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http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924070600261
Photographic facsimile of frontispiece to Pedro
Murillo Velarde's Historia de la provincia
de Philipinas (Manila, 1749)
[From copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago]
The PHILIPPINE
ISLANDS 1493-1898
Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the
Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Eco-
nomic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those
Islands from their earliest relations with European
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth Century
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINALS
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and
James Alexander Robertson, with historical intro-
duction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations
Volume XLIV — 1700-1736
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI
Wa 2> o r>
&.7-0 V^Gd\
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIV
Preface u
Documents of 1700- 1730
Jesuit missions in the seventeenth century.
Pedro Murillo Velarde; Manila, 1749 27
Condition of the islands, 1701. Jose Vila,
O.P., and others; Manila, October 7,
1701 120
Events of 1701-1715. [Summarized from
Conception's Historia de Philipinas.'] \\z
The government and death of Bustamante.
Diego de Otazo, S.J., and others; Ma-
nila, 1719-20 148
Letter by a Spanish officer. Manuel de
Santistevan; Manila, January 28, 1730 196
Commerce of the Philippines with Nueva Es-
paiia, 1640-1736 (to be concluded). An-
tonio Alvarez de Abreu; Madrid, 1736.
[From Extracto historial.} . . . 227
Bibliographical Data 313
ILLUSTRATIONS
Photographic facsimile of frontispiece to Pedro
Murillo Velarde's Historia de la provincia
de Philipinas (Manila, 1749) ; from copy
possessed by Edward E. Ayer, Chicago
Frontispiece
Map of Mindanao, showing Spanish settle-
ments, and districts occupied by the Jesuits
and Recollects ; photographic facsimile from
original MS. (dated 1683) in Archivo ge-
neral de Indias, Sevilla . . . .51
Plan of the palace, Audiencia hall, and ex-
chequer of Manila; photographic facsimile
from original MS. in Archivo general de
Indias, Sevilla 153
Plan of fortifications at Zamboanga, 1719;
photographic facsimile of original manu-
script map in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla 163
PREFACE
The present volume covers the first third of the
eighteenth century, besides reviewing the Jesuit
missions in Filipinas during that which preceded it.
The only occurrence of notable interest in the former
period is the murder of Governor Bustamante by a
mob (1719), which is even more remarkable for the
utterly lawless manner in which the deed was com-
mitted, and the successful efforts made to stifle its
proper investigation and punishment. The memo-
rial of the religious orders (1701) discloses vividly
the tyranny and oppression suffered by the Indians
at the hands of their Spanish masters. Especially
valuable is Abreu's historical sketch of the com-
merce between the islands and Nueva Espana up to
1736, and of the sharp controversy which this
aroused between the traders of Manila and those of
Cadiz and Sevilla.
An account of Jesuit labors in the islands during
the seventeenth century is furnished by Murillo
Velarde, historian of that order, in his Historia de
Philipinas (Manila, 1749). In 1618 the advent of
two comets so terrifies the people that the Jesuits by
their preaching win many souls, not only in Manila
(the most cosmopolitan city in the Spanish empire),
but in its environs. These fathers are eminently sue-
1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS IT 01 - 44
cessful, both as preachers and as confessors; their
manifold duties, and their methods of reaching all
classes, are fully recounted. Some of them conduct
successful missions in Bondoc (Luzon) and the
island of Marinduque ; in the latter, many relapsed
Christians are reclaimed, and wild Indians are
induced to settle in villages. At the desire of the
archbishop of Manila, the Jesuits labor for some
time in the port of Cavite and at Old Cavite, where
they encounter and reform a fearfully corrupt state
of morals ; they also minister to the Chinese residing
near Manila. In 1628 a fatal epidemic causes many
deaths in and near that city: in this calamity the
Jesuits minister untiringly to the sick and dying, as
also do some of the Indian converts. About this
time the Jesuit missions are established in Mindanao,
and soon afterward in Negros and Mindoro. In
1632 a considerable reenforcement of laborers ar-
rives at Manila: their zealous labors were begun as
soon as they embarked at Cadiz, ministering to the
people on their ship. The writer narrates the prog-
ress of their labors in Mindoro, Maragondong, and
Negros; and gives an historical sketch of the early
Jesuit labors in Mindanao, and of those carried on
after 1642 at Iligan and Sibuguey. After the con-
quest of Jolo, Jesuit missionaries labor successfully
in that island; their Joloan converts afterward,
when the missionaries are obliged to leave them,
become exiles from their own land and go to Zam-
boanga, in order to maintain themselves as Chris-
tians. The missions in the Pintados Islands are very
flourishing, except for the sufferings of their people
from the raids of the southern Moros. All the
Philippine missions are greatly hindered and weak-
1700-1736] PREFACE 13
ened, about 1640, by lack of laborers; but in 1643
large bands of Jesuits and Dominicans arrive at
Manila, and give new life to the missions. In
1648-49 Spanish punitive expeditions are sent to
Borneo, which do much damage to those piratical
natives, carry away many captives, and ransom some
Christians held there. These armadas are accom-
panied by Jesuits as chaplains, who take this oppor-
tunity to announce the gospel in Borneo, and baptize
seven hundred islanders ; this gives them great hopes
for a numerous and extensive Christian church to be
founded there, "but, lacking the protection of the
Spanish military forces, this so beautiful hope faded
away almost at its flowering." Our writer expati-
ates on the dangers and privations, the loneliness and
sickness, the difficulties and opposition, that are
bravely encountered and patiently endured by the
missionaries; and the variety of duties which they
must perform, not only ministerial, but those of
teacher, umpire, architect, etc. Much is accom-
plished in Basilan and Mindanao by a few faithful
laborers.
The moral and social conditions prevalent in the
islands become exceedingly corrupt, and the Spanish
colony experiences many calamities and misfortunes,
regarded as the Divine chastisement for their trans- '"
gressions. The remedy sought for this comes as a
papal brief authorizing the archbishop of Manila to
absolve all the inhabitants of the islands from their
transgressions, and from any excommunications in-
curred by them, and granting plenary indulgence to
all who should "worthily prepare to receive it."
This grant being duly published (March 1, 1654),
great good results from it -within Manila alone,
H THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
more than 40,000 persons confessing their sins, and
a great reformation being made in the morals of the
people. Another wave of religious enthusiasm
occurs in the following year, under the direction of
the Jesuits. In 1654 the cornerstone of the new
cathedral building is laid. The spiritual interests of
Ternate and Siao are placed in the care of the
Jesuits, who gain many souls in both these fields. In
1662 a new mission band arrives at Manila, and
some of the Jesuits go out into the ranches and moun-
tain hamlets near Manila; among these, the noted
Father Sanvitores baptizes 24,000 heathens in seven
days, and prepares many others for baptism. The
Pardo controversy leads to so many difficulties be-
tween the ecclesiastical authorities and the religious
orders that they offer to the king their resignation of
the ministries held by them in the islands; but he
refuses to allow the Jesuits to do this, and even
restores to them two parishes of which they had been
deprived. Our author relates in detail the methods
practiced by the Jesuits in administering their par-
ishes, and the devotions and pious exercises that are
practiced by the faithful. Finally, the history of the
parish of San Matheo, and that of the house of
Indian "beatas" in Manila, are presented.
A brief summary of events in the years 1701-15 is
presented, condensed from the diffuse account of
Conception. Governor Zabalburu, the successor of
Cruzat, constructs various important public works.
In the Tournon affair (1704), the governor and
archbishop show undue laxity in allowing Tournon
to interfere in their jurisdiction and infringe on the
royal prerogatives ; for this and other causes they are
removed from their offices. In 1709 Conde de
1 700-1 736] PREFACE 15
Lizarraga assumes the office of governor; but little
of interest occurs during his term. To this is ap-
pended a memorial addressed to Zabalburu (Octo-
ber 7, 1701) by the provincials of the religious
orders in the islands, urging him to reform various
abuses - the neglect of the military posts and of new
conquests of infidels; the sufferings of the natives
from the building of galleons; the severity, oppres-
sion, and fraud practiced on the Indians in the
collection of tributes and in requisitions for personal
services ; the greed and cruelty of Spanish officials ;
the prevalence of gambling and vagabondism; lax-
ity in enforcing the laws that prohibit or restrict
the immigration of infidels - Moors, Chinese, and
others ; and neglect of religious affairs. From these
abuses result most deplorable effects : the depopula-
tion of the islands,, the prevalence of vice, the ruin of
many formerly prosperous Indian villages, and the
exhaustion and demoralization of the natives. The
governor is urged to reform these evils and protect
the poor Indians.
In summarized form is presented Concepcijon's
account of the government (ad interim) of the
auditor Torralba and (proprietary) of Bustamante,
from 1715 to 1719, in which year the latter is
attacked and slain by a mob, the people revolting
against Bustamante's violent and arbitrary acts. To
this are added letters by the Jesuit Otazo and Arch-
bishop Cuesta, the latter of whom is a prominent
figure in the history of that time. The court of the
Audiencia at Manila had been broken up by the
arrest of the auditors for various charges of official
malfeasance, or as a result of hostilities with the
governor; and Torralba himself is imprisoned by
10 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
Bustamante for misconduct. Afterward, desiring
the countenance of an audiencia for his proceedings,
Bustamante forms one with Torralba and some
associates; but the legality of this procedure is
questioned by the archbishop and the university pro-
fessors of law. The governor, as soon as he entered
office, had undertaken to collect by force the large
amounts due to the treasury from its debtors; he
succeeded therein, but of course awakened hatred
and resentment in many of the citizens. A con-
troversy arises with the archbishop over a question
of ecclesiastical immunity; he excommunicates To-
rralba, and is afterward arrested by the governor,
who also imprisons most of the prominent ecclesias-
tics. Then arises a tumult among the people, and
a conspiracy is formed against Bustamante. The
friars sally out from their convents and are joined
by the numerous persons who, in fear of the gov-
ernor's tyrannical acts, have taken refuge in the
churches, and by a crowd of the common people.
All this throng go to the governor's palace, and
attack him ; he is terribly wounded, and dies after a
few hours, and his son also is slain. At the urgent
demand of all, Archbishop Cuesta accepts the post
of governor ad interim, and forms an audiencia
with the released auditors. Bustamante's children
are sent to Mexico. Investigations of the murder
are attempted, in both Manila and Mexico, but are
practically fruitless. Otazo's letter (November 19,
1719) gives a brief account of the murder and the
circumstances connected with it, especially of his
own ministrations to the dying Bustamante; he then
enlarges on the latter's pious death, and for this rea-
son urges his correspondent to refute the slanders
1 7oo-i 736] PREFACE 1 7
that will doubtless be spread about the dead man.
He urges that in the residencia of Bustamante's gov-
ernment action should be taken only in cases which
may involve injury to other parties, and that all
other matters (including the riot) be "buried in
oblivion," for the service of God and the king, the
good of souls, and the tranquillity of the colony. In
order to prevent the recurrence of such troubles, he
advises - his letter being evidently intended to in-
fluence those in power, apparently the confessors of
the king -that the governor of Filipinas be here-
after kept in check by a council composed of
prominent ecclesiastics and religious; and that all
important appointments to offices in the islands be
made by the king instead of the governor. Otazo
details this plan quite fully, and calls for more care-
ful selection of governors and other officials for the
islands. He closes by praising one of the auditors,
Toribio, as an upright official and God-fearing man.
The letter of Archbishop Cuesta (June 28, 1720)
gives his version of the tragedy lately enacted, and
relates how he was forced by the popular will to act
as governor until that vacancy should be filled by
the crown.
A Spanish officer in Manila, Manuel de Santiste-
van, writes to a cousin in Spain (January 28, 1730),
giving the latter an account of his friendly relations
with the new governor of Filipinas, Fernando
Valdes Tamon ; of various family affairs of his own ;
and of the troubles which he has experienced at the
hands of the members of the Audiencia, who envy
his intimacy with the governor and endeavor to
undermine it. He has a quarrel with his father-in-
law, a passionate, scheming, and selfish man ; but it
1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
is patched up by the intervention of the governor
and archbishop, and they are nominally reconciled.
At the same time, Santistevan and his wife, who had
had difficulties, are reunited. He asks his corre-
spondent to secure for him several favors from the
court: a certain amount of lading-space on the Aca-
pulco galleon ; an appointment to a governorship in
one of the Spanish colonies; the command of the
Acapulco galleon in which he hopes to leave the
Philippines; and reimbursement for some property
belonging to his wife which was seized by the vice-
roy of Mexico, on account of the late Governor
Bustamante's debts to the crown.
At this point we resume the history of Philippine
commerce with Nueva Espafia which is presented in
the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two
"periods" of which appeared in VOL. XXX of this
series. On account of its great length and the neces-
sary limitations of the space available to us, we are
obliged to condense and abridge much of this work;
but "Periods" ii-vi are given in full (save for the
text of some long decrees) . The third of these gives
no information regarding that commerce from 1640
to the end of that century, save that the viceroy of
Mexico made remonstrances during 1684-86 as to the
difficulties which embarrassed the Mexican govern-
ment in collecting duties and preventing frauds;
and that in 1697 royal decrees command a stricter
enforcement in Mexico of the existing laws and
regulations for that commerce. This proceeding
disturbs the merchants of Manila, who ask for more
freedom and the removal of certain restrictions.
Along with this, the Spanish government is beset by
demands from its American colonies, who desire to
1700-1736] PREFACE 19
profit by the Philippine commerce, and by remon-
strances from the Spanish merchants who are being
ruined by it. The government thereupon makes
new regulations (August 12, 1702) for the Philip-
pine trade, including some concessions to the Manila
merchants - who nevertheless raise objections to
some of them, as is shown by the governor's report;
he makes some temporary concessions to them, which
(with one exception) are not sustained by the home
government. By its orders, the viceroy of Mexico
makes an investigation (in 1712; "Period" iv) of
the alleged illegal conduct of the Philippine-
Mexican commerce, and finds very serious infrac-
tions of the law in many directions. A letter from
the viceroy (dated August 4, 1714) to the king
shows how these frauds are committed, and how
difficult it is to prove them. He does all in his power
to check or punish them, but conditions are such as
to hamper his efforts and shield the guilty. Linares
shows how these things are injuring the commerce
of Filipinas and the interests of its native Spanish
citizens, and places the whole matter before the
home government for action thereon. The fifth
"Period" is concerned with the injurious effects of
that commerce on the industries and trade of the
mother country, and the attempts of the government
to remedy these. The merchants of Nueva Espana
ask that the trading-fleets sent thither annually from
Spain be discontinued, whereupon the royal Council
ask for information on this subject from the commer-
cial houses of Sevilla. The latter remonstrate
against allowing the importation of Chinese goods
into Nueva Espana, since this is ruining the com-
merce of Spain in that country. The Sevillans com-
20 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
plain of the abuses in the Filipinas trade, and of the
showy and cheap imitations of Spanish goods which
the Chinese send by this agency to Acapulco, which
have driven out the genuine articles and thus have
ruined both the traders and the manufacturers of
Spain. Moreover, the wealth of Nueva Espafia is
being drained into the heathen land of China. Ac-
cordingly, the Sevillans urge that severe restrictions
be placed on the Manila-Acapulco trade, and that
the Spanish trading fleets be sent regularly and often.
As a result of this protest and of the proceedings in
the Council, the king decrees (1718) that the trade
in Chinese silken goods be henceforth prohibited.
In 1719, Viceroy Valero remonstrates ("Period" vi)
against this prohibition, in behalf of not only Fili-
pinas but his own subjects in Nueva Espafia, most of
whom are too poor to purchase Spanish goods for
their garments and depend on the cheap goods from
China; he also declares that the Filipinas trade is
necessary for enabling the Mexican treasury to meet
its obligations. This memorial being submitted to
the fiscal at Madrid, he advises that the prohibition
of trade in Chinese goods be removed. After much
discussion and consultation, the matter is decided
thus, a royal decree (dated October 27, 1720) being
issued accordingly: the Filipinas commerce with
Nueva Espafia must be restricted to 300,000 pesos,
and to certain products and manufactured articles,
from which are strictly excluded all silken fabrics ;
the amount of money sent in return is limited to
600,000 pesos ; citizens of Nueva Espafia are strictly
forbidden to send their own money to Filipinas : and
various precautions, restrictions, and penalties are
provided.
1 700-1736] PREFACE 21
This decree is received ("Period" vii) at Manila
on August 2, 1722. The municipal council address
memorials to the governor protesting against the
restrictions imposed on the Filipinas trade, and
showing that the enforcement of these would ruin
them; but the governor refuses to suspend the
decree, and the fiscal advises the merchants to appeal
to the Madrid court. The citizens send deputies
thither, and persuade the Audiencia to second their
petitions for more liberal treatment, and for the sus-
pension of the decree of 1720. Letters to this effect
from that body inform the home government of the
losses previously sustained by the merchants of Fili-
pinas, the dependence of the islands on their com-
merce with Nueva Espana, the vital importance to
that commerce of the goods from China, and the
danger that if these goods are prohibited the conver-
sion of the Chinese will be rendered exceedingly
difficult; the Audiencia therefore recommends that
the trade in silks be allowed, and the amount of the
permission increased to 250,000 pesos. This opinion
is supported by one of similar tenor, given by the
royal fiscal at Manila; the points which he makes
are elaborated at length in a report sent by him to
the king, dated November 15, 1722. In the same
vein are letters written to support the demands of
the citizens, by the royal officials, the archbishop and
other prominent ecclesiastics, and the superiors of
the religious orders; of these the most forcible is
that written by the Jesuit provincial. He urges that
the natural resources of the Philippines be more
industriously cultivated, and suggests that the Span-
iards compel the other inhabitants of the islands
(Indians, mestizos, and others) "to weave the cloth
22 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS lY 01 - 44
goods which are manufactured in other regions."
Deputies go from Manila to Madrid, to present the
claims of Filipinas, and hand in a printed memorial
containing their arguments for the suspension of the
decree of 1720. This and similar documents brought
forward by both sides show a curious mixture of reli-
gious, political, and commercial motives, as well as
the jealousy and ill-will aroused in the minds of the
Spanish merchants as soon as Manila diverts from
Cadiz any notable amount of trade; and interesting
revelations are made of the practical workings of the
selfish policy pursued by Spain toward her colonies,
and the undue paternalism which would keep them
forever in leading-strings. It is shown that the
strength of Spain as a world-power is being under-
mined by the heretic nations of Europe - England,
France, and Holland - because they display superior
energy and ability in manufactures and commerce.
From this time (1723) until the year when the
Extracto was compiled by order of the Spanish gov-
ernment (1736), there appears a steady and increas-
ingly bitter controversy between the commercial
interests of Manila and Cadiz, the former evidently
having powerful support in government circles, and
the latter becoming alarmed at the precarious con-
dition of both its American trade and the Spanish
industry and commerce in silk fabrics. Manila tries
to show that its trade in Chinese silks is necessary to
the propagation of the Christian faith in China, and
to its maintenance in the Philippines ; Cadiz laughs
this claim to scorn. Manila claims that the decad-
ence of the silk industry in Spain is due to other
causes than the importation of Chinese goods into
Mexico; and a large part of the raw silk produced
1 700-1736] PREFACE 23
in Spain is bought by the industrial nations of
Europe and manufactured into fabrics, which are
brought back to Spain by these foreigners to supply
not only that country but her colonies, the goods
being shipped to the Indias in Spanish bottoms.
The royal fiscal at Madrid supports the contention
of Manila, but would confine its trade strictly to the
amount allowed it by the government; and he
thinks that the complaints by Cadiz arise from the
frauds and abuses in the Manila trade, rather than
from the mere fact of its including Chinese goods.
Manila proposes for the conduct of the commerce a
plan which will obviate the difficulties therein, but
this is opposed by the fiscal and other officials.
Direct appeal being made to the king, he consents
(October, 1726) to test this plan for five years. The
remainder of Abreu's work will appear in VOL. XLV.
The Editors
September, 1906.
DOCUMENTS OF 1700- 1730
Jesuit missions in the seventeenth century. Pedro
Murillo Velarde; 1749.
Condition of the islands, 1701. Jose Vila, O.P., and
others; October 7, 1701.
Events of 1701-15. [Summarized from Concep-
tion's Historia de Philipinas.]
The government and dqath of Bustamante. Diego
de Otazo, S.J., and others; 1719-20.
Letter by a Spanish officer. Manuel de Santistevan;
January 28, 1730.
Sources: The first of these documents is compiled from
Murillo Velarde's Historia de Philipinas (Manila, 1749), using
such parts as directly relate to the missionary labors of the Jesuit
order in the islands; from a copy of the original in possession of
Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. The second is found in the Ventura
del Arco MSS., (Ayer library), v, pp. 201-230; and, in the
fourth, Otazo's and Cuesta's letters are found in iv, pp. 249-295.
The third is summarized from Conception's Historia de Philipinas,
viii, pp. 299-391 ; part of the fourth is from ix, pp. 183-424; and
the rest is obtained as stated above. The fifth is translated from
a MS. probably the original, in possession of Edward E. Ayer.
Translations : These are all made by Emma Helen Blair.
JESUIT MISSIONS IN THE SEVEN-
TEENTH CENTURY
[In 1618 two unusually brilliant comets were
visible in the Philippines ; their effects on the minds
of the people are thus described (fol. 5) :]* There
was great variety and inaccuracy of opinion about
the comets; but through that general although con-
fused notion which the majority of people form,
that comets presage disastrous events, and that the
anger of God threatens men by them, they assisted
greatly in awakening contrition in the people, and
inciting them to do penance. To this the preachers
endeavored to influence them with forcible utter-
ances, for the Society had not been behind [the other
orders] in preparing the city for the entire success
of the jubilee; 2 for there was one occasion when
eleven Jesuits were counted, who, distributed at
various stations, cried out like Jonah, threatening
1 From Murillo Velarde's account of his order in the Philippines
we extract such matter as describes their missions, their general
labors in Manila for both Spaniards and natives, their methods of
work, and some occurrences of special importance to them as an
order. The "edifying instances," and biographies of the Jesuit
fathers, and other devotional reading it is necessary to omit here,
as our limited space forbids its presentation.
2 The papal concession for this jubilee of fifteen days had come
that summer, and had been announced on November 18, just
before the appearance of the comets.
28 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
destruction to impenitent and rebellious souls. God
giving power to their words, this preaching was like
the seed in the gospel story, scattered on good
ground, which not only brought forth its fruit cor-
respondingly, but so promptly that those who heard
broke down in tears at hearing the eternal truths;
and, like thirsty deer, when the sermon was ended
they followed the preacher that he might hear their
confessions, already dreading lest some emergency
might find them in danger of damnation. This har-
vest was not confined within the walls of Manila,
but extended to its many suburbs, and to the adjacent
villages, in which missions had been conducted.
Not only was there preaching to the Spaniards, but
to the Tagalogs, the Indian natives of the country -
who, in token of their fervor, gave from their own
scanty supply food in abundance to the jails and
prisons, Ours aiding them to carry the food, to the
edification of the city. To the Japanese who were
living in our village of San Miguel - exiles from
their native land, in order to preserve their religion,
who had taken refuge in Manila, driven out from
that kingdom by the tyrant Taycosama - our fathers
preached, in their own language. And it can be
said that there was preaching to all the nations, that
which occurred to the apostles in Jerusalem on the
day of Pentecost being represented in Manila; for
I believe that there is no city in the world in which
so many nationalities come together as here. For
besides the Spaniards (who are the citizens and
owners of the country) and the Tagalogs (who are
the Indian natives of the land) , there are many other
Indians from the islands, who speak different
tongues -such as the Pampangos, the Camarines
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 29
[i.e., the Bicols], the Bisayans, the Ilocans, the Pan-
gasinans, and the Cagayans. There are Creoles
[Cn'o//oj], or Morenos, who are swarthy blacks,
natives of the country; 3 there are many Cafres, and
other negroes from Angola, Congo, and Africa.
There are blacks from Asia, Malabars, Coroman-
dels, and Canarins. There are a great many San-
gleys, or Chinese -part of them Christians, but the
majority heathens. There are Ternatans, and Mar-
dicas (who took refuge here from Ternate) ; there
are some Japanese; there are people from Borney
and Timor, and from Bengal ; there are Mindanaos,
Joloans, and Malays; there are Javanese, Siaos, and
Tidorans; there are people from Cambay and
Mogol, and from other islands and kingdoms of
Asia. There are a considerable number of Arme-
nians, and some Persians ; and Tartars, Macedonians,
Turks, and Greeks. There are people from all the
nations of Europa - French, Germans, and Dutch ;
Genoese and Venetians; Irish and Englishmen;
Poles and Swedes. There are people from all the
kingdoms of Espana, and from all America ; so that
he who spends an afternoon on the tuley* or bridge
of Manila will see all these nationalities pass by him,
behold their costumes, and hear their languages -
something which cannot be done in any other city in
the entire Spanish monarchy, and hardly in any
other region in all the world.
From this arises the fact that the confessional of
Manila is, in my opinion, the most difficult in all the
8 The word Moreno is used by the earlier writers rather con-
fusedly, and applied to more than one race, whether pure or mixed ;
but in later times it apparently refers chiefly to the swarthy-com-
plexioned people from the Malabar coast and to their descendants.
* The Tagalog word for "bridge."
3° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS IT 01 - 44
world; for, as it is impossible to confess all these
people in their own tongues, it is necessary to con-
fess them in Spanish; and each nationality has made
its own vocabulary of the Spanish language, with
which those people have intercourse [with us], con-
duct their affairs, and make themselves understood;
and without it Ours can understand them only with
great difficulty, and almost by divination. A San-
gley, an Armenian, and a Malabar will be heard
talking together in Spanish, and our people do not
understand them, as they so distort the word and the
accent. The Indians have another Spanish language
of their own; and the Cafres have one still more
peculiar, to which must be added that they eat half
of the words. No one save he who has had this expe-
rience can state the labors which it costs to confess
them ; and even when the fault is understood in gen-
eral, to seek for a specific account of the circum-
stances is to enter a labyrinth without a clue. For
they do not understand our orderly mode of speech,
and therefore when they are questioned they say
"yes" or "no." as it occurs to them, without rightly
understanding what is asked from them - so that in
a short time they will utter twenty contradictions.
It is therefore necessary to accommodate oneself to
their language, and learn their vocabulary. Another
of the very serious difficulties is the little capacity of
these people to distinguish and explain numbers,
incidents, and circumstances; add to this the un-
bridled licentiousness of some, in accordance with
the freedom and opportunities [for vice] in this
land, the continual backsliding, and the few indica-
tions of fixed purpose. In others, who are capable
and explain their meaning well, is found a compli-
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 3 1
cation of perplexities - with a thousand reflections,
and bargains, and frauds, and oaths all joined
together; and faults that are extraordinary and of
new kinds, which keep even the most learned man
continually studying them. The heat of the country,
and the stench or foul odor of the Indians and the
negroes, unite in great part to make a hardship of
the ministry, which in these islands is the most diffi-
cult; and on this account I regard it as being very
meritorious. The annual confessions last from the
beginning of Lent until Corpus Christi. In our col-
lege of Manila the church is open from daylight
until eleven o'clock, and from two o'clock until
nightfall; and always some fathers are present to
hear confessions - for this is done not only by the
active ministers, but by the instructors, when their
scholastic duties give them opportunity; and I have
known some fathers who remain to hear confessions
during seven, eight, or more hours a day.
It makes them bear all these annoyances patiently,
and even sweetens these, to see how many souls are
kept pure by the grace of God, in the midst of so
many temptations, like the bramble in the midst of
the fire without being burned. There are many who
are striving for perfection, who frequent the sacra-
ments, who maintain prayer and spiritual reading,
and who give much in alms and perform other works
of charity. And it is cause for the greatest consola-
tion to see, at the solemn festivals of the Virgin and
other important feasts, the confessional surrounded
by Indians, Cafres, and negroes, men and women,
great and small, who are awaiting their turns with
incredible patience, kept there through the grace of
God, against every impulse of their natural disposi-
3 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
tions and their slothfulness. And at the season of
Lent it is heart-breaking to see the confessor, when
he rises from his seat, surrounded by more than a
hundred persons of all colors, who go away discon-
solate because they have not obtained an opportunity
to make their confessions; and in this manner they
go and come for eight or ten days, or a fortnight, or
even more, with unspeakable patience, but with such
eagerness that when the confessor rises they go fol-
lowing him throughout the house, calling to him to
hear their confessions. This is done even by boys of
seven to twelve years, and hardly with violence can
they be made to leave the father, and they continue
to call after him ; and some remain in the passages,
on their knees, asking for confession, so great is the
number of the penitents - to which that of the con-
fessors does not correspond by far, nor does their
assiduity, even if there were enough of them. The
Society is not content with aiding those who come to
seek relief in our church, and attending the year
round all the sick, of various languages, who sum-
mon them to hear confession; but its laborers go
forth - as it were, gospel hunters - to search for
penitents. They assist almost all who are executed
in the city; every week they go to the jails and hos-
pitals; in Lent they hear confessions in all the
prisons, and at the foundry, those of the galley-slaves.
And in the course of the year they hear confessions
in the college of Santa Ysabel - in which there are
more than a hundred students, who are receiving the
most admirable education - and in the seminary of
Santa Potenciana, the students frequenting the sacra-
ments often; and, in fine, they go on a perpetual
round in pursuit of the impious.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 33
The confessional is, as it were, the harvesting of
the crop ; and the pulpit is the sowing, in which the
seed of the gospel is scattered in the hearts of men,
where with the watering of grace it bears fruit in
due time, according to the cooperation [of the Holy
Ghost?]. With great constancy and solicitude the
Society contributes to the cultivation of these fields
of Christianity, with preaching. In Manila the
Society has, besides the sermons from the holy men
of the order, other endowed feasts, and the set ser-
mons 6 in the cathedral and the royal chapel. When
necessity requires it, a mission is held, and the attend-
ance is very large, although hardly a fifth of those
who hear understand the Spanish language; this to
a certain extent discourages the missionaries, as does
even much more the fact that they do not encounter
those external demonstrations of excitement and tears
that they arouse in other places. This originates
8 Spanish, sermones de tabic The tabla is the list kept in the
church sacristy which designates on what days certain functions
are to be held ; it is the tabella of the Italian sacristies, the church
calendar of ours. Cathedrals and even lower grade churches (as
collegiates, nunneries, hospitals, etc.) had their sermons {a" occa-
sion, as the French say) on certain set days as marked in their local
calendars, or tablas; these were always very grand, and delivered
by renowned preachers and orators ; many of these I have heard.
The phrase "endowed feast" {fiesta dotada) is used also in
Italian and French. It was a custom, which I presume still holds,
in all those countries (as I often saw in Italy), that a muni-
cipality, society, confraternity, or indeed any body of persons,
had its feasts on set days in the year - for instance, feasts of their
patron saints, or of thanksgiving, etc. Fairs also were endowed ;
that is, bequests (perhaps centuries old) provided that on set days
the people were to have a fiesta, with music, fireworks, games,
sermons, etc., with an alms for the poor - all paid for, as also
would be the premiums for the fairs. These were occurrences
always of great festivity and merriment ; and in Italy, at least in
the part where I lived, the smallest towns and hamlets had their
fiestas dotadas.-REV. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
from the characteristic of a large part of the audi-
ence, that these attend with due seriousness only to
certain undertakings; and the distractions of their
disputes and business affairs, and their indolence
and the air of the country, dissipate their attention
beyond measure. Their imaginations, overborne
with foolish trifles, and accustomed to our voices,
become so relaxed that even the most forcible and
persuasive discourses make little, if any, impression.
Nevertheless, there are many in whom the holy fear
of God reigns, and the seed of the gospel takes root -
which they embrace with seriousness and simplicity,
as the importance of the subject demands. The mar-
vel is, that many Indians and a great many Indian
women, only by the sound of [the preaching in] the
mission, and without understanding what they hear,
are stricken with contrition, confess themselves, and
receive communion, in order to gain the indulgences
- to their own great advantage, and to the unspeak-
able consolation of their confessors at seeing the
wonderfully loving providence of God for these
souls.
This fruit and this consolation are most evident in
the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius," which are
explained through most of the year in our college.
6 The Exercitia spiritualia of Inigo de Loyola, founder of the
Jesuit order; it has long been a text-book therein, and a manual
of devotion for persons under direction of the Jesuits. See account
of the examination of conscience prescribed in it, in Jesuit Relations
(Cleveland reissue), lxviii, p. 326.
"In Europe it is customary for persons at particular seasons
to retire for a time from the world, to give themselves up entirely
to prayer and meditation. Some part of the season of Lent is
generally selected ^ for this purpose ; and many, for the sake of
more entire seclusion, take up their residence during this time in
some religious house. This is called 'going into retreat.' "-Kip's
Jesuits in America, p. 302.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 35
The principal citizens make their retreat there, and
in the solitude of that retirement God speaks to them
within their hearts; and marvelous results have been
seen in various persons, in whom has been established
a tenor of life so Christian that they may be called
the religious of the laymen -in their minds those
eternal truths, on which they meditate with serious-
ness, remaining firm, for the orderly conduct of their
lives. The students in the college of San Joseph
have their own society, which meets every Sunday,
in which they perform their exercises of devotion
and have their exhortations, during the course of the
year. Every Sunday the Christian doctrine is
explained to the boys in the school, and some exam-
ple [for their imitation] is related to them; and
they walk in procession through the streets, chanting
the doctrine. The Indian servants of the college
have their own assembly, conducted in a very deco-
rous manner, with continual instruction in the
doctrine. Every Saturday an address in Tagalog is
given to the beatas who attend our church; they
have their own society, and exercise themselves in
frequent devotions, furnishing an excellent and use-
ful example to the community. Every year they per-
form the spiritual exercises; and the topics therein
are given to them in Tagalog, in our church, by one
of Ours. Many devout Indian and mestizo women
resort hither on this occasion, to perform these exer-
cises, in various weeks, for which purpose they make
retreat in the beaterio during the week required for
that; and even Spanish women, including ladies of
the most distinguished position, perform their spirit-
ual exercises, and the topics for meditation are
assigned to them in our church. This practice is
3° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS t VoL 44
very beneficial for their souls, of great usefulness to
the community, and remarkably edifying to all.
The Society also busies itself in the conversion and
reconciliation of certain heretics, who are wont to
come from the East (as has been observed in recent
years), and in catechising and baptizing the Moros
or the heathens who sometimes reach the islands -
either driven from their route, or called by God in
other ways ; and He draws them to himself, so that
they obtain holy baptism, as has been seen in late
years in some persons from the Palaos and Carolina
islands, and from Siao. Another of the means of
which the Society avails itself for the good of souls
is, to print and distribute free many spiritual books
in various languages, which are most efficacious
although mute preachers. These, removing from
men their erroneous ideas by clear exposition [of the
truth], and leaving them without the cloak of their
own fantastic notions, persuade them, without being
wearisome, to abandon vice or error ; and then they
embrace virtue and the Christian mode of life. In
Lent, as being an acceptable time and especially
opportune for the harvest, the dikes are opened, in
order that the waters of the word of God may flow
more abundantly. On Tuesdays there is preaching
to the Spaniards, and these sermons usually have the
efficacy of a mission, although not given under that
name. On Thursdays there is explanation of the
doctrine, and preaching, in Tagalog, to the Indians ;
the attendance is very great, since many come, not
only from the numerous suburbs of Manila, but even
from the more distant villages. On Saturdays some
good example of the Virgin is related, with a moral
exhortation; the Spaniards who are members of
1 700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS T,J
fraternities attend these, and afterward visit the
altars. On Sundays there is preaching to the Cafres,
blacks, Creoles, and Malabars-who through a sense
of propriety are called Morenos, although they are
dark-skinned. The sermon is in Spanish, and the
greatest difficulty of the preacher is to adapt his lan-
guage to the understanding of the audience. Va-
rious poor Spaniards also attend these sermons, as
well as other people, of various shades of color, of
both sexes.
Every Sunday certain fathers are sent to preach
at the fort or castle, to the soldiers and the other men
who live there. The Christian doctrine is chanted
through the streets, and in the procession walk the
boys of the school ; it ends at the royal chapel, where
some part of the catechism is explained, and a moral
sermon is preached to the soldiers who live in their
quarters in order to mount guard. The doctrine is
explained at the Puerta Real and at the Puerta del
Parian, and there is preaching in the guard-room -
where there is a large attendance, not only of sol-
diers, but of the many people who, on entering or
going out from the gates, stop to hear the word of
God. Another father goes to the royal foundry, in
which the galley-slaves live, where there is such a
variety of people - mestizos, Indians of various
dialects, Cafres, negroes of different kinds, and
Sangleys or Chinese -that exceptional ability and
patience are necessary in order to make them under-
stand. Other fathers go to the college of Santa
Isabel and the seminary of Santa Potenciana, where
they give addresses and exhortations to the students
of the former, and the women secluded in the latter.
Others go to the prisons of both the ecclesiastical and
3 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
secular jurisdictions, in order that the prisoners may
obtain the spiritual food of the doctrine. On Mon-
days, Wednesdays, and Fridays there is in our
church a Miserere, with the discipline [i.e., scourg-
ing] ; a spiritual book is read to those who are pres-
ent, and at least once a week an exhortation is
addressed to them.
Such is, in general, the distribution of work for
our college at Manila in Lent, and therein are
engaged nearly all the men in the college, whether
priests or students; and in times when there is a
scarcity of workers I have seen some helping at two
or three posts, and not only ministers and instructors
thus occupied, but even the superiors, and men of
seventy years old, to the great edification of the com-
munity. At Lent is seen in Manila that which
occurred at the destruction of Jericho, where, when
the priests sounded around the city the trumpets of
the jubilee, the walls immediately gave way and fell
to the ground. Thus in Manila do the Jesuits sur-
round the walls, calling to every class of people with
the trumpets of the jubilee and offering pardon;
and at the sound, through the grace and mercy of the
Highest, the lofty walls of lawlessness, vice, and
crime, fall in ruins. And even the presence of the
ark is not lacking to this marvelous success, for it is
not to be doubted that the Blessed Virgin, most
merciful mother of sinners, aids us with her inter-
cession. [Our author here relates various instances
of miraculous aid from heaven, and other edifying
cases.]
[Fol. 13:] Father Juan de Torres, with another
priest and a brother, went from the college of Ma-
nila to conduct a mission at a place which is called
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 39
Cabeza de Bondoc, 7 about sixty leguas from Manila,
in the bishopric of Camarines - the bishop of Nueva
Cazeres at that time being his illustrious Lordship
Don Fray Diego de Guevara, of the Order of St.
Augustine. As soon as that zealous prelate took
possession of his see, he began to ask for fathers of
the Society, in order that, commencing with the
Indians who were already peaceable who reside in
Nueva Cazeres, they might establish missions and
continue their instructions in other villages which
he intended to give them. But the Society, who
always have showed due consideration to the other
ministers in these islands, not attempting to dis-
possess them from their ministries - although not
always have we found them respond in like spirit —
thanked that illustrious prelate for his kindness,
without accepting those ministries; and in order
that he might see that [the cause of this action] was
consideration for the ministers, and not the desire to
escape from the labor, Ours consented to conduct a
mission in Bondoc, the difficulty of which, and its
results, are explained by that prelate in a letter
which he wrote to Father Torres, in which he says :
" I find that it is true, what was told to me in Manila,
when I gave that mission-field to the Society, and I
mention it with great consolation to myself; and
that is, that it was the Holy Ghost who inspired me
to give it - for I see the fruits which are steadily and
evidently being gathered therein. For in so many
ages it has been impossible to unite those villages,
and the Indians in them were regarded as irreclaim-
7 That is, "headland of Bondoc" (or Bondog) ; a mountain
1,250 feet high, at the southern end of the peninsula of Tayabas,
Luzon. (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 397.)
4° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W° l - 44
able ; and now in so short a time those villages have
been united, and the Indians, [who were like] wild
beasts, appear like gentle lambs. These are the
works of God, who operates through the ministers
of the Society -who with so much mildness, affec-
tion, and zeal are laboring for the welfare of those
people." Great hardships were suffered by those
of the Society in these missions, and for several
years that ministry was cared for by Ours, until it
was entrusted to the secular priests.
The mission of Bondoc gained such repute in the
island of Marinduque, distant more than forty leguas
from Manila, that its minister, who was a zealous
cleric, wrote to the father rector at Manila asking
him very humbly and urgently to send there a mis-
sion, from which he was expecting abundant fruit.
So earnest were the entreaties of this fervent minister
that a mission was sent to the said island ; it had the
results which were expected, and afterward the
Society was commissioned with its administration.
In nearly all the ministries of secular priests the
Society was carrying on continual missions, at the
petition of the ministers or at the instance of the
bishops. . . . The Society was held in honor not
only by the bishop of Camarines, but equally by his
illustrious Lordship Don Fray Miguel Garzia
Serrano, a son of the great Augustine and most
worthy archbishop of Manila. That most zealous
father Lorenzo Masonio preached to the negroes
who are in this city and outside its walls, according
to the custom of this province, which distributes the
bread of the gospel doctrine to all classes of people
and all nations. And that holy prelate deigned to
go to our church, and, taking a wand in his hand, as
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 4 1
the Jesuits are accustomed to do, he walked through
the aisle of the church, asked questions, and
explained the Christian doctrine to the slaves and
negroes. The community experienced the greatest
edification at seeing their pastor so worthily occupied
in instructing his sheep, not heeding the outer color
of their bodies, but looking only at their precious
souls -for in the presence of God there is no dis-
tinction of persons.
[Fol. 22:] The island of Malindig- named thus
on account of a high mountain that is in it, and which
the Spaniards call Marinduque - is more than forty
leguas from Manila, extends north and south, and
is in the course which is taken by the galleons on the
Nueva Espaiia trade-route. 8 There Ours carried on
a mission with much gain, at the instance of its zeal-
ous pastor, who was a cleric; and in the year 1622
this island was transferred to the Society by his illus-
trious Lordship Don Fray Miguel Garzia Serrano,
the archbishop of Manila, who was satisfied by the
care with which the Society administers its charges,
and desirous that his sheep should have the spiritual
nourishment that is necessary for their souls - for it
was exceedingly difficult for him always to find a
secular priest to station there, on account of the dis-
tance from Manila, the difficulty of administering
that charge, and the loneliness which one suffers
there. The Society gladly overcame these difficulties
for the sake of the spiritual fruit which could be
gathered among those Indians; and our ministers,
8 Marinduque is an island off the coast of Tayabas province,
Luzon ; it is round in shape, about twenty-three miles in diameter,
and has a population (Tagalog) of about 48,000. It has some
good harbors; and it produces abundance of rice, cocoanuts, and
abaca. ( U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, pp. 643-647.)
4 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
applying themselves to the cultivation [of that
field], went about among those rugged mountains -
from which they brought out some heathens, and
others who were Christians, but who were living
like heathen, without any spiritual direction. They
baptized the heathens and instructed the Christians ;
and, in order that the results might be permanent,
Ours gradually settled them in villages which they
formed; there are three of these, Bovac, Santa Cruz,
and Gasan, and formerly there was a visita in
Mahanguin. The language spoken there is gener-
ally the Tagalog, although in various places there is
a mixture of Visayan, and of some words peculiar to
the island. God chose to prove those people by a
sort of epidemic, of which many died; and the
fathers not only gave them spiritual assistance, but
provided the poor with food, and treated the sick.
This trouble obliged them to resort for aid to the
Empress of Heaven, to whom they offered a fiesta
under the title of the Immaculate Conception, dur-
ing the week before Christmas, with great devotion ;
and the Virgin responded to them by aiding them in
their troubles and necessities.
[Fol. 27:] In Marinduque Ours labored very
fervently to reduce the Christians to a Christian and
civilized mode of life; and among them was abol-
ished an abuse which was deeply rooted in that
island -which was, that creditors employed their
debtors almost as if they were slaves, without the
debtor's service ever diminishing his debt. The wild
Indians were reduced to settlement; among them
were some persons who for thirty years had not
received the sacraments of penance and communion.
In the Pintados Islands there was now much longing
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 43
for and attendance upon these holy sacraments,
when their necessity and advantage had been ex-
plained to the natives.
[Fol. 29:] His illustrious Lordship Don Fray
Miguel Garzia Serrano had so much affection for
the Society, and so high an opinion of the zeal of its
ministers, that he decided to entrust to it the parish
of the port of Cavite. This, one may say, is a parish
of all the nations, on account of the many peoples
who resort to that port from the four quarters of the
world ; it was especially so then, when its commerce
was more opulent, flourishing, and extensive [than
now]. It did not seem expedient to the Society to
accept this parish ; but, in order to show their grati-
tude for the favor, and to cooperate by their labors
with the zeal of that active prelate, they took upon
themselves for several months the administration of
that port, in which they gathered the fruit corre-
sponding to the necessity - which, with so great a
concourse of different peoples there, and the freedom
from restraint which exists in this country, was very
great. The metropolitan was well satisfied, and very
grateful; and he insisted until the Society made
itself responsible for the administration of one of the
three visitas which the said parish has. This was a
village on the shore of the river of Cavite, which on
account of being older than the settlement at the port
is called Cavite el Viejo [i.e., Old Cavite] ; it after-
ward was located on the shore of the bay, about a
legua from the said port - which, in order to distin-
guish it from this village, is called Cavite la Punta
[i.e., Cavite on the Point], because it is on the point
of the hook formed by the land ; from this is derived
the name Cavite, which means "a hook." The
44 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 44
ministry [at Old Cavite] was then small, but diffi-
cult to administer, on account of the people being
scattered, and far more because of the corruption of
morals ; for, lacking the presence of the pastor, and
the wolves of the nations who come here from all
parts for trade, being so near, it might better be
called a herd of goats than a flock of sheep -this
village being, as it were, the public brothel
[lupanar] of that port; and there was hardly a house
where this sort of commerce was not established.
This was a matter which at the beginning gave the
ministers much to do, but with invincible firmness
they continued to correct this lawless licentiousness;
and by explaining the doctrine, preaching, and aid-
ing the people with the sacraments, they made Chris-
tians in morals those who before only seemed to be
such in outward appearance and name. Ours con-
tinued to reclaim these people to the Christian life,
and today this village is one of the most Christian
and best instructed communities in all the islands ; it
has a beautiful and very capacious church of stone,
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen, and a handsome
house [for the minister]. There are in this village,
besides the Tagalogs (who are the natives), some
Sangleys and many mestizos, who live in Binacayan,
which is a sort of ward of the village.
[Fol. 31 b:] Ardently did the apostle of the
Indias desire to go over to China for its conversion ;
but he died, like another Moses, in sight of the land
which his desires promised to him. Since then, with-
out looking for them, thousands of heathen Chinese
have settled in these islands. As soon as the Society
came to these shores, Ours applied themselves, in the
best manner that they could, to the conversion and
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 45
instruction of those people - and even more in recent
times, on account of the Society possessing near
Manila some agricultural lands, which the Chinese
(or Sangleys, as they are commonly called) began to
cultivate. Ours were unwilling to lose the opportu-
nity of converting them to our holy faith, so various
persons were actually baptized; and, to render this
result more permanent, a minister was stationed
there, belonging to this field, who catechised them,
preached in their own language, baptized them, and
administered the sacraments - with permission from
the vice-patron, Don Juan Nino de Tabora, and from
the archbishop, Don Fray Miguel Garzia Serrano
- and it is called the village of Santa Cruz. Their
language is very difficult ; the words are all monosyl-
lables, and the same word, according to its various
intonations, has many and various significations; on
this account not only patience and close study, but
a correct ear, are required for learning this language.
Don Juan Nino de Tabora was the godfather of the
first Sangley who was baptized; the most distin-
guished persons in the city attended the ceremony;
and this very solemn pomp had much influence on
the Chinese (who are very material), so that, having
formed a high idea of the Catholic religion, many of
them embraced it. Some were baptized a little while
before they died, leaving behind many tokens of their
eternal felicity, through the concurrence of circum-
stances which were apparently directed by a very
special providence.
In Marinduque Father Domingo de Penalver had
just induced some hamlets of wild Indians to settle
down ; he traveled through the bed of the river, get-
ting his clothing wet, stumbling frequently over the
4-6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
stones, and often falling in the water. He went to
take shelter in a hut, where there were so many and
so fierce mosquitoes, that he remained awake all
night, without being able to rid himself of the insects,
notwithstanding all his efforts. He reached a hill so
inaccessible that it was necessary that some Indians,
going ahead and ascending by grasping the roots
[of trees], should draw them all up the ascent with
bejucos. There he set up a shed, where, preaching
to them morning and afternoon, he prepared them for
confession, and persuaded them to go down and settle
in one place, as actually they did, to live as Chris-
tians. For lack of laborers, the Society resigned the
district of Bondoc and several visitas, although Ours
went there at various times on missionary trips. The
people of Hingoso called upon Father Pefialver to
assist them, because many in their village were sick,
and the cura was at Manila; the father went there,
gave the sacraments to the sick, and preached to the
rest twice a day in the church. Three times a week
they repaired to the church for the discipline, and he
offered for them the act of contrition, and almost all
the people in the village confessed. Afterward, at
the urgent request of the archbishop of Manila,
Father Pefialver went to Mindoro, to see if he could
reconcile those Indians and their cura, which the
archbishop had not been able to secure by various
means ; the said father went there, and preached vari-
ous sermons, with so much earnestness and efficacy
(on account of his proficiency in the Tagalog lan-
guage) that in a short time they were reconciled
together, the causes of the dispute being entirely for-
gotten. This mission lasted two months ; he preached
twice every day, and heard some two thousand five
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 47
hundred confessions; at this the illustrious prelate
(who was Don Fray Miguel Ga"rzia Serrano) was
greatly pleased, and thoroughly confirmed in the
extraordinary esteem which he deigned to show the
Society. . . . One of the greatest hardships and
dangers experienced by the ministers of Bisayas (or
Pintados) , in which are the greater part of our min-
istries, is that they are journeying on the water all
their lives; for, as the villages are many and the
ministers few, one father regularly takes care of two
villages, and sometimes of three or four; and as these
are in different islands, he is continually moving
from one to another, for their administration. I have
known some fathers who formerly had six or seven
visitas, and spent nearly all the year traveling from
one to another. Nevertheless, so paternal and benig-
nant is the providence of God that it is not known
that any minister in Bisayas has been drowned -
which, considering the many hurricanes, tempests,
storms, currents, and other dangers in which every
year many perish and are drowned, seems a continual
miracle. To this it must be added that at various
times vessels have capsized in the midst of the sea,
and the fathers have fallen into the water; but God
succored them by means of the Indians, who are
excellent swimmers, or by other special methods of
His paternal providence.
[Fol. 38 b:] In this year [1628] Manila and the
adjoining villages were grievously afflicted with a
sort of epidemic pest, from which many people died
- some suddenly, but even he who lingered longest
died within twelve hours. Some attributed this pest
to the many blacks who had been brought here from
India to be sold, and who, sick from ill-usage, com-
4-8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 44
municated their disease to others ; and some thought
that it arose from an infection in the fish, which is
the usual food of the poor. Various corpses were
anatomized \_se hizo anatomia], and the origin of the
disease could not be discovered, although it was con-
sidered certain that it arose from a poisonous condi-
tion, since the only remedy that was found was the-
riac. 9 In a city where there are so few Spaniards, it
is easy to understand the affliction which was felt at
seeing the suddenness with which they were dying,
since the colony was placed in so great danger of
extinction, and the islands of being ruined at one
stroke - besides the grief of individual persons at
seeing themselves bereft, the wife without a hus-
band, the husband without a wife, the father with-
out children, the children deprived of their parents.
All search was made for remedies. Our priests did
not cease, day or night, to hear confessions, and to
aid the sick and dying ; and at the request of the cura
they carried with them the consecrated oils, to admin-
ister these in case of need. They also carried theriac,
after this was discovered to be a remedy, for the
relief of the sick; so they exercised their charity at
the same time on the souls and on the bodies of men,
to the great edification of all.
At San Miguel, one of those attacked by the pest
told the father who was hearing his dying confession
that he had seen near him two figures in the guise of
ministers of justice, who seized people; and that
when he had received absolution they went away
from him, leaving behind a pestilential odor. The
"Theriacs were held in great estimation during the middle
ages. They were composed of opium flavored with nutmeg,
cardamom, cinnamon, and mace -or merely with saffron and
ambergris.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 49
father published this information throughout the vil-
lage, commanding the people to prepare themselves
for confession on the following day, under the
patronage of the Blessed Mary and St. Michael. A
novenary was offered, and the litanies recited ; and
in the church the discipline was taken, with other
prayers and penances, by which the Lord was moved
to have especial mercy on this village -as God
showed to a devout soul, in the figure of a ship which
sailed through the air, the pilot of which was the
common enemy; but he could not enter San Miguel,
since there were powers greater than he, who pre-
vented him. Also there were seen in the neighbor-
hood of Manila malign spirits, in the appearance
of horrible phantoms,' who struck with death those
who only looked at them. In the face of a danger
so near, many amended their lives, and were
converted to God in earnest, making a good con-
fession. Then was seen the charity with which
the poor Indians, despising the danger to their
own lives, assisted the sick. Among others were two
pious married persons, who devoted themselves en-
tirely to aiding the sick, never leaving their bedsides
until they either died or recovered; and God most
mercifully chose to bring them out unscathed from
so continual dangers. With the same kindness He
chose to reward Brother Antonio de Miranda, who
had charge of the infirmary in our college at Manila,
who, on account of his well-known charity and solici-
tude in caring for the sick, had been commissioned
by the father provincial, Juan de Bueras, to devote
himself to the care of the sick Indians. But the poi-
son of the pest infected him, so violent being the
attack that hardly had he time to receive the sacra-
5° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS IV o1 - 44
ments; and he died at Manila on October 15, 1628.
. . . He was a native of Ponferrada, and of a
very well known family; he was an exemplary reli-
gious, and had been ten years in the Society.
[Fol. 44 b:] In the years 1628 and 1629, at the
request of the bishops and of some Indians the Soci-
ety was placed in charge of various villages of con-
verts. Don Juan Nino de Tabora gave us the chap-
laincy of the garrison of Spanish soldiers which is at
Iloylo in the island of Panay, and the instruction of
the natives and the people from other nations who
are gathered there. Also were given to us Hog in
the island of Negros, and Dapitan in Mindanao - of
which afterward more special mention will be made.
[Fol. 50:] In this time [about 1630] the Chris-
tian faith made great advances in Maragondong,
Silang, and Antipolo, bringing many Cimarrons (or
wild Indians) from their lurking-places. A very
fruitful mission was carried on in Mindoro, and on
the northern coast of Mindanao ; and Father Pedro
Gutierrez went along those rivers, converting the
Subanos. In Hog, in the island of Negros, the fath-
ers labored much in removing an inhuman practice
of those barbarians, which was, to abandon entirely
the old people, as being useless and only a burden on
them; and these poor wretches were going about
through the mountains, without knowing where to
go, since even their own children drove them away.
The fathers gave them shelter, fed them, and in-
structed them in order to baptize them; and there
they converted many heathens.
[Fol. 52 :] In the year 163 1 the cura of Mindoro,
who was a secular priest, gave up that ministry to the
Society, and Ours began to minister in that island,
(■■'"\ M. ■-■■■■■■■■-'■■ wi^.
I *n(ii,i'l n i .
OkMW.'k ftVftrt**
Map of Mindanao, showing settlements
and districts occupied by Jes-
uits and Recollects
[From MS. (dated 1683) in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 53
making one residence of this and one of the island of
Marinduque, and the superior lived at Nauhan in
Mindoro; and they began to preach, and to convert
the Manguianes, the heathen Indians of that island.
In the year 163 1 was begun the residence of Dapi-
tan, in the great island of Mindanao. The first Jes-
uit who preached in that island was the apostle of
the Indias, St. Francis Xavier, as appears from the
bull for his canonization. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos
came to these islands with his ships, sent by the vice-
roy of Nueva Espafia, and gave them the name of
Philipinas in honor of Phelipe II; and, driven by
storms, he went to Amboyno, where the saint then
was, in whose care Villalobos died. At the news of
these islands thus obtained by the holy apostle, he
came to them. The circumstance that this island
was consecrated by the labors of that great apostle
has always and very rightly commended it to the
Society; and Ours have always and persistently en-
deavored to occupy themselves in converting the
Mindanaos; and Father Valerio de Ledesma and
others had begun to form missions on the river of
Butuan. In the year 1596 the cabildo of Manila, in
sede vacante-'m whose charge was then the spirit-
ual government of all the islands, as there was no
division into bishoprics - gave possession of Min-
danao to the Society in due form; and in 1597 this
was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Francisco
Tello, the governor of these islands. Possession of
it was taken by Father Juan del Campo, who, going
as chaplain of the army, accompanied the adelantado,
Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, when he set out for
the conquest of that kingdom.
The first who began to minister to the Subanos in
54 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
the coasts of Dapitan was Father Juan Lopez ; after-
ward Father Fabricio Sarsali, and then Father Fran-
cisco de Otazo, and various other fathers followed,
who made their incursions sometimes from Zebu,
sometimes from Bohol. In the year 1629 this min-
istry was entrusted to the Society by the bishop of
Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arze. The venerable
Father Pedro Gutierrez went through those coasts,
carrying the gospel of Christ to the rivers of Quipit,
Mucas, Telinga, and others; and in the year 163 1 a
permanent residence was formed, its rector being
Father Pedro Gutierrez. The village of Dapitan is
at the foot of a beautiful bay with a good harbor (in
which the first conquistadors anchored) , on the north-
ern coast of Mindanao ; it is south from the island of
Zebu, and to the northeast of Samboangan, which is
on the opposite coast [of Mindanao]. It lies at the
foot of a hill, at the top of which there is a sort of
fortress, so inaccessible that it does not need artillery
for its defense. Above it has a parapet, and near the
hill is an underground reservoir for collecting water,
besides a spring of flowing water. Maize and vege-
tables can be planted there, in time of siege ; and the
minister and all the people retire to this place in time
of invasions. I was there in the year 1737 [mis-
printed 1637], and it seemed to me that it might be
called the Aorno 10 of Philipinas.
[Fol. 60:] In the year 163 1 and in part of 1632
this province experienced so great a scarcity of labor-
ers that the father provincial wrote to our father
general that he would have been obliged to abandon
"Aornis (or Aornos), a lofty rock in India, taken by Alex-
ander the Great; thus named, as being so high as to be inaccessible
even to birds.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 55
some of the ministries if the fervor of the few minis-
ters had not supplied the lack of the many, their char-
ity making great exertions. Our affliction was in-
creased by the news that the Dutch had seized Father
Francisco Encinas, the procurator of this province,
who was going to Europa to bring a mission band
here - for which purpose they had sent Father Juan
Lopez, who was appointed in the second place 11 in
the congregation of 1626. But soon God consoled
this province, the mission arriving at Cavite on May
26, 1632. On June 18, 1631, they sailed from Cadiz,
and on the last day of August arrived at Vera Cruz ;
they left Acapulco on February 23, 1632, and on
May 15 sighted the first land of these islands. Every
mission that goes to Indias begins to gather abun-
dant fruit as soon as it sails from Espana; I will set
down the allotment of work in which this band of
missionaries was engaged, since from this may be
gathered what the others do, since there is very little
difference among them all. In the ship a mission was
proclaimed which lasted eleven days, closing with
general communion on the day of our father St.
Ignatius; in this mission, through the sermons,
instructions given in addresses, and individual exhor-
tations, the fathers succeeded in obtaining many gen-
eral confessions, besides the special ones which the
men on the ship made, in order to secure the jubilee.
Ours assisted the dying, consoled the sick and the
afflicted, and established peace between those who
were enemies. In Nueva Espana the priests were
distributed in various colleges, in which they con-
tinued the exercises of preaching and hearing con-
11 That is, as alternate or substitute for Encinas, in case of the
latter's disability or death.
5 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
fessions. They went to Acapulco a month before
embarking, by the special providence of God; for
there were many diseases at that port, so that they
were able to assist the dying. Thirty religious of
St. Dominic were there, waiting to come over to
these islands; all of them were sick, and five died;
and, in order to prevent more deaths, they decided
to remove from their house in which they were, on
account of its bad condition. It was necessary, on ac-
count of their sick condition, to carry them in sedan-
chairs ; and although many laymen charitably offered
their services for this act of piety, Ours did not per-
mit them to do it, but took upon themselves the care
of conveying the sick, their charity making this bur-
den very light. In the ship "San Luys" they contin-
ued their ministries, preaching, and hearing the con-
fessions of most of the people on the ship - in which
the functions of Holy Week were performed, as well
as was possible there. Twenty-one Jesuits left Cadiz,
and all arrived at Manila except Father Matheo de
Aguilar, who died near these islands on May 12,
1632 ; he was thirty-three years old, and had been in
the Society sixteen years -most of which time he
spent in Carmona, in the province of Andalusia,
where he was an instructor in grammar, minister,
and procurator in that college. . . . The rest who
are known to have come in that year with Father
Francisco de Encinas, procurator, and Brother Pedro
Martinez are: The fathers Hernando Perez (the
superior), Rafael de Bonafe, Luys de Aguayo,
Magino Sola, and Francisco Perez; and the broth-
ers Ignacio Alcina, Joseph Pimentel, Miguel Ponze,
Andres de Ledesma, Antonio de Abarca, Onofre
Esbri, Christoval de Lara, Amador Navarro, Bar-
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS $7
tholome Sanchez; also Brother Juan Gazera, a coad-
jutor, and Diego Blanco and Pedro Garzia, candi-
dates [for the priesthood].
[Fol. 63 b:] In the islands of Pintados those first
laborers made such haste that by this time [1633]
there remained no heathens to convert, and they
labored perseveringly in ministering to the Chris-
tians, with abundant results and consolation. . . .
In the island of Negros and that of Mindanao, which
but a short time before had been given up to the
Society, the fathers were occupied in catechising and
baptizing the heathens - and especially in the island
of Mindoro, where besides the Christian converts,
were the heathen Manguianes, who lived in the
mountains, and, according to estimate, numbered
more than six thousand souls. These people wan-
dered through the mountains and woods there like
wild deer, and went about entirely naked, wearing
only a breech-clout \bahaque\ for the sake of
decency; they had no house, hearth, or fixed habita-
tion; and they slept where night overtook them, in
a cave or in the trunk of some tree. They gathered
their food on the trees or in the fields, since it was
reduced to wild fruits and roots ; and as their greatest
treat they ate rice boiled in water. Their furnishings
were some bows and arrows, or javelins for hunting,
and a jar for cooking rice; and he who secured a
knife, or any iron instrument, thought that he had a
Potosi. They acknowledged no deity, and when they
had any good-fortune the entire barangay (or family
connection) killed and ate a carabao, or buffalo; and
what was left they sacrificed to the souls of their
ancestors. In order to convert these heathens, a
beginning was made by the reformation and instruc-
5 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
tion of the Christians; and by frequent preaching
they gradually established the usage of confession
with some frequency, and many received the Eucha-
rist - a matter in which there was more difficulty
then than now. Many came down from the moun-
tains, and brought their children to be instructed;
various persons were baptized, and even some, who,
although they had the name of Christians, had never
received the rite of baptism. After the fathers
preached to the Christians regarding honesty in their
confessions, the result was quickly seen in many gen-
eral confessions, which were made with such eager-
ness that the crowds resorting to the church lasted
more than two months.
[Fol. 69:] In Maragondong various trips were
made into the mountains [by Ours], and although
many were reclaimed to a Christian mode of living,
yet, as the mountains are so difficult of access and so
close by, those people returned to their lurking-
places very easily, and it was with difficulty that they
were again brought into a village - so that the num-
ber of Indians was greatly diminished, not only in
Maragondong, but in Looc, which was a visita of
the former place, and contained very rugged moun-
tains. In order to encourage the Indians thus settled
to make raids on the Cimarrons and wild Indians
and punish them, Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca,
the governor ad interim, granted that those wild
Indians should for a certain time remain the slaves
of him who should bring them out of the hills;
and by this means they succeeded in bringing out
many from their caverns and hiding-places. Some
of these were seventy or eighty years old, of whom
many died as soon as they were instructed and bap-
1 700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 59
tized. Once the raiders came across an old woman
about a hundred years old, near the cave in which
those people performed their abominable sacrifices ;
she was alone, flung down on the ground, naked, and
of so horrible aspect that she made it evident, even
in external appearance, that she was a slave of the
devil. Moved by Christian pity, those who were
making the raid carried her to the village, where it
was with difficulty that the father could catechise her,
on account of her age and her stupidity. He finally
catechised and baptized her, and she soon died; so
that it seems as if it were a mercy of God that she thus
waited for baptism, in order that her soul might not
be lost -and the same with the other souls, their
lives apparently being preserved in order that they
might be saved through the agency of baptism.
Blessed be His mercy forever! In Hog, in the island
of Negros, several heathens of those mountains were
converted to the faith. An Indian woman was there,
so obstinate in her blindness and so open in her hatred
to holy baptism that, in order to free herself from the
importunities of the minister, she feigned to be deaf
and mute. Some of her relatives notified the father
to come to baptize her. The father went to her, and
began to catechise her, but she, keeping up the deceit,
pretended that she did not hear him, and he could not
draw a word from her. The father cried out to God
for the conversion of that soul, and, at the same time,
he continued his efforts to catechise her, suspecting
that perhaps she was counterfeiting deafness. God
heard his prayers, and, after several days, the first
word which that woman uttered was a request for
baptism - to the surprise of all who knew what hor-
ror of it she had felt. The father catechised and bap-
60 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
tized her, and this change was recognized as caused
by the right hand of the Highest ; for she who for-
merly was like a wild deer, living alone in the
thickets, after this could not go away from the
church, and continued to exercise many pious acts
until she rested in the Lord.
[Fol. 74 b:] In the year 1596 Father Juan del
Campo and Brother Gaspar Gomez went with the
adelantado Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, who set
out for the conquest of this island [Mindanao].
After the death of Father Juan del Campo, Father
Juan de San Lucar went to assist that army, perform-
ing the functions of its chaplain, and also of vicar for
the ecclesiastical judge. Fathers Valerio de Ledesma
and Manuel Martinez preached to the Butuans, and
afterward they were followed, although with some
interruptions, by others, who announced the gospel
to the Hadgaguanes - a people untamed and fero-
cious -to the Manobos, and to other neighboring
peoples. Afterward this ministry was abandoned, on
account of the lack of laborers for so great a harvest
as God was sending us. Secular priests held it for
some time, and finally it was given to the discalced
Augustinian [i.e., Recollect] religious, who are min-
istering in that coast, and in Caraga as far as Linao -
an inland region, where there is a small fort and a
garrison. When Father Francisco Vicente was min-
istering in Butuan the cazique [meaning the head-
man] of Linao went to invite him to go to his village ;
and even the blacks visited him, and gave him hopes
for their submission. Thus all those peoples desired
the Society, as set aside for the preaching in that
island - which work was assigned to the Society by
the ecclesiastical judge in the year 1596, and con-
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 6 1
firmed to them in 1597 by the governor Don Fran-
cisco Tello, as vice-patron. And when some contro-
versy afterward occurred over [the region of] Lake
Malanao, sentence was given in favor of the Society
by Governors Don Juan Nino de Tabora and Don
Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, as Father Combes
states in book iii of his History of Mindanao. These
decisions were finally confirmed by Don Fernando
Valdes Tamon, in the year 1737.
In the year 1607 Father Pasqual de Acuna, going
thither with an armada of the Spaniards, began to
preach with great results to the heathens of the hill
of Dapitan, where he baptized more than two hun-
dred. He also administered the sacraments to some
Christians who were there, who with Pagbuaya, a
chief of Bohol, had taken refuge in that place. After-
ward, Father Juan Lopez went to supply the Suba-
nos of Dapitan with more regular ministrations. He
was succeeded by Father Fabricio Sarsali, and he by
Father Francisco Otazo and others, as a dependency
of Zebu or of Bohol -until, in the year 1629, his
illustrious Lordship the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray
Pedro de Arze, governor of the archbishopric of
Manila, again assigned this mission to the Society;
and in 163 1 the residence of Dapitan was founded,
its first rector being the venerable Father Pedro
Gutierrez ; and in those times the Christian faith was
already far advanced, and was extending through the
region adjoining that place, and making great prog-
ress.
[Fol. 92:] The island of Basilan, or Taguima, is
three or four leguas south of Samboangan, east from
Borney, and almost northeast from J0I6. It is a fer-
tile and abounding land, and on this account they call
02 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
it the storehouse or garden of Samboangan. Its peo-
ple are Moros and heathens, and almost always they
follow the commands received from Jolo. The Basi-
lans, who inhabit the principal villages, are of the
Lutaya people ; those who dwell in the mountains are
called Sameacas. Three chiefs had made themselves
lords of the island, Ondol, Boto, and Quindinga; and
they formed the greatest hindrance to the reduction
of that people, who, as barbarians, have for an invio-
lable law the will of their headmen, [which they fol-
low] heedlessly - that being most just, therefore,
which has most following. Nevertheless, the brave
constancy of Father Francisco Angel was not dis-
mayed at such difficulties, or at the many perils of
death which continually threatened him; and his
zeal enabled him to secure the baptism of several
persons, and to rescue from the captivity of Mahoma
more than three hundred Christians, whom he
quickly sent to Samboangan. Moreover, the fervor
of the father being aided by the blessing of God, he
saw, with unspeakable consolation to his soul, the
three chiefs who were lords of the island baptized,
with almost all the inhabitants of the villages in it;
and in the course of time the Sameacas, or mountain-
dwellers, were reduced - in this way mocking the
strong opposition which was made by the panditas,
who are their priests and doctors. [Here follows an
account of the conquest of Jolo in 1638, and of affairs
there and in Mindanao, in which the Jesuits (espe-
cially Alexandro Lopez) took a prominent part;
these matters have already been sufficiently re-
counted in VOLS. XXVIII and XXIX].
[Fol. in:] [After the Spanish expeditions to
Lake Lanao, in 1639-40, the fort built there was aban-
1 700-1 736] JESUIT MISSIONS 63
doned, and soon afterward burned by the natives.
On May 7, 1642, the Moros of that region killed a
Spanish officer, Captain Andres de Rueda, with three
men and a Jesuit, Father Francisco de Mendoza,
who accompanied him.J Much were the hopes of
the gospel ministers cast down at seeing our military
forces abandon that country, since they were expect-
ing that with that protection the Christian church
would increase. Notwithstanding, his faith thereby
planted more firmly on God, Father Diego Patifio
began to catechise the Iligan people - with so good
effect that in a few months the larger (and the best)
part of the residents in that village were brought
under the yoke of Christ ; this work was greatly aided
by the kindness of the commandant of the garrison,
Pedro Duran de Monforte. At this good news vari-
ous persons of the Malanaos came down [from the
mountains], and in the shelter of the fort they formed
several small villages or hamlets, and heard the gospel
with pleasure. The conversions increasing, it was
necessary to station there another minister; this was
Father Antonio de Abarca. They founded the vil-
lage of Nagua, and others, which steadily and contin-
ually increased with the people who came down from
the lake [i.e., Lanao~\, where the villages were being
broken up. 12 This angered a brother of Molobolo,
12 Interesting information about Lake Lanao is given in the
following letter from the Jesuit Juan Heras to his superior, dated
at Tagoloan, October 6, 1890; it is printed in Cartas de los PP.
de la Compahia de Jesus, cuad. ix (Manila, 1891), pp. 254, 255.
" Desiring to furnish to your Reverence as accurate information
as possible regarding the lake of Malanao, we sent again for some
men who lived there many years as slaves. They are an intelligent
family. The father is a Tagalog, captured when he was a mere
youth; he was carried to the Lake, and later married a girl, also
a Tagalog who had been enslaved. They had three children, and
6 4
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W 01 44
and he tried to avert his own ruin by the murder of
the father ; and for this purpose his treacherous mind
[led him to] pretend that he would come down to
the new villages, in order to become a Christian,
intending to carry out then his treason at his leisure.
when one of these was ten years old and another one somewhat
older, they made their escape, in the year 74. The father and
mother lived at the Lake more than twenty years; they settled
in Jasaan, and lived there very happily after their children had
been baptized. The father has traveled entirely around the lake
by the highroad, and the second son had gone half-way round,
from the northeastern end to Ganasi. The information, then,
which they had given us - precisely the same both times, for they
had been questioned previously, last March - is as follows :
"The length of the lake from north to south -or from the
mouth of the Agus River (which empties near Iligan), to Ganasi,
the point of departure for Lalabuan, which is on Illana Bay - is 24
hours of straight sailing, with steady rowing and the wind astern.
The breadth from east to west is half the length. It has many
promontories, which form large curves [in the coast] ; and the
shore is steep and rocky at Lugud and Tugua, at which points
vessels cannot find anchor. The lake contains four islets. A good
highroad runs around the lake, which is interrupted only near
Taraca, by the extensive mud-flats which form the rice-lands (or
basacanes). Taraca is the principal town, and the sultan lives
there. The places which are noted as villages [i.e., on an accom-
panying map ?] are not really such, but are the jurisdictions of the
dattos. The settlement is one continuous street, with houses
on both sides of the highroad almost all the way round the lake.
"The population is a large one, as several married couples live
in the same house, and there are many dwellings. The people
who have the reputation of being the bravest are those of Unayan,
Bundayan, Ganasi, and Marantao. From Ganasi the highroad
goes toward Lalabuan; it has no steep ascents or descents, nor
^ does it cross large rivers; and by following this road Lalabuan is
reached in one day. Half-way on this journey is the village of
Limudigan, the sultan of Poalas, the richest of all those in the Lake
region. Our informants state that the cannon are kept in Ganasi,
in a large shed, to a considerable number. The places where
the people have most guns are Maraui and Marantao ; the number
of firearms cannot be exactly stated, although these men say there
are many of them. From Maraui one can go to Ganasi in three
days, by taking the road to the right, and in four days by going to
the left; it therefore takes seven days to make the trip around
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 65
But the father, warned by another Malanao, who
was less impious, escaped death. The traitor did not
desist from his purpose, and, when Father Abarca
was in one of those villages toward Layavan, attacked
the village; but he was discovered by the blacks of
the lake - but the circuit of the lake is probably somewhat exagger-
ated. It is said that those people have many mosques. Maraui
is on the Agus River, quite near the lake; these men say that
there are many horses there. As to the exactness of these data,
it is evident that we cannot be altogether certain ; but it is certain
that each of our informants has confirmed the other's statements."
In the same volume of Cartas is a valuable appendix by Father
Pablo Pastells, in which he sets forth the importance of the plan
formed by General Valeriano Weyler (governor of the islands
during 1889-91) for completing the subjugation of Mindanao to
the Spanish crown, and presents a brief historical sketch of the
Spanish conquests in that island, and an account of conditions
therein and of the natural resources of the country. He argues
that the forcible expulsion of all its Mahometan tribes would be
impossible, and that the proper way to hispanicize Mindanao must
be the slow one -but sure, if the results of the labors of Jesuit
missionaries among the Moros be considered - of education, the
introduction of civilized modes of life (especially by the cultivation
of the soil), a political organization like that already in vogue
among the Tagalogs and other christianized peoples, the influence
of the Christian religion in displacing their superstitious and false
beliefs, governmental protection to the peaceable natives, and the
promotion of migration of Filipinos from the northern islands to
Mindanao, thus gradually colonizing the latter with industrious,
civilized, and Christian inhabitants. Statistics are added to Father
Pastells's memorial, showing that the (Jesuit) missions of
Mindanao contain (in 1892) a total Christian population of
I 9 I >493 souls; this number he compares with the list given by
Murillo Velarde (1748; including all the missions of the Jesuits
in Filipinas), which foots up to 209,527 souls. At the end of the
Cartas is a map(dated March 19, 1892) of the "second and fifth
districts" - i.e., those of Cagayan de Misamis and Cottabato-on
a scale of ten kilometers to an inch; it contains the latest geo-
graphic data up to 1892, and is especially full in the Lanao region
and the course of the Pulangi River or Rio Grande, the headwaters
of that great river almost interlocking with those of the Cagayan
and another large stream which empties into Macajalar Bay. The
map also shows the native tribes that occupy the region which it
depicts.
66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W° l 44
the hill-country, and they rained so many arrows
upon the Moros that the latter abandoned their
attempt. Another effort was a failure - the prepa-
ration of three joangas which the traitor had upon
the sea, in order to capture and kill the father when
he should return to Iligan ; but in all was displayed
the special protection with which God defends His
ministers. However great the efforts made by the zeal
of the gospel laborers, the result did not correspond
to their desires, on account of the obstinacy of the
Mahometans - although in the heathens they encoun-
tered greater docility for the acceptance of our reli-
gion. The life of the ministers was very toilsome,
since to the task of preaching must be added the
vigils and weariness, the heat and winds and rains,
the dangers of [travel by] the sea, and the scarcity of
food. In a country so poor, and at that time so uncul-
tivated, it was considered a treat to find a few sar-
dines or other fish, some beans, and a little rice ; and
many times they hardly could get boiled rice, and
sometimes they must get along with sweet potatoes,
gabes, 13 or [other] roots. But God made amends for
these privations and toils with various inner pleas-
ures; for they succeeded in obtaining some conver-
sions that they had not expected, and even among the
blacks, from whom they feared death, they found
help and sustenance. [The author here relates a
vision which appeared to an Indian chief, of the
spirit of Father Marcelo Mastrilli as the director
13 Gabe or gabi is the native name (Tagal, Visayan, and
Pampango) for the roots of Caladium esculentum (also known as
Colocasia antiquorum) , which are used considerably as food. This
plant is frequently cultivated in the United States for its foliage,
and is popularly called "elephant's ears," from the shape of the
leaves.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 67
and patron of Father Abarca; and the renunciation
of a mission to Europe which was vowed by Father
Patino in order to regain his health - which accom-
plished, he returns to his missionary labors at III-
gan.]
He returned to the ministry, where he encountered
much cause for suffering and tears ; because the [mil-
itary] officers [cabos] who then were governing that
jurisdiction, actuated by arrogance and greed of
gain, had committed such acts of violence that they
had depopulated those little villages, many fleeing
to the hills, where among the Moros they found treat-
ment more endurable. The only ones who can
oppose the injustice of such men are the gospel min-
isters. These fathers undertook to defend the In-
dians, and took it upon themselves to endure the anger
of those men -who, raised from a low condition to
places of authority, made their mean origin evident
in their coarse natures and lawless passions ; and the
license of some of them went to such extremes that
it was necessary for the soldiers to seize them as intol-
erable ; and, to revenge themselves for the outrageous
conduct of the officials, they accused the latter as
traitors. Not even the Malanao chief Molobolo,
who always had been firm on the side of the Span-
iards, could endure their acts of violence, and, to
avoid these, went back to the lake. This tempest
lasted for some time, but afterward some peace was
secured, when those officers were succeeded by others
who were more compliant. The venerable Father
Pedro Gutierrez went to Iligan, and with his amiable
and gentle disposition induced a chief to leave the
lake, who, with many people, became a resident of
Dapitan ; and another chief, still more powerful, was
68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W 01 44
added to Iligan with his people. These results were
mainly secured by the virtue of the father, the high
opinion which all had of his holy character, and the
helpful and forcible effects of his oratory. The land
was scorched by a drouth, which was general
throughout the islands, from which ensued great
losses. The father offered the Indians rain, if they
would put a roof on the church; they accepted the
proposal, and immediately God fulfilled what His
servant had promised - sending them a copious rain
on his saying the first mass of a novenary, which he
offered to this end. With this the Indians were some-
what awakened from their natural sloth, and the
church was finished, so that the fathers could exercise
in it their ministries. The drouth was followed by a
plague of locusts, which destroyed the grain-fields;
the father exorcised them, and, to the wonder of all,
the locusts thrust their heads into the ground, and
the plague came to an end. This increased the esteem
of the natives for our religion, and many heathens
and Moros were brought into its bosom; and Father
Combes says that when he ministered there he found
more than fifty old persons of eighty to a hundred
years, and baptized them all, with some three hun-
dred boys - this being now one of the largest Chris-
tian communities in the islands. The village is upon
the shore, at the foot of the great Panguil, 14 between
Butuan and Dapitan, to the south of Bohol, and
north from Malanao, at the mouth of a river with a
dangerous bar. The fort is of good stone, dedicated
to St. Francis Xavier, in the shape of a star ; the wall
14 A bay or inlet at the southwest angle of Iligan Bay, extending
12 miles southwest, its inmost point lying but 13 miles from the
northern extremity of Illana Bay, which is on the south side of
Mindanao. The fort here mentioned must have been at the mouth
of Lintogut River.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 69
is two varas high, and half a vara thick, and it has a
garrison, with artillery and weapons. The Moros
have several times surrounded it, but they could not
gain it by assault.
[Fol. 116 b:] In Sibuguey Father Francisco
Luzon was preaching, a truly apostolic man, who
spent his life coming and going in the most arduous
ministries of the islands. The Sibugueys are heath-
ens, of a gentler disposition and more docile to the
reception of the gospel than are the Mahometans;
therefore this mission aroused great hopes. One Ash
Wednesday Father Luzon went to the fort, and he
was received by a Lutao of gigantic stature who gave
him his hand. The father shook hands with him, sup-
posing that that was all for which he stopped him ;
but the Lutao trickily let himself be carried on, and
with his weight dragged the father into the water,
with the assurance that he could not be in danger,
on account of his dexterity in swimming. The father
went under, because he could not swim, and the cap-
tain and the soldiers hastened from the fort to his aid
-but so late that there was quite enough time for
him to be drowned, on account of having sunk so
deep in the water; they pulled him out, half dead,
and the first thing that he did was to secure pardon
for the Lutao. He gained a little strength and went
to the fort; he gave ashes to the Spaniards, and
preached with as much fervor as if that hardship had
not befallen him. The principal of Sibuguey was
Datan, and, to make sure of him, the Spaniards had
carried away as a hostage his daughter Paloma ; and
love for her caused her parents to leave Sibuguey and
go to Samboangan to live, to have the company of
their daughter. Father Alexandra Lopez went to
minister at Sibuguey, and he saw that without the
7° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS t Vo1 - 44
authority of Datan he could do almost nothing among
the Sibugueys ; this obliged him to go to Samboangan
to get him, and he succeeded [in persuading them]
to give him the girl. The father went up toward the
source of the river, and found several hamlets of
peaceable people, and a lake with five hundred peo-
ple residing about it; and their chief, Sumogog,
received him as a friend, and all listened readily to
the things of God. He went so far that he could see
the mountains of Dapitan, which are so near that
place that a messenger went [to Dapitan] and
returned in three days. These fair hopes were frus-
trated by the absence of Datan, who went with all his
family to Mindanao; and on Ascension day in 1644
that new church disappeared, no one being left save
a boy named Marcelo. Afterward the Moros put the
fort in such danger, having killed some men, that it
was necessary to dismantle it and withdraw the garri-
son.
[Fol. 121 (sc. 120) :] The Joloans having been
subjected by the bravery of Don Pedro de Almonte,
they began to listen to the gospel, and they went to
fix their abodes in the shelter of our fort. But,
[divine] grace accommodating itself to their nature,
as the sect of Mahoma have always been so obstinate,
it was necessary that God should display His power,
in order that their eyes might be opened to the light.
The fervent father Alexandra Lopez was preaching
in that island, to whose labors efficacy was given by
the hand of God with many prodigies. The cures
which the ministers made were frequent, now with
benedictions, now with St. Paul's earth," in many
15 Spanish, tierra de S. Pablo ; but no information is available
for its identification.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 71
cases of bites from poisonous serpents, or of persons
to whom poison was administered. Among other
cures, one was famous, that of a woman already
given up as beyond hope ; having given her some of
St. Paul's earth, she came back from the gates of
death to entire health. With this they showed more
readiness to accept the [Christian] doctrine, which
was increased by a singular triumph which the holy
cross obtained over hell in all these islands ; for, hav-
ing planted this royal standard of our redemption in
an island greatly infested by demons, who were
continually frightening the islanders with howls and
cries, it imposed upon them perpetual silence, and
freed all the other [neighboring] islands from an
extraordinary tyranny. For the demons were cross-
ing from island to island, in the sea, in the shape of
serpents of enormous size, and did not allow vessels
to pass without first compelling their crews to ren-
der adoration to the demon in iniquitous sacrifices;
but this ceased, the demon taking flight at sight of
the cross. [Several incidents of miraculous events
are here related.] With these occurrences God
opened their eyes, in order that they might see the
light and embrace baptism, and in those islands a
very notable Christian church was formed; and
almost all was due to the miraculous resurrection of
Maria Ligo [which our author relates at length].
Many believed, and thus began a flourishing Chris-
tian community; and as ministers afterward could
not be kept in Jolo on account of the wars, [these
converts] exiled themselves from their native land,
and went to live at Samboangan, in order that they
might be able to live as Christians. [This prosper-
ous beginning is spoiled by the lawless conduct of
7 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
the commandant Gaspar de Morales, which brings
on hostilities with the natives, and finally his own
death in a fight with them.] Father Alexandra
Lopez went to announce the gospel at Pangutaran,
(an island distant six leguas east from J0I6), and as
the people were a simple folk they received the law
of Christ with readiness. . . . The Moros of
Tuptup captured a discalced religious of St. Augus-
tine, who, to escape from the pains of captivity, took
to flight with a negro. Father Juan Contreras (who
was in Jolo) went out with some Lutaos in boats to
rescue him, calling to him in various places from the
shore ; but the poor religious was so overcome with
fear that, although he heard the voices and was near
the beach, he did not dare to go out to our vessels,
despite the encouragement of the negro ; and on the
following day the Joloans, encountering him, carried
him back to his captivity, with blows. He wrote a
letter from that place, telling the misfortunes that
he was suffering; all the soldiers, and even the
Lutaos, called upon the governor [of Jolo], to ran-
som that religious at the cost of their wages, but
without effect. Then Father Contreras, moved by
fervent charity, went to Patical, where the fair 16 was
16 One of the very rare allusions to this mode of conducting
commerce, as used among the Moros, which — although common
enough in all parts of the world from very early times, and prac-
ticed by most peoples who have risen beyond the savage condition -
seems to have been even to the present time undeveloped among
the Moros, partly on account of their fierce natures and
the feuds among them, partly because of their habits of piracy,
plunder, and bloodshed. Of especial interest in this connection
is the account published in the New York Outlook, December 23,
1905, of the "Moro Exchange" established at Zamboanga, Min-
danao (July, 1904), by Captain John P. Finley, governor of Zam-
boanga district. Intended from the outset to replace slavery and
piracy by honest labor, it has gradually gained the respect and
1 700-1 736] JESUIT MISSIONS 73
held, and offered himself to remain as a captive
among the Moros, in order that they might set free
the poor religious, who was feeble and sick. Some
Moros agreed to this; but the Orancaya Suil, who
was the head chief of the Guimbanos, said that no
one should have anything to do with that plan - at
which the hopes of that afflicted religious for ransom
were cut off. Seeing that he must again endure his
hardships, from which death would soon result, he
asked Father Contreras to confess him; the latter
undertook to set out by water to furnish him that
spiritual consolation, but the Lutaos would not allow
him to leave the boat, even using some violence, in
order not to endanger his person. All admired a
charity so ardent, and, having renewed his efforts, he
so urgently persuaded the governor, Juan Ruiz
Maroto, to ransom him that the latter gave a thou-
sand pesos in order to rescue the religious from
captivity. Twice Father Contreras went to the fair,
but the Moros did not carry the captive there with
them. Afterward he was ransomed for three hun-
dred pesos by Father Alexandro Lopez, the soldiers
aiding with part of their pay a work of so great
charity.
[Fol. 123 :] [The Society of Jesus throughout the
world celebrates the centennial anniversary of its
foundation ; the official order for this does not reach
Manila in time, so the Jesuits there observe the
proper anniversary (September 27, 1640) with sol-
cooperation of the Moro chiefs; and by taking advantage of their
talent for trade is exerting a wide and strong influence in the
development of industry and peaceful relations among them. This
exchange even in its first year had a volume of business amounting
to $128,000; and now its daily transactions run from 500 to 800
pesos, while in the Zamboanga district it has fourteen branches.
74 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
emn religious functions, besides spending a week in
practicing the "spiritual exercises" and various
works of charity. "On one day of the octave all the
members of the Society went to the prisons, and
carried to the prisoners an abundant and delicious
repast. The same was done in the hospitals, to which
they carried many sweetmeats to regale the sick;
they made the beds, swept the halls, and carried the
chamber-vessels to the river to clean them; and
afterward they sprinkled the halls with scented
water. Throughout the octave abundance of food
was furnished at the porter's lodge to the beggars;
and a free table was set for the poor Spaniards, who
were served with food in abundance and neatness.
It was a duty, and a very proper manner of celebrat-
ing the [virtues of the] men who have rendered the
Society illustrious, to imitate them in humility, devo-
tion, and charity."]
[Fol. 123 b:] In the Pintados Islands and other
ministries Ours labored fervently in ministering to
the Christians and converting the infidels. Nor was
the zeal of the Society content with laboring in its
own harvest-field; it had the courage to go to the
ministers of the secular priests to conduct missions.
Two fathers went on a mission to Mindoro and
Luban, and when they were near the village their
caracoa was attacked by three joangas of Borneans
and Camucones. The caracoa, in order to escape
from the enemies, ran ashore ; and the fathers, leav-
ing there all that they possessed - books, missal, and
the clothing that they were carrying to distribute as
alms to the poor Indians - took to the woods, through
which they made their way to Naujan. On the road
it frequently rained, and they had no change of
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 75
clothing, nor any food save some buds of the wild
palm-tree; they suffered weariness, hunger, and
thirst, and to slake this last they drank the water
which they found in the pools there. After twenty
days of this so toilsome journeying they reached the
chief town [of the island], their feet covered with
wounds, themselves faint and worn out with hunger,
and half dead from fatigue; but they were joyful
and contented, because God was giving them this op-
portunity to suffer for love of Him. One of the fath-
ers went back to Marinduque, where he found other
troubles, no less grievous than those which had gone
before; for the Camucones had robbed the church,
ravaged the grain-fields, captured some Indians, and
caused the rest to flee to the hills. The father felt
deep compassion for them, and at the cost of much
toil he again assembled the Indians and brought
them back to their villages.
[Fol. 134:] In the fifth provincial congregation,
which was held in the year 1635, Father Diego de
Bobadilla was chosen procurator to Roma and
Madrid. He embarked in the year 1637, and while
he was in Espana the disturbances in Portugal and
Catalufia occurred. The news of these events was
very afflicting to this province, considering the diffi-
culty in its securing aid. Besides the usual fields of
Tagalos and Bisayas, the province occupied the new
missions of Buhayen, Iligan, Basilan, and J0I6; and
there were several years when it found itself with
only forty priests, who with the utmost difficulty
provided as best they could for needs so great.
Phelipe IV -whom we may call "the Great," on
account of his unconquerable, signal, and unusual
patience, which God chose to prove by great and
7*> THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
repeated misfortunes - was so zealous for the Cath-
olic religion, its maintenance, and its progress that
even in times so hard he did not grudge the grant of
forty-seven missionaries for this province. He also
gave orders that they should be supplied at Sevilla
with a thousand and forty ducados, and at Mexico
with thirteen thousand pesos - a contribution of the
greatest value in those circumstances, and which
could only be dictated by a heart so Catholic as that
of this prince^ who every day renewed the vow that
he had taken that he would not make friends with
the infidels, to the detriment of religion, even though
it should cost him his crown and his life. On Holy
Tuesday, March 31, in 1643, forty-seven Jesuits
embarked at Acapulco; and on the second of April
mass was sung, and communion was celebrated - not
only by the missionaries, but by almost all the lay-
men who came in the almiranta, where was estab-
lished a distribution [of their labors] as well planned
as in an Observant college. For at daybreak 17 a bell
was rung for rising; there was a season of prayer;
mass was said, once on working-days and twice on
feast-days; the priests who did not say mass received
communion every day, and the lay-brothers, students,
and coadjutors two or three times a week ; there was
reading at meal-times ; and at the approach of night
the litanies were recited and the Salve sung. Every
night a father went to the forecastle to explain the
Christian doctrine, and ended with some brief
address. When night began, the father procurator
rang a little bell, in order that they might pray to
God for the souls in purgatory and for those who
are in mortal sin, imitating the example of St.
17 Spanish, al reir del alba, literally, "at the smile of the dawn."
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 77
Francis Xavier. Before the hour for retiring, the
bell was rung for the examination of conscience.
Every Sunday, feast-day, and Saturday, addresses
were made to all the [people of the] ship.
Soon after they had embarked, a sort of wind blew
which made nearly all those who were coming in the
ship fall ill ; and from this sickness died five Jesuits,
and thirty-three laymen; and in the flagship six
religious of St. Dominic and seventy [other] per-
sons. These sick persons gave sufficient occasion for
the charity of Ours, who assisted them by administer-
ing the sacraments and caring for their souls; and
they even busied themselves in relieving the sick, so
far as was possible, with delicacies and personal
attentions. This occupation was an excellent prepa-
ration in order that the sermons and exhortations
that the ministers uttered might produce the desired
result -that a great reform in morals and much
attendance on the sacraments might be secured.
[After perils and hardships by sea, and in the over-
land passage from Lampon to Manila, they reach
that city. "It was a very numerous mission band,
who accomplished much work ; and there were some
of them who spent fifty and even more than sixty
years in Philipinas, which is a very extraordinary
thing." Five of them had died on the voyage:
fathers Francisco Casela, a native of Naples, aged
thirty years; Francois Boursin, a native of Arras,
aged thirty- four; Georg Kocart, from Neuburg,
aged twenty-eight; Gonzalo Cisneros, an Aragon-
ese (?), aged twenty-eight; and Dominic Vaybel
(probably for Waibl), a native of Constance, of the
same age.] In the college of Zebu the Society
labored with apostolic zeal ; for, although regularly
7** THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
there was no one in it besides the father rector and
another priest, they maintained preaching and con-
fession, and attended to the spiritual welfare of the
Spaniards, Indians, mestizos, and other people who
gathered there; and God gave His blessing to our
pious desires and labors. Many Indians attended
the sermons that were preached in that church, even
when the sermons were in Spanish.
[Fol. 152 b:] Our military forces, being set free
from the nearer enemies, were employed against
those more distant. Accordingly, the commander of
our armada, Pedro Duran de Monforte, directed his
course to the great island of Borney, where he
burned many villages on that coast, and carried away
forty captives ; and he succeeded in making this voy-
age known [to navigators], and in observing the
shoals, monsoons, and other difficulties. With this
experience he again set out, on January n, 1649,
with fourteen vessels, his people being partly Indian
adventurers from Pintados, partly Lutaos; and
Father Francisco Lado accompanied him. He
touched at Lacaylacay; went on to Onsan, the limit
of the former expedition; and went to the island of
Bangui. Everywhere he found abundance of rice,
swine, and goats. He plundered and destroyed sev-
eral villages; burned more than three hundred
vessels, among them the armed fleet which they
held ready that year to infest these islands - which
on account of this exploit remained for the time free
from their fury and barbarity. He brought back
more than two hundred captives, and ransomed some
Christians. All this was done in a short time and
with ease, because these affairs were undertaken with
proper seriousness. As a result of this, when the
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 79
governor of Samboangan, Rafael Omen, died, Pedro
Duran de Monforte was appointed in his place ; and
the latter imitated his predecessor in his zeal for reli-
gion, in his Christian mode of life, in disinterested-
ness, and in an affable and mild bearing, for which
he was beloved by all, while his government was
peaceful and prosperous. With the opportunity
afforded by these armadas, the Jesuits (who went as
chaplains) began to announce the gospel in the great
island of Borney, than which there is no larger island
in the world. So prosperous were those beginnings
that they succeeded in having seven hundred
islanders baptized. Two chiefs of the neighboring
islands offered vassalage to the king of Spain, and
asked for gospel ministers, as Father Colin testifies ;
and this mission finally gave hopes that a numerous
and extensive Christian church would be founded
which would compensate for the losses in Japon and
the Orient; but, lacking the protection of the Span-
ish military forces, this so beautiful hope faded away
almost at its flowering. Deplorable and repeated
experiences persuade us that in these latter times the
Christian missions are maintained and increased
only when in the shelter of Catholic arms ; sad wit-
nesses to this are Japon, India, and now China. If
in these islands and America our kings did not pro-
tect religion, I believe that those regions would now
be as heathen as in their former times. Experience
teaches this, and the rest I regard as speculation -
although the powerful arm of the Highest easily
overcomes the greatest impossibilities.
[Fol. 155 b:] The testimony of the venerable
Father Mastrili, and the voluntary choice of so many
distinguished Jesuits and martyrs who embraced
8° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
these missions with the greatest eagerness, are suffi-
cient recommendation for them. With just reason
they can be esteemed, as being among the most
laborious and difficult which the Society maintains
anywhere in the world. This title is deserved by the
missions of Philipinas, and among them those to
Mindanao and the Subanos are some of the most
difficult. No one accuses this statement of being
exaggerated, and still less of being arrogant, before
he has examined it minutely; and then he cannot find
more moderate terms [than the above] in order not
to fall short of the truth. Whatever dangers, incon-
veniences, and privations are experienced on land
are also experienced on the sea, with an [additional]
sort of circumstances which renders them more
grievous, and besides this there are the hardships
natural and peculiar to that element; and even that
which on land is chosen for convenience and relief
costs on the sea inconvenience and trouble -as, for
instance, sleeping, eating, and talcing exercise. Every
boat is a prison without chains, but more closely shut
than the narrowest jail ; it is a broad coffin, in which
the living suffer the discomforts of death. Whoever
sets foot in a boat resolutely confronts all the ele-
ments, which conspire in arms to terrify and destroy
him. The water upon which he journeys, the air by
which he sails, the fire by which he lives, the land
which he so anxiously seeks - all are declared ene-
mies of the traveler. The sea is, by antonomasia, the
theater for [all] perils; and no one who has not been
tossed upon its foaming waves can speak with justice
of its dangers, just as the blind man cannot dispute
about colors. A heart of steel or of diamond, say the
ancients, he must have had who first boldly launched
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 8 1
himself upon the [waters of the] gulfs, so many
perils did they conceive of an element which has as
many treacheries as waves. Therefore, as nearly all
the missions of this province are established along
the seas, on which our missionaries go about, con-
tinually on the move, these are the (or among the)
most difficult, arduous and perilous that exist on the
whole round globe. To this sacrifice charity gladly
constrained us. Let to all this be added the nature
of the country, in which earthquakes, baguios, hurri-
canes, storms of thunder and lightning, and tem-
pests often occur. The winds are violent and hurt-
ful, the season hot; the rainy season gloomy, dark
and persistent; the wet soil producing many disgust-
ing insects that are troublesome and vexatious. The
care for the temporal welfare of the people - seeing
that they pay their tributes to the king, and that they
plant their fields in time - is an employment that is
troublesome, tedious, and necessary. Nor is it a less
task to take care for the provisioning of the [mission-
ary's] own house, without having in this respect the
aid which the apostles had; because the minister
must rather care for his own house and for that of
others, a charge which charity lays upon us. Charitas
omnia sustinet [i.e., "Charity endures all things"].
Each missionary in Bisayas (or Pintados) has the
care of two to five thousand souls, and even more.
These commonly are divided among two or three
villages, quite far apart; and throughout the year
the minister is sailing from one to another, to preach
to them and aid them. Among the Subanos there
are not so many people [in each mission], but their
little villages are more numerous. Formerly each
minister had ten or twelve villages of Subanos,
82 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
[each] divided on as many rivers, in the form of
hamlets. There were houses round about the church
or pavilion [camarin], and the rest [of the people]
lived scattered in the hills, forests, and thickets. I
have seen some native huts [buhios~\ on the peaks of
the mountains, [so far away] that they could hardly
be reached in half an hour from the river. Others I
saw placed among the branches of the trees, in the
same manner as nests. Their houses regularly are
very high, with a bamboo for a ladder, which they
remove at night. All this they do in order to hide
themselves and be free from the frequent invasions
of the Moros ; and from the stratagems and treach-
eries of their own countrymen, who are inclined to
vengeance and perfidy. Among these people we
live. The rivers are full of ferocious and blood-
thirsty crocodiles, which kill many persons. When
I was in Dapitan there was one of these beasts in the
river of Iraya, so sanguinary and fierce that no one
dared to pass that river by night, on account of the
ravages that it committed - leaping into the boats,
and taking people out of them. In the books of those
villages, I read with horror and pity: "On such a
day was buried the head of N., which was all that
was found, because the crocodile had torn him
to pieces." The bars of the rivers are dangerous, and
with the freshets and the waves some channels are
easily closed and others opened, to the great risk of
those who are sailing. The seas are rough, and so
restless that the continual lashing of the waves on the
shores, rocks, and reefs makes a sound which causes
fear even in those who live inland. On that coast
are headlands so difficult to double that sometimes
the caracoas spend twenty or thirty days in voyages
which in favorable weather require half an hour.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 83
As a result, the ministers live in great loneliness, with-
out being able to cdmmunicate with one another -
save that, when the monsoons blow, in order to make
one's confession a voyage is necessary; and therefore
this consolation is attained by some but few times in
the year. If a fatal accident occurs to one, it is not
possible to assist him with the holy sacraments -
which is the greatest affliction that can be endured
in the hour of death; and their only recourse is to
place themselves in the hands of that Lord for whom
they expose themselves to these sufferings. Even
greater are the fatigues endured by the soul in the
frequent occasions which disturb its patience. The
feeling of indifference which is native to the country
tends to undermine gradually the wall of poverty,
weaken the spirit of obedience, and cool the most
fervent spiritual ardor and strictness of observance.
Even the blood which animates us and gives us life
is mutinous, and stirs up the passions against their
own master; and, aided by the noxious air of the
country, the extreme solitude, and the common
enemy, wages a war that is cruel, obstinate, bloody,
and so pertinacious that it does not yield until the
last breath of life. . . .
The soil is very poor, and the greater part of the
provisions and clothing must be carried from Ma-
nila; and consequently a thousand miseries are suf-
fered during the year without recourse. The feel-
ing of loneliness is very great; we are in this world,
which, besides being a vale of tears, for us is as it
were a limbo, 18 separated by thousands of leguas
from the rest of the world; it is exceedingly seldom
18 Limbo (from Latin, limbus) : in scholastic theology, a region
bordering on hell, where souls were detained for a time; hence,
applied to any place of restraint or confinement.
^4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 44
that the missionary meets any person through whom
he can obtain any alleviation of his troubles, or any
assistance or consolation. Few Spaniards traverse
those regions, and those who do pass through are
usually of such character that merely the knowledge
that they are going about through the country causes
grief, anxiety, and vigilance to the minister. Dur-
ing the entire week the Indians are on the sea, in the
mountains, or in their grain-fields, and on Sundays
they come together in the village - but usually little
to the comfort of the missionary. Rather, they
increase his annoyances, in [having to] settle their
lawsuits, quarrels, misunderstandings, and accounts;
in defending them from the alcaldes and petty offi-
cials, and from one another; and in the minister's
defending himself from all - for there are a thou-
sand entanglements, snares, and deceits. Hardly do
they set foot in the missionary's house, except when
they go to ask for something; they are like the cat,
and only look the father in the face when they are
expecting some scrap of meat; and when this is
seized, friendship, homage, and gratitude are at an
end. Would to God that these qualities were left in
the Indians! But it cannot be said that all are of
this sort, but that there are enough of them for exer-
cising the patience of the minister, although others
serve for his comfort and consolation. If the minis-
ter is sick, he has no physician or apothecary to
resort to; and his only resource is an Indian medi-
caster who applies some herbs, and whose prescrip-
tions are quickly exhausted. If the sickness be a
distressing one, it is necessary to go to Zebu, to which
place [Ours] make a voyage of thirty or forty leguas,
with the risk of not finding [there] a blood-letter.
1 700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 85
If radical treatment is needed, there is no other
remedy than to sail a hundred or two hundred
leguas to Manila, where there is not an over-supply
of Galens. Fortunate is he who, without failing in
his obligations, can preserve his health unimpaired;
for in this land certain diseases quickly take root [in
one's system] which are a slow and most grievous
martyrdom through life. And there is, almost
peculiar to these countries, a sort of profound mel-
ancholy, which, like a corrupt root, renders all that
he can do either insipid or repulsive. Sometimes it
disorders the mind, 19 and even life itself becomes
abhorrent. It persistently oppresses the mind, which
needs great courage, and aid from above, in order
18 The lists of Augustinian friars in the Philippines record the
names of some thirty members of that order who became insane
or demented; and probably similar lists could be given by the
other orders. Perez's Catdlogo (Manila, 1901), and Gaspar
Cano's Catdlogo (Manila, 1864) present biographical information
regarding all the members of the order who labored in the islands
from 1565 down to their respective dates of publication; Perez
enumerates 2,467 for the term of 336 years from 1565 to 1901,
and of these 1,992 belong to Cano's period, ending in 1864. Cano
names thirty friars (two of them being lay brothers) who died in
a demented condition; the first of these was Fray Francisco de
Canga Rodriguez (1616), who was 55 years professed. Perez
mentions but twenty-seven of Cano's list, but adds four others for
the years following Cano's record (1865-1901), a total of thirty-
one names. Both these compilers record the facts of dementia
among the friars in varied phrases; and Cano speaks (p. 20) of
"the many things which there are in Filipinas to cause the loss of
one's mind." Zuniga, in his Estadismo, refers to the liability of
the missionaries in the islands to suffer mental alienation from
homesickness, solitude, and lack of congenial companions, especially
in districts where the natives were of low intellectual calibre.
When I was a student in Rome, Pope Pius IX had a college (the
Pio Latino) opened for Spanish Americans (from Mexico and
South America) ; this was about i860. The Italians said that
the young students from those countries seemed to be especially
given to excessive homesickness {nostalgia) . - Rev. T. C. Middle-
ton, O.S.A.
86 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
that one may not faint in the ministry. All this is
the effect of solitude, and of one's nature becoming
suffocated under the continual annoyances and
troubles which administration [of these missions]
involves. Nor is it easy to explain, without actual
eyewitness, the various modes of suffering which
here present themselves, so unusual, extraordinary,
and acute. In these workshops patience is wrought,
purified, and assayed until it becomes heroic, with
the heavy hammer of mortifications, troubles, and
petty details, which chance each day arranges and
disarranges.
To this must be added the continual dread of inva-
sions by the Moros, of whose barbarous and inhuman
cruelty alone the missionaries are assured, fleeing to
the mountains amid thorns, woods, miry places, and
precipices. On the coast from Yligan to Samboan-
gan, I saw with great sorrow various churches and
villages that had been burned. The ministers saw
themselves in the greatest danger of being captured
or slain, and in their flight they suffered unspeak-
able hardships. Nor are dangers wanting among
even the Indians themselves; they were very near
putting to death by treachery Father Joseph Lam-
berti at Hagna, and Father Gaspar de Morales at
Ynabangan, in the year 1746. For others they have
laid ambushes, others have been wounded, and even
some have been injured by witchcraft - so that in all
directions there is danger.
Finally, let him who wishes to survey the missions
which the Society has in these islands, open the map
of Asia; and in the western part, in the /Egean
archipelago, he will see the Apostle of the Gentiles
journeying from Jerusalem to Tarsus, to Ephesus, to
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 87
Jerusalem, to Seleucia, to Cyprus, to Pergamos in
Pamphylia, to Antioch in Pisidia, to Iconium, to
Macedonia, and to other cities, islands, and prov-
inces, in continual movement from one place to
another. Let him now look at the Eastern part of
the same Asia, and he will see in the Philippine
archipelago the Jesuits, journeying [in like manner]
in Tagalos, in Bisayas, in Mindanao, in Jolo, in
Marianas, in Palaos, in Borney, in Teraate, in Siao,
in Macazar, in Japon, in China, and in other islands,
kingdoms, and provinces of the Orient, preaching
the gospel to these nations. To these laborers it is a
fitting command: Euntes in mundum universum,
frcedicate Evangelium omni creatures. 20 I do not
know whether in any other region there is a con-
course of so many peoples as in Philipinas, or where
this mandate of Christ to His apostles is so literally
carried out. There is not in the entire universe a
journey more extensive or dangerous, by land or by
sea. There is preaching and ministration in the
Spanish tongue and in the Tagal; and in those of
Samar and Bohol, and of Marianas; of the Lutaos,
of Mindanao, and of the Subanos; and in that of
the Sangleys or Chinese. The study of the language
is difficult, dry, and insipid, but it is necessary ; it is
a thorn causing many scruples, a bitterness for many
years, and a labor for one's whole life.
In Tagalos there are not so many navigations or
journeys, although these are not wanting; but this
advantage is strictly compensated by other difficul-
ties, for on the ministers falls the entire burden of
sermons, missions, Lenten services, novenaries, and
20 That is, "Go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel
to every creature" (Markxvi, v. 15).
88 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
other functions, and usually the professorships [in
the college] of Manila. In the villages, the solitude
and the lack of various conveniences are almost the
same [as in Bisayas] ; and although the Indians are
as simple as the rest they are not so artless, but are
cunning and deceitful. They do not use lances or
daggers against the ministers, but they employ gos-
sip, misrepresentations, and calumnies. In almost
all the villages there are some Indians who have
been clerks to the Spaniards in Manila, and accus-
tomed to petitions and lawsuits, they influence the
Indians to innumerable quarrels; for through fre-
quent communication with the Spaniards stamped
paper has become a favorite with them. And if the
father calls them to account \_les va a los alcanzes'],
a crowd of them get together, and draw up a writ-
ing against the minister, which is quickly filled with
signatures and crosses. Often that happens which
is told by the lord bishop of Montenegro: how a
visitor, considering as impossible a complaint that
was presented to him by some Indians against their
cura, began to examine one of those who had signed
it; and, seeing that the Indian said "Amen" to
everything, without stopping for reflection, the
visitor suspected that the complaint was a calumny.
He then said, very sagaciously: "Man, in this peti-
tion it is stated that one Sunday, after prayers, your
cura killed King David." "Yes, sir," said the
Indian, "I saw that done;" and thus the prudent
judge recognized the falsity of the charges. When
the Indians wish to accuse the minister, they resort
to the clerk, who has certain bundles and old papers,
carefully kept, of accusations and complaints; and
according to the amount they pay him the accusation
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 89
amplifies -as when one prepares a good purgative
medicine, and augments the dose in order to secure
its operation. A number of the Indians affix their
signatures, without knowing what they are signing;
for the heat of wine takes the place of all these for-
malities of law. They carry this document, full of
sprawling signatures and cross-marks \letrones y
cruzes\, to those who, as they know, have least good-
will to the minister - and in this [sort of knowledge]
the Indians are eminent, nor is there a pilot who fol-
lows more closely the winds by which he must navi-
gate; and just so these Indians know where their
complaint will be received with approval. If he to
whom the accusation is presented be credulous,
innocence suffers much until the truth is made clear.
Great strength of mind is required to endure these
calumnies, and it is one of the kinds of martyrdom
(and not the least cruel) in Indias. In the other
matters of administration there are hardships, on
account of the great number of people [for whom
the father must care], and their scattered mode of
life, since they are distant from the church some-
times three or four leguas. The roads are wretched,
the heat of the sun burning, and the rainstorms very
heavy, with innumerable other inclemencies and
annoyances, which have disabled many, and killed
others. The variety of duties which the minister has
to exercise is very great, for he has to be preacher,
teacher of the doctrine, and confessor; adjuster and
umpire of their petty quarrels; physician and
apothecary, to treat them in their sicknesses ; school-
master, and teacher of music ; architect and builder,
and competent for everything [vn todo para todo\ ;
for if the minister does not take care of everything,
9° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W 01 44
all will soon be lost. Enough of [this] parenthetical
explanation; 21 although it is long, a knowledge of
it is very necessary for the completeness of history,
in order that it may be known what the gospel minis-
ters are doing and suffering, which is more than
what superficial persons suppose.
[Fol. 183 b:] In the conversion of Basilan, fer-
vent were the labors of Father Francisco Angel and
Father Nicolas Dene ; and both suffered great dan-
gers to their lives and liberty. They were succeeded
by Father Francisco Lado, who by his persistence in
enduring innumerable fatigues subdued the entire
island; went through all of it, on foot, alone, and
without escort; made his way through its thickets,
forests, mountains, and hamlets ; and did this in such
peace that he could build a very neat church and
substantial house -for he was much loved by the
Lutaos; and he had, with the aid of the governors
of Samboangan, cleared the island from all the pan-
ditas, and from mischievous and suspicious persons,
who might disturb the people with evil doctrines or
with immoral practices. Only one remained there,
who by his malice was disturbing even the peaceful
natives; this was Tabaco, who had incited to
rebellion the Sameacas, who are the natives of the
island. [This man is finally slain by a daring young
Spanish officer, Alonso Tenorio; see our VOL.
xxxviii, pp. 134-136.]
With similar success the religion of Jesus Christ
was published along the coast which extends toward
the kingdom of Mindanao. Father Pedro Tellez
21 Thus characterized, because this long account of the hard-
ships and dangers of missionary life is inserted in the midst of a
sketch of Father Francisco Paliola, martyred in Mindanao in 1648.
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 9 1
zealously traveled through those shores, where he
formed several villages, erected more than sixteen
churches, and established Christian living; and he
made his abode in Tungavan. Notable aid was
given to this enterprise by Don Antonio Ampi, the
lord of the river, who always promoted the Christian
religion with extraordinary constancy - although he
had in Jolo a brother named Libot, a renegade and
a cruel pirate -and he gave to the college at Sam-
boangan some fertile and productive lands. At the
cost of toils and privations, Father Tellez reduced
the barbarous Subanos to rational and Christian
customs, drawing them out of their caves and huts,
and from under the cruel tyrannical yoke of the
demon -who made apparent the great resentment
that was roused in him by the loss of those his long-
time slaves ; for at various times the horrible howls
that he uttered were heard at Curuan. For ministra-
tion on the coast of La Caldera and Siocon, which
was left deserted by the death of Father Juan del
Campo, the father provincial Francisco de Roa as-
signed Father Francisco Combes, who gladly went
to instruct the Subanos. Most earnestly he applied
himself to bringing those wild and timid creatures
into closer social relations, and in doing this he was
able to forward their instruction in the mysteries of
the faith ; and gradually they became accustomed to
a more rational and Christian mode of life. On the
river of Sibuco there was an Indian named Ondol;
this man and his brother, worse than Moors, were
married to several wives ; and Ondol was so cruel that
he slew whomsoever he chose, without further cause
than his own whim. He tried to kill Father Adolfo
de Pedrosa, greatly applauded the killing of Father
9 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
Juan del Campo, and threatened that he would kill
Father Combes; but the latter pretended to take no
notice of it, and was cautious, and concealed his in-
tentions; and Ondol went on confidently, so that,
when he least thought of such a thing, he found him-
self a prisoner, and was sent to Samboangan- where
he was received by the Spaniards and by the fathers
with great pleasure at seeing removed from the midst
[of the mission] so great an obstacle to the Christian
faith. His brother continued to stir up the people,
and an armed fleet was sent against him, but without
any result; for the noise [of their coming] warned
him so that he could avoid the blow, among woods,
hills, miry places, and thickets. The escort of the
father [i.e., Combes] continued to make arrests, with
cunning devices, until they seized fifteen of this man's
relatives; and the father sent them to Samboangan.
Love for his kindred brought that wild man to the
church, to ask mercy from the father. He was admit-
ted to favor, and all the past forgotten, with one
condition : that he and all his people, since they were
Lutaos, must live under the artillery of the fort, and
serve in the [Spanish] armada. With this arrange-
ment that coast remained peaceable, for the insur-
gents of Siocon had also been seized by craft. Father
Combes went to that place, and encountered very
heavy seas, not only at entering but on leaving that
village; and arguing [from this] that God was not
allowing them to go until they interred the bones of
the companions of Father Campo, they all landed on
the shore, and searched for the bodies among the
thorny thickets. Having interred all of them to-
gether, and said a mass for them, the Spaniards
placed a cross over the sepulcher; and immediately
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 93
the weather became calm, so that the caracoas were
able to set out. At that time Father Combes carried
away a hermit, who, clothed as a woman, strictly
observed the law of nature, and professed celibacy.
He was called " the Labia of Malandi ; " and he was
converted to the religion of Christ, in which he lived
as a faithful servant.
In La Caldera was introduced the devotion to the
blessed souls in purgatory, and suffrages for the
deceased, which never had been publicly performed
among any Subanos. To render this service more
solemn, the musicians were carried thither from Sam-
boangan; and this, joined with the father's exhorta-
tions, introduced in their hearts pious solicitude for
their dead - so well begun that, in the midst of their
native poverty and the dulness of their minds, they
carried with them many candles, with rice and other
offerings. From that place this holy devotion was
gradually communicated through all those villages,
following the example of La Caldera - which then
was the principal village, in which the minister re-
sided ; and to it were annexed Bocot, Malandi, and
Baldasan. Besides the above-mentioned cases, others
occurred with which the Lord consoled the ministers,
in recompense for the misery, hardships, and forlorn
condition of those arduous and remote missions.
[Fol. 229 b:] About this time dissoluteness was
reigning in these islands, with as unrestrained and
despotic dominion as if there were no law superior
to it, which could repress it. Fraud in trade and
commerce, hatred, falsehood, and malice prevailed
everywhere, and without restraint. Above all, sen-
suality was, so to speak, the prince and master vice;
and so general that, unrestricted in time, sex, rank, or
94 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
age, it kept these regions aflame with an infernal and
inextinguishable fire. These crimes were aggravated
by the scandalous publicity with which they were
committed, almost without punishment; and they
had so filled the country with iniquity and abomina-
tion that they had to a certain extent corrupted the
land itself, filling it with malediction, as Scripture
tells us of the time of Noe : Corrupta est autem terra
coram Deo, & repleta est iniquitate. 22 This provoked
the wrath of God so much that in those times were
experienced such calamities, wars, misfortunes, earth-
quakes, deaths, factions, shipwrecks, imprisonments,
and so great disturbances, that the citizens themselves,
obliged to begin to reflect on these things, believed
that the sword of divine indignation was unsheathed
among them; and those who with prosperity seemed
to be losing their senses came to themselves, as did the
prodigal son with his coming to want. They had
recourse to the holy Pope, the vicar of Christ on
earth; and at his feet, submitting themselves with
humble repentances, they explained to him the cause
of their affliction. He who then presided over the
Church of God was his Holiness Innocent X, who
as a benign father despatched an apostolic brief to
the archbishop of Manila directing him to absolve
all the inhabitants and citizens of these islands from
whatever crime or transgression they might have
committed, or excommunication that they might have
incurred. He sent them his apostolic benediction,
and granted a plenary indulgence to those who should
worthily prepare to receive it.
On the first day of March, 1654, the archbishop
22 "And the earth was corrupted before God, and was filled
with iniquity" (Genesis 6, v. 11).
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 95
made publication of these favors conferred by the
pontiff; and all the people prepared with great fervor
to obtain them -so universally that the many con-
fessors of the clergy and the religious orders were
hardly sufficient for the numbers who resorted to
them; and it was estimated that within the city more
than forty thousand persons made their confessions.
The result was very excellent, for many confessions
were made anew that had been for many years
faultily made - either to conceal sins, or for lack of
sorrow for them - and of their own accord. Many
general confessions were made, and the grace of God
was made apparent in the excellent results which
were experienced. Restitution was made of honors
and property, inveterate hatreds were uprooted, im-
moral associations of many years' standing were
broken up, and occasions for continual stumbling
were removed. On the twenty-second day a solemn
mass was sung in the cathedral, the blessed sacrament
was exposed, and the archbishop preached with the
fervor that the case demanded. At twelve o'clock
the bells began to ring for prayers in all the churches,
the sound of the bells being a fresh awakener of
consciences. In the afternoon the archbishop went
to the main plaza, where a stage had been erected,
of sufficient size, almost, for a court from above ; on
it was an altar, with a crucifix for devotion, under a
canopy. On this stage sat the archbishop, with the
ecclesiastical cabildo ; and the royal Audiencia were
there with their president, the governor and captain-
general, also the regidors and the holy religious or-
ders ; while there was an innumerable assembly from
every sort of nation and people, for whom there was
not room in the plaza or in the streets, or on the
9^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
roofs. The archbishop put on his pontifical robes,
and, when the psalms were sung and the usual prayers
offered, he publicly uttered the blessing on the land
and all its inhabitants in the name of the supreme
pontiff; and afterward the Te Deum was intoned,
and the chimes were rung by all the bells.
[Our author here relates the beginning of the re-
building of the cathedral (which had been destroyed
in the earthquakes of 1645), and the solemn religious
functions which accompany the laying of its corner-
stone in 1654; and the formal adoption of St. Francis
Xavier as the patron saint of the islands (1653), by
action of the secular cabildo of Manila, who bind
themselves "to attend the vespers and the feasts of
that saint's day in a body, as the municipal council,
and to furnish the wax necessary for the feast." He
is also chosen as patron saint of all the voyages made
to, from, or among the islands. This action is fol-
lowed by that of the ecclesiastical cabildo ( 1654) and
the archbishop. That saint is chosen because he had
preached in Ternate and Mindanao, which belonged
to the jurisdiction of the Philippines ; in imitation of
India, where also he was the patron saint, and where
his favor had been experienced by navigators; and
"because the glorious saint had shown himself, es-
pecially in recent years in this region, very propitious
to the voyages of our ships," of which various ex-
amples are cited.]
[Fol. 231 b:] The archbishop had seen in the
publication of the jubilee the persistence with which
the Jesuits labored in the confessional ; and desiring
to finish gathering in the harvest which the broad
field of these environs promised him, if the proper
cultivation were applied, in the year 1655 he asked
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 97
Father Miguel Solana, the provincial of this prov-
ince, that the "jubilee of the missions" might be
published. This was done in the following Lenten
season, with so felicitous results that more than twenty
thousand certificates of confession were counted
which had been issued in our college at Manila. The
zeal of the archbishop aided greatly [in this result],
for he took part in the procession in which the mission
was published, and preached one day in our church.
. . . Extraordinary was the fruit which he
gathered that Lent; and confessions were made [for
a period] of sixty or eighty years. [Here are related
various cases of conversion and edification, in some of
which demons appear to the faithful. Governor Diego
Faxardo sends workmen to Camboja to build a gal-
leon there, and asks for Jesuits to go with them as
chaplains, and to labor for the introduction of the
Christian faith into that kingdom ; two are sent, one
of whom is Father Francisco Mesina, who was then
ministering to the Chinese at Santa Cruz. These
men build a fine galleon, but it is lost in a storm on
the way to Manila; moreover, the galleon "Nuestra
Senora del Rosario," in which they had sailed to
Camboja, "one of the strongest which had been built
in these islands," was wrecked on the shoals of the
Me-Khong (or Cambodia) River, before the Span-
iards could establish themselves on its shores. These
accidents cause the idea of building ships in Camboja
to be abandoned.] Although the temporal govern-
ment of Ternate belonged to the crown of Castilla,
and to this government of Philipinas, its spiritual
affairs were cared for by the bishop of Malaca ; and
when that city was conquered by the Dutch, Ternate
remained in the care of only one Jesuit and one
9 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
secular priest for many years. Don Sabiniano Man-
rique brought to Manila the father and the Portu-
guese priest, and in their place two fathers from this
province were sent, whom the archbishop of Manila
constituted his provisors and vicars-general. These
fathers preached with great fervor and corresponding
results; for many Christians improved their mode of
life, and some Moors and heretics of that country,
giving up their errors, embraced the true religion.
Among all these the ones who excelled in fervor were
two young girls, about fourteen years old, who,
abandoning their parents (who professed the Moor-
ish faith) , came to Ours to be made Christians -with
so dauntless resolution that, although their parents
followed them in order to take them back to their
own village, they could not persuade them to return ;
and God bestowed such efficacy upon the utterances
of these girls that even their parents, illumined by
the light of the Highest, determined to follow the
same religious faith. Various results of the mercy
of God were seen in some persons who, a short time
after receiving grace in baptism, ascended to enjoy
their reward in glory.
In Siao the king was Don Bentura Pinto de
Morales, who, grieving that his island should lack
gospel ministers, despatched an embassy to Don
Sabiniano Manrique, laying before him the extreme
necessity of that island and kingdom, and entreating
that he would send thither religious to preach the
holy gospel; the zealous governor [accordingly]
asked the father provincial, Miguel de Solana, to
send two fathers to relieve that need. They were
immediately sent, and began their work on so good
a footing that in a short time they commenced to
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 99
gather the fruit that they desired; and, not content
to labor with the old Christians, they added to the
flock of Christ a great multitude of souls, so that in a
few months nearly all the islanders were asking for
baptism. The city of Macan had sent to Manila a
nobleman named Don Diego Furtado de Mendoza,
to regulate the commerce [between the two cities] ;
and Don Diego Faxardo, perhaps for [well-
grounded] suspicions, ordered that he be arrested.
But afterward Don Sabiniano sent this envoy back to
Macan; and in November of the year 1653 he sent
a vessel, and in it Father Magino Sola with the title
of ambassador, to establish friendly relations between
this and that city, and with other commissions ; and
they arrived at Macan about March, 1654.
In these times [of which we are writing] many
Subanos had come down to Dapitan from some neigh-
boring mountains, and were brought into the fold of
Christ. Afterward a chief from Dicayo came down
with his people, and was followed by others, from
other hamlets ; the ministers were greatly consoled at
seeing the fruit that was gathered in that district of
heathens. At the same time some Moros from the
lake of Malanao settled at Yligan, in order to be in-
structed and to live as Christians in that village ; and
God deigned to work some marvels, so that they
might properly appreciate the Catholic religion.
[Some of these are related; then follows a long ac-
count of the schemes and perfidious acts of Corralat,
and of the murder (December 13, 1655) by his
nephew Balatamay of the Jesuits Alexandro Lopez
and Juan de Montiel, and the Spanish officer Claudio
de Ribera, who were going to Corralat as envoys
from Governor Manrique de Lara. All these oc-
I OO THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [ Vo1 - 44
currences have received due attention in previous
volumes.]
[Fol. 277:] The archbishop of Manila, Don
Miguel Poblete, a pastor zealous for the good of
souls, asked the father provincial of the Society to
employ some of his men, now that this succor had
arrived, 23 in a ministry so proper for our Institute as
is that of the missions ; and some of them accordingly
went out to look after the ranches [estancias], where
usually live many vagabonds, who, as a result of their
idleness and lack of any restraint, commit innumer-
able sinful and evil acts, and are a people greatly in
need of religious instruction. In those places are
found some Spaniards, various [sorts of] mestizos,
negroes, Cafres, and Indians from all the islands.
At the cost of many inconveniences, the ministers
gathered a large harvest in the numerous confessions
that were made to them, and in many licentious
unions which were broken up; and, above all, light
was given to those people on what they ought to
believe and do in order to secure the eternal salvation
of their souls. An old man eighty years of age, whose
confessions were almost sacrilegious, was reached by
the mission, and, wounded by his conscience, said:
"Oh, if Father San Vitores" (whom perhaps he knew
by reputation) "were one of the missionaries, how I
could get out of this wretched condition in which
I am!" And afterward, learning that Father San
Vitores was going to that place, this old man cast
himself at his feet, and with more tears than words
made a general confession, and [thus] was set free
23 The Jesuit Diego Luis de San Vitores had just arrived (July,
1662) in Luzon with fourteen companions, in a patache sent from
Acapulco by Conde de Banos, viceroy of Mexico.
1 7oo-i 736] JESUIT MISSIONS IOI
from that abominable condition in which he found
himself. Afterward the archbishop entreated that
the mission should go to the mountain of Maralaya,
near the lake of Bay, where a colony of highwaymen
and vagrants had been gathered by the desire for
freedom and the fear of punishment, secure in their
lawless mode of life in the ruggedness of the moun-
tain. The missionaries reached that place, and on the
slope of the mountain established their camp, where
they remained in the inclemencies of weather until
a pavilion was built in which they could say mass,
and a wretched hut for their shelter. There, with
affection, prayer, and exercises of penance, they were
able to persuade those people to come down to hear
the word of God; and so efficacious was this that
many were induced to return to their own villages,
in order to live as Christians. Several women whom
those men kept there, who had been separated from
their husbands, were restored [to their families] ; and
among the rest the missionaries employed instruction
and teaching. One man had lived in that barbarous
community worse than if he were a heathen; and the
only indication of his Christian faith that remained
to him in so demoralized a condition was his constant
devotion to the blessed Virgin - to whom he fasted
every Saturday, and whom he urgently entreated that
he might not die without the sacraments. That most
merciful Lady heard him, for, although he had been
ten times in danger of death, she had always set him
free with special favor. Now he made his confession
with many tears, with the firm resolve to do what-
ever might be necessary for his eternal salvation.
A mission was conducted in the mountains of
Santa Inez of Lanating, a visita of Antipolo. One
102 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
of the missionaries was the same Father Diego Luis
de San Vitores, and in seven days he gathered a very
abundant harvest ; for in that short time twenty- four
thousand heathens, Aetas or Cimarrons, were bap-
tized, and many others were prepared for the rite,
who received baptism afterward. [The author
describes several of these conversions; he also cites
various entries of especial interest from "the books
of the old mission of Santa Ines, which I have before
me ;" many of these are of baptisms made by Father
San Vitores. "This mission was cared for by a
devout Indian named Don Juan Estevan, who after-
ward was a donado, and in the absence of the min-
ister instructed and baptized them - as did the
Canacopoles, whom St. Xavier chose in India."]
In the year 1669 there was a church and visita in
Bosoboso; in 1672 there was a church in Paynaan;
and in 1678 was established the church of San Isidro.
These two [latter] villages lasted until recent years,
when they were included in Bosoboso. Excursions
were made into the mountains, and many Aetas,
Christian and heathen, were brought out from their
hamlets ; and with charity and kindness efforts were
made to settle them in the said visitas, wherein, in
due time, a permanent minister was stationed. It
appears from the books of the said visitas and vil-
lages that many adults were baptized -of twenty,
thirty, forty, and fifty years, and even more; this
was a task of the utmost difficulty for the ministers,
in drawing those people out of their lairs, and even
more in maintaining them in a social and Christian
mode of life, on account of their natural inclination
to go wandering through the woods and mountains.
In the year 1699 the zealous archbishop Don Diego
1 700-1 736] JESUIT MISSIONS 1 03
Camacho came to this mission, and baptized several
of them - among others, four heathen adults - as
appears from the books of Paynaan.
In the year 1665, on the nineteenth of July, there
was a violent earthquake in Manila, in which nine
persons died ; and it inflicted considerable damage in
the wing of our college. At this the zealous arch-
bishop arranged that a mission should be held in
Manila and Cavite ; and through the preaching and
example of those engaged therein great results were
obtained. In October of the same year, Father
Diego Luis de San Vitores and some companions
went to the island of Mindoro, then in charge of
secular priests. On sea and on land they suffered
great fatigues and hunger, heat and storms, toils and
dangers; but all this they regarded as [time and
strength] well spent, when they saw how the liberal
hand of God was rewarding them with the consola-
tion of beholding with their own eyes the fruit of
their labors - not only in the old Christians, who had
reformed their morals; but in the infidel Mangui-
anes, many of whom were converted to [our] reli-
gion. They experienced a thousand tokens of the
providence and kindness of God. Although there
were several languages in the island, they easily
gained a knowledge of what was necessary for
instructing the natives, preaching to them, hearing
their confessions, and settling their affairs. Some-
times a contrary wind obliged them to put back,
directed by the hand of God, in order to relieve the
necessity which demanded their cooperation in those
hamlets. Sometimes the rivers overflowed their
banks, and they found it necessary to travel to places
in which they found sufficient occasion for the exer-
I°4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
cise of their charity. Many conversions of special
interest were obtained, of both Christians and
heathens; and remarkable among all of them was
that of a Manguian woman, a heathen, married to a
Christian man. She was baptized, and named
Maria; and afterward they called her "the Samari-
tan," on account of the many persons whom she
brought to the knowledge of Christ, the ministers
availing themselves of her aid for the conversion of
many persons, not only heathens but Christians, with
most happy results. Her husband was a Christian
by baptism, but worse than a heathen in his life; he
would not even accept the rosary of the blessed Vir-
gin, and it was necessary for his wife to put it about
his neck by force ; and it had so much efficacy that
from that time he undertook to be a Christian in his
acts, as he was one by name. The fathers erected
three churches for the converted Manguianes: the
church of our Lady, near Bongabon; that of San
Ignacio, near Pola; and that of San Xavier, on the
coast of Naojan. Another was built, named for the
holy Christ of Burgos, for the old Christians who
were roaming about through the mountains.
[The rest of Murillo Velarde's Historia is mainly
occupied with the history of the Spanish conquest of
the Marianas Islands, and the missions of the Jesuit
order therein; also with the Pardo controversy and
various other matters which have been already
treated in this series, besides the lives of Jesuits in
the Philippines - which here, as throughout our
series, we have presented only in very brief and con-
densed form ; but which in these religious histories
are often exceedingly detailed and prolix. We pre-
sent a few more extracts from our writer, showing the
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 105
distinctive occupations, methods, and achievements
of the Jesuit missionaries there, and events affecting
those missions.]
[Fol. 346 b:] These and other acts of violence
[i.e., connected with the Pardo controversy] which
in that time were suffered by this province of Phili-
pinas are evident from the printed memorial which
was presented to the king by Father Antonio
Xaramillo, procurator of this province in Madrid,
and a witness of most of the things which are con-
tained in the said memorial. He concludes this
document by offering, at the order of our general,
the reverend Father Tyrso Gonzalez, our resignation
of all the ministries which the Society possesses in
these islands, in order thus to remove the cause of
disturbances, jealousies, and controversies. But so
far was the king from accepting this resignation that
instead he issued his royal decrees that the doctrinas
of Cainta and Jesus de la Peiia (or Mariquina) , of
which the Society had been despoiled, should be
restored to it. In the year 1696, not only did the
very reverend Augustinian fathers surrender these
posts, with politeness and courtesy, but in token of
mutual affection and friendly relations an exchange
was made of the ministry of San Matheo (which is
near Mariquina), the fathers of St. Augustine ced-
ing it to us for that of Binangonan (which is called
"de los Perros" [i.e., "of the dogs"]), on the lake of
Bay, which belonged to the Society; [this was done]
by another exchange, made with the religious of St.
Francis, to whom we gave the ministry of Baras on
the same lake. The sentences of examination and
review given by the royal and supreme Council of
the Indias; the royal executory decree, which in
106 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
consequence of these was issued in regard to Jesus de
la Pefta, on March 31, 1694; and the decrees which
on the same day were despatched, as regards Cainta,
to the governor and the archbishop of these islands :
all these are in the archives of our college at Manila.
. . . I have seen the original of a report made
to the king about that time, by a person of great
ability, in which he endeavored, with acrimonious
expressions, to influence the royal mind against the
Society j but the exaggerative and fierce asperity of
the report was itself the most efficacious argument in
favor of this province, and was entirely rejected by
the king and his Council, as prejudiced (a just and
deserved punishment). The king not only insisted
that this province should continue in its ministries
without any change, but restored to it the two of
which it had been despoiled by animosity allied with
violence. Thus this apostolic province went its way,
following the apostle among thorns and roses, among
persecutions and favors, per infamiam, & bonam
famam. 2i
In order to justify the manner in which the Soci-
ety administers its functions in these islands, I will
give a brief account of the allotment [distribution ;
i.e., of the minister's duties] which is followed in the
villages, in order that the impartial reader, reflecting
thereon prudently and carefully, may recognize the
incessant and laborious toil with which this field,
entrusted to the Society by the confidence of that
prince, is cultivated. Every day the boys and girls
(with little difference [in number]) up to the age of
fourteen years hear mass; these call themselves
24 "Through evil report and good report" (II Corinthians vi,
v. 8).
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 107
"schools" and "companies of the rosary." Then
they sing all the prayers that belong to the mass, and
go to their school. At ten o'clock the signal is given
by the bell, and they go to the church to pray before
the blessed sacrament, and to the Virgin they recite
the Salve and the Alabado hymn ; and they go out in
procession, singing the prayers, as far as some cross
in the village. At two o'clock in the afternoon they
return to the school ; and at four or five o'clock they
go again to the church, where they recite the rosary,
and go out in procession singing the prayers. On
Saturdays, not only the children recite the prayers,
but the baguntaos and dalagas 25 -who are the older
youths and girls, who do not yet pay tribute - and
also the acolytes, the treble singers, and the barbate-
cas. In the afternoon the people recite the rosary,
and the singers and musicians sing the mysteries and
the litany. On Sundays, the boys go out with a ban-
ner around the village, singing the prayers, to call
together the people. The minister says mass, which
the musicians accompany with voices and instru-
ments; and afterward all the people together recite
the prayers, and [answer] a brief questioning on the
principal mysteries of the Christian doctrine, and
[listen to] an instruction on the mode of baptism,
which is called tocsohan. With this there are many
of them who are well instructed, so that they can aid
one to die well, and in case of necessity confer bap-
tism, like the Canacapoles of St. Xavier. The min-
ister preaches a moral sermon, and usually calls the
roll \suele leer el padroni, in order to see whether
the Indians fail to attend mass. In the afternoon all
25 Tagalog words, meaning young men and girls of marriageable
age. Barbateca does not appear in the standard lexicons.
108 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
come together - schools, companies of the rosary,
acolytes, singing children, barbatecas, and dalagas
and baguntaos - and they offer prayers. Afterward
the father goes down to the church, and catechises,
explains the Christian doctrine, and confers baptism.
On Thursdays there is no school, that being a vaca-
tion day. Every Saturday there is a mass sung in
honor of the Virgin ; and in the afternoon the minis-
ter chants the Salve for the occasion, with the image
uncovered, which is then locked up. During the
nine days preceding Christmas, mass is sung very
early in the morning, with great solemnity, before a
large assembly of people, and accompanied by an
indulgence [granted] for the preservation of the
Christian religion in these islands; and these are
called "masses for Christmas" [misas de Agui-
naldo\™ Always, when the host is elevated at mass
the signal is given with a bell, so that all the people
may adore it; and the Indians, even the little chil-
dren who cannot speak, clasp their hands and raise
them toward heaven as a token of adoration, while
in the church a motet is sung for the same purpose,
after the custom of the primitive Church -which
this body of Christians resembles in many ways ; and
St. John in his Apocalypse even represents it to us in
those mysterious creatures who day and night were
praising God, dicentia: Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus,
Dominus Deus Omnipotens, qui erat, qui est, & qui
venturus est. 27 The Indians in general have the
highest respect and esteem for the priests. As soon
as they see the fathers, they rise to their feet, take off
28 See note on the masses, in vol. xxxix, p. 246, note 148.
27 "Saying: 'Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty, who wast,
who art, and who art to come."
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 1 09
their hats, 28 kiss the father's hand, and often fall on
their knees to speak to him, especially if they are
going to ask forgiveness for some offense that they
have committed ; they patiently endure the penances
that the ministers appoint for them, and promptly
obey whatever the fathers command them. Even the
little children who cannot speak run when they see
the father in the street, fall on their knees, and kiss
his hand; and then go back greatly pleased at this.
At every function which pertains to the church, all
the people, from the greatest to the least, work with
gladness in building altars and adorning the temples.
The house-servants offer their prayers in the morn-
ing; and they write, read, and perform their duties
after they have heard mass. At night they read a
spiritual lesson, recite the rosary, and before retiring
pray before the blessed sacrament and sing the Salve
to the Virgin ; and during the year they frequent the
sacraments.
In each of our villages there is a "Congregation
of the Blessed Virgin," which enjoys many indul-
gences and favors ; its members display great fervor,
attend regularly, and perform many exercises of
devotion and charity, especially on Saturdays. The
women of the congregation sweep the church very
early, adorn the images, place roses and other
flowers on the altars, and carry about pans of coals
with perfumes. The minister recites the litany
28 After citing numerous examples from the customs of various
nations, Herbert Spencer concludes - Ceremonial Institutions (New
York, 1880), pp. 128-131 : "It seems that removal of the hat among
European peoples, often reduced among ourselves to touching the
hat, is a remnant of that process of unclothing himself by which,
in early times, the captive expressed the yielding up of all that he
had."
I I O THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
before the image, and the members of the congrega-
tion say the responses ; and afterwards he makes an
address to them ; or a book of devotion, or the rules,
or the indulgences, are read aloud; or the list of
saints for the month is announced, according to their
proper place on the calendar. There are some per-
sons who frequent the sacraments during the year,
confessing and receiving communion on the most
solemn days of the year, especially on the feast-days
of the Virgin, and before a marriage is solemnized ;
and it is a custom often practiced among the Indians
to confess and receive communion on one's saint's
day. In the afternoon those who have received com-
munion go to the church for a short season of prayer.
When the women approach the time of childbirth,
they confess and receive communion, and remain in
the village. Thus an Indian hardly ever dies with-
out the sacraments, except by some sudden fatal acci-
dent ; for at the instance of the ministers the people
are instructed to summon the father as soon as any
one becomes dangerously ill. Many Indians hear
mass every day; recite the rosary in concert in their
houses, on the streets, and while they are sailing;
say the litanies, and sing with most delightful har-
mony the Salve, the praises of God and of His
mother resounding in every direction. They offer
to the Church the first-fruits of their products ; and
carry the images, the shrouds, and other things to
bless the seed-sowing. After childbirth, they offer
the infants to the Virgin on Saturday, and receive
the benediction. They order masses to be said for
the souls in purgatory, and present candles and other
offerings to the Virgin and the saints. They furnish
light at mass with lighted tapers, give food to the
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS III
poor on Holy Thursday, and make other contribu-
tions according to their means. They make pilgrim-
ages to the most notable sanctuaries, and offer their
vows there; they read spiritual books, and practice
other devotions. When they bring the little angels
[i.e., their infants] for burial, they dress and adorn
the bodies neatly with birds' wings, palm-leaves,
wreaths, flowers, and lights, even when the parents
are very poor; for the rest of the people aid them,
so that they may bring the dead with the decency and
solemnity which the ritual requires. The burials of
adults are attended by all the people, all clothed in
mourning from the headman to the constable; and
even though the dead person be from some other vil-
lage, or some wretched unknown creature who died
there, the body is escorted by the people of the vil-
lage and the singers, in very charitable and edifying
fashion. Those who are most eminent in all this are
the members of the congregation, by whose zeal and
pious customs the Christian religion is preserved
and promoted in these islands. They are the select
of the select, like the soldiers of Gideon ; and may be
called the religious among the Indians. The func-
tions of Holy Week, the principal feast-days, and
the processions are carried out with great solemnity
and pomp. In their houses the people erect little
altars, which they adorn with various prints and
images; on their arms they depict crosses, and
almost all wear rosaries about their necks; when the
blessed sacrament is exposed, they escort it, and take
their turn in assisting in the church with many lights.
In the processions of Holy Week there are many
bloody flagellations [disciplinas de sangre], and
other most severe penances. In Lent there are, on
1 1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
three days, the Miserere and scourging ; but this has
fallen into disuse, and in various places is little more
than a ceremony. In every village there is a musical
choir, of both instruments and voices, by means of
which the festival and solemn days, and divine wor-
ship, are at least decently celebrated; and in some
places there are excellent instruments and voices.
Moreover, all these singers understand harmony
[so I fa], a thing which has not its like in all Christen-
dom. Every Saturday and Sunday, prime is sung in
the choir. The Lenten stations and services, those
for the dead, and others during the year, cause devo-
tion and tender feelings through the skill and good
order with which they are conducted. The Indians
use holy water in their houses, and show great devo-
tion to the holy cross, which they set up in their
houses, on the roads, and in their grain-fields. The
adornment of the churches - reredos, images, fur-
nishings of silver, lamps, ornaments - the multitude
of lights, and the magnificence of the edifices, are so
extraordinary that no one would believe that in this
remote corner of the world religion could exist with
such splendor, or Christianity be so well estab-
lished, 28 or divine worship conducted with such
magnificence. The zeal of the ministers has secured
these results, by their activity, piety, and kind treat-
ment of the natives ; but no little is accomplished by
29 The provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Filipinas Islands,
in a report to the king dated June 20, 1731, declares that the
Society reckoned 173,938 souls in the 88 principal villages and
some visitas which they were administering. This number, com-
pared with the estimate for the preceding period of six years,
showed an increase of 11 ,886 Christians; by this may be seen the
increase which the population is steadily gaining - except that of
the Marianas Islands, which has decreased. (Ventura del Arco
MSS., iv, p. 307.)
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS I 1 3
the sharp spur, 80 managed with discretion, qui parcit
virgce, odit filium. The harvest in this field is like
that which the parable represents; there is the great-
est and the least, just as it is throughout the universe.
There is fertile ground and sterile ; there are untilled
and stony tracts; some land is productive, and some
is full of bramble-patches. But what soil is free
from darnel and tares? 31 Where are lilies found
without having nettles near them? In what garden
do the roses, magnificent and fragrant, surpass [the
other flowers], without the thorns that surround
them? He who is always declaiming, in either a
gloomy or a careless spirit, against the faith and
Christian spirit of the Indians, shows great igno-
rance of the world, if not levity or malice. If he
would but reflect that not many years ago this was a
land overgrown with the thorns and brambles of
ignorance, unbelief, and barbarism, he would give a
thousand thanks to the Lord at the sight of so much
fruit obtained for heaven; and still more [thankful
would he be] if he cast his glance on Japon, India,
and Africa, and on Grecia, Inglaterra, Dinamarca,
and other kingdoms where the Christian religion
was [once] so flourishing, but which today are an
abyss of follies and errors -the cause, alas! being
their ignorance or their perverseness. . . . Who-
ever will read the Instructions of St. Francis Xavier
for the missionaries of India, and also this account
30 Spanish, azicate; "a long-necked Moorish spur with a rowel
at the end of it" (Appleton's Velazquez's Dictionary) . The Latin
quotation means, " He who spares the rod hates his son."
31 Spanish, lolios y zizanas. Lolio is an old form of joyo ; and
both joyo and zizana (modern, cizana) refer, according to Apple-
ton's Velazquez's Dictionary, to the common darnel, or Lolium
temulentum.
n 4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
of their allotted tasks \esta distribucion], will
plainly see that their labors are the punctual execu-
tion of those instructions. What greater praise [than
this] can be given them? To this should be added
the standing of the ministers. Those who are minis-
tering in the native villages are the men who have
been masters of theology, and famous preachers, and
officials of the order, and even provincials; and other
members who, on account of their abilities, have
merited repeated applause. The same is true in the
other religious orders ; as a result, there is not in all
the Indias a field of Christian labor that is better
cultivated ; and I may add that there is no Christian
church in the world that has ministers with higher
qualifications, or more who have received academic
degrees. And some of them there are who, rejecting
the comforts of Europe, remain contented in the
poverty here.
[Fol. 350 b:] In the year 1696 the very religious
province of St. Augustine surrendered the village of
San Matheo to the Society, in virtue of a certain ex-
change; we gladly accepted it, in order to bring in
the Aetas who are in the mountains of that region,
to live as a Christian community in the village ; for,
Christians and heathens being mingled in those woods
and little hamlets, there was little difference between
them in their customs. Here I will bring together
the facts pertaining to this ministry, since it is mat-
ter belonging to this history for the connection of
events. In the year 1699, the convent of San Agustin
in Manila made claim to a ranch in this district, on
the ground that Governor Santiago de Vera had
granted to the said convent two limekilns for the
erection of its building. The Indians, on account
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 1 15
of the crude notions which they form of things, began
to call the limekilns "the ranch;" and this blunder
was so prevalent that in some grants which the
governors made afterward in that territory they say
that the lands "border upon the ranch of San
Agustin." In the said year an investigation was
made, and all that could be drawn from the declara-
tions of the Indians was this confused notion of a
"ranch," which they had heard from their elders,
without being able to specify boundaries, or loca-
tions, or landmarks. And as there was no other title
or grant than this very uncertain information, the
judge of land [claims], Don Juan de Ozaeta, auditor
of the royal Audiencia, rejecting their claim for lack
of authentic documents, was unable to grant to that
convent the ranch which it demanded.
In the year 171 3 the minister of that village was
Father Juan Echazabal, whose scrupulous con-
science, added to his natural disposition, made him so
inexorable a guardian of the injunction to hear mass
that in this point he very seldom excused [an of-
fender] from penance. So active was his zeal that he
spared neither labor nor diligence to secure the at-
tendance of the Indians at the holy sacrifice of the
mass, at the sermons, and at the other church func-
tions; and he cheerfully endured the inconvenience
of waiting for them a long time, in order that their
natural slothfulness might not have this excuse. His
persistence secured considerable results, notwith-
standing that wild grapevines were not lacking even
in the midst of so much cultivation. But what as-
siduity does not the obstinate perversity of men
frustrate? An insolent Indian, Captain Pambila, at
various times provoked the forbearance of the minis-
1 1 6 XHE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
ter by his shameless conduct; for, purposely staying
away from mass, and glorying in this wrong-doing,
he boasted among his friends that the father would
not dare to rebuke him. The minister endeavored
by various means to bring him to reason, but all his
efforts proved unsuccessful; and the audacity of this
Indian kept continually increasing, continually
launching him into new transgressions on top of the
old ones - and scandal arising, because some persons
were following in his footsteps and others were in-
clined to do so. In order to check the evil conse-
quences of this, Father Echazabal gave information
of the whole matter to the governor, Conde de
Lizarraga, who sent thither Captain Don Lorenzo
de Yturriaga with twelve soldiers. But Pambila
was by this time so bold that when they went
to arrest him he went out to meet them with
his cutlass, and dealt a blow at the captain; the
latter parried the blow, and firing a pistol, killed
the bold man. At this occurrence the malcontents
were greatly disquieted, and had recourse to
the vice-patron, asking that he remove Father
Echazabal from that ministry; and they even made
the further demand that it be restored to the Augus-
tinian fathers. In order to push their claim, they
revived the old [one of the] "ranch" -this time in
clearer language, for they indicated locations and
boundaries. But, as all these were arbitrary, the
measures [of distance] did not correspond [to the
facts] ; for while it was one site for a ranch that they
claimed, there were three or four such sites that
were included in the places that they had arbitrarily
marked out. Nevertheless, this claim was promoted,
so that the convent of San Agustin obtained a favor-
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS 117
able decision from the royal Audiencia. But Father
Echazabal opposed this, together with the greater
part of the people of the village, as did also Father
Agustin Soler, procurator of the college of San
Ignacio at Manila, on account of the damage that
would ensue to them respectively. The Audiencia,
having examined their arguments, \reversed its
decision - although, through shame at so speedy a
reversal, the auditors set down in the decree that
possession should be given to the convent of San
Pablo [of that] in which there was no dispute. This
sentence on review ended the controversy, and mat-
ters remained as they were before. To pacify the
Indians, the superiors removed Father Echazabal
from that place, and everything was quiet for the
time - although after many years the old [question
of the] "ranch" was revived, with greater energy,
as we shall see in due time. Let us proceed to more
pleasing matters.
In the year 1705, Father Juan Echazabal began to
promote, in the village of San Matheo, the devotion
to our Lady of Aranzazu ; and the devotion to and
adoration of that Lady steadily increased, with the
encouragement of the Vizcayans, and especially of
Don Juan Antonio Cortes. This incited the minister
to undertake the building of a stone church, in order
to provide a more suitable abode for the blessed
sacrament and for the sovereign Queen. Through
the persistence and energy of the father and the con-
tributions of the faithful, a beautiful, substantial, and
spacious church was completed, with its transept and
handsome gilded reredos. The new church Was
dedicated in the year 1716, the minister being Father
Juan Pedro Confalonier. There was a very large
1 1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [v~ o1 - 44
concourse of people, and the devotees of the blessed
Virgin of Aranzazu made extraordinary demonstra-
tions of joy and devotion in celebrating her feast;
and great was the satisfaction of those who with their
contributions had aided [to provide] the costly build-
ing and adorn it with ornaments and rich furnishings
of silver - especially the illustrious benefactor of that
church and village, General Don Juan Antonio
Cortes. And the Society, with the pleasure of dedi-
cating to God and to His blessed mother this new
temple, forgot the great sorrows that they suffered
at that time from various defamatory libels, in which
malignity repeated what had so many times been
condemned, and was anew condemned, as calumny -
their author being, most deservedly but impiously,
his own executioner, at seeing that the arrows dis-
charged by audacity against the Society were changed
into crowns of triumph.
[Fol. 358 b :] [Our author relates the history of
the beaterio connected with the Jesuit college at
Manila. It began in 1684, with the decision of a
mestiza woman of Binondoc to live the religious life ;
her name was Ignacia del Espiritu Santo, and she
began under the direction of Father Paul Clain.
Her fame for piety and devout penances grew apace,
and attracted to her many Indian girls and mestiza
women, until they numbered thirty-three. For some
time they lived in the utmost poverty, which, with
their severe penances and lack of sleep, "made almost
all of the beatas fall ill." Soon, however, charitable
offerings were made to them, enough to support them
when added to what they earned with their needles.
Their spiritual directors are Jesuits, whose church
they attend, and who form them into a religious com-
1700-1736] JESUIT MISSIONS H9
munity ("commonly known as 'the beatas of the
Society'"), with rules and employment prescribed
for their living. At the time of Murillo Velarde's
writing (1749), "there are, besides the beatas, some
Spanish girls who are being trained there as their
wards, and are learning sewing and other accom-
plishments, besides a Christian manner of life and the
habit of attending the sacraments. There are now
fifty regular beatas, thirteen novices, thirty women
(who are Indians) who are kept under restraint,
twenty Spanish girls under training, and four negro
women. Every year some Spanish women, and many
Indian and mestiza women, go into retreat there, in
order to perform the 'spiritual exercises' of St.
Ignatius, from which result much profit to them-
selves and much benefit to their respective villages.
What has always aroused my admiration is, that
although these women are so many in number, and
all Indians or mestizas, and ruled by themselves, yet
in more than sixty years they have not given any
occasion for gossip in the city; rather, they have given
it the utmost edification by their devotion, humility,
application to labor, and assiduity in the spiritual
exercises." Mother Ignacia dies on September 10,
1748; our author pays an admiring tribute to her
ability, virtues, and piety -among other things,
praising her because "she conquered, with most un-
usual perseverance, three kinds of sloth which are
very arduous and difficult [to overcome] : that natu-
ral to the country, that inborn in her sex, and that
which is congenital to this nation in its inmost
being."] 32
32 Spanish, la inata del Pays, la conatural al sexo, y la congenita
entrahada en la Nacion.
CONDITION OF THE ISLANDS,
1701
Remonstrance addressed to the governor and cap-
tain-general* 3 of the Filipinas Islands, on October
J, TJOI , by the provincials of the religious orders,
in regard to the wrongs and abuses that are com-
mitted in the said islands.
The Christian desire so proper to our obligation
of attending to the preservation of the holy faith, in
all the places and persons in which by the goodness
of our Lord it is found already established, and to
its propagation and extension in the persons and
places (which are many) that have not been reached
by the light of the holy gospel ; and the strict religious
observance of our profession, which at least for
charity's sake constrains and obliges us to endeavor
by all means that injustice and oppression shall not be
suffered by any of the Indian natives of these islands -
the spiritual administration and instruction of whom
has been placed in our guidance and care by both
Majesties, the divine and the human, entrusting, to
the zeal that we are under obligation to exercise, not
only the steadfastness in the faith and the good morals
of all the natives who have been already conquered
33 That is, to Zabalburu, just one month after his entrance
into office.
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 121
and brought back to the bosom of the holy Church,
but also the promotion of new reductions and con-
versions: these are the motives, truly lofty ones,
which impel us to set forth plainly to your Lordship
the causes (of the utmost importance and gravity,
and everywhere at work) which are producing
lamentable effects in impairing the Christian native
population, inflicting on them violence and injustice,
and almost closing the door on that most desirable
expectation of new conversions, and of the general
relief for so many poor vassals [of the Spanish
crown] who, as if they were fugitives from these
islands, are engaged in foreign provinces with grief
and almost ruin to their souls, among the infidelity
of the heretics and the barbarous nations - whither
are going, as from their own countries, their wives
and their children, leaving only the memory of and
pity for them.
The objects of this memorial are two: first, the
honor and glory of our Lord, and the exaltation and
increase of His holy faith ; and second, the hope that
the Christian zeal of your Lordship will, by all the
proper means that will present themselves to your
great intellect, furnish effective control of evils so
serious and so general, and cause them to cease - so
that the Christian faith and justice may again flour-
ish, the people who formerly possessed these islands
renew their abundance of population, and the in-
crease of our faith continue its progress, with the
reduction of the infidels. With especial reason [may
we expect this], when the remedy for all the evils
which are stated in this memorial is [already] pro-
vided by the Catholic and pious laws contained in
the "Recopilacion de las Yndias ;" and if perchance
122 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
they omit the medicine for some of the said evils,
that is likewise anticipated and provided by the
decisions of the Councils for Mexico and Lima, con-
firmed by the holy Apostolic See, and inviolably
observed in these islands.
It is taken for granted, Sir, as a maxim which
experience has shown to be infallible in all America,
that the means for the preservation and extension of
the Catholic faith are the same as were employed
for its first introduction, which was most prosperous
because the ardent zeal of the gospel ministers was
united with the power and arms of his Majesty
(whom may God preserve), by which the progress
of the faith was assured. [On this ground] it is very
evident that in these regions it is not possible to
improve, or even to preserve, the peoples who are
already conquered and reduced, because no attention
has been paid to maintaining the military posts, or
building any new fortifications; on the other hand,
in some places and provinces even the little forts that
they possessed have been entirely removed, and in
others the number of officers and soldiers designated
for their defense from any hostile invasion has been
diminished. The effect of this retrenchment, and of
not reestablishing the old military posts with the
number of soldiers that is judged necessary, and with
the military and food supplies which necessity and
natural law prescribed for a suitable defense, is the
reason why great destruction and losses from infidels
and apostates are suffered and lamented. This has
been experienced in the provinces of Cagayan and
Zambales, as it appears, for the lack of the arms and
defenses which in former times were sufficient for
the defense of the faithful converts, and for attack-
1 700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 23
ing the hostile infidels - and even for chastising some-
times their wicked acts, as the rigor of justice de-
mands. Today the converted Indians and other
vassals of your Majesty are exposed to the dangers
of fire and death and captivity which have been ex-
perienced in these past years, nor have our people
had any other way [of escape] than to contract for
the payment of a certain amount of tribute every
year to the hostile Indians - an agreement in every
way unbecoming and injurious to the reputation and
credit of his Majesty's arms, so entrusted [to our
Spaniards] by his royal self. There is this same lack
of arms and supplies in the provinces and military
posts of Yloilo, Cebu, Caraga, Calamianes, Yligan,
and other forts; and from this the only benefit that
can result is the very small one that his Majesty will
save the expenses of reestablishing posts and paying
soldiers, and put a stop to another evil (likewise a
small one), which is the losses occasioned to the poor
by the idleness and license of the soldiers -but if
this had to be attended to, there would be an end to
all the military posts and garrisons which are main-
tained for the general welfare, the protection of the
vassals, and the warfare (offensive and defensive)
which natural law permits. Moreover, it is an obli-
gation [and] characteristic of princes that they do
not seek or desire the trifling evil mentioned, and as
little the advantage of avoiding some expense - which
cannot be done without violating that same royal
obligation, especially when hitherto in all these
islands there have been military posts and the
necessary forces, not only in the interior of the
country but also on its coasts.
From this grievous neglect it results that it is im-
J
1 24 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
possible for us to carry out our desire for the new
conversions and reductions so earnestly charged by
his Majesty; for if at present even our own preserva-
tion is difficult, how can any new conquest be easy?
or how can it be right for our zeal to consider the
acquisition of new Christian communities while
leaving those that are now in our charge exposed to
every invasion by the enemy and to total ruin? One
thing that has contributed greatly to this wretched
state of affairs is, that the expeditions for converting
infidels and conquering apostates have ceased which
in other days were made by the orders of your Lord-
ship's predecessors, in accordance with the royal
laws, after having consulted the royal court of
justice - in whose decisions the hopes that were enter-
tained of the great usefulness of those expeditions
were not mocked. It seems as if that experience
would incline [the government] to renew the said
expeditions, which for some time have been ne-
glected; and in this very island there is so great a
number of infidels, who are confirmed in their very
infidelity and iniquity because they know that there
is never any effort to subdue and conquer them, just
as if his Majesty (whom may God preserve) had
not the right to do so.
From these deficiencies grievous results have fol-
lowed, in depopulating the islands, which at present
lack their former abundance of the peoples and
sources of wealth that are native to them. Confirma-
tion and proof of the truth of this statement is
especially furnished by the five provinces near to this
city. As for those which are more remote, it is known
and is evident that all the coast of Tayabas, which
extends from Sariaya to the headland of Bondoc, was
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 25
formerly very populous and rich, but now it has
hardly a village that can be called such; there are
[only] some groups of huts jumbled together, in-
habited by some Indians who are kept there by their
desire of obtaining some petty commodities of the
country, such as wax, skins, and pitch. All are
destitute of churches and ministers ; for their churches
have been destroyed at various times by pirates and
Mindanaos, and no attention has ever been paid to
reestablishing those places anew as military posts,
and with the means of defense that were necessary in
order that the great number of people that were in
that region might be able to maintain themselves as
Christians. It is also a fact that there have been
[other] very weighty causes for the depopulation of
the islands : the building [of ships] within these five
provinces; and the excessive and rigorous exactions
in the collection of the tributes, and the excessive
polos" and personal services [required]. The sad
thing is, that all those who leave the islands are
ordinarily apostates from the faith, and live and die
among heretics, Mahometans, and other barbarous
people; and no reparation has ever been made for
this great evil, nor has any obstacle been placed in
the way of men passing freely [from these islands]
to foreign kingdoms, even those who are well known
to be married.
The [requisitions for] the cutting of timber for
the construction of the galleons constitute an evil that
is necessary and unavoidable, since on these depends
the entire preservation of these islands; but this
necessity is equaled by the destruction and the injuries
which that work has caused in these provinces, in the
3i Polo: a personal service of forty days in the year.
126 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
diminution of their population and products. For
this so oppressive and heavy yoke has almost always
been imposed upon the said five provinces without
extending it to others - to which, without doubt, the
silver that his Majesty expends in the said wood-
cutting would be of public advantage; and at the
same time the said provinces that are now burdened
would take breath and become prosperous with such
a rest, an end to which it greatly contributes that the
shipbuilding yards are not limited to the village of
Cavite alone. With this easy distribution [of labors]
in the shipbuilding, the damages arising from the
said woodcutting would no longer be repeated in the
same provinces, which, having been thickly popu-
lated and abounding in produce, are now ruined and
barren - their inhabitants forsaking them for remote
provinces, and for lands of infidels and heretics, and
sometimes retiring to the districts within the moun-
tains. The reason for this is that, although the build-
ing [of a galleon] costs his Majesty the amount of
40,000 pesos for the wages of the Indians, besides
the poor of these provinces, [they] carry among
themselves a burden of more than 100,000 pesos -or
even more, because those who are designated for the
repartimiento of the woodcutting search for others
who can take the place of each one ; and the cost of
these substitutes usually reaches five or six pesos, and
sometimes ten. For the payment of this, the former
pledge, or sell, or enslave themselves ; and from this
cause result very serious evils - thefts, withdrawing
to the mountains to roam as vagrants, and other
crimes. Other burdens which the natives miserably
suffer, and which ordinarily fall on the poorest and
most wretched, arise from the fact that the alcalde-
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 27
mayor who makes the apportionment of men adds to
it a greater number than is necessary, and those
who are thus added redeem themselves from this
oppression by money; and then the [list of the]
repartimiento goes to the gobernadorcillo, in order
that the heads [of barangay] may summon for the
woodcutting six or eight men, even though only
four may be necessary. The gobernadorcillo col-
lects in money that amount in excess, as a redemp-
tion from an imaginary woodcutting, a proceeding
which does not impair the number of those assigned.
Still more, after all the men go to the wood-
cutting, if any are lacking the [native] overseer
pays the superintendent of the work at the rate
of two reals a day for the failure of each man. To
this is added that the superintendent himself is wont
to grant exemptions of his own accord, with unjust
benefit to some, to the great injury of the main work,
[the burden of] which falls on those who remain;
moreover, he usually establishes shops, and thus the
fund which his Majesty provides to aid these poor
people by the purchase of some of their commodities
remains therein. His Majesty orders that the men be
called out and paid for one month; but many poor
creatures do not get away from the woodcutting in
a month and a half, during which time they are so
overtaxed and harassed that they hardly have time
to eat, and of sleep they will have some three hours,
as a result of their labors on the account of his
Majesty and outside his account. Such is the sorrow-
ful course of the experiences and the unjust acts
which they encounter in the woodcutting, [a labor]
so carefully guarded from these by his Majesty -
whose royal and innate piety adorns his crown with
128 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
his clemency toward the poor, and with the justice
of the many laws which he has promulgated in their
favor. In presenting thus in general these transgres-
sions of the laws, these crimes, and these oppressions
of the poor to your Lordship, as to their judge and
father, it is not our intention to blame all the head
overseers of the woodcutting; for some have been
known who with Christian zeal, the utmost assiduity,
and entire disinterestedness have begun and ended
their terms of woodcutting with treating those poor
people with compassion and justice.
In these provinces near Manila there are a great
number of Indians whose mode of life may appropri-
ately be compared to that of the gypsies in Espana;
for they go from one village to another accompanied
by some women, and, without labor, they travel, eat,
and are clothed; while they prove to be the authors
of many murders, robberies, rapes, and other ini-
quitous deeds. Of the same sort are a great many of
the slaves from Manila, who have fled from their
masters and go about in bands through various dis-
tricts ; they ravage and destroy fields and farms ; they
lord it in the houses of the poor Indians ; and there
is hardly an evil deed that their rash boldness will
not perform.
The tribute of the half-annats which his Majesty
commands to be paid by the public offices which
enjoy honor and salaries is a burden on many prov-
inces (and especially on that of Leite, in which these
half-annats, recently raked up [suscitadas~\ are col-
lected) - although it is a fact that the [native] govern-
ors of those provinces do not receive salaries or desire
such honor; rather, they shun it on account of their
poverty. From [the attempt at] constraining them
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 29
the following results ensue: first, they flee to the
mountains; second, those who do not flee are com-
pelled to remain slaves, or else bind themselves for
their whole lives, in order to find means for paying
this half-annat, so grievous a tax and so against their
wills.
His Majesty has given orders to fortify and repair
the village of Cavite, because on it depends, in truth,
the preservation and guardianship of this city, the
safety of the castle of San Felipe, and that of many
intrenchments and various houses, and of the royal
storehouses, which his Majesty possesses there.
[Moreover,] a large Christian community has gath-
ered in that place ; and there are four churches, and
three houses of religious orders, with a considerable
number of citizens. All these things strongly enforce
the necessity of executing the said royal decree of
his Majesty, for the preservation, promotion, and
protection of all those religious orders and vassals -
although our opinion inclines to suppose that there
must have been reasons more important than these
for suspending the royal mandate of his Majesty;
and if these do not exist it surely seems that this state
of affairs calls to your Lordship for amendment.
The most holy and awful sacrifice of the mass
depends on the pious and punctual provision which
his Majesty has made in having wine brought here
for the celebration of mass ; and this wine, as for the
rest, cannot be sure. It seems that in recent years it
has been required [from Mexico by the officials of
Filipinas] in so small quantities that often not even
the amount ordered by his Majesty is delivered ; from
this it results that, as this deficiency cannot be made
good, there is a failure in saying many masses. Even
13° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
in the oil for the lamps that burn before the blessed
sacrament there is a great deficiency [in the supply],
for two reasons: either because it is not delivered,
or because it is delivered in places very far away.
These two matters are, without doubt, worthy of your
Lordship's most careful attention - from whose
Christian veneration for the blessed sacrament and
well-known piety our solicitude desires and expects
an entire and complete remedy.
It seems as if in most things the principal object
of the alcaldes-mayor in the provinces, and that in
which they proceed with most assiduity - excepting
many who conduct themselves with entire integrity -
reduces itself to a rigorous and excessive collection
of the tributes; and their other aim is the utmost
attention to their own personal advantage. These
two aims are most injurious and prejudicial to the
public welfare and to the poor people of the said
provinces - because, when there is no produce [with
which to pay the tributes] the alcaldes-mayor either
compel the headmen to search for it, and even to bind
themselves to do this, or regularly make the headmen
responsible for amounts which they not only will not
but cannot collect. Another reason is, that the said
headmen, with cruel injustice, compel Indians to
pay tribute before the age which his Majesty com-
mands and fixes, and this they do under the compul-
sion of the alcaldes-mayor; likewise, the said head-
men exact more than the amount of their obligations
for the conveyance of the tributes. In the other aim
of the said alcaldes-mayor (that is, their own private
advantage) is seen a monstrous hydra with many
heads of injustice and iniquity. One of these is their
compelling the Indians to labor in construction and
1 700-1 736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 31
other works which do not belong to his Majesty's
service, although even for those [for the crown] the
royal law spares and exempts them [from service]
during the times when they sow and harvest their
crops. The alcaldes also appoint certain Indians who
are intimate with them, and who have influence
among the other natives, to whom the latter deliver
the commodities which they carry to the provinces;
and these Indian agents, fixing the prices of goods
at their own pleasure, compel the said Indian chiefs
to supply them, either by sale or in exchange for
other wares. From this results a most flagrant in-
equality in the prices and the exchanges of goods;
and the loss in all these dealings always falls on the
mass of the poor people, because the alcalde-mayor
and the said petty chiefs or influential Indians always
conclude their bargains with profit, and never with
loss. Some alcaldes-mayor have gone to such an ex-
treme of violence that, in case the said petty chiefs
are unable to dispose of the goods which are thus
committed to them, the alcalde compels them to
assume the obligation, and to bind themselves to take
the goods. Thus some of the Indians are constantly
bringing upon others irreparable consequences and
losses that are worthy of redress - all springing from
the first injustice of compelling those to buy who
neither possess nor can take charge of such com-
modities.
The assessment for each tribute is regulated at ten
reals, and it includes two tribute-payers, the husband
and wife; nevertheless, the Indians who have no
fixed abode are burdened with the requirement that
each individual taxed shall pay an entire tribute of
ten reals each - although it is believed that this in-
I3 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
crease was imposed as a penalty, and in order that
certain people might be reduced to villages and
barangays; for it is evident, from the method of
[planning] the tribute, that the imposition or the
increase of the tributes is one of the peculiar and
exclusive prerogatives of the supreme sovereignty
belonging to his Majesty. These injuries, Sir, and
these oppressions which extend through all the prov-
inces, to the destruction of the poor, are certainly
worthy of action [on your part], and constitute a
legitimate obligation on your vigilance, and on the
high office which his Majesty entrusted to your Lord-
ship.
Probably it has contributed much to these perni-
cious results and this neglect of sacred things that in
these recent years the principal aim and object of the
supreme government of these islands, as well as of
the alcaldes-mayor, has been only the increase of the
royal revenue - actually reversing the royal orders,
which decree that^trleHfrrsrattention must be paid to
religion, and to theecclesiastics and their affairs and
maintenance; and after that to the civil government
and justice. But, contrary to these orders, it appears
that in everything the first place has been attained by
the [affairs of] the royal treasury, which ought to
engage the later solicitudes [of the royal ministers] -
and then without that excessive severity [of adminis-
tration] which has been experienced in recent years,
[and which has aroused our] pity and compassion.
In most of the provinces of these islands the gober-
nadorcillos are obliged, as are their [subordinate]
officials, to accept, without their own choice, appoint-
ments to office; and as the cause of their shunning
such appointments is the great expense of the year
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 33
during which they serve, they suffer on this account
great injuries in the provinces near Manila. It
arouses pity in the hardest hearts to see and know by
experience that nearly all the headmen enter office
under compulsion from the alcalde-mayor, and, find-
ing themselves perplexed to the utmost by the diffi-
culties in rendering their accounts satisfactorily -
either by the duplicate names on the registration lists,
or the absences (which usually are many) , or by the
deaths [of those registered] - on account of the great
poverty that is general in the villages these deficien-
cies fall back on the headmen, who are compelled to
pay them or be imprisoned. This measure of im-
prisonment is carried out with so great rigor that
many headmen are in prison, without any hope that
they will be able to pay; and there are even cases in
which the headmen have been imprisoned for many
years for their indebtedness to the tributes in their
charge, and, dying in prison, their burial was delayed
for several days in order that their relatives might
be able to find security for the dead man's tribute and
debt. From this your Lordship can infer the ex-
cessive severity with which the officials proceed in
the collections of the royal tributes; but in this no
kind of severity can be proper, nor can it be decreed
by the royal and liberal purpose of his Majesty.
The works and preparations for the equipment
[of ships] which are made on his Majesty's account
often make necessary various repartimientos and
bandalas for the supplies of oil and rice, and other
products, which the provinces furnish; and it is the
continual and well-founded complaint from all of
them that the amount paid for the said products is
not according to their just price and value, but much
1 34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
less, from which follow the most serious wrongs to
the poor. Of this precedent many of the alcaldes-
mayor avail themselves for [their own] advance-
ment, to judge by their unrighteous profits, with
lamentable injury to the poor, which is general and
well known in the provinces.
The royal decree of his Majesty provides that, for
just and Christian reasons, Moors, Armenians, and
other barbarous peoples may not remain in these
islands as inhabitants and citizens; but for the last
few years several ships from the Coast [i.e., India]
have spent the winter here, and in consequence many
Moors, Armenians, and other barbarians have settled
without the walls of Manila, and in various prov-
inces. These people have enjoyed (as they still do)
free intercourse and trade with every class of peo-
ple, and are causing notable injury to the spiritual
welfare of the Indians - lording it over them, and
setting a bad example in morals to all of them.
Accordingly our affection and obligation [to the serv-
ice of God] desire the exercise of your Lordship's
justice and Christian procedure, that this injury, so
universal and so opposed to the Christian and praise-
worthy usages which they ought [to follow], and
which our missionaries are endeavoring to introduce
among all the natives, may entirely cease.
On account of the great facility (not experienced
before) which there has been in cashiering soldiers,
these evil consequences for the villages have resulted,
with various unjust acts - according to what idleness,
poverty, and many temptations have offered to many
poor men who came here only to serve his Majesty
in the employment of soldiers.
From the introduction of the vice of gambling are
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 135
following the injurious results and the offenses
against God which the holy fathers [of the Church]
decry, and which experience places before our own
eyes, in the shape of much cursing, poverty, abandon-
ment of the wives and children of the gamblers, and
the sinful waste of much time - in which occur quar-
rels, frauds, and other wicked acts appropriate to
gambling and connected with it. Besides this, some
of the alcaldes-mayor - who ought to be on the watch
to prevent these things, according to the orders which
they have from the supreme government of your
Lordship - are the very ones who secretly give full
license and permission for gambling games, in con-
sideration of the money which they receive every
month for the said license. As a result, the villages
and their grain-fields are inundated with gambling
games (of cards, dice, and cocks, and many other
kinds), with the aforesaid effects -all against the
will of God our Lord and of his Majesty, which is
always impeded and seldom executed by the alcaldes-
mayor.
The experience of many years with the Chinese
nation has made it very evident that it was necessary
to prohibit to the Sangleys, especially the infidels,
trade and intercourse with the villages and provinces
of Indians, and keep them out of Indian houses and
grain-fields, and thus it is provided and ordained;
but unfortunately this prohibition is neither obeyed
nor respected. It is, however, a fact that only when
they are married, and compelled to make their abode
in the chief town [of the province], where the
alcalde-mayor resides, or when they are settled in a
certain Parian, does his Majesty permit them to re-
side among the Indians -who from communication
I 3^ > THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
with the Sangleys obtain only superstitions, frauds,
and the loss of the habits of morality in which we
are trying to instruct them. The administration of
the Christian Sangleys is in charge of the two holy
religious orders of St. Dominic and the Society of
Jesus ; and as these people are for the most part the
poorest [of the Sangleys], we do not consider it
foreign to our obligation to attend to them, in such
manner as is possible and right. It is only just to
direct your Lordship's attention to a custom intro-
duced within the last few years, which is that the
tribute that they pay for licenses [to remain in the
country] has been increased - although it appears
that the laws favor the Christian Sangleys, providing
that their tribute shall be only ten reals ; but at present
they are paying the same amounts of tribute as do the
infidel and heathen Sangleys. Your Lordship, with
your clear judgment and ready comprehension,
will be pleased to consider whether it is in accord-
ance with the lofty purposes which his Majesty has
for propagating the faith, and for lightening the
burdens of those who are converted to it - in which
his Catholic piety has so earnestly striven - that the
said tributes should be extended and increased among
the Christians ; and whether they do not deserve to be
relieved from so grievous a burden.
So great is the sorrow of our hearts at seeing and
realizing how easily and quickly the Indians who are
apostates from our holy faith retreat to the moun-
tains, and the obstinacy which the infidels show in
not coming out of them, that we cannot neglect to
remind your Lordship a second time of the urgent
necessity that expeditions into the mountains [by our
troops] be continued, like those that were made in
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 37
former times with success and useful results. We
entreat and charge your Lordship that to this remedy
which has been already tried on other occasions the
piety of your Lordship will be pleased to add [an-
other,] that of prohibiting to the Indians who are
already Christians intercourse and trade with the
infidels; for the regular result of this is, that the
said infidels withdraw more and more from the mild
authority of our holy religion. That religion is con-
sidered, by the said Christians, as intolerable,
although it is not such, whether in itself, in its effects,
or in the obligations which they assume by becom-
ing Christians - which, in the feeble light of their
understanding, is the same as being reduced only
to subjection to the ecclesiastical minister, the
alcalde-mayor, and the burdens of tributes and
repartimientos.
Finally, Sir, our lofty desire for the general wel-
fare of so many provinces, and the pleasure which
we shall all feel in the prosperity and success of your
Lordship - which, as [that of] the first and prin-
cipal head [of this colony], must overflow in all its
parts and subjects - impel us to point out to your
Lordship how worthy of all assistance and effort in
your Christian government is the pitiable condition
to which the Christian villages are reduced, now one
of poverty and barrenness, even of the native pro-
ducts. And those villages to which, it would seem,
their age (which now is more than a century) must
furnish greater abundance of produce and wealth
rightfully their own, are in the same condition and
the same poverty as are the villages that are more
recent and less encouraged by the ecclesiastical minis-
ters and the civil officials of these islands; and they
J 3^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
can never enjoy any improvement, spiritual or tem-
poral. The remedy for this -which ought to be
effective, prompt, and steadily continued -in our
humble opinion, is made up of various measures:
some for the amelioration and redress of all the evils
and difficulties already related to your Lordship,
whose peremptory and executive orders must render
them effectual; and others which, it seems to us,
ought to be charged upon the alcaldes-mayor, and
upon the proper ministers who are closest to the
Indians themselves (who are the ecclesiastics), in
order that they may by every means arouse and
animate the slothful natures of the Indians, by
instructing them in industries that will be useful to
themselves, and in application to an [object of]
desire that is honorable and advantageous to the
public or to individuals of all the villages. This
depends on and consists in not allowing that very
abundance and fertility which our Lord has given
to these islands to be destroyed with waste and negli-
gence; for it is evident that the enormous sum of
silver which necessity, against the royal orders,
transfers to foreign kingdoms ruled by infidels and
heretics, could remain in the islands themselves, and
be converted into property, profit, and the acquisi-
tion of wealth for many poor persons. For there are
found in these islands, as is well known, abundance
of gold, amber, tortoise-shell, various cotton fabrics,
wax, and many other native products, even omitting
those that concern the sowing of the fields. If these
were multiplied in both amount and kinds, it cannot
be doubted that they would contribute to the vil-
lages, with considerable abundance, wealth and
products; and that all the beneficial effects which
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS 1 39
can be desired would result, in favor of his Majesty
and of the public welfare. The chief of these are :
first, that all the painful burdens, unavoidable and
necessary, which the natives have to bear, and which
they lament, would become more easy and light for
them, and that they would live a more social and civ-
ilized life; second, that their affection, loyalty, and
obedience to his Majesty and to your Lordship in
his name, as the authors of their prosperity, repose,
and advantage, would be enormously increased.
Third, all the Christian Indians would be more
steadfast and rooted in the holy faith, and would
become effective and most suitable instruments for
[gaining] new conversions of infidels [and] apos-
tates, the infidels themselves beholding the abundant
wealth and profit, and other benefits, of the Chris-
tian Indians; for it is the temporal welfare evident
to their senses which, as experience teaches us,
strongly influences both classes of Indians, to be con-
verted or to maintain themselves in the Christian
faith. This same object will be greatly aided by
inducing the Indians to settle and form villages;
for, in the mode of life in which they now are found,
in most of the provinces and villages in which the
minister who instructs them is stationed and resides
a certain number are destitute of houses, and all the
rest of the people live so far away and so scattered
that many are obliged to travel three or four leguas
in order to be present on a festival day at the church
- from which remoteness it also follows that, with-
out any fault of the said ministers, many persons die
without receiving the holy sacraments.
Such, Sir, are the evils, and such are the remedies
which our consciences, our charity, and our zeal
H THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
have dictated to us as being most worthy of gaining
the attention of your Lordship -at whose feet,
through the means of these lines, so many poor
Indians approach to prostrate themselves. Neo-
phytes, and bereft of all human protection, they have
recourse to your Lordship, not only as to their gov-
ernor and judge, but also as to a kind father -in
whose term of office they hope that peace and justice
will again flourish; and that the rights of the poor,
and redress for their oppressions, will often obtain a
hearing from your Lordship. This, it appears, has
not been the case in other times, certainly at the cost
of many tears, which were little heeded and never
dried by the sovereignty and power that ought to do
so. In their name, and only for the objects pointed
out at the beginning of this memorial, and that by
it we may unburden our own consciences, we are
under obligation, at least according to charity, to
solicit for them aid and justice.
We humbly entreat that your Lordship will be
pleased, in regard to these points, to carry out what
his Majesty ordains, and to take such measures as
your Lordship may deem most suitable for prompt
execution, most easy to be obeyed, and most conform-
able to the royal will ; and we expect that what your
Lordship shall judge to be most expedient will be in
every way the best, since his Majesty has entrusted
to your care, zeal, generous nature, and nobility the
supreme government of these islands. Manila,
October 7, in the year 1701.
Fray Jose Vila, provincial of the province of
Santissimo Rosario.
Fray Francisco de Santa Ynes, provincial of
St. Francis.
1700-1736] CONDITION OF ISLANDS H*
Fray Jose Lopez, provincial of the Augustinians.
Luis de Morales, provincial of the Society of
Jesus.
Fray Bartolome de la Santissima Trinidad,
provincial of the discalced Recollects of St.
Augustine.
EVENTS OF 1701-1715
[The following summary is made from Concep-
tion's Historia de Philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391:]
[Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora is succeeded,
after eleven years as governor, by Don Domingo de
Zabalburu y Echeverri, a knight of the Order of
Santiago; he was appointed in 1694, but does not
take possession until September 8, 1701. Finding
considerable money in the royal treasury, he employs
it on important public works. He constructs
wharves at Cavite, completes the royal storehouses,
and rebuilds the powder-factory lower down from
Malate, with suitable fortifications for its defense;
and he pays careful attention to the construction of
galleons for the Acapulco trade-route. A quarrel
arising between the petty kings of Mindanao and
Jolo, the former (named Curay) is slain, and his
successor asks Governor Zabalburu for aid against
the Joloans, which the governor prudently declines
to furnish. In the year 1705 the Manila galleon
"San Xavier" departs from Acapulco, and is never
heard from, being lost with all it contains, to the
great sorrow and loss of the citizens of Manila. One
of the auditors goes (1702) as official visitor to the
province of Camarines, 85 and disturbs its affairs with
80 This was Francisco Gueruela ; see summary of his report
on this visitation, in vol. xlii, p. 120.
1700-1736] EVENTS OF 1701-1715 143
his "scandalous proceedings," especially his accusa-
tions against the Franciscan friars who are in charge
of the Indian villages there. In consequence, they
hasten to Manila to secure the aid of the courts there,
leaving their charges without spiritual ministra-
tions; the Franciscan provincial is therefore
despatched to that province with orders to station
ministers therein. Those missions had previously
been for forty-five years in the hands of the Recol-
lects.]
[In September, 1704, arrives at Manila the papal
legate Carlos Thomas Tournon, on his way to China
for the settlement of various ecclesiastical difficulties
there ; he treats the governor and other officials 36 with
arrogance, refusing to exhibit his credentials, and
exercises ecclesiastical jurisdiction to such an extent
that he antagonizes the religious orders and infringes
on the royal prerogatives. These proceedings are
tolerated by both governor and archbishop, although
manifestly improper and objectionable; but when
they are reported at Madrid the king is greatly dis-
pleased, and decrees that the governor be removed
from office, and disqualified for holding it, and those
of the auditors who assented to his acts be punished.
Archbishop Camacho also incurs the displeasure of
the king, which is increased by his having meddled
with the affairs of the royal seminary of San Phelipe,
38 " Except the master-of-camp Endaya, who charged him
nothing for the house in which he lived, and spent more than
twenty thousand pesos in maintaining him and all his retinue.
Endaya made all these demonstrations because he had taken
refuge in a church, and the patriarch [i.e., Tournon] condoned
all his offences and enabled him to leave his asylum - without any
one saying anything to him; nor did the judges dare to lay hands
on a man whom the legate a latere had pardoned." Other favors
and honors were conferred on Endaya by Tournon. (Zufiiga,
Hist, de Philipinas, pp. 412-413.)
1 44 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
and used at his own pleasure certain ecclesiastical
revenues properly in charge of the secular govern-
ment; and the governor fails to check him, and even
to notify the home government of these unwarranted
proceedings, which are reported at Madrid by
ecclesiastical channels. Camacho is accordingly
removed from his see, and transferred to the bishop-
ric of Guadalaxara in Mexico. 37 (He is regarded
by Conception as a very zealous and charitable
prelate; he collected from various sources more
than 40,000 pesos, which he spent in the adornment
and improvement of the cathedral church at Manila,
and for this and other pious purposes he incurred
debts amounting to over 20,000 pesos more. He pro-
moted the missions of Paynaan and San Isidro,
going in person to persuade the Aetas (or Negritos)
to be converted.) Zabalbuni, having undergone his
residencia, leaves Manila in the year 1710, and, after
having suffered shipwreck in the Bahama Channel,
reaches Spain, where he dies after a few years. In
1707 the Acapulco galleon "Rosario" arrives, "with
so much silver that it made that fair [at Acapulco]
famous;" it also brings a new archbishop, Fray
87 Archbishop Camacho was appointed in 1 703 bishop of
Guadalajara; and early in July, 1706, he went to take possession
of that see (which he retained until his death in 17 12), abandon-
ing his diocese of Manila. He left as ruler of that see Don
Francisco Rayo (who was not a member of the cabildo), despite
the protests of the chapter-members. On August 19 the cabildo
declared the see vacant, and chose as its provisor the archdeacon
Doctor Jose Altamirano y Cervantes. At first his title was con-
tested by Rayo; but the latter was finally induced to give up his
pretensions, and by August 28 "the cabildo remained in peaceable
possession of its government and vacant see." (Ventura del Arco
MSS., iv, pp. 247, 248. In the same volume, pp. 135-206, is a
detailed account of Camacho's controversy with the orders and
the papal delegate, with a royal decree on that subject, dated
May 20, 1700.)
1700-1736] EVENTS OF 1701-1715 145
Francisco de la Cuesta, "a professed religious in the
distinguished monastic order of San Geronimo,"
who wins golden opinions from all. 88 Before long,
however, the old question of the right of episcopal
visitation of the regular curas again arises; Cuesta
tries to enforce this right, but with little result. 39 A
88 "As soon as he took possession of his archbishopric, he
began to busy himself with the building of the seminary of San
Phelipe; and the first error that he committed was, to place the
arms of the cabildo on the front of the edifice together with th«
arms of the king, which he placed on one of the stories. He also
drew up the instructions for this collegiate seminary; and when
he came to the admission of students he did not remember the
[rights of the] royal patronage, and arranged for their admission
without mentioning the vice-patron. The king's fiscal, who saw
therein one of his Majesty's prerogatives wounded, strongly
opposed the exercise of the archbishop's claims, and from this en-
sued some mortifications to his illustrious Lordship; but the
college was completed, and the seminarists were appointed, as the
king commanded." (Zuniga, Hist, de Philipinas, pp. 417, 418.)
38 "Because of the controversies which Senor Camacho had
had with the regulars about subjecting them to the visitation, the
pope issued a brief, in which that subjection was decreed; it
came endorsed by the [Spanish] Council, and it seemed as if, in
virtue of a decision so clear and explicit, no reply was left for the
religious save that of the submission which Senor Cuesta desired;
but their ingenuity found a mode of escape from this strait.
They replied that this brief was a declaration of the rights of the
archbishop, which they did not deny; and that their only proposi-
tion was, that it was not expedient to execute this decree in these
islands (in regard to which his Holiness ought to have given a
hearing to the religious orders). They asserted that it was, so
far as concerned the point at issue, obtained surreptitiously; for
it was stated therein that there were entire orders who were will-
ing to come to these islands in the position of subordinates to the
bishops — which was false, because the only authentic thing about
it was, that the vicar-general of the Recollects had promised a
hundred religious who should minister in Philipinas as subject t»
the visitation and the [royal] patronage; but when this was
known to the general of the caked Augustinians, he had censured
this proposal and compelled its withdrawal. The orders there-
fore petitioned that the execution of the papal brief be suspended,
until appeal could be taken to his Majesty. Senor Cuesta, who
was a very peaceable man, and averse to disputes, agreed to this,
14^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
full account of this is given by Conception, with the
arguments adduced therein.]
[In 1709 the new governor arrives, Conde de
Lizarraga (appointed in 1704) ; he is equitable,
upright, and of affable manners. He finds an unde-
sirable surplus of Chinamen in the islands, and sends
back many of them to their own country, although
many others buy permission to remain in Luzon."
and sent a report to the king. The representations of the regu-
lars were considered in the Council of the Indias, and it was
decreed that the regulars must submit; but his Majesty, being
informed by a member of his Council of the injurious results
which might follow from this visitation, approved the proceedings
of Senor Cuesta, and ordered him not to annoy the religious in
this matter until further orders." (Zuniga, Hist, de Philipinas,
pp. 418, 419.)
40 "He sent away most of the Chinese, and retained only those
whom he deemed necessary for the mechanical offices and the
service of the public; in this matter his reputation suffered some-
what, for it was reported that he had a share of the proceeds
from the licenses of those Chinamen who remained in the country.
However that may be, his decision was a very sagacious one, and
advantageous to this country; for the Sangleys who come to
Manila are more slothful than the Indians themselves. They
remain here [pretending] to cultivate the land, and on account
of this pretext licenses are given to them; but there is not one
in each thousand of the Chinese who applies himself to this labor.
The rest of them are all devoted to trade, a mode of life well
suited to their idle dispositions and to the [social] system of their
nation - where it is a received idea that he who is most deceitful
is most clever. The Sangleys adulterate everything - coins,
measures, sugar, wax, and whatever they can thus handle with-
out the fraud being known. Every one of them is a monopolist;
they all secrete their wares, even those of prime necessity, and
sell them at the price that they choose to ask. The oddest thing
is, that by dint of presents they are able to gain protectors, who
defend them; and even if sometimes a fine is imposed on them,
on that very day they plunder [people] in their trading, in order
to pay for their losses. In this way they become rich in a short
time, and send much money to their relatives in China, or else
go back with it to their own country, defrauding the Philipinas
Islands of this silver." (Zuniga, Hist, de Philipinas, pp. 422,
423-)
1700-1736] EVENTS OF 1701-1715 147
During his term occurs the controversy between
some of the friar orders and the bishop of Nueva
Segovia, Fray Diego de Gorospe y Irala (himself a
Dominican), over the claim of the latter to include
the regulars in his official visitations. The matter is
carried to the Audiencia, the decision of which is
unfavorable to the bishop; he dies soon afterward
(early in 1714?), after having occupied his see nine
years. Little else appears to mark the official term
of Lizarraga, who dies in 171 5.]
THE GOVERNMENT AND DEATH OF
BUSTAMANTE
[A brief summary of the events antecedent to and
connected with the government of Bustamante is
here presented, obtained from the very detailed and
prolix account in Conception's Historia de Phili-
pinas, ix, pp. 183-424.]
[The Conde de Lizarraga, who began to govern
the islands in August, 1709, dies at Manila on Feb-
ruary 4, 1 71 5; and the vacancy in his office is, as
usual, temporarily filled by the Audiencia, Auditor
Jose Torralba assuming charge of military affairs.
In the Tournon affair of 1704, the senior auditor,
Jose Antonio Pabon, had not resisted Tournon's un-
warranted assumption of authority, and had there-
fore incurred the displeasure of the home govern-
ment, being deprived of his office and fined. He
thereupon petitioned for a reversal of this sentence,
and restitution to his office and salary, which was
granted by a royal decree of April 15, 1713 ; this
document arrives at Manila during Torralba's rule,
who declines, on various pretexts, to reinstate Pabon,
and even attempts to obtain evidence damaging to his
official character. Pabon therefore is obliged to take
refuge in the Augustinian convent at Manila, and
remains there until the arrival of Bustamante; the
1700-1736J GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 149
latter brings suit against Torralba to compel him to
obey the royal decree in favor of Pabon, and to pay
all moneys due to the auditor. Torralba had also
instituted proceedings against another auditor, Gre-
gorio Manuel de Villa, and two officers, Santos Perez
Tagle and Luis Antonio de Tagle, on the charge of
their having aided and abetted the Castilian Recol-
lect religious in their revolt against their superiors
in the order. (After the dissensions between the
religious orders and Archbishop Camacho, resulting
from his attempt to enforce episcopal visitation of the
regular curas, the despatch of missionaries to the
islands is greatly diminished, partly on account of
those dissensions, partly because the "seas are infested
with English and Dutch squadrons." All the orders
therefore suffer from a scarcity of laborers ; but the
Recollects are fortunately reenforced by a mission
band, conducted by Fray Joseph de Santa Gertrudis,
of fifty-seven religious, "among them the flower of
the province of Castilla." Later, in the distribution
of the ministries and offices of the order in the is-
lands, strife arises ; the older members of the province
- mostly from Aragon, with some from Valencia and
Cataluna - secure all the best offices, as against the
Castilians. When the provincial chapter meets, the
latter present their claims, but are rebuffed; there-
upon they convene a chapter of their own, in the
convent at Bagumbayan, and elect a provincial and
other officers. This throws all the business of the
order into confusion, and Governor Lizarraga per-
suades the two parties to refer the controversy to the
head of the order in Europe and to abide by his
decision, which finally recognizes as legal the chapter
held at Manila. Various difficulties arise in at-
I 5° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
tempting to enforce this decision, but Lizarraga, who
favors the Castilians, induces the provincial to leave
them with their students at Bagumbayan. After the
governor's death, Torralba aids the provincial by
sending troops and bombarding that convent, to bring
back the recalcitrants to Manila.) Torralba, having
arrested Villa and the Tagles, keeps them in rigorous
confinement, and hinders their appeal to the Council
of the Indias; both sides send to Madrid statements
of their respective claims. By royal decrees of
August 18, 171 8, all of Torralba's proceedings against
them, as well as against Auditor Pabon, are declared
null and void, and they are restored to their respec-
tive offices. Bustamante assumes the governorship
on August 9, 1717; his first proceeding is to investi-
gate the condition of the royal treasury, which he
finds in bad condition, with large sums due to it and
unpaid by the citizens. He takes severe measures to
compel the payment of these debts to the government
- among them, laying an embargo on the cargo of the
galleon which comes this year from Acapulco, in
which large amounts of goods and money have been
brought illegally, to avoid payment of duties. A
complete investigation of the ownership and regis-
tration of this wealth is ordered, the governor placing
it in the charge of Andres Fernandez de Arquiju and
Esteban Hizguino. As a consequence of the govern-
or's energetic measures, within the first six months
of his government the sum of 220,671 pesos is placed
in the royal treasury, besides the situado for that
year, which amounts to 74,482 pesos ; and the balance
of accounts on February 1, 171 8, shows that the
treasury actually contains 293,444 pesos, besides
jewels and other valuables deposited for debts to the
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 151
crown. Conception gives the principal items of
revenue and expense at that time. An embargo is
also laid on the silver which comes in the galleon of
1718, but little advantage therefrom results to the
treasury. This financial investigation also shows that
Torralba, during his government, and the royal
officials had mismanaged the royal revenues, shown
great carelessness in the bookkeeping, accounts, and
allowed funds to disappear without any satisfactory
accounting; Bustamante therefore imprisons them
all, and seizes their goods.]
[At various times the Christian natives of the is-
land of Paragua ask the Manila government, through
the Recollect missionaries in whose care they are,
for a Spanish fort and garrison in their island to
protect them from the Moro pirates; but no action
is taken on this until 1718, when Bustamante orders
a fort to be built at Labo, near the southern point of
the island.* 1 The Recollect province contributes to
41 Zuniga says (Hist, de Pkilipinas, pp. 443-445) that the
Moros of Jolo and Mindanao, although their rulers were nomi-
nally at peace with the Spaniards, had frequently ravaged the
islands, the sultans pretending that they could not restrain their
subjects; Bustamante accordingly decided to rebuild the fortress
at Zamboanga, but when he laid this plan before the junta of
treasury officials they refused it by a vote of ten against seven -
on the ground that the fort was of no service against the Moros,
and would cause extraordinary expense. "As a matter of fact,
the entire situado of that military post amounts, in supplies and
money, to about 25,000 pesos, which only serves to enrich the
governor, who is sent from Manila every three years. Against
the majority of votes in the junta the governor gave orders to
reestablish the post, exasperating people's minds, and giving occa-
sion to the malcontents to exaggerate his despotism. The Recol-
lect fathers, who had returned to the province of Calamianes
because the secular priests — whom the bishop of Zebu had sta-
tioned there when the Recollects abandoned it - could not main-
tain themselves there on account of the Moros, erected with the
money of their province some little forts, hardly deserving that
v
I5 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
this enterprise 500 pesos, which are due to it from
the royal treasury. About the same time the fortress
at Zamboanga is also rebuilt, Bustamante insisting
upon this work, against the advice of many of his
counselors. He sends an embassy to Siam, to estab-
lish with that king friendly and commercial relations ;
the Spaniards are received with great pomp and
lavish entertainment, and rich presents are exchanged
in behalf of the respective monarchs of Spain and
Siam; and land is granted to the Spaniards on the
bank of the Chow Payah (or Meinam) River, for
the erection of a trading factory. " It is the place that
formerly was called Campo Japon, and is named
Nuestra Senora de el Soto ["Our Lady of the
Grove"] ; it is sixty-four brazas square, on the east
side of the river, and distant from it a hundred
brazas." It is also a convenient place at which to
make arrangements for the building of ships, and
the Siamese will supply them with lumber (including
teak wood) and iron for this construction. The
Spaniards return to Manila in August, preceded by a
Siamese embassy; but Bustamante is so preoccupied
with other matters that he pays no attention to the
strangers, and they are even badly treated. They
return to Siam angry and resentful, and desire no
further dealings with the Spaniards.]
[In 1719 the royal Audiencia is broken up by the
lack of auditors: Torralba being imprisoned in Fort
Santiago, two others- Julian de Velasco and Fran-
name, which did not shelter many places in those islands from
the pirates; and they requested the governor to establish a post
in the island of Paragua, at Labo, hoping that thus they would
be freed from those annoying enemies. The governor consented
to this, and established a post [there] at much less cost than that
of Zamboanga, but equally useless."
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1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 155
cisco Fernandez Toribio - being held in confinement,
and Pabon being not yet reinstated in office. "Only
Don Gregorio Manuel de Villa was in possession [of
the auditor's functions], through the death of the
fiscal, Don Antonio de Casas y Albarado; but as
Senor Villa did not agree with the harsh and violent
opinions of the governor, he retired to the convent
of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe, distant two leguas
from the city." At this time Bustamante is told that
a general conspiracy is being formed against him,
"of all the citizens, and all the religious orders, and
the clergy, influential persons being pointed out who
were allying themselves with the Sangleys, who were
to commit the parricide." Thereupon, Torralba be-
gins to hope for release, and Bustamante talks over
the situation with him, asking his advice. The re-
sult is, that the governor transfers Torralba to the
government buildings, nominally as a prisoner, but
rehabilitates him as auditor; with Doctor Jose Correa
as associate judge, and Agustin Guerrero as fiscal;
and they contrive various measures against their
enemies. Many persons are arrested by this
quasi government, and many others through fear take
refuge in the churches. Among the latter is a notary-
public, Don Antonio de Osejo y Vazquez, who carries
his official records to the cathedral, and refuses to
surrender them. A decree is therefore issued by the
temporary Audiencia requiring the archbishop to see
that the records are given up and returned to the
proper place; he promises to obey, but delays doing
so • upon being ordered a second time to attend to the
matter, he answers by presenting the opinions of the
two universities, which the prelate has consulted in
this emergency, and which support him in declining
1 5^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
to allow the right of sanctuary to be infringed, and in
regarding the so-called Audiencia as illegally con-
stituted. The governor issues a proclamation order-
ing all able-bodied male citizens to present them-
selves, armed, in the palace when a certain signal,
shall be given. The archbishop excommunicates
Torralba for his proceedings against the ecclesiastical
immunity; he sends notification of this punishment
by Canon Don Manuel de Ossio and Doctor Fuentes,
who force their way into Torralba's apartment, late
in the evening of October 10, and force him to listen
to the reading of the censure ; but he contrives to get
hold of a sword, and drives them out of the room.
The next morning the governor calls the citizens to
arms, and causes the arrest (in virtue of decrees made
by his Audiencia in the night) of the archbishop,
his messengers to Torralba, the superiors of the
religious orders, and many other ecclesiastics. At
this, a tumult arises among the people; an interdict
is laid on the city; and a conspiracy is formed against
the governor. "The religious of St. Francis, St.
Dominic, and St. Augustine (both caked and dis-
calced) came out from their convents, each as a body,
carrying in their hands crucifixes and shouting, 'Long
live [Viva'] the Faith! long live the Church! long
live our king Don Phelipe V!' Perhaps also re-
sounded such utterances as in these cases are peculiar
to the common people and to a tumultuous populace.
These religious were joined by those who had taken
refuge in the churches, and by a great number of
people of all classes, and they went in this array to
[the church of] San Agustin. Those who had taken
refuge there, who were among the most distinguished
citizens, filled with fear lest they should be taken
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 $7
from their asylum and put to death, joined the crowd,
and promoted the sedition, all providing themselves
with arms. A page of the governor, hearing the con-
fusion and yells, entered his master's apartment, and
in alarm gave him the news that various religious
were coming toward the palace, conducting a mis-
sion. The governor, greatly disturbed, sprang up,
and ordered the guards to keep back the crowd; he
went to a window, and heard that from the corner of
the cathedral tower thirty men were asked for to
check the people, who were marching through that
street. He despatched an order to the fort to dis-
charge the artillery at the crowd ; but he was so little
obeyed that, although they applied the match to two
cannons, these were aimed so low that the balls were
buried in the middle of the esplanade of the fort.
Without opposition this multitude arrived at the
doors of the palace, the Jesuits following at a short
distance, with many of the common people and many
boys, the entire crowd, with deafening yells, repeat-
ing the vivas of the religious. As for the soldiers of
the guard, some retreated in fear, and others in terror
laid down their arms. The mob climbed up by lad-
ders, and entered the first hall, the halberdiers not
firing the swivel-guns that had been provided,
although the governor commanded them to do so ; he
now went forward to meet them, with a gun, its bay-
onet fixed, and gave confused orders to his retainers
to seize the weapons which by his order had been
taken from them. One of the religious presented
himself to the governor, and tried to set forth to him
the misfortunes into which he was rushing headlong ;
but at the first words that he uttered, the governor,
already furious, said to him, 'Go away, Father!'
15 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
He attempted to discharge his gun at a citizen stand-
ing near, and it missed fire ; then the governor drew
his sabre and wounded the citizen; the latter, and
with him all the rest at once, attacked the governor.
They broke his right arm, and a blow on his head
from a sabre caused him to fall like one dead. His
son the sargento-mayor, who was in command at
the fort, seeing the great throng of people who were
entering the palace, mounted his horse to go to his
father's aid. Entering the guard-room, sabre in
hand, he wounded several persons ; but as he was not
sufficient for so many, he was attacked by them and
fell from his horse in a dying condition, and they left
him there. Some life still remained in the governor,
but he gave no sign of it; and, supposing that he was
dead, the people occupied themselves with imprison-
ing some and releasing others." Concepcion men-
tions the ministrations of the Jesuit Otazo (whose
account of the affair follows this) , to Bustamante, and
states that the dying man suffered many indignities
at the hands of the mob; they even dragged him
along, in a hammock, to thrust him into a dungeon,
and while doing so a slave stabbed Bustamante twice
near the heart. Finally they leave him stretched on a
couch in the chapel of the royal prison, and without
any medical care; the dean of the cathedral (who
has just been freed from Bustamante's prison) sum-
mons a surgeon to attend the dying governor and his
son, but he is destitute of bandages and other ap-
pliances, and when he returns with these the governor
is dead.* 2 Concepcion describes this episode in-
42 The Jesuit Delgado says of this (Hist, de Filipinos, p. 205 ) :
"I was at that time in Manila, and saw the bodies of those un-
fortunate men, dragged along, stripped of their garments, and
1 700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 159
dignantly, as "an abominable crime," which was
discredited by the upright and honorable citizens,
and relates the excesses committed by the mob, who
broke open the prisons, and set free the worst crim-
inals. At the beginning, they had liberated the im-
prisoned ecclesiastics; and now they insist that the
archbishop, Fray Francisco de la Cuesta, shall act as
governor ad interim. With great reluctance, and yield-
ing only to the clamors of the people, the need that
some one who can quiet them shall assume authority
in this disturbed condition of affairs, and the advice
of the leading ecclesiastics in all the orders, Cuesta
accepts this charge, and takes the usual oath of office
as governor until the king shall make another ap-
pointment. He forms an audiencia with the legal
auditors still remaining- Velasco, Toribio, and
Villa; and they together organize the temporary
government, Pabon also being reinstated, later. A
public funeral is given to the two Bustamantes, for
which a thousand pesos are taken from the goods of
the deceased, the other four thousand being allowed
by the royal officials for the maintenance and the
passage to Mexico of the governor's six remaining
children (their mother having died soon after reach-
ing the islands - according to Torralba, through
Bustamante's neglect of her in a serious illness) ; the
covered with some old rags; and I was obliged, in order that I
might enter the anteroom of the palace, to step over the body of
the governor, which was lying across the threshold of the door."
The editor of Delgado reproduces in a footnote Otazo's letter
(q.v. in this volume, post), with the following remark: "Don
Jose Montero y Vidal, in his Historia de la pirateria, t. 1, p. 254,
asserts that Don Fernando de Bustamante was assassinated in a
tumult at the head of which the Jesuits placed themselves. The
following document will show that gentleman the falsity of his
assertion."
160 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
funeral is so ostentatious that in it are consumed
seven and a half quintals (or hundredweights) of
wax.]
[The archbishop 43 sets on foot an investigation
into the riot and the murder of the governor and his
son ; the substance of many of the depositions made
in this matter is related by our author, but little in-
formation of value is obtained from them; no one
will admit that he knows who dealt the fatal blows.
Torralba 44 testifies against the governor, condemn-
ing his fierce disposition, tyrannical acts, and "dia-
bolical craftiness." According to this witness, Busta-
mante was carried away by greed, and appropriated
to himself the goods of many persons whom he im-
prisoned; resentment at this was general throughout
the islands, 45 and caused a revolt in Cagayan, from
which resulted another in Pangasinan, in which the
43 Archbishop Cuesta surrendered the government of the
islands to Bustamante's successor, the Marques de Torre Campo,
who took possession of it on August 6, 1721. The home gov-
ernment censured Cuesta for too little strictness in investigating
Bustamante's murder, and transferred him to the bishopric of
Mechoacan, Mexico. He arrived at Acapulco January 11, 1724,
took charge of his see on April 1 8, and died on May 30 following.
44 "The long residencia of the persecuted auditor Torralba -
imprisoned sometimes in Cavite and sometimes in Manila, and
always loaded with taunts and annoyances — was settled by the
Council of Indias, who condemned him to pay a fine of 100,000
pesos, besides the 20,000 previously imposed, with perpetual
deprivation of office and exile from Madrid and Filipinas. He
was reduced to such want that he had to beg alms to support
himself; and when he died, in 1736, he was buried as a pauper
in [the church of] San Juan de Dios." (Montero y Vidal,
Hist, de Filipinas, i, p. 436.)
45 According to Zuniga (Hist, de Philipinas, p. 443), the
hatred of the citizens arose from the fact that Bustamante's harsh
collection of the debts due to the royal treasury, many of those
who owed the king having died, or being in great poverty, obliged
the bondsmen to pay those debts; this was so resented by them
that the citizens of Manila began to hate the governor.
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE l6l
alcalde-mayor, Antonio de el Valle, and other per-
sons were killed. The auditors propose to investigate
also the persons who had taken refuge in the convent
of San Agustin, and afterward joined the mob ; but
they are advised by Doctor Ossio that this proceeding
will too greatly disturb the community; that to pro-
ceed against these persons will be to cast odium on
and grieve nearly all the citizens, since the commo-
tion was so general ; that all those who went out on
that occasion did so "in defense of the ecclesiastical
immunity, the preservation of this city, the self-
defense of its inhabitants, and the reputation of the
[Spanish] nation;" and that to carry out this plan
would be likely to cause some disturbance of the
public peace. The officials accordingly suspend the
execution of the decrees that they had issued, and
send to the Madrid government a report of all their
proceedings in the matter, with copies of all the
documents. In Mexico, however, the affair is viewed
differently. The guardian of Bustamante's children,
Balthasar de Castaneda Vizente de Alhambra,
brings criminal suit before the viceroy, Marques de
Valero, against four of the citizens of Manila for the
murder of the Bustamantes. Two of these men-
Juan Fausto Gaicoechea y Gainza, and Diego de
Salazar-are consequently arrested at Acapulco
(March, 1721) and imprisoned, their goods being
seized. The inquiry at Acapulco is equally fruitless,
but Castaneda presses it before the viceroy, making
definite accusations regarding the murder, and claim-
ing that the authorities at Manila have slurred over
the investigation of the murders, through undue
influence of interested parties, and have made only
enough effort to find the culprits to preserve their
1 62 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
own reputation at Madrid; and he brings forward
various evidence in support of his claims. The vice-
roy finally refers the case to the new governor of
Filipinas, Marques de Torre Campo, sending to him
the accused persons, and Gregorio de Bustamante,
nephew of the late governor. In January, 1720, the
fort at Labo in the island of Paragua is abandoned,
notwithstanding the entreaties of the Recollect mis-
sionaries there that it be maintained and reenforced -
a measure for which Concepcion accounts by the
hatred felt toward Bustamante, who had established
that post; and by the readiness of the Manila gov-
ernment to keep up the fort of Zamboanga, under
the pressure exercised by the Jesuits, whose "astute
policy" secured votes for that action, desired by them
for the protection of their missions in Mindanao -
an influence which the Recollects lacked. As soon
as Labo is abandoned, the Moro pirates begin their
raids on the northern islands, even going to the
vicinity of Manila; and they undertake to form a
general conspiracy against the Spanish power in the
archipelago. The kings of Jolo and Mindanao,
however, profess to decline to enter this, finding
their interest in an alliance with the Spaniards. On
December 8, 1720, an attack is made by Moros
against the fort at Zamboanga, but it is repulsed;
those from Jolo and Mindanao then come, professing
friendship, but treacherously turn against the Span-
iards and attack the fort; after a two months' siege,
they are finally driven away, with considerable loss. 46
46 In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 433-
435, is a letter, apparently by one of the Jesuits, describing this
attack; it differs from that of Concepcion in some points. The
attack was made by Malanaos, from La Sabanilla, under the
chief Balasi; and warning of it was sent to the governor, Sebas-
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1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 65
The Moros afterward ravage the Calamianes and
other islands, carrying away many captives, and kill-
ing a Recollect missionary, Fray Manuel de Jesus
Maria.]
Letter from Diego de Otazo, S.J.
I will not omit sending a relation to Madrid, on
this occasion when letters are sent from Manila to
that court, of the tumultuous changes [here], of
tian de Amorena, five days beforehand, by Prince Radiamura,
brother of the sultan of Mindanao. The attack was made by the
"king" of Jolo and Buhayen, with 104 joangas, and a force of
3,000 men by land and sea. In the fort were not more than 200
men - Pampangos, Creoles (probably "Morenos," that is, Mala-
bars, etc.), and a few Spaniards; but they fought so bravely that
the enemy could accomplish nothing in a siege of three months.
Finally Radiamura sent a force of 1,090 men to aid the Spaniards,
and at this the enemy raised the siege and went back to their
homes. The above document is preceded by an account (pp. 409-
432) of affairs at Zamboanga from its rebuilding to 1721, also
from a Jesuit hand. The writer says that 3,000 men were sent
for this enterprise, who built a town in a few months, although
under the greatest difficulties, the former buildings being de-
stroyed, and the site overgrown with shrubs and trees. By that
time Bustamante seemed to have forgotten the undertaking, and
they were neglected and left without aid. Of the soldiers, " some
had but small wages, and most of them none; and the workmen
were almost all obliged to serve at their own expense." Deser-
tions ensued, so that "at the end of six months, hardly 300 men
remained; and of these no small number died and many of them
were sick, overcome by labor, or hunger, or the unusual difficulty
of working the hard soil." So great were their miseries that they
talked of abandoning the fort and returning to Manila; but in
the following February several Jesuits arrived at Zamboanga and
brought tidings that a new governor (Amorena) was to come
with reinforcements, and supplies of money and food. This was
accomplished in June, when 200 soldiers arrived from Manila;
while in May the Jesuit Jose de Zisa had brought from Cebii
supplies of money and food, with 200 Boholans - who, however,
"are very much afraid of the Moros." Governor Cuesta sent
orders for the old soldiers at Zamboanga to return to Manila,
1 66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
which your Reverence probably knows -if per-
chance (even though my influence be little and my
authority less) my letter, when communicated to the
father confessors of his Majesty and Highness, may
contribute to the greater glory of God, and the wel-
fare of these islands and of the souls who are con-
verted in them, and those who may yet be converted
when this community is established in tranquillity
and order ; it is this alone which I regard as the only
object for which I can and ought to strive, since this
alone has brought me to these islands.
Father Procurator: Don Fernando Bustillos y
Bustamante (whom may God have forgiven) began
his government of these islands with so much vio-
lence that, as he carried it to the extreme, this very
thing deprived him of life. Blinded by the two
mighty passions, greed and pride, and exercising the
absolute power that the government of these islands
confers on him, and taking advantage of the great
distance from his sovereign master, [the result was
that] all the citizens had to follow him and comply
with his purposes, which were directed to his own
interests, and measured only by his own desires. The
dungeons of the jails and castles came to be filled
with those persons who opposed or might oppose
him; and the churches and convents were full of
those who had sought refuge there, dreading lest they
too might be imprisoned. The few Spaniards (and
they were very few) who were outside went about -
and for the Boholans to go back to their own villages; thus the
garrison was left in poor condition to withstand an enemy, which
probably emboldened the Moros to attack the fort in the follow-
ing December, as is told above. The writer here mentioned
states that the Jesuits had succeeded in making a surprising num-
ber of conversions, almost 600 persons being baptized in the
Zamboanga district.
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 67
let us say, by way of explanation - with one foot on
the street and the other in the church ; and with the
fear that if they lay down at night in their homes
they would awake in a dungeon.
The archbishop, impelled by his conscience,
undertook to employ some means - advising the
governor like a father, and with the utmost possible
circumspection, and after having consulted others -
to see if he could check what was already dreaded;
but, when he gave the governor his first paternal
warning, the latter had become entirely blind, and
determined to expel from Manila his illustrious
Lordship, the superiors and professors in the religious
orders, and the secular priests in the cathedral who
had high positions and learning.
This fatal controversy began to find expression on
the ninth or tenth of October, his illustrious Lord-
ship desiring the governor to cease his intimacy with
[quitarle de su lado\ the auditor whom he held a
prisoner [i.e., Torralba] -with whom, while thus a
prisoner, he was drawing up, at his own pleasure,
and without any possibility of objection, the royal
decrees which he judged necessary to his purpose.
The archbishop sent the doctoral canon of the church
and another prebend in order that, after the canoni-
cal warnings, they might notify [the auditor] of the
excommunication which he had incurred by comply-
ing with so exceedingly illegal a proceeding. What
occurred there when the doctoral canon carried this
message I am unable to say; but the result was that
they treated the canon and the other prebend badly,
confining them as prisoners, and this was the answer
that the archbishop received; the fact itself is
known, but nothing else.
At daybreak on the eleventh his illustrious Lord-
1 68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
ship, in much anxiety, sent out to summon to his
palace the superiors of the religious orders and other
learned ecclesiastical persons, in order to hold coun-
sel with them ; but hardly had they assembled with
him when they found that the archiepiscopal palace
was besieged by armed soldiers, who had orders not
to allow any one to depart, or any others to enter.
One of the officers, entering the apartments of his
illustrious Lordship, informed him that he must im-
mediately go with him, by order of the king, the
royal assembly, etc.; and thus, surrounded by sol-
diers, they carried the prelate to the fort on the plaza.
In the same way they proceeded with the rest, his
lambs, and, separating them from their shepherd and
from one another, led them away and confined them
in different divisions of the prison and the house of
the Audiencia.
The interdict was published, and the bells began
to toll, which disquieted all the people - religious,
ecclesiastics, and laymen. Those who had taken
refuge in the sacred buildings thought that they were
ruined, and those outside felt deprived of the asylum
of the church. This disturbance lasted from eight
to twelve o'clock; at the latter hour the turbulent
crowd proceeded, without order or concert, to the
palace of the governor, and entered it without oppo-
sition from either the outposts or the soldiers of the
guard. Shouting, "Long live the Faith and the
Church 1" they rushed upstairs, and at that same hour
fell upon the governor with weapons, until he fell
on the floor with wounds, and demanding confession,
and they left him for dead. Then his eldest son
arriving - who had been going about the city arrest-
ing the priests, and busy with other orders of that
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 69
sort - the mob killed him also, which occasioned the
death of a poor Indian. All these events occurred in
about a quarter of an hour, so that by a quarter past
twelve even the boys were in the plaza, celebrating
the event [cantando la victoria] ; the misfortunes [of
the people] were at an end.
At the news of the tumult the father minister [of
the Jesuit residence] sent several fathers from the
house, that they might help to pacify the minds of
the people and be ready to hear confessions, accord-
ing to what necessity demanded; among those
assigned to this duty I was one. On the way I met
several persons, who told me that the governor was
already lying dead; and as one who had gone out
only to assist those on whom misfortune might have
fallen - which, it was thought, would include many,
as is usually the case in such tumults - I hastened my
steps to the palace. Finally I found him whom they
had considered as dead; he was lying in an apart-
ment, the blood dripping from his wounds, and sur-
rounded with people ; and at his side was a religious
who had attended him in order to give him absolu-
tion. I asked the latter what [had occurred], and
whether in his opinion that poor man was in full
possession of his senses ; he answered that he did not
know, but that he had absolved him sub conditione
[i.e., conditionally]. When the religious asked me
to try to find out in what state he was, I began to say
to the dying man what the Lord inspired in me, in
order to prepare him for being again absolved -
which was done several times by the religious, with
full absolution, and without any condition ; for such
were the tokens [of penitence] afforded by the ex-
pression of his face, and his sobs and sighs, and even
17° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
tears, and his pressing to his lips the crucifix which
I placed at his mouth, and so tightly did he press my
hand when I asked him to, that he spoke to me more
clearly thus than if he had answered with cries.
It was my opinion that he could speak ; and, avail-
ing myself of an opportunity when I saw the people
about him somewhat removed [from his side], I
made no little exertion to secure an utterance from
him. I spoke close to his ear, in a low voice; and
he, recognizing my intention, answered me, saying:
"Alas! my father, all this is little compared with
what I deserve for my sins, which I confess are in-
finite ; and this which is happening to me is the kind-
ness of God. I do not complain of any one, and I
will kiss the feet of every one. I only ask your Grace
that you will not leave me until I die, and that you
will be my companion until death ; and that, if it be
possible - so that I may die far away from this noise,
and be able to pass in quiet the little time that may
remain for me to live - they will carry me to the hos-
pital ; that of St. John of God would be the best. But
in any case, do not leave me, your Grace, for the Vir-
gin's sake ; and care for my soul, that it be not lost."
This was what he said to me, in substance, and even
literally, the first time when he was able to speak.
Hardly had he said this to me when the people
again came around us, in a clamorous crowd, and I
turned to contend with them. I made every possible
effort to provide for him what comfort I could, but
I could only secure this, that they carried him, with
me, to a room farther within the house; and there,
now trying to restrain the tumult, and now assisting
him, I found him always in the same excellent frame
of mind. Sometimes I began to hear his confession,
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 171
in coherent and detailed form; sometimes the con-
fession would be interrupted because the doors at
times were opened - until I could, by the aid of some
persons whom I knew to be influenced by the fear of
God, keep the doors closed for a time. I spent the
time thus until about six o'clock, when he died. In
that time extreme unction was given to him; and
Doctor Rayo, who held delegate authority from the
archbishop, absolved him etiam in foro externa [i.e.,
"also in the outer court"] from the excommunica-
tion. I omitted no effort in order that he might use
well the time for the benefit of his salvation, regard-
ing which I can state two things. [Here follow long
pious reflections, which may be left to the reader's
imagination.] Finally, God punished him there for
the violence which he had employed with others -
not allowing them even the comfort and consolation
of communication with their confessors, as some de-
sired ; and it was not permitted to them except only
to make them comply with the [requirements of the]
Church; for when he desired to prepare himself at
leisure, and to pass quietly the time which remained
to him, with the confessor who was aiding him there,
there was no way of securing this. On this account
it is my opinion that God chose to punish him in this
life in order to pardon him in the other one. This
is my opinion; oh, that it might agree with that
which God has! for then the salvation of this poor
man would be certain.
It has seemed best to me, Father Procurator, to
relate this in order that it may be known that this
man, however much people undertake to say against
him (much of which will be false) , met a Christian
and Catholic death. And I say further that, although
l 7 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
his passions hurried him on to do such outrageous
and reckless things, they never separated him from
the [Christian] faith or the Catholic religion; and
therefore, whatever your Reverence can do to pre-
vent those in Madrid from believing what will be
reported in this matter, do it, for God's sake -in
regard to the former [i.e., Bustamante's Christian
death], acquainting the father confessors with these
facts. Moreover, it is not right that such things [as
are said against him] should have influence, when
the only result will be infamy for him and for the
six or seven children whom he has left behind.
On the other hand, it would seem to me desirable
that his Majesty command that in the residencia
which will be taken of this poor man's government
there be no discussion of his personal character, or
of his proceedings which have not been injurious to
others ; and that those which are such be considered
only in so far as is necessary to satisfy, so far as is
possible, the injured party -or even, putting all this
aside, that action be taken only in regard to the goods
which at the time of his death might be found to be
in his name, secretly and through the agency of
others, like those which he has in the ship and pa-
tache which this year went to Nueva Espana. These
are going in the name of other persons, but on his
account, and amount to a great deal - so much, that
if in Mejico the just, prompt, and honest measures
were taken to have these goods sold at the ordinary
fair, like the rest, and if the proceeds were safely
deposited, and his Majesty and the judge of his resi-
dencia here were notified of the amount thus real-
ized, I believe that with this alone the king, the
bondsmen, and the private persons who should prove
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 73
themselves to be his legitimate creditors could satisfy
their claims against him. [Add to this] the goods
that may be found in his house, and those which may
be on his account from the coastwise commerce, in
order that, when these are converted into money,
their just value may be distributed equitably, accord-
ing to the plan which is prescribed in matters of
restitution when there are many creditors.
This precaution will be very necessary in order to
prevent many difficulties which must follow from
other charges [against him], some being involved in
others; and from these will result no greater gain
than disturbances in the community, mutual hatreds,
the rise of many falsehoods founded in malice, end-
less delay in ascertaining the truth, relics of quarrels
left for the future, the disappearance and destruction
of the aforesaid goods of the deceased which can be
obtained, and finally the destruction of the wealth of
some persons without any benefit to others. This is
what I feel in Domino, having considered matters
coram ipso {i.e., "in His presence"], and near at
hand. Therefore, my fathers, there is nothing more
expedient for the service of the two Majesties and of
souls than the measure of burying in oblivion
\hecharle tierra] all the rest concerning him, espe-
cially the suits that he brought against others - since
he cannot have authority distinct from that which he
must assume on account of his office, as representing
the king, and it was not for himself that he demanded
justice against the subjects whom he prosecuted, for
the good man proceeded against all who opposed
him, as seditious traitors - and this it is necessary to
lay aside, for it is an intricate affair and will become
more so.
174 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
Also [I recommend] the approval of what was
done in the formation of the government and
Audiencia that were organized after the fatal event ;
for it did not seem that anything else could be done,
either as a matter of policy or in conscience, or that
would be more agreeable to the wishes of the king,
in such circumstances, to do what was right and pru-
dent, without being declared presumptuous.
And who doubts, after reflecting on the event and
its antecedent circumstances (and, when one con-
siders what human nature is, it seems as if the event
were the natural result of those circumstances) -or,
to speak more correctly, on the especial providence
of God, and His justice - that also it would be most
expedient for the tranquillity of this colony to bury in
oblivion likewise the tumult and what occurred in it;
and that attention be paid only to taking such meas-
ures as will be proper to prevent, so far as that shall
be possible, the occurrence of such troubles in the
future - or at least not to leave the future so exposed
to peril from them?
But what [a task] will that be? Oh, holy God!
there is no doubt that it is very difficult. For, as the
principal root of these tumultuous excesses and quar-
rels-inextricable entanglements, which it is impos-
sible to clear up from Filipinas - [is the enormous
distance] at which the islands are from the court of
their sovereign (who is the one who must supply
suitable and timely measures), and this it is im-
possible to get rid of; it consequently seems also
impossible that these regions can ever be protected
from difficulties of this sort. The only thing, then,
that seems possible is, that these be prevented by a
method which will in some way supply the nearness
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 175
of the sovereign which is necessary for preventing
check, in order that they may not occur with such
them in time; or that will establish some sort of
facility.
But what can this be? I suppose that the politi-
cians will plan the matter much better; but I say
in the Lord that I do not find any more convenient
way than to establish at this very time an ordinance
which, with the royal authority, shall serve to pre-
vent in time the principal difficulties, those which
bring on the rest.
Here, my father, the governor takes away and
establishes, gives, commands, unmakes and makes,
more despotically than does the king himself; and
more, in himself he would join in one the royal and
the pontifical authority. Royal decrees are not suffi-
cient ; for either he hides them, or he does not fulfil
them as he ought. The Audiencia does not serve
[as a check] on him, for he suppresses and he estab-
lishes it, when and how he pleases ; nor do other bod-
ies, whether chapters or [religious] communities,
whether military or civil ; for he does the same thing
[with them]. And never do there lack pretexts for
doing thus, even though such bodies are appointed
by the king; and with the pretext that account of the
matter has already been rendered to Madrid, what
he has begun remains permanently done, or else he
proceeds to change it, as seems good to him.
Assuming this, [it would be best] to maintain
here a council, which would be stable and perma-
nent, and to whom, as being supreme, all the decrees
and despatches of the king should come addressed,
the council distributing these as might be required.
No failure in the entire fulfilment of the despatches
l 7& THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
and decrees of the king should be allowed, save with
the agreement of this council; and the governor
should not be authorized to appoint or remove offi-
cials, or hinder them in the performance of their
duties, whether civil or military ; they should be ap-
pointed by the king, as now are the chief and princi-
pal ones, the auditors and fiscal. For the citizens
there should be six or eight perpetual regidors, from
whom should be elected, according to custom, their
alcaldes-in-ordinary. [The king should also appoint]
the royal officials who belong to the royal treasury;
and, of military officers, the two wardens of the
castle in this city and that at Cavite de la Punta, the
master-of-camp of the Manila garrison, the sargento-
mayor of the plaza, and the lieutenant-general or the
general of the artillery. Even if the cause were, in
the opinion of the governor, so pressing and evident
that he demanded the arrest or suspension of any one
of these whom I have mentioned, without waiting
for the decision from Madrid, he should not do so
without giving account to the said council, or with-
out its consent; and if the case were so urgent that
it should be necessary to arrest any one of those per-
sons before giving account to the said council, such
account should be furnished immediately afterward
- by the governor, or, if he cannot do it, by the fiscal
of his Majesty; and, if neither of them do it, the
president of the said council, when he learns of the
facts (in whatever manner he may obtain such
knowledge), shall demand that he be given the
motive and cause for the decision reached with the
official who is imprisoned or banished, or deprived
of the exercise of his office, in order that his council,
when informed of the case, may take action. If the
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 77
decision of the council is contrary to the resolution
made by the governor, the official shall continue in
the exercise of his functions until the final decision
shall come from Madrid. And if perchance the gov-
ernor disobey this rule, and do not render account
of the motive and cause which has influenced him
to take that course with the officer whom he is treat-
ing as a criminal, the president of the council, with
its advice, is authorized to replace, and shall do so,
the said official in the exercise of his office. In this
particular, all the other officials of the king, and his
soldiers, must obey this president, and not the gov-
ernor, under such penalties as his Majesty shall see
fit to impose upon them.
Item : If any one of these persons appointed by the
king fail to act, by either death or any other accident,
another person shall not be appointed in his place by
the governor alone, but he shall do so jointly with
the auditors and military officers above mentioned,
if the ad interim appointment is to a military post;
and if it is municipal, the electors shall be the gov-
ernor, the auditors, and the other regidors. If the
appointment is that of a royal treasury official, [he
shall be chosen] by the remaining members of that
body, with the governor and the auditors - among
whom I include, for all the elections, the fiscal of his
Majesty- and the person who receives the most votes
shall be chosen; and in case the votes are divided
among two or more, the lot shall decide. He who is
thus elected shall remain as a substitute in the vacant
post until the king shall appoint a proprietary in-
cumbent, and shall possess the same privileges as the
others have, besides that of continuing under the pro-
tection of the said royal council.
17^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
As for those who might compose this council, I
cannot find any who would be better - in order that
it might be durable, and most free from prejudice;
and that its proceedings might be most prudent and
reasonable, judicious and learned -than the follow-
ing: for president, the archbishop of Manila, and
in his absence the dean of the holy cathedral church
of Manila; for its members, the dean, in case he is
not president- and, if he act in that post, in his place
shall come in the senior prebend, by vote of those in
the council ; and besides these, the doctoral prebend
of the same church, and the rectors and prefects (or
the regents) of the two universities, Santo Domingo
and that of the Society, or those who shall take the
place of all these. Those who occupy the chairs of
Institutes 47 and laws in the university (which have
been recently established) shall not have place in
this council, for I do not know whether they will be
permanent; and because, even if they are so, these
professors must be included in the number of those
who are under the protection of the said council, as
being officials appointed by the king and subjects of
the government here. The decision of the members
of this council must go out in the name of the whole
body, and will be that which shall receive the most
votes from the six councilors; and in case of dis-
agreement among them the decision will be that to
which their president shall agree, out of those pro-
posed in the council -each one of these councilors
giving his opinion in writing, which opinion must
be a decisive vote, and not merely consultary.
47 Spanish, Instituta, i.e., the compendium of Roman civil law
compiled by the emperor Justinian. The mention of "the uni-
versity" in this sentence is presumably of San Jose, the Jesuit
institution.
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 179
And because the chief mate [capitan maestre] of
the galleon is the one who has charge of the royal
mails, it would seem desirable, in order to make sure
that this official conducts himself with entire fidelity
in surrendering them to the said council, that he who
is chosen for that post shall [not] be selected
altogether by the governor, but must be approved by
the council, as protector of the royal decrees and
officials of Filipinas, which is the sole employment
that the said council will have. Thus that official,
once he is chosen and approved, must remain under
the protection and jurisdiction of the said council
until he has fulfilled his commission.
And because this council will remain entirely free
from the possibility of being disturbed by the gov-
ernor, and because the most scandalous controversies
which have occurred in these islands have proceeded
from the abuse of the royal prerogatives, the gov-
ernor with the Audiencia seeking by force to deprive
the archbishop and the ecclesiastical judges of the
secular revenues - for sometimes they overstep the
bounds in the essential part, and in other cases exceed
the limits immoderately in their mode of procedure
- it would be expedient and even necessary for his
Majesty to forbid them to do so, and deprive them of
authority to enforce that. They should be allowed
only to ask for it, and, having given information of
it to his Majesty, await his royal decision in order
that that may be accomplished, in reality and in the
mode of procedure, which always will be just and
reasonable, and carried out to the letter, as his
Majesty shall ordain for the service of God and for
his own.
In this manner my poor mind has planned, having
180 XHE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
considered these matters in the Lord, in order that
some means may be employed to make up for the
distance [from Madrid], and to place some check on
the despotic sway which, on account of the distance,
the governors of these islands possess ; for, as I said
above, not only do they act more despotically than
could the king and the pope if those rulers were at
the same time united in one being, but also they are
the whole [government] and all the offices, since
every one must do and does only what the governor
desires, with reference to the offices which the king
entrusts to him.
It is clear that, for the object that is desired, that
which will contribute most of all is the judicious
choice of the governor and the other officials, [who
should be] worthy, upright, unprejudiced, disinter-
ested, having the fear of God, and zealous for His
honor and the service of the king - as well as for
their own honor, which is established by this very
effort. But qui sunt hi, et laudavimus eos? iS I see
it, forsooth. On this I will only say that the gov-
ernor in any case should be a soldier, honorable and
experienced, to whom the government is given on
account of his merits; and not one who may be a
merchant or trader. Still less should he be one who
has secured the post of governor with money, and
not with merits. [In order to secure] for the other
officials men worthy by their merits, fitted for their
positions, having the fear of God, and honorable, an
important means, without doubt, is care in their
selection.
48 Thus in Ventura del Arco ; but the indicative form in the
second clause seems hardly satisfactory. One would rather ex-
pect a subjunctive with ut, making it read, ""Who are they, that
we may praise them?"
1 700-1 736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE l8l
I see that your Reverences will tell me that I am
tiring myself uselessly, and that nothing of this con-
cerns me. This may all be true, but I believe that in
the presence of God this my labor will have, if not
reward, at least excuse, since I have undertaken it
with an aim to the welfare of the souls in these
islands, and to the progress in them of our holy
faith, [objects] which are hindered by misgovern-
ment here.
In regard to the other matters [here], I know that
every one is sending in accounts of them, and I am
sure that each one will give such information as he
feels is true; as for all those who are doing this
officially, who shall say that they will not report
according to what is right, and with weighty argu-
ments? I, at least, cannot persuade myself to think
otherwise ; for all the said persons I regard as truth-
ful and God-fearing men. The one with whom I
am better acquainted than with any of the others is
Don Francisco Fernandez Toribio, an auditor, and
now fiscal, and a [university] professor of the Insti-
tutes; and I can at once inform you that what he
may say can be believed, that it is his own opinion,
and that in saying it he will be governed more by
reason than by prejudice. He is a man indeed, since
he is so good, upright, disinterested, God-fearing,
and truly honorable; and although he and others
like him would be good for these places, yet they are
not good for men of this sort. God preserve your
Reverence for many years, as I desire. Manila,
November 19, 1719. The humble servant of your
Reverence, etc.,
Diego de Otazo
I.H.S.
1 82 XHE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
Letter from the archbishop of Manila
I had given to your Paternity account [of affairs]
last year, by way of Mejico, of the wretched condi-
tion in which this commonwealth and these islands
were, and of the unspeakable grief with which I was
living at seeing the lawlessness, tyranny, misgovern-
ment, and insatiable greed of the new governor,
Field-Marshal Don Fernando Manuel de Bustillo
Bustamante y Rueda; and afterward in the same
year, by the Eastern [India] route, I also sent to your
Paternity an account of the commotion [here] and
the violent death of the said gentleman, who perished
on the eleventh day of October in the same year.
Nevertheless, as the latter route is so irregular, and
it may have happened that the said letter of mine has
not reached your hands, it has seemed to me prudent
to repeat my last letter, and send it by the galleon
which is now sailing for Acapulco, in order that
your Paternity may be fully informed about that
event (although summarily), on account of what
may yet occur.
The said gentleman reached this city on the thirty-
first of July in the year 17; and from the outset it
seemed, with his disposition - unquiet, changeable,
petulant, and with inordinately bad tendencies - that
he directed all his efforts to the ruin of these islands-
He persecuted the citizens, arresting some, exiling
others with pretexts of embassies, conquests, and new
expeditions, and causing others to seek refuge for
themselves, fearful of his harsh treatment; and he
fattened on the wealth of all the people.
To these evil beginnings corresponded like ends;
and from so mischievous causes were experienced the
effects in the unlooked-for and miserable death
1 700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 83
which he, with his eldest son, encountered on the
eleventh day of October in the past year. At that
time the common people rose in rebellion, and, going
to his palace, deprived him of life, without his hav-
ing at his side any person who would defend him,
even among his own servants. This is a proof that
he was hated by all ; and it is notorious confirmation
of the truth of this statement that the great precau-
tions which he had taken since the tenth [of that
month] for his safety in his own palace availed him
nothing; he had provided soldiers, both infantry and
cavalry, who, as they affirmed to me, numbered more
than three hundred. In the general opinion this suc-
cess [in killing the governor] was gained by especial
permission of His [Divine] Majesty, who by this act
of providence, through His lofty and venerable judg-
ments, chose to furnish relief when it could not be
looked for so soon from human sources.
This tumult was caused by the arbitrary nature of
the governor's proceedings; for, without conform-
ing to laws, either human or divine, it seems as if
he had - according to my judgment before God, in
whose presence I speak -no other law than his own
will, from which proceeded his despotic decisions,
directed to his own advantage and not to the general
and public welfare, which ought to have been his
chief care.
With this consideration [i.e., his own advantage],
and in order to find the goods of the master-of-camp
Don Esteban de Higuino (whom he had kept a
prisoner since the beginning of August), he gave
orders that the chief notary of the municipal council
of this city should demand, at the end of September,
the official records of a notary-public who had taken
184 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
refuge in my cathedral on the same day when the
arrest of the said master-of-camp occurred. The
consultation which he held and the petition which
he presented to the ad interim fiscal of the Audiencia
were merely formal ; the matter was referred to the
royal Audiencia, without stating whether it was by
a consultory or a decisive vote; and the papers were
considered in the royal Audiencia, which was com-
posed of only one official, who had for associate
judge the counselor [asesor~] of the government.
This auditor was commanded to despatch officially
a royal decree for the surrender of those notarial
records; and I was notified of this on the twenty-
sixth of September, and the papers offered to me
with a view of the decree of August 1 1, in which the
said auditor was qualified for [transacting] the busi-
ness of the Audiencia - a copy of which decree I
send with this. There were various difficulties in
regard to the fulfilment and observance of this
decree 49 on account of the serious injuries which
might result to the administration of justice in the
ecclesiastical estate, and to the sheep of my flock.
Obliged as I am in conscience to attend to their
relief, I conferred regarding these doubts with per-
sons in whom I had confidence, and with the [heads
of the] two universities of this city -in whose
opinions I tried to find ground for the decree which
enabled this single auditor to have his abode in the
royal hall [of justice] ; because for this he had ex-
changed the imprisonment in which he had remained
in the fort and castle of Santiago. Their uniform
49 Cuesta here alludes to the decree ordering the surrender of
the records, and to its encroachment on the ecclesiastical immu-
nity.
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE I 85
reply to me was, that I ought not to consider the
Audiencia which was formed in this manner as a
royal Audiencia, or the decree which was issued [by
it], with the royal name and the seal of his Majesty,
as a royal decree. I did not [at once] come to a
decision in a matter so important, and on which so
many things depended; and moreover, in order to
show my profound veneration for the royal preroga-
tives of his Majesty and my earnest desire for the
public tranquillity - to which I have given attention
from my first entrance into this archbishopric, as also
to the amicable relations which I have maintained
with the royal officials of his Majesty (especially
with the governor of these islands), since this con-
tributes much to the service of God and of his
Majesty- 1 presented my doubts, with a copy of the
replies given by the universities, to the said deceased
governor, at a conference which was held on the
seventh of October. I charged him as his friend
that, considering these questions with the careful
reflection which is demanded by the strict account
of our deeds which we must render to God, he should
do what was most safe for the discharge of our con-
sciences in the service of God and his Majesty. To
this advice he gave me no answer, either written or
verbal ; and when I was waiting for one, in order to
choose the safest [course] and avoid consequences
which always are injurious to the public welfare, on
October 8 (which was Sunday), a little before
twelve o'clock, I was annoyed by a second royal de-
cree-in which, professing not to understand the
reasons which I had for doubts, he insisted on the
surrender of the said records. Having answered that
in order to make my decision I was waiting for his
1 86 T he PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
reply, I pressed him for it [on the next day,] the
ninth, with another [written] communication of sub-
stantially the same tenor as the first one, exhorting
him to make the best decision, that is, the one which
he would at the hour of death wish to have made;
but he declined to receive it for that morning, on the
pretext that he was ill - although it was plain to me
that he was well [enough] to hold conferences with
the single auditor of whom the Audiencia was com-
posed. In the afternoon, he gave orders to receive
my communication, at the repeated insistence of the
chief notary of my archbishopric, who carried it;
but he would not allow the notary to enter the palace
or to see him.
From this stoppage of friendly relations and lack
of civility which I began to experience in regard to
this matter, and on account of the news that I had of
the repeated deliberations that he held [with the
auditor], I could only expect very evil results in the
banishment of myself and of the ecclesiastics - which
I mistrusted from the twenty-seventh day of Septem-
ber, when I had sent my provisor with the cura of
Balayan, for them to certify to the said governor the
information which on this very point had been pri-
vately given to the said cura by an alferez named
Antonio de Torres, who had much familiar inter-
course with the said governor. This information was
reduced to the statement that a certain alferez had
told how his Lordship had resolved to banish me
from this city by the middle of October, because he
had made ready to demand from me, about that time,
that he might remove to the most distant of these
islands all the persons who had taken refuge in these
churches, both within and without this city; and,
1700-1736J GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 87
taking for granted, at the start, that I would not per-
mit it, with that ground for action he would proceed
to carry out the said banishment. When I learned
that the said alferez, when summoned to the gov-
ernor's presence, confirmed his statement, although
he exculpated himself with frivolous pretexts; and
when I did not see any punishment inflicted on him
for this insolence, and knew, moreover, that they only
gave him orders that the matter should be kept
secret (as it was) : I had sufficient grounds for the
said suspicion. And as it was quite consonant with
prudence to prevent the dangers and obviate the
measures from which might result these evil conse-
quences, having assured myself of the only argu-
ments 50 with which I could prevent this act -to
command the single minister in this Audiencia and
his associate, under penalty of major excommunica-
tion and [a fine] of five hundred ducados in silver,
to abstain and refrain from sitting as judges and
transacting the affairs of the Audiencia, the forma-
tion of which, in my judgment, had been invalid - 1
acted accordingly, in conformity with the opinions
for which I had obtained confirmation by the vote
of my cabildo and the superiors of the holy religious
orders. Availing myself of this means for ending the
controversy, as conducive to the public tranquillity
for which I was striving, without intermeddling
with the governor I issued two monitory decrees, in
which I gave orders as above, in order that at the
very same time they might be notified, to the said
minister and his associate; and I committed this
50 In text, malos fundamentos ; but malos seems improbable, as
applied to the archbishop's own measures. It may be regarded as
probably a copyist's error for solos.
1 88 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
business to the doctoral canon of my church, in order
that, as a discreet and capable person (since he is
morning professor of canon law for his Majesty), he
might conduct it with the judgment and the precau-
tions which are desirable in a matter so delicate.
He went to execute this commission in the hall of the
Audiencia, in which building this single minister of
that court has his abode, abandoning the obligations
of his rank, and trampling on both human and divine
laws. Hardly had he heard my name, when the
notification of this decree was begun, when he
snatched it from the hands of the doctoral canon and
tore it to pieces ; he demanded a sword and buckler,
and the protection of the king; and he uttered so
many cries, and left his room with so much noise,
that he disturbed the entire palace of the governor.
He goaded on the governor so that, without any war-
rants and without a session of this so-called royal
Audiencia, he seized the said canon and the prebend
Doctor Don Juan de la Fuente, who accompanied
him, in the porch of the court prison ; and there they
remained, surrounded by soldiers with pikes and
naked cutlasses, during all the night of October 10.
At that time he gave orders to surround his entire
palace with a guard of infantry, and would not allow
that three ecclesiastics should go up to see him,
whom I sent with a courteous message, in order to
obtain information as to the motive of this singular
proceeding. The governor gave orders to detain
them in the guard-house, where they remained
among the rabble of soldiers, exposed to the inclem-
ency of the wind and of the rain which fell that
night, until the morning; and then they locked up
the ecclesiastics in a small room which was con-
1 700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 89
nected with the guardroom of the halberdiers,
without any food - at which the city began to be dis-
quieted. The doctoral canon and the prebend were
conveyed by an escort of soldiers with an officer to
the castle and fort of Santiago, where the castellan
kept them confined under a guard of his soldiers,
and without any communication [with other per-
sons] ; and as soon as they reached this place, at
daybreak, the military watchword was changed, [ac-
companied] with [the firing of] a cannon loaded
with balls, and [the beating of] war-drums ; and the
bells were rung as a summons for the entire city.
Disturbed at this signal - which, by an edict pub-
lished in the preceding year, was given for their
attendance at the royal palace - all the citizens gath-
ered there; and when they were assembled the late
governor addressed to them a vigorous exhortation
that they should defend the royal jurisdiction, which
he assumed that I had injured and usurped. He
censured the opinions of the two universities, and
berated the persons who signed them, saying that
they did not understand the laws, and that they were
disturbing the church just as one Molinos 51 and one
Luther had disturbed it.
After six on the morning of October 11, as it was
evident to me that the notification had been actually
made -by the information which by my order was
B1 Miguel Molinos was a Spanish theologian, born at Zara-
goza in 1627. He was one of the mystical thinkers, and attracted
a considerable following, not only in Spain but in Rome, where
finally he settled. He there published a book entitled Guia de la
piedad, in which was taught the doctrine called "quietist;" this
was condemned by Innocent XI, who caused him to be placed in
the dungeons of the Inquisition, where he died (1696). An in-
teresting account of him is given in the historical romance by
J. H. Shorthouse, John Inglesant.
19° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
received; and by a brief letter which they brought
me from the said doctoral canon and prebend, in
which they assured me of their imprisonment on
account of the notification to the single minister of
the Audiencia of the monitory decree (which was
made ipso voce) warning him that his name would
be placed on the list of excommunicates [tablilla] -
as also to the eldest son of the governor (who was
sargento-mayor of this army) and his adjutant, I
gave orders that they be posted as publicly excom-
municated, about seven o'clock in the morning.
At that hour the superiors of the holy religious
orders, with other prominent religious who were un-
der their direction, assembled at my archiepiscopal
palace in order to console me in the trouble that
had come upon me from such noisy preparations and
violent demonstrations ; and while we were discussing
these matters, and inferring from these premises the
evil consequences which openly were dreaded for
the ecclesiastical estate, through the doors of my
archiepiscopal palace (which were open) entered
military officers, armed, with a great number of sol-
diers ; and, having filled the palace and surrounded
it with infantry, the officers came upstairs, with the
adjutant who had been publicly excommunicated,
until they reached the room where I was with the
said superiors and religious. A captain named Don
Pedro de Velasco said that he came in behalf of his
Majesty, and by order of his governor and captain-
general, in order that I might go with him to the
royal court; and he would not accept the reply
which I gave him in writing, assuring me that he was
under penalty of death if he acted differently. Al-
though I did not consider the court to which he sum-
1 700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE J 9*
moned me as the royal court, since the single auditor
who composed it was execrable, I resolved to go (as
I solemnly declared) in consideration of the public
tranquillity and the respect due to the royal name
of his Majesty. But as soon as I left my palace, the
military officers and soldiers surrounded me; and
when we reached the door of the governor's apart-
ments, by which I had to enter, I saw that it was
locked. I recognized the deceit and malicious sub-
terfuge by which they had drawn me [from my
house] ; and I declared this, as well as that I would
not go of my own will to any other place than the
royal court. I tried to shelter myself in the royal
seminary of San Felipe, in order not to be wet by the
heavy rain that was falling, but the military officers
would not allow me to do this ; and therefore I leaned
against the lintel of a door that stood open in a pri-
vate house. The sargento-mayor, who was a son of
the governor, apologized for taking part with his
father in this deceit, since it was required from him.
Don Benito Carrasco, an alcalde-in-ordinary, came
to tell me of the order of his Lordship that I must
go wherever the military officers and the soldiers
carried me. They, seeing my unwillingness, lifted
the chair in which I was sitting, and by force carried
me to the public street, where my sedan-chair was -
which I had to enter, in order to avoid even more
disgraceful, scandalous, and sacrilegious acts ; and I
allowed myself to be carried - surrounded by armed
soldiers, as if I were a criminal who had committed
atrocious offenses - through the public streets to the
fort and castle of Santiago. There they delivered
me as a prisoner to the castellan, Don Ygnacio Nava-
muel, and he received me as such, and kept me in his
192 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
dwelling-house ; nor would the sargento-mayor, who
remained in command at my archiepiscopal palace,
permit them to bring me the bed and small chest
of clothing which the members of my household
tried to send me for my personal comfort and clean-
liness.
After seizing me, they proceeded to convey other
prisoners with a guard of soldiers : my secretary, who
was confined in the same castle; the commissary of
the Crusade; the schoolmaster and a prebend of the
cathedral ; the commissary and secretary of the Holy
Office of the Inquisition, with two other religious of
St. Dominic; the prior of the convent of San
Agustin; the rector of the college of the Society
of Jesus, together with the master Father Avina;
and my provisor- placing them in the infantry
barracks and the quarters of the royal accountancy,
with orders that no one should speak to them. 52 They
would have carried away, in the same manner, all
the persons who were in my palace, if the common
people had not opposed them ; for it seems that the
intention of the governor was, as his corresponding
secretary has deposed, to seize all the persons who
signed the opinions which the universities gave me.
For this so execrable deed there was no cause on
my part, since I did not prosecute any determination
of my own that was opposed to the royal laws of his
Majesty; nor was the monitory decree of that charac-
ter, which was notified to the single auditor of whom
52 When Archbishop Camacho attempted to enforce the
episcopal right of visitation of the regular curas, the superiors of
the orders replied to him "first verbally and afterward in a writ-
ten statement, which was composed by the Jesuit Father Avina,
who had been an auditor of the royal Audiencia of Manila."
(Zuniga's Historia, p. 398.)
1 700-1 736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 193
the royal Audiencia was composed - for with that
document I aimed, as a prelate, to deprive the govern-
or of the pernicious means which he was employing
in order that he might not have in his government
any other law than his own ambitious and depraved
will. Nor for carrying out my seizure, under the
pretext of banishment, did he previously take the steps
which the royal laws provide; for the royal writs
were not issued which should have been, to know
whether there had been any failure of obedience on
my part- a proceeding which is required in order
that the penalty of [loss of] the temporal revenues
may be applied to ecclesiastics - as the auditor him-
self and his associate have testified. For it was re-
solved, in a session which they held on October 9,
that an official of the royal Audiencia should go to
confer with me over the difficulties about which I
had consulted the governor; but this formality was
not carried out. On the other hand, availing him-
self of his administrative 68 power - to which, at the
time, they likewise agreed - for use in case of any
emergency, when that arose of the outcry which this
single auditor made at the time when he was notified
of the said monitory decree, the governor compelled
them [i.e., the auditor and his associate] to dictate
an act, assuming that it was one proceeding from the
63 Spanish, economica potestad; but the word economica is here
applied in an unusual sense, which is not made apparent by the
definitions in the lexicons. It is possible that, as used here, it is
derived from economo, "he who is appointed to administer and
collect the incomes of ecclesiastical posts that are vacant, or are
held in trust" (Barcia) -the governor, as possessing this power,
endeavoring to force a vacancy in the offices of archbishop and
others, that he might use that power. Or, economica may mean
"reserve," applied to powers placed in the governor's hands in
reserve, only to be used in emergencies.
194 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
royal court (although it was not such), on the night
of October 10, in which they decided that what had
been agreed upon the day before should be carried
out, in regard to the use of the [governor's] adminis-
trative power against my person and those of the
other ecclesiastics. Although, in order to excuse
themselves for the many offenses that they committed
in this so discordant session \acuerdo~\, they under-
take to avail themselves of the fear and coercion in
which they say the governor kept them, I know not
whether this evasion which they use as an excuse can
assist them, when as Christians they know that they
ought to die rather than sin; and when, since they
could have availed themselves of the privilege of
sanctuary (as others did) to prevent injury to their
souls, they did not do so, through caring for the com-
fort of their bodies.
After the unfortunate event which I have related
had occurred, all the people hastened to the castle
where I was, and, without my being able to resist
their impetuosity, they liberated me from that place,
generally acclaiming me as their governor in the
name of his Majesty. This was the greatest blow that
could happen to me, and I protested against it before
God -[saying that], if my imprisonment and its
previous hardships could serve as a mortification to
me, this demonstration grieved me far more, without
comparison, as being so entirely contrary to my own
judgment and disposition. But the people, who still
remained under arms, cried out that they would
not lay down their weapons, until I should accept, in
the name of his Majesty, the government over them.
At this I made all possible protests, and efforts to
resist this, with the prominent and learned persons
of the city, not only ecclesiastics but laymen; but as
1700-1736] GOVERNMENT OF BUSTAMANTE 1 95
they were unanimously agreed, with the general feel-
ing and opinion that I ought in conscience and justice
to accept this post, for the sake of quieting this com-
munity -which otherwise would run great risk, and
the disturbances would increase, and be the cause of
greater misfortunes and more violent deaths - 1 was
obliged to accept" the said government, sacrificing
my own [mode of] life to the service of God our
Lord and that of his Majesty (whom may God pre-
serve), and for the welfare of the people.
It is impossible, even with the greatest care and
attention, to relate this affair with all its circum-
stances, so marvelous and mysterious were many of
them. Likewise, it is impossible to explain the
ruined, wasted, and unsettled condition in which
everything remains ; therefore, I will only say to your
Paternity that I ask you to have compassion on me,
and that you will earnestly commend me to God our
Lord in your prayers, that He may grant me light,
and judgment, and strength for the great task in
which I am engaged. I remain, as I should, entirely
at your Paternity's orders, continually entreating that
His [Divine] Majesty may preserve you for happy
years, as I desire. Manila, June 28, 1720.
[Francisco, archbishop of Manila].
64 " Never has there been seen a tumult [of the people] in
which ambition was less dominant; all were content with their
own offices, and at seeing themselves free from unjust and violent
imprisonments. Only the archbishop, who had risen to the post
of governor, was disturbed and uneasy; but his mind was some-
what calmed when he received a royal decree in which his
Majesty commissioned the archbishop to restore the royal Audi-
encia to the same footing which it had before, and to set free
Senor Velasco; and, in case he should be hindered by the gov-
ernor, to suspend the latter from his office and himself assume the
government in person — which was almost the same as what had
just been accomplished, so far as this uprising concerned him."
(Zufiiga, Hist, de Philipinas, p. 463.)
LETTER BY A SPANISH OFFICER
Cousin, friend, and sir:
At the coming of the galleon which arrived here
from Nueva Espaiia at the end of July in last year,
1729, I received two letters from your Grace of the
same tenor, dated April 19, 1728. While they gave
me most special pleasure, on account of the consola-
tion which is afforded me by all the letters from your
Grace which I am so fortunate as to see, I have not
been and am not able to express my feelings at the
news contained in them of the grievous illness, the
inflammation in the chest, from which your Grace
has suffered for so long a time ; and I am very anx-
ious that you should continue to improve, so that your
Grace may be entirely free from it (as I hope you
now are), and restored to the excellent health which
I earnestly hope you may experience for many years.
In the midst of so much vexation as has surrounded
me, God has been pleased to grant me the favor of
good health, so liberally that it seems as if He had
cast me in bronze; for He has preserved me in the
midst of so much trouble without the slightest head-
ache, contrary to my usual condition, for which I
give thanks without number to His great goodness -
remaining, as I always shall, so devoted to your
Grace as you must well know.
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 197
The governor of these islands, Don Fernando
Baldes Tamon, arrived here safely in the above-
mentioned galleon, and accordingly took possession
of this office, in which he continues to show the earnest
zeal which, with a desire for what is most con-
formable to right, actuates him. From the place
from which the mails which came in the same galleon
were despatched to this city he wrote to me - on ac-
count of the news which they gave him there of my
troubles - with very cordial expressions of affection;
and as soon as he arrived here he began to confirm
this impression, not only by his confidences on various
matters, and by having cared for the comfort of
some of my dependents - about whom unfortunately,
doubtless on account of my lack of means, I am never-
theless being undeceived, by experiencing [from
them], in return, that ingratitude which always more
than abounds here - but by manifesting to the public
that he valued above others [even] my uselessness.
[He did so] in such a manner that, recognizing this,
envy and prejudice were aroused, especially that of
the licentiates and auditors, to see how they could
deprive me of this gentleman's protection. Not only
to show my gratitude for his kind intentions above
mentioned, but in order to carry out the prudent coun-
sel which your Grace is pleased to give me, I endeav-
ored to follow from those beginnings the line of
returning his kindness, as is proper, manifesting my
feeling of obligation as well as I was able, and even
in the midst of the many pecuniary losses that I have
experienced - which have been caused not by ex-
travagance, since I have tried to live as plainly as a
religious, but by the unfortunate result of fairs in
which everything has been lost, besides the unlooked-
I<?8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
for destruction of property 55 when the galleon was
wrecked in the year 726. The day before he took
possession of the government, I waited on him with
a baton [of office] made of gold, with a diamond
which I caused to be set in its tip, which was valued
at more than six hundred pesos. Don Fernando still
continues in his kind regard for me, although these
knaves have not relaxed in their perverse designs.
Your Grace may rest assured that, on my part, not
only will not the slightest cause be given to him for
growing cool toward me, but I shall, on the other
hand, endeavor to secure the opposite result, in what-
ever concerns the behavior that is due him. Your
Grace will please say the same to all your honored
friends, who, influenced by the [same] affectionate
loyalty \fina ley] which I acknowledge toward your
Grace, have always favored us, pledging themselves
to advance my interests with him - especially Sefiors
Legarra and Maturana. 59 The latter himself has
told me that Don Fernando is under obligations of
great friendship to them, and that they will take
especial pains to talk with him in my behalf. While
on my part I give them grateful thanks, suited to the
extraordinary obligation to them under which I shall
always remain, I am meantime fulfilling that obli-
BB Spanish, lo que se llevo la trampa ; literally, "'what the trap
carried away with it;" a variant of the phrase llevarselo el de-
monio. It is translated above in accordance with the definition in
Caballero's Diccionario de modismos (2nd edition, Madrid,
1905), P- 744-
"Fairs" [ferias] here alludes to the annual sale or fair at
Acapulco which took place at the arrival of the galleon from Ma-
nila; in this case the goods from Filipinas evidently were sold
at a loss.
56 Apparently referring to Juan Ventura de Maturana, who
was royal secretary in the Council of the Indias in 1734-35.
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 199
gation without [unnecessary] delay, for the next
galleon (since the [brief] time does not give me
leisure for this one), in attending to the affairs of the
above-mentioned gentlemen, Senors Legarra and
Maturana - and in regard to the others. In virtue
of the knowledge that your Grace can do me the
pleasure of facilitating those which are, I trust that
you will be pleased to continue to me the much that
I owe to you, and for which I shall always remain
under great obligation to you, by asking them that on
the first occasion, or in reply to this, they will deign
to confer on us the new favor of returning thanks to
this knight; for that will be a circumstance which
will gratify him, and will certainly be very apropos.
And in case they consent to bestow on us this new
honor, I trust that your Grace will please arrange
that the letters come through my hand, in order that
I may deliver them to him.
By the letters which I wrote to your Grace, in the
aforesaid last year, you will be fully informed of the
extraordinary quarrel in which I was involved by
the bad counsel and selfish designs of the father of
my wife Dona Maria Josepha, encouraged by the
mischief-making partisans that he has. On this topic
I ought to add that, soon after the galleon which car-
ried the aforesaid letters had sailed from this place,
the said Dona Maria Josepha with great eagerness
made known her desire to return home with me, ur-
gently entreating that I would enable her to do so as
soon as possible. Such being the relations between us,
and the lawsuit being then near its final limit [estar
en terminos de concluirse~\ (since all the evidence
[necessary] for deciding it had already been fur-
nished) , and since, to judge by what was coming out
200 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS l VoL 44
in the suit, much annoyance could be occasioned by
my side to her father, in order that it might serve as
a warning and correction to the malice and evil de-
sign with which he undertook this quarrel, I
resolved, responding to the good-will of the said
Dona Maria Josepha, to give her the satisfaction of
[granting] her petition. By way of correlative
[to this], I performed the feat of overlooking, in
regard to that same father of hers, the injury
that in every way he has tried to do me; so that,
although I could, while awaiting the decision
[of the lawsuit] -which, as the saying goes, was
already in my hands - inflict on him most grievous
injury, notwithstanding all this, from that time I
formed the steadfast resolve that in case Dofia Maria
Josepha and I were reunited, as we were expecting,
not only would I do my share to secure that from it
not the slightest [harm] should result therefrom to
him, but that we should maintain such harmony that
this matter should no longer be remembered. In
pursuance of this resolve, and because it seemed to
me that this was the best way in order to live in con-
formity to the commands of God, I spoke upon this
subject to the former governor, and to the arch-
bishop" -who, on account of their earnest desire, as
heads of the commonwealth, that this result might
be secured, were unspeakably delighted that Dofia
Maria Josepha and I should come to so good a reso-
67 This was Doctor Carlos Bermudez Gonzalez de Castro, a
secular priest, a native of Puebla, Mexico, and a prominent eccle-
siastic of Nueva Espana. He arrived at Manila on June 29,
1728; displayed great zeal in his office, kindness to the Indians,
and piety and charity in his personal character; and died on
November 13, 1729, being nearly seventy-two years old. (Con-
ception, Hist, de Philipinas, x, pp. 167-170, 182-184.)
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 201
lution. Immediately they held a conference in re-
gard to the measures that should be taken in order that
this reunion might be accomplished as soon as possi-
ble ; and as it seemed best to them that it should be
done through a conference with her father, since she
had asked me that the matter might be thus arranged,
they agreed to talk with him about it; this business
was attended to by the archbishop, in his own name
and in that of the governor. Although that gentle-
man [i.e., Dona Maria's father] answered the arch-
bishop with plausible arguments, to the effect that
our union did not depend upon himself, but upon
the aforesaid Dona Maria Josepha, but that he
would, nevertheless, speak to her with the aim of
promoting it, he acted so deceitfully that, in place
of devoting himself to carrying out that promise,
what he did was to go, a short time after he had left
the presence of the archbishop, to the place where (as
I told your Grace in my previous letters) Dona
Maria Josepha was staying. [There], like a lion
unchained - goaded by the idea of what the arch-
bishop had given him to understand, to the effect
that Dona Maria Josepha and I would certainly come
together in a very short time, and by his own notion
that we had been communicating with each other
with that object - he began to threaten her in the most
extravagant terms, in order not only to break up her
purpose of reconciliation, but to prevent her from
having the slightest communication with me. Not
halting at this alone, his preposterous behavior went
so far that he visited the provincial of St. Dominic;
and the latter, being a good friend of his, and a man
of so excellent judgment as he has shown in this
affair, complied with his demand - which was, that
202 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
the provincial should carry into effect whatever or-
ders he [i.e., my wife's father] should give to the
prioress of the house where Dona Maria Josepha
was. 68 The prioress obliged that lady to leave the
rooms in which she was living, which had a view
of the street, and placed her in others where I could
not possibly speak to her on any side of them. They
placed such constraint upon her that she experienced
inexpressible affliction, through this and other most
improper measures which they took -even going so
far that [they would not admit] the daughter whom
I had by Dona Rafaela (whom may God keep),
when they learned that this girl had on previous oc-
casions gone to that house on account of the request
that the said Dona Maria Josepha had made to me,
that I would send my daughter to her; for they
made arrangements to deprive her of the pleasure of
having the girl with her, availing themselves of the
same means which Herod used when he published
the edict for the slaughter of the Innocents, so that
the death of Christ our blessing might be included
therein. For, not shooting openly at the window they
aimed at, in order to attain their object orders were
given by the provincial that in no case should any
young girl be allowed to enter the house - notwith-
standing the fact that until then not the slightest
objection had been raised to the admission of any of
the girls who were of my daughter's age, and even
when they had been going to that house for a longer
time than she. When I learned of all these and other
58 This house must have been, since it was under the control
of this provincial, the beaterio of Santa Catalina, founded under
Dominican auspices. Its first prioress was Sor Francisca del
Espiritu Santo, who died on August 24, 17 11, at the age of sixty-
three years.
1 700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 203
wrongful acts, I brought them to the notice of the
archbishop, who was amazed - modifying the idea
that he had formed of my wife's father from his
previous actions, and being equally surprised at the
provincial for his actions in contributing to proceed-
ings in which he ought [rather] to feel so great
scruples at following the lead of this man. The
archbishop administered to him an exceedingly
severe rebuke, nor was the provincial left without
others, which to a person less carried away by pas-
sions would have served for his entire correction. At
last, when the father of Dona Maria Josepha saw
that these and other malicious and unusual measures
-of which he secretly availed himself in order to
attain the purpose which guided him to actions, in
regard to the lawsuit, which were improper and un-
just -were continually failing him, and that conse-
quently the affair of our reconciliation was steadily
taking such shape that it would very soon be accom-
plished, he yielded in outward appearance, through
his fear that this would occur without his having the
least intervention in the matter. Through the agency
of that same provincial, the affair was discussed with
the archbishop and the governor; and thus the con-
clusion of it was arranged, so that, a few days after
the middle of July, Dona Maria Josepha and I were
reunited, the former governor having brought about
a reconciliation, two or three days before, between
her father and myself.
Auditor Martinez- who, as I informed your
Grace, had charge of the lawsuit, in virtue of the
commission which the aforesaid former governor,
Marques de Torre Campo, gave him for that func-
tion - as soon as the news reached this city that the
204 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [ VoL 4+
present governor was coming in the galleon, made
on his part incredible efforts to have this affair set-
tled. He eagerly endeavored, with especial activity,
not only that this settlement should be effected, but
that all the official acts should be burned - a proceed-
ing which every one here [dis] approved; 69 for with-
out doubt the purpose that more than any other
directed him was, that, knowing his own guilt in the
mad acts which in his passion he had committed, he
desired to repair it, or [rather] cover it up, by this
means - fearing that if this business were not com-
pleted before the governor arrived here, the latter
would do with it what was right ; moreover, almost
the same idea had been entertained on account of what
concerns the preceding governor, by means of its
having been known or found out in the same manner.
The auditor exerted remarkable activity in the settle-
ment [of the lawsuit] from the time when the said
galleon usually met very little delay in reaching these
islands, and did so with far more briskness as soon
as he learned that the galleon, with the present gov-
ernor, was already within them ; and in fact, if the
latter had arrived in this city before this affair had
been settled, it is not to be doubted that he would
have given them much trouble, by means of it and the
knowledge which with great precision he obtained,
from the time when he entered the islands, of the
outrages and wrongs which had been practiced
against me - to judge by the great pain which he felt
at these, and hinted to me on the first occasion when
I went to see him. This was immediately after he
69 In the text, a cuya accion tuvieron todos aqui ; but evidently
some word is omitted after tuvieron - probably mal, as such a pro-
posal could not be generally approved.
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 205
arrived outside the walls of this city, where he was
obliged to remain until he took possession of the
government, in consequence of the custom which
prevails here in this regard.
The director whom my wife's father had for the
[business of the] lawsuit, or for drawing up his
allegations in court [escriptos], took refuge in one of
the churches near the city, as soon as he knew that
the governor had arrived here. The latter, having
understood the many wicked acts which this man had
committed, besides those that he practiced in that
affair [of mine], desired that -since for the present
he could not be punished in proportion to what he
deserved, on account of his being in that asylum - he
be sent to some military post, not only in order that
this might serve as a correction to him, but with the
intention that this community be freed from a person
of so utterly perverse practices, and that he be not
given the opportunity to continue in them. He there-
fore held a consultation in regard to this point with
the archbishop, who, having the same knowledge
as the governor, in regard to the perversity of this
man, and the great expediency of sending him to a
military post, and assured that the sanctuary which
he enjoyed would not be violated by another punish-
ment, very readily agreed to the plan, and caused
that man to be removed from that sanctuary in order
to secure him (as he did) in the prisons of the arch-
bishop. [There he remained] until he was carried
thence, some two months ago, by command of the
same governor, to the military post that is most re-
mote in this jurisdiction. The efforts which this
knave made to see whether he could escape being
sent away from here were many; and they were so
206 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
singular, unusual, and culpable that they seem in-
credible - as your Grace will recognize from one of
them. This is, that he feigned that he was sick, and
so skilfully that, the governor having sent two phy-
sicians to examine him, they were persuaded at seeing
him that really he must be very ill. At that time he
practiced the stratagem of having acted the part of
a dying man, so skilfully that they even tolled the
passing-bell for him; but the fact is, that a little
while after this had been done - when the physicians
had gone away, as also had a religious who had been
summoned and had hastened to him - it was learned
that he ordered the women to bring him some food,
and that he performed his part as well as a good
gravedigger could. This trick caused much amuse-
ment here as soon as it was discovered, as might be
expected from its singularity.
The father of Dona Maria Josepha frequently
came to our house after we were reconciled, and con-
sequently I went to that in which he lived, and on
my part showed to him the same kindness as before -
not only because my good-will had forgiven him, but
on account of the promises that we had given each
other on the occasion when the previous governor
made us friends, or rather reconciled us, that we
would go on in the future without the least change.
Notwithstanding this, [he acted strangely] - 1 know
not whether it were because his perverted mind was,
as a result of the ill-success of his evil designs, per-
manently impaired; or because he had formed the
opinion that I had some share in the removal of the
above-mentioned director of his from the church,
in order to banish him to the military post. This
[latter] idea was contrary to the facts in the case;
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 207
for it is certain that I had not even the slightest
shadow of complicity in that incident. It is he [i.e.,
my wife's father] who (at the time when the said
his director was in the aforesaid archiepiscopal
prison) , coming on foot through a street in which I
was riding in a forlon™ on the opposite side [from
him], began when I approached close to him to
fling himself about like a madman, and to utter such
insulting terms that, although I could not, on ac-
count of the noise made by the forlon, distinguish
what he meant by them, they compelled me, not-
withstanding that I was going forth on pressing
business, to order that the forlon halt, in order to
ascertain what was the cause of that outcry, or what
was the matter with him. Immediately he advanced
like a wild beast to the side of the forlon, where he
began, with the same wild behavior as before, to
break out in extravagant utterances, such as "What
knavery and wickedness is this?" with others that
were equally or even more disrespectful. When I saw
this, although I could not help growing hot within
[at conduct] so unusual, discourteous, and besides
without cause, I maintained outwardly a countenance
without the least change ; and in that attitude I ex-
postulated with him -saying that he should tell me
what caused him to act thus, since I was ignorant
of the cause ; and that he must endeavor to moderate
his behavior, and not apply such language to me, but
must use such terms as were proper. With these and
other arguments, and the mild way in which I stated
them to him, it was to be expected that he would,
60 A sort of coach, with four seats : it was closed with doors ;
and the body was supported by heavy straps, and placed between
two wooden shafts (Dominguez).
208 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS t Vo1 - 44
unless he were blind with passion, cease from his
mad behavior; but he was so contrary that he dis-
played even much more excitement, and broke out
into even wilder utterances. Notwithstanding that
so great provocation was enough to have made me
alight without the least delay from the forlon in
order to obtain satisfaction from him, I was so patient
that I again expostulated with him - aiming therein
to avoid all violence, and for my part to keep the
promise which at the time of the reconciliation we
had each given to the governor and also to the arch-
bishop, in order that there should not be the least
trouble between us. The return that he made for
this was, to tell me, still more angrily, to alight from
the forlon, and that down there I would find out
what I wanted to know. At this new and extreme
provocation, [given] in his evil and malicious man-
ner, my patience was exhausted and I sprang out of
the forlon ; but before I had set my feet on the ground
he came toward me with a naked short sword
[espadin] which he wore, with a blade of the size
prescribed for a sword, as was afterward found. At
this I drew my own sword (which is one of the
regular style) ; but as it was necessary for me to make
unusual exertions in using it, as it was quite rusty, he
wounded me at this time with his weapon, in two
fingers of the left hand. We made thrusts at each
other several times, during which -either through
the blindness in which his furious passion kept him,
or for some other reason, I know not what -he
several times afforded me sufficient opportunity to
have taken his life, if I had chosen to do so. Not-
withstanding this, as I had drawn my sword with no
other intention than to defend myself, and not to
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 200
injure him seriously, I behaved toward him accord-
ingly; so I proceeded to disarm him, and, throwing
him to the ground, I drew my own short sword, in
order that he might more clearly recognize the kind-
ness that I was doing him. At this point different
persons came up to separate us; and the governor,
when he heard of this occurrence and the excessive
provocation which I had had, gave orders to the
sargento-mayor to convey my antagonist to the castle
of this city. As for me, on account of the legal
formalities [necessary] until the judicial investiga-
tion of the affair was made, he sent me a message
directing me to remain under arrest or detention at
home. Before the said sargento-mayor could reach
him [i.e., my wife's father] to conduct him to the
castle, the professor of laws who is an honorary audi-
tor- a native of Leganes, of whom I told your Grace
in my previous letters, and who was a great friend of
his - carried my wife's father, half-covered with mud
as he was, to the presence of the governor; and he
pleaded so urgently that in place of sending him to
the castle they should transfer his prison to his own
house, that the governor had to comply with his
request. [Santisteban's account of the settlement of
this affair is too prolix to be repeated here in full.
The substance of it is, that an investigation was made
by Auditor Martinez, and by him referred to the
Audiencia, where it was decided that the difficulty
should be smoothed over, and the parties again rec-
onciled to each other; the governor is obliged to
agree with this decision, but remains the firm friend
of Santisteban. The latter is willing to forgive his
assailant, but wishes to avoid the recurrence of such
troubles; he confers thereon with the archbishop,
21 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
who promises to arrange matters with the governor,
but dies before he can attend to this matter. Later,
Santisteban and his father-in-law are nominally
reconciled, but with the proviso that they do not go
to each other's houses; but Santisteban is obliged to
be on his guard against the secret machinations of
the other.]
A little while after the governor took possession
of his dignity, the necessity arose for making a change
in one of the offices in the regiment, for a reason
which rendered such a change unavoidable. On this
occasion the governor directed that I should propose
three names of meritorious persons whom I should
find to be suitable for that position, in order that from
these he might select the one whom he thought best -
determining that in future this practice should be
observed in regard to all the military offices to which
he had to make appointments. Although this regula-
tion is so eminently proper -not only because it had
been the usage here until, in the last few years, the
inexperience and despotism of some of the governors
broke up this method of procedure; but because it is
in all countries the inviolable usage that the masters-
of-camp or the colonels (which is the same thing)
have always proposed [appointments for] the vacant
posts in their organizations - it caused much sur-
prise (or, to speak more correctly, envy) in the
licentiates or auditors. For, as soon as they heard
of it, they went to see the governor, and with as much
energy and eagerness as if some great advantage could
thus result to them, addressed him, endeavoring to
dissuade him from the observance of this method -
availing themselves, in order to incite him not to
allow this regulation to take effect, of the artful
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 211
argument that it was opposed to his own authority.
But the governor, knowing their good intentions and
how very proper are those proposals of names (as
above stated), sent them away more offended than
they were when they came into his presence, on ac-
count of his answer to them that he could not permit
the appointments to be made as they wished, since
it was the prerogative of all masters-of-camp to pro-
pose them -saying that no one could have a better
knowledge than these officers have of the merits and
fitness of persons for their command, in order that
those who were necessary for military employments
might be judiciously selected. From this your Grace
will understand how far the prejudice of these licen-
tiates can extend, and their exceeding ill-will, and
that I shall find myself badly off and can ill remain
here with these and other knaves, who are in more
than abundant numbers in this goodly land, and of
so evil, or even worse, intentions; and the good in-
tentions of those licentiates not stopping at this only,
I will relate to your Grace another case in which they
show no less their proved enmity.
The former bishop of the province of Zebu in
these islands, Don Fray Sebastian de Foronda, had
done me the favor of lending to me six thousand pesos
for the payment of a debt. That gentleman having
died, the licentiates began to make arrangements for
the collection of his expolios, 61 in this usurping the
governor's jurisdiction; for it appears that this busi-
ness belongs to the control of the superintendency of
the royal treasury, which exercises [that control].
They issued an edict directing that I, making
acknowledgment of the promissory note which
61 Espolios : property left by a prelate at his death.
2 I 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 44
they found, which I had made in favor of the said
bishop, must immediately make the payment of
this amount. I replied to this that the note was
made by me, but that, as I had not the funds,
it was not possible for me to pay the note then,
but I would do so as soon as I could. At this,
they issued another mandate -in which their ill-
will in regard to this affair (which, in general,
has existed a long time) began to make itself fully
visible - which contained these expressions: "We
command you, every official with appointment as
deputy of the alguazil-mayor of this court, that
when you see this present you proceed immedi-
ately and without any delay to require General Don
Manuel de Santistevan to deliver up the sum of six
thousand pesos, which he is owing to the goods of the
expolio of the very reverend master in Christ Don
Fray Sebastian de Foronda, deceased, late bishop of
Calidonia, and apostolic ruler of Zebu ; and if he shall
not pay the said sum, you shall proceed to levy on
his person and goods up to the quantity necessary to
make up the said six thousand pesos, the tenth, 62 and
the costs of collection, in the usual form. For this
command is given by an edict issued by us, on the past
fifteenth of September in this year." Such are the
expressions in the decree. When the friend who on
other occasions, as I have informed your Grace,
has directed me in all my lawsuits (whom, before
replying, I consulted on this affair) comprehended
the artful manner in which this mandate was worded
- for while my office was stated therein as "general"
(which, although I was one, I was not accustomed
62 Spanish, decima ; possibly meaning a tenth part due to the
crown.
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 21 3
to style myself, as others do here), the document
said nothing of my office of master-of-camp ; and,
as it was more important to misrepresent the former
judicial point than to set aside the latter, it was
a consequence that whenever such [word illegible
in MS.] should come to be seen here, it would fol-
low that the auditors could arrest me with this title,
and without recourse to the governor, who is the one
authorized to do so, when cause arises - this friend
thought it best to attack them with a counter-mine.
This was to reply to them (as was done) that the
said decree or mandate could not concern me, because
not only on account of my noble rank I could not be
imprisoned for debts, but I was also excepted there-
from by being master-of-camp, so that in no case
could this seizure of my person be made without the
consent of the governor. It seems that they had, be-
fore his eyes, issued another decree, saying that this
measure should be duly carried into execution - with
the statement that it must be ascertained whether
in the office of the court notary of that same Audi-
encia my title was registered, or there was evidence
that I was such master-of-camp ; and that in the lat-
ter case the governor should be notified before they
proceeded to carry out the decree, in order that he
might give the orders which would prevent per-
plexity among the soldiers whom I keep as my guard.
The governor was sorry for these attacks on me, and
partly on this account, and because he desired that
such a precedent should not operate generally, and
partly in order to avoid on that occasion the dis-
turbance that might arise from his defending his own
jurisdiction in the aforesaid matter of the expolios,
which these subordinate officials were usurping from
214 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
him, and seeing that I had not the means for paying
this amount, he showed me the special favor of
furnishing to me five thousand four hundred pesos -
part in the salary which to that time was due me, and
the rest in cash, which he ordered his steward to give
me. With this, and six hundred pesos more which I
obtained in other ways, the whole of that debt was
paid into the royal treasury; from which it resulted
that, as the auditors had not been able to secure the
execution of this last decree, in so far as concerned
my person, on account of this deposit or payment,
which forestalled their attempt to compel me to have
experience in the court of justice, when they heard
of it those fine snobs [buenas ala]as\ of licentiates
were left more than amazed ; and the grievous vexa-
tion which they experienced through the fact that
their malicious cunning and procedure had been
frustrated was increased no little by their learning
that the greater part of the amount furnished had
been given by the governor, who will send to the
king or to the Council of the Indias, on this occasion,
or when the galleon shall sail for Nueva Espafia, an
admirable document - which has been prepared by
the friend who, as I have already stated, has directed
me in my legal business -in which, relating this
action, he proves by forcible arguments that those
auditors acted illegally therein, and makes it very
clear that they could not and ought not to meddle in
that business.
I am fully informed of the reasons which made
your Grace regard it as not expedient to present in
the Council the sworn statement which I sent you, in
the year 725, of what had been done up to that time
in regard to the affair of the jurisdiction of the small
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 21 5
fort. Considering that, although the governor has
known and knows the injury that was done me in
that matter, it will please him that the revocation of
the sentence which, ill-advised, his predecessor pro-
nounced should come from there [i.e., Madrid], I
trust that your Grace, on receiving this letter, will be
pleased to arrange for presenting in the aforesaid
Council the sworn statement of the whole of this
lawsuit which I sent you in the year 727 ; and make
all possible endeavor to secure that, if the affair result
as is just, the decree which I mentioned on that oc-
casion be sent here. Also such measures should be
taken as will lead to Auditor Martinez, who was
the chief cause of so unjust a sentence, being given
the condign punishment that corresponds to his fault ;
and that the same be done as concerns Alcalde Ver-
mudez, on account of his having thrust himself into
usurping the jurisdiction of another.
In regard to the subject of boletas, 63 it is also im-
portant to continue [our] importunity, so that (as I
hope) a decree may come, assigning me definitely at
least ten toneladas in each galleon, which are eighty
piezas or boletas. This is a number so moderate as
may be understood from the fact that it is hardly
half of the amount with which in the past it was
usual for my predecessors to compensate themselves
out of what was allowed in the galleons by the latest
regulation of his Majesty to the entire body of citi-
zens, [and] was that which was commonly assigned
to them on those occasions. This arrangement will
be very desirable, so that the prejudice arising from
63 Boleta: referring to the assignments of lading-space in the
Acapulco galleon; each ticket giving its owner the right to ship
one pieza of goods. See vol. i, p. 63.
2l6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
differences in the persons who are associated in
the distribution of space \repartimiento\ each year
cannot, with what each one will have, attempt to
change the allotment of what should be given to me ;
also because the governor, although he may desire
to favor me in this particular, cannot do so by
himself alone, as he has only one vote. Besides,
if we consider former instances, it will not be
strange if the plebeians 64 with their arts induce him
to do what they wish. [A note on the margin, evi-
dently added as an afterthought, reads: "If this
matter of boletas proves difficult to secure (although
it is so ordinary an affair that even to a half-pay
sargento-mayor named Don Franzisco de Cardenas
a decree came last year, which decreed that they
should provide for him here with fifty boletas),
and the favor of the government can finally bring it
about (if on the other hand it does not turn out as I
hope), your Grace need not trouble yourself over
this question of boletas."]
This gentleman, the governor, has told me that
your Grace gave him the duplicates (which he has
brought here) of the reports which I made and sent
to you in regard to the absurd speeches which have
been habitually made here. I have been much
pleased at this precaution (which was a very proper
one), not only that he might come here with full
knowledge and information about affairs, and be-
cause of the benefit which he has derived from them
(which he has personally acknowledged to me) , but
ei Spanish, Paysanaje, literally "peasantry;" applied here some-
what scornfully to the mass of citizens as distinguished from the
nobility and military class, and especially to the merchants of
Manila. Cf. French, bourgeoisie.
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 217
because since his coming he has proved the truth of
all that is contained in them.
I am very thankful to your Grace for the news
which you send me in regard to the condition in
which affairs are there [i.e., in Espana]. I cannot
express my feelings at the death of the Count, not
only because I know the same things that you men-
tion, but on account of the especial circumstance of
the personal favor and affection for which I owe
him the gratitude for which I shall always be under
obligation; and I am equally grieved that it hap-
pened thus, in the prime of [his] life, on account of
what concerns Don Pedro his nephew. For the pres-
ent, then, since for lack of time it is not possible for
me to write, your Grace will please present my con-
dolences for both these casualties to the lord Count
Mozo, and to my lady Dona Ge[r]trudes, assuring
them that I sympathize with them very sincerely.
Will your Grace please also convey my kind remem-
brances to the other acquaintances and friends who
favor us, as also to all our relatives - and especially
to our Don Matheo, and to my lady Dona Antonia,
telling them how sorry I am for the impaired health
that they have suffered, and that I shall be exceed-
ingly delighted if they regain their health.
A little while ago, God took away the eldest child
of Don Luis and Dona Rosa, after a tedious and lin-
gering illness with diarrhoea. They are exceedingly
grateful to your Grace for your expressions of kind-
ness, which they very cordially reciprocate; and
Don Luis places at the disposal of your Grace [what-
ever he can do for you in] the new office which he
holds, that of chief notary (in proprietary appoint-
ment) of the cabildo of this city, with accompanying
21 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
rights of privilege therein. In order to secure this
purchase (which he made here from the crown) , he
was aided by a schedule of properties which he owns
in this same city, [amounting to] some twelve or
fourteen thousand pesos, for the post cost him that
amount. Although it is certainly an excessive price,
it is compensated by the advantageous circumstances
attending it : he has authority to select a deputy who
can exercise the office in his name, as is the case at
the present time -the latter to be paid, according to
what they say, 3,000 pesos each year - and it is a
place of much honor and esteem, just as it is in all
the cities of these kingdoms. These advantages he
had borne in mind, for without them he would not
have undertaken this office, even if it had been
worth much more; [another consideration was],
that whenever he may choose to quit it he can do so,
assured that he will find some one else here to whom
he can make it over, at very nearly the same amount
which it cost him, since that office is sought for by
many persons.
I render to your Grace the grateful thanks which
I owe you for the diligent efforts that you made in
order that the post of governor here might be con-
ferred on me ; and I now see how, on account of the
reasons which you state, you could not gain the result
that was desired - for which it is necessary to resign
ourselves and be patient. By my previous letters
your Grace will have learned the object to which my
mind is directed, since learning that [my hope of
securing] this office has been disappointed, and the
other motives that I stated therein. Every day in-
creases, if that be possible, my desire to indemnify
persons here; and moreover I am certain that, in-
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 219
stead of securing advancement [here], I can regard
it as certain that I shall, on the other hand, become
more embarrassed at every step - considering that I
cannot hope in any direction for the least gain of
[pecuniary] profit; and that my salary is so limited
that, as I have stated on other occasions, it is not
enough even for the absolutely necessary expenses of
my decent living, moderate [as that is]. For all
these reasons, I cannot help repeating at this time my
urgent requests to your Grace in regard to this sub-
ject, entreating - with almost the same energy which
I could employ to escape from purgatory, if I found
myself there -that you will, as also friend Arge (to
whom also I have written at this critical time) , con-
tinue your efforts until one of the posts of governor
which I have mentioned to your Grace can be
secured for me, either in the kingdom of Peru or in
that of Nueva Espana. I suppose that the [door to
such a] purchase is now closed; but if through a
little good-fortune there is opportunity for one, you
can render assistance in securing one for me, from
the money which will remain from what I have sent,
since all of it is now on the road thither [i.e., to
Espana], according to the information which they
have sent me from Nueva Espana. If this shall not
be enough, I trust, in the great loyalty and affection
which I owe to your Grace, that you will make up
the remaining sum that shall be necessary, in such
way as you shall find most convenient - [what is
needed] not only for this purpose, but for the rank of
field-marshal ; or, that failing, for the rank of briga-
dier. I will repay the amount that may be needed,
with more than its proceeds amount to, as is just-
assuring your Grace that the favor of aiding me to
220 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W 01 44
secure (as I hope) this relief will be so exceeding a
kindness that I have no words to express suitably my
inmost appreciation of it, nor, consequently, to show
the gratitude for it which I shall always feel toward
your Grace -whose life I beseech our Lord to pre-
serve for me for many years, with all prosperity.
Manila, January 28, 1730.
Cousin and Sir:
I am very sorry that the articles which I sent by
Fathers Buena Ventura Plana and Joseph Bobadilla
were lost, through an accident; for this has deprived
me of the pleasure which I would have felt if they-
as being things from this country, although of little
value -had reached the hands of your Grace and
other gentlemen to whom my gratitude and affection-
ate good-will had addressed them.
I think that the aforesaid fathers are now in
Nueva Espana, on their return journey, and I do not
doubt that in passing by way of the court there [i.e.,
Madrid], on their return from Rome, they exerted
whatever good offices they could in my favor, on ac-
count of the special affection which I owe them, and
[which], your Grace is pleased to declare, they dis-
played. And although I take into consideration the
fact that at present the other fathers who reside at
that court cannot accomplish much, for the reasons
which you give me, I persuade myself that it will do
no harm if your Grace will please to preserve (if
you can do so without special trouble) communica-
tion with all those to whom you caused the letters
that went from here to be delivered; for they will
not fail to render aid in whatever may arise. Never-
theless, even without their aid I have entire confi-
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 221
dence that your Grace will employ the other means
which you have obtained through your great ability,
and such others as you may find convenient, if one
alone do not prove sufficient for the attainment of one
of the governorships which I have mentioned.
Again I assure your Grace -to say nothing of the
fact that this hope itself affords me some pleasure -
that it will be a favor so praiseworthy, and so great
a kindness, for me to be able to escape as soon as pos-
sible from this chaos, this deep well, that (as I have
already said) I shall not have words with which to
express it, and therefore to manifest to your Grace
sufficiently the gratitude which I shall always feel
toward you. I flatter myself that at the same time
there may come an order to the governor to give me
the command of the galleon in which I shall have
to make my voyage, for the reason which I have
already explained to your Grace on other occasions,
in order that in this way I can perform it with more
convenience, and without so great expense. In case
the granting of such order be refused (although I
imagine that there will be no obstacle that can arise
in the way of issuing it) , it will be desirable to obtain
letters from the secretary (present or future) in the
general office of state who has charge of matters con-
cerning the Indias, recommending to this gentleman
[i.e., the governor of Filipinas] to be sure to grant
me this favor; it would even be worth while for
Sefiors Legarra and Maturana, and likewise Sar-
gento-mayor Castro of the Guards, also to write to
him on this subject.
[At this point the writer indulges in various half-
anxious reflections on the uncertainty of his future,
the delay in obtaining the benefits of a governorship
2 22 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
even if he secure the appointment to one, and the pos-
sibility that all this delay may be time wasted; but
he endeavors to bear these things in patience. He
states that he has also written to one Patino 65 on these
matters, and he hopes that these representations will
lead to measures by the home government that will
check the arrogance of the Manila auditors ; and he
urges his cousin to push his claims to a better post
than he now has.]
I kiss your Grace's hands, as your cousin and sin-
cere servant and friend, who earnestly desires to see
you again,
Manuel de Santistevan
[Addressed: "To my cousin Senor Don Lorenso
de San Tistevan."]
[On the margins of pp. 28 and 29 of the MS. ap-
pears the following, evidently a postscript to the
letter :]
Cousin and Sir:
When your Grace may write to the relatives
[Spanish, Pa — , the rest blotted; the context would
indicate parientes\ I trust that you will grant me the
favor of explaining that, for the reason which I have
already stated, lack of time, it is not possible for me
to write until another opportunity (which I will try
to do) ; and will your Grace please say the same to
the mother of Dona Raf aela (whom may God keep) ,
and convey to all of them, in my behalf, my affec-
tionate remembrances.
This packet -of which I will send another copy
66 Probably referring to Don Joseph Patino, then one of the
ministers of the Spanish government, through whose hands much
of the business relating to the Philippines seems to have passed
(as mentioned in Extracto historial).
1700-1736] LETTER BY SPANISH OFFICER 223
by the galleon, being uncertain whether this may be
lost on the way - is going by way of one of the colo-
nies which in this part of Asia belong to the foreign
nations, such as Francia, Inglaterra, Olanda, and
Portugal. By this route letters usually go very expe-
ditiously to that kingdom [of Espaiia], as also those
come here which are sent thence by these routes,
employing the method which I described in detail
to your Grace in the years 723 and 24 - a fact which
many persons here have learned by experience, in the
case of the letters which by these lines are sent to
them from the court there, by the correspondents
whom they have in it ; for one, the governor obtained
this satisfaction soon after his arrival in these islands,
in receiving various letters, among which was the
commission as warden of the castle of Santiago in
this city, for a nephew whom he had brought, who
in Espana had been an alferez of the Guards.
From the maternal grandfather of Dona Maria
Josepha the authorities seized here 102,000 or
106,000 pesos - a sum which, as it had been sent from
these islands to Nueva Espana as an investment by
Don Fernando Bustillo Bustamante, the former gov-
ernor of the islands, was therefore by order of the
viceroy of that kingdom [of Nueva Espana] placed
in the royal treasury of Mexico; as also another
considerable amount, which the aforesaid governor
had sent, was obtained from various other seizures
which the viceroy had made. Although the execu-
tors of the said grandfather of Dona Maria Josepha
obtained a decree that they should be repaid for the
amount seized, there has not thus far been any way
in which that could be done -either because there
was a lack of funds, or because the person to whom
224 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
this commission had been entrusted in the aforesaid
city of Mexico was inefficient. The greater part of
the amount thus seized belongs to the aforesaid Dona
Maria Josepha ; in order to ascertain what is legiti-
mately hers, some measures have been taken in order
to secure the division of all the goods; and if (as I
hope is the case) , this effort shall have succeeded [in
time] for the despatch of the galleon, I will then
send word to your Grace of the result, in order that
your Grace and friend Arze may be so kind as to ask
for a new decree in which the viceroy shall be com-
manded to see that the most prompt satisfaction be
given for the aforesaid amount. With this and a
strong letter of recommendation from the secretary
for the affairs of Indias in the general office of state,
addressed to the present or future viceroy, there will
be no doubt that the collection of this money will be
facilitated, as is necessary and desirable - and all the
more if this order shall arrive at the time when, as
I trust, [an appointment to] a governorship being
received, I should go, as would be necessary, to that
kingdom [of Nueva Espafia], even though it might
be for [an office in] that of Peru.
EXTRACTO HISTORIAL
Commerce of the Philippines with Nueva Espana,
1640-1736 (to be concluded). By Antonio Alva-
rez de Abreu; Madrid, 1736.
Source: This document is translated, partly in full and partly
in synopsis, from the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), compiled
by Abreu; it includes "Periods" iii-x, but on account of its length
will be completed in VOL. xlv.
Translation : It is synopsized and translated by Emma Helen
Blair.
COMMERCE OF THE PHILIPPINES
WITH NUEVA ESPANA
PERIOD III
Occurrences from the year 1640 until that of 1702,
and from this year until IJI2.™
17. Although there is no evidence in the Expedi-
66 In this document we resume the history of the commerce
between the Philippines and Nueva Espana which is presented in
the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two "periods"
of which appeared in vol. xxx of this series (q.v., pp. 23-101).
The great length of this work compels us to condense and abridge
most of it here; but "Periods" ii-vi are presented in full (save
for the text of some long decrees), as being of earlier date, and
covering a longer space of time, while they are comparatively
brief in statement. In thus condensing this work, it has been our
aim to retain all matter of vital interest and real value, eliminat-
ing only "vain repetitions" and matters of trifling importance.
The first memorials presented by Manila and Cadiz respectively
set forth various facts connected with the Manila-Acapulco trade,
on which are based their main arguments, each endeavoring to
justify its own side of the controversy and its demands from the
Spanish government; the succeeding memorials largely repeat
these statements and arguments, in new combinations, with weari-
some iteration — kaleidoscopic effects produced by the same old
bits of glass - which it seems useless to reproduce in our transla-
tion. But we have carefully preserved all new facts, dates, and
arguments adduced, and whatever will throw additional light on
that commerce, or on the social and economic conditions of Spain,
the mother-country, at that period, since these must naturally
affect those of her colonies. Wherever possible, we have used the
exact wording of the text, and have made full citations from it
which are indicated by quotation-marks; and the numbers of sec-
tions are everywhere retained, thus facilitating easy reference to
228 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
ente" 7 of what resulted from the commissions given
to Sefior Palafox by the decrees which may be seen
at the end of the preceding "Period," one conse-
quence was that the Philipinas trade with Nueva
Espafia was continued, in the form which we shall
soon describe. For the viceroy of that kingdom,
Conde de Paredes, when he was in office made
remonstrances at various times from the year 1684
until 1686, in regard to the great confusion which
always had been experienced in the valuations of the
cargoes on the ships from Philipinas which arrived
at the port of Acapulco ; and he declared that none
of the measures which had been employed had been
sufficient, so that they could regulate the duties
which the merchants of those islands ought to con-
tribute, nor for preventing the illegal acts and frauds
which were committed, to the injury of the royal
treasury. He had therefore found it expedient to
make the regulation (as he had done) that every
ship of those which came to the above port of Aca-
the original work. The Extracto, thus made accessible to English
and American readers, and all that is really important in it pre-
sented in compact form and accurate translation, is a valuable
addition to the history of commerce, as well as to that of colonial
development and administration. Nor are its psychological as-
pects less interesting and valuable, although perhaps not so
obvious at first glance; it shows the demoralizing effects on the
Spanish people of their conquests in the New World and of the
flood of wealth poured into Spain in consequence of these, and
the results of too paternal a mode of government in her colonies -
in both cases destructive to ambition, industry, personal initiative,
patriotism, and even common honesty. (Cf. notes in our vol.
xxx, pp. 71, 77.)
67 Expediente: "the collection of all the papers belonging to
a subject or a transaction," here evidently referring to the docu-
ments pertaining to the Manila trade, which as Abreu says (see
vol. xxx, p. 24), were placed in his hands by the Council of the
Indias (of which he himself was a member) for use in compiling
the Extracto.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 229
pulco should compound its customs duties [indul-
tasse] in the amount of 74,000 pesos ; and this had
been the practice until Conde de Galve had gone to
fill that viceroyalty, and he gave an account of this
matter.
18. On receiving this information, despatches
were sent on June 5, 1697, to the viceroy and Audi-
encia of Mexico and to the governor and Audiencia
of Philipinas, informing them that the said arrange-
ment had been revoked and annulled, since it was
contrary to what had been commanded by laws, de-
crees, and royal orders, and for many other serious
and just reasons. Both of these governments were
commanded to cause the publication of the revoca-
tion and annulment of the above arrangement, and
were ordered to take especial care in the administra-
tion and careful collection of the duties which the
merchandise in that traffic ought to contribute -
most strictly observing the regulation that no more
goods should go from those islands than amounted to
250,000 pesos, nor should more than 500,000 be
allowed to go back as proceeds. Moreover, this com-
merce must be strictly confined to citizens born in
Philipinas, and prohibited to those of Nueva Es-
paiia; for any goods which should be found belong-
ing to the latter must be considered as confiscated,
and those which should come outside registration, if
they belonged to those islanders, must pay double
duties. The declarations \manifestaciones\ of these
goods must be made within the limit of six hours, or
at most of twelve, which was fixed as the utmost
allowance of time. It was most strictly commanded
that for the future they should no longer allow the
declarations of [registered] merchandise which until
230 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
then had been permitted, that the ships in that com-
merce should not exceed a burden of four hundred
toneladas each, and that they must be the two which
sailed each year to the port of Acapulco.
19. These orders having been received and pub-
lished in Philipinas, the city and the merchants of
Manila set forth the difficulties which were arising
from the mode in which their trade was carried on.
They entreated : first, that there should be only one
ship in that trade, having a capacity of 1,200 tonela-
das, and not two, as had been decided ; second, that
the amount of 250,000 pesos, stated in the permission
which had been granted them, should be increased;
third, that in return should be brought back the en-
tire amount which the merchandise should produce
in Acapulco and the kingdom of Nueva Espafia,
and that it should not remain limited to the 500,000
pesos to which it had been restricted. They offered,
for the regular voyage of each year, to make a con-
tribution to the treasury [servir cori] of 100,000
pesos, on account of the duties ; and they asked that,
when it should appear that these dues had been paid,
neither the royal officials of Acapulco nor any other
officials should meddle with the registration of the
goods that were landed at the arrival of the ship, nor
with the embarkation of the silver on its return voy-
age, but that both these should go free.
20. In order that the distribution of the lading-
space which was made in these islands should be
equitable, the decision was confirmed which in 1699
had been made by the governor of the islands at that
time, commanding, in regard to the statement that
this distribution was not made among the citizens,
whose qualifications [for this] belonged exclusively
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 23 1
to that city, that the municipality alone, without the
intervention of any other official, must send the list
of the citizens to the committee which met for this
purpose; and that the said distribution should be
made among the persons included in the above list
of citizens, without that government or the Audi-
encia being allowed to have any discretionary power
in this matter.
21. In view of this remonstrance, and of the de-
mands made by the kingdom of Peru (in regard to
opening to it the commerce by way of Acapulco) , by
the provinces of Nueva Espafia, and by the con-
sulate 68 of Andalucia - which set forth the weakened
and diminished condition of commerce in these and
in those kingdoms, through the excessive amounts of
cloth and other commodities which were coming
from Philipinas, in the ships allowed to them, to the
port of Acapulco -the Council proposed to his
Majesty in a report dated July 7, 1703, the measures
which it regarded as expedient for the regulation
which must be made in the commerce of Philipinas ;
these his Majesty was pleased to approve, and their
contents may be reduced to the following points :
22. That in the Philipinas Islands two ships
should be built, each of 500 toneladas burden, which
should transport the goods permitted to that trade;
that the citizens should be authorized to convey in
these to Nueva Espana the amount of 300,000 pesos
in their products and other commodities, and on the
return to Philipinas to carry 600,000 pesos in silver,
allowing 100 per cent gain minus the duties and ex-
penses. Among other things which they were com-
68 Consulado: equivalent to the American phrase "board of
trade."
232 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
manded to watch over for the regulation and ob-
servance of the said commerce are the following:
23. That the city of Manila should itself make
the distribution for the lading of the two ships, with-
out the intervention of any official.
24. That the merchants and those interested in
the trade should present within a specified time-
limit the commodities, invoices, and articles which
they were to send to Nueva Espana; that these
should be placed in the royal storehouses, and the
estimate of their value be made. This must be done
by the agreement of two persons of experience, de-
puted by the city and the trade, with royal officials
and the fiscal of the Audiencia of Manila, and the
fiscal must superintend the entire valuation. If any
merchant should feel aggrieved in the enumeration
he should go before the committee [of distribution],
in order that his just rights might be guarded ; and
if the committee did not take care of this, he should
have right of appeal to the Audiencia.
25. That he who had no goods to lade should not
be allowed to give up his right in favor of a third
person, but it should accrue to the rest, a new distri-
bution of that part being made.
26. That the registration be made by the royal
officials, with the assistance of the fiscal; that the
goods shipped and their valuation should be care-
fully ascertained; and that the decisions of the
officials, or a copy of them, be sent to Acapulco for
the use of officials there.
27. That in Acapulco must be ascertained the
quantity of silver which should be shipped on the
return voyage, and, if the goods sold should per-
chance exceed the 600,000 pesos, they [i.e., the Ma-
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 233
nila owners] should not be allowed to take away the
excess in silver, but [must take it] in goods.
28. That if the sale of the goods shall not fill this
amount of 600,000 pesos of the permission, the mer-
chants of Nueva Espana cannot under any pretext,
no matter how just, make up the deficiency, or place
in the ship the remaining amount of silver, for this
was perpetually prohibited by his Majesty from the
time when these orders were issued; and whatever
might be done in contravention of these should be
punished with special severity. For it had been
learned that under this pretext those born in Nueva
Espana or resident there were steadily introducing
their trade into Philipinas, thus causing most serious
losses to the royal treasury, and bringing that com-
merce to the state which was acknowledged, with
great detriment to the trade of Espana. In regard to
this matter the viceroy was charged to devote himself
with the utmost activity to the strictest fulfilment of
this order, without overlooking the slightest thing.
29. That if it were found that any portion of sil-
ver belonged to a native or resident of Nueva Espana
it should be regarded as confiscated, and applied in
thirds; 69 and, besides, the delinquent should pay to
the royal treasury three times the amount thus con-
fiscated. If he repeated the offense, the penalty
should be imposed upon him of loss of goods, and
exile from these provinces for ten years.
30. That thenceforth should likewise be prohib-
ited the acceptance of declarations of goods [mani-
festaciones~\, nor should they for any reason be
accepted, even if his Majesty should lose the double
69 See section 35, post.
234 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
duties that belong to them, since on no account would
he allow them to be tolerated.
31. That in order to avoid confusion in the decree
of the year 1697 already cited (and leaving these
points settled and in use, in such form that they
should be permanent), if the governor and mer-
chants of Philipinas in giving the 100,000 pesos,
should come to offer it by way of adjustment
[regulation]™ of the duties in each voyage, and not
70 The phrase regulation de derechos apparently means, in
reality, a (special) rule for the payment of duties; that is, if the
Manila merchants would pay the 100,000 pesos which they had
offered as an "adjustment" according to the special rule for the
collection of those duties - a rule going above the duties as pre-
scribed by law — they should be permitted to do so, and should be
excused for the penalties which had accumulated, or at least for
the back dues remaining unpaid during the time when the "in-
dult" had been conceded to them of compounding the duties at
74,000 pesos only. The stress seems to be laid upon the fact that
they must not be permitted to consider their payment as an
"indult," but as an arrangement, and one that was based on a
somewhat higher rate than had previously been granted to them.
Even though it may be considered as a sovereign favor to them,
objection is made to having it specifically stated as an "indult."
The usage of the word indulto in this connection will become
more clear if it is remembered that it means a special favor in one
form or another, a grace of the sovereign, a special exemption
from rule or penalty. Barcia and others define indulto as an im-
post levied on the cargoes of the galleons from the Indias; but
it seems doubtful if this be strictly correct, as no impost by that
name can be found in Leyes de Indias or Ordenanzas de Bilbao,
even in connection with averias and almojarifazgos. I take it to
mean, rather, the exemption from the duties on ships' cargoes
which would, under other provisions of law, be owed. There is
one interesting instance of the use of indulto to signify exemption,
in Teatro de la legislation universal de Espana e Indias (Madrid,
1790-97; 28 vols.), ii, p. 341, under the head, "Administration
of averias," where it is provided by Carlos II that "the proceeds
of certain indultos for gold, silver, and merchandise unregistered
shall be applied to the fund from averias, in order that it may
result to the benefit of those who shall not have transgressed the
laws of registration; and notification shall first be given to the
Council." This seems to confirm my belief that the indulto was
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 235
under the name of indult [indulto], as had been pro-
posed, they should be entirely released from payment
of all the duties which they must make good in Aca-
pulco, not only on the outward but on the return
voyage. It was also declared that goods sold at that
port or shipped from it should not pay alcavala on
the first sale ; for it was certain that the contribution
of the 100,000 pesos from the permission would cost
seventeen per cent, leaving eighty-three per cent gain
to those who were interested in the trade. More-
over, as his Majesty paid the expense of the building,
cleaning, and equipment of the ships, and supply-
ing them with soldiers, provisions, supplies, and
ammunition, without receiving more than forty-four
ducados for each tonelada, it would not only be
advantageous, but even necessary to the royal treas-
ury to furnish a considerable amount for preserving
their commerce and traffic to the natives of the
not properly a tax, but the favor of an exemption, in cases, from
the tax; or of exemption (in this case, it would appear) from
the penalty to fall upon him who had evaded the tax by conceal-
ment; it was, then, by derivation a composition of the tax. But
the king here provided that it should not be paid into his coffers,
but be applied to the fund from averias, thus swelling the fund
from which all shippers benefited, and to which they were sup-
posed to contribute to make the trade possible; see the chapter on
"Averias," in Leyes de Indias. The foregoing statements sug-
gest a reason why the royal authority was opposed, in this Ma-
nila trade controversy, to having the composition of the duties,
and of the penalties which the merchants had incurred by past
violations of the rules, regarded or considered as an "indult,"
and not as a "regulation" or rule specifying a lump sum to be
paid as duties. This indult might (by this and other laws) have
had to go into other funds; though I know of no fund for
averias in the Manila trade, yet the Spanish mere desire for uni-
formity of legislation and practice might explain this strenuous
objection to considering this regulation as an indult or grace of
the sovereign (in the special sense that had been established for
this sort of favor) in the galleon trade with the West Indies.-
James A. LeRoy (now [1906] U.S. consul at Durango, Mexico).
236 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS l Vo1 - 44
island, which was all the favor which his royal
munificence could exercise. If, however, an agree-
ment should not be reached by the trade in the adjust-
ment of the 100,000 pesos, the royal duties must be
exacted and collected in full, without excepting any-
thing.
32. That in the enumeration of the traders should
be included the Spaniards born in the country, and
the military men stationed in the port of Cavite;
and these might engage in that traffic - excluding,
however, ecclesiastical ministers, whether secular or
regular, and those who were foreigners to those
Philipinas Islands.
33. That the master of each ship must make a
book containing the freight list, and present it with
the aforesaid documents at Acapulco to the castellan
who governs that port and the royal officials, for the
discharge of cargo. At the same time he must carry
a duplicate of all these documents, to be sent to the
viceroy as soon as they arrived, in order that he might
examine them and communicate with the tribunal of
accounts, in which a copy of it must be made to send
to the Council.
34. As soon as the ships should anchor in Aca-
pulco the castellan and royal officials of that port
should station the guards necessary to avoid the con-
cealment of goods or their clandestine introduction,
causing the ship to be lightened and its cargo landed
with the utmost promptness, and collecting the estab-
lished duties or securing them by the goods them-
selves, according to the usage up to that time.
35. That when the goods had been landed and the
amounts registered had been ascertained, the ships
should be inspected; and whatever else was found
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 237
therein should be regarded as confiscated, without
allowing therein any claim or remonstrance. Half
of the goods confiscated should be applied to the
royal treasury, and the rest in two parts to the judge
and the informer - excepting in the case when the
value of confiscated goods should reach 50,000 pesos ;
for then the viceroy and the royal court of Mexico
must allot to the judge and the informer such quan-
tity as should be proper, leaving to the decision of
the judges other penalties in accordance with the
guilt of the offenders.
36. His Majesty having agreed to the proposals
made by the Council, they issued on August 12, 1702,
despatches in accordance therewith, to the govern-
ments of Nueva Espana and Philipinas, informing
them of the regulation herein explained, and com-
manding them both to observe it strictly and invio-
lably. In consequence of this, the governor of
Philipinas, in letters of June 21, 1705, and May 24,
1708 (in which he acknowledged the receipt of the
despatch sent to him) , reported that he had carried
the decree into execution, and had made it known to
the merchants in the city of Manila, who had offered
to make good the burdens of expense which would
ensue if the two ships of 500 toneladas each were im-
mediately built according to this command - in view
of the fact that there were two galleons and one
patache in the ports there ; of these one might serve
eight years, and the other a little less, and the patache
four. For this reason the governor had commanded
that the building of the two ships should be sus-
pended until those which were then in use should be
worn out.
37. That also it had been regarded as impractica-
23** THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
ble that the valuation of the cloth and wares which
were to be traded should be made through the actual
examination of the bales and their other goods, and
that this should be carried out in the royal store-
houses-considering that the crowded condition of
those buildings, and the risk of thefts, fires, and other
accidents, did not permit this method to be practiced,
as was commanded by the decree that has been cited.
38. That to this was added that, as the Chinese
do not gather at the fair [at Manila] until the end of
May in each year, and the ships sail from those
islands toward the end of the following June, the
royal officials were unable in so short a time as one
month to attend to the aforesaid examination, and to
undertake the despatch and registration of the ships,
on account of the great amount of work that they had
to do in this. For these reasons it had been decided
that, in the invoices that were brought forward, an
itemized account should be given of the stuffs, their
quantity, quality, numbers and marks, and the names
of the consignees; and that the consignors should
furnish samples of each article ; and some bales here
and there could be opened to ascertain if there were
any fraud and punish it. And that, the aforesaid
city and merchants having agreed to and accepted
all the rest that was contained in the above despatch,
the galleons had accordingly sailed for Nueva Es-
pana in the years 1705 and 1706.
39. The Council, being informed of this memo-
rial, agreed that the strictest orders should be
repeated (as was done by decrees of December 12,
171 2) for the exact observance and punctual fulfil-
ment of those given on August 12, 1702, excepting
that which concerned the opening of the bundles in
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 239
the royal storehouses for the valuations. It was per-
mitted that these should be made by means of in-
voices, which each one must present, swearing that
the goods were his and that the bales contained no
more than was set down on the invoices. The Coun-
cil also decided that the traffic and commerce of
those islands should be continued by the two ships
already in existence, until they should become unsea-
worthy ; in that case they must be laid aside, and the
building of the two ships of 500 toneladas burden
each should be undertaken, according to their former
decision.
40. Inasmuch as in the year 1706 the galleon
named "Rosario" had been despatched from Phili-
pinas under the regulations made by the cited decree
of 1702, and modifications in this had been proposed
by the city and merchants of Manila, the viceroy
Alburquerque 71 had commanded (with the opinion
of a junta which he formed for the reception and
unlading of the galleon) that this cargo should not
be admitted to the adjustment of the 100,000 pesos,
which the above regulation provided; and that con-
sequently the declaration of goods should be accepted,
71 The Duke de Alburquerque took possession of his office as
viceroy of Nueva Espana on November 27, 1702; his term of
office lasted a little more than eight years. Little of importance
occurred therein except several raids by pirates (among whom
was Captain William Dampier) in Mexican waters. Albur-
querque was succeeded (January 15, 1711) by Fernando de
Alancastre, Duke de Linares, who was an able, vigorous and
benevolent ruler, and spent or bequeathed the greater part of his
fortune for the benefit of the poor - whose number and sufferings
were enormous at this time, through unusual calamities of floods
and earthquakes, famine and pestilence. Linares's term of office
expired on August 15, 17 16, and he died in June of the next year;
he was succeeded by Baltasar de Ziiniga, Marques de Valero.
(Bancroft, Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 278-290.)
240 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
by the rules of valuation and of the payment of duties
which had been observed on other occasions. The
Council, after the statement of the fiscal and consul-
tation with his Majesty, severely censured the vice-
roy, and the officials of the junta who had agreed
with his opinion ; and they returned thanks to those
who were of the opposite opinion, who thought that
the adjustment of the 100,000 pesos should be paid,
as that was the most exact and accurate meaning of
the royal orders issued in the year 1702.
PERIOD IV
Of the demonstration which was made in the year
I J 12, when the Duke de Linares was viceroy, of
the illegalities in the trade permitted to Filipinas,
and the difficulty of preventing them.
41. On May 27, 1710, a despatch was sent
through the private correspondence office [via
reservada~\, addressed to the Duke de Linares, vice-
roy of Mexico, directing him, on account of the
pressing necessities of war, to grant indult of the
penalties for the illegalities (specifying those which
had been committed in notable transgression of the
law) with which the Filipinas commerce had been
and was still carried on - not only in the commodities
which were shipped, but in the silver which was
sent back for them - neglecting the rules and orders
that had been given for that commerce. In conse-
quence of this, by order of the viceroy, an investiga-
tion was made in Mexico by an auditor in the year
1712, of both the shipment and the returns; and as
a result of this was shown the great illegality with
which the stuffs from China had been traded. It
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 24 1
appeared that the goods that came without registra-
tion were allowed to enter on the declaration of
them; that, contrary to the permission, all or the
greater part of the merchandise in this commerce
belonged to citizens of Mexico, Puebla and other
parts of that kingdom, and not to the native citizens
of the islands ; that while the permission limited the
returns to only 600,000 pesos, the amount thus per-
mitted had been exceeded in some years by two
millions, and in every year by a considerable amount;
and that no investigation had been made of the
chests carried by the mariners of those ships, to see
whether they contained more than 30 pesos' worth
of goods.
42. Although with this investigation and the
accompanying report of the auditor who made it
(which he sent to the viceroy) , and the opinion given
by the fiscal of the Audiencia when he saw it, that
court was of the opinion that the indult should be
granted to the traders of Mexico who proved to be
guilty, that body of traders refused such benefit, sup-
posing that against its individuals such guilt would
not be proved as to require compurgation [by the
grace] of the indult; and the viceroy Linares, in a
letter of August 4, 1714, in giving account of these
investigations, made the following statement :
43. "By the last trading-fleet [flota] I informed
your Majesty of the progress of the investigations
which had been begun in regard to the commerce of
Philipinas, and of the measures which I had taken
with the merchants of this city in regard to the
indult. They assured me that, as they were included
in the offense, and the access to his Majesty's clem-
ency was so open, they would avail themselves of this
242 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
favor, in order not to suffer another investigation or
expose themselves to an experience, of the severity of
the penalty, since it was easier to take refuge in the
sovereign asylum of your Majesty in the indult.
But as the opinions of men differ, and their fears are
wont to range themselves on the side of their advan-
tage, the notorious nature of the offense was not
enough to convince them, or the prohibition of the
law to persuade them, on account of their persisting
in the belief that [this very] tolerance sufficed to
keep them from incurring [the penalties of] guilt;
and that the fact that the ships came [to trade] with-
out conforming to the orders of your Majesty
afforded to the [Mexican] traders a certain indult for
not making any change in the custom [regarding it]
- alleging that the tolerance [of the government]
was a matter of convenience, and insisting that they
had not traded directly in the islands. With this the
merchants resolved in a special conference, convened
for this purpose by the consulate, that they would not
avail themselves of the indult, leaving in my hands
the liberty to proceed against all of them, hearing
them in [the courts of] justice.
"Having learned of this decision, and being cer-
tain that many of the merchants were refusing the
contribution as a body, and covering the indults as
individuals, in order to secure greater advantage to
themselves, I directed the auditor who had had
charge of this investigation to summon them -each
so separately and independently of the others that
even the knowledge of this proceeding could not be
imparted to them; and beginning with those who
were distinguished by either wealth or position,
whose opinion might be either a guide or a check to
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 243
the others, in order that, these having once accepted
the indult, their submission and connivance might
facilitate the acquiescence of the others.
"I was influenced to this opinion by the difficulty of
proceeding against all of them; for, as they number
almost five hundred, and among them are the most
prominent merchants, any procedure against them
would cause a great sensation in the community,
even though the cause should justify it, especially
[if it occurred] at the despatch of the trading-fleet.
[Also I was influenced by other considerations,]
knowing by experience the losses that the merchants
suffer through the irregular condition of the trade
and the failure of the mineral products to make these
good; their valuing more highly the actual balance
in their favor from some investments which give
prompt returns than their hopes from others which
[various] causes might naturally retard; [the
desirability of] gaining the tranquillity of the
commonwealth by the voluntary contribution of its
individuals; and by this means rendering more
worthy of their regard the royal clemency of your
Majesty, and pledging them to gratitude at receiv-
ing as a kindness the indult which menaced them as
a penalty.
"Those who probably are included in this infrac-
tion of the law may be reduced to three classes of
persons: those whose wealth supplies them with
funds for trading, and who therefore risk these for
heavy investments, without fearing lest they be
ruined or left without funds for other purposes;
others of the middle class [as merchants], who
under the protection of the preceding class expose to
risk a part of what they possess, and content them-
244 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 4+
selves with moderate gains, because their means do
not allow them to make greater outlay; and still
others (and the most numerous), who are very poor
and are unable to hazard any money, but who go to
the port of Acapulco and there purchase what they
can for the comfort of their families and their own
petty affairs -and these are the majority [of the
transgressors], among whom are many who are
[now] absent, dead, or bankrupt.
"In the books of the carriers 72 -in which is set
down the silver which has been carried to the port
[of Acapulco], and the merchandise which has been
transported to this kingdom [of Mexico] - all money
is included without any distinction, without specify-
ing the coin which goes destined for the fair at
Acapulco and that which must be sent to the islands ;
and this produces confusion, which it is very difficult
to clear up. For if they [i.e., the merchants] are
charged with this remittance of coin, they say that
the money is for the fair, which is lawful and
allowed; if they are obliged to admit that they are
sending coin and are not receiving goods, they say
that it is for the balances [due] on commissions from
the citizens of Manila. As this traffic goes on under
a confidence system [confidnza], in which there is
neither written document which can certify the
remittances, nor register in which the real owners
can be declared, nor bill of lading by which the
right of possession may be known - the result is, that
the citizens of Manila send as their own the bales
which belong to those of Mexico, and the latter send
money as if it belonged to the citizens of Manila,
72 Spanish, harrieros, "muleteers;" for goods and silver were
transported across Mexico by pack-trains of mules.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 245
produced from those bales which were not their own.
And as this trade is carried on publicly with this dis-
simulation, and it will not be easy for any one to
ascertain the inside of it and the agreements which
are privately made, it follows from this that there
will always be difficulty in proving guilt, and that
the merchants will persist in trying to persuade the
officials that the money which they send is intended
either for the fair at the port, or for the payment of
[debts to] its owners.
" From this confusion - the depth of which cannot
be ascertained, because there is no kind of proof
which will make it evident - there results only the
suspicion against them, a possibility which has made
this negotiation 73 more opportune to them, not only
because money makes it all easy, but because it is not
supposed that very large investments can be made
with a small remnant of funds. 74 But as this remains
a matter of supposition (although public report
states otherwise), I must confine myself to judicial
terms, in order [either] to acquit or to condemn.
The proportion of the indult must always remain a
difficult thing, because there has been no accurate
rule for deciding it, nor could it be imposed in a
definite amount, in order that the contribution might
be calculated in accordance with it. For this reason,
73 That is, the present attempt by Linares to inquire into and
settle past irregularities; for it gives those who are suspected an
opportunity to compromise the affair.
74 That is, not only because money can (speaking generally)
easily open the way for a settlement in such case, but because, in
this specific matter, it is a fair supposition that large speculations
cannot be carried on with small capital -and indeed most of these
Mexican transgressors are too poor to pay the penalties incurred
by their past infractions, if these were strictly adjudged against
them.
246 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
we estimated the amounts, averaging their judgment
and my own, from which about 15,000 pesos have
resulted ; and the persons who have furnished these
sums are secure as to the despatch of their affairs, in
virtue of the powers which your Majesty confers on
me. For this I send also the record of proceedings,
in which appear [the names of] other individuals
besides those included in the memorandum \_mi-
nuta]. I must tell your Majesty that most of them
are very poor, and that what they possess is not suffi-
cient to pay a contribution in any amount; and if,
after investigation, either their lack of means or their
innocence rendered the exaction of the penalty im-
possible, I considered it best not to engage the
[royal] authority in making extortions from the vas-
sals.
"Your Majesty has given notice, in your royal
decree of May 27, 1710, that frauds in the commerce
consist in the excess of the shipments [over the
amount permitted], and in what relates to the money
which is transported by the ships of Philipinas to
each of those countries, and that this irregularity
depends on the judges who at Acapulco receive and
despatch the ships. Although I must acquiesce in
these judgments, and, no matter how much care the
viceroys take to confer these powers on officials of
zeal, intelligence, and energy, it is possible for self-
interest to corrupt them, I also grant that it is diffi-
cult to ascertain their transgressions - because, as
there is but the one official before whom the declara-
tions of the goods and the registrations of the silver
are made, it is very possible that he may have an
interest in one or the other of these - either recording
a smaller quantity of goods, in order that there may
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 247
be smaller duties; or not registering the silver,
which he can allow to be shipped outside the amount
permitted. But as in both cases there is no one to
make objection besides the very parties who are in-
terested - and it suits these to be silent, because their
profit depends on that- nor is there a witness to state
what occurs, nor document to prove it, the trans-
action goes on, under a system of confidence to which
neither proof nor even suspicion can be opposed.
"In some accounts, I have learned, certain sums
have been credited to your Majesty, under the title
'Amounts in excess of the permission,' which is ten
per cent of the excess over the 600,000 pesos which
your Majesty allows to be transported ; but whether
these items are punctually credited or not, or
whether under cover of these other and larger sums
were received which were profitable to the judge, it
is not easy to ascertain. I take abundant precautions
to prevent these things from being done, but if they
are done, or are hidden, I cannot prevent it; and I
go on, sincerely believing that the minister [in whose
charge this matter is], of whose fidelity I have had
experience in other directions, will exercise that
faithfulness in this also.
"For the future, your Majesty commands that the
merchants refrain from transgressing in what is pro-
hibited; but the very nature of the subject leaves
some openings that cannot be repaired, through
which the greed for gain thrusts itself, not only
among the officials but in the merchants; and thus
the most sagacious understanding does not perceive
or suspect them, and thus does not correct them. I
will specify some cases to your Majesty which will
make this point clear.
248 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 44
"Your Majesty commands in law 12 on 'Naviga-
tion and commerce of Philipinas,' in the compilation
of laws of the Indias: 'That those who desire to go
to Philipinas must give bonds for their residing in
the islands for at least eight years ; and the viceroy
shall allow them to carry with them their wealth in
money, besides the amount of the general permis-
sion.' In virtue of this law, cunning has discovered
two safe and sure ways for perpetuating the com-
merce of this kingdom with those islands : the first, in
the permission [here given] for carrying the money;
the second, in [the assumption of] citizenship. For
experience has shown that, on pretext of [maintain-
ing] confidence and friendly relations, the merchants
here send out one or more persons, the profits of them
all being contracted for with these persons; the
latter ask permission from the government, and dis-
play 50,000 to 70,000 pesos as their own, which
actually are amounts entrusted to them by many per-
sons. Under this supposition, they go over to Manila
with the title of citizens, trade with that money, and
regularly ship, as their own, the goods consigned to
the citizens here [in Mexico], to whom belonged the
money [carried by these agents] ; and by remittances
of silver and shipments of goods they continue to
perpetuate that commerce - in such manner that, if
efforts are made to learn who is the shipper, it is
[always ostensibly] a citizen of Manila, in whom it
is taken for granted that there is no fraud; and if
the names of the consignees are ascertained, answer
is made that they are his agents. But the latter are
not agents, but owners, and the former are not own-
ers, but agents ; and in this way the order of things
is reversed, by changing their names and the titles
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 249
to property, and the profits remaining in the hands
of those who are under prohibition.
"From this difficulty, authorized by the permis-
sion of the law, follow others. For, granting that
these agents, even though they have actual residence
in Manila, stay there not with the intention of becom-
ing permanent settlers, but of living there only
during the agencies which are patronized by the
citizens of this kingdom, and that in virtue of the
royal orders of your Majesty they are reputed as
citizens : it [yet] follows that to them, as citizens, is
assigned lading-space in the ships, in accordance
with the law, and with the royal decree of the year
1702; and thus they have the greatest facility for
continuing in their trading, because no hindrance is
offered to their shipments. They stand in the way
of those who are really citizens and natives of
those islands, whose remonstrances occasioned your
Majesty's prohibition; but as this interference goes
on under the shelter of so plausible a reason, the
latter have no way in which to oppose it, nor can they
avoid suffering from it; and what [the authorities]
there decide to belong to the parties interested is,
strictly speaking, what has been entrusted to them
by the citizens of Mexico.
"From this result two other and irreparable losses
to the commerce of Manila. The first is, that for the
300,000 pesos of the permission there is a million of
pesos to be invested [therein]; and [these agents],
in order to make the most of their remittances [from
Mexico], and to secure larger profits on their com-
missions, pay for goods at excessive prices, and are
preferred in the sales. This is what cannot be done
with their own money by the real citizens of those
25° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
islands, because they have not [sufficient] capital
remaining to permit adequate gains with high-priced
stuffs and enormous costs [for transportation] -
especially when these [citizens] regularly sell [their
goods] at Acapulco (whither they go exposed to loss
of their capital) , in order to have the relief of bring-
ing back their wealth in the same vessel with them-
selves ; and the others [i.e., the agents of Mexicans]
ship to Mexico their goods, the owners of which
store them away in order that time may give them
value, for they do not need to sell these goods at once
in order to continue the remittances of money [to
Filipinas]. Thus, the former must necessarily lose,
or at least not gain; and the latter must gain, or at
least not lose.
"The second [injury to commerce] : although no
more than the 300,000 pesos of the permission, in
goods valued in the islands, can be shipped, experi-
ence has shown us that much larger amounts come
thence; and the reason is, because the register con-
tains the appraisements of the goods so exceedingly
low that it is impossible, unless fraud intervene, that
they could be purchased at first hand at those prices
-but with the trick that all the reduction of price
thus made on the goods is squeezed besides into the
[amount of the] permission, and the real account
comes separately to the owners. As a result, the
greater part of the space on the ship is occupied by
those agents, although with the pretense that they
produce but small amounts; and all this springs
from that original root of allowing citizenship, and
the transportation of their silver, to persons who,
without the intention of becoming settlers, continue
there so long as it brings them profit. The fear of
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 25 1
this abuse has led to an investigation at Acapulco, to
learn whether the valuation of the stuffs is the actual
value of them at Manila; and as the witnesses are
necessarily from that city they frankly say that it is
so, and enormous quantities of goods come thence
under the pretext of the 300,000 pesos permitted.
"These considerations and the fulfilment of my
obligation constrain me to inform your Majesty that
although I have applied all my energy and watch-
fulness in order that what was decided by your
Majesty should be put into practice, causing the
royal decree of the year 1702 to be proclaimed in
Mexico and Acapulco, and allowing two years of
liberty in order that the transaction of this commerce
with those islands may cease, the perversity and
selfishness of the merchants is able to pervert the rule
which is seen therein - in public giving out that they
are conforming to the tenor of that decree, and in
private and secret hiding under [their system of]
confidence the prohibited transactions, which cause,
besides the royal displeasure of your Majesty, serious
injury to the commercial interests of Spain. For
when there is abundance of the goods from Manila -
which on account of their cheapness are more suit-
able for the common people -the value of those
from Europe is impaired; and from this results the
stoppage of the trading-fleets, the lack of purchasers,
and the lowering of prices, because the people do not
consider the European goods necessary for their sup-
ply [of clothing]. I know very well that in the
islands a change is expected from regulating the
commerce, as has been experienced this year, when
the [Manila] ship came in ballast -the merchants
perhaps fearing the threatened punishment of the
252 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
confiscation of their goods (as I set forth to your
Majesty in a separate report) . From this will result
the forced expenditure of the royal situado and the
inefficiency of the royal exchequer ; but as it is cer-
tain that those islands cannot maintain themselves
with the situado alone, and that they need the traffic
in their goods in order to obtain a balance of profits
and to meet their obligations, they will have to con-
tinue in their shipments, conforming themselves to
the [terms of the] permission, if they do not wish to
experience the penalty of law in punishment for their
frauds.
"This year of 1714 is the last one designated and
determined by me for closing and finishing the
mutual relations of both commercial bodies, taking
into consideration, however, the capital belonging to
Nueva Espana in the islands, and that the penalty
ought not to be anticipated, considering the publicity
of the prohibition; and, as nothing is coming this
year, it will be necessary to abrogate it in the follow-
ing one. All this I place before your Majesty, in
order that in regard to what is contained therein you
may be pleased to apply suitable measures."
In view of this letter from Viceroy Linares, and
of other documents, whose contents do not concern
this writing, it was agreed by the Council (after hav-
ing listened to the fiscal), by a decree of the second
of March, 171 5, that this collection of papers
[Expediente~\ should be kept until the commissary of
Philipinas (who, it was learned, was coming to the
court) should arrive ; and that in the meanwhile all
the previous documents which the Council might
possess in regard to this commerce should be col-
lected together.
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 253
PERIOD V
Of the information given by the commercial interests
of Espana, in regard to the injuries arising from the
Philipinas trade; and orders given by his Majesty
in the year I J 1 8 prohibiting the [trade in] the
silk fabrics from China.
45. As the result of the memorial sent to the king
by the consulate and commerce of Nueva Espana
(which his Majesty was pleased to refer to the Coun-
cil) , in which they described the backward condition
in which their trade was, and stated the arguments
why the trading-fleets annually sent to that kingdom
[from EspanaJ should not be continued, the Council
agreed that the consulate and commerce of Sevilla
should give a report upon their opinion of this memo-
rial, calling together for this purpose in a general
conference all the shippers and merchants who were
in that city; and that their discussions, proposals, and
joint opinions should be exactly copied, with the in-
dividual opinions which were offered, and the whole
sent to the Council.
46. The body of traders having assembled in
Sevilla on January 27, 1714, in order to comply with
the order of the Council, and the importance of this
matter having been discussed at length in the con-
ference, it was unanimously agreed that the injury
arising from the notable, frequent, and large im-
portation of foreign goods which had been made
throughout America had been very pernicious to the
commerce of Sevilla; and that it was impossible that
that commerce should return to its former condition
if those importations were not checked - which they
had entreated his Majesty to do in repeated remon-
254 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 44
strances, which they now made again, trusting that
the earnest and truthful utterances of vassals so faith-
ful as they could not be displeasing to the royal ears.
47. [They further declared] that the injury
caused by the large amount of freight which was
carried into Nueva Espana by the ships from China,
rivaled, if it did not exceed, that from the other
importations. For, although the merchants of
Mexico did not touch on this point in their memo-
rial, the silence in which they kept back this
subject (although it was a more odious source of
damage) readily explained what interests were con-
cerned in tolerating and continuing those ships, at
the same time when the latter had so injured and
driven out the commerce of Espana that no words
were sufficient to explain the grief and resentment
[of the Sevillans] over the great losses which had
been caused to it. For although the ships which were
bringing in the cloth and other goods (a matter to
which the consulate of Mexico attached much
weight) were ruining the commerce of Espana, in
those important lines of linen goods, and others which
they were bringing in, [nevertheless] the knowledge,
suspicion, or information of what they were could
perhaps make the [resultant] damage to the Spanish
commerce less serious, such knowledge causing the
refusal to injure that commerce; but that could not
be guarded against in the ships from China, for their
cargo was composed of all the silks and other goods
generally which could be traded in by the merchants
of Espana, of those which are manufactured in these
kingdoms ; and, whatever might be lost in that region
on the part of the commerce of Espana by reason of
foreign importations, it lost everything through those
from China.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 255
48. That, his Majesty having granted to the island
of Luzon (in which was located the city of Manila)
and to the other islands around it only this, that every
year there should go to the port of Acapulco one ship
to obtain the situado for the maintenance of the forti-
fied posts, conveying only what pertained to white
and colored cotton stuffs, pepper, porcelain, raw silk,
and other similar commodities which are produced
by the islands which obey [the king of Espana], and
with the prohibition of every kind of woven silk
stuffs as contraband - for which reason the latter
have always been burned on account of the notion
of their being made in China and Japon (which are
countries governed by idolaters, Mahometans, and
heretics, who are not under the dominion of this
crown) -the abuse of this permission had reached
such a state that the ship came with a lading of eleven
or twelve thousand bales from China and Japon, so
dexterously packed by those infidels that the largest
bale which the commerce of Espana was shipping
to the Indias did not include the volume or the value
that was enclosed in a bale of those silks, which was
less than a vara deep. Moreover, they put therein
imitations of all the satins, velvets, ribbons, mantles,
hose, and every kind of silks, which were manufac-
tured in Espana; [and these were] so showy and
beautiful that, not only for this reason but on account
of the very moderate prices at which they were sold
throughout Nueva Espana, no other kind of silks
were used than those of China. The result of this
was that all the silk factories in Espana (which were
paying so enormous duties to the royal treasury) had
been broken up and destroyed; and the fortunes of
those who were trading in the Indias were ruined
by the great losses which they had encountered, since
256 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
the Spanish commerce was deprived of a line of
goods so important and rich as is that of the silk, in
all its kinds of fabrics.
49. That this loss had passed over to the woolen
goods, such as picotes, barracans," and others which
were shipped in the trading-fleets ; for those who had
clothed themselves with these throughout Nueva
Espana were now despising them, observing that for
half of what a woolen garment cost them they could
procure another of China silk -being apparently as
well clothed, although in the quality of the goods
they had been deceived. In this manner the Chinese
goods carried out of the country three or four mil-
lions of pesos in each ship, which was but little less
wealth than that carried by a regular trading-fleet.
50. That the damage which this illegal trade
occasioned to the royal treasury and to the Spanish
trade enabled one to judge of the great amount of
property which those ships transported, of the treas-
ures which they carried, of the loss which they caused
to the commerce of Espana, and of the amount which
they did not contribute [to the royal revenues]
- augmenting by this means the power and wealth
of those infidels, who are enemies to the Christian
faith and to the crown. For this reason, and because
the consulate and commerce of Sevilla firmly be-
lieved that this was the greatest loss and the greatest
source and cause of the ruin of the trading-fleets, and
that which most urgently called for relief with the
most prompt and energetic measures : they concluded
by entreating his Majesty that he would deign to give
75 Barracan is a woolen fabric impenetrable to water, about
half a vara wide, of which rain-cloaks and other articles are made ;
picote is a coarse, rough fabric made from goat's hair (Domin-
guez).
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 257
orders that the permission given to Philipinas be
strictly observed, under the most severe penalties,
commanding that its limits be restricted within the
limits of its first concession, for this purpose despatch-
ing the most rigorous orders ; and that the trading-
fleets should go punctually and frequently, each year.
On this point they expatiated at length, and it is
omitted because it does not belong to this subject.
51. In view of this information and of the pro-
ceedings in the Council (of which there is no account
in the Expediente) it is found that by decree of Jan-
uary 8, 171 8, his Majesty stated to the Council that,
having been informed of the quantity of stuffs, silken
fabrics, and other merchandise which the ship from
Philipinas brought, by which the greater part of the
silver of Nueva Espafia was carried out of that
country, he had decided to prohibit absolutely the
trade in the aforesaid commodities. He declared
that the only trade which could be carried on was in
linen goods, porcelain, wax, cinnamon, cloves, and
other products which are not carried from Espafia,
to such an amount of these kinds of goods as the
Marques de Valero should notify to the governor of
Philipinas, which must be transported by one of the
ships which for the last five years had arrived at
Acapulco [from the islands]. His Majesty furnished
with this a copy of the order to this purpose which
he had given to the Marques de Valero, the tenor of
which is as follows: [Here follows a copy of the
decree, dated at Madrid on January 8, 1718.J
53. By another decree of June 20, in the same
year, 1718, his Majesty sent to the Council, for its
information and guidance in the matters which be-
longed to it, a copy of another decree (which was
258 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
issued to the Council of Castilla), prohibiting the
importation and use of the fabrics from China and
other parts of Assia, since this was to the injury of
the manufactures and commerce of Espafia ; its tenor
is as follows : [A copy of this decree is also given].
PERIOD VI
Of what occurred from the year IJl8, in which the
commerce of silken fabrics was prohibited, up to
the year I "J 22, in which the merchants of Phili-
pinas protested.
55. The Marques de Valero, then viceroy of
Mexico, in a letter of March 12, 1719 - accompanied
by a duplicate of another letter dated June 20, 171 8,
in which he acknowledged the receipt of the de-
spatches in the private correspondence, dated Janu-
ary 8 of that same year, which prohibited all silks
in the ship from Philipinas - considered the incon-
veniences which would result from that commerce
being reduced to linen goods, porcelain, wax, pepper,
cinnamon, and cloves, excluding stuffs, and raw silk
and [silken] fabrics. For, he said, if this prohibition
should be put in practice, the result would be the
decay of religion, and the risk that Ht ■ would be
neglected, and its extension would be endangered
and even exposed to ruin - although this matter had
cost his Majesty so much solicitude in promoting and
assisting the missions for preaching the faith. [He
declared] that the Spanish families who were there
would abandon the settlements, for they could not
maintain themselves in those islands without the
trade in the aforesaid commodities, since that in the
merchandise allowed to them had no profit, on ac-
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 259
count of its low price and the little demand for it.
That the natives of Nueva Espafia were also included
in the prohibition, since their usual material for
clothing was the stuffs from China, on account of the
moderate prices of these, and because they could
not use the cloth from Espafia, since it was more
expensive - unless, if they are deprived of the former,
it will follow that they consume the latter; for if
their need and poverty would permit it they would
use the Spanish cloth, since all value it more on
account of its greater durability and better quality.
That the arrival of the trading-fleets was welcomed
by the rich merchants, but that most of the people in
the kingdom were much more eager to see the ship
from China; and, if its arrival were delayed, one did
not fail to notice many expressions of regret. That
the royal treasury was notoriously injured; for, with
the duties which the silk merchandise yielded, the
situado was forwarded to Philipinas and the Mari-
anas Islands, and in default of those duties it would
be necessary to make the remittance from the funds
in the treasury of Mexico. That would cause arrears
in paying the fixed charges which the treasury had to
carry, and could hardly meet with all its income, and
the royal treasury would also be injured by the loss
of the ten per cent which was paid by the silver sent
in return for merchandise ; and, besides, the few com-
modities which were carried would not yield enough
to cover the cost of the navigation.
56. The fiscal - to whom it was ordered to send
these representations, that he might examine them
and compare them with the Expediente - made his
reply on January 10, in the year 1720, reaffirming the
motives which had prevailed, since the discovery and
260 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
conquest of those islands, in permitting to them the
commerce with Nueva Espana, so far as it was
necessary to their preservation. [He also stated] the
infractions of law which had changed the amount
permitted - 250,000 pesos of principal, and 500,000
for the returns (which "Period i" mentions) -and
what was ordained by the royal decree of August 12,
1702, for the regulation of the management and con-
tinuance of this commerce ; and declarations made by
his Majesty in regard to unsettled points which
arose, in the meeting of the Council in 171 2, from
which despatches were sent on December 12, of that
year (which are mentioned in "Period iii") ; and
the fact that the abuses with which the merchants
of Peru had carried on commerce with Nueva Espana
had made it necessary that in the year 163 1 that
trade should be entirely prohibited. He was of the
following opinion : that the permission to trade ought
to be continued to the citizens of Philipinas, for the
damages to the commerce of Espana would be
avoided if that of Philipinas did not exceed the 300,-
000 pesos which were allowed to it.
57. That if this commerce should perish, trade
and intercourse in those distant provinces would
cease ; and if they were cut off from communication
with Nueva Espana they would remain exposed to
seeking for commerce with the adjoining nations, and
in imminent danger of trading away at the same
time their own rights and customs, and of going to
perdition - the Catholic faith being extinguished
entirely or in part, the propagation and maintenance
of which was and always had been the chief care of
his Majesty.
58. That although in the royal decrees of Janu-
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 26 1
ary 8, 171 8, there was reserved to the islands the
trade in sugar, porcelain, linens (called "ele-
phants"), 76 and spices, these commodities were not
adequate for maintaining a continued commerce, nor
for producing the revenues which those islands
needed.
59. That the government should not disregard the
consideration brought forward by Sefior Valero, of
the damage which ensued to the poor vassals of
Nueva Espafia from depriving them of the privilege
of supplying themselves at less cost with the fabrics
from Philipinas ; for if they cannot obtain these, and
the poor are unable to meet the expenses of the
Spanish merchandise on account of its high price,
they would be exposed to the wretchedness of des-
titution. In conclusion, he said that advice should
be given to his Majesty that the remonstrance of
Sefior Marques de Valero was just; and that defer-
ence should be paid to it, by suspending the operation
of the above-mentioned decrees and warning all the
officials in those regions that they must conform with-
out any variation to the orders given in the decree of
the year 1702 -with various provisions which he
proposed, one of which was the total prohibition of
the commerce in case the conditions of that decree
were violated.
60. Having considered this reply of the fiscal, it
was agreed by an act dated February 1, 1720, to ad-
vise his Majesty in accordance with all the preceding
recommendations; and the Council was of opinion
that it should reiterate the enforcement of [the com-
76 At fol. 40 verso of the Extracto, elef antes are defined as
"linen goods of that country [i.e., Filipinas], having no durabil-
ity, and but little valued in that kingdom [i.e., Mexico]."
262 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
mands inj the despatches of August 12, 1702, and
December 13, 1712, with a strict stipulation that the
ship could not be allowed to sail if the value of the
300,000 pesos of the permission were invested in silks
only.
61. While this opinion was in the royal hands, an
order from his Majesty came down to the Council
dated September 5, 1720, in which - influenced by a
memorial which had been presented by Don Manuel
Lopez Pintado in the name of the consulate and com-
merce of Cadiz; and by a letter from Marques de
Valero just then received, dated March 8, in the same
year -his Majesty commanded that the Council
should inform him of their opinions in regard to the
prohibition of stuffs and silks from China in the
Philipinas ship, after first listening to the memorial
from the commerce of Cadiz.
62. The Marques de Valero in the letter here
cited of March 8, 1720, urging what he had set forth
in previous letters in regard to the difficulty which he
encountered in carrying out the decrees which pro-
hibited the commerce in silken fabrics, also spoke of
the new distress in which the islands were, on account
of the plague of locusts, failure in their harvest of
rice, and the scandalous proceedings of Governor
Bustamante. The viceroy said that it seemed to him
better for the service of God, and that of his Majesty,
to delay the regulations which changed the method
in which that commerce had been conducted, until
his Majesty should make such decision as pleased him
in regard to the viceroy's previous memorials ; and he
said in conclusion that he had also found it desirable
to make this suspension of the decrees because the
emperor of China had hindered his vassals for the last
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 263
two years from trading with the islands - which had
resulted in the galleon of that year carrying but few
silk goods. Consequently, the greatest scarcity of
that merchandise had been experienced, for, even be-
fore the arrival of the ship, a libra of silk spun
[beneficiada] and dyed was worth 26 to 28 pesos.
63. In consequence of this order of his Majesty
there were sent to the consulate of Cadiz copies of
the decrees of the year 171 8 and of the letters of the
Marques de Valero which have been noted, in order
that the consulate might report in regard to its opin-
ions, fully and clearly stating the inconveniences, or
the advantages, which might follow the prohibition
of the stuffs, silken fabrics, and other merchandise
from China. They answered this in a letter of July
16, declaring that on this subject they had made on
different occasions the representations which were
contained in two official documents which accom-
panied, and that nothing occurred to them to be add-
ed to these (which are the ones noted in nos. 46 and
the following, "Period v"). 77 Orders were given
that the fiscal should examine the whole matter anew ;
and he in his reply of September 11, in the same
year, 1720, taking into consideration what he had
stated in another of January 10 preceding (which is
the reply that is indicated in no. 56), added, that the
consulate only complained in its memorial and in the
remonstrances of its merchants of the illegal manner
in which the commerce of Philipinas was carried on;
and the fiscal asked that this be restricted within the
limits of the permitted amount.
64. He stated that it was a mistake to assume that
77 It is apparently a lapsus calami by which the consulate of
Cadiz is mentioned in nos. 61-64, and that of Sevilla in nos. 45-
264 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 44
the permission was only for the products belonging
to the native citizens of Philipinas, because the laws
which permitted this commerce did not contain such
limitation, and continual usage had excluded it; for
always the islands had traded in silken fabrics with-
out hindrance, for with the products of the country it
would be impossible to carry on an annual commerce
to the amount of 300,000 pesos.
65. That the absolute prohibition of that com-
merce which the consulate proposed in its memorial
(it is not in the Expediente) , following the precedent
of prohibiting the commerce of Peru with Nueva
Espafia, ought not to be considered. For the latter
prohibition left both those kingdoms free to trade
with Castilla, by which the lack of commerce between
them was made endurable ; but this result could not
occur with Philipinas if the commerce of Nueva
Espafia were prohibited to them, since there remained
no other of which they could avail themselves.
66. That, if the products of the natives of those
islands were sufficient to make up the annual [amount
of] trade to the extent of 300,000 pesos, it would be
just and reasonable that the commerce in silken
fabrics be prohibited to them; but as the aforesaid
viceroy positively stated that those products were not
sufficient for that purpose, it would not be right to
deprive them of this privilege without further knowl-
edge of the subject. The conclusion of the fiscal was,
that orders should be given to observe the royal
decree of August 12, 1702; and that the viceroy and
Audiencia of Mexico, and the governor, Audiencia,
archbishop, and royal officials of Manila, should send
50, here cited in the text; but the commerce of both cities was
included under the former consulate.
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 265
in information very clear and detailed on the question
whether the products of the country could fill up the
amount, [0/ exports] assigned to that commerce.
67. The Council, in view of all that is mentioned
in this "Period vi," and of a summary of the context
of the letters of the Marques de Valero, and of the
replies of the fiscal, were of opinion, in their session
of September 23, 1720, that his Majesty should be
pleased to command a repetition of the orders given
for the fulfilment of the regulations issued on August
12, 1702, and September 13, 1712-with a strict
stipulation that the Philipinas ship should not sail
with an investment which should exceed 300,000
pesos, and that to be in the commodities which were
specified [therein], with exclusion of every kind of
silken fabrics; and with other measures and state-
ments which are contained in the despatches that were
issued for the enforcement of those decrees, dated
October 27, following, of which mention will be
made.
68. At this session it pleased his Majesty to make
the following decision : " I agree entirely with what
the Council proposes ; and the corresponding orders
shall be immediately given, with the most punctual
and strict charge to the officials whom this concerns
(and especially the viceroy of Nueva Espafia) that
all the above orders shall be carried out promptly,
without any objection or alteration - with the warn-
ing that, if any neglect or delay in fulfilling this decis-
ion is experienced, proceedings Shall be brought
against them as disobedient to my orders. And in
order that those officials, as also private persons in
Nueva Espafia and Philipinas, may be fully in-
formed of this determination, a decree shall be drawn
266 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
up with the utmost clearness and precision, which
shall include the whole of this business. This decree
shall serve as an ordinance, in which, without refer-
ence to others, shall be expressly stated what every
person must observe in this commerce, and the penal-
ties which transgressors will incur, in accordance
with what the Council proposes, to the end that, by
placing an authentic copy of it at the heads of the
registers on the ships from Philipinas and making
it public, no one can allege ignorance. The Council
shall pay especial attention to the manner in which
proceedings shall be taken in this matter, not only
in Nueva Espafia but in Philipinas, in order to secure
the punishment of those who disobey my orders, and
of those who shall delay their execution."
69. In consequence of this decision the royal
ordinance which was mentioned in it was drawn up,
with date of October 27, 1720. It was addressed to
the viceroy Marques de Valero, and the Audiencia
of Mexico ; the royal officials of Acapulco ; the gov-
ernor, Audiencia, and fiscal of Philipinas; and the
archbishop of Manila; and copies of it were given
to the consulates and merchants of Cadiz and Ma-
nila, at their request, in order that they might print
it. Its tenor is as follows :
70. [This decree is addressed to Marques de
Valero, viceroy of Nueva Espafia. After rehearsing
the arguments brought forward in previous letters
received from Valero, the decree ordains the follow-
ing rules for the commerce of Philipinas: Two
ships shall go annually from the islands to Nueva
Espafia, each of 500 toneladas. "The value of the
lading which the said ships are to carry from
Philipinas to the port of Acapulco may be up to the
amount of 300,000 pesos, which must come invested
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 267
strictly and solely in the following kinds of merchan-
dise: gold, cinnamon, elephants, wax, porcelain,
cloves, pepper, cambayas and linens woven with
colors [lienzos pintados]™ chitas, chintzes, gauzes,
lampotes, Hilocos 78 blankets, silk floss and raw silk
spun, cordage, and other commodities which are not
78 Linens (Spanish, lienzos and lenceria) have always been one
of the chief products of China, especially around Canton; and
the term "Canton grass linen" is often used to define the par-
ticular kind of linen most commonly produced there, which very
closely resembles the linen produced from flax. The European
languages have always defined these Chinese textiles as "linen."
The term "elephant" must here refer to the mark or brand of
a certain kind of liner^ goods ; the Chinese are greater devotees
of the "trademark" idea than perhaps any other people. The
mark of a kind of goods to which they are accustomed is known
today as the "chop," and it is exceedingly difficult to induce them
to try a new "chop" if the old one has established itself.
"Cambayas" are cotton cloths from Cambaya. "Chitas" (more
generally spelled "chites") mean India calicoes, and sometimes
chintzes. The Filipinos knew how to weave in colors, although
not to figure goods (as they do not yet) ; and the Spaniards
would be apt to designate by the words lienzos and lienzos pinta-
dos (perhaps also by elefantes) the Philippine fabrics woven from
hemp and banana fibers, which have somewhat that texture, and
which have stripes of red, blue, and other colors run through
them more often by far than they are left plain. Strictly speak-
ing, these are neither linens nor cottons ; but they have the feeling
of linen rather than of cotton. The goods thus designated
probably included not only those of Philippine manufacture, but
those made in India and other Eastern countries and traded in at
Manila. Sayasaya was the Spanish name for a kind of Chinese
silk; and I would conjecture that pitiflores meant some kind of
Chinese brocade.- James A. LeRoy.
The term "Canton grass linen" mentioned above apparently
means the fabrics made from the so-called "China grass" (see
vol. xxii, p. 278). Note the statement in sec. 92, post, that the
lenceria sent to Acapulco "are all of cotton," evidently being
made in imitation of the real linen goods; cf. the statement in
Casa-Fuerte's letter, in vol. xlv, sec. 164. The name "chimones"
in the text suggests, especially in view of its context, the Japanese
garment called "kimono," so generally adopted in America for
neglige wear.- Eds.
79 In the text, mantas de hilazos, evidently misprinted for
Hilocos. On fol. 61 a similar list has manias de Ilocos.
268 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
silks." These ships are prohibited from carrying
silken fabrics, "satins, pitiflores, velvets, damasks,
Pekin silks \P equities], sayasayas, brocades, plain
satins, grograms, taffetas; silver and gold brocades;
embroidered pieces of silk stuff for [covers of] beds,
the [hangings for] drawing-rooms [estrados], and
women's petticoats ; silken gauzes flowered with gold
and silver; pattern pieces for petticoats, figured or
embroidered; dressing-gowns, chimones, or made-up
garments; hose, ribbons, or handkerchiefs; or any
fabric which contains silk." The penalties for trans-
gression of this order are confiscation of such goods,
payment of three times their value (this amount to
be shared between the royal fiscal, the judge, and the
informer) , and perpetual exile from the Indias ; and
the confiscated goods are to be burned. Declarations
of goods shipped are absolutely prohibited ; those who
are permitted to trade must be chosen by the city of
Manila, without the aid of any official ; the duties to
be paid are fixed at 100,000 pesos for each voyage,
with the express stipulation that this payment is to be
called adjustment \regulacion\ of duties, and not
indult; no religious person and no stranger may be
allowed to ship goods; every shipper must present an
itemized invoice of the goods sent; the ships must
not be overloaded; no right to lading-space may be
transferred to another person. Provision is made
for inspection, valuation, and landing of goods, and
for the disposition to be made of such as shall be
confiscated; and the limit of six months is fixed for
the disposal of all Chinese silk goods that may be on
hand in Nueva Espafia when the decree is published,
after which time all that are found must be burned.]
1 700-1 736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 269
PERIOD VII
Of what was done in Manila on receiving the decree
of October 2 J , IJ20. Recourse to the Council by
their deputies. Reply from the commerce of
Andalucia, and what was decided in regard to this
matter in the year 1 "/ '24.
71. On August 2, 1722, the governor, Marques de
Torre-Campo, received at Manila the ordinance de-
spatched on October 27, 1720, of which the preced-
ing " Period" speaks. Having caused this decree to be
published by a proclamation in that city, record of it
was made in the offices, and it was communicated to
the municipal council in open session. The cabildo
protested against it, promising to obey, but resolving
to set forth to the governor in the first place, and
afterward to his Majesty, the damages and troubles
which would result from its execution to religion, to
the royal treasury, and to the greater welfare of those
islands, from their not continuing to enjoy the per-
mission to trade in fabrics of silk, which they had
possessed for more than one hundred and forty years.
They would therefore be obliged to entreat that his
Majesty give them permission to retire, with their
families, to the lands and domains of his Majesty
which they should consider most suitable.
72. In a long memorial presented to the governor
was set forth in detail the motives on which they
based this action; and when orders had been given
that the fiscal of that Audiencia should examine it,
although he recognized that their statements were
correct, and that the islands could not maintain them-
selves on the system of commerce which had been
laid down, he demanded that orders should be given
27° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
to fulfil the cited royal decree, and that the city and
merchants should appeal to his Majesty who, there
was reason to expect, would take care of his vassals
there, and of the interests, both spiritual and tem-
poral, which were concerned in it - and the governor
gave orders to that effect. Although the city and the
merchants by a second memorial insisted upon a sus-
pension of the above regulation, demanding that, in
case there was no room for it and for continuing their
trade in silks and stuffs as heretofore, at least he
should declare that they were not obliged to invest
their funds in the commodities which were pre-
scribed to them, as it would occasion their total ruin
(and they demonstrated this) : nevertheless, the gov-
ernor, bearing in mind that the damages to his
Majesty would be no less, if the galleon for that year
should go empty, commanded that, in accordance
with the amount permitted by the cited regulation,
they should make the distribution of the [permits to
ship] merchandise as his Majesty had commanded.
The city and the merchants, with the hope that his
Majesty would give attention to the urgent represen-
tations that would be made by the commissaries
whom it had been agreed to despatch to the court,
agreed to continue the commerce meanwhile con-
formably to the despatch of 1720 -sacrificing out of
respect to his Majesty, and in order to maintain the
religion established in those islands, their own
wealth, which necessarily must be ruined and lost in
a commerce so useless and unfortunate as that to
which they were reduced ; since the bulky commodi-
ties, on account of their abundance and poor manu-
facture, would not allow them to gain ten per cent,
since the risks extended to fifty per cent.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 27 1
73. The city of Manila, in order to render com-
mendable and frame in more formal manner its
appeal from the aforesaid decree of October 27, 1720,
which it must bring before the royal person -not
only for the continuation of the traffic in the silken
fabrics, but also for the increase of its permission
from the three hundred thousand pesos which it was
enjoying to five hundred thousand - came before the
Audiencia and presented before it the arguments and
reasons in favor of both these requests. After explain-
ing the losses that would arise from the desolation
and depopulation to which the islands would come
(which the Audiencia took into consideration in its
memorial, as will be noted) the city added that when
in Manila there were only 230 citizens (which was
in the years 1636-37) returns of 500,000 pesos were
permitted to them; but since in the year 1722 the city
had 882 citizens, and there was an increase in the
charitable foundations, which placed 150,000 pesos
at risk on each galleon, the necessity was evident of
increasing the permission to 500,000 pesos - 350,000
pesos for the citizens, and 150,000 for the charitable
foundations. This increase in the number of citizens
made necessary the expansion of the permission, from
the very fact that in the year 1702, in which there
were only 400 citizens, his Majesty had permitted
300,000 pesos of investments, and 600,000 pesos in
returns.
74. It was also expedient that permission be given
to the seamen to transport in their own chests goods
up to the amount of 40,000 pesos of investment, on
account of the importance of interesting them in the
defense, 80 and in order to facilitate that in provinces
80 i.e., of the vessel and carge, in case of attack by enemies -
27 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
so remote there should be Spaniards who would serve
as artillerists and seamen, since their wages alone, in
voyages so arduous and long, could not be sufficient
incentive. In order that that commerce might be
regulated and infractions regarding the lading be
avoided, an arrangement was proposed to his
Majesty in which the annual investment was reduced
to 3,200 piezas of the regular sizes - half-bundles,
bags, sacks, [churlos, balsas (for bolsas)~\ cakes of
wax, and other like packages of bulky commodities,
and three hundred half-chests of goods from China,
in order to supplement the said 3,200 s1 piezas. Con-
sequently, at the despatch of the galleon there would
be nothing else to do except to distribute the said
piezas and issue the permits for its lading - collect-
ing 10,000 pesos for the royal duties, at the rate of
two per cent, for this purpose rating the 3,200 piezas
at 128 pesos and 1 tomin, and the half -chests at 300
pesos - and pay at Acapulco thirteen per cent, regu-
lating the 3,200 piezas at 256 pesos and 2 tomins, and
the 300 half-chests at 600 pesos each. This would
result in the royal duties at both ports amounting to
140,000 pesos, and in return would be brought back,
for the account of the permission, a million pesos;
and thus would be avoided sworn declarations, and
other dubious measures to which the previous regu-
lations were subjected.
75. The Audiencia of Manila in a letter of No-
vember 9, 1722, taking into consideration another
which they had written on August 6, 1713, in which
whom the seamen would resist more valiantly if they also had
property of their own to defend.
81 In all, making 3,500 piezas, as in sec. 79, post ; the same ex-
planation is given on fol. no verso of the Extracto.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 273
they set forth the losses which that commerce had
suffered - in [the wreck of] their galleons, the unsuc-
cessful fairs of Acapulco, and the excessive pecuniary-
extortions that they had suffered in Acapulco on ac-
count of the royal duties and in other ways - to the
end that new measures might be taken by his Majesty
for the rigorous reestablishment of the commerce of
those islands, describe (influenced by the urgent rep-
resentations made by the city and by previous
information obtained by each auditor) the affliction
which has been caused by the new decree of October
27, 1720. They declared that they judged necessary
for the maintenance of these islands and the propaga-
tion of the holy gospel, not only the permission for the
silk and the stuffs prohibited by the cited despatch,
but also the increase of the permission from 300,000
to 500,000 pesos. The Audiencia affirmed that the
Spaniards could not exist without this commerce, be-
cause the culture of the fields was in the hands of the
natives and the management of the guilds [gremios]
in those of the Sangleys and their mestizos; that the
salaries and pay with which the military officers,
soldiers, and civil officials were recompensed did not
reach half the annual expense of their families, in
consideration of which it was commanded to include
then the distribution of the lading of the galleons;
and that, while the permitted amount was 300,000
pesos, and the number of citizens so great, the in-
vestment of each one, even if all were alike in
wealth and services, did not amount to 400 pesos, the
profit on which was not enough for the proper sup-
port of a man who was not actually poor, and on this
account they could not increase their wealth. When
the Europeans see that it is useless to transport goods
274 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
to those regions where there is not, outside of com-
merce, any motive which would induce them to re-
main, or which would bring other new traders, those
who consider the matter have reason to fear that in
a few years the capitals of those who live there will
be consumed, and that others will refuse to enter into
the same experience; then Philipinas will be left to
the Indians and Sangleys, the gospel ministers with-
out the guards of Spaniards for their protection, the
military posts without garrisons, the natives without
any control, and everything on the brink of a deplor-
able ruin.
76. That with the commodities which were al-
lowed by the said royal decree, the lading of the
annual galleon could not reach the gross amount of
the 300,000 pesos of the commission. From this it
resulted that that amount was diminished and the
traders exposed to evident loss in Nueva Espafia, on
account of the abundance of those very articles of
merchandise; and that would result in cutting off
the proceeds of the many and large charitable funds,
founded on the merchandise risked in those galleons,
for the support of clergymen, hospitals, convents,
divine worship, dowries to orphan girls, and many
other alms - which, even though they were no more
than those which were administered by the brother-
hood of La Misericordia, and by the tertiary Order
of St. Francis, were of the greatest importance, and
their failure a most notable affliction to all the
islands.
yj. That by the exclusion of the stuffs and silks,
which were the principal articles of commerce of
the islands with China, all that commerce [i.e., with
Nueva Espafia] would come to an end, since all the
rest was of so little value that it could not, without
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 275
the substantial aid of the silks, allow any profit.
From this would result another great difficulty in
the propagation of the holy gospel, that if the
Chinese do not come to the trade they will lose the
opportunity for conversion which so many have
attained, attracted by familiar intercourse with the
Spaniards, with the occasion of this commerce, and
there would be great difficulty in introducing the
gospel ministers into those dominions ; and these are
motives which have always engaged the chief atten-
tion of his Majesty, to judge by the laws. The
Audiencia concluded by expressing the opinion that
the prohibition of the silks should be removed, and
an increase be granted in the permission to $00,000
pesos, with the number of piezas which the city was
proposing -this regulation being made in propor-
tion to the number of citizens, in order that the
islands might maintain themselves, and thus obviate
the serious inconveniences that were experienced;
and, as for the duties which the city proposed, this
question was referred to the decision of the Council.
78. The fiscal of that Audiencia, Don Pedro
Bedoya, 82 in a letter of November 15, in the same
year, 1722, in consequence of the duplicate copy
which he received of the royal decree of October 27,
1720, states on his part -after repeating his previous
opinion regarding its execution, as given to the city
of Manila, the action taken by the governor, the re-
course by the city to the Audiencia, and the report
made by that body -what his opinion is, in fulfil-
ment of his obligation, in regard to the memorial of
the city and the merchants ; it is brought under four
heads, which are:
82 A marginal note in the text adds to this name "y Ossorio."
276 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 44
The necessary dependence which the maintenance
of these islands has on the commerce, in order that
the Spaniards may maintain themselves in them;
and the benefit from the charitable funds, in which
are annually expended 75,000 pesos -which sum
proceeds from the trading of the 150,000 pesos
which are carried in the annual galleon on account
of the said charitable funds.
II
That if the prohibition of the stuffs and other
commodities from China remains, their former con-
trol of the trade therein will be disturbed, and the
royal decrees issued for this purpose (some of which
are compiled 83 ) will be subverted - such as those
which command that the commodities which they
convey shall be bought from the Sangleys ; and that
if this [Chinese] commerce is prohibited that of
Nueva Espafta becomes unprofitable, as the bulky
commodities do not fill up the amount of the per-
mitted trade, and it will not be possible to pay the
cost of traffic in them without those from China.
Ill
That for the maintenance of these islands, the
support of the Spaniards, and the success of the
charitable funds, it is necessary that the amount per-
mitted be increased to 500,000 pesos and a million of
returns, with the inclusion of the fabrics from
China.
83 Spanish recopiladas, apparently meaning that these decrees
have been included in the official Recopilacion de leyes de Indias.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 277
IV
The regulation of the lading, in order to avoid
infractions of the law [is necessary] ; as also that the
dubious and burdensome obligation of making
sworn declarations be laid aside, and that the quality
and number of the commodities which are trans-
ported must appear in the registers.
79. [These points made by the fiscal are dis-
cussed at length by him in a report addressed to the
king, dated November 15, 1722. Among other
things, he states that the merchants prefer one gal-
leon of 800 or 900 tons burden to two of 500 tons
each, as being less expensive (on account of requir-
ing fewer officers and men), safer (as carrying
larger cannon) and less exposed to danger from
either enemies or storms, than the two smaller ves-
sels ; that the industry and love of gain displayed by
the Chinese who reside in the islands have secured
to them the control of all the crafts and useful arts,
and of the commerce of the islands save that with
Nueva Espana, which is therefore the only resource
of the Spanish citizens; that the current rate of in-
come 84 is but five per cent in the islands, while that
si "The censos yield only five per cent." Censo refers to an-
nuities in some form or other, and especially to "quit-rent;" it
also sometimes means "interest," which is a derivative and special
meaning; in a general sense, it may be rendered "income."- James
A. LeRoy.
Dominguez (Diccionario nacional) enumerates several differ-
ent kinds of censo (which he defines as "a contract by which one
person sells and another buys the right to receive a certain annual
pension") ; the statements in our text relative to the status of
houses and lands in and near Manila would indicate the proba-
bility that the censos there mentioned were what Dominguez
calls consignativos, "in which a certain amount is received for
which must be given in return an annual pension, giving security
for the said sum or capital with rent-producing property or real
278 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
commerce brings in fifty per cent; that most of the
rural estates \haciendas\ are possessed by the reli-
gious orders ; that houses constitute property of little
value, on account of the frequent fires and earth-
quakes ; and that consequently the charitable founda-
tions \obras pias~\ have been necessarily based on the
Acapulco trade. It is also declared that the annual
situado from Mexico amounts to no more than
50,000 or 60,000 pesos, while the annual budget of
the government expenses amounts to 500,000 pesos,
which the royal treasury of the islands must pay
from the proceeds of the duties on merchandise.
The request of the Manila citizens for a permission
to send 500,000 pesos' worth, in 3,500 piezas, is very
moderate; as the trade has been conducted, the
300,000 pesos' worth has made 4,798 piezas, for the
last five years -which is evidence of the infractions
of law which have been committed in that com-
merce. Moreover, the proposition of the city that
the duties belonging to the crown be levied on the
number of the piezas, will be likely to prevent many
of the frauds which are now practiced in this direc-
tion. The fiscal opposes the request of the city that
the seamen be allowed an increase of the small
amount already allowed them, free from duties, for
investment on their own account, declaring that it
will but increase the illegal trade already prevalent,
and that the proposition to allow them 40,000 pesos'
estate." He instances as a censo reservativo the arrangement
made by Joseph with the Egyptians (Genesis, ch. xlvii), by which,
after all the land in that country had become the property of the
crown, the people received back their fields on condition of their
paying to the king the fifth part of their produce, which consti-
tuted an annual pension or quit-rent (censo). The same word
may also mean "census" and "tax-register;" Dominguez states
that when the Spaniards conquered America they found the tax-
register established in Mexico and Peru.- Eds.
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 279
worth of trade (with twice that amount in returns
for the merchandise) would allow the seamen a
greater investment than even the citizens, since the
former average only 115 men to each galleon. He
advises that the officers of the ships be permitted to
have a share in the lading of the ship, in place of
their present wages ; and that one large galleon be
occupied in the trade to Acapulco, rather than two
small ones. He reminds the king of the opening
afforded by the trade between Manila and China for
the conversion of the Chinese and the entrance of the
gospel into that heathen empire.]
80. [The treasury officials at Manila also write,
seconding the proposal to despatch one large gal-
leon ; and they add that the royal exchequer of the
islands will be ruined if the decree of 1720 is en-
forced, "for the commerce would cease, and conse-
quently the royal duties which it was producing."]
81. The archbishop of Manila, the dean and
cabildo of that church, and the provincial of the
Society [of Jesus], in their letters of November 6, 7,
and 8 of the same year, support the entreaty of the
city; they deprecate the ruin (both spiritual and
temporal) of the islands, and express the same
opinion as that of the Audiencia and the fiscal, as
will be seen by their letters, which follow below.
82. The provincials of St. Dominic, St. Francis,
and St. Augustine (both caked and discalced), in
their memorials of the same year expatiate on the
necessity and advantage of changing the aforesaid
decree of 1720, and granting likewise to the islands
the increase of the permitted trade which they
solicit; and they reproduce in detail what the other
prelates and ministers say.
83. [The letter of the archbishop (Fray Fran-
280 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
cisco de la Cuesta) states that he has been urged to
write it by the city and merchants of Manila, and
the bureau of the Misericordia; and he begins, very
naturally, by arguing that the religious interests of
the Philippines and of China depend upon the main-
tenance of the commerce of the islands. He refers
to the opposition made to it by the merchants of
Andalusia, which he thinks has no good foundation,
since their trade with the other European nations
drains from Espafia more money than does that of
Filipinas from Nueva Espafia -this last being their
ground of complaint against the Manila trade; but
even if the Sangleys and other heathen carry away
silver from Manila, "they have not harmed the
[Spanish] crown, and are friendly to the [Christian]
religion; while it is certain that the European
nations, even if they are not all opposed to religion,
at least have been at various times hostile to the
crown, and that the amount annually transported by
the said nations to Great China and other heathen
kingdoms exceeds four millions [of pesos]. . . .
And although the argument [of the Andalusians]
- that the fabrics from China cause injury, at the ex-
pense of those which are transported from Cadiz -
would have some weight if all the fabrics in which
the Andalusians trade were manufactured in Espafia,
since they are not made there the above argument
has very little value." The Spaniards in Filipinas
regret that so grievous burdens and restrictions are
laid upon them through the influence of the Anda-
lusians, and especially that the result of these must
be very detrimental to the charitable funds which
so greatly depend upon the Acapulco trade. Two-
thirds of these, or 100,000 pesos, belong to the
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 28 1
Misericordia alone, whose educational, religious,
and charitable labors are so important to the public
welfare and the maintenance of the Spanish colony
in Filipinas ; the remaining 50,000 pesos belong to
other institutions. The archbishop therefore urges
the king to accede to the requests of the Manila mer-
chants.]
84. [The dean and cabildo of the Manila cathe-
dral also support the merchants; they fear lest the
income of the church will suffer from the impaired
condition to which the decree of 1720 threatens to
bring the Filipinas colony. They adduce similar
arguments to those contained in the preceding let-
ters, all taking for granted that the prohibition of
Chinese silks means the ruin of the Acapulco trade.
Incidentally this letter states the following facts of
interest: "The poverty of the soldiers is such that
they always go about as mendicants and in need ; for
as they receive no more pay than that of two pesos
and a fanega of rice -which is given every month to
the soldiers, but to the convicts who serve \Jorzados\
in the troops only the rations - if they could not find
refuge in the aid given by the citizens, the alms from
the charitable funds, and the broken food at the con-
vent doors, and in what the more industrious can
earn by doing errands, they would certainly perish."
The prebends of the cathedral find their salaries -
which range from 500 to 200 pesos yearly, besides
the dean's 600 -pitiably small and inadequate, and
they must even resort to the charitable funds and to
the gifts of friends to eke out their incomes. The
same difficulties beset the parish ministers; but
worst of all is the condition of the poor clerics who
receive no pay, who have no income save occasional
282 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
offerings for masses and the alms of benevolent per-
sons.]
85. [The provincial of the Jesuits, Father
Joseph Fernandez, seconds the appeal of the mer-
chants. 85 He states that since 1709 the fortunes of
the wealthy citizens are nearly all ruined -by
calamities, unsuccessful sales at Acapulco, the fail-
ure of the galleons to make the voyage, poor crops in
Filipinas, or the quarrels of the governors and audi-
tors - and those who formerly made contributions
to the religious orders now need and ask for help
from them. "This city of Manila (and in it all the
islands) is reduced to eight or ten private persons
who are able with their own wealth alone to make
up the 300,000 pesos which your Majesty allows for
their commerce; and the number of its citizens who,
as Spaniards, can call themselves such is very nearly
882 -although it is true that there are millions of
converted natives, and those who are not converted
are innumerable. All these citizens depend for
their preservation on the three or four piezas which
are yearly allotted to [each of] them, according to
their merits, in your Majesty's galleon; and as most
of them have not the means of their own to fill this
space they have to give it up, or sell it to those who
are richer; or they must ask for money from the
charitable funds of the Misericordia, the tertiary
Order [of St. Francis], or the religious, in order to
fill their space on the ship. As they cannot ship
therein anything except the coarse cloths and other
goods which your Majesty names in your new regu-
85 A marginal note at the beginning of each of these letters
states its authorship; but that on the Jesuit provincial's letter
adds, "with very well-grounded arguments" (muy fundamental-
mente) .
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 283
lations, the product of which is hardly enough to pay
the expenses on them -duties, freight-charges, and
carriers' fees -the poorer citizens will see them-
selves forced to seek some other way [to make a
living]. That means the desertion of these islands
for India, and consequently a great diminution in
the number of your Majesty's vassals; and the
islands will be exposed to the invasions of the Dutch
and other enemies of your royal crown and of the
natives. No few of these invasions have been expe-
rienced in recent years, and at this time we are being
raided by the Mindanaos, the Joloans, and the Bur-
neyans. And I can assure your Majesty that in the
space of less than twelve years I have seen this
stage 86 of the citizens of Manila changed five times.
For, as it is composed of some who come from
Europe (and they count for many), and of others
who come from Nueva Espana, on account of the
difference of the climate from that in which they
were born they do not remain long; both classes,
seeing the little comfort that they can find here, and
how small incentive there is from riches (which is
that which most influences those who do not possess
enormous estates), either die in a short time, worn
out with the misery of this country; or they leave the
islands, to look for a more comfortable residence.
Thus it comes to pass that only we religious and
other ecclesiastics remain, with some persons who
belong to the richer class (who are few), and these
are Europeans, whom affection for their native land
is always drawing away. If this [which I have men-
tioned above] happens (which may God not per-
88 Spanish, theatro ; that is, the personnel of the Spanish body
of citizens.
284 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
mit), all these millions of Christian natives will be
left abandoned, and exposed to [the danger of]
returning to their heathen condition; and of being
possessed by the Dutch, or the Chinese, or any other
nation that may find a profit in them." The argu-
ment that the prohibition of the trade in Chinese
silks will check the drain of silver from Nueva Es-
pafia is refuted by the provincial; he says, "For we
who are near China, Batabia, the Coromandel
Coast, and other ports of India, know with certainty
that the ships and pataches that come to them from
Europa to trade in them carry hardly any money for
their traffic except the silver, with the stamp and seal
of your Majesty, from Peru or from Mexico; and
as those vessels have directed their route from
Europa by way of Cape Verde, Buena Esperanza
[i.e., Good Hope], Cape Comorin, and Sincapura,
it must be supposed that they do not obtain the said
silver anywhere else than from the commerce in
Europa. Your Majesty could, in the course of sev-
eral years, prevent the silver that comes from Mex-
ico to these islands from passing over to China, to
the Coast, or to Batabia, by commanding your gov-
ernors and other officials at Manila to make strenu-
ous efforts that in the islands the natives, mestizos,
Creoles, and various other castes who live in them
and are naturalized as subjects, be compelled to
weave the cloth goods which are manufactured in
other regions; and these people are no less skilful
for the mechanical and even the liberal arts than are
those of other nations. As for the fabrics of cotton,
these people are able to weave them, for their own
consumption, more durable and of better quality
than the cloths which come from China and the
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 285
Coast; and as for the silk goods, the hose which
these natives weave are those which bring the high-
est price at Acapulco. The colors for dyeing the
goods are furnished by the country itself; for there
will be shipped from here to the empire of China
during this year more than thirty champan-loads of
sibucao, or campeche, a wood from which the
Chinese obtain carmine for their dyes', and the other
colors they obtain from trees and roots which also
are found in these mountains in abundance. As for
the cinnamon, it grows very abundantly in the island
of Mindanao, where your Majesty has the fort and
garrison of Samboangan, with some missions that
are administered by priests of my order, and by
other religious from the discalced of St. Augustine.
It would be of no little advantage to be able to cul-
tivate the cinnamon, as the Dutch do ; for the silver
which that nation would be obliged to carry for that
product would remain among the vassals of your
Majesty, and thus there would be an end to that
difficulty (which the merchants of Sevilla certainly
exaggerate) of your Majesty forbidding the ship-
ment of the goods which your royal decree specifies,
which are those that have some value, in order to be
able to pay the cost on the more bulky goods. Who
will have courage to weave them, or hunt for them,
when he knows that he must lose on them? In these
islands abundance of gold is collected in various
placers, in which work the slow and patient dis-
position of the natives is occupied ; but as their minds
are so careless and ignorant they content themselves
with washing out only the exact amount of their
tribute, which is five reals for each person. But if
your Majesty would give your royal directions to
286 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 44
your governors and ministers, in the course of time it
would be possible to secure the production of this
gold in abundance ; and if it were sent to Nueva Es-
pafia, and exchanged for the silver necessary for the
maintenance of these your wretched vassals, the result
would be that the latter product would always re-
main in the dominions of your Majesty. In these
islands, also, some pearls are secured by diving, and
in these seas some amber is gathered. In the moun-
tains there is no lack of numerous civet-cats ; and the
civet, if measures were taken for its production,
might be no small source of wealth to your vassals,
and consequently furnish large amounts to your royal
treasury." Father Fernandez mentions that Felipe
IV "spent in twenty years 170,00x5 ducados solely in
sending religious to preach the gospel in Philipinas;"
and that the monopoly on the buyo industry had pro-
duced in one year 11,000 pesos to the royal treasury,
and that on wine 18,000 pesos; (but these amounts
apparently refer to the price paid for a three years'
contract, rather than to the annual income of the
crown from these sources). 87 ]
86. All the papers and reports which have been
mentioned in this "Period vii" having been received
in the Council, and the deputies from Philipinas,
Don Francisco Diaz Romero and Don Antonio de
Echandia - who deposited their credentials and let-
ters in the office of the secretary - having presented
themselves in it, they set forth their claims and stated,
in a printed memorial (which they handed in on
June 14, 1723) the injuries which the islands were
receiving from the practice of the decree of October
87 Cf. the prices paid somewhat later for the wine monopoly,
in the first document of vol. xlvi.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 287
27, 1720. They entreated that its execution be sus-
pended, and orders given that the commerce be
continued with the yearly galleon in the same man-
ner, so far as the lading was concerned, as was in
use at the time when the aforesaid despatch was
received there [at Manila]. The memorial, in eight
leaves, is as follows:
87. [This memorial by the city and merchants
of Manila presents in detail the amount of their
annual commerce in the various kinds of merchan-
dise that are permitted in the decree. The gold ex-
ported from Filipinas to Nueva Espafia amounts to
less than 12,000 pesos, and is sent not as bullion or
coin, but in the form of the slender chains [be-
juqutllos'] wrought by the Malay natives for per-
sonal adornment; for in no other form could it com-
pete with the abundance of gold mined in Mexico.
The Chinese porcelain is shipped in small quantity,
being mainly an article of luxury, like the gold
ornaments; moreover, it is bulky and fragile. As
for spices, Manila complains that the market for
these in Nueva Espana is already appropriated by
the merchants of Espana who send spices in the trad-
ing-fleets to Vera Cruz; in the fleet (of seventeen
vessels) commanded by Don Fernando Chacon was
carried the enormous amount of 170,737 libras of
cinnamon, and more than 70,986 of pepper and
cloves, besides various bags and chests of all these
kinds of spice the weight of which was not noted.
The only products of the islands which have com-
mercial value in Nueva Espana are wax, lampotes,
Ilocos blankets, and cordage; and the value of all
that is exported of these, even counting with them
the previously mentioned gold chains, does not go
288 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
beyond 30,0x30 pesos. The linen goods have hitherto
been shipped from Manila to Acapulco only to fill
in empty spaces in the allotments of lading, and have
amounted to hardly 60,000 pesos, on which very
little profit was obtained. If the main part of the
galleon's cargo has to be composed of these linens,
the Acapulco market will be overstocked with them,
and the prices there will be so low that Manila can-
not afford to send another cargo of this sort. More-
over, as these goods are procured from the foreign
factories at Batavia, Madrasta, Patan, Punticheri,
and Vengala, as soon as the traders at those posts
understand that the Manila galleons must carry most
of their lading in goods to be procured at those fac-
tories they will advance their prices enormously, and
the galleon will be compelled to sail in ballast, and
then only to procure the situado. The floss and raw
silk which is the only form of that product permitted
to Manila is so bulky a commodity, and the consump-
tion of it in Nueva Espana is so small, that it too
has been shipped only to fill up space; moreover,
"for several years it has been increasing in cost, on
account of the great amount of it which the Dutch,
English, and French obtain from China for the
fabrics which are manufactured in Europe." The
deputies, to substantiate their statements, refer to the
official reports of the viceroys of Nueva Espana, and
offer to bring forward evidence in their favor from
various persons at Madrid who have resided in Fili-
pinas. They claim that the Manila trade in silken
fabrics has not harmed the merchants of Espana,
since the silk which is produced in that country is
hardly sufficient to supply the home demand, and it
is necessary to bring to it foreign silks - exporting to
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 289
Nueva Espana some goods which have little demand
in Espana; but even these do not occupy one hun-
dred and twenty-five toneladas of space. The greater
part of the silk goods woven in Espana are silks and
velvets, and if the value of these has fallen, it is
not the importation of Chinese goods which has
caused this, but the change in the style of magis-
trates' robes, 88 in which those goods are used, and the
small amount of them that is used in the military
service. "Just as in these kingdoms [of Espana]
most of the persons of rank are clothed in no other
fabrics than those which come from foreign coun-
tries -on account of either their better quality or
their luster -so the same thing occurs in Nueva
Espana, where they follow in everything the customs
of Europa; and for this reason most of the silken
fabrics which are carried thither in the trading-fleets
are from the kingdoms of Inglaterra and Francia,
and the provinces of Holanda-as silver and gold
tissues, brocades and laces of the same sort; hose, and
other stuffs, the sale of which does not injure that of
the Chinese silks, on account of the greater value
placed upon the former. Therefore, as the silken
fabrics which the aforesaid shippers carry [to Nueva
Espana] are not all from the mills of Espana, but
these Spanish silks are in very small quantity and of
the sort which are rejected here, it is evident that the
injury is not to the commerce of Andalucia, but to
the foreign nations. For, since all the gold and silver
88 Spanish, trage de golilla. The golilla was "a certain orna-
ment made of pasteboard faced with taffeta or other black fabric,
which surrounded the neck, over which was placed a pleating of
gauze or other white stuff, which was starched. At present this
decoration is used only by the togated officials and others attached
to the courts of justice." (Dominguez.)
29° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
which comes [to EspanaJ is carried in trading-fleets
and galleons - except what is obtained for wines,
brandies, oil, and other products- the slender profits
which the traders of Philipinas gain from the sale
of the Chinese fabrics will also be given up for their
benefit by the foreigners on account of the abundance
of the products from their own mills which they will
ship to Cadiz, in order that these may be carried to
the Indias." The argument is repeated, that most of
the profits in the Acapulco trade must go to Euro-
pean foreigners, if it is restricted to the few and
unimportant products of the islands, and thus the
enemies of Espafia are strengthened; while if the
Chinese trade is allowed those profits fall into the
hands of people who cannot and will not injure the
Spanish power. The enforcement of the decree will
injure not only the citizens of Manila, but the reve-
nues of the crown, which amount annually to an
average of 228,557 pesos, besides the duties produced
by the Acapulco trade, which amount to 250,000
pesos more. The treasury will have no means to buy
the rice of the Indians, their only valuable product;
the Sangleys will have no occasion to trade at
Manila, which will lose the amount of their licenses
(more than 23,000 pesos), besides the import duties
and alcabalas which they pay there, which amount
to more than 37,000 pesos; and the situado sent to
both the Philippines and Marianas must be taken
from the Mexican treasury directly, which will be
too heavy a burden for it. The king is reminded of
the poverty of the Philippines in all natural re-
sources save rice, and their dependence on the
Acapulco traffic for money, clothing, and all other
needs save that of food. The recent building of two
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 29 1
small galleons has caused the treasury a great amount
of expense, quite disproportionate to that of the one
large vessel which hitherto had been used for the
Acapulco trade - to say nothing of the extra expense
caused by the duplication of crews, officers, and
soldiers which is thus rendered necessary. The
smaller ships are less able to resist either storms
or pirates, and the few experienced seamen in the
islands must be divided between them, when they
should be massed in one vessel. Again is mentioned
the dependence of the missions, and the conversion
of the heathen, upon the Acapulco trade; the Indian
villages that are more or less christianized now num-
ber 457, with 111,683 families, who are in danger
of relapsing into heathenism, or being converted to
Mahometanism, if the missions cannot be kept up.]
88. The Council, on June 14, 1723, agreed that
this memorial should go to the fiscal with all those
that came before, with the letters of the Audiencia,
officials, and prelates which had been laid before the
Council on the twelfth of the same month.
89. The consulate of Cadiz, by a memorial pre-
sented in the Council on the twenty-first of the same
month and year -being informed of the petition
from Manila requesting that changes be made in
the decree issued on October 27, 1720 -asked the
Council to order that the argument recently brought
forward by Manila in regard to this be communi-
cated to them ; this having been referred to the fiscal,
he was of opinion that the aforesaid document should
be communicated to the consulate, as had been done
in the year 1720 by order of his Majesty; and the
Council agreed to this by a decree of July 12, 1723.
90-92. [On September 4 following, a conference
292 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
was held by the representatives of the commerce of
Sevilla, to consider the question of the Philippine
commerce in Chinese silks and the royal decree for-
bidding that trade ; a copy of the memorial sent from
Manila, and other documents bearing thereon, were
submitted to that body by the consulate of Cadiz, who
had already taken action thereon, and now asked for
the support and cooperation of the Sevilla merchants.
In a formal resolution by the latter, they express
their entire concurrence with the views of Cadiz,
and request the king to enforce the decree of 1720.
They make light of the statement regarding the great
amount of spices carried to Nueva Espafia by
Chacon's fleet, and intimate the probability that the
remonstrance by Manila is really instigated by the
traders of Nueva Espafia, who, on account of the
enormous profits which they make by sending money
to the Philippines for investment, must be most af-
fected by the proposed restrictions on the Manila
commerce. Sevilla answers the argument of Manila
that only one hundred and twenty-five toneladas of
Spanish silks are sent to Nueva Espafia, by declaring
that even that small amount will soon be reduced to
nothing unless the king strictly prohibit the introduc-
tion by the Filipinas ships into Nueva Espafia of
fabrics woven of silk and gold or silver; also that
the silk-mills of Espafia will be ruined and aban-
doned, and consequently the cities of that country
will be inundated with poor people and criminals.
On the day before this conference, a similar one was
held by the consulate of Cadiz and representatives
from the merchants of that city, who made a vigorous
remonstrance against the injuries caused to Spanish
commerce and industry by the Manila-Acapulco
1700-1736J COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 293
trade, and especially by the frauds and the infrac-
tions of law therein, on which they expatiated in the
above conference. In the report drawn up by them
they mention several of these. For instance, the mer-
chants of the City of Mexico sent large sums of
money to Acapulco for preparing the Manila galleon
for its voyage; "and in the three months during
which the ship was detained at that port it unloaded
an enormous cargo, held its fair, and returned laden
with silver, without wintering in that kingdom, on
account of the easy and prompt disposal of all that
it carried. This cargo was usually 10,000 or 12,000
bales, half of silken fabrics and half of linen goods,
[lenceria], the proceeds from which reached four
millions of pesos; and all this in pesos, eight-real
and four-real pieces, since in exchange for the said
goods they did not desire or carry any produce, nor
even doubloons, nor bars of silver, for all must be
new pesos and of Mexican coinage, these being the
coins which are current in Turquia, to which country
they were going, since the greater part of the said
goods come thence." Reliable witnesses have told
of mule-trains entering Mexico laden with Chinese
stuffs, which must amount to almost the value of the
goods carried by the eighteen vessels in the trading-
fleet which that year came from Spain under Don
Manuel de Velasco; and the market of the latter
was ruined by the former. "Although the silk fab-
rics which the ships bring from Philipinas have not
the quality or durability of those from Espafia, and
the linen goods are all of cotton, and do not last half
as long as do those from France, yet as the former
are sold cheap, and have a good surface, and are
showy, while they last the commerce of Espafia is
294 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
checked and suspended." The merchants of Mexico
send so much money to Acapulco that not enough is
left to send the trading-fleets back to Spain, which
are compelled to winter at Vera Cruz in order to
obtain the proceeds of their cargoes and equip the
vessels for the return voyage. "So sweeping and ir-
reparable is the great injury which these goods from
China, or from the Turks (which is the more
certain) , cause to the most important cities of Espafia
that when the said ship was not allowed to carry
those goods Sevilla had more than 12,000 looms for
the manufacture of silks of every kind; and with
these, even without other stuffs, so great a number of
people were employed on them, and so great was
the opulence of that city and of all its domain, as is
made evident by the great services which on all oc-
casions Sevilla rendered to his Majesty, with sump-
tuous buildings - churches, hospitals, government
buildings, and private houses. But without greater
casualty than that of the importations in the ships
from China, that city found itself in a straitened and
miserable condition, not two hundred looms being
left in it, on account of there being no consumption
for its fabrics; and the great mass of poor people,
who then supported themselves by their labor, are
now miserably perishing. No less proof is afforded
by what is occurring in Granada; for there more
than 12,000 looms were employed only on taffetas
(both double and plain), satins, plushes, and all
kinds of silk- weaving ; and more than 50,000 per-
sons, men and women, were engaged in the industry
and labor of making silk goods. For this reason,
the amount of silk worked up each year was more
than 180,000 libras, from which proceeded consider-
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 295
able profits to the royal exchequer, for the duty on
each libra amounted to thirteen reals and three
cuartillos ; but, with the one but sufficient reason of
the importations of Chinese goods, [that industry]
has so fallen away that the amount of silk sold in that
city at each gathering of silk does not reach 40,000
libras, and the number of looms operated, on coarse
stuffs, is less than 2,000 - a similar condition to those
of Sevilla. . . . The same troubles are suffered
by Cordova, Jaen, Ezija, Priego, and Alcala la Real,
with many other places which in both the Andalu-
cias were growing and being maintained by the said
manufactures. It is not less worthy of attention that
the silk-growers of the aforesaid kingdoms of Sevilla,
Granada, Cordova, and Murcia are, for lack of sale
for the silk that they produce, giving up the cultiva-
tion of the mulberry-trees, and abandoning their
farms and the places where they dwell." Cadiz
cites the action of Conde de Monclova, viceroy
of Peru, who prohibited the shipment of Chinese
goods from Acapulco to South America, making
them contraband and confiscable, recognizing "their
poor quality and lack of durability, and the great
detriment which this trade caused to the merchants
[of Peru], who go down to Portovelo to hold
the fair [at the arrival] of the galleons, which
has been the greatest in the world;" and urges the
king to enforce strictly the decree of 1720. Such
action would greatly benefit the realms of Spain, and
would not cause injury to the Philippines, because
none of the said Chinese stuffs are made in the is-
lands; "and the only ones who could grieve over it
are the Turk, and other princes of Assia, Mahome-
tans, and enemies of our holy Catholic faith." As
296 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
for the complaint of Manila that the propagation of
that faith depends on the silk trade, Cadiz refuses to
believe this, and refers the king to a document in
Manila which refutes that notion. This is "a me-
morial or report made by a minister of that Audi-
encia, N. Calderbn, in which is inserted another,
written by Father Fray Victorio Ricci, 8s of the Or-
der of Preachers, who was for many years a mission-
ary in the empire of China, and afterward in the
Philipinas Islands; it was sent by the Supreme In-
quisition to its commissary in the islands, in order
that he might send to his Majesty information on the
points therein. . . . In these papers it will be
clearly evident that the progress and propagation of
the faith is not diminished by depriving the islands
or the kingdoms adjacent to them of the commerce
prohibited to them, or by the restriction which his
Majesty has laid on it;" the above prohibition, there-
fore, is not the cause of the ruin of the citizens of
Filipinas.]
93-94. [These replies by the merchants of An-
dalusia call forth another memorial from the Manila
deputies, which occupies fourteen printed sheets.
They repeat their former arguments, enforcing them
by reference to the despatches from the Audiencia
of Manila, the archbishop, and the various religious
bodies there, and still more to the letters previously
addressed to the king by the viceroys of Nueva
Espana; and they adduce various instances from the
history of the Manila-Acapulco trade to the same
effect. They also undertake to refute the charges
89 For notices of this missionary, see vol. xxxvi, pp. 218, 219.
Calderon's memorial is more fully described post, near the end of
sec. 94 of the Extracto.
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 297
made by the merchants of Sevilla and Cadiz, and
claim that the latter have misrepresented certain
facts. We note here some points made by the Ma-
nila envoys, as giving new information on the matter
at issue. They say that the maintenance of Filipinas,
including the missions and military posts, costs the
Spanish crown annually 515,568 pesos, for which
sum the royal treasury of Mexico should be responsi-
ble, according to the laws of the Indias ; but it sends
thither only 40,000 pesos in money and some 60,000
in goods, and even this remittance comes from the
duties which the Manila galleon pays at Acapulco.
But in 1637 and for some years later, the situado sent
to the islands amounted to more than 325,000 pesos
in money, and enough goods to make up the 500,000
pesos. This, however, was largely the result of the
failure of the Manila merchants to ship goods to
Mexico, a proceeding caused by the undue harsh-
ness and severity of the royal visitor Pedro de Qui-
roga; 00 but it led to the abolition (by royal decree of
September 3, 1639) of the restriction on the kinds
of goods permitted to Manila, only limiting the
amount of their investments. It is strange that
Manila has pursued this commerce for one hundred
and forty years without any protest from Andalusia
until now; the decadence of the latter is due rather
to lack of economy in the use of their wealth than to
the competition of Filipinas; and Andalusia has
always encountered trouble, since the persons inter-
ested in the greater part of the lading of the galleons
and fleets have been and are foreigners - French,
English, and Dutch. Andalusia claims that the
90 See account of Quiroga's proceedings in vol. xxx, pp. 50-
52, 85-88, 91, 105.
298 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.44
galleon unlades at Acapulco more than 12,000
piezas, half of them containing silk goods; but the
certificates of the royal officials show that in the ten
years from 1710 to 1720 the total number of piezas
(in ten galleons) was 36,895, including therein the
4,299 half-chests in which the silk goods were
shipped - making the average lading of each galleon
only 3,660 piezas. The detention of Velasco's fleet
was not due to the arrival of the Manila galleon,
but to other causes. The fleet of 1698, in charge of
General Mascarua, was sent lightly laden, and in
1699 Velasco's fleet followed it, but encountered the
other at Vera Cruz; the presence of the two large
fleets at one time, and the ravages of yellow fever
\bomito negro, i.e., "black vomit"] at that port,
rendered it impossible to sell the goods to advantage,
to transport them to Mexico, or to equip the vessels
for the return voyage. When Velasco could set out
for Spain, he received news of the death of Carlos
II, and the danger of war between Spain and other
powers, which made the merchants unwilling to risk
their property on the seas at that time. Finally the
Spanish fleet was escorted to Spain by a French
squadron of warships, but on reaching Vigo was at-
tacked by an English and Dutch fleet, which inflicted
considerable loss on the Spaniards. Moreover, the
trading-fleets sent from Spain to Nueva Espafia are
nearly twice as large in the last few years as they used
to be, which overstocks the colonial markets with
goods. Manila claims that the decadence of the silk
industry in Andalusia is due to the pest which rav-
aged that province (with especial mortality in
Sevilla) in the middle of the past century; and that
part of the remaining population had emigrated to
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 299
Murcia and Valencia, where they had cultivated
mulberry-trees and built up the manufacture of silk
goods. Another reason assigned by some writers for
the decrease of prosperity in Andalusia was the im-
position, at that time, of heavy war-taxes. As early
as 1666, the city and the merchants of Sevilla had
represented to the crown "their lamentable condi-
tion, and the ruin of their looms, caused by the im-
position of the millones 91 and the concourse of
foreigners to Cadiz to introduce their own merchan-
dise." This led to a resolution by the royal Council
that the decree of January 25, 1661, should be en-
forced, which provided that the custom-house and
collection of duties for the Indias should be with-
drawn from Cadiz, and that the galleons and fleets
should take on their lading in the river of Sevilla
and the port of San Lucar. As for the stuffs from
foreign countries which, it is alleged, are brought to
Espafta and crowd out the manufactures of that
country, these are only the fabrics which the more
industrious French, English, and Dutch make with
the raw material, both wool and silk, which Espana
exports. In 1696 Sevilla complained to the king of
the injury which it was experiencing from the im-
portation of foreign goods, but did not mention the
Chinese stuffs among these. "In Madrid and Valen-
cia the manufacturers are at present complaining
that the price of silk has risen very high, not because
the crop [that is raised in Espana~\ is not an abun-
dant one, so much as on account of the so great ex-
port, not only from that kingdom but from other
91 Millones: "an excise or duty levied in Spain on wine, vine-
gar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles, to defray the expenses
of the army" (Velazquez).
3°° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
regions, to foreign countries, that which the French
alone have bought this year amounting to more than
300,000 doubloons ; and if asked about this, any
dealer in these goods or any official will answer with
entire candor, without blaming the commerce of Ma-
nila.'''' The foreigners bring back these silk goods to
Espafia, in order to supply with them not only that
country but the Indias, through the fleets and gal-
leons ; " and this is what the consulate [of Cadiz] is
defending, in order that these goods may, by not
introducing into Mexico those from China, be sold
[there] with a higher reputation." The highest
authorities all concur in the statement that the
Spanish silks sent to Nueva Espafia do not amount to
one hundred and twenty-five toneladas. The state-
ment that the Manila galleon carries from that coun-
try 4,000,000 pesos is unwarranted ; the only possible
ground for it is that in 171 7 the viceroy allowed the
galleon to carry to Manila 2,000,000 pesos, because
for three years past no money had been sent to the
islands - on account of poor sales at Acapulco, a gal-
leon forced back to the islands by storms, etc. - on
condition that the king's ten per cent be paid on that
amount. In other years the amount of money ille-
gally shipped has been very small. Cadiz has al-
leged that money has been scarce there for some
years; but Manila declares that from December,
1720 to July, 1723 over 40, 000,000 pesos worth of
gold~and silver, in coin and bullion, has been landed
at Cadiz, without including the value of the other
products of the Indias. Cadiz asserts that the money
obtained from Nueva Espafia goes to the Turks,
the enemies of the Catholic faith ; but the Span-
ish merchants are continually furnishing money
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 301
to other enemies of the faith, the English and
Dutch. Moreover, the commodities which the Ma-
nila galleon carries are not obtained from the Turks,
but (through the European factories) from Indo-
stan, Tunquin, Lao, China, Japon, and the Philippine
Islands; while Manila is not even permitted to trade
with Arabia and Persia, whose products are carried
to the ports of the Levant, and at those fairs the
traders from all the European nations buy those
goods, with money which has come from the Indias.
Manila declares that the trading-fleets carry to Vera
Cruz no Spanish products save wines, brandies, oil,
raisins, and almonds, and the previously-mentioned
small amount of silk goods ; all else in their cargoes
is of foreign make. The spices which the decree
of 1720 allows to the islands will not suffice to pay
the expenses of the voyage, especially when Manila
must compete with the trading-fleets from Spain in
the shipment of these products. The collection of
royal duties on goods is regulated by "cubic palmos,
in accordance with the measurement of the bales
[frangotes] and piezas which are shipped." As for
the memorial by Calderon, Manila asserts that it
does not bear on the present question; that auditor,
in the time of Governor Curuzalaegui (in which
occurred an uprising of the Sangleys), sent a letter
to the king remonstrating against the liberty given to
the Chinese, and advising that they be not allowed to
have intercourse with the Indian natives, or even
to live in the Parian. This tolerance had been ex-
tended to them for the sake of attracting them to the
Christian faith, but Calderon regarded it as no longer
necessary, since they had, even then, a number of
Christian missionaries in their own country. In his
3° 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
letter, he cited Father Ricci in support of some of his
statements. While the Spanish silks sent to Nueva
Espana amount to only one hundred and twenty-five
toneladas, those of foreign make sent thither from
Spanish ports are more than a thousand toneladas.
The French, English, and Dutch trade at Canton,
where the main part of their commerce is in raw
silk.J
95-96. [The above memorial was referred by the
Council to the fiscal, on October 6, 1723 ; and on
December 22 following, a printed answer to both of
those by Manila was placed before the Council by
the consulate and merchants of Cadiz. They remind
the king that when Filipinas was first discovered the
ships brought back to Espana abundance of gold,
pearl, amber, civet, wax, and fabrics of Ilocos; and
for some time afterward these and many other
valuable products were exported from Manila,
which became the emporium of both Eastern and
Western India. In those early times, when so much
zeal and energy for the conversion of the heathen
was displayed, it was not necessary to the missions to
depend upon the trade in Chinese silks ; but, for the
sake of benefiting the natives of the islands, and to
check the drain of silver to foreign nations, the Span-
ish government (by decrees of 1589 and 1596)
authorized the barter and exchange of the products
of Filipinas for those of China, under the system
called pancada. But Manila has distorted this into
the assumption that the Chinese trade was intended
for the maintenance of the Spanish colony in Fili-
pinas, and that it was to be without restriction, save
in its amount - although, as a fact, the trade in silk
fabrics of China was not introduced until many years
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 303
later. The system of distributing the commerce
among the citizens of Manila replaced the earlier
pancada, and led to such abuses that Felipe III at-
tempted to check them by a severe decree (1620) ;
and later enactments placed the Acapulco commerce
on such footing that it flourished greatly, to the mu-
tual advantage of Filipinas and Nueva Espafia, and
to the enrichment of Manila and its citizens. That
commerce benefited the poor citizen as well as the
rich ; but the trade in silks is only for the benefit of
the wealthy merchant and the rich consumer, as they
are articles of luxury. The earlier commerce of
Manila also supported and stimulated the consump-
tion of Spanish silks in Nueva Espafia and Peru, and
the silk industry flourished in the mother-country;
but the later introduction of Chinese silks into the
American colonies, and the frauds and excess con-
nected with this trade, have ruined the silk industry
on both sides of the Atlantic, and even impaired the
prosperity of Manila. Cadiz claims that the mer-
chants of Mexico have committed many frauds, and
transgressed the ordinances, and prevented the exe-
cution of these, in regard to the Manila trade, and
do so with the collusion and aid of the officials : for
instance, the galleon "Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario"
arrived at Acapulco on January 11, 1699, and the
Manila citizens attempted to compound the duties
on the cargo for 100,000 pesos; but the royal fiscal
opposed this, showing that the ship had brought
6,754 piezas of lading, without counting a consider-
able quantity of pepper and other goods outside of
the registration. It was also found that although the
law restricted the entire cargo to the value of 250,000
pesos, and its ownership to the citizens of Manila,
3°4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
this vessel contained goods to the amount of 233,966
pesos which belonged to the citizens of Puebla alone,
and it was estimated that it must contain at least a
million pesos' worth of goods belonging to merchants
in the City of Mexico. The Mexican government
compelled the payment on these goods of duties
amounting to 50,000 pesos more, and would have in-
vestigated the whole matter, to ascertain the exact
amount of the illegal shipments ; but the commercial
interests of Mexico exerted such influence against
this that the Audiencia desisted from the undertak-
ing. Again Cadiz accuses the importation of Chinese
silks into Nueva Espafia of having ruined the silk
industry in Espafia; although those goods are so thin
and poor that they are worn out even before the
Manila galleon leaves Acapulco, they are so cheap
and showy that they undersell the better goods from
Espafia -even competing with the latter in Vera
Cruz, where the Chinese goods are purchased by the
traders of Habana, Puerto Rico, Cartagena, and
other Spanish colonies; and all this is overlooked by
the Spanish officials in high places, because they
profit by this illegal traffic. If the king will pro-
hibit the importation of silk woven with silver and
gold, and "check the hand which Mexico moves at
the command of Manila," the silk industry will be
revived in Espafia, its people will be kept from idle-
ness and poverty, and foreign countries will no
longer drain its resources. Cadiz desires Manila to
content itself with the spice-trade, which is a staple
and profitable line of commerce, and which Manila
can carry on more cheaply and promptly than Span-
ish merchants can; the spices sent from Espafia on
Chacon's fleet were needed to supply the scarcity of
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 2°5
them at that time, as the Manila trade had been in-
terrupted temporarily; but if the latter be regular,
such shipment from Espafia could not occur again.
From the year 1690, the indult ran from 50,000 to
74,000 pesos, on the basis of the 250,000 pesos allowed
to the Manila trade ; but it is evident that the duties
ought now to amount to above 500,000 pesos, on the
enormous quantities of Chinese silks that the galleon
of 1,000 toneladas carries.]
97-105. [This memorial, with like protests from
the cities of Toledo, Ezija, and Murcia, was sent to
the fiscal, who on March 16, 1724, handed in his
opinion on the question at issue - that is, whether the
decree of 1720 should be changed or enforced. He
lays down three propositions: First, that the trade
in Chinese stuffs should not be prohibited to the
citizens of Filipinas, since it is necessary to their
maintenance, those islands having no profitable mines
or commercial products ; moreover, the introduction
and propagation of the Catholic faith therein is
an obligation of justice as well as of religious
zeal, and was so recognized by Felipe II, when he
refused to abandon Filipinas ; and to fulfil this obli-
gation the Spanish colony there should be sustained.
For this purpose the trade with Nueva Espafia had
been granted to Manila, to such extent as should be
necessary for its preservation, that is, to the amount
of 250,000 pesos, and 500,000 in returns ; and in the
permission given to Manila to trade with China
there had been, and should be, no restriction as to
the woven silks of that country. Second, this trade
ought, nevertheless, to be strictly confined to the
amount of their permission, and all frauds to be
prevented; for the complaints of Spanish producers
3°6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
and merchants had been caused by the frauds and
abuses in the Manila trade, rather than by the mere
fact of its including Chinese goods; the fiscal even
suggests that they have an official representative at
Acapulco to aid in the unlading and inspection of the
Manila galleon, and report thereon to the viceroy,
which would aid in preventing frauds and enable
the Spanish merchants to discuss the question more
intelligently. Third, that in case the trade in Chinese
silks be prohibited to Manila, that in spices should
be absolutely prohibited to the Spanish merchants
and given exclusively to those of Filipinas; while
the American trade in silks should be free to the
Spaniards.]
106-111. [The Council considered this question
on April 6, and decided that the decree of 1720
should be changed; they recommended that the
Filipinas trade be continued as before the decree,
and employing but one large galleon ; that the decree
of 1702 should be enforced, save that the goods
should be valued not by actual inspection of the bales
but by invoices presented by the shippers, with their
sworn statements that the goods were their own ; nor
should any indult, payment of double duties, or other
form of composition be tolerated ; and that the royal
officials at Manila, Cavite, Acapulco, and Mexico
should be held responsible for the fulfilment of these
regulations, under severe penalties. This proceed-
ing was approved by the king, who issued despatches
in accordance therewith (June 17, 1724) to the vice-
roy of Nueva Espafia and other officials concerned
therein; and on August 8 the merchants of Cadiz
were invited to nominate a deputy to watch the
Acapulco commerce.]
1 700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 3 07
PERIOD VIII
Relates the plan presented by the deputies of Phili-
pinas for regulating the commerce of that country,
in the year 1 724; and its results, up to that of
I730.
1 1 2- 1 13. [On September 28, 1724, the deputies
from Philipinas presented to the Council another
printed memorial, in which they proposed a plan for
preventing the abuses of the Manila-Acapulco trade.
This document contains ninety-four paragraphs; it
enumerates the provisions of the decree of 1720, the
objections made thereto at Manila, the difficulties
of navigation on the Pacific, and the reasons why
one large galleon is better for that commerce than
two small ones; describes the frauds and injustice
practiced in the lading of the galleon, for which the
responsibility rests mainly on the governors of the
islands, who use their great power for their own
personal advantage, regardless of the rights of the
citizens; and opposes the requirements that each
shipper must swear that the goods he sends are his
own, that no one to whom space is allotted may sell
or transfer it to another person, that the valuations
of goods must be made by samples, and some other
restrictions which seriously embarrass the citizens
who have but little wealth to invest. It is represented
that the seamen are allowed to carry each 30 pesos'
worth of goods as a private investment, in order to
encourage Spaniards to enter the marine service;
but this ought to be increased to 300 pesos (the al-
lowance made to the men on the fleets that go to
the Indias), for more Spaniards are needed on the
Acapulco trade-route - hardly one-third of the men
3°8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
on a galleon being of Spanish birth, the rest being
Indians - and on the rivera of Cavite. The citizens
of Manila ought to be allowed to carry back all the
produce of their shipments, since but few of the
products of Nueva Espana are adapted to their needs
in the altogether different climate and other condi-
tions of the islands. They also ask that they be al-
lowed to compound the payment of dues at 100,000
pesos each voyage, or less pro rata if the amount of
goods shipped fall below the 300,000 pesos allowed
for the trade. The transgressions of law connected
with the Acapulco commerce have been mainly com-
mitted by high officials, but have not been so great,
or so injurious to Spanish trade, as Sevilla and Cadiz
represent; the deputies assert that "these abuses can-
not be checked, or most of them even ascertained, so
long as the terms of the concession are in pesos,"
and that it ought to prescribe a definite number of
piezas, of specified measures and weight. They
therefore propose a new ordinance for regulating
the traffic, which embodies the above suggestions and
requests, with some additional points. They ask for
a permission of 4,000 piezas, of which 500 shall be
half-chests filled with silks and very fine cotton
goods, "which do not admit the use of the press;"
the size and weight of the piezas is fully described.
They ask permission to ship pepper and storax be-
sides the amount of the permission, without restric-
tion of quantity. The galleon for carrying these
goods should be of dimensions here specified - the
keel sixty codos [or cubits] long, the breadth of the
vessel twenty codos, and the inside depth of the hold
ten codos - and its crew should contain 250 men,
besides the officers. The governor should not be al-
1700-1736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 309
lowed to act on the committee for distributing the
allotments of lading-space; in his place is proposed
the archbishop, the other members to represent the
Audiencia, the municipality, and the merchants.
The amount of merchandise which may be sent by
the governor and all other royal officials ought to be
limited to one hundred piezas, and this should go out-
side of the permitted amount. A share in the lading
is asked for the ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila,
on account of their poverty and their high dignity
and character; also for the officers on the galleons,
and for the widows of merchants and military offi-
cers. An allotment of space should be made trans-
ferable ; and permission should be given to send some
packages of goods intended as gifts to friends, affi-
davit being made that these are not intended for
sale. The governor and officials of the port of
Acapulco should not be allowed to exercise any
authority or pressure over the Manila traders, be-
yond the proper inspection of the vessels and lading
and the collection of duties; and the traders should
be allowed to sell their goods as they please, either
in or out of the fair there, or transport them to
Mexico, if they prefer. They should not be expected
to pay alcabala on the first sale at Acapulco, or any
extraordinary imposts. The memorial specifies the
provisions to be made for the lading and inspection
of goods at both Manila and Acapulco, the functions
of certain officials, the penalties for transgression of
the regulations, and the customs duties to be paid on
each kind of goods; and offers certain payments to
be made by the Manila merchants, which will add
much to the royal revenues. It states the present
number of "citizens and traders" in Manila as 868. J
3 I O THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
1 14-12 1. [The above document was handed to the
fiscal, who advised the Council not to make the con-
cessions therein asked, as they would destroy the
entire system on which that commerce had thus far
been conducted, and abrogate the provisions of the
decree but recently granted for the benefit of Manila,
which gave that city sufficient advantage. On Jan-
uary 12, 1725, the Council requested one of the
ministers, Don Antonio de la Pedrosa, to examine
the scheme proposed by Manila, and render an opin-
ion thereon. He was willing to grant a number of
the concessions requested, but would insist that the
total of the permitted trade be restricted to 300,000
pesos, and the returns to 600,000 pesos, as before; and
he proposed even harsher penalties for the transgres-
sion of the laws governing the trade. The Manila
deputies, on learning of the opinions of the aforesaid
royal officials, desisted from their efforts to obtain
further concessions from the Council, but appealed
to the king, who sent to the Council a decree (dated
July 22, 1726) permitting the scheme of Manila to
be tested (although with some restrictions), for two
years.]
122-127. [The deputies of Manila were not sat-
isfied that this concession should be limited to a term
of two years, and again petitioned the king, asking
that the trial be made for two or three five-year
terms, on account of the many difficulties which that
commerce must encounter. The king consented
(October 21, 1726) to extend the term to five years,
and a despatch of September 15 prescribes the con-
ditions and regulations under which the trial of the
new plan should be made - for a term of two years,
extended to five by another decree of October 3,1.
J 7°°-i736] COMMERCE OF PHILIPPINES 31 1
The annual galleon shall carry no more than 4,000
piezas, 500 of these being half-chests [medios ca-
xones~\ containing the silken fabrics and the finer ones
of cotton; the rest shall be half-bales [medios far-
dillos~\ bags [churlas] of cinnamon, cases of porce-
lain, and cakes of wax. The size or weight respec-
tively of these packages is prescribed: the half-
chests and half-bales shall be each 1% vara long,
Vz vara wide, and Vi vara deep, 92 an allowance of
two dedos on each measure being made for the out-
side cover or packing of the half-chest and for the
compression used on the half-bale. The bag of
cinnamon shall weigh 150 libras gross (that is,
including all packing and covers), but at Acapulco
it may be allowed four or five libras more of weight,
the difference between the weight of Manila and
that of Nueva Espafia. The case [balsa] of porce-
lain must be one vara high and 2/4 varas in circum-
ference at the mouth, no allowance being made.
The cakes of wax must weigh twelve arrobas at
Manila, four or five libras being allowed at Aca-
pulco for the difference in standards of weight.
Besides the 4,000 piezas, unlimited pepper and
storax may be shipped; and Chinese cabinets and
screens [biombos~\ may go in larger boxes than the
regulation size, provided that the capacity of these
be figured in terms of piezas. Passengers on the
galleons are. allowed each two chests containing their
personal property, without any articles of mer-
chandise. The dimensions and crew of the galleon
shall be as stated by the Manila deputies. The com-
32 These dimensions are equivalent in English or U.S. measure
to 41J4 inches long, 22% wide, and nj^ deep; and the allowance
of two dedos, to ij^ inch.
3 I 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 44
mittee for allotting lading-space shall be as sug-
gested by them, save that the governor shall be
included therein. Space is allowed to the extent of
100 piezas to the governor and other royal officials
for their personal shipments, but these must come
out of the 4,000 piezas. A limited amount of space
is allotted to the ecclesiastical cabildo and to the
officers on the galleons ; also to the widows of trad-
ers and military officers. Allotments of space may
be transferred to other persons who are approved by
the committee. Due provision is made for the valu-
ation, registration, and lading of goods at Manila,
and the inspection and sale at Acapulco; for the
allowance of small quantities of merchandise to the
Spanish seamen and artillerists; for the shipment
of the returns from the investments, whether in
money or goods; and for penalties against trans-
gressors. The Manila merchants are to pay alcabala
on any sales outside of Acapulco ; 25,000 pesos annu-
ally on each galleon which shall arrive at Acapulco
(afterward changed to 20,000 pesos a year during
the five years' term), as a contribution to the royal
service ; duties of five per cent at Acapulco " for the
embarkation of the entire product from the afore-
said 4,000 piezas, and the pepper and storax, which
is the same that the traders of Espafia pay at Cadiz ;"
and the following specific duties: for each half-
chest, 45 pesos ; each half-bale, 30 pesos ; each bag
of cinnamon, 25 pesos; each cake of wax, 18 pesos;
each case of porcelain, 12 pesos; each chest of
cabinets or screens, 18 pesos for each of the piezas
to which the chest is equivalent ; and each arroba of
pepper or storax, 12 silver reals.
(To be concluded.)
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
The documents contained in this volume are
obtained from the following sources :
i. Jesuit missions- From Murillo Velarde's
Historia de Philipinas (Manila, 1749) ; from a
copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer.
2. Condition of the islands, lyoi.-From Ven-
tura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), v, pp. 201-230.
3. Events of TJOI-I^- From Concepcion's
Historia de Philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391 ; from a
copy in possession of the Editors.
4. Government of Bustamante- The first part is
from Concepcion, ut supra, ix, pp. 183-424; the let-
ters of Otazo and Cuesta are from Ventura del Arco
MSS., iv, pp. 249-295.
5. Letter from Santistevan- From a MS., prob-
ably the original, in possession of Edward E. Ayer.
6. Commerce of the Philippines- From the Ex-
tracto historial (Madrid, 1736) of Antonio Alvarez
de Abreu; from a copy in possession of Edward E.
Ayer.
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COMPRISES THE FOLLOWING VOLUMES
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Croghan's Tours Into the Western Country, 1820. Welby's Visit to North America and
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Morris's Journal relative to his Thrilling Expert- 13— Nuttall's Travels into Arkansas Territory. 1819.
encesontheManmeeinl764. 14, 15, 16, 17— S. H. Long's Expedition from
2— Lone s Voyages and Travels of an Indian Inter- Pittsburg to the Rocky Mountains, 1819-1820
S-Sau* JSSt) TrtehL Kentucky in 1795- Wr ?^'g~£^& b *** m *"*
96. Michaux (F. A.) Travels to the West of 1Q |^™ to * e .? aclfic ' ^l 83 , 7 ;
the Alleghanies. 1802. Harris's Tour into tie 19,20— Ogdens Tour through the Western Country,
Territory Northwest of tie Alleghanies, 1803. 1821-1823. Bullock s Journey through Western
4— Cumine's Tour to the Western Country, etc.. States. 1827. Gregg s Commerce of the Prairies,
1807-1809. 1831-1839.
6— Bradbury's Travels in the Interior of America. 21— Wyeth's Journey from Atlantic to Pacific. 1832.
1809-1811. Townsend's Journey across the Rockies to
6— Brackenridge's Voyage up the Missouri. 1811. Columbia River, 1834.
Franchere's Voyage to the N. W. Coast. 1811- 22, 23, 24, 25— Maximilian, Prince of Wied-
1814. Neuwied's Travels in the Interior of Norti
7 — Ross's Adventures of the First Settlers on tie America with folio Atlas, 1843.
Oregon, 1810-13. 26, 27— Flagg's Far West. 1836-1837. DeSmet's
8— Buttrick's Voyages. Travels, and Discoveries. Laura and Sketches. Residence among Indian
1812-19. Evans's Tour of 4000 miles through Tribes 1841-1842
Western States and Territories, 1818. 2 g 29-Farnham's Travels in the Great Western
9-Flint's letters from America 1818-1820 Prairi 18J0 D( . s , .
10-Hulme's Tour m the West (Ob.o. Indiana, and and T b lg 45_i846.
Illinois). 1818. Flower s Letters from Lexington Qn «„,_ , ~ , .. „ . ,- _.
and Illinois, 1819. Flower's Letters from Illinois. 30 ~£?}'??Z, a Tr " e1 ' ov " ,be Rockjr Mountain..
1820-1821. Woods's Residence in English 1845-1S46.
Prairie, Illinois, 1820-1821. dl— Index to the Scries.
Edited mjith Historical, Geographical, Ethnological, and
Bibliographical Notes, and Introductions and Index, by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, ll. d.
With facsimiles of the original title-pages, maps, portraits, views, etc.
31 volumes, large 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. Price, $\ net per volume
(except the Atlas, which is $15 net).
An Elaborate Analytical Index to the Whole
Almost all the rare originals are unindexed. In the present reprint series, this immense
mass of historical data will be made accessible through one exhaustive analytical index.
EXTRACTS FROM A FEW OF THE REVIEWS
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW: "The books are handsomely bound and printed. The editing
by Dr. Thwaites seems to hare been done with his customary care and knowledge. There is no want of
helpful annotations. The books therefore are likely to be of more real value than the early
prints from which they are taken."
THE OUTLOOK: "Dr. Thwaites is the best possible editor who could hare been chosen for such a task.**
"The student of society, as well as the historian, can profit by the perusal of these travels; . . .
they present, as is nowhere else so well presented, the picture of society in the making in the .American
back country." — Frederick J. Turner in the Dial.
THE NATION: "Thoroughly interestine, as well as historically valuable."
Full descriptive circulars giving the contents
of each volume may be had on application.
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