  und  Versohnung  (Justifica- 
tion and  Reconciliation).  Bonn,  1895-1902.  ET,  1900: 
Menegoz,  Thiol,  del' Ep.  aux  Hcbreux:  art.  "Blood,"  ERE. 
by  H.  Wheeler  Robinson;  art.  "Communion  with  Deity." 
ib,  by  Nathan  Soderblom:  art.  "Communion  with  Deity" 
(Christian), ib.bvDarwell Stone  and  D.  C.  Simpson:  art. 
"Expiation  and  Atonement."  ib.  by  W.  A.  Brown  (Chris- 
tian viewpoint).  S.  R.  Driver  (Heb).  H.  Loewe  (Jewish): 
art  "Redemption  from  the  Curse  of  the  Law,"  in  AJT, 
October,  1907,  by  Professor  E.  D.  Burton:  art.  "Some 
Thoughts  as  to  the  Effects  of  the  Death  of  Christ,"  in 
Rev.  and  Expos,  October,  1909. 

C.  B.  Williams 
SACRIFICE,  HUMAN,  ha'man:  As  an  expression 
of  rehgious  devotion,  human  sacrifice  has  been  wide- 
spread at  certain  stages  of  the  race's  development. 
The  tribes  of  Western  Asia  were  deeply  affected 
by  the  practice,  probably  prior  to  the  settlement  of 
the  Hebrews  in  Pal,  and  it  continued  at  least  down 
to  the  5th  cent.  BC.  At  times  of  great  calamity, 
anxiety  and  danger,  parents  sacrificed  their  children 
as  the  greatest  anil  most  costly  offering  which  they 
could  make  to  propitiate  the  anger  of  the  gods  and 
thus  secure  their  favor  and  help.  There  is  no  inti- 
mation in  the  Bible  that  enemies  or  captives  were 
sacrificed;  only  the  offering  of  children  by  their 
parents  is  mentioned.  The  belief  that  this  offering 
possessed  supreme  value  is  seen  in  IMic  6  6  f , 
where  the  sacrifice  of  the  firstborn  is  the  climax  of 
a  series  of  offerings  which,  in  a  rising  scale  of  values, 
are  suggested  as  a  means  of  propitiating  the  angry 
Jeh.  A  striking  example  of  the  rite  as  actually 
practised  is  seen  in  2  K  3  27,  where  iMesha  the 
king  of  Moab  (made  famous  by  the  Moabite  Stone), 
under  the  stress  of  a  terrible  siege,  offered  his  eldest 
son,  the  heir-apparent  to  the  throne,  as  a  burnt 
offering  upon  the  wall  of  Kir-hareseth.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  this  horrid  act  seems  to  have  had  the 
effect  of  driving  oft  the  allies. 

Human  sacrifice  was  ordinarily  resorted  to,  no 
doubt,  only  in  times  of  great  distress,  but  it  seems 
to  have  been  practised  among  the  old  Canaanitish 
tribes  with  some  frequency  (Dt  12  31).  The  Israel- 
ites are  said  to  have  borrowed  it  from  their  Can. 
neighbors  (2  K  16  3;  2  Ch  28  3),  and  as  a  matter 
of  fact  human  sacrifices  were  never  offered  to  Jeh, 
but  only  to  various  gods  of  the  land.  The  god  who 
was  most  frequently  worshipped  in  this  way  was 
Moloch  or  Molech,  the  god  of  the  Ammonites  (2 
K  23  10;  Lev  18  2f;  20  2),  but  from  Jeremiah 
we  learn  that  the  Phoen  god  Baal  was,  at  least  in 
the  later  period  of  the  history,  also  associated  with 
Molech  in  receiving  this  worsliip  (Jer  19  5;  32  35). 
As  in  the  case  of  the  Canaaniles,  the  only  specific 
cases  of  human  sacrifice  mentioned  among  the 
Israelites  are  those  of  the  royal  princes,  sons  of  Ahaz 
and  Manasseh,  the  two  kings  of  Judah  who  were 
most  deeply  affected  by  the  surrounding  heathen 
practices  and  who,  at  the  same  time,  fell  into  great 
national  distress  (2  K  16  3;  2  Ch  28  3;  2  K  21 
6;  2  Ch  33  6).  But  it  is  clear  from  many  general 
statements  that  the  custom  was  widespread  among 
the  masses  of  the  people  as  well.  It  is  forbidden 
in  the  Mosaic  legislation  (Lev  18  21;  20  2-5;  Dt 
18  10) ;    it  is  said  in  2  K  17  17  that  the  sacrifice 


of  sons  and  daughters  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
captivity  of  the  ten  tribes.  Jeremiah  charges  the 
people  of  the  Southern  Kingdom  with  doing  the 
same  thing  (Jer  7  31;  19  5;  32  35);  with  these 
general  statements  agree  Isa  57  5;  Ezk  16  2  f; 
20  31;  23  37;  Ps  106  37  f.  A  study  of  these 
passages  makes  it  certain  that  in  the  period  im- 
mediately before  the  captivity  of  Judah,  human 
sacrifice  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  royal 
family,  but  was  rather  common  among  the  people. 
Daughters  as  well  as  sons  weie  sacrificed.  It  is 
mentioned  only  once  in  connection  with  the  North- 
ern Kingdom,  and  then  only  in  the  summary  of  the 
causes  of  their  captivity  (2  K  17  17),  but  the 
Southern  Kingdom  in  its  later  years  was  evidently 
deeply  affected.  There  were  various  places  where 
the  bloody  rite  was  celebrated  (Jer  19  5),  but  the 
special  high  place,  apparently  built  for  the  purpose, 
was  in  the  Valley  of  Tophet  or  Hinnom  (ge-hin- 
noin,  Gehenna)  near  Jerus  (2  Ch  28  3;  33  6). 
This  great  high  place,  built  for  the  special  purpose 
of  human  sacrifice  (Jer  7  31;  32  3.5),  was  defiled 
by  the  good  king  Josiah  in  the  hope  of  eradicating 
the  cruel  practice  (2  K  23  10). 

The  Bib.  writers  without  exception  look  upon  the 
practice  with  horror  as  the  supreme  point  of  na- 
tional and  religious  apostasy,  and  a  chief  cause  of 
national  disaster.  They  usually  term  the  rite 
"passing  through  fire,"  probably  being  unwilling 
to  use  the  sacred  term  "sacrifice"  in  reference  to 
such  a  revolting  custom.  There  is  no  evidence  of  a 
continuance  of  the  practice  in  captivity  nor  after 
the  return.  It  is  said,  however,  that  the  heathen 
Sepharvites,  settled  by  the  Assyr  kings  in  the  de- 
populated territory  of  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
"burnt  their  children  in  the  fire  to  Adrammelech 
and  Anammelech,  the  gods  of  Sepharvaim"  (2  K 
17  31).  The  practice  is  not  heard  of  again,  and 
probably  rapidly  died  out.  The  restored  Israelites 
were  not  affected  by  it.  Cf  Sacrifice  (OT),  VI,  10. 
William  Joseph  McGlothlin 

SACRILEGE,  sak'ri-lej:  For  "commit  sacrilege" 
in  Rom  2  22  (AV  and  ERVm),  RV  has  "rob 
temples,"  which  more  exactly  expresses  the  meaning 
of  the  vb.  {hierosuleo;  cf  Acts  19  37,  "robbers  of 
temples"  [q.v.]).  The  noun  occurs  in  2  Mace  4  39 
(AVand  RV)  for  the  corresponding  form  hierosulema. 

SADAMIAS,  sad-a-ml'as:  AV  =  RV  Salem  as 
(q.v.). 

SADAS,  sa'das:   AV  =  RV  Astad  (q.v.). 

SADDEUS,  sa-de'us:  AV  =  RV  Loddeus  (q.v.). 

SADDLE,  sad"  1:  As  noun  (33"|^  ,  merkabh,  "a, 
riding  seat")  the  word  occurs  in  Lev  15  9  (m  "car- 
riage"); ordinarily  it  is  used  as  a  vb.  (IBSH  ,  habhash, 
lit.  to  "bind  up"  or  "gird  about"),  to  saddle  an  ass 
(Gen  22  3;   Nu  22  21;  Jgs  19  10,  etc). 

SADDUCEES,    sad'il-sez     (D^pll? ,    ^adduklm; 
EaSSovKaioi,  Saddoukaioi) : 
1.      Introductory 

1.  N'aine:  Rival  Etymologies.  Probably  from 
Zadok  the  High  Priest 

2.  Autliorities;  NT,  Josephus,  Talmud  (primary). 
Church  Fathers  (secondary) 

II.     Origin  and  History 

1.  Early  Notices  in  Josephus;  Alleged  Relation  to 
Ditterences  between  Propliets  and  Priests 

2.  Tendencies  of  Sadducees  toward  Hellenism  as 
Causing  Rise  of  hdsidhlm 

3.  Favored  by  Alex.  "Jannaous;  Put  in  the  Back- 
ground by  Alexandra  Salome 

4.  From  a  Political.  Become  Also  a  Religious  Party 

5.  NT  Time — Dread  of  Roman  Interference  if 
iVtessianic  Claim  Recognized 

0.  Sadducees  Antagonistic  to  the  Apostles;  Phari- 
sees More  Favorable 

7.  Pall  of  Sadducean  Party  at  Outbreak  of  Jewish 
War 


2659 


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Sacrifice,  Human 
Sadducees 


III.     Doctrines   of  the  Sadducees 

1.  Laid  Stress  on  Ceremonial  Exactness 

2.  Disbelief  in  the  Spiritual  World,   in  a  Resur- 
rection, and  in  Providence:    Their  Materialism 

3.  Sadducees  and  the  Pentateuch 

4.  Relation  to  Epicureans 
IV.     Character  of  Sadducees 

1.  Josephus  Describes  Them  as  Boorish 

2.  Tahuudic  Account  of  the  Sadducees 

3.  Relation  to  Temple  and  Worship  a  Heathenish 
One 

4.  Works  of  Sadducees 

V.    Relation  of  Sadducees  to  Jesus 

1.  Reasons    for    His    Denouncing    the    Sadducees 
Less  Frequently  Than  the  Pharisees 

2.  Attitude  of  Sadducees  to  Jesus 

This  prominent  Jewish  sect,  though  not  so  nu- 
merous as  their  opponents,  the  Pharisees,  by  their 
wealth  and  the  priestly  descent  of  many  of  them 
had  an  influence  which  fuUy  balanced  that  of  their 
more  popular  rivals.  They  were  a  political  party, 
of  priestly  and  aristocratic  tendency,  as  against  the 
more  religious  and  democratic  Pharisees. 

/.  Introductory, — The  Talm  form  suggests  deri- 
vation from  the  name  of  their  founder,  but  the  form 
in  NT  and  Jos  would  imply  connection 

1.  Name:  with  the  vb.  "to  be  righteous."  The 
Rival  Ety-  probability  is,  that  the  name  is  derived 
mologies        from  some  person    named    "Zadok." 

The  most  prominent  Zadok  in  history 
was_  the  Davidio  high  priest  (2  S  8  17;  15  24; 
1  K  1  35),  from  whom  all  succeeding  high  priests 
claimed  to  descend.  It  is  in  harmony  with  this, 
that  in  the  NT  the  Sadducees  are  the  party  to  whom 
the  high  priests  belonged.  On  the  authority  of 
'Abhoth  d'-Rabbi  Nathan  (c  1000  AD)  another 
Zadok  is  asserted  to  be  he  from  whom  the  Sadducees 
received  their  name.  He  was  a  disciple  of  Antigonus 
of  Socho  (c  2.50  BC)  who  taught  that  love  to  God 
should  be  absolutely  disinterested  {Pirke  'Abhoth, 
i.3).  'Abhoth  d'-Rabbl  Nathan's  account  of  the 
derivation  of  the  Sadduceanism  from  this  teaching 
is  purely  an  imaginary  deduction  (Charles  Taylor, 
Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers'^,  112).  The  majority 
of  authoritative  writers  prefer  to  derive  the  name 
from  Zadok,  the  colleague  of  Abiathar,  the  con- 
temporary of  David. 

Our  main  authorities  for  the  teaching  of  the  Sad- 
ducees  are   the   NT   and   Jos.     According   to   the 

former,     the    Sadducees    denied    the 

2.  Author-  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  did  not 
ities  believe  in  angels  or  spirits  (Mt  22  23; 

Acts  23  8).  More  can  be  learned 
from  Jos,  but  his  evidence  is  to  be  received  with 
caution,  as  he  was  a  Pharisee  and,  moreover,  had 
the  idea  that  the  Sadducees  were  to  be  paralleled 
with  the  Epicureans.  The  Talm  is  late.  Before 
even  the  Mishna  was  committed  to  writing  (c  200 
AD)  the  Sadducees  had  ceased  to  exist;  before  the 
Gemara  was  completed  (c  700  AD)  every  vahd 
tradition  of  their  opinions  must  have  vanished. 
Further,  the  Talm  is  Pharisaic.  The  Fathers, 
Origen,  Hippolytus,  Epiphanius  and  Jerome,  have 
derived  their  information  from  late  Pharisaic 
sources. 

//.  Origin  and  History. — Jos  describes  the  Sad- 
ducees  along   with    the   contemporary    sects,    the 

Pharisees  and  the  Essenes  (Jos,  Ant, 
1.  Early  XIII,  v,  9;  X,vi,2;  XVIII,  i, 4,  .5;  BJ, 
Notices  in  II,  viii,  14).  His  earhest  notice  of 
Josephus       them  is  after  his  account  of  the  treaties 

of  Jonathan  with  the  Romans  and  the 
Lacedemonians.  He  indicates  his  belief  that  the 
parties  were  ancient;  but  if  so,  they  must  have 
formerly  had  other  names.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  earlier  form  of  the  conflict  between  the  Sad- 
ducees and  Pharisees  was  opposition  between  the 
priests  and  the  prophets.  This,  however,  is  not 
tenable;  in  the  Southern  Kingdom  there  was  rio 
such  opposition;   whatever  the  state  of  matters  in 


theNorthernKingdom,  it  could  have  had  no  influence 
on  opinion  in  Judaea  and  Gahlee  in  the  time  of  Our 
Lord.  By  others  the  rivalry  is  supposed  to  be  in- 
herited from  that  between  the  scribes  and  the 
priests,  but  Ezra,  the  earliest  scribe,  in  the  later 
sense  of  the  term,  was  a  priest  with  strong  sacerdotal 
sympathies. 

Probably  the  priestly  party  only  gradually  crys- 
tallized into  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees.     After  the 
return  from  the  exile,  the  high  priest 

2.  Tenden-  drew  to  himself  all  powers,  civil  and 
cies  toward  rehgious.  To  the  Pers  authorities  he 
Hellenism     was  as  the  king  of  the  Jews.     The  high 

priest  and  those  about  him  were  the 
persons  who  had  to  do  with  the  heathen  supreme 
government  and  the  heathen  nationalities  around; 
this  association  would  tend  to  lessen  their  religious 
fervor,  and,  by  reaction,  this  roused  the  zeal  of  a 
section  of  the  people  for  the  law.  With  the  Gr 
domination  the  power  of  the  high  priests  at  home 
was  increased,  but  they  became  still  more  subser- 
vient to  their  heathen  masters,  and  were  the  leaders 
in  the  Hellenizing  movement.  They  took  no  part 
in  the  Maccabean  struggle,  which  was  mainly  sup- 
ported by  their  opponents  the  hdfldhlm,  as  they 
were  called  (the  Hasidaeans  of  1  Mace  2  42,  etc). 
When  the  h&sidhlm,  having  lost  sympathy  with  the 
Maccabeans,  sought  to  reconcile  themselves  to  the 
priestly  party,  Alcimus,  the  legitimate  high  priest, 
by  his  treachery  and  cruelty  soon  renewed  the 
breach.  The  Hasmoneans  then  were  confirmed 
in  the  high-priesthood,  but  were  only  lukewarmly 
supported  by  the  hasidhim. 

The  division  between  the  Hasmoneans  and  the 

hd^tdhlm,  or,  as  they  were  now  called,  Pharisees, 

culminated   in   the   insult   offered   by 

3.  Favored  Eleazar  to  John  Hyrcanus,  the  Has- 
by  Jan-  monean  high  priest  (Jos,  Ant,  XIII, 
naeus;  Put  x,  5).  Alexander  Jannaeus,  the  son  of 
in  Back-  Hyrcanus,  became  a  violent  partisan 
ground  by  of  the  Sadducees,  and  crucified  large 
Alexandra  numbers  of  the  Pharisees.  Toward 
Salome  the  end  of  his  life  he  fell  out  of  sym- 
pathy with  the  Sadducees,  and  on  his 

deathbed  recommended  his  wife  Alexandra  Salome, 
who  as  guardian  to  his  sons  succeeded  him,  to  favor 
the  Pharisees,  which  she  did.  In  the  conflict  be- 
tween her  two  sons,  John  Hyrcanus  II  and  Aristo- 
bulus  II,  the  Sadducees  took  the  side  of  Aristobulus, 
the  younger  and  abler  brother.  So  long  as  the  con- 
test was  between  Jews,  theSadducean  candidate  pre- 
vailed. When  the  Romans  were  called  in,  they 
gave  the  advantage  to  Hyrcanus. 

Thrown  into  the  background  by  the  overthrow  of 

their  candidate  for  the  high-priesthood,  they  soon 

regained  their  influence.     They  allied 

4.  Become  themselves  with  the  Herodians  who 
a  Religious  had  supported  Hyrcanus,  but  were 
Party  subservient  to  Rome.     Though  they 

were  not  theological  at  first,  they  be- 
came so,  to  defend  their  policy  against  the  attacks 
of  the  Pharisees.  A  historic  parallel  may  be  found 
in  the  Cavaliers  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  as  over 
against  the  Puritans. 

The   Sadducees   at   first   regarded   the   struggle 
between  Our  Lord  and  the  Pharisees  as  a  matter 

with  which  they  had  no  concern.     It 

5.  Fear  was  not  until  Our  Lord  claimed  to  be 
Roman  In-  the  Messiah,  and  the  excitement  of  the 
terference  people  consequent  on  this  proved  likely 
if  Jesus'  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  Rom  au- 
Messianic  thorities,  that  they  intervened.  Should 
Claims  Are  Tiberius  learn  that  there  was  wide- 
Recognized   spread  among  the  Jews  the  belief  in 

the  coming  of  a  Jewish  king  who  was 
to  rule  the  world,  and  that  one  had  appeared  who 
claimed  to  be  this  Messiah,  very  soon  would  the 


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quasi-independence  enjoyed  by  the  Jews  be  taken 
from  them,  and  with  this  the  influence  of  the  Sad- 
ducees would  depart.  An  ohgarchy  is  proverbially 
sensitive  to  anything  that  threatens  its  stability ;  a 
priesthood  is  unmeasured  in  its  vindictiveness;  and 
the  Sadducees  were  a  priestly  oligarchy.  Hence  it 
is  not  wonderful  that  only  the  death  of  Jesus  would 
satisfy  them. 

After    the   resurrection,    the   Pharisees    became 

less  hostile  to  the  followers  of  Christ;    but  the 

Sadducees  maintained   their   attitude 

6.  Continue  of  suspicion  and  hatred  (Acts  4  1). 
Antagonistic  Although  a  Pharisee,  it  was  as  agent 
to  Apostles  of  the  Sadducean  high  priest  that  Paul 
after  persecuted  the  behevers.  The  Sad- 
Christ's  ducees  gained  complete  ascendency 
Departure     in  the  Sanhedrin,  and  later,  under  the 

leadership  of  Annas,  or  as  he  is  some- 
times called  by  Jos,  Ananus,  the  high  priest,  they 
put  James  the  brother  of  Our  Lord  to  death  (Jos, 
Ant,  XX,  ix,  1)  with  many  others,  presumably 
Christians.  The  Pharisees  were  against  these  pro- 
ceedings; and  even  sent  messengers  to  meet  Al- 
binus  who  was  coming  to  succeed  Festus  as  governor 
to  entreat  him  to  remove  Annas  from  the  high- 
priesthood. 

With  the  outbreak  of  the  Jewish  war,  the  Sad- 
ducees with  their  aUies  the  Herodians  were  driven 

into  the  background  by  the  Zealots, 

7.  Fall  of  John  of  Gischala  and  Simon  ben  Gioras. 
Sadducean  Annas  and  Joshua,  also  called  high 
Party  priest  by  Jos,  were  both  put  to  death 

by  the  Zealots  and  their  Idumaean 
allies  (Jos,  BJ,  IV,  v,  2).  With  the  destruction  of 
the  temple  and  the  fall  of  the  Jewish  state  the  Sad- 
ducean party  disappeared. 

///.  Doctrines  of  the  Sadducees. — As  the  sacer- 
dotal party,  the  Sadducees  laid  great  stress  on  the 

ceremonial   of   sacrifice,    and   rejected 

1.  Cere-  the  changes  introduced  by  their  oppo- 
monial  nents  unless  these  found  support  in 
Exactness     the  words  of  the  Law. 

The  most  prominent  doctrine  of  the 

Sadducees  was  the  denial  of  the  immortahty  of 

the  soul  and  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body.     The 

Pharisees  beHeved  that  Moses  had  de- 

2.  Disbelief  hvered  these  doctrines  to  the  elders, 
in  Spiritual  and  that  they  had  in  turn  handed  them 
World  and  on  to  their  successors.  The  Sadducees 
Resurrec-  rejected  aU  these  traditions.  From 
tion  Acts  (23  8)  we  learn  that  they  be- 
lieved in   neither    "angel   or    spirit." 

As  appearances  of  angels  are  mentioned  in  the  Law, 
it  is  difficult  to  harmonize  their  reverence  for  the 
Law  with  this  denial.  They  may  have  regarded 
these  angelophanies  as  theophanies.  Jos  distinctly 
asserts  [Ant,  XVIII,  i,  4)  that  the  Sadducees  believe 
that  the  soul  dies  with  the  body.  They  deny,  he 
says.  Divine  providence  (BJ,  II,  viii,  14).  Their 
theology  might  be  called  "religion  within  iihe  limits 
of  mere  sensation." 

The  Fathers,   Hippolytus,   Origen  and  Jerome, 

credit  the  Sadducees  with  regarding  the  Pent  as 

alone  canonical  (Hipp.,    Haer.,  ix.24; 

3.  Alleged  Orig.,  Contra  Celsum,  i.49;  on  Mt 
BeUef  in  22  24-31;  Jer  on  Mt  22  31.32).  This 
Canonicity  idea  may  be  due  to  a  false  identification 
of  Penta-  of  the  views  of  the  Sadducees  with  those 
teuch  Alone  of  the  Samaritans.     Had  they  rejected 

all  the  rest  of  Scripture,  it  is  hardly 
possible  that  Jos  would  have  failed  to  notice  this. 
The  Talm  does  not  mention  this  among  their 
errors.  It  is  certain  that  they  gave  more  impor- 
tance to  the  Pent  than  to  any  other  of  the  books  of 
Scripture.  Hence  Our  Lord,  in  the  passage  com- 
mented on  by  Origen  and  Jerome,  appeals  to  the 
Law  rather  than  to  the  Prophets  or  the  Pss.     It 


follows  from  the  little  value  they  put  upon  the 
Prophets  that  they  had  no  sympathy  with  the  Mes- 
sianic hopes  of  the  Pharisees. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  there  was  no  real  con- 
nection between  Sadduceanism  and  the  doctrines 
of  Epicurus.  There  was  a  super- 
4.  Relation  ficial  resemblance  which  was  purely 
to  Epicu-  accidental.  Their  favor  for  Helleii- 
reanism  ism  would  give  a  color  to  this  identi- 
fication. 
IV.  Character  of  the  Sadducees. — Jos  says  that 
while  the  Pharisees  have  amiable  manners  and  cul- 
tivate concord  among  all,  the  Saddu- 
1.  Charae-  cees  are  "very  boorish"  (BJ,  II,  viii, 
terized  as  14).  This  want  of  manners  is  not  a 
Rough  and  characteristic  usually  associated  with 
Boorish  an  aristocracy,  or  with  supple  diplo- 
mats, yet  it  suits  what  we  find  in  the 
NT.  The  cruel  horseplay  indulged  in  when  Our 
Lord  was  tried  before  the  irregular  meeting  of  the 
Sanhedrin  (Mt  26  67.68),  the  shout  of  Ananias  at 
the  trial  of  Paul  before  the  same  tribunal  to  "smite 
him  on  the  mouth,"  show  them  to  be  rough  and 
overbearing.  What  Jos  relates  of  the  conduct  of 
Annas  (or  Ananus)  in  regard  to  James,  above  re- 
ferred to,  agrees  with  this.  Jos,  however,  does  not 
always  speak  in  such  condemnatory  terms  of  Ana- 
nus— in  BJ  (IV,  V,  2)  he  calls  him  "a  man  venerable 
and  most  just."  Only  the  violence  which,  as  Jos 
relates  in  the  chapter  immediately  preceding  that 
from  which  we  have  quoted,  Ananus  resorted  to 
against  the  Zealots  better  suits  the  earlier  ver- 
dict of  Jos  than  the  later.  As  to  their  general 
character  Jos  mentions  that  when  the  Sadducees 
became  magistrates  they  conformed  their  judgments 
to  Pharisaic  opinion,  otherwise  they  would  not  have 
been  tolerated  (Ant,  XVIII,  i,  4). 

As  noted  above,  the  Talm  account  is  untrustworthy, 
late  and  Pharisaic.     The  Gemara  from  wlilch  most  of 

the  references  are  talcen  was  not  committed 
2  Talmudic  ^^  "writing  till  7  centuries  after  Christ — 
,'  when  the  traditions  concerning  the   Sad- 

ACCOUntS        ducees,  such  as  had  survived,  had  filtered 

through  20  generations  of  Pharisaism. 
Despite  this  lengthened  time  and  suspicious  medium, 
there  may  be  some  truth  in  the  representations  of  the 
Talmudic  rabbin.  In  Pesdhlm  57a  it  is  said,  "Woe's 
me  on  account  of  the  house  of  ISeothus,  woe's  me  on 
account  of  their  spears;  woe's  me  on  accotmt  of  the 
house  of  Hanun  [Annas],  woe's  me  on  account  of  their 
serpent  brood;  woe's  me  on  account  of  the  house  of 
Kathros,  woe's  me  on  account  of  their  pen;  woe's  me 
on  account  of  the  house  of  Ishmael  ben  Phabi;  woe's 
me  on  account  of  their  fists.  They  are  high  priests  and 
their  sons  are  treasurers  of  the  temple,  and  their  sons- 
in-law,  assistant  treasurers;  and  their  servants  beat 
the  people  with  sticks."  As  these  are  Sadducean  names, 
this  passage  exhibits  Pharisaic  tradition  as  to  the  habits 
of  the  Sadducees. 

The  Sadducean  high  priests  made  Hophni  and 

Phinehas    too    much    their    models.      Annas    and 

his  sons  had  booths  in  the  courts  of 

3.  Relation  the  temple  for  the  sale  of  sacrificial 
to  Temple  requisites,  tables  for  money-changers, 
and  Its  as  ordinary  coins  had  to  be  changed 
Worship        into    the    shekels    of    the    sanctuary. 

From  all  these  the  priests  of  the  high- 
priestly  caste  derived  profit  at  the  expense  of  dese- 
crating the  temple  (Edersheim,  Life  and  Times 
of  Jesus,  I,  371  ff).  They  did  not,  as  did  the  Phari- 
sees, pay  spiritual  religion  the  homage  of  hypocrisy; 
they  were  frankly  irreligious.  While  officials  of 
rehgion,  they  were  devoid  of  its  spirit.  This,  how- 
ever, represents  their  last  stage. 

The  favor  for  the  memory  of  John  Hyrcanus  shown 

by  the  writer  of  1  Mace   (16  23.24)   renders  probable 

Geiger's  opinion  that  the  author  was  a  Sad- 

4.  Saddu-  ducee.  He  shows  the  party  in  its  best  form: 
»_„_  his  outlook  on  life  is  eminently  sane,  and 
T  ■+  4.  ^'^  history  is  trustworthy.  He  has  sympa- 
Llterature      thy  with  the  patriotism  of  the  Hasidaeans, 

but  none  with  the  religious  scruples  which 
led  them  to  desert  Judas  Maccabaeus.    That  the  writer 


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Sadducees 
Saints 


of  Ecclus  from  his  silence  as  to  the  national  expectation 
of  a  Messiah  and  the  hope  of  a  future  life  was  afeo  a  Sad- 
ducee.  is  almost  certain. 

V.    The  Relation  of  the  Sadducees  to  Jesus, — As 

the  doctrines  and  practices  of  the  Sadducees  were 
quite  aUen  from  the  teaching  of  Our 

1.  Less  De-  Lord  and  the  conduct  He  enjoined, 
nounced  it  is  a  problem  why  He  did  not  de- 
by  Jesus  nounce  them  more  frequently  than  He 
Than  the  did.  Indeed  He  never  denounces  the 
Pharisees  Sadducees  save  along  with  their  oppo- 
nents the  Pharisees;  whereas  He  fre- 
quently denounces  the  Pharisees  alone.  As  His 
position,  both  doctrinal  and  practical,  was  much 
nearer  that  of  the  Pharisees,  it  was  necessary  that 
He  should  clearly  mark  Himself  off  from  them. 
There  was  not  the  same  danger  of  His  position  being 
confused  with  that  of  the  Sadducees.  Jos  informs 
us  that  the  Sadducees  had  influence  with  the  rich; 
Jesus  drew  His  adherents  chiefly  from  the  poor, 
from  whom  also  the  Pharisees  drew.  The  latter 
opposed  Him  all  the  more  that  He  was  sapping  their 
source  of  strength;  hence  He  had  to  defend  Him- 
self against  them.  Further,  the  Gospels  mainly 
recount  Our  Lord's  ministry  in  Galilee,  whereas 
the  Sadducees  were  chiefly  to  be  found  in  Jerus  and 
its  neighborhood;  hence  there  may  have  been 
severe  denunciations  of  the  Sadducees  that  have 
not  come  down  to  us. 

The   Sadducees   probably   regarded   Jesus   as   a 

harmless  fanatic   who  by  His  denunciations  was 

weakening  the  influence  of  the  Phari- 

2.  Attitude  sees.  Only  when  His  claim  to  be  the 
toward  Messiah  brought  Him  within  the  sphere 
Jesus              of   practical   politics   did   they   desire 

to  intervene.  When  they  did  de- 
termine to  come  into  conflict  with  Jesus,  they 
promptly  decreed  His  arrest  and  death;  only  the 
arrest  was  to  be  secret,  "lest  a  tumult  arise  among 
the  people"  (Mt  26  5).  In  their  direct  encounter 
with  Our  Lord  in  regard  to  the  resurrection  (Mt  22 
25  ff;  Mk  12  20ff;  Lk  20  29  ff),  there  is  an  ele- 
ment of  contempt  implied  in  the  illustration  which 
they  bring,  as  it  till  almost  the  end  they  failed  to 
take  Him  seriously.     For  Literature  see  Pharisees. 

J.  E.  H.  Thomson 
SADDXJK,    sad'uk     (A    [Fritzsche],    2d88ov)Kos, 
Sdddoukos,  B,  SaSSovXovKos,  Saddouloukos;  AV  Sad- 
due):   The  high  priest,  an  ancestor  of  Ezra  (1  Esd 
8  2)  =  "Zadok"inEzr  7  2  =  "Sadoc"  in  2  Esd  1  1. 

SADOC,  sa'dok: 

(1)  (Lat  Sadoch) :  An  ancestor  of  Ezra  (2  Esd 
1  l)  =  "Zadok"  inEzr  7  2  =  "Sadduk"in  1  Esd  8  2. 
(2)  (SaSii/c,  Sadok) :  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel 
and  ancestor  of  Jesus  (Mt  1  14). 

SAFFRON,  saf'run  (D3"}?,  karkom;  kp6kos, 
krdkos):  Identical  with  the  Arab,  kurkum,  the 
same  as  zafaran,  "saffron."  The  source  of  the 
true  saffron  is  Crocus  sativus  (N.O.  Indaceae),  a 
plant  cultivated  in  Pal;  there  are  8  wild  varieties 
in  all  of  which,  as  in  the  cultivated  species,  the 
orange-colored  styles  and  stigmas  yield  the  yellow 
dye,  saffron.  Cant  4  14  probably  refers  to  the 
C.  sativus.  There  is  a  kind  of  bastard  saffron  plant, 
the  Carthamus  linctorius  (N.O.  Composilae) ,  of 
which  the  orange-colored  flowers  yield  a  dye  like 
saffron.  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SAIL,  sal,  SAILOR,  sal'er.  See  Ships  and 
Boats,  II,  2,  (3);  111,2. 

SAINTS,  sants:  In  AV  3  words  are  thus  ren- 
dered: (1)  ®ilp3,  kadhosh  (in  Dnl  the  same  root 
occurs  several  times  in  its  Aram,  form,  TC'^'li? ,  i:ad- 


dish);  (2)  T'Pn,  haftdh,  and  (3)  dyi-oi,  hdgioi.  Of 
these  words  (2)  has  in  general  the  meaning  of  right- 
eousness or  goodness,  while  (1)  and  (3)  have  the 
meaning  of  consecration  and  Divine  claim  and 
ownership.  They  are  not  primarily  words  of  char- 
acter, like  hdijidh,  but  express  a  relation  to  God  as 
being  set  apart  for  His  own.  Wherever  kddhosh 
refers  to  angels,  the  rendering  "holy  one"  or  "holy 
ones"  has  been  substituted  in  RV  for  AV  "saint" 
or  "saints,"  which  is  the  case  also  in  Ps  106  16  m 
(cf  34  9),  and  in  1  S  2  9,  as  the  tr  of  ha^idh. 

While  hagioi  occurs  more  frequently  in  the  NT 
than  does  kddhosh  in  the  OT,  yet  both  are  applied 
with  practical  uniformity  to  the  company  of  God's 


Saffron  {Crocus  sativus), 

people  rather  than  to  any  individual.  Perhaps 
the  rendering  "saints"  cannot  be  improved,  but  it 
is  necessary  for  the  ordinary  reader  constantly  to 
guard  against  the  idea  that  NT  saintship  was  in 
any  way  a  result  of  personal  character,  and  conse- 
quently that  it  implied  approval  of  moral  attain- 
ment already  made.  Such  a  rendering  as  "con- 
secrate ones,"  for  example,  would  bring  out  more 
clearly  the  relation  to  God  which  is  involved,  but, 
besides  the  fact  that  it  is  not  a  happy  tr,  it  might 
lead  to  other  errors,  for  it  is  not  easy  to  remember 
that  consecration — the  setting  apart  of  the  indi- 
vidual as  one  of  the  company  whom  God  has  in  a 
peculiar  way  as  His  own — springs  not  from  man, 
but  from  God  Himself,  and  that  consequently  it 
is  in  no  way  something  optional,  and  admits  of  no 
degrees  of  progress,  but,  on  the  contrary,  is  from  the 
beginning  absolute  duty.  It  should  also  be  noted 
that  while,  as  has  been  said,  to  be  a  saint  is  not 
directly  and  primarily  to  be  good  but  to  be  set 
apart  by  God  as  His  own,  yet  the  godly  and  holy 
character  ought  inevitably  and  immediately  to 
result.  When  God  consecrates  and  claims  moral 
beings  for  Himself  and  His  service.  He  demands 
that  they  should  go  on  to  be  fit  for  and  worthy  of 
the  relation  in  which  He  has  placed  them,  and  so 
we  read  of  certain  actions  as  performed  "worthily 


Sala,  Salah 
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of  the  saints"  (Rom  16  2)  and  as  such  "as  beoometh 
saints"  (Eph  5  3).  The  thought  of  the  holy  char- 
acter of  the  "saints,"  which  is  now  so  common  as 
almost  completely  to  obscure  the  real  thought  of 
the  NT  writers,  already  lay  in  their  thinking  very 
close  to  their  conception  of  saintship  as  consecration 
by  God  to  be  His  own.      David  Foster  Estes 

SALA,  SALAH,  sa'la  (Hbt),  s/ie?a/j,  "a  missile," 
"petition";  2a\d,  Said):  A  son  of  Arpachshad 
(AV  Gen  10  24;  11  13 ff;  1  Ch  1  18.24).  Lk  3 
35.36  follows  LXX  of  Gen  10  24;  11  12=Shelah 
(q.v.). 

SALAMIEL,  sa-la'mi-el  (B  A,  SaXaiJii'iiX,  Salamiel, 
N ,  2a(ia|ii^\,  Samamitl) :  An  ancestor  of  Judith 
(Jth  8  1)=AV  "Samael"  =  "ShelumieL" 

SALAMIS,  sal'a-mis  (2aX.a|ji£s,  Salamis) :  A 
town  on  the  east  coast  of  Cyprus,  situated  some  3 

miles  to  the  N.  of  the  mediaeval  and 
1.  Site  modem  Famagusta.     It  lay  near  the 

river  Pediaeus,  at  the  eastern  extrem- 
ity of  the  great  plain  of  the  Mesor^a,  which  runs 
far  into  the  interior  of  the  island  toward  Nicosia 
(Lefkosia),  the  present  capital.  It  possessed  a 
good  harbor  and  was  the  most  populous  and  flourish- 
ing town  of  Cyprus  in  the  Hellenic  and  Rom  periods, 
carrying  on  a  vigorous  trade  with  the  ports  of  Cili- 
cia  and  Syria.  Its  population  was  mixed,  consisting 
of  Gr  and  Phoen  elements.  The  former,  however, 
gave  its  tone  and  color  to  the  city,  and  the  chief 
cult  and  temple  were  those  of  Salaminian  Zeus. 

Tradition  represented  Salamis  as  founded  soon  after 
the  fall  of  Troy  by  Teucer.  the  prince  of  Gr  archers  ac- 
cording to  the  narrative  of  the  Iliad,  who 
2    Earlv         named  it  after  his  home,   the  island   of 
7i.   ,     ^  Salamis  oft  the  Attic  coast.     In  the  6th 

xlistory  cent.  BC  it  figures   as  an  important  Hel- 

lenic city,  ruled  by  a  hne  of  limgs  reputed 
to  be  descended  from  Teucer  and  strengthened  hy  an 
alliance  with  Cyrene  (Herod.  iv.l62).  Gorgus,  who  was 
on  the  throne  in  498  BC,  refused  to  join  the  Ionic  revolt 
against  Persia,  but  the  townsmen,  led  by  his  brother  One- 
silus,  took  up  arms  in  the  struggle  for  freedom.  A  crush- 
ing defeat,  however,  inflicted  under  the  walls  of  Salamis, 
restored  the  island  to  its  Pers  overlords,  who  reinstated 
Gorgus  as  a  vassal  prince  (Herod,  v.  10,3  fl).  In  449  a 
CJr  fleet  under  Athenian  leadership  defeated  the  Phoen 
navy,  which  was  in  the  service  of  Persia,  off  Salamis: 
but  the  Athenian  withdrawal  which  followed  the  battle 
led  to  a  decided  anti-Hellenic  reaction,  tmtil  the  able  and 
vigorous  role  of  the  Salaminian  prince  Euagoras,  who 
was  a  warm  friend  of  the  Athenians  (Isocrates,  Euau.) 
and  a  successful  champion  of  Hellenism.  In  306  a 
second  great  naval  J)attle  was  fought  off  Salamis,  in 
which  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  defeated  the  forces  of 
Ptolemy  I  (Soter),  king  of  Egypt.  But  11  years  later 
the  town  came  into  Ptolemy's  hands  and,  with  the  rest 
of  the  island,  remained  an  appanage  of  the  Egyp  king- 
dom until  the  incorporation  of  Cyprus  in  the  Rom 
Emph-e  (58  BC). 

When  Barnabas  and  Paul,  accompanied  by  John 
Mark,  set  out  on  their  1st  missionary  journey,  they 
sailed  from  Seleucia,  the  seaport  of 
3.  Visit  of  Antioch,  and  landed  at  Salamis,  about 
the  Apostles  130  miles  distant,  as  the  harbor  nearest 
to  the  Syrian  coast.  There  they 
preached  the  gospel  in  the  "synagogues  of  the  Jews" 
(Acts  13  5) ;  the  phrase  is  worth  noting  as  pointing 
to  the  existence  of  several  synagogues  and  thus  of 
a  large  Jewish  community  in  Salamis.  Of  work 
among  the  Gentiles  we  hear  nothing,  nor  is 
any  indication  given  either  of  the  duration  of  the 
apostles'  visit  or  of  the  success  of  their  mission; 
but  it  would  seem  that  after  a  short  stay  they  pro- 
ceeded "through  the  whole  island"  (Acts  13  6 
RV)  to  Paphos.  The  words  seem  to  imply  that 
they  visited  allj  or  at  least  most,  of  the  towns  in 
which  there  were  Jewish  communities.  Paul  did 
not  return  to  Salamis,  but  Barnabas  doubtless  went 
there  on  his  2d  missionary  journey  (Acts  15  39), 
and  tradition  states  that  he  was  martyred  there  in 


Nero's  reign,  on  the  site  marked  by  the  monastery 
named  after  him, 

In  116  AD  the  Jews  in  Cyprus  rose  in  revolt  and 
massacred    240,000    Greeks    and    Romans.     The 
rising  was  crushed   with  the  utmost 
4.  Later        severity    by    Hadrian.     Salamis    was 
History  almost  depopulated,  and  its  destruction 

was  afterward  consummated  by  earth- 
quakes in  332  and  342  AD.  It  was  rebuilt,  though 
on  a  much  smaller  scale,  by  the  emperor  Constan- 
tius  II  (337-61  AD)  under  the  name  Constantia, 
and  became  the  metropolitan  see  of  the  island.  The 
most  famous  of  its  bishops  was  Epiphanius,  the 
staunch  opponent  of  heresy,  who  held  the  see  from 
367  to  403.  In  647  the  city  was  finally  destroyed 
by  the  Saracens.  Considerable  remains  of  ancient 
buildings  still  remain  on  the  site;  an  account  of  the 
excavations  carried  on  there  in  1890  by  Messrs. 
J.  A.  R.  Munro  and  H.  A.  Tubbs  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Cyprus  Exploration  Fund  will  be  found  in  the 
Journal  oj  Hellenic  Studies,  XII,  59-198. 

M.  N.  ToD 

SALASADAI,  sal-a-sad'a-i  (A,  SaXao-aSaC,  Sala- 
sadai,  B,  2apa<ra8a£,  Sarasadai,  H,  Sapio-aSat,  San- 
sadai):    An  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth  8  1). 

SALATHIEL,  sa-la'thi-el: 

(1)  {^a\aeLi,\,SalathiU):  AV;  Gr  form  of  "Sheal- 
tiel"  (thus  RV).  The  father  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd 
5  5.48.56;  6  2;  Mt  1  12;  Lk  3  27). 

(2)  RV:  Another  name  of  Esdras  (2  Esd  3  1, 
"Salathiel"). 

SALE,  sal  (^319'a,  mimhar):  The  word  is  used: 

(1)  in  the  sense  of  the  transaction   (Lev  26  50); 

(2)  in  the  sense  of  the  limit  of  time  involved  in  the 
transaction  (Lev  25  27);  (3)  in  the  sense  of  the 
price  paid  in  the  transaction  (Dt  18  8),  though  it 
may  be  the  same  as  (1)  above. 

SALECAH,  sal'g-ka,  SALCAH,  SALCHAH,  sal'- 
ka  (npbo  ,  .^al'khah;  B,'ZiKxaL.Sekchal,'A\6.,Achd, 
J.i\6.,  "held,  A,  "EXxa,  Elchd,  'Ao-eXx".  Aselchd, 
SeXxa,  Selchd) :  This  place  first  appears  in  Dt  3  10 
as  marking  the  eastern  boundary  of  Bashan.  It  is 
named  as  one  of  the  cities  in  which  Og,  king  of 
Bashan,  ruled  (Josh  12  5).  It  must  certainly 
have  been  included  in  the  portion  given  to  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh,  "all  the  kingdom  of  Og  king  of 
Bashan,"  although  it  is  not  named  among  the  cities 
that  fell  to  him  (Josh  13  29  ff).  At  a  later  time 
we  are  told  that  Gad  dwelt  over  against  the  Reuben- 
itesin  the  land  of  Bashan  unto  Salecah  (1  Ch  5  11). 
The  boundaries  of  the  tribes  probably  changed  from 
time  to  time. 

The  ancient  city  is  represented  by  the  modern 
Salkhad,  a  city  in  a  high  and  strong  position  at  the 
southern  end  of  Jebel  ed-Druze  (the  Mountain  of 
Bashan).  On  a  volcanic  hill  rising  some  300  ft, 
above  the  town,  in  what  must  have  been  the  crater, 
stands  the  castle.  The  view  from  the  battlements, 
as  the  present  writer  can  testify,  is  one  of  the  finest 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  including  the  rich  hollow  of  the 
Hauran,  Mt.  Hermon,  and  all  the  intervening 
country  to  the  mountains  of  Samaria,  with  vast 
reaches  of  the  desert  to  the  S.  and  to  the  E.  The 
old  Rom  roads  are  still  clearly  seen  running  without 
curve  or  deviation  across  the  country  to  Bozrah 
and  Der'ah,  away  to  the  S.E.  over  the  desert  to 
KaVat  el-^Azrak,  and  eastward  to  the  Pers  Gulf. 
The  castle  was  probably  built  by  the  Romans, 
Restored  by  the  Arabs,  it  was  a  place  of  strength 
in  Crusading  times.  It  has  now  fallen  on  evil  days. 
The  modern  town,  containing  many  ancient  houses, 
lies  mainly  on  the  slopes  S.E.  of  the  castle.  The 
inhabitants  are  Druzes,  somewhat  noted  for  turbu- 


2663 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sala,  Salah 
Salmone 


lence.  In  the  recent  rising  of  the  Druzes  (1911) 
the  place  suffered  heavily  from  bombardment  by 
the  Turks.  For  water-supply  it  is  entirely  depend- 
ent on  cisterns  filled  during  the  rainy  season. 

,     .  W.   EWING 

SALEM,  sa'lem  (Q^ffl ,   shalem;    2tt\^(i,  Saltm) : 
The  name  of  the  city  of  which  Melchizedek  was 
king    (Gen  14  18;    He  7  1.2;    cf  Ps 

1.  Identifi-    76  2).     To  aU  appearance  it  lay  near 
cation  and     "the  Vale  of   Shaveh,"  described   as 
Meaning        "the  King's  Vale."     The  general  opin- 
ion among  the  Jews  was  that  Salem 

was  the  same  as  Jerus,  as  stated  by  Jos  (Ant,  I,  x, 
2),  who  adds  (VII,  iii,  2)  that  it  was  known  as 
Solyma  (S6Xu/ia,  Sdluma,  variants,  according  to 
Whiston,  Salem  and  Hierosolyma)  m  the  time  of 
Abraham.  It  was  also  reported  that  the  city  and 
its  temple  were  called  Solyma  by  Homer,  and  he 
adds  that  the  name  in  Heb  means  "security." 
This  identification  with  Jerus  was  accepted  by  On- 
kelos  and  all  the  Tgs,  as  well  as  by  the  early  Chris- 
tians. The  Samaritans  have  always  identified 
Salem  with  Salim,  E.  of  Nablus,  but  Jewish  and 
Christian  tradition  is  more  likely  to  be  correct, 
supported,  as  it  is,  by  Ps  76  2. 

The  testimony  of  the  Am  Tab  is  apparently  nega- 
tive.    Knudtzon's   no.   287   mentions    "the   land" 
and    "the   lands  of  Urusalim,"  twice 

2.  Testi-  with  the  prefix  for  "city";  no.  289 
mony  of  likewise  has  this  prefix  twice;  and  no. 
Tell  el-  290  refers  to  "the  city"  or  "a  city  of 
Amama  the  land  Urusalim  caDed  Btt-Ninip" 
Tablets  {Beth-Anusat  ["!]).     As  there  is  no  prefix 

of  any  kind  before  the  element  salim, 
it  is  not  probable  that  this  is  the  name  of  either  a 
man  (the  city's  founder)  or  a  god  (like  the  Assyr 
Sulmanu).  The  form  in  Sennacherib's  inscriptions 
(cf  Taylor  Cylinder,  III,  50),  Ursalimmu,  gives  the 
whole  as  a  single  word  in  the  nominative,  the  double 
m  implying  that  the  i  was  long.  As  the  Assyrians 
pronounced  s  as  sh,  it  is  hkely  that  the  Urusahmites 
did  the  same,  hence  the  Heb  y'rlXshalaim,  with  sh. 
See  Jeru-salem.  T.  G.  Pinches 

SALEM  (SAXtipLos,  Sdlemos;  AV  Saltun):  An 
ancestor  of  Ezra  (1  Esd  8  l)  =  "ShaIlum"  in  Ezr 
7  2="Salemas"  in  2  Esd  1  1. 

SALEMAS,  sal'S-mas,  sa-le'mas  (Lat  Salame;  AV 
Sadamias):  An  ancestor  of  Ezra  (2  Esd  11)  = 
"Shallum"  in  Ezr  7  2;  called  also  "Salem"  in 
1  Esd  8  1. 

SALIM,  sa'lim  (2aXc£|i,  Saleim):  A  place  evi- 
dently well  known,  since  the  position  of  Aenon,  the 
springs  where  John  was  baptizing,  was  defined  by 
reference  to  it:  they  were  "near  to  Salim"  (Jn  3 
23).  It  must  be  sought  on  the  W.  of  the  Jordan, 
as  will  be  seen  from  comparison  of  Jn  1  28;  3  26; 
10  40.  Many  identifications  have  been  proposed: 
e.g.  that  of  Alford  with  Shilhim  and  Ain  in  the  S. 
of  judah;  that  of  Btisching  with  'Ain  Karim,  and 
that  of  Barclay,  who  would  place  Salim  in  Wddy 
Suleim  near  'Anata,  making  Aenon  the  springs  in 
Wddy  Far'ah.  These  are  all  ruled  out  by  their  dis- 
tance from  the  district  where  John  is  known  to 
have  been  at  work.  If  there  were  no  other  objec- 
tion to  that  suggested  by  Conder  (Tent  Work,  49  f) 
following  Robinson  (BR,  III,  333)  with  Salim  m  the 
plain  E.  of  Nahlus,  Aenon  being  'Ainun  in  WAdy 
Far'ah,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  say  that  this  is  in 
the  very  heart  of  Samaria,  and  therefore  impossible. 
In  any  case  the  position  of  Aenon,  6  miles  distant, 
with  a  high  ridge  intervening,  would  hardly  be 
defined  by  the  village  of  Salim,  with  the  important 
city  of  Shechem  quite  as  near,  and  more  easily 
accessible. 


Onom  places  Aenon  8  Rom  miles  S.  of  Scythopolis 
(Beisdn),  near  Salumias  (Salim)  and  the  Jordan. 
This  points  to  Tell  Ridhghah,  on  the  northern  side 
of  which  is  a  shrine  known  locally  as  Sheikh  Sellm. 
Not  far  off,  by  the  ruins  of  Umm  el-'Amdan,  there 
aie  seven  copious  fountains  which  might  well  be 
called  Aenon,  "place  of  springs." 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  district  did 
not  belong  to  Samaria,  but  was  included  in  the  lands 
of  Scythopolis,  which  was  an  important  member  of 
the  league  of  ten  cities.  W.  Ewinq 

SALIMOTH,  sal'i-moth  (B,  2o\€i|ji<S9,  Saleimoth, 
A,  'Ao-(ra\i|iM9,  'Assalimuth;  the  latter  is  due 
to  a  wrong  division  of  syllables;  AV  Assalimoth) : 
The  same  as  "Shelomith"  (Ezr  8  10).  S.,  the  son 
of  Josaphias,  of  the  family  of  Banias,  and  with 
him  130  men  went  up  to  Jerus  with  Ezra  (1  Esd 
8  36). 

SALLAI,  sal'a-i,  sal'i  ClD ,  ^allay;  SaXiGn,  Sal&m, 
A,  2o\.u,  Said,  with  variants) : 

(1)  Eponym  of  a  Benjamite  family  which  settled 
at  Jerus  after  the  return,  descendants  of  "Sallu" 
(1  Ch  9  7;  Neh  11  7.8);  the  pedigrees  of  Sallu 
differ  decidedly  in  the  two  passages.  Curtis  (ICC) 
suggests  that  "son  of  Hodaviah,  the  son  of  Hasse- 
nuah"  (Ch)  is  a  corruption  or  derivation  of  "Judah 
the  son  of  Hassenuah"  (Neh). 

(2)  Name  of  a  priestly  family  (Neh  12  20), 
called  "SaUu"  in  ver  7. 

SALLU,  sal'ti.     See  Sallai. 

SALLUMUS,    sa-lu'mus,    sal'Q-mus    (2dXX.ou(ios, 

Sdlloumos) :  One  of  the  porters  who  had  taken 
"strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9  2.5)  =  "Shallum"  in  Ezr 
10  24;    called  also  "Salum"  in  1  Esd  5  28. 

SALMA,  sal'ma.    See  Salmon. 

SALMAI,  sal'ml,  sal'mS-i  C^O?^ ,  salmay;  AV 
Shalmai  [AVin  Neh  7  48  is  "Shalmai"  =  Ezr  2  46]; 
RV  "Salmai"):  The  eponym  of  a  family  of  Nethi- 
nim,  caUed  "Shamlai"  in  Ezr  2  46  (K«re,  ■'':l21p , 
shamlay,  K'thibh,  "^^bll) ,  shalmay,  followed  by  AV 
text,  "Shalmai";  B,  Xaixadu,  Samadn,  A,  ^eXafil, 
Selami;  Neh  7  48,  B,  SaXe^ef,  Salemei,  A,  ZeX^el, 
Selmei,  N,  Sa/md,  Samael).  The  name  suggests 
a  foreign  reign.  In  1  Esd  5  30  the  corresponding 
name  is  "Subai." 

SALMANASAR,  sal-ma-na'sar   (2  Esd  13  40)  = 

Shalmaneser  (q.v.). 

SALMON,  sal'mon,  SALMA^  (^''2^1?',  salmon, 
"investiture"  [Ruth  4  21],  H'abip,  sa'lmah,  "cloth- 
ing" [Ruth  4  20],  iSpbiB,  salma' [I  Ch  2  11.51.54]; 
2a\|j.<iv,  Salm,dn) : 

(1)  The  father  of  Boaz  the  husband  of  Ruth,  and 
thus  the  grandfather  of  Jesse,  David's  father  (Ruth 
4  20.21).  He  is  mentioned  in  both  the  genealogies 
of  Jesus  (Mt  1  4.5;_  Lk  3  32).  From  IMt  1  5 
we  learn  that  he  married  Rahab,  by  whom  he  begat 
Boaz. 

(2)  In  1  Ch  2  51  if,  we  read  of  a  Salma,  "the 
father  of  Beth-lehem,"  a  son  of  Caleb  the  son  of 
Hur.  He  is  also  said  to  be  the  father  of  "the  Ne- 
tophathites,  Atroth-beth-joab,  and  half  of  the  Ma- 
nahathites,  the  Zorites,"  and  several  "families  of 
scribes."     See  also  Zalmon.  S.  F.  Hunter 

SALMONE,  sal-mo'ne  (2a\(iuvT),  Salmone): 
Acts  27  7.     See  Phoenix. 


Saloas 
Salvation 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2664 


SALOAS,  sal'6-as  (2aX.6as,  Salons;  AV  Talsus 
after  Lat  Thalsas):  In  1  Esd  9  22,  for  "Elasah" 
of  Ezr  10  22. 

SALOM,  sa'Iom  (Sa\»(i,,  Saldm): 

(1)  The  father  of  Helkias  (Bar  17).  Gr  form 
of  "Shallum." 

(2)  AV  =  RV  "Salu"  (1  Maec  2  26). 

SALOME,  sa-lo'me  (Sa\w(iT],  Salome): 

(1)  One  of  the  holy  women  who  companied  with 
Jesus  in  Galilee,  and  ministered  to  Him  (Mk  15 
40.41).  She  was  present  at  the  crucifixion  (15  40), 
and  was  among  those  who  came  to  the  tomb  of 
Jesus  on  the  resurrection  morning  (16  1 .2) .  Com- 
parison with  Mt  27  56  clearly  identifies  her  with 
the  wife  of  Zebedee.  It  is  she,  therefore,  whose 
ambitious  request  for  her  sons  James  and  John  is 
recorded  in  Mt  20  20-24;  Mk  10  35-40.  From 
Jn  19  25  many  infer  that  she  was  a  sister  of  Mary, 
the  mother  of  Jesus  (thus  Meyer,  Luthardt,  Alford) ; 
others  (as  Godet)  dispute  the  inference. 

(2)  Salome  was  the  name  of  the  daughter  of 
Herodias  who  danced  before  Herod,  and  obtained 
as  reward  the  head  of  John  the  Baptist  (Mt  14  3- 
11;  Mk  6  17-28;  cf  Jos,  Ant,  XVIII,  v,  4).  She 
is  not  named  in  the  Gospels.  James  Orb 

SALT,  solt  (nbp  ,  melah;  aXas,  hdlas,  a\s,  hdls) : 
Common  salt  is  considered  by  most  authorities  as 
an  essential  ingredient  of  our  food.  Most  people 
intentionally  season  their  cooking  with  more  or  less 
salt  for  the  sake  of  palatabihty.  Others  depend 
upon  the  small  quantities  which  naturally  exist  in 
water  and  many  foods  to  furnish  the  necessary 
amount  of  salt  for  the  body.  Either  too  much  salt 
or  the  lack  of  it  creates  undesirable  disturbance 
in  the  animal  system.  Men  and  animals  alike 
instinctively  seek  for  this  substance  to  supplement 
or  improve  their  regular  diet.  The  ancients  appre- 
ciated the  value  of  salt  for  seasoning  food  (Job  6  6) . 
So  necessary  was  it  that  they  dignified  it  by  making 
it  a  requisite  part  of  sacrifices  (Lev  2  13;  Ezr  6  9; 
7  22;  Ezk  43  24;  Mk  9  49).  In  Nu  18  19; 
2  Ch  13  5,  a  "covenant  of  salt"  is  mentioned  (cf 
Mk  9  49).  This  custom  of  pledging  friendship 
or  confirming  a  compact  by  eating  food  containing 
salt  is  still  retained  among  Arab  .-speaking  people. 
The  Arab,  word  for  "salt"  and  for  a  "compact"  or 
"treaty"  is  the  same.  Doughty  in  his  travels  in 
Arabia  appealed  more  than  once  to  the  superstitious 
behef  of  the  Arabs  in  the  "salt  covenant,"  to  save 
his  Ufe.  Once  an  Arab  has  received  in  his  tent 
even  his  worst  enemy  and  hag  eaten  salt  (food) 
with  him,  he  is  bound  to  protect  his  guest  as  long 
as  he  remains.     See  Covenant  of  Salt. 

The  chief  source  of  salt  in  Pal  is  from  the  exten- 
sive deposits  near  the  "sea  of  salt"  (see  Dead  Sea), 
where  there  are  literally  mountains  and  valleys  of 
salt  (2  S  8  13;  2  K  14  7;  1  Ch  18  12;  2  Ch  25 
11).  On  the  seacoast  the  inhabitants  frequently 
gather  the  sea  salt.  They  fill  the  rock  crevices  with 
sea  water  and  leave  it  for  the  hot  summer  sun  to 
evaporate.  After  evaporation  the  salt  crystals 
can  be  collected.  As  salt-gathering  is  a  govern- 
ment monopoly  in  Turkey,  the  government  sends 
men  to  pollute  the  salt  which  is  being  surreptitious- 
ly cry.stallized,  so  as  to  make  it  unfit  for  eating. 
Another  extensive  supply  comes  from  the  salt  lakes 
in  the  Syrian  desert  E.  of  Damascus  and  toward 
Palmyra.  All  native  salt  is  more  or  less  bitter,  due 
to  the  presence  of  other  salts  such  as  magnesium 
sulphate. 

Salt  was  used  not  only  as  a  food,  but  as  an  anti- 
septic in  medicine.  Newborn  babes  were  bathed 
and  salted  (Ezk  16  4),  a  custom  still  prevailing. 
The  Arabs  of  the  desert  consider  it  so  necessary, 


that  in  the  absence  of  salt  they  bathe  their  infanta 
in  camels'  urine.  Elisha  is  said  to  have  healed  the 
waters  of  Jericho  by  casting  a  cruse  of  salt  into  the 
spring  (2  K  2  20  f).  Abimelech  sowed  the  ruins 
of  Shechem  with  salt  to  prevent  a  new  city  from 
arising  in  its  place  (Jgs  9  45).  Lot's  wife  turned 
to  a  pillar  of  salt  (Gen  19  26). 

Figurative:  Salt  is  emblematic  of  loyalty  and 
friendship  (see  above).  A  person  who  has  onoe 
joined  in  a  "salt  covenant"  with  God  and  then 
breaks  it  is  fit  only  to  be  cast  out  (cf  Mt  5  13;  Mk 
9  50).  Saltness  typified  barrenness  (Dt  29  23; 
Jer  17  6).  James  compares  the  absurdity  of  the 
same  mouth  giving  forth  blessings  and  cursings  to 
the  impossibility  of  a  fountain  yielding  both  sweet 
and  salt  water  (Jas  3  11  f).         James  A.  Patch 

SALT,  CITY  OF  (nb^n  T^y,  %r  ha-melah; 
A,  at  iroXfe]!.!  aXwv,  hai  p6l{e\is  halon) :  One  of  the  six 
cities  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah  mentioned  between 
Nibshan  and  Engedi  (Josh  15  62).  The  site  is 
very  uncertain.  The  large  and  important  Tell  el- 
Milh  (i.e.  "the  salt  hill"),  on  the  route  from  Hebron 
to  Akaba,  is  possible. 

SALT,  COVENANT  OF.  See  Covenant  of 
Salt. 

SALT,  PILLAR  OF.  See  Lot;  Salt;  Siddim; 
Slime. 

SALT  SEA.     See  Dead  Sea. 

SALT,  VALLEY  OF  (nb'sn  X^J ,  ge'  ha-melah) : 
The  scene  of  battles,  firstly,  between  David  or  his 
lieutenant  Abishai  and   the   Edomites  (2  S  8  13; 

1  Ch  18  12;  Ps  60,  title),  and  later  between 
Amaziah  and  these  same  foes  (2  K  14  7;  2  Ch 
25  11).  It  is  tempting  to  connect  this  "Valley  of 
Salt"  with  es  Sebkhah,  the  marshy,  salt-impreg- 
nated plain  which  extends  from  the  southern  end 
of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  foot  of  the  clifTs,  but  in  its 
present  condition  it  is  an  almost  impossible  place 
for  a  battle  of  any  sort.  The  ground  is  so  soft  and 
spongy  that  a  wide  detour  around  the  edges  has  to 
be  made  by  those  wishing  to  get  from  one  side  to  the 
other.  It  is,  too,  highly  probable  that  in  earher 
times  the  whole  of  this  low-lying  area  was  covered 
by  the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea.  It  is  far  more  natu- 
ral to  identify  ge'  ha-melah  with  the  Wddy  el- 
Milh  ("Valley  of  Salt"),  one  of  the  three  valleys 
which  unite  at  Beersheba  to  form  the  Wddy  ej- 
Seba\  These  valleys,  el-Milh  and  e^-Seba',  together 
make  a  natural  frontier  to  Canaan. 

E.  W.  G.  Mastebman 
SALT-WORT,  sdlt'wArt  {TPlyQ  ,  inallwh,  a  word 
connected  with  melah,  "salt,"  tr''  in  LXX  fiXijios, 
hdlimos;  AV  mallows) :  The  halimos  of  the  Greeks 
is  the  sea  orache,  Atriplex  halimus,  a  silvery  whitish 
shrub  which  flourishes  upon  the  shores  of  the  Dead 
Sea  alongside  the  rutm  (see  Junipeb).  Its  leaves 
are  oval  and  somewhat  like  those  of  an  olive. 
They  have  a  sour  flavor  and  would  never  be  eaten 
when  better  food  was  obtainable  (Job  30  4).  The 
tr  "mallows"  is  due  to  the  apparent  similarity  of  the 
Heb  mallu'h  to  the  Gr  fj.a\dxv,  maldche,  which  is  the 
Lat  7iialDa  and  Eng.  "mallow."     Certain  species  of 

malva  known  in  Arab.,  as  S\UL~«. ,  khubbdzeh,  are 

very  commonly  eaten  by  the  poor  of  Pal. 

.         E.  W.  G.  Mastebman 
SALU,    sa'lu  .(S^bO,    ^dlu' ;    LXX   B,   SaX^K^v, 
SaZjnon,  A,  SaXw,  5aZo;  AV  has  "Salom"  in  1  Mace 

2  26):  A  prince  and  the  head  of  a  house  of  the 
tribe  of  Simeon  and  the  father  of  Zimri  who  was 
slain  by  Phinehas  along  with  the  Midianitish  woman 


2665 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Saloas 
Salvation 


whom  he  had  brought  to  the  camp  of  Israel  (Nu 
25  14;   1  Maco  2  26). 

SALUM,  sa'lum  (2a\oii|x,  Saloum) : 

(1)  The  head  of  one  of  the  families  of  porters 
(1  Esd  5  28;  om.  in  B)  =  "Shallum"  in  Ezr  2  42; 
10  24;   Neh  7  45  =  "Sallumus"  in  1  Esd  9  25. 

(2)  1  Esd  8  1  AV  =  RV  "Salem." 

SALUTATION,  sal-Q-ta'shun  (tt(ni-a(r(i.6s,  aspas- 
mds):  A  greeting  which  might  be  given  in  person, 
orally  (Lk  1  29.41.44),  or  in  writing,  usually  at  the 
close  of  a  letter  (1  Cor  16  21;  Col  4  18;  2  Thesa 
3  17;  of  use  of  xafpe"',  chairein,  "greeting,"  "joy" 
in  Jas  1  1).  The  Pharisaic  Jews  loved  salutations 
in  pubhc  places  (Mt  23  7;  Mk  12  38,  AV  "greet- 
ing," RV  "salutation" ;  Lk  11  43;  20  46).  Often 
these  salutations  were  very  elaborate,  involving 
much  time  in  prostrations,  embracings,  etc.  When 
Jesus  therefore  sent  out  the  Seventy,  He  forbade 
salutation  by  the  way  (Lk  10  4),  though  He  ordi- 
narily encouraged  proper  civilities  of  this  sort  (Mt 
5  47;   10  12).  Edward  Bagby  Pollard 

SALVATION,  sal-va'shun: 

I.     In  the  OT 

1.  General 

2.  Individualism 

3.  Faith 

4.  Moral  Law 

5.  Sacrifices 

6.  Ritiial  Law 

II.       iNTERMEDI.iTE    LITERATURE 

1.  General 

2.  The  Law 

III.  The  Te.aching  of  Christ 

1.  The  Baptist 

2.  Kingdom  of  God 

3.  Present  and  Future 

4.  Individuahsm 

5.  jNIoral  Progress 

6.  Forgiveness 

7.  Person  of  Christ 

8.  Notes 

IV.  St.  Paul 

1.  General  ' 

2.  Moral  Progress 

3.  The  Spirit 

4.  Mystical  Union 

5.  Forgiveness 

6.  Atonement 

7.  Summary 

8.  Notes 

V.     Rest  of  NT:  Summary 

1.  St.  John 

2.  Hebrews 

3.  St.  Peter 

4.  Simimary 
Literature 

In  EV  the  words  "salvation,"  "save,"  are  not 
technical  theological  terms,  but  denote  simply 
"deliverance,"  in  almost  any  sense  the  latter  word 
can  have.  In  systematic  theology,  however,  "sal- 
vation" denotes  the  whole  process  by  which  man 
is  delivered  from  all  that  would  prevent  his  attain- 
ing to  the  highest  good  that  God  has  prepared  for 
him.  Or,  loy  a  transferred  sense,  "salvation"  de- 
notes the  actual  enjoyment  of  that  good.  So,  while 
these  technical  senses  are  often  associated  with  the 
Gr  or  Heb  words  tr"*  "save,"  etc,  yet  they  are  still 
more  often  used  in  connection  with  other  words  or 
represented  only  by  the  general  sense  of  a  passage. 
And  so  a  collection  of  the  original  terms  for  "save," 
etc,  is  of  value  only  for  the  student  doing  minute 
detailed  work,  while  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  present 
article  to  present  a  general  view  of  the  Bib.  doctrine 
of  salvation. 

/.  In  the  OT. — (1)  As  long  as  revelation  had 
not  raised  the  veil  that  separates  this  life  from  the 

next,  the  Israelite  thought  of  his  high- 
1.  General     est  good  as  long  life  in  a  prosperous 

Pal,  as  described  most  typically  in  Dt 
28  1-14.  But  a  definite  reUgious  idea  was  pres- 
ent also,  for  the  "land  of  milk  and  honey,"  even 
under  angeho   protection,   was  worthless  without 


access  to  God  (Ex  33  1-4),  to  know  whom  gives 
happiness  (Isa  11  9;  Hab  2  14;  Jer  31  34). 
Such  a  concept  is  normal  for  most  of  the  OT,  but 
there  are  several  significant  enlargements  of  it. 
That  Israel  should  receive  God's  characteristic  of 
righteousness  is  a  part  of  the  ideal  (Isa  1  26;  4 
3.4;  32  1-8;  33  24;  Jer  31  33.34;  Ezk  36  2.5. 
26;  Zee  8;  Dnl  9  24;  Ps  51  10-12).  Good  was 
found  in  the  extension  of  Israel's  good  to  the  sur- 
rounding nations  (Mic  4  1-4;  Isa  2  2-4;  45  5.6; 
Zee  2  11;  8  22.23;  Isa  60;  66  19-21;  Zee  14 
16.17,  etc),  even  to  the  extension  of  the  legitimate 
sacrificial  worship  to  the  soil  of  Egypt  (Isa  19  19- 
22).  Pal  was  insufficient  for  the  enjoyment  of 
God's  gifts,  and  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth  were 
to  be  received  (Lsa  65  17;  66  22),  and  a  share  in 
the  glories  was  not  to  be  denied  even  to  the  dead 
(Isa  26  19;  Dnl  12  2).  And,  among  the  people 
so  glorified,  God  would  dwell  in  person  (Isa  60  19. 
20;  Zee  2  10-12).  (2)  Salvation,  then,  means  de- 
liverance from  all  that  interferes  with  the  enjoy- 
ment of  these  blessings.  So  it  takes  countless 
forms — deliverance  from  natural  plagues,  from  in- 
ternal dissensions,  from  external  enemies,  or  from 
the  subjugation  of  conquerors  (the  exile,  particii- 
larly).  As  far  as  enemies  constitute  the  threaten- 
ing danger,  the  prayer  for  deliverance  is  often  based 
on  their  evil  character  (Ps  101,  etc).  But  for  the 
individual  all  these  evils  are  summed  up  in  the  word 
"death,"  which  was  thought  to  terminate  all  rela- 
tion to  God  and  all  possibility  of  enjoying  His  bless- 
ings (Ps  115  17;  Isa  38  18,  etc).  And  so  "death" 
became  established  as  the  antinomy  to  "salvation," 
and  in  this  sense  the  word  has  persisted,  although 
the  equation  "loss  of  salvation  =  physical  death"  has 
long  been  transcended.  But  death  and  its  attend- 
ant evils  are  worked  by  God's  wrath,  and  so  it  is 
from  this  wrath  that  salvation  is  sought  (Josh  7  26, 
etc).  And  thus,  naturally,  salvation  is  from  every- 
thing that  raises  that  wrath,  above  aU  from  sin 
(Ezk  36  25.26,  etc). 

(1)  At  first  the  "unit  of  salvation"  was  the  nation 
(less  prominently  the  family),  i.e.  a  man  though 
righteous  could  lose  salvation  through 
2.  Individ-    the  faults  of  others.     A  father  could 
ualism  bring  a  curse  on  his  children  (2  S  21 

1-14),  a  king  on  his  subjects  (2  S  24), 
or  an  unknown  sinner  could  bring  guilt  on  an  entire 
community  (Dt  21  1-9).  (On  the  other  hand,  ten 
righteous  would  have  saved  Sodom  [Gen  18  32].) 
And  the  principle  of  personal  responsibihty  was 
grasped  but  slowly.  It  is  enunciated  partly  in  Dt 
24  16  (of  Jer  31  29.30),  definitely  in  Ezk  14  12-20; 
18;  33  1-20,  and  fairly  consistently  in  the  Pss. 
But  even  Ezekiel  still  held  that  five-and-twenty 
could  defile  the  whole  nation  (8  16),  and  he  had  not 
the  premises  for  resolving  the  problem — that  tem- 
poral disasters  need  not  mean  the  loss  of  salvation. 
(2)  But  even  when  it  was  realized  that  a  man  lost 
salvation  through  his  own  fault,  the  converse  did 
not  foUow.  Salvation  came,  not  by  the  man's  mere 
merit,  but  because  the  man  belonged  to  a  nation 
peculiarly  chosen  by  God.  God  had  made  a  cove- 
nant with  Israel  and  His  fidelity  insured  salvation: 
the  salvation  comes  from  God  because  of  His 
promise  or  (in  other  words)  because  of  His  name. 
Indeed,  the  great  failing  of  the  people  was  to  trust 
too  blindly  to  this  promise,  an  attitude  denounced 
continually  by  the  prophets  throughout  (from,  say. 
Am  3  2  to  Mt  3  9).  And  yet  even  the  prophets 
admit  a  real  truth  in  the  attitude,  for,  despite 
Israel's  sins,  eventual  salvation  is  certain.  Ezk  20 
states  this  baldly:  there  has  been  nothing  good  in 
Israel  and  there  is  nothing  good  in  her  at  the 
prophet's  own  day,  but,  notwithstanding,  God  will 
give  her  restoration  (cf  Isa  8  17.18;  Jer  32  6-15, 
etc). 


Salvation 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2666 


Hence,  of  the  human  conditions,  whole-hearted 

trust  in  God  is  the  most  important.     {Belief  in  God 

is,  of  course,  never  argued  in  the  Bible.) 

3.  Faith         Inconsistent  with  such  trust  are,  for 

instance,  seeking  aid  from  other  na- 
tions (Isa  30  1-5),  putting  rehance  in  human  skill 
(2  Ch  16  12),  or  forsaking  Pal  through  fear  (Jer 
42).  In  Isa  26  20  entire  passivity  is  demanded, 
and  in  2  K  13  19  lukewarmness  in  executing  an 
apparently  meaningless  command  is  rebuked. 

(1)  Next  in  importance  is  the  attainment  of  a 
moral  standard,  expressed  normally  in  the  various 

codes  of  the  Law.     But  fulfilment  of 

4.  Moral        the  letter  of  the  commandment  was  by 
Law  no  means  all  that  was  required.     For 

instance,  the  Law  permitted  the  selling 
of  a  debtor  into  slavery  (Dt  15  12),  but  the  reckless 
use  of  the  creditor's  right  is  sharply  condemned 
(Neh  5  1-13).  The  prophets  are  never  weary  of 
giving  short  formulae  that  will  exclude  such  supra- 
legalism  and  reduce  conduct  to  a  pure  motive :  "Hate 
the  evil,  and  love  the  good,  and  establish  justice  in 
the  gate"  (Am  5  15);  "To  do  justly,  and  to  love 
kindness,  and  to  walk  humbly  with  thy  God"  (Mic 
6  8).  And  the  chief  emphasis  on  the  Law  as  written 
is  found  in  the  later  books,  esp.  Ps  119  (cf  Ps  147 
20) .  (2)  Certain  breaches  of  the  Law  had  no  pardon , 
but  were  visited  with  death  at  once,  even  despite  re- 
pentance and  confession  (Josh  7).  But  for  the  most 
part  it  is  promised  that  repentance  will  remove  the 
guilt  of  the  sin  if  the  sin  be  forsaken  (Ezk  18)  or, 
in  the  case  of  a  sin  that  would  not  be  repeated,  if 
contrition  be  felt  (2  S  12).  Suffering  played  a 
part  in  salvation  by  bringing  knowledge  of  sin  to 
the  conscience,  the  exile  being  the  most  important 
example  (Ezk  36  31).  But  almost  always  it  is 
assumed  that  the  possibiUty  of  keeping  the  Law  is 
in  man's  o-nrn  power,  Dt  30  11-14  stating  this  ex- 
plicitly, while  the  Wisdom  Books  equate  virtue  with 
learning.  Consequently,  an  immense  advance  was 
made  when  man  felt  the  need  of  God's  help  to  keep 
the  Law,  the  need  of  the  inscription  of  the  Laws 
on  the  heart  (Jer  31  31-34).  So  an  outlook  was 
opened  to  a  future  in  which  God  would  make  the 
nation  righteous  (see  references  in  1,  above). 

(1)  The  acceptance  of  repentance  as  expiating 

past  sins  was  an  act  of  God's  mercy.     And  so  His 

mercy  instituted  other  and  additional 

5.  Sacrifices  means  of  expiation,  most  notably  that 

of  the  sacrifices.  But  a  theology  of 
sacrifice  is  conspicuously  absent  from  the  whole  OT, 
for  Lev  17  11  is  too  incidental  and  too  obscure  to 
be  any  exception.  The  Christian  (or  very  late  Jew- 
ish) interpretations  of  the  ritual  laws  lack  all  solid- 
ity of  exegetical  foundation,  despite  their  one-time 
prevalence.  Nor  is  the  study  of  origins  of  much 
help  for  the  meaning  attached  to  the  rites  by  the 
Jews  in  historic  times.  General  ideas  of  offering, 
of  self-denial,  of  propitiation  of  wrath,  and  of  enter- 
ing into  communion  with  God  assuredly  existed. 
But  in  the  advanced  stages  of  the  religion  there  is 
no  evidence  that  sacrifices  were  thought  to  produce 
their  effect  because  of  any  of  these  things,  but  solely 
because  God  had  commanded  the  sacrifices.  (2) 
Most  sins  required  a  sacrifice  as  part  of  the  act  of 
repentance,  although  in  case  of  injury  done  the 
neighbor,  only  after  reparation  had  been  made.  It 
Is  not  (}uite  true  that  for  conscious  sins  no  sacrifices 
were  appointed,  for  in  Lev  5  1;  6  1-3,  sins  are 
included  that  could  not  be  committed  through  mere 
negligence.  And  so  such  rules  as  Nu  15  30.31 
must  not  be  construed  too  rigorously.  (3)  Sacri- 
fices as  means  of  salvation  are  taught  chiefly  by 
Ezk,  while  at  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (Hag, 
Zee)  and  the  depression  that  followed  (Mai),  they 
were  much  in  the  foreground,  but  the  preexilic 
prophets  have  little  to  say  about  their  positive  value 


(Jer  7  22  is  the  nadir).  Indeed,  in  preexihc  times 
the  danger  was  the  exaltation  of  sacrifice  at  the  ex- 
pense of  morahty,  esp.  with  the  peace  offering, 
which  could  be  turned  into  a  drunken  revel  (Am  5 
21-24;  Isa  22  13;  cf  Prov  7  14).  Attempts  were 
made  to  "strengthen"  the  sacrifices  to  Jeh  by  the 
use  of  ethnic  rites  (Hos  4  14;  Isa,  65  1-5),  even 
with  the  extreme  of  human  sacrifice  (Jer  7  31; 
Ezk  20  26).  But  insistence  on  the  strict  centrali- 
zation of  worship  and  increasing  emphasis  laid  on 
the  sin  and  trespass  offerings  did  away  with  the 
worst  of  the  abuses.  And  many  of  the  Pss,  esp. 
66,  118,  give  beautiful  evidence  of  the  devotion 
that  could  be  nourished  by  the  sacrificial  rites. 

Of  the  other  means  of  salvation  the  ritual  law 
(not  always  sharply  distinguishable  from  the  moral 
law)  bulks  rather  large  in  the  legisla- 
6.  Ritual  tion,  but  is  not  prominent  in  the 
Law  prophets.     Requisite  to  salvation  was 

the  abstention  from  certain  acts,  arti- 
cles of  food,  etc,  such  abstinence  seeming  to  lie  at 
the  background  of  the  term  "holiness."  But  a 
ritual  breach  was  often  a  matter  of  moral  duty 
(burying  the  dead,  etc),  and,  for  such  breaches, 
ritual  means  of  purification  are  provided  and  the 
matter  dropped.  Evidently  such  things  lay  rather 
on  the  circumference  of  the  religion,  even  to  Eze- 
kiel,  with  his  anxious  zeal  against  the  least  defile- 
ment. The  highest  ritual  point  is  touched  by  Zee 
14  20.21,  where  all  of  Jerus  is  so  holy  that  not  a  pot 
would  be  unfit  to  use  in  the  temple  (cf  Jer  31  38-40). 
Yet,  even  with  this  perfect  holiness,  sacrifices  would 
still  have  a  place  as  a  means  by  which  the  holiness 
could  be  increased.  Indeed,  this  more  "positive" 
view  of  sacrifices  was  doubtless  present  from  the  first. 

//.  Intermediate  Literature. — (1)  The  great 
change,  compared  with  the  earlier  period,  is  that 
the  idea  of  God  had  become  more 
1.  General  transcendent.  But  this  did  not  neces- 
sarily mean  an  increase  in  religious 
value,  for  there  was  a  corresponding  tendency  to 
take  God  out  of  relation  to  the  world  by  an  intel- 
lectualizing  process.  This,  when  combined  with 
the  persistence  of  the  older  concept  of  salvation  in 
this  life  only,  resulted  in  an  emptying  of  the  reli- 
gious instinct  and  in  indifferentism.  This  tendency 
is  well  represented  in  Eccl,  more  acutely  in  Sir,  and 
in  NT  times  it  dominated  the  thought  of  the  Sad- 
ducees.  On  the  other  hand  the  expansion  of  the 
idea  of  salvation  to  correspond  with  the  higher  con- 
ception of  God  broke  through  the  hmitations  of  this 
hfe  and  created  the  new  literary  form  of  apocalyp- 
tics,  represented  in  the  OT  esp.  by  Zee  9-14 j  Isa 
24-27,  and  above  all  by  Dnl.  And  in  the  inter- 
mediate literature  all  shades  of  thought  between 
the  two  extremes  are  represented.  But  too  much 
emphasis  can  hardly  be  laid  on  the  fact  that  this 
intermediate  teaching  is  in  many  regards  simply 
faithful  to  the  OT.  Almost  anything  that  can  be 
found  in  the  OT — with  the  important  exception  of 
the  note  of  joyousness  of  Dt,  etc — can  be  found  again 
here.  (2)  Of  the  conceptions  of  the  highest  good 
the  lowest  is  the  Epicureanism  of  Sir.  The  highest 
is  probably  that  of  2  Esd  7  91-98  RV:  "To  be- 
hold the  face  of  him  whom  in  their  hf etime  they 
served,"  the  last  touch  of  materiahsm  being  elimi- 
nated. Indeed,  real  materialism  is  notably  absent 
in  the  period,  even  En  10  17-19  being  less  exuber- 
ant than  the  fancies  of  such  early  Christian  writers 
as  Papias.  Individualism  is  generally  taken  for 
granted,  but  that  the  opposite  opinion  was  by  no 
means  dormant,  even  at  a  late  period,  is  shown  by 
Mt  3  9.  The  idea  of  a  special  privilege  of  Israel, 
however,  of  course  pervades  all  the  literature,  Sib 
Or  5  and  Jub  being  the  most  exclusive  books  and 
the  XII  Tests,  the  most  broad-hearted.  In  place 
of  national  privilege,  though,  is  sometimes  found  the 


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Salvation 


still  less  edifying  feature  of  party  privilege  (Ps  Sol; 
En  94-105),  the  most  offensive  case  being  the  asser- 
tion of  En  90  6-9  that  the  (inactive)  Israel  will  be 
saved  by  the  exertions  of  the  "little  lamb"  Pharisees, 
before  whom  every  knee  shall  bow  in  the  Messianic 
kingdom. 

(1)  The  conceptions  of  the  moral  demands  for 
salvation  at  times  reach  a  very  high  level,  esp.  in 

the  XII  Tests,  (making  every  allowance 
2.  The  Law  for    Christian    interpolations).     "The 

spirit  of  love  worketh  together  with  the 
law  of  God  in  long-suffering  unto  the  salvation  of 
men"  (Test.  Gad  4  7)  is  hardly  unworthy  of  St.  Paul, 
and  even  Jub  can  say,  "Let  each  love  his  brother  in 
mercy  and  justice,  and  let  none  wish  the  other  evil" 
(36  8).  But  the  great  tendency  is  to  view  God's 
law  merely  as  a  series  of  written  statutes,  making  no 
demands  except  those  gained  from  a  rigid  constru- 
ing of  the  letter.  In  Lk  10  29,  "Who  is  my  neigh- 
bor?" is  a  real  question — if  he  is  not  my  neighbor 
I  need  not  love  him!  So  duties  not  literally  com- 
manded were  settled  by  utihtarian  motives,  as  out- 
side the  domain  of  religion,  and  the  unhealthy 
phenomenon  of  works  of  supererogation  made  its 
appearance  (Lk  17  10).  The  writer  of  Wisd  can 
feel  smugly  assured  of  salvation,  because  idolatry 
had  been  abstained  from  (15  4;  contrast  St.  Paul's 
polemic  in  Rom  2).  And  discussions  about  "great- 
est commandments"  caused  character  in  its  relation 
to  religion  to  be  forgotten.  (2)  As  God's  com- 
mands were  viewed  as  statutes  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  moral  and  the  ritual  was  lost,  and  the 
ritual  law  attained  enormous  and  familiar  propor- 
tions. The  beautiful  story  of  Judith  is  designed 
chiefly  to  teach  abstinence  from  ritually  unclean 
food.  And  the  most  extreme  case  is  in  Jub  6  34- 
38 — all  of  Israel's  woes  come  from  keeping  the 
feasts  by  the  actual  moon  instead  of  by  a  correct 
(theoretical)  moon  (!).  (3)  Where  self-compla- 
cency ceased  and  a  strong  moral  sense  was  present, 
despair  makes  its  appearance  with  extraordinary 
frequency.  The  period  is  the  period  of  penitential 
prayers,  with  an  undercurrent  of  doubt  as  to  how 
far  mercy  can  be  expected  (Three  vs  3-22;  Pr 
Man;  Bar  3  1-8,  etc).  "What  profit  is  it  unto  us,  if 
there  be  promised  us  an  immortal  time,  whereas  we 
have  done  the  works  that  bring  death?"  (2  Esd  7 
119  RV).  The  vast  majority  of  men  are  lost  (9  16) 
and  must  be  forgotten  (8  55),  and  Ezra  can  trust 
for  his  own  salvation  only  by  a  special  revelation  (7 
77  RV).  So,  evidently,  St.  Paul's  pre-Christian  ex- 
perience was  no  unique  occurrence.  (4)  Important 
for  the  NT  background  is  the  extreme  lack  of  prom- 
inence of  the  sacrifices.  They  are  never  given  a  the- 
ological interpretation  (except  in  Philo,  where  they 
cease  to  be  sacrifices).  Indeed,  in  Sir  35  they  are 
explicitly  said  to  be  devotions  for  the  righteous  only, 
apparently  prized  only  as  an  inheritance  from  the 
past  and  "because  of  the  commandment"  (Sir  35  5; 
yet  cf  38  11).  When  the  temple  was  destroyed  and 
the  sacrifices  ceased,  Judaism  went  on  its  way  almost 
unaffected,  showing  that  the  sacrifices  meant  nothing 
essential  to  the  people.  And,  even  in  earlier  times, 
the  Essenes  rejected  sacrifices  altogether,  without 
losing  thereby  their  recognition  as  Jews. 

///.   The  Teaching  of  Christ. — The  Baptist  pro- 
claimed   authoritatively   the   near   advent   of   the 

kingdom  of  God,  preceded  by  a  Mes- 
1.  The  sianic  judgment  that  would  bring  fire  for 

Baptist  the  wicked  and  the  Holy  Spirit  for  the 

righteous.  Simple  but  incisive  moral 
teaching  and  warning  against  trusting  in  national 
privileges,  with  baptism  as  an  outward  token  of 
repentance,  were  to  prepare  men  to  face  this  judg- 
ment securely.  But  we  have  no  data  to  determine 
how  much  farther  (if  any)  the  Baptist  conceived 
his  teaching  to  lead. 


It  was  in  the  full  heat  of  this  eschatological  re- 
vival that  the  Baptist  had  fanned,   that  Christ 
began  to  teach,   and  He  also  began 

2.  Kingdom  with  the  eschatological  phrase,   "The 
of  God  kingdom  of  God  is  at  hand."     Conse- 
quently His  teaching  must  have  been 

taken  at  once  in  an  eschatological  sense,  and  it  is 
rather  futile  to  attempt  to  limit  such  implications 
to  passages  where  modern  eschatological  phrases 
are  used  unambiguously.  "The  kingdom  of  God 
is  at  hand"  had  the  inseparable  connotation  "Judg- 
ment is  at  hand,"  and  in  this  context,  "Repent  ye" 
(Mk  1  15)  must  mean  "lest  ye  be  judged."  Hence, 
Our  Lord's  teaching  about  salvation  had  primarily 
a  future  content:  positively,  admission  into  the 
kingdom  of  God,  and  negatively,  deliverance  from 
the  preceding  judgment.  So  the  kingdom  of  God 
is  the  "highest  good"  of  Christ's  teaching  but,  with 
His  usual  reserve.  He  has  httle  to  say  about  its 
externals.  Man's  nature  is  to  be  perfectly  adapted 
to  his  spiritual  environment  (see  Resurrection), 
and  man  is  to  be  with  Christ  (Lk  22  30)  and  the 
patriarchs  (Mt  8  11).  But  otherwise — and  again 
as  usual — the  current  descriptions  are  used  without 
comment,  even  when  they  rest  on  rather  material- 
istic imagery  (Lk  22  16.30).  Whatever  the  king- 
dom is,  however,  its  meaning  is  most  certainly  not 
exhausted  by  a  mere  reformation  of  the  present 
order  of  material  things. 

But  the  fate  of  man  at  judgment  depends  on  what 
man  is  before  judgment,  so  that  the  practical  prob- 
lem is  salvation  from  the  conditions 

3.  Present  that  will  bring  judgment;  i.e.  present 
and  Future    and  future  salvation  are  inseparably 

connected,  and  any  attempt  to  make 
rigid  distinctions  between  the  two  results  in  logoma- 
chies. Occasionally  even  Christ  speaks  of  the  king- 
dom of  God  as  present,  in  the  sense  that  citizens 
of  the  future  kingdom  are  living  already  on  this 
earth  (Mt  11  11;  Lk  17  21[?];  the  meaning  of  the 
latter  verse  is  very  dubious) .  Such  men  are '  'saved" 
already  (Lk  19  9;  7  50[?]),  i.e.  such  men  were 
delivered  from  the  bad  moral  condition  that  was 
so  extended  that  Satan  could  be  said  to  hold  sway 
over  the  world  (Lk  10  18;   11  21). 

That  the  individual  was  the  unit  in  this  deliver- 
ance needs  no  emphasis.     Still,  the  Divine  privilege 

of  the  Jews  was  a  reality  and  Christ's 

4.  Individ-  normal  work  was  limited  to  them  (Mt 
ualism  10  5;  15  26,  etc).     He  admitted  even 

that  the  position  of  the  Jewish  rehgious 
leaders  rested  on  a  real  basis  (Mt  23  3).  But  the 
"good  tidings"  were  so  framed  that  their  extension 
to  all  men  would  have  been  inevitable,  even  had 
there  not  been  an  explicit  command  of  Christ  in 
this  regard.  On  the  other  hand,  while  the  message 
involved  in  every  case  strict  individual  choice,  yet 
the  individual  who  accepted  it  entered  into  social 
relations  with  the  others  who  had  so  chosen.  So 
salvation  involved  admission  to  a  community  of 
service  (Mk  9  35,  etc).  And  in  the  latter  part  of 
Christ's  ministry,  He  withdrew  from  the  bulk  of 
His  disciples  to  devote  Himself  to  the  training  of  an 
inner  circle  of  Twelve,  an  act  expUcable  only  on  the 
assumption  that  these  were  to  be  the  leaders  of  the 
others  after  He  was  taken  away.  Such  passages  as 
Mt  16  18;   18  17  merely  corroborate  this. 

Of  the  conditions  for  the  individual,  the  primary 

(belief  in  God  being  taken  for  granted)  was  a  correct 

moral  ideal.     Exclusion  from  salvation 

5.  Moral  came  from  the  Pharisaic  casuistry 
Progress  which  had  invented  limits  to  right- 
eousness. Ex  20  13  had  never  con- 
templated permitting  angry  thoughts  if  actual 
murder  was  avoided,  and  so  on.  In  contrast  is  set 
the  idea  of  character,  of  the  single  eye  (Mt  6  22), 
of  the  pure  heart  (5  8).     Only  so  can  the  spiritual 


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2668 


house  be  built  on  a  rock  foundation.  But  the  mere 
ideal  is  not  enough;  persistent  effort  toward  it  and 
a  certain  amount  of  progress  are  demanded  impera- 
tively. Only  those  who  have  learned  to  forgive 
can  ask  for  forgiveness  (Mt  6  12;  18  35).  They 
who  omit  natural  works  of  mercy  have  no  share 
in  the  kingdom  (25  31-46),  for  even  idle  words  will 
be  taken  into  account  (12  36),  and  the  most  pre- 
cious possession  that  interferes  with  moral  progress 
is  to  be  sacrificed  ruthlessly  (18  8.9,  etc).  Men  are 
known  by  their  fruits  (7  20) ;  it  is  he  that  doeth  the 
win  of  the  Father  that  shall  enter  into  the  kingdom 
(7  21),  and  the  final  ideal — which  is  likewise  the 
goal — is  becoming  a  son  of  the  Father  in  moral 
hkeness  (5  4.5).  That  this  progress  is  due  to  God's 
aid  is  so  intimately  a  part  of  Christ's  teaching  on 
the  entire  dependence  of  the  soul  on  God  that  it 
receives  little  explicit  mention,  but  Christ  refers  even 
His  own  miracles  to  the  Father's  power  (Lk  11  20). 
Moral  efi'ort,  through  God's  aid,  is  an  indispen- 
sable condition  for  salvation.  But  complete  suc- 
cess in  the  moral  struggle  is  not  at  all 

6.  Forgive-    a  condition,  in  the  sense  that  moral 
ness  perfection   is   required.     For   Christ's 

disciples,  to  whom  the  kingdom  is 
promised  (Lk  12  32),  the  palsied  man  who  receives 
remission  of  sins  (Mk  2  5),  Zacchaeus  who  is  said 
to  have  received  salvation  (Lk  19  9),  were  far  from 
being  models  of  sinlessness.  The  element  in  the 
character  that  Christ  teaches  as  making  up  for  the 
lack  of  moral  perfection  is  becoming  "as  a  little 
child"  (cf  Mk  10  15).  Now  the  point  here  is  not 
credulousness  (for  belief  is  not  under  discussion), 
nor  is  it  meekness  (for  children  are  notoriously  not 
meek).  And  it  most  certainly  is  not  the  pure  pas- 
sivity of  the  newly  born  infant,  for  it  is  gratuitous  to 
assume  that  only  such  infants  were  meant  even  in  Lk 
18  15,  while  in  Mt  18  2  (where  the  child  comes  in 
answer  to  a  call)  this  interpretation  is  excluded. 
Now,  in  the  wider  teaching  of  Christ  the  meaning 
is  made  clear  enough.  Salvation  is  for  the  poor  in 
spirit,  for  those  who  hunger  and  thirst  after  right- 
eousness, for  the  prodigal  knowing  his  wretched- 
ness. It  is  for  the  penitent  publican,  while  the  self- 
satisfied  Pharisee  is  rejected.  A  sense  of  need  and 
a  desire  that  God  will  give  are  the  characteristics. 
A  child  does  not  argue  that  it  has  earned  its  father's 
benefits  but  looks  to  him  in  a  feeling  of  dependence, 
with  a  readiness  to  do  his  bidding.  So  it  is  the  soul 
that  desires  all  of  righteousness,  strives  toward  it, 
knows  that  it  falls  short,  and  trusts  in  its  Father 
tor  the  rest,  that  is  the  savable  soul. 

Christ  speaks  of  the  pardon  of  the  publican  (Lk 
18  9  ff)    and    of    the   prodigal   welcomed    by    the 

Father     (Lk  15  20),     both     without 

7.  Person      intermediary.     And  it  is  perhaps  not 
of  Christ        necessary  to  assume  that  all  of  those 

finding  the  strait  gate  (Mt  7  14) 
were  exphcitly  among  Christ's  disciples.  But 
would  Christ  have  admitted  that  anyone  who  had 
come  to  know  Him  and  refused  to  obey  Him  would 
have  been  saved?  To  ask  this  question  is  to  an- 
swer it  in  the  negative  (Mk  9  40  is  irrelevant). 
Real  knowledge  of  the  Father  is  possible  only 
through  the  unique  knowledge  of  the  Son  (Lk  10 
21.22),  and  lack  of  faith  in  the  Son  forfeits  all 
blessings  (Mk  6  5.6;  9  23).  Faith  in  Him  brings 
instant  forgiveness  of  sins  (Mk  2  5),  and  love 
directed  to  Him  is  an  indisputable  sign  that  for- 
giveness has  taken  place  (Lk  7  47).  But  Christ 
thought  of  Himself  as  Messiah  and,  if  the  term 
"Messiah"  is  not  to  be  emptied  of  its  meaning,  this 
made  Him  judge  of  the  world  (such  verses  as  Mk 
8  38  are  hardly  needed  for  direct  evidence).  And, 
since  for  Christ's  consciousness  an  earthly  judgeship 
is  unthinkable,  a  transcendental  judgeship  is  the  sole 
alternative,  corroborated  by  the  use  of  the  title  Son 


of  Man.  But  passage  from  simple  humanity  to 
the  transcendental  glory  of  the  Son-qf-Mau  Messiah 
involved  a  change  hardly  expressible  except  by 
death  and  resurrection.  And  the  expectation  of 
death  was  in  Christ's  mind  from  the  first,  as  is  seen 
by  Mk  2  18.19  (even  without  ver  20).  That  He 
could  have  viewed  His  death  as  void  of  significance 
for  human  salvation  is  simply  inconceivable,  and 
the  ascription  of  Mk  10  45  to  Pauhne  influence  is 
in  defiance  of  the  facts.  Nor  is  it  credible  that 
Christ  conceived  that  in  the  interval  between  His 
death  and  His  Parousia  He  would  be  out  of  relation 
to  His  own.  To  Him  the  unseen  world  was  in  the 
closest  relation  to  the  visible  world,  and  His  passage 
into  glory  would  strengthen,  not  weaken.  His  power. 
So  there  is  a  complete  justification  of  Mk  14  22-25: 
to  Christ  His  death  had  a  significance  that  could  be 
paralleled  only  by  the  death  of  the  Covenant  victim 
in  Ex  24  6-8,  for  by  it  an  entirely  new  relation  was 
estabhshed  between  God  and  man. 

(1)  Salvation  from  physical  evil  was  a  very  real 
part,  however  subordinate,  of  Christ's  teaching 
(Mk  1  34,  etc).  (2)  Ascetic  prac- 
8.  Notes  tices  as  a  necessary  element  in  salva- 
tion can  hardly  claim  Christ's  author- 
ity. It  is  too  often  forgotten  that  the  Twelve  were 
not  Christ's  only  disciples.  Certainly  not  all  of  the 
hundred  and  twenty  of  Acts  1  15  (cf  ver  21),  nor 
of  the  five  hundred  of  1  Cor  15  6,  were  converted 
after  the  Passion.  And  they  all  certainly  could 
not  have  left  their  homes  to  travel  with  Christ. 
So  the  demands  made  in  the  special  case  of  the 
Twelve  (still  less  in  such  an  extremely  special  case 
as  Mk  10  21)  in  no  way  represent  Christ's  normal 
practice,  whatever  readiness  for  self-sacrifice  may 
have  been  asked  of  all.  So  the  representations  of 
Christ  as  ruthlessly  exacting  all  from  everyone 
are  quite  unwarranted  by  the  facts.  And  it  is 
well  to  remember  that  it  is  Mt  11  19  that  con- 
tains the  term  of  reproach  that  His  adversaries 
gave  Him. 

IV.  St.  Paul. — Instead  of  laying  primal  stress  on 
St.  Paul's  peculiar  contributions  to  soteriology,  it 
will  be  preferable  to  start  from  such  Pauline  pas- 
sages as  simply  continue  the  explicit  teaching  of 
Christ.  For  it  is  largely  due  to  the  common  rever- 
sal of  this  method  that  the  present  acute  "Jesus- 
Paulus"  controversy  exists. 

That  St.  Paul  expected  the  near  advent  of  the 

kingdom  of  God  with  a  judgment  preceding,  and 

that  salvation  meant  to  him  primarily 

1.  General    deliverance  from  this  judgment,  need 

not  be  argued.  And,  accordingly,  em- 
phasis is  throwTi  sometimes  on  the  future  deliver- 
ance and  sometimes  on  the  present  conditions  for 
the  deliverance  (contrast  Rom  5  9  and  8  24),  but 
the  practical  problem  is  the  latter.  More  explicitly 
than  in  Christ's  recorded  teaching  the  nature  and 
the  blessings  of  the  kingdom  are  described  (see 
Kingdom  op  God),  but  the  additional  matter  is 
without  particular  religious  import.  A  certain 
privilege  of  the  Jews  appears  (Rom  3  1-8;  9-11), 
but  the  practical  content  of  the  privilege  seems  to 
be  eschatological  only  (11  26).  Individual  con- 
version is  of  coui:se  taken  for  granted,  but  the  life 
after  that  becomes  highly  corporate  (see  Church). 
(1)  The  moral  ideal  is  distinctly  that  of  char- 
acter.    St.  Paul,  indeed,  is  frequently  obliged  to 

give  directions  as  to  details,  but  the 

2.  Moral  detailed  directions  are  referred  con- 
Progress        stantly   to    the   underlying    principle, 

Rom  14  or  1  Cor  8  being  excellent 
examples  of  this,  while  "love  is  the  fulfilment  of  the 
law"  (Rom  13  10)  is  the  summary.  (2)  Persistent 
moral  effort  is  indispensable,  and  the  new  life  ab- 
solutely must  bring  forth  fruit  to  God  (Rom  6  4; 
13  12;  Gal  5  24;  Col  3  5;  Eph  2  3;  4  17.22-32; 


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Salvation 


Tit  2  11-14).  Only  by  good  conduct  can  one 
please  God  (1  Thess  4  1),  and  the  works  of  even 
Christians  are  to  be  subjected  to  a  searching  test 
(1  Cor  3  13;  4  5;  2  Cor  5  10)  in  a  judgment  not 
to  be  faced  without  the  most  earnest  striving  (1 
Cor  10  12;  Phil  2  12),  not  even  by  St.  Paul  him- 
self (1  Cor  9  27;  Phil  3  12-14).  And  the  possi- 
bility of  condemnation  because  of  a  lack  of  ?noral 
attainment  must  not  be  permitted  to  leave  the  mind 
(1  Cor  3  17;  Gal  5  21;  cf  Rom  8  12.13;  11  20; 
1  Cor  10  12;  Gal  6  7-9).  Consequently,  growth 
in  ac/Mo/ righteousness  is  as  vital  in  St.  Paul's  soteri- 
ology  as  it  is  in  that  teaching  of  Christ:  Chris- 
tians have  "put  oE  the  old  man  with  his  doings" 
(Col  3  9). 

That  this  growth  is  God's  work  is,  however,  a 

point  where  St.  Paul  has  expanded  Christ's  quiet 

assumption     rather     elaborately.     In 

3.  The  particular,  what  Christ  had  made  the 
Spirit  source  of  His  own  supernatural  power 

— the  Holy  Spirit — is  specified  as  the 
source  of  the  power  of  the  Christian's  ordinary  life, 
as  well  as  of  the  more  special  endowments  (see 
Spiritual  Gifts).  In  the  Spirit  the  Christian  has 
received  the  blessing  promised  to  Abraham  (Gal 
3  14);  by  it  the  deeds  of  the  body  can  be  put  to 
death  and  all  virtues  flow  into  the  soul  (Gal  5  16- 
26),  if  a  man  walks  according  to  it  (1  Cor  6  19.20; 
1  Thess  4  S).  The  palmary  passage  is  Rom  7-8. 
In  ch  7  St.  Paul  looks  back  with  a  shudder  on  his 
pre-Christian  helplessness  (it  is  naturally  the  ex- 
treme of  exegetical  perversity  to  argue  that  he 
dreaded  not  the  sin  itself  but  only  God's  penalty 
on  sin).  But  the  Spirit  gives  strength  to  put  to 
death  the  deeds  of  the  body  (8  13),  to  disregard  the 
things  of  the  flesh  (8  .5),  and  to  fulfil  the  ordinance 
of  the  Law  (8  4).  Such  moral  power  is  the  test 
of  Christianity:  as  many  as  are  led  by  the  Spirit 
of  God,  these  are  the  sons  of  God  (8  14). 

This  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  is  simply  that  what 
Christ  did  on  earth  would  be  carried  on  with  in- 
creased   intensity    after   the    Passion. 

4.  Mystical  That  this  work  could  be  thought  of  out 
Union  of  relation  to  Christ,  or  that  Christ 

Himself  could  have  so  thought  of  it 
(see  above.  III,  7)  is  incredible.  So  the  exalted 
Christ  appears  as  the  source  of  moral  and  spiritual 
power  (St.  Paul  speaks  even  more  of  Christ's  resur- 
rection than  of  the  Passion),  the  two  sources 
(Christ  and  the  Spirit)  being  very  closely  combined 
in  2  Cor  3  17;  Rom  8  9;  Gal  4  6.  Our  old 
man  has  been  crucified,  so  putting  an  end  to  the 
bondage  of  sin,  and  we  can  prevent  sin  from  reign- 
ing in  our  mortal  bodies,  for  our  burial  into  Christ's 
death  was  to  enable  us  to  walk  in  newness  of  life 
(Rom  6  2-14).  The  resurrection  is  a  source  of 
power,  and  through  Christ's  strength  all  things  can 
be  done  (Phil  4  13.20).  Christ  is  the  real  center 
of  the  believer's  personahty  (Gal  2  20);  the  man 
has  become  a  new  creature  (2  Cor  5  17;  cf  Col  2 
20;  3  3);  we  were  joined  to  another  that  we  might 
bring  forth  fruit  to  God  (Rom  7  4).  And  by 
contact  with  the  glory  of  the  Lord  we  are  trans- 
formed into  the  same  image  (2  Cor  3  18),  the  end 
being  conformation  to  the  image  of  the  Son  (Rom 

8  30).  ,        .   ,      , 

(1)  This  growth  in  actual  holiness,  then,  is  funda- 
mental with  St.  Paul:    "If  any  man  hath  not  the 
Spirit  of  Christ,   he  is  none  of  his 

5.  Forgive-  (Rom  8  9).  And  the  acquisition  of 
ness  strength   through   union   with   Christ 

is  vitally  connected  with  the  remission 
of  sins.  In  Rom  7  1-6  (cf  Col  2  11.12),  the 
mystical  union  with  Christ  makes  His  death  ours 
(cf  Col  3  3)  and  so  removes  us  from  the  Law  (cf 
Rom  10  4;  1  Cor  15  56),  which  has  no  relation  to 
the  dead.     And  by  the  life-giving  power  of   this 


union  the  strength  of  sin  is  broken  (Rom  6  6) .  (2) 
The  condition  in  man  that  makes  forgiveness  pos- 
sible St.  Paul  calls  '  'faith" — a  very  complicated  term. 
Its  chief  use,  however,  is  in  opposition  to  "works" 
(most  clearly  in  Rom  9  30—10  13).  The  Jews' 
"pursuit  after  righteousness" — the  attempt  to  wring 
salvation  from  God  as  wages  earned — was  vain 
(Rom  10  13),  and  in  contrast  is  the  appeal  to 
God,  the  conscious  relinquishment  of  all  claim 
(4  5).  The  soul  looks  trustingly  for  salvation  to 
its  Father,  precisely  the  attitude  of  the  "children" 
in  the  teaching  of  Christ.  But  no  more  than  in 
the  teaching  of  Christ  is  faith  a  purely  passive 
virtue,  for  man  must  be  "obedient"  to  it  (Rom  1  5; 
10  16;  1  Thess  2  13).  And  for  the  neces.sary  pres- 
ence of  love  in  faith  cf  1  Cor  13  2;  Gal  5  6;  Eph 
3  17. 

Because   of   faith — specifically,    faith    in    Christ 

(except  Rom  4;   Gal  3  6) — God  does  not  visit  the 

penalties    of    sins    on    believers,    but 

6.  Atone-  treats  them  as  if  they  were  righteous 
ment  (Rom  5  1,     etc).     But     this     is    not 

because  of  a  quaHty  in  the  believer  or 
in  the  faith,  but  because  of  an  act  that  preceded  any 
act  of  Christian  faith,  the  death  of  Christ  (not  the 
cross,  specifically,  for  St.  Paul  does  not  argue  from 
the  cross  in  all  of  Rom).  Through  this  death  God's 
mercy  could  be  extended  safely,  while  before  this 
the  exercise  of  that  mercy  had  proved  disastrous 
(Rom  3  2.5.26).  And  this  death  was  a  sacrifice 
(Rom  3  2.5,  etc).  And  it  is  certain  that  St.  Paul 
conceived  of  this  sacrifice  as  existing  quite  inde- 
pendently of  its  effect  on  any  human  being.  But 
he  has  given  us  no  data  for  a  really  complete  sacri- 
ficial doctrine,  a  statement  sufficiently  proved  by 
the  hopeless  variance  of  the  interpretations  that 
have  been  propounded.  And  that  St.  Paul  ever 
constructed  a  theory  of  the  operation  of  sacrifices 
must  be  doubted.  There  is  none  in  the  contem- 
porary Jewish  literature,  there  is  none  in  the  OT, 
and  there  is  none  in  the  rest  of  the  NT,  not  even  in 
He.  Apparently  the  rites  were  so  familiar  that  sac- 
rificial terminology  was  ready  to  hand  and  was  used 
without  particular  reflection  and  without  attempt- 
ing to  give  it  precise  theological  content.  This  is 
borne  out  by  the  ease  with  which  in  Rom  3  24.25 
St.  Paul  passes  from  a  ransom  (redemption)  illus- 
tration to  a  (quite  discordant)  propitiation  illus- 
tration. For  further  discussion  see  Atonement; 
Justification.  Here  it  is  enough  to  say  that  to 
make  a  juridical  theory  constructed  from  Pauline 
implications  and  illustrations  central  in  Christianity 
is  to  do  exactly  what  St.  Paul  did  not  do. 

Summing  up,  there  is  a  double  line  of  thought  in 

St.  Paul:    the  remission  of  penalties  through  the 

atoning  death  of  Christ  and  the  de- 

7.  Summary  struction  of  the  power  of  sin  through 

strength  flowing  from  Christ,  the 
human  element  in  both  cases  being  faith.  The 
question  of  the  order  of  the  steps  is  futile,  for  "to 
have  faith,"  "to  be  in  Christ,"  and  "to  have  the 
Spirit"  are  convertible  terms,  i.e.  in  doctrinal 
phraseology,  the  beginnings  of  sanctification  are 
simultaneous  with  justification.  Attempts  to  unify 
the  two  lines  of  thought  into  a  single  theory  cannot 
claim  purely  Bib.  support.  The  "ethical"  theory, 
which  in  its  best  form  makes  God's  pardon  depend 
en  the  fact  that  the  sinner  will  be  made  holy  (at 
least  in  the  next  world),  introduces  the  fewest  ex- 
traneous elements,  but  it  says  something  that  St. 
Paul  does  not  say.  On  the  other  hand  one  may  feel 
that  considering  St.  Paul  as  a  whole — to  say  nothing 
of  the  rest  of  the  NT — the  pure  justification  doctrine 
has  bulked  a  httle  too  large  in  our  dogmatics.  God's 
pardon  for  sin  is  an  immensely  important  matter, 
but  still  more  important  is  the  new  power  of  holi- 


Salvation 
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(1)  Baptism  presents  another  obstacle  to  a  strict 
unifying  of  Pauline  theology.  A  very  much  stronger 
sacramentarianism  is  admitted  in  St. 
8.  Notes  Paul  today  than  would  have  been 
accepted  a  generation  ago,  and  such 
passages  as  Rom  6  1-7;  Gal  3  27;  Col  2  12  make 
it  certain  that  he  regarded  baptism  as  conferring 
very  real  spiritual  powers.  But  that  he  made  a 
mechanical  distinction  between  the  blessings  given 
then  and  those  given  at  some  other  time  must  be 
doubted.  (2)  Salvation  from  the  flesh  (Rom  7  24) 
involves  no  metaphysical  duahsm,  as  "flesh"  is  the 
whole  of  the  lower  nature  from  which  the  power  to 
holiness  saves  a  man  (8  13).  Indeed,  the  body  it- 
self is  an  object  of  salvation  (Rom  8  11;  and  see 
Resitrrection).  (3)  Quite  in  the  background  lies 
the  idea  of  salvation  from  ph>'sical  evil  (2  Cor  1  10, 
etc).  Such  evils  are  real  evils  (1  Cor  11  30),  but 
in  God's  hands  they  may  become  pure  blessings 
(Rom  5  3;  2  Cor  12  7).  (4)  Salvation  from  sin 
ajler  conversion  is  due  to  God's  judging  the  man 
in  terms  of  the  acquked  supernatural  nature  (Rom 
8  14,  etc).  Yet  certain  sins  may  destroy  the  union 
with  Christ  altogether  (1  Cor  3  17,  etc),  while 
others  bring  God's  chastening  judgment  (1  Cor  11 
30-32) .  Or  proper  chastisement  may  be  inflicted  by 
St.  Paul  himself  (1  Cor  5  1-5;  1  Tim  1  20)  or  bv 
the  congregation  (Gal  6  1;  2  Thess  3  10-15;  2 
Cor  2  6). 

V.  Rest  of  NT:  Summary.— (I)  St.  John  had  the 
task  of  presenting  Christ  to  Gentiles,  who  were  as 
unfamihar  with  the  technical  meaning 
1.  St.  John  of  such  phrases  as  "kingdom  of  God" 
or  "Son  of  Man"  as  is  the  world  toda}', 
and  to  Gentiles  who  had  instead  a  series  of  concepts 
unknown  in  Pal.  So  a  "tran.slation  of  spiritual 
values"  became  necessary  if  the  gospel  were  to 
make  an  immediate  appeal,  a  translation  accom- 
plished so  successfully  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  has 
always  been  the  most  popular.  The  Synoptists, 
esp.  the  extremely  literal  St.  Mark,  imperatively 
demand  a  historical  commentary,  while  St.  John 
has  successfully  avoided  this  necessity.  (2)  The 
"kingdom  of  God,"  as  a  phrase  (3  3.5;  cf  18  36), 
is  replaced  by  "eternal  hfe."  This  life  is  given  in 
this  world  to  the  accepter  of  Christ's  teaching  (5  24; 
6  47),  but  its  full  reaUzation  will  be  in  the  "many 
mansions"  of  the  Father's  house  (14  2),  where  the 
behever  will  be  with  Christ  (17  24).  Ajudgmentof 
all  men  will  precede  the  estabUshment  of  this  glori- 
fied state  (5  28.29),  but  the  believer  may  face  the 
judgrnent  with  equanimity  (5  24).  So  the  behever 
is  delivered  from  a  state  of  things  so  bad  as  expres- 
sible as  a  world  under  Satan's  rule  (12  31;  14  30; 
16  11),  a  world  in  darkness  (3  19),  in  ignorance  of 
God  (17  25),  and  in  sin  (8  21),  all  expressible  in  the 
one  word  "death"  (5  24).  (3)  The  Jews  had  real 
privilege  in  the  reception  of  Christ's  message  (111; 
4  22,  etc),  but  the  extension  of  the  good  tidings  to  all 
men  was  inevitable  (12  23.32,  etc).  Behef  in 
Christ  is  whoUy  a  personal  matter,  but  the  believers 
enter  a  community  of  service  (13  14),  with  the  unity 
of  the  Father  and  Son  as  their  ideal  (17  21).  (4) 
The  nature  of  the  moral  ideal,  reduced  to  the  single 
word  "love"  (13  34;  15  12),  is  assumed  as  known 
and  identifiod  with  "Christ's  words"  (5  24;  6  63, 
etc),  and  the  necessity  of  progress  toward  it  as 
sharply  pointed  as  in  the  Synoptists.  The  sinner 
is  the  servant  of  sin  (8  34),  a  total  change  of  char- 
acter is  needed  (3  6),  and  the  blessing  is  only  on  him 
who  does  Christ's  commandments  (13  17).  This 
"doing"  is  the  proof  of  love  toward  Christ  (14  15. 
21);  only  by  bearing  fruit  and  more  fruit  can  dis- 
cipleship  be  maintained  (15  1-6;  cf  14  24),  and, 
indeed,  by  bearing  fruit  men  actually  become  Christ's 
disciples  (15  8,  Gr).  The  knowledge  of  Christ  and 
of  God  that  is  eternal  life  (17  3)  comes  only  through 


moral  effort  (7  17).  In  St.  John  the  contrasts  are 
colored  so  vividly  that  it  would  almost  appear  as 
if  perfection  were  demanded.  But  he  does  not 
present  even  the  apostles  as  models  of  sanctity 
(13  38;  16  32),  and  seh-righteousness  is  condemned 
without  compromise;  the  crowning  sin  is  to  say, 
"We  see"  (9  41).  It  is  the  Son  who  frees  from  sin 
(8  36),  deUvers  from  darkness  (8  12;  12  46),  and 
gives  eternal  hfe  (11  25.26;  cf  3  16;  5  24;  6  47). 
This  emphasis  on  the  Divine  side  of  the  process  ia 
probably  the  reason  for  the  omission  of  the  terms 
"repent,"  "repentance,"  from  the  Gospel  in  favor 
of  "faith"  (6  29,  esp.),  but  this  "faith"  mvolves 
in  turn  human  effort,  for,  without  "abiding,"  faith 
is  useless  (8  30.31).  (5)  An  advance  on  the  Synop- 
tists is  found  in  the  number  of  times  Christ  speaks 
of  His  death  (3  14.15;  10  11.15;  12  24.32;  17 
19)  and  in  the  greater  emphasis  laid  on  it,  but  no 
more  than  in  the  Synoptists  is  there  any  explana- 
tion of  how  the  Atonement  became  effectual.  A 
real  advance  consists  in  the  prospect  of  Christ's 
work  after  His  death,  when,  through  the  Paraclete 
(7  38.39;  14  16  ff),  a  hitherto  unknown  spiritual 
power  would  become  available  for  the  world.  And 
spiritual  power  is  due  not  only  to  a  union  of  will 
with  Christ  but  to  mystical  union  with  Him  (15 
1-9).  See  above.  III,  7,  for  the  relation  of  these 
thoughts  to  the  synoptic  teaching. 

(1)  The  emphasis  of  He  is  of  course  on  the  sacri- 
ficial work  of  Christ,  but  the  Ep.  makes  practically 
no    contribution   to    the    theology    of 

2.  Hebrews  sacrifice.     The  argument  is  this:    The 

OT  sacrifices  certainly  had  an  efficacy ; 
Christ's  sacrifice  fulfilled  their  types  perfectly, 
therefore  it  had  a  perfect  efficacy  (9  13.14).  This 
must  have  been  a  tremendously  potent  argument 
for  He's  own  purpose,  but  it  is  of  very  little  help  to 
the  modern  theologian.  (2)  More  than  in  St.  Paul 
is  emphasized  the  human  training  of  Christ  for 
His  high-priestly  work.  Since  He  laid  hold  of  the 
seed  of  Abraham  (2  16),  He  learned  by  experience 
all  that  man  had  to  suffer  (2  17;  4  15;  5  8,  etc). 
In  He  the  essence  of  the  sacrifice  hes  not  in  the 
death  but  in  what  we  call  the  ascension — the  pres- 
entation of  the  blood  in  the  heavenly  tabernacle 
(9  11-14;  see  the  comms.).  That  the  death  was 
specifically  on  the  cross  (12  2  only)  belonged  to  the 
stage  of  training  and  had  no  especial  significance 
in  the  sacrificial  scheme.  Christ's  intercession  for 
us  in  heaven  receives  more  emphasis  than  in  the 
rest  of  the  NT  (7  25). 

The  one  other  distinct  contribution  to  NT  sote- 

riology  is  made  in  1  Pet's  evaluation  of  the  vicarious 

suffering  of  the   "Servant"  of  Isa  53. 

3.  St.  Peter  What  Christ  did  through  His  sufferings 

we  may  do  in  some  degree  through  our 
sufferings;  as  His  pains  helped  not  only  living  man- 
kind, but  even  departed  sinners,  so  we  may  face 
persecution  more  happily  with  the  thought  that  our 
pains  are  benefiting  other  men  (3  16-20).  It  is 
hardly  possible  that  St.  Peter  thought  of  this  com- 
parison as  conveying  an  exhaustive  description  of 
the  Atonement  (cf  1  19),  but  that  the  comparison 
should  be  made  at  all  is  significant. 

(1)  Salvation   is^both   a   present   and   a   future 
matter  for  us.     The  full  reahzation  of  all  that  God 

has  in  store  will  not  be  ours  until  the 

4.  Sum-         end  of  human  history  (if,  indeed,  there 
mary  will  not  be  opened  infinite  possibihties 

of  eternal  growth),  but  the  enjoyment 
of  these  blessings  depends  on  conditions  fulfilled  in 
us  and  by  us  now.  But  a  foretaste  of  the  blessings 
of  forgiveness  of  sins  and  growth  in  hohness  is  given 
on  this  earth.  The  pardon  depends  on  the  fact  of 
God's  mercy  through  the  death  of  Christ— a  fact 
for  religious  experience  but  probably  incapable 
of  e.xpression  as  a  complete  philosophical  dogma. 


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Salvation 
Samaria 


But  strength  comes  from  God  through  the  glorified 
Christ  (or  through  the  Spirit),  this  vital  union  with 
God  being  a  Christian  fundamental.  These  two 
lines  are  in  large  degree  independent,  and  the  selec- 
tion of  the  proportions  profitable  to  a  given  soul  is 
the  task  of  the  pastor.  (2)  That  human  effort  is 
an  essential  in  salvation  is  not  to  be  denied  in  the 
face  of  all  the  NT  evidence,  esp.  St.  Paul  taken  as 
a  whole.  And  yet  no  one  with  the  faintest  con- 
ception of  what  religion  means  would  think  of 
coming  before  God  to  claim  merit.  Here  the  purely 
intellectual  discussions  of  the  subject  and  its  psy- 
chological course  in  the  soul  run  in  different  chan- 
nels, and  "anti-syncrgistic"  arguments  are  really 
based  on  attempts  to  petrify  psychological  expe- 
rience into  terms  of  pure  dogma.  (3)  Still  more 
true  is  this  of  attempts  to  describe  mathematically 
the  steps  in  salvation — the  ordo  salutis  of  the  older 
dogmatics — for  this  differs  with  different  souls. 
In  particular,  NT  data  are  lacking  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  individual  born  of  Christian  parents  in 
a  Christian  country.  (4)  Further,  the  social  side 
of  salvation  is  an  essentially  Christian  doctrine  and 
cannot  be  detached  from  the  corporate  life  of  the 
Christian  church.  Salvation  from  temporal  evils  is 
equally,  if  secondarily.  Christian.  Nationalism  in 
salvation  is  at  present  much  in  the  background. 
But  it  is  as  true  today  as  it  was  in  ancient  Israel 
that  the  sins  of  a  nation  tend  to  harm  the  souls  of 
even  those  who  have  not  participated  actively  in 
those  sins. 

Literature. — The  literature  of  salvation  is  virtually 
the  Uterature  of  theology  (see  under  separate  arts., 
Atonement;  Justification;  Sanctification  ;  Person 
OF  Christ;  JohannineTheology;  Pauline  Theology, 
etc),  but  a  few  recent  works  may  be  mentioned.  In- 
dispensable are  the  works  of  Stevens,  The  Christian 
Doctrine  of  Salvation  and  The  Pauline  Theology.  Gar- 
vie's  Romans  in  the  "New  Century"  series  should  be 
used  as  a  supplement  to  any  other  comm.  on  Rom.  The 
juridical  theory  has  as  its  best  defence  in  Eng.  Denney's 
The  Death  of  Christ.  The  ethical  theory  is  best  presented 
in  the  works  of  Du  Bose,  The  Gospel  in  the  Gospels,  The 
Gospel  according  to  St.  Paul,  and  High-Priesthood  and 
Sacrifice  (Sanday's  Expos  reviews  of  the  two  former,  re- 
printed in  The  Life  of  Christ  in  Recent  Research,  should  be 
read  in  any  case) . 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
SAMAEL,  sam'S-el:  AV  =  RV  Salamiel  (q.v.). 

SAMAIAS,  sa-ma'yas  (2a|ia£as,  Samaias) : 

(1)  One  of  the  "captains  over  thousands"  promi- 
nent at  the  Passover  of  Josiah  (1  Esd  1  9)  =  "She- 
maiah"  in  2  Ch  35  9. 

(2)  One  of  the  heads  of  families  of  the  sons  of 
Adonikam  who  returned  with  Ezra  (1  Esd  8  39)  = 
"Shemaiah"  in  Ezr  8  13. 

(3)  One  of  the  "men  of  understanding"  whom 
Ezra  commissioned  to  obtain  from  Loddeus,  the 
captain,  men  to  execute  the  priest's  office  (1  Esd 
8  44)  =  "Shemaiah"  in  Ezr  8  16  (AV  Mamaias). 

(4)  AV  =  RV  "Shemaiah  the  great,"  a  kmsman 
of  Tobit  and  father  of  Ananias  and  Jonathan  (Tob 
5  13).  S-  ^°us 

SAMARIA,  sa-ma'ri-a,  CITY  OF  (pl^TlJ ,  shom'- 
ron;    2a|idpeio,   Samdreia,  2e|j-«pwv,   Semeron,    and 

(1)  Shechem  was  the  first  oaPtal  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom  (1  K  12  25).  Jeroboam  seems  later  to 
have  removed  the  royal  residence  to  Tirzah  (14  U). 
After  the  brief  reigns  of  Elah  and  Zimri  canie  that 
of  Omri,  who  reigned  6  years  in  Tirzah,  then  he 
purchased  the  hill  of  Samaria  and  built  a  city  there, 
which  was  thenceforward  the  metropohs  of  the  king- 
dom of  Israel  (16  24).  Here  the  hiU  and  the  city 
are  said  to  have  been  named  after  Shemer,  the  origi- 
nal owner  of  the  land.  There  is  nothmg  mtrmsi- 
caUy  improbable  m  tliis.  It  might  naturaUy  be 
denved  from  shainar,  and  the  name  m  the  sense  ot 


"outlook"  would  fitly  apply  to  a  city  in  such  a 
commanding  position.  The  residence,  it  was  also 
the  burying-place,  of  the  kings  of  Israel  (1  K  16  28; 
22  37;  2  K  10  3.5;  13  9.13;  14  16). 

Toward  the  western  edge  of  the  Ephraimite  up- 
lands there  is  a  broad  fertile  hollow  called  Wddy 
esh-Sha'tr,  "valley  of  barley."  From  the  mid.st  of 
it  rises  an  oblong  hill  to  a  height  of  over  300  ft.,  with 
a  level  top.  The  sides  are  steep,  esp.  to  the  S. 
The  greatest  length  is  from  E.  to  W.  The  sur- 
rounding mountains  on  three  sides  arc  much  higher, 
and  are  well  clad  with  olives  and  vineyards.  To 
the  W.  the  hills  are  lower,  and  from  the  crest  a  wide 
view  is  obtained  over  the  Plain  of  Sharon,  with  the 
yellow  ribbon  of  sand  that  marks  the  coast  line,  and 
the  white  foam  on  the  tumbling  billows;  while 
away  beyond  stretch  the  blue  waters  ot  the  Medi- 
terranean. On  the  eastern  end  of  the  hill,  sur- 
rounded by  olive  and  cactus,  is  the  modern  village 
of  Scbasliyeh,  under  which  a  low  neck  of  land  con- 
nects the  hill  with  the  eastern  slopes.     The  position 


8&^ 

iiJ^^'^l^,i^^f^^^§^KS^^BKI^Ji^su^*^^^^^»^*^^ 

Ruins  in  Samaria. 

is  one  of  great  charm  and  beauty;  and  in  days  of 
ancient  warfare  it  was  one  of  remarkable  strength. 
While  it  was  overlooked  from  three  sides,  the  battle- 
ments crowning  the  steep  slopes  were  too  far  off  to 
be  reached  by  missiles  from  the  only  artillery  known 
in  those  times — the  sling  and  the  catapult.  For 
besiegers  to  attempt  an  assault  at  arms  was  only  to 
court  disaster.  The  methods  adopted  by  her  ene- 
mies show  that  they  relied  on  famine  to  do  their 
work  for  them  (2  K  6  24  f,  etc).  Omri  displayed 
excellent  taste  and  good  judgment  in  the  choice  he 
made. 

The  city  wall  can  be  traced  in  almost  its  entire 
length.  Recent  excavations  conducted  by  Ameri- 
can archaeologists  have  uncovered  the  foundations 
of  Omri's  palace,  with  remains  of  the  work  of  Ahab 
and  of  Herod  (probably  here  was  Ahab's  ivory 
palace),  on  the  western  end  of  the  hill,  while  on  the 
western  slope  the  gigantic  gateway,  flanked  by 
massive  towers,  has  been  exposed  to  view. 

Under  the  influence  of  Jezebel,  Samaria  naturally 
became  a  center  of  idolatrous  worship.  Ahab 
"reared  up  an  altar  for  Baal  in  the  house  of  Baal, 
which  he  had  Ijuilt  in  Samaria.  And  Ahab  made  the 
Asherah"  (1  K  16  32  f).  Jehoram  his  son  put 
away  the  piUar  of  Baal  (2  K  3  2),  ancl  within  the 
temple  Jehu  made  an  end  at  once  of  the  instruments 
of  idolatry  and  of  the  priests  (10  19  f).  There  are 
many  prophetic  references  to  the  enormities  prac- 
tised here,  and  to  their  inevitable  consequences 
(Isa  8  4;  9  9;  10  9;  28  Iff;  36  19;  Jer  23  13; 
Ezk  23  4;  Hos  7  1;  13  16;  Am  3  12;  Mic  1  6, 
etc). 

Under  pressure  of  Damascus  Omri  conceded  to  the 


Samaria 
Samaritans 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2672 


Syrians  the  right  to  "make  streets  in  Samaria"  (1  K 
20  34). 

Ben-hadad  II  besieged  the  city,  but  suffered 
ignominious  defeat  (20  1-21;  Jos,  Ant,  VIII,  xiv, 
1  f).  Persistent  attempts  by  the  Syrians  to  reach 
the  city  in  the  time  of  Jehoram  were  frustrated  by 
EHsha  (2K6  8ff;  Jos,  A?U,  IX,  iv,  3).  At 
length,  however,  Ben-hadad  again  invested  the  city, 
and  the  besieged  were  reduced  to  dire  straits,  in 
which,  urged  by  famine,  scenes  of  awful  horror  were 
enacted  (2  K  6  24ff).  A  m3-sterious  panic  seized 
the  Syrians.  Their  deserted  camp  was  discovered 
by  despairing  lepers  who  carried  the  good  news  to 
the  famished  citizens  of  the  plentj'  to  be  found  there. 
Probably  in  the  throat  of  the  great  western  gateway 
occurred  the  crush  in  which  the  incredulous  captain 
was  trampled  to  death  (ch  7;   Jos,   Ant,  IX,  iv,  5). 

Here  the  70  sons  of  Ahab  were  slain  by  Jehu  in 
the  general  destruction  of  the  house  of  Ahab  (2  K 
10  Iff).  In  Samaria,  the  Chronicler  tells  us,  Aha- 
ziah  in  vain  hid  from  Jehu  (2  Ch  22  9;  of  2  K  9 
27).  Pekah  brought  hither  much  spoil  from  Jerus 
and  many  captives,  whom,  at  the  instance  of  the 
prophet  Oded,  he  released  (2  Ch  28  8ff).  The 
siege  of  Samaria  was  begun  by  Shalmaneser  in  the 
7th  year  of  Hoshea,  and  the  city  was  finally  taken 
by  Sargon  II  at  the  end  of  3  years,  722  BC  (2  K  17 
5f;  18  9f;  Ant,  IX,  xiv,  1).  This  marked  the 
downfall  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  the  people 
being  transported  by  the  conqueror.  That  this 
was  not  done  in  a  thoroughgoing  way  is  evident 
from  the  fact  recorded  in  the  inscriptions  that  two 
years  later  the  country  had  to  be  subdued  again. 
Colonists  were  brought  from  other  parts  to  take  the 
places  of  the  exiles  (2  K  17  24;  Ezr  4  10).  Alex- 
ander the  Great  took  the  city  in  331  BC,  killed  many 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  settled  others  in  Shechem, 
replacing  them  with  a  colony  of  Syro-Macedonians. 
He  gave  the  adjoining  country  to  the  Jews  (CAp, 
II,  4).  The  city  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Ptolemy 
Lagi  and  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  but  it  was  still  a 
place  of  strength  (Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  x,  2)  when  John 
Hyrcanus  came  against  it  in  120  BC.  It  was  taken 
after  a  year's  siege,  and  the  victor  tried  to  destroy 
the  city  utterly.  His  turning  of  the  water  into 
trenches  to  undermine  the  foundations  could  only 
refer  to  the  suburbs  under  the  hUl.  From  the  only 
two  sources,  'Aire  Hdrun  and  'Ain  Kefr  Rlma,  to 
the  E.  of  the  town,  the  water  could  not  rise  to  the 
hill.  The  "many  fountains  of  water"  which  Ben- 
jamin of  Tudela  says  he  saw  on  the  top,  from  which 
water  enough  could  be  got  to  fiU  the  trenches,  are 
certainly  not  to  be  seen  today;  and  they  have  left 
no  trace  behind  them.  The  city  was  rebuilt  by 
Pompey  and,  having  again  fallen  under  misfortune, 
was  restored  by  Gabinius  (Jos,  Ant,  XIV,  iv,  4; 
V,  3;  BJ,  I,  vii,  7;  viii,  4).  To  Herod  it  owed  the 
chief  splendor  of  its  later  days.  He  extended, 
strengthened  and  adorned  it  on  a  scale  of  great 
magnificence,  calling  it  Sebaste  (  =  Augusta)  in 
honor  of  the  emperor,  a  name  which  survives  in  the 
modern  Sehastiyeh.  A  temple  also  was  dedicated 
to  Caesar.  Its  site  is  probably  marked  by  the  im- 
pressive flight  of  steps,  with  the  pedestal  on  which 
stood  the  gigantic  statue  of  Augustus,  which  recent 
excavations  have  revealed.  The  statue,  somewhat 
mutilated,  is  also  to  be  seen.  Another  of  Herod's 
temples  W.  of  the  present  village  was  cleared  out 
by  the  same  explorers.  The  remains  of  the  great 
double-columned  street,  which  ran  round  the  upper 
terrace  of  the  hill,  bear  further  testimony  to  the 
splendor  of  this  great  builder's  work  (Jos,  Anl,  XV, 
vii,  3;  viii,  5;  BJ,  I,  xxi,  2).  It  was  here  that 
Herod  killed  perhaps  the  only  human  being  whom  he 
ever  really  loved,  his  wife  Mariamne.  Here  also 
his  sons  perished  by  his  hand  (Jos,  Ant,  XV  vii 
6-7;  XVI,  iii,  1-3;  xi,  7). 


It  is  commonly  thought  that  this  city  was  the 
scene  of  PhOip's  preaching  and  the  events  that 
followed  recorded  in  Acts  8,  but  the  absence  of  the 
def.  art.  in  ver  5  makes  this  doubtful.  A  Rom 
colony  was  settled  here  by  Septimius  Severus. 
From  that  time  httle  is  known  of  the  history  of  the 
city;  nor  do  we  know  to  what  the  final  castastrophe 
was  due.  It  became  the  seat  of  a  bishopric  and 
was  represented  in  the  councils  of  Nicaea,  Con- 
stantinople and  Chalcedon.  Its  bishop  attended 
the  Synod  of  Jerus  in  536  AD. 

The  Church  of  St.  John,  a  Crusading  structure 
beside  the  modern  village,  is  now  a  Moslem  mosque. 
It  is  the  traditional  burying-place  of  John  the  Bap- 
tist's body. 

(2)  17  Sa/idpeict,  he  Samdreia:  A  town  mentioned 
in  1  Mace  5  66  as  on  the  route  followed  by  Judas 
from  the  district  of  Hebron  to  the  land  of  the  Philis. 
The  name  is  probably  a  clerical  error.  The  margin 
reads  Marisa,  and  probably  the  place  intended  is 
Mareshah,  the  site  of  which  is  at  Tell  Sandahannah, 
about  a  mile  S.  of  Beit  Jibrin.  W.  Ewing 

SAMARIA,  COUNTRY  OF  ("iilttiiJ,  shdm'ron; 
T)  2a|iapeiTis  X"P°''  ''^  Samareitis  chdra) :  The  name 
of  the  city  was  transferred  to  the  country  of  which 
it  was  the  capital,  so  that  Samaria  became  synony- 
mous with  the  Northern  Kingdom  (1  K  13  32; 
Jer  31  5,  etc).  The  extent  of  territory  covered  by 
this  appellation  varied  greatly  at  different  periods. 
At  first  it  included  the  land  held  by  Israel  E.  of  the 
Jordan,  Galilee  and  Mt.  Ephraim,  with  the  north- 
ern part  of  Benjamin.  It  was  shorn  of  the  eastern 
portion  by  the  conquest  of  Tiglath-pileser  (1  Ch 
5  26).  Judah  probably  soon  absorbed  the  terri- 
tory of  Dan  in  the  S.  In  NT  times  Samaria  had 
shrunk  to  still  smaller  dimensions.  Then  the 
country  W.  of  the  Jordan  was  divided  into  three 
portions:  Judaea  in  the  S.,  Galilee  in  the  N.,  and 
Samaria  in  the  middle.  The  boundaries  are  given 
in  general  terms  by  Jos  (BJ,  III,  iii,  1,  4,  5).  The 
southern  edge  of  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon  and  the 
lands  of  ScythopoUs,  the  city  of  the  Decapolis  W.  of 
the  Jordan,  formed  the  northern  boundary.  It 
reached  S.  as  far  as  the  toparchy  of  Acrabatta 
(modern  'Akrabeh),  while  on  the  border  between 
Samaria  and  Judaea  lay  the  villages  of  Annath  and 
Borceos,  the  modern  Khirbet  'Aina  and  Berkit, 
about  15  miles  S.  of  Nahlus.  The  Jordan  of  course 
formed  the  eastern  boundary.  On  the  W.  the  coast 
plain  as  far  as  Acre  belonged  to  Judaea.  The 
country  thus  indicated  was  much  more  open  to 
approach  than  the  high  plateau  of  Judah  with  its 
steep  rocky  edges  and  difficult  passes.  The  road 
from  the  N.  indeed  was  comparatively  easy  of 
defence,  following  pretty  closely  the  line  of  the 
watershed.  But  the  gradual  descent  of  the  land 
to  the  W.  with  long  wide  valleys,  offered  inviting 
avenues  from  the  plain.  The  great  trade  routes, 
that  to  the  fords  of  Jordan  and  the  E.,  passing 
through  the  cleft  in  the  mountains  at  Shechem,  and 
those  connecting  Egypt  with  the  N.  and  the  N.E., 
traversed  Samarian  territory,  and  brought  her  into 
constant  intercourse  with  surrounding  peoples. 
The  influence  of  tl»heathen  religions  to  which  she 
was  thus  exposed  iMfde  a  swift  impression  upon  her, 
leading  to  the  corruptions  of  faith  and  life  that 
heralded  her  doom  (Jer  23  13;  Hos  Tiff,  etc). 
The  Assyrians  came  as  the  scourge  of  God  (2  K  17 
5-23).  Their  attack  centered  on  the  capital.  Shal- 
maneser began  the  siege,  and  after  three  years  the 
city  fell  to  Sargon  II,  his  successor.  With  the  fall 
of  Samaria  the  kingdom  came  to  an  end.  Follow- 
ing the  usual  Assyr  policy,  great  numbers  of  the  in- 
habitants were  deported  from  the  conquered  coun- 
try, and  their  places  taken  by  men  brought  from 
"Babylon,  and  from  Cuthah,  and  from  Avva,  and 


2673 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Samaria 
Samaritans 


from  Hamath  and  Sepharvaim,"  cities  which  had 
already  bowed  to  the  Assyr  power  (ver  24). 

It  appears  from  the  Assyr  inscriptions  that  the 
number  carried  away  was  27,290.  The  number 
afterward  deported  from  Judah  was  200,000,  and 
then  the  poorest  of  the  land  were  left  to  be  vine- 
dressers and  husbandmen  (2  K  26  12).  It  is  evi- 
dent that  a  similar  policy  must  have  been  followed 
in  Samaria,  as  27,290  could  certainly  not  include 
the  whole  population  of  the  cities  and  the  country. 
But  it  would  include  the  higher  classes,  and  esp. 
the  priests  from  whom  the  victors  would  have  most 
to  fear.  The  population  therefore  after  the  con- 
quest contained  a  large  proportion  of  Israelites. 
It  was  no  doubt  among  these  that  Josiah  exercised 
his  reforming  energy  (2  K  23  19  f;  2  Ch  34  6f). 
Here  also  must  have  been  that  "remnant  of  Israel," 
Manasseh  and  Ephraim,  who  contributed  for  the 
repair  of  the  house  of  God  (ver  9).  These  people, 
left  without  their  religious  guides,  mingling  with 
the  heathen  who  had  brought  their  gods  and,  pre- 
sumably, their  priests  with  them,  were  apt  to  be 
turned  from  the  purity  of  their  faith.  A  further 
importation  of  pagan  settlers  took  place  under 
Esar-haddon  and  Osnappar  (Ezr  4  9.10).  The 
latter  is  to  be  identified  with  Assur-bani-pal.  What 
the  proportions  of  the  different  elements  in  the  pop- 
ulation were,  there  is  now  no  means  of  knowing. 
That  there  was  some  intermarriage  is  probable; 
but  having  regard  to  racial  exclusiveness,  we  may 
suppose  that  it  was  not  common.  When  the  Jews 
deny  to  them  any  relation  to  Israel,  and  call  them 
Cuthaeans,  as  if  they  were  the  descendants  purely 
of  the  heathen  settlers,  the  facts  just  mentioned 
should  be  borne  in  mind. 

After  the  Assyr  conquest  we  are  told  that  the 
people  suffered  from  lions  (2  K  17  25).  Jos  (Ant, 
IX,  xiv,  3)  says  "a  plague  seized  upon  them."  In 
accordance  with  the  ideas  of  the  time,  the  strangers 
thought  this  due  to  the  anger  of  the  tutelary  deity 
of  the  land,  because  they  worshipped  other  gods  in 
his  territory,  while  neglecting  him.  Ignorant  of 
his  special  ritual  ("manner"),  they  petitioned  the 
Assyr  king,  who  sent  one  (Jos  says  "some")  of  the 
priests  who  had  been  carried  away  to  teach  them 
"how  they  should  fear  the  Lord."  How  much  is 
implied  in  this  "fearing  of  the  Lord"  is  not  clear. 
They  continued  at  the  same  time  to  serve  their  own 
gods.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  Israelites 
among  them  fell  into  their  idolatries.  The  interest 
of  these  in  the  temple  at  Jerus,  the  use  of  which 
they  may  now  have  shared  with  the  Jews,  is  proved 
lay  2  Ch  34  9.  In  another  place  we  are  told  that 
four  score  men  "from  Shechem,  from  Shiloh,  and 
from  Samaria,"  evidently  Israelites,  were  going  up 
with  their  offerings  to  the  house  of  the  Lord  (Jer 
41  5).  Once  the  people  of  the  country  are  called 
Samaritans  (2  K  17  29).  Elsewhere  this  name 
has  a  purely  religious  significance.  See  Samari- 
tans. 

Of  the  history  of  Samaria  under  Assyr  and  Bab 
rulers  we  know  nothing.  It  reappears  at  the  return 
of  the  Jews  under  Pers  auspices.  The  Jews  refused 
the  proffered  assistance  of  the  Samaritans  in  rebuild- 
ing the  temple  and  the  walls  of  Jerus  (Ezr  4  1.3). 
Highly  offended,  the  latter  sought  to  frustrate  the 
purpose  of  the  Jews  (vs  4  ff;  Neh  4  7  ff ;  1  Esd  2 
16  ff).  That  the  Samaritans  were  accustomed  to 
worship  in  Jerus  is  perhaps  implied  by  one  phrase 
in  the  letter  sent  to  the  Pers  king:  "The  Jews  that 
came  up  from  thee  are  come  to  us  unto  Jerus"  (Ezr 
4  12).  Perhaps  also  they  may  be  referred  to  m 
6  21.  Idolatry  is  not  alleged  against  the  "adver- 
saries." We  can  hardly  err  if  we  ascribe  the  refusal 
in  some  degree  to  the  old  antagonism  between  the 
N.  and  the  S .,  between  Ephraim  and  Judah.  What- 
ever the  cause,  it  led  to  a  wider  estrangement  and  a 


deeper  bitterness.  For  the  history  of  the  people 
and  their  temple  on  Gerizim,  see  Samaritans. 

Samaria,  with  Pal,  fell  to  Alexander  after  the 
battle  of  Issus.  Antiochus  the  Great  gave  it  to 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  as  the  dowry  of  his  daughter 
Cleopatra  (Jos,  Aiit,  XII,  iv,  1).  John  Hyrcanus 
reduced  and  desolated  the  country  (Jos,  BJ,  I,  ii, 
6  f ) .  After  varying  fortunes  Samaria  became  part 
of  the  kingdom  of  Herod,  at  whose  death  it  was 
given  to  Archelaus  (Jos,  Ant,  XVII,  xi,  4;  BJ,  II, 
vi,  3).  When  Archelaus  was  banished  it  was  joined 
to  the  Rom  province  of  Syria  (Jos,  Ant,  XVII, 
xiii,  5;    BJ^  II,  viii,  1). 

Samaria  is  a  country  beautifully  diversified  with 
mountain  and  hill,  valley  and  plain.  The  olive 
grows  plentifully,  and  other  fruit  trees  abound. 
There  is  much  excellent  soil,  and  fine  crops  of  barley 
and  wheat  are  reaped  annually.  The  vine  also  is 
largely  cultivated  on  the  hill  slopes.  Remains  of 
ancient  forests  are  found  in  parts.  As  Jos  said, 
it  is  not  naturally  watered  by  many  rivers,  but 
derives  its  chief  moisture  from  rain  water,  of  which 
there  is  no  lack  [BJ,  III,  iii,  4).  He  speaks  also 
of  the  excellent  grass,  by  reason  of  which  the  cows 
yield  more  milk  than  those  in  any  other  place. 

There  is  a  good  road  connecting  Nablus  with 
Jaffa;  and  by  a  road  not  quite  so  good,  it  is  now 
possible  to  drive  a  carriage  from  Jerus  to  Nazareth, 
passing  through  Samaria.  W.  Ewing 

SAMARITAN,     sa-mar'i-tan,     PENTATEUCH, 

THE.     See  Pentateuch,  The  Samaritan. 

SAMARITANS,  sa-mar'i-tanz  (D'^I'TBTC  ,  shom'- 
ronlm;  2a|jiap6iTai,,  Samareltai,  NT  2a|jiap(Ti)s 
[sing.],  Samarites):  The  name  "Samaritans"  in  2  K 

17  29  clearly  appKes  to  the  Israelitish  inhabitants 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  In  subsequent  history 
it  denotes  a  people  of  mixed  origin,  composed  of  the 
peoples  brought  by  the  conqueror  from  Babylon 
and  elsewhere  to  take  the  places  of  the  expatriated 
Israehtes  and  those  who  were  left  in  the  land  (722 
BC).  Sargon  claims  to  have  carried  away  only 
27,290  of  the  inhabitants  {KIB,  II,  55) .  Doubtless 
these  were,  as  in  the  case  of  Judah,  the  chief  men, 
men  of  wealth  and  influence,  including  all  the 
priests,  the  humbler  classes  being  left  to  till  the 
land,  tend  the  vineyards,  etc.  Hezekiah,  who  came 
to  the  throne  of  Judah  probably  in  715  BC,  could 
still  appeal  to  the  tribes  of  Ephraim,  Manasseh, 
Issachar,    Asher    and    Zebulun    (2  Ch  30  5.10.11. 

18  ff);  and  the  presence  of  these  tribesmen  is  im- 
plied in  the  narrative  of  Josiah's  reformation  (34 
6f).  Although  the  number  of  the  colonists  was 
increased  by  Esar-haddon  and  Osnappar  (Assur- 
bani-pal,  Ezr  4  2.9  f),  the  population,  it  is  reason- 
able to  suppose,  continued  prevaihngly  Israelite; 
otherwise  their  religion  would  not  so  easily  have 
won  the  leading  place.  The  colonists  thought  it 
necessary  for  their  own  safety  to  acknowledge  Jeh, 
in  whose  land  they  dwelt,  as  one  among  the  gods  to 
be  feared  (2  K  17  24  ff).  In  .the  intermixture 
that  followed  "their  own  gods"  seem  to  have  fallen 
on  evil  days;  and  when  the  Samaritans  asked  per- 
mission to  share  in  building  the  temple  under 
Zerubbabel,  they  claimed,  apparently  with  a  good 
conscience,  to  serve  God  and  to  sacrifice  to  Him  as 
the  Jews  did  (Ezr  4  1  f).  Whatever  justification 
there  was  for  this  claim,  their  proffered  friendship 
was  turned  to  deadly  hostihty  by  the  blunt  refusal 
of  their  request.  The  old  enmity  between  north 
and  south  no  doubt  intensified  the  quarrel,  and  the 
antagonism  of  Jew  and  Samaritan,  in  its  bitterness, 
was  destined  to  pass  into  a  proverb.  The  Samari- 
tans set  themselves,  with  great  temporary  success, 
to  frustrate  the  work  in  which  they  were  not  per- 
mitted to  share  (Ezr  4  4ff:    Neh  4  7  ff.  etcl. 


aamatus 
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2674 


From  the  strict  administration  of  the  Law  in 
Jerus  malcontents  found  their  way  to  the  freer  at- 
mosphere of  Samaria.  Among  these  renegades  was 
Manasseh,  brother  of  the  liigh  priest,  who  had  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  Sanballat,  the  Pers  governor  of 
Samaria.  According  to  Jos,  Sanballat,  with  the 
sanction  of  Alexander  the  Great,  built  a  temple  for 
the  Samaritans  on  Mt.  Gerizim,  of  which  Manasseh 
became  high  priest  (Ant,  XI,  vii,  2;  viii,  2ff}. 
Jos,  however,  places  Manasseh  a  century  too  late. 
He  was  a  contemporary  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
(Neh  13  28).   ^ 

When  it  suited  their  purpose  the  Samaritans 
claimed  relationship  with  the  Jews,  asserting  that 
their  roll  of  the  Pent  was  the  only  authentic  copy  (see 
Pentateuch,  The  S.imaritan)  ;  they  were  equally 
ready  to  deny  all  connection  in  times  of  stress,  and 
even  to  dedicate  their  temple  to  a  heathen  deity 
(Jos,  Ant,  XII,  V,  5).  In  128  BC,  John  Hyrcanus 
destroyed  the  temple  (XIII,  ix,  1).  In  the  time  of 
Christ  the  Samaritans  were  ruled  by  procurators 
under  the  Rom  governor  of  Syria.  Lapse  of  years 
brought  no  lessening  of  the  hatred  between  Jews 
and  Samaritans  {Ant,  XX,  vi,  1).  To  avoid  insult 
and  injury  at  the  hands  of  the  latter,  Jews  from 
Gahlee  were  accustomed  to  reach  the  feasts  at  Jerus 
by  way  of  Peraea.  "Thou  art  a  Samaritan,  and 
hast  a  demon"  was  an  expression  of  opprobrium 
(Jn  8  48).  Although  Jesus  forbade  the  Twelve  to 
go  into  any  city  of  the  Samaritans  (Mt  10  5),  the 
parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan  shows  that  His  love 
overleaped  the  boundaries  of  national  hatred  (Lk 
10  30 ff;  cf  17  m;  Jn  4  9). 

During  the  Jewish  war  Cereahs  treated  the  Sa- 
maritans with  great  severity.  On  one  occasion  (67 
AD)  he  slaughtered  11,600  on  Mt.  Gerizim.  For 
some  centuries  they  were  found  in  considerable 
numbers  throughout  the  empire,  east  and  west, 
with  their  synagogues.  They  were  noted  as  "bank- 
ers" and  money-changers.  For  their  anti-Christian 
attitude  and  conduct  Justinian  inflicted  terrible 
vengeance  on  them.  From  this  the  race  seems  never 
to  have  recovered.  Gradually  dwindling,  they 
now  form  a  small  community  in  Nahlus  of  not 
more  than  200  souls.  Their  great  treasure  is  their 
ancient  copy  of  the  Law.     See  Sajiahia. 

Literature. — The  best  account  of  the  Samaritans 
is  IMills,  Nahlus  and  the  Modern  Samaritans  (Murray, 
London):  cf  Montgomery,  The  Samaritans  (1907).  A 
good  recent  description  by  Rev.  J.  E.  H.  Thomson.  D.D., 
of  the  Passover  celebrated  annually  on  Mt.  Gerizim  will 
be  found  in  FEES,  1902,  82  fl. 

W.  EwiNQ 

SAMATUS,  sam'a-tus  (Sdiiaros,  Sdmatos):  One 
of  the  sons  of  Ezora  who  put  away  their  "strange 
wives"  (1  Esd  9  34).  It  is  difficult  to  say  which, 
if  any,  name  it  represents  in  ||  Ezr  10  34  ff ,  where 
no  "sons  of  Ezora"  are  inserted  between  "sons  of 
Bani"  and  "sons  of  Nebo":  probably  Shallum 
(ver  42),  but  possibly  Shemariah  (ver  41). 

SAMECH,  sam'ek  (D ,  samekh) :  The  15th  letter 
of  the  Heb  alphabet;  transliterated  in  this  Ency- 
clopaedia as  .s.  It  came  to  be  used  for  the  number 
60.     For  name,  etc,  see  Alphabet. 

SAMEIUS,  ,sa-me'yus:  AV  =  RV  Sametj.s  (q.v.). 

SAMELLIUS,  sa-mel'i-us  (B,  SaneXXtos,  Samel- 
lios,  A,  SePt'Wios,  Sehellios,  al  2e|ieX\ios,  Hemellios; 
AV  Semellius):  "S.  the  scribe,"  one  of  those  who 
wrote  a  letter  of  protest  to  Arlaxerxes  against  the 
building  of  Jerus  by  the  returned  exiles  (1  Esd  2 
16.17.25.30)  =  "Shimshai"  in  Ezr  4  8. 

SAMEUS.  sa-me'us  (A  and  Fritzsche,  Sajiatos, 
Samaios,  B,  0a|iaios,  Thamaios;  AV  Sameius): 
One  of  the  sons  of   Emmer  who  put  away  their 


"strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9  21)  =  "Shemaiah"  (RVm 
"Maaseiah")  of  the  sons  of  Harim  in  Ezr  10  21. 

SAMGAR-NEBO,  sam-gar-ne'bo  (il?  "15'??, 
samgar  n'hho,  a  Bab  name) :  An  officer  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, king  of  Babylon,  who,  according  to  the  MT 
of  Jer  39  3,  took  his  seat  with  other  nobles  in  the 
middle  gate  of  Jerus  after  the  Chaldaean  army  had 
taken  the  city.  Schrader  {COT,  ii,  109)  holds  that 
the  name  is  a  Hebraized  form  of  the  Assyr  Sum- 
girnabu  ("be  gracious,  Nebo"),  but  Giesebrecht 
{Comm.,  211)  conjectures  for  Samgar  a  corruption  of 
Sar-mag  {sar-magli),  equivalent  to  Rab-mag  {rab- 
magh) ,  v.'hich  implies  virtual  dittography.  The  num- 
ber of  variant  readings  exhibited  by  the  LXX  seems 
to  confirm  the  belief  that  the  text  is  corrupt.  Nebo 
{nahu)  is  there  joined  with  the  following  Sarsechim 
to  agree  with  Nebushazban  of  ver  13.  If  the  name 
Samgar-nebo  is  correct,  the  first  Netgal-sharezer 
should  perhaps  be  dropped;  we  would  then  read: 
"Samgar-nebo  the  Sarsechim,  Nebushazban  the 
Rab-saris  [cf  ver  13]  and  Nergal-sharezer  the  Rab- 
mag"  (Sayce).     See  Rab-mag;   Rab-saris. 

Horace  J.  Wolf 

SAMI,  sa'mi:  AV  =  RV  Sabi  (q.v.). 

SAMIS,  sa'mis:  AV  =  RV  Someis  (q.v.). 

SAMLAH,  sam'la  (nbpto ,  samlah;  2aX.a|j.d, 
Salamd) :  One  of  the  kings  of  Edom,  of  the  city  of 
Masrekah.  He  reigned  before  the  Israehtes  had 
kings  (Gen  36  36.37;  1  Ch  1  47.48).  The  fact 
that  the  city  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
name  of  the  king  suggests  that  Edom  was  a  con- 
federacy at  this  time  and  the  chief  city  was  the 
metropohs  of  the  whole  country. 

SAMMUS,  sam'us  (A,  2a(i(ioiis,  Sammous, 
B,  2a(i(ioii,  Sammou):  One  of  those  who  stood  on 
Ezra's  right  hand  as  he  expounded  the  Law  (1  Esd 
9  43)  =  "Shema"  in  Neh  8  4. 

SAMOS,  sa'mos  (Sdfjios,  Sdtnos,  "height,"  "moun- 
tain" [see  Strabo  346,  457]) :  One  of  the  most  famous 
of  the  Ionian  islands,  third  in  size  among  the  group 
which  includes  Lesbos,  Chios  (q.v.)  and  Cos  (q.v.). 
It  is  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay,  of  Ephesus, 
between  the  cities  of  Ephesus  and  Miletus  (q.v.), 
and  separated  from  the  mainland  of  Ionia  by  the 
narrow  strait  where  the  Greeks  met  and  conquered 
the  Pers  fleet  in  the  battle  of  Myoale,  479  BC 
(Herod.  ix.lOO  ff).  The  surface  of  the  island  is  very 
rugged  and  mountainous,  Mt.  Kerki  (modern  name) 
rising  to  a  height  of  4,700  ft.,  and  it  was  due  to  this 
that  the  island  received  its  name  (see  above;  see 
also  Samothrace). 

Samos  was  renowned  in  antiquity  as  one  of  the 
noted  centers  of  Ionian  luxury,  and  reached  its 
zenith  of  prosperity  under  the  rule  of  the  famous 
tyrant  Poly  crates  (533-522  BC),  who  made  hunself 
master  of  the  Aegean  Sea.  He  carried  on  trade 
with  Egypt,  and  his  intercourse  with  that  country, 
his  friendship  with  Amasis,  the  famous  "ring"  story 
and  the  revolting  manner  of  the  death  of  Polyc- 
rates  are  all  told  in  one  of  the  most  interesting 
stories  of  Herodotus  (Herod,  iii.39  ff). 

In  84  BC,  the  island  was  joined  to  the  province 
of  Asia,  and  in  17  BC  it  became  a  ciuitas  libera, 
through  the  favor  of  Augustus  (Dio  Cass,  liv.9; 
Phny,  NH,  v. 37).  Both  Marcus  Agrippa  and  Herod 
visited  the  island;  and  according  to  Jos  {Ant, 
XVI,  ii,  2;  BJ,  1,  xxi,  11)  "bestowed  a  great  many 
benefits"  on  it.  In  the  Apoc,  Samos  is  mentioned 
among  the  places  to  which  Lucius,  consul  of  the 
Romans,  wrote,  asking  their  good  will  toward  the 
Jews  (1  Mace  15  23). 


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Samatus 
Samson 


In  the  NT,  Paul  touched  here,  after  passing  Chios 
(q.v.),  on  his  return  from  his  third  missionary 
journey  (Acts  20  15) .  In  TR,  we  find  in  this  pas- 
sage Kal  fielvavTes  iv  TpuiyvWii/j,  kai  me'inantes  en 
Trogulllo  ("and  having  remained  in  Trogyllium")- 
This  reading  is  wanting  in  the  oldest  MSS,  and 
may  be  a  sort  of  gloss,  or  explanation,  due  to  the 
technical  use  of  parabdllein,  "to  touch  land"  (cf  Jos, 
Ant,  XVIII,  vi,  4),  and  not  necessarily  "to  make  a 
landing."  Trogyllium  lay  on  the  mainland  opposite 
Samos,  at  the  end  of  the  ridge  of  Mycale.  Still 
there  is  no  particular  reason  why  this  reading  should 
be  supported,  esp.  as  it  is  not  found  in  the  earliest 
of  authorities.  Soden's  1913  text,  however,  retains 
the  reading  in  brackets. 

LiTERATTTRE. — Tozor.  Islands  of  the  Aegean  (1890). 
Herodotus  and  Pausanias  have  rather  full  accounts  of 
Samos,  and  Enc  Brit  (11th  ed)  gives  a  good  bibliography 
of  works  both  ancient  and  modern. 

Arthur  J.  Kinsblla 

SAMOTHRACE,  sam'6-thras  (SapioepqlKTi,  Samo- 
ihrdke,  "the  Thracian  Samos";  AV  Samothracia, 
sam-5-thra'sha;  the  island  was  formerly  Dardania; 
for  change  of  name  see  Pausanias  vii.4,3;  Strabo 
X.457,  and  for  a  full  discussion  Conze,  Hauser  and 
Benndorf,  Neue  U ntersuchungen  auf  S.,  1S80):  An 
island  in  the  Aegean  Sea,  S.  of  Thrace  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Hebrus  River,  and  N.W.  of  Troas. 
The  island  is  mountainous,  as  the  name  indicates 
(see  Samos),  and  towers  above  Imbros  when  viewed 
from  the  Trojan  coast.  The  summit  is  about  a  mile 
high.  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Iliad  (xiii.  12)  as  the  seat 
of  Poseidon  and  referred  to  by  Virgil  Aeneid  vii.208. 

The  island  was  always  famous  for  sanctity,  and  the 
seat  of  a  cult  of  the  Cabeiri,  which  Herodotus  (ii.51) 
says  was  derived  from  the  Pelasgian  inhabitants 
(see  also  Aristophanes,  Pax  277).  The  mysteries 
connected  with  the  worship  of  these  gods  later 
rivaled  the  famous  mysteries  of  Eleusis,  and  both 
Phihp  of  Macedon  and  Olympias  his  wife  were 
initiated  here  (Plut.  Alex.  3). 

Probably  because  of  its  sacred  character  the 
island  did  not  figure  to  any  extent  in  history,  but 
in  the  expedition  of  Xerxes  in  480  BC,  one  ship  at 
least  of  the  Samothracian  contingent  is  mentioned 
as  conspicuous  in  the  battle  of  Salamis. 

The  famous  "Victory  of  Samothrace"  (now  in 
the  Louvre)  was  set  up  here  by  Demetrius  Polior- 
cetes  c  300  BC,  and  was  discovered  in  1863.  Since 
that  time  (1873-75),  the  Austrian  government 
carried  on  extensive  excavations  (see  Conze,  Hauser 
and  Benndorf,  op.  cit.). 

In  the  NT  the  island  is  mentioned  m  Acts  16  11. 
From  Troas,  Paul  made  a  straight  run  to  Samo- 
thrace, and  the  next  day  sailed  to  Neapolis  (q.v.) 
on  the  Thracian  coast,  the  port  of  Philippi  (q.v.). 
At  the  northern  end  of  S.  was  a  town  where  the  ship 
could  anchor  for  the  night,  and  on  the  return  jour- 
ney (Acts  20  6)  a  landing  may  have  been  made, 
but  no  details  are  given.  Pliny  characterizes  the 
island  as  being  most  difficult  for  anchorage,  but 
because  of  the  hazards  of  sailing  by  night,  the  an- 
cient navigators  always  anchored  somewhere  if 
possible. 

Literature.— See  under  Samos. 

Arthur  .1.  Kinsella 

SAMPSAMES,  samp'sa-mez  (Sa|i4(diiTis,  Natn- 
vsdmes):  A  place  mentioned  in  1  Mace  15  23, 
usually  identified  with  Samsun,  on  the  coast  of  the 
Black  Sea.     Vulg,  with  RVm,  has  "Lampsacus. 

SAMSON,  sam'sun  ( illBpiP ,  shimshon,  derived 
probably  from    ©pi? ,    shemesh,  "sun,"    with    the 

diminutive  ending  X^-,  -on,  meaning 
1    Name       "little  sun"  or   "sunny,"  or  perhaps 

"sun-man";  Saii+uv,  Samyson;  l,sX 
and   Eng.   Samson):     His  home  was  near  Beth- 


shemesh,  which  means  "house  of  the  sun."  Com- 
pare the  similar  formation  "'IBUIC  ,  shimshay  (Ezr  4 
8.9.17.2,3). 

Samson  was    a    judge,   perhaps  the  last  before 

Samuel.     He  was  a  Nazirite  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 

(Jgs  13  5);      a     man     of     prodigious 

2.  Charac-  strength,  a  giant  and  a  gymnast — the 
ter  Heb  Hercules,  a  strange  champion  for 

Jeh!  He  intensely  hated  the  Philis 
who  had  oppressed  Israel  some  40  years  (13  1), 
and  was  willing  to  fight  them  alone.  He  seems  to 
have  been  actuated  by  little  less  than  personal 
vengeance,  yet  in  the  NT  he  is  named  among  the 
heroes  of  faith  (He  11  32),  and  was  in  no  ordinary 
sense  an  OT  worthy.  He  was  good-natured,  sar- 
castic, full  of  humor,  and  fought  with  his  wits  as 
well  as  with  his  fists.  Milton  has  graphically  por- 
trayed his  character  in  his  dramatic  poem  Samson 
Agonistes  (1671),  on  which  Handel  built  his  ora- 
torio Samson  (1743). 

The  story  of  S.'s  Hfe  is  unique  among  the  biog- 
raphies of  the  OT.      It   is  related   in  Jgs  13-16. 

Like  Isaac,  Samuel  and  John  the  Bap- 

3.  Story  of  tist,  he  was  a  child  of  prayer  (13  8.12). 
His  Life        To  Manoah's  wife  the  angel  of  Jeh 

appeared  twice  (13  3.9),  directing 
that  the  child  which  should  be  born  to  them  should 
be  a  Nazirite  from  the  womb,  and  that  he  would 
"begin  to  save  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philis" 
(13  5.7.14).  The  spirit  of  Jeh  first  began  to  move 
him  in  Mahaneh-dan,  between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol 
(13  25).  On  his  arriving  at  manhood,  five  remark- 
able circumstances  are  recorded  of  him. 

(1)  His  marriage  with  a  Phili  woman  of  Timnah 
(ch  14) .  His  parents  objected  to  the  alliance  (14  3), 
but  S.'s  motive  in  marrying  her  was  that  he  "sought 
an  occasion  against  the  Philis."  At  the  wedding 
feast  S.  propounded  to  his  guests  a  riddle,  wagering 
that  if  they  guessed  its  answer  he  would  give  them 
30  changes  of  raiment.  Dr.  Moore  feUcitously 
renders  the  text  of  the  riddle  thus: 

'Out  of  the  eater  came  something  to  eat. 
And  out  of  the  strong  came  something  sweet'  (14  14). 

The  Philis  threatened  the  life  of  his  bride,  and  she 
in  turn  wrung  from  S.  the  answer;  whereupon  he 
retorted  (in  Dr.  Moore's  version) : 

'  If  with  my  heifer  ye  did  not  plough. 
Ye  had  not  found  out  my  riddle,  I  trow'  (14  18). 

Accordingly,  in  revenge,  S.  went  down  to  Ash- 
kelon,  slew  some  30  men,  and  paid  his  debt;  he 
even  went  home  without  his  wife,  and  her  father  to 
save  her  from  shame  gave  her  to  S.'s  "best  man" 
(14  20).  It  has  been  suggested  by  W.  R.  Smith 
{Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia,  70-76) 
that  S.  did  not  from  the  first  intend  to  take  his 
bride  to  his  home,  his  marriage  being  what  is  known 
among  the  Arabs  as  a  gadlkat,  or  gift  marriage,  by 
which  is  meant  that  the  husband  becomes  a  part 
of  the  wife's  tribe.  This  assumes  that  the  social 
relations  of  the  Hebrews  at  that  time  were  matri- 
archate,  the  wife  remaining  with  her  family,  of 
which  custom  there  are  other  traces  in  the  OT,  the 
husband  merely  visiting  the  wife  from  time  to  time. 
But  this  is  not  so  obvious  in  S.'s  case  in  view  of 
his  pique  (14  19),  and  esp.  in  view  of  his  parents' 
objection  to  his  marrying  outside  of  Israel  (14  3). 
Not  knowing  that  his  bride  had  been  given  by  her 
father  to  his  friend,  S.  went  down  to  Timnah  to 
visit  her,  with  a  kid;  when  he  discovered,  how- 
ever, that  he  had  been  taken  advantage  of,  he  went 
out  and  caught  300  jackals,  and  putting  firebrands 
between  every  two  tails,  he  burned  up  the  grain 
fields  and  olive  yards  of  the  Philis.  The  Philis, 
however,  showed  they  could  play  with  fire,  too,  and 
burned  his   wife   and   her   father.     Thereupon,  S. 


Samson 
Samuel 


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2676 


smote  the  Philis  in  revenge,   "hip  and  thigh"   (15 
1-8). 

(2)  When  he  escaped  to  Etam,  an  aknost  vertical 
rock  cliff  in  Judah  (by  some  identified  with  'Araq 
Ismain)  not  far  from  Zorah,  S.'s  home,  the  Philis 
invaded  Judah,  encamped  at  Lehi  above  Etam,  and 
demanded  the  surrender  of  their  arch-enemy.  The 
men  of  Judah  were  willing  to  hand  S.  over  to  the 
PhiUs,  and  accordingly  went  down  to  the  cliff  Etam, 
bound  S.  and  brought  him  up  where  the  Philis  were 
encamped  (15  9-13).  When  S.  came  to  Lehi  the 
Philis  shouted  as  they  met  him,  whereupon  the 
spirit  of  Jeh  came  mightily  upon  him,  so  that  he 
broke  loose  from  the  two  new  ropes  with  which  the 
3,000  men  of  Judah  had  bound  him,  and  seizing  a 
fresh  jawbone  of  an  ass  he  smote  with  it  1,000  men  of 
the  Philis,  boasting  as  he  did  so  in  pun-like  poetry, 
'With  the  jawbone  of  an  ass,  m-ass  upon  m-ass'; 
or,  as  Dr.  Moore  translates  the  passage,  'With  the 
bone  of  an  ass,  I  ass-ailed  my  ass-ailants'  (15  16). 
At  the  same  time,  S.  reverently  gave  Jeh  the  glory 
of  his  victory  (15  18) .  S.  being  thirsty,  Jeh  provided 
water  for  him  at  a  place  called  En-hakkore,  or 
"Partridge  Spring,"  or  "the  Spring  of  the  Caller" — 
another  name  for  partridge  (15  17-19). 

(3)  S.  next  went  down  to  Gaza,  to  the  very 
stronghold  of  the  Philis,  their  chief  city.  There 
he  saw  a  harlot,  and,  his  passions  not  being  under 
control,  he  went  in  unto  her.  It  was  soon  noised 
about  that  S.,  the  Heb  giant,  was  in  the  city.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  Philis  laid  wait  for  him.  But  S. 
arose  at  midnight  and  laid  hold  of  the  doors  of  the 
gate  and  their  two  posts,  and  carried  them  a  fuU 
quarter  of  a  mile  up  to  the  top  of  the  mountain  that 
looketh  toward  Hebron  (16  1-3). 

(4)  From  Gaza  S.  betook  himself  to  the  vaUey 
of  Sorek  where  he  fell  in  love  with  another  Phili 
woman,  named  Delilah,  through  whose  machina- 
tions he  lost  his  spiritual  power.  The  Phili  lords 
bribed  her  with  a  very  large  sum  to  dehver  him 
into  their  hands.  Three  times  S.  deceived  her  as 
to  the  secret  of  his  strength,  but  at  last  he  explains 
that  he  is  a  Nazirite,  and  that  his  hair,  which  has 
never  been  shorn,  is  the  secret  of  his  wonderful 
power.  J.  G.  Frazer  {Golden  Bough,  III,  390  if)  has 
shown  that  the  belief  that  some  mysterious  power 
resides  in  the  hair  is  still  widespread  among  savage 
peoples,  e.g.  the  Fiji  Islanders.  Thus  S.  fell.  By 
disclosing  to  Delilah  this  secret,  he  broke  his  cove- 
nant vow,  and  the  Spirit  of  God  departed  from  him 
(16  4-20).  The  Philis  laid  hold  on  him,  put  out 
his  eyes,  brought  him  down  to  Gaza,  bound  him 
with  fetters,  and  forced  him  to  grind  in  the  prison 
house.  Grinding  was  women's  work!  It  is  at  this 
point  that  Milton  catches  the  picture  and  writes, 

"Eyeless  in  Gaza,  at  the  mill  -with  slaves." 

Howbeit,  the  hair  of  his  head  began  to  grow  again; 
but  his  eyes  did  riot!  (16  21.22). 

(5)  The  final  incident  recorded  of  S.  is  in  con- 
nection with  a  great  sacrificial  feast  which  the 
Phili  lords  gave  in  honor  of  Dagon,  their  god.  In 
their  joyous  celebration  they  sang  in  rustic  rhythm: 

'  Our  god  has  given  us  into  our  hand 
The  foe  of  our  land, 
"Whom  even  our  most  powerful  band 
Was  never  able  to  withstand'  (16  24). 

This  song  was  accompanied  probably,  as  Mr. 
Macalister  suggests,  by  hand-clapping  {Gezer,  129). 
When  they  became  still  more  merry,  they  called 
for  S.  to  play  the  buffoon,  and  by  his  pranks  to 
entertain  the  assembled  multitude.  The  house  of 
Dagon  was  full  of  people;  about  3,000  were  upon 
the  roof  beholding  as  S.  made  sport.  With  the  new 
growth  of  his  hair  his  strength  had  returned  to  him. 
The  dismantled  giant  longed  to  be  avenged  on  his 
adversaries  for  at  least  one  of  his  two  eyes  (16  28). 


He  prayed,  and  Jeh  heard  his  prayer.  Guided  by 
his  attendant,  he  took  hold  of  the  wooden  posts  of 
the  two  middle  pillars  upon  which  the  portico  of  the 
house  rested,  and  slipping  them  off  their  pedestals, 
the  house  fell  upon  the  lords  and  upon  all  the  people 
that  were  therein.  "So  the  dead  that  he  slew  at  hia 
death  were  more  than  they  that  he  slew  in  his  life" 
(16  29.30).  His  kinsmen  came  and  carried  him 
up  and  buried  him  near  his  boyhood  home,  between 
Zorah  and  Eshtaol,  in  the  family  burying-ground 
of  his  father.  "And  he  judged  Israel  twenty  years" 
(16  31). 

The  story  of  Samson  is  a  faithiful  mirror  of  his  times: 
"Every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes" 
(17  6;     21  25).     There    was    no    king    in 
4    Histori-     those   days,    i.e.    no   central   government. 
' .  ,^  ,  Each  tribe  was  separately  occupied  driving 

cai  value  Q^t  their  individual  enemies.  For  40 
years  the  Phihs  had  oppressed  S.'s  tribal 
compatriots.  Their  suzerainty  was  also  recognized  by 
Judah  (14  4;  15  11).  S.  was  the  hero  of  his  tribe.  The 
general  historicity  of  his  story  cannot  be  impeached  on 
the  mere  ground  of  improbability.  His  deeds  were  those 
which  would  most  naturally  be  expected  from  a  giant, 
filled  with  a  sense  of  justice.  He  received  the  local 
popularity  which  a  man  of  extraordinary  prowess  would 
natm-ally  be  given.  All  peoples  glory  in  their  heroes. 
The  theory  that  the  record  in  Jgs  13-16  is  based 
upon  some  "solar  myth"  is  now  generally  abandoned. 
That  there  are  incidents  in  liis  career  which  are  diffi- 
cult to  explain,  is  freely  granted.  For  example,  that 
he  killed  a  lion  (14  6)  is  not  without  a  parallel;  David 
and  Benaiah  did  the  same  (1  S  17  34-36;  2  S  23  20). 
God  always  inspires  a  man  in  the  line  of  his  natural  en- 
dowments. That  God  miraculously  supplied  his  thirst 
(15  19)  is  no  more  marvelous  than  what  God  did  for 
Hagar  in  the  wilderness  (Gen  21  19).  That  S.  carried 
off  the  doors  of  the  gate  of  Gaza  and  their  two  posts, 
bar  and  all.  must  not  confound  us  till  we  know  more 
definitely  their  size  and  the  distance  from  Gaza  of  the 
hill  to  which  he  carried  them.  The  fact  that  he  pulled 
down  the  roof  on  which  there  were  3,000  men  and  women 
is  not  at  all  impossible,  as  Mr.  Macalister  has  shown. 
If  we  suppose  that  there  was  an  immense  portico  to 
the  temple  of  Dagon,  as  is  quite  possible,  which  was 
supported  by  two  main  pillars  of  wood  resting  on  bases 
of  stone,  like  the  cedar  pillars  of  Solomon's  house  (1  K 
7  2),  all  that  S.,  therefore,  necessarily  did, was  to  push 
the  wooden  beams  so  that  their  feet  would  slide  over 
the  stone  base  on  which  they  rested,  and  the  whole  por- 
tico would  collapse.  Moreover,  it  is  not  said  that  the 
whole  of  the  3,000  on  the  roof  were  destroyed  (16  30). 
Many  of  those  in  the  temple  proper  probably  perished 
in  the  number  (R.  A.  S.  Macalister,  Bible  Side-Lighta 
from  the  Mound  of  Gezer,  1906,  127-38). 

Not  a  few  important  and  suggestive  lessons  are 
deducible  from  the  hero's  fife:   (1)  S.  was  the  object 

of  parental  solicitude  from  even  before 
6.  Religious  his  birth.  One  of  the  most  suggestive 
Value  and  beautiful  prayers  in  the  OT  is  that 

of  Manoah  for  guidance  in  the  train- 
ing of  his  yet  unborn  child  (13  8).  Whatever  our 
estimate  of  his  personality  is,  S.  was  closely  linked 
to  the  covenant.  (2)  He  was  endowed  with  the 
Spirit  of  Jeh — the  spirit  of  personal  patriotism,  the 
spirit  of  vengeance  upon  a  foe  of  40  years'  standing 
(13  1.25;  14  6  19;  15  14).  (3)  He  also  prayed,  and 
Jeh  answered  him,  though  in  judgment  (16  30). 
But  he  was  prodigal  of  his  strength.  S.  had  spirit- 
ual power  and  performed  feats  which  an  ordinary 
man  would  hardly  perform.  But  he  was  uncon- 
scious of  his  high  vocation.  In  a  moment  of  weak- 
ness he  yielded  to  DeUlah  and  divulged  the  secret 
of  his  strength.  He  was  careless  of  his  personal 
endowment.  He  did  not  realize  that  physical  en- 
dowments no  less  than  spiritual  are  gifts  from  God, 
and  that  to  retain  them  we  must  be  obedient.  (4) 
He  was  passionate  and  therefore  weak.  The  ani- 
mal of  his  nature  was  never  curbed,  but  rather  ran 
unchained  and  free.  He  was  given  to  sudden  fury. 
S.  was  a  wild,  self-willed  man.  Passion  ruled.  He 
could  not  resist  the  blandishments  of  women.  In 
short,  he  was  an  overgrown  schoolboy,  without  self- 
mastery.  (.5)  He  accordingly  wrought  no  per- 
manent deliverance  for  Israel;  he  lacked  the  spirit 
of  cooperation.  He  undertook  a  task  far  too  great 
for  even  a  giant  single-handed.     Yet,  it  must  be 


2677 


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Samson 
Samuel 


allowed  that  S.  paved  the  way  for  Saul  and  David. 
He  began  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  the  Philis. 
He  must,  therefore,  be  judged  according  to  his 
times.  In  his  days  there  was  unrestrained  indi- 
vidual independence  on  every  side,  each  one  doing 
as  he  pleased.  S.  differed  from  his  contemporaries 
in  that  he  was  a  hero  of  faith  (He  11  32) .  He  was 
a  Nazirite,  and  therefore  dedicated  to  God.  He 
was  given  to  revenge,  yet  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice 
himself  in  order  that  his  own  and  his  people's 
enemies  might  be  overthrown.  He  was  willing  to 
lay  down  his  own  life  for  the  sake  of  his  fellow- 
tribesmen — not  to  save  his  enemies,  however,  but 
to  kill  them.     (Cf  Mt  5  43  f;  Rom  6  10.) 

Literature. — (1)  Comms.  on  Jgs,  notably  those  by 
G.  F.  Moore,  ICC.  1895;  Budde,  Kurzer  Handkom- 
mentar,  1897;  Nowack,  Handkommentar,  1900;  E.  L. 
Curtis,  The  Bible  for  Home  and  School,  1913;  Bachmann. 
1868;  Keil.  1862;  Farrar  in  EllicoU's  Comm.;  Watson, 
Expositor's  Bible.  (2)  Arts,  on  "  Samson"  in  the  various 
Bible  Diets,  and  Encs;  in  particular  those  by  Budde, 
HDB:  C.  W.  Emmet,  in  1-vol  HDB;  S.  A.  Cook,  New 
Enc  Brit;   Davis,  Diet,  of  the  Bible. 

George  L.  Robinson 
SAMUEL,  sam'fl-el  (bX^lSTa  ,  sh'mu'el;  Sanou^X, 
Samouel):  The  word  "Samuel"  signifies  "name  of 
God,"  or  "his  name  is  El"  (God).  Other  inter- 
pretations of  the  name  that  have  been  offered  are 
almost  certainly  mistaken.  The  play  upon  the 
name  in  1  S  1  20  is  not  intended  of  course  to  be 
an  explanation  of  its  meaning,  but  is  similar  to  the 
play  upon  the  name  Moses  in  Ex  2  10  and  fre- 
quently elsewhere  in  similar  instances.  Thus  by 
the  addition  of  a  few  letters  sh'mu'el  becomes  shd'ul 
me' el  (bXlBlD,  bSU  b^SlB)  ,  "asked  of  God,"  and 
recalb  to  the  mother  of  Samuel  the  circumstances  of 
the  Divine  gift  to  her  of  a  son.  Outside  of  the  1st 
Book  of  S  the  name  of  the  great  judge  and  prophet 
is  found  in  Jer  15  1 ;  Ps  99  6  and  in  1  and  2  Ch. 
The  reference  in  Jer  seems  intended  to  convey  the 
same  impression  that  is  given  by  the  narrative  of 
1  S,  that  in  some  sense  Samuel  had  come  to  be 
regarded  as  a  second  Moses,  upon  whom  the  mantle 
of  the  latter  had  fallen,  and  who  had  been  once 
again  the  dehverer  and  guide  of  the  people  at  a  great 
national  crisis. 

The  narrative  of  the  events  of  the  life  of  Samuel 

appears  to  be  derived  from  more  than  one  source 

(see  Samuel,  Books  op).    The  narra- 

1.  Sources  tor  had  before  him  and  made  use  of 
and  Char-  biographies  and  traditions,  which  he 
acter  of  the  combined  into  a  single  consecutive 
History  history.     The  completed  picture  of  the 

prophet's  position  and  character  which 
is  thus  presented  is  on  the  whole  harmonious  and 
consistent,  and  gives  a  very  high  impression  of  his 
piety  and  loyalty  to  Jeh,  and  of  the  wide  influence 
for  good  which  he  exerted.  There  are  divergences 
apparent  in  detail  and  standpoint  between  the 
sources  or  traditions,  some  of  which  may  probably 
be  due  merely  to  misunderstanding  of  the  true 
nature  of  the  events  recorded,  or  to  the  failure  of 
the  modem  reader  rightly  to  appreciate  the  exact 
circumstances  and  time.  The  greater  part  of  the 
narrative  of  the  life  of  Samuel,  however,  appears 
to  have  a  single  origin. 

In  the  portion  of  the  general  history  of  Israel 
contained  in  1  S  are  narrated  the  circumstances  of 

the  future  prophet's  birth  (ch  1);  of 

2.  Life  his  childhood  and  of  the  custom  of  his 

parents  to  make  annual  visits  to  the 
sanctuary  at  Shiloh  (2  11.18-21.26);  of  his  vision 
and  the  universal  recognition  of  him  as  a  prophet 
enjoying  the  special  favor  of  Jeh  (3-^  1).  the 
narrative  is  then  interrupted  to  describe  the  conflicts 
with  the  Philis,  the  fate  of  Eh  and  his  sons,  and  the 
capture  of  the  ark  of  God.     It  is  only  after  the 


return  of  the  ark,  and  apparently  at  the  close  of  the 
20  years  during  which  it  was  retained  at  Kiriath- 
jearim,  that  Samuel  again  comes  forward  publicly, 
exhorting  the  people  to  repentance  and  promising 
them  deliverance  from  the  Philis.  A  summary 
narrative  is  then  given  of  the  SMmmoning  of  a  na- 
tional council  at  Mizpah,  at  which  Samuel  "judged 
the  children  of  Israel,"  and  offered  sacrifice  to  the 
Lord,  and  of  Jeh's  response  in  a  great  thunderstorm, 
which  led  to  the  defeat  and  panic-stricken  flight  of 
the  Philis.  Then  follows  the  narrative  of  the  erec- 
tion of  a  commemorative  stone  or  pillar,  Eben-ezer, 
"the  stone  of  help,"  and  the  recovery  of  the 
Israelite  cities  which  the  Philis  had  captured  (7 
5-14).  The  narrator  adds  that  the  Philis  came  no 
more  within  the  border  of  Israel  all  the  days  of 
Samuel  (7  13);  perhaps  with  an  intentional  refer- 
ence to  the  troubles  and  disasters  of  which  this 
people  was  the  cause  in  the  time  of  Saul.  A  brief 
general  statement  is  appended  of  Samuel's  practice 
as  a  judge  of  going  on  annual  circuit  through  the 
land,  and  of  his  home  at  Ramah  (7  15-17). 

No  indication  is  given  of  the  length  of  time  occu- 
pied by  these  events.  At  their  close,  however, 
Samuel  was  an  old  man,  and  his  sons  who  had  been 
appointed  judges  in  his  place  or  to  help  him  in  his 
office  proved  themselves  unworthy  (8  1-3).  The 
elders  of  the  people  therefore  came  to  Samuel  de- 
manding the  appointment  of  a  king  who  should  be 
his  successor,  and  should  judge  in  his  stead.  The 
request  was  regarded  by  the  prophet  as  an  act  of 
disloyalty  to  Jeh,  but  his  protest  was  overruled 
by  Divine  direction,  and  at  Samuel's  bidding  the 
people  dispersed  (8  4-22). 

At  this  point  the  course  of  the  narrative  is  again 
interrupted  to  describe  the  family  and  origin  of  Saul, 
his  personal  appearance,  and  the  search  for  the  lost 
asses  of  his  father  (9  1-5) ;  his  meeting  with  Samuel 
in  a  city  in  the  land  of  Zuph,  in  or  on  the  border  of 
the  territory  of  Benjamin  (Zuph  is  the  name  of  an 
ancestor  of  Elkanah,  the  father  of  Samuel,  in  1  S 
1  1),  a  meeting  of  which  Samuel  had  received  Di- 
vine pre-intimation  (9  15  f);  the  honorable  place 
given  to  Saul  at  the  feast;  his  anointing  by  Samuel 
as  ruler  of  Israel,  together  with  the  announcement 
of  three  "signs,"  which  should  be  to  Saul  assurances 
of  the  reality  of  his  appointment  and  destiny;  the 
spirit  of  prophecy  which  took  possession  of  the 
future  king,  whereby  is  explained  a  proverbial  say- 
ing which  classed  Saul  among  the  prophets;  and 
his  silence  with  regard  to  what  had  passed  between 
himself  and  Samuel  on  the  subject  of  the  kingdom 
(9  6—10  16). 

It  is  usually,  and  probably  rightly,  believed  that  the 
narrative  of  these  last  incidents  is  derived  from  a  differ- 
ent source  from  that  of  the  preceding  chapters.  Slight 
differences  of  inconsistency  or  disagreement  lie  on  the 
surface.  Samuel's  home  is  not  at  Ramah.  but  a  nameless 
city  in  the  land  of  Zuph,  where  he  is  priest  of  the  high 
place,  with  a  local  but,  as  far  as  the  narrative  goes,  not 
a  national  influence  or  reputation;  and  it  is  anticipated 
that  he  will  require  the  customary  present  at  the  hands 
of  his  visitors  (9  6-8).  He  is  described,  moreover,  not 
as  a  judge,  nor  does  he  discharge  judicial  fvmctions,  but 
expressly  as  a  "seer,"  a  name  said  to  be  an  earlier  title 
equivalent  to  the  later  "prophet"  (9  9.11.19).  Apart, 
however,  from  the  apparently  different  position  which 
Samuel  occupies,  the  tone  and  style  of  the  narrative  is 
altogether  distinct  from  that  of  the  preceding  chapters. 
It  suggests,  both  in  its  form  and  in  the  religious  concep- 
tions which  are  assumed  or  implied,  an  older  and  less 
elaborated  tradition  than  that  which  has  found  expression 
in  the  greater  part  of  the  book;  and  it  seems  to  regard 
events  as  it  were  from  a  more  primitive  standpoint  than 
the  highly  religious  and  monotheistic  view  of  the  later 
accounts.  Its  value  as  a  witness  to  history  is  not  im- 
paired, but  perhaps  rather  enhanced  by  its  separate 
and  independent  position.  The  writer  or  compiler  of 
1  S  has  inserted  it  as  a  whole  in  his  completed  narrative 
at  the  point  which  he  judged  most  suitable.  To  the 
same  source  should  possibly  be  assigned  the  announce- 
ment of  Saul's  rejection  in  13  8-15a. 

The  course  of  the  narrative  is  resumed  at  10  17  ff, 


Samuel 
Samuel,  Books  of 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2678 


where,  in  a  second  national  assembly  at  Mizpah, 
Saul  is  selected  by  lot  and  accepted  by  the  people 
as  king  (10  17-24);  after  which  the  people  dis- 
persed, and  Saul  returned  to  his  home  at  Gibeah 
(vs  25-27).  At  a  solemn  assembly  at  Gilgal,  at 
which  the  kingship  is  again  formally  conferred  upon 
Saul,  Samuel  delivered  a  farewell  address  to  his 
fellow-countrymen.  A  thunderstorm  terrified  the 
people;  they  were  reassured,  however,  by  Samuel 
with  promises  of  the  protection  and  favor  of  Jeh, 
if  they  continued  to  fear  and  serve  Him  (11  14 — 
12  25).  Later  the  rejection  of  Saul  for  disobedi- 
ence and  presumption  is  announced  by  Samuel  (13 
8-1 5a).  The  commission  to  destroy  Amalek  is  de- 
livered to  Saul  by  Samuel;  and  the  rejection  of  the 
king  is  again  pronounced  because  of  his  failure  to 
carry  out  the  command.  Agag  is  then  slain  by 
Samuel  with  his  own  hand;  and,  the  latter  having 
returned  to  his  home  at  Ramah,  the  narrator  adds 
that  he  remained  there  in  seclusion  until  the  day  of 
his  death,  "mourning"  for  Saul,  but  refusing  to  meet 
him  again  (ch  15).  Finally  the  death  and  burial  of 
Samuel  at  Ramah,  together  with  the  lamentation 
of  the  people  for  him,  are  briefly  recorded  in  25 
1,  and  referred  to  again  in  28  3. 

Two  incidents  of  Samuel's  life  remain,  in  which 
he  is  brought  into  relation  with  the  future  king 
David.  No  indication  of  date  or  circumstance  is 
given  except  that  the  first  incident  apparently 
follows  immediately  upon  the  second  and  final  re- 
jection of  Saul  as  recorded  in  ch  15.  In  16  1-13  is 
narrated  the  commission  of  Samuel  to  anoint  a 
successor  to  Saul,  and  his  fulfilment  of  the  com- 
mission by  the  choice  of  David  the  son  of  Jesse,  the 
Bethlehemite.  And,  in  a  later  chapter  (19  18-24), 
a  second  occasion  is  named  on  which  the  compeUing 
spirit  of  prophecy  came  upon  Saul,  and  again  the 
proverbial  saying,  "Is  Saul  also  among  the  proph- 
ets?" is  quoted  (19  24;  cf  10  11.12),  and  is  appar- 
ently regarded  as  taking  its  origin  from  this  event. 

The  anointing  of  David  by  Samuel  is  a  natural  sequel 
to  his  anointing  of  Saul,  when  the  latter  has  been  rejected 
and  his  authority  and  rights  as  king  have  ceased.  There 
is  nothing  to  determine  alasolutely  whether  the  narra- 
tive is  derived  from  the  same  source  as  the  greater  part 
of  the  preceding  history.  Slight  dilTerences  of  style  and 
the  apparent  presuppositions  of  the  writer  have  led 
most  scholars  to  the  conclusion  that  it  has  a  distinct  and 
separate  origin.  If  so.  the  compiler  of  the  Books  of  S 
drew  upon  a  third  source  for  his  narrative  of  the  life  of 
the  seer,  a  source  which  there  is  no  reason  to  regard  as 
other  than  equally  authentic  and  reliable.  With  the 
second  incident  related  in  19  18-24,  the  case  is  different. 
It  is  hardly  probable  that  so  striking  a  proverb  was  sug- 
gested and  passed  into  currency  independently  on  two 
distinct  occa.sions.  It  seems  evident  that  here  two  inde- 
pendent sources  or  authorities  were  used,  which  gave 
hardly  reconcilable  accounts  of  the  origin  of  a  well- 
known  saying,  in  one  of  which  it  has  been  mistakenly 
attributed  to  a  similar  but  not  identical  occurrence  in 
the  life  of  Saul.  In  the  final  composition  of  the  book 
both  accounts  were  then  inserted,  without  notice  being 
taken  of  the  inconsistency  which  was  apparent  between 
them. 

Yet  later  in  the  history  Samuel  is  represented  as 
appearing  to  Saul  in  a  vision  at  Endor  on  the  eve 
of  his  death  (28  11-20).  The  witch  also  sees  the 
prophet  and  is  stricken  with  fear.  He  is  described 
as  in  appearance  an  old  man  "covered  with  a  robe" 
(ver  14).  In  characteristically  grave  and  meas- 
ured tones  he  repeats  the  sentence  of  death  against 
the  king  for  his  disobedience  to  Jeh,  and  announces 
its  execution  on  the  morrow;  Saul's  sons  also  will 
die  with  him  (ver  19),  and  the  whole  nation  will  be 
involved  in  the  penalty  and  suffering,  as  they  all 
had  a  part  in  the  sin. 

The  high  place  which  Samuel  occupies  in  the 
thought  of  the  writers  and  in  the  tradition  and 
esteem  of  the  people  is  manifest  throughout  the 
history.  The  different  sources  from  which  the 
narrative  is  derived  are  at  one  in  this,  although 
perhaps  not  to  an  equal  degree.      He  is   the   last 


and  greatest  of  the  judges,  the  first  of  the  prophets, 
and  inaugurates  under  Divine  direction  the  Israelite 

kingdom  and  the  Davidic  line.  It  is 
3.  Charac-  not  without  reason,  therefore,  that  he 
ter  and  In-  has  been  regarded  as  in  dignity  and 
fluence  of  importance  occupying  the  position  of 
Samuel  a   second    Moses   in    relation  to   the 

people.  In  his  exhortations  and  warn- 
ings the  Deuteronomic  discourses  of  Moses  are 
reflected  and  repeated.  He  delivers  the  nation 
from  the  hand  of  the  Philis,  as  Moses  from  Pharaoh 
and  the  Egyptians,  and  opens  up  for  them  a  new 
national  era  of  progress  and  order  under  the  rule 
of  the  kings  whom  they  have  desired.  Thus,  like 
Moses,  he  closes  the  old  order,  and  establishes  the 
people  with  brighter  prospects  upon  more  assured 
foundations  of  national  prosperity  and  greatness. 
In  nobility  of  character  and  utterance  also,  and  in 
fidelity  to  Jeh,  Samuel  is  not  unworthy  to  be  placed 
by  the  side  of  the  older  lawgiver.  The  record  of  his 
life  is  not  marred  by  any  act  or  word  which  would 
appear  unworthy  of  his  office  or  prerogative.  And 
the  few  references  to  him  in  the  later  literature  (Ps 
99  6;  Jer  15  1;  1  Ch  6  28;  9  22;  11  3;  26  28; 
29  29;  2  Ch  35  18)  show  how  high  was  the  estima- 
tion in  which  his  name  and  memory  were  held  by 
his  fellow-countrymen  in  subsequent  ages. 

Literature. — The  literature  is  given  in  the  art. 
Samuel,  Books  op  (q.v.). 

A.  S.   Geden 
SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OF: 

I.  Place  OF  THE  Books  OF  S  in  the  Hebrew  Canon 
II.  Contents  of  the  Books  and  Period  of  Time 
Covered  by  the  History 

III.  Summary^  and  Analysis 

1.  Life  of  Samuel 

2.  Reign  and  Death  of  Saul 

3.  Reign  of  David 

(1)  In  Hebron 

(2)  In  Jerusalem 

4.  Appendix 

IV.  Sources  of  the  History 

Two  Main  and  Independent  Sources 
V.     Character  and  Date  of  the  Sources 
VI.     Greek  Versions  of  the  Books  of  S 
VII.     Ethical  and  Religious  Teaching 
Literature 

/.  Place  in  the  Canon. — In  the  Heb  Canon  and 
enumeration  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  OT,  the  two 
Books  of  S  were  reckoned  as  one,  and  formed  the 
third  division  of  the  Earlier  Prophets  (D''S''3D 
D''D1BS"),  ii^bhi'lm  ri'shonim).  The  one  book  bore 
the  title  "Samuel"  (bX^'QlC  ,  sh'mu'el),  not  because 
Samuel  was  beheved  to  be  the  author,  but  because  his 
life  and  acts  formed  the  main  theme  of  the  book, 
or  at  least  of  its  earlier  part.  Nor  was  the  Book  of 
S  separated  by  any  real  division  in  subject-matter 
or  continuity  of  style  from  the  Book  of  K,  which 
in  the  original  formed  a  single  book,  not  two  as  in 
the  Eng.  and  other  modern  VSS.  The  history  was 
carried  forward  without  interruption;  and  the 
record  of  the  life  of  David,  begun  in  S,  was  com- 
pleted in  K.  This  continuity  in  the  narrative  of 
Israelite  history  was  made  more  prominent  in  the 
LXX,  where  the  four  books  were  comprised  under 
one  title  and  were  known  as  the  four  "Books  of  the 
Kingdoms"  (/3i/3Xoi  PanCKaCiv,  hihloi  basileioii). 
This  name  was  probably  due  to  the  translators  or 
scholars  of  Alexandria.  The  division  into  four 
books,  but  not  the  Gr  title,  was  then  adopted  in 
the  Lat  tr,  where,  however,  the  influence  of  Jerome 
secured  the  restoration  of  the  Heb  names,  1  and  2 
S,  and  1  and  2  K  (Regum).  Jerome's  example  was 
universally  followed,  and  the  fourfold  division  with 
the  Heb  titles  found  a  place  in  all  subsequent  VSS 
of  the  OT  Scriptures.  Ultimately  the  distinction  of 
S  and  K  each  into  two  books  was  received  also  into 
printed  editions  of  the  Heb  Bible.  This  was  done 
for  the  first  time  in  the  editio  princeps  of  the  Rab- 
binic Bible,  printed  at  Venice  in  1516-17  AD. 


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//.    Contents  and  Period  of  the  History. — The 

narrative  of  the  two  Books  of  S  covers  a  period  of 
about  a  hundred  years,  from  the  close  of  the  un- 
settled era  of  the  .ludges  to  the  establishment  and 
consolidation  of  the  kingdom  under  David.  It  is 
therefore  a  record  of  the  changes,  national  and  con- 
stitutional, which  accompanied  this  growth  and 
development  of  the  national  life,  at  the  close  of 
which  the  Israelites  found  themselves  a  united  people 
under  the  rule  of  a  king  to  whom  all  owed  allegiance, 
controlled  and  guided  by  more  or  less  definitely 
established  institutions  and  laws.  This  may  be 
described  as  the  general  purpose  and  main  theme 
of  the  books,  to  trace  the  advance  of  the  people 
under  Divine  guidance  to  a  state  of  settled  pros- 
perity and  union  in  the  promised  land,  and  to  give 
prominence  to  the  theocratic  rvde  which  was  the 
essential  condition  of  Israel's  life  as  the  people  of 
God  under  all  the  changing  forms  of  early  govern- 
ment. The  narrative  therefore  centers  itself  around 
the  lives  of  the  three  men,  Samuel,  vSaul  and  David, 
who  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  the  establishment 
of  the  monarchy,  and  to  whom  it  was  due  more 
than  to  any  others  that  Israel  emerged  from  the 
depressed  and  disunited  state  in  which  the  tribes 
had  remained  during  the  period  of  the  rule  of  the 
Judges,  and  came  into  possession  of  a  combined 
and  effective  national  life.  If  the  formal  separation 
therefore  into  two  books  be  disregarded,  the  his- 
tory of  Israel  as  it  is  narrated  in  "Samuel"  is  most 
naturally  divided  into  three  parts,  which  are_  fol- 
lowed by  an  appendLx  recording  words  and  inci- 
dents which  for  some  reason  had  not  found  a  place 
in  the  general  narrative: 

A.  The  life  and  rule  of  Samuel  (1  S  1-15)  (death  1  S 
25   1). 

B.  The  life,  reign  and  death  of  Saul  (1  S  16—2  S  1). 

C.  The  reign  and  acts  of  David  to  the  suppression  of 
the  two  rebelhons  of  Absalom  and  Sheba  (2  S  2-20). 

D.  Appendix;  other  incidents  in  the  reign  of  David,  the 
names  of  his  chief  warriors  and  his  Song  or  Psalm 
of  Praise  (2  S  21-24). 

///.  Summary  and  Analysis. — To  present  a  brief 
and  clear  analysis  of  these  Books  of  S  is  not 
altogether  easy.  For  as  in  the  Pent  and  the  earlier 
historical  Books  of  Josh  and  Jgs,  repetitions  and 
apparently  duplicate  accounts  of  the  same  event 
are  found,  which  interfere  with  the  chronological 
development  of  the  narrative.  Even  the  main 
divisions,  as  stated  above,  to  a  certain  extent  over- 
lap. 

(1)  Visit  of  Hannah  to  Shiloh,  and  promise  of  the  birth 
of  a  son  (1  S  1   1-19) ;  birth  and  weaning  of  Samuel,  and 

presentation  to  Eli   at  Shiloh   (1   19-28). 
1     T  if  p  nf  (2)   Hannah's  song  or  prayer  (2  1-10) ; 

X.  ivue  ui        ministry  of  Samuel  to  Eh   the  priest    (2 
bamuel  jj  I8-2126);     the    evil    practices    of    the 

(1  S  1-15)       sons  of  Eli  and  warning  to  Eh  of  the  con- 

sequences    to    his    house    (2  12-17.22-25. 

(k)  Samuel's  vision  at  the  sanctuary  and  his  induction 
to  the  prophetic  office  (3  1—4  1). 

(4)  Defeat  of  the  Israelites  by  the  Phihs,  capture  of 
the  ark  of  God,  death  of  the  two  sons  of  Eli  and  of  Eli 
himself   {ch  4).  „  ,    ,        ^,  ,,/-,,     4. 

(.5)  Discomfiture  of  Dagon  before  the  ark  of  God  at 
Ashdod-  return  of  the  ark  to  Beth-shemesh,  with  expi- 
atory offerings  of  golden  tumors, and  golden  mice;  its 
twenty  years'  sojourn  at  Kiriath-]eanm  (S  1—7  4). 

(6)  Assembly  of  Israel  under  Samuel  at  Mizpah,  and 
victory  over  the  Phihs  (7  S-14) ;  Samuel  established  as 
judge  over  all  Israel  (vs  1.5-17).     ,      .    ,  ,  , . 

(7)  Samuel's  sons  appointed  to  be  ]udges  and  the  con- 
sequent demand  of  the  people  for  a  king;  Samuels 
warning  concerning  the  character  of  the  king  for  whom 

*  '(8) "^Saul's  "^search  for  the  lost  asses  of  his  father  and 
meeting  with  Samuel  (ch  9).  ,  ^i, 

(9)  Saul  is  anointed  by  Samuel  to  be  ruler  over  the 
people  of  Israel,  and  receives  the  gift  of  prophecy  (10 
1-16) ;  second  assembly  of  the  people  under  Samuel  at 
Mizpah,  and  election  of  Saul  to  be  king  (vs  17-27). 

(10)  Victory  of  Saul  over  the  Ammonites  and  deliver- 
ance of   Jabesh-gilead    (11  l-13j;    Saul  made  king  in 

*^"!l)  ^slm^'uel's^address  to  the  people  in  Gilgal,  defend- 


2.  Reign 
and  Death 
of  Saul 
(1  S  16— 
2  SI) 


ing  his  own  life  and  action,  and  exhorting  them  to  fear 
and  serve  the  Lord  (ch  12). 

(12)  Saul  at  Gilgal  olfers  the  burnt  offering  in  Samuel's 
absence;  gathering  of  the  Philis  to  battle  at  Michmash; 
the  Israelites'  lack  of  weapons  of  iron  (ch  13). 

(i:i)  .Jonathan's  surprise  of  the  Phih  army,  and  their 
sudden  panic  (14  1-23);  Saul's  vow,  unwittingly  broken 
by  Jonathan,  whom  the  people  deliver  from  the  fatal  con- 
sequences (vs  24-4.5) ;  victories  of  Saul  over  his  enemies 
on  every  side  (vs  46-.52). 

(14)  War  against  Amalek,  and  Saul's  disobedience 
to  the  Divine  command  to  exterminate  the  Amalekites 
(ch  15). 

(I)  Anointing  of  David  as  Saul's  .successor  (16  1-13); 
his  summons  to  the  court  of   Saul  to  act  as  minstrel 

before  tlie  king  (vs  14—23). 

(2)  David  and  Goliath  (ch  17). 

(3)  The  love  of  David  and  .Jonathan 
(18  1-4);  the  former's  advancement  and 
fame,  the  jealousy  of  Saul,  and  his  attempt 
to  kin  David  (18  5-16.29.30);  David's  mar- 
riage to  the  daughter  of  Saul  (vs  17-28). 

(4)  Saul's  renewed  jealousy  of  David 
and  second  attempt  to  kill  him  (19  1-17); 

David's  escape  to  Ramah,  whitlier  the  king  followed 
(vs  18-24). 

(5)  Jonathan's  warning  to  David  of  his  father's  resolve 
and  their  parting  (ch  20). 

(6)  David  at  Nob  (21  1-9) ;  and  with  Achish  of  Gath 
(vs  10-15). 

(7)  David's  band  of  outlaws  at  Adullam  (22  1.2); 
his  provision  for  the  safety  of  his  father  and  mother  in 
Moab  (ys  3-5) ;  vengeance  of  Saul  on  those  who  had 
helped  David  (vs  6-23). 

(8)  Repeated  attempts  of  Saul  to  take  David  (chs 
23,  24). 

(9)  Death  of  Samuel  (25  1);  Abigail  becomes  David's 
wife,  after  the  death  of  lier  husband  Nabal  (vs  2-44;. 

(10)  Saul's  further  pursuit  of  David  (ch  26). 

(II)  David's  sojourn  with  Achish  of  Gath  (27  1 — 28 
2.29) ;  Saul  and  the  witch  of  Endor  (28  3-25). 

(12)  David's  pursuit  of  the  Amalekites  who  had  raided 
Ziklag,  and  victory  (ch  30). 

(13)  Battle  between  the  Philis  and  Israel  in  Mt.  Gil- 
boa  and  death  of  Saul  (ch  31). 

(14)  News  of  Saul's  death  brought  to  David  at  Ziklag 
(2  S  1  1-16);  David's  lamentation  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan  (vs  17-27). 

(1)  David's  seven  and  a  half  years'  reign  over  Judah 
in  Hebron  (2  8  2  1—5  3). 

(a)   Consecration  of   David  as  king  in 

3.  Reign  of    Hebron  (2  l-4a) ;    message  to  the  men  of 

•p,      jj  Jabesh-gilead  (2  46-7);    Ish-bosheth  made 

^  r^  nn\     k'"S    o^sr    Northern    Israel     (vs    8-11); 

(2  S  2-20)     defeat    of    Abner    and    death    of    Asahel 

(vs  12-32). 

(b)  Increase  of  the  fame  and  prosperity  of  David,  and 
the  names  of  his  sons  (3  1-5) ;  Abner's  submission  to 
David,  and  treacherous  murder  of  the  former  by  Joab 
(vs  6-39). 

(c)  Murder  of  Ish-bosheth  and  David's  vengeance 
upon  his  murderers  (4  1-3.5-12) ;  notice  of  the  escape 
of  Mephibosheth,  when  Saul  and  Jonathan  were  slain  at 
Jezreei  (ver  4). 

(d)  David  accepted  as  Wng  over  all  Israel  (5  1-3). 

(2)  Reign  of  David  in  Jerus  over  united  Israel  (5  4 — 
20  26). 

(o)  Taking  of  Jerus  and  victories  over  the  Philis 
(5   4-25). 

(b)  Return  of  the  ark  to  the  city  of  David  (ch  8). 

(c)  David's  purpose  to  build  a  temple  for  the  Lord 
(7  1-3) ;  the  Divine  answer  by  the  prophet  Nathan, 
and  the  king's  prayer  (vs  4-29). 

(d)  Victories  over  the  Phihs,  Syrians,  and  other  peoples 
(ch  8). 

(e)  David's  reception  of  Mephibosheth  (ch  9). 

(/)  Defeat  of  the  Ammonites  and  Syrians  by  the  men 
of  Israel  under  the  command  of  Joab  (10  1 — 11  1). 

((7)  David  and  Uriah,  the  latter's  death  in  battle,  and 
David's  marriage  with  Batli-sheba  (11  2-27). 

(h)  Nathan's  parable  and  David's  conviction  of  sin 
(12  l-15a) ;  the  king's  grief  and  intercession  for  his  sick 
son  (vs  156-25) ;  siege  and  capture  of  Rabbah,  the  Am- 
monite capital  (vs  26-31). 

(i)  Amnon  and  Tamar  (13  1-22);  Absalom's  revenge 
and  murder  of  Amnon  (vs  23-36) ;  flight  of  Absalom 
(vs  37-.39). 

if)  Return  of  Absalom  to  Jerus  (14  1-24) ;  his  beauty, 
and  reconciliation  with  the  king  (vs  25-33). 

(k)  Absalom's  method  of  ingratiating  himself  with 
the  people  (15  1-6) ;  his  revolt  and  the  flight  of  tlie  king 
from  Jerus  (vs  7-31);  meeting  with  Hushai  (vs  32-37a); 
Absalom  in  Jerus  (ver  376). 

(0  David's  meeting  with  Ziba  (16  1-4),  and  Shimei 
(vs  .5-14) ;  counsel  of  Ahitophel  and  Hushai  (16  15 — 
17  14) ;  the  news  carried  to  David  (vs  15-22) ;  death  of 
Ahitophel  (ver  23). 

Im)  David  at  Mahanaim  (17  24-29). 

(n)  The  revolt  subdued,  death  of  Absalom,  and  recep- 
tion by  David  of  the  tidings  (18  1 — 19  80). 

(o)  Return  of  the  king  to  Jerus,  and  meetings  with 
Shimei,  Mephibosheth,  and  Barzillai  the  Gileadite  (19 
86-43). 


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(p)  Revolt  of  Sheba  the  Benjamite.  and  its  suppres- 
sion by  Joab  witli  the  death  of  Amasa  (20  1.2.4-22); 
the  king's  treatment  of  the  concubines  left  at  Jems  (ver  3) ; 
the  names  of  his  officers  (vs  23-26). 

(1)  Seven  male  descendants  of  Saul  put  to  death  at 
the  instance  of  the  Gibeonites   (21   1-14);    incidents  of 

wars  with  the  Philis  (vs  1.5-22). 
4    AoDendix       ^-^^  David's  song  of  thanksgiving  and 
^  c  oi   oi^  praise  (ch  22). 

(2  b  21-24)        (3)  The    "last    words"    of    David    (23 
l-*?) ;     names    and    exploits    of    David's 
"mighty  men"  (vs  8-39). 

(4)  The  king's  numbering  of  the  people,  the  resulting 
plague,  and  the  dedication  of  the  threshing-floor  of 
Araunah  the  Jebusite  (ch  24) . 

IV.  Sources  of  the  History. — The  natural  infer- 
ence from  the  character  and  contents  of  the  Books 
of  S,  as  thus  reviewed,  is  that  the  writer  has  made 
use  of  authorities,  "sources"  or  "documents,"  from 
which  he  has  compiled  a  narrative  of  the  events 
which  it  was  his  desire  to  place  on  record.  The 
same  characteristics  are  noticeable  here  which  are 
found  in  parts  of  the  Pent  and  of  the  Books  of 
Josh  and  Jgs,  that  in  some  instances  duplicate  or 
parallel  accounts  are  given  of  one  and  the  same 
event,  which  seems  to  be  regarded  from  different 
points  of  view  and  is  narrated  in  a  style  which  is 
more  or  less  divergent  from  that  of  the  companion 
record.  Examples  of  this  so-called  duphcation 
are  more  frequent  in  the  earher  parts  of  the  books 
than  in  the  later.  There  are  presented,  for  instance, 
two  accounts  of  Saul's  election  as  king,  and  an  act 
of  disobedience  is  twice  followed,  apparently  quite 
independently,  by  the  sentence  of  rejection.  Inde- 
pendent also  and  hardly  consistent  narratives  are 
given  of  David's  introduction  to  Saul  (1  S  16  14- 
23;  17  31fT.55ff);  and  the  two  accounts  of  the 
manner  of  the  king's  death  can  be  imperfectly  recon- 
ciled only  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  young  Amalek- 
ite  told  a  false  tale  to  David  in  order  to  magnify 
his  own  part  in  the  matter.  In  these  and  other 
instances  httle  or  no  attempt  seems  to  be  made  to 
harmonize  conflicting  accounts,  or  to  reconcile 
apparent  discrepancies.  In  good  faith  the  'writer 
set  down  the  records  as  he  found  them,  making 
extracts  or  quotations  from  his  authorities  on  the 
several  events  as  they  occurred,  and  thus  building 
up  his  own  history  on  the  basis  of  the  freest  possible 
use  of  the  materials  and  language  of  those  who  had 
preceded  him. 

However  alien  such  a  method  of  composition  may 
appear  to  modem  thought  and  usage  in  the  West, 
it  is  characteristic  of  all  early  oriental  writing.  It 
would  be  almost  impossible  to  find  in  any  eastern 
literature  a  work  of  any  length  or  importance  which 
was  not  thus  silently  indebted  to  its  predecessors, 
had  incorporated  their  utterances,  and  had  itself 
in  turn  suffered  interpolation  at  the  hands  of  later 
editors  and  transcribers.  Accordingly,  early  Heb 
historical  literature  also,  while  unique  in  its  spirit, 
conformed  in  its  methods  to  the  practice  of  the  age 
and  country  in  which  it  was  composed.  It  would 
have  been  strange  if  it  had  been  otherwise. 

Apart  from  the  appendix  and  minor  additions,  of  which 
Hannah's  song  or  psalm  in  1  S  2  is  one,  the  main  por- 
tion of  the  book  is  derived  from  two  inde- 
Two  Main      Pendent  sources,  which  themselves  in  all 
J  T    J  probability  formed  part  of  a  larger  whole,  a 

ana  inae-       more  or  less  consecutive  history  or  histories 
pendent  of  Israel.    These    sources   may.  however, 

siniircpt;  ^^^^  been,  as  others  think,  rather  of  a  bio- 

ouuiv-co  graphical  nature,  presenting  and  enforcing 

the  teaching  of  the  acts  and  experience 
of  the  great  leaders  and  rulers  of  the  nation.  The 
parallehsm  and  duplication  of  the  narrative  is  perhaps 
most  evident  in  the  history  of  Saul.  The  broad  lines 
of  distinction  between  the  two  may  be  defined  without 
much  difficulty  or  uncertainty.  Tlie  greater  part  of  the 
first  eight  chapters  of  1  S  is  in  all  probability  derived 
from  tne  later  of  these  two  sources,  to  which  is  to  be 
assigned  more  or  less  completely  chs  10-12,  15,  17-19 
21-26,  28  and  2  S  1-7.  The  earher  source  has  contrib- 
uted 18  9  with  parts  of  chs  10,  11,  13,  14,  16,  20  and 
considerable  portions  of  chs  22,  23,  26-27,  29-31,  2  S  1 
(in  part),  2-6,9-20.     Some  details  have  probably  been 


derived  from  other  sources,  and  additions  made  by  the 
editor  or  editors.  This  general  determination  of  sources 
rests  upon  a  difference  of  standpoint  and  religious  con- 
ception, and  upon  slighter  varieties  of  style  which  are 
neither  so  pronounced  nor  so  readily  distinguished  as  in 
the  books  of  the  Pent.  It  is  reasonable  also  to  bear  in 
mind  that  a  close  and  exact  division  or  line  of  demar- 
cation in  every  detail  is  not  to  be  expected. 

V.  Character  and  Date  of  Sources. — Attempts  which 
have  been  made  to  determine  the  date  of  these  two  sources, 
or  to  identify  them  with  one  or  other  of  the  principal 
authorities  from  which  the  historical  narratives  of  the 
Pent  are  derived,  have  not  been  convincing.  In  the 
judgment  of  some,  however,  the  later  of  the  two  sources 
siiould  be  regarded  as  a  continuation  of  the  narrative 
or  document  knoivn  as  E,  and  the  earlier  be  assigned 
to  J.  The  style  of  the  latter  has  much  in  conmion  with 
the  style  of  J,  and  is  clear,  vigorous  and  poetical:  the 
religious  conceptions  also  that  are  embodied  and  taught 
are  of  a  simple  and  early  type.  The  later  writing  has 
been  supposed  to  give  indications  of  the  influence  of  the 

grophetic  teaching  of  the  8th  cent.  The  indications, 
owever,  are  not  sufficiently  decisive  to  enable  a  final 
judgment  to  be  formed.  If  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  J 
and  E  represent  rather  schools  of  teaching  and  thought 
than  individual  writers,  the  characteristics  of  the  two 
sources  of  the  Books  of  S  would  not  be  out  of  harmony 
with  the  view  that  from  these  two  schools  respectively 
were  derived  the  materials  out  of  which  the  history  was 
compiled.  The  "sources"  would  then,  according  to  the 
usual  view,  belong  to  the  9th  and  8th  cents,  before  the 
Cliristian  era;  and  to  a  period  not  more  than  a  century 
or  a  century  and  a  half  later  should  be  assigned  the 
final  compilation  and  completion  of  the  book  as  it  is  con- 
tained in  the  Heb  Canon  of  Scripture. 

VI.  Creek  Versions. — For  an  exact  estimate  and  un- 
derstanding of  the  history  and  text  of  the  Books  of  S  ac- 
count must  further  be  taken  of  the  Gr  version  or  versions. 
In  the  LXX  there  is  great  divergence  from  the  Heb  Mas- 
soretic  text,  and  it  is  probable  that  in  the  course  of  trans- 
mission the  Gr  has  been  exposed  to  corruption  to  a  very 
considerable  extent.  At  least  two  recensions  of  the  Gr 
text  are  in  existence,  represented  by  the  Vatican  and 
Alexandrian  MSS  respectively,  of  which  the  latter  is 
nearer  to  the  Heb  original,  and  has  apparently  been 
conformed  to  it  at  a  later  period  with  a  view  to  removing 
discrepancies;  and  this  process  has  naturally  impaired 
its  value  as  a  witness  to  the  primary  shape  of  the  Gr 
text  itself.  There  are  therefore  ttiree  existing  types  of 
the  text  of  S;  the  Massoretic  Heb  and  B  and  A  in  the 
Greek.  The  original  form  of  the  LXX,  If  it  could  be 
recovered,  would  represent  a  text  anterior  to  the  Mas- 
soretic recension,  ditfering  from,  but  not  necessarily 
superior  to,  the  latter.  For  the  restoration  of  the  Gr 
text,  the  Old  Lat.  where  it  is  available,  affords  valuable 
help.  It  is  evident  then  that  in  any  given  instance  the 
agreement  of  these  three  types  or  recensions  of  the  text 
is  the  strongest  possible  witness  to  the  originality  and 
authenticity  of  a  reading ;  but  that  the  weight  attaching 
to  the  testimony  of  A  will  not  in  general,  on  account  of 
the  history  of  its  text,  be  equivalent  to  that  of  either 
of  the  other  two. 

VII.  Ethical  and  Religious  Teaching. — The  re- 
ligious teaching  and  thought  of  the  two  Books  of 
S  it  is  not  difficult  to  summarize.  The  books  are 
in  form  a  historical  record  of  events;  but  they  are 
at  the  same  time  and  more  particularly  a  history 
conceived  with  a  definite  purpose,  and  made  to  sub- 
serve a  definite  moral  ancl  religious  aim.  It  is  not  a 
narrative  of  events  solely,  or  the  preservation  of  his- 
torical detail,  that  the  writer  has  in  view,  but  rather 
to  elucidate  and  enforce  from  Israel's  experience 
the  significance  of  the  Divine  and  moral  govern- 
ment of  the  nation.  The  duty  of  king  and  people 
alike  is  to  obey  Jeh,  to  render  strict  and  willing 
deference  to  His  commands,  and  on  this  path  of 
obedience  alone  will  national  independence  and 
prosperity  be  secured.  With  the  strongest  em- 
phasis, and  with  uncompromising  severity,  sin  even 
in  the  highest  places  is  condemned;  and  an  ideal  of 
righteousness  is  set  forth  in  language  and  with  an 
earnestness  which  recalls  the  exhortations  of  Dt. 
Thus  the  same  is  true  of  the  Books  of  S  as  is  mani- 
fest in  the  preceding  books  of  the  canonical  OT: 
they  are  composed  with  a  didactic  aim.  The  expe- 
rience of  the  past  is  made  to  afford  lessons  of  warn- 
ing and  encouragement  for  the  present.  To  the 
writer  or  writers — the  history  of  the  development 
and  upbuilding  of  the  Israelite  kingdom  is  pregnant 
with  a  deeper  meaning  than  lies  on  the  surface,  and 
this  meaning  he  endeavors  to  make  plain  to  his 
readers  through  the  record.    The  issues  of  the  events 


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Samuel,  Books  of 
Sanctification 


and  the  events  themselves  are  under  the  guidance 
and  control  of  Jeh,  who  always  condemns  and 
punishes  wrong,  but  approves  and  rewards  right- 
eousness. Thus  the  narrative  is  history  utilized 
to  convey  moral  truth.  And  its  value  is  to  be  esti- 
mated, not  primarily  as  recording  the  great  deeds 
of  the  past,  but  as  conveying  ethical  teaching;  that 
by  means  of  the  history  with  all  its  glamor  and 
interest  the  people  may  be  recalled  to  a  sense  of 
their  high  duty  toward  God,  and  be  warned  of  the 
inevitable  consequences  of  disobedience  to  Him. 

LiTERATuni3. — Upon  all  points  of  introduction,  criti- 
cism and  interpretation,  the  comms.  alTord  abundant 
and  satisfactory  guidance.  The  principal  Eng.  comms. 
are  by  H.  P.  Smith  in  ICC,  Edinburgh,  1899,  and  S.  R. 
Driver,  Notes  on  the  Heb  Text  of  the  Books  of  S,  2d  ed, 
Oxford,  1913;  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  "Samuel,"  New  Century 
Bible,  New  York,  Prowde,  1905;  in  German  by  R.  Budde, 
1902,  W.  Nowack.  1902,  A.  Klostermann,  1887.  See 
also  the  arts.  "Samuel"  in  IIDB,  EB  and  Jew  Enc. 

A.  S.  Geden 

SANAAS,  san'4-as  (A  and  Fritzsche,  Savaas, 
iSandas,  B,  Sajid,  Sam(i;  AVAnnaas):  The  sons  of 
Sanaas  re1;unied  in  large  numbers  with  Zerubbabel 
(1  Esd  5  23)  =  "Senaah"  in  Ezr  2  3.5;  Neh  7  38. 
The  numbers  vary  in  each  case  (Esd,  3,330  or 
3,301;   Ezr,  3,630;   Neh,  3,930). 

SANABASSAR,  san-a-bas'ar  (in  1  Esd  2  12.15), 
SANABASSARUS,  san-a-bas'a-rus  (in  6  18.10;  a 
name  appearing  in  many  variations,  A  always  read- 
ing 2ava(3d(rcrapos,  Sanabdssaros,  B,  2ava|j,acro-dpa>, 
Sanamassdro,  in  2  12[11]  [RVm  Samanassar],  Sa|i- 
avao-o-dpov,  Samanassdrou,  in  2  15[14],  but  Sa|3av- 
atro-dpui,  Sabanassdro,  in  6  18[17J  [RVm]  and  2ava- 
pdo-o-apos,  Sanabdssaros,  in  6  20  [19]):  He  was 
"governor  of  Judaea"  under  Cyrus,  conveyed  the 
holy  vessels  of  the  temple  from  Babylon  to  Jerus 
and  "laid  the  foundations  of  the  house  of  the  Lord" 
for  the  first  time  since  its  destruction  (1  Esd  2  12. 
15;  6  18-20)  =  "Sheshbazzar  [q.v.]  the  prince  of 
Judah"  (Ezr  1  8). 

Some  identify  him  with  Zerubbabel  as  AVm  in  1  Esd 
6  18:  "Z.,  which  is  also  S.  the  ruler."  This  view  ap- 
pears to  be  favored  by  the  order  of  the  words  here,  where, 
in  case  of  two  persons,  one  might  expect  "S.  the  ruler" 
to  come  first.  Zerubbabel  appears  as  "governor  of  Ju- 
daea" also  in  1  Esd  6  27-29.  Ezr  3  10  speaks  of  the 
foundation  of  the  temple  imder  Zerubbabel  and  6  16  as 
under  Sheshbazzar.  There  is  further  the  analogy  of  1  Esd 
5  40  where  Nehemias  and  Attharias  refer  to  the  same 
person.  Against  this  identification:  Zerubbabel  is  not 
styled  ruler  or  governor  either  in  Neh  or  Ezr,  but  in 
Hag  1  14;  2  2.21  he  is  pehdh  or  governor  of  Judah;  no 
explanation  is  given  of  the  double  name,  as  in  the  case 
of  e  g  Daniel,  Belteshazzar ;  the  language  of  Ezr  5  14f 
seems  to  refer  to  work  commenced  under  a  different 
person  than  Zerubbabel.  Nor  is  there  any  reason 
against  supposing  a  first  return  mider  Sheshbazzar 
(Sanabassar)  and  a  foundation  of  the  temple  previous  to 
the  time  of  Zerubbabel— an  undertaking  into  which  the 
Jews  did  not  enter  heartily,  perhaps  because  Sanabassar 
may  have  been  a  foreigner  (though  it  is  uncertain  whether 
he  was  a  Babylonian,  a  Persian,  or  a  Jew).  A  later  pro- 
posal is  to  identify  Sanabassar  with  bhenazzar.  the  uncle 
of  Zerubbabel  in  1  Ch  3  18.  But  either  of  these  identi- 
fications must  remain  doubtful.  See  Shenazzar;  Ze- 
rubbabel. ~      . 

S.  Angus 

SANASIB,  san'a-sib  (Fritzsche,  2avao-C|3,  Sanaslb, 
but  B  and  Swcte,  2avaPe£s,  Sanabels,  A,  Avao-tCp, 
Anaselb) :  Found  only  in  1  Esd  5  24,  where  the 
sons  of  Jeddu,  the  son  of  Jesus,  are  a  priestly 
family  returning  "among  the  sons  of  »anasib^ 
Thenameisnot  foundinthe  |1  Ezr  2  36;  Neh  7  39, 
and  is  perhaps    preserved  m  the  Vulg     Eliasib. 

SANBALLAT,  san-bal'at  (t335?D,  ^an'bhallat; 
Or  and  Vulg  Sanaballdt,  Pesh  Samballal):  San- 
ballat  the  Horonite  was,  if  the  appellation  which 
follows  his  name  indicates  his  origin,  a  Moabite  ot 
Horonaim,  a  city  of  Moab  mentioned  mlsa  15  5; 
Jer  48  2.5.34;  Jos,  Ant,  XIII,  xxin;  XIV,  ii.  He 
is  named  along  with  Tobiah,  the  Ammonite  slave 
(Neh  4  1),   and  Geshem  the  Arabian   (Neh  b  1) 


as  the  leading  opponent  of  the  Jews  at  the  time  when 
Nehemiah  undertook  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerus 
(Neh  2  10;  4  1;  6  1).  He  was  related  by  mar- 
riage to  the  son  of  Eliashib,  the  high  priest  at  the 
time  of  the  annulment  of  the  mixed  marriages  for- 
bidden by  the  Law  (Neh  13  28). 

Renewed  interest  has  been  awakened  in  Sanballat 
from  the  fact  that  he  is  mentioned  in  the  papyri  I 
and  II  of  Sachau  (Die  aramdischen  Papyrusur- 
kunden  aus  Elephantine,  Berlin,  1908,  and  in  his 
later  work,  Aramdische  Papyrus  und  Ostraka,  Leip- 
zig, 1911;  cf  Staerk's  convenient  ed  in  Lietzmanns 
Kleine  Texle,  No.  32,  1908)  as  having  been  the 
governor  (pahath)  of  Samaria  some  time  before  the 
17th  year  of  Darius  (Nothus),  i.e.  408-407  BC, 
when  Bagohi  was  governor  of  Judah.  His  two 
sons,  Dclaiah  and  Shelemiah,  received  a  letter  from 
Jedoniah  and  his  companions  the  priests  who  were 
in  Yeb  (Elephantine)  in  Upper  Egypt.  This  letter 
contained  information  concerning  the  state  of  affairs 
in  the  Jewish  colony  of  Yeb,  esp.  concerning  the  de- 
struction of  the  temple  or  synagogue  {agora)  which 
had  been  erected  at  that  place. 

The  address  of  this  letter  reads  as  follows:  "To  our 
lord  Bagohi,  the  governor  of  Judaea,  his  servants  Jedo- 
niah and  his  companions,  the  priests  in  the  fortress  of  Yeb 
[Elephantine].  May  the  God  of  Heaven  inquire  much 
at  every  time  after  the  peace  of  our  lord  and  put  thee  in 
favor  before  Darius  the  king,"  etc.  The  conclusion  of 
the  letter  reads  thus:  "Now,  thy  servants,  Jedoniah 
and  his  companions  and  the  Jews,  all  citizens  of  Yeb, 
say  thus:  If  it  seems  good  to  our  lord,  mayest  thou 
think  on  the  rebuilding  of  that  temple  [tlie  ayora  which 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  Egyptians].  Since  it  has  not 
been  permitted  us  to  rebuild  it,  do  thou  look  on  the 
receivers  of  thy  benefactions  and  favors  here  in  Egypt. 
Let  a  letter  with  regard  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple 
of  the  God  Jaho  in  the  fortress  of  Yeb,  as  it  was  formerly 
built,  be  sent  from  thee.  In  thy  name  will  they  offer 
the  meal  offerings,  the  incense,  and  the  burnt  offerings 
upon  the  altar  of  the  God  Jaho;  and  we  shall  always 
pray  for  thee,  we  and  our  wives  and  our  children  and  all 
the  Jews  found  here,  until  the  temple  has  beenrebuilt. 
And  it  will  be  to  thee  a  meritorious  work  [c^d/iafcd/i]  in 
the  sight  of  Jaho,  the  God  of  Heaven,  greater  than  the 
meritorious  work  of  a  man  who  offers  to  him  a  burnt 
offering  and  a  sacrifice  of  a  value  equal  to  the  value  of 
1,000  talents  of  silver.  And  as  to  the  gold  (probably 
that  which  was  sent  by  the  Jews  to  Bagohi  as  a  bak- 
sheesh] we  have  sent  word  and  given  knowledge.  Also, 
we  have  in  our  name  communicated  in  a  letter  all  [these] 
matters  unto  Delaiah  and  Shelemiah,  the  sons  of  San- 
ballat, governor  of  Samaria.  Also,  from  all  that  has 
been  done  to  us,  Arsham  [the  satrap  of  Egypt]  has 
learned  nothing. 

The  20th  of  Marchoshvan  in  the  17th  year  ot  Darius 
the  king." 

Sanballat  is  the  Bab  Sin-uballit,  "may  Sin  give 
him  life,"  a  name  occurring  a  number  of  times  in  the 
contract  tablets  from  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
Nabonidus,  and  Darius  Hystaspis.  (See  Tallquist, 
Neubabylonisches  Namenbuch,  183.) 

R.  Dick  Wilson 

SANCTIFICATION,  sank-ti-ii-ka'shun : 

Etymology 
I.     The  Formal  Sense 

1.  In  the  OT 

2.  In  the  NT 

II.     The  Ethical  Sense 

1.  Transformation  of  Formal  to  Ethical  Idea 

2.  Our  Relation  to  God  as  Personal:    NT  Idea 

3.  Sanctification  as  God's  Gift 

4.  Questions  of  Time  and  Method 

5.  An  Element  in  All  Christian  Life 

6.  Follows  from  Fellowship  with  God 

7.  Is  It  Instantaneous  and  Entire  ? 

8.  Sanctification  as  Man's  Task 
Literature 

.  The  root  is  found   in  the  OT  in  the  Heb  vb. 
■©■jfj ,    kddhash,  in  the  NT  in  the  Gr  vb.  aiidfu, 
hagidzo.     The    noun     "sanctification" 
Etymology     (ix7ia<r/x6s,  hagiasmos)  does  not  occur  in 
the  OT  and  is  found  but  10  t  in  the 
NT,  but  the  roots  noted  above  appear  in  a  group  of 
important  words  which  are  of  very  frequent  occur- 
rence.    These  words  are  "holy,"   "hallow,"   "hal- 
I  lowed,"  "holiness,"  "consecrate,    "saint," "sanctify," 


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2682 


"sanctification."  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
these  words  are  all  tr'  of  the  same  root,  and  that 
therefore  no  one  of  them  can  be  treated  adequately 
without  reference  to  the  others.  All  have  under- 
gone a  certain  development.  Broadly  stated,  this 
has  been  from  the  formal,  or  ritual,  to  the  ethical, 
and  these  different  meanings  must  be  carefully  dis- 
tinguished. 

/.  The  Formal  Sense. — By  sanctification  is  ordi- 
narily meant  that  hallowing  of  the  Christian  believer 
by  which  he  is  freed  from  sin  and  enabled  to  realize 
the  will  of  God  in  his  life.  This  is  not,  however,  the 
first  or  common  meaning  in  the  Scriptures.  To 
sanctify  means  commonly  to  make  holy,  that  is, 
to  separate  from  the  world  and  consecrate  to  God. 

To  understand  this  primary  meaning  we  must  go 
back  to  the  word  "holy"  in  the  OT.     That  is  holy 
which     belongs     to     Jeh.     There     is 
1.  In  the       nothing    implied    here    as    to    moral 
OT  character.     It  may  refer  to  days  and 

seasons,  to  places,  to  objects  used  for 
worship,  or  to  persons.  Exactly  the  same  usage 
is  shown  with  the  word  "sanctify."  To  sanctify 
anything  is  to  declare  it  as  belonging  to  God. 
"Sanctify  unto  me  all  the  first-born  ....  it  is 
mine"  (Ex  13  2;  of  Nu  3  13;  8  17).  It  applies 
thus  to  all  that  is  connected  with  worship,  to  the 
Levites  (Nu  3  12),  the  priests  and  the  tent  of 
meeting  (Ex  29  44),  the  altar  and  all  that  touches 
it  (Ex  29  36  f),  and  the  offering  (Ex  29  27;  ct 
2  Maco  2  IS;  Ecclus  7  31).  The  feast  and  holy 
days  are  to  be  sanctified,  that  is,  set  apart  from  ordi- 
nary business  as  belonging  to  Jeh  (the  Sabbath, 
Neh  13  19-22;  a  fast,  Joel  1  14).  So  the  nation 
as  a  whole  is  sanctified  when  Jeh  acknowledges  it 
and  receives  it  as  His  own,  "a  kingdom  of  priests, 
and  a  holy  nation"  (Ex  19  5,6).  A  man  may  thus 
sanctify  his  house  or  his  field  (Lev  27  14.16),  but 
not  the  firstling  of  the  flock,  for  this  is  already  Jeh's 
(Lev  27  26). 

It  is  this  formal  usage  without  moral  implication  that 
explains  such  a  passage  as  Gen  38  21.  The  word  tr'^ 
"prostitute"  here  is  from  the  same  V  kddhash, 
meaning  lit.,  as  elsewhere,  the  sanctified  or  conse- 
crated one  (kfdhenhdfi;  see  margin  and  cf  Dt  23  IS; 
1  K  14  24;  ilos  4  14).  It  is  the  hierodule,  the  fa- 
mihar  figure  of  the  old  pagan  temple,  the  sacred  slave 
consecrated  to  the  temple  and  the  deity  for  immoral 
purposes.  The  practice  is  protested  against  in  Israel 
(Dt  23  17  f),  but  the  use  of  the  term  illustrates  clearly 
the  absence  of  anything  essentially  ethical  in  its  pri- 
mary meaning  (cf  also  2  K  10  20,  "And  .lehu  said. 
Sanctify  a  solemn  assembly  for  Baal.  And  they  pro- 
claimed it";    cf  Joel  1   14). 

Very  suggestive  is  the  transitive  use  of  the  word 
in  the  phrase,  "to  sanctify  Jeh."  To  understand 
this  we  must  note  the  use  of  the  word  "holy"  as 
applied  to  Jeh  in  the  OT.  Its  meaning  is  not  pri- 
marily ethical.  Jeh's  holiness  is  His  supremac}-. 
His  sovereignty,  His  glory.  His  essential  being  as 
God.  To  say  the  Holy  One  is  simply  to  say  God. 
Jeh's  holiness  is  seen  in  His  might.  His  manifested 
glory;  it  is  that  before  which  peoples  tremble, 
which  makes  the  nations  dread  (Ex  15  11-18;  ci; 
1  S  6  20;  Ps  68  35;  89  7;  99  2.3).  Significant 
is  the  way  in  which  "jealous"  and  "holy"  are  almost 
identified  (Josh  24  19;  Ezk  38  23).  It  is  God 
asserting  His  supremacy.  His  unique  claim.  To 
sanctify  Jeh,  therefore,  to  make  Him  holy,  is  to 
assert  or  acknowledge  or  bring  forth  His  being  as 
God,  His  supreme  power  and  glory,  His  sovereign 
claim.  Ezekicl  brings  this  out  most  clearly.  Jeh  has 
been  profaned  in  the  eyes  of  the  nations  ilirough  Is- 
rael's defeat  and  captivity.  True,  it  was  because  of 
Israel's  sins,  but  the  nations  thought  it  was  because 
of  Jeh's  weakness.  The  ethical  is  not  wanting  in 
these  passages.  The  people  are  to  be  separated 
from  their  sins  and  given  a  new  heart  (Ezk  36  25. 
26.33).     But  the  word  "sanctify"  is  not  used  for 


this.  It  is  applied  to  Jeh,  and  it  means  the  assertion 
of  Jeh's  power  in  Israel's  triumph  and  the  conquest 
of  her  foes  (20  41;  28  25;_36  23;  38  16;  39  27). 
The  sanctification  of  Jeh  is  thus  the  assertion  of 
His  being  and  power  as  God,  just  as  the  sanctifi- 
cation of  a  person  or  object  is  the  assertion  of  Jeh's 
right  and  claim  in  the  same. 

The  story  of  the  waters  of  RIeribah  illustrates  the 
same  meaning.  Moses'  failure  to  sanctify  Jeh  is  his 
failure  to  declare  Jeh's  glory  and  power  in  the  miracle 
of  the  waters  (Nu  20  12.13;  27  14;  Dt  32  51).  The 
story  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  points  the  same  way.  Here 
"  I  will  be  sanctified  "  is  the  same  as  "  I  will  be  glorified  " 
(Lev  10  1-3).  Not  essentially  dillerent  is  the  usage  in 
Isa  5  16:  "Jeh  of  hosts  is  exalted  in  justice,  and  God 
the  Holy  One  is  sanctified  in  righteousness."  Holiness 
again  is  the  e.xaltedness  of  God,  His  supremacy,  which  is 
seen  here  in  the  judgment  (justice,  righteousness)  meted 
out  to  the  disobedient  people  (cf  the  recurrent  refrain 
of  5  25;  9  12.17.21;  10  4;  see  Justice;  Justice  of 
God).  Isa  8  13;  29  23  suggest  the  same  idea  by  the 
way  in  which  they  relate  "sanctify"  to  fear  and  awe.  One 
NT  passage  brings  us  the  same  meaning  (1  Pet  3  15): 
"Sanctify  in  your  hearts  Christ  as  Lord,"  that  is,  exalt 
Him  as  supreme. 

In  a  few  NT  passages  the  OT  ritual  sense  reap- 
pears, as  when  Jesus  speaks  of  the  temple  sanctify- 
ing the  gold,   and  the  altar  the   gift 
2.  In  the        (Mt  23  17.19;     cf   also    He  9  13;     1 
NT  Tim  4  5).     The    prevailing    meaning 

is  that  which  we  found  in  the  OT.  To 
sanctify  is  to  consecrate  or  set  apart.  We  may 
first  take  the  few  passages  in  the  Fourth  Gospel. 
As  applied  to  Jesus  in  10  36;  17  19,  sanctify  cannot 
mean  to  make  holy  in  the  ethical  sense.  As  the 
whole  context  shows,  it  means  to  consecrate  for 
His  mission  in  the  world.  The  reference  to  the  dis- 
ciples, "that  they  themselves  also  may  be  sanctified 
in  truth,"  has  both  meanings:  that  they  may  beset 
apart  (for  Jesus  sends  them,  as  the  Father  sends 
Him),  and  that  they  may  be  made  holy  in  truth. 

This  same  meaning  of  consecration,  or  separation, 
appears  when  we  study  the  word  saint,  which  is  the 
same  as  "sanctified  one."  Aside  from  its  use  in  the 
Pss,  the  word  is  found  mainly  in  the  NT.  Outside 
the  Gospels,  where  the  term  "disciples"  is  used,  it  is 
the  common  word  to  designate  the  followers  of 
Jesus,  occurring  some  56  t.  By  "saint"  is  not 
meant  the  morally  perfect,  but  the  one  who  belongs 
to  Christ,  just  as  the  sanctified  priest  or  offering 
belonged  to  Jeh.  Thus  Paul  can  salute  the  disci- 
ples at  Corinth  as  saints  and  a  little  later  rebuke 
them  as  carnal  and  babes,  as  those  among  whom 
are  jealousy  and  strife,  who  walk  after  the  manner  of 
men  (1  Cor  12;  3  1-3).  In  the  same  way  the 
phrase  "the  sanctified"  or  "those  that  are  sanctified" 
is  used  to  designate  the  believers.  By  "the  inherit- 
ance among  all  them  that  are  sanctified"  is  meant 
the  heritage  of  the  Christian  believer  (Acts  20  32; 
26  18;  cf  1  Cor  1  2;  6  11;  Eph  1  IS;  Col  1  12). 
This  is  the  meaning  in  He,  which  speaks  of  the  be- 
liever as  being  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  Christ. 
In  10  29  the  writer  speaks  of  one  who  has  fallen 
away,  who  "hath  counted  the  blood  of  the  covenant 
wherewith  he  was  sanctified  an  unholy  thing." 
Evidently  it  is  not  the  inner  and  personal  holiness 
of  this  apostate  that  is  referred  to,  esp.  in  view  of 
the  tense,  but  that  he  had  been  separated  unto  God 
by  this  sacrificial  blood  and  had  then  counted  the 
holy  offering  a  common  thing.  The  contrast  is 
between  sacred  and  common,  not  between  moral 
perfection  and  sin  (cf  10  10;  13  12).  The  formal 
meaning  appears  again  in  1  Cor  7  12-14,  where  the 
unbelieving  husband  is  said  to  be  sanctified  by  the 
wife,  and  vice  versa.  It  is  not  moral  character  that 
is  meant  here,  but  a  certain  separation  from  the 
profane  and  unclean  and  a  certain  relation  to  God. 
This  is  made  plain  by  the  reference  to  the  children: 
"Else  were  your  children  unclean;  but  now  aie 
they  holy."     The  formal  sense  is  less  certain  in  other 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA        Sanctification 


instances  where  we  have  the  thought  of  sanctifi- 
cation in  or  by  the  Holy  Spirit  or  in  Christ;  as  in 
Rom  15  16,  "being  sanctified  by  the  Holy  Spirit"; 
1  Cor  1  2,  to  "them  that  are  sanctified  in  Christ 
Jesus";  1  Pet  1  2,  "in  sanctification  of  the  Spirit." 
Paul's  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  as  the  new  life  in  us 
seems  to  enter  in  here,  and  yet  the  reference  to 
1  Cor  suggests  that  the  primary  meaning  is  still 
that  of  setting  apart,  the  relating  to  God. 

//.  The  Ethical  Sense. — We  have  been  consider- 
ing so  far  what  has  been  called  the  formal  meaning 
of  the  word;  but  the  chief  interest  of  Christian 
thought  lies  in  the  ethical  idea,  sanctification  con- 
sidered as  the  active  deed  or  process  by  which  the 
life  is  made  holy. 

Our  first  question  is,  How  does  the  idea  of  belong- 
ing to  God  become  the  idea  of  transformation  of  life 
and  character?  The  change  is,  in- 
1.  Trans-  deed,  nothing  less  than  a  part  of  the 
formation  whole  movement  for  which  the  entire 
of  Formal  Scriptures  stand  as  a  monument.  The 
to  Ethical  ethical  is  not  wanting  at  the  beginning. 
Idea  but  the  supremacy  of  the  moral  and 

spiritual  over  against  the  formal,  the 
ritual,  the  ceremonial,  the  national,  is  the  clear 
direction  in  which  the  movement  as  a  whole  tends. 
Now  the  pivot  of  this  movement  is  the  conception 
of  God.  As  the  thought  of  God  grows  more  ethical, 
more  spiritual,  it  molds  and  changes  all  other  con- 
ceptions. Thus  what  it  means  to  belong  to  God 
(holiness,  sanctification)  depends  upon  the  nature 
of  the  God  to  whom  man  belongs.  The  hierodules 
of  Corinth  are  women  of  shame  because  of  the  na- 
ture of  the  goddess  to  whose  temple  they  belong. 
The  prophets  caught  a  vision  of  Jeh,  not  jealous 
for  His  prerogative,  not  craving  the  honor  of  punc- 
tilious and  proper  ceremonial,  but  with  a  gracious 
love  for  His  people  and  a  passion  for  righteousness. 
Theirgreat  message  is:  This  now  is  Jeh ;  hear  what 
it  means  to  belong  to  such  a  God  and  to  serve 
Him.  "What  unto  me  is  the  multitude  of  your 
sacrifices?  ....  Wash  you,  make  you  clean;  .  .  .  . 
seek  justice,  relieve  the  oppressed"  (Isa  1  11.16.17). 

"When  Israel  was  a  child,  then  I  loved  him 

I  desire  goodness,  and  not  sacrifice;  and  the  knowl- 
edge of  God  more  than  bumt^offerings"  (Hos  11  1; 
6  6). 

In  this  way  the  formal  idea  that  we  have  been 
considering  becomes  charged  with  moral  meaning. 
To  belong  to  God,  to  be  His  servant.  His  son,  is  no 
mere  external  matter.  Jesus'  teaching  as  to  sonship 
is  in  point  here.  The  word  "sanctification"  does 
not  occur  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels  at  all,  but  "son- 
ship"  with  the  Jews  expressed  this  same  relation  of 
belonging.  For  them  it  meant  a  certain  obedience 
on  the  one  hand,  a  privilege  on  the  other.  Jesus 
declares  that  belonging  to  God  means  likeness  to 
Him,  sonship  is  sharing  His  spirit  of  loving  good 
will  (Mt  5  43-48).  Brother  and  sister  for  Jesus 
are  those  who  do  God's  will  (Mk  3  3.5).  Paul 
takes  up  the  same  thought,  but  joms  it  definitely  to 
the  words  "saint"  and  "sanctify."  The  rehgious 
means  the  ethical,  those  "that  are  sanctified  are 
"called  to  be  saints"  (1  Cor  1  2).  The  signffioant 
latter  phrase  is  the  same  as  in  Rom  1  1,  Paul 
called  to  be  an  apostle."  In  this  light  we  read 
Eph  4  1  "Walk  worthily  of  the  calling  wherewith 
yewerecaUed."  Cf  1  Thess  2  12;  Phil  1  27  And 
the  end  of  this  caUing  is  that  we  are  "foreordained 
to  be  conformed  to  the  image  of  his  Son  (Rom  8 
29)  We  must  not  limit  ourselves  to  the  words 
"saint"  or  "sanctify"  to  get  this  teaching  with  Paul. 
It  is  his  constant  and  compelling  moral  appeal: 
You  belong  to  Christ;  live  with  Him,  live  unto 
Him  (Col  3  1-4;  1  Thess  6  10).  It  is  no  formal 
belonging,  no  external  surrender.  It  is  the  yielding 
of  the  life  in  its  passions  and  purposes,  m  its  deepest 


affections  and  highest  powers,  to  be  ruled  by  a  new 
spirit  (Eph  4  13.20.23.24.32;  cf  Rom  12  1). 

But  we  do  not  get  the  full  meaning  of  this  thought 

of  sanctification  as  consecration,  or  belonging,  until 

we  grasp  the  NT  thought  of  our  rela- 

2.  Relation  tion  to  God  as  personal.  The  danger 
to  God  has  always  been  that  this  consecration 
Personal:  should  be  thought  of  in  a  negative  or 
NT  Idea        passive    way.     Now    the    Christian's 

surrender  is  not  to  an  outer  authority 
but  to  an  inner,  living  fellowship.  The  sanctified 
life  is  thus  a  life  of  personal  fellowship  lived  out 
with  the  Father  in  the  spirit  of  Christ  in  loving 
trust  and  obedient  service.  This  positive  and  vital 
meaning  of  sanctification  dominates  Paul's  thought. 
He  speaks  of  living  unto  God,  of  living  to  the  Lord, 
and,  most  expressively  of  all,  of  being  alive  unto 
Gocl  (Rom  14  8;  cf  6  13;  Gal  2  19).  So  com- 
pletely is  his  life  filled  by  this  fellowship  that  he 
can  say,  "It  is  no  longer  I  that  live,  but  Christ 
liveth  in  me"  (Gal  2  20).  But  there  is  no  quietism 
here.  It  is  a  very  rich  and  active  life,  this  life  of 
fellowship  to  which  we  are  surrendered.  It  is  a 
life  of  sonship  in  trust  and  love,  with  the  spirit  that 
enables  us  to  say,  "Abba,  Father"  (Rom  8  1.5; 
Gal  4  6).  It  is  a  life  of  unconquerable  kindness  and 
good  will  (Mt  5  43-48) .  It  is  a  life  of  "faith  work- 
ing through  love"  (Gal  5  6),  it  is  having  the  mind 
of  Christ  (Phil  2  5).  The  sanctified  life,  then,  is 
the  life  so  fully  surrendered  to  fellowship  with  Christ 
day  by  day  that  inner  spirit  and  outward  expression 
are  ruled  by  His  spirit. 

We  come  now  to  that  aspect  which  is  central  for 
Christian  interest,  sanctification  as  the  making  holy 

of  life,  not  by  our  act,  but  by  God's 

3.  Sancti-  deed  and  by  God's  gift.  If  holiness 
fication  as  represents  the  state  of  heart  and  life 
God's  Gift     in  conformity  with  God's  will,  then 

sanctification  is  the  deed  or  process  by 
which  that  state  is  wrought.  And  this  deed  we  are 
to  consider  now  as  the  work  of  God.  Jesus  prays 
that  the  Father  may  sanctify  His  disciples  in 
truth  (Jn  17  17).  So  Paul  prays  for  the  Thessa- 
lonians  (1  Thess  5  23),  and  declares  that  Christ  is 
to  sanctify  His  church  (cf  Rom  6  22;  2  Thess  2 
13;  2  Tim  2  21;  1  Pet  1  2).  _  Here  sanctification 
means  to  make  clean  or  holy  in  the  ethical  sense, 
though  the  idea  of  consecration  is  not  necessarily 
lacking.  But  aside  from  special  passages,  we  must 
take  into  account  the  whole  NT  teaching,  according 
to  which  every  part  of  the  Christian  life  is  the  gift 
of  God  and  wrought  by  His  Spirit.  "It  is  God  that 
worketh  in  you  both  to  will  and  to  work"  (Phil  2 
13;  cf  Rom  8  2-4.9.14.16-26;  Gal  6  22 f).  Sig- 
nificant is  the  use  of  the  words  "creature"  ("crea- 
tion," see  margin)  and  "workmanship"  with  Paul 
(2  Cor  5  17;  Gal  6  15;  Eph  2  10;  4  24).  The 
new  life  is  God's  second  work  of  creation. 

When  we  ask,  however,  when  and  how  this  work 
is  wrought,  there  is  no  such  clear  answer.     What 

we  have  is  on  the  one  hand  uncompro- 

4.  Ques-  mising  ideal  and  demand,  and  on  the 
tions  of  other  absolute  confidence  in  God.  By 
Time  and  adding  to  these  two  the  evident  fact 
Method         that  the  Christian  believers  seen  in  the 

NT  are  far  from  the  attainment  of 
such  Christian  perfection,  some  writers  have  as- 
sumed to  have  the  foundation  here  for  the  doctrine 
that  the  state  of  complete  holiness  of  life  is  a  special 
experience  in  the  Christian  life  wrought  in  a  definite 
moment  of  time.  It  is  well  to  realize  that  no  NT 
passages  give  a  specific  answer  to  these  questions  of 
time  and  method,  and  that  our  conclusions  must  be 
drawn  from  the  general  teaching  of  the  NT  as  to  the 
Christian  life. 

First,  it  must  be  noted  that  in  the  NT  view  sancti- 
fication in  the  ethical  sense  is  an  essential  element 


Sanctification        THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2684 


and  inevitable  result  of  all  Christian  life  and  experi- 
ence.    Looked  at  from  the  religious  point  of  view, 
it  follows  from  the  doctrine  of  regenera- 

5.  An  Ele-  tion.  Regeneration  is  the  implanting 
ment  in  All  of  a  new  life  in  man.  So  far  as  that 
Christian  is  a  new  life  from  God  it  is  ipso  facto 
Life  holy.     The  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit 

teaches  the  same  (see  Holy  Spirit). 
There  is  no  Christian  life  from  the  very  beginning 
that  is  not  the  work  of  the  Spirit.  "No  man  can 
[even]  say,  Jesus  is  Lord,  but  in  the  ....  Spirit" 
(1  Cor  12  3).  But  this  Spirit  is  the  Holy  Spirit, 
whether  with  Paul  we  say  Spirit  of  Christ  or  Spirit 
of  God  (Rom  8  9) .  His  presence,  therefore,  in  so 
far  forth  means  holiness  of  life.  From  the  ethical 
standpoint  the  same  thing  is  constantly  declared. 
Jesus  builds  here  upon  the  prophets:  no  religion 
without  righteousness;  clean  hands,  pure  hearts, 
deeds  of  mercy  are  not  mere  conditions  of  worship, 
but  joined  to  humble  hearts  are  themselves  the 
worship  that  God  desires  (Am  5  21-25;  Mic  6  6-8). 
Jesus  deepened  the  conception,  but  did  not  change 
it,  and  Paul  was  true  to  this  succession.  "If  any 
man  hath  not  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  he  is  none  of  his. 
And  if  Christ  is  in  you,  ....  the  spirit  is  hfe  because 
of  righteousness"  (Rom  8  9.10).  There  is  nothing 
in  Paul's  teaching  to  suggest  that  sanctification  is 
the  special  event  of  a  unique  experience,  or  that 
there  are  two  kinds  or  qualities  of  sanctification. 
All  Christian  living  meant  for  him  clean,  pure,  right 
living,  and  that  was  sanctification.  The  simple, 
practical  way  in  which  he  attacks  the  bane  of  sexual 
impurity  in  his  pagan  congregations  shows  this. 
"This  is  the  will  of  God,  even  your  sanctification, 
that  ye  abstain  from  fornication;  that  each  one  of 
you  know  how  to  possess  himself  of  his  own  vessel 
in  sanctification  and  honor.  For  God  called  us  not 
for  uncleanness,  but  in  sanctification"  (1  Thess  4 
3.4.7).  The  strength  of  Paul's  teaching,  indeed,  lies 
here  in  this  combination  of  moral  earnestness  with 
absolute  dependence  upon  God. 

The  second  general  conclusion  that  we  draw  from 

the  NT  teaching  as  to  the  Christian  Hfe  is  this:  the 

sanctification  which  is  a  part   of  all 

6.  Follows  Christian  living  follows  from  the  very 
from  Fel-  nature  of  that  life  as  fellowship  with 
lowship  God.  Fundamental  here  is  the  fact 
with  God       that  the  Christian  hfe  is  personal,  that 

nothing  belongs  in  it  which  cannot  be 
stated  in  personal  terms.  It  is  a  life  with  God 
in  which  He  graciously  gives  Himself  to  us,  and 
which  we  live  out  with  Him  and  with  our  brothers 
in  the  spirit  of  Christ,  which  is  His  Spirit.  The 
two  great  facts  as  to  this  fellowship  are,  that  it  is 
God's  gift,  and  that  its  fruit  is  holiness.  First, 
it  is  God's  gift.  AYhat  God  gives  us  is  nothing 
less  than  Himself.  The  gift  is  not  primarily  for- 
giveness, nor  victory  over  sin,  nor  peace  of  soul, 
nor  hope  of  heaven.  It  is  fellowship  with  Him, 
which  includes  all  of  these  and  without  which 
none  of  these  can  be.  Secondly,  the  fruit  of  this 
fellowship  is  holiness.  The  real  hallowing  of  our 
life  can  come  in  no  other  way.  For  Christian  holi- 
ness is  personal,  not  something  formal  or  ritual,  and 
its  source  and  power  can  be  nothing  lower  than  the 
personal.  Such  is  the  fellowship  into  which  God 
graciously  lifts  the  believer.  Whatever  its  mystical 
aspects,  that  fellowship  is  not  magical  or  sacra- 
mental. It  is  ethical  through  and  through.  Its 
condition  on  our  side  is  ethical.  For  Christian 
faith  is  the  moral  surrender  of  our  life  to  Him  in 
whom  truth  and  right  come  to  us  with  authority 
to  command.  The  meaning  of  that  surrender  is 
ethical;  it  is  opening  the  life  to  definite  moral  real- 
ities and  powers,  to  love,  meekness,  gentleness, 
humihty,  reverence,  purity,  the  passion  for  right- 
eousness, to  that  which  words  cannot  analyze  but 


which  we  know  as  the  Spirit  of  Christ.  Such  a 
fellowship  is  the  supreme  moral  force  for  the  mold- 
ing of  life.  An  intimate  human  fellowship  is  an 
analogue  of  this,  and  we  know  with  what  power  it 
works  on  life  and  character.  It  cannot,  however, 
set  forth  either  the  intimacy  or  the  power  of  this 
supreme  and  final  relation  where  our  Friend  is  not 
another  but  is  our  real  self.  So  much  we  know:  this 
fellowship  means  a  new  spirit  in  us,  a  renewed  and 
daily  renewing  life. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  Paul  has  no  hard-and-fast  forms 
for  this  life.  The  reality  was  too  rich  and  great,  and 
his  example  should  teach  us  caution  in  the  insistence 
upon  theological  forms  which  may  serve  to  compress  the 
truth  instead  of  expressing  it.  Here  are  some  of  his 
expressions  for  this  life  in  us:  to  "have  the  mind  of 
Christ"  (1  Cor  2  16;  Phil  2  5),  "the  Spirit  of  Christ" 
(Rom  8  9),  "Christ  is  in  you"  (Rom  8  10),  "the  spirit 
which  is  from  God"  (1  Cor  2  12),  "the  Spirit  of  God" 
(1  Cor  3  16),  "the  Holy  Spirit"  (1  Cor  6  19).  "the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord "  (2  Cor  3  17).  "the  Lord  the  Spirit" 
(2  Cor  3  18).  But  in  all  this  one  fact  stands  out.  this 
life  is  personal,  a  new  spirit  in  us,  and  that  spirit  is 
one  that  we  have  in  personal  fellowship  with  God;  it 
is  His  Spirit.  Especially  signiflcant  Is  the  way  in  which 
Paul  relates  this  new  life  to  Christ.  We  have  already 
noted  that  Paul  uses  indiflerently  "Spirit  of  God"  and 
"Spirit  of  Christ."  and  that  in  the  same  passage  (Rom 
8  9).  Paul's  great  contribution  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  hes  here.  As  he  states  it  in  2  Cor  3  17: 
"Now  the  Lord  is  the  Spirit."  "With  that  the  whole 
conception  of  the  Spirit  gains  moral  content  and  per- 
sonal character.  The  Spirit  is  personal,  not  some  thing, 
nor  some  strange  and  magical  power.  The  Spirit  is 
ethical;  there  is  a  definite  moral  quality  which  is  ex- 
pressed when  we  say  Christ.  He  has  the  Spirit  who  has 
tlie  qualities  of  Christ.  Thus  the  presence  of  the  Spirit 
is  not  evidenced  in  the  unusual,  the  miraculous,  the 
ecstatic  utterance  of  the  enthusiast,  or  some  strange 
deed  of  power,  but  in  the  workaday  quahties  of  kindness, 
goodness,  love,  loyalty,  patience,  self-restraint  (Gal  5 
22  f).  With  this  identification  of  the  Spirit  and  the 
Christ  in  mind,  we  can  better  understand  the  passages 
in  which  Paul  brings  out  the  relation  of  Christ  to  the 
sanctification  of  the  believer.  He  is  the  goal  (Rom  8 
29).  We  are  to  grow  up  in  Him  (Eph  4  15).  He  is  to 
be  formed  in  us  (Gal  4  19)-  We  are  to  behold  Him  and 
be  changed  into  His  image  (2  Cor  3  17  f).  This  deep- 
ens into  Paul's  thought  of  the  mystical  relation  with 
Christ.  The  Christian  dies  to  sin  with  Him  that  he 
may  live  with  Him  a  new  life.  Christ  is  now  his  real 
life.  He  dwells  in  Christ,  Christ  dwells  in  him.  He 
has  Christ's  thoughts.  His  mind.  See  Rom  6  3-11; 
8  9.10;    1  Cor  2  16;    15  22;    Gal  2  20. 

This  vital  and  positive  conception  of  the  sanctifica- 
tion of  the  believer  must  be  asserted  against  some  popu- 
lar interpretations.  The  symbols  of  fire  and  water,  as 
suggesting  cleansing,  have  sometimes  been  made  the 
basis  for  a  whole  superstructure  of  doctrine.  (For  the 
former,  note  Isa  6  6  f ;  Lk  3  16;  Acts  2  3;  for  the 
latter.  Acts  2  38;  22  16;  1  Cor  6  11;  Eph  5  26; 
Tit  3  5;  He  10  22;  Rev  1  .5;  7  14.)  There  is  a  two- 
fold danger  here,  from  which  these  writers  have  not 
escaped.  The  symbols  suggest  cleansing,  and  their 
over-emphasis  has  meant  first  a  negative  and  narrow 
idea  of  sanctification  as  primarily  separation  from  sin 
or  defilement.  This  is  a  falling  back  to  certain  OT 
levels.  Secondly,  these  material  symbols  have  been 
literalized,  and  the  result  has  been  a  sort  of  mechanical 
or  magical  conception  of  the  work  of  the  Spirit.  I3ut 
the  soul  is  not  a  substance  for  mechanical  action,  however 
sublimated.  It  is  personal  life  that  is  to  be  hallowed, 
thought,  affections,  motives,  desires,  will,  and  only  a 
personal  agent  through  personal  fellowship  can  work 
this  end. 

The  clear  recognition  of  the  personal  and  vital 
character  of  sanctification  will  help  us  with  another 
problem.  If  the  holy  life  be  God's  re- 
7.  Is  It  In-  quirement  and  at  the  same  time  His 
stantaneous  deed,  why  should  not  this  sanctifica- 
and  Entire?  tion  be  instantaneous  and  entire?  And 
does  not  Paul  imply  this,  not  merely  in 
his  demands  but  in  his  prayer  for  the  Thessalonians, 
that  God  may  establish  their  hearts  in  holiness,  that 
He  may  sanctity  them  wholly  and  preserve  spirit 
and  soul  and  body  entire,  without  blame  at  the 
coming  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  (1  Thess  3  13; 
5  23)? 

In  answer  to  this  we  must  first  discriminate  be- 
tween the  ideal  and  the  empirical  with  Paul.  Like 
John  (1  Jn  1  6;  3  9),  Paul  insists  that  the  hfe  of 
Christ  and  the  life  of  sin  cannot  go  on  together,  and 


2685 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA        Sanctification 


he  knows  no  qualified  obedience,  no  graduated 
standard.  He  brings  the  highest  Christian  demand 
to  the  poorest  of  his  pagan  converts.  Nor  have  we 
any  finer  proof  of  his  faith  than  this  uncompro- 
mising ideahsm.  On  the  other  hand,  how  could  he 
ask  less  than  this?  God  cannot  require  less  than 
the  highest,  but  it  is  another  question  how  the  ideal 
is  to  be  achieved.  In  the  realm  of  the  ideal  it  is 
always  either  ....  or.  In  the  realm  of  life  there 
is  another  category.  The  question  is  not  simply. 
Is  this  man  sinner  or  saint?  It  is  rather,  What 
is  he  becoming?  This  matter  of  becoming  is  the 
really  vital  issue.  Is  this  man  turned  the  right 
way  with  aU  his  power?  Is  his  life  wholly  open  to 
the  Divine  fellowship?  Not  the  degree  of  achieve- 
ment, but  the  right  attitude  toward  the  ideal,  is 
decisive.  Paul  does  not  stop  to  resolve  paradoxes, 
but  practically  he  reckons  with  this  idea.  Side  by 
side  with  his  prayer  for  the  Thessalonians  are  his 
admonitions  to  growth  and  progress  (1  Thess  3  12; 
6  14).  Neither  the  absolute  demand  or  the  promise 
of  grace  gives  us  the  right  to  conclude  how  the  con- 
summation shall  take  place. 

That  conclusion  we  can  reach  only  as  we  go  back 
again  to  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  personal 

character  of  the  Christian  life  and  the 
8.  Sanctifi-  relation  thus  given  between  the  ethical 
cation  as  and  the  religious.  All  Christian  life 
Man's  Task  is  gift  and  task  alike.     "Work  out  your 

own  salvation  ....  for  it  is  God  who 
worketh  in  you"  (Phil  2  12  f).  All  is  from  God; 
we  can  only  five  what  God  gives.  But  there  is  a 
converse  to  this:  only  as  we  live  it  out  can  God 
give  to  us  the  fife.  This  appears  in  Paul's  teaching 
as  to  sanctification.  It  is  not  only  God's  gift,  but 
our  task.  "This  is  the  will  of  God,  even  your 
sanctification"  (1  Thess  4  3).  "Having  therefore 
these  promises  ....  let  us  cleanse  ourselves  from 
all  defilement  of  flesh  and  spirit,  perfecting  hohness 
[hagiosune]  in  the  fear  of  God"  (2  Cor  7  1).  Sig- 
nificant is  Paul's  use  of  the  word  "walk."  We  are 
to  "walk  in  newness  of  life,"  "by  [or  in]  the  Spirit," 
"in  love,"  and  "in  Christ  Jesus  the  Lord"  (Rom  6 
4;  Gal  5  16;  Eph  5  2;  Col  2  6).  The  gift  in 
each  case  becomes  the  task,  and  indeed  becomes 
real  and  effective  only  in  this  activity.  It  is  only 
as  we  walk  by  the  Spirit  that  this  becomes  powerful 
in  overcoming  the  lusts  of  the  flesh  (Gal  5  16;  cf 
5  2.5).  But  the  ethical  is  the  task  that  ends  only 
with  life.  If  God  gives  only  as  we  live,  then  He 
cannot  give  all  at  once.  Sanctification  is  then  the 
matter  of  a  life  and  not  of  a  moment.  The  hfe  may 
be  consecrated  in  a  moment,  the  right  relation  to 
God  assumed  and  the  man  stand  in  saving  fellow- 
ship with  Him.  The  hfe  is  thus  made  holy  m 
principle.  But  the  real  making  holy  is  coextensive 
with  the  whole  life  of  man.  It  is  nothing  less  than 
the  constant  in-forming  of  the  life  of  the  inner  spirit 
and  outer  deed  with  the  Spirit  of  Christ  until  we, 
"speaking  truth  in  love,  may  grow  up  m  all  things 
into  him,  who  is  the  head"  (Eph  4  15).  (Read  also 
Rom  6;  that  the  Christian  is  dead  to  sin  is  not  some 
fixed  static  fact,  but  is  true  only  as  he  refuses  the 
lower  and  yields  his  members  to  a  higher  obedience. 
Note  that  in  1  Cor  5  7  Paul  in  the  same  verse 
declares  "ye  are  unleavened,"  and  then  exhorts 
"Purge  out  the  old  leaven,  that  ye  may  be  a  new 
lump";    cf  also  1  Thess  5  5-10  ) 

We  may  sum  up  as  follows:  The  word  sanctify_ 
is  used  with  two  broad  meanings:  (1)  The  first  is 
to  devote,  to  consecrate  to  God,  to  recognize  as 
holy,  that  is,  as  belonging  to  God.  This  is  the 
regular  OT  usage  and  is  most  common  m  the  N  i . 
The  prophets  showed  that  this  belonging  to  Jeh 
demanded  righteousness.  The  NT  deepens  this 
into  a  whole-hearted  surrender  to  the  fellowship  of 
God  and  to  the  rule  of  His  Spirit.     (2)  Though  the 


word  itself  appears  in  but  few  passages  with  this 
sense,  the  NT  is  full  of  the  thought  of  the  making 
holy  of  the  Christian's  life  by  the  Spirit  of  God  in 
that  fellowship  into  which  God  lifts  us  by  Hia  grace 
and  in  which  He  gives  Himself  to  us.  This  sancti- 
fying, or  hallowing,  is  not  mechanical  or  magical. 
It  is  wrought  out  by  God's  Spirit  in  a  daily  fellow- 
ship to  which  man  gives  himself  in  aspiration  and 
trust  and  obedience,  receiving  with  open  heart, 
living  out  in  obedient  life.  It  is  not  negative,  the 
mere  separation  from  sin,  but  the  progressive  hal- 
lowing of  a  life  that  grows  constantly  in  capacity, 
as  in  character,  into  the  stature  of  full  manhood  as 
it  is  in  Christ.  And  from  this  its  very  nature  it  is 
not  momentary,  but  the  deed  and  the  privilege  of 
a  whole  life.  See  also  Holy  Spirit  and  the  follow- 
ing article. 

Literature. — The  popular  and  special  works  are 
usually  too  undiscriminating  and  unhistorical  to  be  of 
value  for  the  Bib.  study.  An  exception  is  Beet.  Holiness 
Symbolic  and  Real.  Full  Bib.  material  in  Cremer,  Bib. 
Theol.  Lex.,  but  treated  from  special  points  of  view. 
See  Systematic  Theologies.  OT  Theologies  (cf  esp. 
Smend),  and  NT  Theologies  (cf  esp.  Holtzmann). 

Harris  Franklin  Rall 

Wesleyan  Doctrine 

1.  Doctrine  Stated 

2.  Objections  Answered 

3.  Importance  for  the  Preacher 

4.  Hymnology 

5.  Its  Glorious  Results 

6.  Wesley's  Personal  Testimony 

Christian   perfection,    through   entire   sanctifica- 
tion, by  faith,  here  and  now,  was  one  of  the  doc- 
trines  by    which   John    Wesley    gave 
1.  Doctrine  great  offence  to  his  clerical  brethren 
Stated  in    the    Anglican    church.     From    the 

beginning  of  his  work  in  1739,  till  1760, 
he  was  formulating  this  doctrine.  At  the  last  date 
there  suddenly  arose  a  large  number  of  witnesses 
among  his  followers.  Many  of  these  he  questioned 
with  Baconian  skiU,  the  result  being  a  confirmation 
of  his  theories  on  various  points. 

In  public  address  he  used  the  terms  "Christian 
Perfection,"  "Perfect  Love,"  and  "Hohness,"  as 
synonymous,  though  there  are  differences  between 
them  when  examined  criticaUy.  With  St.  Paul  he 
taught  that  all  regenerate  persons  are  saints,  i.e. 
holy  ones,  as  the  word  "saint,"  from  Lat  sanctus, 
through  the  Norman-Fr.,  signifies  (1  Cor  1  2; 
2  Cor  1  1).  His  theory  is  that  in  the  normal 
Christian  the  principle  of  holiness,  beginning  with 
the  new  birth,  gradually  expands  and  strengthens 
as  the  believer  grows  in  grace  and  in  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth,  till,  by  a  final,  all-surrendering  act  of 
faith  in  Christ,  it  reaches  an  instantaneous  com- 
pletion through  the  act  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the 
sanctifier:  2  Cor  7  1,  "perfecting  holiness,"  etc; 
Eph  4  13,  AV  "TiU  we  all  come  ....  unto  a 
perfect  man,"  etc.  Thus  sanctification  is  gradual, 
but  entire  sanctificatien  is  instantaneous  (Rom 
6  6,  "our  old  man  was  crucified,"  etc,  a  sudden 
death;  Gal  2  20,  "I  have  been  crucified  with 
Christ;  and  it  is  no  longer  I  that  five").  In  1  Thess 
6  23,  the  word  "sanctify"  is  a  Gr  aorist  tense,  sig- 
nifying an  act  and  not  a  process,  as  also  in  Jn  17 
19,  "that  they  ....  may  be  sanctified  in  truth," 
or  truly.  (See  Meyer's  note.)  Many  Christians 
experience  this  change  on  their  deathbeds.  If 
death  suddenly  ends  the  life  of  a  growing  Christian 
before  he  is  wholly  sanctified,  the  Holy  Spirit  per- 
fects the  work.  Wesley's  advice  to  the  preachers 
of  this  evangelical  perfection  was  to  draw  and  not 
to  drive,  and  never  to  quote  any  threatenings  of 
God's  word  against  God's  children.  The  declara- 
tion, "Without  sanctification  no  man  shall  see  the 
Lord"  (He  12  14),  does  not  apply  to  the  saints, 
"the  holy  ones." 


Sanctification 
Sanctuary 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2686 


Wesley's  perfection  of  love  is  not  perfection  of 
degree,  but  of  kind.  Pure  love  is  perfect  love. 
The  gradual  growth  toward  perfect  purity  of  love  is 
beautifully  expressed  in  Monod's  hymn, 

"O  the  bitter  shame  and  sorrow!" 
The  first  response  to  the  Saviour's  call  is, 

"AU  of  self,  and  none  of  Thee." 
But  after  a  vie-w  of  Christ  on  the  cross,  the  answer  Is 
faintly, 

"  Some  of  self,  and  some  of  Thee." 
Then,  after  a  period  of  growing  love,  the  cry  is, 

"Less  of  self,  and  more  of  Thee." 
After  another  period,  tlie  final  cry  is, 

"None  of  self,  and  all  of  Thee!" 
an  aspiration  for  pure  love,  without  any  selfishness. 

The  attainment  of  this  grace  is  certified  by  the 
total  cessation  of  all  servile  fear  (1  Jn  4  18). 
Wesley  added  to  this  the  witness  of  the  Spirit,  for 
which  his  only  proof-text  is  1  Cor  2  12. 

(1)  Paul,  in  Phil  3  12,  declares  that  he  is  not 
"made  perfect" :  (a)  in  ver  15,  he  declares  that  he  is 

perfect;   (h)  "made  perfect"  is  a  term, 

2.  Objec-  borrowed  from  the  ancient  games, 
tions  signifying  a  finished  course.  This  is 
Answered      one  of  the  meanings  of  teleido,  as  seen 

also  in  Lk  13  32  m,  "The  third  day  I 
end  my  course."  Paul  no  more  disclaims  spiritual 
perfection  in  these  words  than  does  Christ  before 
"the  third  day."  Paul  claims  in  ver  15,  by  the  use 
of  an  adj.,  that  he  is  perfect.  In  ver  12  Paul  claims 
that  he  is  not  perfect  as  a  ■victor,  because  the  race  is 
not  ended.  In  ver  15  he  claims  that  he  is  perfect 
as  a  racer. 

(2)  Paul  says  (1  Cor  15  31),  "I  die  daily." 
This  does  not  refer  to  death  to  sin,  as  some  say  that 
it  does,  but  to  his  daily  danger  of  being  killed  for 
preaching  Christ,  as  in  Rom  8  36,  "we  are  killed 
all  the  day  long." 

(3)  1  Jn  1  8:  "If  we  say  that  we  have  no  sin," 
etc.  (a)  If  this  includes  Christians,  it  contradicts 
John  himself  in  the  very  next  verse,  and  in  3  9, 
"^Tiosoever  is  begotten  of  God  doeth  no  sin,"  and 
Jn  8  36,  "If  ....  the  Son  shall  make  you  free," 
etc,  and  in  all  those  texts  in  the  NT  declaring  sins 
forgiven. 

(b)  Bishop  "Westcott  says  that  the  expression,  "to 
have  sin."  is  distinguished  from  "to  sin."  as  the  sinful 
principle  is  distinguished  from  the  sinful  act  in  itself. 
It  includes  the  idea  of  personal  guilt.  Westcott  asserts 
that  John  refers  to  the  Gnostics,  who  taught  that  moral 
evil  exists  only  in  matter,  and  never  touches  spirit,  which 
is  always  holy:  and,  therefore,  though  guilty  of  all 
manner  of  "\ace,  their  spirits  had  no  need  of  atonement, 
because  they  were  untouched  by  sin,  which  existed  only 
in  their  bodies,  as  it  does  in  all  matter.  When  told  that 
this  made  the  body  of  Christ  sinful,  they  denied  the 
reahty  of  His  body,  saying  that  it  was  only  a  phantom. 
Hence,  in  the  very  first  verse  of  this  Ep.,  John  writes 
evidently  against  the  gnostic  error,  quoting  three  of  the 
five  senses  to  prove  the  reality  of  Christ's  humanity. 
(By  all  means,  see  "The  Epp.  of  St.  John,"  Cambridge 
Bible  for  Schools,  etc,  17-21.) 

The  relation  of  this  doctrine  to  the  Methodist 

Episcopal  church  in  the  United  States  is  seen  in  the 

following  questions,  which  have  been 

3.  Required  affirmatively  answered  in  public  by 
for  the  all  its  preachers  on  their  admission  to 
Highest  the  Conferences:  "Are  you  going  on 
Success  to  perfection?";  "Do  you  e.xpect  to 
of  the  be  made  perfect  in  love  in  this  life?"; 
Preacher        "Are  you  earnestly  striving  after  it?" 

The  hymns  of  tlie  Wesleys,  still  uni- 
versally sung,  are  filled  with  this  doctrine,  in  which 
occur  such  expressions  as: 

"Take  away  our  bent  to  sinning,"  .... 
"  Let  us  find  that  second  rest,"   .... 
"Make  and  keep  me  pure  within,"   .... 
"'Tis  done!  Thou  dost  tlais  moment  save, 
"VVith  full  salvation  bless. "  .... 


4.  Hym- 
nology 


To  the  preaching  of  Christian  perfection  Wesley 
ascribed  the  success  of  his  work  in  the  conversion, 
religious  training  and  intellectual  education  of  the 


masses  of  Great  Britain.     It  furnished  him  a  multi- 
tude of   consecrated   workers,    many  of  them  lay 
preachers,  who  labored  in  nearly  every 

5.  Its  hamlet,  and  who  carried  the  gospel 
Glorious  into  all  the  British  colonies,  includ- 
Results          ing  America.     It  is  declared  by  secular 

historians  that  this  great  evangelical 
movement,  in  which  the  doctrine  of  entire  sancti- 
fication was  so  prominent,  saved  England  from  a 
disastrous  revolution,  hke  that  which  drenched 
France  with  the  blood  of  its  royal  family  and  its 
nobihty,  in  the  last  decade  of  the  18th  cent.  It 
is  certain  that  the  great  Christian  and  humani- 
tarian work  of  William  Booth,  originally  a  Metho- 
dist, was  inspired  by  this  doctrine  which  he  con- 
stantly preached.  This  enabled  his  followers  in  the 
early  years  of  the  Salvation  Army  to  endure  the 
persecutions  which  befell  them  at  that  time. 

Wesley's  own  experience  of  this  grace  is  found  in  his 

journal,  March,  1760:    "I  felt  my  soul  was  all  love. 

I  was  so  stayed  on  God  as  I  never  felt 

6.  Wesley's  before,  and  knew  that  I  loved  Him  with 
Personal  all  my  heart.  When  I  came  home  I 
Testimony     could  ask  for  nothing;  I  could  only  give 

thanks.  And  the  witness  that  God  had 
saved  me  from  all  my  sins  grew  clearer  every  hour. 
On  Wednesday  this  was  stronger  than  ever.  I  have 
never  since  found  my  heart  wander  from  God." 

This  is  as  explicit  a  testimony  to  his  entire  sancti- 
fication as  his  only  recorded  testimony  to  his  justi- 
fication in  these  words  (May  24,  1738):  "I  felt 
my  heart  strangely  warmed  ....  and  an  assur- 
ance was  given  me,  that  He  had  taken  away  my 
sins,"  etc.  Daniel  Steele 

SANCTITY,  sank'ti-ti,  LEGISLATION,  lej-is- 
la'shun,  OF.     See  Astronomy,  I,  5,  (6) . 

SANCTUARY,  sank'ta-a-ri,  sank'tu-a-ri  (tD^pl?  , 
mikddsh,  W~^'i2  ,  viikk'dhash,  TS"!"  ,  kodhesh,  "holy 
place";    a.^ lov,  hdgion): 

1.  Nature  of  Article 

2.  The  Graf-Wellhausen  Hypothesis 
The  Three  Stages 

3.  Difficulties  of  the  Theory 

(1)  Slaughter  Not  Necessarily  Sacrificial 

(2)  Sacrifice  and  Theophany 

(3)  Alleged  Plurality  of  Sanctuaries 

(4)  The  Altar  of  God's  House 

(5)  Local  Altars  in  Deuteronomy 

4.  The  Alternative  View 

(1)  Lay  Sacrifice 

(2)  Three  Pilgrimage  Festivals 

5.  The  Elephantine  Papyri 
The  Elephantine  Temple 

LiTERATUEE 

The  present  art.  is  designed  to  supplement  the 
arts,  on  Altars;  High  Place;  Pentateuch; 
Tabern.acle;  Temple,  by  giving  an 
1.  Nature  outline  of  certain  rival  views  of  the 
of  the  course  of  law  and  history  as  regards 

Article  the    place   of   worship.     The    subject 

has  a  special  importance  because  it 
was  made  the  turning-point  of  Wellhausen's  dis- 
cussion of  the  development  of  Israel's  literature, 
history  and  religion.  He  himself  writes:  "I  differ 
from  Graf  chiefly  in  this,  that  I  always  go  back  to 
the  centralization  of  the  cultus,  and  deduce  from 
it  the  particular  divergences.  i\Iy  whole  position 
is  contained  in  my  first  chapter"  (Prolegomena, 
368).  For  the  purposes  of  this  discussion  it  is 
necessary  to  use  the  sj'mbols  JE,  D,  H,  and  P, 
which  are  explained  in  the  art.  Pentateuch. 

It  is  said  that  there  are  three  distinct  stages  of 
law  and  history. 

(1)  In  the  first  stage  all  slaughter  of  domestic  ani- 
mals for  food  purposes  was  sacrificial,  and  every 
layman  could  sacrifice  locally  at  an  altar  of  earth  or 
unhewn  stones.     The  law  of  JE  is  contained  in  Ex 


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Sanctiflcation 
Sanctuary 


20  24-26,  providing  for  the  making  of  an  altar  of 
earth  or  stones,  and  emphasis  is  laid  on  the  words 

"in  every  place  ["in  all  the  place"  is 
2.  The  grammatically  an  equally  possible  ren- 

Graf-Well-  dering]  where  I  record  my  name  I  will 
hausen  Hy-  come  unto  thee  and  I  will  bless  thee." 
pothesis         This,  it  is  claimed,  permits  a  plurality 

of  sanctuaries.  Illustrations  are  pro- 
vided by  the  history.  The  patriarchs  move  about 
the  country  freely  and  build  altars  at  various  places. 
Later  sacrifices  or  altars  are  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  Jethro  (Ex  18  12),  Moses  (17  15, 
etc),  Joshua  (Josh  8  30),  Gideon  (Jgs  6  26  etc), 
Manoah  (13  19),  Samuel  (1  S  7  17,  etc),  Elijah 
(1  K  18  32),  to  take  but  a  few  instances.  Per- 
haps the  most  instructive  case  is  that  of  Saul  after 
the  battle  of  Michmash.  Observing  that  the  people 
were  eating  meat  with  blood,  he  caused  a  large 
stone  to  be  rolled  to  him,  and  we  are  e.xpressly  told 
that  this  was  the  first  altar  that  he  built  to  the  Lord 
(1  S  14  35).  While  some  of  these  examples  might 
be  accounted  for  by  theophanies  or  other  special 
circumstances,  they  are  too  numerous  when  taken 
together  for  such  an  explanation  to  suffice.  In 
many  instances  they  represent  the  conduct  of  the 
most  authoritative  and  religious  leaders  of  the  age, 
e.g.  Samuel,  and  it  must  be  presumed  that  such  men 
knew  and  acted  upon  the  Law  of  their  own  day. 
Hence  the  history  and  the  Law  of  Ex  20  are  in 
unison  in  permitting  a  multiplicity  of  sanctuaries. 
Wellhausen  adds:  "Altars  as  a  rule  are  not  built 
by  the  patriarchs  according  to  their  own  private 
judgment  wheresoever  they  please;  on  the  contrary, 
a  theophany  calls  attention  to,  or,  at  least  after- 
ward, confirms,  the  holiness  of  the  place"  (op.  cit., 
31). 

(2)  The  second  stage  is  presented  by  Dt  in  the 
Law  and  Josiah's  reformation  in  the  history. 
Undoubtedly  Dt  12  permits  local  non-sacrificial 
slaughter  for  the  purposes  of  food,  and  enjoins  the 
destruction  of  heathen  places  of  worship,  insisting 
with  great  vehemence  on  the  central  sanctuary. 
The  narrative  of  Josiah's  reformation  in  2  K  23 
taUies  with  these  principles. 

(3)  The  third  great  body  of  law  (P)  does  not  deal 
with  the  question  (save  in  one  passage,  Lev  17). 
In  Dt  "the  unity  of  the  cultus  is  commanded;    in 

the  PC  it  is  presupposed What  follows  from 

this  forms  the  question  before  us.  To  my  thinking, 
this:  that  the  PC  rests  upon  the  result  which  is  only 
the  aim  of  Dt"  {Prolegomena,  35).  Accordingly,  it 
is  later  than  the  latter  book  and  dates  from  about 
the  time  of  Ezra.  As  to  Lev  17  1-9,  this  belongs 
to  H,  an  older  collection  of  laws  than  P,  and  is 
taken  up  in  the  latter.  Its  intention  was  "to  secure 
the  exclusive  legitimation  of  the  one  lawful  place  of 

sacrifice Plainly  the  common  man  did  not 

quite  understand  the  newly  drawn  and  previously 
quite  unknown  distinction  between  the  religious 
and  the  profane  act"  {Prolegomena,  50).  Accord- 
ingly, this  legislator  strove  to  meet  the  difficulty  by 
the  new  enactment.  See  Criticism  (The  Graf- 
Wellhausen  Hypothesis). 

(1)  Slaughter  not  necessarily  sacrificial.— T ho 
general  substratum  afforded  by  the  documentary 

theory  falls  within  the  scope  of  the 
3.  Difflcul-  art.  Pentateuch.  The  present  dis- 
ties  of  the  cussion  is  limited  to  the  legal  and  his- 
Theory  torical    outline    traced     above.     The 

view  that  all  slaughter  of  domestic 
animals  was  sacrificial  till  the  time  of  Josiah  is 
rebutted  by  the  evidence  of  the  early  books.  The 
following  examples  should  be  noted:  in  Gen  18  7 
a  calf  is  slain  without  any  trace  of  a  sacrifice,  and  m 

27  9-14  (Jacob's  substitute  for  venison)  no  altar 
or  religious  rite  can  fairly  be  postulated.     In  1  S 

28  24  the  slaughter  is  performed  by  a  woman,  so 


that  here  again  sacrifice  is  out  of  the  question.  If 
Gideon  performed  a  sacrifice  when  he  "made  ready 
a  kid"  (Jgs  6  19)  or  when  he  killed  an  animal  for 
the  broth  of  which  the  narrative  speaks,  the  animals 
in  question  must  have  been  sacrificed  twice  over, 
once  when  they  were  killed  and  again  when  the  food 
was  consumed  by  flames.  Special  importance 
attaches  to  Ex  22  'l  (Heb  21  37),  for  there  the  JE 
legislation  itself  speaks  of  slaughter  by  cattle  thieves 
as  a  natural  and  probable  occurrence,  and  it  can 
surely  not  have  regarded  this  as  a  sacrificial  act. 
f)ther  instances  are  to  be  found  in   Gen  43  16; 

1  S  25  11;  1  K  19  21.  In  1  S  8  13  the  word 
tr**  "cooks"  means  lit.  "women  slaughterers."  All 
these  instances  are  prior  to  the  date  assigned  to 
Dt.  With  respect  to  Lev  17  1-7  also,  the  theory 
is  unworkable.  At  any  time  in  King  Josiah's  reign 
or  after,  it  would  have  been  utterly  impossible  to 
limit  all  slaughter  of  animals  for  the  whole  race 
wherever  resident  to  one  single  spot.  This  part  of 
the  theory  therefore  breaks  down. 

(2)  Sacrifi.ce  and  theophany. — The  view  that  the 
altars  were  erected  at  places  that  were  peculiarly 
holy,  or  at  any  rate  were  subsequently  sanctified 
by  a  theophany,  is  also  untenable.  In  the  Patri- 
archal age  we  may  refer  to  Gen  4  26,  where  the 
calUng  on  God  implies  sacrifice  but  not  theophanies, 
Abram  at  Beth-el  (12  8)  and  Mamre  (13  18),  and 
Jacob's  sacrifices  (31  54;  33  20).  Compare  later 
Samuel's  altar  at  Ramah,  Adonijah's  sacrifice  at 
En-rogel  (1  K  1),  Naaman's  earth  (2  K  5),  David's 
clan's  sacrifice  (1  S  20  6.29).  It  is  impossible  to 
postulate  theophanies  for  the  sacrifices  of  every  clan 
in  the  country,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  tran.s- 
late  Ex  20  24  "in  all  the  place"  (see  supra  2,  [1]) 
and  to  understand  "the  place"  as  the  territory  of 
Israel. 

(3)  Alleged  plurality  of  sanctuaries. — The  hy- 
pothesis of  a  multiplicity  of  sanctuaries  in  JE  and 
the  history  also  leaves  out  of  view  many  most  im- 
portant facts.  The  truth  is  that  the  word  "sanc- 
tuary" is  ambiguous  and  misleading.  A  pluraUty 
of  altars  of  earth  or  stone  is  not  a  plurality  of 
sanctuaries.  The  early  legislation  knows  a  "house 
of  Jeh"  in  addition  to  the  primitive  altars  (Ex  23 
19;  34  26;  cf  the  parts  of  Josh  9  23.27  assigned  to 
J).  No  eyewitness  could  mistake  a  house  for  an 
altar,  or  vice  versa. 

(4)  The  altar  ofOod's  house. — Moreover  a  curious 
little  bit  of  evidence  shows  that  the  "house"  had 
quite  a  different   kind  of  altar.     In   1  K  1  50  f; 

2  28  ff,  we  hear  of  the  horns  of  the  altar  (of  Am  3 
14).  Neither  earth  nor  unhewn  stones  (as  required 
by  the  Law  of  Ex  20)  could  provide  such  horns, 
and  the  historical  instances  of  the  altars  of  the 
patriarchs,  religious  leaders,  etc,  to  which  reference 
has  been  made,  show  that  they  had  no  horns.  Ac- 
cordingly we  are  thrown  back  on  the  description  of 
the  great  altar  of  burnt  offering  in  Ex  27  and  must 
assume  that  an  altar  of  this  type  was  to  be  found 
before  the  ark  before  Solomon  built  his  Temple. 
Thus  the  altar  of  the  House  of  God  was  quite  dif- 
ferent from  the  customary  lay  altar,  and  when  we 
read  of  "mine  altar"  as  a  refuge  in  Ex  21  14,  we 
must  refer  it  to  the  former,  as  is  shown  by  the  pas- 
sages just  cited.  In  addition  to  the  early  legislation 
and  the  historical  passages  cited  as  recognizing  a 
House  of  God  with  a  horned  altar,  we  see  such  a 
house  in  Shiloh  where  Eli  and  hia  sons  of  the  house 
of  Aaron  (1  S  2  27)  ministered.  Thus  the  data 
of  both  JE  and  the  history  show  us  a  House  of  God 
with  a  horned  altar  side  by  side  with  the  multi- 
plicity of  stone  or  earthen  altars,  but  give  us  no 
hint  of  a  plurality  of  legitimate  houses  or  shrines 
or  sanctuaries. 

(5)  Local  altars  in  Deuteronomy . — Dt  also  recog- 
nizes a  number  of  local  altars  in  16  21  (see  ICC,  ad 


Sanctuary 
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2688 


loc.)  and  so  does  Da  in  Josh  8  30  ff.  There  is  no 
place  for  any  of  these  passages  in  the  Wellhausen 
theory;  but  again  we  find  one  house  side  by  side 
with  many  lay  altars. 

(1)  Lay  sacrifice. — The  alternative  view  seeks  to 
account  for  the  whole  of  the  facts  noted  above.  In 
bald  outline  it  is  as  follows:  In  pre- 
4.  The  Al-  Mosaic  times  customary  sacrifices 
temative  had  been  freely  offered  by  laymen  at 
View  altars  of  earth  or  stone  which  were  not 

"sanctuaries,"  but  places  that  could 
be  used  for  the  nonce  and  then  abandoned.  Slaugh- 
ter, as  shoTiTi  by  the  instances  cited,  was  not  neces- 
sarily sacrificial.  Moses  did  not  forbid  or  dis- 
courage the  custom  he  found.  On  the  contrary, 
he  regulated  it  in  Ex  20  24-26;  Dt  16  21  f  to  pre- 
vent possible  abuses.  But  he  also  superimposed 
two  other  kinds  of  sacrifice — certain  new  offerings 
to  be  brought  by  individuals  to  the  religious  capital 
and  the  national  offerings  of  Nu  28,  29  and  other 
passages.  If  P  assumes  the  rehgious  capital  as 
axiomatic,  the  reason  is  that  this  portion  of  the 
Law  consists  of  teaching  intrusted  to  the  priests, 
embracing  the  procedure  to  be  followed  in  these 
two  classes  of  offerings,  and  does  not  refer  at  all  to 
the  procedure  at  customary  lay  sacrifices,  which  was 
regulated  by  immemorial  custom.  Dt  thunders  not 
against  the  lay  altars — which  are  never  even  men- 
tioned in  this  connection — but  against  the  Canaan- 
itish  high  places.  Dt  12  contemplates  only  the 
new  individual  offerings.  The  permission  of  lay 
slaughter  for  food  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  in- 
fidelity of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness  (Lev  17 
5-7)  had  led  to  the  universal  prohibition  of  lay 
slaughter  for  the  period  of  the  wanderings  only, 
though  it  appears  to  be  continued  by  Dt  for  those 
who  lived  near  the  House  of  God  (see  12  21,  limited 
to  the  case  "if  the  place  ....  be  too  far  from 
thee"). 

(2)  Three  •pilgrimage  festivals  in  JE. — The  JE  leg- 
islation itself  recognizes  the  three  pilgrimage  festi- 
vals of  the  House  of  God  (Ex  34  22  f) .  One  of  these 
festivals  is  called  "the  feast  of  weeks,  even  of  the 
bikkiiritn  [a  kind  of  first-fruits]  of  wheat  harvest," 
and  as  23  19  and  34  26  require  these  bikkurlm  to 
be  brought  to  the  House  of  God  and  not  to  a  lay 
altar,  it  follows  that  the  pilgrimages  are  as  firmly 
estaWished  here  as  in  Dt.  Thus  we  find  a  House 
(with  a  horned  altar)  served  by  priests  and  lay  altars 
of  earth  or  stone  side  by  side  in  law  and  history  till 
the  exile  swept  them  all  away,  and  by  breaking 
the  continuity  of  tradition  and  practice  paved  the 
way  for  a  new  and  artificial  interpretation  of  the 
Law  that  was  far  removed  from  the  intent  of  the 
lawgiver. 

The  Elephantine  temple. — Papyri  have  recently 
been  found  at  Elephantine  which  show  us  a  Jewish 
community  in  Egypt  which  in  405 
5.  The  Ele-  BO  possessed  a  local  temple.  On  the 
phantine  Wellhausen  hypothesis  it  is  usual  to 
Papyri  assume  that  P  and  Dt  were  still  un- 

known and  not  recognized  as  authori- 
tative in  this  community  at  that  date,  although  the 
Deuteronomic  law  of  the  central  sanctuary  goes 
back  at  least  to  621.  It  is  difficult  to  understand 
how  a  law  that  had  been  recognized  as  Divine  by 
Jeremiah  and  others  could  still  have  been  unknown 
or  destitute  of  authority.  On  the  alternative  view 
this  phenomenon  will  have  been  the  result  of  an 
interpretation  of  the  Law  to  suit  the  needs  of  an 
age  some  800  years  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Moses 
in  circumstances  he  never  contemplated.  The 
Pent  apparently  permits  sacrifice  only  in  the  land 
of  Israel:  in  the  altered  circumstances  the  choice 
lay  between  interpreting  the  Law  in  this  way  or 
abandoning  public  worship  altogether;  for  the 
synagogue  with  its  non-sacrificial  form  of  public 


worship  had  not  yet  been  invented.  All  old  legis- 
lations have  to  be  construed  in  this  way  to  meet 
changing  circumstances,  and  this  example  contains 
nothing  exceptional  or  surprising. 

Literature. — J.  Wellhausen,  Prolegomena  to  the  His- 
tory of  Israel,  oh  i,  for  the  critical  hypothesis:  H.  M. 
Wiener,  EPC,  ch  vi,  PS  passim  for  the  alternative  view: 
POT,  173  fit. 

Harold  M.  Wiener 

SAND  (bin ,  hoi:  a|i(ios,  amnios;  a  variant 
of  the  more  usual  \l/d|ji|ios,  psdmmos;  cf  d|ia6os, 
dmalhos,  \|/a(ia9os,  psdmalhos): 

Sand  is  principally  produced  by  the  grinding  action 
of  waves.  This  is  accompanied  by  chemical  solution, 
with  the  result  that  the  more  soluble  constituents  of 
the  rock  diminish  in  amount  or  disappear  and  the  sands 
tend  to  become  more  or  less  purely  silicious.  silica  or 
quartz  being  a  common  constituent  of  rocks  and  very 
insoluble.  The  rocks  of  Pal  are  so  largely  composed  of 
limestone  that  the  shore  and  dune  sands  are  unusually 
calcareous,  containing  from  10  to  20  per  cent  of  calcium 
carbonate.  This  is  subject  to  solution  and  redeposition 
as  a  cement  between  the  sand  grains,  binding  them 
together  to  form  the  porous  sandstone  of  the  seashore, 
which  is  easily  worked  and  is  much  used  in  building.  See 
Bock,  III,  (2). 

Figurative:  (1)  Used  most  often  as  a  symbol  of 
countless  multitude;  esp.  of  the  children  of  Israel 
(Gen  22  17;  32  12;  2  S  17  11;  1  K  4  20;  Isa  10 
22;  48  19;  Jer  33  32;  Hos  1  10;  Rom  9  27;  He 
11  12);  also  of  the  enemies  of  Israel  (Josh  11  4; 
Jgs  7  12;  1  S  13  5;  cf  Rev  20  8).  Joseph  laid 
up  grain  as  the  sand  of  the  sea  (Gen  41  49);  God 
gave  Solomon  wisdom  and  understanding  and  large- 
ness of  heart  as  the  sand  that  is  on  the  seashore 
(1  K  4  29);  Job  says  "I  shall  multiply  my  days 
as  the  sand"  (Job  29  18);  the  multitude  of  quails 
provided  for  the  Israelites  in  the  desert  is  compared 
to  the  sand  (Ps  78  27);  the  Psalmist  says  of  the 
thoughts  of  God,  "They  are  more  in  number  than  the 
sand"  (Ps  139  18);  Jeremiah,  speaking  of  the  deso- 
lation of  Jerus,  says  that  the  number  of  widows  is 
as  the  sand  (Jer  15  8).  (2)  Sand  is  also  a  symbol 
of  weight  (Job  6  3;  Prov  27  3),  and  (3)  of  insta- 
bility (Mt  7  26). 

It  is  a  question  what  is  meant  by  "the  hidden 
treasures  of  the  sand"  in  Dt  33  19. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

SAND  FLIES,  sand'fllz  (DS3  ,  kinnim  [Ex  8  16  m; 
Wisd  19  10  m]):  EV  "hce."  See  Flea;  Gnat; 
Insects;  Lice. 

SAND,  GLOWING,  glo'ing.     See  Mirage. 

SAND-LIZARD,  sand'liz-ard  (UpH  ,  hornet;  LXX 
o-aOpa,  saura,  "hzard";  AV  snail):'  Hornet  is  7th  in 
the  list  of  unclean  "creeping  things"  in  Lev  11  29.30, 
and  occurs  nowhere  else.  It  is  probably  a  skink  or 
some  species  of  Lacerta.     See  Lizard;  Snail. 

SANDAL,  san'dal.  See  Dress,  6;  Shoe;  Shoe- 
Latchet. 

SANHEDRIN,san'h5-drin  (r^lO?© ,  janAed/irire, 
the    Talmudic    transcription  of    thie  Gr  o-uv^Sptov, 

sunidrion):  The  Sanhedrin  was,  at 
1.  Name        and  before  the  time  of  Christ,  the  name 

for  the  highest  Jewish  tribunal,  of  71 
members,  m  Jerus,  and  also  for  the  lower  tribunals, 
of  23  members,  of  which  Jerus  had  two  (Toijephta' 
Haghlghah  11  9;  Sanh.  16;  11  2).  It  is  derived 
from  sun,  "together,"  and  Udra,  "seat."  In  Gr 
and  Rom  literature  the  senates  of  Sparta,  Carthage, 
and  even  Rome,  are  so  called  (cf  Pausan.  iii  11  2' 
Polyb.  ui.22;  Dion  Cassius  xl.49).  In  Jos  we  meet 
with  the  word  for  the  first  time  in  connection  with 
the  governor  Gabinius  (57-55  BC),  who  divided 
the  whole  of  Pal  into  5  sunedria  (Ant,  XIV,  v,  4), 
or  sunodoi  (BJ,  I,  viii,  5) ;  and  with  the  term  sune- 
drion  for  the  high  council  in  Jerus  first  in  Anl,  XIV, 


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Sanctuary 
Sanhedrin 


ix,  3-5,  in  connection  with  Herod,  who,  when  a 
youth,  had  to  appear  before  the  sunedrion  at  Jerus 
to  answer  for  his  doings  in  Galilee.  But  before  that 
date  the  word  appears  in  the  LXX  version  of  Prov- 
erbs (c  130  BC),  esp.  in  22  10;  31  23,  as  an 
equivalent  for  the  Mishnaic  6e(/i-dm  =  "judgment- 
chamber." 

In  the  NT  the  word  sometimes,  esp.  when  used 
in  the  pi.  (Mt  10  17;  Mk  13  9;  cf  Sank.  1  5), 
means  simply  "court  of  justice,"  i.e.  any  judicatory 
(Mt  5  22).  But  in  most  cases  it  is  used  to  desig- 
nate the  supreme  Jewish  Court  of  Justice  in  Jerus, 
in  which  the  process  against  Our  Lord  was  carried 
on,  and  before  which  the  apostles  (esp.  Peter  and 
John,  Stephen,  and  Paul)  had  to  justify  themselves 
(Mt  26  59;  Mk  14  55;  15  1;  Lk  22  66;  Jn  11 
47;  Acts  4  15;  5  21  fif;  6  12 ff;  22  30;  23  Iff; 
24  20).  Sometimes  preshiterion  (Lk  22  66;  Acts 
22  5)  and  gerousla  (Acts  5  21)  are  substituted  for 
sunedrion.     See  Senate. 

In  the  Jewish  tradition-literature  the  term  '  'San- 
hedrin" alternates  with  k'nlshta'  "meeting-place" 
{M''ghillalh  Ta'&nith  10,  compiled  in  the  1st  cent. 
AD),  and  beth-din,  "court  of  justice"  (Sank.  11  2.4). 
As,  according  to  Jewish  tradition,  there  were  two 
kinds  of  sunedria,  viz.  the  supreme  sunedrion  in 
Jerus  of  71  members,  and  lesser  sunedria  of  23 
members,  which  were  appointed  by  the  supreme 
one,  we  find  often  the  term  ^anhedhrin  g'dholSh, 
"the  great  Sanhedrin,"  or  beth-din  ha-gadhol,  "the 
great  court  of  justice"  {Middoth  5  4;  Sanh.  1  6), 
or  sanhedhrin  g'dholah  ha-yoshebheth  b'-Ush'khath  ha- 
gazlth,  "the  great  Sanhedrin  which  sits  in  the  hall 
of  hewn  stone." 

There  is  lack  of  positive  historical  information  as 
to  the  origin  of  the  Sanhedrin.  According  to  Jew- 
ish tradition  (cf  Smih.  1  6)  it  was 
2.  Origin  constituted  by  Moses  (Nu  11  16-24) 
and  History  and  was  reorganized  by  Ezra  imme- 
diately after  the  return  from  exile  (cf 
the  Tg  to  Cant  6  1).  But  there  is  no  historical 
evidence  to  show  that  previous  to  the  Gr  period 
there  existed  an  organized  aristocratic  governing 
tribunal  among  the  Jews.  Its  beginning  is  to  be 
placed  at  the  period  in  which  Asia  was  convulsed 
by  Alexander  the  Great  and  his  successors. 

The  Hellenistic  kings  conceded  a  great  a,mount  of 
internal  freedom  to  municipal  communities,  and 
Pal  was  then  practically  under  home  rule,  and  was 
governed  by  an  aristocratic  council  of  Elders  (1 
Mace  12  6;  2  Mace  1  10;  4  44;  11  27;  3  Mace 
1  8;  cf  Jos,  Ani,  XII,  iii,  4;  XIII,  v,  8;  M'ghUlath 
Ta'dnith  10),  the  head  of  which  was  the  hereditary 
high  priest.  The  court  was  called  Gerousia,  which 
in  Gr  always  signifies  an  aristocratic  body  (see 
Westermann  in  Pauly's  RE,  III,  49) .  Subsequently 
this  developed  into  the  Sanhedrin. 

During  the  Rom  period  (except  for  about  10 
years  at  the  time  of  Gabinius,  who  applied  to  Ju- 
daea the  Rom  system  of  government;  cf  Mar- 
quardt,  Romische  Siaatsverwaltung,  I,  501),  the 
Sanhedrin's  influence  was  most  powerful,  the  inter- 
nal government  of  the  country  being  practically  in 
its  hands  {Ant,  XX,  x),  and  it  was  religiously  rec- 
ognized even  among  the  Diaspora  (cf  Acts  9  2; 
22  5;  26  12).  According  to  Schiirer  (ffJP,  div  II, 
vol  1,  171;  GJVS  236)  the  civil  authority  of  the 
Sanhedrin,  from  the  time  of  Archelaus,  Herod  the 
Great's  son,  was  probably  restricted  to  Judaea 
proper,  and  for  that  reason,  he  thinks,  it  had  no 
judicial  authority  over  Our  Lord  so  long  as  He  re- 
mained in  Galilee  (but  see  G.  A.  Smith,  Jerus,  I, 
416). 

The  Sanhedrin  was  abolished  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerus  (70  AD).  The  beth-din  (court  of  judg- 
ment) in  Jabneh  (68-80),  in  Usah  (80-116),  m 
Shafran  (140-63),  in  Sepphoris  (163-93),  m  Tibe- 


rias (193-220),  though  regarded  in  the  Talm  (cf 
Ro'sh  ha-shdnah  31a)  as  having  been  the  direct  con- 
tinuation of  the  Sanhedrin,  had  an  essentially 
different  character;  it  was  merely  an  assembly  of 
scribes,  whose  decisions  had  only  a  theoretical  im- 
portance (cf  Sotah  9  11). 

The  Great  Sanhedrin  in  Jerus  was  formed  (Mt 

26  3.57.59;     Mk  14  53;     15  1;     Lk  22  66;     Acts 

4  5f;    5  21;    22  30)   of  high    priests 

3.  Consti-  (i.e.  the  acting  high  priest,  those  who 
tution  had  been  high  priests,  and  members  of 

the  privileged  families  from  which  the 
high  priests  were  taken),  elders  (tribal  and  family 
heads  of  the  people  and  prie.sthood},  and  scribes 
(i.e.  legal  assessors),  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  alike 
(cf  Acts  4  Iff;  5  17.34;  23  6).  In  Mk  15  43; 
Lk  23  50,  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  is  called  bouleutts, 
"councillor,"  i.e.  member  of  the  Sanhedrin. 

According  to  Jos  and  the  NT,  the  acting  high 
priest  was  as  such  always  head  and  president  (Mt  26 
3.57;  Ac*s  5  17fr;  7  1;  9  1  f ;  22  5;  23  2;  24  1; 
Ant,  IV,  viii,  17;  XX,  x).  Caiaphas  is  president 
at  the  trial  of  Our  Lord,  and  at  Paul's  trial  Ananias 
is  president.  On  the  other  hand,  according  to  the 
Talm  (esp.  H&ghighah  2  2),  the  Sanhedrin  is  repre- 
sented as  a  juridical  tribunal  of  scribes,  in  which  one 
scribe  acted  as  nasi',  "prince,"  i.e.  president,  and 
another  as  ' abh-beth-din,  father  of  the  judgment- 
chamber,  i.e.  vice-president.  So  far,  it  has  not  been 
found  possible  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  descrip- 
tions (see  "Literature,"  below). 

Sanh.  4  3  mentions  the  soph're-ha-daydnim, 
"notaries,"  one  of  whom  registered  the  reasons  for 
acquittal,  and  the  other  the  reasons  for  condem- 
nation. In  the  NT  we  read  of  huperetai,  "con- 
stables" (Mt  5  25)  and  of  the  "servants  of  the 
high  priest"  (Mt  26  51;  Mk  14  47;  Jn  18  10), 
whom  Jos  describes  as  "enlisted  from  the  rudest 
and  most  restless  characters"  {Ant,  XX,  viii,  8; 
ix,  2).  Jos  speaks  of  the  "pubhc  whip,"  Matthew 
mentions  "tormentors"  (18  34),  Luke  speaks  of 
"spies"  (20  20). 

The  whole  history  of  post-exilic  Judaism  circles 
round  the  high  priests,  and  the  priestly  aristocracy 
always  played  the  leading  part  in  the  Sanhedrin 
(cf  Sank.  4  2).  But  the  more  the  Pharisees  grew 
in  importance,  the  more  were  they  represented  in 
the  Sanhedrin.  In  the  time  of  Salome  they  were 
so  powerful  that  "the  queen  ruled  only  in  name,  but 
the  Pharisees  in  reaUty"  (Ant,  XIII,  xvi,  2).  So 
in  the  time  of  Christ,  the  Sanhedrin  was  formally 
led  by  the  Sadducean  high  priests,  but  practically 
ruled  by  the  Pharisees  {Ant,  XVIII,  i,  4). 

In  the  time  of  Christ  the  Great  Sanhedrin  at 

Jerus  enjoyed  a  very  high  measure  of  independence. 

It  exercised  not  only  civil  jurisdiction, 

4.  Juris-        according  to  Jewish  law,  but  also,  in 
diction  some    degree,    criminal.     It    had    ad- 
ministrative authority  and  could  order 

arrests  by  its  own  officers  of  justice  (Mt  26  47; 
Mk  14  43;  Acts  4  3;^  5  17  f ;  9  2;  cf  Sanh.  1  5). 
It  was  empowered  to  judge  cases  which  did  not  in- 
volve capital  punishment,  which  latter  required 
the  confirmation  of  the  Rom  procurator  (Jn  18  31 ; 
ci  Jerus  Sanh.  1  1;  7  2  [p.  24];  Jos,  Ant,  XX,  ix,l). 
But,  as  a  rule,  the  procurator  arranged  his  judg- 
ment in  accordance  with  the  demands  of  the  San- 
hedrin. 

For  one  offence  the  Sanhedrin  could  put  to  death, 
on  their  own  authority,  even  a  Rom  citizen,  namely, 
in  the  case  of  a  Gentile  passing  the  fence  which 
divided  the  inner  court  of  the  Temple  from  that  of 
the  Gentiles  {BJ,  VI,  ii,  4;  Middoth  11  3;  cf  Acts 
21  28).  The  only  case  of  capital  punishment  in 
connection  with  the  Sanhedrin  in  the  NT  is  that  ot 
Our  Lord.  The  stoning  of  Stephen  (Acts  7  54  ff) 
was  probably  the  illegal  act  of  an  enraged  multitude. 


Sansannah 
Saraias 


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2690 


The  Talmudic  tradition  names  "the  hall  of  hewn 
etonc,"  which,  according  to  Middolh  5  4,  was  on 

the  south  side  of  the  great  court,  as 
6.  Place  the  seat  of  the  Great  Sanhedrin  (Pe'ah 
and  Time  2  6;  'Edhmjolh  7  4,  et  al.).  But  the 
of  Meeting    last   sittings   of   the    Sanhedrin   were 

held  in  the  city  outside  the  Temple 
area  (Sank.  41a;  Shabbdth  15a;  Ro'sh  ha-shanah 
31o;  '■Abhodhdh  zdrah  8c).  Jos  also  mentions  the 
place  where  the  houleutai,  "the  councillors,"  met 
as  the  houle,  outside  the  Temple  {BJ,  V,  iv,  2),  and 
most  probably  he  refers  to  these  last  sittings. 

According  to  the  Tosephta'  Sank.  7  1,  the  San- 
hedrin held  its  sittings  from  the  time  of  the  offering 
of  the  daily  morning  sacrifice  till  that  of  the  evening 
sacrifice.  There  were  no  sittings  on  Sabbaths  or 
feast  days. 

The  members  of  the  Sanhedrin  were  arranged  in 
a  semicircle,   so  that    they  could    see  each  other 

(Sare/i.  4  3;  Tosephta'  8  1).  The  two 
6.  Pro-  notaries  stood  before  them,  whose  duty 

cedure  it  was  to  record  the  votes  (see  3,  above) . 

The  prisoner  had  to  appear  in  humble 
attitude  and  dressed  in  mourning  {Ant,  XIV,  ix,  4). 
A  sentence  of  capital  punishment  could  not  be 
passed  on  the  day  of  the  trial.  The  decision  of 
the  judges  had  to  be  examined  on  the  following 
day  (Sank.  4  1),  except  in  the  case  of  a  person 
who  misled  the  people,  who  could  be  tried  and 
condemned  the  same  day  or  in  the  night  (To- 
sephta' Sanh.  10).  Because  of  this,  cases  which 
involved  capital  punishment  were  not  tried  on  a 
Friday  or  on  any  day  before  a  feast.  A  herald 
preceded  the  condemned  one  as  he  was  led  to  the 
place  of  execution,  and  cried  out:  "N.  the  son  of  N. 
has  been  found  guilty  of  death,  etc.  If  anyone 
knows  anything  to  clear  him,  let  him  come  forward 
and  declare  it"  (Sank.  6  1).  Near  the  place  of 
execution  the  condemned  man  was  asked  to  confess 
his  guilt  in  order  that  he  might  partake  in  the  world 
to  come  (ib;  cf  Lk  23  41-43). 

Literature. — Our  knowledge  about  the  Sanhedrin 
is  based  on  three  sources:  the  NT,  Jos,  and  the  Jewish 
tradition-literature  (esp.  Mish  i^anhedhrln  and  Makkoth, 
best  ed,  Strack,  with  Ger.  tr,  Schriftea  des  Institutum 
Judaicum  in  Berlin,  N.  38,  Leipzig,  1910).  See  art. 
Talmud. 

Consult  the  following  histories  of  the  Jewish  people: 
Ewald,  Herzfeld.  Gratz,  but  esp.  Schiirer's  excellent 
HJP,  much  more  fully  in  GJV^;  also  G.  A.  Smith,  Jems. 
Special  treatises  on  Sanhedrin:  D.  Hoffmann,  Der  oberste 
GerichCshof  in  der  Stadt  des  Helligtums,  Berlin.  1878.  where 
the  author  tries  to  defend  the  Jewish  traditional  view  as 
to  the  antiquity  of  the  Sanhedrin;  J.  Reifmann,  l^anhe- 
dhrln  (in  Heb),  Berditschew,  1888;  A.  Kuenen,  On  the 
Composition  of  the  Sanhedrin,  in  Dutch,  tr<i  into  Ger.  by 
Budde,  Gesammelte  Ahhandlungen,  etc,  49-81,  Freiburg, 
1894;  Jelski,  Die  innere  Einrichtung  des  grossen  Synedrions 
zu  Jerusalem,  Breslau,  1S94,  who  tries  to  reconcile  the  Tal- 
mudical  statements  about  the  composition  of  the  San- 
hedrin with  those  of  Jos  and  the  NT  (esp.  in  connection 
with  the  question  of  president)  by  showing  that  in  the 
Mish  (GKcept  Hdghlohdh  11  2)  nasi'  always  stands  for  the 
pohtical  president,  the  high  priest,  and  'abh-beth-dln  for 
the  scribal  head  of  the  Sanhedrin,  and  not  for  the  vice- 
president;  A.  BUchler,  Das  Synedrium  in  Jerusalem  und 
das  grosse  Beth-din  in  der  Quaderkammer  des  jerusalem- 
ischen  Tempels,  Vienna,  1902.  a  very  interesting  but  not 
convincing  work,  where  the  author,  in  order  to  reconcile 
the  two  different  sets  of  sources,  tries  to  prove  that  the 
great  Sanhedrin  of  the  Talm  is  not  identical  with  the 
Sanhedrin  of  Jos  and  the  NT,  Ijut  that  there  were  two 
Sanhedrins  in  Jerus.  the  one  of  the  NT  and  Jos  being 
a  political  one,  the  other  a  religious  one.  He  also  thinks 
that  Christ  was  seized,  not  by  the  Sanhedrin.  but  hy  the 
temple  authorities. 

See  also  W.  Bacher's  art.  in  HDB  (excellent  for  sifting 
the  Talmudic  sources);  Dr.  Lauterbaoh's  art.  in  Jew 
Bnc  (accepts  fully  Biichler's  view) ;  H.  Strack's  art.  in 
Sch-Herz  (concise  and  exact). 

Paul  Levertoff 

SANSANNAH,  san-san'a  (n305P,  ^an^armah; 
Savcravva,  Sansdnna,  or  SeBevvaK,  Selhenndk) :  One 
of  the  uttermost  cities  in  the  Negeb  of  Judah  (Josh 
15  31),  identical  with  Hazar-susah  (Josh  19  .5), 
one  of  the  cities  of  Simeon,  and  almost  certainly  the 


same  as  Hazar-susim  (1  Ch  4  31).  It  cannot  be 
said  to  have  been  identified  with  any  certainty, 
though  Sinmim,  "a  good-sized  village  with  well  and 
pool,  surrounded  by  gardens  and  having  a  grove  of 
olives  to  the  north,"  has  been  suggested  (PEF,  III, 
260,  Sh  XX). 

SAPH,  saf  (ap ,  saph;  B,  Sdcf),  Sdph,  A,  24^, 
Sephe) :  A  Philistine,  one  of  the  four  champions  of 
the  race  of  Rapha  ("giant")  who  was  slain  bv 
Sibbecai,  one  of  David's  heroes  (2  S  21  18;  1  Ch 
20  4).  It  is  supposed  bj'  some  that  he  was  the  son 
of  the  giant  Goliath,  but  this  is  not  proved.  In 
1  Ch  20  4,  the  same  person  is  called  "Sippai." 

SAPHAT,  sa'fat: 

(1)  A  and  Fritzsche,  Sa^dr,  Saphdt;  omitted  in 
B(andSwete);  B"'"'"! 'Ao-d^,  Asaph:  The  eponym 
of  a  family  which  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd 
5  9)  =  "Shephatiah"  in  Ezr  2  4;   Neh  7  9. 

(2)  A,  ^aipdr,  Saphdt;  B,  Swete,  and  Fritzsche, 
Sa0ci7,  Saphdg;  AV  Sabat:  One  of  the  families  of 
"the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon"  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5  34);  wanting  in  the  1| 
Ezr  2  57;   Neh  7  59. 

SAPHATIAS,  saf-a-tl'as  (2a<j>aT£as,  Saphatlas, 
B,  So((>oT£as,  Sophotias;  omitted  in  A) :  Name  of  a 
family  of  returning  exiles  (1  Esd  8  34)  =  "Shepha- 
tiah"  in  Ezr  8  8.  If  Saphatias  (1  Esd  8  34)  = 
Saphat  (5  9),  as  would  appear,  then  part  of  the 
family  went  up  with  Zerubbabel  and  part  with 
Ezra. 

SAPHETH,  sa'feth:   AV  =  RV  Saphuthi  (q.v.). 

SAPHIR,  sa'fer  CT^SliJ ,  shdphir).     See  Shaphir. 

SAPHUTHI,  saf'ft-thl,  sa-fu'thi  (A  and  Fritzsche, 
Sa4>aj9t,  Saphuthi,  B  [and  Swete],  2a(j)vc£,  Saphuei; 
AV  Sapheth):  Name  of  one  of  the  families  of  "the 
sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon"  (1  Esd  5  33)  = 
"Shephatiah"  in  Ezr  2  57;    Neh  7  59. 

SAPPHIRA,  sa-fl'ra  (S'l'^STB,  shappird';  Aram, 
for  either  "beautiful"  or  "sapphire";  2air<|)£Cpa, 
Sappheira):  Wife  of  Ananias  (Acts  5  1-10).  See 
An.inias,  (1). 

SAPPHIRE,  saf'ir.     See  Stones,  Precious. 

SARABIAS,  sar-a-bi'as  (SapapCas,  Sarabia^) : 
One  of  the  Levites  who  taught  and  expounded  the 
Law  for  Ezra  (1  Esd  9  48)  =  "Sherebiah"  in  Neh 
8  7,  probably  identical  with  the  "Asebebias"  in 
1  Esd  8  47  (Ezr  8  18). 

SARAH,  sa'ra,  SARAI,  sa'ri: 

(1)  In  Gen  17  15  the  woman  who  up  to  that 
time  has  been  known  as  Sarai  CIIB  >  sdray;  l,dpa, 
Sdra)  receives  by  Divine  command  the  name  Sarah 
(nntS ,  sdrdh;  Xdppa,  Sdrra).  (This  last  form  in 
Gr  preserves  the  ancient  doubhng  of  the  r,  lost  in  the 
Heb  and  the  Eng.  forms.) 

The  former  name  appears  to  be  derived  from  the  same 
root  as  Israel,  if,  indeed,  Gen  32  28  is  intended  as  an 
etymology  of  Israel.  "She  that  strives."  a  contentious 
person,  is  a  name  that  might  be  given  to  a  child  at  birth 
(cf  Hos  12  3.4,  of  Jacob),  or  later  when  the  child's  char- 
acter developed;  in  Gen  16  6  and  21  10  a  contentious 
character  appears.  Yet  comparison  with  the  history  of 
her  husband's  name  (see  Abraham)  warns  us  not  to 
operate  solely  upon  the  basis  of  the  Heb  language. 
Sarai  was  the  name  this  woman  brought  with  her  from 
Mesopotamia.  On  the  other  hand  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  name  Sarah,  which  she  received  when  her 
son  was  promised,  means  "princess,"  for  it  is  the  fem. 
form  of  the  extremely  common  title  sar,  used  by  the 
Semites  to  designate  a  ruler  of  greater  or  lesser  rank. 


2691 


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Sansannah 
Saraias 


In  the  verse  following  the  one  where  this  name  is  con- 
ferred, it  is  declared  of  Sarah  that  "kings  of  peoples  shall 
be  other"  (Gen  17   16). 

We  are  introduced  to  Sarai  in  Gen  11  29.  She 
is  here  mentioned  as  the  wife  that  Abraham  "took," 
while  still  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  that  is,  while 
among  his  kindred.  It  is  immediately  added  that 
"Sarai  was  barren;  she  had  no  child."  By  this 
simple  remark  in  the  overture  of  his  narrative,  the 
writer  sounds  the  molij  that  is  to  be  developed  in 
all  the  sequel.  When  the  migration  to  Haran  occurs, 
Sarai  is  named  along  with  Abram  and  Lot  as  accom- 
panying Terah.  It  has  been  held  that  the  author 
(or  authors)  of  ch  11  knew  nothing  of  the  relation- 
ship announced  in  20  12.  But  there  can  be  no 
proof  of  such  ignorance,  even  on  the  assumption  of 
diversity  of  authorship  in  the  two  passages. 

Sarai's  career  as  described  in  ch  11  was  not  dependent 
on  her  being  the  daughter  of  Terah.  Terah  had  other 
descendants  who  did  not  accompany  him.  Her  move- 
ments were  determined  by  her  being  Abram's  wife.  It 
appears,  however,  that  she  was  a  daughter  of  Terah  by 
a  different  mother  from  the  mother  of  Abram.  The 
language  of  20  12  would  indeed  admit  of  her  being 
Abram  s  niece,  but  the  fact  that  there  was  but  10  years' 
difference  between  his  age  and  hers  (Gen  17  17)  renders 
this  hypothesis  less  probable.  Marriage  with  half- 
sisters  seems  to  have  been  not  uncommon  in  antiquity 
(even  in  the  OT  cf  2  S  13  13). 

This  double  relationship  suggested  to  Abraham 
the  expedient  that  he  twice  used  when  he  lacked 
faith  in  God  to  protect  his  life  and  in  cowardice 
sought  his  own  safety  at  the  price  of  his  wife's 
honor.  The  first  of  these  occasions  was  in  the 
earlier  period  of  their  wanderings  (oh  12).  From 
Canaan  they  went  down  into  Egypt.  Sarai,  though 
above  60  years  of  age  according  to  the  chronology 
of  the  sacred  historian,  made  the  impression  on  the 
Egyptians  by  her  beauty  that  Abraham  had  antici- 
pated, and  the  result  was  her  transfer  to  the  royal 
palace.  But  this  was  in  direct  contravention  of 
the  purpose  of  God  for  His  own  kingdom.  The 
earthly  majesty  of  Pharaoh  had  to  bow  before  the 
Divine  majesty,  which  plagued  him  and  secured 
the  stranger's  exodus,  thus  foreshadowing  those 
later  plagues  and  that  later  exodus  when  Abraham's 
and  Sarah's  seed  "spoiled  the  Egyptians." 

We  meet  Sarah  next  in  the  narrative  of  the  birth 
of  Ishmael  and  of  Isaac.  Though  14  years  separated 
the  two  births,  they  are  closely  associated  in  the 
story  because  of  their  logical  continuity.  Sarah's 
barrenness  persisted.  She  was  now  far  past  middle 
life,  even  on  a  patriarchal  scale  of  longevity,  and 
there  appeared  no  hope  of  her  ever  bearmg  that 
child  who  should  inherit  the  promise  of  God.  She 
therefore  adopts  the  expedient  of  being  "builded 
by"  her  personal  slave,  Hagar  the  Egyp  (see  Gen 
16  2  m).  That  is,  according  to  contemporary  law 
and  custom  as  witnessed  by  the  CH  (see  Abraham, 
IV,  2),  a  son  born  of  this  woman  would  be  the  free- 
born  son  and  heir  of  Abraham  and  Sarah. 

Such  was  in  fact  the  position  of  Ishmael  later.  But  the 
insolence  of  the  maid  aroused  the  vmdictive  jealousy 
of  the  mistress  and  led  to  a  painful  scene  of  unjustified 
exnulsion.  Hagar,  however,  returned  at  God  s  behest, 
humbled  herself  before  Sarah,  and  bore  Ishmael  in  his 
own  father's  house.  Here  he  remained  the  sole  and  right- 
ful heir  until  the  miracle  of  Isaac's  birth  disappointed 
all  human  expectations  and  resulted  in  the  ultimate  ex- 
pulsion of  Hagar  and  her  son. 

The  change  of  name  from  Sarai  to  Sarah  when 
Isaac  was  promised  has  abeady  been  noted.  Sarah  s 
laughter  of  increduhty  when  she  hears  the  promise 
is  of  course  associated  with  the  origin  of  the  name 
of  Isaac,  but  it  serves  also  to  emphasize  the  miracu- 
lous character  of  his  birth,  coming  as  it  does  after 
his  parents  are  both  so  "well  stricken  m  age  as  to 
make  parenthood  seem  an  absurdity. 

Before  the  birth  of  this  child  of  promise,  however, 
Sarah  is  again  exposed,  through  the  cowardice  of 


her  husband,  to  dishonor  and  ruin.  Abimelech, 
king  of  Gerar,  desiring  to  be  allied  by  marriage  with 
a  man  of  Abraham's  power,  sends  for  Sarah,  whom 
he  knows  only  as  Abraham's  sisl-er,  and  for  the 
second  time  she  takes  her  place  in  the  harem  of 
a  prince.  But  the  Divine  promise  is  not  to  be 
thwarted,  even  by  persistent  human  weakness  and 
sin.  In  a  dream  God  reveals  to  Abimelech  the  true 
state  of  the  case,  and  Sarah  is  restored  to  her  hus- 
band with  an  indemnity.  Thereupon  the  long- 
delayed  son  is  born,  the  jealous  mother  secures  the 
expulsion  of  Hagar  and  Ishmael,  and  her  career 
comes  to  a  close  at  the  age  of  127,  at  Hebron,  long 
time  her  home.  The  grief  and  devotion  of  Abraham 
are  broadly  displayed  in  ch  23,  in  which  he  seeks 
and  obtains  a  burying-place  for  his  wife.  She  is 
thus  the  first  to  be  interred  in  that  cave  of  the 
field  of  Machpelah,  which  was  to  be  the  common 
resting-place  of  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  the  future 
Israel. 

The  character  of  Sarah  is  of  mingled  light  and 
shade.  On  the  one  hand  we  have  seen  that  lapse 
from  faith  which  resulted  in  the  birth  of  Ishmael, 
and  that  lack  of  self-control  and  charity  which  re- 
sulted in  a  quarrel  with  Abraham,  an  act  of  injus- 
tice to  Hagar,  and  the  disinheriting  of  Ishmael. 
Yet  on  the  other  hand  we  see  in  Sarah,  as  the  NT 
writers  point  out  (He  11  11;  1  Pet  3  6),  one  who 
through  a  long  life  of  companionship  with  Abraham 
shared  his  hope  in  God,  his  faith  in  the  promises, 
and  his  power  to  become  God's  agent  for  achieving 
what  was  humanly  impossible.  In  fact,  to  Sarah 
is  ascribed  a  sort  of  spiritual  maternity,  correlative 
with  Abraham's  position  as  "father  of  the  faithful"; 
for  all  women  are  declared  to  be  the  (spiritual) 
daughters  of  Sarah,  who  like  her  are  adorned  in 
"the  hidden  man  of  the  heart,"  and  who  are  "doers 
of  good"  and  "fearers  of  no  terror"  (1  Pet  I.e., 
literally  rendered).  That  in  spite  of  her  outbreak 
about  Hagar  and  Ishmael  she  was  in  general  "in 
subjection  to  her  husband"  and  of  "a  meek  and  quiet 
spirit,"  appears  from  her  husband's  genuine  grief 
at  her  decease,  and  still  more  clearly  from  her  son's 
prolonged  mourning  for  her  (Gen  24  67;  cf  17  17 
and  23  1  with  25  20).  And  He  who  maketh  even 
the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him  used  even  Sarah's 
jealous  anger  to  accomplish  His  purpose  that  "the 
son  of  the  freewoman,"  Isaac,  "born  through 
promise,"  should  alone  inherit  that  promise  (Gal 
4  22-31). 

Apart  from  the  three  NT  passages  abeady  cited, 
Sarah  is  alluded  to  only  in  Isa  51  2  ("Sarah  that 
bare  you,"  as  the  mother  of  the  nation),  in  Rom  4 
19  ("the  deadness  of  Sarah's  womb"),  and  in  Rom 
9  9,  where  God's  promise  in  Gen  18  10  is  quoted. 
Yet  her  existence  and  her  history  are  of  course  pre- 
supposed wherever  allusion  is  made  to  the  stories 
of  Abraham  and  of  Isaac. 

To  many  modem  critics  Sarah  supplies,  by  her  name, 
a  welcome  argument  in  support  of  the  mythical  view  of 
Abraham.  She  has  been  held  to  be  the  local  iiumen  to 
whom  the  cave  near  Hebron  was  sacred;  or  the  deity 
whose  consort  was  worshipped  in  Arabia  under  the  title 
Dusares.  i.e.  Husband-of -Sarah ;  or.  the  female  associate 
of  Sin  the  moon-god,  worshipped  at  Haran.  On  these 
views  the  student  will  do  well  to  consult  Baethgen, 
BeilTdoe,  94,  1.57,  and,  for  the  most  recent  point  of  view, 
Gressmann's  art.,  "Sage  und  Geschichte  in  den  Patri- 
archenerzahlungen,"  ZATW,  1910,  and  Eerdmans,  All- 
testamenlliche  Studien,   II,    13. 

(2)  The  daughter  of  Raguel,  and  wife  of  Tobias 
(Tob  3  7.17,  etc).     See  Tobit,  Book  of. 

J.  Oscar  Boyd 

SARAIAS,  sa-ra'yas,  sa-ri'as  (Sapatas,  Saraias, 
Lat  Sareus) : 

(1)  =  Seraiah,  the  high  priest  in  the  reign  of  Zede- 
kiah(l  Esd  5  5,  cf  1  Ch  6  14). 

(2)  Sareus  the  father  of  Ezra  (2  Esd  11)  = 
"Seraiah"   in  Ezr  7  1,   sometimes  identified  with 


Saramel 
Satan 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2692 


Saraias  under  (1).  He  is  probably  identical  with  the 
"Azaraias"  of  1  Esd  8  1. 

(3)  AV  =  RV  "Azaraias"  (1  Esd  8  1). 

SARAMEL,  sar'a-mel ;  AV  =  RV  Asaeamel  (q. v.)  ■ 

SARAPH,  sa'raf,  sii'raf  (B'l'l? ,  saraph,  "noble 
one".;  cf  3"!^,  saraph,  "burn,"  "shine"):  A  de- 
scendant of  Judah  through  Shelah  (1  Ch  4  22). 

SARCHEDONUS,  sar-ked'6-nus  (B  S ,  Sax^p- 
Sovos,  Sacherdonds,  A,  SaxepSav,  Sacherddn,  but 
2ax«p8ovo(r6s,  Sacherdonosos  in  Tob  1  22) :  An 
incorrect  spelling,  both  in  AV  and  RV,  for  Sacher- 
donus  in  Tob  1  21  f,  another  form  of  Esar-haddon. 

SARDEUS,  sar-de'us;   AV  =  RV  Zardeus  (q.v.)- 

SARDIN(E),  sar'din,  sar'din,  SARDIUS.  See 
Stones,  Precious. 

SARDIS,  sar'dis  (SdpSeis,  Sdrdeis):  Sardis  is 
of  special  interest  to  the  student  of  Herodotus 
and  Xenophon,  for  there  Artaphernes,  the  brother 
of  Darius,  lived,  and  from  there  Xerxes  invaded 
Greece  and  Cyrus  marched  against  his  brother 
Artaxerxes;  it  is  also  of  interest  to  the  student  of 
early  Christian  history  as  the  home  of  one  of  the 
Seven  Churches  of  Rev  (1  11;  3  Iff).  It  was 
moreover  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  important 
cities  of  Asia  Minor,  and  until  549  BC,  the  capital 
of  the  kingdom  of  Lydia.  It  stood  on  the  northern 
slope  of  Mt.  Tmolus;  its  acropolis  occupied  one 
of  the  spurs  of  the  mountain.  At  the  base  flowed 
the  river  Pactolus  which  served  as  a  moat,  render- 
ing the  city  practically  impregnable.  Through 
the  failure  to  watch,  however,  the  acropolis  had 
beea  successfully  scaled  in  549  BC  by  a  Median 
soldier,  and  in  218  by  a  Cretan  (cf  Rev  3  2.3). 
Because  of  its  strength  during  the  Pers  period,  the 
satraps  here  made  their  homes.  However,  the  city 
was  burned  by  the  lonians  in  501  BC,  but  it  was 
quickly  rebuilt  and  regained  its  importance.  In 
334  BC  it  surrendered  to  Alexander  the  Great  who 
gave  it  independence,  but  its  period  of  independence 
was  brief,  for  12  years  later  in  322  BC  it  was  taken 
by  Antigonus.  In  301  BC,  it  fell  into  the  possession 
of  the  Seleucidan  kings  who  made  it  the  residence  of 
their  governor.  It  became  free  again  in  190  BC, 
when  it  formed  a  part  of  the  empire  of  Pergamos, 
and  later  of  the  Rom  province  of  Asia.  In  17  AD, 
when  it  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake,  the  Rom 
emperor  Tiberius  remitted  the  taxes  of  the  people 
and  rebuilt  the  city,  and  in  his  honor  the  citizens 
of  that  and  of  neighboring  towns  erected  a  large 
monument,  but  Sardis  never  recovered  its  former 
importance  (cf  Rev  3  12).  Again  in  295  AD,  after 
the  Rom  province  of  Asia  was  broken  up,  Sardis 
became  the  capital  of  Lydia,  and  during  the  early 
Christian  age  it  was  the  home  of  a  bishop.  The 
city  continued  to  flourish  until  1402,  when  it  was 
so  completely  destroyed  by  Tamerlane  that  it  was 
never  rebuilt.  Among  the  ruins  there  now  stands 
a  small  village  called  Sert,  a  corruption  of  its  an- 
cient name.  The  rains  may  be  reached  by  rail 
from  Smyrna,  on  the  way  to  Philadelphia. 

The  ancient  city  was  noted  for  its  fruits  and  wool,  and 
for  its  temple  of  tlie  goddess  Cybele,  whose  worship 
resembled  that  of  Diana  of  Ephesus.  Its  wealth  was 
also  partly  due  to  the  gold  which  was  found  in  the  sand 
of  the  river  Pactolus,  and  it  was  here  that  gold  and  silver 
coins  were  first  struck.  During  the  Rom  period  its  coins 
formed  a  beautiful  series,  and  are  foimd  in  abundance  by 
the  peasants  who  till  the  surrounding  fields.  The  ruins 
of  the  buildings  which  stood  at  the  base  of  the  hill  have 
now  been  nearly  buried  by  the  dirt  washed  down  from 
above.  The  hill  upon  which  the  acropolis  stood  meas- 
ures 950  ft.  high:  the  triple  walls  still  surround  it.  The 
more  imposing  of  the  ruins  are  on  the  lower  slope  of  the 


hill,  and  among  them  the  temple  of  Cybele  is  the  most 
interesting,  yet  only  two  of  its  many  stone  columns  are 
still  standing.  Equally  imposing  is  the  necropoUs  of 
the  city,  which  is  at  a  distance  of  two  hours'  ride  from 
Sert  S.  of  the  Gygaean  lake.  The  modern  name  of  the 
necropoUs  is  Bui  Tepe  or  Thousand  Mounds,  because 
of  the  large  group  of  great  mounds  in  which  the  kings 
and  nobles  were  buried.  Many  of  the  mounds  were  long 
ago  excavated  and  plundered. 


Coin  of  Sardis. 


We  quote  the  following  from  the  Missionary 
Herald  (Boston,  Mass.,  August,  1911,  pp.  361-62): 

Dr.  C.  O.  Tracy,  of  Marsovan,  has  made  a  visit  to 
ancient  Sardis  and  observed  the  work  of  his  countryman. 
Professor  Butler,  of  Princeton  University,  who  is  un- 
covering the  ruins  of  that  famous  city  of  the  past.  Al- 
ready rich  "finds"  have  been  made;  among  them  por- 
tions of  a  temple  of  Artemis,  indicating  a  building  of  the 
same  stupendous  character  as  those  at  Ephesus  and 
Haalbec,  and  a  necropohs  from  whose  tombs  were  un- 
earthed three  thousand  relics,  including  utensils,  orna- 
ments of  gold  and  precious  stones,  mirrors,  etc.  What 
chiefly  impressed  Dr.  Tracy  was  the  significance  of  those 
"Seven  Churches  of  Asia,"  of  which  Sardis  held  one. 
"When  I  think  of  the  myriads  of  various  nationality 
and  advanced  civilization  for  whose  evangelization  these 
churches  were  responsible,  the  messages  to  the  Christian 
communities  occupying  the  splendid  strategic  centers 
fill  me  with  awe.  While  established  amid  the  splendors 
of  civilization,  they  were  set  as  candlesticks  in  the  midst 
of  gross  spiritual  darkness.  Did  they  fulfil  their  mis- 
sion ?" 

One  of  Dr.  Butler's  recoveries  is  the  marble  throne  of 
the  Bishop  of  Sardis:  looking  upon  it  the  message  to 
Sardis  recurs  to  mind.  A  fact  of  current  history  quick- 
ened the  visitor's  appreciation  of  the  word  to  "the  angel " 
of  that  church.  "Yonder  among  the  moim tains  over- 
hanging Sardis  there  is  a  robber  gang  led  by  the  noto- 
rious Chakirjali.  He  rules  in  the  moimtains;  no  govern- 
ment force  can  take  him.  Again  and  again  he  swoops 
down  like  an  eagle  out  of  the  sky,  in  one  quarter  of  the 
region  or  another.  From  time  immemorial  these  moun- 
tains have  been  the  haimts  of  robbers ;  very  likely  it  was 
so  when  Rev  was  written,  '  I  will  come  upon  thee  as  a 
thief.'  In  each  case  the  message  was  addressed  to  'the 
angel  of  the  church.'  Over  every  church  in  the  world 
there  is  a  spirit  hovering,  as  it  were — a  spirit  representing 
that  church  and  by  whose  name  it  can  be  addressed. 
'Tlie  messages  are  as  vital  as  they  were  at  the  first.  'He 
that  hath  ar^.ear,  let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  unto 
the  churched. '  " 

E.  J.  Banks 

SARDITE,  sar'dlt.     See  Sered. 

SARDIUS,  sar'di-us.     See  Stones,  Precious. 

SARDONYX,  sar'do-niks.  See  Stones,  Pre- 
cious. 

SAREPTA,  sa-rep'ta  (Hdpeirra,  Sdrepta):  The 
name  in  Lk  4  26  AV,  following  the  Gr,  of  the 
Phoen  town  to  which  Elijah  was  sent  in  the  time 
of  the  great  famine,  in  order  to  save  the  lives  of  a 
widow  and  her  son  (1  K  17  9.10).  RV  adopts  the 
form  of  the  name  based  upon  the  Heb,  and  as  found 
intheOT:  Zarephath  (q.v.). 

SARID,  sa'rid  (TIlB ,  saridh;  B,  'EtreStK^uXa, 
Esedekgold,  SeSSovK,  Seddouk,  A,  2ap9t8,  Sarthid, 
2ap(8,  Sarid) :  A  place  on  the  southern  border  of 
ZebuluntotheW.ofChisloth-tabor(Josh  19  10.12). 
It  is  mentioned  but  not  identified  in  Onom.  Prob- 
ably we  should  read  "Sadid,"  and  in  that  case  may 
with  Conder  locate  it  at  Tell  Shaddu,  an  artificial 
mound  with  some  modern  ruins  and  good  springs, 


2693 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Saramel 
Satan 


which  stands  on  the  plain,   about  5  miles  W.  of 
Iksdl. 

SARGON,  sar'gon  (722-705  BC):  The  name  of 
this  ruler  is  written  lianD ,  jargon,  in  the  OT, 
Shar-ukm  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  'Apvd, 
Arnd,  in  the  LXX,  and  'ApKeavos,  Arkeanos,  in 
the  Ptolemaic  Canon.  Sargon  is  mentioned  but 
once  by  name  in  the  OT  (Isa  20  1),  when  he  sent 
his  Tartan  (turlannu)  against  Ashdod,  but  he  is 
referred  to  in  2  K  17  6  as  "the  king  of  Assyria" 
who  carried  Israel  into  captivity. 

Shalmaneser  V  had  laid  siege  to  Samaria  and 
besieged  it  three  years.  But  shortly  before  or  very 
soon  after  its  capitulation,  Sargon,  perhaps  being 
responsible  for  the  king's  death,  overthrew  the 
dynasty,  and  in  his  annals  credited  himself  with  the 
capture  of  the  city  and  the  deportation  of  its  in- 
habitants. Whether  he  assumed  the  name  of  the 
famous  ancient  founder  of  the  Accad  dynasty  is  not 
known. 

Sargon  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  was  con- 
fronted with  a  serious  situation  in  Babylon.  Mero- 
dach-baladan  of  Kaldfl,  who  paid  tribute  to  pre- 
vious rulers,  on  the  change  of  dynasty  had  himself 


Sargon  in  His  War  Chariot. 

proclaimed  king,  New  Year's  Day,  721  BC.  At 
Dur-ilu,  Sargon  fought  with  the  forces  of  Merodach- 
baladan  and  his  ally  Khumbanigash  of  Elam,  but 
although  he  claimed  a  victory  the  result  was  appar- 
ently indecisive.  Rebellions  followed  in  other  parts 
of  the  kingdom. 

In  720  Uu-bi'di  (or  Yau-bi'di),  king  of  Hamath, 
formed  a  coalition  against  Sargon  with  Hanno  of 
Gaza,  Sib'u  of  Egypt,  and  with  the  cities  Arpad, 
Simirra,  Damascus  and  Samaria.  He  claims  that 
Sib'u  fled,  and  that  he  captured  and  flayed  Ilu- 
bi'di,  burned  Karkar,  and  carried  Hanno  captive 
to  Assyria.  After  destroying  Rapihu,  he  carried 
away  9,033  inhabitants  to  Assyria. 

In  the  following  year  Ararat  was  invaded  and  the 
Hittite  Carchemish  fell  before  his  armies.  The 
territory  of  Rusas,  king  of  Ararat,  as  well  as  a  part 
of  Mehtene  became  Assyr  provinces. 

In  710  Sargon  directed  his  attention  to  Merodach- 
baladan,  who  no  longer  enjoyed  the  support  of 
Elam,  and  whose  rule  over  Babylon  had  not  been 
popular  with  his  subjects.  He  was  driven  out  from 
Babylon  and  also  from  his  former  capital  Btt- 
Yaktn,  and  Sargon  had  himself  crowned  as  the 
shakkanak  of  Babylon. 

In  706  the  new  city  called  Dftr-Sharruktn  was 
dedicated  as  his  residence.  A  year  later  he  was 
murdered.  It  was  during  his  reign  that  the  height 
of  Assyr  ascendancy  had  been  reached. 

A.  T.  Clay 

SARON,  sa'ron  (Sdpwv,  Sdron):  AV;  Gr  form 
of  Sharon  (Acts  9  35). 


SAROTHIE,  sa-ro'thi-e  (A,  SapueU,  Sarolhie, 
B  and  Swel e,  SapwBet,  Saroihel) :  Name  of  a  family 
of  "the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon"  who  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (1  Esd  5  34);  it  is  want- 
ing in  the  |1  lists  in  Ezr  2  57;   Neh  7  59. 

SARSECHIM,  siir'se-kim,  sar-se'kim  (DID?"!©, 
sarfkhim) :  A  prince  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  present  at 
the  taking  of  Jerus  by  Nebuchadnezzar  in  the  11th 
year  of  Zedekiah  (Jer  39  3).  The  VSS  with  their 
various  readings — "Nabousachar,"  "Nabousarach," 
"Sarsacheim" — point  to  a  corrupt  text.  The  best 
emendation  is  the  reading  "N°bhoshazibhon"  (  = 
Nab&s&zih-anni,  "Nebo  delivers  me");  this  is  based 
on  the  reading  in  Jer  39  13. 

SARUCH,  sa'ruk  (Sapoix.,  Sarouch,  Sepoix, 
Serouch):  AV;  Gr  form  of  Serug  (thus  Lk  3  35RV). 

SATAN,  sa'tan  Ciplp ,  sdtan,  "adversary,"  from 
the  vb.  ]I2TC  ,  satan,  "to  lie  in  wait"  [as  adversary]; 
Sarav,  Saldn,  Saravds,  Satands,  "adversary," 
Sid^oXos,  didbolos," devil,"  "adversary"  or  "accuser," 
KaT-<)Y<op,  kategar  [altogether  unclassical  and  un- 
Greek]  [used  once  in  Rev  12  10],  "accuser"): 

I.  Definition 

II.  ScBiPTURAL  Facts  concerning  Satan 

1.  Names  of  Satan 

2.  Ctiaracter  of  Satan 

3.  Works  of  Satan 

4.  History  of  Satan 

III.  General  Considerations 

1.  Scripture  Doctrine  of  Satan  Not  Systematized 

2.  Satan  and  God 

3.  Satan  Essentially  Limited 

4.  Conclusions- 
Literature 

/.  Definition. — A  created  but  superhuman,  per- 
sonal, evil,  world-power,  represented  in  Scripture 
as  the  adversary  both  of  God  and  men. 

//.   Scriptural    Facts    concerning    Satan. — The 

most  important  of  these  are  the  Heb  and  Gr  equiva- 
lents noticed  above.     These  words  are 

1.  Names  used  in  the  general  sense  justified  by 
of  Satan         their  etymological  significance.     It  is 

applied  even  to  Jeh  Himself  (Nu  22 
22.32;  cf  1  S  29  4;  2  S  19  22;  Ps  109  6,  etc). 
The  word  "Satan"  is  used  24  t  in  the  OT.  In  Job 
(1  6  f)  and  Zee  (3  1  f)  it  has  the  prefixed  definite 
article.  In  all  cases  but  one  when  the  art.  is  omitted 
it  is  used  in  a  general  sense.  This  one  exception  is 
1  Ch  21  1  (cf  2  S  24  1),  where  the  word  is  gen- 
erally conceded  to  be  used  as  a  proper  name.  This 
meaning  is  fixed  in  NT  times.  We  are  thus  en- 
abled to  note  in  the  term  "Satan"  (and  Devil)  the 
growth  of  a  word  from  a  general  term  to  an  appella- 
tion and  later  to  a  proper  name.  All  the  other 
names  of  Satan  save  only  these  two  are  descriptive 
titles.  In  addition  to  these  two  principal  names 
a  number  of  others  deserve  specific  enumeration. 
Tempter  (Mt  4  5;  1  Thess  3  5);  Beelzebub  (Mt 
12  24);  Enemy  (Mt  13  39);  Evil  One  (Mt  13 
19.38;  1  Jn  2  13.14;  3  12,  and  particularly  5  18); 
Belial  (2  Cor  6  15);  Adversary  {ivrtdiKoi,  anlldikos), 
(1  Pet  6  8);  Deceiver  (ht.  "the  one  who  deceives") 
(Rev  12  9) ;  Dragon  (Great)  (Rev  12  3) ;  Father  of 
Lies  (Jn  8  44);  Murderer  (Jn  8  44);  Sinner  (1  Jn 
3  8) — these  are  isolated  references  occurring  from  1 
to  3  t  each.  In  the  vast  majority  of  passages  (70 
out  of  83)  either  Satan  or  Devil  is  used. 

Satan  is  consistently  represented  in  the  NT  as 

the  enemy  both  of  God  and  man.     The  popular 

notion  is  that  Satan  is  the  enemy  of 

2.  Charac-    man   and   active   in    misleading   and 
ter  of  Satan  cursing  humanity  because  of  his  in- 
tense hatred  and  opposition  to  God. 

Mt  13  39  would  seem  to  point  in  this  direction,  but 
if  one  were  to  venture  an  opinion  in  a  region  where 
there  are  not  enough  facts  to  warrant  a  conviction, 


Satan 


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2694 


it  would  be  that  the  general  tenor  of  Scripture  indi- 
cates quite  the  contrary,  namely,  that  Satan's 
jealousy  and  hatred  of  men  has  led  him  into  an- 
tagonism to  God  and,  consequently,  to  goodness. 
The  fundamental  moral  description  of  Satan  is  given 
by  Our  Lord  when  He  describes  Satan  as  the  "evil 
one"  (Mt  13  19.38;  cf  Isa's  description  of  Jeh  as 
the  "Holy  One,"  1  4  and  often);  that  is,  the  one 
whose  nature  and  wiU  are  given  to  evil.  Moral 
evil  is  his  controUing  attribute.  It  is  evident  that 
this  description  could  not  be  apphed  to  Satan  as 
originally  created.  Ethical  evil  cannot  be  con- 
created.  It  is  the  creation  of  each  free  will  for 
itself.  We  are  not  told  in  definite  terms  how  Satan 
became  the  evil  one,  but  certainly  it  could  be  by 
no  other  process  than  a  fall,  whereby,  in  the  mystery 
of  free  personaHty,  an  evil  will  takes  the  place  of  a 
good  one. 

The  world-wide  and  age-long  works  of  Satan  are 
to  be  traced  to  one  predominant  motive.     He  hates 

both  God  and  man  and  does  aO  that 
3.  Works  in  him  hes  to  defeat  God's  plan  of 
of  Satan        grace  and  to  estabhsh  and  maintain 

a  kingdom  of  evil,  in  the  seduction  and 
ruin  of  mankind.  The  balance  and  sanity  of  the 
Bible  is  nowhere  more  strikingly  exhibited  than  in 
its  treatment  of  the  work  of  Satan.  Not  only  ig 
the  Bible  entirely  free  from  the  extravagances  of 
popular  Satanology,  which  is  full  of  absurd  stories 
concerning  the  appearances,  tricks,  and  transfor- 
mations of  Satan  among  men,  but  it  exhibits  a  de- 
pendable accuracy  and  consistency  of  statement 
which  is  most  reassuring.  Almost  nothing  is  said 
concerning  Satanic  agency  other  than  wicked  men 
who  mislead  other  men.  In  the  controversy  with 
His  opponents  concerning  exorcism  (Mk  3  22  f 
and  ll's)  Our  Lord  rebuts  their  slanderous  assertion 
that  He  is  in  league  with  Satan  by  the  simple  propo- 
sition that  Satan  does  not  work  against  himself. 
But  in  so  saying  He  does  far  more  than  refute  this 
slander.  He  definitely  aUgns  the  Bible  against  the 
popular  idea  that  a  man  may  make  a  definite  and 
conscious  personal  alliance  with  Satan  for  any  pur- 
pose whatever.  The  agent  of  Satan  is  always  a 
victim.  Also  the  hint  contained  in  this  discussion 
that  Satan  has  a  kingdom,  together  with  a  few  other 
not  very  definite  allusions,  are  aU  that  we  have  to 
go  upon  in  this  direction.  Nor  are  we  taught  any- 
where that  Satan  is  able  to  any  extent  to  introduce 
disorder  into  the  physical  universe  or  directly  oper- 
ate in  the  lives  of  men.  It  is  true  that  in  Lk  13  16 
Our  Lord  speaks  of  the  'woman  who  was  bowed 
over  as  one  "whom  Satan  has  bound,  lo,  these 
eighteen  years,"  and  that  in  2  Cor  12  7  Paul 
speaks  of  his  infirmity  as  a  "messenger  of  Satan 
sent  to  buffet  him."  Paul  also  speaks  (1  Thess 
2  18)  of  Satan's  hindering  him  from  visiting  the 
church  at  Thessalonica.  A  careful  study  of  these 
related  passages  (together  with  the  prologue  of  Job) 
will  reveal  the  fact  that  Satan's  direct  agency  in  the 
physical  world  is  very  limited.  Satan  may  be  said 
to  be  implicated  in  all  the  disasters  and  woes  of 
human  life,  in  so  far  as  they  are  more  or  less  directly 
contingent  upon  sin  (see  particularly  He  2  14). 
,  On  the  contrary,  it  is  perfectly  evident  that  Satan's 
power  consists  principally  in  his  ability  to  deceive. 
It  is  interesting  and  characteristic  that  according 
to  the  Bible  Satan  is  fundamentally  a  Uar  and  his 
kingdom  is  a  kingdom  founded  upon  lies  and  deceit. 
The  doctrine  of  Satan  therefore  corresponds  in 
every  important  particular  to  the  general  Bib. 
emphasis  upon  truth.  "The  truth  shall  make  you 
free"  (Jn  8  32) — this  is  the  way  of  deliverance 
from  the  power  of  Satan. 

Now  it  would  seem  that  to  make  Satan  preemi- 
nently the  deceiver  would  make  man  an  innocent 
victim  and  thus  relax  the  moral  issue.     But  accord- 


ing to  the  Bible  man  is  particeps  criminis  in  the 
process  of  his  own  deception.  Lie  is  deceived  only 
because  he  ceases  to  love  the  truth  and  comes  first 
to  love  and  then  to  believe  a  lie  (2  Cor  1  10). 
This  really  goes  to  the  very  bottom  of  the  problem 
of  temptation.  Men  are  not  tempted  by  evil,  per 
se,  but  by  a  good  which  can  be  obtained  only  at 
the  cost  of  doing  wrong.  The  whole  power  of  sin, 
at  least  in  its  beginnings,  consists  in  the  sway  of  the 
fundamental  falsehood  that  any  good  is  really  at- 
tainable by  wrongdoing.  Since  temptation  con- 
sists in  this  attack  upon  the  moral  sense,  man  is 
constitutionally  guarded  against  deceit,  and  is 
morally  culpable  in  allowing  himself  to  be  deceived. 
The  temptation  of  Our  Lord  Himself  throws  the 
clearest  possible  light  upon  the  methods  ascribed 
to  Satan.  The  temptation  was  addressed  to  Christ's 
consciousness  of  Divine  sonship;  it  was  a  deceitful 
attack  emphasizing  the  good,  minimizing  or  cover- 
ing up  the  evil;  indeed,  twisting  evil  into  good.  It 
was  a  deliberate,  mahgnant  attempt  to  obscure  the 
truth  and  induce  to  evil  through  the  acceptance  of 
falsehood.  The  attack  broke  against  a  loyalty  to 
truth  which  made  seK-deceit,  and  consequently 
deceit  from  without,  impossible.  The  lie  was 
punctured  by  the  truth  and  the  temptation  lost  its 
power  (see  Temptation  op  Christ).  This  inci- 
dent reveals  one  of  the  methods  of  Satan — by 
immediate  suggestion  as  in  the  case  of  Judas  (Lk 
22  3;  Jn  13  2.27).  Sometimes,  however,  and, 
perhaps,  most  frequently,  Satan's  devices  (2  Cor 
2  11)  include  human  agents.  Those  who  are  given 
over  to  evil  and  who  persuade  others  to  evil  are 
children  and  servants  of  Satan  (see  Mt  16  23;  Mk 
8  33;  Lk  4  8;  Jn  6  70;  8  44;  Acts  13  10;  1 
Jn  3  8).  Satan  also  works  through  persons  and 
institutions  supposed  to  be  on  the  side  of  right  but 
really  evil.  Here  the  same  ever-present  and  active 
falseness  and  deceit  are  exhibited.  When  he  is 
called  "the  god  of  this  world"  (2  Cor  4  4)  it  would 
seem  to  be  intimated  that  he  has  the  power  to  clothe 
himself  in  apparently  Divine  attributes.  He  also 
makes  himself  an  angel  of  hght  by  presenting  ad- 
vocates of  falsehood  in  the  guise  of  apostles  of  truth 
(2  Cor  11  13.15;  1  Jn  4  1;  2  Thess  2  9;  Rev  12 
9;  19  20).  In  the  combination  of  passages  here 
brought  together,  it  is  clearly  indicated  that  Satan 
is  the  instigator  and  fomenter  of  that  spirit  of  law- 
lessness which  exhibits  itself  as  hatred  both  of  truth 
and  right,  and  which  has  operated  so  widely  and  so 
disastrously  in  human  life. 

The  history  of  Satan,  including  that  phase  of  it 
which  remains  to  be  reahzed,  can  be  set  forth  only 
along  the  most  general  lines.  He  be- 
4.  History  longs  to  the  angehc  order  of  beings.  He 
of  Satan  is  by  nature  one  of  the  sons  of  Elohim 
(Job  16).  He  has  fallen,  and  by 
virtue  of  his  personal  forcefulness  has  become  the 
leader  of  the  anarchic  forces  of  wickedness.  As  a 
free  being  he  has  merged  his  life  in  evil  and  has 
become  altogether  and  hopelessly  evU.  As  a  being 
of  high  intelligence  he  has  gained  great  power  and 
has  exercised  a  wide  sway  over  other  bemgs.  As  a 
created  being  the  utmost  range  of  his  power  lies 
within  the  compass  of  that  which  is  permitted.  It 
is,  therefore,  hedged  in  by  the  providential  govern- 
ment of  God  and  essentially  limited.  The  Bib. 
emphasis  upon  the  element  of  falsehood  in  the 
career  of  Satan  might  be  taken  to  imply  that  his 
kingdom  may  be  less  in  extent  than  appears.  At 
any  rate,  it  is  confined  to  the  cosmic  sphere  and  to 
a  limited  portion  of  time.  It  is  also  doomed.  In 
the  closely  related  passages  2  Pet  2  4  and  Jude 
ver  6  it  is  affirmed  that  God  cast  the  angels,  when 
they  sinned,  down  to  Tartarus  and  committed  them 
to  pits  of  darkness,  to  be  reserved  unto  judgment. 
This  both  refers  to  the  constant  Divine  control  of 


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Satan 


these  insurgent  forces  and  also  points  to  their  final 
and  utter  destruction.  The  putting  of  Satan  in 
bonds  is  evidently  both  constant  and  progressive. 
The  essential  hmitation  of  the  empire  of  evil  and 
its  ultimate  overthrow  are  foreshadowed  in  the 
Book  of  Job  (chs  38-41),  where  Jch's  power  ex- 
tends even  to  the  symboUzed  spirit  of  evil. 

According  to  synoptic  tradition,  Our  Lord  in  the 
crisis  ot  temptation  immediately  following  the  baptism 
(Mt  4  and  ||)  met  and  for  the  time  conquered  Satan  as 
His  own  personal  adversary.  This  preliminary  contest 
did  not  close  the  matter,  but  was  the  earnest  of  a  com- 
plete victory.  According  to  Lk  (10  18),  wlien  the 
Seventy  returned  from  their  mission  flushed  with  victory 
over  the  powers  of  evil,  Jesus  said:  'I  saw  Satan  fall 
[not  "fallen";  see  Plummer,  "Lk,"  ICC,  in  loc]  as  light- 
ning from  heaven.'  In  every  triumph  over  the  powers 
of  evil  Christ  beheld  in  vision  the  downfall  of  Satan. 
In  connection  with  the  coming  of  the  Hellenists  who 
wished  to  see  Him,  Jesus  asserted  (Jn  12  31),  "Now  is 
the  judgment  of  this  world:  now  shall  the  prmce  of  this 
world  be  cast  out."  In  view  of  His  approaching  passion 
He  says  again  (Jn  14  30),  "The  prince  of  the  world 
Cometh:  and  he  hath  nothing  in  me."  Once  again  in 
connection  with  the  promised  advent  of  the  Spirit,  Jesus 
asserted  (Jn  16  11)  that  the  Spirit  would  convict  the 
world  ot  judgment,  "because  the  prince  of  this  world  hath 
been  judged."  In  Ho  (2  14.15)  it  is  said  that  Christ  took 
upon  Himself  human  nature  in  order  "that  through 
death  he  might  bring  to  nought  him  that  had  the  power 
of  death,  that  is,  the  devil."  In  1  Jn  3  8  it  is  said, 
"To  this  end  was  the  Son  of  God  manifested,  that  he 
might  destroy  the  works  ot  the  devil."  In  Rev  12  9 
it  is  asserted,  in  connection  with  Christ's  ascen.sion,  that 
Satan  was  cast  down  to  the  earth  and  his  angels  with 
him.  According  to  the  passage  immediately  following 
(12  10-12),  this  casting  down  was  not  complete  or  final 
in  the  sense  of  extinguishing  his  activities  altogether, 
but  it  involves  the  potential  and  certain  triumph  of  God 
and  His  saints  and  the  equally  certain  defeat  of  Satan. 
In  1  Jn  2  13  the  young  men  are  addressed  as  those  who 
"have  overcome  the  evil  one."  In  Rev  20  the  field 
of  the  future  is  covered  in  the  assertion  that  Satan  is 
"bound  a  thousand  years";  then  loosed  "for  a  little 
time,"  and  then  finally  "cast  into  the  lake  of  fire." 

A  comparison  of  these  passages  will  convince  the 
careful  student  that  while  we  cannot  construct  a 
definite  chronological  program  for  the  career  of 
Satan,  we  are  clear  in  the  chief  points.  He  is  lim- 
ited, judged,  condemned,  imprisoned,  reserved  for 
judgtnent  from  the  beginning.  The  outcome  is 
certain  though  the  process  may  be  tedious  and  slow. 
The  victory  of  Christ  is  the  defeat  of  Satan;  first, 
for  Himself  as  Leader  and  Saviour  of  men  (Jn  14 
30);  then,  for  behevers  (Lk  22  31;  Acts  26  18; 
Rom  16  20;  Jas  4  7;  1  Jn  2  13;  5  4.18);  and, 
finaUy,  for  the  whole  world  (Rev  20  10).  The 
work  of  Christ  has  abeady  destroyed  the  empire 
of  Satan. 

///.  General  Considerations. — There  are,  no 
doubt,  serious  difficulties  in  the  way  of  accepting 
the  doctrine  of  a  personal,  superhuman,  evil  power 
as  Satan  is  described  to  be.  It  is  doubtful,  however, 
whether  these  difficulties  may  not  be  due,  at  least 
in  part,  to  a  misunderstanding  of  the  doctrine  and 
certain  of  its  imphcations.  In  addition,  it  must 
be  acknowledged,  that  whatever  difficulties  there 
may  be  in  the  teaching,  they  are  exaggerated  and, 
at  the  same  time,  not  fairly  met  by  the  vague  and 
irrational  skepticism  which  denies  without  investi- 
gation. There  are  difficulties  involved  in  any  view 
of  the  world.  To  say  the  least,  some  problems  are 
met  by  the  view  of  a  superhuman,  evil  world-power. 
In  this  section  certain  general  considerations  are 
urged  with  a  view  to  lessening  diffioulties  keenly 
felt  by  some  minds.  Necessarily,  certain  items 
gathered  in  the  foregoing  section  are  here  empha- 
sized again. 

The  Scriptural  doctrine  of  Satan  is  nowhere 
systematically  developed.  For  materials  m  this 
field  we  are  shut  up  to  scattered  and  incidental 
references.  These  passages,  which  even  m  the 
aggregate  are  not  numerous,  tell  us  what  we  need 
to  know  concerning  the  nature,  history,  kingdom 
and  works  of  Satan,  but  offer  scant  satisfaction  to 


the  merely  speculative  temper.     The  comparative 

lack  of  development  in  this  field  is  due  partly  to 

the  fact  that  the  Bib.  writers  are  pri- 

1.  Scripture  marily  interested  in  God,  and  only 
Doctrine  of  secondarily  in  the  powers  of  darkness; 
Satan  Not  and  partly  to  the  fact  that  in  the 
Systema-  Bible  doctrine  waits  upon  fact.  Hence 
tized  the  malign  and  sinister  figure  of  the 

Adversary  is  gradually  outlined  against 
the  light  of  God's  holiness  as  progressively  revealed 
in  the  providential  world-process  which  centers  in 
Christ.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  the  statements 
concerning  Satan  become  numerous  and  definite 
only  in  the  NT.  The  dayhght  of  the  Christian 
revelation  was  necessary  in  order  to  uncover  the 
lurking  foe,  dimly  disclosed  but  by  no  means  fully 
known  in  the  earlier  revelation.  The  disclosure 
of  Satan  is,  in  form  at  least,  historical,  not  dogmatic. 
In  the  second  place,  the  relationship  of  Satan  to 
God,  already  emphasized,  must  be  kept  constantly 

in     mind.     The     doctrine     of     Satan 

2.  Satan  merges  in  the  general  doctrine  con- 
and  God        cerning  angels  (see  Angels).     It  has 

often  been  pointed  out  that  the  per- 
sonal characteristics  of  angels  are  very  little  insisted 
upon.  They  are  known  chiefly  by  their  functions: 
merged,  on  the  one  hand,  in  their  own  offices,  and, 
on  the  other,  in  the  activities  of  God  Himself. 

In  the  OT  Satan  is  not  represented  as  a  fallen 
and  mahgnant  spirit,  but  as  a  servant  of  Jeh,  per- 
forming a  Divine  function  and  having  his  place 
in  the  heavenly  train.  In  the  jl  accounts  of  David's 
numbering  of  Israel  (1  S  24  1;  1  Ch  21  1)  the 
tempting  of  David  is  attributed  both  to  Jeh  and 
Satan.  The  reason  for  this  is  either  that  'the 
temptation  of  men  is  also  a  part  of  his  providence,' 
or  that  in  the  interval  between  the  documents  the 
personality  of  the  tempter  has  more  clearly  emerged. 
In  this  case  the  account  in  Ch  would  nearly  ap- 
proximate the  NT  teaching.  In  the  Book  of  Job 
(1  6),  however,  Satan  is  among  the  Sons  of  God  and 
his  assaults  upon  Job  are  Divinely  permitted.  In 
Zee  (3  1.2)  Satan  is  also  a  servant  of  Jeh.  In  both 
these  passages  there  is  the  hint  of  opposition  be- 
tween Jeh  and  Satan.  In  the  former  instance 
Satan  assails  unsuccessfully  the  character  of  one 
whom  Jeh  honors ;  while  in  tlie  latter  Jeh  explicitly 
rebukes  Satan  for  his  attitude  toward  Israel  (see 
G.  A.  Smith,  BTP,  II,  316  f).  The  unveihng  of 
Satan  as  a  rebellious  world-power  is  reserved  for 
the  NT,  and  with  this  fuller  teaching  the  symbolic 
treatment  of  temptation  in  Gen  is  to  be  connected. 
There  is  a  sound  pedagogical  reason,  from  the  view- 
point of  revelation,  for  this  earUer  withholding  of  the 
whole  truth  concerning  Satan.  In  the  early  stages 
of  religious  thinking  it  would  seem  to  be  difficult, 
if  not  impossible,  to  hold  the  sovereignty  of  God 
without  attributing  to  His  agency  those  evils  in  the 
world  which  are  more  or  less  directly  connected 
with  judgment  and  punishment  (cf  Isa  45  7; 
Am  3  6).  The  OT  sufficiently  emphasizes  man's 
responsibility  for  his  own  evil  deeds,  but  super- 
human evil  is  brought  upon  him  from  above. 
"When  wilful  souls  have  to  be  misled,  the  spirit 
who  does  so,  as  in  Ahab's  case,  comes  from  above" 
(G.  A.  Smith,  op.  cit.,  317).  The  progressive  reve- 
lation of  God's  character  and  purpose,  which  more 
and  more  imperatively  demands  that  the  origin  of 
moral  evil,  and  consequently  natural  evil,  must  be 
traced  to  the  created  will  in  opposition  to  the  Divine, 
leads  to  the  ultimate  declaration  that  Satan  is  a 
morally  fallen  being  to  whose  conquest  the  Divine 
Power  in  history  is  pledged.  There  is,  also,  the 
distinct  possibility  that  in  the  significant  transition 
from  the  Satan  of  the  OT  to  that  of  the  NT  we 
have  the  outlines  of  a  biography  and  an  indication 
of  the  way  by  which  the  angels  fell. 


Satan 
Saul 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2696 


A  third  general  consideration,  based  upon  data 

given  in  tlie  earlier  section,  should  be  urged  in  the 

same   connection.     In  the  NT  delin- 

3.  Satan  eation  of  Satan,  his  limitations  are 
Essentially  clearly  set  forth.  He  is  superhuman, 
Limited  but   not   in   any    sense   Divine.     His 

activities  are  cosmic,  but  not  universal 
or  transcendent.  He  is  a  created  being.  His 
power  is  definitely  circumscribed.  He  is  doomed 
to  final  destruction  as  a  world-power.  His  entire 
career  is  that  of  a  secondary  and  dependent  being 
who  is  permitted  a  certain  limited  scope  of  power — 
a  tim£-lease  of  activity  (Lk  4  6). 

These  three  general  considerations  have  been 
grouped  in  this  way  because  they  dispose  of  three 

objections  which  are  current  against 

4.  Conclu-    the  doctrine  of  Satan. 

sions  (1)  The  first  is,  that  it  is  mytho- 

logical in  origin.  That  it  is  not  dog- 
matic is  a  priori  evidence  against  this  hypothesis. 
Mythology  is  primitive  dogma.  There  is  no  evi- 
dence of  a  theodicy  or  philosophy  of  evil  in  the 
Bib.  treatment  of  Satan.  Moreover,  while  the 
Scriptural  doctrine  is  unsystematic  in  form,  it  is 
rigidly  limited  in  scope  and  everywhere  essentially 
consistent.  Even  in  the  Apocalypse,  where  natu- 
rally more  scope  is  allowed  to  the  imagination,  the 
same  essential  ideas  appear.  The  doctrine  of  Satan 
corresponds,  item  for  item,  to  the  intellectual  sane- 
ness  and  ethical  earnestness  of  the  Bib.  world-view 
as  a  whole.  It  is,  therefore,  not  mythological. 
The  restraint  of  chastened  imagination,  not  the 
extravagance  of  mythological  fancy,  is  in  evidence 
throughout  the  entire  Bib.  treatment  of  the  sub- 
ject. Even  the  use  of  terms  current  in  mythology 
(as  perhaps  Gen  3  1.13.14;  Rev  12  7-9;  cf  1  Pet 
5  8)  does  not  imply  more  than  a  literary  clothing 
of  Satan  in  attributes  commonly  ascribed  to  ma- 
lignant and  disorderly  forces. 

(2)  The  second  objection  is  that  the  doctrine  is 
due  to  the  influence  of  Pers  dualism  (see  Persian 
Reugion;  Zoroastrianism).  The  answer  to  this 
is  plain,  on  the  basis  of  facts  already  adduced. 
The  Bib.  doctrine  of  Satan  is  not  dualistic.  Satan's 
empire  had  a  beginning,  it  will  have  a  definite  and 
permanent  end.  Satan  is  God's  great  enemy  in  the 
cosmic  .sphere,  but  he  is  God's  creation,  exists  by 
Divine  will,  and  his  power  is  relatively  no  more 
commensurate  with  God's  than  that  of  men.  Satan 
awaits  his  doom.  Weiss  says  (concerning  the  NT 
representation  of  conflict  between  God  and  the 
powers  of  evil) :  "There  lies  in  this  no  Manichaean 
dualism,  ....  but  only  the  deepest  experience  of 
the  work  of  redemption  as  the  definite  destruction 
of  the  power  from  which  all  sin  in  the  world  of  men 
proceeds"  {Bib.  Theol.  NT,  ET,  II,  272;  cf  G.  A. 
Smith,  op.  cit.,  II,  318). 

(3)  The  third  objection  is  practically  the  same  as 
the  second,  but  addressed  directly  to  the  doctrine 
itself,  apart  from  the  question  of  its  origin,  namely, 
that  it  destroys  the  unity  of  God.  The  answer  to 
this  also  is  a  simple  negative.  To  some  minds  the 
reality  of  created  wills  is  dualistic  and  therefore 
untenable.  But  a  true  doctrine  of  unity  malces 
room  for  other  wills  than  God's — namely  of  those 
beings  upon  whom  God  has  bestowed  freedom. 
Herein  stands  the  doctrine  of  sin  and  Satan.  The 
doctrine  of  Satan  no  more  militates  against  the 
unity  of  God  than  the  idea,  so  necessary  to  morality 
and  religion  alike,  of  other  created  wills  set  in  oppo- 
sition to  God's.  Just  as  the  conception  of  Satan 
merges,  in  one  direction,  in  the  general  doctrine  of 
angels,  so,  in  the  other,  it  blends  with  the  broad 
and  difficult  subject  of  evil  (cf  "Satan,"  HDB,  IV, 
412a). 

LiTEH.^TrEE. — All  Standard  works  on  Bib.  Theology, 
as  well  as  Diets.,  etc,    treat  with  more  or  less  thorough- 


ness the  doctrine  of  Satan.  The  German  theologians 
of  the  more  evangelical  type,  such  as  Weiss,  Lange, 
Martensen  (Danish),  Dorner,  while  exhibiting  a  tend- 
ency toward  excessive  speculation,  discern  the  deeper 
aspects  of  the  doctrine.  Of  monographs  known  to  the 
writer  none  are  to  be  recommended  without  qualification. 
It  is  a  subject  on  which  the  Bible  is  its  own  best  inter- 
preter. 

Louis  Matthews  Sweet 
SATAN,  DEPTHS  OF  (rd  PaB^a  tov  Sarava, 
td  bathea  tou  Sataiid) :  Found  in  Rev  2  24,  and  has 
reference  to  false  teaching  at  Thyatira.  It  is  a 
question  (that  perhaps  may  not  be  decided)  whether 
tou  Satana,  "of  Satan,"  represents  the  claim  of  the 
false  teachers,  or  is  thrown  in  by  the  Lord.  Did 
those  false  teachers  claim  to  know  "the  depths"  of 
Satan?  Or  was  it  that  they  claimed  to  know  "the 
depths"  of  Deity,  and  the  Lord  said  it  was  rather 
"the  depths  of  Satan"?  In  either  case  the  an- 
tithesis to  "depths  of  Satan"  is  "depths  of  God,"  as 
referred  to  in  Rom  11  33;    1  Cor  2  10. 

SATAN,  SYNAGOGUE  OF:  The  expression 
occurs  neither  in  the  Heb  nor  in  the  Gr  of  the  OT, 
nor  in  Apoc.  Three  passages  in  the  OT  and  one  in 
Apoc  suggest  the  idea  conveyed  in  the  expression. 
In  Nu  14  27.3.5,  Jeh  expresses  His  wrath  against 
"the  evil  congregation"  (LXX  .0-11^70177;  irov-rjpi, 
sunagogi  ponerd)  which  He  threatens  to  consume 
in  the  wilderness.  In  Ps  21  (22)  16,  we  find, 
"A  company  of  evil  doers  [LXX  !ri;ra7u77)  woinj- 
pevoiiivav,  sunagogt  ponereuomenon]  have  inclosed 
me."  In  Sir  16  6,  we  read,  "In  the  congregation 
of  sinners  [LXX  o-vna-yuyT]  a.fiapTui\u>v,  sunagogt 
hamartolon]  shall  a  fire  be  kindled." 

Only  in  the  NT  occurs  the  phrase  "synagogue  of 
Satan,"  and  here  only  twice  (Rev  2  9;  3  9). 
Three  observations  are  evident  as  to  who  consti- 
tuted "the  synagogue  of  Satan"  in  Smyrna  and 
Philadelphia.  (1)  They  claimed  to  be  Jews,  i.e. 
they  were  descendants  of  Abraham,  and  so  laid 
claim  to  the  blessings  promised  by  Jeh  to  him  and 
his  seed.  (2)  But  they  are  not  regarded  by  John 
as  real  Jews,  i.e.  they  are  not  the  genuine  Israel 
of  God  (the  same  conclusion  as  Paul  reached  in  Rom 
2  28).  (3)  They  are  persecutors  of  the  Christians 
in  Smyrna.  The  Lord  "knows  their  blasphemy," 
their  sharp  denunciations  of  Christ  and  Christians. 
They  claim  to  be  the  true  people  of  God,  but  really 
they  are  "the  synagogue  of  Satan."  The  gen. 
Xarapa,  Satand,  is  probably  the  possessive  gen. 
These  Jewish  persecutors,  instead  of  being  God's 
people,  are  the  "assembly  of  Satan,"  i.e.  Satan's 
people. 

In  Polyc,  Mar.  xvii.2  (c  155  AD)  the  Jews  of 
Smyrna  were  still  persecutors  of  Christians  and 
were  conspicuous  in  demanding  and  planning  the 
martyrdom  of  Polycarp  the  bishop  of  Smyrna,  the 
same  city  in  which  the  revelator  calls  persecuting 
Jews  "the  assembly  of  Satan." 

In  the  2d  cent.,  in  an  inscription  {CIJ,  3148) 
describing  the  classes  of  population  in  Smyrna,  we 
find  the  expression  01  vori  'louSawi,  hoi  poti 
loudaioi,  which  Mommsen  thinks  means  "Jews 
who  had  abandoned  their  rehgion,"  but  which 
Ramsay  says  "probably  means  those  who  formerly 
were  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  but  have  lost  the  legal 
standing  of  a  separate  people." 

Literature. — Ramsay,  The  Seven  Churches  of  Aaia, 
ch  .xii;  .Swete,  The  Apocalypse  of  St.  John,  31,  32;  Poly- 
carp, Mar.  xiiiff.17.2;  Mommsen,  Historische  Zrit- 
schrift.  XXXVII,  417. 

Charles  B,  Williams 
SATCHEL,  sach'el.     See  Bag. 

SATHRABUZANES,  sath-ra-bu'za-nez,  sath-ra- 
bfi-za'nez  (2a9papoT)JdvT|s,  Sathrabouzdnes) :  In  1 
E.sd  6  3.7.27  =  "Shethar-bozenai"  in  Ezr  5  3.6;  6 
6.13. 


2697 


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Satan 
Saul 


SATISFACTION,  sat-is-fak'shun :  Occurs  twice 
in  AV  (Nu  35  31.32)  as  a  rendering  of  the  Heb 
kopher  (RV  "ransom").  It  nfieans  a  price  paid  as 
compensation  for  a  life,  and  the  pa.ssage  cited  is 
a  prohibition  against  accepting  such,  in  case  of 
murder,  or  for  the  return  of  the  manslayer.  Such 
compensation  was  permitted  in  ancient  justice 
among  many  peoples.  Cf  iroiv/i,  -point,  which 
Liddell  and  Scott  define  as  "properly  quit-money 
for  blood  spilt,  the  fine  paid  by  the  slayer  to  the 
kinsman  of  the  slain,  as  a  ransom  from  all  conse- 
quences." The  same  custom  prevailed  among 
Teutonic  peoples,  as  seen  in  the  Ger.  Wergeld  and 
Old  Eng.  wergild.  The  Heb  laws  of  the  OT  per- 
mit it  only  in  the  case  of  a  man  or  woman  gored  to 
death  by  an  ox  (Ex  21  30-32). 

Benjamin  Reno  Downer 

SATRAPS,  sa'traps,  sat'raps  (D'lISn.lirinS , 
'Ohashdarp'nim,  Ezr  8  36;  Est  3  12;  8  9;  9  3,  AV 
"lieutenants";  Dnl  3  2.3.27;  6  1  ff,  A  V  "princes"): 
The  viceroys  or  vassal  rulers  to  whom  was  in- 
trusted the  government  of  the  provinces  in  the  Pers 
empire.  The  word  answers  to  the  Old  Pers  khsha- 
thrapavan,  "protectors  of  the  realm." 

SATYR,  safer,  sa'ter  ("1^3?©,  saHr,  lit.  "he- 
goat";  cf  lyiri,  saHr,  "hairy"  [Gen  27  11,  of  Esau], 

and    Arab.      JLci,     sha'r,    "hair";     pi.    DiTy'l?, 

s'Hrlm):  For  s^'irim  in  Lev  17  7  and  2  Ch  11  15, 
AV  has  "devils,"  RV  "he-goats,"  ERVni  "satyrs," 
LXX  Tois  /xarafois,  tols  mataiois,  "vain  things."  For 
s''irl7n  in  Isa  13  21,  AV  and  ERV  have  "satyrs," 
ERVm  ."he-goats,"  ARV  "wild  goats,"  LXX  dai.- 
Iibvia,  daimonia,  "demons."  For  sd'lr  in  Isa 
34  14,  AV  and  ERV  have  "satyr,"  ERVm  "he- 
goat,  ARV  "wild  goat."  LXX  has  Irepos  Trpbs 
rbv  irepov,  heteros  pr6s  tdn  heteron,  "one  to  an- 
other," referring  to  daimonia,  which  here  stands  for 
fiyim,  "wild  beasts  of  the  desert." 

The  text  of  ARV  in  these  passages  is  as  follows:  Lev 
17  7,  "And  they  shall  no  more  sacrifice  their  sacrifices 
unto  the  he-goats,  after  which  they  play  the  harlot": 
2  Ch  11  1.5,  "And  he  [Jcroboaml  appointed  him  priests 
for  the  high  places,  and  for  the  he-goats,  and  for  the 
calves  which  he  had  made";  Isa  13  21  f  (of  Babylon), 
"But  wild  beasts  of  the  desert  [vylm]  shaU  lie  there;  and 
their  houses  shaU  be  full  of  doleful  creatures  ['ohlm]; 
and  ostriches  [b-nolh  ya'dnah]  shall  dwell  there,  and  wild 
goats  ls''irim]  shaU  dance  there.  And  wolves  ['lyim] 
shall  cry  in  their  castles,  and  jackals  [tannlm]  in  the 
pleasant  palaces";  Isa  34  11.13.14.1.5  (of  Edom) 
"But  the  pehcan  [ka'Uh]  and  the  porcupine  [kippodh] 
shall  po.ssess  it;  and  the  owl  [yanshoph]  and  the  raven 
I'arei/i]  shall  dwell  therein:  ....  and  it  shaU  be  a  habi- 
tation of  jackals  [tannim],  a  court  for  ostriches  [h'noth 
ya'dnah].  And  the  wild  beasts  of  the  desert  [oiyim] 
shall  meet  with  the  wolves  ['ij/imj,  and  the  wild  goat 
Isd'ir]  shall  cry  to   his    fellow;  yea,  the  night  monster 

rJW/il  shall  settle  there There  shaU  the  dart-snake 

[kippoz]  make  hernest  ....  there  shall  the  kites  [daj/- 
yoth]  be  gathered,  every  one  with  her  mate." 

The  question  is  whether  sa'ir  and  s^'lrim  in  these 
passages  stand  for  real  or  for  fabulous  animals.  In 
Lev  17  7  and  2  Ch  11  15,  it  is  clear  that  they  are 
ob,iects  of  worship,  but  that  still  leaves  open  the 
question  of  their  nature,  though  it  may  to  many 
minds  make  "devils"  or  "demons"  or  "satyrs' 
seem  preferable  to  "he-goats."  In  Isa  13  20  we 
read,  "neither  shall  the  Arabian  pitch  tent  there; 
neither  shall  shepherds  make  their  flocks  to  he 
down  there."  This  may  very  likely  have  influ- 
enced the  American  Committee  of  Revisers  to  use 
"wild  goat"  in  Isa  13  21  and  34  14  instead  of  the 
"he-goat"  of  the  other  passages.  In  ARV,  no 
fabulous  creatures  (except  perhaps  "night-monster  ) 
are  mentioned  here,  but  LXX  employs  daimonia, 
"demons,"  in  Isa  13  21  for  s'Hrim  and  m  34  14 
for  Qiylm;  ivoKivravpoL,  onokenlauroi,  from  Sj/os, 
6nos  "ass  "  and  Kivravpoi,  kenlauros,  "centaur," 
in  Isa  13  22  and  34  14  for  'lyim,  and  again  in  34 


14  for  llliih;  creipTjves,  neirines,  "sirens,"  in  Isa  13 
21  for  b'noth  ya^dnah,  and  in  34  13  for  tannim.  We 
must  bear  in  mind  the  uncertainty  regarding  the 
identity  of  giyim,  'lyim,  'ohlm  and  tannim,  as  well 
as  of  some  of  the  other  names,  and  we  must  recall 
the  tales  that  are  hung  about  the  name  lilUh  (AV 
"screech  owl,"  AVm  and  RV  "night-monster," 
RVm  "Lilith").  While  sa^ir  is  almost  alone  among 
these  words  in  having  ordinarily  a  well-understood 
meaning,  i.e.  "hc-goat,"  there  is  good  reason  for 
considering  that  here  it  is  used  in  an  exceptional 
sense.  The  tr  "satyr"  has  certainly  much  to  be 
said  for  it.     See  Goat;  Jackal. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 
SAUL,  sol  (blSttJ ,  sha'Ul;  SaovX,  Saoixl) : 

(1)  The  first  king  of  Israel. 
I.     Early  Histohy 

1.  Name  and  Meaning 

2.  Genealogy 

3.  Home  and  Station 

4.  Sources  for  Life 

5.  Election  as  King 

6.  Reasons  for  It 
II.     Reign   and  Fall 

1.  His  First  Action 

2.  Army  Reorganized 

3.  Battle  of  Michmash 

4.  Defeats  the  Amalekites 

5.  Deposition  Pronounced 

6.  David  Introduced  to  Saul 

7.  Two  Accounts 

8.  Saul's  Envy  of  David 

9.  Attempts  to  Got  Rid  of  Him 

10.  David  Spares  Saul 

11.  Saul's  Divided  Energies 

12.  Consults  a  Necromancer 

13.  Battle  of  Gilboa 

14.  Double  Accounts 

15.  Saul's  Posterity 
III.     Character 

1.  Book  of  Chronicles 

2.  Saul's  Failings 

3.  His  Virtue 

4.  David's  Elegy 

/.  Early  History. — The    name    Saul   is    usually 

regarded  as  simply  the  passive  participle  of  the 

vb.  "to  ask,"  and  so  meaning  "asked" 

1.  Name  (cf  1  S  8  4fT),  but  the  gentilic  adj. 
and  Mean-  sha'uli  (Nu  26  13)  would  point  to  its 
ing  having  also  an  intensive  connotation, 

"the    one    asked    importunately,"    or 

perhaps,  "the  one  asking  insistently,"  "the  beggar." 

Saul  was  the  son  of  Kish,   a   Benjamite.     His 

genealogical   tree   is   given    in    1  S  9  1    (cf    LXX 

10  21).     In  1  S  9  1  his  grandfather  is 

2.  Gene-  Abiel,  but  in  1  Ch  8  33;  9  39,  Ner, 
alogy  who  appears  as  his  paternal  uncle  in 

1  S  14  50.51. 

The  last  verse  contains  a  very  curious  scribal  error, 
a  yodh  having  slipped  out  of  one  word  in  it  into  another. 
It  states  that  both  Abner  and  Ner  were  sons  of  Abiel. 
These  apparent  inconsistencies  are  to  be  explained  by 
the  tact  ttiat  in  Heb.  as  in  Arab.,  "son"  is  often  used  in 
the  sense  of  grandson.  Also,  with  the  facility  of  divorce 
then  prevalent,  by  "brother"  and  "sister"  we  must  in 
most  cases  understand  half-brother  and  half-sister. 
Moreover,  Saul's  mother  might  have  been  the  wife  at 
different  times  of  Kish  and  of  his  brother  Ner  (cf  1  S 
20  30).  This  was  quite  common,  and  in  some  cases 
compulsory  (Dt  25  5-9). 

Saul's  home  was  at  Gibeah  (q.v.),  which  is  also 

called   Gibeah  of  Saul,  i.e.   Saul's   Hill  (1  S  11  4; 

cf  also  10  5,  God's  Hill,  or  simply  The 

3.  Home  Hill,  10  10;  Hos  5  8,  etc),  or  the  Hill 
and  Station  of  Benjamin  or  of  the  Benjamites  (1  S 

13  15;  2  S  23  29).  It  is  usually  iden- 
tified with  Tell  el-FAl,  but  perhaps  its  site  is  marked 
rather  by  some  ruins  near  but  beneath  that  eminence. 
The  tribe  of  Benjamin  was  the  fighting  tribe  of 
Israel,  and  Kish  seems  to  have  been  one  of  its  most 
important  members.  Saul's  remarks  in  depreciation 
(1  S  9  21)  are  not  to  be  taken  Htcrally. 

The  circumstances  of  Saul's  career  are  too  well 
known  to  require  recapitulation.  It  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  refer  to  some  of  the  recognized  difficulties 


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2698 


of  the  narrative.     These  difficulties  arise  from  the 

faet  that  we  appear  to  have  two  distinct  biographies 

of  Saul   in   the   present   Books  of  S. 

4.  Sources  This  may  well  be  the  case  as  it  is  the 
for  Life  practice  of   the   Sem  historian  to  set 

down  more  than  one  tradition  of  each 
event,  without  attempting  to  work  these  up  into  one 
consistent  account.  We  shall  call  the  duplicated 
narratives  A  and  B,  without  postulating  that  either 
is  a  continuous  whole.     See  Samuel,  Books  of. 

According  to  A,  Saul  was  anointed  king  of  Israel 
at  Ramah  by  the  prophet  Samuel  acting  upon  an 

inspiration  from  Jeh,  not  only  without 

5.  Election  consulting  anyone,  but  in  the  strictest 
as  King  secrecy  (1  S  9  1 — 10  16).     According 

to  B,  the  sheiks  of  the  tribes  demanded 
a  king.  Samuel  in  vain  tried  to  dissuade  them. 
They  would  not  listen,  and  a  king  was  chosen  by  lot 
at  Mizpah.  The  lot  fell  upon  Saul,  and  Samuel 
immediately  demitted  office  (ch  8;  10  17-27,  omit- 
ting last  clause;    and  ch  12). 

There  are  three  distinct  reasons  given  in  the  text 

for  the  aboUtion  of  the  theocracy  and  institution  of 

an   elective  or   hereditary   monarchy: 

6.  Reasons  first,  the  incapacity  of  Samuel's  sons 
for  It  (8  IS);    second,    an   invasion   of   the 

Ammonites  (12  12);  and  third,  the 
Philis  (9  16).  These  three  motives  are  not  mutually 
exclusive.  The  Philis  formed  the  standing  menace 
to  the  national  existence,  which  would  have  necessi- 
tated the  creation  of  a  monarchy  sooner  or  later. 
The  other  two  were  temporary  circumstances,  one 
of  which  aggravated  the  situation,  while  the  other 
showed  the  hopelessness  of  expecting  any  improve- 
ment in  it  in  the  near  future. 

//.  Reign  and  Fall. — The   election   of   Saul   at 
Mizpah  was  conducted  in  the  presence  of  the  chief- 
tains   of   the  clans;   it   is   not  to   be 

1.  His  First  supposed  that  the  whole  nation  was 
Action  present.     As  soon  as  it  was  over,  the 

electors  went  home,  and  Saul  also 
returned  to  his  father's  farm  and,  like  Cincinnatus, 
once  more  followed  the  plough.  "Within  about  a 
month,"  however  (10  27  LXX,  for  MT  "But  he 
held  his  peace"),  the  summons  came.  A  message 
from  the  citizens  of  Jabesh-gilead  (q.v.)  was  sent 
round  the  tribes  appealing  for  help  against  the 
Ammonites  under  Nahash.  They,  of  course,  knew 
nothing  about  what  had  taken  place  at  Mizpah, 
and  it  was  only  by  chance  that  their  messengers 
arrived  at  Gibeah  when  they  did.  Saul  rose  to  the 
occasion,  and  immediately  after  he  was  acclaimed 
king  by  the  whole  body  of  the  people  (ch  11).  This 
double  election,  first  by  the  chiefs  and  then  by  the 
people,  is  quite  a  regular  proceeding. 

This  first  success  encouraged  Saul  to  enter  upon 
what  was  to  be  the  mission  of  his  life,  namely,  the 

throwing  off  of  the   Phih  suzerainty. 

2.  Army  From  the  first  he  had  had  the  boldest 
Reorgan-  spirits  upon  his  side  (10  26  LXX, 
ized  RVm) ;    he  was  now  able  to  form   a 

standing  army  of  3,000  men,  under  the 
command  of  himself  and  his  son  Jonathan  (q.v.). 
The  Philis,  the  last  remnant  of  the  Minoan  race, 
had  the  advantage  of  the  possession  of  iron  weapons. 
It  was,  in  fact,  they  who  introduced  iron  into  Pal 
from  Crete — the  Israelites  knowing  only  bronze, 
and  having  even  been  deprived  of  weapons  of  the 
softer  metals.  They  seem  to  have  armed  them- 
selves— with  the  exception  of  the  king  and  his  son — 
with  mattocks  and  ploughshares  (13  19  ff). 

The  first  encounter  was  the  attack  upon  the 
Phih  post  at  Michmash  (1  S  13,  14).  The  text 
of  the  narrative  is  uncertain,  but  the  following  out- 
line is  clear.  On  hearing  that  the  Hebrews  had  re- 
volted (13  3  LXX),  the  Philis  gathered  in  great 
force,  including  3,000  chariots  (13  5  LXX;  MT  has 


30,000)  at  Michmash.     In  dismay,  Saul's  troops  de- 
serted (vs  6  f),  until  he  was  left  with  only  600  (14  2). 
In  spite  of  this,  Jonathan  precipitated 

3.  Battle  of   hostilities  by  a  reckless  attack  upon  one 
Michmash     of  the  outposts.    This  was  so  success- 
ful that   the   whole    Phili   army   was 

seized  with  panic,  and  the  onset  of  Saul  and  the 
desertion  of  their  Heb  slaves  completed  their  dis- 
comfiture. Saul  followed  up  his  victory  by  making 
predatory  excursions  on  every  side  (14  47). 

Saul's  next  expedition  was  against  the  Amalekites 

under  Agag,  who  were  likewise  completely  defeated. 

The  fight  was  carried  out  with  all  the 

4.  Defeats  remorselessness  common  to  tribal  war- 
the  Amalek-  fare.  Warning  was  sent  to  the  friendly 
ites  Kenites  to   withdraw  out  of  danger; 

then  the  hostile  tribe  was  slaughtered 
to  a  man,  their  chief  alone  being  spared  for  the  time 
being.  Even  the  women  and  children  were  not 
taken  as  slaves,  but  were  all  killed  (1  S  15). 

It  is  not  clear  what  was  the  precise  attitude  of 
Samuel  toward  Saul.     As  the  undoubted  head  of 

the  theocracy  he  naturally  objected  to 

5.  Deposi-  his  powers  being  curtailed  by  the  loss 
tion  Pro-  of  the  civil  power  (8  6).  Even  after 
nounced         the  elections  of  Saul,  Samuel  claimed 

to  be  the  ecclesiastical  head  of  the 
state.  He  seems  to  have  objected  to  Saul's  offering 
the  sacrifice  before  battle  (13  10  ff),  and  to  have 
considered  him  merely  as  his  lieutenant  (15  3) 
who  could  be  dismissed  for  disobedience  (15  14  S) . 
Here  again  there  seem  to  be  two  distinct  accounts 
in  the  traditional  text,  which  we  may  again  call 
A  and  B.  In  A  Saul  is  rejected  because  he  does 
not  wait  long  enough  for  Samuel  at  Gilgal  (13  8; 
cf  10  8).  "Seven  days,"  of  course,  means  eight,  or 
even  more,  in  short,  until  Samuel  should  come, 
whenever  that  might  be.  The  expression  might 
almost  be  omitted  in  translating.  In  B  Saul  is 
rejected  because  he  did  not  carry  out  Samuel's 
orders  (15  3)  to  the  letter.  The  two  narratives  are 
not  mutually  exclusive.  The  second  offence  was 
an  aggravation  of  the  first,  and  after  it  Samuel  did 
not  see  Saul  again  (15  35). 

He  had  good  reason  for  not  doing  so.     He  had 

anointed  a  rival  head  of  the  state  in  opposition  to 

Saul,  an  act  of  treason  which,  if  dis- 

6.  David  covered,  would  have  cost  him  his 
Introduced  head(cf2  K  9  6.10).  Saul  did  not  at 
to  Saul  once  accept  his  deposition,  but  he  lost 

heart.  One  cannot  but  admire  him, 
deserted  by  Samuel,  and  convinced  that  he  was 
playing  a  losing  game,  and  yet  continuing  in  office. 
To  drive  away  his  melancholy,  his  servants  intro- 
duced to  him  a  musician  who  played  until  his 
spirits  revived  (16  14  ff;   cf  2  K  3  15). 

By  a  strange  coincidence  (cf  I,  5,  above)  the  min- 
strel was  the  very  person  whom  Samuel  had  secretly 

anointed  to  supplant  Saul.     According 

7.  Two  to  what  looks  like  another  account, 
Accounts       however,    it   was   his   encounter   with 

Gohath  which  led  to  the  introduction 
of  David  to  Saul  (17  Iff;  see  David).  In  spite 
of  all  that  has  been  said  to  the  contrary,  the  two 
narratives  are  not  incompatible,  since  we  are  not 
told  the  order  of  the  events  nor  over  how  many 
years  these  events  were  spread.  The  theory  of 
duplicate  narratives  rests  upon  the  assumption  that 
all  statements  made  by  the  dramatis  personae  in 
the  Bible  are  to  be  taken  at  their  face  value.  If 
chs  16  and  17  had  formed  part  of  a  play  of  Shake- 
speare, they  would  have  been  considered  a  fine 
example  of  his  genius.  Treatises  would  have 
been  written  to  explain  why  Saul  did  not  recog- 
nize David,  and  why  Abner  denied  all  knowledge 
of  him.  LXX,  however,  omits  17  12-31.41.50.55— 
18  5. 


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Saul 


Whether  Saul  actually  discovered  that  David  had 

been  anointed  by  Samuel  or  not,  he  soon  saw  in 

him  his  rival  and  inevitable  successor, 

8.  Saul's  and  he  would  hardly  have  been  human 
Envy  of  if  he  had  not  felt  envious  of  him.  His 
David            dislike    of    David    had    two    motives. 

The  first  was  jealousy,  because  the 
women  preferred  the  mihtary  genius  of  David  to 
his  own  (18  7  f).  His  consequent  attempt  upon 
the  life  of  David  (vs  8-11)  is  omitted  in  LXX. 
Not  least  was  the  love  of  his  own  daughter  for 
David  (18  20;  in  ver  28  read  with  LXX  "all 
Israel").  The  second  cause  was  his  natural 
objection  to  see  his  son  Jonathan  supplanted  in 
his  rights  to  the  throne,  an  objection  which  was 
aggravated  by  the  devotion  of  that  son  to  his  own 
rival  (20  30;  see  also  David;    Jonathan). 

Saul  could  not  believe  that  David  could  remain 
loyal  to  him  (24  9) ;    at  the  first  favorable  oppor- 
tunity he  would  turn  upon  him,  hurl  him 

9.  Attempts  from  the  throne,  and  exterminate  his 
to  Get  Rid  whole  house.  In  these  circumstances,  it 
of  Him  was  his  first  interest  to  get  rid  of  him. 

His  first  attempt  to  do  so  (omitting 
with  LXX  18  86-11)  was  to  encourage  him  to 
make  raids  on  the  Philis  in  the  hope  that  these 
might  kill  him  (18  21  ff);  his  ne.xt,  assassination  by 
one  of  his  servants  (19  1),  and  then  by  his  own 
hand  (19  9  f ) .  When  David  was  compelled  to 
fly,  the  quarrel  turned  to  civil  war.  The  supersti- 
tious fear  of  hurting  the  chosen  of  Jeh  had  given 
place  to  bhnd  rage.  Those  who  sheltered  the 
fugitive,  even  priests,  were  slaughtered  (22  17  ff). 
From  one  spot  to  another  David  was  hunted,  as  he 
says,  like  a  partridge  (26  20). 

It  is  generally  maintained  that  here  also  we  have 
duplicate  accounts;  for  example,  that  there  are  two 

accounts     of     David     taking     refuge 

10.  David  with  Achish,  king  of  Gath,  and  two  of 
Spares  Saul  his    sparing    Saul's    life.     The    latter 

are  contained  in  chs  24  and  26,  but 
the  points  of  resemblance  are  shght.  Three  thou- 
sand (24  2;  26  2)  was  the  number  of  Saul's  picked 
men  (cf  13  2).  David  uses  the  simile  of  "a  flea" 
in  24  14,  but  in  26  20  for  "a  flea"  LXX  has  "my 
soul,"  which  is  no  doubt  original.  The  few  other 
expressions  would  occur  naturally  in  any  narrative 
with  the  same  contents. 

Obviously  Saul's  divided  energies  could  not  hold 
out  long;    he  could  not  put  down  the  imaginary 

rebelhon  within,  and  at  the  same  time 

11.  Saul's  keep  at  bay  the  foreign  foe.  No  sooner 
Divided  had  he  got  the  fugitive  within  his 
Energies        grasp  than  he  was  called  away  by  an 

inroad  of  the  Philis  (23  27f);  but 
after  his  life  had  been  twice  spared,  he  seemed  to 
realize  at  last  that  the  latter  were  the  real  enemy, 
and  he  threw  his  whole  strength  into  one  desperate 
effort  for  existence. 

Saul  himself  saw  that  his  case  was  desperate, 
and  -that  in  fact  the  game  was  up.     As  a  forlorn 

hope    he    determined    to    seek    occult 

12.  Con-  advice.  He  could  no  longer  use  the 
suits  a  Nee-  official  means  of  divination  (28  6), 
romancer      and  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  a 

necromancer,  one  of  a  class  whom  he 
himself  had  taken  means  to  suppress  (28  3).  The 
result  of  the  seance  confirmed  his  worst  fears  and 
filled  his  soul  with  despair  (28  7  G). 

It  says  much  for  Saul  that,  hopeless  as  he  was,  he 
engaged  in  one  last  forlorn  struggle  with  the  enemy. 

The    Philis    had    gathered    in    great 

13.  Battle  force  at  Shunem.  Saul  drew  up  his 
of  Gilboa       army  on  the  opposing  hill  of  Gilboa. 

Between  the  two  forces  lay  a  valley 
(cf  14  4).  The  result  was  what  had  been  foreseen. 
The  Israelites,  no  doubt  greatly  reduced  in  numbers 


(contrast  11  8),  were  completely  defeated,  and  Saul 
and  his  sons  slain.  Their  armor  was  placed  in  the 
temple  of  Ashtaroth,  and  their  bodies  hung  on 
the  wall  of  Bethshan,  but  Saul's  head  was  set  in 
the  temple  of  Dagon  (1  Ch  10  10).  The  citizens 
of  Jabesh-gilead,  out  of  ancient  gratitude,  rescued 
the  bodies  and,  in  un-Semitic  wise,  burned  them 
and  buried  the  bones. 

Once  more  we  have,  according  to  most  present- 
day  critics,  duplicate  accounts  of  the  death  of  Saul. 
According  to  one,  which  we  may  name 

14.  Double  A,  he  fell,  like  Ajax  whom  he  much 
Accounts       resembles,  upon  his  own  sword,  after 

being  desperately  wounded  by  the 
archers  (1  S  31  4).  According  to  the  second  (2  S 
1  2  ff ) ,  an  Amalekite,  who  had  been  by  accident  a 
witness  of  the  battle,  dispatched  Saul  at  his  own 
request  to  save  him  from  the  enemy.  But  B 
is  simply  the  continuation  of  A,  and  tells  us  how 
David  received  the  news  of  the  battle.  The 
Amalekite's  story  is,  of  course,  a  fabrication  with 
a  view  to  a  reward.  Similar  claims  for  the  reward 
of  assassination  are  common  (2  S  4  9  ff) . 

With  Saul  the  first  Israelite  dynasty  began  and 
ended.     The  names  of  his  sons  are  given  in  1  S 

14  49  as  Jonathan,  Ishvi  and  Malchi- 

15.  Saul's  shua.  Ishvi  or  Ishyo  (LXX)  is 
Posterity       Eshbaal,    called    in  2  S  2  8    Ish-bo- 

SHETH  (q.v.).  1  Ch  8  33  adds  Abina- 
dab.  Jonathan  left  a  long  line  of  descendants 
famous,  like  himself,  as  archers  (1  Ch  8  34  ff). 
The  rest  of  Saul's  posterity  apparently  died  out. 
Malchishua  and  Abinadab  were  slain  at  Gilboa 
(1  S  31  6;  1  Ch  10  2),  and  Ish-bosheth  was 
assassinated  shortly  after  (2  S  4  2  fT) .  Saul  had 
also  two  natural  sons  by  Rizpah  who  were  put  to 
death  by  David  in  accordance  with  a  superstitious 
custom,  as  also  were  the  five  sons  of  Saul's  daughter 
Merab(2  S  21  8,notMichal;  cf  1  S  18  19).  Saul's 
other  daughter  Michal  apparently  had  no  children. 
Saul  had,  it  seems,  other  wives,  who  were  taken  into 
the  harem  of  David  in  accordance  with  the  practice 
of  the  times  (2  S  12  8),  but  of  them  and  their 
descendants  we  know  nothing. 

///.    Character, — Saul's    hfe    and    character    are 

disposed  of  in  a  somewhat  summary  fashion  by  the 

Chronicler  (1  Ch  10,  esp.  vs.  13.14). 

1.  Book  of  Saul  was  rejected  because  he  was  dis- 
Chronicles     loyal    to    Jeh,    esp.    in    consulting    a 

necromancer.  The  major  premise  of 
this  conclusion,  however,  is  the  ancient  dictum, 
"Misfortune  presupposes  sin."  From  a  wider 
point  of  view  Saul  cannot  be  dismissed  so  cavaherly. 
Like  everyone  else,  Saul  had  his  virtues  and  his 
failings.     His  chief  weakness  seems  to  have  been 

want  of  decision  of  character.     He  was 

2.  Saul's  easily  swayed  by  events  and  by  people. 
FaiUngs         The  praises  of  David  (1  S  18  7  f)  at 

once  set  his  jealousy  on  fire.  His  per- 
secution of  David  was  largely  due  to  the  instigation 
of  mischievous  courtiers  (24  9) .  Upon  remonstrance 
his  repentance  was  as  deep  as  it  was  short-Uved  (24 
16;  26  21).  His  impulsiveness  was  such  that  he  did 
not  know  where  to  stop.  His  interdict  (14  24  ff) 
was  quite  as  uncalled  for  as  his  religious  zeal  (15  9) 
was  out  of  place.  He  was  always  at  one  extreme. 
His  hatred  of  David  was  only  equal  to  his  affection 
for  him  at  first  (18  2) .  His  pusillanimity  led  him 
to  commit  crimes  which  his  own  judgment  would 
have  forbidden  (22  17).  Like  most  beaten  persons, 
he  became  suspicious  of  everyone  (22  7  f),  and,  like 
those  who  are  easily  led,  he  soon  found  his  evil 
genius  (22  9.18.22).  Saul's  inability  to  act  alone 
appears  from  the  fact  that  he  never  engaged  in 
single  combat,  so  far  as  we  know.  Before  he  could 
act  at  all  his  fury  or  his  pity  had  to  be  roused  to 
boiling-point  (11  6).     His  mind  was  peculiarly  sub- 


Savaran 

Sceptre,  Scepter 


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2700 


ject  to  external  influences,  so  that  he  was  now  a 
respectable  man  of  the  world,  now  a  prophet  (10  11; 
19  24). 

On  the  other  hand,  Saul  possessed  many  high 

qualities.     His   dread   of  office    (10  22)   was  only 

equaled  by  the  coolness  with  which  he 

3.  His  accepted  it   (11  5).     To  the  first  call 
Virtues  to  action  he  responded  with  prompti- 
tude (11  6  ff).     His  timely  aid  excited 

the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  citizens  of  Jabesh-gilead 
(31  11  ff).  If  we  remember  that  Saul  was  openly 
disowned  by  Samuel  (15  30),  and  believed  himself 
cast  off  by  Jeh,  we  cannot  but  admire  the  way  in 
which  he  fought  on  to  the  last.  IMoreover,  the 
fact  that  he  retained  not  only  his  own  sons,  but  a 
sufficient  body  of  fighting  men  to  engage  a  large 
army  of  Philis,  shows  that  there  must  have  been 
something  in  him  to  excite  confidence  and  loyalty. 

There  is,  however,  no  question  as  to  the  honorable 

and  noble  qualities  of  Saul.     The  chief  were  his 

prowess   in    war    and    his    generosity 

4.  David's  in  peace.  They  have  been  set  down 
Elegy  by  the  man   who   knew   him  best  in 

what  are  among  the  most  authentic 
verses  in  the  Bible  (2  S  1  19  ff). 
(2)  Saul  of  Tarsus.     See  Paul. 

Thomas  Hunter  Weir 
SAVARAN,  sav'a-ran:  AV  =  RV  Avaran  (q.v.). 

SAVE,  sav:  In  tihe  sense  "except,"  the  word  came 
into  Eng.  through  the  Fr.  (sauf)  and  is  fairly  com- 
mon (38  t,  in  addition  to  "saving,"  AV  Eccl  5  11; 
Am  9  8;  Mt  6  32;  Lk  4  27;  Rev  2  17).  It 
represents  no  particular  Heb  or  Gr  terms  but  is 
employed  wherever  it  seems  useful.  It  is  still  in 
good  (slightly  archaic)  use,  and  RV  has  few  modi- 
fications (Dt  15  4  AV;  _Ps  18  31&,  etc),  but  ERV 
has  dropped  "saving"  in  Lk  4  27  and  Rev  2  17 
and  ARV  also  in  Eccl  5  11;  Am  9  8,  retaining  it 
only  in  Mt  5  32. 

SAVIAS,sa-vi'as(5;ao«la,,SaoM(o):  In  1  Esd  8  2, 
for  Uzzi,  an  ancestor  of  Ezra,  in  Ezr  7  4. 

SAVIOUR,  sav'yer:  (1)  While  that  "God  is 
the  deliverer  of  his  people"  is  the  concept  on  which, 
virtually,  the  whole  OT  is  based  (see  Salvation), 
yet  the  Hebrews  seem  never  to  have  felt  the 
need  of  a  title  for  God  that  would  sum  up  this 
aspect  of  His  relation  to  man.  Nearest  to  our 
word  "Saviour"  is  a  participial  form  (^"^115112, 
moshi"')  from'the  vb.  ^'^1 ,  yasha}  (Qal  not  used; 
"save"  in  Hiphil),  but  even  this  participle  is  not 
frequently  apphed  to  God  (some  13  t  of  which  7 
are  in  Isa  43-63).  (2)  In  the  NT,  however,  the 
case  is  different,  and  Sur-^p,  Soltr,  ia  used  in  as 
technical  a  way  as  is  our  "Saviour."  But  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  24  occurrences  of  the  word  is  signifi- 
cant, for  two-thirds  of  them  are  found  in  the  later 
books  of  the  NT— 10  in  the  Pastorals,  5  in  2  Pet, 
and  one  each  in  Jn,  1  Jn,  and  Jude — while  the 
other  instances  are  Lk  1  47;  2  11;  Acts  5  31; 
13  23;  Eph  5  23;  Phil  3  20.  And  there  are  no 
occurrences  in  Mt,  Mk,  or  the  earlier  Pauline  Epp. 
The  data  are  clear  enough.  As  might  be  expected, 
the  fact  that  the  OT  used  no  technical  word  for 
Saviour  meant  that  neither  did  the  earliest  Chris- 
tianity use  any  such  word.  Doubtless  for  Our 
Lord  "Messiah"  was  felt  to  convey  the  meaning. 
But  in  Gr-speaking  Christianity,  "Christ,"  the 
tr  of  Messiah,  soon  became  treated  as  a  proper 
name,  and  a  new  word_  was  needed.  (3)  Soter 
expressed  the  exact  meaning  and  had  already  been 
set  apart  in  the  language  of  the  day  as  a  religious 
term,  having  become  one  of  the  most  popular 
Divine  titles  in  use.     Indeed,  it  was  felt  to  be  a 


most  inappropriate  word  to  apply  to  a  human  being. 
Cicero,  for  instance,  arraigns  Verres  for  using  it: 
"Soter  ....  How  much  does  this  imply?  So 
much  that  it  cannot  be  expressed  in  one  word  in 
Latin"  (Verr.  ii.2,  63,  §  154).  So  the  adoption 
of  Soter  by  Christianity  was  most  natural,  the 
word  seemed  ready-made.  (4)  That  the  NT 
writers  derived  the  word  from  its  contemporary 
use  is  shown,  besides,  by  its  occurrence  in  combina- 
tion with  such  terms  as  "manifestation"  (epi- 
phdneia,  2  Tim  1  10;  Tit  2  13),  "love  toward  man" 
(philanlhropia,  Tit  3  4),  "captain"  {archegos,  Acta 
6  31;  cf  He  2  10),  etc.  These  terms  are  found 
in  the  Gr  sources  many  times  in  exactly  the  same 
combinations  with  Soter.  (5)  In  the  NT  Soter  ia 
uniformly  reserved  for  Christ,  except  in  Lk  1  47; 
Jude  ver  25,  and  the  Pastorals.  In  1  Tim  (1  1; 
2  3;  4  10)  it  is  appHed  only  to  the  Father,  in  2  Tim 
(1  10,  only)  it  is  applied  to  Christ,  while  in  Tit  there 
seems  to  be  a  deliberate  alternation;  of  the  Father 
in  1  3;  2  10;  3  4;  of  Christ  in  1  4;  2  13;  3  6. 

Literature. — P.  Wendland,  "Sajriip,"  ZNTW.  V, 
335-53,  1904;  J.  Weiss.  "Heiland,"  In  BGG,  II,  1910; 
H.  Lietzmann,  Der  Weltheiland,  1909.  Much  dntailed 
Information  is  available  in  various  parts  of  Deissmann, 
Light  from  the  Ancient  East,  19i0. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
SAVOR,  sa'ver  (ni"! ,  re'h;  oiry.i\,  osmt) :  (1)  The 
primary  meaning  of  the  word  is  "taste,"  "flavor" 
(from  Lat  sapor,  "taste").  So  in  Mt  5  13;  Lk  14 
34,  "if  the  salt  have  lost  its  savor"  (fiupanffi, 
moranthe,  "become  tasteless,"  "insipid,"  so  as  to  lose 
its  characteristic  preserving  virtue).  (2)  But  gener- 
ally it  has  the  meaning  of  "smell,"  "odor";  (a) 
once  of  evil  odor:  "Its  stench  shall  come  up,  and  its 
ill  savor  shall  come  up"  (Joel  2  20);  (t)  elsewhere 
in  the  sense  of  pleasant  smell.  In  the  OT,  with  the 
exception  of  Ex  5  21  and  AV  Cant  1  3  (RV 
"fragrance"),  it  is  always  accompanied  by  the  adj. 
"sweet."  It  stands  for  the  smell  of  sacrifices  and 
oblations,  in  agreement  with  the  ancient  anthro- 
pomorphic idea  that  God  smells  and  is  pleased 
with  the  fragrance  of  sacrifices  (e.g.  "Jeh  smelled 
the  sweet  savor,"  Gen  8  21;  "to  make  a  sweet 
savor  unto  Jeh,"  Nu  15  3;  and  frequently).  In 
the  NT,  "savor"  in  the  sense  of  smell  is  used  meta- 
phorically; (a)  once  the  metaphor  is  borrowed  from 
the  incense  which  attends  the  victor's  triumphal 
procession;  God  is  said  to  make  manifest  through 
His  apostles  "the  savor  of  his  knowledge  in  every 
place"  as  He  "leadeth"  them  "in  triumph  in  Christ" 
(2  Cor  2  14;  see  Triumph),  (fe)  Elsewhere  the 
metaphor  is  borrowed  from  the  fragrant  smell  of 
the  sacrifices.  The  apostles  "are  a  sweet  savor  of 
Christ  unto  God"  (2  Cor  2  15),  i.e.  they  are,  as  it 
were,  a  sweet  odor  for  God  to  smell,  an  odor  which 
is  pleasing  to  God,  even  though  its  effect  upon  men 
varies  (to  some  it  is  a  "savor  from  death  unto  death," 
i  e.  such  as  is  emitted  by  death  and  itself  causes 
death;  to  others  it  is  "a  savor  from  fife  unto  life," 
ver  16).  By  the  same  sacrificial  metaphor,  Christ's 
offering  of  Himself  to  God  is  said  to  be  "for  a  sweet 
smelUng  savor"  (Eph  5  2  AV,  RV  "for  an  odor 
of  a  sweet  smell";  the  same  phrase  is  used  in 
Phil  4  18  of  acts  of  kindness  to  Paul,  which  were 
"a  sacrifice  acceptable,  well-pleasing  to  God"). 
(3)  Once  it  is  used  in  the  figurative  sense  of  reputa- 
tion: "Ye  have  made  our  savor  to  be  abhorred  [lit. 
"our  smell  to  stink"]  in  the  eyes  of  Pharaoh"  (Ex  5 
21).     Cf  the  Eng.  phrase,  "to  be  in  bad  odor." 

The  vb.  "to  savor"  means:  (1)  intransitively,  to 
taste  or  smell  of,  to  partake  of  the  quality  of  something, 
as  in  the  Preface  of  AV,  "to  savour  more  of  curiosity  than 
wisdonie,"  or  (2)  transitively,  to  perceive  by  the  taste 
or  smell,  to  discern:  "thou  savourest  not  the  things  that 
be  of  God"  (AV  Mt  16  23;  Mk  8  33,  RV  "mindest"; 
cfjpoi'si!,  phTonets:  Vulg  sapis).  The  adj.  "savory"  occurs 
only  in  Gen  27  4.7.9.14.17.31  ("savory  food")  and  RV 
Isa  30  24  (m  "salted").  .^ 

D.  Ml  ALL  Edwards 


2701 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Savaran 
Sceptre,  Scepter 


SAW,  so.     See  Tools. 

SAWING  ASUNDER,  so'ing  '  a-sun'der.  See 
Punishments. 

SAYEST,  sa'est:  "Thou  sayest"  (Mt  27  11 
Mk  15  2;  Lk  22  70,  "Ye  say";  Jn  18  37),  i.e 
rightly;  "Thou  hast  said"  (Mt  26  25.64),  =  "Yes" 
a  rabbinical  idiom  never  found  in  the  OT.  Mark 
(14  62)  renders  by  "I  am."  All  these  passages 
WHm  punctuate  interrogatively  (cf  KHhubhoth, 
i.  103  6). 

SAYINGS,  sa'ingz,  DARK.     See  Dark  Sayings. 

SAYINGS,  FAITHFUL.     See  Faithful  Sayings. 

SAYINGS  OF  JESUS.     See  Logia. 

SAYINGS,  UNWRITTEN,  un-rit"n.     See  Agra- 

PHA. 

SCAB,  skab,  SCABBED,  skab'ed,  skabd  (ns|^, 
yallepheth,  nnSOn,  mispahalh,  nnSD  ,  ^appahath, 
vb.  nSIB  ,  sippah;  <n\\i.<i<rla,  semasla,  \(ixi]v,  leichtn)  : 
These  are  generic  terms  for  any  skin  disease  in  which 
there  are  patches  of  hard  crusts  on  the  surface.  The 
commonest  of  these  are  the  forms  now  named  ecze- 
ma, herpes  and,  perhaps,  psoriasis,  all  of  which  are 
common  in  Bible  lands.  Milder  cases  in  which  the 
disease  was  locaUzed  and  in  small  patches  (the 
semasia  of  LXX)  did  not  render  the  bearer  unclean, 
and  they  were  to  be  distinguished  by  the  priest  (Lev 
13  2.6)  from  the  more  virulent  and  spreading  erup- 
tions which  (ver  7)  were  regarded  as  causes  of  cere- 
monial uncleanness.  These  severer  forms  are  the 
leichen  of  LXX  mentioned  in  Lev  21  20,  which  dis- 
qualified any  son  of  Aaron  from  serving  as  a  priest, 
and  when  affecting  an  animal  rendered  it  unfit  to  be 
offered  as  a  burnt  offering  (Lev  22  22) .  Hippocrates 
speaks  of  these  cases  as  obstinate  and  persistent,  and 
Galen  believed  that  they  might  degenerate  into 
leprosy;  hence  the  terms  in  which  Aeschylus  speaks 
of  it  (Choephori  281).  Celsus,  however,  recognized 
that  leichen  was  a  papular  eruption,  not  a  true  scab. 
The  name  yallepheth  seems  to  have  been  given  to  it 
on  account  of  the  firmness  of  attachment  of  the 
scabs,  while  the  term  mi^pahath  refers  to  its  tend- 
ency to  spread  and  cover  the  surface.  A  cognate 
word  in  Ezk  13  18  is  the  name  of  a  large  tallith  or 
prayer  veil  used  by  the  false  prophetesses  in  Israel 
(tr"^  "kerchief").  Scabs  were  esp.  disfiguring  on  the 
head,  and  this  infliction  was  threatened  as  a  punish- 
ment on  the  daughters  of  Zion  for  their  wanton 
haughtiness  (Isa  3  17).  In  Middle  Eng.,  "scab" 
is  used  for  itch  or  mange,  and  as  a  term  of  oppro- 
brium, as  in  Greene,  Bacon  and  Bungay,  35,  1591. 

Alex.  Macalister 

SCABBARD,  skab'ard,  SHEATH,  sheth.  See 
Armor,  III,  5;  War,  9. 

SCAFFOLD,  skaf'old  Clip's,  kiyyor):  The  Eng. 
word  is  used  once  of  Solomon's  "brazen  scaffold" 
on  which  he  knelt  at  the  dedication  of  the  temple 
(2  Ch  6  13). 

SCALE,  skal.  See  Siege,  4,  (e) ;  Weights  and 
Measures. 

SCALES,  skalz  ([1]  ritofjiSp,  kaskeseth,  "fish- 
scales";  [2]  nsjp,  m'ghinnah,  pp ,  macjhen, 
"scales  of  the  crocodile";  [3]  XeirJs,  lepls,  with 
vfj.  Xcirtju,  fepizo,  "scale  away"  [Tob  3  17;  11  13]): 
(1)  The  first  Heb  word  kaskeseth  means  the  imbri- 
cated scales  of  fish,  which  together  with  the  dorsal 
fin  were  a  distinguishing  mark  of  all  fish  allowed  as 


food  to  the  Israehte  (Lev  11  9ff;  Dt  14  9f). 
In  the  figurative  sense  the  word  is  used  of  a  coat  of 
mail  (1  S  17  5.38).  (2)  M'ghinnah  from  maghen, 
lit.  "a  buckler"  or  "small  shield"  (2  Ch  23  9;  Jer 
46  3),  is  used  in  the  description  of  the  crocodile  (see 
Leviathan)  for  the  homy  scales  or  scutes  imbedded 
in  the  skin,  not  imbricated  upon  it  (Job  41  15  [Heb 
ver  7]).  (3)  The  Gr  lepis,  which  in  classical  lan- 
guage has  a  much  wider  range  of  meaning  than  the 
above  Heb  words  ("rind,"  "husk,"  "shell,"  "fish- 
scale,"  "scale  of  snake,"  "flake  of  metal  and  of 
snow,"  etc),  is  found  in  the  NT  description  of  St. 
Paul's  recovery  from  temporary  blindness,  "And 
straightway  there  fell  from  his  eyes  as  it  were  scales, 
and  he  received  his  sight"  (Acts  9  18).  There 
is  nothing  in  the  words  of  the  sacred  text  which 
compels  us  to  think  of  literal  scales.  (In  Tob, 
however,  a  literal  flaking-off  of  foreign  substance  is 
meant.)  We  have  here  rather  a  description  of  the 
sensation  which  terminated  the  three  days'  period 
of  blindness  which  the  apostle  suffered  after  his 
meeting  with  the  risen  Lord  on  the  road  to  Damas- 
cus. The  apostle  himself  does  not  use  this  e.xpres- 
sion  in  his  own  graphic  description  of  the  same 
experience:  "In  that  very  hour  I  looked  upon  him" 
(22  13).  The  phrase  has,  however,  come  into  Eng., 
for  we  speak  of  "scales  falling  from  one's  eyes"  when 
we  mean  a  sudden  illumination  or  remembrance  or 
a  dissipation  of  harassing  doubt. 

In  Isa  40  12;  RV  Prov  16  11  for  Obs ,  peZe.?,  in 
the  sense  of  "instrument  for  weighing."  See  Bal- 
ance. H.  L.  E.  LUERING 

SCALL,  skol  (priD  ,  nethek;  flpaio-|ia,  ihrausma) : 
This  only  occurs  in  Lev  13  and  14  where  it  is  used 
14  t  to  describe  bald  or  scaly  patches  of  eruption  on 
the  skin.  Such  patches  are  generally  the  result  of 
the  action  of  parasitic  organisms.  The  common 
form  known  now  as  scalled  head  is  produced  by  a 
microscopic  plant,  Achorion  schoenleinii.  In  Old 
and  Middle  Eng.,  scall  was  used  for  scabbiness  of 
the  head  (Chaucer  and  Spenser).  See  also  Skeat, 
Concise  Etymol.  Diet,  of  Eng.  Language. 

SCAPE-GOAT,  skap'got.     See  Azazel. 

SCARLET,  skar'let.     See  Colors;   Dyeing. 

SCARLET  (WORM)  C^t:  n?bin  ,  tola'alh  shanl 
[Ex  25  4,  etc]):  Cermes  vermilio,  a  scale  insect 
from  which  a  red  dye  is  obtained.  See  Color; 
Dyeing;  Worm. 


SCATTERED  ABROAD,  skat'erd  a-brod'. 
Dispersion. 


See 


SCENT,  sent:  (1)  In  Hos  14  7,  "The  scent 
[m  "his  memorial"]  thereof  shall  be  as  the  wine 
of  Lebanon."  "Scent"  is  used  for  IDT,  zekher 
(so  MT,  but  the  pointing  is  uncertain),  'properly 
"memorial,"  whence  RVm.  The  Eng.  tr  comes 
through  the  LXX  which  took  zkr  as  "offering  of 
sweet  savor,"  and  so  "sweet  savor."  For  the  "wine 
of  Lebanon''  see  Wine.  If  this  tr  is  not  right,  the 
alternative  is  "memorial"  in  the  sense  of  "renown." 
(2)  Job  14  9;  Jer  48  11  for  ni"! ,  re'h,  "odor." 
"Scent"  of  the  water  in  Job  14  9  is  poetic  for 
"contact  with."  (3)  Wisd  11  18  AV  has  "filthy 
scents  of  scattered  smoke,"  where  "scent"  is  used  in 
the  obsolete  sense  of  "disagreeable  odor."  The  tr 
is,  however,  very  loose,  and  "scents"  is  a  gloss;  RV 
"noisome  smoke."  Burton  Scott  Easton 

SCEPTRE,  SCEPTER,  sep'ter  CJnTlJ ,  shebhet, 
tJlll.TB ,  sharbhlt,  expanded  form  in  Est  4  11;  5  2; 
8  4;'  pdpSos,  rhdbdos   [Ad    Est  15  11;     He  1  8], 


Sceva 
Scorpion 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2702 


o-KTjirTpos,  sktptros) :  A  rod  or  mace  used  by  a 
sovereign  as  a  symbol  of  royal  authority.  The  Heb 
shebhet  is  the  ordinary  word  for  rod  or  club,  and  is 
used  of  an  ordinary  rod  (of  2  S  7  14),  of  the  shep- 
herd's crook  (Ps  23  4),  scribe's  baton  or  marshal's 
staff  (Jgs  5  14),  as  well  as  of  the  symbol  of  royalty. 
Its  symbolism  may  be  connected  with  the  use  of  the 
shebhet  for  protection  (2  S  23  21 ;  Ps  23  4)  or  for 
punishment  (Isa  10  24;  30  31).  It  is  used  with 
reference  to  the  royal  line  descended  from  Judah 
(Gen  49  10),  and  figuratively  of  sovereignty  in 
general  and  possibly  of  conquest  (Nu  24  17,  in 
Israel;  Isa  14  5,  in  Babylonia;  Am  1  5.8,  in 
Syria,  among  Philis;  Zee  10  11,  in  Egypt),  the 
disappearance  or  cutting  off  of  him  that  holdeth 
the  scepter  being  tantamount  to  loss  of  national 
independence.  The  kingship  of  Jeh  is  spoken  of 
as  a  scepter  (Ps  45  6  [Heb  ver  7]  quoted  in  He  1  8). 
The  manner  of  using  the  scepter  by  an  oriental 
monarch  is  suggested  in  the  act  of  Ahasuerus,  who 
holds  it  out  to  Esther  as  a  mark  of  favor.  The 
subject  touches  the  top  of  it,  perhaps  simply  as  an 
act  of  homage  or  possibly  to  indicate  a  desire  to  be 
heard.  The  scepter  of  Ahasuerus  is  spoken  of  as 
"golden"  (Est  5  2),  but  it  is  probable  that  scepters 
were  ordinarily  made  of  straight  branches  (inateh) 
of  certain  kinds  of  vines  (Ezk  19  11.14). 

It  is  sometimes  difficult  to  determine  whether 
the  word  shebhet  is  used  in  figurative  passages  in  the 
sense  of  scepter  or  merely  in  the  ordinary  sense  of 
staff  (e.g.  Ps  125  3,  AV  "rod,"  RV  and  ARV 
"sceptre"  [of  the  wicked];  Ps  2  9,  "rod  of  iron"; 
Prov  22  8,  "rod  of  his  wrath").  Another  word, 
m'hokek,  lit.  "prescribing"  (person  or  thing),  for- 
merly tr"*  uniformly  "lawgiver,"  is  now  generally 
taken,  on  the  basis  of  parallelism,  to  mean  "sceptre" 
in  four  poetic  passages  (Gen  49  10,  "ruler's  staff" 
to  avoid  repetition;  Nu  21  18;   Ps  60  7;  108  8). 

Nathan  Isaacs 

SCEVA,  se'va  (SkevcI,  Shewi):  A  Jew,  a  chief 
priest,  resident  in  Ephesus,  whose  seven  sons  were 
exorcists  (Acts  19  14  ff).  Ewald  regards  the  name 
as  being  Heb  sh'khabhyah.  He  was  not  an  officiat- 
ing priest,  as  there  were  only  synagogues  in  Asia 
Minor.  He  may  have  belonged  to  a  high-priestly 
family,  or  perhaps  at  one  time  he  had  been  at  the 
head  of  one  of  the  24  courses  in  the  temple. 

In  the  narrative  the  construction  is  loose.  There 
were  seven  sons  (ver  14),  and  it  would  appear  (ver 
16)  that  in  this  particular  case  all  were  present. 
But  (ver  16)  the  demon-possessed  man  over- 
powered "both  of  them."  TR  gets  over  the  diffi- 
culty by  omitting  "both,"  but  SABD,  so  Tisch., 
WH,  Soden,  and  best  critics,  retain  the  difficult 
reading.  The  explanation  is  that  ver  14  states  the 
custom:  "who  did  this"  being  hoi  touto  poioiintes, 
"who  used  to  do  this."  Vs  15  and  16  state  a  par- 
ticular case  in  which  two  took  part,  but  the  in- 
cident is  mtroduced  in  a  careless  manner. 

Ewald  would  translate  amphoteron  as  "in  both 
sides,"  but  this  is  impossible.  Baur  understood 
"disciples"  for  "sons."  D  and  Syr  have  an  interest- 
ing expansion  which  Blass  considers  original  (ver 
14):  "Among  whom  also  the  sons  [Syr  'seven']  of  a 
certain  Sceva,  a  priest,  wished  to  do  the  same,  [who] 
were  in  the  custom  of  exorcising  such.  And  enter- 
ing into  the  demon-possessed  man  they  began  to  call 
upon  the  Name,  saying,  'We  charge  you  by  Jesus 
whom  Paul  preaches  to  come  out.'  " 

"    S.    F.    HUNTEE 

SCHISM,  siz'in  (o-x(o-|jia,  schisma):  Only  in 
1  Cor  12  25.  The  same  Gr  word,  lit.  "a  split," 
is  tr<i  "rent"  in  Mt  9  10;  Mk  2  21;  and  "division" 
inJn  7  43;  9  16;  10  19.  It  designates  "a  separa- 
tion," not  from,  but  within,  the  church,  interfering 
with  the  harmonious  coordination  and  cooperation 
of  the  members  described  in  the  preceding  verses 


(1  Cor  12  18  ff).  The  ecclesiastical  meaning  is 
that  of  a  break  from  a  church  organization,  that  may 
or  may  not  be  connected  with  a  doctrinal  dissent. 

SCHOOL,  skool  (a-xo\i\,  schole) .    See  Tyrannus. 

SCHOOLMASTER,  skool'mas-ter:  Gal  3  24  f 
AV  reads:  "The  law  was  our  schoolmaster  to  bring 
us  unto  Christ,  that  we  might  be  justified  by  faith. 
But  after  that  faith  is  come,  we  are  no  longer  under 
a  schoolmaster."  "Schoolmaster"  is  a  tr  of  -a-aiSa- 
70)765,  paidagogos,  lit.  "child-leader."  This  paida- 
gogos  was  not  a  teacher  but  a  slave,  to  whom  in 
wealthy  famihes  the  general  oversight  of  a  boy 
was  committed.  It  was  his  duty  to  accompany 
his  charge  to  and  from  school,  never  to  lose  sight  of 
him  in  public,  to  prevent  association  with  objec- 
tionable companions,  to  inculcate  moral  lessons 
at  every  opportunity,  etc.  He  was  a  familiar 
figure  in  the  streets,  and  the  (sour)  "face  of  a 
paidagogos"  and  "to  follow  one  like  a  paidagogos" 
were  proverbial  expressions.  Naturally,  to  the 
average  boy  the  paidagogos  must  have  represented 
the  incorporation  of  everything  objectionable. 
Hence  St.  Paul's  figure  may  be  paraphrased:  "The 
law  was  a  paidagogos,  necessary  but  irksome,  to 
direct  us  until  the  time  of  Christ.  Then  was  the 
time  of  our  spiritual  coming-of-age,  so  that  the 
control  of  the  paidagogos  ceased."  The  word 
paidagogos  was  taken  over  into  Aram,  at  an  early 
date,  and  St.  Paul's  language,  which  is  hardly  that 
of  a  mere  adult  observer,  suggests  that  he  had  had 
personal  experience  with  the  institution.  Wealthy 
and  intensely  orthodox  Jewish  parents  living  in  a 
gentile  city  may  well  have  adopted  such  a  precau- 
tion for  the  protection  of  their  children. 

No  Eng.   word   renders  paidagogos   adequately. 
"Schoolmaster"  is  quite  wrong,  but  RV's  "tutor" 
(cf  1  Cor  4  15)  is  Uttle  better  in  modern  Eng. 
Burton  Scott  Easton 

SCHOOLS  OF  THE  PROPHETS.  See  Edu- 
cation; Prophets. 

SCIENCE,  sl'ens:  This  word  as  found  in  AV 
means  simply  "knowledge."  "Science"  occurs  in 
AV  only  in  two  places,  Dnl  1  4,  "children  .... 
understanding  science"  (r?l  '^.?"!"^ ,  yodh^'edha^aih, 
"those  who  understand  science").  The  meaning  of 
the  term  here  is  "knowledge,"  "wisdom."  The  only 
other  occurrence  of  "science"  is  in  the  NT  (1  Tim 
6  20,  "avoiding  ....  oppositions  of  science  falsely 
so  called,"  rrjs  ^cvBaviifLov  7>'ci(rews,  tts  pseudonumou 
gnoseos,  "the  falsely  called  gnosis").  "Science"  is 
the  tr  of  the  Gr  gnosis,  which  in  the  NT  is  usually 
rendered  "knowledge."  The  science  here  referred 
to  was  a  higher  knowledge  of  Christian  and  Divine 
things,  which  false  teachers  alleged  that  they  pos- 
sessed, and  of  which  they  boasted.  It  was  an 
incipient  form  of  Gnosticism,  and  it  prevailed  to  a 
considerable  extent  in  the  churches  of  proconsular 
Asia,  e.g.  in  Colossae  and  Ephesus.  Timothy  ia 
put  on  his  guard  against  the  teaching  of  this  gnosis 
falsely  so  called,  for  it  set  itself  in  opposition  to  the 
gospel.     See  Gnosticism. 

"Science"  in  the  modem  sense  of  the  word,  as 
the  discovery  and  orderly  classification  and  exposi- 
tion of  the  phenomena  and  of  the  laws  of  Nature, 
is  not  found  either  in  the  OT  or  the  NT  unless 
the  passage  in  Dnl  be  interpreted  as  meaning  the 
scientific  knowledge  which  the  learned  men  of  Baby- 
lon possessed  of  mathematics  and  astronomy,  etc. 
See  also  Acts  7  22.  To  the  Heb  mind  all  natural 
phenomena  meant  the  working  of  the  hand  of  God 
in  the  world,  directly  and  immediately,  without  the 
intervention  of  any  secondary  laws. 

John  Rutherfurd 


2703 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sceva 
Scorpion 


SCIMITAR,  sim'i-tar,  -ter  (aKivdKii,  akindke): 
Formerly  given  as  "fauchion"  in  AV  Jth  13  6; 
16  9,  the  weapon  which  Judith  took  down  from  the 
rail  of  the  bed  at  Holoferncs'  head,  and  with  which 
she  severed  his  head  from  his  body. 

SCOFF,  skof,  SCOFFER,  skof'er:  The  vb. 
indicates  the  manifestation  of  contempt  by  insulting 
words  or  actions;  it  combines  bitterness  with  ridi- 
cule. It  is  much  more  frequent  in  RV  than  in  AV, 
replacing  "scorn"  of  the  latter  in  Ps  1  1;  Prov  1 
22,  etc.  "Scorn"  refers  rather  to  an  inner  emotion 
based  on  a  sense  of  superiority;  "scoff,"  to  the 
outward  expression  of  this  emotion. 

SCORN,  skorn:  Fox  Talbot  connects  this  Eng, 
word  with  the  Danish  skarn,  "dirt,"  "ordure," 
"mud,"  "mire."  As  distinguished  from  such  words 
as  "mock,"  "deride,"  "scoff,"  all  of  which  refer 
specifically  to  the  various  ways  in  which  scorn  finds 
outward  expression,  scorn  itself  denotes  a  subjective 
state  or  reaction. 

Further,  this  state  or  reaction  is  not  simple  but  complex. 
It  includes  a  sense  of  superiority,  resentment,  and  aver- 
sion. This  reaction  occurs  when  one  is  confronted  with  a 
person  or  a  proposition  that  by  challenging  certain  things 
for  itself  evokes  a  vivid  sense  of  one's  own  superiority  and 
awakens  mingled  resentment,  repulsion  and  contempt  by 
the  holiowness  of  its  claims  and  its  intrinsic  inferiority 
or  worse.  Scorn  is  a  hotter,  fiercer  emotion  than  disdain 
or  contempt.  It  is  obvious  that  scorn  may — indeed,  it 
not  uncommonly  does — arise  in  connection  with  an  un- 
grounded, arrogant  sense  of  self-esteem. 

The  word,  outside  of  the  phrase  "laugh  to  scorn," 
is  found  only  in  the  OT,  and  then  only  4  t  (Est 

3  6;  AVPs44  1.3;  79  4;  Hab  1  10),  and  it  repre- 
sents three  different  Heb  words  for  none  of  which 
it  is  a  suitable  rendering.  The  two  words  "thought 
scorn"  in  Est  3  6  represent  but  one  in  Heb,  viz. 
bdzah,  for  which  "di.sdain"  would  be  a  nearer  equiv- 
alent. In  Hab  1  10  AV  the  word  tr"^  "scorn"  is 
mi^hdk,  "an  object  of  laughter,"  "laughing-stock." 
In  Ps  44  13;  79  4  the  Heb  word  is  la'agh  from  a 
root,  probably  meaning  "to  stutter,"  "stammer," 
for  which  "mocking"  is  a  better  Eng.  equivalent. 
In  AV  Job  34  7;  Ps  123  4,  la'agh  is  rendered 
"scorning"  (the  rendering  given  in  Prov  1  22  to 
lagdn,  a  word  from  a  totally  different  root  and  one 
much  more  nearly  approximating  the  fundamental 
idea  of  the  Eng.  word  "scorn."  In  Prov  29  8  and 
Isa  28  14  tefon  is  rendered  "scornful"). 

As  a  vb.  the  word  Is  the  tr  given  to  Id'agh,  "to  mock" 
(2  K  19  21  II  Isa  37  22;  Job  22  19;  Neh  2  19;  Ps  22 
7,  "all  laugh  to  scorn");  fcate  =" to  scoff"  (Ezk  16  31, 
m  "Gr  scoffelh,"  but  te.Kt  still  "scorneth");  for  the  noun 
c'hok.  "laughter"  (Ezk  23  32);  sahak  =''to  laugh," 
"laugh  at"  (Job  39  7.18;  2  Ch  30  10).  with  the  noun 
s'hok.  "laugh  to  scorn"  (RV  "laughing-stock."  Job  12 
4)'-  luc  =" to  scoff"  (as  used  in  ethical  and  religious  con- 
nections) (Job  16  20;  Prov  3  34;  9  12,  aU  "scoff" 
in  RV);  in  Prov  19  2.8  RV,  not  happily,  mock  at. 
RV  is  warranted  in  substituting  "scoff"  for  "scorn" 
because  the  context  Indicates  some  form  of  outward 
expression  of  the  scorn. 

RV  always  (except  Job  12  4;  Sir  6  4;  1  Mace 
10  70)  retains  "laugh  to  scorn"  (2  K  19  21;  2  Ch 
30  10;  Neh  2  19;  Job  22  19;  Ps  22  7;  Lsa  37  22; 
Ezk  16  31;  23  32;  2  Esd  2  21;    Jth  12  12;  Wisd 

4  18;  Sir  7  11;  13  7;  20  17;  Mt  9  24;  Mk  5  40; 
Lk  8  53).  The  vb.  in  Apoc  and  the  NT  is  usually 
KarayeKda,  katageldo,  but  in  Wisd  4  1  iKyeXdoi,  ekge- 
Ido  •  in  Sir  13  7  /cara/^tw/ctio/xai,  katamokdomai;  and  in 
2  Esd  2  21  inrideo.  In  addition  "scorn"  is  retained 
in  Est  3  6;  Job  39  7.18;  2  Esd  8  56  (contemno). 
In  Prov  19  28  "scorn"  is  changed  to  "mock  at,' 
but  elsewhere  invariably  to  "scoff." 

Scorner  is  the  tr  of  the  participle  of  luQ,  and 
once  of    the    participle  of    lagag.      For  "sconier|_ 
RV    everywhere    substitutes— properly— '  scoffer. 
Outside  of  Prov  (and  Hos  7  5)  the  word  is  to  be 
found  only  in  Ps  1  2.     The  force  of  the  word  has 


D^nnpy  rbTQ, 


been  well  indicated  by  Cheyne,  who  says  that  the 
"scorner  [scoffer]  is  one  who  despises  that  which 
is  holy  and  avoids  the  company  of  the  noble  'wise 
men,'  but  yet  in  his  own  vain  way  seeks  for  truth; 
his  character  is  marked  by  arrogance  as  that  of  the 
wise  is  characterized  by  devout  caution." 

W.  M.  McPheeteks 
SCORPION,  skor'pi-un  i'^-j'^?,  'akrahh;  of  Arab. 

i_,Ji£.,       'akrab,     "scorpion" 

ma'dleh  'akrahhtm,  "the  ascent  of  Akrabbim"; 
o-Kopirios,  skorpios.  Note  that  the  Gr  and  Heb 
may  be  akin;  cf,  omitting  the  vowels,  ^krh  and 
skrp) :  In  Dt  8  15,  we  have,  "who  led  thee  through 
the  great  and  terrible  wilderness,  wherein  were  fiery 
serpents  [nahdsh  sdrdph]  and  scorpions  I'akrafjh]." 
Rehoboam  (1  K  12  11.14;  2  Ch  10  11.14)  says, 
"My  father  chastised  you  with  whips,  but  I  will 
chastise  you  with  scorpions."  Ezekiel  is  told  to 
prophesy  to  the  children  of  Israel  (2  6),  and  "Be  not 
afraid  of  them,  neither  be  afraid  of  their  words, 
though  briers  and  thorns  are  with  thee,  and  thou  dost 
dwell  among  scorpions."  "The  ascent  of  Akrabbim," 
the  north  end  of  Wddi-ul-'Arabak,  S.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  is  mentioned  as  a  boundary  3  t  (Nu  34  4;  Josh 
15  3;  Jgs  1  36).  Jesus  says  to  the  Seventy  (Lk 
10  19),  "Behold,  I  have  given  you  authority  to 
tread  upon  serpents  and  scorpions,"  and  again  in 
Lk  11  12  He  says,  "Or  if  he  shall  ask  an  egg,  will 
he  give  him  a  scorpion?" 

Note  that  we  have  here  three  doublets,  the  loaf  and 
the  stone,  the  fish  and  the  serpent,  and  the  egg  and  the 
scorpion,  whereas  in  the  passage  in  Mt  (7  9  f)  we  have 
only  the  loaf  and  stone  and  the  fish  and  serpent.  EB 
(s.v.  "Scorpion")  ingeniously  seeks  to  bring  Lk  into 
nearer  agreement  with  Mt  by  omitting  from  Lk  the 
second  doublet,  i.e.  the  fish  and  the  serpent,  instancing 
several  texts  as  authority  for  the  omission,  and  reading 
6t//oi',  dpson,  "fish,"  for  woe,  oon,  "egg." 

In  Rev  9  2-10  there'  come  out  of  the  smoke  of  the 
abyss  winged  creatures  ("locusts,"  ixpiSes,  akrldes) 
like  war-horses  with  crowns  of  gold,  with  the  faces  of 
men,  hair  of  women,  teeth  of  lions,  breastplates  of  iron, 
and  with  stinging  tails  like  scorpions.  In  Ecclus  26  7 
it  is  said  of  an  evil  wife,  "He  that  taketh  hold  of  her  is 
as  one  that  graspeth  a  scorpion."  In  1  Mace  6  51  we 
find  mention  of  "pieces  [aKopni^ia,  skorpldia,  diminutive 
of  skorpios]  to  cast  darts."  In  Plutarch  skorpios  is  used 
in  the  same  sense  (Liddell  and  Scott,  s.v.  a-Kopmoi). 

In  the  passage  cited  from  Dt,  and  probably  also 
in  the  name  "ascent  of  Akrabbim,"  we  find  refer- 
ences to  the  abundance 
of  scorpions,  esp.  in  the 
warmer  parts  of  the 
country.  Though  there 
is  a  Gr  proverb,  "Look 
for  a  scorpion  under  every 
stone,"  few  would  agree 
with  the  categorical  state- 
ment of  Tristram  (NHB) 
that  "every  third  stone  is 
sure  to  conceal  one." 
Nevertheless,  campers  and  Scorpion, 

people    sleeping    on    the 

ground  need  to  exercise  care  in  order  to  avoid  their 
stings,  which,  though  often  exceedingly  painful  for 
several  hours,  are  seldom  fatal. 

Scorpions  are  not  properly  insects,  but  belong  with 
spiders,  mites  and  ticks  to  the  Arachnidac.  The  scor- 
pions of  Pal  are  usually  2  or  3  in.  long.  The  short  cepha- 
lothorax  bears  a  powerful  pair  of  jaws,  two  long  limbs 
terminating  with  pincers,  which  make  the  creature  look 
like  a  small  crayfish  or  lobster,  and  tour  pairs  of  legs.  The 
rest  of  the  body  consists  of  the  abdomen,  a  broad  part 
continuous  with  the  cephalothorax,  and  a  slender  part 
forming  the  long  tail  which  terminates  with  the  sting. 
The  tail  is  usually  carried  curved  over  the  back  and  is 
used  for  stinging  the  prey  into  insensibility.  Scorpions 
feed  mostly  on  insects  for  which  they  lie  in  wait.  The 
scorpion  family  is  remarkable  for  having  existed  with 
very  little  change  from  the  Silurian  age  to  the  present 
time. 

It  does  not  seem  necessary  to  consider  that  the 


Scorpions 
Scrip 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2704 


Roman  Scourges. 


words  of  Rehoboam  (1  K  12  11,  etc)  refer  to  a  whip 
that  was  called  a  scorpion,  but  rather  that  as  the 
sting  of  a  scorpion  is  worse  than  the  lash  of  a  whip, 
so  his  treatment  would  be  harsher  than  his  father's. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 
SCORPIONS,  skor'pi-unz,  CHASTISING  WITH. 
See  Punishments,  3,   (17);    Scorpion. 

SCOURGE,  skArj,  SCOURGING,  skvVjing 
((idcTTil,  mdslix,  |iao-Ti,-y6u,  masUgdo;  in  Acts  22  25 
fiao-TlJu,  mastlzo,  in  Mk  16  15  1]  Mt  27  26  4>paY6X- 
\6a,  phnigelloo) :  A  Rom  implement  for  severe  bodily 
punishment.  Horace  calls  it  Aorri6iie./Za(7cMMm.  It 
consisteil  of  a  handle,  to  which  several  cords  or  leather 
thongs  were  affixed,  which 
were  weighted  with  jagged 
pieces  of  bone  or  metal,  to 
make  the  blow  more  pain- 
ful and  effective.  It  is 
comparable,  in  its  horrid 
effects,  only  with  the  Rus- 
sian knout.  The  victim 
was  tied  to  a  post  (Acts 
22  25)  and  the  blows  were 
applied  to  the  back  and 
loins,  sometimes  even,  in 
the  wanton  cruelty  of  the 
executioner,  to  the  face 
and  the  bowels.  In  the 
tense  position  of  the  body, 
the  effect  can  easily  be 
imagined.  So  hideous  was  the  punishment  that  the 
victim  usually  fainted  and  not  rarely  died  under  it. 
Eusebius  draws  a  horribly  realistic  picture  of  the  tor- 
ture of  scourging  (HE,  IV,  15).  By  its  appUcation 
secrets  and  confessions  were  wrung  from  the  victim 
(Acts  22  24).  It  usually  preceded  capital  punish- 
ment (Livy  xxxiii.36).  It  was  illegal  to  apply  the 
flagellum  to  a  Rom  citizen  (Acts  22  25),  since  the 
Porcian  and  Sempronian  laws,  248  and  123  BC, 
although  these  laws  were  not  rarely  broken  in  the 
provinces  (Tac.  Hisl.  iv.27;  Cic.  Verr.  v. 6,  62;  Jos, 
BJ,  II,  xiv,  9).  As  among  the  Russians  today, 
the  number  of  blows  was  not  usually  fixed,  the 
severity  of  the  punishment  depending  entirely  on 
the  commanding  officer.  In  the  punishment  of 
Jesus,  we  are  reminded  of  the  words  of  Ps  129  3. 
Among  the  Jews  the  punishment  of  flagellation  was 
well  known  since  the  Egyp  days,  as  the  monuments 
abundantly  testify.  The  word  "scourge"  is  used 
in  Lev  19  20,  but  ARV  translates  "punished," 
the  original  word  hikkoreth  expressing  the  idea  of 
investigation.  Dt  25  3  fixed  the  mode  of  a  Jewish 
flogging  and  limits  the  number  of  blows  to  40. 
Appareiitly  the  flogging  was  administered  by  a  rod. 
The  Syrians  reintroduced  true  scourging  into  Jewish 
life,  when  Antiochus  Epiphanes  forced  them  by 
means  of  it  to  eat  swine's  flesh  (2  Mace  6  30; 
7  1).  Later  it  was  legalized  by  Jewish  law  and 
became  customary  (Mt  10  17;  23  34;  Acts  22 
19;  26  11),  but  the  traditional  limitation  of  the 
number  of  blows  was  still  preserved.  Says  Paul 
in  his  "foolish  boasting":  "in  stripes  above  meas- 
ure," "of  the  Jews  five  times  received  I  forty  stripes 
save  one,"  distinguishing  it  from  the  "beatings 
with  rods,"  thrice  repeated  (2  Cor  11  23-25). 

The  other  OT  references  (Job  5  21;  9  23;  Isa 
10  26;  28  15.18  [dW ,  shot];  Jo.sh  23  13  ['d'Oti , 
shotet])  are  figurative  for  "affliction."  Notice  the 
curious  mixture  of  metaphors  in  the  phrase  "over- 
flowing scourge"  (Isa  28  15.18). 

Henuy  E.  Dosker 

SCRABBLE,  skrab"!:  Occurs  only  in  1  S  21  13,  as 
the  tr  of  niri,  tdwah:  "David  ....  feigned  him- 
self mad  and  scrabbled  on  the  doors  of  the  gate." 
"To  scrabble"  (modern  Eng.  "scrawl")  is  here  to 


make  unmeaning  marks;  tdwah  means  "to  make  a 
mark"  from  taw,  "a,  mark,"  esp.  as  a  cross  (Ezk  9  4), 
a  signature  (Job  31  35,  see  RV),  the  name  of  the 
letter  P ,  originally  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross ; 
RVm  has  "made  marks" ;  but  LXX  has  tumpanizo, 
"to  beat  as  a  drum,"  which  the  Vulg,  Ewald,  Driver 
and  others  follow  ("beat  upon"  or  "drummed  on  the 
doors  of  the  city,"  which  seems  more  probable). 

SCREECH,  skrech,  OWL.   See  Night-Monster. 

SCRIBES,  skribz:  The  existence  of  law  leads 
necessarily  to  a  profession  whose  business  is  the 
study  and  knowledge  of  the  law;  at  any  rate,  if  the 
law  is  extensive  and  complicated.  At  the  time  of 
Ezra  and  probably  for  some  time  after,  this  was 
chiefly  the  business  of  the  priests.  Ezra  was  both 
priest  and  scholar  ("ISO,  sopher).  It  was  chiefly 
in  the  interest  of  the  priestly  cult  that  the  most 
important  part  of  the  Pent  (P)  was  written.  The 
priests  were  therefore  also  in  the  first  instance  the 
scholars  and  the  guardians  of  the  Law;  but  in  the 
course  of  time  this  was  changed.  The  more  highly 
esteemed  the  Law  became  in  the  eyes  of  the  people, 
the  more  its  study  and  interpretation  became  a  life- 
work  by  itself,  and  thus  there  developed  a  class  of 
scholars  who,  though  not  priests,  devoted  them- 
selves assiduously  to  the  Law.  These  became 
known  as  the  scribes,  that  is,  the  professional  stu- 
dents of  the  Law.  During  the  Hellenistic  period, 
the  priests,  esp.  those  of  the  upper  class,  became 
tainted  with  the  Hellenism  of  the  age  and  frequently 
turned  their  attention  to  paganistio  culture,  thus 
neglecting  the  Law  of  their  fathers  more  or  less  and 
arousing  the  scribes  to  opposition.  Thus  the  scribes 
and  not  the  priests  were  now  the  zealous  defenders 
of  the  Law,  and  hence  were  the  true  teachers  of  the 
people.  At  the  time  of  Christ,  this  distinction  was 
complete.  The  scribes  formed  a  solid  profession 
which  held  undisputed  sway  over  the  thought  of  the 
people.  In  the  NT  they  are  usually  called  ypafifiaTeis, 
grammateis,  i.e.  "students  of  the  Scriptures,"  "schol- 
ars," corresponding  to  the  Heb  D'^ISD  ,  soph''rim  = 
homines  literati,  those  who  make  a  profession  of 
literary  studies,  which,  in  this  case,  of  course,  meant 
chiefly  the  Law.  Besides  this  general  designation, 
we  also  find  the  specific  word  vo/ukoI,  nomikol,  i.e. 
"students  of  the  Law,"  "lawyers"  (Mt  22  35;  Lk  7 
30;  10  25;  11  45.52;  14  3);  and  in  so  far  as 
they  not  only  know  the  Law  but  also  teach  it  they 
are  called  TO/ioSiSdo-zcaXoi,  nomodiddskaloi,  "doctors 
of  the  Law"  (Lk  5  17;  Acts  5  34). 

The  extraordinary  honors  bestowed  on  these  scholars 
on  the  part  of  the  people  are  expressed  in  tlieir  honorary 
titles.  Most  common  was  the  appellative  "rabbi"  = 
"my  lord"  (Mt  23  7  and  otherwise).  This  word  of 
polite  address  gradually  became  a  title.  The  word 
'rabboni"  (Mk  10  51;  Jn  20  16)  is  an  extensive  form, 
and  was  employed  by  the  disciples  to  give  e.\pression 
to  their  veneration  of  Christ.  In  the  Gr  NT  "rabbi" 
is  tr<i  as  «ipie,  kurie  (Mt  8  2.6.8.21.25  and  otherwise), 
or  5i5ao-«aA6,  diddfikale  (Mt  8  19  and  otherwise),  in 
Lk  by  eTTio-Tira,  epistdia  (Lk  5  5;  8  24.45;  9  3.3.49; 
17  13).  Besides  these,  we  find  Trar^p,  patfr,  "father," 
and  KaBriy^Trii,  kathcgiles,  "teacher"   (Mt  23  9  f). 

From  their  students  the  rabbis  demanded  honors 
even  surpassing  those  bestowed  on  parents.  "Let 
the  honor  of  thy  friend  border  on  the  honor  of  thy 
teacher,  and  the  honor  of  thy  teacher  on  the  fear  of 
God"  i'lbholh  4  12).  "The  honor  of  thy  teacher 
must  surpass  the  honor  bestowed  on  thy  father;  for 
son  and  father  are  both  in  duty  bound  to  honor  the 
teacher"  (K'rilhoth  6  9).  Everywhere  the  rabbis 
demanded  the  position  of  first  rank  (Mt  23  6f;  Mk 
12  38  f;  Lk  11  43;  20  46).  Their  dress  equaled 
that  of  the  nobihty.  They  wore  crroXal,  stolal, 
"tunics,"  and  these  were  the  mark  of  the  upper 
class. 


2705 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Scorpions 
Scrip 


Since  the  scribes  were  lawyers  (see  Laws-br), 
much  of  their  time  was  occupied  in  teaching  and 
in  judicial  functions,  and  both  these  activities  must 
be  pursued  gratuitously.  Rabbi  Zadok  said: 
"Make  the  knowledge  of  the  Law  neither  a  crown  in 
which  to  glory  nor  a  spade  with  which  to  dig." 
Hillel  used  to  say:  "He  who  employs  the  crown  [of 
the  Law]  for  external  purposes  shall  dwindle." 
That  the  judge  should  not  receive  presents  or  bribes 
was  written  in  the  Law  (Ex  23  8;  Dt  16  19); 
hence  the  Mish  said:  "If  anyone  accept  pay  for 
rendering  judgment,  his  judgment  is  null  and  void." 
The  rabbis  were  therefore  obliged  to  make  their 
living  by  other  means.  Some  undoubtedly  had 
inherited  wealth;  others  pursued  a  handicraft 
besides  their  study  of  the  Law.  Rabbi  Gamaliel  II 
emphatically  advised  the  pursuit  of  a  business  in 
addition  to  the  pursuit  of  the  Law.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  apostle  Paul  kept  up  his  handicraft 
even  after  he  had  become  a  preacher  of  the  gospel 
(Acts  18  3;  20  34;  1  Cor  4  12;  9  6;  2  Cor  11 
7;  1  Thess  2  9;  2  Thess  3  8),  and  the  same  is 
reported  of  many  rabbis.  But  in  every  instance 
the  pursuit  of  the  Law  is  represented  as  the  worthier, 
and  warning  is  given  not  to  overestimate  the  value 
of  the  ordinary  avocation.  It  was  a  saying  of 
Hillel:  "He  that  devotes  himself  to  trade  will  not 
become  wise."  The  principle  of  gratuity  was 
probably  carried  out  in  practice  only  in  connection 
with  the  judicial  activity  of  the  scribes;  hardly  in 
connection  with  their  work  as  teachers.  Even 
the  Gospels,  in  spite  of  the  admonition  that  the 
disciples  should  give  without  pay  because  they  had 
received  without  pay  (Mt  10  8),  nevertheless  also 
state  that  the  workman  is  worthy  of  his  hire  (Mt  10 
10;  Lk  10  7);  and  Paul  (1  Cor  9  14)  states  it  as 
his  just  due  that  he  receive  his  livelihood  from  those 
to  whom  he  preaches  the  gospel,  even  though  he 
makes  use  of  this  right  only  in  exceptional  cases 
(1  Cor  9  3-18;  2  Cor  11  8.9;  Gal  6  6;  Phil 
4  10.18).  Since  this  appears  to  have  been  the 
thought  of  the  times,  we  are  undoubtedly  justified 
in  assuming  that  the  Jewish  teachers  of  the  Law  also 
demanded  pay  for  their  services.  Indeed,  the  ad- 
monitions above  referred  to,  not  to  make  instruc- 
tion in  the  Law  the  object  of  self-interest,  lead  to 
the  conclusion  that  gratuity  was  not  the  rule;  and 
in  Christ's  philippics  against  the  scribes  and  Phari- 
sees He  makes  special  mention  of  their  greed 
(Mk  12  40;  Lk  16  14;  20  47).  Hence,  _  even 
though  they  ostensibly  gave  instruction  in  the 
Law  gratuitously,  they  must  have  practised  methods 
by  which  they  indirectly  secured  their  fees. 

Naturally  the  place  of  chief  influence  for  the 
scribes  up  to  the  year  70  AD  was  Judaea.  But  not 
only  there  were  they  to  be  found.  Wherever  the 
zeal  for  the  law  of  the  fathers  was  a  perceptible 
force,  they  were  indispensable;  hence  we  find  them 
also  in  Galilee  (Lk  5  17)  and  in  the  Diaspora.  In 
the  Jewish  epitaphs  in  Rome,  dating  from  the  latter 
days  of  the  empire,  grammaleis  are  frequently 
mentioned;  and  the  Bab  scribes  of  the  5th  and 
6th  cents,  were  the  authors  of  the  most  monumental 
work  of  rabbinical  Judaism — the  Talmud. 

Since  the  separation  of  the  Pharisaic  and  the 
Sadducean  tendencies  in  Judaism,  the  scribes 
generally  belonged  to  the  Pharisaic  class;  for  thi3 
latter  is  none  other  than  the  party  which  recog- 
nized the  interpretations  or  "traditions"  which  the 
scribes  in  the  course  of  time  had  developed  out  of 
the  body  of  the  written  Law  and  enforced  upon  the 
people  as  the  binding  rule  of  life.  Smce,  however, 
"scribes"  are  merely  "students  of  the  Law,"  there 
must  also  have  been  scribes  of  the  Sadducee  type; 
for  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  this  party,  which 
recognized  only  the  written  Law  as  binding,  should 
not  have  had  some  opposing  students  in  the  other 


class.  Indeed,  various  passages  of  the  NT  which 
speak  of  the  "scribes  of  the  Pharisees"  (Mk  2  16; 
Lk  5  30;  Acts  23  9)  indicate  that  there  were  also 
"scribes  of  the  Sadducees." 

Under  the  reign  and  leadership  of  the  scribes,  it 
became  the  ambition  of  every  Israelite  to  know  more 
or  less  of  the  Law.  The  aim  of  education  in  family, 
school  and  synagogue  was  to  make  the  entire  people 
a  people  of  the  Law.  Even  the  common  laborer 
should  know  what  was  written  in  the  Law;  and  not 
only  know  it,  but  also  do  it.  His  entire  life  should 
be  governed  according  to  the  norm  of  the  Law,  and, 
on  the  whole,  this  purpose  was  reahzed  in  a  high 
degree.  Jos  avers:  "Even  though  we  be  robbed 
of  our  riches  and  our  cities  and  our  other  goods,  the 
Law  remains  our  possession  forever.  And  no  Jew 
can  be  so  far  removed  from  the  land  of  his  fathers 
nor  will  he  fear  a  hostile  commander  to  such  a 
degree  that  he  would  not  fear  his  Law  more  than 
his  commander."  So  loyal  were  the  majority  of  the 
Jews  toward  their  Law  that  they  would  gladly 
endure  the  tortures  of  the  rack  and  even  death  for  it. 
This  frame  of  mind  was  due  almost  wholly  to  the 
systematic  and  persistent  instruction  of  the  scribes. 

The  motive  underlying  this  enthusiasm  for  the 
Law  was  the  behef  in  Divine  retribution  in  the 
strictest  judicial  sense.  The  prophetic  idea  of  a 
covenant  which  God  had  made  with  His  select 
people  was  interpreted  purely  in  the  judicial  sense. 
The  covenant  was  a  contract  through  which  both 
parties  were  mutually  bound.  The  people  are 
bound  to  observe  the  Divine  Law  literally  and  con- 
scientiously; and,  in  return  for  this,  God  is  in  duty 
bound  to  render  the  promised  reward  in  proportion 
to  the  services  rendered.  This  apphes  to  the  people 
as  a  whole  as  well  as  to  the  individual.  Services 
and  reward  must  always  stand  in  mutual  relation 
to  each  other.  He  who  renders  great  services  may 
expect  from  the  justice  of  God  that  he  will  receive 
great  returns  as  his  portion,  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  every  transgression  also  must  be  followed 
by  its  corresponding  punishment. 

The  results  corresponded  to  the  motives.  Just  as 
the  motives  in  the  main  were  superficial,  so  the 
results  were  an  exceedingly  shallow  view  of  religious 
and  moral  life.  Religion  was  reduced  to  legal 
formalism.  All  religious  and  moral  life  was  dragged 
down  to  the  level  of  law,  and  this  must  necessarily 
lead  to  the  following  results:  (1)  The  individual  is 
governed  by  a  norm,  the  application  of  which  could 
have  only  evil  results  when  applied  in  this  realm. 
Law  has  the  purpose  of  regulating  the  relations  of 
men  to  each  other  according  to  certain  standards. 
Its  object  is  not  the  individual,  but  only  the  body 
of  society.  In  the  law,  the  individual  must  find 
the  proper  rule  for  his  conduct  toward  society  as 
an  organism.  This  is  a  matter  of  obligation  and 
of  government  on  the  part  of  society.  But  rehgion 
is  not  a  matter  of  government;  where  it  is  found, 
it  is  a  matter  of  freedom,  of  choice,  and  of  conduct. 
(2)  By  reducing  the  practice  of  religion  to  the  form 
of  law,  all  acts  are  placed  on  a  par  with  each  other. 
The  motives  are  no  longer  taken  into  consideration, 
but  only  the  deed  itself.  (3)  From  this  it  follows 
that  the  highest  ethical  attainment  was  the  formal 
satisfaction  of  the  Law,  which  naturally  led  to 
finical  Uteralism.  (4)  Finally,  moral  life  must, 
under  such  circumstances,  lo.se  its  unity  and  be 
split  up  into  manifold  precepts  and  duties.  Law 
always  affords  opportunity  for  casuistry,  and  it  was 
the  development  of  this  in  the  guidance  of  the 
Jewish  religious  life  through  the  "precepts  of  the 
elders"  which  called  forth  Christ's  repeated  denunci- 
ation of  the  work  of  the  scribes. 

Frank  E.  Hirsch 

SCRIP,  skrip:  A  word  connected  with  "scrap," 
and  meaning  a  "bag,"  either  as  made  from  a  "scrap" 


Scripture 
Sea,  The  Great 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2706 


(of  skin)  or  as  holding  "scraps"  (of  food,  etc).  AV 
has  "scrip"  in  1  S  17  40  and  6  t  in  NT;  ERV  has 
"wallet"  in  the  NT,  but  retains  "scrip"  in  1  S  17 
40;   ARV  has  "wallet"  throughout.     See  Bag. 

SCRIPTURE,  skrip'ttlr  (t)  -ypael)!],  he  grapht, 
pi.  at  ■ypa4)a[,  hai  graphai):  The  word  means 
"wTiting."  In  the  OT  it  occurs  in  AV  only  once, 
"the  scripture  of  truth,"  in  Dnl  10  21,  where  it 
is  more  correctly  rendered  in  RV,  "the  writing  of 
truth."  The  reference  is  not  to  Holy  Scripture,  but 
to  the  book  in  which  are  inscribed  God's  purposes. 
In  the  NT,  "scripture"  and  "scriptures"  stand 
regularly  for  the  OT  sacred  books  regarded  as  "in- 
spired" (2  Tim  3  16),  "the  oracles  of  God"  (Rom 
3  2).  Cf  on  this  usage  Mt  21  42;  22  29;  Mk 
12  10;  Lk  4  21;  24  27.32.4.5;  Jn  5  39;  10  3.5; 
Acts  8  32;  17  2.11;  Rom  15  4;  16  26,  etc;  in 
Rom  1  2,  "holy  scriptures."  See  Bible.  The  ex- 
pression "holy  scriptures"  in  2  Tim  3  15  AV  repre- 
sents different  words  {Herd  grdtmnala)  and  is  properly 
rendered  in  RV  "sacred  writings."  In  2  Pet  3  16, 
the  term  "scriptures"  is  extended  to  the  Epp.  of 
Paul.  In  J  as  4  5,  the  words  occur:  "Think  ye  that 
the  scripture  speaketh  in  vain?  Doth  the  spirit 
which  he  made  to  dwell  in  us  long  unto  envying?" 
The  passage  is  probably  rather  a  summary  of  Scrip- 
ture teaching  than  intended  as  a  direct  quotation. 
Others  (e.g.  Westcott)  think  the  word  is  used  in  a 
wide  sense  of  a  Christian  hymn.  J.-iMES  Orr 

SCRIPTURES,  skrip'tarz,  SEARCH  THE.     See 

Search  the  Scriptures. 

SCROLL,  skrol.     See  Roll. 

SCUM,  skum  (Jl^^n,  hel'ah;  LXX  Ws,  ids, 
"poison"  or  "verdigris";  cf  Plato  &/).  609a) :  The 
word  is  only  found  in  Ezk  24  6.11.12,  where 
RV  translates  it  "rust."  The  fact,  however,  that 
the  caldron  is  of  brass  and  therefore  not  liable  to  rust, 
and  the  astonishment  expressed  that  the  fire  did  not 
remove  it  (ver  12),  would  seem  to  point  to  the 
preferability  of  the  tr  "scum,"  the  residue  of  dirt 
adhering  to  the  caldron  from  previous  use. 

SCURVY,  sklii-'vi  (3"1^,  garabh;  x(/iipa  avpia, 
psora  agrla  [Lev  21  20;"  22  22j) :  This  word  is 
used  to  denote  an  itchy,  scaly  disease  of  the  scalp, 
probably  any  of  the  parasitic  diseases  which  are 
known  as  tinea,  porrigo  or  impetigo.  These  cases 
have  no  relation  whatever  to  the  disease  now 
known  as  scorbutus  or  scurvy.  The  name  was 
probably  derived  from  its  scaliness,  and  the  old  Gr 
physicians  believed  these  diseases  to  be  peculiarly 
intractable. 

The  name  "  Oareb  "  is  used  in  Jor  31  39  as  the  place- 
name  of  a  hili  at  or  near  the  southeastern  corner  of 
Jerus.  probably  from  the  bare  roughness  of  the  surface  of 
its  slope  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Wddy  er-Rabahi. 
Another  hiil  of  this  name  is  mentioned  near  Shiloh  in 
tlie  Talm,  and  tlie  name  is  given  to  one  of  David's  war- 
riors {2  S  23  38). 

Scurvy  etymologically  means  any  condition  of 
scaliness  of  skin  which  can  be  scra]5ed  off,  such  as 
dandruff.  Alex.  Macalister 

SCYTHIANS,  sith'i-anz  (ol  SKuBai,  hoi  Skuthai) : 
The  word  does  not  occur  in  the  Heb  of  the  OT,  but 
LXX  of  Jgs  1  27  inserts  Sku^wc  ttSXis,  Skuthon 
pdlis  (Scythopolis),  in  explanation,  as  being  the 
same  as  Beth-shean.  The  same  occurs  in  Apoc 
(Jth  3  10;  1  Mace  12  29),  and  the  S.  as  a  people 
in  2  Mace  4  47,  and  the  adj.  in  3  Mace  7  5. 
Thepeoplearealsomentionedin  theNT  (Col  3  11), 
wliere,  as  in  Mace,  the  fact  that  they  were  barba- 
rians is  implied.     This  is  clearly  set  forth  in  classical 


writers,  and  the  description  of  them  given  by  Herod- 
otus in  book  iv  of  his  history  represents  a  race  of 
savages,  inhabiting  a  region  of  rather  indefinite 
boundaries,  north  of  the  Black  and  Caspian  seas 
and  the  Caucasus  Mountains.  They  were  nomads 
who  neither  plowed  nor  sowed  (iv.l9),  moving  about 
in  wagons  and  carrying  their  dwellings  with  them 
(ib,  46) ;  they  had  the  most  filthy  habits  and  never 
washed  in  water  (ib,  75);  they  drank  the  blood  of 
the  first  enemy  killed  in  battle,  and  made  napkins 
of  the  scalps  and  drinking  bowls  of  the  skulls  of 
the  slain  (ib,  64-6.5).  Their  deities  were  many  of 
them  identified  with  those  of  the  Greeks,  but  the 
most  characteristic  rite  was  the  worship  of  the  naked 
sword  (ib,  62),  and  they  sacrificed  every  hundredth 
man  taken  in  war  to  this  deity.  War  was  their 
chief  business,  and  they  were  a  terrible  scourge  to 
the  nations  of  Western  Asia.  They  broke  through 
the  barrier  of  the  Caucasus  in  632  BC  and  swept 
down  hke  a  swarm  of  locusts  upon  Media  and 
Assyria,  turning  the  fruitful  fields  into  a  desert; 
pushing  across  Mesopotamia,  they  ravaged  Syria 
and  were  about  to  invade  Egypt  when  Psammitichus 
I,  who  was  besieging  Ashdod,  bought  them  off  by 
rich  gifts,  but  they  remained  in  Western  Asia  for 
28  years,  according  to  Herodotus.  It  is  supposed 
that  a  company  of  them  settled  in  Beth-shean,  and 
from  this  circumstance  it  received  the  name  Scy- 
thopolis. Various  branches  of  the  race  appeared 
at  different  times,  among  the  most  noted  of  which 
were  the  Pabthians  (q.v.).  H.  Porter 

SCYTHOPOLIS,  si-thop'5-lis,  si-thop'6-lis.  See 
Beth-shean. 

SEA, se  {W^jyam;  9a\ao-o-a,  Ihdlassa;  in  Acts  27 
.5  ireXaYos,  pelagos) :  The  Mediterranean  ia  called 
ha-yam  ha-gadhol,  "the  great  sea"  (Nu  34  6;  Josh 

1  4;  Ezk  47  10,  etc);  ha-yam  hd-'ahdron,  "the  hin- 
der," or  "western  sea"  (Dt  11  24;  34  2;  Joel  2  20; 
Zee  14  8);  yam  pHishtim,  "the  sea  of  the  Philis" 
(Ex  23  31);  AV  translates  yam  ydpho'  in  Ezr  3  7 
by  "sea  of  Joppa,"  perhaps  rightly. 

The  Dead  Sea  is  called  ydm  ha-melah,  "the  Salt 
Sea"  (Nu  34  3;  Dt  3  17;  Jash  3  16,'  etc);  ha- 
ydm  ha-kadhmoni,  "the  east  sea"  (Ezk  47  18;  Joel 

2  20;  Zee  14  8);  ydm  hd-^drdbhdh,  "the  sea  of  the 
Arabah"  (Dt  3  17;  Josh  3  16;  12  3;  2  K  14  25). 

The  Red  Sea  is  called  ydm  siiph,  lit.  "sea  of  weeds" 
(Ex  10  19;  Nu  14  25;  Dt  1  1;  Josh  2  10;  Jgs 
11  16;  1  K  9  26;  Neh  9  9;  Ps  106  7;  Jer  49  21, 
etc);  ipvBpa.  Bahaaaa,  eruthrd  thdlassa,  lit.  "red 
sea"  (Wisd  19  7;  Acts  7  36;  He  11  29);  ydmmi<;- 
rayim,  "the  Egyp  sea"  (Isa  11  15). 

Ydm  is  used  of  the  Nile  in  Nah  3  8  and  probably 
also  in  Isa  19  5,  as  in  modem  Arab,  bahr,  "sea,"  is 
used  of  the  Nile  and  its  affluents.  Ydm  is  often 
used  for  "west"  or  "westward,"  as  "look  from  the 
place  where  thou  art,  ....  westward"  (Gen  13 
14);  "western  border  '  (Nu  34  6).  Ydm  is  used 
for  "sea"  in  general  (Ex  20  11);  also  for  "molten 
sea"  of  the  temple  (1  K  7  23). 

The  Sea  of  Galilee  is  called  kinnereth,  "Chiune- 
reth"  (Nu  34  11);  kimiroth,  "Chinneroth"  (Josh 
11  2);  kinn'roth,  "Chinneroth"  (1  K  15  20);  yam 
kinnereth,  "the  sea  of  Chinnereth"  (Nu  34  11;  Jo.sh 
13  27);  ydm  kinn'roth,  "the  sea  of  Chinneroth" 
(Josh  12  3);  ij 'Klfj.i'Ti  Tevvriaap^T,  he  limne  Gennesa- 
ret,  "the  lake  of  Gennesaret"  (Lk  5  1);  and  t6 
liSup  Vevv-qaip,  t6  huddr  Gennesdr,  "the  water  of 
Gennesar"  (1  Mace  11  67),  from  late  Heb  1033, 
gine^ar,  or  "10^.?? ,  g'ne^ar;  ri  6d\aacra  ttjs  FaXiXaias, 
he  thdlassa  its  GaUlalas,  "the  sea  of  Gahlee"  (Mt 
4  18;  15  29;  Mk  1  16;  7  31;  Jn  6  1);  v  eiXaaaa. 
TTjs  Ti/3epid5os,  he  thdlassa  its  Tiberiddos,  "the  sea  of 
Tiberias"  (Jn  21  1;    cf  Jn  6  1). 


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Scripture 
Sea,  The  Great 


In  .Ter  48  32  we  have  yam  ya'zer,  "the  sea  of 
Jazer."  Jazer  is  a  site  E.  of  the  Jordan,  not  satis- 
factorily identified  (Nu  21  32;  32  1.3.35;  Josh  13 
25;  21  39;  2  S  24  5;  1  Ch  6  81;  26  31;  Isa  16 
8.9).     See  Sea  OF  Jazeb. 

In  midhbar  yam,  "the  wilderness  of  the  sea" 
(Isa  21  1),  there  may  perhaps  be  a  reference  to  the 
Pers  Gulf.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

SEA,    ADRIATIC,    a-dri-at'ic,    ad-ri-at'ik.     See 
■  Adkia. 

SEA,  BRAZEN,  bra'z'n.     See  Sea,  The  Molten. 

SEA,  DEAD;  EASTERN,  es'tern.  See  Dead 
Sea. 

SEA,  FORMER,  for'mer.  See  Dead  Sea; 
Former. 

SEA,  HINDER,  hln'der;  UTMOST,  ut'most; 
UTTERMOST,  ut'er-most;  WESTERN,  wes'tern. 
See  Mediterranean  Sea. 


SEA,    MEDITERRANEAN. 

NEAN  Sea. 


See    Mediterra- 


SEA-MEW,  se'mu  ("HTl),  shahaph;  Xdpos,  Idros; 
Lat  Larus  canus):  The  sea-gull.  Used  by  modern 
translators  in  the  list  of  abominations  in  the  place  of 
the  cuckoo  (Lev  11  16;  Dt  14  15).  It  is  very 
probable  that  the  sea-gall  comes  closer  to  the  bird 
intended  than  the  Cuckoo  (q.v.).  The  sea-gull 
is  a  "slender"  bird,  but  not  "lean"  as  the  root 
shahaph  implies.  However,  with  its  stretch  of 
wing  and  restless  flight  it  gives  this  impression. 
Gulls  are  common  all  along  the  Mediterranean 
coast  and  around  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  They  are 
thought  to  have  more  intelligence  than  the  average 
bird,  and  to  share  with  some  eagles,  hawks,  vultures 
and  the  raven  the  knowledge  that  if  they  find  a 
moUusk  they  cannot  break  they  can  carry  it  aloft 
and  drop  it  on  the  rocks.  Only  a  wise  bird  learns 
this.  Most  feathered  creatures  pick  at  an  unyield- 
ing surface  a  few  times  and  then  seek  food  elsewhere. 
There  are  two  reasons  why  these  birds  went  on  the 
abomination  Usts.  To  a  steady  diet  of  fish  they 
add  carrion.  Then  they  are  birds  of  such  ner- 
vous energy,  so  exhaustless  in  flight,  so  daring  in 
flying  directly  into  the  face  of  fierce  winds,  that  the 
Moslems  believed  them  to  be  tenanted  with  the  souls 
of  the  damned.  Moses  was  reared  and  educated 
among  the  Egyptians,  and  the  laws  he  formulated 
often  are  tinged  by  traces  of  his  early  life.  History 
fails  to  record  any  instance  of  a  man  reared  in 
Egypt  who  permitted  the  kilhng  of  a  gull,  ibis,  or 
hoopoe.  Gene  Steatton-Porter 

SEA-MONSTER,  se'mon-ster:  Gen  1  21  (DJisn, 
tannlrnm),  "sea  monsters,"  AV  "whales,"  LXX 
rh,  K-qT-n,  td  htle,  "sea-monsters,"  "huge  fish,  or 
"whales."  Job  7  12  ("j"'?!?  ,  tannin),  "sea-monster," 
AV  "whale,"  LXX  SpdKuiv,  drdkon,  "dragon." 
Pa  74  13  (D"'3''3ri,  tannlnlm),  ARV  and  ERVm 
"sea-monsters,"  AV  and  ERV  "dragons,"  AVrn 
"whales  "  LXX  Spdnovres,  drdkontes,  "dragons. 
Ps  148  7  (DT???,  lanninim),  "sea-monsters,"  AV 
and  ERV  "dragons,"  ERVm  "sea-monsters"  or 
"water-spouts,"  LXX  drakontes,  "dragons."  Lam 
4  3  (rsP,  tannin),  "jackals,"  AV  "sea  monsters, 
AVm  "sea  calves,"  LXX  drakontes.  Mt  12  iO 
(referring  to  Jonah)  (k^tos,  kelos)  EY  whale 
RVm  "sea-monster."  In  the  Apoc  RV  changes  AV 
"whale"  (ketos)  into  "sea-monster  m  Sir  43  25 
but  not  in  Three  ver  57.  See  Dragon;  Jackal; 
Whale.  Alfred  Ely  Day 


SEA  OF  CHINNERETH,  kin'e-reth.  Sec  Gali- 
lee, Sea  op. 

SEA  OF  GALILEE.     See  Galilee,  Sea  of. 

SEA  OF  GLASS.     See  Glass.  Sea  of. 

SEA  OF  JAZER  ClT^^n  q;  ^  yam  ya'zer) :  This 
is  a  scribal  error  (Jer  48  32),  yam  ("sea")  being 
accidentally  imported  from  the  preceding  clause. 
See  Jazer;  Sea. 

SEA  OF  JOPPA.     See  Mediterranean  Sea. 

SEA  OF  LOT.     See  Dead  Sea;   Lake. 

SEA  OF  SODOM  (SODOMITISH,  sod-ora-it'- 
ish).     See  Dead  Sea. 

SEA  OF  THE  ARABAH.     See  Dead  Sea. 

SEA  OF  THE  PHILISTINES.  See  Mediterra- 
nean Sea. 

SEA  OF  THE  PLAIN  (ARABAH,  ar'a-ba).  See 
Dead  Sea. 

SEA  OF  TIBERIAS,  ti-be'ri-as.  See  Galilee, 
Sea  of. 

SEA,  RED.     See  Red  Sea. 

SEA,  SALT.     See  Dead  Sea. 

SEA,  THE.  See  Mediterranean  Sea;  Sea,  The 
Great. 

SEA,   THE   GREAT   (biniin  D^H,   ha-yam  ha- 
gadhol) :     This   is   the   name    given   to  the   Medi- 
terranean,   which  formed  the  western 

1.  Names  boundary  of  Pal  (Nu  34  6  f;  Josh 
of  the  Sea     15  12.47;    Ezk47  19f;    48  28).     It 

is  also  called  "the  hinder  sea"  (Heb 
ha-ydm  h&-'ahdron),  i.e.  the  western  sea  (Dt  11  24; 
34  2;  Joel  2  20;  Zee  14  8),  and  "the  sea  of  the 
Philis"  (Ex  23  31),  which,  of  course,  applies  esp. 
to  the  part  washing  the  shore  of  Philistia,  from 
Jaffa  southward.  Generally,  when  the  word  "sea" 
is  used,  and  no  other  is  definitely  indicated,  the 
Mediterranean  is  intended  (Gen  49  13;  Nu  13  29, 
etc).  It  was  the  largest  sheet  of  water  with  which 
the  Hebrews  had  any  acquaintance.  Its  gleaming 
mirror,  stretching  away  to  the  sunset,  could  be 
seen  from  many  an  inland  height. 

It  bulked  large  in  the  minds  of  the  landsmen — 

for  Israel  produced  few  mariners — impressing  itself 

upon  their  speech,  so  that  "seaward" 

2.  Israel        was  the  common  term  for  "westward" 
and  the  Sea  (Ex  26  22;   Josh  5  1,  etc).     Its  mys- 
tery and  wonder,   the  raging  of  the 

storm,  and  the  sound  of  "sorrow  on  the  sea," 
borne  to  their  upland  ears,  infected  them  with  a 
strange  dread  of  its  wide  waters,  to  which  the  seer 
of  Patmos  gave  the  last  Scriptural  expression  in  his 
vision  of  the  new  earth,  where  "the  sea  is  no  more" 
(Rev  21  1). 

Along  the  coast  lay  the  tribal  territories  assigned 

to   Asher,   Zebulun,    Manasseh,    Dan   and   Judah. 

Many  of  the  cities   along  the   shore 

3.  The  they  failed  to  possess,  however,  and 
Coast  Line    much   of   the   land.     The   coast    line 

offered  little  facility  for  the  making  of 
harbors.  The  one  seaport  of  which  in  ancient 
times  the  Hebrews  seem  to  have  made  much  use 
was  Joppa — the  modern  Jaffa  (2  Ch  2  16,  etc). 
From  this  place,  probably,  argosies  of  Solomon 
turned    their    prows    westward.     Here,    at    least. 


Sea,  The  Molten 
Sealskin 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2708 


"ships  of  Tarshish"  were  wont  to  set  out  upon  their 
adventurous  voyages  (Jon  1  3).  The  ships  on  this 
sea  figure  in  the  beautiful  vision  of  Isaiah  (60  8  f ) . 
See  Acco;   Joppa. 

The  boy  Jesus,  from  the  heights  above  Nazareth, 

must  often  have  loolved  on  the  waters  of  the  great 

sea,    as  they   broke  in  foam  on  the 

4.  The  curving  shore,  from  the  roots  of 
Sea  in  the  Carmel  to  the  point  at  Acre.  Once 
NT                 only  in  His  joumeyings,  so  far  as  we 

know,  did  He  approach  the  sea, 
namely  on  His  ever-memorable  visit  to  the  "borders 
of  Tyre  and  Sidon"  {Ut  15  21;  Mk  7  24),  The 
sea,  in  all  its  moods,  was  well  known  to  the  great 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles.  The  three  shipwrecks, 
which  he  suffered  (2  Cor  11  25),  were  doubtless 
due  to  the  power  of  its  angry  billows  over  the  frail 
craft  of  those  old  days.     See  Paul. 

The  land  owes  much  to  the  great  sea.  During 
the  hot   months  of  summer,   a  soft  breeze  from 

the  water  springs  up  at  dawn,  fanning 

5.  Debt  of  all  the  seaward  face  of  the  Central 
Palestine  to  Range.  At  sunset  the  chilled  air 
the  Sea  slips  down  the  slopes  and  the  higher 

strata  drift  toward  the  uplands,  charged 
with  priceless  moisture,  giving  rise  to  the  refreshing 
dews  which  make  the  Palestinian  morning  so  sweet. 
See,  further,  Meditekranean  Sea.      W.  Ewing 

SEA,    THE    MOLTEN,    mol't'n,    or   BRAZEN 

(pS^ia  D^ ,  yam  mugak,  iniBnsn  D^ ,  yam  ha- 
n'hosheih) :  This  was  a  large  brazen  (bronze) 
reservoir  for  water  which  stood  in  the  court  of 
Solomon's  Temple  between  the  altar  and  the 
temple  porch,  toward  the  S.  (1  K  7  23-26;  2  Ch 
4  2-5.10).  The  bronze  from  which  it  was  made  is 
stated  in  1  Ch  18  8  to  have  been  taken  by  David 
from  the  cities  Tibhath  and  Cun.  It  replaced  the 
laver  of  the  tabernacle,  and,  like  that,  was  used  for 
storing  the  water  in  which  the  priests  washed  their 
hands  and  their  feet  (cf  Ex  30  18;  38  8).  It  rested 
on  12  brazen  (bronze)  oxen,  facing  in  four  groups  the 
four  quarters  of  heaven.  For  particulars  of  shape, 
size  and  ornamentation,  see  Temple.  The  "sea" 
served  its  purpose  till  the  time  of  Ahaz,  who  took 
away  the  brazen  oxen,  and  placed  the  sea  upon  a 
pavement  (2  K  16  17).  It  is  recorded  that  the 
oxen  were  afterward  taken  to  Babylon  (Jer  52  20). 
The  sea  itself  shared  the  same  fate,  being  first  broken 
to  pieces  (2  K  25  13.16). 

W.  Shaw  Caldecott 
SEA,     WESTERN,     wes'tem.     See     IVIediter- 
ranean  Sea. 

SEAH,  se'a  (HXP  ,  f''ah) :  A  dry  measure  equal  to 
about  one  and  one-half  pecks.     See  Weights  and 

Measures. 

SEAL,  sel  (subst.  Qriin ,  hothdm,  "seal,"  "sig- 
net," Py^t?  ,  tabba'ath,  "signet-ring";  Aram.  S5]5Ty, 
Hzkd';  o-4>pa7is,  sphragis;  vb.  Dpn ,  hatham 
[Ai-am.  nrin  ,  hatham];  <r^pa.ylla,  sphragizo,  Kara- 
cr<{>pa7l^o|jiai.,  katasphragizomai,  "to  seal"): 

/.  Literal  Sense. — A  seal  is  an  instrument  of  stone, 
metal  or  other  hard  substance  (sometimes  set  in  a 
ring),  on  which  is  engraved  some  device  or  figure, 
and  is  used  for  making  an  impression  on  some  soft 
substance,  as  clay  or  wax,  affixed  to  a  document  or 
other  object,  in  token  of  authenticity. 

The  use  of  seals  goes  back  to  a  very  remote 
antiquity,  esp.  in  Egypt,  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 
Herodotus  (i.l95)  records  the  Bab  custom  of  wear- 
ing signets.  In  Babylonia  the  seal  generally  took 
the  form  of  a  cyhnder  cut  in  crystal  or  some  hard 
stone,  which  was  bored  through  from  end  to  end 
and  a  cord  passed  through  it.     The  design,  often 


accompanied  by  the  owner's  name,  was  engraved  on 
the  curved  part.     The  signet  was  then  suspended 

by  the  cord  round  the  neck  or  waist  (cf 
1.  Preva-  RV  "cord"  in  Gen  38  18;  "upon  thy 
lence  in  heart  ....  upon  thine  arm,"  i.e.  one 

Antiquity       seal  hanging  down  from  the  neck  and 

another  round  the  waist;  Cant  8  6). 
In  Egypt,  too,  as  in  Babylonia,  the  cylinder  was 
the  earliest  form  used  for  the  purpose  of  a  seal; 


8  9 

Ancient  Seals  from  Originals  in  the  British  Museum. 

1.  Signet  cylinder.      2.  Signet  cylinder  of  Sennaclierib.      3.  Seal  of  chalce- 

dony with  Flioeniciau  inscri|itiuii.  4.  Seal  of  sapphire  chalcedony,  with 
Assyrian  inscription.  0.  Seal  of  chalcedony,  ^vith  Persian  inscription. 
C.  Seal  in  forn)  of  a  duck  with  head  resting  on  the  back.  7.  Clay  impres- 
sion from  seal  of  Esar-haddon,  from  Konyunjik.  S.  Clay  impression  from 
seal,  device,  ear  of  wheat,  from  Konyunjik.  9.  Clay  impression  from 
seal,  device,  a  scorpion,  from  Konyunjik. 

but  this  form  was  in  Egypt  gradually  superseded  by 
the  scarab  (  =  beetle-shaped)  as  the  prevailing  type. 
Other  forms,  such  as  the  cone-shaped,  were  also  in 
use.  From  the  earhest  period  of  civilization  the 
finger-ring  on  which  some  distinguishing  badge 
was  engraved  was  in  use  as  a  convenient  way  of 
carrying  the  signet,  the  earliest  e.xtant  rings  being 
those  found  in  Egyp  tombs.  Other  ancient  peoples, 
such  as  the  Phoenicians,  also  used  seals.  From  the 
East  the  custom  passed  into  Greece  and  other 
western  countries.  Devices  of  a  variety  of  sorts 
were  in  use  at  Rome,  both  by  the  emperors  and  by 
private  individuals.  In  ancient  times,  almost 
every  variety  of  precious  stones  was  used  for  seals, 
as  well  as  cheaper  material,  such  as  limestone  or 
terra-cotta.  In  the  West  wax  came  early  into  use 
as  the  material  for  receiving  the  impression  of  the 
seal,  but  in  the  ancient  East  clay  was  the  medium 
used  (cf  Job  38  14).  Pigment  and  ink  also  came 
into  use. 

That  the  Israelites  were  acquainted  with  the  use 
in  Egypt  of  signets  set  in  rings  is  seen  in  the  state- 
ment that  Pharaoh  delivered  to  Joseph 

2.  Seals  his  royal  signet  as  a  token  of  deputed 
among  the  authority  (Gen  41  41  f).  They  were 
Hebrews        also  acquainted  with  the  use  (if  seals 

among  the  Persians  and  IVIedes  (Est 
3  12;  8  8.10;  Dnl  6  17).  The  Hebrews  them- 
selves used  them  at  an  early  period,  the  first  recorded 
instance  being  Gen  38  18.25,  where  the  patriarch 
Judah  is  said  to  have  pledged  his  word  to  Tamar 
by  leaving  her  his  signet,  cord  and  staff.  We  have 
evidence  of  engraved  signets  being  in  important 
use  among  them  in  early  times  in  the  description  of 
the  two  stones  on  the  high  priest's  ephod  (Ex  28  11; 
39  6),  of  his  golden  plate  (Ex  28  36;  39  30),  and 
breastplate  (39  14).  Ben-Sirach  mentions  as  a 
distinct  occupation  the  work  of  engraving  on  signets 


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(Sir  38  27).  From  the  case  of  Judah  and  the 
common  usage  in  other  countries,  we  may  infer  that 
every  Hebrew  of  any  standing  wore  a  seal.  In  the 
case  of  the  signet  ring,  it  was  usual  to  wear  it  on  one 
of  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand  (Jer  22  24).  The 
Hebrews  do  not  seem  to  have  developed  an  original 
type  of  signets.  The  seals  so  far  discovered  in  Pal 
go  to  prove  that  the  predominating  type  was  the 
Egyptian,  and  to  a  less  degree  the  Babylonian. 

(1)  One  of  the  most  important  uses  of  seahng  in 
antiquity  was  to  give  a  proof  of  authenticity  and 

authority  to  letters,  royal  commands,  etc. 
3.  Uses  of  It  served  the  purposes  of  a  modern 
Sealing  signature  at  a  time  when  the  art  of 

writing  was  known  to  only  a  few. 
Thus  Jezebel  "wrote  letters  in  Ahab's  name,  and 
sealed  them  with  his  seal"  (1  K  21  8);  the  written 
commands  of  Ahasuerus  were  "sealed  with  the 
king's  ring,"  "for  the  writing  which  is  written  in  the 
king's  name,  and  sealed  with  the  king's  ring,  may 
no  man  reverse"  (Est  8  8.10;  3  12).  (2)  Allied 
to  this  is  the  formal  ratification  of  a  transaction  or 
covenant.  Jeremiah  sealed  the  deeds  of  the  field 
which  he  bought  from  Hanamel  (Jer  32  10-14; 
of  ver  44) ;  Nehemiah  and  many  others  affixed 
their  seal  to  the  written  covenant  between  God 
and  His  people  (Neh  9  38;  10  Iff).  (3)  Ap. 
additional  use  was  the  preservation  of  books  in 
security.  A  roU  or  other  document  intended  for 
preservation  was  sealed  up  before  it  was  deposited 
in  a  place  of  safety  (Jer  32  14;  cf  the  "book  .... 
close  sealed  with  seven  seals,"  Rev  5  1).  In  seal- 
ing the  roll,  it  was  WTapped  round  with  flaxen 
thread  or  string,  then  a  lump  of  clay  was  attached 
to  it  impressed  with  a  seal.  The  seal  would  have 
to  be  broken  by  an  authorized  person  before 
the  book  could  be  read  (Rev  5  2.5.9;  6  1.3,  etc). 
(4)  Sealing  was  a  badge  of  deputed  authority  and 
power,  as  when  a  king  handed  over  his  signet  ring 
to  one  of  his  officers  (Gen  41  42;  Est  3  10;  8  2; 
1  Mace  6  15).  (5)  Closed  doors  were  often  sealed 
to  prevent  the  entrance  of 
any  unauthorized  person. 
So  the  door  of  the  lion's 
den(Dnl  6  17;  cf  Bel  ver 
14).  Herodotus  mentions 
the  custom  of  sealing 
tombs  (ii.l21).  So  we 
read  of  the  chief  priests 
and  Pharisees  seahng  the 
stone  at  the  mouth  of  Our 
Lord's  tomb  in  order  to 
"make  the  sepulchre  sure" 
against  the  intrusion  of 
the  disciples  (Mt  27  66). 
Cf  the  seahng  of  the  abyss 
to  prevent  Satan's  escape 
(Rev  20  3) .  A  door  was  sealed  by  stretchmg  a  cord 
over  the  stone  which  blocked  the  entrance,  spread- 
ing clay  or  wax  on  the  cord,  and  then  impressmg 
it  with  a  seal.  (6)  To  any  other  object  might  a 
seal  be  affixed,  as  an  official  mark  of  ownership; 
e.g.  a  large  number  of  clay  stoppers  of  wine  jars 
are  still  preserved,  on  which  seal  impressions  of  the 
cyhnder  type  were  stamped,  by  rolling  the  cylmder 
along  the  surface  of  the  clay  when  it  was  still  solt 
(cf  Job  38  14).  ,    ,     ^  ^u  1 

//  Metaphorical  Use  of  the  Term.— The  word 
"seal,"  both  subst.  and  vb.,  is  often  used  figuratively 
for  the  act  or  token  of  authentication,  confirmation, 
proof  security  or  possession.  Sm  is  said  not  to  be 
forgotten  by  God,  but  treasured'  and  stored  up 
with  Him  against  the  sinner,  under  a  seal  (Dt  3i 
34;  Job  14  17).  A  lover's  signet  is  the  emblem 
of 'love  as  an  inah enable  possession  (Cant  8  6); 
an  unresponsive  maiden  is  "a  spring  shut  up,  a 
fountain  sealed"   (Cant  4  12).     The  seal  is  some- 


Sealed  Stone  at  Entrance 
to  a  Tomb. 


times  a  metaphor  for  secrecy.  That  which  is 
beyond  the  comprehension  of  the  uninitiated  is 
said  to  be  as  "a  book  that  is  sealed"  (Isa  29  11  f; 
cf  the  book  with  seven  seals,  Rev  5  1  ff).  Daniel 
is  bidden  to  "shut  up  the  words"  of  his  prophecy 
"and  seal  the  book,  even  to  the  time  of  the  end," 
i.e.  to  keep  his  prophecy  a  secret  till  it  shall  be 
revealed  (Dnl  12  4.9;  cf  Rev  10  4).  Elsewhere 
it  stands  for  the  ratification  of  prophecy  (Dnl  9  24). 
The  exact  meaning  of  the  figure  is  sometimes 
ambiguous  (as  in  Job  33  16;  Ezk  28  12).  In  the 
NT  the  main  ideas  in  the  figure  are  those  of  authenti- 
cation, ratification,  and  security.  The  beUever  in 
Christ  is  said  to  "set  his  seal  to  this,  that  God  is 
true"  (Jn  3  33),  i.e.  to  attest  the  veracity  of  God,  to 
stamp  it  with  the  believer's  own  endorsement  and 
confirmation.  The  Father  has  sealed  the  Son,  i.e. 
authenticated  Him  as  the  bestower  of  life-giving 
bread  (Jn  6  27).  The  circumcision  of  Abraham 
was  a  "sign"  and  "seal,"  an  outward  ratification, 
of  the  righteousness  of  faith  which  he  had  already 
received  while  uncircumcised  (Rom  4  11;  cf  the 
prayer  offered  at  the  circumcision  of  a  child, 
"Blessed  be  He  who  sanctified  His  beloved  from  the 
womb,  and  put  His  ordinance  upon  his  flesh,  and 
sealed  His  offering  with  the  sign  of  a  holy  covenant" ; 
also  Tg  Cant  38:  "The  seal  of  circumcision  is  in 
your  flesh  as  it  was  sealed  in  the  flesh  of  Abraham"). 
Paul  describes  his  act  in  making  over  to  the  saints 
at  Jerus  the  contribution  of  the  Gentiles  as  having 
"sealed  to  them  this  fruit"  (Rom  15  28);  the  mean- 
ing of  the  phrase  is  doubtful,  but  the  figure  seems  to 
be  based  on  sealing  as  ratifying  a  commercial  trans- 
action, expressing  Paul's  intention  formally  to  hand 
over  to  them  the  fruit  (of  his  own  labors,  or  of 
spiritual  blessings  which  through  him  the  Gentiles 
had  enjoyed),  and  to  mark  it  as  their  own  property. 
Paul's  converts  are  the  "seal,"  the  authentic  con- 
firmation, of  his  apostleship  (1  Cor  9  2).  God 
by  His  Spirit  indicates  who  are  His,  as  the  owner 
sets  his  seal  on  his  property;  and  just  as  documents 
are  sealed  up  until  the  proper  time  for  opening  them, 
so  Christians  are  sealed  up  by  the  Holy  Spirit  "unto 
the  day  of  redemption"  (Eph  1  13;  4  30;  2  Cor 
1  22).  Ownership,  security  and  authentication 
are  implied  in  the  words,  "The  firm  foundation  of 
God  standeth,  having  this  seal.  The  Lord  knoweth 
them  that  are  his"  (2  Tim  2  19).  The  seal  of 
God  on  the  foreheads  of  His  servants  (Rev  7  2-4) 
marks  them  off  as  His  own,  and  guarantees  their 
eternal  security,  whereas  those  that  "have  not  the 
seal  of  God  on  their  foreheads"  (Rev  9  4)  have  no 
such  guaranty. 

On  the  analogy  of  the  rite  of  circumcision  (see  above) , 
the  term  "seal"  Isphragis)  was  at  a  very  early  period  ap- 
plied to  Christian  baptism.  But  there  is  no  sufficient 
ground  for  referring  such  passages  as  Eph  1  13;  4  30;  2 
Cor  1  22  to  the  rite  of  baptism  (as  some  do).  The  use  of 
the  metaphor  in  connection  with  baptism  came  after  NT 
times  (early  instances  are  given  in  Gebhardt  and  Light- 
foot  on  2  Clem  7  6).  Harnack  and  Hatch  maintain 
that  the  name  "seal"  for  baptism  was  taken  from  the 
Gr  mysteries,  but  Anrich  and  Sanday-Headlam  hold 
that  it  was  borrowed  from  the  Jewish  view  of  circum- 
cision as  a  seal.     See  Mystery. 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 

SEALED,  seld,  FOUNTAIN:  These  words,  ap- 
plied to  the  bride  (Cant  4  12),  find  their  explana- 
tion under  Seal  (q.v.).  Anything  that  was  to 
be  authoritatively  protected  was  sealed.  Where 
water  was  one  of  the  most  precious  things,  as  in  the 
East,  fountains  and  wells  were  often  sealed  (Gen 
29  3;  Prov  5  15-18). 

SEALSKIN,  sel'skin:  The  rendering  of  RV 
(Ex  25  5;  Ezk  16  10)  for  iSnn  -\^V ,  'or  tahash, 
RVm  "porpoise-skin,"  AV  "badgers'  skin."  A 
seal,  Monachus  albiventer,  is  found  in  the  Mediterra- 
nean, though  not  in  the  Red  Sea,  but  it  is  likely 


Seam,  Seamless 
Secure,  Security 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2710 


that  tahash  means  the  dugong,  which  is  found  in 
the  Red  Sea.     See  Badger;   Porpoise. 

SEAM,  sem,  SEAMLESS,  sem'les:  The  coat  or 
inner  garment  (x""'^'',  chiton)  of  Jesus  is  described 
in  Jn  19  23  as  "without  seam"  (iS/S/ia^os,  drrha- 
phos),  i.e.  woven  in  one  piece. 

SEAR,  ser:  In  1  Tim  4  2  for  Kai/o-Tiypidfu, 
kaiisteridzo,  "burn  with  a  hot  iron"  (cf  "cauterize"), 
AV  "having  their  conscience  seared  with  a  hot  iron," 
and  RVm.  "Seared"  in  this  connection  means 
"made  insensible,"  like  the  surface  of  a  deep  burn 
after  healing.  The  vb.,  however,  probably  means 
"brand"  (soRV).  "Criminals  are  branded  on  their 
forehead,  so  that  all  men  may  know  their  infamy. 
The  consciences  of  certain  men  are  branded  just 
as  truly,  so  that  there  is  an  inward  consciousness 
of  hypocrisy."     See  the  comms. 

SEARCH,  silrch:  Some  peculiar  senses  are: 
(1)  In  the  books  of  Moses,  esp.  in  Nu,  "searching  out 
the  land"  means  to  spy  out(551 ,  raggel),  to  investi- 
gate carefully,  to  examine  with  a  view  to  giving  a 
full  and  accurate  report  on.  (2)  When  apphed  to 
the  Scriptures,  as  in  Ezr  4  15.19  ("Ip?,  bakker); 
Jn  5  39;  1  Pet  1  11  (ipawda,  erau7mo),  it  means 
to  examine,  to  study  out  the  meaning.  In  Acts  17 
11,  RV  substitutes  "examining"  for  the  "searched" 
of  AV.  See  Seabchinqs.  (3)  "Search  out"  often 
means  to  study  critically,  to  investigate  carefully, 
e.g.  Job  8  S;  "29  16;  Eccl  1  13;  Lam  3  40;  Mt 
2  8;  1  Cor  2  10;  1  Pet  1  10.  (4)  When  the  word 
is  applied  to  God's  searching  the  heart  or  spirit,  it 
means  His  opening  up,  laying  bare,  disclosing  what 
was  hidden,  e.g.  1  Ch  28  9;  Ps  44  21;  139  1;  Prov 
20  27;  Jer  17  10;  Rom  8  27. 

G.  H.  Gerberdinq 

SEARCH  THE  SCRIPTURES:  The  sentence 
beginning  with  ipavvdre,  eraundte,  in  Jn  5  39  AV 
has  been  almost  universally  regarded  as  meaning 
"Search  the  scriptures,  for  m  them  ye  think  ye  have 
eternal  life."  But  one  cannot  read  as  far  as  Sokcitc, 
dokeite,  "ye  think,"  without  feeHng  that  there  is 
something  wrong  with  the  ordinary  version.  This 
vb.  is  at  least  a  disturbing  element  in  the  current  of 
thought  (if  not  superfluous),  and  onlj'  when  the  first 
vb.  is  taken  as  an  indicative  does  the  meaning  of  the 
wTiter  become  clear.  The  utterance  is  not  a  com- 
mand, but  a  declaration:  "Ye  search  the  scriptures, 
because  ye  think  that  in  them,"  etc.  Robert 
Barclay  as  early  as  1675,  in  his  Apology  for  the 
True  Christian  Divinity  (91  ff),  refers  to  two  scholars 
before  him  who  had  handed  down  the  correct 
tradition:  "Moreover,  that  place  may  be  taken  in 
the  indicative  mood,  Ye  search  the  Scriptures; 
which  interpretation  the  Gr  word  will  bear,  and  so 
Pasor  tr"'  it :  which  by  the  reproof  following  seemet  h 
also  to  be  the  more  genuine  interpretation,  as  Cyril- 
lus  long  ago  hath  observed."  So  Dr.  Edwin  A. 
Abbott,  in  his  Johannine  Grammar  (London,  1906, 
§2439  [i]).  See  also  Transactions  Aynerican  Philo- 
logical Association,  1001,  64  f.  J.  E.  Harry 

SEARCHINGS,  sur'chingz  ([a'-Ji-ipn ,  hikre 
[lehh],  from  hakar,  to  "search,"  "explore,"  "examine 
thoroughly"):  In  the  song  of  Deborah  the  Reuben- 
ites  are  taunted  because  their  great  resolves  of 
heart,  hik'ke  lehh,  led  to  nothing  but  great  "search- 
ings"  of  heart,  hikre  lebh,  and  no  activity  other  than 
to  remain  among  their  fioclcs  (Jgs  5  15 f).  The 
first  of  the  two  Heb  expressions  so  emphatically 
contrasted  (though  questioned  by  commentators 
on  the  authority  of  5  MSS  as  a  corruption  of  the 
second)  can  with  reasonable  certainty  be  inter- 
preted  "acts  prescribed  by  one's  understanding" 


(cf  the  expressions  hdkham  lebh,  n'bhon  lebh,  in 
which  the  heart  is  looked  upon  as  the  seat  of  the 
understanding).  The  second  expression  may  mean 
either  irresolution  or  hesitation  based  on  selfish 
motives,  as  the  heart  was  also  considered  the  seat 
of  the  feelings,  or  answerabihty  to  God  (cf  Jer  17  10; 
Prov  25  3) ;  this  rendering  would  explain  the  form 
liph'laghoth  in  Jgs  5  16,  lit.  'for  the  water  courses 
of  Reuben,  great  the  searchings  of  heart!' 

Nathan  Isaacs 

SEASONS,  se'z'nz  (summer:  flp.,  Ifayig,  Chald 
t3'^|?,  kayit  [Dnl  2  35];  O^pos,  iheros;  winter:  inp , 
sHhdw  [Cant  2  11],  CI"))!,  horeph;  \tiY.av,  cheimon): 
The  four  seasons  in  Pal  are  not  so  marked  as  in  more 
northern  countries,  summer  gradually  fading  into 
winter  and  winter  into  summer.  The  range  of 
temperature  is  not  great.  In  the  Bible  we  have  no 
reference  to  spring  or  autumn;  the  only  seasons 
mentioned  are  "summer  and  winter"  (Gen  8  22; 
Ps  74  17;  Zee  14  8). 

Winter  is  the  season  of  rain  lasting  from  Novem- 
ber to  May.  "The  winter  is  past;  the  rain  is  over" 
(Cant  2  11).  See  Rain.  The  temperature  at  sea- 
level  in  Pal  reaches  freezing-point  occasionally,  but 
seldom  is  less  than  40°  F.  On  the  hills  and  moun- 
tains it  is  colder,  depending  on  the  height.  The 
people  have  no  means  of  heating  their  houses,  and 
suffer  much  with  the  cold.  They  wrap  up  their 
necks  and  heads  and  keep  inside  the  houses  out  of 
the  wind  as  much  as  possible.  "The  sluggard  will 
not  plow  by  reason  of  the  winter"  (Prov  20  4). 
Jesus  in  speaking  of  the  destruction  of  Jerus  says, 
"Pray  ye  that  your  flight  be  not  in  the  winter" 
(Mt  24  20).  Paul  asks  Timothy  to  "come  before 
winter"  (2  Tim  4  21)  as  navigation  closed  then 
and  travel  was  virtually  impossible. 

Summer  is  very  hot  and  rainless.  "[When]  the 
fig  tree  ....  putteth  forth  its  leaves,  ye  know  that 
the  summer  is  nigh"  (Mk  13  28);  "The  harvest  is 
past,  the  summer  is  ended"  (Jer  8  20).  It  is  the 
season  of  harvesting  and  threshing  (Dnl  2  35). 
"He  that  gathereth  in  summer  is  a  wise  son"  (Prov 
10  5).     See  Cold;  Heat;  Astronomy,  I,  5. 

Alfred  H.  Joy 

SEAT,  set :  This  word  is  used  to  translate  the  Heb 
words  ^iria  ,  moshdbh,  ^311J ,  shebheth,  XD3  ,  kisife', 
and  rij^Dn,  t'khundh,  once  (Job  23  3).  It  trans- 
lates the  Gr  word  KaS^Spa,  kathedra  <Mt  21  12; 
23  2;  Mk  11  15),  and  "chief  seat"  translates  the 
compound  word  vpaiTOKadeSpLa,  prdtokalhedria  (Mt 
23  6;  Mk  12  39;  Lk  20  46).  In  AV  it  translates 
epivos,  thrdnos  (Lk  1  52;  Rev  2  13;  4  4;  11  16; 
13  2;  16  10),  which  RV  renders  "throne."  It 
denotes  a  place  or  thing  upon  which  one  sits,  as  a 
chair,  or  stool  (1  S  20  18;  Jgs  3  20).  It  is  used 
also  of  the  exalted  position  occupied  by  men  of 
marked  rank  or  influence,  either  in  good  or  evil 
(Mt  23  2;   Ps  1  1).  Jesse  L.  Cotton 

SEATS,  sets,  CHIEF.     See  Chief  Seats. 

SEBA.se'ba  (^?SD ,  s'bha';  2a(3d,  Sa6d  [Gen  10  7; 
1  Ch  1  9];     Gr    ib',    but    B    has    2a|3av,    Sabdn): 

The  first  son  of  Cush,  his  brothers 
1.  Forms  of  being  Havilah,  Sabtah,  Raamah,  and 
Name,  and  Sabtecha.  In  Ps  72  10  and  Isa  43  3 
Parentage  (where  the  Gr  has  Xo-Zivri,  Soene), 
of  Seba  Seba   is  mentioned   with   Egypt   and 

Ethiopia,  and  must  therefore  have  been 
a  southern  people.  In  Isa  45  14  we  meet  with  the 
gentilic  form,  D^XID ,  ^'bha'lm  (SajSati^,  Sabaeim), 
rendered  "Sabaeans,"  who  are  described  as  "men  of 
stature"  (i.e.  tall),  and  were  to  come  over  to  Cyrus 
in  chains,  and  acknowledge  that  God  was  in  him — 
their  merchandise,  and  that  of  the  Ethiopians,  and 
the  labor  of  Egypt,  were  to  be  his. 


2711 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Seam,  Seamless 
Secure,  Security 


Their  country  is  regarded  as  being,  most  likely, 
the  district  of  Saba,  N,  of  Adulis,  on  the  west  coast 

of  the  Red  Sea.  There  is  just  a  possi- 
2.  Position  bility  that  the  Sabi  River,  stretching 
of  the  from   the   coast   to  the  Zambesi   and 

Nation  the  Limpopo,  which  was  utilized  as  a 

waterway  by  the  states  in  that  region, 
though,  through  silting,  not  suitable  now,  may  con- 
tain a  trace  of  the  name,  and  perhaps  testifies  to 
still  more  southern  extensions  of  the  power  and 
influence  of  the  Sebaim.  (See  Th.  Bent,  The  Ruined 
Cities  of  Mashonaland,  1892.)  The  ruins  of  this 
tract  are  regarded  as  being  the  work  of  others  than 
the  black  natives  of  the  country.  Dillmann,  how- 
ever, suggests  (on  Gen  10  7)  that  the  people  of 
Seba  were  another  branch  of  the  Cushites  E.  of 
Napatha  by  the  Arabian  Sea,  of  which  Strabo  (xvi. 
4,  8,  10)  and  Ptolemy  (iv.7,  7  f )  give  information. 
See  Sheba  and  HDB,  s.v.  T.  G.  Pinches 

SEBAM,  se'bam  (Dsip  ,  s'hham;  2€pa(i(i,  Sebamd; 
AV  Shebam):  A  town  in  the  upland  pasture  land 
given  to  the  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad.  It  is 
named  along  with  Heshbon,  Elealeh  and  Nebo  (Nu 
32  3).  It  is  probably  the  same  place  as  Sibmah 
(AV  "Shibmah")  in  ver  38  (so  also  Josh  13  19). 
In  the  time  of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  it  was  a  Moabite 
town,  but  there  is  no  record  of  how  or  when  it  was 
taken  from  Israel.  It  appears  to  have  been  famous 
for  the  luxuriance  of  its  vines  and  for  its  summer 
fruits  (Isa  16  8f;  Jer  48  32).  Oreoni  calls  it  a  city 
of  Moab  in  the  land  of  Gilead  which  tell  to  the  tribe 
of  Reuben.  Jerome  (Comm.  in  Isa  5)  saj's  it  was 
about  500  paces  from  Heshbon,  and  he  describes 
it  as  one  of  the  strong  places  of  that  region.  It  may 
be  represented  by  the  modern  Stmia,  which  stands 
on  the  south  side  of  Wddy  Hesbdn,  about  2  miles 
from  Hesbdn.  The  ancient  ruins  are  considerable, 
with  large  sarcophagi;  and  in  the  neighboring 
rock  wine  presses  are  cut  (PEFM,  "Eastern  Pal," 
221  f).  W.  EwiNG 

SEBAT,  se-bat',  se'bat  (Zee  1  7).     See  Shebat. 

SECACAH,  sf-ka'ka,  sek'a-ka  (n33D  ,  s'khdkhdh; 
B,  Alxio^o,  Aichiozd,  A,  Soxoxd,  Sochochd):  One  of 
the  six  cities  "in  the  wilderness  of  Judah"  (Josh  15 
61),  that  is  in  the  uncultivated  lands  to  the  W.  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  where  a  scanty  pasturage  is  still  ob- 
tained by  wandering  Bedouin  tribes.  There  are 
many  signs  in  this  district  of  more  settled  habitation 
in  ancient  times,  but  the  name  Secacah  is  lost. 
Conder  proposed  Kh.  ed  Dikkeh  (also  called  Kh.  es 
Sikkeh),  "the  ruin  of  the  path,"  some  2  miles  S.  of 
Bethany.  Though  an  ancient  site,  it  is  too  near  the 
inhabited  area;  the  name,  too,  is  uncertain  {PEF, 
III,  111,  ShXVII).  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SECHENIAS,  sek-g-ni'as: 

(1)  (A,  Xexclas,  Sechenias;  omitted  in  B  and 
Swete):  1  Esd  8  29="Shecaniah"  in  Ezr  8  3;  the 
arrangement  in  Ezr  is  different. 

(2)  (A,  Sechenias,  but  B  and  Swete,  Efcxo^fas, 
Eiechonias):  Name  of  a  person  who  went  up  at 
the  head  of  a  family  in  the  return  with  Ezra  (1  Esd 
8  32)  =  "Shecaniah"  in  Ezr  8  5. 

SECHU,  se'ku  (^DiP ,    sekhU).     See  Secu. 

SECOND  COMING,  sek'und  kum'ing.  See 
Parousia;  Eschatology  of  the  NT,  V. 

SECOND  DEATH.     See  Death;   Eschatology 

OF  THE  NT,  X,    (6). 

SECOND  SABBATH.     See  Sabbath,  Second. 


SECONDARILY,  sek'un-da-ri-h;  AV  for  Sei)- 
repov,  deuleron  (1  Cor  12  28).  Probably  without 
distinction  from  "secondly"  (so  RV,  and  so  AV  also 
for  deuleron  in  Sir  23  23).  Still  AV  may  have 
wi.shed  to  emphasize  that  the  prophets  have  a  lower 
rank  than  the  apostles. 

SECRET,  se'kret:  In  Ezk  7  22,  EV  has  "secret 
place"  for  152,  gaphan,  "hide,"  "treasure."  A 
correct  tr  is,  "They  shall  profane  my  cherished 
place"  (Jerus),  and  there  is  no  reference  to  the  Holy 
of  Holies.  The  other  u.ses  of  "secret"  in  RV  are 
obvious,  but  RV's  corrections  of  AV  in  Jgs  13  18; 
1  S  5  9;  Job  15  11  should  be  noted. 

SECT,  sekt  (al'peo-ig,  hairesis):  "Sect"  (Lat 
secta,  from  sequi,  "to  follow")  is  in  the  NT  the  tr  of 
hairesis,  from  haired,  "to  take,"  "to  choose";  also 
tr"*  "heresy,"  not  heresy  in  the  later  ecclesiastical 
sense,  but  a  school  or  party,  a  sect,  without  any  bad 
meaning  attached  to  it.  The  word  is  applied  to 
schools  of  philosophy;  to  the  Pharisees  and  Sad- 
ducees  among  the  Jews  who  adhered  to  a  common 
religious  faith  and  worship;  and  to  the  Christians. 
It  is  tr"*  "sect"  (Acts  5  17,  of  the  Sadducees;  15  5, 
of  the  Pharisees;  24  5,  of  the  Nazarenes;  26  5,  of 
the  Pharisees;  28  22,  of  the  Christians);  also  RV 
24  14  (AV  and  ERVm  "heresy"),  "After  the  Way 
which  they  call  a  sect,  so  serve  I  the  God  of  our 
fathers"  (just  as  the  Pharisees  were  "a  sect");  it 
is  tr<i  "heresies"  (1  Cor  11  19,  m  "sects,"  ARV 
"factions,"  m  "Gr  'heresies' ";  ERV  reverses  the 
ARV  text  and  margin;  Gal  5  20,  ARV  "parties," 
m  "heresies";  ERV  reverses  text  and  margin;  2 
Pet  2  1,  "damnable  heresies,"  RV  "destructive 
heresies,"  m  "sects  of  perdition");  the  "sect"  in 
itself  might  be  harmless;  it  was  the  teaching  or 
principles  which  should  be  followed  by  those  sects 
that  would  make  them  "destructive."  Hairesis 
occurs  in  1  Mace  8  30  ("They  shall  do  it  at  their 
pleasure,"  i.e.  "choice");  cf  LXX  Lev  22  18.21. 
See  Heresy.  W.  L.  Walker 

SECU,  se'ku  ODtS ,  sekhu;  B,  Iv  tu  Se<j)£C,  entd 
Sephei,  A,  «v  2okx»,  en  Sokcho;  AV  Sechu) :  This 
name  occurs  only  in  the  account  of  David's  visit 
to  Samuel  (1  S  19  22).  Saul,  we  are  told,  went 
to  "Ramah,  and  came  to  the  great  well  that  is  in 
Secu,"  where  he  inquired  after  Samuel  and  David. 
It  evidently  lay  between  the  residence  of  Saul  at 
Gibeah  and  Ramah.  It  is  impossible  to  come  to 
any  sure  conclusion  regarding  it.  Conder  suggested 
its  identification  with  Khirbet  Suioeikeh,  which  lies 
to  the  S.  of  Bireh.  This  is  possible,  but  perhaps  we 
should  read  with  LXX  B,  "He  came  to  the  cistern  of 
the  threshing-floor  that  is  on  the  bare  hill"  {en  to 
Sephei).  The  threshing-floors  in  the  East  are  natu- 
rally on  high  exposed  ground  where  this  is  possible, 
and  often  form  part  of  the  area  whence  water  in  the 
rainy  season  is  conducted  to  cisterns.  This  might 
have  been  a  place  actually  within  the  city  of  Ramah. 

W.   EwiNG 

SECUNDUS,  sC-kun'dus  (WH,  2^ko«v8os,  Se- 
koundos,  TR,  SckoOvSos,  Sekoundos) :  A  Thessa- 
lonian  who  was  among  tho.se  who  accompanied 
Paul  from  Greece  to  Asia  (Acts  20  4).  They  had 
preceded  Paul  and  waited  for  him  at  Troas.  If  he 
were  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  churches  in 
Macedonia  and  Greece,  intrusted  with  their  con- 
tributions to  Jerus  (Acts  24  17;  2  Cor  8  23),  he 
probably  accompanied  Paul  as  far  as  Jerus.  The 
name  is  found  in  a  list  of  politarchs  on  a  Thessa- 
lonian  inscription. 

SECURE,  ss-kur',  SECURITY,  s?-ku'ri-ti:  The 
word  bdtah  and  its  derivatives  in  Heb  point  to  se- 


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cvirity,  either  real  or  imaginary.  Thus  we  read  of 
a  host  that  "was  secure"  (Jgs  8  11)  and  of  those 
"that  provoke  God  [and]  are  secure"  (Job  12  6); 
but  also  of  a  security  that  rests  in  hope  and  is  safe 
(Job  11  IS).  The  iiT  words  Troiiuj  aiMepljxmvs,  poied 
amerltnnous,  used  in  Mt  28  14  [AV  "secure  you"], 
guarantee  the  safety  of  the  soldiers,  who  witnessed 
against  themselves,  in  the  telling  of  the  story  of 
the  disappearance  of  the  body  of  Christ. 

Securely  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "trustful,"  "not 
anticipating  danger"  (Prov  3  29;  Mic  2  8;  Ecclus 
4  15). 

The  word  lKav6v^  hihanon,  tr*  security  (Acts  17 
9),  may  stand  either  for  a  guaranty  of  good  behavior 
exacted  from,  or  for  some  form  of  punishment  in- 
flicted on,  Jason  and  his  followers  by  the  rulers  of 
Thessalonica.  Heney  E.  Dosker 

SEDECIAS,  sed-5-si'as:  AV  =  RV  Sedekias 
(q.v.). 

SEDEKIAS,  sed-e-ki'as: 

(1)  (BA,  ^eieKlas,  Sedekias;  AV  Zedechias) :  1  Esd 
1  46  (44)=Zedekiah  kingof  Judah;  also  in  Bar  1  8 
where  AV  reads  "Sedecias." 

(2)  In  Bar  1  1  (AV  "Sedecias"),  an  ancestor  of 
Baruch,  "the  son  of  Asadias,"  sometimes  (but  in- 
correctly) identified  with  the  false  prophet  "Zede- 
kiah  the  son  of  Maaseiah"  (Jer  29  21). 

SEDITION,  s5-dish'un:   The  tr  in  Ezr  4  15.19 

for  "I'l'inipS ,  'eshtaddur,  "struggling,"  "revolt"; 
in  2  Esd  15  16  for  inconslahilitio,  "instabihty," 
with  "be  seditious"  for  o-rairicifu),  stasidzo,  "rise  in 
rebellion"  in  2  Mace  14  6.  In  addition,  AV  has 
"sedition"  for  o-Tcieris,  stasis,  "standing  up,"  "re- 
volt" (RV  "insurrection")  in  Lk  23  19.25;  Acts 
24  5,  with  Sixoaraa-ia,  dichostasia,  "a  standing 
asunder"  (RV  ''division")  in  Gal  5  20.  _  As  "sedi- 
tion" does  not  include  open  violence  against  a  gov- 
ernment, the  word  should  not  have  been  used  in 
any  of  the  above  cases. 

SEDUCE,  sS-dtls',  SEDUCER,  se-dus'er  (Hiphil 
of  nyu ,  ta'ah,  or  n7ri ,  la'ah,  "to  err";  of  HrS , 
pdthah,  "to  be  simple";  irXavdw,  plandd,  dn-oirXavdu, 
apoplando,  "to  lead  astray") :  (1)  The  word  "seduce" 
is  only  used  in  the  Bible  in  its  general  meaning  of  "to 
lead  astray,"  "to  cause  to  err,"  as  from  the  paths  of 
truth,  duty  or  religion.  It  occurs  in  AV  and  RV 
Ezk  13  10;  2  K  21  9;  1  Tim  4  1;  Rev  2  20; 
in  AV  only,  Prov  12  26  (RV  "causeth  to  err"); 
Isa  19  13  (RV  "caused  to  go  astray");  Mk  13  22; 
1  Jn  2  26  (RV  "lead  astray").  The  noun  "seducer" 
(2  Tim  3  13  AV,  yiv^,  goes)  is  correctly  changed 
in  RV  into  "impostor."  (2)  It  is  not  found  in  its 
specific  sense  of  "to  entice  a  female  to  surrender  her 
chastity."  Yet  the  crime  itself  is  referred  to  and 
condemned. 

Three  cases  are  to  be  distingui.shed :  (a)  The  seduction 
of  an  imbetrothed  virgin:  In  this  case  the  seducer  ac- 
cording to  JE  (Ex  22  16  f)  is  to  be  compelled  to  take  the 
virgin  as  his  "wife,  if  the  father  consents,  and  to  pay  the 
latter  tlie  usual  purchase  price,  the  amount  of  which  is 
not  defined.  In  tlie  Deuteronomlc  Code  (Dt  22  2.S)  the 
amount  is  flxed  at  50  shel£els,  and  the  seducer  forfeits  the 
right  of  divorce,  (b)  The  seduction  of  a  betrothed  virgin : 
This  case  (Dt  22  23-27;  not  referred  to  in  the  other 
codes)  is  treated  as  virtually  one  of  adultery,  tlie  virgin 
being  regarded  as  pledged  to  her  future  husband  as  fully 
as  if  she  were  formally  married  to  him ;  the  penalty  there- 
fore is  the  same  as  for  adultery,  viz.  death  for  both  parties 
(except  in  the  case  where  the  girl  can  reasonably  be 
acquitted  of  blame,  in  which  case  the  man  only  is  put  to 
death) .  (c)  The  seduction  of  a  betrothed  bondmaid  (men- 
tioned only  in  Lev  19  20-22) :  Here  there  is  no  infliction 
of  death,  because  the  girl  was  not  free;  but  the  seducer 
shall  make  a  trespass  ofrering,  besides  paying  the  fine. 
See  Crimes;  Punishments. 

D.  Miall  Edwards 


SEE,  se:  In  addition  to  the  ordinary  sense  of 
perceiving  by  the  eye,  we  have  (1)  nj^  ,  hazah,  "to 
see"  (in  vision):  "Words  of  Amos  ....  which  he 
saw  concerning  Israel"  (Am  1  1).  The  revelation 
was  made  to  his  inward  eye.  "The  word  of  Jeh 
....  which  he  [Micah]  saw  concerning  Samaria" 
(Mic  1  1),  describing  what  he  saw  in  prophetic 
vision  (cf  Hab  1  1);  see  Revelation,  III,  4;  (2) 
opdu,  hordo,  "to  take  heed":  "See  thou  say  noth- 
ing" (Mk  1  44);  (3)  ei5oi/,  eldon,  "to  know,"  "to 
note  with  the  mind":  "Jesus  saw  that  he  answered 
discreetly"  (Mk  12  34);  (4)  Bewp^a,  theoreo,  "to 
view,"  "to  have  knowledge  or  experience  of":  "He 
shall  never  see  death"  (Jn  8  51).      M.O.Evans 

SEED,  sed  (OT  always  for  yiT,  zera\  Aram. 
[Dnl  2  43]  ynr,  z'ra\  except  in'  Joel  1  17  for 
ninns,  pTudhmh  [pi.  RV  "seeds,"  AV  "seed"], 
and  Lev  19  19  [AV  "mingled  seed"]  and  Dt  22  9 
[AV  "divers  seeds"]  for  CXbS  ,  hiVayim,  lit.  "two 
kinds,"  RV  "two  kinds  of  seed."  Invariably  in 
Gr  Apoc  and  usually  in  the  NT  for  o-ir^ppia,  sperma, 
but  Mk  4  26.27;  Lk  8  5.11;  2  Cor  9  10  for 
o-TTopos,  spdros,  and  1  Pet  1  23  for  o-iropa,  spord) : 
(1)  For  "seed"  in  its  literal  sense  see  Agriculture. 
Of  interest  is  the  method  of  measuring  land  by 
means  of  the  amount  of  seed  that  could  be  sown  on 
it  (Lev  27  16).  The  prohibition  against  using 
two  kinds  of  seed  in  the  same  field  (Lev  19  19; 
Dt  22  9)  undoubtedly  rests  on  the  fact  that  the 
practice  had  some  connection  with  Canaanitish 
worship,  making  the  whole  crop  "consecrated" 
{taboo).  Jer  31  27  uses  "seed  of  man"  and  "seed 
of  beast"  as  a  figure  for  the  means  by  which  God 
will  increase  the  prosperity  of  Israel  (i.e.  "seed 
yielding  men").  (2)  For  the  transferred  physio- 
logical apphcatiou  of  the  word  to  human  beings 
(Lev  15  16,  etc)  see  Clean;  Unclean.  The  con- 
ception of  Christians  as  "born"  or  "begotten" 
of  God  (see  Regeneration)  gave  rise  to  the 
figure  in  1  Pet  1  23;  1  Jn  3  9.  If  the  imagery 
is  to  be  stressed,  the  Holy  Spirit   is  meant.     In 

1  Jn  3  9  a  doctrine  of  certain  Gnostics  is  opposed. 
They  taught  that  by  learning  certain  formulas 
and  by  submitting  to  certain  rites,  union  with 
God  and  salvation  could  be  attained  without  holi- 
ness of  life.  St.  John's  reply  is  that  union  with 
a  righteous  God  is  meaningless  without  righteous- 
ness as  an  ideal,  even  though  shortcomings  exist 
in  practice  (1  Jn  1  8).  (3)  From  the  physio- 
logical use  of  "seed"  the  transition  to  the  sense  of 
"offspring"  was  easy,  and  the  word  may  mean 
"children"  (Lev- 18  21,  etc)  or  even  a  single  child 
(Gen  4  25;  1  S  1  11  RVm).  Usually,  however, 
it  means  the  whole  posterity  (Gen  3  15,  etc);  ef 
"seed  royal"  (2  K  11  1,  etc),  and  "Abraham's 
seed"  (2  Ch  20  7,  etc)  or  "the  holy  seed"  (Ezr  9 
2;  Isa  6  13;  1  Esd  8  70;  cf  Jer  2  21)  as  desig- 
nations of  Israel.    So  "to  show  one's  seed"  (Ezr 

2  59:  Neh  7  61)  is  to  display  one's  genealogy, 
and  ''one's  seed"  may  be  simply  one's  nation,  con- 
ceived of  as  a  single  family  (Est  10  3).  From 
this  general  sense  there  developed  a  stiU  looser  use 
of  "seed"  as  meaning  simply  "men"  (Mai  2  15; 
Isa  1  4;   57  4;   Wisd  10  15;   12  11,  etc). 

In  Gal  3  16  St.  Paul  draws  a  distinction  between 
"seeds"  and  "seed"  that  has  for  its  purpose  a  proof 
that  the  promises  to  Abraham  were  realized  in 
Christ  and  not  in  Israel.  The  distinction,  how- 
ever, overstresses  the  language  of  the  OT,  which 
never  pluralizes  zera^  when  meaning  "descend- 
ants" (pi.  only  in  1  S  8  15;  cf  Rom  4  18;  9  7). 
But  in  an  argument  against  rabbinical  adversaries 
St.  Paul  was  obliged  to  use  rabbinical  methods 
(cf  Gal  4  25).  For  modern  purposes  it  is  probably 
best  to  treat  such  an  exegetical  method  as  belong- 


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Sedecias 
Sela 


ing  simply  to  the  (now  superseded)  science  of  the 
times.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

SEER,  se'er,  ser:  The  word  in  EV  represents  two 
Heb  words,  HSh,  ro'eh  (1  S  9  9.11.18.19;  2  S  15 
27;  1  Ch  9  22,  etc),  and  nth,  hozeh  (2  S  24  11; 
2  K  17  13;  1  Ch  21  9;  25'5;  29  29,  etc).  The 
former  designation  is  from  the  ordinary  vb.  "to see"; 
the  latter  is  connected  with  the  vb.  used  of  pro- 
phetic vision.  It  appears  from  1  S  9  9  that 
"seer"  (ro'eh)  was  the  older  name  for  those  who, 
after  the  rise  of  the  more  regular  orders,  were  called 
"prophets."  It  is  not  just,  however,  to  speak  of  the 
"seers"  or  "prophets"  of  Samuel's  time  as  on  the 
level  of  mere  fortune-tellers.  What  insight  _  or 
vision  they  possessed  is  traced  to  God's  Spirit. 
Samuel  was  the  ro'eh  by  preeminence,  and  the  name 
is  little  used  after  his  time.  Individuals  who  bear 
the  title  "seer"  Qiozeh)  are  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  kings  and  as  historiographers  (2  S  24  1 1 ; 
1  Ch  21  9;  25  5;  29  29;  2  Ch  9  29;  12  15; 
19  2,  etc),  and  distinction  is  sometimes  made  be- 
tween "prophets"  and  "seers"  (2  K  17  13;  1  Ch 
29  29,  etc).  Havernick  thinks  that  "seer"  denotes 
one  who  does  not  belong  to  the  regular  prophetic 
order  (Intro  to  OT,  50  ff,  ET),  but  it  is  not  easy  to 
fix  a  precise  distinction.     See  Prophet,  Prophecy. 

James  Orr 

SEETHE,  seth;  Old  Eng.  for  "boil";  past  tense, 
"sod"  (Gen  25  29),  past  participle,  "sodden"  (Lam 
4  10).     See  Ex  23  19  AV. 

SEGUB,  se'gub  (a^Si?,  s'ghuhh  [K're],  niJTP , 
s'ghlbh  [KHhibh];  B,  Ze-yovP,  Zegoub,  A,  Se-yoip, 
Segoub)  : 

(1)  The  youngest  son  of  Hiel,  the  rebuilder  of 
Jericho  (1  K  16  34).  The  death  of  Segub  is 
probably  connected  with  the  primitive  custom  of 
laying  foundations  with  blood,  as,  indeed,  skulls 
were  found  built  in  with  the  brickwork  when  the 
tower  of  Bel  at  Nippur  was  excavated.  See  Gezer. 
If  the  death  of  the  two  sons  was  based  on  the  custom 
just  mentioned,  the  circumstance  was  deliberately 
obscured  in  the  present  account.  The  death  of 
Segub  may  have  been  due  to  an  accident  in  the 
setting  up  of  the  gates.  In  any  event,  tradition 
finally  yoked  the  death  of  Hiel's  oldest  and  youngest 
sons  with  a  curse  said  to  have  been  pronounced 
by  Joshua  on  the  man  that  should  venture  to  rebuild 
Jericho  (Josh  6  26). 

(2)  Son  of  Hezron  and  father  of  Jair  (1  Ch  2  21). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SEIR,  se'ir: 

(1)  ("liytJ  in,  har  seHr,  "Mt.  Sen-"  [Gen  14  6, 
etc],  TW  "flS,  'eres  se'lr  [Gen  32  3,  etc];  ri  Spos 
"Zvelp,  id  6ros  s'eeir,  yv  ^v^^P,  gi  Seelr) :  In  Gen  32 
3  "the  land  of  Seir"  is  equated  with  "the  field  of 
Edom."  The  Mount  and  the  Land  of  Seir  are 
alternative  appellations  of  the  mountainous  tract 
which  runs  along  the  eastern  side  of  the  Arabah, 
occupied  by  the  descendants  of  Esau,  who  suc- 
ceeded the  ancient  Horites  (Gen  14  6;  36  20), 
"cave-dwellers,"  in  possession.  For  a  description 
of  the  land  see  Edom. 

(2)  (1"'yi9  in,  har  se'ir;  B,  'Airirdp,  Assdr,  A, 
S-nelp,  Seeir):  A  landmark  on  the  boundary  of 
Judah  (Josh  15  10),  not  far  from  Kiriath-jearim 
and  Chesalon.  The  name  means  shaggy,  and 
probably  here  denoted  a  wooded  height.  It  may  be 
that  part  of  the  range  which  runs  N.E.  from  Saris  by 
Karyat  el-'Anab  and  Biddu  to  the  plateau  of  el-Jib. 
traces  of  an  ancient  forest  are  still  to  be  seen  here. 

W.  EwiNG 
SEIRAH,  s5-I'ra,  se'i-ra  (n'l"'??ton ,  ha-s'Hrah;  B, 
2eT€ipio9d,   Seteirothd,   A,   Sccipweo,  Seeirdtha;   AV 


Seirath):  The  place  to  which  Ehud  escaped  after 
his  assassination  of  Eglon,  king  of  Moab  (Jgs  3  26). 
The  name  is  from  the  same  root  as  the  foregoing, 
and  probably  applied  to  some  shaggy  forest.  The 
quarries  by  which  he  passed  are  said  to  have  been 
by  Gilgal  (ver  19),  but  there  is  nothing  to  guide  us 
to  an  identification.  Onom  gives  the  name,  but  no 
indication  of  the  site. 

SEIRATH,  sS-i'rath,  se'i-rath.     See  Seirah. 

SELA,  se'la  (7bD  ,  sela\  rbon  ,  ha-sela'  [with  the 
art.];  ii-^Tpa,  petra,  tj  ir^rpa,  he  petra;  AV  Selah 
[2  K  14  7]) :  EV  renders  this  as  the  name  of  a  city 
in  2  K  14  7;  Isa  16  1.  In  Jgs  1  36;  2  Ch  25 
12;  and  Ob  ver  3,  it  translates  lit.  "rock";  but 
RVm  in  each  case  "Sela."  It  is  impossible  to 
assume  with  Hull  (HDB,  s.v.)  that  this  name,  when 
it  appears  in  Scripture,  always  refers  to  the  capital 
of  Edom,  the  great  city  in  TFddj/Afusa.  In  Jgs  1  36 
its  association  with  the  Ascent  of  Akrabbim  shuts  us 
up  to  a  position  toward  the  southwestern  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  Probably  in  that  case  it  does  not  denote 
a  city,  but  some  prominent  crag.  Moore  ("Judges," 
ICC,  56),  following  Buhl,  would  identify  it  with 
e^-Safieh,  "a  bare  and  dazzlingly  white  sandstone 
promontory  1,000  ft.  high,  E.  of  the  mud  flats  of 
es-Sebkah,  and  2  miles  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea."  _  A  more 
probable  identification  is  a  high  cliff  which  com- 
mands the  road  leading  from  Wddy  el-Milh,  "valley 
of  Salt,"  to  Edom,  over  the  pass  of  Akrabbim.  This 
was  a  position  of  strategic  importance,  and  if  forti- 
fied would  be  of  great  strength.  (In  this  passage 
"Edomites"  must  be  read  for  "Amorites.'')  The 
victory  of  Amaziah  was  won  in  the  Valley  of  Salt. 
He  would  naturally  turn  his  arms  at  once  against 
this  stronghold  (2  K  14  7) ;  and  it  may  well  be  the 
rock  from  the  top  of  which  he  hurled  his  prisoners 
(2  Ch  25  12).  He  called  it  Jokteel,  a  name  the 
meaning  of  which  is  obscure.  Possibly  it  is  the 
same  as  Jekuthiel  (1  Ch  4  18),  and  may  mean 
"preservation  of  God"  {OHL,  s.v.).  No  traceof 
this  name  has  been  found.  The  narratives  in  which 
the  place  is  mentioned  put  identification  with  Petra 
out  of  the  question. 

"The  rock"  (RVm  "Sela")  in  Ob  ver  .3.  in  the  phrase 
"thou  that  dwellest  in  the  clefts  of  the  rock,"  is  only  a 
vivid  and  picturesque  description  of  Mt.  Edom.  "The 
purple  mountains  into  which  the  wild  sons  of  Esau 
clambered  run  out  from  Syria  upon  the  desert,  some 
hundred  miles  by  twenty,  of  porphyry  and  red  sandstone. 
They  are  said  to  be  the  finest  rock  scenery  in  the  world. 
'Salvator  Rosa  never  conceived  so  savage  and  so  suit- 
able a  haunt  for  banditti . '  ....  The  interior  is  reached 
by  defiles  so  narrow  that  two  horsemen  may  scarcely 
ride  abreast,  and  the  sun  is  shut  out  by  the  overhanging 

rocks Little   else  than  wild  fowls'  nests  are  the 

villages:  human  eyries  perched  on  high  shelves  or  hidden 
away  in  caves  at  the  ends  of  the  deep  gorges"  (G.  A. 
Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  11,  178  f). 

In  Isa  16  1;  42  11  RV,  perhaps  we  have  a 
reference  to  the  great  city  of  Petra.  Jos  {Ant,  IV, 
vii,  1)  tells  us  that  among  the  kings  of  the  Midianites 
who  fell  before  Moses  was  one  Rekem,  king  of 
Rekem  {akre,  or  rekeme),  the  city  deriving  its  name 
from  its  founder.  This  he  says  was  the  Arab,  name; 
the  Greeks  called  it  Petra.  Onom  says  Petra  is  a 
city  of  Arabia  in  the  land  of  Edom.  It  is  called 
Jechthoel;  but  the  Syrians  call  it  Rekem.  Jokteel, 
as  we  have  seen,  must  be  sought  elsewhere.^  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Jos  intended  the  city  in  Wddy 
Musa.  Its  OT  name  was  Bozrah  (Am  1  12,  etc). 
Wetzstein  {Excursus  in  Delitzsch's  Isa',  696  ff) 
hazards  the  conjecture  that  the  complete  ancient 
name  was  Bozrat  has-Sela,  "Bozrah  of  the  Rook." 
This  "rose-red  city  half  as  old  as  Time" 

was  for  long  difficult  of  access,  and  the  attempt  to 
visit  it  was  fraught  with  danger.  In  recent  years, 
however,  it  has  been  seen  by  many  tourists  and 


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exploring  parties.  Of  the  descriptions  written  the 
best  is  undoubtedly  that  of  Professor  Daknan  of 
Jerus  [Petra  mid  seine  Felsheiligtumer,  Leipzig, 
1908).  An  excellent  account  of  this  wonderful  city, 
brightly  and  interestingly  written,  will  be  found  in 
Libbey  and  Hoskins'  book  (The  Jordan  Valley  and 
Petra,  New  York  and  London,  1905;  see  also  Na- 
tional Geographic  Magazine,  May,  1907,  Washington, 
D.C.).  The  ruins  lie  along  the  sides  of  a  spacious 
hollow  siu-rounded  by  the  many-hued  cliffs  of  Edom, 
just  before  they  sink  into  the  Arabah  on  the  W.  It 
is  near  the  base  of  Jebel   HarUn,  about  50  miles 


Entrance  to  the  Sllc. 

from  the  Dead  Sea,  and  just  N.  of  the  watershed 
between  that  sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Alvaba.  The 
valley  owes  its  modern  name,  Wady  Milsa,  "Valley 
of  IMoses,"  to  its  connection  with  Moses  in  Moham- 
medan legends.  While  not  wholly  inaccessible 
from  other  directions,  the  two  usual  approaches 
are  that  from  the  S.W.  by  a  rough  path,  partly 
artificial,  and  that  from  the  E.  The  latter  is  by 
far  the  more  important.  The  valley  closes  to  the 
E.,  the  only  opening  being  through  a  deep  and 
narrow  defile,  called  the  Sik,  "shaft,"  about  a  mile 
in  length.  In  the  bottom  of  the  SJk  flows  westward 
the  stream  that  rises  at  'Ain  Mfisa.  E.  of  the 
cleft  is  the  village  of  Elji,  an  ancient  site,  corre- 
sponding to  Gaia  of  Onom.  Passing  this  village, 
the  road  tlireads  its  way  along  the  shadowy  wind- 
ing gorge,  overhung  by  lofty  cliffs.  When  the 
valley  is  reached,  a  sight  of  extraordinary  beauty 


and  impressiveness  opens  to  the  beholder.  The 
temples,  the  tombs,  the  theater,  etc,  hewn  with 
great  skill  and  infinite  pains  from  the  living  rock, 
have  defied  to  an  astonishing  degree  the  tooth  of 
time,  many  of  the  carvings  being  as  fresh  as  if  they 
had  been  cut  yesterday.  An  idea  of  the  scale  on 
which  the  work  was  done  may  be  gathered  from  the 
size  of  the  theater,  which  furnished  accommodation 
for  no  fewer  than  3,000  spectators. 

Such  a  position  could  not  have  been  overlooked 
in  ancient  times;  and  we  are  safe  to  assume  that  a 
city  of  importance  must  always  have  existed  here. 
It  is  under  the  Nabataeans,  however,  that  Petra 
begins  to  play  a  prominent  part  in  history.  This 
people  took  possession  about  the  end  of  the  4th 
cent.  BC,  and  continued  their  sway  until  overcome 
by  Hadrian,  who  gave  his  own  name  to  the  city — 
Hadriana.  This  name,  however,  soon  disappeared. 
Under  the  Romans  Petra  saw  the  days  of  her 
greatest  splendor. 

According  to  old  tradition  St.  Paul  visited  Petra 
when  he  went  into  Arabia  (Gal  1  17).  Of  this  there 
is  no  certainty;  but  Christianity  was  early  intro- 
duced, and  the  city  became  the  seat  of  a  bishopric. 
Under  the  Nabataeans  she  was  the  center  of  the 
great  caravan  trade  of  that  time.  The  merchandise 
of  the  East  was  brought  hither;  and  hence  set  out 
the  caravans  for  the  South,  the  West,  and  the 
North.  The  great  highway  across  the  desert  to 
the  Pers  Gulf  was  practically  in  her  hands.  The 
fall  of  the  Nabataean  power  gave  Palmyra  her 
chance;  and  her  supremacy  in  the  commerce  of 
Northern  Arabia  dates  from  that  time.  Petra 
shared  in  the  declining  fortunes  of  Rome;  and  her 
death  blow  was  dealt  by  the  conquering  Moslems, 
who  desolated  Arabia  Petraea  in  629-32  AD.  The 
place  now  furnishes  a  retreat  for  a  few  poor  Bedawy 
families.  W.  Ewinq 

SELA-HAMMAHLEKOTH,  se-la-ha-male-koth, 
-koth  (nipbrrsn  rbo  ,  sela^  ha-mahl''koth;  -rrirpa  r\ 
(iepio-Oeio-a,  petra  he  meristheisa) :  "The  rock  of 
divisions  (or,  escape)"  (1  S  23  28m).  "Saul  .... 
pursued  after  David  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon. 
And  Saul  went  on  this  side  of  the  mountain,  and 
David  and  his  men  on  that  side  of  the  mountain: 
and  David  made  haste  to  get  away  for  fear  of  Saul" 
(1  S  23  25.26).  The  name  seems  to  survive  in 
Wddy  Malaki,  "the  great  gorge  which  breaks  down 
between  Carmel  and  Maon  eastward,  with  vertical 
chffs"  {PEF,  III,  314,  Sh  XXI). 

SELAH,  sela.     See  Music,  II,  1. 

SELED,  se'led  (nbo ,  ijeledh) :  A  Jerahmeelite 
(1  Ch  2  30  6is). 

SELEMIA,  sel-5-mI'a:  One  of  the  swift  scribes 
whose  services  Ezra  was  commanded  to  secure 
(2  Esd  14  24).  The  name  is  probably  identical 
with  Sblemias  of  1  Esd  9  34  (q.v.). 

SELEMIAS,  seI-5-mi'as  (2e\e(j.£as,  Selemias) :  One 
of  those  who  put  away  their  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd 
9  34)  =  "Shelemiah"  in  Ezr  10  39,  and  probably 
identical  with  "Selemia"  in  2  Esd  14  24. 

SELEUCIA,  sS-lu'slii-a  (StXeuKta,  Seleukia): 
The  seaport  of  Antioch  from  which  it  is  16  miles 
distant.  It  is  situated  5  miles  N.  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Orontes,  in  the  northwestern  comer  of  a  fruit- 
ful plain  at  the  base  of  Mt.  Rhosus  or  Pieria,  the 
modern  Jebel  MUsa,  a  spur  of  the  Amanus  Range. 
Built  by  Seleucus  Nicator  (d.  280  BC)  it  was  one 
of  the  Syrian  Tetrapolis,  the  others  being  Apameia, 
Laodicea   and   Antioch.     The   city  was   protected 


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by  nature  on  the  mountain  side,  and,  being  strongly 
fortified  on  the  S.  and  W.,  was  considered  invulner- 
able and  the  key  to  Syria  (Strabo  751;  Polyb.  v.58). 
It  was  taken,  however,  by  Ptolemy  Euergetea 
(1  Mace  11  8)  and  remained  in  his  family  till 
219  BC,  when  it  was  recovered  for  the  Seleucids  by 
Antiochus  the  Great,  who  then  richly  adorned  it. 
Captured  again  by  Ptolemy  Philometor  in  146  BC, 
it  remained  for  a  short  time  in  the  hands  of  the 
Egyptians.  Pompey  made  it  a  free  city  in  64  BC 
in  return  for  its  energy  in  resisting  Tigranes  (Pliny, 
NH,  V.18),  and  it  was  then  greatly  improved  by 
the  Romans,  so  that  in  the  1st  cent.  AD  it  was  in  a 
most  flourishing  condition. 

On  their  first  missionary  journey  Paul  and  Barna- 
bas passed  through  it  (Acts  13  4;  14  26),  and 
though  it  is  not  named  in  Acts  15  30.39,  this 
route  is  again  impUed;  while  it  is  excluded  in 
Acts  15  3. 

The  ruins  are  very  extensive  and  cover  the  whole 
space  within  the  line  of  the  old  walls,  which  shows 
a  circuit  of  four  miles.  The  position  of  the  Old 
Town,  the  Upper  City  and  the  suburbs  may  still 
be  identified,  as  also  that  of  the  Antioeh  Gate, 
the  Market  Gate  and  the  King's  Gate,  which 
last  leads  to  the  Upper  City.  There  are  rock-cut 
tombs,  broken  statuary  and  sarcophagi  at  the  base 
of  the  Upper  City,  a  position  which  probably  repre- 
sents the  burial  place  of  the  Seleucids.  The  outline 
of  a  circus  or  amphitheater  can  also  be  traced,  while 
the  inner  harbor  is  in  perfect  condition  and  full  of 
water.  It  is  2,000  ft.  long  by  1,200  ft.  broad,  and 
covers  47  acres,  being  oval  or  pear-shaped.  The 
passage  seaward,  now  silted  up,  was  protected 
by  two  strong  piers  or  moles,  which  are  locally 
named  after  Barnabas  and  Paul.  The  most  re- 
markable of  the  remains,  however,  is  the  great  water 
canal  behind  the  city,  which  the  emperor  Con- 
stantius  cut  through  the  solid  rock  in  338  AD. 
It  is  3,074  ft.  long,  has  an  average  breadth  of  20  ft., 
and  is  in  some  places  120  ft.  deep.  Two  portions 
of  102  and  293  ft.  in  length  are  tunneled.  The  object 
of  the  work  was  clearly  to  carry  the  mountain  tor- 
rent direct  to  the  sea,  and  so  protect  the  city  from 
the  risk  of  flood  during  the  wet  season. 

Church  synods  occasionally  met  in  Seleucia  in 
the  early  centuries,  but  it  gradually  sank  into  decay, 
and  long  before  the  advent  of  Islam  it  had  lost  all 
its  significance.  W.  M.  Christie 

SELEUCIDAE,  se-lu'si-de.     See  Sbleucus. 

SELEUCtrS,  sS-lu'kus  (2A.evKos,  Seleukos) : 

(1)  Seleucus  I  (Nicator,  "The  Conqueror"),  the 
founder  of  the  Seleucidae  or  House  of  Seleucus,  was 
an  officer  in  the  grand  and  thoroughly  equipped 
army,  which  was  perhaps  the  most  important  part  of 
the  inheritance  that  came  to  Alexander  the  Great 
from  his  father,  Phihp  of  Macedon.  He  took  part  in 
Alexander's  Asiatic  conquests,  and  on  the  division 
of  these  on  Alexander's  death  he  obtained  the 
satrapy  of  Babylonia.  By  later  conquests  and  un- 
der the  name  of  king,  which  he  assumed  in  the 
year  306,  he  became  ruler  of  Syria  and  the  greater 
part  of  Asia  Minor.  His  rule  extended  from  312 
to  280  BC,  the  year  of  his  death;  at  least  the 
Seleucid  era  which  seems  to  be  referred  to  in  1  Mace 
1  16  is  reckoned  from  Seleucus  I,  312  BC  to  6.5  BC, 
when  Pompey  reduced  the  kingdom  of  Syria  to  a 
Rom  province.  He  followed  generally  the  policy 
of  Alexander  in  spreading  Gr  civilization.  He 
founded  Antioeh  and  its  port  Seleucia,  and  is  said 
by  Jos  {Ant,  XII,  iii,  1)  to  have  conferred  civic 
privileges  upon  the  Jews.  The  reference  m  Dnl  11 
5  is  usually  understood  to  be  to  this  ruler. 

(2)  Seleucus  II  (Calhnicus,  "The  Gloriously 
Triumphant"),  who  reigned  from  246  to  226  BC, 


was  the  son  of  Antiochus  Soter  and  is  "the  king  of 
the  north"  in  Dnl  11  7-9,  who  was  expelled  from 
his  kingdom  by  Ptolemy  Euergetes. 

(3)  Seleucus  III  (Ceraunus,  "Thunderbolt"), 
son  of  Seleucus  II,  was  assassinated  in  a  campaign 
which  he  undertook  into  Asia  Minor.  He  had  a 
short  reign  of  rather  more  than  2  years  (226-223 
BC)  and  is  referred  to  in  Dnl  11  10. 

(4)  Seleucus  IV  (Philopator,  "Fond  of  his 
Father")  was  the  son  and  successor  of  Antiochus 
the  Great  and  reigned  from  187  to  175  BC.  He  is 
called  "King  of  Asia"  (2  Mace  3  3),  a  title  claimed 
by  the  Seleucidae  even  after  their  serious  losses 
in  Asia  Minor  ('see  1  Mace  8  6;  11  13;  12  39; 
13  32).  He  was  present  at  the  decisive  battle 
of  Magnesia  (190  BC).  He  was  murdered  by 
Heliodobus  (q.v.),  one  of  his  own  courtiers  whom 
he  had  sent  to  plunder  the  Temple  (2  Mace  3  1-40; 
Dnl  11  20). 

For  the  connection  of  the  above-named  Seleucidae 
with  the  "ten  horns"  of  Dnl  7  24,  the  commentators 
must  be  consulted. 

Seleucus  V  (12.5-124  BC)  and  Seleucus  VI 
(95-93  BC)  have  no  connection  with  the  sacred 
narrative.  J.  Hutchison 

SELF-CONTROL,  self-kon-trol'  (IvKpdTcta,  egkrd- 
teia):  Rendered  in  AV  "temperance"  (cf  Lat 
temperatio  and  conlinentia),  but  more  accurately 
"self-control,"  as  in  RV  (Acts  24  25;  Gal  5  23; 
2  Pet  1  6);  adj.  of  same,  iyKparris,  egkraies, 
"self -con trolled"  (Tit  1  8  RV);  cf  vb.  forms  in 
1  Cor  7  9,  "have  ....  continency" ;  9  25,  the 
athlete  "exerciseth  self-control."  Self-control  is 
therefore  repeatedly  set  forth  in  the  NT  as  among 
the  important  Christian  virtues. 

SELF-RIGHTEOUSNESS,  self-ri'chus-nes:  A 
term  that  has  come  to  designate  moral  living  as  a 
way  of  salvation;  or  as  a  ground  for  neglecting  the 
redemptive  work  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  thought  is 
present  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  who  spoke  one 
parable  particularly  to  such  as  reckoned  themselves 
to  be  righteous  (Lk  18  9  ff ) .  The  Pharisees  quite 
generally  resented  the  idea  of  Jesus  that  all  men 
needed  repentance  and  they  most  of  all.  They 
regarded  themselves  as  righteous  and  looked  with 
contempt  on  "sinners."  Paul  in  all  his  writings, 
esp.  Rom  3;  Gal  3;  Eph  2;  Phil  3,  contrasts  the 
righteousness  that  is  God's  gift  to  men  of  faith 
in  Jesus  Christ,  with  righteousness  that  is  "of  the 
law"  and  "in  the  flesh."  By  this  latter  he  means 
formal  conformity  to  legal  requirements  in  the 
strength  of  unregenerate  human  nature.  He  is 
careful  to  maintain  (cf  Rom  7)  that  the  Law  is 
never  reaUy  kept  by  one' s  own  power.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  full  agreement  with  Jesus,  Paul  looks  to 
genuine  righteousness  in  Hving  as  the  demand  and 
achievement  of  salvation  based  on  faith.  God's  gift 
here  consists  in  the  capacity  progressively  to  realize 
righteousness  in  hfe  (cf  Rom  8  1  ff).  See  also 
Sanctification.  William  Owen  Carver 

SELF-SURRE  NDER,  self-su-ren  'der :  The  strug- 
gle between  the  natural  human  impulses  of  self- 
seeking,  self-defence  and  the  like,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  more  altruistic  impulse  toward  self- 
denial,  self-surrender,  on  the  other,  is  as  old  as 
the  race.  All  religions  imply  some  conception  of 
surrender  of  self  to  deity,  ranging  in  ethical  quality 
from  a  heathen  fanaticism  which  impels  to  complete 
physical  exhaustion  or  rapture,  superinduced  by 
more  or  less  mechanical  means,  to  the  high  spiritual 
quality  of  self-sacrifice  to  the  divinest  aims  and 
achievements.  The  Scriptures  represent  self-sur- 
render as  among  the  noblest  of  human  virtues. 


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/.  In  the  OT. — In  the  OT  self-surrender  is  taught 

in  the  early  account  ot  the  first  pair.     Each  was  to 

be  given  to  the  other  (Gen  2  24;  3  16i) 

1.  nius-  and  both  were  to  be  surrendered  to 
trious  Ex-  God  in  perfect  obedience  (3  1-15). 
amples  The    faithful    ones,    throughout    the 

Bible  narratives,  were  characterized 
by  self-surrender.  Abraham  abandons  friends  and 
native  country  to  go  to  a  land  unknown  to  him, 
because  God  called  him  to  do  so  (12  1).  He 
would  give  up  all  his  cherished  hopes  in  his  only 
son  Isaac,  at  the  voice  of  God  (22  1-18).  Moses, 
at  the  caU  of  Jeh,  surrenders  self,  and  undertakes 
the  deliverance  of  his  fellow-Hebrews  (Ex  3  1 — 
4  13;  cf  He  11  25).  He  would  be  blotted  out  of 
God's  book,  if  only  the  people  might  be  spared 
destruction  (Ex  32  32). 

The  whole  Levitical  system  of  sacrifice  may  be 
said  to  imply  the  doctrine  of  self-surrender.     The 

nation  itself  was  a  people  set  apart  to 

2.  The  Jeh,  a  holy  people,  a  surrendered 
Levitical  nation  (Ex  19  5.6;  22  31;  Lev  20  7; 
System           Dt  7  6;      14  2).     The    whole    burnt 

offering  implied  the  complete  surrender 
of  the  worshipper  to  God  (Lev  1).  The  ceremony 
for  the  consecration  of  priests  emphasized  the  same 
fundamental  doctrine  (Lev  8) ;  so  also  the  law  as 
to  the  surrender  of  the  firstborn  child  (Ex  13  13  ff ; 
22  29). 

In  the  Divine  call  to  the  prophets  and  in  their 
life-work  self-surrender  is  prominent.     The  seer,  as 

such,  must  be  receptive  to  the  Divine 

3.  The  impress,  and  as  mouthpiece  of  God, 
Prophets        he  must  speak  not  his  own  words,  but 

God's:  "Thus  saith  the  Lord."  He 
was  to  be  a  "man  of  God,"  a  "man  of  the  spirit." 
'The  hand  of  the  Lord  was  upon  me'  (Ezk  13;  3 
14)  imphes  complete  Divine  mastery.  Isaiah  must 
submit  to  the  Divine  purification  of  his  lips,  and 
hearken  to  the  inquiry,  "Who  will  go  for  us?"  with 
the  surrendered  response,  "Here  am  I;  send  me" 
(Isa  6  8).  Jeremiah  must  yield  his  protestations 
of  weakness  and  inabilitj'  to  the  Divine  wisdom  and 
the  promise  of  endowment  from  above  (Jer  1  1-10). 
Ezekiel  surrenders  to  the  dangerous  and  difficult 
task  of  becoming  messenger  to  a  rebellious  house 
(Ezk  2  1—3  3).  Jonah,  after  flight  from  duty,  at 
last  surrenders  to  the  Divine  will  and  goes  to  the 
Ninevites  (Jon  3  3). 

On  the  return  of  the  faithful  remnant  from  cap- 
tivity, self-giving  for  the  sake  of  Israel's  faith  was 

dominant,  the  people  enduring  great 

4.  Post-  hardshiyjs  for  the  future  of  the  nation 
exilic  Ex-  and  the  accomplishment  of  Jeh's 
amples  purposes.     This   is   the   spirit   of   the 

great  Messianic  passage,  Lsa  53  7: 
"He  was  oppressed,  j'et  when  he  was  afflicted  he 
opened  not  his  mouth;  as  a  lamb  that  is  led  to  the 
slaughter,  and  as  a  sheep  that  before  its  shearers 
is  dumb,  so  he  opened  not  his  mouth."  Nchemiah 
surrendered  position  in  Shushan  to  help  reestablish 
the  returned  exiles  in  Jerus  (Neh  2  5).  Esther 
was  ready  to  surrender  her  life  in  pleading  for  the 
safety  of  her  people  (Est  4  16). 

//.  In  the  NT. — In  the  NT  self-surrender  is  still 
more  clearly  set  forth.  Christ's  teachings  and  ex- 
ample as  presented  in  the  Gospels,  give 
1.  Christ's  to  it  special  emphasis.  It  is  a  prime 
Teaching  requisite  for  becoming  His  disciple 
and  Ex-  (Mt  10  38 1;       16  24;       Lk  9  23.24. 

ample  59  f;    14  27.33;    cf  Mt  19  27;    Mk  8 

34).  When  certain  of  the  disciples 
were  called  they  left  all  and  foUowcd  (Mt  4  20; 
9  9;  Mk  2  14;  Lk  5  27  f).  His  followers  must  so 
completely  surrender  self,  as  that  father,  mother, 
kindred,  and  one's  own  life  must  be,  as  it  were, 
hated  for  His  sake  (Lk  14  26).     The  rich  young 


ruler  must  renounce  self  as  an  end  and  give  his  own 
life  to  the  service  of  men  (Mt  19  21;  Mk  10  21;  cf 
Lk  12  33).  But  this  surrender  of  seK  was  never  a 
loss  of  personality;  it  was  the  finding  of  the  true  self- 
hood (Mk  8  35;  Mt  10  39).  Our  Lord  not  only 
taught  self-surrender,  but  practised  it.  As  a  child, 
He  subjected  Himself  to  His  parents  (Lk  2  51). 
Self-surrender  marked  His  baptism  and  temptation 
(Mt  3  15;  4  Iff).  It  is  shown  in  His  life  of 
physical  privation  (8  20).  He  had  come  not  to  do 
His  own  will,  but  the  Father's  (Jn  4  34;  5  30; 
6  38) .  He  refuses  to  use  force  for  His  own  deliver- 
ance (Mt  26  53;  Jn  18  11).  In  His  person  God's 
will,  not  His  own,  must  be  done  (Mt  26  29;  Lk  22 
42) ;  and  to  the  Father  He  at  last  surrendered  His 
spirit  (Lk  23  46).  So  that  while  He  was  no  ascetic, 
and  did  not  demand  asceticism  of  His  followers,  He 
"emptied  himself  ....  becoming  obedient  even 
unto  death,  yea,  the  death  of  the  cross"  (Phil  2  7  f ; 
see  Kenosis)  . 

The  early  disciples  practised  the  virtue  of  self- 
surrender.     Counting  none  of  their  possessions  their 
own,  they  gave  to  the  good  of  all  (Acts 

2.  Acts  of  2  44.45;  4  34.35.37).  Stephen  and 
Apostles         others    threw    themselves    into    their 

witnessing  with  the  perfect  abandon  of 
the  martyr;  and  Stephen's  successor,  Paul,  counted 
not  his  life  dear  unto  himself  that  he  might  finish  the 
Divinely  appointed  course  (20  22-24). 

The  Epp.  are  permeated  with  the  doctrine  of 
self-surrender.     The  Pauline  Epp.  are  particularly 

full  of  it.     The  Christian  life  is  con- 

3.  Epistles    ceived  of  as  a  dying  to  self  and  to  the 
of  Paul  world — a  dj'ing  with  Christ,  a  cruci- 
fixion of  the  old  man,  that  a  new  man 

may  live  (Gal  2  20;  6  14;  Col  2  20;  3  3;  Rom 
6  6),  so  that  no  longer  the  man  lives  but  Christ  lives 
in  him  (Gal  2  20;  Phil  1  21).  The  Christian  is 
no  longer  his  own  but  Christ's  (1  Cor  6  19.20). 
He  is  to  be  a  hving  sacrifice  (Rom  12  1);  to  die 
daily  (1  Cor  15  31).  As  a  corollary  to  surrender 
to  God,  the  Christian  must  surrender  himself  to  the 
welfare  of  his  neighbor,  just  as  Christ  pleased  not 
Himself  (Rom  15  3);  also  to  leaders  (1  Cor  16 
16),  and  to  earthly  rulers  (Rom  13  1). 

In  the  Epp.   of   Peter  self-surrender   is  taught 

more  than  once.     Those  who  were  once  like  sheep 

astray  now  submit  to  the  guidance  of 

4.  Epistles  the  Shepherd  of  souls  (1  Pet  2  25). 
of  Peter         The   Christian   is   to   humble   himself 

under  the  mighty  hand  of  God  (5  6); 
the  younger  to  be  subject  to  the  elder  (5  5);  and 
all  to  civil  ordinances  for  the  Lord's  sake  (2  13). 

So  also  in  other  Epp.  The  Christian  is  to  subject 
himself  to  God  (Jas  4  7;   He  12  9). 

Edward  Bagby  Pollard 

SELF-WILL,  self-wQ'  C\^2-\,  ragon;  avBaSiis, 
authddcs):  Found  once  in  the  OT  (Gen  49  6,  "In 
their  self-will  they  hocked  an  ox")  in  the  death 
song  of  Jacob  (see  Hock).  The  idea  is  found  twice 
in  the  NT  in  the  sense  of  "pleasing  oneself":  "not 
self-wflled,  not  soon  angry"  (Tit  1  7);  and  "daring, 
self-willed,  they  tremble  not  to  rail  at  dignities" 
(2  Pet  2  10).  In  all  these  texts  it  stands  for  a 
false  pride,  for  obstinacy,  for  "a  pertinacious  ad- 
herence to  one's  will  or  wish,  esp.  in  opposition  to 
the  dictates  of  wisdom  or  propriety  or  the  wishes 
of  others."  Henry  E.  Dosker 

SELL,  SELLER,  sel'er.     See  Trade;    Lydia. 

SELVEDGE,  sel'vej  (HSf; ,  kagah) :  The  word 
occurs  only  in  the  description  of  the  tabernacle 
(Ex  26  4;  36  11).  It  has  reference  to  the  ten 
curtains  which  overhung  the  boards  of  the  sanctuary. 
Five  of  these    formed   one  set  and  five  another. 


2717 


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Self-Surrender 
Semites 


These  were  "coupled"  at  the  center  by  50  loops  of 
blue  connected  by  "clasps"  (q.v.)  with  50  others  on 
the  opposite  side.  The  "selvedge"  (self-edge)  is 
the  extremity  of  the  curtain  in  which  the  loops  were. 

SEM,  sem  (Stuj.,  Stm) :  AV  from  the  Gr  form  of 
Shem;    thus  RV  (Lk  3  36). 

SEMACHIAH,  sem-a-kl'a  (in^DUD  ,  fmakhyahu, 
"Jeh  has  sustained"):  A  Korahite  family  of  gale- 
keepers  (1  Ch  26  7).  Perhaps  the  same  name 
should  be  substituted  for  "Ismachiah"  in  2  Ch 
31  13  (see  UPN,  291,  295). 

SEMEI,  sem'G-I: 

(1)  (A,  Se^e(,  Semei,  B,  Se/ieel,  Seineel) :  One  of 
those  who  put  away  their  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd  9 
33)  =  "Shimei"  "of  thesonsof  Hashum"  in  Ezr  10  33. 

(2)  AV  =  RV  "Semeias"  (Ad  Est  11  2). 

(3)  AV  form  of  RV  "Semein"  (Lk  3  26). 

SEMEIAS,  se-mf'-i'as  (X  A,  2e|j.«Cas,  Semeiaa; 
B,  SefieeCas,  jS'emeefas;  AV  Semei):  An  ancestor  of 
Mordecai  (Ad  Est  11  2)  =  "Shimei"  (Est  2  5). 

SEMEIN,  se-me'in  (N  B,  2e(iee£v,  Semeein,  A, 
2e|i£€t,  iSemeei,  TR,  2«|j.e£,  Semet;  AV  Semei):  An 
ancestor  of  Jesus  in  Lk's  genealogy  (Lk  3  26). 

SEMEIS,  sem'g-is  (A  and  Fritzsche,  Sejiels, 
Semein;  B,  Sevo-tts,  SenseU;  AV  Semis):  One  of  the 
Levites  who  put  away  their  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd 
9  23)  =  "Shimei"  in  Ezr  10  23. 

SEMELLIUS,  so-mel'i-us:  AV  =  RV  Samellius 
(q.v.). 

SEMIS,  se'mis:   AV  =  RV  Sembis  (q.v.). 

SEMITES,  sem'its,  SEMITIC,  sem-it'ik, 
RELIGION: 

1.  Biblical  Reference.s 

2.  The  Five  Sons  of  .Shem 

3.  Original  Home  of  the  Semites 

4.  Confusion  with  Other  Races 

5.  Reliability  of  Gen  10 

6.  Semitic  Languages 

7.  Semitic  Religion 

(1)  Its  Peculiar  Theism 

(2)  Personality  of  God 

(3)  Its  View  of  Nature 

(4)  The  Moral  Being  of  God 

LlTER.\TURE 

The  words  "Semites,"  "Semitic,"  do  not  occur  in 
the  Bible,  but  are  derived  from  the  name  of  Noah's 
oldest  son,  Shem  (Gen  5  32;  6  10; 
1.  Biblical  9  18.23  ff;  10  1.21  f;  lllOf;  1  Ch 
References  1).  Formerly  the  designation  was 
limited  to  those  who  are  mentioned  in 
Gen  10,  11  as  Shem's  descendants,  most  of  whom 
can  be  traced  historically  and  geographically;  but 
more  recently  the  title  has  been  expanded  to  apply 
to  others  who  are  not  specified  in  the  Bible  as 
Semites,  and  indeed  are  plainly  called  Hamitic, 
e.g.  the  Babylonians  (Gen  10  10)  and  the  Phoeni- 
cians and  Canaanitcs  (vs  15-19).  The  grounds  for 
the  inclusion  of  these  Bib.  Haraites  among  the 
Senl+tes  are  chiefly  linguistic,  although  political, 
cbftfmercial  and  religious  affinities  arc  also  con- 
sftfered.  History  and  the  study  of  comparative 
ptiilology,  however,   suggest  the  inadequacy  of  a 

Jjnguistio  argument. 

'  The  sons  of  Shem  are  given  as  Elam,  Asshur, 
Arpachshad,  Lud  and  Aram  (Gen  10  22).  AU 
except  the  third  have  been  readily  identified,  Elam 
as  the  historic  narion  in  the  highlands  E.  of  the 
Tigris,  between  Media  and  Persia;  Asshur  as  the 
Assyrians;  Lud  as  the  Lydians  of  Asia  Minor;  and 
Aram    as    the    Syrians   both    E.    and    W.    of    the 


Euphrates.      The    greatest    uncertainty    is   in   the 

identification    of    Arpachshad,    the    most    prolific 

ancestor  of  the  Semites,  esp.  of  those 

2.  The  of  Bib.  and  more  recent  importance. 
Five  Sons  From  him  descended  the  Hebrews  and 
of  Shem         the  Arab  tribes,  probably  also  some 

East  African  colonies  (Gen  10  24- 
30;  11  12-26).  The  form  of  his  name  (nTPPEnS  , 
' arpakhshadh)  has  given  endless  trouble  to  ethnog- 
raphers. McCurdy  divides  into  two  words,  Arpach 
or  Arpath,  unidentified,  and  kesedh,  the  sing,  of 
kasdim,  i.e.  the  Chaldaeans;  Schrader  also  holds  to 
the  Chaldaean  interpretation,  and  the  Chaldaeans 
themselves  traced  their  descent  from  Arpachshad 
(Jos,  Ant,  I,  vi,  4);  it  has  been  suggested  also  to 
interpret  as  the  "border  of  the  Chaldaeans"  (BDB; 
Dillmann,  in  loc).  But  the  historic,  ordinary  and 
most  satisfactory  identification  is  with  Arrapachilis, 
N.E.  of  Assyria  at  the  headwaters  of  the  Upper  Zab 
in  the  Armenian  highlands  (so  Ptolemy,  classical 
geographers,  Gesenius,  Delitzsch).  Delitzsch  calls 
attention  to  the  Armenian  termination  shadh 
(Comm.  on  Gen,  in  loc). 

If  we  accept,  then,  this  identification  of  Arpach- 
shad as  the  most  northeasterly  of  the  five  Sem 
famihes     (Gen  10  22),    we    are    still 

3.  Original  faced  by  the  problem  of  the  primitive 
Home  of  home  and  racial  origin  of  the  Semites. 
the  Semites  Various  theories  of  course  have  been 

proposed;  fancy  and  surmise  have 
ranged  from  Africa  to  Central  Asia.  (1)  The  most 
common,  almost  generally  accepted,  theory  places 
their  beginnings  in  Arabia  because  of  the  conserva- 
tive and  primitive  Semitic  of  the  Arabic  language, 
the  desert  characteristics  of  the  various  branches 
of  the  race,  and  the  historic  movements  of  Sem 
tribes  northward  and  westward  from  Arabia.  But 
this  theory  does  not  account  for  some  of  the  most 
significant  facts:  e.g.  that  the  Sem  developments  of 
Arabia  are  the  last,  not  the  first,  in  time,  as  must 
have  been  the  case  if  Arabia  was  the  cradle  of 
the  race.  This  theory  does  not  explain  the  Sem 
origin  of  the  Elamites,  except  by  denial;  much 
less  does  it  account  for  the  location  of  Arpach- 
shad still  farther  north.  It  is  not  difficult  to 
understand  a  racial  movement  from  the  moun- 
tains of  the  N.E.  into  the  lowlands  of  the  South  and 
West.  But  how  primitive  Arabs  could  have  mi- 
grated uphill,  as  it  were,  to  settle  in  the  Median  and 
Armenian  hills  is  a  much  more  difficult  proposition. 
(2)  We  must  return  to  the  historic  and  the  more  nat- 
ural location  of  the  ancient  Sem  home  on  the  hillsides 
and  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Armenia.  Thence  the 
eldest  branch  migrated  in  prehistoric  times  south- 
ward to  become  historic  Elam;  Lud  moved  west- 
ward into  Asia  Minor;  Asshur  found  his  way  down 
the  Tigris  to  become  the  sturdy  pastoral  people  of 
the  midfUe  Mesopotamian  plateau  until  the  invasion 
of  the  Bab  colonists  and  civilization;  Aram  found  a 
home  in  Upper  Mesopotamia;  while  Arpachshad, 
remaining  longer  in  the  original  home,  gave  his 
name  to  at  least  a  part  of  it.  There  in  the  fertile 
valleys  among  the  high  hills  the  ancient  Semites 
developed  their  distinctively  tribal  life,  emphasizing 
the  beauty  and  close  relationship  of  Nature,  the 
sacredncss  of  the  family,  the  moral  obligation,  and 
faith  in  a  personal  God  of  whom  they  thought  as  a 
member  of  the  tribe  or  friend  of  the  family.  The 
confinement  of  the  mountain  valleys  is  just  as 
adequate  an  explanation  of  the  Sem  traits  as  the 
isolation  of  the  oasis.  So  from  the  purer  life  of  their 
highland  home,  where  had  been  developed  the  dis- 
tinctive and  virile  elements  which  were  to  impress 
the  Sem  faith  on  the  history  of  mankind,  increasing 
multitudes  of  Semites  poured  over  the  mountain 
barriers  into  the  broader  levels  of  the  plains.     As 


Semites 
Senate,  Senator 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2718 


their  own  mountain  springs  and  torrents  sought  a 
way  to  the  sea  down  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  beds, 
so  the  Sem  tribes  followed  the  same  natural  ways 
into  their  future  homes:  Elam,  Babylonia,  AssjTia, 
Mesopotamia,  Arabia,  Pal.  Those  who  settled 
Arabia  sent  further  migrations  into  Africa,  as  well 
as  rebounding  into  the  desert  west  of  the  Euphrates, 
Syria  and  Pal.  Thus  Western  Asia  became  the 
arena  of  Sem  life,  whose  influences  also  reached 
Egypt  and,  through  Phoenicia,  the  far-away  West- 
Mediterranean. 

While  we  may  properly  call  Western  and  South- 
western Asia  the  home  of  the  Sem  peoples,  there 
still  remains  the  difficult  j'  of  separating 

4.  Confu-  them  definitely  from  the  other  races 
sion  with  among  whom  they  lived.  The  historic 
Other  Babylonians,  e.g.,  were  Sem;  yet 
Races             they  dispossessed  an  earlier  non-Sem 

people,  and  were  themselves  frequently 
invaded  by  other  races,  such  as  the  Hittites,  and 
even  the  Egyptians.  It  is  not  certain  therefore 
which  gods,  customs,  laws,  etc,  of  the  Babylonians 
were  Sem,  and  not  adopted  from  those  whom  they 
superseded. 

AssjTia  was  racially  purely  Sem,  but  her  laws,  customs, 
literature,  and  many  of  licr  gods  were  acquired  from 
Babylonia:  to  such  an  extent  was  this  true  that  we  are 
indebted  to  the  library  of  the  Assyr  Asshurbanipal  for 
much  that  we  know  of  Bab  religion,  literature  and  his- 
tory. In  Syria  also  the  same  mixed  conditions  prevailed, 
for'through  Syria  by  the  fords  of  the  Euphrates  lay  the 
highway  of  tlie  nations,  and  Hittite  and  INIitannian  at 
times  shared  the  land  with  her,  and  left  their  influence. 
Possibly  in  Arabia  Sem  blood  ran  purest,  but  even  in 
Arabia  there  were  tribes  from  other  races;  and  the  table 
of  the  nations  in  Gen  divides  that  land  among  the 
descendants  of  both  Ham  and  Shem  (see  Table  of 
Nations).  Last  of  all,  in  Pal,  from  the  very  beginning  of 
its  historic  period,  we  find  an  intermingling  and  con- 
fusion of  races  and  rehgions  such  as  no  otlier  Sem  center 
presents.  A  Hamitic  people  gave  one  of  its  common 
names  to  the  country — Canaan,  wliile  the  pagan  and 
late-coming  Philistine  gave  the  most  used  name — Pales- 
tine. The  archaic  remains  of  Horite,  Avite  and  Hivite 
are  being  uncovered  by  exploration;  these  races  sur- 
vived in  places,  no  doubt,  long  after  the  Sem  invasion, 
contributing  their  quota  to  the  customs  and  religious 
practices  of  the  land.  The  Hittite  also  was  in  the  land, 
holding  outposts  from  his  northern  empire,  even  in  the 
extreme  south  of  Pal.  If  the  blue  eyes  and  fair  complex- 
ions of  the  Amorites  pictured  on  Egyp  monuments  are 
true  representations,  we  may  believe  that  the  gigantic 
Aryans  of  the  North  had  their  portion  also  in  Pal. 

It  is  customary  now   in   Bib.  ethnology  to   dis- 
regard the  classification  of  Gen  10,  and  to  group 
all  the  nations  of   Pal  as  Sem,   esp. 

5.  Reliabil-   the    Canaanite    and    the    Phoenician 
ity  of  along    with    the   Hebrew.     McCurdy 
Gen  10          in  the  Standard  BD   treats  the  vari- 
ous gods  and  religious  customs  of  Pal 

as  though  they  were  all  Sem,  although  uniformly 
these  are  represented  in  the  OT  as  perversions 
and  enormities  of  alien  races  which  the  Hebrews 
were  commanded  to  extirpate.  The  adoption  of 
them  would  be,  and  was,  inimical  to  their  own 
ancestral  faith.  Because  the  Hebrews  took  over 
eventually  the  language  of  the  Phoenician,  appro- 
priated his  art  and  conveniences,  did  traffic  in  his 
ships,  and  in  Ahab's  reign  adopted  his  Baal  and 
Astarte,  we  are  not  warranted  at  all  in  rushing 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Phoenicians  represented 
a  primitive  Sem  type.  Racial  identification  by 
linguistic  argument  is  always  precarious,  as  history 
clearly  shows.  One  might  as  well  say  that  Latin 
and  the  gospel  were  Saxon.  There  are  indications 
that  the  customs  and  even  the  early  language  of  the 
Hebrews  were  different  from  those  of  the  people 
whom  they  subdued  and  dispossessed.  Such  is  the 
consistent  tradition  of  their  race,  the  Bible  alwaj'S 
emphasizing  the  irreconcilable  difference  between 
their  ancestral  faith  and  the  practices  of  the  people 
of  Canaan.  We  may  conclude  that  the  reasons  for 
disregarding  the  classification  of  Gen  with  reference 


to  the  Semites  and  neighboring  races  are  not  final. 
Out  from  that  fruitful  womb  of  nations,  the  Cau- 
casus, the  Semites,  one  branch  of  the  Caucasian 
peoples,  went  southwestward  —  as  their  cousins 
the  Hamites  went  earlier  toward  the  South  and 
as  their  younger  relatives,  the  Arj-ans,  were  to 
go  northward  and  westward — with  marked  racial 
traits  and  a  pronounced  religious  development,  to 
play  a  leading  part  in  the  life  of  man. 

The  phrase  Sem  Languages  is  used  of  a  group  of 
languages  which  have  marked  features  in  common,  which 

also  set  them  off  from  other  languages. 
fi  Semitic  But  we  must  avoid  the  unnecessary 
D.  ociiuui-  inference  that  nations  using  the  same  or 
Languages     kindred  languages  are  of  the  same  ancestry. 

There  are  other  explanations  of  linguistic 
affinity  than  racial,  as  the  Indians  of  Mexico  may  speak 
Spanish,  and  the  Germans  of  Milwaulvee,  Enghsh.  So  also 
neighboring  or  intermingled  nations  may  just  as  naturally 
have  used  Ijranches  of  the  Sem  language  stock.  However, 
it  is  true  that  the  nations  which  were  truly  Sem  used  lan- 
guages wliich  are  strikingly  akin.  These  have  been 
grouped  as  (1)  Eastern  Sem,  including  Bab  and  Assyr; 
(2)  Northern,  including  Syriac  and  Aramaic;  (3)  Western, 
including  Canaanite.  or  Phoenician,  and  Hebrew,  and 
(4)  Southern,  including  Arabic.  Sabaean  and  Ethiopic 
(cf  Geden.  Intro  to  the  Heb  Bible,  14-28).  The  dis- 
tinctive features  of  this  family  of  languages  are  (1)  the 
tri-literal  root.  (2)  the  consonantal  writing,  vowel  indica- 
tions being  unnecessary  so  long  as  the  language  was 
spoken.  (3)  the  meager  use  of  moods  and  tenses  in  verbal 
inflection,  every  action  being  graphically  viewed  as 
belonging  to  one  of  two  stages  in  time:  completed  or 
incomplete.  (4)  the  paucity  of  parts  of  speech,  verb  and 
noun  covering  nearly  aU  the  relations  of  words.  (5)  the 
frequent  use  of  interiial  change  in  the  inflection  of  words, 
e.g.  the  doutiling  of  a  consonant  or  the  change  of  a  vowel, 
and  (6)  the  use  of  certain  letters,  called  "serviles."  as 
prefixes  or  suffixes  in  inflection;  these  are  parts  of  pro- 
noims  or  the  worn-down  residua  of  nouns  and  particles. 
The  manner  of  writing  was  not  uniform  in  these  lan- 
guages, Bab  and  Assyr  being  ideographic  and  syllabic, 
and  written  from  left  to  right,  while  Aram. ,  Hob  and  Arab, 
were  alphabetic  and  written  from  right  to  left.  The 
primitive  forms  and  inflections  of  the  group  are  best  pre- 
served in  the  Arab,  by  reason  of  the  conservatism  of  the 
desert  peoples,  and  in  the  Assyr  by  the  sudden  destruc- 
tion of  that  empire  and  the  burial  of  the  records  of  that 
language  in  a  comparatively  pure  state,  to  be  brought 
back  to  light  by  19th-cent.  exploration.  All  the  char- 
acteristics given  above  are  clearly  manifest  in  the  Heb 
of  the  OT. 

In  the  study  of  Sem  Religion  there  are  two 
tendencies  toward  error:  (1)  the  Western  prag- 
matical and  unsympathetic  overtaxing 
7.  Semitic  of  oriental  Nature-symbols  and  vividly 
Religion  imaginative  speech.  Because  the  Sem- 
ite used  the  figure  of  the  rock  (Dt  32 
4.18.30)  in  describing  God,  or  poetically  conceived 
of  the  storm-cloud  as  Jeh's  chariot  (Ps  104  3),  we 
must  not  be  led  into  believing  that  his  religion  was  a 
savage  animism,  or  that  Jeh  of  Israel  was  only  the 
Zeus  of  the  Greeks.  How  should  an  imaginative 
child  of  Nature  speak  of  the  unseen  Spiritual  Power, 
except  in  the  richest  analogies  of  Nature  ?  (2)  The 
second  error  is  the  tendency  to  treat  the  accretions 
acquired  by  contact  with  other  nations  as  of  the 
essence  of  Sem  religion,  e.g.  the  golden  calf  following 
the  Egyp  bondage,  and  the  sexual  abominations  of 
the  Can.  Baal  and  Astarte. 

The  primitive  and  distinctive  beliefs  of  the  Sem 
peoples  lie  still  in  great  uncertainty  because  of  the 
long  association  with  other  peoples,  whose  practices 
they  readily  took  over,  and  because  of  the  lack  of 
records  of  the  primitive  periods  of  Sem  development, 
their  origin  and  dispersion  among  the  nations  being 
prehistoric.  Our  sources  of  information  are  the 
Bab  and  Assyr  tablets  and  monuments,  the  Egyp 
inscriptions,  Phoen  history,  Arabian  traditions  and 
inscriptions,  and  principally  the  OT  Scriptures. 
We  can  never  know  perhaps  how  much  the  pure 
Semitism  of  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  was  diverted 
and  corrupted  by  the  developed  civilization  which 
they  invaded  and  appropriated;  Egypt  was  only 
indirectly  affected  by  Sem  Ufe;  Sem  development 
in  Arabia  was  the  latest  in  all  the  group,  besides 
which  the  monuments  and  resle  of  Arabian  antiquity 


2719 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Semites 
Senate,  Senator 


which  have  come  down  to  us  are  comparatively  few; 
and  the  Phoen  development  was  corrupted  ty  the 
sensuality  of  the  ancient  Canaanitish  cults,  while 
the  Bible  of  the  Hebrews  emphatically  differentiated 
from  the  unwholesome  rehgions  of  Pal  their  own 
faith,  which  was  ancestral,  revealed  and  pure.  Was 
that  Bible  faith  the  primitive  Sem  cult?  At  least 
we  must  take  the  Heb  tradition  at  its  face  value, 
finding  in  it  the  prominent  features  of  an  ancestral 
faith,  preserved  through  one  branch  of  the  Sem 
group.  We  are  met  frequently  in  these  Heb  records 
by  the  claim  that  the  religion  they  present  is  not  a 
new  development,  nor  a  thing  apart  from  the  origin 
of  their  race,  but  rather  the  preservation  of  an 
ancient  worship,  Abraham,  Moses  and  the  prophets 
appearing  not  as  originators,  but  reformers,  or 
revivers,  who  sought  to  keep  their  people  true  to  an 
inherited  religion.  Its  elemental  features  are  the 
following: 

(1)  II  was  pronouncedly  theistic;  not  that  other 
religions  do  not  affirm  a  god;  but  the  theism  of 
the  Semites  was  such  as  to  give  their  religion  a 
unique  place  among  all  others.  To  say  the  least,  it 
had  the  germ  of  or  the  tendency  toward  monotheism, 
if  we  have  not  sufficient  evidence  to  affirm  its  mono- 
theism, and  to  rate  the  later  polytheistic  representa- 
tions of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  as  local  perversions. 
If  the  old  view  that  Sem  religion  was  essentially 
monotheistic  be  incapable  of  proof,  it  is  true  that 
the  necessary  development  of  their  concept  of  God 
must  ultimately  arrive  at  monotheism.  This  came 
to  verification  in  Abram  the  Hebrew,  Jesus  the 
Messiah  (Jn  4  21-24)  and  Mohammed  the  false 
prophet.  A  city-state  exclusively,  a  nation  pre- 
dominantly, worshipped  one  god,  often  through 
some  Nature-symbol,  as  sun  or  star  or  element. 
With  the  coming  of  world-conquest,  intercourse  and 
vision,  the  one  god  of  the  city  or  the  chief  god  of 
the  nation  became  universalized.  The  ignorant 
and  materialistic  Hebrew  might  localize  the  God  of 
Israel  in  a  city  or  on  a  hilltop ;  but  to  the  spiritual 
mind  of  Amos  or  in  the  universal  vision  of  Isaiah 
He  was  Jeh,  Lord  of  all  the  earth. 

(2)  Closely  related  to  this  high  conception  of 
Deity  was  the  apparently  contradictory  but  really 
potent  idea  of  the  Deity  as  a  personality.  The 
Semite  did  not  grossly  materiaUze  his  God  as  did 
the  savage,  nor  vainly  abstract  and  ethereahze 
Him  and  so  ehminate  Him  from  the  experience  of 
man  as  did  the  Greek;  but  to  him  God  universal  was 
also  God  personal  and  intimate.  ^  The  Hebrew  ran 
the  risk  of  conditioning  the  spirituahty  of  God  in 
order  to  maintain  His  real  personality.  Possibly 
this  has  been  the  most  potent  element  in  Sem 
religion;  God  was  not  far  from  every  one  of  them. 
He  came  into  the  closest  relations  as  father  or  friend. 
He  was  the  companion  of  king  and  priest.  The 
affairs  of  the  nation  were  under  His  immediate  care; 
He  went  to  war  with  armies,  was  a  partner  in  har- 
vest rejoicings;  the  home  was  His  abode.  This 
conception  of  Deity  carried  with  it  the  necessary 
implication  of  revelation  (Am  3  8).  The  office, 
message  and  power  of  the  Heb  prophet  were  also  the 
logical  consequence  of  knowing  God  as  a  Person. 

(3)  Its  peculiar  view  of  Nature  was  another 
feature  of  Sem  religion.  God  was  everywhere  and 
always  present  in  Nature;  consequently  its  syni- 
bolism  was  the  natural  and  ready  expression  of  His 
nature  and  presence.  Simile,  parable  and  Nature- 
marvels  cover  the  pages  and  tablets  of  their  records. 
Unfortunately  this  poetic  conception  of  Nature 
quickly  enough  afforded  a  ready  path  m  which 
wayward  feet  and  carnal  minds  might  travel 
toward  Nature-worship  with  all  of  its  formalism 
and  its  degrading  excesses.  This  feature  of  Sem 
religion  offers  an  interesting  commentary  on  their 
philosophy.     With  them   the  doctrine  of  Second 


Causes  received  no  emphasis;  God  worked  directly 
in  Nature,  which  became  to  them  therefore  the 
continuous  arena  of  signs  and  marvels.  The 
thunder  was  His  voice,  the  sunshine  reflected  the 
light  of  His  countenance,  the  winds  were  His  mes- 
sengers. And  so  through  this  imaginative  view  of 
the  world  the  Semite  dwelt  in  an  enchanted  realm 
of  the  miraculous. 

(4)  The  Semite  believed  in  a  God  who  is  a  moral 
being.  Such  a  faith  in  the  nature  of  it  was  certain  to 
influence  profoundly  their  own  moral  development, 
making  for  them  a  racial  character  which  has  been 
distinctive  and  persistent  through  the  changes  of 
millenniums.  By  it  also  they  have  impressed 
other  nations  and  religions,  with  which  they  have 
had  contact.  The  CH  is  an  expression  of  the 
moral  issues  of  theism.  The  Law  and  the  Prophets 
of  Israel  arose  out  of  the  conviction  of  God's  right- 
eousness and  of  the  moral  order  of  His  universe  (Ex 
19  5.6;  Isa  1  16-20).  The  Decalogue  is  a  coii- 
fession  of  faith  in  the  unseen  God;  the  Law  of  Holi- 
ness (Lev  17-26)  is  equally  a  moral  code. 

While  these  elements  are  not  absent  altogether 
from  other  ancient  rehgions,  they  are  pronouncedly 
characteristic  of  the  Sem  to  the  extent  that  they 
have  given  to  it  its  permanent  form,  its  large  devel- 
opment, and  its  primacy  among  the  religions  of 
the  human  race.  To  know  God,  to  hear  His  eternal 
tread  in  Nature,  to  clothe  Him  with  light  as  with 
a  garment,  to  establish  His  throne  in  righteousness, 
to  perceive  that  holiness  is  the  all-pervading  atmos- 
phere of  His  presence — such  convictions  were  bound 
to  affect  the  life  and  progress  of  a  race,  and  to  con- 
secrate them  as  a  nation  of  priests  for  aU  mankind. 

LiTEKATUBE. — For  discussion  of  the  details  of  Sem 
peoples  and  religions  reference  must  be  made  to  the  par- 
ticuiar  articles,  such  as  Arpachshad;  Eber;  Abraham; 
Hammurabi;  Assyria;  Babylonia;  Baal;  Ashtoreth; 
Abherim;  Moloch;  Chemosh;  Chitjn;  Israel,  Reli- 
gion OF,  etc.  The  lit.  on  the  subject  is  vast,  interesting 
and  far  from  conclusive.  Few  of  the  Bible  Diets,  have 
arts,  on  this  particular  subject;  reference  should  be 
made  to  those  in  the  Standard  and  in  the  HDB,  vol  V, 
both  by  McCurdy;  "Semites"  in  Catholic  Bnc  skims  the 
surface;  arts,  in  International  Enc  are  good.  In  OT 
Theologies,  Davidson,  pp.  249-52;  Schultz,  eh  ill  of  vol 
I;  Riehm,  Altteslamentliche  Theologie:  Dehtzsch,  Psy- 
chology of  the  OT.  For  language  see  Wright's  Compara- 
tive Grammar  of  Sem  Languages.  For  history  and  reli- 
gion: Maspero's  three  vols;  McCurdy,  HPU:  Hommel, 
Ancient  Heb  Tradition,  and  Sem  VOlker  u.  Sprache; 
•Jastrow,  Comparative  Sem  Religion;  Friedr.  Delitzsch, 
Babel  u.   Bihel;    W.  R.  Smith,   Religion  of  the  Semites. 

Edward  Mack 
SENAAH,  s6-na'a,  sen'S-a  (HXrO,  s'na'ah;  B, 
Saavd,  Saand,  Savavdr,  Sanandt,  A,  Savavd, 
Sanand,  Sewaa,  Sennad,  'Ao-av,  Hasan) :  The 
children  of  Senaah  are  mentioned  as  having  formed 
part  of  the  company  returning  from  the  captivity 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  35;  Neh  7  38).  The 
numbers  vary  as  given  by  Ezr  (3,630)  and  Neh 
(3,930),  while  1  Esd  5  23  puts  them  at  3,330.  In 
the  last  place  the  name  is  Sanaas,  AV  "Annaas" 
(B,  2a|ii(i,  Samd,  A,  Sai/das,  Sandas) .  In  Neh  3  3 
the  name  occurs  with  the  def.  art.,  ha-senaah.  The 
people  may  be  identical  with  the  Benjamite  clan 
Hassenuah  (1  Ch  9  7).  Onom  speaks  of  Magdal- 
senna,  a  village  about  7  miles  N.  of  Jericho,  which 
may  be  the  place  intended;  but  the  site  is  not 
known.  W.  Ewing 

SENATE,  sen'at,  SENATOR,  sen'a-ter:  In 
Ps  105  22,  "teach  his  senators  [RV  "elders"] 
wisdom."  The  Heb  is  ]pT ,  zdken,  "elder"  (LXX 
■wpeafiiTepoi,  preshuteroi) .  In  Acts  6  21,  "called  the 
council  together  and  all  the  senate  of  the  children  of 
Israel."  The  Gr  yepovula,  gerous'ia,  is  here  evidently 
used  as  a  more  precise  equivalent  of  the  foregoing 
"council"  {avv^Spiov,  sunedrion),  to  which  it  is  added 
by  Kal,  kai,  explicative.  Reference  is  had  to  the 
Sanhedrin.     See  Sanhedein.    This  term   gerousia 


Seneh 
Sepharvaim 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2720 


occurs  in  LXX  Ex  3  16,  etc,  and  in  1  Mace  12  6; 
2  Mace  1  10;  4  44  of  the  supreme  council  of  the 
Jews  (see  Government).  In  1  Mace  8  15;  12  3, 
povXevTTipiov,  bouleulerion,  is  used  of  the  Rom  senate, 
which  is  said  to  consist  of  320  members  meeting 
daily,  consulting  always  for  the  people,  to  the  end 
that  they  may  be  well  governed.  These  statements 
are  not  quite  accurate,  since  the  senate  consisted  nor- 
mally of  300  members,  and  met  not  daily,  but  on  call 
of  the  magistrates.  Originally,  like  the  gerousia  of 
the  Jews,  the  representatives  of  families  and  clans 
(gentes),  the  senators  were  subsequently  the  ex- 
magistrates,  supplemented,  to  complete  the  tale  of 
members,  by  representatives  of  patrician  (in  time  also 
of  plebeian)  families  selected  by  the  censor.  The 
tenure  was  ordinarily  for  life,  though  it  might  be  ter- 
minated for  cause  by  the  censor.  Although  constitu- 
tionally the  senate  was  only  an  advisory  body,  its  ad- 
vice (senatus  considtiim,  audoritas)  in  fact  became  in 
time  a  mandate  which  few  dared  to  disregard. 
During  the  republican  period  the  senate  practically 
ruled  Rome;  under  the  empire  it  tended  more  and 
more  to  become  the  creature  and  subservient  tool  of 
the  emperors.  William  Arthur  Heidel 

SENEH,  se'ne  (n3D ,  seneh;  Sevva,  Senna) : 
This  was  the  name  attaching  to  the  southern  of 
the  two  great  cliffs  between  which  ran  the  gorge 
of  Michmash  (1  S  14  4).  The  name  means 
"acacia,"  and  may  have  been  given  to  it  from  the 
thorn  bushes  growing  upon  it.  Jos  (BJ,  V,  ii,  1) 
mentions  the  "plain  of  thorns"  near  Gabathsaul. 
We  may  hear  an  echo  of  the  old  name  in  that  of 
Wddy  Suweinll,  "valley  of  the  little  thorn  tree," 
the  name  by  which  the  gorge  is  known  today. 
The  chff  must  have  stood  on  the  right  side  of  the 
wddy:  see  Bozez.  Conder  gives  an  excellent 
description  of  the  place  in  Tent  Work  in  Pal,  II, 
112-14.  W.  EwiNQ 

SENIR,  se'nir  ("I'^jip,  s'nir;  Savetp,  Sane'ir): 
This  was  the  Amorite  name  of  Mt.  Hermon,  accord- 
ing to  Dt  3  9  (AV  "Shenir").  But  in  1  Ch  5  23; 
Cant  4  8,  we  have  Senir  and  Hermon  named  as 
distinct  mountains.  It  seems  probable,  however, 
that  Senir  applied  to  a  definite  part  of  the  Anti- 
Lebanon  or  Hermon  range.  An  inscription  of 
Shalmaneser  tells  us  that  Hazael,  king  of  Damascus, 
fortified  Mt.  Senir  over  against  Mt.  Lebanon.  So 
in  Ezk  27  5,  Senir,  whence  the  Tyrians  got  planks 
of  fir  trees,  is  set  over  against  Lebanon,  where  cedars 
were  obtained.  The  Arab  geographers  give  the 
name  Jebel  Sanlr  to  the  part  of  the  Anti-Lebanon 
range  which  lies  between  Damascus  and  Horns 
(Yakut,  c  1225  AD,  quoted  by  Guy  le  Strange  in 
Pal  under  the  Moslems,  79.  He  also  quotes  Mas'udi, 
943  AD,  to  the  effect  that  Baalbek  is  in  the  district 
of  Senir,  295).  W.  Ewing 

SENNACHERIB,  se-nak'er-ib  (3l"in3P,  ?an- 
heribh;  SevvaxTipelji,  Sennachereim,  Assyr  Sin-akhi- 
er6a,"themoon-god  Sin  has  increased  the  brothers") : 
Sennacherib  (704-682  BC)  ascended  the  throne  of 
Assyria  after  the  death  of  his  father  Sargon. 
Appreciating  the  tact  that  Bab3don  would  be 
difficult  to  control,  instead  of  endeavoring  to 
conciliate  the  people  he  ignored  them.  The  Baby- 
lonians, being  indignant,  crowned  a  man  of  humble 
origin,  Marduk-zakir-shum  by  name.  He  ruled 
only  a  month,  having  been  driven  out  by  the  irre- 
pressible Merodach-baladan,  who  again  appeared 
on  the  scene. 

In  order  to  fortify  himself  against  As.syria  the 
latter  sent  an  embassy  to  Hezekiah,  apparently  for 
the  purpose  of  inspiring  the  W.  to  rebel  against 
Assyria  (2  K  20  12-19). 


Sennacherib  in  his  first  campaign  marched  into 
Babylonia.  He  found  Merodach-baladan  in- 
trenched at  Kish,  about  9  miles  from  Babylon,  and 
defeated  him;  after  which  he  entered  the  gates  of 
Babylon,  which  had  been  thrown  open  to  him.  He 
placed  a  Babylonian,  named  Bel-ibni,  on  the 
throne. 

This  campaign  was  followed  by  an  invasion  of  the 
country  of  the  Cassites  and  lasubigalleans.  In  his 
third  campaign  he  directed  his  attention  to  the  W., 
where  the  people  had  become  restless  under  the 
Assyr  yoke.  Hezekiah  had  been  victorious  over 
the  Philis  (2  K  18  8).  In  preparation  to  with- 
stand a  siege,  Hezekiah  had  built  a  conduit  to  bring 
water  within  the  city  walls  (2  K  20  20).  Although 
strongly  opposed  by  the  prophet  Isaiah,  gifts  were 
sent  to  Egypt,  whence  assistance  was  promised 
(Isa  30  1-4).  Apparently  also  the  Phoenicians 
and  Philis,  who  had  been  sore  pressed  by  Assyria, 
had  made  provision  to  resist  Assyria.  The  first 
move  was  at  Ekron,  where  the  Assyr  governor  Padi 
was  put  into  chains  and  sent  to  Hezekiah  at 
Jerus. 

Sennacherib,  in  701,  moved  against  the  cities  in 
the  W.  He  ravaged  the  environs  of  Tyre,  but  made 
no  attempt  to  take  the  city,  as  he  was  without  a 
naval  force.  After  Elulaeus  the  king  of  Sidon  fled, 
the  city  surrendered  without  a  battle,  and  Ethbaal 
was  appointed  king.  Numerous  cities  at  once  sent 
presents  to  the  king  of  Assyria.  Ashkelon  and 
other  cities  were  taken.  The  forces  of  Egypt  were 
routed  at  Eltekeh,  and  Ekron  was  destroyed.  He 
claims  to  have  conquered  46  strongholds  of  Heze- 
kiah's  territory,  but  he  did  not  capture  Jerus,  for 
concerning  the  king  he  said,  in  his  annals,  "him- 
self like  a  bird  in  a  cage  in  Jerus,  his  royal  city,  I 
penned  him."  He  states,  also,  how  he  reduced  his 
territory,  and  how  Hezekiah  sent  to  him  30  talents 
of  gold  and  800  talents  of  silver,  besides  hostages. 

The  Bib.  account  of  this  invasion  is  found  in 
2  K  18  13—19  37;  Isa  36,  37.  The  Assyr  account 
differs  considerably  from  it;  but  at  the  same  time 
it  corroborates  it  in  many  details.  One  of  the 
striking  parallels  is  the  exact  amount  of  gold  which 
Hezekiah  sent  to  the  Assyr  king  (see  Expos  T, 
XII,  225,405;  XIII,  326). 

In  the  following  year  Sennacherib  returned  to 
Babylonia  to  put  down  a  rebellion  by  Bel-ibni  and 
Merodach-baladan.  The  former  was  sent  to 
Assyria,  and  the  latter  soon  afterward  died.  Ashur- 
n^din-shum,  the  son  of  Sennacherib,  was  then 
crowned  king  of  Babylon.  A  campaign  into  Cili- 
cia  and  Cappadocia  followed. 

In  694  Sennacherib  attacked  the  Elamites,  who 
were  in  league  with  the  Babylonians.  In  revenge, 
the  Elamites  invaded  Babylonia  and  carried  off 
Ashur-nadin-shum  to  Elam,  and  made  Nergal- 
ushezib  king  of  Babylon.  He  was  later  captured 
and  in  turn  carried  off  to  Assyria.  In  691  Sen- 
nacherib again  directed  his  attention  to  the  S.,  and 
at  Khalute  fought  with  the  combined  forces.  Two 
years  later  he  took  Babylon,  and  razed  it  to  the 
ground. 

In  681  Sennacherib  was  murdered  by  his  two 
sons  (2  K  19  37;  see  Sharezer).  Esar-haddon 
their  younger  brother,  who  was  at  the  time  con- 
ducting a  campaign  against  Ararat,  was  declared 
king  in  his  stead.  A.  T.  Clay 

SENSES,  sen'siz:  The  tr  of  at<T8r}T'npi.ov,  aisthe- 
ttrion  (He  5  14,  "those  who  by  reason  of  use  have 
their  senses  exercised  to  discern  good  and  evil"). 
The  word  means,  primarily,  the  seat  of  the  senses, 
the  region  of  feeling;  in  the  LXX  of  Jer  4  19,  it 
represents  the  Heb  kir,  "the  walls  of  the  heart"  (see 
RV),  and  is  used  to  denote  the  internal  sense  or 
faculty  of  perceiving  and  judging,  which  in  He  5 


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Seneh 
Sepharvaim 


14  is  regarded  as  becominf!;  perfected  by  use  or 
exercise  (cf  Eph  4  12f;  1  l^ini  4  7;  2  Pet  3  18). 
In  2  Esd  10  30  we  have  "Or  is  iny  sense  deceived, 
or  my  soul  in  a  dream?"  Lat  sensus,  here  "mind" 
rather  than  "sense."  W.  L.   Walker 

SENSUAL,  scn'shoo-al  (>|;uxik69,  psuchikds,  "ani- 
mal," "natural"):  Bib.  psychology  has  no  Eng. 
equivalent  for  this  Gr  original.  Man  subject  to  the 
lower  appetites  is  a-apKiKds,  sarhihus,  "fleshly";  in 
the  communion  of  his  spirit  with  God  he  is  irveu- 
liariKbi,  pneumatikos,  "spiritual."  Between  the  two 
is  the  i/vx"//,  psucht,  "soul,"  the  center  of  his  per- 
sonal being.  This  ego  or  "1"  in  each  man  is  bound 
to  the  spirit,  the  higher  nature;  and  to  the  body  or 
lower  nature. 

The  soul  (^psuchf)  as  the  seat  of  the  senses,  desires, 
affections,  appetites,  passions,  i.e.  the  lower  animal 
nature  common  to  man  with  the  beasts,  was  distinguished 
in  the  Pythagorean  and  Platonic  philosophy  from  the 
higher  rational  nature  {nous,  pneuma). 

The  subjection  of  the  soul  to  the  animal  nature  is 
man's  debasement,  to  the  spirit  indwelt  of  God  is  his 
exaltation.  The  Eng.  equivalent  for  psuchilcos,  "psy- 
chic," does  not  express  this  debasement.  In  the 
NT  "sensual"  indicates  man's  subjection  to  self  and 
self-interest,  whether  animal  or  intellectual — the 
selfish  man  in  whom  the  spirit  is  degraded  into  sub- 
ordination to  the  debased  psuche,  "soul."  This 
debasement  may  be  (1)  intellectual,  "not  wisdom 
....  from  above,  but  ....  earthly,  sensual" 
(Jas  3  1.5);  (2)  carnal  (and  of  course  moral),  "sen- 
sual, having  not  the  Spirit"  (Jude  ver  19).  It 
ranges  aU  the  way  from  sensuous  self-indulgence 
to  gross  immorality.  In  the  utter  subjection  of  the 
spirit  to  sense  it  is  the  utter  exclusion  of  God  from 
the  Ufe.  Hence  "the  natural  [psuchikos]  man  re- 
ceiveth  not  the  things  of  the  Spirit  of  God"  (1  Cor 
2  14).  The  term  is  equivalent  to  "the  mind  of  the 
flesh"  (Rom  8  7)  which  "is  not  subject  to  the  law 
of  God."     See  Pstchologt.     Dwight  M.  Pratt 

SENT  (nblB ,  shalah;  diroo-T^XXu,  aposlello) : 
"Sent"  in  the  OT  is  the  tr  of  shalah,  "to  send"  (of 
presents,  messengers,  etc.  Gen  32  18;  44  3;  Jgs 
6  14;  1  K  14  6;  Est  3  13;  Prov  17  11;  Jer  49 
14;  Ezk  3  5;  23  40;  Dnl  10  11;  Ob  ver  1);  of 
sh'iah,  Aram.  (Ezr  7  14;  Dnl  5  24);  oi  shilluhlm, 
"sending"  (Ex  18  2);  in  the  NT  of  aposlello,  "to 
send  off"  or  "away,"  "to  send  forth"  (Jn  9  7,  "the 
pool  of  Siloam  [which  is  by  interpretation.  Sent]"); 
cf  Lk  13  4;  Neh  3  15,  "the  pool  of  Siloah,"  RV 
"Shelah";  Isa  8  6,  "the  waters  of  Shiloah  that  go 
softly,"  where  LXX  has  Siloam  for  Heb  shiloah,  "a 
sending,"  which,  rather  than  "Sent,"  is  the  original 
meaning — a  sending  forth  of  waters.  See  Siloam. 
"Sent"  is  also  the  tr  of  apdslolos,  "one  sent  forth" 
(the  original  of  the  familiar  word  "apostle");  in  Jn 
13  16,  "one  that  is  sent"  (m  "Gr  'an  apostle'  ");  cf 
He  1  14.  W.  L.  Walker 

SENTENCE,  sen'tens:  Eight  Heb  and  three  Gr 
words  are  thus  tr''  in  AV.  Sometimes  it  points  to  a 
mystery  (Dnl  5  12;  8  23);  then  again  to  the  con- 
tents of  the  Law  (Dt  17  11);  then  again  to  the 
idea  of  judgment  (Ps  17  2)  or  of  a  judicial  sen- 
tence (2  Cor  19;  Lk  23  24),  or  of  judicial  advice 
(Acts  15  19,  ARV  "judgment"). 

SENUAH,  s6-nu'a,  sen'a-a  (HXIDP ,  s'nU'ah) :  In 
AV  "A  Benjamite"  (Neh  11  9);  RV  has  "Has- 
senuah,"  transliterating  the  def.  art.  AV  is  to  be 
preferred  (cf  1  Ch  9  7). 

SEORIM,  sS-6'rim,  sS-6r'im  (D^l.is^to,  s''orim): 
The  name  borne  by  one  of  the  (post-exilic)  priestly 
courses  (1  Ch  24  8). 


SEPARATE,  sep'a-rat:  The  tr  of  a  number  of 
Heb  and  Gr  words,  '"3,  hcUlhal  (Lev  20  24,  etc), 
and  atpopl^o},  aphorizo  (Mt  25  32,  etc),  being  the 
most  common.  "To  separate"  and  "to  conse- 
crate" were  originally  not  distinguished  (e.g.  Nu  6 
2  m),  and  probably  the  majority  of  the  uses  of 
"separate"  in  EV  connote  "to  set  apart  for  God." 
But  precisely  the  same  term  that  is  used  in  this 
sense  may  also  denote  the  exact  opposite  (e.g.  the 
use  of  nazar  in  Ezk  14  7  and  Zee  7  3).  See 
Holy;   Nazirite;   Saint. 

SEPARATION,  sep-a-ra'shun :  In  the  Pent  the 
word  niddah  specially  points  to  a  state  of  cere- 
monial uncleanness  (Lev  12  2.5;  15  20ff;  Nu  6  4ff; 
12  13;  19  21).  For  a  de.scription  of  the  "water  of 
purification,"  used  for  cleansing  what  was  cere- 
monially unclean  (Nu  19),  see  Heifer,  Red;  Un- 
cleanness. For  "separation"  in  the  sense  of  nezer, 
see  Nazirite. 

SEPHAR,  se'fiir:  Only  in  Gen  10  30  (HISO , 
fpharah,  "toward  Sephar"),  as  the  eastern  limit 
of  the  territory  of  the  sons  of  Yoktan  (Joktan). 
From  the  similarity  between  the  names  of  most  of 
Yoktan's  sons  and  the  names  of  South  Arabian 
towns  or  districts,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that 
Sephar  is  represented  by  the  Arab.  Zafdr.  The 
appropriateness  of  the  site  seems  to  outweigh  the 
discrepancy  between  Arab,  z  and  Heb  ?.  But  two 
important  towns  in  South  Arabia  bear  this  name. 
The  one  lies  a  little  to  the  S.  of  San'a' .  According 
to  tradition  it  was  founded  by  Shiammir,  one  of  the 
Sabaean  kings,  and  for  a  long  time  served  as  the 
royal  seat  of  the  Tubbas.  The  other  Zafdr  stands 
on  the  coast  in  the  district  of  Shihr,  E.  of  Hadra- 
maut.  The  latter  is  probably  to  be  accepted  as  the 
Bib.  site.  A.  S.  Fulton 

SEPHARAD,  s6-fa'rad,  sef'a-rad  (TISO ,  .fp/ia- 
rddh) :  Mentioned  in  Ob  ver  20  as  the  place  of  cap- 
tivity of  certain  "captives  of  Jerus,"  but  no  clear 
indication  is  given  of  locality.  Many  conjectures 
have  been  made.  The  Tg  of  Jonathan  identifies 
with  Spain;  hence  the  Spanish  Jews  are  called 
Sephardim.  Others  (Pusey,  etc)  have  connected 
it  with  the  "^parda"  of  the  Behistun  Inscription, 
and  some  have  even  identified  it  with  "Sardis." 
The  now  generally  accepted  view  is  that  which  con- 
nects it  with  the  "Saparda"  of  the  Assyr  inscrip- 
tions, though  whether  this  is  to  be  located  to  the  E. 
of  Assyria  or  in  Northern  Asia  Minor  is  not  clear. 
See  Schrader,  Cuneiform  Inscriptions,  II,  145-46; 
Sayoe,  HCM,  482-84;  arts,  in  DB,  HDB,  EB,  etc. 

James  Orr 
SEPHARVAIM,  sef-ar-va'im,  se-far-va'im 
(D'^IISO  ,  fpharwayim:  2€<j><j>apou(lt(i,  Sephpharou- 
dim,  2«ir<j>apo«4in,  iSeppharoudim,  Seir- 
1.  Formerly  <t>apovv,  Seppharoun,  2eir(j>apoD|j.di.v, 
Identified  Seppharonmdin,  'Ei7<j>apoiidi)i,  Eppha- 
with  the  roudim,  2eir4>apc((j.,  Sepphareim,  the 
Two  Baby-  first  two  being  the  forms  in  MSS  A  and 
Ionian  B  respectively,  of  the  passages  in  K,  and 

Sippars  the  last  two  in  Isa):    This  city,  men- 

tioned in  2  K  17  24;  18  34;  19  13; 
Isa  36  19;  37  13,  is  generally  identified  with  the 
Sipip)ar  of  the  Assyr-Bab  inscriptions  (Zimhir  in 
Sumerian),  on  the  Euphrates,  about  16  miles  S.W. 
of  Bagdad.  It  was  one  of  the  two  great  seats  of  the 
worship  of  the  Bab  sun-god  Samas,  and  also  of  the 
goddesses  IStar  and  Anunit,  and  seems  to  have  had 
two  principal  districts,  Sippar  of  Samas,  and  Sippar 
of  Anunit,  which,  if  the  identification  were  correct, 
would  account  for  the  dual  termination  -ayim,,  in 
Heb.  This  site  is  the  modern  'Abu-Habbah,  which 
was  first  excavated  by  the  late  Hormuzd  Rassam  in 


Sepharvites 
Septuagint 


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2722 


18R1,  and  has  furnished  an  enormous  number  of  in- 
scriptions, some  of  them  of  the  highest  importance. 
Besides  the  fact  tliat  the  deities  of  the  two  cities, 
Sippar  and  Sepharvaim,  are  not  the  same,  it  is  to 
be  noted  that  in  2  K  19  13  the  king 

2.  Difficul-  of  Sepharvaim  is  referred  to,  and,  as 
ties  of  That  far  as  is  k;nomi,  the  Bab  Sippar  never 
Identifl-  had  a  Icing  of  its  own,  nor  had  Alvlcad, 
cation  with  which  it  is  in  part  identified,  for 

at  least  1,200  years  before  Sennacherib. 
The  fact  that  Babylon  and  Cuthah  head  the  Hst  of 
cities  mentioned  is  no  indication  that  Sepharvaim 
was  a  Bab  town — the  composition  of  the  list,  indeed, 
points  the  other  way,  for  the  name  comes  after  Ava 
and  Hamath,  implying  that  it  lay  in  Syria. 

Joseph  Halevy  therefore  suggests  (ZA,  II,  401  S) 

that  it  should  be  identified  with  the  Sibraim  of 

Ezk  47  16,    between    Damascus    and 

3.  Another  Hamath  (the  dual  implying  a  frontier 
Suggestion    town),  and  the  same  as  the  Sahara'in 

of  the  Bab  Chronicle,  there  referred 
to  as  having  been  captured  by  Shalmaneser.  As, 
however,  Sabara'in  may  be  read  Samara'in,  it  is 
more  hkely  to  have  been  the  Heb  Shom'ron  (Sa- 
maria), as  pointed  out  by  Fried.  DeUtzsch. 

LiTEEATUHB. — See  Schrader,  COT,  I,  71  f;  Kittel  on 
K;  DilLmann- Kittel  on  Jsa,  ad  loc. ;  HDB,s.y. 

T.  G.  Pinches 

SEPHARVITES,  se'far-vlts,  s5-tar'vlts  (a^1-)SD  , 
^'pharwim):  In  2  K  17  31,  the  inhabitants  of 
Sepharvaim  (q.v,),  planted  by  the  king  of  Assyria 
in  Samaria.  They  continued  there  to  burn  their 
children  to  their  native  gods. 

SEPPHORIS,  sef'6-ris:  A  city  of  Galilee,  taken 
by  Josephus  (Vita,  IX,  Ixvii,  71)  and  later  de- 
stroyed by  the  son  of  Varus  [Ant,  XVII,  x,  9). 

SEPTUAGINT,  sep'ta-a-jint: 

I.     Import.\nce 

II.       N.iME 

III.  Tradition.\l  Origin 

1.  Letter  of  Aristeas 

2.  Evidence  of  Aristobulus  and  Philo 

3.  Later  Accretions 

4.  Criticism  of  the  Aristeas  vStory 
.5.  Date 

6.  Credibility 

IV.  Evidence  op  Prologue  to  Sirach 
V.     Transmission   of  the  LXX  Text 

1.  Early  Corruption  of  the  Text 

2.  OEBcial  Revision  of  Hebrew  Text  c  100  AD 
.3.  Adoption  of  LXX  by  Christians 

4.  Alternative  2d-Centiiry  Greek  Versions 

5.  Aquila 

6.  Theodotion 

7.  Symmachns  and  Others 

8.  OVigen  and  the  Hexapla 

9.  Hexaplaric  Manuscripts 

10.  Recensions  Known  to  Jerome 

11.  Hesychian  Recension 

12.  Lucianic  Recension 

VI.     Reconstruction     of    LXX     Text;    Versions, 
M.ANusCRiPTa  and  Printed  Editions 

1.  Ancient  Versions  Made  from  LXX 

2.  Manuscripts 

3.  Printed  Texts 

4.  Reconstruction  of  Original  Te.xt 
VII.     Number,   Titles  and  Order  of  Books 

1.  Contents 

2.  Titles 

3.  Bipartition  of  Books 

4.  Grouping  and  Order  of  Books 

VIII.     Characteristics  of  the  Version  and  Its  Com- 
ponent Parts 

1.  Grouping  of  Books  on  Internal  Evidence 

(1)  The  Hexateuch 

(2)  The  "Latter"  Prophets 

(3)  Partial  Version  of  the  "Former"  Prophets 

(4)  The  "Writings" 

(5)  The  Latest  LXX  Translations 

2.  General  Characteristics 

IX.     Salient    Differences    betwee.n    Greek     a.nd 
Hebrew  Texts 

1.  Sequence 

2.  Subject-Matter 
Literature 

/.  Importance. — The  Gr  VS  of  the  OT  commonly 
known   as   the   Septuagint   holds   a   unique   place 


among  translations.  Its  importance  is  many- 
sided.  Its  chief  value  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is  a 
VS  of  a  Heb  text  earlier  by  about  a  millennium  than 
the  earhest  dated  Heb  MS  extant  (916  AD),  a  VS, 
in  particular,  prior  to  the  formal  rabbinical  revi- 
sion of  the  Heb  which  took  place  early  in  the  2d 
cent.  AD.  It  supplies  the  materials  for  the  recon- 
struction of  an  older  form  of  the  Heb  than  the  MT 
reproduced  in  our  modern  Bibles.  It  is,  moreover, 
a  pioneering  work ;  there  was  probably  no  precedent 
in  the  world's  history  for  a  series  of  translations 
from  one  language  into  another  on  so  extensive  a 
scale.  It  was  the  first  attempt  to  reproduce  the 
Heb  Scriptures  in  another  tongue.  It  is  one  of  the 
outstanding  results  of  the  breaking-down  of  inter- 
national barriers  by  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the 
Great  and  the  dissemination  of  the  Gr  language, 
which  were  fraught  with  such  vital  consequences 
for  the  history  of  religion.  The  cosmopohtan  city 
which  he  founded  in  the  Delta  witnessed  the  first 
attempt  to  bridge  the  gulf  between  Jewish  and  Gr 
thought.  The  Jewish  commercial  settlers  at  Alex- 
andria, forced  by  circumstances  to  abandon  their 
language,  clung  tenaciously  to  their  faith;  and  the 
tr  of  the  Scriptures  into  their  adopted  language, 
produced  to  meet  their  own  needs,  had  the  further 
result  of  introducing  the  outside  world  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  their  history  and  religion.  Then  came  the 
most  momentous  event  in  its  history,  the  starting- 
point  of  a  new  life;  the  tr  was  taken  over  from  the 
Jews  by  the  Christian  church.  It  was  the  Bible  of 
most  writers  of  the  NT.  Not  only  are  the  majority 
of  their  express  citations  from  Scripture  borrowed 
from  it,  but  their  writings  contain  numerous 
reminiscences  of  its  language.  Its  words  are  house- 
hold words  to  them.  It  laid  for  them  the  founda- 
tions of  a  new  religious  terminology.  It  was  a 
potent  weapon  for  missionary  work,  and,  when 
VSS  of  the  Scriptures  into  other  languages  became 
necessary,  it  was  in  most  cases  the  LXX  and  not 
the  Heb  from  which  they  were  made.  Preeminent 
among  these  daughter  VSS  was  the  Old  Lat  which 
preceded  the  Vulg.  Jerome's  VS,  for  the  most  part 
a  direct  tr  from  the  Heb,  was  in  portions  a  mere 
revision  of  the  Old  Lat;  our  Prayer-book  VS  of  the 
Psalter  preserves  peculiarities  of  the  LXX,  trans- 
mitted through  the  medium  of  the  Old  Lat.  The 
LXX  was  also  the  Bible  of  the  early  Gr  Fathers, 
and  helped  to  mold  dogma;  it  furnished  proof- 
texts  to  both  parties  in  the  Arian  controversy.  Its 
language  gives  it  another  strong  claim  to  recog- 
nition. Uncouth  and  unclassical  as  much  of  it 
appears,  we  now  know  that  this  is  not  wholly  due 
to  the  hampering  effects  of  translation.  "Biblical 
Greek,"  once  considered  a  distinct  species,  is  now 
a  rather  discredited  term.  The  hundreds  of  con- 
temporary papyrus  records  (letters,  business  and 
legal  documents,  etc)  recently  discovered  in  Egypt 
illustrate  much  of  the  vocabulary  and  grammar  and 
go  to  show  that  many  so-called  "Hebraisms"  were 
in  truth  integral  parts  of  the  koini,  or  "common 
language,"  i.e.  the  international  form  of  Gr  which, 
since  the  time  of  Alexander,  replaced  the  old  dia- 
lects, and  of  which  the  spoken  Gr  of  today  is  the 
lineal  descendant.  The  VS  was  made  for  the 
populace  and  written  in  large  measure  in  the  lan- 
guage of  their  everyday  life. 

//.  Name. — The  name  "Septuagint"  is  an  abbre- 
viation of  Inter pretalio  secundum  (or  juxta)  Sep- 
luaginta  seniores  (or  viros),  i.e.  the  Gr  tr  of  the  OT 
of  which  the  first  instalment  was,  according  to  the 
Alexandrian  legend  (see  III,  below),  contributed 
by  70  (or  72)  elders  sent  from  Jerus  to  Alexandria 
for  the  purpose  at  the  request  of  Ptolemy  II.  The 
legend  in  its  oldest  form  restricts  their  labors  to  the 
Pent,  but  they  were  afterward  credited  with  the 
tr  of  the  whole  Bible,  and  before  the  4th  cent,  it 


2723 


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Sepharvites 
Septuagint 


had  become  customary  to  apply  the  title  to  the 
whole  collection:  Aug.,  De  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.42, 
"quorum  interpretatio  ut  Septuaginta  vocetur  iam 
obtinuit  consuetudo"  ("whose  tr  is  now  by  custom 
called  the  Septuagint").  The  MSS  refer  to  them 
under  the  abbreviation  ol  o',  hoi  o'  ("the  seventy"), 
or  oi  0^',  hoi  oh'  ("the  seventy-two").  The  "Sep- 
tuagmt"  and  the  abbreviated  form  "LXX"  have 
been  the  usual  designations  hitherto,  but,  as  these 
are  based  on  a  now  discredited  legend,  they  are 
coming  to  be  replaced  by  "the  OT  in  Greek,"  or  "the 
Alexandrian  version"  with  the  abbreviation  (6. 

///.  Traditional  Origin. — The  traditional  account 
of  the  tr  of  the  Pent  is  contained  in  the  so-called 
letter  of  Aristeas  (edd  Gr  text,  P.  Wendland,  Teubner 
series,  1900,  and  Thackeray  in  the  App.  to  Swete's 
Inlro  to  the  OT  in  Gr,  1900,  etc;  Wendland's  sections 
cited  below  appear  in  Swete's  hdro,  ed  2;  ET  by 
Thackeray,  Macmillan,  1904,  reprinted  from  JQR, 
XV,  337,  and  by  H.  T.  Andrews  in  Charles's  Apoc- 
rypha and  Pseudepigmpha  of  the  OT,  II,  83-122, 
Oxford,  1913). 

The  writer  professes  to  be  a  high  official  at  the 
court  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (285-247  BC),  a 
Greek  interested  in  Jewish  antiquities. 
1.  Letter  of  Addressing  his  brother  Philocrates 
Aristeas  he  describes  an  embassy  to  Jerus  on 
which  he  has  recently  been  sent  with 
another  courtier  Andreas.  According  to  his  narra- 
tive, Demetrius  of  Phalerum,  a  prominent  figure 
in  later  Athenian  history,  who  here  appears  as  the 
royal  librarian  at  Alexandria,  convinced  the  king 
of  the  importance  of  securing  for  his  library  a  tr 
of  the  Jewish  Law.  The  king  at  the  same  time, 
to  propitiate  the  nation  from  whom  he  was  asking 
a  favor,  consented,  on  the  suggestion  of  Aristeas,  to 
liberate  all  Jewish  slaves  in  Egypt.  Copies  follow 
of  the  letters  which  passed  between  Ptolemy  and 
Eleazar,  the  high  priest  at  Jerus.  Ptolemy  requests 
Eleazar  to  select  and  dispatch  to  Alexandria  72 
elders,  proficient  in  the  Law,  6  from  each  tribe,  to 
undertake  the  tr,  the  importance  of  the  task  re- 
quiring the  services  of  a  large  number  to  secure  an 
accurate  VS.  Eleazar  complies  with  the  request 
and  the  names  of  the  selected  translators  are  ap- 
pended to  his  letter. 

There  follow:  (1)  a  detailed  description  of  votive 
offerings  sent  by  Ptolemy  for  the  temple;  (2)  a  sketch  of 
Jerus,  the  temple  and  its  services,  and  the  geography 
of  Pal.  doubtless  reflecting  in  part  the  impressions  of  an 
eyewitness  and  giving  a  unique  picture  of  the  Jewish 
capital  in  the  Ptolemaic  era ;  (3)  an  exposition  by  Eleazar 
of  portions  of  the  Law. 

The  translators  arrive  at  Alexandria,  bringing 
a  copy  of  the  Law  written  in  letters  of  gold  on  rolls 
of  skins,  and  are  honorably  received  by  Ptolemy. 
A  seven  days'  banquet  follows,  at  which  the  king 
tests  the  proficiency  of  each  in  turn  with  hard  ques- 
tions. Three  days  later  Demetrius  conducts  them 
across  the  mole  known  as  the  Heptastadion  to  the 
island  of  Pharos,  where,  with  all  necessaries  pro- 
vided for  their  convenience,  they  complete  their 
task,  as  by  a  miracle,  in  72  days;  we  are  expressly 
told  that  their  work  was  the  result  of  collaboration 
and  comparison.  The  completed  VS  was  read  by 
Demetrius  to  the  Jewish  community,  who  received 
it  with  enthusiasm  and  begged  that  a  copy  might 
be  intrusted  to  their  leaders;  a  solemn  curse  was 
pronounced  on  any  who  should  venture  to  add  to  or 
subtract  from  or  m;ike  any  alteration  in  the  tr. 
The  whole  VS  was  then  read  aloud  to  the  king  who 
expressed  his  admiration  and  his  surprise  that  Gr 
writers  had  remained  in  ignorance  of  its  contents; 
he  directed  that  the  books  should  be  preserved  with 
scrupulous  care. 

To  set  beside  this  account  we  have  two  pre- 
Christian  allusions  in  Jewish  writings.  Aristobulus, 
addressing  a  Ptolemy  who  has  been  identified  as 


Philometor  (182-146  BC),  repeats  the  statement 
that  the  Pent  was  tr'^  under  Philadelphus  at  the  in- 
stance of  Demetrius  Phalereus  (Euseb., 

2.  Evidence  Praep.  Ev.,  XIII,  12.6646);  but  the 
of  Aristo-  genuineness  of  the  passage  is  doubtful. 
bulus  and  If  it  is  accepted,  it  appears  that  some 
Philo  of  the  main  features  of  the  story  were 

believed  at  Alexandria  within  a  century 
of  the  date  assigned  by  "Aristeas"  to  the  tr.  Philo 
(Vit.  Mays,  ii,5  ff)  repeats  the  story  of  the  send- 
ing of  the  translators  by  Eleazar  at  the  request 
of  Philadelphus,  adding  that  in  his  day  the  com- 
pletion of  the  undertaking  was  celebrated  by  an 
annual  festival  on  the  isle  of  Pharos.  It  is  improb- 
able that  an  artificial  production  like  the  Aristeas 
letter  should  have  occasioned  such  an  anniversary; 
Philo's  evidence  seems  therefore  to  rest  in  part 
on  an  independent  tradition.  His  account  in  one 
particular  paves  the  way  for  later  accretions;  he 
hints  at  the  inspiration  of  the  translators  and  the 
miraculous  agreement  of  their  separate  VSS :  "They 
prophesied  like  men  possessed,  not  one  in  one  way 
and  one  in  another,  but  all  producing  the  same 
words  and  phrases  as  though  some  unseen  prompter 
were  at  the  ears  of  each,"  At  the  end  of  the  1st 
cent.  AD  Jos  includes  in  his  Antiquities  (XII,  ii, 
1  ff )  large  portions  of  the  letter,  which  he  para- 
phrases, but  does  not  embellish. 

Christian  writers  accepted  the  story  without  sus- 
picion and  amplified  it.     A  catena  of  their  evidence 

is   given   in   an   Appendix   to   Wend- 

3.  Later  land's  ed.  The  following  are  their 
Accretions     principal  additions  to  the  narrative, 

all  clearly  baseless  fabrications. 

(1)  The  translators  worked  independently,  in  separate 
cells,  and  produced  identical  versions,  Ptolemy  proposing 
this  test  of  their  trustworthiness.  So  Irenaeus,  Clement 
of  Alexandria,  Augustine,  the  Chronicon  Paschale  and  the 
Cohortatio  ad  Graecos  (wrongly  attributed  to  Justin) : 
the  author  of  the  last  work  asserts  that  he  had  seen 
the  cells  and  heard  the  tradition  on  the  spot.  (2)  A 
modiflcation  of  this  legend  says  that  the  translators 
worked  in  pairs  in  36  cells.  So  Epiphanius  (d.  403  AD), 
and  later  G.  Syncellus,  Julius  Pollux  and  Zonaras. 
Epiphanius'  account  is  the  most  detailed.  The  trans- 
lators were  locked  up  in  sky-lighted  cells  in  pairs  with 
attendants  and  shorthand  writers;  each  pair  was  in- 
trusted with  one  book,  the  books  were  then  circulated, 
and  36  identical  VSS  of  the  whole  Bible,  canonical  and 
apocryphal  books,  were  produced;  Ptolemy  wrote 
two  letters,  one  asking  for  the  original  Scriptures,  the 
second  for  translators.  (3)  This  story  of  the  two 
embassies  appears  already  in  the  2d  cent.  AD,  in  Justin's 
Apology,  and  (4)  the  extension  of  the  translators'  work  to 
the  Prophets  or  the  whole  Bible  recurs  in  the  two  Cyrils 
and  in  Chrysostom.  (.5)  The  miraculous  agreement  of  the 
translators  proved  thera  to  be  no  less  inspired  than  the 
authors  (Irenaeus,  etc;  cf  Philo).  (6)  As  regards 
date,  Clement  of  Alexandria  quotes  an  alternative  tra- 
dition referring  the  VS  back  to  the  time  of  the  first 
Ptolemy  (322-28.5  BC);  while  Chrysostom  brings  it 
down  to  "a  hundred  or  more  years  [elsewhere  ' ' not 
many  years"]  before  the  coming  of  Christ."  Justin 
absurdly  states  that  Ptolemy's  eml^assy  was  sent  to 
King  Herod;  the  Chronicon  Paschale  calls  the  high  priest 
of  the  time  Onias  Simon,  brother  of  Eleazar. 

Jerome  was  the  first  to  hold  these  later  inventions 
up  to  ridicule,  contrasting  them  with  the  older  and 
more  sober  narrative.  They  indicate  a  growing  oral 
tradition  in  Jewish  circles  at  Alexandria.  The 
origin  of  the  legend  of  the  miraculous  consensus  of 
the  70  translators  has  been  reasonably  sought  in  a 
passage  in  Ex  24  LXX  to  which  Epiphanius  expressly 
refers.  We  there  read  of  70  elders  of  Israel,  not 
heard  of  again,  who  with  Aaron,  Nadab  and  Abihu 
form  a  hnk  between  Moses  and  the  people.  After 
reciting  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  Moses  ascends 
to  the  top  of  the  mount;  the  70,  however,  ascend 
but  a  little  way  and  are  bidden  to  worship  from  afar: 
according  to  the  LXX  text  "They  saw  the  place 
where  the  God  of  Israel  stood  ....  and  of  the 
elect  of  Israel  not  one  perished"  (ver  11),  i.e.  they 
were  privileged  to  escape  the  usual  effect  of  a  vision 
of  the  Deity   (Ex  33  20).     But  the  vb.  used  for 


Septuagint 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2724 


"perish"  (diaphdnein)  was  uncommon  in  this  sense; 
"not  one  disagreed"  would  be  the  obvious  meaning; 
hence  apparently  the  legend  of  the  agreement  of 
the  translators,  the  later  intermediaries  between 
Moses  and  Israel  of  the  Dispersion.  When  the 
translations  were  recited,  "no  difference  was  dis- 
coverable," says  Epiphanius,  using  the  same  vb. 
Cave-dwellings  in  the  island  of  Pharos  probably 
account  for  the  legend  of  the  cells.  A  curious 
phenomenon  has  recently  suggested  that  there  is 
an  element  of  truth  in  one  item  of  Epiphanius'  ob- 
viously incredible  narrative,  viz.  the  working  of 
the  translators  in  pairs.  The  Gr  books  of  Jer  and 
Ezk  fall  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  apparently  the 
work  of  separate  translators  (see  VIII,  1,  [2],  below) ; 
while  in  Ex,  Lev  and  Pss  orthographical  details  indi- 
cate a  similar  division  of  the  books  for  clerical  pur- 
poses. There  was,  it  seems,  a  primitive  custom  of 
transcribing  each  book  on  2  separate  rolls,  and  in 
the  case  of  Jer  and  Ezk  the  practice  goes  back  to 
the  time  of  tr  (JTS,  IV,  245  ff,  398  ff ;  IX,  88  if). 

Beside   the    later    extravagances,    the   story   of 

Aristeas  appears  comparatively  rational.     Yet  it 

has  long  been  recognized  that  much  of 

4.  Criticism  it  is  unhistorical,  ia  particular  the  pro- 
of the  fessed  date  and  nationality  of  the 
Aristeas  writer.  Its  claims  to  authenticity 
Story  were   demolished   by   Dr.    Hody   two 

centuries  ago  (De  hihliormn  textibus 
originalihus,  Oxon.,  1705) .  Clearly  the  writer  is  not 
a  Greek,  but  a  Jew,  whose  aim  is  to  glorify  his  race 
and  to  disseminate  information  about  their  sacred 
books.  Yet  the  story  is  not  wholly  to  be  rejected, 
though  it  is  difficult  to  disentangle  truth  from  fiction. 
On  one  side  his  veracity  has  since  Hody's  time  been 
established;  his  court  titles,  technical  terms,  epis- 
tolary formulae,  etc,  reappear  in  Egyp  papyri  and 
inscriptions,  and  all  his  references  to  Alexandrian 
life  and  customs  are  probably  equally  trustworthy 
(§§  28,  109  ff,  measures  to  counteract  the  ill  effects 
upon  agriculture  of  migration  from  country  to  town ; 
§  167,  treatment  of  informers  [cf  §25];  §  175  recep- 
tion of  foreign  embassies  [cf  §  182]).  The  import  of 
this  discovery  has,  however,  since  its  announcement 
by  Lombroso  (Recherches  sur  I'economie  politique 
de  I'Egypte,  Turin,  1870),  been  somewhat  modified 
by  the  new-found  papyri  which  show  that  Aristeas' 
titles  and  formulae  are  those  of  the  later,  not  the 
earlier,  Ptolemaic  age. 

The  letter  was  used  by  Jos  and  probably  known 

to  Philo.     How  much  earlier  is  it?     Schurer  (HJP, 

II,  iii,  309  f  [GJV\  III,  608-16]),  rely- 

5.  Date  ing  on  (1)  the  questionable  Aristobulus 

passage,  (2)  the  picture  drawn  of  Pal 
as  if  still  under  Ptolemaic  rule,  from  which  it  passed 
to  the  Seleucids  c  200  BC,  argued  that  the  work 
could  not  be  later  than  that  date.  But  it  is  hard 
to  believe  that  a  fictitious  story  (as  he  regards  it  to 
be)  could  have  gained  credence  within  little  more 
than  half  a  century  of  the  period  to  which  it  relates, 
and  Wendland  rightly  rejects  so  ancient  an  origin. 
The  following  indications  suggest  a  date  about 
100-80  BC. 

(1)  Many  of  Aristeas'  formulae,  etc  (see  above), 
only  came  into  use  in  the  2d  cent.  BC  (Strack,  Rhein. 
Mus..  LV,  IGSff:  Thackeray,  Aristeas.  ET,  pp.  3,  12). 
(2)  The  later  Maccabean  age  or  the  end  of  the  2d  cent. 
BC  is  suggested  by  some  of  the  translators'  names  (Wend- 
land, xxvi),  and  (.3)  by  tlie  independent  position  of  the 
high  priest.  (4)  Some  of  Ptolemy's  questions  indicate 
a  tottering  dynasty  (§187,  etc).  (.5)  The  writer  occasion- 
ally forgets  his  rOie  and  distinguishes  between  his  own 
time  and  that  of  Philadelphus  (§§  28,  182).  (6)  He 
appears  to  borrow  his  name  from  a  Jewish  historian  of 
the  2d  cent.  BO  and  to  wish  to  pass  off  the  latter's 
history  as  his  own  (§  6).  (7)  He  is  guilty  of  historical 
inaccuracies  concerning  Demetrius,  etc.  (S)  The  pro- 
logue to  the  Gr  Ecclus  (after  132  BC)  ignores  and 
contradicts  tlie  Aristeas  story,  whereas  Aristeas  possibly 
used  this  prologue  (Wendland,  xxvii;  cf  Hart,  Ecclus  in 
Qrcck.  1909).      (9)  The  imprecation  upon  any  wlio  should 


alter  the  tr  (§  311)  points  to  divergences  of  text  which 
the  writer  desired  to  check;  cf  §57,  where  he  seems  to 
insist  on  the  correctness  of  the  LXX  text  of  Ex  25  22, 
"gold  of  pure  gold,"  as  against  the  Heb.  (10)  Allusions 
to  current  criticisms  of  the  Pent  (§§  128,  144)  presuppose 
a  famiUarity  with  it  on  the  part  of  non-Jewish  readers 
only  explicable  if  the  LXX  had  long  been  current,  (11) 
Yet  details  in  the  Gr  orthography  preclude  a  date  much 
later  than  100  BC. 

The  probable  amount  of  truth  in  the  story  is 
ably  discussed  by  Swete  (Intro,  16-22).     The  follow- 
ing statements  in  the  letter  may  be 
6.  Credi-       accepted:     (1)  The  tr  was  produced  at 
bility  Alexandria,  as  is  conclusively  proved 

by  Egyp  influence  on  its  language. 
(2)  The  Pent  was  tr''  first  and,  in  view  of  the  homo- 
geneity of  style,  as  a  whole.  (3)  The  Gr  Pent  goes 
back  to  thefir.st  half  of  the  3d  cent.  BC;  the  style  is 
akin  to  that  of  the  3d-cent.  papyri,  and  the  Gr  Gen 
was  used  by  the  Hellenist  Demetrius  toward  the 
end  of  the  cent.  (4)  The  Heb  rolls  were  brought 
from  Jerus.  (5)  Possibly  Philadelphus,  the  patron 
of  literature,  with  his  religious  impartiahty,  may 
have  countenanced  the  work.  But  the  assertion 
that  it  owed  its  inception  wholly  to  him  and  his 
librarian  is  incredible;  it  is  known  from  other  sources 
that  Demetrius  Phalereus  did  not  fill  the  office  of 
librarian  under  that  monarch.  The  language  is  that 
of  the  people,  not  a  literary  style  suitable  to  a  work 
produced  under  royal  patronage.  The  imi^ortation 
of  Palestinian  translators  is  likewise  fictitious.  Dr. 
Swete  acutely  observes  that  Aristeas,  in  stating 
that  the  tr  was  read  to  and  welcomed  by  the  Jewish 
community  before  being  presented  to  the  king,  un- 
consciously reveals  its  true  origin.  It  was  no  doubt 
produced  to  meet  their  own  needs  by  the  large 
Jewish  colony  at  Alexandria.  A  demand  that  the 
Law  should  be  read  in  the  synagogues  in  a  tongue 
"understanded  of  the  people"  was  the  originating 
impulse. 

IV.  Evidence  of  Prologue  to  Sirach. — The  inter- 
esting, though  in  places  tantalizingly  obscure,  pro- 
logue to  Ecclus  throws  light  on  the  progress  made 
with  the  tr  of  the  remaining  Scriptures  before  the 
end  of  the  2d  cent.  BC. 

The  translator  dates  his  settlement  in  Egypt,  during 
which  he  produced  his  VS  of  his  grandfather's  work, 
as  "the  38th  year  under  Euergetes  tlie  king."  The 
words  have  been  the  subject  of  controversy,  but,  with 
the  majority  of  critics,  we  may  interpret  this  to  mean 
the  38th  year  of  Euergetes  II,  reckoning  from  ttie 
beginning  (170  BC)  of  his  joint  reign  with  Philometor, 
i.e.  132  BC.  Euergetes  I  reigned  for  2.5  years  only. 
Others,  in  view  of  the  superfluous  preposition,  suppose 
that  the  age  of  tlie  translator  is  intended,  but  the  cum- 
brous form  of  expression  is  not  unparalleled.  A  recent 
explanation  of  tlie  date  (Hart,  Ecclus  in  Gr)  as  the  38th 
year  of  Philadelphus  Which  was  also  the  1st  year  of 
Euergetes  I  (i.e.  247  BC)  is  more  ingenious  than  con- 
vincing. 

The  prologue  implies  the  existence  of  a  Gr  VS  of 
the  Law,  the  Prophets  and  "the  rest  of  the  books." 
The  translator,  craving  his  readers'  indulgence  for 
the  imperfections  of  his  own  work,  due  to  the  diffi- 
culty of  reproducing  Hob  in  Gr,  adds  that  others 
have  experienced  the  same  difficulties:  "The  Law 
itself  and  the  prophecies  and  the  rest  of  the  books 
have  no  small  difference  when  spoken  in  their  origi- 
nal language."  From  these  words  we  may  under- 
stand that  at  the  time  of  writing  (132-100  BC) 
Alexandrian  Jews  possessed  Gr  VSS  of  a  large  part 
(probably  not  the  whole)  of  "the  Prophets,"  and 
of  some  of  "the  Writings"  or  Hagiographa.  For 
some  internal  evidence  as  to  the  order  in  which  the 
several  books  were  tr"'  see  VIII,  below. 

V.  Transmission  of  the  LXX  Text. — The  main 
value  of  the  LXX  is  its  witness  to  an  older  Heb 
text  than  our  own.  But  before  we  can  reconstruct 
this  Heb  text  we  need  to  have  a  pure  Gr  text  before 
us,  and  this  we  are  at  present  far  from  possessing. 
The  Gr  text  has  had  a  long  and  complex  history  of 


2725 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Septuaglnt 


its  own.  Used  for  centuries  by  both  Jews  and 
Christians  it  underwent  corruption  and  interpo- 
lation, and,  notwithstanding  the  multitude  of 
materials  for  its  restoration,  the  original  text  has 
yet  to  be  recovered.  We  are  much  more  certain 
of  the  ipsissima  verba  of  the  NT  writers  than  of  the 
original  Alexandrian  VS  of  the  OT.  This  does  not 
apply  to  all  portions  alike.  The  Or  Pent,  e.g.,  has 
survived  in  a  relatively  pure  form.  But  everywhere 
we  have  to  be  on  our  guard  against  interpolations, 
sometimes  extending  to  whole  paragraphs.  Not 
a  verse  is  without  its  array  of  variant  readings. 
An  indication  of  the  amount  of  "mixture"  which 
has  taken  place  is  afforded  by  the  numerous  "doub- 
lets" or  alternative  renderings  of  a  single  Heb  word 
or  phrase  which  appear  side  by  side  in  the  trans- 
mitted text. 

Textual  corruption  began  eax'ly,  before  the  Chris- 
tian era.     We  have  seen  indications  of  this  in  the 
letter  of    Aristeas  (III,  5,  [9]  above). 

1.  Early         Traces  of  corruption  appear  in  Philo 
Corruption     (e.g.   his  comment,  in  Quis  Rer.  Div. 
of  Text  Her.  56,  on  Gen  15  15,  shows  that  al- 
ready in  his  day  taphels,  "buried,"  had 

become  traphels,  "nurtured,"  as  in  all  our  MSS); 
doublets  already  exist.  Similarly  in  the  NT  the 
author  of  He  quotes  (12  15)  a  corrupt  form  of 
the  Or  of  Dt  29  18. 

But  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  2d  cent. 

AD  that  the  divergence  between  the  Gr  and  the 

Palestinian  Heb  text  reached  an  acute 

2.  Official  stage.  One  cause  of  this  was  the  revi- 
Revision  of  sion  of  the  Heb  text  which  took  place 
Hebrew  about  this  time.  No  actual  record 
Text  c  100  of  this  revision  exists,  but  it  is  beyond 
AD  doubt  that  it  originated  in  the  rab- 
binical school,  of  which  Rabbi  Akiba 

was  the  chief  representative,  and  which  had  its 
center  at  Jamnia  in  the  years  following  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerus.  The  Jewish  doctors,  their  temple  in 
ruins,  concentrated  their  attention  on  the  settlement 
of  the  text  of  the  Scriptures  which  remained  to 
them.  This  school  of  eminent  critics,  precursors  of 
the  Massoretes,  besides  settling  outstanding  ques- 
tions concerning  the  Canon,  laid  down  strict  rules 
for  Bib.  interpretation,  and  in  all  probabihty  estab- 
lished an  official  text. 

But  another  cause  widened  still  farther  the  dis- 
tance between  the  texts  of  Jerus  and  Alexandria. 
This  was  the  adoption  of  the  LXX 

3.  Adoption  by  the  Christian  church.  WhenChri.s- 
of  LXX  by  tians  began  to  cite  the  Alexandrian  VS 
Christians      in  proof  of  their  doctrines,  the  Jews 

began  to  question  its  accuracy.  Hence 
mutual  recriminations  which  are  reflected  in  the 
pages  of  Justin's  Dialogue  with  Trypho.  "They 
dare  to  assert,"  says  Justin  (Dial,  68),  "that  the 
interpretation  produced  by  your  seventy  elders 
under  Ptolemy  of  Egypt  is  in  some  points  inaccu- 
rate "  A  crucial  instance  cited  by  the  Jews  was 
the  rendering  "virgin"  in  Lsa  7  14,  where  they 
claimed  with  justice  that  "young  woman  would 
be  more  accurate.  Justin  retahates  by  charging 
the  Jews  with  deliberate  excision  of  passages  favor- 
able to  Christianity.  ■     •     .v. 

That  such  accusations  should  be  made  in  those 
critical  years  was  inevitable,  yet  there  is  no  evi- 
dence of  any  material  interpolations 

4.  Alterna-  having  been  introduced  by  either 
tive  2d-  party.  But  the  Alexandrian  \b,  m 
Century  view  of  the  revised  text  and  the  new 
Greek  and  stricter  canons  of  interpretation. 
Versions        was  felt  by  the  Jews  to  be  inadequate, 

and  a  group  of  new  translations  of 
Scripture  in  the  2d  cent.  AD  supplied  the  demand 
We  possess  considerable  fragments  of  the  work  ot 
three  of  these  translators,  viz.  Aquila,  Symmaohus 


and  Thcodotion,  besides  scanty  remnants  of  further 
anonymous  VSS. 

The  earliest  of  "the  three"  was  Aqulla,  a  proselyte 
to  Judaism,  and,  lilte  his  NT  namesalce,  a  native  of 
Pontus.  He  flourished,  according  to 
K  Aniiilfl  Epiphanius  (whose  account  of  these  later 
o.  Aquiia  translators  in  his  De  menn.  et  pond,  is  not 
wholly  tru-stworthy),  under  Hadrian  (117- 
38  AD)  and  was  related  to  that  emperor;  there  is  no 
probability  in  Epiphanius'  further  statement  that 
Hadrian  Intrusted  to  Aquila  the  superintendence  of 
the  building  of  Aelia  CapitoMna  on  tho  site  of  Jerus, 
that  there  he  was  converted  to  Christianity  by  Christian 
exiles  returning  from  Pella,  but  that  refusing  to  abandon 
astrology  he  was  excommunicated,  and  in  revenge  turned 
Jew  and  was  actuated  by  a  bias  against  Christianity  in  his 
VS  of  the  OT.  What  is  certain  is  that  he  was  a  pupil  of 
the  new  rabbinical  school,  in  particular  of  Rabbi  Akiba 
(9.5-135  AD),  and  that  his  VS  was  an  attempt  to  repro- 
duce exactly  the  revised  official  text.  The  result  was  an 
extraordinary  production,  unparalleled  in  Gr  lit.,  if  it 
can  be  classed  under  that  category  at  all.  No  jot  or 
tittleof  the  Heb  might  be  neglected;  uniformity  in  the  tr 
of  each  Heb  word  must  be  preserved  and  the  etymological 
kinship  of  different  Heb  words  represented.  Such  were 
some  of  his  leading  principles.  The  opening  words  of 
his  tr  (Gen  1  1)  may  be  rendered:  "In  heading  founded 
God  with  the  heavens  and  with  the  earth."  "Heading" 
or  "summary"  was  selected  because  the  Heb  word  for 
"beginning"  was  a  derivative  of  "head."  "With" 
represents  an  untranslatable  word  ('fith)  prefixed  to  the 
accusative  case,  but  indistinguishable  from  the  preposi- 
tion "with."  The  Divine  Name  (the  tetragrammaton) 
was  not  trd,  but  written  in  archaic  Heb  characters.  "A 
slave  to  the  letter,"  as  Origen  calls  him,  his  work  has 
aptly  been  described  by  a  modem  writer  as  "a  colossal 
crib"  (Burkitt,  JQR.  October,  1896,  207  fl).  Yet  it  was 
a  success.  In  Origen's  time  it  was  used  by  all  Jews 
ignorant  of  Heb,  and  continued  in  use  for  several  cen- 
turies; Justinian  expressly  sanctioned  its  use  in  the 
synagogues  (.Nov.,  146).  Its  lack.of  style  and  violation 
of  the  laws  of  grammar  were  not  due  to  ij^norance  of 
Gr,  of  which  the  writer  shows,  in  vocabulary  at  least,  a 
considerable  command.  Its  importance  lay  and  lies 
(so  far  as  it  is  preserved)  in  its  exact  reproduction  of  the 
rabbinical  text  of  tiie  2d  cent.  AD;  it  may  be  regarded 
as  the  beginning  of  the  scientific  study  of  the  Heb  Scrip- 
tures. Though  "a  bold  attempt  to  displace  the  LXX." 
it  cannot  be  charged  with  being  intentionally  antagonistic 
to  Christianity.  Of  the  original  work,  previously  known 
only  from  extracts  in  MSS,  some  palimpsest  fragments 
were  recovered  from  the  Cairo  Genizah  in  1897  and 
edited  by  F.  C.  Bin-kitt  (Fragments  of  the  Books  of 
Kings,  1897)  and  by  C.  Taylor  (.Sayings  of  the  Jewish 
Fathers'',  1897;  Heb-Gr  Cairo  Genizah  Palimpsests,  1900). 
The  student  of  Swete's  OT  will  trace  Aquila's  unmistali- 
able  style  in  the  footnotes  to  the  Books  of  S  and  K;  the 
older  and  shorter  B  te.xt  in  those  books  has  constantly 
been  supplemented  in  the  A  text  from  Aquila.  A  longer 
specimen  of  his  work  occurs  in  the  Gr  Eccl,  which  has 
no  claim  to  be  regarded  as  "  Septuagint";  Jerome  re- 
fers to  a  second  ed  of  Aquila's  VS,  and  the  Gr  Eccl  is 
perhaps  his  first  ed  of  that  book,  made  on  the  basis  of  an 
unrevised  Heb  text  (McNeile,  Intro  to  Eccl.  Cambridge, 
1904,  App.  I).  The  suggested  identification  of  Aquila 
with  Onkelos,  author  of  the  Tg  of  that  name,  has  not 
been  generally  accepted. 

Epiphanius'    account    of    the   dates    and    history   of 
Theodotion    and    Symmachus    is    untrustwortliy.      He 
seems  to  have  reversed  their  order,  prob- 
6    Theodo-    ^^^y  niisled  by  the  order  of  the  trf  in  the 
o.    xiicu  columns  of  the  Hexapla  (see  below).     He 

tion  also  apparently  confused  Aquila  and  Theo- 

dotion in  calling  the  latter  a  native  of  Pon- 
tus. As  regards  date,  Theodotion.  critics  are  agreed, 
preceded  Symmachus  and  probably  flourished  under  M. 
Aurelius  (161-80),  whereas  Symmachus  Uved  under  Com- 
modus  (180-92);  Irenaeus  mentions  only  the  VSS  of 
Aquila  and  Theodotion,  and  that  of  Symmachus  had  in 
his  day  either  not  been  produced  or  at  least  not  widely 
circulated.  According  to  the  more  credible  account  of 
Irenaeus,  Theodotion  was  an  Ephesian  and  a  convert  to 
Judaism.  His  VS  constantly  agrees  with  the  LXX  and 
was  rather  a  revision  of  it,  to  bring  it  into  accord  with 
the  current  Heb  text,  than  an  independent  work.  The 
supplementing  of  lacunae  in  the  LXX  (due  partly  to  the 
fact  that  the  older  VS  of  some  books  did  not  aim  at 
completeness)  gave  scope  for  greater  originality.  These 
lacunae  were  greatest  in  Job  and  his  VS  of  that  book  was 
much  longer  than  the  LXX.  The  text  of  Job  printed 
in  Swete's  ed  is  a  patchwork  of  old  and  new;  the  careful 
reader  may  detect  tho  Thcodotion  portions  by  translitera- 
tions and  other  peculiarities.  Long  extracts  from  Theo- 
dotion are  preserved  in  cod.  Q  in  Jer.  As  regards  the 
additional  matter  contained  in  LXX,  Theodotion  was 
inconsistent;  he  admitted,  e.g.,  the  additions  to  Dnl 
(Sus,  Bel  and  the  Three),  but  did  not  apparently  admit 
the  non-canonical  books  as  a  whole.  The  church 
adopted  his  Dnl  in  place  of  the  inadequate  LXX  VS, 
which  has  survived  in  only  one  Gr  MS;  but  the  date 
when  the  change  took  place  is  imknown  and  the  early 


Septuagint 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2726 


history  of  the  two  Gr  texts  is  obscure.  Theodotion's 
renderings  have  been  found  in  writings  before  his  time 
(including  the  NT),  and  it  is  reasonably  conjectured 
that  even  before  the  2d  cent.  AD  the  LXXtext  had  been 
discarded  and  that  Theodotion's  VS  is  but  a  working 
over  of  an  older  alternative  VS.  Theodotion  is  tree 
from  the  barbarisms  of  Aquila,  but  is  addicted  to 
transliteration,  i.e.  the  reproduction  of  Heb  words  in 
Gr  letters.  His  reasons  for  this  habit  are  not  always 
clear;  ignorance  of  Heb  will  not  account  for  all  (cf  VIU, 
1,  [.5],  below). 

Beside    the    two   VSS    produced   by,    and    primarily 

intended  for,   Jews  was  a  third,    presumably  to  meet 

the  needs  of  a  Jewi.sh  Christian  sect  who 

7.  Symma-  ^^ei^e  dissatisfied  with  the  LXX.  Sym- 
rViiio  nnH  machus,  its  author,  was,  according  to  the 
i^ius  <tuu  more  trustworthy  accoimt,  an  Ebionite, 
Others  who  also  wrote  a  comm.  on  IMt,  a  copy  of 

which  was  given  to  Origen  by  Juliana,  a 
lady  who  received  it  from  its  author  (Euseb.,  HE,  VI,  17). 
Epiphanius'  description  of  him  as  a  Samaritan  convert 
to  Judaism  may  be  rejected.  The  date  of  his  work,  as 
above  stated,  was  probably  the  reign  of  Conimodus 
(180-92  AD).  In  one  respect  the  VS  resembled  Aquila's, 
in  its  faithful  adherence  to  the  sense  of  the  current  Heb 
text;  its  style,  however,  which  was  flowing  and  literary, 
was  a  revolt  against  Aquila's  monstrosities.  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  recasting  of  Aquila's  VS,  with  free  use  of 
both  LXX  and  Theodotion.  It  carried  farther  a  tend- 
ency apparent  in  the  LXX  to  refine  away  the  anthro- 
pomorphisms of  the  OT. 

Of  three  other  MSS  discovered  by  Origen  (one  at 
Nicopolis  in  Greece,  one  at  Jericho)  and  known  from 
their  position  in  the  Hexapla  as  Quinta,  Sexta,  and 
Septima,  httle  is  known.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  they  embraced  the  whole  OT.  Quinta  is  character- 
ized by  Field  as  the  most  elegant  of  the  Gr  VSS.  F.  C. 
Burkitt  has  discussed  "the  so-called  Quinta  of  4  Kings" 
in  PSBA,  June,  1902.  The  Christian  origin  of  Seita  be- 
trays itself  in  Hab  3  13  ("Thou  wentest  forth  to  save 
thy  people  for  the  sake  of  [or  "by"]  Jesus  thy  anointed 
One"). 

These  later  VSS  play  a  large  part  in  the  history 

of  the  text  of  the  LXX.     This  is  due  to  the  labors 

of  the  greatest  LXX  scholar  of  an- 

8.  Origen  tiquity,  the  celebrated  Origen  of  Alex- 
and  the  andria,  whose  active  life  covers  the 
Hexapla         first    half    of    the    3d    cent.     Origen 

frankly  recognized,  and  wished  Chris- 
tians to  recognize,  the  merits  of  the  later  VSS,  and 
the  divergence.s  between  the  LXX  and  the  current 
Heb.  He  determined  to  provide  the  church  with  the 
materials  for  ascertaining  the  true  text  and  mean- 
ing of  the  OT.  With  this  object  he  set  himself  to 
learn  Heb — a  feat  probably  unprecedented  among 
non-Jewish  Christians  of  that  time — and  to  collect 
the  later  VSS.  The  idea  of  using  these  VSS  to 
amend  the  LXX  seemed  to  him  an  inspiration : 
"By  the  gift  of  God  we  found  a  remedy  for  the  di- 
vergence in  the  copies  of  the  OT,  namely  to  use  the 
other  editions  as  a  criterion"  {Comm.  on  Mt  15  14). 
The  magnimi  opus  in  which  he  embodied  the  results 
of  his  labors  was  known  as  the  Hexapla  or  "six- 
column"  edition.  This  stupendous  work  has  not 
survived;  a  fragment  was  discovered  toward  the 
end  of  the  19th  cent,  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at 
Milan  (Swete,  htlro,  61  ff)  and  another  among  the 
Cairo  Genizah  palimp.scsts  (ed  C.  Tajdor,  Cam- 
bridge, 1900).  The  material  was  arranged  in  six 
parallel  columns  containing  (1)  the  current  Heb 
text,  (2)  the  same  in  Gr  letters,  (3)  the  VS  of  Aquila, 
(4)  that  of  Symmachus,  (5)  that  of  the  LXX,  (6) 
that  of  Theodotion.  The  text  was  broken  up  into 
short  clauses;  not  more  than  two  words,  usually  one 
only,  stood  in  the  first  column.  The  order  of  the 
columns  doubtless  represents  the  degree  of  conform- 
ity to  the  Heb;  Aquila's,  as  the  mo.st  faithful,  heads 
the  VSS,  and  Symmachus'  is  on  the  whole  a  revi- 
sion of  Aquila  as  Theodotion's  is  of  the  LXX.  But 
Origen  was  not  content  with  merely  collating  the 
VSS;  his  aim  was  to  revi.se  the  LXX  and  the  5th 
column  exhibited  his  revised  text.  The  basis  of  it 
was  the  current  Alexandrian  text  of  the  3d  cent.  AD; 
this  was  supplemented  or  corrected  where  necessary 
by  the  other  VSS.  Origen,  however,  deprecated 
alteration  of  a  text  which  had  received  ecclesiastical 
sanction,  without  some  indication  of  its  extent,  and 


the  construction  of  the  5th  column  presented  diffi- 
culties. There  were  (1)  numerous  cases  of  words 
or  paragraphs  contained  in  the  LXX  but  not  in  the 
Heb,  which  could  not  be  wholly  rejected,  (2)  cases 
of  omission  from  the  LXX  of  words  in  the  Heb, 

(3)  cases   of   paraphrase   and   minor   divergences, 

(4)  variations  in  the  order  of  words  or  chapters. 
Origen  here  had  recourse  to  a  system  of  critical 
signs,  invented  and  employed  by  the  grammarian 
Aristarchus  (3d  cent.  BC)  in  his  ed  of  Homer. 
Passages  of  the  first  class  were  left  in  the  text,  but 
had  prefixed  to  them  an  obelus,  a  sign  of  which  the 
original  form  was  a  "spit"  or  "spear,"  but  figuring 
in  LXX  MSS  as  a  horizontal  fine  usually  with  a 
dot  above  and  a  dot  below  (^);  other  varieties 
are  -^,  — r,  C/5;  the  sign  in  Aristarchus  indicated 
censure,  in  the  Hexapla  the  doubtful  authority  of 
the  words  which  followed.  The  close  of  the  obe- 
lized passage  was  marked  by  the  metobelus,  a  colon 
(:),  or,  in  the  Syr  VSS,  a  mallet  (y).  Passages 
missing  in  the  LXX  were  supplied  from  one  of  the 
other  VSS  (Aquila  or  Theodotion),  the  beginning 
of  the  extract  being  marked  by  an  asterisk  (  -^  ) — 
a  sign  used  by  Aristarchus  to  express  special  ap- 
proval— the  close,  by  the  metobelus.  Where  LXX 
and  Heb  widely  diverged,  Origen  occasionally  gave 
two  VSS,  that  of  a  later  translator  under  an  asterisk, 
that  of  LXX  obelized.  Divergence  in  order  was 
met  by  transposition,  the  Heb  order  being  followed ; 
in  Prov,  however,  the  two  texts  kept  their  respective 
order,  the  discrepancy  being  indicated  by  a  com- 
bination of  signs.  Minor  supposed  or  real  cor- 
ruptions in  the  Gr  were  tacitly  corrected.  Origen 
produced  a  minor  edition,  the  Tetrapla,  without 
the  first  two  columns  of  the  larger  work.  The 
Heptapla  and  Oclapla,  occasionally  mentioned, 
appear  to  be  alternative  names  given  to  the  Hexa- 
pla at  points  where  the  number  of  columns  was 
increased  to  receive  other  fragmentary  VSS.  This 
gigantic  work,  which  according  to  a  reasonable  esti- 
mate must  have  filled  5,000  leaves,  was  probably 
never  copied  in  exlenso.  The  original  was  pre- 
served for  some  centuries  in  the  library  of  Pamphilus 
at  Caesarea;  there  it  was  studied  by  Jerome,  and 
thither  came  owners  of  Bib.  MSS  to  collate  their 
copies  with  it,  as  we  learn  from  some  interesting 
notes  in  our  uncial  MSS  (e.g.  a  7th-cent.  note  ap- 
pended to  Est  in  cod.  S).  The  Library  probably 
perished  c  638  AD,  when  Caesarea  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Saracens. 

But,  though  the  whole  work  was  too  vast  to  be 
copied,  it  was  a  simple  task  to  copy  the  5th  column. 

This  task  was  performed,  partly  in 
9.  Hexa-  prison,  by  Pamphilus,  a  martyr  in  the 
plaric  MSS    Diocletian  persecution,  and  his  friend 

Eusebius,  the  great  bishop  of  Caesarea. 
Copies  of  the  "Hexaplaric"  LXX,  i.e.  Origen's  doc- 
tored text  with  the  critical  signs  and  perhaps  occa- 
sional notes,  were,  through  the  initiative  of  these 
two,  widely  circulated  in  Pal  in  the  4th  cent.  Natu- 
rally, however,  the  signs  became  unintelligible  in 
a  text  detached  from  the  parallel  columns  which 
explained  them;  scribes  neglected  them,  and  copies 
of  the  doctored  text,  lacking  the  precautionary 
symbols,  were  multiplied.  This  carelessness  has 
wrought  great  confusion;  Origen  is,  through  others' 
fault,  indirectly  responsible  for  the  production  of 
MSS  in  which  the  current  LXX  text  and  the  later 
VSS  are  hopelessly  mixed.  No  MSS  give  the 
Hexaplaric  text  as  a  whole,  and  it  is  jjrcserved  in  a 
relatively  pure  form  in  very  few:  the  uncials  G  and 
M  (Pent  and  some  historical  books),  the  cursives 
86  and  88  (Prophets).  Other  so-called  Hexaplaric 
MSS,  notably  cod.  Q  (Marchalianus:  Proph.)  pre- 
serve fragments  of  the  5th  and  of  the  other  columns 
of  the  Hexapla.  (For  the  Syro-Hexaplar  see  below, 
VI,  1.)     Yet,  even  did  we  possess  the  5th  column 


2727 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Septuagint 


entire,  with  the  complete  apparatus  of  signs,  we 
should  not  have  "the  original  LXX,"  but  merely, 
after  removing  the  asterisked  passages,  a  text 
current  in  the  3d  cent.  The  fact  has  to  be  empha- 
sized that  Origen's  gigantic  work  was  framed  on 
erroneous  principles.  He  assumed  (1)  the  purity 
of  the  current  Heb  text,  (2)  the  corruption  of  the 
current  LXX  text  where  it  deviated  from  the  Heb. 
The  modern  critic  recognizes  that  the  LXX  on  the 
whole  presents  the  older  text,  the  divergences  of 
which  from  the  Heb  are  largely  attributable  to  an 
official  revision  of  the  latter  early  in  the  Christian 
era.  He  recognizes  also  that  in  some  books  (e.g. 
Job)  the  old  Gr  VS  was  only  a  partial  one.  To 
reconstruct  the  original  text  he  must  therefore  have 
recourse  to  other  auxiliaries  beside  Origen. 

Such  assistance  is  partly  furnished  by  two  other  re- 
censions made  in  the  century  after  Origen.     Jerome 
(Praef.  in  Paralipp.;  ci  Adv.  Ruf.,  ii.27) 

10.  Recen-  states  that  in  the  4th  cent,  three  re- 
sions  censions  circulated  in  different  parts  of 
Known  to  the  Christian  world:  "Alexandria  and 
Jerome          Egypt     in   their    Septuagint    acclaim 

Hesychius  as  their  authority,  the  region 
from  Constantinople  to  Antioch  approves  the  copies 
of  Lucian  the  martjT,  the  intermediate  Palestinian 
provinces  read  the  MSS  which  were  promulgated 
by  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus  on  the  basis  of  Origen's 
labors,  and  the  whole  world  is  divided  between  these 
three  varieties  of  text." 

Hesychius  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  the 
martyr  bishop  mentioned  by  Eusebius  {HE,  VIII, 

1.3)  along  with  another  scholar  martyr, 

11.  Hesych-  Phileas  bishop  of  Thmuis,  and  it  is 
ian  Re-  thought  that  these  two  were  engaged 
cension  in  prison  in  revising  the  Egyp  text  at 

the  time  when  Pamphilus  and  Eusebius 
were  employed  on  a  similar  task  under  similar  con- 
ditions. How  far  existing  MSS  preserve  the  He- 
sychian  recension  is  uncertain;  agreement  of  their 
text  with  that  of  Egyp  VSS  and  Fathers  (Cyril 
in  particular)  is  the  criterion.  For  the  Prophets 
Ceriani  has  identified  cod.  Q  and  its  kin  as  He- 
sychian.  For  the  Octateuch  N.  McLean  {JTS,  II, 
306)  finds  the  Hesychian  text  in  a  group  of  cursives, 
44,  74,  76,  84,  106,  134,  etc.  But  the  first  instal- 
ments of  the  larger  Cambridge  LXX  raise  the 
question  whether  cod.  B  (Vaticanus)  may  not  itself 
be  Hesychian;  its  text  is  more  closely  allied  to  that 
of  Cyril  Alex,  than  to  any  other  patristic  text,  and 
the  consensus  of  these  two  witnesses  against  the 
rest  is  sometimes  (Ex  32  14)  curiously  striking. 
In  the  Psalter  also  Rahlfs  {Sepluaginla-Sludien, 
2.  Heft,  1907,  23-5)  traces  the  Hesychian  text  in  B 
and  partially  in  S  (Sinait.).  Cf  von  Soden's  theory 
for  the  NT  and  see  Text  and  MSS  of  the  NT. 

The  Lucianic  recension  was  the  work  of  another 
martyr,  Lucian  of  Antioch  (d.  311-12),  probably 

with  the  collaboration  of  the  Hebraist 

12.  Lucianic  Dorotheus.  There  are,  as  Hort  has 
Recension      shown,  reasons  for  associating  Lucian 

with  a  "Syrian"  revision  of  the  NT  in 
the  4th  cent.,  which  became  the  dominant  type  of 
text.  That  he  produced  a  Syrian  recension  of  the 
Gr  OT  is  expressly  stated  by  Jerome,  and  we  are 
moreover  able  with  considerable  certainty  to  iden- 
tify the  extant  MSS  which  exhibit  it.  The  identifi- 
cation, due  to  Field  and  Lagarde,  rests  on  these 
grounds:  (1)  certain  verses  in  2  K  are  in  the  Arab. 
Syro-Hexaplar  marked  with  the  letter  L,  and  a  note 
explains  that  the  letter  indicates  Lucianic  readings; 
(2)  the  readings  so  marked  occur  in  the  cursives  19, 
82,  93,  108,  118;  (3)  these  MSS  in  the  historical 
books  agree  with  the  LXX  citations  of  the  Antioch- 
ene  Fathers  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret.  _  This  clue 
enabled  Lagarde  to  construct  a  Lucianic  text  of 
the  historical  books  (Lihrorum  Vet.  Test,  canonic. 


'pars  prior,  Gottingen,  1883);  his  death  prevented 
the  completion  of  the  work.  Lagarde's  edition  is 
vitiated  by  the  fact  that  he  does  not  quote  the  read- 
ings of  the  individual  MSS  composing  the  group, 
and  it  can  be  regarded  only  as  an  approximate 
reconstruction  of  "Lucian."  It  is  evident,  however, 
that  the  Lucianic  LXX  possessed  much  the  same 
qualities  as  the  Syrian  revision  of  the  NT;  lucidity 
and  completeness  were  the  main  objects.  It  is  a 
"full"  text,  the  outcome  of  a  desire  to  include,  so  far 
as  possible,  all  recorded  matter;  "doublets"  are 
consequently  numerous.  While  this  "conflation" 
of  texts  detracts  from  its  value,  the  Lucianic  re- 
vision gains  importance  from  the  fact  that  the 
sources  from  which  it  gleaned  include  an  element  of 
great  antiquity  which  needs  to  be  disengaged; 
where  it  unites  with  the  Old  Lat  VS  against  all 
other  authorities  its  evidence  is  invaluable. 

VI.  Reconstruction  of  LXX  Text;  Versions, 
Manuscripts  and  Printed  Editions. — The  task  of 
restoring  the  original  text  is  beset  with  difficulties. 
The  materials  (MSS,  VSS,  patristic  citations)  are 
abundant,  but  none  has  escaped  "mixture,"  and 
the  principles  for  reconstruction  are  not  yet  securely 
established  (Swete,  hitro,  I,  iv-vi;  III,  vi). 

Among  the  claief  aids  to  restoration  are  the  daughter 
VSS  made  from  the  LXX.  and  above  aU  the  Old  Lat 
(pre-Hieronymian)  VS,  for  the  earhest 
1  Anriont  (African)  Old  Lat  VS  dates  from  the 
ij  "^'-i^"'-  2d  cent.  AD,  i.e.  before  Origen,  and  con- 
versions tains  a  te.xt  from  wliich  the  asterisked 
Made  from  passages  in  Hexaplaric  MSS  are  absent; 
tliATYY  ^*  thus   "brings  us  the  best  independent 

tne  LiJ^Ji.  proof  we  have  that  the  He.xaplar  signs  in- 

troduced by  Origen  can  be  reUed  on  lor 
the  reconstruction  of  the  LXX"  (Burkitt).  The  Old 
Lat  also  enables  us  to  recognize  the  ancient  element  in 
the  Lucianic  recension.  But  the  Lat  evidence  itself  is 
by  no  means  unanimous.  Augustine  {De  Doctr.  Christ., 
ii.l6)  speaks  of  the  infinite  variety  of  Lat  VSS,  though 
they  may  ultimately  prove  all  to  fall  into  two  main 
families,  African  and  European.  Peter  Sabatier's  collec- 
tion of  patristic  quotations  from  the  Old  Lat  is  still 
useful,  though  needing  verification  by  recent  editions  of 
the  Fathers.  Of  Old  Lat  MSS  one  of  the  most  important 
is  the  cod.  Lugdunensis,  edited  by  U.  Robert  {Pentateuchi 
e  cod.  Lugd.  versio  Lat.  antiquissima,  Paris.  1881;  Hep- 
tateuchi  partis  post,  versio  Lat.  antig.  e  cod.  Lugd.,  Lyons, 
1900).  The  student  should  consult  also  Burkitt's  ed  of 
The  Rules  of  Tyconius  ("Te.xts  and  Studies,"  III,  1, 
CamlDridge,  1894)  and  The  Old  Latin  and  the  Itala  (ib, 
IV,  3,  1896). 

Jerome's  Vulgate  is  mainly  a  direct  tr  from  the  Heb, 
but  the  Vtilg  Psalter,  the  so-called  GalUcan,  is  one  of 
Jerome's  two  revisions  of  the  Old  Lat,  not  his  later 
VS  from  the  Heb,  and  some  details  in  our  Prayer-book 
Psalter  are  ultimately  derived  through  the  Vulg  Psalter 
from  the  LXX.  Parts  of  the  Apoc  (Wisd,  Ecclus,  Bar, 
1  and  2  Mace)  are  also  pure  Old  Lat,  untouched  by 
Jerome. 

The  early  date  (2d  cent.  AD)  once  claimed  for  the 
Egyp  or  Coptic  VSS  (Bohairic.  i.e.  in  the  dialect  of 
Lower  Egypt,  Sahidic  or  Upper  Egyp,  and  Middle 
Egyp)  has  not  been  confirmed  by  later  researches,  at  least 
as  regards  the  first-named,  which  is  probably  not  earlier 
than  the  :3cl  or  4th  cent.  AD.  Rahlfs  {Sept.-Studien, 
II,  1907)  identifies  the  Bohairic  Psalter  as  the  Hesych- 
ian recension.  The  Sahidic  VS  of  Job  has  fortunately 
preserved  tiie  shorter  text  lacking  the  later  insertions 
from  Theodotion  (Lagarde.  Mittheilungen,  1884,  204); 
this  does  not  conclusively  prove  that  it  is  pre-Origenic; 
it  may  be  merely  a  Hexaplaric  text  with  ttie  asterisked 
passages  omitted  (Burkitt,  EB,  IV,  5027).  The  influ- 
ence of  the  Hexapla  is  traceable  elsewhere  in  this  VS. 

The  Ethiopic  VS  was  made  in  the  main  from  the  Gr 
and  in  part  at  least  from  an  early  text;  Rahlfs  (Sept 
Stud.,  I,  1904)  considers  its  text  of  S-K,  with  that  of  cod. 
B.  to  be  pre-Origenic. 

The  Vulg  or  Peshitta  Syriac  VS  was  made  from  the 
Heb,  though  partly'  influenced  by  the  LXX.  But 
another  Syr  VS  is  of  primary  importance  for  the  LXX 
text,  viz.  that  of  Paul,  bishop  of  Telia  (Constantino  in 
Mesopotamia),  executed  at  Alexandria  in  616-17  and 
known  as  the  Syro-Hexaplar.  This  is  a  bald  Syr  VS 
of  the  LXX  column  of  the  Hexapla,  containing  the 
Hexaplar  signs.  A  MS  of  the  poetical  and  prophetical 
books  is  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan  and  has  been 
edited  by  Ceriani  (Monumenta  sacra  et  profana,  1874): 
fragments  of  the  historical  books  arc  also  extant  (Lagarde 
and  Rahlfs,  Bibliolhecae  Sliriacae,  Gottingen,  1892). 
This  VS  supplements  the  Gr  Hexaplaric  MSS  and  is  the 
principal  authority  for  Origen's  text.  For  the  original 
VS  of  Dnl,  which  has  survived  in  only  one  late  MS,  the 


Septuagint 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2728 


Syro-Hexaplar  supplies  a  second  and  older  authority  of 
great  value. 

The  Armenian  VS  (ascribed  to  the  5th  cent.)  also  owes 
its  value  to  its  extreme  literalness;  its  text  of  the 
Octateuch  is  largely  Hexaplaric. 

A  bare  mention  must  suffice  of  the  Arabic  VS  (of  which 
the  prophetical  and  poetical  books,  Job  excluded,  were 
rendered  from  the  LXX) :  the  fragments  of  the  Gothic 
VS  (made  from  the  Lucianic  recension),  and  the  Slavonic 
(partly  from  LXX,  also  Lucianic)  and  the  Georgian  VSS. 

For  a  full  description  of  the  Gr  MSS  see  Swete,  Intro, 
I,  ch  V.  They  are  divided  according  to  their  script  (capi- 
tals or  minuscules)  into  uncials  and  cur- 

2  Manu-       sives,  the  former  ranging  from  the  4th  cent. 
■   .    ,  (four  papyrus  scraps  go  back  to  the  3d 

scnpts  cent.;  Nestle  in  PRE,  XXIII,  208)  to  the 

10th  cent.  AD,  the  latter  from  the  9th  to 
the  16th  cent.  AD.  Complete  Bibles  are  few;  the  ma- 
jority contain  groups  of  books  only,  such  as  the  Pent, 
Octateuch  (Gen-Ruth),  the  later  historical  books,  the 
Psalter,  the  3  or  5  "Solomonic"  books,  the  Prophets 
(major,  minor  or  both).  Uncials  are  commonly  denoted 
by  capital  letters  (in  the  ed  of  Holmes  and  Parsons  by 
Roman  figures) ;  cursives,  of  which  over  300  are  known,  by 
Arabic  figures ;  in  the  larger  Cambridge  LXX  the  selected 
cursives  are  denoted  by  small  Roman  letters. 

The  following  are  the  chief  uncials  containing,  or 
which  once  contained,  the  whole  Bible:  B  (Vaticanus, 
at  Rome,  4th  cent.  AD),  adopted  as  the  standard  text 
in  all  recent  edd;  S  or  S<  (Sinaiticus,  at  St.  Petersburg 
and  Leipzig,  4th  cent.  AD),  discovered  by  Tischendorf 
in  1844  and  subsequent  years  in  St.  Catherine's  Convent, 
Mt.  Sinai;  A  (Alexandriniis,  British  Museum,  probably 
5th  cent.  AD);  C  (Ephraemi  rescriptus,  Paris,  probably 
5th  cent.),  a  palimpsest,  the  older  Bib.  matter  underlying 
a  mediaeval  Gr  text  of  works  of  Ephrem  the  Syrian.  For 
the  Octateuch  and  historical  books:  D  (Cottonianus, 
Brit.  Mus.,  probably  5th  or  6th  cent.),  fragments  of  an 
illuminated  Gen,  the  bulk  of  which  perished  in  a  fire  at 
Ashburnham  House  in  1731,  but  earlier  collations  of 
Grabe  and  others  are  extant,  which  for  the  lost  por- 
tions are  cited  in  the  Cambridge  texts  as  D  (Dsi'I,  i.e. 
silet  Grabius,  denotes  an  inference  from  Grabe's  silence 
that  the  MS  did  not  contain  a  variant):  F  (Ambro- 
sianus,  Milan,  4th  to  5th  cent.),  fragments  of  the  Octa- 
teuch; G  (Sarravianus,  fragments  at  Leyden,  Paris  and 
St.  Petersburg,  4th  to  5th  cent.),  important  as  containing 
an  Origenic  te.xt  with  the  Hexaplar  signs;  L  (Purpureus 
Vindobonensis,  Vienna,  5th  to  6th  cent.),  fragments  of 
an  illuminated  MS  Genesis  on  purple  veUinn;  M  (Coisli- 
nianus,  Paris,  7th  cent.),  important  on  account  of  its 
marginal  Hexaplaric  matter.  For  the  Prophets,  Q  (Mar- 
chalianus,  Rome,  6th  cent.)  is  valuable,  both  for  its  text, 
which  is  "Hesychian"  (see  above),  and  for  its  abundant 
marginal  Hexaplaric  matter.  A  curious  mixture  of  uncial 
and  cursive  writing  occurs  in  E  (Bodleianus,  probably 
10th  cent.),  fragments  of  the  historical  books  (to  3  R 
16  28)  preserved  at  Oxford,  Cambridge  (1  leaf),  St.  Peters- 
burg and  London:  Tischendorf,  who  brought  the  M3 
from  the  East,  retained  the  tell-tale  Cambridge  leaf,  on 
which  the  transition  from  uncial  to  cursive  script  occurs, 
until  his  death.  The  long-concealed  fact  that  the 
scattered  fragments  were  part  of  a  single  MS  came  to 
light  through  Swete's  identification  of  the  Cambridge 
leaf  as  a  continuation  of  the  Bodleian  fragment.  Many 
of  the  cursives  still  await  investigation,  as  do  also  the 
lectionaries.  The  latter,  though  the  MSS  are  mainly 
late,  should  repay  study.  The  use  of  the  LXX  for 
lectionary  piirposes  was  inherited  by  the  church  from 
the  synagogue,  and  the  course  of  lessons  may  partly 
represent  an  old  system:  li^ht  may  also  be  expected  from 
them  on  the  local  distribution  of  various  types  of  text. 

Of  the  printed  text  the  first  four  editions  were  (1)  the 

Complutensian  Polyglot  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  1514-17. 

comprising  the   Gr,  Heb  and   VuJg  texts, 

3  Printed  '''"^  '''^*  '^  ^^^  middle  place  of  honor  being 
~  ,  compared  to  Jesus  in  the  midst  between 
lextS  the  two  thieves  (!).     The  Gr  was  based  on 

MSS  from  the  Vatican  and  one  from  Venice ; 
it  exhibits  on  the  whole  the  Lucianic  recension,  as  the 
Hesychian  is  by  a  curious  coincidence  represented  in 
(2)  the  Aldine  ed  of  1518,  based  on  Venetian  MSS.  (3) 
The  monumental  Sixtine  ed,  pubUshed  at  Rome  in  1586 
under  the  auspices  of  Pope  Sixtus  V  and  frequently 
reprinted,  was  mainly  based  on  the  cod.  Vaticanus,  the 
superiority  of  which  text  is  justly  recognized  in  the  inter- 
esting preface  (printed  in  Swete's  Intro).  (4)  The 
Eng.  ed  (Oxford,  1707-20)  begun  by  Grabe  (d.  1712)  was 
based  on  the  cod.  Alexandrinus,  with  aid  from  other  MSS, 
and  had  the  peculiarity  that  he  employed  Origen's 
critical  signs  and  different  sizes  of  type  to  show  the 
divergence  between  the  Gr  and  the  Heb.  Of  more 
recent  edd  three  are  preeminent.  (5)  The  great  Oxford 
ed  of  Holmes  and  Parsons  (Oxford,  1798-1827,  5  vols, 
folio)  was  the  first  attempt  to  bring  together  in  a  gigantic 
apparatu.i  criticus  all  the  evidence  of  uncial  and  cursive 
MSS  (upward  of  300),  VSS  and  early  citations  from 
Philo  and  Jos  onward.  As  a  monumental  storehouse  of 
materials  "  H.  and  P."  will  not  be  wholly  superseded  by 
the  latest  ed  now  (1913)  in  preparation.  (6)  The  service- 
able Cambridge  "manual,"  ed  of  Swete  (Isted  1887-94, 
ed  3, 1901-7,  3  vols,  8vo) ,  is  in  the  hands  of  all  serious  LXX 


4.  Recon- 
struction of 
Original 
Text 


students.  The  text  is  that  of  B,  or  (where  B  fails)  of  A, 
and  the  apparatus  contains  the  readings  of  the  principal 
uncial  MSS.  New  materials  discovered  since  the  ed  of 
H.  and  P.,  esp.  cod.  S,  are  employed,  and  greater  accuracy 
in  the  presentation  of  the  other  evidence  has  been  made 
possible  by  photography.  The  fact  that  the  text  here 
printed  is  but  a  provisional  one  is  sometimes  overlooked. 
Swete's  ed  was  designed  as  a  precursor  to  (7)  the  larger 
Cambridge  LXX,  of  which  three  instalments  embracing 
the  Pent  have  (1913)  appeared  {The  OT  in  Gr,  ed  A.  E. 
Brooke  and  N.  McLean,  Cambridge,  1911  pt.  Ill, 
Nu  and  Dt).  The  text  is  a  reprint  of  Swete's  except 
that  from  E.x  onward  a  few  alterations  of  errors  in  the 
primary  MS  have  been  corrected,  a  delicate  task  in  which 
the  editors  have  rejected  a  few  old  readings  without  suffi- 
cient regard  to  the  pecuUarities  of  Hellenistic  Gr.  The 
importance  of  the  work  lies  in  its  apparatus,  which 
presents  the  readings  of  all  the  uncials,  VSS  and  early 
citations,  and  those  of  a  careful  representative  selection  of 
the  cursives.  The  materials  of  H  and  P  are  brought 
up  to  date  and  presented  in  a  more  reliable  and  con- 
venient form.  Besides  these  there  is  (8)  Lagarde's 
reconstruction  of  the  Lucianic  recension  of  the  historical 
books,  which,  as  stated,  must  be  used  with  caution  (see 
above). 

The  task  of  reconstructing  the  oldest  text  is  still  un- 
accomplished. Materials  have  accumulated,  and  much 
preliminary  "spade-work"  has  been  done, 
by  Lagarde  in  particular  (see his  "axioms" 
in  Swete,  Intro,  484  ff)  and  more  recently 
by  Nestle  and  Rahlfs;  but  the  principles 
which  the  editor  must  follow  are  not  yet 
finally  determined.  The  extent  to  which 
"mixture"  has  affected  the  documents  is 
thestumbUng-block.  Clearly  no  single  MS 
presents  the  oldest  text.  That  of  cod.  B,  as  in  the  NT,  is 
on  the  whole  the  purest.  In  the  4  books  of  "Reigns" 
(1  S-2  K),  e.g.,  it  has  escaped  the  grosser  interpolations 
found  in  most  MSS,  and  Rahlfs  (Sept.-Studien,  I,  1904) 
regards  its  text  as  pre-Origenic.  It  is,  however,  of  unequal 
value  and  by  no  means  an  infallible  guide;  in  Jgs,  e.g.,  its 
text  is  undoubtedly  late,  no  earher  than  the  4th  cent.  AD , 
according  to  one  authority  (Moore,"  Jgs,"  ICC).  Inrela- 
tiontotwo  of  the  4th-cent.  recensions  its  text  is  neutral, 
neither  predominantly  Lucianic  nor  Hexaplaric;  but 
it  has  been  regarded  by  some  authorities  as  Hesychian. 
Possibly  the  recension  made  in  the  country  which  pro- 
duced the  LXX  adhered  more  closely  than  others  to  the 
primitive  text;  some  "Hesychian"  features  in  the  B  text 
may  prove  to  be  original.  Still  even  its  purest  portions 
contain  marks  of  editorial  revision  and  patent  corrup- 
tions. Cod.  A  presents  a  quite  different  type  of  text, 
approximating  to  that  of  the  MT.  In  the  books  of 
"  Reigns  "  it  is  practically  a  Hexaplaric  text  without  the 
critical  signs,  the  additional  matter  being  mainly  derived 
from  Aquila.  Yet  that  it  contains  an  ancient  element  is 
shown  by  the  large  support  given  to  its  readings  by  the 
N'T  and  early  Christian  writers.  Individual  MSS  must 
give  place  to  groups.  In  order  to  reconstruct  the  texts 
current  before  Origen's  time,  it  is  necessary  to  isolate  the 
groups  containing  the  three  4th-cent.  recensions,  and  to 
eliminate  from  the  recensions  thus  recovered  all  Hexa- 
plaric matter  and  such  changes  as  appear  to  have  been 
introduced  by  the  authors  of  those  recensions.  Other 
groups  brought  to  light  by  the  larger  Cambridge  text 
have  also  to  be  taken  into  account.  The  attempt  to 
penetrate  into  the  earher  stages  of  the  history  is  the 
hardest  task.  The  Old  Lat  VS  is  here  the  surest  guide; 
it  has  preserved  readings  which  have  disappeared  from 
all  Gr  MSS,  and  affords  a  criterion  as  to  the  relative 
antiquity  of  the  Gr  variants.  The  evidence  of  early 
Christian  and  Jewish  citations  is  also  valuable.  Ulti- 
mately, after  elimination  of  all  readings  proved  to  be 
"  recensional "  or  late,  the  decision  between  outstand- 
ing variants  must  depend  on  internal  evidence.  'These 
variants  will  fall  into  two  classes:  (1)  those  merely 
affecting  the  Gr  text,  by  far  the  larger  number  and  pre- 
senting less  difBculty;  (2)  those  which  imply  a  different 
Heb  text.  In  adjudicating  on  the  latter  Lagarde's  main 
axioms  have  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that  a  free  tr  is  to  be 
preferred  to  a  slavishly  literal  one,  and  a  tr  presupposing 
another  Heb  original  to  one  based  on  the  MT. 

VII.  Number,    Titles  and  Order  of  Books. — In 

addition  to  the  Heb  canonical  books,  the  LXX  in- 
cludes all  the  books  in  the  Eng.  Apoo 
1.  Contents  except  2  Esd  (Pr  Man  only  finds  a 
place  among  the  canticles  appended 
in  some  MSS  to  the  Ps)  besides  a  3d  and  4th  book 
of  Mace.  Swete  further  includes  in  his  text  as  an 
appendix  of  Gr  books  on  the  borderland  of  canon- 
icity  the  Ps  of  Sol  (found  in  some  cursives  and  men- 
tioned in  the  Ust  in  cod.  A),  the  Gr  fragments  of  the 
Book  of  En  and  the  ecclesiastical  canticles  above 
mentioned.  Early  Christian  writers  in  quoting 
freely  from  these  additional  books  as  Scripture  doubt- 
less perpetuate  a  tradition  inherited  from  the  Jews 
of  Alexandria.     Most  of   the  books  being  original 


2729 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Septuagint 


Gr  compositions  were  ipso  facto  excluded  from  a 
place  in  the  Heb  Canon.  Greater  latitude  as  re- 
gards canonicity  prevailed  at  Alexandria;  the 
Pent  occupied  a  place  apart,  but  as  regards  later 
books  no  very  sharp  line  of  demarcation  between 
"canonical"  and  "uncanonical"  appears  to  have 
been  drawn. 

Palestinian  Jews  employed  the  first  word  or  words 

of  each  book  of  the  Pent  to  serve  as  its  title;   Gen 

e.g.  was  denoted  "in  the  beginning," 

2.  Titles        Ex  "[And  these  are  the]  names";    a 

few  of  the  later  books  have  similar 
titles.  It  is  to  the  LXX,  through  the  medium  of 
the  Lat  VSS,  that  we  owe  the  famOiar  descriptive 
titles,  mostly  suggested  by  phrases  in  the  Gr  VS. 
In  some  books  there  are  traces  of  rival  titles  in  the 
Ptolemaic  age.  Exodus  ("outgoing")  is  also  called 
Exagogt  ("leading  out")  by  Philo  and  by  the  Hel- 
lenist Ezekiel  who  gave  that  name  to  his  drama  on 
the  deliverance  from  Egypt.  Philo  has  also  al- 
ternative names  for  Dt — Epinomis  ("after-law") 
borrowed  from  the  title  of  a  pseudo-Platonic  treat- 
ise, and  for  Jgs  "the  Book  of  Judgments."  The 
last  title  resembles  the  Alexandrian  name  for  the 
books  of  S  and  K,  viz.  the  four  Books  of  Kingdoms 
or  rather  Reigns;  the  name  may  have  been  given 
in  the  first  place  to  a  partial  VS  including  only  the 
reigns  of  the  first  few  monarchs.  Jerome's  influ- 
ence in  this  case  restored  the  old  Heb  names  as  also 
in  Ch  (  =  Heb  "Words  of  Days,"  "Diaries"),  which 
in  LXX  is  entitled  Paraleipomena,  "omissions,"  as 
being  a  supplement  to  the  Books  of  Reigns. 

Another  innovation,   due  apparently  to  the  Gr 

translators  or  later  editors,  was  the  breaking  up  of 

some  of  the  long  historical  narratives 

3.  Biparti-  into  volumes  of  more  manageable 
tion  ot  compass.  In  the  Heb  MSS,  S,  K,  Ch, 
Books  Ezr-Neh  form  respectively  one  book 

apiece.  In  the  LXX  the  first  three  of 
these  collections  are  subdivided  into  two  volumes 
as  in  modern  Bibles;  an  acquaintance  with  the 
other  arrangement  is,  however,  indicated  in  cod.  B 
by  the  insertion  at  the  end  of  1  R,  3  R,  1  Ch  of 
the  first  sentence  of  the  succeeding  book,  a  reminder 
.  to  the  reader  that  a  continuation  is  to  follow.  Ezr- 
Neh,  the  Gr  VS  (2  Esd)  being  made  under  the 
influence  of  Palestinian  tradition,  remains  undivided. 
Originally  Ch-Ezr-Neh  formed  a  unit,  as  was  ap- 
parently still  the  case  when  the  oldest  Gr  VS  (1  Esd) 
was  made.  ,       ,         .  ,.     , 

In  the  arrangement  of  books  there  is  a  radical 
departure  from  Palestinian    practice.     There  were 

three  main  unalterable  divisions  in  the 

4.  Grouping  Heb  Bible,  representing  three  stages  in 
and  Order  the  formation  of  the  Canon:  Law, 
of  Books        Prophets  ("Former,"  i.e.  Josh,  Jgs,  S, 

K,  and  "Latter")  and  "Writings."  This 
arrangement  was  known  at  Alexandria  at  the  end  of 
the  2d  cent.  BC  (Sir,  prol.)  but  was  not  followed 
The  "Writings"  were  a  miscellaneous  collection  ot 
history  and  poetry  with  one  prophetical  book  (Dnl). 
Alexandrian  scholars  introduced  a  more  hterary  and 
symmetrical  system,  bringing  together  the  books 
of  each  class  and  arranging  them  with  some  re- 
gard to  the  supposed  chronological  order  ot  their 
authors.  The  Law,  long  before  the  Gr  tr,  had 
secured  a  position  of  supreme  sanctity;  this  group 
was  left  undisturbed,  it  kept  its  precedence  and 
the  individual  books  their  order  (Lev  and  Nu, 
however,  exchange  places  in  a  few  lists) .  I  he  other 
two  groups  are  broken  up.  Ruth  is  removed  trom 
the  'Writings"  and  attached  to  Jgs.  Ch  and  Jizr- 
Neh  are  similarly  transferred  to  the  end  of  the  his- 
torical group.  This  group,  from  chronological  con- 
siderations, is  followed  by  the  poetical  a,nd  other 
"Writings,*'  the  Prophets  coming  last  (so  m  B,  etc, 
in  S  A  prophets  precede  poets) .    The  mtemal  order 


of  the  Gr  Hagiographa,  which  includes  quasi-his- 
torical (Est,  Tob,  Jth)  and  Wisdom  books,  is  va- 
riable. Dnl  now  first  finds  a  place  among  the 
Prophets.  The  12  minor  prophets  usually  precede 
the  major  (S  and  Western  authorities  give  the  Four 
precedence),  and  the  order  of  the  first  half  of  their 
company  is  shufHed,  apparently  on  chronological 
grounds,  Hos  being  followed  by  Am,  Mic,  Joel,  Ob, 
Jon.  Jer  has  his  train  of  satellites.  Bar,  Lam  (trans- 
ferred from  the  "Writings")  and  Ep.  Jer;  Sus  and  Bel 
consort  with  and  form  integral  parts  of  Dnl.  Va- 
riation in  the  order  of  books  is  partly  attributable 
to  the  practice  of  writing  each  book  on  a  separate 
papyrus  roll,  kept  in  a  cylindrical  case;  rolls  con- 
taining kindred  matter  would  tend  to  be  placed  in 
the  same  case,  but  there  would  be  no  fixed  order  for 
these  separate  items  until  the  copying  of  large 
groups  in  book-form  came  into  vogue  (Swete, 
Intro,  225  i,  229  f). 

VIII.  Characteristics  of  the  Version  and  Its 
Component  Parts. — Notwithstanding  the  uncertain 
state  of  the  text,  some  general  characteristics  of  the 
VS  are  patent.  It  is  clear  that,  like  the  Heb  itself, 
it  is  not  a  single  book,  but  a  library.  It  is  a  series 
of  VSS  and  Gr  compositions  covering  weU-nigh  400 
years,  since  it  includes  a  few  productions  of  the  2d 
cent.  AD;  the  bulk  of  the  tr»,  however,  fall  within 
the  first  half  of  the  period  (Sir,  prol.). 

The  tr8   may  be  grouped  and  their  chronological 
order  approximately  determined  from  certain  character- 
istics of  their  style.      (1)  We  may  inquire 
1    GrouDinp  ^°^  ^  ^^^  word  or  phrase  is  rendered  in 
',  J  YY  different  parts  of  the  work.     Diversity  of 

ol  IrAA  renderings  is  not  an  infallible  proof  that 

Books  on  different  hands  have  been  employed,  since 
Internal  invariable  uniformity  in  tr  is  difficult  of 

T-,    .,  attainment  and  indeed  was  not  the  aim 

iiviaence  of  the  Pent  translators,  who  seem  rather 
to  have  studied  variety  of  expression.  If, 
however,  a  Heb  word  is  consistently  rendered  by  one 
Gr  word  in  one  portion  and  by  another  elsewhere,  and 
if  each  of  the  two  portions  has  other  features  peculiar 
to  itself,  it  becomes  highly  probable  that  the  two  portions 
are  the  work  of  different  schools.  Among  "test-words" 
which  yield  results  of  this  kind  are  "servant"  in  "Moses 
the  servant  of  the  Lord,"  "Hosts"  in  "Lord  of  Hosts," 
"Phihstines"  (Swete, //i^ro,  317  f;  Thackeray,  Grammar 
of  the  OT,  7  ft).  (2)  We  may  compare  the  Gr  with  that 
of  dated  documents  of  the  Ptolemaic  age.  The  trs 
were  written  in  the  koini  or  "common "  Gr,  most  of  them 
in  the  vernacular  variety  of  it,  during  a  period  when  this 
new  cosmopolitan  language  was  in  the  making;  the 
abundant  dated  papyri  enable  us  to  trace  some  stages  in 
its  evolution.  The  Petrie  and  Hibeh  papyri  of  the  3d 
cent.  BC  afford  the  closest  parallels  to  the  Gr  Pent. 
The  following  century  witnessed  a  considerable  develop- 
ment or  "degeneracy"  in  the  language,  of  which  traces 
may  be  found  in  the  Gr  of  the  prophetical  books.  Beside 
the  vernacular  Gr  was  the  Uterary  language  of  the 
"Atticistic"  school  which  persistently  struggled,  with 
indifferent  success,  to  recover  the  literary  flavor  of  the  old 
Gr  masterpieces.  This  style  is  represented  in  the  LXX 
by  most  of  the  original  Gr  writings  and  by  the  para- 
phrases of  some  of  the  "Writings."  (3)  We  may  cora- 
f)are  the  Gr  books  as  translations,  noting  in  which  books 
icense  is  allowed  and  which  adhere  strictly  to  the  Heb. 
The  general  movement  is  in  the  direction  of  greater 
literalism;  the  later  books  show  an  increasing  reverence 
for  the  letter  of  Scripture,  resulting  in  the  production 
of  pedantically  literal  VSS;  the  tendency  culminated 
in  the  2d  cent.  AD  in  the  barbarisms  ol  Aquila.  Some 
of  the  "  Writings  "  were  freely  handled,  because  they  had 
not  yet  obtained  canonical  rank  at  the  time  of  tr.  In- 
vestigation on  these  lines  goes  to  show  that  the  order  of 
the  tr  was  approximately  that  of  the  Heb  Canon.  The  Gr 
Hexateuch  may  be  placed  in  the  3d  cent.  BO,  the  Prophets 
mainly  in  the  2d  cent.  BO,  the  "Writings"  mainly  in  the 
2d  and  1st  cents.  BO. 

(1)  The  Hexateuch.— The  Gr  Pent  should  un- 
doubtedly be  regarded  as  a  unit:  the  Aristeas  story 
may  so  far  be  credited.  It  is  distinguished  by  a 
uniformly  high  level  of  the  "common"  vernacular 
style,  combined  with  faithfulness  to  the  Heb, 
rarely  lapsing  into  literalism.  It  set  the  standard 
which  later  translators  tried  to  imitate.  The  text 
was  more  securely  established  in  this  portion  and 
substantial  variant  readings  are  comparatively  few. 
The  latter  part  of  Ex  is  an  exception;  the  Heb  had 


Septuagint 


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2730 


here  not  reached  its  final  form  in  the  3d  cent.  BC, 
and  there  is  some  reason  for  thinking  that  the  VS 
is  not  the  work  of  the  translator  of  the  first  half. 
In  Dt  a  few  new  features  in  vocabulary  appear 
(e.g.  ek1;lesia;  see  Hort,  Christian  Ecclesia,  Iff). 
The  Gr  VS  of  Jos  forms  a  link  between  the  Pent  and 
the  later  historical  books.  The  text  was  not  yet 
fixed,  and  variants  are  more  abundant  than  in  the 
Pent.  The  earliest  VS,  probably  of  selections  only, 
appears  from  certain  common  features  to  have  been 
nearly  coeval  with  that  of  the  Law. 

(2)  The  "Latter"  Prophets.— There  is  little  doubt 
that  the  next  books  to  be  tr**  were  the  Prophets  in 
the  narrower  sense,  and  that  Isa  came  first.  The 
style  of  the  Gr  Isa  has  a  close  similarity,  not  wholly 
attributable  to  imitation,  to  that  of  the  Pent:  a 
certain  freedom  of  treatment  connects  it  with  the 
earlier  tr  period:  it  was  known  to  the  author  of 
Wisd  (Isa  3  10  with  Ottley's  n.).  The  tr  shows 
"obvious  signs  of  incompetence"  (Swete),  but  the 
task  was  an  exacting  one.  The  local  Egyp  coloring 
in  the  tr  is  interesting  (R.  R.  Ottley,  Book  of  Isa 
according  to  the  LXX,  2  vols,  Gr  text  of  A,  tr  and 
notes,  Cambridge,  1904-6,  with  review  in  JTS,  X, 
299).  Jer,  Ezk  and  the  Minor  Prophets  were 
probabty  tr'^  en  bloc  or  nearly  so.  The  Palestinian 
Canon  had  now  been  enlarged  by  a  second  group  of 
Scriptures  and  this  stimulated  a  desire  among 
Alexandrian  Jews  to  possess  the  entire  collection  of 
the  Prophets  in  Gr.  The  undertaking  seems  to 
have  been  a  formal  and  quasi-official  one,  not  a 
haphazard  growth.  For  it  has  been  ascertained 
that  Jer  and  Ezk  were  divided  for  tr  purposes  into 
two  nearly  equal  parts;  a  change  in  the  Gr  style 
occurs  at  the  junctures.  In  Jer  the  break  occurs 
in  ch  29  (LXX  order) ;  the  clearest  criterion  of  the 
two  styles  is  the  twofold  rendering  of  "Thus  saith 
the  Lord."  The  last  ch  (52)  is  probably  a  later 
addition  in  the  Gr.  The  translator  of  the  second 
haK  of  Jer  also  tr<i  the  first  half  of  Bar  (1  1—3  8); 
he  was  incompetent  and  his  work,  if  our  text  may 
be  relied  on,  affords  flagrant  examples  of  Gr  words 
being  selected  to  render  Heb  words  which  he  did  not 
understand  merely  because  of  their  similar  sound. 
Ezk  is  similarly  divided,  but  here  the  translator  of 
the  first  half  (chs  1-27)  undertook  the  difficult 
last  quarter  as  well  (chs  40-48),  the  remainder 
being  left  to  a  second  worker.  An  outstanding 
test  is  afforded  by  the  renderings  of  the  refrain, 
"They  shall  know  that  I  am  the  Lord."  The  Gr 
VS  of  "the  twelve"  shows  no  trace  of  a  similar  di- 
vision; in  its  style  it  is  closely  akin  to  the  first  half 
of  Ezk  and  is  perhaps  by  the  same  hand  (JTS,  IV, 
24.5,  398,  578).  But  this  official  VS  of  the  Prophets 
had  probably  been  preceded  by  VSS  of  short  pas- 
sages selected  to  be  read  on  the  festivals  in  the 
synagogues.  Lectionory  requirements  occasioned  the 
earliest  VSS  of  the  Prophets,  possibly  of  the  Pent 
as  weU.  Two  indications  of  this  have  been  traced. 
There  exists  in  four  JMSS  a  Gr  VS  of  the  Psalm 
of  Habakkuk  (Hab  3),  a  chapter  which  has  been 
a  Jewish  lesson  for  Pentecost  from  the  earliest 
times,  independent  of  and  apparently  older  than  the 
LXX  and  made  for  synagogue  use.  Similarly  in 
Ezk  LXX  there  is  a  section  of  sixteen  verses  (36 
24-38)  with  a  st3de  quite  distinct  from  that  of  its 
context.  This  passage  was  also  an  early  Christian 
lesson  for  Pentecost,  and  its  lectionary  use  was 
inherited  from  Judaism.  Here  the  LXX  trans- 
lators seem  to  have  incorporated  the  older  VS, 
whereas  in  Hab  3  they  rejected  it  (JTS,  XII,  191; 
IV,  407). 

(3)  Partial  version  of  the  "Former"  Prophets  (1-3 
R). — The  Gr  style  indicates  that  the  history  of 
the  monarchy  was  not  all  tr^  at  once.  Ulfilas  is 
said  to  have  omitted  these  books  from  the  Gothic 
VS  as  likely  to  inflame  the  military  temper  of  his 


race;  for  another  reason  the  Gr  translators  were  at 
first  content  with  a  partial  VS.  They  omitted  as 
unedifying  the  more  disastrous  portions,  David's 
sin  with  the  subsequent  calamities  of  his  reign  and 
the  later  history  of  the  divided  monarchy  culmi- 
nating in  the  captivity.  Probably  the  earliest  VSS 
embraced  only  (1)  1  R,  (2)  2  R  1  1—11  1  (David's 
early  reign),  (3)  3  R  2  12—21  13  (Solomon  and 
the  beginning  of  the  divided  monarchy) ;  the  third 
book  of  "Reigns"  opened  with  the  accession  of 
Solomon  (as  in  Lucian's  text),  not  at  the  point 
where  1  K  opens.  These  earlier  portions  are 
written  in  a  freer  style  than  the  rest  of  the  Gr 
"Reigns,"  and  the  Heb  original  differed  widely  in 
places  from  that  tr-^  in  the  Eng.  Bible  (JTS,  VIII, 
262). 

(4)  The  "Writings"— The  Hagiographa  at  the 
end  of  the  2d  cent.  BC  were  regarded  as  national  lit. 
(Sir,  prol.  "the  other  books  of  our  fathers"),  but 
not  as  canonical.  The  translators  did  not  scruple 
to  treat  these  with  great  freedom,  undeterred  by 
the  prohibition  against  alteration  of  Scripture  (Dt 
4  2;  12  32).  Free  paraphrases  of  extracts  were 
produced,  sometimes  with  legendary  additions.  A 
partial  VS  of  Job  (one-sixth  being  omitted)  was 
among  the  first;  Aristeas,  the  historian  of  the  2d 
cent.  BC,  seems  to  have  been  acquainted  with  it 
(Freudenthal,  Hellenistische  Studien,  1875,  136  ff). 
The  translator  was  a  student  of  the  Gr  poets;  his  VS 
was  probably  produced  for  the  general  reader,  not 
for  the  synagogues.  Hatch's  theory  (Essays  in  Bib. 
Gr,  1889,  214)  that  his  Heb  text  was  shorter  than 
ours  and  was  expanded  later  is  untenable;  avoid- 
ance of  anthropomorphisms  explains  some  omis- 
sions, the  reason  for  others  is  obscure.  The  first 
Gr  narrative  of  the  return  from  exile  (1  Esd)  was 
probably  a  similar  VS  of  extracts  only  from  Ch-Ezr- 
Neh,  grouped  round  a  fable  of  non-Jewish  origin,  the 
story  of  the  3  youths  at  the  court  of  Darius.  The 
work  is  a  fragment,  the  end  being  lost,  and  it  has 
been  contended  by  some  critics  that  the  VS  once 
embraced  the  whole  of  Ch-Ezr-Neh  (C.  C.  Torrey, 
Ezra  Studies,  Chicago,  1910).  The  Gr  is  obviously 
earlier  than  Esd  B  and  is  of  great  value  for  the  re- 
construction of  the  Heb.  The  same  translator 
appears  from  peculiarities  of  diction  to  have  pro- 
duced the  earliest  VS  of  Dnl,  treating  it  with  similar 
freedom  and  incorporating  extraneous  matter  (the 
Three  Children,  Sus,  Bel).  The  maximum  of  inter- 
polation is  reached  in  Est,  where  the  Gr  additions 
make  up  two-thirds  of  the  story.  The  Gr  Prov 
(probably  1st  cent.  BC)  includes  many  maxims  not 
in  the  Heb ;  some  of  these  appear  to  be  derived  from 
a  lost  Heb  collection,  others  are  of  purely  Gr  origin. 
This  translator  also  knew  and  imitated  the  Gr 
classics;  the  numerous  fragments  of  iambic  and 
hexameter  verse  in  the  tr  cannot  be  accidental 
(JTS,  XIII,  46).  The  Psalter  is  the  one  tr  in  this 
category  in  which  liberties  have  not  been  taken; 
in  Ps  13  [14]  3  the  extracts  from  other  parts  of  Pss 
and  from  Isa  included  in  the  B  text  must  be  an 
interpolation  possibly  made  before  St.  Paul's  time 
(Rom  3  13  ff),  or  else  taken  from  Rom.  The  little 
Ps  151  in  LXX,  described  in  the  title  as  an  "auto- 
graph" work  of  David  and  as  "outside  the  number," 
is  clearly  a  late  Gr  production,  perhaps  an  appendix 
added  after  the  VS  was  complete. 

(5)  The  latest  LXX  translations. — The  latest  VSS 
included  in  the  LXX  are  the  productions  of  the 
Jewish  translators  of  the  2d  cent.  AD;  some  books 
may  be  rather  earlier,  the  work  of  pioneers  in  the 
new  school  which  advocated  strict  adherence  to  the 
Heb.  The  books  of  "Reigns"  were  now  completed, 
by  Theodotion,  perhaps,  or  by  one  of  his  school; 
the  later  portions  (2  R  11  2—3  R  2  11,  David's 
downfall,  and  3  R  22 — 4  R  end,  the  downfall  of 
the  monarchy)  are  by  one  hand,  as  shown  by  pecu- 


2731 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Septuagint 


liarities  in  style,  e.g.  "I  am  have  with  child"  (2  R 
11  5)  =  "I  am  with  child,"  a  use  which  is  due  to  a 
desire  to  distinguish  the  longer  form  of  the  pro- 
noun 'anohhl  ("I,"  also  used  for  "I  am")  from  the 
shorter  'anl.  A  complete  VS  of  Jgs  was  now  prob- 
ably first  made.  In  two  cases  the  old  paraphrastic 
VSh  were  replaced.  Theodotion's  Dnl,  as  above 
stated,  superseded  in  the  Christian  church  the  older 
VS.  A  new  and  complete  VS  of  Ch-Ezr-Neh  was 
made  (Esd  B),  though  the  older  VS  retained  its 
place  in  the  Gr  Bible  on  account  of  the  interesting 
legend  imbedded  in  it;  the  new  VS  is  here  again 
possibly  the  work  of  Theodotion;  the  numerous 
transliterations  are  characteristic  of  him  (Torrey, 
Ezra  Studies;  the  theory  had  previously  been  ad- 
vanced by  Sir  H.  Howorth).  In  the  Gr  Ecol  we 
have  a  specimen  of  Aquila's  style  (see  McNeile's  ed, 
Cambridge,  1904).     Canticles  is  another  late  VS. 

A  marked  feature  of  the  whole  tr  is  the  scrupu- 
lous avoidance  of  anthropomorphisms  and  phrases 
derogatory  to  the  Divine  transcend- 
2.  General  ence.  Thus  Ex  4  16,  "Thou  shalt 
Character-  be  to  him  in  things  pertaining  to  God" 
istics  (Heb  "for"  or  "as  God");  15  3,  "The 

Lord  is  a  breaker  of  battles"  (Heb  "a 
Man  of  war");  24  10,  "They  saw  the  place  where 
the  God  of  Israel  stood"  (Heb  "they  saw  the  God 
of  Israel");  ver  11,  "Of  the  elect  of  Israel  not  one 
perished  and  they  were  seen  in  the  place  of  God" 
(Heb  "Upon  the  nobles  ....  He  laid  not  His 
hand,  and  they  beheld  God").  The  comparison  of 
God  to  a  rock  was  consistently  paraphrased  as 
idolatrous,  as  was  sometimes  the  comparison  to  the 
sun  from  fear  of  sun-worship  (Ps  83  [84]  12,  "The 
Lord  loves  mercy  and  truth"  for  Heb  "The  Lord  is 
a  sun  and  shield").  "The  sons  of  God"  (Gen  6  2) 
becomes  "the  angels  of  God."  For  mmor  liberties, 
e.g.  shght  amplifications,  interpretation  of  difficult 
words,  substitution  of  Gr  for  Heb  coinage,  tr  of 
place-names,  see  Swete,  7n«ro,  323  ff.  Blunders  m 
tr  are  not  uncommon,  but  the  difficulties  which 
these  pioneers  had  to  face  must  be  remembered,  esp. 
the  paleographical  character  of  the  Heb  originals. 
These  were  written  on  flimsy  papyrus  rolls,  in  a 
script  probably  in  a  transitional  stage  between  the 
archaic  and  the  later  square  characters;  the  words 
were  not  separated,  and  there  were  no  vowel-points; 
two  of  the  radicals  (wdw  and  yodh)  were  also  fre- 
quently omitted.  Add  to  this  the  absence  at  Alex- 
andria, for  parts  at  least  of  the  Scriptures,  of  any 
sound  tradition  as  to  the  meaning.  On  the  other 
hand  the  vocalization  adopted  by  the  translators, 
e.g.  in  the  proper  names,  is  of  great  value  in  the  his- 
tory of  early  Sem  pronunciation.  It  must  further 
be  remembered  that  the  Sem  language  most  famil- 
iar to  them  was  not  Heb  but  Aram.,  and  sonie  mis- 
takes are  due  to  Aram,  or  even  Arab.  coUoquiahsms 
(Swete,  Inlro,  319).  ^      t       j  w 

IX.  Salient  Differences  between  Greek  and  He- 
brew Texts. — Differences  indicating  a  Heb  original 
other  than  the  MT  affect  either  the  sequence  or 
the  subject-matter  (cf  Swete,  Intro,  231  ff). 

The  most  extensive  discrepancies  in  arrangement 
of  materials  occur  in  (1)  Ex  35—39,  the  construc- 
tion of  the  Tabernacle  and  the  orna- 
1.  Sequence  ments  of  its  ministers,  (2)  3  R  4-11, 
Solomon's  reign,  (3)  Jer  (last  half), 
(4)  Prov  (end) .  (1)  In  Ex  the  LXX  gives  precedence 
to  the  priests'  ornaments,  which  m  the  Heb  follow 
the  account  of  the  Tabernacle,  and  omits  altogether 
the  altar  of  incense.  The  whole  section  describing 
the  execution  of  the  instructions  given  in  the  pre- 
vious chapters  in  aknost  identical  words  is  one  ot 
the  latest  portions  of  the  Pent  and  the  text  had 
clearly  not  been  finaUy  fixed  in  the  3d  cent.  BC;  the 
section  was  perhaps  absent  from  the  oldest  Gr  Vb. 
In  Ex  20  13-15  cod.  B  arranges  three  of  the  com- 


mandments in  the  Alexandrian  order  (7,  8,  6),  at- 
tested in  Philo  and  in  the  NT.  (2)  Deliberate  re- 
arrangement has  taken  place  in  the  history  of  Solo- 
mon, and  the  LXX  unquestionably  preserves  the 
older  text.  The  narrative  of  the  building  of  the 
Temple,  like  that  of  the  Tabernacle,  contains  some 
of  the  clearest  examples  of  editorial  revision  in  the 
MT  (Wellhaasen,  Hist  of  Israel,  67,  280,  etc).  At 
the  end  of  3  R  LXX  places  chs  20  and  21  in  their 
proper  order;  MT  reverses  this,  interposing  the 
Naboth  story  in  the  connected  account  of  the 
Syr  wars  and  justifying  the  change  by  a  short  pref- 
ace. (3)  In  Jer  the  chapter  numbers  differ  from  the 
middle  of  ch  26  to  the  end  of  ch  51,  the  historical 
appendix  (ch  62)  concluding  both  texts.  This  is 
due  to  the  different  position  assigned  to  a  group  of 
prophecies  against  the  nations:  LXX  places  them 
in  the  center,  MT  at  the  end.  The  items  in  this 
group  are  also  rearranged.  The  diversity  in  order 
is  earlier  than  the  Gr  tr;  see  JTS,  IV,  245.  (4) 
The  order  of  some  groups  of  maxims  at  the  end  of 
Prov  was  not  finally  fixed  at  the  time  of  the  Gr 
tr;  like  Jeremiah's  prophecies  against  the  nations, 
these  httle  groups  seem  to  have  circulated  as  late 
as  the  2d  or  1st  cent.  BC  as  separate  pamphlets. 
The  Ps  numbers  from  10  to  147  differ  by  one  in 
LXX  and  MT,  owing  to  discrepancies  in  the  lines 
of  demarcation  between  individual  pss. 

Excluding  the  end  of  Ex,  striking  examples  of 
divergence  in  the  Pent  are  few.     LXX  alone  pre- 
serves  Cain's   words   to   his   brother, 
2.  Subject-    "Let  us  go  into  the  field"  (Gen  4  8). 
Matter  The  close  of  Moses'  song  appears  in 

an  expanded  form  in  LXX  (Dt  32 
43) .  Similarly  Hannah's  song  in  1  R  2  (?  originally 
a  warrior's  triumph-song)  has  been  rendered  more 
appropriate  to  the  occasion  by  the  substitution  in 
ver  8c  of  words  about  the  answer  to  prayer,  and 
enlarged  by  the  insertion  of  a  passage  from  Jer; 
the  changes  in  both  songs  may  be  connected  with 
their  early  use  as  canticles.  In  Josh  the  larger 
amount  of  divergence  suggests  that  this  book  did 
not  share  the  peculiar  sanctity  of  the  Law.  But 
the  books  of  "Reigns"  present  the  widest  differences 
and  the  fullest  scope  for  the  textual  critic.  The 
LXX  here  proves  the  existence  of  two  independent 
accounts  of  certain  events.  Sometimes  it  incor- 
porates both,  while  the  MT  rejects  one  of  them; 
thus  LXX  gives  (3  R  2  35a  ff .46a  ff)  a  connected 
summary  of  events  in  Solomon's  personal  history; 
most  of  which  appear  elsewhere  in  a  detached  form, 
12  24a-z  is  a  second  account  of  the  dismemberment 
of  the  kingdom;  16  28a-h  a  second  summary  of 
Jehoshaphat's  reign  (cf  22  41ff);  4  R  1  ISa 
another  summary  of  Joram's  reign  (cf  3  Iff). 
Conversely  in  1  R  17-18,  MT  has  apparently  pre- 
served two  contradictory  accounts  of  events  in 
David's  early  history,  while  LXX  presents  a  shorter 
and  consistent  narrative  (Swete,  I?itro,  245  f).  An 
"addition"  in  LXX  of  the  highest  interest  appears 
in  3  R  8  536,  where  a  stanza  is  put  into  the  mouth 
of  Solomon  at  the  Temple  dedication,  taken  from 
"the  Song-book"  (probably  the  Book  of  Jashar); 
the  MT  gives  the  stanza  in  an  edited  form  earlier  in 
the  chapter  (8  12  f) ;  for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
original  Heb  see  JTS,  X,  439;  XI,  518.  The  last 
line  proves  to  be  a  title,  "For  the  Sabbath — On 
Alamoth"  (i.e.  for  sopranos),  showing  that  the  song 
was  set  to  music  for  liturgical  purposes.  In  Jer, 
besides  transpositions,  the  two  texts  differ  widely 
in  the  way  of  excess  and  defect;  the  verdict  of 
critics  is  mainly  in  favor  of  the  priority  of  the  LXX 
(Streane,  Double  Text  of  Jer,  1896).  For  diver- 
gences in  the  "Writings"  see  VIII,  above;  for  addi- 
tional titles  to  the  Pss  see  Swete,  Intro,  250  f . 

LiTEBATURE. — The  most  important  works  have  been 
mentioned  in  the  body  ol  the  article.    See,  further,  the 


Sepulchre 
Sermon  on  Mount 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2732 


very  full  lists  in  Swete's  Intro  and  the  bibliographies 
by  Nestle  in  PRE\  III,  1-24,  and  XXIII,  207-10  (1913) ; 
HDB.  IV,  45.3-54. 

SEPULCHRE,    sep'ul-ker   (2  Ch  21  20;    32  33; 

Jn  19  41  f;  Acts  2  29,  etc).  See  Burial;  Jeru- 
salem, VIII. 

SERAH,  se'ra  (TI'llJ ,  serah,  "abundance"): 
Daughter  of  Asher  (Gen  46  17;  Nu  26  46,  AV 
"Sarah";    1  Ch  7  30). 

SERAIAH,  se-ra'ya,  s5-rl'a  (^iT^^W,  s'raydhu, 
"Jeh  hath  prevailed";  LXX  2apa£as,  Saraias,  or 
Zapata,  Saraiu) : 

(1)  Secretary  of  David  (2  S  8  17);  in  2  S  20 
25  he  is  called  Sheva ;  in  1  K  4  3  the  name  appears 
as  Shisha.  This  last  or  Shasha  would  be  restored 
elsewhere  by  some  critics;  others  prefer  the  form 
Shavsha,  which  is  found  in  1  Ch  18  16. 

(2)  A  high  priest  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah;  exe- 
cuted with  other  prominent  captives  at  Riblah  by 
order  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (2  K  25  18.21;  Jer  52 
24.27).  Mentioned  in  the  list  of  high  priests  (1  Ch 
6  14).  Ezra  claims  descent  from  him  (Ezr  7  1[3]). 
See  Az.-iRAiAs;   Saraias. 

(3)  The  son  of  Tanhumeth  the  Netophathite,  and 
one  of  the  heroic  band  of  men  who  saved  themselves 
from  the  fury  of  Nebuchadnezzar  when  he  stormed 
Jerus.  They  repaired  to  Gedaliah,  the  son  of  Ahi- 
kam,  but  killed  him  on  account  of  his  allegiance  to 
the  Chaldaeans  (2  K  25  23.25). 

(4)  Son  of  Kenaz,  and  younger  brother  of  0th- 
niel,  and  father  of  Joab,  the  chief  of  Ge-harashim 
(1  Ch  4  13.14). 

(5)  Grandfather  of  Jehu,  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon 
(1  Ch  4  35). 

(6)  A  priest,  the  third  in  the  list  of  those  who 
returned  from  Babylon  to  Jerus  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr  2  2;  Neh  7  7,  here  called  Azariah;  12  1), 
and  third  also  (if  the  same  person  is  meant)  in  the 
record  of  those  who  sealed  the  covenant  binding  all 
Jews  not  to  take  foreign  wives  (Neh  10  2).  As  the 
son  of  Hilkiah,  and  consequently  a  direct  descend- 
ant of  the  priestly  family,  he  became  governor  of 
the  temple  when  it  was  rebuilt  (Neh  11  11).  He 
is  mentioned  (under  the  name  Azariah)  also  in  1 
Ch  9  11.  Neh  12  2  adds  that  "in  the  days  of  Joi- 
akim"  the  head  of  Seraiah's  house  was  Meraiah. 

(7)  Son  of  Azriel,  one  of  those  whom  Jehoiakim 
commanded  to  imprison  Jeremiah  and  Baruch,  the 
son  of  Neriah  (Jer  36  26). 

(8)  The  son  of  Neriah,  who  went  into  exile  with 
Zedekiah.  He  was  also  called  Sar  M'mlhdh 
("prince  of  repose").  The  Tg  renders  Sar  M'nuhah 
by  Rabh  Tlkrabhla' ,  "prince  of  battle,"  and  LXX  by 
ipxt^"  Siipoiv,  drchon  dordn,  "prince  of  gifts,"  reading 
Minhah  for  M'nuhah.  At  the  request  of  Jeremiah 
he  carried  with  him  in  his  exile  the  passages  contain- 
ing the  prophet's  warning  of  the  fall  of  Babylon, 
written  in  a  book  which  he  was  bidden  to  bind  to  a 
stone  and  cast  into  tlie  Euphrates,  to  symboHze 
the  fall  of  Babylon  (Jer  51  59-64). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SERAPHIM,  ser'a-fim  (Q"^Sliri ,  s-rdphlm):  A 
pi.  word  occurring  only  in  Isa  6  2  ff — Isaiah's 
vision  of  Jeh.  The  origin  of  the  term  in  Heb  is 
uncertain.  Sarap/i  in  Nu  21  6;  Isa  .14  29,  etc,  sig- 
nifies a  fiery  serpent.  A  Bab  name  for  the  fire-god, 
Nergal,  was  Sharrapu.  In  Egypt  there  have  been 
found  eagle-lion-shaped  figures  guarding  a  grave, 
to  which  is  applied  the  name  senf.  The  equivalent 
Eng.  term  is  "griffin." 

It  is  probable  enough  that  popular  mythology 
connected  fire  with  the  attendants  of  the  deity  in 
various  ways  among  different  peoples,  and  that 
burning  lies  at  the  base  of  the  idea  in  all  these  sug- 


gested etymologies.  It  remains,  however,  that  in 
Isaiah's  use  there  is  nothing  of  the  popular  legend 
or  superstition.  These  seraphim  are  august  beings 
whose  forms  are  not  at  all  fully  described.  They 
had  faces,  feet,  hands  and  wings.  The  six  wings,  in 
three  pairs,  covered  their  faces  and  feet  in  humility 
and  reverence,  and  were  used  for  sustaining  them 
in  their  positions  about  the  throne  of  Jeh.  One  of 
them  is  the  agent  for  burning  (with  a  coal  off  the 
altar,  not  with  his  own  power  or  person)  the  sin 
from  the  lips  of  the  prophet. 

Seraphim  are  in  Jewish  theology  connected  with 
cherubim  and  ophanim  as  the  three  highest  orders 
of  attendants  on  Jeh,  and  are  superior  to  the  angels 
who  are  messengers  sent  on  various  errands.  As 
the  cherubim  in  popular  fancy  were  represented  by 
the  storm-clouds,  so  the  seraphim  were  by  the 
serpentine  flashes  of  the  lightning;  but  none  of  this 
appears  in  Isaiah's  vision. 

In  the  NT  the  only  possible  equivalent  is  in  "the 
living  ones"  ("beasts"  of  AV)  in  Rev  4,  6,  etc. 
Here,  as  in  Isa,  they  appear  nearest  Jeh's  throne, 
supreme  in  praise  of  His  hohness. 

William  Owen  Carver 

SERAR,  se'rar  (Sepdp,  Serdr;  AV  Aserer) :  Name 
of  one  of  the  families  which  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel (1  Esd  5  32)  =  "Sisera"  of  Ezr  2  53;  Neh 
7  55. 

SERED,  se'red  ("ID ,  ^eredh) :  Son  of  Zebulun 
(Gen  46  14;    Nu  26  26). 

SERGIUS    PAULUS,    sflr'ji-us    po'lus.     See 

Paulus,  Sergius. 

SERJEANTS,  sar'jents,  -jants  (papSovxoi,  rhdb- 
douchoi):  In  Acts  16  35.38  the  word  (ht.  "holders 
of  rods,"  corresponding  to  Rom  "lictors,"  thus 
RVm)  is  used  of  the  officers  in  attendance  on  the 
Philippian  magistrates,  whose  duty  it  was  to  exe- 
cute orders  in  scourging,  etc,  in  this  case  in  setting 
prisoners  free.  Paul  and  Silas,  however,  as  Romans, 
refused  thus  to  be  "privily"  dismissed. 

SERMON,  stir'mun,  ON  THE  MOUNT,  THE: 

I.  P.\RALLEL  Accounts 

II.  Historicity   of  the  Discourse 

III.  Time  and  Occasion 

IV.  Scene 

V.     The  Hearers 
VI.     The  Message:    Summary 

1.  Analysis 

2.  Argument:   The  Kingdom  of  God  (Heaven) 

(1)  Characteristics  of  the  Subjects 

(2)  Vocation  of  the  Subjects 

(3)  Relation  of  New  Righteousness  to    Mosaic 
Law 

(a)  The  Relation  Defined 
(6)   The  Relation  Illustrated 

(4)  Motives  and  Principles  of  Conduct 

(a)  In  Worship 

Ih)   In  Life's  Purpose 
(c)    In  Social  Relations 

(5)  Hortatory  Conclusion 
(o)   The  Narrow  Way 

(b)  The  Tests  of  Character 
VII.     Principles 

Literature 

The  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  the  title  commonly 
given  to  the  collection  of  sayings  recorded  in  Mt  5-7 
and  in  Lk  6  20-49.  The  latter  is  sometimes  called 
the  Sermon  on  the  Plain  from  the  fact  that  it  is 
said  to  have  been  dehvered  on  a  level  space  some- 
where on  the  descent  of  the  mountain.  The  Sermon 
appears  to  be  an  epitome  of  the  teachings  of  Jesus 
concerning  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  its  subjects  and 
their  life.  For  this  reason  it  has  always  held  the 
first  place  of  attention  and  esteem  among  the  sayings 
of  Jesus.    See  Sermon  on  the  Plain. 

/.  Parallel  Accounts. — As  indicated  above,  the 
Sermon  is  reported  by  both  Matthew  and  Luke. 


2733  THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     fermoSon  Mount 


A  comparison  of  the  two  accounts  reveals  certain 
striking  differences.  A  total  of  47  verses  of  the 
account  in  Mt  have  no  parallel  in  Lk,  while  but  4J 
verses  of  the  latter  are  wanting  in  the  former.  On 
the  other  hand,  many  of  the  sayings  in  Mt  that  are 
lacking  in  the  Sermon  of  Lk,  amounting  in  all  to  34 
verses,  appear  elsewhere  distributed  throughout 
the  Lukan  narrative  and  in  some  instances  con- 
nected with  different  incidents  and  circumstances. 

These  facts  give  rise  to  some  interesting  literary  and 
historical  questions :  Do  the  two  accounts  represent  two 
distinct  discourses  dealing  with  the  same  general  theme 
but  spoken  on  different  occasions,  or  are  they  simply 
different  reports  of  the  same  discourse  ?  If  it  be  held 
that  the  Sermon  was  delivered  but  once,  which  of  the 
accounts  represents  more  closely  the  original  address  7 
Is  the  discourse  in  Mt  homogeneous  or  does  it  include 
sayings  originally  spoken  on  other  occasions  and  early 
Incorporated  in  the  Sermon  in  the  gospel  tradition  7 

//.  Historicity  of  the  Discourse. — There  have  been 
and  are  today  scholars  who  regard  the  sermons  recorded 
in  Mt  and  Lk  as  collections  of  sayings  spoken  on  different 
occasions,  and  maintain  that  they  do  not  represent  any 
connected  discourse  ever  delivered  by  Jesus.  In  their 
view  the  Sermon  is  either  a  free  compilation  by  the 
evangeUsts  or  a  product  of  apostolic  teaching  and  oral 
tradition. 

The  prevailing  opinion  among  NT  scholars  is,  however, 
that  the  gospel  accounts  represent  a  genuine  historical 
discourse.  The  Sermon  as  recorded  in  Mt  bears  such 
marks  of  inner  unity  of  theme  and  exposition  as  to  give 
the  appearance  of  genuineness.  That  Jesus  should 
deliver  a  discourse  of  this  kind  accords  with  all  the  cir- 
cumstances and  with  the  purpose  of  His  ministry. 
Besides,  we  know  that  in  His  teaching  He  was  accustomed 
to  speak  to  the  multitudes  at  length,  and  we  should 
expect  Him  to  give  early  in  His  ministry  some  formal 
exposition  of  the  kingdom,  the  burden  of  His  first  preach- 
ing. That  such  a  summary  of  one  of  His  most  important 
discourses  should  have  been  preserved  is  altogether 
probable. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  conceded  that  the 
accounts  need  not  necessarily  be  regarded  as  full  or 
exact  reports  of  the  discourse  but  possibly  and  probably 
rather  summaries  of  its  theme  and  substance.  Our 
Lord  was  accustomed  to  teach  at  length,  but  this  dis- 
course could  easily  be  delivered  in  a  few  minutes.  Again, 
while  His  popular  teaching  was  marked  by  a  unique 
wealth  of  illustration  the  Sermon  is  largely  gnomic  in 
form.  This  gnomic  style  and  the  paucity  of  the  usual 
concrete  and  illustrative  elements  suggest  the  probability 
of  condensation  in  transmission.  Moreover,  it  is  hardly 
probable  that  such  an  address  of  Jesus  would  be  recorded 
at  the  time  of  its  delivery  or  would  be  remembered  in 
detail. 

There  is  evidence  that  the  account  in  Mt  5-7 
contains  some  sayings  not  included  in  the  original 
discourse.  This  view  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  a  number  of  the  sayings  are  given  in  Luke's 
Gospel  in  settings  that  appear  more  original.  It 
is  easy  to  believe  that  related  sayings  spoken  on 
other  occasions  may  have  become  associated  with 
the  Sermon  in  apostolic  teaching  and  thus  handed 
down  with  it,  but  if  the  discourse  were  well  known  in 
a  specific  form,  such  as  that  recorded  in  Mt,  it  is 
hardly  conceivable  that  Luke  or  anyone  else  would 
break  it  up  and  distribute  the  fragments  or  associate 
them  with  other  incidents,  as  some  of  the  sayings 
recorded  in  both  Gospels  are  found  associated  in 
Lk. 

///.  Time  and  Occasion. — Both  Matthew  and 
Luke  agree  in  assigning  the  dehvery  of  the  Sermon  to 
the  first  half  of  the  Galilean  ministry.  The  former 
apparently  places  it  a  httle  earlier  than  the  latter,  in 
whose  account  it  follows  immediately  after  the 
appointment  of  the  twelve  apostles.  While  the 
time  cannot  be  accurately  determined,  the  position 
assigned  by  the  Gospels  is  approximately  correct 
and  is  supported  by  the  internal  evidence.  _  Por- 
tions of  the  Sermon  imply  that  the  opposition  of 
the  religious  teachers  was  already  m  evidence,  but 
it  clearly  belongs  to  the  first  year  of  Our  Lord  s 
ministry  before  that  opposition  had  become  serious. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  occasion  was  sufficiently  late 
for  the  popularity  of  the  new  Teacher  to  have  reached 
its  climax.  In  the  early  Galilean  mmistry  Jesus 
confined  His  teaching  to  the  synagogues,  but  later. 


when  the  great  crowds  pressed  about  Him,  He  re- 
sorted to  open-air  preaching  after  the  manner  of 
the  Sermon.  Along  with  the  growth  in  His  popular- 
ity there  is  observed  a  change  in  the  character  of 
His  teaching.  His  earher  message  may  be  summed 
up  in  the  formula,  "Repent  ye;  for  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  is  at  hand"  {Mi  4  17).  Later,  both  in  His 
pubhc  discourses  and  in  His  more  intimate  con- 
ferences with  His  disciples.  He  was  occupied  with 
the  principles  of  the  kingdom.  The  Sermon  on 
the  Mount  belongs  to  this  later  type  of  teaching 
and  fits  naturally  into  the  circumstances  to  which  it 
has  been  assigned.  Luke  probably  gives  the  true 
historical  occasion,  i.e.  the  appointment  of  the 
Twelve. 

IV.  Scene. — According  to  the  evangelists,  the 
scene  of  the  delivery  of  the  Sermon  was  one  of  the 
mountains  or  foothills  surrounding  the  Galilean 
plain.  Probably  one  of  the  hills  lying  N.W.  of 
Capernaum  is  meant,  for  shortly  after  the  Sermon 
we  find  Jesus  and  His  disciples  entering  that  city. 
There  are  no  data  .justifying  a  closer  identification 
of  the  place.  There  is  a  tradition  dating  from  the 
time  of  the  Crusades  that  identifies  the  mount  of 
the  Sermon  with  Kam  Haltin,  a  two-peaked  hill 
on  the  road  from  Tiberias  to  Nazareth,  but  there  are 
no  means  of  confirming  this  late  tradition  and  the 
identification  is  rather  improbable. 

V.  The  Hearers. — The  Sermon  was  evidently 
addressed,  primarily,  to  the  disciples  of  Jesus. 
This  is  the  apparent  meaning  of  the  account  of  both 
evangelists.  According  to  Matthew,  Jesus,  "seeing 
the  multitudes,  ....  went  up  into  the  mountain: 
and  when  he  had  sat  down,  his  disciples  came  unto 
him:  and  he  opened  his  mouth  and  taught  them." 
The  separation  from  the  multitudes  and  the  direction 
of  His  words  to  the  disciples  seem  clear,  and  the 
distinction  appears  intentional  on  the  part  of  the 
WTiter.  However,  it  must  be  observed  that  in 
the  closing  comments  on  the  Sermon  the  presence 
of  the  multitudes  is  implied.  In  Luke's  account 
the  distinction  is  less  marked.  Here  the  order  of 
events  is :  the  night  of  prayer  in  the  mountain,  the 
choice  of  the  twelve  apostles,  the  descent  with 
them  into  the  presence  of  the  multitude  of  His 
disciples  and  a  great  number  of  people  from  Judaea, 
Jerus  and  the  coast  country,  the  healing  of  great 
numbers,  and,  finally,  the  address.  While  the 
continued  presence  of  the  multitudes  is  implied, 
the  plain  meaning  of  the  words,  "And  he  hfted  up 
his  eyes  on  his  disciples,  and  said,"  is  that  his 
address  was  intended  esp.  for  the  latter.  This 
view  is  borne  out  by  the  address  itself  as  recorded  in 
both  accounts.  Observe  the  use  of  the  second 
person  in  the  reference  to  suffering,  poverty  and 
persecution  for  the  sake  of  the  Son  of  Man.  Further 
the  sayings  concerning  the  "salt  of  the  earth"  and 
"the  light  of  the  world"  could  hardly  have  been 
addressed  to  any  but  His  disciples.  The  term 
disciple,  however,  was  doubtless  employed  in  the 
broader  sense  by  both  evangelists.  This  is  clearly 
the  case  in  Matthew's  account,  according  to  which 
the  Twelve  had  not  yet  been  appointed. 

VI.  The  Message :  A  Summary. — It  is  hardly 
proper  to  speak  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  as  a 
digest  of  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  for  it  does  not  include 
any  reference  to  some  very  important  subjects  dis- 
cussed by  Our  Lord  on  other  occasions  in  the 
course  of  His  ministry.  It  is,  however,  the  most 
comprehensive  and  important  collection  or  summary 
of  His  sayings  that  is  preserved  to  us  in  the  gospel 
record.  For  this  reason  the  Sermon  properly  holds 
in  Christian  thought  the  first  place  of  esteem  among 
all  the  NT  messages.  As  an  exposition  of  the  ideal 
life  and  the  program  of  the  new  society  which  Jesus  ,)« 
proposed  to  create,  its  interpretation  is  of  the 
deepest  interest  and  the  profoundest  concern. 


Sermon  on  Mount     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2734 


It  may  assist  the  student  of  the  Sermon  in  arriving  at 
a  clear  appreciation  of  the   argument  and  the  saUent 

teatiu-es  of  the  discourse  if  the  whole  is 
1  Anali7<;r<;  *'''^*  viewed  in  outline.  There  is  some 
i.  /uiaij/sis    difference   of   opinion   among   scholars   as 

to  certain  features  of  the  analysis,  and 
consequently  various  outUnes  have  been  presented  by 
diftereut  writers.  Those  of  C.  W.  Votaw  in  HDB,  Canon 
Gore  in  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  and  H.  C  King  in  The 
Ethics  of  Jesus  are  worthy  of  special  mention.  The  fol- 
lowing analysis  of  the  Sermon  as  recorded  by  Matthew 
is  given  as  the  basis  of  the  present  discussion. 

It  is  not  implied  that  there  was  any  such  formal  plan 
before  the  mind  of  .Jesus  as  He  spoke,  but  it  is  believed 
that  the  outline  presents  a  faithful  syllabus  of  the  argu- 
ment of  the  Sermon  as  preserved  to  us. 

theme:    the  kingdom  of  god   (heaven),  its  subjects 
AND  ITS  righteousness   (5  -3 — 7  27), 

I.     The  .subjects  of  the  kingdom  (5  .3-16). 

1.  The  qualities  of  character  essential  to  happi- 
ness and  influence  (vs  3-12). 

2.  The  vocation  of  the  subjects  (vs  13-16). 

11.     The  relation  of  the  new  rigliteousness  to  the  INIosaic 
Law  (5  17-48). 

1.  The  relation  defined  as  that  of  continuance  in  a 
higher  fulfilment  (vs  17-20). 

2,  The  higher  fulfilment  of  the  new  righteousness 
illustrated  by  a  comparison  of  its  principles  with 
the  Mosaic  Law  as  currently  taught  and  prac- 
tised (vs  21-48). 

(1)  The  higher  law  of  brotherhood  judges  ill- 
will  as  murder  (vs  21-26). 

(2)  The  higher  law  of  purity  condemns  lust  as 
adultery  (vs  27-32). 

(3)  The  higher  law  of  truth  forbids  oaths  as 
unnecessary  and  evil  (vs  33-37). 

(4)  The  higher  law  of  rights  substitutes 
self-restraint  and  generosity  for  retaliation 
and  resistance  (vs  38-42). 

(5)  The  higher  law  of  love  demands  universal 
good  will  of  a  supernatural  quahty  like  that 
of  the  Father  (vs  43-48). 

III.  The  new  righteousness.  Its  motives  as  applied 
to  religious,  practical  and  social  duties,  or  the 
principles  of  conduct  (6  1 — 7   12). 

1.  Reverence  toward  the  Father  essential  in  all 
acts  of  worship  (6   1-lS) . 

(1)  In  all  duties  (ver  1). 

(2)  In  almsgiving  (vs  2-4). 

(3)  In  prayer  (vs  5-15). 

(4)  In  fasting  (vs  16-18), 

2.  Loyalty  toward  the  Father  fundamental  in  all 
activities  (6  19-34), 

(1)  In  treasure-seeking  (vs  10-24). 

(2)  In  trustful  devotion  to  the  kingdom  and  the 
Father's  righteousness  (vs  25-34). 

3.  Love  toward  the  Father  dynamic  in  all  social 
relations  (7  1-12). 

(1)  Critical  estimate  of  self  instead  of  censorious 
judgment  of  others  (vs  1-5). 

(2)  Discrimination  in  the  communication  of 
spiritual  values  (ver  6), 

(3)  Kindness  toward  others  in  all  things  like 
the  Father's  kindness  toward  aU  His  chil- 
dren (vs  7-12). 

IT,     Hortatory  conclusion  (7  13-27). 

1,  The  two  gates  and  the  two  ways  (vs  13-14). 

2.  The  tests  of  character  (vs  15-27), 

(1)  Characteristics  of  the  subjects  (5  3-12). — 
The  Sermon  open.9  'n'ith  the  famihar  Beatitudes, 

Unlike  many  reformers,  Jesua  begins 
2.  Argu-  the  exposition  of  His  program  with  a 
ment:  The  promise  of  happiness,  •n'ith  a  blessing 
Kingdom  of  rather  than  a  curse.  He  thus  con- 
God  nects  His  program  directly  -uith  the 
(Heaven)       hopes  of  His  hearers,  for  the  central 

features  in  the  current  Messianic  con- 
ception were  dehverance  and  happiness.  But  the 
conditions  of  happiness  proposed  were  in  strong  con- 
trast with  those  in  the  popular  thought.  Happiness 
does  not  consist,  saj's  Jesus,  in  what  one  possesses, 
in  lands  and  houses,  in  social  position,  in  intellectual 
attainments,  but  in  the  wealth  of  the  inner  life,  in 
moral  strength,  in  self-control,  in  spiritual  insight, 
in  the  character  one  is  able  to  form  within  himself 
and  in  the  service  he  is  able  to  reiider  to  his  fellow- 
men.  Happiness,  then,  like  character,  is  a  by- 
product of  right  living.  It  is  presented  as  the  fruit, 
not  as  the  object  of  endeavor. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  character  is  the  secret 
of  happiness  botfi  for  the  individual  and  for  society. 
There  are  two  groups  of  Beatitudes.     The  first  four 


deal  with  personal  qualities:  humility,  penitence, 
self-control,  desire  for  righteousness.  These  are  the 
sources  of  inner  peace.  The  second  group  deals 
with  social  qualities;  mercifulness  toward  others, 
purity  of  heart  or  reverence  for  personaUty,  peace- 
making or  sohcitude  for  others,  self-sacrificing  loy- 
alty to  righteousness.  These  are  the  sources  of 
social  rest.  The  blessings  of  the  kingdom  are  social 
as  well  as  individual. 

(2)  Vocationof  the  subjects  (5  13-16). — Men  of  the 
qualities  described  in  the  Beatitudes  are  called  "the 
salt  of  the  earth,"  "the  hght  of  the  world."  Their 
happiness  is  not,  then,  in  themselves  or  for  them- 
selves alone.  Their  mission  is  the  hope  of  the 
kingdom.  Salt  is  a  preservative  element;  light 
is  a  life-giving  one;  but  the  world  is  not  eager  to 
be  preserved  or  willing  to  receive  life.  Therefore 
such  men  must  expect  opposition  and  persecution, 
but  they  are  not  on  that  account  to  withdraw  from 
the  world.  On  the  contrary,  by  the  leaven  of 
character  and  the  light  of  example  they  are  to  help 
others  in  the  appreciation  and  the  attainment  of 
the  ideal  life.  By  their  character  and  deeds  they 
are  to  make  their  influence  a  force  for  good  in  the 
lives  of  men.  In  this  sense  the  men  of  the  kingdom 
are  the  salt  of  the  earth,  the  hght  of  the  world. 
See  Beatitudes, 

(3)  The  relation  of  the  new  righteousness  to  the 
Mosaic  Law  (5  17-4S). — (a)  Relation  defined 
(6  17-20) :  The  qualities  of  character  thus  set  before 
the  citizens  of  the  kingdom  were  so  surprising  and 
revolutionary  as  to  suggest  the  inquiry:  Wliat  is 
the  relation  of  the  new  teaching  to  the  Mosaic  Law? 
This  Jesus  defines  as  continuance  and  fulfilment. 
His  hearers  are  not  to  think  that  He  has  come  to 
destroy  the  law.  On  the  contrary.  He  has  come 
to  conserve  and  fulfil.  The  old  law  is  imperfect, 
but  God  docs  not  despair  of  what  is  imperfect. 
Men  and  institutions  are  judged,  not  by  the  level  of 
present  attainment,  but  by  character  and  direction. 
The  law  moves  in  the  right  direction  and  is  so 
valuable  that  those  who  violate  even  its  least  pre- 
cepts have  a  very  low  place  in  the  kingdom. 

The  new  righteousness  then  does  not  set  aside 
the  law  or  offer  an  easier  religion,  but  one  that  is 
more  exacting.  The  kingdom  is  concerned,  not  so 
much  with  ceremonies  and  external  rules,  as  with 
motives  and  with  social  virtues,  with  self-control, 
purity,  honesty  and  generosity.  So  much  higher 
are  the  new  standards  of  righteousness  that  Jesus 
is  constrained  to  warn  His  hearers  that  to  secure 
even  a  place  in  the  kingdom,  their  righteousness 
must  exceed  that  of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees. 

(b)  The  relation  illustrated  (5  21-48) :  In  iUustra- 
tion  of  the  deeper  meaning  of  the  new  righteousness 
and  its  relation  to  the  Mosaic  Law,  Jesus  proceeds  to 
deal  in  detail  with  the  precepts  of  the  old  moral 
law,  deepening  it  as  He  proceeds  into  the  higher 
law  of  the  kingdom.  In  each  instance  the  standard 
of  judgment  is  raised  and  the  individual  precepts 
are  deepened  into  spiritual  principles  that  call  for 
perfect  fulfilment.  In  considering  specific  precepts 
no  account  is  taken  of  overt  acts,  for  in  the  new 
righteousness  they  are  impossible.  All  acts  are 
treated  as  expressions  of  tiie  inner  life.  The  law 
is  carried  back  to  the  impulse  and  the  will  to  sin, 
and  these  are  judged  as  in  the  old  law  the  completed 
acts  were  judged.  Therefore  all  anger  and  lust  in 
the  heart  are  strictly  enjoined.  Likewise  every 
word  is  raised  to  a  sacredness  equal  -with  that  of  the 
most  solemn  religious  vow  or  oath.  Finally,  the 
instinct  to  avenge  is  entirely  forbidden,  and  uni- 
versal love  like  that  of  the  Father  is  made  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  new  social  life.  Thus  Jesus  does 
not  abrogate  any  law  but  interprets  its  precepts 
in  terms  that  call  for  a  deeper  and  more  perfect 
fulfilment. 


2735 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Sermon  on  Mount 


(4)  Motives  and  principles  of  conduct  {6  1 — 7  12). 
— The  relation  of  His  teaching  to  the  law  defined, 
Jesus  proceeds  to  explain  the  motives  and  principles 
of  conduct  as  applied  to  religious  and  social  duties. 

(a)  In  worship  (6  1-18) :  In  the  section  6  1—7  12 
there  is  one  central  thought.  All  righteousness 
looks  toward  God.  He  is  at  once  the  source  and 
the  aim  of  life.  Therefore  worship  aims  alone  at 
Divine  praise.  If  acts  of  worship  are  performed 
before  men  to  be  seen  of  them  there  is  no  reward 
for  them  before  the  Father,  In  this  Jesus  is  passing 
no  slight  on  public  worship.  He  Himself  instituted 
the  Lord's  Supper  and  authorized  the  continuance 
of  the  rite  of  baptism.  Such  acts  have  their  proper 
value.  His  censure  is  aimed  at  the  love  of  ostenta- 
tion so  often  associated  with  them.  The  root  of 
ostentation  is  selfishness,  and  selfishness  has  no  part 
in  the  new  righteousness.  Any  selfish  desire  for 
the  approval  of  men  thwarts  the  purpose  of  all 
worship.  The  object  of  almsgiving,  of  prayer  or 
of  fasting  is  the  expression  of  brotherly  love,  com- 
munion with  God  or  spiritual  enrichment.  The 
possibility  of  any  of  these  is  excluded  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  desire  for  the  approval  of  men.  It  is 
not  merely  a  Divine  fiat  but  one  of  the  deeper  laws 
of  life  which  decrees  that  the  only  possible  reward 
for  acts  of  worship  performed  from  such  false 
motives  is  the  cheap  approval  of  men  as  well  as  the 
impoverishment  of  the  inner  life. 

(b)  In  life's  purpose  (6  19-34):  The  same 
principle  holds,  says  Jesus,  in  the  matter  of  life's 
purpose.  There  is  only  one  treasure  worthy  of 
man's  search,  only  one  object  worthy  of  his  highest 
endeavor,  and  that  is  the  kingdom  of  God  and  His 
righteousness.  Besides,  there  can  be  no  division 
of  aim.  God  will  be  first  and  only.  Material 
blessings  must  not  be  set  before  duty  to  Him  or  to 
men.  With  any  lower  aim  the  new  righteousness 
would  be  no  better  than  that  of  the  Gentiles.  And 
such  a  demand  is  reasonable,  for  God's  gracious 
providence  is  ample  guaranty  that  He  will  supply 
all  things  needful  for  the  accompHshment  of  the 
purposes  He  has  planned  for  our  lives.  So  in  our 
vocations  as  in  our  worship,  God  is  the  supreme  and 
effectual  motive. 

(c)  In  social  relations  (7  1-12):  Then  again 
because  God  is  our  Father  and  the  supreme  object 
of  desire  for  all  men,  great  reverence  is  due  toward 
others.  Considerate  helpfulness  must  replace  the 
censorious  spirit.  For  the  same  reason  men  will 
have  too  great  reverence  for  spiritual  values  to  cast 
them  carelessly  before  the  unworthy.  Moreover, 
because  God  is  so  gracious  and  ready  to  bestow  the 
best  gifts  freely  upon  His  children,  the  men  of  the 
kingdom  are  under  profound  obhgation  to  observe 
the  higher  law  of  brotherhood  expressed  in  the 
Golden  Rule:  "All  things  ....  whatsoever  ye  would 
that  men  should  do  unto  you,  even  so  do  ye  also 
unto  them."  Thus  in  the  perfect  law  of  the  Father- 
hood of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  men  the  new 
righteousness    makes    perfect    the    Law   and   the 

Prophets.  ,  s     rnu 

(5)  Hortatory  conclusion  {7  13-27). — (a)  Ihe 
narrow  way  (7  13-14):  In  the  hortatory  con- 
clusion (7  13-27),  Jesus  first  of  all  warns  His 
hearers  that  the  way  into  the  kingdom  is  a  narrow 
one  It  might  seem  that  it  ought  to  be  different; 
that  the  way  to  destruction  should  be  narrow  and 
difficult,  and  the  way  to  Kfe  broad  and  easy,  but  it  is 
not  so.  The  way  to  all  worthy  achievement  is  the 
narrow  way  of  self-control,  self-sacrifice  and  infinite 
pains.  Such  is  the  way  to  the  righteousness  of  the 
kingdom,  the  supreme  object  of  human  endeavor. 
"Narrow  is  the  gate,  and  straitened  the  way,  that 
leadeth  unto  life." 

(b)  The  tests  of  character  (7  15-27):  The  test 
of  the  higher  fulfilment  is  fruit.     By  their  fruits 


alone  the  subjects  of  the  kingdom  will  be  known. 
In  the  presence  of  the  Father  there  is  no  room  for 
those  who  bring  nothing  but  the  leaves  of  empty 
professions.  The  kingdom  is  for  those  alone  who  do 
His  will.  The  test  of  righteou.sness  is  illustrated 
in  conclusion  by  the  beautiful  parable  of  the  Two 
Builders.  The  difference  between  the  two  is  essen- 
tially one  of  character.  It  is  largely  a  question  of 
fundamental  honesty.  The  one  is  superficial  and 
thinks  only  of  that  which  is  visible  to  the  eye  and 
builds  only  for  himself  and  for  the  present.  The 
other  is  honest  enough  to  build  well  where  only 
God  can  see,  to  budd  for  others  and  for  all  time. 
Thus  he  builds  also  for  himself.  The  character  of 
the  builder  is  revealed  by  the  building. 

VII.  Principles. — The  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is 
neither  an  impractical  ideal  nor  a  set  of  fixed  legal 
regulations.  It  is,  instead,  a  statement  of  the 
principles  of  life  essential  in  a  normal  society.  Such 
a  society  is  possible  in  so  far  as  men  attain  the 
character  and  live  the  life  expressed  in  these 
principles.  Their  correct  interpretation  is  there- 
fore important. 

Many  of  the  sayings  of  the  Sermon  are  meta- 
phorical or  proverbial  statements,  and  are  not  to 
be  understood  in  a  literal  or  legal  sense.  In  them 
Jesus  was  illustrating  principles  in  concrete  terms. 
Their  interpretation  literally  as  legal  enactments  is 
contrary  to  the  intention  and  spirit  of  Jesus.  So 
interpreted,  the  Sermon  becomes  in  part  a  visionary 
and  impractical  ideal.  But  rather  the  principles 
behind  the  concrete  instances  are  to  be  sought  and 
applied  anew  to  the  life  of  the  present  as  Jesua 
applied  them  to  the  Ufe  of  His  own  time. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  leading  ideas  and  prin- 
ciples underlying  and  expressed  in  the  Sermon: 

(1)  Character  is  the  secret  of  happiness  and  strength. 
Men  of  the  quahties  described  in  the  Beatitudes  are 
called  "blessed."  Happiness  consists,  not  in  external 
blessings,  but  in  the  inner  poise  of  a  normal  hfe.  The 
virtues  of  the  Beatitudes  are  also  the  elements  of  strength. 
Humility,  self-control,  purity  and  loyalty  are  the  genuine 
ciuahties  of  real  strength.  Men  of  such  qualities  are 
to  inherit  the  earth  because  they  are  the  only  ones 
strong  enough  to  possess  and  use  it. 

(2)  Righteousness  is  grounded  in  the  inner  life.  Char- 
acter is  not  something  imposed  from  without  but  a  life  that 
unfolds  from  within.  The  hope  of  a  perfect  morahty 
and  a  genuine  fulfilment  of  the  law  lies  in  the  creation 
of  a  sound  inner  life.  Therefore  the  worth  of  all  religious 
acts  and  all  personal  and  social  conduct  is  judged  by  the 
quality  of  the  inner  motives. 

(3)  The  inner  life  is  a  unity.  The  spiritual  nature  is 
all  of  a  piece,  so  that  a  moral  slump  at  one  point  imperils 
the  whole  life.  Consequently  a  rigid  and  exacting 
spiritual  asceticism,  even  to  the  extent  of  extreme  major 
surgery,  is  sometimes  expedient  and  necessary.  "If 
thy  right  eye  causeth  thee  to  stumble,  pluck  it  out,  and 
cast  it  from  thee:  for  it  is  profitable  for  thee  that  one  of 
thy  members  should  perish,  and  not  thy  whole  body 
be  cast  into  Gehenna"  (Mt  5  29  m). 

(4)  Universal  love  is  the  fundamental  social  law.  It 
is  the  dynamic  principle  of  true  character  and  right 
conduct.  In  this  respect,  at  least,  the  perfection  of  the 
Father  is  set  as  the  standard  for  men.  Kindliness  in 
disposition ,  in  word  and  in  act  is  an  obligation  binding  on 
all.  We  may  not  feel  aUke  toward  aU,  but  our  wills 
must  be  set  to  do  good  even  to  our  enemies.  In  this  the 
supernatural  quality  of  the  Christian  life  may  be  known. 

(.5)  The  Sermon  sets  the  fact  of  God  the  Father  at  the 
center  of  Ufe.  Character  and  life  exist  in  and  for  fellow- 
ship with  the  Father.  All  worship  and  conduct  look 
toward  God.  His  service  is  the  supreme  duty,  His 
perfection  the  standard  of  character.  His  goodness  the 
ground  of  universal  love.  Given  this  fact,  all  the  essen- 
tials of  religion  and  life  follow  as  a  matter  of  course. 
God  is  Father,  aU  men  are  brothers.  God  is  Father,  all 
duties  are  sacred.  God  is  Father,  infinite  love  is  at  the 
heart  of  the  world  and  life  is  of  infinite  worth. 

(6)  Fulfilment  is  the  final  test  of  life.  The  blossoms 
of  promises  must  ripen  into  the  fruit  of  abiding  character. 
The  leaves  of  empty  professions  have  no  value  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Father.  Deeds  and  character  are  the  only 
things  that  abide,  and  endurance  is  the  final  test.  The 
life  of  perfect  fulfilment  is  the  lite  anchored  on  the  rock 
of  ages.  See  further  Ethics;  Ethics  of  Jesus;  King- 
dom OF  God. 

Literature. — The  standard  comms.  and  Lives  of 
Christ.  Among  the  most  important  encyclopaedic 
arts,  are  those  of  C.  W.  Votaw  in  IIDB,  James  Moffatt 


Sermon  on  Plain 
Serpent 


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2736 


in  EB  and  W.  F.  Adeney  in  DCG.  Tlie  following 
are  a  few  of  the  most  helpful  separate  volumes  on  the 
subject:  A.  Tholuck,  Ex-position  of  Christ's  Sermon  on 
the  Mount;  Canon  Gore,  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount; 
B.  W.  33acon,  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount;  W.  B.  Car- 
penter, The  Great  Charter  of  Christ;  Hubert  Foston,  The 
Beatitudes  and  the  Contrasts;  cf  H.  C.  King,  The  Ethics  of 
Jesus,  and  Stalker,  The  Ethic  of  Jesus.  The  following 
periodical  arts,  are  worthy  of  notice:  Franklin  Johnson, 
"The  Plan  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,"  Homiletic 
Remew,  XXIV,  360:  A.  H.  HaU,  "The  Gospel  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount,"  Bih.  Sac.  XLVIII,  322;  The 
Bishop  of  Peterborough  (W.  C.  Magee),  "The  State  and 
the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,"  Fortnightly  Review,  LIII, 
32;  J.  G.  Pyle.  "The  Sermon  on  the  Motmt,"  Putnam's 
Magazine,  VII,  285. 

Russell  Benjamin  Miller 
SERMON  ON  THE  PLAIN,  THE:  This  title  is 
sometimes  given  to  the  discourse  recorded  in  Lk 
6  20-49,  because  according  to  the  Gospel  (ver  17)  it 
was  delivered  on  a  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain. 
In  many  respects  this  address  resembles  the  one  re- 
corded in  Mt  5-7,  but  in  general  the  two  are  so  dif- 
ferent as  to  make  it  uncertain  whether  they  are 
different  reports  of  the  same  discourse  or  reports 
of  different  addresses  given  on  different  occasions. 
See  Sermon  on  the  Mount. 

In  contrast  with  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  which 

is  assigned  a  place  early  in  the  Galilean  ministry, 

and  prior  to  the  appointment  of  the 

1.  The  Twelve,  that  event  is  represented  as 
Occasion        the  occasion  of  this  discourse.     If  the 

two  accounts  are  reports  of  the  same 
address  the  setting  of  Lk  is  probably  the  historical 
one. 

The  Sermon  of  Lk  includes  a  little  less  than  one- 
third  of  the  matter  recorded  in  the  Sermon  on  the 

Mount.     The  Lukan  discourse  includes 

2.  Contents  only  a  portion  of  the  Beatitudes,  with 

a  set  of  four  "woes,"  a  rather  brief 
section  on  the  social  duties,  and  the  concluding 
parable  of  the  Two  Houses. 

The  Gospel  of  Lk  has  been  called  the  social  Gospel 
because  of  its  sympathy  with  the  poor  and  its 

emphasis  on  the  duty  of  kindUness  of 

3.  Message  spirit.     This    social    interest    is    esp. 

prominent  in  the  Sermon.  Here  the 
Beatitudes  deal  with  social  differences.  In  Mt  they 
refer  to  spiritual  conditions.  Here  Jesus  speaks 
of  those  who  hunger  now,  probably  meaning  bodily 
hunger.  In  Mt  the  reference  is  to  hunger  and 
thirst  after  righteousness.  In  Mt  the  invectives 
are  addressed  against  the  seK-satisfied  religious 
teachers  and  their  religious  formalism.  Here  the 
rich  and  their  unsocial  spirit  are  the  subject  of  the 
woes.  This  social  interest  is  further  emphasized 
by  the  fact  that  in  addition  to  this  social  bearing  of 
the  Beatitudes,  Lk's  discourse  omits  the  remainder 
of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  except  those  portions 
that  deal  with  social  relations,  such  as  those  on  the 
Golden  Rule,  the  duty  of  universal  love,  the  equality 
of  servant  and  master,  and  the  obligation  of  a 
charitable  spirit.       Russell  Benjamin  Miller 

SERON,  se'ron  (S-fipuv,  Seron) :  "The  commander 
of  the  host  of  Syria"  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who 
was  defeated  at  Beth-horon  by  Judas  in  166  BC 
(1  Mace  3  13  ff).  Not  a  Gr  name;  "perhaps  it 
represents  the  Phoen  Hiram"  (Rawlinson,  adloc). 

SERPENT,  sdr'pent:  Serpents  are  not  particu- 
larly abundant  in  Pal,  but  they  are  often  mentioned 

in  the  Bible.  In  the  Heb  there  are  11 
1.  General    names.     The  NT  has  four  Gr  names  and 

LXX  employs  two  of  these  and  three 
others  as  well  as  several  compound  expressions,  such 
as  8015  Terdfievos,  ophis  petdinenos,  "flying  serpent," 
irfiis  eavaTdv,  Uphis  thanaton,  "deadly  serpent," 
and  (i^is  SaKPuiv,  6phis  ddknon,  'TDiting"  or  "sting- 
ing serpent."  Notwithstanding  this  large  vocab- 
ulary, it  is  impossible  to  identify  satisfactorily  a 


single  species.  Nearly  every  reference  states  or 
implies  poisonous  qualities,  and  in  no  case  is  there 
so  much  as  a  hint  that  a  snake  may  be  harmless, 
except  in  several  expressions  referring  to  the  millen- 
nium, where  their  harmlessness  is  not  natural  but 
miraculous.  In  Arab,  there  is  a  score  or  more  of 
names  of  serpents,  but  very  few  of  them  are  em- 
ployed at  all  definitely.  It  may  be  too  much  to 
say  that  the  inhabitants  of  Syria  and  Pal  consider 
all  snakes  to  be  poisonous,  but  they  do  not  clearly 
distinguish  the  noh-poisonous  ones,  and  there  are 
several  common  and  well-known  species  which  are 
universally  beUeved  to  be  poisonous,  though  actually 
harmless.  Of  nearly  25  species  which  are  certainly 
known  to  be  found  in  SjTia  and  Pal,  four  are  deadly 
poisonous,  five  are  somewhat  poisonous,  and  the  rest 
are  absolutely  harmless.  With  the  exception  of 
kippoz,  "dart-snake"  (Isa  34  15),  which  is  prob- 
ably the  name  of  a  bird  and  not  of  a  snake,  every 
one  of  the  Heb  and  Gr  names  occurs  in  passages 
where  poisonous  character  is  expressed  or  implied. 
The  deadly  poisonous  snakes  have  large  perforated 
poison  fangs  situated  in  the  front  of  the  upper  jaw, 
an  efficient  apparatus  like  a  hypodermic  syringe 
for  conveying  the  poison  into  the  depths  of  the 
wound.  In  the  somewhat  poisonous  snakes,  the 
poison  fangs  are  less  favorably  situated,  being 
farther  back,  nearly  under  the  eye.  Moreover, 
they  are  smaller  and  are  merely  grooved  on  the 
anterior  aspect  instead  of  being  perforated.  All 
snakes,  except  a  few  which  are  nearly  or  quite  tooth- 
less, have  numerous  small  recurved  teeth  for  hold- 
ing and  helping  to  swallow  the  prey,  which  is  usually 
taken  into  the  stomach  while  living,  the  pecuhar 
structure  of  the  jaws  and  the  absence  of  a  breast- 
bone enabling  snakes  to  swallow  animals  which 
exceed  the  ordinary  size  of  their  own  bodies. 

The  following  Ust  includes  all  the  serpents  which  are 
certainly  known  to  exist  in  Pal  and  Syria,  omitting  the 
names  of  several  which  have  been  reported 
2.  Serpents  but  whose  occurrence  does  not  seem  to  be 
of  Pal  nnrt  sufHciently  confirmed.  The  range  of 
"     .     """     each  species  is  given. 

oyria  (l)    Harmless  serpents. —  Typhlops  vermi- 

cularis  Merr.,  Greece  and  Southwestern 
Asia;  T.  simoni  Bttgr.,  Pal;  Eryx  jaculus  L.,  Greece. 
North  Africa,  Central  and  Southwestern  Asia;  Tropido- 
notus  tessellatus  Laur.,  Central  and  Southeastern  Europe, 
Central  and  Southwestern  Asia;  Zamenis  gemonensis 
Laur.,  Central  and  Southeastern  Europe,  Gr  islands. 
Southwestern  Asia;  Z.  dahlii  Fitz.,  Southeastern  Europe, 
Southwestern  Asia,  Lower  Egypt;  Z.  rhodorhachis  Jan., 
Egypt,  Southwestern  Asia,  India;  Z.  ravergieri  Menatr., 
Southwestern  Asia:  Z.  nummifer  Renss.,  Egypt,  Syria, 
Pal,  Cyprus,  Asia  Minor;  Oligodon  melanocephalus  Jan., 
Syria,  Pal,  Sinai,  Lower  Egypt;  Contia  decemlineata  D. 
andB.,  Syria,  Pal;  C.  collarisMenetr.,  Grislands,  Cyprus, 
Asia  Minor,  Syria,  Pal;  C.  rothi  Jan.,  Syria,  Pal;  C.  coro- 
nella  Schleg.,  Syria,  Pal. 

(2)  Somewhat  poisonous  serpents. —  Tarbophis  savignyi 
Blgr.,  Syria,  Pal,  Egypt;  T.  fallaz  Fleischm.,  Balkan 
Peninsula,  Gr  islands,  Cyprus,  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  Pal; 
Coelopellis  monspessulana  Herm.,  Mediterranean  coun- 
tries, Caucasus,  Persia;  Psammophis  schokari  Forsk., 
North  Africa,  Southwestern  Asia;  Micrelaps  muelleri 
Bttgr.,  Syria,  Pal. 

(3)  Deadly  poisonous  serpents. —  Vipera  ammodytes 
L.,  Southeastern  Europe,  Asia  Minor,  Syria;  Vipera 
lebetina  L.,  North  Africa,  Gr  islands.  Southwestern  Asia; 
Cerastes  cornutus  Forsk.,  Egypt,  Sinai,  Arabia;  Echis 
coloratus  Gthr.,  Southern  Pal,  Arabia,  Socotra. 

To  this  hst  should  be  added  the  scheltopusik,  a  large 
snake-like,  limbless  hzard,  Ophiosaurus  apus,  inhabiting 
Southeastern  Europe,  Asia  Minor,  Persia,  Syria  and  Pal, 
which  while  perfectly  harmless  is  commonly  classed  with 
vipers. 

Of   all   these  the  commonest   is    Zamenis   nummifer, 

Arab.    \j^'    (XftS- ,   'akd-ul-jauz,  "string  of  walnuts." 

a  fierce  but  non-poisonous  snake  which  attains  the  length 
of  a  meter.  Its  ground  color  is  pale  yellow  and  it  has  a 
dorsal  series  of  distinct  diamond-shaped  dark  spots.  Al- 
ternating with  spots  of  the  dorsal  row  are  on  each  side  two 
lateral  rows  of  less  distinct  dark  spots.  It  is  everywhere 
considered  to  be  fatal.   Another  common  snake  is  Zamenis 

gemonensis,   Arab.    mJJ.^^»  ,    hanash,  which  attains  the 


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Sermon  on  Plain 
Serpent 


length  of  two  meters.  It  is  usually  black  and  much 
resembles  the  American  black  snake,  Zamenis  constrictor. 
-Like  all  species  of  Zamenin,  these  are  harmless.  Other 
common  harmless  snakes  are  Zamenis  dahlii,  Tropidono- 
tu8  tessellatus  which  is  often  found  in  pools  and  streams, 
Coniia  collaris,  Oligodon  melanocephalus,  a  small,  nearly 
toothless  snake  with  the  crown  of  the  head  coal  black. 
Among  the  somewhat  poisonous  snakes,  a  very  common 

-  '■  ^-o    Si-: 


JLcijjJI 


one  is  Coelopeltie  monspeasulana,  Arab. 

al-haiyat  ul-harshat,  which  is  about  two  meters  long,  as 
large  as  the  black  snake.  It  is  uniformly  reddish  brown 
above,  paler  below.     Another  is   Psammophia  schokari. 


Arab. 


an-nashshdb,  "the  arrow."    It  is  about  a 


meter  long,  slender,  and  white  with  dark  stripes.  Many 
marvelous  and  utterly  improbable  tales  are  told  of  its 
jumping  powers,  as  for  instance  that  it  can  shoot  through 
the  air  for  more  than  a  hundred  feet  and  penetrate  a 
tree  like  a  rifle  bullet. 

The  commonest  of  the  deadly  poisonous  snakes  is 
Vipera  lebetina,  which  attains  the  length  of  a  meter,  has 
a  thick  body,  a  short  tail,  a  broad  head  and  a  narrow 
neck.  It  is  spotted  somewhat  as  Zamenis  nummifer, 
but  the  spots  are  less  regular  and  distinct  and  the  ground 
color  is  grey  rather  than  yellow.  It  does  not  seem  to 
have  a  distinct  name.  Cerastes  comutus,  having  two 
small  horns,  which  are  modified  scales,  over  the  eyes,  is 
a  small  but  dangerous  viper,  and  is  found  in  the  south. 
Not  only  are  the  species  of  poisonous  serpents  fewer  than 
the  non-poisonous  species,  but  the  individuals  also  appear 
to  be  less  numerous.  The  vast  majority  of  the  snakes 
which  are  encountered  are  harmless. 

As  stated  above,  all  of  the  Heb  and  Gr  names 
except  kippoz,  which  occurs  only  in  Isa  34  1.5,  are 
used  of  snakes  actually  or  supposedly 
3.  Names  poisonous.  This  absence  of  discrimi- 
nation between  poisonous  and  non- 
poisonous  kinds  makes  determination  of  the  species 
difficult.  Further,  but  few  of  the  Heb  names  are 
from  roots  whose  meanings  are  clear,  and  there  is 
little  evident  relation  to  Arab,  names. 

(1)  The  commonest  Heb  word  is  IBnj ,  nahash, 
which  occurs  31  t  and  seems  to  be  a  generic  word 
for  serpent.  While  not  always  clearly  indicating 
a  venomous  serpent,  it  frequently  does:  e.g.  Ps  58 
4;  140  3;  Prov  23  32;  Eccl  10  8.11;  Isa  14  29; 
Jer  8  17;  Am  5  19.  According  to  BDB  it  is 
perhaps  from  an  onomatopoetic  ■/,  liSHD ,  nahash, 

"to  hiss."  It  may  be  akin  to  the  Arab.  iJLi.:^ , 
hanash,  which  means  "snake"  in  general,  or  esp. 
the  black  snake.  Cf  Ir-nahash  (1  Ch  4  12); 
Nahash  (a)  (1  S  11  1;  2  S  10  2),  (6)  (2  S  17  27), 
(c)  (2  S  17  2.5);  also  mCrij ,  n'hosheih,  "copper" 
or  "brass";  and  inipnp ,  n'hushtan,  "Nehushtan," 
the  brazen  serpent  (2  K  18  4).  But  BDB  derives 
the  last  two  words  from  a  different  root._ 

(2)  nn*  ,  saraph,  apparently  from  OniB  ,  saraph, 
"to  burn'"  is  used  of  the  fiery  serpents  of  the  wilder- 
ness. In  Nu  21  8,  it  occurs  in  the  sing.:  "Make 
thee  a  fiery  serpent,  and  set  it  upon  a  standard." 
In  ver  6  we  have  D"'P^ipn  D"'lCn3n ,  ha-n'hashim 
ha-s'raphim,  "fiery  serpents";  in  Dt  8  15  the  same 
in  the  sing. :  O^TC  iBnj ,  nahash  saraph,  also  tr"^ 
"fiery  serpents" ;"  in  Isa  14  29;  30  6  we  have 
nsiyia  anto ,  saraph  nf'opkeph,  "fiery  flying  ser- 
pent." The  same  word  in  the  pi.  D"'EniC  ,  s'raphlm, 
is  tr**  "seraphim"  in  Isa  6  2.6. 

(3)  T^sn,  tannin,  elsewhere  "dragon  or  sea- 
monster"  "(q.  v.),  is  used  of  the  serpents  into  which 
the  rods  of  Aaron  and  the  magicians  were  trans- 
formed (Ex  7  9.10.12),  these  serpents  bemg  desig- 
nated by  nahash  in  Ex  4  3;  7  15.  Tannm  is 
rendered  "serpent"  (AV  "dragon")  m  Dt  32  33 
"Their  wine  is  the  poison  of  serpents,  and  Ps  sJl 
13  "The  young  lion  and  the  serpent  shalt  thou 
trample  under  foot."  On  the  other  hand,  nahash 
seems  in  three  passages  to  refer  to  a  mythical  crea- 
ture or  dragon:   "His  hand  hath  pierced  the  switt 


serpent"  (Job  26  13);  "In  that  day  Jeh  ■  ■  ■  ■ 
will  punish  leviathan  the  swift  serpent  and  leviathan 
the  crooked  serpent"  (Isa  27  1);  ".  .  .  .  though 
they  be  hid  from  my  sight  in  the  bottom  of  the  sea, 
thence  will  I  command  the  serpent,  and  it  shall  bite 
them"   (Am  9  3). 

(4)  ibm  ,  zoMe,  is  tr<i  "crawling  things"  in  Dt  32 
24  (AV  "serpents")  and  in  Mic  7  17  (AV  "worms"). 

(5)  a^lTD? ,  'akhshilbh,  occurs  only  in  Ps  140  3, 
where  it  is  tr"*  "adder"  (LXX  Surirh,  aspls,  Vulg 
aspis),  "adders'  poison  is  under  their  lips."  It  has 
been  suggested  (BDB)  that  the  reading  should  be 
Tljinsy,  'akkabhish,  "spider"  (q.v.).  The  ||  word 
in  the  previous  line  is  nahash. 

(6)  'irs ,  pelhen,  like  most  of  the  other  names  a 
word  of  uncertain  etymology,  occurs  6  t  and  it  is 
tr''  "asp,"  except  in  Ps  91  13,  "Thou  shalt  tread 
upon  the  lion  and  adder."  According  to  Liddell 
and  Scott,  aspis  is  the  name  of  the  Egyp  cobra, 
Naia  haje  L.,  which  is  not  included  in  (2)  above, 
because  it  does  not  certainly  appear  to  have  been 
found  in  Pal.  The  name  "adder"  is  applied  to 
various  snakes  all  of  which  may  perhaps  be  supposed 
to  be  poisonous  but  some  of  which  are  actually 
harmless.  Aspis  occurs  in  Rom  3  13  in  a  para- 
phrase of  Ps  140  3  (see  [5]  above);  it  occurs  fre- 
quently, though  not  uniformly,  in  LXX  for  (2),  (5), 
(6),  (7),  (8)  and  (10). 

(7)  ySS ,  fep/ia",  occurs  only  m  Isa  14  29  where 
it  is  tr''  "adder"  (AV  "cockatrice,"  ERV  "basihsk," 
LXX  eKyova.  i<nrldoii',  ekgona  aspidon,  Vulg  regu- 
lus).  The  V  yS2  ,  Qapha\  of  (7)  and  (8)  may  be  an 
onomatopoetic  word  meaning  "to  hiss"  (BDB). 

(8)  "^jirSS ,  or  "'pis^S? ,  giph'onl,  occurs  in  Prov 
23  32,  "At  the  last  it  biteth  like  a  serpent  [nahash], 
and  stingeth  like  an  adder"  (gipVont).  In  Isa  11 
8;  59  5,  and  Jer  8  17,  ARV  has  "adder,"  while 
AV  has  "cockatrice"  and  ERV  has  "basilisk." 

(9)  ■)b"'?lS,   sh'phiphm,  occurs   only  in  Gen  49 

'Dan  shall  be  a  serpent  [nahash]  in  the  way. 
An  adder  [shephiphon]  in  the  path. 
That  biteth  the  horse's  heels. 
So  that  his  rider  falleth  backward," 

This  has  been  thought  to  be  Cerastes  cornulus, 
on  the  authority  of  Tristram  (NHB),  who  says 
that  lying  in  the  path  it 
will  attack  the  passer-by, 
while  most  snakes  will 
glide  away  at  the  ap- 
proach of  a  person  or 
large  animal.  He  adds 
that  his  horse  was  much 
frightened  at  seeing  one 
of  these  serpents  coiled  up 
in  a  camel's  footprint. 
The  word   is  perhaps 

akin  to  the  Arab. 


17: 


Adder. 


siff,  or  i_ft-uu ,  suff,  which  denotes  a  spotted  and 
deadly  snake. 

(10)  nySS,  'eph'eh,  is  found  in  Job  20  16;  Isa 
30  6;   59  5,  and  in  EV  is  uniformly  tr"*  "viper." 

It  is  the  same  as  the  Arab.    ,  JlsI  ,   'afa,  which  is 

usually  tr"*  "viper,"  though  the  writer  has  never 
found  anyone  who  could  tell  to  what  snake  the  name 
belongs.  In  Arab,  as  in  Heb  a  poisonous  snake  is 
always  understood. 

(11)  nsp,  kippoz,  ARV  "dart-snake,"  ERV 
"arrowsnake,"  AV  "great  owl,"  only  in  Isa  34  15, 
"There  shall  the  dart-snake  make  her  nest,  and  lay, 
and  hatch,  and  gather  under  her  shade;  yea,  there 
shall  the  kites  be  gathered,   every  one  with  her 


Serpent 
Servant  of  Jeh 


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2738 


mate."  This  is  the  concluding  verse  in  a  vivid 
picture  of  the  desolation  of  Edom.  The  renderings 
"dart-snake"  and  "arrowsnake"  rest  on  the  author- 
ity of  Bochert,  but  LXX  has  ix'""^,  echlnos, 
"hedgehog,"  and  Vulg  ericeus,  "hedgehog."  The 
rendering  of  AV  "great  owl"  seems  preferable  to 
the  others,  because  the  words  "make  her  nest,  and 
lay,  and  hatch,  and  gather  under  her  shade"  are  as  a 
whole  quite  inapplicable  to  a  mammal  or  to  a  rep- 
tile.    The  derivation  from  TB]5 ,  kaphaz  (cf  Arab. 

■yS3 ,    kdfaz),   "to  spring,"    "to   dart,"   suits,  it   is 

true,  a  snake,  and  not  a  hedgehog,  but  may  also 
suit  an  owl.     Finally,  the  next  word  in  Isa  34  15 

is  "kites,"  riVT  ,  dayyoth;  cf  Arab.  sIlXs^,  hida'at. 

See  Bitteen;   Owl;   Porcupine. 

(12)  801!,  opKis,  a  general  term  for  "serpent," 
occurs  in  numerous  passages  of  the  NT  and  LXX, 
and  is  fairly  equivalent  to  nahash. 

(13)  cl(T7ris,  aspis,  occurs  in  the  NT  only  in  Rom 
3  13  II  to  Ps  140  3.  See  under  (5)  'akhshubh  and 
(6)  pelhen.  It  is  found  in  LXX  for  these  words, 
and  also  for  'eph'eh  (Isa  30  6). 

(14)  exi-Sva,  echidna,  occurs  in  Acts  28  3,  "A 
viper  came  out  ....  and  fastened  on  his  [Paul's] 
hand,"  and  4  t  in  the  expression  "offspring  [AV 
"generation"]  of  vipers,"  yew-^/MTa  ^x'^'"^'',  genne- 
mata  echidnon  (Mt  3  7;  12  34;  23  33;  Lk  3  7). 
The  allied  (masc.  ?)  form  e'xis,  echis,  occurs  in  Sii' 
39  30,  RV  "adder." 

(1.5)  epireThv,  herpelon,  "creeping  thing,"  AV  "ser- 
pent," is  founcl  in  Jas  3  7. 

That  the  different  Heb  and  Gr  names  are  used  without 

clear  distinction  is  seen  from  several  e.xamples  of  the 

employment  of  two  different  names  in  il  expressions: 

"Their  poison  is  like  the  poison  of  a  serpent  [nahash]; 

They  are  like  the  deaf  adder  [pethen]  that  stoppeth 

her  ear"  (Ps  58  4). 
"They  have  sharpened  their  tongue  like  a  serpent 

[nahash]; 
Adders'"   ['akhshubh]    poison    is    under    their    lips" 

(Ps  140  3). 
"For,  behold.  I  "will  send  serpents  [nihashlnt],  adders 

[ciph'anim],    among    you,     which    will    not    be 

charmed;    and  they  shall  bite  vou,  saith  Jeh" 

(Jer  8   17). 
"They   shall  lick   the  dust  like   a  serpent   [nahash]; 

like  crawling  things  of  the  earth  [zdhdW  'erer] 

thev  shall  come   trembling   out  of  their  close 

places"  (Mic  7   17). 
"  He  shall  suck  the  poison  of  asps  [pethen]:    The  viper's 

['eph'eh]  tongue  shall  slay  him"   (Jfob  20  16). 
"Their  wine  is  the  poison  of  serpents  [tannutim],  and 

the  cruel  venom  of  asps  [p'i/ianim]  "  (Dt  32  33). 
"And  the  sucking  child  shall  play  on  the  hole  of  the 

asp  [pethen],  and  the  weaned  child  shall  put  his 

hand  on  the  adder's  [^iph'on'i]  den"  (Isa  11  8). 
See  also  (8)  and  (9)  above. 

Most  of  the  Bib.  references  to  serpents  are  of  a 
figurative  nature,  and  they  usually  imply  poison- 
ous qualities.     The  wicked  (Ps  58  4), 
4.  Figura-     the   persecutor    (Ps  140  3),    and    the 
tive  enemy  (Jer  8  17)  are  likened  to  venom- 

ous serpents.  The  effects  of  wine  are 
compared  to  the  bites  of  serpents  (Prov  23  32). 
Satan  is  a  serpent  (Gen  3;  Rev  12  9;  20  2).  The 
term  "offspring  of  vipers"  is  applied  by  John  the 
Baptist  to  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  (Mt  3  7) 
or  to  the  multitudes  (Lk  3  7)  who  came  to  hear 
him;  and  by  Jesus  to  the  scribes  and  Pharisees 
(Mt  12  34;  23  33).  Dan  is  a  "serpent  in  the 
way  ....  that  biteth  the  horse's  heels"  (Gen  49 
17).  Serpents  are  among  the  terrors  of  the  wilder- 
ness (Dt  8  15;  Isa  30  6).  Among  the  signs  ac- 
companying believers  is  that  "they  shall  take  up 
serpents"  (Mk  16  18;  cf  Acts  28  5).  It  is  said 
of  him  that  trusts  in  Jeh : 

"  Thou  Shalt  tread  upon  the  lion  and  adder: 
The  young  lion  and  the  serpent  shalt  thou  trample 
underfoot"  (Ps  91   13). 


In  the  millennium,  "the  sucking  child  shall  play 
on  the  hole  of  the  asp,  and  the  weaned  child  shall 
put  his  hand  on  the  adder's  den"  (Isa  11  8).  The 
serpent  is  subtle  (Gen  3  1;  2  Cor  11  3);  wise  (Mt 

10  16);  accursed  (Gen  3  14);  eats  dust  (Gen  3  14 
Isa  65  25;  Mic  7  17).  The  adder  is  deaf  (Ps  58  4) 
The  serpent  lurks  in  unexpected  places  (Gen  49  l7 
Eccl  10  S;  Am  5  19).  Serpents  may  be  charmed 
(Ps  58  5;  Eccl  10  11;  Jer  8  17).  Among  four  won- 
derful things  is  "the  way  of  a  serpent  upon  a  rock" 
(Prov  30  19).  Alfred  Ely  Day 

SERPENT,  BRAZEN,  bra'z'n.     See  Nehushtan. 

SERPENT-CHARMING,  -charm'ing:  Allusion 
to  this  art,  widely  practised  by  the  ancients  (see 
references  in  DB,  s.v.;  esp.  Bochart,  Hieron.,  Ill, 
161,  164,  etc),  as  by  modern  Orientals,  is  found  in 
Ps  58  5;  Eccl  10  11;  Jer  8  17;  Sir  12  13,  perhaps 
in  Jas  3  7.  The  skill  displayed  in  taming  snakes, 
often  without  removing  the  poison  fangs,  is  very  sur- 
prising. Bruce,  Davy  and  other  travelers  give  strik- 
ing illustrations.  See  esp.  the  interesting  account  of 
serpent-charming  in  Hengstenberg's  Egypt  and  the 
Books  of  Moses,  ET,  100-104. 

SERPENT,  CROOKED,  krook'ed:  With  refer- 
ence to  the  constellation  round  the  North  Pole,  in 
Job  26  13,  RV  "the  swift  serpent,"  m  "fleeing"; 
and  Isa  2'7  1,  RVm  "winding."  In  the  first  part 
of  the  latter  passage,  AV  "piercing  serpent"  is 
changed  in  RV  to  "swift  serpent,"  m  "gliding"  or 
"fleeing."     See  Astronomy,  II,  1. 

SERPENT,  FIERY.    See  Serpent,  3,  (2). 

SERPENT  WORSHIP,  wijr'ship:  Traces  of  this 
superstition  are  thought  by  certain  critics  to  be 
discoverable  in  the  religion  of  Israel.  Stade  men- 
tions that  W.  R.  Smith  supposed  the  serpent  to  be 
the  totem  of  the  house  of  David  (Geschichte,  I,  465). 
H.  P.  Smith  says:  "We  know  of  a  Serpent's  Stone 
near  Jerus,  which  was  the  site  of  a  sanctuary  (1  K 

I  9),  and  this  sanctuary  was  dedicated  to  Jeh" 
{Hist  of  OT,  239,  240).  Special  reUance  is  placed 
on  the  narrative  of  the  brazen  serpent,  which  Heze- 
kiah  is  recorded  to  have  destroyed  as  leading  to 
idolatry  (2  K  18  4).  "In  that  case,"  says  H.  P. 
Smith,  "we  must  treat  the  Nehushtan  as  a  veritable 
idol  of  the  house  of  Israel,  which  had  been  wor- 
shipped in  the  temple  from  the  time  of  its  erection. 
Serpent  worship  is  so  widespread  that  we  should  be 
surprised  not  to  find  traces  of  it  in  Israel"  (ut 
supra).  In  the  same  line,  see  G.  B.  Gray,  Nu, 
27.5-76.  The  fancifulness  of  these  deductions  is 
obvious.     See  Nehushtan.  James  Orr 

SERUG,  se'rug  (.l^lip  ,  s'rugh;  Scpoix,  Serouch): 
Son  of  Reu  and  great-grandfather  of  Abraham  (Gen 

11  20  ff;  1  Ch  1  26;   Lk  3  35). 

SERVANT,  sur'vant  (13^,  'ebhedh;  SoCXos, 
dotilos):  A  very  common  word  with  a  variety  of 
meanings,  all  implying  a  greater  or  less  degree  of 
inferiority  and  want  of  freedom:  (1)  The  most  fre- 
quent usage  is  as  the  equivalent  of  "slave"  (q.v.), 
with  its  various  shades  in  position  (Gen  9  25;  24  9; 
Ex  21  5;  Mt  10  24;  Lk  17  7,  and  often);  but  also 
a  hired  workman  where  "hired  servant"  translates 
Heb  and  Gr  expressions  which  differ  from  the  above. 
(2)  An  attendant  in  the  service  of  someone,  as  Joshua 
was  the  "servant,"  RV  "minister  "  of  Moses  (Nu 

II  28).  (3)  As  a  term  of  respectful  self-depreciation 
referring  to  one's  self,  "thy  servant"  or  "your  serv- 
ant" is  used  in  place  of  the  personal  pronoun  of  the 
first  person:    (a)  in  the  presence  of  superiors  (Gen 


2739 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Serpent 
Servant  of  Jeh 


19  2;  32  18,  and  often);  (b)  in  addressing  the  Su- 
preme Being  (1  S  3  9;  Ps  19  11;  27  9;  Lk  2  29, 
and  often).  (4)  OflScials  of  every  grade  are  called 
the  "servants"  of  kings,  princes, etc  (1  S  29  3;  2  S 
16  1;  1  K  11  26;  Prov  14  35,  and  often).  (5)  The 
position  of  a  king  in  relation  to  his  people  (1  K 
12  7).  (6)  One  who  is  distinguished  as  obedient 
and  faithful  to  God  or  Christ  (Josh  1  2;  2  K  8  19; 
Dnl  6  20;  Col  4  12;  2  Tim  2  24).  (7)  One  who 
is  enslaved  by  sin  ( Jn  8  34) . 

William  Joseph  MoGlothlin 
SERVANT  OF  JEHOVAH  (THE  LORD): 

1.  Historical  Situation 

2.  The  Authorship  of  Isa  Chs  40-66 

3.  The  Prophet  of  the  Exile 

4.  The  Unity  of  Chs  40-66 

5.  Principal  Ideas  of  Chs  40-66 

6.  The  Servant-Passages 

(1)  Date  of  the  Servant-Passages 

(2)  Discussion  of  the  Passages 

(.3)   Whom  Did  the  Prophet  Mean  by  the  Servant  ? 
(4)   The  Psychology  of  the  Prophecy 

7.  Place  of  the  Servant-Passages  in  OT  Prophecy 

8.  Large  Messianic  Signiflcanco  of  the  Servant-Passages 

A  century  and  a  half  had  passed  since  the  great 

days  of  Isaiah  in  Jcrus.     The  world  had  vastly 

changed    during    those    long    decades 

1.  Histori-  when  politicians  had  planned,  armies 
cal  Sit-  surged  back  and  forth,  and  tribes  and 
uation  nations  had  lost  or  won  in  the  struggle 

for  existence,  place  and  power.  The 
center  of  the  world  had  changed — for  Assyria  had 
gone  to  its  long  home,  and  the  city  claiming  pre- 
eminence was  not  Nineveh  but  Babylon. 

Nowhere  perhaps  had  time  laid  a  heavier  hand 
than  on  the  city  of  Jerus  and  the  country  of  Judah. 
For  city  and  land  had  come  to  desolation,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  had  become  familiar 
with  the  strange  sights  and  sounds  of  Babylonia, 
whither  they  had  been  carried  by  their  conquerors. 
Many  had  found  graves  in  the  land  of  the  exile,  and 
new  generations  had  arisen  who  had  no  memory 
of  the  hill  country  of  their  fathers.  It  is  the  sit- 
uation of  these  captive  Jews  in  Babylonia  which  is 
reflected  and  they  who  are  addressed  at  the  waning 
of  the  long  night  of  captivity  by  the  stirring  message 
recorded  in  Isa  chs  40-66  (leaving  out  of  account 
here  disputed  passages  in  chs  40-66). 

The  more  one  studies  the  problem  of  the  author- 
ship of  these  chapters,  the  more  unlikely  does  it 
seem  that  their  author  penned  them 

2.  Author-     150  years  before  the  time  with  which 
ship  of  Isa     they  are  vitally  connected.     It  is  ob- 
Chs  40-66     viously  impossible  to  treat  that  prob- 
lem in  a  detailed  way  here,  but  one  rnay 

sum  up  the  arguments  by  saying  that  in  theological 
ideas,  in  style,  and  use  of  words  they  show  such 
differences  from  the  as.sured  productions  of  Isaiah's 
pen  as  to  point  to  a  different  authorship.  And  the 
great  argument,  the  argument  which  carries  the 
most  weight  to  the  author  of  this  article,  is  that  these 
late  chapters  are  written  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
exile.  The  exile  is  assumed  in  what  is  said.  These 
chapters  do  not  prophesy  the  exile,  do  not  say  it  is 
to  come;  they  all  the  time  speak  as  though  it  had 
come.  The  message  is  not  that  an  exile  is  to  be, 
but  beginning  with  the  fact  that  the  exile  already 
is,  it  foretells  deliverance.  Now  of  course  it  is 
conceivable  that  God  might  inspire  a  man  to  put 
himself  forward  150  years,  and  with  a  message  to 
people  who  were  to  live  then,  assuming  their  cir- 
cumstances as  a  background  of  what  he  said,  but 
it  is  improbable  to  the  last  degree.  To  put  it_  in 
plain,  almost  gruff,  English,  it  is  not  the  way  God 
did  things.  The  prophet's  message  was  always 
primarily  a  message  to  his  own  age.  Then  there 
is  no  claim  in  the  chapters  themselves  that  Isaiah 
was  their  author.  And  having  once  been  placed 
80  that  it  was  supposed  they  were  by  Isaiah— placed 


so  through  causes  we  do  not  know — the  fact  that 
in  speaking  of  passages  from  these  chapters  NT 
authors  referrefl  to  them  by  a  name  the  peojjle  would 
recognize,  is  not  a  valid  argument  that  they  meant 
to  teach  anything  as  to  their  authorship.  The 
problem  had  not  arisen  in  NT  times.  Isa,  chs  40- 
66,  as  Professor  Davidson  has  suggested,  has  a 
parallel  in  the  Book  of  Job,  each  the  production  of 
a  great  mind,  each  from  an  author  we  do  not  know 
(cf  Isaiah). 

Out  of  the  deep  gloom  of  the  exile — when  the  Jew 
was  a  man  without  a  country,  when  it  seemed  as  if 

the  nation's  sins  had  murdered  hope — 
3.  The  out  of  this  time  comes  the  voice  most 

Prophet  of  full  of  gladness  and  abounding  hope 
the  Exile        of  all  the  voices  from  the  OT  life.     In 

the  midst  of  the  proud,  confident  civili- 
zation of  Babylonia,  with  its  teeming  wealth  and 
exhaustless  splendor,  came  a  man  who  dared  to 
speak  for  Jeh — a  man  of  such  power  to  see  reality 
that  to  him  Babylonia  was  already  doomed,  and  he 
could  summon  the  people  to  prepare  for  God's 
deliverance. 

In  recent  criticism,  esp.  in  Germany,  there  has  been  a 
strong  tendency  to  assign  the  last  chapters  of  this  section 

to  a  different  author  from  the  first.     The 

4    The Unitv *'^'^''?''°'^"'^    '*    '^    claimed    is    not    Bab; 

f  ru    A(\  RR  *^^  ^^^^  rebul^ed  are  the  sins  of  the  people 

01  <.^ns4U-bb  when  at  home  in  Judaea,  and  in  at  least 

one  passage  the  temple  at  Jerus  seems  to 
be  standing.  That  these  chapters  present  difficulties 
need  not  be  disputed,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  again  and 
again  in  them  one  can  find  the  hand  of  Second  Isa. 
Then  undoubtedly  the  author  quotes  from  previous 
prophecies  which  we  can  recognize,  and  the  suggestion 
that  some  of  the  diiScult  passages  may  be  quotations 
from  other  older  prophecies  which  are  not  preserved  to 
us,  I  think  an  exceedingly  good  one.  The  quotation  of 
such  passages  in  view  of  the  prospect  of  return,  and  the 
prophet's  feeling  of  the  need  of  the  people,  would  seem 
to  me  not  at  all  unnatural.  If  a  later  hand  is  responsible 
for  some  utterances  in  the  latter  part  of  the  section,  it 
seems  to  me  fairly  clear  that  most  of  it  is  from  the  hand 
of  the  great  unknown  prophet  of  the  exile. 

The  fiuestions  regarding  the  Servant-passages  as 
affecting  the  unity  of  the  book  will  be  treated  later. 

The  first  part  of  this  section  vividly  contrasts  Jeh 
and  the  idols  worshipped  with  such  splendor  and 

ceremony.  All  the  resources  of  irony 
5.  Principal  and  satire  are  used  to  give  point  and 
Ideas  of  effect  to  the  contrast.  Cyrus  the 
Chs  40-66     Median  conqueror  is  alreafly  on  the 

horizon,  and  he  is  declared  to  be  God's 
instrument  in  the  deliverance.  The  idols  are  de- 
scribed in  process  of  manufacture;  they  are  ad- 
dressed in  scornful  apostrophe,  they  are  seen  carried 
away  helpless.  On  the  other  side  Jeh,  with  illimit- 
able foresight  and  indomitable  strength,  knows  and 
reveals  the  future.  They  know  and  reveal  nothing. 
He  brings  to  pass  what  He  has  planned.  They  do 
nothing.  Not  only  the  idols  but  Babylonia  itself 
is  made  the  victim  of  satire — and  the  prophet  hurls 
a  taunt  song  at  the  proud  but  impotent  city. 

Israel — the  people  of  Jeh — the  elect  of  God — is 
given  the  prophet's  message.  The  past  is  called 
up  as  a  witness  to  Jeh's  deahngs.  His  righteous- 
ness— His  faithfulness  to  His  people — shall  not  fail. 
They  are  unworthy,  but  out  of  His  own  bounty 
salvation  is  provided.  And  with  joy  of  this  salva- 
tion from  exile  and  from  sin  the  book  rings  and  rings. 
The  Zion  of  the  restored  Israel  is  pictured  with  all 
the  play  of  color  and  richness  of  imagery  at  ttie 
prophet's  command.  And  this  restored  Israel  is 
to  have  a  world-mission.  Its  light  is  to  fall  upon 
all  lands.  It  is  to  minister  salvation  to  all  races  of 
men. 

But  back  of  and  undc^r  those  pictures  of  great  hope 
is  the  prophet's  sense  of  his  pi«plc's  sin  and  their  struggle 
with  it  In  the  latter  part  of  the  book,  esp.  chs  59  and 
64  this  comes  out  clearly.  And  the  mood  of  these  chap- 
ters expresses  the  feehng  out  of  which  some  of  the  deep 
things  of  the  Servant-passages  came.  There  is  no  need 
to  insist  that  the  chapters  as  they  stand  are  in  the  order 


Servant  of  Jeh        THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2740 


in  which  they  were  written.  We  know  from  other 
prophecies  that  this  was  not  always  true.  But  even  if  a 
man  were  convinced  that  tlie  chapters  now  occurring 
after  the  Servant-passages  were  all  written  after  them, 
he  could  stiU  hold,  and  I  think  would  be  justified  in 
holding,  that  in  places  in  those  chapters  the  reader  finds 
the  record  of  a  state  of  the  prophet's  mind  before  the 
writing  of  those  passages.  The  former  view  would  be, 
I  think,  the  preferable  one.  At  any  rate  the  point  of  view 
Is  logically  that  out  of  which  some  of  the  deep  things  in 
the  Servant-passages  came. 

In  profoundness  of  meaning  the  climax  of  the 
book  is  reached  in  these  passages  where  the  deliver- 
ance from  exile  and  the  deliverance  from  sin  are 
connected  with  one  great  figure — the  Servant  of 
Jeh. 

The  word  "servant,"  as  applied  to  servants  of 
God,  is  not  an  unfamiliar  one  to  readers  of  the  OT. 
It  is  applied  to  different  individuals 
6.  The  and  by  Jeremiah  to  the  nation  (cf  Jer 

Servant-  30  10;  46  27);  but  its  message  is  on 
Passages  the  whole  so  distinct  and  complete 
in  Second  Isa  that  we  can  study  it 
without  any  further  reference  to  previous  usage. 

The  "servant"  first  appears  in  Isa  41  8.  Here 
the  reference  is  undoubtedly  to  Israel,  chosen  and 
called  of  God  and  to  be  upheld  by  Him.  Here 
Israel  is  promised  victory  over  its  enemies.  In 
vivid  picture  their  destruction  and  Israel's  future 
trust  and  glory  in  God  are  portrayed. 

There  are  several  incidental  references  to  Israel  as 
Jeh's  servant:  created  by  Jeh  and  not  to  be  forgotten 
(41  8) ;  Cyrus  is  said  to  be  called  for  the  sake  of  His 
servant  Jacob  (45  4) ;  Jeh  is  said  to  have  redeemed  His 
servant  Jacob  (48  20). 

In  44  26  "servant "  seems  to  be  used  with  the  meaning 
of  prophet.  It  is  said  of  Jeh  that  He  "conflrmeth  the 
word  of  his  servant,  and  performeth  the  counsel  of  his 
messengers." 

In  42  19  we  find  the  failure  and  inadequacy  of  Israel 
presented  in  the  words,  "  Who  is  blind,  but  my  servant  ? 
or  deaf,  as  my  messenger  that  I  send  ? ' '  This  passage  is 
an  explanation  of  the  exile.  Israel  proved  unworthy  and 
sinned,  hence  its  punishment,  but  even  in  the  exile  the 
lesson  had  not  been  taken  to  heart. 

In  43  8  fl  Jeh  summons  Israel  the  servant,  who  in 
spite  of  blindness  and  deafness  yet  is  His  witness.  It 
has  at  least  seen  enough  to  be  able  to  witness  for  Him  in 
the  presence  of  the  heathen. 

In  44  1-5,  leaving  the  unworthiness  of  the  actual 
Israel,  there  comes  what  seems  to  me  a  summons  in  the 
name  of  the  possible,  the  ideal.  The  underlying  thought 
is  a  call  to  the  high  ifutiu'e  which  God  has  ready  to  give. 

This  covers  the  reference  to  the  servant  outside 
the  great  Servant-passages  to  which  we  now  come. 
There  are  four  of  these:  42  1-9;  49  l-9a;  60  4-11; 
62  13 — 63  12.  61  1-4  perhaps  represents  words  of 
the  Servant,  but  may  refer  to  words  of  the  prophet, 
and,  as  at  any  rate  it  adds  no  new  features  to  the 
picture  of  the  Servant  already  given  in  the  passages 
undoubtedly  referring  to  him,  we  will  not  discuss  it. 

(1)  Date  of  the  Servant-passages. — Ewald  long 
ago  suggested  that  the  last  of  the  Servant-passages 
must  have  been  borrowed  from  an  earlier  compo- 
sition, which  he  assigned  to  the  age  of  Manasseh. 
"If  we  find  in  the  study  of  the  passage  reason  for 
its  vividness,  we  shall  not  need  to  seek  its  origin 
in  the  description  of  some  past  martyrdom." 

Duhm  quoted  by  Cheyne  thinks  the  Servant- 
passages  post-exilic.  The  gentleness  and  quiet 
activity  of  the  Servant  for  one  thing,  according  to 
Duhm,  suggest  the  age  of  the  scribes,  rather  than 
that  of  the  exile.  But  might  not  an  age  of  suffering 
be  a  time  to  learn  the  lesson  of  gentleness?  Ac- 
cording to  Skinner,  Duhm  thinks  the  passages  were 
inserted  almost  haphazard,  but  Skinner  also  refers 
to  Kosters,  showing  that  the  passages  cannot  be 
lifted  without  carrying  some  of  the  succeeding 
verses  with  them.  This  is  particularly  significant 
in  view  of  the  recent  popularity  of  other  theories 
which  deny  the  Servant-passages  to  the  hand  and 
time  of  Second  Lsa.  The  theory  that  these  passages 
form  by  themselves  a  poem  or  a  set  of  poems  which 


have  been  inserted  here  can  boast  of  distinguished 
names. 

There  does  not  seem  much  to  commend  it,  however. 
As  to  the  argument  from  dilference  as  to  rhythm,  there 
is  disagreement,  and  the  data  are  probably  not  of  a  sort  to 
warrant  much  significance  being  applied  to  it  either  way. 
The  fact  that  the  passages  are  not  always  a  part  of  a 
connected  movement  of  thought  would  play  great 
havoc  if  made  a  universal  principle  of  discrimination  as 
to  authorship  in  the  prophecies  of  the  OT.  If  we 
succeed  in  giving  the  fundamental  ideas  of  the  passages 
a  place  in  relation  to  the  thought  of  Deutero-Isa,  an  argu- 
ment for  which  cogency  might  be  claimed  will  be  dissi- 
pated. But  even  at  its  best  this  argument  would  not  be 
conclusive.  To  deny  certain  ideas  to  an  author  simply 
because  he  has  not  expressed  them  in  a  certain  bit  of 
writing  acknowledged  to  him  is  perilous  business.  A 
message  of  hope  surely  does  not  preclude  an  appreciation 
of  the  dark  things. 

The  truth  of  the  matter  is  that  even  by  great  scholars 
the  temptation  to  a  criticism  of  knight-errantry  is  not 
always  resisted.  And  I  think  we  sliall  not  make  any 
mistake  in  believing  that  this  is  the  case  with  the  attempt 
to  throw  doubt  upon  the  Deutero-Isaianic  authorship 
of  the  Servant-passages. 

(2)  Discussion  of  the  passages. — 42  1-9:  In  these 
verses  Jeh  Himself  is  the  speaker,  describing  the 
Servant  as  His  chosen,  in  whom  His  soul  delights, 
upon  whom  He  has  put  His  spirit.  He  is  to  bring 
justice  to  the  Gentiles.  His  methods  are  to  be 
quiet  and  gentle,  and  the  very  forlorn  hope  of 
goodness  He  will  not  quench.  He  is  to  set  justice 
in  the  earth,  and  remote  countries  are  described  as 
waiting  for  His  law.  Then  comes  a  declaration  by 
the  prophet  that  Jeh,  the  Creator  of  all,  is  the  speak- 
er of  words  declaring  the  Servant's  call  in  righteous- 
ness to  be  a  covenant  for  the  people,  a  light  to  the 
Gentiles,  a  helper  to  those  in  need — the  blind  and 
imprisoned.  Jeh's  glory  is  not  to  be  given  to  an- 
other, nor  His  praise  to  graven  images.  Former 
prophecies  have  come  to  pass.  New  things  He 
now  declares.  One's  attention  needs  to  be  called 
to  the  distinction  of  the  Servant  from  Israel  in  this 
passage.  He  is  to  be  a  covenant  of  the  people: 
according  to  Delitzsch,  "he  in  whom  and  through 
whom  Jeh  makes  a  new  covenant  with  His  people 
in  place  of  the  old  one  that  has  been  broken." 

49  l-9a;  Here  the  Servant  himself  speaks,  telling 
of  his  calling  from  the  beginning  of  his  hfe,  of  the 
might  of  his  word,  of  his  shelter  in  God,  of  a  time 
of  discouragement  in  which  he  thought  his  labor 
in  vain,  followed  by  insistence  on  his  trust  in  God. 
Then  Jeh  promises  him  a  largef  mission  than  the 
restoration  of  Israel,  viz.  to  be  a  light  to  the  Gentiles. 
Jeh  speaks  of  the  Servant  as  one  despised,  yet  to 
be  triumphant  so  that  he  will  be  honored  by  kings 
and  princes.  He  is  to  lead  his  people  forth  at  their 
restoration,  "to  make  them  inherit  the  desolate 
heritages;  saying  to  them  that  are  bound.  Go 
forth;  to  them  that  are  in  darkness,  Show  your- 
selves." 

Clearly  the  Servant  is  distinct  from  the  people 
Israel  in  this  passage.  Yet  in  ver  3  he  is  addressed 
as  Israel.  The  word  Israel  here  may  be  a  gloss, 
which  would  solve  the  difficulty,  or  the  Servant  may 
be  addressed  as  Israel  because  he  gathers  up  in 
himself  the  meaning  of  the  ideal  Israel.  If  it  is  true 
that  the  prophet  gradually  passed  from  the  concep- 
tion of  Israel  as  a  nation  to  a  person  through  whom 
its  true  destiny  would  be  realized,  this  last  sug- 
gestion would  gain  in  probability. 

One  notices  here  the  emphasis  on  the  might  of 
the  Servant,  and  in  this  passage  we  come  to  under- 
stand that  he  is  to  pass  through  a  time  of  ignominy. 
The  phrase  "a  servant  of  rulers"  is  a  difficult  one, 
which  would  be  clear  if  the  prophet  conceived  of 
him  as  one  of  the  exiles,  and  typically  representing 
them.  The  Servant's  mission  in  this  passage  seems 
quite  bound  up  with  the  restoration. 

50  4-11 :  In  the  first  part  of  this  passage  the  Servant 
is  not  mentioned  directly,  but  it  seems  clear  that  he  is 


2741 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA        Servant  of  Jeh 


speaking.  He  is  taught  of  God  continually,  that  he  may 
bring  a  message  to  the  weary.  He  has  opened  his  ear  so 
that  he  may  fully  understand  Jeh's  message.  The 
Servant  now  describes  his  sufferings  as  coming  to  him 
because  of  his  obedience.  He  was  not  rebellious  and 
did  not  turn  back  from  his  mission.  Flint-like  he  set 
his  face  and  with  confidence  in  God  met  the  shame 
which  came  upon  him.  After  language  vivid  with  a 
sense  of  ignominy  his  assured  consciousness  of  victory 
and  faith  in  God  are  expressed. 

In  vs  10-11,  according  to  DeUtzsch,  Jeh  speaks,  first 
encouraging  those  who  listen  to  the  Servant,  then 
addressing  those  who  despise  his  word.  Cheyne  thinks 
the  Servant  mentioned  in  ver  10  may  be  the  prophet, 
but  I  prefer  Delitzsch's  view. 

52  13—53  12:  The  present  division  of  52  13— 
53  12  is  unfortunate,  for  obviously  it  is  all  of  a 
piece  and  ought  to  stand  together  in  one  chapter. 

In  52  13-15  Jeh  speaks  of  the  humiliation  and 
later  of  the  exaltation  of  the  Servant.  He  shall 
deal  wisely — the  idea  here  including  the  success  re- 
sulting from  wisdom — and  shall  be  exalted.  Words 
are  piled  upon  each  other  here  to  express  his  exal- 
tation. But  the  appearance  of  the  Servant  is  such 
as  to  suggest  the  very  opposite  of  his  dignity,  which 
will  astonish  nations  and  kings  when  they  come  to 
understand  it. 

Entering  upon  eh  53  we  find  the  people  of  Israel 
speaking  confessing  their  former  unbelief,  and  giving 
as  a  reason  the  repulsive  aspect  of  the  Servant — • 
despised,  sad,  sick  with  a  visage  to  make  men  turn 
from  him.  He  is  described  as  though  he  had  been 
a  leper.  They  thought  all  this  had  come  upon  him 
as  a  stroke  from  God,  but  they  now  see  how  he 
went  even  to  death,  not  for  his  own  transgression 
but  for  theirs.  Their  peace  and  healing  came 
through  his  suffering  and  death.  They  have  been 
sinful  and  erring;  the  result  of  it  all  God  has  caused 
to  Ught  upon  him. 

They  look  back  in  wonder  at  the  way  he  bore  his 
sufferings — Hke  a  lamb  led  to  the  slaughter;  with 
a  false  judicial  procedure  he  was  led  away,  no  one 
considering  his  death,  or  its  relation  to  them.  His 
grave  even  was  an  evidence  of  ignominy. 

Beginning  at  ver  10  the  people  cease  speaking, 
according  to  Delitzsch,  and  the  prophecy  becomes 
the  organ  of  God  who  acknowledges  His  Servant. 
The  reference  to  a  trespass  offering  in  ver  10  is 
remarkable.  Nowhere  else  is  prophecy  so  con- 
nected with  the  sacrificial  system  (A.B,  Davidson). 
It  pleased  God  to  bruise  the  Servant^is  soul  hay- 
ing been  made  a  trespass  offering;  the  time  of  humil- 
iation over,  the  time  of  exaltation  will  come. 

By  his  knowledge  we  are  told— ;here  a  momentary 
reversion  to  the  time  of  humiliation  taking  place — 
by  his  knowledge  he  shall  justify  many  and  bear 
their  iniquities.  Then  comes  the  exaltation — 
dividing  of  spoils  and  greatness — the  phrases  sug- 
gesting kingly  glory:  all' this  is  to  be  his  because  of 
his  suffering.  The  great  fact  of  ch  53  is  vicarious 
suffering.  ,      ,     „  . 

(3)  Whom  did  the  prophet  mean  by  the  bervanl  I — 
(a)  Obviously  not  all  of  Israel  always,  for  the  Serv- 
ant is  distinguished  from  Israel.  (6)  Not  the 
godly  remnant,  for  he  is  distinguished  from  them. 
Then  the  godly  remnant  does  not  attain  to  any 
such  proportions  as  to  fit  the  description  of  ch  53. 
(c)  And  one  cannot  accept  the  theory  that  the  pro- 
phetic order  is  intended.  The  whole  order  is  not 
great  enough  to  exhaust  the  meaning  of  one  of  a 
half-dozen  of  the  greatest  lines  in  ch  53. 

Professor  A.  B.  Davidson's  OT  Prophecy  con- 
tains a  brilKant  and  exceedingly  able  discussion  of 
the  question  which  he  approaches  from  the  stand- 
point of  Bib.  rather  than  simply  exegetical  theology. 
His  fundamental  position  is  that  in  the  prophet  s 
outlook  the  restoration  is  the  consummation.  In 
his  mind  the  Servant  and  his  work  cannot  come  after 
the  restoration.  The  Servant,  if  a  real  person, 
must  be  one  whose  work  lies  in  the  past  or  the 


present,  as  there  is  not  room  in  the  future  for  him, 
for  the  restoration  which  is  at  the  door  brings  felicity, 
and  after  that  no  sufferings  of  the  Servant  are  con- 
ceivable. But  there  is  no  actual  person  in  the  past 
and  none  in  the  present  who  could  be  the  Servant. 
Hence  the  Servant  cannot  be  to  the  prophet's  mind 
a  real  person  (see  Coniah)  . 

Of  course  Davidson  relates  the  result  to  his  larger 
conception  of  prophecy  in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  the 
Messianic  significance  of  the  passages  in  relation  to 
their  fulfilment  in  Our  Lord.  The  ideas  they  contain 
are  realized  in  Him. 

But  coming  back  to  the  prophet's  mind — if  the  Servant 
was  not  a  person  to  him.  what  significance  did  he  have  ? 
The  answer  according  to  Davidson  is,  He  is  a  great  per- 
sonification of  the  ideal  Israel.  "He  is  Israel  according 
to  its  idea."  To  quote  more  fully,  "The  proplaet  has 
created  out  of  the  Divine  determinations  imposed  on 
Israel,  election,  creation  and  forming,  endowment  with 
the  word  or  spirit  of  Jeh,  and  the  Divine  purpose  in  these 
operations,  an  ideal  Being,  an  inner  Israel  in  the  heart 
of  the  phenomenal  or  actual  Israel,  an  indestructible 
Being  having  these  Divine  attributes  or  endowments, 
present  in  the  outward  Israel  in  all  ages,  powerful  and 
effectual  because  really  composed,  if  I  can  say  so,  of 
Divine  forces,  who  cannot  fail  in  God's  purpose,  and  who 
as  an  inner  power  within  Israel  by  his  operation  causes 
all  Israel  to  become  a  true  servant"  (cf  Davidson, 
OT  Prophecy,  4.35-.36). 

Now  it  seems  to  me  that  Davidson  is  more  effective  in 
his  destructive  than  in  his  constructive  work.  One  must 
confess  that  he  presents  real  difliculties  in  the  way  of 
holding  to  a  personal  Servant  as  the  prophet's  conception. 
But  on  the  other  hand  when  he  tries  to  replace  that  by  a 
more  adequate  conception,  I  do  not  think  he  conspicu- 
ously succeeds. 

The  greatest  of  the  Servant-passages  (it  seems  to 
me)  presents  more  than  can  be  successfully  dealt 
with  under  the  conception  of  the  Servant  as  the 
ideal  Israel.  The  very  great  emphasis  on  vicarious 
suffering  in  ch  53  simply  is  not  answered  by  the 
theory.  Words  would  not  leap  with  such  a  flame 
of  reality  in  describing  the  suffering  of  a  personifi- 
cation. The  sense  of  sin  back  of  the  passage  is  not 
a  thing  whose  problem  could  be  solved  by  a  glitter- 
ing figure  of  speech.  There  it  surges — the  move- 
ment of  an  aroused  conscience — and  the  answer  to 
it  could  never  be  anything  less  than  a  real  deed  by 
a  real  person.  My  own  feeling  is  that  if  language 
can  express  anything  it  expresses  the  fact  that  the 
prophet  had  a  real  personal  Servant  in  view. 

But  what  of  the  difficulties  Davidson  suggests? 
Even  if  the  answer  were  not  easy  to  find,  one  could 
rest  on  the  total  impression  the  passages  make. 
One  cannot  vaporize  a  passage  for  the  sake  of  pla- 
cing it  in  an  environment  in  which  one  believes  it 
belongs.  As  Cheyne  in  other  days  said,  "In  the 
sublimest  descriptions  of  the  Servant  I  am  unable 
to  resist  the  impression  that  we  have  the  present- 
ment of  an  individual,  and  venture  to  think  that  our 
general  view  of  the  Servant  ought  to  be  ruled  by 
those  passages  in  which  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
author  is  at  its  height." 

The  first  thing  we  need  to  remember  in  dealing 
with  the  difficulties  Davidson  has  brought  forth  is 
the  timelessness  of  prophecy,  and  the  resulting  fact 
that  every  prophet  saw  the  future  as  if  lying  just 
on  the  horizon  of  his  own  time.  As  prophets  saw 
the  day  of  Jeh  as  if  at  hand,  so  it  seems  to  me 
Deutero-Isaiah  saw  the  Servant:  each  really  afar 
off,  yet  each  really  seen  in  the  colors  of  the  present. 
Then  we  must  remember  that  the  prophets  did  not 
relate  all  their  conceptions.  They  stated  truths 
whose  meaning  and  articulation  they  did  not  under- 
stand. They  were  not  philosophers  with  a  Hege- 
lian hunger  for  a  total  view  of  life,  and  when  we  try 
to  read  them  from  this  standpoint  we  misjudge 
them.  Then  we  must  remember  that  the  prophet 
may  here  have  been  lifted  to  a  height  of  prophetic 
receptiveness  where  he  received  and  uttered  what 
went  beyond  the  limits  of  his  o-mi  understanding. 
To  be  sure  there  was  a  point  of  contact,  but  I  see 
no  objection  to  the  thought  that  in  a  place  of  unique 


Servant  of  Jeh 
Seven  Stars 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2742 


significance  and  importance  like  this,  God  might 
use  a  man  to  utter  words  which  reached  far  beyond 
the  limits  of  his  own  understanding.  In  this  con- 
nection some  words  of  Professor  Hermann  Schultz 
are  worth  quoting:  "If  it  is  true  anjTvhere  in  the 
history  of  poetry  and  prophecy,  it  is  true  here  that 
the  writer  being  full  of  the  spirit  has  said  more  than 
he  himself  meant  to  say  and  more  than  he  himself 
understood." 

(4)  The  psychology  of  the  prophecy. — This  does 
not  mean  that  something  may  not  be  said  about 
the  connection  of  the  Servant-passages  with  the 
prophet's  own  thought.  Using  DeUtzsch's  illus- 
tration, we  can  see  how  from  regarding  all  Israel  as  the 
servant  the  prophet  could  narrow  down  to  the  godly 
part  of  Israel  as  e.xperience  taught  him  the  faith- 
lessness of  many,  and  it  ought  not  to  be  impossible 
for  us  to  see  how  all  that  Israel  really  meant  at  its 
best  could  have  focused  itself  in  his  thought  upon 
one  person.  Despite  Davidson's  objection,  I  can 
see  nothing  artificial  about  this  movement  in  the 
prophet's  mind.  There  was  probably  more  pro- 
gression in  his  thought  than  Professor  Davidson  is 
willing  to  allow.  If  it  is  asked,  Where  was  the 
person  to  whom  the  prophet  could  ascribe  such 
greatness,  conceiving  as  he  did  that  he  was  to  come 
at  once?  surely  a  similar  question  would  be  fair  in 
relation  to  Isaiah's  Messiah.  The  truth  is  that 
even  on  the  threshold  of  the  restoration  there  was 
time  for  a  great  one  suddenly  to  arise.  As  John  the 
Baptist  on  the  Jordan  watched  for  the  coming  One 
whom  he  knew  not,  yet  who  was  alive,  so  the  great 
prophet  of  the  exile  may  have  watched  even  day 
by  day  for  the  coming  Servant  whose  work  had 
been  revealed  to  him. 

But  deep  in  the  psychology  of  the  prophecy  is 
the  sense  of  sin  out  of  which  these  passages  came 
and  indications  of  which  I  think  are  found  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  book.  The  great  guilt-laden  past 
lay  terribly  behind  the  prophet,  and  as  he  mused 
over  the  sufferings  of  the  righteous,  perhaps  esp. 
drawn  to  the  heart-rent  Jeremiah,  the  thought  of 
redemptive  suffering  may  have  da'nmed  upon  him. 
And  if  in  its  Ught,  and  with  a  personal  sense  of  sin 
drawn  from  what  experiences  we  know  not,  he 
grapples  with  the  problem,  can  we  not  understand, 
can  we  not  see  that  God  might  flash  upon  him  the 
great  conception  oi  a  sin-bearer? 

At  last  the  idea  of  vicarious  suffering  had  been 
connected  with  the  deep  things  of  the  nation's  life, 
and  henceforward  was  a  part  of  its 
7.  Place  of  heritage.  To  the  profoundest  souls 
the  Servant-  it  would  be  a  part  of  the  nation's  for- 
Passages  ward  look.  The  priestly  idea  had 
in  OT  been   deepened   and   filled    with   new 

Prophecy  moral  meaning.  The  Servant  was  a 
prophet  too — so  priest  and  prophet 
met  in  one.  And  I  think  Cheyne  was  right  when  he 
suggested  that  in  the  Servant's  exaltation  in  ch  53, 
the  idea  of  the  Servant  is  brought  nearer  to  that  of 
king  than  we  sometimes  think.  So  in  suggestion, 
at  least,  prophet,  priest  and  king  meet  in  the  great 
figure  of  the  suffering  Servant. 

A  new  rich  stream  had  entered  into  prophecy, 
fuU  of  power  to  fertilize  whatever  shores  of  thought 
it  touched.  In  the  thoughts  of  these  passages 
prophecy  seemed  pressing  with  impatient  eagerness 
to  its  goal,  and  though  centuries  were  to  pass  before 
that  goal  was  reached,  its  promise  is  seen  here,  full 
of  assurance  and  of  knowledge  of  the  kind  of  goal 
it  is  to  be. 

But  whatever  our  view  of  the  meaning  of  the 
prophet,  we  must  agree  (cf  Mt  8  17;  12  18-21; 
26  67;  Jn  12  41,  et  al.)  that  the  conception  he  so 
boldly  and  powerfully  put  upon  his  canvas  had  its 
realization,  its  fulfilment  in  the  One  who  spoke  to 
the  world  from  the  cross  on  Calvary.     And  in  its 


darkly  glorious  shadow  the  Christian,  with  all  the 
sadness  and  joy  and  wonder  of  it,  with  a  sense  of 

its  solving  all  his  problems  and  meet- 
8.  Larger  ing  the  deepest  needs  and  outreaches 
Messianic  of  his  Ufe,  can  feel  a  strange  companion- 
Significance  ship  with  the  exihc  prophet  whose 
of  the  yearning  for  a  sin-bearer  and  behef  in 

Servant-  His  coming  call  across  the  long  and 
Passages       slowly  moving  years.     In  the  fight  and 

penetration  of  that  hour  he  may  be 
trusted  to  know  what  the  prophet  meant.  Pro- 
fessor Dehtzsch  well  said  of  that  passage,  "Every 
word  is  as  it  were  written  under  the  cross  at  Gol- 
gotha." Lynn  Harold  Hough 

SERVANTS,  SOLOMON'S.  See  Solomon's 
Servants. 

SERVICE,  siir'vis:  Six  Heb,  two  Aram,  and  four 
Gr  words  are  so  rendered. 

In  the  OT  the  word  most  used  for  "service"  is  (1) 

'dbhodhah,  from  ^abhadh,  which  is  the  general  word, 

meaning  "to  work"  and  so  "to  serve," 

1.  In  the        "to  tiU,"  also  "to  enslave."     The  noun 
OT  means  "bondage,"  "labor,"  "minister- 
ing,"    "service,"     "tiUage,"     "work," 

"use."  The  word  is  used  in  describing  work  in  the 
fields  (Ex  1  14,  et  al.),  work  in  the  tabernacle  (Ex 
27  19,  et  al.),  sanctuary  service  (Nu  7  9),  service 
of  Jeh  (Nu  8  11),  Levitical  or  priestly  service  (Nu 
8  22),  kmgly  service  (1  Ch  26  30),  etc.  Reference 
is  made  to  instruments,  wood  vessels,  cattle,  herbs, 
shekels  for  the  service  in  the  house  of  Jeh.  (2) 
'Abhadh  itself  is  tr<i  "service"  in  Nu  8  15;  18  23; 
Jer  22  13.  (3)  Seradh  means  "stitching,"  i.e.  pier- 
cing with  a  needle;  it  occurs  only  4  t,  and  in  each 
case  in  RV  instead  of  "service"  is  tr''  "finely 
^^TOUght  garments"  (Ex  31  10;  35  19;  39  1.41). 
(4)  Sharath  means  primarily  "to  attend"  as  a 
servant  or  worshipper,  and  to  contribute  to  or 
render  service,  wait  on,  and  thence  service;  occurs 
only  3  t  (Ex  35  19;  39  1.41  AV)  and  in  ARV  is 
rendered  "for  ministering."  (5)  Qabha'  is  found  7 
t,  used  in  the  same  connection  each  time,  and  refers 
to  those  numbered  for  service  in  the  tent  of  meet- 
ing. Its  primary  root  meaning  refers  to  service  for 
war,  campaign,  hardship  (Nu  4  30.35.39.43;  8  24). 
(6)  Yadh  means  lit.  an  "open  hand,"  indicating 
direction,  power,  and  so  ministry  as  in  1  Ch  6  31, 
where  David  appoints  certain  ones  to  have  direc- 
tion of  the  music,  tr'^  in  1  Ch  29  5,  RV  not  service, 
but  "himself."  (7)  'AbMdhah  means  "business," 
"labor,"  "affairs";  Ezr  6  18  is  the  only  place 
where  it  is  found.  (8)  Polhan,  from  root  meaning 
"to  worship,"  "minister  to,"  and  so  in  Ezr  7  19 
vessels  given  for  service. 

The  following  are  the  uses  in  the  NT:    (1)  Dia- 

konia,  from  root  meaning  "to  run  on  errands,"  and 

so  attendance,  aid  as  a  servant,  min- 

2.  In  the  istry,  relief,  and  hence  service;  cf 
NT  Eng.    word    "deacon";     Paul:     "that 

I  might  minister  unto  you"  (2  Cor  11 
8);  also  found  in  Rom  15  31  ("ministration") 
and  Rev  2  19  ("ministry").  (2)  Douleiio,  lit.  "to 
be  a  slave,"  in  bondage,  service  (Gal  4  8,  "bond- 
age"; Eph  6  7,  "service";  1  Tim  6  2,  "serve"). 
(3)  Lalreia,  from  root  meaning  "to  render  religious 
homage,"  menial  service  to  God,  and  so  worship 
(Jn  16  2,  "service";  Rom  9  4,  "service";  Rom 
12  1,  "spiritual  service";  He  9  1,  "service";  9  6, 
"services").  (4)  Leitourgla,  from  root  "to  perform 
reUgious  or  charitable  functions,"  worship,  relieve, 
obey,  minister,  and  hence  a  pubUc  function,  priestly 
or  charitable  (liturgy)  (2  Cor  9  12,  "service";  also 
in  Phil  2  17,30).     See  Servant. 

William  Edward  Raffety 


2743 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Servant  of  Jeh 
Seven  Stars 


SERVITUDE,  sAr'vi-tud.     Sec  Servant;  Slave. 

SESIS,  se'sis  (B,  Secreis,  ^eseis,  A,  Sto-o-ets, 
Sesseis):  One  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (1  Esd 
9  34)  =  "Shashai"  in  Ezr  10  40. 

SESTHEL,  ses'thel  (2eo-8t|\,  SeslMl) :  One  of  the 
sons  of  Addi  who  put  away  their  foreign  wives 
(1  E,sd  9  31)  =  "Bezalel"  in  Ezr  10  30. 

SET:  Few  words  in  the  Eng.  language  have  such 
a  rich  variety  of  meaning  and  are  used  in  so 
rich  a  variety  of  idiomatic  expression  as  the  word 
"set."  A  glance  at  any  of  the  great  diets,  will  con- 
vince anyone  of  the  truth  of  this  statement.  The 
Standard  Dictionary  devotes  three  and  a  half  columns 
to  the  word.  In  its  primary  meaning  it  there  de- 
notes 22  distinct  things,  in  its  secondary  meaning 
17  more,  while  18  distinct  phrases  are  given  in 
which  it  is  used,  in  some  cases  again  in  a  variety  of 
meanings.  It  is  indeed  a  word  calculated  to  drive 
a  foreigner  to  despair.  Some  70  Heb  and  about 
30  Gr  words  in  the  original  tongues  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  have  been  rendered  by  the  word  "set, 
in  AV  and  also  in  RV.  A  careful  comparative  study 
of  the  original  and  of  tr'  in  other  tongues  will  at 
once  indicate  that  a  lack  of  discrimination  is  evi- 
dent on  the  part  of  the  Eng.  translators  in  the  fre- 
quent use  of  the  word  "set." 

Thus  in  Cant  5  14,  "  hands  are  as  rings  of  gold  set  with 
beryl,"  the  Heb  word  is  sbli  maie',"  to  be  filled,"  "full." 
Vulg  translates  plenae,  the  Dutch  gevuld,  the  Ger.  voll; 
Prov  8  27,  "when  he  set  a  circle,"  Heb  ppH  hdkak, 
"to  describe,"  "decree,"  Vulg  vallahat,  Dutch  beschreef; 
Ezr  4  10,  "set  in  the  city  of  Samaria,"  Aram.  ^P"' . 
ythihh.  "to  cause  to  sit  down,"  "to  cause  to  dwell," 
Vulg  hahiiare  eas  fecit,  Dutch  doen  wonen;  Ps  2  6,  "Yet 
have  I  set  my  king  upon  my  holy  hill,"  Heb  tfOD  .  ndsakh, 

"  to  pour  out,"  "to  anoint,"  Dutch  (7eeaZ/(i;  Isa  19  2,  AV 
"I  will  s?t  the  Egyptians  against  the  Egyptians,"  Heb 
tTDO  .  sdkhakh,  "to  disturb,"  "to  confuse,"  Vulg  concur- 
rere  faciam,  Dutch  verwarren,  Ger.  an  einander  setzen; 
Rev  3  8,  "I  have  set  before  thee  a  door,"  Gr  6i6u)/ii, 
diddmi,  "to  give,"  Vulg  dedi  coram  te,  Dutch  gegeven, 
Ger.  gegeben;  Acts  19  27,  AV  "Our  craft  is  in  danger 
to  be  set  at  nought."  Gr  IpxoiJ^a^,  Irchomai.  "to  come," 
Vulg  periclitabituT ,  Dutch  in  verachting  komen;  Lk:_4  18, 
"to  set  at  liberty  them,"  Gr  aTTorrriWisj.  apostello,  "to 
send  away,"  Dutch  keen  te  zenden  in  vrijheid;  Acts  13  9, 
AV  "Saul  ....  set  his  eyes  on  him,"  Gr  irei-i^o,, 
atenizo,  "to  stare  fixedly,"  Vulg  intuens  in  eum,  Dutch 
de  oogen  op  hem  houdende.  These  are  but  a  few  examples 
chosen  at  random  where  our  Eng.  translators  have 
rendered  Heb  and  Gr  words  by  "set,"  where  a  more 
literal    tr,    in    equally    good    idiomatic    language,    was 

f)ossible.  The  word  "set"  is  the  causative  of  "sit,"  and 
ndicates  primarily  a  power  of  self-support,  in  opposition 
to  the  Idea  of  the  word  "lay." 

(1)  In  its  primary  meaning  the  word  "set"  is 
used  in  our  Eng.  Bible  in  many  senses:  (a)  Foun- 
dation: Cant  5  15,  "His  legs  are  as  pillars  of  marble 
set  upon."  (6)  Direction:  Ezk  21  16,  "whither- 
soever thy  face  is  set."  (c)  Appointed  lime:  Acts 
12  21,  "upon  a  set  day."  {d)  Fixed  -place:  2  Ch 
20  17,  "Set  yourselves,  stand  ye  still,  and  see"; 
2  S  6  17;  Mt  4  5.  (e)  Cause  to  sit:  1  S  2  8,  AV 
"to  set  them  among  princes";  2  Ch  23  20;  Ps  68  6. 
(0  Appointment:  Ezr  7  2.5,  AV  "set  magistrates 
and  judges";  Gen  41  41;  1  S  12  13;  Ps  2  6;  Dnl 
1  11.  (g)  To  lift  up:  Gen  31  17,  "set  his  eons 
and  his  wives  upon."  (h)  Appointed  place:  Gen 
1  17,  "God  set  them  in  the  firmament."  (i)  Cause 
to  stand:  Gen  47  7,  "Joseph  brought  in  Jacob  .... 
and  set  him  before  Pharaoh";  Nu  8  13;  2  Ch  29 
25.  0)  Sitting:  Mt  5  1,  AV  "when  he  was  set"; 
He  8  1  AV.  (k)  Location:  Mt  5  14,  "a  city  set  on 
a  hill."  These  by  no  means  exhaust  the  meaning 
which  the  word,  in  its  primary  sense,  has  in  our 
Eng.  Bible. 

(2)  In  a  secondary  or  tropical  sense  it  is  used  with 
equal  frequency,  usually  with  various  prepositions. 


Thus  (a)  To  attack:  Jgs  9  33,  AV  "and  set  upon  the 
city."  {b)  To  imprint:  Gen  4  15,  AV  "The  Lord 
set  a  mark  ui)on  Cain."  (c)  To  direct  to:  1  K  2  15, 
"And  that  all  Israel  set  their  faces  on  me."  (d) 
To  place:  1  K  20  12,  Ben-hadad  shouted  one  word 
to  his  allies:  "Set,"  i.e.  set  the  armies  in  array,  the 
battering-rams  and  engines  of  attack  in  their  place, 
(e)  To  incline  toward:  Ezk  40  4,  "Set  thy  heart 
upon  all  that  I  shall  show."  (/)  To  trust  in:  Ps  62 
10,  "If  riches  increase,  set  not  your  heart  thereon." 
[g)  To  place  before:  Ps  90  8,  "Thou  hast  set  our 
iniquities  before";  Ps  141  3,  "Seta  watch,  O  Jeh, 
before  my  mouth."  Qi)  To  go  down:  of  the  setting 
of  the  sun  (Mk  1  32;  Lk  4  40).  (i)  To  be  proud: 
Mai  3  15,  AV  "They  that  work  wickedness  are 
set  up."  (j)  To  fill  in:  Ex  35  9,  "stones  to  be 
set,  for  the  ephod."  (fc)  To  plant:  Mk  12  1,  "set 
a  hedge  about  it."  (Q  To  mock:  Lk  23  11, 
"Herod  ....  set  him  at  nought."  (m)  To  honor: 
1  S  18  30,  "so  that  his  name  was  much  set  by." 
(n)  To  start:  Acts  21  2,  "We  went  aboard,  and  set 
sail."  As  may  be  seen  the  word  is  used  in  an  endless 
variety  of  meanings.  Henry  E.  Dosker 

SETH,  seth,  SHETH,  sheth  (nffi,  shelh;  2^9, 
Stlh) : 

(1)  The  son  born  to  Adam  and  Eve  after  the 
death  of  Abel  (Gen  4  25  f ;  5  3  fT;  1  Ch  1  1;  Sir 
49  16;  Lk  3  38).  In  Gen  4  25  the  derivation  of 
the  name  is  given.  Eve  "called  his  name  Seth:  For, 
said  she,  God  hath  appointed  [shath]  me  another  seed 
instead  of  Abel."  In  1  Ch  1  1  AV,  the  form  is 
"Sheth";  elsewhere  in  AV  and  in  RV  throughout 
the  form  is  "Seth." 

(2)  AV  "the  children  of  Sheth,"  RV  "the  sons 
of  tumult."  According  to  AV  rendering,  the  name 
of  an  unknown  race  mentioned  in  Balaam's  parable 
(Nu  24  17).  S.  F.  Hunter 

SETHUR,  se'thur  ("linD ,  ^Hhur;  SaBoiiip,  Sa- 
thour):  An  Asherite  spy  (Nu  13  13  [14]). 

SETTING,  set'ing  {Ty&Ta  ,  millu'ah,  ht.  "a  fill- 
ing") :  The  word  is  used  in  the  description  of  the 
manufacture  of  the  breastplate  of  judgment  (Ex  28 
17).  The  instruction  runs:  "Thou  shaft  set  in  it 
settings  of  stones,"  viz.  four  rows  of  precious 
stones.  The  same  word  is  rendered  "inclosings" 
in  ver  20,  and  in  39  13  AV. 

SETTLE,  set"l  (tllTr  ,  'dzarah) :  For  this  word  in 
Ezk  43  14.17.20;  45' 19,  ARV  and  ERVm  sub- 
stitute more  correctly  "ledge."     See  Temple. 

SETTLE :  The  Heb  language  has  8  words  which 
are  thus  tr'':  yashabh,  nahath,  ''dmadh,  shdkat,  tabha'', 
7id;abh,  mdkom,  kapha'.  Now  the  meaning  is  to  settle 
down,  to  cause  to  occur  (Ezk  38  11  AV;  1  Ch  17 
14);  then  it  denotes  fixedness  (2  K  8  11;  Ps  119 
89;  Prov  8  25);  again  it  points  to  a  condition  of 
absolute  quiescence,  as  the  settlings  on  the  lees  (Jer 
48  11);  and  in  still  another  place  it  means  packing 
solidly  together  (Ps  65  10).  In  the  NT  the  words 
^S/jdios,  hedraios,  BefieXiSa^  themelioo,  and  TlB-qui^  tithemi, 
have  been  tr''  "settle."  RV  in  1  Pet  5  10  has  tr-i 
"estabhsh,"  and  the  context  unquestionably  points 
to  the  idea  of  a  fixed  establishment  in  the  faith. 
In  Lk  21  14  the  word  tr<*  "settle"  evidently  points 
to  a  fixed  determination.  Henry  E.  Dosker 

SEVEN,  sev"n  (3751?,  shehha';  tirrd.Aepid).  See 
Number. 

SEVEN  CHURCHES.    See  Churche.s,  Seven. 

SEVEN  STARS.     See  Astronomy. 


Seveneh 
Shade,  Shadow 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2744 


SEVENEH,  se-ven'e,  se-ve'ne  {T\'.')D ,  s'weneh): 
For  AV  "the  tower  of  Syene,"  in  Ezk  2Q  10;  30  6, 
RV  reads,  "the  tower  of  Seveneh,"  with  note  m, 
"or,  from  Migdol  to  Syene."  Seveneh  is  the  to'o'n  at 
the  First  Cataract  in  Egj-pt,  now  known  as  Assuan. 
Fresh  interest  has  recently  been  given  to  it  by  the 
Elephantine  discoveries  bearing  on  the  ancient  Jew- 
ish colony  and  temple  of  Jeh  in  that  place  in  the  5th 
cent.  BC.  See  Aramaic;  Egypt;  Papyri;  Sanc- 
tuary, 4,  etc. 

SEVENTH,  sev"nth,  DAY.     See  Sabbath. 

SEVENTY,  sev"n-ti  (D''3?niB ,  shibh'im;  ipSoii^i- 
KovTa,  hehdomekonta) .     See  Number. 

SEVENTY  DISCIPLES:  The  account  of  the 
designation  and  mission  of  these  is  found  only  in 
Lk  10.  Some  have  therefore  sought  to  maintain 
that  we  have  here  only  a  confused  variant  of  the 
appointment  of  the  Twelve;  but  this  is  impossible 
in  the  light  of  Luke's  account  of  the  Twelve  in  ch  9. 

The  documents  vary  as  between  the  numbers 
seventy  and  seventy-two,  so  that  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  which  is  the  correct  reading;  and 
internal  evidence  does  not  help  at  all  in  this  case. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  function  or  circumstances 
to  indicate  any  reason  for  the  specific  number. 

Commentators  have  sought  parallels  in  the  seventy 
elders  chosen  to  assist  Moses  (Nu  11)  and  suppose  that 
Jesus  was  incidentally  indicating  Himself  as  the  "  prophet 
like  unto  Moses"  whom  God  would  raise  up. 

Again,  the  Jews  popularly  reckoned  the  "number  of 
the  nations  of  the  earth"  at  seventy  (cf  Gen  10),  and 
some  have  supposed  Jesus  to  be  thus  indicating  that 
His  gospel  is  universal.  Attention  is  called  to  the  fact 
that  the  Seventj'  are  not  forbidden  to  go  to  Gentiles  and 
that  their  commission  probably  included  Peraea,  where 
many  Gentiles  were  to  be  found.  Some,  again,  have 
supposed  that  Jesus  had  in  mind  the  Jewish  Sanhedrin, 
composed  of  seventy  (or  seventy-two),  and  that  the 
appointment  of  a  like  number  to  extend  the  work  of  His 
kingdom  was  a  parabolic  recognition  that  as  the  Jews 
were  officially  rejecting  Him.  so  He  was  rejecting  them 
as  agents  for  the  work  of  the  kingdom.  It  is  impossible 
to  speak  with  any  certainty  as  to  any  of  these  suggestions. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  there  is  the  same  confusion  be- 
tween the  numbers  seventy  and  seventy-two  in  all  four 
instances,  as  also  in  the  tradition  as  to  the  number  of 
translators  of  the  LXX. 

Inasmuch  as  no  further  mention  is  made  of  these 
workers,  it  is  to  be  understood  that  they  were  ap- 
pointed for  a  temporary  ministry.  Tradition 
names  several  of  them  and  identifies  them  with 
disciples  active  after  Pentecost.  While  it  is  prob- 
able that  some  of  these  were  witnesses  later,  the 
tradition  is  worthless  in  details.  The  mission  of 
these  and  the  reason  assigned  for  their  appoint- 
ment are  essentially  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Twelve.  Jesus  is  now  completing  His  last  popular 
campaign  in  preaching  and  introducing  the  king- 
dom of  heaven.  The  employing  of  these  in  this 
service  is  in  line  with  the  permanent  ideal  of  Chris- 
tianity, which  makes  no  distinction  between  the 
"laymen"  and  the  "clergy"  in  responsibility  and 
service.  Jesus  was  perhaps  employing  all  whose 
experience  and  sympathy  made  them  fit  for  work  in 
the  harvest  that  was  so  plenteous  while  the  laborers 
were  few.  He  foimd  seventy  such  now  as  He 
would  find  a  hundred  and  twenty  such  after  His 
ascension  (Acts  1  15).     William  Owen  Carver 

SEVENTY  WEEKS:  The  "seventy  weeks"  of 
the  prophecy  in  Dnl  9  24-27  have  long  been  a  sub- 
ject of  controversy  in  the  critical  schools.  The 
conflicting  views  may  be  seen  very  fuUy  in  Dr. 
Driver's  Dnl,  94  ff,  14.3  £f,  and  Dr.  Pusey's  Daniel 
the  Prophet,  lects  II,  III,  IV.  On  both  sides  it  is 
agreed  that  the  "weeks"  in  this  prophecy  are  to 
be  interpreted  as  "weeks  of  years,"  i.e.  the  70  weeks 
represent    490    years.     This    period,    commencing 


with  "the  going  forth  of  the  commandments  to 
restore  and  build  Jerus' '  (ver  25) ,  is  divided  into  three 
parts,  7  weeks  (49  years),  62  weeks  (434  years), 
and  one  week  (7  years).  The  69  weeks  extend  to 
the  appearance  of  "an  anointed  one  [Heb  "Mes- 
siah"], the  prince"  (ver  25),  who,  after  the  62  weeks, 
shall  be  "cut  off"  (ver  26),  apparently  in  the  "midst" 
of  the  70th  week  (ver  27).  On  the  traditional  view 
(see  Pusey),  the  69  weeks  (483  years)  mark  the 
interval  from  the  decree  to  rebuild  Jerus  till  the 
appearance  of  Christ;  and  if,  with  Pusey,  the 
decree  in  question  be  taken  to  be  that  of  the  7th 
year  of  Artaxerxes  (457-56  BC;  the  mission  of 
Ezra;  cf  Ezr  7  8  G),  confirmed  and  extended  in  the 
20th  year  of  the  same  king  (mission  of  Nehemiah; 
cf  Neh  2  1  ff),  the  483  years  run  out  about  27-28 
AD,  when  Our  Lord's  pubhc  ministry  began.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  view  which  supposes  that  the 
Book  of  Dnl  belongs  whoUy  to  the  Maccabean  age, 
and  does  not  here  contain  genuine  prediction,  is 
under  the  necessity  of  making  the  490  years  termi- 
nate with  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (171-164 
BC),  and  this,  it  is  admitted,  cannot  be  done.  To 
give  time  the  violent  expedient  is  adopted  of  dating 
the  commencement  of  the  70  weeks  from  the 
prophecy  of  Jeremiah  of  the  70  years'  captivity,  or 
of  the  rebuilding  of  Jerus  (606  or  587  BC),  i.e. 
before  the  captivity  had  begun.  Even  this,  as  Dr. 
Driver  admits  (p.  146),  leaves  us  in  171  BC,  some 
67  years  short  of  the  duration  of  the  62  weeks,  and 
a  huge  blunder  of  the  writer  of  Dnl  has  to  be  as- 
sumed. The  divergent  reckonings  are  legion,  and 
are  mutually  contradictory  (see  table  in  Pusey,  p. 
217).  To  invaUdate  the  older  view  Dr.  Driver 
avails  himself  of  the  altered  renderings  of  vs  25 
and  27  in  ERV.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that 
ARV  does  not  foUow  ERV  in  these  changes.  Thus, 
whereas  ERV  reads  in  ver  25,  "Unto  the  anointed 
one,  the  prince,  shall  be  seven  weeks:  and  three- 
score and  two  weeks,  it  shall  be  built  again,"  and 
accordingly  takes  "the  anointed  one"  of  ver  26  to 
be  a  distinct  person,  ARV  (as  also  ERVm)  reads, 
as  in  AV,  "shall  be  seven  weeks,  and  threescore  and 
two  weeks."  Again,  where  ERV  reads  in  ver  27 
"For  the  half  of  the  week  he  shall  cause  the  sacrifice 
and  the  oblation  to  cease,"  ARV  (and  ERVm)  has 
as  formerly,  "In  the  midst  of  the  week  he  shall 
cause"  etc  (conversely,  in  ver  25  ARVm  gives  the 
ERV  rendering).  The  question  cannot  be  dis- 
cussed here,  but  it  is  believed  that  the  traditional 
interpretation  may  yet  claim  acceptance  from  those 
who  do  not  accept  the  postulates  of  the  newer 
critical  writers.     See  Daniel;  Jubilees,  Book  op. 

James  Orr 
SEVENTY  YEARS:  The  period  assigned  by 
Jeremiah  for  the  duration  of  the  Jewish  exile  in 
Babylon  (Jer  25  11.12;  29  10;  cf  2  Ch  36  21  f; 
Ezr  1  1;  Dnl  9  2).  If  the  period  be  reckoned 
from  the  date  of  the  first  deportation  in  the  4th 
year  of  Jehoiakim  (2  K  24  1;  2  Ch  36  6fT;  Dnl 
1  1  by  another  reckoning  calls  it  the  3d  year),  i.e. 
606  BC,  till  the  decree  of  Cyrus,  536  BC,  the  pre- 
diction was  fulfilled  to  a  year.     See  Captivity. 

SEVER,  sev'er:  The  three  Heb  words  hddhal, 
paldh  and  paradh  are  thus  tr"*.  The  idea  conveyed 
is  that  of  setting  apart  (Lev  20  26  AV)  or  of  setting 
someone  or  something  apart  in  a  miraculous  way 
(Ex  8  22;  9  4  AV,  ERV),  or,  agam,  of  simple  sepa- 
ration on  one's  ovra  vohtion  (Jgs  4  11  AV,  ERV). 
The  Gr  word  d^opifw,  aphorlzo  (Mt  13  49)  stands 
for  final  judicial  segregation. 

SEVERAL,  sev'er-al,  SEVERALLY,  sev'er-al-i: 
The  Heb  words  hophshuth  and  hophshUh,  tr** 
"several"  in  AV,  ERV,  2  K  15  5;  2  Ch  26  21,  are 
in  both  cases  tr''  "separate"  in  ARV,  and  indicate 


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Seveneh 
Shade,  Shadow 


ceremonial  uncleanness  and  consequent  severance 
on  account  of  leprosy.  In  the  parable  of  the 
Talents  (Mt  25  15)  and  also  in  1  Cor  12  11  the 
word  tdios,  idios,  is  tx"^  "several,"  "severally." 
In  both  cases  it  points  to  the  individuality  of  the 
recipients  of  the  gift  bestowed. 

SHAALABBIN,  sha-a-lab'in  (T'5'?3'lp ,  sha'Mab- 
hin;  B,  2a\aP«(v,  Salabein,  A,  2aXa|ielv,  Salameln): 
A  town  in  the  territory  of  Dan  named  between  Ir- 
shemesh  and  Aijalon  (Josh  19  42).  It  seems  to 
be  identical  with  Shaalbim. 

SHAALBIM,  sha-al'bim  (n"'?l':?'llj ,  sha'alblm; 
B,  BtjeaXaiieC,  Bethalamei,  A,  2a\ap~c[|x,  Salabelm, 
in  Josh  BA  0a\aP6(|i,  Thalabeim):  When  the 
Amorites  had  forced  the  children  of  Dan  into  the 
mountain  they  came  and  dwelt  in  Mt.  Heres,  Aija- 
lon and  Shaalbim,  where,  it  appears,  they  were  made 
tributary  to  the  house  of  Joseph  (Jgs  1  35).  In 
the  time  of  Solomon  it  was  included  in  the  admin- 
istrative district  presided  over  by  Ben-deker,  along 
with  Makaz,  Beth-shemesh  and  Elon-beth-hanan 
(1  K  4  9).  Beth-shemesh  is  the  same  as  Ir-shemesh 
(Josh  19  42).  Shaalbim  is  probably  only  another 
name  of  Shaalabbin.  One  of  David's  mighty  men 
is  called  Eliahba  the  Shaalbonite.  This  presumes 
the  existence  of  a  town  called  Shaalbon  (2  S  23  32 ; 

1  Ch  11  33),  which  again  is  probably  identical  with 
Shaalbim.  Onom  identifies  it  with  Salaba,  a  large 
village  in  the  district  of  Sebaste  (Samaria),  which 
apparently  Eusebius  and  Jerome  thought  to  be  in 
the  territory  of  Dan.  It  seems,  however,  too  far 
to  the  N.  Jerome  in  his  comm.  on  Ezk  48  speaks 
of  the  towers  of  Aijalon  and  Selebi  and  Emmaus. 
Conder  would  identify  Selebi  with  Selbit,  3  miles 
N.W.  of  Aijalon  {Yalo),  and  8  miles  N.'  of  Beth- 
shemesh.  This  would  suit  for  Shaalbim,  as  far  as 
position  is  concerned;  but  it  is  difficult  to  account 
for  the  heavy  t  in  the  name,  if  derived  from  Shaalbim. 

W.  EWING 
SHAALBONITE,  sha-al-bo'nit,  sha-al'bo-nlt 
(■^;35yi25n  ,  ka-sha'albonl;  6  2aXaPo)V€£Tr)s,  ho  Sala- 
boneim  [2  S  23  32]^  B,  6  'Ov-iL,  ho  Homel,  A, 
6  SaXaPuvC,  ho  Salaboni) :  EUahba,  one  of  David's 
heroes,  a  native  of  Shaalbon.     See  Shaalbim. 

SHAALIM,  sha'a-lim,  LAND  OF  (D"'byia  yyf. , 
'ereg  sha'&lim;  B,  Tfjs  yf[S  'Eao-aK^ii,  tts  gts  EasaHm, 
A,  Tf|s  -yns  SaaXttii,  ds  gts  Saaleim;  AV  Shalim): 
Saul  in  search  of  his  father's  asses  passed  through 
Mt.  Ephraim  and  the  land  of  Shahshah,  then 
through  the  land  of  Shaahm  and  the  land  of  y'mlni. 
This  last  name  EV  renders  "Benjamin"  (I  S  9  4). 
The  whole  passage  is  so  obscure  that  no  certain 
conclusions  can  be  reached.  The  search  party  may 
have  proceeded  northward  from  Gibeah,  through 
the  uplands  of  Ephraim,  turning  then  westward, 
then  southward,  and  finally  eastward.  We  should 
thus  look  for  the  land  of  Shahshah  and  the  land  of 
Shaalim  on  the  west  side  of  the  mountain  range: 
and  the  latter  may  have  been  on  the  slopes  to  the 
E  of  Lydda.  Possibly  we  ought  here  to  read 
"Shaalbim,"  instead  of  "Shaalim."       W.  Ewing 

SHAAPH,  sha'af  (0?© ,  sha'aph) : 

(1)  A  son  of  Jahdai  (1  Ch  2  47). 

(2)  The  son  of  Maachah,  a  concubine  of  Caleb, 
the  brother  of  Jerahmeel.  Shaaph  is  called  the 
"father,"  or  founder,  of  the  city  Madmannah  (1  Ch 

2  48 f). 

SHAARAIM,  sha-a-ra'im  (D";n7lC ,  sha'&rayim, 
"two  gates";    SaKapcffi,  Sakareim;   AV  Sharaim): 

(1)  A  city  in  the  Shephelah  or  "lowland"  of 
Judah  mentioned  (Josh  15  36)  in  close  association 


with  Socoh  and  Azekah;  the  vanquished  army  of 
the  Philis  passed  a  Shaaraim  in  their  flight  from 
Socoh  toward  Gath  and  Ekron  (1  S  17  52).  It 
is  possible  that  in  this  latter  reference  the  "two 
gates"  may  refer — as  LXX  implies — to  the  two 
Phili  strongholds  themselves.  Shaaraim  has  been 
identified  with  Tell  Zakanya  (see  however  Azekah) 
and  with  Kh.  Sa'lreh  {PEF,  III,  124,  Sh  XVII), 
an  old  site  W.  of  Beit  'Atab.  Both  proposals  are 
hazardous. 

(2)  One  of  the  towns  of  Simeon  (1  Ch  4  31), 
called  (Josh  19  6)  "Sharuhen"  and,  as  one  of  the 
uttermost  cities  of  Judah,  called  (Jash  15  32) 
"Shilhim."  This  town  was  in  Southwestern  Pal 
and  is  very  probably  identical  with  the  fortress 
Sharhana,  a  place  of  some  importance  on  the  road 
from  Gaza  to  Egypt.  Aahmes  (XVIIIth  Dynasty) 
besieged  and  captured  this  city  in  the  5th  year  of 
his  reign  in  his  pursuit  of  the  flying  Hyksos  (Petrie, 
Hist,  II,  22,  35),  and  a  century  later  Tahutmes  III, 
in  the  23d  year  of  his  reign,  took  the  city  of  Sharu- 
hen on  his  way  to  the  siege  and  capture  of  Megiddo 
(Petrie,  Hist,  II,  104).  On  philological  grounds 
Tell  esh-Sheri'ah,  12  miles  N.W.  of  Beersheba,  a 
large  ruin,  has  been  proposed,  but  it  does  not  suit 
at  all  the  Egyp  data  (PEF,  III,  399,  Sh  XXIV). 
E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SHAASHGAZ,  sha-ash'gaz  (TjllB?ip,  sha'ash- 
gaz;  LXX  reads  TaC,  Oai,  the  same  name  it  gives 
to  the  official  referred  to  in  Est  2  8.15;  the  name 
may  go  back  to  the  Old  Bactrian  word  Sasakshant, 
"one  anxious  to  learn"  [Scheft] ;  most  commentators 
suggest  no  explanation) :  A  chamberlain  of  Ahas- 
uerus,  king  of  Persia;  as  keeper  of  "the  second 
house  of  women,"  he  had  Esther  under  his  charge 
(ver  14). 

SHABBETHAI,  shab'g-thi  (in^TB,  shabbHhay, 
"one  born  on  the  Sabbath";  B,  2aPa9a£,  Sabalhai, 
A,  KappaBat,  iCa6ba(Aai  =  "Sabbateus"  of  1  Esd 
9  14) :  A  Levite  who  opposed  (?)  Ezra's  suggestion 
that  the  men  who  had  married  foreign  wives  put 
them  aside  (Ezr  10  15).  Kuenen,  however,  ren- 
ders the  phrase  tlST  5^  ^TS^ ,  ''aiWdhv,  ^al  zo'th,  of 
which  Asahiel  and  Jahaziah  are  the  subjects,  to 
mean  "stand  over,"  "have  charge  of,"  rather  than 
"stand  against,"  "oppose"  {Gesammelte  Abhand- 
lungen,  247  f ) ;  this  would  make  Shabbethai,  who 
was  in  accord  with  the  two  men  mentioned  above, 
an  ally  rather  than  an  opponent  of  Ezra.  We  in- 
cline toward  Kuenen's  interpretation  in  view  of  the 
position  attained  by  Shabbethai  under  Nehemiah — 
one  he  would  have  been  unlikely  to  attain  had  he 
been  hostile  to  Ezra.  He  is  mentioned  among 
those  appointed  to  explain  the  Law  (Neh  8  7),  and 
as  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  who  had  the  over- 
sight of  "the  outward  business  of  the  house  of 
God"  (Neh  11  16).  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHACHIA,  sha-kl'a,  shak'i-a  (H^Sip  ,  sakh'yah  [so 
Baer,  Ginsberg] ;  some  edd  read  5'|'3ip ,  sakh'ya', 
or  K^Dlp ,  sakh'ya';  also  H^pllj ,  shakh'yah,  and 
n^Dip  ,  shdbh'yah.  This  last  reading  is  favored  by 
the  Syrian  and  the  LXX  [B,  Sapta,  Sabla,  A,  2«Pi.A, 
Sebid,  but  Luc,  StxiA,  Sechid];  the  forms  in  kh  (D) 
instead  of  bh  (3)  have  the  support  of  the  Vulg, 
Sechia,  "Yahweh  has  forgotten"[?]) :  A  name  in  a 
genealogy  of  Benjamin  (1  Ch  8  10). 

SHADDAI,  shad'a-i,  shad'i.  See  God,  Names 
OF,  II,  8. 

SHADE,  shad,  SHADOW,  .shad'6,  SHADOW- 
ING, shad'o-ing  (53?  ,  ^el;  o-Kid,  skid) :  A  shadow  is 
any  obscuration  of  the  Ught  and  heat  with  the  form 


Shadow  of  Death 
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of  the  intervening  object,  obscurely  projected,  con- 
stantly changing  and  passing  away.  "Shadow"  is 
used  lit.  of  a  roof  (Gen  19  8),  of  mountains  (Jgs 
9  36),  of  trees  (Jgs  9  15,  etc),  of  wings  (Ps  17  8, 
etc),  of  a  cloud  (Isa  25  5),  of  a  great  rock  (Isa 
32  2),  of  a  man  (Peter,  Acts  5  1.5),  of  the  shadow 
on  the  dial  (2  K  20  9,  etc),  of  Jonah's  gourd  (Jon 
4  5f).  It  is  used  also  figuratively  (1)  of  shelter 
and  protection  (of  man.  Gen  19  8;  Cant  2  3;  Isa 
16  3,  etc;  of  God,  Ps  36  7;  91  1;  Isa  4  6,  etc); 
(2)  of  anything  fleeting  or  transient,  as  of  the  days 
of  man's  hfe  on  earth  (1  Ch  29  15;  Job  8  9;  Ps 
109  23) ;  (3)  with  the  idea  of  obscurity  or  imper- 
fection (in  He  8  5;  10  1,  of  the  Law;  cf  Col  2 
17);  (4)  of  darkness,  gloom;  see  Shadow  of 
De.ath.  In  Jas  1  17,  we  have  in  AV,  "the  Father 
of  lights,  with  whom  is  no  variableness,  neither 
shadow  of  turning"  {aposkiasma),  RV  "shadow  that 
is  cast  by  turning";  the  reference  is  to  the  un- 
changeableness  of  God  as  contrasted  with  the 
changes  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  RV  has  "of  the 
rusthng  of  wings"  for  "shadowing  with  wings"  in 
Isa  18  1;  ARV  has  "shade"  for  "shadow"  in 
various  places  (Jgs  9  15;  Job  40  22;  Isa  4  6, 
etc).  In  Job  40  21.22,  for  "shady  trees"  RV  has 
"lotus-trees."  W.  L.  Walkeb 

SHADOW  OF  DEATH  (Hipb?,  ^almaweth): 
The  Heb  word  tr"^  "shadow  of  death"  is  used  poeti- 
cally for  thick  darkness  (Job  3  5),  as  descriptive 
of  Sheol  (Job  10  21  f;  12  22;  38  17);  figuratively 
of  deep  distress  (Job  12  22;  16  16;  24  17  6is;  28  3; 
34  22  [in  the  last  three  passages  ARV  has  "thick 
darkness"  and  "thick  gloom"];  Ps  23  4,  RVm  "deep 
darkness  [and  so  elsewhere]";  44  19;  107  10.14;  Isa 
9  2;  Jer  2  6;  13  16;  Am  5  8;  Mt  4  16;  Lk  1  79, 
skid  thanatou).  The  Heb  word  is  perhaps  composecl 
of  gel,  "shadow,"  and  maweth,  "death,"  and  the 
idea  of  "the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death"  was 
most  probably  derived  from  the  deep  ravines,  dark- 
ened by  over-hanging  briars,  etc,  through  which  the 
shepherd  had  sometimes  to  lead  or  drive  his  sheep 
to  new  and  better  pastures.  W.  L.  Walker 

SHADRACH,  sha'drak:  The  Bab  name  of  one 
of  the  so-called  Heb  children.  Shadrach  is  probably 
the  Sumerian  form  of  the  Bab  Kudurru-Aki,  "serv- 
ant of  Sin."  It  has  been  suggested  by  Meiahold 
that  we  should  read  Merodach  instead  of  Shadrach. 
Since  there  were  no  vowels  in  the  original  Heb  or 
Aram.,  and  since  sh  and  m  as  well  as  r  and  d  are 
much  aUke  in  the  old  alphabet  m  which  Dnl  was 
WTitten,  this  change  is  quite  possible. 

Shadrach  and  his  two  companions  were  trained 
along  with  Daniel  at  the  court  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
who  had  carried  all  four  captive  in  the  expedition 
against  Jerus  in  the  3d  year  of  Jehoiakim  (Dnl  1  1). 
They  all  refused  to  eat  of  the  food  provided  by 
Ashpenaz,  the  master  who  had  been  set  over  them 
by  the  king,  but  preferred  to  eat  pulse  (Dnl  1  12). 
The  effect  was  much  to  their  advantage,  as  they 
appeared  fairer  and  fatter  in  flesh  than  those  who 
ate  of  the  king's  meat.  At  the  end  of  the  appointed 
time  they  passed  satisfactory  examinations,  both 
as  to  their  physical  appearance  and  their  intellectual 
acquirements,  so  that  none  were  found  like  them 
among  all  with  whom  the  king  communed,  and  they 
stood  before  the  king  (see  Dnl  1). 

When  Daniel  heard  that  the  wise  men  of  Babylon 
were  to  be  slain  because  they  could  not  tell  the 
dream  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  after  he  had  gained  a 
respite  from  the  king,  he  made  the  thing  known  to 
his  three  companions  that  they  might  unite  with 
him  in  prayer  to  the  God  of  heaven  that  they  all 
might  not  peri.sh  with  the  rest  of  the  wise  men  of 
Babylon.  After  God  had  heard  their  prayer  and 
the  dream  was  made  known  to  the  king  by  Daniel, 


Nebuchadnezzar,  at  Daniel's  request,  set  Shadrach, 
Meshach  and  Abed-nego  over  the  affairs  of  the 
province  of  Babylon  (Dnl  2).  With  Meshach  and 
Abed-nego,  Shadrach  was  cast  into  a  fiery  furnace, 
but  escaped  unhurt  (Dnl  3).  SeeABED-KEQo;  Han- 
aniah;    Song  of  Three  Children. 

R.  Dick  Wilson 
SHADY,    shad'i,    TREES     (Job  40  21  f).     See 
Lotus  Trees. 

SHAFT,  shaft:  Isa  49  2  for  yn  ,  heg,"a.naTTOw"; 
also  Ex  25  31;  37  17;  Nu  8  4  AV  for  a  part  of  the 
candlestick  of  the  tabernacle  somewhat  vaguely 
designated  by  the  word  ^"l^  ,  j/areA:/i,  "thigh."  The 
context  in  the  first  2  verses  shows  that  the  upright 
stem  or  "shaft"  is  intended,  but  in  Nu  8  4a  differ- 
ent context  has  caused  RV  to  substitute  "base." 
See  also  Archery;  Armor,  Arms. 


SHAGEE,  sha'ge  (SJIB ,  shaghe';  B,  2»Xd,  Sold, 
A,  Say'^,  Sage;  AV  Shage) :  The  father  of  Jona- 
than, one  of  David's  heroes  (1  Ch  11  34) . 

SHAHARAIM,  sha-ha-ra'im  (D'^'iniB ,  shahd- 
rayim;  B,  Saap^jX,  Saartl,  A,  Saap^iii,  Saarem):  A 
Benjamite  name  (1  Ch  8  8).  The  passage  is  cor- 
rupt beyond  only  the  most  tentative  emendation. 
"Sharaim"  has  no  connection  with  the  foregoing 
text.  One  of  the  suggested  restorations  of  vs  8.9 
reads:  "And  Shaharaim  begat  in  the  field  of  Moab, 
after  he  had  driven  them  [i.e.  the  Moabites]  out, 
from  Hodesh  his  wife,  Jobab,"  etc  (Curtis,  ICC). 

SHAHAZUMAH,  sha-ha-zob'ma,  sha-haz'6o-ma 
(np^SHiP  ,  shahagumak;  B,  2a\el|j.  Kara  6d\a<ro-av, 
Sale'im  katd  thdlassan,  A,  2a<reifia6,  Saseitndth;  AV 
Shahazimah,  sha-haz'i-mah) :  A  town  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Issachar  on  the  boundary  which  ran  from 
Tabor  to  the  Jordan  (Josh  19  22).  The  site,  which 
has  not  yet  been  recovered,  must  be  sought,  prob- 
ably, to  the  S.E.  of  the  mountain. 

SHALEM,  sha'lem  (05^ ,  shalein;  ets  SaXifjp.,  eis 
Saltm) :  The  word  as  a  place-name  occurs  only  in 
Gen  33  18.  With  Luther,  following  LXX,  Pesh 
and  Vulg,  AV  reads  "And  Jacob  came  to  Shalem, 
a  city  of  Shechem."  RV  with  the  Tgs  Onkelos  and 
pseudo-Jonathan,  the  Sam  codex  and  the  Arab., 
reads,  "came  in  peace  to  the  city  of  Shechem." 
There  is  a  heavy  balance  of  opinion  among  scholars 
in  favor  of  the  latter  reading.  It  is  certainly  a 
remarkable  fact,  supporting  A V.  that  about  4  miles 
E.  of  Shechem  {Ndhlus),  there  is  a  village  bearing 
the  name  Salem.  If  AV  is  right,  this  must  repre- 
sent the  city  referred  to;  and  E.  of  Salem  would 
transpire  the  events  recorded  in  Gen  44.  Against 
this  is  the  old  tradition  locating  Jacob's  well  and 
Joseph's  tomb  near  to  Shechem.  Onom  gets  over 
the  difficulty  by  identifying  Shalem  with  Shechem. 

W.  EwiNQ 

SHALIM,  sha'Um.     See  Shaalim. 

SHALISHAH,  sha-h'sha,  shal'i-sha,  LAND  OF 
(nipbffi-y-lS,  'ereg  shdlishdh;  B,  fj  yfi  SeXxa,  he 
gt  SelcM,  A,  t)  yf\  2aXio-crd,  he  gt  Salissd) :  If  the 
general  indication  of  the  route  followed  by  Saul, 
given  under  Shaalim,  is  correct,  the  land  of  Shali- 
shah  (1  S  9  4)  will  he  to  theN.E.  of  Lydda  on  the 
western  slope  of  the  range.  Baal-shahshah  would 
most  likely  be  in  the  district,  and  may  indeed  have 
given  its  name  to  it.  If  Conder  is  right  in  identify- 
ing this  city  with  Khirbet  Kefr  Tkilth,  about  19 
miles  N.E.  of  Jaffa,  it  meets  well  enough  the  general 
indication  given  above.  Onom  knows  the  name, 
but  gives  no  guidance  as  to  where  the  district  is. 


2747 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shadow  of  Death 
Shalmaneser 


Baal-shalishah  it  places  in  the  Thamnite  region, 
15  miles  N.  of  Diospolis  (Lydda).  No  boundaries 
can  be  laid  down,  but  probability  points  to  this 
neighborhood.  W.  Ewinq 

SHALLECHETH,  shal'S-keth,  sha-le'keth,  THE 
GATE  (riDblB  nyiri,  s/jaVr  sMZeMe^/t,  i.e.  as  in  m, 
"Casting  forth"):  A  gate  of  the  temple  "at  the 
causeway  that  goeth  up"  (1  Ch  26  16)— probably 
an  ascent  from  the  Tyropoeon  Valley  to  the  W.  of 
the  temple.  It  has  been  supposed  on  account  of 
the  meaning  of  the  name  that  the  ashes  and  offal 
of  the  temple  were  oast  forth  there,  but  this  is  very 
unlikely — they  were  thrown  into  the  Kidron  valley 
to  the  E.  or  S.E.  The  LXX  has  ■n-a(7To(t>opiov, 
pastophorlon,  which  seems  to  point  to  a  building 
with  chambers;  in  consonance  with  this  Cheyne 
reads  in  the  Heb  n'ISTpb ,  Ushkolh,  "[of]  the  cham- 
bers." E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SHALLUM,  shal'um  (D'lSTlJ ,  shallum,  D^llj , 
shallum;  various  forms  in  LXX) :  This  is  the  name  of 
not  less  than  12  Heb  persons; 

(1)  The  youngest  son  of  NaphtaU  (1  Ch  7  13). 
He  is  also  called  "Shillem"  in  Gen  46  24;  Nu  26 
49. 

(2)  A  descendant  of  Simeon,  the  son  of  Shaul 
and  the  father  of  Mibsam  (1  Ch  4  25).  He  lived 
in  1618  BC. 

(.3)  The  son  of  Sismai  "son"  of  Shesham  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah  (1  Ch  2  40.41).  He  lived  in  1300 
BC. 

(4)  A  son  of  Kore,  a  porter  of  the  sanctuary  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  David  (1  Ch  9  17.19.31;  Ezr  2 
42;  Neh  7  45).  The  name  is  also  written  "Me- 
shuUam"  in  Neh  12  25,  "Salum"  in  1  Esd  5  28, 
"Meshelemiah"  in  1  Ch  26  1.2.9,  and  "Shelemiah" 
in  1  Ch  26  14.    He  lived  about  1050  BC. 

(5)  A  son  of  Zadok  and  father  of  Hilkiah,  a  high 
priest  and  ancestor  of  Ezra  the  scribe  (1  Ch  6  12. 
13;  Ezr  7  2).  In  the  works  of  Jos  he  is  called 
"SaUumus";  in  1  Esd  8  1,  "Salem,"  and  in  2  Esd 
1  1,  "Salemas." 

(6)  The  15th  king  of  Israel.  See  following 
article. 

(7)  A  son  of  Bani,  a  priest  who  had  taken  a 
heathen  wife  and  was  compelled  by  Ezra  the  scribe 
to  put  her  away  (Ezr  10  42;  omitted  in  1  Esd  9  34) . 

(8)  The  father  of  Jehizkiah,  an  Ephraimite  in  the 
time  of  Ahaz  king  of  Israel  (2  Ch  28  12). 

(9)  The  husband  of  the  prophetess  Huldah  (2  K 
22  14;  2  Ch  34  22).  He  was  the  keeper  of  the 
sacred  wardrobe  and  was  probably  the  uncle  of 
Jeremiah  the  prophet  (Jer  32  7;    cf  Jer  35  4). 

(10)  King  of  Judah  and  son  of  Josiah  (Jer  22  11; 
1  Ch  3  15),  better  known  by  the  name  Jehoahaz 
II.  This  name  he  received  when  he  ascended  the 
throne  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  (2  Ch  36  1). 

(11)  A  Levite  who  was  a  porter  at  the  time  of 
Ezra  (Ezr  10  24;    "Sallumus"  in  1  Esd  9  25). 

(12)  A  ruler  over  a  part  of  Jerus  and  a  son  of 
Hallohesh.  He  with  his  daughters  aided  in  build- 
ing the  walls  of  Jerus  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
(Neh  3  12).  S.  L.  Umbach 

SHALLUM  (01^12) ,  shallum,  D3TZJ ,  shallum,  "the 
requited  one"  [2  K  15  10-1.5]):  The  1.5th  king  of 
Israel,  and  successor  of  Zechariah,  whom  he  pub- 
licly assassinated  in  the  7th  month  of  his  reign. 
Nothing  more  is  known  of  Shallum  than  that  he 
was  a  son  of  Jabesh,  which  may  indicate  that  he 
was  a  Gileadite  from  beyond  Jordan.  He  is  said 
to  have  made  "a  conspiracy"  against  Zechariah,  so 
was  not  alone  in  his  crime.  The  conspirators,  how- 
ever, had  but  a  short-lived  success,  as,  when  Shallum 
had  "reigned  for  the  space  of  a  month  in  Samaria," 


Menahem,  then  at  Tirzah,  one  of  the  minor  capitals 
of  the  kingdom,  went  up  to  Samaria,  slew  him  and 
took  his  place. 

It  was  probably  at  this  time  that  Syria  threw  off 
the  yoke  of  tribute  to  Israel  (see  Jeroboam  II),  as 
when  next  we  meet  with  that  kingdom,  it  is  under 
its  own  king  and  in  alliance  with  Samaria  (2  K 
16  5). 

The  10  years  of  rule  given  to  Menahem  (2  K 
15  17)  may  be  taken  to  include  the  few  months  of 
military  violence  under  Zechariah  and  Shallum, 
and  cover  the  full  years  758-750,  with  portions  of 
years  before  and  after  counted  as  whole  ones.  The 
unsuccessful  usurpation  of  Shallum  may  therefore 
be  put  in  758  BC  (some  date  lower). 

W.  Shaw  Caldecott 

SHALLUN,  shal'un  CjlbTC ,  shallun,  not  in  LXX) : 
Another  form  of  Shallum,  the  son  of  Col-hozeh.  He 
was  the  ruler  of  the  district  of  Mizpah.  He  assisted 
Nehemiah  in  building  the  wall  of  Jerus  and  in  repair- 
ing the  gate  by  the  Pool  of  Siloah  at  the  King's 
Gardens  (Neh  3  15). 

SHALMAI,  shal'ml,  shal'ma-I:  AV  form  in  Ezr 
2  46  for"Shamlai";  Neh  7  48  "Salmai"  (q.v.). 

SHALMAN,  shal'man  (Tpblp,  shalman):  A 
name  of  uncertain  meaning,  found  only  once  in  the 
OT  (Hos  10  14),  in  connection  with  a  place-name, 
equally  obscure,  "as  Shaknan  destroyed  Beth- 
arbel."  Shalman  is  most  commonly  interpreted 
as  a  contracted  form  of  Shalmaneser,  the  name  of 
several  Assyr  kings.  If  this  explanation  is  correct, 
the  king  referred  to  cannot  be  identified.  Some 
have  thought  of  Shalmaneser  IV,  who  is  said  to 
have  undertaken  expeditions  against  the  West  in 
775  and  in  773-772.  Others  have  proposed  Shal- 
maneser V,  who  attacked  Samaria  in  725.  This, 
however,  is  improbable,  because  the  activity  of 
Hosea  ceased  before  Shalmaneser  V  became  king. 
Shalman  has  also  been  identified  with  Salamanu,  a 
king  of  Moab  in  the  days  of  Hosea,  who  paid  tribute 
to  Tiglath-pileser  V  of  Assyria;  and  with  Shalmah, 
a  North  Arabian  tribe  that  invaded  the  Negeb. 
The  identification  of  Beth-arbel  (q.v.)  is  equally 
uncertain.  From  the  reference  it  would  seem  that 
the  event  in  question  was  well  known  and,  there- 
fore, probably  one  of  recent  date  and  considerable 
importance,  but  our  present  historical  knowledge 
does  not  enable  us  to  connect  any  of  the  persons 
named  with  the  destruction  of  any  of  the  localities 
suggested  for  Beth-arbel.  The  ancient  tr'  offer  no 
solution;   they  too  seem  to  have  been  in  the  dark. 

F.    C.    ElSELEN 

SHALMANESER,  shal-ma-ne'zer  (IDNJ^blp , 
shalman' e^er :  LXX  Saiievvio-ap,  Samenndsar, 
2a\|iavao-ap,  Salmandsar) :  The  name  of  several 
Assyr  kings.  See  Assyria;  Assyrian  Captivity. 
It  is  Shalmaneser  IV  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Bib. 
history  (2  K  17  3;  18  9).  He  succeeded  Tiglath- 
pileser  on  the  throne  in  727  BC,  but  whether  he  was 
a  son  of  his  predecessor,  or  a  usurper,  is  not  appar- 
ent. His  reign  was  short,  and,  as  no  annals  of  it 
have  come  to  light,  we  have  only  the  accounts  con- 
tained in  2  K  for  his  history.  In  the  passages 
referred  to  above,  we  learn  that  Hoshea,  king  of 
Israel,  who  had  become  his  vassal,  refused  to  con- 
tinue the  payment  of  tribute,  relying  upon  help 
from  So,  king  of  Egypt.  No  help,  however,  came 
from  Egypt,  and  Hoshea  had  to  face  the  chastising 
forces  of  his  suzerain  with  his  own  unaided  resources, 
the  result  being  that  he  was  taken  prisoner  outside 
Samaria  and  most  likely  carried  away  to  Nineveh. 
The  Bib.  narrative  goes  on  to  say  that  the  king  of 
Assyria  came  up  throughout  all  the  land,  and  went 
up  to  Samaria  and  besieged  it  3  years.     There  is 


Shama 
Shaphan 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2748 


reason  to  believe  that,  as  the  siege  of  Samaria  was 
proceeding,  Shalmaneser  retired  to  Nineveh  and 
died,  for,  when  the  city  was  taken  in  722  BC,  it  is 
Sargon  who  claims,  in  his  copious  annals,  to  have 
captured  it  and  carried  its  inhabitants  into  cap- 
tivity. It  is  just  possible  that  Shalman  (Hos  10 
14)  is  a  contraction  for  Shalmaneser,  but  the  iden- 
tity of  Shalman  and  of  Beth-arbel  named  in  the 
same  passage  is  not  sufficiently  made  out. 

LiTEHATUHE. — Schrader,  COT,  I,  258  fl;  McCurdy, 
HPilf ,  I,  387  fl. 

T.   NiCOL 

SHAMA,  sha'ma  ("Slp^  ,  shama') :  One  of  David's 
heroes  (1  Ch  11  44).  '  ' 

SHAMAI,  sham'a-I.     See  Salmai. 

SHAMARIAH,  sham-a-rT'a,  sha-mar'ya.  See 
Shemariah. 

SHAMBLES,  sham'b'lz  ((idKtXXov,  mdkellon) : 
A  slaughter-house;  then  a  butcher's  stall,  meat- 
market.  The  word  is  once  used  in  the  NT  in  1  Cor 
10  25. 

SHAME,  sham  (liJ"l3 ,  bosh,  "to  be  ashamed," 
rilB3 ,  bosheth,  "shame,"  Tl^pJ ,  kalon;  alo-xivii, 
aischiine,  "ignominy,"  dnjita,  atimla,  "dishonor," 
and  other  words) :  An  oft-recurring  word  in  Scripture 
almost  uniformly  bound  up  with  a  sense  of  sin  and 
guilt.  It  is  figuratively  set  forth  as  a  wild  beast  (Jer 
3  24),  a  Nessus-garment  (3  2.5),  a  blight  (20  18), 
a  sin  against  one's  own  soul  (Hab  2  10),  and  twice 
as  the  condensed  symbol  of  Heb  abomination — 
Baal  (Jer  11  13  m;  Hos  9  10  m;  seelsH-BOSHETH). 
It  is  bracketed  with  defeat  (Isa  30  3),  reproach 
(Ps  69  7;     Isa  64  4;     Mic  2  6),    confusion    (Isa 

6  7),  nakedness  (Isa  47  3;  Mic  1  11),  everlast- 
ing contempt  (Dnl  12  2),  folly  (Prov  18  13), 
cruelty  (Isa  50  6;  He  12  2),  poverty  (Prov  13 
18),  nothingne-ss  (Prov  9  7AV),  unseemliness 
(1  Cor  11  6;  14  35  AV;  Eph  5  12),  and  "them 
that  go  down  to  the  pit"  (Ezk  32  25).  In  the 
first  Bib.  reference  to  this  emotion,  "shame"  ap- 
pears as  "the  correlative  of  sin  and  guilt"  (De- 
litzsch.  New  Comm.  on  Gen  and  Bib.  Psychology). 
Shamelessness  is  characteristic  of  abandoned  wick- 
edness (Phil  3  19;  Jude  ver  13,  ni  "Gr  'shames'"). 
Manifestly,  then,  shame  is  a  concomitant  of  the 
Divine  judgment  upon  sin;  the  very  worst  that  a 
Hebrew  could  wish  for  an  enemy  was  that  he  might 
be  clothed  with  shame  (Ps  109  29),  that  the  judg- 
ment of  God  might  rest  upon  him  visibly. 

Naturally,  to  the  Hebrew,  shame  was  the  portion 
of  those  who  were  idolaters,  who  were  faithless  to 
Jeh  or  who  were  unfriendly  to  themselves — the 
elect  people  of  Jeh.  Shame  is  to  come  upon  Moab 
because  Moab  held  Israel  in  derision  (Jer  48  39.27), 
and  upon  Edom  "for  violence  against  his  brother 
Jacob"  (Ob  ver  10).  But  also,  and  impartially, 
shame  is  the  portion  of  faithless  Israelites  who  deny 
Jeh  and  follow  after  strange  gods  (Ezk  7  18;     Mic 

7  10;  Hos  10  6,  and  often).  But  shame,  too, 
comes  upon  those  who  exalt  themselves  against  God, 
who  trust  in  earthly  power  and  the  show  of  mate- 
rial strength  (2  Ch  32  21;  Isa  30  3);  and  upon 
those  who  make  a  mock  of  righteousness  (Job  8  22; 
Ps  35  26;  132  IS).  With  a  fine  sense  of  ethical 
distinctions  the  Bib.  writers  recognize  that  in  con- 
fessing to  a  sense  of  shame  there  is  hope  for  better 
things.  Only  in  the  most  desperate  cases  is  there 
no  sense  of  shame  (Hos  4  18;  Zeph  3  5;  Phil 
3  19;  Jude  ver  13);  in  pardon  God  is  said  to 
remove  shame  (Isa  54  4  bis;   61  7). 

On  conditions  beyond  the  grave  the  Bib.  revela- 
tion is  exceedingly  reticent,  but  here  and  there  are 
hints  that  shame  waits  upon  the  wicked  here  and 


hereafter.  Such  an  expression  as  that  in  Dnl 
(12  2)  cannot  be  ignored,  and  though  the  writing 
itself  may  belong  to  a  late  period  and  a  somewhat 
sophisticated  theological  development,  the  idea  is 
but  a  reflection  of  the  earlier  and  more  elementary 
period,  when  the  voice  of  crime  and  cruelty  went 
up  from  earth  to  be  heard  in  the  audience  chamber 
of  God  (Gen  4  11;  6  13).  In  the  NT  there  is 
similar  reticence  but  also  similar  implications.  It 
cannot  be  much  amiss  to  say  that  in  the  mind  of  the 
Bib.  writers  sin  was  a  shameful  thing;  that  part  of 
the  punishment  for  sin  was  a  consciousness  of  guilt 
in  the  sense  of  shame;  and  that  from  this  conscious- 
ness of  guilt  there  was  no  deliverance  while  the  sin 
was  unconfessed  and  unforgiven.  "Many  of  them 
that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth  shall  awake,  some 
to  everlasting  life  and  some  to  shame  and  everlast- 
ing contempt."  From  one's  own  past  there  is  no 
deliverance,  save  through  contrition  of  spirit  and  the 
grace  and  forgiveness  of  God.  While  the  sense  of 
shame  persists,  or,  in  other  words,  while  the  moral 
constitution  of  man's  nature  remains  as  it  is,  there 
will  never  be  wanting  an  avenger  of  sin. 

Charles  M.  Stuart 
SHAMED,  sha'med.     See  Shemed. 

SHAMEFACED  NESS,  sham'fast-nes,  sham- 
fas' ed-nes.     See  Shamefastness. 

SHAMEFASTNESS,  sham'fast-nes:  The  origi- 
nal AV  tr  of  alSws,  aidds,  in  Sir  41  16  and  1  Tim 
2  9.  Perhaps  halt  a  century  later  the  spelling 
"shamefacedness"  supplanted  the  better  form,  and 
continues  in  the  ordinary  editions  of  the  King  James 
Version.  RV,  however,  rightly  restores  "shame- 
fastness." 

SHAMER,  sha'mer.     See  Shemer. 

SHAM  GAR,  sham'giir   (IJ'^gTB  ,  shamgar) :    One 

of  the  judges,  son  of  Anath  Candth),  in  whose  days, 

which  preceded  the  time  of  Deborah 

1.  Biblical     (Jgs  5  6.7)     and    followed    those    of 
Account         Ehud,    Israel's    subjugation    was    so 

complete  that  "the  highways  were 
unoccupied,  and  the  travelers  walked  through  by- 
ways." The  government  had  become  thoroughly 
disorganized,  and  apparently,  as  in  the  days  of 
Deborah,  the  people  were  entirely  unprepared  for 
war.  Shamgar's  improvised  weapon  with  which 
he  helped  to  "save  Israel"  is  spoken  of  as  an  ox- 
goad.  With  this  he  smote  of  the  Philis  600  men. 
This  is  the  first  mention  of  the  Philis  as  trouble- 
some neighbors  of  the  Israelites  (Jgs  3  31).  Ac- 
cording to  a  tradition  represented  in  Jos  (Ant,  V, 
iv,  3),  Shamgar  died  in  the  year  he  became  judge. 
Several  writers  have  challenged  the  Bib.  account 
on  the  following  grounds:  that  in  Jgs  5  no  mention 

is  made  of  any  deliverance;    that  the 

2.  Critical     name  "Shamgar"  resembles  the  name 
Hypotheses  of  a  Hittite  king  and  the  name  "Anath" 

that  of  a  Syrian  goddess;  that  the 
deed  recorded  in  Jgs  3  31  is  analogous  to  that  of 
Samson  (Jgs  15  15),  and  that  of  Shammah,  son  of 
Agee  (2  S  23  11  f);  and  lastly,  that  in  a  group  of 
Gr  MSS  and  other  VSS  this  verse  is  inserted  after 
the  account  of  Samson's  exploits.  None  of  these 
is  necessarily  inconsistent  with  the  traditional 
account.  Nevertheless,  they  have  been  used  as  a 
basis  not  only  for  overthrowing  the  tradition,  but 
also  for  constructive  theories  such  as  that  which 
makes  Shamgar  a  foreign  oppressor  and  not  a 
judge,  and  even  the  father  of  Sisera.  There  is, 
of  course,  no  limit  to  which  this  kind  of  interesting 
speculation  cannot  lead. 

(For  a  complete  account  of  these  views  see 
Moore,  "Jgs,"  in  ICC,  1895,  104  f,  and  same  author 


2749 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shama 
Shaphan 


in  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  XIX,  2, 
159-60.)  Ella  Davis  Isaacs 

SHAMHUTH,  sham'huth.     See  Shammtjah,  IV. 

SHAMIR,  sha'mer  (TiQlri ,  shamir;  Saiictp, 
Samelr) : 

(1)  Mentioned  along  with  Jattir  and  Socoh 
(Josh  15  48)  as  one  of  the  fities  of  Judah  in  the  hill 
country.  Possibly  it  is  Kh.  (or  Umm)  Somerah, 
2,000  ft.  above  sea-level,  a  site  with  ancient  walls, 
caves,  cisterns  and  tombs  not  far  W.  of  Debtr  [edh 
Dhather'iych)  and  2  miles  N.  of  Anab  CAnab)  (PEF, 
111,262,  286,  Sh  XX). 

(2)  A  place  in  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim  (Jgs 
10  1)  from  which  came  "Tola,  the  son  of  Pual,  a 
rnan  of  Issachar,"  who  judged  Israel  23  years;  he 
died  and  was  buried  there.  It  is  an  attractive 
theory  (Schwartz)  which  would  identify  the  place 
with  the  semi-fortified  and  strongly-placed  town  of 
San-dr  on  the  road  from  Nahlus  to  Jenin.  A  local 
chieftain  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century  fortified 
Snniir  and  from  there  dominated  the  whole  district. 
That  Sanilr  could  hardly  have  been  within  the 
bounds  of  Issachar  is  an  objection,  but  not  neces- 
sarily a  fatal  one.  It  is  noticeable  that  LXX  A 
has  "SaixApua,  Samdreia,  for  Shamir  (PEF,  II,  Sh 
XI).  E.  W.  G.  Masteeman 

SHAMIR  (T'^B,  Shamir;  2o|i^p,  Samtr):  A 
Kohathite,  son  of 'Micah  (1  Ch  24  24). 

SHAMLAI,  sham'lft-i,  sham'U.     See  Salmai. 

SHAMMA,  sham'a  (XTGIIJ ,  shamma' ;  B,  Stn-d, 
<Se?rerf,  A,  2a(i|i<i,  Samrad):  An  Asherite  (1  Ch  7  37). 

SHAMMAH,  sham'a  (riBTS  ,  shammah) : 

( 1 )  The  sou  of  Reuel,  the  son  of  Esau,  a  tribal  chief 
ofEdora(Gen  36  13.17;   1  Ch  1  37,  Xo/j.^,  Some). 

(2)  The  third  son  of  Jesse  and  brother  of  David. 
Together  with  his  two  other  brothers  he  fought 
under  Saul  in  the  campaign  against  the  Philis  and 
was  with  the  army  in  the  valley  of  Elah  when  David 
slew  Goliath  (1  S  17  13  ff).  One  redactor  states 
that  he  was  a  witne-ss  of  the  anointing  of  David  by 
Samuel  (1  S  16  1-13).  He  was  the  father  of 
Jonadab,  the  friend  of  Amnon  (2  S  13  3  ff),  and 
that  Jonathan  whose  victory  over  a  Phili  giant 
is  narrated  in  2  S  21  20  fT  was  also  his  son.  His 
name  is  rendered  as  "Shammah"  (1  S  16  9;  17 
13),  "Shimeah"  (2  S  13  3.32),  "Shimei"  (2  S  21 
21),  and  "Shimea"  (1  Ch  2  13;   20  7). 

(3)  The  son  of  Agee,  a  Hararite,  one  of  the 
"three  mighty  men"  of  David  (2  S  23  11,  LXX 
Xa^cud,  Samaid),  who  held  the  field  against  the 
Philis.  The  ||  passage  (1  Ch  11  10  ff)  ascribes  this 
deed  to  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dodo.  The  succeeding 
incident  (2  S  23  13  ff),  viz.  the  famous  act  of 
three  of  David's  heroes  who  risked  their  hves  to 
Ijring  their  leader  water  from  the  well  of  Bethlehem, 
has  frequently  been  credited  to  Shammah  and  two 
other  members  of  "the  three" ;  but  the  three  warriors 
are  plainjy  said  (ver  13)  to  belong  to  "the  thirty"; 
ver  33  should  read  "Jonathan,  son  of  Shammah,  the 
Hararite,"  Jonathan,  one  of  David's  "thirty,"  was 
a  son  of  Shammah;  the  word  "son"  has  been  acci- 
dentally omitted  (Driver,  Budde,  Kittcl,  etc). 
The  II  passage  (1  Ch  11  34)  has  "son  of  Shagee,'^ 
which  is  probably  a  misreading  for  "son  of  Agee." 
Lucian's  version,  "son  of  Shammah,"  is  most  plau- 
sible. "Shimei  the  son  of  Ela"  (1  K  4  18)  should 
also  appear  in  this  passage  if  Lucian's  reading  of 
"Ela"  for  "Agee"  (2  S  23  11)  be  correct. 

(4)  A  Harodite  (2  S  23  25.33),  i.e.  probably  a 
native   of   \Ain-harod   QAin  Jalud,   Jgs  7  1;   see 


Harod).  One  of  "the  thirty"  and  captain  of  Solo- 
mon's 5th  monthly  course.  In  the  ||  hsts  (1  Ch  11 
27)  he  is  called  "the  Harorite"  (this  last  being  a 
scribal  error  for  Harodite)  and  "Shamhuth  the  Izra- 
hite"  (1  Ch  27  8).  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHAMMAI,  sham'a-I,  sham'i  CBIB  ,  shammay) : 

(1)  A  Jerahmeelite  (1  Ch  2  28.32). 

(2)  The  son  of  Rekem  and  father  of  Maon  (1  Ch 
2  44  ff). 

(3)  A  Judahite  (1  Ch  4  17). 

SHAMMOTH,  sham'oth,  sham'oth.  See  Sham- 
mah, (4). 

SHAMMUA,  SHAMMUAH,  sha-mu'a,  sham'a-a 
{"Sym ,  shammu''): 

(1)  The  Reubenite  spy  (Nu  13  4,  XaiwvfiX, 
SamouM,  and  other  forms). 

(2)  One  of  David's  sons  (2  S  5  14;  1  Ch  14  4, 
Sa,a;i«iCs,  Sammous).  In  1  Ch  3  5  he  is  called 
"Shimea." 

(3)  A  Levite  (Neh  11  17);  he  is  called  "She- 
maiah"  in  1  Ch  9  16. 

(4)  The  head  of  a  priestly  family  (Neh  12  18); 
a  contemporary  of  Joiakim. 

SHAMSHERAI,  sham'sh5-rl,  sham-shg-ra'i 
(i"1TpT?TP,  shamsh'ray):  A  Benjamite  (1  Ch  8  26). 


SHAPE,  shap:  In  AV  the  tr  of  eiSos,  eldos, 
"form,"  "appearance"  (Lk  3  22;  Jn  5  37),  and  of 
ofiotuifia,  homoloma,  "likeness,"  "resemblance"  (Rev 
9  7).  The  meaning  of  these  words  is  not  so 
much  "tangible  shape,"  in  which  sense  we  use  the 
word  in  modern  Eng.,  but  rather  "aspect,"  "ap- 
pearance," the  looks  of  a  thing  or  a  person.  This 
is  even  the  case  where  the  word  is  joined  with  the 
adj.  auiJ.aTi.Kbi,  somatikos,  "bodily,"  as  in  the  pas- 
sage Lk  3  22,  "The  Holy  Spirit  descended  in  a 
bodily  form  [i.e.  "in  a  corporeal  appearance,"  AV 
"in  a  bodily  shape"],  as  a  dove,  upon  him."  The 
second  passage  also  refers  to  the  "appearance"  of 
God,  and  cannot  therefore  be  regarded  as  material 
shape:  "Ye  have  neither  heard  his  voice  at  any 
time,  nor  seen  his  form"  (AV  "shape")  (Jn  5  37). 
As  has  been  seen  from  the  above  quotations,  RV, 
which  retains  the  tr  "shape"  for  homoidma,  has  tr'' 
eidos  with  "form,"  which  also  serves  to  render 
several  other  Gr  synonyms,  such  as  M°P0'7,  morpht 
(Mk  16  12;  Phil  '2  6f),  ij.6p4,a<ns,  m/nphosis  (Rom 
2  20;  2  Tim  3  5),  riiTros,  tiipos  (RVm  "pattern," 
Rom  6  17),  and  vTOTviraais,  hupotuposis  (RV  "pat- 
tern," 2  Tim  1  13).  In  AV  Wisd  18  1  "shape" 
translates  morphe,  RV  "form." 

H.    L.   E.    LUERINQ 

SHAPHAM,  sha'fam  (DSlB ,  shapham;  SacjidH., 
Saphdm,  SapAr,  Sabdt):  Name  of  a  Gadite  chief, 
who  had  the  second  place  in  command  of  his  tribe 
(1  Ch  5  12).  So  far  as  the  fragmentary  geneal- 
ogies are  intelligible,  they  seem  to  indicate  that 
Shapham  and  his  chief,  Joel,  lived  in  the  time  of  Saul 
and  shared  in  the  war  against  the  Hagrites  (1  Ch 
5  7-10.18-22),  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  these 
lists  were  first  recorded  between  the  years  750  and 
740  BC,  just  before  the  eastern  tribes  were  carried 
into  captivity. 

SHAPHAN,  sha'fan  {)^tl ,  shaphan,  "rock- 
badger,"  EV  "coney";  Sa<j)<|)Av,  Saphphdn):  An 
old  totem  clan  name  (so  W.  R.  Smith;  cf,  however, 
art.  Totemism;  Gray,  HPN ,  103  ff,  and  Jacob's 
Studies  in  Bib.  Archaeology,  84  ff). 

(1)  Son  of  AzaUah  and  scribe  of  King  Josiah. 
He  received  from  Hilkiah  the  Book  of  the  Law 


Shaphat 
Shavsha 


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which  had  been  found  in  the  Temple  (2  K  22  3  ff; 
2  Ch  34  8-2S).  It  was  from  Shaphan's  hps  that 
Josiah  heard  the  Law  read.  Shaphan  was  also  one 
of  those  sent  by  the  king  to  the  prophetess  Huldah 
(2  K  22;  2  Cii  34).  He  was  undoubtedly  one  of 
the  staunchest  supporters  of  Josiah  in  his  work  of 
reform.  He  was  the  father  of  Ahikam  (2  K  22  12; 
2  Ch  34  20;  Jer  26  24),  who  befriended  and  pro- 
tected the  prophet  Jeremiah.  Another  son,  Elasah, 
was  one  of  the  two  men  intrusted  by  Jeremiah  with 
his  letter  to  the  captives  in  Babylon  (Jer  29  3). 
A  third  son,  Gemariah,  vainly  tried  to  prevent  King 
Jehoiakim  from  burning  "the  roll"  (Jer  36  10.11.12. 
25).  The  Micaiah  of  Jer  36  11.12,  and  Gedahah, 
the  governor  of  Judaea  after  the  captivity  of  586 
BC,  were  his  grandsons  (Jer  39  14). 

(2)  Perhaps  the  father  of  Jaazaniah,  one  of 
the  70  men  whom  Ezekiel  saw,  in  his  vision  of  the 
Temple,   sacrificing   to   idols   (Ezk  8  11). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHAPHAT,  sha'fat  (T3STB  ,  shaphat) : 

(1)  The  Simeonite  spy  (Nu  13  5,^a<p6.T,  SapMt). 

(2)  The  father  of  the  prophet  Elisha  (1  K  19  16; 
2  K  3  11,  LXX  Saphdlh). 

(3)  A  name  in  the  royal  genealogy  of  Judah 
(1  Ch  3  22). 

(4)  A  Gadite  (1  Ch  5  12). 

(5)  One  of  David's  herdsmen  (1  Ch  27  29). 

SHAPHER,  sha'fer.     SeeSnEPHEE. 

SHAPHIR,  sha'fer  (~|1STZJ,  shSphir,  "glittering"; 
KaX.ws,  kalos;  AV  Saphir):  One  of  a  group  of 
towns  mentioned  in  Mic  1  10-15.  From  the  asso- 
ciation with  Gath,  Achzib  (of  Judah)  and  IMare- 
shah,  it  would  seem  that  the  places  mentioned  were 
in  Southwestern  Pal.  According  to  Onom,  there 
was  a  'Zacpetp,  Sapheir,  "in  the  hill  country"  (from 
a  confusion  with  Shamir  [Josh  15  48],  where  LXX 
A  has  Sapheir)  between  Eleutheropolis  and  Ascalon. 
The  name  probably  survives  in  that  of  three  vil- 
lages called  es-Suafir,  in  the  plain,  some  3j  miles 
S.E.  of  Ashdod  (PEF,  II,  413,  Sh  XV).  Cheyne 
{EB,  col.  4282)  suggests  the  white  "glittering"  hill 
Tell  e^-Safi,  at  the  entrance  to  the  Wddy  es-Sunt, 
which  was  known  to  the  Crusaders  as  Blanche- 
garde,  but  this  site  seems  a  more  probable  one  for 
Gath  (q.v.).  E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SHARAI,  sha-ra'I,  sha'ri  ("^"lip  ,  sharay) :  One  of 
the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  married  foreign  wives 
(Ezr  10  40). 

SHARAIM,  sha-ra'im.     See  Shaaraim. 

SHARAR,  sha'rar.     See  Sacar. 

SHARE,  shar.     See  Plow. 

SHAREZER,  sha-re'zer  ("iSJ^lip ,  sar'e^er,  '125, 
shar'eqer) :  Corresponds  to  the  Assyr  Shar-u.^ur, 
"protect  the  king";  found  otherwise,  not  as  a  com- 
plete name,  but  as  elements  in  personal  names,  e.g. 
Bel-shar-uijur,  "may  Bel  protect  the  king,"  which 
is  the  equivalent  of  Belshazzar  (Dnl  5  1).  The 
name  is  borne  by  two  persons  in  the  OT: 

(1)  The  son  of  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria,  who 
with  Adrammelech  (q.v.)  murdered  his  father 
(2  K  19  37;  Isa  37  38).  The  Bab  Chronicle 
says  concerning  Sennacherib's  death:  "On  the  20th 
day  of  Tebet  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria,  was 
slain  by  his  son  in  a  revolt."  This  differs  from  the 
OT  account  in  that  it  speaks  of  only  one  murderer, 
and  does  not  give  his  name.  How  the  two  accounts 
can  be  harmonized  is  still  uncertain.  Hitzig, 
(Kritik,  194 ff),  following  Abydenus,  as  quoted  by 


Eusebius,  completed  the  name  of  Sennacherib's  son, 
so  as  to  read  Nergal-sharezer=  N ergal-shar-u§ur 
(Jer  39  3.13),  and  this  is  accepted  by  many  modern 
scholars.  Johns  thinks  that  Sharezer  (shar'eger  or 
sar'eger)  may  be  a  corruption  from  Shar-etir-Ashur, 
the  name  of  a  son  of  Sennacherib  (1-vol  HDB, 
S.V.).     The  question  cannot  be  definitely  settled. 

(2)  A  contemporary  of  the  prophet  Zechariah, 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  sending  of  a 
delegation  to  the  spiritual  heads  of  the  community 
to  inquire  concerning  the  propriety  of  continuing 
the  fasts:  "They  of  Beth-el  had  sent  Sharezer  and 
Regem-melech"  (Zee  7  2).  This  tr  creates  a  diffi- 
culty in  connection  with  the  succeeding  words,  lit. 
"and  his  men."  The  Revisers  place  in  the  margin 
as  an  alternative  rendering,  "They  of  Beth-el,  even 
Sharezer  ....  had  sent."  Sharezer  sounds  pecu- 
liar in  apposition  to  "they  of  Beth-el";  hence  some 
have  thought,  esp.  since  Sharezer  seems  incomplete, 
that  in  the  two  words  Beth-el  and  Sharezer  we  have 
a  corruption  of  what  was  originally  a  single  proper 
name,  perhaps  Bel-sharezer=  iJei-s?!ar-MSMr  =  Bel- 
shazzar. The  present  text,  no  matter  how  tr"*, 
presents  difficulties.    See  Regem-melech. 

.     .  F.  C.  Eisblen 

SHARON,  shar'un  (""niSn,  ha-sharon,  with  the 
def.  art.  possibly  meaning  "the  plain";  to  irtStov, 
to  pedion,  6  Spv)j.(Ss,  ho  drumos,  6  Sapuv,  ho  SaroJi) : 
(1)  This  name  is  attached  to  the  strip  of  fairly 
level  land  which  runs  between  the  mountains  and 
the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  stretching  from 
Nahr  Rubin  in  the  S.  to  Mt.  Carmel  in  the  N. 
There  are  considerable  rolUng  hills;  but,  compared 
with  the  mountains  to  the  E.,  it  is  quite  properly 
described  as  a  plain.  The  soil  is  a  deep  rich  loam, 
which  is  favorable  to  the  growth  of  cereals.  The 
orange,  the  vine  and  the  olive  grow  to  great  per- 
fection. When  the  many-colored  flowers  are  in 
bloom  it  is  a  scene  of  rare  beauty. 

Of  the  streams  in  the  plain  four  carry  the  bulk  of 
the  water  from  the  western  slopes  of  the  mountains 
to  the  sea.  They  are  also  perennial,  being  fed  by 
fountains.  Nahr  el-'Aujeh  enters  the  sea  to  the 
N.  of  Jaffa;  Nahr  I skanderuneh  7  miles,  and  Nahr 
el-Mefjir  fully  2  miles  S.  of  Caesarea;  and  Nahr 
ez-Zerka,  the  "Crocodile  River,"  2i  miles  N.  of 
Caesarea.  Nahr  el-Falik  runs  its  short  course  about 
12  miles  N.  of  Nahr  el-''Aujeh.  Water  is  plentiful, 
and  at  almost  any  point  it  may  be  obtained  by  dig- 
ging. Deep,  finely  built  wells  near  some  of  the 
villages  are  among  the  most  precious  legacies  left 
by  the  Crusaders.  The  breadth  of  the  plain  varies 
from  8  to  12  miles,  being  broadest  in  the  S.  There 
are  traces  of  a  great  forest  in  the  northern  part, 
which  accounts  for  the  use  of  the  term  drumos. 
Jos  {Ant,  XIV,  xiii,  3)  speaks  of  "the  woods"  {hoi 
drumoi)  and  Strabo  (xvi)  of  "a  great  wood."  There 
is  still  a  considerable  oak  wood  in  this  district. 
The  "excellency"  of  Carmel  and  Sharon  (Isa  35  2) 
is  probably  an  allusion  to  the  luxuriant  oak  forests. 
As  in  ancient  times,  great  breadths  are  given  up  to 
the  pasturing  of  cattle.  Over  David's  herds  that 
fed  in  Sharon  was  Shitrai  the  Sharonite  (1  Ch  27 
29).  In  the  day  of  Israel's  restoration  "Sharon 
shall  be  a  fold  of  flocks"  (Isa  65  10).  Jerome 
speaks  of  the  fine  cattle  fed  in  the  pastures  of 
Sharon,  and  also  sings  the  praises  of  its  wine  {Comtn. 
on  Isa  33  and  65).  Toward  the  S.  no  doubt  there 
was  more  cultivation  then  than  there  is  at  the  present 
day._  IThe  Ger.  colony  to  the  N.  of  Jaffa,  pre- 
serving in  its  name,  Sarona,  the  old  Gr  name  of  the 
plain,  and  several  Jewish  colonies  are  proving  the 
wonderful  productiveness  of  the  soil.  The  orange 
groves  of  Jaffa  are  far-famed. 

"The  rose  of  Sharon"  (Cant  2  1)  is  a  mistrans- 
lation: hdhhaggeleth  is  not  a  "rose,"  but  the  white 
narcissus,  which  in  season  abounds  in  the  plain. 


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Shaphat 
Shavsha 


Sharon  is  mentioned  in  the  NT  only  in  Acts  9  35. 

(2)  A  district  E.  of  the  Jordan,  occupied  by  the 
tribe  of  Gad  (1  Ch  5  16;  here  the  name  is  without 
the  art.). ,  Kittel  ("Ch,"  SBOT)  sugge.sts  that  this  is 
a  corruption  from  "Sirion,"  which  again  is  synony- 
mous with  Hermon.  He  would  therefore  identify 
Sharon  with  the  pasture  lands  of  Hermon.  Others 
think  that  the  mishor  or  table-land  of  Gilead  is 
intended. 

(.3)  In  Josh  12  18  we  should  perhaps  read  "the 
king  of  Aphek  in  Sharon."  See  Lashahon.  The 
order  seems  to  point  to  some  place  N.E.  of  Tabor. 
Perhaps  this  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Sarona  of 
OrMm  in  the  district  between  Tabor  and  Tiberias. 
If  so,  the  name  may  be  preserved  in  that  of  Sarona 
on  the  plateau  to  the  S.W.  of  Tiberias. 

W.   EWINQ 


Canaanitish   descent.     The   patronymic    Shaulites 
is  found  in  Nu  26  1.3. 

(3)  An  ancestor  of  Samuel  (1  Ch  6  24  [Heb  9]); 
in  ver  36  he  is  called  "Joel." 

SHAVEH,  sha've,  VALE  OF  (niT»  pp?,  'emeJ? 
shdweh).    See  King's  Vale. 

SHAVEH-KIRIATHAIM,  sha've-kir-ya-tha'im 
(D^rr^lp  rrill) ,  shUweh  kiryalhayim;  iv  Zaui]  t^ 
ir6X.€i,  en  Saut  It  pdlei) :  Here  Chedorlaomer  is  said 
to  have  defeated  the  Emim  (Gen  14  5).  RVm 
reads  "the  plain  of  Kiriathaim."  If  this  rendering 
is  right,  we  must  look  for  the  place  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Kiriathaim  of  Moab  (Jer  48  1,  etc),  which 
is  probably  represented  today  by  el-Kareiydt,  about 
7  miles  to  the  N.  of  Dibon. 


Plain  of  Shaeon. 


SHARONITE,  shar'un-It  ("^JIIlBn,  ha-sharml; 
6  2apuv€tTT)s,  ho  Saroneites) :  Apphed  in  Scripture 
only  to  Shitrai  (1  Ch  27  29).     See  Sharon. 

SHARUHEN,  sha-roo'hen  (]n^"ll9 ,  sharuhen; 
ot  oiYpol  avTMv,  hoi  agroi  aulon):  One  of  the  cities 
in  the  territory  of  Judah  as.signed  to  Simeon  (Josh 
19  6).  In  15  32  it  is  called  "Shilhim,"  and  in  1  Ch 
4  31,  "Shaaraim"  (q.v.). 

SHASHAI,  sha'shi  (ilBffl  ,  shashay;  2co-eC,  Hesei) : 
One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  married  foreign 
wives  (Ezr  10  40)  =  "Sesis"  in  1  Esd  9  34. 

SHASHAK,  sha'shak  (pllJl»  ,  shashak) :  Eponym 
of  a  Benjamitefamily  (1  Ch  8  14.2.5). 

SHAUL,  sha'ul,  SHAULITES,  sha'ul-Its  ('^^STIJ , 
sha'ul;  2oov\,  Saoul) : 

(1)  A  king  of  Edom  (Gen  36  37  ff  =  l  Ch  1 
48  ff). 

(2)  A  son  of  Simeon  (Gen  46  10;  Ex  6  15; 
Nu  26  13;  1  Ch  4  24).  The  clan  was  of  notori- 
ously impure  stock,  and,  therefore,  Shaul  is  called 
"the  son  of  a  Canaanitish  woman"  (Gen  46  10; 
Ex  6  15);    the  clan  was  of  mixed  Israelitish  and 


SHAVING,  Bhav'ing  (in  Job  1  20,  TTS,  gazaz, 
usually  nbj,  galah;  in  Acts  21  24,  |vpdu,  xurdo): 
Customs  as  to  shaving  differ  in  different  countries, 
and  in  ancient  and  modern  times.  Among  the  Egyp- 
tians it  was  customary  to  shave  the  whole  body  (cf 
Gen  41  14).  With  the  Israelites,  shaving  the  head 
was  a  sign  of  mourning  (Dt  21  12;  Job  1  20); 
ordinarily  the  hair  was  allowed  to  grow  long,  and 
was  only  cut  at  intervals  (cf  Absalom,  2  S  14  26). 
Nazirites  were  forbidden  to  use  a  razor,  but  when 
their  vow  was  expired,  or  if  they  were  defiled,  they 
were  to  shave  the  whole  head  (Nu  6  5.9.18  ff; 
cf  Acts  21  24).  The  shaving  of  the  beard  was  not 
permitted  to  the  Israelites;  they  were  prohibited 
from  shaving  off  even  "the  corner  of  their  beard" 
(Lev  21  5).  It  was  an  unpardonable  insult  when 
Hanun,  king  of  the  Ammonites,  cut  off  the  half  of 
the  beards  of  the  Israelites  whom  David  had  sent 
to  him  (2  S  10  4;   1  Ch  19  4). 

Shaving  "with  a  razor  that  is  hired"  is  Isaiah's 
graphic  figure  to  denote  the  complete  devastation 
of  Judah  by  the  Assyr  army  (Isa  7  20) . 

James  Orr 

SHAVSHA,  shav'sha  (XTplT?,  shawsha' ;  in 
2  S  20  25,  Knhibh,  S^'^IC,  sh'yd',  K're,  NIllJ,  sh'wa', 
EV  "Sheva,"  are  refuted  by  LXX;  in  2  S  8  15-18, 


Shawl 
Shebna 


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in  other  respects  identical  with  Ch,  "Seraiah"  is 
found;  LXX  varies  greatly  in  all  passages;  it  is 
the  general  consensus  that  Shavsha  is  correct) :  State 
secretary  or  scribe  during  the  reign  of  David  (1  Ch 
18  16;  2  S  20  25).  He  was  the  first  occupant  of 
this  office,  which  was  created  by  David.  It  is  sig- 
nificant that  his  father's  name  is  omitted  in  the  very 
exact  hst  of  David's  officers  of  state  (1  Ch  18  14- 
17  II  2  S  8  15-18);  this  fact,  coupled  with  the 
foreign  sound  of  his  name,  points  to  his  being  an 
"ahen";  the  assumption  that  the  state  secretary 
handled  correspondence  with  other  countries  may 
explain  David's  choice  of  a  foreigner  for  this  post. 
Shavsha's  two  sons,  Elihoreph  and  Ahijah,  were 
secretaries  of  state  under  Solomon ;  they  are  called 
"sons  of  Shisha"  (1  K  4  3),  "Shisha"  probably 
being  a  variant  of  "Shavsha." 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHAWL,    shol:    RV    substitutes    "shawls"    for 
AV  "wimples"  in  Isa  3  22.     See  Dress. 

SHEAF,  shef,  SHEAVES,  shevz  (Inia'jS,  'alum- 
mah,  Toy  ,  'omcr,  T^'DS' ,  'amir) :  When  the  grain  is 
reaped,  it  is  laid  in  handfuls  back  of  the  reaper  to  be 
gathered  by  children  or  those  who  cannot  stand  the 
harder  work  of  reaping  (Ps  129  7).  The  handfuls 
are  bound  into  large  sheaves,  two  of  which  are  laden 
at  a  time  on  a  donkey  (cf  Neh  13  15).  In  some 
districts  carts  are  used  (cf  Am  2  13).  The  sheaves 
are  piled  about  the  threshing-floors  until  threshing 
time,  which  may  be  several  weeks  after  harvest. 
It  is  an  impressive  sight  to  see  the  huge  stacks  of 
sheaves  piled  about  the  threshing-floors,  the  piles 
often  covering  an  area  greater  than  the  nearby  vil- 
lages (see  Agriculture).  The  ancient  Egyptians 
bound  their  grain  into  small  sheaves,  forming  the 
bundles  with  care  so  that  the  heads  were  equally 
distributed  between  the  two  ends  (see  Wilkinson, 
Ancient  Egyptians,  1878,  II,  424;  cf  Joseph's  dream. 
Gen  37  .5-8).  The  sheaves  mentioned  in  Lev  32 
10-12.15  must  have  been  handfuls.  It  is  a  custom 
in  parts  of  Syria  for  the  gatherers  of  the  sheaves  to 
run  toward  a  passing  horseman  and  wave  a  handful 
of  grain,  shouting  kemshi,  kemshi  (lit.  "handful"). 
They  want  the  horseman  to  feed  the  grain  to  his 
horse.  In  OT  times  forgotten  sheaves  had  to  be 
left  for  the  sojourner  (Dt  24  19);  cf  the  kindness 
shown  to  Ruth  by  the  reapers  of  Boaz  (Ruth  2 
7.15). 

Figurative:  "Being  hungry  they  carry  the 
sheaves"  is  a  picture  of  torment  similar  to  that  of 
the  hungry  horse  urged  to  go  by  the  bundle  of  hay 
tied  before  him  (Job  24  10).  The  joyful  sight  of 
the  sheaves  of  an  abundant  harvest  was  used  by  the 
Psalmist  to  typify  the  joy  of  the  returning  captives 
(Ps  126  6).  James  A.  Patch 

SHEAL,  she'al  (bxffi ,  sh''al,  "request"):  One  of 
the  Israelites  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  taken 
foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  29,  LXX  Salmiid.  LXX  Luc, 
Assael;  1  Esd  9  30,  "Jasaelus"). 

SHEALTIEL,  shG-ol'ti-el  (bs^nbsip ,  sh"aUl'el, 
but  in  Hag  1  12.14;  2  2,  bsipbllj ,  shalti'el;  LXX 
and  the  NT  always  2a\aeLT|\,  SalalhiU,  hence  "Sala- 
thiel"  of  1  Esd  5  5.48..56;  6  2;  AV  of  Mt  1  12; 
Lk  3  27):  Father  of  Zerubbabel  (Ezr  3  2.8;  5  2; 
Neh  12  1;  Hag  1  1.12.14;  2  2.23).  But,  accord- 
ing to  1  Ch3  17,  Shealtiel  was  the  oldest  son  of 
King  Jeconiah;  in  ver  19  the  MT  makes  Pedaiah, 
a  brother  of  Shealtiel,  the  father  of  Zerubbabel  (cf 
Curtis, /CC). 

SHEAR,  sher.     See  Sheep;   Sheep  Tending. 


SHEARIAH,  she-a-ri'a,  shs-iir'ya  (n;!"]?®, 
sh'^aryah;  Sapaid,  Saraid) :  A  descendant  of  Saul 
(1  Ch  8  38;  9  44). 

SHEARING,  sher'ing,  HOUSE  (Diyhn  nj??  Pli?, 
heth  'ekedh  ha-roHm,  "house  of  binding  of  the  shep- 
herds"; B,  BaiBaKaS  [A,  Bai6dKa8]  Twv  woin^vcov, 
Baithdkath  [Baithdkad]  ton  poimenon) :  Here,  in  the 
course  of  his  extinction  of  the  house  of  Ahab,  Jehu 
met  and  destroyed  42  men,  "the  brethren  of  Aha- 
ziah  king  of  Judah"  (2  K  10  12-14).  Onom  takes 
the  phrase  as  a  proper  name,  Bethacath,  and  locates 
the  village  15  miles  from  Legio  in  the  plain.  This 
seems  to  point  to  identification  with  Beit  Kad,  about 
3  miles  E.  of  Jenln. 

SHEAR-JASHUB,  she-ar-ja'shub  or  jash'ub 
(IITC^  ''¥'?'>  sh'^ar  yashUhh,  "a  remnant  shall  re- 
turn"; LiXX.  ho  kataleiphtheis  lasoiib) :  The  son  of 
Isaiah,  who  accompanied  him  when  he  set  out  to 
meet  Ahaz  (Isa  7  3).  The  name  like  that  of  other 
children  of  prophets  (cf  "Immanuel,"  "Maher- 
shalal-hash-baz,"  "Lo-ruhamah,"  etc)  is  symbolic 
of  a  message  which  the  prophet  wishes  to  empha- 
size. Thus  Isaiah  uses  the  very  words  sh''dr  ya- 
shubh  to  express  his  oft-repeated  statement  that 
a  remnant  of  Israel  will  return  to  Jeh  (Isa  10  21). 

SHEATH,  sheth.     See  Sword. 

SHEBA,  she'ba  (Sni?  ,  shobM';  Sapd,  Sabd) :  (1) 
Sheba  and  Dedan  are  the  two  sons  of  Raamah  son 
of  Cush  (Gen  10  7).  (2)  Sheba  and  Dedan  are 
the  two  sons  of  Jokshan  the  son  of  Abraham  and 
Keturah  (25  3).  (3)  Sheba  is  a  son  of  Joktan  son 
of  Eber  who  was  a  descendant  of  Shem  (10  28). 

From  the  above  statements  it  would  appear  that 
Sheba  was  the  name  of  an  Arab  tribe,  and  conse- 
quently of  Sem  descent.  The  fact  that  Sheba  and 
Dedan  are  represented  as  Cushite  (Gen  10  7) 
would  point  to  a  migration  of  part  of  these  tribes 
to  Ethiopia,  and  similarly  their  derivation  from 
Abraham  (25  3)  would  indicate  that  some  families 
were  located  in  Syria.  In  point  of  fact  Sheba  was 
a  South- Arabian  or  Joktanite  tribe  (Gen  10  28), 
and  his  own  name  and  that  of  some  of  his  brothers 
(e.g.  Hazarmaveth  =  Hadhramaut)  are  place-names 
in  Southern  Arabia. 

The  Sabaeans  or  people  of  Saba  or  Sheba,  are 
referred  to  as  traders  in  gold  and  spices,  and  as  in- 
habiting a  country  remote  from  Pal  (1  K  10  1  f; 
Isa  60  6;  Jer  6  20;  Ezk  27  22;  Ps  72  15;  Mt 
12  42),  also  as  slave-traders  (Joel  3  8),  or  even 
desert-rangers  (Job  1  15;  6  19;  cf  CIS  84  3). 

By  the  Arab  genealogists  Saba  is  represented  as 
great-grandson  of  Kahtan  (  =  Joktan)  and  ancestor 
of  all  the  South-Arabian  tribes.  He  is  the  father 
of  Himyar  and  Kahlan.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
named  Saba  because  he  was  the  first  to  take 
prisoners  (shabhah)  in  war.  He  founded  the  capital 
of  Saba  and  built  its  citadel  Marib  (Mariaba), 
famous  for  its  mighty  barrage. 

The  authentic  history  of  the  Sabaeans,  so  far  as 
known,  and  the  topography  of  their  country  are 
derived  from  South-Arabian  inscrip- 
1.  History  tions,  which  began  to  be  discovered 
about  the  middle  of  the  last  century, 
and  from  coins  dating  from  about  150  BC  to  150 
AD,  the  first  collection  of  which  was  published  in 
1880,  and  from  the  South-Arabian  geographer 
HamdanI,  who  was  later  made  known  to  European 
scholars.  One  of  the  Sabaean  kings  is  mentioned  on 
Assyr  inscriptions  of  the  year  715  BC;  and  he  is 
apparently  not  the  earliest.  The  native  monu- 
ments are  scattered  over  the  period  extending  from 
before  that  time  until  the  0th  cent.  AD,  when  the 


2753 


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Shawl 
Shebna 


Sabaean  state  came  to  an  end,  being  most  numerous 
about  the  commencement  of  our  era.  Saba  was 
the  name  of  the  nation  of  which  Marib  was  the 
usual  capital.  The  Sabaeans  at  first  shared  the 
sovereignty  of  South  Arabia  with  Himyar  and  one 
or  two  other  nations,  but  gradually  absorbed  the 
territories  of  these  some  time  after  the  Christian  era. 
The  form  of  government  seems  to  have  been  that  of 
a  republic  or  oligarchy,  the  chief  magistracy  going 
by  a  kind  of  rotation,  and  more  than  one  "king" 
holding  office  simultaneously  (similarly  Dt  4  47 
and  often  in  the  OT).  The  "people  seem  to  have 
been  divided  into  patricians  and  plebeians,  the 
former  of  whom  had  the  right  to  build  castles  and 
to  share  in  the  government. 

A  number  of  deities  are  mentioned  on  the  inscrip- 
tions,   two    chief    being    Il-Makkih    and    Ta'lab. 
Others  are  Athtar  (masc.  form  of  the 

2.  Religion    Bib.    'ashtarolh),    Rammon    (the   Bib. 

Rimmon),  the  Sun,  and  others.  The 
Sun  and  Athtar  were  further  defined  by  the  addition 
of  the  name  of  a  place  or  tribe,  just  as  Baal  in  the 
OT.  Worship  took  the  form  of  gifts  to  the  temples, 
of  sacrifices,  esp.  incense,  of  pilgrimages  and  prayers. 
Ceremonial  ablution,  and  abstinence  from  certain 
things,  as  well  as  formal  dedication  of  the  wor- 
shipper and  his  household  and  goods  to  the  deity, 
were  also  religious  acts.  In  return  the  deity  took 
charge  of  his  worshipper's  castle,  wells,  and  belong- 
ings, and  supplied  him  with  cereals,  vegetables  and 
fruits,  as  well  as  granted  him  male  issue. 

(1)  The  chief  occupations  of  the  Sabaeans  were 
raiding   and    trade.     The   chief   products  of   their 

country  are  enumerated  in  Isa  60  6, 

3.  Civil-  which  agrees  with  the  Assyr  inscrip- 
ization  tions.     The    most    important    of    all 

commodities  was  incense,  and  it  is  sig- 
nificant that  the  same  word  which  in  the  other  Sem 
languages  means  "gold,"  in  Sabaean  means  "per- 
fume" (and  also  "gold").  To  judge,  however,  from 
the  number  of  times  they  are  mentioned  upon  the 
inscriptions,  agriculture  bulked  much  more  largely 
in  the  thoughts  of  the  Sabaean  than  commerce,  and 
was  of  equal  importance  with  religion. 

(2)  The  high  position  occupied  by  women  among 
the  Sabaeans  is  reflected  in  the  story  of  the  Queen  of 
Sheba  and  Solomon.  In  almost  all  respects  women 
appear  to  have  been  considered  the  equal  of  men, 
and  to  have  discharged  the  same  civil,  religious  and 
even  military  functions.  Polygamy  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  practised.  The  Sabaean  inscriptions 
do  not  go  back  far  enough  to  throw  any  light  upon 
the  queen  who  was  contemporary  with  Solomon,  and 
the  Arab,  identification  of  her  with  Bilkis  is  merely 
due  to  the  latter  being  the  only  Sabaean  queen  known 
to  them.  Bilkis  must  have  Uved  several  centuries 
later  than  the  Heb  monarch. 

(3)  The  alphabet  used  in  the  Sabaean  inscriptions 
is  considered  by  Professor  Margoliouth  to  be  the 
original  Sem  alphabet,  from  which  the  others  are 
derived.  In  other  respects  Sabaean  art  seems  to  be 
dependent  on  that  of  Assyria,  Persia  and  Greece. 
The  coins  are  Gr  and  Rom  in  style,  while  the  system 
of  weights  employed  is  Persian.  See  further  Sa- 
baeans. 

LiTERATnRE. — Rodiger  and  Osiander  in  ZDMG,  vols 
XX  and  XXI;  Halevy  in  Journal  Asiatique,  Serie  6,  vol 
IX;  CIS,  pt.  IV.  ed  by  J.  and  H.  Derenbourg;  IJam- 
dani,  ed  by  D.  H.  Muller,  1891;  Mordtmann,  Himya- 
rische  Inachriften,  1893;  Hommel.  Siidarabische  Chrestho- 
mathie,  1893;  Gla.ser,  Abyssinien  in  Arabien,  189.5; 
D.  H.  Muller,  Sudarabische  AlterthUmer,  1899;  Deren- 
bourg, Les  monuments  sabeens,  1899.  On  the  Coins, 
Schlumberger,  Le  tresor  de  Sana,  1880;  Mordtmann  in 
Wiener  numismatische  Zeitschrift,  1880. 

Thomas  Hunter  Weir 
SHEBA,  she'ba  (7?© ,  shebha';  ZdpcE,  Sdbee,  or 
Sdjiao,  Sdmaa):   The  name  of  one  of  the  towns 
aOotted  to  Simeon  (Josh  19  2).     AV  mentions  it 


as  an  independent  town,  but  as  it  is  not  men- 
tioned at  all  in  the  parallel  list  (1  Ch  4  28),  and  is 
omitted  in  Josh  19  2  in  some  KISS,  it  is  probable 
that  RV  is  correct  in  its  tr  "Beer-sheba  or  Sheba." 
Only  in  this  way  can  the  total  of  towns  in  this  group 
be  made  13  (Josh  19  6).  If  it  is  a  separate  name, 
it  is  probably  the  same  as  Shema  (q.v.). 

E.  W.  O.  Masterman 
SHEBA,  QUEEN  OF.     See  Queen  of  Sheba. 

SHEBAH,  she'ba.     See  Shibah. 

SHEBAM,  she'bam.     See  Sebam. 

SHEBANIAH,  sheb-a-ni'a,  shS-ban'ya  (H'^^nT? , 
sh'hhanyah,  in  1  Ch  15  24,  sh'bhanyahu) : 

(1)  Name  of  a  Levite  or  a  Levitical  family  that 
participated  in  the  religious  rites  that  followed  the 
reading  of  the  Law  (Neh  9  4).  The  name  is  given 
in  Neh  10  10  among  those  that  sealed  the  covenant . 

(2)  A  priest  or  Levite  who  took  part  in  the 
sealing  of  the  covenant  (Neh  10  4;  12  14).  See 
Shecaniah. 

(3)  Another  Levite  who  sealed  the  covenant 
(Neh  10  12). 

(4)  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Ch  15  24). 

SHEBARIM,  sheb'a-rim,  shB-ba'rim  (Di-l31pn, 
ha-sh'hharim;  o-i)v^Tpi\|iav,  sunetripsan) :  After  the 
repulse  of  the  first  attack  on  their  city  the  men 
of  Ai  chased  the  Israelites  "even  unto  Shebarim" 
(Josh  7  5).  RVm  reads  "the  quarries";  so  Keil, 
Steuernagel,  etc.  LXX  reads  "until  they  were 
broken,"  i.e.  until  the  rout  was  complete.  The 
direction  of  the  flight  was  of  course  from  Ai  toward 
Gilgal  in  the  Jordan  valley.  No  trace  of  such  a 
name  has  yet  been  found. 

SHEBAT,  she-biit'  (UlTlJ ,  sh'bhal):  The  11th 
month  of  the  Jewish  year  (Zee  1  7),  corresponding 
to  February.     See  Calendar. 

SHEBER,she'ber  (IITB  ,  shebher;  B,  Sdpep,  Sd6er, 
A,  2ip«p,  Seber) :  A  son  of  Caleb  by  his  concubine 
Maacah  (1  Ch  2  48). 

SHEBNA,  sheb'na  (XD3ip,  shebhna';  Soiivas, 
Sdmnas;  but  nD31|5,  shebhnah,  in  2  K  18  18.26; 
meaning  uncertain  [2  K  18  18.26.37  and  19  2  =  Isa 
36  3.11.22  and  37  2;  Isa  22  15]): 

In  Isa  22  15  Shebna  is  referred  to  as  he  "who 
is  over  the  house,"  or  household,  apparently  that  of 
the  king.  The  phrase  is  tr^"  '  'steward  of 
1.  Position  the  house"  in  RV  of  Gen  43  16.19;  44  1, 
in  Isa  22  and  occurs  also  in  39  4,  "overseer"; 
44  4.  It  is  used  of  an  officer  of  the 
Northern  Kingdom  in  1  K  16  9;  18  3;  2  K  10 
5.  This  officer  is  distinguished  from  him  "that  was 
over  the  city"  in  2  K  10  5,  and  it  is  said  in  2  K 
15  5  that  after  his  father  Azariah  was  stricken  with 
leprosy,  "Jotham,  the  king's  son,  was  over  the 
household,  judging  all  the  people  of  the  land." 
Again  Isa  22  15  speaks  of  "this  ^okhen,"  a  phrase 
that  must  apply  to  Shebna  if  the  prophecy  refers 
to  him.  This  word  is  the  participle  of  a  vb.  meaning 
"to  be  of  use  or  service,"  so  "to  benefit"  in  Job  15  3; 
22  2;  34  9.  The  fem.  participle  is  employed  of 
Abishag  in  1  K  1  2.4,  where  AVm  translates 
"cherisher";  iJZ)S renders  it  "servitor"  or  "steward" 
in  Isa  22  15.  It  occurs  also  as  a  Can.  gloss  in  the 
Am  Tab  (Winckler  no.  237.9).  The  .■}dkhen  was 
evidently  a  high  officer:  Shebna  had  splendid 
chariots  (ver  18),  but  what  the  office  exactly  was 
is  not  certain.  The  other  reference  to  Shebna  in 
the  title  of  the  prophecy  would  lead  one  to  conclude 
that  it  denoted  him  "who  was  over  the  household," 


Shebna 
Shechem 


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2754 


i.e.  govei-nor  of  the  palace,  probably,  or  major- 
domo.  The  word  sokhen  is  thus  a  general  title; 
others  deny  this,  maintaining  that  it  would  then 
occur  more  frequently. 

In  2  K  18  f  =  Isa  36  f  we  find  too  a  Shebna  men- 
tioned among  the  oflficers  of  Hezekiah.     There  he 
is  called  the  gopher,  "scribe"  or  "sec- 

2.  Shebna  retary,"  i.e.  a  minister  of  state  of  some 
in  2  K  18  f    kind,  whereas  Eliakim  is  he  '  'who  is 

over  the  household."  Is  then  the 
Shebna  of  Isa  22  the  same  as  this  officer?  It  is  of 
course  possible  that  two  men  of  the  same  name 
should  hold  high  office  about  the  same  time.  We 
find  a  Joah  (ben  Asaph)  "recorder"  under  Heze- 
kiah (2  K  18  IS)  and  a  Joah  (ben  Joahaz)  having 
the  very  same  position  under  Josiah  a  century  later 
(2  Ch  34  8).  But  such  a  coincidence  is  rare. 
Had  there  been  two  high  officers  of  state  bearing 
this  name,  it  is  most  probable  that  they  would 
somehow  have  been  distinguished  one  from  the 
other.  Shebna's  name  is  thought  to  be  Aram., 
thus  pointing  to  a  foreign  descent,  but  G.  B.  Gray, 
"Isa,"  ICC,  373  ff,  denies  this.  We  can  perhaps 
safely  infer  that  he  was  a  parvenu  from  the  fact 
that  he  was  hewing  himself  a  sepulcher  in  Jerus, 
apparently  among  those  of  the  Heb  nobility, 
whereas  a  native  would  have  an  ancestral  burial- 
place  in  the  land. 

However,  in  2  K,  Shebna  is  the  scribe  and  not 
the  governor  of  the  palace.  How  is  this  to  be  ex- 
plained?    The  answer  is  in  Isaiah's  prophecy. 

The  prophecy  of  Isa  22  divides  itself  into  3  sec- 
tions.    The  words  "against    [not   as   RV   "unto"] 

Shebna  who   is  over  the  house,"   or 

3.  Isa  22:  palace,  are  properly  the  title  of  the 
15  S  prophecy,  and  should  come  therefore 

at  the  very  beginning  of  ver  15. 

(1)  Vs  15-18  form  one  whole.  In  ver  16  the 
words  "hewing  him  out  a  sepulchre,"  etc,  should  be 
placed  immediately  before  the  rest  of  the  verse  as 
ver  16a  with  the  rest  of  the  section  is  in  the  second 
person.  We  thus  read  (vs  15-17) :  'Against  Shebna 
who  was  over  the  house.  Thus  saith  the  Lord, 
Jeh  of  hosts,  Go  unto  this  steward  [RVm]  that  is 
hewing  him  out  a  sepulchre  on  high,  graving  a 
habitation  for  himself  in  the  rock,  (and  say]  What 
doest  thou  here  and  whom  hast  thou  here  that 
thou  hast  hewed  thee  out  here  a  sepulchre?  Be- 
hold, Jeh  of  hosts,  .  .  .  .'  etc.  G.  H.  Box  (Isa) 
would  further  transpose  some  parts  of  vs  17  f. 
Shebna  is  to  be  tossed  like  a  ball  into  "a  land  wide 
of  sides,"  i.e.  a  broad  extensive  land.  He  is  addressed 
as  a  disgrace  to  the  house  of  his  royal  master.  The 
prophet's  language  is  that  of  personal  invective, 
and  one  asks  what  had  made  him  so  indignant. 
Some  (e.g.  Dillmann,  Delitzsch)  suggest  that  Shebna 
was  the  leader  of  a  pro-Egyp  party,  while  others 
(e.g.  Cheyne)  believe  that  the  party  was  pro-Assyr 
(cf  Isa  8  5-8a).  The  actual  date  of  the  prophecy 
can  only  be  inferred. 

(2)  Isa  22  19-23  contains  a  prophecy  which 
states  that  Eliakim  is  to  be  given  someone's  post, 
apparently  that  of  Shebna,  if  this  section  be  by 
Isaiah;  ver  23,  however,  is  held  by  many  to  be  a 
gloss.  These  verses  are  not  so  vehement  in  tone 
as  the  previous  ones.  Some  maintain  that  the 
section  is  not  by  Isaiah  (Duhm,  Marti).  It  can, 
however,  be  Isaianic,  only  later  in  date  than  vs  15  ff , 
being  possibly  meant  to  modify  the  former  utter- 
ance. The  palace  governor  is  to  lose  his  office  and 
to  be  succeeded  by  Eliakim,  who  is  seen  to  hold 
that  post  in  2  K  18  f  (see  Eliakim)  . 

(3)  Vs  24  f  are  additions  to  the  two  utterances 
by  a  later  hand;  they  predict  the  ruin  of  some  such 
official  as  Ehakim  owing  to  his  own  family. 

There  is  nothing  a  priori  against  believing  that 
these  three  sections  are  entirely  independent  one 


of  another,  but  there  seems  to  be  some  connection 
between  (1)  and  (2),  and  again  between  (2)  and  (3). 

Now  the  question  that  has  to  be  solved 
4.   Date  is  that  of  the  relation  of  Isa  22  15  ff 

of  the  with  2  K   18f=Isa  36  f,    where    are 

Prophecy       given  the  events  of  701  BC.     We  have 

the  following  facts :  (a)  Shebna  is  scribe 
in  701,  and  Eliakim  is  governor  of  the  palace;  (b) 
Shebna  is  governor  of  the  palace  in  Isa  22  15,  and 
is  to  be  deposed;  (c)  if  Isa  22  18-22  be  by  Isaiah, 
Eliakim  was  to  succeed  Shebna  in  that  post. 
Omitting  for  the  moment  everything  but  (a)  and 
(fe),  the  only  solution  that  is  to  any  extent  satis- 
factory is  that  Isa  22  15-18  is  to  be  dated  previ- 
ous to  701  BC.  This  is  the  view  preferred  by 
G.  B.  Gray,  op.  cit.  And  this  is  the  most  satis- 
factory theory  if  we  take  (2)  above  into  considera- 
tion. The  prophecy  then  contained  in  (1)  had  not 
been  as  yet  fulfilled  in  701,  but  (2)  had  come  to 
pass;  Shebna  was  no  longer  governor  of  the  pal- 
ace, but  held  the  position  of  scribe.  Exile  might 
still  be  in  store  for  him. 

Another  explanation  is  put  forward  by  K.  Fullerton 
in  AJT.  IX,  621-42  (1905  and  criticized  by  E.  Konig 
in  X,  675-86  (1906).  Fullerton  rejects  vs  24  f  as  not 
due  to  Isaiah,  and  maintains  that  Isa  22  15-18  was 
spoken  by  the  prophet  early  in  the  reign  of  Rlanasseh, 
i.e.  later  than  2  K  18  f.  "not  so  much  as  a  prophecy,  a 
simple  prediction,  as  an  attempt  to  drive  Shebna  from 

office It  must  be  admitted  that  Isaiah  probably 

did  not  succeed.     The  reactionary  party  seems  to  have 

remained  in  control  during  the  reign  of  Manasseh 

Fortunately,  the  moral  significance  of  Isaiah  does  not 
depend  on  the  fulfilment  of  this  or  that  specific  predic- 
tion. We  are  dealing  not  with  a  walking  oracle,  but 
with  a  great  character  and  a  noble  hfe"  (p.  639).  He 
then  infers  from  the  massacres  of  Manasseh  (2  K  21  16) 
' '  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  against  him  by  the 
prophetic  party  which  proposed  to  place  Ehakim  on  the 
throne  "  (p.  640) .  Isaiah  he  thinks  would  not  "  resort  to 
such  violent  measures,"  and  so  the  character  of  Isaiah 
makes  it  questionable  whether  he  was  the  author  of  vs 
20-23.  This  part  would  then  be  due  to  the  prophetic 
party  "who  went  a  step  farther  than  their  great  leader 
would  approve."  This  view  assumes  too  much,  (a) 
that  the  terras  in  vs  20-23  refer  to  kingly  power;  (b) 
that  Eliakim  was  of  Davidic  descent,  unless  we  have 
a  man  of  non-Davidic  origin  aiming  at  the  throne,  which 
is  again  a  thing  unheard  of  in  Judah;  and  (c)  that  there 
was  such  a  plot  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh,  of  which  we 
have  no  proof. 

David  Francis  Roberts 

SHEBUEL,  sh5-bu'el,  sheb'a-el  (bX^lT?  ,  sh'bhu'el; 
2ovPaT|\,  Soubael) : 

(1)  A  son  of  Gershom  and  grandson  of  Moses  (1 
Ch  23  16).  He  was  "ruler  over  the  treasures" 
(26  24).  In  24  20  he  is  caUed  "Shubael,"  which  is 
probably  the  original  form  of  the  name  (see  Gray, 
HPN,  310). 

(2)  A  son  of  Heman  (1  Ch  25  4),  caUed  in  ver 
20  "Shubael"  (LXX  as  in  ver  4). 

SHECANLAH,  SHECHANIAH,  shek-a-nl'a,  shS- 
kan'ya  (n;5?lp ,  sh'khanyah  [in  1  Ch  24  11;  2  Ch 
31  15,  sh'hhanyahii];  B,  'I<rxavi.d,  Ischanid,  2€K€vi4, 
Sekenid) : 

(1)  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Ch  3  21.22). 
This  is  the  same  Shecaniah  mentioned  in  Ezr  8  3. 

(2)  "The  sons  of  Shecaniah,"  so  the  MT  of  Ezr 
8  5  reads,  were  among  those  who  returned  with  Ezra, 
but  a  name  appears  to  have  been  lost  from  the  text, 
and  we  should  probably  read  "of  the  sons  of  Zattu, 
Shecaniah  the  son  of  Jahaziel"  (cf  1  Esd  8  32,  "of 
the  sons  of  Zathoes,  Sechenias  the  son  of  Jezelus"). 

(3)  Chief  of  the  tenth  course  of  priests  (1  Ch 
24  11). 

(4)  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Ch 
31  15). 

(5)  A  contemporary  of  Ezra  who  supported  him 
in  his  opposition  to  foreign  marriages  (Ezr  10  2). 

(6)  The  father  of  Shemaiah,  "the  keeper  of  the 
east  gate"  (Neh  3  29). 


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Shebna 
Shechem 


(7)  The  father-in-law  of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite 
(Neh  6  18). 

(8)  The  cponym  of  a  family  which  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Neh  12  3).  It  is  the  same  name 
which,  by  an  interchange  of  (1)  bh  and  (D)  kh, 
appears  as  Shebaniah  (see  Shebaniah,  [2])  in 
Neh  10  4.12.14.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHECHEM,  she'kem  (DDTp ,  skhhem,  "shoulder"; 

2«x«V)  Suchem,  t]  SCKijia,  he  Slkima,  tA  2CKi(j.a,  Ul 
Sikima,   etc;    AV  gives   "Sichem"   in 

1.  Histori-    Gen  12  6;  and  "Sychem"  in  Acts  7  16j: 

cal  This  place  is  first  mentioned  in  con- 

nection with  Abraham's  journey  from 

Haran.     At  the  oak  of  Moreh  in  the  vicinity  he 


of  Ephraim;  it  was  made  a  city  of  refuge,  and  as- 
signed to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (20  7;  2121). 
Near  the  city  the  Law  was  promulgated  (Dt  27  11; 
Josh  8  33).  When  his  end  was  approaching 
Joshua  gathered  the  tribes  of  Israel  here  and  ad- 
dressed to  them  his  final  words  of  counsel  and  e-\- 
hortation  (eh  24).  Under  the  oak  in  the  neighbor- 
ing sanctuary  he  set  up  the  stone  of  witness  (ver  26) . 
The  war  of  conquest  being  done,  Joseph's  bones 
were  buried  in  the  parcel  of  ground  which  Jacob 
had  bought,  and  which  fell  to  the  lot  of  Joseph's 
descendants  (ver  33).  Abimelech,  whose  mother 
was  a  native  of  the  city,  persuaded  the  men  of 
Shechem  to  make  him  king  (Jgs  9  1-6),  evidently 
seeking  a  certain  consecration  from  association  with 


NSblcs  and  Mt.  Ebal. 


reared  his  first  altar  to  the  Lord  in  Pal  (Gen  12  6  f). 
It  was  doubtless  by  this  oak  that  Jacob,  on  his 
return  from  Paddan-aram,  buried  "the  strange 
[ARV  "foreign"]  gods"  (35  4).  Hither  he  had  come 
after  his  meeting  with  Esau  (33  18).  Onom  here 
identifies  Shechem  with  Shalem;  but  see  Shale.vi. 
To  the  E.  of  the  city  Jacob  pitched  his  tent  in  a 
"parcel  of  ground"  which  he  had  bought  from  Hamor, 
Shechem's  father  (ver  19).  Here  also  he  raised 
an  altar  and  called  it  El-Elohe-Israel,  "God,  the 
God  of  Israel"  (ver  20).  Then  foUows  the  story  of 
Dinah's  defilement  by  Shechem,  son  of  the  city's 
chief;  and  of  the  treacherous  and  terrible  vengeance 
exacted  by  Simeon  and  Levi  (ch  34).  To  the  rich 
pasture  land  near  Shechem  Joseph  came  to  seek  his 
brethren  (37  12  ff).  It  is  mentioned  as  lying  to  the 
W.  of  Michmethath  (el-Makhneh)  on  the  boundary 
of  Manasseh  (Josh  17  7).     It  was  in  the  territory 


"the  oak  of  the  pillar  that  was  in  Shechem."  Jo- 
tham's  parable  was  spoken  from  the  cliff  of  Gerizim 
overhanging  the  town  (vs  7ff).  After  a  reign  of 
three  years  Abimelech  was  rejected  by  the  people. 
He  captured  the  city,  razed  it  to  the  foundations, 
and  sowed  it  with  salt.  It  was  then  the  seat  of  Can. 
idolatry,  the  temple  of  Baal-berith  being  here  (Jgs 
9  4.46).  In  the  time  of  the  kings  we  find  that  the 
city  was  once  more  a  gathering-place  of  the  nation. 
It  was  evidently  the  center,  esp.  for  the  northern 
tribes;  and  hither  Rehoboam  came  in  the  hope  of 
getting  his  succession  to  the  throne  confirmed  (1  K 
12  1;  2  Ch  10  1).  At  the  disruption  Jeroboam 
fortified  the  city  and  made  it  his  residence  (ver  25; 
Ant,  VIII,  viii,  4).  The  capital  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom  was  moved,  however,  first  to  Tirzah  and 
then  to  Samaria,  and  Shechem  declined  in  pohtical 
importance.     Indeed  it  is  not  named  again  in  the 


Shechem 
Sheepcote 


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history  of  the  monarchy.  Apparently  there  were 
Israehtes  in  it  after  the  captivity,  some  of  whom 
on  their  way  to  the  house  of  the  Lord  at  Jerus  met 
a  tragic  fate  at  the  hands  of  Ishmael  ben  Netha- 
niah  (Jer  41  5  ff) .  It  became  the  central  city  of 
the  Samaritans,  whose  shrine  was  built  on  Mt. 
Gerizim  (Sir  50  26;  Ant,  XI,  viii,  6;  XII,  i,  1; 
XIII,  iii,  4).  Shechem  was  captured  by  John 
Hyrcanus  in  132  BC  {Ant,  XIII,  ix,  1;  BJ,  I,  ii,  6). 
It  appears  in  the  NT  only  in  the  speech  of  Stephen 
(Acts  7  16,  AV  "Sychem")-  Some  (e.g.  Smith, 
DB,  s.v.)  would  identify  it  with  Sychar  of  Jn  4  5; 
but  see  Sychar.  Under  the  Romans  it  became 
Flavia  Neapolis.  In  later  times  it  was  the  seat  of 
a  bishopric;  the  names  of  five  occupants  of  the 
see  are  known. 

There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  situation  of  ancient 

Shechem.     It  lay  in  the  pass  which  cuts  through 

Mts.    Ephraim,    Ebal    and     Gerizim, 

2.  Location  guarding  it  on  the  N.  and  S.  respect- 
and  Physi-  ively.  Along  this  line  runs  the  great 
cal  Features  road  which  from  time  immemorial  has 

formed  the  easiest  and  the  quickest 
means  of  communication  between  the  E.  of  the 
Jordan  and  the  sea.  It  must  have  been  a  place  of 
strength  from  antiquity.  The  name  seems  to  occur  in 
Travels  of  a  Mohar  (Max  Miiller,  Asien  u.  Europa, 
394),  "Mountain  of  Sahama"  probably  referring  to 
Ebal  or  Gerizim.  The  ancient  city  may  have  lain 
somewhat  farther  E.  than  the  modem  Nablus,  in 
which  the  Rom  name  Neapolis  survives.  The  situ- 
ation is  one  of  great  beauty.  The  city  lies  close 
to  the  foot  of  Gerizim.  The  terraced  slopes  of  the 
mountain  rise  steeply  on  the  S.  Across  the  valley, 
musical  with  the  sound  of  running  water,  the  great 
bulk  of  Ebal  rises  on  the  N.,  its  sides,  shaggy  with 
prickly  pear,  sliding  down  into  corn  fields  and 
orchards.  The  copious  springs  which  supply  abun- 
dance of  water  rise  at  the  base  of  Gerizim.  The 
fruitful  and  weU-wooded  valley  winds  westward 
among  the  hills.  It  is  traversed  by  the  carriage 
road  leading  to  Jaffa  and  the  sea.  Eastward  the 
vaUey  opens  upon  the  plain  of  Makhneh.  To  the 
E.  of  the  city,  in  a  recess  at  the  base  of  Gerizim,  is 
the  sanctuary  known  as  Rijal  el-^Amud,  lit.  "men 
of  the  column"  or  "piUar,"  where  some  would  locate 
the  ancient  "oak  of  Moreh"  or  "of  the  pillar." 
Others  wouldfind  it  in  a  little  village  tartherE.  with 
a  fine  springy  called  Balata,  a  name  which  may  be 
connected  with  ballut,  "oak."  Still  farther  to  the 
E.  and  near  the  base  of  Ebal  is  the  traditional  tomb 
of  Joseph,  a  Uttle  white-domed  building  beside  a 
luxuriant  orchard.  On  the  slope  of  the  mountain 
beyond  is  the  village  of  'Askar;  see  Sychar.  To 
the  S.  of  the  vale  is  the  traditional  Well  of  Jacob; 
see  Jacob's  Well.  To  the  S.W.  of  the  city  is  a 
small  mosque  on  the  spot  where  Jacob  is  said  to 
have  mourned  over  the  blood-stained  coat  of 
Joseph.  In  the  neighboring  minaret  is  a  stone 
whereon  the  Ten  Commandments  are  engraved  in 
Samaritan  characters.  The  main  center  of  interest 
in  the  town  is  the  synagogue  of  the  Samaritans, 
with  their  ancient  MS  of  the  Pent. 

The  modern  town  contains  about  20,000  inhab- 
itants,  the  great  body  of  them  being   Moslems. 

There  are  some  700  or  800  Christians, 

3.  Modern  chiefly  belonging  to  the  Gr  Orthodox 
Shechem       church.     The  Samaritans  do  not  total 

more  than  200.  The  place  is  still  the 
market  for  a  wide  district,  both  E.  and  W.  of  Jor- 
dan. A  considerable  trade  is  done  in  cotton  and 
wool.  Soap  is  manufactvired  in  large  quantities, 
oil  for  this  purpose  being  plentifidly  supplied  by  the 
olive  groves.  Tanning  and  the  manufacture  of 
leather  goods  are  also  carried  on.  In  old  times  the 
slopes  of  Ebal  were  covered  with  vineyards;  but 
these  formed  a  source  of  temptation  to  the  "faith- 


ful."    They  were  therefore  removed  by  authority, 
and  their  place  taken  by  the  prickly  pears  men- 


tioned above. 


W.  EwiNG 


SHECHEMITES,  she'kem-Its  ("^'Opffi'n,  ha- 
shikJunl;  Sux^P'*'!  Suchemei) :  The  descendants 
of  Shechem  the  son  of  Gilead,  a  clan  of  Eastern 
Manasseh  (Nu  26  31;  Josh  17  2). 

SHED,  SHEDDING:  The  three  Heb  words, 
naghar,  slm  or  silm  and  shaphakh,  tr"*  "shed"  in 
many  OT  passages,  always  mean  a  "pouring  out," 
and  in  nearly  every  case  point  to  the  effusion  of 
blood  (Gen  9  6;  Nu  35  33;  Dt  21  7;.2  S  20  10; 

I  Ch  22  8;  Prov  1  16,  etc).  The  Gr  words  ^kx^o;, 
ekcheo,  and  iKxvvoi,  ekchuno,  have  precisely  the 
same  specific  meaning  (Mt  23  35;  26  28;  Mk  14 
24;  Lk  11  50;  He  9  22;  Rev  16  6).  Sometimes 
they  are  tropically  used  in  reference  to  the  out- 
pouring of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Acts  2  33  AV;  Tit 
3  6),  and  to  the  outpouring  of  the  love  of  God  in 
the  behever's  heart  (Rom  5  5). 

Henry  E.  Dosker 

SHEDEUR,  shed'e-ur,  she-de'ur  (I^X'^-.TlJ , 
sh'dhe'w;  "daybreak";  B,  2c8iovp,  iSedtojir, 'ESioip, 
Ediour):  The  father  of  Ehzur,  the  chief  of  Reu- 
ben (Nu  1  5;  2  10;  7  30).  Fr.  Delitzsch  cor- 
rectly conceives  the  name  as  an  Assyr  compound, 
had  uri,  "daybreak."  Cf,  however,  Gray,  HPN, 
169,  197,  who  emends  the  text  to  read  Shaddai  'Ur, 
"Shaddai  is  flame." 

SHEEP,  shep:  The  usual  Heb  word  is  ■jS'S  ,  fo'n, 

which  is  often  tr'' "flock,"  e.g.  "Abel  ....  brought 

of  the  firstlings  of  his  flock"  (Gen  4  4); 

1.  Names      "butter  of  the  herd,  and  milk  of  the 

flock"  (Dt  32  14) .     AV  and  ERV  have 

it  ^ 

"milk  of  sheep."     Cf  Arab.   ^jLo  ,  da'n.     The  Gr 

word  is  TrpbpaTov,  probaton.  For  other  names,  see 
notes  under  Cattle;   Ewe;   Lamb;   Ram. 

Thn  origin  of  domestic  sheep  is  unloiown.     There  are 

II  wild   species,    the  majority  of  "which  are  found   In 

Asia,  and  it  is  conceivable  tliat  they  may 
9  7nnlnp-v  l^^Ye  spread  from  the  higlilands  of  Central 
^'  .^ooiugy     Asia  to  the  other  portions  of  ttieir  habitat. 

In  North  America  is  found  tlic  "bighorn." 
which  is  very  closely  related  to  a  Kamschatkan  species. 
One  species,  the  urial  or  sha,  is  found  in  India.  The 
Barbary  sheep,  Ovis  tragelaphus,  also  loiown  as  the 
aoudad  or  arui,  inhabits  the  Atlas  Mountains  of  North- 
west Africa.  It  is  tliought  by  Tristram  to  be  zemer, 
EV  "chamois"  of  Dt  14  6.  but  there  is  no  good  evidence 
that  this  animal  ranges  eastward  into  Bible  lands.  Geo- 
graphically nearest  is  the  Armenian  wild  sheep,  Ovis 
gmelini.  of  Asia  Minor  and  Persia.  The  Cyprian  wild 
sheep  may  be  only  a  variety  of  the  last,  and  the  mouflon 
of  Corsica  and  Sardinia  is  an  alUed  species.  It  is  not 
easy  to  draw  the  Une  between  wild  sheep  and  wild 
goats.  Among  the  more  obvious  distinctions  are  the 
cliln  beard  and  strong  odor  of  male  goats.  The  pelage 
of  all  wild  sheep  consists  of  hair,  not  wool,  and  this  indeed 
is  true  of  some  domestic  sheep  as  the  fat-rumped  short- 
tailed  sheep  of  Abyssinia  and  Central  Asia.  The  yotmg 
lambs  of  this  breed  have  short  ciu-ly  wool  which  is  the 
astrachan  of  commerce.  Sheep  are  geologically  recent, 
their  bones  and  teeth  not  being  found  in  earlier  deposits 
than  the  pleiocene  or  pleistocene.  They  were,  however, 
among  the  first  of  domesticated  animals. 

The  sheep  of  Syria  and  Pal  are  characterized  by 
the  possession  of  an  enormous  fat  tail  which  weighs 
many  pounds  and  is  known  in  Arab. 
3.  Sheep  or  ,oi>  a 

Palestine       as    xaJI  ,    'alyat,   or   commonly    xaJ  , 

liyat.  This  is  the  tAs.  ,  'alyuh,  "fat  tail"  (AV 
"rump")  (Ex  29  22;  Lev  3  9;  7  3;  8  25;  9  19), 
which  was  burned  in  sacrifice.  This  is  at  the  present 
day  esteemed  a  great  delicacy.  Sheep  are  kept  in 
large  numbers  by  the  Bedawin,  but  a  large  portion  of 
the  supply  of  mutton  for  the  cities  is  from  the  sheep 
of  Armenia  and  Kurdistan,  of  which  great  droves  are 


2757 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shechem 
Sheepcote 


brought  down  to  the  coast  in  easy  stages.  Among  the 
Moslems  every  well-to-do  family  sacrifices  a  sheep 
at  the  feast  of  al-'adha',  the  10th  day  of  the  month 
dhU-l'hijjat,  40  days  after  the  end  of  ramaddn,  the 
month  of  fasting.  In  Lebanon  every  peasant  family 
during  the  summer  fattens  a  young  ram,  which  is 


__ 

-^^tec 

i 

'^ 

k^l 

1 

^^ 

m 

i" 

^^^ 

*^#i 

^•;,' 

fe 

^^^ 

^ 

Broad-tailed  Sheep. 

literally  crammed  by  one  of  the  women  of  the  house- 
hold, who  keeps  the  creature's  jaw  moving  with  one 
hand  while  with  the  other  she  stuffs  its  mouth  with 
vine  or  mulberry  leaves.  Every  afternoon  she 
washes  it  at  the  village  fountain.     When  slaughtered 

in  the  fall  it  is  called  ^^Jjixi ,  maHilf,  "fed,"  and  is 

very  fat  and  the  flesh  very  tender.  Some  of  the 
meat  and  fat  are  eaten  at  once,  but  the  greater 
part,  fat  and  lean,  is  cut  up  fine,  cooked  together 
in  a  large  vessel  with  pepper  and  salt,  and  stored  in 

an  earthen  jar.     This,  the  so-caUed   joo^jj',   Ifaura- 

mat,  is  used  as  needed  through  the  winter. 

In  the  mountains  the  sheep  are  gathered  at  night 
into  folds,  which  may  be  caves  or  inclosures  of 
rough  stones.  Fierce  dogs  assist  the  shepherd 
in  warding  off  the  attacks  of  wolves,  and  remain 
at  the  fold  through  the  day  to  guard  the  slight 
bedding  and  simple  utensils.  In  going  to  pasture 
the  sheep  are  not  driven  but  are  led,  following  the 
shepherd  as  he  walks  before  them  and  calls  to  them. 
"When  he  hath  put  forth  all  his  own,  he  goeth  before 
them,  and  the  sheep  follow  him:  for  they  know  his 
voice"  (Jn  10  4). 

The  sheepfolds  of  Reuben  on  the  plain  of  Gilead 

are  referred  to  in  Nu  32  16  and  Jgs  5  16.     A  cave 

is    mentioned    in    1  S  24  .3    in    con- 

4.  OT  Ref-   nection  with  the  pursuit  of  David  by 

erences  Saul.     The  shepherd  origin  of  David 

is  referred  to  in  Ps  78  70: 

"He  cho.se  David  also  his  .servant. 
And  took  him  from  the  sheepfolds." 

Cf  also  2  S  7  8  and  1  Ch  17  7. 

The  shearing  of  the  sheep  was  a  large  operation 
and  evidently  became  a  sort  of  festival.  Absalom 
invited  the  king's  sons  to  his  sheep-shearing  in 
Baal-hazor  in  order  that  he  might  find  an  oppor- 
tunity to  put  Amnon  to  death  while  his  heart  was 
"merry  with  wine"  (2  S  13  2.3-29).  The  character 
of  the  occasion  is  evident  also  from  the  indignation 
of  David  at  Nabal  when  the  latter  refused  to  pro- 
vide entertainment  at  his  sheep-shearing  for  David  s 
young  men  who  had  previously  protected  the  flocks 
of  Nabal  (1  S  25  2-13).  There  is  also  mention  of 
the  sheep-shearing  of  Judah  (Gen  38  12)  and  ot 
Laban  (Gen  31  19),  on  which  occasion  Jacob  stole 
away  with  his  wives  and  chddren  and  his  flocks.     ^ 

Sheep  were  the  most  important  sacrificial  ani- 
mals, a  ram  or  a  young  male  being  often  specified. 


Ewes  are  mentioned  in  Lev  3  6;  4  32;  5  6;  14  10; 
22  28;   Nu  6  14. 

In  the  Books  of  Ch  we  find  statements  of  enormous 
numliurs  of  animals  consumed  in  sacrifice :  ' '  And  liing 
Solomon  offered  a  sacrifice  of  twenty  and  two  thousand 
oxen,  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  sheep"  (2  Cii 
7  5) ;  "And  tliey  sacrificed  imto  Jeh  in  that  day  [in  the 
reign  of  Asa]  ....  seven  hundred  oxen  and  seven 
thousand  sheep"  (2  Ch  15  11);  at  the  cleansing  of  the 
temple  by  Hezeldah  "the  con.secrated  things  were  six 
hundred  oxen  and  three  thousand  sheep.  But  the  priests 
were  too  few,  so  that  they  could  not  flay  all  the  burnt- 
offerings:  wherefore  their  bretliren  the  Levites  did  help 
tliem"  (2  Ch  29  33  t) ;  and  "  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah 
did  give  to  the  assembly  for  offerings  a  thousand  bullocks 
and  seven  thousand  sheep:  and  the  princes  gave  to  the 
assembly  a  thousand  bullocks  and  ten  thousand  sheep" 
(2  Ch  30  24).  In  the  account  of  the  war  of  the  sons 
of  Reuben  and  their  alUes  with  the  Hagrites,  we  read: 
"And  they  took  away  their  cattle;  of  their  camels 
fifty  thousand,  and  of  sheep  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand,  and  of  asses  two  thousand,  and  of  men  a  hun- 
dred thousand"  (1  Ch  5  21).  Mesha  king  of  Moab  is 
called  a  "sheep-master,"  and  we  read  that  "he  rendered 
unto  the  king  of  Israel  the  wool  of  a  hundred  thousand 
lambs,  and  of  a  hundred  thousand  rams"  (2  K  3  4). 

Christ  is  represented  as  the  Lamb  of  God  (Isa 
53  7;     Jn  1  29;     Rev  5  6).'  Some   of   the   most 
beautiful  passages  in  the  Bible  repre- 
5.  Figura-     sent  God  as  a  shepherd :   "From  thence 
tive  is  the  shepherd,  the  stone  of  Israel" 

(Gen  49  24);  "Jeh  is  my  shepherd;  I 
shall  not  want"  (Ps  23  1;  cf  Isa  40  11;  Ezk  34 
12-16).     Jesus  said  "I  am  the  good  shepherd;  and 

1  know  mine  own,  and  mine  own  know  me  .... 
and  I  lay  down  my  life  for  the  sheep"  (Jn  10  14  f). 
The  people  without  leaders  are  likened  to  sheep 
without     a     shepherd     (Nu  27  17;      1  K  22  17; 

2  Ch  18  16;  Ezk  34  5).  Jesus  at  the  Last  Supper 
applies  to  Himself  the  words  of  Zee  13  7;  "I  will 
smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  of  the  flock  shaU. 
be  scattered  abroad"  (Mt  26  31;  Mk  14  27). 
The  enemies  of  Jeh  are  compared  to  the  fat  of  tfie 
sacrifice  that  is  consumed  away  in  smoke  (Ps  37  20). 
God's  people  are  "the  sheep  of  his  pasture"  (Ps 
79  13;  95  7;  100  3).  In  sinning  they  become  like 
lost  sheep  (Isa  53  6;  Jer  50  6;  Ezk  34  6;  Lk 
15  3  ff).  In  the  mouth  of  Nathan  the  poor  man's 
one  little  ewe  lamb  is  a  vivid  image  of  the  treasure 
of  which  the  king  David  has  robbed  Uriah  the 
Hittite  (2  S  12  3).  In  Cant  6  6,  the  teeth  of  the 
bride  are  Hkened  to  a  flock  of  ewes.  It  is  prophesied 
that  "the  wolf  shall  dwell  with  the  lamb"  (Isa  11  6) 
and  that  "the  wolf  and  the  lamb  shall  feed  together" 
(Isa  65  2.5).  Jesus  says  to  His  disciples,  "I  send 
you  forth  as  sheep  in  the  midst  of  wolves"  (Mt  10 
16;  cf  Lk  10  3).  In  the  parable  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  we  read:  "He  that  is  a  hireling,  and  not 
a  shepherd,  whose  own  the  sheep  are  not,  beholdeth 
the  wolf  coming,  and  leaveth  the  sheep,  and  fleeth" 
(Jn  10  12).  Alfred  Ely  Day 

SHEEPCOTE,  shep'kot,  shep'kot,  SHEEPFOLD, 
shep'fold  (nn-i^,  g'dherah,  HbD'Q,  mikhlah,  'D'^!^^1SV^, 
mishp'thayim,  Hli ,  ndweh;  ai\i\,  aide) :  At  night 
the  sheep  are  driven  into  a  sheepfold  if  they  are 
in  a  district  where  there  is  danger  from  robbers  or 
wild  beasts.  These  folds  are  simple  walled  inclosures 
(Nu  32  16;  Jgs  5  16;  2  Ch  32  28;  Ps  78  70; 
Zeph  2  6;  Jn  10  1).  On  the  top  of  the  wall  is 
heaped  thorny  brushwood  as  a  further  safeguard. 
Sometimes  there  is  a  covered  hut  in  the  corner  for 
the  shepherd.  Where  there  is  no  danger  the  sheep 
huddle  together  in  the  open  until  daylight,  while 
the  shepherd  watches  over  them  (Gen  31  39;  Lk 
2  8).  In  the  winter  time  caves  are  sought  after 
(1  S  24  3;  Zeph  2  6).  The  antiquity  of  the  use 
of  some  of  the  caves  for  this  purpose  is  indicated 
by  the  thick  deposit  of  potassium  nitrate  formed 
from  the  decomposition  of  the  sheep  dung. 

James  A.  Patch 


Sheep  Gate 
Shemaiah 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2758 


SHEEP  GATE  (lS5Sn  lyiri ,  sha'ar  ha-gd'n  [Neh 
3  1.32;  12  39]):  One  of  the  gates  of  Jerus,  probably 
near  the  northeast  corner.  See  Jerusalem.  For 
the  "sheep  gate"  of  Jn  5  2,  see  Bethesda;  Sheep 
Market. 

SHEEP  MARKET  (Jn  6  2,  RV  "sheep  gate"): 
The  Gr  (Ji  irpo^ariK-fj,  he  -probatikt)  means  simply 
something  that  pertains  to  sheep.  See  Bethesda; 
Sheep  Gate. 

SHEEP-MASTER  (lp5 ,  nokedh,  "herdsman," 
2  K  3  4).     See  Sheep-shearing. 

SHEEP-SHEARING,  sbep'sher-ing :  The  sheep- 
shearing  is  done  in  the  springtime,  either  by  the 
owners  (Gen  31  19;  38  13;  Dt  15  19;  IS  25 
2.4)  or  by  regular  "shearers"  (TT3,  gazaz)  (1  S  25 
7.11;  Isa  53  7).  There  were  special  houses  for 
this  work  in  OT  times  (2  K  10  12.14).  The 
shearing  was  carefully  done  so  as  to  keep  the  fleece 
whole  (Jgs  6  37).  The  sheep  of  a  flock  are  not 
branded  but  spotted.  Lime  or  some  dyestuff  is 
painted  in  one  or  more  spots  on  the  wool  of  the  back 
as  a  distinguishing  mark.  In  2  K  3  4,  Mesha,  the 
chief  or  sheikh  of  Moab,  was  a  sheep-master,  lit. 
"a  sheep  spotter."  James  A.  Patch 

SHEEPSKITT,  shep'skin.  See  Bottle;  Dress; 
Rams'  Skins,  etc. 

SHEEP  TENDING,  ten'ding:  The  Scriptural 
allusions  to  pastoral  life  and  the  similes  drawn  from 
that  Ufe  are  the  most  familiar  and  revered  in  the 
Bible.  Among  the  first  verses  that  a  child  learns  is 
"The  Lord  is  my  shepherd,  I  shall  not  want"  (Ps 
23  lAV,  ERV).  What  follower  of  the  Master  does 
not  love  to  dwell  on  the  words  of  the  "Good  Shep- 
herd" chapter  in  the  Gospel  of  John  (Jn  10)7 
Jesus  must  have  drawn  a  sympathetic  response 
when  He  referred  to  the  relationship  of  sheep  to 
shepherd,  a  relationship  familiar  to  aU  His  hear- 
ers and  doubtless  shared  by  some  of  them  with  their 
flocks.  As  a  rule  the  modern  traveler  in  the  Holy 
Land  meets  with  disappointment  if  he  comes  ex- 
pecting to  see  things  as  they  were  depicted  in  the 
Bible.  An  exception  to  this  is  the  pastoral  life, 
which  has  not  changed  one  whit  since  Abraham  and 
his  descendants  fed  their  flocks  on  the  rich  plateaus 
E.  of  the  Jordan  or  on  the  mountains  of  Pal  and 
Syria.  One  may  count  among  his  most  prized 
experiences  the  days  and  nights  spent  under  the 
spell  of  Syrian  shepherd  life.       James  A.  Patch 

SHEERAH,  she'g-ra  (HnXlB ,  ske'irah;  A,  Saopd, 
Saard,  B  omits):  A  daughter  of  Ephraim,  who, 
according  to  the  MT  of  1  Ch  7  24  (AV  "Sherah"), 
built  the  two  Beth-horons  and  Uzzen-sheerah.  The 
verse  has  been  suspected  because  elsewhere  in  the 
OT  the  founders  of  cities  are  men.  Uzzen-sheerah 
as  a  place  is  unidentified;  Conder  suggests  as  the 
site  Bet  Sira,  a  village  2  miles  S.W.  of  the  Lower 
Beth-horon  {Mem,  3  16). 

SHEET,  shet.  See  Dress;  cf  Acts  10  11,  "as  it 
were  a  great  sheet"  {d66i'Ti,  othdne). 

SHEHARIAH,  she-ha-ri'a  (H'J-iniD  ,  sh'haryah) : 
A  Benjamite  (1  Ch  8  26). 

SHEKEL,  shek"l,  shek'el,  she'kel,  she'kul  (b(31» , 
shekel) :  A  weight  and  a  coin.  The  Heb  shekel  was 
the  50th  part  of  a  mina,  and  as  a  weight  about  224 
grains,  and  as  money  (silver)  was  worth  about  2s. 
9d.,  or  66  cents.  No  gold  shekel  has  been  found, 
and  hence  it  is  inferred  that  such  a  coin  was  not 


used;  but  as  a  certain  amount  of  gold,  by  weight, 
it  is  mentioned  in  2  Ch  3  9  and  is  probably  intended 
to  be  supphed  in  2  K  5  5.  The  gold  shekel  was 
1/60  of  the  heavy  Bab  mina  and  weighed  about 
252  grains.  In  value  it  was  about  equal  to  £2  Is. 
Od.,  or  $10.  See  Money;  Weights  and  Measures. 
In  RV  of  Mt  17  27  "shekel"  replaces  "piece  of 
money"  of  AV,  the  tr  of  o-rarij^,  stater.     See  Stater. 

H.  Porter 
SHEKEL  OF  THE  KING'S  WEIGHT,  or 
ROYAL  SHEKEL  (^bpn  inX ,  'ehhen  ha-melekh, 
"stone  [i.e.  weight]  of  the  king"):  The  shekel  by 
which  Absalom's  hair  was  weighed  (2  S  14  26), 
probably  the  light  shekel  of  130  grains.  See 
Weights  and  Measures. 

SHEKEL  OF  THE  SANCTUARY,  or  SACRED 
SHEKEL  {t-pn  bjJTlJ,  shekel  ha-kodhesh  [Nu  7 
passim]) :  The  same  as  the  silver  shekel  mentioned 
under  Shekel  (q.v.),  except  in  Ex  38  24,  where  it 
is  used  in  measuring  gold.  The  term  is  used  for 
offerings  made  for  sacred  purposes. 

SHEKINAH,  shs-ki'na  (n^DlZJ ,  sh'khinah,  "that 
which  dwells,"  from  the  vb.  '3lC ,  shakhen,  or  ']D1B , 
shdkhan,  "to  dwell,"  "reside"):  This  word  is  not 
found  in  the  Bible,  but  there  are  allusions  to  it  in 
Isa  60  2;  Mt  17  5;  Lk  2  9;  Rom  9  4.  It  is  first 
found  in  the  Tgs.     See  Glory. 

SHELAH,  she'la  (nbW  ,  shelah;   2d\a,  Sdla) : 

(1)  The  youngest  son  of  Judah  and  the  daughter 
of  Shua  the  Canaanite  (Gen  38  5.11.14.26;  46  12; 
Nu  26  20  [16];  1  Ch  2  3;  4  21).  He  gave  his 
name  to  the  family  of  the  Shelanites  (Nu  26  20 
[16]).  Probably  "the  Shelanite"  should  be  sub- 
stituted for  "the  Shilonite"  of  Neh  11  5;  1  Ch  9  5. 

(2)  (nblB ,  shelah) :  The  son  or  (LXX)  grandson 
of  Arpachshad  and  father  of  Eber  (Gen  10  24;  11 
13  [12]. 14.15;  1  Ch  1  18.24;  Lk  3  35). 

(3)  Neh  3  15=  "Shiloah"  of  Isa  8  6.     See  Siloam. 


SHELANITES,     she'lan-Its,     shg-la'nits. 
Shelah. 


See 


SHELEMIAH,  shel-e-mi'a,  she-lem'ya 
shelemyah;  B,  SeXenid,  Selemid,  A,  ScXciiCas,  Sele- 
tnlas) : 

(1)  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  married  foreign 
wives  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr  10  39),  called 
"Selemias"  in  1  Esd  9  34. 

(2)  Father  of  Hananiah  who  restored  part  of  the 
wall  of  Jerus  (Neh  3  30)  (B,  TeXc^d,  Telemid,  45 , 
TfXefjfas,  Telemias). 

(3)  A  priest  who  was  appointed  one  of  the  treas- 
urers to  distribute  the  Levitical  tithes  by  Nehemiah 
(Neh  13  13). 

(4)  The  father  of  Jehucal  (or  Jucal)  in  the  reign 
of  Zedekiah  (Jer  37  3;  38  1;  in  the  second  passage 
the  name  is  Shelemydhu). 

(5)  The  father  of  Irijah,  the  captain  of  the  ward, 
who  arrested  Jeremiah  as  a  deserter  to  the  Chal- 
daeans  (Jer  37  13). 

(6)  1  Ch  26  14.     See  Meshblemiah. 

(7)  Another  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  married  for- 
eign wives  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr  10  41).  It  is 
of  interest  to  note  that  the  order  of  names  in  this 
passage — Sharai,  Azarel,  and  Shelemiah — is  almost 
identical  with  the  names  in  Jer  36  26,  viz.  Seraiah, 
Azriel,  Shelemiah. 

(8)  Ancestor  of  Jehudi  (Jer  36  14). 

(9)  (LXX  omits.)  Son  of  Abdeol,  one  of  the 
men  sent  by  Jehoiakim  to  seize  Baruch  and  Jeremiah 
after  Baruch  had  read  the  "roU"  in  the  king's 
presence  (Jer  36  26).  Horace  J.  Wolf 


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Sheep  Gate 
Shemaiah 


SHELEPH,  she'lef  (Jl^lC,  shaleph,  in  psmse; 
LXX  2dX€(t>,  Sdleph):  Son  of  Joktan  (Gen  10  26; 
1  Ch  1  20).  Sheleph  is  the  name  of  a  Yemenite 
tribe  or  district,  named  on  Sabaean  inscriptions 
and  also  by  Arabian  geographers,  located  in  Southern 
Arabia. 

SHELESH,  she'Iesh  (TliblC,  shelesh;  B,  Sffx^, 
f>emt,  A,  2eXX-f|s,  Selltn,  Luc,  24\e|j.,  Selem):  An 
A.sherite,  son  of  Helem  (1  Ch  7  3.5). 

SHELOMI,  shC-lo'ml,  shel'S-ml  Ctl'iTB ,  sMoml) : 
An  Asherite  (Nu  34  27). 

SHELOMITH,  shS-lo'mith,  shel'6-mith  (n"'ti5lp  , 
sh'lomlth;    in  Ezr  8  10,   n^'aibffl ,  sh'ldmith) : 

(1)  The  mother  of  the  man  who  was  stoned  for 
blasphemy  (Lev  24  11)  (BAF,  SaXw/ueW,  SalOmeith, 
Luc,  SaX;uW,  Salmilk). 

(2)  Daughter  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Ch  3  19)  (B, 
'ZaXuiixedel,  Salomethd,  A,  'ZaXuixeOl,  Salomethi,  Luc, 
So\u/%W,  SalomUh). 

(3)  One  of  the  "sons  of  Izhar"  (1  Ch  23  18) 
(B,  'ZdXu/j.iid,  Salomoth,  A,  ZaXov/idd,  Saloumolh, 
Luc,  'S.aXuij.W,  SalomUh),  called  "Shelomoth"  in 
24  22. 

(4)  The  name  of  a  family  whose  representatives 
returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr  8  10)  (B,  ZaXa/MM, 
Saleimouth,  Luc,  ZaXiixwd,  Salimoth).  The  MT 
here  should  read,  "and  the  sons  of  Bani;  Shelomith, 
son  of  Josiphiah";  and  in  1  Esd  8  36,  "of  the  sons 
of  Banias,  Salimoth,  son  of  Josaphias." 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHELOMOTH,  she-lo'moth,  shel'6-moth,  -moth 
(nin''5TIJ ,  sh'lomolh) : 

(1)  An  Izharite  (1  Ch  24  22,  BA,  l,a\w/i<ie, 
Salomoth,  Luc,  SaXw/iW,  .SaZoTOi^/j  =  "Shelomith" 
of  23  18). 

(2)  A  Levite  descended  from  EKezer  ben  Moses 
(1  Ch  26  2.5,  K're  n^abip ,  sh'lomlth;  26  28). 

(3)  A  Gershonite  (1  Ch  23  9,  K-Te  n^'Ki':^  ; 
B,   'AXoiOeiiJ.,  Alotheim,  A,   'ZaXwiJ.eW,  Salomeith). 

SHELUMIEL,  shS-lu'mi-el  (bsi^ablp  ,  sh'lumi'el; 
both  the  punctuation  and  interpretation  are  in 
doubt.  MT  punctuates  the  first  element  as  a 
passive  participle;  the  use  of  the  participle  in  com- 
pounds is  common  in  Assyr  but  rare  in  Heb  [cf 
Gray,  HPN,  200].  The  meaning  of  the  present 
form,  if  it  be  correct,  is  "at  peace  with  God" 
[Hommel,  AHT,  200,  "my  friend  is  God"].  LXX 
reads  2aXa|i£T]\,  Salamiel):  Prince  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon  (Nu  1  6;  2  12;  7  36.41;  10  19).  The 
genealogy  of  Judith  (8  1)  is  carried  back  to  this 
Shelumiel  or  Shelamiel,  called  there  "Salamiel." 

Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHEM,  shem  (DlC ,  shem;  2^|i,  ,S'em) :  The  eldest 
son  of  Noah,  from  whom  the  jews,  as  well  a.3  the 
Semitic  ("Shemitic")  nations  in  general 
1.  Position  have  descended.  When  giving  the 
in  Noah's  names  of  Noah's  three  sons,  Shem  is 
Family:  always  mentioned  first  (Gen  9  18; 
His  Name  10  1,  etc);  and  though  "the  elder" 
in  "Shem  the  brother  of  .Japheth  the 
elder"  (10  21  m)  is  explained  as  referring  to  Shem, 
this  is  not  the  rendering  of  Onkelos.  His  five  sons 
peopled  the  greater  part  of  West  Asia's  finest  tracts, 
from  Elam  on  the  E.  to  the  Mediterranean  on  the 
W.  Though  generally  regarded  as  meaning  "dusky" 
(cf  the  Assyr-Bab  sootm— also  Ham— possibly  = 
"black,"  Japheth,  "fair"),  it  is  considered  possible 
that  Shem  may  be  the  usual  Heb  word  for  "name 
(shem),  given  him  because  he  was  the  firstborn— a 
parallel  to  the  Assyr-Bab  usage,  in  which  "son. 


"name"  [mmii)  are  synonyms  {W .  A.  Inscriptions, 
V,  pi.  23,  11.  29-32«/;c). 

Shem,  who  is  called  "the  father  of  all  the  children 
of  Eber,"  was  born  when  Noah  had  attained  the 
age  of  .500  years  (Gen  5  32).  Though 
2.  History,  married  at  the  time  of  the  Flood,  Shem 
and  the  was  then  childless.  Aided  by  Japheth, 
Nations  he  covered  the  nakedness  of  their  father, 
Descended  which  Ham,  the  youngest  brother,  had 
from  Him  revealed  to  them;  but  unlike  the  last, 
Shem  and  Japheth,  in  their  filial  piety, 
approached  their  father  walking  backward,  in  order 
not  to  look  upon  him.  Two  years  after  the  Flood, 
Shem  being  then  100  years  old,  his  son  Arpachshad 
was  born  (Gen  11  10),  and  was  followe<-I  by  further 
sons  and  daughters  during  the  remaining  .500  years 
which  preceded  Shem's  death.  Noah's  prophetic 
blessing,  on  awakening  from  his  wine,  may  be  re- 
garded as  having  been  fulfilled  in  his  descendants, 
who  occupied  Syria  (Aram),  Pal  (Canaan),  Chaldaea 
(Arpachshad),  Assyria  (Asshur),  part  of  Persia 
(Elam),  and  Arabia  (Joktan).  In  the  first  three  of 
these,  as  well  as  in  Elam,  Canaanites  had  settled  (if 
not  in  the  other  districts  mentioned),  but  Shemites 
ruled,  at  some  time  or  other,  over  the  Canaanites, 
and  Canaan  thus  became  "his  servant"  (Gen  9  2.5. 
26) .  The  tablets  found  in  Cappadocia  seem  to  show 
that  Shemites  (Assyrians)  had  settled  in  that  district 
also,  but  this  was  apparently  an  unimportant  colony. 
Though  designated  sons  of  Shem,  some  of  his  de- 
scendants (e.g.  the  Elamites)  did  not  speak  a  Semitic 
language,  while  other  nationahties,  not  his  descend- 
ants (e.g.  the  Canaanites),  did.  See  Ham;  Japheth; 
Table  op  Nations.  T.  G.  Pinches 

SHEMA,  she'ma  {'S'qt ,  sn'ma';  Sapiad,  Samoa) : 
A  city  of  Judah  in  the  Negeb  (Josh  15  26).  If,  as 
some  think,  identical  with  Sheba  (q.v.)  of  Josh  19 
2,  then  the  latter  must  have  been  inserted  here  from 
Josh  15  26.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  root  letters 
(3773125)  were  those  from  which  Simeon  is  derived. 
Shema  is  probably  identical  with  Jeshua  (Neh  11 
26).  The  place  was  clearly  far  S.,  and  it  may  be 
Kh.Sa'wah,  a  ruin  upon  a  prominent  hilltop  between 
Kh.  'Attir  and  Kh.  el-Milh.  There  is  a  wall  around 
the  ruins,  of  large  blocks  of  conglomerate  flint 
{PEF,  III,  409,  Sh  XXV). 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SHEMA  (yaiC,  shema'): 

(1)  A  Reubenite  (1  Ch  5  8,  BA,  Sd/m,  Sdma, 
Luc,  Xeij.eel,  Semeei) .     See  Shimei. 

(2)  One  of  the  heads  of  "fathers'  hou.ses"  in 
Aijalon,  who  put  to  flight  the  inhabitants  of  Gath 
(1  Ch  8  13,  BA,  ^di/.a,  Sdma,  Luc,  Safiad,  Samad); 
in  ver  21  he  is  called  "Shimei."  The  statement  is 
very  obscure  and  the  whole  incident  is  probably  due 
to  some  marginal  note. 

(3)  One  of  those  who  stood  at  Ezra's  right  during 
the  reading  of  the  Law  (Neh  8  4,  Sa^ates,  ^Samaias). 
He  is  called  "Sammus"  in  1  Esd  9  43. 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHEMAAH,  she-ma'a,  shem'a-a  (TOHTpn, 
ha-sh'ma'dh;  B,  'A|ia,  Amd,  A,'Za.\i.aa.,Sa?nad,h\ic., 
'A<r|iii,  Asmd):  A  Benjamite,  who  was  the  father, 
according  to  the  MT,  of  Ahiezer  and  Joash;  but 
according  to  the  LXX  ulis,  hui6s  =  'fi  (hen)  instead 
of  ■'35  (b'ne)  of  Joash  alone  (1  Ch  12  3),  The 
original  text  may  have  read  ypipn")  13 ,  ben  y'ho- 
shama'  (cf  yTSlSin ,  hdshama\  of  3  18);  then  a 
dittography  of  the  following  T\  (h)  caused  the  error 
(Curtis,  ICC). 

SHEMAIAH,  she-ma'ya,  she-ml'a  (n'^,?!?© , 
sh'ma'yah  Jin  2  Ch  11  2;  17  8;  31  1.5;  35  9;  Jer 
26  20;  29  24;  36  12,  sh'ma'yahu],  "Jahveh  hears"): 


Shemaiah 
Sheol 


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2760 


The   name   is   most   frequently   borne   by   priests, 
Levites  and  prophets. 

(1)  B,  2a/X|Ha(as,  Samraaicts,  A,  2a/taias,  Samaias 
(2  Ch  12  5.7).  A  prophet  who,  together  with 
Ahijah,  protested  against  Rehoboam's  contemplated 
wax  against  the  ten  revolted  tribes  (1  K  12  22-24  = 
2  Ch  11  2-4).  He  declared  that  the  rebellion  had 
Divine  sanction.  The  second  Gr  account  knows 
nothing  of  Ahijah  in  this  connection  and  introduces 
Shemaiah  at  the  gathering  at  Shechem  where 
both  Jeroboam  and  Rehoboam  were  present; 
it  narrates  that  on  this  occasion  Shemaiah  (not 
Ahijah)  rent  his  garment  and  gave  ten  parts  to 
Jeroboam  to  signify  the  ten  tribes  over  which  he 
was  to  become  king.  (This  versioa,  however,  is 
not  taken  very  seriously,  because  of  its  numerous 
inconsistencies.)  Shemaiah  also  prophesied  at  the 
invasion  of  Judah  by  Shishak  (2  Ch  12  5-7). 
His  message  was  to  the  effect  that  as  the  princes  of 
Israel  had  humbled  themselves,  God's  wrath  against 
their  idolatrous  practices  would  not  be  poured  out 
upon  Jerus  by  the  hand  of  Shishak  (2  Ch  13  7). 
He  is  mentioned  as  the  author  of  a  history  of  Reho- 
boam (2  Ch  12  15). 

(2)  Son  of  Shecaniah  (1  Ch  3  22,  2a/xam, 
Samaid),  a  descendant  of  Zerubbabel.  This  is 
also  the  name  of  one  of  the  men  who  helped  to 
repah-  the  wall  (Neh  3  29,  Ze^efa,  Semela  [&]  [cf 
Curtis,  ICC,  in  vs  17-24  of  1  Ch  3]). 

(3)  A  Simeonite  (1  Ch  4  37,  B,  Su^eciv,  Sumeon, 
A,  ^afialas,  Samaias),  identical,  perhaps,  with  the 
Shimei  of  1  Ch  4  26.27. 

(4)  A  Reubenite  (1  Ch  5  4,  B,  Sefteei,  Semeei, 
A,  Xefieh,  Semein),  called  Shema  in  ver  8. 

(5)  A  Merarite  Levite  (1  Ch  9  14;  Neh  11  15, 
Xafiaid,  Samaid),  one  of  those  who  dwelt  in  Jerus. 

(6)  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Jeduthun,  father 
of  Obadiah  or  Abda  (I  Ch  9  16,  B,  Xafieid, 
Sameid,  A,  Saiuks,  Samias,  called  "Shammua" 
in  Neh  11  17). 

(7)  Head  of  the  Levitical  Kohathite  clan  of 
Elizaphan  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Ch  15  8,  B, 
2a/iaias,  Sanialas,  A,  'Sleixa.i.i.,  Semaid,  H,  Za^u^as, 
Samias;  ver  11,  B,  Sa/ifas,  Samias,  A,  Se/icia;, 
Semeias,  S,  'Sa/j.ai,  Samal).  He  may  be  the  same 
person  as  (8). 

(8)  The  scribe  (1  Ch  24  6),  the  son  of  Nethanel, 
who  registered  the  names  of  the  priestly  courses. 

(9)  A  Korahite  Levite,  eldest  son  of  Obed-edom 
(1  Ch  26  4.6,  B,  Xaiialas,  Samalas,  A,  Sa^cias, 
Samelas;  ver  7,  B,  Sa^aai,  Samal,  A,  'Sefiela,  Semela). 

(10)  A  Levite  (2  Ch  17  8,  B,  SaMoras,  Samouas, 
A,  'Zaij.ovlai,  Samoulas).  One  of  the  commission 
appointed  by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  book  of  the 
Law  in  Judah.  The  names  of  the  commissioners  as 
a  whole  belong  to  a  period  later  than  the  9th  cent. 
(Gray,  HPiV,  231). 

(11)  One  of  the  men  "over  the  free-will  offerings 
of  God"  (2  Ch  31  15,  Se/xeef,  Semeei). 

(12)  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Jeduthun  in  the 
reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Ch  29  14),  one  of  those  who 
assisted  in  the  purification  of  the  Temple. 

(13)  A  chief  of  the  Levites  (2  Ch  35  9),  called 
"Samaias"  in  LXX  and  1  Esd  1  9. 

(14)  A  "chief  man"  under  Ezra  (Ezr  8  16), 
called  "Maasmas"  and  "Samaias"  in  1  Esd  8  43 
44. 

(15)  A  member  of  the  family  of  Adonikam 
(Ezr  8  13,  B,  Zafxala,  Samaia,  A,  'Safj.aeid,  Samaeid; 
"Samaias"  in  1  Esd  8  39). 

(16)  A  priest  of  the  family  of  Harim  who  married 
a  foreign  wife  (Ezr  10  21),  called  "Sameus"  in 
1  E,sd  9  21. 

(17)  A  layman  of  the  family  of  Harim  who  mar- 
ried a  foreign  wife  (Ezr  10  31),  called  "Sabbeus" 
in  1  Esd  9  32. 


(18)  A  prophet  (Neh  6  10-14,  B,  'S.eixeel,  Semeei, 
A,  'S.eixel,  Semel),  employed  by  Sanballat  and  Tobiah 
to  frighten  Nehemiah  and  hinder  the  rebuilding  of 
the  wall. 

(19)  One  of  the  24  courses  of  priests,  16th  under 
Zerubbabel  (Neh  12  6,-XA,  2eMf'as,  Semeias),  15th 
under  Joiakim  (Neh  12  18,  55  A,  'S,eixela,  Semela),  and 
21st  under  Nehemiah  (Neh  10  8,  'Safuiid,  Samaid), 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  dedication  of  the 
wall. 

(20)  A  priest,  descendant  of  Asaph  (Neh  12  35) . 

(21)  A  singer  (or  clan)  participating  in  the-dedica- 
tion  of  the  wall  (Neh  12  36). 

(22)  Father  of  the  prophet  Urijah  (Jer  26  20, 
BA,  'SafiaLas,  Samaias,  S,  Macr&s,  Maseas). 

(23)  A  false  prophet  who  was  upbraided  by 
Jeremiah  (29  24-32)  for  attempting  to  hinder  his 
work.  He  is  styled  "the  Nehelamite"  and  was 
among  those  carried  into  captivity  with  Jehoiachin. 
In  opposition  to  Jeremiah,  he  predicted  a  speedy 
ending  to  the  captivity.  Jeremiah  foretold  the 
complete  destruction  of  Shemaiah's  family. 

(24)  Father  of  Delaiah,  who  was  a  prince  in  the 
reign  of  Zedekiah  (Jer  36  12). 

(25)  "The  great,"  kinsman  of  Tobias  (Tob  5  13). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHEMARIAH,  shem-a-ri'a,  she-mar'ya  (H'J-j'QB  , 
sh'maryah  and  'in'JI^Tp ,  sh'marydhU,  "whom  Jah- 
veh  guards"): 

(1)  A  Benjamite  warrior  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (1  Ch  12  5,  B,  2afifia.paid,  Sammaraid, 
XA,  Sa/xapid,  Samarid,  Luc,  'Zatmpla!,  Samarias). 

(2)  A  son  of  Rehoboam  (2  Ch  11  19). 

(3)  One  of  the  sons  of  Harim  who  had  married 
foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  32,  B,  ^aixapeid,  Samareid, 
Luc,  ^afuLpias,  Samarias,  i?A,  Sefiapid,  Semarid). 

(4)  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  married 
foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  41,  A,  ^apapeias,  Samarelas, 
B,  ^a/iapfLd,  Samareid,  Luc,  ^apaplas,  Samarias). 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHEMEBER,  shem-e'ber,  shem'5-ber   (laspiB , 
shem' ebher) :  The  king  of  Zeboiim  (Gen  14  2).     See 
Shinab. 

SHEMED,  she'med.     See  Shemer,  (4). 

SHEMER,  she'mer  ("l^ffi  ,  shemer;  2«>T|p,  Semer, 
Luc,  2^|i(i.T|p,  Semmer): 

(1)  The  owner  of  the  hill  which  Omri  bought 
and  which  became  the  site  of  Samaria  (1  K  16 
24,  'J'n^TU,  sho7n'rdn).  Shemer  may  be  an  an- 
cient clan  name.  The  fact,  however,  that  the 
mountain  was  called  Shomeron  when  Omri  bought 
it  makes  one  doubt  that  the  city  of  Samaria  was 
named  after  Shemer;  the  passage  is  questionable. 
The  real  etymology  of  Samaria  roots  it  in  "watch 
mountain"  (see  Stade,  Zeitschrift,  165  f). 

(2)  A  Merarite  (1  Ch  6  46  [31],  S^mmw, -Smme?-). 

(3)  An  Asherite  (1  Ch  7  34,  A  and  Luc, 
'ZJiprjp,  Somer),  called  "Shomer"  in  ver  32, 

(4)  A  Benjamite  (1  Ch  8  12,  B,  t-fifirip,  Stmer; 
A,  'Zip.pTfp,  Semmer,  Luc,  'Sap.a.i.-^X,  Samaitl);  RV 
"Shemed,"  AV  "Shamed." 

The  Heb  MSS  differ;  some  read  "Shemer," 
others  "Shemedh."  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHEMIDA,  SHEMIDAH,  shS-mi'da,  SHEMI- 
DAITES,  shS-mI'da-its  (S'T'^Tp,  sh'midha'):  A 
Gileadite  clan  belonging  to  Manasseh  (Nu  26  32; 
Josh  17  2,  B,  Xvpapelp.,  Swmarelm,  A,  Se/iipa^, 
SemiraA,  Luc,  2a/ii5de,  Samidde;  1  Ch  7  19,  AV 
"Shemidah,"  after  whom  the  Shemidaites  [Nu 
26  32]  were  called). 

SHEMINITH,shem'i-nith.    See  Music;  Psalms. 


2761 


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Shemaiah 
Sheol 


SHEMIRAMOTH,  shg-mir'a-mpth,  shS-mi'ra- 
moth,  shem-i-ra'moth  (ni'an^ttllj ,  sh'miranwlh; 
in  2  Ch  17  8,  Knhibh  tTna^TaTS ;  2€|iti.pttpL(49, 
Semeiram6th):  The  name  of  a  Levitical  family. 
In  1  Ch  15  18.20;  16  5  Shemiramoth  is  hsted 
among  the  names  of  David's  choirs;  in  2  Ch  17  8 
the  same  name  is  given  among  the  Levites  delegated 
by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  Law  in  the  cities  of 
Judah.  Accordmg  to  Schrader  (KAT  [2],  366)  the 
name  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Assyr  Sammura- 
mat;  the  latter  occurs  as  a  woman's  name  on  the 
monuments,  more  esp.  on  the  statues  of  Nebo  from 
Nimrod.  Another  suggestion  is  that  Shemiramoth 
was  ongmally  a  place-name  meaning  "image  of 
Shemu-am"  (  =  name  of  Ram  or  "the  Exalted  One"). 

HoHACB  J.  Wolf 

SHEMITES,  shem'its.    See  Semites. 

SHEMUEL,  shS-mu'el,  shem'a-el  (bi^ltl©, 
sh'mu'el,  "name  of  God"  [?]  [1  Ch  6  33  (18)'];  RV 
Samuel,  the  prophet  [see  Samuel];  of  Gray,  HPN. 
200,  n.  3): 

(1)  The  Simeonite  appointed  to  assist  in  the 
division  of  the  land  (Nu  34  20).  The  MT  should 
be  emended  to  bx^isbffi,  sMuml'el,  to  correspond 
with  the  fonn  found  in  1  6;  2  12;  7  36.41;  10  19. 
LXX  has  uniformly  SaAii;iu^X,  Salamitl. 

(2)  Grandson  of  Issachar  (1  Ch  7  2)  (B, 'I<roAM)u- 
■fl\  IsamoniM,  A  and  Luc,  'ZaiwvqK,  SamovM). 

SHEN,  shen  ("ffln,  ha-shen,  "the  tooth"  or 
"peak";  tt)s  iraXaias,  tis  palaids):  A  place  named 
only  in  1  S  7  12  to  indicate  the  position  of  the 
stone  set  up  by  Samuel  in  connection  with  the  vic- 
tory over  the  Philis,  "between  Mizpah  and  Shen." 
LXX  evidently  read  yashan,  "old."  Probably  we 
should  here  read  y'shanah,  as  in  2  Ch  13  19  (OHL, 
S.V.).  Then  it  may  be  represented  by  '■Ain  Slnia, 
to  the  N.  of  Beilin. 

SHENA-ZAR,  shg-na'zar:  AV  =  RV  Shenazzab 
(q.v.). 

SHENAZZAR,  shg-naz'ar  (1?S?51|j ,  shen' ai(ar) : 
A  son  of  Jeconiah  (Jehoiachin)  and  uncle  of  Zerub- 
babel  (1  Ch  3  18,  BA,  Xdvea-ap,  Sdnesar,  Luc, 
Sdrao-ap,  Sdnasar,  Vulg  Sennaser,  Senneser).  It  is 
highly  probable  that  Sheshbazzar  (Ezr  1  8.11), 
"the  prince  of  Judah,"  and  Shenazzar  are  identical 
(so  Meyer,  Rothstein,  etcj.  The  name  is  difficult; 
some  suggest  a  corruption  of  "iSKbllBIIT  shush- 
balag^ar,  and  as  equivalent  to  Sin-usur,  "Sin  [the 
moon-god]  protect." 

SHENIR,  she'ner  ("liDTp ,  s'nlr,  T'SIC ,  sh'nir) : 
Only  found  in  Cant  4  8  (MT) .     See  Senik. 

SHEOL,  she'ol  (biSlC,  sh''dl): 

1.  The  Name 

2.  The  Abode  of  the  Dead 

(1)  Not  a  State  of  Unconsciousness 

(2)  Not  Removed  from  God's  Jurisdiction 

(3)  Relation  to  Immortality 

3.  Post-caaonical  Period 

This  word  is  often  tr*  in  AV  "grave"  (e.g.  Gen  37 
35;    1  S  2  6;    Job  7  9;    14  13;    Ps  6  5;    49  14; 

Isa  14  11,  etc)  or  "hell"  (e.g.  Dt  32 
1.  The  22;    Ps  9  17;    18  5;    Isa  14  9;    Am 

Name  9  2,  etc);  in  3  places  by  "pit"  (Nu  16 

30.33;  Job  17  16).  It  means  really 
the  unseen  world,  the  state  or  abode  of  the  dead,  and 
is  the  equivalent  of  the  Gr  Hdides,  by  which  word 
it  is  tr''  in  LXX.  The  Eng.  Revisers  have  acted 
somewhat  inconsistently  in  leaving  "grave"  or  "pit" 
in  the  historical  books  and  putting  "Sheol"  in  the 
margin,  while  substituting  "Sheol"  in  the  poetical 


writings,  and  putting  "grave"  in  the  margin  ("hell" 
is  retained  in  Isa  14).  Cf  their  "Preface."  The 
American  Revisers  more  properly  use  "Sheol" 
throughout.  The  etymology  of  the  word  is  uncer- 
tain. A  favorite  derivation  is  from  shd'al,  "to  ask" 
(cf  Prov  1  12;  27  20;  30  15.16;  Isa  5  14;  Hab 
2  6);  others  prefer  the  V  sha'al,  "to  be  hollow." 
The  Babylonians  are  said  to  have  a  similar  word 
Sualu,  though  this  is  questioned  by  some. 

Into  Sheol,  when  life  is  ended,  the  dead  are 
gathered  in  their  tribes  and  families.  Hence  the 
expression  frequently  occurring  in  the 
2.  Abode  of  Pent,  "to  be  gathered  to  one's  people," 
the  Dead  "to  go  to  one's  fathers,"  etc  (Gen  15 
15;  25  8.17;  49  33;  Nu  20  24.28; 
31  2;  Dt  32  50;  34  5).  It  is  figured  as  an  rtrtder- 
world  (Isa  44  23;  Ezk  26  20,  etc),  and  is  de- 
scribed by  other  terms,  as  "the  pit"  (Job  33  24; 
Ps  28  1;  30  3;  Prov  1  12;  Isa  38  18,  etc), 
Abaddon  (q.v.)  or  Destruction  (Job  26  6;  28 
22;  Prov  15  11),  the  place  of  "silence"  (Ps  94  17; 
115  17),  "the  land  of  darkness  and  the  shadow  of 
d-eath"  (Job  10  21  f).  It  is,  as  the  antithesis  of  the 
living  condition,  the  synonym  for  everything  that 
is  gloomy,  inert,  insubstantial  (the  abode  of  Rephaim, 
"shades,''  Job  26  5;  Prov  2  18;  21  16;  Isa  14 
9;  26  14).  It  is  a  "land  of  forgetfulness,"  where 
God's  "wonders"  are  unknown  (Ps  88  10-12). 
There  is  no  remembrance  or  praise  of  God  (Ps  6  5; 
88  12;  115  17,  etc).  In  its  darkness,  stillness, 
powerlessness,  lack  of  knowledge  and  inactivity,  it 
is  a  true  abode  of  death  (see  Death);  hence  is 
regarded  by  the  living  with  shrinking,  horror  and 
dismay  (Ps  39  13;  Isa  38  17-19),  though  to  the 
weary  and  troubled  it  may  present  the  aspect  of  a 
welcome  rest  or  sleep  (Job  3  17-22;  14  12  f).  The 
Gr  idea  of  Hades  was  not  dissimilar. 

(1)  Not  a  state  of  unconsciousness. — Yet  it  would 
be  a  mistake  to  infer,  because  of  these  strong  and 
sometimes  poetically  heightened  contrasts  to  the 
world  of  the  living,  that  Sheol  was  conceived  of  as 
absolutely  a  place  without  consciousness,  or  some 
dim  remembrance  of  the  world  above.  This  is  not 
the  case.  Necromancy  rested  on  the  idea  that  there 
was  some  communication  between  the  world  above 
and  the  world  below  (Dt  18  11);  a  Samuel  could 
be  summoned  from  the  dead  (1  S  28  11-15);  Sheol 
from  beneath  was  stirred  at  the  descent  of  the  king 
of  Babylon  (Isa  14  9  ff).  The  state  is  rather  that 
of  slumbrous  semi-consciousness  and  enfeebled  exist- 
ence from  which  in  a  partial  way  the  spirit  might 
temporarily  be  aroused.  Such  conceptions,  it  need 
hardly  be  said,  did  not  rest  on  revelation,  but  were 
rather  the  natural  ideas  formed  of  the  future  state, 
in  contrast  with  Ufe  in  the  body,  in  the  absence  of 
revelation. 

(2)  Not  removed  from  God's  jurisdiction. — It 
would  be  yet  more  erroneous  to  speak  with  Dr. 
Charles  (Eschatology,  35  ff)  of  Sheol  as  a  region 
"quite  independent  of  Yahwe,  and  outside  the 
sphere  of  His  rule."  "Sheol  is  naked  before  God," 
says  Job,  "and  Abaddon  hath  no  covering"  (26  6). 
"If  I  make  my  bed  in  Sheol,"  says  the  Psalmist, 
"behold  thou  art  there"  (Ps  139  8).  The  wrath 
of  Jeh  burns  unto  the  lowest  Sheol  (Dt  32  22). 
As  a  rule  there  is  little  sense  of  moral  distinctions 
in  the  OT  representations  of  Sheol,  yet  possibly 
these  are  not  altogether  wanting  (on  the  above  and 
others  points  in  the  theology  of  Sheol,  see  Escha- 
tology OF  THE  OT) . 

(3)  Relation  to  immortality. — To  apprehend  fully 
the  OT  conception  of  Sheol  one  niust  view  it  in  its 
relation  to  the  idea  of  death  as  something  unnat- 
ural and  abnormal  for  man;  a  result  of  sin.  The 
believer's  hope  for  the  future,  so  far  as  this  had 
place,  was  not  prolonged  existence  in  Sheol,  but 
deliverance  from  it  and  restoration  to  new  life  in 


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God's  presence  (Job  14  13-15;  19  25-27;  Ps  16 
10.11;  17  15;  49  15;  73  24-26;  see  Immortal- 
ity; ESCHATOLOGY  OF  THE  OT;  ReSUKRECTION) . 
Dr.  Charles  probably  goes  too  far  in  thinking  of 
Sheol  in  Pss  49  and  73  as  "the  future  abode  of  the 
wicked  only;  heaven  as  that  of  the  righteous"  (op. 
cit.,  74) ;  but  different  destinies  are  clearly  indicated. 
There  is  no  doubt,  at  all  events,  that  in  the  post- 
canonical  Jewish  lit.  (Apoc  and  apocalyptic)  a  very 

considerable  development  is  manifest 
3.  Post-  in  the  idea  of  Sheol.  Distinction 
canonical  between  good  and  bad  in  Israel  is  em- 
Period  phasized;    Sheol  becomes  for  certain 

classes  an  intermediate  state  between 
death  and  resurrection;  for  the  wicked  and  for 
Gentiles  it  is  nearly  a  synonym  for  Gehenna  (hell). 
For  the  various  views,  with  relevant  lit.  on  the 
whole  subject,  see  Eschatology  of  the  NT;  also 
Death;  Hades;  Hell,  etc.  Jambs  Orr 

SHEPHAM,  she'fam  (DSU5 ,  sh'pham;  2€ir<|)d|iap, 

Sepphdmar) :  A  place,  probably  a  hiU  town,  on  the 
ideal  eastern  boundary  of  Israel,  named  in  Nu  34 
10,  but  omitted  in  Ezk  47  15-18.  It  lay  between 
Hazar-enan  and  Harbel  (MT  "Hariblah"),  which 
must  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of  Hermon. 
The  word  means  a  "naked"  place,  and  doubtless 
indicates  one  of  the  barer  midway  ridges  of  Anti- 
Lebanon.  It  was  probably  the  native  place  of  Zabdi 
the  Shiphmite,  who  was  David's  chief  vine-gardener 
(1  Ch  27  27). 

SHEPHATLA.H,  shef-a-ti'a,  sh5-fat'ya  (n';tDD1p , 
sh'phatydh,  "Jeh  has  judged"): 

(1)  A  son  of  David,  by  Abital  (2  S  3  4;  1  Ch 
3  3). 

(2)  A  Benjamite,  father  of  Mcshullam,  of  Jerus 
(1  Ch  9  S). 

(3)  A  Benjamite,  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag 
(1  Ch  12  5). 

(4)  A  prince  of  the  Simeonites  in  the  time  of 
David  (1  Ch  27  16). 

(5)  A  son  of  King  Jehoshaphat  (2  Ch  21  2). 

(6)  A  family,  372  of  whom  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr  2  4;  Neh  7  9);  80  more  males  of  this 
family,  with  their  head,  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr 

8  8). 

(7)  A  servant  of  Solomon,  392  of  whose  descend- 
ants returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr  2  57  f ;  Neh 
7  59  f);  "Saphat"  in  1  Esd  5  9  and  "Saphatias" 
in  1  Esd  8  34. 

(8)  A  Perezzite  (Judahite),  some  of  whose  de- 
scendants dwelt  at  Jerus  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
(Neh  11  4). 

(9)  A  son  of  Mattan,  a  contemporary  of  Jere- 
miah (Jcr  38  IJ.  James  Orr 

SHEPHELAH,  shef-e'la  (n"5Sffin,  ha-sh'phelah; 
o-£(|>T]X.ci,  sepheld,  <ra<t>ii\a,  sapheld):  The  word  de- 
notes "lowland,"  and  is  variously 
1.  Name  rendered  in  AV.  It  is  "vale"  in  Dt 
and  Refer-  1  7;  Josh  10  40;  1  K  10  27;  2  Ch 
ences  1  15;    Jer  33  13;     "valley"    in   Josh 

9  1;     11  2.16;    12  8;     15  33;    Jgs  1 
9;    Jer  32  44;    "low  plain"  in  1  Ch  27  28;    2  Ch 

9  27;  "plain"  in  Jer  17  26;  Ob  ver  19;  Zee 
7  7;  and  "low  country"  in  2  Ch  28  18.  RV 
renders  uniformly  "lowland."  As  the  word  always 
occurs  with  the  definite  art.,  indicating  a  distinct 
district,  it  might  have  been  well  to  retain  it  without 
tr.  The  boundaries  of  the  district  are  clearly 
marked  and  include  much  broken  country;  the 
hills  being  low  compared  with  the  mount  ains  to  the 
E.,  but  much  higher  than  the  plain  that  runs  to  the 
shore.  If  a  tr  was  to  be  made,  perhaps  "lowlands" 
would  have  been  the  best,  as  apphed  to  the  "Low- 


lands" of  Scotland,  "which  likewise  are  not  entirely 
plain,  but  have  their  groups  and  ranges  of  hills" 
(HGHL,  203).  In  the  wide  sense  the  Shephelah 
included  the  territory  originally  given  to  the  tribe 
of  Dan,  and  also  a  considerable  part  of  Western 
and  Southwestern  Judaea.  At  an  early  day  the 
tribes  of  Dan  and  Simeon  were  practically  absorbed 
by  Judah,  and  hence  we  find  in  Josh  15  many  cities 
in  the  Shephelah  which  belonged  to  that  tribe 
(LB,  I,  211). 

(1)  The  sites  of  many  ancient  cities  named  in 
the  Shephelah  have  been  identified.     They  all  he 

within  the  strip  of  hill  country  that 
2.  Districts  runs  along  the  western  base  of  the 
and  mountains   of   Judah,    terminating  in 

Features        the  N.  at  the  Valley  of  Aijalon.     Once 

indeed  the  name  appears  to  apply  to 
the  low  hills  N.  of  this  (Josh  11  16,  'the  mount  of 
Israel  and  its  Shephelah').  Every  other  reference 
applies  only  to  the  S. 

Principal  G.  A.  Smith  has  pointed  out  the  diflference 
between  the  district  to  the  N.  and  that  to  the  S.  o(  Aija- 
lon (HGHL.  203  11).  "North  of  Ajalon  the  low  hills 
which  run  out  on  Sharon  are  connected  with  the  high 
mountains  behind  them.  You  ascend  to  the  latter  from 
Sharon  either  by  long  sloping  ridges,  such  as  that  wliich 
today  carries  the  telegraph  wire  and  the  high  road  from 
Jaffa  to  Ndhlus;  or  else  you  chmb  up  terraces,  such  as 
the  succession  of  ranges  closely  built  upon  one  another 
by  which  the  country  rises  from  Lydda  to  Bethel.  That 
is,  the  low  hills  west  of  Samaria  are  (to  use  the  Heb 
phrase)  'dshedhoth,  or  slopes  of  the  central  range,  and  not 
a  separate  group.  But  S.  of  Ajalon  the  low  hills  do  not 
so  hang  upon  the  Central  Range,  but  are  separated  from 
the  mountains  of  Judah  by  a  series  of  valleys,  both  wide 
and  narrow,  which  run  all  the  way  from  Ajalon  to  near 
Beersheba;  and  it  is  only  when  the  low  hills  are  thus 
flung  off  the  Central  Range  into  an  independent  group, 
separating  Judaea  from  Plillistia,  that  the  name  Shephe- 
lah seems  to  be  apphed  to  them." 

(2)  On  the  E.  of  the  Shephelah,  then,  taking  the 
name  in  this  more  limited  sense,  rises  the  steep  waU 
of  the  mountain,  into  which  access  is  gained  only 
by  narrow  and  difficult  defiles.  The  hills  of  the 
Shephelah  are  from  500  to  800  ft.  high,  with  nothing 
over  1,500.  The  formation  is  soft  limestone.  In 
the  valleys  and  upland  plains  there  is  much  excel- 
lent land  which  supports  a  fairly  good  population 
still.  Wheat,  barley  and  olives  are  the  chief  prod- 
ucts. But  ancient  wine  presses  cut  in  the  rocks 
testify  to  the  culture  of  the  vine  in  old  times.  The 
district  is  almost  entirely  dependent  on  the  rain  for 
its  water-supply.  This  is  collected  in  great  cis- 
terns, partly  natural.  The  rocks  are  in  many  places 
honeycombed  with  caves. 

The  western  boundary  is  not  so  definite  as  that 
on  the  E.  Some  have  held  that  it  included  the 
Phili  plain.  This  contention  draws  support  from 
the  mention  of  the  Phili  cities  immediately  after 
those  of  Judah,  which  are  said  to  be  in  the  Shephe- 
lah (Josh  15  45  S;  these  verses  can  hardly  be  ruled 
out  as  of  a  later  date).  On  the  other  hand  the 
Philis  are  said  to  have  invaded  the  cities  of  the 
Shephelah  (2  Ch  28  18),  which  implies  that  it  was 
outside  their  country.  In  later  times  the  Tahn 
(Jerus  Sh'hhi'Hh  9  2)  distinguishes  the  Mountain, 
the  Shephelah,  and  the  Plain.  See,  however,  dis- 
cussion in  Buhl  [GAP,  104,  n.;  and  G.  A.  Smith, 
Expos,  1896,  404  ff). 

The  Shephelah  is  crossed  by  five  wide  valleys  which 
furnish  easy  access  from  the  plain.     These  are  of 

importance  chiefly  because  from  each 
3.  The  Five  of  them  a  way,  crossing  the  "foss," 
Valleys  enters  one  of  the  defiles  by  which  alone 

armies  could  approach  the  uplands  of 
Judaea.  The  hills  of  Judaea  are  much  steeper  on 
the  cast  than  on  the  west,  where  they  fall  toward 
Philistia  in  long-rolling  hills,  forming  the  Shephelah. 

(1)  The  most  noteworthy  of  these  is  the  Vale  of  Aija- 
lon. It  winds  its  way  first  in  a  northeasterly  direction, 
past  the  Beth-horons,  then,  turning  to  the  S.E.,  it  reaches 


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Shepherd 


the  plateau  at  el-Jib,  the  ancient  Gibeon,  fully  5  miles 
N.W.  of  Jerus.  This  is  the  easiest  of  all  the  avenues 
leading  from  the  plain  to  the  hcifchts,  and  it  is  the  one 
along  which  the  tides  of  battle  most  frequently  rolled 
from  the  days  of  Joshua  (Josh  10  12)  to  those  of  the 
Maccabees  (1  Mace  3  ISfT,  etc).  It  occupies  also  a 
promment  place  in  the  records  of  the  Crusades, 
oi,'^^,-  Vt^H,  m-^urar.  the  Valley  of  Sorek,  crosses  the 
Hnephelah  S.  of  Gezer.  and  pursues  a  tortuous  course 
past  Beth-shemesh  and  Kiriath-jearim  to  the  plateau 
S.W.  of  Jerus.  This  is  the  hne  followed  by  the  Jatta- 
Jerus  Railway. 

(3)  WMy  es-Sunt  runs  eastward  from  the  N.  of  Tell 
ea-!}afi.eh  (Gath)  up  the  Vale  of  Elah  to  its  confluence  with 
W&dy  es-liur  which  comes  in  from  the  S.  near  Khirbet 
Shuweikeh  (Socoh) ;  and  from  that  point,  as  Wddy  el- 
Jtady,  pursues  its  way  S.  of  Timnah  to  the  uplands  W. 
ol  Bethlehem. 

(4)  W&dy  el-'Afranj  crosses  the  plain  from  Ashdod 
(Esdud),  pa.sses  Beit  Jibrln  (Eloutheropolis),  and  winds 
up  through  the  mountains  toward  Hebron. 

(5)  Wady  el-Hesy,  from  the  sea  about  7  miles  N.  of 
Gaza,  runs  eastward  with  many  windings,  passes  to  the 
N.  of  Lachish,  and  finds  its  way  to  the  plateau  some  6 
miles  S.W.  of  Hebron. 


Ezk  34  12),  but,  more  often  he  delegates  the  work  to 
his  children  (Gen  29  9;  1  S  16  19;  17  15)  or  rela- 
tives (Gen  31  6).  In  such  cases  the  sheep  have 
good  care  because  the  keepers  have  a  personal  in- 
terest in  the  well-being  of  the  animals,  but  when 
they  are  attended  by  a  hireling  (1  S  17  20)  the 
flocks  may  be  neglected  or  abused  (Isa  56  10.11; 
Ezk  34  8.10;  Zee  11  15.17;  Jn  10  12).  The 
chief  care  of  the  shepherd  is  to  see  that  the  sheep 
find  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The  flocks  are  not 
fed  in  pens  or  folds,  but,  summer  and  winter,  must 
depend  upon  foraging  for  their  sustenance  (Ps 
23  2).  In  the  winter  of  1910-11  an  unprecedented 
storm  ravaged  Northern  Syria.  It  was  accom- 
panied by  a  snowfall  of  more  than  3  ft.,  which 
covered  the  ground  for  weeks.  During  that  time, 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  sheep  and  goats  perished, 
not  so  much  from  the  cold  as  from  the  fact  that  they 
could  get  no  food.     Goats  hunt  out  the  best  feeding- 


Shephbrd  and  Sheep. 


From  the  Shephelah  thus  opened  the  gateways 
by  which  Judaea  and  Jerus  might  be  assailed :  and 
the  course  of  these  avenues  determined  the  course 
of  much  of  the  history.  It  is  evident  that  the 
Shephelah  lay  open  to  attack  from  both  sides,  and 
for  centuries  it  was  the  debatable  land  between 
Israel  and  the  Philis.  The  ark  for  a  time  sojourned 
in  this  region  (1  S  5  6  f).  In  this  di.strict  is  laid 
the  scene  of  Samson's  exploits  (Jgs  14-16).  The 
scene  of  David's  memorable  victory  over  the  giant 
was  in  the  Wddy  e?-Sunt,  between  Socoh  and 
Azekah  (1  S  17  1).  David  found  refuge  here  in 
the  cave  of  AduUam  (1  S  22  1).  For  picturesque 
and  vivid  accounts  of  the  Shephelah  and  of  the 
part  it  played  in  history  see  Smith,  HGHL,  201  ff; 
A.  Henderson,  Palestine,  Us  Historical  Geography, 
lgg4.,  W.  EwiNG 

SHEPHER,  she'fer  (ISlB ,  shepher,  "beauty"): 
A  mount  near  which  the  Israehtes  encamped  (Nu 
33  23  f).     See  Wanderings  of  Israel. 

SHEPHERD,  shep'erd  (H^T ,  ro'eh,  "^yi ,  ro'i; 
iroiii^v,  poimtn,  "a  feeder"):  The  sheep  owner  fre- 
quently tends  the  flocks  himself  (Gen  4  4;  30  40;  of 


grounds,  but  sheep  are  more  helpless  and  have  to  be 
led  to  their  food  (cf  Nu  27  16.17);  nor  do  they 
possess  the  instinct  of  many  other  animals  for  find- 
ing their  way  home  (cf  Ezk  34  6-8).  Flocks 
should  be  watered  at  least  once  a  day.  Where 
there  are  springs  or  streams  this  is  an  easy  matter. 
Frequently  the  nearest  water  is  hours  away.  One 
needs  to  travel  in  the  dry  places  in  Syria  or  Pal,  and 
then  enter  the  watered  valleys  like  those  in  Edom 
where  the  flocks  are  constantly  being  led  for  water, 
to  appreciate  the  Psalmist's  words,  "He  leadeth  me 
beside  still  waters."  Sometimes  water  can  be  ob- 
tained by  digging  shallow  wells  (Gen  26  18-22. 
25.32).  The  shepherd  frequently  carries  with 
him  a  pail  from  which  the  sheep  can  drink  when  the 
water  is  not  accessible  to  them.  On  the  mountain 
tops  the  melting  snows  supply  the  needed  water. 
In  other  districts  it  is  drawn  from  deep  wells  (Gen 
29  2;  Jn  4  6).  The  usual  time  for  watering  is  at 
noon,  at  which  time  the  flocks  are  led  to  the  water- 
ing-places (Gen  29  2.3).  After  drinking,  the  ani- 
mals lie  down  or  huddle  together  in  the  shade  of  a 
rock  while  the  shepherd  sleeps.  At  the  first  sound 
of  his  call,  which  is  usually  a  peculiar  guttural 
sound,  hard  to  imitate,  the  flock  follow  ofl  to  new 


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feeding-grounds.  Even  should  two  shepherds  call 
their  flocks  at  the  same  time  and  the  sheep  be  inter- 
mingled, they  never  mistake  their  own  master's 
voice  (Jn  10  3-5). 

The  shepherd's  equipment  is  a  simple  one.  His 
chief  garment  is  a  cloak  woven  from  wool  or  made 
from  sheepskins.  This  is  sleeveless,  and  so  made 
that  it  hangs  hke  a  cloak  on  his  shoulders.  When 
he  sleeps  he  curls  up  under  it,  head  and  aU.  During 
the  summer  a  lighter,  short-sleeved  ^aba  or  coat  is 
worn.  He  carries  a  staff  or  club  (see  Staff),  and 
a  characteristic  attitude  is  to  make  a  rest  for  his 
arms  by  placing  his  staff  on  his  shoulders  against 
the  back  of  his  neck.  When  an  esp.  productive 
spot  is  found,  the  shepherd  may  pass  the  time,  while 
the  animals  are  grazing,  by  plaj'ing  on  his  pipe  (Jgs 
5  16).  He  sometimes  carries  a  sling  {^a'p.,  kela') 
of  goat's  hair  (1  S  17  40).  His  chief  belongings 
are  kept  in  a  skin  pouch  or  bag  C?5 ,  k'li)  (1  S 
17  40).  This  bag  is  usually  a  whole  tawed  skin 
turned  WTong  side  out,  with  the  legs  tied  up  and  the 
neck  forming  the  opening.  He  is  usually  aided  in 
the  keeping  and  the  defending  of  the  sheep  by  a 
dog  (Job  30  1).  In  Syria  the  Kurdish  dogs  make 
the  best  protectors  of  the  sheep,  as,  unlike  the 
cowardly  city  dogs,  they  are  fearless  and  will  drive 
away  the  wild  beasts.  The  shepherd  is  often  called 
upon  to  aid  the  dogs  in  defending  the  sheep  (Gen 
31  39;  1  S  17  34.35;  Isa  31  4;  Jer  5  6;  Am 
3  12). 

Figurative:  The  frequent  use  of  the  word  "shep- 
herd" to  indicate  a  spiritual  overseer  is  familiar  to 
Bible  readers  (Ps  23  1;  80  1;  Eccl  12  11;  Isa 
40  4;  63  14;  Jer  31  10;  Ezk  34  23;  37  24;  Jn 
21  15-17;  Eph  4  11;  1  Pet  5  1-4).  We  still 
use  the  term  "pastor,"  ht.  "a  shepherd."  Leaders 
in  temporal  affairs  were  also  called  shepherds  (Gen 
47  17  m;  Isa  44  28;  63  11).  "Sheep  without  a 
shepherd"  tvpified  individuals  or  nations  who  had 
forgotten  Jeh  (Nu  27  17;  1  K  22  17;  2  Ch  18 
16;  Ezk  34  5.8;   Zee  10  2;   Mt  9  36;   Mk  6  34). 

Jesus  is  spoken  of  as  the  good  shepherd  (Jn  10 
14);  chief  shepherd  (1  Pet  5  4);  great  shepherd 
(He  13  20);  the  one  shepherd  (Jn  10  16).  "He 
will  feed  his  flock  like  a  shepherd,  he  will  gather 
the  lambs  in  his  arm,  and  carry  them  in  his 
bosom,  and  will  gently  lead  those  that  have  their 
young"  (Isa  40  11)  is  a  picture  drawn  from  pas- 
toral life  of  Jeh's  care  over  His  children.  A  strong 
sympathy  for  helpless  animals,  though  sometimes 
misdirected,  is  a  marked  characteristic  of  the  people 
of  Bible  lands.  The  birth  of  offspring  in  a  flock 
often  occurs  far  off  on  the  mountain  side.  The 
shepherd  sohcitously  guards  the  mother  during 
her  helpless  moments  and  picks  up  the  lamb  and 
carries  it  to  the  fold.  For  the  few  days,  until  it  is 
able  to  walk,  he  may  carry  it  in  his  arms  or  in  the 
loose  folds  of  his  coat  above  his  girdle.  See  also 
Sheep.  James  A.  Patch 

SHEPHI,  she'fi,  SHEPHO,  she'fo  (^STlJ ,  sh'pM; 
B,  2u)(3,  Sob,  A,  2o)4)dp,  Sophdr,  Luc,  2air<)>eC, 
Sapphei  [1  Ch  1  40];  or  Shepho,  iSTB,  sh'pho; 
A,  2«<t>,  Soph,  Luc,  2u<t>dv,  Sophdn  [Gen  36  23]): 
A  Horite  chief. 

SHEPHUPHAM,  SHEPHUPHAN,  shs-fii'fam 
or  -fan  (DElDTp ,  sh'phupham;  BA,  2<o<()dv,  Sophdn, 
Luc,  2o<t)4v,  Sophdn  (Nu  26  39  (43)];  or  Shephu- 
phan,  TE^STl) ,  sh'phuphan;  B,  SucjjaptjxlK,  Sophar- 
phdk,  A,  2o)<()dv,  Sophdn,  Luc,  2eir<j)(ifi,  Sepphdm 
[1  Ch  8  5],  "a  kind  of  serpent,"  Gray,  HPN,  95): 
Eponym  of  a  Benjamite  family.  The  name  occurs 
in  Gen  46  21  as  "Muppim"  and  in  1  Ch  7  12.15; 
26  16  as  "Shuppim."     It  is  almost  impossible  to 


arrive  at  the  original  form;    the  gentihc  "Shupha- 
mites"  appears  in  Nu  26  39  (43). 

SHERAH,  she'ra.     See  Sheekah. 

SHERD,  shurd.     See  Potsherd. 

SHEREBIAH,  sher-5-bi'a,  shs-reb'ya  (n';nn®, 
sherebhyah,  "God  has  sent  burning  heat"[?];  the 
form  is  doubtful) :  A  post-exiUo  priest  and  family. 
Sherebiah,  who  joined  Ezra  at  the  river  Ahava 
(Ezr  8  18;  LXX  omits),  and  had  charge,  along  with 
eleven  others,  of  the  silver  and  gold  and  vessels  for 
the  Temple  (ver  24,  BA,  Xapaid,  Saraid,  Luc, 
Sa/3a(S(as,  Sarabias).  He  aided  in  the  exposition 
of  the  Law  (Neh  8  7),  was  among  those  who  made 
public  confession  (9  4)  and  sealed  the  covenant 
(10  12  [13]).  His  name  also  appears  in  12  8.24. 
In  every  passage  listed  above  except  10  12  (13), 
BA  read  'Zapa^la,  Sarabla,  Luc,  'Zapafilas,  Sarabias. 
In  1  Esd  8  47  the  name  appears  as  "A.sebebia,"  RV 
"Asebebias";  in  ver  54,  "Esebrias,"  RV  "Eserebias," 
and  1  Esd  9  48,  "Sarabias."  Many  of  the  com- 
panion-names on  the  lists  are  plainly  ethnic 
(Chejme).  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHERESH,  she'resh  (Tl5-jT»  ,  sharesh;  B,  SoSpos, 
Souros,  A,  26pos,  Sdros,  Luc,  4>dpes,  Phdres, 
*6pos,  Phoros):  A  Maehirite  name  in  a  genealogy 
of  Manasseh  (1  Ch  7  16). 

SHEREZER,  she-re'zer  (Zee  7  2  AV).  See 
Sharezek. 

SHERGHAT,  shUr'gat,  sher'gat,  or  ASSHUR,  or 
ASSUR:  The  name  of  the  first  capital  city  of 
Assyria  is  known  by  the  Arabs  as  Kala'at  Sherghat, 
or  the  Fortress  of  Sherghat.  Its  ancient  name  was 
Asshur  or  Assur  (Gen  10  11m).  From  it  was  de- 
rived the  name  of  the  country,  Assyria,  and  of  the 
people,  Assyrians.  The  date  of  the  founding  of  the 
city  is  not  known.  Apparently  about  2000  BC  a 
colony  of  Babjdonians  migrated  northward  along 
the  Tigris  River  and  settled  upon  the  right  shore 
about  haffway  between  the  Upper  and  Lower  Zab, 
or  halfway  between  the  modern  cities  of  Mosul  and 
Bagdad.  Assur,  the  local  deity  of  the  place,  became 
the  national  god  of  Assyria.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
the  deity  gave  the  name  to  the  city,  or  the  city  to  the 
deity,  but  probably  an  early  shrine  of  Assur  stood 
there,  and  the  people,  building  their  city  about  it, 
became  known  as  the  Assyrians.  At  first  the  city 
was  a  Bab  dependency,  governed  by  priests  from 
Babylonia.  In  time,  as  the  city  acquired  a  political 
significance,  the  power  of  the  priesthood  decUned; 
allegiance  to  Babylonia  ceased,  and  the  Assyr 
empire  came  into  existence.  About  1200  BC  the 
political  power  had  so  increased  that  a  new  capital, 
Nimrud  (Calah)  was  built  to  the  N.  near  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Upper  Zab  with  the  Tigris.  In  722  BC 
the  capital  was  transferred  by  Sargon  to  his  new 
city,  Dur-Sharrukin,  and  in  705  BC  Sennacherib 
enlarged  Nineveh,  and  it  remained  the  capital  city 
till  the  fall  of  the  empire  in  606  BC.  Assur,  how- 
ever, as  the  seat  of  the  national  deity,  never  ceased 
to  be  the  chief  religious  center. 

The  mounds  of  Assur  are  among  the  largest  in 
Mesopotamia.  They  rise  abruptly  from  the  Tigris, 
which  they  follow  for  about  half  a  mile,  and  extend 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  inland.  In  the  surrounding 
plain  are  other  mounds,  marking  the  sites  of  temples, 
and  indicating  that  a  part  of  the  city  was  without 
the  waUs.  At  the  northern  end  the  mounds  are 
surmounted  by  a  high  conical  peak,  which  represents 
the  tower  or  ziggurat  of  the  temple  of  Assur. 

Of  the  early  excavators  Layard  and  Rassam  ex- 


2765 


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Shephi,  Shepho 
Sheshach 


amined  the  ruins,  but  the  fanaticism  of  the  sur- 
rounding Arabs  prevented  extensive  excavations. 
In  1904  Dr.  W.  Andrae,  for  the  Deutsche  Orient- 
gesellschaft,  began  the  systematic  excavations 
which  have  been  continued  by  Dr.  P.  Maresch  for 
ten  years.  Discoveries  of  the  greatest  importance 
have  been  made.  The  city  was  found  to  have  been 
surrounded  on  the  land  side  by  a  double  wall. 
The  space  between  the  walls,  several  rods  in  width, 
was  occupied  by  houses,  possibly  the  homes  of  the 
soldiers.  The  base  of  the  outer  wall  was  of  stone; 
above  it  were  mud  bricks  strengthened  at  intervals 
with  courses  of  burned  bricks.  Along  the  outer 
upper  edge  was  a  parapet,  protected  by  battlements. 
From  the  floor  of  the  parapet  small  holes  were  bored 
vertically  downward,  so  that  the  soldiers,  without 
exposing  themselves,  might  discharge  their  arrows 
at  the  enemy  close  to  the  base  of  the  wall.  Many 
of  the  holes  are  stiU  visible.  The  wall  was  pierced 
with  several  gateways;  the  names  "Gate  of  Assur," 
"Gate  of  the  Tigris,"  "Gate  of  the  Sun  God"  have 
survived.  At  the  sides  of  the  gateways  were  small 
chambers  for  the  guards,  and  from  them  passage- 
ways led  to  the  parapet  above.  The  gates  were 
reached  by  bridges  which  spanned  the  moat.  Along 
the  river  side  the  city  was  protected  by  a  high  steep 
embankment,  which  was  built  partly  of  limestone, 
but  chiefly  of  square  bricks  laid  in  bitumen. 


Loopholes  through  Which  Arrows  Were  Shot. 

The  temple  of  Assur  at  the  northern  end  of  the 
city  has  been  thoroughly  excavated.  With  its 
outer  and  inner  court  and  tower  it  conformed  in  its 
general  plan  to  the  older  Bab  temples.  Several  of 
the  palaces  of  the  early  kings  were  discovered,  but 
the  best-preserved  of  the  palaces  was  one  which  the 
excavators  have  called  the  residence  of  the  mayor. 
It  stood  near  the  western  edge  of  the  city  on  the 
main  street  which  ran  from  the  western  gate  to  the 
Tigris.  It  consisted  of  two  courts  surrounded  by 
chambers.  Grooves  in  the  paved  floor  conducted 
fresh  water  to  the  kitchen,  the  baths  and  the  cham- 
bers, and  round  tiles  beneath  the  floor  carried  away 
the  waste  water  to  the  arched  city  sewer  and  to  the 
Tigris  To  the  rear  of  the  mayor's  house  was  a 
crowded  residential  quarter.  The  streets  were  very 
narrow  and  winding.  The  houses  were  exceedmgly 
small;  in  some  of  them  one  could  not  lie  at  full 
length  upon  the  floor.  Among  their  ruins  appeared 
little  but  stone  mortars  and  broken  pottery  and  other 
essential  household  implements. 

Near  the  southern  end  of  the  city  a  most  remark- 
able discovery  was  made.  About  a  hundred  mono- 
liths from  4  to  8  ft.  high,  were  found  still  standing 
erect  On  the  side  of  each  one,  near  the  top,  was 
an  inscription  of  several  lines,  dedicating  the  stone 
to  some  individual  who  had  been  of  great  service 
to  the  state.     They  were  not  tombstones;   appar- 


ently they  had  been  erected  during  the  lifetime  of 
the  people  whom  they  honored.  Of  the  greatest 
interest  was  one  which  bore  the  name  of  Sammura- 
mat  or  Semiramis,  the  once  supposed  mythical 
queen  of  Nineveh.  Its  tr  reads:  "The  column  of 
Sa-am-mu-ra-mat,  the  palace  wife  of  Samsi-Adad, 


Monuments  in  Assur  Discovered  by  the  Germans. 

king  of  the  world,  king  of  Assyria,  the  mother  of 
Adad-Nirari,  king  of  the  world,  king  of  Assyria,  the 
....  of  Shalmaneser,  king  of  the  four  regions." 
The  inscription  not  only  makes  Semiramis  a  his- 
torical character,  but  places  her  among  the  foremost 
rulers  of  Assyria. 

The  tombs  of  the  kings  and  nobles  were  found 
deep  in  the  ruins  in  the  very  center  of  the  city. 
They  were  rectangular  structures  of  cut  stone, 
covered  above  with  a  rounded  arch  of  burned 
bricks.  In  some  cases  the  massive  stone  doors 
stiU  turned  in  their  sockets.  The  roofs  of  many  of 
them  had  fallen  in;  others,  which  were  intact,  were 
filled  with  dust.  From  the  tombs  a  vast  amount  of 
silver,  gold  and  copper  jewehy  and  stone  beads  and 
ornaments  were  recovered. 

One  of  the  chief  temples  of  the  city  stood  at  a 
short  distance  without  the  eastern  wall.  Nothing 
but  its  foundations  remain.  However,  the  temple 
was  surrounded  by  a  park,  traces  of  which  still  exist. 
The  soil  of  the  surrounding  plain  is  a  hard  clay, 
incapable  of  supporting  vegetable  life.  Into  the 
clay  large  holes,  several  feet  in  diameter,  were  dug 
and  fiUed  with  loam.  Long  lines  of  the  holes  may 
stiU  be  traced,  each  marking  the  spot  where  a  tree, 
probably  the  date  palm,  stood  in  the  temple  park. 

A  modern  cemetery  on  the  summit  of  the  main 
mound  is  still  used  by  the  neighboring  Arabs,  and 
therefore  it  will  likely  prevent  the  complete  exca- 
vation of  this  oldest  of  the  capital  cities  of  Assyria. 
See  further  Assyria.  E.  J.  Banks 

SHERIFF,  sher'if  (Aram.  S"!nsn ,  tiphtaye', 
"judicial,"  "a  lawyer,"  "a  sheriff"'  [Dnl3  2f]): 
Probably  a  "lawyer"  or  "jurist"  whose  business  it 
was  to  decide  points  of  law.  At  best,  however,  the 
tr  "sheriff"  is  but  a  conjecture. 

SHESHACH,  she'shak  (tfTB©,  sheshakh,  as  if 
"humiliation";  cf  ^Pl?,  shdkhakh,  "to  crouch"): 
The  general  explanation  is  that  this  is  "a  cypher- 
form  of  'Babel'  (Babylon)"  which  is  the  word  given 
as  equivalent  to  "Sheshach"  by  the  Tg  (Jer  25  26; 
51  41;  LXX  omits  in  both  passages).  By  the 
device  known  as  Atbas  (IBDHi?),  i.e.  di-sguising  a 
name  by  substituting  the  last  letter  of  the  alphabet 
for  the  first,  the  letter  next  to  the  last  for  f  he  second, 
etc,  111)115  is  substituted  for  bnS ,  babhel.  This 
theory   has   not    failed   of   opposition.     Delitzsch 


Sheshbazzar 
Shiggaion 


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2766 


holds  that  "Sheshach"  represents  Sis-ku-KI  of 
an  old  Bab  regal  register,  which  may  have  stood 
for  a  part  of  the  city  of  Babylon.  (For  a  refutation 
of  this  interpretation  see  Schrader,  KAT'-,  415; 
COT,  II,  lOS  f.)  Lauth,  too,  takes  "Sheshach"  to 
be  a  Hebraization  of  Siska,  a  Bab  district.  Winckler 
and  Sayce  read  Uru-azagga.  Finally,  Cheyne  and 
a  number  of  critics  hold  that  the  word  has  crept  into 
the  text,  being  "a  conceit  of  later  editors."  See 
further  Jeremiah,  6.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHESHBAZZAR,  shesh-baz'ar  (ISaipip ,  shesh- 
haQQar,  or  'iB,  sheshba(^ar) :  Sheshbazzar  is  the  Heb 
or  Aram,  fonn  of  the  Bab  Shamash-aha-usjur ,  or 
Shamash-hana-usur:  "Oh  Shamash,  protect  the 
father."  It  is  possible  that  the  full  name  was 
Shmnash-ban-zeri-BabiK-usur,  "Oh  Shamash,  protect 
the  father  [builder]  of  the  seed  of  Babylon."  (See 
Zerubbabel,  and  compare  the  Bab  names  Ashur-bana- 
usur,  Ban-ziri,  Nabu-ban-ziri,  Shamash-ban-apli, 
Sha?nash-apil-u!jur,  Shamash-ban-ahi,  and  others  in 
Tallquist's  Neuhabylonischrs  Namenbuch,  and  the 
Aram,  names  on  nos.  35,  44,  36,  and  45  of  Clay's 
Aramaic  Dockets.)  If  this  latter  was  the  full  name, 
there  would  be  little  doubt  that  Sheshbazzar  may 
have  been  the  same  person  as  Zerubbabel,  since  the 
former  is  called  in  Ezr  5  14  the  governor  of  Judah, 
and  the  latter  is  called  by  the  same  title  in  Hag  1 
1.14;  2  2.21.  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that 
Sheshbazzar  and  Zerubliabel  were  different  persons, 
and  that  Sheshbazzar  was  governor  of  Judah  in  the 
time  of  Cyrus  and  Zerubbabel  in  that  of  Darius. 
It  is  possible  that  Sheshbazzar  came  to  Jerus  in  the 
time  of  Cyrus  and  laid  the  foundations,  and  that 
Zerubbabel  came  later  in  the  time  of  Darius  Hystas- 
pis  and  completed  the  building  of  the  temple  (cf  Ezr 
2  68;  4  2;   Hag  1  14). 

According  to  Ezr  1  8  Sheshbazzar  was  the  prince 
(Hannasi)  of  Judah  into  whose  hands  Cyrus  put  the 
vessels  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar had  brought  forth  out  of  Jerus  and  had  put 
in  the  house  of  his  gods.  It  is  further  said  in  ver  11 
that  Sheshbazzar  brought  these  vessels  with  them 
of  the  captivity  which  he  brought  up  from  Babylon 
to  Jerus.  In  Ezr  5  14  f  it  is  said  that  these  vessels 
had  been  delivered  by  Cyrus  unto  one  whose 
name  was  Sheshbazzar,  whom  he  had  made  gover- 
nor (pehah),^  and  that  Sheshbazzar  came  and  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  house  of  God  which  was  in 
Jerus.     See  Sanabassar.  R.  Dick  Wilson 

SHESHAI,  she'shi  CW ,  sheshay) :  One  of  the 
sons  of  Anak,  perhaps  an  old  Hebronite  clan  name. 
(Sayce  combines  the  name  with  Sasu,  ^|  riDTB  ,  the 
Egyp  name  for  the  Syrian  Bedouins.)  The  clan' 
lived  in  Hebi'on  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  and 
was  expelled  by  Caleb  (Nu  13  22,  B,  2€a-<rd,  Sessel, 
A,  'Sefi.el,  Semei;  Josh  15  14,  B,  Souo-ei,  Sousei,  A, 
Souirai,  Soiisai;  Jgs  1  10,  B,  Seo-trei,  Sessei,  A,  Teddi, 
Gethlhl). 

SHESHAN,  she'shan  {y<^V ,  sheshan;  2wo-dv, 
Sosdn):  A  Jerahmeelito  whose  daughter  married 
his  servant  Jarha  (1  Ch  2  31.34.35).  The  genea- 
logical hst  which  follows  embraces  some  very  early 
names  (cf  Curtis,  ICC,  ad  loc). 

SHETH.     See  Seth. 

SHETHAR,  she'thar  ("in®  ,  shPlhar;  B  and  Luc, 
SapcraBaios,  Sarsathaios,  A,  SapeVeeos,  Sareslheos) : 
One  of  the  "seven  princes"  at  the  court  of 
Ahasuerus  (Est  1  14);  these  princes  "sat  first  in 
the  kingdom"  and  had  the  right  of  entrance  to  the 
king's  presence  at  any  time,  except  when  he  was 
in  the  company  of  one  of  his  wives.     (According 


to  Marquart,  Fund.,  69,  Shethar  comes  from 
TTCITB ,  with  which  the  Pers  iiyalis,  "joy,"  is  to 
be  compared.)  The  word  has  never  really  been 
satisfactorily  explained;   it  is  presumably  Pers. 

SHETHAR-BOZENAI,  she'thar-boz'5-ni, 
SHETHAR-BOZNAI,  she'thiir-boz'ni,  -boz'na-I, 
CJIS  "inip  )  sh'thar  boznay,  meaning  uncertain) :  The 
name  of  a  Pers  (?)  official  mentioned  with  Tattenai 
in  connection  with  the  correspondence  with  Darius 
relative  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  (Ezr  6 
3.6;  6  6.12;  B,  'S.ada.ppovidv,  Salharbouzdn,  A, 
'ZaBapfiov^aval^  Satharbouzanai,  in  5  3;  6  13;  SaSap- 
(iov'^avqi ,  Satharbouzanes,  in  5  6;  SaSap/Soufai'^, 
Satharbouzane,  in  6  6;  Luc,  throughout,  Qap^ov^a- 
vaTos,  Tharbouzanaios),  called  in  1  Esd  6  3.7.27;  7  1 
"Shathrabuzanes." 

Among  the  conjectures  as  to  the  meaning  and  deriva- 
tion of  the  name,  the  following  may  be  mentioned:  (1) 
Shethar-boznai  may  be  a  corruption  of  ^DT13"in''3 . 
m^tharhoznay  =Mt.9po^ov^di^Tj<;,  Mithrohouzdnes,  Old  Pers 
Mithrohauzana — i.e.    "Mithra   is    dehverer."      (2)  im£) 

is  identical  with  the  Old  Pers  ^itkra  ("seed,"  "brilliance"): 
names  have  been  found  that  are  confounded  with  this 
word.  (3)  iDTia  IPIP  may  be  a  title,  but  iniU,  sHhar, 
mu.st  then  be  read  for  "IHTB .  shethar.  (4)  13T3  "iniC  is 
equivalent  to  the  Old  Pers  S^ihrahuzana,  "empire- 
delivering";   cf  EB,  art.  "Shethar-boznai,"  and  BDB. 

Horace  J.  Wolf 
SHEVA,   she'va    (NTO,   sh'^wa';    B,  2aoii,  Saoii, 
A,  2aoV)\,  Saotil,  Luc,  2oW,  Soue): 

(1)  A  son  of  Caleb  by  his  concubine  Maaoah 
(1  Ch  2  49). 

(2)  See  Shavshah. 

SHEW,  SHOW,  sh5:  "Show"  (so  always  ARV) 
is  simply  a  modernized  spelling  of  "shew"  (so 
always  in  AV  and  generally  in  ERV),  and  it  should 
be  carefully  noted  that  "shew"  is  never  pronounced 
"shoo,"  not  even  in  the  combination  "shewbread"; 
cf  "sew." 

In  AV  "shew"  as  a  vb.  is  the  tr  of  a  very  large 
number  of  terms  in  the  original.  This  number  is 
reduced  considerably  by  RV  (esp.  in  the  NT), 
but  most  of  these  changes  are  to  secure  uniformity 
of  rendition,  rather  than  to  correct  obscurities.  The 
proper  sense  of  the  vb.,  of  course,  is  "to  cause  a  per- 
son to  see"  (Gen  12  1,  etc)  or  "to  cause  a  thing  [or 
"person"]  to  be  seen"  (Dt  4  35;  Jgs  4  22,  etc). 
"Seeing,"  naturally,  can  be  taken  as  intellectual  or 
moral  (Jer  38  21;  Ps  16  11,  etc),  and  can  even  be 
used  for  "hearing"  (Isa  43  9,  etc;  contrast  RV 
1  S  9  27).  Hence  "shew"  can  be  used  as  a  general 
tr  for  the  most  various  phrases,  as  "be  shewed"  for 
ylvofiai,  ginornai,  "come  to  pass"  (Acts  4  22,  RV  "be 
wrought");  "shew  forth  themselves"  for  ivepyiu, 
energeo,  "be  active"  (Mt  14  2,  RV  "work");  "shew" 
for  iroi^w,  poied,  "do"  (Acts  7  36,  RV  "having 
wrought");  for  5n)-y4op.ai.,  diegeomai,  "relate"  (Lk  8 
39,  RV  "declare");  for  S-qXdu,  deldo,  "make  clear" 
(2  Pet  1  14,  RV  "signify"),  etc  In  Cant  2  9 
AV  (ERV)  "shewing  himself"  and  ARV  (ERVm) 
"glanceth"  both  miss  the  poetry  of  the  original: 
"His  eyes  shine  in  through  the  lattice"  (fwf,  "blos- 
som," "sparkle"). 

AV's  uses  of  the  noun  "shew"  usually  connote 
appearance  in  contrast  to  reality.  So  Lk  20  47, 
"for  a  shew"  {Tp6ipacns,  prdphasis,  "apparent  cause," 
RV  "pretence");  Col  2  23,  "shew  of  wisdom" 
(so  RV,  X670S,  logos,  "word,"  "repute");  Gal 
6  12,  "make  a  fair  shew"  (so  RV,  eitrpocruTr^oi, 
euprosopeo,  "have  a  fair  face");  Ps  39  6,  "vain 
shew"  (so  ARV  DpS ,  qelem,  "image,"  RVm  "shad- 
ow"). However,  in  Sir  43  1  {Spapa,  horama, 
"spectacle"  [so  RVj)  and  in  Col  2  15  (SecypaTl^u, 
deigmattzo,     "to     display")     "shew"  =  "spectacle." 


2767 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sheshbazzai 
Shiggaion 


In  Isa  3  9  "the  shew  of  their  countenance"  is  a 
bad  tr  for  "their  respect  of  persons"  (so  RVtn  for 
hakkarath  p'nehein).  The  "shewing"  of  the  Bap- 
tist "unto  Israel"  (Lk  1  80  AV,  ERV)  is  of  course 
his  appearing  to  begin  his  ministry. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 
SHEWBREAD,    shoTDred,    THE    (D"'jBn   Dnb  , 
lehein    ha-pardm,    "bread    of    the     presence";     tj 
irpoBecris    twv    apruv,   he    prothesis    ton 

1.  The  drlon  [He  9  2];  ARV  ''showbread." 
Term  See  Shew)  :     The  marginal  reading  of 

Ex  25  30;  35  13,  RV  "Presence-bread," 
exactly  gives  the  meaning  of  the  Heb.  In  2  Oh  2 
4  it  is  spoken  of  as  the  "continual  showbread," 
because  it  was  to  be  before  Jeh  "alway"  (Ex  25  30) . 
Later  Judaism  has  much  to  say  as  to  the  number 
and  size  of  the  loaves,  more  properly  thin  cakes, 

which  bore  this  name,  together  with 

2.  Mosaic  many  minute  regulations  as  to  the 
Regulations  placing  of  the  loaves,  the  covering  of 

them  with  frankincense,  and  other 
rituaKstic  vapidities.  All  that  the  Mosaic  legislation 
required  was  that,  once  in  every  week,  there  should 
be  twelve  cakes  of  unleavened  bread,  each  con- 
taining about  four-fifths  of  a  peck  of  fine  flour, 
placed  in  two  piles  upon  a  pure  table  with  frankin- 
cense beside  each  pile  and  changed  every  Sabbath 
day  (Lev  24  5-9).  From  the  description  of  the 
table  upon  which  the  flat  cakes  were  to  he  (Ex 
25  23-30;  37  10-16),  it  held  a  series  of  golden 
vessels  comprising  dishes,  spoons,  flagons  and  bowls. 
As  it  is  unlikely  that  empty  cups  were  set  before 
Jeh — they  being  described  as  "the  vessels  which 
were  upon  the  table" — we  may  conclude  that  the 
table  held  presentation  offerings  of  "grain  and  wine 
and  oil,"  the  three  chief  products  of  the  land  (Dt 
7  13).  The  "dishes"  were  probably  the  salvers 
on  which  the  thin  cakes  were  piled,  six  on  each. 
The  "flagons"  would  contain  wine,  and  the  bowls 
(made  with  spouts,  "to  pour  withal"),  the  oil; 
while  the  "spoons"  held  the  frankincense,  which 
was  burned  as  a  memorial,  "even  an  offering  made 
by  fire  unto  Jeh."  The  cakes  themselves  were 
eaten  by  the  priests  on  every  Sabbath  day,  as  being 
among  the  "most  holy"  sacrifices.  Each  of  the 
synoptists  refers  to  the  incident  of  David  and  his 
companions  having  eaten  of  the  shewbread  (hoi 
drtoi  tes  protheseos),  as  told  in  1  S  21  4-6  (Mt 
12  4;   Mk  2  26;  Lk  6  4). 

At  such  times  as  the  removal  of  the  tabernacle 

took  place,  the  separate  appointments  of  the  table 

of  incense  were  not  parted  from  it, 

3.  On  but  were  carried  with  it — dishes, 
Joumeyings  spoons,    bowls,    and    cups    (Nu  4  7). 

These,  like  the  other  furniture,  were 
borne  by  the  Kohathite  Levites,  but  a  few  articles 
of  hghter  weight  were  in  the  personal  care  of  the 
high  priest.  These  comprised  the  oil  for  the  candle- 
stick, the  sweet  incense,  the  holy  oil  of  consecration, 
and  the  meal  for  the  continual  bread  offermg  (Nu 
4  7.8.16).  Small  quantities  of  these  alone  would 
be  borne  from  place  to  place,  such  as  would  be 
needed  with  the  least  delay  to  refurnish  the  vessels 
of  the  sanctuary  on  every  reerection  of  the  tent  of 
meeting. 

With  this  view  of  the  nature,  we  have  a  natural 
and  adequate  sense  of  the  meanings  and  importance 

of  the  shewbread,  in  the  economy  of 
4  Signifi-  the  temple  ritual  and  service.  It  was 
cance  a  continual  reminder  to  the  worshippers 

of  the  truth  that  man  does  not  live 
by  bread  alone,  emphasized  by  the  fact  that  these 
most  holy  offerings  were  afterward  eaten.  It  was 
the  OT  version  of  the  prayer,  "Give  us  this  day  our 
daily  bread";  and  in  the  fact  that  the  holy  table 
was  never  for  a  moment  left  without  some  loaves 


lying  on  it,  we  have  the  symbol  of  man's  con- 
tinued and  unbroken  dependence  upon  God.  Even 
during  the  travels  of  the  table  of  shewbread  with 
the  tabernacle,  the  "continual  bread"  was  required 
to  be  in  its  place  thereon  (Nu  4  7). 

It  has  been  usual  to  say  that  "frankincense  in 
golden  urns  stood  beside  the  twelve  loaves"  {EB, 
IV,  col,  4212).  But  this  is  a  mere  repetition  of 
a  Jewish  legend,  as  spoons  were  the  recognized 
holders  of  the  frankincense  to  be  burned  (cf  Nu  7 
14  ff ) .  Such  spoons  formed  a  part  of  the  equipment 
of  the  shewbread  table,  and  on  the  removal  of  the 
week-old  cakes  the  spoons  were  carried  forth  and 
the  frankincense  in  them  burned  on  the  great  altar 
on  the  Sabbath  day.  If  this  were  done  while  the 
grain  and  wine  and  oil  were  being  consumed,  it 
would  derive  additional  significance,  as  betokening 
the  gratitude  and  adoration  of  the  representative 
recipients  of  the  bounties  of  Nature,  just  as  the 
daily  burning  of  incense  in  the  holy  place  betokened 
the  worship  and  adoration  of  the  praying  multi- 
tudes without  the  temple  (Lk  1  10).  See  Shew- 
bread, Table  of.  W.  Shaw  Cai.de  cott 

SHEWBREAD,  TABLE  OF  (]r\)t ,  shulhan 
[Ex  26  25-30,  etc];    ■fl  Tpdire^a  Kal  t|  irpoB^o-is  tuv 

apTav,  he  trdpezakai  he  prdthesis  ton  drlon  [He  9  2]): 
For  construction,  see  Tabernacle;  Temple.  A 
rude  representation  of  the  table  is  given  on  the  Arch 
of  Titus  in  Rome.  The  bas-rehef  was  measured  by 
Professor  Boni  in  1905,  and  the  height  and  width  of 
the  represented  tables  were  found  to  be  48  cms.,  or 
nearly  19  in.  The  table  represented  is,  of  course, 
that  of  Herod's  temple,  taken  at  the  fall  of  Jerus 
in  70  AD.  See  the  author's  art.  on  "The  Temple 
Spoils"  in  PSFS,  1906,  306  ff. 

The  table  of  shewbread  is  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  altar  of  incense.  It  has  become  the  fashion  of 
the  newer  criticism  to  deny  the  existence  of  the 
altar  of  incense  in  preexilic  times,  and  to  explain  the 
allusion  to  it  in  1  K  6  20  as  the  table  of  shewbread 
(so  m  Ezk  41  22).  The  other  references  (1  K  6 
22;  7  48;  9  25)  are  dismissed  as  interpolations. 
The  procedure  is  radically  vicious.  The  table  of 
shewbread  is  not  an  "altar,"  though  the  altar  is  once 
spoken  of  as  a  "table"  (Ezk  41  22).  There  was 
only  one  altar  of  incense  (1  K  6  20),  but  (in  2  Ch 
4  8)  ten  tables  of  shewbread.  See  Shewbread. 
W.  Shaw  Caldecott 

SHIBAH,  shi'ba  (HyaiB,  shibh'dh,  "seven"; 
opKos,  horkos;  Swete  reads  'i'p^ap  opKou,  Phrear 
horkou,  lit.  "weU  of  oath" ;  AV  Shebah) :  The  name 
of  the  original  well  of  Beer-sheba  according  to  Gen 
26  33.     See  Beer-sheba. 

SHIBBOLETH,  shib'5-leth  (nbaiC ,  shibboleth) : 
A  test  of  speech  applied  by  the  men  of  Gilead 
to  the  Ephraimites,  who  wished  to  cross  the  Jor- 
dan, after  defeat.  If  they  pronounced  the  word 
.jibbolelh,  their  dialectic  variety  of  speech  betrayed 
them  (Jgs  12  6) .  The  word  probably  has  the  sense 
of  "stream"  or  "flood"  (cf  Ps  69  2). 

SHIBMAH,  shib'ma  (n^li?) ,  sibhmah) .    See  Sib- 

MAH. 

SHICRON,  shik'ron  (IllSti,  shikkTon).  See 
Shikkeron. 

SHIELD,  sheld.     See  Armor,  IV,  1. 

SHIGGAION,  shi-ga'yon,  shi-gi'on  Cj')''?!?,  shig- 
gdyon):  Occurs  in  the  title  of  Ps  7,  and,  in  the  pi., 
in  the  verse  introducing  Habakkuk's  prayer  (Hab 
3  1).  Derived  from  a  vb.  meaning  "to  wander,"  it 
is  generally  taken  to  mean  a  dithyramb,  or  rhapsody. 


Shihon 
Shimeathites 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2768 


This  is  not  supported  by  the  Gr  VSS,  but  they  are 
evidently  quite  at  a  loss.     See  Psalms,  Book  of. 

SHIHON,   shi'hon  C\'Mf''t ,  shi'on).     See  Shion. 

SHIHOR,  shl'hor  ("liniT|j ,  shihor,  also  written 
without  ■>  and  1  in  Heb  and  incorrectly  "Sihor"  in 
Eng.) :  A  stream  of  water  mentioned  in  connection 
with  Egypt.  Joshua  (13  3)  speaks  of  the  "Shihor, 
which  is  before  Egypt,"  a  stream  which  commen- 
tators have  thought  to  be  "the  brook  of  Egypt," 
the  stream  which  separated  Egypt  from  Pal,  now 
called  Wddy  el-\irish.  Jeremiah  (2  18  AV)  says, 
"What  hast  thou  to  do  in  the  way  to  Egypt,  to 
drink  the  waters  of  Sihor?"  Commentators  have 
thought  Shihor  in  this  case  to  be  a  name  for  the 
Nile.  Both  interpretations  cannot  be  correct. 
Whatever  the  name  S.  means,  at  least  it  did  not 
denote  a  movable  river.  It  must  be  the  same  stream 
in  both  these  passages,  and  no  identification  of  the 
stream  can  be  correct  that  does  not  satisfy  both 
of  them.  Professor  Naville  has  recently  shown  con- 
clusively {Proc.  Soc.  Bib.  Arch.,  January,  1913) 
that  neither  of  these  interpretations  is  strictly  cor- 
rect, and  has  made  clear  the  Bib.  references  to  S. 
In  the  northeastemmost  province  of  ancient  Egypt, 
Khenlaht  ("Fronting  on  the  East"),  was  a  canal,  a 
fresh-water  stream  drawn  off  from  the  Nile,  called 
in  the  Egyp  language  Shi-t-Hor,  i.e.  "the  Horus 
Canal"  (the  -t-  is  an  Egyp  fem.  ending).  There 
have  been  many  changes  in  the  branches  and  canals 
from  the  Nile  in  the  Delta,  and  this  one  with  many 
others  has  been  lost  altogether;  but  there  is  a 
tradition  among  the  Bedouin  of  Wddy  el-  Arish  to 
this  day  that  once  a  branch  of  the  Nile  came  over 
to  that  point.  This  Shi-t-Hor,  "Stream  of  Horus," 
makes  perfectly  clear  and  harmonious  the  different 
references  of  Scripture  to  S.  It  was  "before 
Egypt,"  as  Josh  describes  it,  and  it  was  the  first 
sweet  water  of  Eg3'pt  which  the  traveler  from  Pal 
in  those  days  was  able  to  obtain,  as  the  words  of 
Jeremiah  indicate.  "To  drink  the  waters  of  S." 
meant  to  reach  the  supply  of  the  fresh  water  of  the 
Nile  at  the  border  of  the  desert.  The  two  other 
references  to  S.  (1  Ch  13  5;  Isa  23  3)  are  per- 
fectly satisfied  by  this  identification.  The  "seed 
of  S."  (Isa  23  3  AV)  would  be  grain  from  Egypt 
by  way  of  the  Shihor.  M.  G.  Kyle 

SHIHOR-LIBNATH,  shi'hor-lib'nath  ("lin"»© 
n!3?  ,  shihor  libhnath;  B,  tm  Sttmv  Kal  Aa|3avAe, 
to  Seion  kal  Labandth,  A,  Stiiip  kt\.,  Seior,  etc): 
A  place  named  on  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Josh  19 
26).  It  seems  to  mark  with  Carmel  the  western 
limit,  and  may  have  been  on  the  S.  of  that  moun- 
tain. Pesh,  Syr,  and  Onom  take  this  as  two  distinct 
names  attaching  to  cities  in  this  region.  So  far, 
however,  no  trace  of  either  name  has  been  found  in 
the  course  of  very  careful  exploration.  More  prob- 
ably Shihor  was  the  name  of  a  river,  "Libnath"  dis- 
tinguishing it  from  the  Nile,  which  was  called 
Shihor  of  Egypt.  It  may  have  been  called  Shihor 
because,  hke  the  Nile,  it  contained  crocodiles. 
The  boundary  of  Asher  included  Dor  (Tanturah), 
so  the  river  may  be  sought  S.  of  that  town.  Croco- 
diles are  said  still  to  be  found  in  the  Kishon;  but 
this  river  runs  N.  of  Carmel.  The  Crocodeilon  of 
Ptolemy  (V.  xv.5;  xvi.2)  and  Pliny  (v. 19),  which 
the  latter  makes  the  southern  boundary  of  Phoeni- 
cia, may  possibly  be  Nahr  ez-Zerka,  which  enters  the 
sea  about  5  miles  S.  of  Tanturah.  Here  also  it  is  said 
the  crocodile  is  sometimes  seen.  Perhaps  therefore 
we  may  identify  this  stream  with  Shihor-libnath. 

.W.  EwiNG 

SHIKKERON,  shik'er-on  ( ilnSTC ,  shikk'ron; 
AV  Shicron):    A  place  mentioned   in  Josh  15  11 


as  being  on  the  northern  border  of  Judah,  between 
Ekron  and  Baalah,  Jabneel  being  beyond,  toward 
the  sea.  The  site  is  unknown,  but  Rev.  C.  Hauser 
(PEFS,  1907,  289)  suggests  Tell  es-Sellakeh,^  N.W. 
of  ''Akir,  remarking  that  if  this  were  the  site  the 
boundary  would  follow  a  natural  course  over  the 
mountain  to  Jabneel. 

SHILHI,  shil'hi  OU^V ,  shilhi):  Father  of 
Jehoshaphat's  mother  (1  K  22  42  =  2  Ch  20  31; 
BA  in  2  Ch,  SaXef,  Salel,  B  in  1  K,  Ze/xeel,  Semeel, 
A  in  1  K,  SaXaXd,  Salald,  Luc.  in  both,  SeXeef, 
Seleel).  Cheyne  {EB,  art.  "Shilhi")  ventures  the 
supposition  that  "Shilhi"  is  a  misreading  for  "Shil- 
him"  (Josh  15  32),  and  is  therefore  the  name  of  a 
place  rather  than  that  of  a  person;  he  holds  it  to 
be  the  name  of  the  birthplace  of  Azubah,  the  king's 
mother. 

SHILHIM,  shil'him  (DinblU ,  shilhlm  [Josh  15 
32]):  See  Shaaraim,  (2).  Possibly  Azubah  the 
mother  of  Jehoshaphat,  who  is  called  "the  daughter 
of  Shilhi"  (1  K  22  42;  2  Ch  20  31),  was  a  native 
of  Shilhim. 

SHILLEM,  shU'em,  SHILLEMITES,  shil'em-Its 
,  shillem,  '''OHVi^ ,  ha-shillemi):  Shillem  is 
found  in  Gen  46  24,  a  son  of  Naphtali;  Shillem- 
ites,  his  descendants,  are  mentioned  in  Nu  26  49; 
Shallum  (q.v.)  is  found  in  1  Ch  7  13. 


SHILOAH,    shi-lo'a,    shi-lo'a    (Isa  8  6). 
Silo  AM. 


See 


SHILOH,  shi'lo  (rti^ia ,  shiloh) :  The  prophecy 
in  Gen  49  10,  "The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  ....  until  Shiloh  come,"  etc,  has  been 
the  subject  of  very  diverse  interpretations.  RVm 
gives  as  alternative  renderings,  '  'Till  he  come  to 
ShiJoh  having  the  obedience  of  the  peoples'  Or,  ace. 
to  Syr,  'Till  he  come  whose  it  is,'  etc."  (1)  From 
the  earliest  times  the  passage  has  been  regarded  as 
Messianic,  but  the  rendering  in  the  text,  which 
takes  "Shiloh"  as  a  proper  name,  bearing  a  meaning 
such  as  "peaceful"  (cf  Isa  9  6,  "Prince  of  Peace"), 
labors  under  the  difficulty  that  Shiloh  is  not  found 
elsewhere  as  a  personal  name  in  the  OT,  nor  is  it 
easy  to  extract  from  it  the  meaning  desired.  Further, 
the  word  was  not  personally  applied  to  the  Messiah 
in  any  of  the  ancient  VSS,  which  rather  assume  a 
different  reading  (see  below).  Apart  from  a  purely 
fanciful  passage  in  the  Talm  (cf  Driver,  Ge?i,  413), 
this  appUcation  does  not  appear  earher  than  the 
version  of  Seb.  Munster  in  the  16th  cent.  (1534). 
(2)  The  rendering,  "till  he  come  to  Shiloh,"  where 
Shiloh  is  taken  as  the -name  of  a  place,  not  a  person, 
is  plausible,  but  is  felt  to  yield  no  suitable  sense  in 
the  context.  It  is,  therefore,  now  also  set  aside 
by  most  recent  scholars.  (3)  The  3d  rendering, 
which  regards  Shiloh  as  representing  the  Heb 
n31»  {shelloh)  =  nbi)  ior  lb  "nax  ,  'asher  Id,  "whose 
[it  is],"  has  in  its  favor  the  fact  that  this  is  evi- 
dently the  reading  presupposed  in  the  LXX,  the 
Pesh,  and  the  Jewish  Tgs,  and  seems  to  be  alluded 
to  in  Ezk  21  27,  "until  he  come  whose  right  it  is." 
In  this  view  the  passage  has  still  a  Messianic  ref- 
erence, though  critics  argue  that  it  must  then  be 
regarded  as  late  in  origin.  Other  interpretations 
need  not  detain  us.  See  for  details  the  full  dis- 
cussions in  Hengstenberg's  Christology,  I,  54  ff,  ET, 
the  comms.  of  Delitzsch,  Driver,  and  Skinner,  on 
Gen  (esp.  Excursus  II  in  Driver),  and  the  arts,  in 
the  various  Bible  diets.;  see  also  Prophecy. 

Jambs  Orr 
SHILOH  (the  most  usual  form  is  rfblD ,  shiloh, 
but    it    appears  8  t  as    ib'ffi ,    shllo,  and  3  t  aa 


2769 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shihon 
Shimeathites 


ib^iP;  SiiXu,  Selo,  2T|\u|i,  Selom):  A  town  in  the 
lot  of  Ephraim  where  Israel  assembled  under  Joshua 
at  the  close  of  the  war  of  conquest  (Josh  18  1). 
Here  territory  was  allotted  to  the  seven  tribes  who 
had  not  yet  received  their  portions.  A  commission 
was  sent  out  to  "describe  the  land  into  seven  por- 
tions" ;  this  having  been  done,  the  inheritances  were 
assigned  by  lot.  Here  also  were  assigned  to  the 
Levites  their  cities  in  the  territories  of  the  various 
tribes  (chs  18-21).  From  Shiloh  Reuben  and  Gad 
departed  for  their  homes  E.  of  the  Jordan;  and  here 
the  tribes  gathered  for  war  against  these  two,  having 
misunderstood  their  building  of  the  great  altar  in 
the  Jordan  valley  (ch  22).  From  Jgs  18  31  we 
learn  that  in  the  period  of  the  Judges  the  house  of 
God  was  in  Shiloh;  but  when  the  sanctuary  was 
moved  thither  from  Gilgal  there  is  no  indication. 
The  maids  of  Shiloh  were  captured  by  the  Ben- 
jamites  on  the  occasion  of  a  feast,  while  dancing  in 
the  vineyards;  this  having  been  planned  by  the 
other  tribes  to  provide  the  Benjamites  with  wives 
without  involving  themselves  in  responsibihty 
(21  21  fT).  While  the  house  of  the  Lord  remained 
here  it  was  a  place  of  pilgrimage  (1  S  1  3).  To 
Shiloh  Samuel  was  brought  and  consecrated  to 
God's  service  (ver  24).  The  sanctuary  was  pre- 
sided over  by  Eli  and  his  wicked  sons;  and  through 
Samuel  the  doom  of  their  house  was  announced. 
The  capture  of  the  ark  by  the  Philis,  the  fall  of 
Hophni  and  Phinehas,  and  the  death  of  the  aged 
priest  and  his  daughter-in-law  followed  with  start- 
ling rapidity  (chs  3,4) .  The  sanctuary  in  Shiloh  is 
called  a  "temple"  (1  9;  3  3)  with  doorpost  and 
doors  (1  9;  3  15).  It  was  therefore  a  more  durable 
structure  than  the  old  tent.  See  Tabernacle; 
Temple.  It  would  appear  to  have  been  destroyed, 
probably  by  the  Philis;  and  we  find  the  priests  of 
Eh's  house  at  Nob,  where  they  were  massacred  at 
Saul's  order  (22  11  ff).  The  disaster  that  befell 
Shiloh,  while  we  have  no  record  of  its  actual  occur- 
rence, made  a  deep  impression  on  the  popular  mind, 
so  that  the  prophets  could  use  it  as  an  effective 
illustration  (Ps  78  60;  Jer  7  12.14;  26  6).  Here 
the  blind  old  prophet  Ahijah  was  appealed  to  in 
vain  by  Jeroboam's  wife  on  behalf  of  her  son  (1  K 
14  2.4),  and  it  was  still  occupied  in  Jeremiah's 
time  (41  5). 

The  position  of  Shiloh  is  indicated  in  Jgs  21  19, 
as  "on  the  north  of  Beth-el,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
highway  that  goeth  up  from  Beth-el  to  Shechem, 
and  on  the  south  of  Lebonah."  This  is  very  ex- 
phcit,  and  points  definitely  to  Seilun,  a  ruined  site 
on  a  hill  at  the  N.E.  of  a  little  plain,  about  9  miles 
N  of  Beilin  (Bethel),  and  3  miles  S.E.  of  Khan 
el-Lubban  (Lebonah),  to  the  E.  of  the  highway  to 
Shechem  ( Ndblus) .  The  path  to  Seilun  leaves  the 
main  road  at  Sinjil,  going  eastward  to  Turmus  'Aya, 
then  northward  across  the  plain.  A  deep  valley 
runs  to  the  N.  of  the  site,  cuttmg  it  olT  from  the  ad- 
joining hills,  in  the  sides  of  which  are  rook-hewn 
tombs.  A  good  spring  rises  higher  up  the  valley. 
'There  are  now  no  vineyards  in  the  district;  but  in- 
dications of  their  ancient  culture  are  found  in  the 
terraced  slopes  around. 

The  ruins  on  the  hill  are  of  comparatively  modern 
buildings.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  is  a  mosque  which 
is  going  quickly  to  ruin.  A  httle  distance  to  the 
S  E  is  a  building  which  seems  to  have  been  a 
synagogue.  It  is  called  by  the  natives  Jamt  ei- 
'ArhaHn,  "mosque  of  the  Forty."  There  are  many 
cistoms. 

Just  over  the  crest  of  the  hill  to  the  N  on  a 
terrace,  there  is  cut  in  the  rock  a  rough  quadrangle 
400  ft  by  80  ft.  in  dimensions.  This  may  have 
been  the  site  of  "the  house  of  the  Lord"  which  was 
in  Shiloh.  W.  EwiNQ 


SHILONITE,  shi'16-nit  Ofi'^lt ,  sMloni  [2  Ch  9 
29),  ■'Dib^irJ,  shiloni  [10  15;  Neh  11  5],  "^jiblB  ; 
2t)\uvcC,  Selonel,  Xr\\<j>v(lrr\'s,  Seloneiles) '.  This 
denotes  an  inhabitant  of  Shiloh,  and  applies  (1)  to 
Ahijah  the  prophet  (1  K  11  29,  etc);  and  (2)  to 
a  family  of  the  children  of  Judah,  who,  after  the 
exile,  made  their  home  in  Jerus  (1  Ch  9  5;  Neh 
11  5,  AV  "Shiloni"). 

SHILSHAH,  shil'sha  (nipbTU ,  shilshah;  BA,  2o- 
Xeio-d,  Saleisd,  Luc,  2e\«|i.o-dv,  Selemsdn):  An 
Asherite  (1  Ch  7  37). 

SHIMEA,  shim'5-a  (5«37iai|j ,  shim'd'y.  See  Sham- 
MUA  and  Shammah. 

(1)  Brother  of  David  (see  Shammah). 

(2)  Son  of  David  (1  Ch  3  5,  B,  ■Zd^av,  Sdman; 
but  in  2  S  5  14;   1  Ch  14  4,  "Shammua"). 

(3)  A  Merante  Levite  (1  Ch  6  30,  B,  2o/xfo, 
Somea,  A,  Xa/j-d,  Samd,  Luc,  "Zaiiad,  Samad). 

(4)  A  Gershonite  Levite  (1  Ch  6  39  [24],  -^eiiad, 
Semad) . 

SHIMEAH,  shim'5-a  (HNlatJ ,  shim'ah;  B,  2«(ii<i, 
Semad,  A,  2a|i£d,  Samed,  Luc,  2a|iad,  Samad):  A 
descendant  of  Jehiel,  the  "father"  of  Gibeon  (1  Ch 
8  32);   in  1  Ch  9  38  he  is  called  "Shimeam"  (B 

X,  Luc,  2afiad,  Samad,  A,  Sa^iid,  Samd;  see  JQR, 

XI,  110-13,  §§10-12). 

SHIMEAM,  shim'5-am.     See  Shimeah. 

SHIMEATH,  shim'5-ath  (n^iailj ,  sUm'ath,  or 
nyiOlD  ,  shim'ath;  LXX  in  2  K,''i€|j.oude,  lemoudlh, 
B  in  2  Ch,  2a|id,  Samd,  A,  2a|id9,  Samdth,  Luc, 
2a|iad9,  Samadth) :  Father  of  Jozacar  (2  K  12  21 
[22]),  one  of  the  murderers  of  Joash,  king  of  Judah. 
According  to  2  Ch  24  26  Shimeath  is  an  Ammon- 
itess  and  the  mother,  not  the  father,  of  Jozacar. 
Many  textual  emendations  have  been  suggested 
(cf  HDB,  art.  "Shimeath"),  but  they  are  unneces- 
sary, as  the  Chronicler's  revised  version  of  the  inci- 
dent in  K  was  a  deliberate  one.  The  Chronicler 
was  a  sturdy  opponent  of  intermarriage,  and  in  the 
story  of  the  assassination  of  King  Joash  he  saw  an 
opportunity  to  strike  a  blow  against  the  hated  prac- 
tice. In  the  older  account  in  K  the  names  of  the 
conspirators  are  given  as  "Jozakar  the  son  of  Ti^'Qtp 
[shim^dlh],  and  Jehozabad  the  son  of  ^^^1|5  [shemer] ." 
The  two  names  are  both  masc. ;  but  the  final  fl  of 
the  former  looked  to  the  Chronicler  like  the  fem. 
ending  and  offered  him  his  opportunity.  In  his 
account,  the  one  of  the  two  murderers  (dastardly 
villains,  even  though  the  king  had  merited  death) 
was  "the  son  of  tiypilJ  [shim'alh],  the  Ammoniless," 
and  the  other  was  "the  son  of  tT^I.'aTi)  [shimrlth],  the 
Moabiless"  (cf  Torrey,  Ezra  SLudies,  212  S). 

Horace  J.  Wolf  . 

SHIMEATHITES,  shim'g-ath-Its  (DWpi», 
shim'alhlm;  B  A,  SaiiaOwtfi.,  Samalhielm,  Luc,  2a|ia- 
OtCv,  Samaiheln):  A  subdivision  of  the  tribe  of 
Caleb  (1  Ch  2  55).  In  the  three  families  men- 
tioned in  this  passage  Jerome  saw  three  distinct 
classes  of  religious  functionaries:  Vulg  canentes 
aique  resonanles  et  in  iabernaculis  commorantes. 
The  Tg  has  a  similar  explanation,  except  that  the 
"Sucathites"  are  those  "covered"  with  a  spirit  of 
prophecy.  Bertheau  (Handbuch  zum  A  T)  accepts 
Jerome's  explanation,  except  that  he  regards  the 
first  class  as  gate-keepers  (Aram.  ^^H  ,  I'ra^  =  Heb 
-|?l|j ,  sha'-ar).  Wellhausen  {DGJ,  30  f)  finds  under- 
lying the  three  names  n^'IP ,  iir'dh,  a  technical 
term  for  sacred  music-making,  n^lpip  ,  shim'ah,  the 
Halacha  or  sacred  tradition.     Buhl  {HWB")  de- 


Shimei 
Shinar 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2770 


rives  Shimeathites  and  Sucathites  from  unknown 
places.  Keil  interprets  as  descendants  from  the 
unknown  Shemei  (cf  Curtis,  ICC).  The  passage 
is  hopelessly  obscure.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHIMEI,  shim'5-i  (^ypiIJ ,  sUm\  possibly  "hear 
me  [El]"  or  "[Jah]";  Scueti,  Semeei,  2e|iet, 
Semei) :  A  name  of  frequent  occurrence  throughout 
the  OT  records,  sometimes  varying  slightly  in  form 
in  EV.  AV  has  "Shimi"  in  Ex  6  17;  ''Shimhi" 
in  1  Ch  8  21;  "Shimeah"  in  2  S  21  21.  RV 
has  "Shimeites"  in  Zee  12  13,  where  AV  has 
"Shimei,"  and  Nu  3  21  for  AV  "Shimites."  EV 
has  "Shema"  in  1  Ch  8  13.21m  for  the  "Shimei" 
of  ver  21.  In  all  others  of  the  many  occurrences 
in  AV  and  RV  the  form  is  "Shimei." 

(1)  A  family  name  among  the  Levites  before  and 
after  the  exile,  at  least  five  of  whom  bore  it:  (o) 
Son  of  Gershon  and  grandson  of  Levi  (Ex  6  17; 
Nu  3  18;  1  Ch  6  17;  23  7.10).  The  text  of 
1  Ch  6  and  23  is  corrupt,  making  difficult  the 
tracing  of  the  various  genealogies  and  the  identi- 
fication of  the  several  Shimeis.  Evidently  that  of 
23  9  is  a  scribe's  error  for  one  of  the  four  sons  of 
Ladan  or  Libni,  whose  names  are  given  in  the  pre- 
ceding verse.  (6)  An  ancestor  of  Asaph  the  musi- 
cian (1  Ch  6  42),  possibly  the  same  as  (o)  above, 
Jahath  the  son  of  S.  (cf  23  10)  being  by  a  copyist's 
error  transposed  so  as  to  read  as  if  he  were  the 
father  of  S.  (c)  A  descendant  of  the  Merarite 
branch  of  the  Levites  (1  Ch  6  29).  (d)  One  of  the 
288  trained  singers  in  the  service  of  the  sanctuary 
under  Asaph  (1  Ch  25  17).  (e)  One  of  the  Levites 
who  helped  to  cleanse  the  Temple  in  Hezekiah's 
reformation  (2  Ch  29  14).  He  was  a  descendant 
of  Heman  the  musician.  Hezekiah  afterward 
appointed  him  with  Conaniah  to  have  chief  over- 
sight of  "the  oblations  and  the  tithes  and  the  dedi- 
cated things"  which  were  brought  into  the  chambers 
of  Jeh's  house  prepared  for  them  (2  Ch  31  11.12). 
(/)  A  Levite  who  under  Ezra  put  away  his  foreign 
wife  (Ezr  10  23),  "Semeis"  in  1  Esd  9  23. 

(2)  The  best-known  Bible  character  of  this  name 
is  the  Benjamite,  of  the  family  of  Saul  (2  S  16  5- 
12;  19  16-20;  1  K  2  8.9.36-46),  who  met  David 
at  Bahurim  as  he  was  fleeing  from  Absalom,  and  in 
bitter  and  cowardly  fashion  cursed  and  attacked 
the  hard-pressed  king.  Apparently  David's  flight 
to  the  Jordan  led  through  a  narrow  ravine,  on  one 
side  of  which,  or  on  the  ridge  above,  stood  Shimei 
in  safety  as  he  cast  stones  at  David  and  his  men, 
cursing  as  he  threw  (2  S  16  5.6).  His  hatred  of 
David  who  had  displaced  his  royal  kinsman  Saul 
had  smouldered  long  in  his  mean  heart;  and  now 
the  flame  bursts  out,  as  the  aged  and  apparently 
helpless  king  flees  before  his  own  son.  S.  seizes 
the  long-coveted  opportunity  to  pour  out  the  acid 
hate  of  his  heart,  fiut  when  David's  faithful  com- 
panions would  cross  the  ravine  to  make  quick  work 
of  S.,  the  noble  king  forbade  them  with  these 
remarkable  words:  "Behold,  my  son,  who  came 
forth  from  rny  bowels,  seeketh  my  hfc:  how  much 
more  may  this  Benjamite  now  do  it?  let  him  alone, 
and  let  him  curse;  for  Jeh  hath  bidden  him.  It 
may  be  that  Jeh  ....  wiU  requite  me  good  for  his 
cursing"  (2  S  16  11.12).  After  Absalom's  over- 
throw, as  the  king  was  returning  victorious  and 
vindicated,  S.  met  him  at  the  Jordan  with  most 
abject  confession  and  with  vows  of  allegiance  (2  S 
19  16-23). 

The  king  spared  his  life;  but  shortly  before  liis  death 
charged  his  son  Solomon  to  see  that  due  punishment 
should  come  to  Shimei  for  his  sins:  "Thou  shalt  bring 
his  hoar  head  down  to  Sheol  with  blood"  (1  K  2  9). 
When  he  came  to  the  throne  Solomon  summoned  Shimei 
and  bade  him  build  a  house  in  Jerus,  to  which  he  should 
come  and  from  which  he  must  not  go  out  on  pain  of 
death  (1   K  2  36-38).     FeeUng  secure  after  some  years 


Shimei  left  his  home  in  Jerus  to  recapture  some  escaped 
slaves  (vs  39-41).  and  in  consequence  he  was  promptly 
dispatched  by  that  gruesome  avenger  of  blood,  the 
royal  executioner,  "Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,"  who 
"fell  upon  him,"  as  he  had  upon  Adonijah  and  Joab, 
"so  that  he  died"  (ver  46). 

(3)  Another  Benjamite,  mentioned  with  Rei  as 
an  officer  in  the  king's  bodyguard,  who  was  faithful 
to  David  in  the  rebellion  of  Adonijah  (1  K  1  8). 
Jos  reads  Rei  as  a  common  noun,  describing  S.  as 
"the  friend  of  David."  He  is  to  be  identified  with 
the  son  of  Elah  (1  K  4  18),  whom  Solomon,  prob- 
ably because  of  his  fidelity,  named  as  one  of  the 
12  chief  commissary  officers  appointed  over  all 
Israel,  "who  provided  victuals  for  the  king  and  his 
household." 

(4)  A  man  of  some  prominence  in  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin (1  Ch  8  21),  whose  home  was  in  Aijalon,  where 
he  was  a  "head  of  fathers'  houses"  (ver  13);  but  his 
descendants  lived  in  Jerus  (ver  28).  In  AV  he  is  called 
"Shimhi";   in  ver  13  he  is  called  "Shema." 

(5)  Another  Benjamite,  an  ancestor  of  Mordecai 
(Est  2  .5),  "Semeias"  in  Ad  Est  11  2. 

(6)  A  brother  of  David  (2  S  21  21,  AV  "Shimeah"); 
in  1  S  16  9  he  is  called  "Shammah";  cf  "Shimeah," 
"  Shimea." 

(7)  A  man  of  Judah,  called  "the  Ramathite,"  who 
was  "over  the  vineyards"  in  David's  reign  (1  Ch  27  27). 

(8)  A  Simeonite  hving  in  the  time  of  David 
(1  Ch  4  26.27),  whose  chief  claim  to  distinction 
was  that  he  was  father  of  16  sons  and  6  daughters. 
The  descendants  of  such  a  numerous  progeny,  not 
being  able  to  maintain  themselves  in  their  ancestral 
home  in  Beer-sheba,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  fell 
upon  Gerar,  and  dispossessed  "the  sons  of  Ham" 
(ver  39  LXX),  and  upon  Mt.  Seir,  driving  out  the 
Amalekites  (ver  43) . 

(9)  A  man  of  Reuben,  son  of  Gog  (1  Ch  5  4). 

(10),  (11)  Two  men  of  "Israel,"  i.e.  not  priests  or 
Levites,  one  "of  the  sons  of  Hashum"  (Ezr  10  33),  the 
other  "of  the  sons  of  Bani"  (10  38),  who  put  away  their 
foreign  wives  at  Ezra's  command,  in  1  Esd  called  re- 
spectively "Semei"  (9  33)  and  "  Someis  "  (9  34). 

(12)  A  brother  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Ch  3  19). 

The  Shimeites  were  descendants  of  Shimei, 
grandson  of  Levi;  cf  (1)  (a)  above  (Nu  3  21;  Zee 
12  13).  Edward  Mack 

SHIMEON,  shim'5-on  (liy)?© ,  shim'on;  else- 
where "Simeon"):  One  of  the  sons  of  Harim  who 
had  married  foreign  wives  (Ezr  10  31;  BA,  'Seficwn, 
Seme6ti,'L\ic.,'S,vixeiJ>v,Sume6ii  =  l  Esd  9  32,  "Simon 
Chosameus"). 

SHIMHI,  shim'hi.     See  Shimei. 

SHIMI,  shim'i,  shi'ml,  SHIMITES,  shim'its. 
See  Shimei. 

SHIMMA,  shim'a.     See  Shammah. 

SHIMON,  shi'raon  ('ji'alTl! ,  shlmon;  B,  2€|iic6v, 
Semion,  A,  2e(iei.Mv,  Seineion,  Luc,  2a|it,  »S'a?ni) :  A 
name  in  the  Judahite  genealogy  (1  Ch  4  20). 

SHIMRATH,  shim'rath  {Ti'l'QIp  ,  shimrath;  2a|ia- 
pde,  Snmardth) :  The  last  of  nine  sons  of  Shimei  of 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Ch  8  21). 

SHIMRI,  shim'ri  ("'"lljllj ,  shimri;  various  forms 
in  LXX) :  There  are  four  Hebrews  mentioned  in  the 
Bible  who  bear  this  name: 

(1)  A  Simeonite,  a  son  of  Shemaiah  and  father  of 
Jedaiah,  a  chief  of  his  tribe  (1  Ch  4  37). 

(2)  The  father  of  Jediael,  a  bodyguard  of  King 
David  (1  Ch  11  4.5). 

(3)  A  son  of  Hosah,  a  Levite.  He  was  appointed 
by  David  to  be  doorkeeper  in  the  house  of  the  Lord. 
He  was  made  chief  of  the  tribe,  although  not  the 
firstborn  of  his  family  (1  Ch  26  10). 


2771 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shimei 
Shinar 


(4)  One  of  the  sons  of  Elizaphan,  a  Levite.  He 
assisted  in  purifying  the  temple  in  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  (2  Ch  29  13).  S.  L.  Umbach 

SHIMRITH,  shim'rith  (ni-jTOTlJ ,  shimrlth, 
"guard,"  fern.):  A  Moabitess,  the  mother  of  Je- 
hozabad,  one  of  those  that  conspired  against  King 
Joash  (2  Ch  24  26).  Elsewhere  (2  K  12  21)  Je- 
hozabad  is  described  as  the  son  of  Shomer  (q.v.), 
the  same  name  without  the  fern,  ending. 

SHIMRON,  shim'ron  qiTaTl),  shimron, 
"watch"):  The  4th  son  of  Issachar  (Gen  46  13; 
Nu  26  24;  1  Ch  7  1),  and  ancestor  of  the  Shim- 
ronites  (Nu  26  24). 

SHIMRON  ("iliaiB,  shimron;  B,  2»)|io<Sv, 
Sumoon,  A,  2o[j.€p<ov,  Someron  and  other  forms): 
A  town  whose  king  was  tributary  to  Jabin  king 
of  Hazor,  and  who  joined  in  the  attempt  to 
resist  the  invasion  under  Joshua  (Josh  11  1).  It 
was  in  the  territory  allotted  to  Zebulun  (19  15). 
No  sure  identification  is  yet  possible.  LXX  and 
Talm  both  omit  the  r  from  the  name ;  and  Neubauer 
would  identify  it  with  Simonias  (Vita,  24),  the 
Simonia  of  the  Talm,  which  is  now  represented  by 
Semuniyeh,  a  vOlage  about  5  miles  W.  of  Nazareth, 
on  the  edge  of  the  plain  {Geog.  du  Talm).  Beit 
Lahm,  named  by  Jos  along  with  it,  is  a  short  dis- 
tance to  the  N.W.  Es-Semeiriyeh,  about  3  miles 
N.  of  Acre,  has  also  been  suggested;  but  it  is  per- 
haps too  far  to  the  W.  W.  Ewing 

.  SHIMRON-MERON,  shim'ron-me'ron  ClilTSTB 
■jlSn^,  shimron  m'-r'on;  Svjioiiv  ....  Ma|ipii9, 
Sumoon  ....  Mamroth,  A,  2ap.pi4v  ....  <i>ao~y(i 
....  Mapiiv,  Samron  ....  Phasgd  ....  Ma- 
ron):  A  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites,  the  king  of 
which  was  slain  by  Joshua  (12  20) .  Here  the  name 
is  followed  by  that  of  Achshaph,  which  also  foUows 
the  name  of  Shimron  in  11  1.  This  suggests  that 
the  two  are  in  reality  one,  and  that  Shimron-meron 
may  only  be  the  f  uU  name.  A  royal  Can.  city,  Sam- 
simuruna,  is  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  of  Sen- 
nacherib, Esar-haddon  and  Assur-bani-pal,  which 
Schrader  {KAT\  163)  would  identify  with  this, 
and  thinks  it  may  now  be  represented  by  es-Semeirl- 
yeh.     See  Shimron.  W.  Ewing 

SHIMSHAI,  shim'shi,  shim'sha-i  OtW ,  shim- 
shay;  B,  Sa(iao-d,  Samasd,  2a|iae',  Samae,  2a|i€a(s, 
Sameals,  2a(Ko-(i,  Samesd,  A,  2a(i,o-aC,  Samsai,  Luc, 
2a|ittCas,  Samaias,  throughout;  in  1  Esd  2  17  he 
is  called  "Semellius,"  RV  "Samellius";  a  number 
of  explanations  of  this  name  have  been  offered,  but 
no  one  has  been  generally  favored.  One  conjecture 
traces  it  to  an  Old  Iranian  caritative  "'BlBlC  con- 
formed to  TB^TB  ;  another  prefers  the  Old  Bactrian 
simezhi  =  simaezhi;  ci  BDB,  b.v.  The  name  looks 
as  though  it  were  derived  from  TZJpiB  ,  shemesh,  "the 
sun"):  A  state  secretary  who,  with  Rehum  (q.v.) 
and  others,  wrote  to  Artaxerxes  to  persuade  him 
to  prohibit  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (Ezr  4  8. 
9.17.23).  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHIN,  shen,  SIN,  sen  (IB,  IB):  The  21st  letter  of 
the  Heb  alphabet;  transhterated  m  this  Encyclo- 
paedia as  sh,  s.  It  came  also  to  be  used  for  the 
number  300.     For  name,  etc,  see  Alphabet. 

SHINAB,  Bhi'nab  (IXD© ,  sMn'abh,  Sam.  "INDIB , 
shin'ar;  'Zivvaap,  Sennadr) :  King  of  Admah  (q.v.). 
He  is  mentioned  with  Shemeber,  king  of  Zeboiim; 
he  was  attacked  by  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies 
(Gen  14  2).     The  reading  is  very  uncertain.     If  the 


incident  narrated  is  founded  on  fact,  Shinab  may 
be  identical  with  Sanibu,  an  Ammonite  king  in  the 
time  of  Tiglath-pileser  III  (so  Fr.  Delitzsch,  Wo  lag 
das  Parodies  f  294) ;  or  the  name  may  be  equated  by 
the  Assyr  (Sm-fcr-M5«r  (cf  "Shenazzar"),  and  Shem- 
eber with  theAssyr<SV/nu-ofei  (Sayce,  Expos  T,  VIII, 
463).  Jewish  exegesis  gives  a  sinister  explanation 
of  all  four  names  (ver  2).  The  Midr  (E'r.  Rab.  42) 
explains  Shinab  as  ^TSp  ^^llB ,  sho'ebh  mammon, 
"one  who  draws  money  [wherever  he  can]."  It  is 
of  interest  to  note  that  the  names  fall  into  two 
alliterative  pairs  and  that  each  king's  name  con- 
tains exactly  as  many  letters  as  that  of  his  city. 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  list  leaves  an  impression 
of  artificiality;  as  the  names  are  not  repeated  in 
ver  8,  it  is  highly  probable  that  they  are  later  addi- 
tions to  the  text.  Horace  J.  Wolf 

SHINAR,  shi'nar  ("1??1B,  shin'ar;    Scvadp,  Sev- 
[v]adp,  Sen[n]adr): 

1.  Identification 

2.  Possible  Babylonian  Form  of  the  Name 

3.  Sumerian  and  Other  Equivalents 

4.  The  Syriac  Sen'ar 

5.  The  Primitive  Tongue  of  Shinar 

6.  Comparison  with  the  Semitic  Idiom 

7.  The  Testimony  of  the  Sculptures,  etc.  to  the  Race 
S.  The    Sumerians    Probably    in     Shinar    before    the 

Semites 
9.  The  States  of  Shinar: 

Sippar;  Kes;  Babylon:  Nippur:  Adab:,  Surippak: 
Umma;  Erech;  Lagas;  Larsa;  Ur;  Eridu;  the 
Land  of  the  Sea;  Nisin,  Isin.  or  Karrak;  Upe  or 
XJpia  (Opis) ;   Other  Well-known  Cities 

10.  Shinar  and  Its  Climate 

11.  Sculpture  in  Shinar 

12.  The  First  Nation  to  Use  "Writing  in  Western  Asia 

13.  The  System  Employed,  with  an  Example 

The  name  given,  in  the  earliest  Heb  records,  to 

Babylonia,  later  called  Babel,  or  the  land  of  Babel 

(babhel,   'ere(  babhel).     In  Gen  10  10 

1.  Identi-  it  is  the  district  wherein  lay  Babel, 
fication  Erech,  Accad,  and  Calneh,  cities  which 

were  the  "beginning"  of  Nimrod's 
kingdom.  In  11  2  Shinar  is  described  as  the  land 
of  the  plain  where  migrants  from  the  E.  settled,  and 
founded  Babel,  the  city,  and  its  great  tower. , 

Though  sometimes  identified  with  the  Bab  Sumer, 
the  connection  of  Shinar  with  that  name  is  doubt- 
ful.    The  principal    difficulty   Lies   in 

2.  Possible   the  fact  that  what  might  be  regarded 
Babylonian   as    the    non-dialectical    form    singar 
Form  (which  would  alone  furnish  a  satis- 
factory basis  of   comparison)   is   not 

found,  and  would,  if  existent,  only  apply  to  the 
southern  portion  of  Babylonia.  The  northern 
tract  was  called  Akkad,  after  the  name  of  its  capital 
city  (.see  Accad).  The  Gr  form  Sen(n)aar  shows 
that,  at  the  time  the  LXX  tr  was  made,  there  was 
no  tradition  that  the  'ayin  was  guttural,  as  the 
supposed  Bab  forms  would  lead  us  to  expect.  As 
the  Bib.  form  Shinar  indicates  the  whole  of  Baby- 
lonia, it  corresponds  with  the  native  (Sumerian) 
Kingi-Ura,  rendered  "Sumer  and  Akkad,"  from 
which,  by  changing  K  into  Sh  (found  in  Sumerian), 
Shinar  may  have  been  derived,  but  this  explanation 
is  not  free  from  difficulties. 

This    twofold    designation,    Kingi-Ura,    is   that 

which  is  commonly  used  in  the  inscriptions  of  the 

earlier  kings,   though  it  cannot  then 

3.  Sume-  have  indicated  always  the  whole 
rian  and  country,  but  only  such  parts  of  it  as 
Other  acknowledged  their  over  lordship.  Lat- 
Equivalents  er  on  the  corresponding  term  seems 

to  have  been  Kar-Dunias  ("the  terri- 
tory of  the  god  Dunias,"  to  aU  appearance  a  term 
introduced  by  the  Kassite  rulers).  Nabonassar 
and  his  successors  seem  to  have  contented  them- 
selves with  the  title  "king  of  Babylon,"  rule  in  the 
city  implying  also  the  dominion  over  the  whole 


Shinar 
Shine 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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country.  Often,  however,  the  equivalent  term  for 
Babylonia  is  E'",  probably  an  abbreviation  of  Eridu, 
and  here  standing  for  the  land  belonging  to  that 
sacred  city — "the  good  city,"  a  type  of  Paradise, 
Babylonia  being,  in  tact,  situated  upon  the  edinu, 
or  "plain"  (see  Eden). 

All  these  comparisons  tend   to   show  that  the 

Bab  equivalent  of  Shinar  is  not  any  of  the  above, 

and    as    yet    has    not,    in   fact,   been 

4.  The  found.  This  is  also  implied  by  the 
Syriac  fact,  that  Sen'ar  was  used  in  Syr 
Sen'ar           for  the   country  around  Bagdad,  and 

anciently  included  (it  may  be  sup- 
posed) the  plain  upon  which  the  ruins  of  Babylon 
stand.  Seri'ar  was  therefore  in  all  probability'  an 
ancient  Bab  designation  of  the  tract,  now  lost, 
but  regarded  by  the  Hebrews  as  synonymous  with 
Babylonia. 

From  the  inscriptions  it  would  seem  that  the 

primitive  language  of  Shinar  was  not  Semitic,  but 

the   agglutinative   idiom   now   named 

5.  Primitive  Sumerian — a  tongue  long  regarded  as 
Tongue  of  Turanian,  and  having,  it  is  thought, 
Shinar  Turko-Chinese  affinities — gal,  "to  be," 

Turkish  ol-mak;  ama  (ana),  "mother," 
Turkish  ana;  abba,  "old  man,"  Turkish  baba, 
"father";  {h)e,  "house,"  Turkish  ev,  etc.  The 
Chinese  affinities  seem  less  close,  but  the  following 
may  be  quoted:  a{y)a,  "father,"  Chinese  ye  (Amoy 
i&);  ge,  "night,"  Chinese  ye;  gu,  "to  speak," 
Chinese  yu;  shu,  "hand,"  Chinese  sheii;  kin, 
"business,"  Chinese  kung,  "work";  etc.  Chinese 
and  Turkish,  however,  have  had  time  to  pass 
through  many  changes  since  Sumerian  was  current 
in  Shinar.  Many  words  of  the  Sumerian  language 
were  borrowed  by  the  Sem  Babylonians,  and  a  few 
(like  hekal,  "temple,"  Sem  [h]egal,  "great  house") 
entered  the  other  Sem  languages. 

Halevy's   contention,    that   Sumerian   is   simply   "an 

allography"  for  the  expression  of  Sem  Bab.  seems  to  be 

untenable,  as  they  differ  not  only  in  words, 

e    n   _«„,•    but  also  in  grammar ;   moreover,  Sumerian 

b.  Compari-  bad  a  dialect,  called  by 


son  with 

Semitic 

Idiom 


1  by  the  natives  "woman's 
tongue."  For  the  rest,  the  principal  differ- 
ences between  Sumerian  and  Sem  Bab  are: 
(1)  post^positional  suiSxes  instead  of  prep- 
ositions; (3)  verbs  with  long  strings  of 
prefixes  and  infLxes  to  express  the  persons 
and  regimens,  instead  of  a  prefix  and  a  suffix;  {:i)  com- 
pound words,  both  nouns  and  verbs,  are  common  instead 
of  being  exceedingly  rare.  Sumerian  seems  to  have  bor- 
rowed several  words  from  Sem  Bab. 

Not  only  the  language,  but  also  the  sculp- 
tures which  they  have  left,  point  to  the  probability 
that  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  Shinar 
7.  Testi-  belonged  to  a  different  race  from  the 
mony  of  the  later.  The  Semites  of  Babylonia 
Sculptures,  were  to  all  appearance  thick-set  and 
etc  muscular,    but    the    Sumerians,    not- 

withstanding the  stumpy  figures  which 
their  statues  and  bas-reliefs  show,  seem  to  have  been 
slim — in  any  case,  their  warriors,  in  the  better  bas- 
reliefs,  as  well  as  the  figures  of  the  god  Nin-Girsu 
(formerly  known  as  "the  god  with  the  firestick"), 
and  the  engraved  cylinders,  have  this  type.  More- 
over, the  sculptures  and  cylinder-seals  show  that 
certain  classes — priests  or  the  like — were  clean 
shaven,  in  marked  contrast  to  Sem  usage  elsewhere. 
Their  deities,  however,  always  had  hair  and  beard, 
implying  that  they  came  from  a  different,  though 
possibly  related,  stock.  These  deities  were  very 
numerous,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that,  though  those 
with  Sumerian  names  may  be  counted  by  hundreds, 
those  with  Sem  names  are  onty  to  be  reckoned  by 
tens. 

Though  there  is  no  certain  indication  which  race 
entered  Shinar  first,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Nimrod, 
presumably    Shinar's  first   king   and   the  founder 


of  its  great  cities,  was  a  son  of  Cush  (Gen  10  8), 

and   the   name  of   Shinar  seems  to  have  existed 

before  the  foundation  of  Babel  (Baby- 

8.  Sume-  Ion)  and  its  tower  (Gen  11  2).  In 
rians  Prob-  the  native  sculptures,  moreover,  the 
ably  Pre-  non-Sem  type  precedes  the  Sem;  and 
ceded  Sem-  in  the  inscriptions  the  non-Sem  idiom 
ites  in  precedes  that  of  the  Sem  tr.  Every- 
Shinar  thing  points,  therefore,  to  the  Sumeri- 
ans having  been  in  Babylonia  before 

the  Sem  inhabitants. 

At  the  earliest  period  to  which  our  records  refer 

the  Sumerians  of  Shinar  were  divided  into  a  number 

of  small  states,  of  which  the  following 

9.  States       may  be  regarded  as  the  principal: 

of  Shinar  (1)   Sip-par  or  Sippar-Aruru    {-Ya' 

ruru),  possibly  including  Accad  (Gen 
10  10),  some  distance  S.W.  of  Bagdad.  It  is  the 
modern  'Abu-habbah,  "father  of  grain."  Though 
it  seems  to  have  fallen  early  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Semites,  it  was  at  first  Sumerian,  as  its  native 
name,  Zimbir,  and  the  ideographic  writing  thereof 
show.  According  to  Berosus,  who  calls  it  Panta- 
biblion,  one  of  its  earliest  kings  was  Amelon  or 
Amillarus,  who  reigned  13  sari,  or  46,800  years. 
Later  on  came  Evedoreschus,  the  native  Enwe-ditr- 
an-ki,  renowned  as  a  priest  favored  by  the  gods. 
His  descendants,  if  of  pure  race,  inherited  the 
divine  grace  which  he  enjoyed  It  is  said  to  have 
been  in  Sippara  (Sippar)  that  Ut-napiUim,  the 
Bab  Noah,  buried  the  records  before  entering  the 
ark. 

(2)  About  18  miles  N.  of  Babylon  lay  Kes,  now 
Oheimer — a  foundation  which  seems  to  have  pre- 
ceded Babylon  as  the  capital  of  Shinar.  Its  early 
queen,  Azag-Bau,  is  said  to  have  been  the  wife  of 
a  wine-merchant  and  to  have  reigned  100  years. 

(3)  Babylon,  for  which  see  Babel;  Babylon. 
As  one  of  its  early  kings,  Berosus  mentions  Alorus, 
"the  shepherd  of  the  people,"  as  having  reigned 
for  10  sari,  or  36,000  years.  The  state  of  Babylon 
probably  included  Cuthah  {Tel  Ibrahim),  which 
once  had  kings  of  its  own,  and  possessed  a  special 
legend  of  the  Creation.  Belonging  to  Babylon, 
also,  was  the  renowned  city  Borsippa,  now  Birs, 
or  the  Birs  Nimroud,  the  traditional  site  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel  (see  Babel,  Tower  of). 

(4)  Some  distance  S.E.  of  Babylon  lay  Nippur 
or  Niffur,  now  Niffer  (Noufar),  identified  by  the 
rabbis  with  the  "Calneh"  of  Gen  10  10.  It  was 
a  place  of  considerable  importance,  and  the  seat  of 
the  worship  of  Enlil  and  Ninlil,  later,  also,  of  their 
son  Nmip  and  his  spouse  (see  Calneh).  The 
American  excavations  on  this  site  have  thrown  a 
flood  of  light  upon  almost  every  branch  of  Assyr- 
iological  research. 

(5)  Adab,  now  called  Bismaya,  the  city  of  Mah, 
the  goddess  of  reproduction.  One  of  the  earliest 
rulers  of  Adab  was  seemingly  called  Lugal-dalu,  of 
whom  a  fine  statue,  discovered  by  the  American 
explorers,  exists.  It  was  apparently  renowned  as 
a  necropolis. 

(6)  S.  and  a  little  W.  of  Adab  was  Surippak,  now 
Fara.  This  was  the  birthplace  of  the  Bab  Noah, 
Ut-napislim,  son  of  Opartes  (Umbara-Tulu),  a 
Chaldaean  of  Larancha.  The  coming  of  the  Flood 
was  revealed  to  Ut-napistim  here. 

(7)  Practically  E.  of  Fara  lay  Umma  or  Gisuh 
(or  Giuh),  now  Jokha.  This  city  was  apparently 
of  considerable  importance,  and  the  traditional 
rival  of  Lagas. 

(8)  S.  of  Fara  lay  Unuga,  Sem  Uruk,  the  Bib. 
Erech  (q.v.),  now  Warka.  Its  mo.st  celebrated 
king,  after  Gilgames,  was  Lugal-zaggi-si,  one  of  the 
opponents  of  the  rulers  of  Lagas. 

(9)  Some  distance  E.  of  Warka  was  the  territory 
of   Lagas,  now   Tel-loh — a  little  state,  rather  in- 


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Shinai' 
Shine 


accessible,  but  of  considerable  importance  to  the 
antiquarian,  which  is  a  testimonial  to  the  advance 
in  civilization  which  it  had  made.  Its  kings  and 
viceroys  were  among  the  most  renowned,  though 
apparently  unknown  outside  their  own  domains. 
The  most  celebrated  were  the  reformer  Uru-ka- 
gina  and  viceroy  Gudea,  to  whom  many  erections 
in  the  city  were  due.  (See  Gudia's  remarkable 
statue  in  the  Louvre.) 

(10)  Somewhat  to  the  S.E.  of  Warka  lay  LaTsa, 
the  "EUasar"'  of  Gen  14  1  (q.v.).  This  center  of 
learning  maintained  its  independence  even  after 
the  other  states  had  been  absorbed  by  Hammurabi 
and  his  dynasty  into  the  Bab  empire. 

(11)  To  the  S.E.  of  Warka  and  Senqara  Ues  the 
site  of  the  ancient  Ur  op  the  Chaldees  (q.v.) 
now  Mugheir.  It  was  renowned  for  its  temple  to 
the  moon,  and  for  the  kings  known  as  the  dynasty 
of  Ur:  Sur-Engur,  Dungi,  B-dr-Sin,  Gimil-Sin,  and 
Ibi-Sin. 

(12)  S.  of  the  Ur  lay  Sridu,  or,  in  full,  Guru- 
duga,  "the  good  city,"  wherein,  apparently,  lay  the 
earthly  Paradise.  This  is  identified  with  the  present 
''Ahu-shahrein,  and  was  the  seat  of  Ea  or  Enki,  god 
of  the  sea  and  of  fertilizing  streams.  According 
to  the  tradition,  it  was  there  that  the  "dark  vine" 
grew — a  type,  seemingly,  of  the-  tree  of  life.  The 
later  kings  of  Babylon  sometimes  bear  the  title 
"king  of  Eridu,"  as  though  rulers  of  the  domain  of 
Paradise. 

(13)  The  Land  of  the  Sea  (that  bordering  on  the 
Pers  Gulf),  in  which,  seemingly,  the  Chaldaeans 
afterward  settled,  seems  to  have  played  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  early  history  of  Shinar.  Berosus 
speaks  of  its  king  Ammenon,  who  reigned  12  sari, 
or  43,200  years,  and  in  whose  time  the  Musarus 
Oannes,  or  Annedotus,  arose  out  of  the  Pers  Gulf. 
Like  others  referred  to  in  the  legends  which  Berosus 
refers  to,  he  was  half-man  and  half-fish.  It  is 
thought  that  these  incidents,  though  evidently 
mythical,  point  to  the  introduction  of  civilization 
into  Babylonia,  from  this  point.  See  also  Jonah; 
Jonah,  The  Book  of. 

(14)  Nisin,  Isin,  or  Karrak,  seat  of  the  worship 
of  Nin-Karraga,  was  also  an  important  state  gov- 
erned by  its  own  kings. 

(1.5)  Upe  or  Upia,  the  Gr  O-pis,  apparently  ob- 
tained renown  at  a  very  early  date,  its  kings  being 
given  in  the  great  chronological  list  before  those  of 
Kii. 

(16)  Other  well-known  cities,  possibly  state- 
capitals,  were  Larak,  Gr  Laranche;  Amarda,  one 
of  the  centers  of  the  worship  of  Nergal;  Asnunna, 
a  province  E.  of  the  present  Bagdad;  Dilmii,  now 
Dailem;  Nuru,  Ennigi,  and  Kakra,  seemingly 
centers  of  the  worship  of  Hadad;  Tilmun,  at  the 
head  of  the  Pers  Gulf,  and  including  the  island  of 
Bahrein;  the  province  of  Sahu;  Seseb  or  Bagdadu, 
possibly  the  modern  Bagdad ;  and  several  others. 

Whether  the  country  was  in  the  same  seemmgly 
uncared-for  state  anciently  as  at  present  is  un- 
known; but  one  cannot  help  admiring 
10.  Shinar  the  courage  of  the  original  immigrants 
and  Its  into  such  a  district,  for   example,  as 

Climate  that  of  Lagas.    This,  which  belongs  to 

the  southern  region,  is  very  inaccessible 
on  account  of  the  watercourses  and  marshes.  Like 
the  whole  of  Shinar  in  general,  it  is  more  or  less 
dried  up  in  summer,  and  unhealthy  for  Europeans. 
The  alterations  in  the  waterways,  owing  to  changes 
in  the  irrigation-channels,  must  then,  as  now,  have 
hindered  communication.  Sharp  cold,  with  frost, 
succeeds  the  heat  of  summer,  and  from  time  to  time 
sand-storms  sweep  across  the  plain.  Notwith- 
standing the  destruction  sometimes  wrought,  the 
floods  were  always  welcomed  in  consequence  of  the 


fruitfulness  which  followed,  and  which  was  such 
as  to  make  Babylonia  one  of  the  most  fertile  tracts 
known. 

The  reference  to  the  Sumerian  sculptures  in  (7) 

above  will  have  shown  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 

Plain  of  Shinar  possessed  an  art  of  no 

11.  Sculp-  mean  order  and  of  some  antiquity, 
ture  in  even  at  the  time  when  it  first  presents 
Shinar  itself  to  our  notice.     It  is  true  that 

many  specimens  are  crude  and  un- 
couth, but  this  is  probably  due  to  the  sculptors 
having  been,  often  enough,  the  slaves  of  their  ma- 
terial. Their  stones  were  frequently  more  or  less 
pebble-shaped,  and  they  had  neither  the  skill  nor 
the  tools  to  reduce  them  to  better  proportions — 
moreover,  reduction  of  bulk  would  have  meant  a 
diminution  of  their  importance.  The  broad,  squat 
figures  which  they  produced,  however,  gave  them 
bad  models  for  their  bas-reliefs,  and  it  was  long  ere 
this  defect  was  removed,  notwithstanding  the 
superior  work  produced  by  their  seal-engravers 
during  and  after  the  4th  millennium  BC. 

But  in  all  probability  special  renown  will  always 

be    attached    to    the    non-Semitic    inhabitants    of 

Shinar  as  the  inventors,  or  at  least  the 

12.  First  to  earliest  users  known  to  us,  of  the 
Use  Writing  cuneiform  script.  It  may  be  objected 
in  Western  that  the  system  which  they  intro- 
Asia  duced  was  cumbersome  and  imperfect, 

but  they  knew  of  nothing  simpler,  and 
modern  Chinese,  with  which  their  script  has  been 
compared,  is  far  less  practical.  Briefly,  the  system 
may  be  described  as  syllabic  for  the  prefixes  and  suf- 
fixes, and  ideographic  for  the  roots.  To  show  this  the 
following  transcribed  example  will  probably  suffice: 

E  nu-D  U  UR  U  nu-DIM,  A  house  was  not  built,  a 
city  was  not  constructed; 

URU  nu-DIM  ADAM  nu-mun-GAR, 
13  System  -^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  constructed,  a  community 
T-,  '    I        J       he  had  not  founded; 

limployed  ABZU  nu-DU      GURUDUGA  nu-DIM, 

The  abyss  was  not  built,  Eridu  was  not 
constructed; 

S  AZAGA  DINGIRene  KI-DURA-bi  nu-DIM.  The 
holy  house  of  the  gods,  its  seat  was  not  constructed; 

Su-NIGIN  KURKURAgi  AABBAama,  The  whole  of 
the  lands  was  sea. 

The  nominal  and  verbal  roots  of  the  above  extract 
from  the  bilingual  account  of  the  Creation  are  in 
capitals,  and  the  pronominal  prefixes  and  suffixes, 
with  a  couple  of  lengthenings  which  determine  the 
pronunciations  of  the  nouns,  in  small  letters.  This 
will  not  only  give  an  idea  of  the  poetical  form  of  the 
Sumerian  legend  of  the  Creation  by  Merodach  and 
Aruru,  but  also  show  how  short  and  concise,  as  a 
language,  was  the  speech  of  Shinar,  before  Sem 
supremacy.  T.  G.  Pinches 

SHINE,  shin:  The  Heb  words  'dhal,  'or,  hdlal, 
zahar,  zdrah,  yapha',  naghah,  ^dshath  and  karan 
are  all  tr''  "shine."  All  indicate  either  the  direct 
or  indirect  diffusion  of  beams  of  light.  In  a  direct 
and  literal  sense  the  word  "shine"  is  used  of  the 
heavenly  bodies,  or  of  candles,  and  fire  (Job  18  5; 
25  5  AV;  29  3;  31  26;  2  K  3  22).  In  a  figurative 
sense  it  is  used  of  reflected  hght  or  brightness,  in  any 
sense  (Ex  34  29f.35;  Isa  60  1;  Ezk  43  2;  Dnl 
12  3).  God  as  the  sun  of  righteousness  is  thus 
depicted  in  Ps  50  2.  The  NT  words  astrdplo, 
augdzo,  Idmpo  and  phaino  are  tr"*  "shine."  Thus 
literally  it  is  said  of  the  lightning  that  it  shines 
(Mt  24  27  AV;  Lk  17  24);  the  word  is  tropically 
applied  to  the  hfe  of  faith  or  to  men  prominent  in 
the  kingdom  of  God  (Mt  5  16;  Jn  5  3.5;  2  Cor 
4  6;  Phil  2  15;  2  Pet  1  19);  to  the  glory  of  God 
(Lk  2  9);  to  angelic  appearances  (Lk  24  4;  Acts 
12  7),  or  to  Christ  as  He  appeared  to  John  on  Pat- 
mos   (Rev  1  16).  Henry  E.  Doskee 


Shion 

Ships  and  Boats 


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SHION,  shi'on  (IINiTB ,  shl'on;  B,  SimvA,  Siond, 
A,  Sciav,  Seidn) :  A  town  in  the  territory  of  Issa- 
char,  named  with  Shunem,  Hapharaim  and  Ana- 
harath  (Josh  19  19).  It  is  possibly  identical  with 
Khirbet  Sha'in,  near  'Ai/i  esh-Sha'in,  c  4  miles 
N.W.  of  Mt.  Tabor. 

SHIPHI,  shi'fl  CypTP  ,  shiphH;  B,  EacfxiX,  Saphdl, 
A,'S:i^dv,  Sephnn,  Luc,  "Zm^d,  Sophei):  A  Simeon- 
ite  prince  (1  Ch  4  37  [36]). 

SHIPHMITE,    shif'mit.     See    Shepham;     Siph- 

MOTH. 

SHIPHRAH,  shif'ra  (nnSlC  ,  shiphrah,  "faii-ness," 
"beauty";,  LXX  Stu-cjxDpd,  Sepphord,  the  rendering 
also  of  nnSS  ,  gippordh,  in  Ex  2  21):  The  name  of 
one  of  the  Heb  midwives  (Ex  1  1.5).    See  also  Zip- 

PORAH. 

SHIPHTAN,  shif'tan  CJUSP ,  shiphtaii:  B, 
SopaBa,  Sabathd,  A,  SaPaBdv,  Sabalhdn,  F,  Sa<t>a- 
Tav,  Saphaldn,  Luc,  [S]€<t)aed,  [Sjephathd):  An 
Ephraimite  prince  (Nu  34  24). 

SHIPMASTER,  ship'mas-ter.  See  Ships  and 
Boats;  Phoenix. 

SHIPMEN,   ship'men.     See  Ships  and   Boats, 

II,  2,  (3);  III,  2. 

SHIPS  AND  BOATS  : 

I.     The  Hebrews  and   the  Sea 
II.     Ships  in  the  OT   and  Apoc 

1.  Among  the  Hebrews 

(1)  In  Early  Times 

(2)  During  the  Monarchy 

(3)  In  Later  Times 

2.  Among  Neighboring  Nations 

(1)  Egypt 

(2)  Assyria  and  Babylonia 
(.3)  Phoenicia 

3.  General  References 

III.  Shifs  in  the  NT 

1.  In  the  Gospels 

2.  In  the  Acts  ol  the  Apostles 

3.  In  Other  Books 
Literature 

In  the  OT  the  foUowing  words  are  found: 

(1)  The  word  most  commonly  used  in  Heb  for  "a 
ship"  is  n';:X,  'dnlyah  (Prov  30  19;  Jon  1  3.4), 
of  which  the  pi.  'dniyolh  is  found  most  frequently 
(Jgs  5  17;   1  K  22  48  t,  and  many  other  places). 

The  collective  term  for  "a  na^-y  of  sliips "  is  "iJX  ,  '6nl 

(1  K  9  26  f;  10  22,  ' 6nl  Tharshish,  "  a  navy  [of  ships]  of 
Tarshish" ;  but  Isa  33  21,  'linis/iavit,  a  "galley  with  oars"). 

(2)  135.  ci  (Nu  24  24;  Ezk  30  9';  Isa  33  21).  £-1  'addlr, 
"gallant  ship";  Dnl  11  30,  s'lylm  Kittlm,  "ships  of  Kit- 
tim." 

(3)  riw'^BD  .  sephlnah,  "innermost  parts  of  the  ship" 

RV,  "sides  of  the  ship"  AV  (Jon  1  5,  the  only  place  where 
the  word  is  found). 

In  Apoc  TrAoLOf,  plolon,  is  the  usual  word  (Wisd  14  1; 
Ecclus  33  2,  etc),  tr<i  "vessel"  in  Wisd  14  1.  but  "ship" 
elsewhere.  For  "ship"  Wisd  5  lOhasi'aGs,  naus.  "Boat" 
in  2  Mace  12  3.6  is  for  (rKd<j>o-;,  skdphos,  and  "navy"  in 
1  Mace  1  17;  2  Mace  12  9;  14  1  for  aT6kos,  st6los.  In 
Wisd  14  6  Noah's  ark  is  called  a  axt^^La,  ^chedia,  a  "clumsy 
ship"  (the  literal  tr  "rait"  in  RV  is  impossible). 

In  the  NT  there  are  four  words  in  use:  (1)  I'aSs, 
naus  (Acts  27  41,  the  only  place  where  it  occurs,  desig- 
nating the  large  sea-going  vessel  in  which  St.  Paul 
suffered  shipwreck).  (2)  TrAotaptoi',  ploidrion,  "a  little 
boat"  (Mk  3  9  and  two  other  places,  Jn  6  22  ff; 
21  8).  (3)  TiKo'ioi',  plolon,  "boat"  (Mt  4  21.22  and 
many  other  jjlaces  in  the  Gospels — the  ordinary  fishing- 
boat  of  the  Sea  of  GaUlee  rendered  "boat"  uniformly 
in  RV  instead  of  "ship"  AV),  "ship"  (Acts  20  13,  and 
all  other  places  where  the  ship  carrying  St.  Paul  is  men- 
tioned, except  27  41.  as  above).  In  Jas  3  4;  Rev  8  9; 
18  17  ff,  it  is  rendered  "ship."  (4)  o-/t<i.(i.|,  skdphe, 
"boat"  (Acts  27  16.30.32,  where  it  means  the  small 
boat  of  the  ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  being  conveyed  as 
a  prisoner  to  Rome). 

Cognate  expressions  are:  "shipmen,"  tTl^IS!;  "itCDX  , 
'anshe    'dniyulh     (1    K  9    27);     yaijTaL,     nautai     (Acts    27 


27.30  AV,  "sailors"  RV) ;  "mariners,"  Qin^T2  ,  mallahim 
(Jon  1  15;  Ezk  27  9.27.29),  QipTp ,  shdtlm  (Ezk  27  8 
AV,  "rowers"  RV;  27  26,  AV  and' RV) ;  "pilot,"  b'in . 
hobhel  (Jon  1  6;  Ezk  27  8.27.28.29);  "sailing,"  "voy- 
age." ttAoOs,  pious  (Acts  21  7;  27  9.10,  RV  "voyage"  in 
all  verses). 

/.  The  Hebrews  and  the  Sea. — The  Hebrews 
were  a  pastoral  and  agricultural  people,  and  had  no 
inducements  to  follow  a  seafaring  hfe.  They  were 
possessed  of  a  considerable  seaboard  along  the 
Mediterranean,  but  the  character  of  their  coast  gave 
little  encouragement  to  navigation.  The  coast  line 
of  the  land  of  Israel  from  Carmel  southward  had 
no  bays  and  no  estuaries  or  river-mouths  to  ofler 
shelter  from  storm  or  to  be  havens  of  ships.  Solo- 
mon landed  his  timber  and  other  materials  for  the 
Temple  at  Joppa,  and  tradition  has  handed  down 
what  is  called  "Solomon's  Harbor"  there.  The 
builders  of  the  second  temple  also  got  timber  from 
Lebanon  and  conveyed  it  to  Joppa.  It  was  Simon 
Maccabaeus,  however,  who  built  its  harbor,  and 
the  harbor  at  Joppa  was  "the  first  and  only  harbor 
of  the  Jews"  (G.  A.  Smith,  HGHL,  136).  Caesarea 
in  NT  times  was  a  place  of  shipping  and  possessed 
a  harbor  which  Jos  declared  to  be  greater  than  the 
Piraeus,  but  it  was  Herodian  and  more  Gr  and  Rom 
than  Jewish.  It  was  mostly  inhabited  by  Greeks 
(Jos,  BJ,  III,  ix,  1).  Now  Caesarea  has  dis- 
appeared; and  Joppa  has  only  an  open  roadstead 
where  vessels  lie  without  shelter,  and  receive  and 
discharge  cargo  and  passengers  by  means  of  boats 
plying  between  them  and  the  shore.  It  was  in  other 
directions  that  Israel  made  acquaintance  with  the 
activities  of  the  sea.  Of  internal  navigation,  beyond 
the  fishing-boats  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  which  belong 
exclusively  to  the  NT,  the  ferry  boat  on  the  Jordan 
(2  S  19  18,  n"13!7 ,  'dbhardh)  alone  receives  notice, 
and  even  that  is  not  perfectly  clear  (RVm  "con- 
voy," but  a  "ford"  is  doubtless  meant).  It  is  from 
Tyre  and  Egypt  and  even  Assyria  and  Babylonia, 
rather  than  from  their  own  waters,  that  the  Heb 
prophets  and  psalmists  drew  their  pictures  of  sea- 
faring life. 

//.  Ships  in  the  OT  and  Apoc. — (1)  In  early  times. 
— In  the  early  books  of  the  OT  there  are  references 
connecting  certain  of  the  tribes,  and 
1.  Among      these  northern  tribes,  with  the  activi- 
the  ties  of  the  sea.     In  the  "Blessing  of 

Hebrews  Jacob"  and  in  the  "Blessing  of  IVIoses" 
Zebulun  and  Issachar  are  so  connected 
(Gen  49  13;  Dt  33  19);  and  in  Deborah's  Song, 
which  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  very  early  fragment 
of  Heb  lit.,  Dan  and  Asher  are  also  spoken  of  as 
connected  with  the  hfe  and  work  of  the  sea  (Jgs 
5  17).  The  Oracle  of  Balaam  (Nu  24  24)  looks 
forward  to  a  day  when  a  fleet  from  Kittim  should 
take  the  sea  for  the  destruction  of  Assyria.  "Ships 
of  Kittim"  are  mentioned  in  Dnl  (11  30).  Kittim 
is  referred  to  in  the  three  greater  Prophets  (Isa 
23  1.12;  Jer  2  10;  Ezk  27  6).  The  land  of  Kittim 
is  Cyprus,  and  in  the  references  in  Isaiah  it  is 
associated  with  Tyre  and  the  ships  of  Tarshish. 

(2)  During  the  monarchy. — It  is  not  till  the  time 
of  the  monarchy  that  the  Hebrews  begin  to  figure 
as  a  commercial  people.  Already  in  the  time  of 
David  commercial  relations  had  been  estabHshed 
between  Israel  and  Tyre  (2  S  5  11  f).  The 
friendly  cooperation  was  continued  by  Solomon, 
who  availed  himself  not  only  of  the  cedar  and  the  fir 
at  Hiram's  command  on  Lebanon,  but  also  of  the 
skilled  service  of  Hiram's  men  to  bring  the  timber 
from  the  mountains  to  the  sea.  Hiram  also  under- 
took to  make  the  cedar  and  the  fir  into  rafts  (1  K 
5  9,  ni-in'l,  dobh'roth,  AV  "floats";  2  Ch  2  16, 
Xrr{Z)'^'\  ',  raphsjbdhoth,  "flotes"  AV,  "floats"  RV)  to 
go  by  sea  and  to  deliver  them  to  Solomon's  men 


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Shion 

Ships  and  Boats 


at  the  place  appointed,  which  the  Chronicler  tells 
us  was  Joppa.  From  this  cooperation  in  the 
building  of  the  Temple  there  grew  up  a  larger 
connection  in  the  pursuit  of  sea-borne  commerce. 
It  was  at  Ezion-gcber  near  to  Eloth  on  the  Red  Sea, 
in  the  land  of  Edom  which  David  had  conquered, 
that^  Solomon  built  his  fleet,  "a  navy  of  ships" 
(1  K  9  26-28).  Hiram  joined  Solomon  in  these 
enterprises  which  had  their  center  on  the  Rod  Sea, 
aiid  thus  the  Phoenicians  had  water  communication 
with  the  coasts  of  Arabia  and  Africa,  and  even  of 
India.  The  same  partnership  existed  for  the  com- 
merce of  the  West.  "For  the  king  [Solomon]  had 
at  sea  a  navy  of  Tarshish  with  the  navy  of  Hiram: 
once  every  three  years  came  the  navy  of  Tarshish, 
bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes,  and  pea- 
cocks" (1  K  10  22). 

Tarshish  is  the  name  of  the  Phoen  colony  on  the  river 
lartessus.  called  also  Baetis.  the  modern. (iuadalquivir. 
It  was  the  farthest  limit  of  the  western  world  as  known  to 
the  Hebrews.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  identify 
It  with  Tarsus  of  Cilicia,  but  thev  are  not  convincing. 
It  IS  conceived  of  in  Heb  lit.  as  remote  (Isa  66  19;  Jon  1 
3;  4  2),  as  rich  (Ps  72  10;  Jer  10  9).  as  powerfid  in 
commerce  (Ezk  38  13).  Ships  of  Tarshish  were  no 
doubt  ships  actually  built  for  the  Tarshish  trade  (2  Ch 
20  36  f ;  Jon  1  3),  but  the  expression  became  a  general 
designation  for  large  sea-going  vessels  to  any  quarter. 
Ships  of  Tarshish  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the 
imagination  of  the  Heb  people.  The  Psalmist  takes  it  as 
a  proof  of  the  power  of  Jeh  that  He  breaks  the  ships  of 
Tarshish  with  an  east  wind  (Ps  48  7).  Isaiah  includes 
them  among  the  great  and  lofty  objects  of  power  and 
glory  which  the  terror  of  the  Lord  would  certainly  over- 
take (Isa  2  10).  Ezekiel  regards  them  as  the  caravans 
that  bore  the  merchandise  of  the  mistress  of  the  sea 
(27  2.5).  It  is  in  ships  of  Tarshish  that  the  prophet  of 
the  Return  sees  the  exiles  borne  in  crowds  to  Jerus  as 
their  natural  home  (Isa  60  9). 

From  Solomon's  time  onward  the  kings  of  Judah 
retained  their  hold  upon  Eloth  (1  K  22  48  f ;  2  Ch 
20  35-37)  till  it  was  seized  by  the  Syrians  in  the 
days  of  Ahaz  (2  K  16  6). 

(3)  In  Idler  limes. — As  Solomon  had  the  coopera- 
tion of  Hiram  in  securing  material  and  craftsmen 
for  the  building  of  the  first  Temple,  so  Joshua  and 
Zerubbabel  by  the  favor  of  Cyrus  obtained  timber 
from  Lebanon,  and  masons  and  carpenters  from 
Sidon  and  Tyre  for  the  building  of  the  second. 
Again,  cedar  trees  were  brought  from  Lebanon  by 
sea  to  Joppa,  and  thence  conveyed  to  Jerus  (Ezr  3 
7). 

From  Joppa  Jonah  fled  to  avoid  compliance  with  God's 
command  to  go  to  Nineveh  and  preach  repentance  there 
(Jon  1  1  fT).  He  found  a  ship  bound  for  Tarshish  as 
far  toward  the  W.  as  Nineveh  to  the  E.  The  fare 
(sakhar)  paid  by  him  as  a  passenger,  the  hold  of  the  ship 
in  which  he  stowed  himself  away  (.fphlnak),  the  crew 
{malldhim),  the  captain  or  shipmaster  (rahh  ha-hobhH), 
the  storm,  the  angry  sea,  the  terrified  mariners  and  their 
cry  to  their  gods,  and  the  casting  of  Jonah  overboard  to 
appease  the  raging  waters — aU  make  a  lifelike  picture. 

It  was  in  the  time  of  Simon,  the  last  survivor  of 
the  Maccabean  brothers,  that  Joppa  became  a  sea- 
port with  a  harbor  for  shipping—  'Amid  all  his  glory 


Making  a  Papyrus  Boat. 

(From  TcjiiilJ  at  tlio  PyrainidH.) 


he  took  Joppa  for  a  haven,  and  made  it  an  entrance 
for  the  isles  of  the  sea"  (1  Mace  14  5).  When 
Simon  reared  his  monument  over  the  sepulcher  of 
his  father  and  brothers  at  Modin,  he  set  up  seven 
pyramids  with  pillars,  upon  which  were  carved 
figures  of  ships  to  be  "seen  of  all  that  sail  on  the 


sea"  (1  Mace  13  29).  About  this  period  we  hear 
of  ships  in  naval  warfare.  When  Antiochus  IV 
Epiphanes  planned  his  expedition  against  Egypt, 
he  had  with  other  armaments  "a  great  navy,"  pre- 
sumably ships  of  war  (1  Mace  1  17);  and  at  a  later 
time  Antiochus  VII  speaks  expressly  of  "ships  of 
war"  (1  Mace  15  3). 


Assyrian  Armed  Galley  in  Motion. 

ISciiIpturo  frniji  Koyunjik.     Brit,  Miiy,) 

(1)  Efjypt. — The  Egyptians,  like  other  nations 
of  antiquity,  had  a  great  horror  of  the  open  sea, 

although  they  were  expert  enough  in 
2.  Among  managing  their  craft  upon  the  Nile. 
Neighboring  Pharaoh-necoh  built  up  a  powerful 
Nations  navy  to  serve  him  both  in  commerce 

and  in  war.     See  Pharaoh-necoh. 

Of  explicit  references  to  Egyp  ships  in  the  OT  there  are 
but  few.  Isaiah  speaks  of  "ve.ssels  of  papyrus  upon 
the  waters"  of  the  Upper  Nile,  on  board  of  which  are 
the  messengers  of  Gush  or  Ethiopia  returning  to  tell  the 
tidings  of  the  overthrow  of  Assyria  to  the  inhabitants  of 
those  remote  lands  (18  2  AV  "has  "bulrushes"  instead 
of  "papyrus").  Ezokiel  also,  foretelling  the  overthrow 
of  Egypt,  speaks  of  messengers  traveling  with  the  news 
on  swift  Nile  boats  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
"careless  Ethiopians"  (30  9).  When  Job  compares 
his  days  to  "  the  swift  ships  "  ("  the  ships  of  reed ' '  R  Vm) , 
the  allusion  is  most  likely  to  Egypt's,  these  being  skiffs 
with  a  wooden  keel  and  the  rest  of  bulrushes,  sufRcient 
to  carry  one  person,  or  at  most  two,  and  light,  to  travel 
swiftly  (9  26). 

(2)  Assyria  and  Babylonia. — The  Assyrians  and 
Bab.vlonians  were  mainly  an  inland  people,  but  their 
riv^ers  gave  them  considerable  scope  for  navigation. 
The  Assyr  monuments  contain  representations  of  naval 
engagements  and  of  operations  on  the  seacoast.  When 
Isaiah  pictures  Jeh  as  a  better  defcsnce  of  Judah  than  the 
rivers  and  streams  of  Assyria  and  Egypt  are  to  their 
people  he  says,  "There  Jeh  will  be  with  us  in  majesty, 
a  place  of  broad  rivers  and  streams,  wherein  shall  go  no 
gaUey  with  oars  y  oni  shayit],  neither  shall  gallant  ship 
[ft  'addir]  pass  thereby.  .'  ,  .  .  Thy  tacldings  [ropes, 
cables]  are  loosed;  they  could  not  strengthen  the  foot 
of  their  mast,  they  could  not  spread  the  sail"  (33  21.23). 
Speaking  of  Jeh's  wonders  to  be  performed  toward  His 
people  after  Babylon  had  been  overthrown,  the  prophet 
declares:  "Thus  saith  Jeh,  your  Redeemer,  the  Holy 
One  of  Israel:  For  your  sake  I  have  sent  to  Babylon, 
and  I  will  bring  down  all  of  them  as  fugitives,  even  the 
Chaldeans,  in  the  ships  of  their  rejoicing"  (43  14). 
In  this  case,  however,  the  ships  are  not  war  ships,  but 
more  probably  merchant  ships,  or  ships  for  pleasiu'e, 
saihng  in  the  Euphrates. 

(3)  Phoenicia. — It  was  from  the  Phoenicians 
that  the  Mediterranean  peoples  learned  seamanship 
and  skill  in  navigation.  It  is  fitting,  therefore,  that 
in  his  dirge  over  the  downfall  of  the  mistress  of  the 
sea,  Ezekiel  should  represent  Tyre  as  a  gallant  ship, 
well  built,  well  furnished,  and  well  manned,  broken 
by  the  seas  in  the  depths  of  the  waters,  fallen  into 
tiie  heart  of  the  seas  in  the  day  of  her  ruin.  Ezekiel's 
description  (ch  27,  with  Davidson's  notes)  brings 
together  more  of  the  features  of  the  ship  of  antiquity 
than  any  other  that  has  come  down  to  us.  Her 
builders  have  made  her  perfect  in  beauty  with 
planks  of  fir  or  cypress,  mast  of  cedar,  oars  of  the 
oak  of  Bashan,  benches  or  deck  of  ivory  inlaid  with 
boxwood,  sail  of  fine  linen  with  broidered  work 
from  Egypt,  and  an  awning  of  blue  and  purple 


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from  the  coastlands  of  Elishah  (possibly  Sicily). 
Slie  is  manned  with  oarsmen  of  Sidon  and  Arvad, 
pilots  of  the  wise  men  of  Tyre,  calkers  from  Gebal 
to  stop  up  the  cracks  and  seams  in  her  timbers, 
mariners  and  men  of  war  from  other  lands  who 
enhanced  her  beauty  by  hanging  up  the  shield  and 
helmet  within  her.  She  is  freighted  with  the  most 
varied  cargo,  the  produce  of  the  lands  around,  her 
customers,  or  as  they  are  called,  her  traffickers,  being 
Tarshish  in  the  far  W.,  Sheba  and  Arabia  in  the 
S.,  Haran  and  Asshur  in  the  E.,  Javan,  which  is 
Greece,  and  Togarmah,  which  is  Armenia,  in  the  N. 

One  or  two  of  the  particulars  of  this  description  may 
be  commented  upon,  {.a)  As  regards  rigging,  the  Phoen 
siiips  of  the  time  of  Ezeloel,  as  seen  in  Assyr  representa- 
tions, had  one  mast  with  one  yard  and  carried  a  square 
sail.  Egyp  ships  on  the  Red  Sea  about  the  time  of  tlie 
Exodus,  from  rehef  s  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  had  one  mast 
and  two  yards,  and  carried  also  one  large  square  sail. 
The  masts  and  yards  were  made  of  fir,  or  of  pine,  and  the 
sails  of  linen,  but  the  fiber  of  papyrus  was  employed  as 
well  as  flax  in  the  manufacture  of  sail-cloth.  The 
sail  had  also  to  serve  "for  an  ensign"  {U/ies,  Ezk  27  7). 
"The  flag  proper."  says  Davidson  (ad  loc),  "seems  not 
to  have  oeen  used  in  ancient  navigation;  its  purpose 
was  served  by  the  sail,  as  for  example  at  the  battle  of 
Actium  tlie  ship  of  Antony  was  distinguished  by  its 
purple  sail." 

(b)  As  regards  the  crew,  in  the  two-banked  Phoen 
ship  the  rowers  of  the  first  bank  work  their  oars  over 
the  gunwale,  and  those  of  the  second  through  portholes 
lower  down,  so  that  each  may  have  free  play  for  his  oar. 
The  calkers  were  those  who  filled  up  seams  or  cracks  in 
the  timbers  with  tow  and  covered  them  over  with  tar  or 
wax,  after  the  manner  of  the  instruction  given  to  Noah 
regarding  the  Ark:  "Thou  ....  shalt  pitch  it  within 
and  without  with  pitch"  (Gen  6  14). 

(c)  As  regards  cargo,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  "the 
persons  of  men,"  that  is,  slaves,  formed  an  article  of 
merchandise  in  which  Javan,  Tubal,  and  Meshech, 
countries  to  the  N.,  traded  with  Tyre. 

Of  general  references  to  shipping  and  seafaring 
life  there   are  comparatively  few  in  the  OT.     In 

his  great  series  of  Nature-pictures  in 
3.  General  Ps  104,  the  Psalmist  finds  a  place  for 
References    the  sea  and  ships   (vs  25  ff),   and  in 

Ps  107  there  is  a  picture  of  the  storm 
overtaking  them  that  go  down  to  the  sea  in  ships, 
and  of  the  deliverance  that  comes  to  them  when 
God  "bringeth  them  into  their  desired  haven" 
(vs  23  ff ) .  In  the  Book  of  Prov  the  ideal  woman 
who  brings  her  food  from  far  is  like  "the  merchant 
ships"  (31  14).  In  the  same  book  the  drunkard, 
because  of  his  unnatural  insensibility  to  danger,  is 
likened  to  a  man  "that  lieth  down  in  the  midst  of 
the  sea,  or  as  he  that  lieth  upon  the  top  of  a  mast" 
(23  34);  and  among  the  inscrutable  things  of  the 
world  the  writer  includes  "the  way  of  a  ship  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea"  (30  19).  In  Wisd,  human  life  is 
described  "as  a  ship  passing  through  the  billowy 
water,  whereof,  when  it  is  gone  by,  there  is  no 
trace  to  be  found,  neither  pathway  of  its  keel  in  the 
billows"  (5  10).  The  same  book  notes  it  as  a 
striking  example  of  the  case  of  a  divine  and  benefi- 
cent Providence  that  "men  intrust  their  lives  to  a 
Httle  piece  of  wood,  and  passing  through  the  surge 
on  a  raft  are  brought  safe  to  land"  (14  1-5).  The 
Jews  hke  the  Egyptians  and  the  Assyrians  had  a 
natural  shrinking  from  the  sea,  and  Ecclesiasticus 
interprets  their  feeling  when  he  says:  "They  that 
sail  on  the  sea  tell  of  the  danger  thereof;  and  when 
we  hear  it  with  our  ears,  we  marvel"  (43  24). 

///.  Ships  in  the  NT. — It  is  the  fishing-boats 
of  the   Sea   of   Galilee   which   exclusively   occupy 

attention  in  the  Gospels.  In  the  time 
1.  In  the  of  Our  Lord's  ministry  in  Galilee  the 
Gospels  shores  of  the  Sea  were  densely  peopled, 

and  there  must  have  been  many  boats 
engaged  in  the  fishing  industry.  Bethsaida  at 
the  northern  end  of  the  Lake  and  Tarichaea  at 
the  southern  end  were  great  centers  of  the  trade. 
The  boats  were  probably  of  a  size  and  build  similar 
to  the  few  employed  on  the  Lake  today,  which 


are  between  20  and  30  ft.  in  length  and  7  ft.  in 
breadth.  The  word  "launch,"  of  putting  a  boat 
or  a  ship  into  the  sea,  has  disappeared  from  RV, 
except  in  Lk  8  22,  where  it  is  more  appropriate 
to  an  inland  lake.  They  were  propelled  by  oars, 
but  no  doubt  also  made  use  of  the  sail  when  the  wind 
was  favorable  (Lk  8  23),  though  the  pictures  which 
we  have  in  the  Gospels  are  mostly  of  the  boatmen 
toiling  in  rowing  in  the  teeth  of  a  gale  (Mk  6  48), 
and  struggling  with  the  threatening  waves  (Mt  14 
24).  In  the  boat  on  which  Jesus  and  the  disciples 
were  crossing  the  Lake  after  the  feeding  of  the  5,000, 
Jesus  was  in  the  stern  "asleep  on  the  cushion" 
(Mk  4  38,  AV  "a  pillow";  Gr  proskepkdlaion, 
"headrest").  More  than  once  Jesus  made  special 
use  of  a  boat.  As  He  was  by  the  seashore  a  great 
concourse  of  people  from  aU  parts  made  it  desirable 
that  "a  smaU  boat"  (ploiarion)  should  be  in  attend- 
ance off  the  shore  to  receive  Him  in  case  of  need, 
though  He  does  not  seem  to  have  required  it  (Mk  3 
9).  On  another  occasion,  when  the  crowds  were 
still  greater,  He  went  into  a  boat  and  sat  "in  the  sea" 
with  the  multitude  on  the  sloping  beach  before  Him 
(Mk  4  1;  Lk  5  3).  This  boat  is  said  in  St.  Luke's 
narrative  to  have  been  Simon's,  and  it  seems  from 
references  to  it  as  "the  boat"  on  other  occasions 
to  have  been  generally  at  the  disposal  of  Jesus. 

It  is  St.  Paul's  voyages  which  yield  us  the  knowl- 
edge that  we  possess  from  Bib.  som-ces  of  ships  in 

NT  times.  They  are  recorded  for  us 
2.  In  the  in  the  Acts  by  St.  Luke,  who,  as  Sir 
Acts  of  the  WilHam  Ramsay  puts  it,  had  the  true 
Apostles         Gr  feeling  for  the  sea   (St.    Paul  the 

Traveller,  21).  In  St.  Luke's  writings 
there  are  many  nautical  terms,  pecuUar  to  him, 
used  with  great  exactitude  and  precision. 

When  St.  Paul  had  appealed  to  Caesar  and  was 
proceeding  to  Rome  in  charge  of  Julius,  the  centu- 
rion, along  with  other  prisoners,  a  ship  of  Adramyt- 
tium,   a  coasting   vessel,   carried   the  party   from 


Roman  Ship  from  Tomb  at  Pompeii. 


Caesarea  along  the  Syrian  coast,  northward  of 
Cyprus,  past  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia,  to  Myra  of 
Lycia.  'There  the  centurion  found  a  ship  of  Alex- 
andria saihng  for  Italy,  one  of  the  great  corn  fleet 
carrying  grain  from  Egypt  for  the  multitudes  of 
Rome.  (After  the  capture  of  Jerus  the  emperor 
Titus  returned  to  Italy  in  such  a  vessel,  touching 
at  Rhegium  and  landing  at  Puteoli.)  The  size  of 
the  vessel  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  there  were 
276  persons  on  board,  crew  and  passengers  all  told 
(Acts  27  37).  St.  Luke  has  made  no  note  of  the 
name  of  this  or  of  the  previous  vessels  in  which  St. 
Paul  had  voyaged.  Of  the  presumably  larger 
vessel,  also  an  Alexandrian  corn  ship  bound  for 
Rome,  which  had  wintered  in  Melita,  and  which 
afterward  took  on  board  the  shipwrecked  party 


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Ships  and  Boats 
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Coin  of  Antoninus  Pius, 
allowing  Anchor. 


(Acts  28  11),  "the  sign"  {-n-apda-niiov,  pardsemon) 
is  given,  and  she  is  called  "The  Twin  Brothers." 
The  expression  shows  that  it  was  in  painting  or 
rehef ;  a  figurehead,  with  the  Twin  Brothers  repre- 
sented, would  be  given  by  ivla-rtixov,  episemon.  The 
cargo  (<i>opTlov,  phorlion,  Acts  27  10,  AV  and  RV 
"lading")  in  this  case  was  wheat  (27  38),  but  another 
word  is  used,  74m<>5,  gdmos,  by  St.  Luke  of  a  ship's 
load  of  varied  wares  (Acts  21  3;  cf  Rev  18  11  ff). 

Of  those  engaged  in  handhng  the  ship  we  find  (ver 
11)  the  master  (Kv^epv-rtr-qs,  kuberniles),  the  owner 
{vaiKXrjpos,  naukleros,  although  this  expression 
seems  not  quite  consistent  with  the  ownership  of  a 
corn  ship  of  the  imperial  service,  and  Ramsay's 
distinction  between  the  words,  making  the  former 
"saihng-master"  and  the  latter  "captain,"  may  be 
better),  the  sailors  (ver  30,  who  treacherously  sought 
to  lower  the  ship's  boat  on  the  pretence  of  laying 
out  anchors  from  the  "foreship"  or  prow,  and  to  get 
away  from  the  doomed  vessel). 

Of  operations  belonging  to  the  navigation  of  the 
vessel  in  the  storm  there  were  (1)  the  taking  on 
board  of  the  ship's  boat  and  securing  it  with  ropes 
(ver  16,  in  which  opera- 
tion St.  Luke  seems  to 
have  taken  part;  cf  ver 
32),  (2)  the  undergirding 
of  the  ship  (ver  17,  using 
helps,  that  is  taking 
measures  of  rehef  and 
adopting  the  expedient, 
only  resorted  to  in  ex- 
tremities, of  passing  cables 
under  the  keel  of  the  ship 
to  keep  the  hull  together 
and  to  preserve  the  tim- 
bers from  starting),  (3) 
the  lowering  of  the  gear 
(ver  17,  reducing  sail,  taking  down  the  mainsail 
and  the  main  yard),  (4)  throwing  freight  over- 
board and  later  casting  out  the  tackling  of  the  ship 
(ver  19),  (5)  taking  soundings  (ver  28),  (6)  letting 
go  four  anchors  from  the  stern  (ver  29,  stern- 
anchoring  being  very  unusual,  but  a  necessity  in 
the  circumstances),  (7)  further  hghtening  the  ship 
by  throwing  the  wheat  into  the  sea  (ver  38),  (8) 
cutting  the  anchor  cables,  unlashing  the  rudders, 
hoisting  up  the  foresail  to  the  wind,  and  holding 
straight  for  the  beach  (ver  40). 

Of  the  parts  of  the  ship's  equipment  there  are 
mentioned  "the  sounding  lead"  (^o\fc,  bolis,  though 
it  is  the  vb.  which  is  here  used),  "the  anchors" 
(iyKvpai,  dgkurai,  of  which  every  ship  carried 
several,  and  which  at  successive  periods  have  been 
made  of  stone,  iron,  lead  and  perhaps  other  metals, 
each  having  two  flukes  and  being  held  by  a  cable 
or  a  chain),  "the  rudders"  (TrjjSiXia,  peddlia,  of 
which  every  ship  had  two  for  steering,  which  in  this 
case  had  been  hfted  out  of  the  water  and  secured  by 
"bands"  to  the  side  of  the  ship  and  unlashed  when 
the  critical  moment  came),  "the  foresail"  {i-pTip-oiv, 
arlemon,  not  the  mainsail,  but  the  small  sail  at  the 
bow  of  the  vessel  which  at  the  right  moment^ was 
hoisted  to  the  wind  to  run  her  ashore),  and  "the 
boat"  {<TKd<pr),  skdphe,  which  had  been  m  tow  m  the 
wake  of  the  vessel,  according  to  custom  stUl  preva- 
lent in  those  seas— coasting-vessels  bemg  some- 
times becahned,  when  the  crew  get  mto  the  small 
boat  and  take  the  ship  in  tow,  usmg  the  oars  to 
get  her  round  a  promontory  or  mto  a  position 
more  favorable  for  the  wind) .  The  season  for  navi- 
gation in  those  seas  in  ancient  times  was  from 
April  to  October.  During  the  winter  the  vessels 
were  laid  up,  or  remained  in  the  shelter  of  sonie 
suitable  haven.  The  reason  for  this  was  not  simply 
the  tempestuous  character  of  the  weather,  but 
the  obscuration  of  the  heavens  which  prevented 


observations  being  taken  for  the  steering  of  the 
ship  (Acts  27  20). 

In  2  Cor  11  25  St.  Paul  mentions  among  suffer- 
ings he  had  endured  for  Christ's  sake  that  thrice  he 

had  suffered  shipwreck,  and  that  he 
3.  In  Other  had  been  "a  night  and  a  day  in  the 
Books  deep,"  implying  that  he  had  been  in 

danger  of  his  life  clinging  to  a  spar, 
or  borne  upon  a  hurriedly  constructed  raft.  It  may 
be  a  reminiscence  of  the  sea  when  St.  Paul  in  the 
very  earliest  of  his  Epp.  (1  Thess  4  16),  speaking 
of  the  coming  of  the  Lord,  says  "The  Lord  himself 
shall  descend  from  heaven,  with  a  shout"  {iy  Kcheixr- 
fuxTi,  en  keleusmali) ,  where  the  picture  is  that  of  the 
KeXeuo-Tiis,  keleuslts,  giving  the  time  to  the  rowers  on 
board  a  ship.  Although  uTnjp^rijs,  huperetes,  was  "an 
underrower"  and  inrrjpea-la,  huperesia,  "the  crew  of 
a  ship,"  as  contrasted  with  Kv^epfr/TTj!,  kubernetes, 
"the  saihng-master,"  the  derived  meaning  of  "serv- 
ant" or  "oflicer"  has  lost  in  the  NT  all  trace  of  its 
origin  (Mt  5  25;  Lk  1  2  and  many  passages;  cf 
(rT^XXeii/,  stellein,  and  (tucttA.Xci;',  susl&llein,  where  the 
idea  of  "furling  or  "shifting  a  saU"  is  entirely  lost: 
1  Cor  7  29;  2  Cor  8  20). 

Figurative:  In  He  the  hope  ol  the  gospel  is  figured  as  "an 
anchor  ....  sure  and  stedfast,  and  entering  into  that 
which  is  within  the  veil"  (6  19.  esp.  with  Ebrard'snotein 
Altord,  ad  loc).  St.  James,  showing  the  power  of  little 
things,  adduces  the  ships,  large  though  they  be,  and  driven 
by  fierce  winds,  turned  about  by  a  very  small  "rudder" 
(TTTjSaAtov,  peddlion),  as  "the  impulse  of  the  steersman  will- 
eth"  (Jas  3  4).  In  Revthereisareprescntatiouof  thefall 
of  Babylon  in  language  reminiscent  of  the  fall  of  Tyre  ( Ezlc 
27),  in  which  lamentations  arise  from  the  merchants  of 
the  earth  who  can  no  more  buy  her  varied  merchandise 
(toi'  yoixov^  tdn  gdmon,  "cargo"  RVm),  and  shipmasters 
and  passengers  and  seafaring  people  look:  in  terror  and 
grief  upon  the  smoke  of  her  burning   (Rev  18  12-18). 

LiTEHATUHE. — Tho  usual  books  on  Gr  and  Rom 
antiquities  furnish  descriptions  and  illustrations.  Works 
on  the  monuments  like  Layard,  Nineveh,  II,  379  11: 
Maspero,  Ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria;  Ball,  Light  from 
the  East,  and  Reissner,  Cairo  Museum  Catalogue,  "Models 
of  Ships  and  Boats,"  191.3,  contain  descriptions  and  fig- 
ured representations  which  are  instructive.  On  shipping 
and  navigation  in  classical  antiquity  Smith  of  Jordanhill, 
Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St,  Paul,  is  still  the  standard 
authority. 

T.   NlCOL 

SHISHA,  shi'sha  (Nip"'© ,  shlsha') :  One  of  Solo- 
mon's officers  of  state  (1  K  4  3). 

SHISHAK,    shi'shak    (pT»i©,   shishak    [I  K  14 

25] ;  2ov<raK«£(j.,  Sottsakeim) :  Sheshonk  or  Sheshenq  I, 

as  he  is  called  on  the  monuments,  the 

1.  Shishak,  founder  of  the  XXIId  Dynasty,  was 
952-930  BC  in  aU  probabiUty  of  Libyan  origin.     It 

is  possible  that  his  claim  to  the  throne 
was  that  of  the  sword,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  he 
acquired  it  by  marriage  with  a  princess  of  the 
dynasty  preceding.  On  the  death  of  Pasebkhanu 
II,  the  last  of  the  kings  of  the  XXIst  Dynasty, 
952  BC,  Shishak  ascended  the  throne,  with  an 
efficient  army  and  a  well-fiUed  treasury  at  his 
command.  He  was  a  warhke  prince  and  cherished 
dreams  of  Asiatic  dominion. 

He  had  not  long  been  seated  on  the  throne  when 

Jeroboam  the  sou  of  Nebat,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 

whom    Solomon    had    promoted    but 

2.  Patron  of  afterward  had  cause  to  suspect,  fled 
Jeroboam     from  the  displeasure  of  his  sovereign 

to  the  court  of  Shishak  (1  K  11  26  ff). 
There  Jeroboam  remained  till  the  death  of  Solomon, 
when  he  returned  to  Canaan,  and,  on  Rehoboam's 
returning  an  unsatisfactory  answer  to  the  people's 
demands  for  relief  from  their  burdens,  headed  the 
revolt  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  over  whom  he  was  chosen 
king  with  his  capital  at  Shechem  (1  K  12  25  fi'). 
Whether  there  was  not  in  the  XXIst  Dynasty  some 
kind  of  suzerainty  of  Egypt  over  Pal,  when  Solomon 
married  Pharaoh's  daughter  and  received  with  her 
Gezer  as  a  dowry,  seems  not  to  be  clearly  established. 


Shishak 
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It  is,  however,  natural  that  Jeroboam's  patron  in 
the  day  of  adversity  should  take  sides  with  him 
against  Rehoboam,  now  that  the  kingdom  was 
divided.  Active  support  of  Jeroboam  would  be  in 
the  line  of  his  dreams  of  an  eastern  empire. 

So  it  came  to  pass  that  in  the  .5th  year  of  Reho- 
boam, Shishak  came  up  against  Jerus  with  1,200 

chariots,  and  60,000  horsemen,  and 
3.  Syrian  people  without  number  out  of  Egypt, 
Campaign      the  Libyans,  Sukkiim,  and  Ethiopians, 

and  took  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah, 
and  came  to  Jerus.     At  the  preaching  of  the  prophet 


Figure  of  the  God  Amon  Holding  Captive  the  Cities  of 

Judali  for  Shishali:. 
One  of  the  Heads  of  tlie  Cities.  Jud-ha-malelc  (Jehud  of 

the  King,  Josh  19  4.5).  Which  is  the  Third  behind  the 

Knee  of  the  God  Amon. 

Shemaiah,  Rehoboam  and  his  people  repented, 
and  Jerus  was  saved  from  destruction,  though  not 
from  plunder  nor  from  servitude,  for  he  became 
Shishak's  servant  (2  Ch  12  S).  Shishak  took 
away  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  and  the 
treasures  of  the  king's  house,  carrying  off  among 
the  most  precious  of  the  spoils  all  the  shields  of  gold 
which  Solomon  had  made  (1  K  14  2.5ff;  2  Ch 
12  1-9).  From  the  Scripture  narrative  it  does  not 
appear  that  there  was  any  occupation  of  Pal  by 
the  Egyp  forces  on  this  occasion. 

There  is,  however,  a  remarlvable  contemporary  record 
of  the  campaign   engraved   on   the  soutli   wall   of  the 
Temple  of  Amon  at  Karnak  by  .Shishak 
4.  Shishak's  Iiimself.     Not     only     is     the     expedition 
p  J     i       recorded,    but  there  is   a  list  of  districts 

i^ecoru  di  ^jj^  towns  of  Pal  granted  to  his  victories 
Karnak  by  Amou-Ra  and  the  goddess  of  Thebes 

engraved  there.  A  number  of  towns 
mentioned  in  tlic  Book  of  Josh  have  been  identified: 
and  among  the  names  of  the  list  are  Rabbath.  Taanach, 
(libeon,  Mahanaim,  Beth-horon  and  other  towns  both 
of  Israel  and  Judah.  That  names  of  places  in  the  North- 
ern Kingdom  are  mentioned  in  the  list  does  not  imply  that 
.Sliishak  had  directed  his  armies  against  Jeroboam  and 
plundered  his  territories.  It  was  the  custom  in  antiquity 
for  a  victorious  monarch  to  include  among  conquered 
cities  any  place  that  paid  tribute  or  was  under  subjection, 
whether  captured  in  war  or  not;  and  it  was  sulBcient 
reason  for  Stiisliak  to  include  these  Israelite  places  that 
Jeroboam,  as  seems  probable,  had  invited  liim  to  come 
to  his  aid.  Among  the  names  in  tlie  list  was  "Jud-ha- 
malek" — Yudhmalk  on  the  monuments — which  was  at 
first  believed  to  represent  the  king  of  Judah,  with  a  figure 
which  passed  for  Rehoboam.  Being,  however,  a  place- 
name,  it  is  now  recognized  to  be  the  town  Yehudah, 
belonging  to  the  king.  On  the  death  of  Shishak  liis 
successor  assumed  a  nominal  suzerainty  over  the  land 
of  Canaan. 


Literature. — Flinders  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt,  III, 
227  ff;  Maspero,  Struggle  of  the  Nations,  772  tl;  Nicol, 
Recent  Archaeology  and  the  Bible,  222—25. 

T.  Nicol. 
SHITRAI,    shit'ri,    shit-ra'i,     shit'rS-i     C^'yOV , 
shitray) :     A    Sharonite,    David's    chief    shepherd 
(1  Ch  27  29). 

SHITTAH,  shit'a,  TREE  (nOffl,  shittah;  LXX 
^•uXov  ao-TjiTTov,  xulon  dseplon;  RV  ACACIA  TREE 
[Isa  41  19]);  SHITTIM  WOOD  (n"'t3TlJ  ''»,  'ofe 
shittlm;  RV  ACACIA  WOOD  [Ex  25  s'.lO.lS; 
26  15.26;  27  1.6;  Dt  10  3]):  The  word  was 
originahy  shintah,  derived  from  the  Arab,  sant, 
now  a  name  confined  to  one  species  of  acacia, 
Acacia  nilotica  (N.O.  Legummosae) ,  but  possibly  was 
once  a  more  inclusive  term.  The  A.  nilotica  is  at 
present  confined  to  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  and  to 
Egypt.  Closely  allied  species,  the  A.  tortilis  and  A. 
seyat,  both  classed  together  under  the  Arab,  name 
sayydl,  are  plentiful  in  the  valleys  about  the  Dead 
Sea  from  Engedi  southward.  Those  who  haveridden 
from  'Aire  Jidy  to  Jebel  Usdiim  will  never  forget 
these  most  striking  features  of  the  landscape.  They 
are  most  picturesque  trees  with  their  gnarled  trunks, 
sometimes  2  ft.  thick,  their  twisted,  thorny  branches, 
which  often  give  the  whole  tree  an  umbrella-like 
form,  and  their  fine  bipinnate  leaves  with  minute 
leaflets.  The  curiously  twisted  pods  and  the  masses 
of  gum  arable  which  exude  in  many  parts  are  also 
peculiar  featm-es.  The  trees  yield  a  valuable,  hard, 
close-grained  timber,  not  readily  attacked  by  insects. 
E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SHITTIM,  shit'im  (D"'E!liJn,  ha-shittwi,  "the 
acacias";  l^aTrdv,  Sattein) : 

( 1 )  This  marked  the  last  camping-ground  of  Israel 
before  they  crossed  the  Jordan  to  begin  the  con- 
quest of  Western  Pal.  Here  it  was  that  the  people 
fell  into  the  snare  set  for  them  by  the  Satanic 
counsel  of  Balaam,  who  thus  brought  upon  them 
greater  evil  than  all  his  prohibited  curses  could 
have  done  (Nu  25  1  ff;  31  16).  In  Nu  33  49  it 
is  called  Abel-shittim.  It  was  from  Shittim  that 
Joshua  sent  the  spies  to  view  out  the  land  and 
Jericho  (Josh  2  1);  and  from  this  point  the  host 
moved  forward  to  the  river  (3  1).  The  place  is 
mentioned  by  Mioah  in  a  passage  of  some  diffi- 
culty (6  5):  after  "what  Balaam  the  son  of  Beor 
answered,"  perhaps  some  such  phrase  as  "remember 
what  I  did"  has  fallen  out.  This  would  then  be  a 
reference  to  the  display  of  Divine  power  in  arresting 
the  flow  of  Jordan  until  the  host  had  safely  crossed. 
Jos  places  the  camp  "near  Jordan  where  the  city 
Abila  now  stands,  a  place  full  of  pakn  trees"  {Ant, 
IV,  viii,  1).  Onom  says  Shittim  was  near  to  Mt. 
Peor  (Fogor).  It  may  possibly  be  identical  with 
Khirbet  el-Kefrain,  about  6  miles  S.  of  the  Jordan, 
on  the  Kp  of  Wddy  Seisebdn,  where  there  are  many 
acacias. 

(2)  In  Joel  3  18  we  read  of  the  valley  of  Shittim 
which  is  to  be  watered  by  a  fountain  coming  forth 
of  the  house  of  the  Lord.  It  must  therefore  be 
sought  on  the  W.  of  the  Jordan.  The  waters  from 
the  Jerus  district  are  carried  to  the  Dead  Sea  down 
the  Wddy  which  continues  the  Brook  Kidron: 
Wddy  en-Ndr.  The  acacia  is  found  plentifully 
in  the  lower  reaches  of  this  valley,  which  may 
possibly  be  intended  by  the  prophet. 

W.  EwiNG 
SHIZA,  shi'za  (Xr©  ,  shlzd';    Sai^o,  Saizd) :     A 
Reubenite,  one  of  David's  leading  warriors  (1  Ch 
11  42}. 

SHOA,  sh5'a  (?ffl  ,  sho'^';  ^ovi,  Soue) :  A  people 
narncd  in  Ezk  23  23  in  association  with  Baby- 
lonians, Chaldaeans  and  Assyrians.     Schrader  iden- 


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Sbishak 
Shore 


tifies  with  the  Sutu  of  the  inscriptions  (E.  ot  the 
Tigris) . 

SHOBAB,  sho'bab  (311125,  shob'habk;  Supip, 
Sobdb) : 

(1)  One  of  the  sons  of  David  (2  S  5  14;  1  Ch 
3  5;   14  4). 

(2)  A  son  of  Caleb  (1  Ch  2  18). 

SHOBACH,  sho'bak  (tflilC ,  shobhakh;  SupdK, 
Sobdk):  Captain  of  the  Syrian  host  (2  S  10  16.18); 
but  "Shophach"  (^SilZJ,  shophakh)  in  1  Ch  19 
16.18. 

SHOBAI,  sho'bi,  sho-ba'i,  sho'ba-I  CnilJ ,  shobhay; 
B,  "Apaoi,  Abaou,  A,  Luc,  SuPat,  Sobai):  The 
head  of  one  of  the  famihes  which  returned  from  the 
Bab  captivity  (Ezr  2  42;  Neh  7  45). 

SHOBAL,  sho'bal  (bnilB,  shobhal,  "overflow- 
ing"; SupdX,  (Sobdi,  with  variants) : 

(1)  An  Edomite  name  mentioned  in  connection 
with  Lotan,  Zibeon  and  Anah,  as  that  of  a  "son" 
of  Seir  (Gen  36  20),  the  father  of  a  clan  (ver  23), 
and  a  Horite  "duke"  {'alluph)  (ver  29;  1  Ch  1  38. 
40). 

(2)  A  Calebite,  the  father  (possibly  of  the  inhabit- 
ants) of  Kiriath-jearira  (1  Ch  2  50.52). 

(3)  A  Judahite,  perhaps  to  be  identified  with  (2) 
above  (1  Ch  4  1  f). 

SHOBEK,  sho'bek  (pniTD,  shobhek;  2a>p^K, 
Sobek) :  One  of  those  who  sealed  the  covenant  under 
Nehemiah  after  the  Bab  captivity  (Neh  10  24). 

SHOBI,  sho'bi  (^ni»  ,  shobhi;  Oi«r?d,  Ouesbei) : 
One  of  those  who  remained  faithful  to  David 
during  the  rebeUion  of  Absalom  (2  S  17  27). 

SHOCHOH,  sho'ko  (nbi»,  sokhoh,  B,  2oKx<lie, 
Sokchoth,  A,  'Oicxii,  Okcho) :  This  in  1  S  17  1  AV 
is  a  variant  of  Socoh  (q.v.). 

SHOE,  shoo,  SHOE-LATCHET,  shoo'lach-et 
(by; ,  na'al,  lit.  "that  which  is  fastened,"  with 
denominative   vb.    P?j  ,   na'al,    "to    provide   with 


Egyptian  Sandals. 


shoes"  [2  Ch  28  15;  Ezk  16  10];  iiriSTnia,  hupo- 
dema  [Sir  46  19;  Mt  3  11,  etc],  from  the  vb. 
i,ro8€'<o,  hupodeo  [Mk  6  9;  Eph  6  15],  "to  bmd 
under"  cravSdXiov,  sanddlion,  "sandal"  [Jth  10  4; 
16  9;'  Mk  6  9;  Acts  12  8];  AV,  RVm  also  have 
"shoe"  for  byjIO ,  jnin'dl,  "bar"  [so  RV  text]  in 
Dt33  25;  the  "latchet"  is  either  ^111?,  s'rokh, 
"twisted  thing"  [Gen  14  23;  Isa  6  27],  or  L(ids, 
himds,   "leather  thong"  [Mk  1  7;   Lk  3  16;   Jn  1 


27]) :  The  na^al  was  a  simple  piece  of  leather  tied  on 
the  foot  with  the  s'rokk,  so  easy  of  construction  that 
its  low  cost  was  proverbial  (Am  2  6;  8  6;  Sir  46 
19;  cf  Gen  14  23),  and  to  be  without  it  was  a 
sign  of  extreme  poverty  (2  Ch  28  15;  Isa  20  2). 
Women,  however,  might  have  ornamental  sandals 
(Cant  7  l;Jth  16  9),  and  Ezekiel  names  "sealskin" 
(16  10)  as  a  particularly  luxurious  material,  but  the 
omission  of  sandals  from  the  list  of  Isa  3  18-23  shows 
that  they  were  not  commonly  made  articles  of  great 
expense.  The  hupodema  was  likewise  properly  a 
sandal,  but  the  word  was  also  used  to  denote  a 
shoe  that  covered  the  foot.  The  contrast  between 
hupodema  in  Mt  10  10  and  sandalion  in  Mk  6  9 
seems  to  show  that  this  meaning  is  not  unknown 
in  the  NT,  the  "shoe"  being  regarded  as  an  article 
of  luxury  (cf  Lk  15  22).  But  in  Mt  3  11  and 
II 's,  only  the  sandal  can  be  meant. 

Sandals  were  not  worn  indoors,  so  that  putting 
them  on  was  a  sign  of  readiness  for  activity  (Ex 
12  11;  Acts  12  8;  Eph  6  15),  the  more  wealthy 
having  them  brought  (Mt  3  11)  and  fastened  (Mk 
1  7  and  ||'s)  by  slaves.  When  one  entered  a  house 
they  were  removed;  all  the  more,  naturally,  on 
entering  a  sanctuary  (Ex  3  5;  Josh  5  15;  Acts 
7  33).  Mourners,  however,  did  not  wear  them 
even  out  of  doors,  as  a  sign  of  grief  (Ezk  24  17.23), 
perhaps  for  the  same  reason  that  other  duties  of  the 
toilet  were  neglected  (2  S  12  20,  etc).  A  single 
long  journey  wore  out  a  pair  of  sandals  (Josh  9 
5.13),  and  the  preservation  of  "the  latchet  of  their 
shoes"  from  being  broken  (Isa  5  27)  would  require 
almost  miraculous  help. 

Ruth  4  7f  states  as  a  "custom  in  former  times  in 
Israel,"  that  when  any  bargain  was  closed  "a  man  drew 
oft  his  shoe,  and  gave  it  to  his  neighbor."  This  was  of 
course  simply  a  special  form  of  earnest-money,  used  in 
all  transactions.  In  Dt  25  9  f  the  custom  appears  in  a 
different  hght.  If  a  man  refused  to  perform  his  duty  to 
his  deceased  brother's  wife,  the  elders  of  the  city  were 
to  remove  his  shoe  and  disgrace  him  publicly,  "And  his 
name  shall  be  called  in  Israel,  The  house  of  him  that 
hath  his  shoe  loosed."  The  removal  of  the  shoe  is 
apparently  connected  with  the  rite  in  Ruth  4  7  as  a 
renunciation  of  the  man's  privilege.  But  the  general 
custom  seems  to  have  become  obsolete,  for  the  removal  of 
the  shoe  is  now  a  reproach. 

The  meaning  of  Ps  60  8  ||  108  9,  "Upon  [m  "unto"l 
Edom  ■will  I  cast  my  shoe,"  is  uncertain,  by.  'al, 
may  mean  either  "upon"  or  "unto."  If  the  former, 
some  ("otherwise  unsubstantiated)  custom  of  asserting 
ownership  of  land  may  be  meant.  If  the  latter,  the 
meaning  is  ' '  Edom  I  will  treat  as  a  slave, ' '  to  whom  the 
shoes  are  cast  on  entering  a  house. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

SHOHAM,  sho'ham  (nnilj,  shoham,  "onyx"; 
B,  'Itroiy.,  Isodm,  A,  'la-a-o&fi.,  Issodm):  One  of 
the  sons  of  Merari  (1  Ch  24  27). 

SHOMER,  sho'mer  (TOillJ ,  shomer) : 

(1)  The  father  of  one  of  the  conspirators  who 
killed  Joash  (2  K  12  21).     See  Shimeath. 

(2)  One  of  the  sons  of  Heber  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
(1  Ch  7  32).     SeeSHEMER. 

SHOPHACH,  sho'fak.     See  Shobach. 

SHOPHAN,  sho'fan  (iSillJ,  shophan).  See 
Atroth-Shophan. 

SHORE,  shor:  (1)  Vm ,  hdph,  always  of  the 
Mediterranean,  varioasly  tr''  "haven,"  "beach," 
"shore,"  "sea-shore,"  "coast,"  "sea  coast"  (Gen  49 
13;  Dt  1  7;  Josh  9  1;  Jgs  6  17;  Jer  47  7; 
Ezk  25  16).     (2)  nsto,    saphah,    lit.     "lip";      cf 

Arab.  iJuii ,  shafat,  "lip";  of  the  sand  upon  the 
seashore,  a  figure  of  multitude  (Gen  22  17;  Ex 
14  30;  Josh  11  4;  Jgs  7  12;  IS  13  5;  1  K  4 
29) ;   the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea  or  Gulf  of  'Akabah 


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2780 


by  Ezion-geber  (1  K  9  26;  2  Ch  8  17);  the  brink 
of  the  River  Nile  (Gen  41  3.17);  the  edge  (AV 
"brink")  of  the  valley  of  Arnon  (Dt  2  36).  (3) 
nSJJ  ,  kageh,  Ut.  "end,"  "extremity,"  the  uttermost 
part  (AV  "shore")  of  the  Salt  Sea  (Josh  15  2); 
I'lSO  "^5?^ ,  IfXeh  ha-'areQ,  "the  end  of  the  earth" 

(Ps  46  9);  cf  Arab.  \jdy^\    -^U't  ,   'aka^-l-'ard, 

"the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth."  (4)  x^'^"5> 
cheilos,  lit.  "Up,"  "as  the  sand  which  is  by  the  sea- 
shore" (He  11  12).  (5)  aiyLa\6s,  aigiaUs,  the 
beach  (AV  "shore")  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (Mt  13  2. 
48;  Jn  21  4);  of  the  Mediterranean  (Acts  21  5; 
27  39.40).  (6)  aiTdov  Trapcki-fovTO  TTjv 'KpTiTTjV,  dsson 
parelegonto  tin  Krtten,  doubtful  reading,  "sailed 
along  Crete,  close  in  shore"  (AV  "sailed  along  by 
Crete")  (Acts  27  13).     See  Coast;  Haven;  Sand. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 
SHORTEN,  shor't'n:  The  Heb  word  kagar  and 
the  Gr  koloboo  Ht.  indicate  abbreviation  of  time  or 
space  (Ps  89  45;  Prov  10  27;  Ezk  42  5);  figura- 
tively they  point  to  limitation  of  power  or  of  suffer- 
ing (Nu  11  23;  Isa  50  2;  59  1;  Mt  24  22;  Mk 
13  20). 

SHOSHANNIM  EDUTH,  sho-shan'im  e'duth. 
See  Song;   Psalms. 

SHOULDER,  shol'der  (Dpffi ,  sh'khem,  DnS  ,  ka- 
theph,  yhl  or  yllT,  z'ro"',  Hy'lT  or  nyilT,  z'ro'ah, 
plli) ,  shok;  «nos,  omos,  Ppaxtuv,  brachion  [Sir  7  31 
only]) :  The  meanings  of  the  Heb  words  are  rather 
varied.  The  first  (sh'khem)  has  perhaps  the  widest 
application.  It  is  used  for  the  part  of  the  body  on 
which  heavy  loads  are  carried  (Gen  21  14;  24 
15.4.5;  Ex  12  34;  Josh  4  5;  Jgs  9  48).  King 
Saul's  impressive  personality  is  thus  described: 
"There  was  not  among  the  children  of  Israel  a  good- 
lier person  than  he;  from  his  shoulders  and  upward 
he  was  higher  than  any  of  the  people"  (1  S  9  2; 
10  23) .  To  carry  loads  on  the  shoulder  or  to  have 
"a  staff  on  the  shoulder"  is  expressive  of  subjection 
and  servitude,  yea,  of  oppression  and  cruel  pimish- 
ment,  and  the  removal  of  such  burdens  or  of  the 
rod  of  the  oppressor  connotes  delivery  and  freedom 
(Isa  9  4;   14  2.5). 

Figuratively:  The  shoulders  also  bear  responsi- 
bility and  power.  Thus  it  is  said  of  King  Messiah, 
that  "the  government  shall  be  upon  his  shoulder" 
(Isa  9  6)  and  "the  key  of  the  house  of  David  will 
1  lay  upon  his  shoulder;  and  he  shall  open,  and 
none  shall  shut;  and  he  shall  shut,  and  none  shall 
open"  (22  22).  Job  declares  that  he  will  refute  all 
accusations  of  unlawful  conduct  made  against  him, 
in  the  words:  "Oh  ....  that  I  had  the  indictment 
which  mine  adversary  hath  written !  Surely  I  would 
carry  it  upon  my  shoulder"  (Job  31  35  f). 

The  Heb  word  kalhSph  comes  very  close  in  mean- 
ing to  the  above,  though  it  is  occasionally  used  in 
the  sense  of  arm-  and  shoulder-piece  of  a  garment. 
Like  Heb  sh'khem,  it  is  used  to  describe  the  part 
of  the  body  accustomed  to  carry  loads.  On  it  the 
Levites  carried  the  implements  of  the  sanctuary 
(Nu  7  9;  1  Ch  15  15;  2  Ch  35  3).  Oriental 
mothers  and  fathers  carried  their  children  on  the 
shoulder  astride  (Isa  49  22;  cf  60  4);  thus  also 
the  httle  bundle  of  the  poor  is  borne  (Ezk  12  6.7. 
12).  The  loaded  shoulder  is  hkely  to  be  "worn" 
or  chafed  under  the  burden  (29  18).  In  the  two 
passages  of  the  NT  in  which  we  find  the  Gr 
equivalent  of  shoulder  (dittos,  fairly  common  in 
Apoc),  it  corresponds  most  closely  with  this  use 
(Mt  23  4;  Lk  15  5).  Of  the  shoulders  of  animals 
the  word  kalheph  is  used  in  Ezk  34  21  (of  sheep, 


where^   however,    men   are   intended)    and   in   Isa 
30  6  (oi  asses) . 

Stubborn  opposition  and  unwillingness  is  ex- 
pressed by  "withdrew  the  shoulder"'  (Neh  9  29), 
or  "pulled  away  the  shoulder"  (Zee  7  11),  where 
the  marginal  rendering  is  "they  gave  [or  "turned"]  a 
stubborn  shoulder."  Contrast  "bow  the  shoulder," 
i.e.  "submit"  (Bar  2  21).  Cf  "stiffnecked" ;  see 
Neck.  Somewhat  difficult  for  the  understanding 
of  Occidentals  is  the  poetical  passage  in  the  blessing 
of  Moses:  "Of  Benjamin  he  said.  The  beloved  of 
Jeh  shall  dwell  in  safety  by  him;  he  covereth  him 
all  the  day  long,  and  he  dwelleth  between  his 
shoulders"  (Dt  33  12).  The  "shoulders"  refer 
here  to  the  mountain  saddles  and  proclivities  of 
the  territory  of  Benjamin  between  which  Jerus, 
the  beloved  of  Jeh,  which  belonged  to  Judah,  lay 
nestUng  close  upon  the  confines  of  the  neighboring 
tribe,  or  even  built  in  part  on  ground  belonging  to 
Benjamin. 

Much  less  frequently  than  the  above-mentioned  words, 
we  find  zerd<^',  zero' ah,  which  is  used  of  the  "boiled 
shoulder  of  the  ram"  which  was  a  wave  offering  at  the 
consecration  of  a  Nazirite  (Nu  6  19)  and  of  one  of  the 
priestly  portions  of  the  sacrifice  (Dt  18  3).  In  Sir  7  31 
this  portion  is  called  brachion,  properly  "arm,"  but  both 
AV  and  RV  translate  "shoulder."  Regarding  the  wave 
and  heave  offerings  see  Sacrifice.  AV  frequently  trans- 
lates Heb  shok,  lit.  "leg,"  "thigh"  (q.v.)  by  "shoulder," 
which  RV  occasionally  retains  in  the  margin  (e.g.  Nu 
6  20). 

H.   L.   E.   LuERING 

SHOULDER-BLADE,  shol'der-blad  (nppTlJ, 
shikhmah) :  "Then  let  my  shoulder  [katheph]  fall  from 
the  shoulder-blade  [shikhmah],  and  mine  arm  [z'ro"'] 
he  broken  from  the  bone  [kaneh]"  (Job  31  22). 
The  Heb  word  is  the  fem.  form  of  sh'khem  (see 
Shoulder).     It  is  found  only  in  this  passage. 

SHOULDER-PIECE,  shol'der-pes  (ClM ,  kalh- 
eph) :  The  word  designates  the  two  straps  or  pieces 
of  cloth  which  passed  from  the  back  of  the  ephod 
(see  Ephod)  of  the  high  priest  over  the  shoulder  and 
were  fastened  at  the  front.  These  shoulder-pieces 
seem  to  have  been  made  of  a  precious  texture  of 
linen  (or  byssos)  with  threads  of  gold,  blue,  purple 
and  scarlet,  to  which  two  onyx  (or  beryl)  stones  were 
attached  bearing  the  names  of  six  tribes  of  Israel 
each.  These  are  called  the  "stones  of  memorial" 
(Ex  39  18).  On  these  straps  there  were  also 
fastened  the  plaited  or  woven  bands  ("wreathed 
chains")  from  which,  by  means  of  two  golden  rings, 
the  breastplate  was  suspended.  It  is  by  no  means 
clear  from  the  descriptions  (Ex  28  7.12.25;  39 
4.7.18.20)  how  we  have  to  imagine  the  form  and 
attachment  of  these  shoulder-pieces.  It  has  been 
thought  that  the  ephod  might  be  of  Egyp  origin, 
which  is  not  very  probable,  though  V.  Ancessi, 
Annates  de  philosophie  chrHienne,  1872,  45  ff, 
reproduces  some  representations  from  the  great 
work  of  Lepsius,  Denkmdler,  where  costly  royal 
garments  have  two  shoulder  straps,  like  the  ephod. 
Usually  Egyp  garments  have  no  shoulder  strap,  or 
at  most  one.  H.  L.  E.  Lueking 

SHOVEL,  shuv"l:  (1)  nnn  ,  rahath,  is  a  wooden 
shovel  used  on  the  threshing-floor  for  winnowing  the 
grain  (Isa  30  24).  (2)  y^ ,  ya\  is  used  in  various 
passages  to  indicate  some  instrument  employed  to 
carry  away  ashes  from  the  altar  (Ex  27  3;  38  3; 
Nu  4  14;  1  K  7  40.45;  2  K  25  14;  2  Ch  4  11.16; 
Jer  52  18).  It  was  very  likely  a  small  shovel  like 
those  used  in  connection  with  modern  fireplaces  for 
cleaning  away  the  ashes  (cf  Heb  ya'dh,  "to  sweep 
away")  or  for  carrying  live  coals  to  start  a  new 
fire.     (3)  nn^,  yathedh  (Dt  23  13RVm). 

James  A.  Patch 

SHOW,  sho.    See  Shew. 


2781 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Shorten 
Shunem 


SHOWBREAD,  sho'bred.     See  Shewbread. 

SHOWBREAD,  TABLE  OF.  See  Shewbeead, 
Table  of. 

SHOWER,  shou'er:  (1)  D"'!''?-;,  rbhibhim,  a  pi. 
form  apparently  denoting  gentle  rain,  usually  used 
figuratively,  as  in  Dt  32  2;  Ps  72  6;  Mio  5  7. 
(2)  Dlpa,  geshem,  used  of  gentle  rain  in  Job  37  6: 
"shower  of  rain,"  AV  "small  rain";  used  of  the 
flood  m  Gen  7  12.  Figuratively,  of  blessing, 
I |showers  of  blessing"  (Ezk  34  26);  of  destruction: 
"There  shall  be  an  overflowing  shower  in  mine  anger, 
and  great  hailstones  in  wrath  to  consume  it" 
(Ezk  13  13).  (3)  D~!T ,  zerem,  usuaUy  storm  or 
tempest  (cf  Isa  4  6;  "28  2):  "They  are  wet  with 
the  showers  of  the  mountain"  (Job  24  8).  (4) 
«/i/3pos,  ombros  (Lk  12  54).  Rain  is  unknown  in 
Pal  in  the  long  summer  of  5  or  6  months.  A  few 
showers  usually  fall  in  September,  succeeded  by 
fine  weather  for  some  weeks  before  the  beginning  of 
the  heavy  and  long-continued  winter  rains. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

SHRINE,  shrin  (va<5s,  na6s):  In  Acts  19  24 
small  models  of  temples  for  Diana. 

SHROUD,  shroud  (TlinH ,  hijresh,  "bough"): 
Winding-sheet  for  the  dead.  See  Burial.  Used  in 
AV,  ERVEzk  31  3in  the  rare  old  sense  of  "shelter," 
"covering."  ARV  has  "a  forest-like  shade"  (TB^n  , 
horesh,  "wood,"  "wooded  height")  (Isa  17  9,  etc). 
Cf  Milton,  Comus,  147. 

SHRUB,  shrub  (n^Tp ,  si-h  [Gen  21  15]).  See 
Bush,  (2). 

SHUA,  SHUAH,  shoo'a: 

(1)  (^^ID,  shw',  "pro.sperity"):  A  Canaanite 
whose  daughter  Judah  took  to  wife  (Gen  38  2.12; 
1  Ch  2  3;   see  Bath-shua). 

(2)  (X71T13,  shu'a',  "prosperity"):  Daughter  of 
Heber,  an  Asherite  (1  Ch  7  32). 

(3)  (n^lC  ,  s/tM"/i,  "depression"):  A  son  of  Keturah 
by  Abraham  (Gen  25  2;  1  Ch  1  32),  and  his 
posterity.     See  Bildad. 

(4)  A  brother  of  Caleb  (1  Ch  4  11).  See 
Shuhah. 

SHUAL,  .shoo'al  ("371123,  shu'dl):  An  Asherite 
(1  Ch  7  36). 

SHUAL,  LAND  OF  (byilB  f-}^ ,  'ereg  shu'al; 
T)  2a)Y<iX,  he  Sogdl):  From  their  encampment  at 
Michmash  the  Philis  sent  out  marauding  bands,  one 
going  westward  toward  Beth-horon,  another  east- 
ward, "the  way  of  the  border  that  looketh  down 
upon  the  valley  of  Zeboim."  The  pass  to  the  S. 
was  held  against  them  by  Israel.  The  third  party 
therefore  went  northward,  turning  "unto  the  way 
that  leadeth  to  Ophrah,  unto  the  land  of  Shual" 
(1  S  13  17  f).  Ophrah  is  probably  identical  with 
et-faiyibeh,  a  village  which  lies  some  5  miles  E. 
of  'Beitin  (Bethel).  It  is  in  this  district  therefore 
that  the  land  of  Shual  must  be  sought,  but  no 
definite  identification  is  possible.         W.  Ewing 

SHUBAEL,    shoo'bS-el,    shoo-ba'el    (^KniTU, 

shubhd'el): 

(1)  A  Levite,  son  of  Amram  (1  Ch  24  20); 
one  of  the  leaders  of  song  in  the  temple  (1  Ch  25 
20).     See  Shebuel;   Gray,  HPN,  310. 

(2)  Asonof  Heman(l  Ch  25  4).     See  Shebuel. 

SHUHAH,  shoo'ha  (HmilJ,  shuhah,  "depres- 
sion"):  A  brother  of  Caleb  (1  Ch  4  11). 


SHUHAM,  shoo'ham  (Dn^iri ,  shuham) :  Son  of 
Dan,  ancestor  of  the  Shukamites  (Nu  26  42  f). 
In  Gen  46  23  called  "Hushim." 

SHUHITE,  shoo'hit  CTlW ,  shuhi):  Cognomen 
of  Bildad,  one  of  Job's  friends  (Job  2  11;  8  1; 
18  1;  25  1;  42  9).  The  place  referred  to  cannot 
be  definitely  located.     See  Bildad;  Shuah. 

SHULAMMITE,  shoo'la-mit  (Cant  6  13,  AV 
"Shulamite").     See  Shunammitb. 

SHUMATHITES,  shoo'math-Its  OrycX  ,  shuma- 
ihi):  One  of  the  famihes  of  Kiriath-jearim  (1  Ch 
2  53). 

SHUNAMMITE,  shoo'na-mit  (nilQjTjJ ,  shutmm- 
niith,  n'^'QIllC ,  shunammith;  B,  SujiavetTis,  Sbma- 
neilis,  A,  2ou|iaviTfis,  Soumaniles) :  AppUed  to  natives 
of  Shunem. 

(1)  Abishag,  who  was  brought  to  minister  to  the 
aged  king  David,  love  for  whom  led  Adonijah  to  his 
doom  (1  K  1  3.15;  2  17,  etc). 

(2)  The  woman,  name  unkno'mi,  whose  son  Elisha 
raised  from  the  dead  (2  K  4  12,  etc).  Later  when 
apparently  she  had  become  a  widow,  after  seven 
years'  absence  on  account  of  famine,  in  the  land 
of  the  Phihs,  she  returned  to  find  her  property  in 
the  hands  of  others.  Elisha's  intervention  secured 
its  restoration  (8  1-6). 

(3)  The  Shulammite  (Cant  6  13).  In  this  name 
there  is  the  exchange  of  I  for  n  which  is  common. 

W.  EwiNG 
SHUNEM,  shob'nem  (DJITB  ,  shunem;  B,  Sovvav, 
Soundn,  A,  Sowap.,  Soundm) :  A  to\vn  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Issachar  named  with  Jezreel  and  Chesulloth 
(Josh  19  18).  Before  the  battle  of  Gilboa  the 
Philis  pitched  their  camp  here.  They  and  the 
army  of  Saul,  stationed  on  Gilboa,  were  in  full  view 
of  each  other  (1  S  28  4).  It  was  the  scene  of  the 
touching  story  recorded  in  2  K  4  8-37,  in  which  the 
prophet  Elisha  raises  to  life  the  son  of  his  Shunam- 
mite  benefactress.  Ononi  describes  it  as  a  village 
called  Sulem,  5  Rom  miles  S.  of  Mt.  Tabor.  This 
points  to  the  modem  Solam,  a  village  surrounded 
by  cactus  hedges  and  orchards  on  the  lower  south- 
western slope  of  Jebel  ed-Duhy  ("HiU  of  Moreh"). 
It  commands  an  uninterrupted  view  across  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  to  Mt.  Carmel,  which  is  about  15 
miles  distant.  It  also  looks  far  across  the  vafley 
of  Jezreel  to  the  slopes  of  Gilboa  on  the  S.  It 
therefore  meets  satisfactorily  the  conditions  of 
Josh  and  IS.  A  question  has,  however,  been  raised 
as  to  its  identity  with  the  Shunem  of  2  K  4. 
Elfsha's  home  was  in  Samaria.  Apparently  Carmel 
was  one  of  his  favorite  haunts.  If  he  passed  Shunem 
"continually"  (ver  9),  going  to  and  coming  from  the 
mountain,  it  involved  a  very  long  detour  if  this 
were  the  village  visited.  It  would  seem  more 
natural  to  identify  the  Shunem  of  Elisha  with  the 
Sanim  of  Onom,  which  is  said  to  be  in  the  territory 
of  Sebaste  (Samaria),  in  the  region  of  Akrabatta: 
or  perhaps  with  Sdlvm,  fuUy  a  mile  N.  of  Taanach, 
as  nearer  the  line  of  travel  between  Samaria  and 
Carmel. 

There  is,  however,  nothing  to  show  that  Elisha's 
visits  to  Shunem  were  paid  on  his  journeys  between 
Samaria  and  Carmel.  It  may  have  been  his  custom 
to  visit  certain  cities  on  circuit,  on  business  calling 
for  his  personal  attention,  e.g.  in  connection  with 
the  "schools  of  the  prophets."  Materials  do  not 
exist  on  which  any  certain  conclusion  can  rest. 
Both  Solamand  Salim  are  on  the  edge  of  the  splendid 
grain  fields  of  Esdraelon  (2  K  4  18). 

W.  Ewing 


Shuni,  Shunites 
Sick,  Sickness 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2782 


SHUNI,  shoo'ni,  SHUNITES,  shoo'nits  C:il» , 
shuni) :  One  of  the  sons  of  Gad  and  his  descendants 
(Gen  46  16;   Nu  26  15). 

SHUPHAM,  shob'fam,  SHUPHAMITES,  shob'- 
fam-its.     See  Shephxipham. 

SHUPPIM,  shup'im  (U^m  ,  shupplm) : 

(1)  One  of  the  descendants  of  Benjamin  (1  Ch 
7  12.15). 

(2)  One  of  the  porters  in  the  temple  (1  Ch  26 
16).     See  Muppim;  Shephupham. 

SHUR,  shto,  shoor  (IIUJ ,  shur;  Soip,  Sour) :  The 
name  of  a  desert  E.  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez.  The  word 
means  a  "waU,"  and  may  probably  refer  to  the 
mountain  wall  of  the  Tih  plateau  as  visible  from  the 
shore  plains.  In  Gen  16  7  Hagar  at  Kadesh  {''Aiii 
Kadis)  (see  ver  14)  is  said  to  have  been  "in  the  way 
to  Shur."  Abraham  also  lived  "between  Kadesh 
and  Shur"  (Gen  20  1).  The  position  of  Shur  is 
defined  (Gen  25  18)  as  being  "opposite  Egypt  on 
the  way  to  Assyria."  After  crossing  the  Red  Sea 
(Ex  15  4)  the  Hebrews  entered  the  desert  of  Shur 
(ver  22),  which  extended  southward  a  distance  of 
three  days'  journey.  It  is  again  noticed  (1  S  15  7) 
as  being  opposite  Egjqit,  and  (27  8)  as  near  Egypt. 
There  is  thus  no  doubt  of  its  situation,  on  the  E. 
of  the  Red  Sea,  and  of  the  Bitter  Lakes. 

Brugsch,  however,  proposed  to  regard  Shur  ("the 
wall")  as  equivalent  to  the  Egyp  anhu  ("wall"),  the 
name  of  a  fortification  of  some  kind  apparently  near 
Kantarah  (see  Migdol  [2]),  probably  barring  the  en- 
trance to  Egypt  on  the  road  from  Pelusium  to  Zoan. 
The  extent  of  this  "wall"  is  unknown,  but  Brugsch 
connects  it  with  the  wall  mentioned  by  Diodorus  Siculus 
(i.4)  who  wrote  about  S  BC,  and  who  attributed  it  to 
Sesostris  (probably  Rameses  II)  who  defended  "  tho 
east  side  of  Egypt  against  the  irruptions  of  the  Syrians 
and  Arabians,  hy  a  wall  drawn  from  Pelusium  through 
the  deserts  as  far  as  to  Heliopolis,  for  a  space  of  1,500 
furlongs."  Heliopolis  lies  90  miles  (not  188)  S.W.  of 
Pelusium:  this  wall,  if  it  existed  at  all,  would  have  run 
on  the  edge  of  the  desert  which  extends  N.  of  Wddu 
Tumeildt  from  Kantarah  to  Tell  eUKehlr;  but  this  line, 
on  the  borders  of  Goshen,  is  evidently  much  too  far  W. 
to  have  any  connection  with  the  desert  of  Sliur  E.  of  the 
Gulf  of  Suez.  See  Budge.  Hist.  Egypt.  90;  Brugsch. 
Egypt  under  the  Pharaotis,  abridged  edition,  320. 

.      .       C.    R.    CONDBR 

SHUSHAN,  shoo'shan  {'Wtl ,  shilshan;  Souo-av, 
Sousdn,  Soiio-a,  Sousa) :  This  city,  the  Susu  or  Susan 
of  the  Babylonians,  and  the  native 
1.  Position,  (Elamite)  Susan,  is  the  modern  Shush 
Etymology  (.S'us)  in  Southwestern  Persia,  a  series 
and  Forms  of  ruin-mounds  on  the  banks  of  the 
of  Its  Name  river  Kerkha.  The  ancient  etymolo- 
gies ("city  of  lilies"  or  "of  horses") 
are  probably  worthless,  as  an  etymology  in  the 
language  of  the  place  would  rather  be  expected. 
Sayce  therefore  connects  the  name  with  sassa, 
meaning  "former,"  and  pointing  to  some  such 
meaning  as  "the  old"  city.  It  is  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  Bab  inscriptions  of  the  3d  millennium 
BC,  and  is  expressed  by  the  characters  for  the 
goddess  Istar  and  for  "cedar,"  implying  that  it  was 
regarded  as  the  place  of  the  "divine  grove"  (see  5, 
below) .  In  later  days,  the  Assyrians  substituted  for 
the  second  character,  that  having  the  value  of  sc.s, 
possibly  indicating  its  pronunciation.  Radau 
(Early  Bab  History,  236)  identifies  Shushan  (Susa) 
with  the  S&sa  of  the  Bab  king  Kuri-galzu  (14th 
cent.  BC,  if  the  first  of  the  name),  who  dedicates  to 
the  Bab  goddess  NinUl  an  inscription  of  a  certain 
Siatu,  who  had,  at  an  earlier  date,  dedicated  it  to 
Istar  for  the  life  of  the  Bab  king  Dungi  (c  2500  BC) . 

The  surface  still  covered  with  ruins  is  about 
2,000  hectares  (4,940  acres),  though  this  is  but  a 
fraction  compared  with  the  ancient  extent  of  the 
city,   which  is  estimated   to   have  been   between 


12,000  and  15,000  hectares  (29,640-37,000  acres). 
Though  considerable,  the  extent  of  Susa  was  small 

compared  with  Nineveh  and  Babylon. 
2.  The  The  ruins  are  divided  by  the  French 

Ruins  explorers    into    four   tracts:    (1)    The 

Citadel-mound  (W.),  of  the  Achae- 
menian  period  (5th  cent.  BC),  c  1,476  by  820  ft., 
dominating  the  plain  (height  c  124  ft.).  (2)  The 
Royal  City  on  the  E.  of  the  Citadel,  composed  of 
two  parts:  theApadana  (N.E.),  and  a  nearly  triangu- 
lar tract  extending  to  the  E.  and  the  S.  This  con- 
tains the  remains  of  the  palace  of  Darius  and  his 
successors,  and  occupies  rather  more  than  123  acres. 
The  palace  proper  and  the  throne-room  were  sepa- 
rated from  the  rest  of  the  ofBcial  buildings.  (3)  The 
City,  occupied  by  artisans,  merchants,  etc.  (4)  The 
district  on  the  right  bank,  similarly  inhabited.  This 
anciently  extended  into  all  the  lower  plain,  between 
the  Shaour  and  the  Kerkha.  Besides  these,  there 
were  many  isolated  ruins,  and  the  suburbs  con- 
tained a  number  of  villages  and  separate  construc- 
tions. 

Most  of  the  constructions  at  Susa  are  of  the  Pers  period. 
In  the  northern  part  of  the  Royal  City  lie  the  remains 
of  the  Apadana,  the  only  great  monument 
q    Ttip  of  which  remains  were  found  on  the  level. 

iiVi        ,  T'l"  principal  portion  consisted  of  a  great 

Royal  hall  of  columns,  known  as  the  throne-room 

City,"  "The  o'   Artaxerxes   iVInomon.     It  replaced   an 
rifaHM  »>         earlier    structure    by    Darius,    which    was 
J  ^  destroyed  by  Are  in  the  time  of  Artaxerxes 

and  the  I.     The  columns  apparently  had  capitals 

Ruins  of  the  style  common  in  Persia — the  fore- 

TV,  oroin  parts  of  two  bulls  kneeling  back  to  back. 

inerern  j;^  ^j^g   citadel  a  palace  built  by  Xerxes 

seems  to  have  existed,  the  base  of  one  of 
his  columns  having  been  found  there.  Bricks  bearing 
the  inscriptions  of  early  Elamite  kings,  and  the  founda- 
tions of  older  walls,  testify  to  the  antiquity  of  the  occu- 
pation of  this  part.  According  to  the  explorers,  this  was 
the  portion  of  the  city  reserved  for  the  temples. 

The  number  of  important  antiquities  found  on  the 
site  is  considerable.     Among  the  finds  may  be  men- 
tioned the  triumphal  stele  of  Naram- 

4.  The  Sin,  king  of  Agade  (3d^th  millennium 
Monuments  BC);   the  statuettes  of  the  Bab  king 
Discovered   Dungi  (c  2360  BC) ;  the  reliefs  and  in- 
scriptions of  the  Elamite  king  Ba(?)-sa- 

Susinak  (o  2340  BC);  the  obelisk  inscribed  with  the 
laws  of  Hammurabi  of  Babylon;  the  bronze  bas- 
relief  of  tTie  Elamite  king  Sutruk-Nahhunte  (c  1 120 
BC),  who  carried  off  from  Babylonia  the  stelae 
of  Naram-Sin  and  Hammurabi  above  mentioned, 
together  with  numerous  otjier  Bab  monuments;  the 
stele  of  Adda-feamiti-In-Susnak,  of  a  much  later 
date,  together  with  numerous  other  objects  of  art 
and  inscriptions — a  most  precious  archaeological 
find. 

Shushan  passed  through  many  serious  crises,  one 

of  the  severest  being  its  capture  and  destruction  by 

the  armies  of  the  Assyr  king  Assur- 

5.  Assur-  bani-apli  about  640  BC.  According 
bani-apli's  to  his  account,  the  ziqqural  or  temple- 
Description  tower  of  Susa  was  built  of  enameled 
of  the  City     brick   imitating   lapis-lazuli,  and   was 

adorned  with  pinnacles  of  bright 
bronze.  The  god  of  the  city  was  Su.linak,  who 
dwelt  in  a  secret  place,  and  none  ever  saw  the 
form  of  his  divinity.  Lagamaru  (Laomer)  and  five 
other  of  the  city's  deities  were  adored  only  by  kings, 
and  their  images,  with  those  of  12  more  (worshipped 
by  the  people),  were  carried  off  as  spoil  to  Assyria. 
Winged  bulls  and  genii  adorned  Susa's  temples,  and 
figures  of  wild  bulls  protected  the  entrances  to  their 
shrines.  Other  noteworthy  things  were  the  sacred 
groves  into  which  no  stranger  was  allowed  to  enter, 
and  the  burial-places  of  the  Elamite  kings.  After 
recovering  from  the  blow  inflicted  by  the  Assyrians, 
Shushan  ultimately  regained  its  old  importance,  and, 
as  the  summer  residence  of  the  Pers  kings,  became 


2783 


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Shuni,  Shunites 
Sick,  Sickness 


the  home  of  Ahasuerus  and  Queen  Esther  (Neh  1  1 ; 
Est  1  2.5;  2  3;  3  15;  9  11  ff;  Dnl  8  2;  Ad  Est 
U  3). 

Literature. — See  Perrot  et  Chipiez,  Histoire  de  I'art 
dans  I'antiquite,  vol  V,  Perse,  1890;  de  Morgan.  Dtliaa- 
tion  en  Perse  {Mimoires),  1900,  etc;  Histoire  el  travaux  de 
la  delegation  en  Ferae,  190.5;  art.  "Elamites"  in  Hastings 
ERE;  art.  Elasi  in  this  work. 

T.  G.  Pinches 

SHUSHAN  EDUTH,  shoo'shan  e'duth.  See 
Song;  Psalms. 

SHUSHANCHITES,  shob-shan'klts  (X:i?;TlJTO , 
shushan'khaye'  [Aram.];  B,  'Zovtrava.xaXot.,  Sousuria- 
chaioi;  AV  Susanchites) :  Colonists  in  Samaria 
whose  original  home  was  in  Shushan  (Ezr  4  9) . 

SHUTHALHITES,  shoo-thal'hits,  shc5o'thal-hits. 
See  Shuthelah. 

SHUTHELAH,  shoo-the'la,  sh6o'th5-la,  SHU- 
THELAHITES,  shoo-the'la-hits,  shoo'thB-la-hits 
(^nbriTp,  shiUhalhl):  A  son  of  Ephraim  (Nu  26 
35.36;  ~  cf  1  Ch  7  20.21),  and  his  descendants. 
See  Genealogy. 

SHUTTLE,  shuf'l.     See  Weaving. 

SIA,  si'a,  SIAHA,  si'a-ha  (Xyip,  ji'a'):  One 
of  the  remnant  which  returned  from  captivity  (Neh 
7  47;  Ezr  2  44). 

SIBBECAI,  SIBBECHAI,  sib'C-ki,  sib-5-ka'I 
C^ao ,  ^ibh'khay) :  One  of  the  valiant  men  in 
David's  army  (2  S  21  18;  1  Ch  11  29;  20  4;  27 
11). 

SIBBOLETH,  sib'6-lcth  (nbac,  sihbolelh).  See 
Shibboleth. 

SIBMAH,  sib'ma.     See  Sebam. 

SIBRAIM,  sib-ra'im,  sib'ra-im  {U^'QC ,  sibhrayim ; 
B,  2eppd(i,  Sebrdm,  A,  2e<j>pa|j.,  Sephrdm) :  A  place 
named  as  on  the  boundary  of  Pal  in  Ezekiel's 
ideal  delineation,  "between  the  border  of  Damascus 
and  the  border  of  Hamath"  (Ezk  47  16).  It  may 
possibly  be  represented  by  the  modern  Khirbct 
Sanbariyeh  on  the  west  bank  of  Nahr  el-Hasbany, 
about  3  miles  S.E.  of  'Abil. 

SIBYLLIira;  ORACLES,  sib'i-lln,  -lin  or'a-k'lz. 
See  Apocalyptic  Literature,  B,  V. 

SICARII,  si-ka'ri-i.     See  Assassins. 

SICHEM,  si'kem  (D^TP ,  sh'khein).  AV  in  Gen 
12  6.     See  Shechem. 

SICK,  sik,  SICKNESS,  sik'nes  (nbn ,  Mlah  [Gen 
48  1,  etc],  "'bn ,  hSli  [Dt  28  61,  etc],  Sbnn ,  iahatu' 
[Dt  29  21,  etc],  nbn'Q,  mahalah  [Ex  23  25,  etc], 
mi,  daweh  [Lev  15  33,  etc],  1»:X,  'anash  [2  S  12 
1.5,  etc];  a.<r9€vio>,asthened  [Mt  10  8,  etc;  cf  2  Mace 
9  22]  KOKus  e'x"",  kakos  echon  [Lk  7  2],  KaKus  'ixov- 
Tas,  kakos  echonlas  [Mt  4  24,  etc],  a^pioo-ros,  drrhos- 
tos  [Sir  7  35;  IVIt  14  14,  etc],  dpp»o-TT)(ia,  arWiO,s(cma 
[Sir  10  10,  etc],  with  various  cognates,  Ka|ivw, 
kdmno  [Jas  5  15];  Lat  morbus  [2  Esd  8  31)): 
Compared  with  the  number  of  deaths  recorded 
in  the  historical  books  of  the  Bible  the  instances 
in  which  diseases  are  mentioned  are  few.  "Sick 
and  "sickness"  (including  "disease,"  etc)  are  the 
tr"  of  6  Heb  and  9  Gr  words  and  occur  56  t  in 
the  OT  and  57  t  in  the  NT.  The  number  of 
references  in  the  latter  is  significant  as  showing 


how  much  the  healing  of  the  sick  was  characteristic 
of  the  Lord's  ministry.  The  diseases  specified  are 
varied.  Of  infantile  sickness  there  is  an  instance 
in  Bath-sheba's  child  (2  S  12  15),  whose  disease 
is  termed  'anash,  not  improbably /rismjis  nascenlium, 
a  common  disease  in  Pal.  Among  adolescents 
there  are  recorded  the  unspecified  sickness  of  Abijah 
(1  K  14  1),  of  the  widow's  son  at  Zarephath 
(1  K  17  17),  the  sunstroke  of  the  Shunammite's 
son  (2  K  4  19),  the  epileptic  boy  (Mt  17  15), 
Jairus'  daughter  (Mt  9  IS),  and  the  nobleman's 
son  (Jn  4  46).  At  the  other  extreme  of  hfe  Jacob's 
death  was  preceded  by  sickness  (Gen  48  1).  Sick- 
ness resulted  from  accident  (Ahaziah,  2  K  1  2), 
wounds  (Joram,  2  K  8  29),  from  the  violence  of 
passion  (Amnon,  2  S  13  2),  or  mental  emotion 
(Dnl  8  27) ;  see  also  in  this  connection  Cant  2  5; 
5  8.  Sickness  the  result  of  drunkenness  is  men- 
tioned (Hos  7  5),  and  as  a  consequence  of  famine 
(Jer  14  18)  or  violence  (Mic  6  13).  Daweh  or 
periodic  sickness  is  referred  to  (Lev  15  33;  20  18), 
and  an  extreme  case  is  that  of  Lk  8  43. 

In  some  examples  the  nature  of  the  disease  is 
specified,  as  Asa's  disease  in  his  feet  (1  K  15  23), 
for  which  he  sought  the  aid  of  physicians  in  vain 
(2  Ch  16  12).  Hezekiah  and  Job  suffered  from 
sore  boils,  Jehoram  from  some  severe  dysenteric 
attack  (2  Ch  21  19),  as  did  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(2  Mace  9  5).  Probably  the  sudden  and  fatal 
disease  of  Herod  was  similar,  as  in  both  cases  there 
is  reference  to  the  presence  of  worms  (cf  Acts  12  23 
and  2  Mace  9  9).  The  disease  of  Publius'  father 
was  also  dysentery  (Acts  28  8).  Other  diseases 
specified  are  paralysis  (Mt  8  6;  9  2),  and  fever 
(Mt  8  14).  Not  improbably  the  sudden  illness  of 
the  young  Egyptian  at  Ziklag  (1  S  30  11),  and 
the  illness  of  Ben-hadad  which  weakened  him  so 
that  he  could  not  resist  the  violence  of  Hazael,  were 
also  the  common  Pal  fever  (2  K  8  15)  of  whose 
symptoms  and  effects  there  is  a  graphic  description 
in  Ps  38.  Unspecified  fatal  illnesses  were  those  of 
Elisha  (2  K  13  14),  Lazarus  (Jn  11  1),  Tabitha 
(Acts  9  37).  In  the  language  of  the  Bible,  leprosy 
is  spoken  of  as  a  defilement  to  be  cleansed,  rather 
than  as  a  disease  to  be  cured. 

The  proverb  concerning  the  sick  quoted  by  the 
Lord  at  Capernaum  (Mk  2  17)  has  come  down  to 
us  in  several  forms  in  apocryphal  and  rabbinical 
writings  (Bdbha'  Kammd'  26  13;  Sanhedhrin  176), 
but  is  nowhere  so  terse  as  in  the  form  in  which 
He  expresses  it.  The  Lord  performed  His  healing 
of  the  sick  by  His  word  or  touch,  and  one  of  the 
most  emphatic  charges  which  He  gave  to  His 
disciples  when  sending  them  out  was  to  heal  the  sick. 
One  of  the  methods  used  by  them,  the  anointing 
with  oil,  is  mentioned  in  Mk  6  13  and  enjoined 
by  James  (5  15).  In  later  times  the  anointing 
which  was  at  first  used  as  a  remedial  agent  became 
a  ceremonial  in  preparation  for  death,  one  of  the 
seven  sacraments  of  the  Rom  church  (Aquinas, 
Summa  Theologia  suppl.  ad  P  iii.  29). 

The  duty  of  visiting  the  sick  is  referred  to  in 
Ezk  34  4.16,  and  by  the  Lord  in  the  description  of 
the  Judgment  scene  (Mt  25  36.43).  It  is  incul- 
cated in  several  of  the  rabbinical  tracts.  "He 
that  visits  the  sick  lengthens  his  life,  he  who  refrains 
shortens  it,"  _says  Rabbi  Ishanan  in  N'dhdrlrn  29. 
In  Shulhan  ''Arukh,  Yoreh  De'dh  there  is  a  chapter 
devoted  to  this  duty,  which  is  regarded  as  incumbent 
on  the  Jew,  even  though  the  sick  person  be  a  Gentile 
{GiUin  61a).  The  church's  duty  to  the  sick,  so  long 
neglected,  has,  within  the  last  century,  been  recog- 
nized in  the  mission  field,  and  has  proved,  in  heathen 
lands,  to  be  the  most  important  of  all  pioneer  agres- 
sive  methods. 

While  we  find  that  the  apostles  freely  exercised 
their  gifts  of  healing,  it  is  noteworthy  that  we  read 


Sickle 
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2784 


of  the  sickness  of  two  of  St.  Paul's  oompaniona, 
Epaphroditus  (Phil  2  26)  and  Trophimus  (2  Tim 
4  20),  for  whose  recovery  he  seems  to  have  used  no 
other  means  than  prayer.     See  also  Disease. 

Alex.  MAc.tLisTER 

SICKLE,  sik"l  (HJtlin,  hernesh  [Dt  16  9;  23 
25],  j'i'Q ,  magged;  of  Arab,  minjal  [Jer  50  16;  Joel 
3  13];  Spe'iravov,  drepaHon  [Mk  4  29;  Rev  14  14- 
19]):  Although  the  ancients  puUed  much  of  their 
grain  by  hand,  we  know  that  they  also  used  sickles. 
The  form  of  this  instrument  varied,  as  is  evidenced 
by  the  Egyp  sculptures.  The  earliest  sickle  was 
probably  of  wood,  shaped  hke  the  modern  scythe, 
although  much  smaller,  with  the  cutting  edge  made 
of  sharp  flints  set  into  the  wood.  Sickle  flints  were 
found  at  Tel  el-Hesy.  Crescent-shaped  iron  sickles 
were  found  in  the  same  mound.  In  Pal  and  Syria 
the  sickle  varies  in  size.  It  is  usually  made  wholly 
of  iron  or  steel  and  shaped  much  like,  the  instru- 
ment used  in  western  lands.  The  smaller-sized 
sickles  are  used  both  for  pruning  and  for  reaping. 

James  A.  Patch 

SICYON,  sish'i-on  (SiiKvdv,  Sikuon,  'SvKvav,  Suku- 
6n,  SuKnov,  Snkion) :  Mentioned  in  1  Mace  15  23 
in  the  list  of  countries  and  cities  to  which  Lucius 
the  Rom  consul  (probably  Lucius  Calpurnius  Piso, 
139  BC)  wrote,  asking  them  to  be  friendly  to  the 
Jews.  The  Jewish  dispersion  had  already  taken 
place,  and  Jews  were  living  in  most  of  the  seaports 
and  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  Greece  and  Egypt  (cf  Sib 
Or  3  271,  c  140  BC,  and  Philo). 

Sicyon  was  situated  18  miles  W.  of  Corinth  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth.  Its  antiquity  and 
ancient  importance  are  seen  by  its  coins  still  extant, 
dating  from  the  5th  cent.  Though  not  as  important 
as  Corinth  in  its  sea  trade,  the  burning  of  that  city  in 
143  BC,  and  the  favor  shown  to  Sicyon  by  the  Rom 
authorities  in  adding  to  its  territory  and  assigning 
to  it  the  direction  of  the  Isthmian  games,  increased 
its  wealth  and  influence  for  a  time. 

S.  F.  Hunter 

SIDDIM,  sid'im,  VALE  OF  {U^^1$T\  ■p'OS ,  'emek 
ha-siddvm;  LXX  t]  4>dpa7|  [or  KoiXas]  r]  aXuKTJ,  he 
phdragx  [koilds]  he  halukt):  The  place  mentioned 
in  Gen  14  3-8  as  being  the  scene  of  encounter 
between  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies  with  the  kings 
of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah,  Zeboiim  and  Zoar. 
In  ver  3  it  is  identified  with  the  Salt  Sea,  and  in 
ver  10  it  is  said  to  have  been  full  of  sUme  pits 
("bitumen"). 

According  to  the  traditional  view,  the  Vale  of 
Siddim  was  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
But  in  recent  years  a  number  of  eminent  authorities 
have  maintained  that  it  was  at  the  northern  end  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  in  the  vicinity  of  Jericho.  Their 
argument  has  mainly  been  drawn  from  incidental 
references  in  the  scene  (Gen  13  1-13)  describing 
the  parting  of  Lot  and  Abram,  and  again  in  the 
account  of  Moses'  vision  from  Pisgah  (Dt  34  3). 

In  the  account  of  Abram  and  Lot,  it  is  said  tliat  from 
Bethel  they  saw  "  all  the  Plain  ot  tlie  Jordan,  tliat  it  was 
well  watered  everyivhere,  liefore  Jeh  destroyed  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah."  The  word  here  tri  "plain"  means 
"circle,"  and  well  describes  the  view  which  one  has  of 
the  plain  about  Jericho  from  Bethel  as  he  looks  down  the 
valley  past  Ai.  But  it  seems  to  go  beyond  the  text  to 
assimie  that  the  Vale  of  Siddim  was  within  that  circle 
of  vision,  for  it  is  said  in  Gen  13  12  simply  that  Lot 
dwelt  "in  the  cities  of  the  Plain,  and  moved  his  tent  as 
far  as  Sodom."  In  the  vision  of  Moses,  likewise,  we  have 
a  very  general  and  condensed  description,  in  wliich  it  is 
said  that  he  was  shown  "the  Plain  of  the  valley  of 
Jericho,  the  city  of  palm-trees,  unto  Zoar,"  which,  as 
we  learn  from  Gen  19  22,  was  not  far  from  the  Vale  of 
Siddim.  It  is  true  that  from  the  traditional  site  of  Pis- 
gali  the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  could  not  be  seen. 
But  we  are  Ijy  no  means  sure  that  the  traditional  site  of 
Pisgah  is  the  true  one,  or  that  the  import  of  this  lan- 
guage should  ho  restricted  to  the  points  which  are 
actually  witliin  range  of  vision. 


The  tendency  at  the  present  time  is  to  return  to 
the  traditional  view  that  the  Vale  of  Siddim  was  at 
the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  This  is  supported 
by  the  fact  that  Jebel  Usdum,  the  salt  mountain  at 
the  southwest  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea,  still  bears  the 
name  of  Sodom,  Usdum  being  simply  another  form 
of  the  word.  A  stiU  stronger  argument,  however,  is 
drawn  from  the  general  topographical  and  geological 
conditions.  In  the  first  place,  Zoar,  to  which  Lot 
is  said  to  have  fled,  was  not  far  away.  The  most 
natural  site  for  it  is  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wddy 
Kerak,  which  comes  down  from  Moab  into  the 
southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  (see  Zoar)  ;  and  this 
city  was  ever  afterward  spoken  of  as  a  Moabite  city, 
which  would  not  have  been  the  case  if  it  had  been  at 
the  north  end  of  the  sea.  It  is  notable  in  Josh  13 
15-21,  where  the  cities  given  to  Reuben  are  enumer- 
ated, that,  though  the  slopes  of  Pisgah  are  men- 
tioned, Zoar  is  not  mentioned. 

In  Gen  14,  where  the  battle  between  Amraphel 
and  his  allies  with  Sodom  and  the  other  cities  of  the 
plain  is  described,  the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea 
comes  in  logical  order  in  the  progress  of  their  cam- 
paign, and  special  mention  is  made  of  the  slime  or 
bitumen  pits  which  occurred  in  the  valley,  and  evi- 
dently played  an  important  part  in  the  outcome 
of  the  battle. 

At  the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  there  is  an 
extensive  circle  or  plain  which  is  better  supplied 
with  water  for  irrigation  than  is  the  region  about 
Jericho,  and  which,  on  the  supposition  of  slight 
geological  changes,  may  have  been  extremely  fertile 
in  ancient  times;  while  there  are  many  indications 
of  such  fertility  in  the  ruins  that  have  been  described 
by  travelers  about  the  mouth  of  the  Kerak  and 
other  localities  nearby.  The  description,  therefore, 
of  the  fertility  of  the  region  in  the  Vale  of  Siddim 
may  well  have  appUed  to  this  region  at  the  time  of 
Lot's  entrance  into  it. 

There  are  very  persistent  traditions  that  great 
topographical  changes  took  place  around  the  south 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea  in  connection  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  while  the  opinion  has 
been  universally  prevalent  among  the  earlier  his- 
torical writers  that  the  site  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
is  beneath  the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Geological  investigations,  so  far  from  disproving 
these  traditions,  render  them  altogether  possible 
and  credible.  There  is  a  remarkable  contrast 
between  the  depths  of  the  north  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea  and  of  the  south  end.  Near  the  north  end  the 
depth  descends  to  1,300  ft.,  whereas  for  many  miles 
out  from  the  south  end  it  is  very  shallow,  so  that 
at  low  water  a  ford  exists,  and  is  occasionally  used, 
from  the  north  end  of  the  salt  mountain  across  to 
el-Lisdn. 

The  precipitous  salt  cliffs  of  Jebel  Usdum  which 
border  the  southwest  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea  would 
indicate  that,  in  comparatively  recent  times,  there 
had  been  abrupt  subsidence  of  a  good  many  feet  in 
the  bottom  of  the  Dead  Sea  at  that  end. 

Such  subsidences  of  limited  areas  and  in  connection 
with  earthquakes  are  by  no  means  uncommon.  In  1819 
an  area  ot  2,000  sq.  rmles  about  the  delta  of  the  Indus 
sank  beneath  the  level  of  the  sea,  so  that  the  tops  of  the 
houses  were  barely  seen  above  the  water.  A  smaller 
area  in  the  delta  of  the  Selenga  River  sank  during  the 
last  century  beneath  the  waters  of  Lake  Baikal.  Pro- 
fessor R.  S.  Tarr  of  Cornell  University  has  recently  de- 
scribed the  effect  of  an  earthquake  on  the  shores  of 
Alaska,  in  which  there  was  a  change  of  level  of  47  ft. 

More  probably  (see  Arabah;  Dead  Sea)  there 
has  been  a  rise  in  the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea  since 
Abraham's  time,  caused  by  the  encroachment  upon 
the  original  area  of  evaporation  by  the  deltas  which 
have  been  pushed  into  the  main  part  of  the  depres- 
sion by  the  Jordan,  and  various  smaller  streams 
descending  from  the  highlands  on  either  side.     In 


278.5 


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Sickle 
Sidon 


consequence  of  these  encroachments,  the  equihbrium 
between  precipitation  and  evaporation  could  be 
maintained  only  by  a  rise  in  the  water  causing  it  to 
spread  over  the  shallow  shelf  at  the  south  end,  thus 
covermg  a  large  part  of  the  Vale  of  Siddim  with  the 
shoal  water  now  found  between  el- Lis  An  and  Jebel 
Usdum.  George  Fkederick  Wright 

SIDE,  si'de  (S£8ii,  Side):  An  ancient  town  of 
Pamphylia,  occupying  a  triangular  promontory 
on  the  coast.  It  was  one  of  the  towns  to  which  a 
letter  favorable  to  the  Jews  was  sent  by  the  Rom 
consul  Lucius  (1  Mace  15  23).  The  town  seems 
tohave  been  of  considerable  antiquity,  for  it  had 
existed  long  before  it  fell  into  the  possession  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  for  a  time  it  was  the 
metropohs  of  Pamphylia.  Off  the  coast  the  fleet  of 
Antiochus  was  defeated  by  the  Rhodians.  During 
the  1st  cent.  Side  was  noted  as  one  of  the  chief  ports 
of  pirates  who  disposed  of  much  of  their  booty  there. 
The  ruins  of  the  city,  which  are  now  very  extensive, 
bear  the  name  Eski  Adalia,  but  among  them  there 
are  no  occupied  houses.  The  two  harbors  pro- 
tected by  a  sea  wall  may  still  be  traced,  but  they 
are  now  filled  with  sand.  The  wall  on  the  land  side 
of  the  city  was  provided  with  a  gate  which  was  pro- 
tected with  round  towers;  the  walls  themselves 
are  of  Gr-Rom  tj-pe.  Within  the  walls  the  more 
important  of  the  remains  are  three  theaters  near 
the  harbors,  and  streets  with  covered  porticoes 
leading  from  the  city  gate  to  the  harbors.  Without 
the  walls,  the  street  leading  to  the  city  gate  is  lined 
with  sarcophagi,  and  among  the  shrubbery  of  the 
neighboring  fields  are  traces  of  many  buildings  and 
of  an  aqueduct.  E.  J.  Banks 

SIDES,  Bidz  (HD-J^,  yavkhah,  "thigh,"  "flank"): 
RV  substitutes  "innermost  parts"  for  AV  "sides" 
in  Jon  1  5;  cf  1  S  24  3. 

SIDOW,  sl'don  (p"'? ,  fid/ion):  The  eldest  son 
of  Canaan  (Gen  10  15). 

SIDON,  si'dou  ("i""'?,  sidhon;  SiSuv,  SidSn; 
AV  Sidon  and  Zidon ;   RV  SIDON  only) :   One  of 

the  oldest  Phoen  cities,  situated  on  a 
1.  Location  narrow  plain  between  the  range  of 
and  Dis-  Lebanon  and  the  sea,  in  lat.  33°  34' 
tinction  nearly.     The  plain  is  well  watered  and 

fertile,  about  10  miles  long,  extending 
from  a  little  N.  of  Sarepta  to  the  Bostrenus  ( Nahr 
el-'Auly).  The  ancient  city  was  situated  near  the 
northern  end  of  the  plain,  surrounded  with  a  strong 
wall.  It  possessed  two  harbors^  the  northern  one 
about  500  yds.  long  by  200  wide,  well  protected 
by  Uttle  islets  and  a  breakwater,  and  a  southern 
about  600  by  400  yds.,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by 
land,  but  open  to  the  W.,  and  thus  exposed  in  bad 
weather.  The  date  of  the  founding  of  the  city  is 
unknown,  but  we  find  it  mentioned  in  the  Am  Tab 
in  the  14th  cent.  BC,  and  in  Gen  10  19  it  is  the 
chief  city  of  the  Canaanites,  and  Joshua  (Josh  11  8) 
calls  it  Great  S.  It  led  all  the  Phoen  cities  in  its 
early  development  of  maritime  affairs,  its  sailors 
being  the  first  to  launch  out  into  the  open  sea  out  of 
sight  of  land  and  to  sail  by  night,  guiding  themselves 
by  the  stars.  They  were  the  first  to  come  into  con- 
tact with  the  Greeks  and  we  find  the  mention  of 
them  several  times  in  Homer,  while  other  Phoen 
towns  are  not  noticed.  S.  became  early  dis- 
tinguished for  its  manufactures  and  the  skill  of  its 
artisans,  such  as  beautiful  metal-work  in  silver  and 
bronze  and  textile  fabrics  embroidered  and  dyed 
with  the  famous  purple  dye  which  became  known 
as  Tyrian,  but  which  was  earher  produced  at  b. 
Notices  of  these  choice  articles  are  found  in  Homer, 


both  in  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey.  S.  had  a  monar- 
chical form  of  government,  as  did  all  the  Phoen 
towns,  but  it  also  held  a  sort  of  hegemony  over  those 
to  the  S.  as  far  as  the  limit  of  Phoenicia.  It  like- 
wise made  one  attempt  to  establish  an  inland  colony 
at  Laish  or  Dan,  near  the  headwaters  of  the  Jordan, 
but  this  ended  in  disaster  (Jgs  18  7.27.28).  The 
attempt  was  not  renewed,  but  many  colonies  were 
established  over-sea.  Citium,  in  Cyprus,  was  one 
of  the  earliest. 

(1)  The  independence  of  S.  was  lost  when  the 
kings   of   the  XVIIIth   and  XlXth  Dynasties   of 

Egypt  added  Pal  and  Syria  to  their 
2.  His-  dominions  (1.580-1205  BC).     The  kings 

torical  of  S.  were  allowed  to  remain  on  the 

throne  as  long  as  they  paid  tribute, 
and  perhaps  still  exercised  authority  over  the  towns 
that  had  before  been  subject  to  them.  When  the 
power  of  Egypt  declined  under  Amenhotep  IV 
(1375-13.58),  the  king  of  S.  seems  to  have  thrown 
off  the  yoke,  as  appears  from  the  Am  Tab.  Rib- 
addi  of  Gebal  writes  to  the  king  of  Egypt  that  Zim- 
rida,  king  of  S.,  had  joined  the  enemy,  but  Zimrida 
himself  claims,  in  the  letters  he  wrote,  to  be  loyal, 
declaring  that  the  town  belonging  to  him  had  been 
taken  by  theKhabiri  (Tab.  147).  S.,  with  the  other 
towns,  eventually  became  independent  of  Egypt,  and 
she  retained  the  hegemony  of  the  southern  towns 
and  perhaps  added  Dor,  claimed  by  the  Philis,  to 
her  dominion.  This  may  have  been  the  reason  for 
the  war  that  took  place  about  the  middle  of  the  12th 
cent.  BC,  in  which  the  Philis  took  and  plundered 
S.,  whose  inhabitants  fled  to  Tyre  and  gave  the 
latter  a  great  impetus.  S.,  however,  recovered 
from  the  disaster  and  became  powerful  again.  The 
Book  of  Jgs  claims  that  Israel  was  oppressed  by  S. 
(10  12),  but  it  is  probable  S.  stands  here  for  Phoeni- 
cia in  general,  as  being  the  chief  town. 

(2)  S.  submitted  to  the  Assyr  kings  as  did  the 
Phoen  cities  generally,  but  revolted  against  Sen- 
nacherib and  again  under  Esar-haddon.  The  latter 
destroyed  a  large  part  of  the  city  and  carried  off  most 
of  the  inhabitants,  replacing  them  by  captives  from 
Babylon  and  Elam,  and  renamed  it  Ir-Esar-had- 
don  ("City  of  Esar-haddon").  The  settlers  readily 
mingled  with  the  Phoenicians,  and  S.  rose  to  power 
again  when  Assyria  fell,  was  besieged  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar at  the  time  of  his  siege  of  Jerus  and  Tyre,  and 
was  taken,  having  lost  about  half  of  its  inhabitants 
by  plague.  The  fall  of  Babylon  gave  another  short 
period  of  independence,  but  the  Persians  gained  con- 
trol without  difficulty,  and  S.  was  prominent  in  the 
Pers  period  as  the  leading  naval  power  among  the 
Phoenicians  who  aided  their  suzerain  in  his  attacks 
upon  Greece.  In  351  BC,  S.  rebelled  under  Tabnit 
II  (Tennes),  and  called  in  the  aid  of  Gr  mercenaries 
to  the  number  of  10,000;  but  Ochus,  the  Pers  king, 
marched  against  him  with  a  force  of  300,000  infantry 
and  30,000  horse,  which  so  frightened  Tabnit  that 
he  betrayed  the  city  to  save  his  own  Hfe.  But  the 
citizens,  learning  of  the  treachery,  first  burned  their 
fleet  and  then  their  houses,  perishing  with  their 
wives  and  children  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands 
of  Ochus,  who  butchered  all  whom  he  seized,  Tabnit 
among  thern.  It  is  said  that  40,000  perished  in  the 
flames.  A  list  of  the  kings  of  S.  in  the  Pers  period  has 
been  recovered  from  the  inscriptions  and  the  coins, 
but  the  dates  of  their  reigns  are  not  accurately  known. 
The  dynasty  of  the  known  kings  begins  with  Esmun- 
azar  I,  followed  by  Tabnit  I,  Amastoreth;  Esmun- 
azar  II,  Strato  I  (Bodastart),  Tabnit  II  (Tennes) 
and  Strato  II.  Inscriptions  from  the  temple  of  Es- 
mun  recently  discovered  give  the  name  of  a  Bodas- 
tart and  a  son  Yatoimielik,  but  whether  the  first  is 
one  of  the  Stratos  above  mentioned  or  a  third  is 
uncertain;  also  whether  the  son  ever  reigned  or  not. 
As  Bodastart  calls  himself  the  grandson  of  Esmun- 


Sidonians 
Siege 


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2786 


azar,  he  is  probably  Strato  I  who  reigned  about  374- 
363  BC,  and  hence  liis  grandfather,  Esmunazar  I, 
must  have  reigned  in  400  BC  or  earher.  Strato  II 
was  on  the  throne  when  Alexander  took  possession  of 
Phoenicia  and  made  no  resistance  to  him,  and  even 
aided  him  in  the  siege  of  Tyre,  which  shows  that  S. 


Coin  of  Sidon. 

had  recovered  after  the  terrible  disaster  it  suffered  in 
the  time  of  Ochus.  It  perhaps  looked  upon  the 
advance  of  Alexander  with  content  as  its  avenger. 
The  destruction  of  Tyre  increased  the  importance 
of  S.,  and  after  the  death  of  Alexander  it  became 
attached  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Ptolemies  and  re- 
mained so  until  the  victory  of  Antiochus  III  over 
Scopas  (198  BC),  when  it  passed  to  theSeleucidsand 
from  them  to  the  Romans,  who  granted  it  a  degree 
of  autonomy  with  native  magistrates  and  a  council, 
and  it  was  allowed  to  coin  money  in  bronze. 

S.  comes  into  view  several  times  in  the  NT;  first 
when  Christ  passed  into  the  borders  of  Tyre  and  S. 
and  healed  the  daughter  of  the  Syro- 
3.  NT  Phoenician  woman  (Mk  7  24-30);  also 

Mention  when  Herod  Agrippa  I  received  a 
delegation  from  Tyre  and  S.  at 
Caesarea  (Acts  12  20),  where  it  appears  to  have 
been  outside  his  jurisdiction.  St.  Paul,  on  his  way 
to  Rome,  was  permitted  to  visit  some  friends  at 
S.  (Acts  27  3).     See  also  Mt  11  21  f  and  Mk  3  8. 

It  was  noted  for  its  school  of  philosophy  under 
Augustus  and  Tiberius,  its  inhabitants  being  largely 
Greek;  and  when  Berytus  was  destroyed  by  an 
earthquake  in  .551,  its  great  law  school  was  removed 
to  S.  It  was  noti  of  great  importance  during  the 
Crusades,  being  far  surpassed  by  Acre,  and  in 
modern  times  it  is  a  small  town  of  some  15,000. 

LiTER.iTURE. — See  Phoenicia. 

H.  Porter 

SIDONIANS,  sl-do'ni-anz :  Natives  or  inhabit- 
ants   of    Sidon    (Dt  3  9;     Josh  13  4.6;     Jgs  3  3; 

1  K  5  6). 

SIEGE,  sej  ("112:12,  ma^or  [Dt  28  52.53;  1  K 
15  27;  2  K  25  2;  'isa  29  3;  Ezk  4  2];  "to  be 
besieged,"  "to  suffer  siege,"  6a-;naf or  fco'  [Dt  20  19; 

2  K  24  10;  25  2]): 

1.  In  Early  Hebrew  History 

2.  In  the  Monarcliy 

3.  Preliminaries  to  Siege 

4.  Siege  Operations:   Attack 

(1)  Investment  of  City 

(2)  Line  of  Circumvallation 

(3)  INXound.  or  Eartiiworks 

(4)  Battering- Rams 

(.5)   Storming  of  Walls  and  Rushing  of  Breach 

5.  Siege  Operations:    Defence 

6.  Raising  of  Siege 

7.  Horrors  of  Siege  and  Capture 

8.  Siege  in  the  NT 
Literature 

In  early  Heb  history,  siege  operations  are  not 
described  and  can  have  been  little  known.  Although 
the  Israelites  had  acquired  a  certain 
1.  In  Early  degree  of  military  discipline  in  the 
Hebrew  wilderness,  when  they  entered  Canaan 
History  they  had  no  e.xperience  of  the  opera- 

tions of  a  siege  and  were  without  the 
engines  of  war  necessary  for  the  purpose.     Jericho, 


with  its  strong^  fortified  wall,  was  indeed  formally 
invested — it  "was  straitly  shut  up  because  of  the 
children  of  Israel:  none  went  out,  and  none  came  in" 
(Josh  6  1) — but  it  fell  into  their  hands  without  a 
siege.  Other  cities  seem  to  have  yielded  after 
pitched  battles,  or  to  have  been  taken  by  assault. 
Many  of  the  Canaanite  fortresses,  like  Gezer 
(2  S  5  25;  Josh  16  10),  Taanach  and  Megiddo 
(Jgs  1  27),  remained  unreduced.  Jerus  was  cap- 
tured by  the  men  of  Judah  (Jgs  1  8),  but  the  fort 
of  Jcbus  remained  unoonquered  till  the  time  of 
David  (2  S  5  6). 

In  the  days  of  the  monarchy  more  is  heard  of 

siege  operations.     At  the  siege  of  Rabbath-Ammon 

Joab  seems  to  have  deprived  the  city 

2.  In  the  of  its  water-supply  and  rendered  it 
Monarchy      untenable  (2  S  11  1;    12  27).    At  Abel 

of  Beth-maacah  siege  operations  are 
described  in  which  Joab  distinguished  himself 
(2  S  20  15).  David  and  Solomon,  and,  after  the 
disruption  of  the  kingdom,  Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam 
built  fortresses  which  ere  long  became  the  scene  of 
siege  operations.  The  war  between  Judah  and 
Israel  in  the  daj^s  of  Nadab,  Baasha,  and  Elah  was, 
for  the  most  part,  a  war  of  sieges.  It  was  while 
besieging  Gibbethon  that  Nadab,  the  son  of  Jero- 
boam, was  slain  by  Baasha  (1  K  15  27),  and, 
27  years  after,  while  the  army  of  Israel  was  still 
investing  the  same  place,  the  soldiery  chose  their 
commander  Omri  to  be  king  over  Israel  (1  K  16 
16).  From  the  Egyptians,  the  Sja-ians,  the  Assyri- 
ans, and  the  Chaldaeans,  with  whom  they  came 
into  relations  in  later  times  as  allies  or  as  enemies, 
the  people  of  the  Southern  and  of  the  Northern 
Kingdoms  learned  much  regarding  the  art,  both 
of  attack  and  of  defence  of  fortified  places. 

It  was  an  instruction  of  the  Deuteronomic  Law 

that  before  a  city  Avas  invested  for  a  long  siege,  it 

should    be    summoned    to    capitulate 

3.  Pre-  (Dt  20  10;  cf  2  S  20  18;  2  K  18 
liminaries  17  ff).  If  the  offer  of  peace  be 
to  Siege  declined,  then  the  siege  is  to  be  pro- 
ceeded with,  and  if  the  city  be  cap- 
tured, all  the  male  population  is  to  be  put  to  death, 
and  the  women  and  children  reserved  as  a  prey 
for  the  captors.  To  this  humane  reservation  the 
cities  of  the  Canaanites  were  to  be  an  exception: 
their  inhabitants  were  to  be  wholly  exterminated 
(Dt  20  16-18). 

The  same  law  prescribed  that  there  should  be  no 
unnecessary  destruction  of  fruit  trees  in  tlie  prosecution 
of  a  long  siege.  Trees  not  yielding  fruit  for  human  sus- 
tenance might  be  cut  down:  "And  thou  shalt  build 
bulwarks  [mdcur,  "siegeworks"]  against  the  city  tli;it 
raaketh  war  with  thee,  until  it  fall"  (Dt  20  19.20). 
This  instruction  to  have  regard  to  the  fruit  trees  around 
a  hostile  city  seems  to  have  been  more  honored  in  the 
breach  than  in  the  observance,  even  in  Israel.  When  the 
allied  kings  of  Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom  were  invading 
IVIoab  and  had  instruction  to  "smite  every  fortified 
city,"  the  prophet  Elislia  Ijade  them  also  "fell  every  good 
tree,  and  stop  all  fountains  of  water,  and  mar  every  good 
piece  of  land  with  stones"  (2  K  3  19.25).  When  the 
assault  of  Jerus  by  tlie  Chaldaeans  was  imminent.  Jeh 
commanded  the  cutting  down  of  tlie  trees  ( Jer  6  6).  In 
Arabian  w  arf  are.  we  are  told,  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's 
palm  groves  was  a  favorite  exploit  (Robertson  Smith, 
OTJC,  369),  and  the  Assyrians  when  they  captured  a 
city  had  no  compunction  in  destroying  its  plantations 
(Inscription  of  ShaLmaneser  II  on  Black  Obelisk). 

From  passages  in  the  Prophets,  upon  which  much 
light  has  been  thrown  by  the  ancient  monuments  of 

Assyria  and  Chaldaea,  we  gain  a  very 
4.  Siege  clear  idea  of  the  siege  works  directed 
Operations:  against  a  city  by  Assyr  or  Chaldaean 
Attack  invaders.     The  siege  of  Lachish  (2  K 

18  13.14;  Isa  36  1.2)  by  Sennacherib 
is  the  subject  of  a  series  of  magnificent  reliefs  from 
the  mound  of  Koyunjik  (Layard,  Monuments  of 
Nineveh,  II,  plates  20,  21,  22).  The  downfall  of 
Nineveh  as  predicted  in  Nahum's  prophecy  lets 


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Sidonians 

Siege 


us  see  the  siege  operations  proceeding  with  striliing 
reaUsm  (see  Der  Utdergaug  Ninivehs  by  A. 
Jeremias  and  Colonel  Billerbeck).  Nowhere,  how- 
ever, are  the  incidents  of  a  siege — the  gathering 
of  hostile  forces,  the  slaughter  of  peaceful  inhabit- 
ants in  the  country  around,  the  raising  of  siege- 
works,  the  setting  of  engines  of  war  against  the  walls, 
the  demolition  of  the  towers,  the  breach  in  the 
principal  waU,  the  rush  of  men  and  the  clatter  of 
horses'  hoofs  through  the  streets,  the  slaughter,  the 
pillage,  the  destruction  of  walls  and  houses — more 
fully  and  faithfully  recorded  than  by  Ezekiel  when 
predicting  the  capture  of  Tyre  by  Nebuchadrezzar 
(Ezk  26  7-12).  The  siege  of  Tyre  lasted  13  years, 
and  Ezekiel  tells  how  every  head  was  made  bald 
and  every  shoulder  worn  by  the  hard  service  of  the 
besiegers  (Ezk  29  18).  There  were  various  ways 
in  which  an  invading  army  might  deal  with  a  fortified 
city  so  as  to  secure  its  possession.  Terms  might 
be  offered  to  secure  a  capitulation  (1  K  20  1  ff; 
2  K  18  141?).  An  attempt  might  be  made  to 
reduce  the  city  by  starvation  (2  K  6  24ff;  2  K 
17  5  ff).  The  city  might  be  invested  and  captured 
by  assault  and  storm,  as  Lachish  was  by  Sennacherib 
(2  K  18  13;  19  8;  see  Layard,  op  cit.,  II,  plates 
20-24).  The  chief  operations  of  the  besiegers  were 
as  follows;  (1)  There  wa,s  the  investment  oi  the  city 
by  the  besieging  army.  It  was  sometimes  necessary 
to  establish  a  fortified  camp,  like  that  of  Sennacherib 
at  Lachish  to  guard  against  sorties  by  the  defenders. 
Of  the  siege  of  Jerus  we  read  that  Nebuchadrezzar 
came,  "he  and  aU  his  army,  against  Jerus,  and  en- 
camped against  it"  (Jer  52  4;  cf  2  K  26  1). 
From  the  commencement  of  the  siege,  slingers  and 
archers  were  posted  where  they  could  keep  the 
defenders  engaged;  and  it  is  to  this  that  reference  is 
made  when  Jeremiah  says:  "Call  together  the 
archers  against  Babylon,  all  them  that  bend  the 
bow;  encamp  against  her  round  about;  let  none 
thereof  escape"  (Jer  50  29). 

(2)  There  was  next  the  drawing  of  a  line  of 
circumvallation  (ddyek)  with  detached  forts  round 
about  the  walls.  These  forts  were  towers  manned 
by  archers,  or  they  were  used  as  stations  from  which 
to  discharge  missiles  (Jer  52  4;  Ezk  17  17). 
In  this  connection  the  word  "munition"  in  AV  and 
ERV  (moQOT)  in  Nah  1  1  disappears  in  ARV  and  is 
replaced  by  "fortress." 

(3)  Following  upon  this  was  the  mound  (^ol'lah), 
or  earthworks,  built  up  to  the  height  of  the  walls, 
so  as  to  command  the  streets  of  the  city,  and  strike 
terror  into  the  besieged.  From  the  mound  thus 
erected  the  besiegers  were  able  to  batter  the  upper 
and  weaker  part  of  the  city  wall  (2  S  20  15;  Isa 
37  33;  Jer  6  6;  Ezk  4  2;  Dnl  11  1.5;  Lam  4  18). 
If,  however,  the  town,  or  fortress,  was  built  upon  an 
eminence,  an  inclined  plane  reaching  to  the  height 
of  the  eminence  might  be  formed  of  earth  or  stones, 
or  trees,  and  the  besiegers  would  be  able  to  brmg 
their  engines  to  the  foot  of  the  walls.  This  road 
was  even  covered  with  bricks,  forming  a  kind  of 
paved  way,  up  which  the  ponderous  machines 
could  be  drawn  without  difficulty.  To  such  roads 
there  are  references  in  Scripture  (Job  19  12;  Isa 
29  3  "siege  works";  cf  Layard,  Nineveh  and  Its 
Remains,  II,  366  f).  In  the  case  of  Tyre  this 
mound,  or  way  of  approach,  was  a  dam  thrown 
across  the  narrow  strait  to  obtain  access  to  the  walls 
(Ezk  26  8).  Very  often,  too,  there  was  a  trench, 
sometimes  filled  with  water,  at  the  foot  of  the  wall, 
which  had  to  be  dealt  with  previous  to  an  assault. 

(4)  The  earthworks  having  been  thrown  up,  and 
approaches  to  the  walls  secured,  it  was  possible  to 
set  and  to  work  the  battering-rams  (kdrim)  which 
-were  to  be  employed  in  breaching  the  walls  (f^^^ 
2),  or  in  bursting  open  the  gates  (Ezk  21  AJ.). 
The  battering-rams  were  of  different  kinds.     On 


Assyr  monuments  they  are  found  joined  to  movable 
towers  holding  warriors  and  armed  men,  or,  in  other 
cases,  joined  to  a  stationary  tower  constructed  on 
the  spot.  When  the  men  who  are  detailed  to  work 
the  ram  get  it  into  play,  with  its  heavy  beams  of 
planks  fastened   together   and   the  great   mass  of 


Battering-Ram. 

metal  forming  its  head,  they  can  hardly  fail  to  make 
an  impression,  and  gradually,  by  the  constantly 
repeated  shocks,  a  breach  is  opened  and  the  be- 
siegers are  able  to  rush  in  and  bear  down  the 
defenders.  It  is  to  the  shelter  furnished  by  these 
towers  that  the  prophet  Nahum  refers  (2  5)  when 
he  says,"The  mantelet  is  prepared,"  and  that  Isaiah 
points  when  he  declares  that  the  king  of  Assyria 
"shall  not  come  unto  this  city,  nor  shoot  an  arrow 
there,  neither  shall  he  come  before  it  with  shield 
[maghen],  nor  cast  up  a  mound  against  it"  (Isa  37 
33).  Ezekiel  has  the  same  figure  when,  describing 
the  siege  of  Tyre  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  he  declares 
that  he  shall  "cast  up  a  mound"  against  her,  and 
"raise  up  the  buckler,"  the  buckler  (ginnah)  being 
like  the  Rom  testudo,  or  roof  of  shields,  under  cover 
of  which  the  besiegers  carried  on  operations  (Ezk 
26  8;  Colonel  Billerbeck  [op.  cit.,  178]  is  doubtful 
whether  this  device  was  known  to  the  Assyrians). 
Under  the  shelter  of  their  movable  towers  the 
besiegers  could  push  forward  mines,  an  operation 
known  as  part  of  siegecraft  from  a  high  antiquity 
(see  2  S  20  15,  where  ARVm  and  ERVm  give 
"undermined"  as  an  alternative  to  "battered"; 
tunneling  was  well  known  in  antiquity,  as  the 
Siloam  tunnel  shows). 

(5)  The  culminating  operation  would  be  the 
storming  of  the  walls,  the  rushing  of  the  breach. 
Scaling-ladders  were  employed  to  cross  the  encircling 
trench  or  ditch  (Prov  21  22) ;  and  Joel  in  his  power- 
ful description  of  the  army  of  locusts  which  had 
devastated  the  land  says  that  they  "climb  the 
wall  like  men  of  war"  (Joel  2  7).  Attempts  were 
made  to  set  fire  to  the  gates  and  to  break  them 
open  with  axes  (Jgs  9  52;  cf  Neh  13;  2  3; 
Ezk  26  9).  Jeremiah  tells  of  the  breach  that  was 
made  in  the  city  when  Jerus  was  captured  (Jer 
39  2).  The  breaches  in  the  wall  of  Samaria  are 
referred  to  by  Amos  (4  3),  who  pictures  the  women 
rushing  forth  headlong  like  a  herd  of  kine  with 
hooks  and  fishhooks  in  their  nostrils. 

While  the  besiegers  employed  this  variety  of 
means  of  attack,  the  besieged  were  equally  ingenious 

and  active  in  maintaining  the  defence. 
5.  Siege  All  sorts  of  obstructions  were  placed 
Operations:  in  the  way  of  the  besieging  army. 
Defence         Springs  and   cisterns  likely  to  afford 

supplies  of  water  to  the  invaders  were 
carefully  covered  up,  or  drained  off  into  the  city. 
Where  possible,  trenches  were  filled  with  water  to 


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make  them  impassable.  As  the  siege-works  of  the 
enemy  approached  the  main  wall,  it  was  usual  to 
build  inner  fortifications,  and  for  this  purpose 
houses  were  pulled  down  to  provide  the  neetlful 
space  and  also  to  supply  building  materials  (Isa 
22  10).  Slingers  placed  upon  the  walls  hurled  stones 
upon  the  advancing  enemy,  and  archers  from  loop- 
holes and  protected  battlements  discharged  arrows 
against  the  warriors  in  their  movable  towers. 
Sorties  were  made  to  damage  the  siege-works  of 
the  enemy  and  to  prevent  the  battering-rams  from 
being  placed  in  position.  To  counteract  the  assaults 
of  the  battering-rams,  sacks  of  chaff  were  let  down 
like  a  ship's  fender  in  front  of  the  place  where  the 
engine  operated — a  contrivance  countered  again 
by  poles  with  scythes  upon  them  which  cut  off  the 
sacks  (Jos,  BJ,  III,  vii,  20).  So,  too,  the  defenders, 
by  dropping  a  doubled  chain  or  rope  from  the  battle- 
ments, caught  the  ram  and  broke  the  force  of  its 
blows.  Attempts  were  made  to  destroy  the  ram 
also  by  fire.  In  the  great  bas-relief  of  the  siege  of 
Lachish  an  inhabitant  is  seen  hurling  a  lighted 
torch  from  the  wall;  and  it  was  a  common  device 
to  pour  boiling  water  or  oil  from  the  wall  upon  the 
assailants.  Missiles,  too,  were  thrown  with  deadly 
effect  from  the  battlements  by  the  defenders,  and 
it  was  by  a  piece  of  a  millstone  thrown  by  a  woman 
that  Abimelech  met  his  death  at  Thebez  (Jgs  9  53). 
While  Uzziah  of  Judah  furnished  his  soldiers  with 
shields  and  spears  and  hehnets  and  coats  of  mail 
and  bows  and  slingstones,  he  also  "made  in  Jerus 
engines,  invented  by  skilful  men,  to  be  on  the  towers 
and  upon  the  battlements,  wherewith  to  shoot 
arrows  and  great  stones"  (2  Ch  26  15).  The  Jews 
had,  for  the  defence  of  Jerus  against  the  army  of 
Titus,  engines  which  they  had  taken  from  the 
Twelfth  Legion  at  Beth-horon  which  seem  to  have 


Catapult  for  Hurling  Missiles. 

had  a  range  of  1,200  ft.  Many  ingenious  devices 
are  described  by  Jos  as  employed  by  himself  when 
conducting  the  defence  of  Jotapata  in  Galilee  against 
Vespasian  and  the  forces  of  Rome  {BJ ,  III,  vii). 

When  Nahash  king  of  the  Ammonites  laid  siege 
to  Jabesh-gilead  in  the  opening  days  of  the  reign  of 

Saul,  the  terms  of  peace  offered  to 
6.  Raising  the  inhabitants  were  so  humiliating 
of  the  Siege  and  cruel  that  they  sought  a  respite 

of  seven  days  and  appealed  to  Saul  in 
their  distress.  When  the  newly  chosen  king  heard 
of  their  desperate  condition  he  assembled  a  great 
army,  scattered  the  Ammonites,  and  raised  the 
siege  of  Jabesh-gilead,  thus  earning  the  lasting 
gratitude  of  the  inhabitants  (1  S  11;  cf  1  S  31  12. 
13).  When  Zedekiah  of  Judah  found  himself 
besieged  in  Jerus  by  the  Chaldaean  army  under 
Nebuzaradan,  he  sent  intelligence  to  Pharaoh 
Hophra  who  crossed  the  frontier  with  his  army  to 
attack  the  Chaldaeans  and  obliged  them  to  desist 
from  the  siege.  The  Chaldaeans  withdrew  for  the 
moment  from  the  walls  of  Jerus  and  offered  battle 
to  Pharaoh  Hophra  and  his  host,  but  the  courage 


of  the  Egyp  king  failed  him  and  he  retired-  in  haste 
without  encountering  the  Chaldaeans  in  a  pitched 
battle.  The  siege  was  prosecuted  to  the  bitter 
end,  and  Jerus  was  captured  and  completely  over- 
thrown (2  K  25  1;    Jer  37  3-10;   Ezk  17  17). 

In  the  ancient  law  of  Israel  "siege"  is  classed  with 
drought  and  pestilence  and  exile  as  punishments 

with  which  Jeh  would  visit  His  people 
7.  Horrors  for  their  disobedience  (Dt  28  49-57). 
of  Siege  Of  the  horrors  there  described  they 
and  Capture  had  again  and  again  bitter  experience. 

At  the  siege  of  Samaria  by  Ben-hadad 
II,  so  terrible  were  the  straits  to  which  the  besieged 


Rock  of  Masada. 

were  reduced  that  they  cooked  and  ate  their  own 
children  (2  K  6  28).  In  the  siege  of  Jerus  by 
the  Chaldaeans,  which  ended  in  the  overthrow  of 
the  city  and  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  the 
sufferings  of  the  inhabitants  from  hunger  and  dis- 
ease were  incredible  (2  K  25  3;  Jer  32  24;  Lam 
2  20;  4  8-10).  The  horrors  of  siege  have,  per- 
haps, reached  their  climax  in  the  account  given 
by  Jos  of  the  tragedy  of  Masada.  To  escape  cap- 
ture by  the  Romans,  ten  men  were  chosen  by  lot 
from  among  the  occupants  of  the  fortress,  960  in 
number,  including  combatants  and  non-combatants, 
men,  women  and  children,  to  slay  the  rest.  From 
these  ten  one  was  similarly  chosen  to  slay  the  sur- 
vivors, and  he,  having  accomplished  his  awful  task, 
ran  his  sword  into  his  own  body  (Jos,  BJ,  VII,  Lx,  1). 
While  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  city  under  siege  suf- 
fered the  famine  of  bread  and  the  thirst  for  water, 
the  combatants  ran  the  risk  of  impalement  and 
other  forms  of  torture  to  which  prisoners  in  Assyr 
and  Chaldaean  and  Rom  warfare  were  subjected. 
The  horrors  attending  the  siege  of  a  city  were  only 
surpassed  by  the  barbarities  perpetrated  at  its 
capture.  The  emptying  of  a  city  by  its  capture 
is  lilvened  to  the  hurling  of  a  stone  from  a  sling 
(Jer  10  17.18).  Deportation  of  the  whole  of  the 
inhabitants  often  followed  (2  K  17  6;  24  14). 
Not  only  were  the  inhabitants  of  the  captured  city 
deported,  but  their  gods  were  carried  off  with  them 
and  the  idols  broken  in  pieces.  This  is  predicted 
or  recorded  of  Babylon  (Isa  21  9;  46  1;  Jer  50  2), 
of  Egypt  (Jer  43  12),  of  Samaria  (Hos  10  6). 
Indiscriminate  slaughter  followed  the  entrance  of 
the  assailants,  and  the  city  was  usually  given  over 
to  the  flames  (Jer  39  8.9;  Lam  4  18).  "Cities 
without  number,"  says  Shalmaneser  II  in  one  of  his 
inscriptions,  "I  wrecked,  razed,  burned  with  fire." 
Houses  were  destroyed  and  women  dishonored 
(Zee  14  2).  When  Darius  took  Babylon,  he 
impaled  three  thousand  prisoners  (Herod,  iii.159). 
The  Scythians  scalped  and  flayed  their  enemies  and 
used  their  skins  for  horse  trappings  (ib,  iv.64). 
The  Assyr  sculptures  show  prisoners  subjected  to 
horrible  tortures,  or  carried  away  into  slavery.  The 
captured  Zedekiah  had  his  eyes  put  out  after  he 


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had  seen  his  own  sons  cruelly  put  to  death  (2  K 
25  7).  It  is  only  employing  the  imagery  famihar 
to  Assyr  warfare  when  Isaiah  represents  Jeh  as 
saying  to  Sennacherib:  "Therefore  will  I  put  my 
hook  in  thy  nose,  and  my  bridle  in  thy  hps,  and  I 
will  turn  thee  back  by  the  way  by  which  thou 
earnest"  (Isa  37  29).  Anticipating  the  savage 
barbarities  that  would  f  oUow  the  capture  of  Samaria 
by  the  Assyrians,  Hosea  foresees  the  infants  being 
dashed  to  pieces  and  the  women  with  child  being 
ripped  up  (Hos  10  14;  13  16;  cf  Am  1  13). 
The  prophet  Nahum  predicting  the  overthrow  of 
Nineveh  recalls  how  at  the  capture  of  No-amon 
(Egyp  Thebes)  by  the  Assyr  conqueror,  Ashur- 
banipal,  "her  young  children  also  were  dashed  in 
pieces  at  the  head  of  all  the  streets;  and  they  cast 
lots  for  her  honorable  men,  and  all  her  great  men 
were  bound  in  chains"  (Nah  3  10). 

The  only  explicit  reference  to  siege  operations 
in  the  NT  is  Our  Lord's  prediction  of  the  complete 
destruction  of  Jerus  when  He  wept  over 
8.  Siege  in  its  coming  doom:  "For  the  days  shall 
the  NT  come  upon  thee,  when  thine  enemies 

shall  cast  up  a  bank  lx<ip°'i,  chdrax, 
AV,  quite  incorrectly,  "trench"]  about  thee,  and 
compass  thee  round,  and  keep  thee  in  on  every  side, 
and  shall  dash  thee  to  the  ground,  and  thy  children 
within  thee;  and  they  shall  not  leave  in  thee  one 
stone  upon  another"  (Lk  19  43.44).  The  order 
and  particulars  of  the  siege  are  in  accordance  with 
the  accounts  of  siege  operations  in  the  OT.  How 
completely  the  prediction  was  fulfilled  we  see  from 
Jos  (B/,V,  vi,  10). 

Figurative:  In  St.  Paul's  Epp.  there  are  figures 
taken  from  siege  operations.  In  2  Cor  10  4 
we  have  "the  casting  down  of  strongholds,"  where 
the  Gr  word  KaOalpeais,  kalhatresis,  from  KaBaipeTv, 
kathairein,  is  the  regular  word  used  in  LXX 
for  the  reduction  of  a  fortress  (Prov  21  22;  Lam 
2  2;  1  Mace  5  65).  In  Eph  6  16  there  is  allusion 
to  siege-works,  for  the  subtle  temptations  of  Satan 
are  set  forth  as  the  flaming  darts  hurled  by  the 
besiegers  of  a  fortress  which  the  Christian  soldier  is 
to  quench  with  the  shield  of  faith. 

Literature. — Nowack,  Hebrdische  Archaeologie,  71 ; 
Benzinger,  "  Kriegswesen"  in  Herzog^;  Billerbeck  and  A. 
Jeremias,  Der  Untergang  Ninivehs;  Billerbeck,  Der 
Fesiungsbau  im  alien  Orienl. 

T.  NicoL 
SIEVE,  siv,  SIFT.     See  Agriculture;  Thresh- 
ing. 

SIGLOS,  sig'los  (o-t-y\os,  siglos):  A  Pers  silver 
coin,  twenty  of  which  went  to  the  gold  Dario 
(q.v.). 

SIGN,  sin  (niS ,  'oth,  "a  sign,"  "mark,"  nsi^ , 
mopheth,  "wonder";  <rT]|ji€tov,  semelon,  "a  sign," 
"signal,"  "mark"):  A  mark  by  which  persons  or 
things  are  distinguished  and  made  known.  In 
Scripture  used  generally  of  an  address  to  the  senses 
to  attest  the  existence  of  supersensible  and  there- 
fore Divine  power.  Thus  the  plagues  of  Egypt 
were  "signs"  of  Divine  displeasure  against  the 
Egyptians  (Ex  4  8  ff ;  Josh  24  17,  and  often); 
and  the  miracles  of  Jesus  were  "signs"  to  attest 
His  unique  relationship  with  God  (Mt  12  38;  Jn 
2  18;  Acts  2  22).  Naturally,  therefore,  both  m 
the  OT  and  the  NT,  "signs"  are  assimilated  to  the 
miraculous,  and  prevaiUngly  associated  with  imme- 
diate Divine  interference.  The  popular  belief  m 
this  manner  of  communication  between  the  visible 
and  the  invisible  worlds  has  always  been,  and  is 
now,  widespread.  So-called  "natural"  explana- 
tions, however  ingenious  or  cogent,  fail  with  the 
great  majority  of  people  to  explain  anything.  Wes- 
ley and   Spurgeon   were   as  firm  believers  in  the 


vahdity  of  such  methods  of  intercourse  between 
man  and  God  as  were  Moses  and  Gideon,  Peter  and 
John. 

The  faith  that  walks  by  signs  is  not  by  any  means 
to  be  lightly  esteemed.  It  has  been  allied  with  the 
highest  nobility  of  character  and  with  the  most 
signal  achievement.  Moses  accepted  the  leader- 
ship of  his  people  in  response  to  a  succession  of  signs: 
e.g.  the  burning  bush,  the  rod  which  became  a  ser- 
pent, the  leprous  hand,  etc  (Ex  3  and  4);  so,  too, 
did  Gideon,  who  was  not  above  making  proof  of 
God  in  the  sign  of  the  fleece  of  wool  (Jgs  6  36-40). 
In  the  training  of  the  Twelve,  Jesus  did  not  disdain 
the  use  of  signs  (Lk  5  1-11,  and  often);  and  the 
visions  by  which  Peter  and  Paul  were  led  to  the 
evangelization  of  the  Gentiles  were  interpreted  by 
them  as  signs  of  the  Divine  purpose  (Acts  10  and 
16). 

The  sacramental  use  of  the  sign  dates  from  the 
earliest  period,  and  the  character  of  the  sign  is  as 
diverse  as  the  occasion.  The  rainbow  furnishes 
radiant  suggestion  of  God's  overarching  love  and 
assurance  that  the  waters  shall  no  more  become  a 
flood  to  destroy  the  earth  (Gen  9  13;  cf  4  15); 
the  Feast  of  Iinleavened  Bread  is  a  reminder  of 
God's  care  in  bringing  His  people  out  of  bondage 
(Ex  13  3);  the  Sabbath  is  an  oft-recurring  proc- 
lamation of  God's  gracious  thought  for  the  well- 
being  of  man  (Ex  31  13;  Ezk  20  12);  the  brazen 
serpent,  an  early  foreshadowing  of  the  cross,  per- 
petuates the  imperishable  promise  of  forgiveness 
and  redemption  (Nu  21  9);  circumcision  is  made 
the  seal  of  the  special  covenant  under  which  Israel 
became  a  people  set  apart  (Gen  17  11);  baptism, 
the  Christian  equivalent  of  circumcision,  becomes 
the  sign  and  seal  of  the  dedicated  life  and  the  mark 
of  those  avowedly  seeking  to  share  in  the  blessedness 
of  the  Kingdom  of  God  (Lk  3  12-14;  Acts  2  41, 
and  often) ;  bread  and  wine,  a  symbol  of  the  spiritual 
manna  by  which  soul  and  body  are  preserved  unto 
everlasting  life,  is  the  hallowed  memorial  of  the 
Lord's  death  until  His  coming  again  (Lk  22  14-20; 
1  Cor  11  23-28).  Most  common  of  all  were  the 
local  altars  and  mounds  consecrated  in  simple  and 
sincere  fashion  to  a  belief  in  God's  ruling  and  over- 
ruling providence  (Josh  4  1-10). 

Signs  were  offered  in  proof  of  the  Divine  com- 
mission of  prophet  (Isa  20  3)  and  apostle  (2  Cor 
12  12),  and  of  the  Messiah  Himself  (Jn  20  30; 
Acts  2  22);  and  they  were  submitted  in  demon- 
stration of  the  Divine  character  of  their  message 
(2  K  20  9;  Isa  38  1;  Acts  3  1-16).  By  antici- 
pation the  child  to  be  born  of  a  young  woman  (Isa 
7  10-16;  cf  Lk  2  12)  is  to  certify  the  prophet's 
pledge  of  a  deliverer  for  a  captive  people.  See 
Immanuel. 

With  increase  of  faith  the  necessity  for  signs  will 
gradually  decrease.  Jesus  hints  at  this  (Jn  4  48), 
as  does  also  Paul  (1  Cor  1  22).  Nevertheless 
"signs,"  in  the  sense  of  displays  of  miraculous 
powers,  are  to  accompany  the  faith  of  believers 
(Mk  16  17  f),  usher  in  and  forthwith  characterize 
the  dispensation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  mark  the 
consummation  of  the  ages  (Rev  15  1).  See  also 
Miracle. 

For  "sign"  of  a  ship  (-wapiu-qixo^,  pardsemos, 
"ensign,"  Acts  28  11)  see  Dioscuri;  Ships  and 
Boats,  III,  2.  Charles  M.  Stuart 

SIGNET,  sig'net.     See  Seal. 

SIGNS,  NUMERICAL,  nil-mer'i-kal.  See  Num- 
ber. 

SIGNS  OF  THE  HEAVENS.  See  Astronomy, 
1,4. 


Sihon 
Siloam 


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SIHON,  si'hon  (pn^P ,  sihon):  King  of  the 
Amorites,  who  vainly  opposed  Israel  on  their  journey 
from  Egypt  to  Pal,  and  who  is  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  historical  books  and  in  the  Pss 
because  of  his  prominence  and  as  a  warning  for 
those  who  rise  against  Jeh  and  His  people  (Nu  21 
21,  and  often;  Dt  1  4;  31  4;  Josh  2  10;  Jgs  11  19. 
20.21;  1  K  4  19;  Neh  9  22;  Ps  135  11;  136 
19;   Jer  48  45). 

SIHOR,  si'hor.     See  Shihor. 

SIHOR-LIBNATH,  si'hor-lib'nath.     See  Shihor- 

LIBNATH. 

SILAS,  si'las  (SCXas,  Silas,  probably  contraction 
for  SiXoDttvos,  Silouanos;  the  Heb  equivalents  sug- 
gested are  lC"'bip  ,  shallsh,  "Tertius,"  ^  or  nb© , 
shelah  [Gen  10  24]  [Knowling],  or  51ST1J ,  sha'ul  = 
"asked"  [Zahn]):  The  Silas  of  Acts  is  generally 
identified  with  the  Silvanus  of  the  Epp.  His 
identification  with  Titus  has  also  been  suggested, 
based  on  2  Cor  1  19;  8  23,  but  this  is  very  im- 
probable (cf  Knowhng,  Expositor's  Gr  Test.,  II,  326). 
Silas,  who  was  probably  a  Rom  citizen  (cf  Acts 
16  37),  accompanied  Paul  during  the  greater  part 
of  his  2d  missionary  journey  (Acts  15-18).  At 
the  ireeting  of  the  Christian  community  under 
James  at  Jerus,  which  decided  that  circumcision 
should  not  be  obligatory  in  the  case  of  gentile 
believers,  Silas  and  Judas  Barsabas  were  appointed 
along  with  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  convey  to  the 
churches  in  Antioch  and  Syria  and  Cilicia  the  ep. 
informing  them  of  this  decision.  As  "leading  men 
among  the  brethren"  at  Jerus,  and  therefore  more 
officially  representative  of  the  Jerus  church  than 
Paul  and  Barnabas,  Silas  and  Judas  were  further 
commissioned  to  confirm  the  contents  of  the  letter 
by  "word  of  mouth."  On  arrival  at  Antioch,  the 
ep.  was  delivered,  and  Judas  and  Silas,  "being 
themselves  also  prophets,  exhorted  the  brethren 
with  many  words,  and  confirmed  them."  Their 
mission  being  thus  completed,  the  four  were  "dis- 
missed in  peace  from  the  brethren  unto  those 
that  had  sent  them  forth"  (RV),  or  "unto  the 
apostles"  (AV)  (Acts  15  22-33). 

Different  readings  now  render  the  immediate  move- 
ments of  Silas  somewhat  obscure;  ver  33  would  imply 
that  he  returned  to  Jerus.  But  some  texts  proceed  in 
ver  34,  "Notwithstanding  it  pleased  Silas  to  abide  there 
still,"  and  others  add  "and  Judas  alone  proceeded." 
Of  this,  the  first  half  is  accepted  by  AV.  The  principal 
texts  however  reject  the  whole  verse  and  are  followed  in 
this  by  RV.  It  is  held  by  some  that  he  remained  in 
Antioch  till  chosen  by  Paul  (ver  40).  Others  maintain 
that  he  returned  to  Jerus  where  John  Mark  then  was 
(cf  Acts  13  13);  and  that  either  during  the  interval  of 
"some  days"  (Acts  15  36).  when  the  events  described 
In  Gal  2  11  fl  took  place  (Wendt) ,  he  returned  to  Antioch 
along  with  Peter,  or  that  ho  and  John  Mark  were  sum- 
moned thither  by  Paul  and  Barnabas,  subsequent  to  their 
dispute  regarding  Mark.  (For  fuller  discussion,  see 
Knowling,    Expositor's   Gr    Test.,  II,  330,  332-36.) 

Upon  Barnabas'  separation  from  Paul,  Silas  was 
chosen  by  Paul  in  his  place,  and  the  two  missionaries, 
"after  being  commended  by  the  brethren  [at 
Antioch]  to  the  grace  of  the  Lord,"  proceeded  on 
their  journey  (Acts  15  33m-40).  Passing  through 
Syria,  CiUcia,  Galatia,  Phrygia  and  Mysia,  where 
they  delivered  the  decree  of  the  Jerus  council  and 
strengthened  the  churches,  and  were  joined  by 
Timothy,  they  eventually  reached  Troas  (Acts 
15  41 — 16  8).  Indications  are  given  that  at  this 
city  Luke  also  became  one  of  their  party  (cf  also  the 
apocryphal  "Actsof  St.  Paul,"  where  this  is  definitely 
stated;  Budge,  Conlendings  of  the  Apostle.'i ,  11,  544). 

Upon  the  call  of  the  Macedonian,  the  missionary 
band  set  sail  for  Greece,  and  after  touching  at  Samo- 
thrace,   they   landed   at   Neapolis  (Acts  16  9-11). 


At  Philippi,  Lydia,  a  seller  of  purple,  was  con- 
verted, and  with  her  they  made  their  abode;  but 
the  exorcism  of  an  evil  spirit  from  a  sorceress  brought 
upon  Silas  and  Paul  the  enmity  of  her  masters, 
whose  source  of  gain  was  thus  destroyed.  On 
being  charged  before  the  magistrates  with  causing  a 
breach  of  the  peace  and  preaching  false  doctrine, 
their  garments  were  rent  off  them  and  they  were 
scourged  and  imprisoned.  In  no  way  dismayed, 
they  prayed  and  sang  hymns  to  God,  and  an  earth- 
quake in  the  middle  of  the  night  secured  them  a 
miraculous  release.  The  magistrates,  on  learning 
that  the  two  prisoners  whom  they  had  so  maltreated 
were  Rom  citizens,  came  in  person  and  besought 
them  to  depart  out  of  the  city  (Acts  16  12-39). 
After  a  short  visit  to  the  house  of  Lydia,  where  they 
held  an  interview  with  the  brethren,  they  depp,rted 
for  Thessalonica,  leaving  Luke  behind  (cf  Knowling, 
op.  cit.,  354-55).  There  they  made  many  converts, 
esp.  among  the  Greeks,  but  upon  the  house  of  Jason, 
their  host,  being  attacked  by  hostile  Jews,  they 
were  compelled  to  escape  by  night  to  Beroea  (16  40 — 
17  10).  There  they  received  a  better  hearing  from 
the  Jews,  but  the  enmity  of  the  Thessalonian  Jews 
still  pursued  them,  and  Paul  was  conducted  for 
safety  to  Athens,  Silas  and  Timothy  being  left 
behind.  On  his  arrival,  he  dispatched  an  urgent 
message  back  to  Bercea  for  Silas  and  Timothy  to 
rejoin  him  at  that  city  (17  11-15).  The  narra- 
tive of  Acts  implies,  however,  that  Paul  had  left 
Athens  and  had  reached  Corinth  before  he  was 
overtaken  by  his  two  followers  (18  5).  Knowling 
(op.  cit.,  363-64)  suggests  that  they  may  have 
actually  met  at  Athens,  and  that  Timothy  was 
then  sent  to  Thessalonica  (cf  1  Thess  3  1.2),  and 
Silas  to  Philippi  (cf  Phil  4  15),  and  that  the  three 
came  together  again  at  Corinth.  The  arrival  of 
Silas  and  Timothy  at  that  city  is  probably  referred  to 
in  2  Cor  11  9.  It  is  implied  in  Acts  18  18  that 
Silas  did  not  leave  Corinth  at  the  same  time  as  Paul, 
but  no  further  definite  reference  is  made  to  him  in  the 
narrative  of  the  2d  missionary  journey. 

Assuming  his  identity  with  Silvanus,  he  is  men- 
tioned along  with  Paul  and  Timothy  in  2  Cor  1  19 
as  having  preached  Christ  among  the  Corinthians 
(cf  Acts  18  5).  In  1  Thess  1  1,  and  2  Thess  1  1, 
the  same  three  send  greetings  to  the  church  at 
Thessalonica  (cf  Acts  17  1-9).  In  1  Pet  5  12  he  is 
mentioned  as  a  "faithful  brother"  and  the  bearer  of 
that  letter  to  the  churches  of  the  Dispersion  (cf 
on  this  last  Knowling,  op.  cit.,  331-32).  The  theory 
which  assigns  He  to  the  authorship  of  Silas  is  unten- 
able. C.  M.  Kerr 

SILENCE,  si'lens:  Five  Heb  roots,  with  various 
derivatives,  and  two  Gr  words  are  thus  tr'^.  The 
word  is  used  lit.  for  dumbness,  interrupted  speech, 
as  in  Lam  2  10;  Ps  32  3;  Eccl  3  7;  Am  5  13; 
Acts  15  12;  1  Cor  14  28;  1  Tim  2  11.12  AV 
(ARV  "quietness");  Rev  8  1,  or  figuratively  of  the 
unanswered  prayers  of  the  believer  (Ps  83  1;  35  22; 
Jer  8  14);  of  awe  in  the  presence  of  the  Divine 
majesty  (Isa  41  1;  Zee  2  13),  or  of  death  (1  S 
2  9;   Ps  94  17;   115  17). 

SILK,  SILKWORM,  silk'wtirm  ([1]  ilBB ,  jneshl 
[Ezk  16  10.13],  perhaps  from  V  '^1?P ,  mdshdh,  "to 

draw,"  "to  extract";  cf  Arab.  ,-.>*a^,  TOasa',of  same 
meaning;  LXX  Tptxo-irTov,  trichapton,  "woven  of 
hair";   [2]  <r<ipiKov,   serikon   [Rev  18  12];     [3]  1»12J, 

shesh;  cf  Arab.  ,  iXjuJ  ,  shdsh,  a  thin  cotton  material; 
[4]  T'la,  but;;  cf  Arab.  (j«Q-ol  ,  'abya4,  "white," 
from  V  ^JclJ,    bd4;  [5]  pio-o-os,  Wssos,  "fine  linen," 


2791 


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Sihon 
Siloam 


later  used  of  cotton  and  silk) :  The  only  undoubted 
reference  to  silk  in  the  Bible  is  the  passage  cited  from 
Rev,  where  it  is  mentioned  among  the  merchandise 
of  Babylon.  Serikon,  "silk,"  is  from  Sir  the  Gr 
name  of  China,  whence  silk  was  first  obtained.  The 
equivalent  Lat  sericum  occurs  frequently  in  classical 


Silkworm. 

1.  Moth.     2.  Chrysalis.     3.  Cocoon. 

authors,  and  is  found  in  the  Vulg  (Est  8  15)  for 
bwf,  "fine  linen."  For  feuf,  bussos,  and  shesh  EV 
has  nearly  always  "fine  linen,"  but  for  shesh  in 
Prov  31  22,  AV  has  "silk,"  and  in  Gen  41  42 
and  Ex  25  4,  AVm  has  "silk"  and  RVm  has  "cot- 
ton."    See  Linen;  Fine. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  EV 
"silk"  for  meshl  in  Ezk  16  10,  "I  girded  thee  about 
with  fine  linen  [shesh],  and  covered  thee  with  silk 
[meshl],"  and  in  the  similar  passage,  Ezk  16  13. 

Silk  is  produced  by  all  Lepidoptera,  butterflies  and 
moths,  but  it  is  of  great  economic  importance  only  in 
the  Chinese  siUm'orm,  Bombyx  mori,  whose  larva,  a 
yellowish-white  caterpillar  from  2  to  3  in.  long,  feeds  on 
the  leaves  of  tlie  mulberry  i^Morus).  A  pair  of  large 
glands  on  the  two  sides  of  the  stomach  secrete  a  viscous 
fluid,  which  is  conveyed  by  duets  to  an  oriflce  under  the 
mouth.  On  issuing  into  the  air.  the  fine  stream  is 
hardened  into  the  silk  fiber,  which  the  caterpillar  spins 
into  a  cocoon.  Within  the  cocoon  the  caterpillar  is 
presently  transformed  into  the  chrysalis  or  pupa.  The 
cocoons  from  which  silk  is  to  be  spun  are  subjected  to 
heat  which  kills  the  pupae  and  prevents  them  from  being 
transformed  into  the  perfect  insects  or  moths,  which 
would  otherwise  damage  the  cocoons  as  they  made  their 
exit. 

The  raising  of  silkworms,  and  the  spinning  and  weav- 
ing of  silk  are  now  important  industries  in  Syria,  though 
the  insect  was  unknown  in  Bible  times.  It  was  intro- 
duced to  the  Mediterranean  region  from  China  a  few 
centuries  after  Christ.  Coarse  silk  is  produced  from  the 
Chinese  oak  silk-moth,  Saturnia  pernyi,  and  from  the 
Japanese  oak  silk-moth.  Saturnia  yama-mai.  Thelargest 
moth  of  Syria  and  Pal  is  Saturnia  pyri.  from  which  silk 
has  also  been  spun,  but  not  commercially.  See,  further. 
Weaving. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

SILLA,  sil'a  (Xbo ,  ^lla';  B,  ToXXd,  Galld,  A, 
PaaXXaS,  Gaalldd) :  joash  was  assassinated  by  his 
servants  "at  the  house  of  Millo,  on  the  way  that 
goeth  down  to  Silla"  (2  K  12  20).  Wherever 
Beth-millo  stood,  Silla  was  evidently  in  the  valley 
below  it;  but  nothing  is  known  of  what  it  was  or 
where  it  stood. 

SILOAM,  si-lo'am,  si-lo'am,  SILOAH,  si-l6'a, 
SHELAH.she'la,  SHILOAH,shi-lo'a:  (1)  n'blBn"'T3  , 
me  ha-shiWh  {shilo"h  or  shilWh  is  a  passive  form 
and  means  ''sent"  or  "conducted"),  "the  waters  of 
[the]  Shiloah"  (Isa  8  6).  (2)  nblBH  nsia,  b're- 
khalh  ha-shelah,  "the  pool  of  [the]  Shelah"  (AV 
"Siloah")  (Neh  3  15).  (3)  r^y  KoXv^p-fidpav  tou 
(or  Tbv)  2tXut£/i,  tin  kolumbithran  lou  {ton)  Silodm, 
"the  pool  of  Siloam"  (Jn  9  7).  (4)  6  Tripyo^  ip  Tij>^ 
Xi\tadfj.,  ho  purgos  en  16  Silodm,  "the  tower  m  biloam 

Although  the  name  is  chiefly  used  in  the  OT  and 
Jos  as  the  name  of  certain  "waters,"  the  survivmg 
name  today,  Silwdn,  is  that  of  a  fairly  prosperous 
village  which  extends  along  the  steep  east  side  ot 
the  Kidron  valley  from  a  little  N.  of  the  Virgin  s 
Fountain"  as  far  as  Bir  Eyyub.  The  greater  part 
of  the  village,  the  older  and  better  built  section, 


belongs  to  Moslem  fellahin  who  cultivate  the  well- 
watered  gardens  in  the  valley  and  on  the  hill  slopes 
opposite,  but  a  southern  part  has  re- 

1.  The  cently  been  built  in  an  extremely  primi- 
Modem  tive  manner  by  Yemen  Jews,  immigrants 
Silwan           from   South  Arabia,   and   still   farther 

S.,  in  the  commencement  of  the  Wddy 
en  Ndr,  is  the  wretched  settlement  of  the  lepers. 
How  long  the  site  of  Silwdn  has  been  occupied  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  The  village  is  mentioned  in  the 
10th  cent,  by  the  Arab  writer  Mukaddasi.  The 
numerous  rock  cuttings,  steps,  houses,  caves,  etc, 
some  of  which  have  at  times  served  as  chapels, 
show  that  the  site  has  been  much  inhabited  in  the 
past,  and  at  one  period  at  least  by  hermits.  The 
mention  of  "those  eighteen,  upon  whom  the  tower 
in  Siloam  fell,  and  killed  them"  (Lk  13  4)  certainly 
suggests  that  there  was  a  settlement  there  in  NT 
times,  although  some  writers  consider  that  this  may 
have  reference  to  some  tower  on  the  city  walls  near 
the  Pool  of  Siloam. 

Opposite   to   the   main   part   of   Silwdn   is   the 
"Virgin's   Fount,"    ancient     Gihon     (q.v.),   whose 

waters  are  practically  monopolized  by 

2.  The  the  villagers.  It  is  the  waters  of 
Siloam  this  spring  which  are  referred  to  in 
Aqueduct       Isa  8  5.6:    "Forasmuch  as  this  people 

have  refused  the  waters  of  Shiloah  that 
go  softly,  ....  now  therefore,  behold,  the  Lord 
bringeth  up  upon  them  the  waters  of  the  River." 


I 


I    -P.E.T 


Serpentine  Course  of  Siloam  Aqueduct. 

The  contrast  between  the  little  stream  flowing  from 
the  Gihon  and  the  great  Euphrates  is  used  as  a 
figure  of  the  vast  difference  between  the  apparent 
strength  of  the  little  kingdom  of  Judah  and  the 
House  of  David  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  might  of 
"Rezin  and  Remahah's  eon"  and  "all  his  glory." 
Although  it  is  quite  probable  that  in  those  days  there 
was  an  open  streamlet  in  the  valley,  yet  the  meaning 
of  Shiloah,  "sent"  or  "conducted,"  rather  implies 


Siloam 
Simeon 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2792 


some  kind  of  artificial  cliannel,  and  there  is  also 
archaeological  evidence  that  some  at  least  of  the 
waters  of  Gihon  were  even  at  that  time  conducted 
by  a  rock-cut  aqueduct  along  the  side  of  the  Kidron 
valley  (see  Jerusalem,  VII,  5).  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, till  the  days  of  Hezekiah  that  the  great  tunnel 
aqueduct,  Siloam's  most  famous  work,  was  made 
(2  K  20  20):  "Hezekiah  also  stopped  the  upper 
spring  of  the  waters  of  Gihon,  and  brought  them 
straight  down  on  the  west  side  of  the  City  of  David" 
(2  Ch  32  30);  "They  stopped  all  the  fountains, 
and  the  brook  [nahal]  that  flowed  through  the 
midst  of  the  land,  saying.  Why  should  the  kings  of 
Assyria  come,  and  find  much  water?"  (2  Ch  32  4; 
Ecclus  48  17).  Probably  the  exit  of  the  water  at 
Gihon  was  entirely  covered  up  and  the  water  flowed 
through  the  1,700  ft.  of  tunnel  and  merged  in  the 
pool  made  for  it  (now  known  as  the  Birkel  Silwan) 
near  the  mouth  of  the  TjTopceon  valley.  This 
extraordinary  winding  aqueduct  along  which  the 
waters  of  the  "Virgin's  Fount"  still  flow  is  described 
in  Jerusalem,  VII,  4  (q.v.).  The  lower  end  of 
this  tunnel  which  now  emerges  under  a  modern 
arch  has  long  been  known  as  \iin  Silwan,  the 
"Fountain  of  Siloam,"  and  indeed,  until  the  redis- 
covery of  the  tunnel  connecting  this  with  the 
Virgin's  Fount  (a  fact  known  to  some  in  the  13th 
cent.,  but  by  no  means  generallj^  known  until  the 
last  century) ,  it  was  thought  this  was  simply  a  spring. 
So  many  springs  all  over  Pal  issue  from  artificial 
tunnels — it  is  indeed  the  rule  in  Judaea — that  the 
mistake  is  natural.  Jos  gives  no  hint  that  he  knew 
of  so  great  a  work  as  this  of  Hezekiah's,  and  in  the 
5th  cent,  a  church  was  erected,  probably  by  the 
empress  Eudoxia,  at  this  spot,  with  the  high  altar 
over  the  sacred  "spring."  The  only  pilgrim  who 
mentions  this  church  is  Antonius  Martyr  (c  570), 
and  after  its  destruction,  probably  by  the  Persians  in 
614,  it  was  entirely  lost  sight  of  until  excavated  by 
Messrs.  Bliss  and  Dickie.  It  is  a  church  of  extraor- 
dinary architectural  features;  the  floor  of  the  center 
aisle  is  still  visible. 

The  water  from  the  Siloam  aqueduct,  emerging 
at  'Ain  Silwan,  flows  today  into  a  narrow  shallow 
pool,  approached  by  a  steep  flight  of 
3.  The  modern    steps;      from    the    southern 

"Pool  of  extremity  of  this  pool  the  water  crosses 
Siloam"  under  the  modern  road  by  means  of 
an  aqueduct,  and  after  traversing  a 
deeply  cut  rock  channel  below  the  scarped  cliffs 
on  the  north  side  of  el-Wdd,  it  crosses  under  the 
main  road  up  the  Kidron  and  enters  a  nhmber 
of  channels  of  irrigation  distributed  among  the 
gardens  of  the  people  of  Silwan.  The  water  here, 
as  at  its  origin,  is  brackish  and  impregnated  with 
sewage. 

The  modern  Birket  es-Silwan  is  but  a  poor  sur- 
vivor of  the  fine  pool  which  once  was  here.  Bliss 
showed  by  his  excavations  at  the  site  that  once 
there  was  a  great  rock-cut  pool,  71  ft.  N.  and  S.,  by 
75  ft.  E.  and  W.,  which  may,  in  part  at  least,  have 
beenthe  work  of  Hezekiah  (2  K  20  20),  approached 
by  a  splendid  flight  of  steps  along  its  west  side.  The 
pool  was  surrounded  by  an  arcade  12  ft.  wide  and 
22J  ft.  high,  and  was  divided  by  a  central  arcade, 
to  make  in  all  probability  a  pool  for  men  and 
another  for  women.  These  buildings  were  probably 
Herodian,  if  not  earlier,  and  therefore  this,  we  may 
reasonably  picture,  was  the  condition  of  the  pool 
at  the  time  of  the  incident  in  Jn  9  7,  when 
Jesus  sent  the  blind  man  to  "wash  in  the  pool  of 
Siloam." 

This  pool  is  also  probably  the  Pool  of  Shelah 
described  in  Neh  3  15  as  lying  between  the  Foun- 
tain Gate  and  the  King's  Garden.  It  may  also 
be  the  "king's  pool"  of  Neh  2  14.  If  we  were  in 
any  doubt  regarding  the  position  of  the  pool  of 


Siloam,  the  explicit  statement  of  Jos  (BJ,  V,  iv,  1) 
that  the  fountain  of  Siloam,  which  he  says  was  a 
plentiful  spring  of  sweet  wafer,  was  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Tyropoeon  would  make  us  sure. 

A  little  below  tills  pool,  at  the  very  mouth  of  el-  WAd,  is 
a  dry  pool,  now  a  vegetable  garden,  known  as  Birket  el 
Hamra     ("the    red    pool")-     For    many 
4    The  years  the  sewage  of  Jerus  found  its  way  to 

D-  t  «  this  spot,  but  when  in  1904  an  ancient  city 

airftet  sewer  was  rediscovered   (see  PEFS,  1904, 

el  Hamra  392-94),  the  sewage  was  diverted  and  the 
site  was  sold  to  the  Gr  convent  which 
surrounded  it  with  a  wall.  Although  this  is  no  longer  a 
pool,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  hereabouts  there  existed 
a  pool  because  the  great  and  massive  dam  which  Bliss 
excavated  here  (see  Jerusalem,  VI,  5)  had  clearly  been 
made  originally  to  support  a  large  body  of  water.  It  is 
commonly  supposed  that  the  original  pool  here  was 
older  than  the  Birket  Silwan.  having  been  fed  by  an 
aqueduct  which  was  constructed  from  Gihon  along  the 
side  of  the  Kidron  valley  before  Hezelciah's  great  tunnel. 
If  this  is  correct  (and  excavations  are  needed  here  to 
conflrm  this  theory),  then  this  may  be  the  "lower  pool" 
referred  to  in  Isa  22  9,  the  waters  of  which  Hezekiah 
"stopped.  "  and  perhaps,  too,  that  described  in  the  same 
passage  as  the  "old  pool." 

The  earliest  known  Heb  inscription  of  any  length 
was  accidentally  discovered  near  the  lower  end  of  the 

Siloam  aqueduct  in  1880,  and  reported 
5.  The  by  Dr.  Schick.     It  was  inscribed  upon 

Siloam  a  rock-smoothed  surface  about  27  in. 

Aqueduct       square,  some  15  ft.  from  the  mouth 

of  the  aqueduct;  it  was  about  3  ft. 
above  the  bottom  of  the  channel  on  the  east  side. 
The  inscription  consisted  of  six  lines  in  archaic  Heb, 
and  has  been  tr''  by  Professor  Sayce  as  follows: 

(1)  Behold  the  excavation.  Now  this  [is]  the  history 
of  the  tunnel:    while  the  excavators  were  still  lifting  up 

(2)  The  pick  toward  each  other,  and  while  there  were 
yet  three  cubits  [to  be  broken  through]  ....  the  voice 
of  the  one  called 

(3)  To  Ills  neighbor,  for  there  was  an  [  ?]  excess  in  the 
rock  on  the  right.  They  rose  up  ...  .  they  struck  on 
the  west  of  the 

(4)  Excavation;  the  excavators  struck,  each  to  meet 
the  other,  pick  to  pick.     And  there  flowed 

(5)  The  waters  from  their  outlet  to  the  pool  for  a 
thousand,  two  hundred  cubits;    and  [  ?] 

(6)  Of  a  cubit,  was  the  height  of  the  rock  over  the 
head  of  the  excavators  .... 

It  is  only  a  roughly  scratched  inscription  of  the 
nature  of  a  graffito;  the  flowing  nature  of  the 
writing  is  fully  explained  by  Dr.  Reissner's  recent 
discovery  of  ostraca  at  Samaria  written  with  pen 
and  ink.  It  is  not  an  official  inscription,  and  con- 
sequently there  is  no  kingly  name  and  no  date,  but 
the  prevalent  view  that  it  was  made  by  the  work 
people  who  carried  out  Hezekiah's  great  work  (2  K 
20  20)  is  now  further  confirmed  by  the  character  of 
the  Heb  in  the  ostraca  which  Reissner  dates  as  of  the 
time  of  Ahab. 

Unfortunately  this  priceless  monument  of  antjq- 
uity  was  violently  removed  from  its  place  by  some 
miscreants.  The  fragments  have  been  collected  and 
are  now  pieced  together  in  the  Constantinople 
museum.  Fortunately  several  excellent  "squeezes" 
as  well  as  transcriptions  were  made  before  the 
inscription  was  broken  up,  so  that  the  damage 
done  is  to  be  regretted  rather  on  sentimental  than 
on  literary  grounds.         E.  W.  G.  Mastebman 

SILOAM,  TOWER  IN.    See  Jerusalem;  Siloam. 

SILVANUS,  sil-va'nus  (StXouavos,  Silouands 
[2  Cor  1  19]).     See  Silas. 

SILVER,  sil'ver  (303  ,  kefeph;  dp-yipiov,  argurion, 
apYupos,  drguros) :  Silver  was  known  in  the  earliest 
historic  times.  Specimens  of  early  Egyp  and  Bab 
silver  work  testify  to  the  skill  of  the  ancient 
silversmiths.  In  Pal,  silver  objects  have  been 
found  antedating  the  occupation  of   the  land  by 


2793 


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Siloam 
Simeon 


the  Hebrews.  This  metal  was  used  for  making 
all  kinds  of  ornamental  objects.  In  the  mound 
of  Gezer  were  found  bowls,  vases,  ladles,  hair- 
pins, rings  and  bracelets  of  silver.  The  rings  and 
settings  for  scarabs  or  seals  were  commonly  of 
this  metal.  The  first  mention  of  silver  in  the 
Bible  is  in  Gen  13  2,  where  it  says  that  Abraham 
was  rich  in  cattle,  in  silver  and  gold.  At  that  time 
it  was  commonly  used  in  exchange  in  the  form  of 
bars  or  other  shapes.  Coins  of  that  metal  were  of  a 
much  later  date  (Gen  20  16;  23  1.5;  24  53;  37  28, 
etc).  Booty  was  collected  in  silver  (Josh  6  19); 
tribute  was  paid  in  the  same  (1  K  15  19).  It  was 
also  used  for  jewehy  (Gen  44  2).  The  Children 
of  Israel  systematically  despoiled  the  Egyptians  of 
their  silver  before  the  exodus  (Ex  3  22;  11  2; 
12  35,  etc).  Ex  20  23  implies  that  idols  were 
made  of  it.  It  was  largely  used  in  the  fittings  of  the 
tabernacle  (Ex  26  ff )  and  later  of  the  temple  (2  Ch 
2  ff). 

It  is  likely  that  the  ancient  supply  of  silver  came 
from  the  mountains  of  Asia  Minor  where  it  is  still 
found  in  abundance  associated  with  lead  as  argentif- 
erous galena,  and  with  copper  sulphide.  The  Turk- 
ish, government  mines  this  silver  on  shares  with  the 
natives.  The  Sinaitic  peninsula  probably  also 
furnished  some  silver.  Later  Phoen  ships  brought 
quantities  of  it  from  Greece  and  Spain.  The  Arabi- 
an sources  are  doubtful  (2  Ch  9  14).  Although 
silver  does  not  tarnish  readily  in  the  air,  it  does 
corrode  badly  in  the  limestone  soil  of  Pal  and  Syria. 
This  probably  partly  accounts  for  the  small  number 
of  objects  of  this  metal  found.  On  the  site  of  the 
ancient  jewelers'  shops  of  Tyre  the  writer  found 
objects  of  gold,  bronze,  lead,  iron,  but  none  of 
silver. 

Figurative:  Silver  to  be  as  stones  in  Jerus  (1  K 
10  27)  typified  great  abundance  (cf  Job  3  15; 
22  25;  27  16;  also  Isa  60  17;  Zee  9  3).  The  try- 
ing of  men's  hearts  was  compared  to  the  refining  of 
silver  (Ps  66  10;  Isa  48  10).  Jeh's  words  were  as 
pure  as  silver  refined  seven  times  (Ps  12  6).  The 
gaining  of  understanding  is  better  than  the  gaining 
of  silver  (Prov  3  14;  ef  8  19;  10  20;  16  16;  22  1; 
25  11).  Silver  become  dross  denoted  deterioration 
(Isa  1  22;  Jer  6  30).  Breast  and  arms  of  silver 
was  interpreted  by  Daniel  to  mean  the  inferior 
kingdom  to  follow  Nebuchadnezzar's   (Dnl  2  32. 

39). 

In  the  NT,  reference  should  be  made  esp.  to  Acts 
19  24;  Jas  5  3;  Rev  18  12.      James  A.  Patch 

SILVERLING,  sil'ver-ling  (003  Obx,  'elevh 
ke^eph  [Isa  7  23]):  'A  thousand  of  silver'  means  a 
thousand  shekels.     See  Piece  of  Silver. 

SILVERSMITH,   sil'ver-smith    (dp-yupoKdiros, 

argurokdpos) :  Mentioned  only  once  (Acts  19  24), 
where  reference  is  made  to  Demetrius,  a  leadmg 
member  of  the  silversmiths'  guild  of  Ephesus. 

SIMALCUE,  si-mal-ku'e:  AV  =  RV  Imalcue 
(q.v.). 

SIMEON,  sim'6-on  (pypiP,  shim^on;  2«(ieiSv, 
Sumeon;  the  Heb  root  is  from  yvt ,  shama\  "to 
hear"  [Gen  29  33);  some  modern  scholars  [Hitzig, 
W  R.  Smith,  Stade,  etc]  derive  it  from  Arab,  sima  , 
"the  offspring  of  the  hyena  and  female  wolt  ): 
In  Gen  29  33;  30  18-21;  35  23,  Simeon  is  given 
as  full  brother  to  Reuben,  Levi,  Judah,  Issachar  and 
Zebulun,  the  son  of  Leah;  and  m  Gen  34  lb; 
49  5  as  the  brother  of  Levi  and  Dmah.  He  was 
left  as  a  hostage  in  Egypt  by  orders  of  Joseph  (Gen 
42  24;  43  23). 


In  the  "blessing"  of  the  dying  Jacob,  Simeon  and 
Levi  are  linked  together : 

1     Til  "Simeon  and  Levi  aro  bretiircn; 

1.  Ine  Weapons  of  violence  are  their  swords. 
Patriarch:  O  my  soui,  come  not  tiiou  into  their  council; 
Biblical  Unto  their  assembly,  my  glory,  be  not  thou 
■p.    .  united; 

J^aia  Pop  in  their  anger  they  slew  a  man. 

And  in  their  self-will  they  hocked  an  ox. 
Cursed  be  their  anger,  for  it  was  fierce ; 
And  their  wrath,  for  it  was  cruel: 
I  will  divide  them  in  Jacob, 
And  scatter  them  in  Israel "   (Gen  49  5-7) . 

Whatever  view  may  be  taken  of  the  events  of 
Gen  34  25  (and  some  would  see  in  it  "a  tradition 
of  the  settlement  of  Jacob  which  belongs  to  a 
cycle  quite  independent  of  the  descent  into  Egypt 
and  the  Exodus"  [see  S.  A.  Cook,  Enc  Brit,  art. 
"Simeon"]),  it  is  clear  that  we  have  here  a  reference 
to  it  and  the  suggestion  that  the  subsequent  history 
of  the  tribe,  and  its  eventual  absorption  in  Judah, 
was  the  result  of  violence.  In  the  same  way  the 
priestly  Levites  became  distributed  throughout  ttie 
other  tribes  without  any  tribal  inheritance  of  their 
own  (Dt  18  1;  Josh  13  14).  From  the  mention 
(Gen  46  10;  Ex  6  15)  of  Shaul  as  being  the  son  of 
a  Canaanite  woman,  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
tribe  was  a  mLxed  one. 

In  the  "blessing  of  Moses"  (Dt  33)  Simeon  is  not 
mentioned  at  all  in  the  Heb  text,  although  in  some 
MSS  of  LXX  the  latter  half  of  ver  6  is  made  to 
apply  to  him:  "Let  Simeon  be  a  small  company." 
The  history  of  the  tribe  is  scanty  and  raises  many 
problems.  Of  the  many  theories  advanced  to 
meet  them  it  cannot  be  said  that  any  one  answers 
all  difficulties. 

In  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  the  Simeonites  camped 

beside  the  Reubenites   (Nu  2  12;   10  19);   it  was 

Zimri,  a  m.ember  of  one  of  the  leading 

2.  The  families  of  this  tribe,  who  was  slain  by 
Tribe  in  Phinehasin  the  affair  of  Baal-peor  (Nu 
Scripture       25  14).    The  statistics  in  Nu  1  22  f, 

where  the  Simeonites  are  given  as 
59,300,  compared  with  the  2d  census  (Nu  26  14), 
where  the  numbers  are  22,200,  indicate  a  diminish- 
ing tribe.  Some  have  connected  this  with  the  sin  of 
Zimri. 

At  the  recital  of  the  law  at  Mt.  Gerizim,  Simeon 
is  mentioned  first  among  those  that  were  to  respond 
to  the  blessings  (Dt  27  12).  In  the  conquest 
of  Canaan  "Judah  said  unto  Simeon  his  brother. 
Come  up  with  me  into  my  lot,  that  we  may  fight 
against  the  Canaanites;  and  I  likewise  will  go  with 
thee  into  thy  lot.  So  Simeon  went  with  him" 
(Jgs  13;  cf  ver  17).  (Many  scholars  find  in 
Gen  34  a  tribal  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Simeon- 
ites to  gain  possession  of  Shechem;  if  this  is  eo, 
Judah  did  not  assist,  and  the  utter  failure  may 
have  been  a  cause  of  Simeon's  subsequent  depend- 
ence upon,  and  final  absorption  in,  Judah.)  In 
Jgs  4  and  5  Simeon  is  never  mentioned.  In  the 
settlement  of  the  land  there  is  no  account  of  how 
Simeon  established  himself  in  his  territory  (except 
the  scanty  reference  in  Jgs  1  3),  but  "their  inherit- 
ance was  in  the  midst  of  the  inheritance  of  the 
children  of  Judah"  (Josh  19  1);  this  is  accounted 
for  (ver  9),  "for  the  portion  of  the  children  of  Judah 
was  too  much  for  them."  Nevertheless  we  find 
there  the  very  cities  which  are  apportioned  to 
Simeon,  allotted  to  Judah  (Josh  15  21-32;  cf 
Neh  11  26-29).  It  is  suggested  (in  1  Ch  4  31) 
that  the  independent  possession  of  these  cities 
ceased  in  the  time  of  David.  David  sent  spoil  to 
several  Simeonite  towns  (1  S  30  26  f),  and  in 
1  Ch  12  25  it  is  recorded  that  7,100  Simeonite 
warriors  came  to  David  in  Hebron.  In  1  Ch  27  16 
we  have  mention  of  a  ruler  of  the  Simeonites, 
Shephatiah,  son  of  Maacah. 


Simeon 
Simon  Magus 


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2794 


In  1  Ch  4  39  f  mention  is  made  of  certain  iso- 
lated exploits  of  Sinieonites  at  Gedor  (q.vj, 
against  the  Meunim  (q.v.),  and  at  Mx.  Seir  (q.v.). 
Later  references  associate  certain  Sinieonites  with 
the  Northern  Kingdom  (2  Ch  15  9;  34  6),  and 
tradition  has  come  to  view  them  as  one  of  the  ten 
tribes  (cf  Ezk  48  24.25.33;  Rev  7  7),  although  all 
the  history  of  them  we  have  is  bound  up  with 
Judah  and  the  Southern  Kingdom.  There  is  no 
mention  of  the  return  of  any  Simeonites  after  the 
captivity;   their  cities  fall  to  Judah  (Neh  11  26  f). 

It  has  been  supposed  by  many  authorities  that 

the    name    Shim'an  occurs   in  the   list   of    places 

plundered     by     Thothmes     III     (see 

3.  Refer-  Petrie,  Hist,  II,  104:  also  Hommel, 
ences  in  AHT,  268;  Sayce,  Early  Heb  Tra- 
Egyp  and  ditions,  392).  In  the  7th  cent,  we 
Assyr  In-  have  a  doubtful  reference  in  an  inscrip- 
scriptions       tion  of  Esar-haddon  relating  his  Egyp 

campaign  when  a  city  Ap-ku  is  men- 
tioned as  in  the  country  of  Sa-me-n(a),  which  may 
possibly  be  a  reference  to  Simeon.  The  survival  of 
the  name  so  late,  if  true,  is  strange,  in  the  light  of 
what  we  gather  from  the  Bible  about  the  tribe. 
(For  discussion  of  both  of  these  inscriptions,  with 
references  to  the  lit.,  see  EB,  coll.  4528-30.) 

The  cities  of  Simeon  as  given  in  Josh  19  2-6 
and  1  Ch  4  28.31  are  (the  names  in  parentheses 

are  variations  in  the  latter  reference) : 

4.  The  Beer-sheba,  Moladah,  Hazar-shual, 
Territory  Balah  (Bilhah),  Azem  (AV)  (Ezem), 
of  Simeon     Eltolad    (Tolad),    Bethuel,    Hormah, 

Ziklag,  Beth-marcaboth,  Hazar-susah 
(Ilazar  Susim),  Beth-lebaoth  (Beth-biri),  Sharuhen 
(Shaaraim)  (Etam),  Ain  Rimmon,  Ether  (Tochen), 
Ashan — in  all,  16  cities  in  Josh  and  17  in  1  Ch. 
Ashan  (1  Ch  6  59)  is  the  only  one  assigned  to  the 
priests.  It  is  written  wrongly  as  "Ain"  in  Josh  21 
16.  All  the  above  cities,  with  certain  variations  in 
form,  and  with  the  exception  of  Etam  in  1  Ch  4  32, 
which  is  probably  a  mistake,  occur  in  the  list  of 
the  cities  of  Judah  (Josh  15  26-32.42).  Ziklag  is 
mentioned  (1  S  27  6)  as  being  the  private  property 
of  the  kings  of  Judah  from  the  days  of  David,  who 
received  it  from  Achish,  king  of  Oath. 

For  the  situation  of  these  cities,  so  tar  as  is  known, 
see  separate  arts,  under  their  names.  It  is  clear 
that  they  were  all  situated  in  the  southwestern  part 
of  Pal,  and  that  Simeon  had  no  definite  territorial 
boundaries,  but  isolated  cities,  with  their  villages, 
among  those  of  the  people  of  Judah. 

E.  W.  G.  Masterman 

SIMEON    (liypiIJ ,    shitn'on;    2u(i,euv,   Sumeon): 

(1)  The  2d  son  of  Jacob  by  Leah  (see  separate 
art.). 

(2)  Great-grandfather  of  Judas  Maccabaeus 
(1  Mace  2  1). 

(3)  A  man  in  Jerus  described  as  "righteous  and 
devout,  looking  for  the  consolation  of  Israel." 
When  the  infant  Jesus  was  brought  into  the  Temple, 
he  took  Him  into  his  arms  and  blessed  God  in  words 
which  are  famous  as  the  Nunc  dimittis.  Simeon 
bestowed  his  blessing  on  the  wondering  father  and 
mother  (Lk  2  25.34).  Legend  has  made  him  the 
son  of  Hillel  and  father  of  Gamaliel  I,  but  this  has 
no  historical  basis. 

(4)  An  ancestor  of  Jesus  (Lk  3  30);  RV 
"Symeon." 

(5)  RV  "Symeon":  one  of  the  prophets  and 
teachers  in  the  Christian  community  at  Antioch. 
He  is  also  called  Niger,  which  was  the  gentile  name 
he  had  assumed,  Symeon  being  Heb.  He  was 
among  those  who  set  apart  Paul  and  Barnabas  for 
their  missionary  work  (Acts  13  1.2).  Nothing 
more  is  known  of  him. 

(6)  RV  "Symeon":  the  Heb  name  of  Simon 
Peter   (Acts  15  14).  S.  F.  Hunter 


SIMEON  (NIGER,  nl'jer):  AV  in  Acts  13  1, 
RV  "Symeon"  (q.v.). 

SIMEONITES,  sim'g-on-its.     See  Simeon. 

SIMILITUDE,  si-mil' i-tud:  In  AV  means  either 
"an  exact  facsimile"  (Ps  106  20  AV,  RV  "like- 
ness"; Rom  5  14,  etc),  or  else  "the  form  itself" 
(Nu  12  8;  Dt  4  12.15.16  for  fmunah,  "form" 
[soRV]);  cf  Likeness.  ERV  has  retained  the  word 
in  2  Ch  4  3;  Dnl  10  16  (ARV  "likeness"),  while 
ERV  and  ARV  have  used  "simihtudes"  in  Hos  12 
10  (npi,  damdh,  "be  like").  The  meaning  is  "I 
have  inspired  the  prophets  to  speak  parables." 

SIMON  (Si|jiwv,  Simon,  Grform  of  Simeon  [q.v.]) : 
The  persons  of  the  name  of  Simon  mentioned  in  the 
Apocrypha  are: 

(1)  Simon  the  Maccabean  (Hasmonean),  sur- 
named  Thassi  (q.v.),  the  2d  son  of  Mattathias 
and  elder  brother  of  Judas  Maccabaeus.  On  his 
deathbed,  Mattathias  commended  Simon  as  a  "man 
of  counsel"  to  be  a  "father"  to  his  brethren  (1  Mace 
2  65),  and  a  "man  of  counsel"  he  proved  himself. 
But  it  was  not  till  after  the  death  of  Judas  and  the 
capture  of  Jonathan  that  he  played  the  chief  role. 
Dispatched  by  Judas  with  a  force  to  the  relief  of 
the  Jews  in  Galilee  he  fought  with  great  success 
(5  17  if;  Jos,  Ant,  XII,  viii.  If).  We  find  him 
next  taking  revenge  along  with  Jonathan  on  the 
"children  of  Jambri"  (1  Mace  9  33  ff),  and  cooper- 
ating in  the  successful  campaign  around  Bethbasi 
against  Bacchides  (c  156  BC)  (9  62  ff),  and  in  the 
campaign  against  ApoUonius  (10  74  ff).  In  the 
conflict  between  Tryphon  and  Demetrius  II,  Simon 
was  appointed  by  Antiochus  VI  "captain  from  the 
Ladder  of  Tyre  unto  the  borders  of  Egypt"  (11  59). 
After  the  capture  of  Jonathan  at  Ptolemais  by 
Tryphon,  Simon  became  acknowledged  leader  of  his 
party.  He  thwarted  Tryphon  in  his  attempts  upon 
Jerus,  in  revenge  for  which  the  latter  murdered 
Jonathan  (13  23).  Simon  then  took  the  side  of 
Demetrius  on  condition  of  immunity  for  Judaea,  and 
so  'in  the  170th  year'  (143-142  BC)  'the  yoke  of 
the  heathen  was  taken  away  from  Israel'  (13  41). 
Simon  applied  himself  to  rebuild  the  strongholds 
of  Judaea,  reduced  Gazara,  captured  the  Acra 
(citadel)  and  made  Joppa  a  seaport.  He  showed 
his  wisdom  most  of  all  in  his  internal  administration : 
"He  sought  the  good  of  his  country";  commerce 
and  agriculture  revived ;  lawlessness  was  suppressed, 
and  "the  land  had  rest  all  the  daj'S  of  Simon" 
(14  4  ff).  His  power  was  acknowledged  by 
Sparta  and  Rome  (14  16  ff).  In  141  BC  he 
was  appointed  by  the  nation  leader,  high  priest 
and  captain  "for  ever,  until  there  should  arise  a 
faithful  prophet"  (14  41  ff),  and  thus  the  Hasmo- 
nean dynasty  was  founded.  A  new  chronological 
era  began  with  the  first  year  of  his  administration, 
and  he  minted  his  own  coins.  A  few  years  later 
Simon  again  meddled  in  Syrian  politics  (139  BC), 
this  time  at  the  entreaty  of  Antiochus  VII  (Sidetes) 
in  his  contest  against  Tryphon;  when,  however, 
Antiochus  was  assured  of  success,  he  refused  the 
help  of  Simon  and  sent  Cendebaeus  against  Judaea. 
Judas  and  John,  sons  of  Simon,  defeated  the  in- 
vaders near  Modin  (137-136  BC).  In  135  BC 
Simon  met  his  death  by  treachery.  Ptolemy  the 
son  of  Abubus,  Simon's  own  son-in-law,  determined 
to  secure  supreme  power  for  himself  and,  in  order  to 
accomplish  this,  to  assassinate  the  whole  family  of 
Simon.  He  accordingly  invited  Simon  and  his  sons 
to  a  banquet  in  the  stronghold  of  Dok  near  Jericho, 
where  he  treacherously  murdered  Simon  with  hia 
two  sons  Mattathias  and  Judas.  The  other  son, 
John  Hyrcanus,  governor  of  Gazara,  received  inti- 
mation of  the  plot  and  saved  .himself  to  become 


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Simeon 
Simon  Magus 


the  head  of  the  Hasmonean  dynasty.  "The  sig- 
nificance of  Simon's  administration  consists  in  this, 
that  he  completed  the  work  of  Jonathan  and  left 
the  Jewish  people  absolutely  independent  of  Syria" 
(Schiirer).     See  Maccabaeus,  II,  4. 

(2)  Simon  I,  the  high  priest,  son  of  Onias  I, 
whom  he  succeeded  c  300  BC.  He  was  one  of  the 
last  of  the  Great  Synagogue,  and  to  him  is  attributed 
the  saying,  "On  three  things  the  world  depends — 
the  Law,  worship  and  the  showing  of  kindness." 
According  to  Jos  {Anl,  XII,  ii,  5)  this  Simon  was 
called  "the  Just"  (6  5(/caios,  ho  dikaios),  "on  account 
of  his  piety  and  his  benevolent  disposition  toward 
his  countrymen." 

Many  authorities  (Herzfeld,  Derenbourg,  Stanley, 
Ciieyue)  assert  that  Jos  is  wrong  in  attaching  this  epi- 
thet to  Simon  I  instead  of  Simon  II.  and  Schurer  is  not 
certain  on  this  question.  But  the  Tahn  passage  which 
Derenbourg  cites  means  the  opposite  of  what  he  talces  it. 
viz.  it  is  intended  to  show  how  splendid  and  holy  were 
the  days  of  Simeon  [ha-r^addlk)  compared  with  the  later 
days.  Besides,  Jos  is  more  likely  to  have  known  the 
truth  on  this  matter  than  these  later  authorities.  The 
same  uncertainty  obtains  as  to  whether  the  eulogium 
in  Sir  50  1  ff  of  "the  great  priest"  refers  to  Simon  I  or 
Simon  II.  Schurer  and  others  refer  it  to  Simon  TI. 
It  is  more  likely  to  refer  to  the  Simon  who  was  famous 
as  "the  Just,"  and  consequently  to  Simon  I.  Besides 
we  know  of  no  achievements  of  Simon  II  to  entitle  him 
to  such  praise.  The  building  operations  mentioned 
would  suit  the  time  of  Simon  I  better,  as  Ptolemy  cap- 
tured Jerus  and  probably  caused  considerable  destruc- 
tion. The  Talm  states  that  this  Simon  (and  not  Jaddua) 
met  Alexander  the  Great. 

(3)  Simon  II,  high  priest,  son  of  Onias  II  and 
grandson  of  Simon  I  and  father  of  Onias  III, 
flourished  about  the  end  of  the  3d  cent.  BC,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Onias  III  c  198  BC.  Jos 
says  that  this  Simon  in  the  conflict  of  the  sons  of 
Joseph  sided  with  the  elder  sons  against  Hyrcanus 
the  younger.  Schiirer  (probably  incorrectly)  thinks 
he  is  the  Simon  praised  in  Sir  50  1  ff.  See  (2) 
above  (3  Mace  2  1;   Jos,  Ant,  XII,  iv,  10). 

(4)  Simon,  a  Benjamite,  guardian  of  the  temple, 
who,  having  quarreled  with  the  high  priest  Onias  III, 
informed  ApoUonius  of  the  untold  sums  of  money 
in  the  temple  treasury.  ApoUonius  laid  the  matter 
before  the  king  Seleucus  IV,  who  sent  Heliodorus 
to  remove  the  money.  An  apparition  prevented 
Heliodorus  from  accomplishing  his  task  (2  Maco 
3  4ff).  It  is  further  recorded,  that  Simon  con- 
tinued his  opposition  to  Onias.  He  is  spoken  of  as 
brother  of  the  renegade  Menelaus  (4  23).  Of  his 
end  we  know  nothing. 

(5)  Simon  Chosameus  (B  [and  Swete],  Xoo-aMoos, 
Chosdmaos,A,  Xoa-o/xatos,  Chosomaios),  one  of  the  sons 
of  Annas  who  had  married  "strange  wives"  (1  Esd 
9  32).  Simon  apparently  =  "Shimeon"  {shim-on) 
of  the  sons  of  Harim  (Ezr  10  31);  Chosameus  is 
probably  a  corruption  standing  in  the  place  of,  but 
not  resembling,  any  of  the  three  names:  Benjamm, 
Malluch,  Shemaraiah,  which  Esd  omits  from  the  Ezr 
list.  S.  Angus 

SIMON,  sl'mon  (2i(io)v,  Simon): 

(1)  Simon  Peter.    See  Peter  (Simon). 

(2)  Another  of  the  Twelve,  Simon  "the  Cana- 
naean"  (Mt  10  4;  Mk  3  18),  "the  Zealot"  (Lk  6 
15;  Acts  1  13).     See  Cananaean. 

(3)  One  of  the  brethren  of  Jesus  (Mt  13  55; 
Mk  6  3).     See  Brethebn  of  the  Lord. 

(4)  "The  leper"  in  Bethany,  in  whose  house 
a  woman  poured  a  cruse  of  precious  ointment  over 
the  head  of  Jesus  (Mt  26  6;  Mk  14  3).  He  had 
perhaps  been  healed  by  Jesus;  in  that  case  his 
ungracious  behavior  was  not  consistent  with  due 
gratitude.  However  he  was  healed,  the  title 
referred  to  his  condition  in  the  past,  as  lepers  were 
ostracized  by  law.  ,, 

(5)  A  Pharisee  in  whose  house  a  woman,  a 
sinner,"  wet  the  feet  of  Jesus  with  her  tears,  and 


anointed  them  with  ointment  (Lk  7  36  ff ) .  By 
some  he  is  identified  with  (4),  this  being  regarded 
as  Luke's  version  of  the  incident  recorded  in  Mt  26 
and  Mk  14.  Others  as  strongly  deny  this  view. 
For  discussion  see  Mary,  IV. 

(6)  A  man  of  Cyrene,  who  was  compelled  to  carry 
the  cross  of  Jesus  (Mt  27  32;  Mk  16  21;  Lk  23 
26).  Mark  calls  him  "the  father  of  Alexander  and 
Rufus,"  well-known  members  of  the  church  at 
(probably)  Rome  (of  Acts  19  33;  Rom  16  13). 
See  Cyrenian. 

(7)  The  father  of  Judas  Iscariot  (Jn  6  71;  12 
4  AV,  RV  omits;   13  2.26). 

(8)  Simon  Magus  (Acts  8  9ff).  See  separate 
article. 

(9)  Simon,  the  tanner,  with  whom  Peter  lodged 
at  Joppa.  His  house  was  by  the  seaside  outside 
the  city  wall,  because  of  its  ceremonial  uncleanness 
to  a  Jew,  and  also  for  reasons  of  sanitation  (Acts 
9  43).  S.  F.  Hunter 

SIMON  MAGUS,  ma'gus  (2C|jiwv,  Simon,  Gr 
form  of  Heb  IVOti ,  shim'on;  Gesenius  gives  the 
meaning  of  the  Heb  word  as  "hearing  with  accept- 
ance"; it  is  formed  from  V  ^"QXO ,  sha,ma\  "to 
hear"): 

1.  Simon,  a  Magician 

2.  Simon  and  the  Apostles 

(1)  Simon  and  Phihp 

(2)  Simon  and  Peter  and  John 

3.  The  Magicians  and  the  Gospel 

4.  Testimony  of  Early  Christian  Writers 

5.  Sources  of  Legendary  History 

6.  Traditions  of  His  Death 

7.  The  Simoniani 

8.  Was  Simon  the  Originator  of  Gnosticism  7 

The  name  or  term  "Magus"  is  not  given  to  him 
in  the  NT,  but  is  justly  used  to  designate  or  par- 
ticularize him  on  account  of  the  inci- 

1.  Simon,  dent  recorded  in  Acts  8  9-24,  for 
a  Magician    though  the  word  "Magus"  does  not 

occur,  yet  in  ver  9  the  present  participle 
mageuon  is  used,  and  is  tr'',  both  in  AV  and  in  RV, 
"used  sorcery."  Simon  accordingly  was  a  sorcerer, 
he  "bewitched  the  people  of  Samaria"  (,AV).  In 
ver  11  it  is  also  said  that  "of  long  time  he  had 
amazed"  them  "with  his  sorceries"  {magiais).  The 
claim,  given  out  by  himself,  was  that  he  "was  some 
great  one";  and  this  claim  was  acknowledged  by 
the  Samaritans,  for  previous  to  the  introduction  of 
the  gospel  into  Samaria,  "they  all  gave  heed  [to 
him],  from  the  least  to  the  greatest,  saying,  This 
man  is  that  power  of  God  which  is  called  Great" 
(ver  10). 

(1)  It  so  happened,   however,   that   Philip   the 

deacon  and  evangelist  went  down  from  Jerus  to 

Samaria,  and  "proclaimed  unto  them 

2.  Simon       the  Christ"  (ver  5);    and  as  the  result 
and  the  of    the    proclamation   of    the   gospel, 
Apostles        many  were  gathered   into  the  Chris- 
tian church.     Many  miracles  also  were 

performed  by  Philip,  sick  persons  cured,  and  de- 
mons cast  out;  and  Simon  fell  under  the  influence 
of  all  these  things,  both  of  the  preaching  and  of 
"the  signs."  So  great  was  the  impression  now  made 
upon  Simon  that  he  "believed"  (ver  13).  This 
means,  at  least,  that  he  saw  that  Philip  was  able 
in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  to  display  powers 
greater  than  anything  he  himself  was  acquainted 
with:  Philip's  power  was  greater  by  far  than 
Simon's.  He  therefore  came  forward  as  one  of  the 
new  converts,  and  was  baptized.  After  his  baptism 
he  continued  with  Philip.  The  signs  which  accom- 
panied the  introduction  of  the  gospel  into  this  city 
did  not  cease,  and  Simon  seeing  them  "was  amazed." 
The  word  denoting  Simon's  amazement  at  the 
"signs"  wrought  by  Philip  is  the  same  as  that  used 
to  express  how  the  people  of  Samaria  had  been 


Simon  Magus 


SimoS  the^lellot   '^^^  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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amazed  at  Simon's  sorceries.  It  is  an  indication 
of  the  nature  of  the  faith  which  he  possessed  in  the 
gospel — wondering  amazement  at  a  new  phenome- 
non «ot  yet  understood,  not  repentance  or  trust  in 
Christ. 

(2)  News  having  reached  Jerus  of  the  events 
which  had  occurred  in  Samaria,  the  apostles  sent 
Peter  and  John  to  establish  the  worlc  there.  These 
two  apostles  prayed  for  the  converts  that  they  might 
receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  they  had  not  yet 
received.  And  when  they  had  laid  their  hands  upon 
the  converts,  the  Spirit  was  given  to  them.  At  this 
early  period  in  the  history  of  the  church  the  Holy 
Ghost  was  bestowed  in  a  visible  manner  which 
showed  itself  in  such  miraculous  gifts  as  are  de- 
scribed in  Acts  2.  Simon  saw  what  had  taken 
place,  and  then,  instead  of  joining  the  company  of 
those  who  had  truly  repented  and  trusted  Christ, 
he  came  forward  with  the  same  amazement  as  he 
had  previously  shown,  and  offered  money  to  Peter 
and  John,  if  they  would  impart  to  him  the  power  of 
giving  the  Holy  Ghost  to  others.  Peter  instantly 
rebuked  this  bold  and  ungodly  request,  and  did  so 
with  such  sternness  as  to  cause  Simon  to  ask  that 
the  judgment  threatened  by  the  apostle  might  not 
fall  upon  him. 

Such  is  the  unenviable  history  of  Simon  Magus, 
as  it  is  recorded  in  the  NT.  Later  centuries  have 
shown  their  estimation  of  the  heinousness  of 
Simon's  sin  by  employing  his  name  to  indicate  the 
crime  of  buying  or  selling  a  spiritual  office  for  a 
price  in  money — "simony." 

It  is  not  strange  to  find  the  gospel  brought  into 
direct  conflict  with  magicians,  for  in  the  1st  and 
2d  cents,  there  were  a  multitude  of 
3.  The  such  persons  who  pretended  to  possess 

Magicians  supernatural  powers  by  which  they 
and  the  endeavored    to    deceive    men.     They 

Gospel  flattered  the  sinful  inclinations  of  the 

human  heart,  and  fell  in  with  men's 
current  ways  of  thinking,  and  required  no  self- 
renunciation  at  all.  For  these  reasons  the  magicians 
found  a  ready  belief  on  the  part  of  many.  The 
emperor  Tiberius,  in  his  later  years,  had  a  host  of 
magicians  in  constant  attendance  upon  him.  Ely- 
mas,  with  whom  Paul  came  in  contact  in  Cyprus 
"was  with  the  deputy  of  the  country,  Sergius  Paulus, 
a  prudent  man"  (Acts  13  7  AV).  Elymas  was  one 
of  those  magicians,  and  he  endeavored  to  turn  away 
the  deputy  from  the  faith.  Luke  expressly  calls  this 
man  "magus,"  Elymas  the  magus  (Acts  13  6.8  m). 
The  influence  of  such  persons  presented  an  ob- 
stacle to  the  progress  of  the  Christian  faith,  which 
had  to  force  its  way  through  the  delusions  with 
which  these  sorcerers  had  surrounded  the  hearts  of 
those  whom  they  deceived.  When  the  gospel  came 
in  contact  with  these  magicians  and  with  then- 
works,  it  was  necessary  that  there  should  be  strik- 
ing facts,  works  of  supernatural  power  strongly 
appealing  to  men's  outward  senses,  in  order  to 
bring  them  out  of  the  bewilderment  and  deception 
in  which  they  were  involved,  and  to  make  them 
able  to  receive  the  impression  of  spiritual  truth. 
Such  miracles  were  wrought  both  in  Cyprus  and  in 
Samaria,  the  spheres  of  influence  of  the  magicians 
Elymas  and  Simon.  ^  These  Divine  works  first 
arrested  men's  attention,  and  then  dispelled  the 
delusive  influence  of  the  sorcerers. 

(1)  The  history  of  Simon  Magus  does  not  close 

with  what  is  narrated  in  the  Acts,  for  the  early 

Christian  writers  have  much  to  say  in 

4.  Testi-        regard  to  him. 

■r-„i^  Justin    Martyr,    himself    a    Samaritan, 

5,  .-^  states  tliat  Simon  Magus  wasa  "  Samari- 
Writers  tanlromtlie  village  caliedGitton."    Justin 

also  relates  that,  in  the  time  of  Claudius 
Caesar.  Simon  was  worshipped  as  a  god  at  Rome  on 
account  of  his  magical  powers,  and  that   a  statue  had 


been  erected  to  him,  on  the  island  in  the  river  Tiber, 
with  the  inscription  Simoni  Deo  Sancto.  that  is.  "To 
Simon  the  sacred  god."  Curiously  enough,  in  the  year 
1574,  a  stone  which  appears  to  have  served  as  a  pedestal 
of  a  statue,  was  dug  up  in  the  Tiber  at  the  spot 
described  by  Justin ;  and  on  it  were  inscribed  the  words 
Semoni  Sanco  Deo  Fidio  Sacrum,  that  is,  the  stone 
then  discovered  was  dedicated  to  the  god  Semo  Sancus, 
the  Sabine  Hercules.  This  antiquarian  find  makes 
it  probable  that  Justin  was  mistaken  in  what  he  said 
about  a  statue  having  been  erected  in  honor  of  Simon 
Magus.  "It  is  incredible  that  the  folly  should  ever 
be  carried  to  such  an  e.xtent  as  that  a  statue  should 
be  erected,  and  the  senate  should  pass  a  decree  enroll- 
ing Simon  Magus  among  the  deos  Romanos^  (Neander, 
Church  History,  II,  123).  The  inscription  found  in  1574 
shows  the  source  of  the  error  into  which  Justin  had  fallen. 

There  are  many  stories  told  by  some  of  the  early  Chris- 
tian writers  regarding  Simon  Magus,  but  they  are  full 
of  legend  and  fable:  some  of  them  are  improbable  in  the 
extreme  and  border  on  the  impossible. 

(2)  Jerome,  who  professes  to  quote  from  writings  of 
Simon,  represents  him  as  employing  these  words  in  refer- 
ence to  himself,  "  I  am  the  Word  of  God,  I  am  the  Com- 
forter, I  am  Almighty.  I  am  all  there  is  of  God"  (Mansel. 
The  Gnostic  Heresies.  82).  Irenaeus  (Mansel,  ib,  82) 
writes  regarding  him:  "Simon,  having  purchased  a  cer- 
tain woman  named  Helena,  who  had  been  a  prostitute  in 
the  city  of  Tyre,  carried  her  about  with  him,  and  said 
that  she  was  the  first  conception  of  his  mind,  the  mother 
of  aU  things,  by  whom,  in  the  beginning,  he  conceived  the 
thought  of  making  the  angels  and  archangels ;  for  that 
this  conception  proceeded  forth  from  him,  and  knowing 
her  father's  wishes,  she  descended  to  the  lower  world,  and 
produced  the  angels  and  powers;  by  whom  also  he  said 
that  this  world  was  made.  But  after  she  had  produced 
them,  she  was  detained  by  them  through  envy,  since 
they  were  unwilling  to  be  considered  the  offspring  of 
any  other  being ;  for  he  himself  was  entirely  unknown  by 
them ;  but  his  conception  was  detained  by  those  powers 
and  angels  which  were  put  forth  from  her,  and  suffered 
every  insult  from  them  that  she  might  not  return  upward 
to  her  father;  and  this  went  so  far  that  she  was  even 
confined  wittiin  a  human  body,  and  for  ages  passed  into 
other  female  bodies,  as  if  from  one  vessel  into  another. 
He  said  also  that  she  was  that  Helen,  on  whose  account 
the  Trojan  war  was  fought  ....  and  that  after  passing 
from  one  body  to  another,  and  constantly  meeting  with 
insult,  at  last  she  became  a  public  prostitute,  and  that 
this  was  the  lost  sheep.  On  this  account  he  himself  came, 
that  he  might  first  of  all  reclaim  her  and  free  her  from 
her  chains,  and  then  give  salvation  to  men  through  the 
knowledge  of  himself.  For  since  the  angels  ruled  the 
world  badly,  because  one  of  them  desired  the  chief  place, 
he  had  come  down  for  the  restoration  of  all  things,  and 
had  descended,  being  changed  in  figure,  and  made  like 
to  principalities  and  powers  and  angels,  so  that  he 
appeared  among  men  as  a  man,  and  was  thought  to  have 

suffered   in   Judaea,    though  he   did   not   suffer 

Furthermore  he  said  that  the  prophets  uttered  their 
prophecies  under  the  inspiration  of  those  angels  who 
framed  the  world;  for  which  reason  they  who  rest  their 
hope  on  him  and  his  Helena  no  longer  cared  for  them, 
but  as  free  men  could  act  as  they  pleased,  for  that  men 
are  saved  by  his  [i.e.  Simon's]  grace,  and  not  according 
to  their  own  just  works,  for  that  no  acts  were  just  by 
nature,  but  by  accident,  according  to  tlie  rules  estab- 
lished by  the  angels,  who  made  the  world,  and  who 
attempt  by  these  precepts  to  bring  men  into  bondage. 
For  this  reason  he  promised  that  the  world  should  be 
released,  and  those  who  are  his  set  at  liberty  from  the 
government  of  those  who  made  the  world." 

The  chief  sources  of  the  legendary  history  of 
Simon  Magus  are  the  collection  of  writings  known 

as  The  Clementines  (see  Literature, 
5.  Sources  Sub-apostolic;  Peter,  First  Epistle 
of  Legend-  of;  Peter,  Second  Epistle  of). 
ary  His-  What  is  there  said  of  him  is,  that  he 
tory  studied   at  Alexandria,    and   that  he 

had  been,  along  with  the  heresiarch 
Dositheus,  a  disciple  of  John  the  Baptist.  He  be- 
came also  a  disciple  of  Dositheus,  and  afterward 
his  successor.  The  Clementines  comprise  (1)  The 
Homilies,  (2)  The  Recognitions,  and  (3)  The  Epit- 
ome. These  three  are  cognate  works,  and  in  part 
are  identical.  The  date  of  The  Homilies  may 
be  placed  about  160  AD.  The  contents  comprise 
a  supposed  letter  from  the  apostle  Peter  to  the 
apostle  James,  along  with  other  matter.  Then 
follow  the  homilies,  of  which  there  are  twenty. 
These  record  the  supposed  travels  of  Clement,  a 
Rom  citizen.  Clement  meets  with  Barnabas  and 
with  Peter.  Then  there  is  narrated  a  discussion 
between  Peter  and  Simon  Magus.     This  disputation 


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Simon  Magus 
Simon  the  Zealot 


lasts  for  three  days,  Simon  maintaining  that  there 
are  two  gods,  and  that  the  God  of  the  OT  is  an 
imperfect  being.  Simon  Magus  withdraws  to  Tyre 
and  then  to  Sidon.  Peter  follows  Simon  from  place 
to  place,  counteracting  his  sorceries,  and  instructing 
the  people.  At  Laodicea  a  second  disputation  takes 
place  between  the  apostle  and  Simon  on  the  same 
subjects. 

The  Homilies  are  not  a  Christian  protest  against 
Gnosticism,  but  merely  that  of  one  gnostic  school 
or  sect  against  another,  the  Ebionite  against  the 
Marcionite.  The  Deity  of  Christ  is  denied,  and 
He  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  Jewish  prophets. 

In  the  legends  Simon  is  represented  as  constantly 
opposing  Peter,  who  ultimately  discredits  and 
vanquishes  him.  These  legends  occur  in  more 
forms  than  one,  the  earlier  form  selecting  Antioch 
as  the  place  where  Simon  was  discomfited  by  the 
apostle  and  where  he  also  died,  while  the  later 
tradition  chooses  Rome  for  these  events. 

One  tradition  tells  how  the  magician  ordered  his 

followers  to  bury  him  in  a  grave,  promising  that 

if  this  were  done,  he  would  rise  again 

6.  Tradi-  on  the  third  day.  They  did  as  he 
tions  of  His  wished  and  buried  him;  but  this 
Death  was  the  end  of  him,  for  he  did  not 

rise  again. 

Simon  is  said  to  have  met  his  death  at  Rome,  after  an 
encounter  with  the  apostle  Peter.  During  tliis  his 
final  controversy  with  the  apostle,  Simon  had  raised 
himself  in  the  air  by  the  help  of  evil  spirits,  and  in  answer 
to  the  prayer  of  Peter  and  Paul  he  was  (lashed  to  the 
ground  and  killed. 

According  to  another  form  of  this  tradition,  Simon 
proposed  to  give  the  Rom  emperor  a  proof  of  his  power 
by  flying  off  to  God.  He  succeeded,  it  is  said,  in  flying 
for  a  certain  distance  over  Rome,  but  in  answer  to  the 
prayer  of  Peter  he  fell  and  broke  one  of  his  legs.  This 
tradition  accounts  for  his  end  by  saying  that  the  people 
stoned  him  to  death. 

The  Simoniani,   the  Simonians  or  followers   of 

Simon,  were  an  eclectic  sect,  who  seem,  at  one  time, 

to  have  adopted  tenets  and  opinions 

7.  The  derived  from  paganism,  at  another, 
Simoniani      from  Judaism  and  the  beliefs  of  the 

Samaritans,  and  at  another  still,  from 
Christianity.  Sometimes  they  seem  to  have  been 
ascetics;  at  others  they  are  wild  scoffers  at  moral 
law.  They  regarded  Simon  Magus  as  their  Christ, 
or  at  least  as  a  form  of  manifestation  of  the  redeern- 
ing  Christ,  who  had  manifested  Himself  also  in 
Jesus.  The  Simonians  were  one  of  the  minor 
gnostic  sects  and  were  carried  far  away  both  from 
the  doctrine  and  from  the  ethical  spirit  of  the 
Christian  faith. 

Origen  denies  that  the  followers  of  Simon  were 
Christians  in  any  sense.  The  words  of  Origen  are, 
"It  escapes  the  notice  of  Celsus  that  the  Simonians 
do  not  m  any  way  acknowledge  Jesus  as  the  Son 
of  God,  but  they  call  Simon  the  Power  of  God." 
In  the  time  of  Origen  the  followers  of  Simon  had 
dwindled  in  number  to  such  a  degree  that  he  writes, 
"I  do  not  think  it  possible  to  find  that  all  the  fol- 
lowers of  Simon  in  the  whole  world  are  more  than 
thirty:  and  perhaps  I  have  said  more  than  there 
really  are"  {Conlr.  Cels.,  i.57,  quoted  by  Alford, 
GrNT,  Acts  8  9).  ,.       ^. 

Irenaeus  also  has  much  to  say  regardmg  bimon 

and  his  followers.     He  makes  the  legendary  Simon 

identical  with  the  magician  of  Acts  8, 

8.  Was  makes  him  also  the  first  ki  the  list 
Simon  the  which  he  gives  of  heretics,  and  also 
Originator  says  that  it  was  from  him  that  Gnosti- 
of  Gnosti-  cism  sprang.  The  account  which  he 
cism?  gives  of  the  Simonians  shows  that  by 

the  time  when  Irenaeus  lived,  their 
system  had  developed  into  Gnosticism;  but  this 
fact  does  not  justify  Irenaeus  in  the  assertion  that 
Simon  of  Acts  8  is  the  originator  of  the  gnostic 


system.  The  early  Christian  writers  took  this 
view,  and  regarded  Simon  Magus  as  the  founder  of 
Gnosticism.  Perhaps  they  were  right,  "but  from 
the  very  little  authentic  information  we  possess,  it  is 
impossible  to  ascertain  how  far  he  was  identified  with 
their  tenets"  (Alford,  A^ 7',  II,  86).  In  the  midst  of 
the  various  legends  regarding  Simon,  it  may  be  that 
there  is  a  substratum  of  fact,  of  such  a  nature  that 
future  investigation  and  discovery  will  justify 
these  early  Christian  writers  in  their  judgment, 
and  will  show  that  Simon  Magus  is  not  to  be  over- 
looked as  one  of  the  sources  from  which  Gnosticism 
sprang.  The  exact  origin  of  Gnosticism  is  certainly 
difficult  to  trace,  but  there  is  little  or  no  indication 
that  it  arose  from  the  incidents  narrated  in  Acts  8. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  a  connection  is  possible, 
and  may  have  existed  between  the  two,  that  is 
between  Simon  Magus  and  some  of  the  gnostic  here- 
sies; but  the  facts  of  history  show  widespread 
tendencies  at  work,  during  and  even  before  the 
Apostolic  age,  which  amply  account  for  the  rise  of 
Gnosticism.  These  are  found  e.g.  in  the  Alex- 
andrian philosophy,  and  in  the  tenets  of  the  false 
teachers  at  Colossae  and  in  other  places.  These 
philosophical  and  theosophical  ideas  commingled 
with  the  influences  of  Zoroastrianism  from  Persia, 
and  of  Buddhism  from  India,  and  these  tendencies 
and  influences,  taken  in  conjunction,  were  the 
sources  of  the  various  heresies  known  by  the  name 
of  Gnosticism.     See  Gnosticism. 

John  Rdthehfurd 
SIMON  PETER.    See  Peter,  Simon. 

SIMON  THE  CANAANITE,  OR  CANANAEAN, 
OR  ZEALOT  (2£|io)v  Kavavalos,  Simon  Kananaios; 
■'S3|5,  kannd'l,  "the  Jealous  [or  Zealous]  One"): 
One  of  the  Twelve  Apostles.  This  Simon  was  also 
named  "the  Canaanite"  (Mt  10  4;  Mk  3  18  AV) 
or  "the  Cananaean"  (Mt  10  4;  Mk  3  18  RV)  or 
"Zelotes"  (Lk  6  1.5;  Acts  1  13  AV)  or  "the  Zealot" 
(Lk  6  15;  Acts  1  13  RV). 

According  to  the  "  Gospel  of  the  Ebionites  "  or  "  Gospel 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles"  (of  the  2d  cent,  and  mentioned 
by  Origen)  Simon  received  his  call  to  the  apostleship  along 
with  Andrew  and  Peter,  the  sons  of  Zebedee.  Thaddaeus 
and  Judas  Iscariot  at  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  (cf  Mt  4  18- 
22;  see  also  Hennecke,  N eutestamenlliche  Apokryphen, 
24-27). 

Although  Simon,  like  the  majority  of  the  apostles, 
was  probably  a  Galilean,  the  designation  "Cana- 
naean" is  regarded  as  of  political  rather  than  of 
geographical  significance  (of  St.  Luke's  rendering). 
The  Zealots  were  a  faction,  headed  by  Judas  of 
Galilee,  who  "in  the  days  of  the  enrolment"  (cf 
Acts  5  37;  Lk  2  1.2)  bitterly  opposed  the  threat- 
ened increase  of  taxation  at  the  census  of  Quirinius, 
and  would  have  hastened  by  the  sword  the  fulfil- 
ment of  Messianic  prophecy. 

Simon  has  been  identified  with  Simon  the  brother 
of  Jesus  (Mk  6  3;  Mt  13  55),  but  there  also  are 
reasons  in  favor  of  identifying  him  with  Nathanael. 

Thus  (1)  all  the  arguments  adduced  in  favor  of  the 
Bartholomew-Nathanael  identification  (see  Nathanael) 
can  equally  be  applied  to  that  of  Simon-Nathanael,  ex- 
cept the  second.  But  the  second  is  of  no  account,  since 
the  Philip-Bartholomew  connection  in  the  Synoptists 
occurs  merely  in  the  apostolic  lists,  while  in  St.  John  it 
is  narrative.  Further,  in  the  Synopti.sts,  Philip  is  con- 
nected in  the  narrative,  not  with  Bartholomew  but  with 
Andrew. 

(2)  The  identity  is  definitely  stated  in  the  Genealogies 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles  (see  Nathanael).  Further,  the 
"Preaching  of  Simon,  son  of  Cleopas"  (cf  Budge,  II, 
70  fl)  has  the  heading  "The  preaching  of  the  blessed  St. 
Simon,  the  son  of  Cleopas,  who  was  surnamed  Judas, 
which  is  interpreted  Nathanael,  who  became  bishop  of 
Jems  after  James  the  brother  of  Our  Lord."  Eusebius 
(//i?,  Ill,  xi,  32;  IV,xxii)  also  refers  to  a  Simon  who  suc- 
ceeded James  as  bishop  of  Jerus  and  suffered  martyrdom 
under  Trajan;  and  Hegesippus,  whom  Eusebius  pro- 
fesses to  quote,  calls  this  Simon  a  son  of  Cleopas, 


Simple 
Sin 


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(3)  The  invitation  of  Philip  to  Nathanael  (cf  Jn  1  45) 
was  one  which  would  naturally  be  addressed  to  a  follower 
of  the  Zealots,  who  based  their  cause  on  the  fnlfllment  of 
Messianic  prophecy. 

(4)  As  Alphaeiis,  the  father  of  James,  is  generally 
regarded  as  the  same  as  Clopas  or  Cleopas  (see  J.\mes. 
Son  of  Alphaeus),  this  identification  of  the  above 
Simon  Nathanael.  son  of  Cleopas.  with  Simon  Zelotes 
would  shed  light  on  the  reason  of  the  juxtaposition  of 
James  son  of  Alphaeus  and  Simon  Zelotes  in  the  apostolic 
lists  of  St.  Ltike  and  Acts.  i.e.  they  were  brothers. 

C.  M.  Kerr 
SIMPLE,  sim'p'l:  In  the  OT  the  uniform  tr  of  the 
Heb  word  Tpethi  (root  pathdh,  "be  open").  Like  the 
Eng.  word  "simple"  (etymologically  "of  onefold"), 
the  Heb  pelhi  is  used  sometimes  in  a  good  sense, 
i.e.  "open-minded"  (Ps  19  7;  116  6;  119  130, 
possibly  in  all  three  cases  the  sense  is  neutral 
rather  than  yositivdy  good),  and  sometimes  in  a 
bad  sense  (Prov  7  7,  ||  to  "destitute  of  understand- 
ing"; 8  5,  l|  to  "fools"  [blockheads];  14  15,  opposed 
to  prudent).  The  fundamental  idea  of  pelhi  seems 
to  be  open  to  influence,  i,e.  easily  influenced.  That 
one  open  to  influence  should  as  a  rule  be  classed  with 
the  irreligious  is  one  of  many  instances  in  which 
language  is  an  unwilling  witness  to  the  miasmatic 
moral  atmosphere  in  which  we  live.  The  line  be- 
tween moral  weakness  and  moral  turpitude,  between 
negative  goodness  (if  indeed  such  a  thing  be  con- 
ceivable) and  positive  badness,  is  soon  passed. 

In  the  NT  the  word  "simple"  is  found  only  in 
Rom  16  18.19  AV.  In  the  iirst  of  these  passages 
it  is  used  to  translate  dkakos  (RV  "innocent"). 
In  He  7  26  AV  the  same  word  is  rendered  "harm- 
less," the  rendering  of  RV  in  this  instance  being 
"guileless."  This  would  suit  Rom  16  18  better  than 
"innocent."  Guilelessness  is  not  a  synonym  for 
gullibility;  but  the  guileless  are  frequently  the  prey 
of  designing  men.  In  Rom  16  19  the  word  tr*" 
"simple"  is  akeraios,  lit.  "unmixed,"  "sincere" 
(Trench  and  Godet;  Young,  erroneously  "hornless" 
and  so  "harmless").  "Uncontaminated"  seemstobe 
the  idea  of  the  apostle.  He  would  have  those  to 
whom  he  wrote  "wise  as  regards  good"  and  not 
ignorant  as  regards  evil — for  that  would  be  impos- 
sible, even  if  desirable — but  without  that  kind  of 
knowledge  of  evil  that  comes  from  engaging  in  it, 
as  we  say,  mixing  themselves  up  with  it,  unalloyed 
with  evil.  W.  M.  McPheeters 

SIMPLICITY,  sim-plis'i-ti  (n^TlE,  pHhayyulh; 
airXoTiis,  haplMes) :  The  words  in  the  OT  com- 
monly tr"^  "simpUcity"  are  pelhl,  "simple"  (Prov  1 
22),  p'lhayyuth,  "simplicity"  (9  13  m),  torn,  "com- 
pleteness," "integrity"  (2  S  15  11),  "They  went 
in  their  simphcity."  In  the  NT,  haplotes,  'single- 
ness of  mind,"  '  simplicity,"  occurs  in  Rom  12  8, 
"He  that  giveth  let  him  do  it  with  simplicity,"  RV 
"Uberahty,"  m  "Gr  'singleness'";  2  Cor  1  12,  "in 
simplicity  and  godly  sincerity,"  RV  (with  corrected 
text)  "in  holiness  and  sincerity  of  God";  11  3, 
"the  simphcity  that  is  in  Christ,"  RV  (with  cor- 
rected text)  "the  simplicity  and  the  purity  that  is 
toward  Christ";  cf  Eph  6  5;  Col  3  22,  where  the 
tr  is  "singleness."  In  Wisd  1  1  we  have,  "Think  ye 
of  the  Lord  with  a  good  mind  [AV  "heart"],  and  in 
singleness  [AV  "simplicity"]  of  heart  seek  ye  him" 
(haplotes).  Our  Lord  also  speaks  (Mt  6  22;  Lk 
11  34)  of  the  "single  eye"  (haploiis),  and  James 
(1  5)  applies  haplos,  "simply,"  "directly,"  without 
after-thought  (AV  and  RV  "liberally"]  to  God, 
who  had  been  described  by  Plato  {Rep.  ii.382  E) 
as  tjeing  perfectly  simple  (haplous)  and  true,  both 
in  word  and  deed.  In  such  "simplicity" — openness, 
sincerity,  freedom  from  double-mindedncss — man 
most  resembles  God  and  is  most  open  to  His  visita- 
tion and  blessing.  W.  L.  Walker 

SIMRI,  sim'ri.     See  Shimri. 


SIN  (nXEin,  hatta'th,  "a  missing,"  117,  'awon, 
"perversity,"  J'lpS ,  pesha',  "transgression,"  37^, 
ra'',  "evil,"  etc;  a(iapTdva),  hamartdno,  "miss  the 
mark,"  iropdpao-is,  pardbasis,  "transgression"  with 
a  suggestion  of  violence,  dSiKCo,  adikia,  "injustice," 
"unrighteousness") ; 

1.  Sin  as  Disobedience 

2.  Affects  the  Inner  Life 

3.  Involves  All  Men 

4.  The  Story  of  the  Fall 

5.  The  Freedom  of  Man 

6.  A  Transgression  against  Light 

7.  Inwardness  of  the  Moral  Law 

(1)  Prophets 

(2)  Paul 

(3)  Jesus 

8.  Sin  a  Positive  Force 

9.  Heredity 

10.  Environment 

11.  Redemption 

12.  Life  in  Christ 

13.  Repentance 

14.  Forgiveness 

LiTER.VTURE 

A  fairly  exact  definition  of  sin  based  on  Bib.  data 

would  be  that  sin  is  the  transgression  of  the  law 

of    God    (1  Jn  3  4).     Ordinarily,    sin 

1.  Sin  as  is  defined  simply  as  "the  transgression 
Disobedi-  of  the  law,"  but  the  idea  of  God  is  so 
ence  completely    the    essential    conception 

of  the  entire  Bib.  revelation  that  we  can 
best  define  sin  as  disobedience  to  the  law  of  God. 
It  will  be  seen  that  primarily  sin  is  an  act,  but  from 
the  very  beginning  it  has  been  known  that  acts 
have  effects,   not  only   in  the  outward   world   of 

things    and    persons,    but    also    upon 

2.  Affects  him  who  commits  the  act.  Hence  we 
the  Inner  find  throughout  the  Scriptures  a 
Life  growing  emphasis  on  the  idea  of  the 

sinful  act  as  not  only  a  fact  in  itself, 
but  also  as  a  revelation  of  an  evil  disposition  on 
the  part  of  him  who  commits  the  act  (Gen  6  5). 

Then  also  there  is  the  further  idea  that 

3.  Involves  deeds  which  so  profoundly  affect  the 
All  Men         inner  life  of  an  individual  in  some  way 

have  an  effect  in  transmitting  evil 
tendencies  to  the  descendants  of  a  sinful  individual 
(Ps  51  5.6;  Eph  2  3).  See  Heredity;  Tradition. 
Hence,  we  reach  shortly  the  conception,  not  only 
that  sin  is  profoundly  inner  in  its  consequences,  but 
that  its  effects  reach  outward  also  to  an  extent 
which  practically  involves  the  race.  Around  these 
various  items  of  doctrine  differing  systems  of  the- 
ology have  sprung  up. 

Students  of  all  schools  are  agreed  that  we  have 
in  the  OT  story  of  the  fall  of  Adam  an  eternally  true 

account  of  the  way  sin  comes  into  the 

4.  Story  of  world  (Gen  3  1-6).  The  question  is 
the  Fall  not  so  much  as  to  the  literal  historic 

matter-of-factness  of  the  narrative, 
as  to  its  essentially  psychological  truthfulness.  The 
essential  thought  of  the  narrative  is  that  both  Adam 
and  Eve  disobeyed  an  express  command  of  God. 
The  seductiveness  of  temptation  is  nowhere  more 
forcefully  stated  than  in  this  narrative.  The  fruit 
of  the  tree  is  pleasant  to  look  upon;  it  is  good  to 
eat;  it  is  to  be  desired  to  make  one  wise;  more- 
over, the  tempter  moves  upon  the  woman  by  the 
method  of  the  half  truth  (see  Adam  in  the  OT). 
God  had  said  that  disobedience  to  the  command 
would  bring  death;  the  tempter  urged  that  disobedi- 
ence would  not  bring  death,  implying  that  the  com- 
mand of  God  had  meant  that  death  would  imme- 
diately follow  the  eating  of  the  forbidden  fruit. 
In  the  story  the  various  avenues  of  approach  of  sin 
to  the  human  heart  are  graphically  suggested,  but 
after  the  seductiveness  of  evil  has  thus  been  set 
forth,  the  fact  remains  that  both  transgressors  knew 
they  were  transgressing  (Gen  3  2f).  Of  course,  the 
story  is  told  in  simple,  naive  fashion,  but  its  per- 


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Simple 
Sin 


ennial  spiritual  truth  is  at  once  apparent.  There 
has  been  much  progress  in  religious  thinking  con- 
cerning sin  during  the  Christian  ages,  but  the  prog- 
ress has  not  been  away  from  this  central  concep- 
tion of  wilful  disobedience  to  the  law  of  God. 

In  this  early  Bib.  account  there  is  implicit  the 
thought  of  the  freedom  of  man.     The  idea  of  trans- 
gression   has    sometimes    been    inter- 
6.  Freedom  preted  in  such  wise  as  to  do  away  with 
of  Man  this  freedom.     An  unbiased  reading  of 

the  Scriptures  would,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  some  passages  which  designedly  lay 
stress  on  the  power  of  God  (Rom  8  29.30),  pro- 
duce on  the  mind  the  impression  that  freedom  is 
essential  to  sin.  Certainly  there  is  nothing  in  the 
account  of  the  OT  or  NT  narratives  to  warrant 
the  conception  that  men  are  bom  into  sin  by  forces 
over  which  they  have  no  control.  The  argument  of 
the  tempter  with  the  woman  is  an  argument  aimed 
at  her  will.  By  easy  steps,  indeed,  she  moves 
toward  the  transgression,  but  the  transgression  is  a 
transgression  and  nothing  else.  Of  course,  the  evil 
deed  is  at  once  followed  by  attempts  on  the  part  of 
the  transgressors  to  explain  themselves,  but  the 
futility  of  the  explanations  is  part  of  the  point  of 
the  narrative.  In  all  discussion  of  the  problem  of 
freedom  as  relating  to  sin,  we  must  remember  that 
the  Bib.  revelation  is  from  first  to  last  busy  with 
the  thought  of  the  righteousness  and  justice  and 
love  of  God  (Gen  6  9  tells  us  that  because  of 
justice  or  righteousness,  Noah  walked  with  God). 
Unless  we  accept  the  doctrine  that  God  is  Himself 
not  free,  a  doctrine  which  is  nowhere  implied  in  the 
Scripture,  we  must  insist  that  the  condemnation  of 
men  as  sinful,  when  they  have  not  had  freedom  to 
be  otherwise  than  sinful,  is  out  of  harmony  with  the 
Bib.  revelation  of  the  character  of  God.  Of  course 
this  does  not  mean  that  a  man  is  free  in  aU  things. 
Freedom  is  limited  in  various  ways,  but  we  must 
retain  enough  of  freedom  in  our  thought  of  the 
constitution  of  men  to  make  possible  our  holding 
fast  to  the  Bib.  idea  of  sin  as  transgression.  Some 
who  take  the  Bib.  narrative  as  literal  historical  fact 
maintain  that  all  men  sinned  in  Adam  (see  Impu- 
tation, III,  1).  Adam  may  have  been  tree  to  sin 
or  not  to  sin,  but,  "in  his  faU  we  sinned  all."  We 
shall  mention  the  hereditary  influences  of  sin  in  a 
later  paragraph;  here  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  even 
if  the  first  man  had  not  sinned,  there  is  nothing  in 
our  thought  of  the  nature  of  man  to  make  it  im- 
possible to  believe  that  the  sinful  course  of  human 
history  could  have  been  initiated  by  some  descend- 
ant of  the  first  man  far  down  the  line. 

The  progress  of  the  Bib.  teaching  concerning  sin 
also  would  seem  to  imply  that  the  transgression  of 
the  law  must  be  a  transgression  com- 
6.  Trans-  mitted  against  the  light  (Acts  17  30; 
gression  1  Tim  1  13).  To  be  sinful  in  any 
against  full  sense  of  the  word,   a  man  must 

Light  know  that  the  course  which  he  is  adopt- 

ing is  an  evil  course.  This  does  not 
necessarily  mean  a  full  realization  of  the  evil  of  the 
course.  It  is  a  fact,  both  of  Bib.  revelation  and  of 
revelation  of  all  times,  that  men  who  commit  sin 
do  not  reaUze  the  full  evil  of  their  deeds  until  after 
the  sin  has  been  committed  (2  S  12  1-13).  This 
is  partly  because  the  consequences'  of  sin  do  not 
declare  themselves  until  after  the  deed  has  been 
committed ;  partly  also  because  of  the  remorse  of  the 
conscience;  and  partly  from  the  humihation  at 
being  discovered;  but  in  some  sense  there  must  be 
a  reaUzation  of  the  evil  of  a  course  to  make  the 
adoption  of  the  course  sinful.  E.g.  m  estimatmg 
the  moral  worth  of  Bib.  characters,  esp.  those  ot 
earlier  times,  we  must  keep  in  mind  the  standards 
of  the  times  in  which  they  lived.  These  standards 
were  partly  set  by  the  customs  of  the  social  group, 


but  the  customs  were,  in  many  cases,  made  sacred  by 
the  claim  of  Divine  sanction.  Hence  we  find  Bib. 
characters  giving  themselves  readily  to  polygamy 
and  warfare.  The  Scriptures  themselves,  however, 
throw  fight  upon  this  problem.  They  refer  to  early 
times  as  times  of  ignorance,  an  ignorance  which  God 
Himself  was  willing  to  overlook  (Acts  17  30). 
Even  so  ripe  a  moral  consciousness  as  that  of 
Paul  felt  that  there  was  ground  for  forgiveness 
toward  a  course  which  he  himself  later  considered 
evil,  because  in  that  earfier  course  he  had  acted 
ignorantly  (Acts  26  9;   1  Tim  1  13). 

The  Bib.  narratives,  too,  show  us  the  passage 
over  from   sin   conceived   of   as   the   violation   of 

external  commands  to  sin  conceived 
7.  Inward-  of  as  an  unwiUingness  to  keep  the 
ness  of  the  commandments  in  the  depths  of  the 
Moral  Law    inner  life.     The  course  of  Bib.  history 

is  one  long  protest  against  conceiving 
of  sin  in  an  external  fashion. 

(1)  Prophets. — In  the  sources  of  light  which  are 
to  help  men  discern  good  from  evil,  increasing  stress 
is  laid  upon  inner  moral  insight  (cf  Isa  58  5t;  Hos 
6  1-7).  The  power  of  the  prophets  was  in  their 
direct  moral  insight  and  the  fervor  with  which  they 
made  these  insights  real  to  the  mass  of  the  people. 
Of  course  it  was  necessary  that  the  spirit  of  the 
prophets  be  given  body  and  form  in  carefully  artic- 
ulated law.  The  progress  of  the  Hebrews  from  the 
insight  of  the  seer  to  the  statute  of  the  lawmaker  was 
not  different  from  such  progress  in  any  other  nations. 
It  is  easy  to  see,  however,  how  the  hardening  of 
moral  precepts  into  formal  codes,  absolutely  neces- 
sary as  that  task  was,  led  to  an  externalizing  of  the 
thought  of  sin.  The  man  who  did  not  keep  the 
formal  law  was  a  sinner.  On  such  basis  there 
grew  up  the  artificial  systems  which  came  to  their 
culmination  in  the  NT  times  in  Pharisaism.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  fresh  insight  by  a  new  prophet  might 
be  in  violation  of  the  Law,  considered  in  its  literal 
aspects.  It  might  be  necessary  for  a  prophet  to 
attack  outright  some  additions  to  the  Law.  We 
regard  as  a  high-water  mark  of  OT  moral  utterances 
the  word  of  Micah  that  the  Lord  requires  men  to 
do  justly  and  to  love  mercy  and  to  walk  humbly 
with  Him  (6  8).  At  the  time  this  word  was 
uttered,  the  people  were  giving  themselves  up  to 
multitudes  of  sacrifices.  Many  of  these  sacrifices 
called  for  the  heaviest  sufferings  on  the  part  of  the 
worshippers.  It  would  seem  that  an  obligation 
to  sacrifice  the  firstborn  was  beginning  to  be  taught 
in  order  that  the  Hebrews  might  not  be  behind  the 
neighboring  heathen  nations  in  observances  of 
religious  codes.  The  simple  direct  word  of  Micah 
must  have  seemed  heresy  to  many  of  its  first 
hearers.  The  outcome,  however,  of  this  conflict 
between  the  inner  and  the  outer  in  the  thought 
of  transgression  was  finally  to  deepen  the  springs 
of  the  inner  Ufe.  The  extremes  of  externalism  led 
to  a  break  with  moral  realities  which  tended  to 
become  apparent  to  the  most  ordinary  observer. 
The  invective  of  Jesus  against  NT  Pharisaism 
took  its  force  largely  from  the  fact  that  Jesus  gave 
clear  utterance  to  what  everyone  knew.  Those  who 
thought  of  religion  as  external  gave  themselves 
to  formal  keeping  of  the  commandments  and  allowed 
the  inner  life  to  run  riot  as  it  would  (Mt  23  23, 
et  al.). 

(2)  Paul. — With  the  more  serious-minded  the 
keeping  of  the  Law  became  more  and  more  a  matter 
of  the  inner  spirit.  There  were  some  who,  like 
Paul,  found  it  impossible  to  keep  the  Law  and 
find  peace  of  conscience  (Rom  7).  It  was  this 
very  unpossibUity  which  forced  some,  like  Paul,  to 
understand  that,  after  aU,  sin  or  righteousness 
must  be  judged  by  the  inner  disposition.  It  was 
this  which  led  to  the  search  for  a  conception  of  a 


Sin 


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2800 


God  who  looks  chiefly  at  the  heart  and  judges  men 
by  the  inner  motive. 

(3)  Jesus. — In  the  teaching  of  Jesus  the  emphasis 
upon  the  inner  spirit  as  the  essential  factor  in  the 
moral  life  came  to  its  climax.  Jesus  honored  the 
Law,  but  He  pushed  the  keeping  of  the  Law  back 
from  the  mere  performance  of  externals  to  the  inner 
stirrings  of  motives.  It  is  not  merely  the  actual 
commission  of  adultery,  for  example,  that  is  sin: 
it  is  the  lustful  desire  which  leads  to  the  evil  glance; 
i*  is  not  merely  the  actual  killing  of  the  man  that  is 
murder;  it  is  the  spirit  of  hatred  which  makes  the 
thought  of  murder  welcome  (Mt  5  21.27).  Paul 
caught  the  spirit  of  Jesus  and  carried  the  thought 
of  Jesus  out  into  more  elaborate  and  formal  state- 
ments. There  is  a  law  of  the  inner  life  with  which 
man  should  bind  himself,  and  this  law  is  the  law  of 
Christ's  life  itself  (Rom  8  1-4).  While  both 
Jesus  and  Paul  recognized  the  place  of  the  formal 
codes  in  the  moral  life  of  individuals  and  societies, 
they  wrought  a  great  service  for  righteousness 
io  setting  on  high  the  obHgations  upon  the  inner 
spirit.  The  follower  of  Christ  is  to  guard  the  inmost 
thoughts  of  his  heart.  The  commandments  are 
not  always  precepts  which  can  be  given  articulated 
statement;  they  are  rather  instincts  and  intuitions 
and  glimpses  which  must  be  followed,  even  when  we 
cannot  give  them  full  statement. 

From  this  standpoint  we  are  able  to  discern  some- 
thing of  the  force  of  the  Bib.  teaching  as  to  whether 

sin  is  to  be  looked  upon  as  negative 
8.  Sin  a  or  positive.  Very  often  sin  is  defined 
Positive  as    the    mere    absence    of    goodness. 

Force  The  man  who  sins  is  one  who  does  not 

keep  the  Law.  This,  however,  is 
hardly  the  full  Bib.  conception.  Of  course,  the 
man  who  does  not  keep  the  Law  is  regarded  as 
a  sinner,  but  the  idea  of  transgression  is  very  often 
that  of  a  positive  refusal  to  keep  the  commandment 
and  a  breaking  of  the  commandment.  Two 
courses  are  set  before  men,  one  good,  the  other 
evil.  The  evil  course  is,  in  a  sense,  something  posi- 
tive in  itself.  The  evil  man  does  not  stand  still;  he 
moves  as  truly  as  the  good  man  moves;  he  becomes 
a  positive  force  for  evil.  In  all  our  discussions  we 
must  keep  clearly  in  mind  the  truth  that  evil  is 
not  something  existing  in  and  by  itself.  The 
Scriptures  deal  with  evil  men,  and  the  evil  men  are 
as  positive  as  their  natures  permit  them  to  be.  In 
this  sense  of  the  word  sin  does  run  a  course  of  posi- 
tive destruction.  In  the  thought,  e.g.,  of  the  writer 
who  describes  the  conditions  which,  in  his  belief, 
made  necessary  the  Flood,  we  have  a  positive  state 
of  evil  contaminating  almost  the  whole  world  (Gen 
6  11).  It  would  be  absurd  to  characterize  the 
world  in  the  midst  of  which  Noah  lived  as  merely  a 
negative  world.  The  world  was  positively  set 
toward  evil.  And  so,  in  later  writings,  Paul's 
thought  of  Rom  society  is  of  a  world  of  sinful  men 
moving  with  increasing  velocity  toward  the  de- 
struction of  themselves  and  of  all  around  them 
through  doing  evil.  It  is  impo.ssible  to  believe  that 
Rom  1  conceives  of  sin  merely  in  negative  terms. 
We  repeat,  we  do  not  do  full  justice  to  the  Bib. 
conception  when  we  speak  of  sin  merely  in  negative 
terms.  If  we  may  be  permitted  to  use  a  present- 
day  illustration,  we  may  say  that  in  the  Bib.  thought 
sinful  men  are  like  the  destructive  forces  in  the 
world  of  Nature  which  must  be  removed  before 
there  can  be  peace  and  health  for  human  life.  For 
example,  science  today  has  much  to  say  concern- 
ing germs  of  diseases  which  prove  destructive  to 
human  life.  A  large  part  of  modern  scientific 
effort  has  been  to  rid  the  world  of  these  germs,  or  at 
least  to  cleanse  human  surroundings  from  their 
contaminating  touch.  The  man  who  sterilizes 
the  human  environment  so  that  these  forces  cannot 


touch  men  does  in  one  sense  a  merely  negative 
work;  in  another  sense,  however,  his  work  makes 
possible  the  positive  development  of  the  forces 
which  make  for  health. 

It  is  from  this  thought  of  the  positiveness  of 

sin  that  we  are  to  approach  the  problem  of  the 

hereditary  transmission  of  evil.     The 

9.  Heredity  Bib.    teaching   has   often   been    mis- 

interpreted at  this  point.  Apart  from 
certain  passages,  esp.  those  of  St.  Paul,  which  set 
forth  the  practically  universal  contamination  of 
sin  (e.g.  Rom  5  18,  etc),  there  is  nothing  in  the 
Scriptures  to  suggest  the  idea  that  men  are  born  into 
the  world  under  a  weight  of  guilt.  We  hold  fast  to 
the  idea  of  God  as  a  God  of  justice  and  love.  There 
is  no  way  of  reconciling  these  attributes  with  the 
condemnation  of  human  souls  before  these  souls  have 
themselves  transgressed.  Of  course  much  theologi- 
cal teaching  moves  on  the  assumption  that  the 
tendencies  to  evil  are  so  great  that  the  souls  will 
necessarily  trangress,  but  we  must  keep  clearly  in 
mind  the  difference  between  a  tendency  to  evil  and 
the  actual  commission  of  evil.  Modern  scientific 
research  reinforces  the  conception  that  the  children 
of  sinful  parents,  whose  sins  have  been  such  as  to 
impress  their  lives  throughout,  will  very  soon  mani- 
fest symptoms  of  evil  tendency.  Even  in  this  case, 
however,  we  must  distinguish  between  the  psycho- 
logical and  moral.  The  child  may  be  given  a 
wrong  tendency  from  birth,  not  only  by  hereditary 
transmission,  but  by  the  imitation  of  sinful  parents; 
yet  the  question  of  the  child's  own  personal  re- 
sponsibility is  altogether  another  matter.  Modern 
society  has  come  to  recognize  something  of  the 
force  of  this  distinction.  In  dealing  with  extreme 
cases  of  this  kind,  the  question  of  the  personal  guilt 
of  the  child  is  not  raised.  The  attempt  is  to  throw 
round  about  the  child  an  environment  that  will 
correct  the  abnormal  tendency.  But  there  can  be 
little  gainsaying  the  fact  that  the  presence  of  sin  in 
the  life  of  the  parent  may  go  as  far  as  to  mark  the 
life  of  the  child  with  the  sinful  tendency. 

The  positive  force  of  sinful  life  also  appears  in 

the  effect  of  sin  upon  the  environment  of  men.     It  is 

not  necessary  for  us  to  believe  that  all 

10.  En-  the    physical    universe    was     cursed 
viromnent     by   the  Almighty   because   of   man's 

sin,  in  order  to  hold  that  there  is  a 
curse  upon  the  world  because  of  the  presence  of 
sinful  men.  Men  have  sinfully  despoiled  the  world 
for  their  own  selfish  purposes.  They  have  wasted 
its  resources.  They  have  turned  forces  which 
ought  to  have  made  for  good  into  the  channels  of 
evil.  In  their  contacts  with  one  another  also,  evil 
men  furnish  an  evil  environment.  If  the  employer 
of  100  men  be  himself  evil,  he  is  to  a  great  extent 
the  evil  environment  of  those  100  men.  The  curse 
of  his  evil  is  upon  them.  So  with  the  relations  of 
men  in  larger  social  groups :  the  forces  of  state-life 
which  are  intended  to  work  for  good  can  be  made  to 
work  for  evil.  So  far  has  this  gone  that  some  earnest 
minds  have  thought  of  the  material  and  social  realms 
as  necessarily  and  inherently  evil.  In  other  days 
this  led  to  retreats  from  the  world  in  monasteries 
and  in  solitary  cells.  In  our  present  time  the  same 
thought  is  back  of  much  of  the  pessimist  idea 
that  the  world  itself  is  like  a  sinking  ship,  absolutely 
doomed.  The  most  we  can  hope  for  is  to  save 
individuals  here  and  there  from  imminent  destruc- 
tion. Yet  a  more  Bib.  conception  keeps  clear  of 
all  this.  The  material  forces  of  the  world — apart 
from  certain  massive  physical  necessities  (e.g. 
earthquakes,  storms,  floods,  whirlwinds,  fires,  etc), 
whose  presence  floes  more  to  furnish  the  conditions 
of  moral  growth  than  to  discourage  that  growth — 
are  what  men  cause  them  to  be.  Social  forces  are 
nothing  apart  from  the  men  who  are  themselves  the 


2801 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Sin 


forces.  No  one  oan  deny  that  evil  men  can  use 
physical  forces  for  evil  purposes,  and  that  evil  men 
can  make  bad  social  forces,  but  both  these  forces, 
can  be  used  for  good  as  well  as  for  evil.  "The  whole 
creation  groaneth  and  travaileth  in  pain"  waiting 
for  the  redemption  at  the  hands  of  the  sons  of 
God  (Rom  8  19-23). 

In   the  thought   of  Jesus,  righteousness   is  life. 

Jesus  came  that  men  might  have  life  (Jn  10  10). 

It  must  follow  therefore  that  in  His 

11.  Re-  thought  sin  is  death,  or  rather  it  is 
demption       the   positive   course   of   transgression 

which  makes  toward  death  (Jn  5  24). 
But  man  is  to  cease  to  do  evil  and  to  learn  to  do  well. 
He  is  to  face  about  and  walk  in  a  different  direction; 
he  is  to  be  born  from  above  (Jn  3  3),  and  surrender 
himself  to  the  forces  which  beat  upon  him  from 
above  rather  than  to  those  which  surge  upon  him 
from  below  (Rom  12  2).  From  the  reahzation  of 
the  positiveness  both  of  sin  and  of  righteousness, 
we  see  the  need  of  a  positive  force  which  is  to  bring 
men  from  sin  to  righteousness  (Jn  3  3-8). 

Of  course,  in  what  we  have  said  of  the  positive 
nature  of  sin  we  would  not  deny  that  there  are 
multitudes  of  men  whose  evil  consists  in  their  pas- 
sive acquiescence  in  a  low  moral  state.  Multitudes 
of  men  may  not  be  lost,  in  the  sense  that  they  are 
breaking  the  more  obvious  of  the  commandments. 
They  are  lost,  in  the  sense  that  they  are  drifting 
about,  or  that  they  are  existing  in  a  condition  of 
inertness  with  no  great  interest  in  high  spiritual 
ideals.  But  the  problem  even  here  is  to  find  a  force 
strong  enough  and  positive  enough  to  bring  such 
persons  to  themselves  and  to  God.  In  any  case 
the  Scriptures  lay  stress  upon  the  seriousness  of  the 
problem  constituted  by  sin.  The  Bible  is  centered 
on  redemption.  Redemption  from  sin  is  thought 
of  as  carrying  with  it  redemption  from  all  other 
calamities.  If  the  kingdom  of  God  and  of  His 
righteousness  can  be  seized,  all  other  things  will 
follow  with  the  seizure  (Mt  6  33).  The  work  of 
Christ  is  set  before  us  as  chiefly  a  work  of  redemp- 
tion from  sin.  A  keen  student  once  observed  that 
almost  aU  failures  to  take  an  adequate  view  of  the 
person  of  Christ  can  be  traced  to  a  failure  to  realize 
adequately  the  seriousness  of  sin.  The  problem 
of  changing  the  course  of  something  so  positive  as  a 
life  set  toward  sin  is  a  problem  which  may  well  tax 
the  resources  of  the  Almighty.  Lives  cannot  be 
transformed  merely  by  precept.  The  only  effective 
force  is  the  force  of  a  Divine  life  which  will  reach 
and  save  human  lives  (see  Redemption).  _ 

We  are  thus  in  a  position  to  see  something  of  the 

positiveness  of  the  life  that  must  be  in  Christ  if 

He  is  to  be  a  Saviour  from  sin.     That 

12.  Life  in  positiveness  must  be  powerful  enough 
Christ  to  make  men  feel  that  in  some  real 

sense  God  Himself  has  come  to  their 
rescue  (Rom  8  32-39).  For  the  problem  of  sal- 
vation from  sin  is  manifold.  Sm  long  persisted  m 
begets  evil  habits,  and  the  habits  must  be  broken. 
Sin  lays  the  conscience  under  a  load  of  distress,  for 
which  the  only  rehef  is  a  sense  of  forgiveness.  Sm 
blights  and  paralyzes  the  faculties  to  such  a  degree 
that  only  the  mightiest  of  tonic  forces  can  bring 
back  health  and  strength.  And  the  problem  is 
often  more  serious  than  this.  The  presence  of  evi 
in  the  world  is  so  serious  in  the  sight  of  a  Holy  God 
that  He  Himself,  because  of  His  very  hohness,  must 
be  under  stupendous  obligation  to  aid  us  to  the 
utmost  for  the  redemption  of  men.  Out  of  the 
thought  of  the  disturbance  which  sin  makes  even 
in  the  heart  of  God,  we  see  something  of  the 
reason  for  the  doctrine  that  in  the -cross  of  Christ 
God  was  discharging  a  debt  to  Himself  and  to 
the  whole  world;  for  the  insistence  also  that  m 
the  cross  there  is  opened  up  a  fountain  of  life, 


which,  if  accepted  by  sinful  men,  will  heal  and  re- 
store them. 

It  is  with  thLs  seriousness  of  sin  before  us  that  we 
must  think  ef  forgiveness  from  sin.     We  can  under- 
stand very  readily  that  sin  can  be  for- 

13.  Repent-  given  only  on  condition  that  men  seek 
ance  forgiveness  in  the  name  of  the  highest 

manifestation  of  holiness  which  they 
have  known.  For  those  who  have  heard  the  preach- 
ing of  the  cross  and  have  seen  something  of  the 
real  meaning  of  that  preaching,  the  way  to  for- 
giveness is  in  the  name  of  the  cross.  In  the  name  of 
a  holiness  which  men  would  make  their  own,  if 
they  could;  in  the  name  of  an  ideal  of  holy  love 
which  men  of  themselves  cannot  reach,  but  which 
they  forever  strive  after,  they  seek  forgiveness. 
But  the  forgiveness  is  to  be  taken  seriously.  In  both 
the  OT  and  NT  repentance  is  not  merely  a  changed 
attitude  of  mind.  It  is  an  attitude  which  shows  its 
sincerity  by  willingness  to  do  everything  possible 
to  undo  the  evil  which  the  sinner  has  wrought  (Lk 
19  8).  If  there  is  any  consequence  of  the  sinner's 
own  sin  which  the  sinner  can  himself  make  right, 
the  sinner  must  in  himself  genuinely  repent  and 
make  that  consequence  right.  In  one  sense 
repentance  is  not  altogether  something  done  once 
for  all.  The  seductiveness  of  sin  is  so  great  that 
there  is  need  of  humble  and  continuous  watching. 
While  anything  like  a  morbid  introspection  is 
unscriptural,  constant  alertness  to  keep  to  the 
straight  and  narrow  path  is  everywhere  enjoined 
as  an  obUgation  (Gal  6  1). 

There   is   nothing   in   the    Scriptures  which  will 
warrant  the  idea  that  forgiveness  is  to  be  conceived 

of  in  such  fashion  as  would  teach  that 

14.  For-         the  consequences  of  sin  can  be  easily 
giveness         and   quickly   eliminated.     Change   in 

the  attitude  of  a  sinner  necessarily 
means  change  in  the  attitude  of  God.  The  sinner 
and  God,  however,  are  persons,  and  the  Scriptures 
always  speak  of  the  problem  of  sin  after  a  com- 
pletely personal  fashion.  The  changed  attitude 
affects  the  personal  standing  of  the  sinner  in  the 
sight  of  God.  But  God  is  the  person  who  creates 
and  carries  on  a  moral  universe.  In  carrying  on 
that  universe  He  must  keep  moral  considerations 
in  their  proper  place  as  the  constitutional  principles 
of  the  universe.  While  the  father  welcomes  back 
the  prodigal  to  the  restored  personal  relations  with 
himself,  he  cannot,  in  the  full  sense,  blot  out  the 
fact  that  the  prodigal  has  been  a  prodigal.  The 
personal  forgiveness  may  be  complete,  but  the 
elimination  of  the  consequences  of  the  evil  life  is 
possible  only  through  the  long  lines  of  healing  set  at 
work.  The  man  who  has  sinned  against  his  body 
can  find  restoration  from  the  consequences  of  the 
sin  only  in  the  forces  which  make  for  bodily  healing. 
So  also  with  the  mind  and  will.  The  mind  which 
has  thought  evil  must  be  cured  of  its  tendency  to 
think  evil.  To  be  sure  the  curative  processes  may 
come  almost  instantly  through  the  upheaval  of  a 
great  experience,  but  on  the  other  hand,  the  cura- 
tive processes  may  have  to  work  through  long  years 
(see  Sanctification).  The  will  which  has  been 
given  to  sin  may  feel  the  stirrings  of  sin  after  the 
life  of  forgiveness  has  begun.  All  this  is  a  manifes- 
tation, not  only  of  the  power  of  sin,  but  of  the 
constitutional  morality  of  the  universe.  Forgive- 
ness must  not  be  interpreted  in  such  terms  as  to 
make  the  transgression  of  the  Law  of  God  in  any 
sense  a  light  or  trivial  offence.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  must  not  set  limits  to  the  curative  powers 
of  the  cross  of  God.  With  the  removal  of  the  power 
which  makes  for  evil  the  possibility  of  development 
in  real  human  experience  is  before  the  life  (see 
Forgiveness).  The  word  of  the  Master  is  that  He 
"came  that  they  may  have  life,  and  may  have  it 


Sin 
Sinai 


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abundantly"  (Jn  10  10).  Sin  is  serious,  because 
it  thwarts  life.  Sin  is  given  so  large  a  place  in  the 
thought  of  the  Bib.  writers  simply  because  it  blocks 
the  channel  of  that  movement  toward  the  fullest 
life  which  the  Scriptures  teach  is  the  aim  of  God  in 
placing  men  in  the  world.  God  is  conceived  of  as 
the  Father  in  Heaven.  Sin  has  a  deeply  disturbing 
effect  in  restraining  the  relations  between  the 
Father  and  the  sons  and  of  preventing  the  proper 
development  of  the  life  of  the  sons.  See  further, 
Ethics,  I,  3,  (2);  Ethics  of  Jesus,  I,  2;  Guilt; 
JoHANNiNE  Theology,  V,  1;  Paul  the  Apostle; 
Pauline   Theology;    Redemption,   etc. 

LiTERATTTRE. — Tennant,  Origin  and  Propagation  of  Sin; 
Hyde,  .Sin  and  Its  Forgiveness;  chapter  On  "Incarnation 
and  Atonement"  in  Bowne's  Studies  in  Christianity; 
Stevens  Christian  Doctrine  of  Salvation;  Clarke,  Chris- 
tian Doctrine  of  God;  various  treatises  on 
Systematic  Theology.        ,    , ,    ^ 

Francis  J.  McConnell 

SIN,  sin  (T'P,  sin,  "day  or  mud"; 
^vl]v<],  Sutne,  A,  Tdvis,  Tdnis):  A  city 
of  Egypt  mentioned  only  in  Ezk  30  15.16. 
This  seems  to  be  a  pure  Sem  name.  The 
ancient  Egyp  name,  if  the  place  ever  had 
one  such,  is  unknown.  Pelusium  (Gr 
IlcXoi/ffioi',  Pelousion)  also  meant  "the 
clayey  or  muddy  town."  The  Pelusiac 
mouth  of  the  Nile  was  "the  muddy 
mouth,"  and  the  modern  Arab,  name  of 
this  mouth  has  the  same  significance. 
These  facts  make  it  practically  certain 
that  the  Vulg  is  correct  in  identifying  S. 
with  Pelusium.  But  although  Pelusium 
appears  very  frequently  in  ancient  history, 
its  exact  location  is  still  not  entirely 
certain.  The  Ust  of  cities  mentioned  in 
Ezk  in  connection  with  S.  furnishes  no 
clue  to  its  location.  From  other  histori- 
cal notices  it  seems  to  have  been  a  frontier 
city.  Rameses  II  built  a  wall  from  S.  to 
Hehopolis,  probably  by  the  aid  of  Heb 
slaves  (Diodorus  Siculus;  cf  Budge,  Hist 
oj  Egypt,  V,  90),  to  protect  the  eastern 
frontier.  S.  was  a  meeting-place  of  Egypt 
with  her  enemies  who  came  to  attack  her, 
many  great  battles  being  fought  at  or 
near  this  place.  Sennacherib  and  Cam- 
byses  both  fought  Egypt  near  Pelusium 
(Herod,  ii. 141;  iii. 10-13).  Antiochus  IV 
defeated  the  Egyptians  here  (Budge,  VIII, 
25),  and  the  Romans  under  Gabinius  de- 
feated the  Egyptians  in  the  same  neighbor- 
hood. Pelusium  was  also  accessible  from 
the  sea,  or  was  very  near  a  seaport,  for 
Pompey  after  the  disaster  at  PharsaUa  fled  into 
Egypt,  sailing  for  Pelusium.  These  historical 
notices  of  Pelusium  make  its  usual  identification 
with  the  ruins  near  el-Kantara,  a  station  on  the 
Suez  Canal  29  miles  S.  of  Port  Said,  most  prob- 
able. "S.,  the  stronghold  of  Egypt,"  in  the  words  of 
Ezk  (30  15),  would  thus  refer  to  its  inaccessibiUty 
because  of  swamps  which  served  as  impassable 
moats.  The  wall  on  the  S.  and  the  sea  on  the  N. 
also  protected  it  on  either  flank.        M.  G.  Kyle 

SIN  AGAINST  THE  HOLY  GHOST  (SPIRIT). 

See  Blasphemy. 

SIN,  MAN  OF.     See  Man  op  Sin. 

SIN  MONEY.     See  Sacrifice  in  the  OT. 

SIN  OFFERING.     See  Sacrifice. 

SIN,  WILDERNESS  OF.     See  Wanderings  op 
Israel. 


SINA,   si'na: 
(q.v.). 


In  Acts  7  38  AV,   RV   "Sinai" 


SINAI,  si'ni,  si'nft-i  C'T'O ,  sinay;  A,  2i.vd,  Sirid, 
B,  2ei.va,  Seind) :   The  name  comes  probably  from  a 

root  meaning  "to  shine,"  which  occurs 
1.  The  in  Syr,  and  which  in  Bab  is  found  in 

Name  the  name  sinu  for  "the  moon."     The 

old  explanation,  "clayey,"  is  inappro- 
priate to  any  place  in  the  Sinaitic  desert,  though 
it  might  apply  to  Sin  (Ezk  30  15.16)  or  Pelu- 
sium; even  there,  however,  the  apphcability  is 
doubtful.  The  desert  of  Sin  (Ex  16  1;  17  1;  Nu 
33  11  f)  lay  between  Sinai  and  the  GuLf  of  Suez, 
and  may  have  been  named  from  the  "glare"  of  its 
white  chalk.     But  at  Sinai  "the  glory  of  Jeh  was 


THE      ADJACENT    VALLEYS 


bke  devouring  fire  on  the  top  of  the  mount  in  the 
eyes  of  the  children  of  Israel"  (Ex  24  17);  and, 
indeed,  the  glory  of  the  Lord  still  dyes  the  crags  of 
JebelMusa  (the  "mountain  of  Moses")  with  fiery 
red,  reflected  from  its  red  granite  and  pink  gneiss 
rocks,  long  after  the  shadows  have  fallen  on  the 
plain  beneath.  Sinai  is  mentioned,  as  a  desert  and 
a  mountain,  in  35  passages  of  the  OT.  In  17 
passages  the  same  desert  and  mountain  are  called 
"Horeb,"  or  "the  waste."  This  term  is  chiefly  used 
in  Dt,  though  Sinai  also  occurs  (Dt  33  2).  In  the 
other  books  of  the  Pent,  Sinai  is  the  usual  name, 
though  Horeb  also  occurs  (Ex  3  1;  17  6;  33  6), 
applying  both  to  the  "Mount  of  God"  and  to  the 
desert  of  Rephidim,  some  20  miles  to  the  N.W. 

The  indications  of  position,  in  various  passages 
of  the  Pent,  favor  the  identification  with  the  tradi- 
tional site,  which  has  become  generally 
2.  Tradi-  accepted  by  all  those  explorers  who 
tional  Site  have  carefully  considered  the  subject, 
though  two  other  theories  may  need 
notice.  Moses  fled  to  the  land  of  Midian  (or  "empty 
land"),    which    lay   E.    of   the   Sinaitic   peninsula 


3 
o 

H 
O 
O 


o 
d 


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Sin 
Sinai 


(Nu  22  4.7;  25,  31),  and  when  he  wandered  with 
his  flocks  to  Horeb  (Ex  3  1)  he  is  said  to  have 
reached  the  west  side  of  the  desert.  In  another 
note  (Dt  1  2)  we  read  that  the  distance  was 
eleven  days'  journey  from  Horeb  by  the  way  of 
Mount  Seir  unto  Kadesh-barnea"  or  Petra  (see 
Wanderings  of  Israel),  the  distance  being  about 
145  miles,  or  14  miles  of  daily  march,  though  Israel— 
with  its  flocks,  women  and  children — made  16 
marches  between  these  points.  Sinai  again  is 
described  as  being  distant  from  Egypt  "three  days' 
journey  into  the  wilderness"  (Ex  5  3),  the  actual 
route  being  117  miles,  which  Israel  accomplished 
m  10  journeys.  But,  for  Arabs  not  encumbered 
with  families  and  herds,  this  distance  could  still 


Jehcl  Kdtarin  (so  named  from  a  legend  of  St. 
Catherine  of  Egypt),  rising  8,550  ft.  above  the  sea. 
N.E.  of  this  is  Jebel  Mum  (7,370  ft.),  which,  though 
less  high,  is  more  conspicuous  because  of  the  open 
plain  called  er  Rdhah  ("the  wide")  to  its  N.W.  This 
plain  is  about  4  miles  long  and  has  a  width  of  over 
a  mile,  so  that  it  forms,  as  Dr.  E.  Robinson  {Bib. 
Res.,  1838, 1,  89)  seemstohavebeen  thefir.st  tonote, 
a  natural  camp  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  large 
enough  for  the  probable  numbers  (see  Exodds,  3) 
of  Israel. 

Jebel  MiXsa  has  two  main  tops,  that  to  the  S.E. 
being  crowned  by  a  chapel.  The  other,  divided 
by  gorges  into  three  precipitous  crags,  has  the  Con- 
vent to  its  N.,  and  is  called  Rds-es-Saj^dfeh,  or  "the 


R^  s-es-f^afadfeh. 


be  covered  by  an  average  march  of  39  miles  daily, 
on  riding  camels,  or  even,  if  necessary,  on  foot. 

These  distances  will  not,  however,  allow  of  our 
placing  Sinai  farther  E.  than  Jebel  M-dsa.  Lofty 
mountains,  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
3.  Identifi-  have  always  been  sacred  and  re- 
cation  with  garded  as  the  mysterious  abode  of 
Jebel Musa  God;  and  Jos  says  that  Sinai  is  "the 
highest  of  all  the  mountains  there- 
about," and  again  is  "the  highest  of  all  the  moun- 
tains that  are  m  that  country,  and  is  not  only  very 
difficult  to  be  ascended  by  men,  on  account  of  its 
vast  altitude,  but  because  of  the  sharpness  of  its 
precipices:  nay,  indeed,  it  cannot  be  looked  at 
without  pain  of  the  eyes,  and  besides  this  it  was 
terrible  and  inaccessible,  on  account  of  the  rumor 
that  passed  about,  that  God  dwelt  there"  {Ant,  II, 
xii,  1;  III,  V,  1).  Evidently  in  his  time  Sinai  was 
supposed  to  be  one  of  the  peaks  of  the  great  granitic 
block  called  et  TAr — a  term  applying  to  any  lofi;y 
mountain.     This   block    has   its   highest   peak    in 


willow  top."  N.  of  the  Convent  is  the  lower  top 
of  Jebel  ed  Deir   ("mountain   of  the  monastery"). 

These  heights  were  accurately  deter- 
4.  Descrip-  mined  by  Royal  Engineer  surveyors  in 
tion  of  ^  1868  (Sir  C.  Wilson,  Ordnance  Survey 
Jebel  Musa  of  Sinai) ;  and,  though  it  is  impossible 

to  say  which  of  the  peaks  Moses 
ascended,  yet  they  are  all  much  higher  than  any 
mountains  in  the  Sinaitic  desert,  or  in  Midian.  The 
highest  tops  in  the  Tih  desert  to  the  N.  are  not  much 
over  4,000  ft.  Tho.se  in  Midian,  E.  of  Elath,  rise 
only  to  4,200  ft.  Even  Jebel  Serbdl,  20  miles  W. 
of  Sinai — a  ridge  with  many  crags,  running  3  miles 
in  length — is  at  its  highest  only  6,730  ft.  above  the 
sea.  Horeb  is  not  recorded  to  have  been  visited  by 
any  of  the  Hebrews  after  Moses,  excepting  by  Elijah 
(1  K  19  8)  in  a  time  of  storm.  In  favor  of  the 
traditional  site  it  may  also  be  observed  that  clouds 
suddenly  formed,  or  lasting  for  days  (Ex  24  15  f), 
are  apt  to  cap  very  lofty  mountains.  The  Hebrews 
reached  Sinai  about  the  end  of  May   (Ex  19  1) 


Sinai 
Sinlessness 


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and,  on  the  3d  day,  "there  were  thunders  and 
hghtnings,  and  a  thick  cloud  upon  the  mount"  (ver 
16).  Such  storrns  occur  as  a  rule  in  the  Sinaitic 
desert  only  in  December  and  January,  but  thunder- 
storms are  not  unknown  in  Pal  even  in  May. 

A  constant  tradition  fixing  the  site  is  traceable 
back  to  the  4th  cent.  AD.     Eusebius  and  Jerome 

{Onom,  s.v.  "Choreb")  place  Horeb 
5.  Patristic  near  Paran,  which  in  their  time  was 
Evidence       placed    {Onom,    s.v.    "Raphidim")    in 

Wady  Feirdn.  Anchorites  Uved  at 
Paran,  and  at  Sinai  at  least  as  early  as  365  AD,  and 


Convent  Garden,  Sinai. 

are  noticed  in  373  AD,  and  often  later  (Robinson, 
Bib.  Res.,  1838,  I,  122-28);  the  monastery  was 
first  built  for  them  by  Justinian  in  527  AD  and  his 
chapel  still  exists.  Cosmas  (Topogr.  Christ.),  in  the 
same  reign,  says  that  Rephidim  was  then  called 
Pharan,  and  (distinguishing  Horeb  from  Sinai,  as 
Eusebius  also  does)  he  places  it  "about  6  miles  from 
Pharan,"  and  "near  Sinai."  These  various  con- 
siderations may  suffice  to  show  that  the  tradition 
as  to  Horeb  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  time  of  Jos,  and 
that  it  agrees  with  all  the  indications  given  in  the 
OT. 

Lepsius,  it  is  true  (Letters  from  Egypt,  1842-44), 
denying  the  existence  of  any  unbroken  tradition, 

and  relying  on  his  understanding  of 
6.  Lepsius'  Cosmas,  supposed  Sinai  to  be  the  Jebel 
Theory  Serbdl    above    mentioned,   which   lies 

immediately  S.  of  Wddy  Feirdn.  His 
main  argument  was  that,  visiting  Sinai  in  March, 
he  considered  that  the  vicinity  did  not  present 
sufficient  water  for  Israel  (Appendix  B,  303-18). 
But,  on  this  point,  it  is  sufficient  to  give  the  opinion 
of  the  late  Rev.  F.  W.  Holland,  based  on  the  experi- 
ence of  four  visits,  in  1861,  1865,  1867-68. 
He  says  (Recovery  of  Jerus,  524) : 

"With  regard  to  water-supply  there  is  no  other  spot  In 
the  whole  Peninsula  which  is  nearly  so  well  supplied 
as  the  neighborhood  of  Jebel  M-Hsa.  Four  streams  of 
running  water  are  found  there:  one  in  IFddi/  Leja:  a 
second  in  Wdd^  et  Tl'ah  which  waters  a  succession  of 
gardens  extending  more  than  .3  miles  in  length,  and  forms 
pools  in  whicii  I  have  often  had  a  swim;  a  third  stream 
rises  to  the  N.  of  the  watershed  of  the  plain  of  er  Rdhah 
and  runs  W.  into  Wddy  et  Tl'ah;  and  a  fourth  is  formed 
by  the  drainage  from  the  mountains  of  Urmn  ' Alawy.  to 
the  E.  of  W&dfj  Sebaitjefi  and  finds  itsway  into  that  valley 
by  a  narrow  ravine  opposite  Jebel  ed  Deir.  In  addition  to 
tliese  streams  there  are  numerous  wells  and  springs,  alford- 
ing  excellent  water  throughout  the  whole  of  the  granitic 
district,  I  have  seldom  found  it  necessary  to  carry  water 
when  maldng  a  mountain  excursion,  and  the  intermediate 


neighborhood  of  Jebel  Misa  would.  I  think,  bear  com- 
parison with  many  mountain  districts  in  Scotland  with 
regard  to  its  supply  of  water.  There  is  also  no  other 
district  in  the  Peninsula  which  affords  such  excellent 
pastinage," 

This  is  important,  as  Israel  encamped  near  Sinai 
from  the  end  of  May  till  April  of  the  next  year. 
There  is  also  a  well  on  the  lower  slope  of  Jebel  MiXsa 
itself,  where  the  ascent  begins. 

Another  theory,  put  forward  by  Mr.  Balier  Greene 
(The    Heb    Migration  from    Egypt),    though   accepted   by 

Dr.  Sayce  {Higlier  Cricitism.  1894.  268), 
7  OrppTip'Q  appears  like^vise  to  be  entirely  untenable. 
I.  vjiccuc  s  j^^  Greene  supposed  Elim  (Ex  15  27)  to 
llieory  be  Elath  (Dt  2  8),  now  '  Ailah  at  the  head 

of  the  Gulf  of  '  AkAbah;  and  that  Sinai  there- 
fore was  some  tinknown  mountain  in  Midian.  But  in  this 
case  Israel  would  in  4  days  (see  Ex  15  22.23.27)  have 
traveled  a  distance  of  200  miles  to  reach  Elim,  which  can- 
not but  be  regarded  as  quite  impossil3le  for  the  Hebrews 
when  accompanied  by  women,  children,  floclis  and  herds. 

C,    R.    CONDEB 

SINCERE,  sin-ser',  SINCERITY,  sin-ser'i-ti 
(D"'T2ri ,  tdmitn;  d<t>9ap<rta,  aphtharsia,  elXiKpCvtia, 
eilikrlneia) :  "Sincerity"  occurs  once  in  the  OT  as 
the  tr  of  (Smim,  "complete,"  "entire,"  "sincere, "  etc 
(Josh  24  14);  the  same  word  is  tr'*  "sincerity"  (Jgs 
9  16.19,  RV  "iiprightly").  Four  different  words 
are  rendered  "sincere,"  "sincerely,"  "sincerity,"  in 
the  NT:  ddolos,  "without  guile,"  "unadulterated," 
"desire  the  sincere  milk  of  the  word"  (1  Pet  2  2AV, 
RV  "the  spiritual,"  ARVm  "Gr,  'belonging  to  the 
reason';  cf  Rom  12  1,"  ERVm  "reasonable"),  "milk 
which  is  without  guile,"  with  no  other  purpose  but 
to  nourish  and  benefit  the  soul  (Alford);  hagnos, 
"without  blame, "  "pure, "  "preach  Christ  ....  not 
sincerely"  (Phil  117);  aphtharsia,  "without  corrup- 
tion" (Eph  6  24,  AV  "that  love  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  in  sincerity,"  ARV  "with  a  love  incorrupt- 
ible," m  "  'in  incorruption.'  See  Rom  2  7,"  ERV 
"  uncorruptness" ;  Tit  2  7,  AV  "shewing  uncorrupt- 
ness  ....  sincerity,"  RV  "uncorruptness");  ^re^stos, 
"not  spurious"  (2  Cor  8  8);  eilikrines,  lit,,  judged  of 
in  the  sunhght,  hence,  "clear,"  "manifest"  (Phil  1 
10) ;  eilikrineia,  with  same  meaning,  is  tr*'  "sincerity" 
(1  Cor  5  8;  2  Cor  1  12:  2  17), 

RV  has  "sincere"  for  ''pure"  (2  Pet  3  1),  "sin- 
cerely" for  "clearly"  (Job  33  3), 

In  Wisd  7  25  we  have  eilikrines  in  the  de- 
scription of  Wisdom  as  a  "pure  influence,"  RV 
"clear  effluence."  W.  L.  Walker 

SINEW,  sin'u  (T'H,  gidh  [Job  10  11,  etc]): 
The  tendons  and  sinews  of  the  body  are  uniformly 
(7  t)  thus  called.  "Therefore  the  children  of  Israel 
eat  not  the  sinew  of  the  hip  which  is  upon  the  hollow 
of  the  thigh,  unto  this  day:  because  he  touched 
the  hollow  of  Jacob's  thigh  in  the  sinew  of  the 
hip"  (Gen  32  32).  In  the  poetical  description  of 
Behemoth  (hippopotamus)  it  is  said:  "He  moveth 
his  tail  hke  a  cedar:  the  sinews  of  his  thighs  are 
knit  together"  (Job  40  17).  The  prophet  Ezekiel 
saw  in  his  vision  (37  6.8)  that  the  dry  bones  were 
gathered  together,  that  they  were  covered  with 
sinews,  flesh  and  skin,  and  that  they  were  revived  by 
the  spirit  of  the  Lord,  In  figurative  language  the 
neck  of  the  obstinate  is  compared  to  an  "iron  sinew" 
(Isa  48  4).  AV  "my  sinews  take  no  rest"  (w'^or'kay 
lo'  yishkabhun,  Job  30  17)  has  been  corrected  by 
RV  into  "the  pains  that  gnaw  me  take  no  rest," 
but  the  earlier  version  has  been  retained  in  the 
margin.  H,  L.  E.  Luerinq 

SINGERS,  sing'erz,  SINGING,  sing'ing:  Sing- 
ing seems  to  have  become  a  regular  profession  at  a 
quite  early  date  among  the  Hebrews.  David  had 
his  troupe  of  "singing  men  and  singing  women"  at 
Jerus  (2  S  19  35),  and  no  doubt  Solomon  added  to 
their  numbers.  Isa  23  16  suggests  that  it  was  not 
uncommon  for  foreign  female  minstrels  of  question- 


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Sinai 
Sinlessness 


able  character  to  be  heard  making  "sweet  melody," 
singing  songs  along  the  streets  and  highways  of 
Judaea.  Nor  was  the  worship  of  the  temple  left 
to  the  usually  incompetent  and  inconstant  leader- 
ship of  amateur  choristers.  The  elaborate  regula- 
tions drawn  up  for  the  constitution  of  the  temple 
orchestra  and  chorus  are  referred  to  under  Music 
(q.v.).  It  has  been  inferred  from  Ezr  2  65  that 
women  were  included  among  the  temple  singers, 
but  this  is  erroneous,  as  the  musicians  there  men- 
tioned were  of  the  class  employed  at  banquets, 
festivals,  etc.  The  temple  choir  consisted  exclu- 
sively of  Levites,  one  essential  qualification  of 
an  active  member  of  that  order  being  a  good 
voice. 

Of  the  vocal  method  of  the  Hebrews  we  know 
nothing.  WeUhausen  imagines  that  he  can  detect 
one  of  the  singers,  in  the  portrayal  of  an  Assyr 
band,  compressing  his  throat  in  order  to  produce  a 
vibrato;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  in  other 
respects  as  well  as  thi.s  ancient  and  modem  orien- 
tal vocahzation  resembled  each  other.  But  that  is 
about  all  that  can  be  said. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  cannot  repeat  too  often 
that  we  are  quite  unable  to  identify  any  intervals, 
scales,  or  tunes  as  having  been  used  in  ancient  Israel. 
Even  those  who  hold  that  the  early  church  took  the 
Gregorian  "tones"  from  the  sjmagogue,  confess 
that  it  was  "certainly  not  without  considerable 
modifications."  And,  of  course,  there  was  not  the 
slightest  affinity  between  the  Heb  and  the  Anghcan 
chant.     See  Music;  Praise;  Song;  Temple. 

James  Millar 

SINGLE,  sin'g'l,  EYE:  Mt  6  22  f  |1  Lk  11  34: 
"If  therefore  thine  eye  be  single,  thy  whole  body 
shall  be  full  of  hght.  But  if  thine  eye  be  evil, 
thy  whole  body  shall  be  full  of  darkness.  "Single" 
and  "evil"  here  represent  airXois,  haplous,  and 
TTovripbs,  ponerds.  Poneros  elsewhere  in  the  NT 
means  "wicked";  haplous  occurs  only  here  in  the 
NT,  but  is  very  common  in  ordinary  Gr  and  always 
has  the  meaning  "simple."  But  in  view  of  the 
context,  most  commentators  take  haplous  here 
as  meaning  "normal,"  "healthy,"  and  poneros  as 
"diseased,"  so  rendering  "Just  as  physical  enlighten- 
ment depends  on  the  condition  of  the  eye,  so  does 
spiritual  enlightenment  depend  on  the  condition 
of  the  heart."  This  is  natural  enough,  but  it  is  not 
satisfactory,  as  it  gives  to  haplous  a  unique  sense 
and  to  poneros  a  sense  unique  in  the  73  NT  examples 
of  the  word.  Moreover,  the  same  expression,  "evil 
eye,"  is  found  also  in  Mt  20  15;  Mk  7  22,  where 
it  means  "jealousy"  or  "covetousneas."  With 
poneros  =  "covetous,"  haplovs  would  =  "generous" ; 
and  this  rendition  gives  excellent  sense  in  Mt,  where 
the  further  context  deals  with  love  of  money.  Yet 
in  Lk  it  is  meaningless,  where  the  context  is  of  a 
different  sort,  a  fact  perhaps  indicating  that  Lk  has 
placed  the  saying  in  a  bad  context.  Or  the  Gr 
tr  of  Christ's  words  used  by  Matthew  and  Luke 
may  have  taken  the  moral  terms  haplous^  and 
poneros  to  translate  physical  terms  ("healthy"  and 
"diseased"?)  employed  in  the  original  Aramaic. 
The  Sinaitic  Syr  version  of  Lk  11  36  may  perhaps 
contain  a  trace  of  an  older  rendering.  See  Julicher, 
Die  Gleichnisreden  Jesu,  II,  98-108. 

Burton  Scott  Easton 

SINGULAR,  sin'gll-lar:  "Pertaining  to  the  single 
person  "  "individual,"  and  so  sometimes  "unusual, 
"remarkable."  So  Wisd  14  18,  AV  "the  singular 
dihgence  of  the  artificer"  ((piXoniila,  philohmia,  love 
of  honor  "  RV  "ambition").  In  Lev  27  2  by  "when 
a  man  shall  make  a  singular  vow"  AV  seems  to  have 
understood  a  "personal"  or  "private"  vow.  RV 
has  "accomplish  a  vow,"  with  m  "make  a  special 
vo w . "  Cf  the  same  phrase  (yaphW  [y'phalle  ]  nedher) 
used  of  the  Nazirite  vow  in  Nu  6  2. 


SINIM,  si'nim,  sin'im,  LAND  OF  (n^rP  fl^? , 
'ereg  ijlnlm;  -yf)  Ilepo-oiv,  gi  Person) :  The  name 
occurs  in  Isaiah's  prophecy  of  the  return  of  the 
people  from  distant  lands:  "Lo,  these  shall  come  from 
far;  and,  lo,  these  from  the  north  and  from  the  west; 
and  these  from  the  land  of  Sinim"  (49  12).  The 
land  is  clearly  far  off,  and  it  must  be  sought  either 
in  the  S.  or  in  the  E.  LXX  points  to  an  eastern 
country.  Many  scholars  have  favored  identifica- 
tion with  China,  the  classical  Sinae.  It  seems 
improbable  that  Jews  had  already  found  their 
way  to  China;  but  from  very  early  times  trade 
relations  were  established  with  the  Far  East  by 
way  of  Arabia  and  the  Pers  Gulf;  and  the  name 
may  have  been  used  by  the  prophet  simply  as 
suggesting  extreme  remoteness.  Against  this  view 
are  Dillmann  (Comm.  on  Isa),  Duhm,  Cheyne  and 
others.  Some  have  suggested  places  in  the  S.: 
e.g.  Sin  (Pelusium,  Ezk  30  15)  and  Syene  (Cheyne, 
Intro  to  Isa,  275).  But  these  seem  to  be  too  near. 
In  harmony  with  his  reconstruction  of  Bib.  history, 
Cheyne  finally  concludes  that  the  reference  here  is 
to  the  return  from  a  captivity  in  North  Arabia  {EB, 
S.V.).  While  no  certain  decision  is  possible,  prob- 
ability points  to  the  E.,  and  China  cannot  be  quite 
ruled  out.     See  art.  "China,"  Enc  Bril^'^,  188b. 

W.  EwiNG 

SINITES,  si'nits  (TP ,  ?lni):  A  Canaanite 
people  mentioned  in  Gen  10  17;  1  Ch  1  15.  The 
identification  is  uncertain.  Jerome  mentions  a  ruined 
city  Sin,  near  Arka,  at  the  foot  of  Lebanon. 

SINLESSNESS,  sin'les-nes:  The  15th  Anglican 
article  ("Of  Christ  Alone  without  Sin")  may  be 
quoted  as  a  true  summary  of  Scripture  teaching 
on  sinlessness:  "Christ  in  the  truth  of  our  nature 
was  made  like  unto  us  in  all  things,  sin  only  excepted, 
from  which  He  was  clearly  [prorsji-s]  void,  both  in 

His  flesh  and  in  His  spirit Sin,   as    Saint 

John  saith,  was  not  in  Him.  But  all  we  the  rest, 
though  baptized,  and  born  again  in  Christ,  yet 
offend  in  many  things;  and,  if  we  say  we  have  no 
sin,  we  deceive  ourselves." 

Here  the  sinlessness  of  the  Incarnate  Son  is 
affirmed.  It  needs  no  elaborate  argument  to 
show  that  this  is  the  affirmation  of 
1.  Christ  Scripture.  It  is  not  only,  as  we  are 
Sinless  reminded     above,     definitely     taught 

there.  Yet  more  is  it  implied  in  the 
mysterious  (and  morally  miraculous)  phenomenon 
of  the  Lord's  evidently  total  immunity  from  the 
sense  of  sin,  His  freedom  from  inward  discord  or 
imperfection,  from  the  slightest  discontent  with 
self.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  this  representa- 
tion is  self-evidential  of  its  truth  to  fact.  Had  it 
been  the  invention  of  worshipping  disciples,  w«  may 
say  with  confidence  that  they  (supposed  thus  cap- 
able of  "free  handling")  would  have  been  certain 
to  betray  some  moral  aberrations  in  their  por- 
traiture of  their  Master.  They  must  have  failed 
to  put  before  us  the  profound  ethical  paradox  of  a 
person  who,  on  the  one  hand,  enjoins  penitence 
and  (with  a  tenderness  infinitely  deep)  loves  the 
penitent,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  is  never  for  a 
moment  penitent  Himself,  and  who  all  the  while 
has  proved,  from  the  first,  a  supreme  moral  and 
spiritual  magnet,  "drawing  all  men  to  him."  Mean- 
while the  Scripture  represents  the  sinlessness  of  the 
Incarnate  Lord  as  no  mere  automatic  or  effortless 
condition.  He  is  sensitive  to  temptation,  to  a 
degree  which  makes  it  agony.  His  sinlessness,  as 
to  actual  experience  (we  are  not  here  considering 
the  matter  sub  specie  aeternitatis) ,  lies  in  the  perfect 
fidelity  to  the  Father  of  a  will,  exercised  under 
human  conditions,  filled  absolutely  with  the  Holy 
Spirit,   willingly  received. 


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On  the  other  hand,  "we  the  rest,"  contemplated 
as  true  beHevers,  arc  warned  hy  the  general  teaching 

of  Scripture  never  to  affirm  sinlessness 
2.  Saints  as  our  condition.  There  are  passages 
Not  Sinless  (e.g.  1  Jn  3  9;  5  1  f)  which  affirm  of 

the  regenerate  man  that  he  "sinneth 
not."  But  it  seems  obvious  to  remark  that  such 
words,  taken  without  context  and  balance,  would 
prove  too  much;  they  would  make  the  smallest 
sense  of  sin  a  tremendous  evidence  against  the 
person's  regeneration  at  all.  It  would  seem  that 
such  words  practically  mean  that  sin  and  the  regen- 
erate character  are  diametrical  opposites,  so  that 
sinning  is  out  of  character,  not  in  the  man  as  such, 
but  in  the  Christian  as  such.  And  the  practical 
result  is  an  unconquerable  aversion  and  opposition 
in  the  regenerate  will  toward  all  known  sin,  and  a 
readiness  as  sensitive  as  possible  for  confession  of 
failure.  Meanwhile  such  passages  as  1  Jn  are,  to 
the  unbiased  reader,  an  urgent  warning  of  the  peril 
of  affirming  our  perfect  purity  of  will  and  character. 
But  then,  on  the  other  hand.  Scripture  abounds  in 
both  precepts  and  promises  bearing  on  the  fact  that 
in  Christ  and  by  the  power  of  His  Spirit,  received 
by  faith  into  a  watchful  soul,  our  weakness  can  be 
so  Kfted  and  transformed  that  a  moral  purification 
and  emancipation  is  possible  for  the  weakest  Chris- 
tian which,  compared  with  the  best  efforts  of  un- 
regenerate  nature,  is  a  "more  than  conquest"  over 
evil  (see  e.g.  2  Cor  12  9.10;  Gal  2  20;  Eph  6  16; 
Judever24).     See  further  Flesh;  Spirit. 

HaNDLEY  DtlNELM 

SINNER,  sin'er  (t?tpn  ,  hatta';  ajiapTuXos,  hamar- 
tolos,  "devoted  to  sin,"  "erring  one"):  In  the  NT, 
in  addition  to  its  ordinary  significance  of  one  that 
sins  (Lk  5  8;  13  2;  Rom  5  8.19;  1  Tim  1  15;  He 
7  26),  the  term  is  applied  to  those  who  lived  in  dis- 
regard of  ceremonial  prescription  (Mt  9  10.11;  Mk 
2  15  ff;  Lk  5  30;  Gal  2  15);  to  those  stained  with 
certain  definite  vices  or  crimes,  as  the  publicans  (Lk 
15  2;  18  13;  19  7);  to  the  heathen  (Mt  26  45 
Gal  2  15;  cf  Tob  13  6;  1  Mace  1  34;  2  Mace  2  48 
62);  to  the  preeminently  sinful  (Mk  8  38;  Jn  9  24 
31;  Gal  2  17;  1  Tim  1  9;  Jude  ver  15).  It  was 
the  Jewish  term  for  a  woman  of  ill-fame  (Lk  7  37 
cf  Mt  21  32,  where  it  is  stated  that  such  had  come 
even  to  John's  baptism  also).  For  the  general  Bib. 
conception  of  the  term,  see  Sin.       M,  O.  Evans 

SIGN,  si'un  nii5"^iS  ,  sl'on;   ^r^iiv,  Seon): 

(1)  A  name  given  to  Mt.  Hermon  in  Dt  4  48. 
The  name  may  mean  "protuberance"  or  "peak," 
"and  may  have  denoted  the  lofty  snow-covered 
horn  of  the  mountain  as  seen  from  the  S.  It  may, 
however,  be  a  scribal  error  for  Sirion,  the  name  by 
which  the  mountain  was  known  to  the  Zidonians. 
Syr  takes  it  in  this  sense,  which,  however,  may  be 
a  correction  of  the  Heb.  It  is  possible  that  this 
name,  like  Senir,  may  have  applied  to  some  distinct 
part  of  the  Hermon  Range. 

(2)  Mt.  Sion;  see  ZioN. 

SIPHMOTH,  sif'moth,  sif'moth  (ni)3SiC ,  siph- 
moth  [Ginsburg],  rTl)3SlB  ,  s/up/ta»jo(/i  [Baer];  2a<j>6t, 
Saphel) :  One  of  the  cities  to  which  David  sent  pres- 
ents from  Ziklag  (1  S  30  28).  It  occurs  between 
Aroer  and  Eshtemoa,  so  it  mu.st  have  been  some- 
where in  Southern  Judah.  The  site  has  not  been 
recovered.  Zabdi  theShiphmite  (1  Ch  27  27)  may 
quite  probably  have  been  a  native  of  this  place. 

SIPPAI,  sip'i,  si-pa'i.     See  Saph. 

SIR,  sdr:  In  the  OT  this  word  in  Gen  43  20  AV 
i'adhdn)  is  changed  in  RV  into  "my  lord."  In  the 
NT  the  word  sometimes  represents  avrip,  antr,  as 


in  Acts  7  26;  14  15;  19  25,  etc;  more  frequently 
Kvpios,kdrios.  "lord,"  as  in  Mt  13  27;  21  30;  27  3(i; 
Jn  4  11.15.19.49  (RVm  "lord");  20  15.  In  Rev 
7  14,  RV  renders  "my  lord." 

SIRACH,  si'rak  (BOOK  OF),  or  The  Wisdom 
of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach: 

I.  Name 

II.  Canonicity 

III.  Contents 

IV.  Teaching 

1.  Religion 

2.  Morals 

3.  Manners 

4.  Counsels  of  Prudence 
V.     Literary  Form 

VI.     Author 

1.  Jesus,  Son  of  Sirach 

2.  Other  Views 

VII.     Unity  and  Integrity 
VIII.     Date 

1 .  Most  Probable  Views 

2.  Other  Views 

IX.     Original  Languages 

1.  Composed  in  Hebrew 

2.  Margoliouth's  View 
X.     Versions 

1.  Greek 

2.  Syriac 

3.  Latin 

4.  English 
Literature 

Sirach  is  the  largest  and  most  comprehensive 
example  of  Wisdom  Literature  (see  Wisdom  Litera- 
ture), and  it  has  also  the  distinction  of  being  the 
oldest  book  in  the  Apoc,  being  indeed  older  than  at 
least  two  books  (Dnl,  Est)  which  have  found  a  place 
in  the  Canon  alilce  of  the  Eastern  and  Western 
churches. 

/.  Name. — The  Heb  copy  of  the  book  which 
Jerome  knew  bore,  according  to  his  explicit  testi- 
mony (see  his  preface  to  his  version  of  Libri  Sol.), 
the  same  title  as  the  canonical  Prov,  i.e.  D''512Jp , 
m'shalim,  "Proverbs"  (Faro6oZae  is  Jerome's  word). 
It  is  quoted  in  rabbinical  lit.  by  the  sing,  of  this 
name,  '1?P  ,  masAai  =  Aram.  S?briT2  ,  mathla' ,  but 
in  the  Talm  it  is  cited  by  the  author's  name,  "Ben 
Sira"  (5<T'D  '\'2. ,  hen  fira').  The  Heb  fragments 
found  in  recent  years  have  no  title  attached  to 
them.  In  the  Gr  MSS  the  heading  is  'Zotpla.  'l-qaod 
vlov  'S,i.pAx  (or  'S'eipdx),  Sophia  lesoii  huiou  Sirach 
(Seirdch),  "The  Wisdom  of  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach" 
(.so  SA);  or  simply  2o0ia  "Zeipdx-,  Sophia  Scirdch 
(B),  "The  Wisdom  of  Sirach.''  The  Fathers  called 
it  either  (as  Euseb.,  etc)  v  TrandpeTos  uotpLa.,  he 
pandretos  sophia,  "the  all  virtuous  wisdom,"  or 
simply  v  TraxapeTos,  he  pandretos,  "the  all  virtuous 
(one),"  or  (Clement  of  Alex.)  Tvaidayicy6$,  paida- 
gogds,  "teacher."  The  first  Heb  and  the  several 
Gr  titles  describe  the  subject-matter,  one  Heb  title 
{hen  sirs')  the  author.  But  the  Lat  name  Ecclesias- 
ticus  was  given  the  book  because  it  was  one  of  the 
books  allowed  to  be  read  in  the  Ecclesia,  or  church, 
for  edification  {libri  ecclesiastici) ,  though  not  one 
of  the  books  of  the  Canon  {libri  canonici)  which 
could  be  quoted  in  proof  or  disproof  of  doctrine. 
The  present  book  is  called  Ecclesiasticiis  by  way  of 
preeminence  since  the  time  of  Cyprian  {Testimon. 
2,  etc).  The  Syr  (Pesh)  title  as  given  in  the 
London  Polyglot  is  "The  Book  of  Jesus  the  son 
of  Simon  'Ai^ird'  [lAyO^] ,  called  also  the  Book  of 
the  Wisdom  of  Bar  [  =  B[eb  ben,  "son  of"]  'Astra'." 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Asira  (sometimes  tr'' 
"bound")  is  but  a  corrupted  form  of  Sira.  For 
other  explanations  see  Ryssel  in  Kautzsch,  AT 
Apoc,  234. 

Lagarde  in  his  corrected  text  prefixes  the  title.  "The 
Wisdom  of  Bar  1  =Heb  ben,  "son  of"l  Sira."  How  is  it 
that  the  Heb  S^"'0  .  .sird',  has  in  tlie  Gr  become  Sirach 
{or  Setrach)  ?  How  are  wo  to  explain  the  final  ch  in 
the   Gr  ?     The   present   writer  thinks   it  is   due   to   an 


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Sirach,  Book  of 


attempt  to  represent  in  writing  tiie  guttural  sound  ol  the 
flnalletter  'aleph  in  the  Heb  name  as  in  the  Gr  'AKeASanix. 
Akddamdch,  for  the  Aram.  X12T  bpn ,  hdkal  dcmd' 
(Acts  1  19),  Dalraan,  however  (/I ram.  Gr'amm.,  161,  n.  6), 
followed  by  Ryssel,  holds  that  the  final  ch  is  simply  a 
sign  that  the  word  is  indeclinable;  of  'Iiu<r^x>  loatch 
(Lk  3  26),  for  Heb  loi"!  ■  vose. 

II.  Canonicity. — Though  older  than  both  Dnl 
and  Est,  this  book  was  never  admitted  into  the 
Jewish  Canon.  There  are  numerous  quotations 
from  it,  however,  in  Talmudie  and  rabbinic  lit.  (see 
a  list  in  Zunz,  D-ie  Gollesdiensllichen  Vorlrage^,  101  f ; 
Dclitzsch,  Zur  Geschichle  der  jild.  Poesie,  204  f; 
Schechter,  JQR,  III,  682-706;  Cowley  and  Neu- 
bauer,  The  Original  Heb  of  a  Portion  of  Ecdus, 
xix-xxx) .  ^  It  is  not  referred  to  explicitly  in  Scrip- 
ture, yet  it  is  always  cited  by  Jewish  and  Chris- 
tian writers  with  respect  and  perhaps  sometimes 
as  Scripture.  It  forms  a  part  of  the  Vulg  of  the 
Tridentine  Council  and  therefore  of  the  Romanist 
Canon,  but  the  Protestant  churches  have  never 
recognized  it  as  canonical,  though  the  bulk  of 
modem  Protestant  scholars  set  a  much  higher  value 
upon  it  than  they  do  upon  many  books  in  the  Protes- 
tant Canon  (Ch,  Est,  etc).  It  was  accepted  as  of 
canonical  rank  by  Augustine  and  by  the  Councils 
of  Hippo  (393)  and  Carthage  (397,  419),  yet  it  is 
omitted  from  the  lists  of  accepted  books  given  by 
Melito  (c  180  AD),  Origen,  in  the  Aposl.  Canons 
and  in  the  list  of  the  Councils  of  Laodicea  (341 
and  381).  Jerome  writes  in  Lihri,  Sol.:  "Let  the 
church  read  these  two  books  [Wisd  and  Sir]  for  the 
instruction  of  the  people,  not  for  establishing  the 
authority  of  the  dogmas  of  the  church."  It  suffered 
in  the  respect  of  many  because  it  was  not  usually 
connected  with  a  great  name;  cf  the  so-called 
"Proverbs  of  Solomon."  Sir  is  cited  or  referred  to 
frequently  in  the  Ep.  of  Jas  (Jas  1  2-4 — cf  Sir  2 
1-5;  Jas  1  5— cf  Sir  1  26;  41  22;  51  13  f;  Jas  1  8 
["double  minded"]— cf  Sir  1  28,  etc).  The  book 
is  often  cited  in  the  works  of  the  Fathers  (Clem. 
Alex.,  Origen,  Augustine,  etc)  and  also  in  the  Apos 
Const  with  the  formula  that  introduces  Scripture 
passages:  "The  Scripture  says,"  etc.  TheReformers 
valued  Sir  highly,  and  parts  of  it  have  been  incor- 
porated into  the  Anglican  Prayer-book. 

///.  Contents. — It  is  quite  impossible  in  the  book 
as  it  stands  to  trace  any  one  scheme  of  thought, 
for  the  author's  mind  moves  lightly  from  topic  to 
topic,  recurring  frequently  to  the  same  theme  and 
repeating  not  seldom  the  same  idea.  It  is,  however, 
too  much  to  say  with  Sonntag  (De  Jesu  Siracidae, 
etc)  that  the  book  is  a  farrago  of  sayings  with  no 
connection,  or  with  Berthold  that  the  "work  is  but 
a  rhapsody,"  for  the  whole  is  informed  and  controlled 
by  one  master  thought,  the  supreme  value  to  every- 
one of  Wisdom.  By  this  la.st  the  writer  means  the 
Jewish  religion  as  conceived  by  enlightened  Jews 
toward  the  beginning  of  the  2d  cent.  BC,  and  as 
reflected  in  the  Law  of  IVIoses  (see  24  23-34),  and  in 
a  less  degree  in  the  books  of  the  Prophets  and  in  the 
other  writings  (see  Prologue) .  The  book  follows  the 
Unes  of  the  canonical  Book  of  Prov,  and  is  made  up 
of  short  pithy  sayings  with  occasional  longer  discus- 
sions, largely  collected  but  in  part  composed,  and  all 
informed  and  governed  by  the  dominant  note  of  the 
book:  true  Wisdom,  the  chief  end  of  man.  Most  of 
the  book  is  poetical  in  form,  and  even  in  the  prose 
parts  the  parallelism  of  Heb  poetry  is  found. 
Many  unsuccessful  attempts  have  been_  made  to 
trace  a  definite  continuous  line  of  reasoning  m  the 
book,  but  the  vital  differences  in  the  schemes  pro- 
pounded suggest  what  an  examination  of  the 
book  itself  confirms,  that  the  compiler  and  author 
put  his  materials  together  with  little  or  no  regard 
to  logical  connection,  though  he  never  loses  sight 
of  his  main  theme — Wisdom  the  chief  thing. 


Eichhorn  (Einleilung,  50  IT)  divides  the  book  into  three 
parts  (ciis  1-23;  21—42  14;  42  15 — 50  24),  and  main- 
tains that  at  first  each  of  these  was  a  separate  work, 
united  subsequently  by  the  author.  Julian  divides 
the  work  into  three,  Scholz  into  twelve,  Fritzsche  (Ein- 
leiturtfj,  xxxii)  and  Ryssel  (op.  cit. ,  240)  into  seven,  Eders- 
heim  (op.  cit.,  19  f)  and  R.  G.  Moulton  (Modern  Reader's 
Bible:  Eccius,  xvi  If)  into  five  portions,  and  many  other 
arrangements  have  been  proposed  and  defended  as  by 
Pjwald,  Holzmann,  Bissell,  Zcickler,  etc.  That  there  are 
small  independent  sections,  essayettes,  poems,  etc,  was 
seen  by  the  early  scribes  to  whom  the  LXX  in  its  present 
form  was  largely  due,  for  they  have  prefixed  headings  to 
the  sections  beginning  with  the  following  verses:  18  30 
("Temperance  of  Soul");  20  27  ("Proverbs");  23  7 
("Discipline  of  the  Mouth");  24  1  ("The  Praise  of 
Wisdom");  30  1  ("Concerning  Children");  30  14 
("Concerning  Health");  30  16  ("Concerning  Foods"; 
this  is  absent  from  many  MSS,  though  retained  by 
Swete  who,  however,  omits  the  preceding  heading) ; 
30  24  (BV33  24,  "Concerning  Servants");  35  (EV32  1, 
"Concerning  Rulers");  44  1  ("Praise  of  the  Fathers"); 
51  1  ("The  Prayer  of  Jesus,  Son  of  Sirach").  Prob- 
ably the  whole  book  possessed  such  headings  at  one  time, 
and  it  is  quite  possible  that  they  originated  in  the  need  to 
guide  readers  after  the  book  had  become  one  of  the 
chief  church  reading-books  (so  W.  J.  Deane  in  Expos, 
II,  vi.  327).  These  headings  are  given  in  Eng.  in 
AV  proper  (in  the  margin),  though  in  modern  reprints, 
as  also  in  RV,  they  are  unfortunately  omitted.  The 
whole  book  has  been  arranged  in  headed  sections  by 
H.  J.  Holzmann  (Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  IX,  392  ff)  and 
by  R.  G.  Moulton  (op.  cit.). 

IV.  Teaching. — In  general  it  may  be  said  that 
the  principles  enunciated  in  this  book  agree  with 
those  of  the  Wisdom  school  of  Palestinian  Judaism 
about  200  BC,  though  there  is  not  a  word  in  the 
book  about  a  Messianic  hope  or  the  setting  up  of 
a  Messianic  kingdom.  None  of  the  views  char- 
acteristic of  Alexandrian  Judaism  and  absent  from 
the  teaching  of  Palestinian  Judaism  are  to  be  found 
in  this  book,  though  some  of  them  at  least  are  repre- 
sented in  Wisd  (see  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  VI; 
Teaching).  Gfrorer  {Milo  und  die  jiid.-alex. 
Philo.,  II,  18  ff)  and  Dahne  (Gesch.  der  jiid.-alex. 
rel.  Phil.,  II,  141  ff)  hold  that  the  book  contains 
many  Alexandrian  expressions  and  numerous 
statements  peculiar  to  the  Alexandrian  philosophy. 
But  apart  from  some  late  interpolations,  mostly 
Christian,  what  these  Ger.  scholars  say  is  untrue,  as 
Drummond  (Philo  Judaeus,  I,  144  ff),  Deane 
{Expos,  II,  V,  334  ff)  and  others  have  shown.  The 
outstanding  features  of  Alexandrianism  are  the 
allegorical  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  its  con- 
ception of  the  ecstatic  vision  of  God,  its  doctrine 
of  mediating  powers  between  man  and  God  and 
its  adoption  of  purely  Gr  ideas.  None  of  these 
can  be  traced  in  Sir.  The  Hebrews  never  developed 
a  theoretical  or  speculative  theology  or  philosophy: 
all  their  thinking  gathered  about  life  and  conduct; 
the  duties  that  men  owed  to  God  and  to  one  another; 
the  hopes  that  they  cherished  and  the  fears  by  which 
they  were  animated.  This  is  the  only  philosophy 
which  the  Bible  and  the  so-called  Apoc  teach, 
and  it  is  seen  at  its  highest  point  in  the  so-called 
Wisdom  Literature  (q.v.).  The  main  lines  of 
the  teaching  of  Sir  may  be  set  out  as  follows,  under 
the  three  heads  of  religion,  morals,  and  manners. 

(1)  God. — The  view  of  God  given  in  this  book 
agrees  generally  with  that  put  forth  by  the  later 
writers  of  the  OT  from  the  exile 
1.  Religion  (Second  Isa,  Job,  etc)  onward,  though 
the  God  of  this  book  lacks  the  love 
and  tenderness  of  the  Jeh  of  the  OT  prophets. 
God  is  present  everywhere  (16  17-23) ;  He  created 
the  world  as  an  ordered  whole  (16  26-30)  and 
made  man  intelligent  and  supreme  over  all  flesh. 
The  expressions  used  are  no  doubt  modeled  on 
Gen  1,  and  it  may  fairly  be  inferred  that  creation 
out  of  nothing  is  meant.  Wisd,  on  the  other  hand, 
teaches  the  Alexandrian  doctrine  that  matter  (CXi), 
hide)  is  eternal  and  that  the  Creator's  work  con- 
sisted of  fashioning,  adapting  and  beautifying. 
The  world  is  a  creature  of  God,  not  (as  in  Philo,  etc) 


Sirach,  Book  of     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2808 


an  emanation  from  Him.  Yet  is  He  compassionate 
and  forgiving  (17  24  ff).  His  worlis  are  past 
finding  out  (18  2  ff) ;  but  His  compassion  is  upon 
aU  flesh  (18  13),  i.e.  upon  all  that  accept  His 
chastening  and  seek  to  do  His  will  (18  14).  In 
43  27  God  is  said  to  be  "the  all"  (t6  irSc,  to  -pdn), 
which  simply  means  that  He  pervades  and  is  the 
ground  of  everything.  It  is  not  Alexandrian 
pantheism  that  is  taught.  Gfrorer  and  others  take 
a  contrary  view. 

(2)  Revelation. — In  harmony  with  other  products 
of  the  "Wise  Men,"  Sir  sets  chief  value  upon  natural 
religion,  that  revealed  in  the  instincts,  reason 
and  conscience  of  man  as  well  as  by  the  sun,  moon, 
stars,  etc.  Yet  Sir  gives  far  more  prominence  than 
Prov  to  the  idea  that  the  Divine  Will  is  specially 
made  known  in  the  Law  of  Moses  (24  23;  45  1-4). 
We  do  not  meet  once  with  the  word  "law"  inEccl,nor 
law  in  the  technical  sense  (Law  of  Moses)  in  either 
Job,  Wisd  or  Prov.  In  the  last-named  it  is  simply 
one  of  many  synonyms  denoting  "Wisdom."  In 
Sir  the  word  occurs  over  20  t,  not,  however,  always, 
even  when  the  expression  "Law  of  Moses"  is  used,  in 
the  sense  of  the  "five  books"  (Pent).  It  generally 
includes  in  its  connotation  also  "the  prophecies  and 
therestof  the  books"  (Prologue);  see  32  (LXX  35) 
24;   33  (LXX  36)  1-3. 

(3)  Sin. — Sin  is  due  to  the  wrong  exercise  of  man's 
free  will.  Men  can,  if  they  like,  keep  the  com- 
mandments, and  when  they  break  from  them  they 
are  themselves  alone  to  be  blamed  (15  14-17).  Yet 
it  was  through  a  woman  (Eve)  that  sin  entered  the 
world  and  death  by  sin  (26  24;  cf  1  Tim  2  14). 
See  Rom  5  12  where  "one  man,"  strictly  "human 
being"  (ver  14,  "Adam"),  is  made  the  first  cause  of 
sin.  But  nowhere  in  Sir  is  the  doctrine  of  original 
sin  taught. 

(4)  Predestination. — Notwithstanding  the  promi- 
nence given  to  "free  will"  (see  [3],  above).  Sir 
teaches  the  doctrine  of  predestination,  for  God  has 
determined  that  some  men  should  be  high  and  some 
low,  some  blessed  and  others  cursed  (33  lOff). 

(5)  Satan. — The  word  "Satan"  (Sararas,  Satands) 
in  21  27  (it  occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  Apoc) 
denotes  one's  own  wicked  heart,  as  the  parallelism 
shows. 

(6)  Salvation. — There  is  no  salvation  except  by 
way  of  good  works  on  man's  part  (14  16  f)  and 
forgiveness  on  God's  (17  24r-32).  The  only  atone- 
ment is  through  one's  own  good  works  (5  5  f), 
honoring  parents  (32  14  f),  almsgiving,  etc  (3  30; 
17  19  ff).  There  is  no  objective  atonement  ("ex- 
piation," lit.  "propitiation";  the  Gr  vb.  ^fiXdo-KOMcti, 
exildskomai,  is  the  great  LXX  word  for  the  Heb 
IBS,  kipper,  "to  atone"). 

(7)  Sacrifice. — The  sacrifice  of  the  wicked  is  an 
abomination  to  God  (34  18  ff),  though  He  Himself 
appointed  sacrifices  and  first-fruits  (45  20  f),  and 
when  the  righteous  offer  sacrifices  to  God  they  are 
accepted  and  remembered  in  the  time  to  come  (35 
1-12). 

(8)  Feasts. — Festivals  as  well  as  seasons  are 
ordained  by  God  to  be  observed  by  man  (33  [LXX 
36]  8  f;   cf  Gen  1  14). 

(9)  Prayer. — The  duty  of  prayer  is  often  pointed 
out  (37  15,  etc),  the  necessary  preparation  defined 
(17  2.5;  18  20.23),  and  its  successful  issue  promised 
(35  17).  There  must  be  no  vain  repetitions 
(7  14;  cf  Mt  6  7),  nor  should  there  be  any  faint- 
heartedne.ss  in  the  matter  (5  10;  cf  Jas  1  6). 
Men  are  to  pray  in  sickness  (38  9),  but  all  the 
same  the  physician  should  be  consulted  and  his 
advice  followed  (38  lf.l2ff). 

(10)  Angelology. — Sir  nowhere  clearly  expresses 
his  belief  in  angels  or  uses  language  which  implies 
such    a    belief.      For    "an    angel    [6    dyyeXo^,    ho 

dos]  destroyed  them"  the  Heb  of  the  original 


passage  (2  K  19  35)  has  nD3T2 ,  maggephah, 
"plague,"  and  so  the  Syr,  though  the  LXX  (fol- 
lowed by  the  Vulg)  has  "angel." 

(11)  Eschalology. — Nowhere  in  this  book  is  the 
doctrine  of  a  future  Ufe  taught,  and  the  whole 
teaching  of  the  book  leaves  no  place  for  such  a 
doctrine.  Men  will  be  indeed  rewarded  or  pun- 
ished according  to  their  conduct,  but  in  this  world 
(see  2  10  f;  9  12;  11  26  f).  The  retribution  is, 
however,  not  confined  to  the  individuals  in  their  life- 
time; it  extends  to  their  children  and  involves  their 
own  glorious  or  inglorious  name  after  death  (see  11 
28;  40  15;  41  6;  44  11-13).  The  passage  concern- 
ing Gehenna  (7  17)  is  undoubtedly  spurious  and  is 
lacking  in  the  Syr,  Ethiopic,  etc.  Since  the  book 
is  silent  as  to  a  future  life,  it  is  of  necessity  silent  on 
the  question  of  a  resurrection.  Nothing  is  hinted 
as  to  a  life  beyond  the  grave,  even  in  41  1-4, 
where  the  author  deprecates  the  fear  of  death.  In 
these  matters  Sir  agrees  with  the  Pent  and  the 
prophetic  and  poetical  books  of  the  OT  (Pss,  Job, 
etc),  none  of  which  give  any  intimation  of  a  life 
beyond  the  grave.  Little  or  nothing  is  said  of  the 
Messianic  hope  which  must  have  been  entertained 
largely  by  Palestinian  Jews  living  in  the  author's 
time,  though  in  36  (LXX  33)  1-17  the  writer 
prays  for  the  restoration  of  Israel  and  Jerus,  i.e. 
R.  H.  Charles  thinks  {Eschatology,  etc,  65),  for  the 
bringing  in  of  the  Messianic  kingdom. 

(12)  Sirach's  doctrine  of  Wisdom. — For  a  general 
discussion  of  the  rise  and  development  of  the  con- 
ception of  Wisdom  in  the  OT  and  in  the  Apoc  see 
Wisdom  Literature.  A  brief  statement  as  to 
what  the  word  implies  in  Sir  is  all  that  can  here  be 
attempted.  It  is  in  chs  1  and  24  that  Ben  Sira's 
doctrine  is  chiefly  contained. 

Wisdom  is  from  God:  He  created  it  and  it  must 
therefore  have  a  separate  existence.  Yet  it  is 
dependent  on  Him.  It  is  omnipresent,  though  it 
dwells  in  a  peculiar  sense  with  all  flesh.  The  root 
and  beginning  of  Wisdom,  its  fulness  and  crown, 
are  the  fear  of  God  (1  14.16.18.21);  so  that  only 
the  obedient  and  pious  possess  it  (1  10.26) ;  indeed 
Wisdom  is  identified  with  the  fear  of  the  Lord  and 
the  observance  of  the  Law  (19  20) ;  it  is  even  made 
one  with  the  Law  of  Moses  (24  23),  i.e.  it  consists 
of  practical  principles,  of  precepts  regulating  the  life. 
In  this  doctrine  we  have  a  combination  of  uni- 
versalism,  principles  of  reason  and  Jewish  particular- 
ism as  the  teaching  of  the  revealed  Law.  We  have 
the  first  in  24  3-21;  the  second  in  24  23-34.  Have 
we  in  this  chapter,  as  in  Prov,  nothing  outside  the 
teaching  of  Palestinian  Judaism?  Gfrorer  (op.  cit., 
II,  18  ff)  denies  this,  maintaining  that  the  whole  of  ch 
24  was  written  by  an  Alexandrian  Jew  and  adopted 
unchanged  by  Ben  Sira.  But  what  is  there  in  this 
chapter  which  an  orthodox,  well-informed  Palestinian 
Jew  of  Ben  Sira's  time  might  not  well  have  written? 
It  is  quite  another  question  whether  this  whole 
conception  of  Wisdom  in  the  so-called  Wisdom 
books  is  not  due,  in  some  measure,  to  Gr,  though  not 
Alexandrian,  influence,  unless  indeed  the  Gr  influ- 
ence came  by  way  of  Alexandria.  In  the  philosophy 
of  Socrates,  and  in  a  less  exclusive  sense  in  that  of 
Plato  and  Aristotle,  the  good  man  is  the  wise  one. 
Cheyne  (Job  and  Sol,  190)  goes  probably  too  far 
when  he  says,  "By  Gr  philosophy  Sirach,  as  far 
as  we  can  see,  was  wholly  uninfluenced." 

The  ethical  principle  of  Sir  is  Hedonism  or 
individual  utilitarianism,  as  is  that  of  Prov  and  the 
OT  generally,  though  in  the  Pss  and 
2.  Morals  in  the  prophetical  writings  gratitude 
to  God  for  the  love  He  has  shown  and 
the  kind  acts  He  has  performed  is  the  basis  of  end- 
less appeals  and  vows.  Moreover,  the  individual 
point  of  view  is  reached  only  in  the  late  parts  of  the 
OT.     In   the   older   OT   books,   as  in   Plato,  etc, 


2809 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Sirach,  Book  of 


it  is  the  state  that  constitutes  the  unit,  not  the 
individual  human  being.  The  rewards  and  penalties 
of  conduct,  good  and  bad,  belong  to  this  present 
world.  See  what  is  said  in  (11)  "Eschatology," 
above;  see  also  2  7  f ;  11  17;  16  6  f ;  40  13  f, 
etc. 

The  hedonistic  principle  is  carried  bo  far  that  we 
are  urged  to  help  the  good  because  they  are  mo.st 
likely  to  prove  serviceable  to  us  (12  2) ;  to  aid  our 
fellow-man  in  distress,  so  that  in  his  days  of  pros- 
perity he  may  be  our  friend  (22  23) ;  contrast  the 
teaching  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk  6  30-36).  Friends  are 
to  be  bemoaned  for  appearance'  sake  (38  17).  Yet 
many  of  the  precepts  are  lofty.  We  are  exhorted 
to  show  kindness  and  forbearance  to  the  poor  and  to 
give  help  to  our  fellow-man  (29  8.20) ;  to  give  alms 
(12  3);  speak  kindly  (18  15-18);  masters  should 
treat  servants  as  brethren,  nay  as  they  would 
themselves  be  treated  (7  20-22;  33  30  f);  parents 
should  give  heed  to  the  proper  training  of  their  chil- 
dren (3  2;  7  23;  30  1-13);  and  children  ought 
to  respect  and  obey  their  parents  (3  1-16).  It  is 
men's  duty  to  defend  the  truth  and  to  fight  for  it. 
So  shall  the  Lord  fight  for  them  (4  2.5.28).  Pride 
is  denounced  (10  2  ff),  and  humility  (3  18),  as 
well  as  forgiveness  (28  2),  commended. 

Sir  is  as  much  a  code  of  etiquette  as  one  of  ethics, 

the  motive  being  almost  invariably  the  individual's 

own    good.     Far    more    attention    is 

3.  Manners  given   to   "manners"   in   Sir   than   in 

Prov,  owing  to  the  fact  that  a  more 
complex  and  artificial  state  of  society  had  arisen 
in  Pal.  When  one  is  invited  to  a  banquet  he  is 
not  to  show  greed  or  to  be  too  forward  in  helping 
himself  to  the  good  things  provided.  He  is  to  be 
the  first  to  leave  and  not  to  be  insatiable  (31  12-18) . 
Moderation  in  eating  is  necessary  for  health  as 
well  as  for  appearance' sake  (31  19-22).  Mourning 
for  the  dead  is  a  social  propriety,  and  it  should  on 
that  account  be  carefully  carried  out,  since  failure 
to  do  this  brings  bad  repute  (38  16  f).  It  is  quite 
wrong  to  stand  in  front  of  people's  doors,  peeping 
and  listening :  only  fools  do  this  (21  23  f ) .  Music  and 
wine  are  praised :  nay  even  a  "concert  of  music"  and 
a  "banquet  of  wine"  are  good  in  their  season 
and  in  moderation  (32  [LXX  35]  5  f).  The  author 
has  not  a  high  opinion  of  woman  (25  13).  A  man 
is  to  be  on  his  strict  guard  against  singing  and 
dancing  girls  and  harlots,  and  adultery  is  an  evil 
to  be  feared  and  avoided  (36  18-26).  From  a 
woman  sin  began,  and  it  is  through  her  that  we  all 
die  (25  4).  Yet  no  one  has  used  more  eulogistic 
terms  in  praising  the  good  wife  than  Ben  Sira  (26 
1  ff),  or  m  extolling  the  happiness  of  the  home 
when  the  husband  and  wife  "walk  together  in 
agreement"  (25  1). 

Never  lend  money  to  a  man  more  powerful  than 

thyself  or  thou  wilt  probably  lose  it  (8  12).     It  is 

unwise  to  become  surety  for  another 

4.  Counsels  (29  18;  8  13),  yet  for  a  good  man  one 
of  Prudence  would  become  surety  (29  14)  and  he 

would  even  lend  to  him  (29  Iff).  It 
should  be  remembered  that  in  those  times  lendmg 
and  becoming  financially  liable  were  acts  of  kind- 
ness, pure  and  simple:  the  Jewish  Law  forbade  the 
taking  of  interest  in  any  form  (see  Century  Bible, 
"Ezra,"  etc,  198).  "A  slip  on  a  pavement  is  better 
than  a  shp  with  the  tongue,"  so  guard  thy  mouth 
(20  18);  "He  that  is  wise  in  words  shall  advance 
himself;  and  one  that  is  prudent  will  please  great 
men"  (20  27) .  The  writer  has  the  pride  of  his  class 
for  he  thinks  the  common  untrained  mind,  that  of 
the  ploughman,  carpenter  and  the  like,  has  little 
capacity  for  dealing  with  problems  of  the  intellect 
(38  24-34).        -  .     ,      ,      ,    • 

V.  Literary  Form.— The  bulk  of   the  book  is 
poetical  in   form,   abounding   in   that   parallelism 


which  characterizes  Heb  poetry,  though  it  is  less 
antithetic  and  regular  than  in  Prov.  No  definite 
meter  has  been  discovered,  though  Bickell,  Margoli- 
outh  and  others  maintain  the  contrary  (see  Poetry, 
Hebrew).  Even  in  the  prose  parts  parallelism 
is  found.  The  only  strophio  arrangement  is  that 
suggested  by  similarity  of  subject-matter. 

Bickell  {Zeitschr.  fur  katholische  Theol.,  1882)  tr<i  51  1- 
20  back  into  Heb  and  tried  to  prove  that  it  is  an  alpha- 
betic acrostic  ps,  and  Taylor  supports  this  view  by  an 
examination  of  the  lately  di.scovered  fragments  of  the  Heb 
text  (see  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,  etc,  by  S.  Schechter 
and  C.  Taylor,  Ixxixfl).  After  51  12  of  the  Gr  and  other 
VSS  the  Heb  has  a  ps  of  15  verses  closely  resembling 
Ps  136;  but  the  Heb  VS  of  51  1-20  does  not  favor 
Bickell's  view,  nor  does  the  ps,  found  only  in  the  Heb,  lend 
much  support  to  what  either  Bickell  or  Taylor  says. 
Space  precludes  detailed  proofs. 

VI.  Author. — The  proper  name  of  the  author  was 
Jesus  {Jeshua,  Gr  Iesous['!]),  the  family  name  being 

"Ben  Sira."  The  full  name  would 
1.  Jesus,  be  therefore  "Jesus  Ben  Sira."  In 
Son  of  the  Talm  and  other  Jewish  writings 

Sirach  he  is  known  as  "Ben  Sira,"  lit.  "son 

[or  descendant?]  of  Sira."  Who  Sira 
was  is  unknown.  No  other  book  in  the  Apoc  gives 
the  name  of  its  author  as  the  Prologue  to  Sir  does. 
In  the  best  Gr  MSS  (BSA)  of  50  27,  the  author's 
name  appears  as  'Iijo-oCs  uiij  "Zeipax  'EXeafdp  6 
'lepocroXu/iefTi;!,  lesous  huids  Scirdch  Eleazdr  ho 
Hierosolumeites,  "Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  [son  of] 
Eleazar  the  Jerusalemite."  For  the  last  two 
words  S  has  by  a  copyist's  error,  6  lepeis  6  2oXu- 
ficlTTjs,  ho  hiereus  ho  Solumeites,  "the  Solomon-like 
priest."  The  Heb  text  of  50  27  and  51  30  gives 
the  following  genealogy:  Simeon  son  of  Jesus,  son 
of  Eleazar,  son  of  Sira,  making  the  author  the  grand- 
son and  not  the  son  of  Sira,  and  so  he  is  called  by 
Saadia;  see  HDB  (Nestle)  and  EB,  II,  1165  (Toy). 
We  know  nothing  of  Ben  Sira  beyond  what  can  be 
gathered  from  the  book  itself.  He  was  a  resident 
in  Pal  (24  10  f),  an  orthodox  Jew,  well  read  in  at 
least  Jewish  lit.,  a  shrewd  observer  of  Ufe,  with  a 
philosophical  bent,  though  true  to  the  national 
faith.  He  had  traveled  far  and  seen  much  (34  1 1  f ) . 
His  interests  were  too  general  and  his  outlook  too 
wide  to  allow  of  his  being  either  a  priest  or  a  scribe. 

Many  suppositions  have  been  put  forward  as  to  the 
author's  identity. 

(1)  That  the  author  was  a  priest:  so  in  cod.  >?  (50  27). 
In  7  29-31  he  speaks  much  of  the  priesthood,  and  there 

are  numerous  references  to  sacrifices  in 
2  Other  ^^^  book,  in  45  6-26  he  has  a  long 
,,*.  poem  in  praise  of    Aaron  and  his  high- 

Views  priesthood.     Yet     on     the     whole     Ben 

Sira  does  not  write  as  a  priest. 

(2)  That  he  was  a  high  priest:  so  Syncellus  {Chron,  ed 
Dindf.,  1  525)  through  a  misunderstanding  of  a  passage 
in  Eusebius.  But  the  teaching  and  temper  of  the  book 
make  this  supposition  more  improbable  than  the  last. 

(3)  That  he  was  a  physician:  an  inference  drawn  from 
38  lf.l2ff  and  other  references  to  the  professional 
healer  of  the  body  (10  10).  But  this  is  a  very  small 
foundation  on  which  to  build  so  great  an  edifice. 

(4)  That  he  was  one  of  the  72  translators  (LXX) : 
,so  Lapide  (Cnmm.),  Calmet,  Goldhager,  a  wholly  un- 
supported hypothesis. 

(5)  No  one  of  course  believes  that  Solomon  wrote  the 
book,  though  many  of  the  early  Fathers  held  that  he  was 
the  author  of  the  five  Wisdom  Books,  Prov,  Eccl,  Cant, 
Sir  and  Wisd. 

VII.  Unity  and  Integrity. — There  is,  on  the 
whole,  such  a  uniformity  in  the  style  and  teaching 
of  the  book  that  most  scholars  agree  in  ascribing 
the  whole  book  (except  the  Prologue,  which  is  the 
work  of  the  translator)  to  Ben  Sira.  This  does 
not  mean  that  he  composed  every  hne;  he  must 
have  adopted  current  sayings,  written  and  oral,  and 
this  will  account  for  the  apparent  contradictions,  as 
about  becoming  surety  (29  14),  and  refusing  to  be- 
come surety  (8  13;  29  18);  words  in  praise  (25  1; 
26  1  ff)  and  condemnation  of  women  (25  4.13;  36 
18-26);    the  varymg  estimates  of    fife   (36  16-35; 


Sirach,  Book  of     THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2810 


40  1-11),  etc.  But  in  these  seeming  opposites  we 
have  probably  no  more  than  complementary  prin- 
ciples, the  whole  making  up  the  complete  truth. 
Nothing  is  more  manifest  in  the  booli  than  the  all- 
pervading  thought  of  one  dominant  mind.  Some 
have  denied  the  genuineness  of  ch  51,  but  the  evi- 
dence is  at  least  indecisive.  There  is  nothing  in  this 
chapter  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  the  book. 

In  the  recently  discovered  fragments  of  Heb  text  there 
is  a  ps  between  vs  12  and  1.3  of  the  Gr  and  EV  which 
seems  a  copy  of  Ps  136.  It  is  absent  from  the  VSS  and 
its  genuineness  is  doubtful.  But  in  J^oth  the  Heb  and 
Gr  texts  there  are  undoubted  additions  and  omissions. 
There  are,  in  the  Gr,  frequent  glosses  by  Christian  editors 
or  copyists  and  other  changes  (by  the  translators  ?) 
in  the  direction  of  Alexandrian  Judaism:  see  Speaker's 
Apoc  and  other  comms.  for  details. 

VIII.  Date. — In  the  book  itself  there  is  one  mark 
of  definite  date  (50  1),  and  in  the  Prologue  there 
is  another.  Unfortunately  both  are  ambiguous. 
In  the  Prologue  the  translator,  whose  grandfather 
or  ancestor  (Gr  iraTriros,  pdppos)  wrote  the  book  (the 
3founger  Siracides,  as  he  is  called),  says  that  he 
reached  Egypt,  where  he  found  and  tr''  this  book 
in  the  reign  of  Euergetes,  king  of  Egypt.  But  there 
were  two  Egyp  kings  called  Euergetes,  viz.  Ptolemy 
Euergetes,  or  Euergetes  I  (247-222  BC),  and  Ptol- 
emy VII  Physcon,  or  Euergetes  II  (218-198  BC). 
Sir  50  1  mentions,  among  the  great  men  whom  he 
praises,  Simon  the  high  priest,  son  of  Onias,  who  is 
named  last  in  the  list  and  hved  probably  near  the 
time  of  the  elder  Siracides.  But  there  were  two  high 
priests  called  Simon  and  each  of  them  was  a  son 
of  Onias,  viz.  Simon  I,  son  of  Onias  I  (c  310-290 
BC),  and  Simon  II,  son  of  Onias  II  (c  218-198  BC). 
Scholars  differ  as  to  which  Euergetes  is  meant  in  the 
Prologue  and  which  Simon  in  50  1. 

The  conclusions  to  which  the  evidence  has  brought 
thepresent  writer  are  these:  (1)  that  Simon  I  (d.  290 
BC)  is  the  high  priest  meant;  (2)  that 
1.  Most  Ptolemy  VII  Physcon  (218-198  BC)  is 
Probable  the  Euergetes  meant. 
Views  (1)  In  favor  of  the  first  proposition 

are  the  following: 

(a)  The  book  must  have  been  written  some  time 
after  the  death  of  Simon,  for  in  the  meantime  an 
artificial  fame  had  gathered  around  the  name,  and 
the  very  allusion  to  him  as  a  hero  of  the  past  makes 
it  clear  that  he  had  been  long  dead.  Assuming 
that  Simon  had  died  in  290  BC,  as  seems  likely, 
it  is  a  reasonable  conclusion  that  the  original  Heb 
work  was  composed  somewhat  later  than  250  BC. 
If  Simon  II  is  the  man  intended,  the  book  could 
hardly  have  been  composed  before  150  BC,  an 
impossible  date;    see  below. 

(h)  In  the  list  of  great  men  in  chs  44-50  the 
praises  of  Simon  (50  1  ff)  are  sung  after  those  of 
Nehemiah  (49  1.3),  suggesting  that  the  space  of 
time  between  them  was  not  very  great. 

(c)  The  "Simon  the  Just"  of  Jos  was  certainly 
Simon  I,  he  being  so  called,  this  Jewish  historian 
says  {Ant,  XII,  ii,  5),  on  account  of  his  piety  and 
kindness. 

(d)  It  is  probable  that  the  "Simon  the  Just"  of  the 
Mish  {'Abh  i.2)  is  also  Simon  I,  though  this  is  not 
certain.  It  is  said  of  him  that  he  was  one  of  the 
last  members  of  the  great  synagogue  and  in  the 
Talm  he  is  the  hero  of  many  glorifying  legends. 
The  so-called  great  synagogue  never  really  existed, 
but  the  date  assigned  to  it  in  Jewish  tradition  shows 
that  it  is  Simon  I  that  is  thought  of. 

(f)  In  the  Syr  VS  (Pesh)  50  23  reads  thus: 
"Let  it  [peace]  be  established  with  Simon  the  Just," 
etc.  Some  MSS  have  "Simon  the  Kind."  This 
text  may  of  cour.se  be  wrong,  but  Graelz  and  Eders- 
heim  support  it.  This  is  the  exact  tide  given  to 
Simon  I  by  Jos  (op.  cit.),  the  Mish  and  by  Jewish 
tradition  generally. 


(/)  The  only  references  to  Simon  II  in  Jewish 
history  and  tradition  depict  him  in  an  unfavorable 
light.  In  2  IMacc  3  he  is  the  betrayer  of  the  temple 
to  the  Syrians.  Even  if  the  incident  of  the  above 
chapter  were  unhistorical,  there  must  have  been 
some  basis  for  the  legend.  Jos  (  Ant,  XII,  iv,  10  f) 
makes  him  side  with  the  sons  of  Tobias  against 
Hyrcanus,  son  of  Joseph,  the  wrong  side  from  the 
orthodox  Jewish  point  of  view. 

ig)  The  high  priest  Simon  is  said  (50  1-13)  to 
have  repaired  the  temple  and  fortified  the  city. 
Edersheim  says  that  the  temple  and  city  stood  in 
need  of  what  is  here  described  in  the  time  of  Simon 
I,  but  not  in  the  time  of  Simon  II,  for  Ptolemy  I 
(247-222  BC)  in  his  wars  with  Demetrius  destroyed 
many  fortifications  in  Pal  to  prevent  their  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  among  which  Acco, 
Joppa,  Gaza  are  named,  and  it  is  natural  to  think 
that  the  capital  and  its  sanctuary  were  included. 
This  is,  however,  but  a  priori  reasoning,  and  Deren- 
bourg  argues  that  Simon  II  must  be  meant,  since 
according  to  Jos  (Ant,  XII,  iii,  3)  Antiochus  the 
Great  (223-187  BC)  wrote  a  letter  in  which  he 
undertakes  that  the  city  and  temple  of  Jerus  shall 
be  fully  restored.  This  is  not,  however,  to  say  that 
Simon  II  or  anyone  else  did,  at  that  time,  restore 
either. 

(A)  Of  the  numerous  errors  in  the  Gr  text  some 
at  least  seem  due  to  the  fact  that  the  VS  in  that 
language  was  made  so  long  after  the  composition  of 
the  original  Heb  that  the  sense  of  several  Heb  words 
had  become  lost  among  the  Alexandrian  Jews.  If 
we  assume  that  the  Simon  of  ch  50  was  Simon  I 
(d.  290  BC),  so  that  the  Heb  work  was  composed 
about  250  BC;  if  we  further  assume  that  the  Euer- 
getes of  the  Prologue  was  Ptolemy  VII  (d.  198  BC), 
there  is  a  reasonable  space  of  time  to  allow  the 
sense  of  the  Heb  to  be  lost  in  many  instances  (see 
Halevy,  Rev.  Sem.,  July,  1899).  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  there  is  no  decisive  evidence  on  one 
side  or  the  other,  but  the  balance  weighs  in  favor 
of  Simon  I  in  the  opinion  of  the  present  writer. 

(2)  That  the  Euergetes  of  the  Prologue  in  whose 
reign  the  translation  was  made  must  have  been  Ptol- 
emy VII  Physcon,  Euergetes  II,  seems  proved  by 
the  translator's  statement  that  he  came  to  Egypt  in 
the  38th  year,  (ttI  toD  Eiepyirov  (iacriKius,  epi  lou 
Euergelou  basileos,  i.e.  almost  certainly  of  the  reign 
of  Euergetes,  for  what  reason  could  the  younger 
Siracides  have  for  giving  his  own  age?  Now 
Euergetes  I  reigned  but  25  j'ears,  but  Euergetes  II 
(Physcon)  reigned  in  all  54  years,  from  170  to  145 
BC  as  regent  with  his  father,  and  from  145  to  116 
BC  as  sole  monarch.  If  we  accept  this  interpre- 
tation of  the  above  words,  the  question  is  settled. 
Westcott,  however  {DB,  1863,  I,  479,  n.  c),  says 
"the  words  can  only  mean  that  the  translator  in 
his  3Sth  year  came  to  Egypt  during  the  reign  of 
Euergetes."  The  other  rendering  adopted  by  Eich- 
horn  is,  he  adds,  "absolutely  set  at  variance  with  the 
grammatical  structure  of  the  sentence."  In  the 
second  ed  of  DB  (1893)  this  note  has  become 
expunged,  and  the  article  as  edited  by  D.  S.  Mar- 
goliouth  (I,  841)  teaches  the  contrary  view,  which  is 
now  accepted  by  nearly  all  scholars  (Schtirer,  etc). 
We  may  therefore  assume  that  the  original  Heb 
book  was  composed  about  240-200  BC,  or  some 
50  or  more  years  after  the  death  of  Simon  I,  and 
that  the  translation  was  made  about  130  BC,  for  the 
younger  Siracides  came  to  Egypt  in  132  BC,  and  he 
gives  us  to  understand  in  the  Prologue  that  he  tr** 
the  Heb  work  of  his  grandfather  almost  immediately 
after  reaching  that  country.  If  Simon  II  (d.  198 
BC)  is  meant  in  ch  60,  we  are  compelled  to  assume 
a  date  for  the  original  work  of  about  150  BC  in 
order  to  allow  time  for  the  growth  of  the  halo  of 
legend  which  had  gathered  about  Simon.    The  trans- 


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THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA     Sirach,  Book  of 


lation  must,  in  that  case,  have  been  completed  some 
20  years  after  the  composition  of  the  Heb,  a  con- 
clusion which  the  evidence  opposes.  The  teaching 
of  the  book  belongs  to  200  BC,  or  slightly  earher. 
The  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  taught  in  Dnl  (165 
BC)  is  ignored  in  Sir,  as  it  has  not  yet  become  a 
Jewish  doctrine. 

(1)  That  the  Euergetes  of  the  Prologue  and  the  Simon 
of  ch  50  are  in  both  cases  the  first  so  called.     So  Hug, 
Scholz,  Welt,  Keil,   Edcrsheim    (.Speaker's 
9    Tlripf  Apoc)   and  many  others.     The  book  was 

%\  "''^^  accordingly  written  after  290  BC.  perhaps 

btatement  in  250  BC,  or  later,  and  the  translation  was 
of  Other  made  some  time  after  220  BC.  say  200  BC. 

VipwK  (2)   That    Euergetes    II    (d.    116    BC) 

*"='"'•  and   Simon  II    (d.    198  BC)   are  the  two 

persons  referred  to.  So  Eicliliorn,  De 
Wette,  Ewald,  Franz  Delitzsch,  Hitzig,  Schllrer. 

(3)  Hitzig  (Psalms,  1836.  II,  118)  made  the  original 
work  a  product  of  the  Maccabean  period— *-an  impossible 
supposition,  for  the  book  says  nottiing  at  all  about  the 
Maccabees.  Moreover,  the  priestly  house  of  Zadok  is 
praised  in  this  book  (chs  50,  etc):  it  was  held  in  little 
respect  during  the  time  of  the  Maccabean  wars,  owing  to 
the  sympathy  it  showed  toward  the  Hellenizing  party. 

IX.   Original  Languages. — Even  before  the  dis- 
covery  of   the   substantial   fragments   of   what   is 
probably  the  original  Heb  text  of  this 

1.  Com-  book,  nearly  all  scholars  had  reached 
posed  in  the  conclusion  that  Sir  was  composed 
Hebrew  in  Heb.     (1)  The  fact  of  a  Heb  original 

is  definitely  stated  in  the  Prologue. 
(2)  Jerome  (Praef.  in  vers,  libri  Sol.)  says  that  he 
had  seen  the  Heb  original — the  same  text  probably 
that  underlies  the  fragments  recently  published, 
though  we  cannot  be  sure  of  this.  (3)  Citations 
apparently  from  the  same  Heb  text  are  made  not 
seldom  in  Talmudic  and  rabbinical  literature.  (4) 
There  are  some  word-plays  in  the  book  which  in  the 
Gr  are  lost ,  but  which  reappear  in  the  discovered  Heb 
text,  e.g.  (43  8)  ^  ^V^  Kara  rd  6vo^a  a^r^s  ^anv  av^a- 
vofj-iv-q  (read  arnxveoixivri) ^  ho  intn  katd  Id  onoma  aules 
eslin  auxanomene  (read  ananeomene),  "the  month  is 
called  after  her  name,"  irnnnia  SIH  inffiD  TUnn , 
hodhssh  kish'rao  hu'  milhhadhesh,  "the  moon  accord- 
ing to  its  name  renews  itself";  the  Heb  words  for 
"moon"  and  "renews  itself"  come  from  one  root,  as  if 
we  said  in  English — what  of  course  is  not  English — 
"the  moon  moons  itself."  There  are  other  cases 
where  mistakes  and  omissions  in  the  Gr  are  explained 
by  a  reference  to  the  newly  found  Heb  text. 

The  strongly  supported  conjecture  of  former  years 
that  the  book  was  composed  in  Heb  was  turned 
into  a  practical  certainty  through  the  discovery,  by 
Dr.  S.  Schechter  and  others  in  1S96  and  after,  of 
the  fragments  of  a  (probably  the)  Heb  text  called 
now  ABC  and  D.  These  contain  much  over  half 
the  whole  book,  and  that  the  text  in  them,  nearly 
always  identical  when  the  same  passages  are  given 
in  more  than  one,  is  the  original  one,  is  exceedingly 
likely,  to  say  the  lea-st. 

D.  S.  Margoliouth  (Origin  of  the  Original  Heb 
of  Ecclus,  1899)  has  tried  to  prove  that  the  Heb 

text  of  the  fragments  is  a  tr  of  a  Pers 

2.  Margoli-  VS  which  is  itself  derived  from  Gr 
outh's  View  and  Syr.     The  proofs  he  offers  have 

not  convinced  scholars. 

(1)  He  refers  to  words  in  Heb  which  in  that 
language  are  senseless,  and  he  endeavors  to  show 
that  they  are  disguised  Pers  words.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  in  such  cases  the  copyist  has  gone  wholly 
wrong  or  the  word  is  undecipherable. 

(2)  There  do  appear  to  be  Pers  glosses,  but  they 
are  no  part  of  the  original  text,  and  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  they  are  due  to  a  Pers  rcvader 
or  copyist. 

(3)  There  are  many  cases  in  which  the  Heb  can 
be  proved  to  be  a  better  and  older  text  than  the  Gr 
or  Syr  (see  Konig,  Expos  T,  XI,  170  ff). 

(4)  As  regards  the  character  of  the  language,  it 


may  be  said  that  in  syntax  it  agrees  in  the  main  with 
the  classical  Heb  of  the  OT,  but  its  vocabulary 
hnks  it  with  the  latest  OT  books.  Thus  we  have 
the  use  of  the  "waw-consecutive"  with  the  imperfect 
(43  23;  44  9.23;  45  2  f ,  etc)  and  with  the  perfect 
(42  1.8.11),  though  the  use  of  the  simple  waw  with 
both  tenses  occurs  also.  This  mixed  usage  is 
exactly  what  meets  us  in  the  latest  part  of  the  OT 
(Eccl,  Est,  etc).  As  regards  vocabulary,  the  word 
■fSn  ,  Aep/ief,  has  the  sense  of  "thing,"  "matter,"  in 
20  9,  as  in  Eccl  3  1;  5  7;  8  6.  In  general  it  may 
be  said  that  the  Heb  is  that  of  early  post-Bib.  times. 
Margoliouth  holds  that  the  extant  Heb  VS  is  no 
older  than  the  11th  cent.,  which  is  impos.sible.  His 
mistake  is  due  to  confounding  the  age  of  the  MSS 
with  that  of  the  VS  they  contain. 

(5)  It  is  nevertheless  admitted  that  in  some  cases 
the  Syr  or  the  Gr  or  both  together  preserve  an  older 
and  correcter  text  than  the  Heb,  but  this  because 
the  latter  has  sometimes  been  miscopied  and  inten- 
tionally changed. 

(6)  The  numerous  Plebraisms  in  the  Gr  VS  which 
in  the  Heb  have  their  original  expression  point  to 
the  same  conclusion — that  this  Heb  text  is  the 
original  form  of  the  book. 

Margohouth  has  been  answered  by  Smend  (TLZ, 
1889,  col.  506),  Konig  (Expos  T,  X,  XI,  1899-1900), 
Noldeke  (ZATW,  XX,  81-94),  and  by  many  others. 
Bickell  {Zeilschrift  fur  katholische  Theol,  III,  387  ff) 
holds  also  that  the  Heb  Sir  extant  is  a  tr  from  the 
Gr  or  Syr  or  both. 

X.    Versions. — The    LXX    tr    was    made    from 

the  Heb  direct;  it  is  fairly  correct,  though  in  all  the 

extant  MSS  the  text  is  very  corrupt  in 

1.  Greek       several  places.     (1)  The  book  occurs  in 

the  uncials  B  X  C  and  part  of  A  fairly 
free  from  glosses,  though  abounding  in  obvious 
errors.  (2)  The  text  is  found  in  a  much  purer 
form  in  cod.  V  and  also  in  N  '=='  and  part  of  A. 
All  extant  Gr  MSS  except  the  late  cursive  248  seem 
to  go  back  to  one  original  MS,  since  in  all  of  them 
the  two  sections  30  25—33  15  and  33  16—36  11 
have  changed  places,  so  that  33  16 — 36  11  follows 
30  24  and  30  2.5—33  15  comes  after  36  11.  Most 
scholars  accept  the  explanation  of  Fritzsche  (Exeg. 
Handbuch  zu  denApok,  V,  21  f)  that  the  two  leaves  on 
which  these  two  parts  (of  similar  size)  were  written 
got  mixed,  the  wrong  one  being  put  first.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  cur.sive  248  (14th  cent.)  has  these  sec- 
tions in  their  proper  order,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the 
Syr  (Pesh),  Lat  and  Armenian  VSS  and  of  the  Gr 
VS  of  the  Complutensian  Polyglot  (which  follows 
throughout  248  and  not  the  uncials)  and  EV  which 
is  made  from  this  Polyglot.  The  superiority  of 
248  to  the  older  MS  (B  S  A  C  V)  is  seen  in  o'thcr 
parts  of  the  Gr  text.  In  the  other  Gr  MSS,  3  25 
is  omitted,  as  it  is  by  Eder.sheim  and  most  com- 
mentators before  the  discovery  of  the  Heb  text. 
But  this  last  supports  248  in  retaining  the  verse,  and 
it  is  now  generally  kept.  In  43  23  "islands"  is 
properly  read  by  248,  Vulg,  Syr,  23  and  the  Heb,  but 
older  Gr  MSS  read  "Jesus,"  making  nonsense  ("And 
Jesus  planted  her"  [aur^i',  auien]  for  "he  planted 
islands  therein").  The  other  iVISS  have  a  text 
which  yields  no  sense  in  43  26:  EV  "By  reason  of 
him  his  end  hath  success."  The  Gr  of  248  and  the 
Heb  give  this  sense:  "The  angel  is  equipped  for  his 
task,"  etc. 

The  Syr  (Pesh)  VS  is  now  almost  universally 
acknowledged  to  have  been  made  from  the  Heb,  of 

which,  on   the  whole,  it  is  a  faithful 

2.  Syriac       rendering.     In  some  i)laces,  however, 

it  agrees  with  the  LXX  against  the 
Heb,  probably  under  the  influence  of  the  inaccurate 
idea  that  the  Gr  text  is  the  original  one.  In  this 
VS  the  two  sections  30  25—33  5  and  33  16—36  11 


I^ch  Alphabet    rpjjj,  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2812 


are  in  proper  order,  as  in  the  Heb,  a  fresh  proof 
that  the  Syr  is  not  tr''  from  the  Gr. 

The  Vulg  agrees  with  the  Old  Lat  which  follows 

the  LXX  closely.     Lapide,  Sabatier  and  Bengel  tried 

to  prove  that  the  Vulg  was  based  on 

3.  Latin         the  lost  original  Heb,  but  the  evidence 

they  supply  falls  far  short  of  proof,  and 
recently  discovered  Heb  fragments  show  that  they 
were  wrong.  The  two  sections  transposed  in  the 
LXX  (except  248)  are  also  transposed  in  the  Lat, 
showing  that  the  latter  is  based  on  the  Gr  text. 
The  Lat  text  of  both  Sir  and  Wisd  according  to  the 
cod.  Amiant  is  given  by  Lagarde  in  his  Mitlheilung- 
en,  I,  243-84.     This  closely  follows  the  Gr  text. 

AV  follows  the  cursives  and  often  repeats  their 
errors.     RV  is  based,  for  the  most  part,  on  the  unoiaLs 

and  thus  often  departs  from  the  Heb. 

4.  English     3  19  is  retained  by  AV  but  omitted  by 

RV.  For  the  latter  clause  of  the  verse 
("mysteries  are  revealed  unto  the  meek"),  AV  is 
supported  by  cod.  248,  the  Syr  and  the  Heb.  Both 
EV  should  be  corrected  by  the  Heb  in  7  26  and  38  1. 
15. 

For  fuller  details  concerning  VSS  see  Speaker's 
Apoc,  II,  23-32  (Edersheim);  Kautzsch,  Die  Apok. 
des  AT,  I,  242 ff  (Ryssel),  and  the  art.  by  Nestle 
in  HDB,  IV,  544  ff. 

Literature. — In  addition  to  books  mentioned  under 
Apoc  and  in  the  course  of  the  present  art.,  note  the  fol- 
lowing: 

(1)  The  text  of  the  Heb  fragments:  For  accounts  of 
the  discovery  and  decipherments  of  these  see  HDB,  IV, 
546  f  (Nestle);  Bible  Polyglotle  (F.  Vigoureujc),  V,  4ff; 
Schiirer;  GJVK  III,  221  fl.  The  text  of  the  Heb  as  yet 
known  is  conveniently  printed  in  the  following:  H.  L. 
Strack,  Die  SprUche  Jesua,  etc  (with  notes  and  glossary), 
Leipzig,  1903;  Isaac  Levi,  The  Heb  Text  of  Ecclesiasticus 
(with  notes  and  glossary),  Leiden,  1906;  Rudolf  Smend, 
Die  Weisheit  des  Jesus  Sirach,  Heb  und  Deulsch  (with 
notes  and  glossary),  Berlin,  1906.  The  Heb  appears 
also  in  the  Bible  PolygloUe,  ed  F.  Vigom-eux,  with  the 
LXX,  Vulg  and  a  French  translation  in  II  columns.  (No 
other  Polyglot  has  appeared  since  the  discovery  of  the 
Heb.)  There  are  II  texts  in  Heb,  Syr,  Gr  and  Eng.,  and 
also  useful  notes  and  tables  in  The  Original  Heb  of  Sir 
39  IB — 49  11,  by  Cowles  and  Neubauer,  Oxford,  1897. 
Still  later  and  fuller  is  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  in  Heb 
and  Eng.,  with  notes  on  the  Heb  by  Schechter  and 
Taylor,    Cambridge,    1899. 

(2)  Commentaries:  The  works  of  Fritzsche  (1869), 
who  neglects  the  evidence  of  the  Syr  and  ignores  the 
Heb  idioms  in  the  book,  and  of  Bissell  (1880)  and  Eders- 
heim (1888)  appeared  before  the  discovery  of  the  Heb 
fragments.  The  last-named  shows  both  learning  and 
ingenuity  in  tracking  the  Heb  idioms  and  in  explaining 
difficulties  by  means  of  Heb.  The  following  comms. 
take  full  note  of  the  Heb  text  as  far  as  discovered: 
Israel  Levi,  U  Ecclesiastique  ou  la  sagesse  de  J^sus  fils  de 
Sira:  traduit  et  comments,  Paris,  1898,  1901;  Ryssel  in 
Kautzsch' s  Apok,  des  AT,  I,  280-475,  exceedingly  valu- 
able, esp.  for  the  text  and  introduction,  but  he  takes 
account  of  the  Heb  fragments  published  by  Cowley  and 
Neubauer  only  in  this  book.  To  complete  his  treatment 
of  the  Heb  _parts  published  after  he  wrote,  see  further 
articles  by  him  in  5(ud.  u,  Krit.,  1900-1-2;  Knabenbaur, 
Commentarius  in  Ecclesiaslicum,  Paris,  1902;  Peters, 
Der  jiingst  wieder  aufgefundene  hebrdische  Text  des  Buches 
Ecclesiasticus,  1902  (of  the  notice  by  Smend,  TLZ, 
1903,  72-77);  Smend,  Die  Weisheit  des  Jesus  Sirach 
erkldrt,  1906  (full  discussion  of  the  book  in  the  newest 
Ught;  cf  notice  by  .Tulicher  in  TLZ,  1908,  323-29). 
The  New  Oxford  Apoc  (Intro  and  Notes),  ed  by  R.  H. 
Charles  (1913),  contains  a  full  Intro  and  Comm.  J.  H.  A. 
Hart  has  published  separately  a  critical  edition  of  cod. 
248,  in  which  he  collates  the  principal  authorities,  MS 
and  printed. 

Of  the  Diet,  articles  those  in  HDB  (Nestle,  strong  in 
the  critical,  but  weak  and  defective  on  the  historical 
and  exegetical  side);  EB  (C.  H.  Toy,  sound  and  well 
balanced) ;  see  also  Jeiv  Enc  (Israel  Levi)  and  Enc  Brit 
(W.  Baxendale).  For  detailed  register  of  the  literature 
see  HDB  (Nestle);  Jew  Enc,  "Sirach"  (Israel  Levi);  and 
esp.  SchUrer,  GJV>,  III,  219  ff. 

T.    WiTTON   Da  VIES 

SIRACH,  THE  ALPHABET  OF:  Usually  called 
The  Alphabet  of  Ben  Sira.  The  compilation  so 
designated  consists  of  two  lists  of  proverbs,  22  in 
Aram,  and  22  in  Heb,  arranged  in  each  case  as 
alphabet  acrostics.  Each  of  these  proverbs  is  fol- 
lowed by  a  haggadic  comm.,  with  legends  and  tales, 


many  of  them  indecent.  Some  of  the  proverbs  in 
the  Alphabets  are  probably  genuine  compositions 
by  Ben  Sira  and  are  quoted  as  such  in  the  Talm, 
but  in  their  present  form  the  Alphabets  are  at  least 
as  late  as  the  11th  cent.  AD. 

Literature. — The  only  complete  copy  of  the  text 
known  is  in  the  British  Museum,  the  copy  in  the  Bodleian 
being  defective.  Steinschneider  has  published  a  reprint 
of  this  last  with  critical  notes  (Alvhabeticum  Syracidis, 
Berlin,  1854).  Cowley  and  Neubauer  {The  Original 
Heb  of  a  Portion  of  Ecclus),  besides  giving  a  general 
account  of  this  work,  add  a  tr  into  Eng.  of  the  Aram, 
proverbs.  In  his  brief  but  excellent  articles  in  Jew  Enc 
{Ben  Sira,  The  Alphabet  of).  Dr.  Louis  Ginzberg  (New 
York)  also  gives  a  tr  of  the  22  Aram,  proverbs  with  useful 
remarks  after  each.  The  work  has  been  tr^  into  Lat, 
Yiddish  (often) ,  Judaeo-Spanish,  Pr.  and  Ger. ,  but  never, 
so  far,  completely  into  English. 

T.  WiTTON  Davies 

SIRAH,  sl'ra,  WELL  OF  (n")Sn  113 ,  bor  ha- 
firah,  "the  pit,"  "well"  or  "cistern  of  Sarah"): 
The  spot  from  which  Abner  was  enticed  back  to 
Hebron  to  his  death  (2  S  3  26).  Jos  (Ant,  VII, 
i,  5)  calls  it  Br;{p)<TLpii,  Be(r)sird,  implying  that  it  was 
a  "well."  It  is  possible  that  this  spot  ia  now  'Ain 
Sarah,  a  spring  which  flows  into  a  little  tank  near  the 
west  side  of  the  road  about  a  mile  out  of  ancient 
Hebron,  on  the  way  to  Jerus.  There  is,  however, 
a  curious  cistern  with  steps  known  as  Hamam  Sarah 
("Sarah's  bath")  near  Ramet  el-Khaltl,  which  is  also 
possibly  the  site  {PEF,  314,  Sh  XXI). 

S I R I O  N ,  sir'i-on  (')'l''"lto  ,  siryorv;  Savi<ip, 
Sanior):  The  name  of  Mt.  Hermon  among  the 
Phoenicians  (Dt  3  9).  It  is  given  as  "Shirion"  in 
Ps  29  6  (Heb  "breastplate"  or  "body  armor"). 
Here  it  is  named  with  Lebanon.  Sirion  therefore 
probably  did  not  denote  a  particular  part  of  the 
Hermon  Range,  as  did  Senir,  but  may  have  been  sug- 
gested by  the  conformation  of  the  range  itself,  aa 
seen  from  the  heights  above  the  Phoen  coast. 

SISAMAI,  sis'a-mi.    See  Sismai. 

SISERA,  sis'er-a  (S?"1tp"'P,  ^ifra' ,  of  doubtful 
meaning;   2[e]io-<lpa, /S[e]isdra) : 

(1)  Given  in  Jgs  4  as  the  captain  of  the  army  of 
Jabin,  king  of  Hazor.  The  accounts  given  of  the 
battle  of  Sisera  with  Barak,  as  found  in  Jgs  4 
and  5,  have  important  points  of  difference.  The 
first  is  a  prose,  the  second  a  poetic  narrative.  In  the 
first  only  Naphtali  and  Zebulun  are  mentioned 
as  being  under  the  command  of  Barak ;  in  the  second 
6  tribes  are  given  as  being  under  his  command. 
In  Jgs  4  Sisera  is  known  as  the  captain  of  Jabin's 
forces,  while  in  Jgs  5  he  seems  to  have  been  an 
independent  leader.  There  is  also  a  difference  as 
to  the  scene  of  the  battle  and  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  Sisera  met  his  death  at  the  hand  of  Jael. 
Because  of  these  points  of  difference,  added  to  the 
fact  that  this  is  the  only  account,  in  these  early 
times,  where  a  king  did  not  lead  his  own  forces,  it  is 
thought  by  many  that  there  is  here  the  combina- 
tion of  two  traditions  deahng  with  different  and 
distinct  events. 

Sisera  resided  in  Harosheth  of  the  Gentiles,  a 
place  identified  with  el-Hdrilhlyeh,  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Kishon  and  commanding  the  way  from  the 
Central  Plain  to  the  sea.  Taking  the  versions  in  the 
two  chapters  of  Jgs  as  being  the  account  of  a  single 
campaign,  we  find  Deborah  urging  Barak  to  com- 
bine the  forces  of  Israel  to  wage  war  with  Sisera  as 
the  representative  of  Jabin,  the  king  of  Hazor. 
The  scene  of  the  battle  was  on  the  plain  at  the  foot 
of  the  slopes  of  Mt.  Tabor  (4  12-14),  or  at  the  foot 
of  the  Carmel  heights  (5  19).  The  attack  of 
Barak  and  Deborah  was  so  furious,  animated  as  it 
was  by  the  hatred  of  Sisera  and  the  Canaanites,  that 
the  hosts  of  Sisera  were  put  to  rout,  and  Sisera, 


2813 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA    |jf^'=''  Alphabet 


deserting  his  troops,  fled  on  foot  to  the  N.E.  He  took 
refuge  in  the  tent  of  Heber,  near  Kedesh,  and  here 
met  death  at  the  hands  of  Jael,  the  wife  of  Heber 
(see  Jael).  Sisera's  name  had  long  produced  fear 
in  Israel  because  of  his  oppression  of  the  people, 
his  vast  army  and  his  900  chariots  of  iron.  His 
overthrow  was  the  cause  of  much  rejoicing  and  was 
celebrated  by  tlie  song  in  which  Deborah  led  the 
people.     See  Debokah. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  great  rabbi  Alf  iba, 
who  fought  so  valiantly  in  the  Jewish  war  for  inde- 
pendence as  standard  bearer  to  Bar-cocheba,  was 
descended  from  the  ancient  warlike  Sisera  of 
Harosheth. 

(2)  In  Ezr  2  53  and  Neh  7  55  the  name  Sisera, 
after  a  long  interval,  reappears  in  a  family  of  the 
Nethinim.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  latter 
Sisera  is  connected  by  family  descent  with  the  former. 

C.    E.    SCHENK 

SISINNES,  si-sin'ez  (SiorCvviis,  Sisinnes) :  "The 
eparcli  [governor]  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia"  under 
Darius  Hystaspis(l  Esd  6  3.7.27;  7  1)  c520BC  = 
"Tattenai  the  governor  beyond  the  river"  in  Ezr  5 
3.6;  6  6.13.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
efforts  to  prevent  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple. 

SISMAI,  sis'mi  0T2DD ,  ^ifmay;  AV  Sisamai) : 
A  Judahite,  of  the  descendants  of  the  daughter  of 
Sheshan  and  Jarha,  his  Egyp  servant  (1  Ch  2  40). 
Commentators  have  compared  the  name  to  QDD, 
^sm,  a  Phoen  god  (cf  Rudolph  Kittel,  Comm.  ad  loc. ; 
BDB,  S.V.). 

SISTER,  sis'ter  (HinS ,  'ahoih) :  Used  repeatedly 
in  the  OT  of  a  female  (1)  having  the  same  parents 
as  another;  or  (2)  having  one  parent  in  common, 
with  another,  half-sister  (Gen  20  12;  Lev  18  9), 
and  also  (3)  of  a  female  belonging  to  the  same  family 
or  clan  as  another,  so  a  kinswoman  (Gen  24  60; 
Job  42  11);  (4")  also  of  a  woman  of  the  same  country 
(Nu  25  18).  (5)  Figuratively,  the  two  kingdoms, 
Israel  and  Judah,  are  sisters  (Ezk  23  7  ff).  (6) 
Confederate  cities  are  conceived  of  as  sisters  (Ezk 
16  45  ff).  (7)  'Ahoth  is  used  of  objects  which  go 
in  pairs,  as  curtains,  each  'coupled  to  its  sister'  (Ex 
'26  3.6),  and  of  wings  in  pairs  (Ezk  19;  3  13); 
(8)  of  virtues  or  conditions,  with  which  one  is 
closely  related:  "Say  unto  wisdom,  thou  art  my 
sister"  (Prov  7  4;  cf  Job  17  14);  (9)  of  a  lover 
concerning  his  spouse,  as  a  term  of  endearment 
(Cant  4  9f;  5  If;   8  8). 

In  the  NT,  dScX^i},  adelpht,  used  (1)  in  sense  of 
physical  or  blood  kinship  (Mt  12  50;  13  56' 
19  29;  Lk  10  39  f;  14  26;  Jn  11  1  ff;  19  25 
Acts  23  16);  (2)  of  fellow-members  in  Christ 
"Phoebe,  our  sister"  (Rom  16  1;  see  also  1  Cor  7 
15;  1  Tim  5  1;  Jas  2  1.5);  (3)  possibly,  of  a 
church,  "thy  elect  sister"  (2  Jn  ver  13).  See 
Relationships,  Family. 

Edward  Baqby  Pollard 

SISTER'S  SON:  AV  translates  rightly  (1) 
ininX""!,  hen-dhoM  (Gen  29  13);  and  (2)  Ms 
T^s  (i5eX0^s,  huids  its  adelphts  (Acts  23  16),  and 
wrongly,  (3)  dveif/iis,  anepsids  (Col  4  10),  where, 
without  doubt,  the  real  meaning  is  "cousin,"  as  in 
RV.     See  Relationships,  Family. 

SITH,  sith:  An  Anglo-Saxon  word  meaning 
"afterward,"  "since"  (Ezk  35  6  AV  and  ERV, 
ARV  "since"). 

SITHRI,  sith'ri  ClfiP ,  ?Uhri):  A  grandson  of 
Kohath  (Ex  6  22). 

SITNAH,  sit'na  (Hptpto  ,  siinah,  "hatred,"  "hostil- 
ity"; f\Bpla,  echthria) :  The  name  of  the  second  of 


the  two  wells  dug  by  the  herdsmen  of  Isaac,  the 
cause  of  further  "enmity"  with  the  herdsmen  of 
Gerer  (Gen  26  21,  m  "That  is.  Enmity").  The  site 
is  unknown,  but  Palmer  {PEFS,  1871)  finds  an  echo 
of  the  name  in  Shutnet  er  Ruheibeh,  the  name  of  a 
small  valley  near  Ruheibeh.    See  Rehoboth. 

SITTING,  sit'ing  {1^1 ,  yashabh,  "to  sit  down  or 
still,"  ^y^ ,  daghar,  "to  brood,"  "hatch";  KaOiJo- 
("ii,  hathezomai,  "to  sit  down,"  dv<iKci.|jiai,  and- 
keimai,  "to  lie  back,"  "recline"):  The  favorite 
position  of  the  Orientals  (Mai  3  3;  Mt  9  9;  26 
55  [cf  5  1;  Lk  4  20;  5  3];  Mk  14  18;  Lk  18 
35;   Jn  2  14,  etc). 

"In  Pal  people  sit  at  all  kinds  of  work;  the  carpenter 
saws,  planes,  and  hews  with  his  hand-adze,  sitting  upon 
the  ground  or  upon  the  plank  he  is  planing.  The  washer- 
woman sits  by  the  tub,  and,  in  a  word,  no  one  stands 
where  it  is  possible  to  sit On  the  low  shop- 
counters  the  turbaned  salesmen  squat  in  the  midst  ol 
the  gay  wares"  (LB,  II,  144,  275;    III,  72,  76). 

Figurative:  (1)  To  sit  with  denotes  intimate 
fellowship  (Ps  1  1;  26  5;  Lk  13  29;  Rev  3  21); 
(2)  to  sit  in  the  dust  indicates  poverty  and  contempt 
(Isa  47  1),  in  darkness,  ignorance  (Mt  4  16)  and 
trouble  (Mio  7  8);  (3)  to  sit  on  thrones  denotes 
authority,  judgment,  and  glory  (Mt  19  28). 

M.  O.  Evans 

SrVAN,  sS-van',  si'van  ("T'P  ,  fiwan) :  The  third 
month  of  the  Jewish  year,  corresponding  to  June 
(Est  8  9).     See  Calendar. 

SIXTY,  siks'ti  (DilBlp,  shishshlm;  ki,i\Mvra., 
hextkonia).    See  Number. 

SKILL,  skil,  SKILFUL,  skil'fool  (forms  of  7"^ , 
yadha^  [2  Ch  2  14,  etc],  T"? ,  bin  [1  Ch  15  22], 
bsiB ,  sakhal  [Dnl  1  4,  etc].  Tab ,  lamadh  [1  Ch 
5  18],  nSn,  hakham  [1  Ch  28  21],  ©nn ,  harash 
[Ezk  21  3'l],  nu;,  yaiabh  [Ps  33  3];  in  Apoc 
ejiireipta,  empeirla  [Wisd  13  13],  lirio-TTniT),  episttme 
[Sir  1  19;  38  3.6];  advb.  iv^a.9ias,eumathds  [Wisd  13 
11]):  As  a  vb.  "to  skill,"  meaning  to  have  under- 
standing or  to  be  dexterous,  common  in  Elizabethan 
Eng.  and  in  AV  and  ERV  (1  K  5  6;  2  Ch  2  7  f; 
34  12),  is  obsolete.  ARV  substitutes  such  expres- 
sions as  "knoweth  how"  (1  K  5  6)  and  "were  skilful 
with"  (2  Ch  34  12).  As  a  noun  the  word  is  used 
in  the  sense  of  "knowledge"  (Eccl  9  11),  "insight" 
(Dnl  1  17),  and  "wisdom"  (1  Ch  28  21).  The 
adj.  skilful  is  used  in  corresponding  senses,  esp. 
in  ARV,  where  it  takes  the  place  of  "cunning" 
(Ex  26  31;  31  4;  35  33.35;  38  23;  2  Ch  2 
7.13.14;  Cant  7  1;  Isa  40  20;  Jer  10  9)  and  of 
"curious"  (Ex  35  32),  where  the  Heb  hashabh 
suggests  planning  or  devising,  and  thus  what  we 
should  call  "original"  work.  Both  ERV  and  ARV 
use  the  word  in  place  of  "eloquent"  (Isa  3  3), 
"right"  (Eccl  4  4)  and  "cunning"  (1  Ch  25  7). 
In  the  first  of  these  instances  the  Heb  word  means 
"understanding";  in  the  second,  it  refers  to  the 
manner  of  doing  a  thing,  and  in  the  third,  to  the 
training  that  makes  one  "skilled."  RV  uses  the 
word  "skilled"  of  those  that  "took  the  war  upon 
them"  (Nu  31  27  AV).  Skilfulness  (Ps  78  72) 
is  used  with  reference  to  the  hands,  not  only  in  their 
work,  but  also  in  guiding  (as,  e.g.,  a  pilot). ^  To 
play  well  (Heb  hetlbhU  naggen)  is  rendered  play 
skilfully"  (Ps  33  3).  "Unskilful"  is  used  with  refer- 
ence to  the  uninitiated  in  the  sense  of  "inexperi- 
enced" (He  5  13,  drrapos,  dpeiros). 

Nathan  Isaacs 

SKIN  (liy,  'or,  nb3,  geledh,  "human  skin" 
[,Job  16  1.5],  "li»3,  basar,  "flesh,"  in  the  sense  of 
"nakedness"  [Ps  'l02  5  AV];  Up^a.,  derma): 


Skin 

Slave,  Slavery 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


2814 


Literal:  The  word  'or  designates  the  skin  of  both 
men  and  animals,  the  latter  both  raw  and  in  tanned 
condition:  "Jeh  God  made  for  Adam  and  for  his 
wife  coats  of  skins  ['or],  and  clothed  them"  (Gen 
3  21);  "She  put  the  skins  Cor]  of  the  kids  of  the 
goats  upon  his  hands,  and  upon  the  smooth  of  his 
ueck"  (27  16);  "Can  the  Ethiopian  change  his 
skin,  or  the  leopard  his  spots?"  (Jer  13  23).  The 
Heb  geledh  is  found  in  the  sense  of  human  skin: 
"I  have  sewed  sackcloth  upon  my  skin,  and  have 
laid  my  horn  in  the  dust"  (Job  16  15). 

Figurative:  'To  escape  by  the  skin  of  the  teeth' 
is  equivalent  to  a  narrow  escape  (Job  19  20). 
Satan  says  in  his  calumny  of  Job :  "Skin  for  skin,  yea, 
all  that  a  man  hath  will  he  give  for  his  life"  (2  4). 
The  idea  here  is,  that  a  man  will  endure  or  do  the 
worst,  even  as  it  were  the  flaying  of  his  body,  to  save 
his  life.  The  RV  has  replaced  "skin"  as  the  tr  of 
Heb  basar  by  "flesh":  "My  bones  cleave  to  my 
flesh"  (Ps  102  5).  "The  bars  of  his  skin"  is  a 
poetical  expression  for  "themembersof  his  body"  in 
Job  18  1.3  m,  where  the  te.xt  interprets  rather  than 
translates  the  original. 

Skins  served  for  purposes  of  clothing  from  an  early 
date  (Gen  3  21).  In  later  days  they  were  the 
raiment  of  prophets  and  hermits  (Zee  13  4;  He 
1137).  LXX  translates  fTl'IN ,  'adderelk,  "the 
mantle"  of  Elijah^(l  K  19  13.'l9;  2  K  2  8.13  f), 
with  iJ.i)KuTri,  melott,  i.e.  "sheepskin,"  the  word  in  He 
being  derived  from  these  passages.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  raiment  of  John  the  Baptist  made  "of 
camel's  hair"  and  the  "leathern  girdle  about  his 
loins"  are  identical  with  the  rough  garb  of  OT 
prophets.  The  skins  of  cattle  were  largely  employed 
for  technical  uses;  "rams'  skins  and  badgers'  skins" 
are  esp.  mentioned  in  the  construction  of  the  taber- 
nacle as  material  for  the  waterproof  covering  of 
the  roof  (E.x  25  5;    Nu  4  8.10  ff). 

RV,  rejecting  the  tr  "badgers'  skins."  substitutes 
"sealsliins"  and  adds  "porpoise  sldns"  in  the  margin. 
There  is  littli-  doubt  that  tlie  rendering  of  tlie  AV  is 
indeed  incorrect.  Tlie  Heb  name  of  the  animal  {tahash) 
is  the  same  as  the  Arab,  iw-^*  ^^  .  iuhas,  which  means  the 

dolphin  and  the  "sea-cow"  or  halicore  of  the  Red  Sea, 
of  wtdch  genus  there  are  two  species  even  now  extant 
(H.  taheriiaculi  Russ,  and  H.  Helprichii  Ehr.).  It  is 
probable  that  tlie  Jews  included  various  marine  animals, 
seals,  porpoises,  dolphins  and  halicores,  under  the  same 
e-xpression.      See  Sealskin. 

In  Ezk  16  10  we  find  these  skins  mentioned  as 
material  for  elegant  shoes,  and  the  Arabs  of  the 
Red  Sea  littoral  use  the  same  material  in  the 
manufacture  of  sandals.  A  quaint  use  was  made 
of  skins  in  the  making  of  skin  bottles,  the  kurheh  or 
kirheh  of  modern  Arabia.  We  find  a  great  variety 
of  Heb  expressions,  which  possibly  designated  special 
varieties,  all  of  which  were  rendered  ao-icis,  askos,  in 
LXXandtheNT(nT2n,  heineth,  Hi?:,  mS]  ,  no'dh, 
rriS;  ,  no'dhah,  233  ,  nehhel,  535  ,  nebhel,  p^'p^  , 
bakbuk,  3"1X  ,  'obh).  RV  has  rendered  the  Gr  askos 
in  the  NT  by  "wineskin"  (Mt  9  17;  Mk  2  22; 
Lk  5  37)  with  the  marginal  addition  "that  is, 
skins  used  as  bottles."  These  skin  bottles  were 
made  of  the  skins  of  goats,  sheep,  oxen  or  buffaloes; 
the  former  had  more  or  less  the  shape  of  the  ani- 
mals, the  holes  of  the  extremities  being  closed  by 
tying  or  sewing,  and  the  neck  of  the  skin  being 
closed  by  a  tap  or  a  plug,  while  the  larger  ones  were 
sewn  together  in  various  shapes.  As  a  rule  only 
the  inside  of  the  skin  was  tanned,  the  skin  turned 
inside  out,  and  the  fluid  or  .semi-fluid  filled  in,  eg. 
water,  milk,  butter,  cheese.  The  hairy  inside  was 
not  considered  as  in  any  way  injurious  to  the 
contents.  Only  in  the  case  of  wine-  and  oiKskins 
was  it  thought  advantageous  to  tan  the  skins  inside 
and  out.  H.  L.  E.  Luebinq 


SKIRT,  skiirt:  (1)  n:3 ,  kanaph,  "wing,"  "ex- 
tremity" (Ruth  3  9,  etc),  is  the  usual  word.  But 
in  1  S  24  4  fi  perhaps  corner"  is  the  bast  tr. 
(2)  blffl,  shul,  "loose  hanging"  (Ex  28  33,  etc; 
in  AV  often  rendered  "hem").  (3)  H^,  peh, 
"mouth,"  "opening"  (Ps  133  2,  "the  precious  oil 
....  that  came  down  upon  the  skirt").  But  the 
"opening"  is  that  for  the  head,  so  that  RVm 
"collar"  is  the  correct  tr.  "Sku't"  is  frequently 
used  in  a  euphemistic  sense,  for  which  the  comms. 
must  be  consulted.     See  Dress;    Train. 

SKULL,  skul  (nba^J,  gulgolelh;  Kpavtov,  kra- 
nion):  The  Heb  word,  which  is  well  known  to 
Bible  readers  in  its  Aram.-Gr  form  "Golgotha," 
expresses  the  more  or  less  globular  shape  of  the 
human  skull,  being  derived  from  a  root  meaning 
"to  roll."  It  is  often  tr'^  in  EV  by  "head,"  "poll," 
etc.  In  the  meaning  "skull"  it  is  found  twice  (Jgs 
9  53;  2  K  9  35).  In  the  NT  the  word  is  found 
only  in  connection  with  Golgotha  (q.v.),  "the  place 
of  a  skull"  (Mt  27  33;  Mk  15  22;  Jn  19  17), 
or  "the  skull"  (Lk  23  3.3). 

SKY,  ski    (pniB,  shahak,  "fine  dust"  or  "cloud," 

apparently  from    V  pHlS ,   shahak,   "to  rub,"  "to 

pulverize";  Sam  Pll'prnp,  sh'hakayyah 

OT  instead    of    Heb    D'^^lB ,     shdmayim; 

i_"'-^,  sa/ifc  =  "cloud,"  "small  dust"): 
RVhas  "skies"  for  AV  "clouds"  in  Job  35  5;  36 
28;  37  21;  Ps  36  5;  57  10;  68  34;  78  23;  108  4; 
Prov  3  20;  8  28,  in  which  passages  SDB  supports 
therendering  of  AV.  In  Ps  89  6.37  RV  has  "sky" 
for  AV  "heaven."  EV  has  "sky"  in  Dt  33  26; 
2  S  22  12;  Job  37  18;  Ps  18  11;  77  17;  Isa  45  8; 
Jer  51  9.  The  word  occurs  mainly  in  poetical  pas- 
sages. 

In    the    NT   ovpavbi,   ouranos,   is   tr**    "heaven" 
(AV   "sky")    in   connection   with   the  weather   in 
Mt  16  2.3;   Lk  12  56.     In  He  11  12 
2.  In  the        we   find  "the  stars  of  heaven"  ("the 
NT  sky")  as  a  figure  of  multitude.     The 

conception,  however,  that  the  visible 
"sky"  is  but  the  dome-like  floor  of  a  higher  world 
often  makes  it  hard  to  tell  whether  "heaven"  in 
certain  passages  may  or  may  not  be  identified  with 
the  sky.    See  Heaven;  Cosmogony. 

Alfred  Ely  Day 

SLANDER,  slan'der  (subst.,  n^n,  dibbah, 
"slander";  8idpo\os,  didbolos,  "slanderer";  vb. 
5?"1 ,  rdghal,  "to  slink  about"  as  a  talebearer,  ']Tpb  , 
Idshan,  "to  use  the  tongue,"  "to  slander";  8iapd\\w, 
diabdllo,  "to  calumniate,"  "to  slander";  and  other 
words) :  Slander  (etymologically  a  doublet  of 
"scandal,"  from  OFr.  esclandre,  Lat  scandalum, 
"stumbling-block")  is  an  accusation  maliciously 
uttered,  with  the  purpose  or  effect  of  damaging  the 
reputation  of  another.  As  a  rule  it  is  a  false  charge 
(of  Mt  5  11);  but  it  may  be  a  truth  circulated 
insidiously  and  with  a  hostile  purpose  (e.g.  Dnl  3  8, 
"brought  accusation  against,"  where  LXX  has 
diabaUo,  "slander";  Lk  16  1,  the  same  Gr  word). 
Warnings,  condemnations  and  complaints  in  refer- 
ence to  this  sin  are  very  frequent,  both  in  the  OT  and 
NT.  Mischievous  "tale-bearing"  or  "whispering" 
is  condemned  (Lev  19  16;  Ezk  22  9).  There  are 
repeated  warnings  against  evil-speaking  (as  in 
Ps  34  13;  Prov  15  28;  Eph  4  31;  Col  3  8;  Jas 
4  11;  1  Pet  3  10),  which  is  the  cause  of  so  much 
strife  between  man  and  man  (Prov  16  27-30), 
and  which  recoils  on  the  speaker  himself  to  his 
destruction  (Ps  101  5;  140  11).  Esp.  is  false 
witness,  which  is  "slander  carried  into  a  court  of 
justice,"  to  be  condemned  and  punished  (Ex  20  16; 


2815 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


Skin 

Slave,  Slavery 


Dt  19  16-21;  cf  Prov  12  17;  14  5.25;  19  5; 
21  28;  24  28).  Special  cases  of  slander  more  than 
usually  mean  are  when  a  wife's  chastity  is  falsely 
impeached  by  her  husband  (Dt  22  13-19),  and 
when  one  slanders  a  servant  to  his  master  (Prov  30 
10).  Even  a  land  may  be  slandered  as  well  as 
persons  (Nu  14  36).  Slanderers  and  backbiters  are 
mentioned  in  some  of  Paul's  darkest  catalogues  of 
evildoers  (Rom  1  29.30;  2  Cor  12  20;  2  Tim  3 
3).  To  refrain  from  slander  is  an  important  quali- 
fication for  citizenship  in  the  theocracy  (Ps  15  1.3; 
24  3.4)  and  for  a  place  in  the  Christian  church 
(1  Tim  3  11;  Tit  2  3).  Jesus  Himself  was  the 
victim  of  slanders  (Mt  11  19)  and  of  false  testi- 
mony (Mt  27  63).  The  apostles,  too,  came  in 
for  a  full  share  of  it  (e.g.  Acts  24  5  f ;  28  22;  2  Cor 
6  8).  In  the  case  of  Paul,  even  his  central  doctrine 
of  justification  was  "slanderously  reported"  as  if  it 
encouraged  immorality  (Rom  3  8).  The  devil 
(  =  "the  calumniator")  is  represented  as  the  great 
accuser  of  God's  people  (Rev  12  10),  the  slanderer 
par  excellence  (cf  Job  1  9-11;  Zee  3  1).  See 
also  Crimes;  Punishments. 

D.  MiALL  Edwards 
SLAUGHTER,  slo'ter,  OF  THE  INNOCENTS. 
See  Innocents,   Massacre  of. 

SLAUGHTER,  VALLEY  OF:  In  Jer  7  32;   19  6, 

a  name  given  to  the  valley  of  Hinnom.  See  Hin- 
NOM,  Valley  of;  Jerusalem,  III,  2. 

SLAVE,  Slav,   SLAVERY,  slav'er-i: 

1.  Acquiring  of  Slaves 

2.  Hebrews  as  War  Captives 

3.  Freedom  of  Slaves 

4.  Rights  of  Slaves 

5.  Rights  of  Slave  Masters 

6.  The  NT  Conception 

LiTERATUHE 

The  origin  of  the  term  "slave"  is  traced  to  the  Ger. 
sklave,  meaning  a  captive  of  the  Slavonic  race  who 
had  been  forced  into  servitude  (cf  Slav) ;  Fr.  esclave, 
Dutch  slaaf,  Swedish  slaf,  Spanish  esclavo .  The  word 
"slave"  occurs  only  in  Jer  2  14  and  in  Rev  18  13, 
where  it  is  suggested  by  the  context  and  not  ex- 
pressed in  the  original  languages  (Heb  jflidh  bayith, 
"onebornin  the  house";  Gr  soma,  "body").  How- 
ever, the  Heb  word  ~l^^  ,  'ebhedh,  in  the  OT  and  the 
Gr  word  SoDXos,  doulos,  in  the  NT  more  properly 
might  have  been  tr''  "slave"  instead  of  "servant" 
or  "bondservant,"  understanding  though  that  the 
slavery  of  Judaism  was  not  the  cruel  system  of 
Greece,  Rome  and  later  nations.  The  prime 
thought  is  service;  the  servant  may  render  free 
service,  the  slave,  obligatory,  restricted  service.    . 

Scripture  statement  rather  than  philological 
study  must  form  the  basis  of  this  article.  We  shall 
notice  how  slaves  could  be  secured,  sold  and 
redeemed;  also  their  rights  and  their  masters'  rights, 
confining  the  study  to  OT  Scripture,  noting  in 
conclusion  the  NT  conception.  The  word  "slave" 
in  this  art.  refers  to  the  Heb  slave  unless  otherwise 
designated. 

Slaves  might  be  acquired  in  the  following  ways, 
viz.: 

(1)  Bought. — There  are  many  instances  of  buying 
slaves  (Lev  25  39  ff).  Heb  slavery  broke  into  the 
ranks  of  every  human  relationship: 
1.  Acquir-  a  father  could  sell  his  daughter  (Ex  21 
ing  of  7;     Neh  5  5);     a    widow's    children 

Slaves  might  be  sold  to  pay  their  father's 

debt  (2  K  4  1);  a  man  could  sell 
himself  (Lev  25  39.47);  a  woman  could  sell  her- 
self (Dt  15  12.13.17),  etc.  Prices  paid  were  some- 
what indefinite.  According  to  Ex  21  32  thirty 
shekels  was  a  standard  price,  but  Lev  27  3-7  gives 
a  scale  of  from  3  to  50  shekels  according  to  age  and 


sex,  with  a  provision  for  an  appeal  to  the  priest  in 
case  of  uncertainty  (ver  8).  Twenty  shekels  is  the 
price  set  for  a  young  man  (ver  5),  and  this  corre- 
sponds with  the  sum  paid  for  Joseph  (Gen  37  28). 

But  in  2  Mace  8  11  the  price  on  the  average  is 
90  for  a  talent,  i.e.  40  shekels  each.  The  ransom 
of  an  entire  talent  for  a  single  man  (1  K  20  39) 
means  that  unusual  value  (far  more  than  that  of  a 
slave)  was  set  on  this  particular  captive. 

There  were  certain  limitations  on  the  right  of 
sale  (Ex  21  7ff). 

(2)  Exchange. — Slaves,  i.e.  non-Heb  slaves,  might 
be  traded  for  other  slaves,  cattle,  or  provisions. 

(3)  Satisfaction  of  debt. — It  is  probable  that  a 
debtor,  reduced  to  extremity,  could  offer  himself  in 
payment  of  his  debt  (Lev  25  39),  though  this  was 
forbidden  in  the  Torath  Kohdnim;  cf  'Ogar  Yisra'el, 
vii.292b.  That  a  creditor  could  sell  into  slavery  a 
debtor  or  any  of  his  family,  or  make  them  his  own 
slaves,  has  some  foundation  in  the  statement  of  the 
poor  widow  whose  pathetic  cry  reached  the  ears 
of  the  prophet  Elisha;  "Thy  servant  my  husband 
is  dead;  ....  and  the  creditor  is  come  to  take 
unto  him  my  two  children  to  be  bondmen"  (2  K 
4  1). 

(4)  Gift. — The  non-Heb  slave,  and  possibly  the 
Heb  slave,  could  be  acquired  as  a  gift  (Gen  29  24). 

(5)  Inheritance. — Children  could  inherit  non-Heb 
slaves  as  their  own  possessions  (Lev  26  46). 

(6)  Voluntary  surrender. — In  the  case  of  a  slave's 
release  in  the  seventh  year  there  was  allowed  a 
willing  choice  of  indefinite  slavery.  The  ceremony 
at  such  a  time  is  interesting:  "Then  his  master 
shall  bring  him  unto  the  judges  [m],  and  shall  bring 
him  to  the  door,  or  unto  the  door-post;  and  his 
master  shall  bore  his  ear  through  with  an  awl; 
and  he  shall  serve  him  for  ever"  (Ex  21  6).  A 
pierced  ear  probably  meant  obedience  to  the 
master's  voice.  History,  however,  does  not  record 
a  single  instance  in  which  such  a  case  occurred. 

(7)  Arrest. — "If  the  thief  be  found  breaking  in, 
....  he  shall  make  restitution:  if  he  have  nothing, 
then  he  shall  be  sold  for  his  theft"  (Ex  22  2.3). 

(8)  Birth. — The  children  of  slaves,  born  within 
the  master's  house  of  a  wife  given  to  the  slave  there, 
became  slaves,  and  could  be  held,  even  if  the  father 
went  free  (Ex  21  4;   cf  Lev  26  54). 

(9)  Capture  in  war. — Thousands  of  men,  women 
and  children  were  taken  in  war  as  captives  and 
reduced,  sometimes,  to  most  menial  slavery. 
Such  slavery,  however,  was  more  humane  than 
wholesale  butchery  according  to  the  customs  of 
earUer  times  (Nu  31  7-35).  Males  were  usually 
slain  and  females  kept  for  slavery  and  concubinage 
(Dt  21  10.11.14).  Captive  slaves  and  bought 
slaves,  "from  nations  round  about,"  forced  moral 
ruin  into  Israel's  early  civilization.     See  Siege,  3. 

The  two  principal  sources  of  slave  supply  were 
poverty  in  peace  and  plunder  in  war. 

The  Hebrews  themselves  were  held  as  captive 

slaves  at  various  times  by   (1)  Phoenicians   (the 

greatest     slave     traders     of     ancient 

2.  Hebrews  times),  (2)  Philis,  (3)  Syrians  (2  K 
as  War  6  2  ff),  (4)  Egyptians,  and  (5)  Romans. 
Captives        There    must    have    been    thousands 

subjected  to  severest  slavery.  See  also 
Egypt;   Israel;   Pharaoh;   Servant,  etc. 

The  freedom  of  slaves  was  possible  in  the  follow- 
ing ways : 

(1)  By  redemption. — Manumission  by 

3.  Freedom  redemption  was  common  among  the 
of  Slaves       Hebrews.     The  slave's  freedom_  might 

be  bought,  the  price  depending  on 
(a)  the  nearness  to  the  seventh  year  or  the  Jubilee 
year,  (6)  the  first  purchase  price,  and  (c)  personal 
considerations  as  to  age  and  ability  of  the  one  in 
bondage.     A  slave  could  be  redeemed  as  follows: 


Slave,  Slavery 
SUp 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  STANDARD  BIBLE  ENCYCLOPAEDIA 


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(a)  by  himself,  (b)  by  his  uncle,  (c)  by  his  nephew 
or  cousin,  (d)  or  by  any  near  relative  (Lev  25  48- 
55).  The  price  depended  on  certain  conditions  as 
indicated    above. 

(2)  By  the  lapse  of  time. — The  seventh  year  of 
service  brought  release  from  bondage.  "If  thou 
buy  a  Heb  servant  [m  "bondman"],  six  years  he 
shall  serve :  and  in  the  seventh  he  shall  go  out  free 
for  nothing"  (Ex  21  2-4). 

(3)  By  the  law  of  the  Jubilee  year. — The  year  of 
Jubilee  was  the  great  year  when  slaves  were  no 
longer  slaves  but  free.  "He  shall  serve  with  thee 
unto  the  year  of  jubilee:  then  shall  he  go  out  from 
thee,  he  and  his  children  ....  return  unto  his  own 
family,  and  unto  the  possession  of  his  fathers"  (Lev 
25  40  f). 

(4)  By  injury. — A  servant  whose  master  maimed 
him  (or  her),  in  particular  by  causing  the  loss  of  an 
eye  or  even  a  tooth,  was  thereby  freed  (Ex  21  26f). 

(5)  By  escape.— CDt  23  15  f;  1  K  2  39).  See 
"Code  of  IJammurabi"  in  HDB  (extra  vol,  p.  600) 
and  cf  Philem  vs  12  ff. 

(6)  By  indifference. — In  case  of  a  certain  kind  of 
female  slave,  the  neglect  or  displeasure  of  her 
master  in  itself  gave  her  the  right  to  freedom  (Ex 
21  7-11;  Dt  21  14). 

(7)  By  restitution. — A  caught  thief,  having  become 
a  bondsman,  after  making  full  restitution  by  his 
service  as  a  slave,  was  set  at  liberty  (Ex  22  1-4). 

(8)  By  the  7tiaster's  death. — "And  Abram  said, 
....  I  go  childless,  and  he  that  shall  be  possessor 
of  my  house  is  Eliezer  of  Damascus  ....  and, 
lo,  one  born  in  my  house  is  mine  heir"  (Gen  15  2  f ) . 
This  passage  has  been  mistakenly  supposed  to  indi- 
cate that  a  master  without  children  might  give 
freedom  to  a  slave  by  constituting  the  slave  an  heir 
to  his  possessions.  But  on  the  contrary,  Abram 
seems  to  contemplate  with  horror  the  possibility 
that  Eliezer  will  take  possession  of  his  goods  in  the 
absence  of  an  heir.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  adop- 
tion, the  adrogatio  of  the  Rom  law,  was  unknown 
both  to  Bib.  and  Talmudic  law  (see  Jew  Enc,  s.v.), 
thestatement  in  Gen  15  2  does  not  seem  to  indicate 
any  such  custom  as  the  adoption  of  slaves.  If  any 
method  of  emancipation  is  here  suggested,  it  is  by 
the  death  of  the  master  without  heir,  a  method 
thoroughly  discussed  in  the  Talm  (mithath  ha- 
'adhon). 

(9)  By  direct  cnmynand  of  Jeh. — "The  word  that 
came  unto  Jeremiah  from  Jeh,  ....  that  every 
man  should  let  his  man-servant,  and  ....  his 
maid-servant,  that  is  a  Hebrew  or  a  Hebrewess, 
go  free;  that  none  should  make  bondmen  of  them 
....  they  obeyed,  and  let  them  go"  (Jer  34 
8-10). 

The  nine  methods  here  enumerated  may  be  classified 
thus: 

A.  By  operation  of  law: 

1.  By  lapse  of  time. 

(a)  After  serving  si.x  years  or  other  contractual 
period.     See  (2)  above. 

(b)  Upon  the  approach  of  the  Jubilee  year.     See 
(.3)  above. 

2.  By  death  of  the  master  without  heirs.     See   (8) 
above. 

B.  By  act  of  the  parties: 

1.  By  an  act  of  the  master. 

(a)  Voluntary  manumission,  including  (9)  above. 

(b)  Indifference  in  certain  cases.     See  (6)  above. 

(c)  Maiming  servant.     See  (4)  above. 

2.  By  act  of  the  servant. 

(o)   Redemption.     Sec  (1)  above. 
(6)   Restitution.     See  (7)  above, 
(c)  Escape.     See  (.5)  above. 

3.  By  act  of  a  third  party. 
Redemption — (1)  above. 

As  noted  in  the  beginning  of  this  article,  the 
Heb  slaves  fared  far  better  than  the  Grecian,  Rom 
and  other  slaves  of  later  years.  In  general,  the 
treatment  they  received  and  the  rights  they  could 
claim  made  their  lot  reasonably  good.     Of  course 


a  slave  was  a  slave,  and  there  were  masters  who 
disobeyed  God  and  even  abused  their  "brothers  in 

bonds."  As  usual  the  unfortunate 
4.  Rights  female  slave  got  the  full  measure  of 
of  Slaves      inhuman  cruelty.     Certain  rights  were 

discretionary,  it  is  true,  but  many  Heb 
slaves  enjoyed  valuable  individual  and  social 
privileges.  As  far  as  Scripture  statements  throw 
light  on  this  subject,  the  slaves  of  OT  times  might 
claim  the  following  rights,  viz. : 

(1)  Freedom. — Freedom  might  be  gained  in  any 
one  of  the  above-mentioned  ways  or  at  the  master's 
will.  The  non-Hebrew  could  be  held  as  a  slave  in 
perpetuity  (Lev  25  44-46). 

(2)  Oood  treatment. — "Thou  shalt  not  rule  over 
him   [Heb  slave]    with   rigor,   but   shalt  fear  thy 

God Ye  shall  not  rule,  one  over  another, 

with  rigor"  (Lev  25  43.46).  The  non-Hebrew 
seemed  to  be  left  unprotected. 

(3)  Justice. — An  ancient  writer  raises  the  query  of 
fairness  to  slaves.  "If  I  have  despised  the  cause  of 
my  man-servant  or  of  my  maid-servant,  when  they 
contended  with  me;  what  then  shall  I  do  when 
God  riseth  up?"  (Job  31  13  f).  No  doubt  the  true 
Heb  master  was  considerate  of  the  rights  of  his 
slaves.  The  very  fact,  however,  that  the  Heb 
master  could  punish  a  Heb  slave,  "to  within  an  inch 
of  his  life,"  gave  ready  opportunity  for  sham 
justice.  "And  if  a  man  smite  his  servant,  or  his 
maid  ["bondman  or  bondwoman"],  with  a  rod, 
and  he  die  under  his  hand;  he  shall  surely  be 
punished.  Notwithstanding,  if  he  continue  a  day 
or  two,  he  shall  not  be  punished;  for  he  is  his 
money"  (Ex  21  20  f). 

(4)  Family. — The  slave  before  his  release  might 
have  his  wife  and  children  (Ex  21  5). 

(5)  Voluntary  slavery. — Even  when  the  seventh 
year  came,  the  slave  had  a  right  to  pledge  himself, 
with  awl-pierced  ear,  to  perpetual  service  for  his 
master  (Ex  21  5  f;  Dt  15  16).  The  traditional 
interpretation  of  "for  ever"  in  these  passages  is 
"until  the  next  Jubilee  year"  (cf  Kiddushln  21). 

(6)  Money  or  property. — Some  cases  at  least 
indicate  that  slaves  could  have  money  of  their  own. 
Thus,  if  a  poor  slave  "waxed  rich"  he  could  redeem 
himself  (Lev  25  49).  Cf  1  S  9  5-10,  where,  how- 
ever, the  Heb  throughout  calls  the  "servant"  na'ar, 
"a  youth,"  never  'ebhedh. 

(7)  Children. — If  married  when  free,  the  slave 
could  take  wife  and  children  with  him  when  free- 
dom came,  but  if  he  was  married  after  becoming  a 
slave,  his  wife  and  children  must  remain  in  possession 
of  his  master.  This  law  led  him  often  into  per- 
petual slavery  (Ex  21  3  f). 

(8)  Elevation. — A  chance  to  rise  was  allowable 
in  some  instances,  e.g.  Eliezer,  a  foreign  slave  in  a 
Heb  household,  and  Joseph,  a  Heb  slave  in  a  foreign 
household.  Each  rose  to  a  place  of  honor  and 
usefulness  (Gen  15  2;   39  4). 

(9)  Religious  worship. — After  being  circumcised, 
slaves  were  allowed  to  participate  in  the  paschal 
sacrifice  (Ex  12  44)  and  other  religious  occasions 
(Dt  12  12). 

(10)  Gifts. — Upon  obtaining  freedom,  slaves,  at 
the  discretion  of  masters,  were  given  supplies  of 
cattle,  grain  and  wine  (Dt  15  13  f). 

The  rights  of  a  slave  master  may  briefly  be  stated 
as  follows:     (1)  to  hold  as  chattel  possession  his 

non-Heb  slaves  (Lev  25  45);  (2)  to 
5.  Rights  leave  such  slaves  as  an  inheritance  for 
of  Slave  his  children  (Lev  25  46) ;  (3)  to 
Masters         hold  as  his  own  property  the  wife  and 

children  of  all  slaves  who  were  un- 
married at  the  time  they  became  slaves  (Ex  21  4) ; 
(4)  to  pursue  and  recover  runaway  slaves  (1  K  2 
39-41);  (.5)  to  grant  freedom  at  any  time  to  any 
slave.     This  is  imphed  rather  than  stated.    Emanci- 


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Slave,  Slavery 
SUp 


pation  other  than  at  the  Sabbatical  and  Jubilee  years 
was  evidently  the  right  of  masters;  (6)  to  cir- 
cumcise slaves,  both  Jew  and  Gentile,  within  his 
own  household  (Gen  17  13.23.27);  (7)  to  sell,  give 
away,  or  trade  slaves  (Gen  29  24.  According  to 
Torath  Koh&nim  a  Heb  servant  could  be  sold  only 
under  certain  restrictions.  Seel,  [1]);  (8)  to  chas- 
tise male  and  female  slaves,  though  not  unto  death 
(Ex  21  20);  (9)  to  marry  a  slave  himself,  or  give 
his  female  slaves  in  marriage  to  others  ( 1  Ch  2  35); 

(10)  to  marry  a  daughter  to  a  slave  (1  Ch  2  34  f); 

(11)  to  purchase  slaves  in  foreign  markets  (Lev  26 
44);  (12)  to  keep,  though  not  as  a  slave,  the  runa- 
way slave  from  a  foreign  master  (Dt  23  15.16. 
See  3,  [5]);  (13)  to  enslave  or  sell  a  caught  thief 
(Gen  44  8-33;  Ex  22  3);  (14)  to  hold,  in  per- 
petuity, non-Heb  slaves  (Lev  26  46);  (15)  to  seek 
advice  of  slaves  (1  S  26  14  ff;  but  the  reference 
here  is  open  to  doubt.  Sec  4,  [6]);  (16)  to  demand 
service  (Gen  14  14;  24). 

Throughout  OT  times  the  rights  of  both  slaves 
and  masters  varied,  but  in  general  the  above  may 
be  called  the  accepted  code.  In  later  times  Zedekiah 
covenanted  with  the  Hebrews  never  again  to  enslave 
their  own  brothers,  but  they  broke  the  covenant 
(Jer  34  8). 

There  were  slaves  during  NT  times.     The  church 
issued  no  edict  sweeping  away  this  custom  of  the 
old  Judaism,  but  the  gospel  of  Christ 
6.  NT  with     its    warm,     penetrating     love- 

Conception  message  mitigated  the  harshness  of 
ancient  times  and  melted  cruelty 
into  kindness.  The  equality,  justice  and  love  of 
Christ's  teachings  changed  the  whole  attitude  of 
man  to  man  and  master  to  servant.  This  spirit 
of  brotherhood  quickened  the  conscience  of  the 
age,  leaped  the  walls  of  Judaism,  and  penetrated 
the  remotest  regions.  The  great  apostle  pro- 
claimed this  truth;  "There  can  be  neither  Jew  nor 

Greek,  there  can  be  neither  bond  nor  free 

ye  all  are  one  man  in  Christ  Jesus"  (Gal  3  28). 
The  Christian  slaves  and  masters  are  both  exhorted 
in  Paul's  letters  to  live  godly  lives  and  make  Christ- 
like their  relations  one  to  the  other — obedience  to 
masters  and  forbearance  with  slaves.  "Bondserv- 
ants [m],  be  obpdient  unto  .  .  .  .your  masters, 
....  as  bondservants  [m]  of  Christ  ....  And, 
ye  masters,  ....  forbear  threatening:  ....  their 
Master  and  yours  is  in  heaven,  and  there  is  no 
respect  of  persons  with  him"  (Eph  6  5-9). 

Christ  was  a  reformer,  but  not  an  anarchist.  His 
gospel  was  dynamic  but  not  dynamitic.  It  was 
leaven,  electric  with  power,  but  permeated  with  love. 
Christ's  life  and  teaching  were  against  Judaistic 
slavery,  Rom  slavery  and  any  form  of  human  slavery. 
The  love  of  His  gospel  and  the  light  of  His  life  were 
destined,  in  time,  to  make  human  emancipation 
earth-wide  and  human  brotherhood  as  universal  as 
His  own  benign  presence. 

LiTERATUBE. — Nowack,  Heb  Arch.;  'E-wa.ld.AUerth-ameT, 
III  280-88;  Griinfeld,  Die  Slellung  des  Sktaven  bei  den 
Juden,  nach  bibl.  und  talmud.  Quellen.  1886;  Mielziner, 
Die  Verhaltnisse  der  Sklaven  bei  den  alien  Hebrdern,  1859; 
Mandl,  Das  Sklavenrecht  des  AT,  1886;  Kahn,  L'es- 
clavage  dans  la  Bible  et  le  Talmud,  1867  ;  Sayce,  Sonat  Life 
among  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians;  Lane,  Manners 
and  Customs  of  Modern  Egyptians.  205;  Arabian  Nights, 
I  64  fl;  Thomson,  iB;  McCurdy,  //PM, 1894;  Trum- 
bull, Studies  in  Oriental  Social  Life,  1894.  There  Is  a 
wealth  of  material  in  the  Talmudic  tractate  KiddHshin 
(pp.  17-22).  ^  ^ 

William  Edward  Kaffety 

SLAYING,  sla'ing  (by  spear,  dart,  or  sword). 
See  Punishments. 

SLEEP,  slep :  Represents  many  words  in  Heb  and 
Gr.  For  the  noun  the  most  common  are  HpilJ , 
shenah,  and  tnrvos,  hupnos;  for  the  vb.,  IV^  ,  yashen, 
a?TB ,  shakhabh,  and  KaBeiSu,,  katheudo.     The  figura- 


tive uses  for  death  (Dt  31  16,  etc)  and  sluggishness 
(Eph  5  14,   etc)   are  very  obvious.     See  Dreams. 

SLEEP,  DEEP  (H'aTjn,  tardemah,  vb.  D^T, 
radham,  from  a  root  meaning  "to  be  deaf") :  The  vb. 
radham  has  no  further  meaning  than  "to  be  fast 
asleep"  (Jgs  4  21;  Jon  1  5),  but  AV  used  "deep 
sleep"  as  a  tr  only  in  Dnl  8  18;  10  9,  where  a 
sleep  supernaturally  caused  (a  "trance")  is  meant 
(cf  "dead  sleep"  in  Ps  76  6).  RV's  insertion  of 
"deep  sleep"  in  place  of  AV's  "fast  asleep"  in  Jgs  4 
21  is  consequently  unfortunate.  The  noun  lardemdh 
has  the  same  meaning  of  "trance"  in  Gen  2  21; 
15  12;  1  S  26  12;  Job  4  13;  33  15,  but  in  Prov 
19  15;  Isa  29  10,  it  is  used  figuratively  of  torpor. 
In  Acts  20  9  [hupnos  bathus),  heavy  natural  sleep 
is  meant.  Burton  Scott  Easton 

SLEEVES,  slevz  (Gen  37  3  m).     See  Dress. 

SLEIGHT,  slit:  No  connection  with  "slight,"  but 
from  the  same  root  as  "sly"  and  so  =  "cunning." 
So  in  Eph  4  14,  "sleight  of  men,"  for  Kvfiela,  ku- 
bela,  "dice-playing"  (cf  "cube"),  "gamblers'  tricks," 
"trickery." 

SLIME,  slim,  SLIME  PITS,  sllm'pits  (Tan, 
hemar;    LXX  ao-<|)aX.Tos,  dsphallos;   Vulg  bitumen; 

men";  and  cf  "1^011,  homer,  "clay,"  "mortar"):  In 
the  account  of  the  ark  in  Gen  6  14,  "1E3 ,  kopher 
(LXX  &<r<f>a\Tos,  dsphallos;    Vulg  hilumen;  cf  Arab. 

JiJ  ,  kufr,   "pitch")  does  not  necessarily  denote 

vegetable  pitch,  but  may  well  mean  bitumen.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  flSJ  ,   0ep/ie(/i,  "pitch"  (cf  Arab. 

OAiv,   zi/<,  "pitoh"),inEx  2  3  and  Isa  34  9.     The 

word  "slime"  occurs  in  the  following  passages :  "And 
they  had  brick  for  stone,  and  slime  had  they  for 
mortar"  (Gen  11  3);  "Now  the  vale  of  Siddim  was 
full  of  slime  pits"  (Gen  14  10,  m  "bitumen  pits"); 
"She  took  for  him  an  ark  of  bulrushes,  and  daubed 
it  with  slime  and  with  pitch"  (Ex  2  3). 

Bitumen  is  a  hydrocarbon  allied  to  petroleum  and 
natural  gas.  It  is  a  lustrous  black  solid,  breaking 
with  a  conohoidal  fracture,  burning  with  a  yellow 
flame,  and  melting  when  ignited.  It  is  probably 
derived  from  natural  gas  and  petroleum  by  a  process 
of  oxidation  and  evaporation ,  and  its  occurrence  may 
be  taken  as  a  sign  that  other  hydrocarbons  are  or 
have  been  present  in  the  strata.  It  is  found  in  small 
lumps  and  larger  masses  in  the  cretaceous  limestone 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  there  is  reason 
to  beheve  that  considerable  quantities  of  it  rise  to 
the  surface  of  the  Dead  Sea  during  earthquakes. 
In  ancient  times  it  was  exported  to  Egypt  to  be 
used  in  embalming  mummies.  Important  mines 
of  it  exist  at  Hdsbeiya  near  Mt.  Hermon  and  in 
North  Syria.  Springs  of  liquid  bituminous  matter 
exist  in  Mesopotamia,  where  according  to  Herodotus 
and  other  classical  writers  it  was  used  as  mortar  with 
sun-dried  bricks.  Various  conjectures  have  been 
made  as  to  the  part  played  by  bitumen  in  the 
destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  Diodorus 
Siculus  calls  the  Dead  Sea  'Mij.vv  d<T<pa\TtTis,  limne 
asphallUis,  "lake  of  asphalt."  See  Siddim;  Cities 
OF  THE  Plain.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

SLING.   See  Armor,  III,  2. 

SLIP:  As  meaning  "a  cutting  from,  a  plant,"  it 
is  still  good  Eng.     In  this  sense  in  Isa  17  10  for 


Slopes 
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cTllUT  ,  z'morah,  "branch,"  "twig."  For  the  phrase 
"slip  of  the  tongue"  cf  Sir  14  1;  19  16;  20  18; 
21  7;  25  8. 

SLOPES,  slops.     See  Ashdoth-pisgah. 

SLOW,  slo:  Chiefly  for  ^"IN,  'erekh,  lit.  "long," 
in  the  phrase  "slow  to  anger"  (Neh  9  17,  etc).  In 
Ex  4  10;  Lk  24  25;  Jas  1  19,  for  "53,  kabhedh; 
PpaSiis,  bradus,  both  meaning  "heavj',"  "sluggish," 
while  Sir  7  35  uses  "be  slow"  for  6kv^u>,  okiico, 
"hesitate."  In  addition,  AV  uses  "slow"  for  dpyoi, 
drgos,  "inactive,"  in  Wisd  15  15,  "slow  to  go"  (RV 
"helpless  for  walking"),  and  in  Tit  1  12,  "slow 
belUes"  (RV  "idle  gluttons").  In  Sir  51  24,  AV 
has  "be  slow"  for  vaTepiu,  hustereo,  "he  lacking" 
(soRV). 

SLUGGARD,  slug'ard:  Found  only  in  the  OT, 
and  there  only  in  Prov.  It  is  the  rendering  given 
the  word  ^agel  everywhere  in  RV,  but  in  AV  onlv  in 
Prov  6  6.9;  10  26;  13  4;  20  4;  26  16  (elsewhere 
AV  translates  by  "slothful").  The  root  meaning  of 
'Sf?;  is  "to  be  sluggish,"  "stupid."  The  Eng.  word 
"slug"  is  said  to  be  "allied  to  slack"  (Webster). 

SLUICE,  sloos  (IDil? ,  sekher,  lit.  "hire") :  In  Isa 
19  10,  AV  reads,  "all  that  make  sluices  and  ponds 
for  fish."  RV  entirely  alters  the  tr  of  the  whole 
verse.  It  reads,  "And  the  pillars  of  Egypt  shall  be 
broken  in  pieces;  allthey  that  work  for  hire  [m  "that 
make  dams"]  shall  be  grieved  in  soul." 

SMELL,  smel  (Heb  and  Aram,  n"!"! ,  re'h,  as 
noun,  "savor,"  "scent";  H^l ,  rWh,  as  vb.,  lit.  "to 
breathe,"  "to  inhale,"  thence  "to  smell";  ocrnTJ, 
osmt,  the  "smell,"  "savor,"  ei«8£a,  eubdia,  "sweet 
smell,"  "fragrance,"  6o-(t>piio-is,  6sphresis,  "the  sense 
of  smell";  vb.  6o-^pa(vop.oi,  osphralnomai) :  "And 
he  came  near,  and  kissed  him:  and  he  smelled  [way- 
yarah]  the  smell  [re"h]  of  his  raiment,  and  blessed 
him,  and  said,  See,  the  smell  [re"A]  of  my  son  is  as 
the  smell  [re°/i]  of  a  field  which  Jeh  hath  blessed" 
(Gen  27  27) .  Idols  are  described  as  '  'gods,  the  work 
of  men's  hands,  wood  and  stone,  which  neither  see, 
nor  hear,  nor  eat,  nor  smell' '  (Dt  4  28) .  Acceptable 
sacrifices  and  pious  conduct  are  called  a  "sweet 
smell"  or  "savor"  (Ex  29  18;  Eph  5  2;  Phil  4 
18),  well-pleasing  to  God.  The  godless  life,  which 
dishonors  God,  is  hateful  to  Him:  "I  will  not  smell 
the  savor  of  your  sweet  odors"  (Lev  26  31).  The 
phrase,  "being  in  bad  odor  with  a  person,"  can  be 
traced  to  Bib.  language:  "Ye  have  made  our  savor 
to  be  abhorred  in  the  eyes  of  Pharaoh,  and  in  the 
eyes  of  his  servants"  (Ex  5  21).  Thus  "smell"  is 
occasionally  equivalent  with  "quality,"  "character" : 
"His  [Moab's]  taste  remain eth  in  him,  and  his  scent 
is  not  changed"  (Jer  48  11).  Character  or  quality 
is  the  most  infallible  test,  the  most  manifest  adver- 
tisement of  a  thing  or  a  person;  thus  we  find  the 
following  very  instructive  passage:  "[God]  maketh 
manifest  through  us  the  savor  [osme]  of  his  knowl- 
edge in  every  place.  For  we  are  a  sweet  savor 
[euodia]  of  Christ  unto  God,  in  [tetter:  "among"] 
them  that  are  saved,  and  in  [better:  "among"]  them 
that  perish;  to  the  one  a  savor  [osme]  from  death 
unto  death;  to  the  other  a  savor  [osme]  from  life 
untolife"(2  Cor  2  14-16).  See  Triumph.  In  the 
passage  Isa  3  24,  AV  "sweet  smell"  (Dffla ,  besem,, 
"balsam  plant")  has  been  changed  to  "sweet  spices" 
in  RV.  H.  L.  E.  Luering 

SMITH,  smith.     See  Crafts,  10;  Tubal-cain. 

SMITING  BY  THE  SUN.     See  Sun  Smiting. 


SMOKE,  smok:  T'sed  figuratively  of  the  Divine 
jealousy  (Dt  29  20)  and  anger  (Ps  74  1);  symboUc 
of  the  glory  of  the  Divine  holiness  (Isa  4  5;  6  4; 
Rev  15  8). 

SMYRNA,  smijr'na  (Sjitipva,  Smurna) :  Smyrna, 
a  large  ancient  city  on  the  western  coast  of  Asia 
Minor,  at  the  head  of  a  gulf  which 
1.  Ancient  reaches  30  miles  inland,  was  originally 
peopled  by  the  Asiatics  known  as  the 
Lelages.  The  city  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the 
Lelages  by  the  Aeolian  Greeks  about  1100  BC;  there 


Ancient  Aqueduct  at  Smyrna. 

still  remain  traces  of  the  Cyclopean  masonry 
of  that  early  time.  In  688  BC  it  passed  into  the 
possession  of  the  Ionian  Greeks  and  was  made  one 
of  the  cities  of  the  Ionian  confederacy,  but  in  627 
BC  it  was  taken  by  the  I^ydians.  During  the  years 
301  to  281  BC,  Lysimachus  entirely  rebuilt  it  on  a 
new  site  to  the  S.W.  of  the  earlier  cities,  and  sur- 
rounded it  by  a  wall.  Standing,  as  it  did,  upon  a 
good  harbor,  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  chief  high- 
ways to  the  interior,  it  early  became  a  great  trading- 
center  and  the  chief  port  for  the  export  trade.  In 
Rom  times,  Smjrrna  was  considered  the  most 
brilliant  city  of  Asia  Minor,  successfully  rivaling 
Pergamos  and  Ephesus.  Its  streets  were  wide  and 
paved.  Its  system  of  coinage  was  old,  and  now 
about  the  city  coins  of  every  period  are  found.  It 
was  celebrated  for  its  schools  of  science  and  medi- 
cine, and  for  its  handsome  buildings.  Among  them 
was  the  Homerium,  for  Smyrna  was  one  of  several 
places  which  claimed  to  be  the  birthplace  of  the 
poet.  On  the  slope  of  Mt.  Pagus  was  a  theater 
which  seated  20,000  spectators.  In  the  year  23  AD 
a  temple  was  built  in  honor  of  Tiberius  and  his 
mother  Julia,  and  the  Golden  Street,  connecting  the 
temples  of  Zeus  and  Cybele,  is  said  to  have  been  the 
best  in  any  ancient  city.  Smyi-na  early  became  a 
Christian  city,  for  there  was  one  of  the  Seven 
Churches  of  the  Book  of  Rev  (2  8-11).  There 
Polycarp,  the  bishop  of  Smyrna,  was  martyred, 
though  without  the  sanction  of  the  Rom  govern- 
ment. It  seems  that  the  .Jews  of  Smyrna  were  more 
antagonistic  than  were  the  Romans  to  the  spread  of 
Christianity,  for  it  is  said  that  even  on  Saturday, 
their  sacred  day,  they  brought  wood  for  the  fire  in 
which  Polycarp  was  burned.  His  grave  is  still 
shown  in  a  cemetery  there.  Like  many  other 
cities  of  Asia  Minor,  Smyrna  Buffered  frequently, 
esp.  during  the  years  178-80  AD,  from  earthquakes, 
but  it  always  escaped  entire  destruction.  During 
the  Middle  Ages  the  city  was  the  scene  of  many 
struggles,  the  most  fierce  of  which  was  directed 
by  Timur  against  the  Christians.  Tradition  relates 
that  there  he  built  a  tower,  using  as  stones  the  heads 
of  a  thousand  captives  which  he  put  to  death,  yet 
Smyrna  was  the  last  of  the  Christian  cities  to  hold 
out  against  the  Mohammedans;  in  1424  it  fell  into 


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Slopes 
Snow 


the  hands  of  the  Turks.  It  was  the  discovery  of 
America  and  the  resulting  discovery  of  a  sea  route 
to  India  which  ruined  the  Smyrna  trade. 

Modern  Smyrna  is  still  the  largest  city  in  Asia 
Minor,  with  a  population  of  about  250,000,  of  whom 
half  are  Greek  and  less  than  one- 
2.  Modern  fourth  are  Mohammedans.  Its  mod- 
ern name,  Ismir,  is  but  a  Turkish  cor- 
ruption of  the  ancient  name.  Even  under  the 
Turkish  government  the  city  is  progressive,  and  is 
the  capital  of  the  Aidin  vilayet,  and  therefore  the 
home  of  a  governor.  Several  railroads  follow  the 
courses  of  the  ancient  routes  into  the  distant 
interior.  In  its  harbor  ships  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  may  be  seen.  The  ancient  harbor  of  Paul's 
time  has  been  filled  in,  and  there  the  modern  bazaars 
stand.  The  old  stadium  has  been  destroyed  to  make 
room  for  modern  buildings,  and  a  large  part  of  the 
ancient  city  lies  buried  beneath  the  modern  houses 
and  the  40  mosques  of  which  the  city  boasts.  The 
better  of  the  modern  buildings,  belonging  to  the 
government  and  occupied  by  the  foreign  consuls, 
stand  along  the  modern  quay.  Traces  of  the 
ancient  walls  are  still  to  be  found.  W.  of  Mt.  Pagus 
is  the  Ephesian  gate,  and  the  Black-gate,  as  the 
Turks  call  it,  is  near  the  railroad  station.  The 
castle  upon  Mt.  Pagus,  460  ft.  above  the  sea,  dates 
from  Byzantine  times.  The  prosperity  of  Smyrna 
is  due,  not  only  to  the  harbor  and  the  port  of  entry 
to  the  interior,  but  partly  to  the  perfect  climate 
of  spring  and  autumn — the  winters  are  cold  and 
the  summers  are  hot;  and  also  to  the  fertility  of 
the  surrounding  country.  Figs,  grapes,  valonia, 
opium,  sponges,  cotton  and  liquorice  root  are  among 
the  chief  articles  of  trade.  See  also  Churches, 
Seven.  E.  J.  Banks 

SNAIL,  snal  ([1]  tDUh ,  hornet,  RV  "sand-lizard," 
LXX  o-avpa,  saura,  "Uzard"  [Lev  11  30];  [2] 
blbaia ,  shahhHul,  LXX  Kiipos,  herds,  "wax"  [Ps  58 
8]) :  (1)  Hornet  is  7th  in  the  list  of  unclean  "creeping 
things"  in  Lev  11  30,  and  occurs  nowhere  else. 
"Snail"  is  not  warranted  by  LXX  or  Vulg.  RV  has 
"sand-Uzard."  It  may  be  the  skink  or  a  species  of 
Lacerta.  See  Lizard.  (2)  Shabb'liU  is  tr^i  "snail" 
in  Ps  58  8:  "Let  them  be  as  a  snail  which  melteth 
and  passeth  away."  Mandelkern  gives  Umax, 
"slug."  Gesenius  derives  shabh'lul  from  balal,  "to 
pour";  cf  Arab,  balla,  "to  wet,"  instancing  Xer/i^'l, 
leimax,  "snail,"  or  "slug,"  from  Ae()3a),  leibo,  "to 
pour."  While  LXX  has  keros,  "wax,"  Talm  (Mo^edh 
Katan  66)  supports  "snail."  The  ordinary  expla- 
nation of  the  passage,  which  is  not  very  satisfying, 
is  that  the  snail  leaves  a  trail  of  mucus  (i.e.  it 
melts)  as  it  moves  along.  This  does  not  in  any  way 
cause  the  snail  to  waste  away,  because  its  glands 
are  continually  manufacturing  fresh  mucus.  Two 
large  species  of  snail.  Helix  aspersa  and  Helix 
pomalia,  are  collected  and  eaten,  boiled,  by  the 
Christians  of  Syria  and  Pal,  esp.  in  Lent.  The 
Jews  and  Moslems  declare  them  to  be  unclean  and 
do  not  eat  them.  Alfred  Ely  Day 

SNARE,  snar  (HE,  pah;  ■Ta.yk,  pagls,  but 
Ppoxos,  brdchos,  in  1  Cor  7  35):  Over  half  a 
dozen  Heb  words  are  used  to  indicate  different 
methods  of  taking  birds  and  animals,  of  which  the 
snare  (IS ,  pah)  is  mentioned  of  tener  than  any  other. 
It  was  a  noose  of  hair  for  small  birds,  of  wire  for 
larger  birds  or  smaller  animals.  The  snares  were  set 
in  a  favorable  location  and  grain  scattered  to  attract 
theattention  of  feathered  creatures.  They  accepted 
the  bribe  of  good  feeding  and  walked  into  the  snare, 
not  suspecting  danger.  For  this  reason  the  snare 
became  particularly  applicable  in  describing  a 
tempting  bribe  offered  by  men  to  lead  their  fellows 


into  trouble,  and  the  list  of  references  is  a  long  one, 
all  of  the  same  nature.  See  Ex  10  7;  IS  18  21; 
28  9;  Ps  11  6;  18  5,  "snares  of  death";  used 
symbohcally  of  anything  that  may  kill:  91  3; 
124  7;  140  5;  141  9;  Prov  7  23;  13  14;  18  7; 
20  25;  22  25;  29  25;  Eccl  9  12.  "But  this  is  a 
people  robbed  and  plundered;  they  are  all  of  them 
snared  in  holes,  and  they  are  hid  in  prison-houses: 
they  are  for  a  prey,  and  none  dehvereth;  for  a 
spoil,  and  none  saith.  Restore"  (Isa  42  22).  Here 
it  is  specified  that  the  snare  was  in  a  hole  so  covered 
as  to  conceal  it.  Jer  18  22  clearly  indicates 
that  the  digging  of  a  pit  to  take  prey  was  customary, 
and  also  the  hiding  of  the  snare  for  the  feet.  North 
American  Indians  in  setting  a  snare  usually  figure 
on  catching  the  bird  around  the  neck.  Jer  50  24, 
"I  have  laid  a  snare  for  thee";  Hos  9  8,  "Afowler's 
snare  is  in  all  his  ways";  Am  3  5  seems  to  indicate 
that  the  snare  was  set  for  the  feet;  Lk  21  34,  "But 
take  heed  to  yourselves,  lest  haply  ....  that 
day  come  on  you  suddenly  as  a  snare" ;  Rom  11  9, 
"Let  their  table  be  made  a  snare,  and  a  trap"; 
1  Cor  7  35,  "not  that  1  may  cast  a  snare  upon 
you";  1  Tim  3  7,  "the  snare  of  the  devil";  also 
6  9,  "But  they  that  are  minded  to  be  rich  fall  into 
a  temptation  and  a  snare  and  many  foolish  and 
hurtful  lusts,  such  as  drown  men  in  destruction  and 
perdition."     See  Gin;  Net;  Trap. 

Gene  Stkatton-Porter 
SNEEZE,  snez  pliT,  zorer,  Po'el-form  T^T , 
zarar):  "The  chUd  sneezed  seven  times,  and  the 
child  opened  his  eyes"  (2  K  4  35).  "Sneezing," 
better  "snorting,"  is  found  in  the  description  of 
Leviathan  (the  crocodile) :  "His  sneezings  [niC^tjy, 
'dtishah]  flash  forth  light,  and  his  eyes  are  like  the 
eyelids  of  the  morning"  (Job  41  18  (Heb  10]). 
See  Neesing. 

SNOW,  sno  (jblB,  shelegh,  jbri,  tlagh  [Dnl  7  9]; 
X"Sv,  chion) :  (1)  Snow  is  not  uncommon  in  the 
winter  in  Jerus,  but  it  never  reaches  any  depth  and 
in  many  winters  it  is  not  seen  at  all.  It  usually 
disappears,  for  the  most  part,  as  soon  as  the  sun 
appears,  though  it  may  "hide  itself"  for  a  time  in 
the  gorge  cut  by  a  stream  (Job  6  16).  On  lower 
levels  than  Jerus  there  is  never  sufficient  to  cover 
the  ground,  though  often  there  are  some  flakes  seen 
in  the  air.  Even  at  sea-level  there  is  occasionally 
a  sufficient  fall  of  hail  to  cover  the  ground.  A  very 
exceptional  snowfall  is  related  in  1  Mace  13  22  at 
Adora  (near  Hebron).  It  was  heavy  enough  to 
prevent  the  movement  of  troops.  (2)  The  tops  of 
the  mountains  of  Lebanon  are  white  with  snov,f 
for  most  of  the  year,  and  snow  may  be  found  in 
large  banks  in  the  valleys  and  the  northern  slopes 
at  any  time  in  the  summer.  Mt.  Hermon,  9,200 
ft.  high,  has  long  streaks  of  snow  in  the  valleys  all 
the  summer.  (3)  The  snow  of  the  mountains  is  the 
source  of  the  water  of  the  springs  which  last  through- 
out the  drought  of  summer.  In  case  the  snow  fails 
there  is  sure  to  be  a  lack  of  water  in  the  fountains: 
"Shall  the  snow  of  Lebanon  fail  ....  or  shall  the 
cold  waters  that  flow  down  from  afar  be  dried  up?" 
(Jer  18  14).  (4)  Large  quantities  of  snow  are 
stored  in  caves  in  the  mountains  in  winter  and 
are  brought  down  to  the  cities  in  summer  to  be 
used  in  place  of  ice  for  cooling  drinks  and  refriger- 
ating purposes. 

(5)  God's  power  over  the  elements  of  Nature  is 
often  brought  out  in  the  OT:  "For  he  saith  to  the 
snow,  Fall  thou  on  the  earth"  (Job  37  6);  but 
man  cannot  fathom  the  works  of  God :  "Hast  thou 
entered  the  treasuries  of  the  snow?"  (Job  38  22). 
"The  snowy  day"  (1  Ch  11  22;  2  S  23  20)  and 
the  "fear  of  snow"  (Prov  31  21)  are  figurative 
uses  describing  winter  and  cold.     "Snow  in  sum- 


Snuffers 
Solemn 


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2820 


mer"  (Prov  26  1)  would  be  most  out  of  place,  yet 
it  might  be  most  refreshing  to  the  tired  workmen  in 
the  time  of  harvest. 

(6)  Snow  ig  the  symbol  of  purity  and  cleanness, 
giving  us  some  of  our  most  beautiful  passages  of 
Scripture:  "Wash  me  and  I  shall  be  whiter  than 
snow"  (Ps  51  7);  "Though  your  sins  be  as  scarlet, 
they  shall  be  as  white  as  snow"  (Isa  1  18).  Carry- 
ing the  figure  farther,  snow-water  might  be  expected 
to  have  a  special  value  for  cleansing:  "If  I  wash 
myself  with  snow-water"  (Job  9  30).  The  most 
common  use  in  Scripture  is  to  denote  whiteness  in 
color  and  implying  purity  as  well :  "His  raiment  was 
white  as  snow"  (Dnl  7  9;  Mt  28  3;  Mk  9  3; 
Rev  1  14). 

(7)  The  whiteness  of  leprosy  is  compared  to  snow 
(Ex  4  6;    Nu  12  10;   2  K  5  27). 

SNUFFERS,  snuf'erz,  SNUFFDISHES|  snuf- 
dish-ez  (D'^npjb'O  ,  melkdhayim,  mnn^  ,  makldlh) : 
These  two  utensils  are  thrice  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  the  wilderness  tabernacle  (Ex  25  38; 
37  23;  Nu  4  9).  ARV  prefers  to  read  "snufTers 
and  snuffdishes"  in  place  of  "tongs  and  snufTdishes" 
(cf  2  Ch  4  22),  the  connection  between  the  two 
utensils  being  indicated  by  the  fact  that  both  are 
said  to  belong  to  the  seven  lamps,  and  were  to  be 
made  out  of  the  talent  of  gold  which  was  specified 
as  the  weight  of  the  whole  (Ex  25  37-39). 

The  seven-branched  candlestick  which  stood  in 
the  holy  place  of  both  tabernacle  and  temple  was 
surmounted,  in  each  of  its  arms,  by  a  removable 
lamp  in  which  olive  oil  was  burnt.  From  the 
requirement  of  keeping  these  lights  brilliantly 
burning  throughout  each  night  of  the  year,  arose  the 
need  for  snuffers  and  snuffdishes.  By  the  former, 
the  burnt  portions  of  the  wick  were  removed;  in 
the  latter  they  were  deposited  previous  to  removal. 
The  lamps  may  have  required  to  be  trimmed  as 
often  as  every  half-hour.  For  this  purpose  a 
priest  would  enter  the  outer  chamber  "accomplish- 
ing the  services"  (He  9  6). 

In  the  time  of  Solomon's  Temple  another  word 
than  melkahayim  was  used  to  describe  this  utensil. 
It  is  mipTTG ,  m'zamm'roth,  from  a  vb.  meaning 
"to  prune"  or  "trim,"  and  is  found  in  1  K  7  50; 
2  K  12  13;  25  14;  2  Ch  4  22;  Jer  52  18.  In 
4  of  these  passages,  the  Eng.  text  reads,  "the 
snufTers  and  the  basins";  the  5th  is  merely  a  sum- 
mary of  things  taken  to  Babylon  (2  K  25  14).  In 
this  constant  later  association  of  "basins"  and 
"snuffers"  it  is  seen  that  the  basins  referred  to  were 
used  for  the  reception  of  the  cast-ofT  portions  of  the 
wicks  of  the  seven  lamps,  and  took  the  place  of  the 
snuffdishes  of  an  earlier  age.     See  Tongs. 

W.  Shaw  Caldecott 

SO,  so  (SID ,  jo',  although  the  Heb  might  be 
pointed  i^']0 ,  ^ewe' ;  Assyr  Sib'u;  LXX  2iiY<op, 
Segor,  SmA,  Sod;  Manetho,  2evi«xos,  Seuechos; 
La.t  Sevechus:  Herod,  [ii.  137  ff],  SapaKiov,  jSabafcon): 
In  all  probability  the  "Sabaeo"  of  Herodotus,  the 
Shabaka,  who  founded  the  Ethiopian  dynasty, 
the  XXVth  of  Egyp  kings.  His  date  is  given  as 
71.5-707  BC  (Flinders  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt,  III, 
281  S),  but  we  may  suppose  that  before  his  accession 
to  the  throne  he  was  entitled  to  be  designated  king, 
as  being  actually  regent.  To  this  So,  Hoshea, 
king  of  Israel,  made  an  appeal  for  assistance  to 
enable  him  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Assyr 
Shalmaneser  IV  (2  K  17  3  ff).  But  Hoshea's 
submission  to  So  brought  him  no  advantage,  for 
Shahnaneser  came  up  throughout  all  the  land  and 
laid  siege  to  Samaria.  Not  long  after  the  fall  of 
Samaria,  So  ventured  upon  an  eastern  campaign, 
and  was  defeated  by  Sargon,  the  successor  of  Shal- 
maneser, in  the  battle  of  Raphia  in  720  BC. 


Literature. — Flinders  Petrie,  History  of  Egypt,  III, 
281  IT;   McCurdy,  HPM,  I,  422;    Schrader,  COT.  I,  261. 

T.  NicoL 
SOAP,  sop  (rr^na ,  horlth;  AV  sope) :  Borlth  is 
a  derivative  of  13  ,  hor,  "purity,"  hence  something 
which  cleanses  or  makes  pure.  Soap  in  the  modern 
sense,  as  referring  to  a  salt  of  a  fatty  acid,  for 
example,  that  produced  by  treating  olive  oil  with 
caustic  soda,  was  probably  unknown  in  OT  times. 
Even  today  there  are  districts  in  the  interior  of 
Syria  where  soap  is  never  used.  Cooking  utensils, 
clothes,  even  the  body  are  cleansed  with  ashes. 
The  ashes  of  the  household  fires  are  carefully  saved 
for  this  purpose.  The  cleansing  material  referred 
to  in  Jer  2  22  (cf  LXX  ad  loc,  where  horlth  is 
rendered  by  iroia,  poia  =  "grass")  and  Mai  3  2  was 
probably  the  vegetable  lye  called  in  Arab,  el  kali 
(the  origin  of  Eng.  alkali).  This  material,  which 
is  a  mixture  of  crude  sodium  and  potassium  car- 
bonates, is  sold  in  the  market  in  the  form  of  greyish 
lumps.  It  is  produced  by  burning  the  desert 
plants  and  adding  enough  water  to  the  ashes  to 
agglomerate  them.  Before  the  discovery  of  Le- 
blanc's  process  large  quantities  of  Ifali  were  exported 
from  Syria  to  Europe. 

For  washing  clothes  the  women  sprinkle  the  pow- 
dered kali  over  the  wet  garments  and  then  place  them 
on  a  flat  stone  and  pound  them  with  a  wooden 
paddle.  For  washing  the  body,  oil  is  first  smeared 
over  the  skin  and  then  Ifali  rubbed  on  and  the  whole 
slimy  mixture  rinsed  off  with  water.  Kali  was  also 
used  anciently  as  a  flux  in  refining  precious  metals 
(cf  Mai  3  2).  At  the  present  time  many  Syrian 
soap-makers  prefer  the  kali  to  the  imported  caustic 
soda  for  soap-making. 

In  Sus  (ver  17)  is  a  curious  reference  to  "washing 
balls"  (smigmata).  James  A.  Patch 

SOBER,  so'ber,  SOBRIETY,  sO-bri'S-ti,  SOBER- 
NESS, so'ber-nes  (Gr  adj.  sophron,  and  its  related 
nouns,  sophrosune,  sophronismos;  vbs.  sophroneo 
and  sophronizo;  advb.  sophrdnos,  "of  sound  mind," 
"self-possessed,"  "without  excesses  of  any  kind," 
"moderate  and  discreet") :  In  Mk  5  15;  Lk  8  35, 
"sane,"  said  of  one  out  of  whom  demons  had  just 
been  cast.  In  the  Pastoral  Epp.,  this  virtue  is  esp. 
commended  to  certain  classes,  because  of  extrava- 
gances characterizing  particular  periods  of  life,  that 
had  to  be  guarded  against,  viz.  to  aged  men, 
with  reference  to  the  querulousness  of  old  age  (Tit 
2  2);  to  young  men,  with  reference  to  their  san- 
guine views  of  life,  and  their  tendency  to  dis- 
regard consequences  (Tit  2  6);  enjoined  upon 
young  women,  with  reference  to  extravagance  in 
dress  and  speech  (Tit  2  5;  1  Tim  2  9);  and,  in 
a  similar  manner,  commended  to  ministers,  because 
of  the  importance  of  their  judgment  and  conduct, 
as  teachers  and  exemplars  (1  Tim  3  2),  "Words 
of  soberness"  (Acts  26  25)  are  contrasted  with 
the  "mania,"  "madness,"  that  Festus  had  just 
declared  to  be  the  explanation  of  Paul's  eloquence 
(ver  24). 

In  a  few  passages,  the  Gr  vb.  nipho  and  its  deriva- 
tive adj.  nephdlios  are  used  in  the  same  sense.  The 
word  originally  had  a  physical  meaning,  as  opposed 
to  drunkenness,  and  is  thus  used  in  1  Thess  6  6.8, 
as  the  foundation  of  the  deeper  meaning.  Used 
metaphorically  also  in  the  Pastoral  Epp.  and  1  Pet, 
as  sometimes  in  the  classics,  for  "cool,"  "unimpas- 
sioned."  Ellicott,  on  1  Tim  3  2.11,  distinguishes 
between  the  two  words  by  regarding  sophron  "as 
pointing  to  the  outward  exhibition  of  the  inward  vir- 
tue" implied  in  nephalios.  H.  E.  Jacobs 

SOCHO,    so'ko:     Occurs    in    1  Ch  4  18,     RV 

"Soco."     See  Socoh. 


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