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Full text of "Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency"

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Cornell University 
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the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924070623610 



GAZETTEER 



or TUB 



BOMBAY PEESIDENCY. 



VOLUME XIII, PART II. 



T H A' N A . 



Under G-ovemment Orders. 



PBINTBD AT THB 

GOVERNMENT CENTRAL PRESS. 

1882. 



'CONTENTS. 



THA'NA. 
Chapter VII —History. pAa« 

Barly History (B.C. 226-A.D. 1290) : 

Introdxiction ; Ashok's Edict (B.C. 225); Buddhism; 
Legend of Puma; Andhrabhrityas ; Foreign Trade (b.c. 
25-A,D. 150) ; Nahapan (a.d. 78) ; Parthians (b.c. 225-a.d. 
235); PalLavs (a.d. 120-600); Ptolemy (a.d. 135-150); 
Foreign Trade (a.d. 150) ; Sandanes (a.d. 227) ; Trade 
(A.D. 250) ; Trikutakas (a.d. 420) ; Rishtrakutas (a.d. 400) ; 
Trade (a.d. 500) ; Mauryas (a.d. 650) ; Arabs and Pirsis 
(a.d. 640) ; SilAh4ras (a.d. 810-1260) ; Trade Centres, 
Mercbants, Ships, Pirates, Balharas; Gujard.t Solankis 
(a.d. 943-1150) ; Devgiri T^avs (a.d. 1270-1300) ... 403 - 437 

The Mviaalmans (a.d. 1300-1600) : 
Musalmans ; Trade ... ... ... ...438-446 

The Portuguese (a.D. 1500-1670) : 
Portuguese ; Army ; Navy ; Administration ; Laud System ; 

Bieligion ; Trade ; Ships ; Bombay (1664) ... ...447.-474 

The Mara'tha's (a.D, 1670-1800) : 
The Marithas ; State of the Counti-y (1675) ; Shivaji's Con- 
quests (1675^680) ; ShivAji and the Sidis (1676-1680) ; 
Sambhdji (1680) ; Bombay (1682-1690) ; Sir John Child 
(1687-1690) ; Bombay (1690-1700) ; Portuguese Thina 
(1690-1700); Trade (1660-1710) ; Merchants; Ships-; 
Pirates (1700) ; Bombay (1710-1720) ; The Portuguese - 
(1727) ; The Mardthds attack the Portuguese (1739) ; 
Fall of Bassein (1739) ; Fate of the Portuguese (1740) ; • 
Bombay (1740) ; The Marith^s (1750) ; FaU of Ingria < 
(1757) ; State of West Thana (1760) ; Bombay 
(1760-1770) ; BngUsh take Sdlsette (1774) ; Bombay • 
(1775) ; English and Mardthds; English advance on Poona 
(1775) ; English defeat (1779) ; Goddard's March (1779) ; 
Negotiations with Poona (1779); War in the Konkan ' 



ii CONTENTS. 

(1780); Battle of Dugad (1780); Qoddard's retreat pagk 

(1781); Treaty of Salbai (1782) ; State of TMna (1780 

and 1788) ; S4Isette (1790-1800) ... ... ...475-511 

TheEngUsh (1800-1882) : 
Tfeaty of Bassein (1803) ; Famine (1812) ; Trade (1800- 
1812) ; Btimbay (1800-1810); Bombay Trade (1800-1810) ; 
War with the Peshwa (1817-1818) ; State of Thina (1818) ; 
Koli Robbers (1820-1830) ; Bhiwndi Riots (1837) ; The 
Mutinies (1857) ; Income Tax Riots (1860) ; Gang 
Robberies (1874) ; Trade ... ... ...612-526 

Chapter VIII.— Land Administration. 
Acquisition (1774-1817) ; Changes (1817-1869) ; Staff (1882) j 

Sub-divisional Officers ; Village Officers ; Village Servants... 527-529 
Ten\ires : 
Tenures ; Snti ; Pdndharpesha ; InAm Villages ; Vatan Settle- 
ment ; Shar4kati Villages ; Iz4fat ; Shilotri ; Leasehold 
Villages ; Chikhal Gatkuli and Eksdli ... ...530-549 

History: 
Early Hindus ; The Musalmans (15th and 16th Centuries) ; 
The Portuguese ; The Musalmans (17th Century) ; The 
Mardthas ... ... ... ... ... 550-561 

British Management : 
Salsette (1774-1819) ; Tenures (1817) ; Forms of Assessment 
(1817); Cesses ; Changes (1818-1820) ; Survey (1821-1828) ; 
Hereditary Officers ; TalAtis ; Pdtils ; Madhvis ; Mhdrs ; 
Bara Balutis j Assessment ; Cesses ; Superintendence ; 
Revenue System (1828) ; Territorial Changes (1830); Village 
Leases (1830-1835); Assessment Revision (1835-1842) 
Nasripur (1836), Panvel (1837), Murbad (1837), Bassein, 
Mahim, Kalyan, Bhiwndi (1837-1841) ; S41sette; Results 
(1836-1841) ; Kolvan (1842) ; North Thdna (1845) ; 
Bassein; Mihim (1845); Sanjdn ; Kolvan; Bhiwndi; 
Cesses (1844) ; Census (1846) ; Territorial Changes (1850) ; 
Revenue (1837-1853) ; Survey (1852-1866) ; Survey of 
NasrApur (1855-56) ; KhaUpur (1855) ; Panvel (1856) ; 
Kalyan (1859) ; Taloja (1859) ; Murb4d (1860) ; Bhiwndi 
(1860); Salsette (1861); Bassein (1862) ; M4him (1863); 
Umbargaon (1864) ; Kolvan (1865) ; Sanj4n (1866) ; Uran 
(1866); Snrvey Effects; Survey Results (1854-1878); 
Development (1846-1880) ... ... ...562-622 

Season Reports (1861-52 - 1880-81) ; Revenue Statistics ... 623 - 629 

Chapter IZ.— Justice. 

SAlsette (1774) ; North Konkan (1817) ; Civil Suits (1828) ; 
Civil Courts (1850-1880); Arbitration Court; Begistra- 



CONTENTS. iii 

tion (1878-79) ; Magistracy; Crime; Koli Raids (1820- i-aob 
1825) ; Gang Robberies (1827-1834) ; Pirates (1829-1837) ; 
Rdghoji Bhangria (1844-1848); Honia (1874-1876); 
V4sudev Phadke (1877-1879) ; Criminal Classes; Police; 
Offences ; Jails ... ... ... ...630-640 

Chapter Z.— Bevenne and Finance. 
Account Heads ; Land Revenue ; Excise ; Balance Sheet ; 

Local Funds ; Municipalities ... ... ...641-654 

Chapter XL -Instruction. 

Schools ; Cost ; Staff ; Instruction ; Private Schools ; Pro- 
gress ; Girls' Schools ; Pupils by Caste and Race ; School 
Returns ; Town Schools ; Village Schools ; Libraries ; 
Reading Rooms ; Newspapers ... ... ...655-663 

Chapter XII.— Health. 

Climate ; Diseases ; Hospitals ; Dispensaries ; The Infirm ; 
Vaccination; Cattle Disease ; Births and Deaths ...663-670 

Chapter XIII.— Sab-divisions. 

Boundaries ; Area ; Aspect ; Climate ; Water ; Soil ; Holdings ; 

Rental; Stock; Produce; People... ... ...671-697 

JawhAr State ... ... ... ...698-710 

Appendix A.— Th4na Boats ; Early Sailors ; Hindus ; Arabs ; 
Phoenicians ; Names of Seamen ; Names of Vessels ; Parts 
of Vessels ; Mariner's Compass ... ... ... 711-726 

Appendix B.— Fourteenth Century Christians ... ...727-723 

Appendix C— Portuguese Land Revenue ... ... 729 

Appendix D.— The name SiUhara ... ... ... 730 

INDEX ... ... ... ... ...731-750 



Eonkau.] 



CHAPTER VI I. 

HISTORY. 

Thana Mstory may be divided into four periods, an early ffindu 

period partly mythic and partly historic, coming down to about a.d. 

1300; a Musalmdn period lasting from 1300 to about 1660; a 

Mardtha period from 1660 to 1800 ; and a British period since 1800. 

The chief interest in the history of the Thdna coast is that, with 

comparatively few and short breaks, some one of its ports, Sopdra, 

Chaul, Kaly^n, Thdna, Sanjdn, or Bombay, has, from pre-historic 

times, taken a leading part in the foreign commerce of Western 

India. Prom pre-historic times the Thana coast has had relations 

with lands beyond the Indian Ocean. From B.C. 2500 to B.C. 500 

there are signs of trade with Egypt, Phoenicia, and Babylon ; from 

B.C. 250 to A.D. 250 there are dealings with, perhaps settlements 

of, Greeks and Parthians; from a.d. 250 to a.d. 640 there are 

Persian alliances and Persian settlements; fromA,D. 700 to a.d. 120Q 

there are Musalm^n trade relations and Musalmdn settlements from 

Arabia and Persia; in 1530 there is the part conquest by the 

Portuguese ; and in 1664 the settlement of the British. The slmre of 

the Bttndus in these dealings with foreigners has by no means been 

confined to providing in India valued articles of trade. As far back 

as record remains, for courage and enterprise, as traders, settlers, 

and travellers both by land and by sea, the Hindus hold a high 

place among the dweUers on the shores of the Indian Ooean.^ 

The openings through the Sahyddris by the TaJ, the Ndna, the 
Mdlsej, and the Bor passes, have from the beginning of local history 
(b.c. 226) caused trade to centre in the Thana ports. During these 
two thousaiid years the trade of the Thana ports, from time to time, 
has varied from a great foreign commerce to a local traflSc. The 
trade has risen to foreign commerce when the Thdna coast has been 
under a power which ruled both the Konkau and the Deccan ; it 
has shrunk to a local traflBc when Thdna and the Deccan have 
been nnder different rulers. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Early Histoey. 



1 Of the Hindu share in the early navigation of the Indian Ocean a notice is given 
in Appendix A. Authorities in favour of early Hindu settlements on the coasts 
of Arabia and the Persian Gulf are cited in footnote 3 p. 404. The following instances, 
taken from one of WiUord's Essays (As. Ees. X. 106, 107), point to a still wider 
distribution of the early Hindus ; at the same time the vague use of India and 
Indians among Greek and Eoman writers makes the application of some of these 
references to Hindus somewhat doubtful. Wilford notices Hindu seers in Persia 
and in Palestine 700 years before Christ ; Hindus in the army of Xerxes B.C. 480 ; 
Hindu elephant-drivers among the Carthaginians b.c 300, and among the Bomans 
B.C. 250; Hindu male and female servants in Greece; and Hindu merchants in 
Germany (b.c, 60), perhaps in England. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



404 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Early History. 

Ashoh's Edict, 

B.C. 31SB. 



The earliest known fact in the history of the Th^a coast belongs 
to the third century before Christ (b.c. 225). It is the engraving of 
Ashok's edicts on basalt boulders at SopAra about six miles north of 
Bassein. Sopdra must then have been the capital of the country and 
probably a centre of trade. The history of Sopdira may doubtfully 
be traced to much earlier times. According to Buddhist writings 
Sopdra was a royal seat and a great centre of commerce during the 
lifetime of Gautama Buddha (b.c. 540) .| But the story is legendary, | 
or at least partly legendary, and there is no reason to suppose that 
Gautama ever left Northern India. A passage in the Mahabharat 
describes Arjun stopping at the most holy Shurpdrak on his way 
to Somndth Pattan or Verdval in South Kathiawar, and gives an 
account of Arjun's visit to a place full of BrAhman temples, 
apparently at or near the Kanheri Caves.* 

This early Buddhist and BrAhman fame, and the resemblance of 
the name to Sofer or Ophir, have raised the belief that Sopdra is 
Solomon's Ophir, a famous centre of trade about a thousand years 
before Christ. This identification leads back to the still earlier 
trade between Egypt and the holy land of Punt (b.c. 2500-1600); 
and this to the pre-historio traffic from the Thdna coast to Persia, 
Arabia, and Africa.' 



> Burnouf's Introdaction, A I'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, I. 235-270. 

3 Mahdbh^rata (Bom. Ed.), Yanaparva, cap. 118. This passage may be an interpola- 
tion. By passages such as these the revivers of Br^hmanism (a,d. 600-1000) e£faced 
the memory of Buddhism. The Buddhist cave temples became the work of the 
Pd,ndavs, and the two colossal rock-cut Buddhafi in the gfeat Kanheri cave became 
statues of Bhim the giant F^odav. At the same time the story of Fuma given below - 
(p. 406) seems to 'show that Kanheri was a Br^hmanic centre before it became 
Buddhist. 

3 Vincent (Commerce of the Ancients, II. 45, 281, 423), Heeren (Hist. Ees, III. 408), 
and Keinaud (Abu-1-fida, clxxiv. and Memoir Sur. I'Inde, 221) hold, that by the help of 
the regular winds Hindus and Arabs have from pre-historic times traded from West 
India to Arabia, Africa, and Persia, This belief is supported by the mention in Genesis 
(B.C. 1700, cap. xxviii.) of Arabs trafficking in Indian spices ; by the early use of 
Indian articles among the Egyptians (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, Popular Edition, 
II. 237 ; Kawlinson's Herodotus, II. 64, 275 ; Mrs. Manning's Ancient India, II. 
349 ; Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 602, Ed. 1874 ; J. Madras Lit. and Scien. 1878, 202) ; and, 
according to Wilford (As. Ees. X. 100), and Lassen by the Hindu colonization of Socotra 
and of the east coast of Arabia, It is also supported by the mention in later times (B.C. 
200 ; Ind. Alt. II. 586) of settlements of Aden Arabs on the Indian coast and of colonists 
in Socotra who traded with India (Agatharcides, B.C. 177, in Vincent, II. 38; and 
Geog. "Vet, Scrip. I. 66) ; by the Arab form of Pliny's (a.d. 77) Zizerus or Jazra, and 
of Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) Melizygerus on the Eonkan coast ; by the correspondence of 
Sefareh-el-Hende and Sefareh-el-Zinge, that is Sofdla or Sop^ra in Thdna and Sofila 
in Africa (Vincent, II. 281, 422) ; ^nd by the statement in the Periplus (Vincent, 
II. 423) that the trade between India, Africa, and Arabia was much older than the 
time of the Greeks, 

Whether the early Egyptians traded to the west coast of India is doubtful. 
The holy land of Punt, to which as far back as B.C. 2500 the Egyptian king 
Sankh-ha-ra sent an expedition, was formerly (Campolion's L'Egypte, I. 98) supposed 
to be India, but later writers place it nearer Egypt ; Brugsch (Egypt Under the 
Pharoahs, I. 114) on the Som41i coast ; and Duncker (History of Antiquity, I. 150, 
157, 314) in So^th Arabia. As early as B.C. 1600 the Egyptians had many Indian 
products, agates, haematite, the lotus, indigo, pepper, cardamoms, ginger, cinnamon, 
and Indian muslins (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, Pop. Ed., II. 237 ; Eawlinson's 
Herodotus, II. 64, 168, 173,275) ; but it is doubtful whether they traded direct to 
India, 

Of the Phoenician connection with Ophir or Sopher (B.C. 1100-850), details are given 
under SopAra. The chief exports from Ophir were gold, tin, sandalwood, cotton, nard, 



Eoukau.] 



THANA. 



405 



The question of the identification of SopAra with Solomon's Ophir 
is discussed in the account of Sopdra given under Places of Interest. 
As far as information goes, the identification, though not unlikely, 
is doubtful, and the carving of Ashok's edicts (b.c. 225) remains 
the earliest known fact in the history of the Thdna coast. The 
Mahdwanso mentions that Ashok sent Dharmarakshita, a Yavan or 
Greek, to preach Buddhism in Aparanta or the Konkan, and that 
he lectured to 70,000 people, of whom 1000 men and more than 
1000 women, all of them Kshatriyas, entered the priesthood.' It 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

Early History. 



bdellium, sugar, cassia or cinnamon, pepper, peacocks, apes, rice, ebony, and 
ivory (Max MuUer's Science of Language, 190; Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, 92). 
The imports were probably wine, slaves, clay and metal dishes, ornaments, arms, 
fish-purple, glass, silver, and embroidered and woven stuffs (Duncker, II. 70, 72, 73, 
284-291, 306). 

The connection between India and the Persian Gulf seems to pass even further 
back than the connection with Arabia and with Africa. The "voyage is shorter, 
sailing in the Persian Gulf is easier, and the inland route is less barren. Babylonian 
tradition opens with a reference to a race who came from the southern sea, a people 
who brought the Babylonians their gods, and who taught them the arts. Accordmg 
to one account these teachers came from Egypt ; according to another account the 
chief teacher was Andubar the Indian (Heeren's Historical Researches, II. 145; 
Eawlinson in J. R. A. S. [New Series] XII. 201-208, 218). Kawlinson holds that from 
very early times, GeiTha, on the mainland close to Bahrein island on the west shore 
of the gulf, was an emporium of the Indian trade, and identifies Apir an old name 
for Gerrha with Solomon's Ophir (Ditto, 214). The original traders seem to have 
been Phoenicians, who, according to ancient accounts, moved from Bahrein north-west 
to the Mediterranean coast (Rawlinson's Herodotus, IV. 241 ; Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 
589 ; Kawlinson J. B. A. S. XIL N. S. 219). 

The head of the Persian GuU seems also from very early times to have been 
connected by trade with India. In the ninth century before Christ, Isaiah (xliii. 14) 
described the Babylonians as rejoicing in their ships, and, at the close of the seventh 
century, Nebuchadnezar (b.c. 606-561) built quays and embankments of solid 
masonry on the Persian Gulf, and traded with Ceylon and 'Western India (Rawlin- 
son's Herod. I. 513; Heeren, II. 415-417), sending to India fabrics of wool and 
linen, pottery, glass, jewels, lime, and ointment, and bringing back wood, spices, 
ivory, ebony, precious stones, cochineal, pearls, and gold. (Heeren's Historical 
Researches, II. 209, 247 ; Duncker, I. 305). In the sixth century before Christ the 
men of Dedan or Bahrein brought ebony and ivory to Tyre (b.c. 588; Ezekiel, 
xxvii. 15). 

The Persians (b.c. 538-330) despised trade and seem to have blocked the mouths 
of the Tigris (Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 606 ; Rooke's Arrian, II. 149 ; Heeren, II. 247-249) 
and in India a trade-hating class rose to power and introduced into Manu's Code 
(B.C. 300) a rule making seafaring a cnme (Ind. Ant. IV 138), This clause is 
contrary to other provisions of the code (Heeren's Hist. Res. III. 349, 350, 359) 
and to the respect with which merchants are spoken of in the Rigved and the 
R^miyan, and in later times by the Buddhists. (For the vigour of Hindu trade in 
early Vedio and Rim&yan times, see Wilson's Rigved, I. 162 ; Lassen's Ind. Alt. 
11. 581 ; Mrs. Manning's Ancient India, II. 347 ; Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, 
122 ; Heeren's Hist. Res. III. 353, 366, 381. For the Buddhist respect for merchants, 
see Bumouf's Introduction, 250 ; Rhys Davids' Buddhist Birth Stories, 1. 138, 149, 157 ; 
and Mrs. Manning, II. 354). This Brihman and Persian hate of traide, especially of 
trade by sea, perhaps explains the decay of foreign commerce before the time of 
Alexander the Great (B.C. 325). In spite of all his inquiries in Sindh, and in spite 
of the voyage of Nearohus from Kar&chi to the Persian GuU, one vessel, laden with 
frankincense, seems to have been the only sign of sea-trade at the mouths of the 
Indus, in the Persian Gulf, or along the east coast of Arabia. Rooke's Arrian, II. 
262, 282, 285; Vincent, II. 380. The Buddhists (perhaps about B.C. 250) are 
mentioned as increasing the trade to Persia (Ind. Ant. II. 147). In the second and 
first century before Christ the old Bahrein trade revived, Gerrha on the mainland 
having much trade with India (Heeren, II. 100, 103, 118, 124-125). Among the chief 
imports were cotton and teak. These were supposed to grow at Bahrein, out almost 
certainly came from India (Heeren, II. 237-239). 

1 Tumour's MahAwanso, 73 ; Bigandet's Life of Gaudama, 388 ; Cunningham's 
Bhilsa Topes, 117. 



[Boin1)ay Gazetteer, 



406 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Early History. 

Iiegend of 
Puma, 



is not known wbether at the time of the mission the Eonkan fcamed 
part of Ashok's empire, or was under a friendly ruler.* 

The Buddhist legend of Puma of Sop^a belongs, in its present 
form, to the lata or Mah4yan Sehool of Buddhism (a.d. 100-400), 
and is so full of wonders that it is probably not earlier than the 
third or fourth century after Christ. Its descriptions cannot be 
taken to apply to any particular date. They are given here as 
they profess to describe the introduction of Buddhism and the state 
of Sopdira at that time, and as several of the particulars agree with 
recent discoveries near Sopdra. 

In the legend of Puma, translated by Bumouf from Nepalese 
and Tibetan sources apparently of the third or fourth century after 
Christ,^ Sopara is described as the seat of a king, a city with several 
hundred thousand inhabitants, with eighteen gates and a temple of 
Buddha adorned with friezes of carved sandalwood. It covered a 
space 1000 yards in area, and its buildings and towers rose to a height 
of 500 feet. It was a great place of trade. Caravans of merchants 
came from Shrawasti near Benares, and large ships with '500^ 
(the stock phrase for a large number) merchants, both local and 
foreign, traded to. distant lands. There was much risk in these 
voyages. A safe return was the cause of great rejoicing; two or 
three successful voyages made a merchant a man of mark; no one 
who had made six safe voyages had ever been known to tempt 
Providence by trying a seventh. The trade was in doth, fine and 
coarse, blue yellow red and white, One of the most valued 
articles was the sandalwood known as goshtrsh or cow's head, 
perhaps from the shape of the logs. This was brought apparently 
from the K^iuarese or Malabar coast. The coinage was gold and 
many of the merchants had great fortunes. A strong merchant 
guild ruled the trade of the city.' 

At this time the religion of the country was BrAhmanism. 
There were large nunneries of religious widows, monasteries where 
seera or rishis lived in comfort in fruit and flower gardens, and 
bark-clad hermits who lived on bare hjU-tops. The gods on whom 
the laymen called in times of trouble were Shiv, Varuua, Kubera, 
Shakra, Brahma, Hari, Shankar^ and divinities, apparently matas 
or Devis. Besides the gods many supernatural beings, Asuras, 
Mahoragas, Yakshas., and Ddnavs were believed to have power over 
men for good or for evil.* 

Purna, the son of a rich Sopdra merchant and a slave girl, whose 
worth and skill had raised him to be one of the leading merchants 
of Septra, turned the people of the Konkan from this old faith to 
Buddhism.® Sailing with some Benares merchants to the land of 



1 Apparently Ashok addressed his edicts to countries where he did not rule. One 
copy oi the edicts was addressed to the people of Chola, Pida, Kerala, and Tambapani. 
Tennent's Ceylon, L 368. 

2 The wonders worked by Buddha and the furniture of the monasteries, seats 
tapestries figured cushions and carved pedestals, point to a late date. 

3 Trading companies are mentioned in Ydjnavalkya's Code, B.C. 300. Oppert in 
Madras Journal (1878), 194. * Bumouf, 256, 264. 

6 It is ijatfflresting to note that, though at first despised as the son of a slave giri, 
when Puma proved himself able and successful, the merchants of Sop^a sougbt him 
in marriage for their daughters, Bumouf, 249. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



407 



the sandal tree, Puma was deligMed by the strange songs which 
they chanted morning and eveningi They were not songs, the 
merchants told him, but the holy sayings of Buddha. On his return 
to Sopdra Purna gave up his merchant's life and went to Benares, 
where Gautama received him into the Buddhist priesthood. He 
urged that he might be allowed to preach to the people of the 
Konkan.^ The people of the Konkan had the worst name for 
fierceness, rudeness, and cruelty. Buddha feared that the patience 
of so young a disciple might not be proof against their insults. 
Purna, he said, the men of the Konkan are fierce, cruel, and 
unmannerly. When they cover you with evil and coarse abuse, 
what will you think of them ? If the men of the Konkan cover me 
with evil and coarse abuse, I shall think them a kindly and gentle 
people for abusing me instead of cuffing or stoning me. They are 
rough overbearing fellows those men of the Konkan. What will 
you think of them. Puma," if they cuff you or stone you ? If they 
cuff me or stone me, I shall think them kindly and gentle for 
n^ing hands and stones instead of staves and swords. They are a 
rough set, Purna, those men of the Konkan. If they beat you 
with staves and cut you with swords, what will you think of them ? 
If they beat me with staves or cut me with swords, I shall think 
them a kindly people for not killing me outright. They are a wild 
people, Purna, if they kill you outright what will you think of 
them ? If they kill me outright, I shall think the men of the 
Konkan kindly and gentle, freeing me with so little pain from this 
miserable body of death. Good, Puma, good, so perfect a patience 
is fit to dwell in the Konkan, even to moke it its home. Go Puma, 
freed from evil free others, safe over the sea of sorrow help others to 
cross, comforted give comfort, in perfect rest guide others to rest.* 
Purna goes to the Konkan, and, while he wanders about begging, 
he is met by a countryman who is starting to shoot deer. The 
hunter sees the ill-omened sharen-faeed priest, and draws his bow 
to shoot him. Purna throws off his outer robe and calls to the 
hunter, ' Shoot, I have come to the Konkan to be a sacrifice.' The 
hunter, struck by his freedom from fear, spares his life and beOomes 
his disciple. The new religion spreads. Many" men and women 
adopt a religious life, and ' 500 ' monasteries are built and furnished 
with hundreds of beds, seats, tapestries, figured cushions, and 
carved pedestals. 

Puma becomes famous. A body of merchants in danger of 
shipwreck call on him for help, and he appears and stills the storm. 
On their return the merchants build a Buddhist temple in SopAra. 



Chaptet VII. 
History. 

Eaely Histoey. 

Legend of 
Purna. 



1 The word used ia Shron- Apar&nta or Snnapardnta. Apardnta, the behind or western 
land, is admitted to be the Eonkan. The following suggestion is offered in explanation 
of Shron. The fact of a Greek or Yavan element in the coast population seems probable, 
from the Greek trade with the country, from the mention of Yavans in several of the 
West Indian cave inscriptions, and from the fact that the Apostle whom Ashok chose 
to preach Buddhism in file Eonkan, and his viceroy in Edthi^wdr (Ind. Ant. Vll. 
257), ware Yavans. Shron may then be Son Or Sonag, a word for Yavan still in use 
in Southern India (Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, S), and of which Son the name 
for the coast and part-foreign Eolis of Thdna may be a trace. Hardy (Manual 
of Buddhism, Sec. £d. 215, 536) seems to think Son was a later name, and that the 
correct form was Yon and ds connected With Hun. 

2 Bumouf's Introduction, 254. 



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Chapter VII. 
History. 

Early History. 

Legend of 
Purtm. 



Purna asks Buddha to honour the temple with his presence. He 
conies, with his chief disciples, flying through the air. On his 
way, apparently near Sopara, he stops at several places. At one of 
these places live ' 500' widows, whom Buddha visits and converts. In 
answer to their prayer he gives them some of his hair and his nails, 
and they build a mound or stupa over them. The spirit of the 
Jetvan wood, who had come with Buddha from Benares, plants a 
branch of the vakul or Mimusops elengi tree in the yard near the 
stupa, and the stwpa is worshipped, by some under the name 
of the Widows' Stupa, and by othef s under the name of the Vabul 
stupa. This second name is interesting from its resemblance to 
the Vakdl or Brahma Tekri, a holy hill about a mile to the south 
of Sopara, which is covered with tombs and has several P^li 
inscriptions of about the second century before Christ. 

Accompanied by the '500' widows Buddha visited another 
hermitage full of flowers, fruit, and water, where lived ' 500 ' monks. 
Drunk with the good things of this life these seers or rishis thought 
of nothing beyond. Buddha destroyed the flowers and fruit, dried 
the water, and withered the grass. The seers in despair blamed 
Bhagavat for ruining their happy life. By another exercise of 
power, he brought back their bloom to the wasted fruits and flowers, 
and its greenness to the withered grass. The seers became his 
disciples, and with the '500 ' widows of Vakul passed with Buddha, 
through the air, to the hill of Musala. On Musala hill there lived a 
seer or rishi, who was known as Vakkali or the bark-robe wearer. 
This rishi saw Buddha afar o£E, and, on seeing him, there rose in his 
heart a feeling of goodwill. He thought to himself, shall I come down 
from this hill and go to meet Buddha, for he doubtless is coming here 
intending to convert me. Why should not I throw myself from the top 
of this hill ? The seer threw himself over the cliff, and Buddha caught 
him, so that he received no hurt. He was taught the law and became 
a disciple, gaining the highest place in his master's trust. This 
passage has the special interest of apparently referring to the sage 
Musala, who lived on the top of Padan rock near Goregaon station, 
about eighteen miles south of Sopdra.^ From the Musala rock 
Buddha went to SopAra, which had been cleaned and beautified, 
and a guard stationed at each of its eighteen gates. Fearing to 
offend the rest by choosing any one guard as his escort, Buddha flew 
through the air into the middle of the city. He was escorted to the 
new temple adorned with friezes of carved sandalwood, where he 
taught the law and converted ' hundreds of thousands.' While in 
Sopdra Buddha became aware of the approach of the Ndga kings 
Krishna and Gautama. They came on the waves of the sea with 
' 500 ' Ndgas. Buddha knew that if the Ndgas entered Septra the 
city would be destroyed. So he went to meet them, and converted 
them to his faith.* 



1 Details are given in Places of Interest, Ghoregaon, and Appendix, Padan. 

2 Burnouf's Introduction, A I'Histoire du Baddhisme Indien, 234-275. Puma 
rose to the highest rank. He became a .Bodhisattva or potential Buddha, and in 
future times will appear as Buddha, Perhaps, but this is doubtful, he is Maitreya or 
the next Buddha (see Appendix to Places of Interest). Purna's story is given with 
much the same details as by Bumouf in Hardy'Si Manual of Buddhism, 58, 267 and in 
St. Hilaire's Buddhism, 152-154. ' 



Eoukan.} 



THANA. 



409 



The relics found in the Sopdra mound show, that in the second 
century after Christ Sopdra had workers of considerable skill and 
taste.. The bricks are of excellent material and the large stone 
coffer is carefully made, the lines are clear and exact, and the 
surface is skilfully smoothed. The .crystal casket is also prettily 
shaped and highly finished. The brass gods are excellent castings, 
sharper and truer than modern Hindu brassware. The skill of the 
gold and silver smiths is shown in the finely stamped silver coin, in 
the variety and grace of the gold flowers, and in the shape and 
tracery of the small central gold casket. 

Short Pali inscriptions found on the Vakal or Brahma hill, about 
two miles south of Sopara,"seem to show that about B.C. 200 the 
tribe of the Kodas or Kottas, who seem about that time to have 
been ruling near Mirat and afterwards (a.d. 190) near Patna, had a 
settlement at Soplira.^ 

Under Ashok the west coast of India was enriched by the opening 
of a direct sea-trade with Egypt^ and apparently eastwards with the 
great Deccan trade centre of Tagara. But the direct trade with 
Egypt was never large, and it centred at Broach, not at Sopdra.^ 

The next dynasty known to have been connected with the ThAna 
coast are the Shdtakarnis, Shdtavdhans, or Andhrabhrityas, whose 
inscription in the Ndna pass makes it probable that they held the 
Konkan about B.C. 100.* During their rule the Konkan was 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Early History. 

Craftsmen, 
A.D. 160. 



AtiMrabhriiyas. 



1 Pandit BhagvinUl Indraji gives the following note on the Kodas or Kottas. The 
inscriptions found on the Brahma hill seem all to belong to Kodas (Sk.- Kottas), and 
the hill apparently, was their burial-ground. One of the inscriptions reads, ' Of 
Kalavida a Koda.' A coin from S^hiranpur near Mirat has KAdasa, that is ' Of 
Kdda,' on both sides, in letters which closely resemble the Vak^ hill letters. 
Skanda^pta's inscription on the Allahabad pillar, in a.d. 190, states that,, while 
playing in Pushp4vhaya (PAtaliputra or Patna), he punished a scion of the Koda family. 

The Kods are one of many historical tribes whose names survive in MarAtha 
surnames. In Kelva-Mdhim there are twenty or thirty houses of Kods who 
are husbandmen, holding a lower position than Mardthds or Kunbis, about the 
sameas Kolis, and higher than VArlis. They eat animal food except beef, bum their 
dead, and do not differ in their customs from other Th4na Kunbis or MarAthds. They 
do not marry with any caste except their own. They are also found in Nisik. A 
miserable remnant of the same tribe, or of a tribe of the same name, also occurs 
ontheNilgiri hills. They number about 1100, are rude craftsmen, very dirty in 
. their habits, and much avoided. They speak a rude KAnarese. Caldwell's Dravidian 
Grammar,. Int. 37, App. 512. There were Kotta chiefs in Ceylon in 1527, but 
Kottah seems to have been the name of their town. Tennent's Ceylon, II. 11. Kods 
seem to be also a Telugu tribe. Further details are given under Places of Interest, 
SopAra, p. 325 and in ths_Appendix. 

2 Duncker's Ancient History, IV. 528 ; Wilford in As. Res. I. 369 ; Grant Duff's 
MardthAs, 11. The second Ptolemy Philadelphus (B.C. 270) made a harbour in 
the east of Egypt, and joined it with Coptus on the Nile near Thebes. Lassen's Ind. 
Alt. II. 594. The Egyptian ships started from Berenike about half way down the 
Bed Sea, passed by Mocha and Aden, coasted eastern Arabia, crossed the mouth of 
the Persian Gulf to near Kardchi, and from Karachi sailed down the Indian coast. 
Chambers' Ancient History, 269. Gold and silver plate and female slaves are noted 
among the imports from Egypt. The direct trade to Egypt was never great. By 
the second century before Christ the trade between Egypt and India centred in 
Aden. Agatharcides in Vincent, II. 33. , tm. -i 

3 The ShAtakamis are supposed to have had their original capital at Dhamikot in 
Gantnr near the mouth of the Krishna, and to be the Androi of Pliny (A.D. 77) and 
of the Peutinger Tables (a.d. 100). They are said to be the first Telugus who 
admitted a Sanskrit element into their language, Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 438. They 
.are described in early Hindu writings as a border tribe (Ditto, I, 358) and aa Dasyus ot 

B 310—52 



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Chapt^VII. 
History. 

Early Histobv. 

Foreign Trade, 
B.C.U-A.D. W. 



enrioied by tlie great development of the western trade, -which 
followed the establishment of the Parthian empire nnder 
Mithridates I. (b.c. 174-136) and the Roman conquest of Egypt in 
B.C. 30.1 -Under the Eomans the direct trade between Egypt ai*d 
India gained an importance it never had under the Ptolemies. ■ In 
a few years (B.C. 25) the Indian fleet in the Red Sea increased 
from a few ships to 120 sail. The Romans seem to have kept to- 
the old Egyptian coasting route across the Persian Gulf to Karachi, 
till Hippalus discovered the monsoons about a.d. 47. The monsoon 
was first used to carry ships to Zizerus ( Janjira ?) and afterwards to 
Musiris, probably Muriyi-Kotta on the Malabar coast.^ The Roman 
passion for spices probably made the Malabar trade the more 
important branch.^ But the trade to the Konkan was in some ways 
more convenient than to Malabar,* and there was a well-known route 
alo;ig the Arab coast to Fartak Point, and from Fartak Point across 
to the Konkan.® It is doubtful which of the Konkan ports was 
the centre of the Egyptian trade ; the references seem to point to 
Simulla or Chaul and to Zizerus, perhaps Janjira or Rdid.puri.^ 

Little is known about Parthian rule in Persia- (b.c. 255 -A.d. 235). 
They are said to have been averse from sea-going and opposed to 
commerce.^ But, according to Reinaud, under the Arsacidse or 
Parthian dynasty the Persians took a great part in oriental navigation.^ 
There was a considerable Indian trade up the Persian Gulf and by 
land to Palmyra, and it seems to have been under Parthian influence 
that the Persians overcame their horror of the sea and rose to be the 



Kshatriya descent (Ditto, II. 422). Their Puranic name, Andhrabhrityas or Andhra ], 
servants, is' supposed to be a trace of an original dependence on the Mauryas. 
The date of their rise to p6wer is doubtful, because of the difficulty of deciding 
whether the dynasties recorded in the Purins as succeeding the Mauryas foUowel 
each other, or ruled at the same time in different parts of India. 

1 Strabo (B.C. 25) in Vincent, II. 86. ^ CaldweU's Dravidian Grammar, 97.^ ;. 

3 There was a street of spice shops in Eome in the time of Augustus (b,.c. 36-a.d'. 17), 
and Nero is said to have used a whole year's crop at the funeral of Popsea. Robertson's 
India, 56-57. Heeren's As. Res. 11. Ap, ix. 455. According to Pliny, India drained' 
Rome of £1,400,000 (Sesterces 550,000,000) a year (Hist. Nat. XII. 18), Vincen^:. 
(II. 48) calculates the amount at £800,000. , , 

* If you are going to Broach, says the Periplus (McCrindle, 138), you are not keplj 
more than three days at the niouth of the Red Sea. If you are going to the MalabSr' 
coast, you must often change your tack. 

^ According to Pliny (a.d. 79) the practice of ships engaged in the Indian trade 
was to start from Muos Hormus, at the mouth of the gulf of Suez, about the 
beginning of July, and slip about 250 miles down the coast to Berenike in the modem 
Foul Bay. To load at Berenike and sail thirty days to Okellis the modem Ghalla oir,. 
Cella a little north of Guardafui. Prom'Ghalla to coast along east Arabia to near Cap^', 
Fartak, and, in about forty days make the Konkan, near the end of September,'!, 
To stay in the Konkan till the middle of December or the middle of January, reach' 
the Arab or the African coast in about a month, wait at Aden or some other port till 
about March when the south wind set in, and then to make for Beyenie. To 
unload at Berenike and pass on to Muos Hormus at the mouth of the gulf of Suez. 
Vincent's Commerce, IT. 319, 474. Pliny's Natural History, Bk. VI. ch, 'XXIII. 

* Pliny (A.D. 77) has (McCrindle's Megasthenes, 142) a Perimula, a cape an(J, . 
trade centre about half way between Tropina or Kochin and Patala or Haidarabad 
in Sindh. This position answers to Symulla or TimuUa, that is probably Cbaul 
(compare Yule in Ind. Ant. II. 96). Zizerus Pliny's other mart on the Konkan coast 
seems to be Jazra or Janjira. But this again is made doubtful by the forms 
Milizegeris andMebzeigara which appear in the better informed Ptolemy and PeripluS.' 

' Heeren's As. Res. II. Ap. IX. 445 ; Lassen's Ind. Alt. III. 76 (Ed. 1858). 

* Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, Ixxvii. 



Eonkan,] 



thIna. 



411 



greatest sea-traders in the east.^ The trade connection between the 
_ Thana coast and the Parthian rulers in the Persian Gulf has a special 
interest at this period, as, in. the_ latter part of the first century 
after Christ, the Shdtakarnis or Andhras were di-iven from the 
Konkan and North Deccan by foreigners, apparently Skythians or 
Parthians from North India. The leaders of these foreigners were 
Nah^pan and his son-in-law Ushavd^t, who, under Nahdpan, seems 
to have been governor of 1)he Konkan and of the North Deccan. 
Nahapan seems at first to have been the general of a greater ruler in 
Upper India. He afterwards made himself independent and was the 
founder of the Kshatraps, a Persian title meaning representative, 
agent, or viceroy. This dynasty, which is also called the Sinh 
dynasty, ruled in Kd,thiawdr from a.d. 78 to a.d. 328.^ Ushavdat 
and his family had probably been converted to Buddhism in Upper 
India. Soon after conquering the Andhras, they ceased to be 
. foreigners, married Hindus, and gave up their foreign names. They 
did much for Buddhism, and were also liberal to Brahmans.^ The 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Eaelv History. 



Nahapdn, 
A.D. 78. 



^ See Reinaud's Abu-1-flda, Ixxvii. The Parthians sent silk and spices to Rome. 
Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI, 425. The men of Gerrha on the west coast 
of the Persian Gulf received cotton, spices, and other Indian articles, and sent them 
partly up the Euphrates and partly on camels across Arabia to Palmyra. This traffic 
is noticed by Agatharcides, B.C. 177, Strabo B.C. 30, and Pliny a.d. 70, and in the 
Periplus a.d. 247. Vincent's Commerce, II. 361-362. Pliny has several references to 
Parthian trade and riches. Bk. V. ch. XXV. ; Bk. VI. ch. XXV. and XXVII. 

2 According to Rawlinson (Anc. Mon. VI. 23), the oldest form of the Parthians' name 
is Parthwa. The early Hindu form is Parada, and the Paradas seem to have been 
known to Hindus as rulers in Merv and Beluchistdn, and to have been closely connected 
with Hindus, as far back as B.C. 500. Lassen's Ind. Alt. III. 593. Though they had 
Arian and Persian names,. and affected Persian habits and liked to be thought Persians, 
Rawlinson considers that the Parthians were of Skythian or Turanian origin. 
Rawlinson's Anc. Mon. VI. 21-28. Besides as Paradas the Parthians are supposed 
to have been known to the Hindus as Tushurinas (Wilford, As. Res. IX. 219), and 
perhaps as Arsaks. NAsik Inscriptions, Trans. Sec. Int. Cong. 307, 309. Cihiningham, 
who considers them closely connected with the Sua or Sakaa (Arch. Survey, II. 46-47), 
places Parthians in power in North-west India from the second century before Christ. 
Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 336-338, 340) assigns the Indo-Parthian dynasty to the first 
century after Christ. Their date is still considered doubtful. Thomas' Prinsep, 
II.. 174. A passage in the Periplus (Vet. Geog. Scrip. I. 22) speaks of rival Parthians 
ruling in Sindh about the middle of the third century after Christ. Early Hindu 
writings mention the Paradas with the Palhavs as tribes created by the sage Vasishtha's 
wonder-working cow. See below p. 413 note 7- 

3 There are six inscriptions "of Nahdpan's family in Cave VIII. at NAsik, one at 
Kirli, and one by NahApan's minister at Junnar. Besides smaller grants to Buddhist 
monks, Ushavdit, who seems to have governed in the Konkan and North Deccan 
under NahApan, records (a.d. 100) the building of quadrangular rest-houses and 
halting places at SopAra and the making of ferries across the Ptodi, Daman, and 
imhAnu rivers. Trans. Sec. Int. Cong. 328, 333, 335, 354 ; Arch. Sur. X. 33, 52. 
A curious instance of their liberality to Brihmans is^ recorded in Ndsik Cave XVII. 
(Trans. Sec. Int. Cong. 327). This grant consisted of the gift of eight wives to 
Brdhmans, the word used, bJtdrya or a wedded woman instead of kanya or a maiden, 
seeming to show that the women were chosen out of the king's household. (As 
regards the loose marriage rules of the early Brdhmans compare Muir's Sanskrit 
Texts, 1. 131, 132; footnote 136-137 ; 282 ; 407 ; II. 466). The admission into Hinduism 
of Nahdpan's family, and similar admissions in the Panj^b (Lassen's Ind. Alt. IL 
S06-832) support WiKord's remark (As. Res. X. 90-91) that there is nothing in the 
theory or practice of Hinduism to prevent foreigners, who are willing to conform 
to the Hindu religion and manners, being admitted to be Hindus. Two instances 
in modem Konkan history illustrate the process by which a foreign conqueror may 
become a Hindu, and may be raised to the highest place among Hindu warriors. 
In 1674 on R^igad hill inKoMba, by lavish bounty to Br4hmans and by scrupulous 
observance of religions ceremonial, Shivdji was, by GAgAbhatt a learned Brahman 
from Benares (who cannot have thought Shiv^ji more than a Shudra), raised to the 



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ChaptM^ VII. 

History. 
Eablt Histoky. 



Pdrthiani, 
B.C. SSS-A.D. iS5, 



North Konkan seems to have remained under Nahapan's successors 
till,- about the middle of the second century (a.d. 124), the great 
Shdtakami Gautamiputra drove the Kshatraps from the Deccan and 
Konkan, including the holy Krishnagiri or Kanhen hills. The 
great wealth of the Konkan during the rule of the Shdtakarni kings 
is shown Tby many wonderful remains, the Kanheri caves in Salsette, 
the Ndsik caves on the route through the Tal pass, the works on 
the Nana pass, the Bedsa, Bhdja, Kdf!i, and Konddne caves along 
the Bor pass route, the stupa at Sopd,ra and perhaps those at 
Elephanta and Kalyan. These remains prove great wealth both 
among the rulers and the traders, and show that the architects 
and sculptors were men of skill, and were probably foreigners. , The 
chief cause of the great wealth of the Konkan was that the power 
of its rulers stretched across India to the mouth of the Krishna, and 
enabled them to bring to the Thana ports, not only the local inland 
trade, but the rich products of the coast of Bengal and the far east, 
through Masulipatam, Tagar, and Paithan.^ 

Westwards there were special openings for a rich commerce. 
The Parthian emperors (b.c. 255 -a.d. 235), however rude they may 
once have been, had grown rich, luxurious, and fond of trade. This 
was already the case in the time of Strabo (b.c. 30), and in the early 
part of the second century after Christ, during the forty years of 
rest (a.d. 116-150) that followed Hadrian's peace with Chosroes, 
the exchange of wealth between the Parthian and the Roman 
empires greatly increased.^ The markets of Palmyra were supplied 
not only from Gerrha near Bahrein across Arabia, but from the head 
of the Persian Gulf up the Euphrates by Babylon and Ktesiphon 
to the new (a.d. 60) mart of Vologesocerta. Palmyra inscriptions 
of the middle of the second century (a.d. 133, 141, 246) show that;, 
merchants had a safe pass through Parthia, and that one of the 
main lines of trade lay through Vologesocerta. The details of this 
trade, perfumes, -pearls, precious stones, cotton, rich silk, famous 
silks dyed. with Indian purple and embroidered with gold and 



highest place among Kshatriyas. Grant Duff, 177. About the same time (1650) 
success in two sea fights enabled the grandfather of Kdnhoji Angria, who was a 
Musalmto negro from the Persian Gulf, to become a Hindu and to, . marry the 
daughter of a MarAtha chief. Grose's Voyage, II. 212, 

1 Trans. Sec. Or. Cong. 311. 

2 Gautamiputra I, (a.d. 124) built the Great Ghaitya Gave No. III. at NAsik ; at 
K&'li two inscriptions, in the Great Chaitya and in Cave XII., are dated the 
seventh ajxd twenty-fourth years of VAshishthJputra Pulumdvi (a.d. 140) ; and there 
are three inscriptions of Tajnashri ShAtakarni Gautamiputra (A.D. 160), two in . 
Kanheri Caves 3 and 81, and one in Ndsik Cave XV. Trans. Sec. Or. Cong. 311, 339 ; 
Arch. Sur. X. 34, 36 ; Places of Interest, Kanheri Caves. The frequent mention of 
Dhamikot (Dhenuk&kata) as the residence of donors and others connected with the 
Poona, Nd,sik, andThAna caves (five in K&-li, Burgess' Arch, Sur. Report, X. 29-33j 
one in NAsik, Sec. Int. Cong ; one in Shailarvadi, ditto 38 ; and one in Kanheri, Bombay 
Gazetteer, XIV. 188), are evidence'of the close political and commercial connection 
between the east and the west coast. "■ 

3 Heeren, III. 483. After the fall of Babylon and Ctesiphon, Trajan sailed down 
the Tigris to the Persian Gulf, embarked on the south sea, made inquiries about India, 
and regretted he could not go there, Dio Cassius in Eawlinson's Ajicient Monarchies, 
rV. 313. According to another, but incorrect, account Trajan went to Zizerus. • Kerr's 
Voyages, II. 40, Rawlinson (Anc. Mon. VI, 383) describes the Farthiana as 
luxurious and fond of wine and glancing. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



413 



precious stoneSj point to a close connection with India, and, through 
India, with China.^ Hindus seem to hare settled at Palmyra for 
purposes of trade, as in 273, after the fall of Palmyra, Indians swelled 
tlie train of captives who graced Aurelian's triumph.^ Except the 
ruins of Hatra, or Al-Hadhra, their, own land contains few traces of 
Parthian buildings.^ But the great rock tepjplea in and near the 
Thdna district, that date from the centuries before and after Christ, 
seem to have been planned and sculptured by Parthian or Persian 
artists. Harpharan of Abulama, whose name appears in one of the 
Karli inscriptions, was probaTbly a Parthian or Persian.* And so 
closely alike are the animal capitals of the pillars at Karli, Bedsa, 
and N^sik, to capitals at Persepolis and Susa, that, according to 
Pergusson, the early Buddhists of Western India either belonged to 
the Persian empire or drew their art from it.^ 

This close connection between India and Persia supports the 
view,* that the Palhavs who are mentioned with Shaks and Tavans 
in the Vishnu Purdn and in Nasik and* Junagad inscriptions of the' 
first and second centuries, and who figure as a dykasty in the Deccan 
between the fifth and seventh centuries, were of Persian or of 
Parthian origin. Like many other foreigners, these Palhavs have 
become Hindus and are lost in the great mixture of tribes which 
tbe name Mardtha covers.^ 



Chaptef VII. 
History. 

EABI.Y History, 



Palha/Bs, 
AM. no- 600, 



1 Heeren, U. 440, 445, 453, 455. 2 Heeren, II. 446. 

S Eergusson says (Hist, of Arch. II. 422) the Parthians have left no material trace 
of their ;^stence, and Gardner (Maraden's Numismata Pdrthia, 2, 3) remarks that 
architecture and sculpture ceased during the Parthian period. Pergnsson even fixes 
the building of Hatra at a.d. 250, about fifteen years after the close of Parthian 
rule. But Rawlinson (Ane, Mon. VI. 381) shows that Hatra was a place of importance 
under the Parthians, and fixes its date at about a.d. 150. He thinks it was the work 
of Parthian artists with little foreign help. There is a further mention that Pacorus 
II. (78-110) enlarged aijd beautified Otesiphon (Ditto, 294), and that the Parthian 
palace at Babylon was magnificent and the emperor surrounded with much pomp and 
show. Ditto, 416. 

* Arch, Sur. X. 36. Abulama is probably OboUah near Basra. See below p. 420 n. 3. 

5 l^ineveh and Persepolis, 360; Rude Stone Monuments, 456. Rawlinson 's 
Description of the Halls at Hatra (Ano. Mon. VI. 379) has several points of likeness 
to Western India Cave Temples : Semicircular vaulted roofs, no windows, thfe light 
coming through an archway at the east end, and a mimber of small rooms opening from 
a central hall. Among the Sopdra relics the resemblance between Maitreya's head- 
dress and the Parthian helmet adopted by Mithridates I. about B.e. 150 is worthy of 
notice. See Frontispiece in Gardner's Parthian Section of Marsden's Nmnismata 
Orientalia, p. 18 ; also Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI. 91. 

^ See Mr. Fleet's Kdnarese dynasties, 14-15. 

' Several Hindu references show, that the great inflow of foreign nations in the 
centuries before and after the Christian era was not confined to the north of India. 
The incorporation of foreign nations (Ind. Ant. IV. 166), Shaks, Yavans, Kambojas, 
Paradas, and Pahnavas, is mentioned in the Vishnu Purto. Wilson's Translation, 374. 
Tod's contention (Annals of RAjasthto, I. 82-85), that the Agnikula Rajputs are of 
ffin-Sanskrlt origin, is supported by a rMerenoe quoted by Lassen (Indi Alt, II. 805) 
to a king Vrigi of MAlwa, who, apparently about the time of Christ, introduced new 
divisions into the four castes, and by the boast of Gautamiputra Shdtakami (a.d. 120) 
in one of the NAsik caves, that he had stopped the confusion of castes. Second Inter- 
national Congress, 311. 

The Palhavs, who are mentioned in the text, seem to have been known to the 
Hindus in very eai-ly times, as living near the Hindu Eush. Lassen's Ind. Alt. I. 
1028. Early Hindu writings mention the Palhavs, with the Paradas and others, as 
outside tribes created from the tail of the Brdhman Vasishtha's wonder-working cow 
to help him in Jiis great struggle with the Kshatriya ruler VishvAmitra. Muir's 
Sanskrit Texts, I. 391,398, Other passages describe them as degraded Kshatriyas 



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Chapter VII. 
History. 

Eably History, 

> Ptolemy, 
A.D. ISS-ISO. 



- Besides with the Persian Gulf, during the rule of the Shatakarnis 
or Andhrabhrityas, the Konkan ports had a great trade with the 
Red Sea. 

The Konkan is the part of the west coast, which was best known 
to the Greeks at the time of the geographer Ptolemy (a.d. 135-150). 
It was from Greeks, .who had for many years traded to Symulla 
or Timulla, probably Chaul, that Ptolemy gained much of his 
information about Western India.' And &om th^ mention of gifts 
by Yavans to the Kanheri, N^sik, Karli, and Junnar" caves, some of 
the Greeks seem to have settled in the country and become 
Buddhists.^ So, also, Indians seem to have gone to Alexandria, 
and perhaps gave Ptolemy his surprising knowledge of places, of 
Hindu pilgrimage.* Ptolemy had the mistaken idea that the Indian 
coast stretched east and west instead of north and south. This 
confuses his account, but his knowledge of names is curiously 
exact and full. He divides the west coast into Surastrene 
or Saurdshtra, corresponding to Cutch, Kdthiawar, and North 
Gujardfc; Larike, that is Lat Desh, or South Gujarat ; Ariake or 



who were forced to weat beards. Ditto, I. 482-484, 486, 488. As a Deocan dynasty 
the head-quarters of their power was in the east, near Masulipatam (Ind. 
Ant. VI. 85) and Karachi or Konjivirdm, where they were great builders (Ind. 
Ant. VIII. 25). Though the Palhavs"" are best known in the east, they must 
either have spread their power to the west or a branch of them must have reached 
the weat coast by sea. In the second century after Christ, a Palhav, with 
the Sanskrit name Suvishikh the son of an un-Sanakrit Kulaipa, was viceroy 
of Gujarat and K.&thikw&T under the Sinh king RudradAman (Ind. Ant. VII. 263) ; 
the Brihat-Sanhita (a.d. 500) puts the Palhava in the south-weat of India (J. R. A. S. . 
New Series, V. 84) ; and General Cunningham (Ancient Geog. 319) notices a 
Palhav prince of KithiAwAr in a.d. 720. The surnames Palhav and PAlhav are still 
not uncommon among the Mar^thds and Kunbis of the Konkan coast. The cldse 
connection between the PaUiavs and the Parthians and Persians, the Parthian 
immigration from Upper India which haa been noticed above, and the relations by 
sea between the Thina coast and the Persian Gulf, support Wilford's belief (As. 
Res. IX. 156, 233 ; X. 91) that there is a strong Persian element in the Eonkanasth 
BrAhmans and in the MarAthAs. The history of the PArais, who for a time loat moat 
of their peculiarities (see Population Chapter, p, 252), shows how easily a settlement 
of Persians may embrace Hinduism. Pandit BhagvdjilAl also notices the Paraji^, a class 
of EAthiiw^r craftsmen, whose name, appearance, and peculiarities of custom and 
dreaa seem to point to a Persian or a Parthian origin. It is, worthy of note, that in 
modem times (1500-1680) one of the chief recruiting grounds of the BijApur kings 
was KhorAsan, the ancient Partl^ia, and that the immigrants entered the Deocan 
mostly, if not entirely, from the Persian Gulf through the Konkan ports. See 
Commentaries of Albuquerque, III. 232, 249 ; and Athanasiua Nikitiu (1474) India in 
XV. Century, 9, 12, 14. 

1 Ptolemy, I, xvii ; Bertius' Edition 17. The geographer to whom Ptolemy admits 
that he owed most (Book I. chap. VI. VII.) was Marians of Tyre. 

" Lassen's Ind. Ant.- IV. 79. In the first century after Christ, DionysiiA, a wise 
ntan, was sent (J. As. Soc. Ben. VII. [1] 226) from Egypt to India to examine the 
chief marts, and in 138 Panteenus the- Stoic of Alexandria came to India as a Christian 
missionary and took back the first clear ideas of the Shramans and Br^hmans, and of 
Buddha 'whom the Indians honoured as a god, because of his holy Ufe.' Hough's 
Christianity, I. 51. Compare Assemanni in Rich's Khurdistto, II, 120, 122. 

3 Ptolemy conversed with several Hindus in Alexandria. Wilford in As. Res. X. 
101 , 105. As early as the first century Indian Christians were settled in Alexandria. 
Hough's Christianity in India, I. 44. In the time of Pliny (a.d. 77) many Indians 
lived in Egypt. Dion Chrysostom mentions Indians in Alexandria about a.d. 100, 
and Indians told Clemens (192-217) about Buddha. J. R. A. S. XIX. 278. BrAhmans 
are mentioned in Constantinople, Oppert in Madras Jjit. and Scien. Jl. 1878, 210. It 
was about this time (a.d. 24 -57) that according to one account 20,000 Hindu famihes 
colonised JAva (Raffles' Java, II. 69) and Bali. Crawfurd As. Res. XIII. 155-159. 
The date is now put as late as A.D, 600, J, R. A, S, New Series, VIII. 162, 



KonkanJ 



THlNA. 



415 



tte MardtHa-speakiog country, the Marathfo are still called Arii 
by the Kdnarese of Kaladgi ; and Damurike, wrongly written 
Lymurike, the country of the Damils or Tamils.^ He divides his 
Ariake or Maratha country into three parts, Ariake proper or the 
Bombay-Deccan, Sd,dan's Ariake or the North Konkan, and Pirate 
Ariake or the South Konkan.^ Besides Sopdra and Symulla or 
Chaul on the coast, NAsik near the Sahyddris, and the great inland 
marts of Paithan and Tagar, Ptolemy mentions seven places in or 
near Thdna, which can be identified.^ 

Ptolemy gives no details of the trade which drew the Greeks to 
the emporium of Symulla. But from the fact that the Shdtakarnis 
ruled the Deccan as well as the Konkan, there seems reason to 
suppose that it was the same trade which is described by the author 
of the Periplus as centering at Broach about a hundred years later.* 



Chapter VII, 

History. 
Early Htstoky. 



Foreign Trade, 
A.D. 150. 



^ Damurika appears in Peutinger's Tables, A.d. 100. 

'' The meaning of SAdan's Ariake is doubtful. The question is discussed later 
on, p. 417. Pemaps because of Pliny's account of the Konkan pirates, Ptolemy's 
phrase Ariake Andron Peiraton has been taken to mean Pirate Ariake. But Ptolemy 
has no mention of pirates on the Konkan coast, and, though this does not carry much 
weight in the case of Ptolemy, the phrase Andron Peiraton is not correct Greek for 
pirates. This and the close resemblance of the words suggests that Andron Peiraton 
may originally have been Andhra-Bhrityon. 

' These are NausAri, Nuad/ripa ; the Vaitama river, called Goaris from the town 
Goreh about forty miles from its mouth ; Dunga, either Tungir hill or Dugad near the 
VajrdbAi springs ; the Binda or Bassein creek, apparently from BhAyndar opposite 
Bassein ; the cape and mart of Symulla, the cape apparently the south point of Bombay 
harbour, and the mart Chaul. South of Symulla is Balepatna, the city of P41 near 
MahAd with Buddhist caves, and not far from PAl is Hippokura, appareivtly a Greek 
form of Ghodegaon in KolAba. Ptolelny notices that Paithan was the capital of Siri- 
Polomei, probably Shri-PulumAyi (a.d. 140), and mentions NAna-Guna which he 
thought was a river, but which apparently is the Ntoa Ghdt the direct route from 
Paithan to the cbast. 

* McCrindle's Periplus, 125. Goods passed from the top of the Sahyidris eastward 
in wagons across the Deccan to Paithan, and, from Paithan, ten days further east to 
Tagar, the greatest mart in southern India. At Tagar goods were collected from the 
parts along the coast, that is apparently the coast of Bengal. There seems reason to 
believe that this was one of the lines along which silk and some of the finer spices 
found their way west from the Eastern Archipelago and China. (Compare Heeren, 
III. 384). Near the mouth of the Krishna, Ptolemy has a Maisolia, apparently the 
modem Masulipatam, and close by an Alosyque, the place from which vessels set 
sail for Malacca or the Golden Chersonese Bertius' Ed., Asia Map X. and XI. So 
important was the town that the Goddvari was known to Ptolemy as the Maisolos river 
(Ditto^. The Periplus has also a Masalia on the Coromandel coast, where immense 
quantities of fine muslins were made. McCrindle, 145 ; Vindent, II. 523. It , 
seems probable that molochinon the Periplus name for one of the cloths which 
are mentioned as coming to Broach through Tagar from the parts along the coast, 
is, as Vincent suspected, a nlistake (Commerce, II. 412, 741-742) and should be 
Masulinon or Masuli cloth. McCrindle, 136 ; Vincent, II. 412. This and not 
Marco Polo's Mohsol near Nineveh (Yule's Edition, I. 59) would then be the origin 
of the English muslin. MoMsiUna the Arab name for muslin (Yule, I. 59) favours 
the Indian origin, and in Marco Polo's time (290) Mutapali near Masulipatam was 
(Yule, II. 296) famous for the most delicate work like tissue of spider's web. The 
trade in cloth between Masulipatam and Thdna was kept up till modem times. 
In the middle of the seventeenth century, Thevenot notices (Harris, II. 373-384) 
how chintzes and other cloths from Masulipatam came through Golkonda by Chtodor, 
NAsik, and the Tal pass to the Thdna ports. And about the same time Baldseus 
(Churchill, III. 589) describes Masulipatam as a very populous city where the trade 
of Europe and China met, and where was a great concourse of merchants from 
Cambay, Surat, Goa, and other places on the west coast. It is worthy of note that 
the dark spotted turban cloth now worn by some Bombay Prabhus, MusalmAns, 
and PArsis, which was probably adopted by them from the old Hindu Thdna traders, 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 
Early Histoet. 

Foreign Trade, 
A.D. 160. 



The chief trade was with the Red Sea and Egypt in the w.est, 
and, apparently, inland by Paithan and Tagar to the shores of the 
Bay of Bengal, and, across the Bay of Bengal, with Malacca or the 
Golden Chersonese and China. The chief exports to Egypt were, of 
articles of food, sesamum, oil, sugar, and perhaps rice and ginger j 
of dress, cotton of different kinds from the Deocan, and from the 
eastern coast silk thread and silkj of spices and drugs, spikenard, 
coctus, bdellium, and long pepper; of dyes, lac and indigo; of 
ornaments, diamonds, opals, onyx stones found in large quantities 
near Paithan, and perhaps emeralds, turquoises, and pearls ;^ of 
metals, iron or steel, and perhaps gold.^ The imports were wines 
of severar kinds, Italian, Laodicean, and Arabian;^ of dress, cloth 
and variegated sashes; of spices and drugs, frankincense, gum, 
stibium for the eyes, and storax ; of metals, brass or copper, tin, 
and lead,* also gold and silver coins ;^ of ornaments, coral, costly 
silver vases, plate,® and glass ; and of slaves, handsome young 
women for the king of the country.^ 

The merchants of the Thana ports were Hindus, Buddhism 
favouring trade, and owing many of its finest monuments to the 



comes from Masulipatam and is known as Bandari, that is Masulibandari, cloth. 
The close conneotiom between the Thdna rock temples and traders from Dharnikot 
near the mouth of the Krishna has been already noticed. 

1 Pearls which Pliny (a.d. 77) mentions as one of the chief exports from Perimula, 
that is apparently Simulla or Chaul (Yule in Ind. Ant. 11. 96), and which in the 
twelfth century (Idrisi in Elliot and Dowson, I. 85) appear as one of the exports of 
SopAra, are^ still found in the Bassein creek (see above, p. 55). Besicjes pearls the 
Thina ports seem for long to have sent westwards another precious stone, generally 
called an emerald, but which may have been a Golkonda diamond, or may have 
included several kinds of stone. In very early times (a.d. 500) the Sopftra stone was 
famous (Jour. E. A. S. New Series, VII). Pliny has a Lithoa KaUianos (Vincent, II. 
731), whose name (though this is made less likely by the export of a Lithos Kallainos 
from Sindh in the Periplus Vincent, II. 390) suggests that it may be the Sop4ra 
stone whose place of export may have changed to Kaly&o. Masudi's (913) Sanjdn 
stone, also described as an emerald (Prairies d'Or, III. 47, 48), is perhaps still the same 
stone or stones, the trade or the workers having moved to Sanj An. Compare the modem 
fame of Oambay stones, most of which come from long distances to Cambay. Cambay 
Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, VI. 198-207. 

2 Indian steel was famous. The chisels that drilled the granite of the Egyptian . 
obelisks are .said to have been of Indian steel. Shaw's Egypt, 364. Indian steel is 
mentioned in the Periplus and in Autonine's Digest. 

3 As regards the use of wine, drinking scenes are common in the Umr4vati» 
sculptures (a.d. 400) and in the later Aj an ta paintings ( A. D. 500-600). Rawlinson 
notices (Anc. Mon. VI. 383) that the Parthians were fond of wine, andHiwen Thsang 
(640) notices that some of the Mardtha soldiers were much given to the use of 
intoxicating liquor. Julien's Mem, Oco. III. 150. 

* Pliny notices that the Indians took lead in exchange for pearls and precious 
stones. The earliest known coins of the Andhra kings, found both at Dharnikot at 
the mouth of the Krishjia and at KolhApur, are of lead. "" 

" The silver denarius worth about 8d. (5 as, 4 pies) was exchanged for bullion.' 
Vincent, II. 694. 

' Polished plate was a large item. Vincent, II. 716. 

' Greek or Yavan girls were much in demand as royal attendants and concubines. 
In one of KAlidds' dramas, Yavan girls salute the king with the word charek, probably 
the Greek xo'pf o'' ^^- In<3- Ant. II. 145. The king in Shakuntala is accompanied by 
Yavan girls with bows, and bearing garlands of wild flowers. Mrs. Manning's Ancient 
India, 1 1. 176. Compare Baldseus in the middle of tbe seventeenth century (ChurchiU'B 
Voyages, III. 515): Every September the great ship of the Sultin of Turkey comes 
from the top of the Red Sea to Mocha. ■ besides divers commodities it is laden with 
slaves of both sexes generally Grecians, Hungarians, or of the isle of Cyprus. 



Eonkau.] 



THANA. 



417 



liberality of Konkan merchants.^ Besides Hindus the leading 
merchants seem to have been Greeks and Arabs, some of them 
settled in India, others foreigners. Christian traders from the 
Persian Gulf seem also to have been settled at Kalyan and Sopara.^ 
Except as archers no Romans seem to have come to India.* 

The shipping of the Th^na coast included small coasting craft, 
medium-sized vessels that went to Persia, and large Indian, Arab, 
and Greek ships that traded to Yemen and Egypt.* The Greek or 
Egyptian ships were large well-found and well-manned, and carried 
archers as a guard against pirates.^ They were rounder and roomier 
than ships of war, and, as a sign that they were merchantmen, they 
hung a basket from the mast-head. The hull was smeared with 
wax and was ornamented with pictures of the gods, especially with 
a painting of the guardian divinity on the stern. The owners were 
Greeks, Hindus, and Arabs^ and the pilots and sailors were Hindus 
and Arabs.® 

AHout the close of the second century (a.d. 178) Rudradaman, 
one of the greatest of the Kshatrap kings of GujarAt, has recorded 
a double defeat of a Shatakarni and the recovery of the north 
Konkan.^ About the beginning of the third century, according to the 
author of the Periplns of the Erythrean sea whose date is probably 
A.D. 247,^ the elder Saraganes, one of the Sh^takarnis, raised 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Eakly History. 



Sandanes, 



1 The Kdrli and Kanheri Cathedral oaves were made by merchants ; and there are 
many irisoriptiona in the Kuda, Eanheri, and NAslk oaves, which record minor gifts 
by merchants. Arch. Sur. X. 16, 19, 20, 21, 28 ; Trans. Sec. Or. Cong. 346, 347 and 
Places of Interest, Eanheri. As already noticed, Hindus at this time seem to have 
been great travellers. In addition to the former references the author of the 
Feriplus notices Indian settlements in Socotra and at Azania on the Ethiopian coast. 
MoCrindle, 93. 

2 Details of early Christian settlers are given in the Population Chapter and in the 
account of Sopdra. Their high priest or Catholicus had his head-quarters atCtesiphon. 
Heeren, III. 438, 442. See Wilford'a As, Res. X. 81, and Bitter Erdkunde, VIIL pt. 2, 
385. Thomas the Apostle is said to have come to India about a.d. 50, and a second 
Thomas, a Manichean missionary, in the third century. Keiuaud's Memoir Sur, I'Inde, 
95 ; Assemanni in Rich's Khurdistdn, II. 120, 121. 

3 Egypt was directly under the Emperor and no Roman might go to Egypt without 
special leave (Vincent's Commerce, II. 69). Vincent writes, ' The meBohants have 
Greek names, Diogenes, Theophilus, and Sopater. I have not met a single Roman 
name' (Vincent, II. 69, 209, 505). According to Wilford (As. Res. X. 114) there 
was a Greek colony in Ealyd,n. The fondness of the Greeks for founding trade colonies 
(Heeren, II. 282), and the mention in Peutinger's Tables (VIII.) of a temple of Augustus 
at Muziris favour Wiltord's statement. ' 

* Vincent, II. 33, 37, 38. 

" Pliny's Nat. Hist., bk. Vl. chap. 23. According to one account the archers were 
Romans ; according to another they were Arabs. Pennant's Views, I. 104. 

« Vincent, II. 56, 101 ; Lassen Ind. Alt. (Ed. 1858), III. 68-72 ; Stevenson's Sketch, 
20. Lindsay (Merchant Shipping, I. 108) thinks that these Greek boats were like the 
grain ships, which plied between Alexandria and Rome, in one of which St. Paul was 
shipwrecked (a.d. 62). This vessel was of considerable size, able to carry 276 passengers 
and crew, besides a cargo of wheat. It was decked, had a high poop and forecastle, 
and bulwarks of battens. It had one main mast and one large square sail, a small 
mizzeh mast, and a little pole at the bow with a square sail. These ships went at a 
great pace before the wind, but could not make much way on a wind. 

T Ind. Ant. VII. 262. 

' Reinaud's paper fixing the date of the Periplus has been translated in the Indian 
Antiquary of December 1879. The_ detailed account of the K4thi4w4r and Gujarit 
coasts, compared with Ptolemy's scanty and confused notes, and the fact that the 
author corrects Ptolemy's great error about the direction of the west coast of India 
support M. Reinaud's view that the Periplus is later than Ptolemy, 



B 310-53 



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History. 

Early History. 



Trade, 

S50. 



Kalyan to the rank of a regular mart. When the author of the 
Periplus wrote, the Shatakarnis had again lost their hold of the 
Thana coast, and it had passed to a king, named Sandanes, who 
stopped all foreign trade. If Greek vessels, even by accident, came 
to a Konkan port, a guard was put on board, and they were . taken 
to Barugaza or Broach.^ 

The Konkan places mentioned by the author of the Periplus 
are Sopdra (Ouppara), Kalydn, (Kalliena), Chaul (Semulla), and 
Pal near Mah§,d [Pdlaipatmai).^ Though the direct commerce 
with Egypt had been driven from the Konkan ports,- there was 
still a considerable trade. Coasting vessels went south to meet 
the Egyptian ships at Musiris and Nelkynda on the Malabar coast,* 
or further south to Ceylon ; or ,on to ports on the Coromaudel 
coast, chiefly to bring back the fine cloths of Masulipatam.* There 
was an important trade with Gedrosia on the east coast and with 
Apologos, probably Obollah, at the head of the Persian Gulf. The 
chief trade with Gedrosia was in timber, teak, squared wood, and 
blocks of ebonyj with a return of wine, dates, cloth, purple, gold. 



1 McCrindle's Periplus, 128. This Sandanes seems to be the family or 
dynasty, which gives its name to Ptolemy's 'Sadan 'a Aria,' which includes most of 
the North Konkan. What dynasty is meant is uncertain. Prof. BhandArkar 
contributes the following note : Among'" the western countries or tribes mentioned 
by Vardhamihira, is one bearing the name of|Sh4ntik^ (Brihat S. chap. xiv. 
verse 20). The first part of the name must in vernacular pronunciation have 
become Stodi, since nt is often changed to nd in the Prakrits, as in Saundala for 
Shakuntala, Andeura for Antahpura, and in other cases. As to the final syllable ha 
of the word Shtotika it is clearly a suffix-, and this suffix is in later Sanskrit very 
generally applied to all nouns. When it is added to nouns ending in » as hastin an 
elephant, the final n is dropped and thus hastin becomes hastika. ShAntika therefore, 
without the suffix ka, is Shdntin, the nominative plural of which is ShAntinah. 
This Shtotinah is SAndino in the Prdkrits, and from this last form, that is the 
vernacular pronunciation of the day, the Greeks must have derived their Sandines or 
Sadinoi. The name Shintika occurs in the MArkaudeya Purtoa (chap. Iviii.), where, 
as well as in the Brihat Samhita, it is associated with Apartotaka or Apar4ntika, 
the name of another western people living on the coast. Apar^nta generally means 
northern Konkai^, When the Kshatrapa NahapAn displaced the ShAtavAhanas or 
Andhrabhrityas in the Deccan, the Shtotinah or Sindino must liave asserted their 
independence in the Konkan, and thus it was that their chief called Sandanes by the 
author 'of the Periplus came to be master of Kalyin. It was probably to render his 
independence secure against the victorious Kshatrapas, that he prohibited 
intercourse between his territories and the Deccan, and sent away the Greek ships to 
Barygaza. There could be no reason for Silch a prohibition in the time of the ' Elder 
Saraganes' or Sh^takami, since he ruled over the country, above the Sahyddris, as 
well as below. 

Another suggestion may perhaps be ofifered. That Ptolemy's Sadan and the 
Periplus Sandanes stand for the Kshatrap or Sinha rulers of Gujarat. 'The natural 
explanation of Sandanes' conduct in carrying the Greek ships to Broach is that it was 
done to force foreign commerce to his seaport of Broach. If the Sddhans are the 
Kshatrapa, the word Sadan or Sandanes would be the Sanskrit Sddhana, an agent 
or representative (see Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary), that is a translation of the 
Persian Kshatrap. In support of the use of the word SAdhan as an agent may be 
cited Bardesanes' account of the Hindu embassy, which he met in Babylon on its way 
to Rome about a.d, 218, where the headman, or ambassador, is called Sandanes, 
apparently Sddhan (J. R. A. S., XIX. 290, 291). The suggestion is supported by 
the Jain work KAlakAchArya Katha (J. B. B. R. A. S.: IX. 139-142), which speaks of 
the Kshatraps as th6 SAdhan-Sinhas. Wilford explains the word by Sddhan lord 
(As. Res. IX. 76, 198). He compares the phrase Sddlum Engrlz -a, polite term for 
the English. 2 McCrindle, 128, 129. 

3 Musiris IS identified with Muyirikotta and Nelkynda with Kannettri. Mc- 
Crindle's Periplus, 131, 

* McCrindle s Periplus, 145 ; Vincent's Commerce, II. 523, 



Eoukan.] 



THANA. 



419 



pearls, and slaves.^ There was also trade in muslin, corn, oil, 
cotton, and female slaves with the east coast of Arabia, Socotra 
where Indians were settled, Aden, and Moosa near Mocha.^ And 
there was a trade to Zanzibar and the African ports, taking corn, 
rice, butter, sesamum, cotton, sashes, sugar, and iron, and bringing 
back slaves, tortoiseshell, and cinnamon.^ Lastly there was a 
trade to Aduli, the sea-port of Abyssinia, the Indian ships bringing 
cloth, iron, cotton, sashes, muslin, and lac, and taking ivory and 
rhinoceros' horns.* 

A copper-plate, found by Dr. Bird in 1839 in a relic mound in 
front of the great Kanheri cave (No. 3), is dated in the 245th year 
of the Trikutakas. From the form of the letters, which seem to 
belong to the fifth century. Dr. Burgess ascribes the plate~ to the 
Gupta era in a.d. 176, and thus makes the date of the plate 
A.D. 421. Trikuta, or the three hills, is mentioned by Kalidds 
(a.d. 500) as a city on a lofty site built by Raghu when he 
conquered the Konkan. The name is the same as Trigiri, the 
Sanskrit form of Tagara, and Pandit Bhagvanldl - identifies the 
city with Junnar in west Poena, a place of great importance, on a 
high site, and between the three hills of Shivneri, Ganeshlena, and 
Manmodi.^ The discovery of two hoards of silver coins bearing 
the legend of Krishnardja, one in 1881 in Bombay Island the other 
in Mulgaon in Sdlsette in June 1882, seems to show that the early 
Efishtrakuta king Krishna (a.d. 375 -400), whose coins have already 
been found in BAglan in Nasik, also held possession of the North 
Konkan.* 

During this time the Sassanian dynasty (230-650) had risen 
to power in Persia. They were on terms of close friendship with 
the rulers of Western India, and became the leading traders in 
the eastern seas;^ In the beginning of the sixth century (a.d. 525) 
the Egyptian merchant and monk Kdsmas Indikopleustes describes 
Kalydti (Kalliana) as the seat of one of the five chief rulers of 
Western India, a king who had from 500 to 600 elephants.* 
Kalyan had much traffic with Ceylon, which was then the great 
centre of trade in the east, sending copper, steel, ebony, aud much 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Early History. 



Trihviahas, 



KrishnarAja, 
IfiO. 



Trade, 
'500. 



1 Vincent, II. 378, 379. The timber was chiefly ,used in boat-building. 

2 Vincent, 11. 296, 297, 346. McOindle's Periplus, 94, 95. Besides in Socotra, there 
is a mention of Indians settled in Armenia in the third century after Christ. Reinaud'a 
Memoir Sur. I'Inde, 72. 3 Vincent, II. 158. * Vincent, II. 116. 

5 Archseologioal Survey, X. 59, 60. ' Mr. Fleet's K^nareae Dynasties, 31, note 2, 
' In proof of the close relations between the Sassanians and India may be noticed 
BehrAm Ghor's visit to the king of Kanauj (420-438), his marriage with an Indian 
princess, and the introduction of Indian music and literature into Persia. There 
were also the conquest of Sindh and embassies to the rulers of southern India under 
Naushirvin (531-578), and an embassy of Khosro PArviz (591-628) to the king of 
BAdAmi, Pulikeshi II. (609-640). Jour: R. A. S. XI. 165. It was under the Sassanians 
that the Persians brought chess and the Arabian Nights from India (Reinaud's Memoir 
Sur. I'Inde, 136). WiUord (As. Res. IX. 156, 233; X. 91) traces the foreign element 
in the Mardthfe and in the Ohitp^van or Konkanasth BrAhmans to Persian immigration 
during Sassanian rule. But it seems likely that if there is a Persian element in the 
Mardthds and Konkanasth Br4hmans, it dates from before the time of the Sassanians. 
See above, p. 414. 

8 The other centres of power were Sindhu, Orrhata probably _Surdshtra, Sibor 
perhaps Sopdra, and four pepper marts in the Malabar coast. Migne's Fatrologise 
Cursus, 88 ; I. 446. 



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Early Histokt. 



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cloth, and bringing back silk, cloves, caryophyllum, aloes, and 
sandalwood.^ Witb the Persian Gulf there was much trade to 
Hira near Kufa, and to OboUeh. Of the exports to the Persian 
GuK, one of the chief was timber for house-building, aloes, 
pepper, ginger, spices, cotton cloth, and silk.^ The trade with 
Egypt began to fall off about the close of the third century, and 
by the sixth century it had almost ceased.* The traffic with the 
African ports was brisk and had developed an import of gold. The 
merchants were Hindus, Arabs, Persians, and perhaps Christians from 
Persia.* The Hindus seem to have been as great travellers as 
during the times of Greek trade,' and were found settled in Persia,. 
Alexandria, Ceylon, Java, and China.^ 

The chief of Kalyan described by Kosmas was perhaps either a 
Maurya or a Nala as Kirtivarma (550-567), the first of the 
ChAlukyas who turned his arms against the Konkan, is described 
as the night of death to the Nalas and Mauryas.® And 
Kirtivarma's grandson Pulikesi II. (610-640), under whom the 
Konkan was conquered, describes his general Chanda-danda, as 
a great wave which drove before it the watery stores of the pools, 
which are the Mauryas. The Chdlukya general, with hundreds of 
ships, attacked the Maurya capital Pari, the goddess of the fortunes 
of the western ocean .^ A stone inscription from YAda in the 
north of Thdna of the fourth or fifth century shows that a Mauryan 
king of the name of Suketuvarma was then ruling in the Konkan;' 



1 Cosmas in J, B. A. S. XX. 292. Heeren's Hist. Res. Ill, 403 and Ap. B. 439. 
Yule's Cathay, I. clxvii.-clxxxi. Vincent, II. 505-511. Lassen's Ind. Alt. IV. 94, 99, 
100 ! Tennent's Ceylon, I. 545. 

2 In 638 the Arabs found teak beams in the Persian king's palace near Basra, 
Ousele/s Persia, II. 280. 

3 The mystic Loadstone rocks (an index to the limit of navigation) had moved from 
Ceylon in 280 to the mouth of the Arabian Gulf in 560. Priaulx In J.R. A-S. XX. 309. 

* Kosmas in Yule's Cathay, I. clxx. An account of the Christians of Kalydn and their 
connection with Persia is given in the Population Chapter. It seems probable that 
the settlements of Christians at Kalyin and SopAra had been strengthened by refugees 
from Syria and Mesopotamia in the fifth century during the persecution of the 
Nestorians by the Emperor of Constantinople, At that time Nestorians seenf to have 
fled as far as China. Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, cd. ; Rich's Khurdistdn, II. 112. 

^ Hiwen Thsang (642) found colonies of Indians in the cities of Persia iii the free 
exCTcise of their religion. Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, ccclxxxiv. There were two or three 
Buddhist conventa-of the Narrow Way (Julien's Hiwen Thsang, III. 179). An Indian 
temple is mentioned about A.D. 400 at'Auxume on the Red Sea. J. R. A. S.XX. 278, 
note 4. In 470Brdhmaus were entertained at Alexandria by Severus, a Roman Governor. 
(WUford's As. Res. X. Ill ; Lassen's Ind. Alt. HI. 378, IV. 907 ; Priaulx in J. R. A. S. 
XX. 273). In the beginning of the fifth century there were said to be 3000 Indians in 
China. Real's Fah Hiau, xxix. Fah Hian (420) also mentions Brdhmans in the ship 
between JAva and China. Brdhmans flourished in JAva. Ditto, 168-169. 

* Ind. Ant. VIII. 244. A dynasty of fifty-nine ChAlukyas is said to have ruled 
in Oudh. Then Jaising passed south, invaded the Decean, and about a.b. 468 
defeated the Ratta chief Krishna (Jour. R. A. S. [Old Series], IV, 6, 7, 8). For two 
more generations their power did not pass west of the Sahyddris. 

'Arch. Sur. Rep. III. 26. Puri has not been identified. See below, p. 423 note %. 

8 Pandit Bhagvtoldl Indraji. This stone, which may be readily known by a trident 
ipark at the top, is in the Museum of the Bombay Asiatic Society. Details are 
^veu under Places of Interest, VMa. Traces of the MauryaS remain in the surname 
More, which is common among Marithii^, Kunbis, and Kolis. The two small 
landing-places of the name of More, in Elephanta and in Karanja, are perhaps relics 
of Maiuryan power. The only trace of the Nalas occurs in a local story of a Nal 
R4ja, who married his daughter to the Malang or Arab devotee who gave his name 
to Malanggad hill. (See Places of Interest, Malanggad). Nal is still a Mar^tha surname. 



Eonkau.] 



421 



thAna. 



And it is probable that the group of figures in the LonM cave six 
miles south-east of Bhiwndi, which belongs to the sixth or seventh 
century, represents the court of a Mauryan king.^ 

During the reign of the great Naushervan (531-578), when the 
Persians were the rulers of the commerce of the eastern seas, the 
relations between Western India and Persia were extremely close.^ 
On the Arab (625 and 638) overthrow of Yezdejard III., the last of 
the Sassanians, several bands of Persians sought refuge on the 
Thdna coast and were kindly received by Jddav Eana, apparently 
a Yadav chief of Sanjdn,* In the years immediately after their 
conquest of Persia the Arabs made several raids on the coasts of 
Western India; one of these in 637 from Bahrein and Oman in 
the Persian Gulf plundered the Konkan coast near Thana.* 

No further notice^ of the North Konkan has been traced till the 
rise of the Sildhdras, twenty of whom, as far as present information 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

Eably History. 



Arabs, 
640. 



1 The attitude of some of the figures, whose hands are laid on their mouths 
apparently out of respect to the king, suggests Persian influence. The laying of the 
hand on the mouth is a sign of respect in the Persepolis Pictures (Heeren's As. Res. 

I. 178), and the PArsis still cover the mouth in sign of worship. 

2 Yule (Cathay, I. 56) notices thatahout this time the lower Euphrates was called 
Hind or India, but this seems to have been an ancient practice. Rawlinson, J. R. 
G. S. XXVII. 186. As to the extent of the Persian trade at this time, see Eeinaud's 
Memoir Sur. I'lnde, 124. In the fifth and sixth centuries, besides the Persian trade, 
there was an active Arab trade up the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates to Hira on the 
right or west bank of the river, not far from the ruins of Babylon. There was also 
much traffic with OboUah near the mouth of the joint river not far from Basra. 
Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, ccolxxxii. 

OboUah is also at this time <A,D. 400-600) noticed as the terminus of the Indian 
and Chinese vessels which were too large to pass up the river to Hira. (Ditto and 
Yule's Cathay, Ixxvii. 55). So close was its connection with India that the Talmud 
' writers always speak of it as Hindike or Indian ObiUah (Rawlinson in J, R. G. S. 
XXVII. 186). According to Masudi (915) OboUah was the only port under the 
Sassanian kings (Prairies d'Or, III. 164.) McCrindle (Periplus, 103; compare Vincent, 

II. 377) identifies it with the Apologos of the PCTiplus (A.T>. 247) which he holds 
took the place of Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) Teredou or Diridotus. Reinaud (Ind, Ant. 
VIII. 330) holds that OboUah is a corruption of the Greek Apologos, a custom house. 
But Vincent's view (11. 355) that Apologos is a Greek form of ttie original OboUah 
or OboUegh seems much more likely. In Vincent's ojwnion (Ditto, II. 356) the town 
was founded by the Parthians. At the. time of the Arab conquest of Persia (637) 
Abillah is mentioned, as the port of entry at the mouth ofthe Euphrates (J. R. A. S. 
XII. 208). In spite of the rivalry of the new Arab port of Basrah, OboUah cantinned 
a considerable centre of trade. It is mentioned by Tabari in the ninth century 
(Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, occlxxxii.) : Masudi (913) notices it as a leading town (Prairies 
d'Or, I. 230-231) j Idrisi (1135) as a very rich and flourishing city (Jaubert's Ed. 1. 
369) ; and it appears in the fourteenth eeatury in Abu-1-fida (Reinaud's Abu-1-flda, 72). 
It was important enough to give the Persian Giilf the name of the Gulf of OboUah 
(D'Herbelot's Bibliotheque Orientale, III. 61). According to D'Herbelot when he wrote 
(about 1670) Obollah was still a strong weU peopled town (Ditto). The importance 
of the town and the likeness of the names suggest that OboUah is the Abulamah from 
which came the Persian or Parthian Harpharan of Abulamah who records the gift of 
a cave in Ktoli ineoription 20. This identification supports the close connection by sea 
between the Parthians and the west coast of India in the centuries before and after 
the Christian era. See above p. 413. 3 See above pp. 247-249. 

* Elliot and Dowson's History, 1. 415, 416. As the companion fleet which was sent 
to Dibal or Diul in Sindh made a trade settlement at that town, this attack on ThAna 
was probably more than a plundering raid. The Kaliph Umar (634-643>, who had not 
been consulted, was displeased with the expedition and forbad any further attempt. 

" Hiwen Thsang's(642) Konfcanapura, about 330 miles from the Dr^vid country, was 
thought by General Otmningham (Ano. Geog. S52) to be KalyAn, or some other place 
in the Konkan. Dr. Bumell (Ind. Ant. VII. 39) has identified it with KonkanahaUi 
in Mysor. 



422 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

SilAMras. 
810-1S60. 



goes, ruled in the North Konkan from about a.d. 810 to a.d. 1260, 
a period of 450 years.^ 

Who the SiMhd.ras were has pot been ascertained. The name is 
variously spelt SiMhara, Shailahd,ra, ShriMra, ShiMra, and SiMra ; 
even the same inscription has more than one form, and one 
inscription has the three forms SiMra, ShiMra, and Shrildra.^ Lassen 
suggests that the Silahdras are of Afghan origin, as Sildr Kafirs 
are still found in Afghanistan.' But the southern ending Ayya 
of the names of almost all their ministers and the un-Sanskrit names 
of some of the chiefs favour the view that they were of southern or 
Dravidian origin.* 

1 As far as at present known, the family tree of the Thdna SiUhAras was as follows ; 

(1) Eapardi. 

(2) Palashakti. 

(S) Eapardi (II.) named Laghu or the younger, 
I {Shak 775 - 799, A.D. 863 ■ 877). 

(4) Vappuvanna. 



(5J Jhanjha, 
(A.D. 916). 

Lasthij'avva, 
(married Bhillama the 
fourth ChS-ndor Y&dav king). 



I 



(6)Goggl. 
(7) Vajjadadev. 
(8) Apar^jit (.Shah 919, A.D. 997). 



(9) Vajjadadey (II.). 



(10) Arikeehari [Shak 939, A.D. 1017). 



(11) Chhittaraj (12) NSgArjon. (13) Mummuni (Shak 982, A.D. 1060). 

(SAfl* 948, A.D. 1026). I 

(14) Anantdev (Shah 1003"and 1016, A. D. 1081 and 1094). 
? 
(16) AparMitya (Shak 1060, a.d. 1138). 
1 
(16) HaripSIdev (Sfiah 1071, 1072, and 1076, A.D. 1149, 1150, and 1163). 

! 
(17) Mallikarjan (Shah 1078 and 1082, A.D. 1166 and 1160). 
? 
(18) Apai'Mitya (II.) (Shah 1106 and 1109, a.d. 1184 and 1187). 
1 
(19) E£Bhidev (Shah 1126 and 1161, A,D. 1203 and 1238). 

? 
(20) Someshvar (Shak 1171 and 1182, a.d. 1249 and 1260). 

Besides the Thtoa branch of the SilAhAras, there was a South Konkan branch whose 
head-quarters are unknown and a Kolhdpur branch whose head-quarters seem to 
have been at Panhalgadh the modem PanhAIa (J. B. B. E. A. S. XIII. 17). From 
the single inscription which has been found, the South Konkan branch appears to 
have included ten kings who ruled from about 808 to 1008, at first under the 
R^shtrakutas and then under the Chdlukyas. The Kolhdpur branch, of which eleven 
inscriptions are recorded, had sixteen kings who ruled from about 840 (?) to 1190. 
One of this dynasty Vijaydrkdev ( 1 151 ) is described as restoring the dethroned lords of 
Thdna andGoa. J. B. B. R. A. S. XIII. 16. Mr. Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 98-106. 
a Ind. Ant. IX, 33, 34, 35 ; Jour. B. B. R A. S. XIII. 2, 3, 5. 

3 Lassen's Ind. Alt. IV. 113. 

4 It seems probable that Sildhdra and ShaiUhAra are Sanskritised forms of the 
common Mardthi surname Selar. The story of , the origin of the name is that 
JimutvAhan the mythical founder was the son of a spirit or Vidyddhara, who under 
a curse became a man. At this time Vishnu's eagle, Garnda, conquered the serpent 
king Vdsuki and forced Vdsuki to give him one of his serpent subjects for his daily 
food. After a time it came to the lot of the serpent Shankhachuda to be sacrificed. 
He was taken to a stone, shila, and left for the eagle to devour. Jimutvdhan resolved 
to save the victim, and placed himself on the rook instead of the serpent. When 
Garuda came, Jimutvdhan said he was the victim and Garuda devoured him except' . 
his head. Meantime Jimutvdhan's wife came, and finding her husband slain, reproach- 
ed Garuda, who restored him to life and at her request ceased to devour the serpents. 
For this act of self-sacrifice Jimutvdhan gained the name of the Rock-devoured, - 
Shildhdra. J. E. A. S, (Old Series), IV. 113. Tawney's KathASarit Sdgara, 1. 174-186. 
A stanza from this story forms the beginning of all SilAhAra copper- plate inscriptions. 



Eoukan.] 



thAna. 



423 



The Silih^ras seem to have remained under the Rd,shtrakutas 
till about the close of the tenth century, a.d. 997, when Apardjit 
assumed independent power.^ The Thdna Sil^dras seem to 
have held the greater part of the present districts of Thdna and 
KoUba. Their capital seems to have been Puri/ and their places 
of note were Hamjaman probably Sanjan in Ddh^nu, Thdna (Shri- 
"sthanak), Sopara (Shurpdrak), Chaul (Ohemuli), Londd (Lavan^tata), 
and Uran.* As the Yadavs call themselves lords of the excellent 
city of Dvdrdvatipura or Dwarka and the Kadambas call them- 
selves lords of the excellent city of Banavdsipura or Banavdsi, so the 
Sildhdras call themselves lords of the exqellent city of Tagarapura 
or Tagar. This title would furnish si clue to the origin of the 
Silahdras if, unfortunately, the site of Tagar was not uncertain.* 



Chapter VII. 

History.' 

SiUhdraa. 
810 'imo. 



1 See below, p, 424. The early Silihiras, though they call themselves Edjds and 
Konkan Chakravartis, seem to have been only Mahdmandaleshvaras or Mah^dmant^- 
dhipatis, that is great nobles. In twoKanheri cave inscriptions (Arch. Sur. X. 61,62) 
the third Silihira king Kapardi II. (a.d. 853 to 877) is mentioned as a subordinate of 
the Bdshtrakutas. Of the later SiUhdras Aoantapdl A.D. 1094 and AparMitya a.d. 
1138 claim to be independent. Ind. Ant. IX. 4S. 

2 The Sild,hiira Puri, if, as seems likely, it is the same as the Maurya Puri (Ind. 
Ant. Vin. 244), was a coast town. Of the possible coast towns Thdna and Chaul may 
be rejected, as they appear under the names of Shristhdnak and Chemuli in inscriptions 
in which Purialso occurs (As. Res. I. 361, 364 j Ind. Ant. IX. 38). KalyAn and Sopdra 
may be given up as unsuitable for an attack by sea, and to Sopd,ra there is the further 
objection that itappears in the same copper-plate in which Puri occurs. (Ind. Ant. IX. 
38). There remain Mangalpuri or MdgAthan in SAlsette, Ghdrdpuri or Elephanta, and 
KAjApuri or Janjira. Neither Mangalpuri (see Places of Interest, MigAthan) nor 
E.4jd,puri has remains of an old capital, so that perhaps the most likely identification 
of Puri is the Moreh landing or Bandar on the north-east corner of GhdrApuri or 
Elephanta, where many ancient remains have been found. See Places of Interest, 
Elephanta, and Appendix A, Puri. 

3 Other places of less note mentioned in the inscriptions are Bhdddn, Padgha, 
and BAbgaon villages, and the Kumbhdri river in Bhiwndi, Kanher in Bassein, and 
Chdnje (Ohadiche) village near Uran. 

4 Tagar has been identified by Wilford (As. Res. I. 369) with Devgiri or Daulatabad 
and by Dr. Burgess with Boza about four miles from Daulatabad (Bidar and Auran- 
gabad, 55) ; Lassen and Yule place it doubtfully at Kulburga (Ditto) ; Pandit Bhag- 
vtoMl, as already stated, at Junnar ; Grant Duff (MarAthiis, 11) near Bhir on the 
Godivari ; and Mr. J. F. Fleet, C.S., (KAnarese Dynasties, 99- 103) at Kolhipur. Prof. 
Bhand^rkar observes, 'The identification of Tagar with Devgiri is based on the 
supposition that the former name is a corruption of the latter. But that it is not 
so is proved by its occurrence as Tagar in the SiUhAra grants (a.d. 997-1094), 
and in a Chilukya grant of a.d. 612, the language of all of which is Sanskrit. 
The modem Junnar cannot have been Tagar, since the Greeks place Tagar ten days' 
journey to the east of Paithan. On the supposition that Junnar was Tagar, one would 
expect the Chilukya plate issued to a Brihmau of Tagar to have been foundl 
at or near Junnar. But it was found at Haidarabad in the Deccan. The author of 
the Periplus calls Tagar 'the greatest city' in Dakhinabadea or Dakshindpath. 
The Sil^dra princes or chiefs, who formed three distinct branches of a dynasty that 
ruled over two parts of the Konkan and the country about Kolhdpur, trace their 
origin to JimutvAhan, the Vidyddhar or demigod, and style themselves ' The lords 
of the excellent city of Tagar.' From this it would appear that the SiUhdras were an 
ancient family, and that their original seat was Tagar whence they spread to the 
confines of the country. Tagar therefore was probably the centre of one of the 
earliest Aryan settlements in the Dandakdranya or 'forest of Dandaka,' as the Deccan 
or MahirAshtra was called. These early settlements followed the course of the 
GodAvari. Hence it is that in the formula repeated at the beginning of any religious 
ceremony in Mahdrdshtra, the place where the ceremony is performed is alluded to 
by giving its hearing from the Godivari. People in .Khtoctesh use the words 
'OodAvarya uttara tire]' that is 'on the northern bank of the Goddvari,' while those to 
the south of the riv«r, as far as the borders of the country, use the expression 'Godd- 
varya Dahahime tire' that is 'on the southern bank of the Goddvari,' If then Tagar 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
424 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. Besides the Silahdra references, the only known Sanskrit notice of 

History. Tagar is in a Oh^lukya copper-plate found near Haidarabad in the 

SililhAras ! Deccan and dated a.d. 612.^ As has been already noticed, the 

J ' ' references to Tagar in Ptolemy and in the Periplus point to a city 

considerably to the east of Paithan, and the phrase in the Periplus,^ 

'That many articles brought into Tagar from the parts along the coast 

were sent by wagons to Broach,' -seems to show that Tagar was in 

communication with the Bay of Bengal, and was supported by the 

eastern trade, which in later times enriched Malkhet, Kalyan, Bidar, 

Grolkonda, and Haidarabad. 

From numerous references and grants the Thdna Sildhdras seem 
to have been worshippers of Shiv.^ 

Of Kapardi, the first of the Thana SiMhdras, nothing is known 
except that he claims descent from Jimutvahan. Pulashakti his son 
and successor, in an undated inscription in Kanheri Cave 78, is 
mentioned as the governor of Mangalpuri in the Konkan, and as the 
humble servant of (the Rdshtrakuta king) Amoghvarsh. The third 
king, Pulashakti's son, Kapardi II. was called the younger, lagJm. 
Two inscriptions in Kanheri Caves 10 and 78, dated a.d. 853 and 877, . 
seem to show that he was subordinate to the Rashtrakutas. The 
son of Kapardi II. was the fourth king, Vappuvanna, and his son 
was Jhanjha the fifth king. Jhanjha is mentioned by the Arab 
historian Masudi as ruling over Saimur (Chaul) in A. d,. 916.* 
He must have been a staunch Shaivite, as, according to a Sildhara 
copper-plate of a.d. 1094, he built twelve temples of Shambhu.^ 
According to an unpublished copper-plate in the possession of 
Pandit Bhagvdnlal, Jhanjha had a daughter named Lasthiyavva, who 
was married to Bhillam the fourth king of the Chandor Yddavs.® 

The next king was Jhanjha's brother.Groggi, and after him came 
Groggi's son Vajjaddev. Of the eighth _ king, Vajjaddev's son 
Apard.jit or Birundakardm, a copper-plate dated 997 (Shah 919) has 
lately been found at Bher, about ten miles north of Bhiwndi.' 



was one of the earliest of the Aryan settlements, it must be situated on or near the 
banks of the GodUvari, as the ancient town of Paithan is ; and its bearing from 
Paithan given by the Greek geographers agrees with this supposition, as the course 
of the Goddvari from that point is nearly easterly. Tagar must therefore be looked 
for to the east of Paithan. If the name has undergone corruption, it must, by the 
Prakrit law of dropping the initial mutes, be first changed to Taaraura, and thence 
to TArur or Terur. Can it be the modern Ddrup or DhArur in, the NizAm's dominions, 
twenty-fiTe nules east of Grant Duff's Bhir and seventy miles south-east of Paithan ? 
1 Ind. Ant. VI. 75. 2 AlcCriudle, 126. 

3 The most marked passages are in a copper-plate of a.d. 1094, where the fifth 
king Jhanjha is mentioned as having built twelve temples to Shambhu, and the 
tenth king Arikteshari as having, by direction of his father, visited Someshvar 
or SonjnAth, offering up before him the whole earth (Ind. Ant. IX. 37). The 
Kolhdpur SilAhiras appear to have been tolerant kings, as one copper-plate records 
grants to Mahddev, Buddha, and Arhat (Jour, B. B. R. A. S. XIII. 17). Compare 
Mr. Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 103. 

4 Prairies d'Or, II. 85. 6 Ind. Ant. IX. 35. 

6 The text is, 'BhAryd yasya cha Jhanjhardjatanayd eJlri LastMyaiivdvhayd.' A 
short account of the Chdndor TMavs is given in the N Asik Statistical Account. 
Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 185. 

7 The copper-plate records the grant at Shristhinak or Thdna, of BhAdtoe village 
about eight miles east of Bhiwndi for the worship of LonAditya residing in (whose 



Konkan,] 



THiNA. 



425 



It appears from this plate that during Aparajit's reign, his 
Rashtrakuta overlord Karkardja or Kakkala was overthrown and 
slain by the Chalukyan Tailapa, and that Aparajit became indepen- 
dent some time between 972 and 997.'^ 

In a copper-plate of a.d. 1094, recording a grant by the fourteenth 
king Anantdev, Aparajit is mentioned as having welcomed G-omma, 
confirmed to Aiyapdev the sovereignty which had been shaken, 
and afforded security to Bhillamdmmamanambudha ?^ The next 
king was Apardijit's son Vajjadadev. The next king Arikeshari, 
Vajjadadev's brother, in a copper-plate grant dated a.d. 1097, is 
styled the lord of 1400 Konkan villages. Mention is also made of 
the cities of Shristhanak, Puri, and Hamyaman probably Sanjan.* 
The eleventh king was Vajjadadev's son Chhittarajdev. In a 
copper-plate dated Shah 948 (a.d. 1025) he is styled the ruler 
of the 1400 Konkan villages, the chief of which were Puri and 
Hamyamam.* The twelfth king was Nd,gd.rjun, the younger 
brother of Chhittarajdev. After him came Nagarjun's younget 
brother Mummnni or Mamvd,ni,' who is mentioned in an inscription 
dated A.n. 1060 {Shak 982).* The fourteenth king was Mummuni or 
Md,mvani's son Anantpal or Anantdev, whose name occurs in two 
grants dated a.d. 1081 and 1096.® In the 1096 grant he is 
mentioned as ruling over the whole Konkan 1400 villages, the chief 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

SiMh&ras. 
810-H360. 



temple is in) Lavanatata (Lond^d), on the fourth of the dark half of Ashddh (June- July) 
Shak 919 (A. a 997), as a DaksMnAyan gift, that is% gift made on the occasion of the sua 
beginning to pass to the south. AparAjita's ministers were Sangalaiya and Sinhapaiya. • 
The inscription was written by Sangalaiya's son Annapai. Thegrant was settled in 
Thdua, Tachcha Shristhdnake dhruvam. 

^ Pandit BhagvAnl41 Indraji. 

^ Ind. Ant. IX. 36. Of Gomma and Aiyapdev nothing is known ; of the third 
name only Bhillam the son-in-law of Jhanjha can be made out. 

^ Asiatic Researches, I. 357-367. This grant was found in 1787 while digging 
"foundations in Th4na fort. Arikeshari's ministers were VAsapaiya and Virdhapaiya. 
The grant consists of several viUages given to a family priest, the illustrious Tikka- 
paiya son of the illustrious astrologer Chohhinpaiya, an inhabitant of Shristhtoafe' 
(Thdna) on the occasion of a full eclipse of the moon in KdrUk (October-November) '• 
Shak 939 (a.T). 1017) Pingala Samvatsara. The grant was written by the illustrious 
I^'dgalaiya, the great bard, and engraved on plates of copper by Vedapaiya's son 
M&ndhirpaiya, 

'-*slnd. Ant. V. 276-281. His ministers were the chief functionary T^aruficiMcin the 
illustrious NAganaiya, the miuister for peace and war the illustrious Sihapaiya, and 
the minister for peace and war for Karndta (Kinara) the illustrious Kapardi. The^ 
grant, which is dated Sunday the fifteenth of the bright half of KdrUk (October- 
November) Shak 948 (a.d. 1026) Kshaya Samvatsara is of a field in the village of Ifour 
(the modem Naura two miles north of BhAndup) in the tdluka of Shatshashthi 
(S^lsette) included in Shristhinak (Thina). The donee is a BrAhman Amadevaiya 
the son of Vipranodamaiya, who belonged to the ChhandogashAkha of the Sdmved. 

5 Jour. B. B, R. A. S. XII. 329-332. In this inscription; which is in the Ambar- 
ndth temple near Kalyin, he is called MAmy^uirijadev and his ministers are named 
Vinta (paiya), NAganaiya, Vakadaiya, Jogalaiya, PAdhisena, and BhAilaiya, The 
inscription records the construction of a temple of Chhittarajdev, that is a temple, the 
merit of building which counts to ChhittarAjdev. 

6 The A.D. 1081 grant was found in Veh^r in Sdlsette and the 1096 grant in KhAre- 
pAtan in Devgadin the Ratnigiri district. The Vehdr stone was found in 1881 and 
jecords a grant by Anantdev in Shak 1003 (A.D.^1081), the chief minister being Rudra- 
pai. The inscription mentions Ajapdlaiya son of MAtaiya of the Vyddika family and 
the grant of some drammas to khdrdsdn ma»dfi[?J(Pandit BhagvdiilAl), The KhdrepAtan 
copper-plates were found several years ago and give the names of all the thirteen' 
SiWhdra kings before Anantdev. Ind. Ant. IX, 33-46. 

B 310-54 



tBombay Gazetteer, 



426 



DISTRICTS. 



ISiapter VII. 
History. 

SiMh4ras. 
810-1260. 



of which was Pari and next to it Hanjamana probably Sanjdn, and 
as having cast into the ocean of the edge of his sword those wicked 
heaps of sin, who at a time of misfortunej caused by the rise to 
power of hostile relatives, devastated the whole Konkan, harassing 
gods and Brdhmana.^ 

The names of six SiMhd,ra kings later than Anabtdev have been 
made out from land-grant stones. As these stones do not give 
a pedigree, the order and relationship of the kings cannot be 
determined. 

The first of these kings is Apardditya, who is mentioned in a 
stone dated A.d. 1138 {Shah 1060)> The next king is HaripAldev, 
who is mentioned in three stones dated 1149, 1150, and 1153 (SJiak 
1071, 1072 and 1075).8 

The next king is Mallikarjun, of whom two grants are recorded, 
one from Chiplun in Ratnagiri dated 1156 {Shah 1078), the other from 
Bassein dated 1160 {Shak 1082). This Mallikdrjun seems to be the 
Konkan king, who was defeated near Balsar by A'mbada the general 
of the Gujarat king Kumarp^l Solanki (a.d. 1 143-1 1 74) .* Next comes 

i This account refers to some civil strife of which nothing is known (Ind. Ant. IX, 
41). Anantdev's ministers were the illustrious Nauvitaka VAsaida, Eishibhatta, the 
illustrious Pd,dhisen Mahidevaiya prabhu, and Somanaiya prabhu. The grant is dated 
the first day of the bright half of Mdgh (January-February) in the year Shah 1016 
(A. D. 1094), Bhdv Samvatsara. It consists of an exemption from tolls for all carta 
belonging to the great minister the illustrious Bh^bhana skresMhi, the son of the great 
minister Durgashreshthi of Valipavana, probably Pdlpattana or the city of Pal near 
Mah4d ia KolAba, and his brother the illustrious Dhanamshreahthi. Their carts may 
come iiito any of the ports, ShristhAnak, Ndgapur perhaps NAgothna, Shurp^rak, 
Chemuli, and others mcluded within the Konkan 1400. They are also freed from 
the toll on the ingress or egress of those who carry on the business oinorikd (?) 

2 This stone, which was found in 1S81 at Chd.nje near Uran in the Karanja 
petty division, records the grant of a field in Ndgum, probably the modem 
Ndgaon about four miles west of Uran, for the merit of his mother LiUdevi ; and 
another grant of a garden in Chadija (ChAnge) village. This is the Apardditya ' king 
of the Konkan,' who is mentioned in Mankha's Shrikanthacharita (a book found 
by Br. Buhler in Kashmir and ascribed by him to a.d. 1135-1145) as sending Teja- 
kanth from Shurpirak (Sopdra) to the literary congress held at Kashmir, of which 
details are given in that book. Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XII. Extra Number, 61 ; oxv. 

3 The 1149 stone is built into the plinth of the back veranda of the house of one 
Jair&m BhAskar SonAr at Sopdra. It records a gift. The name of the king is doubtful. 
It may be also read Kurpdldev. The 1150 stone was found near Agishi in 1881. 
It ia dated IstMdrgshirsh (December- January), in the Pramoda Samvatsara, Shak 1072 
(A.D. 1150). Haripdl's ministers were Vesupadval, Lakshman prabhu, PadmaBhivrAul, 
and VAsugi ndyak. The grant is of the permanent income of Shrinevadi in charge of 
a Pattakil (Pdtil) named IlAja, to the family priest Brahmadevbhatt son of DivAkar- 
bhatt and grandson of Govardhanbhatt, by prince Ahavamalla enjoying the village of 
Vattdrak (Vatdr) in Shurpdrak (Septra). The witnesses to the grant are Kisi 
Mhitara, head of Yattirab village, Ndguji MhAtara, Anantndyak, and ChAngdev 
MhAtara. Pandit BhagvAnldl. There is another inscription of Haripdldev on a stone 
found in Karanjon in Bassein. The inscription is of thirteen lines, whic^i are very 
hard to read. In the third and fourth lines can be read very doubtfully ' the illus- 
trious Haripildev, the chief of the MahAmandaleshvaras, adorned with all the royal 
titles.' The 1153 stone was found near Borivli stationin 1882. The inscription is in 
nine lines, and bears date Sliak 1075, Shrimukh Samvatsara and the name of king 
Haripdl. 

* The Kumdrpdl Charitra (a.d. 1170) which gives details of this defeat of 
Mallikdrjun (see below p. 436) describea MaUikirjun's father as MahAnand, and his 
capital as Shatinandpur ' surrounded by the ocean' {Shatdnandapure jaladhiveshtite 
Mahdnando rdja). Mahinand is an addition to the SiUhdra table, but the form appears 
doubtful and does not correspond with the name of any of the preceding or succeeding 
kings. ' Surrounded by the ocean' might apply to a town either in SAIsette or on 
Sop4ra island. But the epithet applies much better to a town on Elephanta island 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



427 



AparMitya II.j of whom there are four land-grant stones, three of 
them dated, one in 1184 {8hak 1106) and two in 1187 {ShakU09), 
and one undated.^ 

The next king is Keshidev, son of Apararba (A,paraditya II. ?), 
two of whose landrgrant stones have been found, one dated 1203 
{Shale 1125) the other 1238 {Shak 1161).^ 

The next is Someshvar, two of whose land-grant stones have 
been found, one dated 1249 (Shak 1171) the other 1260 {Shah 
1182).* 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

SiUMras. 
8X0-1S60. 



and the similarity in name suggests that Shatdnandpur may be Santapur an old 
name for Elephanta. See Places of Interest, 81-82. Mallikirjun's Chiplun stone was 
found in 1880 by Mr. Falle, of the Marine Survey, under a wall in Chiplun (Jour. 
B. B. E. A. S, XIV. p. XXXV. ) It is now in the museum of the Bombay Branch of 
the Royal Asiatic Society. The writing gives the name of Mallikirjun and bears 
date Shak 1078 (a.d. 1156). His ministers were NAgalaiya and Lakshmanaiya's son 
Anantugi (Pandit BhagvAnUl). The Baasein stone styles the king ' Shri-Sil4h^a 
Mallikirjnn' [and the date given is Shak 1082 (a.d. 1160), Vishva Samvatsara, hia 
ministers being Prabhdkar nlyak and Anantpai prabhu. The grant is of a field(?) or 
garden (?) called ShilirvAtak in PadhAlasak in Katakhadi by two royal priests, for 
the restoration of a temple. -Pandit BhagvinlAl. 

1 The 1184: {Shak 1106) stone was found in February 1882 about a mile south-west of 
Lon&dinBhiwndi. Of the two Shak 1109 (a.d. 1187) stones, one found near Govern-" 
ment House, Parel, records a grant by Apard,ditya, the ruler of the Eonkan, of 24 
dramma coins after exempting other taxes, the fixed revenue of one oart in the 
village of Mdhuli (probably the modern MAhul near Kurla) connected with 
Shatshashthi, which is in the possession of Anantapai prabhu, for performing the 
worship by five rites of (the god) Vaidyanftth, lord of Darbhdvati. The last line 
of the inscription shows that it was written by a K^yasth named Vdlig Pandit (Jour. 
B. B. R. A. S. XII. 335). The second Shak 1109 (a.d. 1187) stone is in the 
museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. It is dated Shak 
1109 (a.d. 1187) VishvAvasn iSamcaisara, on Sunday the sixth of the bright half of 
Ohaitra (April-May). The grantor is the great minister Lakahmann^yaka son of 
BhiskarnAyaka, and something is said in the grant about the god Somnd,th of 
Surdshtra (Ind. Ant. IX. 49). The fourth stone, which bears no date, was found 
near Kalambhom in Bassein in 1882. It gives the name of AparAditya, and from the 
late form of the letters probably belongs to this king. A fifth stone has recently been 
found near Baasein. The date is doubtful ; it looks like Shak 1107 (a.d. 1185). 
.Pandit Bhagvdnl^. 

2 The Shak 1125 (a.d. 1203) stone was found in 1881 near MAndvi in Bassein, It 
records the grant of something for offerings, nmvedya, to the god LakshminArdyan in 
the reign of the illustrious Keshidev. Pandit BhagvtolAl. The yS^oi 1161 (a.d. 1238) 
stone was found near Londd village in Bhiwndi in February 1882. It bears date the 
thirteenth of the dark half of Mdgh (February-March) and records the grant by 
Keshidev the son of Apardrka of the village of BraUmapuri, to one Kavi Soman, 
devoted to the worship of Shompeshvar Mahddev. The inscription describes 
Brahmapuri as 'pleasing by reason of its Shaiv temples.' A field or hamlet called 
MAjaspalli in BApgrdm, the modem Bibgaon near Londd, is granted by the same 
inscription to four worshippers in front of the image of Shompeshvar. Aparirkai 
Keshidev's father, is probably the Apariditya (arka and ddUya both meaning the sun) 
the author of the commentary called AparArka on YAjnavalkya's law book the 
Mit4kshara. At the end of the conunentary is written : Thus ends the Penance 
Chapter in the commentary on the Hindu law of Ydjnavalkya made by the 
illustrious Apariditya of the family Of JimutvAhan, the Shil4h4ra king of the 
dynasty of the illustrious VidyAdhara. ' Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XII. 335 and Extri 
Number, 52. AparArka is cited by an author of the beginning of the thirteenth 
century. Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 161. 

3 The Sliak 1171 (a.d. 1249) stone was found in RSnvad near Uran. In this 
stone the Sildhilra king Someshvar grants land in Padivase village in Uran toi 
purify him from sins. The Shak 1182 (a.d. 1260) stone was. found in ChAnje also 
near Uran. It records the grant by the Konkan monarch Someshvar of 162 
pAruttha (Parthian ?) dramvma coins, being the fixed income of a garden in Konthalesthto 
in Chadiche (Ohdnje) village in Uran, to Uttareshvar Mahddev of Shri-Sthdnakf 
(Thtoa). The boundary on the west is the royal or high road, rAjpath. Someshvar's 
ministers were JhAmpadprabhu, Maindku, Bebalaprabhu, Peramde Pandit, and 

_ P4dhigovenaku. Pandit Bhagvtoldl. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
428 DISTEICTS. 

Chapter VII. Though, with few exceptions, the names of the Th^na Silahd,ras 

Historv ^^^ Sanskrit the names of almost all their ministers and of many of 

the grantees point to a Kanarese or a Telugu source. They appear 

,SU4h4raa. ^^ -j^^ Southerners, and ayyas or high-caste Dravidian Hindus seem 

810-1S60. ^ jjg^^g j^g^^ considerabiB influence at their court. ^ Kayastha, 

probably the ancestors of the present Kayasth Prabhus, are also 

mentioned. 

Though their grants ar6 written in Sanskrit, sometimes pure 
sometimes faulty, from the last three lines of one of their stone 
inscriptions, the language of the country appears to have been a 
corrupt Prakrit, the mother of the modern Mardthi.^ The same 
remark applies to the names of towns. For, though inscriptions 
give such Sanskritized forms as Shri-Sthdnak, Shurpd,rak, and 
Hanjaman or Hamyaman, the writings of contemporary Arab 
travellers show that the present names Thdna, Sopara, and Sanjan 
were then in use.^ 

On the condition of the Silahara kingdom the inscriptions throw 
little light. The administration appears to have been carried on by 
the king assisted by a great councillor or great minister, a great 
minister for peace and war, two treasury lords, and sometimes a 
(chief) secretary. The subordinate machinery seems to have consisted 
of heads of districts rdshtras, heads of sub-divisions vishayas, heads 
of towns, and heads of villages.*- They had a king's high road, 
rajpath, passing to the west of the village of Gomvani a little' north 
'of Bhdndup, following nearly the same line as the present road from 
Bombay to Thana ; and there was another king's high-road near 
Uran. At their ports, among which Sopdra, Thdna, Ohaul, and 
perhaps N^gothna are mentioned, a customs duty was levied. The 
dramma was the current coin.^ The Sildharas seem to have been 
fond of building. The Muhammadans in the beginning of the 
thirteenth century and the Portuguese in the sixteenth century 
destroyed temples and stone-faced reservoirs ,by the score. The 
statements of travellers and the remains at Ambarnath, Pelar, 

1 Ind. Ant. IX. 46. This southern element is one reason for looking for Tagax in 
the Telugu-speaking districts. Ayya the KAnarese for master is the term in ordinary 
use in the Bombay KarnAtak for Jangam or LingAyat priests. The' Sdrasvat 
BrAhmans of North K&iara are at present passing through the stage, which the upper 
classes of the North Konkan seem to have passed through about 500 years ago, of 
discarding the southern ayya for the northern rdo. 

2 Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XII. 334. 

3 Elliot and Dowson, I. 24, 27, 30, 34, 38, 60, 61, 66, 67, 77, 85: Maaudi's 
Prairies d'Or, I. 254, 330, 381 ; III. 47. 

i Asiatic Researches, I. 361 ; Ind. Ant. V. 280 ; and IX. 38. The name pattakU 
(laoieTD. pdtil) used in stone inscriptions seems to show tljat the villages were in 
charge of headmen. 

6 Z)rammas, which are stiU found in the Konkan, are believed by Pandit 
Bhagydnlal to be the coins of a corrupt Sassanian type which are better known as 
GaAhia paisa or ass-money. Jour. B. B. R, A. S. XII. 325-328. The Pdruttha 
Drammas mentioned in note 3, p. 427, seem to be Parthian Drammas. Perhaps they 
are the same as the coins mentioned by Abu-1-flda as Khurdsani dirhems, and by MasjicU 
(Prairies d'Or, I. 382) and Sulaimftu (Elliot and Dowson, I. 3) as Tdtariya or 
Tahiriyeh dirhems. General Cunningham (Ano. Geog. 313) identifies these Titariya 
dirhems with the Scythic or Indo-Sassanian coins of Kabul and north-west India 
- of the centuries before and after Christ, and Mr. Thomas (Elliot and Dowson, I. 4) 
with -the Muaalmdn dynasty of Tahirides who ruled in KhurAsan in the ninth 
century. 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



429 



Atgaon, Parol, Wdlukeshvar in Boinbayj and Lonad prove that the 
masonry was of well-dressed close-fitting blocks of stone, and that 
the scnlptures were carved with much skill and richness. Many of 
them seem to- have been disfigured by indecency.^ Some of the 
Silah^ras seem to have encouraged learning. One of them AparMitya 
II. (1187) was an author, and another Apardditya I. (1138) is 
mentioned! as sending a Konkan representative to a great meeting 
of learned men in Kashmir. 

Musalman writers supplement the scanty information which local 
sources supply of Thana under the SiMhdras. 

The chief local centres of trade were Thana, which is mentioned 
as a mart by the Arab writers of the ninth and tenth centuries, as 
a pretty town in the twelfth century, and as the head-quarters of a 
chief and a place of much trafiio and of many ships at the end o£ the 
thirteenth century.^ Chaul (Saimur) is mentioned as a place of trade 
and a great city in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and as a large and 
well-built town in the twelfth.^ SanjAn was a mart and great city 
in the tenth century, and large and prosperous in the twelfth.* 
Sopdra was a mart in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and one of 
the chief marts in India in the twelfth.^ The chief ports with 
which the Thana coast was connected were Kulam or Quilon and 
Kalikat in Malabar j Broach, Oambay, and Somndth in Gujarat; 
Dihval in- Sindh ; Basrdh, OboUah, Siraf, Kis, and Ormuz on the 
Persian Gulf ; Kalatu or Kalhat, Duf ar, Shehr, and Aden on the 
east Arabian coast ; Socotra at the mouth of the Red Sea ; Jidda 
within the Red Sea ; Zaila, Makdashu, Mombaza, and Quilon 
on the African coast ; and Kalah in the Malay Peninsula, Java, 
Malacca, and China.* 

The articles that formed the trade of the Thana ports were, of 
Food, rice grown in the Konkan and sent to the Arabian and 
African ports j^ salt made in the Thana creeks and sent in bags 
inland to Devgiri and other Deccan centres i^ cocoanuts, mangoes, 
lemons, and betelnuts and leaves grown in Thdna and probably 
sent inland and by sea to Sindh, the Persian Gulf, and the 



Chapter VH. 

History, 

SiUhdraat 
810- 1^60. 



Trade Centres. 



1 Details of these remains are given under Places of Interest. Wdlukeshvarin 
Bombay is the only exception. The remains at- WAlukeshvar consist of about sixty 
richly carved stones, pillar capitals, statues, and other temple remains, one of them 
about 6'X3', apparently of the tenth century, which lie near the present WAIulieshvar 
temple on Malabo Point. The memorial^ stones or pdliyds, which are interesting 
and generally spirited, seem almost all to belong to SiMhdra times. The handsomest 
Bpecimens are near Borivli in Sdlsette. Details of the sculptures on memorial stones 
are given under Places of Interest, Eksar and Shdhipur. 

2 Al Biruni (1020) EUiot, I. 66 ; Idrisi (1135) EUiot, I. 89 ; Marco Polo (1290) 
Yule, 11. 330. 

SMaaudi (916) Prairies d'Or, II, 85,86. Ibn Haukal (970) Elliot,!. 38; Idrisi, 
(1135) Elliot, I. 85. 

i Al Istakhir (970) Elliot, I. 27 ; Idrisi (1135) Elliot, I. 85. 

6 Masndi (916) Prairies d'Or, I. 381 ; Al Biruni (1020) Elliot, 1. 66 ; Idrisi (1135) 
Elliot. I. 85. 

6 These references are taken olfiefly from Reinaud's Abu-1-fida for the ninth, tenth, 
eleventh, and twelfth centuries, and from Yule's Marco Polo for the thirteenth 
century. For the Chinese trade with Western India, see Yule's Cathay, I. Ixxviii. 
Ixxiz. For the position of Kalah see Yule's Cathay, cxci. note 2. 

7 Ibn Haukal (97.0) Elliot, I. 38 ; Yule's Marco Polo (1290), II. 377, 381. 

8 Briggs' Ferishta, I. 306. The date is 1290. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



430 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

810-1260, 
TradelCentres, 



Arabian coast ;^ dates from Shehr in Arabia and from the Persian 
Gulf used locally and sent inland j^ honey produced in Thana ;* aud 
wine from Arabia and Persia apparently little used.* Of Spices, 
pepper, ginger, turbit, cinnamon, and cloves came from Java 
and Ceylon in Chinese ships and from the Malabar coast,^ Of 
articles of Dress, cotton was brought from Khdndesh and the 
Deccan and either worked into cloth or sent raw to Ethiopia.® 
Good cotton cloth of Konkan or Deccan weaving went to Ceylon, 
the Straits, and China j^ and delicate and beautiful fabrics, probably 
the muslins of Burhanpur and Paithan, went to Kalikat and probably 
to Persia and Arabia. Silks were made locally and probably brought 
from Persia and from China.* There was a large manufacture of 
laced shoes in Sopdra and Sanjan, and a great export of excellent 
leather, chiefly to Arabia.* Of Precious Stones pearls were found 
in the creeks near Sopdra,^'' and were brought from Travankor, 
from Ceylon, and from Sofdla in Africa j^^ emeralds, equal to the 
best in brightness and colour but hard and heavy, were exported 
from Sanjan -^^ coral was broug]^t from the Red Sea ;^' and ivory 
was brought from Sofdla and Madagascar and used locally 
and sent to the Persian Gulf .^* Of Drugs and Perfumes, Thana 
was famous for the drug tabdshir, which was made from the inner 
rind of the bamboo and sent to all marts both east and west -^^ brown 
incense, probably the resin of the gugal, Balsamodendron mukul, 
perhaps the bdellium of the ancients, was gathered in the Th^na. 
forests and probably sent to Arabia and China ;^* white incense was 
brought from the Arabian coast ; sandalwood and ambergris came 
from Socotra and the African coast ;^^ and aloes, camphor, sandal, 
sapan or brazil wood, Hgn aloes or eaglewood, and spikenard from 
Siam, Java, Sumatra, and Borneo, either direct or through Ceylon.^^ 
Of Tools and House Gear, porcelain came from China for local use 



1 Masudi (916) Reinaud's Memoir Sur. I'lnde, 230 ; Ibn Haukal (970) Elliot, I. 38 ; 
Idrisi (1135) EUiot, I. 85. 

2 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 377. 3 Ibn Haukal (970) EUiot, L 38. 
« Abu Zaid (880) and Masudi (915) EUiot, I. 7, 20. 

» Yule's Marco Polo, II. 325. 6 Yule's Marco Polo, H. 330, 864. 

' Tennent's Ceylon, I. 590, note 7. 

8 Yule's Marco Polo, I. 50, 57, 60, 86 ; IL 186, 189. 

9 Masudi (916) Prairies d'Or, I. 253-254'; Yule's Marco Polo, II. 328, 330. 

10 Idrisi (1135) Elliot, I. 85. Pearls are stiU found in the Bassein creek. See 
above, p. 55. 

11 In 1020 it was believed that the Cteylon oysters had migrated to Soffla in Africa. 
Al Biruni in Reinaud's Memoir, 228. In Marco Polo's time the Ceylon fisheries had 
revived. The chief of li&r, or Thina, was noted for his fondness for pearls. Travels, 
IL 299. 

12 Masudi Prairies d'Or, III. 47. The Brihatsanhita (a.d. 500) mentions the Sopira 
diamond. Jour. K. A. S. (N. S.) VII. 125. 

13 Abu Zaid (880) ElUot, I. 11. 

U Marco Polo, I. 101; II. 345. Ibn Aluardy (9B0), Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, ccovii. 

15 Idrisi (1135) Elliot, I. 89. Tabdshir from the Sanskrit tvah rind and hshir fluid, 
mad,e from the inner rind of the bamboo, is a white substance like sugar or camphor. 
It was used as a medicine. In Borneo, in the fourteenth century, pieces of tabdshir 
were let in under the skin to make the body woundproof. Oderic in Yule's Marco 
Polo, II. 208. Tabdshir is the first solid food that the Thtoa Kolis give their children, 

16 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 330, 332, 

17 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 342, 345, 377, 380. 

18 Reinaud's Abu-1-ffda, cdxviii ; Yule's Marco Polo, II, 229, 325. 



Eoukan,] 



THlNA. 



431 



and for export to the Deccan>^ and swords from tlie west through 
Persia.^ Of articles used as Money, canries came from the Maldives 
and from Sofala in Africa/ dirhams from Khurasan and dinars 
from Sindh, gold-dust from Sofala, and gold and silver from Malacca, 
Sumatra, anj China.* Of other Metals, iron was brought from 
Sofdla and made into steel f copper was brought from Persia and 
from China in large quantities as ballast^^ and lead and tin came 
from Malacca/ Of Timber, teak and bamboos were sent from Sanjan 
to the Persian Gulf and there used for house-building f and fancy 
woods, such as sandal and brazil wood, were brought from Kalah 
in the Malay Peninsula.* The chief trade in Animals was, towards 
the close of the period (1290), agreat import of horses from the Persian 
Gulf and from Arabia. No ships came to Thdna without horses, and 
the ThAna chief was so anxious to secure them that he agreed not 
to trouble the pirates so long as they let him have the horses as his ■ 
share of the plunder. This great demand for horses seems to have 
risen from the scare among the Hindu rulers of the Deccan caused 
by the Musalman cavalry! As many as 10,000 horses a year are 
said to have been imported.'^'* Of Human Beings, women, eunuchs, 
and boys are said to have been brought by Jews through the Persian 
Gul£,^i and slaves are mentioned as sent from Sofala in Africa.^^ 

The merchants who carried on the Thana trade were local Hindu, 
Musalman, and Pdrsi traders, and Hindus and Musalmana from 
Gujardt and from the Malabar cdast. There were also foreign 
Persians and Arabs, Jews, Europeans, and perhaps a chance 
Chinaman. The fact noticed by several of the Arab writers of the 
ninth and tenth centuries, that the language of the Thdna ports was 
Lar, seems to show that, as is still the case in Bombay, the trade 
tongue of the Thdna ports was Gujarati, and the leading traders 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

SiUhdraa. 

810 -neo. 

Trade Centres. 



Merclmnts, 



1 Reitiaud's Abu-1-fida, II. 186, 190. 2 Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, Iviii. 

3 Maldives Al Biruni (1020) in Reinaud's Abu-1-flda, ccclxxxviii. ; Sof^Ia Ibn 
Aluardy (950), Ditto, ccovii. 

4 Beinaud's Abu-1-fida, ccevi. cdxv. ; Marco Polo, II. 229,1325. 

5 Ibn Aluardy (950) Eeinaud's Abu-1-flda, cccvii. 

6 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 325, 330. 

7 Masudi (916) Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, cdxv. ; Abu Mohalhal (940) Yule's Cathay, 
cxci. 

8 Ibn Khurdddba (900) Elliot, I. 13; Ouseley's Persia, 1. 175. BiMduri, 850 (Elliot, I. 
129) mentions that the largest teak tree ever known was sent from SindAn to the 
Khalif. But it is doubtful whether this SindAn is not the Kutch Sanjin and the 
teak Malabar teak. Idrisi, 1135, (Major's India in XV. Century, xxvi.) calls the 
Konkan the land of teak, edg, and notices, that teak was used for house building in 
the Persian Gulf. Besides for house-buUding the bamboos were used for spear 
handles. They were in great demand among the Arabs, and were known aa 
El-Ehatif bamboos from the town of that name on the mainland near Bahrein island. 
Like the Bahrein cotton and teak, which were famous in Persia and Arabia in 
the century before Christ, these El-£hatif bamboos were Indian. See Bawlinsoa in 
J. R. A. S. XII. (New Series), 225. 

9 Mohalhal (940) (Yule's Catliay, oxcii.) has Saimuri wood brought to Saimur or 
Chaul for sale. 'I'his may be sandalwood from the E^nara forests, for which Sop&ra in 
early times was famous. But the passage is doubtful. It may refer to Timur in the 
extreme east who'Se sandalwood was also famous. 

10 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 330. The horses came from Aden, Shehr, Dhafar, and 
Kalat in east Arabia, and from the islands of Kish and Ormuz in the Persian Gulf- 
Ditto 276, 377, 380, 381. 

H Ibn Khurdddba (880) Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, Iviii, 

12 Ibn Aluardy (950) Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, cccvii. 



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Chapter VII. 
History. 

Sil^hdras. 
810-1260. 
Merchants. 



Ships. 



were probably G-ujarat Vanid,s.^ The local MusalmAn mercbants, 
settlers cbiefly'from tbe Persian Gulf^ held a strong position. In 
916, when Masudi visited Chaul, there were 10,000 Persian and Arab 
settlers -in that city alone.^ The Balh^ras or SiMhdras were famous 
for their kindliness to Arabs, allowing them to have mosques and a 
, headman to settle disputes. By the beginning of the tenth century 
the Pdrsis seem to have risen to wealth in Sanjdn, and to have 
spread and built fire-temples in Ghaul. Hindus, as in former 
periods, freely left their homes and crossed the seas. Hiwen Thsang, 
about 650, heard that in Saurdshthdn probably Otesiphon in Persia, 
there were several Brdhman and Buddhist monasteries.^ In the best 
days of the Bagdad Khalifat (700-900), learned Hindus were much, 
sought for, and many physicians and astronomers were settled at the 
court of the Khalifs,* and afterwards (1290) at the court of Arghun 
the Moghalking of Persia.^ Indian merchants were settled in Arabia 
and at Kish in the Persian Gulf.® Of foreign, merchants, besides 
Persians and Arabs, the great carriers at the be^nning of the tenth 
century were Jews. They could speak Persian, Greek, Latin, French, , 
Spanish, and Russian, and passed to India either down the Red Sea 
or by Antioch and Bagdad through the Persian Gulf .^ At the same 
time, Russian, Spanish, and French merchants also passed through 
Mesopotamia to India.^ 

The ships that carried the trade of the Th^na ports were Konkan 
Gujardt and Malabar vessels, boats built in the Persian Gulf, and 
perhaps an occasional junk from Java or China.^ The Thana or 



1 The close connection in general opinion between Gujardt Vinis and GujarAt 
Br5.1inians, as in the GujarAt phrase Brdhman-Vdni for high-caste Hindus, perhaps 
explains Marco Polo's (Yule's Edition, II. 298-305) Abraiamans from lAr, who were 
Bent to the Madras coast by the king of lAv to get him pearls and precious stones. 
Their sacred threads (which Gujarat Vdnis used to wear), their tenderness of life", 
their temperance, their trust in omens, and their faithfulness as agents all point to 
Gujardt VSnis from Thdna or from Cambay. 

2 Masudi's Prairies d'Or, II. 85, 86. 

3 Reinaud's Memoir Sur. I'lude, 157 ; Julieu's Mem. Oco. III. 179. 

* Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, xlii; Reinaud's Memoir Sur. I'lnde, 314, 315; Elliot and 
Dowson, I. 447. 5 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 304. 

6 In Arabia Chronique de-Tabari, I. 186 ; Reinaud's Memoir, 157 ; Biliduri (890) 
Reinaud's Memoir, 169. In Kish Benjamin of Tudela (1160) Major's India in XV. 
Century, xlvi. 

7 Ibn Khurdddba (912) Reinaud's Abu-l-fida, Iviii. Marco Polo (Yule, II. 299) 
notices, that among the people of Ld,r it was usual for foreign merchants, who did 
not know the ways of the country, to entrust their goods to Abraiaman, probably 
Guja^'^t Vdni, agents. These agents took charge of the goods and sold them in the 
most loyal manner, seeking zealously the profit of the forei^er and asking no 
commission except what he pleased to gi\re. However unmoral he may be in 
bargaining, the Gujardt V4ni agent is still loyal to his employer. 

8 Ibn KhurdMba (912) Reinaud's Abu-l-fida, lix. About this time (883) the 
Indian sea and the west coast of India were first visited by Englishmen, Sighelm 
or Suithelm bishop of Shirebum, and Athalstan the ambassadors from Alfred the 
Great (871-900) to the Indi^,n Christians of St. Thomas. Turner (Anglo-Saxons, 
317) is doubtful whether the ambassadors went by the Red Sea or the Persian Gulf. 
According to Reinaud (Memoir Sur. I'lnde, 210) they probably took ship in the Persian 
Gulf and sailed to Quilon. Alfred's wealth of spices and other oriental products 
suggests that religion was not the only motive that prompted this embassy. Compare 
Pennant's Outlines of the Globe, I. 164, and Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. i. 
On the European connection with West Indian trade in the fourteenth century, see 
Yule's Cathay, L cxxxu.-cx;rxv. 

9 Tabari (850) Reinaud's Abu-1-^da, ccclxxxii. ; Yule's Marco Polo, II. 149, 183. 



EonkanJ 



THANA. 



433 



other West Indian ships went to OboUali in the Persian Gulf, to the 
Arab and African ports, and as far as China, The Arab vessels, 
some of which were btiilt at ShirAz in the Persian Gulf, were of two 
kinds, a larger that sailed to Africa, Calcutta, Malacca, and China, 
and a smaller that went to India.^ Marco Polo described the ships 
of the Persian Gulf, perhaps these were the smaller vessels, 
as wretched affairs with no iron, bound with wooden bolts, and 
^stitched with twine. They had one mast, one sail, one rudder, and 
no deck. A cover of hides was spread over the cargo, and on 
this horses were put and taken to India. It was a perilous business 
voyaging in one of these ships, and many were lost.^ Great 
Chinese junks occasionally visited the Thana ports.* The war ships 
shown in the Eksar memorial stones of the eleventh or twelfth 
century are high-peaked vessels with one mast and nine or ten oars 
aside.* 

The chief sailors were Hindus, Arabs, and Chinese. European 
travellers had no high opinion of their skill or courage as seamen. 
According to John of; Monte Corvino (1292) the Persian Gulf 
mariners were few and far from good. If a ship made her voyage it 
was by God's guidance, not by the skill of man.^ Though all made 
voyages across the sea, they preferred as much as possible to hug 
the coast.® 

Besides storms the Indian seas were full of dangers. Whales, 
water^'spouts, and the giant bird the Euk kept seamen in unceasing 
alarm.^ But the worst of all dangers was from pirates. During 
the greater part of this period the sea swarmed with pirates. In 
the eighth and ninth centuries, SangArs, !Kerks, and Meds sallied 
from the coasts of Sindh, Cutch, and Kathidwar, and ravaged the 
banks of the Euphrates and even the coasts of the Red Sea as far as 
Jidda.® In the seventh century the islands of Bahrein in the 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

SilAhdras. 
- 810-1^60. 



Pirates. 



1 Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, cdxii. 

2 Yule's Marco Polo, I. 102 ; John of Monte Corvino (1292) Yule's Cathay, I. 218 ; 
Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, cdxiii. 

3 It is possible (Yule's Ed. I. liii.) that Marco Polo's fleet of thirteen Chinese 
ships passed the stormy months of 1292 (May- September) in Bombay harbour, . Polo 
has left the following details of the ships. They were made of a double thickness of 
flrwood, fastened with good iron nails, and daubed with lime, chopped hemp, and 
wood oil. They could carry from 5000 to 6000 baskets of pepper. They were 
divided into some thirteen water-tight compartments, and were fitted with from fifty 
to sixty cabins in which the merchants lived greatly at their ease. They had large 
sweeps each pulled by four men and four regular and two extra masts. They had 
twelve sails and one rudder. The crew varied from 200 to 300 men. Yule's Marco 
Polo, I. .33 ; il. 194, 197. 

* Details of the Eksar memorial stones are given under Places pf Interest, Eksar. 

5 Yule's Cathay, I. 218. 

6 The Chinese ships in the seventh and eighth centuries coasted along Western 
India, by Diu in KSthiAwAr, and Diul in Sindh to the Euphrates mouth. Yule'a 
Cathay, I. Ixxviii. 

7 Smaimdn in Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, occlxxix. The Ruk is mentioned by several 
writers (see Yule's Marco Polo, II. 351). Polo heard that the Kuk lived in the land 
south of Madagascar, that its quills were twelve feet long, and the stretch of its 
wings thirty yards. Ditto, 346. 

8 Beladuri (890) Reinaud's Mpmoir Sur. I'Inde, 181, 200, 283 ; Elliot, I. 119. The 
Persians complained of Indian pirates in the sixth century. Ind. Ant., VIII. 335. 
This apparent increase in the hardihood of Indian pirates and seamen is perhaps the 
result of the waves of Central Asian invaders, Skythians, Baktrians, Parthians, 

B 310—55 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Silihdras. 
SiO-lgSO: 



iBalhdrds, 



Persian Gulf were held by the piratical tribe of Abfl-nl-Kais/ and, 
in the ninth century, (880), the seas were so disturbed that the 
Chinese ships carried from 400 to 500 armed men arid supplies of 
naphtha to beat off the pirates.^ Towards the close of the 
thirteenth century Marco Polo found Bombay harbour haunted by . 
sea-robbers.* From the Malabdr and Gujarat porta numbers of 
corsairs, as many as a hundred resaels, stayed out the whole summer 
with their wiv-es and children. They stretched, five or six miles 
apart, in fleets of from twenty to thirty boats, and whenever one 
caught sight of a merchant vessel, he raised a smoke, and all who 
saw, gathered, boarded, and plundered the ship, but let it go hoping 
again to fall in with it.* Socotra was still frequented by pirates, 
who encamped there and offered their plunder for sale.^ 

While its local rulers were the Silah^ras, the overlords of the 
Konkan, to whom the SiMhdras paid obeisance during the latter 
part of the eighth and the ninth centuries, were the Edshtrakutas 
of Mdlkhet, sixty miles south-east of Sholapur.® Their power for a 
time included a great part of the present Gujar&t where their head- 
quarters were at Broach.'' The -Arab merchant Sulaiman (a.d. 850) 
found the Konkan (Komkam) under the Balhara, the chief of Indian 
princes. The Balhd.ra and his.people were most friendly to Arabs. He 
was at war with the Gujar ( Juzr) king, who, except in the matter of 
cavalry, was greatly his inferior.® Sixty years later Masudi (916) 
makes the whole province of Ldr, from Chaul (Saimur) to, Cambay^ 
subject to the Balhdra, whose capital was Mankir (Malkhet) the 
' great centre ' in the Kanarese-speaking country about 640 miles 
from the coast.® He was overlord of the Eonkan (Kemker) and 
of the whole province of Lar in which were Chaul (Saimur), Thana> 
and Supara, where the Ldriya language was spoken. The Balhdra 
was the most friendly to Musalmans of all Indian kings. He was 
exposed to the attacks of the Gujar (Juzr) king who was rich in 
camels and horses. The naine Balhara was the name of the founder 
■of the dynasty, and all the princes took it on succeeding to the 
throne.^" When Masudi (916) was in the Konkan, the province of • 



and Huns, wlio from about B.C. 100 to A.D. 550 passed south to the sea coast, 
Keinaud's Memoir Sur. rinde, 104, 124. In 835 fleets of Jatbs harassed the mouths 
of the Tigris. The whole strength of the Khalifs had to be called out against them. 
Reinaud's Memoir Sar. I'lnde, 200. 

1 Elliot and Dowson, L 422. 

2 Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida, cdxii. ; Eeinaud's Memoir Sur, I'lnde, 200. 

3 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 330. 

* Yule's Marco Polo, II. 325. The GujarAt pirates seem to have been worse than 
the Malabdr piirates. They purged the merchants to find whether they had 
swallowed pearls or other precious stones. Ditto, 328. 

B Yule's Marco Polo, II. 341. 

6 Like the Sildhdras the Rdshtrakutas seem to have been a Dravidian tribe. 
EAshtra is believed (Dr. BumeU in Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties,. 31*32) to be a 
Sanskrit form of Ratta or Eeddi the tribe to which the mass of the people in many 
parts of the Deccan and Bombay Kam^tak belong, 

1 Ind. Ant. VI. 145. 8 Sulaimto in EUiot, I. 4, 9 Prairies d'Or, 1. 254,381, 
10 Prairies d'Or, I. 254, 383 ; II. 85 ; Elliot and Dowson, I. 24/25. Tod ( Westerti India; 
147, 160) held that Balhara meant the leaders of the Balla tribe, whose name appears 
iiithe ancient capital Valabhi (a.d. 480), probably the present village ofValleh'about 
twenty miles west of BhAvnagar in K&thi&w&T. Elliot (History, I, 334) has adopted 
Tod's suggestion, modifying it slightly so as to make Balh&ra stand f or the Ballabhi, or 



Konkan.] 

- THAnA. 435 

Mr was governed by JTianja the fifth of the SiMhdra rulers.^^ 
For fifty years more (950) the Edshtrakutas continned overlords 
of the Konkan, and of Ldr as far north as Cambay.^ Soon after 
the beginning of the reign of Mulr^j (943-997), the Ohaulukya or 
bolanki ruler of North Gujardt, his dominions were invaded from 
*^^ !?^*^ ^y Barap, or Dvdrap, the general of Tailap 11. (973-997) 
the Deccan Chdlukya.who afterwards (980) destroyed the power of 
the Eashtrakutas. Bdrap established himself in Sonth Gujarat or 
Lat, and, according to Gujarat accounts, towards the close of 
Mulrdj's reign, was attacked and defeated, though after his victory 
Mulrdj withdrew north of the Narbada. In this war Barap is said 
to have been helped by the chiefs of the islands, perhaps a reference 
to the Th^na SiMhdras.^ It appears from a copper-plate lately 
(1881) found in Surat, that, after MuMj's invasion, B^rap and' four 
successors continued to rule hit till 1O50.* 



BaUabh, BAi. Reinaud (Memoir Sur, I'lnde, 145) explained Balhara by Malvardi lord 
ot M41wa, and Mr. Thomas has lately adopted the view that Balhdra is Bara RAi, 
or great king, and holds that his capital 'was Monghir in Behir (Kumismata 
Orieutaha, Vol. HI.) The objection to these views is, as the foUowlng passages 
?QKm ' ™i 1.S- *^° -^^^^ travellers who knew the country of the Balhirds, SulaimAn 
}™,.' f"** Masudi (915), agree in placing it i^ the Konkan and Decoan. SulaimAn, 
(ailiot and Dowson, I. 4) says the Balhdra's territory begins at the Komkam or 
^onkan. Masudi says (Prairies d'Or, 1. 177, 381), the capital of the Balhdra is 
Mankir, the sea-board Saimur or Chaul, Sopdra, and Thina, and again (I. 383) the 
J5ama,ra s kmgdom is called the Konkan (Kemker)! Again the Balhdra of Mankir 
ruled in hindto, SanjAn in north Thina, and the neighbourhood of Oambay in Gujardt 
(Ditto, I. 254 ; III. 47. This Gujardt power of the Kdshtrakutas at the opening of the 
tenth cent^ is proved by local inscriptions. Ind. Ant. VI. 145). Finally Lto, or 
the Worth Konkan coaat, was under the BalhAra, and Masudi in 916 (H. 304) visited 
Haimur, or Chaul, one of the chief of the Balhdra towns (Ditto, II. 85), which was then 
1m — ^ l°°*lP''™<=e named Jandja. This is the Silihdra Jhanja. (See above, p. 424). 
Idrisi (1135) IS the only authority who places the seat of Balhira power in- Guiar4t 
\i^, ^^'> \, ^'^® ' ^''''°*' ^- ^'^' 88)- '^^^ AnhilvAda sovereigns had before this • (Eds 
MAla, 62) adopted the title of King of Kings, rdga of rdjds, and Idrisi seems to have 
taken for granted that this title was Balhira, which Ibn KhurdAdba (912), who never 
wasm Bidia, had, by mistake, translated king of kings (Elliot, I. 13). The true 
origin of the title Balhara, that it was the name of the founder of the dynasty, is 
^ven by Masudi (Prairres d'Or, I. 162), and neither SulaimAn (850), Al Istakhir 
(951), nor Ibn Haukal (970), all of whom visited India, translate Balhdra, king of 
kings (see Elliot, I. 4, 27, 34). The details of the Balhd,ra kings given by SulaimAn, 
Masudi, Al Istakhir, and Ibn Haukal, show that their territory began from the- 
Konkan and stretched across India, and that their capital was Mankir, inland in 
£ AT ,1 u''®^^ (Kiriah) speaking country. These details point to the Edshtrakutas 
of MAlkhet, who were overlords<)f the Konkan from about 760 to 970, At the same- 
time the RAshtrakutas seem to have no claim to the title BalhAra. As fax as present 
information goes the name never appears as one of the titles, of the dynasty, not even 
as a title Of one of the kings. Dr. Buhler (Ind- Ant. VL 64) has suggested that the 
proper form of Balhdra is Bhattdraka or lord ; but so extreme a change seems hardly 
possible. It seems more likely that Balhdra, or Al BalhAra as.it is written, should be 
read Al SuahAra, the difference between the two words disappearing in a manuscript 
written without diacritical points. The Sildhd.ras were then the rulers of the Konkan, 
and, as Masudi states, the title SiUhAra is the name of the founder of the dynasty. 
None of the MusalmAn writers, who mention the Balhira, seems to have visited either 
the SiUhdra or the Rdshtrakuta capital. To strangers, whose informants were coast- 
town merchants, confusion between the local rulers and" their Deccan overlords was 
not unnatural. This identification of BaUiira with SilihAra has been suggested by 
Pandit BhagvAnUlIudraji. 

1 Prairies d'Or, II. 85. Jhanjha (see above, p. 424> is the fifth SilAhSira king. 

2 See Al Istakhir (950) and Ibn Haukal (943-976) in Elliot, I. 27, 34. 

3 Ind. Ant. V. 317; .VI. 184 ; Eds MAla, 38, 46. 

* The kings are BArappa, who is described as having obtained Ldtdesh ; (2> AgnirAj 
(GongirAj?), who freed and reconquered the land encroached on by his enemies; 



Chapter TIL 
History. 

SiUhdras. 

Gujardt Solankis, 

343-1150. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



436 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

SibhAras. 

Chjardt Solankis, 

943-1150. 



Between tlie overthrow of tlie power of Malkhet (a.d. 970) and 
the establishment of the overlordship of Gujardt (a.d. 1151), the 
SiMhdra rulers of the North Konkan claim independence, and, 
during part at least of this time, Thana was the capital of the 
Konkan.i Between the death of Mulr^j (997) and the succession of 
Bhimdev I. (1022-1072), the power of Gujardt did not increase. 
But Bhimdev took the title of Eaja of R£j^s, and spent most 
of his reign in spreading his power northwards and in a great 
contest with Visaldev of Ajmir.^ Neither Bhimraj nor his 
successor Karan (1072-1094) advanced his borders to the 
south. Nor does Sidhraj (1094-1143), the glory of the Gujardt 
Chd.lukyas, though he spread his arms over so much of the Decoan 
as to fill with fear the chief of Kolhd,pur, seem to have exercised 
control over the Konkan. Idrisi (1135), whose details of Anhilv^da 
(Nahrwara) seem to belong to Sidhraj's reign, calls him King of 
Kings.* He shows how wealthy and prosperous Gujarat then was,* 
but gives no information about the extent of Sidhraj's power. 
Idrisi's mention of Thana (Bana) seems to show that it was 
unconnected with Gujarat, and this is borne out by the account of 
Kumar Pal's (1143-1174) invasion of the Konkan. Hearing that 
Mallikarjun (a SiMhara) king of the Konkan, the son of king 
Mahdnand who was ruling in the seagirt city of Shatanand, had 
adopted the title of Grandfather of Kings, Bdjapitdmaha, Kumar 
Pdl sent his general Ambad against him.® Ambad advanced as 
far as the K^veri (Kalvini) near Navsdri, crossed the river, and 
in a battle fought with Mallikarjun on the south bank of the river, 
was defeated and forced to retire. A second expedition was more 
successful. The Kaveri was bridged, Mallikarjun defeated and 
slain, his capital taken and plundered, and the authority- of the 
Anhilv^da sovereign proclaimed. Ambad returned laden with 
gold, jewels, vessels of precious metals, pearls, elephants, and 
coined money* He was received graciously and ennobled with 



(3) KirtirAj, who became the king of LAtdesh ; (4) VatsarAj, the opening part ef 
whose reign and the closing part of whose father's reign Were occupied in foreign wars j 
(6) Trilochanp^ (1050) the grantor, whose reign also was disturbed by wars. There 
are three copper-plates, the middle plate inscribed on both sides and the outer plates 
on the inner sides. They are well preserved and held by a copper-ring bearing ilpon 
it the royal seal, stamped with a figure of the god Shiv. The date is the fifteenth 
of the dark half of Paush (January-February) Shak 972 (a.d. 1050). The plate states 
that the king bathed at Agastitirth, the modern BhagvMdndi twenty miles north- 
west of Surat, and granted the village of BrathAna, modem Brthto, six miles north- 
east of OlpAd in Surat. Mr. HariUl H. Dhruva. A list of references to Lit Desh is 
given in Bombay Gazetteer, XII. 57 note 1. 

1 Eashid-ud-din-in Elliot, I. 60. This independence of the Sil^aras is doubtful. 
In an inscription dated 1034 Jayasimha the fourth western ChAlukya (1018-1040) 
claims to have seized the seven Konkans. Bom. Arch. Sur. Rep. III. 34 j Fleet's 
KAnarese Dynasties, 44. 
2 Eds MAla, 62, 70-75. 3 EAs Mfla, 138. 

4 Idrisi calls the ruler of Nahrwala Balhdra. He says the title means King of 
Kings . He seems to have heard from Musalmdn merchants that Sidhrij had the 
title of King of Kings, and concluded that this title was BalhAra which Ibn Khurd^dba 
(912) had translated king of kings, apparently without reason. Jaubert's Idrisi, I. 
177 ; Elliot, I. 75, 93. 

5 Compare Eds MAla, 188, 189, 192 ; Tod's Western India, 156. 

6 R4s M4la, 145. For the mention of the SiUha,ras as one of the thirty-six tribes 
subject to Kum^r Pdl, see Tod's Western India, 181, 188. 



Konkan,] 



THANA. 



437 



Mallikdrjun's title of Grandfather of Kings.^ The Konkan is 
included among the eighteen districts, and the Sildhdras are 
mentioned among the thirty-six tribes who were subiect to 
Kumar P^l. But Gnjardt power was shortlivedj if the SiMhd,ra 
ruler of Kolhdpur is right in his boast that in 1151 he replaced the 
dethroned kings of Thdna.^ 

'During at least the latter part of the thirteenth century the North 
Konkan seems to have been ruled by viceroys of the Devgiri 
Tddavs, whose head-quarters were at Karndla and Bassein. Two 
grants dated 1273 and 1291, found nearThdna, record the gift of two 
villages Anjor in Kalyd,n and Vdvla in Salsette (called Shatshasthi 
in the inscriptiorf), by two Konkan viceroys of Rdmchandradev 
(12 71 -1309) the fifth Yadav ruler of Devgiri. Two stone inscriptions 
dated 1280 (S. 1202) and 1288 (S. 1210), recording gifts by 
EAmchandradev's officers have also recently (1882) been found near 
Bhiwndi and Bassein.* 

In the thirteenth century, while the Devgiri TMavs held the 
inland parts of the district, it seems probable that the Anhilvada 
kings kept a hold on certain places along the coast.* At the close 
of the thirteenth century Gujardt, according to Rashid-ud-din (1810), 
included Cambay, Somnath, and Konkan-Thdna. But his statements 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

SiUhd,ras. 



'in 
1270 -ISOO. 



1 The title ' Grandfather of Kings, BAjapitdmdha,' occurs along with their other 
titles in three SiUhilra copper-plates (As. Res. I. 359; Jour. E,. A. S. [0. S.], V. 186; 
Ind. Ant. IX. 35, 38). Mr. Wathen suggests, 'Like a Brahmadeva among Kings,' 
that is ' First among Kings,' and Mr. Telang, while translating the phrase a& ' The 
grandfather of the king,' suggests the same meaning as Mr. Wathen. The KumAr 
P41 Charitra, which gives a detailed account of this invasion, has the following passage 
in explanation of the term RdjapUdmaTia : 'One day while the ChAlukya universal 
ruler (KumAr Pdl) was sitting at ease, he heard a bard pronounce RdjapUdmaha as 
the title of Mallikdrjun king. of the Kpnkan' (in the verse), 'Thus shines King^ 
Mallik&rjun who bears the title Rdjapitdmaha, having conquered all great kings 
by the irresistible might of his arms and made them obedient to himself like 
grandsons.' 

2 J. B. B. E. A. S. XIII. 16. The local BimbAkhydn, or Bimb's story, and the 
traditional rule of Bimb Rija at Bombay- Mi'him seem to be founded on the conquest of 
the coast tract by the Solanki rulers of Gujarat in 1150. The stories have been l&tely 
re-written, the names changed to suit modern Mardtha names, and much of the value 
of the stories destroyed. The people generally believe that Bimb was a prince of 
Paifchan near Ahmadnagar. But this seems to be due to a confusion between Paithan 
and Patan or Anhilvdda Patan, the Solanki capital .of Gujarat. In the Population 
Chapter reasons have been stated for holding that the Prabhus, PAchkalshis, and 
Palshi Brdhmans are of Gujardt or part-Gujardt origin. The question is doubtful, 
as some of the references to Bhim, in copies of local grants, belong to the latter 
part of the thirteenth century (1286-1292), when the Devgiri Yddavs were the 
overlords of the North Konkan. The position of Bimbsthto, apparently the old 
name of Bhiwndi, is also in favour of a Deccau Bimb. A good account of the old 
legends is given in Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I. 132-136. 

s J. R. A. S. [O. S.], II. 388; V. 178-187. The text of one of the inscriptions 
runs, ' Under the orders of Shri RAm this Shrikrishnadev governs the whole 
province otf the Konkan.' This would show that the Yddavs had overthrown the 
Sihthdras aod were governing the Konkan by their own viceroys about 1270, How 
long before this the y^davs had ceased to hold the Konkan as overlords and begun 
to govern through viceroys is not difficult to determine, as the SiUhdra Someshvara 
oaUs himself king of the Konkan in 1260. For the Bhiwndi (KAlvdr) and Bassein 
stones recently found, see Places of Interest, Appendii A. 

* R^ MAla, 188, 189. They seem to have had considerable power at sea. Bhim- 
dev II. (1179-1225) had ships that went to Sindh, »nd Arjundev (1260) had a 
Musalmdn admiral. Tod's Western India, 207 ; RAs MAla, 161. 



[Bombay fiazetteer, 



438 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. are confused/ and, according to Marco Poloj in Ms time (1290) tHere 
History. "^^^ ^ prince of TMna, who was tributary to no one. The people 

were idolaters with a language of their own. The harbour was 
harassed by corsairs, with whom the chief of Thanahad a covenant.* 
There were other petty chiefs on the coast, ndiks, raj as or rdis, 
who were probably more or less dependent on the Anhilvada kings. 

SECTION II.-MUSALMANS (1300-1500). 

MusALMANs. Early in the fourteenth century the Turk rulers of Delhi forced 

1300-1500. .their way into Thana from two sides. From the north Alp Khan 
(1300-1318),3 ^ho established the power of AM-ud-din Khilji 
(1297-1317) in Gujarat, came south as far as Sanjan, then a place 
of wealth and trade, and, after a sturdy and at first successful 
resistance, defeated the chief of Sanjdn and his warlike subjects 
the P^rsis.* The conquest of Sanjan probably took place between 
1312 and 1318. Up to 1309 the south of Gujardt, of which Navsd,ri 
was the centre, had been under, the TMav king R^mchandra of 
Devgiri, and after his death it remained under his son Shankar, till 
he refused to pay tribute and was killed in 1312.^ In 1318, when 
Harpaldev, Shankar's son-in-law, refused to acknowledge Mu8almd,n 
supremacy, a Gujarat force seems to have taken Navsari, as mention 
is soon after made (1320) of the. appointment to Navsd,ri of Malik- 
ul-Tujdr, the chief of the merchants.* After the fall of Devgiri 
(1318) the Emperor Mub^rik I. (1317-1321), in the short season 
of vigour with which he opened his reign, ordered his outposts 
to be extended to the sea, and occupied Mahim near Bombay and 
Sdlsette.' The strong Musalmdn element in the coast towns, 
probably made this an easy conquest, as no reference to it has 
been traced in the chief Musalmdn histories.* 



1 Elliot, I. 67. In another passage of the same section he makes Konkan-Thdni 
separate from GujarAt. 

2 Yule's Marco Polo, II. 330. More than two hundred years later Barboss 
complains of the same piratical tribe at the port of ThAna. 'And there are in this 
port (Tanamayambu) small vessels of rovers like watch-boats, which go out to sea, 
and, if they meet with any small ship less strong than themselves, they capture and 
plunder it, and sometimes kill their crews.' Barbosa's East Africa and Malabdr, 69. 

3 The conqueror of Gujardt (1298) was Ulugh Khdn or Great Khdn (EUiot and 
Dowson, III. 43) ; the governor of Gujarat (1300-1318) was Alp Khiu (Ditto, 208). 

4 A'translation of the poeticalPtosi account is given in Jour. Bom, Br, Roy. As. Soo. 
1. 167-191. The Pdrsis generally refer their defeat to a general of Mahmud Begada'a 
(1459- 1513) about 150 years later. But the completeness of Alp Khto's conquest of 
Gujardt,the fact that Mahmud Begada had no distinguished general of the name of Alp 
Khdn, and that Abu-1-fida (1300-1320) mentions Sanjdn as the last town in GujarAt, 
(Elliot and Dowson, 1. 403), seem to show that the conqueror of the Pdrsis was Al4-ud- 
din's general Alp Khdn. 

5 In 1306, when the Daulatabad king agreed to pay tribute, Ald-ud-din Khilji gave 
him the title of RAi Rayan and added Navsdri to his possessions. Briggs' FeriSita, 
I. 369. 6 Forbes' RAs Mdla, 224. 

7 Murphy in Bom. Geog. Soc. Trans.. I. 129. Ferishta (Briggs, I. 389) notices) 
that in 1318 Mubdrik ordered a chain of posts to be established from Devgiri to 
Dvdra-Samudra. The power of the Musalmtos on the Thdna coast is shown by the 
issue in 1325, at Daman, of gold mohars and dinars to mark the accession of Sultin 
Mahmud Tughlik. Bird's Mirdt-i-Ahmadi, 169. 

8 Malik Kfiur, in his expedition to the MalabAr coast in 1310, found Musalmdns who 
had been subjects of Hindus. They were half Hindus and not strict in their religion, 
but, as they could repeat the Jcalima, they were spared. Amir Khusru in Elliot aud 
Dowson, III, 90, 



Eonkan.] 



THANA. 



439 



That the Turk rulers of Delhi did conquer the coast and establish 
a garrison at Thd,naj is shown by the accounts of the French friars 
Jordanus and Odericus, who were in Thana between 1321 and 1324.* 
The friars state that the Saracens, or Mnhammadans, held the whole 
country, having lately usurped the dominion. They had destroyed 
an infinite number of idol temples and likewise many churches, of 
which they made mosques for Muhammad, taking their endowments 
and property.^ Under the Emperor of Delhi, Thdna was governed by 
a military officer or malik, and by a religious officer or kdfxi.^ Stirred 
by the hdzi the military governor murdered four Christian friars, 
and for this cruelty was recalled by the Emperor and put to death. 
The two teravellers have recorded many interesting details of Thdna. 
The heat was horrible, so great that to stand bareheaded in the sun 
for a single mass (half an hour), was certain death. Gold, iron, 
and electrum were found in the country, other metals were imported. 
The country was full of trees, the jack, the mango, the cocoa palm, the 
fan orbrab palm and the forest palnlj the banian tree with its twenty or 
thirty trunks, a stupendous caro6 tree perhaps the baobab Adansonia 
digitata, and a tree, apparently the teak, so hard that the sharpest 
arrow could not pierce it. There was plenty of victual, rice, much 
wheat, sesamum, butter, green ginger in abundance, and quantities 
•of sugarcane. There were numerous black lions, leopards, lynxes, 
rhinoceroses, and crocodilesj monkeys and baboons, bats (the fruit- 
eating bat or flying-fox) as big as kites, and rats (the bandicoot) as 
big as dogs. There were no horses, camels, or elephants, and only 
a few small worthless asses. All the carrying, riding, and ploughing 
wa-s done by oxen, fine animals with horns a good half pace in 
" length, and a hump on the back like a camel. The oxen were 
honoured as fathers and'worshipped by some, perhaps by most. The 
people were pagans, Hindus and Pdrsis, who worshipped fire, 
serpents, and trees, especially the -basil plant. There were also 
Saracens or Musalmaus, most jealous of their faith j scattered 
Nestorian Christians, kindly but ignorant and schismatic ; and 
Dumbris, a class of drudges and load-carriers who had no object of 
worship and ate carrion and carcasses.* The men and women were 
black, clothed in nothing but a strip of cotton tied round the loins 
and the end flung over the naked back. Their food was rice gruel 
butter and oil, and their drink milk and very intoxicating palm wine. 
The fighting was child's play. When they went to the wars they 
went naked with a round target, a frail and paltry affair, and holding 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmAss. 
1300-1500. 



1 Jordanus seems to have been in TMna and SopAra between 1321 and 1324, and 
Oderic about 1322. The dates are discussed in Yule's Cathay, I. 68. The details in 
the text are taken from Yule's Jordanus and the Travels of Oderio, and the letters of 
Jordanus in Yule's Cathay, I. 37-70 and 225-230. Some account of the great Christian 
movement of which these Thtoa missions formed a part is given in Appendix B. 

2 Jordanus' Mirabilia, 23. 

8 Malik was a favourite title among the Khiljis who had adopted Afghan ways. 
Many local governors bore the title of Malik (Briggs' JFerishta, I. 292, 391). The 
Bmperdr of Delhi appears asDal Dili. Oderic's meaning is explained by Yule (Cathay, 
I, 58), in whose opinion both Jordanus and Oderic are careful and correct writers. 

i Yule (Mirabiua, 21) makes Jordanus' Dumbris be Doms. One division or clan 
of the Ndsik Mhdrs is called Dombs ; and Steele (Deooan Castes, 117) mentions 
Dombiris as tumblers and rope-dancers chiefly found in the Karntok, 



'MnSALMANS. 

1300-1500. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
440 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. a kind of spit in their hands. They were clean in their feeding, 
History. ^^^^ iii speech, and eminent in justice, maintaining carefully the 

privileges of every class as they had come down from old times. 
The pagans were ready to hear a preacher and open to 
conversion ; the Saracens were full of hate' for Christian teachers, 
killing four and imprisoning and ill-treating a fifth. Among the 
pagans, when a woman was married, she was set on a horse and 
the husband got on the crupper and held a knife pointed at her 
throat. They had nothing on, except a high cap on their head 
like a mitre, wrought with white flowers, and all the maidens of the 
place went singing in a row in front of them till they reached the 
house, and there the bride and bridegroom were left alone, and when 
they got up in the morning they went naked as before. The noble 
and rich dead were burnt, and their wives burnt with them with as 
much joy as if they were going to be wedded. Most of the dead 
were carried with great pomp to the fields and cast forth to the 
beasts and birds, the great heat of the sun consuming them in a few 
days.^ There was trade with Broach, the Malabar coast, the Persian 
gulf, and Ethiopia. The coast was infested with pirates. 

Under the strong rule of Muhammad Tughlik (1325-1350) the 
Musalmdns probably maintained their supremacy in the north 
Konkan,^ but their interest in this part of their dominions was small. 
The route taken by the traveller Ibn Batuta (1343) shows that, at 
this time, the trade between Daulatabad and the coast did not pass 
to the Thana ports, but went round by Nandurbd.r and Songad to 
Oambay.^ At this time two important Hindu chiefs held territory on 
the direct route between Daulatabad and the coast, Mandev chief of 
Baiglan,* and the chief of Jawhdr, who, in 1341, was recognised'by the 
Delhi court ^s the lord of twenty- two forts and of a country yielding a 
yearly revenue of £90,000 (Rs. 9,00,000).^ Some parts of the Thana . 
coast may in name have remained subordinate to Gujarat. But the 
connection with the Deccan seems to have been very small. In 1350, 
when the new or Moghal nobles were summoned into Daulatabad, 
none came from the Konkan.* Shortly after, when the Bahmanis 

1 In the Population Chapter (p. 251) this exposition of the dead has been taken as 
a proof of Persian or PArsi influence. It is however worthy of note that in Jdva a 
sect of Hindus are said (1818) to expose their dead to the air as an offering to the sun. 
As. Res. Xni. 137. 

2 Briggs' Ferishta, I. 413 ; Eds Mdla, 225. According to one of the local Konkan 
stories, about 1350, a NawAb of Vadnagar, that is Gujarat, defeated the Hindu chief of 
MAhim. • 

3 Lee's Ibn Batuta, 162-164 ; Yule's Cathay, II. 415. Ibn Batuta (1343) mentions 
one Amir Husain flying to an infidel prince named Burabrab, perhaps Bohrjirii, 
who dwelt in the lofty mountains between Daulatabad and Ronkan-Thdna, Elliot 
and Dowson, III. 619. 

* Briggs' Ferishta, I. 437 ; compare II. 321-323. 

5 Bom. Gov. Sel. (New Series), XXVI. 14 ; Aitchison's Treaties, IV. 321. The 
Mackenzie Manuscripts (Wilson's Mackenzie Manuscripts, I. cvi) mention a ferryman 
(Koli ?) chieftain named Jayaba (apparently a southern or un-Sanskrit chief), who 
defeated and deposed the nephew of Gauri KAja and became master of the Konkan 
from Junnar to Ankola in Kinara : Jayaba extended his power above the Sahyddris, 
but was checked by the Mnsalmdns. Seven princes descended from Jayaba ruled the 
Konkan. This family of chiefs has not been identified. Their head-quarters were 
probably either in central or south Konkan, not in Thdna. 

e Briggs' Ferishta, I. 437. 



Konkan.] 

THANA., 441 

established themselves as independent rulers and fnoved the capital Chapter VII. 

of the Deccan from Danlatabad south to Kulbarga, their connection Historv. 

with the north Konljan grew still fainter. Though they held Navsiri 

to the north and Ohaul to the south, they seem to have had MusalmIns. 

little concern with the lands now under Thana.^ In 1380, when 1300-1500. 

orphan schools were founded in their leading towns, no mention 

is made of any of the Thd,na ports. ^ Musalman supremacy can i 

have been little more than a name. It appears from a stone dated 

A.D. 1464, that the Hindu chief of Bhiwndi had power to make 

land-grants.^ 

In the fifteenth century the interest of the Musalmdns in the 
North Konkan revived. The establishment of a separate dynasty of 
Gujarat kiags, at the close of the fourteenth century, added much 
to the vigour and strength of the Musalmd.ns on the northern 
frontier. Mosaffar (1390-1412), the founder of the G-ujarat dynasty, 
and his grandson and successor Ahmad I, (1413-1441), brought most ■ 
of the Gujardt chiefs to subjection and ranked high among the 
rulers of Rajputana and of Western India. In 1429, apparently 
as a regular outpost and not as a new possession, they had a garrison 
under a captain, Kutb Khan, at Mdhim near Bombay, and another 
garrison overruling Thana. Apparently at both places, certainly at 
Md.him, there was a friendly, probably a tributary, Hindu chief or rdi. 
The whole coast from Navsari to Bombay, though apparently under 
Hindu chiefs who were independent enough to make grants of land, 
was sufficiently under Musalmd.n control to enable their army to pass 
unopposed from Gujard^t to Mdhim.* About the same time Sultan 
Ahmad Bahmani (1422-1435), king of the Deccan, made vigorous 
efforts to bring the Konkan under his control. In 1429 the Bahmani 
minister Malik-ul-Tujd,r led a strong force into the Konkan, and 
secured a rich booty, including several elephants and camel-loads of 
gold and silver. Malik-ul-Tujdr seems to have spread his master's 
power to'the shore of the mainland, and, in 1429, on the death of the 
Gujarat commandant Kutb Khd,n, he seized on Mahim and Sdlsette. 
Hearing of this insult, the strong and warlike Ahmad Shah of Gujardt 
gathered a fleet of seventeen sail from Diu, Gogha, and Gambay, and 

1 In 1357 Hasan the founder of the Bahmani dynasty is (Briggs'Feriahta, 11. 
295) mentioned as visiting NavsAri. About the same time, when the Bahmanis distri- 
buted their territory into four provinces, the north-west province is described (Briggs' 
f erishta, II. 295) aa the tract comprehending Chaul on the sea-coast and going between 
Junnar, Daulatabad, Bir, and Paithan. 

2 The towns named are Kulburga, Bidar, Kdudhdr, Elichpur, Daulatabad, Ohaul, 
and DAbul. Briggs' Ferishta, II. 350. 

3 To illustrate the relations' between the local Hindu chiefs and their Musalmdn 
overlords may be compared the mention of the rdi of Mdhim in 1429 (see text, p. 441) ; 
Varthema's statement in 1500 that the king of Ohaul, then part of Mahmud Begada's 
dominions, was a pagan ( Badger's Edition, 114) ; the position of thfe apparently Hindu 
chief of Th4ha, in 1528, when his territory in Bombay was invaded by the Portuguese 
(see below, p. 450) ; and the grant of Tegnapatam to the English in 1691, under the seal 
of a local Hindu chief and by a kaul from the Subha of the Karndtak (Bruoe|s Annals, 

4 A Devnigari land -grant stone has been found at Sanjdn dated a.d, 1432 (S. 1354), 
and another at KoprAd, about ten milesj north of Bassein, dated a.d. 1464 (S. 1386). 
The Koprdd stone has the special interest of giving a MusalmAn date (H. 864) and 
several Mnsalmin names, Details are given under Places of Interest, KoprAd and 
Sanjin. 

B 310—56 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
442 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. sent it to Mfiliim along with a land army under his youngest son 

History. Zafar Khan and his general Malik Iftikdr Khdn. The joint force 

, ' attacked Thana by land and sea, and compelled the Deccan general 

MnsALMANs. J.JJ j,g^y,g ^.Q Mahim. Here he was joined by a force under Ald-ud-din, 
1300-1500. the son of the Deccan monarch, and strengthened his position by 

throwing up a wattled stockade along the shore of the creek. After 
waiting some days the Gujarat troops took heart, assaulted the 
stockade, and, after a severe struggle, drove the Deccanis to Bombay, 
where they were again routed and withdrew to the mainland. 
Reinforced from the Deccan, they came back and attacked Thdna, 
but were once more defeated and compelled to retire.-' Among the 
plunder the Gujarat troops secured some beautiful gold and silver 
embroidery.^ A year or two later (1432) Ahmad of Gujardt arranged 
a marriage between his son and the daughter of the chief of M^him.* 
An attempt of the Deccan king to take the place of Gujarat as 
overlord of B^gMn proved as complete a failure as his attack on 
Thana and Bombay.* 

After this, several expeditions, Dilavar Khan's in 1436, Malik- 
ul-TujAr's in 1453, and Mahmud Gawdn's in 1469, were sent from 
the Deccan to conquer the Konkan.^ They seem, to have been 
almost entirely confined to central and southern Konkan, the present 
districts of KoMba and Ratnagiri. Much of the country was 
overrun and many chiefs were forced to pay tribute, but almost the 
only permanent posts were at Ohaul and Ddbhol.* The inland parts 
continued to be held by Hindu rulers, of whom the rdis of Mdhuli in 
Thana, Rdiri or Rdygad in Kolaba, and Vishalgad in Ratnagiri were 
perhaps the chief.' About 1465 Mahmud Begada increased-Gujarat 
power in north Thd,na, marching between the Konkan and Gujarat, 
taking the extraordinary hill-fort of Bavur, perhaps Bavara for 
Bagvdda, and from that advancing to Dura (?) and Parnd,la, apparently 
Pdrnera, defeating the infidels, and forcing the chief to give up his 
forts. The chief threw himself on Mahmud's mercy, and on paying 
tribute his land was restored.* 

About 1480 the Bahmanis divided their territory into eight 
provinces. By establishing Junnar as the head of one of the 
provinces the Deccan was brought into closer relations with the 
iiorth Konkan.* A few years later (1485)^ in the decay of Bahmani 
rule, one BahMur Khd,n Golani, the son of the governor of Goa, seized 
Dabhol and other places in the south Konkan, and proclaimed himself 
king of Daridbdr, or the sea coast.^" In 1484 he harassed the Gujarat 
harbours," and, in 1490, sent his slave, Yakut an Abyssinian, with 
twenty ships to lay Mdhim or Bombay waste. ^^ Yakut seized many 

1 Brigga' Ferishta, II. 412-414 ; IV. 28-30 ; Watson's Gujarat, 36 ; R4s M4la, 269. 
» This was probably the fine embroidered muslin for which Burhinpur was famous. 
8 Watson's Gujarit, 36. * Watson's Gujardt, 36. 

» Brigga' Ferishta, 11. 424, 436, and 483. 6 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 483. 

7 Nairne's Konkan, 26. 

8 Briggs' Ferishta, IV. 51. BagvAda is a well-known hill-fort about fifteen miles 
flKJUth of Balair ; Pdrnera is also a fort of importance a,bout ten miles north of Bagvdda. 
Dura is not identified ; Briggs suggests Dharampur. 

9 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 502; Grant Duffs Mardth^a,. 29. 

10 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 10. U Brigga' Ferishta, IV. 71. 

12 Briggg' Ferishta, II. 539. 



Eoukau.] 



THlNA. 



443 



ships belonging to Gujarat, and the fleet sent by Mahmud Begada 
to drive him out of Mahim was destroyed by a tempest.^ Mahmud 
Begada then wrote to Mahmud Bahmani, explaining that Gujardt 
troops could not reach Bahddur Khan without passing through 
Deccan lands, and urging him to punish Bahadur. The leading 
Bahmani nobles, Adil Khdn and Ahmad Nizam Shdh, who were 
both planning to establish themselves as independent rulers, were 
jealous of BahMur's attempt to bring the coast into his hands. 
They gladly joined Mahmud Bahmani, and, in 1493, Bahadur was 
attacked near Kolhdpur, defeated, and slain. Md,him and the 
Gujardt ships were restored to Mahmud Begada.^ 

During this time (1485-1493) Ahmad Nizam, the son of the 
Bahmani prime minister, was placed by his father in charge of the 
province of Daulatabad. He made Junnar his head-quarters and 
took many Poona and Thd,na forts, among them Manranjan or 
Rdjmachi and'Mdhuli.* In 1490 he increased his power in the 
Konkan by taking Dajida-Eajpuri,* and, about the same time, on 
hearing of his father's assassination at the Bidar court, he declared 
himself independent of the Bahmani kinga.^ Meanwhile Mahmud 
Begada was strengthening his hold on the Konkan, and, abo«t 1495, 
divided his dominions into five parts, of one of, which Thdna was 
the head.* Some years later (1508) Mahmud Begada still further 
increased his power. He effected his designs against Bassein and 
Bombay, established a garrison at Ndgothna, and sent an army 
to Ohaul.^ At this time, when Gujardt power was at its highest, 
according to the Mirdt-i-Ahmadi, Daman, Bassein and Bombay were 
included within Gujarat limits.* And among the ports which 
yielded revenue to the Gujarat kings were Agashi, Danda near 
Kelva-Mdhim, Sorab perhaps Sopdra, Bassein, Bhiwndi, Kalyd,n, 
Bombay, and Panvel.' The claim of the Gnjardt historian to so 
large a share of the north Konkan coast is supported by the Italian 
traveller Varthema, who, in 1502, placed Chaul in Gujardt.^° So, 
also, the early Portuguese accounts, though they make the Bet or 
Kalyan river the border line between Gujardt and the Deccan,^^ 
notice that in 1530 there was a Gujarat governor of Nagothna, and 
that in 1540 there were Gajard,t commandants of the hill- forts of 
Karndla in Panvel and of Sd,nkshi in Pen. 

Of the trade of the Thdna ports during the two hundred years 
between the Muhammadan conquest and the arrival of the Portu- 
guese information is scanty. For the first forty years of this 
period Thana was the port of the Musalmdn rulers of Daulatabad. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MusalmAns. 
1300-1500. 



Trade. 



2 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 543. 
* Briggs' Ferishta, III. 198-199. 
6 Briggs' Ferishta, IV. «" 



62. 



Bird gives Danda-H&jpuri in Janjira, but perhaps 



1 E4s Mdla, 290. 

3 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 190-191. 

5 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 191-192. 

7 Bird^s MirSlt-i-Ahmadi, 214. 

8 Bird's MirAt-i-Ahmadi, 110, 111. 
Danda near Kelva-Mihim was meant. 

9 All of these ports were not necessarily under Gujardt, as in the same list are 
included Ddbhol, 6oa, Kalikat, Kulam or Quilon, and the Maldives. Ditto 129, 130. 

10 Badger's Varthema, 114. 

11 Faria y Souza (Kerr's Voyages.VI. 83) says ' The river .Bate, falling into the sea 
near Bombaim, divides the kingdoms of Gujarat and Deccan.? 



[Bombay Oazetteer, 



444 



DISTEICTS. 



Caiapter VII. 

History, 

MusalmAns. 

1800-1500. 

Trade. 



Then, when the Bahmanis (1347) moved their capital to Kulbarga, 
trade passed south to Chaul and to DAbhol in Ratnd,giri. Towards 
the end of the fifteenth century, though some traffic continued 
from Mdhim and Th^na through the Tal pass to Burhdnpur, 
the trade of the north Konkan ports was further reduced by 
their conquest by the Ahmadabad kings. The establishment of 
Ahmadnagar as a separate kingdom, a few years before the close 
of the fifteenth century (1496), again raised Ohaul to the rank of 
a -first class port. During this period Persia was prosperous, 
and a grteat trade centered in the ports of the Persian Gulf. The 
constant demand for horses kept up a close connection between the 
Thdna and east Arabian ports, and there was a considerable 
trade with the Zanzibar coast .^ The great wealth and power of 
Venice, and the capture of Constantinople by the Turks (1453), 
turned the commerce between Europe and Asia to the Red Sea route, 
but in India the bulk of the Bed Sea trade settled in the Malabdr 
ports.^ There is little trace of direct trade between Thana ports 
and Ceylon, the Eastern Archipelago, or China. This trade seems 
also to have centered in Malabar. The chief Thd,na ports during 
these two hundred years were Thdna, a considerable town and a 
celebrated place of trade, Chaul a centere of trade, Sopara a place 
of consequence, and M^him a port and centre of trade.* The 
chief ports which had dealings with the Thana coast were Quilon . 
and Kalikat in Malabar, Cambay in Gujarat, Ormuz in the 
Persian Gulf, Dhafar in east Arabia, Aden Jidda and -.Ethiopia in 
the Red Sea, and the African ports.* Compared with the previous 
period, the chief changes in the articles of trade were the 
apparent increase in the export of rice, wheat, and betelnut 
and leaves to the Persian and Arab coasts ; in the export of 
fine Deccan-made muslins ; in the import of the rich silks of 
Venice, the brocades and cloth of gold of Persia, and the satins of 
China; and in the import of woollen cloth, camlets, mirrors, 
arms, gold and silver ornaments, and other articles from Venice.® 
Of articles of Pood, rice, green ginger, sugarcane, butter, and 
sesamum oil were produced in Thana and sent probably to the 
Arab and African ports>® Wheat was exported probably to Ormuz 



. I Vasoo da Gama, 1497, found the people of Corrientes in East Africa clothed in 
cotton, silk^ and satin. At Mozambique Moorish merchants from the Eed Sea and 
India exchanged Indian goods for Sofdla gold. In the warehouses were pepper, 
ginger, cotton, silver, pearls, rubies, velvets, and other Indian articles. Mombaza 
had all Indian commodities, and Melinda had Indian wares and Indian, merchants. 
Stevenson's Sketch of Discovery, 340-341. 

2 In the fifteenth century the revenues of Venice and the wealth of its merchants 
exceeded anything known in other parts of Europe. In 1420 its shipping included 
3000 trading vessels with 17,000 sailors, 300 large ships with 8000 sailors,, and 45 
galleasses or caracks with 11,000 sailors. Robertson's India, 141, 347. 

S Th^na Jordanus and Odericus (1320) Yule's Cathay, I. 57, 230 ; Abu-1-fida (1330) 
Yule's Marco Polo, II. 331 ; Chaul, or Chivil, Nikitin (1474) India in XV. Century, 8 ; 
SopAra, Jordanus (1323) Yule's Cathay, I. 227 ; M4him (1429) Briggs' Ferishta, IV. 29. 

i Eeferences chiefly from Jordanus (1323) Yule's Cathay, I. 130; Ibn Batuta (1342) 
Lee's Edition and in Yule's Marco Polo and Eeinaud's Abu-1-fida ; Nioolo Conti (1420), 
Abd-er-Razzak (1442) and Santo Stefano (1496) in India in XV. Century. 

S Robertson's India, 137. 6 Oderic (1320) Yule's Cathay, I. 57. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



445 



and Arabia }^ palm wine and palna sugar were produced in abundance, 
and tbere were jacks, mangoes, sweet and sour limes, and cocoanuts; ^ 
bej;elnuts and leaves were' grown, on tbe Konkan and Malabd,r 
coasts and sent in large quantities to the Arab ports and to Or muz.' 
Of Spices, pepper ginger and cardamoms came from the Malabar 
coast; cinnamon from Ceylon, cubebs nutmegs mace and cardamoms 
from Java, and cloves from Sumatra. These spices were sent to the 
Deccan, and probably to Africa, Arabia, and Persia.* Of artiples 
of Dress, cotton cloth made in Th^na,^ and gold and silver 
embroidered muslins and fine gauze from Burhdnpur and other 
Deccan cities were sent to Persia, Arabia, Africa, and China, where 
one cotton coat was worth three silk coatsj ^ velvet was made in 
Thana,^ and silks were brought from the Deccan, China, Persia, and 
Europe, interchanged, and exported to Africa and Arabia; ^ 
woollen cloth came from Europe by -the Red Sea.* Of Precious 
Stones, diamonds ' the best under heaven' were sent from India, and 
pearls and rubies from Abyssinia, Persia, and Ceylon. -iSjthiopia was 
rich in precious stones, and coral came from the Red Sea. 
There was a large demand for pearls and other precious stones in 
Africa.^" Of Metals, silver came from China and probably through 
the Red Sea from Germany and went to Sofd^laV^ tin was brought 
from Sumatra and probably through the Red Sea from England i'-^ 
gold, iron, and electrum were not imported.^* Of Timber, bamboos 
were exported and brazil-wood was brought from the Malabdr coast.^* 
Of Drugs and Perfumes, incense and myrrh came from Arabia, alum 
from Asia Minor, ambergris from Africa, aloes wood camphor and 
benzoin from Sumatra and Java, musk myrrh and rhubarb from 
China, and tdbdshir or bamboo-?ugar was still made in Thdna and 
exported.^^ Of Tools and House Gear, ' noble earthenware full of 
good qualities ' came from China and probably went to the Deccan 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MusalmIns. 
1300-1500. 
Trade, 



1 Jordanua' Mirabilia (1320), 12-21. 2 Jordauus' Mirabilia, 16. 

3 Abd-er-Razzak (1440) India in XV. Century, 32. 

* Oderic (1320) Yule's Cathay, I. 77; Jordanus' Mirabilia (1320), 31 ; John of 
Monte Corvino (1330) in Yule's Cathay, I. 213 ; and Ibn Batnta (1340) in Yule's 
Cathay, II. 472. s Abu-1-fida (1327) in Yule's Marco Polo, II. 331. 

« To Arabia and Persia (1413) Jour. Beng. A. S. V-2, 461 ; to China, Ibn Batuta 
(1340) in Yule's Cathay, II. 480; to Africa (1498) Vincent's Commerce, II. 246. 
' Giovani Botero (1580) in Yule's Marco Polo, II. 331. 

^ From Venice rich silks, Kohertson's India, 137 ; from Persia, damasks and satins, 
Abd-er Razzak (1440) India in XV. Century, 30; Deccan, Chinese, and Persian silks, 
were sent to Africa (1498) Vincent's Commerce, II. 246. 
9 Robertson's India, 137. 

10 Indian diamonds, Jordanus (1320) Mirabilia, 20 ; Persian and Ceylon, pearls, ditto 
30, 45 ; and Abyssinian pearls, Santo Stefano (1495) India in XV. Century, 4. 

11 Silver from China, Ibn Batuta (1340) in Yule's Cathay, II. 357 ; from Germany, 
Robertson's India, 138 ; to SofAla, Vincent's Commerce, II, 346. 

12 Tin from Sumatra, Oderic (1320) in Yule's Cathay, I. 85 ; from England, Robertson's 
India, 137. 

13 Jordanus' Mirabilia (1320), 23 ; Nicole Conti (1420) India in XV. Century, 30, 
mentions the import of Venetian ducats. 

1* Abu-1-flda (1327) in Yule's Marco Polo,^ II. 331, 371 ; Oderic (1320) in Yule's 
Cathay, I. 77-78. 

15 Myrrh from Arabia, Jordanus (1320) Mirabilia, 45 ; alum from Turkey, ditto 57 ; 
ambergris, ditto 43 ; aloes wood from Java, Ibn Batuta (1340) in Yule's Cathay, II. 
469-470, 472 ; musk and myrrh from China, ditto 357; rhubarb; Jordanus' Mirabilia, 
47 ; tdbdshir Abu-1-fida (1327) in Yule's Marco Polo, II. 331, 371. 



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Chapter VII. 
History. 

MaSALMijIS. 

1300-1500. 
Trade. 



and to the Persian Gulf,^ and mirrors, arms, gold and silver 
ornaments, glass, and otter articles came from Venice.^ Of 
Animals, many horses were brought from Ormuz and from Aden.* Of 
Human Beings,, soldiers of fortune came from Khurd,sd,n and 
Abyssinia, and- negro slaves from Africa.* 

Barbosa's (1500-1514) details of the course of trade at Chaul are 
of special value, as what he says is probably true of the trade of the 
Th^na ports from the earliest times. The system must have been 
much the same in Thana during the time of the Khalifs of 
Baghdad (700-1000) ; in Kalyan during the times of the Sassanians 
(300-600) ; in Chaul during the times of the Egyptian Greeks (b.c. 100- 
A.D. 200); and perhaps at Sopara at the time of Solomon (b.c. 1000). 
The great centre ofc foreign trade was not necessarily a large city. 
There were perhaps few inhabitants except during December 
January February and March when vessels from all parts of Asia 
thronged the port, and, when, from the Deccan and from Upper 
India, came great caravans of oxen with packs like donkeys, a!nd, 
on the tops of the packs, long white sacks laid crosswise, one man 
driving thirty or forty beasts before him. The caravans stopped 
about a league from the city, and there traders from all the cities 
and towns in the country set up shops of goods and of cloth. 
During those four months the place was a fair, and then the 
merchants went back to their homes till the next season.^ 

Among the merchants who carried on trade in the Thana ports 
were Hindus, Musalmdns, Egyptians, and a small but increasing 
number of Europeans.* Hindus continued to travel and trade to 
foreign ports, being met in Ormuz, Aden, Zanzibar, and Malacca.' 
There would seem to have been little change in the style of ships 
that frequented the Thdna coast. Of the local or Indian ships some 
were very great, but they were put together with a needle and 
thread without iron and with no decks. They took in so much 



1 Jordanus' Mirabilia (1320), 48 ; Ibn Batnta (1340) in Yule's Cathay, II. 478. 

2 Robertson's India, 137. It seems probable that, during the fifteenth century, 
fire-arms were introduced from (Venice into India through Egypt. Like bindikia 
or bullet in Egypt (Creasy'a Ottoman Turks, I. 233 note 1), the Indian word 
handuh or gun seems to be a corruption of Binikia, that is Yinikia or Yenetian. 
The Portuguese (1498) found the Indian Moors or Musalmdns as well armed as, 
sometimes better armed than, themselves. The knowledge of fire-arms did not come 
from the far east, as the Javanese words for fire-arms are European, sanapnnff a 
musket being the Dutch snapJian, and satingar a match-look being the Portuguese 
espingarda.' See Crawfurd's Archipelago, I. 227 ; II. 171-172. 

3 Ibn Batuta (1340) in Tule's Marco Polo, II. 373. The Russian,. Athanaaius 
Nikitin (1470) brought horses from Ormuz through Chaul to Junnar in Poona. He 
says horses are not bom in India, and are fed on peas, boiled sugar, and oil. India in 
XY. Century, 10. 

i Nikitin (1470) India in XY. Century, 9, 10, 12 ; Yincent's Commerce, II. 122. 

8 Stanley's Barbosa, 69-71. 

6 Alexandrian merchants in ThAna, Oderio (1320) in -Yule's Cathay, I. 60 ; 
Marignoli (1347); Nicolo Conti (1400-1440), a Yenetian; Athamasius Nikitin (1470), a 
Russian ; Santo Stefano (1496), a 6eno@8e. 

7 Hindus at Ormuz, Abd-er-Bazzak (1442) India in XY. Century, 6 ; at Aden, 
Ibn Batuta (1B40) in Yule's Marco, Polo, II. 376; at Melinda, (1498) Bairos in Da 
Gama's Three Yoyages, 137 note 1 ; at Malacca, Abu-1-flda (1327) Madras Journal 
of Literature and Science (1878), 213. Abu-1-fida (1320) notices the great number of 
Indian plants at Dafar on the east coast of Arabia. Yeteris Geograpbise Scriptores, 

m.5i. 



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THANA. 



447 



water that men had always to stand in the pool and bail.^ The 
Arab ships in the Red Sea had timbers sewn with cords, and sails 
of rush mats ; those at Aden were plank-sewn and had cotton sails.^ 
The Persian GuK boats were very frail and uncouth, stitched with 
twine and with no iron.* The Chinese ships, though it is doubtful 
if any came further than the Malabar coast, were much the same 
as those described by Marco Polo.* The European travellers speak 
slightingly of the skill of the eastern sailors. ' Weather such as 
our mariners would deem splendid is to them awfully perilous. 
One European at sea is worth a hundred of them.' ^ The Indian 
seas continued cursed with pirates. The Indian ships were armed 
against them with archers and Abyssinian soldiers.^ In the fifteenth 
century Abd-er-Bazzak, 1440, notices pirates in the Persian Gulf 
and at Kalikat,^ and, about thirty years later, Nikitin complains that 
the sea was infested with pirates neither Christians nor Musalmd,ns, 
who prayed to stone idols and knew not Christ.* During this 
century the Musalmdn kings of Ahniadabad made several expeditions 
against the pirates of Dwdrka in KAthidwdr, of Balsdr in south 
Surat, and foreign corsairs from the Malabar coast.* 

SECTION III. -PORTUGUESE (1500 1670). 

In 1498, when the whole coast line from Goa to Bassein had 
lately passedto Bijd.pur and Gujarat, the Portuguese rounded the Cape 
of Good Hope and appeared on the Kalikat coast. Their object was 
to treat all Indian ships as friends and all Indian rulers as allies-^" 
Their only rivals were the Moors of Mecca, and the Arab andBgyptian 
merchants who had then the monopoly of the trade between 
Europe and Asia. The first Gujardt ships that were taken by the 
Portuguese were restored unharmed and with a friendly message.^^ 
After Qoa was ceded (1511), in spite of constant quarrels, the Portu- 
guese are honourably mentioned by Musalman historians as keeping 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MusalmAns. 

1300-1500. 

Trade, 



Portuguese. 
1500- 1670. 



. 1 Jordanns' Mirabilia (1320) 16, 54. Abu-1-fida (1320) notices that Indian ships 
came and set sail froiu Aden. Veteris Geographic Scriptores, III. 53. Ibn Batuta 
(1340) found large Indian ships at Aden. Yule's Cathay, II. 399. The ' junk' with 
700 people which took Oderic from Koohin to China (1323) seems, but this is doubtful, 
to have been an Indian ship. Yule's Cathay, I. 73. 

2 Santo Stefano (1495) India in XV. Century, 4. 

3 John of Monte Corvino (1292) in Yule's Cathay, I. 218 ; Oderic (1323) in Yule's 
Cathay, I. 57. > 

4 Jordanus' Mirabilia (1320) 55; Oderic (1320) in Yule's Cathay, I. 124; Ibn Batuta 
(1340J in Yule's Cathay, II. 417, an excellent account ; Kicolo Conti (1430) India in 
XV. Century, 27. 

6 Jordanus (1320) Mirabilia, 55. An exception is made in favour of the Kalikat 
seamen ' sons of Chinamen,' who were so brave that no pirate dare attack them. 
Abder-Razzak (1442) India in XV. Century, 19, 

6 Ibn Batuta (1340) Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, cdxxvii. When an Abyssinian was on 
boiwd passengers had nothing to fear from pirates. 

7 Abder-Kazzak in India in XV. Century, 7, 18. 

8 Nikitin in India in XV. Century, 11. , .„ 

9 Briggs' Ferishta, IV. 60-61 ; Ditto 65 ; Watson's Gujardt, 43. 

10 The early Portuguese showed Hindus much forbearance. Dom Manuel often 
wrote, ' Strive to keep on good terms with Hindus.' Commentaries of Albuquerque, 

Iir. 247. 
u' In 1502 VasGO da Gattia's orders were that the ships of Cambay were to be let 

pass as friends. Da Gama's Voyages, 376, 



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Caiapter VII. 
History. 

PoETUaUBSE. 

1500.-1670. 



their agreement with the BijApur kings.^ "With the Nizdm Shd,h or 
Ahmadnagar dynasty the Portuguese continued faithful allies, never 
attacking them except on three occasions and on each occasion in 
self-defence.^ Mahmud Begada, the Gujarat king^ was too staunch 
a Musalmdn to be on friendly terms with a Christian power, and 
he was too successful a sea captain to admit the Portuguese claim 
to rule the sea. He entered into an alliance with the Mameluke 
Soldan of Egypt^ and the Zamorin of Kalikat to unite in driving the 
Portuguese from the Indian seas. Timber was sent from Bassein 
to Mecca to help the Egyptians to build a fleet,^ and, in 1507, 
an Egyptian fleet of twelve sail and 1600 men under Amir Husain 
i arrived in the Cambay gulf. On their arrival Mahmud sent his fleet 
along with the Egyptian vessels down the coast, and himself led an 
army by land to help the fleets, should the Portuguese be found 
in any of the Gujardt ports.* The result was the defeat of the 
Portuguese at Chaul, a loss that was soon after (2nd February 1509)- 
redeemed by the destruction ofE Diu of the joint Gujarat, Kalikat, 
and Egyptian fleets.^ In 1507 the Portuguese seem to have tried 
to raise the Hindu chiefs on the Thilna coast against Mahmud 
Begada, as Mahmud is described as settling disturbances at Bassein 
and effecting his designs against Bassein and Bombay.^ In 
January 1509, on their way to Diu, the Portuguese took a ship 
in Bombay harbour and got supplies from the fort of Mahim, from 
which the garrison fled.^ On the return of the victorious Portuguese 
fleet the governor of Chaul agreed to pay a yearly tribute.® A few 
years later (1514) the southern boundary of Gujarat had shrunk 
from Chaul to Bombay.^* 

At this time the Thana ports seem to have been places of little trade. 
The commerce between the Deccan and the sea either centred 
in Chaul and Dabhol, or passed by land to Surat and Eander, 



1 Briggs' Ferishta, III, 34. Ferishta says, ' The Portuguese, observing their treaty, 
have made no further encroachment ou the Adil Shd,hi territory.' 

2 In 1530 when the Gujarit kings forced Ahmadnagar to break with the Portuguese 
(Bird's Mird,t-i-Ahmadi, 237, and Faria in Kerr, VI. 231) ; in 1572 when the BijApur 
Ahmadnagar and Kalikat kings joined against the Portuguese (Briggs' Ferishta, III. 
254) ; and in 1594 when the Ahmadnagar kings attempted to fortify Korle hill at 'the 
mouth of the Chaul river. (Da Gunha's Chaul, 60). 

3 Faria in Kerr, VI. 111. Kausu-al-Gauri, known as Oampson Gauri (1500-1516), 
who was killed near Aleppo by Selim, emperor of the Turks, 

* Part of the Egyptian fleet was made at Suez from timber brought from Dalmatia, 
Faria in Kerr, VI. Ill ; Mickle's Lusiad, I. cxx, 

5 Forbes' RAs MAla, 291 ; Bird's Mir4t-i-Ahmadi, 215. 

6 Faria in Kerr,. VI. 119. Among the spoil were many Latin, Italian, and 
Portugese books, probably the property of Christian galley slaves. 

7 Briggs' Ferishta, IV. 74, 75, According to the E^s M^la the 
anxious to occupy part of the Gujarat coast. RAs Mdla, 290, 291. 

8 Faria in Kerr, VI. 117. 

9 Faria in Kerr, VI. 120. In 1510 some Portuguese were shipwrecked at Nabanda 
and taken to ChAmpdner. The Gujardt and Bassein minister wrote a friendly letter to 
Albuquerque (Commentaries, II. 212). In 1512 a Gujarat ambassador visited Goa. 
Albuquerque made three demands, that they were to employ no Turks, that their'i, 
ships were to trade only with Goa, and that the Portuguese were to be allowed to' 
build a fort at Diu. Commentaries, III. 246. 

10 About 1514 Barboaa (Stanley's Barbosa, 68, 69) describes Chaul as eight leagues, 
south from the borders of GujarAt or Cambay. 



Europeans were 



1500-1670. 



Konkan,] 

ThAnA. 449 

wMch were great places of trade in all classes of merchandise.^ Chapter VII. 
Bassein was a good seaport where much merchandise changed hands. History. 

but all apparently came from the Malabar coast. Bombay, Mahim, Portuguese 
and Thdna were mixed into one, Tanamayambu, a sea-port at the 
end of Oambay or Gujarat. It had a fortress and a pleasant Moorish 
town with many rich gardens, great Moorish mosques, and Gentile 
temples. It had little trade and was pestered with pirates, who went 
out to sea, and if they met with any ships less strong than themselves, 
captured and plundered them sometimes killing the crews.^ 

In 1516, Dom JoSo de Money entered the BAndra creek and 
defeated the commandant of Mdhim fort, and, in the same year, 
a Portuguese factory was established at Chaul. In 1521 an order 
came from Portugal to build forts at Ohaul and at Diu. A fleet 
started for Diu, bat their request to be allowed to build a fort was 
refused, and the place was so strongly fortified that the fleet sailed to 
Ormuz without attacking it.^ The Portuguese were more successful 
at Chaul, where, on the promise that he would be allowed to import 
horses, Burhdn I., king of Ahmadnagar, gave them leave to biiild Si 
fort.* Malik Eiaz sent the Gujarat fleet from Diu to blockade the 
Chaul river, and stop the building of the fort. In this he was helped 
by the Musalmdn governor of Chaul. But though the Portuguese 
fleet sufEered severely, the building was pushed on, and, in 1522, 
Malik Eiaz was forced to withdraw.^ The fort was finished in 1524, 
and, after that, the Portuguese fleet was able to sail freely in the 
Bombay harbour.® In 1526 a Portuguese factory was established 
at Bassein.'^ In February 1528 the Gujarat fleet of eighty barks, 
under a brave Moor named Alishah (Alexiath), appeared at the 
mouth of the Chaul river and did much damage to the Ahmadnagar 
territory and to Portuguese trade. Against the Gujardt fleet, 
Sampayo the Portuguese viceroy, sailed with forty vessels, carrying 
1000 Portuguese soldiers and a large force of armed natives. The 
viceroy took command of the sailing ships and placed Heitor de 
Sylveira in charge of the row-boats. On reaching Chaul, one JuSo 
de Avelar, with eighty Portuguese, was sent to help the AJimadnagar 
king. A thousand natives were given him, and with their help he 
scaled a fort belonging to the king of Cambay, which till then had 
been thought impregnable. He slew the garrison and delivered the 
fort to the Nizdm. 

On leaving Chaul for Diu, 'on the day after 'Shrove Tuesday,* 
Sampayo came unexpectedly on the Cambay fleet in Bombay harbour. 
After a furious cannonade the Portuguese boarded the enemy and 



1 Stanley's Barbosa, 66, 67. Surat waa a city of very great trade in all classes of 
merchandise, a very important seaport whose customs-house yielded a large revenue 
to the king of Grujard,t. Ravel or Rdnder was a rich and agreeable place, trading with 
Bengal, Pegu, Sumatra, and Malacca, with large fine ships and the best supply of 
Chinese goods. Chaul was a place of great commerce and Dihhol a place of very great 
trade. Ditto 69, 72. 

2 Stanley's Barbosa, 68-69. According to Faria, Chaul belonged to Niz^m Shdh in 
1508. Kerr, VI. 111. 

3 Faria in Kerr, VI. 180. * Faria in Kerr, VI. 191, 192. 

5 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 36-37. * Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 39. 

7 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 171. 

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History. 

POETUOUESE. 

1500-1670. 



AUshah, fled, hoping to escape by the Mahim creek. But the Portu- 
guese had stationed boats at Bandra, and all Alishah's vessels but 
seven were taken. Of the seventy-three prizes thirty-three were fit 
for work and were kept ; the rest were burned. Besides the vessels 
many prisoners were made, and much artillery and abundance of 
ammunition were taken.^ After the victory Sampayo went back to 
Gba, leaviiig Heitor de Sylveira with twenty-two row-boats to harass 
the Gujarat coasts. Sylveira remained some time on the pleasantly- 
wooded island of Bombay or Md.him. It had much game and plenty 
of meat and rice, and proved so agreeable a resting-place that his 
men gave it the name of Boa Vida or the Island of Good Life.^ After 
resting his men in Bombay, Sylveira went up the river Nagothna, 
landed, and burnt six Gujardt towns. On his way back to his boats 
he was attacked by the commandant of Ndgothna, but beat hifn o£E 
with loss. Sylveira next went to Bassein, which he found well 
fortified and defended with cannon. He entered the river at night 
and stormed the fortifications. Next day he was met by Alishah at 
the head of 3500 men. But he drove them ofE with great slaughter, 
and plundered and burnt the city of Bassein.^ Terrified with these 
exploits, the lord of the great city of Thana agreed to become 
tributary to the Portuguese, and Sylveira returned to Chaul.* In 

1 Faria in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 209, 210. This summary of Paria's aooount of the 
battle of Bombay seems to dififer in some particulars from the aooount in De Barros' 
Asia (Decada, IV. parti. 208-210, Lisbon Ed. of 1777). According to De Barros the 
Portuguese caught sight of the Gujarat fleet off a promontory. As Sylveira'drew near, 
the Gujarit fleet retired behind the promontory, and he sent some ships to guard the 
mouth of the BAndra river. When Sylveira drew near, the Gujarat ships set sail and 
ran into the river, and when they found that the mouth of the river was occupied, they 
tried to reach MAhim fort, but, before they reached Mdhim, they were surrounded 
and captured by the Portuguese boats which had been sent to guard the mouth of the 
creek. This account is not altogether clear. Apparently what happened was, that 
when the Gujardt boats saw the Portuguese, they drew back from the Prongs Point 
into the Bombay harbour, and when the Portuguese fleet attacked them, they fled 
up the harbour ' to the mouth of the river (that is the Bombay harbour or east month 
of the MAhim creek) not daring to try their fortune in the open sea.' The Portuguese 
captain learned from his local pilots that the GujarAt fleet probably meant to retreat 
through the BAndra creek, and accordingly sent boats to guard its mouth. The Gujarat 
fleet entered the creek by Sion, and, on nearing Mihim, saw the Portuguese boats 
blocking the entrance of the creek. To avoid them they made for the Musahnkn fort 
of MAhim, at the south end of the present Bindra causeway, but the Portuguese 
saw their object and coming up the creek cut tliem off, De Barros' account has been 
supposed ('Lateen' in Times of India, 21st April 1882) to favour the view that the 
fight was not in the harbour, but in the open sea off MalabAr point. To this view the 
objections are, that when the Gujarat fleet retired behind GoUba point on catching 
sight of the Portuguese, they must have gone into Back Bay a dangerous and 
unlikely movement. That if they came out again to fight, they must have seen the 
Portuguese boats being sent on to Bd,ndra, and that when, in their flight; the Gujarat 
fleet found the mouth of the BAndra creek blocked, they could not have attempted 
to take shelter in Mdhim. The attempt to take shelter in MAhim, when the mouth 
of the creek was found to be blocked, shows that the GujarAt fleet was leavinjg not 
entering the BAndra or MAhim river. 

2 Dom Joao de Castro Primeiro Eoteiro, 70. 

3 This capture of Bassein was deemed a great exploit, as the entrance to the 
river was very difficult. Dom Joao de Castro Primeiro Roteiro, 110. 

4 Faria in Kerr, VI. 209, 211. Da Cuuha's Chaul and Bassein, 170. This 
previous agreement, not the unimportance of Bombay, seems to he the reason why 
Bombay is not mentioned in the Bassein treaty of 1533. Apparently this lord of 
ThAna was a Hindu chief, not a Musalmin governor. In the outlying parts of their 
territory the Gujardt kings aeem to have made free use of Hindu governors, probably 
tributary chiefs. In 1503 the governor of Ohaul was a Hindu (Badger's Varthema, 
114), and in 1514 the governor of Surat was a Hindu. (Stanley's Barbosa, 68). 



Eonkan,] 



thAna. 



451 



1530 Antonio de Sylveira, on his way back from plundering Surat 
and Ednder, destroyed the towns of Daman and Agd,shi, at the latter 
place burning 300 of the enemies' ships. ^ In the same year the 
Portuguese made a successful raid into the Ahmadnagar-Konkan, 
as Burhd,n Nizdm had been forced by his superior Bahadur Shdh of 
Gujardt to join with him in a campaign against the Portuguese.^ 

In 155 1 a great Portuguese fleet, collected by Nuno da 
Cunha for the capture of Din, was reviewed in Bombay harbour 
and a parade was held on the Bombay esplanade. Prom Bombay 
the fleet of 400 sail with 5600 Portuguese soldiers and 1460 
Portuguese seamen, 2000 Kanara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 
slaves, and about 5000 native seamen, sailed to Daman. They 
found it deserted, and, passing north, took the pirate stronghold 
of Little Bet in -the south of KAthi^war, and advanced to Diu 
but failed to make any impression on its fortifications. Nuno 
returned to G-oa, leaving Antonio de Saldanha with sixty sail to 
plunder the Cambay ports. On his way south Antonio destroyed 
Bals^r, Tdrapur, Kelva-Mahim, and Agashi.^ In 1532 Nuno da 
Cunha ordered Diogo de Sylveira to plunder the Gujarat coastg,, 
and himself advanced, with 150 vessels manned by 3000 Portuguese 
soldiers and 200 Kanarese, against Bassein, whose fortifications were 
being strengthened. Though Bassein was garrisoned by 1 2,000 men, 
the Portuguese dashed against the fort, took it by assault, and razed 
its walls. Thdna and Bd.ndra were forced to pay tribute, the coast 
towns between Bassein and Tdrapur were burnt, and an attempt was 
made, to take thefort of Daman.* Nuno da Ounha again urged the 
king of Gujarat to let the Portuguese build a fort at Diu. But 
again the. negotiations failed. Soon after this a quarrel between 
Humdyun king of Delhi and Bahddur of Gujarat gave the friendship 
of the Portuguese a special importance. As Bahadur continued to 
refuse-to allow the Portuguese to build a fort at Diu, Nuno entered 
into negotiations with Hum^yun and again pillaged the Gujarat coa'st 
and took Daman. After the loss of Daman, to win them from their 
alliance with Humayun, Bahadur (1533) made a treaty with the 
Portuguese, ceding Bassein and its dependencies, and agreeing that 
Gujardt ships bound from O'ambay to the Red Sea should touch at 
Bassein and pay dues ; that no Oambay ships should sail without a 
Portuguese pass ; that no war ships should be built in Gujardt ; and 
that no alliance should be made with the Turks.® In 1535, defeated 
by Humdyun and apparently ruined, Bahadur, on promise of their 
active assistance, agreed to let the Portuguese build a fort at Diu. 
Bahadur had written for help to the Sultdn of Turkey. But, as time 
pressed, he did not wait for his answer, but made a treaty with the 
Portuguese. Under the new agreement the centre of trade was 
Diu not Bassein, and the fort at Diu was to be built on the site 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

POETUGUESB. 

1500- 1670. 



1 Faria in Kerr, VI. 221. 

2 Bird's MirAt-i-Ahmadi, 237 ; Briggs' Ferishta, III. 219 ; Faria in Kerr, VI. 231. 

3 Faria in Kerr, ,VI. 223. * Faria in Kerr, VI. 225. 

5 Faria in Kerr, VI. 227. When BahAdur, in the next year, allowed the Portuguese 
to build a fort at Diu, several of these humiliating terms were cancelled. Faria gives 
1534. 



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452 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. whicli seemed best to the Portuguese Govemor- General.* In return 
History ^^^ *^® concession tte Portuguese did their best to help Bahadur 

to regain his kingdom. They repelled a Moghal attack on Bassein, 
PoRTUGTTESE. ^^^ ^ hodj of 500 Portugucse were most useful in helping 
1500- 1670. Bahadur to free Gujardt from the Moghals. In 1535 the Portuguese 
built a fort at Bassein, and the Diu fort was pressed on and finished. 
When his affairs were again prosperous BahMur repented of 
having allowed the Portuguese to build at Diu, and invited the Sultan 
of Turkey and the chief of Aden to attack the Portuguese. In 1536 
Bahadur came to Diu, and, to tempt Nuno da Cunha the Portuguese 
governor to enter the city, paid his ship a visit. Treachery was 
planned on both sides, and, when Bahadur was landing, a scuffle 
arose and he and the Portuguese governor of Diu were slain. Two 
years later, tempted by the great value of a jewelled belt which he 
had received from Bahadur, the Sultdn of Turkey sent a great 
expedition to take Diu.^ His admiral Sulaiman besieged the port for 
two months (September -November 1538). But the herdic defence 
of the Portuguese garrison, and the well-founded suspicion of the 
Gujarat Musalmdns, that if the Turks took Diu they would keep it, 
forced him to retire defeated.* After the withdrawal of the Turks a 
treaty of peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the king 
of Gujardt.*- In 1540 Mahmud Shdh III. of Gujarat besieged Bassein, 
but failed to take it, and, in the same year, Burhan Nizdm of 
Ahmadnagar took from their Gujarat commandants the forts of ' 
Karnala in Panvel and of Sangaza or Sd,nkshi in Pen. The Gujardt 
commandants applied for help to the Portuguese who retook the 
forts. They held them for a short time, but, finding them costly, 
handed them to Ahmadnagar.^ 

In 1546 the Portuguese gained great honour by the second famous 
defence of Diu. So completely did they defeat the whole strength 
of GujarAt, that in 1548 Mahmud Shah made overtures for peace and 
concluded a treaty much in favour of the Portuguese.^ In 1556 the 
great hill fort of Asheri and the important station of Manor on the 
Vaitarna river were taken by the Portuguese.'' In 1560 Changiz 
Khan, one of the leading Gujardt nobles, in return for help 
in taking Surat, ceded to the Portuguese the belt of coast from 
the Vaitarna to Daman.* Sidi Bofeta, the commandant of Daman, • 
refused to surreiider the fort. But a Portuguese force took the forts 



1 Faria (Kerr, VI. 236) gives 21st September 1536 as the date of the treaty. 
Apparently it should be 1535, as, according to the MusalmAn hiatorians, Humiyun 
took Chimptoer in April 1535. Bird's Mirit-i-Ahmadi, 249. In the hope of being 
the first to carry the news of this treaty to Portugal, one Diogo Botelho of l)iu sailed 
in a boat 16i feet long, nine feet broad, and 4J deep, manned by his own slaves with 
three Portuguese and two others. After a time the slaves mutinied and were all killed. 
Botelho persevered and reached Lisbon safe. The bark was destroyed that it might 
not be known that so small a boat could travel to India, Faria in Kerr, VI. 237. 
There seems to be some doubt about the length of this craft. See Vasco da Gama's 
Three Voyages, Introduction xxii. ; and Baldseus (1660) in Churchill, III. 531. 

2 Faria in Kerr, VI. 238. 

3 Faria in Kerr, VI. 247, 252. When Sulaimdn withdrew only forty of the garrison 
were able to fight, * Faria in Kerr, VI. 255. 

^ Faria in Kerr, VI. 368. 6 Paria in Kerr, VI. 403. 

7 Nairne's Konkaii, 44. 8 Watson'» Gujarat, 56. 



Konkan.] 

thAna. 4.53 

of Daman and Parnera as well as the island of Balsar. Daman was Chapter VII. 
strongly garrisoned and was highly valued as a guard to the district History 

of Bassein.i In the same year (1560) a body of 3000 Moghal horse 
attacked Daman, but were driven ofE with the loss of their baggage .^ Poktugubsb. 
They seem to have seized Pd,rnera and to have remained there till 1500-1670. 
they were driven out in 1568.^ In 1569 the Portuguese attacked 
the Jawhdr Kolis, and passed through their country as far east as the 
foot of the Sahyadris.* In 1570 the kings of Ahmadnagar/ BijApur, 
Kalikatj and Achin in Sumatra formed a great league against the 
Portuguese. Mortaza of Ahraadnagar, who was stirred to great 
exertions by the hope of securing Chaul, Bassein, and Daman, led 
a mighty army against Chaul. The siege was pressed with vigour 
and with great loss of life, butj such was the courage and skill of the 
- defence, that after wasting several months Mortaza was forced to 
retire. The Bijdpur attack on Groa was equally unsuccessful and the 
Portuguese gained much honour and respect.^ From Chaul, Mortaza 
sent a body of 5000 horse to ravage the Portuguese territories in 
Thdna, but the Portuguese drove them off and invaded Ahmadnagar 
territory, attacking Kalyau and burning its suburbs. In 1581 
Portugal was conquered by Spain and its eastern possessions passed 
to the Spaniards without a struggle. In 1583, on his final conquest 
of Gujardt, the Emperor Akbar attempted to win back Bassein and 
Daman. But the Portuguese met the Moghals with so vigorous a 
defence that they -were forced to retire.^ A favourable treaty was 
afterwards concluded, partly by.the good oflBces of a Portuguese lady 
who was an inmate of Akbar's household. In the same year the 
Portuguese ravaged the Koli country, but suffered considerable loss 
from the activity of the enemy who, they said, jumped from tree 
to tree like monkeys.'' In 1594 the Ahmadnagar king attacked 
Chaul or Revdanda, and detached a body of horse to ravage 
Bassein.8 

Though, for fifty years more, they lost none of their Thana 
possessions, the power of the Portuguese began to wane at the close 
of the sixteenth century. In 1597 the Dutch, 'the scourge of 
Portuguese pride,' appeared in Indian seas.^ ~ In 1609 the governor 
of Musalmdn Chaul attacked and harassed the Portuguese at sea.^" 
Two years later Malik Ambar, the Ahmadnagar minister, sent an army 
to take Bassein and Salsette but failed.^^ In 1612, in consequence 
of an injury done to their fleet at Surat the Moghals besieged 
Daman, Bassein, and Chaul, desolated the country, and had to be 
bought off.^^ In the same year the naval fame of the Portuguese 
received a serious blow by the defeat of a great Portuguese fleet 



1 Faria in Kerr, VI. 413 ; Faria gives 1558. 

a Faria, in Kerr, VI. 421. 3 Faria, in Kerr, VI. 422. 

4 Nairne's Konkan, 45. 

5 Faria in Kerr, VI. 423, 437. According to Ferishta (Briggs, III. 264) the siege 
of Chaul failed because the Ahmadnagar oflBcers were bribed by presents of wine. 

6 Faria in Kerr, VI. 442. 7 Nairne's Konkan, 45. 

8 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 284. Ferishta gives 1592, the Portuguese 1594. Da 
Cunha's Bassein, 59, 61 . 

Faria in Kerr, VI. 475. 1" Nairne's Konkan, 47. 

11 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 64. 12 Nairne's Konkan, 36. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

PORTUOUESE. 

1500-1670. 



454 



DISTRICTS. 



by four English ships at the mouth of the T^pti.^ In 1614 the 
Portuguese concluded a favourable treaty with the Emperor Jahangir. 
And for the next thirty-five years, though they suffered serious loss 
in other places, the Portuguese continued to hold their Thdna 
possessions without loss in area and apparently with an increase of 
wealth.^ In 1 640 Portugal made itself independent of Spain, and, 
for a few years, fresh interest was shown in its eastern possessions. 
During the sixteenth century hardly any references have been 
traced to the inland parts of south and east ThAna. Except the 
forts of Karndla and Sankshi, which remained under Gujarat till 
tiie middle of the century, south and east Thdna were under the 
Ahmadnagar kings, several of the hill-forts being held by local 
tributary chiefs. These districts, of w;hich Kalyan was the head, 
passed to the Moghals when Ahmadnagar was taken in 1600. They 
were soon after recovered by Malik Ambar, the Ahmadnagar 
minister, who held them till his death in 1626, and is said to have 
surveyed the land and improved the revenue system. After Malik 
Ambar's death the south of Thana or Kalyan was kept by the 
Moghals for ten years and then made over to BiJ^pur. During all this 
time the wild north-east, apparently as far, south as about Bhiwndi 
and the hill fort of Mdhuli, was held by the Raja of Jawhar and otjier 
Koli chiefs. The Kohs had three leading towns, Tavar to the north ' 
of Daman, Vazen perhaps Vdsind, and Darila apparently Dheri near 
Umbargaon, a considerable town of great stone and tiled houses.* 

In 1534, when Bassein and Salsette were ceded to the Portuguese, 
they found the land guarded by stockades and fortified posts. 
Besides the land revenue which was taken in kind,* there was a 
miscellaneous cash revenue from cesses on cocoanut oil, opium, 
cotton, palm spirits, vegetables, fish, sugarcane, and betel-leaf, and 
on butchers, dyers, fishermen, and shepherds.* In 1538', four years 
after it came under Portuguese management, Bassein is described 
as a difllcult river, with am .excellent beach for small boats in the 
stormy season. The town was large, the resort of many people and 
nations. The land was level, and the soil rich and strong. In the 
rains it was under water and walking was impossible. There were 
great groves of trees, and many reservoirs and lakes notable for 
their flights of^steps and for their buildings and carvings.* Sd,lsette 



1 Faria in Kerr, VI. 499. Of the English ships one was of 200 tons, one of 300, 
one of 500, and one of 650. The Portuguese had sixty small war boats, a pinnace of 120 
tons, two ships of 200 tons, and six great ships of from 400 to 800 tons. Kerr's 
Voyages, IX. 204, Details of the fight are giTOn in the Surat Statistical Account, 
Bombay Gazetteer, II. 76-77. 

2 The revenue of Bassein is said to hare risen from Xeraphins 172,920 in 1686 to 
Xs. 194,748 in 1709, Xs. 310,770 in 1718, and Xs. 914,125 in 1729. P. N. Xavier's 
Diccionario, 1848, p. 10. The Xeraphim is probably the silver Xeraphim about 
equal to' half a rupee. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 87. 

3 Naime's Ronkan, 45. * CoUeccao de Monumentos Ineditos, V. 

5 Authorities in Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 158. 

6 Dom Joao de Castro Primeiro Koteiro, 112. After its formal cession in 1533, 
Bombay was rented in perpetuity to Garcia d'Orta, a Lisbon physician, known for 
his Dialogues on Indian Simples and Drugs. He paid a yearly- quit-rent of about 
£71 12s. (1432J parddos). He mentions his island as Bombaim and Mombaim in his 
Dialogues, and notices a mango tree that yielded two crops a year. He lived in India 

« from 1534 to 1572. Dr. G. Da Cunha. 



Eoukan,] 

THANA. 455 

was famous for th« ruins of the great and beautiful city of Thdna, and Chapter VII. 
the mighty cave temple of Kanheri. The island was very rich and W'T" v 

well provided with food, and with poultry and small and big game. ^' 

In the hills was plenty of timber for ships and galleys.^ Though Poktuqubse. 
terribly ruined by the ravages of the Portuguese and of the Gujardt 1500-1670. 

kings, Thdna was a great city, with 900 gold-lace looms and 1200 
white-cloth looms. The low pleasantly -wooded island of Bombay 
had much game and plenty of meat and rice ; its crops were never 
known to fail.^ 

Whatever damage they may have done when they first conquered 
the country, the Musalmans seem, long before the Portuguese 
came, to have ceased to interfere with the religion of the Hindus. 
The Portuguese found many sacred ponds and 'fine temples near 
Bassein, and De Castro is full of the beauty of the buildings at 
Thdna* whose stones and bricks were fitted without mortar.* 

On their transfer to the Portuguese in 1534, the Thana coast 
was made a separate charge and placed under a Greneral of the 
North, the second layman in India whose head- quarters were at 
Bassein. Lands were granted in estates of a varying number of 
villages to Portuguese officers and soldiers, who paid a quit-rent ' 
originally in cash, but afterwards partly in cash and partly in grain. 
Many of the villages near Bassein and Sopdra were originally 
granted by the Viceroy Doni Joao de Castro about 1538. About 
twelve years later, it was found that the produce of some of the 
villages had been fraudulently under-estimated and a slight increase 
in^ the rents was made. The state revenue seems to have been 
a very small share of the produce. The receipts are returned as 
varying from £676 (Ks. 6760) and 2482 mudds of rice in 1539 to 
£4897 (Rs. 48,970) in 1547.* 

From 1560, when they had gained the whole coast from Daman to 
Karanja, the Portuguese divided their Thdna territories into two 
parts. Daman and Bassein. Under Daman were four districts, 
Sanjan, Ddhdnu, Tdrd,pur, and Mdhim ; ' under Bassein were seven 
districts, Asheri, Manor, Bassein proper or Saivdn, Sdlsette, 
Bombay, Beldpur or Shd,bd,z, and Karanja. These divisions 
included thdnada/ris or village groups under an officer styled thdnadcur, 
towns or hashes, custom-houses or mdndvis, villages or aldeas, 
hamlets or sarredores the Maratha sadetors meaning cut ofE or 
divided, and wards of towns or large villages called ^ocarias the 
Mardithi pdkhddis meaning a dividing lane. There were also lands 
or terras, and gardens or hortas, the modern oarts. Of the seven 
divisions of the Bassein territory, Asheri had thirty-eight villages 



1 Dom Joao de Castro Primeiro Roteiro, 70, 72. 

2 Dom Joao de Castro Primeiro Roteiro, 70. 

3 Dom Joao de Castro calls them mesMtas or mosques. But the details given 
below show that many of the buildings were temples. See Da Cunha, 185. 

* The figures are compiled from the OoUaeoaQ de Monumentoa Ineditos, V. 139-153. 
The returns have been reduced iTom fedeas into rupees, on the basis of thirty fedeaa 
to a parddo and two parddos to a rupee. The mudds varied so greatly, that it is 
impossible to ascertain what quantity of rice they represent. The details are given 
in Appendix C. 



1500-1670. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
456 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. and six partivillages or pakhddis.^ Manor had forty-two villages 
History. ^^^ ^ hamlet, or sadetor. Saivd.n or Saibana, on the left or south 

" bank of the Tdnsa about fifteen miles north-east of Bassein, was the 

oET0GtJESE. head-quarters of six petty divisions. These were the town of Bassein 
, with sixteen wards or pdkhddis and eight gai'dens ; the town ,of 
Agdshi, apparently, known as the Kasbe, with twenty wards or 
pdkhddis and ten gardens ; the sub-division or pargana of Saiga 
with eighteen villages and three lands or terras ; the division of Hera 
or Virar with twenty villages ; the division of Kaman, six miles 
east of Bassein, with twenty-five villages and two hamlets or 
sadetors ; and the division of Anjar or Anjare, on the Bassein creek 
near the mouth of the Kdmvddi, with eighteen villages and seven 
hamlets or sadetors. Salsette had two divisions, the isle of S^lsette 
with one pargana and ninety-niae villages, and the town of Thana 
with eight wards or fdkhddis. The island of BeMpur, or Shabaz or 
Sabayo, had three sub-divisions, Panechan or Panchjiad to the east 
of the Persik hills with thirty villages, Kairana the coast strip from 
opposite Thdna to opposite Trombay with seventeen villages, and 
Sabayo or Shdbiz, now called BeMpur, with seventeen villages^. 
The island of Karanja or Uran included the town or Jcasbe of 
Karanja, the land of Bendolffi or Bhendkula, and the three islands 
of Nave or Hog Island, Sheve, and Elephanta.^ 

Though subject to occasional inroads from Gujardt, the Koli 
chiefs of Jawhdr, the Moghals, and Ahmadnagar, the Portuguese 
territory was iairly free from attacks by land or sea. Internal 
order was well preserved. The only notice of riot or rebellion was 
in 1613 (13th April), when fighting went on in Karanja and other 
towns for several days and many Portuguese were killed.* 

On the cession of Sadsette and Bassein, in 1533, the Portuguese 
built places of special strength at Bassein, Asheri, Tardpur, Mdhim, 
Daman, and Chaul; they raised royal fortifications at the head- 
quarters of each sub-division; they guarded the entrances to their 
territories with forts and stockades j they armed several of their 
colleges and monasteries ; and, in each village, the proprietor built 
a watch-tower or moated grange.^ The hill of Asheri, which 
wanted little help from art, was strongly "guarded from the time 
of its capture in 1556. The present fortifications of Bassein belong 



1 Da Cnnha's Chaul and Bassein, 206. Interesting details of the settlement of the 
land revenue at Goa in 1510 are given in the Commentaries of Albuquerque, II. 127, 
Thdndddr is there (p. 126) explained by the Arab- Portuguese word AlmoXarife. Both 
words closely correspond to the English Collector or Superintendent. 

2 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 206. 

3 Da Cuiiha, 201. 

4 Da Cunha, 203. The Karanja riot was soon quelled by the brave Captain 
Femao de Sampayo da Cunha. Mickle's Lusiad, I. eciii., mentions tumults among 
the Portuguese in Chaul, Bassein, TdrApur, and ThAna. 

There are one or two references to local Hindu chiefs in alliance with the Portuguese. ■ 
111 1617 the friendship of the Jaeda (If^dav) chief of Sirceta, apparently Sdvta six ' 
miles east of Ddhdnu, was so important that the Portuguese allowed him to perforin 
his own rites when he came to Daman. 0. Chron. de Tis. IV. 22. There was also 
Vergi and his Bagulos, apparently Bohrii and his BilgUnis. O. Chron, de Tis. IV. 22. 

6 O. Chron. de Tis. I. 29, 35. - 



Eonkan.1 

THi-NA. 457 

to about the close of the sixteenth century,'^ and the beautiful fort Chapter VII. 
of Thdna was not begun till about 1730, and was unfinished when Historv 

Sdlsette was taken by the Mardthds in 1739.^ Of creek-bank 
defences the most notable were four wooden stockades at Septra Pobtcoubsb. 
made by General Luis de Mello Pereira, soon after the cession of 1530-1670. 

Bassein (1534).* Of fortified custom-houses or factories the chief 
was at Manor,* and fortified religious houses are mentioned at 
Yerangal near Versova, and at Bandra in Salsette.^ 

In the north-east, south of Ashpri and Manor, a line of forts, 
along the east or left bank of the Vaitarna, guarded Kelva-Mahim 
from the raids of the Koli chiefs of Jawhar. Of this line of forta 
traces remain in the villages of Haloli, Sakda, Dhaisar, and Pdrgaon. 

South of the Tdnsa river, the fort of M^ndvi about fifteen miles 
north-east of Bassein and the stockaded post at the sub-divisional 
town of Saivan, five miles east of Mandvi, guarded the rich lands of 
Sopdra and Bassein from attacks along the left or south bank of the 
Tansa valley. The Tungdr and Kamandurg range, running south 
from Mdndvi, protected the eastern frontier as far. as the valley of the 
Kamvdidi or Bhiwndi river and the Bassein creek. The entrance 
to Bassein along the right or north bank of this creek was blocked 
by a line of forts^ Kdmbe about two miles west of Bhiwndi, then 
Ju-Ndndikna, Gava (Gaunna of the maps), Phiringp^da, Paigaon, 
Navgad or Sassu-Navghar, and the striking fortified hillock near the 
sub-divisional town of Kaman. Further south there was a fortlet 
named Santa Cruz, on the river bank opposite Kalydn, and in the 
mainland across from Thdna are remains of mansions or granges 
which seem to have been fortified. Another row of watch-towers 
guarded the coast from Shirgaon, fifty miles south to Dd,ntivra at 
the mouth of the Vaitarna.* 

Under the General of the North, these forts were commanded by Army, 

officers, of whom the chief were the captains of Bassein, Daman^ 
Chaul, and Sd,lsette. Besides them, between the Vaitarna and 
Karanja, were fourteen commandants of forts and stockaded posts.'' 

1 There was a fort at Bassein from the time of its conquest in 1534 ; but the 
present fortifications are not older than about the close of the sixteenth century. 
Naime's Konkan, 46. GemeUi Careri (1695) noticed that they were still unfinished. 
Churchill's Voyages, IV. 191. 

2 Sdlsette was never well defended. There were coast forts at Dhdrdvi and 
Versova, a small watch-tower at BAndra, and at ThAna three small fortlets, one to the 
north of the city a square fort with two bastions named Re is Magos, and two 
round towers to the south, St. Pedro and St. Jeronimo, In 1728 complaints were 
made of the defenceless state of the island, and, the present beautiful fort was begun. 
But, according to an English writer (Grose, I. 48-51), from the greed of the Jesuits, 
it was never finished. See Da Cunha's Bassein, 200. 

3 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 159. See Places of Interest, Sop^a. 

* In 1728 Manor is described as not worthy to be called a fort. O. Chron. de Tis. 

I. 58. 

6 Nairne's Konkan, 60. In 1673 the Jesuit college at BAndra had seven guns 
mounted in front and a good store of small arms. Fryer's New Account, 71. 

« Two miles south of Shirgaon fort is MAhim fort, half a mile further the Phadke 
tower, a mile more the Madia tower, another mile the Alib^g fort and Pto tower, 
further south is the Danda fort, and near Danda the Tdnkicha tower. South of 
this, almost every village, Usami, Mathaua, Yedvan, Kori, and Ddntivra has its fort. 
A little inland are forts at Kartila, Chatalo, and Virttthan. Mr. W. B, Mulock, 
C.S. 7 Nairne's Konkan, 50. 

B 310—58 



[Sombay Grazetteer, 
458 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. The captains and commandants were chosen from certain noble 

Historv families who had a right to the posts. The commands were 

i " usually held for a term of three years ; but this was not always 

^Portuguese. ^j^g cage, as the captain of Karanja is mentioned as holding the 

1530- l«io. oommand for life .^ Under the captain in aU important places, the 

Army. garrison consisted of a certain number of Portuguese soldiers, sonie 

native troops, and some slaves.^ To guard the open country nine 

flying companies, or volardes, were enlisted, and afterwards, as the 

Moghals and Marathas grew more troublesome, fresh companies of 

sepoys were formed. There were also two troops of horse, one at 

Bassein the other at Daman.* Finally, there was a militia, the 

owners of every village supplying a few men.* At sea the Portuguese 

early established their supremacy and forced Indian traders to take 

"their passes. The coast was guarded by a line of forts, and companies 

were named from the Goa army-corps to man country boats.^ 

li^avy. To keep the rule of the sea was no easy task. In 1570 there were 

two centres of hostile shipping, one on the Malabar coast the other in 
the Persian gulf. Some writers describe these rivals of the Portuguese 
as peaceful traders. A few may have been driven from trade by 
Portuguese exactions. But the bulk of them were pirates and 
rovers, who not only seized Portuguese ships and ships carrying 
Portuguese passes, but landed and pillaged the Portuguese 
coasts.* So dangerous were they that (1570) the Portuguese. had to ^ 
keep two fleets to act against them, the fleet of the north and the 
fleet of the south.' In the beginning of the seventeenth century 
after the arrival of the Dutch (1597.) and the English (J 609), 
the Portuguese ceased to be the first naval power. Till 1624 they 
continued strong enough to force native craft to carry their passes. 
But with the English capture of Ormuz in 1623 and the Dutch , 

1 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 203. Of the post of captain, Fryer (1673) says : 
' The several capitaneos are triennial, which are the alternate governments entailed 
on the families of the conquerors, and therefore made circular. Every one in hia 
course has his turn to make in some place or other for three years, and upon 
these they can borrow or take up money as certain as upon their hereditary estates, 
the next incumbent being security for the payment.-' New Account, 73. 

" In Asheri, in the sixteenth century, there is said to have been a garrison of about 
700 including women and children. The Europeans were chiefly pardoned criminals. 
In 1720 there were 150 men and three corporals. (Details are given under Asheri 
in Places of Interest). In 1634 the Bassein garrison was 2400 strong, of whom 400 
were Europeans, 200 Native Christians, and 1800 slaves. 0. Chron. de Tis. IH. 243. . 
The Thdna garrison, in 1634, was a captain, ei^ht soldiers, and four guns. Da Cunha's 
Chaul and Bassein, 181. The Karanja garrison, in 1634, included a captain, six 
soldiers, one bombardier, and five messengers. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 202. 
Native soldiers, or 2JJe«, are mentioned as early as 1534. DoCouto, IV. 96, inNairne's 
Konkan, 51. The Saivin stockade had a captain, twenty-nine Europeans, and 530 
natives and slaves. Da Cunha, 158. s q_ Chron. de Tis. I. 29-35. 

* In Karanja the owners of villages and others interested in the defence of the 
island kept up a force of 100 armed men. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 203. 
In every village the proprietor was bound to have a body of twenty or thirty men 
trained in the use of arms. 0. Chron. de Tis. I. 29-35. 

6 O Chron. de Tis. I. 29-35. 

' Fryer (New Account, 63) describes the Malabdrs (1673) as not only seizing cattle, 
but depopulating whole villages by their outrages, either destroying them by fire 
and sword or compelling to a worse fate, eternal and untolerable slavery. 

7 Naime's Konkan, 56. In 1728 there were twenty-one armed boats at Bassein, 
carrying from sixteen to eighteen pieces of ordnance. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 
209. 



KoukasJ 



THANA. 



459 



capture of Kocliin in 1663, the claim of supremacy at sea was given 
iip.^ 

At Bassein, besides the tJeneral of the North the captain and the 
garrison, there was a factor, a collector or thdnaddr, a magistrate or 
ouyidor, a police superintendent or meirmho, a sea bailiff, a com- 
missary of ordnance almoxarife dos almazens, a king's solicitor, an 
administrator of intestates, a chief of the night-watch, and a 
master-builder.* Besides at Bassein, there were collectors, or 
thdndddrSj at Thdna, Agashi, Bdndra, and Karanja.^ There was also 
occasionally at Bassein a special appeal judge, called a veador or 
overseer, who heard appeals from all the magistrates or ouvidors of 
the north coast. In Bassein and Chaul criminal and civil tiases were 
settled by magistrates, who were subordinate to the captain of the 
fort and were often forced to decide as the captain pleased.* From 
the decision of the magistrate in early times an appeal lay to the 
Supreme Court or jReZapao at Goa. Afterwards, about 1587, one of 
the bench of six or eight judges, or desembargadores, was appointed 
to Bassein. These judges, besides appeals, heard important civil 
and criminal suits. The cases were conducted by native pleaders, who 
are said not to have had much knowledge of law.' 

Of'the Portuguese land system the available details are given- 
in the Land Administration Chapter. The chief peculiarity was 
the granft of large areas of land, at from four to ten per cent of the 
regular rental, to landlords or fazendeiros. These landlords were 



Chapter Vir. 
History. 

POKTUQUESB. 

1530-1670. 
Administration. 



Land Systen 



1 Naime's Konkan, 58. In 1638 Mandelslo noticed that the Portuguese came out 
from Bassein to the English ship in which he was sailing, and asked the captain 
to take a bark to Goa as they feared the Dutch who were roaming about. Da Gunha's 
Bassein and Ohaul, 229. The English granted passes to nativ:e shipping at least as 
early as 1734 (see below, p. 497), and perhaps as far back as 1690 (Hamilton's New 
Account^ I. 216). 

2 The Bassein details were, the captain £128 153. {reis 600,000), his staff, a ndik, 
fifteen peons, and two servants £3 2s. {reis 14,,400), four torch-bearers and oil £12 7s. 
(ms §7,600), three water-bearers and one umbrella-carrier £3 2s. (refe 14,400) ; the 
factor £43 (reis 200,000), his staff, two clerks £21 10s. {reis- 100,000), two torch-bearers 
and oil £6 4s. (reis 28,800), and 20 peons 19s. (tdngds 60) ; the collector or thdndddr £43 
(reis 200,000), hi? staff, 20 peons £18 15s. (tdngds 1200), 4 musketeers £5 (tdngds 336), 
a naih 18s. {parddos 24), a private 7s. (virUens 84), a clerk £6 8s. (reis 30,000),. 
and guard of five £2 12s. (reia 12,072) ; a translator £3 .2s. {reis 14,400), a writer 
£2 6s. (reis 10,800J, and a cooper £3 12s. (reis 16,800) ; the magistrate or owvidor 
£2,1 10s. (reis 100,000), his five messengers 5s. (tdngds 15) ; the police superinten- 
dent £21 10s. (reis 100,000), and his ten constables 9s. (tdngds 30) ; the 
sea bailiff on £2 lis. (reis 12,000) ; the commissary of ordnance, almoxarife dos 
almazens, £6 8s. (reis 30,000), and his clerk £2 lis. (reis 12,000) ; the king's 
solicitor £4 6s. (reis 20,000) ; the administrator of intestates £3 17s. (reis 18,000), 
and his clerk £3 17s. (reis 18,000) ; the chief of the night-watch £5 8s. 
{reis 25,200) ; and the master-builder £3 18s, (reis 18,000). Da Cnnha's Chaul anci 
Bassein, 218, 221, 222. The Thdna details were, a manager or thdndddr £6 8s, 
(reis 30,000), and five peons ; a magistrate or ouvidor £21 10s. (reis 100,000) and five 
peons ; a pc^ce superintendent or meirinho on £3 18s. {reis 18,000) and eight 
peons ; a jail-keeper on £2 lis. (reis 12,000) and two" peons ; and a oustoms.clerk 
pn £4 6s. (reis 20,000). Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 181-182, 

3 Da Cunha's Chaiil and Bassein, 222. In a letter to the king of Portugal in 1548 
Simao Botelho complains of the thdndddrs as costly, useless, and oppressive. In his 
opinion there should only be two at ThAna and Karanja, with a third at Agd^hi in 
war time. Col. de Mon. Ined. V. 7-8. 4 Naime's Konkan, 48. 

B Nairne's Konkan, 48. According to Gemelli Careri, who was himself a lawyer, 
there were no doctors of civil law in the Portuguese territory. The few native Jaw-yers 
were bad advocates. Churchill, IV. 192. 



[Bomljay Gazetteer, 



460 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

PORTUGtfBSB. 

1530-1670. 
Land System. 



Metigion, 



generally soldiers or other Portuguese who deserved well of the state. 
The grant was nominally for three lives. Butj at least in later times, 
the holder seems to have generally succeeded in having the grant 
renewed.^ 

No right in the land was conceded to the husbandmen or tenants. 
They seem to have been treated as part of the estate and not 
allowed to leave it.^ Besides the villages tilled by their tenants, 
large landholders generally set apart some of their land as, a home 
farm, and worked it by slaves most of them Africans.^ - Lands not 
granted on quit-rents were let from year to year, by the heads of 
Tillages, or mdhtdrds, to husbandmen who paid partly by a share of 
the crop and partly by money cesses.* These lands were under 
the supervision of state factors or veadors. Towards the close of 
the seventeenth century (1688), about one-half of the revenue of 
the province of Bassein was drawn from quit-rents.^ The rest 
was partly land revenue collected from peasant-holders, partly the- 
proceeds of cesses.^ 

From the beginning to the close of their rule in Than a, with 
ebbs and flows of zeal and of success, the conversion of the people 
to Christianity continued one of the chief objects on which the 
Portuguese spent their energy and their wealth. ~ In 1634 Goa was 
made the see of a bishop, and, about the same tilne, when the 
Gujardt king ceded Bassein and Sd-lsette, the great Franciscan 
Antonio do Porto devoted himself to the spread of Christianity.' 



1 Gemelli Careri in Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 200, 201. Land-grants to the 
church were permanent. Ditto, 201. 

■ 2 In 1664, the "articles tinder which Bombay was ceded to the English, stipulate 
that Kurambis, Bhand^ris, and other people of Portuguese villages were not to be 
allowed to settle in Bombay, but were to be forthwith given to their masters. Bom. 
Geog. Soc. Trans. III. 69. In 1675 Fryer (New Account, 71) speaks of the gentry as 
like petty monarchs, holding^ the people in a state of villainage. In 1695 Gemelli 
Careri (Churchill, IV. 197) speaks of the owners of villages as to all intents and 
purposes like the feudal lords of mediseval times. 

3 Great numbers of house slaves were brought from Africa and spread at low 
prices all over the Portuguese territories. Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV. "203. 
Hamilton (1680-1720) notices that a good store of Mozambique negroes was brought to 
India. They were held in high esteem by the Indian Portuguese, who made them 
Christians and sometimes raised them to be priests (New Account, I. 10). Hamilton 
also notices (Ditto, I. 24) the import of slaves from ^Ethiopia. In driving off the Maskat 
Arabs from Diu in 1670 African slaves are noted (Ditto, 140) as behaving with great 
gallantry. At the fall of Bassein (1739) negroes are mentioned in the stipulations^ 
about the release of prisoners. Jervis' Konkan, 130. 

* Gemelli Careri say a, ' Peasants that hold in fee pay an imposition according to what 
they are worth every four months to the king's factors or treasurers. ' Churchill, IV. 198. 

6 MS. Records in Nairne's Komkan, 49. 

6 The chief cesses were on stone, salt-pans, fishers, liquor, and shops. A list 
is given in Beg, I. of 1808, and a summary in the Land Administration Chapter. 
One cess was a money commutation for supplying a certain number of horses. The 
commutation for an Arab horse was Ks, 132, and for a country horse Es. 89. MS, 
Eecords in Nairne's Konkan, 49. 

1 Except two monks of the order of the Blessed Trinity who came with Vasoo da 
Gama in 1498 but were killed before making any converts the Franciscans were the 
first monks to come ,to India. Eight of them came in 1500. The Dominicans were 
next, arriving in 1513, but they were never so powerful or so successful as the 
Franciscans. The rise of the Jesuits dates from the arrival of St. Francis Xavier in 
1542. A fourth religious body, the Hospitallers, came to India about 1681, but never 
rose to power. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 99, 227. Gemelli Careri mentions a 
fifth body the Eecolets at TirApur : these were a branch of Franciscans. Churchill 
IV. 198. 



Konkan.] 

THlNA. 461 

Between 1534 and 1552 lie destroyed 200 temples, made over 10,000 (3iapter VII. 

converts, built twelve cliurclies, and, by founding orphanages and Historr 

monasteries, secured a supply of native priests.^ Up to 1542 the 

work of conversion was almost solely carried on by the Franciscans. Pobtuguesb. 

In 1542 the great St. Francis Xavier landed at Groa, and, with ^l^?."!^^*'' 

the help of a large body of Jesuits who arrived in the following 

year, Christianity spread rapidly. St. Xavier took much interest 

in Bassein. He established a Jesuit seminary in 1548, sent 

missionaries to Th^na and Chaulin 1552, and thrice visited Bassein 

in 1544, 1548, and 1552.^ Between 1570 and 1590 the Jesuits were 

most successful in Bassein. They took pains to make Brdhman 

and other high-caste converts, knowing that if the Brdhmana 

became Christians, many of the lower classes would follow their 

example, and they made the baptism of converts an occasion of 

great splendbur and rejoicing. With these encouragements the 

number of converts rose from 1600 in 1573 to 9400 in . 1588.^ 

At Thdna, about 1560, Gonsala Rodrigues, the superior of the 

Jesuit monastery, did much to spread Christianity by buying 

young children and collecting orphans. In three years he baptised 

from 5000 to 6000 souls.* From a special grant this Father 

founded a Christian village in the waste and wooded but well- watered 

valley of Vehdr. Ground was bought and divided into holdings, 

and, in a few years, there was a population of 3000. They had 100 

bullocks and ploughs, and an ample store of field tools all held 

in common. The villagers had religious teaching every day, and, 

in the evening, joined in singing the Christian doctrines. Close 

to the vUlage was a famous shrine to a three-headed god, which 

pilgrims from Gujardt and fromKdnara used to visit. This tempje 

came into the possession of the Christians, the idol was broken, 

and the temple enlarged and dedicated to the Christian Trinity. 

The devH, jealous of the Christians, did what he could to mar their 

success. He appeared and frightened the people, and possessed some 

of them. The evil spirits would not be exorcised till they were 

1 Among the temples destroyed by Antonio do Porto some were at AgAshi, some 
at Bassein, and some at Thdna. At most of tlie old places of pilgrimage, especially at 
the sacred pools or tirths, temples were thrown down. Some of the pools were filled 
with earth. At others, as at one famous pool between Bassein and Ag^shi, the pool was 
Converted, a chapel built to Our Lady of Healing, and the pilgrimage and cure- working 
continued. Among Antonio do Porto's reforms ■ftras the conversion of the Great 
Cave (III.) at Kanheri into a church of St. Michael, and the Brdhman oaves at 
Mandapeshvar into a church of Our Lady of the Conception. Da Cunha's Chaul and 
Bassein, 163, 185, 191. Among the churches built were several by Antonio do Porto at 
Thdna and Bassein, and there were three on Karanja. Of his orphanages one was at 
Ag^hi, one of 130 boys at Thdna, one of 300 boys at VehAr, and one at Mandapeshvar 
with 100 orphans (Ditto 159, 188, 192, 202). Of asylums or misericordias there was one 
in almost every settlement (Ditto 93, 102, 226). Among the converts the two most 
interesting were the heads of the Hindu monastery at Kanheri, They seem to 
have been Buddhists. After conversion one was called Paulo Rapozo and the other 
Francisco de Santa Maria. They were treated with much respect, and Francisco 
converted several of the other monks to Christianity. Paulo Rapozo was presented with 
three villages which he left to the college of Mountpezier or Mandapeshvar. Ditto 191. 

2 Naime's Konkan, 52. 

3 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 234. 
* Oriente Conquistado, 2Qd Ed. p. 85. The lower Hindus sold their children to 

MusalmAns and Christians. A child at the breast cost as much as a goat in Portugal : 
two sick children were bought for Is. (8 ans.). Ditto, p, 50. 



Portuguese. 
1530-1670. 



fBombay Gazetteer, 
462 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. wMpped out with scourges. The place was unhealthy and the village 
History. ^^^ *o ^^ moved to a higher site.^ While the Jesuits were so 

successful in Bassein and in Thdna, Manuel Gomes a Franciscan 
made (1575-1590)' so many converts in Sdlsette,. about 6000 in 
Bdndra alonOj that he gained the name of the Apostle of Silsette, 
and won for his order the high post of Christian Fathers in all the 
villages of Sdlsette and Karanja.^ 

During the seventeenth century the conversion of Hindus, and 
the building of churches and monasteries was continued, and the 
church, especially the Jesuits, grew in wealth and power.^ In 1634 
there were sixty-three friars at Bassein, thirty of them Franciscans, 
fifteen Jesuits, ten Dominicans, and eight Augustines.* The parts 
about Bassein were thickly peopled with Christians, and the city 
was studded with Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit chapels.*- At 
Thana there was a cathedral and many churches.® In 1664 the 
Jesuits suffered by the transfer of Bombay to the English. But 
the church was richer and more powerful than ever. In 1673 there 
were, in Thana, seven churches and colleges, and in Bassein six 
churches, four colleges, and two convents.^ All the people in 
S^lsette were Christians,* and the Bdndra Jesuits lived sumptuouslyj 
most of Salsette being theirs.^ 

Persuasion seems to have been the chief means of conversion. 
Two hundred years earlier, in 1320, three or four Latin friars, 
in spite of Musalmdn persecution, found the Hindus and Pdrsis 
ready to listen and be converted. The zeal of the early Portuguese 
friars, their generous gifts of alms, and their kind care of orphans, 
made many believe that the new faith was better than the old faith, 
and, in later times, other converts were won by the splendour of 
the Christian churches and the pomp of the Christian ceremonies^ 
Converts, especially high caste converts, were treated with honour 
and distinction, and, for the -first fifteen years after conversion, the 
poorer class of Christians were freed from the payment of tithes and 
first fruits .1" The fact that the people of Bdndra remained Hindus 
till about 1580, seems to show that the earlier conversions were the 
result of persuasion and encouragement, hot of force. At the 
same time, from before the middle of the sixteenth century, the 
persuasion and encouragement to become Christians were accompa- 
nied by rules discouraging and suppressing Hinduism. In 1646 
the king of Portugal ordered idols to be broken, idol-makers arid 
performers of Hindu rites to be punished, and mosques to pay 
tribute.^^ These orders were not enforced and were renewed in 

1 Oriente Conquistado, 2nd Ed. p. 32. 

2 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 196, The duties of the Christian Father, or Pater 
Christianorum, were to -further Christianity, to fostej Christians, and to gather others, 
to Christ. (Ditto 102). The Jesuits held this office in Goa and Koohin, and the 
Dominicans in Chaul and Diu. Ditto. 

3 Among seventeenth century churches were three in Thdna built in 1605, the; 
, Jesuit college of St. Anne's in BAndra begun in 1620, and the chapel of Mount Mary, 

also at BAndra, probably about 1640. 

4 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 241. 6 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 101, 
6 Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 182. 7 Nairne's Eonkan, 54. 
8 Fryer's New Account, 73. 9 Fryer's New Account^ 70., 

10 Nairne's Konkan, 55. ii Nairne's Konkau, 55, 



Konkan.} 



THANA. 



463 



1555. Feasts and ceremonies, and Brdhman preacliingg washings 
and burnings were forbidden;^ any one found witb idols was to be 
sent to the galleys and his property forfeited. These orders were 
for a time evaded by the grant of licenses, but they seem to haye 
been enforced in 1581.^ 

In 1560 the Inquisition was established in Goa, and by 1580 
agents of the Inquisition, called commissaries, were at work in Chaul, 
Bassein, and Daiflan, collecting offenders and sending them for trial 
and punishment to Goa.^ During the seventeenth century the power 
and wealth of the church increased. In 1673 they are said to have 
held most of Sdlsette.* In 1695 the revenue of tli^ church was said 
to be greater than the revenue of the king,* and in 1720 the power 
of the church was so great that they supervised the General of the 
North and made his government both uneasy and precarious.^ 
The wealth of the church came partly from fines, tithes, first fruits, 
and state grants of money, but chiefly from gifts of land made both 
by the King and by private persons.'' " 

On the whole Portuguese rule did good to the country. Till the 
middle of the seventeenth century order was well kept and life and 
property were fairly safe, large areas of salt waste and salt marsh 
were reclaimed, tillage was spread, and better and richer crops were 
grown. The country was covered with fine buildings ; the church 
was rich and bountiful j the nobles and landlojds were wealthy and 
prosperous, and the tenants, though they had little freedom, seem 
to have been well off. In 1630, Goez wrote that the persecution of 
the Portuguese had driven the people into the neighbouring 
territories, and that between Bassein and Daman the greater part of 



Chapter Vll. 
History. 

POETUGUESB, 

1530-1670. 

Religion. 



1 Naime's Konkan, 55. 

2 Naime's Konkan, 55.^ The view that during the sixteenth century there was 
practical freedom from religious persecution in Portuguese territory is supported by 
Fulke Grevile's remark in 1599, that at Goa people of all nations were allowed to live 
after their own manners and religion, only in matters of justice they were ruled 
by Portuguese law. Brace's Annals, I. 126. This tolerance seems to have lasted 
till much later times, as Baldseus about 1662 (Churchill's Voyages, III. 545) notices 
that Kauarins, Moors, and Pagans of all nations, apd Hamilton, about 1700 (New 
Account, I. 251), notices that many Gentoos, lived in Goa. Careri (Churchill's 
Voyages, IV. 203) about the same time states that most of the merchants in Goa 
were idolaters and Muhammadans who lived by themselves and had no public use of 
their religion. 

3 Dellon in 1683 gives an account of the cruelties practised at the Goa Inquisition. 
Compare Hough's Christianity in India, I. 212-237. The Goa Inquisition was closed 
in 1774 ; it was again opened in 1779, and was finally suppressed in 1812, Da Cunha'a 
Chaul and Bassein, 235. 

4 Fryer's New Account, 70. Fryer (1673) is one of the few English writers who takes 
the side of the priests. 'All had now bowed to the cross, had they not been prevented 
by unhappy pretenders who preferred merchandise and private piques to the 
welfare of religion. It is morally probable, had not the Dutch and we interfered, all 
might have been Christians in these parts of the world.' New Account, 75. 

5 Gemelli Careri in ChurdhiU, IV. 198. 

6 Hamilton's New Account, I. 180. 

7 Half of the property of a man found with idols went to the church. Nairne's 
Konkan, 55. Of money grants the vicar of Karanja got £9 {reis 42,000) ; orphanages 
and monasteries got cash grants ; the Christian Fathers were paid by the state, an 
old mosque fund was made over to the church. There were many grants of. lands, 
and, unlike land grants to private persons, lands given to the church belonged to it 
for ever. Da Ounha's Chaul and Bassein, 102, 187, 201, 203, 235. 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 



464 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

POETUGUESE. 

1530-1670. 

Inland 
Thdna. 



Trade, 



the land was lintilled.^ If this acooant is correct the districts soon 
recovered their prosperity. In 1634 the island of Karanja was so 
well managed that its surplus revenue was used to help to spread 
religion in and out of India.^ 

During the sixteenth and the first part of the seventeenth 
centuries, the wild north-east of Thdna remained under the Koli 
chiefs of Jawh^r, and, except for a year or two at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century, the south-east or Kalydn district 
remained under Ahmadnagar.^ On Malik Ambar's death, in 1626, 
Kalydn passed to the Moghals. In 1632 Sh^hji, Shivdji's father, 
in the name of a child of the Ahmadnagar family, seized Nd,sik, 
Trimbak, Sangamner, Junnar, and Kalyan. In 1635 a Moghal 
officer was sent to recover the Konkan from Shdhji, and forced- him 
to take refuge in the hill-fort of Mahuli, and at last to surrender.* 
In 1686, as Adil Khan of Bijdpur agreed to pay tribute, the Konkan 
was made over to him, and in the following year (1637) Shahji 
entered the service of Bijdpur.^ For ten years the province of 
Kalyan, which is represented as stretching from the Vaitarna to 
the Ndigothna river, remained undei" Bijapur.* The places specially 
noticed as ceded to BijApur are Jival or Ohaul, Babal or Pabal 
perhaps the port of Panvel, Daada-Rajpuri, and Chdkan in west 
Poona.'^ In 1648, by the capture of Kalydn, Shivaji began the 
series of aggressions, which, after a century of disorder, ended in the 
Mardthds gaining the whole of . Thana, except the island of Bombay 
and some tracts in the wild north-east.* Kalydn town was retaken 
by the Moghals about 1661;^ but Shivaji seems to have continued 
to hold part of the Kalyan district, as in 1663 he collected a force 
near Kalyan, and, in 1666, seems to have had an officer whom he 
styled governor of Kalydn.^" 

In the North Konkan ports, the sixteenth and the first half of 
the seventeenth centuries, between the arrival of the Portuguese and 
the establishment of the English at Bombay, was on the whole a time 
of declining trade. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Chaul 
and Thdna, especially Chaul, were great centres of foreign trade, 
having direct dealings westwards with the Persian Gulf,- the Arabian 
coast, Egypt, and the African coast ; south with Ceylon ; and east 
with Chittagong, Achin in Sumatra, and Malacca.^^ , In the latter 



I Calcutta Review, V. 271, iu Da Cunha's Ohaul and Bassein, 143. ' T4rdpur waa 
very rich, the best and most prosperous of the Daman districts. ' Do Oouto, VIII , 28, 
208 in Naime's Konkan, 44. 2 Da Cunha's Ohaul and Bassein, 203. 

3 Musalmto writers include the north-east of Thdna in B4gUn, which, according to 
their accounts, stretched to the sea. See Elliot and Dowson, VII. 66. 

4 Elliot and Dowson, VII, 59. a Elliot and Dowson, VII. 35, 52, and 57. 

6 Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 63. A line from Bhiwndi to Mdhuli is perhaps nearer the 
actual limit. Baldaeus (1666) puts the north boundary of BijApur at Dauno (DAhAnu), 
thirty miles from Daman where the BijApur and Moghal territories divided Malabar 
and Coromandel coast. Churchill's Voyages, III. 540. 

7 Elliot and Dowson, VII. 256, 271. 

8 Nairne'sKonkan, 62. 9 Grknt Duffs Marithds, 86. 10 Jervis' Konkan, 92. 

II Albuquerque (1500) mentions Chaul vessels' trading to Malacca. Commentaries, 
III. 200. The crew were Moors, the lading from Malacca was pepper, silk, sandal- 
wood, and wood aloes, Ditto 200. The chief export to Malacca was cloth. Ditto 69. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



465 



part of the sixteenth century their old share of the commerce with 
Europe left the North Konkan ports for Goa and for Diu in south 
Kdthiawdr. Still Bassein, Mdhim, Thd,na, and Chaul maintained a 
large coasting traffic with the Malabdr, Gujarat, and Sindh ports, 
and a considerable foreign trade with the Persian Gulf, the Arabian 
and African coasts, and, to some extent, with Ceylon and the east. 
In the seventeenth century the direct European trade, centering in 
Surat in the hands of the British and the Dutch, passed more 
completely from the Konkan ports, and in the decay of Portuguese 
power the foreign trade with Persia, Arabia, Africa, and the east 
declined. ■^ There remained little but a coasting traffic, chiefly north 
with Surat and south with Goa. 

- Under the Portuguese, foreign trade was a monopoly of the 
king. Most of the local sea trade was in the hands of free- 
traders or interlopers, whom the Portuguese government tried to 
put down.^ The Bassein timber trade was chiefly carried on by the 
captains of forts and other government officers.^ 

During this period the chief local marts were Chaul, Thdna, Mdhim, 
and Bassein; and among places of less importance were Panvel, 
Kalydn, Bhiwndi, Kelva-Mahim, Agdshi, Td,rapur and Bombay.* The 
chief marts with which the Thdna ports were connected were, in 
India, Cambay Diu and Surat in Gujardit, and Diul-Sindhi in Sindh j 
Goa,Kalikat,Kochin,andKulamontheMalabdr coast ;and Chittagong 
on the Bay of Bengal; Of foreign marts there were Ormuz and 
Maskat in the Persian Gulf, and Shehr Julf ar and Kalat on the Arabian 
coast ; Socotra and Aden at the mouth of the Red Sea ; Mocha Jidda 
and the Abyssinian coast on the Eed Sea; Zaila, Quiloa, Brava, 
Mombaza, Melinda, Megadozo, and Sofdla in Bast Africa; 
Colombo in the south ; and, in the east, Malacca and Achin.^ 
The articles of trade between the Konkan coast and these different 
marts were, of Food, rice, pulse, vegetables, cocoanuts, and 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

POETCGUBSB, 

1500-1670. 
Trade. 



1 The Portuguese lost Onnuz in the Persian Gulf in 1622, Maskat in 1650 ; and 
the east African ports between 1624 and 1698. Hamilton's New Account, I. 60, 103 ; 
Badger's Varthema, ex. 2 Nairne's Konkan, 56. 

3 In rSSl the king complained of the slackness of officers in their duties, and 
because they made everything second to the gains of trade. Da Cunha's Chaul and 
Bassein, Hi. 

i Chaul, 1602, a great place of trade. Badger's Varthema, 114, and Linsohoten's 
(1590) Navigation, 20. ThAna, 1538, an emporium and chief town in decay (Dom 
Joao de Castro Primeiro Eoteiro, 70-75) exports rice (Frederick (1583) Harris, II. 344), 
has trade and manufactures (1627, 0. Chron. de Tis. III. 258). MAhim, 1514, a place of 
small trade, Barbosa, Stanley's Edition, 68 ; 1554, has direct trade with Arabia, Mohit 
Jour. Ben. As. Soo. V-2, 461 ; Bassein, 1500, Gujarat port, Bird's MirAt-i-Ahmadi, 
129 ; 1514, a great place of trade, Barbosa, 68 ; 1526, a Portuguese factory ; 1534, a 
Portuguese capital ; 1583, a chief place of trade. Fitch in Harris, I. 207 ; 1590, a 
great place of trade, Linschoten's Navigation, 20 ; 1607, a great place of trade, Pyrard 
de Laval (Portuguese Edition), II. 226 ; 1654, the English Company beg Cromwell to 
grant them Bassein. Bruoe's Annals, I. 488. Of the smaller places, Panvel, Kalydn, 
and Bhiwndi are mentioned as GujarAt trade centres about 1500. Bird's Mir4t-i- 
Ahmadi, 129, Kelva-MAhim was destroyed by the Portuguese in 1530 ; AgAshi, also 
twice destroyed, was a great ship-building centre in 1530, and was flourishing in 
1540 ; Do Couto, IV. 99 ; TArdpur was destroyed in 1530, and was rich in food supplies 
in 1627. O Chron. de Tis. Ill, 258 ; Bombay is mentioned by Linschoten (1590) and 
by Baldseus (1660) in Churchill, III. 540. 

S Badger's Varthema, 1500, Commentaries of Albuquerque, 1500, Stanley's Barbosa, 
1514, Mohit (1554) Jour. Ben. As. Soc. V-2 ; Davis' Voyage (1598) Kerr's Voyages, 
ir. and VI, Bald^us (1660) Churchill's Voyages, III, 513-516. 



B 310—59 



[Bombay Gazetteef, 



466 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

PoRTUGtTESE. 
lSOO-1670. 

Trade. 



betelnuta, wHcli were sent from the Thana ports to Gujar4f;> 
Malabdr, Persia, Arabia, and Africa ; oocoaniite, betelnuts, and palm* 
sugar, which were brought to the Konkan ports from the Malabar 
coast ;^ dates and raisins which came from the Persian Giilf and the 
Arabian coast ;^ and Spanish wines and cases of strong waters which 
were brought from Europe.^ Of Building Materials, large basalt' 
columns and pillars 'as fine and hard, as granite' were sent 
from Bassein to Goa ;* and great quantities of the finest' teak 
were sent to Goa, Gujardt, Sindh, and occasionally to the Persian 
Gulf and the Red Sea.^ Of articles of Dress, cotton cloth made 
in the district, coloured cloth, gauze, and muslins embroidered 
with silver and gold, brought by land from Burhdnpur and 
Masulipatam, were sent to the Malabar coast. Din, Persia;^ Arabia, 
and Africa.® There was a considerable local manufacture of silks 

1 1500, immense quantities of grain barley and vegetables grown in the Konkan, 
Badger's Vartheraa, 114 ; 1500, rice sent to the Malabar coast, Kerr's Voyages, II. 
419 ; 1500, wheat to Africa, Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 129 ; 1514, arecas and 
cocoaa sent to and from the Malabar coast, wheat rice millet and sesamum sent to 
Gujarat and Sindh, rice and coooanuta to Ormuz, rice to Dhafar and Shehr in 
Arabia, rice and coooanuts to Aden, riee millet and wheat to Africa, Stanley's 
Barbosa, 13, 30, 42, 68; 1583, com and rice grown in the Konkan, Fitoh in Harris, 
I. 207 ; 1585, rice grown in the Konkan, Csesar Frederick Hakluyt, II. 344 ; 1590, rice 
peas'and vegetables grown in the Konkan, Linschoten, 20; 1627, provisions sent 
to Surat, 0. Chron. deTis. III. 258. 1510, Stanley's, Barbosa, 41-42, mentions that 
much rock-salt was sent from Ormuz to India, Salt is not likely to have been ia 
demand on the Th^na coast. 

. 2 1514, dates and raisins brought from Ormuz, Shehr, and Aden : Stanley's Barbosa, 
28, 31, 33, 42. 

3 Bruce's Annals, I. 308, Pyrard (1607).. All the churches and sumptuous palaces 
in Goa ar6 built of Bassein stone. Da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, 140. The early 
Portuguese were greatly struck with the basalt columns of DhArdvi in west SAlsette. In 
■ 1538 Com Joao de Castro wrote : Opposite Bassein is a mine of obelisks, a wonderful 

display of the power of nature. There is an infinite number of them arranged with 
such order and agreement that they seem to be organ pipes. Some of the pillars are 
four-sided, some five-sided, and some eight-sided. Each is so polished and perfect 
that it seems wrought by the hand of Phidias or other excellent workman. All stand 
very straight. Some touch, but each is self-contained, none springing out of or 
resting on another. They are about six feet broad. How long they are, it is impossible 
to say, for the only interest people take in them is in breaking not in measuring 
them. They stand from thirteen to sixteen cubits out of the ground, and apparently 
run underground as deep as the sea. If so the smallest obelisks would be ninety 
feet high. Had the hill held a mine of ore it would have been levelled with the 
plain ; had the obelisks been pearls, at great danger to life the bottom of the sea 
would have been scoured for them. But because they are simply wonderful, men 
are too timid, too lazy to find opt about them. Primeiro Boteiro, 112,- 

4 Pyrard de Laval, Portuguese Edition, II. 226 ; French Edition, 165. 

8 1514, planks and bamboos sent to Sindh, Stanley's Barbosa, 49, 50 ; 1510-1530, 
timber sent from Bassein to help the Egyptians and Turks to build fleets. Naime's 
Konkan, 31 ; 1583, great export of timber from Bassein, Caesar Frederick Hakluyt, II. 
344; 1607, ditto Pyrard de Laval, II. 226; 1634, commandants of forts do great 
trade in timber, 0. Chron, de Tis. I. 33. 

6 Local Trade, 1500, cotton stuffs in great abundance. Badger's Varthema,' 114 ; sent 
to Kochin, Three Voyages, 364, and to Africa, ditto 287 ; 1514, cotton stuffs coarse 
and fine sent to Diu, to Ormuz, to Shehr and Dhafar in Arabia, to Aden, and to the 
African ports, Barbosa, 11'18, 28, 30-31, 42-60; 1538, gold cloth and plain cloth, 
Primeiro Roteiro, 70-75 ; 158.5, black and red cloth, Frederick in Hakluyt, II. 344 ; 
1590, Linschoten's Navigation, 20 ; 1627, cotton cloth, O. Chron. de Tis. III. 258. 
Island Trade, 1554, muslins from Kandhir (in the Deocan), Daulatabad, 
Burhdnpur, and Paithan came to MAhim and were sent to Arabia, Mohit in Jour. 
Ben. As. Soc. V-2, 461 ; 1660, chintz was brought from Masulipatam thrpugh 
Golkonda, ChAndor, and Ndsik, and sent to Goa for Europe and to Persia and 
Arabia, Thevenot in Harris, II. 362. Very fine cloth from Kh^ndesh, some painted, 
others with a mixture of silver and gold, used for veils, scarves, and handkerchiefs,- 
ditto 373, 384. Apparently fine muslins, came by sea from Bengal, Barbosa, 179. 



Eonkan.] 



THlNA. 



467 



and velvets,^ and silk stuffs, brocades, and coloured silks were 
brought through the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and round the 
Cape of Good Hope.^ Of Woollens, blankets were made in Th^na,^ 
and rugs,, scarlet woollens, coarse camlets, and Norwich stuffs 
were brought from Europe round the Cape, and by the Red 
Sea and the Persian Gulf.* There was an export of sandals and an 
import of Spanish shoes.^ Among miscellaneous articles of dress 
brought from Europe were gloves, belts, girdles, be^rver hats, and 
plumes of feathers.* Of Personal Ornaments, }ew6ls> pearls, and 
strings of agate beads, went from Ghaul to the Arabian coast,' and 
turquoises, pearls, and lapis lazuli came to the Konkan from tha 
Persian Gulf -^ ivory came from Abyssinia and was a great article 
of trade at Ghaul ;* and cut and branch coral came from Europe.^* 
Of Spices, in which there was a great trade,-'^ pepper came from the 
Malabdr coast and Sumatra, cinnamon from Gey Ion, camphor from 
Borneo, and cloves from the Moluccas, partly direct partly through 
the Malabar ports. These spices were used locally, sent inland, or 
re-exported to Persia and Arabia.^^ Of Drugs, opium is mentioned 
as brougbt from Burhdnpur in Khandesh and from Aden.^^ Of dyes, 
indigo was brought from Burhdjipur,^* madder from Arabia,.** 
dragon's blood from Socotra,**^ vermilion from Ormuz, Aden, and 
Europe,*^ and pigeon's dung from Africa.*' Of Perfumes, rose- 
water was brought from Ormuz and Aden.^' Of Metals, gold 
was brought from Sofdla and Abyssinia in Africa, and in ingots 
and coined from Europe f silver, copper, brass, and lead came 
from Europe ;^ and quicksilver from Ormuz and Aden, and 

1 1580, Thiua the seat of a great velvet manufacture, Tule'a Marco Polo, II. .330, ' 
331; 1583, a great trafSc in silk and silk cloths. Fitch' in Badger'a Varthema, 113' f 
^620, silk, 0. Chron. de Tis. III. 258. 

2 1502, coloured silks from Europe by the Oape, Vasoo da Gama's Three Voyages, 
344 ; 1514, through Ormuz, and from Europe through Mecca and Aden, Barbosa, 

27, 42 ; 1614, rich velvets and satins from Europe, Stevenson's Sketch of Discovery, 
402-403; 1631, silk stockings and ribbons, Bruce's Annals, I. 308.- 

3 1585, blankets made ia Thiaa, Oassar Frederick in Hakluyt, II. 344. 

* 1500, by the Oape, rugs and scarlet clotb, Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 
344 ; 1510, from Europe through Mecca, woollens ajid camlets, Stanley's Barbosa, 
28 ; aad from the west, through Ormuz, scarlet woollens and coarse camlets, ditto 
42 ; 1614, by the Cape, Norwich stuffs, Stevenson, 402. 

6 Sandals exported, 1585, Fitch in Badger's Varthema, 113. Spanish shoes 
imported, 1631; Stevenson, 406. 

» 1614 and 1631, Stevenson, 402-406 ; Bruce's Annals, I. 308. 

V 1510, Stanley's Barbosa, 28-31. 8 Stanley's Barbosa, 42. 

9 Stanley's Barbosa, 18; Fitdi in Badger's Varthema, 113. 

10 Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 344. Emeralds and other precious stones set in 
enamel are also mentioned as coming from' Europe, 1614. Stevenson, 402-403. 

11 1585, Fitch in Badger's Varthema, 113. 

- 12 1500, Badger's Varthema, 124 ; Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 364 ; 1514, 
Stanley's Barbosa, 31, 42, 68, 203 ; 1512, Kerr's Voyages, VI. 66. 
13 Burhinpur, 1660,Thevenot in Harris, II. 373-384 ; Aden, 1510, Stanley's Barbosa, 

28, and Kerr's Voyages, II. 524. 14 Thevenot in Harris, 11. 373 - 384. 
15 Badger's Varthema, 85. 16 Stanley's Barbosa, 30. 

17 Stanley's Barbosa, 28, 42 ; Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 344. 

18 Stanley's Barbosa, 79. 

19 Badger's A''arthema, 11, 181 ; Stanley's Barbosa, 28, 42. 

20 Stanley's^ Barbosa, 5, 11 ; 1628, Kerr's Voyages, II. 402, 516 ; Terry (1618) ia 
Kerr's Voyages, IX. 392. 

21 Silver, Terry, in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 392; copper, Stanley's Barbosa, 27, 
Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 344; brass and lead, Kerr, II. 517. Great 
quantities of copper were sent inland and worked into cooking pots, Barbosa, 70. 
Lead was one of the first articles imported by the English, Bruoe's Annals, I. 129. 



Chapter VIIL 
History. 

•POBTUGUESE. 

1500-1670. 
■ Trade. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



468 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

PORTOGUESB. 

1500 - 1670. 
Trade. 



Ship). 



round the Cape from Europe.^ Of articles of Furniture and 
Hardware, desks and blackwood tables inlaid with ivory were made 
in Thdna, ^ and arras hangingSj large looking-glasses, figures in 
brass and stone, cabinets, pictures, fine basins and ewers, drinking 
and perspective glasses, swords with inlaid hilts, saddles, fowUng 
pieces, toys, and knives were brought from Europe.^ Of Animals, 
dogs were brought from Europe,* horses from the Persian Gulf and 
the Arab coast,^ and elephants from Ceylon.® Pilgrims were carried 
to Mecca and slaves were brought from Abyssinia.^ 

The chief changes in the merchants were the disappearance of the 
-Chinese, and the decrease of Arabs and Turks, and, to some extent, 
of local Musalmans. Of new comers there were the Portuguese, and, 
occasionally, though they had few direct dealings with the north 
Konkan, English, Dutch, French, and Danes. In the beginning of 
the sixteenth century many Moorish merchants are noticed at Chaul, 
and trading from Chaul to the Malabdr coast.' Hindus, as in 
previous periods, are found at long distances from India. A ship 
with a Hindu captain is met in the Red Sea ; ^ ■ and the Portuguese 
and Dutch found Hindus in the Persian Gulf, in Mocha, in the 
African ports, in Malacca, and in Achin in Sumatra.'^" 

During this period the Thana coast was famous for its ship -building. 
Between 1550 and 1600 great ships built at Agdshi and Bassein made 
many voyages to Europe,^^ and, in 1634, the English had four pinnaces 
built for the coast trade, two at Daman and two at Bassein.^^ The 
Portuguese historian Gaspar Correa gives a fuller description than 
any previous writer of the craft which were built at this time in the 
Konkan ports. The local boats in ordinary use were of two kinds, one 
which had the planking joined and sewn together with coir thread, 
the other whose planks were fastened with thin nails with broad 
heads which were rivetted inside with other broad heads fitted on. 



1 Ormuz, Stanley's Barbosa, 42; Aden, ditto 28 ; the Cape, Vascoda Gama's Three 
Voyages, 344 ; much of the quicksilver went inland, Stanley's Barbosa, 70. 

2 1627, O. Chron. de Tis. III. 258. 

3 1614, Stevenson, 402-403 ; Brace's Annals, I. 308. * 1614, Stevenson, 402. 

5 1510, Stanley's Barbosa, 25, 42 ; Commentaries of Albuquerque, I. 63, 83. 

6 Stanley's Barbosa, 167. 

7 1618, Terry in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 392 ; 1500, Badger's Vartheraa, 86 ; 1510, 
Stanley's Barbosa, 18. 8 1500, Badger's Varthema, 114, 151. 

9 1612, Dounton in Kerr's Voyages, YIII. 426. In the Persian Gulf near Maskat, 
Albuquerque's Commentaries, I. 100. 

10 In Africa, Stanley's Barbosa, 13, Castanheda in Kerr's Voyages, II. 378, Vasco d» 
Gama's Three Voyages, 137, note 1 ; in Achin, Davis' Voyage (Ed. 1880), 143. 
Albuquerque (1610) found large numbers of Hindus who seem to have been chiefly 
southerners ' Quilons and Chitims ' in Malacca. They were governed by a Hindu in 
accordance with Hindu customs (Cora. Ill, 146 ; compare Barbosa, 193, 194). There 
were Hindu rulers in Jdva and Sumatra. (Ditto, III. 73, 79, 151-161). Four MalabArs 
went with Vasco da Gama (1500) to Portugal and came back to Kalikat ; on their 
return the Zanaoriu would not see them as they were only fishermen. Kerr's Voyages, 
II. 406. In 1612 (Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 476) Sarris got a letter from the Shdhbandar 
of Mocha in the Banian language and character ; and in 1660 Baldseus (Churchill, HI. 
S13-515) mentions Banian temples at Mocha. In 1603 Benedict Goes found 
Brihmans at Gialalabath south of the Oxns ; the king of Bokhara allowed them to levy 
a toll. Yule's Cathay, II. 559. In 1637 Olearius (Voyages, 200) found 12,000 Indian 
merchants in Ispahan in Persia, apparently Hindus. 

11 Do Couto, IV. 99. Pyrard, French Edition, II. 114. No place had better timber 
than Bassein. Ditto, 115. 13 Bruce's Annals, I, 334. 



Konkau.] 

THANA. 469 

The ships sewn with coir had keels, those fastened with nails were Chapter WI, 
flat^bottomed ; in other respects they were alike. Th,e planks of the History, 

ship-sides went as high as the cargo, and above the planks were 
cloths thicker than bed-sacking and pitched with bitumen mixed oetuguese. 
with fish and cocoanut oil. Above the cloths were cane mats of _." 

the length of the ship, woven and very strong, a defence against 
the sea which let no water pass through. Inside, instead of decks, 
were chambers for the cargo covered with dried and woven palm- 
leaves, forming a shelving roof off which the rain ran and left the 
goods dry and unhurt. Above the palm-leaves cane mats were 
stretched, and on these the seamen walked without doing any harm. 
The crew were lodged above j no one had quarters below where the 
merchandise was stored. There was one large mast and two ropes 
on the sides, and one rope at the prow like a stay, and two halliards 
which came down to the stern and helped to hold the mast. The 
yard had two-thirds of its length abaft and one-third before the 
mast, and the sail was longer abaft than forward by one-third. 
They had only a single sheet, and the tack of the sail at the bow 
was made fast to the end of a sprit, almost as large as the mast 
with which they brought the sail very forward, so that they steered 
very close to the wind and set the sails very flat. They had no 
top-masts and no more than one large sail. The rudder, which was 
very large and of thin planks, was moved by ropes which ran along 
the outside of the ship. The anchors were of hard wood, and they 
fastened stones to the shanks so that they went to the bottom. 
They carried their drinking water in square and high tanks.^ 

Of Gujardt boats the ordinary deep-sea traders were apparently 
from 100 to 150 tons burden.^ Besides these, there were in the 
sixteenth century some great vessels from 600 to 1000 tons burden,* 
and in the seventeenth century, in the pilgrim traffic between Surat 
and Mocha, still larger ships were used, from 1400 to 1600 tons and 
able to carry 1700 passengers.^ 

Goa was also a great ship-building place. In 1 508 the Portuguese 
found that the carpenters and calkers of the king of Bij^pur had 
built ships and galleys after the model of the Portuguese,^ and in 
1510 twelve very large ships were built after the model of the Flor 
de la Mar.* 

1 Vasoo] da Gama's Three Voyages, 239-242. A full account of the Portuguese 
shipping about 1600 is given in Pyrard, II. 118. 

2 In 1612, Dountou in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 426. 

3 In 1510 Albue[uerque found a beautiful fleet at Ormuz rigged out with flags, 
standards, and coloured ensigns. One of them was 600 tons and another 1000 tons, 
with many guns and fire-arms, and with men in sword-proof dresses. She was so 
well fitted that she required nothing from the king's magazine. She had three 
great stone anchors. Com. I. 105 ; II. 122. 

* 1618, Terry in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 391, 392. One reason for building such large 
ships was that they might put td sea in the stormy months and avoid the Portuguese. 
• The Gujardtis load their great ships of 900, 1200, and 1500 tons at Gogha, and steal 
out unknown to the Portuguese.' These ships were called Monsoon Junks (Kerr's 
Voyages, IX. 230). They are described as ill-built like an overgrown lighter broad 
and short but exceeding big (Terry's Voyage, 130). The scantlings of the Rahimi of 
1500 tons were length 153 feet, breadth 42 feet, depth 31 feet. Kerr's Voyages, 
VIII 487 Part of the crew in these big vessels were often Dutch. Baldseus in 
Churchill, III. 513. ^ Com. of Alb, II. 82. e Com, of Alb. II. 87. 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

Portuguese. 

1500-1670. 

Ships. 



According to Varthema (1500) the Kalikat boats were open and 
of three or four hundred butts in size. They were built without 
oakum J as the planks were joined with very great skill. They laid 
on pitch outside and used an immense quantity of iron nails. The 
sails Were of cotton, and at the foot of each sail was a second sail 
which they spread to catch the wind. Their anchors were of stone 
fastened by two large ropes.^ One of these Kalikat vessels is 
mentioned of 140 tons, with fifty-two of a crew, twenty to bail out 
water and for other purposes below, eight for the helm, four for the 
top and yard business, and twenty boys to dress provisions.^ Very 
large boats are mentioned as trading to the Coromandel coagt.* 

Many foreign ships visited the Thana ports. In the beginning of 
the sixteenth century, Maskat was a great shiprbuilding place. 
In 1510 Albuquerque found two very large ships ready to launch 
and a fleet of thirty-four ships great and small.* The establishment 
of Portuguese power in the. Persian Grulf seems to have depressed 
the local seamen, as in the beginning of the seventeenth century the 
Persian Gulf boats are described as from forty to sixty tons, the 
planks sewn with date fibre and the tackle of date fibre. The anchor 
was the only bit of iron.' The Eed Sea ships were larger and 
better built and were managed with great skill.* In the beginning 
of the sixteenth century large junks from Java and Malacca came 
to the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, and may occasionally have 
visited Chaul.' , 

The greatest change in the shipping of this period was the 
introduction of the square-rigged Portuguese vessels. They caused 
much astonishment at Anjidiv ; the people had never seen 
any ships like them.' The vessels in Vasco da Gama's first fleet 
(1497-1500) varied from two hundred to" fifty tons.' The size was 



1 Badger's Varthema, 152-154. Of these larger ships the flat-bottomed were called 
Sambuchis and those with keels Capels. Sambuchia seem -to be Sambuha and 
Capels the same as Caravels, round lateen-rigged boats of 200 tons. (Com. of Alb. I. 4}, 
Of smaller boats there were praus of ten paces, all of one piece with oars and a cane 
mast ; almadias also all of one piece with a mast and oars ; and hatws two-prowed, 
thirteen paces long, and very narrow and swift. These katurs were used' by pirates 
(Ditto). A few years later Barbosa (p. 147) describes the ships of the Moors of Kalikat, 
as of about 200 tons, with keels but without nails, the planks sewn with mat cords, 
well pitched, the timber very good. They were without decks, but had divisions 
for stowing the merchandise separately. 

2 1612, Dounton in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 425. 

8 1500, Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 339. They carried more than 1000 
measures of rice of 105 pecks each. 

4 Commentaries, I. 71, 81, 82. 5 John Eldredin Kerr's Voyages, • VIII. 6. 

6 One is mentioned in 1500 of 600 tons and 300 fighting men and bands of music 
with seven elephants (Kerr's Voyages, II. 412) ; another in 1502 had 700 men (Vasco 
da Gama's Three Voyages, 315) ; another in the same year had 300 passengers 
(Kerr's Voyages, II. 435-436). 

7 Stanley's. Barbosa, 193 ; Albuquerque's Commentaries, III. 63. So skilful were 
the Jdva boat-builders that Albuquerque (1511) brought sixty of them to Goa, Ditto, 
III. 168. 

5 1498, Kerr's Voyages, II. 388. What astonished the people was the number of 
ropes and the number of sails ; it was not the size of the ships. Vasco da Gama's 
Three Voyages, 145, 149. 

9 The details were, the San Gabriel, the San Raphael, the Birrio, and a transpprt 
for provisions called a uaveta (Lindsay's Merchant Shipping, 11. 4). The size of 
these boats is generally given at from 100 to 200 tons (Kerr's Voyages, 11, 521). But 



EonkauJ 



THAN A, 



471' 



soon increased to 600 and 700 tons^ a change wUcli had the 
important effect of forcing foreign trade to centre at one or two 
great ports. Of smaller vessels the Portuguese had caravels and 
galleys.^ Before the close of the sixteenth century the size of the 
European East Indiamen had greatly increased. As early as 1590, 
the Portuguese had ships of 1600 tons J in 1609 the Dutch had ships 
of 1000 tons; and in-1615 there was an English ship of 1293 tons.* 
Hindu captains and sailors are mentioned,* but the favourite seamen 
were Arabs and Abyssinians.^ A great advance had been made in 
navigation. The Mnsalm^ns of Mozambique (1498) used Genoese 
compasses, and regulated their voyages by quadrants and sea 
charts f the Moors were so well instructed in ^o many arts of 
navigation that they yielded little to the Portuguese/ Trade was 
"still harassed by pirates, though they seem to have been less 
formidable than they had been in the fifteenth century or than they 
again were in the seventeenth century. Before the pirates were 
put down by the Portuguese, Bombay harbour, Groa, and Porka on 
the Kalikat coast were noted centres of piracy.^ 

Mr. Lindsay thinks they were larger between 250 and 300 tons register. The picture 
he gives shows the San Gabriel to have been a three-masted vessel with a high 
narrow poop and a high forecastle. The GujarJit batela and the Arab hotel seem 
from their name (Port, batel a boat) and from the shape of their stems to have been 
copied from Portuguese models. See Appendix A. 

1 The 1502 fleet was one 700, one 500, one 450, one 350, one 230, and one 160-ton 
ships, Kerr's Voyages, II. 521 ; in the 1503 fleet was one 600-ton ship. Ditto, V. 510. 

8 In 1524 Vasoo da Ganja brought out some caravels which were fitted vrith lateen 
rigging in Dibhol. Three Voyages, 308. Of galleys Dom Joao de Castro (1540) notices 
three kiu^a : ftastorc^os from 20 to 300 tons, 130 soldiers and 140 men decked, with 
sails and 27 benches of three oars ; subtis, 25 benches of three oars, the crew and 
size the same as baatardos ; and/«s<as, smaller with 17 benches of two oars. Primeiro 
Roteiro, 275. 

3 In 1592 a Portuguese caraok of 1600 tons was caught and taken as a prize to Dart- 
mouth. It was 165 feet long, 46 feet broad, and 31 feet draught. Its main mast was 
121 feet long and its main yard 106 feet. It had seven stories, one main orlop, three 
close decks, one forecastle, and a spar deck. Milburn's Oriental Couunerce, I. 306, 
In 1600 Pyrard (Voyage, French ed. II, 114)mentions a Portuguese carack of 2000 tons. 
In 1616 a Portuguese carack of 1600 tons had a brilliant fight with four English 
vessels, tow's Indian Navy, I. 25-27 . The first English fleet in the "east included one 
ship of 600 tons with 200 men, one of 500 tons with 100 men, one of 260 tons with 80 
men, one of 240 tons with 80 men, and one of 100 tons with forty men. Bruce's 
Annals, I. 129. Up to 1600 there was no English ship over 400 tons. Milburn'a 
Oriental Commerce, I. IX. In 1615 the English East India Navy included one ship 
of 1293 tons, one of 1100, one of 1060, one of 90O, one of 800, and others of 600. 
Stevenson, 150. .The first Dutch fleet in the east (1598) included the Hope 250 
tons, the (Jharity 160 tons, the Faith 160 tons, the Fidelity 100 tons, and the Good 
News 75 tons. Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 65. In 1604 the Dutch had ships of from 600 
to 800 tons. Milburn's Oriental Commerce, II. 369. In 1609 they had three ships of 
1000 tons each. Middleton in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 349. 

'4 1612, Dounton in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 426. Albuquerque (1508) found the 
Hindus of old Goa a maritime race and more inured to the hardships of the sea than 
any other nation. Com. II. 94. 5 1590, Linschoten in Vincent, II. 261. 

6 Kerr's Voyages, II. 318. According to De Castro (1540, Kerr's Voyages, VI, 
310) a good Lascarin must be an Abyssinian. 

7 Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 138. ' In 1498 one of the pilots who took Vasoo 
da Gama from Melinda in Africa to Kalikat was a Moor of Gujardt. Three Voyages, 
137, 138. In 1504 a Moor of Cannanur was so acquainted with his 'trade, that 
he took Albuquerque straight from Cannanur to Mozambique. Com. I. 17. In Socotra 
Altnq'uerque found a Moor with an elaborate chart of Ormuz. Ditto, 52. 

8 Bombay Harbour, 1514, Stanley's Barbosa, 69 ; Goa, 1500, Vasco da Gama's 
Threfe Voyages, 244 ; Porka, 1500, Badger's Varthema, 154. In 1514, the Bombay 
pirate boats were small vessels like watoh-"boats, which went out to sea plundering 
and sometimes killing the crew of any weak boat they met. Stanley's Batbosa, 69. 



Chapter Vlt 
History. 

PORTtTGtrESE. 

1500-1670. 
Ships. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



472 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

PoETUGUBSB. 

1500 - 1670. 

Bombay, 

1664. 



In November 1G64, the island of Bombay passed from the 
Portuguese to the English. The English had for years been ansaous 
to gain a station on the Konkan ooast.^ In June 1661, as part of 
the dower of his sister Katherine, the King of Portugal ceded the 
island and harbour of Bombay, which the English understood to 
include Salsette and the other harbour islands.^ In March 1662 a fleet 
of five men-of-war, under the command of the Earl of Marlborough, 
with Sir Abraham Shipman and 400 men accompanied by a new 
Portuguese Yiceroy, left England for Bombay. Part of the fleet 
reached Bombay in September 1662 and the rest in October 1662, 
On being asked to make over Bombay and Sdlsette to the English, 
the governor contended that the island of Bombay had alone been 
ceded, and on the ground of some alleged irregularity in the form of 
the letters or patent, he refused to give up even Bombay. The 
Portuguese Viceroy declined to interfere, and Sir Abraham Shipman 
was forced to retire first to Suvdli at the mouth of the TApti, and then 
to the small island of Anjidiv off the Kdrwar coast. Here, cooped 
up and with no proper supplies, the English force remained for more 
than two years, losing their general and three hundred of the four 
hundred men. In November 1664, Sir Abraham Shipman's successor 
Mr. Humfrey Cooke, to preserve the remnant of his troops, agreed 
to accept Bombay without its dependencies, and to grant special 
privileges to its Portuguese residents.® In February 1665, when the 



In 1498, the Goa pirate craft are described as small brigandines filled with men, 
ornamented with flags and streamers, beating drums, and sounding trumpets. Kerr's , 
Voyages, II. 387. Some pirate boats caught at Goa, in 150O, had small guns and 
cannon, javelins, long swords, large wooden bucklers covered with hides, long light 
bows, and long broad-pointed arrows. Vasco da Gama's Three Voyages, 252. There 
was already a European element in the Goa pirates. Ditto, 244. 

1 In 1625 the Directors proposed that the Company should take Bombay. Accord- 
ingly, in 1626, the President at Surat suggested to the Dutch a joint occupation 
of the island, but the Dutch declined, and the scheme was abandoned (Bruce's 
Annals, I. 273). In 1640 the Surat Council brought Bombay to notice as the best 
place on the west coast of India for a station (Ditto, I. 366), and, in 1652, they suggested 
-that Bombay and Bassein should be bought from the Portuguese (I. 472). In 1634, 
in an address to Cromwell, the Company mentioned Bassein and Bombay as the most 
suitable places for an English settlement in India (I. 488). In 1659 the Surat Council 
recommended that an application should be made to the King of Portugal to cede 
some place on the west coast, Danda-E4jpuri, Bopubay, or Versova (Ditto, I. 548). Final- 
ly, at the close of 1661 (7th December) , in a letter which must have crossed the Direc- 
tors' letter telling of the cession of Bombay, the President at Surat y^ote (Ditto, II. HI) 
that, unless a station could be obtained which would place the Company's servants 
out of the reach of the Moghal and ShivAji and render them independent of the 
overbearing Dutch, it would be more prudent to bring ofl^ their property and servants, 
than to leave them exposed to continual risks and dangers. 

It was its isolated position rather than its harbour that made the English covet 
Bombay. Then and till much later, Bombay harbour was by many considered too big. 
In 1857, in meeting objections urged against Kdrwdr on the ground of its smallness, 
Captain Taylor wrote (27th July 1857), 'Harbours can be too large as well as too 
small. The storms of 1837 and 1854 show us that Bombay would be a better port 
if it was not open to the south-west, and had not an expanse of eight miles of 
water to the south-east.' Bom. Gov. Eec. 248 of 1862-64, 29, 30. 

2 Accordingto Captain Hamilton (1680-1720), 'the royalties appending on Bombay 
reached as far as Versova in Sdlsette.' (New Account, I. 185). This does not agree 
with other writers and is probably inaccurate. 

3 Cooke renounced all claims to the neighbouring islands, promised to exempt the 
Portuguese from customs, to restore deserters, runaway slaves, husbandmen, ano 
craftsmen, and not to interfere with the Roman Catholic religion. Trans. Bom. 



Eonkan.1 



thIna. 



473 



island was handed over, only 119 Englishmen landed in Bombay.^ 
At the time of the transfer the island is said to have had 10,000 
inhabitants and to have yielded a revenue of about£2800 (Rs.28,000).2 
The cession of Bombay and its dependencies was part of a scheme 
under which England and Portugal were to join in resisting the 
growing power of the Dutch. A close alliance between the English 
and the Portuguese seemed their only chance of safety. In 1656 
the Dutch had driven the Portuguese from Ceylon, They were 
besieging the English at Bantam and blockading the Portuguese at 
Goaj ' If the Dutch took Goa, Diu must follow, and if Diu fell, the 
Jlnglish Company might wind up their affairs.' ^ The scheme was 
ruined by the looseness of the connection between the Portuguese in 
Europe and the Portuguese in India. The local Portuguese feeling 
against the cession of territory was strong, and the expression of the 
King's surprise and grief at their disobedience failed to overcome it.* 
Bitter hatred, instead of friendship, took the place of the old rivalry 
between the Portuguese and the English.^ Without the dependencies 
which were to have furnished supplies and a revenue, the island was 
costly, and, whatever its value as a place of trade, it was no addition 
of strength in a struggle with the Dutch. The King determined 
to grant the prayer of the Company . and to hand them Bombay 
as a_trading station. On the first of September 1668, the ship 
Constantinople arrived at Surat, bringing the copy of a EoyaJ 
Charter bestowing Bombay on the Honourable Company.. The 
island was granted ' in as ample a manner as it came to the crown,' 
and was to be held on the payment of a yearly quit-rent of £10 
in gold. With the island were granted all stores arms and 
' ammunition, together with such political powers as were necessary 
for its defence and government.* In these three years of English 
management the revenue of the island had risen from about £3000 
to about £6500.'^ 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

POBTUGUESB. 

1500-1670. 

Bombay, 

1664. 



Geog. Soo. III. 68-71. These terms were never ratified either by the English or by 
the Portuguese. Anderson'sEnglishin Western India, 53. According to Mr. James 
Douglas, K.oKba Pointer Old Woman's Island was at first refused as not being part of 
Bombay. It and 'Putaehos,' apparently Butcher's Island, seem to have been taken 
in 1666. Fryer's New Account, 64. 

1 The details were, the Governor, one ensign, four Serjeants, six corporals, four 
drummers, one surgeon, one surgeon's mate, two gunners, one gunner's mate, one 
gunsmith, and ninety-seven privates, Bruce's Annals, II. 157. 

2 Fryer's New Account, 68 ; Warden in Bom. Geog. Soc. Trans. III. 45, 46. ' 

3 Bruce's Annals, I. 522;Baldseus in Churchill, III. 548. 

* The King of Portugal to the Viceroy, 16th August 1663. Trans. Bom. Geog. Soo, 
III, 67. 

8 Besides soreness at being ' choused by the Portugels' (Pepys' Diary, Chandos Ed . 
155) the English were embittered by the efforts of the Jesuits to stir up disaffection in 
Bombay, and by the attempt of the Portuguese authorities to starve them out of the 
island by the levy of heavy duea on all provision-boats passing Thdna or Karanja on 
their way to Bombay. Bruce, II. 175, 214. Of the relations between the Portuguese 
in India and the Portuguese in Europe, Fryer writes (New Account, 62), ' The 
Portuguese in East India will talk big of their King and how nearly allied to them, 
as if they were all cousin-germans at least. But fer his commands, if contrary, to 
their factions, they value them no more than if they were merely titular.' 

6 Bruce's Annals, II. 199. The troops which formed, the Company's first military 
establishment in Bombay numbered 198, of whom five were commissioned officers, 
139 non-coramissioned officers and privates, and fifty-four hat-wearing half-castes or 
topaaes. There were twenty-one pieces of cannon and proportionate stores. Ditto, 240. 

7 The details are given in Warden's Landed Tenures of Bombay, 8. 

B 310—60 



474 



DISTRICTS. 



[Bombay Grazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

POETUGUESB. 

1500-1670. 



1664. 



The factors at first thought so poorly of their new possession, 
that, in 1668, they proposed to the Surat Council that Bombay 
should be given up, and the factory moved to Janjira rock.^ But 
soon after, they began to esteem it 'a place of more consequence 
than they had formerly thought.'^ Under the able management of 
Gerald Aungier (1669-1677) the revenue rose from £6500 to £9260 
and the population from ten thousand to siKty thousand, while the 
military force was increased to four hundred Europeans and 1500 
Portuguese native militia.^ 

In 1674 the traveller Fryer found the weak Government house, 
which under the Portuguese had been famous chiefly for its beautiful 
garden, loaded with cannon and strengthened by carefully guarded 
ramparts. Outside the fortified house, were the English burying- 
place and fields where cows and bufi^aloes grazed. At a short distance 
from the fort lay the town, in which confusedly lived the English, 
Portuguese, Topazes, Gentoos, Moors, and KoH Christians mostly 
fishermen. The town was about a mile in length with low houses, 
roofed with palm-leaves, all but a few left by the Portuguese and 
some built by the Company. There was a ' reasonable handsome ' 
bdzar, and at the end next the fort, a pretty house and church of 
the Portugals with orchards of Indian fruit. 

A mile further up the harbour was a great fishing town, with a 
Portuguese church and religious house ; then Parel with another 
church and estates belonging to the Jesuits. At Mdhim the 
Portuguese had a complete church and house, the English a pretty 
customs-house and guard-house, and the Moors a tomb. The north 
and north-west were covered with cocoas, jack:s,' and mangoes. In 
the middle was Varli with an English watch. Malabd,r hill was a 
rocky wooded mountain, with, on its seaward slope, the remains of a 
stupendous pagoda.* Of the rest of the island, 40,000 acres of 
what might have been good land was salt marsh. In Kdmdthipura 
there was water enough for boats, and at high tides the waves 
flooded the present Bhendi Bazdr and flowed in a salt stream near 
the temple of Mumbddevi. Once a day Bombay was a group of 
islets, and the spring-tides destroyed all but the barren hills.^ 

Ten years more of fair prosperity were followed by about twenty 
years of deep depression (1688-1710). Then, after the union of the 
London and the English Companies, there came a steady, though at 
first slow, advance. But for fifty years more the English gained no 
fresh territory, and, except at sea, took no part in the struggles . 
between the Moghals, Marathd,s, Sidis, Angrid,s, an,d Portuguese.^ 



1 Grant Duff, 99. 2 Anderson, 56 ; Low's Indian Navy, I. 61. 

3 Of the £6500 of revenue in 1667, £2000 were from the land. The Portuguese quit- 
rents were supposed to represent one-fourth of the crop. Bruoe's Annals, III. 105. 

* Fryer's New Account, 61-70. Stones of this old temple are still preserved near 
the Vilukeshvar reservoir. 

6 Bruce's Annals, II. 215 ; Anderson, 53, 54 ; Hamilton's Description of Hindustto, 
II. 154. 

6 Of the position of the English in Bombay, Fryer wrote in 1673 : ' Our present 
concern is with the Portugals, ShivAji, and the Moghal. Prom the first is desired 
no more than a mutual friendship, from the second an appearance only, from the last a 
nearer commerce. The first and second become necessary for provisions for the belly 



Eoultan.] 



THANA. 
SECTION III.-THE MARATHAS. 



475 



On Ms escape from Delhi at the close of 1666, Shivaji drove the 
Moghals out of most of the south-east of Thana. They continued 
to hold the great hill-forts of Karndla and Mdhuli, but, after heavy 
fighting, lost them also in 1670. In 1670 the Portuguese defeated 
Shivaji at sea.^ - But he came perilously near them on land, taking 
several forts in the north-east of ThAna and attacking Ghodbandar 
in ' Sdlsette.^ This advance of Shivd,ji's led the English to send 
him an envoy, and an alliance was agreed to, in which he promised 
to respect the English possessions.* In 1672 the Sidi of Janjira, 
whose appointment as Moghal admiral had lately (1662) increased 
his importance, blockaded the Karanja river and made a fort at 
its mouth. In October of the same year (1672) a Sidi and Moghal 
squadron landed troops on the banks of the Nd^gothna river, laid 
the country waste, and carried off the people as slaves.* 

In February 1673 a Dutch fleet, under their Governor General, 
appeared before Bombay and caused such alarm that the settlers 
fled to the Portuguese territories. But the Governor, Gerald 
Auhgier, had given so much care to the fortifications and to 
strengthening the garrison and organizing the militia that, after 
hovering about the mouth of the harbour for some time, the Dutch 
retired without attempting an attack.^ Another cause of difliculty 
in Bombay were the Sidis. Nearly every season between 1672 and 
1680, sometimes with leave sometimes without leave, the Sidis came 
to Bombay to winter, that is to pass the stormy south-west monsoon 
(May-October). In 1674 they scared the people from Sion fort in 
the north-east of the Island, but were attacked by English troops, 
and an agreement was made that not more than 300 of the Sidi's men 
were to remain on shore at one time and that none of them were to 
have any arms except a sword. These visits placed the English 
in an unpleasant dilemma. If they allowed the Sidis to land, they 
roused the suspicion and anger of Shivaji ; if they forbad the Sidis 
landing they displeased the Moghals.^ 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MarAthAs. 
1670- 1800. 



and building, the third for the gross of our trade. Wherefore ofiSoes of civility must be 
performed to each of these : but they, sometimes interfering, are the occasion of 
jealousies, these three being so diametrically opposite one to another. For, 
while the Moghal brings his fleet either to winter or to recruit in this bay, Seva takes 
offence : on the other hand, the Moghal would soon put a stop to all business should 
he be denied. The Fortugals, in league with neither, think it a mean compliance 
in us to allow either of them countenance, especially to furnish them witt guns and 
weapons to turn upon Christians which they wisely make an Inquisition crime. 
New Account, 70. What the King gave was the 'port, island, and premises, 
including all rights, territories, appurtenances, royalties, revenues, rents, customs, 
castles, forts, buildings, fortifications, privileges, franchises, and hereditaments.' 
Eussel's Statutes of the East India Company, Appendix VIII. ix. The English, says 
Bald£Bus (1666), thought they had obtained an all-powerful treasure, though, indeed, 
Bombay has brought them nothing but trouble and loss. Malabdr and Goromandel 
Coast, Churchill, III. 540. ' 

1 Nairne's Konkan, 65. This is the first mention of ShivAji's fleet. Orme's Historical 
Fragments, 207. 

2 Nairne's Konkan, 65, * Anderson's English in Western India, 76-77. 
* Orme's Historical Fragments, 38-39. 6 Brace's Annals, II. 319. 

« Orme's Historical Fragments, 42 ; Low's Indian Navy, I. 62-63 ; Anderson's 
English in Western India, 79-81. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



476 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MarAthAs. 
1670-1800. 



State of the 

Counbry, 

1615. 



In April 1674 SHvaji was crowned at R^ygad fort near the town 
of TIfaMd in soutli KoMba. An embassy sent by the Bombay 
Government found bim friendly. He granted them leave to trade 
to any part of his territory on paying an import duty of two and a 
half per cent j he allowed th«m tp establish factories at Rajapur and 
Ddbhol in Ratndgiri, at Chaul in Kol^ba, and at Kalyan ; and' he 
arranged to make good part of their losses from his sack of Rdjapur 
in Ratndgiri.i In the same year (1674) Moro Pandit, a Maratha 
general, took up his quarters in Kalyan and called on the Portuguese 
to pay a chauth or twenty-five per cent tribute for Bassein. 

Of the state of the district between 1673 and 1675, Fryer has left 
several interesting details. Under the great Gerald Aungier, the 
English were founding a marine, fortifying Bombay, bringing the 
settlement into order, and making the 'island an asylum for traders 
and craftsmen ; but trade was small and the climate was deadly .^ 
In Salsette and Bassein the Portuguese were ' effeminated in 
courage'; they kept their lands only because they lived among- 
mean-spirited neighbours.^ Still Salsette was rich, with pleasant 
villages and country seats, the ground excellent either of itself 
or by the care of its inhabitants, yielding fine cabbages, coleworts 
and radishes, garden fruit, ' uncomparable' water-melons, and onions 
as sweet " and well-tasted as an apple. Sd,lsette supplied with 
provisions not only the adjoining islands but Gpa also. Every 
half mile, along the Bassein creek from Thd,na to Bassein, were 
' delicate' country mansions. In Bandra the Jesuits lived in a great 
college with much splendour. Rural churches were scattered 
over the island, and Thiina and Bandra were considerable towns.* 
Bassein was a great ciby with six churches, four convents, and two 
colleges, and stately dwellings graced with covered balconies 
and large two-storied windows. The land was plain and fruitful 
in sugarcane, rice, and other grain. Much of it had lately 
been destroyed by the Arabs of Maskat, who, without resistance, 
often set fire to the Portuguese villages, carried off their gentry 
into slavery, butchered their priests, and robbed their churches. 
Every year the Portuguese had a ' lusty ' squadron at sea, but no 
sooner was the squadron passed than the Arabs landed and worked 
mischief.^ 

On his way to Junnar in Poona, in April 1675, Fryer found, on 
both sides of the Kalyan river, stately villages and dwellings of 



1 Anderson's English in Western India, 77. 

= Fryer's New Account, 65-70. Bruoe's Annals, II. 244. Weavers came from 
Chaul to Bombay, and a street was ordered to be built for them stretching from the 
customs-house to the fort. Ditto. In 1669 Mr. Warwich Pett was sent to Bombay to 
instruct the settlers in ship-building (Ditto, II. 254). 

' Fryer's New Account, 64 5 Baldseus in Churchill, III. 546 ; Chardin in Orme's 
Hist. Frag. 220. ^ j^ew Account, 70-73. 

s Fryer's New Account, 75. Orme (Hist. Frag. 46) states that the Arabs numbered 
600, fewer than the Bassein garrison, but the garrison remained panic-struck within 
their walls. This pusiUanimityj adds Orme, exposed them to the contempt of all 
their neighbours. In 1670 the Arabs had seized and sacked Diu. Hamilton's New 
Account, 1. 139. In 1674, according to Chardin, the Arabs were routed at Daman. 
Orme's Hist. Frag. 218. 



Eonkan.] 



THANA: 



477 



Portuguese nobles, till, on the right, about a mile from Kalydn, they 

yielded to ShiTdji. Kalyan was destroyed by the fury of the 

Portugals, afterwards of the Mogbal, then of Shirdji, and now lately 

of the Moghal whose flames were hardly extinguished. By these 

incursions the town was so ruined that the houses were mean kennels 

and the people beggars.^ Titvdla, seven miles east, across rocky 

barren and parched ways, was, like Kalyd,n, reeking in ashes. The 

Moghals laid waste all in their road, both villages, fodder, and corn, 

carrying off cattle and women and children for slaves, and burning 

the woods so that runaways might have no shelter. Then the way 

led across some better country, with arable grounds, heaths, and 

forests, some of them on fire for two or three miles together. In the 

poor village of Murbad, where Fryer next stopped, the people had no 

provisions. Though several villages were in eight and the people 

greedy enough to take money, with diligent search and much ado, 

only one hen was found. AH the land was ploughed, but ShivAji 

coming reaped the harvest, leaving the tillers hardly enough to keep 

body and soul together. From Murbd.d the path led over hilly, but 

none of the worst ways, across burnt grass-lands ; then over a fine 

meadow checkered with brooks and thriving villages, to the foot of 

the hills, to Dehir (Dhasai), a garrison town of Shivaji's, where he 

stabled his choicest horses. Here all were in arms, not suffering their 

women to stir out of the town. The town was crowded with people 

miserably poor. The garrison was a ragged regiment, their weapons , 

more a cause of laughter than of terror.^ 

On his return from Junnar (May 24th), Fryer came by the Nana 
pass through Murbdd and Barfta, perhaps Barvi about three miles 
north-east of Kalyan. The misery of the people seems to have struck 
him even more than on his way inland. His bearers could buy 
nothing, the people being 'harried out of their wits,' mistrusting 
their own countrymen as well as strangers, living as it were wildly, 
betaking themselves to the thickets and wildernesses among the 
hills upon the approach of any new face. At Barfta the ' Coombiea 
or woodmen,' who lived in beehive-like huts lined with broad 
teak leaves, were not strong enough to aid their herds against the 
devouring jaws of wild beasts. Fires had to be kept up, lest the 
horse might ' lose one of his quarters or the oxen serve the wild 
beasts for a supper,' A strict watch was added, whose mutual 
answerings in a high tone were deafened by the roaring of tigers, 
the cries of jackals, and the yellings of baloos or overgrown wolves. 
The poor Coombies were all so harassed that they dared not till the 
ground, never expecting to reap what they sowed. Nor did they 
• remain in their houses, but sought lurking places in deserts and 
caverns. So obvious were the hardships that Fryer's bearers often 
reflected on their own happiness under English rule.^ 

During these years (1673-1677) the relations of the English and 
Portuguese were still unfriendly. Enraged at the refusal of the 
Deputy Governor to give up a Malabdr ship that had sought refuge 



Chapter VII, 

History. 

The MarAthIs, 

1670-1800. 

State of the 

Coimtry, 

1675. 



1 Fryer's New Account, 124. 
3 Fryer's New Account, 142. 



' Fryer's New Account, 127. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



478 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MaeAthIs. 
16J0-1800. 



i)t'g 
Conquest, 
1675-1680. 



Shivdji and the 

Sidis, 

1675-1680. 



in Bombay, the Portuguese General Manuel de Saldanha raised a 
force of 1200 men and marched against Bombay. But, on finding 
that this display of strength had no effect, he beat a retreat. 
Shortly after some Portuguese priests were found in Bombay, stirring 
up the Portuguese residents against the English, and an order was 
issued requiring 'all vagabond Pddres' to leave the island. The 
Portuguese authorities continued to starve Bombay, forbidding the 
export of rice from Bandra and placing an almost prohibitive duty 
on fruits, vegetables, and fowls. They tried to levy a ten per cent 
duty on q,ll supplies passing Thaha and Karanja on their way to 
Bombay, but this the English steadily resisted.^ 

In 1675 Shivaji drove the Moghals from their Thana possessions, 
and, passing west along the Tdnsa, began to fortify opposite the 
Portuguese town of S^ivan (Sibon). This produced some 'slender 
hostilities,' but the work went on.^ In the following year Shivdji 
sent a force to Pdmera in the south of Surat, and repaired and 
garrisoned the fort.' In 1678 Shivaji tried to burn the Musalman 
boats in Bombay harbour. Failing in his first attempt he went 
back to Kalyan and tried to cross to ThAna, but was stopped by 
Portuguese boats.* In the same year the Nd,gothna river was the 
scene of a struggle between some English troops from Bombay and 
Shivaji' s general. In October 1679, to guard the southern shores 
of Bombay harbour against the Sidi^s raids, Shivdji took possession 
of the small rocky island of Khanderi or Kenery at the mouth 
of the harbour. This island was claimed both by the Portuguese 
and by the English, but it had been neglected as it was 
supposed to have no fresh "water. On its capture by Shivaji -the 
English and Sidis attempted to turn out the Mardthds. The 
English sent an aged captain, or according to another account a 
drunk lieutenant, in a small vessel to find out what the Marathds 
meant by landing on the island. The officer was induced to land, 
and he and his crew were cut off. The Revenge, a pink, g,nd seven 
native craft were ordered to lie at anchor and block all approach to 
the rock. On this, the MarathAs attacked the English fleet, took 
one grab, and put to flight all except the Revenge. The little man- 
of-war was commanded by Captain Minchin, and the gallant Captain 
Keigwin was with him as Commodore. These officers allowed the 
Marathas to board, and then, sweeping the decks with their great 
guns, destroyed some hundreds, sunk four of the enemy's vessels, 
and put the rest to flight. In spite of this success the MarAthd,8 



* Bruce's Annals, II. 392 ; Anderson's English in Western India, 86. According to 
Navarette the English overthrew the churches and cut to pieces the pictures on the 
altars. Orme's Hist. Frag. 203. 

' Orme's Hist. Frag. 51-34. Shivdji is stated to have driven the Moghals from 
Kalyto, which, except the Portuguese strip of coast, included all the country below 
the hills as far north as Daman. Bruce s Annals, II. 48. Disorder among the 
Portuguese was one cause of ShivAji's success. In 1675 (May 25th) Fryer found at 
Kalydn ' a pragmatical Portugal who had fled to this place for designing the death of 
a fidalgo. He was about to accept the pay of ShivAji, and was marching at the head 
of forty men. He was a bold desperate fellow, a rich lout, no gentieman, a fit 
instrument to ruin his nation.' New Account, 144. 

3 Orme's Hist. Frag. 55. * Nairne's Konkan, 67. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



479 



continued to hold Khdnderi. Soon after (Qtli January 1680), as a 
counter movementj Sidi Kasim entrenclied himself on Underi or 
Henery rook, about two miles to the east of Khdnderi, and the 
Mard,thas in vain tried to drive him out. The possession of these 
islands by enemies, or, at best, by doubtful friends, imperilled Bom- 
bay. The Deputy Governor prayed the Court for leave to expel them. 
In reply he was censured for not having called out the Company's 
ships and prevented the capture. But, owing to want of funds and 
the depressed state of trade, he was ordered to make no attempt to 
recover the islands, and was advised to avoid interference in all 
wars between Indian powers. An agreement was accordingly made 
acquiescing in Shivdji's possession o^ Khanderi.^ 

On the death of Shivdji on the 5th of April 1680, Sambhd,ji, his 
son and successor, by supporting the Emperor's rebel son Sultan 
Akbar, brought on himself the anger of Aurangzeb. In the fights 
that followed between the Sidis and the MardtMs the shores of the 
Bombay harbour were often ravaged. The English in Bombay were 
in constant alarm, as, from ill-advised reductions, they had only one 
armed ship and less than a hundred Europeans in the garrison.^ In 
1682 a Moghal army came from Junnar to Kalyan. The Portuguese 
had before this Ipst their hold of Shab^z or Beldpur near Panvel, 
as the Sidi is mentioned as building a fort at Beldpur to guard 
it against the Mard,thas. After the rains the MardtMs and Sidis 
again fought in Bombay harbour, and Sambhd.ji is mentioned as 
preparing to fortify the island of Blephanta and as ordering his 
admiral Daulat-Khan to invade Bombay, where the militia were 
embodied and 3000 of Aurangzeb' s troops were landed at l^azgaon 
to -help in the defence.^ In 1688 the Moghals ravaged Kalyan, and 
the Portuguese foughtwith the MarathdiS. Sambhaii,who was repulsed 
before Chaul, seized the island of Karanja and plundered some 
places north of Bassein. In consequence of the capture of Bantam 
by the Dutch, Bombay was made the head English station in the 
East Indies, forty European recruits were sent, and 200 Bajputs 
ordered to be enrolled. At the close of the year Captain Keigwin, 
the commandant of the Bombay garrison, enraged by continued 
reductions in pay and -privileges, revolted from the Company, 
seized and confined the Deputy Governor, and, with the concurrence 
of the garrison and the people of the island, declared that the island 
was under the King's protection. Mr. Child, the President, came 
from Surat to Bombay, but, failing to arouse any feeling in favour 
of the Company, returned to Surat. The revolt continued till 
October 1684, when Sir Thomas Grantham, a King's oflBcer and 
Vice-Admiral of the Indian fleet, arrived from ^England, and coming 
to Bombay in November 1684, landed without attendants, and 
persuaded Keigwin to give up the island and retire to England.* 
Keigwin had ruled with honesty and success. He made a favourable 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MABiTHla. 
1670-1800. 



Sambhdji, 
1680. 



Bombay, 
168^-1690. 



1 Bruce's Annala, II. 447-448 ; Anderson's English in- Western Ii^dia, 82 ; Low's 
Indian Navy, I. 65-69. 2 Nairne's Konkan, 74 ; Bruce's Annals, II. 489. 

3 Nairne's Eonkan, 74 ; Bruce's Annals, II. 60. 
* Bruce's Annals, II. 512-541 ; Anderson's English in Western India, 105. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MARiTHis. 
1670-1800. 



Sir John CMld, 
1687-1690. 



Bombay, 
1690, 



480 



DISTRICTS. 



treaty with Sambhaji and repressed the Sidi> forbidding him to 
come to Mdzgaon except for water. He claimed^ perhaps with 
justice, that his vigorous management had saved the island from 
falling into the hands either of the Mard,thas or of the Moghals.^ 
In 1684 Kalydja was again ravaged by the Moghals.^ The war 
between the Portnguese and the MarAthas was renewed, the Portu- 
guese retaking Karanja, Santa Cruz opposite Kalyan, and _ the 
great hill-fort of Asheri.* Sambhaji in return ravaged the Portu- 
guese territory and invested Bassein.* 

In 1687, under the influence of Sir Josiah Child, the Court of 
Directors, disgusted with the uncertain nature of their trading 
privileges in Surat and in Bengal, full of admiration for the Dutch 
system of independent and self-supporting centres of trade, and 
encouraged by the support they received from the Crown, determined 
to shake off their submission to the Moghal, to raise their leading 
Indian factories to be Regencies, to strengthen them so that they 
could not be taken by native attack, and to use their power at sea as 
a means of preventing Aurangzeb from interfering with their trade. 
With this object independent settlements were to be established at 
Bombay, Madras, and Chittagong. Bombay was to be the chief seat 
■ of power, as strong as art and money could make it, and Salsette was 
to be seized and garrisoned. Mr., now Sir John, Child, the brother 
of Sir Josiah Child, was appointed Captain General and Admiral of 
the Company's forces by sea and land. He was directed to leave 
Surat and establish his head-quarters in Bombay, to make an alliance 
with the Marathas, and to seize as many Moghal ships as he could, 
until the independence of the Company's stations was acknowledged. 
With this object a strong force both in ships and men was sent to 
Chittagong and to Bombay. " These schemes and preparations failed. 
In Bengal, hostilities were begun before the whole force arrived ; 
they were prosecuted with little success, and agreements were 
hurriedly patched up on the old basis of dependence on the Moghal. 
In the west matters went still worse. Sir John Child issued orders for 
the capture of Moghal ships while Mr. Harris and the other factors 
were still at Surat. With these hostages there was no 'chance that ' 
the fear of the destruction of the Moghal sea-trade would induce 
Aurangzeb to admit the independence of the English settlements. . 
Aurangzeb at this time, besides his successes against Sambhaji, had 
reduced both Bijapur- and Golkonda. The attempt to wring con- 
cessions from him was hopeless and had to be given up, and envoys 
were sent to Bijapur to negotiate a peace and regain the former 
privileges. In the midst of these disappointments and failures Sir 
John Child died in Bombay on the 4th of February 1690. 

On the 27th of February 1690 Aurangzeb passed an order grant- 
ing the English leave to trade. The terms of this order were 
humiliating. The English had to admit their fault, crave pardon, 
pay a heavy fine, promise that they would go back to their old 
position of simple traders, and dismiss Child ' the origin of all the 



1 Naime's Konkan, 74 ; Bruce's Annala, II. 498. 
^ Naime's Eonkau, 75. ^ Orme's Hist. Frag. 141, 



* Kaime's Konkan, 76. 



Eonkan.] 



THANA. 



481 



evil.' Before this pardon was granted (14tli B^ebruary 1689) tte 
Sidi fleet and army had invaded Bombay, gained possession of 
Mihim, Md,zgaon, andSion, and held the Governor and the garrison . 
as if besieged in the town and castle. The treaty with the English 
contained an order to the Sidi to withdraw from Bombay. But the 
English did not regain possession of MSizgaon, Mdhim, and- Sion, till 
the 22nd of June 1690.^ So weak were the defences of the island 
and so powerless was the garrison, reduced by pestilence to 
thirty-five English, that, in Mr. Harris' opinion, if it had not been 
for the jealousy of Mukhtydr Khan the Moghal general, the Sidi 
might have conquered the island.* This foolhardy and ill-managed 
attempt^ of the Childs to raise the Company to the position of an. 
independent power is said to have cost the Company £416,000 
(Rs. 41,60,000).* During the decline of Mardtha vigour, that 
followed the capture and death of Sambhaji, the Moghals overran 
most of the North Konkan. In 1689 they made several inroads 
into Portuguese territory, plundering small towns and threatening 
Bassein.* In 1690 a band of ruffians, under a leader named 
Kd,kAji, came plundering close to Bassein, and two years later the 
Sidi attacked Bassein and threatened Salsette.^ In 1694 Atirang- 
zeb declared war on the Portuguese, and his troops ravaged the 
country so cruelly that the people had to take shelter within the 
walls of Bassein and Daman. Fortunately for the Portuguese 
Aiirangzeb was in want of cannon to use against the Marathas, and, 
on the promise of a supply, made a favourable treaty with the 
Portuguese.^ But there seemed neither rest nor security for the 
rich peace-loving Portuguese. No sooner were matters settled with 
Aurangzeb than bands of Maskat Arabs landed in S^lsette, burnt 
the Portuguese villages and churches, killed their priests, and 
carried ofE 1400 prisoners into slavery.^ Next year the Portuguese 
were somewhat encouraged by, what was now an unusual event, a 
sea victory over the MarathAs.® 

Bombay continued very depressed. In 1694 trade was in a 
miserable state ; the revenue had fallen from £5208 to £1416 (Rs. 
52,080 -Rs. 14,160), the cocoa -palms were almost totally neglected, 
and there were only a hundred Europeans in the garrison.^" In 
1696 want of funds required a reduction of sixty Christians and 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MAR^THiis. 

1670-1800, 

Bombay,- > 
1690-1700.- 



1 Bruoe'a Annals, II. 550-642. 

2 Brace's Annals, III. 94. The Jesuits had been active in helping the Sidi. As a 
punishment their lands in Bombay were seized. Ditto 95 . 

3 Anderson's English in Western India, .117. 

* KhAfi K.h^n (1680-1735) seems to have visited Bombay before Sir John Child's 
troubles began. ' He was much struck by the strength and richness of the place. 
Elliot and fiowson, VU. 212. 

6 Ovington's Voyage to Surat, 

^ Nairne's Konkan, 77 ; Bmoe's Annals, III, 124. 

' Nairne's Konkan,_78. 

' Hamilton in Nairne's Konkan , 78. The Arabs of Maskat had five large ships 
and 1500 men. In 1694 their strength was so great that they were expected to. gain ^ 
command, of the Persian gulf. Bruce's Annals, III. 169-198. 

' Nairne's Konkan, 78. Orme notices (Historical fragments, 218) that as late as 1674 
the Portuguese armada cruised every year off Goa to assert the sovereignty of the seas. 

10 Bruce's Annals, III. 164. 



B 310—61 



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482 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

The Maeathas. 

1670-1800. 

Bombay, 

1690-1700. 



Portuguese 

Thdna, 
1690-1700. 



340 GentooSj^ and, in 1697, there were only twenty-seven European 
soldiers.^ In 1701 Mdhim and other stations had been strengthened, 
, but the garrison was weak. The Marathds, Moors, Arabs, and 
Portuguese were ready to attack Bombay, and if reinforcements were 
not sent the island must be lost.' In 1702 the safety of the island 
was threatened by the Portuguese stopping the supply of provisions 
for the garrison, and giving secret help to the Marathas. Added 
to this the plague broke out in the island, carried off some 
hundreds of the natives, and reduced the Europeans to the small 
number of seventy-six men. The plague was followed by a storm 
which destroyed the produce of the island and wrecked the greater 
part of the shipping.* In 1705 matters were little better. The 
garrison was very weak, the Hindu companies were disbanded for 
neglect of duty, the Surat trade was at a stand, and the trade with 
the Malabdr coast was harassed by Kanhoji Angria, a ShivAji, 
or Mardtha robber.^ In 1 708 the king of Persia proposed to send 
an envoy to arrange with the English a joint attack on the 
Mar^tha and Arab pirates. But the Governor was forced to decline ; 
Bombay was in no state to receive an envoy ' either by the 
appearance of its strength, or by having disposable shipping for 
the service solicited.'* The 'Unfortunate Isle of the East' was 
plague-stricken, empty, and ruined. Of 800 Europeans only fifty 
were left, six civilians, six commissioned oflScers, and not quite 
forty English soldiers. There was only one horse fit to ride and one 
pair of oxen able to draw a coach.^ Bombay that had been one of 
the pleasantest places in India was brought to be one of the most 
dismal deserts.* 

Between Anrangzeb's treaty with the Portuguese in 1694 and his 
death in 1708, with the coast strip under the Portuguese and Kalydn 
under the Moghals, Thdna seems to have been freer from war and 
plunder than it had been for years. Of the parts under the Moghals 
no details have been traced. But, in spite of all they had suffered, 
the Portuguese lands were richly tilled, and the people, except 
the lowest classes, were well-to-do. According to the Musalmdin 
historian KhAfi Khan,^ Bassein and Daman were very strong and the 
villages round them were flourishing, yielding a very large revenue. 
The Portuguese tilled the skirts of the hills and grew the best 
crops, sugarcane, pine-apples, and rice, with gardens of cocoa-palms 
and vast numbers of betel vines. Unlike the English, they attacked 
no ships except ships that refused their passes, or Arab and 
Maskat vessels with which they were always at war. The greatest ^ 
act of Portuguese tyranny was, that they taught and brought up as 
Christians the children of any of their Miisalmdn or Hindu subjects 



1 Bruce's Annals, III. 194 ; Anderson's English in Western India, 128. 

* Bruce's Annals, III. 215. * Brace's Annals, III. 439. 

* Bruce's Annals, III. 502-503. ' Brace's Annals, III. 596-597. 
« Brace's Annals, III. 652. 

» Anderson's English in Western India, 128, 163, 171-172. 

8 Hamilton's New Account, I. 240. 

9 Kh4fi Khdn's Muntakhabtt-l-Lubdb in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 211-212, and 
345-346. Ehdfi Kh^n, who lived from about 1680 to 1735, travelled in the Konkan 
and visited Bombay, See below p. 485 note 2. 



Eonkan.] 



THlNA. 



483 



who died leaving no grown-up son.^ Otherwise they were worthy of 
praise. They built villages and in all matters acted with much 
kindness to the people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes. 
They set apart a quarter for the Musalmd,ns and appointed a hazi to 
settle all matters of taxes and marriages. Only the call to prayer 
was not allowed. A. poor traveller might pass through their 
territory and meet with no trouble, except that he would not be able 
to say his prayers at his ease. Their places of worship were very 
conspicuous with burning tapers of camphor and figures of the Lord 
Jesus and Mary, very gaudy in wood, wax, and paint. They were 
strict in stopping tobacco, and a traveller might not carry more thali 
for his own use. When they married, the girl was given as the 
dowry. They left the management of all affairs in the house and 
out of the house to their wives. They had only one wife and con- 
cubines were not allowed.^ 

In the beginning of 1695 the Italian traveller Gemelli Oareri spent 
some time at Daman and Bassein, and iji Sdlsette.* Daman was a 
fairly pretty town in the Italian style. It had three broad streets 
and four cross streets, lined with regular rows of one-storied tiled 
dwellings, with oyster-sheU windows instead of glass, and each house 
with its garden of fruit-trees. There were several good monasteries 
and four modern bastions, well-built though ill-supplied with cannon. 
There was a good garrison, a captain, and a revenue factor. The 
people were Portuguese, half-castes or mestizos, Musalmdns, and 
Hindxis. Most of the Hindus lived in old Daman on the right bank 
of the river, a place of ill-planned streets and cottages, with mud 
walls and roofs thatched with palm-leaves. The Pbrtuguese lived 
in great style, with slaves and palanquins.* Out-of-doors they 
rode in coaches drawn by oxen. The food was not good. The beef 
and pork were ill-tasted, they seldom killed sheep, and everybody 
could not go to the price of fowls. Their bread was excellent, and 
native fruits and many European herbs were plentiful. Under their 
coats the men wore an odd sort of breeches called candales, which 
when tied left something like the tops of boots on the leg. Others 
wore a short doublet, and under the doublet wide silk breeches, 
and some let their breeches hang to their ankles serving as hose. 
~ T-dr^pur was well inhabited with monasteries of Dominicans and 
Recolets or Franciscans. At Bassein the fortifications were not 
finished. The people of fashion wore silk and thin muslins with long 
breeches to the heols, without stockings, and with sandals instead 
of shoes. A bride was richly dressed in the French fashion. For 
fifteen miles between Bassein and Cassabo, that is Agdshi, was 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MarAthAs. 

1670- 18d0. 

Pbrtuguese 

Thdna, 
1690-1700. 



1 Muntakhabu-l-Lubib in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 345. 

a Muntakhabu-1-Lub^b in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 211-212 and 345-346. 

3 Churchill's Voyages, IV. 185-200. 

* The number of slaves varied from six to ten in a small establishment and from 
thirty to forty in a large establishment. They carried umbrellas and palanquins 
and did other menial work. They cost little to buy, fifteen to twenty Naples crowns, 
and scarcely anything to keep, only a dish of rice once a day. They were blacks 
brought by Portuguese ships from Africa. Some were sold in war, some by their 
parents, and others, in despair, barbarously sold themselves. Churchill's Voyages, 
IV. 203. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MabAthIs, 

1670-1800. 

Portuguese. 
Thdna, 
1695. 



Trade, 
1660-1710. 



nothing but delightful gardens planted with several sorts of country 
fruit-trees, as palms, figs, mangoes, and others with abundance of 
sugarcanes. The gardens were always green and fruitful, watered 
. with engines. The gentry, tempted by the cool pleasant lanes, had 
all pleasure houses- at Agdshjl, where they went in the hottest weather-. 
About this time, besides the risk of slaughter by Pendhari free- 
booters and Maskat pirates, the people of Bassein were haunted by 
another form of sudden death. A plague, a pestilential disease 
called carazzo, exactly like a bubo, had for some years infested the 
north coast ; cities were emptied in a few hours ; Surat, Daman, 
Bassein, and Th^na had all suffered.^ 

Silsette, the best part of which belonged to the Jesuits, was very 
rich yielding- abundance of sugarcane, rice, and fruit. There were 
several villages of poor wretched Gentiles, Moors, and Christians 
living in wattle and daub houses covered with Straw or palm-leaves. 
The peasants were worse than vassals to the lords of the villages. 
They were bound to till the land or to farm as much as might put 
them in a condition to pay the landlord. They fled like slaves from 
one village to another, and their landlords brought them back by 
force. Those who held from large proprietors paid their rent in 
grain, sometimes with the addition of personal service. Those who 
held direct from the state paid the Government factor or treasurer 
a monthly imposition according to what they were worth. The chief 
places in the island were Bdndra, Versova, and Thana. Thana 
stood in open country excellent good for India. It had three 
monasteries and a famous manufacture of calicoes.^ 

Careri makes no mention of the loss and havoc caused by recent 
raids and disturbances. But he tells of fierce fights at sea with the 
Maskat pirates ;* of the Malabars, pirates of several nations. Moors, 
Hindus, Jews, and Christians, who with a great number of boats full 
of men fell on all they met ; and of Savaji, the mortal enemy of 
the Portuguese, so strong that he could fight both the Moghals 
and the Portuguese. He brought into the field fifty thousand 
horse and as many or more foot, much better soldiers than the 
Moghals, for they lived a whole day on a piece of dry bread while 
the Moghals marched at their ease, carrying their women and 
abundance of provision and tents, so that they seemed a moving 
city. Savaji^s subjects were robbers by sea and by land. It was 
dangerous at any time to sail along their coast, and impossible with- 
out a large convoy. When a ship passed their forts, the Savajis 
ran out in small well-manned boats, and robbed friend and foe. 
This was the pay their king allowed them. 

During the first fifty years of the British possession of Bombay 
the trade of the ThAna coast shows a gradual falling off in all the 



1 Ttis plague devastated Upper India from 1617 to 1625. Elliot and Dowson, VI. 
407. It raged at BijApur in 1689. Ditto, VII. 337. See Places of Interest,- p. 33 and 
note 5. 2 Churchill, IV. 198. 

8 There were stiU men of valour among the Portuguese. The admiral Antonio 
Machado de Brito, who was killed in a brawl in Goa in 1694 (3rd of December), had 
freed the Portuguese territory from banditti and defeated fourteen A.rab ships which 
had attacked three vessels under his command. Churchill, IV, 199. 



Konkau.1 



THlNA. 



485 



ports except in Bombay. In Bombay between 1664 and 1684 
'trade flourished and increased wonderfully/ ^ TMs was the 
turning point in the modem history of the trade of the Thdna coast, 
when, as of old, it began to draw to itself the chief foreign commerce 
of Western India. Between 1684 and 1688 Bombay was the centre 
of English commerce with Western India.2 Then came the collapse 
and the years of deadly depression and of strife between the London 
and the English Companies, ending in 1702 in the formation of the 
New United Company. 

In the beginning of the eighteenth century Hamilton^ enters, on 
his map of the Thana coast. Daman, Cape St. John, Tardpur, 
Bassein, Bombay, aad Chaul. Besides these he mentions, between 
Daman and Bassein, Ddhanu, Tardpur, Md,him-Kellem or Kelva- 
Md,him and the island of Vaccaa or Agishi, and between Bassein 
and Bombay, VersoTa, BAndra, and. Mdhim. ' Of these porta 
Daman, in former times a place of good, trade, was reduced to 
poverty ; Dahanu, Tarapur, Kelva-M^him and the island of Yaccas 
were ' of small account in the table of trade j' Bassein was a place of 
small trade, its rfches dead and buried in the churches; Versova 
was a small town driving a small trade in dry-fish; Bandra 
was most conspicuous, but it had no trade as the mouth of the river 
was pestered with rocks ; Bombay, as noticed above, had fallen very 
low. Trade was so bad that, according to Hamilton, in 1696 the 
Grovernor Sir John Gayer preferred a prison in Surat where he could 
employ his money, to Government house in Bombay where there 
was no chance of trade. Thana, Kalyd.n, and Panvel are passed over 
in silence. Chaul, once a noted place of trade, was miserably poor.* 

No details have been traced of the trade of Bombay at this 
period. Apparently vessels from Bombay occasionally traded to 
England, and to almost all the known Asiatic and east African ports. 
The following summary serves to show the character of the trade 
in which, a few years before, Bombay had played a considerable part, 
and in which, after a few years of almost complete effacement, it 
again acquired a large and growing share. 

Of Indian ports north of the Thdna coast, there were in Sindh, 
Tatta with a very large and rich trade ; Cutchnagar apparently 
Outchigad six miles north of Dwarka ; M^ngrol, and Pormain with, 
considerable traffic ; Diu, one of the best cities in India, but three- 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The M^B.JLiB.iSi 

167D-180O. 

Trade, 
1660:1710.;;, 



1 Hamilton's New Account, I. 186; 

2 KiAfl KhAn, who seems to have visited Bombay before Child's troubles began, was 
much struck by its strength and richness. Inside of the fortress from the gate, on 
each side of the road, was a line of English youths of twelve or fourteen years, 
shouldering excellent muskets. At every step were young Englishmen with 
sprouting beards, handsome and weU-clothed with fine muskets in their hands. 
Further on were Englishmen with long beards alike in age, accoutrements, and 
dress. Further on were Englishmen with white beards, clothed in brocade, with 
muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in two ranks in perfect array. Next were 
some English children, handsome and wearing pearls on the borders of their hats. 
Altogether there must have been nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and 
armed as for a review.. Elliot and Dowson, VII. 351-352. 

' Hamilton's knowledge of this coast lasted over about forty years from about 
1680 to 1720. 
* Hamilton's New Account, 1. 179, 243. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 
The Marathas. 

1670-800. 

TraMe, 
1660-1710. 



fourths empty ; Gogha, a pretty large town with some trade ; Oambay, 
a large city, a place of good trade ; Broach, famous for its fine cloth 
and for its cotton ' the best in the world' ; Surat, a great city with a 
very considerable trade 'in spite of convulsions' ; JSTavsari, with a 
good manufacture of coarse and fine cloth ; and Gandevi, with 
excellent teak exported and used in building houses and ships. 

South of Ghaul to Goa the coast towns were small and poor, 
empty and tradeless, the coast harassed by pirates.'^ Even Goa had 
little trade except in palm-juice arrack, which was bought yearly in 
great quantities by the English for punch. Between Goa and 
Cape Comorin, Kdrwar, Honavar, and Bhatkal had a good trade. 
Mangalor was the greatest mart in Kdnara, and Kannanur, Kdlikat, 
and Kochin were all centres of considerable commerce. On the 
east coast Fort St. David was one of the most prosperous places ; 
Madras was a well-peopled colony, and Masulipatam, Calcutta, and 
Hugli were great centres of trade. ^ 

In the Persian Gulf, on the east coast, were Gombroon with 
English and Dutch factories and a good trade, Cong with a small 
trade, Bushire with a pretty good trade, and Bassora and Bagddd 
great cities much depressed by a pestilence and by the conquest 
of the Turks. On the west of the gulf, Maskat was strongly 
fortified and well supplied with merchandise. On the east coast 
of Arabia were Kuria-Muria, DofEar, and Kassin, inhospitable ports 
with a dislike of strangers and only a small trade. Aden was a 
place of little commerce. Its trade had passed to Mocha, the 
port of the great inland city of Sunan, with English and Dutch 
fectories. Of the Red Sea marts, Jidda on the east coast and 
Massua on the west coast were the most important.^ On the east 
coast of Africa, Magadoxo, Patta, Mombas, and Mozambique had 
little trade with India, partly because of the English pirates of 
Mozambique and partly because the coast as far south as Mombassa 
had lately (1692-1698) passed from the Portuguese to the Imdm of 
Maskat. South of Mombassa there was little trade except some 
Portuguese traffic with Sena and some British dealing with Natal. 
Passing east, by the south of India, the rich trade of Ceylon was 
almost entirely in the hands of the Dutch and the English. On 
the east coast of the Bay of Bengal the chief places of trade were 
Chittagong, Arrdkdn, Syrian the only open port in Pegu, whose 
glory was laid in the dust by late wars with Siam and by its conquest 
by Burmah. Further east were Merji and Tenasserim, Malacca under 
the Dutch apparently with much lessened trade, Achin in Sumatra 
a rich and important mart for Indian goods, and Bencolin also in 
Sumdtra with an English colony. The rich spice trade of Java and 
Borneo was in the hands of the Dutch. Siam and Cambodia were 
rich and were anxious to trade with the English. Cochin- China 



1 Hamilton mentions Danda-Rdjpuri or Janjira, Zeferdon or Shrivardhau in 
Janjira, DAbhol, RAjdpur, Gheria, Mdlvan, and Vengurla. New Account, I. 244-248. 

2 Hamilton's New Account, II. 19. 

3 These were, travelling west from Moklia, Mohai, Zibet, Jidda, with a great 
trade from the concourse of pilgriims to Mecca, Suez where trade was impossible from 
the intolerable avarice of the Turks, Zuakin, Massua, and Zeyla. 



Eonkan.1 

THANA. 487 

had little trade, but Tonquin was powerful and commercial. In Chapter VII. 

China, ' the richest and best governed empire in the world,' the jj-~t~ 

chief places where the English traded were Canton, Amoy, and "-istary. 

Souchou. Amoy at the beginning of the eighteenth century was ^^^ MakAthIs. 

a great centre of English trade, but it was closed some years later 1670-1800. 

by order of the Emperor. Japan in 1665 had risen on the Portuguese Trade, 

and killed the Christians, and the Dutch had taken advantage of ^660-1710. 
Charles II.'s marriage with the Infanta of Portugal to persuade the 
Japanese to forbid the English to trade. 

The trade between Bombay and other Th£na ports was chiefly in 
grain, vegetables, fruit, fowls, and mutton for the Bombay market, 
and in teak from Bassein for house and ship building. This local 
trade was much hampered by the demands of the Portuguese and 
by taxes in Bombay.^ The barrier of customs-houses, English 
Portuguese and Mardthi, and the disturbed state of the Deccan 
prevented any considerable inland trade.^ Gujarat chiefly exported 
corn, cloth, and cotton, and the Kathiawar ports yielded cotton, 
corn, cloth, pulse, and butter, and took pepper, sugar, and betelnut. 
From the South Konkan ports almost the only exports -Were cattle 
from Janjira and arrack from Goa. The Kdnara ports yielded teak 
and poon timber, and the Malabdr coast rice, sandalwood, pepper, 
betelnuts, and plenty of iron and steel. The east Madras ports yielded 
diamonds, the best tobacco in India, and beautiful chintz, and 
Calcutta and Hugh yielded saltpetre, piecegoods, silk, and opium. 

Outside of India the ports in the Persian Gulf took Indian cloth 
and timber, and European broadcloth and hardware ; they exported 
dates, rose-water, hortes, and dry-fish. The east Arab ports took 
coarse calicoes, and exported myrrh, olibanum, frankincense, pearls, 
horses, and a red resin. Aden exported horses, finely shaped 
and mettlesome but very dear £50 or £60 being thought a small 
price for one. Mpkha exported coffee, myrrh, and frankincense; 
Socotra exported aloes, and the Abyssinian ports low-gold, ivory, 
slaves, cofEee, and ostrich feathers. The only dealings with the East 
African ports was a little Portuguese traffic in gold with Sena, and 
a British traffic in ivory with Natal. Ceylon was famous for its 
cinnamon, emeralds, sapphires, and cats-eyes. Syrian in Pegu imported 
Indian goods, European hats, and silver and lead which passed for 
money ; it exported timber, ivory, lac, iron, tin, earth-oil, rubies, 
and diamonds. Achin and Bencolin in Sumatra took large quantities 
of Indian goods, and exported fine gold-dust and ivory. Sidm had 
timber and agala wood. Cambodia had ivory, stick-lac, gum, and 
raw silk. Tonquin wag rich in gold and copper, abundance of raw 
silk, lacquered ware, and coarse porcelain ; the Chinese ports took 
putchoc from Cutch as incense, and exported gold, copper, raw and 
wrought silks, lacquered ware, porcelain, tea, and rhubarb. Gold 

1 The Portuguese levied a duty of 33 per cent and a transit fee of 20 per cent on 
timber passing Bassein. Anderson's Western India, 86. In Bombay Hamilton (New 
Account, I. 240) writes, 'I have seen Portuguese subjects bring twenty or thirty 
poultry to the market, and have five of the best taken for the custom of the rest.' 

2 There was five per cent to pay in Bombay, eight per cent in Thdna, and-arbitrary 
exactions in Kalyto. Bruce's Annals, III. 239^ 



[Bombay Grazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MaeAthas. 

1670-1800. 

Trade, 
1660-1710, 



Merchants, 



Ships. 



Pirates, 
1700. 



1710-1720. 



488 



DISTRICTS. 



was plentiful in Japd,n, and its earthenwarej lacquered workj and 
silks were in many respects better tliaa the corresponding 
manufactures of China. 

From England came lead in pigs, barrels of tar, sword blades 

and penknives, spectacles, looking-glasses, swinging glasses, hnbble- 

bubblfes, rosewater bottles, guns, and flowered cloth green scarlet 

and white.^ The exports were indigo, pepper, coffee, drugs, cotton- 

. wool, cloth, cotton, myrrh, aloes, saltpetre, book-muslin§, and doinas? 

Among the Bombay merchants, the number of English, both in 
the Company's service and as private traders, had increased. The 
other merchants were chiefly Armenians, Hindus, and Musalmans. 
As in former times,Hindu traders were settled at great distances from 
India. In 1669, among the schemes for increasing the population 
of Bombay was one for tempting Persian Banians to settle in the 
Island.® About 1700, at Bandar Abds the Banians were strong 
enough and rich enough to prevent the slaughter of cattle by 
paying a fine.* Banians were aiso settled at Cong and Bassora,' 
and at Mokha.^ 

Some of the ships used by the English were of great size. Hamilton 
was at one time in command of a vessel that drew twenty-one feet. 
The native merchants had also large fleets of fine vessels. One 
Muhammadan merchant of Surat had a fleet of twenty sail varying 
from 200 to 800 tons.^ English captains were in much request with 
the Moghals of India, who gave them handsome salaries and other 
indulgences.* 

The sea seems to have been specially troubled with pirates. 
The most dangerous were the Europeans, of whom Captains 
Every, Kidd, and Green were the most notorious. Hamilton 
notices two nests of European pirates, near Madagascar and on the 
east coast of the Bay of Bengal.* Next to the European pirates 
the most formidable were the Maskat Arabs, who sometimes with 
fleets of as many as 1500 men scoured the west coast of India.^" 
Along the west coast of India were many nests of pirates, of which 
the chief were the Sanganians on the north coast of Kathidwdr, the 
"Warels of Chh^ni on the south coast, the Sidis, Marathd,s, Angrias 
and Savants in the Konkan, and the pirates of Porka on the 
Malabd,r coast.^^ 

After the union of the London and the English Companies in 
1708, Bombay began to recover from its deep depression. By 1716, 

1 Surat Diaries for 1700. 2 Bruoe'a Annals, III. 513, 521, 533, and 534. 

3 Brace's Annals, n. 267. The context shows that this means Hindus from the gnlf, 
not Pdrsis. 

4 Hamilton's New Account I. 97. 6 Hamilton's New Account, I. 84, 93. 
6 Hamilton's New Account, I. 42. 1 Hamilton's New Account, I. 149. 

8 Hamilton's New Account, I. 237. The captain had from £10 to £15 a month, 
mates from £5 to £9, and gunners and boatswains good salaries. They were also 
allowed to do some private trade. 

9 Hamilton's New Account, 1. 19, 43, 320 ; XL 67. Accounts are ako given in Low's 
Indian Navy, I. 78. 

10 Low's Indian Navy, I. 311, 312, 321. Hamilton'^ New Aoeount, 1. 139. Hamilton/ 
perhaps on the ground of their common hate of the Portuguese, was well treated bv the 
Maskat Arabs. Ditto, I. 71, 76. 

IX Hamilton's New Account, L 134, 141, 247 ; Low's Indian Navy, I, 97. 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



489 



the population had increased to 16,000, provisions were abundant, 
and thanks to the building of a strong dyke at the Great Breach, 
much of the salt swamps had dried, and the climate was pleasant 
and with care as healthy as England. The Town Wall was finished 
in 1716, and the Cathedral was begun in November 1715 and 
finished in 1718.^ In all other parts of Th^na, the death of 
Aurangzeb was the beginning of fresh struggles and loss. The 
release of ShAhu, which happened soon after Aurangzeb's death, 
caused a division among the MardAhas.and, in the struggles between 
the heads of the state, Angria made himself nearly independent, and 
spread his power over the south of Thdna as far east as the 
Rijmdchi fort near the Bor pass and as far north as Bhiwndi.^ 
The coast districts suffered more than ever from the raids of Arab 
pirates. Four times between 1712 and 1720 they fought the 
Portuguese fleet which they formerly used carefully to avoid.* 
About this time (1713) BiMji Vishvanath, a Chitpavan Brahman of 
Shrivardhan near Bdnkot, rose to be the leading adviser of .the 
Sdtara branch of the Maratha state. His power was increased by the 
formal withdrawal of the Moghals from the Konkan in 1720, and by 
the settlement of the dispute between the Satdra and the Kolhd,pur 
branches of the house of Shivaji in 1730.^ Between 1713 and 1727 
Angria's power was at its highest. On several occasions, in 1717, 
1719, 1720, and 1722, the English from Bombay, sometimes alone 
sometimes with the Portuguese, attacked Vijaydurg, Khanderi, and 
Kolaba, but never with success.^ 

About 1720 the relations between the Portuguese and the English 
were more than usually strained. The Bombay Government found 
that the Portuguese priests were stirring up their people, who num- 
bered about 5000 or one-third of the population of the island, "against 
the English. They accordingly resolved, that instead of the Viceroy 
of Goa appointing the priests, the congregations should choose their 
priests, and that the priest chosen by the people should be nominated 
by the Bombay Government. Enraged at this change the Portuguese 
General of the North forbad the transport of provisions to Bombay, 
and seized English craft in the Mahim river. Governor Boone 
retaliated (5th July 1 720) by proclaiming the lands of all absentee 
Portuguese confiscated to Government, and among other properties 
Parel was taken from the Jesuits and made a Government House. 
The British messengers who were sent to Bandra to make the 
proclamation were seized, carried to Thdna in irons, and there hoisted 
on a gibbet. On their return, sound in limb 'but very sore and 
mighty terrified,' a small body of British troops was sent to Mdhim. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MakIthIs. 

1670-1800. 

Bombay, 
1710-1720. 



The Porttiguese, 

17Z7. 



1 Bom. Quar. Rev, III. 33-38 ; Hamilton's New Account, I. 188. Hamilton (New 
Account, I. 21) describes Mr. Boone, under whom these improvements were made, as. 
' a gentleman of as much honour and good sense as ever sat in the Governor's chair. ' 

2 Angria seems to have made grants ten miles north of JBhiwndi. Mr. Sinclair in 
Ind. Ant. IV. 65. 

3 Kloguen in Nairne's Konkan, 79. According to Hamilton (New Account, I. 76) " 
the Arabs of Maskat were by no means savage pirates. They spared churches, killed 
no one in cold blood, and treated their captives courteously. 

4 Grant Duff, 200, 203 and 223. 5 Nairne's Konkan, 80. 

B 310-62 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



490 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Thb MauAthAs. 

1670-1800. 

The Portuguese, 
1727. 



A well-aimed shell, lighting on the roof of the Jesuit Church at. 
Bdndra, killed several of the priests and brought the rest to terms. 
Two years later some Portuguese, found contrary to agreement 
repairing a fort apparently at Kurla, were attacked and driven ofE 
with the loss of twenty or thirty lives.^ 

In 1727 the Portuguese made some efforts to check the decay of 
their power. An officer was sent to examine the defences of their 
Thd,na possessions and suggest reforms, and a scheme was started 
for buying back the island of Bombay. The officer sent to examine 
the defences found the management most loose and corriipt.^ There 
was no systematic defence. The militia was in confusion. There 
was no discipline : some were called captains and some corporals, but 
all were heads. Of the troops of horse, the Daman troop was never 
more than forty strong, and the Bassein troop never more than 
eight. So weak were they that the infantry had to go into the field 
while the horse stayed in the fort, the troopers being filled with 
vices and the horses full of disease from want of exercise.^ 

Bassein had ninety pieces of artillery from three to twenty-four 
pounders. The garrison was eighty men, almost all natives, many of 
them sick or past work. Of twelve artillerymen five were useless. 
There was no discipline. If it wa's hot or if it, was wet, the men on 
guard left their posts and took shelter in some neighbouring house. 
The walls were ruined in many places, and, towards the sea side, a 
sand-hill rose as high as the curtain of the wall. Some rice dafns 
had turned the force of the tide on to the north wall and endangered 
it. The country between Bassein and Agd.shi was green, fertile, 
and well-wooded, the gem of the province. But the creek which 
used to guard it on the land side had been allowed to silt, and 
in places might be crossed dry-shod. The hill of Nilla, Nil 
Dungri about two miles east of Septra, had been fortified without 
the help of an engineer. The bastions were so small that there 
was no room to work a four-pounder gun. At Sopdra, the great 
gap near Bolinj had been strengthened by a stockade, but the 
pillars were rotting and were hardly able to hold two cannon. 
The palm stockade at Saivd,n was so decayed that a few shots 
would bring it to the ground. Five companies of a nominal 
strength of 250 men guarded the Sdivan villages. In the decay 
of honour the actual strength of each company was not more 
than ten or twelve men, and they were little better than thieves, 
fleecing their friends but never facing the foe. So thoroughly 
had they forgotten their drill that they could not even talk of it. 
Through Kaman there was an easy entrance to Sdlsette. It was 
deplorable to see so rich an island, with its seventy-one villages, 
supporting Bassein and great part of Goa, so utterly unguarded. It 
was open to attack from the Sidi, the English, or the Mardthas. 



1 Hamilton's New Account, I. 182; Grose's Voyage, I. 46; Bom. Qnar. Kev. Ill- 
60-63. In 1722 there was also a customs dispute which led to blows. O Chron. de 
Tis. II. 34. 2 The report is given in O. Chron. de Tis, I. 30-34, 50-53. 

3 0. Chron. de Tis, I. 29-35. 



Konkau,] 



THANA. 



491 



At Thdna, to guard the dry ford across the creek, there were to the 
south the towers of Sam Pedro and Sam Jeronimo, one with four 
soldiers and four guns, the other with two soldiers and two guns, and 
to the north was the Deis Magos with four soldiers and four pieces 
of artillery. These towers were of no use. They stopped the 
shipping, but could, never stop an enemy. A royal fort should be 
built and the creek guarded. The Versova fort was small, ugly, 
old, and ruined. It had a garrison of fifty men and ten pieces of 
artillery, but only two of the pieces were serviceable. The fort at 
Shabaz, or BeMpur, had four companies of 1 80 men, with fourteen 
guns from four to twelve pounders. On the Karanja island were 
400 men able to carry arms. The fort on the plain had a garrison 
of fifty men, one artilleryman, and six one to six-pounder guns. 

In the north. Manor was not worthy of the name of a fort, the 
wall in places being not more than six feet high. There was a 
garrison of 104 men, and eight guns of which five were useless. 
The magazine was bad and the bastions ruined. The captain took 
~ contracts for timber, and, neglecting his duty, employed his men in 
the menial work of bawling logs. There were 150 men on Asheri, 
but, as at Manor, they were timber-draggers rather than soldiers. 
All showed neglect and waste, many of the men being old arid 
useless. 

The Kelva-Mdhim fort was irregular and feeble. There was a 
garrison of sixty men, of whom seven were white ; there were fifteen 
two to ten-pounder guns but no artillerymen. Many of the arms 
were unserviceable. There was also a stockade with a captain and 
thirty men, fourteen of whom had been sent to Santa Cruz opposite 
Kailyan. At Tdrapur were sixty men and twenty three to twelve- 
pounder guns. There were no artillerymen. Of the sixty men 
thirty were at Santa Cruz. Things seemed beyond cure. The abuses 
were so ingrained that they seemed natural. Besides there was no 
money and even were money spent and things put straight, unless 
there were more Europeans all would again go wrong. In the last 
twenty years decay had been most rapid. 

The troops consisted of several small detachments, each on a 
different footing from the other. Three con;ipanies belonged to the 
army of Goa, six were flying companies, two belonged to the 
administration, and seven were of sepoys. Besides these, nine 
companies had lately been raised, but they had no pay and were fed 
by their captains. There ought to be a force of twenty companies, 
regular muster rolls, and pay certificates and better pay. Half 
^he men should be white. The only power that was to be dreaded 
was the Maratha court. Friendly .relations should be established 
with the Marathas. Yearly presents would save many of the raids, 
which during the last thirteen years had ruined the miserable lands 
of Daman. The Portuguese nobles, as was originally the case> 
should be forced to build a moated fort or tower in each village and 
keep a body of twenty men able to carry arms. 

This exposure was not in vain. A beautiful fort was begun at 
ThkoB, and fudging by the result a few years later, other leading 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MabAthAs. 

1670-1800. 
The Portuguese, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



492 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The Mahathas. 
1670-1800. 



Attack the 

Portugv£se, 

1739. 



fortifications were repaired and the garrisons strengthened and made 
more serviceable. As regards the scheme of buying back Bombay 
the Viceroy Joao de Saldanha da Gama, on the 18th of January 
1727, sent the King along report estimating what the purchase 
would cost and how the funds could be raised. The negotiations, or 
at least inquiries and calculations for the English do not seem to 
have been consulted, went on till the overthrow of the Portuguese 
in 1739.1 

Kanhoji's death in 1731 and the struggles that followed among 
his sons lessened the power -of the Angrids. A few years later 
(1734), the death of Takub Khan and a disputed succession lowered 
the power of the Sidis, and in 1735 the Peshwa took many of his 
f o'rts.^ The Konkanasth Brdhmans, now the first power in the 
Konkan, were able to turn their whole strength against the Por- 
tuguese, whom they hated as Christians and as strangers, and for 
whose ports and rich coast-lands they had long hungered. The 
Mardthds began to press the Portuguese. Tear after year news 
' reached Bombay that the Mardthas had seized a fresh Portuguese 
fort, or appropriated the revenues of one more Portuguese district. 
In 1731 Thana was threatened, and the Government of Bombay, 
who felt that the success of the Mardthas endangered their island, 
sent three hundred men to garrison Thana, but soon after withdrew 
the aid.3 

In 1737, by siding with Sambbdji Angria against the Peshwa's 
friend Mandji Angria, the Portuguese gave the Marathd.s a pretext 

1 Archivo Portuguez Oriental Fas. 6. Supplement New Goa, 1876, 287-292. The 
following are the chief details of the result of this inquiry : ' Bombay had two towns 
or hasbds, Bombay and Md,him ; it had eight villages, MAzgaon, Varli, Parol, 
Vaddla (between Parel and MAtunga), NAigaon (south of VadAla and north of Parel), 
MAtunga, Dh&t&vi, and the island of Kolis or KolAbaj it had seven hamlets, two, 
Aiyaris and Gauvari under Vaddla ; two, Bamanvali and Coltem ? under DhArAvi, 
and three, BhoivAda, Pomala, and Salgado under Parel ; and it had five Koli 
quarters under Bombay, MAzgaon, Varli, Parel, ajid Sion. There were' three salt- 
pans, at Kauli north of MAtunga, Siwri, and VadAli. The estimated produce and 
revenue of the different parts of the island were, of the towns, Bombay 40,000 cocoa- 
palms, some rice lands, and old rice-lands now built on, and MAhim 70,000 cocoa- 
palms and 592 mvdds of rice. Of the eight villages, M^zgaon yielded 184 mudds of 
rice and had 250 brab-palms, with a yearly revenue of about Xms. 4000 ; Varli 34 rmidds 
worth about Xms. 7O0O ; Parel, including its three hamlets, 154 mudds and some brab- 
palms yielding about Xms. 4000 ; VadAla, with its two hamlets, 75 mudds and some 
brab-palms Xms. 1900 ; NAigaon, 42 mudds and some brab-palms Xms. 1000 ; Mdtunga 
65 mvdds and 100 brab-palms Xms. 1700 ; Sion, 54 mudds and a few palms Xms. 1400 ; 
Dhdrdvi, with two hamlets, 23 mudds and a few brab-pahns Xms. 625. KoUba worft 
Xms. 4000 to Xms. 5000. The salt-pans yielded Xms. 2300 and the Koli suburbs 
about Xms. 7000. There were two distilleries, bandhdraetis (?), at Bombay and at 
Mihim, Of other sources of revenue the Bombay and Mdhim customs-houses 
yielded about Xms. 52,000, a tobacco tax Xms. 19,000, an excise Xms. 12,000, quit- 
rents Xms. 3000, and the MAhim ferry Xms. 1200. The total was roughly estimated 
at Xms. 160,000. The fortifications of the island were, the castle with six bastions 
begun in 1716, well armed ; a small fort on Dongri ; a small bastion at M^gaon, with 
a sergeant and 24 men and 3 guns ; Siwri fort on the shore, with a subheddr and 50 
sepoys and from 8 to 10 guns ; the small tower and breastwork of Sion, with a captain 
and 62 men and nine or ten ^ns ; three bastions at MAhim, with 100 men and 30 
guns ; a fort on Varli hill, with an ensign and 25 men and seven or eight guns ; the 
island of Pateoas (Butcher's Island) belonging to MAzgaon, with a fort, begun by 
General Boone in 1722, and about seventy seamen and six or seven guns. 

« Grant Duff, 231-232. 3 Bom. Quar. Kev. IV. 78. 



Eoukau.] 



THANA. 



493 



for attacking them. The time favoured the Mardthas. Groa was 
harassed by the BhonsleSj and Angria's fleet was at the Peshwa's 
service. The .first step taken by the Marathds was to attack the 
island fort of Arnala^ off the mouth of the Vaitarna. The fort 
was taken and the commandant and the garrison put to the sword. 
The Marathas next (April 1737) attacked Sdlsette, took Ghod- 
bandar and put the garrison to the sword, and, gaining command 
-of the river, prevented help being sent from Bassein to Thdna. 
At Thana, though the fort was well advanced, the defences were 
unfinished. The captain fled to Karanja, and though the garrison 
made a gallant defence, successfully driving back two assaults, in 
the end they were forced to capitulate.'^ The English sent men and 
ammunition to Bandra, but the defences were useless and the place 
was abandoned, and fell to the Marathds without a struggle. In 
1738 the Portuguese made strenuous efforts to regain what they had 
lost. They defeated the Marathas a;t Asheri, and a gallant attack 
on Thana might have succeeded, had not the English warned the 
Mardthd.s of the Portuguese preparations and supplied the garrison 
with powder and shot.** In January 1739 Chimnaji Appa, the 
Peshwa's brother, took command of the Maratha troops, and, in spite 
of obstinate resistance, captured most of the northern forts, Katalviida, 
Ddhdnu, Kelve, Shrigaon, and Tdrd.pur, whose walls were scaled 
by the Marathas, the Portuguese 'fighting with the bravery of 
Europeans,' till they were overwhelmed by numbers. Versova and 
DharAvi in SAlsette, which still held out for the Portuguese, next 
surrendered, and the siege of Bassein was begun. The commandant 
of Bassein offered to pay tribute, but the offer was refused ; he 
appealed to the English at first in vain, but he afterwards received 
from them a loan of £1500 (Rs. 15,000).* The siege was pressed with 
the greatest skill and perseverance, and Angria's fleet blocked all 
hope of succour. Still, with the help of some Portuguese lately 
come from Europe, so gallant was the resistance, little less brilliant 
than the heroic defences of Diu and Ohaul, that before Bassein was 
taken three months (17th February- 16th May) had passed and 
5000 Marathas were slain.* The terms were honourable both to 
the Mardthds and to the Portuguese. The garrison was allowed to 
march out with the honours of war, and those who wished to leave 
the country were granted eight days in which to collect their 
property.* Most of the large landholders gave up their estates and 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MABiTHi^. 
1670-1800. 
Aitaci: the 



1739. 



Fall of Bassein, 
1739. 



1 Bom. Qiiar. Kev. III. 273. Grose (1750) says (Voyage, I. 68) : ' The MardtKAs 
stepped in when the fort was almost finished. They found the guns not mounted 
and openings still in the walls.' 

2 Bom. Quar. Eev. IV. 79. This caused the bitterest ill-feeling between the 
English and the Portuguese ; the Portuguese general in his letters, laying aside the 
usual formal courtesies. ^ Bom.. Quar. Rev. IV. 82-83. 

* Naime's Konkan, 83. The Portuguese loss was returned at 800 men. Ditto. 
Details of the siege are given under Bassein, Places of Interest. The Mardtha 
management of the siege greatly impressed the English. Grose (1730) wrote, ' The 
MarAth^, taught by European deserters, raised regular batteries, threw in bomb- 
shells, and proceeded by sap and mine. ' (Voyage, I. 80). They paid the European 
gunners well, he says in another passage (79), but never let them leave, and in old 
age suffered them to linger in misery and poverty, 

^ Da Cunha's Ohaul and Bassein, 149, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

The MARi.THAS. 
1670-1800. 



Faie of the 

Portuguese, 

t740. 



sailed for Goa. Except five churclies, four in Bassein and one in 
Salsette, which the Maratha general agreed to spare, every trace 
of Portuguese rule seemed fated to pass away.^ A high authority. 
Governor Duncan, in Regulation I. of 1808, traces the fall of the 
Portuguese to the unwise zeal of their priests and to their harsh 
treatment of their Hindu and Musalman subjects.^ Khdfi Khan's 
statements,^ that the Portuguese treated their people kindly, and 
that, tiU the close of the seventeenth century, Hindus and Musalmans 
continued to settle in Portuguese territory, prove that harshness and 
bigotry were not the causes of the fall of the Portuguese. The 
causes of their fall were that thePortuguese in Europe , careless of their 
Indian possessions, failed to keep the European garrison at its proper 
strength ; that the officials in India, keen only to make money, let 
their defences fall to ruin ; and that the hardy vigour of both gentry 
and priests had turned to softness and sloth. All rested in an empty 
trust in the name which their forefathers had left, wilfully blind to 
the law that to be rich and weak is to court attack and ruin.^ 

On the fall of Bassein, the Government of Bombay sent boats 
to bring away the garrison. To the commandant the Bombay 
Government paid the attention which his courage and misfortunes 
deserved. They allowed his officers and about eight hundred of his 
men to remain on the island during the monsoon, and advanced a 
monthly allowance of four thousand rupees for their maintenance.* 
Though , most of the Sdlsette gentry retired to Goa, many families 
took refuge in Bombay. It was melancholy, says Grose (1750), 
to see the Portuguese nobles reduced on a sudden from riches to 
beggary. Besides what they did publicly to help the Portuguese, 
the English showed much private generosity. One gentleman, John 
de Souza Ferras, was extremely pitied by the English. He had 
owned a considerable estate in SAlsette, and had endeared himself 
to the English by his kindness and hospitality. He continued 
many years in Bombay caressed and esteemed.® At the close of 
the rains the Portuguese troops refused to leave Bombay, till their 
arrears were paid. This demand was met by the Bombay Govern- 
ment, who advanced a sum of £5300 (Rs. 53,000). On the 29th of 
September the Portuguese were taken to Chaul in native vessels, 
under a Government convoy. The commandant and the Viceroy of 
Goa united in sending the Governor of Bombay the warmest ac- . 
knowledgments of his kindness. But the sufferings of the Portuguese 



' Naime's Konkan, 84. 

2 So also according to Grose [Voyage, I. 167 (1750)] the Portuguese cruelty had not 
a little share in determining the Marlthds to invade them, 

3 Elliot and Dowson, VII. 211-212, 345-346. 

* The conduct of the British in refusing to help the Portugese has been severely 
blamed (Naime's Konkan, 83 ; Bom. Quar. Rev. IV. 82). Portuguese writers go so 
far as to state that the English supplied the MarAth^ with engineers and with 
bombs (Joz6 de Noronha, 1772, in O. Chron. de Tis. II. 16). According to Grose, who 
wrote in 1750, the reasons w^iy the English did not help the Portuguese were, ' the 
foul practices' of the Bdndra Jesuits against the English interest in 1720, their 
remissness' in failing to finish the Th4na fort, and the danger of enraging the Mardthds, 
whose conduct of^he war against the Portuguese deeply impressed the English 
Voyage, I. 48-51. 

6 Bom. Quar. Kev. IV. 86-87- " Grose's Voyage, I. 73. 



EonkanJ 



THAN A. 



496 



troops were not over. From Chaul they marched by land, and, on 
the 15th of November, when within two hours march of shelter in 
Goa, they were attacked and routed by Khem SAvant with the loss 
of two hundred of their best men. The English Commodore saw 
the miserable remnant arrive in Goa with ' care and grief in every 
face.' ^ As they were no longer able to hold them, the Portuguese 
offered the English Ghaul and Korlai fort on the south bank of the 
Chaul river. The English could not spare the men to garrison 
these places, but trusted that by ceding them to the Mard,thds they 
would gain their regard, and might be able to arrange terms between 
the Portuguese and the Marathas. The Portuguese placed their 
interests in the hands of the English. The negotiation was 
entrusted, to Captain Inohbird, and though the Marathas at first 
demanded Daman and a share in the Goa customs, as well as 
Chaul, Inchbird succeeded in satisfying them with Chaul alone. 
Articles of peace were signed on the 14th of October 1740.^ 

Except the island of Bombay, the wild north-east, and some groups 
of Angria's villages in the south-east corner, of which, at his leisure 
he could take what parts were worth taking, the Peshwa was now 
ruler of the whole of Thana. The change caused great uneasiness 
in Bombay. Soon after the fall of Bassein two envoys were sent to . 
the Marathas, Captain Inchbird to treat with Chimn^ji Appa at 
Bassein, and Captain Gordon to conciliate the Raja of Satara in the 
Deccan. Bombay was little prepared to stand such an attack as 
had beeii made on Bassein. The town wall was only eleven feet 
high and could be easily breached by heavy ordnance ; there was no 
ditch, and the trees and houses in front of the wall offered shelter to 
an attacking force.^ A ditch was promptly begun, the merchants 
opening their treasure and subscribing £3000 (Rs. 30,000) ' as much 
as could be expected in the low state of trade' ; all Native troops 
were forced to take their turn at the work ; gentlemen and civilians 
were provided with arms and encouraged to learn their use ; half- 
castes or topazes were enlisted and their pay was raised; the 
embodying of a battalion of sepoys was discussed ; and the costly 
and long-delayed work of clearing of its houses and trees a broad 
space round the town walls was begun. , Though the Mardthas 
scoffed at it, threatening to fill it with their slippers, it was the ditch 
that saved Bombay from attack. 

The embassies were skilfully conducted and were successful. 
Captain Inchbird concluded a favourable treaty with ChimnAji Appa,* 
and Captain Gordon returned from the Deccan with the assurance 
that the leading Maratha chiefs admitted the value of English trade 
and would not molest Bombay.^ The feeling of security brought 
by these successful embassies soon passed away. When their fleet 



2 Bom, Quar. Rev. IV. 87-89. 



1 Bom. Quar. Rev. IV. 88. 

3 Bom. Quar. Rev. IV. 91. 

* Free trade subject to customs duties between the English and the MarAthAs ; 
the English to have dominion over the MAhim creek. Aitohison's Treaties, V. 14. 

^ Aitchison's Treaties, V. 11 - 15 ; Low's Indian Navy, ' " 

333-336. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MakAthIs. 
1670-1800. 

Fate of the 

Portuguese, 

1740. 



Bombay, 
1740. 



1. 113 ; Bom. Quar. Rev. III. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MAnATHlg. 
1670-1800. 



llA 



The Mardthde, 
17S0. 



496 



DISTRICTS. 



leftj convoying some merchantmen, Angria became insolent, and 
news came of the gathering of a great Maratha force at Thdna. 
Alarm turned to panic. Numbers fled burying or carrying away 
their valuables. Should the fleet be sent to convoy merohantmeUj 
or should trade be sacrificed and the fleet kept to guard the 
harbour ? This dilemma was solved in a disastrous way for 
Bombay. On the 9th of November a frightful storm destroyed 
their three finest grabs, completely armed and equipped and com- 
manded by three experienced captains. Instantly Sambhaji Angria 
appeared in the harbour, and carried away fourteen fishing boats 
and eighty-four of their crews. Remonstrance was vain, retaliation 
impossible.^ 

The immediate danger passed over, but for nearly twenty years 
Bombay lived in fear and trembling. In 1750, Grose laments that 
the friendly, or, at worst, harmless belt of Portuguese territory 
that used to guard them froni the Mardthas was gone. They 
were face to face with a power, unfriendly at heart, whose officers 
were always pressing the government to lead them to Bombay, 
and let them raze its wretched fort and pillage its markets. The 
Mardthds were proverbially treacherous and unbindable by treaties, 
and since European deserters had taught them how to carry on 
sieges, they were very formidable enemies. It was Governor 
Bourchier's (1750-1760) chief claim to praise that he succeeded 
in keeping the Mardthas in good humour. The Mardthds knew 
that they gained much by European trade. But there was no 
trusting to their keeping this in mind. A change of ministers, a 
clamour for the sack of Bombay, a scheme to humour the troops, , 
was enough to make them break their pledges of friendship even 
though they knew that the breach was against their interests.^ To 
all human appearance, Bombay ceased: to be tolerable the instant 
the Marathas resolved on its conquest. Even could the fort hold 
out, it could be blockaded, and supplies cut oS? 

Grose gives interesting particulars of these terrible Mardthds, 
who had taken Thdna and Bassein, and who held Bombay in the^ 
hollow of their hands. Most of them were landrtillers called 
Kurumbis, of all shades from deep black to light brown, the hill-men 
fairer than the coast-men. They were clean-limbed and straight, 
some of them muscular and large bodied, but from their vegetable 
diet, light, easily overborne in battle both by Moors and by Euro- 
peans. Their features were regular, even delicg,te. They shaved 
the head except the top-knot and two side curls, which, showing 
from the helmet, gave them an unmanly look. The rest of their 
dress was mean, a roll of coarse muslin round the head, a bit of 
cloth round the middle, and a loose mantle on the shoulders also used 
as bedding. The officers did not much outfigure the men. To look 
at, no troops were so despicable. The men lived on rice and water 
carried in a leather bottle ; the officers fared little better. Their 
pay was small, generally in rice, tobacco, salt, or clothes. The 



1 Bom. Quar.Eev. IV. 96-97, 2 Grose's Voyage, I. 44. 3 Grose's Voyage, I. ! 



Eoukau.] 

THANA. ,497 

horses were small but hardy, clever in rough roads, and needing Chapter VII. 
little fodder. The men were armed with indifferent muskets mostly wT" 

matchlocks. These they used in bush firing, retreating in haste to story, 

the main body when thev had let them off. Their chief trust was ^^ MakAthAs. 
in their swords and targets. ' Their swords were of admirable temper, 1670-1800. 

and they were trained swordsmen. European broadswords they held 
in contempt. Their targets were light and round, swelling to a 
point and covered with a lacquer, so smooth and hard that it would 
turn aside a pistol shot, even a musket shot at a little distance. 
They were amazingly rapid and cunning. The English would have 
no chance with them'. They might pillage Bombay any day.^ 

Fortunately for Bombay the Mardthas remained friendly until two Pall of Angria 
events, the destruction of Angria's power in 1757 and the crushing 1767. ' 

defeat of the Mardthds at Pdnipat in 1 761, raised the English to a 
position of comparative independence. In 1755 the Mard,thds and 
English made a joint expedition against Angria. The Mard.th^8 
proved feeble and lukewarm allies, but the English fleet under 
Commodore James took the important coast forts of Suvarndurg 
and Bankot in the north of Ratn^giri. In 1757, strengthened by 
the presence of Admiral Watson and of Colonel Clive, the English 
attacked and took the great coast fort of Vijaydurg in Eatn^giri, 

1 Grose's Voyage, I. 83. In spite of this Mardthji, thunder cloijd, Bombay was 
advancing rapidly to wealth and importance. In 1753 (1st December) the Government 
wrote to the Court ; ' The number of inhabitants has so greatly increased that the 
crowded people are murmuring to have the town enlarged. Some very considerable 
bankers from Aurangabad and Poona have opened shops to the great advantage of trade. ' 
(Warden's Landed Tenures, 77). This increase in prosperity was partly due to very 
liberal instructions about attracting" strangers to Bombay in a letter from the Court 
dated 15th March 1748. (See Bom. Qnar. Kev. V. *164). Bombay was no longer the 
Britons' burying-ground. The climate was better or was better imderstood, and much 
greater pains were taken to keep the town clean (Bom, Quar. Kev. V. 168). The strong 
dyke at the Great Breach, which was greatly damaged by a storm in 1728 (Bom. 
Quar. Bev. III. 331), had been repaired and the Sea kept out of a large trict in the 
centre of the island. Mild management and religious indifference, allowing Hindus, 
Musalmdns, PArsis, even Catholic Christians the free practice of their forms of 
worship, had tempted so many settlers that every inch of the island was tilled, and, 
in proportion to its size, yielded much more than SAlsette. Among the Mardthds, 
Bombay had a perilously great name for wealth. Its noble harbour was the centre 
of trade between Western and Upper India and the Malabdr coast, the Persian Gulf, 
and the Red Sea. Its well-built though badly placed castle and its costly moat 
made it one of the strongest of the Company s Indian possessions. The military 
force was of three branches, Europeans, Naitives, and a local militia. The Europeans 
were either sent from England or were Dutch French and Portuguese deserters, or 
they were topazes that is half -Portuguese. The sepoys had English officers, wore the ' 

Indian dress, and carried muskets, swords, and targets. They were faithful and with 
European help they were staunch. The local militia of land-tillers and palm-tappers 
' would prove useful against an invader. Next to Angria, perhaps equal to Angria, 
the English were the first naval power on the west coast. They had succeeded to 
the old Portuguese position of granting passes to native craft.* Were it not for the 
English navy, the seas would swarm with pirates and no unarmed vessel could escape. 
The English navy consisted partly of beautifully modelled Bughsh-built galleys 
carrying eighteen to twenty guns, provided with oars, and specially useful in a 
calm. They had also a few grabs, modelled after Angria's grabs, with prows best 
suited for carrying chase guns, and a competent number of galivats or row-boats. 
Large European ships were also occasionally stationed at Bombay. The marine 
was chiefly manned by English ot European deserters and drafts from the land forces, 
Grose's Voyage, L 40, 43, 48, 50. 

* Passes were granted by Child at least as early as 1687. Hamilton's New Account, I. 202, 216. 
The form pt pass used in 1731 is printed in Bom. Quar. Kev. IV. 188. 

B 310-63 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



498 



DISTRICTS. 



Cai&ptetVII. 

History. 
The MarIthAS. 

1670-1800. 

FaUof Angria, 
1757. 



State of 

WestTMma, 

1760. 



burnt Angria's fleet, and utterly destroyed Ms power.^ They were 
Still so afraid of the Marathds that the empty threat of an 
invasion of Bombay made the English break off a favourable 
Bgfeement with Faris Khdn at Surat.^ In the next year they gained 
command of Surat castle and became Admirals of the Moghal 
fleet. So encouraged were they with this success that, in 1760j 
they were bold enongh to side with the Sidi against the 
MarAth^ and to hoist the English flag at Janjira.* The defeat . of 
Pdnipat in 1761, the death of the Peshwa Bdldji Bajirdv, and the 
Bucoession of a minor, freed the British from present fear of the 
Mardthas.^ Before the year was over they were in treaty with the 
Marithds for the cession of Sdlsette and Bassein. Raghunathrdv 
the regent for M^dhaVrav refused to cede Sdlsette, but granted 
another- important concession, the independence of the Sidi.* In 
1766 Mddhayrdv had so far retrieved Mardtha affairs, that he 
refused to Ifeten to any proposal for the cession of Sdlsette and the 
harbour islands.* 

On the conquest of Bassein in 1739 the Mardthas introduced a 
t-egular and efficient government. Under the name of Bd.jipur or 
Bdjirdv's eityj Bassein was made the head-'quarters of the governor 
or sarsubheddr of the Konkan. Under the sarsubheddr were district 
officers, styled mdmlatddrs, whose charges generally yielded about 
£50,000 (Rs. 5,00,000) a year ; and who, besides managing the 
t^^eiiiie, administered civil and criminal justice and police. Under 
the mdtillatddrs were village headmen, or pdtils. In Sdlsette the 
Mardthas raised the land assessment and levied . many fresh cesses. 
In spite of these extra levies the island was fairly prosperous, till, in 
1761, dn the death of Bdjirav, the system of farming the revenue 
was introduced. In Bassein grants were given to high-caste Hindus 
to tempt them to settle. The Native Christians were taxed and the 
prbceeds spent in feeding Brdhmans to purify them and make them 
HiBdus.' In 1?68 the district of Kalydn, stretching from the Pen river 
to the Vaitama, had 742 villages yielding a land revenue of £45,000 
(Rg. 4,50,000) and a customs revenue of £25,000 (Rs. 2,50,000).8 

At the close of 1760 {November -December) the French scholar 
Anquetil du Perron made a journey from Surat to visit the Kanheri 
and Elephanta caves. Both in going and coming his route lay 
9;long the coast. He travelled in a palanquin with eight bearers, 
four armed sepoys, and a Pdrsi servant. He was himself armed with 
a pair of pistols and a sword, and had two passports one for the 



1 Details are given in Orme's History, I. 408, 417, and in Grose's Voyage, It. 214-22? . 
See Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. X. 196, 381. 

3 Grant Duff, 303 ; Bombay Gazetteer,. II. 125. S Grant Duff, 324. 

< On the 7th January on the field of Pdnipat, fifty-three miles north of Delhi, the 
MardthSs under Sad^faivrdo Bhiu were defeated by the Afghdns, and the Peshwa's 
brotiier and cousin, chiefs of distinction, and about 200,000 iMar^thas slain. BiUji 
B^iriv the Peshwa died heartbroken ia the following June. Grant Duff's Marith^, 
316, 317. 

S Nairne's Konkan,. 96. How greatly MaiAtha power was feared is shown by 
Niebuhr's remark when in 1774 he heard that the EngUsh had taken Sdlsette: ' Idonot 
know whether they will be able to hold it against the great land forces of the Mardthis.' 
Yoy^e en Arabic, French Ed. II. 2. « Naijpe's Konkan, 96. 

T Da Cunha's Chaul and BaBs^n> 149. 8 K»ly4n Diaries in Nairne's Konkan, 98. 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



499 



Mardttas the otter for tlie Musalmana. Tkrougheut the wjjple of 
Tb^na order seems to have been well established. The MarathSa 
found it difficult to protect their shores against pirates, but they were 
busy repairing and building forts.^ Both in going and in coming, 
Du Peri-on was free from the exactions either of highwaymen or 
of ofiBcials. Of the appearance of the country between Daman s.nd 
Salsette he gives few details, except that from Nargol southwards, 
he occasionally mentions palm groves and notices the beautifjal 
orchards of AgAshi- There were Christians in several of the villages 
where he halted, and, though many of their churches and buildings 
were in ruins or in disrepair, some were in order, and, at Agashi, 
the road was full of Christians, going to church as freely as in a 
Christian land. With Si,lsette he was much taken. It was no 
wonder that it had tempted the Mard,thas, and if only the English 
could get hold of it, Bombay would be one of the best settlements in 
the east. If well managed it would yield J?340,000 (Rs. 24,00,000) 
a year. It was full of villages alnibst all Oiiristian. There were 
several ruined churches and convents, and the European, priests had 
left. But the Marathas had allowed the Christians to keep some of 
their churches, and the native priests, under a native Yicar Greneral, 
kept up the festivals of the church with as much pomp as at Goa. 
Their processions were made without the slightest danger, even with 
a certain respect on the part of the Hindus. A festival at Thd,na iqi 
which Du Perron took part was attended by several thousand 
Christians. The Mar^tha chief of the island did not live in SAlsette, 
but on the mainland in a fort commanding Thd,na.^ About the 
same time (1750) the traveller TiefEenthaler described the people of 
the inland parts of Thana as a kind of savages brought up in thick 
forests, black and naked except a strip of cloth round the loins.' 

Meanwhile, Bombay had been growing larger, richer, and healthier. 
In 1757 Ive describes it as the most flourishing town in the world 
' the grand store-house of all Arabian and Persian commerce.' * In 
1764 Niebuhr found the climate pleasant, the healthiness much 
improved since some ponds had been filled With earth. The products 
were-rice, cocoanuts, and salt. The population had lately greatly 
increased. The old castle was not of much consequence, but the 
town was guarded on the land ^ide by a good ranipart, a large moait, 
and ravelins in front of the three gates. There were also towers at 
M^him, Riva north of Dhdrdvi, Sidn, Suri, Mdzgaon, tod Varli. 
There were 300 native troops on the island, and, thanks to a Swiss^ 
the artillery were in excellent order. The greatest work was the 
dock. TheMarathds still continued to treat the English with rudeness. 
In 1760 they carried off a Bonibay cruiser. War seemed certain, but 
the English had sent a large number of troops to Calcutta and Madras, 
and they chose a friendly settlement,^ Another writer makes the 
population sixty thousand, and the sale of woollens and other English 
goods £140,000 (Rs. 14,00,000) a year. Still, he adds, the island 



Chapter VIL 
History, 

The IiJabAthAs, 

1670-1800, 

State of 

West Thdna, 

X760. 



Bombay, 
1760-1770. 



1 Three chief sets' ofpirates harassed theThd.na coasts at this time ; the Sanganiana 
from the gulf of Dutch, the Maskat Arabs, and the MalabAris. Grose's Voyage, I. 4li 
2 Zend Avesta, I. ccolxix. -ccccxxix. 8 Des. Bist. et Geog. I. 484. 

* Ive's Voyage in Bom. Qnar. Kev, V. J62. 6 NieTjuhr's Voyage en Arabic, II. 1-6^ 



[Bomliay Gazetteer, 



500 



DISTRICTS. 



Cliapter VII. 

History. 

The MabAthIs. 
1670-1800. 



17^0-1770. 



SdUette Taken, 
1774. 



does not pay.^ In 1766 Forbes found the dimate in general healthy 
and pleasant, though a considerable tract was overflowed by the sea. 
The merchants traded with all the principal seaports and interior cities 
of India, and extended their commerce to the Persian and Arabian 
gulfs, the coast of Africa, Malacca, China, and the eastern islands. 
The provision markets were well supplied from Sdlsette and the 
mainland, and every spot that would admit of cultivation was sown 
with rice or planted with cocoa palms. ^ The town was about two 
miles in circumference, surrounded by modern fortifications. There 
were three excellent docks and a spacious marine-yard, where teak 
ships of all sizes were made by skilful P^rsis, the exact imitators 
of the best European models.* Of pnbHc buildings there were a 
Government house, customs-house, marine-house, barracks, mint, 
treasury, theatre, and prison. There were three hospitals, a 
Protestant church, and a charity school. The English houses were 
comfortable and well furnished, not yet deserted for country villas. 
The street in the black town contained many good Asiatic houses, kept- 
by Indians especially by Pdrsis. Bombay was one of the first marts 
in India, a place of great trade. The government was simple and 
regular, managed with order and propriety, but the revenue was 
always inadequate to the expenses.* The outlay was seriously 
increased by the building of new fortifications in 1 ?68.''' The Court 
of Directors and the Bombay G-ovemment agreed that, without the 
possession of some of the neighbouring lands, Bombay could not be 
held. The most suitable lands were Salsette and Bassein, Salsette 
for its rice and vegetables, Bassein for its timber. N^o chance of 
gaining these lands was to be allowed to pass.® With this object a 
British envoy was sent to Poena in 1771.^ The Mardthas refused 
to cede any land and added 500 men to the Thana garrison. In 
consequence of this refusal, knowing that the Portuguese had lately 
made vigorous reforms, and hearing that a fleet was on its way from 
Brazil to recover their late possessions, the Bombay Government 
determined to take Sdlsette by force.® 

On the 12th of December, 120 European artillery, 200 artillery 
lascars, 500 European infantry, and 1000 sepoys, under the 



1 Bombay in 1781, 6-7. Niebuhr (Voyage, II. 2) gives the population at 140,000, 
on the estimate of an Englishman who had been in Bombay twenty years. There 
had been 70,000 when he came, and since he had come the number was doubled. 
Sixty thousand is probably correct. The difference is probably partly due to the large 
section of the people y^hci lived in Bombay only during the busy season. ' See below 
p. 516. 2 Forbes' Oriental Memoirs, I. 22. 

3 Ship-building in Bombay dated from 1735, when Lavji NasarvAnji came from 
Surat, and in the next year was sent to open a teat trade with the Bhils and other 
wild tribes of the forest? to the north. Bom, Quar. Eev. Ill . 332. On the ship building 
at Surat at this time see Stavorinus' Voyages, III. l7- 23 and Bombay Gazetteer, II. 
146. Grose's Voyage, I. 110. i Forbes' Oriental Memoirs, I. 151-155. 

5 Bombay in 1781, 8, 9. « Bombay in 1781, 9a0. 7 Grant Dufif, 371. 

8 The Portuguese had lately increased both the number and the size of their ships ; 
they had abolished the Inquisition, turned much of the riches of the churches to the 
use of the state, settled the administration of justice on a firm footing, and done 
much to encourage the military service. The force at Goa was 2240 infantry, 830 
marines, 2000 natives, and 6000 sepoys. An army of 12,000 arrived from Brazil at 
Goa, and preparations were made to seize Bassein. (Chaul and Bassein, 150 ; Bombay 
in 1781, 73 footnote). The day after (13th December) the English sailed for Thina, 
the Portuguese fleet entered Bombay harbour and protested. O^ Chron, de Tis. II, H. 



Koiikaii.l 



THlNA. 



501 



command of General Gordon, started from Bombay by water to 
TMna. On the 2Stli, after a serious repulse, tlie fort was carried by 
assault and most of the garrison were put to the' sword.^ A second 
Briti^b force took Versova, and a third occupied Karanja, Elephanta, 
and Hog Island.^ By the first of January 1775, Salsette and its 
dependencies, includingBassein, were in the possession of the British. 
In his dispute with Nana Padnavis as to the legitimacy of the child 
whom Ndna had declared heir to the late Peshwa, Raghunathrav had 
been arrested and forced to retire to Gujardt. On the 6th of March 
1775, to obtain the help of the English, he agreed to a treaty, 
known as the treaty of Surat, under which Salsette and Bassein 
were ceded to the English.^ Bassein was soon after restored, but 
Salsette, Karanja, Hog Island, and Khdnderi, which 'at the time of 
cession were estimated to yield a yearly revenue of £35,000 
(Es. 3,50,000), were given over to the English.* 

In August 1775, Parsons found Bombay an elegant town with 
numerous and handsome gentlemen's houses, well laid out streets, and 
a clean sandy soil. The esplanade was very large, and as smooth and 
even as a bowling green. Inside of the walls was a spacious green 
where several regiments could driU. Bombay castle was very large 
and strong, and the works round the town were so many and the 
bastions so strong and well placed, and the whole defended with so 
broad and deep a ditch, that, with a sufficient garrison and 
provisions, it might bid defiance to any force. Its dry-dock was 
perhaps better, and its graving dock and rope-walk were as good 
as any in England. The ships built in Bombay were Ss strong, 
handsome, and well finished as any ships built in Europe.* 

At this time Sd,lsette is described as having good water and a 
fruitful soil, yielding chiefly rice, capable of great improvement, 
and formerly the granary of Goa/. Karanja yielded rice to the 
yearly value of £6000 (Rs. 60,000) and Elephanta about £800 
(Es. 8000).^ In 1774 Forbes, on his way to the Kanheri caves, 
passed through a country of salt wastes, rice fields, cocoa groves, 
wooded hills, and rich vallies. The island was infested by tigers 
and was full of the ruins of Portuguese churches, convents, and 
villas.^ 

Shortly after the cession (May, 1775) the Marathas from Bassein 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MaeIthas. 

1670-1800. 

Sdlsette Taken, 

1774. 



1775. 



Sdlsette. 



1 Forbes (Or. Mem, I. 452) says that the expedition against Thdua was in 
consequence of a treaty between the Select Committee of Bombay and Raghun&thrdv 
Peshwa, by which the islands were ceded to the British. But the first treaty with 
Kaghundthrdv was after, not before, the taking of Thtoa. 

2 Forbes' Or. Mem. I. 453. In the fourteen years before the conquest of Sdlsette 
the revenue of Bombay amounted to £1,019,000 and the expenditure to £3,974,000 ; 

.it had cost the Company nearly three millions sterling. The details are given in 
Milburn's Oriental Oomilierce, I. Hi, liii, Iviii. 3 Bombay in 1781, 101-102. 

* Aitohison's Treaties, V. 21-28. The Portuguese objected strongly to the action 
of the English in seizing Sdlsette, The correspondence continued till 1780, when Mr. 
Hornby snowed that the English Government had both justice and' technical right 
in their favour. To this letter the Groa government were unable to answer. But 
representations through the court of Lisbon to the English Government were more 
successful. A despatch came out denouncing the conquest of Sdlsette as unseasonable, 
impolitic, unjust, and unauthorised, and advising the Bombay Government to cancel 
the treaty. But the cession had long been formally confirmed and no action was 
taken. Chaul and Bassein, 156, 5 Parsons' Travels, 214-217. 

6 Bombay in 1781, 2, 3. 1 Forbes' Or, Mem. I, 428, III, 449. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

THBMAKiTHAa, 

1670-1800. 



TJie English 

cmd 
Mardthds, 



502 



DISTRICTS. 



lauded on Salsette with 3500 men, but were repulsed with great loss-^ 
A few months before (December 1774), at Gheria in Ratn^giri, 
Commodore John Moore, with the Revenge and the Bombay grab, 
had attacked and destroyed the chief ship of the Maratha navy, a 
vessel of forty-six guns.^ In 1776 an impostor, calling himself 
Saddshiv Chimndji, gathered a large force and overran the Konkan. 
In October he marched up the Bor pass, but was driven out of the 
Deccan, and, seekiug shelter with A'ngria, was made prisoner, and 
the Konkan speedily reduced to order.' 

Meanwhile the BngHsh Grovernment in Calcutta, which had lately 
been made Supreme,disapproved of the support given toRaghunathrav, 
declared the treaty of Sarat invalid, and sent their agent Colonel 
Upton to Poona to negotiate with the ministerial party. Under the 
terms of a treaty dated at Porandhar, near Poona, on the Ist of 
March 1776, it was agreed that an alliance between the British and 
the ministerial party should take the place of the alliance between 
the British and Raghundthrdv or Raghoba. At the same time the 
British were to continue in possession of Salsette, Karanja, Blephantaj 
and Hog Island.* In spite of this treaty, the feehng of the ruling 
party at Poona of which Ndaa Fadnavis was the head, was strongly 
hostile to the EngUsh. When news arrived that war between 
England and Prance was imminent, N4na determined to make use 
of ihe French to lower the power, of the English. In April 1778, 
St. Lubin and^some other Frenchmen landed at Chaul and proceeded 
to Poona, and were there received with the highest honour.* On 
iSt. Lubin's promise to bring a completely equipped French force to 
Poona, Nana concluded an alliance between France and the Mardthds, 
granting the French the free use of the port of Chaul .^ At the same 
time NAna treated the English Agent at Poona with marked ' 
discourtesy. A considerable party at Poona, whose leaders were 
Sakhardm and Moroba, were hostile to Ndna and were anxious^to 
see Raghoba in power. Disappointed with the failure of the 
Pnrandhar treaty, and feeling that only by the overthrow of Ndna 
could French influence ait Poona be destroyed, the Governor General 
encouraged the Bombay Government to come to an arrangement 
with Sakhdram's party, and promised to send a force overland by 
Oudh and Berdr to act -with them in setting Rdghoba in power in 
Poona. A strong force^ was directed to meet on the Jamna, opposite 
to Kalpi, and Colonel Leslie, who was placed in command, was 



1 Bamhsky in 1781, 82. 2 Bonibay ia 1781, 84-85 ; Earaons' Travels, 217. 

8 Nairne's Eonkain, 9.9. 

4 Aitchison'e Treaiie^, Y. 28' 33. In spite of this a&ont from l^e Go¥emiueti,t of 
Bengal the Court of Directors approved the policy of the Bombay Government, 
preferring the treaty of Surat to the treaty of Burandhac Grant Duff, 396, 406. 

6 Bombay in-1781, 115-116. 

« Bombay in 1781, 120, 143. On the 13th May 1778, N4na delivered a paper to St. 
Lubin, requiring the help of France to pnniah a nation ' who had raised up an insoleftt 
headand whose measure of injustice was full.' Ditto 163. Part of the French plan wa? 
anattaokion Bombay. Ditto 1458. They collected 5000 European soldiers and a supply 
of artiUerj at Mauritius. Ditto 304, 317, 326. 

7 Six battalions of sepoys with pr^oportionate artillery and some cavalry. Grant 
Dufi's iMarithas, 406. 



Eoukan.] 



THANA. 



503 



instructed to march across India towards Bombay^ and place bimself 
under , the orders of that Presideney. Colonel Leslie crossed the 
Jamna in May 1778, but, getting mixed with local disputes in 
Bundelkhand, he made little progress, and died on the 3rd of October 

1778.1 

On. receipt of the instructions from the Supreme G-overnment, 
the Grovernor of Bombay decided to make a fresh alliance with 
EdghobEt on the terms of the Surat treaty of 1775. The English 
undertook to establish Rdghoba in Poena, but stipulated that, unless 
he could prove that the young Peshwa was not the son of Nd,rd.yanrdv, 
E^ghoba was to be placed in power merely as regent. In return 
Raghoba promised to cede Bassein and Kh^nderi island, the Atgaons 
whioh formed part of S^lsette, and several districts in Gujarat. He 
also promised that, without the consent of the English, no European 
should be allowecf to settle in the Peshwa's territory.^ The treaty 
was concluded in Bombay on the 24th of November 1778. On the 
22nd of November, hearing that the ministerial party were taking 
steps to oppose Rdghoba's march to Poena, a force of 3900 men 
was ordered to leave Bombay.^ The military command was given 
to Colonel Egerton, but all negotiations were to be carried on by 
Messrs. Carnac and Mostyn who accompanied the force. Onthe25th 
of November the first division, under Captain Stewart, took possession 
of the Bor pass and of the village of Khanddla. Colonel Egerton, 
with the second division, seized BeMpnr, and, on the 26th November, 
encamped at Panvel. On the -15th December the whole army 
reached Khopivli, or Oampoli, at the foot of the Bor pass. Here, 
though they heard that the ministerial troops were gathering to 
bar their passage to Poena, they remained till the 23rd of December, 
spending the time in making a road for the guns up the Bor pass. 
Moanwhile the Mar^tha horse ranged in large bodies between 
Khopivli and Panvel, and caused much annoyance to the camp. To 
add to their misfortunes, Mr. Mostyn, who alone had a thorough 
knowledge of Poena affairs, fell sick and returned to Bombay where 
he died on the 1st of January. Colonel Egerton's health also gave 
way. He resigned the command and left for Bombay, but the country 
was so fall of MarAtha horse that he was forced to return. On his 
return he resumed his plac& in the committee, but was succeeded in 
the command by Colonel Cockburn. 

When the English force reached the Deccan, contrary to 
Raghoba's assurances, they found that the country was full of hostile 
horse, and that none of the chiefs were inclined to support Rdghoba's 
cause. In skirmishes between Khanddla and KArIi, the British 
, force was unfortunate in losing Colonel Cay and Captain Stewart, 
two of its best officers.* When they reached Talegaon, eighteen 

1 Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 420. 

2 jAitohison's Treaties, V. 34>38. The G-ujaKit districts ceded under this treaty 
were Olpdd in Surat, Jambusar, Amod, H^nsot, and an assignment of £7500 on 
Ankleshvar in Broach. 

3 The details of the force were, 143 artillery with 600 lascars, 448 rank and file of 
European infantry, and 2278 sepoys, making with officers a total of 3900. Bombay in 
1781, 173. 

* Colonel Cay a2id Captain Stewart were killed at Eirli, Grant Duff, 413. 



CShapter VII. 
History. 

Thb MabAthXs*' 
1670-1800. 

Miglish Advance 

on Poona, 

177S. 



English Defeat, 
1729. 



[Bomlbay Gazetteer, 
504 DISTEICTS. 

Chapter VII. miles west of Poona, the town was in flames and ttere was a serious 

History. scarcity of supplies. A council was called, and, in spite of all 

, , that the ablest officers could urge, the majority determined to 

HE ARATHAs.^ retroat. The retreating force was soon surrounded by Mardtha 
1760- 1800, horse, and, but for the courage and skill of Captain Hartley who 

^i'^^^tfeat, commanded the rear guard, the greater part of the second division 
must have been destroyed. A.t Vadgaon, about four miles west of 
Talegaon and twenty east of Khand^la, a second council was called 
and the majority agreed that the troops could not stand another day 
of such fierce fighting. Accordingly, on the 15th, they entered into 
treaty with Ndna Fadnavis and Sindia. N^na Fadnavis made the 
surrender of E^ghoba a preliminary to any agreement. But the 
English were spared the dishonour of giving him up, as Edghoba had 
already placed himself under the protection of Sindia. Disappointed 
of the object he had most at heart, N^na declared that orders must be 
sent to Colonel G^oddard to conduct his detachment back to Bengal, 
and that the English must surrender all the Mardtha territory they had 
acquired, and that, until the lands were handed over, the army must 
remain at Yadgaon. The negotiations with Sindia were more success- 
ful. On the promise of the cession of Broach, he arranged that the 
army should be released, and they retired to Bombay guarded by 
the troops they had been accustomed to see fly before them.^ In 
Bombay, joy at the return of the army was lost in the shame of the 
terms to which its leaders had submitted. At the council regret 
and recriminations were silenced. 'Our first duty,' said Governor 
Hornby (29th January), ' is to retrieve our affairs, our next is to 
inquire into the cause of failure.' Bie praised the courage of the 
army, blamed the commanding officers, and advised Colonel Egerton 
and Colonel Cockburn to abstain for the present from military 
duty. For his skill and courage in command of the rear guard he 
promoted Captain Hartley to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.^ 
As Messrs. Carnac and Egerton had no authority to conclude a 
treaty, he held that the convention of Vadgaon was not binding. 
As regarded future dealings with the Marathas, he (19th February) 
gave his opinion that power in Poona was not in the hands of Nd,na 
but in the hands of Sindia, that Sindia was opposed to a French 
alliance and had shown himself friendly to the British, and that the 
British should make every effort to conclude an agreement with 
Sindia. As Eaghoba was now a puppet in Sindia's hands, no 
further attempt should be made to raise him to power. The main 
objects of the English were to keep the French and Nana from any 
share in the government of Poona, and to preserve for the Company 
the territory they then held.' Nana was told that Messrs. Carnac 

1 Bombay in 17S1, 188. About this time (1780) the Dutch were anxious to 
^ establish themselves at Bassein, but the negotiations failed. Da Cunha's Chaul and 

Bassein, 73-74. 

2 Mr. Oamac, Colonel Egerton, and Colonel Cookbum were dismissed the Company's 
service. Grant Duff, 418. 

S Bombay in 1781, 205. The depressed state of the English in 1780 is shown by 
the Mar&ths^ piracies to which they had to submit. The governor of Bassein, one of 
the Peshwa's admirals, used to attack English ships, and, if they succeeded in proving 
the offence, all they gained was the explanation that their ship was supposed to belong 
to some .other nation. . 



EoukanJ 



THAl^A. 



505 



and Bgerton had no power to conclude a treaty, and that the English 
repudiated the Vadgaon convention. An attempt was made to open 
negotiations with Sindia. But Hornby had overestimated Sindia's 
goodwill to the English. The Mardthds insisted that the terms 
of the Vadgaon convention should be carried out, and that SAlsette 
and the Gujarilt territories should be ceded. To enforce their demands 
preparations were made .for attacking Salsette, but precautions' 
prevented the attack, and the safe amval of Colonel Goddard at 
Surat, on the 25th of February, changed the face of affairs. 

On Colonel Lewis' death on the 3rd of October, Colonel Groddard 
succeeded to the command of the army in Bundelkhand, and, 
in spite of great difficulty and danger, led his men through Bhopdl 
and Hoshangabad to the banks of the Narbada, which he reached on 
the 16th of January 1779. His instructions were to act as the. 
Bombay Government advised, and his advice from Bombay was to 
push on to Junnar. On the 24th of January he received a letter from 
Mr. Carnac, dated the 11th, telling him that matters had changed, 
and advising him to give up Junnar and to march either to Bombay 
or to Surat, or, if he was not strong enough to do this, to stay in 
Ber^r. Colonel Goddard pushed on and reached Charvi,h, -opposite 
JBurh^npur, on the 30th of January. On the 2nd of February he 
received a letter from Mr. Carnac and Colonel Egerton, dated 
Ehopivli.the 19th of January, telling him not to act on their letter of 
the 16th, as, on consideration^ they found that they had no power 
to give the orders which that letter contained. No letter dated the 
16th had been received. But the probability that the Bombay 
force had met with a heavy disaster, led Goddard to press on to 
Surat. On the 9th he received Mr. Carnac's letter of the 16th of 
January ordering his return to Bengal. After this, the march was 
carried on with such spirit that Surat was reached on the 25th of 
February, 300 miles, much of it wild and rugged, in nineteen days.^ 
, On hearing that Colonel Goddard was safe in Surat the Supreme 
Government made him their minister to treat with the MarAth^s. 
The treaty of Purandhar was to be renewed, provided the Marathds 
agreed to withdraw claims based on the Vadgaon convention and 
never to admit.French forces into their dominions.^ At the request 
of the Bombay Government, Goddard visited Bombay on the 15th 
of March 1779. He agreed with the Bombay Government that no 
steps should be taken, till a further letter was received from the 
Supreme Council. He then returned to his army at Surat. On the 
29th of May he wrote to the Poena Court telling them that he had 
been charged with negotiations at Poena, and expressing the wish of 
the Supreme Council to conclude a lasting treaty with the Mardfchd,s. 
In the struggle for power between Ndna and Sindia, Nd,na was 
most anxious to gain possession of Rdghoba. In case Nana might 
succeed, Sindia sent Rdghoba under escort to Burhdnpur, and, on the 
way, R%hoba, suspecting that he would be thrown into confinement, 
escaped with a body of troops to Gujardt, and threw himself on the 
protection of Colonel Goddard, Goddard agreed to protect him 



ChaptCT VII. 

History. 

The MabAthAs. 
1670-1800. 



Ooddard's 

March, 

1779. 



Negotiations 

with Poond, 

1779. 



1 Bombay in 1781, 289. 
B 310-64 



3 Grant Duff, 424. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



506 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter Vll. 

History. 

The MarIthas. 
1670-1800. 



War in the 

Konkan, 

1780. 



and, on the 12th of June, R^ghoba joined the English camp. During 
the rains, negotiations went on between Colonel Qoddard and the 
Poona Court. But, as the Mar^th^s claimed the cession of S^lsette 
and demanded the surrender of Rd,ghoba,, no advance was made. 
At the close of the year General Goddavd visited Bombay. Mr. 
Hornby proposed that the British should form an alliance with, the 
G-aikwdr and attack the Peshwa's territory. This proposal wag 
approved by the Supreme Government, and four companies of 
European infantry and two battalions of sepoys, under Colonel 
Hartley, were sent from Bombay to help Goddard in Surat.^ 

On the 1st of January 1780, Goddard marched from Surat, took 
Dabhoi, and agreed with the Gaikwdr to divide the Peshwa's Gujarat 
possessions, the GAikwar keeping the north and the British the south. 
Ahmadabad fell on the 15th of February, and the success was followed 
by the defeat of part of Sindia's army.^ At the request of the Bombay 
Government, Hartley was ordered from Baroda to Bombay on the 8th 
of May. This reinforcement was much wanted in the Konkan. To 
prevent the Mar^thas cutting off Bombay supplies, small bodies of 
troops had been posted at different parts of the Konkan. Four 
European subalterns, in charge of two companies of sepoys, took 
post on one of the Sahyadri passes, and another force under Captain 
Richard Campbell seized Kalydn. Enraged at the loss of Kalyan, 
NAna Fadnavis despatched a large force who took the British post on 
the Sahyd,dris, and, on arriving near Kalydn, sent a message to 
Captain Campbell demanding the surrender of the town. Campbell 
told them they were welcome to Kalydn if they' could take it, and 
made a spirited defence. A Maratha assault was planned for the 
25th of May, but Colonel Hartley arrived, and, on the night of the 
24th, surprised the Mardtha camp, pursuing them for miles, and 
killing a great number. During the rest of the fair season the 
British remained unmolested in the Konkan.^ Shortly before the 
relief of Kalydn, the bravery and skill of Lieutenant Welsh had 
(23rd April) gained a great advantage to the British, by the capture 
of the three forts of Pd,mera, Bagvada, and Indragad, on the borders 
of- Gujarat and the Konkan.* After the beginning of the rains the 
Mardthas attacked the different posts in small parties, but Kalydn 
was well garrisoned and was not molested.^ 

On the third of August, the night on which the fort of Gwd.iior 
was surprised by Captain Popham, Captain Abington marched 
about ten miles south from Kalydn, and attempted to surprise the 
important fort of Malanggad or Bdwa Malang. He secured the 
lower hill, but the garrison were able to retreat to the upper fort, 
and its mass of sheer rock defied assault.® Meanwhile the Bombay 
Government were hardpressed for funds. . They had looked for help 
to Bengal, but the whole strength of Bengal was strained to meet 
Haidar Ali's attack on Madras. Bombay had no resource but in itg 



1 Grant Duff, 429. 2 Grant Duff, 430-433. 3 Grant Duff, 434. 

4 Grant Duff, 435. PArnera and Bagvdda are in the south of Surat ; Indragad is in 
the north of DAhAnu. See Places of Interest, Indragad. 

5 Grant Duff, 435. 6 Grant Duff, 437. 



Koukan.] 



THlNA. 



507 



own efforts. The only means of raising a revenue was to overrun 
the enemies' territory as soon as the rains were over. With this 
object G-oddard was asked to besiege Bassein, and, early in October, 
five battalions were placed under Colonel Hartley, with orders to drive 
out as many of the enemy's posts as possible and secure the rice 
harvest. He was to arrange his movements so as to hold the country 
between the Sahyddris and Bassein, and prevent the Mardthds 
from strengthening that fort. Colonel Hartley's first service was, on 
the 1st of October, to relieve Captain Abington whose retreat from 
Malanggad to Kalydn had been cut off by a force of Mar^thds. The 
relief was completely successful and was effected with little loss. The 
troops pursued the Mardthds to the Bor pass and enabled the 
Bombay Government to gather the greater part of the Thana 
revenue.! General Goddard arrived before Bassein on the 13th of 
November. On account of its strength he determined to attack by 
regular approaches, and completed his first battery on the 28th of 
November. The Mardthds strained every nerve to recover the 
Konkan and relieve Bassein. Large bodies of troops were hurried 
down, and Colonel Hartley, after a month's fighting, was forced to 
fetire towards Dugad about nine miles east of Bassein. Finding 
that they could not succour Bassein, the Mar^thds determined to 
destroy Hartley's army. On the 10th of December upwards of 
20j000 men thrice attacked the Bombay division in front and rear, 
but each time were repulsed with slight loss though two of the slain 
were officers. On the eleventh the attack was repeated with 
heavier loss to the British, including two more officers. During the 
night -Hartley fortified two heights that covered his flanks. Next 
morning at daybreak the Mardth^s attempted a surprise. But they 
were met with so deadly a fire that they were forced to retire with 
the loss of their leader Ramchandra, who was slain, and of Signior 
Noronha, a Portuguese officer, who was wounded. ' Bassein had 
fallen on the day before the battle of Dugad (llth December), and, 
on the day after the battle, Goddard. joined Hartley's camp.^ Though 
Bassein had fallen, Goddard was detained for about a month (ISth 
January 1781) by the island fort of Arnala about ten miles north 
of Bassein. 

Haidar All's success in Madras made the Supreme Government 
anxious to come to terms with the Marathas. In the hope that a 
show of vigour might make the MardthAs more willing for peace, 
Goddard pushed to the foot of the Bor pass, his advanced 
party forcing the pass on the night of the 8th of February and 
encamping at Khanddla, while Goddard, with the head-quarters, 
remained below at Khopivli.^ This movement proved a failure. 
Nand Fadnavis was in no way affected by it. He refused to treat 
with the British unless the treaty included his ally Haidar 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MabAthas. 

1670-1800. 

War in the 

Konhan, 

1780. 



Battle of Dugad, 
1780. 



Ooddard'a 

Retreat, 

1781. 



1 Grant Duff, 438. 

2 Grant Duff, 440. The British loss at Bassein was only thirteen, one of them. 
Sir John Gordon, an officer. Details of the siege of Bassein and of Hartley's battle at 
Dugad are given under Places of Interest, Bassein and Dugad. 

3 The total strength of his force was 6152 men, 640 Europeans and 5512 Natives. 
Grant Duff, 443 note. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MarAthAs. 

1670-1800. 

Ooddard's 

Retreat, 

1781. 



Treaty ofSaWdi, 



Ali, and he sent a force of 12,000 men to cut ofE Goddard'a 
communication witli Panvel. On the 15tli of March the Mardthds 
attacked a convoy of grain near Chauk and caused severe loss. 
Goddard proposed to make a fort on the Bor pass and Mr. Hornby 
proposed to garrison R^jmdchi, but neither suggestion was carried 
out and Goddard prepared to return to Bombay. Nana kept on 
sending troops into the Konkan, and held the country between 
Khopivliand Panvel in such strength, that a convoy, sent by Goddard 
for grain, was unable to return from Panvel without the help of 
every disposable man from the Bombay garrison, or without the 
loss of 106 men killed and wounded. On the 19th of April Goddard 
brought his guns and baggage from the top of the Bor pass and 
prepared to march towards Panvel. Every movement was watched 
by three great bodies of Mar^tha horse. There were 15,000 men 
at the foot of the Kusur pass, 12,000 near Bhimdshankar, and 25,000 
at the top of the Bor pass. On the 20th, the moment that Goddard 
began his march, the Deccan force poured into the Konkan and 
captured much of his baggage. On the 20th, Goddard moved seven 
miles to KhAMpur, and next day seven miles to Chauk. On the way 
his loss was severe, the Mardthas attacking the rear, assailing the 
Jront, and keeping up a steady fire from behind rocks and bushes. 
On the 22nd the British halted at Chauk. Early in the morning of 
the 23rdj the baggage was sent ahead and some distance was covered 
before the enemy came up. Then the attack was so severe that, 
Goddard made a show of pitching his tents and the enemy withdrew. 
The army reached Panvel on the evening of the 23rd April, -without 
further annoyance, but with the loss of 466 killed and wounded^ of 
whom eighteen were European ofiBcers. The Mardthds considered 
Goddard's retreat one of their greatest victories.^ Prom Panvel 
part of Goddard' s army was drafted to Madras ; the rest were moved 
to Kalyan and there spent the rains. A large Mard,tha force was 
sent towards Gujarat and their garrisons strengthened.^ 

During the rains (June - November 1781) the Bombay Government 
were extremely hardpressed for money. Several schemes for 
carrying on the war on a large scale had to be set aside for want 
of funds.* During the next fair season defensive operations 
continued in the Konkan. But the great power of Haidar Ah 
made peace with the Marathds so important that, at last, on the. 
17th May 1782 the treaty of Salbai was concluded. One of its 
chief provisions was the restoration of aU territory conquered from 
the Marathas since the treaty of Purandhar in 1775. This reduced 
the British possessions in the north Konkan to Bombay, Salsette,, 
and the three small islands of Elephanta, Karanja, and Hog Island.* 



1 Grant Duff, 447. . 2 Grant Duff, 447. 

3 One suggestion which was fully considered, but finally rejected, was that certain 
Maritha deslimuhhs, y/hoae ancestors had held lands under the Muhammadans, should 
put the English in possession of the Konkan, the English giving them £5000 
(Es. 50,000) for each of the larger and £1000 (Rs. 10,000) for each of the smaller forts, 
and' allowing them to keep aU money, jewels, and wares they might capture. 
Grant -Duff, 450-451. 

4 Aitchison'rt'reaties, V. 41. Grant Duff, 452. The treaty was not finally ex- 
changed till the 24th February 1783. 



KonJcanJ 



THANA. 



50& 



Bassein had to be given np, but from Maratha delajr in completing 
the treaty it was not actually transferred till April 1783.^, About 
the time when the treaty of Salbai was concluded, the Mardfchd.s 
confirmed the Jawhdr -chief in the small territory which they had 
left him.'' 

During the disturbances that ended in the treaty of Salbdi the 
district had suffered severely. In February 1781, every village, hut, 
and stack, on the high road between Kalyan and Khopivli, had been 
burnt, and most of the people had fled.^ Even the rich coast tract 
seems to have become impoverished, as the loss of seventy-five cartS' 
and forty -four oxen is said to have caused great distress to the district 
of Bassein.* The scarcity of money in Bombay made a liberal policy 
in Salsette impossible. The island showed few signs of improvement. 
Mr. Forbes, who revisited the Kanheri caves in 1783, was astonished 
to find that, during the ten years Salsette had been under the 
Company, tillage had not spread. The gentle hills and valleys in 
the centre of the island were still in their former state of wildness.* 
In the Mardtha districts, on the way to the hot springs of Vajrabdi, 
about twelve miles north of Bhiwndi, were fields of rice, pulse, and 
a little tobacco. Mango trees abounded and there were a few lime 
trees, plantains, and guavas round the Vajrabai temples. Grass 
grew to a surprising height and there was abundance of flowers 
and fragrant herbs. The people were. lazy, living from hand to mouth, 
partly because industry was never the character of the MarAtha, 
partly from the unhappy constitution of the government and the 
confused state of the country.* Four years later, in the rains of 
1787 (15tb August -11th September) the Polish traveller Dr. Hove 
made several botanical trips through Sdlsette and the neighbouring 
mainland. Salsette showed signs of great decay ; it was thinly 
peopled and poorly tilled. From Versova to Thana Hove did not 
find a single village or any signs of tillage. There was teak of an 
amazing height and thickness, and there were remains of churches, 
chapels, and large buildings all pining in decay. Near Thana there 
was some rich rice tillage,^ and at Dhdravi, in the west, rice, sugar- 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MabathAs. 
1670-1800. 

State of TMma, 
1780, 



11/87. 



1 Grant Duff, 457. Under the treaty of SalMi the Mardthas agreed to pay Baghu- 
nAthriv an allowance. He retired to Kopargaoti on the GodAvari and soon after died. 
His son H&px&v was nine years old at his father's death, and a posthumous son 
Chimndji Appa was bom soon after. Grant Duff, 459. 

2 Bom. Gov. Sel. [New Series], XXVI. 15. 

3 BeMpur, Karanja, and Kalyin MS. diaries in Kaime's Konkan, 103. 
^ Belipur, Karanja, and Kalydn MS. diaries in Kaime'B Konkan, 103. 

6 Or. Mem. III. 451. The writer of the Account of Bombay (1781) describes; 
Sdlsette as well watered, fruitful, and capable of great improvement, pp. 2-3. In his 
account of the Kanheri caves, Macneil (Archaeologia, VIII. 253) tells a tale which 
shows, how, in those rough days, the strong bullied the weak. On his way to the 
caves, he and his palanquin-bearers met a string of about a hundred girls, carrying 
baskets of dried fish to market. As Macneil £:ew near, the girls took to flight,, the 
bearers chasing them and taking by force some handfnis of fish from as many of the 
baskets as they could lay hold of. Macneil forbore punishing his men, as he learned 
' that custom hallowed the act and that the tax was a constant perquisite of these, 
gentlemen of the road.' 6 Or. Mem. IV. 248. 

? Tours, 13-161. According to Hov^ the practice of sowing rice in beds and planting, 
it out in tufts had only lately been introduced from Gujardt. It saved seed and 
trebled the outturn. Ditto,. 13, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



bio 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

1!he MakathAs. 

1670-1800. 
State of Thdna. 



\ 1788. 



cane, and vegetables were grown. But in the south-east, while there 
were remains of wells and marks of former tillage, there was a large 
waste area of level land fit for sugarcane and rice. The produce 
of the island was not enough to maintain the garrison and town of 
Thana.^ The Maratha mainland was even more deserted than Salsette. 
Between Thdna and VajrAbdi there was not a single village,- and 
travelling was dangerous from tigers, of whom five were seen in one 
day, from buffaloes who pursued Europeans like enemies, and from 
natives who were such enthusiasts for their religion that they looked 
on Europeans as the lowest on earth and ^d not scruple to kill 
them.^ 

In the January following (1788) Hovd travelled down the west 
coast from Surat to Bassein. The Thdna part of the country was 
well watered and on the whole fertile. The hills yielded the finest 
teak and the valleys high grass, and on some of .the flats, near 
Ndrgol, grew a luxuriant wild sugarcane.* The extreme north was 
very wild, the hills were covered with unbroken forest, and the 
valleys were overgrown with grass. Further south, between 
Umbargaon and Dahanu, the ruggedness disappeared, the coast lands 
were plain and rich, and the hills yellow and bare. South of 
Ddhanu, almost the whole way to Bassein, the coast strip was rich 
and well tilled with rice, sugarcane, and plantains.* During the 
day the thermometer was never less than 89°, but the nights were 
unexpectedly cold, small pools of water being frozen over near 
Maroli on the night of the thirteenth January. The valleys were full 
of brushwood and bastard poon, Sterculia f oetida. Along the coast, 
between Umbargaon and Dahanu, were large groves of brab-palms, 
and further north, near Maroli, the country abounded in teak of a 
prodigious size, several of the trees measuring over twelve feet 
in girth and not less than eighty feet high.^ In the rich coast 
strip between Dahanu and Bassein, rice, yams, and turmeric were 
grown. There were also sugarcane gardens with plantains and 
pomegranates, the canes very flourishing, fifteen feet high and thick 
in proportion.® In the north there were many tigers. Not a day 
passed that several were not started. Some of the villages had 
herds of cattle hunch-backed and small, miniatures of the Gujardt 
oxen, and so moderate in price that any number might have been 
bought at 2s. (Re. 1) a head. There were some sheep with wool as 
soft and white as Gujarat cotton.' Except the rich coast the 
country was poorly peopled and badly tilled. Prom the north to 
Bassein Hov^ did not see more than thirteen villages. The 
people were dark, slender, active, and longlived. They ate all 
animal food except the ox, and drank liquor freely. Their winter 



1 Tours, 14. 2 Tours, 1 7, 19, 20. S Tours, 98, 99. * Tours, 99, 100. 

5 According to Hov^ the Eolis made teak plantations, sowing the seeds at the end 
of the hot season, and tended the young trees lopping side shoots. Teak seemed 
to thrive best in rocky places and was chiefly used for ship building. Tours, 97. 

6 Tours, 99, 100. According to Hov6 the growth of sugarcane had been introduced 
only eight years before (1780). It had spread so rapidly that, instead of importing 
sugar, the people of Bassein were able to send it to Bombay and Surat. They had 
not learned the art of refining sugar. 7 Tours, 101. 



Eonkau.] 



THAN A. 



511 



plothing was of wool. Their Tillages, especially in the hills, were 
small, of not more than thirteen families. They were pining 
in poverty and destitute of comfort. Though the country was 
so rough the coast route was pa'ssable for carts. Hove had a 
horse and two carts, and he talks of hundreds of hackeries, between 
Umbargaon and Dah^nu, coming to load jars of palm-juice. 

The country seems to have been free from robbers, All along the 
route, especially in the north, were posts of mounted guardsmen. , 
who lived in small thatched huts, tilled a plot of land, and were 
armed with a sabre, a spear, and a matchlock. One of their 
chief duties was to give alarm on the appearance of an enemy. 
They stopped travellers, and, if they had not passes, took them to 
the chief officer of the district, who closely examined them. There 
were also posts at every ferry, and no one could pass without 
heavily feeing the head of the watch. The Maratha officers pillaged 
openly and forced travellers to give whatever they chose to ask. 
Gujarat, though full of robbers, was less troublesome and cheaper to 
travel in.^ , 

In 1783 Forbes found Bombay greatly increased since 1774. 
The troubles on the mainland had driven people to Bombay, and 
a flourishing^ commerce had drawn others. Provisions and supplies 
were plentiful, but prices were high, double^ what they used to be. 
The island was almost covered with houses and gardens* It would 
soon be a city like Surat or Ahmadabad.^ 

In 1 790 Thana, with other parts of Western India, suffered from 
a failure of rain and from famine.^ In 1793 a great part of Sdlsette 
appeared to be lying waste. But an attempt had lately been made 
to grow sugarcane and indigo, and a Dr. Stewart from Bombay 
was superintending the infant plantations.* Shortly after this a 
few large estates were granted to British subjects with the view of 
improving the country.^ In 1801 a permanent' settlement was 
offered to the holders* of land in Sdlsette, but only four landholders 
accepted the offer.* During the last fifteen years of the eighteenth 
century, trade, especially the Chinese cotton trade, had brought 
much money into Bombay. The prosperity and growth of the city 
improved it as a market for field produce, and, by the opening of 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

The MAnAiHAa. 

1670-1800. 

State of Thdna, 
1788. 



1790-1800. 



1 Tours, 103. In crossing the DAhinu river and the Vaitarna, Hove had each time 
to pay Ks. 10. At. Bassein he had to pay Ss. 12 to men to whom he showed his 
passes, and he was charged Rs. 43 for a boat from Bassein to M^him, Ditto 100, 101, 
102, and 103.. 

2 Forbes' Oriental Memoirs, III. 436-7. Abbe Reynal gives the population in 
1780 at 100,000 (I. 378-379). Francklin (Pinkerton' s Voyages, IX. 236) describes 
Bombay in 1786 as very beautiful and as populous for its size as any island in the 
world. It had a splendid harhour, an excellent dock, and a ship-building yard 
with very ingenious and dexterous shipwrights, not inferior to the best in England. , 
Merchants and others had come to settle from the Deccau, the Malab4r and 
Coromandel coasts, and from Gujardt. There were eight battalions of sepoys, a 
regiment of European infantry, and European artillery and engineers. The chief 
work of note was a causeway, a mile long and forty feet broad. 

-3 Etheridge's Famines, 117. * Moor's Operations, 370. 

5 Manuscript Keoords in Naime's Konkan, 124. Several of the present large land- 
hcilders in SAlsette derive their rights from these grantees. Ditto._ 

6 Manuscript Records in Nairne's Konkan, 124, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



512 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter YII. the Sion causeway and the abolition of customs dues (1798-1803), 

History. Salsette was able to take full advantage of the increased demand.' 

The MaeAthas. ^ t^e struggles for power at Poena, between Sindia, Nana 

Salsette, Fadnavis, and Bdjirav the young Peshwa, the government of the 

1790-1800. inland parts of the district fell into feebleness and decay. The 

country suffered severely from the raids of Deccan Kolis. A gang 

over 1000 strong divided into two or three parties, robbed villages 

at their leisure, shared the spoil, and disappeared to their homes. 

The guards posted in different places among the hills could do . 

nothing to Stop them.2 

SECTION IV.-ENGLISH (1800 -1883.) 

In 1802, after the victory of Yeshvantrav Holkar, Bajir^v 
Peshwa retired to Mahdd in south Kolaba. From Mahad, followed 
by Holkar, he fled to Suvarndurg; finding Suvamdurg ruined, be 
sailed to Ohaul, and after a few days, delayed by head winds, landed 
on the 1 5th of December at Manori in Sd,lsette, and reached Bassein 
Treaty of Bassein, °^ the. seventeenth with thirty followers.^ On his arrival at Bassein 
1803. Bdjir^v was met by Colonel Close, the British agent at Poena. 

The terms of a treaty, under which the British should uphold' 
the power of the Peshwa, had already been considered. Discussion 
was renewed on the 18th of December and concluded on the 
31st.* Under the terms of the treaty then framed, which is known 
as the treaty of Bassein, the English agreed to guard the Peshwa's 
territory aga,inst all enemies, and the Peshwa agreed to have 
no dealings with any European nation but the English. A 
subsidiary force of 6000 Native Infantry, with the usual proportion 
of field pieces and of European artillerymen, was to be furnished 
by the English and stationed in'the Peshwa's territory. For the 
support of this force, the Peshwa was to cede to the English 
districts yielding a yearly revenue of £260,000 (Rs. 2&,00,000).s 
It was also arranged that. the Peshwa was to maintain a force of 
5000 cavalry and 3000 infantry with a due proportion of artillery,* 
and that he should enter into no negotiations without consulting the 
British Government. To ensure the Peshwa's safety a field detachment 
was sent to Bassein, and a considerable storfkade of palmyra trees was 
raised to defend the Sopara bridge.^ The Peshwa remained in 
Bassein till the 27th of April (1803). Then, escorted by a British 
force of 2200 men, including the 78th Regiment part of the 84th and 
some artillery, he moved to Kalydn, and, after staying a 'week at 
Kalyan, marched to Poona by the Bor pass.* 

During the famine years of 1803 and 1804 there was much distress 



1 Manuscript Records in Naitne's Konkan, 124. Details of the Sdlsette revenue 
system are given in the Land Administration Chapter. 

s Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I. 257. 

' Asiatic Annual Register, 1803, 23. Grant Duff (559) gives the 6th of December 
instead of the 17th. ■• Grant Duff, 566. 

' Aitohisou'ff Treaties, V. 52-58. The lands at first ceded in the Southern MarAtha 
Country were afterwards changed for lands in Buudelkhand. 

• This was settled a year later by a supplementary treaty dated 16th December 
1803. Aitchison's Treaties, V. 60. 

' Capt. Dickinson's MS. Keport on Konkan Forts, 1818. 8 Naime's Konkan, 108. 



Eonkau.l 



THANA. 



513 



in Thana. The country had not suffered from the ravages of Holkar, 
and therefore the famine pressed lessheavily than above the Sahyadris. 
But numbers of starving people came from the Deocan, and at Panvel 
and other places the mortality was heavy.'' Ten years later the 
farnine of 1811 and 1812, which wasted Marwar, Gujardt, Cutch, and 
Kathiawar, extended to Thana. Thana does not seem to have suffered 
from the plague of locusts, which in Marwar and north Gujarat 
destroyed the harvest of 1811. But as was the case further north, 
the rains of 1812 seem to have failed or nearly failed on the 
Thana coast,^ and, in addition to local distress, the country was 
covered with bands of famine-stricken strangers from Marwar and 
Gujarat. There was known to be food and wealth in Bombay, and all 
the ferries between the mainland and the island were crowded with 
half-famished people streaming in converging lines from all parts of 
the country. Bombay held a supply of grain enough to last its own 
population of about 200,000 for fifteen months. The question arose 
whether strangers should be prevented from landing and grain 
prevented from leaving the island. After much debate, it was decided 
that no attempt should be made to keep refugees from landing on 
the island, and that grain merchants should be left free to export 
grain to places where the famine was more severe. The grain 
merchants, assured that they would not be hampered in disposing 
of their stocks, imported freely, and Bombay became the granary 
of Western India. As grain continued comparatively cheap in 
Bombay, crowds flocked to it from the famine-stricken north. It 
was estimated that about 20,000 strangers found their way to the 
island. The wharfs and roads were lined with crowds of wretched 
half-starved objects ; the eastern or land side of Bombay was strewn 
with the dead and dying.^ Much was done to help the strangers. 
English and native committees were appointed to buy rice. Huge 
boilers were provided in a cocoa-palm grove about half a mile from 
the fort, and care was taken to provide cooks for each caste. As 
pestilence accompanied the famine, great hospital sheds were built 
outside of the fort. In spite of these efforts to save the famished 
strangers, the death-rate rose from about fifteen to thirty or forty a 
day and sometimes to over a hundred. Back Bay was lined by a 
row of funeral fires that never ceased to blaze night or day, and a 
few hundred yards from the beach was a long line of coasting vessels, 
laden with faggots and billets for the funeral piles. * 

For fifteen years (1803-1817) the English guarantee secured peace 
over the whole district, and, except for an occasional Pendhari raid, 
fair security to person and property.* Trusting to English support. 



Chapter yil. 

History- 

ENaiiisH. 

1800-1882, 

Famine, 
181S. 



1 The details are given in Chapter IV. p. 303. 

2 On the 15th of December 1816, Shaikh Dalu a Pendhiri leader descended into the 
Konkan by the Amba pass in RatnAgiri, and, marching north, jjlundered the west of 
Thdna and returned by way of the TApti to Burhinpur. Hamilton's Description of 
Hindustan, 11. 211. 

3 It was now late in August and no rain had fallen in Bombay, nor was there 
much hope that if rain fell so late it would be in time to save the rice crop. Basil 
Hall's Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 41. 

i Basil Hall's Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 55-78. 
6 Basil Hall's Fragments, 2ud Series, III. 56. 

B 310— 65 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



514 



CaiapterVII. 

History. 

English. 
1800-1882. 



Trade, 
1800-181S. 



DISTRICTS. 



the Peahwa failed to keep up his share of the subsidiary force, 
allowed his forts to fall to ruin, and paid attention to nothing except 
to the accumulation of treasure. Authority was handed to the 
revenue farmers and no complaints were listened to. The farmer 
had no motive to be lenient. His term of power was most uncertain. 
At any time a higher bid might put an end to his contract, and, 
if he failed to pay, his property was confiscated and himself thrown 
into prison.^ 

The Thana ports shown in the map in Milburn's Oriental 
Commerce (1800-1812) are Daman, Dahdnu, Sirgaon, Ag^shi, 
Elephanta, Bassein, Versova, Bombay, Karanja, Kolaba, and 
Chaul.2 

The Bombay trade-returns for the early years of the nineteenth 
century seem to show that the great development of Bombay, of 
which details are given later on, was accompanied by the revival of 
a considerable trade in the other ports of the Thdna coast.' The 
1802 returns show a total trade between the Bassein ports and 
Bombay and Surat, valued at about three and a half lakhs of rupees, 
of which about two lakhs were exports and one and a half Idhhs 
imports.* In 1805 the total value of the trade had risen to about 
nine lakhs, of which four and a half lakhs were exports and four 
and a quarter lakhs imports.^ In 1815 it again fell to about seven 
lakhs, of which about three and three-quarters were exports and 
three and a quarter were imports. According to Milburn, the 
Bassein trade during the five years ending 1806 averaged about 
nine lakhs of rupees, of which about five lakhs were exports and 
four lakhs were imports. The details for 1805 are, under exports, 
piecegoods, grain, iron, sugar, cocoanuts, cocoa-kernels, betelnut, 
dates, pepper, turmeric, and treasure ; and under imports, grain, 
ivory, oil, timber, hemp, piecegoods, and betelnut.* 

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, the climate of 
Bombay, though healthy, was still somewhat treacherous, exposure 



1 Nairne's Konkan, 110. Details are given in the Land Administration Chapter. 

2 Milburn's Oriental Commerce, I. 143, 168. Milburn mentions the maMng of 
beautiful teak ships of 800 tons at Daman, 168. 

3 In 1801 a reporter of ertemal commerce was appointed at Bombay, and Milburn 
states (Or. 0am. I. 181) that the returns from 1801 to 1806 may be considered 
accurate. At the same time, in an enquiry into the details of local trade, the fact 
that the main head is Bombay and Surat, not Bombay, is puzzling. After the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century, almost the whole of the foreign toade of Surat passed 
through Bombay (Surat Papers, 278, 374, 384 ; Bombay Gazetteer, II. 128 ; Hamilton's 
Description of Bindnstdn, IL 156), so that in the foreign trade the double head does 
not cause confusion ; but in the local trade with the Bassein coast the returns are not 
easy to follow. * Hamilton's Description of Hindustan, II. 157. 

6 Milburn's Oriental Commerce, I. 213. 

6 Hamilton's Description of Hindustan, II. 158 ; Milburn's Oriental Commerce, I. 
213. These entries seem to imply a direct trade between Bassein and the Arab and 
African coasts. Even with a direct trade the appearance of iron and dates among 
the exports, and of timber and betelnut among the imports is peculiar. Another head 
in the returns 'Commerce between the Island of Bombay and Bombay and Surat' 
shows for the five years ending 1806 an average trade valued at 28 Idkhs, of which 
about 13 lakhs were exports from the island of Bombay and neighbouring villages, and 
about 15 Idhhs were imports. This seems to include the trade between Surat and 
Bombay. Milburn's Oriental Commerce, I. 204. The export of iron and dates from 
ThAna ports is explained by the fact that they were re-exports received from Bombay 
and sent from Bassein or some of the main local centres to smaller outlying ports. 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



515 



to the land-wind being followed by fever and frequently by the loss 
of the use of limbs .^ The charming island was intersected by 
beautifully macadamised roads long before that grand improvement 
was heard of in England.^ The fort or walled town was nearly 
a mile long and about a quarter of a mile broad. The 
fortifications were numerous and well planned, very strong to the 
sea but liable to be taken from the land. The broad deep ditch, 
which could be filled at pleasure, made it one of the strongest 
places the Company had in India. Besides the fort, there were 
several redoubts in other parts of the island, especially one at 
Mahim. If properly garrisoned Bombay could bid defiance to any 
force that could be brought against it. The fort had five gates, 
two Marine Gates on the south, the Apollo and Church Gates to the 
west, and the Bazdr Gate to the north. Between the two harbour 
gates was the castle, a regular quadrangle well built of strong hard 
stone. To the west of the castle was the dockyard large, well 
planned, and full of stores. The dry dock had scarce its equal for 
size, and there was a rope-walk as long as any in England, except 
the walk in the King's Yard at Portsmouth. In the centre of the 
fort was an open green, where, in the fine weather, were packed bales 
of cotton and other merchandise. Round the green were many large, 
well built, and handsome houses. To the left of Church Gate street, 
looking west from the Green, were, close together, the commodious 
and airy church and Government house, and, on the right, the 
theatre a neat handsome structure, and behind the theatre, the 
bdzdr very crowded and populous where the native merchants 
chiefly lived. Some of the houses were high and large with 
wooden pillars in front supporting wooden verandas. In 
February 1803 a great fire destroyed three-fourths of the bazar, 
with the barracks, the custom-house, and many other public 
buildings. Had not many houses near the castle been battered 
down with artillery, the whole town would have been destroyed. 
The private loss was estimated at about fifty Idkhs of rupees.' 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

English. 

1800-1882. 

Bomhay, 
1800-1810. 



1 Valentia's Travels (1804), II. 182. Even Mackintosh (1804-1811) does not com- 
plain much of the climate; Its silent operation made life joyless and even less 
comfortable. There was little vigorous health. But the diseases ■were more regular, 
more manageable, and better treated than in England. Life, I. 207, 228, 229, and 231. 

2 Hall's Fragments (2nd Series), III. 8. Mackintosh (1804) admits five miles of 
excellent road to Parel. Life, I. 238. 

Though both, in almost the same language, admire the picturesque beauty of the 
island, its varied woody surface, and wide island- studded bay, it is curious to notice: 
how differently Mackintosh (1804-1811) and Hall (1812) regarded Bombay. To, 
Mackintosh, the disappointed London-loving man of thought, to whom half a dozen 
Indian victories were not so interesting as one letter from Mark Lane, Bombay waSi 
'a cursed country,' 'a remote second-rate settlement in a distant quarter of Asi»' 
(Life, 1. 218, 221, 222). To Basil Hall, the cheerful travel-loving man of aotion, 
in the noble range of the eastern world few places could compare with Bombay.. 
A week or two in Bombay and a visit to Elephanta, Kdrli, and Poena, was the 
shortest cheapest and most enjoyable way of seeing all that was most characteristic 
of the oriental world. Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 6-7. 

3 Valentia (1804) says, 'One-third of the town was reduced to ashes ; the rest was 
saved with the greatest difficulty. The old Government house caught fire more than 
once. ' Had they not put it out, the magazine would have caught fire too and several 
thousand barrels of gunpowder would have scattered the city to all points of the 
compass. Travels, II. 175. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 
History. 
English. 
1800-1882. 



1800-1810. 



516 



DISTRICTS. 



After the fire the town was rebuilt and much improved. In 1813 the 
buildings within the fort were valued at one crore and five lakhs 
of rupees, and their yearly rental estimated at Rs. 5,27,360.^ 

To the north of the fort was the Esplanade 800 yards broad, and 
since 1802 clear of huts.^ Beyond the esplanade, hid among cocoa- 
palms, was the Black Town. The improvements in rebuilding the 
fort and the clearing of the esplanade had driven the poor to settle 
in the Company's salt rice land. This was scarcely recovered 
from the sea, a low muddy tract, a shallow lake during the rainy 
season. On Colaba there was a light-house and a signal station, 
barracks, and many delightful villas. In 1812 the number of houses 
(apparently in the island, but this is not clear) was about 20,000, and 
the number of people 235,000, of whom 160,000 were fixed and 
60,000 migratory.^ The Europeans had bungalows or villas, and all 
sorts of country-houses and some very splendid retreats from the 
bustle of business ; * the rich natives owned large houses, the 
children living in part of the house even after they were married ; 
the poor classes lived in small huts thatched with palm-leaves, or, 
as at present, were crowded into great buildings or dials, a hundred 
or even 300 persons being stowed under one roof .^ 

Bombay was ' a jumble of nations.' Besides Europeans, it had 
people front almost every Asiatic nation, Parsis, Muhammadans, 
Gentoos, Arabs, and Roman Catholics.* Among European merchants 
there were five houses of agency.'' The agency business alone did 
not pay, as the profits were absorbed by interest in cash balances and 



1 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 154 ; Warden, 75 ; and Milburn, I. Ixxxv. 

2 An account of the difficulties and delays in clearing the esplanade is given in 
Bom. Quar. Eev. V. 169-170. 

3 Hall's Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 43. The estimate is average fixed population 
165,000; migratory population 50,000 ; special famine increase 20,000 ; total 235,000. 

4 Hall's Fragments (2nd Series), III. 8. Mackintosh's day was (Life, I. 228). ride in 
the morning, breakfast at eight, write and read till four, dinner (when alone) at four, 
walk 5-30 to 7, drink tea at seven, read from seven till bedtime. When he dined out 
the dinner was never before seven, the people a party of thirty, the etiquette strict. 

5 Hall's Fragments (2nd Series), III. 43. 

6 Bombay, wrote Mackintosh (1804, Life, I. 213), is a jumble of nations, people from 
Hindustan, Ujain, Ahmadabad, Cutoh, Cambay, Benares, Armenia, and Italy. The 
population of Bombay, wrote Basil Hall in 1812 (Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 11), is 
wonderfully varied. There is no caste, dress, or custom in India, the Malay 
Peninsula, J4va, China, or the Phillipine Islands, that we may not see in Bombay. 
HaU's estimate in 1812 was, Hindus 104,000, Musalmdns 28,000, PArsis 13,000, Jews 
800, Native Christians 14,500, total permanent residents about 160,000; Europeans 
1700, Native troops 3000, migratory population 50,000, total about 215,000. Hall's 
Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 43. This estimate was perhaps excessive, as further 
information in 1816 showed only 162,000. The details were : Europeans 
4300, Native Christians 11,500, Jews 800, Muhammadans 28,000, Hindus 103,800, 
PArsis 13,150, or a total of 161,550. Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 159. Ten years 
later the total population of the island was by special census taken in August, 
September, October, and November, found to be 162,570. Of these 20,000 were 
temporary and 10,000 military. Of the remaining 132,570, 13,000 were in the 
Fort, 47,000 in Dongri, 31,000 in Byoulla, 4500 in MAzgaon, 2500 on the Malabar 
Hill, 13,000 in Girgaon, 17,500 in Md,him, and 2500 in CoMba. Arranged according 
to race, of the regular population of 130,000, 938 were English, 8000 were Portuguese, 
10,500 were Pdrsis, 1250 were Jews, 39 were Armenians, 26,000 MusalmAns, 82,500 
Hindus, 3000 Mhdrs, and 48 Chinese. Bom. Geog. Soc. Trans. III. 72. 

7 Bruce Fawoett and Co., Forbes and Co., Shotton and Co., John Leckie, and 
S. Beaufort. 



Eonkan.1 



thAna. 



517 



by establishment charges. Without trade these houses could scarce 
gain a subsistence. They allowed nine per cent for money deposited 
in their hands, and their command of capital enabled them to 
embrace every opportunity that occurred. The late wars had offered 
great and uncommon openings, and especially shipowners had made 
large and sudden fortunes. The return of peace would drive 
merchants back to their former pursuits, the Indian and China 
commerce.^ Besides the five houses of agency there were four 
European wine merchants and shopkeepers.^ Pdrsis, an active 
industrious and clever people, 'possessed of considerable local 
knowledge,' ranked next to the Europeans. They lived in the 
north of the fort, and were not remarkably cleanly in their domestic 
concerns or in the streets where they lived.* Many of them were 
rich, and each of the European houses of agency had one of the 
principal Parsi merchants concerned with them in their foreign 
speculations. They were become the brokers and Banians of the 
Europeans. There were sixteen leading Pd,rsi firms and two Parsi 
China agents. In addition to their success as traders the Parsis 
had a monopoly of the dockyard, and had almost entirely made 
Bombay their own. Hardly a house or a foot of land belonged to 
any one else.* Besides the Parsis there were three Portuguese, four 
Armenian, and fifteen Hindu firms possessed of great property and 
men of much integrity. Finally there were four firms of Bohoras or 
Muhammadan Jews, who carried on great trade with Gujarat and 
other places to the north. The people were orderly. During the 
seven years ending 1811 there was only one capital punishment.^ 

Bombay had suffered long from the deamess of provisions. Pull 
advantage was not taken of the conquest of Sdlsette, till, in 1802, 
Governor Duncan made the Sion causeway and took off import 
dues. This was of ' infinite service ' to the farmers and gardeners 
who supplied the markets.^ Within ten years Hall could venture to 
say that there was no spot on the earth's surface where the means 
of subsistence were cheaper or in greater variety and even 
profusion.^ 

The chief product of Bombay was its ships .^ There were six 
firms of builders all of them Parsis, who had an absolute monopoly 
of the docks. 9 In the first ten years of the century many merchant 



1 In 1804 Valentia speaks of the trade as inferior to what it had been. During the 
Meat war between England and France, the Arabs as neutral parties had cot into 
their hands a great part of the trade. Travels, 11.180, 181. In 1810 there was a trade 
crisis threatening commercial credit. Life of Mackintosh, II. 38. 

2 Baxter Son and Co. , John Mitchell and Co., Wooller and Co., E. McLean and 
Co. Mackintosh (1804, Life, I. 229) mentions two barristers ' gentleman-like men ' 

3 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 154. 

* Valentia's Travels, II. 186. The PArsis suffered severely in the trade crisis of 
1810. Mackintosh wrote (July 30th, 1810), Nasarvdnji MAnekji has failed for 
£150,000, ' a trifle for a Pirsi ' ; Dady's two sons are in danger. I should not wonder 
if the Pdrsis have seen their brightest days. Life of Mackintosh, II. 38. 

5 Life of Mackintosh, II, 110, 112. The man who was hanged was an English sailor 

6 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 154. 1 HaU's Fragments, 2nd Series, III. 40 ' 
8 Ship-building in Bombay dates from 1735, when Lavji Nasarvdnji, the' pirsi 

foreman of the Company's ship-building yard at Surat, was induced to come to Bombay 
Low's Indian Navy, I. 173. 9 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 155 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

English, 

1800-1882. 

Bombay, 

1800-1810. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



618 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIL 
History. 
English. 
1800-1882. 



Bombay Trade, 
1800-1810. 



ships of from 600 to 1300 tons had been built for the country trade 
and for the service of the Bast India Company. In beauty of 
construction, excellent workmanship, and durability, they were 
superior to any class of merchant ships in the world. Bombay was 
the first place out of Europe, where a ship of the line was built.' 
For the skill of its naval architects, the superiority of its timber, 
and the excellence of its dock, Bombay might be considered of the 
first importance in the British empire in India.^ 

Though Bombay did not from its own products furnish any 
considerable article of export, or even food enough for its people,' 
all European and Asiatic commodities could be procured in it. It 
was the emporium of Persia, Arabia, and the west of India.* 
Besides this Bombay had a great trade with England. ' Of the lists 
of European and other commodities suitable for the British 
Presidencies those for Bombay were the most extensive. There 
was scarcely an article manufactured in England that was not taken 
to Bombay in considerable quantities.'* During the early years 
of the nineteenth century, of the two main branches of trade, the 
Asiatic or country trade, so called because it was" carried in Indian 
ships and with Indian capital, was entirely in the hands of private 
persons.® The trade with England was carried on partly by the 
Company partly by private merchants. Of the whole trade with 
England the Company imported into Bombay about the same amount 
of treasure as the private traders, and under merchandise imported 
and exported half as much again as private traders.' During the 
five years ending 1806 imports averaged 412 lakhs, of which 92 
louhhs were treasure ; and exports averaged 318 Idkhs, of which 36 
IdkJis were treasure. 

In 1805, of the whole trade valued at 741 lakhs of rupees, 411 
were imports and 330 exports.* Of the whole amount, 443 lakhs or 



1 The largest ship ever built in Bombay was the Granges, a frigate pierced to 
carry 92 guns and of 2289 tons. Low's Indian Navy, I. 298. Of other men-of-war 
there were launched one of 74 guns, two of 38 guns, two of 36, two of 18, and two 
of 10 guns. For commercial purposes there were built up to about 1816 nine ships 
of 1000 tons, five of 800, six of 700, five about 600 tons, and 35 smaller vesaeU. 
Hamilton's HindustdJi, II. 156. 

2 Milbum (Oriental Commerce, I. 172) says, all the ships were of Malabo teak. 
Hamilton (Hindustan, II. 156) says, the teak comes from the forests to the north 
and east of Bassein. Hamilton was correct. Compare Pennant's Outlines of the Globe 
(1798), "I. 81 ; Kennell's Memoir of a Map of Hindustin, 180. Valentia (1804) is not 
so complimentary to the PArsi management of the dockyard as some other writers. 
They used bad timber and scamped the work. Frauds were common ; the system 
called loudly for reform . Travels, II. 179-180. 

3 Onions seem to be the one article for which Bombay has all along been noted. 
' Bombay produces most excellent onions ; other provisions are scarce and dear. ' 
MUburn's Oriental Commerce, I. 272. 

* Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. 181. Hamilton (Hindustan, II. 156) notices 
Bombay as a specially good place to buy gums and drugs of all kinds, Mokha coffee, 
camelians, agates, and blue and other Surat cloths. 

5 Milbum's Oriental Commerce, 1. Preface. This great import of miscellaneous 
British ware was to some extent abnormal, to supply the stocks which were destroyed 
in the fire of 1803. Ditto. 6 Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. 181, 241. 

7 The private trade with England was subject to certain conditions, till, in 1813, all 
restrictions ceased. The monopoly of the trade between England and China was 
continued to the Company for thirty years more. 

8 There was also the Company's bade of 17i Idkhg, 3i lakhs of imports and 14i 
lakhs of exports. 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



519 



59-64 per cent were with India, and 253 Idkha or 34-14 per cent 
■with other parts of Asia and Bast Africa j 3 Idkhs or 0-40 per cent 
were with America ; and 42 lakhs or 5-66 per cent with Europe.^ 
Of the Indian trade about 39 lakhs, 18 of them imports and 21 
exports, were with Thdna ports ; about 208 lakhs, 100 imports and 
108 exports, with G-ujardt; about 42 Idkhs, 26 imports and 16 
exports, with Cutch and Sindh j about 54 Idkhs, 14 imports and 40 
exports, with the South Konkanj about 25 lakhs, 18 imports and 
7 exports, with Malabd.r; 1^, | imports and ^ exports, with 
Ceylon ; 2^, 2 exports and i imports, with Ooromandel ; and TOf, 68 
imports and 2f exports, with Bengal. 

Of the 253 lakhs of trade with foreign Asia and Bast Africa, 
fifty Idkhs, 29 imports and 21 exports, were with the Persian Gulf; 
41 lakhs, 26 imports and 15 exports, with the Arabian Gulf; 
5 Zfi&As, 4 imports and 1 exports, with the Straits; and 157 lakhs, 
85 imports and 72 exports, with China. Of three lakhs of trade 
with America, 2 were imports and 1 exports. Of the 42 Idkhs 
of trade with Europe, 14^ lakhs, 9 imports and 5^ exports, were 
with Lisbon ; 1 J Idkhs, all imports of wine, with Madeira ; and 
26| lakhs, 19 imports and 7| exports, with England. 

The most important branch of the foreign trade of Bombay was 
with Chiaa. The^basis of this trade was the export of cotton from 
Bombay. This export of cotton dated from about 1770, when a 
famine in 'China led the Chinese government to issue an edict ordering 
the cultivation of grain. Sometimes as much as 80,000 bales of 375 
pounds each were sent in a year from Bombay to China. But in 
1805 the golden days of the cotton trade were over. Scanty supplies 
and frauds had induced Madras and Bengal to compete, and had 
tempted the Chinese to grow their cotton at home. It was now a 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Emolish. 

1800-1882. 

Bombay Trade, 
lSOO-1810. 



1 The chief G-ujardt details are, under imports, cotton 574, piecegoods 21 J, grain 9J, 
butter IJ, seeds f , oil J ; under exports, treasure 31, sugar 14, silk 13, piecegoods lOJ. 
The chief Cutch and Sindh items are, of imports, cotton 15|, butter 4^, and grain 2^ ; 
and of exports, treasure 2|, sugar dj, raw silk 1^, pepper 1, and piecegoods 1. The 
chief South Konkan items are, of imports, grain 3}, treasure 3^, piecegoods 2|, betelnnt 
1, and hemp 1 ; and of exports, treasure 5, piecegoods SJ, silk 7, grain 5, sugar 
2^, woollen IJ, hing or assafoetida 1, and drugs li. The chief Malabdr items are, of 
imports, cocoa-kernels 2i,ODCoanuts2i, pepper 2J,sandalwood2|,betelnutl4, piecegoods 
1, timber 1, butter 1, and treasure J ; and of exports, cotton 1, horses f , piecegoods 
j, wines J, and treasure J, The chief Ceylon items are, of imports, arrack f ; and of 
exports, horses i. The chief Coromandel items are, of imports, piecegoods 1, 
benjamin i, spices J ; and of exports, sundries J. The chief Bengal items are, of 
imports, silk 18, grain 15, piecegoods 14j, sugar 14, liquor 1, and gunny-bags 1 ; 
and of exports, copper J, horses f, and tea J. The chief Persian Gulf items are, 
of imports, treasure 18J, horses 4, dates Ij, and lametta IJ ; and of exports, piece- 
goods llj, sugar 3i, grain 1, drugs |, and iron J. The chief Arab items are, of 
imports, treasure 231, sundries |, myrrh i, and olibanum J ; and of exports, piece- 
goods 7|, grain 4i, and iron J. The chief Straits items are, of imports, treasure IJ, 
metals |, and pepper 4 ; and of exports, cotton 1. The chief Chinese items are, of 
imports, treasure 60, sugar 8|, piecegoods 4i, silk 2, eamphire If, and tutenague 1 ; 
and of exports, cotton 64|, sandalwood 2J, shark fins 2i, cornelians i, and putchok J. 
The chief American items are, of imports, brandy J, and treasure 1 ; and of exports, 
cotton i, and piecegoods J. The chief European articles are with Lisbon, of imports, 
treasure 7, and wine 1 ; and of exports, piecegoods 4, and cotton 1 ; and with England, 
of imports, treasure 6i, wine If, wearing apparel 1, copper 1, metals 1, provision 1, 
malt i, hardware i, and glass J ; and of exports, cotton 5|, drugs j, and ivory i. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



520 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 
English. 
1800-1882. 

Bombay Trade, 
1800 - 1810. 



precarious trade.^ The following table gives a general view of the 
trade of Bombay in 1805 : 

Bombay Trade, 1805. 



Ports. 


Imports 
Ukhaifl) 


Exports 
Idkhi. 


Total 
lakhs. 


FOKTS. 


Imports 
lcMis(a) 


Exports 
Wchs. 


Total 
Ukhs. 


Thilna. ports 

Gujarat 

Cutch and Sindh ... 
Bouth Eonkan 

MalabUr 

Ceylon 

Goromandel 
Bengal 

Total India ... 

Persia 

Arabia and 'Africa... 

Straits 

China 

Total Foreign Asia 


18 

100 

26 

14 

7 

2* 
68 


21 
IDS 
16 
40 
18 

2} 


39 
208 
42 
54 
26 

n 

70| 


America 

Continent 

England 

Total Europe ... 

Total Private Trade 

Company's Trade... 


.2 


1 


3 


lOJ 
19 


t 


26| 


29i 


13} 


42i 


411 
3i 


330 
141 


741 
17} 


2361 


2061 


Uii 


29 

26 

4 

86 


21 
15 

1 
72 


50 

41 

5 

157 


144 


109 


253 


Orand Total ... 


414i 3441 


768i 



(a) The rupee was worth 2s. 6t2. 

As in former times Hindus were settled for purposes of trade at 
great distances from India. In 1763 Niebuhr found 125 Banians 
in Sana in Yemen, who paid 300 crowns to live in the city ; in Mokha 
there were 700 Banians, many of them considerable merchants and 
very honest men, and Rajputs and other Indians who were goldsmiths 
and mechanics. They were considered strangers as they went back 
to India when they made money. They suffered many mortifications. 
There were Banians also at Maskat where they were better off, 
keeping their own law and practising their own religion.^ In 
the beginning of the nineteenth century, in the Persian Gulf the 
Company's broker at Maskat was a Hindu, who was so desirous of 
saving the lives of the bullocks that meat had to be brought on 
board clandestinely. In the Arabian Gulf the greatest part of the 
foreign trade in Mokha was in the hands of Banians who had partners 
in Aden. The Banians were safe to deal with, because if one failed 
his companions paid. At Masuah on the west shore of the Red 
Sea the Banians were comfortable men of good property. 
Karamchand would receive a cargo, and, considering himself 
responsible for the whole, would dispose of it to smaller people 
worthy of credit. The smaller people took it into the interior and 
in three months returned with value in other goods. Hindus were 
also settled in Batavia in Java.^ In 1750, Ramsing a Cutch Hindu 



1 Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. 218. 

2 Niebuhr in Pinkerton's Voyages, X. 69, 76, 78, 109, 142. 

3 Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. 117, 112, 100, 82 ; II. 355. Lord Valentia about 
the same time (1804) found Banians at Aden, Mokha, Berbera on the SomdJU coast, 
and Masuah on the Abyssinian coast. Most of them came from Jigat in Kdthi&w^r ; 
they came young and stayed till they had made a sufficiency. They suffered great 
extortion at Mokha especially just before their return to In(£a. They lived accord- 
ing to their own laws and showed great obedience to the head Banian. They were 
inoffensive and timid, but bound by no tie of honesty. The Masuah Banians were 
very comfortable, being allowed wives if they pleased. Travels, II. 48, 57, 88, 239, 353, 
378-379. In November 1835 the traveller Wellsted (Travels in Arabia, 1. 18, 20) found 
1500 Banians in Maskat. They chiefly belonged to the north-west of India, and had 
come to Maskat by sea from Porbandar in K&thi^w^r. They had a small temple, and 
about 200 well-fed sheep and mischievous cows which they adored. They burned 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



521 



went to Holland and became a skilful navigator and stipwright.^ 
In 1 781, a Hindu of the name of Harimdn, according to some accounts 
a Chitpdvan Brahman and according to others a Prabhu, was sent 
on a mission by Raghund,thrdv to England.^ The best seamen in 
India were to be found in Bombay. They came from the Gujardt, 
Kathiawar, and Outch coasts. They seem to have been both Hindus 
and Musalmans, but the most famous were the Muhammadan lasMrs 
of Gogha.* 

During the eighteenth century, especially since 1759, when the 
English were appointed Admirals of the Moghal fleet, much had 
been done to give security to vessels trading in the Arabian Sea.* 
But the west coast of Kdthidwdr, Malvan in Ratndgiri, and Maskat 
in the Persian Gulf, remained centres of piracy till their power was 
crushed between 1810 and 1820.^ 

Under British protection, in spite of Mard,tha exactions, Thd,na 
like other parts of the Peshwa's possessions greatly improved.* 
By 1816 the Peshwa had amassed £5,000,000 (Rs. 5,00,00,000).' 
Under the influence of his favourite Trimbakji Denglia he became 
estranged from the English, and busied himself in forming plans for 



Chapter VII, 

History. 

Ekolish. 
1800-1882. 



the dead, wore no special dress as in Yemen, and were allowed the full enjoyment of 
their religious rites. They never brought their wives, and though they intrigued 
with Arab women they seldom married. Some betame Muhammadans, but the Arabs 
oared little to have them as proselytes. They had the monopoly of the pearl and 
Indian grain trade, and had extensive dealings in Indian cloths and piecegoods. 
According to Wilford (As. Res, X; 100, 105, 115, 116) there were Brdhmans in 
Arabia and the Hindus claimed Mecca as a place of worship. In 1811 Banians held 
the best part of the trade at Zanzibar. Smee in Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. VI. 45. 

1 Burnes' Bokhara, III. 7. Cutch Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, V. 143. 
It seema probable that this man, who had very high mechanical talent, taught his 
(iouutrymen the favourite Cutch silver work which is said closely to resemble old 
Dutch silver work. 

2 Briggs' P^rsis. According to Morley's Sketch of Burke (English Men of Letters, 
115) two BrAhmans were entertained by Burke at Beaconsfleld and given a spacious 
garden-house, where they were free to prepare their food and perform such rites as 
their religion required. 

3 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 166 ; Milbum's Oriental Commerce, I. 153. 

* In 1734 the power of the Kolis of SultAnpur in the south of KAthidwAr was 
reduced (Bom. Quar. Key. IV, 99) ; in 1756 and 1757 Angria's head-quarters at 
Suvamdurg and Gheriawere captured (Low's Indian Navy, I. 128-136) ; and between 
1759 and 1768 nearly 100 pirate vessels of Cutch, OkhAmandal, and south KAthi4w4r 
had been destroyed. Low's Indian Navy, I. 151. In 1804 Valeutia complained 
that the English were held in little respect in the Persian Gulf, as they allowed their 
vessels to be plundered by the Joh^smis of Maskat and Bahrain (Travels, 11. 193). 
In 1809 an expedition was sent against the JohAsmis; their stronghold Efe-el- 
Khaimah was taken and fifty of their vessels burnt. This checked the JohAsmis for a 
time. A few years later many WAhAbis joined them. They fitted up a fleet of more 
than a hundred large swift vessels from 200 to 400 tons and kept the whole coast of 
Arabia, the entrance to the Bed Sea, and the northern coasts of India in alarm. In 

1819 a second expedition was sent against them and they were destroyed. Low's 
Indian Navy, I. 310-366. Since 1700 (see above, p. 488) the character of the Johdsmis 
seems to have changed greatly for the worse. Aiter a hard fight if they succeeded in 
boarding the enemy's vessel, they purified the ship with perfumes, and bound and 
brought forward the prisoners and cut their throats saying Allah Akbar. Wellsted's 
Arabia, I. 243-253. 

6 An expedition was sent against the Mdlvan pirates in RatnAgiri in 1812 (Low's 
Indian Navy, I. 277) ; against Cutch and DwArka in west KAthiftw^r in 1815 and 

1820 (Ditto, 280, 281), and against Maskat in 1809 and in 1819 (Ditto, I. 360-366). 

6 Pendhiri and MarAtha Wars, 245. 

7 Of a revenue of 120 Ukhs of rupees BAjiriv saved yearly about fifty Ukha, He 
had collected treasure exceeding fifty millions of rupees. Grant Duff, 625. 



B 310—66 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



522 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

English. 

1800-1882. 

War with the 

Peshwa, 
1817-1818. 



again raising himself to be Head of the Mardthd,s. For his 
share in the murder of the Gaikw^r's envoy GangMhar Shdstrij 
Trimbakji Denglia was imprisoned in the Thdna fort. He escaped 
on the 12th of September, and, with the connivance and help of the 
Peshwa, devoted himself to raising the wild tribes of Khdndesh and 
Ahmadnagar. During the next six months the Peshwa did his 
utmost to secure the support of the Mardtha chiefs and of the 
Pendhdris. As his hostility to the English was scarcely concealed, 
on the 6th of June 1817, the Peshwa was forced to enter into a fresh 
treaty. Under this treaty, which is known as the treaty of Poena, 
Bajirav acknowledged that Trimbakji Denglia was the murderer of 
Gangadhar Shastri, he bound himself to have no dealings with 
other states except through the British, and, as he had failed to 
maintain them, he agreed that the English should supply his 
share (5000 horse and 3000 foot) of the subsidiary force, and that 
fresh lands should be ceded to enable the English to support this 
new contingent.^ Among the territories ceded under this agreement 
were the districts of Bel^pur, Atgaon, and Kalyd,n, and the rest of 
the North Konkan to Gujar^t.^ 

Early in 1817, some months before the treaty of Poena was 
concluded, four bodies of Pendhdris swept from the Deccan to 
plunder the Konkan. One body, six or seven hundred strong, was 
at Panvel, and, either this or another force, advanced to Bhiwndi, 
but were prevented by the rivers from passing into the rich coast 
districts of Bassein and MAhim. From Bhiwndi they marched 
through Asheri and Tdrapur to the Portuguese frontier. The people 
of the richer villages fled to the forests, and next year in some places 
only a few had come back.^ After the rains (November 1817); 
when he openly broke with the English and attempted to crush 
their detachment at Poena, the Peshwa let loose on the Konkan 
Trimbakji Denglia's hordes of Bhils and Ramoshis. They held 
the Sahy^dri passes and entered KalyAn, driving many of the 
people to take refuge iu Bassein and Mdhuli.* The Bombay troops 
kept the country between Panvel and Khopivli. But the Bhils held 
the Bor pass and despatches from General Smith, then near Poena, 
to the Commander-in-Chief in Bombay had to be sent by Bankot.^ 
In December the Peshwa was close to the Ndna pass and measures 
had to be taken to prevent his entering the Konkan.^ Bapurdv 
Ldmbia, one of his supporters, took the fort of Kotaligad, about 
twelve miles east of Neral, but it was retaken without loss by Captain 
Brooks on the 30th of December. In January 1818 Colonel Prother, 
with a force of 380 Europeans, 800 Native Infantry, and a battering 
train, took the important forts of Karndla, Rajm^chi, and Koari? 
The acquisition of the north Konkan was completed by Capt. Barrow's 



1 Aitchison's Treaties, V. 64-71. 

2 The other cessions were the Peshwa's share of Gujarflt, the tribute of Kdthidw&r, 
eind the districts of Dh^rwdr and Kusigal. Aitchisonfs Treaties, V. 71. 

3 Dickinson's Report in Military Diary, 314 of 1818. 

4 Dickinson's Report in Military Diary, 314 of 1818. 

B Blue Book, 119, 129, in Nairne's Konkan, 113. 6 Dickinson's Report. 

'' Asiatic Journal, YI, 96, in Naime's Konkan, 113 : Blue Book, Naime'a Konkan, 
114. 



Eonkaii.l 



thAna. 



523 



victory near the Kusur pass ovev a body of Arabs, Musalnid,ns, and 
Kolis.^ As the bulk of the people were friendly the districts did not 
require a strong garrison.^ Thd,na was maintained as a military 
station, and, for some years, detachments were kept at Panvel, 
■ (Kalydn ?), Bhiwndi, and Bassein.^ Of the inland forts Captain 
Dickinson, who was sent to survey them, considered Asheri, Malang- 
gad, and Mdhuli impregnable, but from their isolated position 
useless. Of the Sahyddri forts Gorakhgad near Murbad, Kotaligad 
near Neral, and Sidgad near Gorakhgad, for a short time, were held 
by small detachments. The inner works of the rest of the inland forts 
•were, as far as possible, destroyed.* The coast forts, of which 
Arnala and Tarapur were the chief, were in better order than the 
inland forts. They gave the people a feeling of security against 
pirates, and were allowed to remain untouched.^ 

During the rains of 1818 two important prisoners were kept in the 
north Konkan, Ohimnaji Appa the Peshwa's brother at Bassein and 
Trimbakji Denglia at Thana.® At the time of their transfer to the 
British, the Thana districts for miles round the forts had scarcely an 
inhabitant. The few people were almost without tools ; there was 
hardly a craftsman even of the humblest description.^ In other parts 
the people were poor and numbers of villages were empty. The forests 
were held by most degraded, almost savage, Kolis, Bhils, Kathkaris, 
and Thakurs who lost no chance of plunder.^ There were two excep- 
tions to the general wretchedness, Kalyan whose villages were large 
and well-peopled and the country prosperous,^ and the garden of 
Bassein, where every inch of land was highly tilled, much of it under 
sugarcane, garden crops, and rice.^" Prom the Vaitarna north to 
the Damanganga was an excellent road, ' perhaps for its length (73 
miles) unequalled by any in the world.' But the country had lately 
been pillaged by Pendharis.^^ S^lsette, though so long under British 
management, was a striking contrast to the rich garden lands of 
Bassein. In the south the valleys were well tilled, but the greater 
part of the island lay empty and waste, almost wholly covered with 
brushwood. The revenue was about £25,000 (Rs. 2,50,000)," and 
the population estimated at 50,000. The people were excessively 
fond of liquor, but so quiet and orderly, that in 1813, for two years 
no native of the island had been committed fw trial.^^ 

Details of the development of the district under British rule are 
given in the Chapters on Trade and on Land Administration. Since 
1818 order has been well preserved. The chief exceptions are the Koli 
gang robbers who continued to trouble the district till about 1830 ; a 
Musalmdn and Hindu riot in Bhiwndi in 1837 ; the alarm and disquiet 
of the 1857 mutinies ; an income-tax disturbance in Bassein in 1860 ; 
and two recent outbreaks of gang robberies in 1874 and in 1877. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

EnoUsh, 
1800-1882. 



State of Thdna, 
1818. 



1 Blue Book,,Naime's Konkan, 114. 

2 There was general joy in the districts that were handed over to the Britigt^, 
Pendh^ri and Mardtha Wars, 112. 3 Nairne's Konkan, 128. 

4 Nairne's Konkan, 117. ^ Nairne's Konkan, 117. 

6 Nairne's Konkan, 118. 1 Dickinson's Report. 8 Nairne's Konkan, 126. 

9 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 150. 10 Dickinson's Report. U Dickinsoa's Report. 

12 £23,580 (Es. 2,35,800) in 1813. Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 172. 

13 Hamilton's Hindustan, II. 172. 



[Sombay Gazetteer, 



524 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Enoush. 

1800-1882. 

Koli Bobbers, 

1820-1830. 



Bhhimdi Riots, 
1837. 



During the first twelve years of British rule the hill country 
both above and below the Sahyadrisj was infested with gangs of 
Bhil and Koli robbers. Their head-quarters were almost always in 
the Deccan, but their raids swept across the whole of Thana, and 
caused widespread discomfort and alarm. The leading spirit was 
one Eamji Bhangria a Koli. For a time he was won from his wild 
life and placed in charge of the police of a sub-division. He proved 
an able officer^ but resenting an order stopping his levy of ^ts he 
withdrew from Government service. At the same time the pay and 
allowances of other leading Koli families were reduced, and many 
of them were thrown out of work by the dismantling of the forts. 
In spite of general discontent, the presence of British troops 
prevented an outbreak, till, in 1827, the Kolis learned that the 
Satara Eamoshis, who had been in revolt for three years, had 
gained all they had fought for. Judging that to show themselves 
formidable was the sxirest way of gaining redress, the Kolis, at 
the close of 1828, went out in revolt. Captain Mackintosh, who 
was put in charge of a body of police, found great diflSculty in 
gaining news of their movements. In time he won over a certain 
number of Kolis, found the names of all persons likely to help 
the outlaws, and noted their favourite hiding and watering places. 
A large body of troops was collected. Some were posted in the 
Konkan and others along the crest of the Sahyadris, and light parties, 
perpetually on the move, kept surprising the Kolis in their hiding 
places. So hot was the pursuit that the insurgents were forced to 
break iuto small parties. All the watering places were guarded, 
and, in a few months, the two chiefs and more than eighty of their 
followers were caught and marched into Ahmadnagar.^ 

There has long been ill-feeling between the MusalmAns and the 
Hindus of Bhiwndi. In April 1837 the Muharram chanced to fall at 
the same time as the Hindu festival oiBdmnavmi, or Rdma's birth- day. 
The Musalmans determined not to allow the idol of Vithoba, the local 
representative of Ed,ma, to be carried about the streets during the ten 
days of the Muharram. On the 14th April, Vithoba'sbirth-day, when 
his image ought to have been carried through the town, the Musalmans 
gathered in front of his temple. The Hindus, fearing violence, gave 
up their procession and went to their homes. To be revenged on 
the Musalmdns the V^nids agreed to close their shops, and the low 
class Hindus promised to take no part in the Muharram. Next day 
(15th April) the want of supplies irritated the Musalmans, and in 
the evening they were further enraged by finding that of their 
seven or eight Muharram biers or tahuts, only two could be 
moved, because the usual Hindu bearers refused to touch them and 
the Mahars would neither play music nor carry torches. According 
to the Musalmdn account, as the procession passed an empty 
house, the tahuts were battered with stones. On this the Musalmdns 
broke into open riot, entered Vithoba's temple, stripped the idol of 
its jewels, broke some trellis work and images, and handled an old 
sickly Mahar so roughly that he soon after died. Forty-eight 



1 Madcintosh in Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I. 256-264. 



Koukan.] 



THlNA. 



525 



Musalmdns were arrested, and twenty-one convicted and sentenced 
to long terms of imprisonment.^ 

In 1840 a rising in the Thdna jail was speedily suppressed by a 
detachment of the fifteenth regiment of Native Infantry.^ In 1853, 
in consequence of an order forbidding the digging of pits for Holi 
fires inthe high roads, the Hindu merchants of Thdna closed their 
shops. Police guards were set over the shops and the owners 
were compelled to open them and the opposition ceased.^ 

Except that Vengaon near Karjat was the birthplace of the 
infamous Nana Sahab, Thdna had no share in the 1857 mutinies, 
Ed,gho Vishvandth, a relative of Ndna Saheb's, who was found 
stirring up the people of Vengaon, was arrested and confined 
in the Thana jail. To prevent the spread of false or of damaging 
rumours, the editors of native newspapers were warned to make 
no statements of alleged mutinies without the permission of 
Grovemment. In pursuance of orders to disarm the district, 997 
arms were destroyed and 5204 registered. Armed parties passing 
through the district were disarmed, and the import or transport 
of brimstone, sulphur, and other warlike stores was forbidden. 
Passports were issued to strangers travelling through the district, 
and no Arabs were allowed to land at the ports.* 

In 1860 the levy of the income-tax met with considerable opposition. 
In Thdna, Kalyd,n, Bhiwndi, Panvel, and Shdh^pur, the people 
gathered, and, going to the leading Government officials, threw the 
income-tax forms on the ground and refused to take them. In these 
towns the leading men of the different communities were called 
together, the foolishness of the people's conduct was explained to 
them, and they were persuaded to take their own forms and induce 
others to take theirs. In Bassein the opposition was more general 
and better organised. On the 4th of December about 4000 people 
gathered in front of the mdmlatddr's office, and threw down their 
notices and forms. The late Mr. Hunter of the Civil Service, the 
special income-tax officer, reached Bassein on the next day, and 
received from the mdmlatd^r a list of the men who had taken a leading 
part in the disturbance. Mr. Hunter, who was staying at the travel- 
ler's bungalow, asked the mdmlatddr to send him the men whose 
names were entered in the list. They came accompanied by a great 
crowd. Mr. Hunter made the crowd sit down near the bungalow and 
spoke to them. They listened quietly and Mr. Hunter, hoping that he 
had brought them to a better mind, gave the leading men another 
opportunity of taking the income-tax forms. One of them, by 
name Govardhandds, refused, and behaved with such insolence that 
Mr. Hunter ordered him into custody. On this the people grew 
unruly, forced their way into the house, and made such an uproar 
that Mr. Hunter, finding he had lost control of them, determined to 
retire to his boat. The house was three-quarters of a mile from the 
pier, and, on the way, egged on by Govardhandds, the mob attacked 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Ekoush. 
1800-1882. 



The Mutinies, 
1867. 



Income Tax 
Biota, 
1860. 



1 Mr. W. B. Mulook, C. S. 2 Historical Record of the XV. Regiment N. I., 14. 

3 HistorioiJ Record of the XV, Regiment N. I,, 14. 

4 Historical Record of the XV. Regiment N. I., 14. 



[Bom1)ay Gazetteer, 



526 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

English. 
1800-1882. 



Oang Bobberiea, 
1874. 



Trade. 



Mr. Hunter with sticks and stones, and forced him to run for his boat. 
He reached the boat without much injury, but when his servants 
tried to push off, they were prevented by showers of stones and were 
kept in this position for three-quarters of an hour, when Mr. Hunter's 
clerk persuaded the people to let him go. Govardhandds, the leader 
in the riot, was sentenced to a month's imprisonment and a fine of 
£40 (Es. 400). 

In 1874 Honia Bhdgoji Kenglia, a Koli of Jamburi in Poona, 
became the leader of a large band of robbers. A special party of 
police, under an European officer, was sent to hunt him, but he 
moved with such secrecy and speed that he remained at large for 
two years. At length, on the 15th of August 1876, Honia was 
caught near Ndndgaon in Karjat, and condemned to transportation 
for life. Most of his gang were shortly after seized and sentenced 
to heavy terms of imprisonment. In 1877, the gang robberies that 
were organised by Vdsudev Balvaut Phadke in Poona, and other 
parts of the Deccan, extended to Thdna. Several serious robberies 
were committed, the most notable being the sack of a rich Brahman's 
house in Panvel. The fortunate surprise and death in May 1879 of 
the leader of this gang, by Major H. Daniell, prevented disorder 
from spreading. And, after the brilliant capture in July 1879 of 
VdsudevBalvant Phadke, also by Major H. Daniell at Deveh Nadige 
in Indi in Kalddgi, order was soon restored.^ 

Under British rule the trade of the district has developed from 
411 lakhs of import and 330 of export in 1805 to 2857 Idhhs 
of import and 2921 of export in 1881, an increase of about seven- 
fold. This trade, both by land and by sea, is almost entirely 
local. The foreign trade of the Thdna coast continues to centre in 
Bombay. The great increase, six hundred to eight hundredfold in 
the trade of Bombay since the beginning of the century, has not 
directly benefited the Thana district.^ The passage of goods across 
the district by rail and the competition of steamers may even have 
taken from the cartmen and seamen of Thdna former means of 
employment. Still indirectly Thdna has gained. It is chiefly to the 
increase of work and the growth of population which have accompanied 
the development of trade in Bombay, that the Thdna district owes 
its advance in wealth and prosperity. The trade of Bombay furnishes 
employment for numbers of the upper classes as clerks and traders, 
and for numbers of the lower classes as craftsmen and labourers. 
Since 1820, the growth of Bombay has probably increased about 
sixfold the demand for the lime, stones, sand, tiles, and wood used 
in its buildings, and for the salt, grass, straw, grain, vegetables, 
fruit, and liquor consumed by its people and animals, perishable or 
bulky articles in the supply of which Thdna so favourably competes 
with more distant districts.^ 

1 Police Reports for 1879, Commissioner C. D.'s Report, p. 9. 

2 A comparison of the average trade returns of Bombay during the five years 
ending 1881, with the corresponding average of the five years ending 1806, shows an 
increase in the value of exports from 282 UHeJis to 2921 Idkha or 936 per cent ; 
in the value of imports from 320 IdkJis to 2357 Idkhs or 637 per cent j and, in the total 
value of the trade from 602 Idkhs to 5278 ldk?is or 777 per cent. 

3 Compared with those for 1826 the census returns for 1881 show an increase 
from 1,32,570 to 7,73,196 or 483-23 per cent in the people, and from 19,927 to 29,823 
or 49'66 per cent in the houses of the Town and Island of Bombay. 



Konkan,] 



CHAPTER VIII. 

LAND ADMINISTRATION.' 

SECTION I.- ACQUISITION, CHANGES, AND STAFF. 

Of the territories that form the district of Thana, the islands of 
Salsette, Elephanta, Hog Island, and Karanja were conquered by the 
British at the close of 1 774. In the following year Raghundthrdv 
Peshwa, under the treaty of Surat, ceded Bassein and ita 
dependencies. This cession was confirmed in 1778. But four years 
later, under the treaty of Salbai (1782), Bassein and its dependencies 
were restored to the Peshwa, and the British possessipn of Sd,lsette, 
Elephanta, Hog Island, and Karanja was confirmed. The rest of 
the district was ceded by the Peshwa under the treaty of Poena in 
June 1817. 

In 1817, on the acquisition of the Konkan, Thana, which had been 
the civil station of Salsette, became the head-quarters of the North 
Konkan, and at first Banket and in 1820 Ratnagiri became the head- 
quarters of the South Konkan including Kolaba. In 1830 Kolaba, 
or the three sub-divisions north of the B^nkot creek, Sankshi 
Eajpuri and RAygad, were transferred from the South to the North 
Konkan, which was then raised to be a principal coUectorate with 
the South Konkan as a subordinate coUectorate.^ This arrangement 
lasted for only two years. In the beginning of 1833 these two 
divisions of the Konkan were, without territorial change, formed into 
the two coUectorates of Thana and Ratnagiri.* Twenty years later 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration 

Acquisition, 
1774-1817. 



Changes, 
1817-1869. 



1 Materials for the Administrative History of Thina include, besides a paper 
on Tenures by Mr. W. B. Muloek, C.S., Collector of Thtoa, Regulations III. of 
1799 and I. of 1808 ; Revenue Diaries, 135 of 1818, 144 of 1819, 151 of 1820, and 
153 of 1820; Thina Collector's Outward File, 1820; Thd,na Collector's File, 1821, 
about Revenue System ; East India Papers, III. (Ed, 1826) ; Bombay Government 
Revenue Record, 211 of 1828; MS. Selection, 160 (1818-1830) containing Mr. 
Marriott's and obher Reports ; Major T. B. Jervis' Statistical Account of the 
Konkan, 1840 ; Mr. Vibart, Revenue Commissioner, 311 of 24th February 1842; 
ThAna Collector's File of Objectionable Taxes, Vol. IT. 1827-1851 ; Thana Collector's 
File, 1843-1833, about General Condition ; Thdna Collector's File of Statistics, 1836- 
1860 ; Survey Reports (1855-1866) in Bombay Government Selections LXII. LXXIII. 
LXXXVIII. XCVI. ; Early (1835-1842) Assessment Revision Reports by Mr, Daviea 
and other Officers, and Annual Jamibandi and other Reports and Statements, 1832- 
1880 (in Bombay Government Revenue Record 550 of 1834, 628 of 1835, 696 of 1836, 
700 of 1836, 746 of 1836, 775 of 1837, 867 of 1838, 870 of 1838, 975 of 1839, 1102 
of 1840, 1244 of 1841, 1348 of 1842, 1457 of 1843, 1573 of 1844, 22 of 1846, 21 of 
1847, 29 of 1849, 34 of 1851, 35 of 1851, 27 of 1855, 11 of 1856 part 4, 19 of 1856 
part 3, 19 of 1857 part 10, 25 of 1858 part 9, 16 of 1859, 20 of 1860, 22 of 1861, 13 of 
1862-64, 10 of 1865, 5 of 1871, 5 of 1872, Gov. Res. on Revenue Settlement Reports 
for 1873-74, Rev. Dept. 6092 of 27th October 1875, Bom. Pres. Gen. Adm. Rep. 1872-73 
to 1880-81) ; and Season Reports since 1860. 
a Gov, Kfis, 610, 18th March 1830. 3 Gov. Order 3402, 17th December 1832. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



528 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
AdminiBtration. 

Changes, 
1817-1869. 



Staff, 
1882. 



(1853) the three southern sub-dmsions of Sdnkshi R^jpuri and 
Raygad, together with the KoMba Agency, consisting of the 
TJnderi and Revdanda sub-divisions, were formed into the KoMba 
sub-coUectorate and placed under Thana.^ This arrangement lasted 
till 1869, when, without territorial change, KoMba was separated 
from Thd,na and raised to be a cdllectorate.^ 

As regards the internal or sub-divisional distribution of the Thana 
district, important changes took place in 1841 and again in 
1866. In 1841 Bhiwndi with Shirol was severed from Kalyd,n 
and made a separate sub-division ; Taloja was made a sub-division, 
which was subsequently in 1861 divided by the survey between 
Kalyd,n and Panvel ; and the greater portion of the T^apur petty 
division was taken from Sanjln and joined to the newly formed 
sub-division of Mahim. As regards the changes in 1866, S^lsette 
and Bassein alone remained untouched -^ the boundaries of Sanjdn, 
now^tyled Dahanu, Mahim, Bhiwndi, Murbad, Kalyan, and PaDvel, 
were more or less altered ; the Vada petty division was raised to 
be a sub-division ; the Kinhavli petty division was abolished, part 
being added to Shdhapur and part to Murbad j the Kolvan sub- 
division was styled Shahapur and the Mokhada petty division was 
made subordinate to it ; fourteen villages from Panvel and as many 
from Nasrapur, now styled Karjat, were transferred to the Sankshi 
sub-division of KoMba j the Sd,i petty division in Panvel was 
abolished ; and Uran, which had been separated from Salsette in 
1861, was placed under Panvel.* 

The present (1882) sub-divisions are, beginning from the north 
Ddhanu, Mdhim, Vada, Shdhdpur, Bhiwndi, Bassein, Salsette, 
Kalyan, Murbiid, Karjat, and Panvel. 

The revenue administration of the district is entrusted to an 
officer styled Collector on a yearly pay of £2790 (Rs. 27,900). 
This officer, who is also Political Agent, chief magistrate, district 
registrar, and executive head of the district, is helped in his work 
of general supervision by a stafE of four assistants of whom two are 
covenanted and two uncovenanted servants of Government. The 
sanctioned yearly salaries of the covenanted assistants range from 
£600 to £1200 (Rs. 6000 -Rs. 12,000) and those of the uncove- 
nanted assistants from £360 to £720 (Rs. 3600 -Rs, 7200) .^ 

For fiscal and other administrative purposes the lands under the 
Collector's charge are distributed over eleven sub-divisions. Eight 
of these are generally entrusted to the covenanted assistant 
collectors and three to the uncovenanted assistant or district 
deputy collector. As a rule no sub-division is kept by the 
Collector under his own direct supervision. The head-quarter or 
huzur deputy collector is entrusted with the charge of the treasury. 
These officers are also magistrates, and those who have revenue 



1 Gov. of India's Order 2367, lat October 1852. 

2 Gov. Notification, 10th July 1869. 3 Gov. Rea. 897, 10th March 1866. 

4 Gov, Res. 466, 3rd February 1865. See pp. 609, 621. 

5 The superintendent of Mitherin is gazetted as an assistant collector and third 
class magistrate, but his duties as an assistant collector are very limited. 



Eonkan.l 



THANA. 



529 



cbarge of portions of the district have, under the presidency of the 
Collector^ the chief management of the different administrative 
bodies, local fund and municipal committees, within the limits of 
their revenue charges. 

Under the supervision of the Collector and his assistant and deputy 
collectors, the revenue charge of each fiscal sub-division or tdluha 
is placed in the hands of an officer styled mdmlatdwr. These 
functionaries who are also entrusted with magisterial powers have 
yearly salaries varying from £180 to £300 (Rs. 1800- Es. 3000). 
Four of the fiscal sub-divisions contain petty divisions, j^ietds or 
mahdls, under the charge of officers styled mahdlkaris, who, except 
that they have no treasury to superintend save in the petty divisions 
of MokMda and Umbargaon, exercise the revenue and magisterial 
powers generally entrusted to a mdmlatddr. The mahdlkaris' 
yearly pay varies from £72 to £96 (Rs. 720 -Rs. 960). 

In revenue and police matters the charge of the 2114 Government 
villages is entrusted to 2256 headmen or pdtils, of whom 145 are 
stipendiary and 2111 hereditary.^ Of the stipendiary headmen, 
five perform police duties only and 140 police and revenue duties. 
Of the hereditary headmen 174 perform revenue, 50 perform 
police, and 1887 perform revenue and police duties. The headmen's 
yearly emoluments, which are in proportion to the revenue of the 
village, consist partly of cash payments and partly of remission of 
assessment on land and palm trees. The cash emoluments vary 
from l|c?. to £13 3s. 6d. (11 pies-Bja. 131-12) and average about 



£1 16s. 4g(i. (Rs. 18-3-3), while the remissions from land and palm 
assessmenttogetherrangefrom|£?.to£5 15s. lO^d. (3 pies-Rs. 57-15-3) 
and average about 7s. &d. (Es. 3-11-4). Of £4942 (Rs. 49,420) the 
total yearly charge on account of village headmen, £4105 (Rs. 41,050) 
are paid in cash and £837 (Rs. 8370) are met by grants of land and 
by remissions of assessment on land and on palm trees. 

To keep the village accounts, draw up statistics, and help the 
village headmen, there is a body of 314 village accountants or 
taldUs. AU of these village accountants are stipendiary. Each 
has an average charge of about seven villages, containing about 
2890 inhabitants and yielding an average yearly revenue of about 
£440 (Rs. 4400). Their yearly pay varies from £12 to £21 12s. 
(Rs. 120-Rs. 216) and averages about £17 13s.6d. (Rs. 176-11-4). It 
amounts to a total cost of £5549 (Es. 55,490). 

Under the headmen and accountants are the village servants, with 
a total strength of 2544. These men are liable both for revenue 
and for police duties. They are Hindus generally of the Koli and 
Mhdr castes. The total yearly grant for the support of this 
establishment amounts to £2144 (Rs. 21,440), being 16s. lO^d. 
(Es. 8-6-10) to each man, or a cost to each village of £1 Os. 3|c?. 
(Rs. 10-2-3). Of this charge £400 (Rs. 4000) are met by grants of 
land and £l744 (Rs. 17,440) are paid in cash. 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Staff, 
1882. 

Sub-Divisional 
Officers. 



Village Officers. 



Village Servants. 



1 Pdtil apparently pattakil, or plate, that is lease, holder is probably a Dravidian 
word. In the 2114 villages are included 38 izdfat or special service, 4 vatan or service, 
and 12 sha/rdkati or share villages. 

B 310-67 



[Bombay Oazetteer, 



530 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. In alienated villages the village oflBcers and servants are paid by 

Land *^® alienees and perform police duties for Government. 

Aamuustration. The average yearly cost of village establishments may be thus 

Staff, summarised : 

1882. . Thdna Village EstahlishmerUs. 



Tenures. 



Hea.dmen 

Accountants 

Servants 

Total ... 


£ 

4942 
6549 
2144 


Bs. 

49,420 
66,490 
21,440 


12,635 


1,26,350 



This is equal to a charge of £5 19s. 6|d (Rs. 59-12-3) a village, 
or 9" 15 per cent of the whole of the district land revenue.* 

SECTION II.— TENUEES.^ 

The tenures of the district belong to two main classes, survey and 
special tenures. By far the largest part of the district is held on 
the survey tenure of ownership with power to transfer, subject to the 
payment of a rent which is liable to revision at the end of thirty years. 

When a survey-holder does not himself till the land he sublets it 
either on the half-share or a/rdhel, or on the contract or khand 
system. Under the ardhel or half-share, which is the most common 
form of subletting, the survey occupant pays the Government 
assessment and contributes half the seed and one bullock for the 
plough, and in return he takes half the gross produce, including 
half of the straw at harvest time. The tenant supplies the labour, 
half of the seed, and the second bullock. This system ia commonest 
in the wilder inland tracts, where the tenant is too poor to undertake 
the whole responsibility of cultivation. This is also the usual 
arrangement during the first couple of years after new land has 
been broken for tillage or reclaimed from salt waste. 

The contract system is called khand, or makta, and is also known 
as the farmer's share system or svamitva. Under it the survey, 
occupant pays the Government assessment and sublets the land 
on condition of receiving a share called svdmilwa, which varies in 
different parts of the district from six to twelve mans the acre. 
The tenant provides seed, plough, bullocks, labour, and manure, 
except such bush-loppings and grass as he may cut from the 
holder's upland. 

The special tenures may be arranged under two groups, those 
that almost entirely ceased on the introduction of the revenue 
survey and those that are still continued. Of the special forms 
of tenure that have almost entirely merged in the revenue survey 



' The cost of village establishments, except the pay of the accountants who receive 
fixed monthly salaries, is liable to variation in consequence of the confiscation or 
escheat of service lands or of the commutation of a land into a cash allowance. 
But such changes are rare. The figures in the text fairly represent the average 
strength and cost of village establishments. 

' Most of this section is contributed by Mr. W. B. Mulook, C,S,, Collector of 
Thdna, September 1881, 



Sonkan.] 

THANA. 531 

tenure details are given later on in the Administrative History. Chapter VIII. 
Briefly they are the dhep or lump also called the taha, toha, or hon,^ Land 

the Ms or estate, the ndngarbandi or plough system, the suti or Administration, 
special remission settlement, and the pdndharpesha or high-class Tenurea 

villagers' settlement. 

Under the dhep or lump system, which seems to have been handed 
down from very early times, a certain quantity of grain was paid for 
an unmeasured plot or lump of land. A modification of this system 
was found in Kolvan, now Vada and Shdhd,pur including Mokhdda. 
Under this modification, the land was divided into unmeasured plots 
of mixed rice and upland, each known as a has or estate.^ A plough 
cess or ndngarbandi was also in force in the wilder parts of the 
district. Under it a husbandman could till as much land as he 
pleased and as long as he pleased, provided he paid a certain amount 
of grain on every pair of bullocks he used.^ 

In 1870, in the case known as the One Teak Tree Case, Atmaram Suti. 

Tipnis against the Collector of Thdna, the plaintiff claimed that 
as a holder under the suti tenure, he had proprietary rights in the 
land he held, and that these rights included the ownership of all 
trees on his holding. The claim was thrown out both by the 
assistant and by the District Judge. On appeal the case was returned 
by the High Court to the District Judge for re-trial. The District 
Judge then decided that a sutiddr, or holder under the suti tenure, 
was a proprietor, and, under rule ten of the Joint Rules, he had a right 
to the possession of the trees in his land, and could dispose of them 
as he pleased. Government employed Mr. A. K. Nairne, C.S., then 
first assistant collector, who had a special knowledge of Konkan 
land-tenures, to investigate the history of the suti tenure. The 
result of Mr. Nairne's inquiries was to show that the suti tenure 
carried with it no special right to transfer land or dispose of trees. 
Mr. Nairne* showed that the term suti was very rarely used in the 

1 MS. Sel. 160, 711-714 ; Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 867 of 1838, 289. 

''Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 417. 'The hdsbandi is now (1881) in force only in 
thirteen villages in Mokhdda. Under it the rice lands were broken into separate 
Burvey and part numbers, while the upland was measured into one large survey 
number, A share of this upland together with the rice land in his occupation was 
roughly measured by chain and entered as the owner's holding or khdta, but it was 
not made into a separate number. Neither description of land can be held or thrown 
up independently of the other. The hdsbcmdi a.nd plough-cess or ndngarbandi systems 
of MokhAda, which at the introduction of the survey (1865) were continued for ten 
years, are to be replaced as soon as possible by the ordinary field survey under 
Government Resolution 2788 of 28th May 1879.' Mr. Mulock, 0. S. 

2 ' This ndngarbandi system obtains (1881) in twenty-three villages in Karjat, in 
sixty-seven villages in MokhAda, and in a few villages in ShAhApur. Under it the 
rice lands were measured, classified, and allotted, while the upland of the village was 
left in one large number, and the assessment levied at a rate varying from 6s. to 
£1 4s. (Rs. 3-Rs. 12) for each plough. In Karjat in the south and in Mokhdda in the 
north-east, there is (1881) a tenure which was recognised at the time of the 
survey and called by the Survey Superintendent dali cultivation (Gov. Sel. XCVI. 
13, 421). The assessment is levied on the kudali, or hoe, of those who are too poor to 
own a plough and bullocks. The land thus tilled is found alpng the SahyAdris in 
the hands of Kolis, ThAkurs, and KAthkaris ; the tax on each hoe is Is. 6d. {as. 12).' 
Mr. Mulock, 0. S. 

* These details are taken from a printed paper by Mr. Nairne, showing all the 
rights known to exist in the North Eonkan over teak and blackwood in Government, 
villages and lands. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



532 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Laud 
Admiuistration. 

Tenures. 



PdndJiarpesha . 



old Britisli records j that when it did occur it was explained as' 
an hereditary occupancy right subject to the payment of the 
Government rental ; that it did not carry with it the right to transfer 
the land ; and that it was limited to rice lands and did not extend 
to hill-grain or varkas lands.^ It was less favourable to the 
landholder than the survey tenure, and disappeared on the 
introduction of the survey settlement. The people stiU speak of 
rice land held under the survey tenure as suti, and sutidd/r is used 
with the same meaning as hhdteddr or survey occupant. On 
receipt of Mr. Nairne's report Government (Resolution 6646 of 
27th November 1875) expressed their regret that it was not before 
them when they determined not to appeal against the District Judge's 
decision. Since 1875, section 40 of the Land Revenue Code ha,s 
settled that, unless teak blackwood or sandalwood has been expressly 
and clearly conceded, the right of Government is indisputable. 

Formerly some of the higher classes of villagers, who represented 
themselves or their ancestors as the original reclaimers of the land 
from waste, were allowed to hold their land at specially low rates. ^ 
These classes were known as pwndharpeshds,^ that is the villagers; 
proper. They included Brahmans, Prabhus, Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, 
Coppersmiths, Carpenters, Saddlers, and others who did not 
themselves till the soil. To make up for the special expense they 
incurred in hiring labour, they were allowed to hold their lands at 
specially easy rates. The practice is said to have been older than 
the time of the Peshwas. Under the British the question of 
continuing or putting a stop to these privileges has given rise to 
much difference of opinion. These opinions, which are noted below 
in the Administrative History, may be shortly summarised. In 
1820 Government agreed to continue to the pdndharpeshds their 
specially easy rates.* But in 1823, at the first settlement of the 
district, they decided that, with certain reservations, the practice 
of taking specially low rates from privileged classes should be 
abolished.^ This order was not enforced. In 1825 the .Collector 
brought the matter to the notice of Government and the orders 
of 1823 were repeated. In 1826 a second attempt to carry them out 
met with so much opposition that it was abandoned by Sir John 
Malcolm in 1828.^ It was then' decided that those who had held 
as pdndharpeshds at the beginning of British rule should have their 
privileges confirmed. Prescription and usage were to be considered 



1 Mr. W. B. Mulock, 0. S. Mr. Naime does not explain the meaning of the word 
Sttti. It apparently means exempt or remitted. Mr. Ebden suggests the probable 
explanation of the word, namely, that it originated in Trimbak Vindyak's survey 
which introduced acre, or bigJia, rates with the concession known as ' savdi euti,' 
or the one and a quarter remission, that is instead of one and a quarter only one 
big?ta was entered in the books (see Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI, 78). This one and a 
quarter remission was one of the privileges claimed by the pdndharpeshds. This 
explanation supports Mr. Nairne's view that the pdndharpeshds were siUiddrs with 
special privileges. Mr. Nairne's Paper, page 6 para. 8. 

2 Gov. Letter 788 of 1st May 1827, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 50 of 1827. 

3 Pdndhwrpesh comes apparently from the Marithi pdndhwr or village community 
and the Persian pcsA or practice. It included the artisans and other classes superior- 
to the cultivators. Wilson's Glossary, 396. 

* Gov. Letter 916 of 14th July 1820, in MS. Sel. 160, 313. 

5 Bom. Gov, Eev. Eec. 696 of J 836, 137. ^ Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 696 of 1836, 138. 



£oukan.] 



THlNA. 



533 



sufficient proof that a man was a pdndharpesha. The claims of those 
who could be proved to have assumed the place of pdndharpeshds 
since the beginning of British rule were to be disregarded. The 
privilege was deemed to be personal. It was allowed to pass to the 
holder's heirSj but not to the purchaser if the land was sold.^ In 
1836, when engaged in his great revision and reduction of rates, 
Mr. Davies urged that the privileges of the pdndharpeshds should 
be continued. Other classes had gained by the establishment of 
order under the British. But the upper classes had suffered from 
the loss of civil and military employment, from the prohibition of 
slavery, and from the want of field labour.^ Mr. Davies held, and in 
this he was supported by Mr. Williamson the Eevenue Commissioner, 
that the pdm,dharpesha privilege was to pay lower rates than the 
actual cultivators paid, a short rate, or ham dar, as opposed to the 
full rate, or bhar dar. The special privilege was continued in Panvel 
and in Nasrapur or Karjat.* But Grovemment held that the 
distinction between short and full rates was odious in principle and 
not desirable in practice. Government had no wish to raise the 
rates paid by the privileged holders to the level of those paid by 
ordinary husbandmen. But they held that the fact that Government 
saw fit to lower the husbandman's rates did not give the privileged 
classes any claim to a proportional reduction in their rates.* 
Accordingly in the revisions of Kalyd/n and Taloja the pdmdharpeshds 
were not allowed a specially low rate.^ Their claim that, wherever 
reduction was made in the rates paid by the regular husbandmen, a 
like .reduction should be made in their rates, was thus finally decided 
against the pdndharpeshds. 

During the introduction of the revenue survey (1852-1866) 
another point was raised. If the new survey rates proved higher 
than the iovmer poMdharpesha 'payments, must the demand be limited 
to the former payment, or could the increased rates be levied ? 
Captain Francis held that the increase could not fairly be levied, 
and proposed that the former rate of payment should be continued 
as a/wc?* or quit-rent. Prom this view Captain Wingate (632, 16th 
September 1853) differed. He held that the ^owdAar^jes/ia privileges 
were purely presumptive and personal; it was within the power 
of Government to stop them when they chose. He held that the 
pdndharpeshds were more able to pay the survey rates than ordinary 
kunbis were, and saw no reason why their exemption should be 
continued. If Government deemed it advisable to make a concession, 
he thought that, where they were lighter than the survey rates, 
the old rates might be continued for ten years.® The Collector, 
Mr. Seton Karr, thought no exemption even of a temporary nature 
should be made in favour of the pdndharpeshds J Government did 
not agree with Captain Wingate or Mr. Seton Karr. The privileges 



ChaptCTVIir. 

Land 
Administration^ 

Tenures. 
Pdndharpesha. 



1 Gov. Letter 365 of 25th March 1828, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 24. 

2 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 700 of 1836, 163-165. 

3 Mr. Davies, 6th September, 1837, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 292. 

i Gov. Letter 1698 of 4th May 1838, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI 292. 

s Bora. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 276, 289. 6 Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI, 27-30, 

^ Bom. Gov, Sel. XCVL 36. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



534 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter YIII. of the pcmdharpeshds tad been inquired into and confirmed^ and 
Land they doubted whether it was advisable or even within their power to 

Administration, cancel them.^ The matter was referred for the opinion of the Legal 
Tenures. Remembrancer and the Alienation Commissioner. 

Pdndharpesha. At the introduction of the survey into Khdldpur in 1855 and into 

Karjat in 1856, pdndharpeshds who paid less than the survey rates 
were allowed to continue their former payments on condition that 
the privilege was to cease with the expiry of the survey lease, and 
that, in case of death or transfer, the land was to be subjected to 
the full assessment. Government in reviewing the Karjat settle- 
ment (Resolution 1700 of 9th April 1857) stated that the question 
of pdndharpesha remissions was still under the consideration of the 
Alienation Department. No mention oi pdndharpesha claims occurs 
in the survey reports of Panvel (1856). In Kaly4.n (1859) and 
in Murbd,d (1860) their claims were urged and disallowed. On the 
5th February 1859, a resolution (No. 476) was issued directing the 
Superintendent of survey in future to levy a proportionate increase 
from pdndharpeshds as from other landholders. Districts already 
settled were not to be afEected by this order. The Revenue 
Commissioner in his 1567A of 4th June 1864 brought to notice that 
only in Nasrdpur had an erroneous settlement been made, and 
requested that matters should be rectified. Government in their 
Resolution 2467 of 29th June 1864, and the Secretary of State in his 
Despatch 25 of 25th April 1865, approved of this suggestion, and 
the Commissioner of survey (328 dated 23rd October 1865) reported 
that the necessary changes had been made and that the amount 
remitted to the pdndharpeshds had been reduced from £233 to £21 
(Rs. 2330 -Rs. 210). Subsequently the Revenue Commissioner 
(3780 of 2nd November 1865) found that the remission was only £18 
(Rs. 180) which was distributed over 167 holdings. Government 
(Resolution 4785 of 23rd November 1865) directed that until the 
revision of the survey settlement the remission should be continued 
where it was above one rupee. When less than a rupee the yearly 
remission was to be converted into a lump payment equal to the 
annual remission during the remainder of the survey lease. Almost 
all the pdndharpeshds, who were entitled to remissions of less than a 
rupee, took twenty years' purchase, and thus a large number of these 
claims were extinguished. The Secretary of State signified his 
assent to this arrangement in his Despatch 16 of 16th March 1867. 
In Karjat and Khdlapur alone is a remission, savdi sut, still allowed 
to these higher classes, and the whole amount remitted is only £14 
(Rs. 140). This amount steadily decreases and all vestige of special 
privilege will disappear at the revision settlement which will take 
place in a few years (1883-85). 

Of tenures different from the survey tenures, besides grant or 
indm lands held either rent-free or on the payment of a quit-rent, 
there are four local varieties, the service or vatan, the special service 
or izdfat, the embankment or shilotri, and the leasehold improperly 
termed khoti. 



1 Gov. Letter 3370, 2nd September 1856, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 70. 



Konkau.] 



THlNA. 



635' 



Exclusive of fifty-three leasehold villages in Sdlsette of which 
an account is given later on j of five villages in Panvel and one 
in Mahim which were granted in indm by the British Government j^ 
and of seventeen alienated or saravjdmi villages'* in Panvel, which 
are held under a treaty passed between the British and Angria's 
governments in 1822, there are seventy-five indm villages^ in the 
Thdna district. Soon after the acquisition of the district by the 
British, a proclamation was issued (1st December 1819) calling 
on all who had titles to rent-free or quit-rent land to produce and 
register them. In 1827 clause 8 section 42 of Regulation XYII. of 
1827 prescribed that, as the proclamation mentioned in clause 5 had 
been issued in the Northern Konkan, no deed which had not been 
registered within one year after the proclamation should be held by 
the Collector or by any court of justice to preclude the assessment of 
land in the manner specified in clause 6. A number of deeds were 
registered, inquiries regarding many claims to exemption were held, 
and decisions were passed under Chapters IX. and X. of the 
Regulation. Nevertheless, on the holders of all of these villages, 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
AdministratioUi 

Tenures. 
Indm Villagee, 



1 In Panvel, Shirdhon, Kushivli, and NAndgaon, granted in 1862-63 to the 
GdikwAr's Divdn Edo SAheb Ganesh Saddshiv Oze for his services during the 1857 
mutiny ; and Pdnja and Dongri granted in 1834-35 to a pensioned mimlatddr of 
Silsette Mr. Manoel deSouza. In MAhim, ParnAli granted in 1841 for constructing 
and maintaining a dam and a rest-house at the Bdnganga river on the Td,r4pur road, 

* V4t, Pirgaon, Dungi, Kopar, NAndai fJimba, KhdrnAndai Kopar, DApivli, Sdrang 
■Kota, NAndai Nimbyicha Kot, Pun&da, Ulva, Targhar, Kopar Khdr, Son Khdr, 
KhAtvira, Apta, Koral, and Gherividi. These villages, which yielded an estimated 
yearly revenue of £1000 (fls. 10,000), had been granted by A'ngria to his minister 
yindyak ParashrAm. On the lapse of the KoUba state in 1840, Mr. Davies the Political 
Agent found that, under a new deed dated 1826-27, the grant to the minister had been 
raised to £2671 (Ra, 26,710). The minister was deprived of all lands in excess of 
those guaranteed in 1822. (Government Resolution 2739, 3rd September 1844). The 
question of succession to these grant villages is now before Government. Mr. 
Mulock, C.S., September 1882. 









3 Thdna Indm Villages. 








StTB- 
DlVISION. 


YttLAGBB. 


Sub- 
division. 


VUiLAOES. 


Sub- 
division. 


VlLLAOES. 
















No 


Kamea. 




No. 


Names. 




No. 


Names. 


Ua'hiu.,. 


1 


Velgaon. 




27 


Vaiiv. 




- 61 


DiksaL 


2 


Bota. 


1 

BASBEni. ■{ 


28 


BhinSr. 




62 


Kalainb. 




3 


Mhasvai. 


29 


A'mbSda. 




53 


Eotimba. 




4 


Kondla. 


1 


30 


Vadghar, 


Karjat— 
amiri'ued. ' 


64 


savpoii. 




5 
6 


Dongasta. 
N&ra. 


Sa'lbeitb.. 


31 


Nto&la. ' 


66 


M&nd&r or 
A'tkargaon. 




7 


S&rsi. 




32 


Umbarda. 




66 


Chauk. 


Va'da ...• 


8 


Khair A'mbivU. 




33 


Dholfa 




67 


Manivli. 


9 


A'mbitghar. 




34 


E&mba. 




68 


Madh. 




10 


Devgaon. 




36 


N&Iimbi. 




69 


K a p d d a 




n 


Jh&d Khaira. 




36 


Tis 






Budrukh. 




12 


Torna. 




37 


Jimbivll. 




60 


Chinohvan. 




13 


KSti. 


KAIiYA'N, - 


38 


Eulgaon, 




61 


Ohikhla. 




. 14 


Devghap. 




39 


Dona. 




62 


Moho. 




15 


B&mna. 




40 


Mulgaon. 




63 


Talegaon. 




16 


Tembha. 




41 


SS.hatv&di. 




64 


EiUnndra. 


Sha'ha'- 


17 


Ealbhonda, 




42 


A'mboshlv 




65 


Chipla. 


18 


Patol. 






Budriikh. 


Panvel. • 


66 


Usroli. 


PUB. 


19 


Aanoll. 




43 


Ehadavli. 


67 


BUi&m. 




20 


Niateta. 


( 


44 


Bursunga, 




68 


Posri. 




21 


Jo^alv&di, 


Murba'd. ^ 


45 


MS,ndiis, 




69 


Piirgaon. 




22 


Kanheti. 


46 


Milha. 




70 


Kunde Vah&l. 




23 


Phena. 


( 


47 


Khiindafi. 




71 


P&tvadhi. 


BmwuDi . ■ 


24 


Vadavli. 


KAB.TAT. } 


48 


Tivra. 




72 


VahM. 




25 


Valsinda. 


49 


Bahmnas. 




73 


Ohirvad. 




28 


LonSd. 


60 


NevS,U. 




74 


Kudava. 




1 




- 1 




75 Ohindhran. I 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



536 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Admiuistration. 

Tenures. 
Jndm Villages, 



except Velgaon in Mahim, Khandas and Kotimba in Karjat, and 
Asnoli'- in SlidMpur, notices under section 9 of the Summary 
Settlement Act (Bombay Act VII. of 1863) have been served and a 
one-eighth quit-rent levied. The holders of four of these villages, 
Dongasta in VAda, Kulgaon in Kalydn, Mulgaon in Kalyan, and 
Chindhran in Panvel, demanded an inquiry into their titles, which in 
every case resulted in a decision in favour of the continuance of their 
exemption. The proprietors of three villages, Tis in Kalydn, Kanheri 
in Bhiwndi, and Phena in Bhiwndi, have alone received title-deeds 
or sanads. The remaining title-deeds were not granted owing to the 
diflBculty of calculating the quit-rent, or jvdd, under the Summary 
Settlement Act on forest lands which have not been assessed by the 
survey. The question of assessing forest lands under Rule 2 Section 6 
of the Act is still under . consideration, and until the matter is 
settled no deeds can be issued for villages which contain forests. 

The indmddrs of forty-one^ of the villages have signed an agree- 
ment in the form given in footnote 3 below. The legal effect of 
these agreements is doubtful, but the records show that they 
were not in all cases taken in acknowledgment of the indmddrs' 
rights but merely as a token of their consent to agree to this form 
of settlement, in the event of its being decided that they were entitled 
to be offered the summary settlement in respect of the forest.^ None 
of the indm villages have been surveyed excepting Nan^la in 
Salsette. In other cases the quit-rent paid is one-eighth of the 
approximate survey assessment of the village together with the 
former or original quit-rent. In moat inam villages there are old 
occupants whose rents are not raised. Tenants taking new land 
hold on the yearly or eksdli tenure, and they pay rents fixed by the 
indmddr which are generally about the same as the rates prevailing 
■in the surrounding Government villages. Indmddrs take their rents 
either murJcdbandi or mudhebandi, also known as muddbandd, that is 
a certain share of each muda of grain ; or dheplandi that is a certain 
amount of grain levied on a lump area j or bighdvni that is a certain 
bigha rate. As a rule cash is taken in place of grain. The 



1 Notice was issued, but it was cancelled because the Indm Commissioner had 
already inquired into and admitted the claim. Mr. E, J. Ebden, C. S. 

2 Nos. 2-4, 6-14, 20, 24-31, 34, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 59, 62, 
67, 68, 70, 71, and 73 in footnote 3, p. 535. The proprietor of Talegaou (63) in Pauvel 
did not sign the form of agreement. He sent an expression of his readiness to pay 
'one-eighth of the produce according to the Government order. ' Mr.B. J. Ebden, O.S. 

3 In a few oases one man holds two or three villages and passed one agreement for 
the lot. Mr. E. J. Ebden, C, S. The form of agreement is as follows : To the 

Collector of Thdna ; I, indmddr of village, pass this written agreement 

to the effect that, as I cannot agree with Government as to the value of the forests 
of the said village on the proceeds of which one-eighth is to be levied as summary 
settlement under Bombay Act VII. of 1863, I agree under the following conditions 
to pay one-eighth on the proceeds remaining after deducting one-third on account of 
protecting the forests, whenever cuttings take place. Prior to cutting the forests 
I will inform Government by detailed petition as to the description of forests to be 
cut and the period within which the cutting is to be effected. I will give passes 
with the timber in such form as may be ordered. In case of removal without apass 
the timber may be considered Government property, I wiU show to Government the 
actual receipts from forests, and will keep such accounts in connection therewith as 
may be directed by Government. I thus pass this agreement to the above effect. 
Signed Indmddr. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



8B7- 



condition of the occupants in indm villages does not greatly difPer 
from the condition of landholders in Government villages. About 
one-third of the indmddrs are in debt, and have mortgaged or sold 
their estates. The frequency with which they apply to the revenue 
authorities for assistance, under section 86 of the Land Revenue Code, 
seems to show that they find much difficulty in collecting their rents. 
For detached pieces of mam land under Bombay Act VII. of 1863, 
six hundred title deeds have been issued for personal grants, jdt 
indma, and eight hundred and fifty-six for charitable and religious 
grants, dharmdddya and devasthdn indms?- 

Thirty -five title deeds for personal and charitable grants have still 
to be issued, exclusive of those for entire villages. 

From returns received by Government in 1861, it appeared thai 
the value of the grants, or vatans, of hereditary district officers 
amounted over the whole Presidency to £130,000 (Rs. 13,00,000) 
or more than double the cost of the stipendiary establishments. 
The portion of these grants received by individuals actually 
performing service was little more than one-fifth. The rest was 
enjoyed without any return to the state.^ 

The grants or vatans consisted of cash and land in about the- 
proportion of six to seven ; four-fifths of the portion received by 
those actually sernng was cash. Government in return for an 
expenditure on hereditary service grants double the amount spent 
in maintaining stipendiaries, received the service of a body of persons 
three-fifths of whom were under-paid hirelings unconnected with the 
grantee and with no special motives for zeal or good Conduct. The 
right of Government to receive important service from the hereditary 
district officers in return for their emoluments had always been 
recognized. But, during the early years of British rule, it was feared 
that, by utilizing hereditary officers to any extent, undue power 
would be thrown into their hands and would be used to the injury 
and oppression of the people. As information regarding the country 
was collected and the power to counteract the injurious infiuences 
of the hereditary district officers increased, the rights of Government 
as regards service wore pressed more or less in all collectorates. On 
the other hand, the introduction of the revenue survey settlements 
rendered nearly useless the services which these hereditary officers 
had hitherto rendered. Government Resolution 720, dated 7th March 
1863, appointed Mr. Stewart Gordon President, and the Honorable 
Mddhavrd,v Vithal Vinchurkar and Rd,o Bahd.dur Keshav 
Ramchandra Jog members of a commission to settle the rights of 
Government and to hear the objections of the district officers to 



Chapter^VIir. 

Land 
Admiuistratioa.. 

Tenures. 
Indra Villages,. 



Vatan Settlement, 



Thdna Grants, Title Deeds. 



Sub-Division. 


Per- 
sonal. 


Re- 
ligious. 


Sub-Division. 


Per- 
sonal. 


Be- 
ligions. 


Sub-Division. 


Per- 
sonal. 


Ee- 
ligious. 


DiMnu 
M4him 
V&da 
Sh&h&par ... 


60 

160 

5 

22 


68 
133 

1 
41 


Mnrb&d 
Kaly&D 
Bhiwndl 
Bassein 


3 

96 
40 
146 


23 
133 

75 
84 


Sfilsette ... 

Panvel 

Karjat 

Total ... 


4 
28 
56 


61 
127 
109 


600 


856 



2 Gov. Ees. of 13th June 1861, 



B 310-68 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



538 



DISTRICTS. 



Ciapter VIII. 

Land 
Admnistration. 

Tenures. 
Vcitan Settlement. 



a scheme proposed for commuting service by the district officers 
foregoing a certain portion of their emoluments. The terms to 
be offered by the commission were to vary according to the 
circumstances of each district. But the general principle vas 
the continuance of emoluments in land and cash, after deducting 
a chauthdi or one-fourth in commutation of service to those who 
agreed to abandon all but a nominal right to serve. All perquisites 
or lasinia links, levied in kind from the people, were abolished on the 
introduction of the settlement.' Those who decHned to abandon 
their right to serve were to be called on to render a fair amount of 
service corresponding to the value of their grants. 

In Thana district hereditary officers were found only in Mahim, 
Kolvan, Murbdd, Kay] an, Bhiwndi, Panvel, and Nasrdpur. The 
emoluments in cash and land of ninety-four officers, deshmukhs, 
deshpdndes, desdis, cJiaudhris, adhikdris, sarpdtils, sarhhots, 
hulkarnis, and thdnges or kulkarnis' messengers, amounted after 
deducting the quit-rent to £4978 (Us. 49,780). In return for this, 
on the basis of the payments made by the grants to clerks and others 
acting for them, it was calculated that service worth £1161 (Es. 
1J,610) was rendered. The cases of these ninety-four officers were 
settled by the commission who decided to take five annas in the 
rupee, or a sum total of £1555 (Rs. 15,550) in commutation of service. 

No title deeds or sanads "have yet been issued under the Gordon 
settlement, but Government have ruled. Resolution 2915 of 23rd May 
1881, that the conditions of the title deeds to be issued to the 
grantees of Thana are those set forth in a report by Mr. Naylor 
and printed in the preamble to Government Resolution 6018, dated 
25th October 1875, under which the grant is to be continued so long 
as any male heir, lineal collateral or adopted, remains within the 
limits of the grantee's family. This settlement has been recognised 
by section 15 of Bombay Act III. of 1874. A special officer Mr. 
Vishnu R^mchandra is now (1882) employed in issuing hereditary 
service title deeds or vatan sanads.^ 

Besides parts of villages, four entire villages have been granted 



1 Government Resolution 1029 of 21st March 1866. 

2 Governmeut Resolution 3904 of 20th October 1881. The following is the form of 

hereditary service title-deed or vcUan sanad : Whereas in the district of certain 

lands and cash allowances are entered in the Government accounts of the year 18 

as held on service tenure as follows [name of the vatan, land assessment, cash 
allowances, and total emoluments after deducting original quit-rent], and whereas 
the holders thereof have agreed to pay to Government a fixed annual payment in lieu 
of service, it is hereby declared that the said lands and cash allowances shall 
be continued hereditarily by the British Government, on the following conditions : 
that is to say, that the said holders and their heirs shall continue faithful subjects of 
the British Government, and shall render to the same the following fixed yearly 

dues : Original quit-rent, rupees , in lieu of service rupees , total 

rupees . In consideration of the fulfilment of which conditions (1st) The 

said lands and cash allowances shall be continued without demand of service, and 
without increase of -land tax over the above fixed amounts, and without objection or 
question on the part of Government a,s to the rights of any holders thereof, so long as 
any male heir to the vatan, lineal, collateral, or adopted, within the limits of the 
vatanddr family, shall be in existence. (2nd) No succession fee or nazardna or other 
demand on the part of Government wiU be imposed on account of the succession of 
heirs, lineal, collateral, or adopted, within the limits of the vatanddr family, and 
permission to make such adoptions need not hereafter be obtained from Government. 
(3rd) When all the sharers of the vatan agree to request it, the general privilege of 



Koukan.] 



THANA. 



539 



in return for hereditary service, Nagaon in Md,liim, Tilgaon in 
Vada, and Vadhap and Hedavli in Karjat. In the case of these 
villages Government forewent the services of the grantees, and, instead 
of service, levied five annas in the rupee on the revenues of the 
villages. Besides to these four villages, as is noticed later on, the 
service settlement was applied by mistake to eight villages^ held ander 
the special service tenure known as izdfat ; but Grovernment have 
cancelled the vatan settlement with respect to these.'' Two-thirds 
of the share or shardkaU village of Anjur and half of the shardkah 
village of Hatnoli have also been subjected to the same settlement. 
Forest rights in service or vatan villages are determined in each case 
by the agreements passed. Thus in 1866 the holder of Tilgaon passed 
an agreement to pay five annas on its forest cuttings ; in 1854 the 
holder of Vadhap passed an agreement to take a third share of the 
forest cuttings as payment for protection; and, in 1870, the holder 
of Hedavli passed an agreement to pay to Government a six-anna 
share of the proceeds of its cuttings. 

The forest agreements passed in the cases of the seven izdfat 
villages are mentioned later on under izdfat. 

Shardkati or share villages are villages whose revenues are divided 
between Government and a private holder, or between two private 
holders. Of twelve shardkati villages, seven are part private or 
indm and part Government ; three are part private and part special 
service tenure or izdfat ; and two are part ordinary service or vatan 
and part Government.' 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Tenurea. 
Vatan Settlement. 



Shardkati 
ges. 



adopting at any time any person (without restriction as to family), who can be legally 
adopted, will be granted by Government to the vatan, on the payment from that time 
forward in perpetuity of an annual succession fee or nazardna of one anna in each 
rupee of the abore total emoluments of the vatan. This aanad is executed on behalt 
of the Secretary of State in Council, by order of the Governor in Council of Bombay 

by and under the hand and seal of this day of 18 and the said ^^— 

has affixed his signature in Marithi beneath this as evidence that he accepts the 
above grant on the terms and conditions aforesaid. 

1 Bhopavli, Kdmbdra, Amgaon, Vdrnol, Varla, VarsdJa, AdOShi, and Dolh&ra. 

2 Government Eeaolution 4938 of 26th July 1882. 

' Thdna Shardkati or Share Villagf.il. 



Sub-Division. 


Village. 


Grant. 


Special 
service. 


Service. 


Govern- 
ment. 


Sba'ha'pOb ... 

KALYi'S 

Bhiwndi 

Pjhtvel 

KAa.UT 

Total ... 


A'izaoa 

Tata 

Eh&tiTli 

Oandh&ra 

M&nera 

Sikroli 

K4]noli 
Sdpa 
BMdina 
Anjur 

Neia, 

Hatnoli 





i 


1 


'"i 




12 


5 


H 


u 



To eight of these twelve villages, Atgaon, Tnta, Khitivli, Gandh^ra, M^nera, 
SikroU, Bhddina, and 'Beta,, notices have oeen issued under section 9 of the Summary 
Settlement Act, and a title deed has been passed for the alienated portion of M^nera. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
540 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter YIII. The difficulty of assessing forest rights in indm villages applies 

.Land _ equally to the alienated portions of these share villages. Atgaon 
Administration, alone has passed an agreement to pay the summary settlement 
Tenures. quit-rent on its forest cuttings. 

IzA/at. The izdfat or special service tenure is enjoyed by hereditary 

Government officers, chiefly deshmuhhs and deshpdndes. Under the 
Ahmadnagar kings, a practice probably handed down from pre- 
Musalmdn times, the services -of hereditary district officers were 
rewarded by the grant of villages free of rent.^ Under the early 
Aimadnagar rulers these officers seem to have also been revenue 
contractors. But, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
under Mahk Ambar's settlement, they ceased to be revenue 
contractors and acted only as district officers. At the same time 
they were continued in the enjoyment of their rent-free villages. 
Under the Mardthd,s (1720) the system was changed. The 
Mardthds found that the only well-managed villages were those held 
rent-free by the hereditary officers. They accordingly changed their 
ipaj to a percentage, 6'69 per cent, of their collections, and levied 
the full rental from the former rent-free villages. At the same time 
they allowed the officers to continue to style the former rent-free 
villages izdfat, and to keep the position of village holders. Under 
the farming system, in the later Maratha days (1800-1817) when the 
old survey rates were disregarded, the district hereditary officers 
lost their importance, their power and their duties ceased, and their 
claims on the revenue were divided and sold to many families, 
Br^hmans, Prabhus, and Musalmdns.^ The English found these 
officers almost useless and their pay scattered and broken. 

On the English acquisition of the district 124 izdfat villages, 
found in the hands of hereditary officers, were resumed and managed 
by Government. In 1830 the Principal Collector reported that 
twenty of these izdfat villages had been restored, and that he proposed 
to restore the rest. He stated that these villages formed part of the 
lands granted to hereditary officers, and that under the Mard,tha 
government had the holders wished to give them up on account of 
their not producing the full revenue, they were not allowed to 
do so, but the full rent was deducted from the amount payable by 
Government to them on account of their claims on the general 
revenue. Acting on this view, in Resolution 4010 of 12th December 
1831, Government directed that the villages should be restored. 
But most izdfatddrs declined to take them back.^ In 1856, on 
the introduction of the survey into Nasrapur now Karjat, the 
Superintendent of survey suggested that the holders of izdfat villages 
should be allowed to choose or to refuse the survey settlement. 
On the other hand, the Collector held that as the villages were not 
generally conferred under special deed, as they were resumable by 

1 liAfai villages are villages whose rents "have Tjeen set apart as the payment of 
m,minddr8, that is dxshmukhs and deshpdndea. Mr. Marriott to Government, 14th 
August 1820, in Thdna Collector's Outward File for 1820, 163. 

3 Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thd,na Collector's Outward File for 1820, 164. 

s The orders seem not to have been carried out, as in 1856 there were only sixteen 
izdfat villages. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 95, 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



641 



Governmentj and as most izdfatddrs had declined their villages 
when offered them under the Government order of 1831, they should 
be called on to pay the full survey rental. Government do not 
appear to have passed definite orders on the subject, but, when the 
question arose at the settlement of Panvel at the close of the same 
year, under Resolution 1127 of 5th April 1859, they sanctioned the 
grant of a lease on the terms of the survey.^ 

In 1859 the matter was referred to the Revenue Commissioner 
for Alienations, who directed the Collector of Th^na to call on the 
izdfatddrs of Panvel for proof of their having held their villages at 
a fixed rental. They failed to bring forward any proof, and in 
1859, when the survey settlement was introduced into Kalydn, the 
Superintendent of survey expressed the opinion that the option 
which had been allowed to izdfatddrs of taking or refusing the 
survey settlement required reconsideration as no such privilege had 
been conferred at former settlements, but revisions of assessment 
had invariably been extended to their villages. On this Government, 
in a Resolution 2662 of 9th July 1859, decided that the izdfat villages 
of the Konkan were held on condition of paying the full assessment, 
that, as regards assessment, they were precisely in the same position 
as any other village or lands, and that there was no objection to the 
Collector's enforcing the assessment. 

In 1860, when the settlement was extended to Murbdd, the 
izdfatddrs refused the terms offered to the izdfatddrs of other parts of 
the district. The Superintendent of survey suggested that they should 
be offered a lease of thirty years, and, in villages where all the lands 
were let to tenants at full survey rates, as they had no remuneration, 
they were, to be allowed ten per cent for the management of the 
village, the amount to be deducted from the survey rental in 
preference to having it shown as a cash payment. This lenient 
treatment of the izdfatddrs' claims was sanctioned by Government 
in Resolution 1178 of Jl2th March 1861. In 1860, when Bhiwndi 
was settled, the revision was applied to the izdfat villages on the 
above terms, and the Superintendent reported to the Commissioner, 
in his 449 of 30th June 1862, that the plan of settlement 
sanctioned by Government for Murbdd had been extended to all izdfat 
villages in the settled sub-divisions, except Nasrapur or Karjat. In 
1863 a Commission was appointed, consisting of Mr. Stewart Gordon 
as President, the Honorable Mddhavr^v Vithal Vinchurkar and Rao 
Bahadur Keshav Rdmchandra Jog, to settle the claims of the district 
hereditary officers of Thana. They recommended (Rep. 57 of 30th 
April 1864) that a contribution in lieu of service at the rate of five 
annas in each rupee of registered emoluments should be imposed, 
and that the registered emoluments should be fixed temporarily 
in izdfat villages and elsewhere, until the survey rates were 
determined when they alone should be adopted. In forwarding the 
report to Government, the Revenue Commissioner Mr. Ellis (1477A 
of 14th May 1864), expressed his opinion that the condition 
appeared to apply rather to indm service villages than to villages 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Tenures. 
Jzd/at, 



1 Bom. Gov.Sel. XCVI. 134-138. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
542 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VIII. held on the izdfat tenure as ordinarily found in the Thdna collectorate. 

Land Izdfat villages were held in connection with the district hereditary 

Administration. oflBcers' grants and were, therefore, fairly included in the vatan 

Tenures. settlement, but under the surrey a special arrangement had been 

Izdfca ' made for such villages. The izdfatda/r was forbidden from levying 

from the cultivators more than the survey rates ; he was responsible 

for the full revenue on all the arable land of the village, and received 

a deduction of ten per cent. This in Mr. Ellis' opinion was not more 

than a fair return for the management, and he recommended that 

all villages so settled should be specially freed from liability to pay 

under the proposed settlement, as the deduction of ten per cent was 

made in return for the management of the village, a service which 

the izdfatddr continued to perform as heretofore. Government 

sanctioned the suggestions of the committee with the modifications 

recommended by the Revenue Commissioner, thus refusing to allow 

the five-anna vatan settlement to be extended to izdfat villages.''- 

In 1865 when the survey settlement was introduced into Kolvan, 
now Vada and Shahapur including Mokhada, the Superintendent 
of survey reported that there were thirteen izdfat villages.'' 
The holders of eight of these villages* prayed that the introduction 
of the survey might be delayed as they claimed to hold at a fixed 
rate. The Commissioner of survey, in forwarding this report, added 
that the Superintendent explained that the settlement was deferred 
at the request of the Collector, the late Mr. Stewart Gordon. At the 
same time, as there was nothing special in the tenure or general 
terms on which the villages were held, he recommended that the 
Murbdd settlement should be applied to them. This proposal was 
sanctioned by Government in their Resolution 3183 of 5th 
September 1866. In 1867 a question arose as to the forest rights 
of these eight villages, and much confusion was caused by the 
district officers incorrectly reporting to Government that Mr. Gordon 
had extended his vatan settlement to them. The fact was that 
only in the cases of Kdmbara and Varla had he, prior to the 
receipt of Government Resolution 4289 of 28th October 1864, 
taken agreements from the izdfatddrs to pay five annas quit-rent on 
their forest cuttings. In the Kdmbd,ra agreement it was particularly 
stipulated that the agreement was conditional on Government 
sanctioning the vatan settlement.* A further misunderstanding 
appears to have risen in 1867 from an agreement made in 1854^ 
by Dr. Gibson, Conservator of Forests, with the izdfaidd/fs of 



1 Gov. Ees. 4289 of 28th October 1864, 

2 Their names were, Kambdra, Amgaon, Vimol, "Varla, VarsAla, VAsind, Adoshi, 
DolhAra, Borsheti, Varaskol, Devli, Bhopavli, and Vdvar. 

3 The first eight names in the preceding footnote, 

* On ttie 23rd September 1864 Mr. Gordon wrote : ' As regards the village of 
Eilmb^ra ^vhich has been held by the family of the H ashamnis on the ixdfat tenure, 
on account of deshmuhM vatan, and the management of the forests then being in the 
hands of the Hashamnis, Mr. Gibeme the then Collector also issued an order (No, 237, 
21st Aug. 1836) directing the wood-cutting contract to be given to the jaa/afitir, who 
has now passed a paper of agreement accepting the terms of the Summary Settlement 
Act. An order should therefore be issued to the Kolvan m^mlatd^r to let the 
izdfatddr cut his forests whenever he may apply for leave to do so.' Mr, Mnlock, C.S. 

5 See Government Letter 272 of 11th January 1850. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



543 



Kurung and PAthraj to protect the teak in their forests. Under 
this agreementj after deducting expenses, the izdfatddrs were to 
get a one-third share (5 annas in the rupee) of the produce when 
their forests were cut by Government. The five annas to be paid 
to the izdfatddrs for protecting the forests was confused with the 
five annas vatan settlement to be taken lay Government for 
commutation of service under the Gordon settlement. The result 
was that orders were passed conflicting with those issued by 
Government at the survey settlements of the district. The one- 
third (5 annas) or Gordon vatan settlement was applied and forest 
rights were conceded, on condition that when the forest was cut the 
izdfatddr should pay a quit-rent of one-third (5 annas in the rupee) 
of the forest produce. This settlement was extended to Varsala 
under the orders of Government, and to Bhopavli, Kdmb^ra, 
Amgaon, Varla, Vd,mol, Adoshi, and Dolhara under the orders of 
the Commissioner. Of these villages only the four last were in 
the hands of ' the izdfatddrs, the others being under attachment. 
Government have lately held with respect to these villages that 
the agreements passed were invalid ; that the orders of the 
Commissioners were issued under a misapprehension of the facts 
and should be cancelled ; and that, for the future, the izdfatddrs 
should be allowed to hold the villages on the liberal terms sanctioned 
in connection with the survey settlement. If they refuse to pay 
the revenue, the villages should be declared forfeited under section 
.163 of the Land Revenue Code.'^ Government have always 
exercised the power of attaching izdfat villages, in cases where 
proper accounts are not kept, and the Collector has been authorized 
to demand security from the holder for the payment of the revenue.^ 
In respect to forest rights Dr. Gibson took agreements from the 
holder of Md,sla in 1850, and from the holders of Adivli, Pfithraj, 
and Kurung in 1854, to protect their teak forests on condition that 
Government gave them a one-third share of the produce of the 
forest cuttings. An inquiry made in 1858 showed that, according 
to the custom of the country, izdfatddrs had not exercised forest 
rights and Government' refused to recognize the claim to forests in 
the Shera village of Shahdpur, and in the Pd,thraj, Kurung, and 
Adivli villages of the Karjat sub-division.* From the holders 
of the izdfat villages to which the vatan settlement had been 
improperly applied, agreements were taken to the effect that they 
were to pay Government five annas (in the case of Amgaon six 
annas) on the receipts from their forests when they cut them, 
and elaborate rules regarding the cutting of their forests have been 
sanctioned by Government.^ Nine of the izdfat villages are now 
under attachment and managed by Government. Shera, Varaskol, 
Devli, and Bhopavli have been under attachment ever since the 
introduction of the survey. Kdmbdra, Amgaon, and Varsala were 
attached in August 1878, and Adivli and Vavar have been recently 
attached. There are at present (1882) in all thirty-eight iz4fat_ 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Tenures. 
Izcifat. 



1 Gov. Res. 4938 of 26th July 1882. 
3 Gov. Ees. 975 of 10th March 1860. 
S Gov. Res. 6770 of 2nd December 1875. 



2 Gov, Ees. 1015 of 17th March 1864, 
* Gov. Ees. 4153 of 19th July 1876. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



544 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter YIIL villages^ in the Thana district, and three share or shardkati villages, 
Land Atgaon, Tuta, and Khdtivli, which are held one-half in izafat and 

Administration, one-half in indm. 

Tenures. Salt marsh reclamations are of three kinds, sarkdri those effected 

Shilotn. hy Government; shilotri^ those effected by a single proprietor; and 

kuldrag those effected by a body of cultivators. In Panvel there are 
two Government reclamations, thirty-eight held by single proprietors, 
and five by bodies of husbandmen. The Government reclamations 
are repaired ab state expense, the mdmlatdar estimating the cost of the 
repairs, which are carried out twice in the year, in May before the rains 
and in September towards their close. The portions of the embankment 
requiring repairs are measured with a rod or dand, thirty feet (20 
hats) long, and the mamlatddr pays the pdtil the estimated cost. 
The husbandmen who till the reclamation generally repair it and the 
gangs of labourers are called joZ. To meet the cost of these repairs, 
at the time of the survey settlement, the acre rates were raised from 
Is. to 2s. {as. 8-Ee. 1). The mamlatddr, district hdrhun, taldti, 
and pdtil see to the repairs. They are always well carried o"ut, and 
complaints of carelessness are rarely if ever received. In some 
cases, especially in Bassein, a yearly lump sum is paid by Government 
for the embankments, and, if this is not enough, the pdtil and the 
husbandmen have to finish the repairs without pay. Skilotri khdrs, 



1 Thdna Izdfat Villages. 



Sdb- 

DlVISIOH. 


VlIiLAOES. 


SUB- 

DrvisiON. 


VniLAGEB. 


Sub- 
Division. 


Villages. 


No. 


ITames. 


No. 


Names.- 


No. 


Names. 


Kabjat...- 

PAlfVBL,..< 


1 
2 
3 

4 

6 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

H 

12 

13 


B&rna. 

Kuning. 

P&thraj. 

A'divli. 

Shiiar. 

JS,mbivli. 

Harigrtm. 

P&lidevad. 

EevMa. 

Tembhoda, 

Kon. 
Sangurli. 


Kalta'h.. 1 

Mubba'd . 
Bhiwhdi.] 

Sha'ha'- . 

PUE. \ 


14 
16 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 


SS,i. 

Bapsai. 

ChinchpSda, 

Deupa, 

Potgaon. 

Miiela. 

N£igaon. 

Khanivli. 

Vfaind. 

Bh&tiiai. 

Shera. 

Khutghar, 

Borsheti. 


SHA'HA'-, 
PHE— COTl-^ 

tJMUed. \ 
Va'da ...- 


27 
28 

29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
36 
36 
37 
. 38 


Varaskol, 
V & si n d 
(Mokh&da). 
A'doshi. 
Dolhftra.. 
V&var. 
KimbSra. 
A'mgaon. 
Viinol. 
Varla. 
VarnSla 
Devil. 
Bhopavli. 



2 Shilotri, termed shilotar or serrotore in Section IV. of Ee^lation 1 of 1808) ia 
defined as ' lands said to have been acquired by the natives on favourable terms by 
purchase from their Portuguese masters, which property has been respected throughout 
subsequent revolutions.' A description of the assessment levied on such lands is given 
in Sections XXXVI. and LIX. of the same Regulation. Mr. Mulook, C.S. 

The word shil seems to mean a gap, and to be derived from the KAnarese sliihi split, 
referring to the gaps at the small water-ways that were left till the bank was finished 
and then shut with gates. The language suggests that the practice dates from 
pre-Aryan times, but this and other Dravidian revenue terms may have been 
introduced during the sway of the Silhdra or Rishtrakuta dynasties ; both of whom 
seem to have had a strong southern element. See History, pp. 422, 428, 434. Major 
Jervia (Konkan, 78) was of opinion that the special arrangements for encouraging the 
reclamation of salt waste were introduced by the Ahmadnagar government. But, 
when the Portuguese established their power, special grants were in force in SAlsette' 
and Bassein, parts of the district never held by the Ahmadnagar kings. The Portuguese 
greatly encouraged these reclamations by rules of gradually increasing rental On 
the same principle as Todar Mai's rules for the rental of waste lauds, and in 
accordance with the MarAtha practice about fresh navldrd, or renewed Mrdcdr tillage. 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



64S 



or proprietors' reclatnationSj stand in the public accounts in the name 
of the proprietor. Formerly it was usual for the proprietor to take 
one man of rice a higha for the repairs, now the contract, khand makta 
or svdmitva, system has been applied to these lands and from five to 
ten mans an acre are taken as rent. The proprietor is responsible 
for the repairs, and he makes private arrangements with his tenants. 
Kuldrag or peasant-held reclamations are shown in the accounts, 
with a share of the land and of the assessment entered against each 
cultivator's name. All combine for the repairs, the headman 
calling the rest when their services are wanted. Complaints of the 
repairs being scamped or of a sharer refusing to do his part of the 
work are unknown. 

The term khot or revenue farmer is incorrectly applied to eighteen 
holders of large estates, comprising fifty-three villages in Salsette. 
These estates have in all cases been granted by the British 
Government. The chief of these estates are the Kurla, the Malad, 
the Pavai, the Goregaon, the Devnar, the Vovla, and the BhAndup. 
The Kurla estate includes seven villages, Kurla, Mohili, Kole Kalydn, 
Marol, Shd,hAr, Asalpa, and Parjdpur. It was granted in 1809 to 
Mr. Hormasji Bamanji Vddia in exchange for a piece of ground 
belonging to him in Bombay, near the Apollo Gate. The difference 
between the revenue of these villages and the yearly interest on the 
amount at which the plot of ground in Bombay was valued waa 
made payable yearly to Government. In 1840-41 this yearly 
rent was redeemed by the payment of a lump sum of £2500 
(Rs. 25,000), and the estate was conveyed in fee simple, exclusive of 
excise rights. Certain lands in these villages are held direct from 
Government by original occupants. The survey settlement was 
introduced into them in 1878. The Mdldd estate consists of seven 
villages, Md,lad, Dahisar, Mdgatna, Tulshi, Ara, Eksar, Kanheri, and 
part of Pahddi. It was granted in 1806 to Mr. Ardesar Dadi in 
exchange for a plot of ground in the Fort of Bombay, known as 
Harjivan Lala's garden, which was taken by Government subject to 
the payment of the difference between the revenue of the villages 
and the yearly interest of the amount at which the Bombay plot of 
ground was valued. The villages were finally conveyed in fee 
simple by indenture dated 25th January 1819, subject to the yearly 
payment of £244 (Rs. 2440). The excise rights have lately (1880), 
under section 65 of the AbMri Act (V. of 1878), been bought by 
Government for £5165 (Rs. 51,650). The villages of MAldd, Kanheri, 
Ara, and Tulshi were, on the 6th October 1868, bought by Mr. 
AhmadbbAi Habibbhai from the trustees of Messrs. Ardesar 
Kharsedji Dddi and Hormasji Kharsedji Dadi. The Pavai estate 
includes six villages, Pavai, Tiranddj, Kopri Khurd, Saki, Paspoli, 
and Tungava. It was originally given in perpetual farm to 
Dr. Helenus Scott in 1799. But, owing to liis death and the non- 
payment of rent, it was attached by Government. In 1829 it was 
again leased in perpetual farm to the late Mr. Framji Kdvasji, and, in 
1837, was conveyed to him on payment of £4747 (Rs. 47,470) in fee- 
simple, burdened with the charge of maintaining a reservoir on the 
Duncan Road in Bombay. The excise rights of the estate were bought 
by Government in 1879 for £6000 (Rs. 50,000) under section 64 of the 
B 310—69 



Chapter Vllt 

Laud 
AdmiaistratioHi 

Tenures. 
Shilotri.- 



Leasehold 
Viliagea, 



IBombay Gazetteer, 



546 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration, 

Teaures, 

Leasehold 
Villages. 



Abkari Act. The villages are at present under tlie management of an 
official assignee. The Goregaon estate includes six Tillages, Groregaon, 
Mdjas, Poisarj Mogra^ Bandivli, Oshivra^ and part of a seventh 
PdhAdi. It was granted in farm in 1 830 to Mr. Kharsedji Kavasji, 
and was subsequently (22nd September 1847), on the payment of a 
lump sum of £3000 (Rs. 30,000), conveyed by deed in fee simple, 
subject to the yearly payment of one rupee. This estate has changed 
hands more than once. In 1849 it was bought from the family of 
the grantee by Mr. Manekji Limji for £24,600 (Rs. 2,46,000), and 
in 1869 it was bought from Mr. MAnekji's son by the present owner 
Mr. Bayramji Jijibhai. At the request of the owner the survey has 
been introduced. The Devnar estate includes five villages, Devnar, 
iBorla, Kirol, Chena, and Varsdva Borbhat. It was granted in 
perpetual lease to Mr. Dhakji Dd^ddji in 1809 on a rental of £518 
(Rs. 5180). In addition to this a sum of £39 (Rs. 390) is paid for 
lands held by husbandmen direct from Government. Only two of 
the villages, Chena and Varsd,va Borbhdt, remain in the family of 
the original grantee ; the other three have been sold to different 
buyers. In 1880 the excise rights Were bought under section 66 of 
the Abkd.ri Act. 

The Vovla estate includes three villages, Vovla, Vadavli, and 
Chitalsar Manpada. It was granted by the East India Company in 
1803 to Mr. Gopalrav Bapuji, a Vakil of the Gaikwar of Baroda. In 
1859 an adoption was made without Government sanction, and, in 
1862, the matter was compromised under section 48 of Regulation 
XVII. of 1827 by the payment of five annas in the rupee on the 
rental fixed by the survey, and the village was continued to the 
adopted heir. This arrangement was confirmed by Government 
Resolution 3169 of 19th August 1862, and Government Resolution 
6766, dated 2nd December 1875, gave the proprietor sole forest rights. 
The Bhdndup estate includes the village of Bbdndup and lands in 
Nahur and Kanjur. These, in 1803, were leased in perpetuity to 
Mr. Luke Ashburner for a yearly rental of £235 (Rs. 2350). A plot 
of ground in Bhdndup was excepted, and, in 1839-40, it was granted 
rent-free for forty years to the late Mr. Kavasji Manekji, the father 
of the present proprietors. Since the introduction of the new excise 
system the large Bhandup distillery has been closed, and owing to 
family disputes the estate is now in the hands of an official assignee. 

Besides these thirty-six villages, seventeen Salsette villages have 
been granted by the British Government on lease or in indm, making 
a total of fifty-three out of the 107 Salsette villages. In 1799 
Chendavli was leased in perpetuity to Dr. Heleuus Scott, and was 
sold in 1828 by the Civil Court when Mr. Vikaji Meherji of Tdrapur 
purchased it. In 1805 Vydravli was farmed in perpetuity to 
Oregoria Manuel de Silva, but no deed' was passed. In 1829-pO 
Harydli was granted half in perpetual indm and half in perpetual 
farm to Mervdnji Rastamji Ddrukhanavala. In 1830-31 Chinchveli, 
Dindoshi, and Akurii were leased in perpetuity to Lakshman 
Harishchandra, subject to a yearly payment of £78 (Rs. 780) 5 
Maravli and Mahul were given, the former in indm in 1837 and the 
latter in perpetual farm in 1831 to Framji Pestanji, the head servant 
of Government House. In 1830-31 Valnai and Vddhvan were 



Eoukau,! 



THANA. 



54 ? 



granted in hereditary indm to Mr. Hormasji Rastamji, tHe treasurer 
of the Satara Eesidency. In 1831 Borivda was leased to Krishnarav 
Eaghundth. In 1833-34 Kanjur and Vikhroli were leased in 
perpetual fai-m to Framji Kd,vasjij subject to an annual payment of 
£93 (Rs. 930). In 183b-37 Anik was leased for ninety-nine years 
to Framji Nasarvanji. In 1842-43 Vila Parla and Ju were granted 
in indm to Mr. Navroji Jamsedji, and, in 1844-45 Grhd,tkopar was 
leased for ninety-nine years to Ratanji Edalji. 

In almost all of these leases the rental is specified in mudds, or 
rice measures, and not in cash. This muda calculation was made 
accordingto a system peculiar to Salsette, called the tijdi or one-third. 
Under this system the ' Grovernment rental is found by multiplying 
the quantity of dhep by two, dividing it by three, and multiplying 
the quotient by twenty the number of rupees at which each muda 
of land is assessed.'^ 

Except the Kurla and Malad estates, which were given m exchange, 
for land in Bombay, the estates were granted to encourage the 
investment of capital in land, the increase of population, and the 
growth of better crops. Except the Kurla, MAIM, Pavai, and 
Goregaon estates, which are held in fee-simple or freehold, these 
leased villages were charged fairly high rentals, and in most cases 
were subject to the following conditions. Lands occupied at the 
time of the lease on the shilotri, or, according to some deeds, on the 
suti tenure, were not to become the lessee's, unless he satisfied or 
bought out the incumbents. The happiness and prosperity of the 
people were to be promoted, and the lessee was to protect and be-- 
friend them. The lessee was to build reservoirs and embankments, 
to sink wells, and to grow the better class of crops. The rates of 
assessment were not to be raised, and no innovation was to be 
introduced without express sanction. The lessee was to continue all' 
village charitable and rehgious allowances. Waste land was granted 
free for forty years. On the forty -first year all land, except what^ 
was totally unfit for tillage, was to be assessed. The lessee was to 
recover and pay into the treasury, over and above the amount 
mentioned in his lease, all amounts due on leases granted in the; 
estate. The village was not to change hands without Grovernment 
leave. The lessee was to possess and exercise the authority of a 
farmer under Chapter VI. of Regulation XVII. of 1827. But he was 
to exercise no magisterial or judicial authority, unless it was duly- 
conferred on him. He was not to make or sell opium, poisonous 
substances, tobacco, or hemp flowers. The Collector was to have 
power to inspect the village, and examine what improvement and 
progress were made. Suits regarding the lease were to be brought' 
in the District Court. Any new system of revenue introduced hy- 
Government in other villages of the district was to be applicable to 
these grant villages. 

Forest rights seem to have been conceded in the case of the large- 



Chapter viir. 

Land 
Admimstration* 

Tenures. 

IJeaseliold^' 
Villages. ' 



1 Thus, 231 mudd,s multiplied by two and divided by three give 154 real mudda 
which, when multiplied by twenty, give Rs, 3080. Mr. Langford's Letter 72, of 16th 
November 1842, to the Chief Secretary to Government. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



548 



DISTRICTS. 



Caiapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Tenures. 

Leasehold 
YiUagei. 



freehold estates, Pavai, Malad, Kurla, and Goregaon, as also in tbose 
of Devnar, Valnai, Vovla, and Haryd,li. In the other leases the 
concession is not so clear. The Privy C )uncil has held that the 
Ghdtkopar lease did not give the forests, although the waste land 
was granted free for forty years.^ Although these leaseholders 
style themselves proprietors, they cannot claim the ownership of the 
soil, for the Court of Directors were most reluctant to part with 
the ownership of the soil and its alienation was jealously watched. 
In their despatch No. 20, dated 28th June 1843, sanctioning the 
reduction of the revenue of Kharsedji Kavasji's Goregaon estate, 
the Court wrote : ' Although we should have much preferred that 
any favour of which Kharsedji Kavasji might be thought deserving 
should have been shown in the shape of a gratuitous permanent 
reduction on the amount of his rent rather than by permitting him 
to redeem the whole, yet, in consideration of the very strong 
manner in which you solicit our compliance with your recommendation, 
we shall not refuse our sanction to the arrangement which you 
have proposed. As, however, we entertain strong objections to the 
entire alienation of the absolute property in the soil, we desire that 
you will cause a nominal rent (say of one rupee per annum) to be 
reserved in the deed, payable on demand to the Collector or other 
officer exercising revenue authority in the district as an 
acknowledgment that the ultimate title to the land is still vested in 
the Government.' 

In thirty-four of the leasehold and in one inam village Nd,nala, 
the survey has been introduced, in some at the request of the lease- 
holder and in others in accordance with the terms of the deeds. In 
Kurla, Marol, Asalpa, Mohili, Parjapur, Shd,hd,r, Haryali, Chitalsar 
Manpada, Anik, Nd,nala, Borivda, MaMd, Kanheri, Ara, Vila Pdrla, 
Ju, Chinchavli, Dindoshi, Akurli, Vovla, and Vadavli, survey rates 
were introduced under Government Resolution 3125 of 25th May 
1876 ; in Kole Kalydn, Bdndivli, Mogra, Oshivra, Goregaon, Poisar, 
Mdjds, Pdhddi, and Ghdtkopar, under Government Resolution 678 of 
2nd February 1877; in Valnai and Vd,dhvan, and also in Dahisar, 
Eksar, and Md,gatna, under Government Resolution 5521 of 18th 
October 1880. 

The object with which Government granted these villages has 
been defeated and the results are disappointing. Few of the 
estates remain in the families of the original grantees. They have 
been sold chiefly owing to money difficulties. The owners rarely 
live on their estates, or take much interest in them or in the welfare 
of their people. Passing through Sdlsette either by the Peninsula 
or the Baroda railway the line lies almost exclusively through these 
alienated villages, and their neglected state contrasts unfavourably 
with the Government lands elsewhere. Much of this is due to the 
high price which firewood and hay fetch in the Bombay market. 
Brushwood and grass are among the most profitable crops the 
leaseholders can grow, while the system of selling to dealers or 
contractors relieves the leaseholders of the anxieties and troubles of 



1 Vol, 10, Weekly Reporter 13, Pr. C. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA, 



£49 



agriculture. In 1880 the Deputy Superinteudent of survey (669 
of 2istMay 1880), in reporting on the introduction o£ the rew 
Burvey into Valnai and Vadhvau, wrote : ' Thsse villages are situated 
about thrf e miles to the north ot the Pahadi station of the Baroda 
railway, Valnai being to the west and Vadhvau to the east of the 
line. Vddhvan is uninhabited, and, owing to the diflBculty of 
getting tenants, much of the rice and hill crop land has been 
uncultivated for years. The whole of the rice lands in this village 
are now under grass and are leased to Bombay grass-dealers. The 
increase in the assessment of Vddhvan is very small, compared with 
that of the neighbouring village of Valnai. This is owing to the 
fact that all the rice land in Vadhvan has remained untilled for so 
long a period, that it is unfit for rice cultivation without a considerable 
outlay of money on embankments and levelling, and a lower 
classification valuation has been put on it than on the rice lands of 
Valnai. Whilst in Sdlsette, I consulted some of the proprietors how 
it was that hill lands in Sdlsette yielded larger 'profits under grass 
than under grain. Some of them could give no information as their 
hill lands were never tilled. The result of information obtained from 
one or two proprietors who possessed some accounts of the cultivation 
was to show an average acre outturn of £1 15s. 4d. (Rs. 17-10-8).'^ 
The yearly produce of an acre of good land under grass is about 3000 
pounds of hay worth at the present rate about £1 10s. (Rs. 15). As the 
cost of cutting and carting grass is much less than of raising grain, 
land pays better under grass. This estimate is mainly based on 
figures supplied by the proprietor of a village close to Bandra. 
From inquiries made in villages further from Bombay, I believe that 
when grass has to be carted more than twenty miles, the profits 
from grain and from grass are much the same, but the cultivation 
of hill grains in west Salsette is so limited that without experiments 
it is diflBcult to obtain reliable information.^ These remarks explain 
why villages which were populous when granted are now uninhabited. 
It pays the leaseholders to oust or get rid of their tenants and turn 
their rice fields into meadow, and this process is quietly but surely 
going on. 

Another large estate of 3688 acres, exclusive of salt marsh,^ was 
granted by deed dated 1870 to RAmchandra Lakshmanji of Bombay, 
on a lease of 999 years, in the villages of Ghodbandar, Bhdyndar, 
and Mira. This estate was granted because the villagers refused to 
keep the large Bhayndar embankments in repair. 

The conditions attaching to the grant were that the lessee should 
pay a yearly rent of £679 (Rs. 6790) ; that he should keep the 
embankments, dams, and sluices in repair ; that he should demand 
no reut from indmddrs ; that he should demand only survey rates 
for suti and varkas lands ; that he should keep boundary marks in 
repair ; that he should pay pdtils' and hereditary officers' claims and 



Chapter VIIL 

Land 
Administration. 

Tenures. 
Leasehold 
Villaget. 



* The details are, 1st year, 8 mans of ndchni valued at Es. 29 ; 2nd year, 6 mans of 
vari valued at Es. 18 ; .3rd year, 2mans of udid valued at Rs. 6 j total Rs. 53 ; yearly 
average Es. 17-10-8. Mr. Mulock, C.S. 

3 The details were, indm lands 26 acres, suti lands 351 acres, early and hill-crop 
lands 434 acres, and yearly tenant land 2877 acres. Mr. Mulock, C.S. 



[Bombay Gazetteer;. 



S5(J 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administratioii. 

Tenures. 

Leasehold 
Villages. 



Chikhal. 



Oathili and 
Ehsdli. 



allowances ; that he should not interfere with rights of way ; that 
he should surrender land free of cost . for the Bhdyndar railway 
station ; that he should give notice of the assignment of lands ; that 
he should not assign lands without leave ; and that the salt marsh 
lands were liable to resumption if not reclaimed within twenty years. 
This estate has been the cause of much litigation, owing to an 
attempt of the leaseholder to levy from the yearly tenants one-half 
instead of one-third of the produce. The district court and the 
High Court on appeal (appeal 292 of 1880) have decided that the 
leaseholder's claim to levy one-half is contrary to the custom of the 
country. 

Chikhal, or extra cultivation, is in Section III. of Regulation I of 
1808 described as spare grounds allotted to the cultivators for 
the rearing of surplus hatty or rice plants by the Portuguese land- 
holder, who furnished him with seed on condition of the cultivator's 
rendering, besides the original amount of seed, a third or sometimes 
only a fourth or a still less proportion of the produce. The practice 
is stated to be still occasionally continued between private occupants, 
or by Government supplying from its unoccupied lands space for 
the rearing of rice seedlings. 

Gatkuli^ and Ehsdli tenants were tenants-at-will, or yearly tenants 
holding their land from Government from year to year, on such terms 
as Government chose to impose. 



SECTION III.— HISTOET. 

History. Most of the forms of assessment that were in force when Thana 

Mkirly Hindus. was ceded to the British, and which continue in use in a few village 
groups in the north-east of the district, can be traced to the Hindu 
chiefs who held the country before the arrival of the Musalmdns. Eice 
lands were, without measuring them, divided into parcels or blocks 
which were estimated to require a certain amount of seed or to yield 
a certain quantity of grain. This system was known under several 
names, dhep, hundabandi, muddhandi, kdshandi, tahhandi, and 
tokdbandi.^ The principle of all of these was the same, though in some 
cases slight changes were introduced apparently by the Musalmans.' 
At the time of their cession to the British this form of assessment was 
in use in the coast districts under the name of dhep. According to 
some accounts it had been introduced by theMusalmans (1320-1540),^ 



1 Properly land whose occupant is missing. 

2 Of these words dhep, a lump, is MarAthi, apparently of Dravidian or at least un- 
Sanskrit origin ; hunda, a lump sum or quantity of grain, is apparently the Kdnarese 
hundhdlU lump or gross ; murka which ought to be written muda a measure of grain 
(25-28 mans) is a KAnarese word still in use ; kds an unmeasured parcel of land is an 
un-Sanskrit Mardthi word ; toh, properly thoh, is an un-Sanskrit MarAthi word 
meaning lump or mass ; taha is doubtful, it is said to be Hiudust^i and to mean 
both a coin and a measure of land (120 bighds). In this case tahbandi, properly 
takdbandi, would imply that the land has been measured. If so it has no place in 
this set of terms and must have been confused with, or mis-written for tohdbandi or 
thokdhandi. 

3 Mr. Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 137-139; Mr. Davidson, 7th Aug; 
1837, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 867 of 1838, 289, 

i Rev. Answers 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 711-714. Malik Ambar (1600) is by mistake 
mentioned as the MusalmSn governor who introduced the system. 



Konkan,] 



thAna. 



551 



and according to others by the Portuguese (1540-1740). But both 
the system and the name were found in use by the Portuguese^' and 
as the word is un-Sanskrit Mard,thi, there seems no reason to doubt 
that this form of assessment dates from very early times. The levy 
of a plough cess, a sickle cess, or a pickaxe cess, which, till the 
introduction of the revenue survey, was the form of assessment 
almost universal in hill and forest tracts, seems also to date from 
early Hindu times,^ and the practice of measuring palm and other 
garden lands into bighds seems to belong to the pre-MusalmAn Aryan 
or part- Aryan rulers.^ Finally, the Kdnarese term shilotar shows 
that from early times special rules have been in force to encourage 
the reclamation of salt wastes.* 

Little is known of the revenue changes introduced by the Musalmdn 
rulers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Deccan 
Musalmdns in Kalyan and in the south of the district are said to 
have fixed the government share at one-third of the estimated 
produce.* In 1469, when the Bahmani kings established their 
authority in the inland parts, they found the land so deserted that 
even the memory of village boundaries was lost.^ People were so 
•few that the new villages included several of the old, and lands were 
given to all who would till them. During the first year no rent 
was taken, and for some years the government demand was limited 
to a basketful of graiu.^ Of the changes introduced along the coast 
by the Gujardt Musalmd,ns in the fifteenth century nothing has been 
traced. This and the fact that grants of land continued to be made 
by Hindu chiefs till the sixteenth century seem to show that,, except 
their military possession of certain outposts, the authority of the 
Gujardt kings was limited to the receipt of tribute. 

During the sixteenth century, in the south-east and south, the 
officers of the Ahmadnagar government are said to have measured 
the rice land and reduced the government share to one-sixth, and 
in the uplands to have continued the lq.vy of a plough cesa. Extra 
cesses and vexatious practices are said to have been stopped, and 
the husbandmen to have been treated as proprietary holders, 
kuldrag, and charged only a light rent payable partly in money, 
partly in grain. Except trade dues and the levies of revenue 



Chapter VIII, 

Land 
Administration, 

History. 
Early Hindus. 



The Musalmd/ns, 



1 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 2. 

2 Mr. Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 137-139. The plough or ndngar 
oes3 system still (1881) obtains in Karjat and in the Mokhida petty division of 
ShAhApur ; and the hoe or hudali assessment is still (1881) in use in Karjat. 

8 Eeg. I. of 1808, sec. 6 cl. 2. Bigha is the Sanskrit vlgrah division or portion. 

* The rules which the Portuguese found in force for granting lands for reclamation 
at rates rising in five years from one-fourth to a full rental are supposed by Major 
Jervis (Konkan, 87) to have been introduced by the NizAm Shdhi government. But 
the Nizim ShAhi kings never held Bassein, and the name shilotri is as noticed 
Above of Dravidian origin. 

5 Hvmddhandi was the name in use in SanjAn, and tahbandi (probably toMbandi) in 
Manor, VAshdla, VAda, Kolvan, and the DAngs. Jervis' Konkan, 101. 

6 Elphinstone's History, 4th Ed. 1857, 667. For forty years the Bahmanis had been 
trying to conquer the Konkan. They probably held the south-east of Thdna as 
over-lords. 

' 7 The expression is a basket of grain an acre, but as the land was not then 
measuredi it probably means on a plot or parcel of ground. See Jervis' Konkan, 89. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



552 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

HiSTOKY. 

The Portuguese. 



officers for their house expenses, there were no extra charges. 
The revenue was gathered by village accountants or huXkarnis, and 
brought by subordinate agents to the government treasury.' 

Meanwhile almost the whole of the coast had passed from the 
Musalmdn kings of Gujarat to the Portuguese.^ In the poor and wild 
Sanjdn and Tar^pur districts to the north of Bassein the old form of 
assessment was kept unchanged. The rice lands remained divided 
in blocks, roughly estimated to yield a certain quantity of grain,* 
and in the hill lands the levy of a plough or sickle cess was 
continued. Some of the richer lands of Bassein are said to have 
been surveyed.* In the rest of Bassein and in Sd,lsette a new 
system was introduced. The lands were divided into estates and 
given to European landlords at a quit-i-ent, or for o, of from four to 
ten per cent of the former rental.* Under these landlords who were 
called proprietors or fazendeiros, the actual cultivators, except those 
who were their slaves,® held on the old lump or dhep rates which 
are said to have represented half the produce.' In each village the 
distribution of the rental among the husbandmen was entrusted to 
a mhdtdra or elder.* There would also seem to have been village 
clerks, known as frahhvs, who were paid by a money cess levied 
on the landlords.^ Except establishing this class of large land- 
owners the Portuguese are said to have made little change in the 
revenue system.'" Some items of land revenue were, as was the 
case under the former rulers, levied in money. The chief of these 
were a land cess on palm orchards assessed by the biyha ; a tree cess 
on brab palms paid by Bhanddris or liquor-drawers; a cess on 
the punavem a dye-yielding flower ; and a cess on millstones and 



1 Jervis' Konkan, 82, 83. 

8 Besides SAlsette Mr. Marriott (llth July 1821) mentions as Portuguese districts, 
Bassein Island, Manikpur, Kdman, SAyvAn, Mahim, Kelva, Shrigaon, TAidpur, 
Chinohni, DdhAnu, Nehar, Sanjin, Manor, Asheri, BeUpur, Atgaon. MS. Sel. 160, 
132-1,S3. 

3 Major Jervis (Konkan, 82) states that the quantity taken from the land was 
determined by the amount of seed required to sow the field. This does not seem to 
agree with the other accounts of the muda tenure. See below, p. 565. 

* In 1818, the land tax in Bassein was levied not according to the extent of the 
land, but according to a survey made by the Portuguese. Mr. Marriott, 17th Oct. 1818, 
Rev. Diary 135 of 1818, 6158-5161. 

6 Mr. Marriott, llth July 1821 in MS. Sel. 160, 133 ; Reg I. 1808, sec. II. Major 
Jervis (Konkan, 84) says the rent was one-third or one-fourth of the produce. This 
seems to be a mistake. East India Papers, III. 774, give from four to ten per cent 
of the rent. 

6 Many of these slaves were Africans. Nairne s Konkan, 50. 

7 Keg. I. of 1808, sec. II. , , . .„ , 

8 Mr. Nairne thinks that these mhdtdrds were chosen only m villages n^anaged 
directly by government officers. But it rather seems that they were appointed in 
all villages except tho>e whose lands were worked as a home farm by the landlord's 
slaves. ° Mhdtdra (Sk. mahattar) appears in some of the early Hindu grants in the 
sense of headman. 

9 Re-g. I. of 1808, sec. VI. cl. 4. . ttt , , ^ o^i. 

10 The changes are shown in detail in Beg. I. of 1808, section VI. cl. 1 -4. Ihe 
chief are an increase in some villages in the size of the muda or gram measure ; 
addition to make up for waste in carrying the rice from the farmyard to the granary; 
for wastage in the granary ; and to meet the cost of guards. Other additions 
were a wedding gift to the landlord's daughter and aa allowance to the landlord s 
wife. There was also a levy to meet the cost of taking the rice to the boat station 
and to meet the coat of a harvest home, augairah. 



Koukan.] 



THlNA. 



553 



paving stones and on salt pans. Fishermen paid three cesses, one 
known as rend doli on stake nets, a poll tax a7ig dena at different 
rates according to ages, and a fish cess rend mdsli on dry fish. 
Under excise the Portuguese raised money from liquor farms rend 
ddru, from a still cess rend hhatti, and from a privilege allowing 
the people of a village to buy their liquor where they chose. Finally 
there was a shop tax, dukdnvdri, levied on grocers and other 
dealers.^ 

In addition to the original quit-rent, cesses were from time tb 
time levied from the landowners. But" the rents were probably 
never high and their pressure was much lightened by the easy 
terms on which salt-marsh lands were granted for reclamation.^ 
The result was a great development of the districts under Portuguese 
rule. The landlords are described as living in much splendour 
in fine country-houses and as being enriched beyond measure; 
and the bulk of the people, though they were little better than 
tenants-at-will, were in great demand and apparently fairly off.' 
Large areas of land were redeemed from salt wast6, the yield of rice 
was greatly increased, and the finest crops were grown, sugarcane 
and pine apples, cocoa-palms and betel vines. Even as late as the 
end of the seventeenth century Musalmdn writers praise the 
Portuguese for the justness of their rule and the lightness of their 
taxes.* 

In the sixteenth century, while the coast lands were under the 
Portuguese, inland Thana in the wilder north kept to the old 
Hindu system. In the south-east and south, under Musalmdn 
governors, it was managed by Hindu officers styled zaminddrs. 
These men, holding the posts of deshmukh and deshpdnde, performed 
the duties of district officers, and collected the revenue from the 
landholders partly in money and partly in grain. They were paid 
by the grant of certain rent-free villages termed izdfat.^ Early in 
the seventeenth century Malik Ambar, the -Ahmadnagar minister, 
started a new system based on the system introduced in Moghal 
territories by Akbar's minister Todar Mai. According to Major 
Jervis, Malik Ambar's chief change was to make the settlement direct 
with the village, instead of with the district hereditary revenue 



Chapter_VIIL 

Land 
Administration." 

History. 
Tlie Portuguiae. 



The Muaalmdm. 



1 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. "VI. cl. 2, 3. According to Mr. Marriott (11th July 1821), the ' 
Portuguese realised but a small excise revenue. MS. Sel. 160, 1 33 . 

2 Jervis (Konkan, 86) says the charge rose ia five years from a fourth to a full 
rental. But these terms are much less favourable than those that were afterwards 
granted by the Marithas, and it seems probable, looking at the position of the 
proprietors, that they were allowed to improve their estates in this way without being 
called on to pay a higher rent. 

-3 The accounts of the state of the husbandmen vary greatly. Major Jervis (Konkan, 
86) speaks of them as 'by all accounts extremely happy and easy in their circumstances. ' 
Mr. Naime (Konkan, 50) doubts if prosperity extended to the lower classes. He 
quotes passages which speak of the husbandmen as poor wretches worse than vassals. 
But the pity of the writers seems to have been roused by their want of freedom rather 
than by their want of food or clothes, 

4 Kh^fi KhAn's Muntakhabu-l-Lubdb in EUiot's History, VII. 344, 345. 

5 Mr. Marriott to Government, 14th August 1820, in Thdna Collector's Outward 
File, 1820, 163. Eeplies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 774. 
The charge of these officers was a mahdl of which there were sixty-one at the time of 
the introduction of British rule. 



B 310—70 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



554 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

History. 
27ie Mueahndns. 



The Mardthds. 



superintendents and accountants who had gradually assumed the 
place of revenue farmers.^ His next step was to find out the yield 
of the land. With this object he arranged the rice lands into four 
classes^ first, second, third, and fourth, aval, dum, sim, and chdrsim. 
The uplands were classified in a more general way. The government 
share was apparenty fixed at one-third and the outturn of the field 
was ascertained by inquiries lasting over a term of years. Finally 
the quantity of grain due to government was changed into a money 
payment.^ The village headmen were made hereditary and became 
security for the realization of the government dues. Malik 
Ambar's system nominally stretched from the Vaitarna to the Savitri 
except the Habshi's land,* but it does not seem to have been anything 
like completely carried out. 

Later in the seventeenth century Shivaji, by his minister Ann^ji 
Dattu (1668-1681), made a fresh survey and assessment in the southern 
districts of Thana. Under this survey the rice lands were measured 
into bighds of 4014 square yards ; the lands were divided into twelve 
classes;* and, from tests taken during three successive years, the 
government demand was fixed at about forty per cent of the 
produce. The rates varied from 57^ bushels on the richest to 
twenty-three bushels on the poorest lands.* Except in a few cases, 
where they were measured, and, according to the years of fallow 
required, three, five, six, or seven acres were counted as one, hill 
lands, varkas or dongar, were assessed by the plough ndngar, large 
allowances being made for rocky barren spots. The plough rates 
were for ndchni 5*25 to 6'56 bushels (3-3| mans), for vari 4"37 to 
5'25 bushels (2^-3 mans), for harik 5"25 bushels (3 maws), and for 



1 Major Jervis (Konkan, 66) states that the officers were given a definite assignment 
in money with a percentage on the collections. But this does not agree with other 
accounts which state that under the Nagar system the revenue officers were paid by the 
grant of villages free of rent and that the change to a fixed percentage on the collections 
was made by the MarithAs. Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thina Collector's 
Outward File, 1820, 163. 

2 Major Jervis' account (Konkan, 67) fails to give the process by which the yield 
was found out, and he does not mention the share that was claimed by Government. 
In another passage (Konkan, 67) he says the rules were much the same as those of 
Todar Mai. Apparently the land was not measured. 

3 Jervis' Konkan, 68. Grant Duff (43) gives the following summary of the changes 
introduced by Malik Ambar. ' He abolished revenue farming, and committed the 
management to Brdhman agents under Muhammadao superintendence ; he restored 
such parts of the village establishment as had fallen into decay ; and he revived a 
mode of assessing the fields by collecting a moderate proportion of the actual produce 
in kind, which after the experience of several seasons was commuted for a payment 
in money settled annually according to the cultivation.' It is stated that his 
assessment was equal to two-fifths of the produce, but tradition says his money 
commutation was only one-third. Captain Francis (18th January 1855) in Bombay 
Gov. Sel. XCVI. 2, 3. It seems probable that several of these changes were not 
introduced into the Konkan. 

i The classes were, first, aval ; second, dum or duya/m ; third, sim ; fourth, 
chdrum or chdrsim; fifth, bushland raupdl ; sixth, salt klidrvat; seventh, rocky 
bdval; eighth, stony hhadi; ninth, pulse hariydt or turvat; tenth, hemp tdgvat ; 
eleventh, seed-beds rahu ; and twelfth, tree-root mdnat. Jervis' Konkan, 94, 95. 

6 The details in bushels the acre are, first, 57i (12J m.ans the bigha), second 45 
(10 mans), third 36| (8 m^ns), fourth 28f (6J mans), bushlands 36| (8 mans), salt 34i 
(7 J mans), rocky stony and pulse land 28| (6J mans), seed-beds, hemp, and uncleared 
root lands 23 (5 mans), Jervis' Konkan, 94, 95. These rates are said to have 
differed very little from Malik Ambar's rates. Konkan, 125. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



555 



other inferior produce 2* 18 bushels (1 J mans).^ In garden lands the 
produce was estimated by calculation, and half was taken in kind 
by the goyernment. It does not seem certain that Shivaji's rates 
were introduced into Thana. If they were they lasted for only a 
few years. Prom 1682, till the close of Aurangzeb's reign (1707), 
Kalyan was several times ravaged by the Moghals and seems to have 
been nominally recovered by them. In 1 71 the south of the district 
passed to Angria. But he held it for only, ten years when it was 
taken by the Peshwa.^ Between 1733 and 1739 the Portuguese 
territories passed to the Peshwa, and in the following years, much 
of north Thana was wrested from the Jawhar chief. Except the 
Portuguese possessions, when Thana passed to the Peshwa it was in 
a wretched state. The people were few and poor, and large areas 
of land had passed out of tillage. 

The eighty-seven years (1730-1817) of ' Mardtha management 
form three periods. Thirty years during which no marked change 
was introduced;^ thirty years when fresh surveys were made, 
new cesses were levied, and revenue farming became general ; and 
twenty-seven years when revenue farming was universal and 
exactions unlimited. Under the Peshwas the management of the 
district was nominally entrusted to an officer styled sarsuhhedar. 
But, as a rule, these officers seem, at least during the later years of 
the Peshwa's government, to have lived in Poona and to have 
deputed officers styled mdmlatddrs or subheddrs to act for them. 
Their duties were to enquire into crimes and punish offenders. 
This power extended to the taking of life, confiscation of property, 
expulsion from caste or residence, corporal punishment, and fine. 
These punishments were infiicted in case of murder, highway 
gang and aggravated robberies, on coiners, immoral characters, 
oppressors, and persons supposed to deal in witchcraft.* No 
reference was made to Poona, nor had the subheddrs written orders 
in support of their authority. Only in very particular crimes such 
as treason were the accused sent to Poona. The subheddrs had 
authority to grant rent-free and increasing istdva leases to persons 
offering to reclaim waste lands, and to grant land that had never 
been tilled to Brdhmans and temples. The mahdlkaris or heads of 
petty divisions of which there were over sixty, and th^ heads of 
villages had authority to make similar grants, which were confirmed 



Chapter_VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

HiSTOBY. 

The MardtMs. 



1 Jervis' Konkan, 96. Of other crops turmeric paid 5 mans on a bigha of fths the 
actual measurement, hemp 5 mans on one of fths, and sugarcane 3J-6| mans of raw 
sugar on the customary bigha. 

3 The only change noticed as having been introduced by Angria was taking more 
of the rent in commuted money rates (Replies to Rev. Questions, 31st October 1828, 
in MS. Sel.160, 774; Jervis' Konkan, 115). Details of Amgria's system are given in the 
Koliba District Account. 

3 The details for this period are not satisfactory. The MardthAs seem to have 
re-assesscd the rich lands of Sdlsette and Bassein, and to have continued the system of 
plot assessment in SanjAn and TdrApur. In hill lands they seem to have introduced 
revised plough rates, and from the wild Jawhir lands to have occasionally levied a 
vague acre tax. In the south they seem, as far as they could, to have applied the 
el^orate system of rents, cesses, and forced labour which had earlier been in force 
inRatndgiri. Jervis' Konkan, 88-89 and 125-126. 

* Rev. Answers, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 790-792, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



556 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. by deeds passed by the mdmlatddr. These alienations were not entered 

,Laud ^^ *^^ revenue statement sent to head-quarters. The district officers 

Administration, were not authorized to alienate the government land, and whenever 

History. ^^^J *°°^ upon themselves to alienate land, they would account for 

The Mardthds. ^^ ^^ *^® ^^^*' statement as having been given for houses or gardens. 

They had no authority to punish or degrade the rich or to grant 

remissions to husbandmen. These matters were settled in Poona. 

During the time of Nana Fadnavis (1795) the yearly salaries of 

sarsubheddrs varied from £500 to £1000 (Rs. 5000 - Rs. 10,000) ; and 

of suhheddrs from £50 to £200 (Rs. 500 -Rs. 2000). These amounts 

were paid from Poona. Besides their pay some of them were granted 

allowances for keeping palanquins, pdlkhis, and state umbrellas, 

abddgirs. They were also granted servants' allowance, table 

allowance, and special allowances for particular services. 

The hereditary district officers, the revenue superintendent desdi or 
deshmukh, and the accountant deshpdnde, of whom there were two for 
each of the sixty-one petty divisions, were continued at first in much 
the same position as under the Muhammadans. The chief change was 
that instead of giving them rent-free izdfat villages, they were paid 
a fixed percentage (6"69) on their revenue collections. They were 
allowed to continue to hold their former villages but were forced to 
pay their full assessment. When the practice of farming villages 
and sub-divisions became universal the hereditary district officers 
became almost useless. Their families were broken and their pay 
scattered and alienated.^ 

Village headmen were continued and were introduced into those 
parts of the Portuguese territory where they had not been before. 
In Sdlsette (1741) no hereditary district officers were appointed, 
but, in their place, managers, havdlddrs, were nominated to whom 
the headmen paid the village rent. Two new upper classes were 
introduced, high caste landholders known as pdndharpeshds, and 
village revenue farmers incorrectly called khots. The pdndharpeshds 
were found necessary in the Portuguese territories from which all 
landlords had fled to Bombay and Goa. In other parts of the land, as 
the revenue was taken in advance, it was also advisable to have some 
men of capital who could help the very poor husbandmen. Further, 
the country had suffered greatly from the disorders which had marked 
the close of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth 
centuries. Much of the land had fallen waste and the ordinary 
husbandmen, many of the best of whom had given up tillage for 
military service, were unfit to bear the risk and outlay of bringing 
the land under tillage. For these reasons men of the upper class, 
chiefly Brahmans and Prabhus and a few Musalm^ns, were 
encouraged to take land.^ 

Colonel Francis states that the new settlers were allowed to hold land 
at speciallylow rates.^ But it seems doubtful whether at first they were 



1 Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thina Collector's Outward File, 1820, 
162-164. 

2 The Brdhmans -would seem to have been chiefly Konkanasth Br^mans, and the 
Prabhus were probably Kiyasth Prabhus. 3 Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 75-76. 



Eoukan:] 



THANA. 



557 



given any special concessions in addition to the very light rates 
always levied on newly tilled lands, which in Sdlsette were two-thirds, 
half, one-third, or even one-fourth of the old Portuguese rates.^ The 
terms offered in the case of lands that had long been waste were 
even more liberal, freedom from assessment for eight, ten, twelve, or 
fifteen years according to the state of the land and then several 
years of slowly increasing rental.^ These pdndharpeshds, besides 
their high position as large landholders, filled many offices, and 
hundreds of them acted as agents for the commandants of the 
hill forts. They were allowed by the state to buy and keep slaves to 
till their land.^ Afterwards (1800) when the country was given over 
to be rack-rented by revenue farmers, the pdndharpeshds would 
seem to have been able to resist the payment of the additional 
cesses, and this would seem to be the reason why, at the beginning 
of British rule, they were found to be holding land at lower rates 
than the Kunbis.* 

In the waste state of the district more help was wanted to 
spread tillage than the pdndharpeshds could give, and, from 
the beginning of Mardtha rule, the practice of revenue farming 
was introduced. The practice as first introduced differed in two 
important points from the revenue farming that brought ruin 
on the district in the latter part of the Peshwa's rule. Farming 
was at first almost entirely confined to villages. The managers of 
sub-divisions were, as a rule, paid state servants who exercised 
an effective check on the abuses of revenue farmers.^ The farm was 
also granted for a term of years, generally six years, and it was for the 
farmer's interest to improve the village. He aided tillage by making 
advances of seed and money, by granting waste lands on specially 
low terms, and by striving to improve the village resources.® 

In the lands that were conquered from Angria and the Jawhar 
chief the Peshwds do not seem for several years to have made any 
marked change in the system of assessment. In the Portuguese 
territory they levied not only the tax formerly received by the 
Portuguese government, but the rents collected by the landlords. 
As no part of the rent was spent in improving the country this 
change had a bad effect. But the injury was to some extent met 



Chapter_VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

History. 
The Mardtlids. 



1 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. VIII. ol. 4. 

2 Eeplies to Eev. Queries, 31st Oct. 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 751-752. 

3 Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, in Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec, 700 of 1836, 163-165. 

4 Of the origin of the specially low rates paid by the pdndharpeshds the records 
contain several explanations. Mr. Marriott in one place (Letter, 29th January 1820, in 
MS. Sel. 160, 56-61) explains the lower rate as a special concession to Brihmans. But 
the lower rates were not confined to BrAhmans, and he afterwards (12th May 1820, 
MS. Sel. 160, 78-80) suggests that the special terms may have been originally granted 
to help to bring waste under tillage. Mr. Bax (5th May 1827, MS, Sel. 160, 421) traces 
the easy rates to their ignorance of field work. The explanation given in the text 
is Mr. Sirason's. (23rd August 1826, MS. Sel. 160, 304). But though the chief 
difference was due to their power of resisting exactions, it would seem that originally 
they had been assessed at lighter rates than the others. See Bom. Gov. Eev Eec 
700 of 1836, 150. 

5 This was not always the case. Eeplies to Eev. Queries, MS. Sel. 160, 754, 755. 

6 Eeplies to Eev. Queries, MS. Sel. 160, 746-748, 754, 755. Except when a deed 
or sanad was obtained from the public officers, the farmer's concessions were for one 
year only ; ditto 747. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



S58 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

HiSTOKT. 

The MardtJids. 



by the easy terms which the MardthAs soon began to offer for the 
tillage of waste lands, and for about twenty-three years the districts 
were fairly prosperous.^ Then (1761), during the minority of 
Madhavi'Av, the practice of farming villages for a year was 
introduced, many fresh cesses were levied, and the people were 
ground down by vague extras, mogham chadhs, and by heavy 
demands for unpaid labour, begdr. To some extent the higher 
classes were free from or were able to withstand these fresh demands. 
But this only increased the misery of the poor on whom the whole 
burden was thrown together with every kind of oppression to enforce 
its exaction. In 1772 an attempt was made to improve matters but 
with little success, and, in 1774, when Sdlsette passed to the British, 
its state was most depressed.^ Inquiries then showed that the 
Mard.thas had introduced forty-six money and twenty-four grain 
cesses. These cesses included almost every possible subject of 
taxation, a charge for embankments, for religious worship,, for cattle 
grazing, and for cutting firewood. Husbandmen, besides paying 
for their land, had to pay a straw and grass tax, and, if thej' grew 
vegetables, their onions, water melons, and pepper had to pay; if they 
had cows they had to pay a dairy tax ; and if they had trees they 
had to pay liquor, oil, or fruit taxes. Fishermen had to pay a creek 
tax, two fish taxes, a prawn tax, and a boat tax. Traders had to 
pay a shop tax and a police cess.^ 

About the year 1770 a vigorous attempt was made to simplify 
and improve the system of assessment. The first survey of which 
record remains* was in 1771-72, when the mdmlatda/r Trimbak 
VinAyak surveyed Kalyan, divided the land into bighds, arranged 
them into three classes according to the nature of the soil, and assessed 
each class at a bigha rate. In the same year the Vaishakhara 
petty division was surveyed by the saranjdmddr of Sinnar. In 1785-86 
the three petty divisions, mahdls, of Nasr^pur, Kothal KhaMti, and 
Nehar were sui-veyed by the commandant of Shivgad. In 1788-89 
Trimbak Vinayak's survey of Kalyan was revised by the mdmlatda/r 
Sadashi V Keshav. In 1 793-94 the lands of Bassein, Agdshi, Sanjan, 
Dahanu, Nehar, and Mahim were surveyed by the mdmlatddr 
Sadashiv Raghunath who measured the land into bighds and fixed 
the assessment. In 1795-96 a like survey of the petty division of 
Vasra was made by Rd.mrav Narayan the commandant of Rajmachi 
fort.^ In some of these surveys the land was divided into several 
classes according to the nature of the soil, each class being assessed 
at a different rate. In other surveys no distinction was drawn 
between the different classes of land ; good and bad paid the same 
rent.* 



1 After twenty-three years cesses began to be added. East India Papers, III. 774. 

2 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. XVIII. cl. 2 ; Mr. Marriott, MS. Sel. 160, 135-136. 

3 Details are given in Keg. I. of 1808, sec. VIII.-XVII. 

* The pole, hdthi, by which the land was measured was five cubits five fists long, the 
cubit being fourteen tonus making the stick eighty tasus. The bigha included twenty 
pdnds of twenty poles each or 400 square poles. MS. Sel, 160, 713, 

6 Rev. Answers, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 713, 714. 

6 Mr. Marriott, Ilth July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 139. 



Koukan.] 



THANA. 



659 



Land 
Administration. 

HiSTOEY. 

The Maraihds. 



Of the Mardtha surveys the one most highly spoken of by the Chapter VIII. 
people was Sadashiv Keshav's revised survey of Kalyan (1788-89). 
He visited the land, classified it according to its fertility which he 
ascertained by experiments lasting over ten years, and fixed the 
government share at the money value of one-third of its average 
produce. The rates were 10s. 7^d. (Rs. 5-5) for first class land, 8s. 
6d. (Rs. 4-4) for second class, and 6s. 4|d. (Rs. 3-3) for third class.* 
Only the rice lands were measured. The hill lands were assessed at 
a money rate of 3s. (Rs. 1|) on a nominal bigha, which was an area 
estimated equal to a ligha with a due allowance for rock and 
underwood.^ Before fixing the amount of the village rental the new 
estimates were compared with the standard rates, dar dam shirasta, 
all differences between the old rates and the proposed rates were 
referred to Poena, and the final amount determined according to the 
orders of the government. The total rentals, kamdls, fixed in this 
way settled the demands for future years. Without orders from 
Poena the local officers had no power to ask anything over the full 
rental, kamdl jama? 

These surveys remained in use for only a few years. With the 
close of Nana Padnavis' management (1800) the attempt to levy a 
moderate and fair rental was given up.* During the reign of the 
lastPeshwa (1800-1817), who, under British protection, was heedless 
of unpopularity and anxious only to amass wealth, the practice of 
farming was extended from the farming of villages to the farming of 
sub-divisions tdluhds and districts prdnts. The farms were given 
to the highest bidders and the length of the lease was lowered from 
six to five or even to one year. Some one at court secured the 
farm ; he sub-let it to a second speculator, and he again perhaps to 
three or four others. Between the original farmer and the people 
there were often several grades of middlemen, all of whom looked 
for a profit. Besides this the tenure of the farms was uncertain. 
On some frivolous pretext leases were often taken from one farmer 
and given to another. A revenue farmer had to make the most of 
his chance so long as it lasted. The people were at his mercy ; no 
limit was set to the amount he might wring from them. Besides 
from his revenue cesses, he could enrich himself from the proceeds 
of fines.* The former government officers, the mdmlatddrs and the 



1 The rupees represented the assessment and the annas cesses to meet the cost of 
the collection and of district establishment. Mr. Davies,19th May 1836, in Bom. Gov. 
Rev. Eec.700 of 1836, 149-151. Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Bom. Gov. Kev. 
Eeo. 1348 of 1842, 50. The same rates were introduced by SadAshiv Keshav into 
Murbid. Mr. Gibeme, 13th April 1837, in Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 775 of 1837, 103 ; and 
Mr. Williamson, 13th May 1835, in Eev. Eeo. 700 of 1836, 7-19. Major Jervis gives 
\ls.l^d.,Qs.6d., and 7s. 4Jd (Eb. 5-13, Es. 4-12, and Ks. 3-11). (Konkan, 125). 
Captain, now General, Francis (Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 3) gives 10s. (Es. 5) for the first, 
8«. (Rs. 4} for the second, and 6s. (Rs. 3) for the third. 2 Jervis' Konkan, 126. 

3 Replies to Kevenue Questions, 31st October 1828,Mg, Sel. 160, 772, 773. According 
to Major Jervis (Konkan, 125) Sadashiv Keshav's survey included Taloja and VAja 
in Panvel ; Murbdd, Gorath, and Korkada in Korkada ; Sondla, DugAd, and Bhiwndi 
in Bhiwndi ; AmbarnAth, VAsundri, BArha, Kunda, and Khdb&la in Vardi ; and Sher, 
Alyini, and R^hur in Sikurli. 

i Mr. Marriott, 1821, MS. Sel. 160, 142. The great famine of 1790 must also have 
thrown the revenue arrangements into confusion. 

6 ' The farmers were wholly unrestricted as to the amount of revenue to be levied 
from the people whom they were also permitted to fine at their discretion and 



[Bombay Qazettee 



560 



Chapter VIII. 

' Land 
Administration. 

History. 
The Mardthds. 



DISTEICTS. 



mahdUearis, generally became the revenue farmers, and, knowin| 
the secret sources of wealth, either raised the rates or levied fresl 
cesses.i Up to the close of the eighteenth century the local officer 
had no power to add to the rental. But under the last Peshwa th( 
farmer could raise the rent of any field he chose. If the holdei 
refused to pay the higher rate his land was taken from him and 
given to any one who would agree to the new rates.^ Thus in 
Nasrdpur and several other sub-divisions, instead of three classes 
paying 10s. 7Jd. (Rs. 6-5), 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4-4), and 6s. 4^d. (Rs. 3-3), 
a uniform rate of lis. (Rs. 5^) was levied from all lands that could 
yield an average crop. This rate was enforced from the Kunbis 
But the higher class of landholders, the Brdhman and Prabhu 
pdndharpeshds refused to pay more than 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4-4).^ Ie 
other parts, such as south Kalydn, Bassein and Sanjdn, the rents 
were not changed, but cesses were added equal to fifty per cent 
of the old rental.* In addition to these levies large sums were 
taken from the husbandmen to meet village expenses. The sums 
were levied by the headmen by an assessment in addition to the 
government rental. The sum collected was spent in feeding 
religious beggars, in giving village feasts, and in meeting sundry 
other charges.^ 

In villages let to revenue farmers the farmer, or Mot, made the 
settlement with the husbandmen. In villages not let to farmers 
the government officer or maJidlkari made the settlement with the 
headman, pdtil or kdrbhdri, of the village.® The pdtil settled the 
payments to be made by the different villagers. The whole rental 
was levied by instalments. The pdtil collected the amount due for 
each instalment and paid it either to the farmer or to the officer in 
charge of the petty division, who forwarded it to the officer in charge 
of the division by whom it was sent to head-quarters. Though the 
government was, as a rule, satisfied with receiving the revenae by 
instalments,^ sometimes if hard pressed for funds they levied the 



appropriate the mulct to their own benefit.' Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 1818, MS. Sel. 
160, 1-3. In the last years of the Peshwa 's rule, writes Mr. Da vies in 1836, the 
people suffered under the most oppressive system ever heard of. They were the 
slaves of a set of freebooters who, in consideration of satisfying a craving and 
tyrannical government, were allowed to take all they could. And, as the ministers 
never scrupled to turn away one farmer if he was privately outbid by another, the 
farmers took good care that none of their privileges lacked exercise. Bom. Gov. 
Hev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 156. 

1 Replies to Kev. Ques. 31st Oct. 1828, MS. Sel. 160,754, 755. 2 Ditto, 773. 

3 Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 151, 152. 
Mr. Davies' account is for NasrApur. Mr. Simson the Collector adds, ' With the change 
of a few names and figures, the account of NasrApur is the revenue history of a large 
portion of the territory under the Peshwa.' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 134 

i Mr. Davies, 8th October 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 746 of 1836, 216. In 1836 
inquiries brought to light, over the whole district including KolAba, 167 cesses of 
which 149 fell on the husbandmen. Of the 149 no fewer than ninety were vague 
extras, mogham vdtni. Ditto, 195, 211. 

6 Replies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 782-784. 

6 MS. Sel. 160, 755, 756. 

7 Nina Fadnavis fixed four equal instalments, the first in October and November (end 
of Kartik shudh to end of Mdrgashirsh), the second in December and January (end of 
Paush shudh to end of Mdgh shvdh), the third in February and March (end of Phdlgun 
Shudh to end of Chaitra), the fourth in April and May (end of Vaishdkh shudh to end 
of Jeshth). Replies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 774, 775. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



561 



rental in advance. Wlien this was done tke mahdlJcaris and mdm- 
latdars were allowed interest on the payments made till they became 
due. If there was any shortcoming in the payment of a village rental 
the farmer had to make it good.'- 

In the parts of the Kalydn district that had been surveyed the 
villages paid a higha cash rate. In other parts of Thdna the rent 
was a share of the produce. In the north of the district this 
share of the produce was taken in kind. In other parts it was 
commuted for a money payment which was fixed either on an average 
of the prices ruling at harvest time/ or on the highest market price 
in the previous year.' The villages made their money payments in 
Surat or Chinch vad rupees or by an assignment, havdla, on a banker. 
The mahdlJcaris made similar transfers to the subheddrs who took 
exchange bills from the local moneylenders on Poona bankers, from 
whom the amounts were recovered and paid into the Poona treasury. 
Occasionally drafts, vardts, were granted to individuals for advances 
made by them at Poona, and the amounts collected from those on 
whom the drafts were drawn. Exchange was charged at the rate 
of ten per cent.* Against the tyranny of the farmers there was 
no redress. Up to the end of the eighteenth century, if a local 
moneylender or revenue farmer was overbearing, the people 
complained to the local officers, and if the local officers gave them 
no redress they appealed to the government at Poona. Under 
Ndna Fadnavis speedy justice was done. But under the last Peshwa 
the ill-used poor seldom had a hearing.^ Though sorely oppressed 
by these exactions the people did not fall into utter poverty. This 
would seem to have been mainly due to the fact that the Deccan was 
so ruined by the wars at the beginning of the present century that for 
many years after it continued to draw supplies of men and of grain 
from the Konkan. Many of the husbandmen entered military 
service,® and the large area of arable waste gave those who remained 
not only the chance of moving from one village to another, but 
of- securing waste lands which were offered on lease on very easy 
terms.^ In the disturbed state of the Deccan there was a great 
demand for Konkan rice. The quiet districts below the Sahyddris 
were the granaries of the Maratha government. Many stores were 



Chapter_VIII, 

Land 
AdmiuigtratioOt 

HlSTOKY. 

The MardtAdt, 



1 Replies to Revenue Questions, MS. Sel. 160, 775, 776. 

2 Mr. Simson, I6th May 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 592. 

3 Replies to Revenue Questions, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160,773. 

4 Replies to Revenue Questions, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160,' 777! 

6 Replies to Revenue Questions, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 771-772. 

« The forts in the Konkan and immediately above the SahyAdris were in great 
measure garrisoned by Konkan husbandmen whom Maritha exactions had forced to 
give up tillage. MS. Sel. 160 (1818 - 1830), 4, 5. 

7 BijirAv Peshwa gave arable waste land on rent-free leases for from fifteen to 
forty years. Payment then began and was gradually raised to a full rental. Replies 
to Revenue Questions, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 751. According to one 
account (Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 125) the extensive tract of land known as the 
khdrdpdt was all or nearly all reclaimed under the Peshwa's rule, when it was 
customary to give leases of from twenty to thirty years before the full assessment 
was demanded. But the practice of giving leases for reclaiming salt lands was much 
older, and it seems probable that much of the khdrdpdt was reclaimed at a mnr.li 
earlier date. See Bom, Gov. Sel. CXLJV. 3. ' «" »i> a m«cn 

B 310-71 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
5§2 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VIII. established and the people found a ready market for their grain near 
Land ^^^^^ homes and at high prices.^ 

Administration. 
The Bkitish. SECTION IV.— BRITISH MANAGEMENT. 

Sdltette, Under British management Sdlsette and Karanja improved but 

1774-1793. showly. In 1774, when Salsette and Karanja were conquered by 

the English, the people were much depressed and the revenue was 
in arrears.^ "A resident or chief and factors were appointed to 
Sdlsette and a resident to Karanja.* The system of collecting the 
revenue remained for a time unchanged. 'The villages continued 
to be put to auction, and the right of farming their revenues 
was as before made over to the highest bidder. The result 
was unsatisfactory. The people were wretched and the farmers 
often failed to pay the amounts they had bid. In 1788 revenue 
contracting was given up and the management of the villages 
was entrusted to Grovernment officers. But the great famine of 
1790 undid any improvement which the change of system might 
have caused. During the twenty -one years ending 1795, while the 
average amount claimed was £19,556 (Es. 1,95,560), the average 
collections were not more than -£17,721 (Es. 1,77,210).* 

1798-1819. In 1798-99 a new system was introduced. All available Portuguese 

and Maratha records were examined, the petty taxes levied by the 
Portuguese and the Marathas were abolished, the average produce 
of each village was ascertained, aad the Grovernment demand was 
fixed at one-third of the estimated average produce for all lands 
except shilotri lands, which, as they had been held on specially easy 
terms, were charged little more than one-fifth.^ In 1801 the grain 
share was for a term of ten years commuted to a money rental at 
the rate of £2 (Es. 20) the muda {2b- mans) for white and £1 12s, 
(Es. 16) for red rice.^ At the same time arrangements were made 
for bridging the channel between Salsette and Bombay. This 
work, the Sion causeway, was begun in 1799 and finished in 1803. 
In that year Sdlsette again suffered very severely from famine. But 
the distress did lasting good to the island by forcing the repeal of 
the heavy customs dues which till then had been levied on all 
produce passing to Bombay.'^ From this time the state of the island 
steadily improved. In 1807 (April) the Government share of rice 
had risen to 8324 mudds or 860 mudds more than the Government 
share in 1774. In the next year the returns showed 49,530 people, 
11,328 houses, 16,995 cattle, 492 carts, and 431 boats. The part of 
the island near Bdndra was specially prosperous ; it had a brisk 
coasting trade, and a good, market for its vegetables.* In 1810-11 
the commutation rates were raised from £2 to £2 5s. (Rs. 20- 
Rs. 224) for a muda of white rice and from £1 12s. to £1 14s. 
(Es. 16 - Rs. 17) for a muda of red rice. The increase would seem 
to have been excessive and the rates were afterwards reduced to the 

1 Mr. Davies, 28th February 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 57. The 
average prices were is. (Rs. 2) per man. 2 Keg. I. of 1808, sec. 19. 

8 Reg. III. of 1799, sec, 1. * Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 21. 

6 Reg. I. of 1808, sees. 23 & 36, ct, 10, 6 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1244 of 1841, 138. 

7 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 53. 8 Reg. I, of 1808, sees. 36, 66, 75. 



Eonkan.} 

THANA. 563 

former standard.^ In 1819 the state of Sd,l8ette was satisfactory. Chapter^ Vlir. 
The average yearly rental had risen from £18,924 (Rs. 1,89,240) in LandL 

the ten years ending 1798 to £22,763 (Rs. 2,27,630) in the twenty- Administration, 
one years ending 1819.^ To the state of Karanja the only reference j^^ British. 
that has been traced is, that much of the land was in the hands of 
middlemen who took from the husbandmen one-half of the produce.^ 

From the cession of the Peshwa's possessions in 1817, the revenue 1817-1881. 
history of the district belongs to three periods. Eighteen years 
(1817-1835) of few changes in assessment and little advance in 
prosperity; nineteen years (1835-1854) of reduced rental, and rapid 
advance ; and twenty-seven years (1854-1881), since the beginning 
of the revenue survey, of slightly enhanced rates and gradual 
progress. The chief changes in the eighteen years ending 1835 
were the establishment of village accountants in the place of 
revenue farmers, the reduction in the number of cesses, and the 
correction of individual cases of unequal assessment. The chief 
obstacles to progress were the prevalence of gang robberies, the 
want of a trained or trustworthy native agency, and a great fall in 
produce prices. When they were ceded to the British, the Peshwa's 
territories in the north Konkan were sufEering from the excesses of 
gangs of robbers ;* much arable land was waste ; the bulk of the 
people were miserably poor j* and, in spite of the most minute and 
pitiless exactions, the revenue of the district was less than £140,000 
(Rs. 14,00,000).^ To the general poverty Bassein was a marked 
exception. It was rich with sugarcane and plantains ; perhaps in all 
India there was no spot more highly tilled.' Under the system of 
revenue contracting and by the division and sale of their shares in 
the revenue the hereditary district officers had ceased to be of use.* 
The stipendiary officers were almost all revenue contractors for 
sub-divisions and petty divisions, and the chief power in the villages 
was in the hands of the village contractor or Ithot. The village 
staflf was generally represented by headmen and mhdrs, and there 
was occasionally an assistant to the headman, who was called madhvi 



1 Mr. Langford, 28th November 1840, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 1244 of 1841, 137-139. 
The payment in cash or in kind is said to have been optional. The commutation 
prices were very moderate, but the people seem to have thought that they were bound 
to pay at least a part in kind. Mr. Marriott, 14th June 1820, in ThAna Collector's 
Outward File, 1820, 124 - 127. 

2 Mr. Marriott, 29th November 1819, in MS. Sel. 160, 43. 

8 Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 1818, in MS. Sel. 160 (1818-1830), 24, 25. In some of the 
salt-nce lands half of the crop seems to have been taken. Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 36, cl. 7. 

* Under the MarAthis the mdmlatddrs and mahdlkaris had armed messengers and 
horsemen or entertained bands of Kolis. Raids from hiU tribes were very common. 
Rev. Ans. 3Ist Oct. 1828, MS. Sel. 160, 771. 

5 The result of the revenue farmers' exactions was that the^ people were reduced 
to the greatest poverty and many villages were empty. Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 
1818, MS. Sel. 160, 1-3. ' a ^^ 

6 At the time of cession the north Konkan was divided among four districts, 
prdnts, KalyAn, Bhiwndi, BeUpur, and KarnAla. The gross value of the territory 
was, on the average of the four preceding years, £150,776 (Rs. 15,07,760). Of this 
£11,617 (Rs. 1,16,170) were made over to Surat and £139,159 (Rs. 13,91,590) left to 
Mr, Marriott's charge. MS. Sel. 160, 122. 

7 Mr. Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 136. This prosperity was the 
iresult of a fraud. See below, p. 564. 

8 Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Th^na Collector's Outward File, 1820, 162-164. 



[Sombay Gazetteer, 



564 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^VIII, 

Land 
Administratioii. 

The British. 

Tenures, 

1817. 



in KalyS.n and Jcdrhhari in Bassein. The other village eervants, 
ha/ra balutds were unknown, and there was not a vestige of any 
similar village establishment.^ 

Under the ordinary tenure, so long as he paid his rent^ the holder 
had a right to remain on the land, but he had no power to pass it to 
any one else.^ The place of mirdsddrs was taken by sutiddrs, who 
like mirdsddrs, had full right to dispose of their land.' Suti lands 
were liable to be assessed whether they were tilled or whether they 
were waste. So long as the rent was paid the land remained the 
property of the sutiddr, but if the sutiddr failed to pay his rent. 
Government could give it to another, provided there was no 
unexpired lease or kaul* Lands known as sheri lands were the 
property of the state, and had either never been included in the 
Village or had lapsed to the state. The profits went to government 
or to the revenue farmer, or other direct holder under government.* 
To encourage the tillage of arable waste the sub-divisional officer or 
kamdvisddr had been allowed to grant yearly leases of waste land at 
light rents under a tenure known as chikhal or dulandi.^ It would 
seem that the prosperity of Bassein was in great measure due to the 
abuse of this privilege. By bribing the state officers the owners of 
the gardens arranged that their gardens should be examined a few 
■weeks after the crop had been cleared off the ground. They were then 
entered as waste and granted at a nominal rent for the next year.^ 
Another somewhat important tenure was the special service or 
imafat, on which the hereditary district officers held certain villages. 
As already explained, under the Mnhammadans these officers held 
the villages rent-free in return for their services. The Mardthds, 
finding that the service villages were specially prosperous, levied the 



1 Replies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. SeL 160, 703, 704. The 
village officers were paid by an assignment of five per cent, pdnchotra, on the village 
revenues. Of this five per cent, two-thirds went to the pdtil and one-third to the 
mhdr. If there was a pdtiFs assistant the pdtil got three-fifths and the assistant ^littZ 
and the mMr one-fifth each, Mr. Simson, 27th January 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 262. In 
1845 in answer to the question how far the village communities were fit to manage 
local funds, the Collector Mr. Law reported that, compared with other Bombay 
provinces, the Konkan was remarkable for the feebleness of its village institutions. 
Except that every village had its hereditary pdtil, village institutions could scarcely be 
said to exist. The pdtils were for the most part so incompetent and ignorant that they 
could not be trusted with the Government collections. They were not regarded with 
the same respect as the Deccan pdtils, probably because of the large number of 
Brdhmans and other high castes who were engaged in tillage. &th September 1845, 
Thdna CoUeotor's File, Reports on General Condition, 1843-185.S. 

2 Mr. Marriott, £2nd June 1818, in MS. Sel. 160,26-27. The practice of trans- 
ferring land under this tenure was winked at by the MarAtha government. East 
India Papers, III. 773. 

'Replies to Revenue Questions, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 741-743. 
The tenure of suii or vatan was the same as mirds. East India Papers, III. 773. 

« Replies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 743, 

» Replies to Revenue Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 745. 

« East India Papers, III. 773, and MS. Sel. 160, 271. 

^ Mr. Simson, 27th January 1826, in MS. SeL 160, 271-272. The fraud was not 
found out tiU 1826, when it had reached an alarming height. Ditto. In 1822, before 
the true explanation of the prosperity of Bassein was known, the Bombay Government 
wrote (East India Papers, III. 774), ' The cultivation of sugarcane and plantains ia 
very costly, somewhat hazardous, and requires a constantly floating large capital, the 
security of which seems not to have been afiected by the rapacity of the MarAtha 
officers.' 



Eoiikaii.l 



thAna. 



565 



Laud 
Admmistration. 

The British. 



Forma of 

Aesesmieiit, 

1817. 



full rental from them and allowed the officers to remain their nominal Cliapter_VIir* 

proprietors, paying them by a percentage on their collections.^ Two 

classes of men held their lands on specially easy rates. These were 

thefdndharpeshAsoi whom an account has already been given, and 

the dulmdis or people of two villages who lived in one village and 

held land in another. The object of this practice was to take 

advantage of the very low rates at which waste land was let,^ 

There were six leading forms of assessment, bighdvni or bigha 
rate, dhep an nnmeasured lump or parcel of land, toha or hunda 
meaning much the same as dhep, mogham or vague, ardhel or half 
share, and ndngar or koyta a plough or sickle tax. The bigha rate 
varied greatly in different places. It was taken in money or in 
grain, or it was a cash commutation of a grain rent.' The dhep or 
lump system, which has already been described, prevailed cluefly 
in Bassein and other places^ that had been under the Portuguese. 
Under this system the land was not measured, but the outturn of the 
crop was tested for three years and the rent fixed at one-half of the 
average yield.* According to their yield the lands were arranged in 
the following order : eight adholis equal to one kudu, twenty kudus 
to one khamdi, and four khandis to one muda.^ The muda ought to 
have been a fixed measure, but partly frofii the disorders that had 
crept in under the farming system, when the burden of the land tax 
was shifted more and more on the poorer holders, and partly from 
the opportunity for fraud which the ignorance of the first British 
officers ofEered, the muda varied from six to thirty-two mans.^ The 
form of assessment in use in the wild north-east was called toka or 
hunda, that is a piece or unmeasured plot of land varying from two 
to six bighds from which a grain rent was taken. The plot was 
divided into annas or sixteenths. The rent did not seem to be 
fi?;ed in accordance with any rule or principle, but the amount was 
generally small.^ The vague, or mogham, assessment was a lump 
charge in kind or money, on a plot of land without reference to 
any standard of area or outturn. The half crop, or ardhel, system 
varied from year to year with the harvest; it was in force chiefly 
in lands reclaimed from the sea. The plough ndngar, the hoe 
kudal, the sickle koyta, and the pickaxe, kurhdd, cesses, which were 
chiefly found in the wilder parts, varied in different places. Garden 



1 IzAJat villages were sometimes resumed and given to others in farm, the haki 
being paid to the zwmmddrs to whom they belonged. Eeplies to Revenue Questions, 
31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 750. 

2 MS. Sel. 160, 60-61. 3 MS. Sel. 160, 137. 

* MS. Sel. 160, 138, 711-712. None of the accounts that iave been traced support 
Major Jervis' view that the basis of the dhejp system was the quantity of seed 
required to sow a plot of land. Konkan, 82. " MS. Sel. 160, 712. 

° One return in which the mvda was entered as varying from six to fourteen mams 
was afterwards found to be fraudulent. In the year before the muda had been an 
imiform measure of more than fourteen mans. Mr. Simson, 27th January 1826, 
in MS. Sel. 160, 276. A muda (Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1244 of 1841, 138) is equal to 25 
mans. The assessment of the muda varied (1828) between 6 and 32 mama. MS. Sel. 
160, 712. See also Jervis' Konkan, 125. 

7 Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 712-713 ; Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 
867 of 18,38, 289. The words in the original are iaha and lion. These are names of 
coins that seem to have no connection with the tenure in question. They perhaps 
found their way in, instead of the less known toha and hunda, meaning lump or mass. 
See above, pp, 531, 550, 



566 



[Bombay G-azetteer 



. Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Thb British. 



- Changes, 
1818. 



DISTRICTS. 



l™5i^? ^ ^'^^'t ?*® ^""^ ^ *''''*^^^ ''^ss on evrery fruit-yielding 
tree. Except m Kalyan and in a few other places the assessment 
was paid in kmd.^ 

Besides the land assessment one hundred cesses were levied '' Of 
these the chief were a house tax, a tobacco tax, a tax on fowls, a tax 
on liquour-yieldmg trees, a commuted labour tax, a cattle tax, several 
taxes to pay for official presents, and a firewood tax.* 

The chief change introduced in the revenue system was the 
appointment of village accountants in the place of revenue farmers, 
khotsf Few other changes were made. It was thought best to 
continue the existing system till detailed information should be 
available.6 Though no great changes were made, the ordinary land 
tenure was so far modified that holders were allowed to sell, mortgage, 
or otherwise transfer their land, on condition that the person to whom 
it was made over was liable to pay the Grovernment demand.' The 
Collector proposed that the privileges of the pdndha/rpeshds should 
cease, but Government held that there was no sufficient reason 
■why they should be discontinued.^ As regards the dulandis, the 
people who tilled in one village and lived in another. Government 
agreed with the Collector that as there was arable waste land in 
almost every village, nothing was gained by people going to other 
villages to till. They therefore decided to put a stop to the practice 
of granting outsiders specially easy rates.® 

In the Collector's opinion the land was not directly over-assessed. 
On the whole it perhaps paid less than the English collected in 
Salsette and Karanja. What made the Government demand 
oppressive was the number of extra cesses and the variety of 
rates which opened opportunities for fraud. The chief object was 
to sweep away the extra cesses and consolidate the Government 
demand into one fair tax, to let the people know beforehand what they 
had to pay, and to take their rents from them at the time when 
payment was easiest.^" The Collector proposed that the country 
should be surveyed and the Government demand fixed at one-third 
of the estimated produce.-'^ The rental should be, he thought, taken in 



1 Mr. Marriott, llth July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 139-140. 
. " Mr. Simson, 30th Sept. 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 351-354. As already noticed the 
assessments in Kalydn and other places were not Sadishiv Keshan's rates, bat those 
introduced by the farmers, lis. (Rs. 5-8) for Kuubis and 8s. Qd. (Bs. 4-4) [for 
pdndharpeshds. Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, in Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 152. 

3 Replies to Revenue Questions, Slat October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 756-770. 

* Details are given by Mr. Marriott, 17th October 1818, in Rev. Diary, 135 of 1818, 
5158-5163. 

" Rev. Diary, 151 of 1820, 1039. The taCdti regulation (II. of 1814) was introduced 
on the 25th January 1820; « MS. Sel. 160 (1818-1830), 41-51. 

' Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 1818, in MS. Sel. 160, 26, 27. 

8 Mr. Marriott, 29th -January 1820, in MS. Sel. 160, 56-60; and Gov. Answer to 
petitions from cultivators, 14th July 1820, in MS. Sel. 160, 313. 
"9 MS. Sel. 160, 60, 61, 313. w Mr. Marriott, 20th Oct. 1818, in MS. Sel. 160,32. 

11 In suggesting one-third of the produce as the Government share Mr. Marriott, 
who was an advocate of the landlord or zaminddriBystem, hoped that it would leave to 
the cultivator enough of surplus profit to enable the present landholders to maintain 
labourers instead of themselves working. In this way he hoped that a class of 
landholders would be formed ' on the most unerring principles of nature. ' Bom. Gov. 
Letter, mb April 1822 ; East India Papers, III. 767. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



567 



money not in grain. Grain payments required a costly machinery 
and left openings for fraud. As information w^ould at first be scanty 
and perhaps misleading, it was not safe to make the rates permanent j 
they might, he thought, be introduced for twelve years.^ 

Before deciding on his proposals Government called on Mr. 
Marriott to furnish a return of the different sources of revenue, 
especially of the cesses or taxes. In reply Mr. Marriott drew up 
a list of thirty-six cesses, and stated that there were many more 
which varied so greatly in different places that he thought it 
unnecessary to prepare a complete list. Government were not 
satisfied with this statement of cesses, and, in calling for a fuller 
list, noticed that whatever the defects of the present system might 
be Government could not attempt to change it without the fullest 
information. In December 1818, after a personal explanation of hia 
views by Mr. Marriott, his proposals were sanctioned, and consent 
was given to the beginning of a survey.^ In November 1819 another 
order was issued limiting Mr. Marriott's operations to inquiry. No 
changes were to be introduced without specific instructions. Before 
this second order reached him Mr. Marriott had issued a proclamation 
to the effect that cesses were to be abolished. He was accordingly 
allowed to carry out this part of his plan and arrange for a 
corresponding change in the land revenue, to make good the loss 
caused by the repeal of the cesses. No other changes were to be 
made, and even for this change no promise of permanency was to be 
given and the Collector was to report on every step he took.^ 

Meanwhile Mr. Marriott pressed on the work of survey. The 
principle of the survey was to ascertain the extent of land in 
cultivation, in view of an assessment on the basis that one-third of the 
gross produce should go to'Government ; to find out the area of arable 
waste ; to discover the different kinds of tillage ; and to classify the 
lands. A statement of the different kinds of land showed 236,089 
bighds under tillage and 59,671 bighds of arable waste.* The unit 
of measure was the rod of nine feet and 19" 2 quarter inches which 
had been used in 1808 in surveying.^ After measuring them the 
rice lands were arranged into four classes each assessed at different 
rates. Garden land was, as before, assessed at a cash rental, except 
that instead of separate land and tree taxes only one cess was 
levied. To stimulate the spread of tillage waste lands were put to 
auction free of charge to the man who agreed to bring them under 
tillage in the shortest time.* A class to whom the Collector was 
specially anxious to off'er every inducement to settle were the wild 
hill tribes, the Kolis, Bhils, Kdthkaris, and Thakurs. These ' almost 



1 Mr. Marriott, June 22nd, 1818, in MS. Sel. 160, 25, 26. 

2 MS. Sel. 1 60, 38. 3 Bast India Papers, III. 768. * East India Papers, III. 775. 
"Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 2. This rod was about eight per cent less than the old 

MarAtha rod. But the people did not suffer, as in the Mar4tha surveys no account 
•was taken of fractions between fifteen and twenty rods, and even 15| rods were 
entered'as one pind or twenty rods. (MS. Sel. 160, 107-108). The table of measures 
was one rod of 9 '4 feet equal to five hands and five flats, 20 square rods equal to one 
square pdnd, and 20 square pdnds equal to one bigha of 35,344 square feet or about 
four-fifths of an acre. Beg. I. of 1808, sec. 2. 
« November 1819, R«v, Diary 144 of 1819, 3332. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British, 

Changes, 
1818. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



ehapter VIII. 

Land 
Admuustration. 

Xhe British. 

Changes, 
I6I8, 



DISTRICTS. 



savages lived m small cabins in the depths of the forests in a most 
degraded state. They gained a scanty livelihood, partly by tilling 
torest patches and partly by hunting, but chiefly by plundering 
their more settled neighbours. Not only were they wretched 
themselves, but their love of plunder kept the villagers in constant 
alarm. So long as these tribes remained in the state in which they 
were, there was no hope for improvement in the parts of the country 
where they lived. It was of the highest consequence to win them 
to honest work by assuring them the enjoyment of a moderate share 
of the produce of their labour.^ Another class whom it was most 
important to reclaim to husbandry were the men, who, during the 
past disturbances, had forsaken their fields for military service. To 
these men the Collector ofEered plots of arable waste to be held free 
for eight years and then to be charged at the same rates as the 
surrounding fields.^ In consideration of the poverty of the district 



' Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 1818, in MS, SeL 160, 5, 6. 

^ The allotments were : for havdlddrs seven bighds, for ndiks six, and for peons 
five. These proposals were approved in Gov. Res. 12th February 1820. Rev. Diary 
151 of 1820, 1038-1042. The nature and effect of the proposed changes in assessment 
are shown in the following statement of the rental of the village of Bh^ in Kalydn 
under the Mardtha and under Mr. Marriott's system. MS. Sel. 160, 62. 
Assessment o/Bhdl Village, 1817 and 1819. 



Maritha System. 


Mr. Mwniott's System. 


I. Lasd Kevbitub. 


Bs. 


I. Land Rbvbndb. 


Bs. 


Bice Land ; 




Rioe Land : 




loDd cultivated by the people of the 




First class 38 biglias at 8 moms of rice 




village 71^ Iii^Atia at Rs.5i 


391 


the tigha, 16i khamdis ; 2nd class 35 




Land held at specially low rates by high 




bighAs at 7 mans the bigha, 12i khan- 




class husbandmen 14^ bighds at Rs. H. 


61 


dw ; 3rd class 39 bighds at 6 mans the 








bigha, 12 khandis ; total of rice 39i 




lages 4| Mghds at Bs. 4i 


19 


hhamdis or in cash at the rate of Bs. IE 




Late CfropLand: 




fhekhandi 


711 


23A M?A«» at Bs- If 

Uptiads: 


38 


Late Crop Land : 
19 6igrAd«atRs. li 


28 


21} bighaa at Be. Ig 


36 


TTplandA : 




Total ... 
n. Cessks. 


644 


9 bighds at^.li 

Total ... 
II. Cbssbs. 


13 


762 






GAar toto or house tax 


10 


Brab palm cess, 49 trees at 4 annas a 




Fan ta*a or female buffalo tax 


2 


tree 


12 


Vet^va or a commuted labour cess 


13 






Gonpdt, commuted hemp-bag cess 


2 


Non-agricultural cesses, house cess Bs. 4, 




Sajar kude rt^a^ leave to cut the crop ... 


2 


and commutation cess Re. 1 


S 


Deficiency of former year's rental 


49 






Seri, a commuted labour cess 


7 






£^t tosf&r, rice commutation cesa 


9 






Tasar k&mdi, fowl commutation cess ... 


3 


Total ... 


17 


Bafto, exchange 

Tdd dene, brab palm cess at 4 annas a 


66 








Total rental ... 


769 


tree 


11 










Less village officers' allowance ... 


36 




Total ... 


163 








Net rental ... 


734 


Total rental ... 


707 


Less village officers' allowance ... 
Former net rental , . . 


25 


Former net rental ... 
Increase ... 


682 


682 


62 



This net increase of Rs. 52 is the balance of the following items : Increased 
assessment Es. 198 ; decrease on the abolition of the following cesses formerly paid 
by cultivators, ghar talea, van taka, vetAva, gonpdt, najar kude raja, taawr homdi, 
deficiency of former year's rental, bhdt iasar, seri, and datta, Rs. 146 ; net increase 
in rental Bs, 52, 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



569 



the Collector proposed that after the Government share had been 
calculated, a special reduction of twelve per cent should be made. 
Even with this deduction the spread of tillage and the transfer to 
Government of the revenue contractors' profits would, he estimated, 
raise the revenue of the ceded districts to £153,714 (Rs. 15,37,140) 
or £14,555 (Rs. 1,45,550) more than the territory was expected to 
yield. The proposed system might, he thought, be introduced for 
six years and be applied both to the old or conquered, and to the 
new or ceded districts. The whole revenue would be £158,014 
(Rs. 15,80,140), to which the conquered lands Sdlsette and Karanja 
would contribute £4300 (Rs. 43,000).^ 

In 1819 and again in 1820 the Collector complained of the size 
of his charge, of its poor and scattered villages, and of the labour 
caused by the small sums in which the revenue was collected. He 
urged that Th^na might be divided into two districts.^ Government 
were unable to agree to this proposal. The system of management 
was native agency and European superintendence, and no redaction 
in the size of the district could be made.^ In addition to the want 
of sufficient European superintendence the Collector had no trained 
or trustworthy native agency. The village accountants, or taldtis, 
who were chosen in 1820, knew little of their charges. They lived 
in the sub-divisional towns and visited their villages only when the 
crops were being threshed. There was no check over them. Except 
when specially ordered the sub -divisional officers, or hamavisdars, 
never moved from their towns, and the Collector's secretary, 
daftarda/r, never left head-quarters.* To collect information of the 
revenue payments of the different villages was a hopeless task. 
The number of cesses and the variety of practice made it most 
difficult to find out what the different lands were supposed to pay. 
Even if this was ascertained the nominal assessment was often no 
guide to what the"land had actually been paying.^ All classes were 
interested in keeping back information. The revenue farmer 
concealed the source of his gains and the villager kept dark the 
amount of his payments, trusting that the farmer would not make 
them known.* To all these obstacles were added the trouble caused 
by the excesses of large gangs of freebodters,'^ and ravages of 
cholera in 1818 and 1819 so severe that the district did not recover 
for ten years.^ 

Under the weight of these troubles Mr. Marriott seems to have 
felt that his new survey and assessment would not by themselves 



Chapter^Vin. 

Land , 
AdminiatratiOB. 

The British. 

Changes, 
1818. 



1318-19. 



1 Mr. Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 149-150. 

2 Letters, 1st June 1819 and 7th April 1820, Rev. Diary 153 of 1820, 2105-2123. 
' Gov. Letter, 22nd April 1820, Eev. Diary 153 of 1820, 2123. 

* Mr. Simson, 30th September 1826, MS. Sel. 160, 324. 

= Mr. Marriott, 22nd Jflne 1818 and 20th October 1818, MS. Sel. 160, 1-3 and 31. 

' Mr. Simson, 30th September 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 328-329. There was the further 
risk of falsification of returns. Two marked instances of fraud have been noticed, 
the entry of garden lands in Bassein as arable waste, and the entry of the muda of 
grain as representing from six to fourteen instead of over fourteen mans. Mr. Simson 
27th January 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 271-272, 276. 

' Eev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 771. 

8 E«v. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 752. 



[Bombay Gazettee 



S70 



Chapter^VIII. 

Laud 
Admiiiistration. 

The British, 
18W. 



Survey, 



DISTEIOTS. 



18U- 



improve the district. In 1820 (14th August), looking at the stat 
of the district, its wretched impoverished peasantry, its large tract 
of arable waste, and the great loss from bands of hill robbers, i 
seemed to him that the only hope for improvement was the creatio) 
of a class of large landholders. When the Government demand oi 
a village was fixed by his survey, the village should, he thought, bi 
leased for a term of five years to the chief representatives of the oh 
district officials, the deshmukhs and deshpdndes, and in cases wher 
the old families had disappeared new appointments should be made 
He proposed that the new class of landholders should be allowed t 
bring arable waste under tillage free of rent for five years, and tha 
they should be made responsible for the police of the villages the; 
held in farm.^ These proposals did not meet with the approval o 
Government. They were opposed to the creation of a class of larg 
landholders and their views were upheld by the Court of Directors. 
As regards the survey Government admitted that the CoUecto 
had shown the existence of much disorder and abuse, and agreed witl 
him that a good survey would remove many of the evils. But n 
survey which was not based on a full inquiry into the circumstance 
of the land could be a good survey, and they were doubtful whethe 
the new settlement was based on a sufficiently minute knowledg 
of the district. Before the new assessment could be introdncei 
Government must clearly know how the land was measured am 
classified, how the crop was estimated, how the commutation froi 
a grain to a money rental was fixed, and how the estimates wer 
tested. A statement of the former and present rent of each villag 
was also required.* Mr. Marriott in a letter of the 10th July 1821 
furnished certain observations and explanations, but the Governmen 
did not consider them satisfactory. It appeared that the person 
employed in the survey must have been too numerous to admit c 
the Collector's carefully testing their work. Mr. Marriott would 
the Government thought, have acted more wisely, if he had takei 
and personally supervised one sub-division. The measurements c 
his survey, if they were correct, would be useful, but the new rate 
could not safely be brought into use over the whole district. Th 
■Collector was directed to inti'oduce the new settlement in on 
sub-division or in such extent of country as he could personall 
superintend, and to be careful to hear all complaints. In othe 
parts of the district the character of the work was to be tested b; 
the remeasurement and classification of a few villages by a fres! 
staff of surveyors. In taking these tests the measuring and th 
fixing of rates were to be entrusted to different sets of men. Th 
assessors were to consult the natives as to the classing of the land 
and were to settle differences by calling councils or panchdyats froi 
neighbouring villages.* 

These inquiries seem to have shown that the originfbl measuremeni 



1 Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thdjia Collector's Outward File, 1820,162-171 

2 Revenue Letter to Bombay, 13th February 1822, East India Papers, III. 771-77i 

3 Gov. Letter, 21st Sept. 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 154- 157. Compare East India Paper 
III. 776. * Gov. Letter, 27th Nov. 1822, East India Papers, III. 777. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



571 



and assessments were untrustworthy, and the attempt to introduce 
a survey and settlement was abandoned. Except that in most 
villages village accountants took the place of revenue contractors, 
the revenue continued to be collected on the same system as was in 
use when the district was ceded to the British. The season of 1824 
was disastrous and the people suffered severely.^ This together 
with a demand for grain from the Deccan would seem for some 
years to have kept produce prices high,^ and the assessment though 
clumsy and irregular seems to have been moderate.* The poverty of 
the people was in a giseat degree the result of their foolishness. 
Hard drinking, or rather gross intoxication, was so common that the 
Collector thought it would be advisable to cut down all but a few of 
the liquor-yielding trees.* Bishop Heber, who travelled during the 
rains (June 27, 28) from Panvel to Khandala, describes the people 
as living in small and mean cottages with steep thatched roofs and 
very low side walls of loose stones. There was a general look of 
poverty both in their dress and field-tools. But their cattle were 
larger and better bred than Bengal cattle, and were in better case 
than might have been expected after so long a drought.* 

In 1825 the number of sub-divisions, tdlukds, was reduced from 
seventeen to nine, namely, Panvel, Salsette, MAhim, Bassein, 
Murbdd, Sanjdn, Nasrdpur, SdkurH, and Kolvan.® The Collector, 
Mr. Simson, again urged on Government the need of a survey. 
The existing system was full of mistakes and unevenness ; nothing 
but the close inquiries of a survey could set it right.^ The Collector's 
proposals were approved; but the press of other duties on the 
Collector and his assistants and the want of any special staff of 
officers delayed the work. In 1825 and 1826 some .parts of the 
district seem to have been surveyed by the Collector, partly by 
a revision of Mr. Marriott's measurements and partly by fresh 
measurements of his own.* But as some mistake was made in the 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bbitish. 



183S-lSg7. 



1 MS. Sel. 160, 611. £1550 (Rs. 15,500) were spent in clearing ponds and reservoirs 
to give work to the destitute. Replies to Rev. Ques. 31st Oct. 1828, MS. Sel. 160, 702. 

Z This is doubtful. Mr. Davies says (19th May 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 
1836, 157) the establishment of peace had a powerful and instantaneous effect on 
grain prices. But in another passage (28th February 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 
of 1836, 56-57) he says, that in 1820 the Foona demand still kept prices high. 
According to a calculation made for Nasr^pnr in 1836, in the early years of British 
rule, the cost of tillage of a bigha of sixty-two yards was 10«. (Rs. S), the carriage 
to market 4s. (Rs. 2), the customs charges Is. 6d. (12 as.), and the rent 9s. 6d. 
(Rs. 4-12). Rice was then Rs. 17 a hhandi and the margin of profit 9s. (Bs. 4-8) a 
biffha. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 55-57. 

3 ' I do not mean,' wrote Mr. Simson in 1826 (30th September), ' that the people 
are not occasionally called on to pay more than they are able. But I am confident 
that the portion of their payment that comes to the state is below what the most 
considerate would admit Government to be entitled to on every principle of kindness 
to the husbandman and regard to the general good of the country.' MS. Sel, 160, 
326-327. Mr. Simson's opinion was a^erwards changed. 

4 Mr. Simson, 30th September 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 358. 
6 Heber'a Journal, II. 202, 203. 

« Mr. Simson, 10th September 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 658-663. The statement 
(Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 2) that this arrangement of tdluhia was introduced by 
Mr. Reid in 1832 seems incorrect. 

1 Mr. Simson, 30th September 1826, MS. Sel. 160, 326-327, 333-334, 350. 

8 MS. Sel. 160, 316-393. About this time (1821-1825) under the First Assistant 
Collector Mr. Richard Mills the survey was extended in Murbdd-Kalyto to Ambamith, 
Kaly^n, Murbdd, Gorat, Chon, and Bd,rha; in Silkurli to Shera, Aly&ni, Rihui, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



572 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 



Hereditary 
Officers. 



DISTRICTS. 



length of the measuring rod and as no special officers were available. 
Government suspended the survey in 1827.^ Still, as appears later 
on, the Collector continued to make some slight progress in 1828.^ 
In 1826 special rules were in force for encouraging the tillage of 
waste lands by the grant of leases, during part of which the land 
was held rent-free and during the rest on a rising rental.* In 1828 
Mr. Simson the Collector proposed that the system of granting 
leases should be extended, and applied to the grants in lease of 
whole villages to their headmen. These proposals were not 
approved by Government.* Even had an attempt been made to carry 
out Mr. Simson's proposals, it would have failed as there were 
scarcely any headmen able and willing to incur the resp6nsibility 
of the revenue of the whole village.^ 

Of the state of the district at the close of the first ten years of 
English rule and of the details of its revenue management a fairly 
complete account is available. Peace was still often broken by the 
inroads of bands of hill robbers.® By far the greater part of every 
sub-division was covered with thick forest, impenetrable in many 
places except to wild beasts and to the tribes of Bhils, Rdmoshis, 
Kathkaris, Kolis, and Varlis. The average number of villages in 
each sub-division was about 250, and the average yearly land and 
excise revenue of each village was between £50 and £60 (Es. 500 
and Rs. 600). No European could visit the inland parts before the 
end of December without the most imminent danger, while as early 
as March the heat was so oppressive as to make sickness almost as 
certain as before December.^ Tillage had made little .progress. 
Only ten deserted villages had been settled,^ and it was doubtful 
whether over the whole district the tillage area had not declined.® 

District hereditary officers, zaminddrs, were numerous in Kalyd,n, 
but there were few in the coast tracts or in the north. In the 
Kalyan sub-division there were one chaudhri, several deshmuhhs, 
adhikdris, deshpdndes, kulkarnis, and a sar pdtil. The chaudhri, 
who had no duties, was paid two per cent on the collections of 
the whole Kalyan district, and certain customs fees averaging 
altogether about £1000 (Rs. 10,000) a year. The deshmuhhs or 



Kunda, KMmMla, Vdaundri, and Korkada ; in NasrApur to NasrApur, VAsra, and 
Varedi ; in Panvel to Taloja ; and in Basseiu to Dugdd and SonAla. In the four 
mahdU of Chon, NasrApur, Vdsra, and Varedi , the people objected to the new estimate 
of the outturn of their fields, and the old rates were continued. Mr. Simson, 30th 
September 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 351-354. At this time (1826, September), except in 
Kalvto and a few more places, rents wore paid in kind. MS. Sel. 160, 353. 

1 Letter 436, 10th March 1827, in MS. Sel. 160, 389.-393. 

2 MS Sel. 160, 584-587. See footnote 8 page 576. 3 MS. Sel. 160, 361. 367-371. 
i Ms" Sel. 160, 586-587, 604-606, 619, 637, 641. Gpv. Letters 1600, 8th September 

1828 ; and 1719, 25th September 1828. » MS. Sel. 160, 637. . 

6 Replies to Rev. Ques., Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 771. The district was 
from 1825 to 1844 notorious for its robberies. But rigorous measures were taken and 
the disorder suppressed. See Chapter IX. 

7 Mr. Simson, 10th September 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 662, 

8 Rev. Answers 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 753. . . 

9 Three causes for this decline are noted,. the permission given m 1819 to any one 
to throw up any land he did not wish to keep, the loss of life by cholera in 1818 
and 1819, and the poverty of the people whose stock and cattle were sold to meet 
the demands of the moneylender. Rev, Answers 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 752. 



Koukan.] 



THlNA. 



573 



adhikdris were superintendents of sub-divisions or mahdls. CTnder 
the British they had no direct duties^ but were useful referees - in 
cases of dispute and had considerable influence. They were paid 
three-fifths of five per cent on the revenue of their sub-divisions 
except in Nasrdpur where they were paid three-fifths of fifteen per 
cent. The sub -divisional accountantSj deshpdndes or hulharnis, kept 
the accounts of the revenue collections and balances. Except in 
Nasrapur where they were paid two-fifths of fifteen per cent, they 
received two-fifths of five per cent on almost all collections. Their 
influence was still extensive. In the Bassein district there was only 
one zaminddr, the deshpdnde of Mdhim. He lived at Poona and 
received from £150 to £200 (Rs. 1500 -Rs. 2000) a year.^- 

The officer who had the closest connection with the people was 
the village accountant or taldti. He had charge of from eight to 
ten villages and was paid from £12 to £18 (Rs. 120-Rs. 180) a year. 
The taldti' s duties were to live in his charge and visit each village 
frequently every month, to make known the people's wants to the 
sub -divisional manager, to superintend their general interests, to 
furnish the village accounts to the sub-divisional office, and to 
give to each landholder an account current showing his dues and 
payments. The dues were entered as soon as they were fixed at the 
yearly rent settlement. 

Of other village officers the chief was the pdtil. The pdtil's duties 
were to report when any settlers came to his village and when any 
of the old inhabitants left it, to stimulate the spread of tillage and 
explain its increase or decrease, to help in the rent settlement, 
to gather the village rental, and to pay it into the sub-divisional 
office. He was vested with the powers of a police officer and with a 
general control over the villagers. He saw that no part of their 
property was taken away. He sheltered thena from oppression and 
tried to settle their disputes. In the Kalyan sub-division the pdtil 
was paid by Government two-thirds of the proceeds of a five per 
cent charge on the village revenue. In the coast tracts in Bassein, 
Salsette, Belapur, Atgaon, and Kolvan, he was paid in land from 
half a bigha to ten or even twenty highds. He was free from the 
house tax, the buffalo tax, and the tree tax. He was helped by the 
people who worked in his fields, and at marriages or qther great 
ceremonies made him small presents in money or clothes. He had 
a claim to the service of village craftsmen, though from the want of 
craftsmen, this claim was of little value.^ 

Under the pdtil there were in some villages assistants called 
madhvis who corresponded to the Deccan ehaudliris. In some places 
they had a share of land or of the pdUl's percentage, and they were 
always free from the house, bufEalo, and tree cesses. 



ChaptCTVIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bbitisq. 



Hereditary 
Officers. 



Taldtis. 



PdUls. 



Madhvis. 



1 Mr. Simson, Ilth November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 679-680. 

2 The estimated total receipts of the pdCile were £6400 (Rs. 64,000). Of this £5400 
(Rs. 54,000) represented the value of their lands estimated at pdnehotra or five per 
cent of the early crop lands of the villages ; £500 (Rs. 5000) the value of their 
exemption from taxation ; and £500 (Rs. 5000) the proceeds of cesses levied direct 
from the people. The highest per cent of tjieir share of the ydllage revenue was 
ISpercent atM4himand the lowest 24 at Agishi ; the average amounted to 8f. 
MS. Sel. 160, 788-789. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



574 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. The only other member of the village establishment was theMhd,r, 

Land ^^° "^^^ styled hoimdl, kdrhhdri, ndyakvddi, and bhopi. Their duties 

Administration, were to watch the fields, to keep cattle from straying, to carry out 

The British. *^® pdtil's orders and to act as porters. They got a share, generally 

18^8. one-third of the village officer's five per cent, piinchotra, and 

Mhdrs apparently though this is not clearly stated, some grant of land in 

the coast districts where the five per cent allowance was not in force. 

They were also freed either entirely or partly from paying the house, 

buffalo, and tree cesses. From the rich they received presents of 

grain or money at marriages and other ceremonies, and from all 

villagers a small allowance of grain about one man from every field. 

Accountants or hulkarnis, gate-keepers or veshars, threshing-floor 

Bdra Balutds. keepers or havdlddrs, and the twelve servants or idra halutds were 

unknown.^ 

Assessment. The forms of assessment differed little from those in use at 

the beginning of British rule. They were six in number, three 
of them in rice lands, a bigha rate bighdvni, a lump assessment 
dhep, and a vague form of lump assessment hunddbandi or 
tdkdbandi, one on garden lands, one on cold weather crops, and one 
on hill lands. Of the three forms of rice assessment the bigha rate 
was in force in the south-east sub-divisions, the dhep in the coast 
lands, and the hunda and toMbandi in the wilder north and 
north-east.^ The bigha rate included about three-fifths of the whole 
rice tillage. It Was of two classes sweet rice land and salt rice 
land. In " most sweet rice land the payment was in money and 
averaged lis. (Rs. 5^) a bigha; in salt rice land the rent was taken 
in kind, and, according as Government or the landholder repaired 
the embankment, varied from one-half to one-third of the crop. 
The lump, or dhep, system was in force along the coast over an area 
of a little less than two-fifths of the whole rice tillage. A muda 
represented on an average the rental of about three bighds. But as 
already explained, from fraud and other irregular causes, the muda 
was in practice an arbitrary quantity varying from six to thirty-two 
mans. The tokdbandi the less regular form of the lump assessment 
was in use in about one-tenth of the area under the dhef system. 
It was found in the wild north-east and was said to have been 
introduced by the Jawhdr chiefs. The rates, though apparently 
fixed on no principle, had the advantage of being very light. 
Hunddbandi, also a lump assessment and very like the toledbamdi, was 
found in the inland parts of Sanjan and included all cesses besides 
the land rent. Where the rents were payable in kind commutation 
cash rates were yearly fixed by the Collector. It was usual to fix 
the commutation rates according to the actual market price, deducting 
about ten per cent in favour of the husbandmen. If the people 
did not approve of the rates, they were allowed to pay in grain and 
the grain was sold by auction on account of Government. The 
only lands that were assessed as garden lands were in Bassein, 



1 Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 789. 

2 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1838, in MS. Sel. 160, 665-668 ; and Mr. Beid, 12t)i 
August 1830, in MS. Sel, 160, 858. 



Roukan.] 



THANA, 



575 



Mdhim, and SAlsette. In Bassein and M£liim they paid bofcli a 
bigha rate and a tree tax, and in Sdlsette a bigha rate of 5s. (Rs. 2^). 
In Kalydn, rice lands that yielded a cold-weather crop such as til, 
hhurdsni, or hemp, were charged 3s. (Es. 1^) a bigrAd in addition 
to the bigha rate for rice. The plough, hoe, sickle, and pickaxe 
cesses continued unchanged in uplands and hill lands. 

Most of the minor land cesses had been repealed, and of those 
that were not repealed almost all were in abeyance. Though the 
other cesses -had been greatly reduced there remained many taxes 
on trade, houses, market stalls, female buffaloes, tobacco, grocery, 
cattle, and liquor trees. Transit dues, wood-cutting fees, ferry fees, 
and liquor licenses yielded between £30,000 and £40,000 (Es. 3,-4 
lakhs). '^ 

Eevenue superintendence was, in the first instance, vested in the 
village headmen and accountants. The village oflBcials were checked 
by the sub-divisional manager, kamdvisddr, and his establishment, 
and the sub-divisional establishment was in turn controlled by the 
head-quarter secretary or daftarddr, who made the yearly rent 
settlement, jamdbandi? When the landholder paid his rent a 
receipt was passed by the taldti in the pdtil's name and in his 
presence ; when the village revenue was paid the kamdwisddr granted 
a receipt ; and when the sub-divisional revenue was paid at head- 
quarters the kamdvisddr received a receipt from the Collector.' 

Villages were managed by Government officers and their rents 
collected from the individual landholders. Except in the case of 
waste lands neither villages nor holdings wore granted in lease.* 
The village rent settlement, jamdbandi, was made with the 
landholders, A husbandman paid for his fields what he had paid 
the year before. If he took fresh land that had been tilled by 
some one else he paid the rent the former holder had paid : if the 
land had been fallow he was allowed certain remissions ; and if he 
took waste land he paid according to the lease system, the basis of 
which was one-third of the estimated yield, the share of grain 
being changeable into a money rent.^ The settlement was in the 
first instance made by the accountant and the pdUl. After 
inquiries the accountant drew up a statement of the changes in the 
tillage area, noting the causes of change. The assessments of 
fallow lands were deducted and those of freshly tilled lands were 
added. These statements were examined by the kamdvisddr and 
his clerks, who visited the village near harvest time. They 
corrected errors and confirmed the amended statements. The 
amended statements were kept with the pdtil and accountant until 
the daftarddr came to make the yearly rent settlement. The 
daftarddr examined the accounts, and, if he thought them 
unsatisfactory, he set his clerks to make local inquiries. Then the 



ChaptwVIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Thb British. 
18S8. 

Ceases. 



Hevenne System. 



1 Mr. Simson, 11th Nov. 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 668-669. On the subject of cesses 
compare Gov. Letter, 31st July 1822, in MS. Sel. 160, 280, 183 - 197 ; and Mr. Simson, 
27th January 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 268-269. See also Eev. Answers, 1828, in MS. 
Sel. 160, 707-708. 2 Rev. Answers, Slst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 748. 

3 MS. Sel. 160, 782. * MS. Sel. 160. 743-744, 751-752, 

5 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 674-675. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



576 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Aditaiaistration. 

The British. 

Revenue Sygtem, 
18SS8. 



Territorial 

Changes, 

1830. 



settlement with the village was finished. The amount due from 
each landholder was fixed and a list of the payments to be made by 
each was fastened on the village office or chdvdi, bearing the seal 
and signature of the Collector or of his assistant. The details of 
the settlement were entered in the village revenue statement or 
chittha, in which all changes were shown in full.^ The land revenue 
was collected in three instalments, the first between the beginning 
of December and the middle of January, the second between the 
middle of January and the end of February, and the third between 
the end of February and the 13th of April. 8dyar revenue was 
collected before land revenue between the middle of October and the 
end of November, and garden rents were taken as late as the middle 
or end of May.^ As a safeguard for the payment of the revenue it 
had formerly been usual to make one village responsible for another, 
according to the system known as the chain surety, sdnkli jdmin, 
But in 1828 security was as a rule no longer required.^ With the 
object of increasing the area under tillage the sub-divisional manager, 
at the rent settlementtime, explained to the people that Government 
would make advances for the purchase of cattle or seed, or to support 
the husbandman till his crop was ripe. He found out what the 
wants of the village were and applied for sanction to the payment 
of advances. Leases for waste lands were .granted and a register 
forwarded to head-quarters.* 

There was not much difficulty in getting in the rents. Improve- 
ments had lately been made and the assessment was so light that in 
ordinary years it could be realized without pressure.^ Deficiencies 
arising from the failure of individuals to pay were always remitted 
at the time of settling the next year's rent.^ Besides the Govern- 
ment rental the villagers continued to pay the pdtil about ten per 
Cent more to meet the village charges.' 

In 1828 a survey seems to have been introduced into one or two 
of the petty divisions of Panvel. But as was the case in other parts 
of the district the rates were too high pitched and were never 
brought into use.* 

In 1830 the two Konkans were divided into unequal parts, the 
larget being kept under a Principal Collector and the smaller 



1 Mr. Simson, lltli November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 671-673. 

2 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 677. 

8 MS. Sel. 160, 677, 750-751. * MS. Sel. 160, 669-670. 

B Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 705. Rice prices were then 
(1827-28), as far as information goes, about £1 10«. (Rs. 15) a khandi. In two years 
they fell to £1 Is. (Rs. lOJ), and did not rise for two years more. The result was very 
great distress. Compare Mr. Davies, 6th Sept. 1837, Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 101. 

8 Replies to Rev. Questions, 31st Oct. J 828, in MS. Sel. 160, 781-782. 

7 RepUes to Rev. Questions, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 782-784. 

8 MS. Sel. 160, 584 Compare the orders for the survey of Konda and Khimbdla 
m MS. Sel. 160, 506. In 1837 (6th September) Mr. Davies wrote, ' In 1827-28 
Mr, Simson surveyed the petty division of Aurvalit in PanVel. The rates were so 
heavy that the people petitioned against the survey and things remained unchanged.' 
Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 121-122, One cause of this failure would seem to 
be the marked fall in prices. The Pauvel returns show for a khandi of rice £1 13». 
(Rs. 16*) in 1826-27, £1 10s. (Rs. 15) in 1827-28, £1 53. (Rs. 12i) in 1828-29, £1 Is. 
(Rs. 10|) in 1S29-30. Mr. Davies, 6th September 1837, Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 101. 



Eonkan.] 



THlNA. 



577 



allotted to a Sub-collector. By this arrangement the nine tiluhds of 
the northern district and the three most northern tdlukds of the 
southern district, together yielding a land and customs revenue of 
£280,000 (Rs. 28,00,000), were placed under a Principal Collector at 
Thana, and the five remaining tdlukds, with a revenue of £100,000 
(Rs. 10,00,000), were attached to Ratndgiri.i 

In August 1830 Mr. Reid, the Principal Collector, wrote strongly 
in favour of the grant of villages in lease to the headmen or other 
men of capital.* In his opinion the grant of periodical leases would 
yield the best results. Every inducement should, he thought, be 
held out to engage the more respectable classes to become intimately 
connected with the husbandmen, whose poverty destroyed all hope 
of advancement, if they were left to their own resources. Though 
there was not much available capital in the Northern Konkan, many 
respectable persons might, he thought, be willing to invest in land 
the little they possessed if favourable terms were offered them. 
The measure he considered would not only simplify the revenue 
management, but might be of much use in improving the police. 
Still in spite of the Collector's strong feeling in its favour and of 
the approval and sanction of Government, except in S^lsette where 
several villages were granted in lease, the system does not seem to 
have been carried out in any part of the district.* In spite of the 
fall of prices 1829 would seem to have been a good season and the 
Northern Konkan with a marked increase in land and customs 
revenue is reported to have been flourishing.* But 1830-31 and 
again 1832-33 were bad years, and, though after the second failure 
of crops there was a considerable rise, produce prices were still 
very low,^ and, especially in the Kalyan division where the rents 
were taken in cash, the people were greatly depressed.* ' In the 
past fifteen years,' wrote the Collector in 1833,^ 'the district 
instead of improving has gone back. The face of the country has 
the same primitive and wild appearance that it has worn for 
ages.' He complained of the roughness and want of system in 
the assessment and asked that some change might be made.® In 
his opinion the system of granting villages in lease had been 
most successful in Salsette and should be extended to the rest 



Chapter_VIII. 

Laud 
Administration. 

Tub British, 



Village Leases, 
1830- 18S5. 



1 Mr. Reid, Principal OoUeetor, 12th August 1830, in MS. Sel. 160, 856-857. 

2 In 1830 Mr. Reid found that owing to the continued cheapness of grain, except 
in Salsette, no villages had been granted for a term of years, a measure which had 
been proposed by Mr. Boyd. Mr. Reid, Principal Collector, 890, 12th August 1830, 
MS. Sel. 160, 877, 881. s MS. Sel. 160, 876-882, 893-894, 899-903. 

* Gov. Letter to the Rev. Com., 28th February 1831, in MS. Sel. 160, 901. 

6 Rice had of late years averaged about £1 is. (Rs. 12) the Jchandi. (Rev. Com, 13th 
May 1835, in Rev. Reo. 700 of 1836, 9). According to the Panvel returns (Rev. 
Rec 870 of 1838, 101) it rose from £1 (Rs. 10) in 1831-32 to £1 10s. (Ra. 15) in 
1833-34. Three causes seem to have combined to lower prices, the spread of tillage, 
the import to Bombay of grain from Malabir, and the burden of transit duties, 
Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, in Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 155-157. 

6 In the southern sub-divisions (S^nkshi, Rdjpuri, and RAvgad) now in KoUba 
where the assessment was taken almost wholly in kind, matters were not so bad. 
Mr. Pitt, 25th September 1835, in Rev. Rec. 696 of 1836, 43. Mr. Reid, 12th August 
1830, in MS. Sel. 160, 871-876; ditto 892. 

7 Mr. Giberne, 15th August 1833, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 550 of 1834, 304. 

8 Mr. Giberne, 10th August 1834, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 628 of 1835, 108-112. 



B 310—73 



LEombay Gazetteer 



578 



DISTRICTS. 



(Siapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 
18S0-18S5. 



Assensment 
Bemsion, 
183S-1 



of tie district.^ Major Jervis who wrote about the same time 
(1835), though he held that, except in some places on the coast, 
both the acre rate and the rate ou estimated produce were very 
light, admitted that the district was less flourishing than the 
oess-burdened south. This in his opinion was due to the great 
scarcity of water, the unhealthiness of the wastes and forests, the 
scanty supply of people and cattle, and the want of rich proprietors.^ 
The hilly tracts in the south of Thd,na, though much richer 
than the Ratnigiri hills, were so overrun with forest, brushwood, 
bamboo, and lemon grass, and the ripening crops were so exposed 
to the attacks of locusts, deer, bears, and wild hogs, water was so 
scarce, and the people so reduced by former misrule that there was 
little tillage.^ 

From this year begins the second period, the time of revised and 
reduced assessment. In consequence of the Collector's account o£ 
the very unsatisfactory state of his charge a special inquiry was 
ordered. The inquiry shewed a pressing need for reducing the 
Government demand. The revision of assessments was sanctioned, 
a,nd between 1835 and 1842 was carried out except in the north of 
the district. The reductions were very liberal including about 
twenty per cent of the rental and the abolition of transit duties. 
The result was a rapid spread of tillage and a marked irnprovement 
in the state of many of the people.. In 1835 the previous season 
had been bad. The rainfall was scanty and untimely, and a large 
area was thrown out of tillage.* In May of that year, Mf, 
Williamson, the Revenue Commissioner, examined the Kalydn 
sub-division. What he saw satisfied him that from the fall' in the 
money value of rice, the money rate, though not originally excessive, 
had come to represent far too large a share of the produce. 
Mr. Williamson calculated that the average produce of a higha of 
good rice land was about 22 mans, which, according to the market 
prices of late years, was worth about £1 4s. 3cZ. (Rs. J 2-2). The cost 
of labour in preparing the land might, he thought, be estimated at 
about 12s. (Rs. 6), and as the rent was 10s. 3cZ. (Rs. 5-2) only one 
rupee of profit was left.^ A few months later (November 1835) he 
wrote, that the condition of Kalyan, Panvel, and Nasrd.pur, the 
proportion the rent bore to the produce, the yearly remissions, the 
balances, the untilled tracts, the wretched state of the bulk of the 
people, were convincing evidence of over-assessment.^ The rental 
of these sub-divisions should, he thought, be revised. Nowhere 
was a change more wanted than in Nasrapur, under the Sahyadri 
hills, whose highly taxed produce was carried over bad roads to 
distant markets. In some parts of Nasrdpur, known as the Koli 
Khaldti mahdls, the people were better off as they were allowed to 



1 Mr. Gibeme, 15th August 1833, in Bom. Gov. Kev. Reo. 550 of 1834, 297-306. 
He notices specially the great improvements that had been made in the SAlsette 
villages of Pavai, VirAr, and Goregaon ; ditto 302. 2 Jervis' Konkan, 126. 

5 Jervis' Konkan, 98. 4 Bom. Gov. Kev. Bee, 696 of 1836, 258, 263-264. 

6 Mr Williamson, 13th May 18.35, in Bom. Gov.Eev. B«c. 700 of 1836, 7-9. 

6 Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 700 of 1836, 1-2. Mr. Davies (28th February 1836) calls 
them ' poor wretches who have scarce wherewithal to clothe themselves, ' Bom. Gov. 
Eev. Eeo. 700 of 1836, 92, 



Sonkan.] 



thAna. 



579 



take an extra quarter higha for every higha on wtidi they paid rent. 
Still the assessment was too high, the villages lay close under the 
Sahyddris, and to take their produce to market the people had a 
long rough journey. Kalyan was in much the same state. About 
14,000 bighds of arable land lay waste and the people were 
miserably clothed and very wretched. Panvel, near a good market, 
was rather better .^ In none of the three sub-divisions were there 
either roads or carts.^ 

In consequence of Mr. Williamson's report Mr. Davies was chosen 
to revise the assessment. The measurements of Sadashiv Keshav's 
survey were accepted,* and the work of revising the rates was begun 
in 1836. In Nasrapur inquiries showed that the rents had for years 
been largely in arrears, eighteen per cent behind in the ten years 
ending 1834-35, and twenty-nine per cent during the last seven of 
the ten. This was not due to any weakness on the part of the collec- 
tors of revenue or to any understanding between them and the people. 
On the contrary the mamlatdar had ruined himself by the extreme 
rigour of his collections.* The chief objects of the revision were, 
in Mr. Davies' opinion, to lower the rental, to reduce the number of 
rates of assessment, and to abolish cesses. His inquiries into the 
state of the people showed that they were suffering grievously from 
the fall in the value of produce. Fifteen years before when the 
Deccan was crowded with troops, the produce of the villages under 
the Sahyd/dris was in keen demand for the Poena market. The 
husbandmen found a ready sale for their rice, either on the spot or 
in some local market, and realised about £1 14s. (Es. 17) a hhandi. 
In 1835 eighteen years of peace had made the Deccan a supplier not 
a consumer of grain, and the husbandmen of the inland parts of 
Th^na had no market nearer than Bombay. Sea communication 
chiefly with the Malabar coast kept the Bombay market well supplied, 
and the price of rice in Bombay was about £1 14s. (Ks. 17) the 
hhandi, or nearly the same price that fifteen years before the hus- 
bandman had realised in his field or in the local markets. Of this 
£1 14s. (Es. 17) not more than £1 (Es. 10), and in many years less 
than £1 (Rs. 10) reached the husbandmen. The cause of these 
ruinously low prices was partly the roughness of the country and the 
want of roads. There were no carts and the cost of pack bullocks 
was heavy. But the chief cause was the transit dues which were - 
equal to a charge of about 4s. Sd. (Rs. 2-2) on every khandi of rice. 
Under this burden the husbandman's profit was reduced to almost 
nothing, and until the duties were repealed little improvement could 
be looked for.^ 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British, 



Naardpw, 
1836- 



1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 1-4, 10-12. 

2 Mr. Daries, 28th February 1836, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 60. 

3 In 1852 the revenue survey measurements showed that the Kgha included 38 
instead of 30 gunthds, and so was nearly equal to an acre. Bora. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 7. 

i Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, in B«v. Rec. 700 of 1836, 157-159. The nominal 
rental was £13,203, (Rs. 1,32,030), the average of the ten years ending 18S4-35 was 
£11,055 (Rs. 1,10,550), of the seven years ending 1834-35 was £10,369 (Rs. 1,03,690), 
of 1830-31 to 1832-33 £8893 (Rs. 88,930), and of 1833-34 and 1834-35 (probably because 
of the rise in price) £12,220 (Rs. 1,22,200) and £12,625 (Rs. 1,26,250) ; ditto 160-161. 

6 Mr. Davies calculated that the husbandman's margin of profit had fallen from 
9s. (Rs. 4-8) in 1820 to 2s. 9d. (Rs. 1-6) in 1835. The details are for 1820, rent 9s. 6d. 



[Bombay Qazetteer, 



580 



DISTRICTS. 



Land 
Administration. 

The Beitish. 
Nasrdpur, 



Chapter YIII. Besides the abolition of transit dues^ Mr. Davies recommended a 

reduction in the land assessment. His chief proposals were in the 
case of the Kunbis to reduce Sadashiv Keshav's two classes of 10s. 
(Rs. 5) and 8s. (Rs. 4) to one class of 8s. 6i, (Rs. 4^), and to fix a 
second class at 7s. (Rs. 3|) instead of 6s. (Rs. 3).^ In the case of hill 
tribes, Thakurs and Kdthkaris, he proposed a reduction from 6s. to 3s. 
(Rs. 2|-Rs. 1|) in the plough rate and from 3s. to 2s. (Rs. 1^ -Re. 1) 
in the billhook or kurhdd rate.^ In the case of the pdndharpeshas, 
who in several respects had suffered seriously from the change from 
the Maratha to the Bnglisli Government, he proposed that their 
specially low rates should be continued and that they should pay 
7s. (Rs. 3^) instead of 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4^).3 This represented a fall 
in the Government land-tax from £13,048 to £10,680 (Rs.1,30,480- 
Rs. 1,06,800) or about twenty per cent.* Inquiries into the subject 
of cesses showed that though they were very numerous, very trouble- 
some, and very liable to abuse, they did not yield more than four per 
cent of the whole revenue. Mr. Davies recommended that half of 
them should be abolished.^ Mr. Davies embodied the results of his 



(lis. 4-12), cost of taiage 10s. (Es. 5), carriage to market 4s. {Rs. 2), customs Is. 6d. 
(12 annas), total £1 5s. (Rs. 12-8) ; value of crop £1 14». (Ea. 17), margin 9s. (Rs. 4-8). 
In 18.35, when the market was much more distant, the figures were, rent lis. 
(Rs. 5-8), exchange 5\d. (SJ annas), customs 4s. Sjd. (Rs. 2-2-6), tillage 10s. (Rs. 5), 
carriage and freight 5s. 6rf. (Ks. 2-12), total £1 lis. 3d. (Rs. 15-10), value in Bombay 
£1 14s. (Rs. 17), balance 2s. fd. (Rs. 1-6). Mr. Davies, 28th February 1836, in Bom. 
Gov. Rev. Reo. 700 of 1836, 56 - 64. l See footnote 1 on page 559. 

2 Of the hill ThAkurs and KAthkaria he wrote, ' They are as distinct in habits, reli- 
gion, and appearance from all other classes, as if they belonged to another country. 
They cannot properly be termed cultivators, although they endeavour to eke out 
a scanty subsistence by tilling patches of mountain land. For the rest they are 
hunters, robbers, or basket-makers according to circumstances. Yet even these poor 
wretches have been taught to feel the weight of a land tax. The common method of 
assessing them is to rate their ploughs at a certain rate, generally 5s. (Rs. 2i) 
besides exchange, or the tax is levied on the billhook with which they clear the land '; 
3s. (Es. 14) per billhook has been hitherto demanded. Those hereditary oppressors 
of the people, the district officers, take from many of them perquisites in kind also. 
I would recommend that the rate per plough be reduced to' 3s. (Rs. 1^) and that 
of the kurhdd or billhook to 2s. (Re. 1). The very small extent of cultivation at 
present carried on by these poor but laborious classes (the assessment of which does 
not exceed £40 (Es. 400) throughout the whole tdluka of NasrApur), as well as the 
policy of reclaiming them and making them industrious members of the community 
which they now harass by robbing, is of more consequence than any small loss of 
revenue.' Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 192-194. 
See also Mr. Davies' Report of 8th October 1836 in Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 746 of 1836, 
273, 274. 3 Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, Rev. Reo. 700 of 1836, 163-165- 

4 Mr. Simson, Rev. Com., 1st April 1842, Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 12. The chief 
changes were reducing the old biglia rates of lis. (Rs. 54) to 8.9. 6d. (Rs. 4i), 8s. 3rf. 
(Rs.Sj) and 7s. (Ks. 34) in Boreti; 8s. Zd. (Rs. 44), 7s. (Rs. 34), and 6s. (Rs. 3) in 
Vankal ; 9s. (Rs. 44) in Nasr^pur and to 8s. Zd. (Es. 4J) in VAsundri and VAsra. 
Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842,in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 53-55. 

6 Mr. Davies, 8th October 1836, Rev. Rec. 746 of 1836, 271,272. The cesses belonged 
to two main classes those levied from husbandmen and those levied from traders and 
craftsmen. The husbandman's cesses came under four groups, tasar, Icasar, patti, and 
veth. Under tasaT came eight levies on straw, pulse, gunnj' bags, butter, fowls, rain- 
shades, firewood, and gourds. Kasar included a number of exactions levied in 
connection with the commutation of grain for cash. Under patiis there were a host of 
levies including a tobacco tax, a hearth tax, and a cart tax. Of veth or unpaid service, 
there were three instances, fort service, grain carrying service, and p£i(«7's service. Of 
non-agricultural cesses there was a license, "Tnohtarfa, tax on traders, a levy in kind 
from all craftsmen, a special levy on rice cleaners, on firewood for funerals, on 
stamping measures, on cotton, and on salt. Many of these cesses were illegal but the 
people went on paying them fearing to annoy the officers who benefited by them. 
See Mi-. Davies, 8th October 1836, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 746 of 1836, 195-231, 
271-272; and Mr. Qiberne, 13thApril 1837, in Rev. Reo. 778 of 1837, 111-114. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



581 



Land 
Administration. 

The British. 



Panvel, 
1837, 



enquiries in two elaborate and masterly reports.^ His conclusions Chapter VIII 
were accepted and his proposals for simplifying and lightening the 
Nasrapur assessment were approved and sanctioned. His demon- 
stration of the crushing effect of the transit duties was rewarded by 
their abolition over the whole Presidency.^ 

In the next season (1 836-37) j of the six petty divisions of Panvel 
five were revised by Mr. Davies. Only three of the five had before 
been measured. In the other two the land was taxed 'under a most 
extraordinary system.' The data, if there ever had been data, were 
lost and forgotten, and the general principle was for Government 
to demand the same amount in lump every year leaving the internal 
adjustment to the pdtils and the people. Payments were generally 
in grain, and if remissions were granted they were apportioned 
according to the share that each man had paid. The villages had 
been surveyed by Mr. Simscn in 1827-28. But the rates he had 
proposed were too high and things had remained unchanged.^ In 
the three petty divisions that had been surveyed and assessed by 
Saddshiv Keshav (1788), the original three grades had, as in other 
parts of the district, been forced by the owners into one class, and, 
on this, other rates in money and kind but chiefly in kind, had been 
heaped till the assessment ate up half the crop. The assessment 
was levied neither on the land nor on the crop but on the 
individual. The pdndharpeshas . formed , one class and the 
Kunbis another, and among the Kunbis there were endless 
varieties of payments originally based on the circumstances of the 
individual, or the immediate wants of the revenue contractor. As 
long as the proprietary right of a landholder sheltered him, so 
long only was the farmer kept from exacting the utmost rental. 
Once the landholder was driven from his field by the farmer's 
exactions the assessment became half of the crop. So elabo- 
rately had this system been carried out, that in one village 
accountant's charge tliere were often as many as eighteen grades 
of assessment, eight in kind and ten in cash. The number of rates 
puzzled the people, delayed the preparation of the village accounts, 
and gave the accountant an opening for fraud.* The revenue 
contractors had raised the rates by trickery as well as by force. 
Proofs were abundant that it had been by no means uncommon for 
a contractor to persuade the people to heap low dams across their 
fields and grow rice. At first there was little increase in the con- 
tractors' demands. But when the banks were finished the land was 
entered as kharif and full rice rates were levied ever after.^ Its 
position on the coast, its freedom from the bulk of the transit 
dues, and its nearness to Bombay helped to keep prices high in 
Panvel. While in Murbdd and other inland parts the people did 



1 Dated 28th February 1836 and' 19th May 1836, Bom. Eev. Rec. 700 of 1836. 

2 Gov Letters 1246, 12th May 1836, and 3200, 24th November 1836, in Bom. Gov. 
Eev Bee. 700 of 1836, 109 and 221. 

3 Mr Davies, 6th September 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 121, 122. 
i Mr Davies 6th September 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 116-119. 
6 Mr' Davies 6th September 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 94-95. 



[Bombay Ghuetteen 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Panvel, 
1837. 



Murhdd, 
1837. 



5S2 



DISTRICTS. 



not realize more than £1 (Rs.lO) for a hhandi of rice, in Panvel the 
average for several years had been over £1 6s. (Rs. 13).^ 

In spite of this advantage the state of Panvel was bad. The people 
were poor, depressed, and ignorant ; there were no roads and no carts, 
and f e w husbandmen had any bullocks. They had to hire cattle from 
the pdndharpeshds and had to pay for the season twelve mans of rice 
for a pair of bullocks and fourteen mans for a pair of buffaloes.^ The 
chief changes which Mr. Davies proposed,all of which were approved 
and sanctioned by Government, were to lower the rental until it 
represented about one-third of the whole yield, to group the lands 
into three classes, to abolish extra cesses, to make rates uniform, 
and to pay the hereditary district officers from the Government 
rental.^ With the consent of the people the new rates were taken 
in cash instead of in kind. In this year, also, in Belapur or Taloja, 
instead of the old commuted grain rates, a uniform money rate of 
6s. (Rs. 3) a bigha was introduced ,• the change involved a reduofcion 
of £1850 (Rs. 18,500) in the Government rental.* 

In 1837 therevision was extended to Murbad which was described as 
more highly assessed and worse off for markets than almost any part 
of the Konkan. It was depressed by a more than commonly exces- 
sive taxation and much of its rich land lay waste.* The local price 
of rice had fallen from about £1 12s. (Rs. 16) to from 16s. to £1 4s. 
(Rs. 8-Rs. 12) the khandi. Of a rental of £12,000 (Rs. 1,20,000) 
£4700 (Rs. 47,000) were outstanding. The people had improved 
little if at all under British management.* 

The original Mardtha bigha rates of 10s. 7^d. (Rs. 5-5) for first 
class, 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4-4) for second class, and 6s. 4Jd. (Rs. 3-3) for 
third class rice land had been raised by the farmers to one rate of 
lis. (Rs. 5-8) for Kunbis, 8s. Qd. (Rs. 4-4) for pdndharpeshds, and 



1 The details are, 1826-27, £1 13s. (Rs. 16i) ; 1827-28, £1 \0s. (Rs. 15) ; 1828-29, 
£1 5s. (Ra. 124), 1829-30, £1 Is. (Rs. lOJ) ; 1830-31, £1 (Rs. 10) ; 1831-32, £1 (Rs. 10); 
1832-.S3, £1 8s. (Rs. 14) ; 1833-34, £1 10s. (Ks. 15) ; 1834,35, £1 4«. (Rs. 12) ; 1835-36, 
£1 12s. (Rs. 16) ; 1836-37, £1 8s. (Rs. 14) ; average £1 6s. 44d,(R3. 13-3). Mr. Davies, 
6th September 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 870 of 1838, 101. 

2 Mr. Davies, 6th September 1837, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 103. 

3 Mr. Davies, 6th September 1837, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 132. Chief 
Sec. 4th May 1838, in Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 190. The chief reductions in rental were, 
in V&ja, a change from a grain rental of from four to ten mans the bigha or a money- 
assessment from 4s. to 13s. 3d. (Ra.2-Rs. 6-10)toa6ijrAarateof fromSs. to 9s. (Ra. 2i- 
Bs. 44) ; in Aurvalit from a grain rental of from 2| to lOJ mans or a cash rate of 
from 7s! 3d. to 10s. (Rs. 3-10-Rs. 5) to a cash rate of from 3«, to 8s. (Re. IJ- 
Bb. 4) ; in Tungirtan from a grain rental of 7 to 12 mans to a cash rate of 8s. to 9s. 
(Rs. 4-Ra. 44) ; in B4r4p4da from a toJcdbandi cess to a cash rate of 4s. to 9s. 
(Rs." 2 - Rs. 44), and in Taloja from a mtiddbandi cess of eight man^ to three hhandis, 
or a grain rental of 2 to 9 mans the bigha or a cash rate of 5s. 3d. to lis. (Bs.2-10- Bs.54) 
to a cash rate of 4s. to 8s. 6d. (Rs. 2-Ba. 4i). Mr. Langford, Collector, 26th Feby, 
1842 in Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 40-41. Among the taxes that were abolished were 
a era'zing cess, a grass cess, and a dead palm-tree cess. Chief Sec. to Gov., 4th May 
1838, in Bom. Gov. Bev. Reo. 870 of 1838, 191. * Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 285. 

B Mr. Simson, 7th September 1836, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 746 of 1836, 277, and in 
775 of 1837, 59-60 ; and Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 
1348 of 1842, 53. 

6 Mr. Giberne, 13th April 1837, in Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 775 of 1837, 108-109 ; and 
Mr. Davies, 3rd February and 5th April 1837, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 
125-158. 



Eonkan.] 



THlNA. 



583 



6s. 4|d. (Rs. 3-3) for Thdkurs.i Under the English these rates 
had remained unchanged. The abolition of the transit dues had 
done great good in Murbad, as the habits of the people enabled them 
to gain the full benefit of the remission by carrying their produce 
to good markets.^ The local price of rice had risen from 18s. or 
£1 (Rs. 9 or Rs. 10) a khandi to £1 6s. (Rs. 13) .^ Still the rates 
pressed very heavily and left an estimated Mgha profit of only 6s. 
to 9s. (Rs. 3-Rs. 4^).* A reduction was proposed in rice land for 
Kunbis from lis. to 8s. (Rs. 5J-Rs. 4), for pdndharpeshds from 
8s. 6d. to 7s. (Rs.4i -Rs. 3 J), and for Thakurs from Qs. 4^d. to 6s. 
(Rs. 3-3-Rs. 3)/ and in uplands from 3s. 2id. to 2s. (Rs. 1-9-6 - 
Re. 1). These proposals were approved by the Commissioner 
and sanctioned by Government.* They represented a sacrifice of 
£1896 (Rs. 13,960), being a fall from £9383 to £7987 (Rs. 93,830 - 
Rs. 79,870) .7 

In the same year (1836-37). the garden lands of Bassein were 
examined by Mr. Williamson. So heavily were they taxed that a large 
area had fallen out of tillage and a reduction of nearly 1 00 per cent wa a 
found necessary.* In the next season (1837) an important change 
was made in the assessment of the Bassein petty division of Manikpur. 
The people were Christians, hardworking and skilful husbandmen. 
They were very highly assessed paying cesses besides a very heavy 
parcel or toka rate. They got fair prices for their rice, the average 
market rate during the ten years ending 1836 being 30s. (Rs. 15) 
a khandi, of which the growers probably secured from £1 4s. to £1 6s. 
(Rs. 12 -Rs. 13). Mr. G-iberne was satisfied that a reduction should 
be made, and his proposals to introduce Mgha rates of 7s., 6s., and 5s., 
were sanctioned by Government though they involved a sacrifice of 
from £605 (Rs. 6050) to £396 (Rs. 3960) or a reduction of 34 per 
cent.' In this year also the garden rates in Mdhim were revised by Mr. 
Davidson.^" Kalydn was considered one of the most highly assessed 
parts of the district. But no officer could be spared to revise the 
rates. As he was unable to go into the details of the settlement. 



Chapter_VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bkitish, 

Murbdd, 
1837. 



Baasein, Mdhim, 

Kalydn, Bhivmdi, 

1837-1841. 



1 Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837, Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 125-126. In some parts, 
Khedul, Jada,Sirosi, and Vaishdkhra, the land had not been surveyed, and was assessed 
on the parcel, tokdbandi or hunddbandi, system. Mr. Giberne, 27th December 1836, 
In Rev. Reo. 775 of 1837, 40. 

2 Mr. Davies, 3rd February 1837, in Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 775 of 1837, 156. 

5 Mr. Coles, 5th AprU 1837, in Bom. Gov. Kev. Eeo. 775 of 1837, 133. 

* Mr. Davies' estimate was, under the Peshwa, net receipts £1 2s. 9f(Z. (Rs. 11-6-6), 
rent 9«. (Rs. 4-8), balance 13«. 9id. (Es. 6-14-6) ; in 1837 net receipts 19«. Qd. (Rs. 9-14), 
rent Us. (Rs. 5-8), balance 8«. 9d. (Rs. 4-6) ; 3rd February 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. 
Eeo. 775of 1837, 153-156. 

s Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837, Eev. Eec. 775 of 1837, 142-146. Besides lowering the 
rates, it was arranged that the district revenue officers' dues should be paid from the 
Government receipts, not by an extra cess. Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837, Rev. Rec. 
775 of 1837, 133-140. Special rewards were offered to tempt the KAthkaris to take 
to rice tillage. Rev. Rec. 975 of 1839, 119. 

6 In sanctioning the rates Government notice that they trusted the making of the 
Thdna causeway, and the removal of restrictions at Kalydn would do much for the 
inland parts of ThAna. Gov. Letter, J4th July 1837, in Rev. Eeo. 775 of 1837, 
161-162. 7 Mr. Langford, 26th Feby. 1842, in Eev. Eec. 1348 of 1842, 53. 

8 Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 377. 

9 Mr. Giberne, 14th July 1837, in Rev. Reo. 775 of 1837, 189, 190. 
10 Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXIII. 12, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



584 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administratioa. 

The British. 

Baasein, Mdhim, 

Kalydn, Bhiwndi, 

18S7-184-1. 



Sdlsette. 



Results, 
1836-18^1. 



Mr. Giberne in 1837-38 proposed^ and his suggestion was approved, 
that all esdsting rates should be reduced by 2s. (Re. 1) for Kunbis 
and by Is. (8 as.) for pdndharpeshds, until arrangements could be 
made for a complete revision. This change implied a sacrifice of 
£2214 (Rs. 22,140) of revenue and was probably a greater reduction 
even than that made by Mr. Davies.^ The amount of the reduction 
continued to be entered as a remission until 1842-43, when it was 
finally written off.^ In 1840 Mr. Giberne revised Bhiwndi, 
reducing the assessment by £1300 (Rs. 13,000) . His proposals were 
finally sanctioned in 1842-43.^ 

This completed the parts of the district in which the general 
pitch of assessment was too high. However rough and in individual 
cases oppressive the rates in the rest of the district might be, they 
were on the whole moderate. The people were freed from the 
burden of transit duties, and, as a rule, had a sure and easy 
market for their produce. Except a small portion of Bassein where 
a heavy irregular cess had caused much injury, the coast districts 
were in fair condition.* Sdlsette was specially flourishing. It was 
one of the happiest parts of the British territory. Owing to the 
failure of rain in 1835 about thirty-seven per cent was untitled, but 
in ordinary years not a spot of arable land was waste. Care had 
been taken that the assessment should not represent more than 
one-third of the produce.^ And though the soil yielded only 
second and third class rice, there was a' good market close at hand. 
Prices were fairly high, ranging, in a fair season, from £1 16s. to £2 
(Rs. 18 -Rs. 20) the muda, and grass and straw fetched a high price 
as well as grain. The roads were good and there were no cesses 
or tolls. Farm stock was abundant. There were more than 2000 
carts and the people were fairly clothed.^ 

The effect of the general lowering of the Government demand was 
a fall in the rentalfrom £294,600 (Rs. 29,46,000) in 1833-34 to £1 70,400 
(Rs. 17,04,000) in 1837-38 or a sacrifice of £124,200 (Rs. 12,42,000).^ 
The result of these liberal remissions was immediate and most marked. 
All and more than had been hoped from the change was realised. 
In Nasrdpur in 1836-37 the second year of revised rates, increased 
tillage yielded a rental of £500 (Rs. 5000) and the revised rates 
were collected without a murmur.* The next season 1837-38 was 
unfavourable, and much loss was caused by a storm on the 15th of 
June that washed away the rice banks.^ In the parts of the district 
where reductions had not been made large remissions were neces- 



1 Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Rev. Eec. 1348 of 1842, 50-51. See also 
Hev. Rec. 1102 of 1840, 27, and 1244 of 1841, 142. 

2 Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 275. 3 Bom. Gov. Sel. XOVI. 328. 
i Mr. Davies, 8th October 1836, in Eev. Keo. 746 of 1836, 200-201. 

6 The one-third share was commuted into cash at the rate of Ks . 20 for a muda. 
At first Government kept in repair the salt-rice dams and took half of the produce, 
but the work of repairing the embankments had been made over to the people and 
the Government share reduced to one-third. Eev. Eec. 696 of 1836, 253-264. 

6 Mr. Da vies, 27th January 1836, in Rev. Eec. 696 of 1836, 293-295. 

7 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 975 of 1839, 117. 

8 Rev. Com. 16th November 1836, in E«v. Rec. 775 of 1837, 61, 99. 

9 Mr. Coles, 18th September 1838, in Eev. Eec. 975 of 1839, 119. 



Koukan.] 



THlNA, 



585 



sary. In the revised sub-divisions, not only was the revenue 
realised without complaint, but there was a great spread of tillage 
yielding in NaSr&pur a revenue of £640 (Rs. 6400) and of £550 
(Rs. 5500) in KalyAn.i Next year (1838-39) a failure of rain 
caused much distress. Most liberal remissions had to be made 
amounting in Sanjdn to one-half of the rental, and in Rdjpuri 
to one-fourth. In the revised districts one-fifth had to be granted 
in Kalydn, but a fifteenth was enough in Murbad, a twentieth in 
Nasrapur, and a thirtieth in Panvel.^ In spite of the bad season 
there was a marked spread of tillage especially in Murbad and 
Kalydn.* The next season (1839-40) was more favourable and 
the revised sub-divisions again compared well with the others. In 
them less remission than in other parts of the district had to be 
granted, and all the revenue except £13 (Rs. 130) was realised,* 
In the opinion of Government the result of the abolition of transit 
duties and other objectionable items was highly satisfactory, New 
markets had been opened to the people, tillage was spreading, 
land had become an object of contention, and the old holders were 
coming back to their original fields.^ The improvement continued 
in 1840-41. The revenue rose from £145,862 to £154,481 
(Rs. 14,58,620 - Rs. 15,44,810), the remissions fell from £10,924 to 
£4164 (Rs. 1,09,240 -Rs. 41,640), and, at the close of the year, 
the outstandings were only £632 (Rs. 6320).* The progress of 
the revised districts was most marked. In Kalydn, where revenue 
had risen and tillage spread more than anywhere else, there were 
no complaints, the people were anxious that present rates should 
continue.' In Nasrapur tillage had risen from 27,367 bighds in 
1834-35 to 31,254 bighds in 1838-39 and collections from £8831 
(Rs. 88,310) in 1835-36 to £11,649 (Rs. 1,16,490) in 1840-41.* In 
Murbdd in five years the spread of tillage more than made 
good the sacrifice of revenue, the rental in 1840-41 being £9398 
(Rs. 93,980) or £16 (Rs. 160) above the maximum levied in 1836." 
In Panvelthe collections rose from £16,686 (Rs. 166,860) in 1837-38 
to £17,263 (Rs. 1,72,630) in 1840-41 or an increase of £577 
(Rs. 5,770).io 

While the assessment of the south and south-east was thus lighten- 



Chapter 7III. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Results, 
1836-1841.. 



Kolvan, 



1 Mr. Coles, 18th September 1838, in Rev. Reo, 975 of 1839, 109-110. 

2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 1102 of 1840, 114. 

3 Mr. Pringle, Collector, 30th September 1839, Rev. Eeo. 1102 of 1840, 27. 
* Bora. Gov. Rev. Reo. 1244 of 1841, 141-157. 

6 Gov. Res. 6th February 1840, in R«v. Reo. 1102 of 1840, 121-122. 

6 Mr. Simson, Rev. Com., 1st April 1842, in Bev. Kec. 1348 of 1842, 1-2. 

1 Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Eev. Reo. 1348 of 1842, 50. 

8 The details of the spread of tillage are, 1834-35, 27,367 bighds ; 1835-36, 28,049 ; 
1836-37, 28,031 ;;i837-38, .30,417 ; and 1838-39, 31,254. Mr. Harrison, 14th September 
1839, in Rev. Bee. 1102 of 1840, 95, 96, 101. The collections were before revision. 
1834-.35 £12,890, and after revision 1835-36 £8831, 1836-37 £10,443, 1837-38 £11,195, 
1838-39 £10,7-33, 1839-40 £11,448, and 1840-41 £11,649. Mr. Simson, Rev. Com., 1st 
April 1842, in Rev. Reo. 1348 of 1842, 12. 

» Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, Rev. Reo. 1348 of 1842, 52, 53. Mr. Simson, 
Rev, Com., Ist April 1842; ditto II. 

10 The detaUs are, 1835-36 £17,925, 1836-37 £17,469, 1837-38 £16,686, 1838-39 
£16,084, 1839-40 £16,704, and 1840-41 £17,263. Mr. Simson, Rev, Com., 1st April 
1842, in Rev. Bee. 1348 of 1842, 12. 
B 310-74 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



58^ 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 

Administration. 

The British. 
Kolvan, 



North Thdna, 
1845. 



ed and simplified, the original clumsy and uncertain practice was 
continued in the north and along the coast. About Kolvan the 
largest, poorest, and most secluded part of the district the informa- 
tion was very scanty. When the British occupied the country no 
trustworthy papers were found. The village headmen and district 
officers went over the villages with the British officers, and, gave 
them a note of the amount and the character of the assessment on 
the different plots of land.^ In 1842 there were no fewer than 
six modes of assessment. Of these the most common, including 
about one-half of the whole; was the muddbandi. Under this the 
khandi of land varied from one to nine bighds, and the assessment 
from 6s. to £3 (Rs. 3-Rs. 30). The second mode was the tokdbandi. 
The toka of land varied, according to its character, from a half to 
four bighds, and its rental varied according as it was near or far 
from a market. The plough-cess or ndngarbandi was in force over a 
small area in Mokhada, the cess varying from 4s. to £1 8s. (Rs. 2 "^ 
Rs. 14), and the greatest area under one plough being ten biglids. A 
special form of the parcel or plot cess, locally known as kdsbandi, 
was in force to a small extent. The plots or holdings varied in size 
from nine to forty bighds and paid from £3 to £16 (Rs. 30- Rs. 160). 
The rates had never been changed and the revenue collected in this 
way amounted to £172 (Rs. 1720). These four were old systems 
and had been in force when the lands had formed part of the 
Jawhar state. In some cases the assessment was high. But in the 
Collector's opinion excess of assessment should be met by individual 
reductions ; the country was too wild and too thinly peopled to be 
surveyed. The remaining systems were the bigha rate or bighd/vni, 
and the hUl tillage or dongar dali. The bigha rate of 8s. (Rs. 4) was 
in use over only a very small area. Hill tillage prevailed in Talasri, 
Vaishakhra, and Gargaon, the wild parts of Mokhada. The pdtils 
and taldtis made a rough guess survey of these lands and levied a 
bigha rate. Unlike other parts of the Konkan, the people of 
MokhMa who were mostly Kathkaris Varlis and Thakurs, were 
unsettled, rarely spending two years in the same spot. They moved 
from place to place, squatting where they found arable waste and 
having their patches of tillage roughly measured when the crop 
was ripe. They suffered much oppression at the hands of the pdtils 
and taldtis. If the land cultivalied was varkas, it paid a bigha rate 
of Is. (8 as.). In 1842, on the recommendation of the Collector a 
tax of 1 s. (as. 8) was fixed for every pickaxe, kvdal, and the bigha 
rate was aboUshed.* The other parts of the district, Sanjdn Mahim 
and Bassein except Bassein island, were in 1842 described as thinly 
peopled and miserably tilled. Mr. Vibart was convinced that this 
was in great measure owing to the wretched revenue system, and 
that a fixed bigha rate would cause a great spread of tillage.' 

Three years later (1845) Mr, Davidson, then assistant collector, 
prepared a careful account of the three coast sub-divisions, Bassein 



1 Mr. Langford, Collector, 26th February 1842, in Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 56, 

2 Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Rev. Bee. 1348 of 1842, 56-59. 
S Mr. Vibart, Rev. Com., 311 of 24th February 1842. 



£oukau.] 



THANA. 



58.; 



Mdihirn and Sanjin, and also of Kolvan and Bhiwndi. The popu- 
lation of ihese five sub-divisions was estimated at 207,000, but the 
number was probably greater. The people were poor; but this, in 
Mr. Davidson's opinion, was not because Government took too 
much from them, but because their ignorance and superstition 
made them the victims of Brdhmans and moneylenders. There was 
plenty of waste land, but the people were too few to till it, and the 
ravages of small-pox kept their numbers from increasing. There 
were four chief modes of assessment huiiddbandi, nomtjarhandi, 
muddbandi or dhep, and bighoti. The principle of the hunda was 
a fixed payment either in money or in kind, or both in money and 
kind, according to the value of the land. The principle was just 
and simple, but was marred in practice by the ignorance of the size 
and character of the holdings. The local officers were the referees 
in all disputes, and there was little doubt that they defrauded Govern- 
ment and tyrannised over the villagers. The plough-cess, though- 
well suited to the wilder tracts, was open to the objection that it 
favoured careless tillage. The muddbandi or dhep system prevailed 
over a large area. The principle of this mode of assessment was 
fair, a plot of land equal to the production of a certain quantity of 
rice. But necessity and fraud had set aside the original principle 
of assessment. There were no records and no system either in the 
area of land entered as a muda, or in the quantity of grain that the 
muda contained. Government were nearly as unfit to do justice to- 
themselves or th.eir husbandmen as they were under the hiinddbandi 
system. Mr. Davidson urged that all of these forms of assessment 
should be superseded by a bigha rate.^ The Collector agreed with 
Mr. Davidson that the existing practice was defective and confused ; 
the chief obstacle to improvement lay in the difficulty of getting 
officers qualified to carry out a survey.* 

Of tlie produce, cost, and profit of the gardens, dry lands, liquor- 
yielding trees, and fisheries of Bassein, MAhim, Sanj^, Kolvan, 
and Bhi-wndi, Mr. Davidson prepared the following estimates. In 
Bassein under garden lands 5338 bighds yielded a gross produce 
worth Rs. 8,09,297, with a tillage cost of Rs. 7,25,706, a rental of 
Rs.,29,915, and a profit of Rs. 53,676, of which Rs. 19,500 were from 
300 bighds of cocoa-palms, Rs. 16,000 from 3200 bighds oi sugarcane, 
and Rs. 12,300 from 1640 bighds of plantains. Under dry lands 20,1 77 
bighds yielded a gross produce worth Rs. 2,82,116, with a tillage cost 
of Rs. 1,51,215, a rental of Rs. 80,565, and a profit of Rs. 50,336, 
of which Rs. 50,300 were from 20,120 bighds of early crops. 
Under liquor-yielding trees 25,000 palms and 147 date trees yielded 
a gross produce worth Rs. 1,25,257, with a cost of Rs. 62,610, a 
rental of Rs. 46,949, and a profit of Rs. 15,698.* Fisheries yielded 



Chapter. VIJI. 

Laud 
Administration. 

The British. 

North Tlidna, 

1845.- 



Basiein\ 



1 25th December 1845, TMna Collector's File, General Condition, 1843-1853. 

2 Mr. Law, Collector, 8th April 1846, ThAna CoUeotor's File, 1843-1853. 

3 Aa regards the assessment of cocoa and betel palms it appears that before 1837 
palm plantations paid, besides a tree cess, a bigha tax of 8s. (Rs. 4). These had the 
effect of discouraging their growth, and in 1837 a consolidated bigha rate of from 2«. 
to 16s. (Be. 1 - Rs. 8) was levied. Mr. Davidson, 25th Deer, 1845, Thina Collector's 
File, General Condition, 1843-1853.' 



[Bombay Gazetteei*, 



588 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Mdhim, 
1845. 



Sanjdn. 



Kplvan. 



Bhiwndi, 



Es. 17,176 and left a profit of Rs. 7027, the charsreB amountinsr to 
Rs. 10,149. SB 

In Mahim, under garden lands, 1 409 lighds yielded a gross produce 
worth Ra. 1,36,914, with a tillage cost of Rs. 94,674, a rental of 
Rs. 5278, and a profit of Rs. 36,962, of which Rs. 13,900 were from 
1 39 bighds of cocoa-palms, and Rs. 9361 from 407 bighds of sugar- 
cane, Rs. 7446 from 438 bighds of plantains, and Rs. 5025 from 201 
highds of ginger. Under dry lands, 19,418 bighds yielded a gross 
produce worth Rs. 4,61,132, with a tillage cost of Rs. 2,25,788, a 
rental of Rs. 77,335, and a profit of Rs. 1,58,009, of which Rs. 1,57,763 
were from 19,1 73 bighds of early crops. Under liquor-yielding trees, 
17,000 palm and 18,300 date trees yielded a gross produce worth 
Rs. 70,281, with a cost of Rs. 19,204, a rental of Rs. 5394, and a profit 
of Rs. 45,683. Fisheries yielded Rs. 31,220 and left a profit of 
Rs. 21,854, the charges amounting to Rs. 9366. 

In Sanjan, under garden lands, 352 bighds yielded a gross produce 
worth Rs. 25,228, with a tillage cost of Rs. 17,876, a rental of 
Es. 1019, and a profit of Rs. 6333, of which Rs.aO00 were from 99 
bighds of plantains, Rs. 1910 from 20 bighds of cocoa-palm, and 
Rs. 1179 from 71 bighds of sugarcane. Under dry land, 38,036 
bighds yielded a gross produce worth Rs. 4,52,091, with a tillage cost 
of Rs. 2,37,247, a rental of Rs. 87,092, and a profit of Rs. 1,27,752, 
of which Rs. 97,420 were from 24,355 bighds of early crops, 
Rs. 25,800 from 12,900 bighds of upland or varkas crops, and 
Rs. 4158 from 693 bighds of late crops. Under liquor-yielding 
trees, 13,791 palm and 138,249 date trees yielded a gross produce 
worth Rs. 1,99,194, with a cost of Rs. 19,729, a rental of Rs. 20,729, 
and a profit of Rs. 1,58,736. Fisheries yielded Rs. 30,432 and left 
a profit of Rs. 22,415, the charges amounting to Rs. 8017. 
- In Kolvan, now Vd,da and Shdhdpnr, there were no garden crops. 
Under dry land 15,973 bighds yielded a gross produce worth 
Rs. 1,75,815, with a tillage cost of Rs. 86,598, a rental of Rs. 45,265, 
and a profit of Rs. 43,952, of which Rs. 39,920 were from 10,644 
bighds of early, and 3972 from 5296 bighAs of upland crops. Under 
liquor-yielding trees 1417 palm trees yielded a produce worth 
Rs. 1417, with a cost of Rs. 354, a rental of Bs. 465, and a profit of 
Rs. 598 ; and 7500 moha trees yielded a produce worth Rs. 6250, 
with a cost of Rs. 3750 and a profit of Rs. 2500. 

In Bhiwndi, garden land measured only eleven bighds all under 
sugarcane. It yielded a gross produce worth Rs. 660, with a tillage 
cost of Rs. 570, a rental of Rs. 58, and a profit of Rs. 32. Under 
dry land, 32,182 bighds fielAedi a gi-oss produce worth Rs. 5,00,367, 
with a tillage cost of Rs. 3,15,050, a rental of Rs. 1,10,239, and a 
profit of Rs. 75,078, of which Rs. 55,258 were from 26,000 bigUs 
of early, Rs. 9773 from 3224 bighds of upland, and Rs. 9614 from 
2814 bighds of late crops. Under liquor-yielding trees, 8711 palm 
trees yielded a gross produce worth Rs. 29,379, with a cost of 
Rs. 10,344, a rental of Rs. 2722, and a profit of Rs. 16,313. Moha 
trees yielded a gross produce worth Rs. 36,982 and left a profit of 
Es. 2435, the charges amounting to Rs. 34,547. Fisheries yielded 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



589 



Es. 6110 and left a profit of Rs. 790, the charges amounting to 
Rs. 5320.1 

By the very liberal sacrifices of land revenue between 1835 and 
1 842 Government raised the mass of the landholders from labourers to 
be owners of valuable properties. Numbers of the people were unfit 
for their new position. Finding themselves with a large margin of 
profit they spent recklessly, out of proportion to their means. The 
prey was sighted from afar by the thrifty greedy Vanis of Marwar. 
They flocked to the district in crowds and settled in even its 
remotest villages. They tempted the people with the offer of money 
and took written bonds payable at a hundred per cent interest. If 
the borrower did not pay, the rate of interest was doubled, and, 
if he again failed, a decree of the civil court was passed against him 
and his lands and his house were sold. The Marwdris grew rich in 
a few years, made over their interest to young retainers, arid carried 
their spoils to their own country. Numbers of the people of the 
district were turned out of their lands and their homes, and reduced 
to be the Marwaris' tenants or their labourers.^ 

In 1844 an important change was made by abolishing most of the 
cesses that had hitherto been levied and introducing a salt-tax in 
their place. The chief taxes that were remitted were the license 
mohtarfa cess yielding £1306 (Rs. 13,060), and a fisherman's cess 
yielding £3325 (Rs. 33,250).* 

In 1846 a census was taken and showed a total population of 
554,937. These returns were believed to be incomplete, and a second 
census taken five years later showed an increase of about 38,255.* 

In 1850 the Revenue Commissioner Mr. Shaw urged that Thana 
and Kolaba should be made separate districts. The unwieldy size of 
the present district, its nearness to Bombay, the large number of 
petitions, and the weight of the magisterial and current duties made 
it too heavy a charge to be well managed.^ According to the 
Collector Mr. Law, if the proposal to divide the Konkan into three 
districts was carried out, ThAna with eleven sub-divisions would have 
an area of about 4000 square miles, a population of nearly 525,000, 
and a revenue of about £150,000 (Rs. 15,00,000) ; KoUba with five 
Bub-divisions would have an area of nearly 1500 square miles, apopu- 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 
18Ji6. 



Ctstea, 
18U. 



Centtu, 
18^6. 



Territorial 

Changes, 

1850. 



1 Hr. Davidson, 25th December 1S45, Thdna Collector's File, Beports on General 
Condition, 1843-1853. 

2 Mr. Law, Collector, 8th April 1846, Thina Collector's File, Gen. Con., 1843-1853. 

3 Including S^nkshi RdjpuTi and Riygad, the mohtarfa yielded £1780 (Rs. 17,800) 
and the fishermen's cess £3334 (Rs. 33,340). Collector to Revenue Commissioner, 
1072 of 11th August, and 1434 of 13th November 1843, in Thina Collector's File of 
Taxes, Vol. II. A few cesses were continued some by oversight, others because they 
were thought to form part of the land rental. They were abolished by order of 
Government in 1849. (Rev. Rec. 34 of 1851, 373). But as late as 1856 taxes were 
still kept up that should long ago have been stopped. Mr. Jones, Collector, in Rev, 
Rec. 19 of 1856, part 3, 1005. 

i Including Sdnkshi RAjpuri and Riygad, the total population was returned at 
764,320 in 1846 and 815,849 in 1851 ; and excluding the three sub-divisions the totals 
were 554,937 and 593,192. Thana Collector's File of Statistics, 1836-1860. The 
details have been given in the Population Chapter. 

» Mr. Shaw, Rev. Com., 21st August 1851, in Rev. Rec. 35 of 1851, 25-26. 



[Bombay Gazetteei, 



Chapter VIH. 

Land 
Administration, 

The British. 



1837-1853. 



185S-1866. 



590 



DISTRICTS. 



lation of nearly 300,000^ and a revenue of £105,900 (Rs. 10,59,000) ; 
and Ratndgiri with five sub-divisions would have an area of 4500 
square miles, a population of 630,000, and a revenue of nearly £92,600 
(Rs. 9,25,000).! 

During the last years of this period the district oflBcers more than 
once urged on Government the advantage of introducing an uniform 
higha assessment in place of the existing rough and uncertain 
modes of assessment.^ Government agreed that the change was 
desirable. The measure was delayed only until arrangements could 
be made for the introduction of a complete revenue survey.' The 
first sixteen years of revised assessments (1837-1853), though none 
of them very prosperous, seem, except 1838-39, to have been fairly 
favourable.* The returns point to a steady development, revenue 
collections rising, in spite of the large reductions in rates, from 
£94,904 (Rs. 9,49,040} in 1837-38 to £105,146 (Rs. 10,51,460) in 
1852-53, and outstandings falling from £3185 (Rs. 31,850) to £1204 
(Rs. 12,040). The details are shown in the following statement : 







Thdna Land Revenue, 1837-38 to 185^-53. 






Ybaks. 


Rental. 


Remis- 
sions. 


Out- 
stand- 
ings. 


Collec- 
tions. 


Ybars. 


Rental. 


Remis- 
sions. 


Oat- 
stand- 
ings. 


Collec- 
tions. 


1837-38 ... 
1838-39 ... 
1839-40 .. 
1840-41 ... 
1841-42... 
1842-43 ... 
1843-44 ... 
1844-45 ... 


Rs. 

10,49,249 

11,21,222 

10,99,620 

11,21,209 

9,61,724 

9,90,049 

9,85,074 

9,84,679 


Rs. 

68,358 
1,98,176 
54,656 
39,986 
58,747 
14,686 
15,721 
16,449 


Rs. 

31,846 
17,572 
9374 
4416 
4418 
3253 
10,208 
5637 


Rs. 

9,49,045 
9,05,474 
10,36,690 
10,76,808 
8,98,659 
9,7i,110 
9,59,145 
9,62,698 


1845-46 ... 
1846-47 ... 
1847-48 ... 
1848-49 ... 
1849-50 ... 
1850-61 ... 
1851-52 ... 
1852-53 ... 


Bs. 

10,07,954 
10,06,306 
10,12,984 
10,34,449 
10,35,117 
10,62,921 
10,63,663 
10,85,073 


Rs. 

43,468 
9337 
16,789 
■29,210 
17,330 
15,811 
20,796 
21,572 


Rs. 

6507 

4491 

4978 

14,390 

8132 

29,619 

14,915 

12,043 


Rs. 

9,57,979 
9,92,478 
9,92,217 
9,90,849 
10,09,655 
10,07,591 
10,27,842 
) 0,51 ,458 



In 1852 arrangements were at last completed for introducing 
the revenue survey into Thdna, and under Captain, now General, 
Francis operations were begun in November of that year by the 
measurement of the lands of Nasrdpur. The plan of the survey was 
to measure in detail every rice and cold-weather crop holding, and 
to measure, the uplands, the grass, and the hill-grain lands as a whole, 
calculating their area by scale measurement from a map constructed 
from a circuit survey of the village. To measure the rice and 
cold-weather crop lands a double process was in most cases necessary. 
The land vfas first divided into section or survey numbers, and 
then the individual holdings which each survey number contained 



1 The Collector, 7th October 1850, Thiua Collector's File, Statistics, 1836-1860. 

2 Mr. Comptoii, first assistant collector, 16th October 1851, Thiua Collector's File, 
General Conation, 1843-1853. The ^orth districts of SanjAn, Mdhim, and Kolvan 
required (1856) the survey assessment most. In SanjinandMihim the land assessment 
was extremely irregular. Mr. Jones, 23rd May 1856, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 19 of 
1856, part 3, 1005. 

8 Gov. Letter, 20th February 1851, in Kev. Rec. 34 of 1851, 155. 

* The available details are : 1837-38 a bad year. Rev. Rec. 975 of 1839, 111, 119 ; 
1838-39, rain faUed and caused distress. Rev. Eec. 1102 of 1840, 114 ; 1839-40 a good 
year. Rev. Rec. 1244 of 1841, 141-151 ; 1847-48, rains favourable but lasted too late, 
Rev. Rec. 34 of 1851 , 47-48 ; 1848-49, long breaks and a failure of late rains, do. 245-247 ; 
1849-50, heavy rjiins lasted too long. Rev, Rec. 35 of 1851, 49 ; 1850-51, scanty 
rainfall, Bev. Rec. 27 of 185S, 59. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



S9l 



were separately measured and recorded as sub, or pot, numbers. This 
made the survey very minute and tedious, compared with the survey 
of the Deccan.^ 

The survey o£ Nasrdpur sub -division was begun in 1852-53 and 
finished in 1853-54, Nasrdpur had an area of 237,824 acre^ or 371| 
square miles, 300 villages, and 62,761 inhabitants. It was 
bounded by the Sahyddris on the east, by Sdnkshi now Pen in 
Kolaba on the south, by a range of hills on the west, and by Kalydn 
and Murbdd on the north. 

The first block of villages in which survey measurements were 
introduced was the mahalkari's division of Khd,lapur, a tract 
bounded by the SahyAdri hills on the east, Sankshi now Pen in 
KoMba on the south, Panvel on the west, and the mdmlatddr's 
division of Nasrdpur oh the north. It had an area of 84,182 acres 
or about 131^ square miles, 123 villages of which 116 were Govern- 
ment and seven were alienated, and thirty-two hamlets of which 
twenty-nine were Government and three were alienated. The 
population was about 25,000 almost all of whom were husbandmen. 
The rainfall was from eighty to 100 inches and there was a 
conisiderable forest area. QE 12,685 arable acres 12,641 were under 
rice. A second crop, generally of vdl or gram and sometimes of tur 
and til, was not unfrequently grown. There was a large area (71,497) 
of uplands and hill lands, from which occasional crops of the coarser 
hill grains were raised, but which were generally fallow, given either . 
to grass, or left for the growth of brushwoodtobeused as wood-ash 
manure. 

Till late in the eighteenth century the rice lands had remained 
unmeasured, the rental being fixed on a lump or dhep of land. In 
1771-72 the rice lands were measured into bighds. A few years 
later (1788-89) they were remeasured by Saddshiv Keshav and the 
lands divided into three classes, the first class paying a bigha rate 
of 10s. (Rs. 5), the second of 8s. (Rs. 4), and the third of 6s. (Rs. S).^ 
Under the farming system that was soon after introduced, the 
difference of class was disregarded, and the Government demand 
raised to an uniform rate of lis, (Rs. 5|). These rates were 
continued under the British until the revision of rates by Mr. 
Davies in 1835-36. Under Mr. Davies' settlement the old 
measurements were accepted. Instead of the old first and second 
classes of land, a first class at 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4J) was introduced and 
the old third class at 63. (Rs. 3) was made a second class at 7s. 
(Rs, 3^), These were the rates at which Kunbis were charged. 
The privilege of specially low rates previously enjoyed by high 
class or pandharpesh landholders was continued, and their rate fixed 
ait 7s, (Rs, 3^), These rates were really lighter than they seemed, 
as strict survey measurements showed that the bigha, though 
nominally one of f ^th of an acre, really included Ifth, There was 
very little cold-weather tillage, only forty-four acres, which when 
tilled would seem to have been assessed at a little over 2s, (Re. 1 ) 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
AdministratioB. 

The British. 



Naardpur, 
1855-56. 



1855. 



1 Bom. Gov, Sel. XCVI. 3-4. 



2 See footnote 1 on p. 559. 



LBombay Gazetteer, 



592 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British, 

Khdidpur, 
1855. 



an acre. Mr. Davies' arrangement for upland tillage was, that when 
the ground was fallow no rent was charged, and that every holder 
of rice land was for each rice field allowed a customary share of up- 
land, the grass and brushwood of which was burned for ash manure. 
When hill-grains or oilseed was grown the area was either roughly 
measured and charged at 2«. (Re. 1) a higha, or a plough cess of 3s. 
(Re. IJ) was levied. If hemp, tobacco, pepper, or other rich crops 
were grown, specially heavy rates had to be paid.^ In some of the 
wilder parts the tillage of patches of forest land was charged at the 
rate of ]». 6d. (12 as.) on each sickle or koyta, and, under a special 
provision, the Kathkaris were allowed to till half a bigha of hill 
land free of charge. The effect of Mr. Davies' revision was a 
reduction in the Government demand from about £4700 to £3700 
(Rs.47,000-Rs. 37,000) or about twenty per cent. This reduction 
was accompanied by the abolition of customs duties, which, 
according to Mr. Davies' calculations, had represented a further 
charge of from twenty-five to thirty per cent on the produce of a 
bigha.^ Further relief was soon after given by the remission of 
very heavy outstanding balances. The condition of the district was 
also improved by the making of roads. 

The result of these changes was- a rapid spread of tillage from 
about 7000 acres in 1835-36 to about 11,000 acres in 1845-46 with 
a corresponding rise in collections from about £3150 to £4550 
(Rs. 31,500 - Rs. 45,500) . The next eight years showed a steady but 
much slower progress to a tillage area of nearly 12,000 acres and a 
rental of about £4700 (Rs. 47,000). In 1853-54 not more than 1000 
acres of arable land were left waste. The chief rice market was 
Panvel, and besides the mail road to Bombay, roads had been opened 
to Panvel, to Pen in the south, and to Kalydn in the north-west. The 
revenue was easily paid. In 1853-54 of £4725 (Rs. 47,250) only £17 
(Rs. 170) or one-quarter per cent had to be remitted. The people 
were generally fairly off, and but for their besetting sin of 
drunkenness would have been very well-to-do. Under these circum- 
stances the Survey superintendent was of opinion that no great 
reduction of assessment was required. For rice lands he proposed 
acre rates varying from 8s. 6d. to 4s. 3d. (Rs. 4^ - Rs. 2J) and 
averaging 7s. (Rs. 3^).* For the very small area, 44 acres, of late 



1 The details were, hemp Rs. 5, brinjals and tobacco Rs. 4-2, and pepper Rs. 1-9. 
Bom. Oov. SeL XCVI. 8. * Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 5. 

3 The system of classification adopted in the case of rice lands was based on their 
division into the two main classes of early or halva and late or garva. Of the early 
there were two groups, the pdnpik or rain crop, coarse inferior kinds that ripen 
about the end of September, and the remaining kinds of halva that ripen in October. 
All the finer kinds of rice belong to the late or garva class which fetched from is. to 8», 
(Es. 2-Rs. 4) a Ha»di more than the early kinds. A calculation of the value of the dif- 
ferent rice crops showed that if 16 annas were taken to represent the outturn of the late, 
or garva, kinds of rice, from 14 to 12 annas would be the proportionate value of the 
better, and from 9 to 10 annas of the inferior early crops. The rules for classifying 
the fields according to their soil and their supply of water, were based on the calcula- 
tion of the value of the crop. Thus in the case of a halva field falling into the second 
water class, its rate would be 6 annas for water, and 7 or 8 annas for soil that is a 
total of 13 or 14 annas. Again pdnpik fields would probably be fourth class as regards 
water and third class as regards soil. This gives 10 annas for the best p&npik fields. 
Bom, Gov. Sel. XCVI. 16-18, 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



593 



crop land he proposed a maximum rate of 2s. 6d. (Re. 1^) and an 
average of about 2«. (Re. 1). Instead of tlie former system of 
making uplands pay only when they were cropped. Captain Francis 
proposed that a yearly charge should be levied whether they were 
tilled or not, and that, as each rice field had a plot of upland allotted 
to itj the charge for the upland should be combined with the charge 
for the rice field. He proposed to arrange the villages into four 
classes according to the proportion that upland bore to rice land. The 
proposed addition was in the first class from 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4-4) to 9s. 9d. 
(Rs. 4-14) or about fourteen per cent, in the second class from 8s. 
6d. (Rs. 4-4) to 9s. 3d. (Rs. 4-10) or about nine per cent, and in the 
third class from 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4-4) to 8s. lOJd. (Rs. 4-7) or about four 
and a half per cent. In the fourth class there would be no increase 
on the rice rate of 8s. 6d. (Rs. 4^) as there was little or no upland.^ 
In four villages where the proportion of hill land to rice was specially 
large, he was of opinion that the plough rate, or ndnga/rbandi, system 
should be continued. A plough tax should also, he thought, be levied 
on any upland taken for tillage by any one who did not hold rice land. 
As regards forest clearings he thought that the sickle cess and the 
special provision in favour of Kdthkaris should be continued. There 
was no very large body of upper class or pdndharpesh landholders, 
and the assessment of the land that they held on specially low 
rates was only £487 10s. (Rs. 4875). Captain Francis was of 
opinion that it would not be advisable entirely to do away with 
their privileges, and that it would be better to fix a maximum rate 
and remit the balance between that maximum and the actual 
assessment. This privilege should, he considered, be limited to 
the individuals holding land under the pdndharpesha tenure and 
should cease on their death. The effect of these proposals was to 
lower the Government demand from £5074 to £4662 (Rs. 50,740- 
Rs. 46,620), a reduction of about 8y per cent. 

The Collector in forwarding the Superintendent's report, 
approved of his classification and proposals for rice land, late- crop 
land, and forest patches. But the scheme for adding a charge for 
uplands to the payment of rice lands was, he thought, unsuitable. 
His chief objections were that many husbandmen held rice land 
without uplands and others held uplands without rice-lands, and that 
there were no means for ensuring that in the case of sales of land 
the rice and uplands would be sold together.^ Oaptaiu Francis in 
reply contended, that in very few if in any cases was rice land held 
without uplands, and that if a man held uplands without rice lands 
he would under the proposed scheme have to pay for it. It was 
the custom, he said, never to sell rice without its upland.* In reply 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The BRrrisH. 

KhdMpur, 
1835. 



1 Captain Francis afterwards found that some of the rice lands should, on account 
of their specially good supply of water, have their rates raised. He accordingly 
altered the rates to 9s. (Rs. 4-8) fdr the first class, 8s: @d. (Es. 4-6) for the second class, 
and 8s. 7 Ji. (Rs. 4-5) for the third class. The addition for uplands was proportionately 
lowered and the whole demand remained the same. This change was approved by 
Government. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 9, 67-68. 

2 Mr. Seton Karr, 387 of 22nd February 1855, in Bom. Gov, Sel. XCVI. 34. 

3 Bom. Gov. Sfel. XCVI. .37-43. 

B 310—75 



UBombay Gazetteer, 



594 



DISTRICTS. 



Caiapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bbitish. 

KhaMpur, 
185S. 



Nairdpur, 
1866. 



the Collector maintained tlie correctness of his former views, stating 
that cases of men holding rice land without upland were not uncom- 
mon, and that sales of rice land and of upland by themselves, though 
not usual, were not unknown.^ The Eevenue Commissioner consider- 
ed that the Superintendent's settlement might be introduced experi- 
mentally. He so far agreed with the Collector as to the unfairness 
of letting a man with a very small patch of rice land have rights 
over a large tract of upland, that he proposed tliat a minimum of rice 
land should be fixed beyond which the ownership of rice land would 
not carry the right to use uplands. The Superintendent was directed 
to watch and inquire into the custom of selling rice and uplands 
separately."^ 

The proposed settlement was reviewed by Government in their 
letter 3370, 2nd September 1856.^ Though the sanction to its 
experimental introduction was confirmed, the proposals did not meet 
with the full approval of Government. As regards the reduction of 
nearly ten per cent, Government were not satisfied that in the 
prosperous state of the sub- division this was necessary. They did 
riot approve Captain Francis' plan of including the charge on the 
uplands in the rice payments. They thought that it did not suf- 
ficiently provide for the inequahties in the amount of the upland held 
along with rice land and did not provide for the case of separate 
sales of rice land and upland. Government were of opinion that 
though the minute survey of upland holdings might on the score of 
expense be unadvisable, it was necessary that the area given to 
upland holdings should be marked off from the village grazing 
lands and from the Government forest and grass lands. Further, 
that though the upland holdings were not surveyed, that their 
boundaries should be marked and that a list of the fields should be 
made. This would be sufficiently checked by the scientific survey 
of the whole village area, and would give a fair representation of the 
different fields and of the unoccupied hill lands or waste. If this 
were done Government held that there would be little difficulty in 
assessing a fixed yearly rental on each of the holdings, to be paid 
whether the land was tilled or left fallow. This was to be done in 
future surveys, but Government granted their sanction to the 
experimental settlement of the mahalkari's division of Nasrapur.* 
As regards the claims of the pdndharpeshds to specially low taxation. 
Government were inclined to doubt whether it was advisable or 
possible to repeal their privileges.^ 

The survey settlement was next introduced in the mdmlatdd,r's 
portion of the Nasrdpur sub-division. It had an area of 153,642 
acres or 240 square miles, 177 villages, and 37,761 inhabitants. It 
was bounded by the Sahyadris on the east, the mahalkari's 
division of KhaMpur on the south, a range of hills on the west, and 
Kalyan and Murbad on the north. In the north were stretches 



1 Mr. Seton Karr, 723 of 10th April 1855, in Bom- Gov. Sel. XC VI 44-49. 

2 Mr. Fawcett, 894 of 23rd April 1855, in Bom. Gov. Sel, XC VI. 53-54. 
3Bom.Gov. Sel. XCVI. 61-71. ^^ ^ a i vnxrj <,n 
i Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 66, 331-332. « Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 70. 



XoukaaJ 



thIna. 



595 



of rice lands broken by ranges of low hills covered with teak^ 
aiti, and other common forest trees. Eastwards the land was 
very rugged, the woods deepened ilito forests, and the rice lands 
narrowed into straggling patches. In the centre and west was 
a thinly wooded plain crossed near the south by two of the western 
Sahyadri spurs. The fall of rain though usually less than on the 
coast was abundant, and a failure of crops was rare. Its two 
rivers, the Pej and the Ulhds, were generally dry in the hot season 
and there was commonly a great want of drinking water. Of the 
177 villages, seven were held rent-free, six were held on special 
service or iedfat tenure, and the remaining 164, of which one was 
khoti or held by a revenue farmer, were managed by Government.^ 
Of its 37,761 people, or 157 to the square mile, all were husbandmen ; 
it was doubtful whether a single family was supported by manufac- 
tures. The Kunbi, or Mar&tha was the most numerous caste, and 
next to them came the Brahmans and Prabhus who were known a» 
pdndharpeshds, 

Three of the five petty divisions or ta/rafs had been measured 
by Trimbak Vindyak and two by Sadashiv Keshav. The returns 
were , nominally in bighds, but in Trimbak's measurements 1^ 
higha was recorded as a bigha, and in Sadashiv's the bigha in- 
stead of three-fourths was nearly equal to a full acre. The high 
rates introduced by the revenue farmers were continued till Mr. 
Davies' revision in 1835-36. Mr. Davies adopted several rates 
in rice lands of which 9s. (Rs. 4^) was the highest and 8s. 6^^. 
(Rs. 4J) the most general. In some villages he fixed the rates at 
7s. (Rs. 3^), and in a few under the Sahyddris the rate was as low as 
6s. (Rs. 2J). The effect of the new rates was to lower the 
Government demand from £6375 to £5177 (Rs. 63,750 - Rs. 51,770), 
a reduction of between eighteen and twenty per cent. The value 
of this relief was increased by the abolition of transit dues and the 
remission of outstanding balances. The result was an increase in 
the tillage area from about 13,000 acres in 1836-37 to about 17,000 
in 1846-47 and 19,000 in 1854-55, and a corresponding advance in 
revenue from about £4100 to £6400 (Rs. 41,000 -Rs. 64,000). In 
1854-55 there were less than 2000 acres of arable-waste, the revenue 
of £6449 (Rs. 64,490) was recovered without difficulty and with only 
£38 (Rs. 380) remissions, and the people, though not entirely out of 
debt, were less dependent on the moneylender than in any part of 
the Deccan of which Captain Francis had revised th& assessment. 
Panvel and Kalydn the two chief rice markets were easily reached 
along good roads and the railway between Kalyfin and Poena would 
be soon opened. Under these circumstances there seemed no reason 
for lowering the assessment. Captain Francis proposed that the 
rice lands should be divided into six classes, paying rates varying 
from 9s. to 6s. (Rs. 4^ - Rs. 3). Two hill-top villages were specially 
assessed at 5s. (Rs. 2|). Late crop lands, of which there was an 
area of 1191 acres, were proposed for assessment at 3s. (Rs. l^). 
As regards uplands he divided the villages into five classes, 



Chapter Villi 

Land 
Admiuistratioik 

The BEiTisa 
NasrdpuVi. 



1 Two of the 164 villages bad no land. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVL 75. 



[Bombay Qazettetr, 



596 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Laud 
Admimstration. 

Tbe British. 

Nasrdpur, 
I8S6. 



Panvel, 
1856. 



and proposed that those Tfho had uplands in the' proportion of 
eight to ten acres to one of rice should pay Is. (8 as), those who 
had from fire to six acres 9d. (6 as.), those who had three to four acres 
6d.(4 as.), those who had from l| to two acres Zd. (2 as.), and no 
charge should be made for those who had less than one acre. The 
highest rate for rice and upland combined was 10s. (Rs. 5). Twenty 
villages close to the Sahyadris with a very large area of upland 
should in his opinion be kept under the plough rate system. The 
result of the whole proposals was a reduction from £6931 to £6660 
(Rs. 69,310 - Rs. 66j600) or about four per cent. 

The pdndha/rpeshds claimed the deduction of one-quarter of the 
area besides their specially low rates. To this deduction of area 
Captain Francis was satisfied they had no better claim than other 
landholders. As regards their specially easy rates he recommended 
thatj as in the other division of the tdluka, the concession should be 
continued to the actual holders. The khot who held the village of 
Khdndas held under a deed of N^rayan Balldl Peshwa. The lands 
of this village were measured and assessed, and showed a rental of 
£149 (Rs'. 1490), or more than £100 (Rs. 1000) in excess of the 
khot's payment. The six special service or izdfat villages were also 
measured and assessed. Except in one, where it was much less,^ the 
actual payments differed little from the survey rates. 

In forwarding Captain Francis' report, the Collector Mr. Seton 
Karr approved of the proposals for rice and late-crop lands, but, 
as in the case of the other part of the sub-division, he objected to the 
system proposed for uplands. He thought that the privileges of the 
pdndharpeshds should at once be stopped. The hhots dealt most 
harshly with their tenants, and the tenure should in his opinion, if 
possible, be abolished. He thought that the special service, or izdfat, 
villages might be leased to the holders at the survey rental and that 
they should not be allowed to rack-rent their tenants-at-will. 
Captain Francis' proposals were sanctioned as a temporary measure 
in April 1857.1 

The survey of Panvel was begun in 1853-54 and finished in 
1854-65. Under the Revenue Commissioner's sanction the new settle- 
ment was provisionally introduced in 1856-57. The sub-division 
was bounded on the west by the sea, on the south for ten miles by 
tbe Avra creek, then along a chain of hills that separated Panvel 
from Pen till it met Nasrdpur, whence branching to the north 
it stretched to Prabal hill and skirting Mdtherdn extended nearly 
to Malanggad hill. From Malanggad there was no well ma,rked 
boundary to the Taloja creek which formed its north-west limit on 
to the coast. It had an abundant and regular rainfall of over 
100 inches, and had great natural advantages being mtersected by 
two tidal rivers and many tidal creeks, and having the important 
market of Bombay close at hand. It contained a superficial area of 
207 square miles with 229 villages, of which thirty-six were alienated, 
seven were service, and 1 86 were Government. ^ *^° n.^^^r.r.rr,.^t 



Of the Government 



1 Gov. Letter 1700, 9th April 1857. Bom. Gov.Sel. XCVI. 97. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



597 



villages some were only reclaimed salt wastes witli no village sites. 
Of tlie wliole number 143 belonged to the mdmlatdar's and forty- 
three to the mahalkari's charge. Of llljOlO acres the whole sur- 
veyed area, 19,141 were sweet rice land, 10,358 salt rice, 2086 late 
crops and garden, and 80,364 uplands and hill lands. There were 
upwards of 50,000 people, about a third of them Xgri Kunbis, about 
8200 Mard,thas and Kunbis, 2600 Musalmans, and 2250 Brahmans 
and Prabhus. Of the two parts of the sub-division the mamlatdar's 
share had been under British management since the cession 
of the Konkan by the Peshwa, and the mahdlkari's Was part of the 
Kolaba state that lapsed in 1840. In the mahdlkari's villages no 
change had been made since their transfer to the British. In the 
mamlatdar's villages the high rates which were continued for 
several years after the beginning of British rule were revised by 
Mr. Davies in 1836-37, who lowered the Government demand from 
£9918 to £7428 (Rs. 99,180 -Es. 74,280), a reduction of about 25 per 
cent. Mr. Davies found the -people very impoverished and in 
some of the Auroli villages introduced a low uniform rice rate of 
6s. (Rs. 3). The effect of these reductions was the gradual rise of 
tillage from about 19,000 acres in 1836-37 to about 24,000 acres in 
1855-56, or within about 1000 acres of the whole arable area. The 
revenue during the same time rose from about £7400 to £8200 
(Rs. 74,000 -Rs. 82,000). The effect on the people had been a 
complete change from a state of abject poverty to contentment, and, 
in some cases, to wealth. The people were generally thriving, the 
command of the Bombay market enabling them to realize a good 
profit for their straw and grass as well as for their rice. The Agris, 
the bulk of the husbandmen, though careful in money dealings, 
indulged so freely in spirits, that in many villages scarcely a sober 
man could be found after eight o'clock at night. 

The position of Panvel, on the sea coast with many of its villages 
intersected by salt water creeks, introduced a new element in the 
system of settling the survey rates. The rice lands belonged to two 
main classes, sweet and salt. The conditions influencing the sweet 
rice lands were the same as in Nasrdpur and the same system of 
classification was followed. In the salt rice lands the conditions 
were very different. There was no burning of brushwood, no sowing 
in seed beds and no planting ; the seed was soaked till it sprouted, 
and was then sown broadcast and trodden into the ground. The 
salt rice lands varied greatly in character, from barren lands subject 
to partial overflow at spring tides, to lands long reclaimed and yearly 
washed with fresh water, whose yield was little less than the yield 
in sweet rice lands! As regards soil they were arranged under two 
orders, reddish soils found at a distance from the sea and fairly free 
from salt, and black soils, a larger class, varying in fruitfulness accord- 
ing to the amount of salt they held. In a rupee, that is in sixteen parts, 
eight were allotted to soil and eight to water. To meet the difference 
in soil due to the quantity of salt, a table of faults was applied ranging 
from eight annas to three. In applying a water rate, as was the 
case with the sweet rice lands, which according to their crop were 
grouped into halva or early and ga/rva or late, the salt rice lands were 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Admiuistratioii. 

The British, 
Panvel, 

me. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



59a 



DISTRICTS. 



Chaptrt VIII. 

Land 
Adminiijtration. 

Tee Bbitise. 

Panvd, 
1856. 



formed into two classes according as they yielded tte more valuable 
choTca or white, or the poorer rdta or red. These were found to 
correspond very closely with the sweet rice classes and the scale 
required little adjustment. As regards the sweet rice lands Captain 
Francis proposed to divide them into six classes, twenty-eight 
villages paying 10s. M. (Rs. 5i), fifty-eight paying 10s. (Rs. 5), 
thirty paying 9s. 6i. (Rs. 4f), twenty-six paying 9s. (Rs. 4 J), 
twenty-one paying 8s. M. (Rs. 4 J), and thirteen paying 8s. (Rs. 4). 
Six specially rich and well placed villages were charged 12s. (Rs. 6). 
A few reclamations or Uhars being well washed with fresh water, 
yielded a sweet late crop and could be charged sweet rice rates. 
With this exception the salt rice lands belonged to two classes those 
near the sea and those safe from flooding. The best lands were 
rated at 9s. (Rs. 4^), and the more exposed lands at 8s. 6i. to 8s. 
(Rs. 4J- Rs. 4). In the case of the latter the specially low rates 
for the red or rata rice came in and lowered the charge to 5s. 
(Rs. 2^), and in a few spots to 2s. (Re. 1). The result of these 
rates was a total rental of £8650 (Rs. 86,500) or an increase of 
about 34 per cent. In the mahalkari's petty division where 
nnrevised grain rates were iu force, the area under tillage had risen 
from about 4000 acres iu 1840 to 6000 in 1855-56, leaving almost 
no arable land untilled. Under the system of grain commutation 
payments, large remissions averaging about £300 (Rs. 3000) a year 
were granted and the collections varied greatly from year to year. 
They fell from aljout £2400 (Rs. 24,000) in 1840 to a little over 
£1800 (Rs. 18,000) in 1848 and then rose irregularly to £2400 
(Rs. 24,000) in 1853-54. Very high commutation rates in the year 
before the survey had forced them up to £2732 (Rs. 27,320). 
Compared with that year the proposed rates in the petty division 
showed a fall from £2732 to £2216 (Rs. 27,320 -Rs. 22,160) or a 
reduction of about 19 per cent. But on the average of ten 
years the fall was £7 (Rs. 70) only. Taking the figures of the 
sub-division and the petty division together, the proposed rates 
showed a total of £10,866 (Rs. 1,08,660), or an increase of £624 
(Rs. 6240) on the average collections in the ten previous years. 

Late crop and garden lands were of little importance. Gram <wr 
and til were the crops, and the total rental, if all the waste was taken 
for tUlage, would not come to more than £263 (Rs. 2630) . The rates 
proposed were 3s. (Re. 1^), except in Panvel where, as both the soil 
and the market were specially good, a rate of 3s. &d. (Re. If) was 
proposed. In the hot weather, with the help of lever lifts or hudkis^ 
A small strip on stream banks grew onions, vegetables, and a little 
sugarcane. The proposed fate was 5s. (Rs. 2J) and the probable 
revenue £28 (Rs, 280). 

As regards uplands a new system was introduced in accordance 
with Government orders. Uplands were of two classes, those held in 
connection with rice tillage and those which remained with Govern- 
ment. The land was measured by taking points fixed at the time of 
measuring the rice lands or the survey of the village circuit and 
joining them together, the new lines being marked by boundary 
stones. The area was then calculated from its outline on the map. 
In some cases where there was a specially large area of upland. 



KonkanJ 



THANA, 



599 



measurement by the chain and cross-stafE was necessary. But as a 
rule it was found enough to take the map as the basis for dividing 
the land into numbers. About 26,000 acres were measured in this 
way at an average cost of l^d. (11 pies) an acre. Captain Francis 
proposed an acre rate of 6d. (4 as.) on the coast and 4^d. (3 as.) on the 
inland uplands. This would give from the allotted land, that is the 
land held along with rice fields, a revenue of £289 (Rs. 2890) and 
from the other lands a revenue of £153 (Rs. 1530) or a total of 
£442 (Rs. 4420), a sum £170 (Rs. 1.700) in excess of the average 
revenue from uplands during the ten previous years. A further sum 
of £40 (Rs. 400) was due from forest or dali tillage. 

There weve-nopdndha/rpeshds enjoying the favour of specially easy 
rates. The seven special service or izdfat villages were surveyed 
and assessed. In all cases the survey rental was higher than that 
formerly paid. But it was proposed, as in Nasrapur, to ofEer the 
villages to the izdfatddrs on a thirty years' lease on condition of. their 
paying the survey rental. The question of the tenure of the em- 
banked or reclaimed lands was one of importance. These reclaimed 
lands were held in two ways : either there was one owner, called 
sMlotriddr, who represented the original reclaimer, or the land was 
held by a body of men called kuldrags. In the first instance the owner 
was responsible for the repair of the dams and levied a special ma« of 
grain to meet the cost. The owners were said to be very exacting. 
Where the reclamation was held by a body of husbandmen no special 
man of grain was levied for repairs. The holders paid direct to Go- 
vernment and arranged among themselves for the repair of the dams. 
In Grovemm.ent reclamations the man was levied and Government 
was responsible for the repairs. Captain Francis thought that in the 
case of reclamations held by a private person or by a body of men the 
present plan should, continue. In Government reclamations instead 
of the man of rice an acre fee of Is. (8 as.) should be levied and the 
amount set apart as a fund to meet any expenses required for repairs. 
The repairs would be carried out by the villagers and the payment 
made by the assistant collectors. As regards the question of the grant 
of leases to reclaim salt wastes. Captain Francis was of opinion that 
the term of the lease should vary from fifteen to twenty years. 

Mr. Jones the Collector, though he thought some of the rates 
rather high, approved of Captain Francis' proposal.^ The proposals 
were also approved by the Revenue Commissioner and were sanction- 
ed by Government on the 5th of April 1859.^ 

The next part of the district settled was Kalydn. At the time 
of settlement (1859) Kalydn was bounded on the north by the Kalyd,n 
creek and its tributary the Bhatsa river, on the east by Murbdd, on 
the south by Nasrapur, and on the west by the Malanggad hills. 
The area was about 215 square miles/ the length from north to 



Chapter_VIII. 

Laud 
Adjuinistratiou, 

The Bbitish, 

Panvel, 
1856. 



Kalydn, 
1869. 



1 Mr. Jones, 23 of 5th January 1857, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 122-126. 

2 Gov. Letter 1127 of 1859. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 134-138. 

3 These 215 square miles or 137,729 acres contained 19,906 acres of rice land, 1755 
of late crop land, 180 of garden land, 54,715 of uplands, 48,124 of unarable and hill 
land, and about 13,049 acres occupied by alienated villages. Bom, Gov. Sel. XCVI. 
269, 



[Bombay Gazetteer^ 
600^ DISTRICTS. 

Chapter_VIII. south varying from eighteen to twenty-three miles, and the breadth 
Land "°°i east to west from six to thirteen. The people numbered 

Administaration. 35,000 or 160 to the square mile. Of 165 villages, 147 were Govern- 
The British. ^^^^' ^^^^^ "^ere held on izdfat or special service tenure, and two 
Kalydn, ^^^^ partially and thirteen entirely alienated.i Of these onlv the 

18S9. thirteen entirely alienated villages were excluded from the survey 

settlement. Of the Ulhas, K^lu, and Bhdtsa rivers that crossed the 
sub-division and fell into the Kalyan creek, the Ulhas and Kalu were 
navigable for only a short distance from their meeting with the main 
creek. Boats of small tonnage could pass up the Bhdtsa as far as 
Vasundri about ten miles above Kalyan. As Kalyan was partly a coast 
and partly an inland tract, some of its villages had a navigable river 
for the transport of their produce, while a few were rather far from 
market and difficult of access by carts. On the whole its means of 
communication were good. Besides its river and the made road 
from Kalyan to Chauk, Kalyan was crossed in two directions by 
the Peninsula railway, by the Kampoli (Khopoli) branch to the south 
and the Vasind branch to the north. Except Kalyan the railway 
stations were little used. A small quantity of rice was shipped for 
Bombay from Vasundri and one or two villages on the Bhdtsa ; 
with this exception the whole rice produce was brought to Kalydn 
for export to Bombay. There were several warehouses in the town 
where the rice was cleaned before it was shipped. Kalyan was a 
fairly large town with above 7000 people. 

During the ten years ending 1841-42, remissions were large and 
collections irregular. The two years 1834-35 and 1835-36 showed 
the greatest fluctuations. In 1834-35 the remissions were about 
£335 (Rs. 3350) and the collections £7136 (Rs. 71,360), which 
was the largest amount realised during the ten years. In the 
succeeding year (1835-36) the remissions amounted to £2240 
(Rs. 22,400) and the revenue to £5307 (Rs. 53,070). For the 
latter half of this period of ten years (1837-1842) the revenue 
averaged about £5900 (Rs. 59,000). During the whole period of 
these ten years (1832 - 1842) the largest remissions £2240 (Rs. 22,400) 
were granted in 1835-36, and the smallest revenue, about £5300 
(Rs. 53,000), was collected in 1832-33 and 1835-36. In 1842-43' 
Mr. Gibeme's reduced assessment, which had been introduced in 
1837-38, was finally sanctioned by Government, and from that date 
during the sixteen years ending 1857-58 remissions were small,* 
and collections rose steadily from about £7200 (Rs. 72,000) in 
1842-43 to about £7800 (Rs. 78,000) in 1857-58. During the 
twenty-six years ending 1857-58 collections averaged £7000 
(Rs. 70,000) and during the ten years ending 1857-58 £7700 
(Rs. 77,000), while during the five years before Mr. Gibeme's, 
assessment the average was estimated at £5900 (Rs. 59,000), 



1 Under the PeslrwSs, Kalyin formed one of the prdnts or diatriots of the Eonkan. 
Besides the present sub-division of Kalydn it included Murbdd, Taloj», and 
Bhiwndi, and part of Nasrdpur. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 267. 

2 Mr. Gribeme's assessment was introduced in 1837-38, but, until it was sanctioned 
by Grovemment in 1842-43, the reduction was shown as remission. Bomi Gov. Sel. 
XCVI. 275. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



601 



Mr, GibeMite's assessment had placed tte sub-dmsion on a fair 
footing. It was followed by an immediate increase of revenue, 
and for the last ten years collections had been subject to very little 
fluctuation. At the same time the cultivators had recovered from 
great poverty, and in 1859 were fairly off. 

The survey was begun in 1854-55 and finished in 1858-59. 
The new rates were based chiefly on the standard of assessment 
adopted in the neighbouring sub-division of Nasrapur.^ The 
highest acre rates varied according to nearness to market from 12«. to 
9«. (Rs. 6 - Rs. 4i) for ordinary rice lands, with an addition of from 
3«. to 4s. (Rs. 1^-Rs. 2) for certain rice lands within the limits of 
the Kalydn township, which yielded a second crop of vegetables. 
Including the Kalyi,n town, thirteen villages within a radius of three 
miles from Kalyan were placed in the first class and charged a 
highest rice acre rate of 12s. (Rs. 6). The second class consisted 
of forty.five villages and were charged a rate of lis. (Rs. 5§). 
These villages lay close to the former group and stretched to a 
short distance beyond the stations of Badldpur on the south and 
Titvala on the north. A lower rate was fixed chiefly because these 
villages were generally about half a day's journey from Kalyan, and 
had to undergo some small expense in bringing their produce to 
market. This expense was assumed to be covered by a reduction of 
Is. (8 as.) . In the third class were placed ninety-one villages with a 
highest acre rate of 10s. (Rs. 5). The three remaining villages in a 
forest tract on the outskirts of Murbad were charged a lower rate of 
9s. (Rs. 4i) on account of their distance from market and because 
of their somewhat unhealthy climate. 

In a considerable area of land belonging to the town of KalyAn 
an early crop of rice was followed by a cold weather crop of onions, 
vegetables, and other garden produce raised by irrigation from ponds 
and wells. The land cultivated in this way, being essentially rice 
land, was classed as rice land and an extra water rate was imposed 
of 4s. (Rs. 2) where water was obtained from reservoirs by channels 
or 3s. (Rs. 1^) where it was drawn from wells.^ There was another 
small tract of land chiefly in the town of Kalyan where nothing but 
garden crops were grown ; the rate fixed for this land was 6s. (Rs. 3). 

For cold weather crop lands, which measured only 1775 acres, a 
maximum rate of 3s. (Re. IJ) was fixed. 

All the arable uplands, and the steeper hill slopes whose grass and 
brushwood were taken for wood-ash manure, were divided into 
numbers and charged a highest acre rate of 6d. (4 as.) . 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Kalydn, 
18S9>- 



1 ' As regards climate, there is no appreciable difference in the two sub-divisions of 
Kasr&pur and Kalydn, the fall of rain being pretty much the same in both. They 
are very similar in respect to fertility. There is in fact in the case of Kalyin the 
one circumstance of proximity to market to be taken into consideration in determining 
the amount of increase to be made to the Nasripur rate, and that being estimated at 
3«. (Ee. 14), 12s. (Rs. 6) will be the maximum rate for Kalydn rice land.' Captain 
Francis, 11th March 1859, Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 270-271. 

a The special water rate which had been levied before the survey revision was 3«. 
(Re. IJ). As the value of garden produce had increased nearly fifty per cent since the 
opening of the railway, the rate was raised to 4«. (Rs. 2). Bom. Gov, SeL XCVI, 272. 

B 310—76 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



602 



DISTRICTS. 



Ghapter^^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bbttish. 
tin. 



The f oUojring statement stows the effect of the survey : 
Kalydn Setikment, 1858-59. 



1859. 



Taloja, 
1859. 



IlAHD. 


FOBMEB. 


Survey Assessment. 


Collections 

in 

1857-68. 


Tillage 
in 

1867-68. 


Waste. 


Total. 


Bice 

Late crop 

Garden 

Upland 

Total ... 


Bs. 

71,392 
1841 

ifl8 


Rs. 

70,763 
1S04 
391 

7783 


Ka. 

4876 
840 
165 

3928 


• Es. 

75,638 

2144 

556 

11,711 


77,951 


80,241 


9808 


90,049 



The result of the new settlement was an increase of about three 
per cent in revenue. A further increase of £1000 to £1200 
(Rs. lOjOOO - Rs. 12,000) was expected as the arable waste came 
under tillage. 

The survey settlement was in the same year (1859) introduced 
into Taloja,'^ which was the smallest sub-division in the Thana 
district with a total area of only 169 square miles.^ It was bounded 
by the Kaiyan tidal river on thenorth^by the Chanderi andMalanggad 
hills on the east, by Panvel on the south-east, by the Taloja creek 
on the south, and by the Thana river on the west. The general 
surface was flat, with a gentle rise from the Panvel creek on the 
south and the Kalyan creek on the north to a raised belt of land 
that running east and west formed the water-parting between the two 
rivers. Of 150 villages, 148 were Government, one was alienated, 
and one was a shardkati or share village paying Government half 
of its assessed rental. 

Though bounded on three sides by |tidal creeks Taloja did not 
enjoy convenient water carriage. The boat stations on the Thana 
creek were available only for the villages in the narrow belt 
iDetween the creek and the Persik hills, for the hills being too 
high and rugged for carts or bullocks, shut out the inland 
villages from the advantage of water communication. Along the 
Kalyan creek there was scarcely a spot where boats could be 
anchored. Taloja was the only port convenient for any considerable 
number of villages. In respect of land communications the sub- 
division was also rather unfavourably placed. Though the railway 
passed through the southern part of the sub-division, there was no 
station within its limits and the only made road was the small piece 
from Th&na creek to Persik point. At the same time the surface of 
the sub-division was generally flat ; and during the fine weather 
there were many rough cart tracks which served for the transport of 
produce. Rice was the staple product and Kalyan and Panvel were 



1 Taloja originally formed part of the Peshwa's district or priiiU of Kaly&n. It 
was afterwards put under Panvel, and, in 1840, at the general re-distribution of 
sub-divisions, was formed into a separate sub-division. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 278. 

2 Of the 169 square miles or 108,386 acres, 30,392 were rice land, 3984 late crop 
land, 11 garden, 33,181 upland, and 40,039 unarable and hill land. 779 acres were 
included in one alienated village. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI, 278-279. 



Eoukan.] 



THi-NA. 



603 



the markets to wliicli the bulk of the rice was taken. A small quantity- 
was sent from Taloja direct to Bombay, and the Khairna belt of 
villages, lying between the Thana creek and the Persik hillSj exported 
the greater part of their produce direct to that market. 

In 1835-36 the assessment rates were reduced by Mr. Davies by 
about £1800 (Rs. 18,000) or nearly twenty-five per cent. Before 
Mr. Davies' revision the rental had been taken in commuted grain 
rates. In their place he introduced in many of the best villages an 
uniform bigha rate of 6s. (Rs. 3) . During the three years ending 
1834-35 the average collections amounted to £7684 (Rs. 76,840), 
the largest sum realized being about £8400 (Rs. 84,000) in 1833-34. 
During these years remissions averaged £500 (Rs. 6000), the largest 
sum remitted being about £1000 (Rs. 10,000) in 1832-33. In the 
twenty years (1838-39 to 1857-58) after the introduction of Mr. 
Davies' rates, the remissions averaged about £200 (Rs. 2000). 
During the ten years ending 1847-48 the yearly collections averaged 
only about £7110 (Rs. 71,100) or about £500 (Rs. 5000) less than 
before the revision. For the next five years there was little 
increase. But in 1852-53 the revenue reached its former standard 
and continued to rise, till in 1857-58 it stood as high as £8200 
(Rs. 82,000). The spread of tillage was from about 24,000 acres in 
1832-33 to about 29,000 acres in 1857-58. 

The survey was begun in 1854-55 and finished in 1858-59. 
The rates were fixed on the same scale as in Kalyd,n, except that 
there was an additional acre rate for salt-rice lands. The first 
group, extending from Kalva the village next the Thdna ferry to 
Tehtavli about five miles distant, included twelve villages of the 
Khairna belt, and was charged a highest rice acre rate of 12's. (Rs. 6). 
The remaining villages of the Khairna belt, those along the course 
of the Taloja creek as far as the town of Taloja, and a group on the 
north-east corner a few miles from Kalyan, formed the second gfroup 
of thirty-three villages for which a rate of lis. (Rs. 5^) was fixed. 
For the rest of the sub-division, except seven villages, a rate of 
10s. (Rs. 5) was fixed. The seven excepted villages lay under the 
Chanderi range of hills, in a valley far from markets and with an 
unhealthy climate. For these a rate of 9s. (Rs. 4|) was fixed. 
There was a small extent of salt-rice land in some of the villages 
n.ear the different creeks. But these salt-rice lands, or Tchdrs, were 
not generally good. They were in many cases exposed to the 
South-west monsoon, particularly those along the borders of the 
Thdina creek where the chief part of the salt rice cultivation lay. 
These lands were not so good as the corresponding lands in Panvel, 
and- a highest rate of only 8s. (Rs. 4) was fixed. 

Of land under garden cultivation there was a very small extent of 
eleven acres for which a rate of 6s. (Rs. 3) was fixed. The rate fixed 
for late-crop or rahi land was 3s. (Re. 1|) . A good deal of the land" 
classed and assessed as late-crop seemed capable of being brought 
under rice cultivation at a small outlay. In its existing state it was 
fitted only for the cultivation of cold-weather crops. 

In this sub-division uplands were more than ordinarily valuable, on 
account of the ease and cheapness with which grass could" be carried 



Chapter^VIII, 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Taloja, 
1859. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Talqja, 
1869. 



Mwrbdd, 
1860. 



604 



DISTRICTS. 



to Bombay along the Taloja and Thana creeks. A considerable 
quantity was yearly sent to tbat market. But as the produce of 
great part of the uplands was always used for ash manure, the usual 
rate of four cmnas was fixed. From the operation of this rate the 
grass lands of the Khairna belt were excepted and reserved for 
annual auction sale. 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 
Taloja Settkment, 1858-59. 



Ladd. 


FOEMBB. 


SOEVBT ABeKBSMBNT. 


CoUec- 
tions in 
1867-68. 


Tillage 
in 

1867-58. 


Waste. 


Total. 


Bice 

Late crop 

Oarden 

Upland 

Total ... 


Rs. 

76,892 
4096 

1698 


Bb. 

96,181 

3963 

28 

3720 


Bs. 

6007 

UI2 

9 

4021 


Bs. 

101,188 

6380 

87 

7741 


82,085 


102,897 


11,449 


114,346 



The statement shows that the increase in revenue in consequence 
of the survey rates amounted to twenty-five per cent on the land 
(1858) under tillage ; and that a rise of fifteen per cent more would 
take place when all available land was brought under tillage. 

The next sub-division to which the survey was extended was 
Murbdd, where measurements were begun in 1856-57 and the 
settlement completed in 1859-60. Murbad was bounded on the 
north by Kolvan, on the east by the Sahyadri hills, on the south by 
Nasrapur, and on the west by Kalyan. As regards distance from 
markets climate and general productiveness, there was little difEerence 
between Murbad and Nasrdpur. Except perhaps some villages in 
Kolvan no part of Thana was worse off for markets. There was not 
a mile of made road and much of the country was too rough for 
carts. Almost all its rice was carried to Kalyan, carts were used 
for seven or eight miles beyond the town of Murbad, but the road 
was very rough and roundabout. Another cart track in the north 
passed to Vd,sind, but by far the most of the rice crop went to 
market on pack bullocks. 

Almost the whole population was engaged in husbandry.. Unlike 
the people of the coast who added to their means by fishing salt- 
making and labour, the Murbad people were entirely dependent on 
their fields. Though this was in some ways an evil it would seem 
to have had the good effect of improving the style of tillage. The 
land was unusually well cultivated and the people were fairly off. 

The reduction of rates ^ in 1837-38 had been followed by a most 
marked improvement. During the fifteen years ending 1858-59 
the revenue of the mahdlkari's division was steadily increasing 



1 Rates -were reduced in the best parts of the district from 11». to 8«. 6(2., .8s., and 
78. 6d. (Bs. 5^ to Kb. 4|, Bs. 4, and Bs. 3j). In the poorer parts they were 
reduced to 6«., 5s., is., and 3s. (Rs. 3, Rs. 2^, Ra. 2, and Re. IJ) the bigha. Bom, Gov, 
Sel. LXir, 10. 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



605 



Land 
Administration 

The British. 

Mwhdd, 
1860. 



while remissions had almost entirely disappeared. In 1860 the Chapter VIII 
people were generally well off and a yearly increasing revenue was 
paid with ease. There seemed to be no call for a reduction in 
rates. 

Of 252 villages, 155 constituted the mamlatddr's and 97 the 
mahalkari's charge. Of these four were alienated and five were held on 
special service or izdfat tenure. The 248 villages, 243 Government 
and five izdfat, into which the survey settlement was introduced, were 
arranged in five classes with highest acre rates varying from 9s. to 
4«. (Rs. 4i -Rs. 2). The first class including sixty- seven villages 
was charged a highest acre rate of 9s. (Rs. 4^). Most of these 
villages were on the western side of the sub-division adjoining Kalyan, 
the line being drawn to include those a few miles beyond the town 
of Murbad, and then taken across to the northern side to include 
those bordering on Vasind. All the villages in this class had a 
cart road to Kalyan or to the Vasind railway station. The second 
class including 115 villages was charged a highest acre rate of 
8s. (Rs. 4). This group, which was generally further from market 
and mostly inaccessible to carts, was made up of a string of villages 
immediately east of the first class together with a few of the wilder 
villages on the Kalyan border. Fifteen villages, for the most part 
east of the second group and generally further from market, were 
placed in the third class and charged a highest acre rate of 
7s, (Rs. 3^). The fourth class consisted of fifteen villages and was 
charged a highest acre rate of 6s. (Rs. 3). Some of them were 
close to the Sahyadri hills, and others in the mahalkari's charge, 
though at some distance from the hills, were diflBcult of access. The 
fifth class consisted of thirty-five of the wildest villages divided into 
two groups, one of twenty-one charged at a rate of 5s. (Rs. 2^) 
and the other of fourteen charged at a rate of 4s. (Rs. 2).^ The 
lowest rate of 4s. (Rs. 2) was made specially to suit a few villages 
in the north-east, bordering on Kolvan. They were very out of the 
way, being in the rough country near the Sahyadris, the people were 
almost all Kolis, and they had lately suffered severely in some of the 
plundering expeditions of the KoU outlaw Raghoji Naik. 

There was no garden cultivation. The area of cold-weather 
tillage was very small and in 1859 yielded a revenue of only £1 18s. 
(Rs. 19). The existing rate of 3s. (Re. 1^) was continued. The 
uplands were valuable for cultivation only. The grass had no local 
value and the coast markets were too far off to admit of its profitable 
transport. It was used entirely for ash manure. For grass 
uplands an acre rate of three annas was fixed. In some few 
villages the uplands were particularly well suited for the growth 
of hill grains, and a few villages on the borders of Kalyan might 
find a market for their grass in that sub-division. For these two 
classes of villages an acre rate of four annas was fixed. 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 



1 One village, Gorakgad, was omitted because it had no rice land. Bom, Gov, Sel. 
LXII. 7, 



606 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



ChaptCTVIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Murbdd, 
1860. 



Murbdd Settlement, 1859-60. 



Bhiwndi, 
1860. 



Division. 


Vil- 
lages. 


COHEO- 

TIONS, 

1849-50 

TO 

1858-59. 


Bent Settlement, 1869-60. 






Old Bates. 


Survey Rates. 


She VET 
Bates 

ON 

Waste. 


TOTit 

Sfbvby 
Rental, 


Bice. 


Up- 
lands. 


Total. 


Rice. 


lands. ' 


. Total. 


U&mlatdar's ... 
Mahlllcari'a ... 

Total ... 


154 
94 


Ks. 
77,206 

51,037 


Bs. 
70,738 

47,052 


Bs. 
10,140 

6429 


Es. 

80,878 

63,481 


Es. 
68,018 

45,332 


Bs. 

9216 

6616 


Es. 

77,233 

51,947 


Es. 
6237 

3564 


Rs. 

83,470 

66,511 


248 


1,28,243 


1,17,790 


16,569 


1,34,359 


1,13,350 


15,830 


1,29,180 


9801 


1,38,981 



At tlie time of settlement (1860) the Bhiwndi sub-division had a 
length from north to south of twelve to twenty-two miles and 
a greatest breadth of nineteen miles. In shape it was an irregular 
triangle with the apex on the Kalyan river in the south. It was 
bounded by Bassein on the west^ by Kolvan on the north, and by 
Kalyan and Taloja on the east and south. The total area was 258 
square miles or 164,954 acres. Of 205, the total number of villages, 
ninety-nine formed the mamlatdar's charge and 106 the mahd,lkari's. 
Of the 205 villages, 199 were settled, of which 189 were Government, 
five service, and five share villages ; the six villages into which the 
survey was not introduced were alienated. Most of the sub-division, 
especially the villages lying between the town of Bhiwndi and the 
great tidal creeks to the south and east, suffered from a scanty supply 
of drinking water during the latter part of the hot weather. 

Communications were good. The town of Bhiwndi was a fair 
local market and Bombay was within easy distance by water. 
Other parts of the sub-division were helped by the railway and by 
the Bombay-Agra road. The villages in the north-east, near the 
Mdhuli hills, were wild, thinly peopled, generally inaccessible to carts, 
and at a long distance from markets. In the remaining villages the 
bulk of the husbandmen were (1860) well off and some near Bhiwndi 
were rich. 

Mr. Gribeme revised the assessment rates in 1840-41, and the 
reductions he proposed, which amounted to about £1311 (Rs. 13,110), 
were sanctioned by Government in 1842. In the following year 
(1842-43) when the reductions were permanently sanctioned, the 
remissions were reduced to a little above £200 (Rs. 2000). A 
perceptible decrease of tillage took place in 1843-44 and the 
revenue in that year amounted only to about £9380 (Rs. 93,800)". 
From that time it steadily rose till it reached £11,786 (Rs. 1,17,860) 
in 1859-60 when remissions were only a little above £90 (Rs. 900). 
The spread of tillage in the four or five years before the survey 
settlement (1854-1859) was chiefly due to the high price of grain,^ 



1 The price of rice in the Bhiwndi market varied in 1840-41 from £2 16s. to £S4s. 
(Rs. 28-Es. 32) the muda, while in 1859-60 it ranged from £5 4s. to £5 14«. (Ks. 52- 
Ks. 57). The very high price in 1860 was chiefly owing to the local failure of crops 
in 1859-60. But the average of- the five years ending 1859-60 shows an increase of 
about 60 per cent over the average of the five years endingl844-45,,the figures of the 
first average being £3 17s. (Rs. 38i) for coarse and £4 4s. (Rs. 42) for fine rice, and those 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



607 



wHch, in tlie five years ending 1859-60, averaged about sixty per 
cent over tke prices in the five years ending 1 844-45. 

The 1 99 surveyed villages were arranged under seven classes with 
highest rice rates varying from 12s. to 6s. (Rs. 6-Rs. 3). The first 
class consisted of Bhiwndi and the five neighbouring villages, which 
could avail themselves of the Bhiwndi market without any expense 
of carriage.^ The rate fixed for them was 12s. (Rs. 6). In the 
second class were seventeen villages occupying the tract between 
the creeks on the south and east, the lands of villages near 
Bhiwndi not included in the first class, and lands of villages on or 
adjoining the NAsik road and not above five or six miles from the 
town of Bhiwndi. The rate fixed for this group was lis. (Rs. 5^), 
The third class consisted of seventy-four villages, including the 
villages near the Nasik road and stretching to the eastern boundary 
of the sub-division near Vd,sind and a group of villages, about 
four or five miles from the road, in the central part of the 
mdmlatddr's division of Bhiwndi. The rate fixed for this third class 
was 10s. (Rs. 5). The rates fixed for khdrdpdt or salt-rice land, of 
which there was a small area, weire 9s. (Rs. 4^) and 8s. (Rs. 4), 
the second rate being applied to villages near the salt creeks or in 
places exposed to the influence of the tide. The main considerations 
on which the rates for the remaining four classes were fixed, were 
distance from Bhiwndi and difficulty of access to that market, a 
belt of country about five miles broad being assigned to each 
group of villages. The rates fixed for these four classes were 9s. 
(Rs. 4^) for thirty-five villages, 8s. (Rs. 4) for thirty-nine villages, 
7s. (Rs. 3^) ior nineteen villages, and 6s. (Rs. 3) for nine villages. 
The last nine villages were those in the north-east near Mdhuli. 

The late crop or vabi area was small. The rate fixed was 3s. 
(Re. 1 i) . Garden tillage was almost confined to mdlva bdgcuyat a term 
applied to the cultivation by irrigation from rivers, wells, and ponds, 
during the fair season. No change was made in the existing Hghest 
rate of 6s. (Rs. 3) for this cultivation. Vegetables, vdl, and other 



Chapter^ VIII, 

Laud 
Administraiiox 

The Bkitish. 

Bhiwndi, 
186.0, 



of the second average £2 is. (Rs. 22) and £2 12s. (lU. 26). Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 
329, 333 : 

Bhiwndi PHees, ISil-lSBO. 



Years. 


Muda Price. 


Tbaeb. 


Nuda Price. 


Fine Eioe. 


Coarse 
Rice. 


Fine Rice. 


Coarse 
Rice. 


1840-41 

1841-42 

1842-43 

1843-44 

1844-45 

1846-46 

1846-47 

1847-48 

1848-49 

1849-60 


Es. ». p. 

31 10 2 
24 7 1 
23 6 9 
22 16 7 
27 11 7 
30 7 1 
27 1 9 

26 

27 13 4 
27 12 


Ra. a. p. 

27 11 1 
21 6 4 

21 
19 8 5 
19 15 1 
26 7 1 

28 1 9 

22 3 7 

23 14 2 
23 14 8 


1860-51 

1861-62 

1852-53 

1853-54 

1854-65 

1856-56 

1866-67 

1857-68 

1858-59 

1859-60 


Rs. a. p. 

28 10 
27 4 
24 8 11 
27 8 7 
31 
34 13 9 
36 14 5 
39 4 11 
43 10 2 
57 4 5 


Rs. it. p. 

25 6 8 
25 1 9 
22 2 3 
24 15 7 
28 8 5 
32 5 4 
32 11 
36 14 9 
41 11 
51 14 



1 To villages thus situated, rice straw was a source of considerable profit, ,aa it 
found a ready sale among the cartmen who daily halted at the town, and thu3 part «£ 
the produce of rice lands, which was of no appreciable value in an iijland village, 
yielded a considerable return in a village near Bhiwndi. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI, 324 



[Bombay GazettMr, 



608 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. pulses were also grown as second crops in rice lands by well irrigation 

.Land "^ ^ ^^^ villages near Bhiwndi. The lands in such cases were 

Administration, classed as rice in the first instance, and then, as in Kalydn, an extra 

The British. water-rate was imposed on account of the second crop. The highest 

BMwndi, ^^^ ^**® in such cases was 12s. (Rs. 6) besides 3s. (Re. 1^) of water 

I860, ' rate, or 15s. (Rs. 7^) in all. 

The uplands were not more valuable than in Kalydn and Taloja. 
The highest acre rates fixed were four annas and three annas, the 
latter being applied to the distant and wild villages whose rice rates 
were fixed at 7s. (Rs. 3^) and 6s. (Rs. 3). 

Exclusive of arable waste the survey settlement, compared with 
the collections of the ten previous years, showed an increase of 
£1348 (Rs.13,480); compared with the collections of 1859-60 the 
increase was £961 (Rs. 9610). 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 

Bhiwndi SeUUmerU, 1860-61. 



BdUette, 
1861. 



DmsioHs. 


1 


Former. 


Survey. 


1850-51 

fo 
1859-60. 


1859-60. 


1869-60. 


Rice. 


RaU 
and 
Gar- 
den, 


Up- 
land. 


Total. 


Rice. 


RaU 
and 
Oar- 
den. 


Up- 
land. 


Total. 


Waste. 


Total. 


MSmlatd&r's... 
Uahilkari's ... 

Total ... 


95 
104 


Rs. 

66,000 
47,843 


Kb. 

61,300 
45,170 


Bg. 

2752 
1139 


Bs. 

4026 
8327 


Rs. 

68,078 
49,636 


Rs. 

63,610 
47,056 


Us. 

2801 
1194 


Rs. 

4113 
3646 


Rs. 

76,624 
61,796 


Bs. 

4437 
.'il73 


Rs. 

79,981 
64,960 


109 


1,13,843 


1,06,470 


3891 


7363 


1,17,714 


1,15,666 


3996 


7669 


1,27.820 


7610 


1,34,930 



When it was settled in 1861 the Salsette sub-division included 
the islands of Salsette and Karanja. Karanja or Uran which was a 
petty division under a mahdlkari was not classed, and the work of 
settlement was confined to the mdmlatdar's charge the fifty-three 
villages of the island of Sdlsette. These villages were arranged in 
three groups. The first group consisted of fourteen villages, Bandra, 
Danda, six adjoining villages on the Ghodbandar road and six 
villages round Trombay. For the sweet rice land in this group a 
highest acre rate of 16s. (Rs. 8) was fixed applicable to single crop 
land only. In cases where onions, pulse, and vegetables were grown 
as a second crop in the hot season, and there was a considerable 
extent of this cultivation in the rice lands of Salsette, an extra water 
rate was imposed, calculated on the scale of four annas the rupee, so 
that the highest acre rate for the best double crop lands came to £1 
(Rs. 10). The second class consisted of twenty-two villages some 
between Bhandup and Thana, others surrounding Thana, and others 
near the Ghodbandar road adjoining the Bandra group ; for these a 
rate of 14s. (Rs. 7) was fixed in addition to an extra double crop 
levy calculated as above. For sixteen villages most adjoining 
Ghodbandar and a few on the north-eastern boundary the rate fixed 
was 12s. (Rs. 6), subject to the increase of four annas the rupee 
where there was irrigation sufficient for a double crop. In the case 
of salt-rice lands 12s. (Rs. 6) and 10s. (Rs. 5) were fixed for the first 
group and for some villages of the second group, 9s. (Rs. 4^) was 



Koukan.] 



THANA. 



fixed for .the third group, and irt Bhdyndar which had no sweet rice 
land, a rate of 8s. (Rs. 4) was fixed. 

Of garden lands the most valuable were the cocoa palm and 
graft mango gardens, the latter being peculiar to Salsette. From 
the high, price of the fruit of graft mango trees in Bombay their 
cultivation yielded a large return. Instead of the existing rate of 
5s. (Rs. 2^), the highest rate fixed for these gardens was £1 (Rs. 10), 
to be applied only to such as were fully planted with at least sixty 
trees to the acre. A decreasing scale of rates, formed with reference 
to the number of trees to the acre, was applied to thinly planted 
gardens. In this way the assessment rates for mango gardens varied 
from £1 to 6s. (Rs. 10- Rs. 3). For cocoa-palm gardens three classes 
of acre rates were fixed, £1 10s. (Rs. 15), £1 4s. (Rs. 12), and £1 
(Rs. 10). The first rate £1 10s. (Rs. 15) was applied only to Bandra, 
Danda, and Vesava, which had the best gardens of this kind. The 
other two classes of rates were apportioned to the other garden 
villages, regard being had to position and the character of the 
cultivation in applying the higher or lower of the two rates. For 
country vegetable, or mdl/oay cultivation, which was usually confined 
to the rainy season, an acre rate of 8s. (Rs. 4) was fixed. So high 
was the price of grass in the Bombay market that in some cases 
it paid to set apart the poorer rice fields for the growth of grass. 
For this reason the Salsette uplands were most valuable and acre 
rates were fixed at Qs. (Rs. 3), 4s. (Rs. 2), 2s. (Re. 1), and Is. 
{as. 8). For late crop or rahi land three acre rates were fixed, 6s. 
(Rs. 3), 4s. (Rs. 2), and 3s. (Rs. 1^). 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : ^ 
Sdlsette Settlement, 1861 > 



Crop. 


Collections. 


Sdrvet RkNTAL; 


1840-1860. 


1860-1860. 


1859-60. 


Tillage. 


Waste, 


Total. 


Rice 

Garden 

Upland 

Total ... 


Rs. 
• 63,600 


Rs. 
65,290 


Rs. 

(- 53,241 
i 7209 
(. 3648 


Rs. 

61,466 

9923 

10,099 


Rs. 

2536 

289 

1818 


Bs. 

64,001 
10,212 
11,917 


63,600 


65,290 


64,098 


81,488 


4642 


86,130 



Chapter^VIIL. 

Land 
Administrationv 

The British. 



In 1862, at the time of settlement, Bassein consisted of a tract 
from twelve to sixteen miles long and from fifteen to eighteen 
broad, and of a total area of about 250 square miles. To the north 
was the Vaitama, to the east a range of small hills, to the south the 
Bassein river, and to the west the sea. Of 104 villages all but four 
alienated villages were surveyed and assessed. In the centre of 
the sub-division was a large chain pf hills, from 1500 to 2000 feet 
high, whose slopes were covered with thick brushwood which from 
October to January made the country most unhealthy. On the 
other hand, for about three miles along the coast, there was a belt 
of very rich alluvial soil, which was irrigated by a good supply of 
water raised by Persian wheels from unbuilt wells only a few feet 
deep. Red plantains and sugarcane were the chief products. 



1861. 



Bassein, 



1 See Bom. Gov. Sel. XUVI. and ThAna Collector's Sdlsette Survey File. 
B 310-77 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



610 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Bassein, 
186i. 



Both had a good market, the plantains in Bombay and the sugarcane 
in Bassein where it was used by the Bassein Sugar Factory 
Company. The gardeners, who were chiefly Native Christians, 
were hardworking skilful husbandmen. The sub-division had the 
advantage of good markets at Bassein and at Agashi, a considerable 
town on the coast. The two tidal rivers by wHch it was enclosed 
supplied an outlet to the sea, while the Baroda railway furnished 
easy communication by land. The rates on garden lands had been 
thoroughly revised by the Eevenue Commissioner Mr. Williamson 
in 1886-37 when, owing to over-assessment and the want of a 
market, the people were sunk in poverty and the gardens fallen out 
of cultivation. Mr. Williamson's revision of rates, which over the 
whole area of garden land represented a reduction of about a 
hundred per cent, had proved very successful. The people had 
amassed much capital and the land was in a high state of cultivation. 
About the time of the revision of garden rates the rice rates had 
also been greatly reduced in several villages. 

In 1862 three forms of assessment were in use, dhepganna and 
hunddbandi forms of a contract payment for an indeflnite area of 
land, and a bigha rate which had been introduced in some lands 
shortly before 1862. During the twenty years ending 1860-61 the 
collections ranged from £8665 (Rs. 86,650) in 1841-42 to £10,644 
(Rs. 1,06,440) in 1860-61. 

The survey was begun in 1858-59 and finished in 1861-62. 
The 100 villages were arranged in four classes. The first class of 
twenty-nine villages had a highest acre rate of 12s. (Rs. 6), the same 
as the highest rate in Bhiwndi. These were coast villages near local 
markets and ports whose lands were also the most productive in the 
sub-division. The second class, consisting of thirby-five villages, 
was charged highest acre rates of lis. (Rs. 5^) and 10s. (Rs. 5). 
Besides villages near the first class, this group included villages on 
the banks of the Bassein river and others near the town of Bhiwndi. 
The third class consisted of twenty-three villages further inland 
and consequently further from markets and ports. The rates fixed 
for this class were 9s. (Rs. 4^) and 8s. (Rs. 4). The fourth class 
consisted of thirteen villages on the outskirts of the sub-division, 
mostly on the borders of Mahim, running to the foot of the hills 
under Takmak fort. These, which were more or less wild and 
feverish, were charged 7s. (Rs. 3^) and 6s. (Rs. 3).^ 

As regards the garden lands, the large amount of capital that 
had been amassed and the rise of about Mty per cent in the value 
of garden produce, were considered to justify a considerable increase 
in the rates. On the basis of difference in productive power they 
were arranged under three classes. The best garden lands were in 
the villages round Bassein where the people had the advantage of 
nearness to a good market. These lands formed the first group 
and were charged a highest acre rate of 16s. (Rs. 8). The second 



I The intermediate rates of 11«., 9s., and 7s. (Rs. 5J, Es. ^, and Rs.SJ) were fixed 
with a view to distribute the assessment more fairly over the villages on the outskirts 
of each group. Bora. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 379. 



Eoulcan.] 



THANAr 



611 



, group included all the villages along the coast which lay beyond 
those of the first class and were charged at the rate of 14s. (Rs. 7) an 
acre. The third group included a small batch of villages on the 
inland border of the garden tract. They were charged at the rate 
of 12s. (Rs. 6) an acre. Compared with the previous rates there was 
no change in the highest class. But the second and third classes 
were raised from 8s. to 14s. and 12s. (Rs. 4 to Rs. 7 and Rs. 6). The 
reason of this great advance was that, when the former rates were 
introduced, these lands were out of tillage and specially light rates 
were required to iuduce the people to take them up. 

In some of the coast villages there was a small area o£ late crop 
or rabi land, which though unsuited for grain yielded good pulse 
and other crops. It sometimes grew unwatered, or nipdni, sugar- 
cane. For this land an acre rate of 3s. (Re. 1 i) was fixed. The 
uplands of villages near markets were charged Qd. (4 as.) and 
those of the more outlying villages ^\d. (3 as.) an acre. 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 





Bassem Settlement, 1861-63. 






Tears. 


Rice. 


G-ardeo. 


Late crop 

and 
Upland. 


Total. 


Waste. 


Total. 


1851-52 to 1860-61 

1860-61 

Survey Rental 

Increase ... 


Ra. 

82,335 
84,017 


Bs. 

22,771 
29,879 


Bb. 

1334 
3851 


Bs. 

97,230 
1,06,440 
1,18,647 


Es. 
8296 


Bs. 

1,06;440 
l,l!6,943 


2582 


7108 


2517 


12,207 


8296 


20,603 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Bassein, 
1861, 



The 1860-61 land revenue collections of £10,644 (Rs. 1,06,440) 
were higher than in any of the previous nineteen years. The 1862 
settlement showed an increase from £10,644 to £11,865 (Rs. 1,06,440- 
Rs. 1,18,650) or a rise of £1221 (Rs. 12,210). More than half of 
this rise was due to the enhanced rates on garden lands by which the 
rental had been raised from £2277 to £2988 (Rs.22,770-Rs. 29,880). 
In rice lands, though in individual cases there were great changes 
both of enhancement and of decrease, the general result was a very 
slight increase of about three per cent. Compared with the average 
collections of the ten years before the settlement, the rates fixed in 
1862 yielded an increase from £9723 to £11,865 (Rs. 97,230- 
Rs. 1,18,650) or a rise of £2142 (Rs. 21,420). There was also the 
prospect of a further increase of £830 (Rs. 8300) from the cultivation 
of arable waste. 

In Mahim the survey was begun in 1858 and finished in 1862. 
At the time of settlement (1863) the Mdhim sub-division was 24^ 
miles from north to south and from sixteen to nine miles from east 
to west. It was bounded on the north by Sanjdn ; on the east lofty 
but irregular hills separated it from Kolvan and Jawhdr ; on the 
south the Vaitarna separated it from Bassein ; and on the west was 
the sea. Of the total area of 330 square miles or 211,200 acres, 
33,135 were arable, 33,469' upland, and the rest hill and forest. 
For some distance inland, the country was fairly flat and much 
broken by swamps and creeks ; the interior was very hilly and 



Mdhim, 
1863. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



612 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII, 

Land 
Administration. 

The BEnrsH. 

Mdhim, 
1863. 



covered with forest. At the close of the rains, both inland and on 
the coast, the climate was very unhealthy, and fever especially 
prevalent. The rainfall at Mahim was 96-3 in 1861 and 71-97 
inches in 1862, the corresponding Bassein figures being 79'6 and 
61 "11 inches and the Sanjan figures 103*5 and 67"2 inches. There 
were no made roads, but, during the fair season, most of the sub- 
division was passable for carts. The chief cart road, running parallel 
with the coast, was crossed by numerous broad creeks at Dantivra, 
Kelva-Mdhim, SAtpati, and Tarapur, which rendered traffic most 
tedious. Another cart track from Bhiwndi passed through this 
sub-division between two ranges of hills and joined the coast line 
beyond Tarapur. This route avoided the large creeks but was 
very hilly and broken. There were also cart tracks by which traffic 
could be conveyed from all parts of the sub-division to the different 
ports on the west of the range of hills which run north and south 
nearly through the centre of the sub-division. The villages to the 
east of that range were saved from isolation by the V^tarna, which 
being navigable to Manor afforded an outlet for field produce and 
timber. The chief markets were Mahim, Kelva, Shirgaon, Td.rapur, 
and Manor. There were ports on the seaboard at Dantivra, Kelva- 
Mahim, and Tdrapur. Much rice and wood were exported to Surat, 
Bombay, and Thana. 

During the twenty years ending 1861-62 the average net rental 
had amounted to about £7400 (Rs. 74,000), and duriug the ten years 
ending 1861-62 to a little over £8200 (Rs. 82,000). Except ia 1845-46 
when they amounted to about £7400 (Rs. 74,000), between 1842-43 
and 1855-56 collections varied from £6000 (Rs. 60,000) in 1843-44 
to £7200 (Rs. 72,000) in 1851-52 and 1855-56 ; in no case since 
1843.44 had they fallen below £6400 (Rs. 64,000). After 1855-56 
they continued to rise until in 1860-61 they reached £10,200 
(Rs. 1,02,000), the highest sum collected during the twenty years 
ending 1861-62 j they then fell in the next year to £9200 
(Rs. 92,000). The largest remissions were £600 (Rs. 6000) granted 
in 1849-50, £400 (Rs. 4000) in 1853-54, and £610 (Rs. 6100) in 
1855-56 ; in none of the remaining years did remissions amount to 
more, than £250 (Rs. 2500). 

The existing rates of assessment were very unequal.^ Of the 168 
villages, two alienated and one Mioti village were excluded from 
the survey settlement.^ Of the 165 settled villages 164 were 
Government and one was shared or shardkati. They were arranged 
in four classes with highest acre rates varying from lis. to 5«, 



1 The rice land of TdrApur paid an acre rate of about 23. 6d. (Es. li), and the 
neighbouring viDage of Kuddn 5s. 9|d. (E«. 2-14-6). Duktin, which had some excellent 
rice land, paid only 3s. 8d. (Ee.M3-4), and the neighbouring village of Kimbloli 
5s. 9|(i. (Kb. 2-14-6). Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXIII. 11-12, 

2 Of the khoti villages Mr., now Sir H., Ellis wrote, ' The Vehloli village though 
called khoti is not held on the same tenure as the hhoti villages of the South Konkan, 
which are liable to revision without reference to the wishes of the holders. This 
village is held at a rental which is not to be raised on survey, a tenure more like 
the utlhad jamdhandi of Gujarat than the iftoii tenure of the South Konkan, ' 7th 
April 1863, in Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXIII. 5.6,11. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



613 



(Es. 5i-Es. 2^).! Tlie first class with highest rates of lis. (Rs. 5^) 
and 10s. (Rs. 5) consisted of sixty-five villages situated along the 
coast and the Vaitarna river. The second class with highest rates 
of 9s. (Rs. 4^) and 8s. (Rs. 4) consisted of forty-three villages 
adjoining the first group and within a few miles of water carriage. 
The third class with rates of 7s. (Rs. 3^) and 6s. (Rs. 3) consisted of 
fifty-four villages, chiefly within the ranges of hills and removed from 
the river. The fourth class, with a highest acre rate of 5s. (Rs. 2^) 
consisted of three villages, at the foot of Takmak and surrounded 
by hills. 

The area under garden cultivation 'was small.^ In only nine 
villages were garden crops grown to any extent and in eight of 
them the garden rates had been revised by Mr. Duncan Davidson 
in 1837.* The rates fixed in 1863 were 12s. (Rs. 6) for villages 
on the coast and 10s. (Rs. 5) for the rest. At these rates the 
survey rental showed an increase of £115 (Rs. 1150) on the 
collections of 1861-62, which were larger than any daring the 
twenty preceding years. In the opinion of the settlement officer 
the increase was justified by the high value of produce and the 
increased facility of transport which the railway would give. The 
late crop land of which there were only 130 acres did not materially 
differ from that of Bassein. It was assessed at the Bassein acre rate 
of 3s, (Re. li). 

In most parts of Mahim the grass was coarse and rank ; only 
in the lulls, which were difficult of access, was it fit for hay. For 
this reason the rate fixed for uplands in villages along the coast and 
whose position brought them into the 10s, (Rs. 5) and lis. (Rs. 5|) 
rates, was 4Jrf.(3 as.), and for villages in the interior 3d. (2 as.). 

The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 



Chapter^ VIII. 

Land 
Administration, 

The British. 
Mdhim, 
1863. 



1 For sweet rice land the maximuin rate was fixed at 11«, (Ba. 5J) and for salt rice 
land at 8s. (Ra. 4). These rates applied to all coast villages. They were reduced by 
eight annas as the villages were further inland or less favourably situated as regards 
communication, until among the hills the rate was reduced to 6a. (Es. 3) ; and in 
three villages where the people, chiefly VArlis, were exceedingly poor and the 
country very unhealthy, the rate was fixed at 58, (Rs. 2J). As was usual in other 
settled sub-divisions these rates were liable to be enhanced by two annas where dusota, 
or a second crop was grown. Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXIII. lO-ll. 

2 This garden land was watered from budim or pits witbout masonry sides, by a 
Persian wheel worked by one buffalo. It yielded sugarcane, plantains, betel leaves, 
^nger, turmeric, and chillies. Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXIII. 12. 



3 Mdhim Garden Assessment, 1836-1863. 



VlIiLASES. 


Old Bates. 


Mr. DAvroaoN's 

RATES. 


AornALS, 
1861-62. 


Survey 
Rbhtai,. 


ToUl. 


Actuals, 
1836-36. 


Total. 


Actuals, 
1836-37. 


8 


Rs. 
11,392 


Rs. 

fl829 


Es. 

7347 , 


Be. 

6718 


Rs. 

6830 


Es. 

7868 


Five villages Dot rerised by Mr. Davidson 


607 


618 










Total ... 


7337 


8486 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



6U 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

TheBrihsh. 

Mdhvm, 

1863. 



Umbargaon, 
1864. 



Mdhim Setthment, 18SS-6S. 



Tbar. 


, TiLLAQK. 


Was™. 


Total. 


Bice. 


Gar- 
den. 


Late 
crop. 


Up- 
land. 


Total. 


Elce. 


Oar- 
den. 


Late 
crop. 


Up- 
land. 


Total. 


1861-62 

Snrvejr Rental 

Increase ... 


Rs. 

83,980 
87,613 


Bs. 

6830 
8486 


Bs. 

4 
79 


Bs. 
1072 
2829 


Es. 
91,886 
99,007 


Rs. 

6686 


Bs. 
36 


Bb. 
32 


Bs. 

1876 


Bs. 

7629 


Bs. 

91,886 

1,06,636 


8633 


16S6 


76 


1767 


7121 


6686 


36 


32 


1876 


7629 


14,760 



In 1864, when it was surveyed and settled, the Umbargaon petty 
division of the Sanjan sub-division included the villages in the 
extreme north of ThAna. It was bounded on the north-west by 
Daman, on the north and north-east by the Damanganga river 
separating it from Surat, on the east by Daman, on the south by 
the mamlatdar's division of Sanjan, and on the west by the sea. 
The total area was about 206 square miles or 132,114 acres, divided 
into sixty -nine Government villages, in all of which the survey 
settlement was introduced. The villages along the coast, though 
not free from fever between October and the close of the year, 
had a fair climate and were generally rather, thickly peopled. They 
had the advantage of coast harbours for the export of their produce, 
and were within easy distancie of the Baroda railway. None of the 
inland villages were far from these means of communication, the 
eastern border of Umbargaon being in no place more than eighteen 
miles from the coast. But the scanty population and the unhealthy 
climate of the inland villages outweighed their advantages. 
Especially in the north near the Damanganga river, the country 
was unusually flat for the Konkaa and could be crossed by carts in 
all directions. Though neither of them were made, the main coast 
road from Surat to Bombay, and, a few miles inland, the track 
known as the Army Boad, always used by troops on their march 
to Gujarat, were both broad serviceable lines of communication. 
The greater part of the Umbargaon produce went to Surat. Besides 
Umbargaon which was the best port, there were other places along 
the coast where boats anchored to land and take in produce. But 
except a small traffic with Surat there was no trade. 

The greater part of the Umbargaon petty division was held under 
the hunddbandi or unmeasured plot system and paid an assessment 
fixed in the lump on a certain combined area of rice and upland. 
The boundaries of these hwndds or unmeasured plots were never well 
marked, probably ovring to the wild character of the district, and 
in the lapse of time their original limits seem to have been entirely 
lost. Survey inquiries showed marked discrepancies in the size and 
value of the hundds, and proved that a large portion of the land 
had been held at nominal rates.* In some cases the survey rates 
raised individual holdings from 7s. 4!^d. to £6 5a. 9d. (Rs. 3-11 - 



1 Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXXVIII. 13. 



Eonkan,] 



THlNA. 



615 



The British. 



Es. 62-14).^ Still, in spite of these instances o£ increase, the Chapter VIII. 
people readily accepted the settlement and showed themselves most La^d 

anxious to secure the waste. Administration. 

The sixty -nine villages were divided into five classes. The first 
class included almost all villages near the coast. They were fifteen 
in number and were charged a highest rice acre-rate of 12s. (Rs. 6). 
The second class for which highest rates of lis. (Rs. 5^) and 
10s. (Rs. 5) were fixed, consisted of twenty-four villages generally 
fairly peopled and from three to six miles from the coast. The 
third class for which the rates of 9s. (Es. 4^) and 8s. (Rs. 4) 
were fixed, consisted of ten villages which though somewhat 
unhealthy were fairly tilled. They lay east of the preceding group, 
and stretched eight or ten miles inland. Nine wild, unhealthy, and 
thinly peopled villages, situated further east than the third class, 
constituted the fourth class and were charged 7s. (Rs. 3^) and 6s, 
(Rs. 3) . The fifth was a special class including eleven unhealthy and 
thinly peopled inland villages for which 5s. (Rs. 2^^) and 4s. (Rs. 2) 
were fixed.^ 

The soil and climate of the coast villages were well suited to the 
growth of cocoa palms and other garden crops. But their 
natural advantages had not been turned to account, as there were 
only ten acres under garden tillage. The highest acre rate for garden 
lands in coast villages was fixed at 12s. (Rs. 6). There was also a 
small area of garden land in some of the more inland villages, where 
cultivation was almost confined to vegetables irrigated from unbuilt 
wells worked in the cold season only. The rate fixed for these lands 



1 The following are instances of the great increase in village rentals caused by the 
introduction of the survey rates : 

Umbargam, Settlement, lS6h. 



ViLLAoaa. 


Old 

settlement. 


Survey 
assesement. 


Increase 
per cent. 


Chimbva 
Khunavda 

Ankiaa 


Bs. 
100 
110 
111 
312 


Ko. 

469 
362 

932 


869 
220 
168 
198 



The increase in the following single holdings was still more marked : 

Zfmltt/rgaon, 188i, 



Old 

settlement. 


Survey- 
assessment. 


Increase. 


Bs. ». 

1 12 

2 9 

3 11 
7 

10 12 


BSi a. 

24 3 
20 11 
62 14 
51 14 
104 4 


Bs. a. 

22 7 
18 2 
59 3 
44 14 
93 8 



2 The rates of Us., 9s., 7s., and 5s. (Es. 54, Rs. 4J, Es. 3i, and Es. 2J) were 
intermediate rates adopted with a view to meet the case of villages in such a position 
that the rate of the group above them was too high and that of the group below 
them too low. These intermediate rates obviated inec[ualities of assessment in 
neighbouring villages. Bom. Gov. Sel, LXXXVIII. 7. 



616 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The Bkitish. 

Umbargoum, 

1864. 



Kolvan, 
1865. 



was 6«. (Rs. 3) . For cold weather or late crop land the former 
rate of 3s. (Re. IJ) was continued. The uplands were unlike 
those of any other sub-division. The soil was of a dullish black of 
considerable depth and too retentive of moisture for the growth of 
ndchrd and ndgli the chief upland crops of other sub-divisions. At 
the same time it was suitable for the castor-oil plant which was 
widely grown in some parts. The people also grew an inferior 
rice in these black soils. Though more valuable than the ordinary 
uplands, these lands required a three years' fallow after two or 
three years of cropping. Thus, on the average, the soil yielded a 
return only every other season. The rate fixed for this land was 
Is. Sd. (10 as.) to be paid every year, an amount equal to an acre 
rate of 2s. Qd. (Re. 1^) on lands capable of continuous cultivation. 
The following statement shows the effect of the survey : 
Umba/rgaon SettlemetU, 1864-S5. 



Settlshent. 


1863-61. 


Waste. 


Total 
1863.64. 


C0IJ.EC11ONS. 


Bice. 


Upland 

ana Dry 

crop. 


Late 
crop and 
Gfarden. 


Total. 


1844-45 

to 
1863-64. 


1834-56 

to 
1863-64. 


1862-63. 


Existing 
Survey 

Increase .. 


Es. 

47,776 
54,135 


Bs. 

5071 
10,761 


Bs. 

243 
1759 


Bs. 

(0)63,090 
66,655 


Bb. 

No record. 
4121 


B9. 

(0)53,090 
70,776 


Bb. 

42,038 
66,665 


Bs. 

44,786 
66,655 


Bs. 

47,792 
66,655 


6.1)59 


5690 


1516 


13,665 


4121 


17,686 


24,617 


21,869 


18,863 



(a)The actual collections were Rs. 42,683. Bom. Got. Sel. LXXXVIII. 11. 

As part of the settlement a capitation tax which yielded (1864) 
£64 (Rs. 640), and a cess styled mahdl majhur which yielded £4 Qs. 
(Rs. 43) were abolished. 

In 1865, when it was settled, Kolvan was a very large and 
diversified sub-division. It was irregular in shape, especially along 
its western frontier, the Talasri petty division in the north- 
west being almost detached from the rest of the sub-division by a 
strip of the Jawhar state. It was bounded on the north by Peint, 
on the east by the Sahyadri hills, on the south by Bhiwndi and 
Murbad, and on the west by Mdhim and Jawhar. Its area of 950 
square miles was divided into six chief tarafs, two petds, and one 
mahdU 

As' a whole Kolvan was wild and .broken, with many hills 
and large forests. The most open parts were in the south 
where there were pretty wide stretches of rice land. The 
east under the Sahyddris and the west near Mahim and Jawhar, 
were rougher, and there was less rice tillage. Northwards beyond 
the Vaitarna the country gradually rose, the roads or paths were 
nearly impassable, and the ravines very steep. Towards Mokhdda 
were long waving uplands or downs, broken by steep and rocky 
ravines, rice tillage being almost confined to isolated patches along 
the banks of small streams. In the north of Mokhada and ia 



1 The tarafs were Aghai, SAkurli, PdulbAra, Konepattii Gdrgaon, and Kohoj ; the 
petds were Vida and Mokhada ; the mahdl was Taldari. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 413. 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



617 



Talasri tlie country was impassable except on foot, and rice 
was all bat superseded by bill grains. There were some 
good forests, tbe best being Gates in Vada. Tbe climate varied 
in different parts. In tbe south Aghai, Pdulbdra, and Konepatti, 
were fairly healthy, but the rest of the sub-division was most 
unhealthy at the close of the rains, not to be entered safely by 
Europeans until the end of January. On the other hand, in the hot 
weather when the south and east suffered from a heat, perhaps more 
intense than in any other part of the district, Mokh^da in the north 
enjoyed a climate, little if at all, inferior to that of Ma^herd.n. The 
population varied with the country. There were no towns, scarcely 
even a large village, except where railway servants had gathered. 
In the more open parts the people were mostly Marath^s and 
Kunbis, while in Mokhdda and TaMsri they were chiefly Kolis and 
Thakurs. The whole population was estimated at about 65,000 
or fifty-eight to the square mile. Except the railway between 
Shahapur and the reversing station on the Tal pass, and the 
Bombay-Agra road which ran almost parallel to the railway and 
was in excellent order, there were no roads but the rudest cart 
tracks. Mokhdda and Talasri were impassable even to beasts of 
burden. 

In addition to the usual suti or permanent and eksdli or yearly 
tenures common to the greater part of the Konkan, there were 
two distinct tenures in Kolvan, the kdsbcmdi or estate system and 
the ndngarbandi or plough-cess system. The kdsbandi, an ancient 
tenure , was intermediate between the suti and fhendngarbandi system. 
Under it the cultivator held a certain parcel of rice and upland, which 
together formed an estate or kds, the two descriptions of soil being 
held together and the ownership being well known and acknowledged. 
In the plough-rate, or ndngarbandi, system the revenue was raised 
by a plough cess, each holder cultivating wherever he pleased and 
as much land as he could, but no individual, as a rule, claiming 
ownership over any particular spot. In consequence of this 
diversity of tenure some modification was introduced in the mode 
of measurement, and the settlement of villages in which the 
hdsbandi din-di ndngarbandi systems prevailed.^ 



Chapter VIII. 

Laud 
Administration. 

The British. 

Kolvan, 
1865. 



1 In the thirteen kdsbandi villages of Mokhdda, as in other parts of the Konkan, 
the rice lands were broken into separate survey numbers and sub-numbers. The 
whole of the upland, which, under the old system was lumped with the rice, was 
measured into one large survey number, and the portion of this number which 
together with the rice land in his occupation formed the estate or kds of each 
individual, was roughly measured by chain and entered together with his rice 
land in the owner's holding, but not made into a separate number. Under the 
new settlement neither the rice nor the upland could be held or thrown up 
independently of the other, but the rice land with its allotted portion of upland was 
treated as one survey number. The portion of the upland that was not attached to 
any individual holding was too large to be taken by the people in addition to 
their own land, and was therefore broken into separate numbers varying from fifteen 
to thirty acres, to be taken by ahy individual on application, at the survey rates. 
There were sixty-seven plough-rate or ndngarbandi villages, situated chiefly in 
MokhAda and TaUsri, and a few in SAkurli. In these the rents were levied by a 
tax of from Rs. 3 to Rs. 12 on each plough. The old system was taken as the basis 
of the new settlement and considerable modifications were made. The rice lands 
were measured and classified as usual and entered in the name of the actual holder. 



B 310—78 



{Bombay Gazetteer, 



618 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
AdmiiuBtration. 

The British, 

Kolvan, 
1865. 



At the time of settlement there were 336 villages in the 
Kolvan sub-division. In 325 of them the survey settlement was 
introduced in 1865-66. The highest acre rate fixed for rice land was 
from 10s. to &s. (Rs. 5-Rs. 3) in the more open portions of the 
sub-division, while Mokhdda and TaMsri, on account of their isolated 
position and want of roads, were granted a special rate of not more 
than 5s. (Rs. 2^) and 4s. (Rs. 2). There were no garden lands. 
Cold weather crop lands, which were but of small extent, had a 
highest acre rate of 3s. (Re. 1|). For uplands the highest rate 
was fixed at &d. (4 as.) and the lowest, for some villages of TaUsri, 
at l^d (1 anna). Wood-ash or dali numbers were marked ofE in a 
few villages on the rugged sides of the Sahyadris and in Talasri. 
The area was small and the total assessment only £26 (Rs. 250). 

During the twenty years ending 1863-64 the average collections 
had amounted to £5983 (Rs. 59,830), and during the last ten of 
those years to £6409 (Rs. 64,090). With insignificant remissions 
the revenue seems to have steadily increased since 1844-45. 
Compared with £7096 (Rs. 70,960) the collections of 1863-64, the 
survey rental £10,081 (Rs. 1,00,810)1 showed an increase of £2985 
(Rs. 29,850) or 42 per cent. Of this £2398 (Rs. 23,980) were on 
account of land in actual occupation, while £587 (Rs. 5870) was the 
rental expected to be realised when the whole arable assessed waste 
came under tillage. 

The survey assessment absorbed various levies known as 
■lajima, lagantaha, mohtarfa, and telikhut, which in 1864-65 yielded 
a sum of £36 (Rs. 360). In Mokhdda ^e pdtils had usually some 
fields which they tilled free of rent and called their indm. As the 
people were most anxious that their pdtils might be allowed to hold 
these lands free, and as the lands were of small extent, they were 



the assessment being leviable from each individual as in other parts of the district. 
Half the gains in this case were to go to the headman if he signed the agreement, 
and the other half to the cultivators. To protect the pdtil in case the number of 
ploughs in any particular village should be seriously diminished, a condition was 
inserted in the agreement, that if the number of ploughs were reduced by one half, 
a petition for remission would be entertained. The uplands, mdl or varjcas, of the 
village were left in one large number, and assessed at a lump sum fixed on its quality 
and extent at from three annas to one anna the acre, the amount being payable by 
the whole body of cultivators. The loss in this case was to be borne by all the parties 
concerned. Major Waddington, 20th Dec. 1865, in Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 418-419. 
1 Kolvan Survey Rental, 1865. ' 



Laitd. 


Abba. 


ASBEBSMBIIT. 1 


Ocoupied 


Waste. 


Total. 


Rice 

Late crop 

Upland 

■Wood-ash 

Total ... 


Acres. 

82,493 

300 

185,600 

6190 


Es. 

12,748 
623 

21,419 
249 


Rs. 

3864 

38 

]836 

138 


Es. 

76,602 
561 

23,265 
387 


2,24,483 


94,939 


6866 


100,805 



Besides this 257,347 acres of unassessed land were set apart as forest and 
crazing numbers. The boundaries of some of the forests ■were left undefined. Bom. 
Gov. Sel. XCVI. 422. 



1866. 



KonkauJ 

THlNA. 619 

entered in the registers as indm. InTald,srit]iepa<t7«-had formerly Chapter VIII. 
been freed from payment to the extent of the value of a plough. Land 

half a plough, or less, according to the size of their vUlage, In Administration'., 
place of this arrangement they were granted five per cent of the .j^j, bj^^tish. 
net revenue of their villages. It was also arranged that the term 
of the survey lease in estate and plough rate villages should be 
limited to ten years, and, in the rest of the sub-division, should 
come to an end at the same time as the Bhiwndi leases."^ 

The survey settlement was introduced iato the m^mlatddr''8 
division of the Sanjan or Ddh^nu sub-division in 1866-67. It lay to 
the north of the Mahim sub -division, and contained an area of 470 
square miles and a population of 31,696 or 67 per square, mile. 
There was a marked difference in the character of the villages. 
Those of the westerly parts were open and with fine rice lands 
traversed by rail and with sea transit within easy reach, while the 
others were very rough and wild, and with no means of communica- 
tion. The population was unequally distributed. While the two 
coast village groups, Ddhanu and Chinchni, containing 32 villages 
and an area of 80 square miles, had a population of 166 to the 
square mile, the 140 villages which formed the rest of the division 
and contained 390 square miles, had no more than sixty souls to 
the square mile. In point of climate and means of communication 
the mdmlatdar's division differed little from the subordinate 
Umbargaon petty division settled in 1864-65. 

The principal tenures were the hunddbandi or an assessment fixed 
in the lump for a certain extent of rice and hill-crop land combined j 
the mudkehandi {muddbandi) or lump assessment in grain commuted 
into a money payment ; and the ndngarhandi or plough tax tenure. 
The two former were found in the village groups of Chinchni, 
Ddhdnu, and Asheri, and the last prevailed throughout the whole of 
the rest of the sub-division. 

The 1 72 villages were arranged in five classes. Sixteen villages 
along the coast were placed in the first class with a highest acre rate 
of 12s. (Rs. 6). Three villages immediately adjoining the first group 
were placed in the second class with a highest acre rate of 10s. 
(Rs. 5) . Seven villages near the railway and two of them near Manor 
formed the third class with a highest acre rate of 8s. (Rs. 4). The 
fourth class consisted of twenty-one villages for which highest acre 
rates of 7s. (Rs. 3i) and 6s. (Rs. 3) were fixed. This group 
occupied the more open and better cultivated parts of Asheri and 
Gambhirgad and some of the poorer villages of Chinchni. The fifth 
class consisted of 124 villages with highest acre rates of 5s. and 4s. 
(Rs. 2J and Rs. 2). It included the village groups of Barha, Udva, 
Bdlapur, and Dharampur, and parts of Asheri and Gambhirgad. The 
remaining village had no rice land. 

For the cocoa-palm gardens which were confined to the two 
villages of Chinchni and DAhanu, a highest acre rate of 12s. (Rs. 6) 

1 A short lease was advisable for the upland settlement. And as the Tillages, for 
which the ten-year lease was recommended, were in the same division (the Mokhdda. 
peta), no confusion was likely to result. Major Francis, 27th June 1866, in Bom. Gov. 
Sel.XOVI. 428. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administratioii. 

The British. 



1866. 



Uran, 
1866. 



620 



DISTKICTS. 



It raised the payment from £102 to £125 (Es. 1020- 



was fixed. 
Es. 1250). 

For late crop land which was small, the highest acre rate 3s. 
(Ee. 1^) was retained. The total assessment under this head was 
only £4 Qs. (Rs. 43). 

For hill crop land the usual highest acre rate of M. (4 as.) in the 
coast villages, and 4|d. and 3c?. (3 and 2 annas) in those further 
inland and more scantily populated, were retained. 

The rates on liquor-yielding palms varied from &d. (4 as.) a year 
on each tree in vdllages on the coast to ^d. (2 as.) in the inland 
villages. On date trees a uniform rate of one anna was fixed. In 
1865-66 the number of persons licensed to sell liquor was 887 and 
the payment on account of them was £380 (Rs. 3800). Dnder the 
new settlement the number of shops fell to 156 and the amount of 
tax levied for 1866-67 was £651 (Rs. 6510). 

The following statement shows the effects of the survey : 
Sanjdn Settlement, 1866. 



Tbab. 


RiCB. 


Late Chop. 


Gardkn. 


Upland. 


Total 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acres. 


Aasess- 
menl 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


1846-1885 
1866-1865 

1864-65 

Survey 


27,167 


Rs. 
49,142 


48 


R8. 


247 


Bs. 

1248 


75;835 


Bs. 
9156 


103i297 


Rs. 
31,037 
34,360 
45,577 
59,589 



In addition to the assessment on the cultivated lands, a further 
sum of £190 (Rs. 1900) assessed on the waste lands raised the total 
settlement to £6149 (Rs. 61,490). 

The increase on the twenty years average was very great, no 
less than 92 per cent. But the old settlement was so imperfect 
that it was useless as a means of estimating what assessment the 
division could bear. The incidence of the old payments had been 
very unequal. In 1 868 the Superintendent wrote,^ ' The completion 
of the Baroda railway which crosses the district with three stations 
within reach of many parts of it has greatly increased the value 
of land, and when the low rates of the wild villages in which the 
principal increase occurs are taken into consideration, no fear need 
be entertained regarding the fairness of the settlement.' Several bdbs 
or cesses, such as mahdl majhur, tup, udid, were abolished. 

In 1856 when the survey settlement was introduced in Panvel, 
Uran consisting of nineteen villages formed part of Sdlsette. This 
group was subsequently transferred to Panvel before tbe settlement 
of Sdlsette in 1861. Consequently the survey assessment was not 
introduced in it till November 1866. At this time the Uran petty 
division comprised the tract of country lying between the Karanja 
hill on the west and the tablelands of Panvel on the east including 
Hog Island and the island of Elephanta. Great part of this tract 
was a low-lying swamp, flooded formerly by the backwaters of the 
harbour flowing round Hog Island on the one side and on the other 

1 Major Waddington, 474, 14th October 1868. 



Eonkan.] 



THlNA. 



621 



by the tidal waters, which, after passing round the south headland 
of Karanja, flowed inland up the Ndgothna and Pen creeks. By 
reclamation works, composed chiefly of large ernhankments, almost 
the whole of this tract had been brought under salt rice cultivation. 
The revenue had been subject to but little fluctuation ; cultivation 
. had been steady, and the rates being fixed in cash payments had 
not been subject to change. 

Lying on the eastern side of the harbour and immediately 
opposite to Bombay, this division of nineteen villages was very 
favourably sibuated with regard to the export of its grain and grass. 
Of the nineteen villages only nine had sweet rice land. For six of 
these the highest survey rate fixed was 1 6s. (Rs. 8) and for three 
14s. (Rs, 7). Of the remaining ten villages with salt rice lands, 
for five the corresponding rate was 10s. (Rs. 5), for four 9s. (Rs. 4^), 
and for one. Hog Island which occupied the most exposed 
situation, 8s. (Rs. 4).^^ The garden lands were of small extent, and 
the crops grown were chiefly vegetables. For these a highest 
survey rate of 10s. (Rs. 5) was fixed. For lands where cocoanuts, 
betelnuts, and other more valuable crops were raised, the highest 
rate fixed was £1 (Rs. 10). Considering the value of grass and the 
ease with which it was sent to Bombay, the highest rate for hill crop 
lands was fixed at 4s. (Rs. 2). 

The effect of this settlement was an increase in revenue from 
£2212 to £2979 (Rs. 22,120-Rs. 29,790) or about thirty-four per 
cent on the previous year's payments. There was besides waste land 
assessed at £122 (Rs. 1220). 

The following statement^ gives the acreage and rental, and shows 
the financial effect of the survey settlement in each of the present 
sub-divisions of the Thdna district : 



Chapter_VIII. 

Land 
AdminlBtratiba. 

The Bbitish. 

Urcm, 
1866. 



1 In some of the villages the cultivation was exposed to considerable risk from the 
tidal floods, and the Superintendent assessed those villages at lower rates. Major 
Francis, 20tli November 1866. 

2 Compiled from information supplied by Mr. Harrison, Deputy Superintendent of 
Survey. The statement in the text has been compiled on the basis of the present 
(1882) sub-divisions. Taking the district in the village group or Survey Blocks in 
which the survey was actually introduced, the returns show an increase on the whole 
of about sixteen per cent. The details are given in the following statement : 

Thdlma Suniey Effects, ISSi-lSeg. 



Sub-Division. 


Former. 


Survey. 


Increase 
per 
cent. 


Decrease 
per 
cent. 


Eb&l&pnr... 
NasrSpur... 
Panvel ... 
Kaly&n ... ■ 
Taloja ... 
Murbld ... 
Bhiwndi ... 
S&lsette ... 
Baseein ... 
M&tiim ... 
UmbargaoQ 
Kolvan ... 
Sanj^ln ... 
Uran 




Bs. 
50,745 
69,308 
1,02,422 
77,961 
82,086 
1,28,243 
1,13,843 
65,290 
97,230 
91,886 
44,786 
64,091 
34,360 
22,120 


Bs. 

46,624 

66,697 

1,08,664 

80,241 

1,02,897 

1,29,180 

1,27,320 

81,488 

1,18,647 

99,007 

66,656 

94,939 

69,589 

29,790 


6-09 

2-93 
25-35 

0-73 
11-83 
24-80 
22-02 

7-74 
48-83 
48-13 
78-42 
34-67 


8-12 
3-91 


T 


otal .. 


10,44,360 


12,11,638 


16-01 





622 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administratioii. 

The British. 



Survey ResuMs, 
1854-1878. 





Thdna Survey Cental, 1854-1866. 










Survey 
year. 




AOBBAOli. 




Rental. 




Sdb-Divisiohs. 














Unam- 
ble. 


Arable. 


Total. 


Former. 


Survey. 


Inci'ease. 


De- 
oreaae. 

463 


Kariat (Nasripur) ... 


1864-66 ... 


183,460 


92,276 


225,726 


115,679 


115,216 




Panvel 


1856-57 ... 


21,991 


174,367 


196,348 


160,031 


179,934 


19,903 




Kaly&n 


1868-59 ... 


25,073 


162,882 


177,955 


110,853 


137,803 


26,960 




Murb&d 


1859-60 ... 


21,167 


203,696 


224,762 


84,634 


89,666 


6032 




Bhiwndi 


1860-61 ... 


14,412 


146,401 


159,813 


118,991 


188,489 


19,498 




S&lsetta 


1860-62 ... 


17,396 


136,993 


154,389 


82,247 


112,137 


29,890 




Bassein 


1861-62 ... 


8775 


132,995 


141,770 


99,246 


116,642 


17,296 


... 


M&him 


1862-63 ... 


20,739 


240,805 


261,544 


96,391 


113,863 


17,472 




V4da (Kolvan) 


1864-65 ... 


19,562 


178,572 


198,134 


36,862 


63,112 


16,760 




Sh5,h4pur(Kolvan) . 


1865-86 ... 


86,123 


470,638 


666,661 


98,141 


124,236 


26,096 


... 


D4h4nu(SanjSn) ... 
Total ... 


1864-66 ... 


47,873 


363,747 


411,620 


94,276 


127,980 


33,705 






416,661 


2,292,161 


2,708,728 


1,096,750 


1,308,878 


212,691 


463 



The available revenue returns show that a marked increase 
of revenue accompanied and has followed the introduction 
of the revenue survey. The collections rose from £95,550 
(Rs; 9,55,500) in 1855 when the revenue assessment was introduced 
in 114 villages to £129,099 (Rs. 12,90,990) in 1866, when the new 
rates had been introduced over the whole 1956 villages. Between 
1866 and 1878 collections have slowly but steadily increased to 
£131,649 (Rs. 13,16,490) in 1870-71, £132,670 (Rs. 13,26,700) in 
1875-76, and £132,771 (Rs. 13,27,710) in 1877-78. This increase 
in rental is not solely, probably not mainly, due to the survey 
settlement. The spread of tillage and rise in revenue, during the 
years of the unnatural prosperity that was caused by the American 
war, were as marked in the unrevised as in the revised sub-divisions, 
and since the time of unnatural prosperity has passed, though 
evenness and certainty of tenure have no doubt helped, the main 
causes of increased revenue seem to be the spread of population all 
over the district and the greater demand in Bombay for almost all 
kinds of field produce. 

The following statement gives the land revenue receipts before,, 
during, and since the introduction of the revenue survey settlement;^ 
Thdna Land Revenue Receipts, 1845-1878. 





GOTERHMEHT. 


Alienateb. 


Total. 


m 


?i 


Occupied. 


Waste. 










Tsars. 






Assess- 
ment. 


Quit- 
rent. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Collec- 
tions. 


I 


Assess- 
ment. 


Bemis 
3iona. 


Collec- 
tions. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Graz- 
ing 
fees. 




Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs, 


Bs. 


Bs. 




1844-15 ... 


9,16,479 


14,414 


9,02,066 


2589 


1944 


1,21,569 




10,40,687 


9,04,009 


80,763 




1849-60 ... 


9,37,146 


17,074 


9,20,072 




2044 


1,85,121 


116 


10,72,267 


9,22,232 


10,416 




1854-69 ... 


9,58,270 


9924 


9,48,346 


1,01,365 


2667 


74,626 


4536 


11,84,160 


9,56,199 


12,898 


114 


1865-56 ... 


9,62,082 


27,748 


9,34,334 


99,797 


866! 


74,488 


4684 


11,86,867 


9,42,670 


12,381 


17:! 


1866-67 ... 


9,73,899 


15,347 


9,68,652 


95,234 


3001 


78,964 


4639 


11,43,097 


9,66,192 


11,088 


190 


1868-59 ... 


10,06,614 


15,214 


9,90,400 


88.191 


6816 


73,678 


4766 


11,67,483 


10,00,481 


10,06! 


802 


1859-60 ... 


10,21,428 


25,148 


9,96,279 


66,107 


5497 


69,716 


4677 


11,56,251 


10,06,463 


142! 


248 


1860-61 ... 


10,66,692 


47,59£ 


10,19,093 


42,614 


10,146 


73,765 


6298 


11,83,061 


10,34,637 


11,091 


263 


1861-62 ... 


11,66,218 


29,18! 


11,26,03C 


49,646 


6724 


69,579 


4829 


12,74,443 


11,37,683 


1265 


IOC 


1862-63 ... 


11,70,640 


23,911 


11,46,729 


66,99] 


776S 


78,667 


4767 


13,05,188 


11,69,245 


610 


166 


1863-64 ... 


12,22,397 


36,877 


11,85,5'K 


46,711 


6703 


79,802 


6679 


13,48,912 


11,98,902 


314 


m 


1864-65 ... 


12,66,236 


41,068 


12,25,17! 


36,86( 


8000 


82,524 


9622 


13,85,610 


12,42,696 


111 


249 


1866-66 ... 


12,76,677 


237! 


12,74,306 


81,81S 


6021 


86,621 


10,663 


13,94,ll(i 


12,90,989 


2061 


84 


1870-71 ... 


12,66,150 


685 


12,66,465 


32,805 


566i 


1,14,865 


46,46! 


14,13,82C 


1-1,16,491 


134! 




1875-76 ... 


12,83,593 


llOf 


12,82,486 


83,36! 


708( 


1,46,18! 


87,18i 


14,68,161 


13,26,703 


43! 


... 


1877-78 ... 


12,84,479 


272 


12,84,207 


81,332 


6422 


1,66,921 


S7,07£ 


14,71,73! 


13,27,706 1 294! 


... 



1 This statement is supplied by Mr. Harrison, Deputy Superintendent of Survey. 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



62a 



As far as information is available, during tlie tWrty-four years 
ending 1879-80, population has increased from 554,937 to 908,548 
or 63-72 per cent ; houses from 117,705 to 174,428 or 48-19 per cent j 
carts from 19,780 to 26,327 or 83-09 per cent j ploughs from 70,352 to 
87,422 or 24-26 per cent; and wells from 10,959 to 11,163 or 1-86 
per cent ; live-stock returns show a fall from 435,302 to 396,654 or 
8-87 per cent. The land revenue collections have risen from £95,798 
to £138,069 (Rs. 9,57,980 -Rs. 13,80,690) or 44-12 per cent; the 
tillage area has spread from 970,220 acres in 1868-69 to 1,015,341 
acres in 1879-80 or 4-65 per cent; nine municipalities, eleven 
dispensaries, and 150 schools have been established. The Baroda 
railway runs north and south for about 100 miles along the coast. 
The Peninsula railway crosses twenty-six miles of country, and then 
dividing has a length of forty miles along its south-eastern and of 
forty-two miles along its north-eastern branch. The two main trunk 
roads through' the Tal and Bor passes were in use before the begin- 
ning of this period. Besides them several of the small Sahyddri passes 
have been opened for traffic, and in different parts of the district, 
about 230 miles of road have been made and are kept in repair. 

The following statement shows these results in tabular form : 
Thdna Development, 184S-1880. 



Tbaes. 


POPUIiA- 
TIOS. 


Houses. 


Carts. 


FiiOueHs 


I.IVB Stock. 


Wells. 


Lakd 
Bbvehdb 


Cattle. 


Sheep 

and 

Goats. 


Total. 


1S46-46 

1879-80 

iDcrease per ceiit ... 
Decrease per cent ... 


664,937 
908,648 


117,705 
174,428 


19,780 
26,327 


70,352 

87,422 


386,668 
354,333 


48,644 
42,316 


436,302 
396,664 


10,959 
11,163 


£ 

95,798 

138,069 


63-72 


48-19 


33-09 


24-26 


8-36 


"'l3 


8-87 


1-86 


44-12 



Chapter_VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

The British. 

Development, 

1846.1880. 



SECTION V.-SEASON REPORTS. 

The following is a summary of the chief available facts regarding Season Reports, 
the state of the district during the last thirty years : 

During the early part of the rains of 1851, the raiu was so 1851-52. 

heavy and incessant that embankments were destroyed and the crops 
near creeks and rivers were injured or lost. Many of the sweet and 
salt rice fields were left waste, and in those that were re-sown the 
crops were not so good as usual. During the latter part of the season 
no rain fell and the late rice, and rice in dry or salt lands failed. 
The land revenue for collection rose from £103,711 to £104,276 
(Rs. 10,37,110 -Rs. 10,42,760), £2080 (Rs. 20,800) were remitted, 
and £1491 (Rs. 14,910) left outstanding. 

The season of 1852-53 was tolerably favourable, though in parts 185^.53, 

of the district, some land was left waste for want of rice plants, 
and, in others, loss was caused by delayed planting, and near 
rivers by floods and blight. Unusually high spring tides in April 
and May damaged some of the salt rice lands. 'The land revenue 
for collection rose from £104,276 to £106,350 (Rs. 10,42,760- 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



624 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Land 
Administratioit. 

Season Keporte. 
1863-54. 



1854-55. 



1855-56. 



1856.57, 



1857-58. 



1858-69. 



Rs. 10,63,500), £2157 (Rs. 21,570) were remitted, and £1204 
(Rs. 12,040) left outstanding. 

In 1853-54 a failure of the latter rains greatly damaged the 
crops, and the breach of embankments by spring tides caused serious 
loss. The land revenue for collection fell from £106,350 to £106,192 
(Rs. 10,63,500 -Rs. 10,61,920), £1504 (Rs. 15,040) were remitted, 
and £1904 (Rs. 19,040) left outstanding. 

The rains of 1854-55 were favourable. All classes agreed that 
the harvest was the best for seven or eight years. In Kolvan 
and Sai the late rain harmed the crops, and in Bassein the salt 
rice crops were partially injured by grubs; everywhere else the 
yield was abundant. A hurricane on the 1st November caused 
great damage in some of the coast villages. The land revenue 
for collection fell from £106,192 to £105,087 (Rs. 10,61,920- 
Rs. 10,50,870), £1135 (Rs. 11,350) were remitted, and £1848 
(Rs. 18,480) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices averaged thirty- 
four pounds. 

In 1 855-56 the rainfall was very scanty. The monsoon began 
favourably but after the middle of July it suddenly stopped, or 
at best feU scantily, causing much injury to the crops. Nearly 
one-sixth of the area prepared for tillage was thrown waste and 
much young rice ready for planting was left to wither. In the 
beginning of September rain again began to fall plentifully and 
continued till the end of the month. In spite of this seasonable 
fall considerable remissions were necessary. As is usual 
in irregular seasons the health of the district was greatly 
afEected. Fever was prevalent especially in the sub-divisions of 
Thana and Kalyan. Cholera broke out here and there, and though 
it did not spread, it caused considerable loss of life. The land 
revenue for collection fell from £105,087 to £104,667 (Rs. 10,50,870 - 
Rs. 10,46,670), £3010 (Rs. 30,100) were remitted, and £2016 
(Rs. 20,160) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from thirty- 
four to thirty-three pounds. ^ 

The season of 1856-57 was favourable for all kinds of 
produce. The land revenue for collection rose from £104,667 to 
£106,770 (Rs. 10,46,670 - Rs. 10,67,700), £1590 (Rs. 16,900) were 
remitted, and £1658 (Rs. 16,580) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices 
rose from thirty-three to thirty pounds. 

The rainfall in 1857-58 was plentiful, except in Mdhim and 
Bassein. The land revenue for collection rose from £106,770 to 
£108,382 (Rs. 10,67,700 - Rs. 10,83,820), £1381 (Rs. 13,810) were 
remitted, and £2318 (Rs. 23,180) left outstanding. Rice rupee 
prices rose from thirty to twenty-seven pounds. 

In ] 858-59 the early rain was not favourable but the late rains 
were abundant and seasonable. The land revenue for collection rose 



1 In jtbis year some advance was made in making roads. Rs. 20 a mile were 
sanctioned for the repair of roads ajid the removal of obstacles. The south branch of 
the JPeninsula railway was carried from Kalyto to Khopoli (Kdmpoli) and was opened 
iw traffic in the beginning of 1856. Bom. Gov. Bev. Rec. 19 of IB56, part 3, 1010. 



Konkan] 



THANA. 



625 



Land 
Administration. 

SeEison Reports. 
1859-60. 



1860-61. 



1861.ee. 



186g-63. 



from £108,382 to £111,031 (Rs. 10,83,820 - Rs. 11,10,310), £3746 Chapter VIII. 
(Ra. 37,460) were remitted, and £1729 (Rs. 17,290) left outstand- 
ing. Rice rupee prices rose from twenty-seven to twenty-three 
pounds. 

Tlie season of 1859-60, though unfavourable in parts, was generally 
good. The land revenue for collection rose from £111,031 to 
£114,226 (Rs. 11,10,310-Rs. 11,42,260), £2557 (Rs. 25,570) were 
remitted, and £204 (Rs. 2040) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices 
fell from twenty-three to twenty-four and a half pounds. 

In 1860-61 the rainfall, a little above ninety inches, was abundant 
and seasonable. The land revenue for collection rose from £114,226 
to £117,311 (Rs. 11,42,260 - Rs. 11,73,110), £4854 (Rs. 48,540) 
were remitted, and £230 (Rs. 2300) left outstanding. Rice rupee 
prices fell from twenty-four and a half to twenty-eight pounds. 

In 1861-62 the rainfall of 141'52 inches was abundant and 
seasonable and the crops were excellent. Public health was 
generally good ; but cattle-disease was prevalent. The land 
revenue for collection rose from £117,311 to £118,298 (Rs. 11,73,110- 
Rs. 11,82,980), £3048 (Rs. 30,480) were remitted, and £147 
(Rs. 1470) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from twenty- 
eight to twenty-three and a half pounds. 

The rainfall of 1862-63, amounting to 96*34 inches, was on the 
whole favourable, though there was a long break during the rice- 
planting time. Cholera was prevalent but did not ' cause any 
serious loss of life. The land revenue for collection rose from 
£118,298 to £122,545 (Rs. 11,82,980 -Rs. 12,25,450), £2392 
(Rs. 23,920) were remitted, and £47 (Rs. 470) left outstanding. 
Rice rupee prices rose from twenty-three and a half to seventeen 
pounds. 

The rains of 1863-64 were, on the whole, favourable. The rainfall 
of 115"01 inches was sufficient and seasonable and the crops were 
good. Public health was moderately good. Cholera was widespread 
but not unusually fatal. The land revenue for collection rose from 
£122,545 to £125,875 (Rs. 12,25,450 - Rs. 12,58,750), £3699 
(Rs. 36,990) were remitted, and £27 (Rs. 270) left outstanding. 
Rice rupee prices rose from seventeen to fifteen and a half pounds. 

The season of 1864-65 was favourable to almost all crops. The 
rainfall of 94*18 inches was seasonable and the yield fair. Public 
health was good and there was no cattle-disease. The land revenue 
for collection rose from £125,875 to £144,107 (Rs. 12,58,750- 
Rs. 14,41,070), £2868 (Rs. 28,680) were remitted, and £9 (Rs. 90) 
left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen and a haK to 
thirteen and a half pounds. 

The season of 1865-66 was on the whole favourable. The rainfall 
of 11 0*29 inches was sufficient and the harvest was fair. Except for 
a rather widespread outbreak of cholera in June public health waa 
on the whole good. The land revenue for collection fell from 
£144,107 to £141,066 (Rs. 14,41,070 -Rs. 14,10,660), £225 
(Rs. 2250) were remitted, and £157 (Rs. 1570) leTi; outstanding. 
Rice rupee prices rose from thirteen and a half to nine pounds. 
B 310—70 



1863-64. 



1864-6S. 



1863.66, 



[Bombay Gaietteer, 



626 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 

Laud 
Adnuiiistration. 

Season Roporta. 
1866-67. 



1867-68. 



1868-69 



1869-70. 



1870-71. 



1871-72. 



1872-73. 



1873-74. 



The season of 1866-67 was, on the whole, favourable, though the 
fall of rain, 113-72 inches, was rather heavy in the beginning and 
scanty towards the close. Rice and some other crops suffered 
slightly on account of this irregularity ; yet the outturn was, on 
the whole, satisfactory. Public health was good. The land revenue 
for collection fell from £141,066 to £136,861 (Rs. 14,10,660- 
Rs. 13,68,610), £1948 (Rs. 19,480) were remitted, and £136 
(Rs. 1360) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from nine to 
eleven pounds. 

In 1867-68 the rainfall of 110"49 inches was favourable, and 
public health generally good. The land revenue for collection rose 
from £136,861 to £138,674 (Rs. 13,68,610 -Rs. 13,86,740), £270 
(Rs. 2700) were remitted, and £120 (Rs. 1200) left outstanding. 
Rice rupee prices fell from eleven to twelve pounds. 

In 1868-69 the rainfall of 103"53 inches was hardly suflBcient. The 
crops were fair and public health generally good. The land revenue 
for collection fell from £138,674 to £137,687 (Rs. 13,86,740- 
Rs. 13,76,870), £1416 (Rs. 14,160) were remitted, and £210 
(Rs. 2100) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelve to 
thirteen pounds. 

In 1869-70 the rainfall of 100*70 inches was favourable and the 
crops flourishing. Cholera prevailed in part of the district during 
most of the season. The tillage area rose from 970,220 to 975,751 
acres and the land revenue for collection from £137,687 to £138,274 
(Rs.. 13,76,870 - Rs. 13,82,740), £112 (Rs. 1120) were remitted, and 
£143 (Rs. 1430) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from 
thirteen to twelve pounds. 

Inl870-71 the rainfall of 97"24 inches was seasonable andsufficient. 
There were several cases of cholera, but the disease was never general. 
The tillage area fell from 975,751 to 974,092 acres, while the 
land revenue rose from £138,274 to £139,628 (Rs. 18,82,740- 
Es. 13,96,280), £72 (Rs. 720) were remitted, and £134 (Rs. 1340) 
left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelve to fifteen and 
a half pounds. 

In 1871-72 the rainfall of 65*21 inches was unseasonable and the 
crops were below the average. Public health was generally good. 
The tillage area again fell from 974,092 to 968,462 acres, while 
the land revenue rose from £139,628 to £140,690 (Rs. 13,96,280 - 
Rs. 14,06,900), £122 (Rs. 1220) were remitted, and £314 (Rs. 3140) 
left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen and a half to 
thirteen and a half pounds. 

In 1872-73 the rainfall of 94*51 inches was copious and seasonable. 
Public health was generally good. The tillage area rose from 
968^462 to 970,998 acres and the land revenue from £140,690 
to £141,188 (Rs. 14,06,900 -Rs. 14,11,880), £96 (Rs. 960) were 
remitted, and £319 (Rs. 3190) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices 
fell from thirteen and a half to fourteen pounds. 

In 1873-74 the rainfall of 86*31 inches, *hough sufficient, was inmost 
sub-divisions unseasonable. The rice harvest suffered slightly, but 
ibhe yield of vari aadndgliwas satisfactory. Fever prevailed slightly in 



Konkan.] 

THANA. 627 

some sub-divisiong, but on the whole public health was good. The Chapter VIII. 

tillage area rose from 970,998 to 971,915 acres, and the land revenue Land 

from £141,188 to £142,129 (Rs. 14,11,880- Rs. 14,21,290), £134 Administration. 

(Rs. 1340) were remitted, and £101 (Rs. 1010) left outstanding. Season Reports. 
Rice rupee prices fell from fourteen to fifteen and a half pounds. 

In 1874-75 there was an unusually heavy rainfall of 120*14 inches. 1874-75. 

Though generally more than suflBcient for field work it was 
unseasonable in a few sub-divisions and excessive in others. The 
yield on the whole was satisfactory. Public health was good. 
Fever prevailed slightly and cattle-disease raged over almost all the 
district. The tillage area rose from 971,915 to 982,261 acres while 
the land revenue fell from £142,129 to £141,440 (Rs. 14,21,290- 
Rs. 14,14,400), £73 (Rs. 730) were remitted, and £100 (Rs. 1000) 
left outstanding. Rice rupee prices remained unchanged at fifteen 
and a half pounds. 

In 1875-76 the rainfall of 118"51 inches was abundant and the 1876-76, 

harvest was good. Cholera prevailed throughout the district and 
fever in a few sub-divisions. There was a good deal of cattle-disease. 
The tillage area rose from 982,261 to 1,011,391 acres ; but 
the land revenue fell from £141,440 to £141,140 (Rs. 14,14,400 - 
Rs. 14,11,400), £111 (Rs. 1110) were remitted, and £45 (Rs. 450) 
left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen and a half to 
fifteen pounds, 

In 1876-77 the rainfall of 83-61 inches wag short and untimely. 1876-77. 

Owing to the failure of the late rains the crops suffered and a 
scarcity of water was feared. In Ddhd,nu and Mahim, the rainfall 
was about two-thirds of the average. In Murb£d and Kalyan it 
was about equal to the average, and in Karjat it was greater. 
Public health was not good. Cholera raged in most of the 
sub-divisions during the rains, small-pox in some, and cattle disease 
in four sub-divisions. The tillage area rosefrom 1,011,391 to 1,012,190 
acres, and the land revenue from £141,140 to £141,689 (Rs. 
14,11,400 - Rs. 14,16,890), £188 (Rs. 1880) were remitted, and £163 
(Rs. 1630) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen to 
thirteen pounds. 

In 1877-78 the rainfall of 63-86 inches was both scanty and 1877-78. 

unseasonable. It was especially unfavourable in the coast sub-divi- 
sions of Dahdnu and Md,him where the crops suffered seriously, and, 
particularly in M&him, much land bordering on the sea remained 
waste. The crops in the Vada, Shahapur, MurbAd, and Bhiwndi 
sub-divisions suffered ; but in the remaining sub-divisions they were 
fair. Public health was not good. Cholera prevailed throughout 
the district; small-pox in three and cattle-disease in six sub-diviaions. 
The tillage area rose from 1,012,190 to 1,015,261 acres, and the land 
revenue from £141,689 to £141,932 (Rs. 14,16,890 -Rs. 14,19,320), 
£27 (Rs. 270) were remitted, and £278 (Rs. 2780) left outstanding. 
Rice rupee prices rose from thirteen to twelve and a half pounds. 

In spite of a rainfall of 144-86 inches the season of 1878-79 was 1878-7K 

not unfavourable, especially for rice. A too long continuance of rain, 
and in some parts the appearance of locusts were the only drawbacks 



628 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIII. 



. Land 
Adminigtration. 



1879-80. 



to what would have been an excellent harvest. The district was on 
the whole more free from cholera and small-pox thanin the yearbefore. 
ihe tillage area fell from 1,015,261 to 1,014,421 acres, and the land 
Season Eeports. revenue from £141,932 to £140,331 (Rs. 14,19,320 - Rs 1403 310) 
|16 (Rs. 160) were remitted, and £297 (Rs. 2970) left outstanding! 
Rice rupee prices rose from twelve and a half to eleven and a half 
pounds. 

In 1879-80 the rainfall of 98-15 inches was an average one, but 
it fell unfavourably. A break in July delayed field work and was 
followed by excessive rain in August and a somewhat short fall 
later on. The rice especially early and salt-land rice sufEered 
considerably. But the inferior crops of nagli and vari, which 
afford the staple food, were good. No great change ocdurred in the 
prices of cereals. Rice and tor fell very slightly and wheat rose. The 
prices of labour remained stationary. A few, trifling advances 
for purchase of seed and cattle were made to the poorer classes. 
The season was not healthy. There was some cholera and small-pox, 
but fever was very prevalent. The tillage area rose from 1,014,421 
to 1,015,341 acres, and the land revenue for collection fell from 
£140,331 to £138,107 (Rs. 14,03,310 - Rs. 13,81,070), £21 (Rs. 210) 
were remitted, and £38 (Rs. 380) left outstanding. Rice rupee 
prices fell from eleven and a half to twelve and a half pounds. 

In 1880-81 the rainfall of 95"36 inches was rather unseasonable. 
The crops in all the sub-divisions but two suffered slightly, and 
in Ddhdnu about one-third of the rice was lost. TiJagli and vavi 
were good. The prices of cereals fell considerably; and wages 
remained unchanged. A few trifling advances were made to the 
poorer classes for the purchase of seed and cattle. The season was 
not healthy, There was a little cholera and small-pox and much 
fever. The tillage area rose from 1,015,341 to 1,015,703 acres, but 
the land revenue for collection fell from £138,107 to £137,825 
(Rs. 13,81,070 - Rs. 13,78,250), £18 (Rs. 180) were remitted, and 
£74 (Rs. 740) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelve 
and a half to fifteen and a half pounds. 

The following statement shows in tabular form the available 
yearly statistics of rainfall, prices, tillage, and land revenue during 
the thirty years ending 1880-81 -.^ 

Thdma Bevenve Statktica, 1861-1881. 



1880-81. 



Bevenue 

Statistics. 



Tbaes. 


Baiii{all. 


TiUagc 
Area. 


Eemio- 
eioDB 


Land 
Aevenue 
for Collec- 
tion. 


Out- 
Standings. 


Collec- 
tions. 


Rice 
Rupee- 
prices. 




Inches^ 


Acres. 


Bb. 


Bs. 


Kb. 


Es. 


Lbs. 


1861-63 






20,796 


10,4?,767 


14,915 


10,27,842 




1862-6S 


... 




21,672 


10,63,601 


12,043 


10,51,458 




18B3'54 


... 




16,037 


10,61,022 


19,042 


10,42,880 




1854-65 


... 




11,353 


10,50,867 


18,478 


10,32,389 


Si 


1865-66 






30,100 
1S897 


10,46,676 


20,166 


10,26,619 


33 


1856-67 






10,67,703 


16,581 


10,51,122 


80 


1867-68 






13,812 


10,83,826 


23,177 


10,60,648 


27 


1868-59 






37,459 


11,10,310 


17,i94 


10,93,016 


23 



' From the yearly Administration Reports. The price figures are for Thdna town, and 
are the averages of the prices of the twelve calendar monthsbeginnine with January 1855. 
They are taken from a return forwarded by the Deputy Collector to Mr. A. Oumine, C.S., 
under No. 1926 of 9th November 1878. As noticed at page 314 the di£ferent price 
returns vary so greatly that they cannot be considered more than estimates. 



Koukan.] 



THAN A. 



629 



Thdna Revenue Statistics, J8S1 • 1881— contimLeA, 



YsARa—emtmaed. 


Bainlall. 


Tillage 
Area. 


Bemis- 
sions. 


Land 
Bevenue 
for Collec- 
tion. 


Out- 
standings. 


Collec- 
tions. 


Bice 
Bupee- 
pnces. 




Inches. 


Acres. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Bs. 


Lbs. 


1859-60 






26,671 


11,42,263 


2037 


11,40,226 


24J 


1860-61 


90-'05 




48,543 


11,73,116 


2300 


11,70,816 


28 


1861-62 


141-52 




30,479 


11,82,976 


1475 


11,81,601 


23i 


1862-63 


9634 




23,917 


12,25,448 


473 


12,24,975 


17 


1863-64 


11601 


.•> 


86,991 


12,58,750 


275 


12,68,475 


16i 


1864-65 


94-18 




28,676 


14,41,069 


87 


14,40,983 


13i 


1865-66 


110-29 




2253 


14,10,663 


1570 


14,09,093 


9 


1866-67 


113-72 


... 


19,479 


13,68,608 


1365 


13,67,243 


U 


1867-68 


110-49 




2700 


13,86,741 


1201 


13,85,540 


12 


1868-69 


lOS-63 


97b;220 


14,157 


13,76,873 


2100 


13,74,773 


13 


1869-70 


100-70 


975,751 


1121 


13,82,742 


1430 


13,81,313 


12 


1870-71 


97-24 


974,092 


718 


13,96,278 


1340 


13,94,938 


15i 


1871-72 


66-21 


968,462 


1216 


14,06,904 


3143 


14,03,761 


13i 


1872-73 


94-61 


970,998 


958 


14,11,876 


3189 


14,08,687 


14 


1873-74 


86-31 


971,916 


1343 


14,21,291 


1009 


14,20,282 


161 


1874-76 


120-14 


982,261 


727 


14,14,403 


1002 


14,13,401 


16i 


1876-76 


118'51 


1,011,391 


1112 


14,11,405 


446 


14,10,959 


16 


1876-77 


83-61 


1,012,190 


1883 


14,16,893 


1634 


14,16,259 


13 


1877-78 


63-88 


1,016,.J61 


273 


14,19,322 


2777 


14,16,546 


12 


1878-79 


144-86 


1,014,421 


160 


14,03,307 


2972 


14,00,336 


11 


1879-80 


98-16 


1,016,341 


212 


18,81,074 


379 


13,80,696 


12 


1880-81 


96-36 


1,016,703 


183 


13,78,254 


738 


13,77,616 


isi 



Chapter^VIII. 

Land 
Administration. 

Revenue 

Statistics. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter IX. 
Justice. 

Silsette, 
1774. 



North Konkan, 
1817. 



Civil Suits, 
1828. 



CHAPTER IX. 

J USTICE. 

In* 1774, on the conquest of Salsette, Karanja, Hog Island, and 
Elephanta, a resident and factors were appointed for Salsette 
and Karanja, and a resident for Hog Island and Elephanta. The 
Government provided that ' the residents or chiefs should investigate 
all except capital offences and misdemeanours, through the means 
of two sensible and respectable men of each caste who were to be 
iselected and appointed for the purpose.' Disputes regarding property 
were to be decided by arbitration. The arrangement continued till 
1799, when an officer styled Judge and Magistrate with civil, 
criminal, and poUce jurisdiction was appointed in place of the 
residents and factors.* The Judge had under him judicial officers 
styled native commissioners.* In 1803 the jurisdiction of the 
Judge and Magistrate of Thd,na was extended to Bankot and its 
dependencies.* In 1817, on the overthrow of the Peshwa, the 
districts of BelApur, Atgaon, and Kalydn, and all territories to the 
north as far as the Daman river, lying between the Sahyddris and 
the sea, were annexed to the zillah court of Sdlsette whose title was 
changed into the zillah court of the Northern Konkan. The laws 
and regulations established for the administration of justice in 
Surat, Broach, and Kaira were declared to be in force in the district 
of the Northern Konkan.* In 1818 the office of district Magistrate 
was transferred from the district Judge to the Collector. In 1819 
the jurisdiction of the Judge of the North Konkan was extended 
south as far as the Apta river." In 1830, when three northern 
sub-divisions of Ratndgiri were placed under the control of the 
ThAna district Judge, Eatndgiri was for purposes of civil and 
criminal justice, reduced to a detached station of the Thdna district 
with a senior assistant and sessions judge. Batndgiri remained a 
detached station under Thdna tiU 1869. 

In 1828, the earliest year for which records are available, of 80S2 
cases filed 7910 were original and 122 were appeals. Of 8032 cases, 
6399 original suits and fifty appeals were disposed of, leaving at the 
end of the year 1588 cases undecided. The total value of the suits 
decided was £30,033 (Es. 3,00,330) or an average of £4 12s. (Rs. 46), 



1 An account of the Portuguese administration of justice is given above, page 459. 

2 Reg. in. of 1799 section 3, and Reg. V. of 1799 section 2. 

S The designation native commissioner was abolished by Act XXIV. of 1836. In 

its stead three grades were appointed, principal sadar amin, sadar amin, and munsif. 

i Reg. III. of 1803 sec. 2. B Reg. Vl. of 1817 sec. 2. « Reg. III. of 1819 sec. 9. 



Eonkan.] 



THANA. 



631 



In 1850 there were ten civil courts and 5694 suits disposed of, 
the average duration of each suit being one month and twenty-five 
days. Ten years later (1860) the number of courts remained the 
same, but the number of suits fell to 5574 and the average duration 
rose to two months and five days. In 1870 the number of courts 
was reduced to nine, the number of suits had risen to 8399, and the 
average duration to three months and eighteen days. At present 
(1881), excluding the first class subordinate judge of N^sik, who 
exercises special jurisdiction above £600 (Rs. 5000), there are eight 
judges. Of these the District Judge is the chief with original civil 
jurisdiction in cases in which Government or Government servants 
are parties and with power to hear appeals, except in cases valued 
above £500 (Rs. 5000) when the appeal lies direct to the High Court. 
The assistant judge tries original cases below £1000 (Rs. 10,000) and 
hears such appeals as are transferred to him by the District Judge. 
There are six second class subordinate judges, who have power to 
try original cases of not more than £500 (Rs. 5000). They are 
stationed at Thana, Kaly^n, Bhiwndi, Murbad, Panvel, and Bassein 
and Dahanu. The Bassein and Dahdnu subordinate judge holds his 
court for six months from November till January and from June 
till August at Bassein, and for five months from February till April 
and in September and October at Ddhdnu. The subordinate judges 
have an average charge of about 700 square miles with 150,000 
people. 

The average distance of the Thdna subordinate judge's court from 
its six farthest villages is fifteen miles ; of the Kalyd.n court thirty- 
four miles J of the Murbdd court twenty miles ; of the Panvel court 
twenty-six miles ; and of the Bassein and Ddhdnu courts, thirty-two 
miles in Bassein and forty in Dahdnu. 

Exclusive of suits decided by the first class subordinate judge 

of Nasik who exercises special juris- 
diction in cases valued at more than 
£500 (Rs. 5000), the average number 
of cases decided during the twelve 
years ending 1881 is 7166. Except 
in 18 73 when there was a considerable 
increase, the number of suits has of 
late years fallen from 8399 in 1870 
to 5737 in 1880. In 1881 there 
was an increase to 7152. Of the 
whole number of decisions during 
the twelve years, ending 1881, 43'71 
per cent have, on an average, been 
given against the defendant in his 
five years the proportion of cases 
absence fell gradually from 54*20 



Thdna Ehcparte Decrees, 1870-1881. 



Y»AE. 


Suits. 


Decided 
exparte. 


Percent- 
age. 


1870 


8399 


4553 


64-20 


1871 


8284 


4373 


52-78 


1872 


8050 


4237 


52-63 


1873 


8781 


4220 


48-06 


1874 


7868 


3442 


43-74 


1875 


6954 


3068 


4410 


1876 


7034 


2763 


39-20 


1877 


6564 


■ 2440 


37-10 


1878 


6276 


1877 


35-60 


1879 


6893 


2039 


34-60 


1880 


5737 


2092 


36-40 


1881 

Total ... 


7162 


2486 


34-70 


89,992 


37,590 


43-71 



absence. During the first 

decided in the defendant's 

in 1870 to 43-74 in 1874. It rose slightly (44-1) in 1875 and 

since, except in 1880 when there was a slight rise, continued to 

fall to 34' 7 in 1881. Of contested cases 16"04 per cent daring the 

twelve years ending 1881, have been decided for the defendant, the 

proportion varying from 19 in 1874 and 1877 to 11 in 1878 and 



Chapter IX. 

Justice. 

Civil Courts, 
1850-1880. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter IX. 
Justice. 

Civil Suits, 
1870-1881. 



632 



DISTRICTS. 



1879. In 191 or 2*67 per cent of the suits decided in 1881 the 
decree was executed by putting the plaintiff in possession of the 
immovable property claimed. This class of cases fell from 189 out 
of 8399 in 1870 to 182 out of 5276 in 1878. In 1879 it rose to 269 
out of 5893 and fell to 191 out of 7152 in 1881. 

In 20"81 per cent of the 1881 decisions decrees for money due 
were executed by the attachment or sale of property. Of these 
11"46 per cent were by the sale of movable property and 9-31 
per cent by the sale of immovable property. Compared with 1870 
the 1881 returns show a fall in the attachments or sales of movable 
property from 1760 to 823 and from 1626 to 666 in the attachments 
or sales of immovable property. The number of decrees 
executed by the arrest of debtors during the twelve years ending 
1881 has fallen from 619 in 1870 to 187 in 1881. The following 
table shows that during the same twelve years (1870-1881) the 
number of civil prisoners, with a slight rise in 1873 and again in 
1877, fell from 168 in 1870 to 66 in 1878. It rose to 82 in 1879 
and 89 in 1880, and in 1881 again fell to 75 : 

Thdna Civil Prisoners, 1870-1881. 



Ybar. 


PRISONBItS 


Days. 


Beleasb. 


By satis- 
fying the 
decree. 


At cre- 
ditors' 
request. 


No sub- 
sistence 
allowance. 


Disclosure 

of 
property. 


Time 
expiry. 


1870 

1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1876 

1876 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

1881 


168 
155 
95 
105 
91 
78 
70 
74 
66 
82 
89 
75 


32 
44 
47 
34 
SI 
38 
27 
43 
SI 
30 
34 
32 


7 
13 
2 
2 
2 
7 
6 
3 
2 
4 
3 


36 
S3 
21 
28 
IS 
16 
24 
13 
10 
10 
33 
24 


96 
82 
63 
62 
62 
38 
35 
44 
25 
46 
48 
46 


11 
11 
5 
2 
6 
S 
2 
1 

"4 

3 


18 
16 
4 
11 
8 
7 
3 
13 
29 
18 
2 
5 



The following statement shows the working of the district civil 
courts during the twelve years ending 1881 : 

Thdna Civil Courts, 1870-1881. 



Ybar. 


•s 

J 


e 

1 

< 


USCOSTBBTBD, 


COKTBSTKD. 


EXBOOTIOK OP DBCBKE. 


of 


Sij 


§1 
II 




H 


Is 

£ e 


o . 

1« 


i 


1 


II 


holder 

put in 

possession 

of im- 
movable 
property. 


Attachment 
or sale of 
property. 


Immo- 
vable. 


Mov- 
able. 


1870... 


8399 


9-4 


4563 


8 


1098 


932 


6591 


1206 


331 


271 


1808 


619 


189 


1626 


1760' 


1871... 


8284 


lOfl 


4373 


12 


1291 


916 


6691 


1218 


291 


l«t 


1693 


447 


176 


1746 


1866 


1872... 


8050 


1.V2 


4237 


7 


vm 


lOU 


6544 


1070 


254 


182 


1506 


591 


173 


1478 


1660: 


1873... 


8781 


17-0 


4220 


its 


171« 


1168 


7127 


1165 


261 


22t 


1664 


204 


182 


2828 


2491 


1874... 


7868 


12-8 


3442 


42 


160( 


1123 


6213 


1096 


3ie 


■Ui 


1655 


178 


182 


2486 


2221 


1875... 


6964 


9-8 


3068 


12! 


144! 


818 


5452 


1167 


248 


9« 


1602 


161 


156 


1940 


1964 


1876... 


7034 


12-lf 


2763 


20! 


166< 


787 


6313 


1313 


29« 


112 


1721 


76 


185 


2625 


2114 


1877... 


6664 


14-6 


2440 


192 


143( 


740 


4802 


1333 


344 


85 


1762 


77 


163 


2372 


1721; 


1878... 


6276 


9-12 


1877 


14i 


103) 


681 


3639 


1339 


19(1 


102 


1637 


88 


182 


1189 


1809 


1879... 


6893 


a-s( 


2039 


171 


loat 


818 


4090 


1491 


21« 


Ut 


1803 


811 


269 


1135 


1279 


1830... 


5737 


8-30 


2092 


12( 


9i; 


812 


3949 


1414 


'i'ii 


ise 


1788 


189 


167 


1434 


1171 


1881... 


7152 


8-00 


2486 


174 


1431 


903 


4994 


1177 


317 


364 


2168 


187 


191 


666 


S23 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



633 



Begistration. 
1878-79. 



There are no arbitration courts in the district. Mr., now Sir W. Chapter IX. 
Wedderburn, Bart., 0. S., when acting Judge of Thdna in 1876, Justice, 

proposed to establish an arbitration court, and held a meeting of the 
chief residents to consult their wishes. The Government pleader 
and several members of the community were appointed a committee 
to frame rules for the guidance of the proposed court. After Sir 
W. Wedderburn left the district nothing further seems to have been 
done. 

Under the registration department there were till April 1882 
thirteen sub-registrars, eight of whom were special officers and five 
were the head clerks of mamlatddrs or mahdlkaris. The offices 
■which were managed by mamlatddrs' head-clerks were Shahdpur, 
Ddhanu, Vdda, Murbdd, and Umbargaon. Since April 1 882, instead 
of mdmlatddrs' head clerks special officers have been appointed. 
In addition to the supervision of the Collector as District Registrar, 
these officers are subject to the special scrutiny of an inspector 
of registration under the control of the Inspector General of 
Registration and Stamps. According to the registration report for > 
1880-81, the registration receipts for the year amounted to £1280 
(Rs. 12,800) and the charges to £942 (Rs. 9420), leaving a net income 
of £338 (Rs. 3380). Of the total number of registrations during 
the year, nine were wills, 4533 were deeds relating to immovable 
property, and 113 were deeds relating to movable property. Of the 
4533 documents relating to immovable property, 2121 were deeds 
of sale, thirty-three were deeds of gift, 1787 were mortgage deeds, 
464 were leases, and 128 were miscellaneous deeds. The total value 
of property affected by registration was £178,557 (Rs. 17,85,570), 
£140,510 (Rs. 14,05,100) of which were the value of the immovable 
and £38,047 (Rs. 3,80,470) the value of the movable property 
registered. 

^.t present (1882) thirty-five officers share the administration of Magistracy, 
criminal justice. Of these, one is the District Magistrate, four are 
magistrates of the first class, thirteen of the second class, and 
seventeen of the third class. Of the magistrates of the first class, 
three are covenanted European civilians ; and two the huzur and 
the district deputy collectors are natives of India. The District 
Magistrate has the general supervision of the whole district, while 
each of the first class magistrates, as assistant or deputy collector, 
has the charge of an average area of 1333 square miles and 264,350 
people. The huzur deputy collector, unlike other magistrates, has no 
revenue charge, but exercises the powers of a first class magistrate 
in the sub-division of Salsette, an extent of 241 square miles with 
a population of 107,219. He also hears cases which arise on the 
Peninsula railway between Kurla and Badlapur. Unlike other first 
class magistrates, the huzur deputy collector has not power to hear 
appeals. In 1881 the District Magistrate decided twenty-two 
original and appeal cases, and the other first class magistrates 452 
original and appeal cases. Except the Superintendent of Mdtheran 
Hill, who is an European medical officer, the thirty second and 
third class magistrates are natives of India. The average charge 
of the eleven second and third class magistrates, who are also 
B 310—80 



634 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



CSiapter IX. 
Justice. 

Magistracy. 



Crime. 



Koli Saidg, 



DISTRICTS. 



mSmlatd^rs or mah^lkaris, is 3S5 square miles with a population of 
Itl: ,f 1881 these magistrates decided 5869 ongiual criminaJ 
Sclatspow^s.*'"' " ^' P-ent an honorary magistrate with 

To dexjide petty cases of assault and other minor offences 2108 
viUage headmen, under section 14 of the Bombay VilWe'Police 
Act, haye power to confine offenders for twenty-four houra in the 
village lock-up. The average yearly emoluments of these village 
magistrates m cash, land, and palm-trees amount to about £2 8s 
(Ks. 24). 

The rugged nature of the country and the wild character of the 
bahy^ri Kohs have made the district of Thana liable to outbursts 
ot daeoity and gan^ robbery. For about twenty years after the 
beginning of British rule (1818-1840) security of life and property 
was imperfectly estabHshed. Since 1840 there have been three 
periods marked by an excessive number of gang robberies, Raghoii 
Bhd,ngnas disturbances between 1844 and 1848; Honia Naik's 
beween 1874 and 1876 ; and Vasudev Phadke's between 1877 and 
1879. Besides these disturbances caused by gangs of lull robbers 
there has been an unruly element along the sea coast, the remains 
of the old pirates against whom the coast was formerly protected 
by lines of small forts. These pirate raids on coast villages were 
most numerous between 1829 and 1837. 

At the beginning of British rule the hill Kolis and E^moshis of 
Thana, Ahmadnagar, and N^sik, led by DevbArd,v Dalvi, K:ondd,ji 
Nd,ik, Umd,ii NAik, Bhargaji Naik, and Ramji Kirva, caused such 
mischief and terror, that a reward of £3 (Rs. 30) was offered for the 
capture of every armed man and of £10 (Rs. 100) for the capture of 
every leader.^ The Collector proposed to grant Rd,mji Kirva a 
sum as blackmail to ensure freedom from Koli raids, but the 
proposal was not approved.* In 1820 Devbardv appeared at the 
head of a band of armed men in Panvel, and sent round a small 
bundle of hay and charcoal in token that he meant to bum and 
lay waste the country. He was bold enough to send a parcel of 
his symbols to the mamlatdd,r's office. The mamlatdar at once 
sent out a body of armed peons who divided into parties. After 
searching the woods for a day and a night, one of the parties came 
across DevbarAv and his gang, and in the scaflSe Devbdrdv was shot 
and his body brought to Thana. During the six years ending 1825, 
the number of gang robberies varied from 147 in 1824 to thirty-two 
in 1821 and averaged eighty. The number of persons implicated 
varied from 1094 in 1825 to 132 in 1820, and the number of persons 
ari-ested varied from 112 in 1821 to twenty-eight in 1825.* In 1827 



1 Inward Register (1817), 153. In 1820 the reward for the capture of a leading 
robber was raised to £15 (Rs. 150). Collector to Govermnent, 20th June 1820. 

2 Mr. W. B. Mulock's Extracts from Thina Records. 

3 Outward Register (1826), 451. In 1820 there were 47 robberies, 132 robbers, and 
41 arrests ; in 1821, 32 robberies, 193 robbers, and 112 arrests ; in 1822, 76 robberies, 
733 robbers, and 73 arrests ; in 1823, 81 robberies, 807 robbers, and 72 arrests ; in 
1824, 147 robberies, 204 robbers, and 80 arrests; and in 1825, 100 robberies, 1094 
robbers, and 28 arirests. 



EoukanJ 



THlNA. 



635 



a band of Eamoshis, who then infested the Parandhar hills in Poona, 
under one Umdji, crossed the Sahyadris with horses, tents, and 
300 men, and camped at the foot of Prabal hill about twelve miles 
east of Panvel. From Prabal they sent a proclamation, calling 
on the people to pay their rents to them not to Government, and 
distributing bundles of straw, charcoal, and fuel in sign of the 
ruin which would follow if rents were not paid to them.i On the 
10th of December a gang of about 200 men, armed with fire-arms 
and other offensive weapons, attacked the Murbad treasury, beat 
and wounded the guard, and carried off between £1200 and £1300 
(Es. 12,000-Rs. 13,000) of treasure.^ In 1828 and 1829 disturbances 
were still more general. The Ahmadnagar Kolis, who heard that 
the demands of the Purandhar Rdmoshis were granted, formed into 
large bands, and coming down the Sahyadri passes, caused much 
loss and suffering in Th^na. These Koli disturbances have been 
noticed in the History Chapter. Captain Mackintosh was appointed 
to put down the disorders, and after very severe labour was 
successful in 1834. Even after these gangs were suppressed, so 
unsettled were the rugged inland tracts, that in 1836 the people of 
Nasrapur were afraid to roof their houses with tiles or to show any 
signs of being well-to-do.' 

Besides from hill robbers Thana suffered at this time from raids 
of sea robbers. At Shirgaon in Mahim, on the night of the 9th 
March 1829, a gang of seventy-five to a hundred men, armed with 
clubs and swords, landed from a boat and plundered the pdtil's 
house. On their way back they were met by the police, and after 
wounding two constables, made good their escape.* In 1834-35 in 
Uran and Salsette in fourteen robberies one person was killed, 
fourteen were wounded, and property valued at £2238 (Rs. 22,380) 
was carried off. In 1836 four robberies, two by landmen and two 
by seamen, were committed by gangs of more than thirty men. The 
coast robbers landed from boats and entered villages in disguise. 
They sent out spies to discover the most profitable houses to attack, 
and carried out their plans with such skill and vigilance that they 
generally succeeded in making off in their boats before the police 
could arrive. In 1837 three raids were made on coast villages by 
gangs of about twenty-five pirates, Cutehis, Khoj^s from Bombay, 
and some Th^na Kolis.* In 1839 there were no inroads of large 
gangs of hill robbers, but numbers of small bands committed as 
many as ten robberies a month.* 



Chapter VI. 
Justice. 

Crime. 

Gang Bobberies, 

18^7 ■X8S4. 



Pirates, 
18^9-1837^ 



1 The proclamation ran : 'Know all men that we Rdjeahri Umiji Ndik and Bhargdji 
NAik from our camp at the fort of Purandhar do hereby give notice in the year 
SursaTm Suma Ashrin Maiyatain Va alaf 1827 to all P^tils, Mhdrs, and others of 
the villages of Itatndgiri in South Konkan and Salsette in North Konkan, that they 
are not to pay any portion of the revenue to the British Government, and that any 
instance of disobedienoe to this mandate shall be punished by flro and sword. AU 
revenues are to be paid to us. This proclamation is sent to you that you may make 
and keep a copy of it and act according to it without any demurring on pain of 
having your village razed to the ground. Given under our hand this 25th December 
1827.' 2 Magistrate to Government, 519 of ISth December 1827. 

3 Second Assistant Collector, 26th June 1836. 

4 Collector's Letter, 10th March 1829. 6 Magistrate's Report, 13th Novr, 1837. 
* Magistrate's Report, 3th April 1839. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
6^6 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter IX. In I8441 began the disorders, of which Rdghoji Bhdngria was 

Justice. *7.f ®ff • ^ There was an increase in the number of gang robberies 

Crime. ■^^^^ the detections and recoveries of stolen property were extremely 

SaghcgiBhdngria, ff^^^j ^"'^^ valuable merchandise, especially opium, passed along- 
18U-1848. the Agra road, and the wild nature of the country and the 
neighbourhood of the Jawh^r and Dharampur territories made 
detection and punishment difficult and uncommon. The road 
±rom BMwndi to the foot of the Tal pass was infested by organized 
gangs of as many as two hundred robbers, with a proportion of 
well-mounted horsemen. In December 1843 three opium robberies 
were committed, and opium to the value of £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000) 
was carried off. In the beginning of January 1844 there were two 
more opium robberies one of eight the other of forty-three chests; 
Cloth-dealers and other merchants were plundered, officers' baggage 
was cut ofE, and the post was stopped. No travellers were allowed 
to pass without a permit from the robbers and the road-side villages 
were deserted. Even in Bhiwndi^ where there was a detachment 
of the Native Veteran Battalion, the terror was so great that the 
people shut themselves in their houses. The cotton and opium 
carriers who were camped in the town were attacked and the troops 
had to be called out. In January 1844 the police along the Agra 
road were strengthened, and fifty of the Poona Irregular Horse 
were placed temporarily at the disposal of the District Magistrate to 
protect the traffic.^ The leading spirit among the freebooters was a 
Koli named Raghoji Bhdngria, the son of a robber chief who had 
once been an officer in the police. In October 1843, at the head 
of a large gang, Raghoji came down the Sahyadris and committed 
several robberies. The hill police acted against him with great 
vigour, and though Rdghoji escaped, many of his leading men were 
caught and the strength of his gang was much reduced. In 1845 
Raghoji again appeared burning villages in Panvel, and spread the 
greatest terror by killing two village headmen who were known to 
have helped the police. A reward of £400 (Rs. 4000) was offered 
for Raghoji'a arrest, and a special party of police under Captain 
Giberne was detached in their pursuit. So active and unceasing 
were the efforts of the police, that, before the year was over, four of 
his leading men J^vji Naik, Padu Nirmal, Lakshman Pilaji Bande, 
and Bapu Bhangria were captured. Rdghoji Bhdngria, the head 
of the insurrection, alone remained^ at large, and in spite of all 
efforts he continued uncaptured till January 1848. At the close of 
December 1847, the late General Gell, then lieutenant and adjutant 
of the Ghat Light Infantry, heard that Raghoji had left the hills and 
was making for Pandharpur, the great Deccan place of worship. 
Mr. Gell started with a party of his men, and, after marching 
eighty-two miles in thirty-two hours, reached Kad-Kumbe about 

1 This account is compiled from a letter from the commandant of the detachment 
of the Native Veteran Battalion, Bhiwndi, 5th January 1844; Civil Surgeon of 
NAsik to Collector of Th^a, 18th January 1844 ; Mr. Davidson to Commandant 
23rd Regt. N. I., 20th January 1844 ; Commandant, N, V. B., 20th January 1844 ; 
Mr. Davidson's Report, 20th February 1844. 

2 Government Letters No. 194 of 23rd January 1844, and No. 291 of 30th January 
1844. 



KoiLkanJ 



THlNA. 



637 



Ykab. 


GANe BOBBBKIES. 


With 
murder. 


Simple. 


Total. 


1844 

18*5 

1846 

1847 

1848 


161 

136 

81 

46 

SI 


37 
31 
7 
14 
14 


198 

167 

88 

60 

45 



twelve miles from Pandharpur. In the evening they marched on 
to Pandharpur^ and Mr. Gell entered the town about dawn dressed 
as a native. Spies were sent out to see if RAghoji's party had 
come, and about ten o'clock brought word that they were close to 
the town. Mr. Gell rode with a few of his men to an open space 
on the bank of the Bhima. Here one of a number of groups, who 
were coming and going to the river, was pointed out as Rdghoji's 
party. Mr. Gell rode to the men and stopped them. None of them 
tried to escape, and when Mr. Gell's men came up, R^mji, the lance 

n^ik, threw his arms round a 
small slight man in the dress 
of a Gosdi, calling out that he 
was Rdghoji. The others were 
recognised as members of 
RAghoji's gang, and the Gosdi 
confessed that he was Rdghoji 
Bhdngria. Raghoji was tried 
by a special commissioner on 
a charge of treason and 
sentenced to death on the 13th of April 1848. 

The statement in the margin shows that, during the five years 
ending 1848, gang robberies fell from 198 to 45. 

During the two years ending 1876 the district was much disturbed 
by gang robberies, organized by one Honia Bhagoji Kenglia, a 
Koli of Jamburi in Poena. Honia's robberies extended over the 
western parts of Poena, Ndsik, and Ahmadnagar. They became 
so numerous and daring, that, in 1874, a special police party of 175 
armed men under Colonel Scott and Mr. W. F. Sinclair, C.S., was 
detached for his arrest, proclamations were issued offering rewards 
of £100 (Rs. 1000) for Honia and of £20 to £60 (Rs. 200-Rs.600) 
for his followers, and military guards were set over the Bassein, 
Kalyan, Shdhdpur, Bhiwndi and Murbdd treasuries. In spite of 
these special measures Honia managed to evade pursuit in Thdna, 
Ahmednagar and Poona till, in July 1876, he and most of his 
leading men were captured by Major H. Daniell. Honia was tried 
in Poona and sentenced to transportation for life. 

The increase of gang robbery in the Deccan, 
the famine of 1876 and 1877, spread to Th^na. 
and Ramoshis came down the Sahyadris, and committed serious 
robberies. The attempt of the Brahman iatriguer Vdsudev Balvant 
Phadke, to turn these robbers into insurgents, added to the 
difficulties of the time. Military guards were set over the Karjat, 
Murbdd, Shdhdpur, Vdda, Kalydn and Bhiwndi treasuries, and 
bodies of police were organized under chosen European officers. 
When VAsudev Phadke left his gang in April 1879, one Daulata 
R^moshi became their leader. After plundering some villages in 
the Sirur sub-division of Poona, the gang descended the Sahyadris 
by the Kusur pass. On the 10th of May (1879), between seven and 
eleven at night, from thirty to forty men of this gang, armed with 
swords, sticks, and pistols, appeared at the village of Neri about 
three miles east of Panvel, wounded five men, and carried away 



which followed 
Bands of Kolis 



Chapter IX. 
Justice. 

Crime. 

Bctghoji, 
18U-1848. 



Honia, 
1874-1876. 



Vdsudev Phadke, 
1877-1879, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IX. 
Justice. 

Crime. 



Criminal 

Classes. 



Police. 
1880. 



property valued at £607 (Ra. 6070). At midniglit the dacoits came 
to the village of Palaspe, wounded three men, and took away 
property valued at £6000 (Rs. 60,000). On the return of the gang 
to the Deccan, Major Daniell pursued it, killed several men among 
them the leader Daulata, and recovered the greater portion of the 
property taken from Palaspe; The fortunate dispersion of this 
band of robbers and the loss of their chief prevented the repetition 
of any robbery on so large a scale. VAsudev Phadke's attempts 
to organize an insurrection were unable to make head against the 
activity of the police in Poona and Satara, and the risk of any 
serious outbreak ceased with the brilliant pursuit and capture oi 
Vd,sudev by Major Daniell in July 1879. 

Of minor forms of gang robbery, the commonest are waylaying 
and robbing travellers, and housebreaking which is seldom 
accompanied by violence. The practice of poisoning travellers by 
sweetmeats mixed with thorn-apple, dhotra, Datura hummatu, and 
then robbing is not uncommon. Oases of assaulting creditors 
and burning their houses sometimes occur, but they are unusual. 
Except some settlements of K^thkaris, who are much given to petty 
pilfering, there are no criminal classes ; nor is there any crime to 
which the upper classes are specially addicted. Drunkenness was 
until lately one of the chief causes of crime. The wild character 
of most of the district and the neighbourhood of the Portuguese 
territory of Daman, and of the states of Jawhar and Dharampur, 
are the chief special difficulties in the way of bringing offenders to 
justice. 

In 1880, the total strength of the district or regular police force 
was 842. This included the District Superintendent, two 
subordinate officers, 150 inferior officers, and 689 foot constables. 
The cost of maintaining this force was, for the Superintendent a 
yearly salary of £780 (Rs. 7800) ; for the two subordinate officers 
yearly salaries of not less than £120 (Rs. 1200) ; and for the 150 
inferior subordinate officers yearly salaries of less than £120 
(Rs. 1200), a total yearly cost of £3832 Bs. (Rs. 38,324) ; the 689 foot, 
constables cost altogether a yearly sum of £6680 16s. (Rs. 66,808), 
representing a yearly average salary to each constable of £9 14s. 
(Rs. 97). Besides his pay, a total sum of £241 16s. (Rs. 2418) 
was yearly granted for the horse and travelling allowance of the 
Superintendent,- £219 4s. (Rs. 2192) for the pay and allowance of 
his establishment j and £637 2s. (Rs. 6371) for contingencies and 
other petty charges. Thus the total yearly cost of maintaining the 
police force amounted in 1880 to £12,391 6s. (Rs. 1,23,913). On an 
area of 4242 square miles and a population of 900,271, these figures 
give one man for about every five miles and about 1000 people. 
The cost of the force is £2 18s. M. (Rs. 29-4) the square mile, or a 
little over 3Jd!. (2 as. 4 jpies) a head of the population. Exclusive 
of the Superintendent, 358 were provided with fire-arms and 483 
with swords or swords and batons. Besides the Superintendent, 
111, fifty-one of them officers and sixty constables, could read and 
write. 

The Superintendent was an European and the rest were natives 



Eonkan.] 



thAna. 



639 



of India. Of these one officer and one man were Christians j 
thirteen officers and thirty men Musalmdns; eleven officers and 
seventeen men Brahmans ; eighty-four officers and 469 men 
Mardthds ; three officers and forty men Kohs ; thirty-seven officers 
and 117 men Hindus of other castes ; one officer was a Parsi; and 
two constables were Jews and one was a Rajput. 

The following statement, for the seven years ending 1880, shows 
a total of 120 murders, thirty-eight culpable homicides, 189 cases 
of grievous hurt, 460 daeoities and robberies, and 38,493 other 
offences. The number of murders varied from twenty-one in 1879 
to twelve in 1880, and averaged sixteen ; culpable homicides varied 
from one in 1874 to nine in 1877, and averaged about five ; cases 
of grievous hurt varied from twenty-one in 1876 to thirty-four in 
1879, and averaged- twenty-seven; daeoities and robberies varied 
from twenty-five in 1875 to 145 in 1879, and averaged sixty-five; 
and other offences varied from 3265 in 1880 to 6834 in 1879, 
and averaged 5499. Of the whole number of persons arrested 
the convictions varied from 32-09 in 1876 to 54-3 in 1874, and 
averaged 39'1. The percentage of stolen property recovered varied 
from 2M in 1876 to 45-1 in 1875, and averaged 36-9. The 
following are the details : 

Thdna Grime and Police, 181^.-1880. 



TUAE. 


OFPENCBS AND CONVICTIONS. j 


mcrbbe and 
Attempt to 

MUUDER. 


GlTLPABlE 
Homicide. 


Geievods Hcet. 


Dacoities and 
kobbeeibs. 






a 


i 






s 


i 






1 


1 






i 


1 






■? 


■g 


■g 




^ 


s 






^ 


■g 




S 


" 






o 


1 


1 


1 


1 




■g 


1 


1 


1 




1 


m 


1 


u 


s 


1874 


IR 


,■!? 


13 


40-60 


1 


1 






33 


69 


62 


89-8 


92 


263 


165 


61-2 


1875 


IS 


.13 


21 


63-60 


3 


7 


2 


28-50 


22 


68 


38 


56-8 


2b 


62 


37 


59-6 


1876 


1.1! 


38 


14 


36-80 


« 


26 


6 


23-07 


21 


33 


10 


30-3 


39 


83 


51 


61-4 


1877 


'n 


4S 


12 


28-67 


9 


1.5 


9 


60-0 


30 


100 


49 


49-0 


60 


218 


128 


68-7 


1878 


m 


3.'i 


17 


48-60 


6 


S 


7 


87-50 


25 


53 


22 


42.S 


58 


161 


108 


67-(> 


1879 


91 


35 


14 


40-00 


6 


B 






34 


66 


39 


60-0 


146 


2V0 


123 


46-6 


1880 

total ... 


12 
120 


16 
230 


12 


8000 


7 


9 


6 


66-60 


24 


66 


20 


35-7 


bi 


126 


77 


61-6 


103 


44-8 


38 


72 


30 


41-6 


189 


444 


240 


64-06 


460 


1172 


679 


67-9 



Tear. 


OFFENCES AND CONVICTIONS— owiMnwcd. 


Other OffencJes. 


Total. 


PropBrtt. 






1 


i 






1 


1 




i 


i 




1 




L 


£ 


to 

I 


1 


1 




1 


p 




1874 


6626 


6187 


3324 


63-7 


5767 


6642 


3054 


54-30 


2570 


1030 


39-7 


1875 


6287 


9467 


3664 


38-6 


6355 


9627 


3762 


38-90 


2817 


1276 


45-1 


1876 


5802 


10,876 


3487 


31-8 


6881 


11,065 


3648 


32-09 


5190 


1126 


21-1 


1877 


6716 


11,360 


4098 


36-1 


6826 


11,726 


4296 


36-60 


4997 


1614 


30-3 


1878 


5964 


11,059 


4076 


36-8 


6073 


11,316 


4230 


37-80 


6194 


1768 


838 


1879 ' 


6834 


11,673 


4372 


37-7 


7040 


11,949 


4648 


38-06 


13,912 


6242 


44-8 


1880 

Total ... 


3265 


4995 


2405 


47-03 


3359 


6200 


2520 


47-30 


4607 


1665 


83-7 


38,493 


65,496 


25,396 


38-7 


39,300 


67,414 


26,448 


39-1 


39,287 


14,600 


36-9 



Chapter IZ. 
Justice. 

Police, 
1880. 

Offences. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



640 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IZ. 
Justice. 
Police. 

Offences. 



Jails, 



Corresponding details are available for the five years ending 


1849: 


TMna Grime, '184S-1849. 








Thar, 


1 


1 
1 




1 


1 


1 


1 


a 


1 


1 






1 
























£ 


£ 




1845 ... 


22 


1 


51 


201 


31 


7147 


7453 


12,937 


4955 


38-30 


6232 


876 


■ 7-18 


1846 ... 


14 


8 


27 


175 


8 


7704 


7936 


13,626 


4996 


36-66 








1847 ... 


iiO 


5 


40 


90 


18 


8994 


9167 


15,745 


6064 


32 16 








1848 ... 


VA 


3 


76 


76 


22 


9040 


9239 


16,63a 


4849 


29-15 


6639 


966 


17-25 


1849 ... 
Total... 


26 


5 


47 


-108 


31 


10,203 


10,420 


18,366 


6099 


27-76 


9499 


763 


8-03 


1U4 


22 


241 


660 


110 


43,088 


44,216 


77,305 


24,963 


32-29 









During the five years ending 1849^ of a population of 654,937 or 
ahout thirty-eight per cent less than in 1880, murders varied from 
fourteen to twenty-six and averaged twenty-one ; homicides varied 
from one to eight and averaged four ; grievous hurts varied from 
twenty-seven to seventy-six and averaged forty-eight ; and robberies 
varied from seventy-six to 201 and averaged 130 ; arsons varied 
from eight to thirty-one and averaged twenty-two; and miscellaneous 
offences varied from 7147 to 10,203 and averaged 8617. The 
percentage of convictions on the number of arrests varied from 
27"76 to 38"30 and averaged 3229. The returns of the recovery of 
property alleged to be stolen are incomplete j they are shown as 
varying from 7' 18 per cent in 1845 to 17'25 per cent in 1848. 

A comparison of the two statements shows that the amount of 
crime in the five years ending 1849 was comparatively larger than in 
the seven years ending 1880. In the five years ending 1849 there 
was a yearly average of 8843 crimes, or, on the basis of the 1846 
census, one crime to every sixty-three inhabitants. In the seven 
years ending 1880, there was an average of 5614 crimes a year, or, 
according to the 1881 census, one crime to every 161 inhabitants. 
A comparison of the yearly average of dacoities and robberies 
during these period's shows a fall from 130 in the first to sixty-six 
in the second period. 

Besides the lock-ups at each mamlatdar's oflB.oe, there is a central 
jail at Thana. The number of convicts in the Thdna jail on the 
31st December 1880 was 650, of which 570 were males and eighty, 
females. Of these 210 males and twenty-seven females were 
sentenced for a term not exceeding one year ; 224 males and thirty 
females were for terms above one year and not more than five 
years ; and thirty-one males and nine females were for terms of 
between five and ten years. Eighteen males and four females were 
life prisoners, and eighty-seven males and ten females were under 
sentences of transportation. The convicts are employed in-doors 
in weaving cotton cloth and carpets and in wood and metal work. 
Out of doors they are employed in road-making, gardening, and 
quarrying. The daily average number of sick in the jail was 25'6 
among males, and four among females. The number of deaths during 
the year was four from fever and twenty-nine from bowel complaints. 
There was no cholera during the year. In 1880 diet cost £2060 4s. 
(Rs. 20,602) or an average of £2 16s. (Rs. 28) to each prisoner. 



Eonkan.] 



CHAPTER X. 

REVENUE AND FINANCE. 

The earliest available District Balance Sheet is for 1819-20. 
Though, since 1819-20, many changes have been made in the keeping 
of accounts, most of the items can be brought under corresponding 
heads in the forms now in use. Exclusive of £15,027 (Rs. 
1,50,270) the adjustment on account of alienated land, the total 
transactions entered in the district balance sheet for 1879-80 
amounted under receipts to £422,276 (Rs. 42,22,760) against 
£198,422 (Rs. 19,84,220) in 1819-20, and under charges to 
£443,170 (Rs. 44,31,700) against £218,050 (Rs. 21,80,500). 
Leaving aside departmental miscellaneous receipts and payments 
in return for services rendered, such as post and telegraph receipts, 
the revenue for the year 1879-80 under all heads. Imperial, 
provincial, local, and municipal, came to £307,960 (Rs. 30,79,600), 
or on the 1881 population of 900,227 a charge of 6s. lOd. per head.^ 
As there are no population details for 1819-20, the share per head 
in. that year cannot be given. 

During the sixty-one years between 1819 and 1880 the following 
changes have taken place under the chief heads of receipts and 
charges. 

Land receipts, forming 45*89 per cent of the whole revenue, 
have risen from £135,255 (Rs. 13,52,550) in 1819-20 to £141,845 
(Rs. 14,13,450) in 1879-80 ; land charges have actually increased, but, 
from a change in the heads of account to which they are debited, 
they show an apparent fall from £29,24 7 to £24,948 (Rs. 2,92,470- 
Rs. 2,49,480). 

The following statement shows the land revenue collected in each 
of the fifty years ending 1879-80 : 

Thdna Land Revenue, 18S0-1879. 



Ykab. 


Land 
Revenue 


Yeae. 


Land 
Revenue 


Tkar. 


Land 
Revenue 


Tk*r, 


Land 
Revenue 


Tkab, 


Land 
Revenue 




S 




£ 




£ 




£ 




£ 


1830-31*... 


106,848 


1840-41 ... 


101,145 


1850-61 ... 


103,711 


1860-61 ... 


117,311 


1870-71 ... 


139,627 


1831-32 ... 


109,881 


1841-42 ... 


96,172 


1861-52 ... 


103,908 


1861-62 ... 


118,297 


1871-72 ... 


140,690 


1832-33 ... 


89,296 


1842-43 ... 


99,004 


1852-63 ... 


106,350 


1862-63 ... 


122,544 


1872-73 ... 


141,187 


1833-34 ... 


139,909 


1843-44 ... 


98,509 


1853-64 ... 


106,192 


1863-64 ... 


126,875 


1873-74 ... 


142,129 


1834-35 ... 


122,549 


1844-46 ... 


98,467 


1854-65 .. 


106,086 


1864-65 ... 


144,106 


1874-75 ... 


141,440 


1839-36 ... 


122,290 


1846-46 ... 


100,796 


1866-66 ... 


104,667 


1865-66 ... 


140,840 


1876-76 ... 


141,140 


1836-37 ... 


93,263 


1846-47 ... 


100,680 


1866-67 ... 


106,770 


1866-07 ... 


136,860 


1876-77 ... 


141,606 


1837-38 ... 


104,924 


1847-48 ... 


101,298 


1857-68 ... 


108,382 


1867-68 ... 


138,674 


1877-78 ... 


142,187 


1838-39 ... 


112,122 


1848-49 ... 


103,444 


1868-69 ... 


111,031 


1868-69 ... 


137,687 


1878-79 ... 


140,330 


1839-40 ... 


109,962 


1849-60 ... 


103,611 


1859-60 ... 


114,226 


1869-70 ... 


138,274 


1879-80 ... 


141,346 



Chapter X. 

Revenue and 
Finance. 

District Balance 
Sheet. 



Land Bevenue. 



* Figures for tbe years 1830-31 to 1836-37 have been taken from statement No. 7 (after deducting those 
for Eoliha) in Mr. Bell's A'bkiri Report, dated let Octobei- 1869 ; figures for the subsequent years have 
been taken from Statement A which accompanies the Collector s yearly Administration Reports. 
These figures are exclusive of alienated revenues which are mere items of adjustment by credit and 
debit. 



1 This total is made of the following items : £246,123 land revenue, stamps, forest, 
excise, law and justice, and assessed taxes ; £1041 customs ; £22,500 salt ; £9302 
registration, education, and police ; and £28,994 local and municipal funds : total 
£307,960. 

B 310-81 



[Bombay Qazetteeri 



642 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter X. 

Bevenue and 
Finance. 

Excise. 



Stamp receipts have risen from £2411 to £16,379 (Es. 24,110- 
Rs. 1,63,790), and stamp expenditure has fallen from £751 
(Rs. 7510) in 1819-20 to £436 (Rs.4360) in 1879-80. 

Excise receipts have risen from £3867 to £62,450 (Es. 38,670- 
Es. 6,24,500) and excise expenditure from £502 to £1841 (Es. 5020 - 
Rs. 18,410). From very early times the coast districts of Thdna 
seem to have had a lavish supply of palm-liquor. An inscription 
of the second century after Christ mentions the grant of 32,000 
cocoa-palms in the village of Nargol (Nd,nagol) one mile north of 
Umbargaon, and in the fourteenth century the European traveller 
Jordanus (1320) notices the abundance and strength of the palm- 
liquor and the drunkenness of the people. In Sdlsette the 
Portuguese levied bud-dene,^ a duty for leave to draw the juice of 
the palm : they farmed the right of selling palm and moha spirits ; 
and they charged the Bhanddris a still-tax for the right of 
distilling and selling spirits in their houses. The Mardthd,s, contrary 
to their usual practice, seem not to have forbidden the use of liquor, 
but to have levied a tree cess, a still cess, and a tavern cess. On 
the acquisition of SAlsette in 1 774, the British Government continued 
the levy of the bud-dene on brab and date palms, but farmed the 
excise cess on the manufacture and sale of palm-spirit, combining it 
with the farm of the manufacture and sale of moha spirits. This 
combined monopoly raised the revenue; but the change was unpopular 
both with the Bhand^ris and with Government. The spirit was not 
so pure as it used to be, and much more of it was drunk. In 1808 
Government introduced the Bengal still system, under which the 
Bhanddris or distillers paid a fixed still rate under a license 
entitling the holder both to distil and sell palm-spirit. This system 
was continued till 1816, but without good results. In 1816-17 the 
Central or Sadar Distillery system was introduced. In certain 
suitable places a space was walled round, and the Bhanddris were 
allowed to set up stills, paying a duty in Salsette of 6d. (4 as.) 
on every gallon of spirits removed. This system was completely 
successful in preventing the illicit distilling and sale of spirits, and 
in bringing the use of liquor under control; but financially the 
result was unsatisfactory. During the nine years ending 1825-26 
the excise revenue of Salsette fell from £7600 to £4071 
(Rs, 76,000 -Rs. 40,710).2 The cause of this fall in revenue was 
the heavy cost of the staff, as each distillery had its superintendent 
and establishment, involving an expense, which in the opinion of 
Government, overbalanced the advantages of greater regularity in 
collecting the duty and of complete control. In other parts of the 
district where liquor-making was uncontrolled, except by a light 
direct tax, drunkenness was universal. In 1826 (30th September) 
Mr. Simson, the Collector, was so impressed with the hard drinking 



1 Bud-dene is the cess levied as assessment to land revenue on toddy-producing 
trees. It was a tree tax or tree rent, and gave the payer the sole right to the tree, 
fruit, lejives, and juice. 

2 The details are : 1817-18 Es. 76,008 ; 1818-19, Es. 56,169 ; 1819-20, Es. 43,223 j 
1820-21, Es. 50,957 ; 1821-22, Es. 54,744 ; 1822-23, Es. 45,837 ; 1823-24, Es. 53J37 ; 
1824-25, Rs. 44,270 ; and 1825-26, -Ea. 40,716. Bom. Gov. MS. Sel. 160, p. 358. 



Koukan.] 



THANA. 



643 



or gross intoxication which pervaded the North Konkan, that he 
proposed to Government that all brab-trees not required for a 
moderate supply of liquor should be cut down. 

In 1827y under Eegulation XXI. the Salsette central distilleries 
were handed over to a farmer ; and in the other coast divisions, to 
check the excessive use of liquor, a new cess of Is. (8 as.) a gallon 
on spirits was imposed and the right of collecting it was farmed. 
The Bhandaris resisted the levy by a general strike. The measure 
was withdrawn, and from 1829 the Bhandaris were required to sell 
licensed spirits at a fixed price to the farmer, who alone wa,s allowed 
to retail. In Salsette, Bassein, and Md.him the farmer sublet his 
farm and the sub-farmer allowed the Bhandaris to distil in 
their own houses and sell whatever they chose. So long as the 
Bhandari paid he was free to manufacture and sell as much as he 
could. In Sanjan the farmer dealt directly with the Bhandaris 
or Talvadis, and taxed them at 4s. to 6s. (Rs.2-Rs.3) according to 
the number of trees they undertook to tap. This tax was known 
as the tapping-knife or autbandi cess.^ The payment of the tax 
entitled the palm-tapper or talvddi to set up a still and open a 
shop. A special duty was imposed of Is. (8 as.) a gallon on all spirits 
brought within or sent beyond the limits of any farm, and levied 
according to agreement either by Government or by the farmer^ 

In 1833 Mr. Giberne, the Collector, reported to Government that 
in Bassein the farming system had failed, the Bhandaris assaulted 
and harassed the farmer's agents and set fire to his warehouses.. He 
recommended that certain concessions should be made in the 
Bhanddris' favour. He advised that in Sanjan the tapping-knife 
system should be recognised, and suggested that it should be 
worked by direct Government agency. Government recognised 
the tapping-knife cess in Sanjdn, but left it to be collected by 
the farmer. They approved of the grant of concessions to the 
Bassein Bhandaris, directed the Collector to fix the price at which the 
Bhandaris should sell to the farmer; permitted the free import 
of spirits inland from the coast ; allowed the Bhanddris to sell to the 
farmer of another division, if the local farmer declined to take their 
stock; forbade the distilling of mohd where palm-spirit' was made and 
drunk j affirmed the farmer's right to make sure that the distiller 
sold him all the spirit he distilled, and required the number and 
situa,tion of the shops in a farm to be fixed. Notwithstanding these 
concessions, the Bassein Bhanddris continued unruly and 
discontented, and complaints were heard from other parts of the 
district. Mr. Simson, the Collector, and his assistant Mr. Davies 
examined the Bhanddris' complaints and urged Government to do 
away with the farpiing system in all parts of the districts where 
palm-spirit was used, to levy a consolidated tree tax which would 
include both the old stem cess and the excise or tapping cess, and to 



Chapter X. 

Bevenue and 
Finance. 

Excise. 



^Aut means a tool. It is used of the chief tool in husbandry, either the plough or 
the- hoe, according to the style of tillage. In liquor matters it is the heavy broaft" 
bladed tapping-knife. 



[Bombay Gazettaer, 



644 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter X, 

Bevenne and 
Finance. 

Bxcise. 



issue licenses to individual Bhanddris. On this report GoTernment 
ordered that farming should be discontinued at the end of the 
terms for which the existing farms were granted j that the Eevenue 
Commissioners should draft rules legalising the levy of a tree tax 
fixed at a maximum of 6s. (Rs. 3) a tree ; and that, pending the 
passing of such an Act, the Collector should control the 
manufacture and sale of spirits under the provisions of Regulation 
XXI. of 1827. The Collector arranged that the Bhandaris should 
make spirits on their own account under the superintendence .of a 
farmer of excise ; that they should retail spirits within the farm 
limits on the payment to the farmer of an excise duty of 6d. (4 as.) 
a gallon of spirit or \^d. (1 anna) a gallon of raw palm-juice; that 
they should sell spirits to the farmer without payment of excise ; 
and that they should pay Government a yearly tree cess of 4s. 
(Es. 2). Though they differed considerably from those contemplated 
by Government, and though the Bassein distillers alone agreed to 
them, Government sanctioned these proposals. They were introduced 
in 1836-37, and are the origin of the tapping or excise cess now 
levied on all tapped palm trees. 

In 1837, to place the excise system on a better footing. 
Government appointed a committee consisting of Mr. Giberne as 
President and Messrs. Davies^ Young, and Davidson as members. 
Towards the close of the year the committee reported that they 
were unable to propose any improvement on the farming system ; 
they recommended that farming should be continued, that the 
number of shops should be restricted, that in certain places the 
making and selling of other than local spirits should be forbidden, 
that the number of Bhanddris allowed to work stills should be 
limited, and that the free use of unfermented palm-juice should 
be allowed on paying the hud-dene cess. The committee also 
recommended that the new arrangements introdued into Bassein in 
1836-37 should not be interfered with, as they had brought peace 
and order into what had been one of the most troublesome parts of 
the district. Government approved of the report, but the proposals 
were not carried oat as the Imperial Government contemplated 
legislation. In 1844, owing to the peculiarities of the country and 
the temper of its people. Government sanctioned the continuance 
of the system introduced into Bassein in 1836-37, though they 
agreed with the Collector in condemning its principle and opposed 
its extension to other parts of the district. In 1845-46 and 1846-47, 
at the urgent request of the Collector, the Sanjdu tapping-knife tax 
was brought under direct Government management, but_in 1847-48 
the tax was again farmed. 

Act III. of 1 852 legalised the levy of a tapping cess, and Government 
directed the Eevenue Commissioners to frame rules for the guidance 
of Collectors in managing the excise revenue. The Commissioners 
submitted a report which is known as the Abkdri Joint Report 
No. 6 of 1852, and in 1855 supplemented it by a second report. 
No. 2 of 6th January 1855. The Commissioners disapproved of the 
tapping-knife system, and advocated the universal adoption of 
farming. They proposed to forbid the distilling of spirits above a 



Konkan.] 



THlNA, 



645 



certain strength^ the removal of spirits from the distillery to the retail 
shop without a pass, the adulteration of spirits, the sub-letting of 
farms, the sale of more than one sher of spirits to any one person in 
one day, and the keeping of shops open after sunset. In their supple- 
mental report the Commissioners discussed the question of fixing the 
amount of palm-juice that might be retailed to one person in a single 
day ; they insisted on the farmer's keeping simple accounts for Govern- 
ment inspection; and, 'as they could not agree on the point, they 
left it for Government to decide whether the farms should be sold by 
shops or by divisions. Government decided that all liquor-shops in 
cue sub-division should be farmed to one person. These orders were 
unsuited to the coast districts, and the district officers kept to the 
old system and in time gained the Commissioners' consent to that 
course. The land and excise assessments were so mixed that no 
proper system could be introduced, until the land had been surveyed 
and assessed. The old system continued with such changes as 
were practicable and were urgently required. In 1853, contrary to 
his license, the Sanjan farmer was found to have opened extra 
shops for the sale of moJia spirits. The farm of the tapping- 
knife cess was accordingly abolished, and in its stead direct Govern- 
ment management was introduced. In 1864 the system of direct 
management was extended to Ddhdnu and CHnchni-Tdrdpur. 
In 1856 there were in Sdlsette forty- one farms or sa/as of one to 
four villages. The number of shops was regulated according to 
the size of the villages. In Mdhim the toddy-drawers made liquor 
in small rude stills, and sold it at a fixed price to the farmer, who 
retailed it at certain places according to the terms of his agreement. 
In other parts of the district each Bhandari had a stiU and a 
spirit-shop in his own house. Under this system the revenue was 
small and the temptation to drunkenness strong. Among the 
Panvel Agris, after eight at night there was scarcely a sober man 
in the village.^ In the same year the Bhdndup and Uran 
distilleries were placed specially under the Commissioner of Customs, 
and the duty hitherto levied as customs was fixed at Is. \\d, 
(9 as.) the gallon. In 1861, in connection with a draft Opium 
Act prepared by Mr. Spooner, Government made an effort to put 
the excise system on a better footing. The Commissioners were 
desired to draft an excise bill, but, from press of work, they 
begged to be excused, and in 1864 Government entrusted the duty 
to a special commission. In 1865-66 the Survey Commissioner 
remodelled the tapping-knife system in Umbargaon. Meanwhile, 
consequence of frequent changes among its members, the 



m 



commission had failed to complete their Draft Excise BUI. In 1868 
Mr. Bell, C. S., was entrusted with the work, and in the following 
year he submitted an elaborate report dated 1st October 1869. The 
report gave rise to a discussion, which lasted over several years 
without leading to any satisfactory conclusion. 

The system that continued in force in Thdna was the levy of the 
hud-dene cess on palm-trees, the proceeds of which were credited 



Chapter X. 

Revenue antl 
Finance. 

Excise. 



1 Gov. Sel. XCVI. 101-102 ; and Rerenne Reciord, 199 of 1856, 1007. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



646 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter X. 

Bevenue and 
Finance. 

Excise, 



to land revenue. Except in a few cases, in wHich an extra or tapping 
cess was likewise levied, the payment of this tree-cess under certain 
conditions entitled the payers to draw and distil palm-juice without 
any further charge. The details of the arrangement varied greatly 
in different parts of the district. In Panvel the monopoly of the retail 
sale of palm and other country liquor was yearly sold by auction. 
The payers of the hud-dene cess were not allowed to distil, only to 
Bell the palm- juice to the farmer who enjoyed the exclusive right 
of distilling. In Uran the bud-dene cess was paid by the person 
who held the distilling monopoly;, and, as the survey occupants 
had refused to pay the bud-dene cess which in 1868 was fixed by 
the survey department on the palm trees in their holdings, the 
monopolist employed his own servants to tap the trees. In Sdlsette, 
under a system introduced by Government Eesolution 3550 of 14th 
October 1863, the monopoly of the retail sale of palm-juice and other 
country liquor was yearly sold by auction, and it was only to the 
monopolists that the payers of the bud-dene and tapping cesses could 
sell palm-juice. Payers of the bud-dene cess were allowed to draw, 
distU, and sell to the monopolist on payment of an additional or 
tapping cess at the rate of 4s. 3c?. (Rs. 2-2-0) on each brab-palm, 3s. 
3|d. (Rs. 2-10-6) on each cocoarpalm, and Is. O^d. (8 as. 6 pies) on 
each date-palm. No tapping license was granted for fewer than 
fifteen, and no supplementary license for fewer than five trees. In 
Bassein and Agdshi the bud-dene cess was compounded with an 
excise cess varying from 2s. 4fd. to 2s. 2\d. (Re. 1-2-11 -Re. 1-1-6) 
on each cocoa and brab palm, and 8|cZ. (5 as. 9 pies) on each 
date-palm. Any one paying the compound rates for not less than 
fifteen trees could, on passing a stamped agreement, distil the 
palm-juice and open a shop in his own village for its sale. In the 
SAivan, Kd,man,andMd,nikpur divisions of Bassein, and over the whole 
of MAhim, the monopoly of the retail sale of palm and other country 
liquor was yearly sold by auction, and the payers of the bud-dene 
cess were allowed to draw, distil, and sell only to the monopolist. In 
the Umbargaon division of Dahanu any landholder or any person 
owning trees enough to represent a tree-cess of £1 (Rs. 10), or 
any other person willing to pay £1 (Rs. 10), could on paying a 
further sum of 2s. (Re. 1) get a license to distil and sell liquor 
within the limits of his village. Persons who were unwilling to take 
out a distilling license could tap the trees and sell the juice to the 
holders of a distilling license, but not to others. In other parts of 
Dahanu no distilling and selling license was given for less than 
sixteen brab-palms assessed at 4^d. and 6d (3-4 as.), or for 
less than twenty-six brab-palms assessed at Sci. (2 as), or for less 
than fifty-one date-palms, provided that the total assessment in each 
case was not less than £1 (Rs. 10). To make up the required 
minimum number of date trees, brab-trees were added, one brab 
being counted equal to three date trees if assessed at 4Jd!. and 
6d. (3-4 as.), or equal to two date trees if assessed at ^A. (2 as.). 
Any man could tap a cocoa-palm growing on his land, and distil 
the juice on paying a fee of 4s. ^d. (Rs. 2-2) on each tree and 2s. 1 ^d. 
(Re. 1-1) for the license. Cocoa-palms on unoccupied lands were put 
to auction^ and in addition to the sum bid at auction, the above rates 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



647 



were levied. In the inland sub-divisions of Kalyan, Bhiwndi, 
Karjat, Vdda, and SMMpur, there are few palm trees, and most of 
the liquor drunk is made from moha. The right to distil and retail 
moha liquor in certain tracts or groups of- villages was yearly sold 
by auction. A tree-cess waa levied on all palms tapped for liquor 
in this part of the district, but the payer was forbidden to sell the 
produce to any one but the liquor-farmer. 

The only special excise staff was in Sd,lsette for collecting the 
tapping cess and preventing illicit tapping. This establishment, 
which was maintained at a yearly cost of £406 (Rs. 4060), 
included one inspector, nine sub-inspectors, and eleven peons. The 
x-esult of this system was unsatisfactory. It was impossible to 
supervise the countless stills that were at work all over the district, and 
the abundance of spirit and the lowness of the excise made liquor so 
cheap that drunkenness was universal. In addition to these evils a 
marked increase of smuggling followed the enhanced excise rates 
which were introduced into the Town and Island of Bombay in 1874. 
The work of introducing a new excise system was entrusted to Mr. 
0. B. Pritchard, C.S., the Commissioner of Customs. Mr. Pritchard's 
recommendations were embodied in Act V. of 1878, and the new 
system was introduced from the 1st of January 1879. The mixed 
interests of the landholders and the Bhandd,ris, and the dislike of the 
consumers to a system which increased the price of liquor, made the 
carrying out of the desired reforms a task of much difiSculty. But the 
energy, untiring efforts, and determined will of Messrs. A. C. Jervoise, 
C. S., and W. B. Mulook, C. S^, the Collectors of Thdna, have 
enabled the Commissioner of Abkd,ri to place the system on a 
sound and permanent footing. ^ 

The main principles of the reform were, (1) to confine the 
manufacture of moha spirit to central distilleries and to collect the 
excise revenue by a still-head duty fixed according to the alcoholic 
strength of the liquor; and, (2) to introduce a tree tax on all tapped 
palm trees and to regulate the palm tax in places where palm juice 
was distilled so as to correspond with the still-head duty on moha 
and equalise the price of the two liquors. The next step was to 
separate the excise cess from the bud-dene cess, and to strip the 
hud-dene cess of the privilege of tapping, distilling, and sale. This 
was effected by fixing in addition to the old hud-dene cess a distinct 
excise tax on each tree tapped. As a temporary measure, and pending 
the introduction of a general rate of taxation after the enforcement 
of the Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 1879, the new excise tax was 
graduated on a scale falling from a highest rate in sub-divisions 
near Bombay to a lowest rate near the Portuguese settlement of 
Daman. 

In 18S2, except in the Umbargaon petty division where it was 3s. 
(Rs. 1^), the still-head duty on every gallon of moha liquor of 25° 
under proof was fixed at 3s. 6d^ (Rs, If). The following statement; 
giyes the 1882-83 rates of the excise cess on palm trees : 



Chapter X. 

Kevenue and 
Fiuancei 

Excise, 



I Commissioner's Beport 1321, 25th Maxch 1S81. 



648 



DISTEICTS. 



[Bom1)a7 Gazetteer, 



Chapter X. 

Bevenue and 
Finance. 

Szcise. 







Thdna Tree Tax, 1882-83. 








SnB-DlTI8I0H, 


Cocoa. 


Brab. 


Date and 
wild palm. 


BOB-DlVIBIOS. 


Cocoa. 


Brab. 


Date and 
wild palm. 


Zalyan, Bhiwndi ... 
V&da, Sh^&pnr 
MurbSd and Karjat ... 

PanTel 

S&lsette 


Bs. 

}•■ 

U 
14 


Bs. 

9 

12 
12 


Bs. 
3 

4 

e 


Basseia 

M&him 

DiihAnu 

TJmbargaon 


Es. 

10 
7 
S 
3 


Bs. 

10 
7 
6 
3 


Bs. 

3 

2i 

2 



The chief remaining provisions of the new system were: (1) The 
dividing of the district into three ranges, the north-coast range 
including Bassein, Mdhim, and Ddhd,nu, the south coast range 
including S^lsette and Panvel, and the inland range including 
Shdhapur, Vada, MurMd, Bhiwndi, Kalydn, and Karjat. Each 
range was placed under an European inspector with a staff of sub- 
inspectors and excise police ; (2), the buying of all rights under 
which landholders were free from the payment of excise taxation ; 
(3), and the leasing for £3200 (Es. 32,000) a year of the excise rights 
of the Jawhdr state.^ 

In 1878-79 the right to retail palm and other country liquor in 
Salsette and Panvel was farmed. The farmer was required to 
bring all the molia liquor he required from the Uran distilleries 
and pay the stUl-head duty in addition to the amount of his farm, and 
to buy his palm-juice from licensed tappers, who were forbidden to 
sell the produce to any one but the farmer. The Bhanddris strongly 
opposed the increased tree-cess, and, in 1878-79, no palm trees were 
tapped in Bassein and very few in Mdhim and Dahdnu. The few 
Bhandaris who took out tapping licenses in Mahim and Dd,hdnu, were 
allowed to distil. The Dahdnu tappers were also allowed to open 
palm and other country spirit shops, while the Mahim tappers were 
required to sell all their produce to the liquor farmer. The liquor 
contracts were given separately for each sub-division, and the 
farmers were allowed to make and sell moha spirit on paying the 
regular still-head duty. 

In the six remaining inland sub-divisions, where there are few 
palm trees, the distilling of palm-juice was stopped, but any person 
wishing to tap was given a license on paying the tree-tax. The 
license entitled the tapper to sell palm-juice in its raw state. In 
1878-79 the right to retail moha spirit was farmed for three 
years, the farmer being forced to bring all the liquor from the Uran 
distilleries under passes granted by a supervisor straight to a central 
store at Kalydn. The inspector in charge of the Kalyan store kept 
an account of the liquor received and distributed. 

In 1879-80 a single farm system was introduced for Bassein, 
Mfihim, and Ddhanu, and in 1880-81 for SAlsette and Panvel. Under 
this system the two groups of sub-divisions were farmed together, 
the farmer guaranteeing a certain minimum payment for the year for 
the tree-tax on trees to be tapped, for still-head duty on moha 
liquor to be sold by him, and for the privilege of opening shops and 



1 Government Resolution 1771 o£ 6th May 1880. 



Eonkan.] 

THANA. 649 

selling liquor. If the amount due on account of the tree-tax on the Chapter X. 
trees tapped and the amount due on account of still-head duty on the Revenue and 
moha sold exceeded the minimum sums guaranteed, the farmer was Financei 

bound to make good the excess. The farmer for Salsette and Panvel Excise 

was prohibited from distilling moha, and was required to bring it 
from the Uran distilleries. By the single farm systerd indiscriminate 
tapping, selling, and distilling by Bhand^ris were stopped, and 
greater security was obtained for the realization of Government 
demands by the substitution of a single contractor employing his 
own men to draw and distil palm-juice in place of a number of 
separate tappers each directly answerable to Government for the 
petty sums due by him. 

Under Act V. of 1878 the sale of foreign liquor, including- beer^ 
porter and all other intoxicating foreign drinks, was forbidden 
without a license of £5 6s. 3d. (Rs. 53-2) for shops authorised to sell 
by the pint and of £10 12s. 6d. (Rs. 106-4) for shops authorised to 
sell either by the pint or by the glass. In 1879-80 the license fees 
under this head realised £324 (Rs. 3240) against an average of 
£109 (Rs. 1090) in the five years ending 1876-77. 

In 1878-79, when the new tree-tax and still-head duties were 
introduced, additional establishments were entertained and paid 
partly from the liquor farmer's contributions and partly from 
provincial funds. On the 1st of August 1879 the establishment was 
.remodelled and fixed at the following strength : Three European 
inspectors on a monthly pay varying from £15 to £25 (Rs. ISO- 
Rs. 250), thirty-six sub-inspectors on a monthly pay varying from 
£1 10s. to £7 (Rs. 15 - Rs. 70), six head constables on a monthly pay 
varying from £14s. to £2 (Rs. 12 - Rs.20), and ninety-six constables 
on a monthly pay of 16s. (Rs. 8) each, that is a total yearly charge 
of £2853 (Rs. 28,530). 

These changes have largely enhanced the price of liquor. Formerly 
a man could get drunk for l^d. (1 anna), now it costs him at least 
3d. (2 as.). This has greatly lessened the amount of liquor- drinking 
and greatly increased the excise revenue. In 1879-80 only 
sixty-one stills were worked instead of 3525 in 1877-78; the 
number of trees tapped fell from 151,348 to 38,167, and the number 
of toddy-shops from 971 to 405. At the same time the excise 
revenue rose from £47,250 (Rs. 4,72,500), the average of the five 
years ending 1876-77, to £61,038 (Rs. 6,10,380) in 1879-80. This 
great change has impoverished palm-tappers and liquor-sellers, and 
is naturally unpopular with liquor-drinkers. On the other hand, the 
district officers agree that there has been a marked decrease in 
drunkenness; that assaults and other offences due to excessive 
drinking are less common; that many landholders have shaken 
themselves free from their indebtedness to liquor-sellers, and that 
unskilled labourers work steadier and better than they used to 
work, and either spend on comforts or save part of what they used 
to waste on drink. The enhanced price of liquor, and the 
unrestricted possession of the moha berry have however acted as 
incentives to illicit distillation in the inland parts of the district, 
and prosecutions and convictions have been numerous. 
B 310-82 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



650 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter X. 

Beveime and 
Finance. 

Excise. 



Justice. 



Forests. 



Assessed 
Taxes. 



Customs. 



Previous to 1880-81 licenses for the sale of intoxicating drugs, 
bhang gdnja and mdjam, in shops or groups of shops were sold by 
auction and the sums obtained were small. A new system has been 
introduced since the 1st of January 1881, and rules have been 
passed for regulating the manufacture, sale, and transport of 
these drugs .^ The result of the greater security against illicit sale 
and consumption which the licensed retailers enjoy under these 
rules than when the traffic was free is shewn by the rise in the average 
yearly receipts from £192 (Rs. 1920) during the ten years ending 
1881-82 to £452 10s. (Rs. 4525) in 1882-83. Most of the drugs 
come from Ahmadnagar to Panvel, and are there shipped to other 
parts of the Presidency. 

Law and justice receipts, chiefly fines, have risen from £1127 to 
£3560 (Rs. 11,270 -Rs. 35,600), and charges from £10,744 to 
£19,404 (Rs. 1,07,440 -Rs. 1,94,040). The rise in the expenditure 
is due to an increase in the pay of officers and estabhshment. 

Forest receipts have risen from nothing to £16,072 (Rs. 1,60,720), 
and charges from £45 to £8474 (Rs. 450 to Rs. 84,740). A 
statement of the yearly receipts and charges for the ten years ending 
1879-80 is given above at page 37. 

The following table shows, exclusive of official salaries, the amount 
realised from the different assessed taxes levied between 1860-61 
and ] 879-80. The variety of rates and incidence prevent any 
satisfactory comparison of results : 

Thdna Assessed Tajxes, 1860 • 1880. 



Tbah. 


Yield. 


Year. 


Yield. 


TTbar. 


Yield. 


Income Tax. 

1860-61 

1861-62 

1862-63 

1363-64 

1864-65 

1865-66 

1866-67 


£ 

7697 

12,994 

13,622 

6456 

6803 

2714 

20 


License Tax. 
1867-68 

Certificate Tax. 
1868-69 

Income Tax. 
1869-70 


£ 
4082 

3077 

6426 


Indme Tax—nontA. 

1870-71 

1871-73 

1872-73 

lAeente Tax. 

1878-79 

1879-60 


£ 

9810 
3512 
2695 

6778 
6316 



Customs and opium receipts have fallen from £44,431 to £1041 
(Rs. 4,44,310 -Rs. 10,410). This is due to the abolition of 
transit duties, the reduction of customs duties, and the creation of 
new departments to which the customs and opium revenues are 
credited. The large expenditure in 1819-20 represents the payments 
made to landholders on account of hereditary land and sea-customs 
allowances, which have since been commuted. The opium revenue 
has risen from £860 (Rs. 8600) in 1879-80 to £1930 (Rs. 19,300) 
in 1882-83. This increase is due to the system introduced in 
1880-81, under which holders of licenses to sell opium are required 
to purchase monthly from Government a certain minimum quantity 
of opium. 



1 GoTenunent Besolution No. 4421, dated 3th August 1880. 



Konkau.] 



thAna. 



651 



Details of the salt revenue have been given in the Trade Chapter, 
According to the Thana returns salt receipts have risen from £211 
to £110,629 (Rs. 2110 -Es. 11,06,290), but the revenue from 
Thdna salt is very much greater than the amount shown in the 
balance sheet. In 1880-81 it amounted to £785,902 (Rs. 78,59,020). 
The reason why so small an amount is credited to salt in the Thdna 
accounts is, that the greater part of the payments are made direct at 
the Salt Collector's oflfice in Bombay. On the basis of ten pounds 
of salt a head, at 4s. (Rs. 2) the Bengal man, the revenue demand 
from the salt consumed in the district may be estimated at about 
£22,000 (Rs. 2,20,000). 

The public works receipts are chiefly derived from tolls levied on 
Provincial roads. 

In 1879-80 military receipts amounted to £571 (Rs. 5710), and 
charges, chiefly pension payments, to £3468 (Rs. 34,680). 

In 1879-80 mint receipts amounted to £154 (Rs. 1540), and 
charges to £1585 (Rs. 15,850). 

In 1879-80 post receipts amounted to £4165 (Rs. 41,650), and 
post charges to £2502 (Rs. 25,020). 

In 1879-80 telegraph receipts amounted to £15 (Rs. 150), and 
telegraph charges to £l35 (Rs. 1350). 

In 1879-80 registration receipts amounted to £1265 (Rs. 12,650), 
and registration charges to £945 (Rs. 9450). 

In 1879-80 education receipts including local funds amounted to 
£6940 (Rs. 69,400), and education charges to £8317 (Rs. 83,170). 

In 1879-80 police receipts amounted to £1097 (Rs. 10,970), and 
police charges to £16,563 (Rs. 1,65,630). 

In 1879-80 medical receipts amounted to £1 (Rs. 10), and medical 
charges to £3993 (Rs, 39,930). * 

In 1879-80 jail receipts amounted to £1240 (Rs. 12,400), and jail 
charges to £7250 (Rs. 72,500). 

Transfer receipts have risen from £10,438 to £41,658 (Rs. 1,04,380 - 
Rs. 4,16,580), and transfer charges from £142,600 to £270,782 
(Rs. 14,26,000 -Rs. 27,07,820). The increased revenue is due to 
receipts on account of local funds, to remittances from other 
treasuries, and to Savings Banks deposits. The increased charges 
are due to a large surplus balance remitted to other treasuries, to tha 
expenditure on account of local funds, and to the repayment of 
deposits. 

In the following balance sheets the figures shown in black type on 
both sides of the 1879-80 balance sheet are book adjustments. On 
the receipt side the item of £15,027 (Rs. 1,50,270) represents the 
additional revenue the district would yield,, had none of its land 
been alienated. On the debit side the items of £2062 (Rs. 20,620) 
under land revenue and £69 (Rs. 690) under police are the rentals 
of the lands granted for service to village headmen and watchmen. 
The item of £12,896 (Rs. 1,28,960), shown under allowances and 
assignments, represents the rental of lands granted to hereditary 
oflBcers whose services have been dispensed with, and of religious and 
charitable land-grants. Cash allowances to village and district 
officers who render service are treated as actual charges and debited 
to land revenue. 



Chapter X, 

Revenue and 
Finance. 

Salt. 



Public Works. 

Military. / 

Mint, 

Post. 

Telegraph. 

Registration. 

Education. 

Police. 
Medicine. 
Jail. 
Transfer, 



Balance Sheets, 
1820 and 1880. 



Chapter X. 

Bevenne and 
Finance. 

Balance Sheets, 
1820 and 1880. 



Local Funds. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
652 DISTRICTS. 

TBANA balance sheets, 1819-ZO and 1879-80. 



Receipts. 


Chabobs. 


Head. 


'1819-20. 


1879-80. 


Head. 


1819-20. 


1879-80. 




£ 


£ 




£ 


£ 


LandEevenue 


135,255 


141,346 
14,651 
16,379 


Land Revenue 


29,247 


24,948 

2062 
436 


Stamps 


2411 


Stamps 


751 


Excise 


3867 


62,450 


Excise 


602 


1841 


Justice 


1127 


376 

3660 


j™««^ ISnai;; 


} 10,744 


f 18,682 
\ 6822 


Forests 




16,072 


Forests 


46 


^If 


Assessed Taxes .,'. 




6316 


Assessed Taxes 




14,567 


Miscellaneous 


'"682 


224 


Allowances 


10|868 


Interest 




29 






12,896 


Customs and Opium 


44i4.31 


1041 


Pensions 




6066 


Salt 


211 


110,629 


Ecclesiastical 


"l62 


692. 


Public Works 




7102 


Miscellaneous 


783 


1791 


Military 


... 


871 


Customs 


19,698 


1 


Mint 




164 


Salt 




24,107 


Post 




4166 


Public Works 


"2750 


24,402 


telegraph 


... 


15 


MUitarv 


... 


3468 


Registration 




1266 


Mint ...- 




1686 


Education 




6940 


Post 


... 


2602 ' 


Police 


.1. 


1097 


Telegraph 




185 


JBedicine 




1 


Registration 


... 


945 


Jails 




1240 


Education 




B3I7 


Sales of Books 




23 


Police 


... 


16,663 ' 
69 
3998 








Medicine 










Jails 


... 


7260 








Office Rents 




16 








Printing 




17 








Miscellaneous 


... 


1791 


Total ... 
Tranifer Items. 






Public Works 

Total ... 

iVan^er Itemi. 




... 


187,984 


380,618 


76,450 


112,388 










Deposits and Loans 


8462 


12,634 


Deposits and Loans 


4467 


11,602 


Gash Remittances .„ 


1976 


13,208 


Cash Remittances 


138,133 


266,753 


Local Funds 




16,916 


Interest 




247 


Total ... 
Gbahd Total ... 






Local Funds 

Total ... 
Grand Total ... 




2180 


10,438 


41,668 


142,600 


270,782 


198,422 


422,276 
15,027 


218,050 


443,170 

1S,027 



Revenue other than Imperial. 

The district local funds, wliicli since 1863 have been collected to 
promote rural education andsupply roads, water, drains, rest-touses, 
and dispensaries, amounted in 1879-80 to £21,163 (Es. 2,11,630), and 
the expenditure to £19,565 (Rs. 1,95,650). This revenue is drawn 
from three sources, a special cess of one-sixteenth in addition to the 
land tax, the proceeds of certain subordinate local funds, and 
some miscellaneous items of revenue. The special land cess, of 
which two-thirds are set apart as a road fund and the rest as a 
fechoolfund, yielded in 1879-80 a revenue of £9298 (Rs. 92,980). 
Smaller heads, including a ferry fund, a cattle-pound fund, a 
travellers' bungalow fund, and a school fee fund yielded £6368 
(Rg. 63,680). Government and private subscriptions amounted to 
£4099 (Rs. 40,990), and miscellaneous receipts, including certain 
items of land revenue, to £1398 (Rs. 13,980). This revenue is 
administered by committees partly of official and partly of private 
members. Besides the district committee consisting of the 



KonkanJ 



THANA. 



653 



Collector, assistant and deputy collectors, the executive engineer, 
and the education inspector as official and the proprietor of an 
alienated village and six landholders as non-official members, each 
sub-division has its own committee, consisting of an assistant 
collector, the mdmlatddr, a public works officer, and the' deputy 
education inspector as official and the proprietor of an alienated 
village and three landholders as non-official members. The sub- 
divisional committees bring their local requirements to the notice 
of the district committee which prepares the yearly budget. 

For administrative purposes the local funds of the district are 
divided into two main sections, one set apart for public works and 
the other for instruction. The 1879-80 receipts add disbursements 
under these two heads were as follows : 



TeXna Local Funds, 1879-80. 




PUBIIC WORKS. 


Eeobhts. 


Chaksss. 


Balance on Ist April 1879 

Two-thirds of the Land Cess 

Tolls 

Femes 

Cattle-pounds ., 

Travellers* Bungalows 

Contributions 

Miscellaneons 

Total 


£ 

4284 
6199 
3794 
1672 
332 
15 
1869 
1305 


Establishment 

New Works 

Eepairs 

Medical Charges 

Miscellaneous 

Balance on 31sfc March 1880 

Total 


£ 

1920 
4677 
6626 
879 
366 
5802 


19,470 


19,470 



INSTBUCTION. 



ESCEIFTS. 


Charoes. 


Balance on 1st April 1879 

Onothird of the Land Cess 

School-fee f and 

Contributions, Government and Muni- 
cipal 

Ditto Private 

Miscellaneooa 

Total ... 


£ 

1210 
8099 
5SS 

2203 
27 
93 


Schools , 

School-houses, building , 

Ditto repairs ,; 

Miscellaneous „ .„ 

Balance on Slst March 1880 

Total ... 


£ 

46D6 
931 
161 
209 

1390 


• 7187 


7187 



Since 1863 from local funds about 460 miles of road have been 
made and kept in order and partly planted with trees. To improve 
the water-supply 917 wells, 29 ponds, and 27 water-courses have 
been made or repaired. To help village instruction, ninety-eight 
schools, and for the comfort of travellers 33 rest-houses have been 
built or repaired. Besides these works, five dispensaries and 472 
cattle-pounds have been made or repaired. 

There are nine municipalities, seven of them, Thdna, Kalyan, 
Bhiwndi, Panvel, Bassein, M^him, and Uran established under Act 
XXVI. of 1850 and two of them B^ndra and Kxirla established under 
Act VI. of 1873. These municipalities are administered by a body 
of commissioners, with the Collector as President and the assistant 
or deputy collector in charge of the sub-division as vice-president. 
The Thana and Kurla municipalities have an executive commissioner 



Chapter X. 

Keveuue and 
Finance. 

Local FandB. 



Balance Sheet, 
1880. 



Municipalitiea. 



[Bombay G-azetteer, 



654 



DISTRICTS. 



Chfl^ter X. 

Rereniie and 
Einance. 

Hmticipalities. 



instead of a rmmaging committee. la 1879-80 the total municipal 
revenue amounted to £7831 (Rs. 78,310). Of tMs £1978 (Rs. 19,780) 
were recovered from octroi dues, £1740 (Rs. 17,400) from house tax, 
£2324 (Rs. 23,240) from tolls and wheel taxes, £715 (Rs. 7150) from 
assessed taxes, and £1074 (Rs. 10,740) from miscellaneous sources. 

The following statement gives for each of the municipalities the 
receipts, charges, and incidence of taxation during the year ending 
the 31st of March 1880 : 

Th&na. Mwmdpal DetaUs, 1879-80. 







Feoplb, 
1881. 


RBCIilPTS. 


NiiHE. 


Date. 






Tolls 














Octroi. 


Hoase- 


and 


Assessed 


Miscella- 


Total. 


Inci- 








tax. 


Wheel 


taxes. 


neous. 


dence. 












tax. 
















£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


«. d. 


Panvel 


Feb. 1855... 


10,351 


97 


171 


64 


46 


199 


667 


1 1 


Ealyto 


May 1865... 


12,910 


174 


272 


691 


18 


74 


1229 


110 


MShim 


Jan. 1867... 


7122 


136 


70 




43 


9 


268 


8 


Thina 


Got. 1862... 


14,156 


400 


224 


522 


340 


325 


1811 


2 6 


Bassein 


March 1864. 


10,357 


385 


165 


130 


138 


16 


823 


1 7 


Bhiwndi ... 


Jan. 1865... 


13,837 


314 


332 


366 




108 


1119 


1 7i 


Uran 


Aug. 1866... 


10,149 


472 


124 


34 


30 


88 


748 


1 64 


Bindra 


Marohisre. 


14,987 




362 


828 


45 


237 


1162 


1 6i 


Kurla 


Feb. 1878... 
Total,.. 


9715 




40 




56 


19 


114 


22 


103,884 


1978 


1740 


2324 


715 


1074 


7831 





Name. 


Cbaroxs. 


StafL 


Safety. 


Health. 


Schools. 


Works. 


MisceUa-' 


Total. 


New. 


Repairs. 


neons. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


Panvel 


37 


6 


312 






168 


66 


66S 


Kaly&n 


61 


204 


370 


140 


67 


381 


68 


1281 


M4him 


71 


21 


103 


7 


34 


16 


21 


273 


Th4na .., 


150 


121 


69S 


123 


•145 


230 


109 


1573 


Bassein 


168 


63 


8;i0 


a 


80 


94 


24 


768 


Bhiwndi 


75 


99 


363 


32 


28 


133 


261 


991 


Uran 


88 


60 


216 


66 




112 


82 


601 


B&ndra ... 


119 


40 


411 




383 


101 


09 


1153 


Kurla 

Total ... 


18 




34 








i 


66 


787 


694 


2824 


382 


737 


1225 


713 


7262 



Eonkan.] 



C HAPTER XI. 

INSTRUCTION. 

In 1879-80 there were 154 Government schools or an average 
of one school for every fourteen inhabited villages, alienated as well, 
as Government, with 7842 names on the rolls and an average 
attendance of 5560 pupils or 6'31 per cent of 123,228 the population 
between six and fourteen years of age. 

Excluding superintendence charges the expenditure on these 
schools amounted in 1879-80 to £6106 (Rs. 61,060), of which £2593 
(Rs. 25,930) were debited to Government and £3513 (Rs. 35,130) to 
local and other funds. 

In 1879-80, under the Director of Public Instruction and the 
Educational Inspector, Central Division, the education of the district 
was conducted by a local stafE 291 strong, consisting of a deputy 
educational inspector with a yearly salary of £210 (Rs. 2100), and 
masters and assistant-masters of schools with yearly salaries 
ranging from £150 (Rs. 1500) to £7 4s. (Rs. 72). 

Of the 154 Government schools, 117 taught Mar^thi, four 
Gujarati, seven Urdu, and one Portuguese. In thirteen of the 
schools Marathi and Gujardti were taught, in four Marathi and 
Urdu, and in two Marathi and Portuguese. In two of the six 
remaining schools instruction was given in English Mardthi and 
Sanskrit, in three in English and Marathi, and in one in English and 
Portuguese. Of the 117 Marathi schools six were exclusively for 
girls. 

Besides these Government schools, there were four primary schools 
inspected by the educational department, of which one is attached to 
the jail and a second to the police head-quarters. There were no 
private schools aided by Government. 

Before Government took the education of the district under their 
care every large village had a school. These schools were generally 
taught by Brahmans and attended by boys under twelve years of age. 
Since the introduction of state education these local private schools 
have suffered greatly. Still it is the feeling among husbandmen and 
traders that the chief objects of schooling are to teach boys the fluent 
reading and writing of the current or Modi Mard,tha hand and 
arithmetic. These subjects they think are better taught in private 
schools than in Government schools, and for this reason in large 
villages and country towns several private schools continued to 
compete successfully with Government schools till within the last 
year or two when the Government schools began to give more 



Chapter ZI. 
Instruction. 

Schools, 

Cost. 



Staff. 



Instruction. 



Private Schools. 



[Bombay Qazetteer, 



656 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter XI. 

Instruction. 

Private Schools. 



Progress, 
1827-1880. 



attention to tlie teaching of Modi or Marathi writing. In 1879-80 
there were sixty-three of these private schools with an attendance of 
about 1095 pupils. The teacher's education is limited, but they teach 
the alphabet, the multiplication table, and some of the simpler 
rules of arithmetic with skill and success. The masters are 
mostly Brahmans.^ In many cases they are men who have failed to 
get Government or other employment. They have no fixed fees 
and depend on what the parents or guardians of their pupils 
are inclined to pay. In addition to the fees they levy small 
fortnightly contributions and receive occasional presents. The 
entrance fee, which is offered to the teacher in the name of Sarasvati 
the goddess of learning, varies from 3cZ. (2 as.) for a poor boy to 
2s. (Ee. 1) for the son of well-to-do parents. When a boy has 
finished his first or ujalni course and is taught to write on paper, 
the teacher gets from l^d. to 2s. {anna 1-Re. 1). On the last day 
of each half of the Hindu month, that is on every full-moon or 
Purnima and every new-moon or Amdvdsya, the master gets from 
all except the poorest pupils, a quarter to a full sher of rice 
according as the boy's parents are rich or poor. Such of the parents 
as are well disposed to the teacher or are satisfied with their boys' 
progress, give the master a turban or a pair of waistcloths on the 
occasion of the pupil's thread-ceremony or marriage. Altogether the 
income of the teacher of a private school varies from about £3 to £7 
(Rs. 30 - Rs. 70) a year. Boys of six to eight are taught reckoning 
tables or ujalni. They are then made to trace letters on a sanded 
board or to write them on a black board with a reed pen dipped in 
wet chalk. The pupils seldom learn to write well, but mental 
arithmetic is taught to perfection and the method of teaching the 
tables has been adopted in Government schools. The boys go to 
their teacher's house in the morning and evening. As his house 
is often small the pupils are grouped in the veranda where they 
work their sums and shout their tables. The position of the teacher 
as a Brdhman, and the religious element in some of their teachings 
help them in their competition with the secular state schools- The 
course of study in these private schools is soon finished. Most of 
the boys leave before they are twelve. 

The following figures show the increased means for learning to 
read and write ofEered by Government to the people during the last 
fifty-three years. The first Government vernacular school was 
opened at Bassein in 1827, and the second three years after at 
Kalyan. Five years later a school was established at Thdna, and 
in the following thirteen years two schools were added one at 
Panvel and the other at Mdhim. Thus in 1850 there were only five 
Government schools in the district. The first English school was 
opened at Thd,na in 1851. Within about four years ten new schools 
were opened at different places, raising the number to sixteen. In 
1857-58 the number of schools had risen to twenty-seven with 1688 
names on the rolls. By 1870 the number of schools had risen to 
123, and the number of pupils to 7027. The attendance was 



1 Of the sixty-three village schoolmasters in 1879-80 twenty-two were Brdhmans, 
eleven were MarathAs, fifteen were other Hindus, and fifteen were Musahndns, 



Eonkau.] 



THlNA. 



657 



regular, about 5290 boys being on an average present. In 1877-78 
the number of schools had risen to 151, but the number on the rolls 
had fallen from 7027 to 6975 and the average attendance from 
5290 to 5077. In 1879-80, the number of schools rose to 154, 
the names on the rolls to 7842, and the average attendance to 5560. 
A comparison -with the returns for 1857-58 gives for 1879-80 an 
increase from twenty-seven to 154 in the number of schools, and from 
1588 to 7842 in the number of pupils. 

Before 1867 there were no girls' schools. In 1871-72 there- were 
six schools with 248 names on the rolls and an average attendance 
of 180. In 1879-80 the number of schools was still six, but the 
number of pupils had risen to 363 and the average attendance to 
217. 

In 1881 of 822,400, the total Hindu population, 8458 (males 
8326, females 132) or 1*02 per cent were under instruction ; 19,766 
(males 19,611, females 155) or 2'40 per cent were instructed j 794,176 
(males 395,394, females 398,782) or 96-56 per cent were illiterate. Of 
42,391 the total Musalman population 1404 (males 1299, females 
105) or 3*31 per cent were under instruction ; 2626 (males 2594, 
females 32) or 619 per cent were instructed ; 38,361 (males 19,019, 
females 19,342) or 90'49 per cent were illiterate. Of 39,545, the 
total Christian population, 1221 (males 969, females 252) or 308 per 
cent were under instruction j 1515 (males 1344, females 171) or3'83 
per cent were instructed; 36,809 (males 17,589, females 19,220) 
or 9308 per cent were illiterate. The following statement shows 
these details in tabular form : 

Education Census Details, 1881. 





HiKDUS. 


MUSALMA'HS, 


Ohbistiahs. 


Hales. 




Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


Under Instruction — 

Below fifteen 

Above fifteen 

Instructed— 

Below fifteen 

Above fifteen 

Illiterate— 

Below fifteen 

Above fifteen 

Total ... 


7063 
1263 

673 
18,938 

168,678 
226,716 


127 
6 

21 
134 

164,621 
234,261 


1141 
168 

99 
2495 

7071 
11,948 


92 
13 

6 

26 

7057 
12,285 


784 
188 

29 
1315 

6978 
10,611 


175 

77 

13 
168 

7486 
11,734 


423,331 


399,069 


22,912 


19,479 


19,902 


19,643 



Before 1857-58 there was no return of pupils arranged according, 
to race and religion. The following statement shows that in 1879-80 
of the whole number of pupils in Government schools seventy-nine 
per cent were Hindus : 

Pupih'by Race, 1865-1880. 



KACB. 


1866-66. 


Per 
cent. 


1879-80. 


Per 

cent. 


Hindus 

Musalm&ns ... ... 

Firsis and others ... 

Total ... 


4249 
129 
283 


9116 
3 '76 
6-76 


6242 
772 
828 


79-60 
9-86 
10-65 


4661 




7842 





Chapter XL 

Instruction. 

Progress, 
1827-1880. 



Girla' Schools. 



Headers and 
Writers. 



Pi^ila by 
Race, 



B 310—83 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



658 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter ZI. 
Instruction., 

Piipils, 

Vasti, 



Schools, 
18B5-1880. 



Of 74!79, the total number of boys in G-ovemmeiit schools at 
the end of MajFch 1880, 1715 were Brdhmans, 694 Prabhus, 
twenty-three Lingdyats, twenty-six Jainsj 599 Vdnis and Bhfiti^s, 
1611 Kunbis, 781 Artisans (Sonars, Lohars, SutArs, Khatris, and 
Shimpis), 147 Labourers and Servants (Parits and Bhois), 400 
Miscellaneous (Bhats^ Vanj^iSj and BharvMs), 770 Musalmdns, 
308 PArsis, one Indo-European, 428 Native Ghristians, forty-eight 
Jews, and twenty-eight aboriginal tribes. Though boys of the 
depressed classes, such as Chdmbhars and Mhdrs, do not attend 
the regular schools, in some towns and villages special schools have 
been opened for them and have proved successful. Of 363, the 
total number of girls on the rolls of the six schools in 1879-80, 
318 were Hindus, two were Musalmans, and forty-three were 
entered as ' Others.' 

'nie following tables, prepared from special returns furnished by 
the Education Department, sbow in detail the number of schools and 
pupils with their cost to G-ovemment : 

TSA'NA SCSOOL RETVItN, 1855-56, 1865-86 AND 1879-80. 



Class. 




FonLS. 




Hindus. 


Mnsaltn&ns. 




1 


s 


1 


1 


1 


! ■ 


1 


i 


Qovemmmt. 

High School 

Anglo-Veniacatair 

■«'^"«"^« l^to ".'. 

inapeeted. 
Vernacular ... 

Total .. 


i 

16 


14 
'63 


1 

4 

143 

6 

4 


72 


1672 
2677 


100 
636 

6289 
318 

111 


1 

41 


63 
76 


4 

8 

788 

2 

28 


16 


79 


168 


1038 


4249 


6353 


42 


129 


800 



CliASS. 


FvriLB—eimUnuea. 


Average dai 




F£rsis, &c. 


total. 


attendaiicE 


1 


iH 


s 


1 


i 


g 


s 


i 


i 


Bovemmenl. ; 
















J 




High School 




... 


20 




... 


124 




... 


«S! 


ADglo-Vernacular 


37., 


86 


82 


110 


1710 


625 


69 


1325 


485 


„ , (Boys .., 
^«™»^« 1 Girls .. 


96. 


198 


683 


1103 


2961 


6730 


809 


2101 


4764 
217 


Inspected. 




















Vernacular 

Total ... 


... 




143 






m 


... 


... 


203 


133 


283 


971 


1213 


4661 


8124 


878 


3426 


5762 



Koukau.] 



THANA. 



659 



THA'NA SCHOOL RETUBS, 18SS-S6, 1865-68 AND JSW-SO-oontinued. 



Class. 


Fee. 


Cost feb Fdpil. 


1856-66. 


1866-66. 


1870-80. 


1856-66. 


1869-66. 


1879-80. 


Oovertiment. 

Ai^lo-Vernacular 

Vema^mlar ... {fj^ ■■■ 

Impected. 
Vernacular 

Total ... 


Is. to 2s. 

nd. 


M'ioM. 
y. to &d. 


2». to 8s. 

lid. to Is. 

Sd. to 9d. 


£s. d. 

1 "i 8 
8 11 


£ s. d. 

i'T a 

17 li 


£ .. d. 

8 6 SI 
1 10 

16 1 

1 3 1 

1 19 4 















Class. 


Receipts. 


Government. 


Local Cess. 


Municipalities. 


CO 


1 


iH 


»H 


1 


8 

i 


CO 


i 


s 


Government. 

High School 

Anglo-Yemacular 

vernacular .., {^ Z 

Inspected. 
Vernacular ... , 

Total ... 


& 

"60 
292 


£ 

662 
480 


£ 

247 
448 
1647 
261 


£ 


£ 

1278 
U2e 


e 

3009 


£ 


£ 


£ 
174 


352 


1142 


2593 


... 


2703 


8009 


... 


... 


174 



Class. 








Bbceipts- 


continued. 






Mvate. 


Fees. 


Total. 


1 


rH 


S 


i 


i 


i 


1 


S 


1 

1-4 


QmermnuiKt. 

High School 

Anglo-Vemaculai 

Vernacular ... {&' ;;; 

XmpeiAed, 
Vernaculw 

Total ... 


£ 
6S 


£ 

664 
18 


£ 
260 

"28 


£ 


£ 

409 
168 


£ 
276 
226 
460 


£ 

isi 

419 


£ 

2913 
2091 


£ 

773 
848 
5134 
261 


65 


562 


278 


138 


677 


962 


560 


6004 


7006 



Class. 


EXPBNDITDItE. 


Instruction and 
Inspection. 


Buildings. 


Scholarships. 


Total. 


i 


i 


00 


t 


s 


i 


1 


US 

1-1 


^ 


1 


I-( 


i 


QmermiMnt. 

High School 

Anglo-Vernacular 

Vernacular ... {^ Z 

- ' Iraipeeted. 
Vernacular 

Total ... 


£ 

124 
361 


£ 

16U 
1768 


1 

8644 
281 

123 




£ 

604 
33 


£ 
260 

276 


£ 


£ 

i'i 


£ 
10 
24 


£ 

124 
361 


£ 

2126 
1801 


£ 

773 

840 

3844 

m 

1^ 


485 


3279 


5647 




637 


826 


... 


11 


34 


485 


3927 


8107 



Chapter ZI. 
Instruction. 

Sohoola, 
1855-1880. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



660 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter XI. 
lustriictiou. 

Schools, 
1855-1880. 



THA'SA SCHOOL SETUXN, 1851-56, ISeS-SB, ASD IS?9-«0— continued. 



Town Schools, 
1879-80. 



Class. 


Cost to 


Government. 


Local Ceas. 


Other Funds. 


Total. 


1 


CD 


s 


s 


4 
i 


1 


i 


! 


4 


|9 


1 


1 

£ 

778 

840 

3843 

827 

123 


Goverrmmt. 

High School 

Anglo-Vernacular 

Vem^-^lar {^J^Z 

Intpeeted. 
Vernacular 

Total ... 


£ 

"eo 

292 


£ 

662 
480 


£ 

247 

448 

1647 

251 


£ 


£ 

1278 
1320 


£ 

1718 


£ 

"64 
69 


£ 
187 


£ 

626 

392 

478 

fi76 

123 


£ 

124 
361 


£ 

2127 
1800 


362 


1142 


2593 


2598 


1718 


133 


187 


1795 


435 


3927 


6106 



A comparison of tlie present (1879-80) provision for teaclung tie 
district town and village population gives the following results. In 
the town of Thdna, there were in 1879-80 six schools with 661 
names on the rolls and an average attendance of 473 pupils. Of 
these six schools, one was a high school, two were Marathi, one 
Urdu, one Anglo -Portuguese, and one a girls' school. The average 
yearly cost of each pupU in the high school was £2 12s. (Rs. 26) ; in 
the other schools it varied from 13s. (Rs. 6^) to £1 Is. (Ra. lOi). 
In addition to the six Government schools, there were seven private 
schools, one with 162 boys on the roll. Of these private schools one 
was an Anglo-vernacular school teaching to the fifth standard which 
has since been closed, four were Marathi schools, one an Urdu school, 
and one a Gujarati school. In 1879-80, in the town of Kalydn there 
were five Government schools with 451 names on the roll, and an 
average attendance of 339 pupils. Of these schools one was a first 
grade Anglo-vernacular school, one an Urdu school, one a Marathi 
school, one a Gujardti school, aiid one a girls' school. The average 
yearly cost of each boy in the BngUsh school was £4 13s. llrf. 
(Rs. 46-15-6) and in the Urdu school 16s. 10^. (Rs. 8-7). In the 
other schools it varied from Us. 7d. to 17s. 3d. (Rs. 5-13-Rs. 8-10). 
In the town of Bhiwndi there were three Government schools, two 
for boys and one for girls. The number of boys on the rolls was 
280, the average attendance 182, the average yearly cost for each 
pupU in the boys' school was 19s., 6d. (Rs, 9|) and in the girls' 
school 16s. 6d. (Rs. 8^). In the town of Panvel there were three 
Government schools, a second grade Anglo-vernacular school, an 
Urdu school, and a girls' school, with 271 names on the rolls and an 
average attendance of 197. The average yearly cost for each pupU 
was 16s. 6d. (Rs. 8J) in the Anglo-vernacular school and in the 
rest it varied from bs. 6d. to 19s. 6c?. (Rs. 2|-Rs. 9|). In the 
town of Mahim there were two Government schools for boys with 
267 names on the rolls and an average attendance of 186. The 
average yearly cost of each pupil was 10s. 4d (Rs. 5-3). In the 
town of Bassein there were two Government schools, one of them a 
second grade Anglo- v-emacular school. There were 232 names on 
the rolls, and an average yearly cost of 14s. 9d. (Rs. 7-6) in the 
English school and 12s. 9d. (Rs. 6-6) in the Mardthi school. 



Eoukan.] 



THANA. 



661 



Exclusive of the six towns of TMna, Kaly^n, Bhiwndi^ Panvel, 
M^him, and Bassein, the district of Thdna was in 1879-80 provided 
with 133 schools or an average of one school to every sixteen 
inhabited villages. The following statement shows the distribution 
of these schools by sub-divisions : 

TMna Village Schools, 1879-80. 



Sub-Division. 


Villages. 


^^^' 


Schools. 


SUB-DlVISlON. 


Villages. 


^^y 


Schools. 


D&Mnu 

MShim 

Bassein 

Bhiwndi 

Sh&h&pur 

VMa 


212 
188 
92 
191 
271 
156 


108,615 
69,767 
58,302 
61,255 

107,140 
36,497 


11 
11 
14 

8 
14 

8 


S&laette 

Kaly4n 

Murb&d 

Panvel 

Karjat 


113 
223 
172 
217 
270 


92,763 
64,891 
63,932 
88,225 
80,105 


16 
9 
7 

la 

17 



In 1880 there were six libraries and two reading-rooms in the 
district. The Thdna Native General Library was founded in 1850 
chiefly through the liberality of Mr. Key who was then judge. The 
library is recognised and registered by Government. In 1879-80 
the library included a stock of 947 books, 712 of which were English 
and 235 in ancient and modem oriental languages. Of the 712 
English books, 128 were selections from Government records, 
seventeen were on religion, nineteen on law, fifty -five on science 
and arts, fifteen were travels and voyages, 1 36 were histories and 
biographies, ten were poetical and dramatic works, twenty-one were 
books of general literature, 107 were works of fiction, fifty-two were 
magazines, and 152 were on miscellaneous subjects. Of the 235 
works in oriental languages, three were Sanskrit, two Persian, seven 
Hindustani, 198 Mard,thi, and twenty-five Gujard,ti. The library 
subscribes to two daily newspapers, the Bombay Gazette and the 
Bombay Samdohdr, and to one weekly paper the Poena Dnydn 
Prakaah. It also receives, free of charge, the Arunodaya and the 
Suryodaya. No periodical was subscribed for, but the Bombay 
Educational Eecord was received free of cost. In 1879-80, there were 
on the library lists forty-five subscribers, seven of them first class 
paying 2s. (Re. 1) a month, twelve secoiid class paying Is. (8 as.), 
twenty-three third class papng 6d. (4 as.), and three fourth class 
paying 3d. (2 as.). In 1879-80 the total receipts were £47 (Rs. 470). 
The Bassein Library was started in 1863 by the people of the town. 
In 1879-80 it had nineteen subscribers and a stock of 320 books. 
It is supported partly by monthly subscriptions and partly by a 
municipal grant. In 1880 it had a revenue of £19 (Rs. 190) and 
took three vernacular and four English newspapers, and three monthly 
magazines. The monthly rates of subscription were Is. 6d. (12 as.), 
6d. (4 as.), and 3d. (2 as.). In 1880 there were thirteen subscribers 
and a revenue of £5 4s. (Rs. 52) . The Kalydn Library was founded 
in 1864 by the people of the town, and is supported by monthly 
subscriptions. In 1879-80 the library contained 335 books and had 
forty-three subscribers. It took four English and five vernacular 
newspapers and four monthly magazines. There were four rates of 
subscription, 2s. (Re. 1), Is. (8 as.), 6d. (4 as.), and 3d. (2 as.). In 
1880 the income and the expenditure amounted to £35 (Rs. 350). 



Chapter XI. 
Instruction. 

Village Schools. 



Libraries. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter XI. 
Instruction. 

Idbraries. 



Reading 
Booms. 



Newspapers. 



The Uran Native General Library was opened in 1865 by the 
people of the town. In 1879-80 it was maintained by a contribution 
of £6 (Rs. 60) from the municipal fund. The library has 271 books 
and subscribes to one English ajid two vernacular newspapers. 
The Native General Library at Bhiwndi was started in 1865 by 
the people of the town, and is maintained partly by monthly 
subscriptions and partly from funds received from the municipality. 
In 1879-80 it subscribed to twelve newspapers, two of them English 
and ten vernacular. The subscribers were divided into two classes, 
those of the first class paying a monthly subscription of 1«. (8 
as.) and those of the second paying 6d. (4 as.). In 1879-80 there 
were twenty-six subscribers and a revenue of £22 (Rs. 220) all 
of which was spent. The Bhiwndi Library contains 482 books. 
The Panvel Library was founded by the people of the town in 
1867. It is supported partly from subscriptions and pai-tly from a 
municipal grant. In 1879-80 it had 216 books and took one 
Ternaoular newspaper and two monthly magazines. There were 
twelve subscribers, some paying Is. 6d, (12 as.) a month, others Is. 
(8 OS.), and the rest 6d. (4 as). 

The Kelve-Mahim Reading-room was founded by the people of 
Mahim in 1877, and is supported solely by the subscribers. In 
1879-80 it subscribed to four Mardthi newspapers and to six 
monthly magazines. The ShdhApur Readingrroom was opened in 
1876 and is maintained entirely by subscription. It takes four 
vernacular newspapers. The yearly charges are about £3 (Rs. 30). 

There are four weekly Mardthi newspapers in the district. The 
Arunodaya or Dawn is of seventeen years' standing. It is 
published at Thdna on Sundays, at a yearly subscription of 10s. 
(Rs. 6). The Suryodaya or Sunrise is of sixteen years' standing. 
It is published at Thdna on Mondays, at a yearly subscription of 
10s. (Rs. 5). The Hindu Punch of eleven years' standing is 
published at Thdna on Thursdays, at a yearly subscription of 4s. 
(Rs. 2). The Vasai Samachdr or the Bassein News is of five years' 
standing. It is published at Bassein on Sundays, at a yearly 
Bubscription of 5s. (Rs. 2^). 



Eoukan.] 



CHAPTER XII. 

HEALTH.i 

The low level of the plains of the district, its heavy rainfall, and 
the large area of salt marsh, forests, and rice fields, make the 
climate hot, damp, and feverish. The most feverish months are 
October Noveinber and December, when, after the south-west 
monsoon is over and under a powerful sun, decaying vegetable 
matter produces an atmosphere charged with fevers and throat and 
bowel aflfections. 

The chief disease is malarial fever complicated by enlarged spleen 
and enlarged liver. Malarial bloodlessness and scurvy also largely 
prevail and complicate nearly every disease that comes under 
treatment. Many of the people of the district are under-fed and 
under-olothed, and indulge freely, some of them excessively, in 
country liquor. This fondness for liquor is one of the causes of the 
poor physique and meagre appearance of many of the lower classes 
in Th^na. Syphilis, gonorrhoea, and skin diseases are common. 
Children suffer from intestinal worms, which are generally round, 
though the thread-worm is also common. Guineaworm is endemic 
and gives rise to various affections of the cellular tissue which last 
for months. Epidemics of cholera used to be frequent. They still 
occasionally occur, but at least in the town of Thana, the introduc- 
tion of pure water has diminished the virulence of the outbreaks. 

The chief causes of disease are impure air, scanty and impure 
water, scanty and improper food, and scanty clothing. As regards 
food, rice is often taken in excessively large quantities causing 
chronic dyspepsia and swelling and weakening of the stomach. The 
working in the fields without covering from the sun in the hot 
months or with only a blanket or leaf-shade to ward off the raw 
damp of the south-west monsoon severely try the constitutions of the 
peasantry. 

Intermittent fevers of the daily-recurring or quotidian type are 
the prevailing affections, the hospital returns showing about twenty- 
five per cent of fever cases.* Eemittent fever is comparatively rare j 
when it does occur it is complicated with jaundice and congested 
liver or spleen. One of the most painful followers of malarial fevers 



Chapter XII. 
Health. 

Climate, 



DiBeasei. 



Malarial 
Fevers, 



1 The details of diseases and epidemics have been compiled from information 
supplied by Surgeon K. R. Kirtikar, Civil Surgeon of Thina. 

2 Of atotal of 95,005 admissions in 1879 and 94,017 in 1880, 26,307 or 27 '6 per cent 
and 25,244 or 26 '8 per cent were for malarial fevers. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



664 



DISTRICTS. 



Bowel 
Affections, 



Chapter XII. is hemicrania a pain on one side of the head which is not amenable 
Health. ^ nerve-sedatives or to quinine. Repeated attacks of malarial fever 

not uncommonly produce intense bloodlessness or anaemia which 
sometimes proves rapidly fatal. During the five years ending 1870 
the number of deaths returned from fever averaged 5393. In 1871 
it rose to 12,763 or nearly four times the number in 1867. During 
the ten years ending 1881 deaths from fever averaged 14,352, the 
total varying from 17,109 in 1881 to 11,678 in 1875. 

Duriag 1879 there were 15,541 and during 1880 there were 15,905 
admissions for bowel affections. Of these 5151 in 1879 and 4834 in 
1880 were for diarrhoea. Among children many bowel diseases are 
due to round worms, a disease from which grown men also largely 
suffer. This affection seems to prevail chiefly among the poorer 
classes who give their children crude molasses. Natives who can 
afford to use purified crystal sugar seldom suffer from round worms. 
Apart from the irritation they cause to the whole intestinal canal 
these worms indirectly cause congestion of the liver, jaundice, fever, 
and other affections. The disease is well treated by native practi- 
tioners who are generally successful in killing the worm by using 
santonine. 

Dysentery. Dysentery caused 2187 admissions in 1879 and 1914 in 1880: It 

is doubtful whether these dysentery cases are not the result of 
aggravated diarrhoea rather than examples of the specific affection 
which is technically known as dysentery. 

Skin. Next in numerical importance come skin diseases, for which there 

were 7136 admissions in 1879 and 7525 in 1880. The chief skin 
diseases are scabies, eczema, and ringworm. Nearly all skin diseases 
in the Konkan are complicated with an eczematous condition showing 
that the skin is deficient in nerve tone. Few of these skin diseases 
are cured without constitutional treatment by iron, cod-liver oil, and 
nutritious diet. 
Throat and There were 6665 admissions in 1879 and 6156 in 1880 for 

Lungs, affections of the breathing organs, chiefly bronchial catarrh and 

bronchitis. Pneumonia is rare. 

Liver and spleen diseases pure and simple are rare. As a rule, 
they are complications of malarial fevers. Heart disea;se is rare. 
A large number of men suffer from gonorrhoea and syphilis which 
are often terribly neglected. Leprosy and phthisis also prevail to 
about an equal extent. The chief cause of affections of the cellular 
tissue is guineaworm which is endemic in the Konkan. The 
entrance of this worm into the body of man is the direct' result 
of bathing or washing in or wading through streamlets and ponds 
containing its minute germs. The stagnant waters after the rains 
are doubtless filled with the germs of these parasites and with 
countless other earth-worms whose structure is closely like that of 
the guineaworm. The affections resulting from the existence of 
this parasite under the skin, and from its sometimes marvellous 
iourneys from one part of the limb to another, are as troublesome 
as they are destructive of the tissue they invade. It is hoped that 
the introduction of water-works in Thana, Alib'%, and other 
Konkan towns will reduce the number of cases of guineaworm. 



Eoukau.] 



THlNA. 



665 



As Bombay is within such easy reach there is little fieldfor operative 
surgery in Thdna. The chief chronic diseases requiring surgical 
interference are taken by friends to Bombay where there is large 
hospital accommodation and the highest surgical skill. Accidental 
injuries alone are treated in Thdna. 

No details are available of the severe outbreaks of small-pox and 
cholera in 1819 and 1820 which so lowered the number of the people 
that for ten years the population is said not to have recovered its 
former strength. The records of the sixteen years ending April 
1882 show that cholera was absent only in 1873 and 1874. In 1875 
there was a very fierce outbreak of cholera. Till April no cases 
occurred. In April four or five were recorded in Kalydn and 
Shahdpur. In May the disease spread to Bhiwndi, Kalyan, 
Shahdpur, Karjdt, Bassein, Mdhim, and Ddhdnu, 182 of 336 seizures 
proving fatal. In June the cholera spread throughout the district, 
the whole number of seizures being 2351 and of deaths 1676. In 
July the seizures rose to 2660, but the deaths fell to 1545, and 
in August the seizures fell to 2388 while the deaths rose to 1653. 
From September the disease began to abate. The seizures fell 
gradually frotn 676. in September to 305 in October, 144 in Novem- 
ber, and 106 in December ; and the deaths fell from 492 in Septem- 
ber to 234 in October, ninety-three in November and eighty-eight 
in December. The total number of deaths in the year was 5969. 
The peculiar feature of the outbreak was the large area affected ; 
few villages escaped. At Thana the attack was most virulent and 
bonfires of sulphur and pitch were kept burning day and night at a 
daily cost of £25 (Rs. 250). The attack was favoured by the filthy 
state of the town, the scanty and impure water, and the defective 
drainage. In 1876 cholera prevailed in all months except March, 
April, and November. The largest number of cases were registered 
in June and August and the smallest number in February and May, 
In the beginning of the year the cases were most numerous in Vada, 
in the middle of the year in Dahdnu, and at the end of the year in 
Karjat. The available details of the Ddhanu outbreak show that the 
disease appeared on the 28th of May at the village of Ndrgol, on 
the 1st of June at Pdlgadu, on the 4th of June at Gholvad on the 
Baroda railway and on the 6th at Umbargaon. It continued till the 
23rd of June but only nine villages suffered. The outbreak was 
fiercest at Gholvad where the villagers are reported to have been 
panic-struck and to have died in the streets, in some cases within 
half an hour after seizure. The disease was mostly confined to 
Mochis, Dublds, Varlis, Kamlis, Mangelds and Dheds who are 
generally poor, badly fed, much given to liquor-drinking and whose 
habits are dirty. No accurate records of the seizure and deaths in 
this outbreak are available. 

In 1877 cholera prevailed from April to December in Panvel, 
Thdna, and Kalydn. The greatest mortality was in May and July 
and the least in November. In 1878 cholera prevailed throughout 
the year. In the beginning of the year it was in Sdlsette, 'Panvel, 
and Karjat ; in February it was in Md,him and Bassein ; in April at 
Bhiwndi, and in May in DdhAnu, The largest number of deaths 
B 310-84 



Chapter XII. 
Health. 



Cholera. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



666 



DISTRICTS. 



Cliapter XII. 
Health. 

Cholera. 



Small-Pox. 



Hospitals and 
Dispensaries. 



Thdna, 



was recorded in July and the smallest in December, In 1879 cholera 
began in April in Bassein and continued till the close of the year. 
In June it travelled through Ddhdnu and Sdlsette, in August 
through Mahim, Bhiwndi, Panvel, and the town of Thana. The 
greatest number of deaths were in June and July and the least in 
April and October. In 1880 it prevailed during the first four months 
causing seventy deaths, of which forty were registered in February 
and four in March. In January, February and March the disease 
was confined to Karjat. It appeared in the town of Thdna at the 
end of March and continued in April. In 1881 cholera prevailed 
from April to November, the largest number of cases having l)een 
registered in August and the smallest in October and April. The 
disease began among the fishermen of Kelva Mahim in April and 
prevailed in Bassein from May to July, when also it appeared in 
Bhiwndi and Kaly&n. In August and September it prevailed in 
Thdna town and in Dhokdti, Majevdeh, and Rabodi, villages to the 
north of Thdna. A few cases occurred in Thdna jail. In November it 
prevailed in Kalyan. During the current year (1882) cholera visited 
Salsette and Panvel in January, Kalydn and Karjat in February, 
and Bhiwndi in March. In June it reappeared in Panvel and 
Karjat and a few cases occurred at Murbdd. It thus appears that 
cholera is almost never absent from the Thana district ; that now 
and then it assumes an epidemic form ; and that the progress of the 
epidemic seems to depend on the frequency of human intercourse 
not on neighbourhood. 

Small-pox still prevails in the Konkan, but the epidemics are 
rarer and less virulent than they used to be. In 1877 of 27,369 
deaths from small-pox in the Bombay Presidency 1301 were 
registered in Thana. The corresponding returns were in 1878 
eighty-one out of 4475 ; in 1879 five out of 1156j in 1880 five out 
of 940 J and in 1881 sixteen out of 539. 

From year to year the mortality returns show a marked variation 
in the ravages of disease. In the year 1873 the death rate in the 
Thdna district was 33'22 per thousand though the year was elsewhere 
healthy ; in 1876 in the whole of the district it was 19"42 per 
thousand and in 1877, 2786 per thousand; in 1878 it was 24-74; 
in 1879, 20-66 and in 1880, 20-22. In the Sanitary Commissioner's 
report for 1880 the mean annual mortality for the previous fourteen 
years is given as 17-53 per thousand. The greatest mortality 
is from fevers. This in 1879 was as much as 16-76 and in 1880 as 
much as 17-70 per thousand. During the fourteen years ending 
1880 the deaths from fever averaged 12-74 per thousand. 

In the year 1881, besides one civil hospital at Thdna there were 
twelve dispensaries, seven being supported from local funds, four 
from endowments, and one by Government. In 1881, 103,680 
patients were treated, 566 of them in-door and 103,114 out-door. 
The total amount spent in checking disease in the same year was 
£4728 (Rs. 47,280). The following details are taken from the 1881 
report j 

The Thana civil hospital was established in 1836. The commonest 
diseases are ague, skin diseases, dysentery, and diarrhoea. The 



Konkan.] 



THlNA. 



667 



number treated was 381 in-door against 248, and 1989 out-door 
patients against 1692 in the previous year. Ten major operations 
were performed, of which two proved fatal. The total cost was 
£623 12s. (Rs. 6236). 

The Sir Kdvasji Jehdngir Bdndra dispensary was established in 
1851. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, intestinal worms, 
bowel complaints, bronchitis, and rheumatic and skin affections. The 
number of patients was 13,805, including seven in-patients, against 
15,246 in 1880 ; 598 children were vaccinated with success. Nine 
major operations were performed. The total cost was £488 2s. 
(Rs. 4,881). 

The Balvantrav Hdri NdikBassein dispensary, established in 1872, 
though conveniently situated, is in bad repair. The prevailing 
diseases are fevers, worms, rheumatic and respiratory affections, and 
skin diseases. Twenty-three in-door and 15,038 out-door patients 
were treated against forty and 16,149 in the previous year. In 
August fifteen cases of cholera occurred with five deaths. The cost 
was £636 6s. (Rs. 5363). 

The ^hiwndi dispensary, established in 1866, is held in a hired 
building. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, intestinal 
worms, and skin affections. 8451 out-door patients were treated 
against 8755 in 1880; the cost was £442 10s. (Rs. 4425). 

The Kelva Mahim dispensary, established in 1872, is conveniently 
lodged in a hired building in good repair. The chief diseases were 
malarial fevers, respiratory affections, bowel complaints, and 
skin diseases. The number treated, including thirty-seven in-door 
patients was 8077, and the cost £585 2s. (Rs. 5851). 

The ShAhdpur dispensary, established in 1877, has a building of 
its own. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, skin diseases, 
respiratory and rheumatic affections, and diseases of the stomach 
and bowels. Except two cases of cholera no epidemic occurred. 
The number treated was 7105 out-door and four in-door patients and 
the cost £170 8s. (Rs. 1704). 

The Panvel dispensary, established in 1873, is held in a hired 
building. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, rheumatism, 
bronchitis, intestinal worms and other bowel complaints. No 
epidemic occurred. Two major operations were performed. The 
number treated was 6375 out-door and thirty-three in-door patients 
and the cost £109 10s. (Rs, 1095). 

The Sakurb^i Chinchni dispensary, called after SakurbAi the wife 
of Mr. Dinshaw MAnekji Petit, was opened in 1878. It has a build- 
ing of its own. The commonest diseases are ague, respiratory and 
rheumatic affections, diseases of the ear, eye, stomach and bowels, 
and skin diseases. The number treated was 9121 out-door and 
nineteen in-door patients and the cost £154 2s. (Rs. 1541). 

The Rustomji Wadia dispensary at Th&na, was established in 
1865. It has a building of its own. The commonest diseases are 
malarial fevers, skin diseases, respiratory and rheumatic affections, 
bowel complaints and ophthalmia. 8516 out-door patients were 
treated at a cost of £188 4s. (Rs. 1882). 



Chapter XII. 
Health. 

Dispensaries. 

Sdndra. 



Bassein, 



Bhiivndi. 



Kelva Mdhim. 



Shdhdpur, 



Panvel. 



Thdna. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter XII. 

Health. 
Dispensaries. 



Kurla, 



XJran, 



M<Uher<in, 



Infirmities. 



Vaccination. 



668 



DISTRICTS. 



The Eukmanibdi dispensary^ called after Lady Mangaldds 
Nathubhai, at Kaly^n, was established in 1865 by Sir Mangald^s 
Nathubhdi, C.S.I. It is a large handsome building of which 
details are given in the account of Kalydn. Intestinal worms, 
fevers, respiratoiy afEections, and skin diseases are the most common 
forms of disease. The number treated was 5474 out-door and 
fifty-nine in-door patients, and the cost £515 (Rs. 5160). 

The Mithib^i dispensary at Kurla, called after Mithibai the mother 
of Mr. Bomanji Hormasji Wadia, was opened in 1855. Malarial 
fevers, . rheumatism, respiratory affections, bowel complaints, skin 
diseases and injuries caused most admissions. The number treated 
was 13,511 out-door and three in-door patients against 7469 and 
twenty respectively in 1880, and the cost £502 4s. (Rs. 5022). 

The P. DeSouza dispensaiy at Uran, called after the wife of Mr. 
M. DeSouza, was established in 1859. The prevailing diseases are 
ague, rheumatism, respiratory affections, bowel complaints including 
worms, diseases of the eye, ear, and skin affections. There was no 
epidemic disease. Three major operations were performed with 
success. 5322 out-door patients were treated at a cost of £340 
(Rs. 3400). 

The Government dispensary at Matheran was opened about 1856. 
It is held in a part of the Superintendent's office. The commonest 
diseases are intestinal worms, fevers, respiratory diseases, and skin 
diseases. The number of patients was 374, and the cost £72 16s. 
(Rs. 728). 

According to the 1881 census returns 3197 (males 1787, females 

1410) persons or 0"35 per cent of the population were infirm. Of the 

total number 2881 (males 1594, females 1287) were Hindus ; 141 

(males 83, females 58) were Musalmdns ; lit were Christians and 

64 came under the head of Others. Of 3197, the total number of 

infirm persons, 396 (males 244, females 152) or 12"38 per cent were of 

unsound mind; 1397 (males 635, females 762) or 436 per cent were 

blind ; 655 (males 393, females 262) or 20*4 per cent were deaf and 

dumb ; and 749 (males 515, females 234) or 23'4per cent were lepers. 

The details are : 

TJidna Infirms, 1881. 



Insane 

BUnd 

Deaf and Dumb 
Lepers 

1 Total ... 


Hindus. 


MUSALIU'HS, 


Chkistiaks. 


Otbebb. 


TOTAI,. 


Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


214 
S71 
864 
435 


138 
697 
233 
220 


12 
29 
24 

18 , 


5 
40 

7 
6 


13 
17 
10 
34 


7 

15 , 
11 

4 


6 

IS 

S 

8 


2 
10 
12 

4 


244 
635 
393 
615 


152 
762 
262 
234 - 


1591 


1287 


83 


SS • 


74 


37 


36 


28 


1787 


1410 



In 1881-82, under the supervision of the Deputy Sanitary Commis- 
sioner Konkan Eegistration District, the work of vaccination was 
carried on by sixteen vaccinators with yearly salaries varying from 
£16 16s. (Rs. 168) to £28 16s. (Rs. 288). Of the operators thirteen 
were distributed over the rural parts of the district, two for each of 



EonkauJ 



THANA. 



the sub-divisions of Ddhduu and Shdhapiir, and one for eaok of the 
other nine snb-divisions. Of the three remaining operatora One was 
posted in ThSna, a 'second in Panvel and Uran, and a third ill ICaly^n 
and Bhiwndi. Vaccination was also practised by the medical 
oflScers of twelve dispensaries. The total number of persons vacci- 
nated was 23,726 besides 1007 revacinated as compared with 1 1,284 
vaccinations in 1869-70. 

The following abstract shows the sex, religion, and age tit the 
persons vaccinated : 

Thdna Vaccination Details, 1869-70 and 1881-8S, 



Yeaeb. 


Persons primakilt vaccihated. 


Sex. 


Caste. 


"Age. 


Toto. 


Males. 


Females. 


Hindus. 


Musal- 
m^DS. 


P&rsis. 


Chris- 


Otliers. 


Under 
one year. 


Above 

two 

years. 


1869-70 ... 
1881-82 ... 


6911 
12,165 


5873 
11,561 


10,357 
21,069 


326 
824 


38 
66' 


469 
1264- 


101 
603 


4607 
11,489 


6777 
12,237. 


ll,3ti 
23,7* 



The total cost of these operations in 1881-82 was £823 (Rs. 8235) 
or about 8\d. {h\ as.) for each successful case. The entire chargS 
was made up of the following items : supervision and inspection 
£358 68. (Rs. 3583), establishment £436 6», (Rs. 4368) and contin* 
gencies £28 8s. (Rs. 284). Of these the supervising and inspecting 
charges were wholly met from Government provincial funds while 
£384 8s. (Rs. 3844) were borne by the local funds of the difEerent 
sub-divisions, and £80 6s. (Rs. 803) were paid by the municipalitiea 
of Thdna, Panvel, Uran, Kalydn, and Bhiwndi for the entertainment 
of three vaccinators. 

Besides cow-pox the chief cattle-diseases are phdnsi, khurlehuU 
and vdghchavda. When attacked with phdnsi, which prevails in the 
hot months, especially in seasons of drought, the tongue becomes 
black and the veins on the tongue swell. Saliva runs freely, food 
is refused and the animal shortly dies. In hhurJchut, which prevails 
during or immediately after the rains and which is less fatal than 
phdnsi, the mouth and feet of the animal are affected and give an 
offensive smell. The rubbing of teakwood oil and making the 
animal stand in mud are the ordinary remedies. In vdghchavda 
the animal's body swells and saliva oozes from the mouth. The 
animal is branded and a tola or two of tiger's fat is given mixed 
with grass or bread. 

The total number of deaths in the sixteen years ending 1881, as 
shown in the Sanitary Commissioner's yearly reports, is 245,326, or 
an average yearly mortality of 15,332, or seventeen per thousand. 
Of the average number of deaths 11,453, or 74"6 per cent were 
returned as due to fevers, 1026 or 6*6 per cent to cholera, 408 or 2*6 
per cent to small-pox, 375 or 2*4 per cent to bowel complaints, and 
1688 or ll'O per cent to miscellaneous diseases. Deaths from 
violence or accidents averaged 380 or 2*4 per cent of the average 
mortality of the district. During the eleven years ending 1881 the 
number of births was returned at 190,050 souls or an avei'age yearly 
birth-rate of 18,679 souls, or twenty per thousand. The details are : 



Chapter XII. 

Health. 
Vaccination. 



Ckttle Diaease. 



Birihs ahd 
t)eath«. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



670 



Chapter XII. 
Health. 

Births and 
Deaths. 



DISTRICTS. 

ThAm Births and Deaths, 1866-1881. 



Tears. 


CSiolera. 


Sm^l- 
pox. 


Feveig. 


Bovel 
Com- 
plaints. 


Injuries. 


Other 
causes. 


Total 
Deaths. 


Total 
Births. 


1866 


66 


71 


4082 


245 


271 


972 


6707 




1867 


18 


251 


3861 


301 


332 


981 


6744 




1888 


468 


925 


6388 


349 


321 


1076 


8528 




1869 


1816 


421 


6191 


347 


297 


1227 


10,299 




1870 


181 


62 


7446 


356 


297 


1375 


9717 




1871 


379 


252 


12,763 


683 


S12 


2268 


,16,657 


16,427 


1872 


313 


780 


16,471 


551 


417 


2028 


19,660 


14,818 


1873 




1,117 


13,907 


508 


366 


1934 


17,831 


17,818 


1874 




268 


11,788 


378 


446 


1565 


14,425 


16,726 


1875 


S969 


286 


11,678 


462 


430 


2205 


21,030 


18,803 


1876 


693 


708 


12,609 


340 


391 


1716 


16,457 


16,773 


1877 


3387 


1301 


16,746 


502 


483 


2242 


23,611 


18,804 


1878 


1809 


81 


16,017 


346 


505 


2204 


20,962 


16,464 


1879 


770 


6 


14,109 


216 


420 


1887 


17,497 


20,442 


1880 


70 


5 


14,997 


188 


898 


1473 


17,131 


23,461 


1881 

_ Total ... 
Average ... 


631 


16 


17,109 


239 


404 


1871 


20,170 


26,442 


16,421 


6639 


183,252 


6011 


6089 


27,014 


245,326 


205,477 


1026 


408 


11,453 


375 


380 


1688 


05,332 


18,679 



*'* The unsettled character of a large section of the population and 
the difficulty of collecting accurate statistics render the figures in 
the statement doubtful. 



(Of 



Koukan.] 



CHAPTER XIII. 

SUB-DIVISIONS. 



Da'ha'nu is in the extreme north of the district. It includes 
the petty-division of Umbargaon and encloses part of the Jawhdr 
state. It is bounded on the north by Snrat and Daman^ on the east 
by Daman Mokhdda and Jawhdr, on the south by Jawh^r and 
Mdhim, and on the west by the sea. Its area is 643 square miles, 
its population^ (1881) 109,322 or 170 to the square mile, and its 
(1880) land revenue £12,684 (Rs, 1,26,840). 

The whole of the 643 square miles are occupied by Government 
villages. They contain 178,323 acres or 43' 3 per cent of arable 
assessed land, 120,264 acres or 29'2 per cent of arable nnassessed, 
42,990 acres or 10'4 per cent of unarable, and 70,313 acres or 17*08 
per cent of village sites, roads, ponds, and river beds. Of the 298,587 
arable acres 8624 are alienated land in Government villages. In 
1880-81, of the remaining 289,963 acres of arable Government land, 
77,540 or 26'7 per cent were under tillage. 

The country is rolUng and picturesque, most of the interior 
being occupied by forest-clad hills in small detached ranges of 
varying height. Towards the coast are broad flats, hardly above sea 
level and seamed by tidal creeks. 

Though pleasant and equable, the climate of the coast villages ia 
feverish for two or three months after the rains, and, except in the 
hot weather, the interior is very unhealthy. During the ten years 
ending 1881, there was an average rainfall of sixty-three inches. 

The sub-division is watered by four chief streams, the Damanganga 
in the north, the Kalu in the east, the Surya in the south, and the 
Varuli in the west. The supply of water is fair especially on the coast. 
In 1881-82 there were four river dams, 157 ponds, 685 wells eight 
with and 677 without steps, and 217 rivers streams and springs. 

Though the soil is said to be fit for garden tillage, garden crops 
are not grown to any great extent. Rice is the chief crop, but much 
ndchni is raised in the interior and the castor plant is common in the 
north. 

In 1866-67, when the survey rates were introduced, 7853 holdings 
or khdtds were recorded. In 1879-80 there were 7582 holdings 
with an average area of 22^ acres and an average rental of 
about £1 14s. (Es. 17). If equally divided among the agricultural 
population, these holdings would represent an allotment of 5^§ acres 
at a yearly rent of 8s. 8^d. (Rs. 4-5-8). If distributed among the 
whole population of the sub-division, the share to each would amount 
to IJ acres, and the incidence of the land tax to 2s. 4<d. (Re. 1-2-8). 

In 212 Government villages rates were fixed in 1863-64 and 
1866-67 for thirty years in the petty-division of Umbargaon and 

1 The revised population (109,322) ia about 700 more than the original total given 
above at p. 2. 



Chapter^XIII. 

Sub-divisions. 

DAhAnu, 



Area. 



Aspect. 



Climate, 



Water. 



Soil. 



Holdings, 
1879-80. 



1879-80. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



672 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter XIII. 
Sub-divisions. 

DAhanu. 

Bental, 

1879-80. 



Stoch, 
1881-83. 



Produce, 
1880-81. 



People, 
1881. 



for twenty-seven years in the sub-division of Dahdnu. The 158,669 
occupied acres, at average acre rates of 4|d. (2 as. 11 ps.) for dry 
crop, 7s. llfd. (Rs. 3-15-10) for garden land, and 4s. lO^cZ. (Rs. 2-7) 
for rice, yielded £11,950 16s. (Rs. 1,19,508). The remaining 11,043 
acres of arable waste was rated at £439 (Rs. 4390) and alienations at 
£702 16s. (Rs. 7028). Deducting alienations £702 16s. (Rs. 7028), 
and adding quit-rents £462 18s. (Rs. 4629) and grass lands £26 
18s. (Rs. 269), the total rental of the 212 villages amounted to 
£12,879 14s. (Rs. 1,28,797). The following statement gives the 
details : 

Dahanu Rent Boll, 1879-80. 



Arablb 
Land. 


OccnpiED. 


Ukoooupebd. 


Total. *' 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate, ^ 


Government— 
Dry-crop ... 
Garden 
Rice ... 

Total ... 

Alienated 

Total ... 


118,638 

365 

39,666 


Rs. 

21,856 

U68 

96,694 


Rs. a. p. 

2 11 
3 16 10 
2 7 


8938 

15 

2090 


Rs. 

1677 
35 
2778. 


Rs. a. p. 

2 11 
2 9 8 

1 6 3 


127,576 

380 

41,756 


Rs. 

22,933 

1493 

99,472 


Rs.,a.;p. 

2 11 
.3 14 9 

1 6 3 


158,669 


1,19,508 


12 


11,043 


4390 


■0 6 3 


169,712 


1,23,898 


Oil 3 




7028 












7028 


... 


158,669 


1,26,536 


... 


11,043 


4390 




169,712 


1,30,926 





In 1881 109,322 people owned 5678 carts, 9803 ploughs, 20,208 
oxen, 16,374 cows, 3390 buffaloes, 133 horses, and 7297 sheep and 
goats. 

In 1880-81, of 158,876 acres, the total area of tilled land, 83,475 
or 52'5 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 75,401 acres 2139 
were twice cropped. Of the 77,540 acres under tillage, grain crops 
occupied 64,767 or 83'5 per cent, 41,916 of which were under rice 
hhat Oryza sativa, 12,118 under hodra Paspalum scrobiculatum, 
10,021 under nachni or rdgi Eleusine coracana, 527 under chenna 
Panicum miliaceum, 128 under wheat gahu Triticum sestivum, and 
57 under great millet _;mri Sorghum vulgare. Pulses occupied 8241 
acres or 10" 1 per cent, of which 206 were under gram harbhara 
Cicer arietinum, 2115 under cajan pea tur Cajanus indicus, 333 
under green gram mug Phaseolus radiatus, 2217 under black gram 
ndid Phaseolus mungo, 279 under peas vdtdna Pisum sativum, and 
3091 under other pulses. Oilseeds occupied 3780 acres or 4*8 per 
cent, 433 of which were under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum, 
and the rest under other oilseeds. Fibres occupied 435 acres 
or 0'6 per cent, all of them under amhddi Hibiscus cannabinus. 
Miscellaneous crops occupied 317 acres or 0"4per cent, 224 of them 
under sugarcane us Saccharum oflScinarum, and the rest under 
vegetables and fruits. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 109,322 people 106,152 
or 97-10 per cent were Hindus, 1679 or 1*53 per cent Musalmdns, 
1391 or r27 per cent Pdrsis, and 100 or 0'09 per cent Christians. 
The details of the Hindu castes are : 2335 Brdhmans ; 589 Kd,yasth 
Prabhus, writers; 683 Vanis, 587 Jains, 197 Lohands, 15. Tdmbolis, 
14 Bhdtids, and 8 Lingdyats, traders; 9560 Kunbis, 915 Kd,mUs, 
303 Malis, 279 Vanjaris, 167 Agris, 118 Chokhars,'7 Chdrans, 3 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



673 



Hetkaris, and 2 K^mathis, husbandmen and gardeners ; 51 Telis, 
oil-pressers ; 12 Koshtis, weavers; 4 Sangars, blanket-weavers; 
1658 Sutars, carpenters ; 609 Kumbhdrs, potters ; 319 Lolid,rs, 
blacksmiths; 304 Sonars, gold and silver smiths; 217 Shimpis, 
tailors ; 97 Patharvats and 92 Beldars, masons ; 29 Kasdrs, bangle- 
sellers ; 3 Td.mbats, coppersmiths ; 79 Gnravs, temple servants ; 45 
Bhorpis, dancers and singers; 3 Bhats, bards; 52 Nhdvis, barbers; 
45 Parits, washermen; 151 Gavlis, milk-sellers; 124 Dhangars, 
shepherds ; 12 Kdnadds, herdsmen ; 5411 M^chhis and 2437 
Md,ngeIaiS, fishermen ; 39 Kh^rvis, sailors ; 33 Bhois, river-fishers ; 
3460 Bhandd,ris, palm-juice drawers ; 449 Pardeshis, messengers ; 
29 Khd,tiks, butchers; 9 Buruds, bamboo-workers; 10,444 Dublas, 
44,238 Vdrlis, 7590 Konkanis, 5910 Dhondids, 866 Kdthkaris, 110 
Thdkurs, and 42 Bhils, early tribes; 459 Chdmbhdrs, leather-workers; 
4738 Mhdrs and 29 Mdngs, village servants ; 53 Bhangis, scavengers; 
and 52 Gosdvis and Baird,gis, 40 Bharddis, 16 Jangams, 6 Jogis, 2 
Kolh^tis, and 2 Kapdis, religious -beggars and wanderers. 

Ma'him lies in the west of the district. It is bounded on the 
north by Dd,hdnu, on the east by Jawhd,r and Vdda, on the south by 
the Vaitama and Bassein, and on the west by the sea. Its area is 
419 square miles ; its popalation (1881) 77,360i or 184 to the square 
mile, and its (1880) land revenue £11,765 (Rs. 1,17,650). 

Of 419 square miles, about nine miles are occupied by the lands 
of alienated villages. The remainder contains 112,086 acres or 
42*7 per cent of arable land, 16,606 acres or 6'3 per cent of unarable 
land, 18,406 acres or 7 per cent of grass or kuran, and 115,305 
acres or 43'9 per cent of village sites, roads, ponds, and river beds. 
Prom the 112,086 arable acres fourteen acres of alienated land 
have to be taken. In 1880-81, of the balance of 112,072 acres of 
arable Government land, 43,281 or 38"6 per cent were under tillage. 

A high range of forest-clad hills divides the sub-division from 
north to south, and until lately, when (1881) a good road was made 
through the Ohahdd pass in the middle of the range, formed a 
barrier impassable to carts except for two miles north of Mahdgaon. 
To the east of this range, and parallel to it, flows the Surya river till 
it falls into the Vaitarna. The north-east comer of the sub-division 
is f uU of high hills with jagged peaks, of which Asheri is the chief ; 
in the south-east Takmak rises 2000 feet above the sea ; the rest of. 
the inland strip is a rolling country little raised above the level of 
the streams. The land to the west of the central range is low, flat, 
and broken by swamps and tidal creeks. 

On the coast the climate is equable and pleasant, but in the 
interior the heat of the hot weather is intense. Especially during and 
after the rains the climate is unhealthy and feverish, both inland 
and on the coast. During the ten years ending 1881 the yearly 
rainfall averaged sixty-four inches. 

Beyond the tidal limit, the Vaitarna and the Surya rivers supply 
fresh water throughout the year. Elsewhere also the supply is 



Chapt^XIII. 
Sub-divisions. 

DahAnu. 

People, 
1881. 



Mahim. 



Area. 



Aspect. 



Climate. 



Water, 



1 The revised population (77,360) is about 470 more than the original total given 
above at page 2. 

B 310—85 



TBombay Gazetteer, 



674 



DISTRICTS. 



ChaptOTXIII. 

Sab-divisions. 

MIhim. 
Water. 



Soil. 



187S-80. 



Rental, 
1879-80. 



fair. The Vaitarna rises in the Sahyddris and meets the eastern 
boundary of the sub-dirision. It then runs north for about eight miles 
along the border, and enters the sub-division after it is joined by the 
Deherja at Teneh. From Teneh it takes a sudden bend south-west 
for eight miles till it is met by the Surya. After its junction with 
the Surya it runs south for about twelve miles, and, thence west 
along the border of the sub-division to the sea. It is navigable 
for good-sized native craft of twenty-five tons (100 hhandis) to 
Manor twenty-five miles from its mouth. In the bend of the 
Vaitarna two ranges of forest-clad hills enclose a valley along 
which runs a streamlet. There is a hot spring on the bank of this 
streamlet at Sativli, and another near Saye on the bank of the 
Vaitarna not far from Manor. In 1881-82 there were 270 ponds, 
1284 wells nine with and 1275 without steps, and 154 rivers streams 
and springs. 

The soil varies from red to black and sandy black. The staple 
crop is rice. The area of dry-crop land, including varkas or uplands, 
is larger than of rice land. Ndchni and pulses are grown to some 
extent, and on the coast there is considerable garden cultivation of 
plantains and betel leaf. The palmyra-palm abounds everywhere. 

In 1862-63, when survey rates were introduced, 6846 holdings or 
khdtds were recorded. In 1879-80 there were 6785 holdings with 
an average area of 12^ acres and an average rental of £1 15s. l^d. 
(Rs. 1 7-8-10) . If equally divided among the agricultural population, 
these holdings would represent an allotment of 3^ acres at a 
yearly rental of 9s. Q^d. (Rs. 4-14-1). If distributed among the 
whole population of the sub-division, the share to each would amount 
to 1^^^ acres and the incidence of the land-tax to 3s. |d. (Re.1-8-5). 

In 190 Government villages rates were fixed in 1862-63 for 
thirty years. The 77,272 occupied acres, at average acre rates of 
S^d. (2 as. 7 ps.) for dry crop, Ss. 2^d. (Rs. 4-1-9) for garden land, 
and 5s. bd. (Rs. 2-11-4) for rice, yielded £11,006 8s. (Rs. 1,10,064). 
The remaining 8115 acres of arable waste were rated at £331 4s. 
(Rs. 3312) and alienations at £860 (Rs. 8600). Deducting aliena- 
tions £860 (Rs. 8600), and adding quit-rents £512 8s. (Rs. 5124) 
and grass lands £60 18s. (Rs. 609), the total rental of the 190 
villages amounted to £11,911 (Rs. 1,19,110). The following state- 
ment gives the details : 

Mdhim Bent Boll, 1879-80. 



Arable Land. 


OCCDPIED. 


Unoccupied. 


Total. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres, 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Government— 
Dry-crop 
Garden 
Kice 

Total ... 

Alienated 

Total ... 


40,182 

19SS 

35,132 


Es. 

6362 

8053 

95,649 


Rs. a. p. 

i 7 
4 19 
2 11 4 


6900 

3 

1212 


Rs. 

1030 

17 

2265 


Rs. a. p. 

2 4 
4 11 8 

1 13 10 


47,082 

1961 

36,344 


Ra. 

7392 

8070 

97,914 


Rb. a. p. 

2 6 
4 1 10 
2 11 1 


77,272 


1,10,064 


14 9 


8115 


3312 


6 6 


86,387 


1,14,378 


15 2 




8600 












8600 




77,272 


1,18,664 




8116 


3312 




8B,S87 


1,21,976 


... 



Eonkan.} 



THlNA. 



675 



In 1881 77,360 people owned 4364 carts, 7969 ploughs, 14,266 
oxen, 12,035 cows, 6967 buffaloes, 100 horses, and 5664 sheep and 
goats. 

In 1880-81, of 77,430 acres the total area of tilled land, 34,681 
acres or 447 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 42,749 acres 
582 were twice cropped. Of the 43,281 acres under tillage, grain 
crops occupied 40,232 or 92-95 per cent, of which 36,048 were 
under rice bhdt Oryza sativa, 2014 under ndchni or rdgi Eleusine 
coracana, 1990 under kodra Paspalum scrobiculatum, and 180 under 
chenna Panicum miliaceum. Pulses occupied 1712 acres or 3'95 per 
cent, of which 296 acres were under gram Karbha/ra Cicer arietinum, 
thirty under cajan pea tur Oajanus indicus, twenty-nine under 
green gram mug Phaseolus radiatus, 1030 under black gram 
udAd Phaseolus mungo, sixteen under peas vdtdna Pisum sativum, 
and 311 under other pulses. Oilseeds occupied forty-eight acres 
or O'll per cent, of which twelve were under rapeseed sirsav 
Brassica napus, eighteen under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum, 
and eighteen under other oilseeds. Fibres occupied twenty-eight 
acres or "07 per cent, the whole of which was under ambddi 
Hibiscus cannabinus. Miscellaneous crops occupied 1261 acres or 
2"91 per cent, of which 303 were under sugarcane vs Saccharum 
oflBcinarum, 253 under ginger die Zingiber officinale, and 705 under 
vegetables and fruits. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 77,360 people 74,462 
or 96'25 per cent were Hindus ; 2335 or 3'02 per cent Musalmdns; 
401 or 0'52 per cent Parsisj and 161 or 0*20 per cent Christians. 
The details of the Hindu castes are 2697 Brdhmans j 455 Kayasth 
Prabhus, writers; 716 Vdnis, 195 Jains, 32 Lingayats, and 3 
Tambolis, traders ; 11,224 Kunbis, 5949 Agris, 4411 Malis, 2400 
Vanjaris, 3 Ohdrans, and 2 Kdmdthis, husbandmen and gardeners ; 
6 Telis, oil-pressers ; 5 Khatris, weavers; 1881 Sutdrs, carpenters; 
466 Sonars, gold and silversmiths; 367 Kumbhdrs, potters; 255 
Shimpis, tailors; 215 Lohdrs, blacksmiths; 111 Belddrs and 14 
Pd/tharvats, stone-masons ; 83 Kasars, bangle-sellers; 14 Jingars, 
saddlers; 55 Guravs, temple servants; 5 Bhats, bards; 181 Nhdvis, 
barbers; 33 Parits, washermen ; 56 Gavlis, milk-sellers ; 32 Dhangars, 
shepherds; 5245 Mdngelds and 166 Maohhis, fishermen; 128 
Khdrvis, sailors ; 40 Bhois, river-fishers ; 4948 Bhandaris, palm-juice 
drawers; 106 Pardeshis, messengers ; 10 Khdtiks, butchers; 16,688 
Konkanis, 9443 Varlis, 1458 Kd,thkaris, 392 DubMs, 106 Kolis, 
] 85 Vadars, and 25 Thakurs, early tribes ; 420 Ghdmbhdrs, leather- 
workers; 2974 Mhd,rs, village servants ; 1 2 Bhangis, scavengers; 
and 170 Bhard,dis, 62 Gosd,vis and Bairagis, 8 Jangams, 6 Jogis, 
and 4 Gondhlis, religious beggars. 

Va'da until 1866 was a petty division of the old Kolvan, the 
present ShAhdpur. It is bounded on the north by the Jawhar state 
and the Deherja river which separates it from part of Bassein, on 
the east by Shahapur, on the south by the Td,nsa river which separates 
it from Bhiwndi, and on the west by . the Vaitarna and the hilly 
country on its south bank Which separate it from Bassein and 
Mdhim. Its area is 309 square miles, its population (1881) 



Chapter XIII. 

Sab-divisions. 

MXhim, 

Prodiice, 
1880-81. 



People, 
1881. 



ViDA. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



67§ 



Chapter XIII, 

Subdivisions. 

Vada. 
Area. 



Aspect. 



Climate, 



Water. 



Soil. 



Holdings, 
1879-80. 



DISTRICTS. 



Rental, 
1879-80. 



36,497 or 118 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue 
£4895 (Rs. 48,950). 

Of its 309 square miles, about forty-two are occupied by the lands 
of alienated villages. The remaining 170,880 contain 56,688 
acres or 38-1 per cent of arable land ; 19,286 acres or 11-2 per cent 
of unarable land j 42,344 acres or 24-7 per cent of village forests and 
pastures ; 42,838 acres or 25-1 per cent of Government forest ; and 
9724 acres or 5-6 per cent of alienated land in Government 
villages. From 1 70,880 acres the total area of Government villages, 
9724 acres have to be taken on account of the alienated land in 
Government villages. In 1880-81, of the balance of 161,156 acres 
the area of Government land, 27,482 acres or 17*05 per cent were 
under tillage. 

Along the valley of the Vaitarna which divides the sub-division 
from north to south, the land is well cultivated and the villages 
are fairly numerous. The rest of the sub-division, especially in the 
north-west and the east, is very hilly and the population extremely 
scanty. There are no made roads, and, daring the rains, the country 
tracks are impassable. 

From October to February the climate is exceedingly unhealthy, 
fever being rife in every village. In the hot weather abundant shade 
makes the climate less unpleasant than in some other parts of the 
district. During the ten, years ending 1881 the yearly rainfall 
averaged ninety-four inches. 

In the interior the supply of water from the Vaitarna and the 
Behya is constant and fair. In other parts, where it is obtained 
from wells, the supply is doubtful and the water bad. The 
Behya, taking its source in the hills of Mokhada, flows into the 
Vaitarna near Vdda after a winding south-westerly course of over 
fifty miles. The united waters of the Vaitarna and the Behya then 
flow into the sea under the name of Vaitarna. The rivers are 
nowhere navigable. In 1881-82 there were thirty-one ponds, 249 
wells twelve with and 237 without steps, and 143 rivers streams 
and springs. 

Rice is the chief crop, but nachni tur and vari are also largely 
cultivated. Much gram is grown on the banks of the Vaitarna. 
The whole sub-division is wooded, the forests in some parts 
stretching for miles. The chief trees are teak, din, moha, and khair. 

In 1864-65, when the survey rates were introduced, 2311 
holdings or khdtds were recorded. In 1879-80 there were 3261 
holdings with an average area of 28^ acres and an average rental of 
£2 2s. l^d. (Rs. 21-0-9). If equally divided among the agricultural 
population, these holdings would represent an allotment of 6|^ 
acres at a yearly rent of 10s. l^d. (Rs. 5-1-0). If distributed 
among the whole population of the sub-division, the share to each 
would amount to 2| acres and the incidence of the land-tax to 
3s. 9d. (Re. 1-14). 

In 164 Government villages rates were fixed in 1864-65 for 
twenty-six years. The 56,641 occupied acres, at average acre rates 



Konkan.] 



THANA. 



677 



of Sid. (2 as. 4 ps.) for dry crop, 2s. 6|c?. (Re. K4-6) for garden 
land, and 4s. 9^d. (Rs. 2-6-4) for rice, yielded £4399 18s. (Rs. 43,999). 
The remaining 2502 acres of arable waste were rated at £148 2s. 
(Rs. 1481) and alienations at £1058 16s. (Rs. 10,588). Deducting 
alienations £1058 16s. (Rs. 10,588), and adding quit-rents £415 6s. 
(Rs. 4153) and grass lands £6 8s. (Rs. 64), the total rental of the 
154 villages amounted to £4969 14s. (Rs. 49,697). The following 
statement gives the details : 

Vdda Bent Boll, 1879-80. 



Arable Land. 


OoonpiBD. 


Unoccupied. 


Total. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rale. 


Government — 
Dry-crop 
Garden 
Bice 

Total ... 

Alienated 

Totnl ... 


39,678 

2 

15,961 


Rs. 

6761 

2 

38,236 


Rs. a. p. 

2 4 
14 6 
2 6 4 


166S 
834 


Rs 
235 

1216 


Rs. a. p. 

2 3 

1 "7 10 


41,346 

2 

16,795 


Bs. 

5996 

2 

39,482 


Rs. a. p. 

3 4 
14 6 
2 6 7 


56,641 


43,999 


012 8 


2602 


1481 


9 6 


58,143 


45,480 


12 4 




10,588 












10,688 




56,641 


64,687 




2602 


1481 


... 


68,143 


66,068 





In 1881 36,493 people owned 820 carts, 4392 ploughs, 6463 oxen, 
5864 cows, 5158 buffaloes, thirty-seven horses, and 1672 sheep and 
goats. 

In 1880-81 of 55,666 acres the total area of tilled land, 28,879 
acres or 51"9 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 26,787 acres 
695 were twice cropped. Of the 27,482 acres under tillage, grain 
crops occupied 22,291 acres or 8l'll per cent, 16,385 of which were 
under rice bhat Oryza sativa, 4680 under ndchni or rdgi Eleusine 
coracana, 1224 under chenna Panicum miliaceum, and two under 
wheat gahu Triticum sestivum. Pulses occupied 3115 acres or 

11 "33 per cent, of which 804 acres were under gram harbhara Cicer 
arietinum, 55 under cajan pea tur Oajanus indicus, 1786 under black 
gram udid Phaseolus mungo, one under green gram mug Phaseolus 
radiatus ; 5 under peas vdtdna Pisum sativum, and 464 under 
other pulses. Oil-seeds occupied 1395 acres or 5*07 per cent, nine 
of which were under rapeseed Brassica napus, three under mustard 
seed rdi Sinapis racemosa, 1379 under gingelly seed til Sesamum 
indicum, and four under miscellaneous oil-seeds. Fibres occupied 
566 acres or 2-07 per cent, 452 of which were under ambddi 
Hibiscus cannabinus, and 114 under Bombay hemp san Crotalaria 
juncea. Miscellaneous crops occupied 115 acres or 0'42 per cent, all 
of which were under vegetables fruits and other garden produce. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 36,497 people 35,297 
or 96-72 per cent were Hindus, 1174 or 3-21 per cent Musalmans, 
16 Christians, and 6 Pdrsis. The details of the Hindu castes are : 
212 Brahmansj 190 Kd,yasth Prabhus, writers; 599 V^nis and 

12 Komtis, traders; 9412 Kunbis, 874 Agris, 172 Oh^rans, 29 
Vanjdris, and two Malis, husbandmen; 176 Sdlis, weavers; 164 
Telis, oil-pressers ; 285 Kat^ris, turners; 214 Kumbhars, potters; 



Chapter_XIII. 

Subdivisions. 

VAda. 
Benial, 
1879-80. 



Stock, 
1881-813. 



Prodiice, 
1880-81. 



People, 
188t, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



678 



DISTRICTS. 



ChaptOTXIII. 

Sub-divisions. 

Vada. 

Peopk, 
1881. 



Bassein, 



Area. 



Aspect, 



CUmale. 



Water. 



207 Sonars, gold and silversmiths; 119 Loliars, blacksmiths ; 73 
Sutars, carpenters ; 40 Shimpis, tailors ; 20 PAtharvats and 14 
Beld^rs, masons ; 13 Kdsdrs, bangle-sellers j 6 Gaundis, masons ; 
18 Bhats, bards J 8 Guravs, temple servants ; 75 Nh^vis/ barbers ; 
11 Parits, washermen; 12 Dhangars, shepherds ; 10 Gavlis, milk- 
sellers ; 87 Bhois, river fishers ; 7 Mangolds, fishermen and labourers; 
52 Pardeshis, messengers ; 44 Kalans, palm-juice drawers ; 34 
Khdtiks, butchers ; 27 Buruds, bamboo-workers ; 7073 Konkanis, 
6601 Kathkaris, 3298 Thdkurs, 2899 Varlis, and 78 Vadars, early 
tribes; 341 Ghambhars, leather-workers; 1728 Mhars and 13 
Mdngs, village servants; 88 Gosavis and Bairagisj 19 Gondhlis, 44 
Kolhatis and 10 Bharadis, religious beggars and wanderers. 

Bassein lies in the west of the district. It is bounded on the north 
by the Vaitarna river and MiMm., on the east by Vdda and Bhiwndi, 
on the south by the Thana or Bassein creek, and on the west by the 
sea. Its area is 221 square miles, its population^ (1881) 68,967 or 
812 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue £12,671 
(Rs. 1,26,710). 

Of the 221 square miles 5^ square miles are occupied by the 
lands of alienated villages. The remainder contains 64,098 acres or 
46"4 per cent of arable land ; 2859 acres or 2"07 per cent of unarable 
land ; 328 acres or 0*24 per cent of grass or kuran ; and 70,635 acres 
or 51 "2 per cent of village sites, roads, ponds, and river beds. From 
137,920 acres, the total area of the Government villages, 2095 
acres have to be taken on account of the alienated land in 
Government villages. In 1880-81, of the balance of 135,825 acres 
the area of Government land, 36,541 or 26-9 per cent were under 
tillage. 

In the centre of the sub-division is Tungar hill, and south from 
it runs a high range, in which Kdmandurg is conspicuous, 
separating Bassein from Bhiwndi. To the north-west of Tungar are 
lower but considerable hills, of which the chief are Nilimora, 
Baronde, and Jivdhan. These hills vary in height from 1500 to 
2000 feet. The country to the east and west of Tungar is almost 
on the sea level, and is intersected on either side by important creeks 
navigable by boats of considerable size. The coast district is 
thickly peopled and abounds in large rich villages. 

On the coast the climate is generally pleasant and equable, but at 
times it is very hot. Inland in the hot weather, the heat is great;; 
and in the cold weather, the variation in temperature between 
day and night is great. In the rains, the weather is unhealthy and 
feverish, and towards the close of the hot weather cholera is of 
usual occurrence. During the ten years ending 1881 the yearly 
rainfall averaged 71 "87 inches. 

There are no important fresh-water streams and the supply from 
ponds and wells is poor. In 1881-82 there were 191 ponds, 2624 
wells twenty-five with and the rest without steps, and forty rivers 



1 The revised population (68,967) is about 300 more than the original total given 
above at page-2. 



Konkan.] 



thAna. 



679 



streams and springs. Most of the wells are little better than holes^ 
sometimes only a foot deep. 

The soil varies from red to black and sandy black. In a narrow 
belt of coast land about three miles broad, the soil is a rich alluvial, 
with a good supply of water a few feet from the surface. When 
watered from wells worked by Persian wheels it is excellently suited 
for garden tillage, plantains sugarcane and cocoauuts being the 
chief products. In other parts the staple crop is rice and ndchni, 
some of the coast villages having fertile patches which grow tur and 
other late crops except gram. 

In 1879-80 there were 8064 holdings or hhdtds with an average 
area of 6| acres and an average rental of £1 9s. 7fc?. (Rs. 14-13-1). 
If equally divided amongthe agricultural population, these holdings 
would represent an allotment of 2f acres at a yearly rent of 12s. 2|d 
(Rs. 6-1-7). If distributed among the whole population of the sub- 
division, the share to each would amount to -| of an acre and the 
incidence of the land tax to 3s. b^d. (Re. 1-11-8). 

In eighty-eight Government villages rates were fixed in 1861-62 
for thirty years. The 46,011 occupied acres, at average acre rates 
of Is. lid. (9 as. 3 ps.) for dry crop, 10s. 2fd. (Rs. 5-1-9) for garden 
land, and 5s. lO^d. (Rs. 2-14-9) for rice, yielded £11,568 I65. 
(Rs. 1,15,688). The remaining 1063 acres of arable waste were 
rated at £95 18s. (Rs. 959) and alienations at £757 6s. (Rs. 7573). 
Deducting alienations £757 6s. (Rs. 7573), and adding quit-rents 
£270 14s. (Rs. 2707) and grass lands £10 2s. (Rs. 101), the total 
rental of the eighty-eight villages amounted to £11,945 10s. 
(Rs. 1,19,455). The following statement gives the details : 

Bassein Bent Boll, 1879-80. 



Arable Laud. 


OOOUPIBD. 


Unoccupied. 


Total. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Government— 
Dry-crop 
Garden 
Rice 

Total ... 

AUenated 

Total ... 


12,567 

6246 

28,198 


Es. 

3379 
29,711 
82,698 


Rs. a. p. 

9 3 
6 1 9 
2 14 9 


580 
483 


Rs. 
122 

837 


Rs. a. p. 

3 4 

1 ii 8 


13,147 

8246 

28,681 


Rs. 
3601 
29,711 
83,436 


Ks. a. p. 

4 3 
5 19 

2 14 6 


46,011 


1,16,688 


2 8 2 


1063 


969 


14 4 


47,074 


1.16,647 


2 7 8 




7573 








... 




7573 




48,011 


1,23,261 




1063 


959 




47,074 


1,24,220 





In 1881 68,967 people owned 2997 carts, 5308 ploughs, 8160 
oxen, 4879 cows, 6466 buffaloes, 128 horses, and 3142 sheep and 
goats. 

In 1880-81, of 46,239 acres the total area of occupied land, 10,158 
Qv 21'9 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 36,081 acres, 
460 were twice cropped. Of the 36,541 acres under tillage, grain 
crops occupied 31,885 acres or 87"1 per cent, 29,587 acres of which 
were under rice hhdt Oryza sativa, 1846 under ndchni Eleusine 
coracana, 64 under chenna Panicum miliaceum, and 338 under hodra 



ChapterXIII. 
Sub-divisions. 
Bassein. 

Soil. 



Holdings, 
1879-80. 



Rental, 
1879-80. 



Stock, 
1881-8g. 



Produce, 
1880-81. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



680 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter XIII. 
Sab-divisions. 

Bassein. 

Produce, 
1880-81. 



People, 
1881. 



BnrwNDi. 



Area. 



Paspalum scrobiculatum. Pulses occupied 1 555 acres or 4*2 per cent, 
of which 126 acres were under gram harbhara Cicer arietinum, 
26 under cajan pea tur Cajanus indicus, 24 under green gram mug 
Phaseolus radiatus, 872 under black gram udid Phaseolus mungo, 
and 507 under other pulses. Oil-seeds occupied 675 acres or 1'5 
per centj 568 acres of which were under gingelly-seed til Sesamum 
indicum, and 7 under other oU-seeds. Fibres occupied 91 acres or 
0"2 per cent all under amhadd Hibiscus cannabinus. Miscellaneous 
crops occupied 2485 acres or 6'8 per cent, 1188 acres of which were 
under sugarcane us Saccharum officinarum, and 1297 under various 
fruits vegetables and other garden crops. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 68,967 people 
52,578 or 76-23 per cent were Hindus, 2292 or 3-32 per cent 
Musalmans, 14,070 or 20'40 per cent Christians, and 27 Parsis, 
The details of the Hindu castes are : 5382 Brahmans; 327 Kdyasth 
Prabhus, writers ; 880 Vanis, 80 Jains, 32^ Lohands, 30 Bhatias, 9 
Lingd.yats, and 7 Tdmbolis, traders ; 8461 Agris, 5973 Kunbis, 1975 
Malis, 74 VanjAris, 43 Oharans, 13 Kd.mathis, and 3 Kdchis, 
husbandmen; 13 Khatris, weavers ; 9 Telis, oil-pressers ; 5 Salis, 
weavers ; 839 Sonars, gold and silver smiths ; 519 Sutd,rs, carpenters ; 
376 Shimpis, tailors; 216 Kumbhars, potters j 214 Kasdrs, bangle- 
sellers ; 146 Pdtharvats and 66 Beld^rs, masons ; 143 Lohd,rs, 
blacksmiths ; 33 Tambats, coppersmiths ; 18 Jingars, saddlers ; 57 
Guravs, temple servants; 6 Bhdts, bards; 343 Nhdvis, barbers; 
18 Parits, washermen; 11 Akarmashes, house servants; 321 Dhangars, 
shepherds; 172 Gavlis, milk-sellers; 7 Kdnadas, herdsmen; 2375 
MdngeMs and 77 Mdchhis, fishermen; 16 Bhois, river-fishers; 3334 
Bhanddris, palm-juice drawers ; 113 Khatiks, butchers; 101 Pardeshis, 
messengers ; 4 Buruds, bamboo-workers ; 7308 Varlis ; 7048 
Konkanis, 1600 Kathkaris, 957 Vaitis, 598 Thakurs, 114 Dublds, 
54 Bhils, 52 Vadars, early tribes ; 321 Chdmbhars, leather-workers ; 
1482 Mh^rs and 50 Mdngs, village servants ; 31 Bhangis, scavengers; 
28 Dheds, sweepers; 66 Bairagis and Gosd,vis, 17 Garudis, 5 Bhar^dis, 
4 Jangams, and 2 Chitrakathis, religious beggars. 

Blliwncli is bounded on the north by the Tansa river which 
separates it from Vdda, on the east by Shahapur, on the south by 
the Bhatsa and the Ulhas rivers, and on the west by hills and by 
the Thana or Kalyan creek. Its area is 250 square miles, its 
(1881) population 75,363^ or 301 to the square mile, and its 
(1880) land revenue £13,925 (Rs. 1,39,250). 

Of its 250 square miles, twenty are occupied by the lands of 
either totally or partly alienated villages. The remainder contains 
73,300 acres or 49'8 per cent of arable land, 7259 acres or 4'9 per 
cent of Government forests, and 66,641 acres or 45'2 per cent of 
village pastures and forests. From 147,200 acres, the total area of 
Government villages, 854 have to be taken on account of alienated 
land in Government villages. In 1880-81 of the balance of 146,346 
acres the area of Government land, 49,950 acres or 34'1 per cent 
were under tillage. 



1 The revised population (75,363) is about 270 more than the original total given 
above at page 2. 



Eonkan.] 



THANA. 



G81 



The centre of the sub-division is well peopled and richly tilled. 
Except in the south, it is surrounded by the hills which form the 
water-shed of the river Kd,mvadi which runs through the sub-division 
from north to south. In the west the country is hilly and thinly 
peopled^ but in the east along the Bhdtsa there is a tract of low- 
lying and well-tilled land. Except along the Agra road and a short 
branch from it, traffic is very difficult during the rainy season. . 

In the west, after the rains, the climate is feverish ; other parts 
are generally healthy, less relaxing and freer from fever than TMna. 
In the hot weather the temperature is moist and close, though the 
neighbourhood of the sea makes the south more pleasant than the 
inland parts. During the ten years ending 1881 the yearly rainfall 
averaged ninety-four inches at the town of Bhiwndi ; it is heavier 
in the north-west where the hills are higher and more numerous. 

Water is fairly abundant. In the north the Td,nsa supplies the 
villages along its banks throughout the year ; in other parts, the 
supply is obtained from ponds and wells, but the water is far from 
wholesome. The chief rivers are the Tdnsa, the Kamvadi, the 
Santanu, and the Karbhani. The Kamvadi is a shallow stream, 
at spring-tides navigable to small boats as far as Bhiwndi. It dries 
during the hot weather. In 1881-82 there were ninety ponds, two 
river dams, twelve water-lifts, 911 wells seventy with and the rest 
vnthout steps, and 147 rivers streams and springs. 

Eice is the chief product, though the coarse black soil is not 
particularly suited for its growth. NAchni and vari are also grown 
in large quantities, and a small rahi or winter-crop is also raised. 
The hiUs, especially in the west, are well wooded, the chief trees 
being teak, blackwood, din, and some varieties of palm. In villages 
near Bhiwndi pulses and vegetables are grown as a second crop in 
rice land by well irrigation. There is also a little salt rice-land. 

In 1860-61, when survey rates were introduced, 7437 holdings 
or khdtds were recorded. In 1879-80 there were 7433 holdings with 
an average area of 14^®(j acres and an average rental of £1 17s. ll^c?. 
(Rs. 18-15-6). If equally divided alnong the agricultural population, 
these holdings would represent an allotment of 4 acres at a yearly 
rent of £1 I4s. 6^d. (Rs. 17-4-6). If distributed among the whole 
population of the sub -division, the share to each would amount to 
If ^ acres and the incidence of the land tax to 3s. lOid. (Re.1-14-10). 

In 192 Government villages rates were fixed in 1860-61 for 
thirty years. The 74,149 occupied acres, at average acre rates of 
7id. (4 as. 10 ps.) for dry crop, 2s. 9^d. (Re. 1-6-2) for garden land, 
and7s.4id. (Rs. 3-10-10) for rice, yielded £13,594 8s. (Rs. 1,35,944). 
The remaining 2169 acres of arable waste were rated at £297 12s. 
(Rs. 2976) and alienations at £1423 14s. (Rs. 14,237). Deducting 
alienations £1423 14s. (Rs. 14,237), and adding quit-rents £188 
(Rs. 1880) and grass lands £19 16s. (Rs. 198), the total rental of the 
192 villages amounted to £14,099 16s. (Rs. 1,40,998), The following 
statement gives the details : 



Chapter ZIII. 

Sub-divisions. 

Bhiwndi. . 



Climate. 



Wafer. 



Soil. 



Holdings, 
1879-80, 



Rental, 
1879-80. 



B 310-86 



682 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Gbapter^XIII. 

Sub-divisions. 

Bhiwndi. 

Rent Boll, 
1879-80. 



BUwndi Rent Boll, 1879-80. 



Stock, 
1881-82. 



Produce, 
1880-81. 



People, 
1881. 



Ababls Lakd. 


OOOUPIBD. 


Unoccupibd. 


TOTAI.. 


Acrea. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 

rate. 


GoTerament— 
Dry -crop 
Garden 
Rice 

Total ... 

Alienated 

Total ... 


40,510 

171 

33,468 


Rs. 

12,4S3 

236 

1,23,225 


Rb. it. p. 

4 10 
16 2 
S 10 10 


1249 
920 


Bs. 
343 

2Ce3 


Rs. a. p. 
4 4 

2 is 10 


41,769 

171 

34,888 


Rs. 

12,826 

236 

1,26,858 


Bs. a. p. 

4 10 
16 3 
3 10 7 


74,149 


1,35,944 


1 13 4 


2169 


2976 


18 


76,318 


1,38,920 


113 1 




14,237 












14,237 




74,149 


1,80,181 




2169 


2976 




76,318 


1,63,167 


... 



In 1881 75,363 people owned 2011 carts, 7637 ploughs, 11,139 
oxen, 7607 cows, 9311 buffaloes, 81 horses, 18 asses, and 2077 sheep 
and goats. 

In 1880-81, of 74,174 acres the total area of tilled land, 
24,628 acres or 33-2 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 
49,546 acres 404 were twice cropped. Of the 49,950 acres under 
tillage, grain crops occupied 41,110 acres or 82'3 per cent, of which 
34,734 were under rice hhat Oryza sativa, 5964 under ndchni 
Bleusine coracana, and 412 under ehenna Panicum miliaceum. 
Pulses occupied 3708 acres or 7"4 per cent, of which 599 were under 
gram harhhara Cicer arietinum, 70 under cajan pea tur Oajanua 
indicus, 20 under green gram mug Phaseolus radiatns, 2418 under 
black gram udid Phaseolus mungo, one under horse gram kulith 
Dolichos biflorus, and 600 under other pulses. Oil-seeds occupied 
3627 acres or 7 '2 per cent, all under gingelly seed til Sesamum 
indicum. Fibres occupied 946 acres or 1'9 per cent, 753 of which were 
under hemp, ambddi Hibiscus cannabinus and 193 under Bombay hemp 
san Crotalaria jnncea. Miscellaneous crops occupied 559 acres or 
1"1 per cent, of which 2 acres were under sugarcane ws Saccharum 
ofi&cinarum, 185 under chillies mirchi Capsicum frutescens, and 374 
under fruits and vegetables and other garden crops. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 75,363 people 66,427 
or 88*14 per cent were Hindus, 8815 or 11'69 per cent 
Musalmdna, 75 Christians, and 46 Parsis. The details of the 
Hindu castes are : 1714 Brdhmans ; 454 KAyasth Prabhus and 10 
Patane Prabhus, writers; 1156 V&nis, 73 Jains, 52 LohdnAs, 18 
Ataris, and 14 LingAyats, traders ; 29,846 Kunbis, 6631 Agris, 155 
Malis, 31 Chdrans, 24 Vanjd,ris, and 21 Kamdthis, husbandmen ; 
52 Telis, oil-pressers ; 33 Khatris, weavers; 27 Sangars, blanket- 
jnakers ; 10 Rangdris, dyers ; 545 Sonars, gold and silver smiths ; 
.477 K^taris, turners; 458 Kumbhdrs, potters; 268 Sutars, 
carpenters ; 244 Lohdrs, blacksmiths ; 243 Kdsdrs, bangle-sellers ; 
101 Shimpis, tailors; 44 Belddirs and 12 Pdtharvats, stone-masons; 
74 Guravs, temple servants ; 2 Bhdt^ bards ; 410 Nhdvis, 
barbers; 11 Parits, washermen; 146 Gavlis, milk-sellers; 59 
Dhangars, shepherds; 328 Bhois, river-fishers; 27 Khdrvis, sailors; 
7 MdngeMs, fishermen ; 459 Pardeshis, messengers ; 244 Bhanddris 
and 59 Kalans, palm-juice drawers ; 140 Buruds, bamboo-workers ; 
54 Khdtiks, butchers; 7 Halvdis, sweetmeat-makers; 5187 Konkanistf 



Koukan.] 



thAna, 



683 



4838 Kdthkaris, 2254 Thakars, 1378 VArlis, 44 Vadars, 18 PMnse- Chapter_XIIIi 
Pardhis, 35 Kaikddis, and 2 Bhils, early tribes ; 937 Oh^mbhars, 18 Sub-divisiona. 
Mochis, leather-workers ; 6578 MhArs and 23 Mangs, village seryantsj 
17 Bhangis, scavengers; 187 Gosdvis and Bairagis, 69 Josliis, 42 
Bharadis, 24 Kolhdtis, 12 VAsadevs, 11 Jangams, 10 GondUis, and 
3 JoMris, religious beggars and wanderers. 

Sha'ha'pur, which includes the petty division of Mokhfida, was ShAhApob, 
formerly known as Kolvan. It is a strip of country fifty miles 
long and from five to thirty miles broad, stretching in the east of 
the district below the Sahyddris. It is bounded on the north 
by Daman Dharampur and Peint in Ndsik, on the north-east 
by the Sahyddris which separate it from Nasik and Ahmadnagar, 
on the south by the Kdlu and Shai rivers which separate it from 
Murbdd, and on the west by Jawhdr and Ddhdnu, Ydda, Bhiwndi, 
and Kalyan. Its area is 870 square miles, its (1881) population 
107,729^ or 123 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue 
£11,995 (Rs. 1,19,950). 

Of its 282 villages ten are alienated and unsurveyed. The rest Arm, 

contain an area of 543,384 acres or about 849 square miles, of 
which 250,871 acres or 46" 1 per cent are arable land, 77,888 acres 
or 14'3 per cent are unai'able, 13,820 acres or 2'5 per cent are 
Government forests, 1 75,398 acres or 32'5 per cent are village pastures 
and forests, 9660 acres or 1*7 per cent are grass lands or kurana, and 
15,747 acres or 2*9 per cent are village sites, roads, ponds, and river 
beds, From the 250,871 acres of arable land 25,607 have to be taken 
on account of alienated land in Government villages. In 1880-81 of 
the balance of 225,264 acres of arable Government land 98,289 
acres 43'6 or per cent were under tillage. 

Shahdpur is very wild, broken by hills and covered with large Aspect. 

forests. The openest parts are in the south, in PaulbAra, Konepatti, 
and Agayri, where are wide tracts of good rice lands. North of 
Konepatti and beyond the Vaitarna, the country gradually rises, 
the roads or paths are nearly impassable, and the ravines are steep. 
Towards Mokhdda, instead of broad rice fields, there are long waving 
uplands seamed by steep rocky ravines, the rice being almost 
confined to isolated patches in the bottoms of small streams. Further 
north the country is impassable except on foot, and rice is superseded 
by upland grains. The east near the Sahyadris and the west near 
Jawhar are rough with little rice tillage. The only made road is 
the Bombay-Agra road which passes north-east and south-west 
nearly on the same line as the Peninsula railway. 

The climate is very unpleasant except in the rains when it is CHmate, 

generally healthy. For four months after the rains fever prevails, 
and from March to June the heat is intense and oppressive. In 
some parts the climate is very injurious especially to Europeans ; but 
Mokhada, which is considerably above the level of the sea^ has a 
climate little inferior to that of Md,therAn. During the ten years 
ending 1881 the yearly rainfall averaged 102 inches. 

\ The revised population (107,729) is about 590 more than the original total given 
above at page 2. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



684 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter XIII. 
Sub-divisions. 

ShIhApur, 
Water. 



Soil 



1879-80. 



r«, 



Rental, 
1879-80. 



Stock, 
1881-82. 



Produce, 
1880-81. 



The Vaitarna in the north, the Bhatsa in the centre, and the 
Kalu in the south supply water to the villages in their neighbourhood 
throughout the year. In the rest of the sub-division the people 
depend on wells and ponds whose water, though generally good, 
fails towards the close of the hot weather (May). In 1881-82 
there were 42 ponds, one temporary and three permanent river dams, 
612 wells fifty-one with and the rest without steps, and 368 rivers 
streams and springs. 

The soil is mostly red and stony. The leading crops are rice, 
ndchni, vari, til, and khurdsrti. Trees grow freely, chiefly teak, din, 
mangoes, and moha. 

In 1879-80 there were 8880 holdings or hhdtds with an average 
areaof 26ff acres and an average rental of £1 7s. lid (Es. 13-15-4). 
If equally divided among the agricultural population, these holdings 
would represent an allotment of 6-jJ^ acres at a yearly rent of £1 6s. 
2\d. (Rs. 13-1-7), If distributed among the whole population of 
the sub-division, the share to each would amount to 2|- acres and the 
incidence of the land-tax to 2s. A^d. (Rs. 1-3-0). 

In 270 Government villages rates were fixed in 1864-65 and 
1865-66 for twenty-six years for the sub-division of Shdhdpur and 
ten years for the petty division of Mokhdda.^ The 207,313 occupied 
acres, at average acre rates of d\d. (2 as. 1 pie) for dry crop, and 
5s. lid. (Rs. 2-12-10) for rice, yielded £10,793 16s. (Rs. 107,938). 
The remaining 17,900 acres of arable waste were rated at £511 8s. 
(Rs. 5114) and alienations at £1537 14s. (Rs. 15,377). Deducting 
alienations £1537 14s. (Rs. 15,377), and adding quit-rents £706 16s. 
(Rs.7068) and grass lands £53 18s. (Rs.539), the total rental of the 
270 villages amounted to £12,065 18s. (Rs. 1,20,659). The following 
statement gives the details : 

Shdhdpur Beni Boll, 1864-65, 1865-66. 



Arable Land. 


0CCUPII!D. 


Unoccupied. 


TOTAIi. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 
rate. . 


Acres. 


Assets- 
ment. ; 


Acre 
rate. 


Acres. 


Assess- 
ment. 


Acre 

rate. 


Government— 
■ Dry-crop .... 

Garden . ... 

Klce... ■ ... 

Total ... 
AUenated 

Total ... 


177,176 

sbjiss 


Rs. 
23,149 

s'iiiso 


Rs. a. p. 
2 1 

,2i2 10 


16,475 
1425 


'Rs.' 
-2336 

2778 


Rs. a. p. 

2 3 

1 16 2 


193,660 
8ii663 


Us. 
25,785 

87i267 


Rb. a. p. 
0:2 1 

. 2 13 2 


207,313 


1,07,938 


8 1 


17,900 


5114 


4 6 


225,213 


1,13,062 


8 




15,377 




... 








15,377 




207,813 


1,23,316 




17,900 


5115 




225,213 


1,28,480 





In 1881 07,729 people owned 1716 carts, 11,687 ploughs, 
20,672 oxen, 22,665 cows, 7005 buffaloes, 189 horses, 6 asses, and 
5121 sheep and goats. 

In 1880-81 of 206,585 acres the total area of tilled land, 
108,359 acres or. 52*4 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 



1 In Mokhdda survey measurements have not been yet fully introduced. Id 
1865-66 ndngar and hdshcmdi rates were fixed and guaranteed for ten years. The 
guarantee was extended for a year more and was to have expired in 1875-76. 



Koukau,] 



THANA. 



685 



98,226 acres 63 were twice cropped. Of the 98,289 acres under 
-tillage grain crops occupied 75,159 acres or 76"4 per cent, 
30,689 of which, were under rice bhdt Oryza sativa, 31,048 under 
ndchni or rdgi Eleusine coracana, and 13,422 under cherma Panicum 
miliaceum. Pulses occupied 14,364 acres or 14*6 per cent, of which 
40 acres were under gram harbhara Cicer arietinum, 3661 under 
eajan pea tur Cajanus indicus, 221 under horse gram kuUth 
Dolichos biflorus, 9571 under black gram udAcd Phaseolus mungo, 
and 871 under other pulses. Oil-seeds occupied 8382 acres or 8"5 
per cent, all of which was under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum. 
Fibres occupied 330 acres or 0'4 per cent, of which sixty were under 
Bombay hemp san Crotalaria juncea, and 270 under amhddi 
Hibiscus cannabinus. Miscellaneous crops occupied fifty-four acres or 
0'05 per cent, all under garden produce, fruits and vegetables. 

The 1881 population returns show, that of 107,729 people, 
105,122 or 97-58 per cent were Hindus, 2486 or 2-30 per cent 
Musalm^ns, 93 Christians, 27 Parsis, and 1 a Jew. The details 
of the Hindu castes are : 919 Brdhmans ; 149 Kdyasth Prabhus, 
writers; 788 Vanis, 163 Jains, 214 Lingayats, 16 Lohdn£s, 14 
Bhdtias, and 3 Komtis, traders ; 40,277 Kunbis, 2429 Agris, 764 
Vanjaris, 237 Ohdrans, 89 Mdlis, 20 Pdhadis, and 1 Kdmathi, 
husbandmen; 302 Telis, oil-pressers ; 82 Salis and 17 Khatris, 
weavers; 687 Sonars, gold and silver smiths; 607 KumbhArs, 
potters ; 487 Lobars, blacksmiths ; 391 Shimpis, tailors ; 345 Kdtiris, 
turners; 136 Sutd,rs, carpenters; 114 Kdsdrs, bangle-sellers; 113 
Belddrsand 36 Patharvats, stone-masons ; 9 Td,mbats, coppersmiths; 
50 Bhats, bards ; 24 Guravs, temple-servants ; 433 Nhavis, barbers ; 
44 Parits, washermen ; 88 Gavlis, milk-sellers ; 60 Dhangars, 
shepherds; 37 Bhois, river-fishers; 3 Machhis, sea-fishers; 140 
Kdlans and 54 Bhanddris, palm-juice drawers; 121 Pardeshis, 
messengers ; 49 Ghisddis, tinkers ; 45 Khatiks, butchers ; 45 Buruds, 
bamboo-workers; 25,309 Thdkurs, 9887 Konkanis, 5619 Kathkaris, 
5065 Varlis, 36 Vadars, and 2 EAmoshis, early tribes ; 937 Ohambhdrs, 
leather workers ; 7357 Mhdrs and 82 Mdngs, village servants ; 10 
Bhangis, scavengers; 113 Gosavis and Bairagis, 43 Bharddis, 23 
Gondhlis, 21 Jangams, and 18 Kolhatis, religious beggars and 
wanderers. 

Salsette, commonly known as the island