/
3"^^
vs
m
Qlornell Hmmsitj ^itotg
THE GIFT OF
./t.'.yyt^ -. ..^..e,<c^tjiyC<iLy\^^-.,.^artr±^..a,,^^
AMH^'i ,. <^i3i
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
3 1924 070 623 685
Cornell University
Library
The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.
There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924070623685
GAZETTEER
OP THE
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
VOLUME XVIII. PART II.
POONA.
Under Government Orders.
PRINTED AT THE
GOVEENMBNT CENTRAL PRESS
1885.
CONTENTS.
POO If 4;
Chapter IV. — Agricnltore. page
Husbandmen ; Seasons ; Soils ; Arable Land ; Holdings ;
Stock ; Plough of Land ; Crop Area 1-7
Field Tools; Hand Tools ; Ploughing; Sowing; Manure , 8-11
Ibbigation :
Motasthal ; P^tasthal ; Government Water Works ; Reser-
voirs 12-28
Weeding; Watching; Reaping; Thrashing; Winnowing;
Storing ; Mixed Sowings ; Wood-ash Tillage ; Rotation ;
Fallows; Gardening 29-33
Crop Details 34-62
Coffee; Senna; Cochineal; Silk 63-75
Experimental Gardens ; Botanical Gardens 76-79
Blights; Locust and Rat Plagues ; Famines 80-96
Chapter V.— Capital.
Capitalists ; Saving Classes ; Banking ; Exchange Bills ;
Currency; Insurance 97-105
Moneylenders ; Interest ; Borrowers ; Husbandmen ; Deccan
Riots ; Deccan Riots ' Commission ; Deccan Agriculturists'
Relief Act; Slaves 106-133
Wages; Prices ; Weights and Measures 134-140
Chapter VI.— Trade.
Communications :
Routes (b. c. 100 - a. d. 1884) ; Passes; Bridges ; Ferries ;
Rest-houses; Tolls ; Railway ; Post andTelegraph Offices. 141-162
Trade :
Changes ; Course ; Centres ; Market Towns ; Fairs ; Vil-
lage Shopkeepers ; Peddlers 163-166
Imports; Exports; Railway Traffic i . 167-172
Crafts :
Brass Work ; Silk Weaving ; Gold and Silver Thread ;
Cotton Goods ; Glass Bangles ; Combs ; Clay Figures ;
Paper; Iron Pots ; Tape-weaving; Felt ; Wood-turning. 173-210
ii CONTENTS.
Chapter VII. —History. page
Early Hindus (b.c. 100 - a.d. 1295) :
Nana Pass Inscriptions (b. c. 90 - a. d. 30) ; Junnar, Kdrle,
Bhija and Bedsa Cave Inscriptions (a.d. 160) ; Early
and Western Chalukyas (550 - 760) ; Rashtrakntas
(760-973); DevgiriTadavs (1190-1295) 211-214
MuSALMANS (1295-1720) :
Delhi Governors (1818-1347); Bahmanis (1347 - 1490) ;
Niz4m Shahis (1490 1636) ; Adil Shahis and the
Moghals (1636 - 1680) ; Shiviji's rise and wars -vvith the
Adil Shdhis and the Moghals (1643-1680); Condition
(1673); Sambhaji (1680-1689) ; Rajaram (1690-1700);
Tar^bai (1700 - 1708) ; Shdhu's Restoration (1708);
BalajiVishvandthPeshwa (1714-1720) 215-242
Marathas (1720-1817) :
Imperial Grants (1719) ; Bajirav Ballal, Second Peshwa
(1720- 1740) ; Bdldji B4jirAv, Third Peshwa(1740-1761);
Shahu's death (1749); Brahman supremacy (1749-
1817); Battle of Udgir (1760); Battle of Pdnipat
(1761); Condition (1714 1760) ; Mddhavrav Ballal,
Fourth Peshwa (1761-1772); NarayanrAv, Fifth Peshwa
(1772-1773) ;Raghnnathr4v,SixthPeshwa(1773-1774) ;
GangAbai's Regency (1774); Mddhavrav NarAyan,
Seventh Peshwa (1774-1795) ; Treaty of Snrat (1776) ;
Treaty of Purandhar (1776); Nana Fadnavis (1761-
1800) ; English Expedition (1778) ; Conventionof Vadgaon
. (1779) ; Goddard's March (1779) ; Treaty of SaMi
(1782); Sindia in Poona (1792); Battle of Kharda
(1796); ChimnAji Madhavriiv, Eighth Peshwa (1796);
B4jir4vRaghun4th, Ninth Peshwa (1796-1817) ; Poona
plundered (1797) ; the Widows' War (1797) ; Yashvant-
rdv Holkar's invasion (1802) ; Holkar's victory (1802) ;
Poona plundered (1802) ; Treaty of Bassein (1802)
Bdjirdv restored (1803); Condition (1803-1808); Mr.
Mountstuart Elphinstone (1811 - 1818); Trimbakji
Denglia (1815) ; Gangddhar ShAstri (1815) ; Bajirav's
disloyalty to the British (1816) ; Treaty of Poona
(1817) ; Battle of Kirkee (1817) ; Poona surrendered
to the British (1817) 243-301
The British (1817-1884):
Battle of Koregaon (1818) ; SitAra Pi^oclamation (1818);
Bajir4v's Flights ; Settlement of the country ; Bamoshi
Rising (1827) ; Koli Risings (1839 & 1846) ; tiie Mutinies
(1857); Honya (1873) ; Gang Robberies (1879) . . , 302-309
CONTENTS. iii
Chapter VIII.— The Land. page
Acquisition; Staff; Alienated Villages 310-312
History :
Early Hindu Thai or Jatha system ; Malik Ambar's system
(1605 - 1626); Dadaji Kondadev's system (1630) ; the
Moghal system (1664); the Maratha system (1669-1817). 313-340
Bkitish Management (1817-1884) :
Management (1817 - 1820) ; Condition (1821) ; Slavery
(1821) ; Tenures (1821) ; Landholders (1821) ; Village
Communities (1820) ; Hereditary Officers (1820) ; Assess-
ment (1820-21) ; Cesses (1820-21); Revenue system
(1820-21); Seasons (1820-1828); Eevenne system
(1828-29); Mr. Pringle's Survey Settlement (1829- 1836);
Survey and Seasons (1836-1867); Revision Survey
(1867-1884); Survey Results (1836-1880); Revenue
Statistics (1837-1884); Agricultural Banks (1884) , .341-513
INDEX 515-625
POONA.
DSCCMI.]
CHAPTER IV.
AGRICULTURES
According to tlie 1881 census, agriculture supports about 500,000
people or 56 per cent of the population. The details are :
POONA AORWULTVBAL POPULATION, 1881.
Aos.
Males.
Females.
Total.
Under Fifteen ...
Otm Fifteen ...
Total ...
103,288
155,407
97,174
156,074
200,482
311,481
258,695
253,248
511,943
* Kunbis and Mdlis, though the chief, are by no means the only
husbandmen. Men of aU classes, Brdhmans, Gujar Mdrwdr and
Lingayat Vanis, Dhangars, Nhdvis, Kolis, Rdmoshis, Mhdrs,
ChambhdrSj and Musalmans own land. About four-fifths of the
landholders till with their own hands. The rest rent the land to
tenants and add to their rents by the practice of some craft or
calling. Kunbis depend almost entirely on the produce of their
fields. They work more steadily, and have greater bodily strength
than other husbandmen, and they show high skill both in dry-crop
tillage and in cultivating the watered lands in which cereals are
grown. At the same time, especially at a distance from trade
centres, they are slow to adopt improvements, and, especially in the
east, are not careful to keep their fields clear of weeds. Malis or
gardeners cultivate a large area ■ of garden and watered land.
Some of them depend entirely on the produce of their fields, and
manage their garden lands with great care and skill. Though, like
Kunbis, Mdlis are slow to change their modes of tillage, they are
ready to grow any new crop that seems likely to pay. They are
most skilful in mixing and varying crops, and are the most regular
and thorough ploughers and the cleanest weeders in the district.
Where there is a constant drain on the land they are careful to
use every available particle of manure and in the neighbourhood of
Poena have completely overcome their dislike to the use of poudrette.
Mdlis are of four kinds, Phul or flower Mdlis, Haldya or turmeric
Malis, Lingayat or Zmgr-wearing Malis generally of southern or
Karnatak origin, and Jire or cumin-seed Malis. Brahmans generally
have their lands tilled by hired labour, themselves superintending
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
HUSBANDMEX.
1 Details about Fiftld-tools, Agricultural Processes, and Crops are chiefly taken from
Mr. W. Fletcher's Deccan Agriculture.
' From materials supplied by Messrs. J. G. Moore, C.S. and A. Keyser, C,S.
B 1327—1
[Bombay G-azetteert
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Husbandmen.
and directing the workmen, but, in parts of Khed, and occasionally
elsewhere in the west, BrAhmans have for generations worked their
fields without the help of hired labour. V^nis are perhaps the
only class who never till- with their own hands. They let their lands
to tenants who pay them either in money or in kind. A large
section of the landholders are Dhangars or shepherds by caste.
Most Dhangars, besides tilling their lands, rear sheep and weave
blankets, but some have given up rearing sheep and live entirely
on the produce of their lands. Except the Haldya or turmeric
Mdlis, no husbandmen grow only one crop.
The uncertain rainfall over a great part of the district, the
poverty of much of the soil, the want of variety in the crops
grown, and a carelessness in their dealings with moneylenders,
have, since the beginning of British rule, combined to keep the
bulk of the Poona landholders poor and in debt. Between 1863
and 1868 they suffered from the introduction of revised rates of
assessment based on very high produce prices which were wrongly
believed to have risen to a permanent level. To their loss from the
fall in produce prices was added the suffering and ruin of the
1876-77 famine. In spite of these recent causes of depression, the
records of former years seem to show that except during the ten years
of unusual prosperity ending about 1870, when great public works
and the very high price of cotton and other field produce threw
much wealth into the district, the mass of the landholding classes,
though poor and largely in debt, are probably at present less
harassed, and better fed, better clothed, and better housed than they
have been at any time since the beginning of the present century.
In the west, where famines are unknown and scarcity is unusual,
the husbandmen are fairly off. But in Ind^pur and Bhimthadi and
in parts of Sirur and Purandhar they have not recovered the distress
and indebtedness caused by the 1876-77 famine. In 1876-77,
a large area of land was thrown out of tillage and • the low price
of grain during the two years ending 1882-83 has made it
difficult for the landholders to recover what they lost in the
year of distress.-^ At the same time the Mutha canals and other
water-works, by introducing a variety of crops and fostering more
careful tillage, have done much to enrich the landholders. As a
class the landholders are hardworking, frugal, and orderly. Jut,
except near Poona, whose market quickens their energies, they are
slower and less intelligent than the landholders of most other parts
of the Presidency. Their tillage is careless, at times even slovenly,
and they fail to strengthen the land by deep ploughing, by change
of crops, or by the sufficient use of manure. This is due to poverty
forcing them to take all they can from the land, rather than to
laziness or to ignorance of the value of suitable ploughing, of plentiful
manure, of clean weeding, of fallows, arid of changes of crops.
Their greatest want, and this with the spread of irrigation is more
' In Ind&parjvdri sold at seventy-six pounds in 1881-82 and at sixty-two pounds
in 1882-83. The corresponding average price during the twenty years before 1881-82
was thirty-seven pounds.
Deccan.]
POONA.
3
and more felt, is manure. As there are almost no leaf-yielding
forests, as grass is scarce, and as most of the straw-giving
crops are millets whose stalks are valuable fodder, there is a great
scarcity of stable-litter, and from the want of other fuel most of the
cowdung is lost to the land. In 1837 Colonel Sykes thought the
mixing of several grains and pulses in one field was one of the chief
blemishes in the Poena tillage.^ More recent writers, including
among them the revenue and survey oflBcers of the district, do not
share Colonel Sykes' opinion. Over most of the district the chief
danger against which the husbandman has to guard is a failure of
rain. Millet may perish in a year in which the hardier and less
thirsty pulse will thrive or at worst will yield a fair crop. If the
millet succeeds it smothers the pulse and takes no harm. The
mixing of crops has also the advantage of lessening the drain on the
land by taking different elements out of it.
In Poena all arable land comes under one or other of three great
heads, jirdyat or dry-crop land, bdgdyat or watered land, and dvan or
rice land. Dry-crop lands are divided into kharifor early and rabi or
late. 'I'he early crops are brought to maturity by the rains of the south-
west monsoon ; the late crops depend on dews, on watering, and on
the partial fair-weather showers which occasionally fall between
November and March. Early or ft/ian/ crops are sown in June and
July and are reaped in September and October or November. In the
Maval or wet and hilly west, whose staple is rice and whose other
crops are the coarse or varkas grains vari, sdva, ndchni, and khurdsni
the chief harvest is the early harvest. The exposure to the cold damp
of the south-west rains severely tries the husbandmen of the west.
But they are a hardy cheerful race and their labour is seldom made
useless by a failure of crops or unprofitable from the want of a
market.
In the Desh or eastern plain, where the south-west rain is light
and uncertain, the early or kharif harvest is less important than
in the west. The chief early crops are spiked millet or hdjri mixed
with the hardy tur and early Indian millet or jvdri. These are
sown in late May or in June on the first sufficient rainfall. In
good years they ripen in late September and October ; in bad years
not till November. When the early crops are reaped in September
and where the land permits, a second or dusota crop is raised. As,
after October, rain rarely falls in the hilly west, except a little
wheat grown on the eastern fringe, the late or rahi dry-crop
harvest is of comparatively little importance. In the east of the
district which is within the range of the north-east rains, the late or
rabi harvest is more important than the early harvest. There the
late crops are sown in October and November and ripen in February
and March. They are chiefly shdlu and other cold-weather Indian
millets and gram, lentils, and other pulses.
^ The soil of the district is lighter in the west than in the east. It
Chapter IV.
Apiculture.
Httsbandmbn.
Seasons.
Soils-.
1 Eeport British Association (18,37), 324.
'Mr. A. Keyser, C.S., aiid Captain H. Robertson (1821) iu East India Papers,
IV. 565, 566.
[Bombay Qazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agticultnre.
Soils.
belongs to three olassesj black or Mli, red or tdmbdi, and coarse gray
or barnd. In some places each class of soil blends with the other
in varying proportions and in turn is modified by sand, graTel,
lime-salts, and other ingredients. The Uli soil is generally black
or nearly black, and has sometimes a gray or a bluish tmge. It la
commonly found in layers several feet deep. It belongs to the plain
east rather than to the hilly west, and covers wide areas near rivers
and large streams. In such places it is of great and uniform
depth. It is sometimes injured by being mixed with lime nodules ;
and, occasionally, from the action of water or the presence of
mineral salts, it becomes stiff and clayey, which, except in years of
heavy rainfall, much lessens its richness. Excellent black soil of
small and varying depth, with its surface covered with black basalt
stones, is found on tablelands. Black soils are richer than
either red or coarse gray soils. The sun does not harden their
surface but cracks and crumbles it, and as they keep their
moisture longer than other soils they are the favourite land
for late or rabi crops. They yield all the produce of the
Deccan in abundance and are specially suited for the growth
of wheat, gram, and sugarcane. Towards the west as the level
rises the black soil shallows till in the waving slopes that skirt
the hills it changes to red or gray. The black soil is of two
kinds, the gaping black soil known as dombi and Jcevaldhds and
the stony black called khadkal or dhondal. Though better than
the stony black the gaping black soil is very thirsty and
requires plentiful and constant watering to bring out its powers
and keep them in action. If it is not continually drenched while
the crop is growing the people say that the crops pine and wither.
The stones in the stony black are said to make it firmer -and
better able to hold water. This is the most valued land for the
ordinary dry-crops whose supply of water depends on the local
rainfall. This stony black is not so strong and as a rule is shal-
lower than the gaping black. Being lighter the gaping black is more
easily worked, but has to be ploughed oftener than the stony black
and wants more manure. The best black soil yields year after
year apparently without suffering though its powers might have
become exhausted if it were not for the relief given by sowing a
mixed crop. Other and poorer black soils occur mixed with sand
and clay. The reddish or copper-coloured soils called tdmbat or
tdmbdi are always shallower and coarser than the black. They
are probably the ruins of the iron-bearing rOcks without the
decayed vegetable element which deepens the colour of the black
soils. They are often injured by a mixture of gravel, but when
watered by frequent showers are generally well_ suited for the khccfif
or early crops. The red soil is commoner and richer in the west than
in the east. It has many Varieties, for it includes lands on the
skirts of hills and other most barren soils. Red soil is generally
rough and stiff and requires deep ploughing. The best red soils are
found near Pd,bal, midway between Khed and Sirur, where also the
ploughing is very deep. The red soil of Pdbal itself is very powerful,
but requires great labour. It is a mixture Of sand with a Smaller
quantity of clay. There are three varieties of red soil, pure red or
DccoanJ
POONA.
nirmal tdmbdi, upland or nidljamin, and sandy or vaUd/ri jamin. The
Eure red or nirmal tdmbdi is lighter and richer than the others and
as perhaps a larger proportion of sand. The upland or mdl jamin
is a reddish soil thick-spread over rock. According to its depth and
the quantity of sand and friable stones it is of two varieties mdl murud
that is plain red land and tdmbdi malsi that is hill red land. Sandy
or valsdri jamin when deep enough yields fair crops. Higher up
the slopes or covering the tops of the lower uplands of the eastern
plain is the coarse gray or harad. It varies in colour from a light
reddish brown to gray, is of a coarse gravelly or loose friable texture,
and is greatly wanting in cohesion. It is decomposed basalt with a
mixture of iron ore. It does not yield wheat, peas, or any late or
cold-weather crops ; but in seasons of heavy rainfall spiked millet
and the early pulses give a good return. When waste it bears
nothing but scanty spear-grass. It does not occur in the hilly west.
Qdvkhar pdndhari or white village soil is much like the coarse gray
in colour, but is finer and is often of great depth. It is only found
close to villages or on deserted village sites. Its special appearance
is probably due to the manure which gathers on village sites and
gives the soil a chalky character. It is a clean Hght soil and on a
basis of black mould yields excellent crops, especially of tobacco.
There are also patches of stiff clayey soil called shedvat that is white
clayey or chopan that is clayey or loamy and of chiJmi or pure clay in
which nothing grows. Clayey patches, black brown or white in
colour, are generally found on the banks of rivers. A rare swampy
or undrained soil of a clayey texture is termed shembat that is stony
and upaZ that is sodden. A rich alluvial soil called dheli or kevtal
that is soil left by the overflowing of rivers, ranges in colour from
pale yellow to dark brown. It covers a limited area, but, partly
from the vegetable matter it holds and partly because it is regularly
strengthened by fresh deposits, it is the richest soil in the district.
Near some of the larger rivers within flood limits is a narrow belt of
land of no great value known as malai or vegetable land. In thd
hilly west is a barren blackish soil called murmdd that is crumbly
rock. It is very stiff and hard and is found mostly at the foots of hills
wherever water lodges. Here and there in black and other rich
soils spots yield wretched crops compared with the surrounding
fields. These spots are called chunkhadi or lime-laden because
limestone is always found near the surface.
Of an area of 5347 square miles 5198 square miles or 3,327,283
acres or 97"21 per cent have been surveyed in detail. Of these 467,884
acres or 14"06 per cent are the lands of alienated villages. The rest
contains, according to the revenue survey, 2,113,221 acres or 63'ol
per cent of arable land; 272,271 acres or 8'18 per cent of unarable j
21,107 acres or 0'63 per cent of grass or kuran ; 263,797 acres
or 7"92 per cent of forest ; and 189,003 acres or 5'68 per cent of
village sites, roads, and river beds.^ In 1881-82 of the 2,113,221
acres of arable land in Government villages, of which 193,224 or
9"14 per cent are alienated, 1,786,065 acres or 84*51 per cent were
held for tillage. Of this 44,503 or 2-50 per cent were garden land.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Soils.
Abablb Land.
' The forest area has lately been increased to 422,400 acres or 661 square miles,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
acres or
27,674 acres or 1"54 per cent were rice land, and l,713,f
95'96 per cent were dry-crop land.
Though large holdings are found in many villages the holdings as a
rule are small. They are also so divided among members of different
families that the entries in the Government books are not a complete
guide to the average size of a holding. In the hilly west, where the
chief grains are rice, ndgli, and other coarse grains, which require
great attention and labour, the holdings are generally smaller than in
the east. In 1882-83, including alienated lands, the total number of
holdings was 227,871 with an average area of about nine acres. Of
the whole number, 86,193 were holdings of not more than five acres ;
43,898 were of six to ten acres ; 45,359 of eleven to twenty acres ;
30,677 of twenty-one to fifty acres; 11,340 of thirty-one to forty
acres ; 7576 of forty-one to fifty, acres ; 2739 of fifty-one to one
hundred acres; seventy-six of 101 to 200 acres ; thirteen of 201 to
300 acres ; and one above 300 acres. More than 100 acres of dry-
crop land is considered a large holding, fifty to 100 acres is consi-
dered a middle-sized holding, and less than twenty-fiVe acres is
considered a small holding :
POONA HOLDINSS, 1882-83.
■m
m
.
d
i
i
i
SnB-DivisiOK.
1
S
Si
S
<
o
o
3
<
<
Total.
Land
Revenue
Total
Area.
rH
I-l
r-l
to
iH
<M
£
Acres.
21,048
6004
4152
1594
653
191
180
20
2
32,844
14,747
221,761
Khed
27,624
8316
6829
2052
544
139
64
6
1
45,474
16,981
283,824
MSval
8373
6917
4929
4127
3414
5154
1092
2
2
34,010
7631
126,037'
HaveU
14,436
13,925
11,829
9916
1126
105
96
51,430
18,822
261,286
Sirur
6022
3726
4832
2150
783
119
71
6
4
17,719
13,824
236,212
Purandhar
3468
2696
3848
2428
621
206
119
21
3
13,899
9798
166,216
Bhimthadi
3943
2645
7489
6443
2524
760
378
21
1
1
24,205
23,461
451,197
Indipur
Total ..
1390
671
1451
19G7
1676
901
734
8790
10,646
220,746
86,193
43,898
46,359
30,677
11,340
7576
2739
76
13
1
227,871
114,902
1,967,278
Stock, -^s in other famine districts farm stock considerably decreased in
1876-77, and has not yet reached its former level. In 1875-76, the
year before the famine, the stockincluded 21,857 carts, 63,629 ploughs,
233,759 bullocks, 160,097 cows, 12,107 he-buffaloes, 45,765 she-
buffaloes, 12,790 horses including mares and foals, 4932 asses, and
342,081 sheep and goats.^ According to the 1882-83 returns the
farm stock included 21,044 carts, 52,630 ploughs, 227,619 bullocks,
144,949 cows, 12,084 he-buffaloes, 40,646 she-buffaloes, 11, 163 horses
including mares and foals, 6745 asses, and 289,688 sheep and goats.
The details are :
1 Horses and asses, though almost never used for field purposes, are usually classed
with agricultural stock.
Deccau]
POONA.
POONA AORiaVLTUBAL Stock, 188S-8S
Carts.
Ploughs.
.
Buffaloes.
h
Sheep
S.
Sob-Division.
.
-■3
s
Cowa.
^
-£
AND
Abbes.
.5
r
o
o
It
p
h
P
Goats.
Junnar
643
1529
4288
3348
27,481
16,944
2731
6320
906
40,870
866
Khed
883
3234
7436
4849
44,176
31,664
1946
10,868
1262
19,409
783
MS,val
22
2066
6213
813
16,623
12,370
2810
4175
293
1927
Haveli
962
6110
4608
4369
34,046
26,229
1666
8763
2176
21,169
2140
Sirur
472
1512
1432
4080
27,296
18,266
617
2188
1484
38,107
736
Purandhar
257
1093
1540
3017
23,987
13,883
597
364C
1252
31,267
689
Bhimthadi
69
2675
625
3434
36,696
18,618
866
2712
2647
83,786
1015
Ind&pur
26
1213
780
1608
17,514
8086
1061
2096
1263
63,163
662
2723
18,321
26,722
26,908
227,619
144,949
12,084
40,646
11,163
289,688
6746
With four oxen a Kunbi will till some sixty acres of light soil.
Sixty acres of shallowish black soil require six or eight oxen. Eight
oxen can till some fifty acres of deep black soil, provided that in
occasional years when ploughing is necessary the landholder is
able to hire two more pairs of bullocks. With eight pairs of oxen,
and the power where necessary of making use of two pairs more, an
acre or two of the sixty might be kept under the lighter garden
crops. Many husbandmen have much less than the proper number
of cattle, and have to join with their neighbours before their fields
can be ploughed .
In 1881-82, of 1,786,065 acres, the whole area held for tillage,
209,447 acres or 11-72 per cent were fallow or under grass. Of the
remaining 1,576,618 acres, 18,740 were twice cropped. Of the
1,595,368 acres under tillage, grain crops occupied 1,374,702 acres
or 86' 16 per cent, of which 588,502 were under Indian millet, jvdri,
Sorghum vulgare ; 557,807 under spiked millet, hajri, Penicillaria
spicataj 60,524 under wheat, gahu, Triticum sestivum ; 52,365 under
rdgi or ndchni, Elensine corocana ; 47,885 under rice, bhdt, Oryza
sativa ; 32,342 under saya and -ycM-i, Panicum miliaceum and miliare;
3844 under maize, makha, Zea mays ,• 1084 under rdla or Icdng,
Panidum italicum; 397 undevlwdra or harik, Paspalum frumentaceum ;
141 under barley, yav, Hordeum hexastiohon ; and 29,811 under other
grains of which details are not given. Pulses occupied 86,919 acres
or 5-38 per cent, of which 28,879 were under gram, harhhara, Oicer
arietinum ; 13,065 undev kulith ov Iculthi, Dolichos biflorus; 12,851
under tur, Cajanus indicus ; 3900 under mug, Phaseolus mungo;
3519 under udid, Phaseolus radiatus ; 836 under peas, vdtdna, Pisum
sativum; 836 under masur, Ervum lens; and 24,033 under other
pulses. Oilseeds occupied 102,786 acres or 6'44 per cent, of which
29,449 were under gingelly seed, til, Sesamum indicum ; 159 under
linseed, alsM, Linum usitatissimum ; and 73,178 under other oilseeds.
Fibres occupied 8382 acres or 0-52 per cent, of which 4565 were
under cotton, hdpus, Gossypium herbaceum ; 1375 under Bombay-
hemp, san or tag, Crotalaria juncea ; 18 under brown hemp, amhddi,
Hibiscus cannabinus ; and 2424 under other fibres. Miscellaneous
crops occupied 23,569 acres or 1'47 per cent of which 8089 were
under chillies, mirchi, Capsicum fruteseens ; 5502 under sugarcane.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Stock.
Plough of
Latsu.
Crops.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Field Tools.
Plough.
Seed-Dria.
US, Saccharum officinarum ; 817 under tobacco, tambdkhu, Nicotiana
tabacum ; and the remaining 9161 under various vegetables and
fruits.
The field tools are, the plough, ndngar ; the seed-drills, pdbhar
and TOOgi^ad J the hoes, kulav, kulpe or joli, and phardt; the beam-
harrow, maind ; the dredge or scoop, petdri ; and the cart, gdda.
The ploug^h, ndngar or when small ndngri, is usually of hdbhul
Acacia arabica wood. It contains five distinct pieces, the pole
halas, the share or coulter ndngar, the yoke ju or shilvat, the tail
rumane, and the handle muthya. These five parts are kept together
by a leather rope, vethan, which passes back from the yoke behind
the plough tail, and forward again to the yoke. To the share a
moveable iron shoe or phdl is fixed by a ring called vasu. A large
plough for stifE soil which works nine inches deep requires seven
to ten yoke of oxen. In the light eastern Desh soils the plough
requires only two yoke. In the west, where it is fit only for
stirring flooded rice land and for breaking the surface after it has
been softened by rain, the plough is light enough to be carried on a
man's shoulder and one yoke of oxen are enough to draw it. The
large plough is an efiicient implement passing under tho hard crust,
turning the soil in great lumps, and exposing a large surface to the
weather. It can be made to cut a deep or a shallow furrow by
changing the angle of the share or coulter. The Kunbis manage the
plough with considerable skill. One man can work a plough with
two yoke of oxen turning them at the end of the furrow by voice
alone. With a team of six or seven pair a boy is usually seated on
the yoke of the third pair and hustles them, along with whip and
voice. Each ox knows his name and obeys the boy's voice. The
furrows are never straight and the field is usually ploughed crosswise
as well as lengthwise. In the plain east, the plough is often left in
the field when not in use, the iron shoe the ropes and the yokes being
taken home. In the east, a plough with four separate yokes varies
in value from 16s. to £1 (Es. 8-10). With yearly repairs costing
about 3s. (Rs. IJ), a plough lasts for five years. In the west a
complete plough costs 4s. to 5s. (Rs. 2-2^).i
The seed-drill, pdbhar, is a model of simplicity and ingenuity
and IS cheap and effective. It consists of two to four wooden iron-
shod shares or coulters called phans, fed with seed through bamboo
tubes from a wooden bowl or chdde into which the seed is dropped by
hand. The whole is held together by ropes strained in different
directions. It is drawn by two oxen. Gram and wheat are sown by
a larger drill called moghad drawn by four oxen. Its tubes are larger
and the shares or coulters stronger so as to pass deeper into the soil.
It sows four to SIX mches deep to suit some of the cold-weather
1 Mr. Shearer, the agricultural instructor in the Poona College of Science, has found
that, by using an iron share instead of the heavy wood block, the native plough
and" ™tHnV f r f '"^' v^^"; passing through the most caked and hardened surface,
and cutting the roots of bushes which had formerly to be dug out by the hatchet
rc'ost'of'''£l 5^ TI^'mT'^'TT "'^' ^* *^ T^'^^'^^P^ °^ the^CoUegJoTscience ai
a cost ot £1 5s (Rs. 124). They have also been successfully copied by viUaga
blacksmiths. Mr. Shearer to Collector of Poona, 105, 14th July 1882.
Deccau.]
POONA.
9
crops. Both the small and the large seed-drill are often used as
harrows by removing the middle shares, the bamboo tubes, and the
bowl. A drill costs about 5s. (Rs. 2^) and with care lasts foar or
five years.
The hoe, Iculav, is used for breaking the clods thrown up by the
plough, for loosening the surface when the plough is not used, for
removing weeds, for filling cracks or fissures, and for covering the
seed. The hoe is two shares or coulters joined by a level cross iron
blade or phds set obliquely in a wooden beam. A. pole unites it to
the yoke and it is guided by an upright handle. When he wishes
to work the hoe deep the driver stands on the wooden beam or lays
heavy stones upon it. It requires only one yoke of oxen, costs
about 7s. (Rs. 34), and lasts four or five years. The kulpe also
called the joli is a weeding hoe. It is two iron blades or golis like
a mason's square with their inward ends six inches apart set in a
piece of wood to which the yoke is joined by a pole and ropes. It
has two handles the rumane and the veski, the veski being a loose
forked stick which is held on the top. It is drawn by two oxen
and is driven so that the row of young plants passes through the space
between the blades. The kulpe is often worked double, that is two
kulpes are drawn by one pair of oxen. It requires much care in
working, costs about 4Js. (Rs. 9), and lasts five years. The phardt is
like the kulav, only its blade is longer, three feet six inches in length,
and its woodwork is lighter. It is used to follow the seed-drill and
cover the seed and is drawn by two oxen. It costs aobut 4s. (Rs. 2).
The beam-harrow, maind or phdla, is a large beam of wood fitted
■with a yoke and upright handle. It requires four oxen and two
men to work it. It is used chiefly in high tillage to break clods and
level the surface. It is also used after the wheat and gram are in
the ground to press the soil, as pressed soil keeps its moisture longer
than loose soil. It costs about 8s. (Rs. 4) and lasts many years.
The scoop or dredge, petdri, is used only in rice lands. The
bottom lip is formed by a plank three feet long to which the
oxen are harnessed. A stout handle fixed into the middle of the
plank sloping back forms a support to a series of bamboo slips laced
together with string which rise one above the other about two
feet six inches, presenting a curved sloping surface against which as
the scoop passes through the ground the loose earth gathers. It is
drawn by two oxen and costs about 3s. (Rs. 1 ^) .
Up till 1836 the carts or gddds, of which there were very few,
were cumbrous vehicles consisting of a large strong frame of wood
supported on two solid wooden wheels over which the sides projected
on props that rested on the axle outside of the wheels. The i;aves
of the wheels were fitted inside with iron tubes in which the axles
worked. These and the wheel tires were the only iron-work as the
whole construction was held together by tightly strained ropes. The
cart was used to carry crops, and with the addition of a large shallow
basket to carry manure. It cost about £10 (Rs. 100) and was usually
the joint property of three or four landholders. The axles being
wooden often broke and new wheels and tires were tteeded-at -long
intervals. With these repairs, the cart lasted, frgm generation to
B 1327—2
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Field Tools.
Hoe.
Beam-Harrow.
Scoop.
Carl.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
10
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Field Tools,
Cart.
Hand Tools,
Plouohing.
generation. Colonel Sykes mentions a cart called jang or jungia
used for carrying manure. It was a common cart with, a basket
of nirgundi, Vitex trifoliaj and tur, Cajanus indicus, stems tied to
the top of it. In 1836 Lieutenant Gaisford, of the Revenue Survey,
planned a new cart with high light wheels and a light body. The
new carts were first made at Tembhurni in Sholapur and the
craftsmen of the villages round were trained to repair them,^ At
first very few landholders would buy the new carts. Afterwards the
opening of roads which did away with the necessity of very heavy
and massive carts, and the abolition of transit duties which made it
possible to carry local produce to distant markets, increased the
number of carts in Indapur from 291 in 1835-36 to 1165 or 300 per
cent in 1865-66, in Bhimthadi from 273 in 1840-41 to 1011 or 270
per cent in 1870-71, in Pd,bal from 754 in 1840-41 to 1304 or 73
penoentin 1870-71, in Haveli from 1146 in 1840-41 to 2284 or
99-30 per cent in 1871-72, and in Purandhar from 191 in 1843 to 578
or 202 per cent in 1873, In spite of the opening of the railway,
which greatly reduced the number of carts employed in long
journeys, the latest returns show a total of 18,321 carts throughout
the district. The present carts cost £6 to £8 (Rs. 60- 80) and hold
ten to twenty hundredweights (16-30 mans). They are drawn by
one pair of bullocks, and are chiefly made of bdbhul and teak wood
by local carpenters.
Besides the tools worked with the help of bullocks there are five
hand tools : the pick, kudal, costing Is, (8 as.) ; the hoe, hhore, costing
Is. to l^s. (8-12 as.); the sickle, khurpe, used for weeding and
grass-cutting, costing 3d. to 6d. (2-4 as.) ; the billhook, koi/ata, used
only in the west and carried behind the back in a wooden socket,
costing Is. to 2s. (Re. |-1); and the rake, ddntdle, made of wood
with, four or five broad teeth, used to gather chaff in the
thrashing floor and in the west to gather grass and tree loppings to
burn on the rice fields. These tools can all be easily bought in any
village, and every Kunbi owns a fairly complete set worth about £2
(Rs. 20) . A yearly charge of 6s. to 8s. (Rs. 3-4) keeps them in good
order. If fresh tools are wanted the -Kunbi, if necessary, buys a
tree, fells it, strips it, and hales it to the village. The carpenter
fashions the tools, and the iron-work is bougbt from wandering
blacksmiths. The ropes are made either by the Kunbi himself or
by the village Mang from fibre grown in the Kunbi's field. ^
A field is not ploughed every year. In dry-crop lands thorough
ploughing is rare. The usual practice both in the west and in the
east is to plough the shallower black and light soils every other
year, on the alternate years going over the land only with the
hoe or kulav. Many deep heavy soils are ploughed not oftener
than once in four or five years. In the in terval thehoe or perhaps
the harrow is used. Early or kharif land is ploughed in December,
January, and February, and the hoe is used to break the surface
immediately before sowing. As the soil is lighter, the heavy eastern
plough with six or eight pairs of bullocks is not required in the west.
'Bombiy Government Selections, CLI, 33-34,
Oeccan.]
POONA.
11
A lighter plough with one or two pairs of bullocks is enough in the
western plains, and on the steep hill-sides where a plough cannot
work the shallow soil is loosened by the hand with a bent piece of
wood tipped with iron.
The Kunbi is very careful in his choice of seed. If his own
crop is good he picks the largest and best-filled heads and keeps
their grains separate as seed for the next year. The produce of
special heads is often sold as seed and fetches half as much again
as ordinary grain of the same kind. Vanis also keep good seed
grain in stock which they advance to Kunbis, exacting fifty or a
hundred per cent more in kind at harvest time. The sowing of the
early or kharif crops begins in May or in June after the soil is well
moistened by rain. In the plain country the seed is sown by the
drill and covered by the long-bladed hoe or phardt which follows
close behind the drill. When a mixed crop is to be sown one of
the drill tubes is stopped and a man follows the drill, holding a
horn-tipped tube fastened by a rope from which he sows seed in
the furrow left by the stopped tube. This process is called moghane.
In the west for the early or kharif crops a small plot is chosen, and,
in March or April is covered a foot or so deep with cowdung, grass,
leaves, and branches, which are burnt. In this plot, after a good
fall of rain in May or June, the surface is loosened by an iron-tipped
wooden hoe and the seed is sown broadcast and thick. In the
course of a month when the thick-sown seedlings are about a foot
high they are planted in irregular rows in patches of prepared land.
The people understand the value of manure, but litter and cowdung
p,re scarce and mineral and other rich manures are too dear to be
Tised in the growth of the ordinary crops. In the plain part of the
district east of P^bal, where the rainfall is scanty or uncertain, dry-
prop land is seldom manured. This is partly because manure is scarce-
and partly it is said because if the rainfall is scanty, manure does more
harm than good to the crop. In the hilly west and in the western
fringe of plain land where the rain is regular and plentiful, manure i-s
carefully hoarded and used whenever possible. The quantity used
seems to be regulated entirely by the supply. Even here m.anure is
scarce and weak, merely wood-ashes and sweepings. In the case of
watered crops, hemp or tag Orotalaria juncea, methi Trigonella foenum-
grsecum, or khurdsni Verbesina sativa are sown and when about
five inches high are ploughed and the land is flooded and left for
twenty days. Md.lis or gardeners and all others who raise crops all'
the year round are very careful to save every available particle of
manure. In the land about Poona, which is watered all the year
round, poudrette, the dung of cattle sheep and goats, stable litter,
and refuse are used. The use of poudrette as a rule is restricted to
a range of ten miles to the east of Poona along the line of the Mutha
canals. Formerly there was a strong feeling against the import into
a village of outside manure. This feeling has passed away, and
manure is eagerly sought and frequently brought frpm long distances.
The sewage of the cantonment and city of Poona, aftei? beipg buried
for three or four months, is bought by the husbaiidmen of the .sur-
rounding villages, and it has become a. recognized and allowed
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Sowing.
MANUKBi,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
12
DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Manubb.
Iebigation.
Motasthal.
practice for Kunbis to cart and handle this manure, which not many,
years ago they held in horror. The manure is sold in the trench at
about three carts or one ton for 2s. (Re. 1). In 1874-76, the year
when the right bank Mutha canal was opened, the quantity of pou-
drette turned out by the Poena municipality was 2220 cubic yards
and the value realised was £76 12s. (Rs. 766) ; in 1881-82 the quantity
turned out was 11,760 cubic yards and its value £3077 12s.
(Rs. 30,776). Cowdung is used only by those who have stall-
fed cattle or who are rich enough to buy it. As cowdung cakes
are the fuel of Pooua most of the cowdung within twenty
miles of the city is carefully stored, made into cakes, and sent in
large cartloads to Poona where it is also used for burning the
dead.^ In dry land and in watered lands in outlying towns and
villages, cowdung, goat and sheep dung, stable-litter, and village
refuse are the chief manures. The dung and urine of sheep are a
valuable manure and owners of flocks are hired to graze their
sheep in fields for two or three nights at a time. Dhangars
usually wander from village to village in a regular yearly circuit,
in the plains during the rains and cold weather, and in the west
during the hot months. They are paid by the husbandmen to fold
their sheep in their fields. In some places they get only their food,
in other places where gardens abound as much as Is. or 2s. (Re. ^-1)
is paid for one night of a hundred sheep. No chemical or imported
manures are used, but the district officials are making experiments
with bone-dust.
Watered land is of two classes, motasthal or bag-watered) and
pdtasthal or channel-watered. Well or bag inngation is of great
importance in Indapur and other drought-stricken parts of the east.
Wells used for irrigation are circular, eight to ten feet across and
twenty to fifty feet deep. They are sometimes pitched with brick or
stone and mortar, more usually they are lined with dry cut -stone,
and frequently they are built only on the side on which the bag is
worked. An unpitched well costs £10 to £20 (Rs. 100 - 200), a
well lined with dry stone £25 to £50 (Rs. 250 - 500), and with
brick or stone and mortar £40 to £200 (Rs. 400 - 2000). The
water is raised in a leather-bag or mot, one half of which is two
feet broad and is stretched open at the mouth by an iron ring, the
other end is much narrower and is not stretched. A thick rope is
fixed to the centre of two stout bars, which, at right angles to each
other, cross the broad mouth of the bucket, and is passed over a
small wheel some four feet above the lip of the water-trough or
tkdrole where it is supported by a rough wooden frame. A second
thinner rope is fastened to the small mouth of the bucket and
passed over a roller which works on the lip of the trough. Both
these ropes are fastened to a yoke drawn by oxen. The length of the
ropes is so adjusted that the narrow half of the bucket doubles along
the broad half and in passing up or down the well the two mouths are
' Not even oowdung cakes, escape adulteration . There are two kinds of cowdung
cakes the hunslien or pure cake and the vdlsheii or' mixed cake half earth and half
cowdung, Mr. J, G, Moore, C.S.
Deccan.]
POONA.
13
brought on a level witli each other. When the full bucket reaches
the top of the well the narrow mouth follows its own rope over the
roller into the trough and allows the water to escape while the
broad mouth is drawn up by its rope to the wheel four feet higher.
The water-bag or mot is of two sizes, one measuring about ten
feet from mouth to mouth and worked in deep wells and by four
oxen, the other five to six feet and worked in small wells and by
two oxen. The bag and its appliances cost about £1 10«. (Rs. 15).^
The bucket lasts ten or twelve months and the wooden work and
the ring four or five years. The thicker rope lasts a year and the
thinner rope six months. A six feet long bag on an average raises
57 gallons and 3 quarts of water each time it is emptied. In this
way a man and a pair of bullocks raise 2931 gallons of water in an
hour or 20,517 gallons in a working day of seven hours. The same
man with two buckets and two pairs of bullocks raises 41,034 gallons
of water which at eight pounds to the gallon is equal to 328,272
pounds Troy.
In 1882-83, of 18,651 wells about 3203 were step-wells and
15,448 dip-wells.^ A well generally waters one to thirteen acres
and the depth varies from twenty feet in Haveli and Sirur to fifty
feet in Junnar and Bhimthadi. The cost of building varies from
£30 to £500 (Rs. 300 - 5000) in the case of a step-well, and from
£10 to £200 (Rs. 100 - 2000) in the case of a dip-well. There were
also 888 ponds or reservoirs :
POONA WSLLS A.ND PONSS, 1882-83.
SUB-DlVIBION.
Wells.
POSDB
With Steps.
Without Steps.
Number.
Depth
Coat.
Number.
Depth.
Coat.
Junnar ...
Khed
MSval
Haveli
Binir
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
IndSpur
Total ...
193
466
220
600
197
36S
855
314
Feet.
50
30
30
20
35
31
40
30
£
30-100
100-600
60-90
56-200
50-110
50-120
70-90
40-120
3863
2838
275
1329
1819
1689
2618
1227
Feet.
60
20
40
25
40
33
50
35
£.
20-80
2C-200
30-80
10-150
40-90
40-100
60-70
30-100
483
246
77
26
11
20
26
3203
20-60
30-600
16,448
20-60
10-200
888
A class of people called Pdnddis, that is water-showers, who are
generally Mardthas, Mhars or Grosavis by caste, are employed to
point out where water will be found. They examine the soil and
the adjoining wells and sometimes lie down with one of their ears
to the ground to ascertain the flow of water below. The people still
consult them though they are said to be less trusted than they used
to be. The water-shower is paid a small fee in advance and a larger
fee if water is found.
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Iebioation.
Motoithal.
^ The details are : The leather part 16s. to £1 (Rs. 8 - 10), the iron ring Is. to 3s.
(Rs. 1 - IJ), the upper or thick rope 1«. M. to 2s. (Re. f - 1), the lower rope about
M. (4 as.), the wheel including its iron axle Is. 6<i. (12 as.), the roller from9rf. to Is.
(6 - 8 as.), and the rough wood frame 2s. (Re. 1).
''Of these 3105 were used in 1831-82 for drinking and washing, and 15,423 for
watering the land.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
14
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Ireigation.
Pdtaithal.
govbenmbnt
Water Works.
Pdtasthal or diannel-watering from the great saving of labour is
far more profitable tban well-watering. At the same time it is
much less common as the number of sites with a sufficient head of
water and command of land is limited. The chief channel water- works
are across the Mina at Kusur, Vaduj, and Nd,r£yangaon, which
water respectively twenfcy-five, seven ty-eightj and 367 acres of garden
land. The Narayangaon work is of some magnitude, the irrigating
channels being two miles in length. None of these last through the
year; the supply in almost all cases fails in February or March.
Where sugarcane and other twelve-month crops are grown the channel
supply is eked out from wells. Except the Government canals,
channel water- works on a large scale are hardly known. The majority
of the dams or bandhdrds are built of mud, and are renewed every
year after the rains. A masonry dam which commands 500 to 600
acres and has cost £300 to £400 (Rs. 3000-4000) is considered a large
work. The channels are not bridged, hedged, or otherwise sheltered,
and the village cattle and carts cause much injury and waste.
When the water in the river begins to fall below the level of the
dam or channel head it is usual, if the distance is not great, to lift
the water into the channel by a large wooden shovel or scoop hung
by a rope at the proper level from a rough tripod of sticks. The scoop
is swung to and fro by one or two men in such a way as at each swing
to scoop up and throw a small quantity of water into the channel.
This method does not raise water more than a foot or eighteen
inches, but is useful when perhaps only one watering is required to
complete the irrigation of a crop. The wells are the property of
individuals, but the channel water is shared by all who originally
built or who yearly rebuild the dam. The shares are portioned out
in time, hours or days. This system of division by time works
smoothly. The arrangement is superintended and regulated by
one or more men called pdtkaris or channel-keepers who prevent
disputes and keep the canals in working order. They are paid
sometimes by grants of land and more often by small shares of
garden produce.
1 The chief water-works made or repaired by the British Govern-
ment are the Mutha and Nira canals, and the Kdsurdi, Matoba,
Shirsuphal, and Bhadalvddi reservoirs. Of these the Mutha and
Nira canals draw their supply from the Mutha and Nira rivers
which rise in the Sahyadris and have a never failing flow of water.
The Md,toba reservoir is fed from the right bank Mutha canal; the
remaining reservoirs entirely depend on local rain. No landholders
are forced to make use of water. Landholders who wish to have water
apply to the subordinate resident on the works, and, either at the
time of asking or at some later time, sign a form showing for how
long and for what crop water is required. At the end of the season
the areas watered are measured by the canal stafE and the area
and the charges sanctioned by Government are shown in a form which
is sent to the Collector to recover the amount. The water rates,
1 The Poona Water Works Account owea much to corrections and additions by
Mr. W. Gierke, M.Inst.C.E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Foona,
Deccan.]
POONA.
15
which are in addition to and distinct from the land rates, are fixed
under the orders of Government on a scale which varies according to
the crop for which water is required.
Since the beginning of British rule the scanty and uncertain
rainfall in the country to the east of Poona had caused frequent
failure of crops and much loss and suffering. In 1863-64, a more
than usually severe drought caused such distress that Government
determined to find how far this tract could be protected from
famine by water-works. The inquiry was entrusted to Captain, now
Lieutenant-General, Fife, R. E., who, as small reservoirs were then in
favour, spent the season of 1863-64 in surveying the district to find
sites for storage lakes. In a report dated the 25th of February 1864,
Colonel Fife submitted the result of his investigation. This '
comprised detailed plans and estimates for six small reservoirs at
Kdsurdi where there was an old work, at Mdtoba, Khateka Durva,
Kh^mbgaon, Bhddgaon, and Chutorlkur, all in Bhimthadi. Many
other sites were examined and found unfavourable. His experience
in this part of Poona satisfied Colonel Fife that small reservoirs
were enormously costly and were open to the fatal objection that in
any season of severe drought they would be useless as the streams
that feed them entirely fail. He recommended that water should be
led from the Mutha river by a high level canal starting from above
Poona and extending to near Indapur, a distance of about a hundred
miles. The Bombay Government agreed with Colonel Fife that
small lakes were useless and that the only certain means of protection
from famine was the water of rivers whose source is in the Sahyadris.
The Mutha canal works were sanctioned, and the experience since
gained, which embraces both river and lake works, leaves no question
that Colonel Fife was right in holding that small storage lakes would
fail to guard east Poona from famine.^
Of the water- works which have been made since 1 864 the chief
are Lake Fife and the Mutha Canals. The final plans and estimates
for the Mutha Canals scheme were submitted in 1868 and the work
was begun in December of that year. The scheme included a large
storage reservoir or lake at Khadakvasla on the Mutha river ten miles
west of Poona, which has since been named Lake Fife.^ Prom
Lake Fife two canals start, one on each bank of the river. The right
bank canal was designed to be 99J miles long, but the actual
completed length is 69^ miles ending in the village of Pdtas.
The discharge at the head is 412 cubic feet a second and this can
be increased to 535 cubic feet. The canal passes through the
station of Poona. It was designed to command 230 square miles
or 147,200 acres of land. As the complete design has not been
carried out the actual area under command is 147 square miles or
Chapter IV.
Agriculture-
Go VBENMBNT
Watek Wokks,
Mutha Canals.
' Colonel, now Major-General, Strachey, then Inspector-General of Irrigation,
expressed similar opinions with regard to Gujardt, Khindesh, and the Deccan. Mutha
Canals Report, 14th February 1879.
2 By placing the headworks on the Mutha river an unfailing supply of water was
secured as the source of the Mutha is among the SahyAdri hills where there is a
certain rainfall of about 200 inches. The suggestion to use the Mutha river water for
irrigation was recorded by the Honourable Mr. Reeves in 1855. Mutha Canals
Report, 14th February 1879.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
16
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agricnlture-
govbbnment
^Vatbh Wobks.
Mutha Canals.
94^080 acres, the whole of which suffers from scanty and uncertain
rainfall. 1 The left bank canal is eighteen miles long, passing
a short distance beyond Kirkee. It commands an area of 3500
acres and the full supply discharge at the head is 38*5 cubic feet
the second. The area which the complete scheme commanded was
thus 160,700 acres which by shortening, the right-bank canal has
been reduced to 97,580 acres. Besides providing water for this
parched tract of country, the work furnishes an abundant supply of
pure drinking water to the city and cantonment of Poena, the
Powder Works at Kirkee, and the numerous villages along the course
of the canals.^
1 The details of the rainfall at six places on the canal during the three years ending
1881 are :
Mutha Canais Rainfall, 1879 ■ 1881.
Month.
Head-Works, Lake Fm.
PooNA, IOth Mile.
Ubcli, 35th Mile.
1879.
1880.
1881.
1879.
1880.
1881.
1879.
1880.
1881.
January
February
March
AprU
May
June
July
August
September
October
November
December
Total ..
In.
0-03
3-48
10-10
5-74
11-43
1-13
2-28
0-61
In.
0-69
0-24
0-87
8-61
6-47
0 63
3-63
4-34
0-30
In.
0-45
0-16
1-12
8 -56
5-62
2-32
2-38
0-29
In.
0-06
7-71
9-29
2-87
8-66
2-45
0-80
1-71
38-62
In.
0-20
0-74
0-64
3-99
4-03
0-48
7-24
4-02
0-89
In.
2-60
0-04
0-76
9-95
4-66
2-34
4-04
0 31
In.
3-69
4-16
2-45
3-69
1-09
2-37
0-24
■ In.
0-64
0-10
0-10
1-74
1-01
0-90
4-09
4-47
0-57
In.
0-35
320
0-63
2-06
1-0
3-38
1-22
0-28
84-80
24-68
20-90
22-23
24-60
17-69
13-62
12-01
Month.
KA'snani, 45th Mile. 1
Kbdbaon, 60th
Mile.
Pa'tas, 76th Mile. 1
1879.
1880.
1881.
1879.
1880.
1881.
1879.
1880.
1881.
In.
In.
In.
In.
In.
In.
In.
In.
In.
January
February
0-03
...
0-04
March
0-04
0-42
0-19
April
...
007
0-16
May
2-64
0-23
0-69
2-67
0-72
2-23
4-29
0-76
1-32
June
4-60
1-79
0-44
5-68
2-28
0-43
9-41
1-69
3-63
July
5-28
0-50
1-68
2-90
0-80
1-62
4-57
0-46
211
August
3-37
0-22
1-24
2-84
0-09
1-33
6-06
1-18
September ...
0-25
2-15
2-75
0-08
6-98
4-99
0-86-
8-19
4-89
October
1.36
1-65
2-37
2-18
2-40
2-66
2-38
2-60
1-84
November ...
0-12
1-0
0-61
0-02
3-77
1-66
0-85
2-63
2-00
December
Total ..
...
..,
17-65
7-44
9-78
16-41
16-96
16-06
27-46
16-63
17-63
2 The Poona Municipality pays £1000 (Es. 10,000) a year for the supply of about
750,000 gallons daily delivered at the canal-bank. This supply is practically
unlimited. Any excess is charged A^d. (3 as.) the 1000 gallons. The followingare
Deoean.3
POONA.
17
Lake Fife is formed by a masonry dam founded on solid
rock. The dam is of partly coursed and partly uncoursed rubble
masonry and is one of the largest works of its kind in the
world. Exclusive of the waste weir which is 1393 feet long, the
dam is 3687 feet long and rises ninety-nine feet above the river
bed; the greatest height above the foundation level is 107 feet>
The crest of the waste weir is eleven feet below the top of the dam.
The contents of the reservoir are 4911 millions of cubic feet and the
area of the water surface is 8536 acres or 5^ square miles. To gain
sufficient elevation to command the station of Poena and the country
beyond, the bed of the canals is fixed at fifty ■'nine feet above the
river bed or bottom of the reservoir. The volume of water stored
above the canal level is 3161 millions of cubic feet. At the site
of the dam the river has a catchment area of 196 square miles.
During an average season it is calculated that the reservoir will
fill sixteen times. The canals are completely bridged and regulated
throughout. The right-bank canal is navigable in the ten miles
to Poona. In the tenth mile the water-supply for the city is
drawn ofE. To avoid interfering with the buildings and the
parade-ground, the canal is carried through the station of Poona
in two tunnels. On leaving the first tunnel in the centre of the
cantonment, there is a drop in the canal bed. By means of an
undershot wheel this fall is used to drive pumps for raising the water
for the supply of the cantonment into the settling tanks, filter beds,
the results of analyses of the water made by the Chemical Analyser during the
years 1878, 1879, and 1880 :
Mutha -Canals Water, 1878 -1880.
No. 1. Taken f r.oni the canal near
head-works at 4 p.m. 11th
Jane 1878.
No. 2. Taken from the canal near
St. Mary's Church, Poona, 10
A.M. 12th June 1878.
No. 3. Taken from dispense
reservoirs at 10 A.M. 12th June
1878.
No. 1- Taken from the canal
near head-works at 6 p.m. 20th
March 1S79.
: No. 2. Taken from the canal
near St. Mary's Church at 6
A.M. 21st March 1879.
; No. 3. Taken from dispense
^ reservoirs at 6 p.m. on 2l3t
if March 1879.
No. I. Taken from the canal
near head-works at 6 p.m. on
23rd January 1880.
No. 2. Taken from the canal
near St. Mary's Church at 6 A.M.
24th January 1880.
No. 3. Taken from the cana]
from distribution pipe in Poona
at 6 P.M. on the 24th January
1880.
so-s. c,-°;
Ammo-
nia.
Albu-
HXNOID
Ammo-
KIA.
Rkmakks.
Grains per
(jrallon.
Parts per
Million.
7-70
6-8S
6-60
0-42
0-42
0-42
0-16
0-04
0-06
0'07
0-06
0-06
Sediments. In Noe. 1 tad 8, small
in quantity ; contain vegetable
debris, paraniaoia, and rotifers.
In No. H, very scanty, oniy
vegetable debris ; no infusoria.
Sediments. In No. 1 vegetable
debris, paramacia. In No. 2
the same but scanty. In No. 3
vegetahle debris only.
, Sediments. In Nos.l, 2, and 3 ; all
scanty, chiefly vegetable debris
with confusoria, diatoms, and
paramacia; a few rotifers in
No. 2.
5-60
5-25
6-60
0'42
0-42
0-42
0-04
0-04,
0-02
0-12
0-12
0-08
4-20
3-50
4'90
0-70
0'70
0-70
0-05
0-OS
0-10
0-11
0-03
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
goveenmbnt
Watee Works.
Mutha Canals.
B 1327—3
[Bombay Gazetteer,
18
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Government
Water Woeks.
Mittha Canals.
and covered dispense-reservoirs of the high and middle service
systems. From the canal itself low service mains and branches are
led off. For irrigation beyond Poena there is provision for complete
distribution. The total estimated cost of the. works, including the
Poona water-supply and indirect charges, that is capitalization of
abatement of land revenue leave and pension allowances and
interest on direct outlay, is £937,436 (Rs. 93,74,360). The works
were partly opened in November 1873. Enough of the dam and
waste weir was completed to store the water of the lake twelve feet
above the level of the canal sluices and the canal was nearly finished
to Poona. At first water was supplied only for house purposes in
Poona. In February 1874 it was made available for crops, the area
under command up to Poona being 3040 acres. Before June 1874,
the depth of " storage was increased to fourteen feet and the
distribution arrangements in the station of Poona were begun, and
with the exception of the high service distribution were completed
during the two following years. By 1877-78 the depth of storage
was increased to tWenty-five feet. The right-bank canal earthworks
-were completed as far as the sixty-fourth mile, but water was
admitted only as far as the forty-foUrth mile. By the fifteenth of
January 1878 the eighteen miles of the left-bank canal were opened
commanding 3500 acres, and the high Service distribution for water-
supply to the station of Poona was completed. In 1879-80 the parapet
of the^ dam at Lake Fife and the earthwork on the rear side of the
dam were completed. The unfinished parts of the waste weir were
raised by temporary earthen banks so as to impound water up to the
full supply level, twenty-nine feet above the sill of the sluices.
The masonry works on the right -bank canal were completed and
water admitted as far as the sixty-fifth mile^ By 1882 the waste
weir was completed with the exception of 500 feet at the west end,
which was one foot below full supply level ; the masonry works of
the seventh portion to Patas were completed and the whole of the
69^ miles of the right-bank canal were made available for use, thus
practically completing the work. The following statement compares
the areas irrigated and assessed, and the actual revenue, working
expenses, and net revenue during the nine years ending 1881-82 :
MuTHA Canals Eeoeipts, 1873-188^.
Year.
Area
Watered.
Assessment. 1
Water
Rat^s.
Town
Water.
other.
Total.
1878-74
1874-75
1875-76
1876-77 ' ...
1877-73
1878-79
1879-80
1880-81
1881-82
Total ...
Acres.
44
85
732
2034
5361
4913
7319
12,201
8973
£
16
36
803
1187
2276
2899
4996
6534
6079
£
2300
4034
5277
6538
6860
6124
6680
6990
&
21
207'
94
56
54
39
71
119
130
&
37
2642
4431
6490
8866
8789
11,190
12,334
13,199
41,662
23,274
43,813
790
67,878
I}eQC9>n.]
POONA.
19
MwTBA Canals Receipts, t873 - 188^
— continued.
Year.
E.EOBIPTS.
Chaebeb.
Water
Bates.
Town
Water.
Other.
Total..
Savings,
Total.
&
£
£
£
£
£
£
1873-74
21
21
21
4
1874-75
16
637
206
7:69
2618
8877
1474
1876-76
81
2337
95
2S14
1931
4445
1840
1876-77
269
3266
43
3569
1664
6183
2378
1877-78
1066
10,931
60
12,0-56
1S26
18,38li
3646
187S-79
2619
6167
89
8716
2046
10,762
4388
1879-80
3989
6872
69
99S0
2047
11,977
4468
1880-81
4323
8799
120
11,241
1768
13,009
S661
1881^82
Total ...
7232
6798
131
14,160
1969
16,129
6583
ao.ssi
;9,494
42,687
7S4
62,966
16,269
78,236
The following statement gives a copiparisoii of tlie area watered
and tlie rainfall during the same period :
MuTBA Gaitals Irrioation and Rainfall, 1873-188^.
Tbak.
Irrigation.
Eainfali.
Early.
Late.
Total.
At Poona.
At Pa'tas.
Early.
Late.
Total.
Early.
Late.
Total.
1873-74 .
1874-75
1876-76
1876-77
1877-78
1878-79
1879-80
1880-81
1881-82
Acres.
"i
401
288
2496
2226
3332
6966
4466
Acres.
44
84
331
1746
28G6
2688
8987
6235
4617
Acres.
44
86
, 732
20.34
6361
4918
7319
12,201
8973
In.
26-00
28-61
33-19
14-28
14-31
25-4
23-27
16-74
17-61
In.
1-80
6-27
1-69
062
4-13
6-61
2 -.58
4-91
4-38
In.
26-80
34-88
34-78
14-80
18-44
31-91
26-86
20-65
21-99
In.
12-71
22-61
7-92
6-97
9-72
22-00
19-90
10-34
11-21
In.
1-47
1-45
4-49
6 •36
6-33
3-68
3-28
6-23
' 3-84
In.
14-18
24-06
12-41
12-32
16-06
26-68
23-13
15-67
16-05
In 1880-81 the area watered was sixty-six per cent greater
than in 1879-80. This was partly due to stort rainfall but
mostly to the extension of distributing , channels. In 1880-81 the
crops irrigated under the canals were cereals 8339 acres, pulses 967
acres sugarcane 1966 acres, and other garden produce 929 acres.
The irrigation rates at present in force belong to five classes with an
acre charge on the first class of £1 to £2 10s. (Rs.10-25), on the
second of 8.. to 10s. (Rs.4-5), on the third of 3s to 4s^ S'vi '
on the fourth of U. to Is. (4-8 as), and on the fifth of M. (6 »s.).
After the opening of the Mutha canals the amount oi vegetables
and green fruits booked at the Poona station rose from 4574 tons
(128 094 mans) in 1871 to 7008 tons (196,236 mans) in 1876. The
first effect of the opening of the canal was that the people gave up
their wells and took to canal water. Of ninety-nme wells on the
lands commanded by the canal by the end of 1876 sixty-five had
ieased to be used. Since its opening the sowing of babhul seed and
llie planting of trees along the banks of the canal have been steadily
carried on In some places the trees have grown freely and the
line of the canal is marked by a belt of green. Other places are too
rooky for trees. Still year by year as the sowing of hakhul seed is
aersevered with the breaks in the line are gradually becoming fewer
Ind shorter. The Mutha canals project is in every respect the noost
promising of the water-works yet undertaken in the Deccan. Ihe
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
GOVBRWMBNT
WaTBK WpBKS
Mutha, Canals.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
20
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agricultare.
govkknmbjtt
Water Wqkks.
Muiha Canah.
2fira Canal.
rapid spread of irrigation has been satisfactory, and there can be little
doubt that it will ere long pay the interest on its borrowed capital.
So much of the canal passes through crumbly trap or mururn that
loss from leakage is serious and somewhat interferes with the original
estimate of the area which the canal can water. Besides the direct
receipts the canal confers many indirect gains on the cottntry through
which it passes. Villages in which during the greater part of the
year there was formerly a great scarcity of water have now an
abundant supply for drinking and for cattle.
A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black
letters, and a companion Marathi tablet, have been let into the
bridge by.which the right bank canal crosses the Sholapur road
about thirty-eight miles east of Poona :
V. B. ET I.
THE MUTHA CAHAL
Supplied by Iisike Fife situated 10 miles west of Eoona. ,
Extends to Patas, in tlie Bhimthadi Taluka.
Its total leugtli is 69i miles.
ffiie earth-works of this section, extending from 29 to 694 mileSr
afforded employment for the people during the Famine of
1876-77.
On an average, 10,000 people of all ages were employed dail7
for a period of fourteen months,
the highest number on any one day being 21,000.
The expenditure was Bs. 3,90,000
on wages and csharitable relief,
and the value of the work, executed was Ks. 2,17,000".
The masonry works were subsequently completed,
and water was admitted up to the 65th mile
in September 1879.
■William Gierke, M.lHst.C-E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Foona-
B. B. Joyner, C. E., Assistant Engineer,, in immediate charge of the "Worka
^ The Nira Canal is designed to irrigate the left bank of the Nira-
valley and a part of the Bhima valley near the meeting of the two
rivers, to supply towns and villages along the valley with water for
household purposes wherever the wells are insufficient or brackish,
and to utilize the water power that will be generated at the head-
works and near the tail of the canal at Ind4pur. In 1S64, as part
of his inquiry into the best means of protecting Bast Pooiaa from
famine Colonel Fife, R. B., organised surveys of the Nira river.
These surveys showed that by starting near Shirval about thirty-two
miles south of Poona, a canal would reach the parts of Bhimthadi and
Indi.pur which chiefly required water. Nothing further appears- to
have been done tillJanuary 1868, when, in consequence of athreatened
failure of crops, a committee consisting of Colonel Francis, Survey
and Settlement Commissioner Northern Division, Mr. .J. E. Oliphant
C. S., Collector of Poona, and the late Lieutenant Buckle, R. E.,
Executive Engineer for Irrigation, were appointed to consider what
survey operations should be undertaken for irrigational works.
1 Contributed by Mr. J. E. Whiting, M.A., M.Inst.C.E., Executive Engineer for
Iriigation Nira Canal,
Beooan.1
POONA.
21
This committee reported tliat the tract most deserving of attention
was the part of Inddpur whicli lies between the Bhima and the Nira.
In this tract the annual rainfall was so uncertain and capricious
that the crops frequently failed several years in succession ; it might
with reason be termed a drought-stricken region. In these opinions
Mr. A. F. Bellasis, C. S. the Eevenue Commissioner concurred
and Mr. J. W. Hadow, C. S. Revenue Commissioner Southern
Division, in forwarding Colonel Francis' report, speaks of Inddpur
as having, a worse rainfall than almost any part of the Deccan or of
the Bombay Karnatak. In consequence of these recommendations
in 1868 the surveys of the Nira project were resumed by Lieutenant
.. Buckle. At the close of 1868 the Mutha works required Lieutenant
jBuckle's whole attention, and early in 1869 Mr. J. E. Whiting, M. A.
M.Inst.O.B.j was appointed to the survey under Colonel Fife's
Sorders. Detailed surveys for the canal alignment, the choice of the
': site for the reservoir and the site for the canal head works, together
: with the making of plans and estimates and writing the final report,
occupied Mr. Whiting and his staff for two and a half years. During
this period, in consequence of a severe drought, fifty per cent
remissions were granted in forty-three dry- crop villages and twenty-
five per cent in thirteen other villages of Indapur. The plans had
been reviewed by the Chief Engineer, but further progress was
stopped by order of the Government of India. Mr. Whiting was
appointed Executive Engineer for Irrigation in Poena, and nothing
more was done until the failure of rain in 1876. Towards the close
of 1876 Mr. Whiting, with foar of the staff that had formerly helped
in making the Nira surveys, was sent to recover the old line and to
modify the plans so as to make the work suitable for famine relief.
Early in .1877 earthworks were opened for gangs sent by the
Collectors of , ShoMpur, SAtara, and Poena. The numbers rapidly
rose from 6000 to 24,132 persons, who, with their sick and children,
were employed or received relief on the Nira canal. Towards the
end of 1877 as the famine was over relief-works were closed j but
the high price of grain caused so much distress that for six months
in 1878 relief-works had to be re-opened on the Nira canal and
again on account of damage done to the crops by rats in 1879. The
"relief-works were finally closed in March 1880. During twenty-six
months they had given employment to an average of 8096 persons
_ !' of all ages. Mr. Moore, C. S. Collector of Poena, Mr. Eichey, C. S.
acting Collector, and Mr. Robertson, C. S. Revenue Commissioner
:> Oftntral Division, urged the necessity of completing the works.
Q Petitions from forty-six villages representing over 60,000 acres of
'* land in Ind^ur were received praying for the early construction
of the canal and promising to pay the water rates. The matter
lii- was strongly -pressed by the Government of Bombay and their views
were submitted by the Government of India to the Secretary of
p:; State in August 1880. Sanction to comjplete the head-works and
* the first thirty -five miles of the canal from ordinary funds was
granted by the Secretary of State in November 1880. In 1881 the
" , Government of India accorded sanction to the first two stages of
i- : the Nira canal project as a protective work at an estimated cost of
£415,000 (Es. 41i lakhs). Of this £80,000 (Es. 8 lakhs) liad been
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Government
Water Wobks.
Mira Canal '
[Bombay Gazetteer;
22
DISTEIOTS.
Chapter IV.
Agricultute.
Government
Water Works,
Nira Canal.
spent. To complete the project funds were provided from' the
grant for Prdtectiye Public Works and the execution of the project
was entrusted to Mr. Whiting, Executive Engineer 1st Grade, Mr.
J. H. E. Hart being Chief Engineer for Irrigation.
The Nira canal lies along the left bank of the Nira river.
It has a length of 103 miles exclusive of distributing' channels,
and commands 280,000 acres of arable land in ninety villages
in the Purandhar, Bhimthadi, and Inddpur sub-divisions. The
works will furnish an uiif ailing supply of water to 106,500-
acres. The Nira and its three Targe feeders rise in the Sahyddris
and up to the canal head have a catchment area of over 700
square miles. During the south-west monsoon, that is from mid^ June
to mid-October, the' Nira continuously discharges far more water'
than can be used in the canal. It has also in ordinary seasons a
considerable flow to the end of December. To ensure the supply
during the rest of the dry season very extensive storage works were
required. A reservoir nineteen miles long and with an area of 7J
. square miles, or nearly two square miles more than the area of Lake
Fife, is to be formed on the Velvandi, a feeder of the Nira, atBhatghar
near the town of Bhor by a masonry dam over 3000 feet long and
over 100 feet high. This lake will have a capacity of 4641 millioDi
cubic feet, which by the use of falling shutters designed . for the
weir can be increased to .5500 millions. This gives a storage cost
of £18 2s. (Rs. 181) per million cubic feet, a low rate compared
with, the cost in other reservoirs. Twenty large under-sluiceg are
provided to carry off the early silt-laden floods. The headworks of
the canal are at Virvddi in Purandhar, nineteen miles further down
the river, where a weir of concrete faced with rubble masonry
forty-two feet high and 2300 feet long and backed by subsidiary weirs
about half its height has been built across the Nira and the Vir near
their meeting. This will raise the water to the full supply level in
the canal, to which it will be admitted by large iron sluice gates.
The supply basin above the weir will extend about eleven mfles %&^
Shirval, which is half-way between Vir and Bhatghar. After leaving
Vir the canal crosses the old Sd^tdra road about two miles north of the
Nira bridge and passes above all the larger villages in the valley.
These are, Vadgaon at the 26th mile, B^orbale at tie 29th mile,
Pandar at the 35th, Md,legaon at the 40th, Baramati at the 48th,
Sansar at the 64th, Hdturne at the 76th, Shelgaon at the 81st,
Gotundi at the 87th, and Nimgaon at the 92nd. Near Nimga.d#i
the canal crosses the Water-shed above the town of Inddpur int©'
the Bhima valley and ends at Bijavdi, at the 77th mile of the
Poena and Sholdpur road. The Mutha right bank canal ends
near the 40th mile of that road and the Shirsuphal and Bhadalvadi
reservoirs with their distributaries have been constructed between
the ends of the 'two cTiief irrigation canals. In addition to the Nira
canal two large reservoirs have been designed, one just above the
town of' Indapur and the other at Vadapuri near Nimgaon. These
have little or no natural catchments, but will be filled from the
canal during the south-west monsoon and will thus increase the-
supply available during the dry weatber at the end of the valley ;_
most distant from the main reservoir at Bhatghar. A branch canal
Deccan.]
POONA.
28
has also been proposed, whicli will leave the main canal near
Pandar at the ^hirty-fourth milej and cross the river Nira at
Kamleshvar in order to water the drought- stricken sub-division of
MUlsiras in ShoMpur on the right bank of the valley. These extra
works and the necessary widening of the canal will probably be
undertaken only if famine breaks out afresh and if employment is
again required for the relief of neighbouring sub-divisions or if the
demand for water under the canal exceeds the supply available from
the first two stages, namely the BhAtghar reservoir and the present
canal.
In many places the hilly nature of the ground has made the course
■ of the canal winding. In several cases, as at Korh^le, MAlegaon,
and Nimgaon, rocky spurs have been cut through to avoid long
detours. At those places the cuttings are thirty -five feet deep at
the centre and half a mile long. Many lai'ge watercourses had also
to be crossed so that twenty aqueducts, ninety-four culverts, and
nine over-passages had to be constructed. Of the watercourses
the largest is the Karha, which drains 440 square miles and has a
steep and generally rocky bed. The canal crosses it at the forty-
fifth mile near BArdmati by an aqueduct of thirteen spans of thirty
feet and twenty-three feet headway. This is probably the most
favourable crossing in India of a large and dangerous torrent by an
aqueduct. The over-passages are of somewhat novel design and
appear like huge inverts over which the streams are passed while
the canal runs underneath, through double galleries arched across.
In two of the over-paSsages, one near Vadgaon and one at
Pandar, the inverts have a span of ninety feet. There are thirty-
seven road and accommodation bridges and several foot and cattle
bridges. Most of the aqueducts and culverts have been made so as to
allow carts or cattle to pass under them, so that on an average there
is some crossing provided at about every half mile of the canal.
First class bungalows have been built at Bhatghar, at Virvddi, and
at Baramati, and smaller bungalows at the Nira bridge, Vadgaon,
Pandar, Sansar, HAturne, Gotundi, and Tarangvadi. The popula-
tion of the valley has greatly decreased of late years, but the soil
is generally good and capable of maintaining a much larger popula-
tion than it now supports. It is expected that the first fifty-two
miles of the canal will be opened so as to utilize the Nira water in
the monsoon of 1884. There can be little doubt that when the
valley is protected from drought capital will flow into it and enable
, the people to utilize the water to the utmost. It is hoped that this
canal, whose primary object is to protect the area under command
from the effects of drought, will ultimately develope a net revenue
more than enough to cover the interest on the outlay.
A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the canal
f'headworks twenty miles east of Bhatghar :
V. B. BT I.
THE NIEA CABTAL.
Designed ifor tfte irrigation of the lands of 90 villages.
On the left bank of the Nira Eiver.
Comprising a oulturable area of 437 sauare miles.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Government
Water Works
Nira Canal.
tBombay Oa^etteey,
S4
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculttire.
Government
Water Works.
NWa Canal.
Is 103 miles in length, excluding branches,
Its supply is rendered perefinial by a storage lake at Shatghaif
on the Velwandi river, 20 miles west of this^lace.
Reservoirs.
Kdaurdi.
lidtoha.
The canal was commenced for the employment of the people
during the Famine in 1876-77.
For twenty-six months an average of 8096 persons of all ages were employed,
the highest number in any one day being 24,132.
The expenditure was Rs. 7,56,873 on wages and charitable reliefi
The value of the work executed was Es. 6,00,365.
On the cessation of the distress caused by the Famine and subsequent
period of high prices, the works were suspended in March 1880.
They Were resumed'in January 1881,
and the canal was first opened for irrigation in 1884.
3. E. "Whiting, M.A., M.Inst.C.E., Executive Bngitleer, JSTira Oahal.i
At Kd.surdi in Bhimthadij twenty^four miles east of Poona, at a cost
ot£1182 8s. (Rs. 11,824) a reservoir was made in 1838 under the
advice of tlie Revenue Oommifesibner Mr. Williamson. In 1843, the
whole of the earthen embankment was washed away, but the masonry
was unhurt. Its restoration was begun by the irrigation department
as a famine relief work in 1864, and it was completed as an ordinary
work when the necessity for relief ceased. It is a small reservoir,
dependent for its supply on the local rainfall over an area of six square
miles. It was finished to test the value of reservoirs which depended
for their supply on local rainfall. The restored reservoir holds 14|
millions of cubic feet of water and is furnished with two distributing
channels commanding 585 acres. The work was finished in 1869
and the pond was filled for the first time in August of that year.
The total cost was £4749 12s. (Rs. 47,496), ttat is at the rate of £8
(Rs.80) on every acre under command. From 1869 to 1883 the supply
has been most uncertain. In some years the reservoir has filled j
in others it has remained almost dry. The irrigation rates at present
in force are the same as those sanctioned for the Mutha canal beyond
the eight mile radius from Poona, Bdbhul s6ed has been sown below
the embankment and has thriven fairly. A few trees of other kinds
have also been planted. As this work depends for its supply on a
restricted area in a tract of very uncertain rainfall, the results can
never be satisfactory.
In the village of Pimpalgaon in Bhimthadi, twenty-eight miles east
of Poona, near the railway station of Yevat, a reservoir called Matoba
after a neighbouring temple of Matoba or Matakmal, was made in
1876-77. The reservoir is designed to store the surplus waters of
the right bank Mutha canal and water the land between it and the
Mutha-Mula river. At full supply level it has an area of 470 acres
and a capacity of 229 millions of cubic feet. The site was chosen
and surveyed by Colonel Fife, R. E., in 1863, when examining the
best means for irrigating the country east of Poona. As the Mntha
canal project was undertaken the scheme for the Matoba reservoir
1 Mr. Whiting mentions the names of Messrs. E. Behrman, assistant engineer, D.
Henry and BAvji Trimbak sub-engineers, Rokmiji NArAyan, supervisor, ana Ganesh
Jan^rdan and Niriyan Vishnu overseers. The chief contractor was a N4gar Brahman
of Surat named NavtamrAm UttamrAmJ
SeceauJ
POONA.
25
was laid aside. In 1876-77, when famine relie? works were started,
the Executive Engineer for Poona, Mr. Gierke, revised the plans and
estimates and recommended the project because as the Mutha right-
bank canal passes close above the site of the lake it would form an
auxiliary to the canal, whose surplus waters might during the south-
west monsoon be stored for use in the dry season. The work was
begun in December 1876 and completed almost entirely by famine
labour in August 1877. The reservoir is formed by an earthen dam
6095 feet long and forty-eight feet in greatest height. The full
supply level is nine feet below the top of the dam. The waste weir
on the left flank of the dam is 600 feet long. The outlet whose
level is ten feet above the bottom consists of a masonry culvert
under the dam where it abuts on the right flank and three twelve-
inch iron sluice valves of the ordinary pattern in use for water-
supply mains. These valves are attached to lengths of pipes set in
concrete at the inner end of the culvert and are worked by iron
rods laid along the dam slope. The main distributing channel is
11^ miles long and is capable of discharging twenty-six cubic feet
a second. It has a main branch to' the village of Pimpalgaon which
again divides into two branches of a total length of six miles. Of
8550 acres under command, 3600 acres are in Pimpalgaon, 2900
in Delavdi, fifty in Khatbai, and 2000 in Pargaon.' The catchment
area is only ten square miles and the average rainfall under twenty
inches, but with the aid of the surplus water from the right bank
Mutha canal the monsoon demand for water can be supplied and the
reservoir can always be left full in October when the south-west
monsoon closes. A regulating bridge is built across the Mutha canal
at the 49|th mile from Poona by which the water in the canal can at
any time be turned into the reservoir. From the fifth of August
1878 water from the Mutha canal began to be available. The
irrigation rates at present in force are the same as those sanctioned
for the Mutha canals beyond the eight mile radius from Poona. For
a length of four miles the boundary of the land taken for the reservoir
is fenced with aloe. The margin above the water level has been
sown with bdbhul seed, which at the upper end has grown remarkably
well.
A white marble tablet with the following inscription carved in
black letters and a companion Mardthi tablet have been set at the
west end of the dam :
V. B. ET I.
THE MATOBA TAWK
Designed for storing surplus water from tlie Mutha Canal
and irrigating the tract of land lying between
the Tank and the Mutha-Mula Kiver
Has an area of 470 acres and a capacity of
229 millions of cubic feet.
B 1327-
The earthworks of the dam were oommenoed for the
employment of the people
during the Famine of
1876-77.
For eighteen months they afforded employment for,
on an average, 3100 people of all ages,
the highest number on any one day being 8800.
-4
Chapter 17.
Agriculture.
Government
Watbb Woek*
Eeservoira.
Mdioba.
[Bombay Gasetteer,
26
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Government
Water Works.
Eeservoirs.
Shirsuphal.
The expenditure was Ks. 1,98,000
on wages and charitable relief,
and the value of the work executed was Bs. 1,40,000.
The Tank was completed
and opened for irrigation in October 1878.
■WilUam Gierke. M.Inst.C.B., Bx'ecutive Engineer for Irrigation, Poona.
One and a half miles above the Bhimthadi village of Eavangaon,
fifty miles east of Poona, on the Rotimal, a small feeder, is the
Shirsuphal reservoir called after the village of that name three
miles further up the stream. The reservoir was designed to water
the lands on the left bank of the Rotimal. At full supply it has
an area of 834 acres and a capacity of 367 millions of cubic feet.
In January 1877, when it became necessary to provide work for
the destitute people of East Poona, plans and estimates were
prepared by Mr. Gierke the Executive Engineer for Irrigation.
Work was begun in February 1877 and finished in October
1878. The dam is of earth, 2200 feet long and fifty-three feet
in greatest height. The full supply level is eleven feet below
the top of the dam, and the outlet level is eleven feet above the
bottom of the reservoir. The waste weir channel, which is on the
right flank of the dam, is 300 feet wide. The outlet, a masonry
culvert under the dam where it abuts on the right flank and three
twelve-inch iron sluice valves, is of the same pattern as that described
for the Md,toba reservoir. The canal leading from the reservoir
is 12J miles long, with a fall of three feet a mile and a dischargmg
capacity at the head of thirty cubic feet a second. Of 4500 acres
under command 800 are in Rd,vangaon, 1500 in Kharki, and 2200
in Ohincholi. The catchment basin has an area of twenty-three
square miles, with an average rainfall of eighteen to twenty inches.
The reservoir fills only during years in which the rainfall is
considerably above the average, but the additional storage capacity
admits of the supply of favourable years being stored for use in
years of short rainfall and thus ensures a large average supply.
In 1880-81 the irrigated crops were cereals 661 acres, pulses 5$
acres, sugarcane 4 acres, garden produce 4 acres, and condiments
14 acres. The water rates at present in force are based on the
classified lists sanctioned for the Mutha canals. There are five
classes with an acre charge on the first class of £1 (Rs. 10), on the
second of 8s. (Rs. 4), on the third of 4s. (Rs. 2), on the fourth of 2s.
(Ee.l), and on the fifth of 8s. (Rs.4). The margin of the reservoir
above the Une of full supply has been fenced with aloe and^sown with
Idbhul seed, but owing to the stony soil the hdbhul has not done
well. Bdbhul seed sown below the dam has thriven remarkably
well and now forms a belt of good-sized trees. As the rainfall on
the catchment is very uncertain the supply of water is precarious
and in some years the irrigation has to be much restricted; this is to
be regretted as the holders of the land commanded by the reservoir
have shown themselves anxious to obtain a supply of water.
A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the west
end of the dam :
Dsccan]
POONA.
27
V. K. ET I.
THE SHIBSUPHAL TANK.
Designed for th.e Irrigation of tlie lands lying
on the Left Bank of the Botimal BTala,
Has an area of 834 acres and a capacity of
367 millions of cubic feet.
^The earthworks of the dam were commenced for the
employment of the people
during the I'amine of
1876-77-
For sixteen months they afforded employment for,
on an average, 2400 people of all ages,
the highest number on any one day being 9000-
The expenditure was Bs. 1,58,000
on wages and charitable relief,
and the value of the work executed was Es. 1,45,000.
The Tank was completed
and opened for Irrigation in October 1878.
"William Gierke, C.E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Poena Division.
In the Indapur village of Blid,clalvd,dij on a feeder of the Bhima,
about sixty-four miles east of Poona, the Bhildalvadi reservoir was
begun asia relief work in the famine of 1876-77, and finished and
opened for irrigation in May 18S1. It was designed to water the
lands of the villages of Daluj and Palasdev. At full supply it has an
area of 335 acres and a capacity of 222 millions of cubic feet. It is
formed by an earthen dam 2725 feet long and fifty-five feet at its
greatest height. The drainage area above the dam is twenty-three
square miles. During the five years ending 1882-83 the average
rainfall has been 21'53 inches. The waste weir on the left flank is
400 feet long with a crest eleven feet below the top of the dam.
A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the north
end of the dam :
V. B. ET r.
THE BHADALVADI TAIiTK
Designed for the irrigation of lands in the villages
of DaluJ and Palasdev.
Has an area of 335 acres and a capacity of
222 millions of cubic feet.
The earthworks of the dam were commenced for the
employment of the people
during the Famine of
1876-77-
For twelve months they afforded employment for,
on an average, 1600 people of all ages,
the highest number on any one day being 5400.
The expenditure was Es. 54,000
on wages and charitable relief,
and the value of the work executed was Es. 48,000.
The Tank was completed
and opened for Irrigation in May 1881.
William Gierke, M.Inst.G.E.,> Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Poona.
The outlet, which is on the right flank of the dam, is of similar
construction to those described in the Mdtoba and Shirsuphal reser-
voirs. Its sill is thirty-five feet below fall supply level. From it a
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
govbenmbnt
Water Works
Reservoirs.
Bhddalvddi,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
28
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Government
Water Works.
Beservoirs.
ICdtraj.
Pdtaa.
Supa.
Pdshdn.
canal or distributing channel, with, at the head a discharging capacity
of fifteen cubic feet the second, is led 6^ miles along the right bank of
the stream. The area under command is 1900 acres. A distributing
channel heading from the same outlet in the left bank of the stream
is also projected. Its length will be 3J miles and it will command
1100 acres. The work was opened in 1881. The irrigation rates
are the same as those mentioned under the Shirsuphal reservoir.
Besides these works designed for irrigation, there are two large
reservoirs at Katraj and Pdshan and two more at Pdtas and Supa.
The Patas and Supa reservoirs were made as relief works during the
1876-77 famine.
In the high land about two miles to the north of the Katraj pass
and about six miles south of Poena is the' Katraj lake, which was
built in 1750 by Peshwa BAlaji Bajirdo. It covers an area of 5^
acres and has a dam of rubble masonry 1000 feet long and forty feet
high. It holds water all the year round and has a greatest depth of
forty feet. The water is used only for drinking. Masonry conduits
lead to Poena where there are cisterns or hands in different parts of
the town.
In the Bhimthadi village of Patas, about thirty-seven miles east
of Poena, a reservoir was begun as a famine relief work in January
1877 and finished in 1879. It is a small reservoir with a full supply
area of forty-six acres, a capacity of fifteen millions of cubic feet,
and a catchment area of three square miles. The earthen dam is
2900 feet long and twenty-nine feet in greatest height. The waste
weir is 170 feet long and is seven feet below the top of the dam. The
total cost was £3400 (Rs. 34,000). The site is very unfavourable
and the cost is out of proportion to the capacity of the reservoir. Its
only use is to provide water for house purposes and cattle in" the
village of Patas. It was carried out only to afford relief which was
urgently needed.
About one mile north-west of the Bhimthadi village of Supa and
thirty-five miles east of Poena, ttie Supa reservoir was beigun as a
famine relief work in November 1876 and finished in 1877. An
earthen dam is laid across a gap in an old embankment thrown up
from the excavation of a small pond many years old. The total cost
was £220 (Rs. 2200). This is a trifling work useful only for cattle.
It was carried out solely to relieve distress in the immediate
neighbourhood.
On a feeder of the Mula in the village of Pashan six miles
west of Poena a reservoir was made in 1867-68 at a cost of
£16,700 (Rs. 1,67,000) to furnish water for the station of Kirkee
and Government House, Ganeshkhind. It is formed by an earthen
dam 2750 feet in length with a greatest height of fifty-two feet.
The waste weir is 400 feet long and its crest is ten feet below
the top of the dam. The full supply area of the lake is 163 acres. Its
available capacity is seventy-three millions of cubic feet, and the
catchment area is sixteen square miles. The water is led from the
reservoir in a ten-inch cast-iron main which goes through the
Government House grounds, by the cantonment of Kirkee, on to the
Powder Works. The water is fully distributed in Government
IDeccan.]
POONA.
29
House and in Kii-kee barracks and cantonment. It was of great
use before the left bank Mutha canal was made.
There are two modes of weeding, by a sickle or hhurpe which is
generally practised in hill-lands, and by a small hoo or Itulpe.
When the crop is six inches higb, to clear it of weeds^ the small boe
or kulpe is usually used twice at intervals of ten to twelve days.
The hoe is drawn by two muzzled oxen and is driven so that the
row of springing crop passes through the space between the blades.
It is often used double, that is one pair of oxen draw two hoes.
The uprooted weeds are gathered and are either thrown away or
left to rot on the spot. Besides lessening the drain on the soil,
weeding loosens the soil and enables it to take in and hold more
moisture. The crop roots have free scope and the plants grow
vigorously. If weeding is neglected the surface grows hard and
crusted and the water failing to soak in washes away the particles
of soil. Cold-weather crops seldom want weeding, as the ground is
both too carefully cleaned and too dry to yield any large supply of
weeds. Malis are the cleanest weeders j Kunbis, especially in the
east, are careless.
From the time the grain forms, to drive off birds the crop is watched
from a wooden shed called mala generally set on a platform or in a
tree about ten feet from the ground. The watcher, who is generally
a boy, shouts and throws stones from a sling called gophan.
When ripe the crop is either reaped by the sickle or vila or pull-
ed up by the roots, and bound in sheaves. It is carried in carts
to the thrashing-floor or khale and stored there till it is dry. The
largest and best filled heads are separated and their grain kept for
seed. In the sowing season this seed grain realizes half as much
again as ordinary grain.
The crops are taken in carts to the thrashing-floor or khale. The
thrashing-floor is made in the hardest part of the field or sometimes
near the village site, by wetting and beating the ground till it is hard
and smooth, and then smearing it with cowdung. An upright post
or tivda is set in the centre and a sheaf of the crop is tied to the
top of the post. In the case of Indian millet or jvdri and spiked
millet or bdjri the heads of grain are broken off by women and
thrown round the central post five or six inches deep ; of wheat and
- rice the whole plant is thrashed ; and of math, mug, and other pulses
sometimes the whole plant and sometimes only the stalks are thrashed.
Six, eight, or more muzzled oxen are tied to the pole, half on one
side half on the other, facing opposite ways, and driven round and
round treading out the grain. Tur pods and barley heads are beaten
against a log of wood so that the grain falls on the floor.
The grain is winnowed from the chaff with the help of the wmd.
The chaff is filled into baskets which are handed by one man to a
second man who stands on a high three-legged stool called. vdvd%, and
empties the basket slowly with a shaking motion. The heavy gram
falls the light grain and chaff are blown aside. A man at the toot
of the stool sweeps the chaff from the edge of the grain with a
small broom called hatni. To cleanse it still further the gram is
afterwards passed through a sieve or chdlan.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Weeding.
Watohino.
Rbapinq,
Thbashino.
WlNNOWINO.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
30
DISTRICTS. ■
Chapter IV.
Agricnltare.
Stoking.
Mixed Sowings.
Wood-ash
Tillage.
Rotation.
In the east grain is often stored in underground chambers or
pevs. Grain is also often in the east and always in the west stored
in large cylindrical baskets called kanings or kangis made of
nirgundi or tiir twigs and smeared inside and out with cowdung.
The surface of the grain is also thick plastered with cowdung and the
basket is covered with a conical thatch roof. In the west^ the baskets
stand at some little distance in front of the house for safety from
fire, with a few loose stones under them to keep out white ants. In
the east they usually stand in the veranda of the house.
In the lighter eastern soils as many as six grains may be seen
growing together year after year. A field with one crop is seldom
In the May or June sowings bdjri, tur, ainbddi, gingelly seed,
seen.
rdla, mug, and shdlu jvdri may all or almost all be seen together.
In the late crops, safflower is almost always mixed with the staple
crop gram or shdlu jvdri. Linseed is sown in rows with gram and
wheat. The practice of mixed sowings arises chiefly from the poverty
which dares not risk the total failure of a single crop. It was fostered
by a custom which prevailed under former Governments of attaching
the staple crop until the assessment was paid. In such a case the
Kunbi could still make something out of a mixed crop.
Wood-ash tillage, called dalhi or kumri, is confined to the hilly
west. The word dalhi is taken from the small hill-side plots or
dalhds where none but hand tools can be used. The spots
cultivated are often extremely steep. Operations are begun in the
cold weather by felling the brushwood and small trees and lopping
the branches of the larger trees. At the end of the hot weather
the dry branches are burnt and the ground is at once cleared and
manured. After rain has fallen the soil is loosened with the hand
■hoe or kudal and the crop is planted or sown as the case may be.
Khurdsni, ndgli, sdva, vari, and kodra or harik are the crops.
Tillage is generally continued for five years beginning with khurdsni
and endiug with kodru. The subsequent fallow lasts ten to fifteen
years. This form of tillage was never practised except by Kolis,
Thakurs, and other half -wild tribes. It is now confined within very
narrow limits.
Rotation of crops is not unknown though the practice of mixed
sowings robs it of half its value. In the lighter soils jvdri and bdjri
mixed as above alternate, the plough being used after jvdri on the
borders of the west, and after bdjri in the east. Bdjri is often
grown three or four years ranning ; jvdri is seldom repeated so
often as it takes more out of the ground. In the heavy deep soils
cold-weather millet or shdlu jvdri is grown for several years
running, relieved sometimes by a crop of gram or wheat. Where
wheat is the staple late crop it alternates with gram, but is not
grown year by year. In the west the rotation in early or khariflariAs
is more elaborate. Fallow land is ploughed and sown mthkhurdsni
the first year, -wifhtidgli the second year, and with vari, sdva, rdla,
bhddli, or kodru the third and fourth years. In the fifth year
khurdsni is again sown and the land is left fallow for four or five years.
The land is ploughed before each crop, but, except in the ndgli and
vari seed beds no manure is used. This course of crops is sometimes
Deccau.]
POONA.
31
cut short by sowiBg Ichurdsni in the third year succeeded by the fallow.
It is also occasionally prolonged a year or two with similar crops,
khurdsni being always the last. Under the most favourable
circumstances the rotation in gardens lasts three years. The course
begins in July with tag or hemp. Hibiscus sativus, a crop which
requires water about once in fifteen days. In October, after the
larger plants have been picked and set aside for rope-making, the
rest is ploughed into the ground as manure. The laud is then
flooded and left for twenty days, when it is ploughed twice and
prepared for sugarcane. When the cane begins to sprout veil pulse
is sown. The sugarcane is cut in the following March, the leaves are
lopped on the spot and burnt as soon as they are dry, and the land
is flooded. The land is ploughed with shallow furrows and vdl is
sown as fodder. The vdl is taken up before July when the land
has to be prepared for kamod rice. The rice is sown in July and
cut in December. After two or three ploughings wheat is sown
and cut in the end of April. The land is now ploughed and lies
uncropped till July when perhaps earthnuts are planted and dug
up in October. This order is liable to many changes according to
the varying qualities of soil, water-supply, and the circumstances and
opinions of the husbandman. Som'etimes methi, that is Greek grass,
or khurdsni are ploughed into the soil instead of tdg or hemp, and a
four-year or even a five-year rotation is followed. In well-watered
lands a three-year rotation is not common, for, in addition to the
expense of well irrigation, the water-supply lacks the power supplied
by the combination and co-operation which are distinctive of canal
watered lands.
In the plain parts of the district land is sometimes left fallow, but
it is a question how far husbandmen leave plain land fallow simply
for to rest it. The fallow in wood-ash or dalhi land is certainly
with the object of resting the land and lasts ten to fifteen
years.
1 The moderate climate and fertile soil of the Poena district offer
every inducement to gardening. Yet the area under gardens is not
large. Of late near Poena the best garden soil to a great extent
has been given to the less troublesome and very profitable cultivation
of sugarcane. This land will probably remain under sugarcane
until-it is exhausted of soluble silicates when it will doubtless be
given to garden crops until it is again fit to bear sugarcane.
The best garden soil is a dark brown friable loam lying on loose
open trap rock. In such positions, if walls have been built to keep
the soil over three feet deep, and water is available, it bears excellent
crops of cabbage, cauliflower, beet, cucumber, radish, spinach of
several kinds, and other nutritious vegetables, and custard apples,
pomegranates, oranges, guavas, mangoes, plantains, and other
fruit. Another very similar soil is found on river banks. This is
also a dark-yellow or brown loam but its particles are finer and
in consequence it is sometimes apt to hold too much water and to
stick in hard lumps. Its situation makes it liable to floods, and it
Chapter IV
Agriculture.
EOTATION.
Fallows.
CrARDENING.
1 Mr. G. M. Woodrow, Superintendent Botanical Garden, Poona.
[Bombay Gazetteer)
32
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Gardening.
contains a very small proportion of lime. Still on tlie wliole it is an
admirable soil, specially suited for popai and plantain trees and
flowering shrubs, and if it is some height above flood level is
excellent for orange and mango trees. The black soil overlying open
calcareous marl is also a valuable garden soil. With liberal manuring
and watering it bears first-rate vegetables and flowers, but is less
suited to fruit trees as they are apt to run to wood.
In preparing the soil even in market gardens the native . plough is
the favourite tool. When drawn by four pairs of willing oxen,
and when the furrows cross and recross and pass as deep as fifteen
inches below the surface, the native plough is remarkably efiBcient.
Though it is costly to work it can be used during many days on which
European and American ploughs must remain idle. A stout hoe, or
pdvde and a small weeding-hook or Jchurjpe almost complete the
list of market garden tools; while in ornamental grounds the pick,
rake, Dutch hoe, pruning shears, budding knife, watering pot,
syringe, lawn-mowing machine, and other tools may be seen in
use. The spade is seldom employed. The soil is so sticky when
wet and so hard when dry, that the spade cannot often be used
with advantage. In watering a garden plot the ground is laid out
in ridges about fifteen inches apart and ten inches high, and the
hollow between is flooded. The ground is also arranged in flat beds
about ten feet by ten feet divided by one ridge or by a pair of
ridges. The pair of ridges forms a water channel ; and the single
ridge separates one line of beds from the next lino. The quantity
of water given weekly averages in dry weather eighty tons the acre
to plantains ; sixty tons to cabbage, cauliflower, and other quick-
growing garden crops ; and forty tons to rose trees and similar crops.
According to the age of the plant and the nature of the soil five to
fifteen days pass between the waterings.
The chief garden manure is the ashes of cowdung cakes mixed
with goat's dung and vegetable refuse. When kept in a pit so
that it may be moist and yet not have its soluble constituents washed
away by rain, this is an excellent manure and is applied to all garden
crops. Poudrette prepared by mixing fresh nightsoil with dry
cowdung and wood-ashes has of late come into general use. It
is specially suited for quick-growing leaf or root crops such as cab-
bage, cauliflower, potatoes, plantains, and sugarcane, and for maize
and flowering plants which require regular watering. Cowdung
mixed with vegetable refuse which has been kept moist until it is
well decayed is -perhaps the safest and most generally useful garden
manure. If the cattle are fed with oil-cake or grain it is particularly
rich ; in any case it is safe and gentle and can be used without fear
of ill effects. Dried fish and castor-oil cake are also used for garden
crops of rapid growth and are especially profitable when applied to
cabbage, cauliflower, beet, and sugarcane.
The best seed-sowing season is about the end of June ; the heavy
rains with which the south-west monsoon bursts are over, and the
air is cooled to a temperate warmth. At this season green fly and
other insect pests abound, and so much care is required to protect
young cabbage and cauliflower plants that their sowing is generally
Gardhnino.
Deccan.]
POONA. 33
putoff till August or September. Beans, teet, brinjals, carrots, celery, Chapter IV
cress, knol-kohl, lettuces, mustard, onions, parsley, peas, radishes, Aericulture
spinach, and tomatoes among vegetables; and asters, balsams,
convolvulus, nasturtium, pinks, phlox, and many other flower seeds,
and the seeds of all local trees or trees belonging to districts
with a similar climate may be sown about the end of June and
repeated at intervals for succession up to September. In th^
hot air of October good seed often fails. November and December
are the proper seasons for sowing lucerne and asparagus, for
planting potatoes, and most of the vegetables and flowers in the
previous list ; also for larkspur and mignonette. In February and
March several kinds of melons are sown in river-beds where water
is near the surface. In April, early crops of beet, celery, cucumbers,
knol-kohl, lettuce, spinach, and tomato are sown. In sowing at
this season great care must be taken to provide proper shade and
moisture. If complete shelter from the impending burst of the south-
west rains is available the April sowings may be repeated in May
and annual flower seeds be sown in pots in moist shady places.
Sweet-smelling flowers are grown to a large extent in market
gardens. Amongthe commonest kinds are roses, jessamines called jdi
and mogra, the tuberose called gulchhabhu, chrysanthemums or sAevfa's,
and oleanders or haners. In rearing these flowers the chief rule is
to keep the plant growing. With this object, as soon as one crop
of flowers is gathered, the plants are pruned to within a few buds
of the old wood, manure is dug in between the plants, and if
the weather is dry the ground is watered. By this treatment three
crops of flowers are raised in the year, but the plants soon grow
weakly and have to be replaced, and the flowers are smallJ Michelia
champaca son chdpha, Plumieria acuminata chdpha, Tagetes Marigold
jhendio, Canna indica Jcardali, and Pandanus odoratissimus
kevda are also grown as market flowers. The list of vegetables
includes nearly all the chief kinds known in Europe. Several
fine spinaches are raised from pokla Amaranthus, pdlak Chenopodium,
methi Fcenumgrsecum, and ambddi Hibiscus cannabinus. A large
white radish or mula is grown for its roots, and the pods of the
bhendi Hibiscus esculentus are a favourite crop. The chief fruit
trees are the custard apple, pomegranate, fig, grape, mango, jdmbhul,
hor, and orange. The betel-leaf ipdn Piper betel is also grown in
large quantities.
Among the commonest ornamental plants are allatnanda, alocasia,
beaumontia, begonia, bignonia, bougainnillea, caladium, convolvulus,
cnpresses, ferns, geranium, gesnera, hibiscus, nelumbium, nymphea,
palms, poivrea, quisqualis, rose, and tabernoemontana.
The art of grafting by buds called handi, and grafting by
enarching or kalam are practised to a limited extent. The better
kinds of rose, orange, pomelo, and bor may be budded at any time
during the rainy or pold season if the sap is flowing freely.
Enarching or grafting by approach is employed to propagate
the finer kinds of mango, guava, and bor. The true graft, that
is uniting a branch entirely removed from its parent tree on to a
B 1327—5
[Bombay Gaxetteer,
34
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV. separate tree, is occasionally practised during November^ to improve
Agri^ture. mango trees.
Gardening. '^^^ ^^^ °^ *^® pruning knife is well understood. In pruning the
rule followed in most cases is to cut back the shoot that has borne
flowers or fruit to within a few buds from the base, and to i-emove
weakly and decaying branches. Flowering shrubs of all kinds,
the vine, and the fig tree are regularly pruned by cutting back the
branches which have fruited. Other fruit trees are kept free from
unsound wood.
The moving of small plants which can be guarded from strong
wind and from the sun is carried on during the rainy season with
success. To move large shrubs or trees the best time of the year ia
between November and January. In spite of the dryness of the
cold season large trees can be moved more easily in Poona than in
Europe.
Crops. The following are the chief details of the leading local field and
garden crops.-' Of cereals there are thirteen :
1 The following interesting statement was prepared by Captain Robertson, the
first Collector of Poona in 1821. It shows the chief products of the district, the
proportion each bore to the whole outturn, and the times of sowing and reaping :
Pio-
Tpor-
Poona Crops, 18S1.
I^AME.
Udid
Mug
MatM
Mdla
Sdva
Jvdri
T%tr
Bdjri
Rice
Ndchni or Ndgli
BhdOK '.'.', '.'.'. ".'.
Vari
Shuimug
Wheat
Gram
VdtdTia
Maswr
Math
Hulga or Eulith
Sugarcane ... „'|
Sweet Potatoes ...
Onions and Garlic
Chillies !!
Betel Leaves
Eaduvdl
Carrots - [^
Kautti
Barley
Tobacco [
ChavUiAmMdijEardai,
Pdvte, Alshi, Cotton.
Sown,
May -June
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
June -July
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Septemher- October
Do.
October - November
Do.
June -July
Do.
June and January
All the year
January and August
June -July
July -August ...
April -May
October - November
May -June
October - November
June
Reaped.
August - September,
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
October.
Do.
Do.
October - November.
Do.
September - October.
Do.
Do.
December.
February - March.
Do.
Do.
Do.
November.
Do.
After twelve months.
After five months.
April and December.
January - February.
July - August.
July - August.
January - February.
September - October.
February - March.
November - December.
East India Papers, IV, 575.
Deccan.]
POONA.
PooNA Cereals.
35
No.
MARi'THI.
Enolish.
Botanical.
1
2
3
i
5
6
r
8
9
10
11
12
13
BdjH
Bdrti
Bhddli
Bhdt
Qdhu
Harik or Kodru,
Jvdri
Mdklca
Ndgli ox Ndchni
Sdia
Sdtu 01 Jav
Sdva
Vari
Spiked millet
Rice '.'.'. '.'.'. ...
Wheat
Indian millet
Indian corn or maize ...
Barley ,'.'.'
Penioillaria spicata.
Paspalum scrobiculatum,
Panicum pilosum.
Oryza sativa.
Triticum aBstivum.
Paspalum frumentaceum.
Sorghum vulgate.
Zea mays.
Eleusine coroeana.
Panicum italicum.
Hordeum hexastichon.
Panicum miliaceum.
Panicum miliare.
1. Bdjri, Spiked Millet, Penioillaria spicata, in 1881-82 covered
557,807 acres, 116,306 acres of them in Sirur, 108,599 in Junnar,
107,856 in Klied, 82,159 in Bhimtliadi, 81,283 in Haveli, 32,840
in Purandliar, 24,136 in Inddpur, and 4648 in M^val. Bdjri with
jvdri is the staple crop of the district. It is grown all over the
district but in small quantities in the hilly west of Junnar, Khed,
Md,val, and Haveli. It is a finer grain than jvdri and requires
more careful tillage. There are three varieties of bdjri which can
hardly be distinguished except by the initiated, gari or early, an
inferior variety maturing in three and a half months ; hali or late,
a finer variety taking longer to mature; and sajguri, a quickly
maturing variety with a smaller grain and grown chiefly under water.
Bdjri is sown in June or July usually in shallow black or light
gravelly soils mixed with rdla a coarse grain, math a pulse, ambddi
hemp, til sesamum, and tur a pulse. These grains are mixed in the
following proportions : bdjri 32, rdla 1, math 4, ambddi 2, til 1, and
tur 4. In rich soils tur is commonly sown in alternate rows with
hdjri and in poor soils a small legume called hulga or kulith
Dolichos biflorus is always sown. A brown mould partly of red
and partly of black soil is considered best for the growth of bdjri.
Two to two and a half pounds of the mixed seed is sown to the acre,
the better the soil the less the seed. Bdjri is seldom watered or
manured. It depends less on the soil and more on the rain than
jvdri. It never yields so large a crop as jvdri and where both
can grow jvdri is always chosen. Bdjri wants more ploughing,
manuring, and weeding than jvdri. When the crop is four or
five inches high the weeds and grass are cleared. A timely fall in
August favours the growth of bdjri, but, especially in shallow soils,
too much rain settles at the roots and rots the stalks. Bdjri is
harvested in October and November, and from mid-October to mid-
February the crops grown with it ripen, first the panic rdla, then the
pulse math, then the hemp ambddi, then the sesamum til, and last
the pulse tur. The average yield of bdjri on different unwatered
soils in good and bad years is 300 to 400 pounds. The green ears
are parched and eaten under the name of limbur ot nimbur. The ripe
grain is sometimes parched and made into Idhis. Bdjri is chiefly
used as a bread grain, being kneaded with salt into round cakes
about five inches across and half an inch thick. It is not liked by
the working classes, but is the favourite food of the upper classes
especially of the people of Poona. The stalks called sarmad
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Crops.
Cereals,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
36
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Cereals.
are given to cattle^ but unless trodden into ciafE are held inferior to
almost all other fodder.
2. Bdrti commonly barti,^ Paspalum scrobiculatum or flavidum,
is grown almost entirely in the east of the district, usually in separate
furrows in fields of bdjri. It is sown in June and July, and, without
water or manure, ripens in October. The grain, which is white and
round, is about the size of bdjri, and grows on crooked finger-like side
shoots which stand out at distinct intervals from the main stem of
the ear. The grain has to be pounded to separate the husk, and is
usually boiled and eaten like rice. It is much esteemed by the poor
and is said to be most wholesome.
3. Bhddli, Panicum pilosum, is grown almost entirely in the east
of the district and usually in the same fields as btyri. It is sown in
June, and, without water or manure is reaped in October or November.
Bhddli is ranch like red rdla and is sometimes confounded with it.
It is larger, grows well in poorer soil, and the ripe ear is reddish
brown and^ bristly, while the ripe rdla is smooth and of a pale yellow.
The grain is unhusked by pounding. It is eaten by the poor, chiefly '
in the east. It is sometimes boiled and eaten whole, and more
rarely ground to flour. The straw is used as fodder.
4. Bhdt,^ Rice, Oryza sativa, in 1881-82 covered 47,885 acres,
21,104 of them in Haveli, 14,990 in M^val, 5998 in Khed, 4169 in
Junnar, 1489 in Purandhar, 102 in Inddpur, and 33 in Bhimthadi.
It is the chief product of the west lands or Mdvals, and is sometimes
found in moist places in the eastern plain. About eleven kinds of
rice are grown in the Poona district. One kind, kamod, the best rice
in the district was brought by Dr. Gibson from Kaira in 1842. It
is grown as a channel- watered crop. Four kinds, dmbemohar, kdle,
rdybdg, and rdjdval, are sown in late May in manured seed-beds,
planted into wet fields in July- August, and reaped in late October.
Five poor sorts, chimansdl, dodke,holambe, kothimbare, and varangal,
are generally sown broadcast or by drill in poor rice-fields or on
high-lying ground in June and reaped in September.^ Much the
greater part of the Poona rice is grown under the planting system.
In March or April a plot is chosen for the seed-bed either in the
rice field itself or on higher ground close to the field and ploughed
once and levelled. Cowdung, grass, and leaves are spread on the
ground, a second layer is added of branches and brushwood covered
with grass, and fine earth is sprinkled over "all. These layers of
cowdung, brushwood, and grass are called rdb.^ In early May the
brushwood is fired on the leeward side to ensure slow and thorough
burning and the ashes remain guarded from the wind by the upper
1 Bdrti is said by Coloael Sykes to be the same as kodru or harik Paspalum fru-
mentaceum. Inquiry in different parts of the Deeoan satisfied Mr. Fletcher that the
two are different.
2 The Mardthi names of rice in its various stages are the seed bhdt, the seedlings
rop, the plants dvan, the planted rice bTidt, the husked seed tdndul, the straw pendAa
or bhdte, and the husk to which the grain clings konda.
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 79.
■•The chief difference between rdb and dalhi, the two forms of wood-ash tillage, is
that in dalhi the bushes are burnt where they grow and in rdb they are brought from
somewhere else.
Deccau ]
POONA.
37
layer of earth. After the first rain in June the seed is sown
broadcast and covered by the hand-hoe or hudal. In July, when
five or six inches high, the seedlings are pulled up, tied in small
bundles, and taken and planted by hand in the rice-field in bundles of
four to six plants. This planting is expensive. To plant about 110
acres (150 bighds) is a day's work for 150 men. The planting of rice
takes longer than the planting of ndchni and vari as in the case of
these coarser and hardier grains it is enough to throw the plants on
the ground. Rice-fields, which are called hhdchars in Mardthi, are
formed by throwing earthen banks across the beds of water-courses or
lines of drainage, by holding back the muddy deposit, and controlling
the supply of water which during the rainy months comes from
the higher lands. The best rice soil is a bright yellow deepening
to black as the quality declines. At the same time the yield of rice
depends as much on the plentiful and constant supply of water as
on the character of the soil. Once in two or three years, to prevent
their silting, rice-fields are three or four times ploughed in opposite
directions. The clods are broken with the kulav and the peiari
is then used to clear the loose soil out of the bottom of the field,
and heap it on the bank. In June and early July while the
seedlings are getting ready for planting, the flooded rice-field is
ploughed and trodden by oxen into a mass of soft slushy mud.
Fifteen days after planting, when the seedlings have begun to
shoot, their dead leaves are plucked off by the hand. As the planting
is usually done during pouring rain and in deep mud the head and
back of the planter are always shaded by a water-tight shell made
of wicker-work and teak leaves called virle or pdnghongadi, and a
stool or tivas, whose seat and bottom are two parallel planks separated
by a single leg of wood, is used to sit on. After the planting is over
the water is kept standing in the field at a certain depth till the crop
ripens when it is allowed to dry. Between September and November
planted rice is reaped with the sickle or vila.&nd carried as cut and
laid on the bank lest the ripe grain should be injured by lying on
the wet ground. In eight or nine days a man and his wife can cut
about four acres (5 bighds) of rice. As the whole crop should be
carried and stacked before the grain dries labourers have to be hired
to carry the sheaves to the thrashing-floor. To separate the husk
from the grain rice has to be pounded or ground. Except where it
is grown rice is eaten by the poor on feast days only ; it enters into
the daily food of all the middle and upper classes, whether Hindus
or Musalmans. It is most commonly simply boiled ; it is also eaten
parched as Idhis and pohds and murmurds.^ These are most useful
as ready-cooked food for a journey and are generally given along
with ddle or parched gram pulse as rations to Hindu soldiers on a
Chapter IV.
Agriculture
Chops.
Cereals.
1 To make pohds the husked rice is soaked in cold -water for three days, scalded,
and left to drain dry in an open basket. It is then slightly parched and pounded in
a stone mortar. The crushed pulp forms into flat lozenge-shaped pieces and the husk
is separated by a winnowing fan. Pohds are sometimes ground to flour and used
in sweetmeats. For murmurds the husked rice is partially dried in the sun after a
three days' soaking and scalding. It is slightly parched and the husk separated by
braying in a mortar. .Salt water is next thrown over it and the grain is again parched
in hot sand which makes it pafif and swell.
[Bombay Gazetteer,.
38
DISTEIOTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture,
Crops.
Cereals.
sea voyage. The flour is also used in various preparations; the
straw or pendha is used as cattle fodder.,
5. Gahu, Wheat, Triticum sestivum, in 1881-82 covered 60,524
acres 21,677 of them in Junnar, 9537 in Maval, 8688 in Bhimthadi,
8205 in Khed, 4919 in Sirur, 3503 in Haveli, 2983 in Indapur, and
1012 in Parandhar. Wheat is a late or cold-weather (October-March)
crop. It is grown over the whole district but in small quantities in
the west lands of Junnar, Khed, and Haveli. It requires a moister
climate than jvari and in the eastern fringe of the west lands is
generally grown as a dry-crop. Elsewhere it is grown as a dry-
crop only in favoured places, but over the whole eastern plain it is
largely grown as watered crop. Wheat wants black or rich soil.
The best soil is the alluvial loam known as gavhdli or the wheat land.
Wheat also thrives in the lowlying black or better brown clay soils
in low lands where drainage gathers. Pour kinds of wheat are grown,
bakshi, kdte, khaple also called jod, and pote that is big-bellied.^
Bakshi requires good black soil. It is sown in October or
November, is usually watered and manured, and is reaped in Febru-
ary or March. This wheat is of the finest quality, but as it is delicate
it is not largely grown. The stem is sometimes as much as five
feet high, the grain is larger than the grain of other kinds of wheat,
and the beard, when ripe, is tipped with black. Kdte wheat is sown in
good black soil in October, is usually watered but not manured, and
is reaped in February. It is shorter-stalked and smaller-grained
than either the hakshi or khaple, is hardier than the halishi, and is
the wheat commonly grown in dry lands. Khaple or jod, husk
wheat, is sown in black soil in November, is always both watered
and manured, and is reaped in March. Khaple is the wheat usually-
grown in gardens. It is very hardy. It owes its name to the fact
that the grain cannot be separated from the husk without pounding. It
is sown as a second or dusota crop in January and February in irrigated
lands after bdjri, maize, tobacco, chillies, or wheat with good results.
Pote or big-bellied wheat is less esteemed than other varieties. It
is sown in poor black soils in November, is neither watered nor
manured, and is reaped in February. Other varieties known in the
district are ddudkhdni and kdle-kusal. Two and a half to three and
a half pounds of wheat are sown to the acre, the better the soil the
less the seed. The average acre yield from all kinds of wheat in
unwatered land is 500 to 600 pounds and in watered land 1000
to 1100 pounds. In garden land wheat follows rice and in dry-crop
land it comes best after hdjri, maize, tcibacco, or chillies. After two
or three ploughings the wheat is sown and the land is levelled with
the harrow. When the seed has begun to sprout, to regulate the
watering, ridges and small water-courses are made with a large
rake in the shape of squares or vdphds. Wheat after it has come
into ear is affected by mildew called tdmhera and garva or khaira.
These diseases are said to be commoner in fields where mustard is
grown than elsewhere. Tdmbera appears after unseasonable and
' In 184:2 Dr. Gibson is said to have introduced about thirty -eight choice varieties
of wheat. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 1453 of 1843, 79.
Deccan.]
POONA.
39
heavy rain and covers tlie crop witli small swellings containing a
reddish powder. It very seriously injures if it does not totally
destroy the crop. Oarva or khaira appears after cloudy and misty
weather in circles at distances from each other. It covers the crop
with small swellings containing a dark brown powder. The grain
becomes small and shrivelled. Oarva is neither so common nor so
destructive as tdmbera. Green wheat ears called ombya are parched
and eaten. The ripe grain is used only as bread. It is seldom
eaten by the poor except on feast days as it is never eaten without
the addition of clarified butter or tup. The flour is used largely in
pastry and sweetmeats. Wheat straw is eaten as fodder with or
without a mixture of chaff.
6. Earik or Kodru, Paspalum frumentaceum, in 1881-82 covered
397 acres in Junnar. It is grown almost entirely in the western
hill-sides and light soils. It is sown in June and reaped in October
or November. The grain, which is round and flattish and of the
size of a mustard seed^ forms in double rows on one side of a flat
stem, and until ripe the ear remains enveloped in a sheath. New
harik is said to be powerfully narcotic and is eaten only by the poor
who prepare it in various ways, and from use are able to eat it with
impunity .■"■ The straw is hurtful to cattle.
7. Jvdri, Indian Millet, Sorghum vulgare, the most largely grown
cereal in Poona, in 1881-82 covered 588,502 acres, 226,152 of which
were in Haveli, 129,069 in Indd,pur, 73,026 in Purandhar, 53,289 in
Sirur, 54,877 in Bhimthadi, 28,782 in Khed, 16,438 in Junnar, and
2918 in Maval. It is grown over the whole district but in the hilly
west of Junnar, Khed, Mdval, and Haveli only in small quantities.
It is the staple grain of the eastern plain. There are many varieties
of Indian millet some of which belong to the early and others to
the late harvest. The early varieties are found only in the belt which
fringes the east of the western districts, and are sown thickly for
fodder rather than grain. The late varieties are grown in the eastern
plain, yield grain plentifully, and their fodder though less abundant
is of better quality than that of the early varieties. There are three
chief early varieties argadi, kdlbhondi, and nilva. Argadi, also called
utdvU, is sown in June or July in shallow black or light soil, and,
without the help of water or as a rule of manure, is grown and cut in
November. The stalk is sometimes ten feet high ; the head is small.
This variety is also sown as a watered crop in April and matures in
June or July. When grown as a watered crop it is called khondi or
hundi.^ This crop is sometimes sown broadcast and thick and cut
for fodder before the head appears. Kdlbhondi, that is black husk, is
sown in June or July without either water or manure, and is harvested
in November. The stem is six or eight feet high and the head
large. Nilva, that is blue-husk, a variety much grown in Khdndesh,
is sown in June in black soils without either water or manure and is
cut in November. The stem is very tall and coarse and the head
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Crops.
Cereals,
'Mr. Siuolair, C.S., found that in Thtoa the grain was intoxicating when grown
for the second or third time in the same land. Fletcher's Deccan Agriculture.
2 Khondi or hundi is described as a separate variety by Colonel Sykes.
[Bombay Qazetteer,
40
DISTRICTS.
(Jhapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Cereah.
large. The fodder is prized for milch cattle. There are three late
varieties of Indian millet shdlu, dudh-mogra, and tdmbdi. The
best of the late kinds is shdlu. It is sown in black soils from
mid-August to mid-October and harvested from mid-January to
mid-February. The stalk is three to five feet long and sweet-juiced,
and the grain white. Budh-mogra is sown with shdlu either
mixed in the same furrow or in separate furrows. The straight
hard stalk is poor fodder and the scattered feather head has the
merit of being too light to give birds a foothold. The full
milky grain parches into excellent Idhis. A dark-husked variety of
diidh-mogra has a stem which is sometimes used as a weaver's hand-
rod. Tdmbdi, that is red, Marshall's Sorghum devia, is sown
generally in light soils in late July and early August, and, without
either water or manure^ ripens in early January to early February.
The stem is three to four feet high and poor as fodder, and the grain
is white and hard. Four to five pounds of late jvdri are sown to the
acre, the better the soil the less the seed. The early Indian millets
take eight to ten pounds of seed an acre. Unwatered jvdri in all
kinds of soil gives an average yield of 400 to 500 pounds the acre,
and watered jvdri yields 1000 to 1200 pounds. Shdlu is the most
productive variety sometimes yielding as m.uch as 2500 pounds the
acre. Before the head forms the plant is called Icadval and when
perfect hdtuk} Jvdri is the only cereal whose straw or hadba is
used as fodder in its natural state. The straw of all other cereals
and of all soft stemmed pulses is trodden to pieces, mixed with chaff,
and stowed in large baskets, and is called hhushat. Jvdri stalks are
stacked and thatched in the rainy west; in the drier east they^are
stowed in long grave-like ridges and covered with clods of black soil.
The grain is chiefly used as a bread grain, but is also eaten parched as
Idhi. When in season the parched unripe jvdri heads form a chief
item of food with the labouring classes and are called hurda.
8. Mahka, Indian Corn, Zea mays, in 1881-82 covered 3844 acres,
2435 of which were in Purandhar, 720 in Bhimthadi, 630 in Inddpur,
fifty in Haveli, and nine in Sirur. In 1842 the American maize was
naturalised at the experimental garden at Hivra in Junnar.^ It is
sown in the eastern sub- divisions in blaclj soil. When unwatered it
is sown in June and ripens in August ; when watered it may be
grown at any season. The heads or hutds are usually eaten parched
or boiled while green and the ripe grain is also parched and made
into Idhis, and after grinding is used as fiour. The stalk is a very
coarse fodder.
9. Ndgli ov Ndchni, Bleusine corocana, in 1881-82 covered 52,365
acres, 16,310 of which were in Khed, 14,036 in Maval, 12,572 in
Haveli, 6983 in Junnar, and 2464 in Purandhar. It is grown only
in the hilly west sometimes in wet lands by planting like rice or by
sowing with the drill, and often in high lands. In planting ndohrii
the seedlings are simply thrown on the ground in little trenches at
about equal distances apart and left to root as they can. Ndchni
1 Bdtvh is also applied to the plants of tur sown in a crop of i
2 Bombay Gov. Eev. Keo. 1453 of 1843, 77.
Deccan,]
POONA.
does not want a deep or a rich soil, but in any but a moist soil it
perishes. It is sown in June and ripens in October or November.
As the stalk is hard, reaping is difficult and costly. It takes four
persons eight days to cut about three acres (2 bighds) of ndchni. The
carrying and stacking are also expensive. Ndchni should be
carried as soon as possible after the crop is cut, and the sheaves
should be carried only in the morning when the heads are wet with
dew. Later in the day the heat of the sun shrivels the husk
and loosens the seed. Under the name of hurda the green heads are
parched and eaten. The ripe grain is eaten in cakes by the w est
country poor and the flour is made into a cooling drink called
dmhil. The straw, powdered and mixed with chaff, is used as fodder.
10. Rdla, Panicum italicum, in 1881-82 covered 1084 acres, 681
of which were in Purandhar, 136 in Bhimthadi, 113 in Haveli, eighty-
one in Inddpur, sixty-eight in Sirur, and one in Junnar. It is
grown chiefly in the east of the district in shallow black or light
soils usually in the same fields as hdjri. It is of two varieties, a red
and a white, which differ only in colour. It is sown in June and
ripens in October. The grain is separated from the husk by
pounding and is usually boiled and eaten whole. The stalk is used
for fodder and thatch.
11. Sdtii or Jav, Barley, Hordeum hexastichon, in 1881-82 covered
141 acres fifty-one of which are in Bhimthadi, fifty in Haveli,
twenty in Purandhar, fourteen in Inddpur, and six in Junnar. It
grows only in black soil, is sown in November, and, with the help
of water and manure, is reaped in February. Barley is chiefly used
in making the ready-cooked food called sdtnche-pith or barley flour.
The grain is parched, ground, and mixed with a small proportion of
gram and wheat-flour and flavoured with seeds. When eaten it is
usually made into little dough balls with water. The grain is also
used in the shrdddha or mind-rites for the dead and the flour in the
shrdvani or Shravan purification.
12 and 13. Sdwa, Panicum miliaceum, and Vari, Panicum miliare,
in 1881-82 covered 32,842 acres, 1 1,163 of which were in Khed, 8282
in Haveli, 7885 in Maval, 4317 in Junnar, and 689 in Purandhar.
They are grown only in the west of the district usually in light red
soils and on hill-sides. They are not watered or manured, but the
seedlings are planted like rice-seedlings except that instead of fixing
them in the ground they are simply thrown on the surface and left to
root. When the plants are about a foot high sdva requires weeding.
This is done for each other by the villagers at no expense except
some liquor for- the weeders. In 1821, in these weeding parties a
drummer was at hand who beat incessantly and at intervals stirred on
the weeders calling out BhalereDdda, Bhale Bhdu Ddda, Well done
brothers, well done. The weeders got as much spirit as they could
drink.^ From the hardness of the stalks and the need of prompt and
early-morning carrying, labour has to be hired in harvesting sdva
and vari as well as in harvesting ndchni. Both sdva and vari have
Chapter IV
Agriculture]
Crops,
Cereals.
'■ Captain H, Robertson in East India Papers, IV. 579.
B 1327—6
[Bombay G'azetteel:,
42
DISTRrcTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Cbops.
Pulses,
to be unhusked by pounding. They are mostly featen by the west
country poor. They are boiled like rice and are sometimes ground
to flour and made into bread. The straw is not used as fodder.
Thirteen pulses are grown in Poena. The details are :
POOJSrA PULSSS.
No.
Mara'thi.
Enslish.
BOTANIOAl.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
26
26
Dang ChavU
Harbhara
Kulthi or Bulga
Lakh ...
Masur
Math or 3£atH
•«■■«?
Pavta
Mn 01 Shet ChavH ...
Twr
Udid
Vdl
Vdtdna
Gram
i,entUs ■.'■. '.'.'. '.'.'.
Kidney Bean
Green Gram
Pigeon Pea
Black Gram
Peas .'.'.' '.'.'.
Dolichoa sinensis.
Cicer arietimim.
Doliclios biflorus.
Lathyrus sativus.
Ervum lens.
Phaseolus aconitifolius.
Phasecdus mungo.
Doliohos lablab.
0oIidhO3 oatjan^.
Cajanus indious.
Phaseolus radiatus.
Dolichos spioatus.
Pisum sativum.
14. Dang ChavU, Dolichos sinensis, like but larger than ran or shet
chavli Dolichos catjang (No. 22), is usually grown in gardens round
the edge of other crops. It is a strong climber, with a pod some five
or six inches long, and a rather dark seed.
15. Harbhara, Gram, Cicer arietinum, the most largely grown
pulse in Poena, in 1881-82 covered 28,879 acres, 6398 of which
were in Bhimthadi, 5020 in Indapur, 4770 in Junnar, 4329 in
Khed, 2678 in Maval, 2360 in Sirur, 1620 inPurandhar, and 1404
in Haveli. It is grown in the east of the district and very rarely
in the west. It requires good black soil. It is sown in November
and without either water or manure is harvested in February. The
leaves are used as a vegetable. The grain is eaten green, is boiled
■as a vegetable, and is parched when it is called hola. When ripe it is
split into ddl and eaten boiled in a variety of ways and in making a
sweet cake called puran-poli. It is slightly soaked, parched in hot
sand, and called phutdnds, which are sometimes flavoured with
turmeric salt and chillies. It is also given to horses. The living
plants yield a quantity of vinegar or oxalic acid called dmh which
gathers on the plants at night and soaks cloths which are laid over
them. The dry stalks are good fodder. A light-coloured variety
called kali is seldom grown in Poona.
16. Kulthi, Horse-gram, Dolichos biflorus, in 1881-82 covered
1 3,065 acres, 4056 of which were in Khed, 2934 in Bhimthadi, 2220 in
Junnar, 2158 in Purandhar, 942 in Sirur, 645 in Indapur, and 110 in
Haveli. It is grown throughout the district and is sown generally
with hdjri in separate rows in shallow light soil. It- is sown in June
and ripens in November without either water or manure. The
pulse is boiled whole and is given to horses. It is also eaten in soup
and porridge. The leaves and stalks are good fodder.
17. Lakh, Lathyrus sativus, is grown in small quantities in the
west. It is sown in November or December in black soil or as a
second crop after rice. It grows without water or manure. The
seed is like a mottled gray pea. It is not eaten while green. The
ripe pulse is boiled whole and eaten, and when split is cooked in
various ways. The stalks .and leaves are eaten by cattle.
Deccau.]
POONA.
4a
18. Masur, Lentils, Brvum lens, in 1881-82 covered 82i6 acres,
440 of wHcli were in Mdval, 302 in Khed, and ninety-four in Junnar.
It is grown throughout the district. It is sown in November or
December in black soil or as a second crop on rice lands, grows with-
out water or manure, and is harvested in February and March. The
green pods are sometimes eaten as a vegetable, and when ripe it
yields the most delicate split pulse in the Deccan. The boiled
pulse is also eaten whole.
19. Math or Maiki, Phaseolus aconitifolius, grown chiefly in the
eastern plain, is sown mixed with hdjri in shallow black or light
stony soils in June or July and is harvested in November. The
pulse is split and eaten as ddl in different ways. It is ground to
flour and used with the flour of other grains in making cakes. It is
also eaten parched or boiled whole with condiments. The grain is
given to horses and cattle and tho stalks are good fodder.
20. Mug, G-reen Gram, Phaseolus mungo, in 1881-82 covered
3900 acres, 2349 acres of which were in Khed, 687 in Junnar, 351 in
Bhimthadi, 250 in Purandhar, 226 in Haveli, thirty-one in Indapur,
five in Sirur, and twenty-one in Maval. It is grown chiefly in the
east of the district. It is sown in June by itself in shallow, black,
or light stony soils, and often as a first crop on rich lands in which
a second called dusota or bivad crop is raised. It is neither water-
ed nor manured, and is harvested in September. The green pods
are eaten as a vegetable. The ripe green-coloured pulse is eaten
boiled whole, or is split and used as ddl. It is parched, ground to
flour, mixed with butter and made into spice balls. It is also made
into porridge. The leaves and stalks are good fodder. Mugi, a
smaller blackish variety, is sown with bdjri or argadi in June and
reaped in November. It is inclined to creep and remains longer on
the ground than mug.
21. Pdvta, also called Sweet Vdl, Dolichos lablab, is sown some-
times in June mixed with hdjri and sometimes in November on the
banks of rivers or in the west as a second crop after rice. Two
varieties differ only in the colour of the grain, one is pale yellow the
other black with a fine seam. It grows without water or manure,
ripens in February- March, and goes on bearing for about two
months. The boiled green seeds are eaten as a vegetable and the
ripe pulse is split and eaten in many ways. The leaves and stalks
are a fodder which is especially valued for milch cattle.
22. Ban or Shet Chavli, Dolichos catjang, is grown chiefly in the
west lands. It is sown in June in shallow light soils and as the first
of a double crop in rich soils. It grows without water or manure,
and is harvested in September. The green pods which are about
two inches long and the leaves are eaten as vegetables, and the^
pulse, which is pale yellow oval and dented on one side, is cooked in
many ways, both split and whole.
23. Tur, Cajanus indicus, in 1881-82 covered 12,851 acresy,
7830 acres of which were in Sirur, 1576 in Bhimthadi, 1399 in Khed,
769 in Junnar, 589 in Haveli, 356 in Inddpur, 237 in Indapur, and
ninety-five in M^val. It is grown chiefly in the eastern sub-
divisions mostly in shallow and sometimes in deep black soils,
in the same field with bdjri, in the same or in separate
Ghapter IV
Agriculture
Chops.
Pulses.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
44
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Ckops.
Pulses.
furrows. It is sown in June- July, and, without water or manure,
is harvested in January and February. During the eight
months tur is on the ground, it is said to flower and seed eight
times, all the pods remaining on the plant till harvest. It is a
perennial plant, but is always pulled out after the first year. The
green pods are eaten as a vegetable, and the ripe pulse is split and
eaten boiled in a variety of ways. The yellow split-pulse or ddl is in
common use Ijeing made into porridge and mixed with vegetables, and
is little less valuable than gram. The leaves and pod shells are
excellent fodder, and the stem is in use for wattling house walls and
roofs, and for making baskets and brooms. Tur or doll-bush that
is ddl-hush charcoal has long been famous for making gunpowder.
24 Udid, Black Gram, Phaseolus radiatus, in 1881-82 covered
1519 acres, 1031 of which were in Khed, 330 in Junnar, ninety in
Pui-andhar, forty-seven in Haveli, and twenty-one in Maval. It is
grown almost entirely in the east of the district. It is sown
in June frequently with hdjri or argadi or in rich soils when a
second crop is to follow. It is neither watered nor manured, and
ripens in September. The green pods are rarely used as a vegetable.
The black ripe pulse is split into ddl, and is a most fattening food.
It is parched and ground to make different sorts of spice balls and
is the chief element in the thin wafer-biscuits called pdpads. The
stalks and leaves are a good fodder. Udadi is a smaller and inferior
variety which does not ripen till November.
25. Vdl, Dolichos spicatus, is chiefly grown in the east and cen-
tre of the district, often round or mixed with garden crops, especially
in the sugarcane fields where it is sown both as fodder and for
shade. When grown with or in rows round hdjri or early jvdri it
is sown in July and without water or manure ripens in four months,
and continues bearing for some time longer. The seeds are slightly
bitter, smaller, and not so flat as pdvta seeds, which is sometimes
known as sweet vdl. The green seeds are eaten boiled, the ripe
pulse is used in many ways as ddl or in soup, and the stalks and
leaves are prized as fodder for milch cattle.
26. Vdtdna, the Pea,, Pisum sativum, in 1881-82 covered 836
acres, 329 of which were in Junnar, 329 in Khed, 100 in Haveli,
seventy-six in Maval, and two in Inddpur. Peas are grown in moigt
places throughout the district. They are sown in October or Novem-
ber or later as a second crop after rice, and, without water or manure,
are harvested in four and a half months after sowing.' The seed is
eaten green as a vegetable and when ripe is boiled whole or split and
eaten in various ways. The leaves and stalks are good fodder.
Seven oilseeds are grown in Poena. The details are :
PooNA Oilseeds.
No.
27
Mara'thi.
English.
Botanical.
Ambddi
Brown Hemp...
Hibiscus oannabinus.
ii«
Bhuvmug
Earthnut
Arachis hypogcea.
29
Erandi
Castor-seed ...
Bicinus communis.
30
JavatovAUhi
Linseed
Limim usitatissimum,
31
EdHe or Khurdmii ...
Nigerseed
Verbesina sativa.
Si!
Kuaumba or Kardai .
Safflower
CarthamuB tinctorius.
3S
Til
Sesamum
Sesamum indicum.
Deccan.]
POONA.
45
27. Amhadi, Brown Hemp, Hibiscus cannabinns, in 1881-82 cover-
ed 1375 acres, 659 of wMch were in Bhimthadi, 526 in Sirur, ninety-
four in Indapur, eigbty-nine in Purandbar, and seven in Md,val.
It is grown in small quantities in sballow black soils chiefly in
Bbimtbadi, Sirur, and Indd,pur. It is sown in June usually
mixed witb hajri, grows without water or manure, and is harvested
in December or January. The young sour leaves are eaten as a
vegetable. The seed is sometimes given to cattle and in times of
scarcity is mixed in bread. It is chiefly used as oil-seed and, before
the oil is extracted, is always mixed with Icdrle or linseed. The bark
yields a valuable fibre which is separated from the stalk by soaking.
It is made into ropes for various field purposes either by the
husbandmen or village MAngs.
28. Bhuimug, Barthnut, Arachis hypogoea, is grown both in
the eastern plains and in the eastern fringe of the west lands.
It is planted in June, and in the east with the help of water and
manure and in the western plain with the help of manure, ripens in
December, but is often dug in November and eaten raw or parched.
The ripe fresh nut is sometimes boiled with condiments, and eaten
as a vegetable, but is more frequently used as an oilseed. An
edible oil is pressed from the nuts which are usually first mixed with
hardai or rdla seeds as the pure earthnut oil is said not to keep.
It is a favourite food with wild pig, and along the Mutha canals has
suffered so severely from their ravages, that the people have given
up growing it.
29. Erandi, Castor-seed, Ricinus communis,isgrowninsmallquan.-
tities chiefly in the black soils of the eastern plain, sometimes round
other crops and more often in patches by itself. It is sown either
in June or November, and without water or manure is harvested
in November or February. Its stem and flowers are red. The oil,
which is used more for burning than as a medicine, is drawn by
boiling the bruised bean and skimming the oil that rises to the
surface. The proportion of oil to seed is as one to four. The leaf
is applied as a guineaworm poultice and the dried root as a febrifuge.
A large variety of the castor-plant, probably R. viridis, is grown in
gardens round other crops. Its stem and flower are green. Both
varieties are perennial and would grow to a considerable size if they
were not taken out of the ground at the end of the first year.
30. Jav.asov Alshi, Linseed, Linum usitatissimum, in. 1881
covered only 152 acres, seventy-seven of them in Ind^pur, seventy
in Bhimthadi, nine in Puramdhar, and three in Sirur. It is grown in
small quantities solely in rich black soils in the east either in gram
or wheat fields in separate furrows or less seldom as a separate crop.
It is sown in November and without water or m.aiLure is harvested
in February. It does not grow more than two feet high. The seed is
used in making relishes or ohatnis and the oil which is produced
from the seed in the proportion of four to one is used in cookery.
No use is made of the fibre.
31. KdrU or Ehii/rasni, Nigerseed, Verbesina sativa, errone-
ously called Mle til, is grown in considerable quantities in shallow
black and light soils chiefljr in the west fringe of the plains and in the
Chapter IV
Agriculturei
Crops.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
46
DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops,
OiUeedi,
Fibres.
western hills. It is sown in June and witliout water or manure is
harTBsted in November. The seed is eaten in relishes or chatnis,
but it is chiefly known for its oil which is produced from it in the
proportion of five to six, and is universally used by the lower classes
in cooking. The oil-cake is much prized for milch cattle-
32. EardaioT Kusumba, Safflower, Carthamus tinctoriuSj is
grown chiefly in the east lands with late jvdri or wheat either
mixed or in separate furrows. It is sown in October or November,
and, without water or manure, is harvested in February or March.
The young leaves are eaten boiled as a vegetable and the oil which
is produced from the seed is much esteemed in cooking. Kardai and
kusumba kardai are grown indiscriminately. Kardai C. tinctorius
has much deep red in the flower and elsewhere is used as a dye.
Kusumba Jcardai, probably 0. persicus, has a yellow flower and is
more prickly than 0. tinctorius.
33. Til, Sesamum indicum, of two kinds, gora or ^aura white til
and Mk black til, covered in 1881-82 29,449 acres, 12,381 of which
were in Khed, 5806 in Junnar, 5403 in Maval, and 4392 in
Haveli. It is grown throughout the district, but in considerable
quantities only in Khed, Jannar, Mdval, and Haveli. It is sown in
June usually with bdjri either mixed in the same line or in separate
lines, and is cut in November. It springs unsown in fallow lands.
The seed is used in shrdddha or mind-rites for the dead, forms
part of many sweetmeats, and yields abundant oil which is used
both in cooking and as a medicine. The oil-cake or pendh is given
to cattle, and in times of scarcity is eaten by the poor with salt.
Three fibre plants are grown in Poena. The details are :
PooNA Fibre Plants.
No.
34
36
86
Maka'thi.
Ehomsh.
BOTAHIOAL.
Ambddi
Kdpus
San 01 Tdg ...
Brown Hemp ...
Cotton
Bombay Hemp ...
Hibiscus oannabimis.
Gossypium herbaceum.
Orotalaria junoea.
34. Ambddi. See No. 27.
35. Kdpus, Cotton, Gossypium herbaceum, in 1881-82 covered
4565 acres in Indd.pur. It is grown in black soil chiefly in the
east, to a small extent in the western plain, and not at all in the
hilly west. Several varieties are grown, most of which have been
lately introduced. It is sown in July, is grown without water or
manure, and bears in October or November. The crop, which is the
woolly coveriug of the seed, is gathered from the growing plants in
three or four pickings as the pods burst before November, when the
plant ceases to bear. The seed is called sarhi and is much prized as
food for milch cattle. The stems are used in cheap basket-work and
when the picking is over cattle are grazed on the leaves and shoots.
In 1821, the average price of cotton was about £8 10s. (Es. 85)
a khandi of 500 pounds or about 4<d. (2| as.) the pound. The
Collector, Captain Robertson, was told that thirty or forty years
before, in the time of Peshwa MMhavrdv (1761-1772) a large
(Quantity of seed had been brought from the Ber^rs, but proved a
Deccan.]
POONA.
47
failure.i In 1830-31, Dr. Lush was successful in growing cotton
in the botanical garden at Ddpuri, about six miles west of Poona.^
In 1841, the only parts of the district where cotton was grown in
any quantity were in Bhimthadi and Ind^pur, where the soil was
better suited to its growth than in any other part of the district.
In that year one landholder in the Bhimthadi village of Bolv^di grew
cotton, which in the Bombay market fetched a price equal to the
best Broach.^ Dr. Gibson, the superintendent of the botanical
garden at Hivra, considered the cultivation of cotton unsuited to
Poena.* In 1842-43 the area under cotton was increased by not less
than 2132 acres, chiefly in Junnar and Indapur where the people were
anxious to grow cotton. The plants throve for a time, but most of them
failed from want of rain.^ In 1844, Indapur was the only part of
Poena where cotton was grown ; there cotton was found in small
quantities in every village mixed with hdjri and other crops. The
area under cotton was 4816 acres against 4636 in the previous year.
The outturn was twenty tons (60 khnndis) of which about sixteen tons
(48 khandis) were sold in Poona and Sdtara for £507 2s. or at the rate
of £5 (Es. 50) for a Surat hhandi of 746 pounds, that is about l|cZ.
(1 a.) a pound.* In the next two years the area under cotton declined.
In 1847, Indapur was again the only cotton-growing part of
the district. The quantity produced was about thirty tons (90
khandis) and the area under cultivation was 3359 acres against Ij
khandi and 190 acres in the prev'ious year.'^ Prom 1841 to 1861
Government frequently tried to increase the growth of cotton, but
without success. Both as regards soil and climate Poona was consi-
dered unsuited for foreign cotton and there seemed to be little
prospect of any great increase of the cultivation of the local variety.
The small quantity grown was almost entirely devoted to home use.
The following statement shows the total area under cultivation, the
area under cotton, and the area capable of producing cotton during
the twenty years ending 1860-61 :*
Poona Cotton, I84I-I86I.
Year.
Tillage
Area.
Cotton
Area.
Area
lit for
Cotton.
Year.
Tillage
Area.
Cotton
Area.
Area
fit for
Cotton.
1841-42
1842-43
1843-44
1844-43
1845-46
1846-47
1847-48
1848-49
1849-50
1850-51
Acres.
982,600
1,009,728
l,0,i6,2B2
1,063,127
1,102,088
1,148,755
1,228,304
1,227,898
1,196,719
1,215,015
Acres.
2684
1846
4636
3808
190
3369
3797
1693
4646
4682
0"
1851-62 ...
18.52-63 ...
1863-54 ...
1864-55 ...
1865-56 ...
1856-67 ...
1867-68 ...
1858-69 ...
1859-60 ...
1860-61 ...
Acres.
1,273,394
1,316,767
1,368.430
1,396,080
1,447,006
1,634,473
1,566,231
1,698,885
1,054,899
1,664,801
Acres.
7016
6987
6712
4122
602
2534
2004
8867
6934
8730
1
0
Is S
-■gs
ll
Chapter IV
Agriculture.
Crops.
fibres.
' East India Papers, IV. 590.
2 Chapman's Commerce, 51. See also Transactions of the Agri-Horticultural Society
of Bombay, July 1843. ^ Bom. Eev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 71-72.
* Bom. Rev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 176-7. ^ Bom. Rev. Eec. 1568 of 1844, 88.
6 Bom. Rev, Rec. 17 of 1844, 75. ' Bom. Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849.
8 Cassel's Cotton in the Bombay Presidency, 87 ; Dr. F. Boyle's Culture of Cotton
in India, 387.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter IV.
Agricultare.
Crops.
fibres.
Dyet,
48
DISTRICTS.
In 1862 tbe area under cotton rose to 30,049 acre9 in Indd,pur
and large profits were made by the cultivators. In 1870-71 it stood
at 17,072 acres. Since then, except in 1872-73, 1874-76, and
1882-83, when it stood at 10,170, 21,127, and 22,375 acres respec-
tively, it has fluctuated between 100 acres in 1871-72 and 4565
acres in 1881-82.
36. Tag or San, Orotalaria juncea, grows in small quanti-
ties chiefly in the black eastern plain. It is sown in July, is growfl
without water or manure, and ripens in October. It is left standing
for about a month after it is ripe that the leaves which are excellent
manure may fall on the land. In gardens and occasionally in dry-crop
lands it is grown solely for manure, the plants being ploughed into
the soil when ready to flower. After it is soaked the bark yields a
fibre which is considered the best material for ropes, coarse canvas,
twine, and fishing nets. Almost the whole supply is used locally.
Four dyes are grown in Poena. The details are :
PooNA Dyss and Pmmbnts.
No.
Mara'tht.
Ehslish.
Botanical.
37
38
39
40
Halad
Kummba oxKardai
Shendri
Swmnji ot A'l
Turmeric
Safflower
Indian Madder ...
Curcuma longa.
Carthamus tinotoriua
Bixa orellana.
Morinda citrif olia.
37. Halad, Turmeric, Curcuma Ion ga is grown in good black soil
chiefly in the central and western plain. It is planted generally iu
June or July from layers and with manure and a watering every
eight or ten days matures in December or January. It is grown
only by the class of men who are known as turmeric-gardeners or
Haldya Md,lis. The root or halhund is boiled before it is sent
to market. When steeped in a preparation of lime-juice, tincal
and carbonate of soda or pdpadkhdr it is called rava. This yields
a brilliant crimson dye which is used in painting the Hindu brow-
mark. Men paint, putting the dye on wet, rubbing the root with
water on a stone and applying the crimson with the finger ; women
powder, rubbing a small circle of wax on the brow and pressing
redpowder on the wax. The redpowder is called kunku or pinjar.
The root is in universal use as a condiment, being the staple of
curry powder. Ambe halad, probably Curcuma ledoaria, a variety
of C. longa and grown in the same way, is used only as a drug.
38. Kusumba. See No. 32.
39. Shendri, Bixa orellana, is a shrub grown rarely and in small
quantities in garden lands. The powder surrounding the ripe seeds
yields a deep red orange dye which is the ornotto of commerce.
40. Surungi or Al, Indian Madder, Morinda citrifolia, is seldom
seen in the west, but is largely grown in deep soils in the east. It
is sown in June, often in fields overgrown with grass and weeds,
and. without water or manure grows for two years. In the third
year the roots are dug from a depth of three feet. The roots yield
a red dye.
Three narcotics are found in Poena. The details are :
Deccau.l
POONA.
PooNA Narcotics.
49
No.
MarAthi.
EN0LI3U.
Botanical.
42
43
Odnja
Ndgvel or Pdn.
Tamidkhu ...
Hemp
Betel-leaf
Tobacco
Canabis sativa.
Piper or Chavioa betel
Nicotiana tabacum.
41. Gdnja Hemp Canabis sativa is grown to a small extent in
the best black soil in the eastern sub-divisions. It is sown in June or
July, is grown with water and occasionally with manure, and is ready
for cutting in December. When about two feet high the stem ia
twisted half round, a few inches above the root. This checks the
upward growth and causes the plant to throw osit side shoots. The
fruit-yielding part is bruised just before the seed begins to ripen.
When cut in December the plants are at once stacked and loaded
with weights. The leaves fall when dry and the pods are used and
known as gdnja. The infusion made from the pods is called hhdng.
The pods or gdnja are also smoked with or without tobacco, and
several intoxicating drinks and a sweetmeat called mdjum are
made. The fibre of this hemp is never used.
42. Ndgvel ovPdn Betel-leaf Piper betel is an important garden
crop, especially in the Haveli villages of Kondvi Budruk, Kondvi
Khurd, Undri, Muhammadvddi, and Phursangi. It is grown in
light red soil and requires much manure and constant watering. It
generally lasts fifteen or if well cared for twenty years. It is
grown in a betel-vine garden or jpdn mala which generally
covers about an acre of ground. The vines are trained up slender
hadga, pdngdra, shevri, and hakdn trees planted in rows one to
four feet apart and having leaves only at the top. The vines
are grown by layers. They want water every fifth or sixth day.
The whole garden has to be sheltered from wind and sun by high
hedges or screens of grass or mats. Vines begin to bear in the
third year, are at their best from the fourth to the thirteenth year,
and, under favourable circumstances, go on yielding till the twentieth
year. Every year in March, April, and May, the upper half of the
vine is cut and the lower half is coiled away and buried above the
root under fresh red earth and manure. Portions of the garden are
thus treated in rotation, so that those first cut are ready to bear
before the last are cut. A betel-leaf garden wants a considerable
capital to start, and in weeding, watering, insect-killing, and leaf-
picking, wants constant labour and attention throughout the year.
Still it is a favourite crop. The returns from the sale of the leaves
come in monthly, and the profits are greater than from any other
garden crop. The betel- vine is almost always grown from well water.
The people say channel-water does not suit the vine. Mr. Fletcher
thinks the probable reason is that from the division of ownership it ia
difficult to secure a constant supply of channel water. M^lis and some
well-to-do castes including Brdhmans rear the betel-vine, some with
their own hands and some with hired labour. Tirgul Brdhmana, who
cultivate the betel-leaf aa a apecialty, are considered inferior to other
Brd,hmana aa they kill the fliea that live on the vine. The betel-leaf
is chewed by all classes with betelnut, qnickhme, catechu, and some-
B 1327—7
Chapter IV,
Agriculture
Crops.
Narcotics.'^
[Bombay Gazetteer,
50
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture,
Ceops.
Narcodcs.
times with tobacco and several spices. Several varieties are distin-
guished.
43. Tambahhu Tobacco Nicotiana tabacum in 1881-82 covered
81 7 acres, 276 of which are in Junnar, 239 in Khed, 181 in Bhimthadi,
eighty-four in Sirur, and thirty-eight in Indapur. It is grown to a
considerable extent in rich soils in the Western fringe of the plain
country and to a small extent further east. The village of Ghode
in Khed has more than 200 acres under tobacco. Low and alluvial
land is generally prefen-ed. It is sown in seed-beds in August and
planted in September. It is seldom watered but is generally
manured. The plant is not allowed to flower. All buds and branch
shoots are nipped off as they appear, and only eight or ten leaves
are allowed to remain. Because the buds of the plant have to be
destroyed, Kunbis seldom grow tobacco themselves, but allow it to
be grown in their lands by Mhars, Mangs, and other low castes,
who give the landholder half the produce. The plants are cut in
January or February about four inches from the ground, spread in
the sun till they are thoroughly dry, sprinkled with water mixed
with surad grass or with cow's urine, and while damp closely
packed in a pit or stacked under weights and covered for eight days
during which fermentation sets in. When taken from the pit or
stack the leaves are made into bundles and are ready for sale.
Though the stumps left in the ground shoot again the leaves are
almost valueless and are used only by the poor. The quality
is poor. The average acre-yield of tobacco is about 300 pounds
(2'375 mans). The wholesale price of cured tobacco is about
2d. a pound (Rs. 7 the man) and the retail price about 3c?. a pound
(Rs. 10 a man). Tobacco is smoked and chewed by all classes and
is made into snuff. In 1821, according to the Collector Captain
Robertson, tobacco did not thrive. It does not appear in his list of
crops.^ Its cultivation was introduced before 1841. In 1841 Gov-
ernment forwarded to the Collector a box of Syrian tobacco seed
to ascertain how it suited the soil and climate of Poona. The seed
was distributed and sown in different parts of the district. Some
sowings succeeded and others failed. At the Hafiz B^g, about two
miles east of Junnar, Mr. Dickinson sowed it in good soil, and
Planted it in the usual way. When the plants were young, Mr.
)ickinson thought they did not promise so well as the local plant.
He thought they might thrive better in the richest alluvial soil.*
Bight spices are grown in Poona. The details are :
Poona Spices and Condiments.
No.
MarAti^i,
BNOIilSH.
Botanical.
44
45
46
47
48
4M
60
61
A'le
Badishep
Halad
KothimMr
Mirchi
Ova
Shepu
TTs
Oinger
Sweet Fennel
Turmeric
Coriander
ChilUea
Fennel
Sugarcane
Zinjiber officinale.
Anethum tenioatum.
Curcuma longa.
Coriandrum sativum.
Capsicum annuum,
Ptycotia ajowan or Lingusticum
agivson.
Anethum Bowa or graveolus.
Saccharum officinarum.
-■ East India Papers, IV, 50, ^ Bo„,_ jjev. Eeo. 1453 of 1843, 75-76.
Deccan.]
POONA.
51
44. Ale Ginger Zinjiber officinale is grown in good black soil.
It is raised from layers at any time of the year, and, with, manure
and water every ten or twelve days, is ready for use green in five
and mature in six months. The dry root called sunth is eaten as a
condiment and is a favourite cure for colds.
45. Badishep Sweet Fennel Anethum fcenicatum is sown in
gardens at any time and on the edges of dry crops in July and
August. It matures in two months. The seed is eaten in curry
and used as a condiment and an infusion of it is taken as a cooling
drink.
46. Salad Turmeric Curcuma longa is in universal use as a
condiment and forms the staple of curry powder. Details have been
given under No. 37.
"47. Kothimbir Coriander Corian-drum sativum is grown in small
quantities in good black soil with or without water and manure in
the east and centre of the district. Among garden crops it is sown
in any month and with bdjri or other dry crops in July and August.
The leaves are ready for use in three weeks and the seed or dhane
in two months. The leaves and young shoots are much used as a
garnish in curry and relishes and sometimes as a vegetable. The
ripe seed is one of the most popular condiments.
48. Mirchi Chillies Capsicum annuum in 1881-82 covered 8089
acreSj 3708 acres of them in Khed, 1867 in Junnar, 1131 in Sirur,
724 in Bhimthadi, 264 in Indapur, 221 in Haveli, 140 in Purandhar,
and thirty-four in Maval. It is grown in the western fringe of the
plain country. It is sown in May in a manured seed plot and is
planted after fifteen days or a month. It begins to bear at the end
of two months more, and, if occasionally watered, goes on bearing
five or six months. The plant lasts two years but is almost always
pulled up after about ten months. The first yield is much the finest
and is usually sent to market, the rest being kept for home use.
Chillies are eaten both green and ripe by all classes and are as much
a necessary of life to the people as salt. According to Colonel
Sykes the leaves are eaten as a pot-herb. The two commonest
varieties are putomi a long chilly and motvi about two inches long
Capsicum frutescens. Other occasional varieties are lavangi, C. mini-
mum, C. grossum, C. ceraciforme, and C. purpureum.
49. Ova Ptycotis ajowan or Lingusticum agivsen is sown in
gardens at any time of the year and with dry crops in July and
August. It matures in three months. The seed is used as a
stomachic.
50. Shepu Fennel Anethum sowa or graveolus is sown ii*
gardens in any month and with hdjri and other dry crops in July and
August. It is fit for use as a vegetable in six weeks and the, seed
ripens in two and a half months. The plant is eaten as a pot-herb
and the seed is used as a stomachic. See No. 45,
51. Ifs Sugarcane Saccharum officinarum in 1881-82 covered
5502 acres, 2260 of which were in Haveli,, 1022 in Purandhar, 968
inJunnar, 428 in Khed, 378 in Sirur, 311 in Bhimthadi, 113 in
Indapur, and twenty-two in Maval. With the help of water and
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Chops.
■ Spices.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
52
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Ceops.
Condiments,
manure sugarcane is grown in deep black soils all over the district
except in the extreme west; in the east it is one of the chief
garden products. It is also much grown in Junnar, Khed, and
Havelij where, since the opening of the Mutha canals the area
under sugarcane has considerably increased. In preparing land
for sugarcane the plough is driven across it seven or eight times ;
village manure is thrown on at the rate of about six tons (20 large
carts) to the acre ; and the land is once more ploughed and flood'ed.
When the surface is beginning to dry it is levelled with the beam-
harrow and in December or March the sugarcane is planted. The
layers, which are pieces of mature cane about six inches long,
are set in deep furrows drawn by the plough. Sugarcane thus
planted is called ndngria us or plough-cane to distinguish it from
pdvlya us or trodden cane which is pressed on by the foot after the
land has been ploughed, broken fine, and flooded. The treading
system is usually followed with the poorer canes or in poor soil.
Trodden cane or pdvlya us is manured ten or twelve days after the
layers are put down by folding sheep on the spot. Trodden cane
sprouts a month after planting ; plough-cane being deeper set takes
a month and a half to show but suffers less from any chance
stoppage of water and reaches greater perfection. Sugarcane is
either eaten raw or is made into raw sugar or gul.
The raw sugar or gul is extracted on the spot generally by the
husbandmen themselves. A wooden press or gurhdl worked by
two or more pairs of bullocks is set up. The appliances used in
making gul are : chulvan a large fire-place ; pdvde, a wooden
instrument like a hoe for skimming or for drawing the juice
from the boiler into its receptacle ; shibi, a stick with a bamboo
bowl or basket for straining the liquid; Icdhil or hadhcd, a
boiling pan for thickening the juice ; and gurhdl or charak the
sugarcane-press. The press is made entirely of wood and is worked
by two pairs of oxen. Two upright solid cylinders, eighteen or
twenty inches across called naura-navri or husband and wife, whose
upper parts work into each other with oblique cogs, are made to
revolve by means of a horizontal beam fixed to the navra in the
centre and yoked to the oxen at its ends. The cane, stripped of its
leaves and cut into lengths of two or three feet, is thrice passed by
hand between the cylinders, and the juice is caught in a vessel
below, which from time to time is emptied into the kdhil a shallow
circular iron boiling pan. When the pan is full the fire beneath it
is lighted and fed chiefly with the pressed canes. After eight to
twelve hours' boiling and skimming, the juice is partially cooled in
earthen pots and finally poured into round holes dug in the earth
and lined with cloth, where, when it forms' into lumps called dheps or
dhekuls it is fit for market. The pressing is done in the open air or
in a light temporary shed and goes on night and day till the whole
crop is pressed. A sugarcane press costs about f.2 10s. (Rs. 25) and
lasts three or four years. The boiling pan either belongs to the owner
if he is well-to-do, or is hired either at a daily or a monthly rate
according to the time for which it is wanted. The daily hire of a
pan varies from 2s. to 4s. (Rs, 1-2) and the monthly hire from 10s.
-to £1 (Rs. 5 - 10). Each cane-mill employs about twelve workers.
Deccan.]
POONA.
53
Seven remove the canes from the field and strip their leaves ; one
cuts the canes into pieces two feet long ; two are at the mill, one
feeding the mill the other drawing out the pressed canes ; one minds
the fire and another the boiling pan. The last is the gulvia or sugar-
man. He is supposed to know exactly when the juice is suflBciently
boiled and thickened to form lumps. As most sugarcane-growers
are without this knowledge a sugar-man is hired at 6d. (4 as.) a day
or £1 (Rs. 10) a month. The two feet long pieces of cane are passed
between the upright cylinders two or three at a time. To stop any
leaks the pan is smeared with lodan a glazed preparation of udid or
ndchni flour. It is then put on the fire-place and the hollow between
the pan and the fire-place is closed with mud. About 600 pints
(300 shers) of juice are poured into the pan and the fire is lighted.
The boiling lasts six or seven hours during which the juice is
constantly skimmed and lime-water and ndchni flour are thrown into
the juice to keep it from being too much boiled. When the sugar-
man thinks the proper time has come the pan is taken off the fire and
the juice, with constant stirring, is allowed to cool for aboatanhour.
When cool it is poured into cloth-lined holes in the ground two feet
deep and a foot and a half across. It is left in the holes for a couple
of days until it has hardened into lumps or nodules weighing fifty to
sixty pounds (25 - 30 shers). When the lumps are formed they are
taken away. If the sugarcane is of eighteen months' growth it
yields gul equal to one-fourth of the juice boiled; in other cases it
yields about a sixth. If the juice is allowed to overboil, it cannot
make the gul ; it remains the boiled juice of sugarcane which is
called hdkavi. The people believe that sugarcane fed with well
water yields one-fifth more gul than the same cane fed by channel
water. The correctness of this belief is doubtful.
As far back as 1839-40 the growth of Mauritius cane spread
greatly in Junnar. The land was well suited to this cane, the
supply of water was abundant, and the people were anxious to
grow it. Mr. Dickinson, a planter of considerable experience in the
West Indies, was employed in making sugar. But the produce did
not find a ready market.^ He turned his refuse sugar and treacle
to account by manufacturing rum.^ In 1841, besides fifty-seven
acres planted by the people on their own account, about 100 acres
were planted in Junnar under contract with Mr. Dickinson, the
manager of the sugar factory at Hivra. The sugar was used
only by the European inhabitants of Poena and Ahmadnagar.^ In
1842-43 the area under Mauritius sugar rose from 157 to 388 acres.
The cultivation spread from Junnar to Khed and Pdbal. Sugar-works
were started at Hivra by a joint stock company, and were afterwards
bought by Mr. Dickinson. In Bhimthadi a Musalmdn planted some
cane in the Chakar Bdg with the view of making sugar and some
husbandmen turned out sugar equal in grain to Mr. Dickinson's but
not free from feculence. They also made gul which was sold at a
higher price than that produced from the local cane. At first
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Ceops.
Condiments.
1 Bom Rev. Reo. 1241 of 1841, 69, " Bom. Rev. Reo, 23 of 1849, 149.
3 Bom. Rev. Reo. 1344 of 1842, 65-72.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
54
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agricnltare.
Crops.
Condiments.
Mr. Dickinson was in the habit of contracting with the husbandmen
to plant cane for him. He was afterwards able to obtain a sufficient
supply at all times, chiefly from the gardens of Brdhmans, headmen^
and well-to-do husbandmen. In 1842 Mr. Dickinson made 87,000
pounds of sugar worth £1500 (Rs. 15,000) more than the outturn of
the previous year. Messrs. Sundt and Webbe also planted about
three acres of land with IVlauritius cane in their garden atMundhve,
about five miles north-east of Poona, and made about 2J tons
(2826 shers) of gul, which was sold at 16s. (Rs. 8) the palla of
] 20 shers} In 1844, the area under Mauritius cane rose from 388
to 547 acres. Mr. Dickinson's farming continued successful partly
because he was able to dispose of his rum and sugar by Grovernment
contracts. Many husbandmen were willing to make sugar but from
want of capital and of local demand were obliged to content
themselves by producing gulJ'
In 1 847 Mr. Dickinson's sugar had a good year at Hivra. He
made about five tons (33(3 mans) of Muscavado sugar and sold it to
the families of the soldiers and other Europeans at Poona and
Aimadnagar. Among the natives the demand was trifling and this
discouraged its more extended manufacture. The natives even in
the immediate neighbourhood, preferred the soft blanched sugars
sold by the shopkeepers ; their objection to Mr. Dikinson's sugar
was its colour, but to refine it would have caused a serious
loss in quantity. In 1847 a committee which met in Poona to
distribute prizes for the best specimens of superior field products,
awarded a prize of £30 (Rs. 300) to two persons. One of the prize
specimens was some grained Muscavado sugar, the other was sugar
made by evaporation. Before crystallization had set in this sugar
had been poured into pots with holes in the bottoms through which
the treacle was allowed to pass. A prize of £20 (Rs. 200) was
awarded to two other natives for the best brown sugar ; and a third
prize of £10 (Rs. 100) to two others for the best specimens of rdsi or
inferior sugar. All the prize specimens came from near Junnar,
and were due to the exertions and influence of Dr. Gibson.,^
In 1881-82, in connection with sugarcane experiments,
Mr. "Woodrow, the superintendent of the botanical garden at Ganesh
Khind, noticed that the soil of Poona had very little of the silica in
combination with potash of soda and lime in the form known as
soluble silicates. It was not difficult to reproduce these soluble
silicates without which sugarcane cannot grow ; but it would be
expensive in India and could not be done in a short time.
To grow sugarcane without wearing out the land it was necessary
to manure with two tons an acre of quicklime and ten loads an acre
of woodash, and to sow and plough in a green crop such as hemp
or black mustard.
After a crop of sugarcane the land should be manured for four
years as usual and such crops grown as the soil and the markets
suit, preference as far as possible being given to pulses and cereals
1 Bom, Rev. Rec. 1568 of 1844, 83-84. s Bom. Rev. Reo. 17 of 1846 73
3 Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 154 - 1 56.
Deccan.]
POONA.
55
being avoided. In no case should more than one corn crop be grown.
At tbe end of tbe four years if the ground is treated in the usual
manner for sugarcane an average crop may be expected. Poena
sugarcane soil is usually rich in lime, in some cases lime is present
in excess. It would often pay to make a kiln and burn the calcareous
earth on or near the field where lime was wanted.
Twelve bulb vegetables are grown in Poena.
POONA BVLB VeGJSTASLBS.
The details are ;
No.
MarAthi.
Enolish.
Botanical.
52
Alu
Great-leaved Caladium ..
Caladium grandifolium.
63
Batata
Potato
SolaDum tuberosum.
64
Gdjar
Carrot
Daucus carrota.
66
Kdnda
Onions
Allium cepa.
66
Kangar
Diosoorea fasciculata.
57
KardTidti
Bulb-bearing Yam
„ bulbifera.
68
K(m or gor&Au .
Common Yam
„ alata.
69
Lasun
Garlic
Allium sativum.
60
Mtda
Radish
Baphanus sativum.
61
Sdjdlu
Arrow-leaved Caladium.
Caladium sagitifollium.
H!J
Ratalu
Sweet Potatoe
Convolvulus batatas.
63
Suran
Amophophallus campanulatus.
52. Alu Calladium grandifolium or Arum campanulatum with
the help of manure and abundant water is grown in marshy hollows
chiefly in the hilly west. It is generally planted in early June. The
leaf is ready to cut in three months and the plant continues bearing
for years. The leaf and stalk are eaten commonly as a vegetable,
the root or bulb more seldom and on fast days. Dr. Birdwood gives
three species C. grandifolium, C. ovatum, and C. sagitifolium.^ He
says that the stem leaf and root of the first and third are edible, but
only the leaf of the second. Bdjdlu, C. sagitifolium, has narrow
pointed leaves and green instead of purplish stem and veins.
53. Batdta the Potato Solanum tuberosum is grown in Khed and
Junnar.2 Except close to the hilly west potatoes are generally
watered and manured. The potato is cut into small pieces each with
a bud or eye, is planted in June or July, and is ready between late
September and November. The introduction of the potato into
Poena is chiefly due to the exertions of the late Dr. Gibson who in
1838 brought potatoes from the Nilgiris and distributed them for
seed. About 1841 potatoes and sugarcane were the chief products
in the experimental garden at Hivra. Potatoes were already grown
in Junnar, Khed, and PAbal in sufficient quantities to be exported
to Dhulia, Aurangabad, and Bombay.^ They were sold at the rate
of twenty pounds (10 shers) of the first sort, and thirty to forty
pounds (15-20 shers) of the inferior quality to the rupee. The
potatoes were large and equal to any then grown in any part of
India.* In 1844. the potatoes of north Poena supplied a very large
portion of the Bombay market.^ In 1845 Dr. Gibson obtained a
supply of good Irish potatoes. Since 1845 potato-growing has spread
Chapter IV.
Agricnltare.
Crops.
Btilb Vegetables
1 Graham mentions C. ovatum and C. grandifolium ; and held that C. sagitifolium
waa probably the same as C. ovatum.
2 These are generally known as Talegaon potatoes because they take rail at
Talegaan station. ' Bom. Rev. Eeo. 1453 of 1843, 176-7.
* Bom. Rev. Reo. 1344 of 1842, 72, ^Bom. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 72.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
56 DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV. rapidly and tliere is at present a considerable area of garden as well
Affriculture ^ dry-crop land under potatoes. The potato is not grown to the
" east of a line drawn from Shikarpur to Vadgaon Pir. Though it
Crops. ^g^g ^^ gj,^^ viewed with suspicion the potato is now a favourite
Bulb Vegetables. f^^^ ^i^j^ Brahmans, and the Kunbis also eat the smaller and less
saleable roots. Of two varieties one with a smooth light brown peel
is the best, being mealy when cooked and fetching a higher price.
The other has a rough dark skin and both in size and quality is
inferior to the smooth-skinned variety. Two potato crops are raised
in the year. One is planted in dry-crop lands in July and dug in
late September; the other is planted in December and dug in
February. The second crop requires a weekly watering.
54. Gdjar Carrot Daucus carrota with the help of water and
manure is grown in large quantities in good black soil in the east
of the district. The carrot is sown in garden lands at any time of
the year and in dry-crop lands in July or August. It is ready for
use in three months. The root is eaten as a vegetable both raw
and boiled. It is also slit and dried in the sun when it will keep
five or six months. When sun-dried it is called usris and has to be
boiled before it is eaten.
55. Kdnda Onion Allium cepa of two varieties, a red and a
milder and more popular white, with the help of water and manure
is grown in good black soil. Onions are sown in seed-beds at any
time during the rains or cold weather, and planted when about a
month old. It is fit for use in two months after planting and
takes two months more to come to maturity. It requires good
black soil and should have water every eight or twelve days. The
onion is eaten by all except by a few of the very orthodox and on
certain sacred days. It is almost a necessary of life to the lower
classes. The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb.
56. Kangar Dioscorea fasciculata is a yam closely resembling the
honoT common yam and the kardndaox bulb-bearing yam. It is found
in the hilly west. Its bulbs which form only below ground are like a
small sweet potato in size and shape. The flesh is white and sweet.-
57. Kardnda is the bulb-bearing yam probably Dioscorea bulbi-
fera. It is much like the common yam ovkon in appearance and habits,
and like it found in the hilly west. The kardnda difiers from the kon in
having a rounder leaf and in bearing bulbs on the stems as well as on
the root. Until it is boiled the flesh of the bulbs is slightly bitter.
58. Kon or Gorddu the Common Yam Dioscorea alata is grown
in small quantities without water or manure in the hilly west round
the edges of fields or in house-yards. It is planted in June or July
and by October the root is fit to eat. If left till December the root
grows two feet long and eight inches across. The plant, which is a
creeper with longish pointed leaves, bears two to five tubes or roots
which when boiled make an excellent vegetable.
59. Lasun Garlic Allium sativum according to Colonel Sykes is
of two varieties a red and white. It is grown with the help of w.ater
and manure in good black soil and requires water once every ten or
twelve days. Segments of the bulb are planted in any month, and
mature in four or five months. All classes use garlic in their
cookery. ■ The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb.
Deccan,]
POONA.
57
60. Mula Radisli Baphanus sativum according to Dr. Birdwood
is of two varieties, D. radicula and oblonga, and according to Colonel
Sykes is of four varieties, three of them the long, the short, and the
turnip radish which are white and one which is red. Radishes are
grown with the help of manure at any time of the year in garden
lands and sometimes in dry-crop land during the rains. The leaves
are fit for use in six weeks, the root in two months, and the plant bears
pods or dingris in a fortnight more, and continues bearing for a
month and a half. The leaves are eaten boiled as a pot-herb and raw
as a salad. _ The root is eaten as a vegetable both raw and boiled.
61. Bdjdlu Arrowleaved Caladium Caladium sagitifolium, accord-
ing to Dr. Birdwood of three varieties, is grown with the help of
water and manure. The leaves are narrower and more pointed than
alu leaves, and the stem leaves and bulb are eaten in the same way.
.62. Batdlu Sweet Potatoes Convolvulus batatas of two varieties
a white and red, of which the red is the smaller and sweeter, are
grown in the eastern sub-divisions. It is raised from layers put
down any time in the rains or cold weathp.r, and with the help of
water and manure comes to maturity in six months. - The young
leaves and shoots are eaten as a pot-herb. The root is eaten boiled
and roasted. It is also dried, ground to flour, and made into fast-
day cakes. The mature vine is excellent fodder.
63. Swan Amophophallus campanulatus is grown especially
in the hilly west. It takes three years to mature. The root
^rows to a large size and though somewhat bitter is much esteemed
as a vegetable. Prom a green tapering stem four or five inches in
diameter at the base and about three feet long, five or six
pennated leaves eighteen to twenty inches long shoot upwards and
outwards. Every year the leaves and stem die and spring again.
Twenty fruit vegetables are grown in Poona. The details are ;
PooNA. Fruit Vegetables. <
No.
MarAthi.
English.
BOrAHIOAL.
64
Tiltfi'njliih'i
65
Dodke
Sharp-cornered Cucum-
Luffa aoutanguia or CuoumiB
ber.
aoutanguluB.
66
Ditdh-ihopla ..,
The Long White Gourd.
Cucurbita longa.
67
OhosMe
LuSa petandria.
68
Kalingad
Watermelon
Cucurbita citrallus.
69
Edrle
Momordi-ca charantia.
70
Emrtoli
Momordica divica
71
K&shi-hlwvla,
KdsU-phal.
Bottle Gourd," False
Cucurbita lagenaria.
Calabaah.
72
KharbV4
Melon
Cucumis melo.
73
Ehira, Khira
Kdkdi.
Common Cucumber ...
Cucumis sativus.
74
Eohdla
Cucurbita alba.
75
Padval
Snake Gourd
Trichosanthes anguina.
76
Parvar.i.
Do. dioioa or cucu-
merina.
77
TdmbdaBhopla.
Efid Pumpkin
Cucurbita melopepo.
Do. pepo.
78
79
Tarbuj
T&rhdkdi
Cucumis UBitatissimus or Uti-
lissimus.
Coecinia indioa, Momordica
80
Tondli
81
82
83
niuk
VdmM
ra Vdn^e ...
-iiggf-plant ... ...
Tomato or Love-apple .
monodelphia.
Solanum melongina.
Lyoopersicon esculentum.
[Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Bulb Vegetables.
FrvM Vegetables,
B 1327—8
[Bombay Gazetteer,
58
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Fruit Vegetables.
64. Dhendshi is sometimes grown round the edge of gardens
but generally in river-beds. It begins to bear about tbree months
after it is sown. The fruit is about the size of the two fists and is
white both within and without. It is eaten cooked as a vegetable.
65. Dodke the Sharp-cornered Cucumber Luffa acutangula or
Cucumis acutangulus is grown with the help of water and manure
in rich land in the centre and east of the district round the edges
of other crops. It is grown in gardens at any time. In dry-crop
lands it is sown in June-July, grows exceedingly fast and to a great
size, and begins to bear in two or two and a half months, and goes
on bearing for one or one and a half months. The fruit, which is
dark green and six inches to a foot long, is seamed with sharp
ridges from end to end. The fruit is eaten boiled. No other part
of the plant is used.
66. Dudh-bhopla the Long White Gourd Cucurbita longa, a
creeping plant, is usually grown in garden lands round the edge of
the crops. It begins to bear in two or three months. The fruit, which
is sometimes thirty or thirty-six inches long, has soft white flesh. It
is a common and favourite vegetable. The skin and seeds are used
in chatni. It is also made into a sweetmeat called halva.
67. Ohosdle Luffa petandria is grown and used in the same
way as the dodke (No. 65). The fruit, the only part eaten, is smooth,
the same size as the dodke, and marked lengthwise with light lines.
If watered the plant bears for two years.
68. Kalingad Watermelon Cucurbita citrallus, a creeping plant, is
sown in the cold and hot months in moist sandy spots in river beds,
and manured when six weeks old. The fruit is smooth and round,
dark green mottled and striped with a lighter green. The flesh is
pink and the seeds black or white. It is eaten both raw as a fruit
and cooked in different ways.
69. Edrle Momordica charantia smaller both in plant and fruit,
is grown and used like the dodke and the ghosdle Nos. 65 and 67.
The surface of the fruit is roughened with knobs and each seed fills
the whole cross section of the fruit. It is slightly bitter a;nd must
be well boiled before it is eaten.
70. Kartoli Momordica dioica is a wild but saleable gourd like
kdrle. The fruit is eaten as a vegetable after two boilings.
71. Kdshi-hhopla or Kdshi-phal that, is the Benares Pumpkin
Cucurbita lagenaria is grown in gardens and sometimes on river-
banks. Except that it is roundish and thick instead of long, the
fru.it is like the dudh-bhopla. It is only eaten cooked.^
72. Kharhuj Melon Cucumis melo is sown in the cold and hot
months in moist sandy spots in river-beds, sometimes with the
watermelon. The plant is manured when six weeks old and the
fruit ripens in the third or fourth month. The fruit is round,
green, or yellowish, the skin covered with a network of raised
brown lines. It is eaten uncooked in a variety of ways.
' The names Kdshi-bhopla and Kdehi-phal &ve also given to a large white gourd of a
flattened globular shape vf'.th depressed segmental lines.
Decern.!
POONA.
59
73. Khira or Khira Kdkdi Oommon Cucumber Cucumis
sativus of two kinds, green and white fruited, is sown in dry-crop lands
in July and August round the edge of early crops or in garden lands
at any time. It begins to bear in about. two months. The fruit is
ten to sixteen inches long and is much eaten both raw and cooked.
74 Kohdla Oucnrbita alba is grown round the edge of gardens
at any time of the year. It begins to bear in three or four months.
The fruit is larger than the red pumpkin and the flesh is white. It
is never eaten raw but is much esteemed as a vegetable and is made
into a sweetmeat called halva.
75. Padval Snakegourd Triohosanthes anguina except that it
is never raised in dry-crop land, is grown in the same parts of the
district and in the same way as the dodke (No, 65). The fruit, which
is about three feet long and two or three inches thick, is marked
lengthways with white lines. It is eaten boiled as a vegetable.
The Marathas use the leaves, stalk, and root medicinally.
76. Parvar Triohosanthes dioica or cucumerina is grown early in
the centre and east along the edges of betel-leaf gardens. The fruit
is small and green and is highly valued by the people as a medicine.
77. Tdmhda Bhopla Red Pumpkin Cucurbita melopepo or pepo
is usually grown round the edges of garden lands. It is sown at
any time of the year and begins to bear in about three months. The
fruit is roundish and sometimes very large, about eighteen inches
in diameter with reddish flesh. It is cooked as a vegetable, and the
shoots and young leaves are used as a pot-herb. The seeds are also
eaten. This pumpkin is called ddngar in some parts of the Deccan
78. Tarbuj^ is generally sown with kharhuj the melon in the cold
and hot months in moist sandy spots in river-beds. It is manured
when six weeks old. The fruit is like the kharbuj in the colour of
its flesh and seeds, but is rather longer. It is eaten as a fruit and
in salad.
79. Tdrkdkdi Cucumis usitatissimus or utilissimus is usually
grown in river-beds in the cold and hot weather. The seed is
planted in the moist sand and the plant is manured when about three
weeks old. It ripens in about two and a half months. The fruit,
which is smooth and about two feet long, is much eaten both raw
and cooked.
80. Tondli Coccinia indica or Momordica monodelphia is grown
in the same parts of the district and in the same way as the dodke.
(No. 65). The fruit is a little smaller than a hen's egg and when ripe,
is red. It is eaten as a vegetable, but is never given to children aa
it is supposed to blunt the faculties. There is a bitter variety which,
is useless. The vine sometimes lasts for years.
81. Taluk is grown during the rains round fields of dry crop
and at other times in garden lands. It bears in about three months.
The fruit is eight or ten inches long and is yellowish marked length-
wise by lines. It is sweet and is eaten raw and cooked.
' Sir G. Birdwood gives ta/rhuj instead of halingad as the vernacular of Cucurbita
citrallus the watermelon. Mr. Fletcher admits that tarhuj is sometimes used for
halingad. He thinks this a mistake and that the tarhvj is more allied to the khm-buj..
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Cbops.
Fruit Vegetables
[Bombay Gazetteer,
60
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV. 82. Vdngi or Baingan the Egg-plant Solanum melongena is
Agricuitare. grown with the help of manure and water in considerable quantities
in rich soil often on river-bank mud in the centre and east and in
^°^^- gardens over the whole district except the west. In gardens it is
Fruit Vegetables. gown at any time of the year. In dryland it is sown in June in
seed-bedsj planted during July, begins to bear in September, and
if occasionally watered goes on bearing for four months. Its oval
egg-like and slightly bitter fruit is one of the commonest and best
of Deccan vegetables. It is boiled and fried, made into pickle, and
sometimes slit and dried in the sun and kept in store under the name
of usris. The leaves are said to be good for cleaning pearls. Hindus
hold it wrong to use the stem as fuel. Besides the oval-fruited
baingan there is a sort called bangdli with fruit sometimes two feet
long. There is also a wild variety called dorli vdngi with a small
and nearly round fruit.
83. Vel Vdngi Tomato or Love-apple Lycopersicon esculentum
with the help of manure and good soil is grown in small quantities
all over the district and chiefly near large markets in the centre and
east. It is grown in gardens at any time. In dry-crop land it is
sown in June or July and fruits in Ocbober. The frait is eaten both
raw and cooked. The tomato was brought to India from Brazil by
the Portuguese.
Pod Vegetable}. Four pod vegetables are grown in Poona. The details are :
PooNA Pod Veoetables.
No.
MarAthi.
English.
BOTAHICAL.
84
86
66
87
A.lai or Khara&m-
m.
Bhendi
Ghevada
GovAri
Eatable Hibiscus
Abelmoachus pscnlentua of
Hibiscus Rsculeniua.
Dolichos lablab.
Cyamopsis psnralioides or
Dolichos iuhtBiormis.
84. Ahai or Kharsdmbli, a creeping plant, is grown without water
Or manure near houses or on the edges of garden lands in all parts
of the district. It begins to bear in three months and in good soil
goes on bearing three or four years. The pod when very young
and tender is used as a vegetable.
So. Bhendi Eatable Hibiscus Hibiscus esculentus is of two
varieties gari or early and kali or late. Both are grown in gardens
in all parts of the district and all the year round. They are also
grown without water but often with manure. Asa dry crop the early
or gari bhendi with large leaves and short thick pods is sown in
June, grows about two feet high, and bears from early August to
December. The late or hali bhendi, with small leaves and thin
prickly pods, is sown in June or July along the edges of or among
bdjri crops, grows seven feet high, begins to bear in late September,
and goes on bearing till the end of November. Both kinds are
grown in garden lands all the year round. The green pods are
eaten boiled as a vegetable or fried. The ripe seeds are used in
curry and chatni. The bark yields a fibre which is seldom used.
Deccan.]
POONA.
61
86. Ghevda Dolichos lablab is of many varieties, the chief being
the black -seeded, the white-seeded, the hot or finger-like, pattdde or
the hanumdn, and the white with curved white pods. It is grown
with or without manure and water. It is sown in June or July on
the edges of dry crops, begins to bear in October, and goes on
bearing till January. As a watered crop it is grown round gardens
or in the yards and porches of houses, where it goes on bearing
two or three years. The pods are eaten boiled as a vegetable and
the grain is used as a pulse.
87. Govdri Cyamopsis psoralioides is grown in gardens at any
time and during the rains on the edges or in the corners of the early
grain crops. It begins to bear within three months and if watered
occasionally goes on bearing for some months. The plant grows
about three feet high with a single fibrous stem from which the
pods grow in bunches. The pod is eaten green and is much prized
as a vegetable.
Twelve leaf vegetables are grown in Poena. The details are :
PoowA Leaf Vboetablms.
No.
MarAthi.
English,
Botanical.
88
Alvi
Common Cress
Lepidium sativum.
89
Chdkvat
Goose Foot
Chenopodium viride or album.
90
Chandaribatva ...
Chenopodiiim.
91
ChavU
Hermaphrodite Ama-
ranth.
Bladder Dock, Blister
Amavanthus polygamug.
92
Chuka
Rumez vesicarius.
Sorrel.
93
Mdth
Amaranthns tristis.
94
Methi
Common Greek grass ...
Trigonella fceniimgrsBCum.
95
Moha/novRdi
Mustard
Sinapis rncemosa.
96
Pokla
Amarantbus.
97
Pvdina
Mint '". '.'.'. '.'.'.
Mentha sativa.
98
Rdjgira
Amarantbus candidus.
99
TdndMlja
Eatable Amaranth ...
Amarantbus oleruceus.
88. Alvi Cress Lepidium sativum is grown in gardens as a
pot-herb and for the seed which is esteemed good for women after
child-birth and is used in poultices for bruises.
89. Ghdkvat Goose Foot Chenopodium viride or album is usually
grown in gardens, but sometimes in corners of early grain fields. It
is ready to cut a month after sowing. The plant is much esteemed
as a pot-herb.
90. Ghandanbatva Chenopodium is grown in all garden lands at
any time of the year. The plant stands twelve to eighteen inches
high and has the new leaves of the upper shoot red. The leaves and
stalk are eaten as a pot-herb.
91. Ghavli Hermaphrodite amaranth Amaranthns polygamus is
grown in gardens at any time of the year. It closely resembles
tdndulja but seldom grows more than six inches high and the leaves
and stem are uniformly green. The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb.
92. GTiuka Bladder Dock Eumex vesicarius is grown in gardens
at any time of the year and is ready for use about a month after
sowing. The plant is eaten as a pot-herb and has a pleasant bitter
flavour.
Chapter IF.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Pod Vegetables,
Leaf Vegetables.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
62
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Crops.
Leaf Fegetabks.
The Vine.
93. Math Amarantlius tristis of two varieties red and green, is
grown in gardens at any time of the year and is fit for use five or six
weeks after so wing .^ The red variety, stands three to five feet high,
with a thick stem and has a small central plume as well as side flowers,
and the leaves and especially the stem have a red tinge. The green
variety is smaller. The leaves and young shoots are eaten boiled.
A wild amaranth called Mte-mdth is much eaten by the lower classes.
94. Methi Common Greek grass Trigonella fcenumgrsecum is
grown in gardens in all parts of the district. It is sown at any tinie
of the year, and with the help of water and manure is fit to cut in
about three weeks, and is mature in two and a half months. When
young the entire plant is eaten as a pot-herb by all classes. The
seed is given to cattle as a strengthener and is much used as a
condiment in curry. The mature stalks are an excellent fodder.
95. Mohari or Bdi Mustard Sinapis racemosa of two kinds, red
and black, is either grown at any time of the year in gardens or
during the cold season round fields of wheat or gram, or among
wheat and linseed^. The leaves and green pods are eaten as vegeta-
ble. The seed is used in curries and relishes, a medicinal oil is
extracted from it, and it is powdered and applied as a blister.
96. PoMa Amaranthus of two kinds green and red, grows one
or two feet high in gardens at any time of the year. The leaf which
is eaten as a pot-herb is ready for use in six weeks.
97. Pudina Mint Mentha sativa is grown in garden lands. It
is a perennial and needs an occasional watering. The leaves are
used as a garnish.
98. Bdjgira of two varieties red and green Amaranthus
candidus is grown in gardens at any time of the year and sometimes
among watered wheat.^ In the green variety the seed plume is
deep crimson and the stem and leaves are tinged with crimson,
otherwise the varieties do not differ. The plant stands three to
five feet high and has a heavy overhanging central seed plume.
The seed is exceedingly small and is usually trodden out by human
feet or rubbed out by hand. It is much eaten on fast days either
as Idhi which is made into balls or in cakes made from the flour of
the parched grain. The leaves are commonly eaten as a pot-herb.
99. Tdndulja Eatable Amaranth Amaranthus oleraceus is grown
in gardens at any time of the year and is fit for use five or six
weeks after sowing. The plant grows a foot high and has the stem
red near the root. It has no seed plume, but flowers at each of
its side shoots. Only the leaves and top shoots are eaten as a
pot-herb.
Drdkshcb the Vine Vitis vinifera is occasionally grown in the
best garden land on the east border of the western belt and near
^ Sykes mentions three varieties and gives A. oleraceus as the botanical name.
^ Sir G. Birdwood mentions four varieties S. ramosa, S. glauca, S. dichotoma, and
S. jauncea. >
' Sir G. Birdwood names them A. tricolor and A. viridis. Bom. Gov. Sel. CXXIII.
204 gives A. polygamus or pendulus.
Deccan.]
POONA.
63
Poona. The vine is grown from cuttings which are ready for
planting in six or eight months. It begins to bear in the third
year and is in full fruit in the sixth or seventh. With care a vine
goes on bearing for sixty or even it is said for a hundred years. The
vine is trained in one of two ways. It is either supported on a stout
upright often a growing stump which is pruned to a pollard-
like shape about five feet high, or a strong open trellis roof is
thrown over the vineyard aboat sis feet from the ground and the
vines are trained horizontally on it. The vine supported on living
pollards is said to pay best ; the trellis-trained vine is the better
preferred by the rich for its appearance and shade, and is said to
encourage growth to a greater age. The vine yields sweet grapes
in January February and March, and sour grapes in August.
The sour grapes are very abundant, but are not encouraged as
they are of little value ; the sweet grape is tended in every possible
way, but is apt to suffer from disease. After each crop the vine
is pruned and salt, sheep's dung, and dry fish are applied to each
vine after the sour crop is over. Vines are flooded once in five or
six days, the earth being previously loosened round their roots.
Blight attacks them when the buds first appear and is removed by
shaking the branches by the hand over a cloth into which the blight
falls and is then carried to a distance and destroyed. This opera-
tion is performed three times a day, till the buds are an inch long.
Six varieties are grown : kdU or black, a long fleshy grape of two
kinds, ahhi a large round white watery grape and phdkdd a long
somewhat fleshy white grape, sahdbi or kerni a long white sweet
grape, beddna the seedless a small round sweet and white grape,
sultdni or royal a large round bitter white grape, and sdkhri or
sweet a small round white and very sweet grape.
Coffee was grown in 1839 by Messrs. Sundt and Webbe in their
garden at Mundhve, five miles north-east of Poona. The Bombay
Chamber of Commerce considered it excellent both in quality and
cleanness, and said it would fetch the same price as the best Mocha
cofiee, or about 2d. the pound (Rs. 14 the Surat man of 40 pounds).
To encourage the experiment, Government granted Messrs. Sundt
and Webbe ten acres of land close to their garden. Red gravelly
soil, according to Mr. Sundt, is the best suited for the coffee "plant.
The plant when young requires a great deal of shade. When about
a year old it is planted in open ground where for at least four years, it
must be screened from the extreme heat of the sun. To shade the
coffee bushes Mr. Sundt grew castor-oil plants round the young trees.
It wants no manure and water only fifteen or twenty days during
the dry season. Mr. Sundt thought that much of the Poona soil was
admirably suited to the coffee plant. He particularly recommended
some spots of red gravelly soil between Khandala and K^rla.^ In
1842-43 Messrs. Sundt and Webbe grew plants from seed furnished
them by Colonel Capon direct from Mocha. They had 7000 seed-
lings in their nursery ready for planting, and several berry -bearing
trees which were fair specimens of fine coffee plants. A sample of
Chapter IV,
Agriculturei
Cbops.
The Vine.
COFFEB.
'Bom. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 75-76.
[Bombay Grazetteer.
64
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Senna.
Cochineal.
Silk.
coffee was submitted to tlie Chamber of Commerce wbo considered
it equal to Mocha coffee.^
In 1842-43 the Senna plant was grown in the Junnar sub-division
by Mr. Dickinson and Dr. Gibson who supplied trees to several
landlords.^
About the year 1840 an attempt was made to introduce the
cochineal insect into the Deccan. The attempt was unsuccessful,
not because the climate was unsuited to the insect^ but because the
only insect that could be procured was of the very smallest and
worst kind known as the Cochineal Silvester.^
^ In October 1829, Signer Mutti, a native of Italy, offered his
services to the Bombay Government as superintendent of any
establishment that might be formed for the cultivation of silk.
Government declined his offer but gave him to understand that
liberal encouragement would be given to any one who might wish
to grow silk on his own account. Encouraged by this assurance
Signer Mutti resolved to attempt to grow silk. On his application
in April 1 830 the Collector of Poona was directed to make over to
him the Kothrud garden in the town of Poona free of rent for fifteen
years, on condition that the ground should be applied only to the
growth of the mulberry. To this in 1830, 1831, and 1832, several
plots of land were added. Lord Clare, then Governor of Bombay,
took a strong interest in the subject, urged the desirableness
of supporting Signer Mutti, and made him an advance of £6.00
(Rs. 6000). The Collector was at the same time authorised to remit
the rent for six years on land cultivated with mulberry and to make
advances for wells. In consequence of some disagreement between
Signer Mutti and his partner Sor^bji Patel most of the lands assign-
ed to Signer Mutti had to be resumed ; but he was left in possession
of the Kothrud and Dhamdhere gardens.^ About the same time
(1829) Mr. Giberne's experimeuts in growing silk in Khd.ndesh
attracted the attention of the Bombay Government, and the Bengal
Government were asked to send to Bombay five convicts with their
families who were skilled in the management of silk-worms and in the
winding of silk. These men brought with them a quantity of eggs
and were attached to the jail at Poona. But from want of careful
supervision they appear to have dene little either in the way of
producing silk or of teaching. At the same time Mr. Owen, the
surgeon at Sirur, began to manufacture silk upon a limited scale.
The growth of his mulberries and the fineness of the fibre showed that
the soil and climate of that place were most favourable. Excellent
1 Bom.Rev. Eec. 1568of 1844. =Rev.Rec. 1568of 1844. 'Rev. Keo. 1241 of 1841, 71-72.
4 Silk in India, by Mr. Geoghegan, Under Secretary to the Government of India
(1872), 30-43.
' Mr. Jaoquemont, the cynical French traveller and botanist, met Lord Clare at
the Kothrud garden. Of several experts present each gave his opinion. Mr. Mutti
for mulberry trees, and Dr. Lush, who had a botanical garden at UApuri, for
mulberry hedges. Each kept to the opinion be had brought with him and in the
evening they left Kothrud as they came, Dr. Lush to grow mulberry shrubs,
Mr. Mutti to plant trees, the Pirsi to get rid of his investment, and the Grovenunent
to think over it all. Voyages, III. 580.
Deccan,]
POONA.
65
silk was also produced at the Poona jail.* As the culture of silk
Tvas abandoned at Dhulia in Khd,ndesh, Government determined to
centre their efforts on Signor Mutti's experiments. In 1837 he was
appointed temporarily on a monthly salary of ^25 (Rs. 250) with a
native supervisor on £5 (Rs. 50), and was allowed to spend not more
than £10 (Rs. 100) a month in starting mulberry plantations. On
the 2lBt of July 1838, Signor Mutti submitted his first report as
superintendent of silk culture in the Deccan. According to this
report, besides 567,081 slips and 4252 standard trees planted by
husbandmen in the Deccan, Konkan, and Bombay, there were
49,850 slips in the Grovernment nursery at Sdsvad. Signor Mutti
had also at Kothrud several persons whom he had instructed in all
the branches of silk -making and had succeeded in making them
smart, intelligent, and active.^ He had also received the most
satisfactory reports of his silk from London, Glasgow, and
Manchester, where it had been valued as high as 23s. 26s. and 29s.
though reeled independently by natives. Upwards of twenty natives
were reported to be acquainted with the winding of silk, and
the people were said to be ready to take to silk-growing. In 1838,
a sample of silk produced by Signor Mutti was sent for report to
Mr. Joseph Bwart, a Manchester silk-broker, who reported that the
thread was very good, being clean and even, and in every way showed
excellent management on the part of the grower; that the silks would
always be saleable as they would command a decided preference
over the Bengal silks then imported, and come into close competi-
tion with Italian silks. The 1839 report is not so flourishing.
Drought, the incursions of cattle, and neglect had much injured
the mulberry bushes. Still the superintendent was sanguine. The
dislike of the natives to plant mulberry trees, rear worms, and
wind silk had been overcome, and several were engaged in making
proper mulberry nurseries and transplanting and pruning the trees.
The system of planting the mulberry bushes without earth had
succeeded well and proved economical ; the quantity of eggs produc-
ed by the butterflies had increased ; they were regularly hatched
and the cocoons had grown to the size of the yellow and sulphur
varieties. At Kothrud the cocoons were so large that 1000 would
yield two pounds (1 sher) of silk, and the people had shown
themselves able to wind superior silk. The value of the mulberry
plantation had been shown by the sale of the leaves.*
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Silk.
1 Malcolm's Government of India, Appendix A. 69.
' Mr. Mutti had collected many cocoons of a silk-worm probably Bombax (Saturnia)
mylitta, said to breed wild near Poona of which he got basketfuls from the children
at a very cheap rate. The green mucus of the animal made it very hard to clean.
Still Mr. Mutti reeled it. It was a clear yellow, but with little gloss. Bengal
Brihmans were said to make beautiful stuff of it. Jaoquemont's Voyages, III. 580-81.
* The leaves brought for feeding the worms at Vadgaon had been piirohased from the
husbandmen at IJd. (j a.) the pound ; the greater part were the prunings of mul-
berry plants under one year of age from the villages of Chinchuri, Vadgaon, Niirdyan-
gaon, SAvargaon, Gunjalvddi, and MAlegaon. The people of Shivner and PAbal
showed every inclination to plant the mulberry tree. The plantations were usually
found in channel- watered places. The mulberry trees grew among plantains and
sugarcane which did not appear to injure them and almost all kinds of produce could
be grown under the trees which were usually ten to twelve feet apart. The people
showed great anxiety to possess worms in order to produce cocoons. All dislike on the
B 1327—9
[Bombay Gazetteer,
66
DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Silk.
In 1839, tte advance of £600 (Es. 6000) granted to Signer Mutti
was written off in consideration of the benefit his exertions were
calculated to confer on the country and of the loss to which he was
subjected by ineffectual attempts to introduce the bush system of
growing mulberries, a system afterwards abandoned by him in favour
of standards.
In 1840 Messrs. Daniel and Co. started an establishment to plant
mulberry bushes with the view of rearing silk- worms on a large scale,
In spite of the opposition of the superintendent of silk culture they
bought 533,800 cuttings with which they planted twenty-five acres
of land near Ndrayangaon in Junnar, besides 1 6^ acres (22 highds)
of land at Sdsvad in Purandhar. They had also 500,000 cuttings in
different gardens under their management. Mr. James on their behalf
reared 25,000 worms at Nardyangaon, which gave thirty-five pounds
(17| sliers) of cocoons. From some of their eggs he had nearly a
lakh of cocoons in his garden. All this was done in four months.
Mr. James spoke highly of the bush system, but by no means
wished to discourage the planting of trees. He stated that if
hedges were grown between the trees, it lightened the expense
so much that the planter could afford to encourage their growth.
Hedges he considered absolutely necessary to the success of any
person rearing silk-worms and attributed Signor Mutti's failure to
the want of hedges.^ Messrs. Daniel & Co. also established three silk-
winding places or filatures, one at Kothrud near Poena, a second at
Sasvad, and a third at Nardyangaon. At Ndrayangaon there were a
number of worms and. cocoons. The cocoons were inferior to Signor
Mutti's cocoons both in size and softness. This was supposed to
be due to the fact that bush leaves had not the same strength and
nourishing power as tree leaves. A number of acres were grown with
the bush, but its appearance was not healthy. ^ In 1840, Signor
Mutti went to Egypt on sick leave, and an honorarium of £200
(Rs. 2000) was given him and £40 (Rs. 400) to Mr. Ramos his
assistant. An increase of £5 (Rs. 60) to Signor Mutti's pay
was also sanctioned by Government. In June 1 840 Signor Mutti
returned to India. Of his operations for the next three years
distinct accounts have not been obtained. The Government seem
to have been satisfied with his proceedings. In 1843 Sir G. Arthur,
then Governor of Bombay, recorded a minute strongly advocating
perseverance in silk-growing. In this year, according to Signor
Mutti's report, in Poena, Sordbji Patel had extensive plantations
of several thousand mulberry trees two to ten years old and made
a small quantity of silk. There were besides 1 400 mulberry trees
three to seven years old in the station of Poena, and 50,806 trees
one to five years old belonging to 317 individuals in thirty-six
villages. There were also mulberry hedge rows. In two villages
part of the Brdhmans to the making of silk was overcome. They -were ready to wind
the silk from the cocoons which could only be done by removing the cocoons in boiling
water, thus depriving the grub within the cocoon of life. Many BrAhnians were
thus employed. They were also ready to engage in rearing worms and in winding
silk in their own houses. Bom. Rev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 67.
1 Bom. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 75 - 76. 2 Bom. Rev. Eeo, 1344 of 1842, 70.
Deccan.]
POONA. 67
two Brdhmans had reared worms and made good cocoons. One Chapter IV
reared 61,000 worms with considerable success and a profitable Aeric^ture
result. Signor Mutti had mulberry plantations at Kdsimb^g
Vadgaon, Chinchore, ChdSj Ndnuri, Sankora, Nd,rd,yangaon, Haryi, ^^^^'
Utur, Hudapur, Dingoraj Junnar, Manchar, and Ausri.^ He also
mentioned six breeding places under his superintendence. At one
of these, Savargaon, there were 35,000 worms. Eeeling was carried
on at Vadgaon. It was asserted that worms could be reared with
less risk and in a shorter time than in Europe and that the worms
were as good as were required for the higher qualities of Italian
silk. The introduction of the art of winding, it was thought, wanted
careful supervision at the outset, and the Collector of Poona was
directed to continue the office of superintendent for five years
longer, to erect four buildings for rearing worms in the Jannar or
Pabal sub-divisionat a cost not exceeding £500 (Rs. 5000) as public
property, and to conduct the breeding of worms and the making of
silk on account of Signor Mutti himself or some private individual.
Houses for rearing worms were accordingly built at Poona and
Kasimbag Vadgaon. The Collector was also authorised to advance
£200 (Rs. 2000) as a loan without interest to Signor Mutti to be
repaid by instalments of £10 (Rs. 100) a month and to place £300
(Rs. 3000) at the disposal of the superintendent to be advanced by
him to villagers who were anxious to grow silk. Signor Mutti
established permanent winding places or filatures at Junnar,Diagora,
and Narayangaon. He had 400,000 worms in these places, and had
been able to wind 160 to 200 pounds of silk a year.^ Shoi-tly after this
date Signor Mutti fell ill, and Mr. Ramos was appointed to act for him.
In 1845 doubts of the success of the silk-growing experiment
began to be raised. In 1847 a committee was appointed to report
on the subject. The two members Dr. Gibson and Mr. Davidson
joined in the opinion that any further attempt by Government to
grow the mulberry with a view to the making of silk in the
Deccan was not likely to succeed. Dr. Gibson expressed the decided
opinion that neither bush nor standard could be profitably grown
in the Deccan, and that the results shown by Signor Mutti had
been due to an artificial stimulation, which deceived both Govern-
ment and himself. Mr. Davidson agreed with Dr. Gibson^ and
Government ordered that all silk operations should cease.
No further attempt was made to grow silk till in September
1875, a sum of £250 (Rs. 2500) was placed at the disposal of Major
G. Coussmaker, the superintendent of the photozincographic office
at Poona, to carry out tasar silk experiments.^ Major Coussmaker
began the experiments on the 1st of August 1875. Pictures show-
ing the moths, cocoons, and caterpillars were sent to the Collectors
and forest officers and to their native subordinates. Descriptive
circulars were also sent in English, Marathi, Gujard,ti, and Kd.narese,
offering to buy seed cocoons at Is. (8 as.) and burst cocoons at 6d.
(4 as.) the hundred. He asked the native officials to submit fortnightly
reports on facts which came to their notice. He also from time to
' Bom. Eev. Kec. 1344 of 1842, 60. = Bom. Rev. Rec. 1569 of 1844, 81-89.
3 Gov. Res. Genl. Dept. 2794, 15th Sept. 1875.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
68
DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Silk.
time wrote and distributed fresh circulars as lie found out new facts
or drew fresh, conclusions. By these means a general interest in
the collection of tasar cocoons was aroused and at a cost of £16 8«.
(Es. 164), Major Coussmaker received 62,216 cocoons by rail, post,
cart, and headloads. Most of these cocoons came from the Konkan
forests. The trees on which they were chiefly found were, in the
Konkan, bor and guti Zizyphus jujuba and xylopyra, ain Terminalia
tomentosa, kdnchan Bauhinia parviflora, harvand Oarissa carandas,
and mal hdngani Celastrus montana ; and in Poena, Satara, Gujardt,
and Kh^ndesh, on these trees and also on ndndruk Ficus benjamina,
pimpri Ficus tjiela, dhdvda Conocarpus latifoHa, and lendeya Lager-
streemia parviflora. In the Panch Mahals they were also found on
halda Ohloroxylon swietenia. In the Konkan the men who
collected them were to some extent Musalm^ns, Mh^rs, and Mardthas,
but chiefly Katkaris, Kolis, Kunbis, Yarlis, and Thakurs, men
who from February to May were in the habit of cutting branches
to burn on their land. Major Coussmaker attempted to rear the
worms in his office building, in some of the rooms of his house, and
in the veranda. Some of the cases and feeding trays were hung
from the rafters of the rooms, from hooks and trees ; others were
fastened to uprights driven into the ground. In this way with
wire and string netting and with bamboo chicks. Major Coussmaker
succeeded in restraining the wanderings of the caterpillars and in
guarding them from their enemies. But the food failed and hatch
after batch died from starvation. Between the middle of August
1875 and the end of October 1876 Major Coussmaker was hardly
ever without moths. The gathering of the cocoons from the trees
and moving them, shutting them in the baskets and bags, and
generally disturbing them had the effect of repeatedly bringing out
the moths during the months of February and March. Upwards of
100 moths were out every night and whenever a fresh batch of
seed cocoons arrived, whatever the temperature or the time of
year, moths came out in large quantities. The first supplies from
the district officials arrived in February and included both full and
empty cocoons packed in baskets and bags. On arrival it was not
easy to find how many of the cocoons were full and how many were
burst. The shaking had so disturbed them that the consignments
were found to contain many moths more or less damaged. Major
Coussmaker had all the cocoons moved to open trays and put into
a spare room. The details for the eight months ending September
show that on an average 529 females paired and 21,329 worms were
hatched every month :
PooNA Tasab Experiments, 1875-76.
Month.
Males.
Females.
Paired.
Worms
Hatched.
February 10th -29th ...
356
419
43
No record.
March
1126
1217
399
April
678
6.36
289
20,770
May
639
663
115
14,781
June
504
523
424
38,679
July
430
443
372
43,097
Augrust
428
320
309
46,864
September 1st -10th ...
Total ...
142
120
89
7663
4097
4231
2046
170,634
Deccan.]
POONA.
69
Before the supplies from the districts came in, Major Couss-
maker's men had gathered some 300 cocoons near Poena. These
cocoons and the moths that came out of them, as well as the cater-
pillars which were hatched, were mostly sacrificed in experiments.
The result confirmed Major Coussmaker's former experience that
the males require more liberty than the females, that the females
rarely moved from their empty cocoons or from the twigs on to
which they crawled when their wings were stiffening, while the males
flew away as soon as their wings were stiff enough. As during
the rainy season several male moths were generally flying about,
females, when tied out, were soon paired, their talc-like disks shining
like little moons and drawing the male like the light of the glow-
worm. In this way Major Coussmaker succeeded in getting nearly
all the females which came out during the monsoon of 1875 paired.
His arrangements for rearing failed. His space was limited and his
cages were badly aired, and though he hatched several hundreds he
gathered only fifty cocoons. He afterwards moved into a larger house
and gave the worms more room. He joined chairs and tables together
with bamboos so as to make them form a succession of benches. On
these benches he set bamboo mat trays and above the trays he hung
twigs on strings, entirely giving up the indoor cage system. In
some places he put rows of small pots with twigs in them, filling
them with moist earth . This did not answer, as the caterpillars were
more ready to crawl down the pots tban up them and the free
movement of the air was hindered. He therefore determined to
trust to the strings alone. For a short time everything went well.
Major Coussmaker had plenty of good fresh leaves ; the worms
were not crowded, and they grew considerably. But long before
their fifty days of life were over, the leaves became hard or diseased,
and though Major Coussmaker had abundance of leaves all were
of inferior quality. During the whole season caterpillar after cater-
pillar pined and withered. Though from time to time the trees
flushed and sent out fresh shoots, their efforts were spasmodic, and
owing to the great scarcity of rain Major Coussmaker found it
impossible to ensure a steady supply of suitable food. He found
that many young worms crawled down the legs of the chairs and
tables and disappeared. He accordingly changed his trays. He
fastened ropes to the rafters and to hooks in the ceiling, and
passing them through broken bottle fairleaders, so as to prevent
the enemies of the worms climbing down or the worms climbing up,
he made a succession of swinging trays, over which as before he set
strings of twigs. This method greatly lessened the labour of tending ;
the worms were much more secure and the ventilation was good.
But again as in the year before food failed. Major Coussmaker
changed the place of the swinging trays. Some he tied to the
boughs of trees, some in one veranda, some in another ; but the
food was no better. He let some loose on trees in the station, but
there were no fresh leaves and they died or were taken by the birds,
squirrels, and lizards. On a range of hills a few miles out of Poena
he found a grassy tract with many bushes and saplings of
Terminalia, Lagerstrasmia, and Carissa. Here he turned out some
thousand worms and set men to watch them during the day. For
Chapter IV
Agriculture
Silk,
[Bombay Gazetteer
70 DISTEICTS.
Chapter IV. some five weeks they did well. Then a very hot fortnight set in,
Aericulture. *^^ saplings and small bushes lost their leaves, and almost all the
worms died. Major Coussmaker thought the failure was entirely
^'^'^^ due to the unprecedented drought. Although Major Coussmaker
failed in rearing, he succeeded in breeding and in procuring fertile
eggs. During the hot weather, when no wild males were flying,
Major Coussmaker found it was little use tying out the females,
but during the rains he was successful. Prom February to May he
turned all the moths as they came into a bedstead shaded with
mosquito curtains, and a fair proportion paired. After May he
rigged the swinging trays as before, and in the mat trays resting on
them he set the cocoons, covering the whole with bamboo' chicks
fastened like a pent-house about three feet high. After they came
out of the cocoons the moths crawled up the chicks and there hung
while their wings were expanding. Major Coussmaker found that
several of the moths paired in these cages. Each morning he looked
at them, and leaving the pairs inside the cages undisturbed, he put
the rest of the moths into a large basket and covered them. About
four in the afternoon he looked at them and found that several of
them had paired. These were left undisturbed, and all the unpaired
females were tethered to a small trellis-work. At dark, this frame
was hung to a tree, and all the unpaired males were set free near
it. In the morning most of the tethered females were paired. The
frame was brought indoors and hung out of the way. Care was
taken to use no force in separating the pairs. They were always
allowed to free themselves. After they were free the females were
put under inverted baskets to lay their eggs, and the males were
put into a basket to be set free at sunset. By following this system,
most of the females paired and their eggs proved fertile, but the
average outturn of eggs was less than Major Coussmaker had
formerly noticed, only 106 to each moth. Major Coussmaker did
not have the eggs counted, only the number of worms hatched.
Major Coussmaker's head silk-worm tender was a Mard,tha widow,
who had been taught in the female normal school at Poena. It was
chiefly from her that he received the figures quoted above. She
made every efEort to keep the worms alive, closing windows and doors,
hanging up wet cloths, putting hhaskhas- tatties to the doors,
sprinkling the twigs and dipping them in water ; but all was of no
avail. Death returns kept by Major Coussmaker showed that of
the worms that died two-thirds were under a week old. Of 170,634
worms hatched between the 1st of April and the 10th of September
only 2623 grew up and spun cocoons. This mortality in Major
Coussmaker's opinion was due to the want of suitable food. Under
the head tender, Major Coussmaker had five lads, some looking
after the worms in his garden and some tending them in the bush-
lands on the hills near, and at odd times cleaning the burst cocoons
and preparing them for the manufacturer. Most of the cocoons sent
to Major Coussmaker were those of Antheraea paphia and belonged
to the common variety of that moth. In September 1875, Major
Bowie, Deputy Commissioner at Sambalpur, senb him some cocoons
belonging to another variety called by the natives of the Central
Provinces the Chhattisgad cocoon. These were larger, but much
Silk.
Deccau.]
POONA. 71
thinner and softer. The motliSjtlioughsliglitlydarker, paired readily Chapter IV
with the small hard cocoon moth. As far as Major Coussmaker Affriculture«
could judge the difference between the two was one of climate and
feeding. The Chhattisgad moths were more delicate and limper.
The remaining cocoons received from the Bombay forests were of
Attacus edwardsii and of Oricula trifenestrata. Several moths of
both these species came out but none paired. Attacus edwardsii
seemed to be distributed over the whole Presidency and was found
also in Maisur ; Cricula trifenestrata came from North Kdnara only.
The tree which Major Coussmaker used for indoor rearing was
the ndndnik Picus benjamina. The leaves travel well and long
keep fresh. The tree has constant flushes of young leaves and
being planted for shelter in many places along the roadside was
in every way the best suited for a large experiment. At the same
time, as they were neither pruned nor wateredj the nandruks failed
to yield a trustworthy supply of suitable leaves. Major Couss-
maker tried the hor Zizyphus jujuba, but it quickly withered. Still
on it, on the ain Terminalia tomentosa, the lendeya Lagerstrgemia
parviflora, and the karvand Carissa carandas, a few caterpillars
grew to maturity out of doors. Mr. Woodrow, the superintendent
of the Ganeshkhind Botanical Gardens, had also in the same year
(1876-77) a small sum placed at his disposal by the Collector of
Poena to make experiments in the growth of tasar silk. He laid
down a great many cuttings of Picus benjamina, and built a light
roomy shed, with the sides and top of coir matting, a cheap and
effective structure. Mr. Woodrow got a few seed cocoons and
Major Coussmaker from time to time gave him fertile eggs. The
result of his experiments was the same as of Major Coussmaker's.
The moths bred freely in confinement and produced fertile eggs in
abundance and in due course the caterpillars appeared. But of the
number that entered on the worm stage only about five per cent
lived to spin cocoons and these cocoons were decidedly inferior to what
might be gathered all over the country. Every now and again the
caterpillars throve well, but when the quality of the leaves fell off,
the caterpillars starved and died. At the close of his experiments
he had 923 good cocoons. Mr. Lyle, an American employed on the
Peninsula railway, tried a series of experiments in rearing silk -worms
at his house near Ddpuri. As he had no room or shed, he with
great ingenuity made a set of large pens or cages fixed on up-
rights driven into the ground under some good shade-trees. The
sides and tops of his cages were of bamboo chicks closely fastened
together so that while sufficient air was admitted no caterpillar
could escape, and none of the silk-worms' enemies could come at
them ; a coating of mixed tar and castor-oil prevented any enemy
climbing the uprights. Inside his cages, Mr. Lyle stretched wires
lengthways and hung the twigs on the wires. A good deal of light
rain fell at Dd,puri in the month of August when Mr. Lyle's cages
were full, and the wind driving the moisture through the openings
of the chicks kept the leaves fresh and the worms throve as well as
on the trees. He got some cocoons from trees along the line, and
Major Coussmaker provided him with some fertile eggs. Prom
these, which he began to rear on the 7th of August and which spun
[Bombay Gazetteer,-
72 DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV. by the 20tli of September, lie gathered 1609 cocoonSj the majority
Aeric^ture °^ which were as fine as any forest reared specimens in the neigh-
bourhood. He had a greater choice of food than Major Couss-
Silk, maker, and managed to secure a superior quality of leaf throughout
the forty-five days. He fed the worms on Ficus benjamina and
Ficus tjiela twigs eighteen inches long laid very close together.
In his opinion the worms seemed equally fond of both kinds. One
objection to Ficus tjiela was that when it dried or faded the leaf
rolled up and, especially at moulting time, hurt the caterpillar rest-
ing on it. He also noticed that, if they had begun to eat one
kind of leaf the caterpillars would not pass from ndndruk to hor or
from ior to ndndruk. Mr. Lyle by accident found that the worms
throve well on Lagerstrsemia indica, a leafy, ornamental, flowering
shrub found in most gardens. Both he and Major Coussmaker
put some caterpillars on these trees and found that they grew enor-
mously and spun very large cocoons. The chief experience gained
by the year's experiments was that seed cocoons should be moved
as little as possible ; that feeding worms on twigs gathered from
unpruned roadside trees was a mistake, as eighteen inch twigs have
only three or four suitable leaves ; that plantations should be made
of trees and shrubs and that the trees should be pollarded j that
when worms are fed out of doors the trees should be guarded
by cages or nets and when under shelter the worms should be kept
either in coir-matting sheds or in portable pens or cages ; that
only the third, fourth, and fifth leaves from the end of the twig
should be used, and that these twigs should be renewed three or four
times a day ; that the system of cages, baskets, and tethering en-
sures a supply of fertile eggs ; that the eggs of the healthier moths
should alone be kept for distribution or for home-rearing ; that
since the silk-mill in Bombay can work burst cocoons there is no
need to kill a single chrysalis, all the moths should be allowed to
come out of the cocoons ; that after the moths come out the cocoon
should be carefully cleaned, all pieces of leaf or twig brushed oil,
and all cast skins and chrysales picked from the inside ; that the
habits of the trees or shrubs used for feeding the worms should be
carefully watched to find how best to ensure a steady supply of
suitable food.
As regards the workiug of the tasar cocoons into fabrics Major
Coussmaker carried on a correspondence with Messrs. Td,pid^s
Varajdds and Co., secretaries and treasurers of the Alliance Spinning
and Weaving Company Limited, of Bombay, and placed the whole
matter in their hands. He sent them 112 pounds of cocoons
cleaned as well as his labourers could clean them without boiling
them. Messrs. Tdpid^s and Company found that the cocoons
yielded about forty per cent of pure silk and about thirty per cent of
noils and refuse. The remaining thirty per cent, which was lost in
the boiling, in Major Coussmaker's opinion was the natural cement,
the dirt, and foreign matter left by the cleaners. Some of the
forty-five pounds of silk that remained was woven into tasar cloth,
some into tasar poplin, and a considerable quantity was used in
experiments made with the view of bleaching it. Messrs. Tdpidds
and Company were not able to put any value on the material either
Deccan.]
POONA. 73
in the form of cocoons, of yarn, or of piecegoods, as there was no Chapter IV.
demand for tasar. They could not use it unless it could be supplied Aericuitura
as white or nearly as white and as capable of taking every dye as
the B. mori silk.i Silk..
In 1877, the Bombay Government sanctioned the payment to
Major Coussmaker of £50 (Rs. 500) as an honorarium.^ At Ganesh-
khind the first cocoons seemed fertile, but only about five per cent
of the caterpillars lived to spin. The second generation did not
come to maturity.
In the course of his inquiries Major Coussmaker got a sample
of fibre much superior to any Indian specimen he had seen, though
inferior to Italian silk. He found that this fibre was produced by a
hybrid of the tasar moth with the yama-mai or oak-feeding moth
of Japan. The Bombay Government, in communication with the
British officials in Japan, procured some eggs of the oak-feeding
variety. Boxes of this seed were sent to various official and private
experimenters. Those kept by Major Coussmaker seem to have
been all killed by the dry heat of Poona, nor did those kept in
Bombay by experienced and generally successful silk-growers fare
better. It has been suggested that the yama-mai breed should be
introduced in the cocoon state, but it is extremely doubtful whether
the true cause of their failure is not the absence of any leaf of the
oak family which is their natural food. The only tree to which they
seemed to show the slightest partiality was the ndndruk Ficua
benjaminia, and even on that they fed for not more than four days.
That the journey is not the cause of failure seems clear from the
success with which this breed of silk moth has been carried from
Yokohama across the United States to England, a journey of more
than forty days.
In 1879, Major Coussmaker resumed his experiments. He
set aside fifty cocoons of the 1878 crop for breeding. He also got
from others a good supply of moths, many of which he allowed to
escape as he had not food for many caterpillars. He kept some
10,000 eggs hoping to find food for them in Poena. But he failed
to get more than 500 good cocoons from them of which he
kept only a hundred. As before the great difficulty was to secure
an unfailing supply of suitable food. To improve his supply, with
the first promise of rain in June, Major Coussmaker set aside
about one-sixth of an acre in his garden with a southerly aspect.
This he cleared of trees and bushes and laid it out in ridges
four feet wide with side gutters. On these ridges he planted 340
feet of dhdyti Lagerstrremia indica, 270 feet of bor Zizyphus jujuba,
ninety feet of karvand Carissa carandas, 107 feet of ain Terminalia
tomentosa, fifteen feet of arjun or sddada Terminalia ar juna, and f orty-
sixfeet of waniirM&Picusbenjamina. 'H.e iound dhdytithe most suitable
plant. With liberal water it constantly threw out shoots covered with
'. leaves which the worms ate greedily. The plant could be easily
grown from the root. The hor was liked by the worms but the
' Major Ooussmaker's Report to Government, 20th November 1876,
2 Bom. Gov. Res. 597, 22nd February 1877 (General Department).
B 1327—10
[Bombay Gazetteer,
74 DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV- leaves were small and thinly scattered and were soon eaten. The
.— j. karvand was leafier but a slow grower. The ain and arjun had
Agriculture. ia,rger leaves but were slow growers. The ndndruk was a failure : it
Silk. ^i^ not thrive and was not eaten. A dhdyti plantation with lor and
karvand hedges would yield plenty of food after the beginning
of its third rains. Major Coussmaker kept all his seed cocoons
hung on a wall out of reach of rats. So long as "they were left
undisturbed the moths came out only during the regular season.
Large numbers died when cold October east winds set in. But the
chief causes of death were preventible, shortness of food and attacks
of insectSj birds, mice, and other enemies.
In 1880-81, Major Coussmaker's crop of cocoons failed. He
thought this failure was the fault of the cages. These were tarred
screens of split bamboo. They kept out rats, mice, birds, squirrels,
and lizards, but they were too dark ; the plants did not thrive and
the worms were always trying to escape. He made the cages longer
and put netting at the top and everything throve till some wasps
and other insects punctured and killed most of the silk-worms. He
had about 30,000 clean perforated cocoons weighing about sixty
pounds. He thought it best to go on collecting until he got about
a hundredweight. In 1881, though the results were better, Major
Coussmaker did not suciseed in gathering a full season's crop of
cocoons of his own rearing. His food supply was perfect and the cages
kept out all the larger enemies of the worm ; still there was much
sickness and many deaths. Only 1000 cocoons were gathered. His
first batch of worms hatched on the 2nd of May and the first cocoon
was spun on the 6th of June. The last batch of worms hatched in the
middle of November, but they gradually dwindled and came to
nothing ; the last worm died on the 8th of December. The whole
season's collection amounted to 60,000 cocoons double of the 1880
collection. It was chiefly received from the forest Department who
sent 58,000 cocoons. Major Coussmaker had all these cocoons cleaned
of extraneous matter. The outturn for the two years, 200 pounds
of clean cocoons, was sent to Mr. Thomas Wardle of Leek in
England. This was sold to Messrs. Clayton Marsdens and Company
of Halifax at Is. Bd. the pound. The spinners reported that the
fibre was somewhat coarser than most tasar waste and the cocoons had
been opened, but this was not a serious drawback to its spinning
qualities. At this time, in Majot- Coussmaker's opinion, the prospects
of the tasar silk industry were promising, every year showing an
improvement. Major Coussmaker laid out a sixth of an acre as a
dhdyti or gulmendhi plantation. The land was laid out in ridges
seven feet wide with a gutter of one foot between. The dhdytia
were put into a trench of good soil mixed with manure in the middle
of each ridge one foot apart. Where the ground was not filled
with the cages, on each side of the dhdytis on the ridges vegetables
were grown. Care was taken to lay out the ground in the way best
suited for watering. The cages were tarred rectangular pieces of split
bamboo screen-work, a cheap light material neither liable to be hurt
by the weathw aor to be gnawed by rats. In making the cages he tied
the screens together, making the sides three feet high and the ends
six feet wide. The cage could be put up over the whole length of the
Silk.
Deccan.]
POONA.-^ 75
hedge and was divided into twelve-feet sections. From side to Chapter IV.
side, arched over the top of the hedge, pieces of rattan had their ends Agriculturei
fastened to the screens and the middle to a light ridge pole which
rested on triangular screens. Over these hoops coarse open cotton
was spread. By this arrangement nothing touched the shrubs which
were uniformly cut to a height of four feet and nothing tempted the
worms to leave their food. There were three screens under the
triangles. The middle screen was fixed and the two smaller screens
on either side were fitted with string hinges, allowing boys to go in
and clean on both sides of the hedges without injuring the shrubs.
When hatching, the worms were put on the plants near the door, and
they ate away steadily crawling to the next when the first twig was
stripped. As fast as they were eaten the bare twigs were cut off
and fresh ones grew. After a few weeks the hedge was as thickly
covered with leaves as when the caterpillars were put in, and this
process went on as long as the rearing of the worms was continued.
When the twigs in any section of the screen were stripped the
screen was taken down and shifted along the hedge or to some ncsy
place. As a rule little water was required. In July 1882,
Government held that the experiments conducted by Major
Coussmaker proved that tasar silk could be grown with success in
the Deccan. They proposed to continue the experiments, and hoped
they would lead to the considerable growing of tasar silk. In 1882
Major Coussmaker increased his Lagorstrsemia plantation to 1500 feet
and his Zizyphus hedge to 300 feet. In February 1883, before retiring
from the service, Major Coussmaker in a final report expressed his
opinion that tasar silk-gi'owing would not pay. Large imports from
China had lowered the price of tasar waste in England, the Bombay
cocoons were small and yielded little silk, and the gathering of wild
cocoons or the rearing of worms were both costly. 6d. (4 as.) a
hundred was the cheapest rate at which forest cocoons could be
gathered and this was too high to admit of profit. The people
did not find it pay them to leave their regular work and gather
cocoons. It was only by the personal exertions of the forest officers
that so much had been gathered. Major Coussmaker had nearly
every year tried to increase the size of the cocoons by bringing
large cocoons from Sambalpur, Tamtara, Manbhum, and other places^
but with no success. The moths had paired readily with the small
Deccan variety, the worms had hatched, but there was no difference
in the cocoons. Major Coussmaker believed that the smallness of
the Deccan cocoon was due to the climate and perhaps in a less
degree to the food. As far as outturn went the result of rearing
the tasar silk- worm was satisfactory. Within six weeks Major
Coussmaker had been able to gather three cocoons from each foot
of hedge. In 1882 the first worm hatched on the ^th of May and
the first cocoon was gathered thirty-two days latel^. The worms of
this batch numbered 380 and 347 of them spu^n cocoons, beginning
on the 7th and ending on the 24th of June., They consumed 110
feet of Lagerstrasmia. Of 1800 feet of Lagorstrsemia, one-half was
sufficiently grown to yield a steady supply of food. From these
900 feet between May and October Major Coussmaker gathered
5678 cocoons. Of these only about half, which were almost all
[Bombay Gazetteer,
76
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Silk.
Experimental
Gardens.
gathered before tlie end of July, were sound and perfectly formed.
Later in tlie season without any apparent cause he lost many
hundreds of worms in all stages, some being the progeny of moths
of the preceding _ year. Still many cocoons were spun, some of
which were rery fine, but the majority were weak and thin. These
facts, his own former experience, and the information received in
letters and printed reports showed that no reliance could be placed
on any but the first crop of the season, the progeny of the moths
which rest in their cocoons during the cold and hot seasons, and
which emerge early in the monsoon when the first showers of rain fall.
Throughout the whole monsoon and often at other times, when
disturbed, moths continue to appear but with an unsatisfactory result
and much loss of life. Enough cocoons were spun to ensure a supply
of seed cocoons, but not enough to call a crop. Major Coussmaker's
arrangements had succeeded in guarding the worms and ensuring a
steady supply of food. The labour bill was reduced to a minimum; one
woman and one boy could easily look after at least an acre of hedge
and keep the enclosures in repair. At the same time if the south-
west rains did not break early and heavily the hedges would have
to be watered and the expense of enclosing would be very great.
So long as tasar continued cheap this system could not pay. Crows,
sparrows, squirrels, and rats gather near dwellings and must be
kept out. Major Coussmaker succeeded in keeping the worms safe
from their enemies, but the process was costly. Major Coussmaker
having wound up his series of experiments, handed his plantation of
Lagerstrsemia and Zizyphus bushes, together with the bamboo
screens and iron rods which he used for his enclosures, to the
superintendent of the Central Jail at Yaravda. There is land
attached to the jail and the head jailor took an interest in silk
experiments.
Shortly before 1841 an experimental garden was started at Hivra,
about ten miles east of Junnar. In 1841 potatoes and sugarcane were
the chief products. The market for the potatoes extended to DhuHa,
Aurangabad, and Bombay, and the growth of sugarcane had
greatly increased. Numerous other products were also tried. The
chief were, American maize, anotfo dye for which there was a large
demand in Poena, hemp, and oil-plants. A valuable variety of rice the
Icamodwaa introduced into the district, and thirty-eight kinds of choice
wheat were received from Edinburgh. Dr. Gribson, the superintendent
of the garden, considered the cultivation of cotton, cassado or
tapioca root, and coffee unsuited to Poona.' There was a similar
garden at Government House at Dapuri, about eight miles north-west
of Poena, for which Government did not incur any additional
expenditure, and where several trees, including among others the
India Rubber tree, were raised. In the nursery on the top of
Shivner fort by the help of four Chinese convicts upwards of 200
exotic trees were grown and seemed likely to be useful. The olive
and cedar flourished in some places in the plains, but at Dapuri the
soil was not good enough for the olive.
1 Bom. Rev. Eec. 1455 of 1843, 176-7.
Deccau.]
POONA.
77
About the same time (1841) Messrs. Sandt and Webbe, two
enterprizing and respectable Anglo -Indians, had a well cultivated
garden at Mundhve, about four miles east of Poena. Besides
growing oranges, grapes, and other fruit they turned their attention
to the cultivation of the coffee plant. In 1847 they had about a
hundred healthy trees from which they realized a good crop, besides
a thousand young plants ready for putting out. They also grew a
little Mauritius sugarcane and made raw-sugar or gul from its juice.
The botanical garden at Ganeshkhind was started in 1873, and
along with the Hivra garden, has since been under the superintendence
of Mr. Gr. M. Woodrow. The principal object of these gardens is to
supply the Medical Department with drugs. In 1872-73 the outturn
of the gardens included 700 pounds of senna, 1300 pounds of henbane,
and 1036 pounds of dandylion. During the same year the chief
produce of the laboratory was 107 pounds of extract of colycinth
compound, fifty-six pounds of extract of hyoscyamus, 1621 pounds of
groundnut-oil, 7190 pounds of castor-oil, and eleven pounds of croton
oil. In that year experiments were made with various artificial
manures, nitro-phosphate, citrate, dissolved bones, nitrate of
soda, hop manure, and superphosphate. The income of the gardens
amounted to £164 (Rs. 1640) and the expenditure to £154 (Rs. 1540).
The laboratory receipts were £431 (Rs. 43 10) and the expenditure
£319 (Rs, 3190). In 1873-74 experiments were made with European
artificial manures ; the result was not satisfactory. It was proved that
silt from the drains of Poena city is a valuable manure at least
equal for one year's crop to dung from oil-cake fed cattle. Of the
cork trees that were planted three years before, many had died and
a few were struggling for life. One, which had grown six and a half
feet high and four inches in circumference, appeared to be in perfect
health. As this showed that the climate was not unsuited to the
cork-tree, the Secretary of State was asked to arrange for the
despatch of periodical supplies of cork-tree acorns. Many new
ornamental plants were introduced, the most valuable of which was
the Bxogonium purga, the plant which yields the drug jalap.
Experiments were also made for the growth of fibre for paper.
The income was £352 (Rs. 3520) and the expenditure £1222
(Rs. 12,220) besides- £558 (Rs. 5580) spent on the laboratory
building from ar fund set apart for the purpose. In 1874-75, the
income was £842 (Rs.8420) and the expenditure £1257 (Rs. 12,570).
The area under tillage was fifty-seven acres, seven of which were
watered. One fact was ascertained that prickly-pear made a valuable
manure if it was left to rot in a cistern through which the water of
an irrigation channel was led. Some new descriptions of tree were
added. A fairly successful attempt was made to grow vanilla. Flax
was also grown of fair quality but of excessive dearness. Unsuccessful
attempts were made to get paper from san stalks and plantain fibre.
Most of the cork acorns brought from England arrived dead. In
1875-76, the income of the garden amounted to £660 (Rs. 6600)
and the expenditure to £1268 (Rs. 12,680). The most important
new introductions were Balsamocarpon brevifolium a plant yielding
pods useful in tanning and the Liberian coffee. Cereal crops were
raised with a view to selecting the seed. 3000 half-standiird roses
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Botanical
Gakdbns.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
78
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agricnlture.
Botanical
Gardens.
were ready for distribution. A list of the medicinal plants was
printed and indents became more frequent.
In 1876-77, the income of the garden amounted to £951
(Rs. 9510) and the expenditure to £1 285 (Rs. 12,850) . Experiments
with the Wagatea spicata, a climbing shrub, a native of the Konkan,
showed that its seed-pods contained a high proportion, fifteen per
cent, of tannic acid. A satisfactory feature in the working of the
garden was the extent to which its drugs, chiefly taraxacum and
colocynth, were in demand. Experiments in the production of tasar
silk were continued. In 1877-78, experiments were carried on
with mahogany trees, the seed of which had been sent from Kew
Gardens and planted in 1874. The results seemed to show that
the tree could be acclimatised and established if well watered
during the first two years. The blue gum tree, Eucalyptus
globulus, was found to thrive well for four or five years and then to
die ofE. The superintendent was of opinion that an exotic which
like the gum tree did not go to rest at any time of the year was sure
not to succeed. Cinchona, though it grew well in the conservatory,
died in the hot season if planted out. Taraxicum was grown with
success. The tasar silk experiments were not satisfactory. The
income of the garden was £516 (Rs. 5160) and the expenditure
£1290 (Rs. 12,900). The Ganeshkhind gardens, which were
originally intended merely as a nursery for the growth of local medicinal
plants, under the supervision of a scientific gardener had assumed a
botanical character. In 1878-79, a committee was appointed to
consider how the locality could best be developed for the purpose
of botanical experiments and instruction. The suggestions of the
committee were considered by Government and it was decided that
the gardens should be constituted the recognized chief botanic
gardens of the Presidency and that arrangements should be made
for forming in them as complete a collection as possible of the local
plants of Western India, a herbarium of which was to be kept
permanently on the spot, along with a select library of diagrams and
botanical works of reference. The manufacture of oil was discontinued
and the superintendent was instructed to manage the gardens with
the view of making them of purely botanical and scientific utility.
Botanical teaching was begun at the end of February 1879 by means
of lectures at the gardens and at the College of Science and at
the Deccan College in Poena, with illustrations of specimens collected
by the superintendent. The average attendance was fifty-one
students.
Experiments with Nankin cotton showed that it could not be
profitably grown intheDeccan. Thesample sentto theBombay Cham-
ber of Commerce was estimated to be worth £5 (Rs. 50) less than the
common samples of Dholera. The forage plant, Reana luxuriens,
was found to be no better than sugarcane when grown in rich soil
and irrigated, and worse than jvdri when treated as a dry crop,
The income of the garden was £740 (Rs. 7400) besides £134
(Rs. 1340) the value of the oil on hand, and the expenditure £1282
(Rs. 12,820), that is a net cost of £408 (Rs.4080). In 1879-80,
the room formerly occupied by the oil-pressing machinery was
Dcccan]
POONA.
79
partially fitted as an herbarium and specimens of about 1700 species
were arranged according to their natural orders. Some of these
were identified and the rest were sent to the Royal Herbarium at Kew
for comparison. Considerable additions were made to the library
which was used by a large number of botanical and agricultural
students. Botanical teaching was continued during the year at the
gardens and at the adjacent Poena colleges. The average attendance
at the gardens fell from fifty-nine to nineteen as the students
were allowed to pass the examinations without attending at the
gardens. Six trained native gardeners or mdlis were sent out during
the year and the demand for trained men continued much greater
than the supply.
Experiment with the thornless opuntia or prickly-pearj which can
be easily skinned and is then a favourite food for cattle, showed that
it grows freely as a fence and is not likely to prove troublesome as it
does not grow from seed. The yield of the forage grass Buchleina
luxuriens seemed nearly the same as that of guinea-grass. A crop
sown in November and cut in April gave sixteen tons the acre of
green forage at one cutting. Fifty mango trees of the finest varieties
were planted for stock from which grafts could be taken for distribu-
tion. The demand for imported seeds had risen from £69 (Rs. 690)
in 1875 to £124 (Rs. 1240). Experiments with lucern grass
seemed to prove the French variety superior to the acclimatised
variety. The plant was quite as vigorous, the stalk was more
delicate, and the seed was only half the weight. The receipts of the
garden amounted to £946 (Rs, 9460) and the charges to £1554
(Rs. 15,540). In 1880-81, additions to the herbarium brought up
the collection to about 2080 species of which about 1080 were
identified. Botanical teaching Was continued at the gardens. A
number of full grown specimens of Albizzia procera, one of the local
trees which during the cold season of 1878-79 had been transplanted
without soil on the roots, showed satisfactory results. Euchleina
luxuriens was again grown for forage. It proved a vigorous grass
when highly manured and watered, but not superior to sugarcane.
Twenty mango trees of the finest varieties were planted out for stock,
raising to 102 the number of trees whose grafts were suitable for
distribution. The demand for imported seeds was about the same
as in the previous year. The garden receipts amounted to £340
(Rs. 3400) and the charges to £768 (Rs. 7680). In 1881-82 the
general condition of the garden was improving and the number of
visitors was increasing. The receipts, derived chiefly from the sale
of fruit trees, vegetable, and flower seeds, taraxicum, and some
timber, amounted to £637 (Rs. 6870) and the charges to £1046
(Rs. 10,460). A mangosteen plant from Singapore died from cold
in November. The local hoha/m or wild mangosteen plants were in
good condition. Potatoes received from the Secretary of State grew
surprisingly Well. In May 1882 the carob tree yielded a crop of
fully thirty pounds weight of pods, the greater part of which were
equal in size to the imported pods. An attempt to propagate
this tree by layering failed, but by grafting was very successful.
447 mangoes were grafted with choice sorts at a cost of \0\d.
(7-^ as.) each. "The herbarium building was altered and repaired
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Botanical
Gakdbns.
[Bottiljay Gazetteer,
80
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Botanical
GiEDBNS.
Bliohts.
Field Plagues.
LocvMs.
and numerous specimens were added. The superintendent Mr..
Woodrow lectured on vegetable physiology and systematic botany
and gave eleven garden demonstrations in systematic and economic
botany. The average attendance was twelve students. Experiments
were made in collecting the India rubber-yielding milky sap of the
Oryptostegia grandiflora, a beautiful climber. The average yield was
found to be twenty grains and the acre yield twelve pounds. As the
plants would not bear tapping more than twice a year^ the yearly
acre outturn would be twenty-four pounds of caoutchouc. The cost
of collecting was 2s. (Re. 1) the pound, which might perhaps be
reduced to Is. (8 as.'). The value of the India rubber may be
estimated at 2s. (Re. 1) the pound. The result was therefore not
encouraging. In 1883, 2001 mango trees were grafted with choice
sorts at a cost of \0d. (6| as.) each, and in 1884, 4000 more were
prepared at a cost of 9cZ. (6 as.) each.
In the Bund Gardens, the Soldiers' Gardens, and the Railway
Gardens in Poona plants and flowers are grown purely for pleasure
and ornament. Details are given in the account of Poona City in
the chapter on Places of Interest.
The district is not subject to blights. As has been noticed wheat
is occasionally affected by a disease called tdmhera or rust when the
ear turns copper-coloured and withers. It is also subject to another
disease called garva or khaira. These causes of failure do not often
occur on such a scale as to affect the general harvest.
The animal plagues from which the Poona crops are most liable to
suffer are worms, locusts, and rats. The damage caused by worms is
confined to gram and other pulses and is seldom serious. According
to Sanskrit books locusts and rats are two of the six deadly plagues
or itis.^ Of loss from locusts before the beginning of British rule
no instance has been traced. Since 1818, four years, 1835, 1878-79,
1882, and 1883, have been marked by swarms of locusts. Of
the 1835 locusts except a general reference to the damage done no
particulars have been traced.^ In 1878-79, considerable damage was
done by locusts to the early or kharif crops in parts of Bhimthadi
and Purandhar. ^In 1882, as in other parts of the Deccan,* locusts,
probably the Acrydium perigriuum,^ appeared in Poona, but did
comparatively little harm. During May, the locusts moved north
and north-east from Dhdrwar and North Kdnara where they first
appeared. They did not stay long in Poona and by the beginning
of June most of them had passed north and were breeding chiefly
in NAsik and Khdndesh. In the beginning of October 1882, young
swarms came from Nd,sik and Ahmadnagar. From Poona they
crossed the Sahyddris and passed into the Konkan. The injury caused
' The six plagues are Excessive rain. Want of rain, Locusts, Rats, Parrots, and an
Invading force.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 772 of 1837, 33-31. » Mr. J. G. Moore, C.S.
^ In 1882, locusts appeared in Vh&rw&T, North KAnara, Belgaum, SAtdra, Poona,
Ahmadnagar, NAsik, Khindesh, KolAba, Thina, and Ratnd,giri.
' It is said to have been identified in Bombay with Paohifilus indicus, a locust
peculiar to India. Dr. Kirby of the British Museum thought it a variety of the
Acrydium perigrinum. Mr. J. Davidson, C.S.
Deccan.]
POONA.
81
by the locusts was confined to tlie west of the district. There were
no locusts in Bhimthadi and Indd,pur, and few in Sirur or Haveli.
In Maval about 160 square miles or about three-sevenths of the sub-
division suffered. Of 582 villages in Khed, Purandhar, Junnar^ and
the Mulshi petty division, 208 villages suffered more or less severely
and in these 208 villages in about one-fifth of the area attacked the
kharif or early crops were entirely destroyed. Elsewhere the injury
was slight, and no special measures of relief were found necessary.
They did little harm to the ndchni, vari, and sava crops, and here and
there they touched a little rice, but the mischief caused was trifling.
They seemed to be unable to eat the mature grain of rice and hdjri,
and they fortunately did not arrive until close on the early harvest.
When the crops were reaped, the locusts disappeared drifting west.
Nothing more was seen of them until May 1883, when, especially in
the west of the district, they returned in swarms and through the
whole of May and June, wherever they alighted, they turned fields,
groves, and hill-sides pink. After resting three or four days
they flew east leaving the trees as green as when they came. Heavy
rain seemed to do them no harm. Towards the middle of June
they were seen in pairs. After pairing the males died, and after
laying their eggs during the end of June and the beginning of July
the females also died. They laid their eggs in all kinds of places,
from the dry slopes of bare hills to swampy marshes. The female
works her tail about two inches into the ground and lays one hundred
to 150 eggs. She gives out a glutinous fluid which in dry soil forms
a crust round the eggs like an earthnut or bhuimug. In damp
places the earth does not stick to the fluid and the eggs, like yellow
pins' heads, are left open to the air but apparently do not suffer.
As soon as the locusts were known to be laying, orders were issued
to destroy the eggs and the young locusts wherever they were
found. The'villagers were told that they must take an active part
in destroying the eggs and that if they failed to exert themselves
and their crops suffered, they would get no remissions. Each
sub-division was divided into circles of three to six villages.
Over each circle an inspector was placed belonging to the
Eevenue, Police, Educational, Forest, Vaccination, or Public Works
departments, all branches of the administration zealously lending
their aid. The inspector's duty was to urge the villagers to destroy
the eggs and young locusts and to report daily whether the villagers
were doing their duty. The efforts to destroy the eggs to a great
extent failed. Where the ground was dry the holes were sometimes
visible and eggs were found, but in most places the rain had washed
away all trace of the hole and the search was fruitless. About the
beginning of August numbers of newly hatched locusts began to
appear like small grasshoppers. To spread a knowledge of what
the newly hatched locust was like the precaution had been taken to
have eggs dug out of holes just after the female locust had laid,
and kept in a frame enclosed by mosquito netting. When the
frame locusts were hatched specimens were sent to each mdmlatddr
and shown to the people. Various means were adopted to destroy
the young swarms. The Cyprus screen, introduced by Lieutenant
Bor, E.N., was tried, but, as Lieutenant Bor admitted, it did not
B 1327—11
Chapter IV.
Agriculture-
Field Plaouesi
Locusts,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Field Plagobs.
Locusts.
82
DISTRICTS.
RaU,
suit the conditions of the country and was next to useless. Millions
of young locusts were caught by hand as they swarmed on the ground.
Many were beaten to death by bush branches. Waist and shoulder-
cloths or dhotars also proved very effective. A man at each end
held the upper and lower corners of the cloth and ran along drawing
the cloth through the grass and collecting numbers. A frame of wood
with a long handle was next tried. Sheets of paper were placed on
the frame and the outmost sheet was smeared with tar. A man set
the frame on the ground before him, holding it at arm's length and
walking up to it. The locusts, driven before him hopped against
the tar and stuck to it. When the surface of the frame was covered
the outmost layer of paper was pulled off, and the next layer tarred.
This tar frame was not very effective. The last appliance used
was a linen bag, like a large pillow case. It was dragged through
the grass in the same way as the waistcloth and proved one of the
most successful locust-collectors. The people worked zealously and
millions of locusts were destroyed. According to rough calculations,
which are far below the actual figures, for seven or eight weeks about
14,000,000 of locusts were destroyed weekly. The young locusts
almost always stayed in the grass ; they were scarcely ever found in
the crops, and they did little or no harm. Unusually heavy rain in
September and October washed away a large quantity of them, and
this, in addition to the work of the villagers, enormously reduced their
numbers. So complete was the destruction that in November 1883
scarcely a locust was to be seen. In November flights of full-grown
locusts entered the district from the Konkan and Ahmadnag;ar, but
after November no flights of locusts were seen leaving the district.
The people did not call the 1882 locust by the usual name of tol
or the host-fly, but either ndktoda that is nose-cutter or simply kida
that is insect.* When born the 1882 locust was green and looked
and acted like a cricket. As it grew, it shed its skin, became less
green, and a brown streak appeared on its back and sides. It could
almost always be known by its hammer head. When full grown it
had a black streak from the bottom of the eye downwards. Thg
wings were developed one above the other, the under wing was at
first reddish and the upper wing gray, but the red tinge soon
disappeared. About three months old, when they began to fly, the
locusts were yellow. When full grown the body was about two and
a half inches long and the folded wings, which had again turned pink,
stretched nearly an inch further. In October and November on the
backs of some of the full grown locusts between the wings small
reddish tick-like parasites were found. It is not known whether
these parasites caused suffering or mortality among the locusts.
Another parasite found among locusts just coming to maturity was
a stomach-worm like a gnineaworm. This worm is said to have
done the locusts no harm. No rewards were given for the destruction
of locusts ; the only expenditure was on screens and traps.
In 1878 .rats appeared in several places and severely injured the
rali or late crops in the east of the district. Crops which would
iMr. W. Eamsay, C.S.
Seccan]
POONA.
83
have yielded a full or a three-quarters harvest were reduced to
one-fourth or even less. In many places the people gathered the
green ears as the only means of defence. Even then, when the
ears were placed in a heap, it was difficult to keep the rats ofE by
constant watching day and night. In 1879 the rats again caused
much damage in Indapur and Bhimthadi. A reward of 2s. (Re. 1)
for every hundred dead rats was offered and about 350,000 rats were
destroyed. The rats were of three kinds, the Jerboa rat, the Mole
rat, and the Large-eared field mouse. The Jerboa Rat, Gerbillus
indicus, comes between the Kangaroo-like jerboa and the true rat.
From January to March 1879 the Jerboa rats proved most widely
destructive, and destroyed more grain tha.n all the other rats
together. It is called the haran or antelope rat. Its colouring is
like that of the female antelope, its ears are prominent, and its eyes
are large and gazelle-like. It is fawn-coloured above and white
below. It has long black whiskers and a tuft of black or blackish
hairs at the end of its tail. Its head and body are about seven
inches long and its tail is more than eight inches long. Its forefoot
is half an inch and its hindfoot two inches long. It weighs six to
seven ounces. It burrows among the roots of' bushes or in the
open ground and forms long galleries. These galleries have
branches that end in chambers which are several inches wide
and are carpeted with dried grass. They do not usually hoard
their food, which consists of grain and roots, especially of the
sweet roots of the harydli grass Cynodon dactylon. The female
brings forth eight to twelve and sometimes sixteen to twenty
young. In the dusk of the evening these rats, which may be
recognized by their fine large eyes, may be seen leaping about in
places where there are many fresh rat-holes. In 1879 they climbed
the Indian millet stalks and cut ofE the ears. The Mole Rat,
Nesokia indica, kdla, undir, also called koku or kok by the Vadars,
may be known from the common Brown Rat, Mus decumanus,
hy its shorter body and shorter tail and also by being stouter
and heavier. When chased it grunts like the bandicoot. In
colour it is like the common brown rat, but there are fawn-tinted
hairs mixed with the fur and it is lighter below. Its ears are small
and round ; its tail naked and short ; its incisor teeth very large,
flat in front, and orange yellow. Its entire length is about thirteen
inches of which the tail is six inches. The palm of its forefoot
is nearly half an inch long and that of its hindfoot an inch and a
half. It lives alone and forms extensive burrows, sometimes fifteen
or twenty yards in diameter. It stores large quantities of grain.
The Vadars dig the ground and eat both the rat and its stores.
The female brings forth eight or ten at a birth and drives her
young from her burrow as soon as they can care for themselves.
This rat is usually found near sugarcane fields. The people say
that great numbers of these rats are yearly killed by the first heavy
fall of the south-west rain. The black soil swells with heavy rain
and the rats are caught in the holes and fissures and smothered.
The great increase of these and of the mettdd rats in 1879 is partly
accounted for by the absence of any sudden burst of rain in 1878.
Under the influence of gentle showers, the black soil swells gradually
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Field Plaques.
Bats.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
84
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Field Plagues.
Bats.
Famines.
1397- 140s.
I46O.
and tlie rats escape suffocation. The large-eared Field Mouse,
Golunda mettada, mettad or mettangandu, was one of the cMef pests.
It is a soft-furred mouse with a few flattened and spiny hairs among
its fine close fur. Its colour is reddish brown with a mixture of fawn
becoming lighter below. Its whole length is about ten inches of
which the tail is 4"3 inches. It is distinguished by its large ears
which are two-fifths of an inch in diameter. The female produces
six or eight young at a birth. This rat has long been known as a
plague. It lives entirely in cultivated fields in pairs or small
societies of five or six^ making a very slight and rude hole in the
root of a bush or merely harbouring among the heaps of stones
thrown together in the fields, in the deserted burrow of the Jcok, or
in deep cracks and fissures formed in the black soil during the hot
months. Every year great numbers perish when these fissures fill at
the beginning of the rains. In 1879 these rats ruined some fields
with their sharp incisors cutting cartloads of stalks every night and
either eating the grain or dragging the heads into their burrows.
Into other fields an army of rats suddenly entered and in a few hours
ate up the grain like a flight of locusts.
During the last five hundred years, there is either traditional or
historic mention of about twenty-five famines. The first is the awful
calamity known as the Durga Devi famine which wasted Southern
India at the close of the fourteenth century. The twelve years ending
1408 are said to have passed without rain. Districts were emptied
of their people and for forty years the country between the God^vari
and the Krishna yielded little i-evenue. The hill-forts and strong
places, previously conquered by the Muhammadans., fell into the
hands of local chiefs and robbers, and the country was so unsafe that
the people who returned were driven from their villages. Dd,du
Narse and a Turkish eunuch of the Bedar court were appointed to
resettle the land and call back the people. As the former village
boundaries were forgotten, Dadu Narse greatly extended the new
limits and threw two or three villages into one. Lands were given
to all who would till them. For the first year no rent was required
and for the second a tohra or horse-bag full of grain for each bigJia
was all that was asked.^
In 1422, no rain fell and famine raged throughout the Deccan ;
multitudes of cattle died on the parched plains for want of water.
King Ahmad Shdh Vali Bahmani (1422-1435) increased the pay of
his troops and opened public stores of grain for the poor. The next
year also there was no rain.^ ^ In 1460 a failure of rain was followed
by famine over the whole of Southern India. This famine is known
as D^maji-pant's famine. Dd,md,ji was the keeper of a large store
of grain at Mangalvedha, twelve miles south of Pandharpur in
1 Gtramt Duff's MarAthfc, 26, 27. See also Briggs' Ferishta, II. 349-50, King
MAhmud Shih Bahmani (1378-1397) employed 10,000 bullocks at his private expense-
going to and from MAlwa and Gujardt and bringing grain which was distributed to
the people at a cheap rate. He also established seven orphan schools.
2 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 405-6.
^ Except where special references are given the details of famines from 1400 to 1868
are taken from Lieut. -Col. Etheridge's Report on Famines in the Bombay Presidency
(1868), 87-96,
Deccan]
POONA.
85
ShoMpur. He used much of tlie store in feeding Bralimans and was
saved from punishment by the god Yithoba whom he worshipped.
To save his worshipper Vithoba in the form of a Mhar went to the
court at Bedar and paid the value of the missing grain. In 1472
and 1473 so severe a drought prevailed throughout the Deccan that
the wells dried. No grain was sown for two years and in the third
when there was rain scarely any farmers remained to till the lands. ^
In 1520, the Deccan was so unsettled that no crops were grown
and there was a famine. In 1629-30, no rain fell in the Deccan and
famine and pestilence followed.^ The year 1787 is mentioned as
marked by a failure of rain and by famine. The year 1791-92,
though locally a year of plenty, was so terrible a year of famine in
other parts of India that the rupee price of grain rose to twelve
pounds (6 shers). In the next year, 1 792-93, no rain fell till October,
some people left the country and others died from want. The
distress is said to have been very great. The Peshwa's government
brought grain from the Nizam^s country and distributed it at Poena.
The rupee price of grain stood at eight pounds (4 shers) in Poona for
four months and in the west of the district for twelve months.
In 1802 the prospect of a good harvest was destroyed by the
ravages of Holkar's troops. From July to September his followers
the Pendharis so utterly ruined the country that the rupee price of
grain rose to two pounds (1 sher). The Peshwa's government
encouraged the import of grain and distributed it free of cbarge.
Large quantities of grain were brought by Lamdns and Chdrans.
Still the distress was so severe that numbers fled to the Konkan
and Gujard,t, and thousands died of hunger and cholera. The
sufferings were so great that mothers are said to have eaten their
children. Even as late as 1838 the people of Bhimthadi remembered
Holkar's famine with horror.^ In the following year, 1803, the raids
of Sindia's and Holkar's troops again caused a great scarcity. The
rupee price of grain rose to half a pound (^ sher) and numbers died
of starvation. Many left the country and the land lay waste. This
famine affected the Poona district particularly. The river at Poona
was covered with dead and rotting bodies. The Peshwa encouraged
traders to import grain duty-free, granted remissions of revenue,
and abolished land customs. The private charity of the rich did
much to relieve the distress. A subscription of £4000 (Es. 40,000),
collected in Bombay under the patronage of Lady Mackintosh, was
sent to Poona. Colonel Close, the Resident, who had already fed
15,000 people, arranged that each applicant for relief should receive
Sd. (2 as.) to enable him to get a meal. About 5000 of the destitute
were relieved in this way until the new crops were gathered.* At
Poona the horses in General Wellesley's army were for some time
fed on Bombay rice.
In 1819-20, 1823, 1824, and 1825 Poona suffered greatly from
cholera and from want of rain. So great was the panic that large
Chapter IV.
Agriculture-
Famines.
W2-U13.
ism.
1629-30.
1787,
1791-93.
1792-1793.
ISOS.
1803.
1819-18^5.
1 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 493-4
2'-' .T,m,r ,,,,
Jiriggs' iJerisMa, 11. 493-4. . ^ ,. .„_
Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 46 ; and Elphinstone's History of India, 507.
» Bom. Gov. Sel. Chi. 41, 254. * Valentine's Travels, II. 123, 124.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
86 DISTEIOTS.
Chapter IV. numbers left their homes. For many months parts of the district
AEriciilture. 'were almost deserted .1 In 1823 the rupee price of grain in
Poona was sixteen pounds (8 shers) and people died in the streets
Ist^^Ss ^°^ want. In 1824, a year remembered as the year of hharpad or
distress, rain again failed, especially in the country within 100 miles
of Poona. The returns seem to show a slight fall of prices, the rupee
price being twenty to twenty-four pounds (10-12 shers). Much
bad grain was sold and sickness was so general that large numbers
of people left the country. The loss of cattle was very severe.
The distress continued till Dasara in October when a timely
fall of rain brought much relief. Government offered employment
by opening works to improve the Karkamb and Bdpdev passes.
18SS-18S8. Iji 1832 failure of rain was followed by much distress. The rupee
price oijvdri rose from 120 to forty- six pounds and grain robberies
were numerous. Orders forbidding grain- dealers unduly raising
their prices are said to have done much to reduce the distress.
1833 was a year of scarcity in Inddpur, 1835 was a bad season all
over the district, and in 1838 Indapur again suffered from want of
The next bad years were 1844-45 and 1845-46 when rain failed
and there was much distress especially in the east.^
1863-1867. Between 1862 and 1867 there was a succession of years of very,
short rainfall. In the east of the district during the five years ending
1866 the average fall was only seven inches. In 1864 the rupee
price of hdjri and jvari rose to about seventeen pounds (8| shers).
The landholders were well off and were not reduced to distress, and
the demand for labour and the high wages paid on public works in
the Deccan prevented the spread of distress among the labouring
classes. Still from want of grazing cattle had to be sent away or
sold. There was suJ0S.cient distress to make it advisable to open
relief-works in Sirur, Bhimthadi, and Inddpur. About £1876
(Rs. 18,760) were spent on repairing about seventy-five miles of
road and digging the Patas reservoir and two wells in Supa. Grain
compensation was granted to Government servants and in 1867
£8000 (Rs. 80,000) were remitted in Bhimthadi and Inddpur and
upwards of £6000 (Rs. 60j000) were held over till the next
year.
1876-77. "^^^ scanty and ill-timed rainfall of 1876, 20'76 compared with an
average of about thirty inches led to failure of crops, which, joined
to the bad crops in a small area in the previous year^ spread distress
amounting to famine over about half of the district.* The east and
1 Captain Clunes' Itinerary, VI. = Bom. Gov. Kev. Eeo. 772 of 1837, 50-31.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 32-37, 70-71, and 118. '
* The estimate was in area 2500 square miles of a total of 6647, and in population
318,000 out of 907,000. Within the affected area came the whole of the IndApur
and Bhimthadi sub-divisions, twenty-three villages of Puraudhar, six villages of
Haveli, and thirty-three villages of Sirur, where the crops had entirely failed. In
addition to these, twenty villages in Purandhar, twenty in Haveli, and thirty-three
in Sirur were seriously affected. In the Khed, Junnar, and M^val suh-divisions.
outside of the famine area there was distress among labourers and travellers.
Deccan.]
POONA.
87
south-east suffered most. In three sub-divisions, Haveli^ Khed, and
Junnarj the early crops seemed good ; in Maval and parts of Sirur
and Purandhar they were fair ; in the rest of Sirur and Purandhar
and in Bhimthadi and Indapur there was no outturn. Besides this
failure of the early harvest, in September and October, only a few
slight showers fell, and, except in a small area of watered land, no
cold-weather crops were sown. Millet rose from fifty-one to nineteen
pounds and Indian millet from sixty-five to 20^ pounds the rupee.
These high prices and the want of field-work threw into distress
large numbers of Mhdrs, Mangs, Rd,moshis, and the poorer labouring
Kunbis. The need for Government help began about the close of
September. Government offered to transport people to waste lands
in the Central Provinces, but no one took advantage of the offer. At
the same time large numbers moved to the Gangthadi or Godd,vari
valley. They found much distress in Gangthadi and as the usual
markets for field labour were overstocked, some wandered across
Berar to Sindia and Holkar's territories, others crowded into
Bombay, and a few straggled to Gujarat. By the close of 1876 about
100,000 persons or 32"00 per cent of the affected population had
left their homes. Most of the people who went belonged to the
better class of Kunbis. To a great extent the movement was
caused by the need of pasture. As a rule whole families went, but
in many cases some member or members of a family were sent with
the cattle. The villages whence fewest went were those near the
Mutha canal works in the north-west of Bhimthadi, where whole
villages flocked to the works. There was much distress, but grain
prices were kept down by large importations, chiefly from the
Central Provinces and to a less extent from Gujarat. The grain was
brought to Poona by rail and thence distributed throughout the
district.^ In the hot months of 1877 prices ruled high and distress
increased. A good fall of rain in early June caused temporary
relief. Many emigrants returned and sowing was actively pushed
on.^ But, except in Indapur, in July and August no rain fell,
prices rose, distress grew heavier, and many were again forced to
leave their homes. A good rainfall in September and October
removed much anxiety and suffering, and cold-weather crops were
sown over the greater part of Bhimthadi. At the close of November
the demand for special Government help ceased. At the same time
some of the early crops never recovered the long stretch of fair
weather in July and August, and in Bhimthadi the cold- weather
crops, which at first promised well, were afterwards much injured
by disease. The result was renewed distress in the hot season of
1878. In the east of the district, at least one-fourth of the people
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Famines.
1S76-77.
1 The municipality of IndApur purchased grain and sold it at something over cost
price so as not to interfere with local enterprise ; so did the Jejuri municipality but
only in the end to re-sell at a loss. It is probable that the early action of Govern-
ment in finding paid labour for a large portion of the distressed population on the
Mutha canal saved grain from rising to panic prices.
^ More sickness, suffering, and mortality was found among the returned emigrants
than among those who had stayed at home and lived either on their own resources
or on the relief offered by Government, ,
[Bombay Gazetteer
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Famines.
1876-77.
lived on wild grains or grass seeds, and Government had again to
provide labour for tlie poorer classes. Even then the famine was
not over. In the rainy months of 1878, and again in those of 1879,
direct relief was once more found necessary at Indapur, Bar^mati,
and Dhankavdi near Poona.^
The following details show month by month the phases through
which the distress passed and the measures which were taken to
relieve it. In the first two or three days of September 1876 good
rain fell in the west, in Jiinnar Khed and M^val, and greatly revived
the withering crops. Rain again held off and the crops began to
perish. About the close of September slight showers fell in a
few places. The early crops seemed well in Maval; they were
withering in Junnar, Khed, and Haveli, and had completely failed in
Bhimthadi and Inddpur where for want of fodder large numbers of
cattle were dying. The price of grain was rapidly rising. As
rain held off the ground could not be prepared for the cold-weather
crop. Especially in Indapur and Bhimthadi the want of drinking
water was beginning to be felt. Pears were entertained that] the
poorer classes would become disorderly, and, about the close of the
month, relief works were opened in Bhimthadi and Indd,pur. Except
that about the middle of the month a slight shower fell in Haveli,
October passed without rain. Even in the west the early crops were
withering and were being cut for forage, and in the wells water
was failing. Except in a small area of watered land no cold-
weather crops were sown. Over the whole district, especially in the
east, the want of water caused distress, and cattle were offered
for sale at nominal prices. In several places the people had begun
to leave their homes. Extensive relief works were started, and, by
the 22nd of October, inclading those on the Mutha canal, some
6000 people were employed. For charitable relief a sum of £2600
(Rs. 25,000) was set at the Collector's disposal. As distress spread,
besides additional assistants, the Collector was authorized to place on
relief duty the mamlatdars of the most severely affected sub-divisions."
November passed with only a few slight showers. The early crops
continued ' to wibher and the small area of late crops was dying for
want of moisture. The distress was great, but large importations
of grain kept down prices. In PooUa the stock of grain was large
and the market was falling ; in outlying towns prices were slightly
rising. In the first half of the month hdjri rose from 19i to nineteen
pounds and. jvdri from twenty-two to 21^ pounds the rupee; about
the close of the month they again fell to 20|- and 20J pounds. In the
east the wells were di-ying and water was scarce. The average
daily number of people on the relief works rose from 6160 in the
beginning to 28,455 at the close of the month. Of 20,654, the
average daily number for the month, 14,253 were able-bodied,
expected to do a full day's work and superintended by public works
1 In 1878, 77,068 people were relieved at a cost of £510 4s. (Es. 5102) ; in 1879,
21,803 were relieved at a cost of £153 8s. (Rs. 1534).
Deccan,]
POONA.
89
officers, and 6401 were aged or feeble expected to do two-thirds of a
day's work and superintended by famine officers.^
December passed witbout rain. Crop prospects remained
unchanged, people and cattle continued to move west. During the
month the importation of grain was large and bdjri fell from twenty
pounds in the beginning to twenty-three pounds about the close of
the month, and jvdri from 18j pounds to twenty-two pounds. The
numbers on public works rose from 14,253 to 23,498 and on civil
works from 6401 to 16,752. The total sum spent on charitable
relief up to the close of the year was about £200 2s. (Es. 2011).
January passed without rain. Grain kept pouring into the
district, and bdjri fell from twenty-three pounds to 23 1 and jvdri
from twenty-two to 25^ pounds. The numbers on public works
rose from 23,498 to 23,764, and on civil works from 16,752 to
29,569. As the civil works seemed too popular, on the 19th of
January Government reduced the rates of pay, and issued orders
to enforce task and distance tests. ^ This caused afresh emigration
and a considerable fall in the numbers on the works. At the same
time charitable relief was started and by the end of the month
distributed to 1694 persons.
About the middle of February sixteen cents of rain fell at Poena.
Grain continued to come in large quantities, bdjri rose slightly to
twenty-three pounds and jvdri to twenty-four pounds. The num-
bers on public works fell from 23,764 to 23,084, and on civil works
from 29,569 to 1 8,752. This decrease was chiefly due to the lower-
ing of pay on the civil works, the transfer of the able-bodied from
civil to public works, and the enforcement of task and distance
tests. The number on charitable relief rose to 1766. During the
month there was slight cholera in Bhimthadi and Purandhar. In
the beginning of March about twenty-six cents of rain fell. Grain
continued to pour in and the supply was plentiful. Except in the
beginning of the month, when there was a small rise, prices
remained at twenty-three pounds the rupee for bdjri and twenty-
four pounds for jvdri. There was slight cholera in Bhimthadi and
three other sub-divisions. The numbers on civil works continued
to fall, from about 12,213 in the beginning of the month to 4876
about the close ; public works showed a small rise from 23,034 to
26,603, and charitable relief from 1766 to 2290. About the middle
of April eighty cents of rain fell at Indd,pur. Grain was largely
imported and the supply continued plentiful, with bdjri slightly
dearer at 21f pounds and jvdri at 20| pounds. There were a few
cases of cholera, and cattle-disease was prevalent in Sirur and
Haveli. The numbers relieved rose on public works from 26,603
Chapter IV.
Agriculture,
Famines.
1876-77.
1 The original wages were, for a man 3d. (2 as.) a day, for a woman i^d. (IJ as.),
and for a boy or girl capable of wotk IJi. (la.). About the middle of November,
when prices rose over sixteen pounds the rupee, a sliding scale w^as introduced which
provided that the money rate should vary with the price of grain and that a man
should always receive the price of one pound of grain in addition to l^d. (1 a.).
The new rates were : for a man the price of one pound of grain and fd. (i a.)
instead of lid. (1 a.) ; for a woman the price of one pound of grain and fd. (J a.)
instead of f d. (J a.) ; and for a boy or girl the price of half a pound of grain and frf.
(i a.).
B 1327—12
Bombay Gattetteer,
90
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Famines.
1876-77.
to 31,678, and on charitable relief from 2290 to 4301 j on civil
works the numbers fell from 4876 to 4650. The first days of May
brought slight showers in Purandhar, and about the close of the
month good rain fell all over the district except in Junnar, Khed,
and Maval. Small numbers were coming back. The grain supply
continued ample, but hajri rose to 19 1 pounds the rupee and jvari
to ] 9| pounds. The high prices caused much distress. During the
month there was slight cholera over most of the district. The
numbers relieved rose on public works from 81,678 to 40,177, and
on charitable relief from 4301 to 7501 ; on civil works they fell from
4650 to 4612. In June an average of 678 inches of rain fell. Many
landholders came back bringing their cattle. The sowing of the
early crops was begun in the west ; in the east sowing was much
kept back from want of bullocks. Cattle-disease was prevalent in
three sub-divisions and a few cases of cholera occurred. The supply
of grain was sufficient and both hdjri and jvdri continued steady at
19 1 pounds the rupee. The numbers on public works fell from
40,177 to 85,344; they rose on civil works from 4612 to 4625, and
on charitable relief from 7501 to 12,729. July passed with little
rain, an average fall of only 3 '24 inches, and this almost solely in
the west. , Except in Mdval rain was everywhere wanted, the
crops especially in Bbimthadi and the east were withering, and in
many places field work was at a stand. The supply of grain
was sufficient, but ha,jri rose to 14| pounds and jmri to 14|
pounds. This caused much distress and in the south and east many
were again preparing to start for the Ber^rs. The numbers on
public works fell from 35,344 to 26,786, on civil works from
4625 to 3552, and on charitable relief from 12,729 to 12,420.
In August an average of four inches of rain fell, but it was
chiefly confined to the west. Rain was wanted everywhere,
particularly in Indd,pur, Bhimthadi, Sirur, and Purandhar. The
rice crops in Md,val were good, but in the east the crops were
withering and in some places they had perished. In Bhimthadi
and Purandhar, with some exceptions, the pulse was lost. The high
prices, hdjri at 12| a,-aA.judri at thirteen pounds, caused much distress.
Many Bhimthadi landholders were preparing to leave their homes.
Throughout the month cholera was prevalent. The numbers
on relief works fell, on piiblic works from 26,786 to 24,514,
and on civil works from 3557 to 2003; on charitable relief they
rose from 12,420 to 21,660. In September an average of 5'42
inches of rain fell. At first in the central sub-divisions, Junnar
Khed and Haveli, there were only slight showers, but, about the
close of the month, there was good rain, and the early crops, which
except in Inddpur had suffered severely, were much benefited,:
About the middle of the month the late or rahi sowing was
begun, the poorer landholders in Bhimthadi finding great difficulty
in obtaining seed and cattle. BdjriieW from 12| to 14|- pounds
a.Vi.di jvdri from thirteen to 15f pounds, The people were improving,
and cholera and small-pox were on the decline. The numbers on
public works rose from 24,514 to 24,687 and on charitable relief
from 21,650 to 24,474; on civil works the numbers fell from 2003
to 719. In October an average of 8-82 inches of rain fell. The
Famines.
1876-77.
Deccan.]
POONA. 91
prospects of the early crops continued favourable and the late sowing Chapter IV.
was in progress. The Bhimthadi cultivators' seed and cattle AgriciUture.
diBBculty disappeared. The moneylenders came forward; the better
class of Kunbis had generally stocks of their own ; and a large
proportion of Bhimthadi^ chiefly along the Bhima, was tilled by the
people of the west of the district and of Satdra, who advanced seed
and lent bullocks on the crop-share or hatiii system.^ About the end
of the month the sowing in Bhimthadi was greatly kept back by
heavy showers. Bdjri fell from 14|- to 18| pounds, and/'wari from 15f
to nineteen pounds. The numbers on public works fell from 24,687
to 15,461, on civil works from 719 to 122, and on charitable relief
from 24,474 to S209. The large decrease in the number on the-
relief works was mainly caused by people having left the works;
tempted by the better wages they could earn in the fields. Slight
rain fell about the close of November. The hdjri harvest was in
progress and the late sowings were finished. In four sub-divisions
the jvdri crops were slightly damaged by blight. In some parts,,
owing to the want of bullocks, the tillage had been slovenly, and
in many places the jvdri crops were choked with weeds. On the
whole the outlook was promising. Bdjri fell to twenty-two pounds
and jvdri to 23^ pounds. The numbers on public works fell from
9621 in the first days of the month to 1788 about the close, on
civil works from 122 to fifty-three; and on charitable relief from
8209 to 1550. At the end of November all relief works were closed.
December passed with a few slight showers. Bdjri fell to 23^
pounds and jvdri to twenty -five pounds. Government continued to
offer charitable relief, but on the 22nd of the month the number
seeking relief had dwindled to 180.
The following statement of average monthly millet prices and
numbers receiving relief, shows that, during the first quarter of
1877, grain kept pretty steady at twenty-three pounds the rupee or
more than twice the ordinary rate, that its price rose rapidly till it
reached 12| pounds in August, and that it then quickly fell to 23^
pounds. As early as December 1876 the numbers on relief works
reached 40,250, and in January 1877 rose to 53,333. In February,
by lowering wages and enforcing task and distance tests, the total
was reduced to 41,786, and in March it fell to 83,223. From that it
rose to 44,789 in May, and then began gradually to fall. From June
to September the decrease was slow, it was rapid in October, and in
November the works were closed. The numbers on charitable
relief rose steadily from 1694 in January to 12,729 in June; then
with a slight fall to 12,420 in July they rose to 24,474 in September.
In October they rapidly declined to 8209, in November to 1550 and
in December to 180 when almost all the relief-houses were closed :.
1 In 1876-77 the tilled area in Bhimthadi waa 101,730 acres ; in 1877-78, 37%088i
and in 1878-79, 335,319 acres. In Indipur for the same years the areas were 9400
136,765, and 192,360 acres.
92
DISTRICTS.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Famines.
1876-77.
PoONA Famine, 1876-77.
Average Daily Numbers. |
1
AvERAOE Prices.
■
Month.
On Relief. 1
Rain.
CivU.
Public. I
Total.
Charity. J
S&jri.
JvdH.
1876.
Pounds.
Pounds.
Inches.
November
6401
14,263
20,654
19
204
Slight.
December
16,752
23,498
40,250
20i
191
1877.
January
29,669
23,764
63,333
1694
23J
22|
February
18,762
23,034
41,786
1766
23
24
"•02
March
6620
26,603
33,223
2290
221.
21
19
19
23J
■26
April
4660
31,678
36,328
4301
21
■10
May
4612
40,177
44,789
7501
19
•89
June
4625
36,344
39,969
12,729
19
6^4S
July
3567
26,786
30,343
12,420
14
14
3^24
Augrust
2003
24,614
26,617
21,660
12
13
4^00
September
719
24,687
24,406
24,474
14
161
6-42
October
122
15,461
15,583
8209
18
19
3^32
November
63
4738
4791
1660
22
23i
■30
December
Total ...
Average ...
Total Es. ..
180
23|
26
98,435
314,637
412,972
98,764
20-03
7572
24,196
31,767
8230
1,375,966 230,149
1,606,116
Within the famine area carts could hardly be hired. When they
took fodder and grain to the relief works from other parts of the
district, the charges were seldom higher than the ordinary rabes.
Except in December 1876, when a cart cost 2s. 6d. (Rs.lj) and in
January 1877, when it cost 3s. (Rs.l^) a day, the daily rate for a
cart was 2s. 9d. (Rs. If) .
A special census, taken on the 19th of May 1877, when famine
pressure was general and severe, showed that of 48,051 workers,
42,304 on public and 5747 on civil works, 30,030 belonged to the
sub-divisions where the works were carried on, 11,641 belonged to
other sub-divisions of the district, 4701 were from other districts,
and 1649 were from neighbouring states. As regards their
occupation, 2096 were manufacturers or craftsmen, 24,28.5 were
holders or under-holders of land, and 21,670 were labourers.
In 1877 relief -houses were opened for the infirm poor. Thirty-
three houses were opened and maintained at a cost of £22,838
(Rs. 2,28,380). Of twelve houses with a cost of £6949 (Rs. 69,490)
in Bhimthadi, two at B^rd,mati and Pandare were opened in April ;
three at Supa, Pdtas, and Jalgaon-Kharepathar, in May ; one at
Pimpalgaon, in June; four, at Pargaon, Khadki, Boribyal, and
Shirsuphal, in July ; and one at Yevat, in August. Of eleven in
Inddpur at a cost of £9551 (Rs. 95,510), eight, at Inddpur, Kalas,
Nimbgaon-Ketki, Varkute-Budruk, Madanvadi, Lasurne, Shetphal-
Haveli, and Palasdev, were opened in July; two, at Bdvda and
Hingangaon, in August; and one at Akola, in September. Of seven,
with a cost of £2865 (Rs. 28,650) in Sirur, there was one each at
Ghodnadi, Rdnjangaon-Ganpati, Talegaon, Nirvi, Mandavgaon,
Karde, and Alegaon. Of two, with a cost of £2212 (Rs. 22,120), iu
Deccau.]
POONA.
93
Haveli, one was at Dhankavdi and tlie other at Loni-Kalbliar. One
witli a cost of £1260 (Rs. 12^600) was opened at Jejuri inPurandhar
Except at Patas in Bhimtliadi, which had to be kept open till the
28th of February 1878, all the relief -houses were closed on the 30th
of November 1877. As a rule the death rate in the Poena relief
camps was low. It was highest in the relief camp at Dhankavdi
close to Poena. Except at Dhankavdi no camps were built, the
villages were almost deserted and the people were able to house
themselves and to live in rest-houses. At Supa and Jejuri large
empty houses were rented and a few cheap sheds were built. The
relief-house at Dhankavdi was reopened for a few weeks in July 1878
when the rains held off.
The most marked features of the famine in Poona were the efforts
of the landholders to help themselves, and the steady flow of grain
into the markets, so that, from about the end of October ] 876 to the
close of the famine in October 1877, no great difiSculty was found in
keeping the labourers supplied with grain at rates very slightly in
excess of Poona rates. As soon as signs of scarcity began the
Kunbis left their houses in large numbers to find fodder for their
cattle and food for themselves. In contrast to the Kunbis, the Mhars
Mangs and Rdmoshis, from indolence and perhaps from the fear
that if they left their villages they might forfeit their hereditary
rights, would not leave their villages to go to the relief works. At
first they were disinclined to take direct relief, and clamoured for
employment in their own villages. Later they became demoralized,
and many capable of work swelled the numbers on charitable relief.
It was customary to send large drafts to the public works, feeding
them at certain villages on the way. The low-caste labourers sent
distances of forty to fifty miles started willingly, but after getting
refreshed at the staging villages dispersed and made their way back
to their homes.
Early in the famine, Bhimthadi, Purandhar, and Haveli were
placed under the famine charge of Mr. A. Keyser, first assistant
collector; Indapur was placed under Mr. W. M. l?letcher, of the
revenue survey, who had sole charge of all relief operations in that
sub-division, and subsequently of twenty-nine villages in the east
of Bhimthadi ; and Sirur, Khed, Junnar, and Maval were under
Mr. E. 0. Ozanne, assistant collector, of the first of which he had also
the revenue charge. Mr, Keyser was assisted by Mr. H. L. Holland
of the revenue survey, who was however sick and on privilege leave
from November 1876 to March 1877 and again permanently
invalided in July when he went home on sick leave, and also from
February 1877 by Mr. W. P. Symonds, assistant collector, who,
from its establishment in August 1877, was placed in charge of the
Dhankavdi relief camp, until October when he relieved Mr. Ozanne.
Besides these officers, Mr. A. L. P. Larken, assistant collector, was
entrusted with the organization of the Mutha canal and. Nira canal
labour gangs and with settling land compensation cases. In
October 1876 the mamlatdars of Indd,pur and Bhimthadi, and, in
November and December, those of Sirur and Purandhar were put
on famine relief duty; and in August 1877, the mdmlatdar of
Chapter IV.
Agriculture.
Famines.
1876-77.
1S76-77.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
94 DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV. Mdval was placed under Mr. Symonds on the Dhankavdi relief
Agri^ture. °^™P-'
Famines ^^ 1877 tte famine area was divided into thirty-seven relief
circleSj each under an inspector. Twelve of these, Pimpalgaon,
Yevatj Pdrgaon, Patas, Supa, Murti, Pan dare, Jalgaon-Kharepathar,
Baramati, Rdvangaon, Shirsuphal, and Malad/ of seven to fifteen
villages, were in Bhimthadi ; ten, Bdvda, Vdddpuri, Nimbgaon-
Ketki, Lasurna, Kalas, Bhigvan, Palasdev, Kalthan, Agoti, and
Hingangaon,^ of seven to ten villages, were in Indapur ,• eight,
M^ndavgaon, Nirvi, Karda, Kondhpuri, Malthan, Sirur, Pabal, and
Shikrapur, of five to eleven villages, were in Sirur; foar, Rdjuri,
Jejuri, Valha, and Guroli, of nine to thirteen villages were in
Purandhar; two, Loni-Kalbhar of eleven and Asht^pur, of ten
villages, were in Haveli ; and one, Lakhangaon of seven villages,
was in Khed.
The difficulties in the way of effective relief were lightened by
the tractable, and, in the case of the cultivators, the self-helpful
character of the people. At first the village ofilcers were directed
to feed travellers in obvious need of food. In conse.quonce of this
order men wandered from village to village living as destitute
travellers, so that it became necessary to modify the orders and
limit the number of villages where travellers might be relieved to
a few on the main thoroughfares. These adult malingerers kept
in fair condition, but their children were often painfully reduced.
The wanderers were not confined to the low castes. Numbers
flocked into Poona, where a private association dealt somewhat
indiscriminate charity, and streamed towards Bombay from Poona,
S^'tara, and Sholapur. In August all beggars were turned out of
Poona, a relief camp was established at the village of Dhankavdi
about three miles to the south of the city, organized private charity
was stopped, and those in need of relief were taken to the camp,
whence when fit for work they were drafted to relief works or sent
to their own homes. People were also collected in Bombay and
Thana and sent by rail to the camp near Poona at G-overnment
expense. Another difficulty was, that, before the task or any
other test was established, people rushed to the relief works in such
niimbers that it was difficult to deal with them, except at a great
waste of public money. Works under civil agency had often no
supervising establishment beyond one or more inexperienced and
temporarily employed clerks. In some cases there were as many
as 1500 to 2000 workers, and in one case for a short time more
than 4000 workers on one civil, agency work. The result was a
pretence of work, insufficient return for large expenditure, and,
very probably, some amount of fraudulent gains on the part of the
clerks. With the establishment of the distance and task tests and
^ The mdmlatddr of IndApur was EAv Sdheb Vishnu Vfeudev, of Bhimthadi
EAv SAheb Ganesh Bhivrdv, of Sirur Khdn Sdheb Shamsudin AlikhAn, of Purandhar
EAv SAheb SiUrd,m DAdAji, and of MAval EAv SAheb MahAdev Pundlik.
* The last three, each of nine villages, were under Mr. Fletcher.
* Indipur is omitted as it was managed by the muDicipality.
Deccan.]
POONA. 95
tlie opening of the Nira canal, the Dhond-Manmdd railway Chapter IV. -
embankment, and other large and well organized works under the Agriculture
Public Works Department, these difficulties disappeared and the
civil agency works were entirely set apart for such persons as were Famines.
incapable of hard work. The difficulty then was to find work which 1876-77.
the weakly could do and to provide for the enormous preponderance
of women. It was necessary to employ a few able-bodied men on
civil agency works, while almost the only suitable employment
that could be found was clearing silt from old ponds, and throwing
gravel on roads and clearing stones from them. Next it was found
difficult, to enforce the tests without causing serious suffering and
loss of life. The unwillingness of the low-caste people to leave
their homes has been noticed. There was a natural unwillingness,
on the part of all classes, to tramp long distances with their women
and children, and work without much shelter at night or provision
for the first few days, while in the case of those unaccustomed to
continuous work there was sheer inability to perform even the
moderate task required. Poena was singularly favoured in having
many large and well-organized works in progress, and in almost all
cases the difficulties were successfully overcome by a judicious
system of advances, watchfulness on the part of the officers in charge
of the works, the system of credit with the grain-dealer which soon
sprang up, and the wearing off of the feeling of strangeness in the
lives of a population, who, if not well-to-do, had no former
experience of the actual pinch of hunger. The total cost of the
famine was estimated at £100,611 (Rs. 16,06,110), of which
£137,596 (Rs. 13,75,960) were spent on public and civil works,
and £23,015 (Rs. 2,30,150) on charitable relief.
Except that the rice crops suffered from petty thefts in the
harvest of 1877, and that small stores of grain were taken out of
deserted houses, there was a striking freedom from crime. Compared
with the former year the criminal returns showed a total increase
of 1527 offences, which in the Commissioner's opinion, were due
to the famine, being chiefly thefts and other offences against property
and person.'^ There are no statistics of the numbers either of the
men or of the cattle who left the district and did not come back.
It is believed that fully a fourth of the emigrant population never
returned, and about four-fifths of the cattle taken away were nevei
brought back. Among the people the estimated special mortality
was about 8800 souls, but compared with 1872 the 1881 census
shows a fall of 20,732. The addition of the normal yearly increase
of one per cent during the remaining seven years gives 85,223
as the loss of population caused by death and migration in 1876
and 1877. Of cattle, besides those that died, many thousands were
sold at very low prices.^ Though very great, the loss of stock did
1 The chief details are, an increase under murders of 3; under attempt or
abetment of suicide, 6 ; under robbery, 16 ; under lurking house- trespass or house-
brekking, 154 ; under mischief. 31 ; under theft of cattle, 183 ; under ordinary theft,
1251 : and under receiving stolen property, 95. . . , c ■ ,
2 The decrease of cattle through deaths and other causes arismg from famine has
been estimated at near 110,000.
Bombay Gazetteer,
96 DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV. not interfere with field work. The tilled area in 1877-78 fell short
Affri^ture °^ *^e 1875-76 area by 7476 acres. Of a land roTemie of £116,004
^ ■ (Rs. 11,60,040) for collection in 1876-77, £70,321 6s. (Rs. 7,03,213)
Famhtes. ^gj.g recovered by the close of the year. In 1877-78, of aland
^576-77. revenue of £117,013 (Rs. 11,70,130) £110,147 14s. (Rs. 11,01,477)
were recovered. Of £114,894 18s. (Rs. 11,48,949), the realizable
land revenue for 1878-79, £104,030 10s. (Rs. 10,40,305), and of the
balances, £12,091 2s. (Rs. 1,20,911) were recovered. By the 1st
of January 1880 the outstanding balance rose to £46,488 of which
in June 1880 about £42,981 (Rs. 4,29,810) were remitted. In the
east of the district some villages were deserted and others were
half empty. The cultivation was far below the average and the
number of cattle enormously decreased. With ordinary harvests it
seemed probable that at least ten years would be required to
restore the country to its former prosperity.
1878-79. In 1878-79, in Sirur, Purandhar, Bhimthadi and Inddpur the
Icharif or early crops were almost entirely destroyed by too much
wet. In Inddpur they were also choked by an extraordinary
growth of weeds. Half crops were obtained in Sirur and in parts
of Purandhar and Bhimthadi, but in places considerable damage
was done by locusts and other insects. The rabi or late crops
promised well till as they began to ripen the rats committed fearful
havoc.
The price of grain continued exceedingly high and at the
beginning of the hot weather the poorer classes of Inddpur showed
signs of suffering. To relieve the distress at various places in
Indapur work was opened on the Nira Canal. Piece-work was
exacted from the able-bodied, and the weak and sickly received
subsistence wages. During May, June, and July, nearly 10,000
people were daily employed. Between 200 or 300 who were unfit
for work, were cared for in a relief -house in Inddpur. The total
cost was £663 12s. (Rs. 6636).
Deccan.]
CHAPTER V.
CAPITAL.
In l872j according to the census^ besides well-to-do husbandmen
and professional men, 12,028 persons held positions implying the
possession of capital. Of these 1464 were bankers, money-
changers, and shopkeepers ; 7608 were merchants and traders ; and
2956 drew their incomes from rents of houses and shops, from
funded property, shares, annuities, and the like. Under the head
of capitalists and traders, the 1880-81 license tax assessment papers
show 2460 persons assessed on yearly incomes of more than £50
(Rs. 500). Of these 1229 had £50 to £75 (Rs. 500-750); 429 £75
to £100 (Rs. 750-1000) ; 304 £100 to £125 (Rs. 1000-1250); 119
£125 to £150 (Rs. 1250-1500); 136 £150 to £200 (Rs. 1500 -2000);
105 £200 to £300 (Rs. 2000-3000); sixty £300 to £400
(Rs. 3000 - 4000) ; twenty-seven £400 to £500 (Rs. 4000 - 5000) ;
twenty-four £500 to £750 (Rs. 5000-7500) ; thirteen £750 to £1000
(Rs. 7500- 10,000) ; and fourteen over £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Besides
these the 1879 papers showed 12,976 persons assessed on yearly
incomes of £10 to £50 (Rs. 100 - 500). Of these 6402 had £10 to
£15 (Rs. 100-150) ; 3673 £15 to £25 (Rs. 150-250) ; 1923 £25 to
£35 (Rs. 250-350); and 978 £35 to £50 (Rs. 350-500).i
From 1750 to 1817 Poena was the capital of the Peshw^s and
the resort o£ the great officers and feudatories of the state with
their numerous followers. Daring this time Poena was probably
the richest city in Western India. In 1798 the exactions of the last
Peshwa B^jirdv II. and, in 1802, of Yashvantrdv Holkar stripped
the people of Poena of much of their wealth. StUl in 1817, when
it passed under British rule, Poena was a rich city where skilled
craftsmen centered and large sums were spent. The capitalists of
Poona suffered considerably by the change from Mardtha to British
rule. About one-third of the capital was driven from the market.
Poona ceased to be the seat of government and the residence of its
numerous ministers and officers. The great purchases of jewels,
shawls, embroidered cloths, and other valuable articles came
to an end and trade declined. Under the Peshwd.s much of the
revenue from their widespread possessions centered in Poona. The
mon'ey came either by bills drawn from the districts upon the
Poona banks, or if it was paid in cash it passed through; a.e
Chapter V.
Capital.
Capitalists.
1 The 1879 figures are given because incomes under £,5(1 (Bfi. 500,) h3,ve gincebeeu
freed from the -license tax.
B 1327—13
[Bombay Gazetteer,
98
DISTRICTS.
Chapter v. hands of bankers, who profited by the exchange of coins before the
Capital. collection reached the public treasury. Poena bankers had their
Capitalists. agents in the districts and the ramification of the money
trade in loans to the people and to the renters of villages created
a wide circulation of specie, which returned to the coffers of
the Poona bankers with an abundant accumulation of interest.
Loans of this nature were usually repaid in grain which was
received at a price much below the market rate, and thus
brought great returns to the lenders. Under the British revenue
system all these advantages to the capitalists disappeared. The
trade in moneylending was still further hindered by the sub-
stitution of suits in courts instead of the former private methods of
dunning debtors. The merchants were forced to be more cautious
in their speculations and to look more to individual character and
collateral security.^ A few bankers failed from bad debts contracted
by broken-down nobles and ofiicials. About 1821 business was
very dull in Poona. Many rich bankers had fallen into poverty.*
Before 1850 the period of Poona^s greatest depression had passed.
It remained the residence of many of the pensioned Maratha nobles
and the head-quarters of the district of Poona and a very large
military station. About 1835 it became the resort of the Governor and
Council of Bombay between June and October and the head-quarters
of the Bombay army for part of the year. Since the opening of the
southern branch of the Peninsula railway in 1858, Poona has
continued to increase in size, trade, and wealth. At present (1883)
in the city and cantonment of Poona, besides the branch of the
Bombay Bank, forty to fifty firms have a capital of £10,000
(Rs. 1,00,000) and upwards, about eighty firms have £5000 to £10,000
(Rs. 50,000 - 1,00,000), and about 250 have £1000 to £5000
(Rs. 10,000 - 50,000). In Junnar, the place of next importance, the
seat of Musalmdn governors in the times of the Bahmanis (1347-
1489) and of the Moghals (1637-1760), one firm has a capital of about
£10.000 (Rs. 1,00,000), about five have £5000 to £10,000 (Rs. 50,000-
1,00,000), and about forty have £1000 to £5000 (Rs. 10,000-50,000).
In the rest of the district, in Bdr^mati Indapur Sasvad and Sirur,
about seven firms have a capital of about £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000),
about seven have £5000 to £10,000 (Rs. 50,000- 1,00,000), and 200
to 300have£1000 to £5000 (Rs.10,000-50,000). Alarge proportion
of these firms lend money on mortgage and do not trade. The men
of capital are chiefly Gujardt, Marwdr, and Lingayat Vanis, and local
Brdhmans. A few Chdmbhdrs, Kunbis, Malis, Marathas, Mhdrs,
Sondrs, and Telis with small capital are scattered over the district,
and in the city and cantonment of Poona are several rich European,
Jew, Musalman, and Parsi firms.
^Gujardt Vanis, of whom there is a large colony at Supa in
Bhimthadi, are said to have come to the Deccan about 250 years
ago when Surat was the chief centre of trade in Western India
(1608-1658). They appeared as travelling dealers in foreign
' Deccan Biota Commission Report, Ap. C, 270, 271.
» Captain H. D. Robertson, Collector (1821), East India Papers, IV. 588, 589, 593.
^ R&v Saheb Narso RAmchandra, Secretary Poona Municipality.
&eccan.]
POONA.
99
spices and groceries, visiting tte Deccan in the fair season. After
a time they settled as grocers in different parts of the district, and
taking to moneylending soon grew rich. They are- still considered
foreigners, and except in dress keep all Guiard.t customs and
manners, and visit their native country every three or four years to
perform marriage and other ceremonies. They have increased under
the British, though of late years their number has been stationary.
Except a few rich traders and bankers in the city of Poena, most
Gujardt VAnis are petty shopkeepers, traders, and moneylenders.
The Mdrw^r Vanis came later than the Gujardtis, but were settled
in the district in large numbers before the beginning of British
rule. They were looked on with disfavour by the Mardthas as aliens
who took hoards of money to their native country, and as Jain
heretics their temples were often turned to the use of Brdhmanic
or local gods.^ Many have settled in the district within the last
forty years.^ In Poona as in Ndsik and other parts of the Presi-
dency the great reductions in rent that were made between 1837
and ] 850 left the landholder with a margin, of which before long
the MdrwAri gained the chief share. They usually begin business
as clerks and servants of established shopkeepers and lenders.
While working as clerks, generally by buying old gold lace and
embroidered clothing or broken glass bangles and by saving,
they put together a little capital. When the clerk has gathered
enough capital, he severs his connection with his master and starts
as a shopkeeper and moneylender. In this way new shops are
being continually opened. Rich and long-established Mdrwdri firms
are careful to do nothing to injure their good name. On the other
hand, as a class, the small Marwaris are unscrupulous as to the
means they use for making money. Still though harsh and unscru-
pdlous to his debtors, even the petty and pushing lender and
shopkeeper as a rule deals straightly with his own people and with
other tr.aders. The Mdrwdri lender's chief characteristics are love
of gain and carelessness of local opinion. He has much self-reliance
and great industry. He has usually education enough to understand
the law and procedure of the courts to which he often resorts. He
is an excellent accountant and is generally quickwitted in all that
concerns his business. Knowing that the people look on him as a
stranger and a hardhearted usurer he holds aloof from them and
has no sympathies with them. He burdens himself with as few
permanent investments as possible, and like the Gujarat Vdni goes
to his native country for marriage and other ceremonies. Besides
as a moneylender and general broker he is employed as a retail
and wholesale dealer in groceries, grain, and cloth. Lingayat or-
Karndtak Vanis are chiefly ironmongers and grocers and are seldom
moneylenders. Brdhman capitalists who belong to the district are
Chapter V.
Capital.
Capitalists.
1 Deccan Riots Commission Keport, 23.
' The head-quarters of Bombay Deccan M^rwiris is the town of VAmbori in th&
Kdhuri sub-division of Ahmadnagar, about fifteen miles north of'Ahmadnagar city.
It is the seat of % large MArwAri community and is the centre of their exchange and
banking business. The proportion of MtowAris in Poona is not so large as in Ahmad-
nagar, -where in some places they have almost a monopoly of moneylending. Deooajx
Biots Commission Beport, 23.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
100
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Capitalists.
Saving Classes.
mostly Konkanasth Brahmans in towns and Deshastli Br^hmana
in villages. Except a few in the city of Poona, who are printersj
booksellersj and publishers of newspapers, the town Brd,hmans who
engage in trade are bankers and moneylenderSj and the village
Brdhmans who engage in moneylending belong to the village
accountants' or Iculkamis' families. Kunbis and other smaller
capitalists work in the fields and at their crafts besides engaging in
moneylending. Parsi and Musalman capitalists are contractors,
landholders, and traders, and the few Europeans are agents of Bombay
firms trading in Poona, or are independent traders.
Of townspeople, merchants, traders, shopkeepers, brokers,
pleaders, doctors, contractors, and highly paid Government servants ;
and of country people, landlords, petty shopkeepers, and money-
lenders, and a few rich cultivators save money.
Traders spend much of their savings in adding to their business.
With all classes of natives, except Marwar and Gujarat Vanis, the
favourite investment is ornaments and jewelry. Next to ornaments
come land and house property and lending money on mortgage.
Government savings banks and Government securities are resorted
to by the higher classes of townspeople who cannot make a better
use of their money and by others as a safeguard against loss and
because they can take out the money whenever they want it. For-
merly considerable sums were invested in private native banks,
chiefly by friendless widows and others, who got six per cent interest.
But savings banks and Government securities, though they pay only
Sf, 4, and 4 J per cent, have greatly reduced this form of investment.
Joint stock companies are not popular except with those who have
business connection with Bombay. European Government officers
have generally accounts with the Poona branch of the Bombay Bank
or with Bombay firms. The twelve years ending 1882 show a consi-
derable though not a constant increase in the advantage taken of
the two forms of investment provided by Government savings banks
and Government securities. In 1870-71 the deposits in the savings
banks at Poona and other sub-divisional towns amounted to £12,278
(Rs. 1,22,780). They rose to £38,544 (Rs. 3,85,440) in 1873-74, fell
to £22,352 (Rs. 2,23,520) in 1874-75 and remained with little
change till they rose to £37,268 (Rs. 3,72,680) in 1879-80 and to
£65,055 (Rs. 6,50,550) in 1880-81. This great increase was
owing to the rise in the highest amount of a single deposit from
£150 to £500 (Rs. 1500-5000). In 1881-82 as the amount of greatest
deposit was again lowered to £150 (Rs. 1500), the deposits fell to
£38,321 (Rs. 3,8.3,210); they rose to £41,468 (Rs. 4,14,680) in
1882-83. New savings banks have also been recently opened in
connection with post offices. The depositors are Hindu traders,
Government servants, and landholders. During the thirteen years
ending 1882-88 the interest paid on Government securities has risen
from £5755 (Rs.57,550)in 1870-71 to £7512 (Rs. 75,120)in 1882-83.
The increase, though considerable, has been far from steady. The
amount dropped from £5755 (Rs. 57,550) in 1870-71 to £4131
(Rs. 41,310) in 1872-73, and from that rose steadily to £9116
(Rs, 91,160) in 1878-79. It fell to £6898 (Rs. 68,980) in 1879.§0,
Seccan.l
POONA.
101
rose to £8805 (Rs. 88050) in 1880*81, and again fell to £7156 Chapter V.
(Rs. 71,560) in 1881-82 and £7512 (Rs. 75,120) in 1882-83. The CapTtal,
details are :
Saving CijAs^Em
Poona Savings Banks and Government Securities, 1870 -18S£.
T«AK.
Savings
Banks
Deposits.
Gov-
ernment
Securities
Interest.
Year,
Savings
Banks.
Deposits
Gov-
ernment
Securities
Interest.
1870-71]
1871-72
1872-73
1873-74
1874-75
1875-76
1876-77
£.
12,278
20,353
2-4,820
33,544
22,352
23,847
26,194
£.
5755
6829
4131
5880
6099
6427
6688
1877-78
1878-79
1879-80
1880-81
1881-82
1882-83
£.
22,305
22,697
37,268
66,065
88,321
41,468
£.
7179
9116
6898
8805
7158
7612
A branch of the old Bank of Bombay was opened in Poona early in
1862. During the speculations which accompanied the American
War it carried on a large business in local advances and in the
purchase of bills on Bombay. With the close of the war business
collapsed and in 1868 the old Bank of Bombay was placed in
liquidation. The Poona Branch was taken over by the new Bank
of Bombay and shortly after the Government local treasury was
made over to its care. Deposits are held by the Bank to a moderate
extent; but there is little or no profitable employment for its funds
in Poona, as the requirements of local traders are for the most part
supplied by local native moneylenders, who afford facilities against
which the Bank cannot compete. The branch has been of much use
to Grovernment in financing for the heavy requirements of the local
Treasury, as well as to the European residents who use the branch
freely for all purposes of ordinary banking.
^ No native firms confine themselves to banking ; all are also
moneylenders and traders. The chief bankers are found in Poona
and are generally Gujardt and Marwdr Vdnis and local Brdhmans.
Some Poona bankers have dealings with Bombay ; with Ahmadabad,
Baroda, Broach, and Surat in Gujarat; with Ajmir, Jaypur, and
Udepar in Rajputana ; with Karachi and Haidarabad in Sind ; with
Dhar, Gwalior, and Indur in Central India; with Akola, Nagpur, and
Umrdvati in Ber^r; with Agra, Allahabad, Benares, Calcutta, Delhi,
Kanpnr, andLucknowin Northern and Eastern India; with Aurang-
abad and Haidarabad in the Nizam's country; with Belgaum,
DhdrwAr, and Kd,rwar in South Bombay, and with BelMri in Madras ;
and the main towns along the highway leading to the shrine of
Rameshvar in South India. Where there is no agency a bill or
hundi is given on a banker in the nearest large town and is cashed
by the bankers of the smaller places in the neighbourhood. Local
payments are made in silver and beyond district limits in bills of
exchange or Jiundis. The rates of commission for a hundi range
from a quai-ter to four per cent, being high during the busy season
October to May. When the firm issuing the bill has a large balance
at the agency, as they tend to adjust accounts without the cost of
Branch
Bombay Bank.
Bankebs,
I K4v S^heb Narso RAmchandra, Secretary Poona Municipality.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
102 DISTRICTS.
Chapter V. sending bullion^ bills are issued at par. Under ordinary clrcnm-
_ -rr , stances tbe highest sum for which a bill can be cashed in Poena
s-Pi a • without notice may be taken at £400 (Ra.4000) and after notice
Bankers, at £2500 (Rs. 25,000), and in the other banking towns at about £100
BUIs. (Rs. 1000).
^ Th« two most usual forms of exchange bills or hundis are bills
payable at sight called darshani and bills payable after an interval
generally of less than nine days called mudati. Bills are of three
kinds, personal or dhanijog when the grantee is the person to whom
or to whose order the payment is to be made; on trust or shdhdjog
when payment is made to a nominee of the grantee known to the
payer ; and descriptive or nishdjog where a description of the payee
is embodied in the bill. It is not usual to draw bills in sets. A
letter of advice to the agent or banker, stating the amount drawn,
the number of the bill, and the name of the person to whom or in
whose favour the- bill has been granted, is considered enough.
Bills before they reach the correspondent of the drawer are in
some cases several times sold, and the purchasers endorse them
each time with their signatures or hecJians. When the amount
of the bill is remitted in cash, by another bill, or in any other
form, the bill is signed by the payee, returned to the grantor,
and filed as a voucher or Mioka. Unless the bill is bindjahti,
that is unless it requires no letter of advice, it is usual for the
correspondent of the grantor to send a letter of advice, intimating
the payment of the money to the payee. No days of grace are
allowed. The bill, if demanded, must be cashed on the specified
day. If the payer delays, monthly interest is charged varying
from one-half per cent if the drawer is a banker to three-quarters
per cent if the drawer is a merchant. If payment is asked before
the bill falls due, discount at a similar rate is charged. If the hill
is dishonoured and sent back uncashed, the grantor must pay
interest at double the rate of current interest from the date when
the bill was bought. He must also pay a non-acceptance penalty or
nakrdi, which varies in different places. Carriage was also formerly
charged according to the distance the bill had travelled.
If the bill is lost or stolen a duplicate or peth letter stating the
amount of the bill and asking for payment is usually granted. If
the duplicate letter is lost, a triplicate or parpeth mentioning both
the bill and the duplicate is issued ; and, if the triplicate is not
forthcoming, an advice or jdb mentioning the bill, the duplicate, and
the triplicate, is sent to the same effect. The payer must satisfy
himself as to the identity of the bearer of the bill and in doubtful
cases should demand security before payment is made. If he pays
the wrong man he has to bear the loss, and pay a second time to the
holder of the duplicate and the triplicate. The payee in the case of
an advice letter or jdb passes a separate receipt, while the bill, the
duplicate, and the triplicate are simply endorsed. After payment the
banker debits the drawer with the amount paid. If a drawer over-
draws his account, and the bill is lost or dishonoured, he alone is
* Steele's Hindu Laws and Customs in the Deooan.
Deccan.]
POONA.
103
responsible. It is usual after endorsing them to sell bills to bill-
brokers or daldls, who are paid brokerage at the rate of |c?. (J a.)
on every £10 (Rs. 100) bill. As treasure is seldom sent, bills are
generally adjusted by debits and credits and exchange bills or
hadli hundis, whose rates vary according to the conditions of the
transaction. The drawer pays commission or hokshdi to the
correspondent who disburses cash to the payee, and both drawer
and purchaser pay a brokerage or daldli for the sale of badli
hundis. The interchange of bills has been greatly simplified by the
introduction of a uniform coinage. Formerly the different rupees
and the different rates of exchange made the system most complicated,
and was the source of no small profit to local bankers.
Where there is aa agent or munim, the clerk or gumdsta acts
under the agent. As a rule there is no agent, and the clerk, who is
generally a Brahman, is subordinate to his master alone and is
treated by outsiders with much respect. He keeps the accoants,
makes and recovers advances to husbandmen, superintends his
master's establishment, looks after his lands and servants, and goes
abroad to buy and sell goods according to his master's orders.
Exclusive of food and other charges and travelling allowance the
clerk's yearly pay varies from £5 to £30 (Rs. 50 - 300). At Divdli in
October -November he is given a turban or some other article of
clothing and small presents on weddings.
Bankers as well as traders and well-to-do moneylenders keep
three books, a rough and a fair journal or rojmel and a ledger' or
khdtevahi. Some traders keep only one journal. Where two
journals are kept the transactions of the day are entered in the
rough journal as they take place. At the end of the day they
are corrected, balanced, and entered at leisure in the fair journal.
A general summary of each man's dealings is posted in the ledger
under its proper head and the pages of the journal which refer to
the details are noted. Many village lenders trust to the evidence
of bonds and keep no books.
In Shivaji's time (1674-1680) the following gold coins were
knownin the district: Gddars; Ibhrdmis ; Mohars ; Putalis; Satldmis;
Huns of fourteen kinds Pddshdhi, Sangari, Achyutrdi, Devrdi,
Rdmchandrardi, Guti, Dhdrvddi, 8hivrdi, Edveripdk, Pralakhati,
Pdld-NdiM, Adavani, Jadmdli, and Tddpatri; and Phalams of twelve
kinds Afraji, Trimaldri, Trishuli, Chanddvari, Pildhari, TJlafkari,
MuhaTnmadshdi, Veluri, Katerdi,Devjavli, Bdmndthpuri, and Kungoti}
The chief rupees that were current during the Peshwa's rule were
the Malhdrshdi or Rdstia's rupee, which was equal to fifteen annas of
the present Imperial rupee ; the AnJcushi of three kinds, Kora nirmal
chhdpi or fresh from the mint and bearing a clear stamp, Madhyam
chJidpi or with a half -worn stamp, and Ndrdyan chhdpi ; Beldpuri and
Bhdturi equal to fourteen annas ; Bodke surti equal to 14f annas ;
Jaripatki,Koldhi,Miraji, Phora Chdndvadi, and Phulshahari; Shikka
of three kinds, halli, shri, and vdi ; and Tembhurni. The Peshwa's
Chapter V.
Capital.
Baneebs,
Bills.
Currenoyi
1 ShivAji's Bakhar by KrishnAji Anant Sabh^sad,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
104
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Bankers.
Currency.
government used to add two per cent to all its collections to bring
them to tte Malhdrshdi standard. To raise the coins to the Ankushi
standard the last Peshwa Bajirav took an additional percentage
which varied according to the pleasure of the mamlatd^r. In the
beginning of British rule the percentage was fixed according to the
intrinsic value of the coins.-*^ Of the coins in circulation in 1821
about forty-nine per cent were Ndrdyan chhdpi, twenty-nine per cent
Kora nirmal, and 7^ per cent Madhyam chhdpi ankushis, five per cent
Beldpuris and Bhdturis, and 1| per cent Halli shikkds. The
proportion of the other rupees varied from one-ninth to two-nintha
per cent.
The shikka rupees were the most popular with bankers, who
generally preferred them to other coins. The other rupees continued
legal tender till about 1827, when they were superseded by the
Company's coin, but the shikka rupee remained current till about
1857. Till about 1834-35 when it was finally closed, the shikka
rupees were made in the Poena mint by the old TanksAle or Mint-
master family of Deshasth Brahmans under the supervision of British
officers, who allowed ten per cent copper alloy for remuneration.
Experts were appointed to examine the coins as they issued from
the mint, and were paid ^d. (^ a.) as commission on every hundred
rupees examined.^ These rupees were generally exchanged at a
discount of not more than f tZ.
(i a.).
At present, besides notes which are used only in the town and
cantonment of Poena, the currency is partly silver partly copper.
The silver coins are the Imperial rupee, half-rupee adheli, quarter-
rupee pdvli, and one-eighth rupee chavli. The ordinary copper
coins are a hali-anna piece dhabu, a quarter-arawa piece paisa, and a
onetwelfth-awwa piece pai. Old copper coins called chhatrapatis,
also called shivrdis or the coins of Eaja Shivdji, worth about a
quarter of an anna, are also current. The chhatrapati contains 136
grains troy (| tola) of pure copper, or 45 grains troy (i tola) more
than the current quarter-aw/ia piece. Still it sells for less as one
or two pieces have to be added in every rupee. The coinage of the
chhatrapati or shivrdi was stopped immediately after the beginning
of British rule. But about thirty years ago large quantities of a
counterfeit coin with an alloy of zinc were secretly coined and
circulated in the markets near Junnar and Ahmadnagar. Though
gradually disappearing these false shivrdis are still in use, and are
so close a copy of the real shivrdi that only an expert can tell them
from each other. Kavdis or cowrie-shells from the Malabar coast
are in use in making small purchases of groceries, vegetables, betel
leaves, and oil. Four kavdis, equal to one-twenty-fifth of a shivrwi
that is about one-seventieth of a penny, is the smallest unit.
1 Captain H. D. Robertson, Collector, in East India Papers, IV. 181, 580. For every
100 Kora nirmal chhdpi Ankushis were demanded lOOJ Madhya/m chhdpi Ankushis,
\0\\ Ndrdyan chhdpi Ankushis and Phulshaharis, 103i Bhdturis,105i Vdi shikkdi,
J^eldpuris, Koldbis, and Tembhumis, and 108 Mirajis, Ditto.
' Shortly before August 1822 the Poona mint was closed for some time owing to
ttie discovery of frauds. As the want of currency caused inconvenience the mint was
reopened. Mr. Chaplin's Report, 20th August 1822 (1877 Edition), 63. The mint
seems to have been finally closed about the year 1834-35.
Deccan.]
POONA.
105
Insurance or vima was known before the time of the British.
Valuable articles, jewels, bullion, coin, precious stones, cloth, cotton,
silks, and shawls, and sometimes cattle grain and metal vessels, while
being carried to and from Poona, were insured at Poona against
loss by robbery, plunder by troops, fire or water, the carrier's
negligence, his being carried off by a tiger, drowned in fording a
river, or dying from epidemic disease. Tha work of insurance
formed part of the business of one or more bankers acting as
partners. As insurance agents they undertook to send goods from
one place to another on receipt of transit cost and insurance fees,
varying from one t,o ten per cent on the value of the goods,
according to the distance, the danger of robbers, and the time
allowed for the journey.^ Insurance was not undertaken for a
longer distance than 200 miles (100 kos) unless on property of a
greater value than £100 (Rs. 1000). Within that distance the value
of goods whose safe carriage was insured varied from £10 to £10,000
(Rs. 100-1,00,000). The agents employed armed escorts and
camels to convey the articles, and every year had to pay blackmail
to the heads of the robber gangs who infested the country. The
insurance agents' escorts were Arabs,- Rohillas, Pathdns, or- Rajputs.
The camel-men who were Muhammadans were called sdrvdns.
Their wages were from fifteen to twenty per cent above those of
ordinary messengers, and, in addition to their wages, they were paid
rewards for each successful trip. They were noted for bravery and
for their staunch regard for their employer's interests. They carried
matchlocks, swords, daggers, and shields. They made very rapid
journeys on trained camels, and if attacked by robbers made good
use of their arms. Exclusive of the escort's wages the principal
sums defrayed by the insurer were on account of loss and damage
to the property injured. Interest from j to ^ per cent was also paid
to the owner if the goods insured did not reach their destination
within the appointed time.
Under British rule order and peace have made insurance against
the risks of the road unnecessary. Insurance against fire has not
Chapter V.
Capital-
Bankers.
Insurance.
' Steele's Hindu Laws and Customs in the Deccan, 314-321.
Poona Insurance Percentage, 1818.
The chief details are :
Gold
and
Jewels.
Cash, saver,
Gold
and
Jewels.
Cash, Silver,
Flack.
Cloth, and
other
Articles.
Place.
Cloth, and
other
Articles.
Haidarabad
lto2J
3 to 5
NSriyanpeth
3 to 4
3 to 6
Benares and Oudh ...
5 to 7
No
Ahmadnagar and
insurance.
satara
}tol
itoli
Jaypur and Ajmir ...
3 to 4^
4 to 6^
Dh4rw4randHubU...
lto2
1 to3
Surat
lJto2
No
Bell&ri
litoS
li to 3J
insurance.
Madras and Maisur ...
2 to 3
2 to 5
Ahmadabad
3 to 5
4 to 6
Suripur
2 to 3
3toB
Baroda
2 to 4
3 to 5
Machhli-Pattan
2 to 3
3 to 5
BurMnpur
lito2i
2Jto3i
Tanjor
2to3i
2 to 4
Indur and Ujain
2 to 3
3to4
Aurangabad, Yeola,
Nagpur
3 to 5
4to6
and Malegaon
li to 1}
IJ to 2!-
Umar&vati
1| to 2J
2ito3J
Bombay
itoj
Itoli
Miraj, Shol&pur, and
NSaik
lto2
2 to 3
B 1327—14
[Bombay Gazetteer;
106
DISTEICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Moneylenders.
been introduced. In Poona a branch of the Bombay Oriental
Grovernment Security Life Assurance Company Limited, has been
open since 1874. A few policies have been effected on the lives of
Europeans, Eurasians, Hindus, and Pdrsis, but the business done
has been small.
Much of the moneylending is in the hands of M^rwdr a,nd
Gujardt Vanis. A considerable number of local Brdhmans and a
few ChdmbhArs, Dhangars, Gosavis, Kunbis, Malis, Mdngs, Mardth^s,
Mhars, Musalmdns, Shimpis, Sond,rs, Telis, Lingayat and Vaish
Vanis, and others having capital also engage in moneylending.
The business done by local lenders, most of whom have other
sources of income and are not hereditary moneylenders, is less than
that done by outsiders from Mdrw^r and Gujardt. Except of a few
town firms moneylending is not the lender's sole pursuit. About
sixty per cent are traders including grocers and clothsellers, thirty
per cent are husbandmen, and ten per cent are pleaders and
others.^ Besides lending money Mdrwdris deal in grain, groceries,
cloth, and oil, some having shops in villages and others in country
towns and market places. Except in some Junnar villages, where
they have dealings with husbandmen, Gujarat Vdnis are chiefly
cloth-dealers who are settled in the larger towns and who lend
money to weavers and other craftsmen and seldom to husbandmen.
Lingdyat moneylenders are chiefly ironmongers a,nd grocers.
The Brahman moneylender is generally a land proprietor, a corn-
dealer, and in the city of Poona a pensioned Government servant,
pleader, or contractor, and a cultivator in Khed and Junnar. He is
generally found in towns and seldom lends except to the better
class of landholders. The Mardtha or Kunbi moneylender is a
husbandman. He is found in villages and towns. As a rule he
does not lend except to people who belong to his village or with
whom he is connected. The others are chiefly found in Poona and
in large towns. Of all lenders the Marwdri has the worst name.
He is a byeword for greed and for the shameless and pitiless
treatment of his debtor. Some say Brdhmans are as hard as
Marwdris, others say they are less hard. Almost all agree that
compared with Mdrwar and Brdhman creditors, Marathas, Kunbis,
and Gujardt Vdnis are mild and kindly. A Marwari will press a
debtor when" pressure means ruin. The saying runs that he will
attach and sell his debtor's cooking and drinking vessels even when
the family are in the midst of a meal. Brdhmans, whose position
in society tends to make them popular, are shrewd and cautious m
their dealings, and as a class avoid extreme measures for the recovery
of their debts. A Gujardt Vani, a Mardtha, or a Kunbi creditor
will seldom ruin his debtor. It is not easy to make moneylending
pay. Want of experience often leads to loss of capital. Except
when their immediate interests clash moneylenders as a class are
friendly to each other, avoid competition, and deal honestly among
themselves.
1 Mr. J. G. Moore, C.S.
Deccan.]
POONA.
107
The accounts of the rates of interest at the. beginning of British
rule vary. In 1821, according to the Collector Captain Robertson,
the usual rate of interest was twelve per cent except in the Mavals
where it was from twenty to twenty-four per cent. A 5 anria per
rupee a month or about eighteen per cent was an usual rate. When
the interest was paid in grain the usual monthly rate was a sher the
rupee or seventy-five per cent. If grain was borrowed for seed,
the debt was cancelled by repaying double the quantity borrowed
any time within a year j if the grain was borrowed for food one
quarter to three-quarters more were paid in return.^ About the
same time Dr. Coats (29th February 1820) described the village
shopkeeper as lending a few rupees to the villagers without security
and charging ^ anna interest a month or thirty-seven per cent. A
good deal of their traflSc with the villagers was by bartering grain
and other field produce for groceries. The usual yearly rate of
interest was twenty-four per cent. Loans of grain and straw were
repaid at fifty per cent, and often at seventy-five per cent.^
At present (1883) the rate of interest varies with the credit and
the need of the borrower, the habits of the class to which he
belongs, the risk of the industry in which he is engaged, and the
dearness of money. The interest charged is always higher in the
country than in the city and presses more on poor than on well-to-
do landholders. In small transactions where an article is given in
pawn the yearly rate of interest varies from nineteen to thirty-seven
per cent. In petty field advances on personal security the usual
yearly rate is 37| per cent. (| a. the rupee a month). When there
is a lien on the crops the payment is generally in grain and
the interest varies from twenty-five to fifty per cent. In large
transactions with a mortgage on movable property, nine to twelve
per cent are charged, and in mortgages of immovable property the
rate varies from six to twelve per cent. Where loans are secured
by mortgages on land, the average rate in the Haveli sub-division,
where the conditions of landed property are specially favourable,
varies from thirteen to nineteen per cent.^ In less favoured
sub-divisions the rate not uncommonly rises to twenty-four per
cent. Money invested in buying land is expected to yield a clear
profit of nine to twelve per cent. Interest is now calculated
according to the English calendar year in all transactions which
do not take the shape of book-accounts. Book-accounts and
merchants' accounts are generally regulated by the samvat year
which begins at Divdli in October - November ; Brahmans and
other non-professional lenders generally keep their accounts by
the akak year which begins on the first of Ghaitra in March -April.
If payment is made within three years the extra or intercalary
month is charged ; if the account runs for more than three years
the extra month is excluded. The Imperial rupee is the standard
in all transactions. Shopkeepers not uncommonly have dealings
Chapter V.
Capital.
MONEYLENDEBS.
Interest.
1 East India Papara, IV, 580. ^ Bom. Lit. Soe. Trans. III. 236.
' Deccan Riots Commission Report, 66-67.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
108
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V-
Capital-
Moneylenders.
Interest.
BOEBOWERS.
in shikka rupees. In such cases, if the settlement is private, it is
made according to the market value of the coin. In disputed cases,
when the parties come to court, the shikka rupee is turned into the
Imperial rupee at a reduction of nearly two per cent.^ At seed time
moneylenders usually advance grain for seed and for the maintenance
of the landholder. Advances of seed and of food grain are repaid
six months after in kind or in their money value at the rate of 125
per cent or savdi, of 150 per cent or didhi, or of 200 per cent or dam
dupat of the grain advanced. Contractors, who of late years are a
growing class, pay twelve to twenty-four per cent interest and at the
time of borrowing allow a discount or manuti of three to five per
cent. Their dealings are all in cash. They have fair credit and are
well-to-do. They borrow money to help them to carry out their
contracts and repay the loan as soon as the contract is finished.
Moneylenders have good credit and borrow at six to twelve per cent
a year. Traders and merchants whose credit varies with their
personal position borrow at nine to eighteen per cent. Khists or
small loans payable by daily or weekly instalments of a few annas
are occasionally made in some parts of the district.
The chief borrowers of the district are land-owning Knnbis.
Contractors of various kinds, who are a growing class, also borrow.
Enterprising moneylenders borrow at low interest and lend at rates
high enough to cover losses and leave a considerable margin of
profit. Traders and merchants rarely borrow except when they
make large purchases of the articles in which they deal. The few
craftsmen who are free from debt act as moneylenders. Though
most craftsmen are in debt they are not so deeply involved as
landholders, partly because they have no security to ofEer, partly
because they have no money rents to pay. In ordinary years, as a
class, craftsmen are better off than husbandmen. Still, of late years,
competition has closed many of the old callings, and craftsmen,
who have not suffered from competition, are generally afflicted by
a craving for some form of vicious indulgence. Except for their
intemperate habits craftsmen are generally intelligent, able to
care for their interests, and guard themselves from being over-
reached by false claims. Craftsmen borrow at twelve to twenty-
four per cent. Besides the interest, they have to accept a five per
cent deduction from the amount of the nominal loan. They are
honest debtors and do their best to pay their debts repaying in
small instalments. They dislike borrowing and do not borrow except
under considerable pressure. They reckon indebtedness a burden
and try to shake it off as soon as they can. Of the lower orders
domestic servants and labourers are the only classes who are
comparatively free from debt. House servants if forced to borrow
repay the loan by monthly instalments. They are generally regular
in their payments and careful to pay what they owe. Except during
the few years before and after the close of the American war, wheit
' Gov. Res. 23th January 1883, allows a deduction of one rupee and fifteen annM
for every 100 rupees.
Deccau.]
POONA.
109
the Peninsula railway and other local public works were in progress
and when the wages of unskilled workmen in Bombay were
exceptionally high, labourers were never better off than they now
are. Fifty years ago a laboured could hardly earn wages enough to
keep himself and his family and could save nothing. A labourer
then was badly fed and clad ; the cheapness of the articles of daily
use alone kept him from starving. The first marked improvement
in the labourer's condition was caused by the demand for labour
to complete the great public works which were in hand both
locally and in Bombay between 1862 and 1871. The Deccan Riots
Commission estimated that £250,000 to £300,000 (Rs. 25-30 lakhs)
of the whole amount spent in making the Peninsula railway within
Poena limits remained in the district in payment of local labour.
Just beyond the west limits of the district were the great Sahy^dri
works where on a distance of fourteen miles 40,000 labourers were at
one time employed by one contractor. At the same time the foreshore
reclamation and other works in hand in Bombay caused so great a
demand for labour that in 1863 the monthly wages of unskilled
workmen rose from 1 5s. Qd. (Rs. 7|) to £1 7s. (Rs. 13|). G-reat public
works in the Poona district continued to give the labourers highly
paid employment till the year 1871. At present (1883) a labourer can
command not only the necessaries of life for himself and his family,
but ordinary comforts and even a few luxuries. He spends his
gains on clothes, food, and liquor more than on ornaments.
Labourers work in the fields from August to March ; at other times
they are employed on house-building and other public or private
works!. On his personal security a moneylender generally advances
a labourer up to £10 (Rs. 100). Sometimes the security of a fellow-
labourer is taken.
Since before the beginning of British rule the greatest borrowers
in the district have been the landholders. The ordinary Kunbi is a
simple well-disposed peasant content with the scantiest clothing
and the hardest fare. Though unschooled and with a narrow
range of intelligence he is not without manly qualities and meets
with a stubborn endurance the unkindly caprices of his climate and
the hereditary burden of his debts, troubles which would drive a
more imaginative race to despair or stimulate one more intelligent
to new resources. The apparent recklessness with which he will
incur obligations that carry the seeds of ruin has gained for the Poona
landholder a character for extravagance and improvidence. The
apparent recklessness is often necessity. His extravagance is limited
to an occasional marriage festival, and his improvidence is no
greater than that of all races low in the scale of intelligence who live
in the present.^ The want of forethought, which prevents the land-
holder overcoming the temptation to which the uncertainty of
the seasons and- the varying value of his produce give rise, is caused
by a want of power to realize future troubles rather than by a spirit
of extravagance or waste. In 1875, in the opinion of the members
of the Deccan Riots Commission, the expenditure on marriage and
1 Deccan Biots Conunissioa Beport, 22,
Chapter III.
Capital.
BOKKOWEES.
Husbandmen.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
110
DISTRICTS.
Chapter III.
Capital.
.Borrowers.
Husbandmen,
otter festivals was less tte cause of the husbandman's indebtedness
than was commonly supposed. Compared with his means the
expenditure was extravagant, but the occasions seldom occurred.
In a course of years the total sum spent was probably not larger
than a landholder was justified in spending on special and family
pleasures. The expenditure on family pleasures formed an
important item on the debit side of many accounts but it was rarely
the nucleus of a debt. Even at twenty-four per cent interest the
£5 to £7 10s. (Es. 50-75) spent by an average landholder on a
marriage, with fairness on the lender's part and without the
addition of other debts, could be rapidly paid. In the opinion of
the Commission the bulk of the landholder's debt was due less to
the large sums spent on ceremonies than to constant petty borrowings
for food and other necessaries, to buy seed, to buy bullocks, and to
pay the Government assessment. The Commissioners held that in a
district with so uncertain a climate as Poena and with people whose
forethought was so dull, the payment of a regular money rental, even
when the rental was far below the standard of a fair season, must lead
to borrowing.
When the country came under British rule, the bulk of the
husbandmen were in debt. In 1819 in the township of Loni on the
Ahmadnagar road, about ten miles east of Poena, Dr. Coats
found that of eighty-four families of husbandmen all except
fifteen or sixteen were indebted to moneyed men generally
BrAhmans or shopkeepers. The total private debt was £1453
(Rs. 14,530) and there was a further village debt of £307
(Rs. 3070). The sums owed generally varied from £4 to £20
(Rs. 40-200), but some men owed as much as £200 (Rs: 2000).
The interest was usually twenty-four per cent, but when small
sums were borrowed interest was as high as forty per cent. The
cause of debt was generally marriage expenses or the purchase
of cattle and food. Each debtor had a running account with his
creditor and paid sums of money from time to time. According to
the accepted rule the interest of a debt could never be more than
the principal. In settling disputes the juries followed the rule dam
dusar hem tisar, that is double for money treble for grain. Few
debtors knew how their accounts stood. Most of them believed
that they had paid all just demands over and over again. About
a fourth of the people were indebted to their neighbours for grain
and straw and borrowed to support themselves and their cattle till
next harvest. They repaid these advances in kind at fifty to
seventy-five per cent interest. In ordinary times the whole of a
husbandman's produce was mortgaged before it was reaped. In bad
seasons the evil was much increased. If any of their cattle died
they had no means of replacing them. If they failed to raise an
advance they left their fields and tried to save some money as
Brdhmans' servants or perhaps as soldiers.^
^ In 1822 according to Mr. Chaplin, owing to the oppression of
1 Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. in. 226.
2 From the Deccan Riots Commission Report (1876).
Deccan.]
POONA.
Ill
revenue contractors, the landholders in many villages, though
frugal and provident, were much in debt to bankers and merchants.
Many of these debts were of long standing. They were often made
of compound interest and fresh occasional aids so mixed and massed
that the accounts were exceedingly complicated. A husbandman
who fell in debt could seldom free himself. The husbandman^s
debts were of two kinds, village debts and private debts. The
village debt usually arose from advances or loans made by bankers
to the Maratha Government on the security of the revenues of
certain villages. The private debts were the result of the revenue
farming system under which the state dues were collected through
bankers or sdvkdrs who usually received in kind from the villagers
what the bankers had paid to the Government in cash and drafts.
The mass of the husbandmen had not interest or title enough in their
land to be security for a large debt. Mirds or hereditary holdings
were sometimes mortgaged, but their selling value was estimated
at not more than two or three years^ purchase, and land yielding £20
(Rs. 200) of gross produce could seldom be mortgaged for more than
£10 (Rs. 100). The ordinary dealings between the moneylender
and the landholder were based on the teaching of experience rather
than on any power of compulsion in the hands of the creditor. The
recognized mode of recovering debt was for the lender to send a dun
or mohasal whose maintenance had to be paid daily by the debtor.
Another mode was to place a servant in restraint or dharna at the
debtor's door, or to confine the debtor to his house or otherwise
subject him to restraint. Against the humbler debtors severer
measures were used. The landholder's constantly recurring necessity
could not be relieved unless he maintained his credit by good faith.
On the other hand the Government in no way helped the lender to
exact more than a fair profit which considering his risks would also
be a large profit. Honesty was the borrower's best policy and caution
was a necessity to the lender. There was a considerable burden of
debt and many landholders were living in dependence on the lender,
delivering him their produce and drawing upon him for necessaries.
The landholder's property did not offer security for large amounts.
The debtor's cattle and the yearly produce of his land were the
lender's only security. As immoveable property was not liable to
sale for debt, and as the hereditary or mirds title was of no value
to a non- agricultural landlord, the mortgage even of hereditary
or mirds land gave the lender a hold on the produce rather
than on the land. Rates of interest were very high and much of
the debt consisted of accumulations of interest. The causes of
indebtedness were chiefly the revenue system and sometimes
expenditure on marriages or similar occasions. The amount of
individual debt was usually moderate. Most moneylenders were
men of substance who had a staff of duns and clerks. In recovering
debts the lender had little or no help from the state. At the same
time he had great license in private methods of compulsion. Under
British management the lender's power of private compulsion was
curtailed and courts presided over by the Collectors were opened to
suitors. At first the lenders did not go to. the courts. This and
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBEOWEES.
Husbandmen,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
112
DISTEIOTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BofiEOWEBS,
Hnsbandmen,
other causes caused a contraction in the moneylender's dealings.
Still the landholder's necessities compelled him to keep on terms
with his creditor. -■
There are no records bearing on the relations between the
husbandmen and their creditors in the years immediately following
Mr. Chaplin's report. Later information shows that the burden of
debt grew heavier rather than lighter before the introduction of
the Civil Court Procedure in 1827. The first regular Civil
Procedure was introduced into the Bombay Presidency by Regula-
tions II. III. IV. and V. of 1827. Regulation IV. provided the
procedure and Regulation V. the limitations for civil suits. In
Regulation IV. the cattle and tools necessary for the support of the
agricultural debtor were declared exempt from seizure on account
of debt. Regulation V. limited the yearly rate of interest recoverable
in a civil court to twelve per cent. When the new laws came into
operation, except in hereditary or mirds land, the husbandman
had no title to his holding, and on account of the fall in the value
of produce the revenue demand left little margin to the landholder.
Under these circumstances the lender had little security for debt.
As the courts gave the lenders the means of speedily realizing
their claims they were soon resorted to. In 1832, when the
extreme cheapness of grain was pressing with terrible weight on
the agricultural classes, the French traveller Jacquemont, a some-
what unfriendly critic, described the cultivators all over India as
owing instead of owning. They had almost always to borrow seed
from the banker and money to hire plough cattle. Every husband-
man had a running account with a lender to whom during all his
life he paid the interest of his debt, which swelled in bad years and
when family ceremonies came round. In no part of India did
indebtedness cause more misery than in the Deccan. Formerly
the law or custom prevented a lender from more than tripling the
original loan by compound interest ; neither personal arrest nor
seizure of immovable property was allowed. The English law
removing all such restraints caused much horror. To carry out the
law judges had to strip old families of their ancestral homes.''-
The first detailed record of the relations between husbandmen
and their creditors is the result of an inquiry made in 1843, by
Mr. Inverarity, the Revenue Commissioner of the Northern Division.
Mr. Stewart, the Collector "of Poona, after premising that it was
well known that all enactments to fix a lower than the market
rate of interest had the effect of enhancing it, stated that money
was frequently borrowed on mere personal security at thirty to
sixty per cent. Considering that the borrowers seldom owned any
property it seemed to him a matter of surprise that they had credit
at all rather than that the rate of interest was so high. The views
of Messrs. Frere and Rose his assistants were somewhat at variance
^ Jacquemont's Voyages, III. 559.
Deccan.]
POONA.
113
withtheOollector's views. Mr.Frere stated that there were few villages
under his charge in which there was one landholder unburdened
with debt and scarcely a single village in which three persons could
be found not involved for sums of over £10 (Rs. 100). These debts
were contracted on marriage and other social occasions. The
interest varied from twenty-five to sixty per cent according to the
circumstances of the borrower and the description of security given.
Mr, Frere recommended some measure restricting interest. Mr. Rose
observed that the usurious character of the village moneylender
was notorious. He thought the poverty of the Deccan landholder
was in great measure due to the lender's greed. He feared it
would be difficult to cure the evil as the people looked on the
moneylender as a necessity. Their thoughtlessness and ignorance
would frustrate any attempt to check or put a stop to the lender's
exorbitant gains. In cases where landholders were concerned, the
interest was generally enormous and agreements were fraudulently
procured. He also recommended that something should be done to
limit the rate of interest. In summing this evidence the Revenue
Commissioner seems to have shared the Collector's views against
trying to lower interest by legal enactment. He noticed that the
moneylender was frequently part of the village community. The
families had lived for generations in the same village helping the
people from father to son and enabling them to meet urgent caste
expenses.
In this correspondence the attention of the reporting officers
was usually fixed on the question of usury. It appears that as yet
the operation of the law had not aggravated the burden of debt
to any degree of severity. This was natural. The husbandmen
had generally no title in his land except the title conveyed by the
hereditary or mirds tenure aud his stock and field tools were
safe from seizure. Another notable point in this correspondence
is that the moneylenders are spoken of as the village Bania,
the village bankerj and under similar terms which show that
the old banker was the only lender with whom the landholders
had dealings. It is also noteworthy that expenditure on marriages,
caste riteSj and similar occasions is generally assigned as the cause
of indebtedness. One reason why social charges are noticed as the
chief cause of debt may be found in the rapid spread of tillage which in
different parts of the district followed the lowering of the rates of
assessment in 1836 and the following years. The lowering of assess-
ment gave the landholder a strong inducement to add to his holding
and the lender was encouraged to make advances by the enhanced
security and the ready machinery which was available for recovering
debts. It was hoped that the permanent title and the light assessment
guaranteed by the survey settlement would so increase the land-
holder's profits and stimulate his industry that by degrees he would
free himself from debt. The increased production and the stimulus
to agricultural enterprise did indeed follow, but debt instead of
diminishing increased. The records belonging to the period
between 1850 and 185S bring to notice two marked features in the
B 1327—15
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBROWEES.
Husbandmen.
rBombay Gazetteer,
114
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital-
BOREOWBRS.
Husbandmen,
relations between the lender and tlie husbandman which followed
the changes in the revenue and judicial systems. These two features
are the growth of small moneylenders and the operation of the laws
to the disadvantage of the landholders. lu 1852, Captain, the late
Sir Gr., Wingate, then Survey Commissioner, wrote that the facilities
for the recovery of debt ofPered by the civil courts had called into
existence an inferior class of moneylenders who dealt at exorbitant
rates of interest with the lower agricultural poor. As the value of
the landholder's title under the survey settlements came to be
recognized, his eagerness to extend his holding grew. A fresh
start was given to the moneylender in his competition with the
landholder for the fruits of the soil. The bulk of the people were
very poor and the capital required for wider tillage could be obtained
only on the credit of the land and its produce. Even under the
reduced rates of assessment existing debt left the landholder little
margin of profit. This margin of profit would not go far towards
covering his increased needs to provide stock and seed and to meet the
assessment on the additions to his holding. At the same time for
the first year or two his return in produce would be nominal. Even
the most cautious could not wait till their profits enabled them to
take up fresh land because they feared that the more wealthy or the
more reckless would be before them. In 1 855 it had become well
known that the Regulation restricting the rate of interest to twelve
per cent was evaded by the moneylenders by deducting discount,
or more properly interest taken in advance from the amount given
to the debtor. The usury law had the effect of placing the debtor
in a worse position by compelling him to co-operate in a fiction to
evade the law. The bond acknowledged the receipt of an amount
which had not been received. In 1855 an Act was passed repealing
the restriction on interest. Another result of the enhanced value
of agricultural investments caused by the survey settlement was
the spread of the practice of raising money on mortgage of land and
of private sales of land to moneylenders. Private sales of land were
doubtless made in liquidation of debt and not for the purpose of
raising money as no landholder would part with his land to raise
money. It must therefore be presumed that in such cases the
moneylender compelled the transfer by threats of imprisonment
or by other terrors. Although moneylenders were adding to their
land by private purchases the sale of occupancies under decree
was rare. This was probably due to several causes. The
people had not acquired full confidence in the title given by the
survey settlement ; they probably had hardly confidence in the
stability of the British rule. The only . land sold was hereditary
or mirds which as it was held by a recognized title was
reputed to be safe. It was seldom a creditor's interest to sell his
debtor out of his holding. The landholder's stock and field tools
were protected from sale and the creditor was likely to make more
by leaving him in possession of his land than by lowering him to a
tenant. The sale of immovable property for debt was opposed to
custom and public opinion, and unless the land was directly made
security the courts would be reluctant to have it sold if the claim
could be satisfied by other means more consonant with native usage.
Deccau.]
POONA.
115
The judicial returns show how much more favourable the mode of
disposing of business in the courts before 1859 was to defendants
than the more strict procedure which was introduced in 1859.
Under the earlier system about one quarter of the cases decided
were adjusted without judicial action ; in 1859 the proportion settled
without judicial action fell to about one-seventh.^ At this time
(1850-1859) the returns show that the imprisonment of the debtor was
a favourite method of procuring the settlement of a debt. The sale
of land was rare and the sale of the debtor's house was an innovation.
Imprisonment would therefore be more often used. During the
three years ending 1853 there was an average of 530 civil prisoners
in the Poena Jailj compared with an average of 204 in the three
years ending 1863.
In 1858, when Lord Elphinstone was Governor of Bombay,
he recorded his conviction that the labouring classes suffered
enormous injustice from the want of protection against the
extortionate practices of moneylenders. He believed that the civil
courts had become hateful to the mass of the people because they
were made the instruments of the almost incredible rapacity of
usurious capitalists. In Lord Elphinstone's opinion nothing could
be more calculated to give rise to widespread discontent and
dissatisfaction with British rule than the practical working of the
existing law.
Shortly after this the rise in produce prices improved the
landholder's condition. Notwithstanding the pressure of debt and
of injurious laws about 1860 the landholders were better off than they
hadbeen f oryears. The conditions of agriculture had been favourable.
For nearly twenty years landholders had enjoyed a fixed and
moderate assessment and large tracts of arable waste had been
brought under tillage. Communications and means of transport
were improved, the railway whose construction had enriched the
district by about £200,000 (Rs. 20 lakhs) was within easy reach,
and in spite of a series of good seasons produce prices had risen.
Although the lender might take him to court, the landholder had a
chance of being able to borrow from a rival lender and the court
would give time. If a decree was passed against the borrower, his
stock and field-tools were safe and his land was not in danger.
He might be imprisoned until he signed a new bond ; he was not
likely to be made a pauper.
In 1859 two enactments aggravated existing evils. These were the
Civil Procedure Code and the Statute of Limitations, Whatever
facilities the law afforded the creditor in 1 852 were greatly enhanced by
the introduction of the 1859 procedure, and by thepunctnalconductof
judicial duties which was now exacted from the subordinate courts.
At the same time the landholder's credit was enhanced by adding
his land and his stock and field tools to the security which was
liable for his debts. In 1865 the introduction of compulsory
registration of deeds dealing with immovable property protected
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOKROWBKS.
Husbandmen
1 The details were ; in 1850 of 8893 cases 2355 were settled without judicial action ;
in 1859 of 10,060 oases 1 869 were settled without judicial action.
[Bombay Gaisetteei't
116
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Borrowers.
Husbandmen.
the creditor from attempts to repudiate or dispute a registered bond.
In the meantime the landholder's estate had risen in value and new
cultivation offered securities for new loans. His personal solvency
was assured by the large demand for labour on the railway and
other public works, and in 1 865 his title in his land was recognized
and secured by an Act which confirmed the rights vested in him by
the survey settlement. Between 1862 and 1865 the American war,
while on the one hand it poured money into the country to seek
investment, on the other hand raised to an extravagant pitch the
value of agricultural securities. To these causes tending to attract
capital to the business of agricultural moneylending it may be
added that in the dearth of other industries, with a population whose
wants embraced little but the merest necessaries, capital, which under
other conditions would find employment in trade or manufactures,
naturally turned to agricultural investment. Almost the .only course
open to the clerk or servant who had saved a little money in a
village moneylender's employmentj was to set up as a moneylender.
The most unscrupulous class of petty moneylenders increased
considerably during the ten years ending 1875. It became the
landholder's common practice to borrow from one lender to
pay another or to borrow from two or three at a time. One
result of this competition of low-class lenders was that even
respectable lenders were obliged to resort to the methods of swelling
the debt and coercing the debtor which the petty lenders had
introduced.^ In the process of swelling the account the lender was
greatly helped by the Limitation Act of 1859. This Act was passed
with the object of helping the borrower by making it impossible for
the lender to bring forward old claims which the borrower could not
disprove. The lender wrested the provisions of the Act to his own
advantage by forcing the debtor, under threat of proceedings, to pass
a fresh bond for a sum equal to the amount of the original bond
1 Sir G. Wingate thus described the change in the relations between the lender
and the landholder : The prosperity of the landholder is no longer necessary to
the prosperity of the lender. The village lender needs no longer to trust to the
landholder's good faith or honesty. Mutual confidence and goodwill have given
way to mutual distrust and dislike. The ever-ready expedient of a suit gives
the lender complete command over the person and property of the debtor. It
becomes the lender's interest to reduce the borrower to hopeless indebtedness that he
may appropriate the whole fruits of his industry beyond what is indispensable to bis
existence. This the lender is able without difficulty to do. So long as a landholder
is not deeply involved the lender readily affords him the means of indulging in any
extravagance. The simple and thoughtless landholder is easily lured into the
snare . He becomes aware of his folly only when the toils are fairly round him and
there is no escape. From that day he is his creditor's bondsman. The creditor
takes care that the debtor shall seldom do more than reduce the interest of his
debt. Do what he will the landholder can never get rid of the principal. He toib
that another may rest ; he sows that another may reap. Hope leaves him and
despair seizes him. The vices of a slave take the place of a freeman's virtues. He
feels himself the victim of injustice and tries to revenge himself by cheating his
oppressors. As his position cannot be made worse, he grows reckless. His great
endeavour is to spoil his enemies the moneylenders by continual borrowing. When
he has borrowed all that one lender wijl advance, it is a triumph to him, if lies ana
false promises can win something more from another. The two creditors may fignt<
and during the fray the debtor may snatch a portion of the spoil from both, Decoan
Riots Commission Report, 45-46,
Ceccan.]
POONA.
117
together witli interest and often a premium.^ His inability to pay
on account of the uncertainty of the seasons made this practice of
passing new bonds at the end of every two or three years press
specially hard on the Poena husbandman.
Though the landholders' gains from the high prices of produce
during the four years of the American war (1862-1865) were to a
great extent cancelled by the badness of those seasons, still the
husbandmen drew large profits from the high wages of unskilled
labour, which in Bombay rose from 15s. 6d. (Rs. 7|)to £1 7s. (Es. 13|)
a month. Besides in Bombay high wages were paid to the workers
in the railway especially on the ascent of the Bor pass which was
not completed till 1863. Following on this after a short interval
came an increased expenditure on local public works, which in the
Poona district alone in 1868-69 rose to about £310,000 (Rs. 31
Idkhs). Daring the five years ending 1867, the cantonment of
Poona was the scene of extraordinary activity in private house-
building. The sums spent on ordinary labour in these works could
not have been much, if at all, less than those spent by Grovernment
in the same area. Besides the advantage of high wages the
agricultural population drew a more questionable advantage from
their position as landholders. Through the immense stimulus given
to the production of cotton and because of the cheapness of money,
field produce and land had risen so high that the landholder's power
as a borrower was that of a capitalist rather than of a labourer.
The increase in the value of land is illustrated by the rise in the
number of suits connected with land from seventy- five in 1851
to 282 in 1861 and to 632 in 1865.^ At the same time the increase
in the landholder's credit is shown by the fall in the compulsory
processes for the recovery of debt. Thus, though during this period
of extremely high prices, the husbandman's land may have, on
account of the badness of the seasons, brought him little actual
income, it brought him the fatal gift of unlimited credit.
In 1865 with the close of the American war the inflow of capital
ceased.- Prices did not at once fall as 1866-67 was a season of
severe drought, 1867-68 of partial failure, and 1870-71 of serious
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBBOWEES.
Husbandmen.
1 On the 17th of May 1875, Mr. W. M. P. Coghlan, the Sessions Judge of' Thdjaa,
wrote, ' In bonds founded on old bonds which have nearly run the period of limitation,
it is impossible to estimate what proportion of the consideration was actual cash
payment. The Limitation law, a statute of peace made for the protection of borrowers,
became an engine of extortion in the hands of the lenders , When a bond is nearly
three years old the creditor by threatening proceedings presses the debtor to pass a
new bond for a sum equal to the principal and interest of the old bond and sometimes
with an additional premium. ' According to the Judge of the Small Cause Court of
Ahmadabad, 1st September 1875, the short term which the Limitation Act introduced
caused great hardship and furnished lenders with opportunities for cheating their
debtors. The debtors are harassed every two years to pay the money or to pass a,
new bond. Creditors always leave a margin of one year as a measure of precaution.
If the law makes three years they always make it two, because they may have to go
to another place or the debtor may go elsewhere. Two years is not a long enough
time to give a husbandman to pay money. Perhaps it was borrowed for his son's
marriage, or for planting sugarcane, or making a garden, and will take him six or
seven years to clear.
2 The details are : 1861, 282 suits ; 1862, 591 ; 1863, 520 ; 1864, 580 ; and 1865, 632.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
118
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BORBOWBRS.
Husbandmen,
failure, and the very large sums whicli were spent on local works
tiiri871 farther helped to keep up produce prices. After 1871 the
expenditure on public works declined, the harvests were good, and
the price of millet fell from forty-four pounds in 1871-72 to sixty-
five pounds in 1873-74. Prom 1867 the settlements of land revenue
made thirty years before began to fall in, and the revision resulted
in a considerable increase in the Government demand.^ All these
circumstances contributed to contract the landholder's means and
materially reduced the margin available for the lender, while it is
possible that the landholders did not contract in the same proportions
the more costly mode of living which high wages had justified.
Debts increased and the husbandmen began to mortgage their
lands more deeply than before. In 1871 the failure of crops called
for' large remissions. Other causes prevented the rental actually
levied from reaching the full amount of the revised rates, and in
1874, in consequence of the fall in produce prices, the revised rates
were reduced. Still the effect of the new settlement was a large
retrenchment from the landholder's profits.
The effect of the sudden fall in produce prices betwieen 1871-72
and 1873-74 aggravated by other circumstances, was first to reduce
the landholder's power of paying, secondly to make creditors seek
by all means in their power to recover their debts or to enhance
their security by turning personal debt into land mortgage, and
lastly to check further advances to husbandmen.^ During the
same period there was a marked increase in the difficulty of
collecting the land revenue. Not only in the sub-divisions where
the enhanced assessments pressed directly upon the moneyed classes,
who were able to organize and sustain resistance to the demands of
Government, but in others, the period from 1868-69 to 1873-74 was
marked by an unusual amount of remissions and arrears. The
business of lenders was also reduced to the last point. At the same
time the area held for tillage considerably contracted.
The pressure on the landholder to pay what he owed and the
unwillingness of the lender to make further advances were gradually
increasing from 1869 to 1875. An order of Government in the
Revenue Department,^ framed with the object of preventing the
sale of land, directed that process to recover land revenue should
' The follomng table shows the results of the revisions :
PoonaMevidon Survey Results, 1869-187^.
SoB-Dmsioir.
Former
Demand.
Bevised
Demand.
Increase,
Per-
centage.
Tndapur
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Pftbal
Slipa
Ea.
81,184
81,475
80,476
92,359
59,926
Bs.
1,25,845
1,33,131
1,33,174
1,39,315
78,788
Bs.
44,661
61 656
52,699
46,956
18,862
65-01
63-40
65-48
60-84
31-47
^ The lender's distrust In the borrower was shown by the rise in the number of
registered deeds in Bhimthadi and Indipur from 752 in 1866 to 874 in 1869, 1195 in
1870, 1217 in 1871, 1374 in 1872, and 1414 in 1873.
3 Eesolution 726, 5th February 1875.
Deccan.]
POONA.
119
issue first against the movable property of the occnpant, and that
the land should not be sold until after the sale of the movable
property. This order the moneylenders turned- to their own
advantage at the expense of the landholders. In February and
March 1875 the lenders refused to pay the second instalment of
revenue on land whose produce they had received from their debtors.
Landholders who found their movable property attached, after they
had handed their creditors the produce of the land on the
understanding that they would pay the rents, naturally felt that
they were the victims of deliberate fraud. The feeling of ill will
was strong and widespread.
In 1874 a band of Koli outlaws, on the western hills of Poona
and Ahmadnagar, directed their robberies almost entirely against
the lending class. So great was the terror that for many months a
large tract of country enjoyed complete freedom from the exactions
of Mdrwdri creditors and their agents.^ This fact and the story that
an Englishman, who had been ruined by a Marwari, had petitioned
the Empress and that she had sent orders that the Marwdris were to
give up their bonds brought matters to a crisis. Even the more
educated villagers believed that on a report from India orders had
come from England that the IVTArw^ris were to have their bonds taken
from them. In some form or other this report was circulated and
a belief established that acting under orders from England, the
Government officers would connive at the extortion of the
Md,rwaris' bonds. During 1874 the district officers had been called
upon to furnish information regarding the people of the district
for the compilation of the Bombay Gazetteer. Among other
subjects the business of the moneylender, the leading characteristics
of his professional dealings, and his relations to the landholding
classes had been inquired into. This gave room for supposing that
the Government, hearing of the ill-treatment of the landholders by
the lenders, had caused inquiry to be made and had now given an
order which would redress their wrongs. This resulted in the Deccan
Eiots of 1875.2
The first sign of open hostility to the M^rwdri moneylender
among the orderly villagers of the Poona plain, was shown by the
people of Karde in Sirur. A deshmukh, or district hereditary
officer, named Babd.sd,hebj a man of good family and some influence,
who had made a fortune in the service of His Highness Sindia,
had settled in the village. He spent his fortune and fell into
debt. Two of his creditors, Kdluram and Bhagvd,ndds, both of
them Mdrwdris, got from the Talegaon court decrees against
B^bdsaheb. Kd,lurd,m took out a warrant of arrest. Bdbdsdheb
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOEEOWBES.
Husbandmen.
Deccan Biota
' Between 1870 and 1874 moneylenders suffered in one case of murder, seven of
robbery, eight of mischief, twenty-four of theft, twenty-nine of hurt, and eight of
criminal f6roe, or a total of seventy-seven offieuoes in five years. Deccan Riots Com-
mission Report, 9.
' The feeling of hostility between the landholders and their creditors which found
expression in the riots had been increasing for some time, and had it not been for a
transient period of prosperity, the crisis would have happened long before. Bom.
Gov. Sel. CLVII (New Series), 2.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
120
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Borrowers.
Husbandmen.
gave E^lurdm personal ornaments and the warrant was not
execnted. About four months later some ornaments and property
belonging to the temple of Vithoba at Bab^sdheb's house were
attached, but, at the instance of the villagers, Kdluram allowed the
attached property to remain in deposit with a third party for two
months At the end of the two months, as Bdbasd,heb had not
paid the value, Kaluram carried off Vithoba's ornaments. ^ A third
execution was issued on Kdlurdm's decree, and B^bdsaheb s houses
and lands were attached and sold to Kdlur^m for the trifling sum
of £15 (Rs. 150). In December 1874 Kdlur4m began to pull down
Babdsdheb's house, and refused to listen to his entreaties not to
ruin the house. Enraged at KAlurdm's conduct Bd,bd,sa,heb gathered
the villagers and persuaded them that as the M^rwaris had begun
to ruin them they must cease to borrow from them and refuse to
work for them or to buy from them. The villagers agreed and one
of them opened a grocer's shop at which all the village purchases
were made. The Mdrwdris were put to the greatest inconvenience
for want of servants. Besides refusing to serve them as water-
carriers, barbers, or house-servants, the villagers annoyed the
Marwdris by throwing dead dogs and other filth into their houses.
These signs of hate so scared the Mdrwdris that they retreated to
Sirur for police protection and represented to the Magistrate that they
were in bodily fear of the vUlagers. At the same time the villagers
submitted a petition to aovernment praying that as they had given
their grain to the Mdrwd,ris, the Mdrwd^ris should not be allowed
to leave the village until the Government assessment had been paid.
The Magistrate reported to the Commissioner the dangerous spirit
shown by the people. The example of the people of Karde was
followed by other villages. Before any outbreak occurred the Mdrwar
moneylenders had in several places been subjected to similar social
outlawry and petty annoyance.^
The first outbreak occurred at Supa, a large Bhimthadi village, on
the 12th of May 1875. The victims were a large number oi bujar^t
Vani moneylenders. Their houses and shops were attacked by a
1 The following U the substance of a mmdpatra or ^ff^?^'"^"* tfrbetnYeased
people of Kalas in IndApur. Fields belonging to Gajars which ™^y .^^^^^^^^^^X
to villagers shall not be tilled. No man nor woman shall take service jith a 0,uj^.
Any one tilling a Gujar's field or working for him will be 'i«"'«„'^ *'^;fi™;4X
village barber, washerman, carpenter, ^"="^1*. «l}?«'"f^«'^l^°'^°*^^™X^^^^
Fields belonging to lenders other than Gu ars shall not be taken on lea^^ by a^y "P^-
F e d^ already leased shall be given up. If the village Mhirs f °<iertake to dun
the villagers on behalf of the Gujars they ?1}^11 J^^J^^f^^^^^^f^^: "'"rfth^head-
bundles oi grain stalks. The villagers shall abide by tlfs« "editions « ^"^^ ,
man joins the Gujars and other lenders, his hereditary right shall cease ^^^^^^^^"^^
be disregarded. If the village priest or accountant joms the •"""^yl^^^^^^.^.i^f^'
shaU not be paid. The vilkgers shaU engage.any PV/ftl'^y choose, and ^^.e claim
of the hereditary priest will not be recognized. If the ^^^^dman or the prie
put to any expense on behalf of the vUlagers ^he villagers sha^l subserve the sum^
in landholders shall behave in accordance yt^.tl^^^^ ™1«%5 ^"''^ftffi lople
contrary will neither be allowed to come to caste-dmners, nor to many with ^
of his caste. He shall be considered an outnaste He will not ^« ^llowl *o p^j, the'
community without their unanimous consent and will have *° P^y *^^7,'„„ity.
community may inflict on him and further will have to S^^^a dinner to the commun y
Dated VaishdkhShuddh 2nd Shake 1787, that is 7th May 1875. Afterwards unaer
influence and advice of the Superintendent of Police the villagers agreed to return
their old relations with the moneylenders.
DecoauJ
POONA.
12X
mob recruited from the hamlets round Supa who had met nominally
to attend the weekly market. One Gujar's house was burnt down, and
about a dozen other houses and shops were bnoken into and gutted.
Account papers, bonds, grain, and country cloth were burnt in the
street. No personal violence was used. The chief constable of the
sub-division with six or seven constables secured about fifty persons
and recovered stolen property worth £200 (Es. 2000). The loss was
represented by the Gujars at £15,000 (Rs. 1^ lakhs) ; it was not
really more than £2500 (Rs. 2,5,000). Within twenty-four hours of
the riot at Supa, the leading Marwari lender of Kedgaon about
fourteen miles to the north of Supa had his stacks burnt down and his
house set on fire. During the following days riots occurred in four
other villages of Bhimthadi, and were threatened in seventeen
more.^ The contagion spread to the neighbouring sub-divisions of
Inddpur and Purandhar. In Indapnr a disturbance, which from
the numbers present would have been serious, was averted, as were
the riots threatened in the seventeen Supa villages, by the
promptitude of the police. A detachment of Native Infantry arrived
at Supa, the police were relieved and available for other duty, and
order was quickly restored.
About. the same time riots occurred in Sirur. The first act of
violence was committed at Navra, where a Marwari, who had left the
village for safety, was mobbed and prevented from moving his
property. An uncle of this Marwdri some two years before had
been murdered by his debtors. Other Sirur villages followed the
example of Navra.^ In fifteen Sirur and three Haveli villages
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBKOWESS.
Husbandmen.
1 In the village of Morgaon a crowd assembled, Vd,nis were threatened and bonds
demanded, violence was prevented by the timely arrival of the police. At Dhond a
Vdni was severely treated because he would not give up his bonds, and a large crowd
assembled. Five ringleaders were punished. At Ambekhurd two VAnis' houses
were forcibly entered, their account-books destroyed, and iDonds taken away. Six of
the ringleaders were punished. In Aligaon ahout two hundred men from the
surroundingvillagesofNargaoniNandgaon, Andhalgaon, Kolgaon, Dolas, andVadgaon,
assembled, headed in some instances by their headmen and village police, and de-
manded their bonds from the Vdnis threatening if they refused to treat them as
the Supa Vinis had been treated. The police patel of the village, with the assistance
of the EAmoshis Mhirs and other well disposed people, dispersed the assembly who
threatened the Vinis with another visit. The inhabitants of Vadgaon again collected
in numbers and compelled one of the Vdnis of their village to give up his bonds,
went through his house, broke open the back entrnnce of the next house, illtreated
the female Vdni owner, compelled her to point out where the bonds were kept,
broke open the box, and took the bonds, burning or otherwise deatroyingj^apers worth
£100 to £1200 (Its. 1000-12,000). A similar assembly at Mandgaon took posses-
sion of bonds of the value of £600 (Rs. 6000) and about half of them were destroyed.
At Eahu a Mirwdji who had been incessantly threatened fled to Phulgann, and was
not allowed to remove his property and family. A large stack of fodder belonging
to him was destroyed. At Pimpalgaon, the villagers took away bonds from small
moneylenders among whom was a ChAmbh^r who had only one bond for £3 lOs. (Rs, .3.1).
The police patel on his way to report the matter to the Police Superintendent
was stoned.
2 At Dh^rure the houses of two Md,rw4ris were simultaneously attacked, bonds
worth £1200 (Rs. 12,000) were forcibly taken, and the owners were stoned. One old
Mdrwdri had his leg broken. He was confined in his hohse and the house set on
fire. He was saved but his and the other MArwaris' houses were burnt. The
chief constable was also threatened and was not allowed to cari-y on the work of
investigation. This shows that everywhere the same influences had brought the
villagers to the same readiness to resort to force. Subsequent inquiries leave no
doubt that the rioters at Supa had the sympathy and countenance of some influential
B 1327—16
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOKKOWEKS,
Husbandmen.
122
DISTRICTS.
riots either broke out or were threatened.! The regiment of Poona
Horse whose head-quarters are at Sirur supplied parties to help the
Magistrate and police in restoring and maintaining order. More
or less serious disturbances took place in five villages of Bhimthadi
and sis villages of Sirur. They were threatened but averted by the
arrival of the police in seventeen villages of Bhimthadi, in ten of
Sirur, in one of Indapur, and in three of Haveli. Of 559 persons
arrested, 301 were convicted and 258 discharged. Punitive police
posts were established in the disturbed villages at the people's
expense. The riot at Supa was singular in the wholesale plunder of
property and the Damare riot in the murderous assault on the money-
lenders. Inafew otheroasespersonalviolencewasused, andinseveral
places stacks of produce belonging to moneylenders were burnt. As
a rule the disturbances were marked by the absence of serious crime.
In every case the object of the rioters was to obtain and destroy the
bonds and decrees in the possession of their creditors. When bonds
were peaceably given the mob did no further mischief. When the
moneylender refused or shut his house violence was used to frighten
him into surrender or to get possession of the papers. In most
places the police interfered during the first stage of assembling and
prevented violence. From many villages the Marwfiri moneylenders
fled on the first news of the outbreak. In other villages they opened
negotiations with their debtors for a general reduction of their claims,
and in some cases propitiated their debtors by easy settlements. In
almost every case inquired into, the riot began on hearing that in
soine neighbouring village bonds had been extorted and that
Government approved of the proceeding; Almost the only victims
were Marwdris and Gujars. In most villages where Brahman and
other castes shared the lending business with MArwaris the
Marwdris were alone molested. In some villages where there were
no Md,rwdris, Brdhmans were attacked. The last of the connected
series of outbreaks occurred at Mundhali in Bhimthadi on the
15th of June. Afterwards two isolated cases in Poona showed
that the long catalogue of convictions and punishments and the
imposition of punitive police posts had repressed not quenched the
people's rage. On the 22nd of July seven men of the village of
Nimbhat in Bhimtadi, besides robbing papers,_ cut off the nose of
a man who was enforcing a civil decree which had put him in
persons of their village, and the presence of these persons may perhaps account for
the first occurrence of open violence at Supa. But the condition of the villages
through the whole affected area was such that even had Supa not taken the initiative,
some other places would doubtless have done so. The combustible elements were
everywhere ready ; design, mistake, or accident would have surely supplied the
spark to ignite them. The ringleaders generally belonged to the cultivatmg classes,
their only object being to escape from the hands of the moneylenders. When a
riot began all the bad characters in the village took part in hopes of plunder, ,
1 While these disturbances were going on in Poona similar outbreaks occurred m
the neighbouring district of Ahmadnagar. During the fortnight following the Bupa
riot on the 1 2th of May riots took place in eleven villages of Shngonda, six ot if&met,
four of Nagar, and one of Karjat and besides actual rioting there were numerous
gatherings which were prevented from coming to violence by the timely arrival ol
the police or military . A detachment of Native Infantry was moved to Shngonda antt
parties of the Poona Horse were active in patrolling the villages in the west witUW
reach of their head-quarters at Sirur.
Deccan]
POONA.
123
possession of land belonging to one of the men who attacked him.
On the 28th of July the villagers of Karhd,ti in Bhimthadi broke into
the house of a Mdrwari moneylender and took a store of grain.
The Marwari had refused to advance grain except on terms to which
they could not agree .^
The most remarkable feature of these disturbances was the small
amount of serious crime. A direct appeal to physical force, over a
large area, was usually restrained within the limits of a demonstration.
The few cases which bear the vindictive spirit usually shown in
agrarian disturbances were probably due to the presence of other
rioters besides the ordinary Kunbi peasantry. This moderation is
in some measure to be attributed to the nature of the movement.
It was not so much a revolt against the oppressor, as an attempt
to accomplish a definite and practical object, the disarming of
the enemy by taking his weapons, his bonds and accounts. For this
purpose a mere demonstration of force was usually enough. Another
circumstance which contributed to the moderation of the peasantry
was that in many cases the movement was led or shared by the heads
of the village. It was doubtless an aggravation of the bteach of
law that those who should have maintained order contributed to
disturb it. Still an assembly of villagers acting under their natural
leaders for a definite object was a less dangerous body than a mob
of rioters with no responsible head. The chief cause of the
moderation was the natural law-abiding spirit of the Kunbi
peasantry. In so orderly and peaceful a people such a widespread
resort to force proved the reality of their grievances.^
That the riots ceased was due not merely to the prompt action of
the police and the military, but to the assurance of the civil
authorities that complaints should be inquired into and proved
grievances redressed. Accordingly in 1875 the Bombay Government
appointed a commission to inquire into the causes underlying the
outbreak. The members of the commission were Messrs. Eichey and
Lyon of the Eevenue and Judicial branches of the Bombay Civil
Service, Mr. Colvin of the Bengal Civil Service, and Rd,v Bahadur
Shambhuprasdd Laxmildl a distinguished Gujarati administrator.
Subsequently Mr. Carpenter of the Bengal Civil Service took the
place of Mr. Colvin whose services were elsewhere required. The
Commissioners held inquiries in disturbed parts, recorded the
statements of landholders and of lenders, and compiled other
evidence obtained on the spot and in the records of Government.
Their report, which was submitted to Government in 1876, contained
a detailed history of the relations of the Deccan landholders and
moneylenders since the beginning of British rule.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOEBOWEES.
Husbandmen,
Deccan Riots
Commission,
' Beside these two cases in Poena, on the 8th of September in the village of
Kukrur in the Vdlva sub-division of Sdtdra more than 100 miles from the nearest
disturbed part of Poena, a riotous outrage was committed in all respects similar to
the Poona and Ahmadnagar riots. About 100 or more villagers attacked, plundered,
and burnt the house of a leading Gujar moneylender, gathered all the papers and
accounts which they found in the house, destroyed them, and dispersed. The cause
was declared to be the harsh proceedings of the moneylender against his debtoTs,
' Deccan Kiota Commission Eeport, 7.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
124
DISTEICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOREOWBES.
Hnsbandmen.
The result of the coiamissioners' inquiries into the relations be-
tween moneylenders and husbandmen in the Deccan was that the
normal condition of the bulk of the la;ndholders was one of debt.
About one-third of the landholders were pressed by debt^ averaging
about eighteen times their yearly rental and about two-thirds of it
secured by mortgage of land. Of the two-thirds who were not
embarrassed some were well-to-do. But immediately above the
embarrassed was a class with little property to fall back on whom a
succession of bad years or a fall in produce prices would plunge in
debt.^ The estate of an average Kunbi landholder, exclusive of his
land and its produce, was estimated to have a sale value of little
more than £20' (Rs. 200) .2
The district lenders belonged to three classes. The first class
included small traders and village moneylenders, mostly Md.rwar
and Gujarat Vanis and a few Lingayat and Vaish Vanis and
Brahmans chiefly village aiccountants. These advanced grain for
s6ed and food and money upon pledge, mortgage^ and good security.
They were specially hateful to the people and on them fell the
burden of the 1875 troubles. The second class were the rich bankers
or traders of large towns. Among these, besides Grujardt, Lingd,yatj
Marwdr, and Vaish Vdinis, were many Tajurvedi Deshasth Brahmans.
The village accountants or hulkdmis who were small moneylenders
were generally closely connected with these Brahman bankers.
They had also relations with pleaders and to some extent with local
officials. They dealt much less in grain advances than the lower class
of traders. In the same way as hulkarnis acted as agents to rich
pleaders and other moneylending Brahmans so small village Vanis
were often the agents of their rich cast6fellows. The Brdhman
and Vaui lenders who worked through Brahman and Vani village
agents were less unpopular than the Marwdr lenders. Those who
were Brahmans derived some advantage from their caste and com-
munity of country and religion. Still as a body they were bad
' In twelve villages, of 1876 holders of land, 523 who paid a total yearly rental of
Rs. 10,603, were embarrassed with debt. The debt amounted to Rs. 1,94,242 of
which Rs. 1,18,009 were on personal security and Rs. 76,233 on mortgage of land. In
another 24 villages the number of occupancies held by lenders in the years 1854, 1864,
and 1874, with their area and the assessment payable at each period, were :
Item,
1854.
1864.
1874.
Holdings
Acres
Assessment
164
4001
1924
203
6292
3721
272
10,076
7134
In noting these figures it must be remembered that during the latter part of the
period embraced, there was little unoccupied waste and the increase in lenders'
holdings implies a corresponding decrease in the holdings of the cultivating class. It
will, be observed that the increase in the assessment is greater than the increase in area
showing that the better class of land was passing into the lenders' bands, and further
that the increase in the number of holdings shows an increase in the number sf
lenders, Decoan Riots Commission Report, 33.
' The details are :, live stock Rs. 125, tools and vessels Rs. 20, house Rs. 50, and
miscellaneous Rs. 20 ; total Rs. 215. These items are subject to depreciation and
imply yearly charges for maintenance and renewal,
Deccan.]
POONA.
125
landlords and most intriguing and scheming. The third class
consisted of husbandmen who had kept out of debt and were able
to make their neighbours small advances in money and grain. They
were often grasping and dishonest, but their debtors dealt with
them much more on an equality, and community of race and
residence not only tended to kindly treatment but brought any
unusual vilkiny under the ban of the public opinion of the caste
and village. Most of them were husbandmen and valuable land-
holders. Husbandmen lenders were sometimes threatened during
the 1875 riots but in no case was a lender of this class injured.^
A notable feature of the moneylenders' dealings was the system
of retail business which reduced even the most trivial transactions
to written contracts. The invariable use of bonds was probably
partly due to the precarious character of the landholder's assets
and partly to the uncertainty of the climate. The terms on which
the moneylenders dealt were tbat every debit was to be protected
by a bond giving them unlimited powers of recovery and that the
credit side was to be left to their own honesty. Account current
was hardly known. There was usually a debt of long standingy
probably inherited, the interest of which made a yearly debit.
Besides this debit there were the give-and-take or devghev dealings,
in which the debtor delivered his produce, or as much produce as he
was forced to deliver, to his creditor and the creditor supplied the
debtor's needs, clothing, assessment, seed, food, and cash for miscel-
laneous expenses. Every now and then a larger item appeared on
either side, a standing crop was perhaps sold after a valuation either
to the creditor himself or another, the creditor in the latter case
getting the price paid, or a pair of bullocks or a cow and calf wete
given to the creditor on account. Against this the debtor drew
occasionally a considerable sum for a marriage, for the purchase of
land or bullocks or a standing crop, or for digging a well. Bonds
were continually passed as the account went on. Sometimes a bond
was taken as a deposit and the debtor drew against it, or a small
transaction was included in a larger bond and the debtor was to
draw against the balance. Mdrwari moneylenders kept accounts,
tut often only in the form of a memorandum book. Moneylenders
who did not belong to the trading classes often kept no accounts.
With all the bond was the recognized record of the transactions.
Bonds were never or very rarely made for large amounts. When a
large debt was to be reduced to paper, several bonds were drawn.
Thus a debt of £17 10s. (Rs. 175) would be represented by one
bond of £10 (Es. 100), another of £5 (Rs. 50), and a third of
£2 10s. (Rs. 25). The chief object of this arrangement was that
the moneylender might get a decree without much cost. A decree
on the £2 10s. (Rs. 25) bond usually gave him power enough to
force his debtor to meet demands on account of the entire debt
of £17 10s. (Rs. 175). Again, interest usually ceased when a bona
was turned into a decree, so that it was hot to the bond-holder's
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOEROWEKS.
Husbandmen.
' Mr. W. r, Sinclair, Assistaiit Collector, Deccan Riots Cbihmissidn Report, 25
[Bombay Gazetteer,
126
DISTEICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBROWBES.
Husbandmen.
advantage to take a decree to meet the whole debt. When the
debt had reached an amount to meet which the borrower's personal
security was not sufficient, it was commonly converted into a land
mortgage. Where the debtor owned a well or a share in a well the
well or share together with the watered land were preferred as
security. Sometimes the joint security of another landholder was
added to the personal bond. In such cases the joint surety usually
had a direct interest in the loan, or as a near relation helped the
debtor, or his security was obtained by private arrangement. Often
before the mortgage of his land the debtor's house, bullocks, crops,
and carts, or other movable property were mortgaged. When
bullocks were mortgaged, the debtor had to pay for their hire which
became the interest of the loan. When the mortgage of land was
completed, the lender almost always . began by leaving the debtor
in occupation as tenant, and a form of mortgage existed in which
the profits of the land were all that was mortgaged as the tenant
was left in possession without any transfer or acknowledgment
of the mortgagee's right, so long as the mortgager delivei"ed the
produce yearly.^ If the debtor failed to deliver the produce the
mortgagee usually took possession. Sometimes the produce of the
land was made to represent the. interest of the loan ; more usually
a specific rate of interest was cited in the bond. The debtor held
as tenant on every variety of terms and conditions.^ Another form
of mortgage, which was usually entered into only when the parties
had come to a final settlement, was the transfer of the land to be
enjoyed for a certain number of years in satisfaction of the debt.
When an agreement of this kind was made it usually happened that
before the period ended, the mortgagee had established claims
giving him a further lien on the land. A similar method of settle-
ment by an instalment bond was gladly accepted by a debtor, but
here again the failure to pay one instalment in a bad year usually
' The right of occupancy was not transferred to the creditor in the Government
books as was generally the case in the neighbouring district of Ahmadnagar.
' These were often reduced to writing. They were either leases, deeds of partner-
ship, or simple contracts in which a rent in money was stipulated. It would often
be found that the rate was adjusted to cover the interest agreed on in the mortgage
bond. As the amount of capital in the mortgage bond was usually more than the
value of the land at twelve per cent interest, and as the rate of interest in the bond
was usually at least eighteen per cent, it followed that the land would not yield the
required sum and thus the mortgagee constantly received the full actual rent of the
land and in addition exacted bonds for the yearly deficit. The rent was often
settled in kind and the rates were mainly determined by the power of the mortgagee
to grind his tenant. One mortgagee's tenant in his statement to the Deocan Riots
Commissioners used the following words, ' I till the land, but I have no right to take ,
for my use any of the produce,' Doubtless under the hardest conditions the tenant
who was bound to hand over the entire produce of a field to his creditor did take
something. On the other hand much land was held by mortgagee's tenants at the usual
rental terms, that is, half of the grass produce of dry and one-third of watered land,
the mortgagee paying the assessment, and the seed and expenses being shared in the
proportion of their respective interests in the crop. When the tenant paid in kind,
his payments might exceed the amount of interest stipulated in the mortgage bond ;
but he kept no account of such payments and was generally found to have no con-
ception of his responsibility for accounts. As the responsibility could not be enforced
by the landholder it practically did not exist. Doubtless most mortgagee landlords
had an account, but the landholder could not get it without going to court which to
him was out of the question, Deccan Riots Commission Report,-62.
Decoan]
POONA.
127
gave the debt a fresh departure. The mortgagee landlord usually
allowed the landholder to till the mortgaged land, and so long as
the holder was left in this relation to his fields he accepted his fate
without much bitterness. It often happened that owing to default ia
payment by the tenant, or to better terms being offered by another,
or to the tenant's cattle and field-tools being sold in execution of
decree, it ceased to be the interest of the mortgagee to leave the
cultivation in the tenant's hands and the land was taken from him.
Besides the security of the landholder's personal credit, stock,
movables, house, lands, and the joint security of a surety, the labour
of the borrower was also mortgaged to the lender. The terms of
this form of bond were that the debtor was to serve the creditor and
that his wages were to be credited at the end of the year, or that a
certain sum was to be worked out by service to the lender for a
certain period. Sometimes the wife's labour was also included in
the bond. The labour was given either in house or field sei-vice.
The labourer got his food and clothing, and a monthly deduction of
2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2) was made from the debt. The labourer's whole
time was at the lender's disposal.-'
The chief complaints made against moneylenders were that bonds
usually ran at excessive interest ;2 that at every stage the borrower
was defrauded by the lender and especially by the petty usurer ;
that the lender often declined to give accounts, refused receipts,
omitted to credit payments or give interest on payments, and dechned
to carry out such stipulations in the bond as were in the borrower's
favour. Forgery was sometimes practised and the landholder from
his ignorance was unable to prevent his creditor from taking
advantage of these nefarious practices. Another way in which the
landholder suffered was by the reduction, under the Act of 1859,
of the time during which money bonds were current to- the small
period of three years. A new bond must bfe entered into every
three years and the interest being added up and a new account struck
the amount of compound interest was swelled eventually to a very
large sum. In addition to the compound interest the creditor usually
took the opportunity of renewing a bond to extort fresh and burden-
some stipulations under threats of suing his debtor in court, all of
which added to the total of the debt.*
Besides these usual complaints of the cultivator against the
moneylender he had the following grievances. When the cultivator
was sued in court, at the outset he was met with fraud. From the
creditor's influence over the subordinates of the court no summons
' Dr. Coats (Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. m. 239) has the following notice of labour
mortgage ^^fin^^J.^^^^^^ iTtTr^o^f y e^rTI^; Xth^
rr" Knt It^t r rears tould be wanted to clear L advance of .£10
*^'ii*'many cases in which the less intelligent husbandmen were the borrowers, the
inte^s^Lg:? was .^^^^^^^^^ ,3,,, , _
■ '.I" thommute of f*^- "f^T^P/^lO) ^as made in 1863. Sums amounting to
i^tf s."iltwrp^Sm tL'e^i Ume. U at ^he end of ten years, £22 (Es. 22Q)
were still due. Bombay Government Selection CLVII. 13.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBKOWEBS.
Husbandmea>
[Bombay Qazetteer,
128
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital-
BOKROWBRS.
Husbandmen.
New Civil Procedure
Code {Act X of
1877).
was served and the court being told that the summons had been
served gave a decree against the debtor in his absence. The distance
he had to travel to a court prevented a defendant attendiug.^ The
defence of a suit took longer than the defendant could spare,
and the judge had not time to go into the right of the defendant's
case and make up to him for the want of counsel. The high costs
of suits was another reason why the defendants declined to contest
their cases. It was after the lender had gained his decree that the
borrower suffered most. He might be arrested and imprisoned.
Civil imprisonment was peculiarly open to abuse and was often made
use of to impose on prisoners more severe terms than could otherwise
be obtained. The next hardship to the landholding debtor was that
movable property of all kinds and land could be sold without reserve.
In spite of the harshness and the dishonesty of many of its members,
the class of moneylenders was of the greatest service to the land-
holders. They helped them to meet their special family expenses
and to enlarge their holdings and increase their stock, they tided
them over seasons of scarcity and enabled them to pay their rents.
The Comniissioners' chief recommendations were, with regard to
the husbandmen's poverty, to improve agriculture by irrigation and
to modify the Land Improvement Act so as to make the help which
Government was ready to give more available to the husbandman j
with regard to the revenue system, they advised the adjusting of
the Government demand to the husbandmen's capacity and when
the assessment was enhanced that the increase should be gradual ;
with regard to the defects of the law they advised that a Bill
should be passed to prevent frauds, and to protect husbandmen in
the first stages of debt before the creditor had gone to the civil
court. The chief provisions of the proposed Bill were the appoint-
ment of public notaries and the enforcing of the delivery of receipts
and accounts by creditors. To meet hardships incurred by the debtor
through the excessive powers given to the decree-holder, the absence
of all protection to the insolvent debtor, and the use of decrees as a
threat, the Commissioners advised the passing of another Bill, the
chief provisions of which were the abolition of imprisonment for debt;
the exemption of necessaries from sale in execution, the protection of
the judgment-debtor from the wrong use of a decree, making the
decree the end of the suit, and the limitation of decrees. The
Commissioners also recommended certain changes in the conduct of
judicial business, the establishment of village courts, and the passing
of an Insolvency Act.
Meanwhile the relation of the debtor and the creditor somewhat
improved. The 1874-75 disturbances had opened the eyes of the
creditors to the danger of treating their debtors too harshly, and the
famine of IS 76- 7 7 turned the thoughts both of creditors and debtors
into other channels. A new Civil Procedure Code (Act X. of 1877)
came into force in October 1877. Section 266 of the Code made the
' In the majority of cases it was allet;ed that the reason why the defendant did not
appear was that he had no defence to make, that he had no money to pay for a
pleader, that he was unwilling to lose the time involved in defending a suit, or
that he was afraid of the subsequent vengeance of the creditor whom he had opposed
Deccan]
POONA.
129
important change of exempting from attachment or sale in execution
of decrees, tools, implements of husbandry, cattle enough to enable
a judgment-debtor to earn his livelihood as a husbandman, and the
materials of houses and other buildings belonging to and occupied by-
agriculturists. Under section 326 the Collector of the district is
empowered to represent to the court that the public sale of land which
has been attached in execution of a decree is objectionable and that
satisfaction of the decree may be made by the temporary alienation or
management of the land ; that, therefore, the court may authorize the
Collector to provide for the satisfaction of the decree in the manner
which he recommends. Section 320 enables the local Government,
with the sanction of the Grovernor General in Council, to declare that
in any local area the execution of decrees of any particular kind in
which the sale of land is involved, shall be transferred to the Collector,
and sections 321 to 325 invest the Collector with powers to manage
or to deal with the land as if it were his own and to adopt one or
more of several modes of satisfying the decree without selling the
land except in the last resort.^ By section 336, the local Govern-
ment may direct that every judgment-debtor brought before a court
in arrest in execution of a decree for money shall be informed by
the court that he may apply to be declared insolvent. Section 358
shows special consideration to the debtor if the debt is less than
£20 (Rs. 200). Thus in several respects the new code improved
the debtor's position. To place the relations of the debtor and the
creditor on a better footing it was deemed necessary. To provide
some safeguard against the moneylenders committing frauds in
■their accounts and obtaining from ignorant peasants bonds for larger
amounts than were actually paid to or due from them ; As far as
possible to arrange disputes by conciliation, to increase the number
of courts, and so to simplify and cheapen justice that husbandmen
might defend suits; To insist that in suits against landholders the
court shall in certain cases of its own motion investigate the entire
history of the transactions between the parties and do substantial
justice between them ; and To restrict the sale of the debtors'
land in execution of a decree and to provide an insolvency proce-
dure more liberal to the debtor than that of the Code of Civil Proce-
dure. To secure these objects the Deccan Agriculturists' Relief Act
(Act XVII. of 1879) was passed by the Governor- General's Council.
The principal object of legislation was to restore the dealings
between lender and borrower to an equitable basis. The aid of the
Government is withheld in the case of demands manifestly unfair
and extortionate, and is rendered more speedy and effective in the
recovery of just dues. As far as possible, credit is restricted within
the limits set by the prospects of the certain recovery of the value
of the amount lent. The first considerable change introduced by
the Act was the appointment of village registrars before whom every
instrument to which a landholder is a party must be registered before
it can be used against him as evidence of his indebtedness. At first
Chapter V
Capital.
Borrowers.
Husbandmen
Deccan
Agriculturists'
Belief Act.
' Poona was one of four districts to which this section was immediately applied.
The other districts were Ahmadnagar, ShoMpur, and SAtdra.
B 1327—17
[Bombay Gazetteer,
130
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital-
BORKOWEBS.
Husbandmen.
most of tlie persons appointed as village registrars were the hereditary
village accountants of the larger villages, but, as their work was not
satisfactory, special registrars have been substituted each being in
charge of a circle of about twenty villages. The second notable
point in the Act is the appointment of sixty-two conciliators, men of
influence before whom the creditor must bring his claim before he
can file a suit in the regular courts, and whose duty it is to assist in
or bring about the compromise of money disputes. To compel
litigants to have recourse to these conciliators it is enacted that a
claim for money against a landholder is not to be entertained by the
Civil Courts unless accompanied by a conciliator's certificate that he
has attempted to eifect a compromise. Such compromises are filed
in the records of the Civil Courts and have the force of decrees. The
next measure by increasing their number brought the courts more
within reach of the people and made them less technical and less
costly. The result is that only a few villages are more than ten miles
distant from a civil court. Village munsiiis were also appointed
and invested with summary powers extending to suits for the
recovery of amounts not exceeding £1 (Rs. 10). Twenty-three
village munsiffs' appointments were made, and the individuals are
pronounced fairly competent. The office was purely honorary. They
disposed of a large number of suits, but as few of these were brought
by or against landholders their institution afforded little or no relief
to the cultivating classes. A special Judge and assistant judge and
special subordinate judges have been appointed for the Poena, S^t^ra,
SholApur, and Ahmadnagar districts to inspect and revise the work
'of the subordinate establishments instead of the ordinary right of
appeal which has been withdrawn. Professional legal advisers have
been excluded from the courts of the conciliators and village munsiffs
and also from the courts of the subordinate judges when the subject-
miatter of a suit is less than £10 (Rs. 100) in value, unless for special
reasons professional assistance seems to the subordinate judge to be
necessary. This provision does not seen to have proved popular. In
the absence of the agent or vakil frequent personal attendance is
required of the parties, and the waste of time and money is said to
be greater than the cost of retaining counsel. A very important
section makes it binding on the court to inquire into the history
and merits of every claim brought before it with a view to testing
its good faith. This provision is unpopular with the lender
and is believed to have greatly influenced the number of suits
instituted since the Act came into operatioi;. Interest, too, is not
to be awarded to an a;mount exceeding that of the capital debt
as ascertained on taking the account. The person of the
agriculturist is exempted from arrest and imprisonment, nor can his
land be attached or sold unless it has been specially mortgaged for
the repayment of the debt in question. If the court so directs,
the land may be made over for a period to the management of the
chief authority of the district with a view to the liquidation of the .
debt. Again the limitation in respect of money suits has been
extended, payment of amounts decreed may be ordered by instal-
ments, and a landholder can now be declared insolvent and be dis-
charged summarily when his debts do not exceed £5 (Rs. 50), and
Deccan]
POONA.
131
in other cases after a procedare specified in the Act. The insolvency:
chapter continues wholly inoperative. The indifference of the
debtor cannot he altogether explained on the ground of religioua
scruples or the fear of the loss of credit and social status. The
Relief Act has conferred so many other privileges and immunities
on the indebted landholders that the necessity of having resort to
the extreme measure of seeking relief by insolvency has not made
itself so much felt as might have been expected. The debtor's
freedom from arrest and imprisonment, the exemption of his im-
movable unmortgaged property from attachment and sale, the large
reductions in the amount of his debt effected by conciliation and
the procedure under the. Act, the privilege of paying the balance by
easy instalments, and the consequent cessation fi'om the perpetual
worrying of his creditors, have given such real and substantial relief
that the husbandmen sometimes declare that they want no more.
They regard the resort to insolvency as a step into the unknown.
No provision of the Act is more valued by the people than the
rule which admits of a decree being paid by instalments. Whe-
ther a claim is admitted or contested the landholder rarely fails
to put in a plea praying that the amount found due may be made
payable by instalments. At the same time the circumstances of the
debtor are inquired into, and instalments are not allowed indis-
criminately.
The Special Judge believes (1882-83) that the Eelief Act has
done, and is doing, a vast amount of good. It has succeeded in
effecting many of its principal objects. It has checked the downward
progress of the landholders, and given them, what they so sorely
needed, an interval of repose after a trying period of distress and
famine. The landholding classes have never been so contented
as they are at present (1882-83). They can reap the fruit of their
labour ; they are protected from the constant harassing to which they
were formerly subject ; they no longer live in ceaseless terror of
rack-renting eviction and imprisonment. When, the worst comes
they are sure of obtaining a fair and patient hearing in the courts,
and, if they have a good defence, they are in a better position to
prove it. They are allowed to pay what is justly due by them in
instalments, and this privilege they seem to value more highly than
any other granted by the Act. The courts are now more accessible,
more absolute, less technical, less slow, and less costly. The pro-
visions of the Act have tended to soften the extreme severity with
which the law pressed on debtors, and the judges are able to modify
the contracts in an equitable spirit. The moneylenders complain
of the Act, and middlemen lenders have suffered and are likely to
suffer ; nor can it be denied that to some extent the Act has checked
the old system of agricultliral loans. The husbandman's credit has
been greatly curtailed. Still this is a gain as the system under
which the husbandman used to obtain advances had no elements of
soundness. The husbandman was not an independent borrower;
borrowing was a necessity to him arising from the very faults of the
system. The change has been wrought, not by the power given to
the courts of going behind the bond, or of granting instalments, but
by the provisions which exempt the landholder's person from arrest.
Chapter V.
Capital.
BOBKOWEKS.
Husbandmen
[Bombay Gazetteer,
132
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital-
BOBBOWEKS.
Husbandmen.
and his necessaries and his immovable property from attachment.
The powers which the creditor enjoyed under the old law were used,
not to realize his loan, but to prolong indefinitely a state of indebt-
edness which enabled him to turn his debtor and his debtors' de-
scendants into his family serfs. A debt was a lasting and in the
long run a safe and paying investment. The security on which the
greedy middleman used to lend was the knowledge, that, with the
aid of the rigid mechanism of the civil courts, he could gain and
keep an hereditary hold upon the labour of his debtor and his
debtor's family and grind them at his will. Hence it was that
the creditors used to pay their debtors' assessment and help to keep
them alive by doles of food during times of distress. They were
actuated by self-interest not by benevolence. They could not suffer
their investments to perish. The Relief Act has caused a great
change. By withdrawing the special facilities which creditors
enjoyed for putting all kinds of pressure on the debtor it has
made the debtors more independent and self-reliant and the creditor
less ready to make advances. As the husbandman can no longer
depend on the moneylender he has for the necessaries of life
adopted a new rule of conduct, the consequence of which is that not
only are moneylenders more disinclined to lend, but that the same
necessity for borrowing no longer exists. Formerly the husband-
man when his crops were reaped thrashed and garnered, carted them
in lump to his creditor's house or shop. The creditor took them
over and entered in his books very much what value he pleased,
generally in satisfaction of arrears of interest. As he had parted
with all his crop, the husbandman had to borrow fresh sums in cash
or grain to meet the instalments of land revenue, for his own
support, and for seed. For each fresh advance he had to execute
a fresh bond. Now the husbandman carries the produce of his field
to his own house, and, keeping what he thinks sufficient for his
household purposes, sells the rest in the best market he can find.
He has learnt in a measure to be thrifty and provident. He is no
longer beset by the necessity of borrowing at every turn. For
months beforehand the husbandman now begins to make prepara-
tions for the payment of the assessment by selling grass, butter,
goats and cows, and last of all their grain. This seems to be
the chief reason why loans to the poorer classes of landholders have
so greatly diminished. This is the class who were formerly wholly
dependent on the moneylenders. Now they are obliged, and some-
how manage, to shift for themselves. The solvent and independent
landholders form a class by themselves ; the Act has improved their
condition without in the least impairing their credit. Men of this
class, if they have a character for honesty, can borrow money for
necessary purposes at reasonable interest, and their borrowing
powers have not been injuriously afEected. To this class, unfor-
tunately, but a small proportion of the people belong. The bulk of
the landholders consists of men who have not, and who long have
ceased to have, any credit in the true sense of the word. Though
nominally perhaps owners of their land, they have actually been the
rack-rented tenants of the village moneylender to whom belonged
the fruits of their toil. If the moneylender can no longer squeeze
Deccaii]
POONA.
133
them, he will no longer help them. Hence the dislocation of the
old relations, and the fall in loans to husbandmen. The change is
a change for the better. The question arises whether the general
body of landholders can get on without borrowing. Experience
seems to show that they can and do get on. Since 1879, there have
been no unusual diflSculties in realizing the Government land
revenue ; there has been no large or sudden throwing up of land ;
there have been no extensive transfers, either by revenue, judicial,
or private sales. The landholders seem to be better off than they
were before the Eelief Act was passed. The decrease in fresh loans
has led to a diminution of indebtedness ; old debts are being gradually
worked off, compromised, or barred by time ; a good beginning has
been made towards clearing off the load of debt ; the people as a
rule, are sensible of the change, and in consequence show a growing
desire to practise thrift and to combine for pui-poses of mutual help.
Many experienced revenue and judicial officers hold that, if the
present conditions remain unchanged, a few more years will see the
landholders to a great extent free from debt and able to stand on
their own legs. At the same time it is to be remembered that the
last three seasons have been seasons of average prosperity and that
the Act has not yet stood the test of a failure of crops. Matters
are still in a transition state, and during a transition period it would
be unreasonable to expect the Act to endure a severe strain. Once
freed from debt the landholder will be able to get on without
borrowing in ordinary years. In periods of scarcity or distress he
will have to look to Government for help, unless in the meantime the
relations of the lending and the borrowing classes are placed on a
more rational footing than that on which they rested in times past.
The Relief Act has done much to restore solvency to the most im-
portant class in the district with the least possible disturbance of
the relations between capital and labour.
Under the Peshwds slavery was an acknowledged institution. In
1819 in the township of Loni in a population of 557 Dr. Coats
found eighteen slaves, eight men seven women and three girls. ^ One
of the families though not formally free had practically been set
free by its master in reward for good conduct. This family lived in
a separate house and tilled on their own account. The other slaves
lived in their masters' houses. All were well treated. They were
clad and fed in the same way as the members of their masters'
families ; almost the only difference was that they ate by themselves.
If they behaved well, they had pocket-money given them on holidays,
and their masters paid £5 to £6 (Rs. 50-60) to meet their wedding
expenses. The men worked in the fields and the women helped their
mistresses. Some of the girls were their master's concubines. All of
the eighteen slaves were home-born ; the mothers of some had been
brought from Hindustdn and the Karndtak. Slaves were sometimes
set free as a religious act, sometimes in reward for good conduct,
sometimes because they were burdensome. A freed slave was called
a Shinda ; they were looked down on, and, people did not marry with
Chapter V.
CapitaL
BOREOWERS.
Husbandmen,
Slaves.
1 Trans. Bombay Lit. Soo. III. 194, 239. S.ee also Steele's Hindus Laws and
Customs.
134
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Slaves.
Wages.
them. Traffic in slaves was thought disreputable and was uncom-
mon. Boys were rarely brought to market. Sales of girls were'
less uncommon. If beautiful they were bought as mistresses or by
courtezans, the price varying from £10 to £50 (Rs. 100- 500).
Plain girls were bought as servants in Brahman houses.
In 1821, the Collector Captain Eobertson, reported that the only
form of slavery in Poena was domestic slavery. A person became
a slave who was sold in infancy by his parents, or who was
kidnapped by Lamans and thieves. Pew slaves knew their
kinspeople or were related to the people of the surrounding country.
Children kidnapped in distant provinces were brought to Poena for
sale and Poena children stolen or sold by their parents in times of
famine were carried to other parts of India.^ A man also became a
slave to his creditor* when he could not pay his debt, but this hap-
pened only when the debtor was a Kunbi or a Dhangar and the
creditor a Brahman. Only three instancescameto Captain Robertson's
knowledge in which creditors had chosen to enslave their debtors.*
Slaves were treated with great kindness. The general feeling was
that no one should ill use a slave. Cases sometimes happened in which
slaves were severely beaten by their masters or had their powers of
work overtaxed. In such cases the Hindu law officers generally
recommended that the slaves should be set free. When male slaves
grew to manhood their' masters often set them free, but female
slaves were seldom freed, and their children were also slaves. The
slaves, especially the females, when they lost their freedom in infancy,
became attached to their mode of life and had no wish to be free.
They were generally fond of their master's family, or of some members
of the family, and would have felt more pain in being separated from
them than pleasure in gaining their liberty. Instances occurred in
which female slaves complained of the cruelty of one member of the
family, but when offered their liberty refused to leave the family
either because of their love for other members of it or because they
feared to be set adrift in the world.
Fifty years ago the daily wages of adult male city labourers ranged
from 2|c?. to"6d. (1^-2 as.), of field labourers from l^d. to 2id,
(1-lf as.), and of the artisan classes from 4^d. to 9d. (3-6 as).
The wages of women were two-thirds and of children one-half
of men's wages. Between 1862 and 1869, owing to the American
war and the construction of the railway and large Government and
private buildings in Poena, wages considerably rose, being half as
much again as at present. At present (1883) the daily wages of town
and city labourers range from 4^d. to 6d. (3-4 as.) ; of field labourers
from 3d. to i^d. (2-3 as.) ; and of skilled artisans from 9d. to Is. 3d.
(6-10 as.) for bricklayers, Is. to Is. 6d. (8-12 as.) for carpenters and
masons, and 6d. to Is. (4-8 as.) for tailors. Cart-hire is Is. 9c?.
1 East India Papers, IV. 589-90. In a country like India subject to severe famines
the relief which was afforded by the inhabitants of a neighbouring province purchasing
the children of famished parents, greatly counterbalanced the loss of freedom,
especially as the state of slavery was soothed by kind treatment and regard.
2 In 1821 many debtors could not discharge their obligations but the creditors
almost never wanted to make their debtors slaves. East India Papers, IV, 589-90.
Deccan.]
POONA.
135
(14 as.) and camel hire Is. (8 as.) a day. Field labour is partly paid
in kind and partly in coin ; town labourers are paid wholly in coin.
In villages, wages are paid daily, and in towns by the week, fortnight,
or month. Except field labour whicb is chiefly required from August
to March, labour, both skilled and unskilled, is in greatest demand
daring the fair seasou, tbat is from January to June. The demand
for unskilled or cooly labour in Poena city is greater than it used
to be.
The oldest available produce prices are for twenty-nine years of
scarcity which happened during the forty-eight years ending 1810.^
During these twenty -nine years of high prices tbe rupee price of rice
varied from forty pounds in 1 788 to five pounds in 1804, of bdjri
from fifty-six in 1788 to nine in 1804, and oijvdri from fifty-six in
1788 to seven in 1804. The details are :
Poona Produce Prices Pound the Supee,
1763
1810.
Article.
1763.
1766.
1770.
1772.
1J73.
1776.
1777.
1778.
1879.
1781.
1786.
1787.
1788.
1789
1791.
Rice
36
20
20
34
23
34
32
32
30
32
23
40
36
26
Bdjn
40
28
32
35
44
40
44
44
36
54
60
48
66
44
32
Jvdri
i)2
48
48
48
44
6«
.•iS
48
66
.64
48
Wheat ...
21
23
66
22
2«
36
40
32
37
60
42
22
48
2S
22
Tur
16
30
16
40
32
32
38
40
4«
52
24
26
32
24
Gram
21
24
16-
37i
33
24
24
i'i
38
44
48
20
18
1792.
1793.
1798.
1799.
1800.
1802.
1803.
1804.
1806.
1806.
1807.
1808.
1809.
1810.
Rice
a
9
36
40
24
20
8
.1
14
14
14
32
32
32
BdJri
7
36
28
12
9
20
44
Jvdri
8
48
29
12
7
12
20
Wheat ...
8
20
24
18
19
8
S
12
19*
26
32
32
44
IW
6
9
17
20
24
8
3*
10
16
20
32
24
18
Gram
8
16
16
•2i
32
10
94
13
20
26
28
29
20
During the twenty-nine years ending 1837 the prices oijvdri and
hdjri are available only for Indapur. During this period, except a
slight rise in 1811 and 1816, prices gradually fell from 48 pounds of
jvdri and 59 pounds of bdjri in 1809 to 97 pounds oijvdri and 80
pounds of bdjri in 1817. In 1818 there was a considerable and
in 1819 there was a still greater rise in produce prices to thirty-
four pounds for jvdri and thirty-one pounds for bdjri, from an
average of fifty-six pounds for jvdri and fifty-five pounds for bdjri
during the ten years ending 1817. In 1820 the spread of tillage
which followed the establishment of order, again brought down
prices till in 1824 jvdri was sold at 73J pounds the rupee and bdjri
at forty-six pounds. In the famine year of 1824-25 /wri rose to
twenty-five pounds. In 1826 and 1827 prices fell to eighty-eight
and 128 pounds for jvdri and sixty-eight and sixty-four pounds for
Idjri. They rose slightly in 1828, and in 1829 again fell to 130
pounds ior jvdri and 136 for Idjri. In 1830 and 1831 prices rose
slightly and in 1832 once more fell to 120 pounds for jvar* and
to seventy for bdjri. This terrible cbeapness of grain reduced the
Chapter V
Capital.
Wages.
Prices.
' Lieiit.-Col. A. T. Ethoridge'a Report on Past Famines (1868). Appendix D.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter V.
Capital-
Prices.
136
DISTRICTS.
hasbandmen to poverty and caused GrOTernment very great loss of
revenue. Though the year 1833 is remembered as a year of scarcity
jvdri did not rise above forty-six pounds. The details are :
Inddpur Prices in Pounds the Rupee. 1809-1837.
Abticle.
1809.
1810.
1811.
1812.
1813.
1814.
1816.
1816.
1817.
AVER-
ASE.
Jvdri
BdjH ...
Jvdri ...
Bdfri ...
Jvdri ...
Edjri ...
48
69
48
40
44
37i
61
m
54
46
66
64
67
61
62
72
97
80
56
55
1818. 1819.
1
1820.
1821.
1822.
1823.
1824.
1825.
Fa-
mine.
1826.
1827.
43
32
34
31
39
25
64
32
64
64
48
1?
26
88
68
128
,64
1828.
1829.
1830.
1831.
1832.
1833.
Scar-
city.
1834.
1835.
1836.
1837.
64
160
136
92
80
77
120
70
46
72
92
68
96
88
76
132
98
From 1838-39 to 1882 prices are available for several places in the
district.
The forty-six years ending 1882 may be divided into four periods.
The first period includes the twelve years ending 1849-50. This
was a time of low and stationary prices without any more marked
changes than were due to the succession of comparatively good and
bad harvests. The average rupee price oi jvdri was 108 pounds, almost
the same as in 1837-38, a price too low to allow of any increase of
wealth in the landholding classes. The second period, the eleven
years ending 1860-61, especially the latter part of the period, is one
of advancing prices probably due to the opening of roads and in the
last years to the beginning of expenditure on railways. During the
eleven years ending 1860-61 the average rupee price of jvdri was
seventy-eight pounds and during the last five years seventy pounds.
The third period is the ten years ending 1870-71. The first five
years of this period was a time of extremely high prices, jvdri averag-
ing thirty-six pounds the rupee. These high prices were due partly
to the abundance of money caused by the inflow of capital during
the American war, partly to a succession of bad years. With
the close of the American war in 1865 part of the inflow of
capital ceased. After 1865, though the inflow of capital connect-
ed with the American war ceased, until 1871 the district con-
tinued to be enriched by the construction of great public works.
To this increase of wealth was added a scarcity of grain caused by
the severe drought of 1866-67, and the partial failures of 1867-68 and
of 1870-71. During the five years ending 1870-'? 1 jvdri varied in
rupee price from twenty-seven to sixty-eight and averaged thirty-five
pounds. The thirteen years since 1871 may be described as a time of
falling prices checked by the famine of 1876-77. The five seasons
ending 1876 were years of good harvests and this together with the
great reduction in the local expenditure on public works combined to
cheapen grain. During the famine of 1876-77, that is from about
November 1876 to the close of 1877, jvdri varied from thirteen to
Deccan.]
POONA.
137
twenty-five and averaged twenty pounds. Since 1877 large sums
have again been spent in or near the district in public works, and
the great increase in the trade and prosperity of Bombay have drawn
large numbers of workers to Bombay and done much to replace the
loss of capital caused by the famine. The seasons have been fair.
The price of jvdri has varied from eighteen to seventy-six and
averaged forty-two pounds. The details are :
Chapter V j
Capital.
Fbices,
Poova Produce Prices
in Pounds the Rupee, 1838-39 to 1883-83
■
Articlb.
1
1
J
1
1
1
%■
1
Si
1
1
eg
(4
1
J
cs
1
1
1
JvdH ...
BdjH ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
1838-39.
1839-40.
1840-41.
134
60
88
60
1281 ...
88| ...
88
62
1841-42.
1842-43.
1843-44.
112
80
95
72
60
48
92
68
88
70
92
84
136
84
110
69
64
56
92
70
106
76
96
68
144
88
128
96
60
60
128
80
134
78
120
86
1844-45.
1845-46.
1846-47.
120
72
100
76
54
46
89
73
68
60
92
84
72
50
60
46
42
36
^
64
46
56
46
30
26
31
30
32
28
31
30'
48
46
66
62
1847-48.
1848-49.
1849-50.
96
64
74
60
62
54
71i
60
134
110
110
88
144
112
137
106
110
82
121
lOOJ
186
132
144
116
144
113
128
104
94
74
128
104
186
106
116
84
1850-51.
1851-62.
1852-53.
76
68
72
76
60
50
64 68
69 54
68
56
80
64
72
51
66
60
72
68J
80
68
68
60
112
80
74
58
74
58
79
76
104
78
88
84
1853-54.
1854-66.
1866-66.
112
72
114
89
84
72
107 70
80 52
60
64
68
52
66
46
50
44
60
47
46
44
52
46
64
68
80
62
66
50
«1J
66
78
70
48
44
1856-57. 1
1867-68.
1868-69.
64
56
52
48
60
42
45
40
62 1 68
52 60
78
74
66
53
62
46
57
48J
62
64
60
52
64
36
53
42
64
46
52
42
74
68
70
62
1859-60.
1860-61.
1861-62.
78
62
80
66
68
60
77
64
114
80
88
68
66
46
73
56
52
42
72
53
86
62
68
64
64
38
60
47
52
38
67
44
56
46
68
46
1862-63.
1863-64.
1864-66.
32
32
42
36
40
30
38
30
30
26
34
30
26
24
31
20
22
18
27
20
30
26
32
28
32
28
22
21
24
20
24
20J
24
20
26
20
1865-86. 1
1866-67.
1867-68. 1
36
30
32
24
26
22
35
234
64
40
46
34
...
44
39
36
32
27i
28
32
30
43
38
28
24
26
22
28
26
40
32
38
24
B 1327—18
[Bombay Gazetteer,
188
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
TSICES.
Weights asb
MsAsnjsES.
Poona Produce Pricet
in Pounds the Rupee, 1838-S9 to 188Z-83
— continneo
ARTICLE.
a
1
1
1
1
1
1
cs
1
1
1
1
1
f
1
j
Jvdfi ...
BdjH ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjn ...
Jvdri ...
BAjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
Jvdri ...
Bdjri ...
1868-69.
1869-70.
1870-71.
65
39
46
32
64
43
40
44
68
42
...
30
27
32
26
27
27
44
34
38
28
36
30
34
28
S7
31i
38
SO
42
32
1871-72.
1872-73.
1873-74.
30
24
24
20
22
19
20
12
32
24
47
43
34
24
48
40
28
20
44
38
60
60
67
52
60
60
68
44
48
34
64
48
70
CS
74
66
1874-75.
1876-76.
1876-77.
92
70
72
66
60
44
64
64
80
60
67
47
76
68
64
52
66
42
56
44
60
45
24
22
46
40
18
IS
38
30
11
10
30
25
13
12
1877-78.
1878-79.
1879-80.
18
18
22
20
18
18
14
13
85
30
36
24
20
20
22
24
20
18
18
16
40
35
36
24
18
18
22
20
18
18
IS
22
60
40
47
31
1880-81.
1881-82.
1882-83.
28
20
26
20
28
24
24
18
60 60
60 60
76
48
66
42
60
38
62
40
60
45
66
47
62
46
62
40
64
46
62
40
56
46
62
43
Articles are sold by weight, by measure, and by number. Pearls,
precious stones, cotton, tobacco, raw and clarified butter, oil,
spices, groceries, firewood in Poona city, opium, sweetmeats, and
some vegetables and fruits are sold by weight. In the case of pearls
and precious stones the weights used are grains of barley jav, rice
idndul, wheat gahu, and rati. Rati, originally the seed of the
Abrus precatorius, is now generally a small piece of copper or flint
weighing 2\ to 2| grains. The price of pearls is not fixed at so
much the rati but at so much the chav a measure or standard obtain-
ed from a calculation based on the number and weight of the
pearls, and divided into 100 dokdds or parts.^ The table observed
in the case of gold is eight gunjs one masa; 2^ gunjs one vdl; six
mdsds one sahdmdsa; two sahdmdsds or twelve mdsds or forty
vdls, one tola. The gunj is red and about the size of a small pea is
the seed of a wild creeper and the vdl which is also red and a
little larger is the seed of the chilhdri tree. The mdsa, sahdmdsa,
and tola are square, eight-cornered, or oblong pieces of brass and
sometimes of China or of delf . The tola weighs a little more than the
average Imperial rupee in use which is equal to 11^ mdsds. In
weighing silver and fragrant oils and essences the Imperial rupee is
always used. But as owing to wear it is not always of uniform weight
' To reduce raiis to chcpos the square of the number of ratis is multiplied by
£5 and theg; product divided by 96 times the number of pearls. Thus if 11
pearls weiring 24 ratU are to be bought at Bs. 8 the chav, the price would be
24 X 24 X 55 „ B^«An „,r.^^,
■ X 8 = 240 rupees.
96 X II
Deccan.]
POONA.
139
discount at the rate of eight per cent is allowed in wholesale purchases
of silver. For cheaper metals and other articles sold by weight the
unit of weight is a sher weighing seventy-six rupees, with its fractions
the ncwtdk or one-eighth, pdvsher or one-fourth, and achher or one-
half. For quantities of over a sher the table for metals and other
articles sold by weight is four shers one dhadi and sixteen shers one
man. In the case of oils, raw and clarified butter, spices, raw sugar
gul, groceries, and tobacco the table is forty shers one man, and
three mans one palla. For firewood where sold by weight the
table used is eighty pounds one ma» and twenty mans one khandi.
Except in the case of firewood and similar heavy substances,
where stone weights are used, all the weights are made of iron,
generally English-made avoirdupois weights with the pound unit
scooped out at the back to bring them to the exact weight. Grain
is measured by wooden cylinders with narrow necks in the middle
to admit of their being held in the hand with ease. The unit of
measurement is also a sher having the same fractions as the weight
unit. The contents of a sher measure, which is equal to 2| pints,
weigh seventy-six to ninety-eight rupees. The table observed is four
shers one pdyli, twelve pdylis one man, 2^ mans one palla, and
eight pallets one khandi.^ Standard weights and measures are
kept in every mdmlatdar's office, and, once a year, all weights and
measures are tested and stamped by the police. Brass and copper
pots serving as a quarter, a half, and a whole 76- rupee sher are
used for measuring milk and small quantities of oil. Clarified butter
when brought for sale in small quantities by the people of the
western hills is also sold by these capacity measures. Leaf vegetables
are sold by the bundle, grass and. jvdri stalks are sold by the pdchunda
or five bundles, firewood is sold by the headload or the cartload,
and cowdung-cakes by number. Mangoes are sold wholesale by a
hundred or shekda equal to 312. Betel leaves are sold by the hundred
or the thousand. In measuring cloth either the gaj or the yard is
used. In the case of the gaj the table used is eight yavs one anguU
or thumb breadth ; two angulis one tasu of 1^ inches ; twelve tasus
one hat or cubit of eighteen inches, and two hats one gaj of three feet.
Ready-made clothes, waistcloths or dhotars, and scarfs or uparnds are
sold in pairs ; other articles of clothing are sold singly except shoes
and stockings which are sold by the pair. Bricks and tiles are sold
by the thousand, rafters and bamboos by the hundred, squared timber
by its cubic contents, and unsquared timber by the piece. Heaps
of gravel or murum, of road-metal or khadi, and of sand earth and
stone are measured by their cubic contents, the usual unit of mea-
Chapter V.
Capital.
Wbigmts and
M&AStTBES,
' In 1821 there were three tables of grain measures. The sher was the same in all
three and, taking the average of the whole, the weight of one measured sher of bdjri,
math, mug, sdva, jvdri, udid, vdtdna, wheat, and masur, was one-fourteenth of a
pound more than 2J pounds avoirdupois. The first table was four shers one pdyli,
twelve pdylis one man, and twenty mans one khandi. This bdroli or ty/elve-pdyli
man was the common man and the one in use in the town of Poona. The second
table was four shers one pdyli, sixteen pdylis one man, and twenty mans one
Khandi. This sololi or suiteen-pdyli man was used in the village group of Sandns in
Pitas and to the southward. The third table was 3J shers one pdyli, forty-two
shsrs or twelve pdylis one man, and twenty mans one hhandi. This was used in tha
Milvals or hilly west. Captain H. D. Robertson, East India Papers, IV. 572.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
140
DISTRICTS.
Chapter V.
Capital.
Weights and
Measures.
surement being a hards of 100 cubic feet. Cut stone is sold by the
square gaj equal to eight square feet. Before the revenue survey
the land measure was three rrmsMis or fists one vit, two vits one hM,
h^ hats one Mthi, twenty kdthis one pdnd, twenty pdnds one bigha,
and five bighds one rukka, six ruhkds one kliandi, twenty-four rmkds
one chdhur^ or takka ; and two chdhurs or tcJckds one pakka. The
survey measurements are a chain of thirty feet one anna, sixteen
annas one guntha, and forty gunthds one acre of 4840 square yards.
Thirty gunthds are equal to one higha or 1^ highds are equal to one
acre.^ " Partdn meaning two or four bighds is a word often used by
Kunbis speaking among themselves. Twenty partdns make one aut.
The old table for measuring time is sixty vipals or winks one pal,
sixty pals .one ghadi of twenty-four minutes, 2^ ghadis one hora,
3f ghadis one chdughadi, 7J ghadis one prahar, eight prahars one
divas or day, seven divas one dthavda or week, two dthavdds one
paksha or fortnight, two pakshas one mas or month, twelve mas one
rarsS. or year. In former times the Hindus had neither watches
nor sun-dials. Their time measure was the water-clock a copper pot-
filled with water in which floated a brass cup with a small hole
in the bottom which took an hour to fill and sink. The water-clock,
though never referred to in ordinary life, is still used at marriage and
thread ceremonies. Besides by the water-clock time was calculated
by the length of shadows. To tell the time of day from a shadow one
plan is, in an open sunlit spot, to measure in feet the length of one's
shadow, to add six to the number of feet, and divide 121 by the sum.
The quotient gives the time in ghadis of twenty-four minutes after
sunrise if the sun has not crossed the meridian, and before sunset if
the sun has crossed the meridian . Another plan is to hold upright
a thin rod eighteen dnglis or finger-breadths long, bend it so that
its shadow will touch the other end of the rod on the ground and
measure in dnglis the perpendicular height of the rod. This like
the other plan shows the number of ghadis either after sunrise or
before sunset.
' The area of the chdhur depended in many cases on the quality of the land.
' The Mthi five cubits long by one cubit broad is said to have been carved in
stone in the late Shanvir Vdda at Poena. It was based on the length of the hand of
Peshwa MidhavrAv II. (1774-1796). After a time the length of the Peshwa's hand
became exaggerated and the hand was taken to mean the length of a man's arm
from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger with an additional span. Hence arose
some variations in the size of a bigha. Mr. J. Pollen, C. S.
Deccau.]
CHAPTEE VI.
TRADE.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The history of Cheul, Kalyan, SupAra, and Thana in the Konkan,
and of Junnar, Ndsik, and Paithan in the Deccan shows that from
early times several important trade routes passed through the
Poona district. From at least as far back as the first century
before Christ, Junnar, about a hundred miles west of Paithan sixty
south of Ndsik and fifty north of Poona, had two main routes to the
coa^t through the Mdlsej and through the Ndna passes. In the
Nana pass, inscriptions, steps, rock-cut rest-houses, and cisterns
show that as far back as the first century before Christ much was
done to make the route easy and safe. The fine Buddhist caves at
Bedsa, Bhdja, and Kdrla, the large but plain caves of doubtful date on
Lohogad hill, the rock-hewn Shiv temple at Bhdmburda and the
small Graneshkhind caves of uncertain date near Poona, and the
groups of Buddhist caves at Ambivli, Jdmbrug, and Konddne in
Thana make it probable that the Bor pass was a highway of trade
between B.C. 100 and A.D. 60p. Of Poona trade routes and trade
centres under the Hindu dynasties which flourished between A.D, 700
and A.D. 1300 few traces remain. Two great rock-hewn reservoirs
on the top of Shivner show that the hill was held as a fort by the
Devgiri Yddavs and make it probable that Junnar was a place of
trade. Under the Bahmanis in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries Junnar and ChAkan were strong military posts and
probably local trade centres. In 1499, after a brief stay at Junnar,
Malik Ahmad, the founder of the Nizdm Shdhi dynasty, moved his
capital from Junnar to Ahmadnagar. During the sixteenth century,
when the wealth of the Bombay Deccan was divided between the
rulers of Ahmadnagar and Bijdpur, probably no main line of traffic
passed through the Poona district. About 1636, when it was made
part of Bijdpur, Poona probably rose in importance as a centre of
trade, and at the same time Junnar gained in consequence as the
southmost post of Moghal power. Shivaji's disturbances soon
followed, and little trade can have centred in Poona till 1750, when
it became the capital of the Mardtha empire. After the country
passed to the British, traces of pavement, steps, and water-cisterns
showed that the Peshwas had attempted to improve the Nana,
Malsej, Bhimd,shankar, and Kusur passes/
Chapter VI.
Trade.
RouTBa.
a.c.lOO •A.D. 1818
' Bom. Rev. Ileo, 144 of 1819, 3317.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
142
DISTRICTS.
Chapter TI.
Trade-
Routes.
1779-1826.
The first road made by the British was the PooNA-PANVEii road, from
Panvelin Thdna through the Bor pass to Poona. In the close of 1 779
the leaders of the unfortunate expedition that ended in the Vadgaon
Convention spent four weeks (23rd November- 25th December) in
making a path fit for Artillery up the Bor pass.^ In 1804, General
Wellesley constructed a good military road from the head of the Bor
pass to Poona. The massive stone ramps or pavings, which in 1864
were visible in places for the entire distance a little to the south of the
line which is now the old post road,^ and traces of which may still
be seen at the eastern foot of the Isapur hills, belong to General
Wellesley's road. After the fall of the Peshwds in 1817, owing to
its importance in joining Bombay and Poona, one of the first cares
of the Bombay Government was to improve the road from
Poona to Panvel in Thdna. In 1819 it was proposed that the
Nd,na and Kusur passes should be repaired.^ In 1825, though
still steep. Bishop Heber considered that the Bor pass' road
was probably sufficient for the intercourse that either was or was
likely to be between the Konkan and the Deccau.* In 1826,
according to Captain Clunes, the chief lines of communication in
Poona lay through Poona and Junnar.^ The Bombat-Ahmadnagae
road of 148 miles from Panvel through Chauk, Khalapur, and
Khopivli in Thdna ascended the Bor pass and entered Poona near
Khandalaj and stretching through Londvla, Kdrla, Khadkdla.
Vadgaon, Kuvla, Tathavade Aund, Poona,* Vdgholi, Loni, Koregaon,
Ganpati's Rd,njangaon, and Kardalvddi, left it near Sirur and
continued its course to Ahmadnagar through Hingni, Kadus,
Eanjangaon, Sarole, Akulner, and Kedgaon. Besides the stone
bridge over the Indrdyani between Kdila and KhadkAla, which had
seventeen arches and a total length of about 400 feet, there were on
this road two flying bridges one across the Mula near Poona, the
other across the Bhima near Koregaon. From this road a new
excellent military road branched to the right near Vadgaon and
passed by the villages of SheldrvMi, Kinai, Ghinchuli, Nigri, Akurdi,
Chinchvad, Bhosri, and Dapuri. This was the shortest road to
Poona if the traveller had no wheel carriages. It continued from
near Bhosri, passing Kalas, and crossing the Kirkee bridge,
making a difference of about two miles between Bhosri and the
Sangam. The Kaltau-Aueangabad road of 185 miles, passing
iJirough EAhata, Murbdd, Umbarpdda, the Taloli pass, and
Kumbalpada in Thana, and ascending the Milsej pass, entered the
district near Karanjdle, and stretching through Pimpalgaon and
Junnar left it near Otur and oontimued its course through
BrahmanvMe, the Savarchur pass, Sangamner, RahAta, BI,mangaon>
BhArgaon, and Tisgaon. This road had two branches from Junnar,
' Account of Bombay, 176-7. ^ Deccan Scenes (1864), 330.
' Mr. Marriott, 29tli September 1819, Gov. Eev. Keo. 144 of 1819, 3317.
* Heber'a Narrative, II. 200. " Itinerary, 18-46.
' From the travellers' bungalow near the entrance of the cantonment to the church
was 1^ miles and the contmnation of the road to the ruins of Sindia's palace near
which the cantonments ended was IJ miles farther, Clunes' Itinerary, 10,
Beccau.l
POONA.
143
one of sixty -four miles through Ojhar,Pimpalvandi, and Belhe, leaving
the district near Alkuti, and continuing its course through Pd,rner,
Supa, and Kedgaon to Ahmadnagar ; the other branch forty-five
miles through Ndrdyangaon, Hivra, the Utti pass, Pargaon, and
Annapur to Sirur. The PoONA-SuRAT road of 254 miles through
Chdkan, Nardyangaon, and Hivra, leaving the district near Otur
continued its course through the Vdshera pass, Devthan, the
Sinnar pass, Nasik, Dindori, the Rahud pass, Umbarthdna, the
Nirpan pass, the Vdgh pass, Gandevi, and Navsdri. In the fair
season this was a good cart road throughout except at the
Vashera and Sinnar passes in Ahmadnagar and Ndsik. The
Rahud pass in Nasik offered no obstacles to carts. Another road
of 290 miles, the usual line of march for troops from Poona to Surat,
was through Rdvet, Vadgaon, Karla, and B3ianddla on the district
border, and Khopivli, Ohauk, Panvel, Ambagaund, Kalydn, Titvala,
Lap, Vajrabdi, Arna, Butna, Daisar, Mahagaon, Tdrdpur, Saunta,
Jahye-Burdi, Umbargaon, Daruti, Bagvdda, Pdrnera, Rola,
Gandevi, Navsdri, Lanchpur, and Sachin. From Panvel in
Thdna there was another road to Surat by sea and land of about
256 miles. The Poona-KaltAn road of seventy-five miles
through Rdvet and Vadgaon, by the Kusur pass, continued
its course through Neral, Badldpur, Beluli, and Kansa. The
PoONA-ElHANDiLA road of forty miles passed through Banera,
Kasarsai, Dhaman Khind, and Londvla. The Poona-Junnar road of
fifty miles passed through Chdkan, Peth, Ndrdyangaon,and Khdndpur.
This road, though in places difficult for carts, was a fair road for
pack-cattle. The Poona-Dhulia road of 201 miles through Chakan,
Peth, Nardyangaon, Pimpalvandi, and Ale^ left the district near
Bota and continued its course through the Abora pass, Kikangaon,
Korbdla, Kopargaon, Yeola, Sdvargaon, Manmdd, Mdlegaon, the
Dardgaon pass, Arvi, and Laling. The PoonA-Aubangabad road
of 144 miles, through Lom,Koregaon, and Ganpati's Rdnjangaon, left
the district near Sirur and continued its course through Ndrdyan-
gaon, Supa, Ahmadnagar, Imdmpur, Kevra, Toke, Dahigaon,
and Jalgaon. From Ahmadnagar another road went through the
Nimba-Dhera pass, Vdmbori, and Kevra. From Aurangabad
a branch led forty miles to Jdlna, and a line of 105
miles went direct from Ahmadnagar through Paithan. The
Poona-Sholdpur road of 157 miles, through Hadapsar, Loni,
Urali, Yevat, Pdtas, Chicholi, and Indapur, left the district
near Tembhumi, and continued its course through Savaleshvar
and Kundi. Another road of 157 miles to Sholdpur, through Urali,
the Diva pass, Belsar, and Jejuri, and leaving the district near
Nimbat, continued its course through Baneya, Nataputa, Yalldpur,
Pandharpur, Dehgaon, Babhulgaon, and Singoli. From Pdtas
a road of 136 miles branched towards Mominabad or Ambejogdi,
passing through Pedgaon, Pimpalvddi, Khurda, Beh, and Savargaon.
Near the Diva pass the road branched five or six miles to
Sasvad, and, from Chincholi, a branch led to Sholdpur through
Tuljdpur, making the whole distance from Poona 343 miles.
From Sholdpur the road was continued to Sikandarabad by
Chapter VI.
Trade.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
144
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Routes,
18S6.
18S6-I836.
Naldurg, a distance of 192 miles. The PooNA-BELaAUM road of
241 miles, through Jejuri, left the district near Nimbat and
continued its course through Rahimatpur, Pusesavli, Tdsgaon, and
Edur where was a flying bridge and boat across the Krishna,
Ghotgiri, Marehal, Ashti, and Kanbargi. From Edur a road led
to Dhdrwar through Padshdpur, Nesargi, Shidapur, and Gadag.
Another road of 213 miles through the Kiitraj pass continued its
course through Kikvi, Shirval, Khandala, Surul, Bhuinj, Sd.t^ra,
Miraj, Kardd, Isldmpur, Ichalkaranji, Sandalgi, Chikodi, Hukeri, and
Yamkanmardi. From Kardd a branch went to Malvan through
Malkd.pur, the Anaskura pass, and Khdrepdtan, and another through
Battis-shirdla, KoHidpur, the Phonda pass, and Janavti. The Poona-
Dapoli road of ninety-seven miles went through Vadgaon,
Khadakvdsla, Kh^ndpur, the Panba pass, and Torna-peth, left the
district by the Dhoni pass and the Shevti pass, and continued its
course through Mahad, Pdli, and Mdhlunga. A branch from Birvadi,
seventeen miles from the Shevati pass, went to Ratndgiri through
the Ghogra pass, Chiplun, and M^khjan. The Poona-Goeegaon road,
sixty-six miles through Kliadakvdsla, Gorha, and the Kuran pass,
continued its course through the Kumbha pass. Another road
fifty-seven miles branched from Kuran and went by the Devi pass.
The PooNA-NiPANi road of 211 miles, through Loni, the Khor pass,
Morgaon (Chinch vad), and Gulunche, left the district near the
Nira and continued its course through T^mgaon, Rahimatpur,
Hingangaon, and Edur-Mdnjri. The Poona-NAgothna road of
sixty-four miles through Chande-Nande and Akola, left the district
by the Sai pass and continued its course through V^unda,
Jdmbulpdda, Rahubgaon, and Chikni.
Since 1826 all of these leading routes have been taken up and
made into fair or good roads. In 1830 the Poona-Panvel road
was greatly improved and was opened in state by Sir John
Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay. At that time the mail cart to
Poona on this road was the only mail cart in India. Some years passed
before the road was generally used for carriages. In 1830 hardly
a single cart was met between Khanddla and Poona, and long
droves of pack-bullocks had possession of the road.^ In spite of
the improvements the Bor pass, though it did credit to the time in
which it was built, was far from easy of ascent. The gradients
were steep and the curves sharp and numerous. In 1832
M. Jacquemout described the road as makadamised and kept by
Pioneers in such order as would have been considered good in
France.^ In 1836 the opening of roads and the improving of
transit were among the points which received most attention from
the early survey officers.* A marked change in the number of
1 Deooan Scenes, 33. ' Voyages, HI. 583.
'Among the improvements planned by the revenue survey o£Scers the making of
a new li^t cart was one of the greatest importance. In 1865, in a speech in one of
the debates on the Survey Bill, Sir Bartle Frere, then Governor of Bombay, said
that carts in 1836 were rarely seen beyond Poona. In five months he remembered
seeing only three carts in the country between Poona and SheUpur, and these were
brought from some Madras station. At that time the only local cart wheels were
Deccan.l
POONA.
U5
roads took place in some parts of the district during the thirty years
of the first survey (1835-1866).^ In 1836 when the survey was
introduced there was not a mile of road in Inddpur. The construction
of the Imperial line of road from Poona to ShoMpur passing by
the town of IndApur was the first great improvement. By 1850, five
lines of made road pa.ssed through the district. The chief roads were
the old Poona-Panvel road through the Bor pass about seventy
miles, the Poona- Ahmadnagar road also about seventy miles, the
Poona-Junnar road about fifty miles, the Poona-Inddpur road ninety
miles, and the Poona-S^tara road seventy-six miles. The Poona-
Panvel road, the chief road- work of the Bombay Government, was
well metalled throughout. It had many long and some fairly steep
slopes down which the superfluous surface water would have rushed
with destructive violence but for a simple contrivance which broke
its force and made it comparatively harmless. At about one
hundred feet apart ridges of earth, three to four inches high
and about a foot wide, were drawn slanting across the road.
The ridges were formed by loosening the stones and earth with
a pickaxe. Their object was, before it gained force or volume, to
turn the surface water into one of the side ditches. This the ridges
did very effectually when they were properly watched, so as to
repair the breaches made in them by cart wheels. When they
were kept in order no more water could rush down any portion of
the slope than fell between two of the little ridges. When little
rain fell, the spaces between the ridges were kept comparatively dry
and firm, for the small quantity of water which was then to be
disposed of soaked quietly into the ditch, along the loose stones and
earth of which the ridges were made. Towards the close of the rainy
season the ridges were allowed to be worn by the traffic to the level
of the road. In this way the road escaped the perils of the rainy
season with comparatively little damage.^ Within Poona limits the
road was well bridged. The great obstacle to traffic was the Bor
Chapter VI.
Trade.
ROUTBS.
18S6-18B0.
disc3 of stone, and carts were large lumbering contrivances which remained as heirlooms
in families for generations. Lieutenant Gaisford applied himself to improve the
country cart and the ordinary Deecan cart was the result of his labours. The new
cart was to be as light and cheap as possible, and yet strong enough to be used in a
stony country where roads were almost unknown, and where workmen able to repair
the most simple wheeled vehicle were often not to be found within fifty miles. He
set up a factory for these carts at Tembhurni in Sholdpur, and not only made carts
but traiued workmen from the villages round to repair them. At first it was difficult
to find any one who would buy the carts even at cost price, but in time their number
considerably increased. In Indipur alone they rose from 291 in 1836 to 1165 in 1856.
The carts which replaced the old stonewheel carts and the Vanjiri bullocks have
in their turn helped to improve old roads and open new lines of communication.
Bom. Gov. Sel. OLI. 33-34.
' Lieutenants Wingate and Gaisford applied them.selves to increase the facilities
of transit in the Decoan. At first they had very small means at their disposal.
Government gave small sums often as low as Rs. 5 a mile for the improvement of
roads. Little could be done for such an amount beyond removing the most serious
impediments to wheeled traffic along existing tracks. Sir Bartle Frere, Gov. Sel.
CLI. 33.
2 Mackay's Western India, 379. Mr. Mackay adds : For about half its course the
road runs through one of the wettest districts of Western India. The quantity of
rain which falls during the south-west monsoon between Panvel and the Sahyidris,
and, for about twelve miles to the east of KhandAla at the top of the Bor pass, is
about 50 per cent more than the average fall at Bombay.
B 1327—19
[Bombay Gazetteer.
146 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. pass, where the ascent from the low land to the high land, was a rise
i£^Q of 2000 feet by a zigzag and frequently precipitous course of about
four miles. This was one of two points at which the Sahyddris
RouTBs. , could be ascended or descended by wheeled Vehicles with anything
1850. ijjj^g safety along a course of about 500 miles. Still so difficult of
ascent or descent was the Bor pass that no one thought of driving
up or down it in a carriage. Passengers travelling by the public
conveyances were carried up and down in palanquins, there being
different sets of coaches for the high and low portions of the road.
Private carriages were pulled up or let down by numerous bodies of
workmen, or they were carried up and down swung from a number
of poles which rested on men's shoulders. Empty carriages
had been pulled up by horses, but this was generally considered
a good day's work for the animals. A man who had any regard
for his horse would not even ride him up or down the pass, prefer-
ring to have him led, and betaking himself either to a pony or a
palanquin. In the Konkan the road crossed a rich rice country ;
but its chief traffic came from above the Sahyadris. It was princi-
pally owing to the traffic of districts beyond Poona turning to this
route, because there was no other means of easy communication with
the coast. The country from the Sahyddris to Poona was generally
of a poor, thin, light soil, which of itself could sustain no great traffic.
The Poona- Ahmadnagar road started almost at right angles to the
Poona-Panvel road from which it differed simply in not being metal-
led. It was bridged and fairly ditched, the surface being covered not
with broken stone but in some places with loose round stones or
coarse gravel, and in others with small fragments of hardened clay.
Occasionallythe gravel and clay were combined and there the road
was generally in the best condition. During the dry season it was
practicable enough and could be driven over without difficulty;
during the rains it was indifferent throughout and at many points
bad. It was designed as a military road as Ahmadnagar was the
head-quarters of the Bombay artillery. Like the Poona-Panvel
road it had proved of advantage to the general traffic. Al-
though it crossed a comparatively poor country it was the chief
feeder of the Poona road. With its continuation through
the Nizam's territory to Aurangabad, it drew to Poona much
of the traffic of Berar out of what would have been its natural
course had communications been open between that important
valley and the coast. To gain this circuitous line 'of made road,
much of that traffic turned south to Ajanta from which it could
reach Bombay only by the made road, which it sought by traversing
nearly three-quarters of the circumference of an enormous circle,
The next of the made roads was the Poona- Junnar road. It
was designed either to proceed by the Ale pass across several
streams and several spurs of the Sahyadris, to Sinnar and Nasik,
with the view of uniting Poona with Malegaon the great military
station in the north Deccan; or to take the more direct route
from the Ale pass to Malegaon, avoiding Ndsik and flanking
the spurs of the hills. The Poona-IndXpur road led south-east
from Poona to Inddpur about half-way to Sholapur. Of all the roads
that converged on Poona this IndApur road was most in the -direct
DeccanJ
POONA.
147
line of the Poona-Panvel metalled road, so that traffic directed by
it upon the Poona-Panvel road with a view to reaching Bombay-
could scarcely be said, so far at least as the district between Poona
and Inddpur was concerned, to have been taken out of its course, as
it must have been from other districts by any of the roads leading
through Poona. The road was by no means as perfect a road as that
leading to Ahmadnagar. Even the Poona end of it, after a little
rain, was little more than passable for a carriage. It crossed a very
practicable line of country, as nearly its whole course to Indapur
lay along the right bank of the Bhima. If the traffic was not at
first great it was because the country was poor. At Inddpur the
road crossed the Bhima and proceeded through a richer country
almost in a straight line to ShoMpur. The Poona-SItaba road
was the best specimen of a made road in the Deccan. It was not
bridged throughout^ the only completed bridges had been built by
native chiefs. The road surmounted two passes, one of them, the
Bd,bdev pass about eight miles south of Poona, being one of the
worst specimens of a pass in Western India. Its angles and
gradients were frightful, its sharp turns being in some places flanked
by low walls which afforded but a slight bulwark against the preci-
pices which they crowned. The road in the steepest parts was con-
stantly rough, being covered to some depth with loose round stones.
This to some extent served to check, the impetus of a descending load,
but greatly increased the toil of dragging a load up. Beyond the
crest of the pass the road entered a broad plain bounded on the south
by the Sdlpa range and watered by many streams. The first stream
was at the village of Hivra past which it brawled over a somewhat
wide and rocky channel ; it was unbridged. The next was beyond
Sdsvad, a narrower but deeper stream with a fierce current during the
rains; it was also unbridged. There was no other stream of conse-
quence until the Nira was reached, one of the largest tributaries of the
Bhima. The Nira bridge was a well-known point on the road. The
bridge which was a long wooden one, resting on stone piers springing
to some height from the rocky channel of the river, had been built
by the Peshw^s. There were several bridges within Sdtdra limits.
Besides these main routes, as in the rest of the country, were several
fair-weather roads practicable for carts, frequented tracks, and
postal tracks. The fair-weather roads were natural tracks, merely
showing the course taken by an irregular traffic over the open
surface of the country. The best of them were practicable during
the fair weather for carts, simply because at that time carts could
pass over much of the surface of the country. The frequented
tracks were numerous in every thickly peopled part of the country
and were a grade lower than the fair-weather cart-tracks. The
lines laid down as post tracks were no better, the mail being
generally carried by foot-runners. All these roads were useful as
showing the natural lines of traffic. Of the roads the Poona-Panvel
and the Poona- Ahmadnagar roads were alone thoroughly bridged
and available for traffic throughout the year. On the other roads,
during the greater part of the rainy season, traffic was stopped by
the streams which crossed them. The suddenness with which the
streams stopped traffic was sometimes startling. A stream which
at a place less than a quarter of a mile distant, was known to be
Chapter VT-
Trade.
EOUTES.
1850.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
148 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. practicable^ by the time required to reach its banks, became a
Trade foaming and impassable torrent and remained impassable for days.
To such interruptions even most of the made roads were liable.
Routes. Since 1863 when local funds were created the work of opening
1863-1884. roads has been steadily pressed on and the district is now well pro-
vided with lines of communication. At present (1884) in the
Poona and Kirkee cantonments and in the civil limits of the two
stations, forty-two miles of Imperial roads and twenty-eight miles of
provincial roads, all metalled and bridged, are kept in repair at a
yearly cost of £1700 (Rs. 17,000) to Imperial and £1700 (Rs. 17,000)
to provincial funds. Of district roads there are seventy miles
bridged and metalled, 104 miles partly bridged and metalled, and
493 miles partly bridged and muruvied. The old Poona-Panvel
road, entering the district at Khandala and passing south-east by
Lonavla, Talegaon, Kirkee, Poona, Patas, and Indapur, is a well
made road metalled as far as Patas and then murumed. The cross-
ing of the Bhima at Hingangaon, where a ferry-boat is worked
during the south-west rains, and the crossing of the Dalaj are serious
obstacles to traffic during the rains. This road was of immense
advantage to the district till the opening of the railway in 1862.
It brought Poona, which is the great grain market of this part of
the Deccan, within easy reach of grain and brought most villages
in the neighbourhood of Poona in direct communication with
Indapur which is midway between Poona and ShoMpur. Dealers
exporting produce to Poona and ShoMpur naturally tried the half-
way market of Indd.pur. Many cartloads of merchandise intended
for Poona or Sholapur were often disposed of in transit at Indapur
and the return carts were laden with produce which would command
a better price in the respective markets. The opening of the railway
in 1862 drove the cartmen from this road and considerably affected
the importance of the Indapur market. Though the number of
carts making use of the road has diminished those that have been
driven off the line are probably such as came from long distances
and the local traffic by the road is still considerable. The road is
still of local importance in supplying the Indapur market with the
produce of the sub-division. The Poona-Aueangabad road is
metalled forty-one miles as far as Sirur and, except at Koregaon on
the Bhima and two or three unimportant streams, is bridged and
drained throughout. The old Poona-Satara road, thirty-nine miles
as far as the Nira, through the Diva pass, SAsvad, and Jejuri, is
a fair road partly bridged and drained. It is at present kept as a
local fund road. The new Poona-SatIba road of thirty miles,
passing through the Kdtraj pass and Shirval, is a first class metalled
and bridged road kept in good order. The Poona-Nasik road,
sixty-two miles through Khed, Manchar, Ndrayangaon, and Ambe-
ghargaon, is a murumed unbridged road. As the principal rivers
are unbridged flying bridges are worked in the monsoon at Moshi
on the Indrayani, at Khed on the Bhima, at Kalamb on the Ghod,
and at Pimpalvandi on the Kukdi, and at Ambeghargaon on the
Mula ; an ordinary ferry-boat plies at Vdki on the Bhama. A branch
from this road goes from Nd,rayangaon to Junnar. The local fund
roads besides the already mentioned old S^tara road are, the
Sirub-Sataba road fifty-four miles as far as the Nira bridge,
Deccan]
POONA.
149
passing through the railway station of Kedgaon and crossing the
Bhima at Pdrgaon by a flying bridge. The twenty-eight miles of
this road from Sirur to Kedgaon are kept as a mail pony cart road.
The PoONA-SlNHGAD road extends over twelve miles ; the PooNA-
alandi road of thirteen miles runs parallel and close to the Nasik
road ; the SAsvad-IndIptje road of fifty -four miles east and west
passes through Bdrdmati, Lasurna, and Nimbgaon ; the Vadgaon-
ShikrIpur road of thirty-three miles through ChAkan joins the
Bombay- Ahmadnagar road at Shikrdpur ; the Khed-Bhimashankar
road thirty-one miles joins the Ndsik road at Khed ; the Khed-
SiRUR road through P^bal extends over thirty-two miles; the
Poona-Paud road extends over twenty-one miles ; and the Diksal-
Baramati road over seventeen miles. All these local fund roads
are murumed and are more or less bridged, crossing some of the rivers
by flying bridges. During the rains when the groimd is wet many
of the roads are difficult for wheels. Yearly repairs are made and
improvements are being gradually introduced.
^As in the rest of the Deccan the local hill passes or ghats belong
to two leading systems, those that cross the Sahyddris and those
that cross the spurs that stretch east and south-east from the
Sahyddris. Down the Mdlsej pass about sixty-six miles north of
Poona, a line for a cart road has been surveyed, and it is expected
that in a few years the road will be begun. At present the only
road down the Poona Sahy^dris fit for wheels is the Bor pass.
Except this and the Malsej and N^na passes the rest of the openings
in the Poona Sahyd,dris are foot-paths and have no considerable
traffic.^ The Mdlsej and Nana passes have considerable Vanjdri
traffic carried on pack-bullocks. Of the SahyMri passes, beginning
from the north, the first is NiSNl or the Ladder, a steep and difficult
route from Td,lemachi in Junnar to DivapAnda in the Murbdd sub-
division of Tbana ; it is impassable for cattle and is little used by foot
travellers. Ma'lsej at the head of the Madner valley, 2062 feet
above the level of the sea, is the straight route between Ahmadnagar
and Kalyan. It descends about five miles from Khubi in Junnar
to Thidbi in Murbad. In 1826 it was passable by camels and
elephants, but was steep and in some places narrow with a precipice
on one side.^ The descent, in which there is an excavation
containing carved images of the Hindu gods Ganesh and IIanumd,n
and a cistern of fine water, is paved with large stones. In 1850,
when the engineers of the Peninsula Railway came to India, the
Mdlsej pass first engaged their attention. On examination the route
presented such formidable difficulties that it had to be abandoned, and
with it the general system of line of which it was a feature. In 1882
in connection with the proposal to open a cart road down the pass,
toll-bars were established for six months to ascertain the traffic. The
Chapter VI.
Trade.
EOUTBS.
1884.
Passes.
1 Mr. John McLeod Campbell, O.S.
' These foot-paths are very intricate. It is with the greatest difficulty that people
travel along them when loaded with the produce of their fields for the local markets.
Where the rook is very steep they use a simple bamboo ladder with the help of which
they can travel by the most direct routes. The ladder consists of a substantial bamboo
shorn of its branches with a small stump at each joint or division to be used as a step.
Captain A. Mackintosh (1839) in Trans, Bom, Geog. Soc. I, 290-291.
' Clunes' Itinerary, 16.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
150
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Passes.
returns showed a considerable Vanjdri bullock traffic outwards
in wheat, Indian milletj tur, gram, myrobalans, butter, oil, raw sugar,
chiUies, betel leaves, coriander seed, pulse, turmeric, plantains,
cattle including sheep, and country blankets ; and inwards in rice,
salt, ndgli, vari, cocoanuts, dates, sesamum, metal, cloth, bangles,
betel, fish, rags, paper, and timber. The export and import trade is
with Junnar and other large villages in the Junnar sub- division.
Besides the goods traffic there is a large passenger traffic chiefly
husbandmen from Junnar and the neighbouring parts of the district
on their way to and from the great labour market of Bombay.
Six miles south-west of the Mdlsej pass at the head of the Kukdi
valley are two passes Nangar-dara and BhorIndicha-dara or
RithtIcha-dara from Anjanvel in Junnar to Bhordnde in MurbM,
These are steep and difficult, and are used only by Kolis. About a mile
further south at the head of the same valley, is the NXna pass six
miles in descent from Ghdtgar to Vaisagre and Dhasai in Murbad.
Next to the -Bor pass this is the most used route between the
Deccan and the Konkan within Poona limits.^ At the top the
road runs through a narrow gorge between two steep rocks, the
rock on the north being known as N ana's Angtha or thumb. The
entrance to the pass is by a staircase cut deep through the
rock and descending fifty to a hundred feet from the level
of the plateau to a narrow terrace. Flanking the artificial
staircase, in the precipitous rock which falls from the Deccan level
to the terrace, are rock-cut caves which apparently were originally
made, and which still serve, as travellers' rest-houses. The walls
of the chief cave are covered with a famous inscription of the third
Andhr^bhritya king Vedishri Shatakami, whose probable date is
B.C. 90. From the terrace a stair, partly built partly rock-hewn,
descends through heavily wooded slopes into the Konkan. The
lower portion is easy and runs along rounded hills.. At
several places in the pass are rock-hewn cisterns with excellent
water whose PAli inscriptions show that they were cut about a
hundred years before Christ. In 1675 the English physician
Fryer, who had been asked to Junnar by the Moghal governor,
returned by the N^na pass and found it shorter and easier than the
Avdpa track up which he had been taken by mistake. At the
top he was kept waiting by 300 oxen laden with salt, then so
precious that the saying was whose salt we eat, not whose bread
we eat. After standing for an hour he persuaded the bullock-
men to stop and let him pass. Once past the salt bullocks, the road
was feasible, supplied at distances with charitable cisterns of good
water, and towards the bottom adorned with beautiful woods.^ In
1 Near the NAna pass the Poona boundary runs far into the Konkan. The story
is that in a dispute between the neighbouring Thdna and Poona villages the Mh^
of the Poona village pointed out from the top of the Sahyidris a line a long way
west of the base of the cliff. The Th^na villagers jeered at him telling him to go
over the precipice and show the line. The Poona MhAr tied winnowing fans under
his arms and to his legs, and throwing himself over the cliff floated down unhurt.
On reaching the ground he began to run west to what he called the Poona boundary.
The Konkan villagers seeing their lands passing away mobbed him to death, and
fixed the boundary where his body lay. Mr. W. B. Mulock, C,S., Collector of Th^na
(1882). ' Fryer's East India and Persia, 128-129.
Deccan.]
POONA.
151
1826 the pass was frequented by Vanjdris in the dry season, but in
the rains the steps into which the rock had been cut were in places
dangerous for cattle. Though this route saved a considerable distance
in going from Ahmadnagar to Kalydn, people with baggage and
followers preferred to go round by the Bor pass.^ At present (1884)
the pass is much used in the fair weather by market gardeners and
oilmen from Junnar. These men loading their bullocks with packs
of chillies, onions, and garlic, march from Junnar to Ghdtgar at the
top of the pass. Here they stop a night and next day their own
pack-bullocks go down the pass unloaded and the packs are carried
down the pass by special pass buffaloes belonging to the Ghd.tgar
villagers. The buffaloes are paid 4^d. (3 as.) a trip. Besides this there
is a considerable Vanjari traffic in grain from Junnar to Murbad and
Kalyan. StiU the pass can never be more than a foot and cattle path.
About ten miles south-west at the head of the Mina valley is
Ambuli a small rugged pass leading from Ambuli to Palu, not a trade
route. This though only a footpath is much used as it is the most
direct route from Junnar to Kalyan. Kute-dara and Tirgun-dara,
footpaths leading from Hatvij in Junnar to Sondvle in Murbad are
used only by Kolis, and are so steep that in places steps are cut in the
rock. GovELi, also a footpath, leads from Khed to Ubrole in MurbM.
It is steep and little used, Avape, a descent of four miles from
Av^pe in Khed to Khopivli in Murbad, is passable only for men,
but is used to carry headloads of clarified butter into the Deccan
and myrobalans from the Deccan coastwards. In 1675 the English
physician Fryer on his way to Junnar being misguided had to
climb the Sahy^dris apparently by this path. The ascent was very
difficult. There was no path and the breathless bearers threaded
their way amid hanging trees, the roots of which were laid bare by
the falling earth. To look down made the brain turn, and over-
head pendulous rocks threatened to entomb the traveller. Intense
labour drew tears of anguish from the servants' eyes and with
much difficulty they carried their load to the top by a narrow
cavern cut through rock.^ Fryer returned by the Ndna pass. Shidgad
descendingfrom Kondanvalin Khed to Narivli,is impassable for cattle,
but is much used by foot-passengers. Three paths, Ghar, Umbra, and
GXJNAR lead from the Shidgad fort. About one mile west of the
temple of Bhimashankar are two passes one to the village of Balhiner
called Ranshil and the other to the village of Khd,ndas called BhimI-
SHANKAR. In 1826 the Bhimd,shankar paths had much traffic in
spices, oil, and raw-sugar from the Deccan to Panvel and a return of
salt from Panvel to the Deccan. Along much of their length old
curbing and in many places old paving remain. The paths are
now out of repair and are used only by a few laden bullocks, horses,
and travellers who are carried in litters from Khdndas. Two other
footpaths close to the Bhimdshankar pass are called HAtkaevat and
Sakhartaki. Ambanali two miles south of Bhimashankar is not pass-
able for cattle . Vajantra a mile further is passable for unloaded
Chapter VI
Trade.
Passes,
Clunes' Itinerary, 145,
' Fryer's East India and Persia, 128-129.
Passes,
[Bombay Gaietteer,
152 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. cattle; NiSNl, which is difficult even for men, is the continuation of
Trade VIjantea. At the head of the Bhima valley is Kolamb also called
BhatIj two miles south of Kotelgad, now out of repair and fit only
for foot passengers and unladen cattle. It had formerly much
traffic in rice and salt from Kalydn. Close to Kolamb is a steep foot-
path by which a detachment of the 4th Regiment climbed to Englad
in February 1818 and surprised a party of Kolis.^ About five
miles south-west, at the head of the A'ndhra valley, three passes
PhenIdevi, Adki, and SIvle lead from Savle the first to Mdlegaon
and the last two to Pimpalpada. Sdvle pass, which is paved but is
in bad repair, was formerly used for dragging wood. In 1826 the
yearly value of the timber dragged up this pass was estimated at
£5000 (Rs. 50,000).2 Four miles further south, and also at the head
of the Andhra valley, is KUSUR 2149 feet above the sea, a winding
path leading 2 J miles from the village of Kusurgaon to Bhivpuri,
and -in good repair. The descent is at first easy passing under
fine shady trees. After some distance it is a steep zigzag down
the hill-side. Most of it is roughly paved with large stones which
are said to have been laid by one of the Peshwas. At Bhivpuri
there is a fine stone reservoir built at a cost of £7500 (Rs. 75,000)
by Pdrvatibai widow of Sadashiv Chimndji of the Peshwa's family.
The road is passable for mounted horsemen or laden bullocks, but
not for carts. It is a great line of traffic from Talegaon to Karjat,
Neral, Kaly^n, and Panvel. The yearly toll revenue of about £20
(Rs. 200) is spent on repairing the pass. Galdevicha Rasta leading
from Jamba vli to Ddk in Karjat and Valvandi Darcha Mal leading
from Valvandi to Khadvd,i are used by foot-passengers and unloaded
animals. Nine miles south-west of Kusur, winding close under the
slopes of Rajmachi, is the footpath of RIjmIchi known in Thdna as
the Konkan Darvaja or Konkan Gate, leading about five miles to the
village of Kharvandi on the Ulhas river in Karjat. It was formerly
passable by laden cattle, but is now out of repair and is used only
by foot travellers. HiNDOL and Mirra, both of them footpaths,
lead from Ndndgaon and K\ane in Mdval toKondane inKarjat. Eight
miles south of Konkan Darvdja, at the top of the Indr^yani valley
about 2000 feet above the level of the sea is the BoR pass, a winding
made road from Lond,vla eight miles to Khopivli. At the close of 1779
the leaders of the unfortunate expedition which ended in the Vad-
gaon Convention spent four weeks (23rd November-23rd December)
in making a path fit for artillery up the Bor pass. The track was
improved in 1804 by General Wellesley. From its importance in
joining Bombay and Poona the improvement of the Bor pass road
was one of the first cares of the Bombay Government after the
fall of the Peshwa. In 1825, according to Bishop Heberwho passed
through it, the road through the Bor pass though broad and good was
so steep that a loaded carriage or palanquin could with difficulty be
taken up. Every one either walked or rode and all merchandise
was conveyed on bullocks or horses. To have carried a road over
these hills at all was. Bishop Heber thought, highly creditable to
1 Clunes' Itinerary, 146. ^ Clunes' Itinerary, 146.
Deccan ]
POONA.
153
• the Bombay Government, and the road as it stood was probably-
sufficient for the intercourse that either was or was likely to
be between the Deccan and Konkan.^ A few years later the pass
road was greatly improved, and in 1830 it was opened in state by
Sir John Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay. In 1840 the pass
road was metalled throughout and completed with bridges and
drains so as to be passable for carts during the rains. In this year
the traffic yielded a toll revenue of £2774 (Rs. 27,740) .= In spite
of the improvement, in 1850 it was so difficult of ascent and descent
that no one ever thought of driving up or down in a carriage.
Passengers travelling by the public conveyances were carried up
and down in palanquins, there being different sets of coaches for the
high and low portions of the road. Private carriages were pulled
up or let down by numerous bodies of workmen or else they were
carried up and down swung from a number of poles resting on men's
shoulders.' At present (1884) it is a first class metalled and curbed
road twenty-two feet wide with masonry bridges, culverts, drains,
dry stone retaining walls, and an easy gradient. It has considerable
cart traffic from Poona to Panvel and Pen. Wheat, raw sugar,
oil, clarified butter, millet, and cotton pass westwards, and salt
passes inland. In 1881 the Bor pass toll yielded £790 (Rs. 7900).
In 1860 the Peninsula Railway line to Poona was taken across
the Sahyfidris at the Bor pass.* South of Khanddla Nagphani or
Cobra's Hood leading from Kurvanda in Maval to Chavri in Karjat
is used by foot passengers and unloaded animals. Two miles south,
at the head of the Indr^yani river, KoEONDi passable for laden cattle,
also leads west to Chavri in Pen. Further south are Kevni five miles
between Yekoli and Pdchapur, Derya four miles between Ghulka
and Nenavli, AvLi five miles between Pimpri and Alvane used by
foot passengers carrying no loads, and Pimpei six miles between
Pimpri and Patnus used by pack-bullocks carrying myrobalans
salt and coals. Further south in the Mulshi petty division are
NiSNi Ambone four miles from Maluste to Md.ngaon ; Ambavne or
Kalambya five miles from Ambavne to Kalamb ; VIeasdar four
miles from Saltar to Kondgaon ; Telbeja Savasni four miles from
Telbela to Dhondse ; NiVE or Savatya four miles from Nive to
Patnus ; Tamni or Sathpayei three miles from Tamni to Vile, all used
by foot passengers who often carry head-loads of myrobalans, butter,
coals, salt, and rice; Gadlot on the direct road from Poena- to
Ndgothna leading into the Pant Sachiv's state of Bhor ; Lendh or
Ling, Nisni, and Tamhana, in the extreme south and fit only for
men, lead into Kolaba. South of these connecting the Bhor state
and KoMba are several passes Dev, Kxjmbhe, Thibthabe, Kavlya,
Shevtya, Madhya, Amboval, Gopya, Vaeandha, and Shevta, all
of which are useful for Poona traffic.
Of the passes over the spurs that run east from the Sahyddris
the chief are in the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range. Four cart roads
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Passes.
1 Heber's Travels, 200. " Maokay's Western India, 379.
' Trade Reports, 1840-41, 380-81.
*■ Details of the Bor pass railway are given below pp. 159-161.
B 1327—20
[Bombay Gazetteer,
154
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI,
Trade.
Passes.
Beidgbs,
cross the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range at the Edtraj, Bdbdev, Diva, and
Bor passes. The Katraj pass is on the new Satd,ra road, a fine
piece of modern engineering, crossing the crest of the range in a
tumneL The BAbdev, about ten miles from Sd,svad and between
Bhivari and Kondhve Budrukh, is on the old Satara road through
Haveli and Purandhar. In 1803 Holkar brought his plundering
bands up this pass. It was put in order about the year 1824, and
for years afterwards was in a prosperous condition. Until 1853 it
was used for wheeled carriages, but since the opening of the Diva
and Bor passes in the same range of hills, it has been abandoned.
In 1853, it was one of the worst specimens of a pass in Western
India. Its angles and gradients were frightful to contemplate, its
sharp turns being in some places flanked by low walls which aflForded
but a slight bulwark against the precipices which they crowned.
The road in the steepest parts was constantly rough, being covered
with loose round stones. This ±o some extent served to check the
impetus of a descending load but greatly increased the toil of draw-
ing a load up. At present it is impracticable for laden carts and
is used by pack-bullocks and foot passengers carrying headloads
of mangoes, figs, and vegetables to Poona from Supa and the neigh-
bouring villages. The outward traffic is estimated to be worth
about £200 (Rs. 2000) a year. The Diva pass, between Diva and
Vadki, seven miles further east and six miles north of Sisvad was
made in 1853 at a cost of £8500 (Rs. 85,000) from Imperial funds
to supersede the Babdev pass. The pass is kept in good order
by yearly repairs, and wheeled carriages can easily go over it.
Considerable traffic, consisting of grain of every sort, fruit, especially
mangoes and figs, vegetables, raw sugar, firewood, butter^ oil, cloth
and other articles of foreign manufacture, metal work, timber, sugar,
and spices, passes by this route. The inward traffic is worth about
£20,000 (Rs. 2,00,000) and the outward about £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000).
The Bor or Sindavne pass, nine miles further east, near the end of
the spur, between Vaghapur and Sindavne, is the oldest route across
the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range. It was crossed by the Duke of
Wellington in his famous forced march in 1803,^ and by Peshwa
Bdjirdv when he fled from Poona in 1 817, Though superseded by the
Bdbdev pass for traffic with Poona, the road is still kept in repair
as it is a line of communication between the Urali railway station
and Sasvad, Jejuri, and other places on the old Sdtara road. It was
made in 1862 at a cost of about £100 (Rs. 1000) from local funds.
At present the road is in good order and fit for wheeled carriages.
The pass is chiefly used by pilgrims from the Urali railway station
to Jejuri. The traffic chiefly in corn and other articles of daily
use is worth about £2500 (Rs. 25,000) a year.
Besides four large bridges and one dam or dharan and several
minor bridges in the town and cantonment of Poona and Kirkee,
the district hg,s forty-two bridges of not less than fifty feet long.
Of the Poona and Kirkee bridges, the Wellesley Bridge
1 The Duke's famous march of sixty miles iu thirty-two hours was from BArAmati
to Poona on the 19th and 20th of April 1803. Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 568.
Deccan.]
POONA. 155
Bridges.
called after the Marquis of Wellesley over the Mutha river Chapter VI.
at the Sangam, 498 feet long, of stone and lime masonry Trade,
throughout, with eight 52^ feet span segmental arches and cut-
stone parapet walls, including a roadway 28 1 feet wide and
forty-five feet above the foundation or river-bed, was built in
1874 at a cost of £11,093 6s. (Rs. 1,10,933). The original bridge
which was entirely of wood was built in 1828 and was removed in
1839. A stone bridge was then built which continued in use till it was
removed in 1874. The new bridge keeps the name of the former
bridge, the people changing the word Wellesley into Vasli. Not far
from this bridge to the west is the railway bridge over the Mutha.
The Lakdipux on the Mutha river at the north-west end of
the city was built in 1847, at a cost of £2697 10s. (Rs. 26,975).
Though of stone it is called the Lakdi Pul or Wooden Bridge, because
it is on the site of a wooden bridge which was built by one of the
Peshwds and gave way in the floods of 1840. The present bridge
is 523 feet long, with nine forty-eight feet span segmental arches
of stone and lime and parapets of coursed stone and lime masonry
including a roadway 18j feet wide and 34| feet above the foundation
or river-bed. The Fitzgerald Bridge over the Mula-Mutha river
below the Bund Gardens, 1002 feet long, of stone and lime masonry
throughout, with thirteen sixty feet span semi-elliptical arches and
stone parapet walls, including a roadway 28^ feet wide and 47 J feet
above the foundation or fiver-bed, was built in 1869, at a cost of
£24,153 2s. (Rs. 2,41,531). Holkae's Bridge over the Mula river
at Kirkee, 548 feet long, is built of stone and lime masonry
throughout, with nineteen seventeen-feet segmental arches, and a
parapet of cut teak wood railing, including a roadway fifteen feet
wide and twenty-eight feet above the foundation or river-bed. The
KuMBHAE Ves or" Potters' Gate dhara/n or causeway is the oldest
crossing over the Mutha river near Kasba Peth to the north of Poona.
The old causeway gave way in the beginning of British rule, and the
present causeway was built between 1835 and 1840 at a cost of
about £3000 (Rs. 30,000), paid partly by Government and partly
by the people. It is built of sdid stone masonry, and is 235 yards
long and seven yards broad. It has twelve nine-feet wide sluices.
During the monsoon floods it is under water and impassable.
The other bridges in the town of Poona are: the HalIlkhoi^
or Sweepers' bridge over the Mdnik Nala. sixty-eight yards^
long, a massive structure of cut-stone masonry with three,
five-feet broad vents or waterways leading to the HaMlkhor.
quarters in Mangalvdr Peth ; it was built between 1835 and
1840. The Jakat or Toll Bridge, connecting the Mangalvdr and
Shanvdr Peths, with three twelve-feet vents, was built, between 1836
and 1840. Here the tolls were levied in the Pesh-vyds' time,
GoslviPURA Bridge on the Manik stream was built in 1870 at a cost
of £300 (Rs. 3000). It is a double bridge at a point where the
main road branches. The arches are single of twenty-two feet
span. The DAeuvAla or Fireworkers' Bridge on the Ndgzari stream,
joining the RavivAr with the Nyahdl, Rastia, and Somvdr Peths, was
built in 1870 at a cost of £1500 (Rs. 15,000). It is fifty-eight yards
long and. has four twelve-feet side vents. The BgATTl or Brick.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
156
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Bbisoes.
Kiln Gate Bridge on the Mdnik stream joining Rdstia's Peth with
the Civil Lines was built in 1845. It is a small culvert of
two seven-feet vents. The Pdrsi bridge or causeway on the
Nagjhari stream joining Ganesh Peth with R^stia's Peth was built
in 1830 by a Poona Parsi. It has three five-feet wide vents, and
is occasionally under water during the rains when it becomes
impassable. The Ganesh Peth Bridge, joining the Ganesh and
Nana's Peths, was built in 1835. It is a cut-stone bridge with three
sixteen-f eet arches. The Burud or Basket-makers' Bridge near the
Buruds' quarters, joining the Ravivdr and Bhavdni Peths, was built
between 1840 and 1845 of solid cut-stone masonry. It has four
nine-feet arches. The GhAsheti Bridge, joining Ganj and Vetal
Peth with Bhav^ni Peth, was built in 1845 at a cost of £180
(Rs. 1800). It is of solid cut-stone masonry and has three
eighteen-feet arches.
Of the forty-two other bridges in the district, twenty-three are on
the Poona-ShoMpur road, six on the Poona- Ahmadnagar road, three
on the Poona-Nasik road, six on the Poona-Panvel road, and four
on the Poona-Satara road. The bridges on the Poona-ShoMpur
road were built about the year 1836-37. Most are of coursed, one
is of uncoursed, and four are of partly coursed rubble masonry. They
are fifty to 175 feet long, with one to five ten to fifty feet segmental
arches and eighteen to twenty feet wide roadway from nine to
twenty-one feet above the foundation or river-bed. The bridges on
the new Sdtdra road which were built in 1856 are ninety to 162
feet long, of coursed rubble with three or four twenty to forty feet
span segmental arches and twenty-four feet wide roadway from
twelve to twenty-one feet above the foundation or river-bed. Of
the three bridges on the Poona-Ndsik road, which were built between
1854 and 1856, two are sixty-five feet, and one over the Mina at
Ndrdyangaon is 320 feet long of stone and mortar masonry. They
have from one to nine, fifteen to fifty feet span segmental arches,
and a roadway twenty to twenty-five feet broad and 10| to twenty-
five feet above the foundation or river-bed. The six bridges on
the Poona- Ahmadnagar road, with the exception of the Ghod bridge,
were built in 1842-43. Four are fifty-five to sixty-three feet long,
one on the Vel river is fifty-two feet long, and one on the Ghod,
which was built in 1868, is 800 feet long. They are built of stone
and mortar masonry with two to sixteen eight to fifty feet span
segmental or semicircular arches and a roadway sixteen to twenty
feet wide and 7| to 37 J feet above the foundation or river-bed. The
Vel bridge cost £2205 (Rs. 22,050) and the Ghod bridge £10,359 16«.
(Rs. 1,03,598). Of the six bridges on the Poona-Panvel road, the
Indrdyani bridge which is built of stone and lime masonry, has
seventeen twenty-feet span two-centre arches and a roadway fourteen
feet wide and fourteen feet above the foundation or river-bed.
The Dapuri bridge, which was built in 1842 at a cost of £6858
(Rs. 68,580), is 994 feet long, partly wooden and partly of stone
and lime masonry, with thirteen thirty -five feet span arches and a
roadway twenty feet wide and twenty-six feet above the foundation
or river-bed. The other bridges are fifty-seven to eighty -fotir feet
long, of stone, or stone and brick and lime masonry, with two to
Deccan.]
POONA.
157
five ten to twenty-two feet span segmental arches and a roadway 17 J
feet wide and nine to 13| feet above the foundation or river-bed.
Of thirteen public ferries, one is a second class, one is a third
class, and eleven fourth class ferries.^ Two, one across the Ghod
at Kalamb and the other across the Kukdi at Pimpalvandi on the
Poona-Ndsik road, are in Junnar ; two, one across the Bhima at Khed
and the other across the Ehdma at Vdki on the Poona-NAsik road,
are in Khed ; one, across the Indr^yani at Induri on the Talegaon
Station road, is in Mdval ; one, across the Bhima at Koregaon on
the Poena- Ahmadnagar road, is in Sirur ; two, one across the
Indrdyani at Moshi on the Poona-N^sik road, and the other across
the Mutha lake at Sangrun are in Haveli ; one across the Nira at
Pimpri Khurd on the Poona-Satara road is in Purandhar; two
across the Bhimaj one a third class ferry at Khdnote and the
other at Pargaon on the Sirur-Sdtdra road are in Bhimthadi ; and
the remaining two, also across the Bhima, one a second class ferry at
Hingangaon on the Poona-Sholdpur road and the other at Chandgaon
on the road to the Pomalvddi railway station, are in Inddpur.
Except the Sangrun and Induri ferries, which were established in
1877-78, at a cost of £116 (Ks. 1160) and £356 (Rs. 3560), all these
ferries were established before 1 875. The two ferries at Sangrun in
Haveli and Ohandgaon in Inddpur work throughout the year, as the
water there is always unfordable; the rest work during the rainy
season only. In 1881-82, the thirteen public ferries yielded a revenue
of about £388 (Rs. 3880) against £437 (Rs. 4370) in 1874-75.
During the current year (1884-85) they have been farmed for £555
(Rs. 5550). Rules framed under the Ferry Act (II. of 1878) fix the
fares for passengers, animals, carriages, and cradles.^ Besides these
there is one ferry at Netva in Junnar across the Pushpavati. It is
maintained by local funds and passengers are carried free of charge.
There are several private ferries, which, except the ferry across the
Mula-Mutha below the Sangam bridge near Poona, work during the
rains only. The ferry boats are generally built in Bombay or in
Thdna, but some have been made by men brought from Bombay
in the public works workshops in Poona. They are built on the
lines of ordinary boats, of wood brought from Kalikat, and at a cost
varying from £100 (Rs. 1000) for a small boat to carry about fifty
passengers to £330 (Rs. 3300) for a large ferry boat to carry horses
and cattle as well as passengers. The most successful form of ferry
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Ferries.
1 There are four classes of public ferries : I. those that do not make more than six
trips in a day of fourteen hours ; II. those that do not make more than ten trips; III,
those that do not make more than fifteen trips ; IV. and those that make more than
fifteen trips.
*The sanctioned charges are : Passengers exclusive of children in arms ^d. (J a.) in
second and f d. (J a. ) in third and fourth class ferries ; four-wheeled carriages, Is.
(8 cts,)in second, and 9d, (6 as.) in third anpl fourth class ferries ; two-wheeled carriages,
Sd. (6 as.) in second, 6d. (4 as. ) in third, and i^d. (3 as. ) in fourth class ferrips ; laden
ponies, horned cattle, and mules, 3d. (2 as.) in second, and l^d. (1 a.) in third and
fourth class ferries ; unladen ponies, horned cattle, and mules, and asses, IJcJ. (1 a.) in
second, and |d. (J a.) in third and fourth class ferries ; camels, i^d. (3 as.) in second and
3ii. (2 as.) in third and fourth class ferries; sheep and goats, 4Jd (3 as.) in second and
lid. (1 a.) in third and fourth class ferries ; palanquin with bearers Is. (8 as.) in second
and third and 6d. (4 as.) in fourth class ferries ; and litters or pdlnds with bearers,
6d. (4 as.) in second and third and 3d. (2 as.) in fourth class ferries.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
158
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
FEKE3E3.
Rest-Houses.
boat is two boats, each twenty-two feet to thirty-seven feet long
by 5J to ten feet broad joined together by a top frame. The
boat -men are Kolis by caste. Ferry boats are in many cases worked
by flying bridges. A wire rope is hung fi'om bank to bank above
water level with a puUy working on it to which the boat is
attached, and, being kept at an angle to the run of the stream, goes
across by the pressure of the stream water against the boat, the
pulley sliding along the iron rope and so bringing the boat straight
across the river.
Besides five European travellers' bungalows, ten district revenue
officers' bungalows, and nine public works bungalows^ there
are 156 rest-houses or dharmshdlds, for the use of native
travellers, and five for the use of troops. Of the five European
travellers' bungalows, four, at Lonikand, Kondhapuri, Sirur or
Ghodnadi, and Dhond, are on the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, and
one at Khandd,la is on the Poona-Panvel road. Of the ten district
revenue officers' bungalows, one is at Otur in Junnar, one at
Chdkan in Khed, one at Sfevad in Purandhar, one at Loni Kalbhar
in Haveli, three at Ravangaon Supa and Yevat in Bhimthadi, and
three at Inddpur Kumbhdrgaon and Loni in Inddpur. Of the
nine public works bungalows, two at Kdrla and Vadgaon are on the
Poona-Bombay road ; one near the Nira bridge is on the old Poona-
Sdtara road ; one at Pargaon on the Sirur-Nira bridge road ; one at
Baramati on the Indapur-Nimbat road; one at Vir on the Nira
canal head-works road ; one at Nardyangaon on the Poona-Nasik
road ; and two at Pdtas and Bhigvan on the Poona-ShoMpur road.
Of the 156 rest-houses or dharmshdlds for the use of native
passengers, all of which are not situated on high roads,
nine are in Junnar, four at Khubi, Dingora, Rljuri, and
Belhe on the Mdlsej-Ana pass road, and three at Kalamb,
Ndrayangaon, and Junnar on the Poona-NAsik road ; thirty are in
Elhed, none on any highroad ; eleven are in Maval, five at Talegaon,
Vadgaon, Khadkala, Valavhan, and Khanddla on the Poona-
Bombay road ; eighteen are in Sirur, four at KoregaoU; Shikrdpur,
Kondhapuri, and Ganpati's Ranjangaon on the Poona-Ahmadnagar
road ; twenty-six are in Haveli, two at Vagholi and Lonikhand on
the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, one at ShivApur on the new Poona-
Sdt^ra road, one at Bhosri on the Poona-Ndsik road, one at Dapuri
on the Poona-Panvel road, and one at Urali Kanchan on the Poona-
Sholapur road ; seventeen are in Purandhar, two at Sdsvad and
Jejuri on the old and one at Kikvi on the new Poona-Satara road ;
thirty-two are in Bhimthadi, five of them at Yevat, Kedgaon, Pd,tas,
Dhond, and Ravangaon on the Poona-Sholapur road ; and thirteen
are in Inddpur, five of them at Bhigvan, Daij, Loni, and Ind^pur, on
the Poona-ShoMpur road, and three at Nimbgaon-Ketki, Lasurna,
and Sansar, on the Indd,pur-Bd,rd,mati road. There are also 354>
village offices or chdvdis which are used by native travellers as rest-
houses in villages which have no other resting places. Of the five
rest-houses for the use of troops, two, at Vadgaon and Khanddla,.
are on the Poona-Bombay road, one at Lonikand is on the Poona-
Nasik road, and two at Kondhapuri and Sirur (Ghodnadi) are on
the Poona-Ahmadnagar road.
Deccau-l
POONA.
159
The district roads have nineteen toll-bars, thirteen of them on
provincial roads and six on local fund roads. Of the thirteen
provincial toll-bars, six at Khadk^la with a sub-toll at Tikvi,
Dd,puri, Hadapsar, Yevat, Kumbhdrgaon, and Indapur, are on the
Poona-ShoMpur road ; two, at K^traj and Kikvi, are on the new
Sd,td,ra road ; two, at Lonikand with a sub-toll at Vdgholi and
Ranjangaon, are on the Poona-Sirur road ; and three, at Kurali,
Peth, and NSrayangaon, are on the Poona-N^sik road. Of the six
local fund toll-bars one isat the Nira Bridge on the old Satara road,
one at Hingne-Khurd on the Poona-Sinhgad road, one at Bhugaon
on the Poona-Paud road, one at Shetphal-gadhe on the Bdramati-
Khinoti road, one at Khalumba on the Vadgaon-Shikrapur road, and
one at Aund with a sub-toll at Banera on the Aund-Sheld,rvadi road.
All the toll-bars, both on provincial and local fund roads, are sold
every year by auction to contractors. In 1884-85 the auction bids
amounted to £7430 (Rs. 74,300) for tolls on provincial roads and
£2344 (Rs. 23,440) for tolls on local fund roads, or £9774 (Rs. 97,740)
in all.
During the last quarter of a century communications have been
greatly improved not only by making roads, but also by opening
the Great Indian Peninsula Railway which for 106 miles passes
through the district from west to east. It enters the district at
Khandala near the crest of the Sahyadris which is about 2000
feet above the level of the sea. For about twenty miles the
line runs through a rough and hilly country. It next passes
through the fertile plain lying between the Indrayani and Pauna
rivers twenty-one miles south-east to Poena. Prom Poena its
course is east along the valleys of the Mula-Mutha and Bhima,
forty-eight miles to Dhond, and then south-east, seventeen miles to
Diksd,l, where it enters ShoMpur. It has eighteen stations : Khandala
seventy-seven miles from Bombay, Lonavla 79^ miles, Kdrla 84|-
miles, -Khadkdla 89^ miles, Vadgaon ninety-six miles, Talegaon-
Dabhdde ninety-eight miles, Shelarvadi 104 miles, Chinchvad 109
miles, Kirkee 115^ miles, Poonall9 miles, Loni 129J miles, Urali 137
miles, Yevat 145 miles, Kedgaon 152^ miles, Pdtas 159 miles, Dhond
165i miles, Boribyal 172t miles, and Diksd.1 183 j miles. The line
was begun in 1856 and the section from Khandd,la to Poena was
opened for traffic on the 14th of June 1858 and from Poena to Diksal
on the 15th December of the same year. From Dhond, which is on the
Poena frontier, runs the Dhond and Manmdd State Railway, the chord
line which joins the north-east and south-east sections of the Great
Indian Peninsula Railway. This line from Dhond to Ahnladnagar
was opened on the 16th March 1878. Dhond is the only station on
the line within Poena limits. Throughout the district the Peninsula
railway line was easily made. Khanddla, which is provided with a
safety siding, is the fourth and Lonavla is the fifth station on the Bor
pass incline.^ Besides ordinary buildings costing £250 to £1500
Chapter VI.
Trade.
TOI-LS.
Railway.
* The Bor incline begins at Karjat station near the village of Palasdhari, sixty-two
miles from Bombay and 206 feet above mean sea level. As the crest of the ascent is
[Bombay Gazetteer,
160
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade-
Railway.
(Rs. 2500 - 15j000) with quarters for a station-master and a booking
ofl&ce and waiting rooms, at Khanddla, Khadkdila, Talegaon, Kirkee,
Poona, TJrali, Kedgaon, Patas, and Dhond, and refreshment-rooms
2027 feet, the height of the incline is 1831 feet and the distance fifteen miles, or an
average gradient of one in forty-six. At ThikurvAda the first station, about six
miles from the bottom, safety sidings are provided, into which any train can be
turned and stopped. The next station is at the Battery hill and the third is at the
reversing station at the eleventh mile, where, by means of a siding, the train leaves
the station in the opposite direction to which it entered. This change is very ad-
vantageous at this particular point. It allows the line to be laid in the best direction
as regards gradients and works, and raises its level at the steepest part of the preci-
pice. The fourth station is at KhandAla at the thirteenth mile, where also a safety
siding is provided, and the fifth is at Lon^vla on the crest. KhandAla and LonAvla are
within Poona limits. On leaving Palasdhari or Karjat the line keeps to the western
flank of the great Songiri spur. In the first four miles are very heavy works, which a
second survey showed to be necessary to reduce the gradients that were first laid out.
Some heavy embankments bring the line through the first mile. It then keeps round
the Songiri hill, passing on its course through six tunnels of 66, 132, 121, 29, 136, and
143 yards. Then bending north with very heavy works the line climbs round the
Mihukimalli and Khami hills to the station at Thdkurvdda, 6J miles. In the last
two miles there are eight tunnels of 286, 291, 282, 49, 140, 50, 437, and 105 yards,
and five viaducts which though not very long are very lofty All except the last are
of masonry, with fifty-feet arches, one viaduct having eight, one six, and two four
openings. The fifth viaduct, originally of eight fifty-feet arches, was replaced by two
Warren girders of 202 feet span. The least height of pier is seventy-seven feet, two
are ninety -eight, one 129, and one 143. Leaving this section of tunnels, for two
miles beyond the Khami hill, the line runs along a natural terrace or case in the rook,
without any obstacle, as far as Gambhirnith where the terrace is cut by two sheer
rocky ravines. Crossing these ravines by two small viaducts, one with six forty-feet
and the other with four thirty-feet arches, with jjiers forty-eight and eighty-eight
feet high, the line keeps along the same cess for two mUes to the bold outstanding
rock called NAthAcha Dongar. In the last two miles are heavy works, nine tunnels
of 81, 198, 55, 63, 126, 79, 71, 280, and 121 yards. Beyond this the railway enters
on the long and fairly level neck that forms the link between the Songiri spur and
the main range of the Sahyd,dris. At the end of this neck, llj miles from the foot, is
the reversing station, which was considered the best arrangement for surmounting
the last great difficulty on the incline, the ascent of the scarp of the SahyAdri face.
By means of the reversing station the line is taken up the remaining five miles by
gradients of one in thirty-seven, one in forty, and one in fifty, with two tunnels of
346 and of sixty-two yards, and with a viaduct of one sixty-feet and eleven forty-feet
arches. The line leaves the reversing station by a curve of fifteen chains on a gradient
of one in seventy-five, pierces Elphinstone Point by a long tunnel of 346 yards,
keeps along the edge of the great KhandAla ravine, reaches the hoUow where'is
Khanddla station, and then, following the course of the Khandila ravine, crests the
Sahyddris at the village of Lon^vla. Besides the leading viaducts the incline has
twenty-two bridges of seven to thirty -feet span ; and eighty- one culverts two to six
feet wide. The total cutting, chiefly through rock, is two millions of cubic yards ;
and the greatest depth is, on the central line, seventy-six feet, and, on the faces of
the tunnel through Elphinstone Point, 150 feet. The cubic contents of the embank-
ments are 2J millions of yards, the greatest height of bank on the central line being
seventy -five feet, though many of the outer slopes are 150 and some of them are as
much as 300 feet. There are in all twenty-six tunnels, of a total length of 3986 yards,
or more than 2J miles, six of them being more or less lined with masonry for a total
length of 312 yards. There are eight viaducts. The length of the incline is fifteen
miles and sixty-eight chains, of which five miles and thirty -four chains are straight and
ten miles and thirty- four chains curved. The sharpest curves are one of fifteen chains
radius for a length of twenty- two chains, and another of twenty chains radius for
twenty -eight chains. Between a radius of twenty and of thirty chains there are curves
of a total length of one mile and forty-eight chains, and the rest have a radius of be-
tween thirty-three and eighty chains. The steepest gradients are one in thirty-seven
for one mile and thirty-eight chains, and one in forty for eight miles and four chains,
the remainder being between one in forty-two and one in_seventy-five. The only excep-
tions are one in 330 for twenty- three chains and a level of one mile and fifteen chains.
The line is double throughout. It cost £68,750 (Ks. 6,87,500) a mile or about
Deccan]
POONA.
161
at Poona and Dhond, a large station has been built at Londvla at a
cost of £30j000 (Rs. 3,00,000) witli large waiting and refreshment
rooms. Workshops have also been constructed at Lonavla, as well
as a church, a school, a library, and quarters for the engine-drivers
and other servants of the company. As the water of the Indrayani,
which runs outside the Lonavla station-yard, was insufficient during
the hot weather, a reservoir was built at a considerable cost at
Bhushi about two miles to the south of Londvla from which an
abundant supply of fresh water is now available. The water is
carried by cast-iron pipes to Londvla, Khanddla, and to the reversing
station. The company has lately agreed to supply the village of
Lonavla with water, the cost of the connection being borne by
Municipal and Local Funds.
Since it was opened large quantities of goods have been drawn to
the railway. Much traffic which used to go down the rough tracks
of the Sahyddris from Junnar and Khed now finds its way by the
Ndsik highroad to the Talegaon railway station. Much of the export
trade which used to go to Bombay along the old Satdra, SholApur,
and Ahmadnagar roads through Poona is now attracted to the nearest
railway station. At the same time the ordinary roads are by no
means abandoned. Bdrdmati and IndApur, the large markets in the
east of the district, though only seventeen and twelve miles from
the railway, have a direct road trade with Bombay and keep up the
relatively high position they enjoyed before the railway. The
railway has increased competition by throwing open the local trade
as it were to the whole of India and has almost defeated combi-
nations to keep up the price of grain or other articles of general
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Eailway.
fl, 100,000 (Rs. 1,10,00,000) in all. The tunnels were the most difficult part of the
work. Nearly all were of very hard trap. The steep forms of the hUls prevented
shafts being sunk, and, as the drifts had to be made solely from the ends, much skill
and care were required in setting out the work on the sharply- curved inclines, so as
to ensure perfectly true junctions. The viaducts are partly of block in coarse masonry,
as abundance of admirable building stone was everywhere at hand. But the masonry
work was not good, and there have been some failures, chiefly the MAhukimalli viaduct
which had to be rebuilt. Another cause of danger and trouble is the slipping of rain-
loosened boulders. To ensure its safety all boulders had to be moved from the hill
sides above the line. The land slips were particularly troublesome in the lower part
of the incline. Shortly after the first engine passed, on the 30th March- 1862, the
whole of one of the open cuttings, near the foot of the incline, was filled and had to
be pierced by a tunnel of arched masonry.
The incline took seven years and a quarter to complete. It was carried out entirely
bj' contract. The contract was first let to Mr. Faviell in the autumn of 1855, and the
works were begun on the 24th January 1856. In June 1858, two miles of the upper part
of the incline, from Khandila to LonAvla were opened for traffic. In March 1859,
Mr. Faviell gave up his contract ;• and, for a short time, the Company's engineers
carried on the works. In the same year the contract was relet to Mr. Tredwell. But
he died within fifteen days of landing in India, and the work was completed by Messrs.
Adamson and Clowser, managers for the contractor Mrs. Tredwell. These gentlemen
carried on the work with the greatest zeal and ability. Their good and liberal
management collected and kept on the work a force of 25,000 men during two seasons,
and in 1861 of more than 42,000 men.
The rails used on the incline weigh eighty-five pounds to the yard, and were made
with special care so as to secure hardness and flexibility. Under the fish-joints a
eaat-iron chair, spiked to longitudinal timber bearers, is fixed so as to support the
bottom of the rail and to give additional strength and security to the joint. The
incline is worked by pairs of double-tank engines of great strength and power.
Thdna Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 326-9,
B 1327-21
[Bombay Gazetteeis
162
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Railway.
Post Offices.
local use. - The mercliaiits complain that though trade has greatly
increased^ profits have greatly fallen.
The making of the "Western Deccan section of the Southern
Marditha railway was sanctioned in December 1883, and the Work
was begun in March 1884. Of the whole length of 242 miles, 45 1
mileslie within Poena limits. The line starts from Poena, 119f miles
from Bombay, and for about ten miles runs almost parallel to the
Peninsula railway at a distance of about three miles to the south.
Near Loni, ten miles east of Poena, the line turns more to the south,
and skirts the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range,rising with a ruling gradient
of one in a hundred till it crests the Bhor incline about twenty-one
miles south-east of and about 675 feet above the Poena railway"
station. From the top of the pass the line turns south, and, leaving
Sasvad about eight miles to the west, passes almost straight south to
Jejuri thirty-two miles south-east of Poona. At Jejuri it crosses
the Purandhar hills, and runs generally southwards till near Nimbat,
45i miles from Poona, it crosses the Nira river about three miles
west of the Poona-Tasgaon road and enters Satd,ra. The country
over which the line passes is a series of parallel hills, running east
and west, and divided by more or less wide valleys which slope
from west to east. This section of the line will be difficult and
costly. The great length of hill line involves heavy gradients,
many curves and tunnels, and much bridging and walling. Not
counting the terminus at Poona there will be four third class stations,
Phursangi ten miles from Poona, Vdghpur twenty-four miles,
Jejuri 32 miles, and V^a' forty-one miles. The ruling gradient
will be one in a hundred throughout and the sharpest curve will be
above 500 feet radius. As good stone is plentiful, all the bridges
are intended to be arched. The important bridges will be the
Karha bridge, twenty-nine miles from Poona, with five fifty-foot
arches and an estimated cost of £7300 (Es. 73,000), and the Nira
bridge, 46^ miles from Poona, with eight fifty-foot arches, at an
estimated cost of £87u0 (Rs. 87,000). There will be two tunnels in
the Bhor incline, one 600 feet long estimated to cost £11,400
(Rs. 1,14,000) and the other 600 feet long estimated to cost £13,700
(Rs. 1,37,000). There will be about 63,832 cubic feet of retaining
wall on the Bhor pass, costing about £2820 (Rs. 28,200). The
permanent way will cost about £1890 (Rs. 18,900) a mile. The
estimated cost of the whole Western Deccan section is £8300
(Rs. 83,000) a mile.
The district of Poona forms a part of the Poona postal division.
Besides the chief receiving and disbursing office at Poona, the
district contains thirty sub-offices, two of them in Poona, and
twenty-four village post offices. The chief disbursing office at
Poona is in charge of a post-master, who draws a yearly salary of
£300 (Rs. 3000) rising to £360 (Rs. 3600). The two Poona sub-
offices, one in the city and another in the New Bi,zir, and the
twenty-eight sub-offices, at Dhond, Bdramati, Ohdkan, Chinchvad,
Diksd,l, Ghoda, Ind^pur, Jejuri, Junnar, Kedgaon, Khadkdla>
Khandala, Khed, Kirkee, Lonavala, Mah^lunga, Manchar, Nd,r%an-
gaon, Pd,ta8, Purandhar, Sasvad, Sirur, Supa, Talegaon-Dabhdde,
Deccau]
POONA.
163
Talegaon-Damdhera.Otur, Vadgaon^and Kirkee Bazdr, are in charge
of sub-postmasters drawing yearly salaries varying from £18
(Rs. 180) to £72 (Rs. 720). The twenty-four village post offices,
at Ale, Alandi, Alegaon, Avsari, Avsari Budrukh, Belhe, Chas,
Davdi, Kadus, Kalamb, Kikvi, Malthan, Morgaon, Narsingpur,
Nimbgaon, Pabal, Parincha, Paud, Peth, Pimpalvandi, R4juri,
Vada, Valha, and V^phgaon are in charge of village schoolmasters
who receive yearly allowances varying from £3 (Rs. 30) to £6
(E,s. 60). There are fifty-six postmen for delivery of correspon-
dence. Of these, one receives £18 (Rs. 180) a year, eleven receive
£14 8s. (Rs. 144) a year, and the remainder £9 12s. (Rs. 96) a year.
Gratuities to runners for delivering letters at some of the villages
vary from £1 4s. to £2 8s. (Rs. 12-24) a year. Seventy-one village
postmen deliver letters at small villages. Of these twenty-four,
receiving yearly salaries of £10 16s. (Rs. 108) each and thirteen of
£12 (Rs. 120), are paid from Imperial, and eighteen receiving
yearly salaries of £12 (Rs. 120) and sixteen of £10 16s. (Rs. 108)
are paid from provincial funds. At the village post offices only
money-orders are issued aad at the other post offices both money
order and savings' bank business is carried on. Mails for the
district of Poena to and from Bombay are carried by the Peninsula
railway. A ponycart post runs between Sirur and Kedgaon and
another from Poena to S^t4ra, KolhSpur, and Belgaum. The dis-
bursing post office and the town sub-offices ai-e directly subordinate to
the disbursing postmaster of Poena. The sub-office at Dhond and
the village post office at Narsingpur are under the supervision of the
superintendent of post offices Ahmadnagar division, and the village
post office at Kikvi is' under the superintendent of the Deccan
division. The remaining offices are sujjervised by the superintendent
of post offices Poona division whose head-quarters are at Poona,
and who is paid a yearly salary of £480 (Rs. 4800) rising to £600
(Rs. 6000) in five years. He is helped in the Poona district by an
inspector whose head-quarters are at Poena and whose yearly salary
is £120 (Rs. 1200) paid from provincial funds.
Besides the Peninsula railway telegraph offices there is one
Government telegraph office at Poona.
SECTION II.— TEADE.
Of late years, except the development caused by cheap and rapid
carriage, there has been no marked change in trade. Among the
people there is a growing fondness for foreign articles of dress and
comfort. Husbandmen also show more intelligence in meeting the
demand for particular produce. Of late years the great increase in
the demand for oilseeds and raw sugar has led to a large increase in
their production and export. This increase has been made possible
by the opening of canals and other water-works. The oilseeds go
chiefly to Bombay and the raw sugar to Bombay and Gujarat.
Traffic passes from and to the Sirur sub-division by the Poona-
Ahmadnagar road to Poona or - to Kedgaon and so by rail to
Bombay; it passes from and to the Indapur sub-division by the
Poona- Sholapur road to Poona or by rail from Chandgaon or
Diksal to Bombay; it passes from and to the B.hinithadi snb-.
Chapter VI.
Trade
Post Offices.
ClIANGIiS.
Trade Coubsjs
[Bombay Gazetteer,
164
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
TuADE Course.
Trade Centbbs,
division by the Bdrdmati-Nira bridge on the Jejuri road to Poona,,
by the Sholapnr road to Poonaj or by rail to Bombay from Dhond
or Patas ; it passes from and to the Purandhar sub-division by the
old Satara road to Poona and thence by rail to Bombay, or by the
new Satara road to Poona and thence by rail to Bombay ; it passes
from and to the Haveli sub-division by the Poona- Sholapur road,
by the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, by the new Sdtara road to Poona,
by the Poona-Panvel road and by the Paud road to Poona, and
thence by rail to Bombay ; it passes from and to the Maval sub-
division by rail at Talegaon, Londvla, or Khanddla to Bombay ; it
passes from and to the Khed and Junnar sub-divisions by the
Poona-NAsik road to Poona or by the branch from the Nasik road to
Talegaon and thence by rail to Bombay.
The chief agencie&for spreading imports and gathering exports are
trade centres, markets, fairs, village shops, and peddler's packs. The
chief trade centres are : Junnar, Ndrayangaon, and Ale in Junnar ;
Khed, Manchar, Ghoda, Ambegaon, Avsari, Vaphgaon, Pimpalgaon,
and Mahalunga in Khed; Sirur and Talegaon-Dhamdhere in
Sirur ; Khandala and Talegaon-Dabhdde in M^val ; Poona, Chdrholi-
Budruk, Phulgaon, Paud, V^gholi, and Loni K^lbhar in Haveli ;
Sasvad and Jejuri in Purandhar j Supa, Bar^mati, and Patas in
Bhimthadi ; and Inddpur. Of these Khandala, Talegaon-Dabhade,
Poona, Loni Kdlbhar, and Patas are on the Peninsula railway.
The leading merchants are Marwdr VAnis, Grujardt Vd.nis, Bohords,
Parsis, and Brahmans, with capitals of £100 to £16,000 (Rs. 1000 -
1,50,000). Except Junnar, Ambegaon, Talegaon-Dabhade, Poona,
Charholi-Budruk, Sasvad, Bardmati, and Inddpur, which trade
direct with Bombay and other large markets, the trade of the other
centres is mostly local, not passing to places outside of the district.
The merchants that deal direct with Bombay and other large
markets are generally Marwar Vdnis and Bohoras. They export
grain and other produce, principally garden crops, and import hard-
ware, country and European piece-goods, haberdashery, stationery,
dried fish, salt, rice, and oocoanuts. The same merchants deal
both in imports and exports. Though every branch of trade is
open to all classes, Bohords have practically a monopoly of the
hardware trade, and most of the larger grain-dealers are either
Marwar or Gujarat Vanis. In the different local trade centres,
though they do business only on a small scale, the traders are
independent. Regular trading is not generally carried on through
agents, but large traders occasionally make use of the services of
agents when they are unable themselves to make purchases either
in the villages or in Poona and Bombay, Field produce passes
through sevetal hands before it leaves the district. It goes to
market generally through the village shopkeeper, who passes it on
to a dealer in some large town, who sends it direct to Bombay or to
some export merchant in Poona. Some rich landholders, but these
are exceptions, themselves bring their produce to the large markets
of Poona and Junnar, Tirgal Brahmans and Mdlia, who generally
grow betel leaves vegetables and fruit, send the produce of their
gardens to Poona or to Bombay. The village shopkeeper generally
gathers articles of export in exchange for money advanced ox lent,
Deccanl
POONA.
165
Like exports, imported articles pass through several hands, the
wholesale merchant in Bombay, the importer in Poena or other local
centre, the dealer who buys from the importer, and the petty
retailer who buys from the dealer and sells at his village shop or at
some fair or market. In Poona itself imported articles sometimes
pass through two hands only, the wholesale merchant in Bombay
and the importer if he is also a retail merchant. The consumer,
rarely buys from the importer. Occasionally another middleman the
wandering peddler, comes between the consumer and the importer.
The brokers are mostly Lingayats but a few are Gujarat and
Marwdr Vanis, Mar^thas, Kdchhis, and Muhammadans. Their
number is small, perhaps about a hundred. They are usually paid
three per cent. (^ a.) in bill transactions and l^d. to 3d. (1-2 as.) on
the palla of 120 shers in com transactions. In cloth purchases their
brokerage is as much as two per cent, and in dealings in gold and silver
ornaments it is a quarter per cent. As a rule brokers carry on no
other business, but there is no rule or custom to prevent their engag-
ing in other business, nor are their transactions limited to any one
branch of trade.
Next to the chief trade centres in the spreading and gathering
of goods come the market towns, where a market is held on a fixed
day in the week. Of forty -four villages where weekly markets are
held, six. Ale, Anne, Junnar, Madh, N^rayangaon, and Otur, are in
Junnar ; nine, Ahire, Ambegaon, Chdkan, Ghode, Khed, Mahdlunge,
Manchar, Vdde, and Vaphgaon, are in Khed; ten, Ambegaon,
Chandkhed, Kdrla, Nd,na, Nilshi, Shivane, Tdkvi-Budrukh, Tale-
gaon-Dabh^de, Umbre, and Vadgaon, are in Mdval ; five, Bhdmburda,
Bhorkas, Ghotavde, Mulshi, and Paud are in Haveli ; six, Ghodnadi,
Kavthe, Kendur, Malthan, Pdbal, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere are in
Sirur ; four, Kikvi, Parinche, Sasvad, and Valhe are in Parandhar ;
five, Bardmati and Dhond, and Patas, Karkamb and Yevat on the
Poona- Sholapur road, are in Bhimthadi ; and four, Bhigvan, Indapur,
Nimbgaon-Ketki, and Palasdev are in Indapur. Of these the most
important are Bd.rd.mati, Bhd.mburde, Dhond, Ghodnadi, Ghotavde,
Junnar, Manchar, Sasvad, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere, with an
attendance of 150 to 700 sellers and 500 to 2500 buyers. In the
rest the attendance varies from twenty-five to 150 sellers and from
forty to 200 buyers. All these markets are distributing centres, and
about one-sixth, Bardmati, Ghodnadi, Inddpur, Junnar, Khed,
Sasvad, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere are also gathering centres. The
chief articles brought for sale are grain of all sorts, cloth, vege-
table and fruit, groceries, spices, and other articles of daily use.
Besides these articles, shoes, ropes, brooms, baskets, and blankets
are offered for sale at Bdrd,mati and Sdsvad, and cotton at Indapur.
The sellers are Vanis, Malis, Momins, Kachhis, Tambats, Tdmbolis,
confectioners, Mangs, Kolis, and others, some of them producers and
others either dealers or dealers' agents, belonging to the market town
or to some neighbouring village. The buyers are people of all castes
in the market town and in the neighbouring villages. There is no
barter except that small landholders and others, including Mhdrs,
Mdngs, Chambhars, Ild.moBhis, Kolis, and Musalmdns, who have no
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Trade Cbntkes.
Market Towns.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
166
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Fairs.
Village
Shopkeepers.
money, receive oil, tobacco, vegetables, chillies, and fish in exchange
for grain. Cattle markets are held at Ghodnadi, Manchar, Indapur,
Bdrdmati, and Junnar once a week, and at Bhdmburde near Poona
a half-weekly cattle market is held on Wednesdays and Sundays.
Horses, ponies, cows, buffaloes, sheep, and goats are brought for sale •
by Kunbis and others. The chief buyers are Kunbi and other
landholders, and butchers at the Bhamburde market.
Of sixty-five yearly fairs, seven, at Ale, Otur, Nimdari, Ojhar, and
Ndrayangaon, Belhe and Hivre, are held in Junnar ; eight, at
Nimbgaon-Ketki (twice), Kharpadi, Kelgaon, Ch^kan, Kadadhe,
Dhamne, and Bhovai-giri (Bhimdshankar) in Khed ; two at Vehergaon
and Vadgaon in Maval ; eighteen at Bhdmburde (twice), Pashan,
Parvati (twice), Higne Khurd, Kondhanpur, Vadi, Bolhai, Dehu,
Chinchvad, Ravet, Paud, Grhotavde, Shera, Tamanhi-Budruk,
Vadgaon, Aksai, and Niva in Haveli; eleven, at Shirasgaon, Vadgaon,
Mandavgan, Rdnjangaon, Malthan, Mukhai, Pimple, Jambut;
Kavthe, Talegaon-Dhamdhere, and Kanhur in Sirur; ten, at S^svad
(twice), Jejuri (Pour times). Pur, Vir, Malshiras, and Diva in
Purandhar ; eight, at Valki, Pd,rgaon, Nangaon, Varvand, Supa,
Dhond, and Morgaon (twice) in Bhimthadi ; and one at Narsingpur
in Indapur. All of these, except those at Belhe and Hivre in
Junnar which are chiefly attended by Musalmans, are Hindu fairs
held in honour of some local deity. The attendance varies from
200 to 25,000. Large dealers do not attend and there is not much
trade, the estimated value of articles sold generally varying from
£1 to £40 (Rs. 10-400). At Dhond, Morgaon, Jejuri, 'Vir,
Malshiras, Nimbgaon-Ketki, Bhovargiri, Vehargaon, Kondhanpur,
Vadgaon, and Aksai, the transactions amount to not less than
£100 (Rs. 1000), and sometimes to as much as £2500 (Rs. 25,000).
The usual salesmen are sweetmeat-makers, gardeners, and grain-
parchers, but coppersmiths, weavers, tailors, grocers, tassel-makers,
and betel-leaf growers generally attend some of the larger fairs
with stocks of metal vessel?, cloth, bangles, blankets, groceries, oil,
and clarified butter and spices. The buyers are consumers, villagers
from the neighbourhood, and pilgrims. Occasionally Mhars, Kolis,
and some Kunbis exchange grain and fuel for oil, salt, and chillies.
Otherwise there is no barter.
Except small groups of huts in the hills every village has its
shopkeeper. The village shopkeeper is usually a Gujarat or a
Marwar Vdni, but sometimes a Lingayat Vani, a Teli,and occasionally
a Kunbi or Musalmd,n. Except grain which he buys from local
owners, the village shopkeeper draws his stock in trade from the large
towns with which he has business relations, and where probably the
moneylender, on whom he is often dependent, lives. His stock in trade
generally includes grain, groceries, raw and refined sugar, salt, oil, and
clarified butter tup, spices, cocoanuts, and all other articles required
for daily use by the people. Though every shopkeeper does not
keep a store of cloth, it is not necessary to go to the sub-divisional
centre to buy cloth. In each sub-division ten or twelve villages have
cloth shops. Except in the western hills cloth can be bought in
one village out of every ten. Cloth can also be bought at all
Ddccan]
POONA.
1G7
weekly markets. Besides robes or lugdds, waistcloths or dhotai-s,
and strong dongri cloth woven in the district at Bdrdmati, Junnar,
Sd,svad, Kavthe, and Indapur, the cloth-merchants have stocks of
Bombay and European cloth which they generally buy in Bombay.
Cloth is bought by people o£ all castes from the village in which
the shop is as well as from villages near which have no shop. Shop-
keepers sometimes exchange their wares for grain to Kunbis and
other poor people who have no ready money. The village shop-
keepers have usually moneylending dealings with people of all
castes, except Brdhmans, in the village as well as in the neighbour-
hood. They have no connection with large trading firms. They
themselves or sometimes their agents or relations go to fairs and
market towns.
Below the village shopkeepers come the travelling peddlers,
who are generally Gujarat Mdrwar or Ling^yat Vdnis, Shimpis,
Mails, Bdgvdns, Kas^rs, Sonars, Sangars, Tdmbolis, Telis, Atars,
BairAgis, and Komtis. They have their head-quarters at Poona
or some other large town where they buy or prepare the contents
of their packs. They carry their goods on horse or bullock back
and sometimes on their own shoulders. They go from village to
village and visit the market towns and fairs within their circuit,
and are known to their customers. Vanis take groceries and spices ;
Shimpis cloth and ready made clothes ; Malis fruit and vegetables ;
' Bagvdns groceries, spices, and vegetables; Kdsars, Bairagis, and
Komtis metal vessels and dishes, and the other K^sars bangles; Sonars
cheap ornaments ; Sangars blankets ; Tdmbolis betel leaves and nuts ;
and Telis oil. Cloth is also hawked about by Musalman peddlers
who of late have been hawking perfumes and pearls. All these
except the last sell their goods on credit or for cash to Kunbis,
Musalmdns, Mhars, Mangs, and others. The sale of perfumes and
pearls is restricted to the higher classes and to cash payments
only. MAlis, Bagvans, and sometimes Vdnis barter their goods with
Kunbis and others for grain. Baird,gis and Komtis sometimes
exchange their goods for old clothes, lace borders of turbans, and
other clothes. Except Mdlis and Bagvdns, who travel throughout
the year, the peddlers set out on their tour at the end of September
or the beginning of October, and return before the rains.
Decrease in cost both of making and of carrying, and a larger
margin of earnings among the bulk of the lower classes, have of
late years led to a great increase in the amount of imports. The
importers are chiefly Gujarat and Mdrwar Vanis. The. chief
imports are, grain including rice, hdjrij'vdri, wheat, pulses including
gram tur hulga math udid and mug, oilseeds including earthnuts
and khurdsni, cotton seeds, moha Bassia latifolia flowers, salt, fish,
metals, raw and refined sugar, tobacco, timber, hardware, indigo,
twist, piece-goods and silk, matches, kerosine oil, haberdashery,
porcelain, and European liquor. Kice, which is used in small
quantities only by the upper classes of Hindus, is brought from
Ahmadnagar and Thdna. Bdjri is brought from Ahmadnagar and
Sholapur, and )vdri, hulga, math, udid, mug, tur, and gram are
brought from Sholapur. Wheat, especially the excellent bakshi or
garden wheat, comes from the Nizam's country, Sholapur, Khdndesh,
Chapter IV.
Trade.
Village
Shopkeepers.
Peddlers.
Imports.
[Bombay Gazetteer, , ,
168
DISTRICTS.
Chapter IV.
Trade.
Imports.
and Gujarat. Oilseeds areb rought into Purandhar and the eastern
subdivisions by Telis and the usual import traders, from Ahmad-
nagar and Sholapur, and by Mardthas, Musalmans, and Lingdyat
Vdnis from Phaltan and Sd,tdra. Cotton seeds which are used for
feeding milch-cows are brought from Ahmadnagar, Khdndesh, and
ShoUpur, Moha flowers come from Thana, Eatnagiri, Gujardtj and
Jabalpur, and are sold to liquor contractors. Salt, which was
formerly brought by pack-bullocks, now comes mostly by rail, and
a little by the Ndna and Mdlsej passes from Thdna- Dry fish are
brought from Bombay and Thdna by rail, and by the Nana pass by
Musalmdns, Bhois, and butchers. Under imported metals come
gold, silver, copper, brass, iron, lead, zinc, and tin. During the'
American war large quantities of gold and silver found their way
into the district. Most of the gold and silver were made into
ornaments ; the rest was hoarded. During the 1876-77 famine a
large quantity of gold and silver ornaments left the district chiefly
to Bombay. Since the famine year better harvests have again
started the import of silver and gold. Copper and brass were
formerly imported in blocks and worked first into sheets and then
into vessels. Of late years ready made sheets have been largely
imported from Bombay and considerably lowered the price of
brassware. Copper and brass ready-made cooking arid drinking
cups, of which there is a growing manufacture in the city of Poona,
are also brought from Nasik. They are used by all but the poorest
classes. The import of iron has of late greatly increased and it is
made in considerable quantities into water pails and butter and oil
Iron is also much used for cart tires and axles. All of it
cans.
comes from Bombay, brought chiefly by Bohora Musalmdns.
Imported groceries, chiefly dates cocoanuts and spices, are largely
used by all classes. They are brought by rail as well as on pack-
bullocks by the NAna and Malsej passes, from Bombay, and by rail
from ShoMpur. Refined sugar comes from Bombay, and raw sugar,
of which since the opening of the Mutha Canals a large quantity
is produced in Haveli, is brought into Poona from Phaltan, Satdra,
Kolhd,pur, and the Bombay Karndtak. In Poona city there is a
large trade in raw sugar. During 1875-76 nearly 3750 tons (5260
hhandis) valued at £45,236 (Rs. 4,52,360) were imported. A large
proportion of the imports are exported chiefly to Ahmadabad. Tea
and coffee which are used only by a few classes are brought from
Bombay in small quantities. Tobacco is brought by Lingdyat Vdnis
and Tdmbolis from Sd,tdra, Sholapur, Miraj, Sdngli, and Kolhapur.
Malabdr teak comes from Ratnagiri and Thana. Other timber
also comes from Bhor, Ndsik, and Thd,na. Indigo and silk are
imported from Bombay bj rail. English and Bombay cotton twist
i3 brought by Bohoras and Gujardt Vdnis and distributed over the
district to handloom weavers. Of late the outturn of the Bombay
factories has to a great extent taken the place of English yarn. Piece-
goods are of two chief kinds, hand-made and steam-made. The
hand-made goods, waistcloths, turbans, and women's robes, which
are prepared in considerable quantities in the district at Sdsvad,
are also brought from Burhanpur, Yeola, Ahmadnagar, Paithan,
Ahmadabad, and N%pur. The machine-made piece-goods are
Deccau]
POONA.
169
Bombay coarse strong cloth, chiefly for waistcloths, sheets, and
towels from Bombay, and European finer fabrics and prints
brought by Bohords and Gujarat V^nis from Bombay. Of late
yearSj except during the 1876-77 famine, the import of stea.m-made
piece-goods has rapidly increased, the cheapness both of Manchester
and of Bombay goods stimulating the trade. Silks, like piece-
goods, are of two kinds, machine and hand made. There is little
local demand for steam-made European silks, but the produce of
the Bombay silk mills is gradually taking the place of hand-
made silks. Hand-made silks, chiefly turbans, scarfs, and bodice-
cloths, from Burhdnpur, Yeola, and Paithan, and brocades from
Surat and Ahmadabad, are brought into the district by Mdrwar
and Gujarat VAnis, Bohords, and tailors. The chief dealers in silks
are Mdrwdr and Gujardt Vdnis, Bohoras, Momins, and Patvegars.
No class of merchants deals exclusively in silks, but almost all
rich merchants keep silk fabrics in stock. Carpets or satranjis
are brought from Agra, Ahmadnagar, and Khandesh. Glassware
chiefly China bangles are brought by Kasdrs and other glass articles
by Bohor^ and other Musalmdns. European liquor comes from
Bombay. Of late the import of matches and of kerosine oil has
greatly increased ; they are now found even in small villages. Well-
to-do Musalmans and Pdrsis have taken to use English furniture
and China ware. The use of tea, coffee, and European liquor by
wealthy Hindus has also become common.
Of Exports the chief are, of vegetable products, grain, cotton,
raw sugar, vegetables, betel leaves, myrobalans, and roots and barks
for dyeing ; of animal products, honey, hides, and horns ; and of
manufactured articles, clarified butter, brassware, shoes, silk cloth,
home-spun cotton cloth, ivory and wooden toys, and perfumes.
Under grain, besides hdjri and jvari, come wheat and gram.
Since the opening of the railway the export of perishable produce
has greatly increased. Among the chief branches of this trade are
the export of betel leaves, vegetables, and fresh fruit from the
Haveli and Purandhar sub-divisions, and of potatoes from Junnar
and Khed. The trade is rapidly growing on account of the
impetus given to market -gardening by irrigation from Lake Fife.
Plantains are sent from Ale, Otur, and Junnar to Bombay by
Talegaon, also from Valha in Purandhar by the old Satdra road
to Poona. Grapes are sent from Vadgaon, Kanddli, Rdjuri in
Junnar, and from Pdbal and Kendur in Sirur. Figs are sent from
Diva, Parincha,^ Sondvri, Gurholi, Mahur in Purandhar, and from
Gogalvddi and Alandi-Chordchi in Haveli. Pomegranates are sent
from Supa, Devalgaon, Gadag, Vadgaon in Bhimthadi, and from
Alandi-Chordchi and Urali-Kdnchan in Haveli. Mangoes are grown
extensively at Khed Shivdpur in Haveli, also at Sdsvad, Chambli,
Supa Khurd, Bhivri, and Bapgaon in Purandhar, and Ausari-Khurd
and Kadus in Khed. In ordinary years small quantities find their
way to Bombay. Oranges and guavas are grown at Kothrud,
Yerandavna, Mundhva, Parbati, Mali, and Munjeri, and sent for
sale to Poona. Limes are grown at Kurli, Parbati, Yerandavna,
Vdnavdi, and Mundhva. Potatoes are largely grown in the Khed
sub-division, and from Khed as ^from Junnar they are sent by
Talegaon. They are also sent from Talegaon-Dhamdhere and Pd,bal.
B 1327-22
Chapter VI.
Trade.
IMPOKT.S.
Exports.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
170
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Exports.
Eauwat
Teafpio.
Onions are sent from the Talegaon-Ddbhade station. Chillies are
sent by the same route from Kahu, Gulani, Vdphgaon, Chdkan,
Bhos in Khed, and from Khodad, N^rayangaon, and Arvi in Juanar.
Cabbages and other fresh vegetables, as gTeenchiWies, ghevda Dolichos
lablab and govdri Cyamopsis psoraliodes pods, and the young shoots
of coriander or kothimhir go in considerable quantities to Bombay.
In the village of Chdrholi-Budrukh on the Indrdyani, upwards of
£4000 (Rs. 40,000) are said to be invested in growing betel leaves.
Betel leaves are also produced, principally by Marathds and M^lis,
in Belhe in Junnar, Parincha Mahur and Diva in Purandhar, Alandi
and Uondi in Khed, Mahamadvd,di and Vtoavdi in Haveli, Nimbgaon-
Ketki and Vihali in Inddpur, and Vapanda in Bhimthadi. The trade
in betel leaves is rapidly growing on account of the impetus given to
market-gardening by irrigation from Lake Life. From the north of
the district there is a considerable export of myrobalans to Bombay.
Colouring roots are prepared by Mhdrs, Mangs, Chambdrs^ and
Musalmd.ns, and sold to Parsis, Dhors, and Musalmans who send
them by rail to Bombay, Poona, Ahmadnagar, and other places.
Bdjri is sent from Haveli, Purandhar, Khed, and Junnar
by cart to Poona by Mar war and Gujard,t Vdnis and cultivators.
Jvdri is sent from Indapur, Bhimthadi, and Sirur by rail and
cart to Poona. Nearly three-fourths of the cotton grown is
sent by rail from the eastern sub-divisions to Bombay by
Bhdtias and Marwar and Gujarat Vanis. Raw sugar, which
is imported in large quantities, is also exported to Ahmadabad.
Junnar hand-made paper was formerly largely exported, but of late
the trade has much fallen. In Haveli metal-ware is made in large
quantities in the city of Poona by coppersmiths and others who
send the articles by rail to Bombay and ShoMpur, and by road to
Sdtara, Kolhdpur, and other places. In Junnar the metal-ware
suffices only for local use. Inddpur, Sirur, MAval, Bhimthadi,
Purandhar, and Haveli export hides, horns, and bones chiefly to
Bombay and Poona, and Junnar, and Khed export hides and horns
only. The dealers are generally Mdngs, Mhars, MusalmAns, and
butchers. About 200 cartloads, each containing twenty hides, go
every year from Junnar, and 100 cartloads from Khed each contain-
ing twenty-five to thirty hides. Inddpur sends about 500 mans
of these articles, Purandhar about 500 to 1000 hides and 200 to 500
horns, and Haveli five to seven thousand hides. A Parsi has started
a bone store at Bhdmburde near Poona. In Juimar, the export of
hides and horns is on the increase.
A comparison of the Peninsula railway, traffic returns, during the
eight years ending 1880,^ shows a rise in the number of passengers
from 767,186 in 1873 to 1,140,136 in 1880, and in goods from 69,290
tons in 1873 to 112,682 tons in 1880 against 125,245 in 1878. The
chief passenger station is Poona with an increase from 462,145 in
1873 to 593,897 in 1880 against 608,089 in 1878. Other important
passenger stations with a comparatively small goods traffic are
Dhond, the junction of the Peninsula railway and the Dhond-
Manmad State railway, with an increase from 24,673 in 1873 to
' Detailed traffic returns are not available from 18S1 to 1883.
Deccan.]
POONA.
171
135,699 in 1880 ; Talegaon with an increase from 63,071 in 1873 to
98,085 in 1880 against 103,751 in 1878 ; Lonavla with an increase
from 44,837 in 1873 to 57,209 in 1880 against 66,441 in 1878;
Chinchvad with a decrease from 44,017 in 1873 to 25,355 in 1880 ;
Kirkee with an increase from 30,224 in 1873 to 41,309 in 1880
against 42,739 in 1878 ; Khandala with an increase from 13,115 in
1873 to 28,925 in 1880 ; and Khadkdla with an increase from 19,127
in 1873 to 26,921 in 1880 against 26,985 in 1878. In 1880 the
passenger traffic at the remaining stations varied from 5115
passengers at Boribyal to 23,138 at Diksdl. Poona is also the chief
goods station showing an increase from 47,226 tons in 1873 to
84,345 tons in 1880. Other important goods stations but with a
comparatively small traffic are Talegaon with an increase from
5944 tons in 1873 to 10,732 tons in 1880 ; Dhond with an increase
from 4599 tons in 1873 to 4758 in 1880 against 25,975 in 1878 ;
Diksdl with an increase from 1532 tons in 1873 to 4062 tons in
1880 against 4285 in 1878 ; Kirkee with a decrease from 4152
tons in 1873 to 3414 tons in 1880 ; and Lonavla with a decrease
from 1530 tons in 1873 to 1252 in 1880. The goods traffic at the
remaining stations in 1880 varied from 339 tons at Loni to 783
tons at Urali. There was no goods traffic at Kd,rla, Vadgaon,
SheMrvadi, Yevat, and Boribyal.
The following statement shows for each station the changes in
traffic during the eight years ending 1880 :
Poona PENmsuLA Railwa
r, Passsnoer autd Goods Traffic, 1873, 1878, 1880.
SlATION.
Miles
FROM
Bombay.
1873.
1878.
1880.
Passen-
Tone of
Passen-
Tons of
Passen-
Tons of
gera.
Goods.
gers.
Goods.
gers.
Goods.
Khand&la
77
13,115
2521
26,278
553
28,925
730
Lonavla
79i
44,837
1530
66,441
1132
57,209
1262
K&rla
84J
8352
9138
Khadk&la
89i
l'9Jl27'
"389
26,935
"l45
26,921
'739
Vadgaon
96
6841
98
63i071
6944
lo'siTsi
"4712
98,085
lo','732
Shel&rvfidi
104
10,181
Chinchvad
109
4'4ioi7
"824
28;474
"'881
25,365
"686
Kirkee
116i
30,224
4152
42,739
3775
41,309
3414
Poona
119
462,145
47,226
608,039
81,775
693,897
84,345
Loni
129i
6,902
56
12,704
448
12,621
339
Urali
137
13,501
278
18,164
483
20,819
783
Tevat
145
12,817
12,014
Khedffaon ...
162i
13,'229
133
17,768
"'560
17,802
• "489
Pitas
159
14,3-29
106
17,447
526
15,067
463
Dhond
165i
24,673
4599
81,044
26,976
135,699
4768
Boriby&l
Diks&l
Total ...
172i
4989
5115
183i
I'sioio
1532
25,652
"4286
23,188
4062
767,186
69,290
1,101,694
125,246
1,140,136
112,682
In the goods returns the chief changes are, under exports, an
increase in fruits and vegetables from 8760 tons in 1873 to 13,736 tons
in 1880 against 7186 tons in 1878 ; in sugar both raw and refined from
716 tons in 1873 to 2080 tons in 1878 and to 3595 tons in 1880 ; in
grain from 1019 tons in 1873 to 7514 tons in 1878 and to 1797 tons in
1880 ; in metal from 678 in 1873 to 1573 in 1878 and to 1419 tons in
1880; in firewood from 101 tons in 1873 to 770 tons in 1878 and
to 1172 tons in 1880; in oil from 213 tons in 1873 to 728 tons in
1878 and to 630 tons in 1880; in hides and horns from 259 in
1873 to 506 tons in 1878 and to 587 tons in 1880; in tobacco
Chapter VI
Trade.
Railway
Traffic.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
172
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI-
Trade.
Railwat
Tratwc.
from eighteen tons in 1873 to fifty -two tons in 1878 and 227 tons
in 1880 ; in linseed and sesamum oilseeds from eighty-two tons
in 1873 to 126 tons in 1878 and to 104 in 1880; in cotton an
increase from 1582 tons in 1873 to 2584 tons in 1878 and
a decrease to 704 in 1880 ; a decrease in salt from 522 tons
in 1873 to seventy-six tons in 1878 and to twenty-seven tons in
1880 ; and in timber from 225 tons in 1873 to 100 tons in 1878
and to thirty-three tons in 1880. The other exports besides
sundries^ which amounted to 8394 tons, varied in 1880 from two
tons of Europe twist to seventy-six tons of country piece-goods.
Under imports there was an increase in grain from 18,077 tons in
1873 to 41,856 tons in 1878, and to 47,222 tons in 1880; in metal
from 1902 tons in 1873 to 3774 tons in 1878, and a decrease
to 3276 tons in 1880 ; in sugar both raw and refined an increase
from 1146 in 1873 to 1496 tons in 1878, and a decrease to 1224
tons in 1880 probably due to the large production of raw-sugar
in the district consequent on the increased cultivation of sugar-^
cane along the Khadakvdsla icanals ; an increase in firewood from
128 tons m 1873 to 734 tons in 1878, and a decrease to 644 in 1880 ;
in moha flowers from nothing in 1873 to 214 tons in 1878 and
to 560 tons in 1880. There was only a slight increase in the
imports of Europe piece-goods " from 685 tons in 1873 to 742 in
1878 and to 774 tons in 1880 ; and in country piece-goods there
was an increase from 721 tons in 1873 to 862 tons in 1878 but
afterwards a decrease to 676 tons in 1880. In Europe twist there
was a decrease from 364 tons in 1873 to 332 tons in 1878 and to
198 tons in 1880. In country twist there was an increase from
234 tons in 1873 to 342 in 1878 but afterwards a decrease to 244
tons in 1880. Other imports besides sundries, which amounted to
1 9,419 tons, consisted of cotton eleven tons and of wool ten tons.
There was a decrease in fruits and vegetables from 1204 tons in
1873 to 1090 in 1878 and to 789 in 1880 ; in oilseeds from 1094
in 1873 to 680 in 1878, but afterwards an increase to 750 tons in
1880 ; in oil there was a decrease from 994 tons in 1873 to 806
in 1878, but a slight increase to 910 in 1880. The details are :
PooNA Peninsula Eailwat Goods Tbapivc, 1873, 1878, 1880.
1873.
1878.
1880.
Outward.
Inward.
Outward.
Inward.
Outward.
Inward.
Ck>tton
Fruit
Firewood
Grain
Hides and Horns
Oilseed
Metal
Jlfofet Flowers
Oil
Piece-goods, Eiirope ...
„ Country ...
Salt
Sugar, Baw and Refined
Sundries
Timber
Twist, Europe
„ Country
Tobacco
Wool
Tons.
1682
8760
101
1019
259
82
678
"ais
"'l7
622
716.
7824
225
'" 2
18
Tons.
14
1204
128
18,077
59
1094
1902
■994
685
721
1170
1146
16,676
2774
364
234
19
11
Tons.
2584
7186
770
7614
606
126
1673
88
72
2
33
76
2080
9863
100
1
2
52
9
Tons.
2
1090
7S4
41,866
233
680
3774
214
806
742
862
1304
1498
34,625
2721
332
342
218
1
Tons.
704
13,736
1172
1797
687
104
1419
8
630
3
76
27
359S
8394
33
2
28
227
12
Tons.
11
789
644
47,222
266
760
3276
660
910
774
676
697
1224
19,419
2102
198
244
66
10
T
otal ...
22,018
47,272
33,213
92,032
32,554
80,128
Deccan]
POONA.
173
At Dhond, the only station of the Dhond and Manmdd railway
within Poona limits, the traffic consisted of 29,264 in and 31,977 out
passengersj and 610 tons of exports and 136 tons of imports in 1879
against 64,406 in and 61,440 out passengers and 4780 tons of exports
and 112 tons of imports in 1880.
There are no trades-unions or mahdjans in the district, nor is there
any Nagarshet or recognized head in matters of trade. DaydrAm
Atmdrdm, a Vani, who died fifteen years ago and was the
recognized head of the banking business, was the last Nagarshet
of Poona. Disputes between traders are frequently referred to
the whole body of traders in any one branch of trade. The chief
members form a committee or panch, and their decisions are always
accepted. Formerly a few recognized head traders formed the
panch in each trade, but here as elsewhere the levelling tendency
of British rule has had its efiect, and, except that petty dealers are
not consulted and do not expect to be asked to join a trades meeting,
all the members of a trade have, and exercise, an equal right to
appear at a meeting of a trade's panch. Kegular strikes are
unknown, but a falling market or scarcity of labour from time to
time causes changes in wages. When any change has to be made the
chief members of the trade meet the artisans and after discussion
fix a revised rate. In this manner in 1881 a claim by the silk
weavers for a rise in wages was settled in their favour after the
matter was discussed with the silk merchants. The decisions of
these committees have hitherto been accepted as final. At the same
time there is no recognized means of enforcing them except that if an
artisan refuses to work at the rate settled he receives no employment.
So also traders will cease to deal with any member of their
trade who refuses to abide by the decision of a trade committee or
panch.
SECTION III.— CBAFTS.1
Except cotton hand-loom weaving which to a small extent is carried
on in thirty-seven towns and villages and some small metal work,
silk weaving, and paper making at Junnar the industries of the
district centre in the city of Poona. For Poona city details of
twelve crafts have been collected. These are, in order of impor-
tance, the making of copper and brass vessels, the weaving of silk
and cotton cloth, the making of gold and silver thread, glass bangles,
ivory combs, clay figures, iron pots, felt and paper, tape weaving and
wood turning. Of these the making of copper and brass vessels
and the weaving of silk and cotton cloth with or without gold and
silver thread are the most important and flourishing. Glass bangles,
ivory combs, felt and tape are in good local demand. Poona clay
figures are admired and are bought chiefly by Europeans. On
account of their cheapness iron pots are taking the place of the large
brass and copper vessels used for storing water and grain. Paper
Chapter VI.
Trade.
Railway
TBArric.
Crafts.
1 From materials supplied by Mr, B. A, Gupte, Head Clerk Sir J, J. School of Art
and Industry.
rBombay Gazetteer,
174
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Brass Wokk.
Workmen.
making is declining and none of the woodturnera' work has more
than a local sale.
The Poena brass industry supports (1883) about seventy dealers
and 2320 workers. This number includes 810 Tdmbats or makers
of large articles, 500 Jingars or makers of small articles, 50 Otaris
or casters, and 960 Kdsdrs or brasiers. The hereditary copper
brass and bellmetal workers of Poena, the Tambats, Jingars,
Otaris, and Kd^sdrs are quiet easy-going people. All speak incorrect
MarAthi and live in one-storeyed bouses of which seven belong to
the Tambats, fifty or sixty to the Jingars, and thirty to the Otd.ris.
They generally live on vegetable food, but are allowed to eat
mutton and fish as well as to drink liquor which they take on holidays
and special feasts. The Kasdrs and Tdmbats dress like Brdhmans
and the Jingars and Otd,ris like Mardthfis. As the demand
for brass ware is brisk and growing, no Tdmbats, Jingars, Otaris,
or Kas^rs have of late given up their hereditary craft. Within
the last fifteen years their numbers have been more than doubled
by local Mard.tha Kunbis whom the high profits of brass working
have drawn from the fields and the labour market but who so far
confine themselves to the rough parts of the work. The hereditary
coppersmith classes work from seven to ten or eleven and again
from two to six. In the busy season, that is between November and
May, they work extra hours even till midnight. Like other
local Hindu craftsmen, Kd.sars stop work on the no-moon day or
amdvdsya at the end of every lunar month, on kar the day after
the Mahdsankrdnt in January, for five days at Holi or Shimga in
March- April, for two during Divdli in October- November, and on
the day after an eclipse either of the sun or of the moon. They also
rest on Oanpati's Fourth in August and on Gauri's Day about the same
time, and for ten days at Dasara in October. All rest on any day
on which one of the community dies. They have no trade guild,
but join ia paying a half-yearly tax to the goddess Kalika for whom
they have built a temple in Kasba ward which costs 14s. to 16s.
(Rs. 7-8) a month to keep up. The Kd.sdir's Kali differs from
other local Kdlis in having camel supporters on each side of her
instead of elephant supporters. Also instead of offering her a goat
or buffalo, on the eighth day of the Navrdtra that is two days before
Dasara, they offer her the false calabash gourd kohola Cucurbita
lagenaria, which perhaps from its dark colour, is believed to be a
transformed giant. Pour pegs are driven into the fruit to represent
legs and arms and it is cut with a sword, and thrown into the sacred
fire. A little brass and bellmetal is smelted by the Jingars and Ota-
ris but the bulk of the copper and brass comes in sheets about three
feet by four by rail through Bombay chiefly from England and Aus-
tralia. They are brought from Bombay by Marwir and Gujarat
Vanis and given to be worked by Tambats. The sheets or brasiers
are of three kinds, thick middle and thin, which differ little in price
as they are sold by weight. The copper costs £4 8s. to £4 10s.
(Rs. 44-45), and the brass £3 8s. to £3 10s. (Rs. 34-35) the hundred-
weight, with two shillings extra one for brokerage and one for
carriage. A coppersmith has fifteen chief tools and appliances.
Deccan.]
POONA. 175
A stone or dagad about three feet above and two feet under Chapter VI.
ground on wbich the copper and brass plates made by melting old Grafts-
broken pots are beaten. As it baa to stand very rougli usage this
stone is chosen of flawless black basalt very carefully smoothed. Brass Work.
One of these stones is said sometimes to cost as much as £10 Tools.
(Rs. 100). Since the import of metal sheets has grown so common
the stone has almost fallen into disuse : Five hammers or ghans
worth 8s. (Rs. 4) each : A pair of bellows or bhdtds worth 12s. (Rs. 6) :
Four iron hooks or orapnis each worth 6d. (4 as.) : Four pairs of
tongs or sdndsi worth 10s. (Rs, 5) : An anvil called sandhdn or mekh,
a long upright iron bar polished at one end on which the pot is
placed and beaten, worth about 4s. (Rs.,2) : Twenty to twenty-
five special anvils or kharvais, thick iron bars bent and smoothed at
one end, together worth £12 to £15 (Rs. 120-150) : Four ordi-
nary anvils or airans together worth £2 (Rs. 20) : About fifty
small hammers or hathodds with which the pot is beaten when it
is placed on the bar anvil together worth about £10 (Rs. 100) :
Two pairs of scissors for cutting the copper or brass sheets each
worth 4s. (Rs. 2) : A wooden stand or stool called Ichodve for sup-
porting the bar anvil. This is a block of wood with two legs about
60° apart, and, in the angle between the legs, a solid block of
wood with a pole in the middle. Through the hole in the block the
bar anvil is passed slanting till its one end rests on the ground and
the top end remains standing out about a foot from the hole. The
coppersmith sits on the low end of the bar anvil puts the pot at
which he is working on the top end of the bar anvil, and, holding
the pot in his left hand, beats it into shape with a hammer held in
his right hand : Two files worth 2s. (Re. 1) each which last for only
a year : Two pairs of compasses or haivars together worth 4s. (Rs, 2) :
Two hollow stones or uhhals each worth 8s. (Rs. 4) on the top
of which the sheet is laid and rounded by hammering : Eight
chisels or chhanis for cutting the metal together worth about 3s.
(Rs. m.
Jingars or brass-casters have sixteen chief tools and appliances :
An anvil or airan worth 10s, (Rs. 5) : Four bar anvils or kharvais
together worth 16s. (Rs. 8): Four hammers or hathodds together
worth 8s. (Rs. 4) : A pair of tongs or sdndsi worth Is. (8 as.) : Two
pairs of scissors together worth 2s. (Re. 1) : Five yearly-renewed files
or kdnsis each worth 3c?. to 9c?. (2-6 as) : A vice or shagda worth
8s. (Rs. 4) : A pair of bellows or bhdtds worth Is. (8 as.) : A saw or '
karvat worth Is. (8 as): Aniron bar or sawcZAow with oneend smoothed
to serve as an anvil worth about 4s. (Rs. 2) : A flat iron rasper or
rdndha, six inches by half an inch with one end bent and sharpened
used for scraping and polishing pots, worth Is. (8 as) : A borer
or sdmta worth l^d. (1 an.) : A twenty-four inch foot rule or gaj
worth 3d, (2 as) : A square iron tray or tds worth 6d. (4 as) : A
palm leaf fan or hadpana used in fanning the fire worth |d (| a.) :
And two or three crucible catchers or chydks. The chydk is an iron
ring about three feet round with two long iron bars fastened at equal
distances apart. Over the ends of these bars a second ring about
twenty inches across is passed and moved up and down the bars
so as to increase or reduce the space above the base ring. In working
[Bombay Gazetteer,
176
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts-
Brass Work.
Proctss,
Articles.
the chyak the base ring is lowered into the furnace so as to surround
the crucible, and the movable ring is forced down the bars till the
crucible is tightly pressed between the bars and can be drawn out of
the furnace.
In making brass, bellmetal or hose, and white metal or pancharasi,
the alloy is smelted in a pit about three feet round and four or five
feet deep. At the bottom of the pit a bellows' tube is firmly fixed,
and over the bellows' tube are laid three or four flat-bottomed dome-
topped crucibles or pots, about eighteen inches high and a foot round.
The crucible, which is called mus, is made by the brass workers
themselves of powdered broken China, flint, and ashes. After putting
some borax or savdgi into the crucibles to serve as a flux, if brass is
to be made, they are filled with broken pieces of copper and zinc and
closed by an air-tight plug. Charcoal, dried cowdung-cakes, and wood
are heaped over the crucibles. The fire is lighted, and, with the help
of the bellows, is blown to a white heat. The men know the time, gene-
rally four to five hours, which the alloy takes to form. When the metal
is ready each crucible is grasped in" the chyak and lifted out of the
furnace. On taking it out the side of the crucible is bored by the
point of a nail, and the molten metal flows into shallow clay troughs
where it is left to cool. When cool the solid mass is dragged from
the trough by a pair of tongs or sdndsi, laid on the stone or dagad,
and beaten to the required thinness. To form metal sheets, whether
local or imported, into the required shapes, the sheet is laid on the
floor and the workman traces on it with a pair of compasses, the pieces
required for the upper and the under parts of the vessel to be made
and cuts out the two pieces with scissors or with a chisel. The metal
is then softened in the fire and hammered, and again softened and
again hammered, the alternate hammering and heating being
repeated three or four times till it is beaten into shape. The two
pieces are then soldered with brass, borax or savdgi, and- chloride of
ammonia called navasdgar. The men work in bands of five or six
dividing the labour. Some make the rough outline of the shape,
others shape the neck, a third set form the lower piece, a fourth solder
the shaped pieces, and a fifth polish the whole. All the polishing
which the Tambats give is a rough scrubbing with a mixture of
powdered charcoal and tamarind pulp, followed by beating with a
small hammer till the whole surface is covered with hammer marks
or facets.
Poona copper and brass articles may be arranged under fourteen
groups. Those used in the kitchen, those used in eating and
drinking, those used in storing and carrying water, articles
used in serving betel, musical instruments, measures, lamps, dishes
and vessels used in worship, images, peasant jewelry, toilet requi-
sites, appliances used in the dining hall but not for eating or drink-
ing, miscellaneous ware and toys. Twenty pots are used in the
kitchen. The pdtele (!) a cylindrical copper or brass pot, with slightly
rounded bottom, varying in size from two inches round to four or
five feet across and two or three feet high. The tapele (2) a
somewhat conical pot, with round bottom and narrow neck.
Tapeles vary from three inches to four feet across the bowl, the
Deccan.]
POONA. 177
small ones being used for boiling rice and holding milk and the Chapter VI
large ones for storing water. The hahugune (3) a cylindrical pot Crafts
like the fdtele (1) only with a more bulging bowl and seldom more
than a foot in diameter. The karanda or modak pdtra (4) a stew-dish ^^'^'^^ ^^'"^'^^
for making modaks, shengds, and one or two other native dainties.^ Artkles.
The karanda is made of three pieces ; underneath a cylinder with
flat side handles ; in the middle a metal sieve with two hook handles ;
and at the top fitting the rim of the cylinder a dome with a cup-
shaped handle. Water is boiled in the cylinder, the sieve is set
in its place, the dainties are placed either on the sieve or on a
piece of plantain leaf laid over it, and the lid is fastened down.
Heat is applied to the lower part, and the steam gathering in the
cover stews the dainties. The paradi (5) is another sieve or per-
forated dish used to carry off the surplus grease when karanjis
or andrsds are fried in clarified butter.^ The rovali (6) is a cylinder
six to nine inches across and nine to twelve inches high, with a
sieve at the bottom, used for washing rice before it is boiled. It is
sometimes shaped like the tapele (2). The jhdra (7) is a long-
handled sieve used for frying the gram flour paste required for
bundhis. In making bundhis gram flour mixed with water is
poured into this sieve which is held over a frying pan with boiling
clarified butter and shaken. The gram flour paste falls into the
pan in drops which become solid as soon as they touch the boiling
clarified butter. The drops are then taken out in another sieve
called upasni (8) which differs from the jMra (7) chiefly in not
having a rim. The chahdddni or kitli the English kettle is now in
much use particularly among English-speaking natives. The
kadhai (10) or frying pan is a hemispherical pan six inches to six
feet across and one inch to two feet deep ; it has two handles opposite
each other and is used for frying. The pardt (11) is a large dish
two to five feet in diameter with a rim two to four inches high. It
is used as a cover for a pdtele (1) or other large pot when anything
is being cooked in it. It also serves for carrying cooked rice
or vegetables from the kitchen to the dining hall. A small pardt
about a foot in diameter and made of brass, called pitali is used in
the same way as the pardt, and in addition among Kunbis and other
middle-class Hindus serves as a dining dish. The pali (12) is a
spoon with a rounded body and a long handle. It is used as a
stirring rod or ladle while vegetables or pulse are being cooked and
as a distributing spoon in the dining hall. The daba (13) is a
cylindrical box with a top for storing dainties. The veliii (14)
is a saucer-shaped dish-like pot, usually one or two feet in
diameter and sometimes polished in which enough rice for two or
three guests is taken from the pardt or tray, and poured into the
' Modaks and sJiengds are made of rice flour and contain cocoa-kernel, sugar, carda-
mums, almonds, and saffron. Their only difference is in shape. Modaks are shaped
somewhat like a flat-bottomed lotus bud and shengas are semicircular.
2 Karanjit like shengas are semicircular and made of flour, cocoa-kernel, sugar,
cardamums, almonds, and saffron. Karanjis differ from shengas in being made of
wheat flour instead of rice and in being fried instead of being stewed. Andrsda are
made of rice flour, raw sugar, and poppy seed. They are round cakes about as big
as the palm of the hand,
B 1327—23
IBombay Gazetteer,
178
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. plate. This dish also serves as a cover to a pot in which vegetables
Crafts. or pulse are boiled. The chamcha (15) or spoon made of brass is
Brass Work. ^^®^ ^°^ pouring liquid butter on rice. The Mtcm (16) or phirdki,
Articles. ' ^ tooth-edged circular plate fitted in a cleft handle is used for
cutting the notched borders of haranjis. The Ttisni (17) or cocoa-
kernel slicer is a sheet of brass about six inches by four on four two
inch high feet. The surface of the sheet is broken by several rows
of long narrow hollow ridges with raised sharp-edged openings
against which the kernel is rubbed and cut into long slices : The
Idtane (18), a slightly tapering brass rolling-pin a foot to eighteen
inches long used for flattening poliSj a variety of karanjis and
andrsds ; The chdlan (19) is a brass sieve : The panchdmrit pdtm
(20) is a set of seven brass cups, six cups ranged round a central one
with a handle ; it is used for carrying Icoshimbirs that is pickled
fruit and vegetables from the kitchen to the dining hall. Fifteen
eating and drinking pots are made : The already described pardt
tray (11) and the velni (14) come again in this group as they are
used in serving rice and vegetables, and so does the ogrdls or
muddle rice ladle (21) ; the velni is used for the second and later
courses and the ogrdle for the first course only: The tdt (22),
a polished brass dining dish with bulging rim six inches to
two feet across : The vdti (23) a round-bottomed cylindrical
brass cup one to four inches across is used to hold each man's
share of curry and broth : The gadiia (24) a polished narrow-
necked copper or brass dinner pot, used to hold each man's
supply of drinking wa^er, varies from the size of a pear when it is
called apkara to the size of a full grown pommelo ; a spout-mouthed
gadva is called jhdri: The vdlydcha tdmbya (25) also made of
copper or brass, is flatter than the gadva and like it is used as a
water cup. The loti (26) is a pear-shaped pot like 25 and 26 in
use size and material : The hadi (27) is a ring with a handle for the
gadva, tdmbya and hti : The manakarniha (28) is a small brass
drinking cup : The chambu (29) is a small water jar : The pa/nchpdtri
(30) is a cylindrical water cup with a rim : The jdmh or pydla (31 ) is
a drinking cup set on a round stand : The rdmpdtra (32) is a jamb
(31) without a stand : The phulpdtra (33) is a cylindrical cup like the
panchpdtri with a thicker and broader rim. The seven chief vessels
for storing and carrying water are : The pdtele (1) and tapele (2)
already described : Thehdnda (34) a short-necked cylindrical pot used
both for carrying and storing water : The ghdgar longer-necked
and with a more sharply sloping lower part than the hdnda ; when
small the ghdgar is called halasi : The ghangdl or gaiigdlaya (36),
a copper jar ten to fourteen inches across, and four to nine deep, is
used for holding hot bathing water and for steeping clothes : The
panchpdtra (37) is a large copper cylinder two to three feet across
and three to four feet deep with a rounded rim and two handles ;
some panchpdtrds now have a stop-cork at the bottom and an iron
stand : The surdi (38) is a globular pot with a long narrow neck
used by travellers for carrying water. The fifteen articles used in
serving hetel ov pdn supdri are: The tabak (39) a round dish six
inches to two feet across, with a rim half an inch to two inches highi
the whole embossed with lotus flowers and other designs ; it is used
Deccau]
POONA.
179
for keeping the fourteen smaller articles belonging to the set of
betelnut dishes : The chauphula (40) is a box with six or eight
compartments and three or four legs ; each compartment has a
separate top or lid shaped like the petal of a lotus or like a mango
and sometimes ornamented with a peacock which serves as a handle ;
all the lids close inwards where a screw shaped like a loins bud,
when turned into the central hole, keeps the lids tightly fastened ;
the chauphula is used for holding the cardamums, cloves, nutmegs,
mace, saffron, and perfumed catechu pills which are eaten with betel :
The dabi (41) is a cylindrical box for the slaked lime, catechu,
and other spices which are eaten with betel : The ddkita, (42) is the
nut-slitter for slicing the betelnut ; it is of three or four different
shapes: The pdnpud (43) is a square box for keeping the betel
leaves : The tambdkuchi dabi (44) or tobacco box, is a cylindrical
box with a small hole at the top and a lid moving round an axis,
with a similar hole, through which, when the two holes are brought
one over the other, tobacco is poured to be chewed with the betel
and spices : The chundl (45) is a bos for keeping the slaked lime
which is eaten with betel: The pikddni (46) and the last (47) are
spittoons : The atar- ddni (48) is a small cup fixed in the centre of a
little dish for holding the atar or perfumed oil which is served after
betel : The guldb-ddni (49) or rose-water bottle, is a bottle with a
long narrow neck perforated at the end and fixed to the body with
a screw, from which rosewater is sprinkled over the guests after the
perfumed oil has been served : The mor (50) is a peacock-shaped
box : The daba (51) is a square box, and the pdndcha ganj (52) is a
long cylindrical box with compartments used for holding the
ingredients which are eaten with betel : The Ichal-batta (53) is a
small brass mortar and piston for pounding betel for the aged or
toothless. The twelve musical instruments are : The bell ghanta
(54), either plain or decorated with figures, has a handle either
plain or shaped like Maruti the monkey god, or garud Vishnu's
winged charger : The jhdnj (55) a flat and the tdl (56) a rounded
cymbal, both used as an accompaniment by reciters of psalms or
drtis, by hymn-singing beggars, and by sermon-and-song or Icirtan
preachers : The chdl (57) a row of little bells worn round the ankles
by dancing girls : The ghungurs (58) are bigger bells worn round
bullocks' necks and round the waist of some low class begging
devotees of Kdli: The chiplyds (59) are two fish-shaped flat bars
three to seven inches long and one and half inches broad each
furnished with a ring ; the ring of the upper bar is passed over the
thumb and the ring of the lower bar is passed over the second and
third fingers and the performer clashes the bars together by the
motion of the thumb and fingers : The kartdl (60) is another pair
of metal castanets which are sounded by shaking the hand instead
of by moving the fingers : The tdsha (61) or kettle drum is a hollow
hemispherical copper pot with a thick rim and a small central hole ;
which is covered with goat's skin and beaten with a pair of rattan
canes along with the dhol or wooden drum : The theka (62) is a
small flowerpot-shaped drum covered with goat's skin : The
khulkhula (63) is a child's rattle: The karna (64) is the large brass
bass trumpet : And the sUng (65) is the brass horn. The three
Chapter VI-
Crafts.
Bbass Work.
AHicks,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
180
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts-
Bkass Work.
Articles.
measures are : The ddholi (66) and the sher (67) copper cylinders
used in measuring grain : The pdvsher (68) is a small globular
brass pot used for measuring milk or a cylinder with a small hook-
shaped handle for measuring oil. The eight lamps are : The
samai (69) and the Icandil or Idmandiva (70) both flat saucer-like
brass plates with hollows in the lip for wicks ; the samai is laid
on a high brass stand and the kandil on a shorter stand and
has a brass chain by which it is hung from the ceiling or from
a door lintel : The diva lame (71) is of two varieties, a smaller an
inch or two inch broad flat-bottomed saucer with a wick-hollow
in the lip and a larger with a long flat hook-like handle : The
nirdnjan (72) is a small cup set on a long or a short stand, for
burning clarified butter before the gods : The pancMrti (73) is a
crescent-shaped pot on a stand with five wick-openings which is
sometimes fixed in the hand of a female figure : The divti (74) is
a hollow conical brass handle in which a roll of oiled rags is fitted
and burnt as a torch, being fed with oil from a spouted oil flask ;
it is much used by the devotees of Kali or Bhav^ni : The masJidl
(75) is a brass cylinder through which a roll of oiled rags is passed
and burnt as a torch ; the torch has to a great extent given way
to the lantern, but is still nsed by the gentry in native states and
it is burnt before Shankdracharya, the Smd,rt Pontiff, when he
travels during the day time as well as at night : The chimnicha dim
(76) is the English lamp with a glass chimney. Twenty-six
worship vessels and appliances are made : The abhishehapdtra (77),
a narrow-necked copper or brass pot is, somewhat like the ga.dna
(24) except that its bottom tapers to a point, stands on a tripod
with a ring at the top, and has a hole in the bottom through which
water drips on the object of worship : The sampusM (78) a hollow
cylinder two to six inches across and one to two high is used for
washing images : The chaukL (79) a low four-footed stool, round,
square, or six or eight-cornered, is used as an image stand or as
a support for an image stand : The ddni (80) is a. stand on which
the conch or shankh is placed ; it is generally tortoise-shaped, and
is about half an inch in diameter : The ghania (54) is the already
described long handled bell : The ekdrti or halkdrti (81), is a two to
four inches long fish-shaped pot for burning camphor before the
gods: The panchdrti (73) is the already described five-wicked
lamp for burning clarified butter before the gods : The dhupdrti
(82), a stand with hemispherical top and bottom, is used for burning
incense : The nirdnjan (72) is the already described lamp for
burning clarified butter before the gods : The arghya (83) is a
narrow cup half an inch to three inches long and a quarter of an
inch to an inch broad, with a flat handle and long flat snout from
which sacrificial water is poured. The panchpdle (84) is a box
with chambers for the various powders, turmeric gvldl, aSir, and
kunku, with which during the worship the god and the worshipper
are from time to time marked : The kamal (85) is a round lotns-
shaped plate, sometimes fixed on the back of a metal bull, on which
the gods are placed. The tdmhan (86) is a shallow bath, except for
its slightly bulging rim not unlike the tat or dining dish (22) in
which images are washed : The simvdsan, literally lion throne, is a
DeccanJ
POONA.
181
four-footed low stool with plates on two sides and a decorated arched
back in front of which the gods are kept : The tabakdi (88) is a small
plate an inch or two broad for holding the brow-marking sandalwood
paste and red turmeric : The kachole (89), a plate with three oval
divisions for keeping the white and red sandalwood pastes and the
moistened rice with which the brows of the gods are marked : The
sandhechipali (90) is a small ladle-shaped spoon for pouring out the
sacrificial water : The vdti (23) is the already described small
cylindrical brass cup with rounded bottom from half an inch to an inch
across in which sugar or naivedya is offered to the gods : The tulsl-
vrinddvan (91) is the ornamented square pot in which the holy tulsi
Ocymum sanctum, the wife of Vishnu is gi*own : The devhdra (92) or
god shrine, is a dome with a stand on which the gods are arranged
and worshipped : The pujecha-daba (93) or worship box, is a round
box with a tapering lid having a hole in the centre in which the
gods are placed at night and the lid fastened ; while worship is
going on the lid is used as a sieve from which water is allowed to
drop over the gods : The gangdjali (94) is a small gadva (24) or
water pot with a lid ornamented with the bust of a woman to represent
the Ganges, whose water is kept in it and is worshipped along with
the house gods : The ghangdli pela (95) is a handleless ghangdl
shaped (36) cup in which sugar or naivedva is offered to the gods
at the close of the worship : The tabak (39) the diveldvne (71) and
the div'ti (74) are also used in worshipping the gods. Twenty
leading brass images are made : Ganpati (96), the god of knowledge
and lord of the spirits, a fat four-handed man with the head of an
elephant ; Shankar or Shiv (97), the destroyer who has a trident
in his hand and a necklace made of human skulls round his neck,
with his wife Pdrvati and his son Ganpati on his lap. Maruti (98)
the monkey god : Edm the deified king of Oudh supposed to be the
seventh incarnation of Vishnu, with his wife Sita, his two brothers
Bharat and Shatrughna, and his general Maruti (58) : Vithoba (100)
with his wife Rakhmdi, supposed in some places to be Baiidhya or
Budha the ninth incarnation of Vishnu: Bdlkrishna (101) or baby
Krishna, the eighth incarnation of Vishnu crawling like a child with
a ball of butter in one hand : Murlidhar (102) or the fluting Krishna :
Eadha-Krishna (103) or Krishna and his beloved Eadha : Bhavani
Devi (104) or Kdli, au eight-handed female figure slaying the buffalo
giant Mahishasur: Dattatraya or Trimurti (105), is the Hindu
Trinity with three heads and six hands guarded by four dogs which
mean the Veds and a cow which means the earth: Khandoba (106)
the guardian of the Deccan is shown on horseback : Parvati (107), a
seated female figure the wife of Shiv the destroyer is worshipped by
the bride when the bridegroom is brought to the marriage bower and
is given to the bridegroom who takes it home and puts it with his
house gods : Gauri, the head of a woman is the goddess Bhavdni
which is worshipped during the Ganpati festival in August : Sheshashai,
or Vishnu (109) the protector sleeping on the coils of the thousand-
headed snake with his wife Lakshmi shampooing his legs and
Garud standing in front with folded hands. Other brass
figures cast in Poena are : A cow and a calf (109) : A woman
(110) holding ud-battis or incense sticks: A Gosavi or religious
Chapter VI
Crafts-
Bkass Wokk,
Arlicks,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
182
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Brass Wokk.
Articles,
beggar (111) holding a fly-whisk or chauri; Riddhi and Sidhhi
(112) Granpati's female fly- whisk bearers : The Nandi (113) or Shiv's
bull : A pair of rampant antelopes (114) each holding an ud-batti
or incense stick : A pair of gands (115) or attendants of Shiv,
one blowing a conch shell and the other a horn, to be placed on
each side of Shiv. Thirteen articles of peasant jewelry are made:
The chandrakor (116), the Jcetak (117), and the phul (118) for the
head; thusis (119), saris (120), vajratiks (121), and putlis (122) for
the neck; velds (123), gots {124), and bdngdyds (125) for the arms;
pdtlyds (126) for the wrists; chhalles or salles (127) for the fingers;
and todes (128), vales (128), and jaainjans (129) for the ankles.
Five toilet articles are made : The karanda (130), a dome-shaped
brass box for keeping red turmeric powder kunku or kunkum : The
mendcha karanda, slightly different from the karanda is used for
keeping beeswax which women rub on their brows before they put
on the red brow mark : The drsi (131) a burnished-brass mirror
with a lid, is either round, square, oval, or heart-shaped : The kairi
(132) a mango-shaped phial for keeping the ddtvan or tootliTpowder^
which strengthens though it blackens the teeth, and is used by lying-
in women : The phani (138), a brass comb which has now almost
entirely given way to ivory and sandal or blackwood combs : The
chankyds (134), little round studs or spangles applied to the brow below
the red mark : The gandhdchi dabi (1 35), a cylindrical brass box with
a looking glass fixed to the lid in which high class Hindu men
keep the saffron pill which makes the red brow mark or gandh. Three
articles used in the dining hall for other purposes than eating and
drinking are made : The rdngole or kandle (136), a hollow cylindrical
roll pierced with leaves, flowers, animals and other designs in dotted
lines ; it is filled with powdered calcspar or rdngoli and passed over
parts of the floor which have been marked with redpowder ; before a
dinner the seat of each guest is marked off with these lines, and on
great days the rdngoli is sprinkled on in front of the door step.
The ud-battichejhdd (137), a tree-shaped brass stand on which
incense sticks are burnt; the jhdd is generally placed near the
plate of the bridegroom or other distinguished guest : The phulyas
(138), circular pieces of brass, shaped like a flower with a hole in the
centre which are nailed along the edges of the low Hindu dining
stools.
Fifteen miscellaneous brass and copper articles are made : The
c^roi (139), kdsdndi {\4Q), and gundi (141) globular milk pots:
The tavi (142) an oval brass milk pot : The handle (143)r a spoon
with a flat handle and a long snout used in giving milk to children :
The vajri (144) is a metal plate with roughened surface and a handle
used as a foot scraper : The daut (145) an ink bottle either round,
square, six-sided, or eight-sided : The square or six-sided box (146)
containing two ink bottles, one for red and the other for black ink,
a sand box, and a square gum bottle is also called doMt : Ahddgirdcha
Icalas (147) a bud-shaped ornament fixed at the top of the ahddgir
1 The ingredients of the tooth powder or ddtvan are : Harda and hehda
myrobalans, galls Quercus infectoria, habhul bark Aoacioa arabica, and copperas or
green vitriol.
Deccan]
POONA.
183
or state wedding umbrella : The kulup (148) or padlock, the
UJdgre (149) or hinge, the tardju (150) or scales, the gaj a bar (151)
or window rail, the bolat (152) the English bolt, and the kadi (153)
a ring-shaped handle. Except the vessels and appliances used in
worship the images of the gods and the miscellaneous ware all of these
brass articles are made small as toys for children. In addition to these
pots eight special toys are made : The khurchi (154) a small chair;
the palang (155) a sofa ; the pdlna (156) a cradle ; the English couch
(158) which has been adopted into Mardthi under that name though
pronounced more like coach than couch ; the mangdla a single
fire-place (159) and the chul a double fire-place j the table (160);
and the bdnk or bench (161).
The Jingars mostly do the finer kinds of brass work, making false
jewelry, gilding clocks, turning metal, casting and polishing
gods, _ making locks, and sharpening swords and knives. The
Kunbis, who have lately taken to brass work, are of two classes
Ghadndrs or beaters and Otnars or casters. Of the beaters about
five hundred are employed in twenty-five establishments and of
the casters about four hundred are employed in twenty establish-
ments. The first outsiders or non-hereditary workers who started a
brass beating establishment in Poena were Khandu a Satara Mali
and Abdulla Billa an Ahmadnagar Musalman. The present workers
are all Poena Kunbis. They speak incorrect Marathi, live in one-
storeyed hired quarters, eat coarse food chiefly vegetable food, dress
in a cap or coarse Mar^tha turban, a kerchief bound round the
loins, a jacket and sometimes a scarf round the shoulder. They are
labourers being paid by the outturn and earning 4Jd. to l^d.
(3-5 as.) a day. They seldom suffer from want of work. They
work from sunrise to sunset with only rest enough at noon to take
a meal. They stop work on the last or no-moon day of each lunar
month, on the day after Sankrdnt in January, for five days at Shimga
in March- April, and on the day after an eclipse. They keep these
days as days of rest from religious motives not from a love of idleness.
The materials which these Kunbi coppersmiths work up into
rough pots are odd pieces of braziers left over by the Tambats in
cutting out vessels ; the remains of copper sheets punched at the
mint or the cartridge factory ; and broken pots. These materials
on an average cost b^d. to 7Jd, a pound (Rs. 7J-10 the man of
32 lbs.). The material is supplied by the owner of the estabhsh-
ment who is either a Kasdr or a Vania, and sometimes a Kunbi, and
more often by a dealer. The Kunbi coppersmith's tools and
appliances differ slightly from those used by the Td,mbats although
they sometimes go by the same names. Instead of a flint and
Chinaware crucible the Kunbi brass-smith uses iron cups nine
inches across and three to four inches deep. An establishment of
ten workmen use 100 to 125 iron cups in the year as the cups burn
off and break by constant heating. It is said that about every
hundred pounds of brass smelted wear out an iron cup (4 cups in
250 shers). Two or three large tongs or sdndasis about three feet
long and eight to ten pounds in weight each worth 3s. to 4s. (Es. 1 i - 2).
Four to six bellows a year each worth 3s. to 5s. (Es. li -2|). Circular
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Bbass Work.
Articles.
[Bombay Qazetteer,
184
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Brass Work.
Articles.
wooden moulds or sdchds with a handle each worth 3d. to 4|cZ.
(2-3 OS.), Four to six iron bars, three to five feet long and an inch
round, called saiag'as, together worth 2s. to 4s. (Rs.1-2). A large
strong anvil fixed in an equally strong bdbhul block worth £1 to
£3 10s. (Rs. 10-35) . Six strong hammers with wooden handles each
worth 2s. to 3s. Four pairs of strong scissors each worth 2s. to 3s.
(Rs. 1 - 1^) . Four or five four-inch square anvils each worth 4s. to
6s. (Rs. 2 - 3) . A second set of twenty to twenty-five hammers or
hathodds to match the second anvil each worth 6d. to Is. (4-8 «s.).
Half a dozen bent bar anvils or kharuais five to six feet long, two
inches square at one end, and four inches square at the other.
Unlike the TAmbats the Kunbis have no hhodva or triangular
wooden stand for their bar anvil, a small block is placed below the
bar anvil and the workmen sits on the bar with his legs on either
side of it. Four to five hammers to match the bar anvil or hharvai
each worth Is. to Is. 3d. (8-10 as.). Four to six small anvils two
inches by three to four feet long called paharai each worth 2s. to 3s.
(Rs. 1 - IJ) which are fixed in small bdbhul blocks buried in the ground,
eight to twelve small hammers to match the paharai anvil together
worth 6s. to 12s. (Rs. 3-6).- A pair of casks four feet high and three
feet in diameter for holding tamarind pulp mixed with water
each worth 4s. to 6s. (Rs.2-3). A hollow stone or uhhal worth
2s. (Re. 1). The small pieces of braziers are gathered together ''
and shaped into cylindrical lumps. A few pieces of copper
and zinc are also put in the iron cup or tray and a small qaantity
of borax is added. The iron cup is set in the furnace which is a
pit three feet round and two feet deep with the sides raised two
feet above the floor. Dried cowdung cakes charcoal and wood
are heaped above and around the cup. Two bellows are placed
one on each side of the opening in the banked sides and worked
till the alloy is melted and the parts thoroughly amalgamated.
The cup is then lifted up with the large tongs and the liquid
contents poured into a circular hollow struck with a wooden mould
on a bed of clay. When solidified the rounded cakes of brass are
taken to the large anvil or baiida when one man holds the cake
firmly with pincers while five or six labourers hammer it in orderly
succession. When it is beaten to a given thinness the cake is put
aside and another cake hammered in the same way. The cakes are
afterwards taken in heaps of ten or fifteen and again hammered.
When thin enough they are cut by scissors into circular pieces of
the required size and taken to the second anvil and the hollow
stone or ukhal to be shaped, and are passed from hand to hand and
from anvil to anvil till they are completed. Each pot is shaped
in two separate pieces an upper and a lower. When the two parts
are ready they are dovetailed and beaten together at the joining.
They are then again taken to the furnace and a composition of
brass dust and borax is thrown over the joint, the pot is heated, and
the joint is once more hammered. The next process is polishing.
To polish them, a number of pots are steeped two to four -days in
a solution of tamarind pulp, rubbed with powdered charcoal and
bricks, and hammered again till the whole surface is covered with
hammer marks.
Deccan]
POONA.
185
Poona brass making originally came from Ahmadnagar, all of
whose coppersmiths have now moved to Poona. Pen and Revdanda
in Koldba, which used to make considerable quantities of brassware,
are almost entirely without woi'k ; Ohandor is declining, and though
the practice of pilgriins bringing away Ndsik brassware will probably
serve to keep up the demand at least for the higher class of articles
made at N^sik, unless they change their system, the whole of the Nasik
trade in ordinary cooking and drinking vessels will pass to Poona.
The Poona coppersmiths are able to undersell their rivals by adopting
the union of combination among the workers and separation among
the articles made which is the secret of cheap production. The cooking
and water vessels made are all of one size and of one shape. And in
making it each vessel is passed through a succession of groups of
workmen whose whole attention is given to performing one stage of
the work quickly and thoroughly.
Silk weaving in Poona city is at present (1883) flourishing, and to
a great extent has eclipsed the silk weaving of Yeola in Ndsik. Of
700 to 800 looms, nearly two-thirds are owned by Momin and Julaha
Musalmdns who have settled at Mominpura in the Juna-Ganj ward.
The Hindu silk workers are found in Kdchi-dli and near Someshvar,
The Musalman silk workers belong to two sections, Momins proper
and Juldhas, and the Hindu workers to three sections, Khatris
Koshtis and SAlis. According to their own account most of the
Musalmans came about three generations ago from Haidarabad,
Dh&rw&r, Narayan Peth, and Gulmatkal in the Nizfim's country,
and the Hindu workers, according to their own account, came from
Paithan and Teola three or four generations ago. As a class both
Musalmans and Hindus are mild, hardworking, and sober, the Hindus
being harderworking and thriftier than the Musalmdns. The home
speech of the Musalmd,ns is Hindustani and of the Hindus Mardthi.
Many live in their own houses and the rest in hired quarters. The
Hindus, though they eat mutton and fish on holidays, generally live
on vegetable food ; the Musalmdns use animal food almost daily.
Both Hindus and Musalmdns wear a three-cornered turban, but the
Musalmdn turban differs slightly in shape from the Mardtha turban.
Both classes wear long white coats reaching the knees. Round
their loins the Hindus wear the dhoti or waistcloth, and the
Musalmans wear trousers. The demand for Poona silk is growing
and the workers are well-to-do. Their busiest season is the Hindu
marriage time between November and May. The Musalmdn workers
rest from the 5th to the 15th of Muharram, on the Ramzdn and
Bakar-ids, and on 8dbdn and Waftdn. Hindu silk workers rest
on the monthly no -moon day, on the day after the winter Sankrdnt
which is called Kar in January, for two or three days during the
SMmga holidays in March-April, during two days at Divdli in
October- November, and on the day after all eclipses. Poona silk
weavers work from seven to ten in the morning and from one to
sunset. Their women and their children over ten help the men
in sorting, reeling, and sizing. Since the 1876-77 famine, about
twenty Kdmd,thi Koshti families have come from Nardyan-Peth in
the NizAm's country and settled at Poona. They own about 100
B 1327—24
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Beass Wobk,
Trade.
Silk Weavino.
Workmen,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
186
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts-
Silk Weaving.
Workmen.
Tools.
Process,
silk looms and are harderworking and more successful than either
the Musalmdn Khatris or the local Koshtis. The only silk used is
China silk. It is of four varieties duem or second quality, sim or
third quality, lanMn a variety of the second quality, and sheval or
sial. All of it comes to Poona from Bombay as personal luggage.
The duem is bought at 16s. 6d. a pound (Rs. 16| a sher), the sim at
16s. a pound (Rs. 16 a sher), the lankin at 15s. 6d. a pound (Rs. 15J
a sher), and the sheval or sial at 13s. 6^^. to 14s. a pound (Rs. 13|
to Es. 14 a sher) . The Poona silk weavers either borrow money
from Shimpi and Mdrwdr Vdni silk dealers and buy silk yarn and
gold thread, or they work as labourers receiving the materials from
Shimpi and Mdrw^r Vdni dealers and being paid by the piece.
When money is advanced the silk dealers do not charge interest but
get 1^ per cent on the sale proceeds of the fabrics.
Five tools and appliances are used in a Poona silk worker's or
rahdtkari's, literally wheelman's, factory. These are three large
cages called phdlkds and one small cage called phdlld, each worth
3d. to 6d. (2-4 as.); and fifteen or sixteen reels or asdris each worth
Zd. to M. (2-4 as.);^ a small wheel for winding the silk from the
reels to the bobbins worth 6s. (Rs. 3) ; about 500 bobbins or garolis
together worth about l\d. (5 as.) ; and the large throwing^
machine or rahdt worth about £3 6s. (Rs. 33) including£2 10s.(Rs. 25)
for the big driving wheels, Bs. (Rs. 4) for the upright wooden frame
or tat on whose pegs the bobbins turn, and 8s. (Rs. 4) for the drum
or dhol round which the twisted thread from each bobbin is rolled.
To start a silk reeling and throwing establishment requires £3 to
£4 (Rs. 30 - 40). On getting to Poona, the raw silk is made over
to the reeler or rahdtkari under whose care it is reeled, sorted, and
twisted. It next goes to the dyer or rangdri to be coloured, and
when received from hiin is sent to the weaver or mdgvdla by whom
it is warped, sized, and woven. At the reeler's or rahdtkari's the
first thing done is sorting the silk. To sort it the silk is thrown
round a three feet bamboo cage or phdlka,wit}i a central handle about
two feet long. In front of this cage the sorter, who is generally a
woman, sits, and, fastening the end of the hank to a reel or asdri,
fixes the central rod of the cage against her left foot, and sets it
spinning rapidly by twisting the end of the rod between two of
her toes. The quality of the fibres in the skein is uneven, varying
through five or six gradations. It is the sorter's chief duty to
watch these gradations and to wind all of each variety round a
separate reel. With this object, before she begins to wind, she
gathers near her five or six reels or asdris. On finding the end
of the skein she knots it to one of the reels, and placing the cage
against her left foot, spins it round between two of her toes. The
' To make a reel or asdri, a piece of stick is passed through a hollow reed and
fixed in the cleft end of a piece of bamboo.
' The throwing machine or rahdt is in three parts. In the centre is the bobbin
frame or tdt with a central and two side uprights, on one side of the tdt is the
large wheel or rahdt, six to eight feet in diameter, which gives its name to the
machine, and in front of the tdt, supported by two uprights, is the frame or dhol
about two feet in diameter and six to eight feet in length.
Deccau.]
POONA.
187
fibre passes through her fingers, and as soon as its quality changes,
she breaks the silk, picks up a second reel, knots the end to it, and
winds till the quality of the silk again changes, when either a third
reel or the first reel is taken up. If the new quality is the same
as that on the first reel the sorter puts the ends of the silk into her
mouth and knots them with her tongue with great neatness and
speed. In this way even a young worker, without hitch or mistake,
will sort a hank over five or six reels.
The sorted silk is ready for twisting. To twist it, with the help
of a small wheel, the silk is wound from the reels on hollow reed
bobbins or garolis. These bobbins are then arranged on the
throwing machine or tat, and, by means of a wheel and axle, the
fibres of each bobbin are twisted together and guided through a
glass or metal ring round the drum or dhol, and then reeled on the
smaller cage or phdlM. This two-thread or dontdr yarn is used
in making some fabrics, but most of the yarn is again wound on
a reel and from the reel to the bobbins, and a second time put
through the throwing machine so as to make the regular or chdrtdr
that is four-thread yarn. The rahdtkari or wheel man, who takes
his name from the large wheel that drives the throwing machine,
has now completed his work. Silk yarn is called sheria. In sorting
and twisting it the raw, silk loses about eleven and a quarter per
cent in. weight. To make good this loss a corresponding deduction
is m.ade in the standard weight, that is, the sher for weighing silk
when handed over to the worker is reduced in weight by eleven and
a quarter per cent, and is still called a sher for weighing the sheria or
twisted silk. The rahdtkari receives Ibd. to 16d. (10-10^ as.) for
each pound of silk that passes through his hands. His monthly income
is said to I'ange from 8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). When the rahdtkari
employs labourers he pays them 8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5) a month.
After the silk is twisted it is bleached and dyed. In bleaching
it the raw silk is steeped in a boiling solution of country soap,
or in an alkaline ley called ukhdr prepared by boiling together
slaked lime and pdpadkhdr or impure carbonate of soda.
While steeping in the boiling liquid the silk has to be carefully
watched as it spoils if kept in it too long. All the Poena silk dyers
are Hindus, whose forefathers are said to have come from Paithan
about four generations ago. To compete with foreign silks they
have given up their old processes and taken to the use of aniline
dyes. The ease and speed with which aniline dyes can be used
more than make up for their fleetingness. These cheap dyes,
together with the inferior silk used, give the silks of Poona a great
advantage in competition with the high class fabrics made in
Yeola. A silk dyer is said to make 12s. to 14s. (Rs. 6-7) a month.
On leaving the dyer, silk goes to the weaver or mdgvdla who
performs three processes, sizing warping and weaving. For a silk
weaver's establishment twelve appliances are wanted. They are ;
to prepare the warp the tansdla or uprights with rings worth 16s. to
18s. (Rs. 8-9) ; 200 reed bobbins or tikhadis for winding the weft
together worth about Is. (8 as.) ; a small wheel or rahdt worth 6s»
to 8s. (Rs. 3-4) ; a large cage or phdlka worth Qd. (4 as.), and five
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Silk Weaving.
Process.
[Bombay Ga7.etteer,
188
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Silk Weaving.
Proteas,
small reels or asdris each worth 15tZ. (10 as.). For the loom a
cloth beam or turai worth 3s. (Rs. 1^) ; the reed frame or shuttle-
beam called hdtya, used as a batten or lay, worth 7s. to 8s. (Rs. 3J-4);
the treddles and heddles worth 10s. to 12s. (Rs. 5-6) ; adndhs or
kaicMs, rods laid flat between the threads of the warp to keep them
from entangling, worth Is. to 18d. (8-12 as.); the warp beam or
aia worth 2s. to 3s. (Rs. 1-1^); three shuttles worth Is. to 18d.
(8-12 OS.) ; and a piece of polished agate or mogri, used to rub the
gold borders, worth 6s. to £2 (Rs. 3-20).
Silk is sized indoors, the warp silk in a different way from the weft
silk. The warp silk is sized on the tansdla, a pair of upright wooden
bars about eight feet high, with a row of glass or metal rings fixed to
each bar through which the yarn is passed, drawn tight, and stiffened
by brushing into it a dressing of size. In sizing the weft, the silk is
placed on a cage wound on reels, and while on the reel it is moistened
with size. Thesizer, who in the case of the weftyarn is alwaysawoman,
sits with the reel on her left side, and, on her right, a small wheel, to
whose axle is firmly fitted a piece of reed bobbin called tihhadi. She
picks the end of the hank from the reel, fixes it to the bobbin, and
by working the wheel with her right hand makes the bobbin spin
quickly round winding the silk round itself. As the wheel turns,
the worker damps the yarn on the reel with size, and passes the
thread through her left fingers so that thfe size is evenly spread
over the whole line. The warp is next made ready. Warping
includes three processes, heddle-filling, joining, and arranging. The
heddle-filler, according to the pattern of the borders, passes threads
through the loops in the cords of the different heddles and between
the teeth of the reed or phani. When this has been done, the
joiner or sdndhndr, connects the ends of the warp threads with the
heddles, by tying the corresponding threads of the warp to those
passed through the heddles and reed by the heddle-filler. The
threads are finally arranged, through the whole length of the warp,
in accordance with the position the joiner has given them. The
silk loom is three to four and a half feet broad and eight to fifteen
feet long. At one end sits the weaver with his feet in a large pit,
and immediately in front of him is the square cloth beam or turai
which supports the warp and round which as it is woven, the fibre
is rolled. In the weave)"''s pit are two or four treddles or foot boards,
by working which the weaver raises and lowers the warp threads.
The two or four treddles are joined by strings with the heddles,
two or four frames which hang from the roof across the threads
of the warp each with a set of threads, the set of threads of the one
beddle holding in their loops the lower, and the set of threads in the
other heddle holding in their loops the upper threads of the warp.
As the treddles are worked the heddles move the threads of the
warp in turn up and down, while, between each movement, the
shuttle loaded with the weft yarn is passed across the warp. In
front of the heddles and like them hung from the roof, is the reed
or phani, between whose thin slips . of bamboo the warp threads
have been passed. The reed is set in a heavy frame, the shuttle
beam, which the weaver works to force home the threads of the weft
after the shuttle has passed. Behind the heddles horizontal rods
Deccan,]
POONA.
189
are thrust between the upper and lower threads of the warp to keep
them from entangling, and ten or twelve feet further, is the warping
beam or dta, on which the warp is wound. This beam, about four
feet long and two inches round, is fastened in the middle to a rope,
which is kept tight by being passed round a post or pulley and
fastened close to the weaver's side to a peg or to one of the uprights
which support the cloth-beam. The weaver from time to time loosens
the rope as the cloth is wound round the cloth beam. To weave
silk with gold borders, besides the usual large heddles, two sets of
smaller heddles are used. The first or large set of heddles governs
the motion of the whole of the warp. The second set of four heddles
controls the gold thread in the border, and the third, which consists
of two heddles, controls certain gold threads which form a tooth or
saw-shaped edging to the inner side of the border. The border-
edging or third set of heddles are not connected with any treddles.
They are simply worked by the weaver's hand and kept in their
place by small sand bags hung as a balance. After two movements
of the first or main heddles, the second or border heddles are put
in motion by the weaver pressing the left treddle. The set of the
three rods that support the edging heddles, is lifted by the weaver's
hand, and, at every movement of the first or main heddles, one of
the rods which support the edging heddles is lowered. When all
three are lowered, they are again raised by the hand and again
pressed down one after the other. In the Kamdthi's loom even the
heddles of the second set which control the gold border threads have
no treddles. These heddles are supported by small bags the work-
men lifting all of them, and pressing them one after the other, in the
way the Sali or Momin weaver moves his third or tooth edging set
of heddles. When any silk design is to be worked into the body
of the fabric the Kd,mathi weaver takes a greater number of the
large heddles and interposes them between the" first or main set and
the second or border set. The number of these extra heddles
depends on the design. Like the second or border set of heddles
they are supported by sand bags and moved up and down by the
weaver's hand. The loom for weaving brocade, that is a silk fabric
with gold flowers or other ornament woven into the body of the
web, is very elaborate, the arrangement of heddles being very in-
tricate and the work of weaving very tedious. The brocade loom,
in addition to the three sets of heddles used in weaving a bordered
silk fabric, namely the main heddles, the border heddles, and the
heddles for the border edging, has a fourth set of heddles, for the
ornament that is woven in the body of the web. The first or main
set of heddles consisting of two heddles and two treddles comes
close on the other side of the reed or phani. Then comes
the second set of four heddles for the border. These border
heddles ar6 supported and balanced by bags of sand and for
the heddle frames iron rods are used instead of the wooden
rods used in the Sdli's loom. This set of heddles controls the gold
thread in the border and is worked by the weaver's hand. Then
follows the third or border-edging-heddles which are also fastened
to iron rods supported by sand bags and are worked by the weaver's
hand. Behind, that is further from the weaver than the edging
Chapter VI.
Crafts-
Silk Weavinb.
Process.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
190
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI,
Crafts.
Silk Weaving.
Process.
heddles, are the brocade heddles. These are a fringe of loops of white
thread which are passed round fibres in the web and rise about sis
inches above it. The tops of the loops are fastened to a belt of
white cords, which, according to the pattern, vary from twenty to
forty. These cords are closely strung at each end to a wooden bar
about a foot and a half long which are fastened in a position level
with the web to two upright poles at the sides. From the middle
of this belt of cords, or the heddle back, rises above the centre of
the web a bunch of white strings one for each heddle which are held
upright by being fastened to a piece of cane which hangs from a
cross bar. On the weaver's right of the bunch of upright strings
a cord slants from the upright threads or naksJids to a cord that
passes from side to side, a few inches above the belt of cords or
heddle back. On this slanting string are strung a number of loose
knotted loops or pagias which are fastened to the upright threads.
These loops are most difiBcult to arrange only one or two of the
cleverest workers being able to prepare them. When a brocaded
figure begins to be woven the weaver draws certain of the loose
loops or pagids down the slanting string, and, by drawing the loops
down, draws up some of the upright threads or nakshds, which in turn
raise the cords of the cord belt to which they are fastened, and again
the movement of the cords raises the loops which hang from the
cords and with the loops raises certain of the fibres of the web. To
keep the belt cords raised the weaver inserts between them and
the remaining cords of the belt two wooden wedge-shaped hooks
which hang from the roof each about eighteen inches to the side of
the central threads or nakshds. After the required set of fibres has
been raised from the rest of the web, with the help of one or two
boys, the weaver arranges across the breadth of the web a number of
bobbins full of gold thread. The number of bobbins depends on the
number of flowers in the breadth of the web. Then the weaver and
the boys, at each of the brocade flowers, pass the bobbin of gold
threads under the threads of the warps which have been raised above
the rest. The wooden hooks are then drawn out and the brocade
treddles are allowed to fall to the general level. The main and border
heddles are then worked and one fibre of weft is added to the fabric.
Then again certain of the brocade pattern loops are drawn down and
certain cords in the brocade treddle drawn up and kept up by the
wedge-shaped hook. Then under each of the raised fibres in the
brocade pattern gold thread is passed, and then again the main and
border heddles are worked and a second fibre added to the weft.
Brocade weaving is very slow, a man and two boys in a day of nine
hours weave only about nine inches of fabric or about one-third of the
amount of plain silk which one man can weave. While the brocade
heddles are being worked, the first or main heddles are slackened
by unfastening them from an iron hook with which they are
connected while in motion. When labourers are employed as weavers
they are paid Is. to 2s. 6d. (Rs. i-li) a yard of the fabric woven,
which work he performs in a day. The owners of the looms state
that their monthly earning average £1 10s. to £2 10s. (Rs. 15 - 25).
Pitdmbars and paithanis that is men's and women's robes are
the only articles woven. Khans or bodice pieces are cut out of
Deccau.]
POONA.
191
the robes. Unlike the Yeola women's silks the Poona silks are
sometimes brocaded as well as gold bordered. When ready for sale
the silks are taken to the local dealers and sold by the weavers on
their own account, or, in rare cases when they are made for
a dealer, are taken and paid for by him. The dealers sell them
locally or send them to Bombay, Pandharpur, Satdra, ShoMpnr,
and other trade centres. The demand, especially for the lighter
and cheaper varieties, is steadily on the increase. The value of the
yearly outturn of silks in Poona is said to average about £25,000
(Rs. 2,50,000).
Gold and silver thread making is a prosperous industry in Poona
city. It is a long established craft, when or by whom started is
not known. The forefathers of the present workers are said to have
come from the Nizam's country and the fact that their family deity
is Bhavdni of Tuljapur in the Nizam's country to some extent
supports this belief. Most of them are settled in the Shukravar and
Aditvar wards of Poona city. Gold and silver thread making
supports about 250 families or 800 people. Ldd-Sond,rs, Kokni-Sondrs,
Khdndesh-Sondrs, Adher-Sondrs and Vaishya-Son^rs, Lads proper,
Mard,thds, and Pardeshis. About twenty-five families are Pavtekaris
or bar-makers, seventy-eight are TArkasas or thread-drawers, and
seventy to eighty families are Ghapady^s or wire-beaters. There
are also about 200 Valndrs or thread-twisters mostly women. All
the Pavtekaris or barmakers are Sond,rs. Of the thread makers or
Td,rkasds, the thread-beaters or Ch^padyds and the thread-twisters
or Valnd,rs most are Ldds. The name Ldd seems to point to a South
Gujardt origin. But according to their own accounts they came to
Poona from Aurangabad, Paithan, and Karanje in the Nizam's
country. The Ldds say their forefathers worshipped Pdrasnd,th and
Bdlaji and afterwards, tbey do not know how long ago, they forsook
the Jdin faith for the worship of the goddess of Tuljapur. The rest
are Kunbis and other classes, including a few Deshasth Brahmans,
who took to thread making because it was flourishing. They are
a contented and hardworking class. The Pardeshis speak
Hindustani at home and the rest Mardthi. They live generally in
one-storeyed houses, some their own, others hired. The Ldds, Pardeshis,
and Brahmans live solely on vegetables, the rest may eat flesh. All
except the Brahmans are allowed to drink liquor but all are
moderate in its use. The different divisions of workers dress like
other men of their own caste, the Brahmans in the broad flat-
rimmed Brdhman turban ; the Marathas in a three-cornered turban ;
and the Pardeshis in a cap. The shape of coat also differs slightly.
As a class they are well-to-do. Their busy time is the Hindu
marriage season between November and May. Their rest days are
the monthly no-moon days or amdvdsyds, the day after the mid-
winter Sankrdnt or tropic in January, five days at Shimga or Holi
in March-April, two days at Divdli in October- November, and the
day after every eclipse. The day after Ndgpanchmi in August
which is called Shirdlshet's Day, is kept as a holiday and called Kar.
Except in twisting, gold and silver thread makers get no help from
their women nor from their children till they are over twelve. Most
Chapter VI
Crafts-
Silk Weayiso,
Process.
Gold and
Silver Thread.
[Bomliay Gazetteer,
192
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Gold and Silver
Thread.
of the gold and silver used in making the thread is brought to
Poena by Mdrwdr Vani and Shimpi dealers who buy it in Bombay
either from European firms or from MArwar VAnis near Khara-
Kuva in Mumbd,devi ward. The metal must be perfectly pure
Shambharnambri that is 100 per cent. Even the best metal,
according to the thread makers, in the beating and purifying
through which it has to pass, before it is fit for their work,
loses a twelfth. When ready for use the gold is worth £2
4s. to £2 6s. (Rs. 22-23) a foZa. Besides imported gold, during
the last thirty-five years, a certain quantity has been produced
locally by extracting with nitric acid the gold from left off
gold-embroidered cloth. This has been practiced successfully with
silver as well as with gold tissue. The metal obtained from
embroideryis called gotdchi or ball-shaped. The man who started the
idea was a Gujardt V£m whose family made a fortune and gave
up the industry. At present (1883) three rich Bohoras follow this
craft. Four kinds of silver are used pdtdchi or bar silver which
comes from Europe and pdtdchi which comes from China, gdvthi
or localj and gotdchi or ball-shaped made in Poena from silver
embroidery. Local or gdvthi silver is already mixed with a small
proportion of alloy and is used without any change. Pure English
silver has to be mixed either with ten to fifteen-fortieths of ball
silver or local silver or with three-fortieths of copper. The silver is
brought in ingots or balls and handed to the bar-maker or pdvtekari
who is also the gilder. A bar-maker, uses twenty tools : Crucibles
or mushis of which each establishmenthas about ten, together worth
about 8s. (Rs, 4) ; a clay fire-trough or shegdi costing l^d. to Bd.
(1-2 as.), an iron sieve or J hdra two to three inches in diameter with
an iron handle costing l|d. (1 a.) ; three anvils or airans, one worth
£2 14s. (Rs. 27), a second worth £2 8s. (Rs. 24), and a third worth
14s. (Rs. 7) ; three hammers or hdtodds together worth about 4s.
(Rs. 2) ; one iron bar or otani hollowed on one side to serve as a
mould worth about 8s. (Rs. 4) ; tongs or chimtds worth Qd. (4 as.);
a stone water trough or Jeundi for cooling the heated bar worth 6d.
(4 as.) ; a pair of bellows or bhdta worth 4s. (Rs. 2) ; a pair of files or
hdnas worth 1 s. (8 as.) ; a winch or lod always of bdbhul wood worth
14s. (7 as.) ; about fifteen draw plates or jantars each said to be
worth 10s. to £5 (Rs. 5-50); three nippers or vdhas costing 4s.
(Rs. 2), 2s. (Re. 1), and Is. (8 as.) ; a chain or sdkhali worth 2s. 6d.
(Rs. Ij) ; two scales with weights kdta and vajan worth £1 to
£1 10s. (Rs. 10-15); two nails or bhdrus ior cleaning draw-plate
holes worth 3c?. (2 as.) ; a pair of iron pincers or karlis worth Qd,
(4 as.) ; two small cages or phdlkis for winding the wire together
worth Is. (8 as.) ; and a pair of smaller reels or asdris each worth
6d, (4 as.) Under the bar maker's hands the metal passes through
two main processes. The gold is purified by boiling it with lime
juice in a pipkin and is then heated several times and beaten into
gold foil. The silver is melted in a crucible, poured into a mould,
and hammered into a short rough bar fifteen to eighteen inches
long and one and a half round. It is then worked into a more
perfect shape and the surface roughened with a file. Next gold
foil is carefully wound round the silver bar so as to completely
Deccan.]
POONA.
193
cover it. The bar is wetted and rolled by the workman up and
down his thigh till the gold foil clings to the silver. Then a thick
soft coir is wound tightly round the bar and it is laid, with the
edges of the gold foil underneath, in the clay trough filled with
lighted charcoal which is fanned into a white heat. It is next
drawn out and hammered on a highly polished four inch steel
anvil. Under this heating and hammering which is repeated three
times, the bar gradually lengthens but without disturbing the
surface of the gold or exposing the silver which never again shows
into however fine thread the metal may be drawn. The gilding
is completed when the ingot has been beaten eighteen inches long.
After the gilding the bar-maker or pdvtekari turns the bar into
wire by dragging it time after time through gradually smaller holes
in the drawplate. For this the bar is again heated and pointed.
The point is pushed through the largest hole in the drawplate which
is set agfainst two wooden uprights fixed in the ground. When it
■shows through the drawplate the point is caught in a pair of strong
pincers whose handles are joined by a chain and ring to one of the
spokes of a winch. This winch has a drum, a foot in diameter and
three feet long, fixed inside sockets. At right angles to the drum
it has three arms, each two and a half feet long, which work in a
hole, about six feet by three, and three deep. When the end of the
bar is firmly grasped by the pincers, a workman, laying all his
weight on one of the arms of the winch, draws it down and drags
the point of the bar through the hole in the drawplate. As it
passes through the drawplates both the bar and the hole of the
plate are smeared with a composition of beeswax and other
. substances. When the bar has been drawn through the plate,
the point is again hammered, and, in the same way, is dragged
through a smaller hole. This dragging is repeated about twenty
times. The bar, which has now become a wire about six yards long
for each tola of metal, is cut into lengths of fifty yards and made
over to the thread-maker or tdrkas. The pdvteJcaris or bar-makers
for their bar-making and wire-drawing are paid 4s. (Rs. 2) for every
passa or one pound (40 iolds) silver bar. Of the 4s. (Rs. 2) Is.
(8 as.) is paid to two labourers at 6d. (4 as.) a passa or one pound
silver bar, &d, (4 as^ goes in coal, and 2s. 6cZ. (Rs. 1\) are left
as the bar maker's earnings for two days. Allowing for breaks in
the work and for holidays the bar maker's average monthly income
varies from £1 4s. to £1 14s. (Rs. 12-17).
From the bar maker the wire goes to the thread maker the tanaya
or tdrkas who uses fourteen tools. These are : The palda, a wooden
drum-shapedreel worth 48. (Rs.2) ; ilnepaldi a smaller drum also made
of wood worth Is. (8 as.) ; the kliodsa a stool on which the drums are
fixed worth 2s. 6d. (Re. IJ) ; a dozen drawplates or jantars varying
in value from Is. to 10s. (Rs. ^-5) ; the tfiesni a small sharp pointed
hammer used for stopping old drawplate holes worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a
small anvil or airan worth 3d. (2 as.) ; a pair of pincers or sdndsi
worth 4,^d. (3 as.) ; a file or kdnas worth 9c?. (6 as.) ; a small hammer
or hdtoda worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a nail or chaurasi for enlarging the
drawplate holes worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a sharpening stone or kdUpathri
worth Sd. (2 as.) ; a crank or mdkoda to turn the drums worth l^d.
B 1327—25
Chapter VI.
Crafts-
Gold and Silvbb
Thread.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
194
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Gold and Silver
Thread,
(1 a.) ; a reel axis or bhongli worth ^^d. (1 a.) ; and a small bobbin
or chakkar. To draw the wire into a thread the palda that is the
larger reel or drum seven or eight inches in diameter, and the
smaller three inch reel or jJo^ZcZt are supported horizontally on two
upright pivots about twenty inches apart. Between the big drum
and the little drum a small drawplate is fixed to two upright iron
rods. This small drawplate is a piece of an old sword blade
pierced with holes of different sizes. The wire is wound round
the small reel or paldi and its point is sharpened by two bits of
China, till it is fine enough to pass through the largest of the
drawplate holes. When it shows on the other side of the plate, the
point of the wire is caught in small pincers and pulled through.
The end of the wire is then fi^ed on the larger reel or palda which is
turned by a metal handle, and drags the wire through the hole,
then the whole is wound off the small reel. The wire is then wound
back on the small reel, and drawn> through the next largest hole.
This drawing and winding is repeated till the wii-e has been drawn
to the required fineness. To draw a tola of metal 250 yards, the
wire has to pass through at least sixty holes. Elaborate as this is
so great is the workman's skill and delicacy, that he is said to be
able to make 900 yards of thread from one tola of metal. A thread
maker tanaya or tdrhas is paid £2 10s. (Rs. 25) for every 100 tolds
of metal he draws. His average monthly income ranges from
£2 to £2 10s. (Rs. 20-25). Some of the thread makers employ
lads as apprentices, who at first work for nothing and are then paid
2s. to 12s. (Rs. 1-6) a month, according to their work.. The thread is
now handed to the flattener or chdpadya who uses seven tools. The
wiasipati a small board about a foot square, with ten upright nails to
serve as bobbin axles ; the anvil or airan about two inches square
and the hammer or hdtoda two inches square kept highly polished
by emery, together worth about 10s. (Rs. 5) j hones or opamis of lac
and emery powder worth £2 to £7 (Rs. 10-70)^; the hhodsa, a
buried block of bdbhul wood, on which the anvil is fixed worth
4s. (Rs. 2) ; the chippa a piece of leather with small slits for the
thread to pass through ; the ghodi or ranakhdme a hook fixed in the
ground to guide the flattened thread, worth 6d, (4 as.) ; and the
asdri a small reel, worth 3d. (2 as.). In flattening the thread, ten
full bobbins are set on the mdsepati or board, and the threads are
gathered together and passed through the slits of a piece of leather
or chippa which is placed in front of the stand and drawn across a
highly polished steel anvil, fixed in a block of hdbhul wood very
little raised above the level of the ground. In flattening the thread
the workman firmly grasps his hammer handle between the thumb
and the forefinger, and, with his left hand, draws the threads
over the polished steel, and begins to beat. The threads are passed
steadily over the anvil and the hammer strokes fall at the rate
of sixty to a hundred in the minute, and with such regularity that
no particle of the thread is left unbeaten. As they are flattened
the threads are drawn away by the flattener's left hand, and
' The workers say pearls and coral are mixed with the emery but this is doubtful.
Deccan 1
POONA.
195
when strotclied to arm's length, are caught under some conveniently
curved article such as a broken cup handle or a brass hook fixed in
the ground, and a fresh grip is taken close to the anvil. When all
the threads have been flattened, they are carefully separated, wound
round a reel and sent to the twister or valndr. The thread flattener or
chdpadya is paid £1 10s. to £2 (Rs. 15-20) for beating 100 tolas of
thread. If during the busy season he employs a labourer he pays him
£1 Ss. to £1 16s. (Rs. 14-18) the 100 tolas. The twister or valndr,
who is generally a woman, is the last of the work people through
whose hands the thread passes. She uses three tools. A hook or
bangle called dkada of a nominal value ; two spindles or chdtis worth
l^d.toGd. (1-4 as.), sometimes made by fixing a round piece of
broken China to a nail ; and a wooden cylinder or gaj with nails
fixed at given distances worth 6d. (4> as.). Contrary to the practice
in the other bran^es of gold-thread making the twister or valndr has
to provide part of the material she works up. What she has to
buy is the silk-thread which is twisted with the flattened gold-thread.
The silk used in making gold-thread is twisted and dyed by a
distinct set of workers called dhurevdlds, of whom there are twenty
to twenty-five establishments at Poena, including sixty to eighty
workers. They are either Marathas from Paithan and Burhd;npur
or they are Pardeshis from Delhi and Agra. They are believed
to have come to Poena three to four generations ago. They
speak Marathi or Hindustd,ni and live in one-storeyed houses
of which five per cent are their own and the rest are hired. They
generally live on vegetable food though they are allowed to eat
mutton and fish and to drink liquor. They dress in a three-cornered
turban, a long coat reaching to the knees, a scarf round the
loins, and a second scarf round the shoulders. As a class they are
fairly off. Their busy season, working hours, and holidays are the
same as those of the bar makers and others employed in making
gold thread. They use silk of three kinds, sim, lankin, and bdnak.
All are brought from Bombay, at and about Is. to lOd. the ounce
(5-6 tolas the rupee). The silk is the property not of the thread-
makers but of Marwar and Shimpi dealers who pay them by the
outturn. A dhurevdla or twister and dyer of the silk which is used
in making gold and silver thread wants three tools for the twisting
and no tools for the dyeing. The appliances for twisting the silk
include half a dozen bamboo cages or phdlkds each worth Sd. to 6d.
(2-4 as.) ; about thirty small reels or asdris each worth 3d. to 6d.
(2-4 as.) ; and two or three spindles each worth l^d. to 3d. (1-2 as.).
The silk twister places a skein of silk on each of five different cages
or phdlkds, and from them winds the silk on fifteen different reels
or asdris. These fifteen reels are then arranged in a semicircle all
facing the same way. The twister draws a thread from each reel, and
sitting facing the point of the reels, fastens the threads to a spindle,
and rolling the spindle sharply along his thigh, twists a yard or so,
winds the twisted thread round the bar of the spindle, gives the
spindle another smart roll along his thigh, and twists another yard
of thread. The silk is sometimes twisted out of doors. In out of
doors twisting, two couples of uprights are driven into the ground.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Gold and Silver
Thread.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
196
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Gold and Silver
Thread,
Cotton Goods,
the couples twenty-five to thirty feet apartj and the uprights in each
couple four to six feet high and ten feet apart. A horizontal bamboo
is fastened across between each pair of uprights and on the upper side
of each of the bamboos pairs of pegs are fastened close together at the
bamboo and gradually separating ia a V shape. In out of door silk
twisting the fifteen fibres from the fifteen reels pass through the
hollow at the foot of the V. When the silk twister is as much as
twenty-five to thirty feet from the reels he can twist a much longer
piece of thread at a time that he can twist when he stands close to
the reels. The twister is paid l^d. (1 a.) for each lad of silk
twist that is equal to 7id. an ounce (8 tolas the rupee). When the
gold thread twister or valndr gets a supply of the proper twisted
silk he winds it off the reel on to a spindle. One end of the silk
thread is then passed through a bangle or steel ring fastened to the
ceiling of her house, drawn down, and tied to a second spindle. The
flattened gold thread is then unwound from the reel or asdri and
dropped in a loose heap on the ground near the twister. The
twister sits on a high stool or chair, and, fastening the ends of
the gold and the silk thread together, rolls the spindle sharply
along her thigh and gives it so rapid a whirl that it twists
together two or three feet of the gold thread and the silk always
keeping the gold on the surface. When the spindle stops the workman
winds the finished gold thread round the rod of the spindle, draws
down a fresh yard or two of the silk thread, and gives the spindle
another whirl by sharply rolling it again along her thigh. The
drawing down the silk, whirling the spindle, and twisting together
the gold and the silk are repeated till the whole quantity is completed.
The finished gold thread is then wound into hanks and skeins by
passing it round two nails fixed to a rod or gaj. The valndr or twister
is paid Is. an ounce (5 tolas the rupee). Poena gold thread is chiefly
used locally in ornamenting turban ends and the borders and
fringes of robes and dining clothes.
Cotton weaving is carried on in thirty-seven towns in the district ;
Jasvad, Kavtha, PAbal, Baramati, Inddpur, Pimpalvddi, Junnar,
and Utur, are known for lugdis or women's robes ; K^ramati, Kavtha,
and Jasvad for silk-bordered dhotis or men's waistcloths, and
uparnis or silk-bordered shouldercloths ; and Inddpur, Palasdev,
Lasurna, Nimbgavketki, and Kalas are known for khddi or coarse
cloth. Of these the only important centre of cotton cloth hand-
loom weaving is Poena city. Poena city has 400 to 500 cotton
hand-looms, of which about 450 belong to Hindus, 300 of them
Koshtis and 150 Sdlis, and the remaining fifty Musalmans. Most
Hindus weave women's robes or sddis and most Musalmdns weave
turbans. Cotton hand-loom weavers are chiefly found in the Somvdr,
Vetal, Bhavd.ni, Rdste, and Shukravar wards. Besides in these
wards one or two cotton looms are found in almost every part of
the city. Except two families who have come from Madras, the
Hindu weavers are said to have come about three generations
ago from Paithan, Yeola, ShoMpur, Inddpur, and Nar^an Peth
in the Nizam's country. The Musalm^n weavers came to Poona
only four or five years ago from Malegaon in N^sik where they
Deccan]
POONA.
197
form a large colony .^ Except the two Madras families, whoso
home speech is Telugu, the Hindu weavers of cotton goods speak
Mardthi, and the Musalmdn weavers speak Hindustani. All
live in one or two-storeyed houses, fifteen to twenty of which
belong to the occupants, and the rest are hired. The Hindus eat
flesh and drink liquor and are a temperate class. The Musalmdns
seldom eat flesh except on holidays. Many of them drink liquor
but seldom to excess. Those Hindu weavers who belong to the
Koshti and Sdli castes wear either the Deccan Brahman or the
three-cornered Maratha turban, a jacket, a long coat, a scarf round
the loins and another over the shoulders. The Musalmans wear a
cap except a few who have taken to the MarAtha turban, a jacket, a
long coab, and trousers. The robes woven by the Hindus and the
turbans woven by the Musalmans are generally coarse and cheap.
The Hindus work from seven to eleven and again from one to
sunset ; the Musalmans work almost the whole day except a short
time for their meals which they generally cook in the same shed or
room in which they weave. The chief demand for their wares is
during the marriage season that is between November and May. The
articles they weave are intended for every-day use although they are
used as marriage presents by Kunbis and other middle and low
class Hindus. Hindu cotton weavers stop work on the last or
no-moon day of every lunar month, on Ndgpanchmi Day in September,
on Dasara Day in October, on the day after the great Sankrdnt in
January, during three days of Shimga, during four days at Muharram
time, and on the day after every eclipse. The Musalmdns stop work
only on three Muharram days in Ramzan and on the Bahar-id. Both
Hindu and Musalmdn cotton weavers get great help from their
women, in reeling, dyeing, warping, and sizing. Some Hindu
women even weave. With all this help cotton-weavers barely make
a living. The articles they turn out are very inferior and are worn
only by the poorer classes. The average daily earnings of a cotton
weaver's family are said to range from Qd. to *I\d. (4-5 as.), and
during the rains they are often short of work. All the yarn used in
the Poona handlooms is steam-made partly from the Bombay mills
and partly from Europe. The yarns generally used are twenties and
thirties. To buy the yarn most weavers have to borrow at two per
cent a month. The tools and appliances of a Hindu cotton weaver
resemblethose of the local silk weavers of which anaccount has already
been given. The Musalmdn weaver is satisfied with cheaper and
simpler appliances. Hehas a smaller loom andhasnot morethan seven
tools. The shuttle-beam hatya, in which the reed or phani is fitted
worth 6d. (4 as.), two bars or athuyds to keep the warp stretched
worth 6d. (4 as.), a beam or tur round which the woven fabric is
wound worth Is. (8 as.), a pair of shuttles or dhotds worth 1 s. (8 as.),
a large bamboo cage or phdlka worth Gd. (4 as.), a reed or phdlki
worth 3d. (2 as.) and a small wheel or rahdt for sizing the weft yarn
worth 8s. (Rs. 4). The foreign and Bombay yarn undergoes
eight processes in being turned into robes or sddis. It is steeped
Chapter VI.
Crafts,
Cotton Goods.
1 Compare the Ndsik Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 167.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
198
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Cotton Goods.
in water and placed on the bamboo cage or phdlka. It is changed
from this cage to the reel or asdri by a woman of the weaver's family
who holds the end of the central rod of the cage in her toes, and
with her right hand, drawing off the yarn from the skein, winds it
on the smaller reel, which she holds in her left hand and whirls
round in a small cup of smooth oocoanut-shell. To make the skeins
of a convenient size, the yarn is next wound off the reel or asdri, on
to a small conical reel caWed. charki. The yarn is then transferred
to the rahdt or wheel to be twisted and wound round bobbins or
Icdndis. It is next worked by winding it, two threads at a time, in
and out among the rows of bamboo rods about four feet apart. It
is then opened on two bamboos, stretched tight between two posts
and sized by a large brush dipped in rice paste. If it wants
colouring it is dyed before it is sized. The weavers themselves
dye the yarn either with German aniline dyes, or they have the
yarn steeped first in the indigo vats of the local indigo dyers and
then in safHower dye to make them green, a colour which quickly
fades. The general practice is to buy dyed yarn. After the yarn
is dyed and sized or sized-without dyeing, it goes to the heddle-filler
and joiner who is always the same man as the weaver. He joins the
warp threads with the threads of an old used warp which he purposely
keeps to save the trouble of passing threads in each case through
the loops of the heddle, then through the bamboo slips of the reeds
or phani, finally tying them to the turai or warp beam. After
joining the warp threads, the weaver has to stretch the whole of the
warp and to see if any of the strands of the warp are wrongly joined
or are entangled. When all is ready the warp is stretched and the
rope tied to its farthest end, passed round an upright, and brought
back to the place where the weaver sits. It is there tied either to
a peg fixed in the floor to the right of the weaver or to one of the
uprights which support the cloth beam or turai. When the weaver
has provided himself with a pair of shuttles and a small basket full
of loaded bobbins, he sits behind the cloth beam, puts his legs in
the pit below the loom and with one foot on each of the treddles
begins to weave. He passes the shuttle with the loaded bobbin
between the two sets of the warp threads which are by this time
separated by heddles worked by the treddles under the weaver's feet.
For the border a separate set of heddles hanging from the roof are
balanced by sand bags and are worked by the hand. The Musalmd,n
turban loom, except that it is not more than eighteen inches broad and
has no heddles, is the same as the robe loom. The Poena cotton
weavers take their robes and turbans to the local Shimpi dealers of
whom about fifty have shops in Budhav^r ward. The robes fetch
4s. to £1 (Rs. 2-10) and the turbans 3s. to 10s. (Rs.l^-S). The local
demand especially during the marriage season will probably keep
up hand-loom cotton wfeaving for some time. Still it seems
probable that, in a city where the price of grain and the cost of
living is high compared with most parts of the Deccan, the hand-
loom weavers of robes will be driven out of a living by steam-made
fabrics. Hand-loom turban weaving will probably last longer, as, so
far, it has been free from machine competition.
Glass bangles are made in the village of Shivapur on the S^tara
Deccan]
POONA.
199
road about seven miles south of Poona by a settlement of Lingayats
who are called Kdcharis or glass makers. At present (1883) four
establishments employ twenty-five to thirty men. They say that
they came to this district from villages near ShoMpur five or six
generations ago, that they used to marry with other LingayatSj but
that since they have taken to bangle-making they form a separate
caste marrying among themselves only. They speak Mardthi at
home, live in their own one-storeyed houses, and never touch animal
food. They say that they dress like BrAhmans, but when at work
they wear only a dirty waistcloth and a rag round the head. They
work from nine in the morning to nine" 'at night, and stop work on
all Mondays, on the great Sankrdnt in January, on Mahdshivrdtra
in February, for four days during Shimga in March -April, on
Ndgpanchmi in August, on Dasara in October, and during five days
of Divdli in October- November. Their women and children help
in sorting broken pieces of Chinese glass bangles which the men
melt and work into new bangles. They buy these broken bangles
from the Kdneh hdngdi phutdnevdlds that is glass bangle collectors,
Mdrwdr Vanis of whom there are fifteen to twenty shops in the
Bhavdni and Vetdl wards in Poona. They gather the glass bangles by
going from house to house selling parched gram in exchange for its
weight in broken bangles which the children of the house carefully
gather and keep. Kd,sd.rs or dealers in bangles, also ask for and gather
broken bangles at any houses they may visit to put new ones round
women^s wrists. They sell the broken pieces to Kach^ris. The
current price of the raw materials is l|d. (1 a.) the pound. Though
so little money is wanted the K^chdris generally borrow it in Poona
at one to two per cent a month. The glass is sometimes supplied
by Kdsars or bangle dealers who pay the Kdcharis Sjc?. to 3d. a
pound (3-4 as. a sher) to work it up. Round balls of country
made glass used to be received at Poona from Gutur in the
Nizdm's country, but for the last eight or ten years no glass has
been brought from Gutur as broken bangles f urnish'as much material
as the trade requires. A Kachari's appliances are simple and cheap.
Half a dozen bamboo baskets smeared withcowdung serve to store the
sorted pieces of glass ; six thin two feet long iron bars pointed at one
end at f d (4 a.) each ; six home-made clay crucibles at a nominal cost.
The mould called mdtra or sdcha an iron bar with a conical clay top
worth about 3d. (2 as.). One end of this iron bar is supported by
an upright peg near the fire-place or kiln, the peg having a looped
piece of iron on the top to let the bar move round its own axis and
the other end rest on a slightly grooved stone. Half a dozen six inch
long flat iron paper-cutter shaped blades called pattds each worth,
about 3d. (2 as.). The dkadi, a wooden handled iron rod slightly
bent at the point worth about Sd. (2 as.). Six to eight six inch nails
or chats with handles each worth about l|d. (1 a.). Six hammers
worth 9d. (6 as.) each. Six flowerpot-shaped earthen pots or kundis
each worth f c?. (^ a.). A scale with weights or stones and bamboo
basket pans worth 3^^. (2 as.) . Half a dozen long handled hemi-
sperical iron spoons or. palis each worth 2id. [11 a.). A Kachari's
kiln or fire-place is also kept in a separate building or in a small fring
of the building in which the workmen live. A separate bangle -furnace
Chapter VI-
Crafts.
Glass Bangles,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
200 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. consists o£ a shed, about twenty feet by twenty-five and ten high,
„ -ft with brick walls with two doors on the south and on the west, and six
graits, windows, two each on the north, the south, and the west. The east
Glass Bangles. ^g^j^ y^^^ neither door nor window. The roof is tiled, the central
beam being about twenty feet from the floor. Nearly in the centre
of the building is the furnace, a round pit three to four feet deep, with
a dome-shaped clay top and arched windows each about four inches
by six and a hole at the top of the dome provided with a clay
lid. Inside the dome is a raised platform on which rest the crucibles
or clay smelting pots each opposite its own window. In the space
between each pair of windows and a little way from the kiln are six
uprights which together with the cross stick, form a six-cornered
bower over which two to three feet of fresh cut branches are heaped
to dry. In front of each of the kiln windows a pair of thick rag
screens are hung on the cross sticks of the bower to shade the
workmen from the fire. In front of these shades sit the half dozen
workmen each with his tools and a basket of broken bangles near
him When the crucibles filled with glass are set on the platform
inside the dome of the kiln, the fire is kindled by bringing fuel into
the pit through an under-ground passage. At the end of about an
hour the glass melts and each of the workmen sits opposite one of
the wmdows. He stirs the half fluid glass with the bent pointed
iron rod or dkadi to see if it is uniformly melted. When it is
properly melted the workman passes into the molten glass a second
sharp pointed iron rod and with it picks out a drop of fluid glass.
On taking the drop of glass out of the kiln with a ]erk he makes
the rod spin round and the spinning motion turns the glass drop
into a globe. A sharp blow to the iron rod from the patta or iron
blade shivers the globe and turns it into a ring on the point of
the bar. Repeated blows with the blade on the bar by shaking it
widen the ring into a long loop. As soon as the ring is big^ enough,
it is dropped over the conical clay point of the mould or mcha and
fitted into it with the help of the blade, the left hand all the time
keeping the mould spinning in the grooved stone. All this is done
with surprising cleverness and speed, less than half a mmute serving
to turn the glass drop into a finished bangle. If from^ any delay the
glass cools and hardens out of shape, the mould or sacha is held m
the kiln flames till the glass is softened and can be worked into the
proper shape. The formed bangle is dropped on the floor, the
sharp end of the iron bar is heated and hammered straight, and a
second glass drop is brought out at the bar point, whirled into a
globe, struck into a ring, widened by vibration, and finished off on
the turning mould point. The Shivapur f^cMris make three kinds
oih^ngles bdngdi, gol, and haul or kdrla the hang dA, is slightly
conical, the gol globular, and the hdrla conical with a notched surface.
Fineer rings are made in the same way as bangles. The bangles
are ia great demand among the poorer classes of Hindu women, and
the rinis are bought by girls as toys who sometimes wear them
round their own fingers and sometimes put them round their dolls
wrists. The K^chdris carry their bang es and rings to/o^na 1
the glass is supplied by a Kasar dealer the K^chari is paid 6s. (Rs. j)
for thirty-two pounds. If the glass is the Kach^n's own he gets
Deocan.]
POONA.
201
about 10s. (Rs. 5) for the man of thirty-two pounds. In a day of
about twelve hours' work a good bangle-maker can turn out four to
five pounds of glass bangles. Deducting the cost of the glass and
the fuel, this price represents a daily wage of 6d. to l^d. (4 -5 as,).
The Kdcharis' industry is declining under the competition of Chinese
glass bangles.
Hsbvii Md.dhavrd,v Peshwa (1790 - 1795) the tender-hearted sensitive
youth, whom Nina Fadnavis' restraints drove to suicide, had
scruples about Brahman women using metal hair combs. It was
against the sacred books ; hair combs should be of ivory not of
metal. To supply the new demand for ivory combs one Audutrav
Dhandarpdlkar came from Nasik and opened the first ivory comb
factory in Poona city. His example was followed by Abdji Ava of the
carpenter caste. The family of Audutrd.o cannot (1883) be traced and
is said to have died out. The original carpenters have also left Poona
and again taken to wood-cutting. The present ivory comb makers
are the descendants of the Kunbi servants of the original workers.
They number about fifteen and keep five workshops opposite the
temple of Ganpati in Kasba ward. They are a qaiet people, speak
Mardthi, live in their own one-storeyed houses, occasionally eat flesh,
and dress like ordinary local Kunbi Mard.thd,s. Comb making is
easy to learn. Many Kunbis would have taken to the craft if it
had offered a fair chance of making a living, but for many years,
owing to the competition of cheap foreign bone combs, the industry
has been depressed. Within the last ten years four shops have been
closed and those who are left though above want are poor. The
present small ivory-comb industry will probably long continue.
Brdhman and other high caste Hindu women think bone comba
impure, and three ivory combs always form part of the vdyan or
bride's outfit.
Comb-makers work from seven to eleven and from two to sunset.
They stop work on Kar that is the day following Mahdsankrdnt
in January, and od Ndgpanchmi in August. Their women and
children give them no help. During the marriage season,
between October and May, the demand is brisk, and sometimes a
servant or two are employed to help in doing the rougher parts
of the work. The servant is paid 8s. to 14s. (Rs. 4-7) a month
according to the nature and quality of his work. The average monthly
income of a comb-maker varies from £1 to £1 10s. (Rs. 10-15).
As ivory is very costly ranging from about 8s. to about lis.
the pound (Rs. 150-200 the 38 lbs. man) the money required for
buying it has to be borrowed. The usual rate of interest paid is
one per cent a month. The advances are generally made by a
moneylender named Jipa Marwdri in whose hands the whole
industry practically is. In addition to interest, he charges IJ to 1^
per cent as commission on the ivory he brings from Bombay. The
workmen have to sell the articles they make on their own account
and to pay the standing balance inolding interest and commission
to the Mdrwdri moneylender. What they are _ able to keep back
is just sufficient to maintain themselves and their families. All are
indebted to the Marwdri. The appliances of a comb-maker are
B 1327—26
Chapter VT
Crafts-
Combs.
[Bombay Qazdtteer,
202
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI-
Ctafts.
Combs.
Clay Fiodres.
similar to those of an ordinary carpenter only a little finer. Each
shop requires five to six saws of different sizes worth 9d. to Is.
(6-8 as.) ; half a dozen files worth 6d. to 7^d. (4-5 as.) ; four or five
borers worth ^d. (2 as.) each ; half a dozen vices each worth 10s.
to £1 ]0s. (Rs. 6-15); a vdkas or adze worth 2s. (Re. 1); a
khatdvne worth l^d. (1 a.) ; and a compass worth dd. (4 as.).
When the ivory is brought from the Mdrwari's shop, after he
has weighed it and entered the price in his account book, it ia
steeped in water for two or three days. It is then cut into pieces
of the required size and sawn through, keeping it vertical by holding
it in the vice. It is then filed, rubbed and polished. Sometimes the
ends and sides are decorated with carvings and the plain surface is
broken by tracing on it a few curved and straight lines. Combs for
the use of women are rectangular and have a double set of teeth, while
men's combs are crescent-shaped and have only one set of teeth.
The small pieces of ivory left over in cutting out pieces for combs
are used in making dice. The price of a comb ranges from 6d. to
2s. (Rs. J - 2) according to the size thickness and workmanship of
each. The combs and dice are sold in the workshops by the
workers on their own account. Their only customers are high class
Hindus. Other classes use either wood combs or foreign horn
combs.
Among European residents and travellers a favourite product of
Poona are clay figures six to eighteen inches high, with in their
appearance colour and dress, all that is characteristic of the
different castes and classes of Western India. These figures are
known as Poena figures and are made nowhere but in Poena. At
present (1884) there are only eight figure-makers in Poona city.
The most famous makers of Poona figures have been Bapa Supekar
a Jingar and Kdlurdm Gavandi a bricklayer. These two men were
contemporaries and lived about forty years ago. The present
workers belong to the Goldsmith, Jingar, and Mardtha castes.
They speak Marathi, and generally live on vegetable food, but they
eat flesh on holidays and special feast days. The goldsmiths
dress like Brd,hmans, in a rounded turban, jacket, long coat,
waistcloth, and shoulder-scarf ; the rest dress like Kunbis with a
three-cornered turban, long coat, and waist and shoulderoloth.
Besides the eight workers who make the highly finished Poona
figures, twenty to twenty-five Jingars, and about two hundred
Kumbhd,rs make rough baked clay figures' costing about ^d.
(3 as.) the dozen. The Jingars and Kumbhdrs mould or shape
these rough figures a little before the Oanpati holidays in
August and the Divdli holidays in October -November, when,
especially at Divdli, they are in great demand. ShAlivdhan, the
legendary founder of the ShaJc era, whose initial date is a.d.78, is said
to have led an army of clay figures from the Deccan north across
the Narbada and defeated Vikramdditya the chief of Mdlwa. In
honour of this triumph for the Deccan during Divdli the children
oi lower class Hindus build small clay castles in front of their
houses, and round them arrange an army of clay figures footmen
horsemen and gunners. It is the opinion of many well informed
people in Poona that this practice was introduced by Shiv^ji
Beccanl
POONA. 203
(1 627- 16S0) with the object of fostering a warlike spirit among Chapter VI.
Mardtha children. Crafts
The Poona figure-makers are perhaps the only workers in Poona n^^j^^ Fiourbs
who show artistic skill. The materials used by the Poona figure-
workers are ; White clay or shddu generally bought from Mhd,r8 at
Sd. a head-load (8 for Ee. 1) ; Bombay khadu, a chalky clay which
is bought from Poona Bohoras at sixteen pounds the shilling ; torn
country paper called jwiiarikdgad costing about 2^d. a pound
(10 lbs. the rupee) ; finely ginned cotton worth a shilling the pound ;
orpiment or hartal, the yellow sulphide of arsenic worth a shilling the
pound; ochre ovson geru,, kdv, worth l^d {1 a.) the pound; cinnabar
or hingul red iodide of mercury worth two shillings the pound j
verdigris or jangdl green arseniate of copper worth its own weight
in copper coin ; white zinc or sapheda oxide of zinc worth a shilling
the pound ; indigo or nil worth its own weight in copper coin ;
English carmine worth its own weight in silver ; lamp black
collected at home; gomutra pevdi a yellow pigment obtained by
steeping the powdered flowers of the Butea frondosa palas in
cow's urine, worth its own weight in silver ; glue or siras,
worth 6d. the pound ; isinglass worth a shilling a packet bought
from European shops ; lac bought from Bohoras at 9d. to Is.
(6-8 as.) the pound; copal varnish worth 3s. to 4s. the pound;
blue vitriol, sulphate of copper, and rice flour. These materials
are so cheap, and in most cases are required in such small quantities
that, unless one customer wants a large number of figures, when
some advance is required, even the poorest workers buy them on
their own account. A figure-maker's tools and appliances are -
few and simple. There are five scoopers or gouges, namely
korane which is flat and slanting at the end, nakhurde nail-shaped,
korni spear-head shaped, kesdche korne flat and ridged on one sid«
making hair-like lines in the clay, and dolydche korne grooved
on one side. Besides the gouges, they require a pair of pincers
or chimtds worth a shilling ; a drill or sdmta worth 6d. (4 as.) ;
half a dozen files or kdnas worth together 2s. (Re. 1) ; and a pair of
scissors worth a shilling. The brushes are made of the tails of the
Indian squirrel which cost about |d. {\a.) the piece and are bought
from the wandering druggists called Vaidus or Baidus. The
shddu or white clay, the khadu or chalky clay, and the torn paper
are separately steeped in cold water for one day, apparently passed
through a sieve though this the workmen deny, and pounded together
with the ginned cotton-. The proportion of each of these articles is "
not uniform, each workman using his own discretion on each occasion.
When the clay is so thoroughly mixed as to lose all grit or grain it is
ready for use. The workman shapes the head putting in a small
peg to prop the neck. The arms are next shaped and propped on
pegs at the shoulder joints. The trunk and legs are last shaped
■with two pegs passing through the soles if the figure is standing
and one peg passing below the end of the backbone if the figure is
sitting. These separate pieces are joined and the figure is left to
dry two to six days in the sun. WTi'en dry the clay is painted a
flesh colour and the eyebrows and moustache, and, if the figure is a
Hindu, the brow marks are painted. The colours are made by
[Bombay Qazetteor,
204
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Clay Figures.
Paper.
washing the mineral pigments several times over and mixing them
thoroughly with gfAee-paste for a dark and with isinglass for a
light-tint. "When the paint dries the workman dresses the figure by
gluing on pieces of different fabrics. Finally the figure is fixed
into a stand brought from the local turner either with the help of
the peg passing below the feet, or, if sitting, by the peg which
passes below the back. Of the Poona figures, which include
almost all castes and classes, perhaps the most interesting and
characteristic are : A fully equipped elephant with a native prince
and his attendants in the car or hauda ; groups showing how Hindus
cook and dine ; a scene at a public well ; a dancing party ; a Hindu
spinner, weaver, and goldsmith at work ; a European gentleman
carried in a palanquin; a Koli, or other highwayman waylaying
and extorting money from a Marwd,ri trader; a tiger-shooting scene ;
a prince or princess attacked by a tiger ; a native fruitseller's shop ;
a native woman carrying water ; a milkmaid ; a Garodi or juggler with
tame monkeys, snakes, goat, and mongooses ; a Darweshi with a tame
bear ; a Gosavi or Hindu ascetic ; a Fakir or Musalman beggar ; a
BrAhman woman worshipping the sacred tulsi plant Ocymum
sanctum; an astrologer telling fortunes; a Vaidu or wandering quack;
a Pdrsi man and woman ; a waterman with his bullock ; a camel
driver ; a messenger ; and the cholera ovjarimari worshipper. The
prices of these figures range from 18s. (Rs. 9) a dozen to 10s. (Rs. 5)
each according to size and make. Among the figures required for the
tdbut or Muharram bier festival the most common are a dancing girl ;
a Mardtha horseman ; a chief on an elephant ; a pair of Brdhman
Mard.tha oflScers on horseback ; a pair of gymnasts ; a prince on an
elephant attacked by a tiger ; a Mardtha officer on horseback helping
a damsel to mount his horse ; and a prince on foot struggling with
a tiger. The figures required for the Muharram biers are the largest
made in Poona ranging from two to three feet high and costing £2 to
£50 (Rs. 20-600). The figures intended for sale among European and
Pdrsi customers ordinarily range from six inches to eighteen inches
in height and from Is. (8 as^ to £1 (Rs. 10) in price. The average
monthly income of the Poona figure-makers is said to vary from £2
to £2 10s. (Rs. 20-25). The figures are either made to order or are
sold at the workmen's house. The larger figures required for Muharram
biers are bought by Hindus. The demand for Muharram figures is
not great as one figure lasts for years. The chief demand is from
Europeans and from the PArsi owners of Bombay curiosity shops.
Paper-making is said to have been brought to Poona from Junnar
four or five generations ago. The leader of the movement is
remembered as Allibhdi, a Musalmdn, as are all the workers in Poona.
At present (1883) Kfigdipura or the papermen's quarter a part of
the Kasba ward has seven work-places or paper factories. According
to the paper- workers the site on which they built their houses and
factories was given free of charge by the Peshwa to encourage the
craft. Of forty factories only eight remain, seven in Poona and
one at Bhdmburda just across the Mutha from Kagdipura. The paper-
makers know Marathi but speak Hindustani at home. They can
afford to eat flesh only on holidays, and drink liquor but not to excess.
Deccan]
POONA. 205
They live in one-sfcoreyed houses of their own. The men dress like Chapter VI.
Kunbis in a three-cornered turban, a long coat, a scarf round the Crafts,
loins, and one round the shoulders. Their women wear a robe and
bodice like Kunbi women. Their paper is strong and lasting but Paper.
has no special peculiarity or excellence. They earn barely enough
to live on and are constantly borrowing. They work from seven
to twelve and from one to sunset. They stop work on Fridays,
Bakar-Ids, five days of Muharram, one of bhabebardt, and three days
on the death of a member of the community. Their women and their
children over eight help in sorting waste paper. Unlike the practice
at Nasik and Junnar where rags are used, at Poona paper is made
'solely from waste paper bought from Government oflBces at £1 to £2
a palla of 240 lbs. As the waste paper is generally bought at
auction sales its price varies considerably. The £2 to £5 (Rs. 20-50)
required for buying the raw material has to be borrowed from
Marwdri moneylenders at two or three per cent a month. The Poona
paper-makers have stopped using ropes and gunnybags as they require
more time and labour to pound and bleach. Six chieftools and appliances
are used : The dhegi or great hammer, a long heavy beam poised
on a central fulcrum worked in a long pit two or three feet deep.
The head of the hammer is a heavy block of wood fixed at right
angles to one end of the main beam, with its face strengthened by
four thick polished steel plates. On the upper surface of the other
end of the main beam two or three steps are cut, and the hammer
is worked by three or four men together forcing down the beam and
letting it rise by alternately stepping on the beam and on the edge
of the hole. The cost of the dhegi including the cost of the paved
pit or hole in which it is worked, is calculated at £5 to £6
(Rs. 50-60). Though every one of the Poona paper factories has a
dhegi, they have not been in use for ten or twelve years as waste
paper does not require heavy hammering. A rectangular teakwood
frame or sdcha two and a half feet' by two, with eight cross bars ;
it costs 6s. (Rs. 3) and is used in fishing out films of paper from the
cistern. A screen or chhapri made of the stalks of the white conical
headed amaranth Amaranthus globulus, on which the film of
paper rests, when the frame is brought out of the cistern and the
water allowed to pass through it, costs 2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2). A soft
date palm brush or kuncha, costing l^d. to Bd. (1 -2 as.), is used in
spreading the sheets against the cemented walls of the room. This
brush is not always required as the paper is generally spread in the
sun on old scarves or rags. The polishing stones a piece of agate
worth 2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2). Large shells Cyprcea tigris, which are
in use instead of polishing stones, cost Is. to Is. 6d. (8-12 as.) a
dozen; smooth teakwood boards each about two feet by three,
costing 2s. to 2s. 6d (Rs. 1-li), are required to lay the paper on
while it is being rubbed .with the polishing stone or shell. The
process of making paper from waste paper is not so elaborate as
the process of making it from sacking. In Poona the paper is torn
to pieces, sorted according to colour, moistened with water, and
taken to the river and pounded with stones and washed for three
•days. It is then taken to the cistern. A paper-maker's cistern is
a cement-lined tank about seven feet by four and four deep half
[Bombay Gazetteer.
206 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI- q\Iq^ ^jtlj water. The paper pulp is thrown iuto this cistern.
Crafts. When it is thoroughly dissolved the workman sitting at the side of
Paper, *^^ pi*'j leaning over the water, takes in both hands the square frame
which holds the screen which serves as a sieve, passes it under the
water and draws it slowly and evenly to the surface, working it so that
. as the water passes through, a uniform film of pulp is left on the
screen. The screen is then lifted up and turned over, and the film
of paper is spread on a rag cushion. When layers have been
heaped on this cushion nine to fourteen inches high a rag is
spread over them, and on the rag is laid a plank weighted with
heavy stones. When this pressure has drained the paper of some of
its moisture the stones are taken away, and two men one standing
at each end of the plank, seesaw over the bundle of paper. When
it is well pressed the paper is peeled off, layer after layer, and spread
to dry either on the cemented walls of the building or on rags
laid in the sun. When dry each sheet is laid on the polished
wooden board and rubbed with a shell till it shines. The paper
made by this process though rough and of a dingy yellow is strong
and lasting. The makers sell it to Marwari Vani, Bohora, and Gujardt
Vani dealers. The price for each gaddi of 240 sheets ranges from
8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). The cheaper varieties are generally bought
by Government oflScialsfor envelopes, and the better kinds command
a sale among native merchants who use them for account books for
which their toughness and durability make them specially suitable.
The retail price varies from 8s. to £2 (Rs. 4-20) the ream of ten
quires. The paper-makers almost never employ outside labour. The
men and women of the family work together, the men doing the
heavier and the women the lighter parts of the work. ^ From the much
greater cheapness of machine-made imported paper the demand for
the local paper is small and declining. The makers are badly off,
barely earning a living. They have no trade guild.
Iron Pots. Poena city has twenty-seven iron pot factories, four of which belong
to Telis or oilmen, three to Bohoras, ten to Kunbis, and ten to Mdlis.
The industry employs 150 to 200 workmen Brdhmans, Kunbis and
Musalmdns. All the iron pot factories in Poena city are in the Aditvar
ward. The whole of the iron used is brought in sheets through
Bombay from Europe. When at work iron pot makers wear nothing
but a waistcloth tied round the hips. On holidays the Brdhmans wear
their own dress, and the rest the three-cornered turban, a long coat,
and all the Musalmans a waist and shoulder cloth. They speak
Marathi, and live in one-storeyed hired quarters. Their every-day
food is bdjri or millet cakes and ddl or pulse with af ew ground chillies
and some simple vegetables. Except the Brdhmans both Hindus
and Musalmdna occasionally eat flesh and drink liquor though not
to excess. The workers make little more than a living most of the
profits going to the dealers. They work even on no-moon days.
Their only holidays are Kar that is the day following Mahdsankrant
in January, five days during Shimga in March-April, Ganpati's
Day in August, and the day after all eclipses. Their busy season
begins in Bhddrapad or July -August and lasts till Ghaitra or
March-April. The women and children do not help the men in
their work. They work from sunrise to sunset with half an hour's
Deccau }
POONA.
207
rest at midday. The iron sheets are bought in Bombay near the
Camao Bridge at lis. (Rs. 5 J) the cwt. to which carriage to Poona
adds Is. 6cl. the cwt. The dealers buy the iron sheets with their
own capital. The iron pot maker uses nine appliances. Twenty to
twenty-five chisels or chhani each worth 1 ^d. (1 a.) ; twelve to
fifteen hammers of different sizes each worth Qd. (4 as.) ; half a
dozen pincers or sdndsis each worth 3cJ. (2 as.) ; two or three
heavy iron cylinders each worth 4s. to 5s. (Rs. 2-2^); half a dozen
compasses each worth 6d. (4 as.); six to eight large English anvils
each worth £1 to £1 10s. (Rs. 10-15) ; half a dozen thick rounded
anvils about six inches across fixed in bdbhul blocks and half
buried in the earth each worth 6s. to 8s. (Rs. 3 - 4) ; about a dozen
thick pointed nails for punching holes together worth 4^d. (3 as.);
half a dozen yearly renewed files at Is. 6d. (12 as.) each. In making
the iron vessels the iron sheet is laid on the floor and the shape
required for the pot is traced with compasses on the sheet and
cut out with a chisel. The piece of iron thus separated is then
hammered on a solid iron anvil or bdngdi, and roughly shaped into a
hemisphere. • It is next hammered on the large and small anvils,
till the shaping is completed. The pieces forming parts of a pot are
then nailed together and the joint filled up with putty. Its brim
is filed, and the handles, made of iron rods flattened at the ends
are rivetted on. The articles made are : The tava a griddle for
baking native dainties ; the jpdtele a cylindrical pot with a slightly
rounded bottom varying from a foot to three feet across and two
to three feet deep ; a nagdra or large drum pot ; tanks or hauds
for storing water and grain ; a pohora or cylindrical water-drawing
pot nine inches to a foot across and seven to fourteen inches high ;
a sieve or chdlan used by grain parohers or hhadbunjds ; a kadhai or
frj'ing pan, a hemispherical pot one foot to six feet across and two
inches to two feet deep with two opposite handles ; the Jcdil or large
flat-bottomed sugar-boiling pan. Of these articles the pdtele or
round pot, the nagdra or drum, the tank or haud, and the frying
pan or kadhai used to be made of copper, but among the poor iron is
taking the place of copper. The tava or griddle is used by all classes
especially by the poor for cooking their millet cakes. The demand
for iron ware is steadily on the increase. The yearly import of
iron sheets into Poona ranges from 14,440 cwt. to 24,908 cwt.
Tape is woven in Poona city by one hundred to one
hundred and fifty Ravals, who have come from Mohol and
ShoMpur. They are not permanently settled in Poona and visit
their homes every year generally during the rains. In Poona they
live in a part of the Ganj ward which is known as the Rdval quarter.
They look like Ling^yats and worship Shiv but do not wear the
ling. Their home tongue is Marathi. At Poona they live in
hired one-storeyed quarters, eat no flesh, but drink liquor. The
men dress in a rumdl or headscarf, a short coat reaching to the
waist, and a scarf round the middle. Tape weaving requires little
skill. Most of the weavers are in debt to the tape dealers, and
they keep hardly any holidays. They use machine-made yarn for
the woof and hand-spun yarn for the warp. Tape is almost the only
article in "which hand-spun yarn is still used. The machine-mado
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Iron Pots.
Tapb Wbavino,
Tapb Weaving.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
208 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VI. yarn whicli is almost always twenties, is brought from Bombay by
Crafts- *^® **P® dealers. It is sold or rather given to the weavers on
credit at 10s. to 12s. (Rs. 5-6) the pound. The coarse hand-
spun yarn comes from ShoMpur into which it is brought from
the Nizdm's country. It is sold at Poena at 7^d. (5 as.) the pound.
The tape weaver's appliances are simple. A bamboo cage or phdlka,
or large reel, worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a vasdn or small reel worth 3d.
(2 as.) ; a spindle or phiraki of nominal value ; a bamboo shuttle or
kdnde; and a flat wedge-shaped piece of wood with which the
woof is driven home, worth Bd. (2 as.) The tape loom is of
primitive make. Between two uprights, from a foot to" one foot and
nine inches high, are placed two horizontal bars one joining the tops
and the other the centres of the uprights. To the central horizontal
bar are tied a row of loops, each loop two inches long. In arrang-
ing the warp, one thread is passed through a loop and the other
over the upper horizontal bar, at a spot just above the space between
two loops. The weaver sits in front of the uprights, and holding in
his right hand a bundle of woof yarn, passes it across through the
warp into his left hand and forces the woof home by a blow from
the flat wedge-shaped hdtya. As he weaves, he slackens the warp
which he keeps tied to a peg or beam on the other side of the
upright frame. The broadest and thickest tape woven, called.
padam, is six to nine inches broad and twelve feet long. It is sold
at 9d. to \0^d. (6-7 as.) the piece. It is white with black and red
bands. A smaller variety called kdcha, two to six inches broad
and seven to fifteen feet long, varies in price from 1 ^d. to Is. (1-8 as.).
The narrow tape which is less than half an inch broad, is woven
by poor Musalmdn women. It is believed that at present (1882)
in Poena city as many as 150 Musalmdn women weave narrow tape
in their leisure hours earning a shilling or two a month.
Felt. Pelt or humus is made at Poena by Pinjd,ris who are settled
near the Nainsuk police station and near the temple of Someshvar.
Bight or ten shops or rather families are (1883) engaged in making
felt. They came to Poena three or four generatipns ago from
Chakan, Khed, and Manchar in Junnar. They have been working
in felt for generations and say they do not believe their forefathers
ever did any other work. They speak Hindustani at home and
Mardthi ont of doors. They live in one-storeyed hired houses and
eat flesh though they generally live on a vegetable diet. The men
wear a three-cornered turban, a short coat reaching the waist,
and a scarf for the loins. They are poor. Their working hours
are from seven to eleven and from one to sunset. They stop
work on Fridays, Bakar-Id, and two days in Eamzdn. The wool is
brought from the shepherds or Dhangars of the villages near Poona in
Ashddh or June- July and Shrdvan or July -August. Goat's hair costs
I'id. to 2^3. the pound(l0-14 lbs. the rupee) and sheep wool 3d. to 4A
the pound (6-8 lbs. the rupee). The tamarind seeds required for sizing
are bought in Poona at l^d. to 2id. (1-1^ a. a s/ier of two lbs.).
They generally borrow what jnoney is wanted at twelve to twenty-
four per cent a year. They work the raw material on their own
account and pay their creators out of the proceeds of the felt.
The demand for felt is said to be on the decline on account of the
Deccan.]
POONA.
209
importation of cheap European blankets. The only instrument
they require is the teaser which consists of three parts, the bow or
Jcamdn which is hung from the ceiling, the harp-shaped teaser or
dasta, and the dumbbell-shaped striker or muth with which the
worker strikes the thong or leather string. The whole teaser costs
8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). Besides the dumbbell striker the worker has a
stick about two yards long. The wool is first disentangled by the
women of the house and teased on the dasta by the men. Men or
women then spread it on planks or mats and the tamarind seed paste is
spread over it. Another layer of wool is spread on th^ paste and
a layer of paste on the wool till it is half an inch to an inch thick.
It is lastly laid in the sun and dried. It is sold in the workmen's
houses at 6d. to 4s. (Rs. -J -2) the piece, the price depending on the
size of the article. The whole yearly outturn is not worth more
than £200 (Rs. 2000).
Six Kataris or hereditary Wood-Turners, ten Kunbis, and
one Brahman earn their living at Poena by turning wood.
They live in Aditvdr ward near Subhansha's mosque and the
Gujri market. They speak Mardthi, live in one-storeyed hired
quarters, and except the Brdhman who lives solely on vegetable food,
they occasionally eat flesh. The Brdhman wears a rounded turban,
a long coat reaching to the knees, a jacket, a waistcloth, and a
shouldercloth. The Kd,taris and Kunbis wear a three-cornered
turban, a long coat, and waist and shouldercloths. They work from
seven to eleven in the morning and from one to sunset. They rest
on all no-moon days, on the day after the chief or winter SanJcrdnt in
January; for two days of Shim gain March -April, and for two days
after an echpse. The women and children do not help the men.
Their average monthly earnings range from 10s. to £1 (Rs. 5-10).
The only kinds of wood they use are the kiida Wrightia tinctoria,
and the varas Heterophragma roxburghii, which they buy from
Mhar women who bring it from the forest lands near Poena. A
head-load of sticks one to two inches in diameter costs them 2s. to
3s. (Rs. 1-1^). A wood-turner has two tools, the lathe and the
chisel. The lathe or thadge, consists of two upright blocks of wood
about two feet long six inches broad and six inches high, and two
feet apart with a short iron peg or spike on the inner face of each.
Of the two blocks of wood one is kept in its place by a heavy stone,
the other is movable. The piece of wood to be turned is drilled at
each end, the movable part of the lathe, always the left block, is
taken away, the wood to be turned is slipped over the two iron
spikes and the movable part of the lathe is put back in its place.
The workman sits on a board opposite the lathe, and, with his left
foot, keeps the movable block in its place. He takes his bow or
Jcamdn, a bamboo about tiree feet long with a loose string, and
passing a loop of the string round the right end of the wood to be
turned, tightens his bow, and, by moving it sharply at right angles
to the lathe, makes the wood spin quickly on the two iron spikes.
As it turns, the wood is worked into shape by the double-pointed
chisel or vdkas held in the left hand. When the wood has been
shaped and smoothed, a piece of sealing wax is held close to it, and,
by the friction, melted and spread over its surface. The fing,!
B 1.327—27
Chapter VI.
Crafts.
Felt.
Wood-Turning.
WOOD-TCRNING,
[Bombay Gazetteer.
210 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VL polish is given by rubbing it with, a leaf of the kevda Pandanus
Crafts. "odoratissimns. The chief articles turned are : The Idtne or rolling
pin used in kneading wheat bread, a plain wooden bar one to two
feet long and two or three inches round ; it costs fd. (| a.) and is
not lacquered. The gudgudi or huTtka the hubble-bubble. This is
of three parts, the bowl, the handle, and the pipe. The bowl is
made of a cocoanut shell with a hole at the top, polished and
smoothed on the lathe. The handle which is eight to twelve inches
long and three to four inches round, is hollowed, and the outside
carved and covered- with lac. The pipe is a hollow round stick,
nine to twelve inches long and one inch round, smoothed and
lacquered. A hubble-bubble costs 4|c?. to 9c?. (3-6 res.). Clothes-
pegs or khuntis, four to six inches long and two to three round,
cost 2s. (Re. 1) a score or kodi. Children's rattles or khtilkhvlds
a lacquered stick two to four inches long and half an inch round,
with, at each end, a hollow lacquered ball three to five inches
round with a few pieces of stone inside, cost 1 ^d. (1 a.) ; kathadds
or balusters upright sticks six inches to three feet long, and half
an inch to six inches round, lacquered, and varying in price from,
l^d. to 6d. (1 -4< as.) a stick. Rulers or dkhanis, one to two feet long
and one to two inches round, are not coloured and cost 1 ^d. to 4ici.
(1-3 as.) . Walking sticks or kdthis are generally supplied rough
by the customer and turned for Bd. to Gd. (2-4 as.). All of these
articles are sold in the turner's shops. They have no special merit
and are not in much demand. The women do not help the men.
Deccan]
B.C.100-A.D.129
CHAPTER VII.
H ISTORY.
In preliistoric times, like the rest of the Deccan, Poona is said Chapter YII-
to have formed part of the Dandakaranya or Dandaka forest, History,
which the Ramd,yan represents as infested by Eakshasas or wild vj^^y Histokt
men who disturbed the religious rites of Brdhman sages. A high
and ancient holiness attaches to Bhimdshankar the source of the
Bhima, forty-five miles north-west of Poona, the Shivling of whose
temple is one of the twelve great lings of India.^
From very early times trade routes must have crossed the Poona
district down the Sahyd,dri passes to the Konkan seaports of Sopara
Kalydn and Cheul, Rock-cut temples, rest-chambers, and inscriptions
show that as far back as the first centuries before and after Christ
trade went to and from the coast by the Ndna and the Bor passes.
The richness of the rock-cut temples both above the pass at Bedsa
Bhaja and K^rli, and below the pass at Kondane and Ambivli make
it probable that in the first centurj.es after Christ a great traflBc moved
along the Bor pass route. The early history of the district centres
in Junnar, on the Nd,na pass route, fifty miles north of Poona, a city
strongly placed, in a rich country, with a good climate, and facilities
for trade. Two considerable groups of caves one near Kdlamb about
twelve miles south of Junnar, the other round Talegaon about thirty
miles south-west of Kdlamb, now on the main line of trafiic from
Junnar to the railway, apparently mark the old trade route from
Junnar to the Bor pass. Of the founders of Junnar nothing is known.
Even its early name has perished, if, as is generally supposed, the
present name Junnar means Old City.^ The town is probs/bly as old as
the large inscription on the walls of the rock-cut chamber at the head
' Indian Antiquary, U. 1 5 and note 1 . The eleven other great litigs axe : Amaresh var
near Ujjain ; Gautameshvar unknown ; Keddreshyar in the Himalayas ; MahAkil
iu Ujjain ; MallikArjun on the Shrishail hill in Telingana ; Omkdr in the Narbada ;
K^meahvar on RAraeahvar island near Cape Comoriu ; Someahvar in Somnith-Pdtan
in K&thiiyrii ; Trimbakeshvar at Trimbak in N4sik ; Vaidyandth at Deygad in the
Sdnthal district of Bengal ; and Vishveshvar at Benares.
' Pandit BhagvAnldl gives Junnar its old name by identifying it with the Xagara
of Ptolemy (a. D. 150) and of the Periplus (a.d. 247). The arguments in support of
the identification are the antiquity of Junnar as proved! by its numeroua caves and
inscriptions, its position at the head of a highway of commerce, and its comparative
nearness to SheUrvAdi which Professor Bhdnddrkar finds to be the only name
connected with the Konkan SilAh^ras, who call Tagara their original city (Bombay
Gazetteer, XIII. 423 ; Professor Bhdnddrkar's Deooan Earfy History) ; and stUl more
the position of the city between the three hills or trigiri of LenAdri, Mi,nmoda, and
Shivner, from which it might have been called Trigiri corrupted into Tagara. The
chief argument against this identification is that the position of Junnar, 100 railea
west of Paithan, does not agree with Ptolemy or with the author of the Periplua
both of whom place Tagara ten days, east of Paithan, A minor objection is that a
seveutli ceatuiy copperplate reeor&ng a grant to an inhabitant of Tagara has been
found in the Nizdm s Hatdarabad which agrees with the position of Ptolemy's and the
Periplus' Tagara (compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII, 423).
[Bombay Gazetteer,
212
DISTRICTS.
ChaptMVII.
History.
Early History.
B.C.100-A.D.1290.
of the Nd,na pass which, was engraved by a Deccan king one of
whose capitals was probably at Junnar and whose date probably
lies between b.c. 90 and a.d. 30. Next to Ashok's (b.c. 250) edicts
at Girnar in Kdthiawdr and Sopara near Bassein in Thdna, the
Nana pass inscription is the oldest writing in Western India. It
is believed to be the earliest historical record in the Deccan, and
has the special interest of being the oldest known Brdhmanical
inscription in the whole of India. In the beginning salutations
are offered to Vedic and Puranik gods, to Dharma and to Indra, to
Chandra the moon, Surya the sun, Agni fire, and Marut wind, to
the four region-guardians or lolcapdls who preside over the four
quarters of the universe, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and V^sava,
and to Sankarshana Krishna's brother and Vdsudeva or Krishna.
It mentions a pious king of Dakshinapatha or the Deccan, a
staunch supporter of the Vedic religion and strictly Brahmanical
in his beliefs. It gives a long account of Vedic sacrifices from
the first ceremony of fire-placing or agnyddhdn to the great horse
or ashvamedha and other sacrifices. Mention is made of giftg of
villages, elephants, horses, chariots, and of thousands and ten
thousands of cows and hdrshdpan coins. This inscription has the
high value of showing that about B.C. 90 Buddhism had not
yet triumphed over Brahmanism, and that the sacrifices of the
Vedic age were still in use. The inscription was engraved by king
Vedishri, who, as king of Dakshindpatha, probably improved the
Nana pass, cat the rest-chamber for the use of travellers, and, in this
large inscription, recorded the, power and the piety of his family.
Vedishri belonged to the great Andhrabritya or Shatakarni dynasty.*
Several inscriptions, over what once were statues in the Nana pass
chamber, are supposed to give Vedishri's pedigree mentioning
Simuka Shd,tavd,hana his grandfather,^ Shri Shatakarni and queen
Ndyanika his parents, and his two sons Prince Hakushri and Prince
Shatav^hana. Later in date than the great Nd,na pass inscriptionare
the Buddhist caves, about 150 in three groups at Junnar, ten at Kdrle,
twelve at Bhd.ja, two at Bedsa, and twenty at and near SheUrwidi
probably all of about the first and second centuries after Christ.'
These rock temples contain seventy-five inscriptions also of the first
and second centuries after Christ. The K£rle and Junnar inscriptions
give the names of kings Pulumdvi and Nahap^na, an inscription over
1 The ShAtakariiis, who are better known by their Viirduik name of Andhrabhntyas,
were a powerful Deccan dynasty which is supposed to have flourished in the two
centuries before and the three centuries after the Christian era. Their ormnal seat
was Andhra or Telangan and their capital Dharnikot at the mouth of the Knslma.
At the height of their power (A.r. 10-140 ?) they appear to have held the whole breadth
of the Deccan from SopAra in Thdna to Dharnikot near the mouth of the Krishna.
Their inscriptions and coins have been found at Kanheri and Sopira in the Konkan,
at Junnar, Karhdd, Kolh^pur, andNAsik in the Deccan, at BanavAsiin North Kinara,
at the AmrAvati tope in the Kistna district, and ™ other parts of the Madm
Presidency. Details are giveniu Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 409;XVI. 181-183, bMbAi-
" According to the Purtoik lists Simuka, Sindhuka, or Sipraka was the founder ot
the Audhrabhritya dynasty. Sewell's Dynasties of Southern India, 5. _ _
' The Ganesh Khind and Bhimbhurda caves near Poon^ have no inscriptions. IM
BhJlmbhurda rock temple appears to be a Brihmanical work of about the eighth
century. The Ganesh Khind oaves are plain cells whose age cannot be fixed. Ibe
KAlamb caves which are mentioned by Mr. Elphinstoue in 1815 (Colebrookes
Elphinstone, I, 283) have not yet (May 1884) been examined.
Deccau]
POONA. 213
one of tlie Nd,naghat cisterns gives the name of Chatarpana Shatakarni Chapter VII.
son of Vasishthi, and a Bedsa inscription mentions a Mahd,bhoja's History.
daughter and a Mahd,rathi's wife.' Among placeSj a Bedsa inscription
mentions" Ndsik, two Junnar inscriptions mention Broach and Kalydn, ^^^^ '^Toori
and the Kdrle inscriptions mention Abulama perhaps OboUah at the b.c.ioO- a.d.
head of the Persian gulf/ Dhenukakat or Dharnikot at the mouth
of the Krishna, Sopara in Thana, and Vaijayanti or Banav^si in
North Kdnara. Among donors the Junnar inscriptions mention
three Yavans, a Shak, a Brahman minister, a goldsmith, and guilds
of bamboo makers, coppersmiths, and corn dealers ; the Karle
inscriptions mention a goldsmith, carpenters, two Yavans, and two
Persians or P^rthians.* The workmanship of many of the caves,
especially of the chapel in the Ganesh Lena group at Junnar the
magnificent cathedral at Kdrle and the temple cave at Bedsa,* have
the special interest of showing in the animal capitals of their
pillars a strong foreign, probably Pdrthian, element. Of the
Mahabhoja mentioned in the Bedsa caves nothing is known except
that inscriptions in the Kuda caves in KoMba show that about the
same time a dynasty of Bhojas was ruling in the Konkan.^ The
Pulumavi mentioned in the Junnar and Kdrle inscriptions seems to
be the Palumavi Vdsishthiputra of the Ndsik inscriptions whose
date lies between a.d. 1Q andA.D. 150;^ Chatarpana is known to be
the father of a later Andhrabhritya king Yajnashri Shatakarni
one of whose silver coins has been found in Sopdra ; ' and Nahap^na,
whose name occurs in an inscription of his minister at Junnar and
of his son-in-law Ushavddt at Kdrle,* is supposed to be a Pdrthian
or Shak viceroy whose date probably lies between B.C. 40 and a.d.
120.9 jjj Professor Bhanddrkar's opinion Nahapdn's minister's and
other inscriptions at Junnar favour the view that Junnar was
Nahapdn's capital.'" For the 900 years ending early in the fourteenth
' One of the N4na pass statue inscriptions (b. c. 90) also mentions a Malid-
raikdgraniha, which may mean either a leader of large chariot fighters or, as is more
prohable, a leader of Mardthds. In the latter, sense Mardth^ would seem to mean
Great Eattas, or Reddis, afterwards (760 - 973) the Ratta and KAshtraknta kingsK of
the Deccau and KamAtak. See Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 31-38, 79-83. The
Bedsa inscription seems to show that the MahAbhojas married with the MahAratms.
Deecan Early History, 10. ' Compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 421 note 2.
' Bombay Archaeological Survey Report, IV. 89-114 ; Separate No. X. 22-55.
* See under Places, Bedsa.
° The Bhojas and MahAbhojas appear to be a very old Deecan dynasty, as along
with the Petenikas or rulers of Paithan on the north-east border of Ahmadnagar,
Bhojas appear among Deecan kings in the thirteenth of Ashok's rock edicts (b.c. 250),
Ind. Ant. X. 272.
" Deecan Early History, 20 ; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 623.
' Bombay Gazetteer, XIV. 288, 332.
* TJshavddt appears to have been the Gujardt and Konkan viceroy of NahapAna.
His Kdrle and Ndsik inscriptions mention gifts made at Somndth Pattan in Kithidwir
and at Broach, as well as at Sopdra in Thina and at Govardhan near NAsik. See
under Places, Kd.rle. » Deecan Early History, 27 ; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 620.
i» Deecan Early History, 22. If .Tunnar was the capital of NahapAna, the name
Junnar may be not the old city, which, where there is no new city, is unmeaning, but
the Yavans' city. In support of this suggestion it may be noticed that at the head
of Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) Nanaguna (which apparently is the Ntoa pass though Ptolemy
makes it a river), to the south of Ndsik and to the east of SopAra is a town called
Omenagara (Bertius' Ptolemy 174 and Asia Map X.), which, as the Yavans were
also called Mins (ArchsBologioal Survey of India Report, II. 45, 54) may be Minagara
or Yavanagara that is Junnar.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
214
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
Eably History.
B.c.lOO- a.d.129q_
century with the Musalmdn overthrow of the Devgiri Yddavs no
historical information regarding Poona is available. Not a single
stone or copperplate inscription has been found in- the Poona
district belonging to the three great dynasties of Ohalukyas (550-760),'
Eashtrakutas (760-973),2 and Devgiri Yddavs (1190-1295).8 Still, as
inscribed stones and copperplates havebeen found in the neighbouring
districts of Ahmadnagar Sholapur and SAtara, it is probable that
the Early and Western Ohalukyas held the Poona district from
about 550 to 760 ; the Rd,shtrakutas to 973 ; the Western Chd,lukyas
to 1184 J and the Devgiri Yddavs till the Musalman conquest of the
Deccan about 1300.*
Under the Devgiri Yadavs much of the country is said to have been
' The name ChAlukya ia derived by tradition from chulJca, chahiha, or chiduka, a
waterpot, from which their ancestor is said to have sprung. This appears to he a
late story, as, though chaluka or chuluka a waterpot may be the origin of the later
forma OhAlukya in the Deccan and Ohaulukya in Gnjardt, it cannot be the origin of
the early name vfhich is written Chalkya, Ohalikya, and Chalukya. They claim to
belong to the Som-vanah or lunar race and mention a succession of fifty-nine kings,
rulers of Ayodhya, and after them sixteen more who ruled over the region of the
south. The names of seven early Chalukya kings have been found who reigned from
about 550 to 610. In 610 the Chalukya dominions were divided into an eastern
kingdom whose head-quarters were Vengi in the delta of the Krishna and the Go-
ddvari, and a western kingdom whose head-quarters are believed to have been at
BAdAmi in BijApur. Of this western branch called the Western Ohalukyas the names
of six kings have been found who ruled from 610 to 760 about which time they were
overthrown by the R^htrakutas. Several attempts were made by the dynasty, to
regain its power but unsuccessfully until 973 when Taila II. destroyed the
EAshtrakutas, and, under the slightly changed name of (Western) Chdlukyas, up to
about 1190, thirteen of his successors ruled over tlie greater part of the Veccan and
the Kam4tak. Details are given in Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 17 -30, 39 - 56.
2 It is not certain whether the Rtohtrakutas were northerners or a family of Battaa
or Keddis the widespread tribe of Kd.uarese husbandmen who were formerly the
strongest fighting class in the Kamdtak and MaisUr. Mr. fleet seems to incline
to a northeru origin and to trace the name to Eishtrakuta or KAshtrapati, a title
meaning a district head who is subordinate to some overlord. But it seems not
improbable that the lUshtrakutas were Rattas or Reddis, and that the main branch
when they rose to supreme power Sanscritised their name, while the side branch of
Rattas who ruled as underlords at Saundatti and Belgaum and claimed a common
origin with the Rishtrakutas kept their original name. The names of about twenty
RAshtraku takings havebeen found, the seventh of whom Dantivarma II. overthrew
the Western Ohalukyas about 760. His fifteen successors were powerful sovereigns
who ruled till 973 when the last of their race, Kakka III., was defeated and slain by
the revived Western Ohalukyas, better known under the slightly changed name of
Western Chillukyas. Details are given in Fleet's Kinarese Dynasties, -31-38.
3 'The Devgiri YAdavs (1150-1310) were a dynasty of ten powerful kings who, before
the Musalmto conquest (1295) held almost the whole of the Deccan, the Konkan, and
the Bombay Karn4tak. Their capital was originally at a place called Tenevalege,
then at Vijaypur or Bijipur, and lastly at Devgiri the modem Daulatabad in the
NizAm's territories. Their greatest king was the ninth, Rdmchandra or Ktodev
(1271-1308), whose minister was Hemidri or HemMpant the reputed builder of the
widespread HemAdpanti temples of the Deccan.
* The only recorded traces of these early Hindu dynasties are the Shaiyite rook
temple at BhAmbhurda two miles west of Poona, and scattered Hemddpaati remains
varying from the tenth to the thirteenth century. The chief Hemddpanti remains
are the Kukdeshvar temple at Pur ten miles north-west of Junnar, ponds at Behle
twenty-one miles north-east of Junnar, and at Pibal twenty-five miles north-east of
Poona, transformed mosques at Poona, Junnar, and SAsvad, and the Ganga and
Jumna rock-cut reservoirs on the top of Shivner fort in Junnar. The broken Ganpati
at the foot of the dismantled rock-cut ladder in the middle of the east or Junnar
face of the Shivner scarp appears also to belong to the time of the Devgiri YAdavs,^
and to show that Shivner was used by them as a fort. According to Ferishta (Briggs
Edition, II. 436) Chikan as well as Shivner was an early Hindu fort. See under
Places, Junnar and Ch^kan.
Deccan.]
POONA.
215
divided among Maratha or Koli hill chiefs or jpdligars -^ except to
Nag Naik the Koli chief of Sinhgad no reference to any Poena local
chief has been traced.
The first Musalman invasion of the Deccan took place in 1 294,
but the power of the Devgiri YAdavs was not crushed till 1318.^
From 1318 Maharashtra began to be ruled by governors appointed
from Delhi and stationed at Devgiri. At first the conquest of the
country was imperfect. In 1340 the Delhi emperor Muhammad
Tughlik (1325-1351) who,inl338, had made Devgiri his capital and
changed its name to Daulatabad or the City of Wealth, marched
against the fort of Kondhdna the modern Sinhgad about ten miles
south of Poona. Nag Ndik, the Koli chieftain, opposed him with
great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within the walls of the
fort. As the only way to the hill top was by a narrow passage cut
in the rock, Muhammad, after fruitless attempts on the works,
blockaded the fort. At the end of eight months, as their stores
failed them, the garrison left the fort, and Muhammad returned to
Daulatabad. Three years later (1341) MusalmAn exactions caused
a general revolt in the Deccan, which, according to Ferishta, was so
successful that in 1344 Muhammad had no part of his Deccan terri-
tories left him except Daulatabad.* In 1346 there was widespread
disorder, and the Delhi officers plundered and wasted the country.*
These cruelties led to the revolt of the Deccan nobles under the able
leadership of an Afghan soldier of fortune, named Hasan Gangu. The
nobles were successful, and freed the Deccan from dependence on
Northern India. Hasan® founded a dynasty, which, in honour of his
patron a Brahman, he called Bahmani, and which held command
of the Deccan for nearly 150 years. The Bahmani capital was first
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSALM^NS,
1294-1760.
Delhi Qovemors,
1318 -mr.
1347-1490.
1 Grant Duff's Mardthds, 24,
' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 304. lu 1294 Rdmdev the ruling king of Devgad was
surprised in his capital by Ald-ud-din Khilji the nephew of the Delhi emperor
JaUl-nd-din Khilji, and forced to pay tribute. In 1297, Edmdev gave shelter to
Eii Karan the refugee king of Gujarat, and neglected to pay tribute for three years
(Ditto, I. 365). In 1306 Malik Kdfur Ald-ud-din's general reduced the greater part
of Mah^dshtra, distributed it among his officers, and confirmed E4mdev in his
allegiance (Ditto, I. 369), In 1310 Kimdev was succeeded by his son Shankardev who
was not well affected to the MusalmAns (Ditto, I. 373), In 1312 Malik Kitfur
marched a third time into the Deccan, seized and put Shankardev to death,
wasted Mah^dshtra, and fixed his residence at Devgad (Ditto, I. 379), where he
remained till AlA-ud-din in his last illness ordered him to Delhi. During Malik KAfur's
absence at Delhi, Harpdldev the son-in-law of R&mdev stirred the Deccan to arms, drove
out many Musalmin garrisons, and, with the aid of the other Deccan chiefs, recovered
Mahdrdshtra. In 1318 MubArik Khilji, AM-ud-din's son and successor, marched to
the Deccan to chastise Harpdldev who fled at the approach of the Musalmdna, and
was pursued, seized, and flayed alive. MubArik appointed Malik Beg Laki, one of his
father's slaves, to command in the Deccan, and returned to Delhi. (Ditto, I. 389).
' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 426-427. This statement seems exaggerated. In 1346 there
were Musalmin governors at RAichur, Mudkal, Kulbarga, Bedar, Bijipur, Ganjauti,
Riibig, Gilhari, Hukeri, and Berar. Ditto, 437.
' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 432-433.
° Briggs' Ferishta, II. 285-291. Hasan Gangu, the first Bahmani king, was an Afghan
of the lowest rank and a native of Delhi. He farmed a small plot of land belonging to
a Brihman astrologer, named Gangu, who was in favour with the king of Delhi. Ha iring
accidentally found a treasure in his field, Hasan had the honesty to give notice of it to
his landlord. The astrologer was so struck with his integrity that he exerted his
influence at court to advance Hasan's fortunes. Hasan thus rose to a great station in the
Deccan, where his merit marked him out among his equals to be their leader in their
[Bombay Gazetteer,
216
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSALMAKS.
Bahmanis,
1S47-1490.
fixed at Kulbarga about 225 miles south-east of Poona, and in 1426
was moved to Bedar or Ahmadabad-Bedar about 1 00 miles further
east. By 1351 Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, by treating
the local chiefs and authorities in a liberal and friendly spirit,
had brought under his power every part of the Deccan
which had previously been subject to the throne of Delhi.i
In 1357, Ala-ud-din divided his kingdom into four provinces or
tarafs, over each of which he set a provincial governor or tarafdar,
Poona formed part of the province of Maharashtra, of which
Daulatabad was the centre and which included the country between
Junnar, Daulatabad, Bid, and Paithan on the north, and Poona and
Cheul on the south. This was the chief province of the
kingdom, and was placed under the charge of the king's nephew.^^
In the later part of the fourteenth century, under the excellent rule
of Muhammad Sb£h Bahmani (1358-1375), the banditti which for
ages had harassed the trade of the Deccan were broken and
scattered, and the people enjoyed peace and good government.'
This period of prosperity was followed by the awful calamity of the
Durga Devi famine, when twelve rainless years (1396-1407) are
said to have wasted the country to a desert. In the first years of
the famine Mdhmud Shah Bahmani (1378-1397) is said to have
kept ten thousand bullocks to bring grain from Gujarat to theDeccan,
and to have founded an orphan school in each of the seven leading
towns of his dominions.* No efforts of any rulers could preserve order
or life through so long a series of fatal years. Whole districts were
left without people, and the strong places fell from the Musalmdns
into the hands of local chiefs.^ Before the country could recover it
was again wasted by two rainless years in 1421 and 1422. Multi-
tudes of cattle died and the people broke into revolt.^ In 1429 the
leading Bahmani noble, whose title was always Malik-ul-Tuj£r, that
is Chief of the Merchants, went through the Deccan restoring order.
revolt. He assumed the name of Gangu in gratitude to his benefactor, and from a
similar motive added that of Bahmani or Brdhmani by which his dynasty was
afterwards distinguished. Elphiustoue's History of India, 666. The Bahmani dynasty
consisted of the following eighteen kings, who were supreme for nearly 150 years
(1347-1490) and continued to hold power for about thirty years more :
The Bahmanis, lSi7 - ISSe.
Name.
Accession.
NAME.
Accession.
lAia-ud-din Hasan
11 Hiimayun
1457
Gangru
1347
12 Niz&m
1461
2 Muhammad 1
1368
13 Muhammad II.
1463
3 Muj&hid
1376
14 Mihmud II.
1482
4D4ud
1378
5MS,hmudI
1378
Nominal Kings.
6 ehai&s-ud-din
1397
7 Shams-nd-din
1397
IS Ahmad II.
1618
8 Firoz
1397
16 A14-ud-dinIII.
1520
9 Ahmad I
1422
17 Vali
1522
10 Ala-ud-din II.
U3S
18 Kalim
1626
' Briggs' Ferishta, II. 291-292 ; Grant Du£fs Mardthds, 25.
2 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 295. ' Briggs' Ferishta, II. 325 ■ 326.
■■ Briggs' Ferishta, II. 349-350. These seven towns were Cheul, Dd,bhol, EUohpur,
Daulatabad, Bedar, Kulbarga, and KAndhir.
' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 26. " Briggs' Ferishta, II, 405 • 406.
Deccau]
POONA.
217
So entirely had the country fallen waste that the old villages had
disappeared and fresh ones had to be formed generally including
the lands of two or three old villages. Land was given to all who would
till it free of rent for the first year and for a horse-bag of grain for
the second year. This settlement was entrusted to DMu Narsu K^le
an experienced Brahman, and to a Turkish eunuch of the court.^ In
1443 the Malik-ul-Tujdr, who was ordered to reduce the seacoast or
Konkan fortSj fixed his headquarters at Chdkan, a small fort eighteen
miles north of Poona, and secured Shivner the famous hill fort of
Junnar.^ From Junnar he several times sent detachments into the
Konkan. An expedition which he commanded in person ended in
disaster. His Deccan and Abyssinian troops refused to advance
into the woody country, and the Malik-ul-Tujdr with 600 Moghals was
surrounded and slain.* The rest of the Moghals retired. Contrary
to the advice of the Deccan officers, who tried to persuade them to
withdraw to their estates, the Moghals fell back on Chdkan. The Deccan
officers sent false word to the king that the disaster was due to the
Malik-ul-Tujdr's rashness and to the turbulence and disobedience
of the Moghals, who, they said, were now in revolt. The king ordered
the Moghals to be put to death, and the Deccan nobles attacked
Chdkan. After the siege had lasted for two months, the Deccan
officers forged a letter from the king and persuaded some ©f the
Moghals to leave the fort. They gave an entertainment to the rest
in the fort, and while the feast was going on, attacked them
and put them to death. At the same time one party of Moghals
outside of the fort were attacked and every male was put to death.
Another party who were more on their guard made good their
escape. The survivors succeeded in convicting the Deccan nobles
of their treachery and procured their punishment.* From this time
Chdkan and Junnar continued military posts. In 1472 and 1473 a
failure of rain so wasted the country that in 1474 when rain fell
scarcely any one was left to till the land.^ The power and turbulence
of their provincial governors was a source of weakness and danger
to Bahmani rule. To remove this evil Malimud G&w^n, the
very learned and able minister of Muhammad Shdh Bahmani II.
(1463-1482), framed a scheme under which the territories
were divided into eight instead of into four provinces ; in each
province only one fort was left in the Governor's hands ; all others
were entrusted to captains and garrisons appointed and paid from
headquarters ; the pay of the captains was greatly increased aiid
they were forced to keep their garrisons at full strength.® This
scheme for reducing their power brought on Mahmud Gdwdn the
hatred of the leading nobles. They brought false charges of
disloyalty against him. The king was weak enough to believe them
and foolish enough to order the minister's execution. Bahmani power
never recovered the murder of Mahmud Gawd,n.
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmIns,
Bahmanis,
1347-1490.
' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 26.
" Malik-ul-Tuj4r'a fort is probably the present fort of ChAkan. According to a
local story the original fort was built by an Abyssinian in 1295. Grant Duff's
^ardthcls 27
3 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 436-439. * Briggs" Ferishta, II. 440-447.
= Briggs' Ferishta, II. 483, 493, 494. « Briggs' Ferishta, 11, 503, 504.
B 1327—28
[Bombay Gazetteer,
218
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII*
History.
Ml7SAI.Mi.NS.
Bdhmanis,
1347-im-
Under the Bahmanis, to control the Kolis and other wild hill tribes,
their chiefs were given the rank of nobles or sarddrs and some of
them were called viansahddrs or honourables. One of the headmen
of each mdval or western valley was made a captain or ndik, and, over
the whole westj a tract which was known as the Fifty-two Valleys
or Bdvan^Mdvals, a head captain or sarndik was named whose
headquarters were at Junnar.i
Of the state of the Poena Decoatij at the time of the decay of
Bahmani power, the Russian traveller Athanasius Nikitin (1468-1474)
has left some particulars.^ Athanasius, who was at the time trading
in horses, after a voyage through a sea swarming with pirates reached
Cheul in Kolaba about thirty miles south of Bombay. After a week's
Stay at Cheul he started with a valuable stallion and went by land eight
days to Pili to the Indian mountain, apparently Pulu Sonalu in Thdna
near the foot of the Nana pass. From Pulu he went in ten days to
Umri, probably for his horse's sake avoiding the Ndna pass, and
ascending to the Deccan by some other route. From Umri, which has
not been identified, he went in six days to Jooneer, thatis Junnar, bring-
ing his horse safely, but at a cost of about £16 (100 roubles). On the
way, as was the custom for foreign travellers, Athanasius stopped at
inns where the landlady cooked the food, made the bed, and slept
with the stranger. Junnar stood on a stony island, no human hands
had built it, Grod made the town ; a narrow road which it took a day
to climb, broad enough for only one man at a time, led up the hill.
At Junnar lived Asat Khdn a tributary of Maliktuchar that is
Malik-ul-Tujdr the governor of Daulatabad. A sat Khan held seven of
Malik-ul-Tujar's twenty-seven tmds that is thdnds or posts. He had
been fighting the Kdfars, that is theinfidelsor Hindus, for twenty years,
being sometimes beaten, but mostly beating them. Asat Khd.n rode on
men, though he had many good elephants and horses. Among his
attendants were many Khorasanians, some of whom came from the
countries of Khorasan, Oroban, Sarkemsk, and Cheyotan. All came
by sea in tdwds or Indian ships. The winter began from Trinity
Day in June, and Athanasius wintered at Junnar living there for two
months. For four months day and night there was nothing but rain
and dirt. The people were tilling the ground, sowing grain, tutu-
regan, perhaps tur and rdgi, peas and all sorts of vegetables.^ Wine
was kept in large Indian goat skins. Horses were not born in the
country, but oxen and buffaloes were, and were used for riding,
carrying goods, and every other purpose. The horses were fed
on peas, also on hhichiri boiled with sugar and oil. In the
early morning they got shishenivs (?). In the winter the common
people put on a fata or shoulder cloak, sometimes wearing it
round the waist, sometimes on the shoulders, and sometimes on
the head. The princes and nobles wore trousers, a shirt, and a
' Captain Mackintosh in Jour. Bom. Geog. Soo. I. 238. This arrangement was
continued by the Ahmadnagar kings and by the Moghals. The last head captain was
Muhammad LatU about 1670.
" Major's India in the Fifteenth Century, Athanasius Nikitin, 9-12.
' From the translation Athanasius seems to have used the Russian wheat in the
general sense of grain. The grain must have been millet.
Deocan.]
POONA.
219
long coat, and three scarfs, one on the shoulder, another round the
waist as a belt, and a third round the head. While he was at Junnar
Asat Khdn took Athanasius' horse, and, hearing he was no
Muhammadan but a Russian, said he would give him back the horse
and a thousand pieces of gold, if he would embrace the Muhammadan
faith ; if he refused to embrace the Muhammadan faith he would
keep the horse and fine Athanasius a thousand pieces of gold. During
the four days which Asat Khdn gave him to consider his offer, a
man named Khoza locha Mahmet came from Khorasan and took pity
on Athanasius, went to the Khdn, prayed him not to insist on Atha-
nasius' conversion and brought him back his horse. Christian
brethren of Russia, says Athanasius, whoever of you wishes to go
to the Indian country may leave his faith in Russia, confess Muham-
mad, and then proceed to the land of Hindustan. Those Musalmd,n
dogs have lied to me, saying I should find here plenty of our goods ;
there is nothing for our country ; the goods are for the land of
Musalm^nSj as pepper and colours and these are cheap.
In 1477 Mdhmud Gdwan was succeeded in the office of minister
by Nizd,m-ul-Mulk Bhairi.^ About 1485, Bid and other districts
including Poena were added to the estates of Nizdm-ul-Mulk, and
the management of part of it was made over to the minister's son,
Malik Ahmad, the founder of the Nizam Shd,hi dynasty (1490-1636).
Malik- Ahmad made Junnar his headquarters. In 1486 Zain-ud-
din, who had command of ChAkan, went into revolt, and Nizam-ulMulk
ordered his son Malik Ahmad to reduce Chdkan. Zain-ud-din
applied for help to Yusuf Adil Khan of Bijapur, who sent 6000
horse which he ordered to encamp near the fort of Indapur,
which belonged to Tusuf Adil Khdn, and watch Malik Ahmad's
movements. Besides the Musalmdn commandant of Chdkan, other
chiefs, several of whom were Hindus, held places of strength in
Malik Ahmad's new estates. Some of these chiefs, on the plea that
the king was a boy and that such changes should not be made till
he came of age, refused to give up their forts. Among them was
the Maratha commandant of Shivner, the hill fort of Junnar. Malik
Ahmad attacked the fort, and after a long siege the garrison surren-
dered. The capture of Shivner was of the greatest importance to
Malik Ahmad, as five years' revenue of MahArdshtra was stored in
the fort. This treasure enabled Ahmad to make rich presents to his
officers and troops, and helped him to secure all the places of the
greatest strength in west and south-west Poena. Among the forts
which fell into Ahmad's hands, in consequence of his success at
Junnar, are mentioned Chivand and Jivdhan within ten miles west
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmAks.
1347-1490.
1 Niz4m-ul-Mulk Bhairi was a Tijayanagar Brdhman from PAtri whose original name
was TimAppa, the son of Bhairu. In his infancy he was taken prisoner by the Muhammadan
army of Ahmad Shdh Bahmani (1422-1435). On becoming a Musalmin he received
the name of Hasan, and was brought up as one of the royal slaves. The king was so
struck with his abilities that he made him over to his eldest son Prince Muhammad
as a companion, with whom he was educated and became an excellent Arabic and
Persian scholar. From his father's name Hasan was called Bhairu and this the prince
changed to Bhairi, the Falcon, or, according to some accounts, the falconer an oflSce
which he is said to have held. When Muhammad succeeded to the throne he made
Hasan a commander of a thousand horse. Briggs' Ferishta, III, 189- 190.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
220
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History,
MuSALMiNS.
Nizdm Slidhis,
1490-1636.
of Junnar, Lohogad about thirty miles north-west of Poonaj Koari
about five miles to the south-west of Lohogadj Kondhana, the modern
Sinhgad about eight miles south, and Purandhar about eighteea
miles south-east of Poona; Mdhuli in Thana, and P^li in Bhor
about twelre miles south Koldba. In 1486 Nizdm-ul-Mulk,
the Bahmani minister, was assassinated at the Bedar court. On
hearing of his father's assassination Malik Ahmad, who was besieging
Rajdpur in Janjira, returned to Junnar, assumed the title of Ahmad
Nizdm-ul-Mulk Bhairi, and set himself to improve the state of the
country. As Malik Ahmad, though he continued to read the public
prayers in his master's name, had practically thrown off his allegiance,
Mdhmud Shah Bahmani II. (1482-1518) ordered Yusuf Adil Khan of
Bijapur and Zain-ud-din of Chdkan to attack him. But Yusuf, who soon
after followed Malik Ahmad's example and assumed independence,
instead of advancing against Malik Ahmad, withdrew his troops
from Inddpur which was part of the Bijapur territory. Malik Ahmad,
or as he was now styled Ahmad Nizd,m, appointed Zarif-ul-Mulk
Afghan his commander-in-chief or Amir-ul-Omra, and Nasir-ul-
Mulk Grujardti, minister of finance or Mir Jumla. Ahmad tried
but failed to win to his side Zain-ud-din the commandant of-
Chdkan. As the Bahmani army was advancing against him, Ahmad
left his family in Shivner and marched to meet the Bahmani force.
During the night he suddenly turned on Chdkan, was himself the
first to scale the walls, and had helped seventeen of his men to gain
a footing before the garrison took alarm. Zain-ud-din and his men
fought with great bravery, but their leader was killed and the rest
surrendered. From Chd/kan Ahmad marched against and defeated
the Bahmani army. He returned to Junnar and busied himself
with improving the internal management of his territory.^ On the
28th of May 1490, at Bdgh or the garden, now the site of
Ahmadnagar, Ahmad gained a complete victory over the Bahmani
forces.^ After his return to Junnar, without a rival or an enemy,
on the advice of Yusuf Adil Shah, Ahmad assumed the position of
king, had the public prayers read in his own name, and had the
white canopy of state borne over his head. But this assumption of
kingly power was so distasteful to some of his leading supporters
that Ahmad stopped the reading of prayers in his name, and allowed
his nobles to use a canopy which differed from his own state canopy
only in not being lined with scarlet.* Shortly after, at the request
of his officers, Ahmad again assumed the rank of king and had the
prayers read in his name.*
In 1493 Ahmad's sister, who was the wife of one of the
Daulatabad family of AsKrafs, came to Junnar complaining of the
murder of her son and of her husband by her husband's brother Malik
Ashraf . Ahmad marched against Malik Ashraf, and, after besieging
• Briggs' Ferishta, III. 190-193. ' Brigga' Ferishta, III. 197.
3 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 198.
* Briggs' Ferishta, III. 198. About the same time out of the ruins of the Bahmani
kingdom rose the Adil ShAhi dynasty of BijApur, the Kutb Sh4hi dynasty of Golkonda
seven miles west of Haidarabad, and the Im^d ShAhi dynasty of Elichpur in East
Deccan]
POONA.
221
Daulatabad for two montlis without success^ returned to Junnar.^
In 1494 Ahmad moved his capital from Junnar to Bdghj the site
of his great victory over the Bahmani troops in 1490, where, about
half-way between Junnar and Daulatabad, he had founded the new
city of Ahmadnagar.^ Except perhaps Indapur, which belonged to
Bijapur, the territory of Poona remained subject to the Ahmadnagar
kings.
Under the Ahmadnagar kings, though perhaps less regularly
than afterwards under the Moghals, the country was divided into
districts or sarkdrs. The district was distributed among sub-
divisions which were generally known by Persian names, pa/rgana,
karydt, sammat, mahdl, and tdluka, and sometimes by the Hindu
names of prdnt and desk. The hilly west, which was generally
managed by Hindu officers, continued to be arranged by valleys
with their Hindu names of khora, murha, and mdval. The collection
of the revenue was generally entrusted to farmers, the farms
sometimes including only one village. Where the revenue was
not farmed, its collection was generally entrusted to Hindu officers.
Over the revenue farmers was a Government agent or amil, who,
besides collecting the revenue, managed the police and settled civil
suits. Civil suits relating to land were generally referred to juries
or panchdyats.^ Though the chief power in the country was
Muhammadan, large numbers of Hindus were employed in the
service of the state. The garrisons of hill forts seem generally to
have been Hindus, Mardthds Kolis and Dhangars, a few places
of special strength being reserved for Musalman commandants or
killeddrs. Besides the .hill forts some parts of the open country
were left under loyal Maratha and Brdhman officers with the title
of estateholder or jdgirddr, and of district head or deshmukh.
Estates were generally granted on military tenure, the value of the
grant being in proportion to the number of troops which the grant-
holder maintained. Family feuds or personal hate, and in the case
of those whose lands lay near the borders of two kingdoms an
intelligent regard for the chances of war, often divided Mardtha
families and led members of one family to take service under rival
Musaltndn states.* Hindus of distinguished service were rewarded
Chapter VII
History.
MtrsALMAws.
Nizdm Sluikis,
1490-1636.
^ Briggs' Ferishta, III. 200.
' Briggs' Ferishta, III. 202. At Ahmadnagar the Nizdm Shdhi dynasty founded by
Ahmad continued through ten successions to 1600, when Ahmadnagar was taken by
Akbar the Moghal emperor. One more king afterwards reigned at Daulatabad, till
1630 when he was deposed and put to death, Two more infant kings were nomi-
nated and in 1 636 the kingdom was destroyed by Shdh Jahdn , The names and datea
of the Nizdm Shdhi kings are :
Mzdm Shdhi Kings, 11,90 -1636.
Name.
Date.
Name.
Date.
Ahmad
U90
BurhSn II.
1690
Burhin
1508
Ibrahim
1694
Husain
1553
Ahmad II.
1693
1665
Bah&dur
1696
Mir^n Husain ■■■
1688
Murtaza
1605 - 1631
Ismilel
1688
3 Grant Dufi's Marithis, 36, 38,
I Grant Duffs Mardthds, 36, 38.
222
[Bombay (gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII. witli tlie Hindu titles of rdja, ndik, and ray. Numbers of Hindus
History. were employed in the Ahmadnagar armies.
MusALMANs, . ^^ 1529 Burhdn Nizam (1508-1553), the second of the Ahmadnagar
NiMm Sliahis, tings, was defeated by the troops of Bahadur Shdh of GnjArat
1490-1636. (1525-1535). This defeat led to an important change in the
management of the Ahmadnagar state. Burh^n, who had retired
to Junnar, believed that his failure was due to the unpopularity
of his minister or peshwa} Shaikh JAfar was deprived of his
office, and it was given to a Brdhman whom Ferishta calls
Kavar Sen.^ From the time of Kd,var Sen's appointment to
be minister, Hindus gained great, influence in the Ahmadnagar
government.^ Under the Ahmadnagar kings few references
to places within Poona limits have been traced, though in ordinary
times both Sinhgad and Purandhar in South Poona were in
their hands.* In 1562 Husain Nizdm Shdh the third king of
Ahmadnagar (1553-1565), pursued by Ram Raja of Vijayanagar
and Ali Adil Shdh of .Bijd,pur, retired to the Junnar hills, and,
employing his own troops to lay waste the districts of Junnar
and Purandhar, prevented the enemy's advance.' In 1564, on
the accession of Murtaza Nizdm Shd,h, one of his brothers Burhdn
Nizam with his sons, was placed in confinement on Lohogad hill
about eight miles south-east of Khandala, and a second brother,
Shah Kasim, was confined on Shivner near Junnar." In 1576, hearing
that his brother was hated _at Ahmadnagar, Burhan won over the
commandant of Lohogad, and advanced from Lohogad to
Ahmadnagar at the head of 6000 horse, but was not successful.^
Burhdn's two sons Ibrahim and Ismael continued in Lohogad till
1588 when they were carried to Ahmadnagar and Ismdel was placed
on the throne.
Between 1564 and 1589 SaMbat Khan, the Jeading man at
Ahmadnagar, according to Ferishta, made the country more
prosperous than it had been since Mdhmud Bahmani's time (1378-
1397). In 1 589 court factions forced him to retire to Burhdnpur, and
from BurhAnpur he went to Talegaon, twenty miles north-east of
Poona, and died there before the close of the year.'^ In 1594
Bahadur the infant son of Burhdn Nizdm II. was kept in confinement
for over a year at Chavand, and was then raised to the Ahmadnagar
throne.^
Mdloji's Jagir, The rise of the Mardthds may be traced to the Moghal attack on
Ahmadnagar in 1595. In 1595 king BahMur Nizam II. (1595-
1605) ennobled aMar^tha, named Md,lojiBhonsla, with the title of raja,
and enriched him with the estates or jdgirs of Poona and Supa,
and the charge of the forts and districts of Shivner and Chdkan.
' The Persian title of Peshwa was brought into use in the Deocan in 1397 by
GhaiAs-ud-din Bahmaiii (1397). It was adopted from the Bahmanis by the
Ahmadnagar kings, and from the Ahmadnagar kings by Shiv4ji. Briggs' Ferishta, II.
353. * Briggs' Ferishta, II. 353. ^ Grant Duffs Marithds, 34 and foot.
* KhAfi Khin in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 272.
' Lassen, IV. 214. Of the Ahmadnagar generals at this time one was an
Abyssinian, one a Deccan Musalmdn, and one a Koli, Ditto.
• Briggs' Ferishta, III. 271, 282.
' Briggs' Ferishta, III. 262, 279. » Briggs' Ferishta, III. 293, 296, 304.
Deccan]
POONA.
223
The headquarters of this Md,loji Bhonslaj who is said to have held
several pdtilsMps, were at Verul or Ellora near Aurangabad.
Mdloji's father B^bji Bhonsla was descended from Bhosajij who is
said to have been the first of the family to settle in the Deccan.
Bhosdji claimed descent from a younger or from an illegitimate son
of the royal family of Udepur ia Rajput^na.^ Mdloji married Dipabai
the sister of Jagpalrav N^ik NimbAlkar the denhmuhh of Phaltan.
The story told of his rise to power in the Ahmadnagar court is, that,
in 1599, at the time of the HoK festival in March- April, Maloji took
his son Shahaji, a boy of five, to pay his respects to Lukhji
Jddhavrav, MAloji's patron and the chief Mardtha in the Ahmadnagar
state. Lukhji Jadhavrav, pleased with the boy, seated Shahaji near
Jiji his daughter a child of three or four. The children began to play,
and Lukhji joking said to the girl. How would you like him for a
husband ? The guests laughed, but Md,loji rose and solemnly accepted
Lukhji's offer of marriage. Lukhji and his wife were furious, but
Maloji stuck to his point and carried it, when, in 1599, his successful
services were rewarded with the title of raja.^ In 1600 the city of
Ahmadnagar was taken by the Moghals. Partly from the disorders
caused by the rebellion of Jahdngir's son Khusru, which followed
Jahd.ngir's accession on the death of Akbar in 1605, Moghal
power in the Deccan declined. Their generals in Ahmadnagar had
also to deal with the Abyssinian slave Malik Ambar, a man of the
highest talent both in military and in civil affairs. Though the
Moghals still held Ahmadnagar in 1605, Malik Ambar raised
Murtaza Nizam II. to the throne, and succeeded in recovering
Junnar and making it the head-quarters of a state which
included the greater part of the former possessions of Ahmadnagar.
Prom Junnar, he moved in the same year to Kharki near Ellora,
a place which was afterwards named Aurangabad by Prince
Aurangzeb. Malik Ambar's power remained unshaken till his
death in 1633 when he was succeeded by his son Patch Kh^n.
Great as was his success as a general, Malik Ambar is best known
by his excellent land system. He stopped revenue-farming, and,
under Musalman supervision, entrusted the collection of the revenues
to Brahman agents. He renewed the broken village system, and,
when several years of experiments had enabled him to ascertain
the average yield of a field, took about two-fifths of the outturn
in kind, and afterwards (1614) commuted the grain payment to
a cash payment representing about one-third of the yield.
Unlike Todar Mai, Akbar's famous minister by whom the lands of
North India were settled, Malik Ambar did not make his settlement
permanent, but allowed the demand to vary in accordance with the
harvest. This system was so successful that, in spite of his heavy
war charges, his finances prospered and his country throve and
grew rich.' ^
In May 1627,in Shivner fort near Junnar, JijibdiShdhAji'swifegave
birth to Shiviji, the founder of the Mard,tha empire.* In 1629 the
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSALMANS.
Nizdm SJidhis,
1490-1836.
1 Grant DuSPs MardthAs, 41 ; Scott's Deccan, II. 4; ShivAji's Bakhar byMalh^rrdv
KAm Chitnis (1811). ' Grant Duff's MardtUs, 41.
3 Grant Duff's MardthAs, 43. ■■ Grant Duff's Mar^thds, 55.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
224
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIL
History.
MtTSALMi-NS.
NizAm Shdhis,
H90-1GS6.
Adil Shdhis and
MoghaZs,
1636-1686.
rains failed and a second failure in 1630 caused grievous suffering.
Thousands left tlie Deccan and numbers perished in their homes;
whole districts were emptied of people. The famine was accompanied
by an almost complete loss of cattle and was followed by a pestilence.^
In 1629 Shahdjij who had succeeded his father Maloji in Poena and
Supa, broke his connection with the Nizam Shahi government. He
retired to Poena and Ohdkan, offered his services to the Moghal
emperor, was confirmed in his lands, and received the command of
5000 horse, a dress of honour, and £20,000 (Rs. 2 lahhs) in cash."
In 1632, in spite of these and other gifts, Shahaji left the Moghal
service and sided with Bijapur against the Moghals. At this time
Shivaji and his mother had several narrow escapes of being caught
by the Moghals. On one occasion Jijibai was taken prisoner, but
was released and conveyed to the fort of Kondhdna or Sinbgad.'
In 163 1 Murtaza Nizam II. was thrown into prison and strangled by
order of Fateh Khan the son of Malik Ambar, and the infant son
of Murtaza was raised to the throne. In 1634 Sh£h Jahd,n captured
Daulatabad and took prisoner the young Niz&m Shdhi prince. The
Moghals supposed that with the fall of Daulatabad and the capture of
the prince the war with Ahmadnagar was at an end. But Shdhdji
who had the support of Bijapur, proclaimed another prince heir
to the Nizam Shahi kingdom, and, with the help of the local
Brahman officers, succeeded in overrunning a great part of the
southern Ahmadnagar territories and seizing most of the places of
strength. At Gangdpur on the Indrayani he weighed himself
against money and changed the name of the town to Tulapur, the
Weighing Town. In 1635 a Moghal army of 20,000 horse took the
field against Shahdji, and he was forced to retire into BijApur
territory to the south of the Nira. According to Maratha
tradition the town of Poena was destroyed by the Moghals and
an ass-drawn plough drawn over the site.* In 1636 Muhammad
of Bijdpur sued for peace and concluded a treaty with the Moghals,
under which the Ahmadnagar territory was divided between
Bijdpur and the Moghals, Bijapur securing the country between
the Bhima and the Nira as far north as Chakan.^ In 1637, as
Shahaji declined to enter Bijapur service and refused to give
Junnar and other fortresses to the Moghals, Muhammad of Bijdpnr
helped Randaula Khd,n to overcome Shahaji. They blockaded
Junnar and pursued Sha.hd.ji from Lohogad to Sinhgad, and from-
Sinhgad to the Konkan, where Shd;haji agreed to enter Bijapur service
and give up the forts of Junnar, Jivdhan, Chavand, Harshira, and
Kondhana or Sinhgad. Of these Sinhgad seems to have passed to
Bijd,pur and the rest to the Moghals.^ Muhammad Ali treated Shdhdji
with honour, confirmed him in his estates in Poena and Supa, and,
with the Bijdpur minister Murdrpant, employed him in settling the
' Blphinstone's History, 507 ; BAdshih Ndma in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 24-25.
^ BMshih NAma in Elliot and Dowson, "VII. 15. The details of ShAhdji's command
or mamah vary from 5000 to 15,000 horse. Ditto and footnote,
s Grant Duff's Mardthds, 58.
* Shivaji's Bakhar by MalhArrAv Rim Chitnis (1811).
5 Grant Duff's Mar4th4s, 52.
« BAdshdh NAma in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 589 ; Grant Duff's MarSthis, 53.
Deocau]
POONA.
225
newly gained territory between the Nira and the Bhima.^ So strong
a friendship sprang up between Mur^rpant and Shdihaji, that, in the
same year, when the settlement was completed, they led a joint
expedition into the Karnatak, where the districts of Kolhar, Bangalur,
Oskotha, B^lapur^ and Sera were afterwards made over to Shahdji.
When Sh^hdji started with Murd,rpant for the Karnditak, he arranged
that Shivdji and his mother Jijibdi should live in Poena, and that his
estates in Poena, which, in addition to Poona and Supa now included
Indapur and Bdramati in the east and the Mavals in the west, should
be managed by a Brdhman named Dadaji Kondadev. Dadaji
managed Shdhdji's estates with great success, continuing the
system introduced by Malik Ambar. He was particularly successful
in the Mavals or hilly west, where the people had fallen into great
misery. He remitted rents, found employment for the people as
guards and messengers, and extirpated the wolves that infested the
country.^
North or Moghal Poona was also about this time (1636) improved
by the introduction of Raja Todar Mai's revenue system, which
consisted in ascertaining by experiments lasting through a long
series of years the outturn of the land, fixing a share of the grain
as the government share, commuting the grain share into a money
payment estimated at one-fourth of the produce, and enforcing this
one-fourth as a permanent rent. From the silver coin in which it
was collected this settlement was known as the tanhha. After twenty
years of labour it was introduced into the Deccan by an able officer
named Murshed Kuli Khd.n.* Murshed's system differed from
Malik Ambar's, chiefly in being a permanent settlement while Malik
Ambar's varied from year to year.* Another change about this
time (1637) introduced in the Moghal parts of Poona was the
introduction of the Fasli year. The FasU year which was started
by Akbar (1556-1605) was a solar year, whose era or initial date
was the Hijra. The Fasli year began from the mrig or opening of
the south-west monsoon early in June.® As no attempt was made
to reconcile the Fasli or solar Musalman year with the lunar, the
Fasli diflfered from the regular lunar Musalmd,n year more than
three years every century.
At Poona Dd,dd,ji built for Jijibdi and her son Shivdji a large
mansion called Rang Mahdl. He taught Shivaji, as a Mardtha chief
ought, to be a good archer, shot, spearsman, and rider, and, as a
Mardtha ought, to be ignorant of all clerkship even of the mystery
of writing his own name. He taught him the rules of his caste
and raised in him a love for old Hindu religious and warlike stories.
From about his sixteenth year (1643) Shivdji took great delight in
the stirring fellowship of freebooters, and, in their society, stayed
away from his home for days, nursing the hope of one day becoming
independent. His kindly obliging temper made him popular
with the Maratha gentry round Poona, and he was probably
none -the worse liked when reports got abroad, that, young as he
> Grant Duff's Marithis, 54, 55, » East India Papers, IV. 420.
' Grant Dufi's Mar^thAs, 57.
* Grant Duff's Mardthds, 56, 57 ; and Elphinstone's History of India, 514.
the introduction of the silver tanhha a copper (anJcha was in general use.
5 Grant Duff's MarAthfc, 56,
B 1327—29
Before
Chapter VII-
History-
MusalkAns.
Adil ShdhU and
MogJvals.
Shivdji'a Rise,
164S-1680.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
226
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmAns.
Shivdji's Rise,
16 43 -16 47.
was, he liad a share in some large gang robberies in the Konkan.
To wean him from these dangerous pursuits, Daddji entrusted
Shivaji with the management of his father's estates. His favourite
pastime was hunting in the western hills with his friends the Md.valis,
to whom his skill and success as a hunter endeared him. He gained
a thorough knowledge of those wild districts. He learned how easily,
under the present careless management, the hill forts might be seized,
and, if once seized how easily they might be held against all comers.
The hill forts were easy to seize, because as the country round them
was generally unhealthy, the Musalmdn garrisons were often with-
drawn and the forts left in charge of an amildar or other local
agent. Besides this, the Bijapur government was at peace with the
Moghals, and the bulk of the regular Bijapur troops had been sent
to the Karndtak.^ In 1646, when he was nineteen years old, Shivd,ji
took the hill fort of Torna in Bhor territory about twenty miles
south-west of Poena, and in 1647 he took the small inaccessible peak
of R^jgad about three miles south-east of Torna and began to
strengthen it with the view of making it his headquarters. Sh^haji
wrote and blamed Shivdji for this lawless conduct, and Ddd^ji did all
that advice could do to turn him from his purpose, but Shivdji, though
he made many promises, continued unmoved. Soon after DadAji fell
ill. On his deathbed (1647)he sent for Shivaji, advised him to press
onhisplans of independence.to protect BrAhman Seattle and cultivators,
to guard Hindu temples, and to follow the fortune which lay before
him.^ On Dddaji's death Shivdji took complete charge of his father's
estates. Soon after a messenger came from his father asking for
the payment of arrears. Shivdji evaded payment, and at last told
his father that the expense of managing his Deccan estates had
become so great that in future he had better trust to his Karnitak
revenues. Before his authority could be supreme in his father's
estates, Shivaji had either to win over or to overpower two officers,
Phirangaji Narsdla who was in charge of Ohdkan and Bdji Mohita
the manager of Supa. Phirangdji he won over without much
trouble. But, as BAji refused to listen to any proposals, Supa was
surprised, he was made prisoner, and sent to Shdhdji in the Karndtak.
Shivaji's next acquisition was Kondhd,na hill. This he gained by a
large bribe to the Musalman commandant, took possession of it,
and named it Sinhgad or the Lion's Den.
In 1647, about the time of Dadaji's death, the commandant of
Purandhar died. As the families were friendly, Shivaji was asked to
settle some points in dispute among the commandant's three sons.
He went to the fort, persuaded the younger brothers at night to
make their elder brother prisoner, and during the disturbance
secretly filled the fort with his own Mavalis, and took it for himself,
' Of these years of Shivdji's life, KhAfi Khdn the Musalmin historian gives the
following account. Shivaji became manager of the two estates of Poona and Supa,
which at this time belonged to his father ShdhAji. He looked carefully after nis
father's affairs. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and intelligence. In
that country where all the hills rise to the sky and the forests are full of trees and
bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like other local chiefs, he set about building
forts on the hills and in the plains mud forts called gadhis. Muntakbu-llubib in
Elliot and Dowson, VII. 256-57.
2 Grant Duff's MirathAs, 60 ; Wilks' South of India, I. 72-74.
Deccau]
POONA.
227
keeping the brothers well disposed to him by the grant of lands
and villages. Thus Shivdji without bloodshed secured the territory
between Chakan and the Nira. It is jdgir land, and Shdhaji the
holder of the land is in my power ; if Shdhaji does not object to
let his son take his lands, what matters it to me. Thus perhaps
Muhammad Adil Shdh reasoned and devoted his thoughts to his two
chief interests, his Karndtak conquests and his Bijdpur buildings.^
Meanwhile Shivaji busied himself in gathering Mavalis and
horsemen. His next exploit, his first open breach of peace with
Bijd^pur, was in 1648, when he was twenty-one years old, the plunder
of a rich caravan bringing treasure from Kalyan to Bijdpur. The
spoil was carried to Rajgad which was now Shivaji's head-quarters.
This success was followed by the capture of Bhurap and K£ngori
in Koldba, of Tung and Tikonain Bhor, of Koari in south-west Poona,
and of Lohogad about six miles to the south-east and Rd,imachi
about ten miles to the north-west of Khand^la. In the same year the
KoMba forts of Tala, Ghosdia, and Rairi the modern Rdygad were taken
and Birvadi and Lingana were built. In Thana, Kalydn and all
the forts in the neighbourhood were taken and several rich towns
were plundered. In 1649, when for Shivaji's ravages Shdh4ji was
imprisoned by Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur, Shivaji entered into
a correspondence with the Moghal emperor Shah Jahdn who agreed
to admit Shivaji into the imperial service and to give him the
rank of commandant of 5000 horse. Shahaji was released and Shivd,ji
contrived to evade his promises by preferring certain claims on
the revenues of Junnar and Ahmadnagar. In 1653, after an
unsuccessful attempt on the part of Bijapur to seize him, Shivaji
began to devise schemes for possessing himself of the whole of the
Ghatmatha or hilly west Deccan and of the Konkan. In 1655 he
caused the Hindu RAja of Jdvli in Sdtdra to be murdered, took
Rohira his fort, and built Pratapgad. Shivfiji's principal minister
at this time was Shamrdjpant whom he now dignified with the title-
of peshwa and also gave him a high military command.
In the north of the Poona district, since 1636 Moghal power
had remained unchallenged. In 1650 Prince Aurangzeb was
appointed viceroy. He made Aurangabad his head-quarters
and managed his charge with vigour and success. About 1657
Aurangzeb, who was planning the overthrow of his elder
brother Ddra Shekkoh, sent to ask ShivAji if he would enter his
service. Shivaji pretended to be horror-struck at the proposed
rebellion, treated the messenger with indignity, and ordered the
letter to be tied to the tail of a dog. At the time Aurangzeb took
no notice of this insult but it apparently lay at the root of his
unceasing hatred of Shivdji.^ At this time, apparently stirred by
Shivdji's success against Bijapur, the Kolis of north-west Poona
rose in rebellion. Kheni, the Sar Ndik and many leading Koli
chiefs agreed to try and shake ofE Musalman rule, and transfer their
allegiance to some Hindu prince, probably Shivaji. A Moghal arnay
was sent into the hills, the hill forts were strengthened and garrisoned,.
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSAIMASH.
Shivdji's Rise,
1648-1655.
The MoghcUi,.
1636- mo.
1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 61. „„
2 Scott's Decoan, II. 7 ; Waring's Mardthis, 63 ; Grant Duff's Mar^tbAs, 73.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
228 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII. tlie people were hunted down andeithermade prisoners or slaughtered,
History. *^® ^*'' Nfiik and his clan were destroyed, and the prisoners were
^ ^ taken to Junnar and their heads cut off and piled into a pyramid and a
CT.- .,■■■ r,. " platform built over them which is still known as the Black Platform
mlim!' O"- ^<^i<* Ghabutra}
In 1657, with no further reason than that the state was weakened
by the death of king Muhammad Adil Shd.h and that his successor
Ali Adil Shdh was a child, Aurangzeb declared war against* BijApur,
ShivAji took advantage of this war to increase his resources by
plunder. In May 1657 he committed his first act of hostility against
the Moghals. In a night attack he surprised and plundered Junnar,
and carried off about £1100 (3 IdJchs of pagodas) in cash, 200 horses,
valuable cloth, and other articles. He escorted his booty as far
as Poena, and then handed it to a party to be taken to Rajgad.
From Poona Shivdji marched by unfrequented roads and surprised
and partially plundered Ahmadnagar. He made great efforts
to strengthen his cavalry. He bought horses from all quarters,
engaged horsemen whom he could trust, began to employ
Mardtha shileddrs or self-mounted troopers, and appointed a new
master of horse, Netd,ji P^lkar, a man of vigour and influence but
cruel and unprincipled. The rapid success of Aurangzeb' s advance
on Bijapur marred Shiv^ji's plans. He sent one messenger after
another praying for forgiveness, promising amendment, and offering
to help Aurangzeb with a body of horse. Aurangzeb, who was
suddenly called to Delhi by the news of his father's severe illness,
agreed to pardon Shivaji, to enquire into his hereditary claims, and
to receive a body of 500 of his horse. In 1659 Shivdji sent a large
force under Shamrdjpant Peshwa against the Sidi of Janjira in the
Central Konkan, but the Sidi defeated the Peshwa's army with great
slaughter. Shdmrajpant was recalled and Moro Trimal Pingle was
named Peshwa in his place. A treaty was made with the Sd,vants of
Vddi in the South Konkan, under which Shivaji obtained one-half of
the revenue of that state. In the same year, near Pratdpgad Shivfiji
assassinated Afzul Khd.n the BijApur general, who was sent to reduce
him, and destroyed his army. Soon after this Panhala and P^vangad
in Kolhdpur fell to his oflScers, and Vasantgad in Sdtdra was taken
by Shivaji himself who levied contributions along the banks of the
Krishna, and left a thdna or garrison With a revenue collector in the
mud fort of Battis Shirala. On Shivdji's arrival at Panhala the
forts in the neighbourhood, both below and above the Sahy^dris,
submitted, and R^ngna and Vishdlgad were taken by surprise. In
the next month (December 1659) Shivaji plundered as far as
Bijdpur, levied contributions from market towns, and spread terror
over the whole country. In 1660 Shivdji was engaged with the
Bijd-pur troops, who retook the forts near Panhala except R^ngna
and Vishdlgad. In January 1 661 ShivAji took and plundered Raj^pr
in Ratnagiri and attacked the possessions of a local Maratha chief,
the Dalvi of Shringfirpur. During the rains he built a temple to
the goddess Bhav^ni in the fort of Pratapgad, and from this time
his religious observances became extremely strict. He chose the
celebrated R^mdAs Svami as his spiritual guide, and aspired to a
1 Captain Mackintosh, Jonr. Bom, Geog, Soo, I, 241-42,
Deccan.]
POONA.
229
high character for sanctity. He is even said to have offered all his
territories to Ramdds Svdmi. The Svd,mi had no need of lands but
asked Shivaji to nse the colour of his clothes in the Bhagva Jhenda
or SafEron Banner. In the same year 1661 he made a rapid march
across the country, and to avenge his father's wrongs, who, at the
instance of the Bijdpur government had been treacherously seized by
Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol in 1649, surprised and killed Ghorpade
with most of his relations and followers, and plundered and burnt
Mudhol. The Savants of Vadi, who contrary to their engagements
had taken an active part against him, ShivAji attacked and pursued,
and afterwards received as vassals. Shivaji next built the forts
of Rairi and Sindhudurg or Malvan, both on the Ratndgiri coast,
and fitted out a navy. He strengthened Koldba and Vijayadurg
in Ratnagiri, and prepared vessels at all these places, KoMba
being his chief naval centre. On condition of being supplied
with guns and warlike stores Shivaji did no harm to the Portuguese.
Shivdji's power was now so great that the BijApur minister entered
into a secret compact with him, which was probably brought about by
the intervention of his father Shahaji, who at this time visited Shivaji
with the approval of the Bijd.pur government. Shivdji treated his
father with the greatest distinction. On hearing of his approach he
went several miles to meet him, dismounted, and saluted him with
the obeisance due by a servant to his sovereign. He insisted on
walking by the side of his father's palanquin, and would not sit in
his father's presence until repeatedly commanded. After some weeks
spent in pleasure and in visiting the temple at Jejuri and other
places in Shivaji's territory, ShAhdji, highly gratified, returned to
Bijdpur, the bearer of presents from Shivaji to the king. From
this time until Sh^hdji's death in 1664 Shivd,ji never attacked
Bijapur, nor, when hostilities- were renewed, was Shivdiji the
aggressor. Soon after Shahaji's death, Shivdji changed his capital
from Rajgad to the inland Rairi in the Central Konkan, which he
greatly strengthened and called Raygad. Shivaji now held the whole
Konkan from Kalydn to Goa, and the Konkan GhAtmatha or hilly
west Deccan from the Bhima to the Vdma. His army of 50,000 foot
and 7000 horse was much larger than his territory, which at its
greatest breadth from Supa to Janjira did not exceed 100 miles,
either required or could support. His power was formidable and the
truce with Bijapur gave him the opportunity of turning it against
the Moghals. In 1662, as Aurangzeb was longer and more
busily employed in Northern India than was expected, Moro
Trimal Pingle, Shivdji's minister or peshwa possessed himself of
several strongholds north of Junnar. In the same year Netaji
Pdlkar, Shivaji's master of the horse, who had swept the
Moghal territory close to Aurangabad, returned safe to Poena. To
punish this daring raid, Shdiste Khan, the new Moghal governor,
marched from Aurangabad with a great force towards Poena
and Ohdkan. Shivdji, who was in Supa, retired to Sinhgad;
Supa was taken, and, in spite of much annoyance from Shivdji's
horse, the Musabndns pressed on and took Poona.^ From Poena
Shdis'te Khdn marched north to Chdkan. The fort was held by
Chapter VII.
History-
MtjsalmAks.
Sldvdji's BU)e,
1661 ■ 16611.
1 EUiot and Doweon, VII. 261-262.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
230
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSALMANS.
Shivdji's Hise,
1661 ■ 1663.
Stivdji's old ally Phirangdji Narsala, an A, in spite of a most skilful
and vigorous attack, was defended with such courage that it did
not fall till two months had passed and 900 of the besiegers were
slain. When Phirangdji surrendered the Moghal general treated
him with great respect and sent him in safety to Shivdji by whom
he was praised and rewarded. Shaiste Khdn placed Uzbek Khin
in charge of Chdkan, called Jafar Khan from Mdlwa to his
aid, and marched after Shivaji.i In 1663, under Aurangzeb's
orders, Eaja Jasvantsing the Eajput prince of Jodhpur arrived with
a large reinforcement. The fair season was far advanced and
the whole army lay idle near Poena. Shaiste Khdn, after taking
several forts and strong places had gone to Poena and was living
in the Rang Mahdl which Daddji Kondadev had built for
Shivdji and his mother. In spite of the precautions which had
been taken to prevent armed Mar^thds entering Poena Shiv^ji
determined to surprise the Moghals. He sent two BrAhmans in
advance to make preparations. One evening in April a little before
sunset Shiv^ji set out from Sinhgad with a considerable body of foot
soldiers. These he posted in small parties along the road, and took
with him to Poena only YasdjiKank, Tandji Malusre, and twenty-five
Mdvalis.^ The Brahmans had won over some of the MarAthds in
Shd,iste Khdn's employ. They arranged that two parties of Marathds
should enter the town one as if a wedding party the other as if
bringing prisoners, and that ShivAji and his twenty-five should pass
in with them. Shivdji's party passed in safety, put on their
armour, and, at the dead of night, by secret ways reached the
Khd,n's house. They entered through the cookhouse, killed the
cooks, and, as they were cutting through a built-up window, the
alarm was raised. Three of the Mdvalis forced themselves into
Shaiste Khan's room, but two fell into a cistern of water and the
third, though he cut ofi Shdiste Khan's thumb, was killed by his
spear. Two slave girls dragged Shdiste Khdn to a place of safety.'
The Marathas killed many of his followers, cut to pieces some of
the women, and cut off the head of an old man whom they took for
Shdiste Khan. The kettle-drums beat an alarm and the Mardthds
retired, lighting torches and burning bonfires as they went upSinhgad
hill in derision of the Moghals.* Next morning a body of Moghal
horse gallopped towards the fort. They were thrown into confusion
by ail unexpected fire ef musketry and retired in disorder. A party
of Shivaji's horse fell on them and they took to flight, the first time
that Moghal cavalry had been chased by Mar£tMs. The surprise
in Poena and other small reverses filled Shaiste Khdn with the
suspicion that Jasvantsing was in league with Shivaji. The dissen-
sions of their leaders crippled the Moghal army, and both Shaiste
Khdn and Jasvantsing were recalled. Jasvantsing was afterwards
1 Muntakhabu-l-LubAb in Elliot and Dowaon, VII. 262 - 263.
2 According to Khdfi Khdn, ShivAji, beaten and dispirited, had retired into
mountains difficult of access, and was continually changing'his position. Elliot and
Dowaon, VII. 269. See Waring's MarAthAs, 74, 75.
* This is KhAfl KhAn's account in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 270-1. According to
Grant Duff (Mardthds, 88) ShAiste KhAn's fingers were cut off as he was letting himself
out of a window.
t KhAfi KUa in Elliot and Dowgon, VII, 270-271.
Deccan]
POONA.
231
allowed to remain as second in command to Prince Sultan Muazzam
who was appointed viceroy. Jasvantsing made a feeble attempt to
invest Sinhgad, but did not press the siege. Strong detachments
were left at Ghd.kan and Junnar and the main body of the army
retired to Aurangabad. About this time Shivaji went to Poona to
hear a hatha or song-sermon by the Vani saint Tuk^r^m and narrowly
escaped being made prisoner by the garrison of Ohakan.^ In 1664,
after his return from sacking Surat, Shivaji heard of the death of
his father Shdh^ji.^ He came to Sinhgad and spent some days in
performing his father's funeral rites. He then took the title of
Raja, struck coins in his name, and spent some months at R^ygad
hill in KoMba arranging his government. His fleet scoured the
coast and enraged the Musalmdns by seizing some holy Mecca
pilgrims. In August Shivdji surprised and plundered the town of
Ahmadnagar and swept across the country east to Aurangabad.
In October the Bijapur troops broke the truce and made a vigorous
effort to regain the Konkan. Shivaji seemed to be everywhere and
ready at all points. He met the Bijapur army and defeated them
with great loss. He burnt Veng^rla in Ratndgiri, and hastened to
Sinhgad to watch the Moghals who had sent a strong reinforcement
to a camp at Junnar. Finding the Moghals did not intend to act
on the offensive, he returned to the coastj embarked from Mdlvan
with 4000 men, plundered the rich town of Barcelor about 130
miles south of Gba, sailed back to Gokarn in North Kdnara,
scoured the country, re-embarked, and returned to his capital.
In February 1665, Jasvantsing and Sultdn Muazzam were recalled,
and Mirza Raja Jaysing another. Rajput prince and Diler Khdn
were sent to conduct the war against Shivdji. They reached the
Deccan early in April 1665 and lost no time in beginning operations.
Jaysing went to Poena, arranged its affairs, and spread abroad his
forces ravaging the country and attacking Shivdji's forts. He himself
went to attack Purandhar, about twenty miles south-east of Poona,
one of the most noted fortresses in the Deccan. Diler Khdn, who was
sent in command of the advanced force, began the siege and invested
both Purandhar and the neighbouring fort of Vajragad or Rudra
Mahal. Jaysing left Diler Kh£n to prosecute the siege of Purandhar
and blockaded Sinhgad.* The commandant of Purandhar was Bdji
Prabhu, the deshpdndia of Mahd,d in Kolaba, and the fort was
strongly garrisoned by Mavalis and Hetkaris that is Ratnagiri
Mardthas. The deshpdndia maintained his post with bravery and
ability. He disputed every point of the approaches, but his out-
posts were driven in, and Diler Khd.n began to mine a rock under
one of the towers of the lower fort. The garrison made frequent
sallies, and repeatedly drove off the miners, but they were at last
firmly lodged under cover. After numerous failures they succeeded
Chapter VII.
History-
MUSALMANS,
Shivd^i'aRise,
1663-1665.
* Grant Duff's MarAthds, 89. According to the MarithAs Shivdji escaped by the help
of the god Vithoba of Pandharpur.
2 Shdh^ji had continued faithful to Bijdpur and had been allowed to keep his
estates in the Karn4tak and the fort of Ami, Porto Novo, and the territory of
Tdnjor. Grant Duffs Mar^thds, 89 - 90.
3 Grant Duffs MarAth^s, 92 ; and Elliot and Dowson, VII, 272.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter VII.
History.
MUSALMANS.
Shivdji's Mise,
1665,
232
DISTRICTS.
in shattering the rock so as to enable them to attempt an assault.
The assailants gained tlie lower fort, and, while the garrison was
retiring to the upper fort, began to plunder careless or ignorant of
the'ir danger. The Hetkari marksmen from above opened so
destructive a fire that many of the assailants sought shelter in every
corner and others ran outside for cover. The Mdvalis headed by
their commander sallied out, attacked the Moghals sword in hand,
killed all that opposed them, and drove them down the hill. Diler
Khan, who was seated on his elephant near the hill foot, seeing
the flight of his men, bent his bow, called on a body of Pathdns
about him to advance, and rallying the fugitives pushed his elephant
forward. The garrison, like all Mardthds daring in success,
closed with his men and the powerful Afghans recoiled from the
swords of the Md.valis. Diler Khan, marking the conspicuous conduct
of tbeir leader, with his own hand pierced him with an arrow,
and killed him on the spot. On the loss of their leader the garrison
fled nor stopped until they reached the upper fort. The Moghals
again took possession of the lower fort, but the fire from above
once more forced them to leave it. After this failure Diler Khdn,
considering the northern face impregnable, determined on attempting
to escalade the small detached fort of Vajragad or Rudra Mahdl, on
the north-east corner of Purandhar which commands a great part of
the main works. The attempt succeeded and guns were brought to
breach the upper fort. The setting in of the rains greatly retarded
operations. The Moghal artillery was bad, and, although they continued
firing for weeks, they made little impression on the defences. The
garrison became dispirited and sent notice that they could hold out
no longer. They would have left the fort, but Shivdji, who, after
his successes at sea, had at last returned to Raygad, asked them to
hold on until he should send them word to retire.' Shivaji sent
1 Khdfi KhAn's acoonnt (Muntakhbu-1-LubAb in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 272), wliile
in the main agreeing with the Mardtha version, gives some interesting additional
details. The garrison of Purandhar made a vigorous defence and Jaysing arrived with
his son Kesarising. After a bastion had been blown up on one side a panic seized
the defenders of the foot of the hill. The besiegers attacked them and succeeded
in making their way to the top of the hill when the defenders called for quarter
which was granted them by the Edja and Diler Khdn. The two commandants
waited upon Diler KhAn, and were sent to the RAja who disarmed the garrison and
took possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry, and sappers were lost in
the siege and more than a hundred were wounded. After the conquest of the two forts
EAja Jaysing sent DAud Khdn with 7000 horse to plunder and lay waste the country
which ShivAji had won by force and violence. Great efforts were made on both sides,
and for five months the imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting
the enemy. At Shivdpar which was bnilt by ShivAji and at the forts of KondhAna or
Sinhgad eight mUes south of Poona, and Kanvari (Kodri) not one trace of cultivation
was left, and numbers of cattle were taken. On the other hand, the MaiAthte' sudden
attacks, their brilliant successes, their night assaults, their seizure of the roads and
passes, and the firing of the forest, severely tried the imperial forces, and men and
beasts perished in numbers. The MarAthis had also suffered heavy losses and no
longer had heart to face the imperial troops. The fort of EAjgad about three miles
south-east of Torna and about fifteen south-west of Poona, whicn Shiviji himself held,
and the fort of KondhAna or Sinhgad in which were his wife and his mother's relations
were both invested |^and hard pressed. The roads on all sides were blockaded and
ShivAji knew that he could not rescue hia family and that if Sinhgad was taken they
would be liable to sufier the consequences of his evil deeds. Accordingly he sent
some intelligent men to K4ja Jaysing, begging forgiveness, promising the surrender of
several forts which he still held, and proposing to visit the E4ja. The RAja doubting
Deccan]
POONA.
233
Raghundthpant Shdslitri to Jaysingj wlio agreed to Shivaji's proposal
to enter the Moglial service and give up part of Ws territory. At the
same time Jaysing placed no trust in Shivaji's sincerity until the
Brahman convinced him that Shivaji did not intend to deceive
him. Jaysing then desired him to assure Shivaji on the honour of
a Rajput that he might rely not only on the emperor's pardon but
on his favour and protection. While this negotiation was pending,
Shivaji, with a slender retinue, in the month of July, proceeded
from Pratd,pgad in Sdtara to Jaysing's camp before Sinhgad, where
he announced himself as Shivaji Raja. Jaysing sent his son
Kiratsing to lead him to his presence with all the honours due to his
rank. The whole camp pressed forward to see this celebrated hero
and on his approach Jaysing advanced from his tent, met, and
embraced him.^ Jaysing seated Shivaji on his right hand, treated
him with respect and kindness, and repeated the assurances sent
by Ragunathpant. After some conversation in the humblest strain
on the part of Shivaji, he was allowed to retire to tents near those
of Jaysing. Next day Shivaji went to visit Diler Khan, who was
still before Purandhar and was exceedingly mortified that he was
not made privy to the negotiation. He threatened to persevere in
reducing Purandhar and putting every man to the sword.- This was
but a threat, and he was soothed and gratified by Shivaji's presenting
the keys of the gate with his own hand, telling him that all his
forts and country were his, that he merely sought pardon, that
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmIns.
MoghaU.
Shivdji,
1666.
his sincerity, ordered that the attack should be pressed with renewed vigour. At last
two confidential Brihmans came from Shivdji and with the most binding oaths confirmed
his expressions of submission and repentance. The Kdja promised him security of life
and honour on condition that he waited on the emperor and agreed to enter his service.
He also promised him high station or mansaj in the imperial service and made pre-
paration for receiving him as became his rank. Shivdji approached with great humility.
The Bdja sent his agent or munshi to meet him and he also sent armed Rajputs to guard
against treachery. The munshi carried a message to say that if Shivdji submitted
frankly, gave up his forts, and agreed to obey, the emperor would grant his petition
for forgiveness. If he did not accept these terms he had better return and reiiew the
war. When Shivdji received the message he said with great humility that he knew his
life and honour were safe if he made his submission. The Rdja then sent a person of
high rank to bring him in with honour. When Shivdji entered the Rdja rose,
embraced him, and seated him near himself. Shivdji then with a thousand signs of
shame clasped his hand and said ' I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness,
and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will make over
my great forts with the country of the Konkan to the emperor's officers, and I will
send my son to enter the imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the
interval of one year, when I have paid my respect to the emperor, I may be allowed,
like other servants of the state who exercise authority in their own provinces, to live
with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my
services are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my duty loyally.' The
Rdja cheered him and sent him to Diler Khdn. After the siege was stopped, 7000
persons, men women and children, came out of Sinhgad fort. All that they could
not carry became the property of the government and the forces took possession
of the fort. DUer Khdn presented Shivdji with a sword. He took him back to the
Rdja who presented him with a robe, and renewed his assurances of safety and
honourable treatment. Shivdji, with ready tact, bound on ,the sword iu an instant,
and promised to render faithful service. When the question about the time Shivdji
was to remain under parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rdja
jaysing wrote to the emperor, asking forgiveness for Shivdji and the grant of a robe
to him, and awaited instructions. A mace-bearer arrived with the /arn«i» and a
robe, and Shivdji was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour.
1 Scott's Deocan, II. 11.
B 1327—30
[Bombay Gazetteer
234
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmjUts.
Moghals.
1665-1666.
experience had satisfied him that it was folly to resist such soldiers
as Aurangzeb could boast of, and that now his one hope was to be
enrolled among the servants of the empire. An armistice took
place as soon as Shivaji came into camp. After several conferences,
subject to the emperor's approval, it was agreed that Shivaji should
give up whatever forts or territory he had taken from the Moghals.
Of thirty -two forts taken or built by him in the territory which
had belonged to the Nizdm Shahi government, he gave up twenty to
Jaysing, among which were Purandhar and Sinhgad with all their
dependent districts. According to Khafi Khdn Shivdji gave twenty,
three out of thirty-five forts with a yearly revenue amounting to
£400,000 (10 i!aMs of fewns or 40 Idhha of rupees) .^ The territory
belonging to the remaining twelve forts/ of which Koari and Isvadi
were in Poena, estimated to yield a yearly revenue of about £40,000
(PagoddslOQfiOQ) and all the rest of his acquisitions, were to form his
estate which he was to hold from the emperor, and his son Sambh^ji,
then in his eighth year, was to receive the rank of a commander of
5000 horse. The most remarkable part of the agreement was Shivdji's
proposal to be allowed assignments on Bijapur, estimated at about
£180,000 (Pagrocids 500,000), being afourth and a tenth of the revenue,
termed by him the chauth and sardeshmukhi, of certain districts above
the SahyAdris, the charge of collecting which he took upon himself.
So eager was Shivdji to obtain the imperial authority for this
arrangement, that it was granted on condition he offered to pay a
tribute or peshhash of about £1,400,000 {Pagodas 4,000,000) by yearly
instalments of about £1 10,000 {Pagodds 300,000), and to keep an
additional body of troops. ShivAji's proposals, according to custom,
were sent to the emperor in the form of a petition. On Jaysing's
suggestion Shivaji intimated his desire to kiss the royal threshold.
Aurangzeb agreed to Shivaji's proposal on condition that he and his
troopswent with Rdja Jaysing againstBijApur and that he paid the first
instalment of the promised tribute. According to this agreement,
Shivaji co-operated with Jaysing, and the combined army, including
2000 horse and 8000 infantry belonging to Shivd,ji, marched
against Bijdpur about the month of November. In the operations
which followed, Phaltan was reduced, the fort of Tdthavad escaladed,
and all the fortified places on their route were taken possession
of by ShivAji and his Mdvalis. In consequence of these services
Aurangzeb invited Shivaji to court, promised to confer on him
great rank and honours, and to allow him to return to the Deccan,
In 1666 Shivdji, after visiting all his forts and holding a council of
his ministers at Rdygad, went to Delhi with his son Sambhdji. At
Aurangzeb's court he was treated with indignity and was watched as
a prisoner. In the Deccan Jaysing had not the means to garrison
many of the forts surrendered by Shivdji. He placed strong
garrisons in Lohogad, Sinhgad, and Purandhar ; a few men were
left in such of the others as had supplies of provisions ; and, of the
rest, he ordered that the gates should be burnt, and such part of
1 Elliot and Dowsou, VII. 275.
' The twelve forts were : U&jsad, Torna, Riygad, Lingana, Mahddgad, 'B&Ugm,
GhosAla, Isvddi, PAli, Bhurap, Ko^ri, and Udedurg.
Deccau]
POONA.
235
the defences destroyed as could be hastily thrown down. After
Shivd,ji's escape from Delhi, in December 1666, he lost no time in
regaining his forts. Moropant Peshwa repaired them, replaced
the garrisons, and drove out the Moghals.
In 1667, by the representations of the new viceroy Sultdn Mud,zam,
who was accompanied and much swayed by Jasvantsing a staunch
nindu, Shivdji obtained from Aurangzeb the title of Kdja, a
confirmation of Sambhd,ji's rank, and land in Berdr. The districts
of Poena, Chdkan, and Supa were also restored to Shivdji, but the
commanding forts of Sinhgad and Purandhar were kept by the
Moghals. Though Aurangzeb at first agreed to Sultdn Muazzam's
proposals in favour of ShivAji, he afterwards showed marked hostility
to Shivdji. Accordingly Shivdji determined as soon as possible to
gain the strongly garrisoned forts of Sinhgad and Purandhar which
blocked his communication with Poona and Chdkan. Sinhgad,
Shivaji justly considered one of the strongest forts in the country,
and, as the commandant, Ude Ban, was a celebrated soldier and had a
choice Rajput garrison it was supposed impregnable. Security had
made the Sinhgad garrison somewhat negligent, and Sbivd.ji laid
a plan for taking the place by surprise. Tdnaji Mdlusre, whom he
consulted, offered to surprise Sinhgad if he was allowed to take his
younger brother Surydji and 1000 picked Md,valis. Accordingly, in
February 1670, one thousand Mavalis under TdnAji and Surydji
started from Rdygad in KoUba, and, taking different paths, met near
Sinhgad. Tdnaji divided his men into two parties. One party under
his brother Surydji he left at a little distance with orders to advance if
necessary ; the other party under his own command lodged themselves
undiscovered at the foot of Sinhgad rock. When it grew dark,
choosing the sheerest part of the rock as the least likely to be
guarded, one of the Mavalis climbed the rock and made fast a ladder
of ropes up which the rest crept one by one. Each as he gained the
top lay down. In spite of their care before 300 of them had reached
the top, some movement drew the attention of the garrison to the
Mdvalis. One of the garrison drew near and was silently slain by
an arrow. Still the alarm spread, and the noise of voices and of a
running to arms showed Tdndji that a rush forward was his only
chance of a surprise. The Mdvalis plied their arrows in the direction
of the voices, tUl a blaze of blue lights and torches showed the Eajputs
armed or arming, and discovered their assailants. In the desperate
fight that followed Tdndji fell. The Mavalis lost heart and were
running to the ladder, when Surydji, Tdnaji's brother, met them
with the reserve. He rallied them, asked them if they would leave
their leader's body to be tossed into a pit by Mhdrs, told them the
ropes were broken and there was. no retreat ; now was the time to
prove themselves Shivdji's Mavalis. They turned with spirit, and,
shouting their war cry Ear Har Mahadev, dashed on the garrison,
and, after a desperate fight in which 300 Mavalis and 500 Rajputa
were slain or disabled, gained the fort. A thatched house turned
into a bonfire flashed the news to Shivaji. Besides those who
were slain or wounded in the fort, many Rajputs who ventured over
the crest of the rock were dashed to pieces. Contrary to his custom,
Shivd,ji gave every man of the assailants a silver bracelet and
Chapter VII-
History.
MusalmAns.
Moghals.
Shivd^i,
1667.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
236
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmIns.
Moghals.
Shivdji,
1670-1675.
Junnar,
1673.
honoured their leaders with rich rewards. He grieved over T^iidji:
Sinhgad the lion^s house is taken, but the lion is slain : I have
gained a fort and lost Tdnaji. Suryaji, TanAji's brother, was made
commandant of Sinhgad, and within a month (March 1670) again
distinguished himself by escalading Purandhar.^ Mahuli and Karnala
in the Konkan were also taken, and the whole province of Kalydn
was recovered by the end of June. In July (1670) Lohogad was
surprised and taken, but an attempt on Shivner failed.^ Next year
(1671) Diler Khdn, who was at Junnar with a considerable Moghal
force, retook Lohogad and captured Chakan.^ In 1674, after great
successes in South. Gujarat, Khdndesh, Golkonda, Sdtdra, the
Bombay Karndtak, and North Kdnara, Shivaji was crowned with
great pomp at Rdygad in KoMba. At the time of his crowning
Shivdji is described as forty-seven years of age, of a handsome
and intelligent countenance, and for a Mardtha fair in skin. His
eye was keen, his nose long aquihne and somewhat drooping, his
beard trim and peaked, and his moustache slight. His expression
was rapid and resolute, hard and feline.*
In 1675 Shivdji made another unsuccessful attempt on Shivner his
birth-place, which was never destined to fall into his hands.^ About
this time the services of Fryer, the English physician and traveller,
were sought by the Moghal governor of Jeneah that is Junnar.
Fryer started from Bombay on St. George's Day, 23rd April
1673, and passed through Kalydn and Murbdd which was all wasted
by Shivdji and the Moghals, up the terribly steep Avapa pass or
Oppagaot.* At the top of the pass was a bad starvling town
which he calls Oppagaot. There was a fort or castle on a hill
top, and near the head of the pass a subheddr or customer, blown
up with the confidence of half a dozen hillmen. Prom the
top of the pass Fryer entered a deep valley where he met a
caravan of oxen laden with provisions which had hardly escaped the
Moghal army which was not far off. Pear of the villainy of Shivdji's
men made Fryer's guide use great haste, and by ten at night he
had travelled twenty miles (10 kos) to Ambegaon. In Ambegaon
there was no one but a single fakir ; the rest had fled from a party
of Moghal horse. As they could get nothing to eat but a few green
figs. Fryer's people pressed on through three or four wretched
villages, to Beelseer or Bilsar three miles south-west of Junnar.
Here his people rested as they found some provisions in a wretched
hamlet which was liable to continual pillaging at the hands both of
the Moghals and of the Marathds, and bore the pillaging well
because it was in the condition of having little or nothing to lose.
2 Grant Duff's MardthAs, 109, 110.
> Grant Duffs MaritMs, 94.
3 Grant Duff's Mardth^s, 110.
* Mr. Douglas from the Vignette in Orme's Historical Fragments. Scott Wanng
'(MardthAs, 87-88) gives the following details: ShivAji was short and dark with
bright piercing eyes, an active body, and well-governed temper. He was religious
above his countrymen. He was a good father to a bad son. Though he possessed
high talents as a soldier, he was fonder of cunning than courage and of dissimulation
than wisdom. ^ Grant Duff's Mardth^s, 119.
^ Fryer's party included four Moor peons, a Portuguese, his own servants, a.
Brdhman linguist, a horsekeeper, eight palanquin-bearers, a dozen fardsis that is
lumber or baggage-carriers, and a Turkish horse, East India and Persia, 123,
Deccan.]
POONA,
237
Next day-j the last of April, he went on to Junnar the frontier town
of the Moghals, for many years the seat of war. There was a castle
at Junnar an^ some palaces with gardens, and the governor was in
command of 17,000 horse and 3000 foot. The governor of the city
and district was different from the commandant of Shivner fort who
never left the hill top. Junnar city and the forb in the plain were
ill-prepared to stand a siege. The Moghals were encamped there
rather than settled, and, when Shivd,ji came in force, they retired
speedily to the m ain army under BahMur Khdn who had a host of 40,000
horse at Pedgaon three days' journey offin Ahmadnagar ontheBhima.
Fryer, in English interests, tried to pursuade the governor of the
value of opening a trade with Bombay through which the Deccan
might be supplied with Arab and Persian horses. To do this it
was necessary that the Konkan should be cleared of Shivdji's troops.
The governor made light of Shivaji, but seemed little inclined to
drive hitn out of the Konkan, either because he knew it was more
difiScult to do than he pretended, or, because, if Shivdji was driven
out, the excuse for keeping up a large army and therefore his
employment and the source of his revenue would cease.^ When
the rains began to fall cotton was planted in the fields about
Junnar. The land also yielded wheat in abundance and other grain,
though the husbandmen's crops were often burned by those
mountain-foxes the Mard,thd.s. It was not safe to move about
Junnar in small parties : troopers were often sent home disrobed
and dismounted. Except Shivner most of the hill forts were in
Shivdji's hands. In a still night many of his garrisons might be
heard by voice and more by trumpet. The government of
Junnar was like the government of all Moghal cities. The walls
were broken but the gates remained. Disorder had scared trade,
though the town was well placed and furnished with coarse calicoes,
fine lawns, and plenty of cotton land. The ploughmen and weavers
had followed the traders. A rich craftsman or landholder was not
to be heard of in seven or eight days' journey. The markets had
little but provisions which the rulers compelled the country-people
to bring in, and sometimes took them by force by reason of the
general poverty reigning among them. Fryer returned to Bombay
by the Nana pass, a far shorter and easier way than he came.
Between Junnar and the head of the pass he went by three of Shivaji's
castles. It was doubtful if the Moghals could pass by that way.
Chapter VII.
History.
MPSALMANS.
Moghals,
Junnar,
1673.
' Fryer explains why the governor was so disinclined to reduce his army. He
kept only half the nominal muster of men and drew the pay of the rest, dividing his
profits with the notaries who were sent by Aurangzeb to see that no frauds were
committed. The same practice was followed by the under-offioers. Every one had
their snips verifying the proverb, ' Half the king's cheese goes in parings.' The
grandees of the army were mounted on Persian Arab or Turkish steeds ; the lower
oiBcers rarely got more than the race of the country which were fiery and mettlesome,
but very flashing probably because the officers pinched their horses' bellies to put into
their own. There were many Hindus in the Moghal army and many MusalmAns in
ShivAji's army, as they thought not of their country but whose salt they ate. The
Moghal army was chiefly Moghal cavalry and Gentoo infantry with matchlock
muskets. Their pay was fourteen months behind hand. Still they stayed, for they
were sure of something with ease, while Shivdji's rule was the freebooter's rule, No
plunder no pay. Fryer's Bast India and Persia, 139, 141,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
238
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MtrSALMlNS.
JUoghals,
1680-1689.
During the last four years of his life (1677-1680) the success of
his famous expedition to the Madras Karnatak greatly increased
Shiviji's power.
On Shivdji's death on the 5th of April 1680, Sambhdji his son
and successor showed some of his father's vigour and skill in war.^
He then fell into a life of pleasure and vice, wasting in dissipation
the wealth which his father had amassed. Kalusha, his friend and
councillor, raised the land rent by levying many fresh cesses. Still
the receipts fell short of the former rental. The managers of
districts were removed, the revenue was farmed, many landholders
fled, and speedy ruin threatened SambhAji's territories.*
In 1 682 to ravage the Konkan a body of Moghal horse under
Husan Ali Khd,n advanced from Ahmadnagar by the route of
Jnnnar and descended the Sahyadris. In 1684, Aurangzeb issued
orders to levy a poll tax or jizia on all non-Muhammadan subjects.'
In 1685 Aurangzeb ordered Khan Jahdn to place posts or ihdnds
in the country between Junnar and Sinhgad. Khan Jahan took
Poena and the country round, and appointed Khdkar Khd,n as
governor or foujddr* In the same year (1685) a body of troops
stationed under Ghd,zi-ud-Din at Junnar was directed to move
towards Ahmadnagar. The Marathas seized this opportunity and
made a rapid march northwards and plundered Broach, Aurangzeb's
rebel son Sultdn Akbar, whom Sambhaji treated with the greatest
respect, instigating if not leading the enterprise. He was
intercepted near Chdkan and defeated by the Moghal forces.^
In 1686 Bijapur fell and the Adil Shahi dynasty came to an end.
In 1689 Aurangzeb's camp moved up the Bhima from Akluj in
Sholdpur and cantoned at Tulapur at the meeting of the Indrd,yani
and the Bhima, sixteen miles north-east of Poena. While
Aurangzeb was camped at Tulapur, Takarrib Khdn, who had surprised
Sambhaji and his favourite Kalusha at Sangameshvar in Eatndgiri,
arrived with his prisoners. The Mar^thds made no effort to rescue
Sambhaji. Kalusha's oppression and Sambhfiji's misconduct had
made them hateful to the bulk of the people, and even had his army
been disposed to undertake any enterprise in his favour, its loose
and disordered state would probably have prevented the attempt.
When the prisoners were brought close to the imperial camp they
were bound and set upon camels. His turban was taken off
Sambhdji's bead, drums and other noisy music sounded before him,
and thousands flocked from all sides to see his entry into the
camp. The prisoners were shown to Aurangzeb and ordered into
confinement till their sentence was determined. Some of the
Moghal nobles suggested that Sambhdji'a life should be spared as
a means of inducing his troops to surrender the forts; Aurangzeb
1 At the time of his death, Shiviji held the Konkan from Gandevi in Surat to
Phonda in KolhApur, except the small possessions of the Portuguese, the English,
and the Sidi. He had posts in Kinara and great possessions in the Madras KamAtak
and in Tanjor. He held the West Decoan from the Hiranyakeshi in Belgaum to the
Indrdyani in Poona, besides strong points in Ahmadnagar, NAsik, and KhiUidesb.
In RAygad he had several millions of cash besides valuable goods.
= Grant Duff's MarithSs, 141. ' Grant Duff's MarAthis, 145.
* Grant Duff's Mar^thAs, 148. ' Scott's Deooan, 11. 70.
Deccau.]
POONA.
239
himself seemed inclined to this course. But Sambhdjij roused
to a sense of his disgrace and stung with shame and remorse,
expected and wished for nothing but death, and made use of every
epithet of abuse to induce some rash soldier to kill him. In this
frame of mind when Aurangzeb sent him a message offering life
on condition of his becoming a Musalm^n, Sambhd.ji answered :
Not if you give me your daughter in marriage, and ended by
cursing the Prophet. The enraged emperor ordered a red-hot iron
to be drawn across his eyes, his tongue to be cut out, and his head to
be severed from his body. These orders were publicly carried out in
the camp at Tulapur about the beginning of August 1689.^ After
Sambhaji's execution Rajdram, Sambhaji's younger brother, was
declared regent during the minority of Sambh^ji's son Shivdji,
afterwards known as ShAhu. In 1690 Rdygad fell to the Moghals
and young Shivd,ji and his mother Soyrdbdi were taken prisoners.
Kdjdrdm who was moving from place to place escaped to G-inji in
the Karn^tak and from Ginji managed his Deccan affairs. Rdjdrdm
remained in Grinji till 1698, when he was forced to flee to Vishdlgad
in Kolhdpur. From Vishdlgad in 1699, Rdjd.rdm, joined by Parsd,ji
Bhonsla, Haibatrdv Nimbd,lkar, Nimdji Sindia, Athavle, Samsher
Bahddur, and other Mard,tha commanders, proceeded with a
greater force than Shivdji ' ever commanded, and passed through
Gangthadi, Ndnder, Berdr, and Khdndesh claiming chauth and
sardeshmukhi. When he had completed his tour, Iidjd,rd,m left
Khanderdv Ddbhdde in Bdglan or North Ndsik, Nemdji Sindia with
the title of Sarlashkar in Khdndesh, Parsdji Bhonsla with the title
of Sendsdheb Subhe in Berdr, and HaibatrdiV NimbAlkar in Gangthadi
to collect, as was said, the outstanding balances due to the Rdja.
In February 1700, R^jardm took shelter in Sinhgad, and
died one month later from inflammation of the lungs brought
on by violent exertion. When Rdjdrdm died leaving only widows
and infants, the power of the Marathas seemed at an end.
But Tdrabdi, the elder widow, with the aid of Rdmchandrapant
Amditya, Shankraji Nd,rayan, and Dhdiudji Jddhav Sendpati assumed
the government, seated her son Shivaji a boy of ten on the cushion
of state, and placed Rdjasbai the younger widow in confinement.
Tdrdbai did not fix her residence in any one fort but moved from
place to place as seemed advisable.^ Between 1700 and 1703,
Aarangzeb besieged Sinhgad. After a three and a half months
Chapter VII.
History.
MusalmAns,
MoghcUa.
1690.
Tdrdbdi,
1700.
> Grant Duffs MarAtMs, 159-60 ; and Orme's Historical Fragments, 164.
" According to Khdfi KhAn TdrdbAi won the heart of her oflSoers and took vigorous
measures for ravaging the imperial territory. In spite of all Aurangzeb's struggles
and schemes, campaigns, and sieges, the power of the Mardthds waxed instead of
■ warning. They penetrated into the old imperial territories, plundering and destroying
wherever they went. In imitation of the emperor, who, with his army and
enterprising nobles was staying in the Deccan mountains, Tdrdbfii's commanders
cast the anchor of permanence wherever they penetrated, and having appointed
hamaishddrs or revenue collectors, passed the time to their satisfaction with their
wives and children, and tents, and elephants. Their daring went beyond all bounds.
They divided all the districts or pargamls among themselves, and, following the
practice of the imperial rule, appointed their suhhMdrs or provincial governors,
kamdiBhddrs or revenue collectors, and rahddars or toll collectors. Khdfi Khdn
Muntakhbu-1-Lubdb in Elliot and Dowson, VII, 373-375.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
240
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIL
History.
MusalmIks.
Moghah.
Tdrdbdi,
1700.
Shdhu's
Restoration,
1707.
Siege, the fort, was bouglifc from the commandant and. its name
changed to Bakshindabaksh or God's Gift. The army halted for
a month at Poena and the neighbouring villages. At Poena
prince Muhiul-Mulk the son of Kam Baksh, the son of Aurangzeby
died and Aurangzeb changed the name of Poena to Muhiabad,'
Prom Poona the Moghal army marched against E.d.jgad in Bhor, and
by 1705 Purandhar was taken.i In 1705, after halting 1\ months
near Junnar, the emperor quitted the neighbourhood of Poona and
marched towards Bijdpur.^ As soon as the Moghal troops withdrew
Shankrdji Ndrdyan Sachiv, the chief manager of the country
round, retook Sinhgad and some other places.^ The loss of
Sinhgad and of Panhala in Kolhapur was a great grief to
Aurangzeb. It increased the illness from which he was suffering
and from which he recovered very slowly. Zulfikar Khd,n was sent
to retake Sinhgad, and, before his. departure the emperor committed
Sambhdji's son Sh^hu to his charge and Zulfikar tried to bring the
Marathds to his side by sending letters from Shd,hu as their lawful
prince. From want of supplies Sinhgad yielded to Zulfikdr, but, as
soon as he retired, from the same cause, it was speedily retaken by
Shankrdji Narayan.
In 1707 on the occasion of Shdhu's marriage with the daughters of
the Jddhav of Sindkhed and of Sindia the paUl of Kinnarkhed,
Aurangzeb conferred on him Inddpur and Bupa in Poona with
other districts.* Td.rd.bai and her ministers took advantage of the
absence of the main body of the Moghal army. Dhanaji Jadhav
defeated Lodikhdn the commandant of Poona, and retook Ohakan,
and the Marathds rapidly occupied as well as plundered the country.
In the same year (1707) Aurangzeb died, and steps were taken to
release Shdhu. On his arrival in Poona means were successfully
employed to detach Dhandji from the cause of Tardbai. An action
took place at the village of Khed twenty- two miles north of Poona
in which the Pratinidhi was not supported by Dhandji and was
obliged to fly to Sdtara. Dhandji joined Shahu and proceeded towards
Ohaadan-Wandan in Satdra. Shdhu seized the families of all the
men of rank who were acting against him; and summoned Shankrdji
Nardyan the Pant Sachiv to deliver Purandhar which he had taken
shortly before ; but Shankrdji did not obey. In 1711, as he still
adhered to the cause of Tardbai, Shdhu determined to reduce
Shankrdji Narayan's territory, which, as it included Eajgad Shivdji's
first capital, was considered the centre of Maratha rule. An army
was sent towards Poona and took Rdjgad. Shahu was spared the
great labour of besieging the Pant Sachiv's other forts by the news
that Shankrdji had drowned himself, it was said, out of remorse
' Khdfi KhAn Mimtakhabu-l-LuMb in Elliot and Dowson, VII, 373 ; and Grant
Duffs Mar4th4s, 177. ^ Grant Duffs MarAthds, 178 ; Elliot and Dowson, VII. 379.
' Grant Dufl's Mardthds, 180.
* Grant Duff's MarAthds, 1 84. On this occasion Aurangzeb among other presents
to Shihu gave him a, sword he had himself frequently worn, and restored two
swords which ShAhu's attendants had always urged Sh^hu to recover. One of these
was ShivAji's famous BhavAni, and the other the sword of Afzul KhAn the murdered
general of Bijdpur all of which were taken at R^ygad in 1690. These swords
were in the possession of the Bdja of Sdtdra in 1826, Ditto.
Deccan.J
POONA.
241
because he had bound himself by oath to Tardbdi to fight against
his lawful prince.i Shahu with characteristic conciliation sent robes
of investiture to Shankrdji's son NAro Shankar a child of two years
old and confirmed his mutdlih or deputy in that post. The Pant
Sachiv's party never again swerved from their allegiance to Shdhu.^
In March 1708 Shahu was established at Sdtdra, and in 1710
Tard,bAi with her son Shivdji * went to Kolhapur and established
herself there. Chandrasen Jddhav^ who had been appointed sendpati
or commander-in-chief on his father Dhandji's death, was sent from
Satara with a considerable army to levy the chauth, sardeshmukhi,
and ghdsddna from the Moghal districts. On this occasion
Chandrasen was attended by his father's agent or kdrhun Bdldji
Vishvandth,* the founder of the Peshwds of Poena who was now
charged with collecting the Raja's share of the revenue, a position of
control very galling to Chandrasen. A dispute about a deer which
had been run down by one of Balaji's horsemen forced BaMji to flee
for his life. He fled first to Sdsvad, where the Sachiv's agent
in Purandhar did not think it prudent to protect him. His
pursuers were in sight but the commander of the fort would not
allow him to enter. With a few followers, among whom were hia
sons Bdjirav and Chimnaji, Balaji Vishvanath attempted to cross to
Pdndugad fort in the opposite valley, but the Jadhav's horemen were
on his track and searching for him in every quarter. Bdlaji managed
to hide himself for a few days. Then two Mardthds, Pildji Jadhav
and Dhumal, two of his self -horsed troopers, undertook to carry him to
a place of safety. They gathered a small troop of horse, and, though
they were attacked on the way and a man on each side of him had
to hold on Bdldji who could not ride, they carried him and his sons
out of danger. After this Chandrasen, Bdldji's rival, left the
Mardthas and took service with the Nizdm, and, with the Nizam's
help, drove back Shdhu's forces from the Goddvari to the Bhima,
To support his local troops Shdhu sent Bdlaji whom he dignified
with the title of gena hurt or army agent. Bdlaji joined Haibatrdv
Nimbalkar, and they together fell back on Purandhar. A battle
was fought which the Mardthds claim as a victory, but which seems
to have been a defeat as they afterwards retreated to the Salpa
pass. Poona was overrun by a detachment of Marathds in the
Nizam's service under Rambhdji Nimbalkar. An agreement was
made, and, as was their custom, the Moghal troops retired for the
rains to Aurangabad. As soon as they were gone, under different
Chapter VII
History.
MusalmAns.
Shdhu,
1707-1717.
' Shankrdji performed the jalasamddh or water-burial by sitting tied to a wooden
raft which floated on empty jars pierced with holes. As the jars filled the raft sunk
and the person seated on the raft was drowned. Hindu devotees were rather partial
to this form of death. Grant Duff's Mardthds, 186 foot,
2 Grant Duff's Mardthds, 189.
' In January 1712 Shivdji, the son of Tdrdbdi, who was of weak mind, died of
small-pox. On his death Tdrdbdi was removed from the administration, and
Sambhdji the son of Bdjasbdi the younger widow of Edjdrdm was appointed in her
stead. Tdrdbdi and Bbavduibdi her son's widow, who is said to have been pregnant at
the time of her husband's death, were put into confinement.
* Bdldji Vishvandth was the hulharni or village accountant of Shnvardhan in
Janjira, a village then claimed by the Sidi from which in consequence of some intrigue
connected with the Sidi's enemy Angria he had fled to Sdsvad in Poona, and was
recommended to Dhandji Jddhav by Abdji Purandhare and Parashurdm Trimbak.
B 1327—31
[Bombay Gazetteer,
242
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^ VII.
History.
MitsalmAns.
Moghala.
Shdhu,
1707-1717.
Bdldji Vishvamdth,
First Peshwa,
17 U -1720.
leaders, the Marathds spread plundering over the country. All the
leading Hindu deshmukhs and deshpdndids in the Moghal parts of
the Maratha country fortified their villages on pretence of defending
them, but often joined and helped their countrymen. As Nizdm-ul-
Mulk favoured the Kolhdpur party, Shd,hu'fs influence continued to
decline. In the prevailing anarchy Damdji Thorat, who was
attached to the cause of Kolh^pur, strengthened a mud fort in the
village of Hingni or Hingangaon, near P^tas, about forty miles
east of Poona and levied contributions about, thirty miles round.
B^Mji Yishvan^th, who set out to reduce Damdji, was seduced to
a conference, treacherously seized, and thrown into confinement,
together with his friend Abaji Purandhare, B^laji's two sons
Bdjirav and Chimndji, and several of their immediate retainers.
Thorit threatened them with torture and death if they did not pay
a large ransom. The ransom was paid, and the Sachiv was sent
against Damdji. But he was defeated and himself and his chief
agent made prisoners.
About the same time Bahiropant, Sh^hu's minister or •peshwa,
undertook an expedition into the Konkan to repel the pirate chief
Ahgria of Kolaba. Bahiropant was defeated and made prisoner.
Angria advanced and took the forts of Rdjmachi and Lohogad in west
Poona. Angria intended to march on Sdtara, but he was met and
defeated by BAldji. After the defeat, Balaji, by the grant of ^ten forts
and sixteen fortified places in the Konkan, persuaded Angria to
forsake the cause of Kolhdpur and become tributary to Shdhu.^ In
consequence of this valuable service, in 1714, Balaji Vishvandth
was appointed Peshwa in^place of Bahiropant Pingle who was
removed. Baldji's friend Abdji Purandhare was confirmed as his
deputy or mutdlik and RAmajipant Bhdnu the ancestor of the
celebrated Nana Fadnavis as his secretary or fadnavis. After
Chandrasen Jadhav deserted to the Moghals in 1710, M^n^ji More
had been appointed Shahu's commander-in-chief or sendpati. Since
then he had performed no service of distinction. Balaji Peshwa
now arranged that Mdnaji, the commander-in-chief with Haibatrdv
Nimbalkar should reduce Damdji Thorat. Before hostilities began
Baidji succeeded in procuring the release of Damaji's prisoner the
Pant Sachiv, and, in gratitude for this service, the Pant Saohiv's
mother presented Bdlaji with all the Pant SachiVs rights in
Purandhar and gave him the fort as a place of safety for his family
whose head-quarters had hitherto been at Sasvad. This transfer
was confirmed by Shahu. The force assembled in the Poena
district under Mdnaji was too powerful for Thorat. He was driven
back, Hingangam his fort was stormed and destroyed, and himself
made prisoner. In 1715 BdMji Peshwa induced the Moghal agent
for the Poona district, a Maratha named Bdji Kadam, to make over
the superior authority to him on the promise that Rambhau
Nimbalkar's estates should be respected. As soon as he acquired
this authority Balaji turned his attention to putting down the free-
1 The ten forts were KhAnderi, Kolaba, Savarndurg, Vijayadurg, J^gad, Devdnrg,
Kanikdurg, Fategad, Auchitgad, and Yasvantgad ; the sixteen fortified pla«es were
Bahirugaid, Kotla, Venltatgad, MAnikgad, Mirgad, SAgargad, RasAlgad, fUgM,
Kh^rep^an, E^mdurg, KAjipur, Ambar, S^tavli, KAmte,Sh.rivardhan,aiid Manranjan,
Deccan.]
POONA.
243
booters with whom the coUntty swarmed, he stopped revenue-
farming, and encouraged tillage by granting leases at low rates.
Negotiations between Shahu and the court of Delhi were set on
foot) in consequence of which in 1718 Bdldji, in command of a large
contingent, was sent to Delhi to assist the Sayads. This was the
beginning of Maratha influence at Delhi with which till 1803 they
were so closely connected. The battle of ShahApur destroyed the
power of the Sayads, and established Muhammadsh4h upon the
throne of the decaying empire, BaMji succeeded in obtaining from
the imperial court three grants one for the chauth or one-fourth of
the whole revenue of the six suhhds of the Deccan, including the
Haidarabad and Bijapur territories, the Karndtak, and the tributary
states of Tanjor, Trichinopoli, and Maisur, and a second for the
sardesKmukhi or additional one-tenth of the Deccan revenue. The
third grant was for the svm-dj or home-rule by^the Marathas of
sixteen districts, which they stated Shivaji held at the time of his
death.^ Under this arrangement almost the whole of Poona, Supa,
Bardmati, Inddpur, and Junnar became part of the Mardtha home-
rule. In reward for his services on the occasion Baldji Vishvanath
received several districts near Poona in personal grant or jdgir
including the fort of Lohogad.
Not long after (1 720) Chinkalich Khan, better known as the Nizam-
ul-Mulk, who, after the murder of the emperor Ferokshir, had been
appointed governor of Mdlwa, revolted, and crossing the Narbada and
defeating the imperial forces at Burhanpur and BdlApur, made himself
independent in the Deccan. BAMji's health had suffered considerably
from the fatigue of the journey to and from Delhi and the labour he
bestowed on the management of affairs after his return. He was
allowed to retire for rest to his family seat at Sasvad, where he died
in afew days in April 1721. He left two sons, Bdjirdv and Chimndji,
and two daughters Bhiubai married to Abaji Naik the brother
of Bapuji N^ik, a rich banker of BArAmati, and Annubdi, the
wife of Ndrdyanr^v Ghorpade of Ichalkaranji in the Bombay
Karndtak. For nearly seven months after his father's death Balaji's
eldest son B^jirav was not formally invested with the dignity of
Peshwa. At last Bajirdv received his robes, his brother Chimnaji
received the command of an army under the Peshwa and the district
of Supa in grant or jdgir, and Abajipant Purandhare, their
father's head agent, was reinvested by Shahu.^ Soon after his
appointment Bdjirav Peshwa set out with an army for Khandesh,
but, till 1724, he was forced every year to return to Satdra.
Bajirdv's great design was to extend Maratha power in North
India.^ In a debate before Shahu he said. Now is our time to
drive strangers from the land of the Hindus and to gain undying
Chapter VII.
History.
MarIthas,
1720-1817.
Sd^irdv Balldl,
Second Peshwa,
17S0-1740.
* The svtvrdj or home-rule districts were Poona, Supa including BArdmati, Inddpur,
VAi, the Md,vals, SAtdra, Karhdd, Khat4v, Mto, Phaltan, Malkdpur, TArla, PanhAla,
Ajra, Junnar, and Kolhipur ; the pargands of Kopal, Gadag, Halydl, and all the forts
which were captured by Shivdji to the north of the Tungbhadra, and Rdmnagar in the
Konkan including Gandevi, Jawhdr, Oheul, Bhimgad, Bhiwndi, Kalydn, RAjpuri,
Dibhol, Jdvli, Rdjdpur, Phonda, Akola, and Kuddl. The six subMs of the Deccan were
Aurangabad, Bedar, Berdr.Bijdpur, Haidarabad, and Khindesh, yielding an estimated
revenue of Rs. 18,05, 17,300, the sardeshmuhhi on which was Rs. 1,80,51,730, and the
chaidh and other rights Rs. 11,75,16,762. Grant Duffs Mardthds, 200.
a Grant Dufi's Mardthds, 209. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 212.
244
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
Makathas,
1720- 1&17.
Bdldji Edjirdv,
alias Ndndsdheb,
Third Peshwa,
1740-1761.
^t^^^n' r ^ turning our efforts to Hindustan the Mardtia flag
shall fly from the Krishna to the Attok, Let as strike at the trunk
Qv *v® 7^*°^"°^ *^ee and the branches must fall of themselves,
bhahn tor the moment roused to something of his grandfather's spirit
replied. You shall plant my flag on the Himdlayaa. You are a
noble son of a worthy father. At this time several Maratha officers,
who afterwards became independent leaders or founders of states,
rose to distinction. The chief of these were Malharji Holkar, the
ancestor of the-Holkars of Indur then chaugula or assistant headman
of the Tillage of Hoi on the Nira, Ranoji Sindia the ancestor of the
Smdids of Gwdlior, the Peshwa's slipper-bearer, Udaji Poyar the
ancestor of the Povd,rs of Dhar an enterprising warrior of Malwa,
and PiMji Gaikwar the son of Damdji Gdikwdr the ancestor of the
Baroda Gaikwdrs.^ In 1731 Bajirav remained at Poona and
employed himself in the internal management of Maratha affairs.
His victory over his rival Trimbakr^v Dd,bhdde the Maratha
commander-in-chief or Senapati like the issue of every civil war
left unfriendly feelings in many minds. Bajirav took every means
to regain goodwill, among others continuing Ddbhade's practice of
feeding some thousand Brdihmans for several days. This charitable
practice Bdjir^v continued at Poona and gave sums of money at
the same time to the assembled Shdstris and Vaidiks. This festival
was continued by his successors and was known by the name of
Dahshina or money gifts.^ In 1734 Bdldji was most successful in
the north gaining MAlwa and the territory between the Chambal
and the Narbada, and, in 1739, his brother Chimndji drove the
Portuguese from almost all their leading possessions in the North
Konkan. Bdjirdv died in 1740. He left three sons, Bdlaji the
eldest who succeeded him as Peshwa, Raghunathrdv the second
afterwards so well known to the English, and Jandrdan Bdva who
died in early youth. He left one illegitimate son by a Muhammadan
mother whom he bred as a Musalmdn and named Samsher-Bahddur.
Bajirav was ambitious, a thorough soldier, hardy, self-denying,
persevering, and patriotic. Mardtha pictures represent him eating
fried Jvdri ears or hurda as he rides at the head of a troop of
Maratha soldiers. He was no unworthy rival of Nizam-ul-Mulk,
and wielded the mighty arm of Maratha power with incomparable
energy. While the main body of his army remained encamped on the
Shivganga, Raghuji Bhonsla the Sena Sdhel Subha or commander-in-
chief returned to Satara, and endeavoured to prevent Bdlaji Bdjirdv's
succession as Peshwa by proposing for the vacant office Bdpuji
Naik, a Brahman banker of Baramati, a connection but an enemy
of the late Peshwa who was Bapuji's debtor for a large sum.
Chiefly by the help of his uncle Chimnaji, Balaji's claims prevailed,
and he was invested in August 1740. The disappointed Bapn]i
Naik at first pressed Balaji hard to pay his father's debts. Bala]i
was relieved from this annoyance by the influence and credit of his
agent or divan, Mahddajipant Purandhare. In 1741, on the death
of his uncle Chimndji, BdMji Peshwa returned from the northern
1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 212. ..
2 Grant Duff's Mariithds, 205. This dakshma fund is now used for promoimg
vernacular literature and providing fellowships in the two arts colleges in Foonii an«
Bombay.
Deccan]
POONA,
245
districts and spent nearly a year in improving the civil administration
of Poena and S^tara. Prom this till 1745, a time of comparative
quiet in the Deccan, Balstji encouraged agriculture, protected the
villagers and grain merchants, and caused a marked improvement
in the state of the country.
Shdhu died in 1749 and was succeeded by Rdm Rija, the
posthumous son of the second Shivaji whose birth in 1712 was kept
a secret. Before his death Bdlaji obtained a deed from Shdhu Raja
empowering him to manage the Maratha empire, on condition of
perpetuating the Rdja's name and keeping up the dignity of the
house of Shivaji through the grandson of Tardb^i and his descendants.
Baldji left the Rd,ja in Raghuji's charge and went to Poona, and from
this time Poona became the capital of the Maratha empire. Tdrabai,
whom Balaji had almost overlooked, although seventy years of age,
showed him how dangerous it was to slight a woman of her spirit.
On pretence of paying her devotions at her husband Rajdram's tomb
in the fort of Sinhgad, she endeavoured to persuade the Pant Sachiv
to declare for her as the head of the Mardtha empire. After much
persuasion Baldji induced Tardbai to come to Poona, and, flattering
her ambition with the hope of a large share in the administration,
persuaded her to use her influence with Rdm Rdja to confirm his
schemes. The Mardtha chiefs were subservient to the Peshwa's
views and were not likely to cause opposition. Bdldji owed much
of his success to his minister or divan, Mahadajipant, who, except
Saddshivrav his cousin had more influence than any one over Balaji.
Through Sadashivrav's influence, Ram Rdja the new Satdra chief
agreed to renounce the entire power, and to lend his sanction to
whatever measures the Peshwa might pursue. After Balaji's scheme
had so far prospered, it was nearly ruined by a quarrel between him
and his cousin Saddshivrdv. Sadashivrdv applied to Bdlaji for the
same share of authority as had been enjoyed by Sadashivrdv's father
Chimndji Appa. To this Bdlaji would not agree as he was anxious
that the second place should be held not by Sadashivrdv but by
Mahadajipant Purandhare to whom Balaji was under deep obligations.
Saddshivrdv in anger accepted the position of Peshwa to the chief
of Kolhdpur. As this quarrel was likely seriously to weaken the
power of the Peshwa, Mahddajipant gave up his post and
Saddshivrdv came to Poona as the Peshwa's minister or divan}
In 1750 Balaji Peshya arranged that the Pant Sachiv should
give him Sinhgad in exchange for Tung and Tikona in Western
Poona.^ He then marched with an army towards Aurangabad.
In 1751 as Damdji Gdikwdr did not comply with Bdlaji's commands,
the Peshwa sent private orders to seize some of the Gaikwar and
Dabhade families, who were living at Talegaon, and imprison them
in the hill-fort of Lohogad. He also treacherously surrounded,
attacked, and plundered Damaji's camp which was near him at
Satdra, and kept him in confinement in the city of Poona.* During
Chapter VII.
History.
MabAthIs,
1720-1817.
Shdhu's Death,
1749.
1 Grant Duffs Mardthds, 271 - 272. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 271 - 272.
' In consequence of this treachery DamAji is said ever after to have refused to
salute the Peshwa except with his left hand. Grant Duflf's MarAthAs, 274.
[Bombay Sazetteei**
246
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MAHiTHiLs,
1720-1817.
The Nizdm,
the same year (1751) tlie Moghals, supported by the French, advanced
towards Poona, totally destroying every village in their" route.
BaMji, alarmed at their progress, endeavoured to negotiate, and at
the same time to arouse suspicion and jealousy of the French among
Saldbat Jang's oflScers. Monsieur Bussy, the French general, as the
best means of counteracting such schemes and securing influence with
the NizAm, exerted himself with judgment and energy. He planned
an attack on the Mar^tha camp at Rdjapur on the Grhod river on the
night of the 22nd of November, at the moment of an eclipse of the
moon when the Hindus were at prayer. The Maratha army fled
before him, and though only one man of consequence was wounded,
some valuable booty was taken particularly some gold vessels
belonging to the Peshwa. This success added greatly to Bussy's
reputation. In spite of the surprise, next day the Mardthas were
as active as ever. Still the Moghals pressed on, plundered R^njan-
gaon, and totally destroyed Talegaon D^bhade. At last on the
27th of November they were attacked by the Marathas with the
greatest determination, and nothing but the French artillery saved
them from total defeat. The Marathd,s were led by Mahddajipant
Purandhare, the late divan, supported by the two sons of R^noji
Sindia, Dattdji, and Mahadji, and by Konher Trimbak Ekbote whose
feats of valour gained him the title of P/i(i&rfe or the hero. StiU the
Moghals pressed on to Koregaon on the Bhima. Negotiations were
opened but were stopped by the news that the Marathds had taken
the Moghal fort of Trimbak in NAsik. Salabat Jung demanded that
the restoration of Trimbak should form part of any settlement. This
BAMji refused and the Moghals moved towards Junnar continually
harassed by the Mardthds. At last an armistice was concluded
and the Moghals returned to Haidarabad (1 752) . During the next
year the armistice was turned into a peace. Balaji returned to
Poona and soon after prepared a large force for an expedition into
the Karnatak which turned out to be the most profitable in which he
was ever engaged.^ Before he left for the Karnatak Bd.ldji endea-
voured to arrange a compromise with Td,rd,bdi against whom a force
had been sent in the previous year. In June 1754 Bdl^ji returned
to Poona from the Karndtak. Damdji Grdikwd,r, who had been
imprisoned at Poona since 1751, was anxious to procure his release,
andBaMji entered into terms, when, among other points it was arranged
that Damdji should pay a sum of £150,000 (Rs. 15,00,000), should
set apart for the Peshwa half of the territory conquered by him in
Gujarat, and should pay a large sum as deputy commander-in-chief.
In 1751, with the object of gaining possession of Surat then the
chief centre of trade in Western India, Raghund,thr^v, BdMji's
brother, had been sent to Gujarat, but was recallsd without effecting
his object. Nothing more was done till at the close of the rains of
1754, to spread Maratha power in Gujard.t and to carry out the
settlement made with Damiji, Raghunathrdv started on a second
expedition to Gujardt. Shortly after a second expedition which
Balaji accompanied for some distance in person proceeded to the
1 Grant Dufifs Mardth^s, 280.
Deccan.]
POONA.
247
Karnatak. Baldji, who was naturally indolentj left the burden
of military affairs to his brother Raghunathrd,v and the civil
administration to his cousin Sadashivrd-v. For more than the life
of a man plunder and violence had been general. An improvement
was begun at this time by Edmchandra Baba Shenvi the friend and
adviser of Sadashiv and after his death was carried on by Saddshiv
Chimndji.
In March 1763, Raghuji Bhonala the Sena Sdheh Subha died.
Before his death he counselled his son to preserve union in the
Mardtha empire. Soon after, with the object of being, confirmed
in his father's office, Raghuji's son Jdnoji came to Poena. Encouraged
by Jdnoji's approach, and, on the Peshwa's assurance of safety,
Tdrdibai, the aged head of the Satdra state, came to Poona. She
was received with great attention and agreed to the Peshwa's former
proposals. B^laji professed much anxiety forthe release of RamR^ja,
the Satara chief, who was then in confinement in Satd.ra fort. He
pressed the point, being anxious that R^m Rd/ja should be kept in
confinement and judging that to profess the opposite view was
the likeliest means to bring Tarabdi to take the course he wished.
This calculation was correct and the chief remained a prisoner.
Jdnoji Bhonsla agreed to the terms subscribed, by his father. He
undertook to furnish 10,000 horse for the service of the state and
to pay £90,000 (Rs. 9 lakhs) a year to meet the cost of the
establishment of the Sdtdra chief. Jdnoji was formally invested
as Sena Sdheh Subha, and BAliiji approved of the treaty Jdnoji
had made in 1751 with Alivardi Khan of Haidarabad, under which
the Marathds were to receive a share of the revenues of Orissa.
Janoji then left for Beri.r.
In July 1 755 Bdldji Peshwa returned from an expedition into the
Karnatak. Shortly after Bd,ldji's return Muzaffar Khan, who had been
dismissed from the Nizam's service appeared at Poona, made
humble apologies to the Peshwa and promises of good conduct, and
was again entertained contrary to Saddshivrav's advice. In April
1766 the capture of Angria's stronghold of Gheria or Vijaydurg in
Ratnagiri and the destruction of Angria's power at sea was the
first achievement which raised the English to importance as a
political power in Western India. A land force of the Peshwa's
had acted with the English fleet. They had given little aid and by
intrigues with Angria had tried to secure Gheria for themselves. This
attempt was discovered and prevented by the English, and the English
were in the strong position of holding Gheria of which BdlAji was
most anxious to gain possession. In October 1756, Mr. John Spencer
and Mr. Thomas Byfield, members of the Bombay Council, came to
Poona and had a long interview with BalAji Peshwa at which
Raghunathrav the Peshwa's brother and Saddshivrav the Peshwa's
cousin were present. As news had reached him that M. Bussy had
been restored to power at Haidarabad Baldji was anxious to obtain
the services of a body of English troops. To this Mr. Spencer was
instructed not to agree, though, at the same time, he was to let the
Peshwa know that SalAbat Khan had been asking the Madras
Government to supply him with English troops to aid him in
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeathIs,
1720-1817,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
2'A8 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII. driving out the French. B^laji expressed strong disapprovdl of any
History. alhance between theEnglish and the Nizam. Undera treaty concluded
MabIthAs °°- *^® ^'^}^ °* October 1756 B^laji agreed to allow the Dutch
1720-1817.' °o s^*^® ™ the trade of the Maratha dominions, and the English
agreed to cede Gheria to Balaji receiving iu exchange ten villages
including Bdnkot in the Central Konkan and the sovereignty of the
Bdnkot river. BAMji engaged to give no territory to Angria and to
settle with the Sidi of Janjira regarding his customs dues in the
Bdnkot river. He also agreed to waive all claims on the English
company and to levy on English merchandise no additional inland
duties.! Shortly after (1756) RaghunathrAv, with 'Sakhard,m B^pu
as his agent or divan started for Hindustd,n. They were joined by
Malhdrav Holkar, and together advanced to Delhi and broke the
power of Ahmad Abdalli who was forced to retire to Afghanistan.
This, though one of the most successful of Mardtha campaigns,
was costly, and was not rewarded with any large share of booty.
At the close of 1756 Baldji led an army south to the Karndtak,
and crossed the Krishna in February 1757. Meanwhile news had
come that the English were in trouble in Calcutta, and that war had
broken out in Europe between England and France. This caused
a change in Bdldji's attitude to the English. He wrote to the
Madras Government, forwarding a letter to the king of England,
written with much less friendliness than he had shown in the
negotiations with Mr. Spencer, and, in spite of the provision in
the 1756 treaty agreeing to waive all claims on the English
Company, asking for the treasure and stores ..which the English
had carried off from Gheria. This request was probably made
not in the hope of getting the Gheria spoils, but preparatory to
demands for a share in the revenues of the Moghal provinces of
the eastern or Pdyin Ghat that is lowland Karnd,tak in which the
English had now a direct interest. About May 1757 Bd,]dii
returned from the Karndtak with the greater part of his army
successful to Poona.
During the next two years Bdldji took a considerable part in
Haidarabad affairs where a plot was on foot to cause a revolution
and drive out the French. In March 1759 Bdlaji succeeded for a
time in keeping the English from taking Surat castle, but through
the ability of Mr. Spencer and the military talents of Admiral Watson
the castle and with it the post of Moghal admiral passed to the
English inthe same year. At Poona the civil administration continued
under the management of Saddshivrdv, Bdldji's cousin. Saddshivrd,v
was violent and grasping but active and vigorous, and though proud
and unbending, had a large share of good nature and good sense. He
was open to bribes but not under circumstances to which Maratha
ideas attached shame. SSdashivrav had a bitter enemy in Balaji's
wife Gopik^bdi, who feared that Sadd,shivr^v would prevent her sons
from gaining their proper position and power in the state. To
remove her fears Sadashivrdv was urgent in recommending to BaUji
1 Grant Duffs Mar&th&a, 298,
Dcccan.]
POONA.
249
the early employment of his eldest son Vishvasrav in war and in
civil affairs. In spite of Sadashivrav's goodwill in this matter,
Gopikdbdi nursed a bitter dislike of Sad^shivrd,v and did what she
could to arouse unfriendly feelings between him and her husband
Balaji. This ill feeling did not turn to open discourtesy till the
return of Ragund,thrd,T from North Indiain 1 769. Saddishivrdv blamed
an arrangement of Ragundthrav's which had caused a loss to the state,
and Ragund,thrdT left him in anger telling him he had better take
command of the next expedition. The quarrel between Ragunathrav
and Saddshivrdv spread to other members of the family, and the ill
feeling became still stronger after an attempt on Sadashivrav's life
by Muzaffar Khan whom, contrary to Sadashivrav's advice, BAlaji had
received back to favour. There was no proof that either Balaji or
Ragundithrav was a party to the plot. In 1 760 the arrangement which
had -been suggested by Ragunathrdv in anger, that Raghun^thr^v
should take Sadashivrdv'splace at thehead of civil affairs in the Deccan
and that Sadashivrdv should take Ragunathr^v's place at the head of
the Maratha army in North India was carried out. Before Saddshivr^v
left with his army for North India, news came of the success of au
intrigue for the surrender of the strong fort of Ahmadnagar, which
for a sum of money was betrayed into the hands of a Brahman
agent of Sadashivrd.v's by Kdvi Jang the Moghal commandant.
This act of treachery brought on a war with the Nizam. Balaji
marched with a large army to Ahmadnagar, and Saddshivrdv moved
eastwards. The Moghal army under Saldbat Jang and Nizam Ali
met Bdlaji's army at Udgir on the banks of the Manjra about
one hundred miles east of Ahmadnagar, and chiefly by the brilliant
courage of Sadashivrav ended in a severe defeat to the Nizam.
Under the terms of a treaty concluded after this important victory,
Shivner in Poona, Daulatabad, Asirgad, Bijdpur, and the province
of Aurangabad were made over to the MaratMs. These territories
yielded an estimated yearly revenue of over £620,000 (Rs. 62
lakhs). Of the whole territory portions yielding an estimated
yearly revenue of £410,000 (Rs. 41 Idkhs) were according to the
Peshwa's practice granted as military estates or jagirs. Towards
the close of 1 760 Sadashivrav marched to North India in command
of the richest army which the Mardthas ever assembled. In the
middle of January 1761 news of the ruin of the Mardth^s at
P^nipat reached Peshwa Balajirav in the Goddvari valley. The
message ran : Two pearls have been dissolved, twenty-seven gold
mohars have been lost, of the silver and copper the total cannot
be cast up. BAMji understood that the two leaders his cousin
Saddshivrdv and his eldest son Vishvasr£v were slain, numbers
of his nobles lost, and the mass of the proudest army the Mar^thds
ever pjit in the field .destroyed. Baldji retired slowly to Poona.
The blow crushed him, his mind gave way, and he died in the end
of June in the temple he had built on Parvati hill close to the south
of Poona.
Though under Balaji the Maratha power was at its highest,
and though the Marathds praise the time of his rule, B^ldji owed
more to his father and grandfather and to his brother Raghunathrdv
and his cousin Sadd,shivrdv than he owed to himself. He was
B 132—32
Chapter VII.
History.
MARji.THi.S,
1720-1817.
Udgir,
1760.
Pdnipat,
1761.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
250
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MabAthas,
1720-1817.
Condition,
17U-X760.
Mddhavrdv Balldl,
Fourth Peshwa,
nei-nn.
lazy sensual and dissipated, but kind generous and charitable. He
loved intrigue and hated violence. He had great address, polished
manners, and considerable political sagacity, tempered by a cunning
which passed for wisdom. Though perhaps less well-ordered than
it became about thirty years later under N^na Padnavis, under
Bdldji Bdjirdv the administration of the country round Poena was
greatly improved. BAld,ji Vishvandth the first Peshwa (1714-1720)
had done good by stopping revenue-farming, by granting land on
cheap leases, and by encouraging villagers to protect themselves
from the exactions of petty chiefs. Still, till about 1750, the country
round Poona was full of turbulence and disorder. B^ldji B^jirdv
appointed mdmlatddrs and subhedd/rs to the different districts and
over them in the more distant parts placed a sarsubhedar or
provincial governor. Poona and the other lands between the
Goddvari and the Krishna, though the best protected territories
under Mardtha rule, had no governor. Instead of being under a
governor they were under the Peshwa's favourites and courtiers,
who had absolute police, revenue, and judicial power. They stayed
at court, governed by deputy, allowed their districts to fall into
disorder, paid to the state but a small share of their revenues, and
furnished no accounts. Bdlaji Bajirdv was too indolent to reform
these abuses. But Sadashivrdv, acting on a policy which was started
by Edmchandra Bdba Shenvi, appointed a governor or sarsuhheddr,
and, in spite of opposition which in one case had to be met by force,
compelled the managers of the districts to produce their accounts
and to pay the state its share of the revenue. A respectable
Shdstri was placed at the head of justice and the police was greatly
improved. These reforms and the Peshwa's success in war, which
enriched the I Deccan with the spoils of great part of India, improved
the state of the people. The Mardtha peasantry have ever since
blessed the days of Bl,laji BAjirdv, or as he was commonly called
N^na Saheb Peshwa.2
Though power had so entirely passed from the S4tdra chief that
he had to get leave from the Peshwa to appoint an agent to collect
his dues as hereditary deshmukh of Inddpur, Bdlaji's second son
Mddhavrav, then in his seventeenth year, in September 1761 went
to Sd,tara to receive investiture. The young Md.dhavrav and his
uncle Raghundthrd,v who was appointed regent had to face the
difficulties which the ruin of Panipat had brought upon the heads of
the Marfitha empire. The first difficulty was in the Konkan where
the English sided with the Sidi of Janjira, saved his state from
destruction by the Mardthd,s, and forced the Marathas to restore
part of the Sidi's lands which they had taken.^ Raghunathrav
agreed to these terms because he knew that Nizdm Ali was collecting
a large force in the hope of winning back the territories which had
been lost to Haidarabad by the defeat of TJdgir in 1760. The
Peshwa's finances were low and the Mardtha nobles held back
from coming to the Peshwa's help. Eaghundthrdv, in the hope
' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 307. " Grant Duff's Usix&th&s, 320-322.
3 Grant Duff's MarAthSs, 324,
Deccau.]
POONA.
251
of securing the services of English troops, offered the Bombay
Government large cessions of territory near Jambusar in Gujarat.
What the Bombay Government wanted was the island of S^lsette but
this Raghunathrav was most unwilling to give. While negotiations
went on, the Moghal army had advanced close to Ahmadnagar. At
Toka about forty-five miles east of Ahmadnagar the Musalmdns
destroyed some Hindu temples, and most of the Mardthd/S in their
army deserted to the Peshwa carrying with them Mir Moghal
Nizam-ul-Mulk's youngest son. The Moghals, though opposed with
spirit, continued to advance. At last in 1762, within fourteen miles
of Poena, negotiations were opened and on the cession of land in
Aurangabad and Bedar yielding £270,000 (Rs. 27 Idkha) a year the
Moghal army retired. When the danger from the Moghals was at
an end Raghund,thrav's anxiety for English soldiers ceased, and
the negotiations about ceding Salsette to the English were rudely
broken off.^
When the treaty with the Nizam was concluded, Madhavrdv the
young Peshwa, attended by Trimbakrav Md,ma the maternal hncle
of the late Saddshivrdv, was sent south to collect the revenue, and
Nizam Ali returned towards Bedar.^ Shortly after Mddhavr^v
returned to Poena, his anxiety to share in the administration
brought on disputes between him and his uncle Raghundthrd,v.
Raghundthrd,v, Sakhfir^m Bhagavant Bokil better known aa
Sakhdram Bapu, and several other ministers resigned. Mddhavrdv
promptly asked Trimbakrav Mdma to act as minister or divdn,
and next under Trimbakrd.v appointed Gopalrdv Govind Patvardhan,
Jdgirddr of Miraj. At the same time MadhavrAv chose as his
personal agents, or kdrkuns, Haripant Phadke and Bd>laji Jandrdan
Bhanu, afterwards the famous Nana Fadnavis. The failure of his
plan to force Madhavr^v to keep him in power and the mutual
hatredof AnandibdiRaghunathrAv'swifeand Gopikab^i Mddhavrdv's
■mother so enraged Raghunathrdv that he retired from Nasik to
Aurangabad, and on promise of ceding Daulatabad, Asirgad,
Ahmadnagar, Shivner, and territory yielding £510,000 (Rs. 51
lakhs) , he was assisted by a Moghal army, with which half-way
between Poona and Ahmadnagar he met and defeated MAdhavrdv.
Md,dhavrAv saw that a war between him and his uncle must cause a
complete split in the Maratha state. He accordingly threw himself
into Raghundthrav's power, who placed him in confinement but treated
him with respect. Raghunathrav, being now in uncontrolled power,
appointed Sakharam Bapu and Nilkanthrav Purandhare his principal
ministers, bestowing on Sakhdrdm an estate worth £90,000
(Rs. 9 lakhs) and giving Nilkanthrav the command of Purandhar
fort. He raised his own infant son Bhdskarrdv to the office of
Pratinidhi or deputy, and made Naro Shankar his deputy. These
and other changes gave much offence, and, when, to gratify
personal hatred, Raghunathriiv took the fort of Miraj from Gopdlrav
Chapter VII.
History.
MabAthas,
1720-1817.
1 Grant Duffs MarAthds, 325.
2 Colonel Wilks does not mention this expedition into the Karnfttak.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
252 DISTEICTS.
Caiapter_VII. Patvardhan, GopAlrav and many Mar^tha nobles went over to the
History. Nizam.
Makatkas, In tlie war which followed the Maratha troops ravaged the
1720-1817. Nizdm's country, and Nizam AH advanced and plundered Poena,
taking much property and destroying and burning all houses which
were not ransomed. Shortly after, in 1763, the violence of the rains
forced the Moghals to withdraw to Anrangabad. In the same year
Janoji Bhonsla, who had been won to the Nizdm's side by the promise
of the Satdra regency, found the Nizam's promises deceptive
and returned to the Peshwa. In the battle which followed at
Rakisbon or Tdndulja, in great measure owing ^o the courage and
military talent of Madhavrav, the Mar^thds gained a complete
victory. After peace was concluded with the NizAm, on the death
of Raghundthrdv's son Bhaskarrav, Bhavanrdv was restored to his
rank of Pratinidhi, Miraj was given back to Gopdlrdv Patvardhan,
and on BaMji Jan^rdan Bhdnu afterwards known as N^na Padnavis
was bestowed the 'office of Fadnavis. In 1764 a large army was
assembling at Poena to act against Haidar Ali who had risen to
power on the ruins of the Hindu state of Maisur. Madhavrav
insisted on his right to command this army while his uncle
remained at Poena to conduct the government. Sakharam Bapu
joined in supporting Md.dhavrdv. Raghunathrdv yielded but retired
in anger to A'nandveli near Nasik. These discussions delayed the
Peshwa's advance, and, before he could reach the Karndtak,
GopdlrAv Patvardhan was defeated by Haidar's general Pazal-
uUa Khan with great loss. Madhavrav was more successful. In the
month of May he entered the Karnatak with an army of 30,000
horse and about the same number of infantry and near Anndvatti
inflicted a severe defeat on Haidar Ali. This led to a treaty under
which Haidar engaged to restore all places wrested from Murarrdv
Ghorpade, to relinquish all claims on the Nawdb of Savanur, and to
pay £320,000 (Rs. 32 Idkhs) to the Peshwa. After this treaty was
concluded MMhavrav left the Karndtak and recrossed the Krishna by
the end of February 1765. The ill feeling between Madhavrav and
Raghnnathrav continued to be fostered by the hatred of Gopikdbdi
and Anandibdi. As Mddhavrav knew that Raghundthrdv could at
this time gain the aid either of Nizdm Ali or of Jd/noji Bhonsla, he,
in 1766, concluded a secret alliance with Nizdm Ali who hoped to
persuade M&dhavrdv to join him in attacking Haidar Ali. During
the same year Nizd,m Ali entered into an alliance with the English
with the object of overthrowing Haidar and restraining the spread
of the Mardthds. In 1767 Mddhavrdv, who probably felt that the
combination of the English and Nizam must be partly directed
against him, advanced by himself into the Karndtak, levied
£300,000 (Rs. 30 Uhhs) from Haidar and £170,000 (Rs. 17 IMh)
from other powers in the Karnatak, and returned to the Deccan
before the Nizd,m had taken the field. The English and the Nizdm
sent envoys to claim part of the Mardtha plunder, but they were
treated with broad and undisguised ridicule.^
" Grant Du£f's MarAthis, 337.
Deccan.]
POONA.
253
In 1768 Mr. Mostyn came to Poona as envoy from the Bombay
Government to try and secure an assurance that the Peshwa would
not join in alliance with Haidar and the Nizam. Madhavrav refused
to give any promise and told the envoy that he would be guided
by circumstances. In April of the same year, with the help of
Damdji Gaikwdr and GangMhar Yashvant the divan of Holkar,
Raghunathrav collected a large army at Ndsik and marched about
fifty-five miles north to the neighbourhood of the hill fort of Dhodap.
As he was waiting at Dhodap in the hope of being joined by Janoji
Bhonsla of Berd,r, Madhavrdv surprised Raghunathrdv's army, took
him prisoner, and carried him to Poona where he confined him in
the Peshwa's palace. In 1769 to punish Jdnoji for the support
he had given to Eaghundthrav, the Peshwa advanced towards BerSr,
and Jdnoji wheeled to the west and began to plunder the country
on the way to Poona. After Poona was destroyed by Nizam Ali in
1763, Mddhavr^v had proposed to surround it with a wall. This design
was afterwards abandoned on the ground that no fortified plain city
could be as safe as Sinhgad and Purandhar. On Jdnoji's approach the
people of Poona sent off their property. Mddhavrdv ordered Gopalrdv
Patvardhan and Rdmchandra Ganesh to move against Jdnoji with
30,000 horse, but Gopd,lrd,v was in league with JAnoji and took no
steps to stop his plundering. MMhdvrdv shortly after was forced to
make a treaty with Jdnoji. He next ordered Visdji Krishna Binivdle,
accompanied by RAmchandra Ganesh, Tukoji Holkar, and Mahddji
Sindia the illegitimate son of Rdnoji Sindia and the successor in
the family estates of his nephew Jankoji, to start at once with an
army to Malwa. In spite of these urgent orders Md,dhavrav, two or
three days after, when riding to his favourite village of Theur thirteen
miles east of Poona, found Mahddji's camp without a sign of moving.
He instantly sent word to Mahddji, that if on his return from Theur
he found a tent standing or his troops in sight he would plunder
the camp and take his estates. This expedition to Northern India
was extremely successful, and a heavy tribute was imposed on
the Jd,ts. Though so constantly pressed by wars and rebellions,
MildhAvrav did much to improve the civil government of his country.
His efforts were greatly aided by the celebrated Edm Shdstri, an
upright and pure judge in almost universal corruption. One of
Mddhavrdv's first acts was to stop the practice of forcing villagers
to carry baggage without pay. The practice was so common, that
the order putting a stop to it occasioned much discontent and many
of the leading men disregai'ded the order. Mddhavrav, who had an
excellent system of spies,leamed that some valuable articles belonging
to the subheddr of Bassein were being carried by forced labour. He
seized and confiscated the property, and levied a heavy fine to repay
the people for being taken from their fields. He issued fresh orders,
which none who knew his system of spies dared to disobey. In
the fair season of 1770, Madhavrav had leisure to turn his attention
to the Kamdtak, where Haidar Ali, having made peace with the
English, not only evaded the Mar^tha demands but levied
contributions on the Peshwa's vassals. To punish this insult, in
November, Madhavrav sent forward a large body of horse under
Gopalrdv Patvardhan and Malharrdv Rdstia, himself following at
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
254
[Bombay Gazetteer, .
Chapter VII.
History.
MarIthAs,
1720-1817.
Death of
Madhavrdv,
177S.
DISTRICTS.
tlie head of 20,000 horse and 15,000 foot. His progress was
successful and he reduced several places of strength. In June an
attack of the disease which was wasting him, a consumption which
he believed was brought on by the curse of the mother of the Kolhdpur
chief, forced MMhavrav to return to Poona, leaving Trimbakrdv
Mdma to carry on the war. In 1771, as soon as the season allowed,
mdhavrdv marched from Poona intending to join Trimbakrav
Mdma. He was again taken ill, and made over the command to
Apa Balvant who defeated Haidar and forced him to come to
terms. During the rainy season Mddhavrav's health so greatly
improved that he seemed to have shaken off his disease. But in March
1772 his sickness returned. This attack was pronounced incurable,
and on the morning of the 18th of November he died at Theur in the
28th year of his age. He left no children, and his widow Eamdb^i,
who had a great love for him, burnt herself with his body.. The
death of Md,dhavr^v, says Grant Duff, occasioned no immediate
commotion. Like his own disease it was at first scarcely perceptible,
but the root which nourished the far-spreading tree was cut from the
steni. _ The plains of Panipat were not more fatal to the Mardtha
empire'than the early end of this excellent prince, brave, prudent,
fond of his people, firm, and successful. Mddhavrdv, who is known
as Thorale or Great Madhavrdv, is entitled to special praise
for his support of the weak against the oppressive, of the
poor against the rich, and, so far as the constitution of society
admitted, for his justness. Mddhavrdv started nothing new. He
improved the existing system, tried to cure defects without changing
forms, and restrained a corruption which he could not remove. The
efficiency of his early government was clogged rather than aided
by the abilities of Sakhdrdm Bdpu. The old minister's influence
was too great for his young master's talents. All useful acts were
set downtoSakhdrdm Bdpuand all that was unpleasant to Md.dhavrdv,
an allotment of praise and blame, which Mddhavrdv's irritable
and ungoverned temper seemed to justify. When, shortly after
Eaghundthrdv's confinement (1768), T\y,dhavrdv removed Sakhd,rAm,
he allowed Moroba his successor to do nothing without his orders,
and established a system of intelligence which gave him prompt and
exact information regarding both domestic and foreign events.
For some time before Mddhavrdv's death Raghundthrdv's
confinement hadbeenmuch relaxed. As his nephew's health dechned,
Raghundthrdv opened intrigues with Haidar Ali and the Nizam to
obtain his freedom and secure his succession as Peshwa. During
Mddhavrdv's last illness the ministers intercepted the correspondence.
Nineteen persons were sent to hill forts, and Raghun^thrdv's
confinement would have become stricter than ever, had not Madhavrdv,
feeling that death was near, interposed, observing that it
natural for his uncle to desire his liberty. His sound
was
discrimination showed him that his brother would fail to conduct the
administration i£ Raghundthrdv were neither effectually restrained
nor conciliated. Judging conciliation better than restraint, he
appointed Raghunathrdv's friend Sakhdrdm Bapu minister, and
summoned Raghundthrdv to Theur and there solemnly placed his
younger brother Ndrdyanrav under Eaghundthrd,T's charge. Shortly
Deccan.]
POONA.
255
before Mddhavrdv's death Mr. Thomas Mostyn, of the Bombay Civil
Service, came to live at Poena as an envoy of the British
Government.^ In December 1772 N^rd.yanrd.Vj the third of BdlAji
Bdjird,v's sons, then seventeen years old went to SAtdra and was
invested as Peshwa. Sakhdrdm Bdpu received the robes of prime
minister under the name of kdrbhdri, Bajdba Purandhare was
appointed minister or divan, and Nd,na Padnavis was appointed
recorder or fadnams? NArdyanrdv and Eaghundthrd,v for some time
continued in apparent friendship. But the old hatred between
Ndrdyanrdv's mother Gopikd,bdi and Eaghunathrdv's wife Anandibdi,
and the jealousy of the Brahman ministers soon produced discord,
and, on the 11th of April 1773, Raghunathrdv was confined in a room
in the palace in which Ndrayanrdv usually lived when at Poona. Nana
Padnavis stood high in Narayanrdv's favour, but Bajdba Purandhare
and Haripant Phadke were his chief confidants. The conduct of the
leading affairs of state nominally continued with Sakhdrdm Bi,pu,
but the favourites were opposed to his power. Nard,yanrd.v, who had
a longing for military fame, looked forward with eagerness to the
next season's campaign in the Karnatak. Troops were told to be
in readiness, and orders were despatched to recall the armies from
North India. On the morning of the 30th of August a commotion
broke out among the Peshwa's regular infantry in Poona. Towards
noon the disturbance so greatly increased that N^rdyanrdv, before
going to dine, told Haripant Phadke to restore order. Haripant
neglected these instructions and went to dine with a friend. In
the afternoon, Ndrayanrdv, who had retired to rest, was wakened
by a tumult in the palace, where a large body of infantry, led by
two men named Sumersing and Muhammad Tusuf, were demanding
arrears of pay. Kharaksing who commanded the palace guard
joined the rioters. Instead of entering the open main gate,
they made their way through an unfinished door on the east side,
which, together with the wall round the palace, had shortly before
been pulled down to make an entrance distinct from the entrance to
Raghunathrdv's quarter. On starting from sleep Nardyanrdv, closely
pursued by Sumersing, ran to his uncle's room. He threw himself
into his uncle's arms, and called on him to save him. Raghundthrdv
begged Sumersing to spare his life. I have not gone thus far to
ensure my own destruction replied Sumersing ; let him go, or you
shall die with him. Raghun^thrdv disengaged himself and got out
on the terrace. Narayanrdv attempted to follow him, but Tralia Povar
an armed Maratha servant of Raghundthrdv's, seized him by the leg,
and pulled him down. As Nardyanrdv fell, Chdpdji Tilekar, one
of his own servants, came in, and though unarmed rushed to his
master. Nd,rd,yanrdv clasped his arms round Ohdpdji's neck, and
Sumersing and Tralia slew them both with their swords. Meanwhile
Chapter VII.
History.
MabAthIs,
1720-1817.
Balldl,
Fifth Peshwa,
nn-im.
Ndrdyanrdv
Murdered,
30th August 1773.
' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 371. The appointment of envoy was made under
instructions from the Court of Directors. The object of the appointment nominally
was to keep the different Presidencies informed of the movements and intentions of
the MardthAs. The real object of the mission was to obtain the cession of SAlsette and
the islands of the Bombay harbour.
2 The first object of the new administration was the reduction of R4ygad in KoUba
(1773) which was held by the Moghals. Grant DufE's Mar^thds, 359.
[Bombay Gazetteer
256
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarathAs,
1720-1817.
Haghundthrdv,
Sixth Peshwa,
1773- 1774-
the conspirators secured the whole of the outer wall of the palace.
The tumult passed to the city, armed men thronged the streets, the
shops were shut, and the townsmen ran to and fro in consternation.
Sakhd.rd,m Bdpu went to the police magistrate's office and there heard
that Raghunithrdv had sent assurances to the people that all was
quiet. Sakhdrdm Bd,pu directed Haripant Phadke to write a note to
Raghundthrd,v. Raghundthrdv answered telling him that some soldiers
had murdered his nephew. Haripant declared that Raghund,thr^v was
the murderer and fled to Bdrdmati. Sakhdrdm Bd,pu told the people
to go to their homes and that no one would harm them. On that
night Bajdba Purandhare and Mdiloji Ghorpade had an interview with
Raghundthrdv, and Trimbakrdv Mdma bore off Ndrdyanrdv's body
and burnt it. Visitors were received at the palace. Mr. Mostyn,
the English envoy and the different agents paid their respects,
but RaghundthrAv remained in confinement, detained, as was said,
by the conspirators as a security for the payment of their arrears.
Raghund,th^v was suspected, but there was no proof. He was known
to have loved his nephew, and the ministers decided that, until
the contrary was proved, RaghundthrAv should be held innocent and
be accepted as the new Peshwa. BAm Shdstri approved of this
decision. At the same time he made close inquiries. After about
six weeks he found a paper from Raghundthrdv to Sumersing, giving
him 'authority to slay Ndrdyanrdv. Rdm Shdstri showed this paper to
Raghnnd,thrd,v, who admitted that he had given an order, but persisted
that his order was to seize Ndrdyanrdv, not to slay him. Examination
of the paper confirmed RaghunAthrdv's statement, showing that the
word dha/rme seize had been changed to mdrdve kill. This change it
was generally believed was the work of Anandibdi Raghun£thrdv's
wife ; it was also believed that it was under her orders that the
servant Tralia Pov^r had taken part in NArdyanrd,v's murder. When
Raghundthr^v confessed his share in Ndriyanrdv's murder, he asked
Rdm Shdstri what atonement he could make. The sacrifice of your
life, replied the Shi,stri, is the only atonement. The Shdstri refused
to stay longer in Poena with Raghundthrdv at the head of affairs, left
the city, and spent the rest of his life in retirement near Vdi. Meant
while the arrears of pay were discharged, RaghunAthrdv was released,
and his adopted son Amritrd.v, attended by Bajdba Purandhare,
was sent to S^tdra to bring the robes of office. RaghundthrAv was
proclaimed Peshwa. Sakhdrdm BApu was confirmed as prime minister
or kdrbhdri ; and Chinto Vithal and Saddshiv RAmchandra the son of
Rdmchandra Bdba Shenvi were the most confidential of Raghundth?
rdv's advisers. Ndrdyanrdv was murdered in his eighteenth year,
His follies, which were the follies of a boy, have been blackened i^to
crimes by the feelings and interests of his rivals. He was affectionate
to his relations, kind to his servants, and loved by all but his
enemies. By the end of the rainy season (November 1773) the
Peshwa's army in North India underVisdji Krishna returned to Poona.
They had defeated an attempt of the emperor Shdh Alam II. to free
himself from Mardtha control, and had greatly strengthened
Mard,tha power at the Delhi court.^ Haidar Ali of Maisur
1 Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 363.
Deccan]
POONA.
257
and Nizdm Ali of Haidarabad lost little time in taking advantage
of the disorders at Poona. RaghunAthrdv resolved to oppose Nizdm
Ali and cripple Ms power. It was when the army had marched
and Raghundthrdv was leaving Poonaj that R^m Sh^stri produced the
proof of Raghund,thrdv's knowledge of the plot against NArdyanrdv
and stated that so long as Raghundthrd,v remained at the head of
affairs he would never return to Poona. Though the other ministers
did not openly withdraw from Raghundthrdv's support they soon
became estranged from his councils, and Saddshiv Rd,mchandraj
Chinto Vithal, A'bAji MahddeVj and Sakhdrdm Hai-i, the persons
of whom he made choice, were ill qualified to supply their place.
Sakhdram B^pu and Ndna Fadnavis on different pretences withdrew
from the army and returned to Poona. They were soon followed
by Ganpatrdv Rd,stia, Bdbaji Naik Bar^matikar/ and several other
persons of consequence. Except Baj^ba Purandhare, Moroba
Fadnavis was the last of Raghunathrav's minister to quit his camp.
All but Raghunathr^v and his dependents saw there was some
scheme on foot.^
The leading members of the Poona ministry were Sakhard,m
Bdpu, Trimbakrdv Md,ma, Ndna and Moroba Fadnavis, BajAba
Parandhare, Anandrdv JivAji, and Haripant Phadke. All these
men had been raised by the Peshwa^s family and had no
connection with Shivaji's and Shahu's eight ministers. The
leaders of the ministry were Nana Fadnavis and Haripant Phadke.
It was found that Gangabdi Nardyanrdv's widow was pregnant, and it
was determined that she should be taken for safety to Purandhar,
and, according to some accounts, that other pregnant Brdhman women
should be sent with her that the risk of mishap might be avoided
and the chance of Gangabai's child proving a girl be amended.
On the morning of the 30th of January 1774, N^na Fadnavis and
Haripant Phadke carried Gangd,bd,i from Poona to Purandhar. She
was accompanied by Pdrvatibdi, the widow of Sadashivr^v, a lady
held in high respect, and the reason of her removal was publicly
announced. The ministers formed a regency under GangdbAi and
began to govern in her name. All the adherents of Raghunathrav,
who, by this time had advanced beyond Balldri, were thrown into
confinement. Negotiations .were opened with Nizdm Ali and
Sabdji Bhonsla, both of whom agreed to support Gang^bdi and a wide-
spread intrigue inRaghundithr^v's camp was organized by Krishnar^v
Balvant. When Raghundthrav heard of the revolt in Poona, with the
Pant Pratinidhi and Murdrr^v Ghorpade, he began to march towards
the city. Haripant Phadke came from Poona to meet him at the
head of a division, while Trimabkrav Mdma and Sdbaji Bhonsla
were advancing from Purinda. On the 4th of March 1774 Raghu-
nathrdv met and defeated the minister's troops under Haripant
Phadke near Pandharpur in Sholapur. The news of this defeat
filled Poona with alarm. The people packed their property and
Chapter VII
History.
MaeAthAs,
1720-1817.
Regency,
30th January
1774.
^ The nephew or grandson of BApuji Ndik Bdrdmatikar, who was married to the
aunt of B4Uji Bijirdv and who endeavoured with the support of Raghuji Bhonsla to
purchase the office of Peshwa in 1740.
2 Grant Duff's Mardthis, .365.
B 1327 -33
[Bombay Gazetteer,
258
DISTRICTS.
Cliapter VII.
History.
MabAthas,
1720-1817.
Mddkavrdv
NArdyan,
Seventh Peshwa,
1774-1795.
fled for safety to retired villages and hill forts. Instead of
inarching on Poona Raghundthrdv passed north to receive the aid
of Holkar, Sindia, GdikwAr, and the English. On the 18th of
April 1774, a son was born to Gangdb^i, NardyanrSv's widow. In
Grant DufE's opinion, notwithstanding the suspicious circumstances
which formed part of the minister's scheme, there is little doubt that
the child was the son of the murdered Ndrayanrdv. The child was
named Mddhavrdv Nard,yan, afterwards known as Sav^i Madhavr^v.
Gangabai sent Sakhd,rAm Bdpu and Nd,naFadnavis to receive her son's
robes of investiture, which the Raja sent from S^tara in charge of Nil-
kanthrav Purandhare. The infant Mddhavr&v was formally installed
Peshwa when he was forty days old.^ Jealousy soon sprang up among
the ministers. Nd.na Fadnavis was too cautious to take the lead and
supported Sakhd,ram Bapu as the head of the government. This ■
conduct was as much due to timidity as to design. Sakhdrdm Bapu
was an old, cautious, time-serving courtier, but he n&s a man of much
more courage than Nd,na, and, in his humble and assiduous colleague
and adherent, he did not see a future rival and a powerful foe.
So great was Sakh^ram Bapu's influence that his secession would
have ruined the minister's cause. Nana's position was greatly
strengthened by Gangdbai's passion for him. He could thoroughly
trust her and teach her the best means of governing the old
ministers. Ndna's cousin Moroba, who had been Mddhavrav's
ostensible prime minister, was dissatisfied to find that little deference
was paid to his counsel. If he could have done it with safety and
made sure of a future rise to power, he would readily have gone back
to Raghundrthrdv. Such of the other ministers as would not submit
to Sakhardm and Nana were soon united in common discontent.
This split among the ministers became generally known by the
discovery of a correspondence on the part of Moroba, Bajdba, and
Babd,]'i Ndik with Raghundthrd.v. Letters intercepted by Haripant
near Burhanpur showed that these three had formed a plan to secure
Sakhdrdm B^pu, Nana, Gangd,bdi, and the infant Md,dhavrdv, all of
whom, during the rains, to escape the chill damps of Purandhar, had
come to live in Sdsvad. They heard of this conspiracy on the 30th of
June, and with undissembled panic fled to the fort. The discovery of
their plot defeated the designs of the feeble triumvirate. The ministers
sent agents through the country to blacken the crimes of Raghundthr^v
and hold forth on the justice of the ministers' cause. At the same
time they breathed nothing but union and concord. They deter-
mined to gain Raghundtbrav's absolute submission; and their active
and judicious preparations for war showed that they understood the
best means of ensuring peace. ^ When Raghundthrdv passed north
instead of marching on Poona he sent an agent to the British
resident with hurried and vague applications for aid in men and
money. The British were willing to help him, but before any
agreement could be made he had retired too far for communication
from Poona. Negotiations were next opened with Mr. Gambier the
English chief or civil governor of Surat. In the latter part of 1774
Grant Duff's Marithis, 368.
' Grant Duffs Marithds, 370.
Deocan,]
POONA.
259
the ministers won botli Sindia and Holkar to their side and sent an
army of 30,000 men under Haripartt Phadke to pursue Raghundthrav.
In the beginning of 1775 Sakh^ram andNdna returned to Purandhar
and from it transacted all affairs. On the 6th of March 1775
Eaghund,thrd>v entered into a treaty with the English, which is known
as the treaty of Surat.^ With their help he went to Cambay in
Gujardrt, and on the plain of Ar^s about ten miles east of
Anand in Kaira, defeated Haripant Phadke and his adherent
Fatehsing Gaikwar. This news caused the ministerial party great '
alarm. Nizdm Ali pressed them hard, professed sympathy with
Raghundthrav, and doubts of the legitimacy of the young Mddhavrdv,
and, to remain quiet, received a grant of land worth £180,000 (Rs.l8
Idkhs) a year. The MarAtha nobles had no dislike to Raghund,thrdv,
and, if the next campaign proved as successful as the last, would
probably have made no objection to his being named regent of the
young Mddhavrdv. Raghunathrdv was disliked by many Poena
Brdhmans, even by those who did not believe he was a party to the
murder of Ndrdyanrav. The bulk of the people seemed to have
no stronger feeling against him than that he was unlucky.^ The
success which had attended the efforts of the English to help
Raghundthrdv and the advantages the English had gained by their
alliance were lost by the action of the lately arrived members of the
Bengal Council, who, contrary to the opinion of the President, Mr.
Hastings, declared the Bombay treaty with Ragunathrav impolitic,
dangerous, unauthorised, and unjust, and sent Colonel Upton to
Poona to conclude a treaty between the ministers and the Bombay
Government.* This ill-judged interference strengthened the hands
of the ministers at Purandhar and ultimately cemented the tottering
Maratha confederacy under the administration of Ndna Fadnavis. In
December 1776 Sakhardm Bapu received a letter from the Governor
General stating that the Bombay Government had acted beyond
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthXs,
1720-1817.
Treat]/ of Sural,
1775. ■
^ Under the treaty of Surat the Bombay Government engaged at once to send 500
European and 1000 Native troops with a due proportion of artillery to help
RaghunAthriiv. They pledged themselves to make up the number to 700 or 800
Europeans and 1700 sepoys, with gun-lascars, artificers, and pioneers, the whole
amounting to 3000 men. Eaghun4thr4v engaged on account of 2500 men to pay
£150,000 (Rs. IJ lakhs) a month with a proportionate increase or decrease
according to the number of men supplied. As a security for the paymemt he made
over temporarily the districts of A'mod, Hdnsot, Balsir, and part of Anklesvar
in Central Gujardt, and ceded in perpetuity Bassein with its dependencies, the
island of Sdlsette, and the other islands ; the districts of Jambusar and OlpAd in
Central Gujardt ; and an assignment of Rs. 75,000 annually upon Anklesvar in
Broach, the whole amounting to £192,500 (Rs. 19,25,000) a year. He engaged to
procure the cession of the G&ikwix's share of the revenue of Broach, and to pay all
expenses the Company might incur in obtaining possession of the specified cessions,
which were to be considered as belonging to them from the date of the treaty.
As Raghundthrdv was destitute of other funds, he deposited jewels valued at
upwards of £60,000 (Rs. 6 lakhs) aa a security for the promised advance, pledging
himself to redeem them. The protection of the Company's possessions in Bengal and
those of their ally the Nawd,b of Arkot was also provided for ; and all British ships or
vessels sailing under the protection of the British flag which might have the
misfortune to be wrecked on the Mardtha coast were to be given to the owners.
Grant Dug's Mardthis, 377. In 1803 the jewels were restored to BAjirAv as a free gift
from the Company. Ditto.
2 Grant Duffs MarithAs, 387. ' Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 390, 391.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
260
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MARjlTHis,
1720-1817.
Treaty of
Purandhar,
1776.
their powers in going to war without the sanction of the Bengal
Government, that they had been ordered to withdraw their
troops, and that an envoy had been sent to conclude peace.^
Colonel Upton arrived at Purandhar on the 28th of December 1 775.
The ministers took full advantage of the power which the mistaken
policy of the Bengal Government had placed in their hands. They
assumed a liigh tone of demand and menace, which Colonel Upton
judged to be firm and sincere. Colonel Upton though upright and
moderate was ill-qualified to conduct a negotiation with Maratha
Br^hmans. The ministers greatly extolled the just and honourable
motives which had determined the great Governor of Calcutta to
order peace to be concluded. But when Colonel Upton proposed
that the English should keep Sdlsette and the islands in the Bombay,
harbour, the cession of Bassein which they had obtained in the
late war together with the revenue of Broach, the ministers were
astonished that a Government which had so justly condemned the
war could be so ready to keep the fruits of it. Colonel Upton
argued that Salsette was taken possession of as a precautionary
measure long deemed necessary to the safety of Bombay, and the
prosperity of its commerce. But the ministers would listen to
nothing. They had been put to immense expense by keeping armies
idle at the wish of the Bengal Government, which, if they had not
been interfered with, would have long since settled the whole matter.
They demanded the immediate surrender of Raghunathrdv and the
entire restoration of the territory occupied by the Bombay Govern-
ment since the beginning of the war. If Raghundthrav was given
up and all the territory restored, the ministers as a favour to the
Governor General would pay £120,000 (Rs. 12 lakhs) to reimburse
the East India Company for the expenses incurred by the Bombay
Government. They seconded their arguments with threats, and
mistook the mild remonstrances of the envoy for timidity. As
Colonel Upton could not agree to these proposals on the 17th of
February he wrote to the Governor General that he supposed
negotiations were at an end. But almost immediately after they
bad carried their menaces to the highest pitch the ministers agreed
to the greater part of Colonel Upton's original demands. Before
accounts had time to reach Calcutta that the negotiatiotis were
broken off the treaty of Purandhar was settled and signed on the
1st of March 1776. The chief provisions were that Sdlsette or a
territory yielding £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000), and Broach and territory
worth £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000) more should be left with the English and
£120,000 (Rs. 12 lakhs) paid to them on account of war expenses ;
that the treaty with Raghundthrd,v was annulled ; that the English
were to return to garrison and Raghund.thrAv's army be disbanded
within a month ; and that Raghunathrdv was to get an establishment
and live at Kopargaon on the Godavari.^ The Bombay Govern-
' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 392,
* Grant Duff's MarithAs, 393-394. The Peshwa's name was not mentioned in the
treaty. The ministers Ndna and Sakhdrim probably left out the name, that in case
the child MAdhavrd,v should die GsmgAbdi might adopt another son.
Deccan]
POONA.
261
ment still clang to Raghunathrav's cause and received him with 200
followers at Surat, where he appealed to the Directors and to the
King. The ministers threatened war if Raghundthrdv^s army was
not disbanded. To this the Bombay Government paid no atten-
tion, and their position was strengthened by the arrival at Bombay
on the 20th of August 1776 and again in November 1777, of
despatches from the Court of Directors approving the Bombay
treaty of Surat with Raghundthrdv, and censuring the great and
unnecessary sacrifice of the Bengal treaty of Purandhar with the
ministers. Though hostilities had ceased, peace was not estab-
lished.i In October 1776 a man claiming to be Saddshiv ChimnAji,
the leader of the Mardthds at Panipat, with the support of the
Bombay Government possessed himself of the greater part of
the Konkan and seized the Bor pass and Rajmdchi fort. Near
Rd.jmachi he was attacked and defeated by a ministerial force, fled
to Kolaba, was given up by Angria, and was dragged to death at an
elephant's footinPdona. On the 11th of November Raghunathrav was
allowed to live in Bombay and an allowance of £1000 (Rs. 10,000) a
month was settled on him.^ In November Colonel Upton was recalled
from Poena and Mr. Mostyn was sent as envoy in his place. The
Poena ministers next showed their dislike to the English by trying
to establish their enemies the French in a position of power in
Western India. At Poona an agent of France was received with dis-
tinction and Mr. Mostyn was treated with studied coldness. In the
middle of March 1777 several Frenchmen, who landed at Cheul in
Kolaba went to Poona, and, early in May 1777, one of them St.
Lnbinwas received in Poona as an ambassador from France. The port
of Cheul was promised to the French and an agreement made for the
introduction of troops and warlike supplies.^ Though the treaty of
Purandhar and the suppression of Sadashiv's rising had strengthened
the ministers'" government in the Deccan, in the Bombay Karnatak
they had suffered several reverses from Haidar and the KolhApur
chief. In September 1777, Gangabai the infant Peshwa^s mother
died from a drug taken to conceal the effects of her intimacy with
Nana Padnavis. In October 1777, Mr. Hornby the Governor of
Bombay reviewed the position of the Poona ministers, and showed
how their difficulties were increased by Sindia's and Holkar's want
of support, by the defection of other Mardtha nobles, by Haidar's
victories, and by Gangdbdi's death.* The effect of Mr. Hornby's
minute must have been greatly increased at Calcutta by the length
which Nona's hate of the English carried him in his dealings with
St. Lubin and by the Directors' despatch received in November 1777
strongly censuring the Calcutta treaty of Purandhar, and, under
Chapter VII
History-
Makathas,
1720-1820.
' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 396. ^ Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 398.
3 Account of Bombay (1781). St. Lubin had been in India before. Though he was
not an ambassador, St. Lubin had authority from the French to find what advantage
could be gained from an alliance with the Marithds. He offered Nana to bring 2500
Europeans and 10,000 disciplined sepoys, and abundance of war stores,
* Grant Duff's Marithis, 404.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
262
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
suitable circumstances approving an alliance with Eaghundthrav.'
Meanwhile (1778) at Poona dissensions among the misterial party
increased. Ndna Fadnavis despised the abilities of his cousin
Moroba Fadnavis, but, with a Brdhman's caution, he was at more
pains to conceal his contempt than his enmity. Moroba was
supported by all Eaghunathrav's partisans, particularly by BajAba
Purandhare, Sakhardm Hari, Chiuto Vithal, Vishnu Narbar, and
lately by Tukoji Holkar. Still Nana was confident, a spirit which Mr.
Mostyn believed was due to assurance of support from France. After
the death of Gangabai, Sakharam began to be jealous of Ndna and
expressed a qualified approval of a plan to restore Eaghund.thrav, and
Moroba wrote to the Bombay Government proposing the restoration
of Eaghunathrav. The Bombay Government, who from Nona's deal-
ings with the French were satisfied that their safety depended on a
change of ministry at Poona, agreed to restore Ragunathrav, provided
Sakharam Bapu, thechiefauthorityinPoona, expressed his approval of
the scheme in writing. The decision of the Bombay Government was
approved by the Governor General. To help their plans and to
counteract French designs in Western India, a force under Colonel
Leslie was ordered to cross the continent, and place themselves under
the orders of the Government of Bombay.^ Sakhd,ram Bapu refused to
record in writinghis approval of the plan to restore Raghundthrl.v and
further action was stopped. At Poona Nana attempted but failed to
seize Moroba. In spite of this failure, with the help of Sakharam
.Bapu and with the offer of a position in the ministry, Ndna
succeeded in inducing Moroba to join his party. The effect of
this change was at first a loss to Ndna. Moroba, with the help of
Holkar's troops, was more powerful than Ndna, who retired to
Purandhar and agreed to the plan for bringing EaghunAthravto
Poona provided no hai-m should come to himself or his property.
But Nana, by reminding Sakharam Bapu of the evil results of
Raghundthrav's former term of rule at Poona, persuaded Sakhd,ram
Bapu and through Sakhard,m B£pu persuaded Moroba to give up the
idea of bringing Raghunathrdv back. The enjoyment of power
under the existing arrangement and Nana's persuasion led Moroba
still further to adopt Ndna's views and favour St. Lubin and a
French alliance.
The Bombay Government remonstrated with the ministers for keep-
ing St. Lubin in favour in Poona. Ndna saw that the English would
not stand further friendship between theFrench andtheMarathds. He
accordingly dismissed St. Lubin in July, and granted passports for the
Bengal troops through Mardtha territory on their way across India to
counteract French influence in Western India. While dismissing
St. Lubin, Ndna assured him that if St. Lubin could bring a French
corps to India he would grant the French an establishment in
Maratha territories ; and, while granting passports to the British
for safe conduct through Maratha territory, Ndna was sending secret
orders to the Mardtha officers and to the Bundelkhand chief to do
' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 406.
" The force consisted of six battalions of sepoys, proportionate artillery, and some
cavalry. Grant Duff's MarAthds, 406,
Deccan]
POONA.
263
what they could to stop the English.^ Nana allowed Moroba to re-
main in power for about a year. On the 8th of June 1778 Haripant
Phadke and Mahddji Sindia joined N^na at Purandhar and a bribe
of £90j000 (Rs. 9 lakhs) removed the source of Moroba's strength by
the transfer of Holkar from Moroba's interests to the interests of
Ndna.2 On the 11th of July 1778, Moroba was seized by a party of
Siadia's horse, made over to.Nanaj and placed in confinement. The
wholeof Moroba's party were arrested except Sakhardm Bapu,who,for
the sake of the Purandhar treaty, had to be left at liberty.* In spite
of Ndna's trinmphj the Bombay Government resolved to continue
their efforts to place Ragun^thrav in the regency, and directed Colonel
Leslie to march on Junnar. At Poona, N^na Fadnavis on the plea
of age, removed Sakh^ram Bapu fi'om the administration, and placed
a body of Sindia's troops over his person and house. Self-mounted
horsemen or sMleddrs were recruited all over the country and ordered
to assemble at the Dasara festival in October. In the different ports
vessels were refitted, forts were provisioned and repaired, fresh
instructions were despatched to harass Leslie's march, and an agent
was sent to Bombay to amuse the Government by making overtures
to Raghunathrav. This last deception failed, as the Bombay Govern-
ment knew from Mr. Lewis what was going on in Poona.
On the 22nd of November 1778, under agreement with Raghu-
ndthrdv, an advanced party of British troops under Captain James
Stewart, consisting of six companies of native grenadiers from dif-
ferent corps with a small detail of artillery, moved from the port of
Apti in Koldba, took possession of the Bor pass without opposition,
and encamped at Khandala. The main force landed at Panvel in
Thana on the 25 th November, but from delay in making a road for the
guns up the Bor pass, they did not reach the top of the pass till the
23rd of December 1778. The force was' under the command of Colonel
Egerton and Mr. Carnac. It included 691 Europeans, 2278 Native In-
fantry and 500 gun lascars. They were accompanied by Raghunathrd.T,
his adopted son Amritrdv, and a few horse. Some skirmishing had
taken place between Captain Stewart and small parties of the enemy,
in which the British sepoys showed great zeal. At Khandd,la
Colonel Egerton, the commanding officer, reserving the advance as
a- separate corps under Captain Stewart, divided the main body
of his force into two brigades, one commanded by Lieutenant
Colonel Cay and the other by Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn.
Through fairly level, though in places somewhat marshy land, these
three diyisions advanced at the rate of about three-quarters of a
Chapter VII.
History.
MarathAs,
1720-1817.
Ndna Fadnavis,
1778.
1778.
1 Grant DufiPs Mardthds, 409 - 410. ^ Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 408.
* Grant Duffs Mar^lthas, 401. Among the better type of Mar^thAs who devoted
their lives to the attempt to place at the head of the state the generous soldier
Baghun4thr4v, instead of Ndna the scheming and cowardly courtier, was a KAyaatha
Prabhu named Sakhirira Hari. Sakhirdm, who had spent his life in Raghun&hrAv's
service and never wavered from his master's interest, was arrested with others of
Morob4's party. He was chained in irons so heavy that, though a man of unusual
strength he could hardly lift them. His allowance of food and water was slow starva-
tion. Still at the end of fourteen months when too weak to rise, his spirit and his
love for his master remained unshaken. My strength is gone, my life is going, when
voice and breath fail my bones shall shout Raghmdthrdv, Raghmdtkrdv.
iBombay Gazetteer-
264 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII- mile a day, one division always occupying the ground which the
History. other had quitted. In this way eleven days passed before they reached
MaeAthA Karla a village eight miles from the ground which Captain Stewart
1720- 1817* ^^ occupied about six weeks before. The extraordinary slowness
Vadgaon °^ *^^^ march encouraged the enemy's advance guard, which
1778. ' under Bhivrdv Yashvant Pd,nse brought infantry, rockets and guns
to harass them, but on every occasion were attacked and driven
back with the greatest spirit. During the march from Khanddla
the army lost Lieutenant Colonel Cay an excellent officer, who
was mortally wounded by a rocket on the 31st of December. A still
more serious loss was at Kdrla, on the 4th of January 1779, the
death of Captain Stewart the leader of the advance, a true soldier
active gallant and judicious, whose distinguished courage so
impressed the Mard,th^s that for years he was remembered as
Stewart Phakde or Hero Stewart. This creeping advance of the
Bombay army gave Ndna Fadnavis and Mahd-dji Sindia ample time
to gather their forces. As the chief signer of the Purandhar treaty
Sakhardm Bdpu could not well be longer kept under restraint, and,
after aformalreconciliation,he nominally returned to his office of minis-
ter. Ndna's military leaders were Mahadji Sindia, Haripant Phadke,
and Tukoji Holkar. But, as in spite of his bribe of £90,000
(Rs. 9 lakhs), Nd.na mistrusted Holkar, he was kept in a position
from which it was almost impossible for him to join Raghundthrd-v.
As the English drew near, the Mardtha army advanced to Talegaon
about twenty miles east of Khanddla and eighteen miles west of
Poona. On the 6th of January 1779, ill health forced Colonel
Egerton to resign the command to Colonel Oockburn. Colonel
Egerton started for Bombay, but as the Marathas had cut off
communications he was forced to return to the army where he
continued a member of the committee. On the 9th [of January
1779, when the Bombay army reached Talegaon, the Marathds
retired. The village was found to be burnt, and it was said that
if the Bombay army advanced further Chinchwad and Poona
would also be burnt. Though they were within eighteen miles
of Poona and had stores and provisions for eighteen days the
Committee, that is apparently Mr. Carnac, scared by the union and
the determination of the Mardthas proposed a retreat. In vain
Raghundthr^v, who had once led 50,000 of his countrymen from the
Narbada to the Attok, pleaded for an action, one success would bring
forward numbers of his partisans ; in vain Mr. Reid, Mr. Mostyn's
assistant stated that a party of horse in Moroba's interest were
on their way from the Konkan ; in vain Colonel Cockburn engaged
to take the army to Poona and Captain Hartley and Mr. Holmes
argued that if an advance was impossible negotiations should at
least be begun before a retreat was ordered. The committee had
determined to retreat and did not delay one day. At eleven on the
night of the 11th of January the heavy guns were thrown into a
pond, stores were burnt, and 2600 British troops began to retreat
before 50,000 Marathas.-' The Committee imagined their retreat
1 Grant Duffs Mardthis, 415. Mr. Lewis estimated the Mar^tha force at 35,000 ;
the MarSthAs at 100,000 ; Colonel Cockburn at 120,000 ; Grant DulT at 50,000.
Secoan.]
POONA.
265
would remain unknown. By two next morning, within three
hours of their start, a party of Marathds fired on the advanced guard ;
shortly after the rear also was attacked and the baggage plundered ;
at daybreak the army was surrounded and large bodies of horse
were coming to the attack. The weight of the assault fell on the
rear, composed of Hero Stewart's six companies of grenadiers and
two guns now under the command of Captain Hartley a distinguished
officer and well known to the men. Shortly after sunrise the rear
was again attacked by the main body of the Mar^thd,s, horse foot
and guns. The sepoys fought with enthusiasm, the red wall, as
Sindia said, building itself up again as soon as it was thrown
down.^ Five companies of Europeans and two companies of sepoys
weresentto support Captain Hartley, who, in spite of constant attacks,
continued till noon to keep the Mardtha force at bay. During
the whole of the morning the main body of the army were engaged
in returning the fire of the Mardtha artillery and suiiered little loss.
About noon Major Frederick was sent to take the command in the
rear. About an hour after Major Frederick was ordered to retire
on the main body and the whole force moved to the village of Vadgaon
where the advance guard was posted. Crowds of followers pressed
in and the entrance into Vadgaon was a scene of confusion and
loss. At last the troops cleared themselves, drove off the Maratha
horse, got guns into position, and by four in the afternoon the army
had some respite. Early next morning (13th January 1779) the
enemy's guns opened on the village and a body of infantry advanced
to attack it. They were repulsed, but a feeling spread among some
of the officers that the men were dispirited and were ready to desert.
The commander's example encouraged this feeling. A further
retreat was deemed impracticable, and Mr. Farmer the secretary
of the committee was sent to negotiate with the ministers.^ The
ministers demanded Raghund,thrd,v, but the committee were saved
the disgrace of surrendering him, by Raghunathrav's agreeing to
give himself up to Sindia. The ministers, that is Nana and Sindia
who between them held the real power, insisted that the committee
should agree to surrender all the territory which the Bombay
Government had acquired since the death of Madhavrdv BalMl (1772),
together with the Company's revenue in Broach and Surat which the
Marathas had never possessed. When these terms were laid before
the committee Captain Hartley pleaded that one more effort might
be made to retreat but his proposal was rejected. A message was
sent to the ministers that the committee had no power to enter into
any treaty without the sanction of the Bombay Government. Still
Mr. Carnac immediately after sent Mr. Holmes to Sindia with full
power to conclude a treaty. Sindia, though highly flattered by this
direct negotiation, gave in nothing from the Maratha demands, and
Mr. Holmes had to agree that everything should be restored to the
MarAthas as in 1772 and that a message should be sent to stop the
Chapter VII
History.
MarAthAs,
1820-1817.
Vadgaon,
1779,
1 Grant DufPs MarithAs, 425.
2 The English loss on the 12th January was fifty-six killed, 151 wounded, 155
missing. Of the killed and wounded fifteen were European officers. Grant Duff's
MardthAs, 417.
B 1327—34
[Bombay Gazetteer,
266
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
Vadgaon,
1779.
Ooddard's
March,
1779.
advance of the Bengal troops. Sindia's favour was purchased by a
private promise to bestow on him the English share of Broach and
by the gift of £4100 (Rs. 41,000) to his servants. The Bombay
army, after leaving Mr.Farmer and Colonel Stewart as hostages, were
allowed to withdraw.
Mr. Carnac's first act on reaching the Konkan was to suspend
his order stopping the advance of the Bengal troops.^ When
news of the disgrace at Vadgaon reached Bombay Mr. Hornby
disavowed Mr. Carnac's power to make a treaty. On the 19th
of February he proposed to the council that their object should
be to secure peace so as to exclude the French from the Mardtha
dominions and to prevent the cession of English territory. He
thought the £4100 (Rs. 41,000) spent in presents to Sindia's servants
should be paid and the promise of the grant of Broach to Sindia
confirmed.^
The position of the English which was almost ruined by the
disaster at Vadgaon was retrieved by the success of Goddard's
march. On hearing that the Bombay army had suffered a defeat at
Vadgaon, G-oddard pressed on with speed from Rdjegad in Buudel-
khand and reached Surat on the 25th of February 17-79.* When
news of Vadgaon reached the supreme Government they ordered
Goddard, whom they had already appointed their plenipotentiary,
to conclude a treaty with the MarAthAs. The new treaty was to be
on the basis of the Purandhar treaty with an additional article
excluding the French from any establishment in Mardtha territory,
Goddard was also, if he gained the opportunity, to come to a separate
arrangement with Sindia.* Sindia who continued to keep
Raghund,thrav in his power arranged that lands worth £1,200,000
(Rs. 1,20,00,000) a year should be settled on RaghunAthrdv in
Bandelkhand. On his way to Bundelkhand RaghunAthrav escaped
from his guard and reached Surat where he prayed General Goddard
to give him shelter. Goddard agreed to shelter him (I2th June
1779) and gave him an allowance of £5000 (Rs. 50,000) a month.
The escape of Raghund,thr£v caused some coldness between Nana
and Sindia. This passed off and Holkar and Sindia with 15,000
horse agreed to oppose Goddard in Gujarat.^
When the rains of 1 779 were over, as the MarAthds refused to
come to terms, troops were sent from Bombay and overran North
Thdna and secured the revenue. On the 1st of January 1780
Goddard marched south from Surat to act with the Bombay troops.
In December 1780 he captured Bassein, while Hartley defeated the
Mardthas with heavy loss at the battle of Dugad about twenty miles
north of Thana. After these successes in the Konkan, in the hope
that a display of vigour would bring Ndna to terms, Goddard
advanced and took the Bor pass on the 1st of February 1781.
Goddard kept his head-quarters at Khopivli or Kampoli at the foot
of the pass and sent proposals to Ndna. Nana who was busy
1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 418. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 420.
2 Goddard's route lay through Multdn, Khemlassa, Bhilsa, BhopAl, Hoshangabad,
and Burhdnpur. After refreshing his army at Burhdnpur he resumed his march on
the 6th of February, and, in twenty days, reached Surat a distance of 300 miles.
< Grant Duff's Mardthds, 424. » Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 431.
Deccan.l
POONA.
267
collecting troops negotiated for a time, and, when his preparations
were ready,returnedGoddard's proposals on the ground that no terms
could be considered which did not provide for the safety of the
Mard,thas^ ally Haidar of Maisur. On the 15th of April Goddard
began to retreat on Bombay. From the first he was sorely pressed
by the Marathds. Only his skill as a general and the courage of
his troops enabled him on the 23rd of April to bring them safely to
Panvel. The Mardthas considered this retreat of Goddard's one of
their greatest successes over the English. In September 1781 Lord
Macartney, Sir Eyre Coote, Sir Edward Hughes, and Mr. McPherson
addressed a joint letter to the Peshwa stating their wish for peace,
the moderation of the Company's views, the desire of the British
nation to conclude a firm and lasting treaty which no servant of the
Company should have power to break, and assuring the Peshwa
that satisfaction should be given in a sincere and irrevocable treaty.
General Goddard, who still considered himself the accredited agent
on the part of the supreme Government, also opened a negotiation,
and assumed, what was privately agreed, that Sindia should use his
endeavour to obtain a cessation of hostilities between the Peshwa
and the English until the terms of a general peace could be adjusted.
In January 1782 the Bombay Government sent Captain
Watherstone to Poona, but shortly after his arrival oflBcial intelligence
was received that Mr. David Anderson had been deputed to
Mahadji Sindia's camp, as Agent of the Governor General
with full powers to negotiate and conclude a treaty with the
Marathas. On this Captain Watherstone was recalled. At last on
the 17th of May the treaty of Salbai was concluded and ratified by
the Peshwa on the 20th of December 1782. ^ Its chief provisions
were that Eaghundthrdv should have £2500 (Rs. 25,000) a month
and live where he chose ; that all territory should remain as before
the treaty of Purandhar ; that all Europeans except the Portuguese
should be excluded from the Mardtha dominions ; that Haidar should
be compelled to relinquish his conquests from the English j and
that Broach should be given to Sindia for his humanity to the
English after the convention of Vadgaon. Raghunathrav accepted
theterms of the treaty and fixed his residence at Kopargaon on
the Goddvari in Ahmadnagar. He survived only a few months.
His widow Anandibai shortly after gave birth to a son Chimndji
Apa. The infant Chimnaji together with Bd,jirAv, who at the
time of his father's death was nine years old, remained at
Kopargaon till 1793 when Nana Padnavis removed them to
Junnar.^
In 1784, a conspiracy formed with the object of deposing
Mddhavrav Ndrdyan and raising Bajirav, the son of the late
Raghunathrd.v was discovered and crushed by Nana. In the same year
Muddji Bhonsla the chief of B'erdr visited Poona. He showed a
sincere de"sire to connect himself with the head of the state, and, in
the name of his son Raghuji, entered on a new agreement pledging
himself never to assist the English against the Peshwa's Government
and promising to co-operate in the expected war with Tipu. One
Chapt^ VII.
History.
Mahathas,
1720-1817.
Treaty of Salhai,
1 Grant Duff's MarAthis, 452.
2 Grant Dufl's MarAthils, 459, 520.
[Bombay Gaietteer.
268
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
Marathas,
1720-1817.
Sindia in Poona,
1792.
effect of the treaty of Salbai was greatly to favour Sindia's desire
to form an independent Mardtha dominion. In 1784 he took
Gwalior from the Rana of Gohad who had forfeited his claim to
British protection ; he obtained supreme authority at Delhi ; he was
appointed commander-in-chief of the Moghal forces and manager of
the provinces of Delhi and Agra ; and made a claim on the British
for chauth for their Bengal provinces which was disavowed by
Mr. McPherson. In 1785 the news of Sindia's success in Northern
India was received at Poona with surprise and joy. A small body
of the Peshwa's troops was sent to join him as a measure of policy
to preserve the appearance of the Peshwa's co-operation and
supremacy. In the same year at Nana's desire Mr. Charles Malet
was chosen to be British resident at Poona.
In December 1789, on hearing of Tipu's movements, Nana
Fadnavis made specific proposals to the Governor General in the name
both of his master and of Nizam Ali. These proposals with slight
modifications were accepted. A preliminary agreement was settled
on the 29th of March 1790, and, on the 1st of June, for the suppres-
sion of Tipu an offensive and defensive treaty was concluded at
Poona between Mr. Malet on the part of the Company and Ndna
Fadnavis on the part of the Peshwa and Nizdm Ali.^ In 1 792 Sindia,
who was supreme at the Dehli Court, marched from the north
towards Poona bearing from the Emperor of Delhi to the Peshwa
the deeds and robes of the hereditary office of Vahil-i-Mutlak
or Chief Minister, whose hereditary deputy in North India was
to be Sindia. Nana Fadnavis applied to the English for the
permanent services of Captain Little's Detachment which had
acted with Parashuram Bhdu in the war in the Karnatak in 1790
and 1791. This proposal was not agreed to. Sindia, afraid that NAna
might enter into some such arrangement with the English, and to
allay Nana's well-founded jealousy of his regular infantry, brought
with him only a small party under an Englishman named Hessing
and a complete battalion commanded by Michael Piloze a
Neapolitan. Sindia reached Poona on the 11th of June and
pitched his camp near the Sangam or meeting of the Mutha and
Mula rivers, the place assigned by the Peshwa for the residence of
the British envoy and his suite. Nana, who was jealous of Sindia,
did all he could to prevent the Peshwa's accepting the titles and
insignia brought from the emperor. He represented the impropriety
of adopting some of the titles, especially that oi Maha/rdj Adhraj,t]ie
greatest of great rd,jas, which was inconsistent with the constitution
of the Mardtha empire. Still Sindia persisted and the Rd,ja of Sdtdra
gave the Peshwa leave to accept the honours. Nine days after his
arrival, Ndna visited Sindia who received him in the most cordial
manner, refused to sit on his state cushion in the minister's presence,
and treated him with the greatest respect. Next day Sindia paid
his respects to the Peshwa, carrying with him numberless rarities
from North India. The following morning was fixed for the ceremony
of investing the young Peshwa with the title and dignity of Vakil-i-
1 Grant Duff's Mardthda, 484,
Deccan]
POONA.
269
Mutlak. Sindia spared no pains to make the investiture imposing.
Poona had never seen so grand a display. The investiture of Sindia
as the Peshwa's deputy in the office of Vakil-i-Mutlak filled the
next day. In spite of tte outward success of these ceremonies the
Marathds and Brdhmans of Poona and the' Deccan remained
unfriendly to Sindia. Sindia hoped by tlie magnificence of his
presents to gain the goodwill of the Peshwa. He also, in contrast
to Nana^s strictness and decorum, took pains to please the Peshwa,
making hunting and water parties for his amusement. These efforts
of Sindia's liad so much, success that Ndna in an interview with the
Peshwa, after reminding him what services he had rendered, warned
him of the danger he ran if he put himself in Sindia's hands, and
asked leave to retire to Benares. Mddhavrav was much affected
and promised that nothing would persuade him to desert Nana
for Sindia. So bitter was the feeling between NAna and Sindia
that disputes nearly ended in an outbreak. This danger was
removed by the death of Mahddji Sindia of fever after a few days'
illness at Vd,navdi about two miles east of Poona on the 12th of
February 1794.^ Mahddji Sindia's career had been most eventful.
He was the chief Mardtha leader for about tliirty-five years, he
mediated between the Peshwa and the English, and he ruled the
puppet emperor of Delhi with a rod of iron. He was succeeded
by his grand nepbew Daulatrdv Sindia, then in his fifteenth year.
Ndna Fadnavis was now the only Maratha statesman. The
Mardtha confederacy still maintained the nominal supremacy of
the Peshwa ; but the people were losing their adventurous spirit
and each chieftain was gradually becoming independent of any
central authority. Between Sindia's death in February 1794 and the
close of the year the^ progress of events was in Nana's favour.
Bat the disputes between him and Nizam Ali regarding arrears of
tribute grew more and more complicated. Sir John Shore would
not interfere and war was begun in 1794. For the last time all
the great Maratha chiefs served together under the Peshwa's
banner. Daulatrd,v Sindia Mahadji's successor, and Tukoji Holkar
were already at Poona, and the Raja of Berdr had set out to
join ; Govindi-dv Grdikwdr sent a detachment of his troops ; the
great southern vassals the Brdhman families of Patvardhan
and Rdstia, the Brdhman holders of Mdlegaon and Vinchur, the
Pratinidhi,the Pantsachiv, the Maratba Mankaris, Nimbdlkar, Ghatge,
Chavhan, Dafle, Povar, Thordt, and Patankar with many others
attended the summons. The Peshwa left Poona in January 1795,
and the great Maratha army marched at the same time, but by
different routes for the convenience of forage. The army included
upwards of 130,000 horse and foot, exclusive of 10,000 Pendharis.*
1 Grant Duff's Mard,thds, 503.
^ Of this force upwards of one-half were either paid by the Peshwa's treasury, or
were troops of vassals under his direct control. Daulatrdv Sindia's force was more
numerous and more efficient than that of any other chieftain, although the greater
part of his army remained in North ludia and MAlwa. Jivba Ddda Bakshi commanded
immediately under DaulatrAv and had lately joined him with a reinforcement. The
whole consisted of 25,000 men, of whom 10,000 were regular infantry under De
Boing's second-in-command M. Perron. Raghuji Bhonsla mustered 15,000 horse and
foot, Tukoji Holkar had only 10,000, but of these 2000 were regulars under
Dudreneo and most of the Pendharis were followers of Holkar. ParashurAm Bhiu
had 7000 men. Grant Dufif's MarAthds, 614.
Chapter VII
History.
MarAthas, .
1720-1817.
Sindia
in Poona,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
270
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History-
Marathas,
1720-1817.
Ndna's Triumph,
1795.
Mddliavrdv,
1795.
Ndna Padnavis consulted the chief officers separately, and seems
to have adopted the plans of Jivba Ddda Bakshi the Shenvi
commander of Sindia's troops, and of Tukoji Holkar. He appointed
Parshurdm Bhau to act as commander-in-chief. The war ended on
the 1 1th of March by the defeat of the Moghals at Kharda in the
Jd,mkhed sub-division of Ahmadnagar, a defeat due more to Moghal
panic than to Mar atha bravery. Nizam Ali was obliged to treat and
surrender an obnoxious minister Mashir-ul-Mulk, who had resisted the
Maratha claims. After the battle the Peshwa returned to Poona; Nana
Fadnavis was employed in distributing the acquisitions and in settling
affairs with the different chiefs; ParshurdmBbdu and Raghuji Bhonsla
remained near Poona ; Holkar encamped at Jejuri about twenty-five
miles south-east of Poona ; and Sindia at Jamgaon in Ahmadnagar.
By the middle of September 1795 Daulatrdv Sindia had taken leave of
the Peshwa and gone to Jamgaon on his way to Hindustan; Parashurdm
BhAu had returned to Tasgaon in SAt^ra ; Holkar remained at Poona ;
and Raghuji Bhonsla left Poona at the middle of October being
dismissed with great honour. Ndna Fadnavis was at the height of his
prosperity. Without calling the help of any foreign power he had
gained every object of his ambition. Daulatrdv Sindia was well
disposed towards him and Sindia's ministers and officers were more
intent on forwardingtheir own views in the government of their young
master than in schemes for controlling the Poona Court. Tukoji
Holkar had become imbecile both in mind and body and his officers
were in Nona's hands, Raghuji Bhonsla was completely secured in
his interests, and the Brdhman estate-holders were of his party. The
fair prospect that the Peshwa's Government would regain the tone
and vigour of the first Mddhavr^v^s time (1761 - 1772) was ruined
by Nana's fondness for power. His unwillingness to let even his
master share with him the control of the state brought on Nana a
catastrophe which undermined his authority, overturned the labour
of his life, and clouded his last days with trouble and misery.^
Though Mddhavrdv" was now (1795) twenty years old, Nana
loosened none of the restraints under which he had been reared.
At the same time he became more than ever watchful of all the
state prisoners whose liberty might endanger his own power. In
1794, before the beginning of the war with Nizdm Ali, Bajirav and
ChimnAji Apa, the sons of Raghun^thrav, with their adopted
brother Amritrav were taken from Ndsik to the gadhi or mud fort
of Junnar and were kept there in close custody. The bulk of
the people thought the imprisonment of these youths harsh, cruel,
and unneeded. The old partisans of Raghunlithrav and all who
disliked N^na strove to strengthen and embitter this feeling,
praising the youths and overdrawing the harshness of their
confinement. The knowledge how widely this feeling was
spread made Nd,na still warier and more careful. He felt that
Bajirdv, the elder brother, though a youth of only nineteen, was a
rival whom he had reason to fear. Graceful and handsome, with a
mild persuasive manner, Bdjirdv was famed for skill as a horseman,
1 Grant Dufifs MaiAthas, 518.
Oeccan.]
POONA.
271
archer, and swordsman, and for a knowledge of the sacred books
greater than any Mardtha Brahman of his age had ever been known
to possess. MadhavrAv heard with delight these accounts of his
cousin^s skill, and prayed that he might be set free and become his
friend. In yain Ndna warned him that Bdjir^v was no friend to
him but a rival. The more Nana warned and lectured the stronger
grew Madhavrdv's longing to know his cousin. Btljirav heard that
Mddhavr^v loved him and -was anxious that BdjirAv should be set
free. Through his keeper Balvantrav, whom after long persuasion he
at last won over, Bdjirdv sent Madhavrav a message of respect and
sympathy : We are both prisoners, you at Poena and I at Junnar,
still our minds and affections are free and should be devoted to
each other ; the time will come when we two together will rival
the deeds of our forefathers. When N^na heard of this
correspondence which had lasted for some time he showed an
altogether unusual rage. He upbraided MadhavrAv, doubled the
closeness of Bdjirdv^s confinement, and threw Balvantrdv into a
fort loaded with irons. Madhavrav galled by restraint and
overwhelmed with anger and grief for days refused to leave his
room. At the Dasara on the 22nd of October, he appeared among
his troops and in the evening received his chiefs and the ambassadors.
But his spirit was wounded to despair, a melancholy seized him,
and, on the morning of the 25th of October 1795, he threw himself
from a terrace in his palace, broke two of his limbs, and died after two
days, having particularly desired that Bajirdv should succeed him.
When he heard that Mddhavrav had thrown himself from the terrace
and was dying. Nana summoned Parashurdm Bhdu, recalled Raghuji
Bhonsla and Daulatrdv Sindia, and called in Tukoji Holkar who was
in Poena. He hid from them Mddhavrdv's dying wish that Bajirdv
should succeed him, and warned them that Bajirdv's succession would
be certain ruin to any one who had sided against Raghunathrav.
He enlarged on the family connection between Bajirdv and the
English ; his accession would end in the English ascendancy ; why
not continue the prosperous government which the Deocan had for
years enjoyed. He proposed that Mddhavrav's widow Tashoddbdi
should adopt a son and that Ndna should conduct the government
till the son came of age. Holkar gave this scheme his support, and
by January (1796) the leading nobles had agreed to it and withdrawn
from Poena. This decision was told to Mr. Mallet. The English
could raise no objection and nothing remained but to choose the
child. Bdjirdv was informed of these measures. He knew that Baloba
Tatya one of Sindia's ofBcers was well disposed to him ; he heard
that on his death-bed Jivba Dada Bakshi, Sindia's prime minister, told
his master that he was ashamed that he had agreed to keep Bdjirav
from his rights, and he promised Sindia territory worth £40,000
(Rs. 4 lakhs) if he would help him to become Peshwa. Sindia
promised and a formal agreement was drawn up. When Ndna heard
of the agreement between Bdjirav and Sindia, he sent in haste for
Parashurdm Bhdu who marched from Tdsgaon in SAtd,ra to Poona,
120 miles in forty-eight hours. N4na and Parashuram Bhdu agreed
that their only chance was to be before Sindia and at once offer the
Peshwaship to Bdjirav. Parashurdm Bhau started for Junnar and
Chapter VII
History.
MabAthAs,
1720-1817.
Bdjirdv,
1795.
Mddhamrdv
Dies,
1795.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
272
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeathIs,
1720-1817.
GhimndjiMddhavrdv,
Eighth Peshwa,
May 1796.
made the offer. When Parashuram Bhau had held a cow by the tail
and sworn by the Goddvari.Bajirav was satisfied and went with him to
Poona. As soon as Bajii-dv reached Poona he had a meeting with N^na.
Bajirdv, assured of the saccession, agreed to keep Ndna at the head
of his administration^ and both promised to bury former enmity.
When Baloba Tdtja, and his master Sindia heard that Bd,jir^v had
deserted them in favour of Ndna they marched on Poona with a
large force. The timid Ndna was dismayed and told Parashurd,m
Bhau that as it was against him that Sindia was coming he had
better retire. Nana accordingly withdrew to Purandhar and then to
Satdra. When Sindia reached Poona he had a friendly meeting with
Bdjirdv. But his minister Baloba Tatya could not forgive Bajirav's
desertion. He proposed that Mddhavrav's widow should adopt
Bajirdv^syounger brother Chimnaji, and that Parashurdm Bhau should
be prime minister. Parashuram Bhdu consulted Ndna, and Nana said
the scheme was good, provided Parashurdm Bhdu got Bajir^v into his
hands. Parashurdm Bhau overlooked this condition and told Bdloba
that his scheme had Ndna's approval. Bdloba expressed himself
pleased as he feared that Ndna might organize a combination
against his master. Nana obtained the robe of investiture from
the Satdra chief and was on his way with it to Poona when he heard
that Parashurdm Bhau had not secured possession of Bajirav. He
suspected treachery, sent on the robe, and halted at Vai in Satdra.
During all this time Bajirav knew nothing of the plot to pass him over
in his brother's favour. To settle some dispute, regarding certain
arrears of pay he had promised to make good to Sindia, Bajirdv went
to Sindia's camp. Towards evening confused news came that
Parashurdm Bhau had seized Ohimndji and carried him off.
Bdjirdv was keen for pursuit ; but no one knew where the boy had
been taken and till morning pursuit was useless. Bdjirdv stayed
the night in Sindia's camp. Next morning he saw the snare into
which he had fallen when he was advised to remain with Sindia as
no place outside of the camp was safe for him. Parashurd'm Bhdu
had taken Chimndji to Poona, and on the 26th of May 1796
contrary to his wish, Chimndji was adopted by the name of
Chimndji Madhavrdv and formally invested as Peshwa. The day
after the new Peshwa was installed Parashurdm Bhdu proposed
that Ndna Fadnavis should come to Poona, be reconciled to Sindia's
minister Bdloba, and assume the civil administration, while the
command of the troops should remain with Parashurdm Bhdu. In
reply Ndna Fadnavis requested that Parashurdm Bhdu's eldest son
Haripant, might be sent to Vdi to settle preliminaries. Instead
of coming as an envoy, Haripant crossed the Nira at theTiead of 4000
to 5000 chosen horse. Ndna's suspicions were strengthened by a letter
from Babdrdv Phadke advising him to lose no time in putting himself
in a place of safety, and Ndna retired to Mahad close to Rdygad fort
in Kolaba. Ndna's fortunes now seemed desperate. But necessity-
forced him out of his timid and half-hearted measures. He exerted
himself with a vigour of judgment, a richness of resource and a power
of combining men, which from his European contemporaries gained
him the name of the Maratha Machiavel.^ Nana's two chief enemies
were Parashurdm Bhau who was acting as minister at Poona and
I Maohiavel, a great Italian statesman.
Decoau]
POONA.
273'
Bdloba, Sindia's minister. His chief hope lay in persuading B£jirfiv,
like himself a chief loser under the present arrangement, to throw
in his lot with his. In these extremities Nana's wealth, which he
had been laying by for years and had placed with trusty bankers
all over the country, was of the greatest service. Money could buy
some leading man in the Peshwa's army to counteract Parashuram
BhAu ; money could buy a party in Sindia's camp to oppose Nana's
other chief enemy Baloba ; if only Bajirdv were on his side
promises of territory would win Sindia and the Niz^m. Ndna's
negotiations with Bdjirdv were made easy by the arrival of a trusty
dependent now in Bajirav's service bringing friendly assurances
from Bajirav who urged Nana to exert himself as their cause was
the same. Nana's schemes succeeded. He had Tukoji Holkar
ready at a signal to help him with all his power. He won over
Babirdv Phadke who was in command of the Peshwa's household
troops as a make-weight to Parashuram Bhdu, and gained Sakhdrdm
Ghdtge, whose daughter Sindia was most anxious to marry, an
enemy of Bdloba Sindia's minister. He offered Sindia
Parashuram Bhdu's estates in the Bombay Karndtak, the fort of
Ahmadnagar, and territory worth £100,000 (Us. 10 lakhs) on
condition that he would place Bdloba in confinement, establish
Bdjirdv as Peshwa, and withdraw to North India. To these terms
Sindia agreed. When Bdjirdv and Babdrdv Phadke, the command-
ant of the Peshwa's household troops knew that Sindia's alliance
was secured, they began openly to collect troops with funds placed
at their disposal by Nilna. Bdloba Tdtya, Sindia's minister, found
out that Bdjirdv and Bdbardv were raising troops. He seized and
imprisoned Bdbdrdv in Chdkan, surrounded Bdjirdv's encampment,
and disbanded his troops. Bd,loba thought BAjirdv was the root
of the whole conspiracy, and arranged that he should be sent to
North India under the charge of Sakhdrdm Grhdtge. On the way
'BAjiri.v used every endeavour tojwin over Ghdtge, and, on the promise
that Bdjirdv when he came to power would gethimappointed Sindia's
minister, Ghdtge allowed B^jird,v to halt on the plea of ill-health.
Mashir-ul-Mulk, the Nizd,m's minister, whom he had lately freed
from confinement in Poena was allowed by Parashurdm Bhdu to
collect troops to be used against Ndna. But Ndna had already
gained the Nizdm and his vizier, promising, if the Nizdm helped
Bdjirdv to be Peshwa and Nd,na to be minister, that the lands won by
the Marathds after the battle of Kharda (1795) should be restored
to the Nizam and outstanding claims cancelled. On Dasara which
fell on the 11th of October the regular battalions in the Peshwa's
service under Mr. Boyd marched to the Nira bridge and a brigade
of Sindia's regulars started towards Eaygad both apparently with the
object of crushing Ndna. Nona's plans were now complete. On the
27th of Oqtober Sindia arrested his minister Baloba and sent a body
of troops, accompanied by some of the Nizam's to seize Parashurdm
Bhau. Parashurd,m Bhau was warned and fled, taking Chimn^ji Apa,
but was pursued and captured. B^jirdv was brought back and camped
at Koregaon on the Bhima. Ndna left Mahdd, met the troops
which he had collected at the Sd,lpa pass in Satdra and was joined
by the Peshwa's infantry under Mr. Boyd. Before advancing Ndna
B 1327—35
Chapter VII.
History.
MarathAs,
1720-1817.
Ndna's Triumph,
1796,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
274
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
Bdjirdv Baghundih,
Ninth and last
Peshwa,
1796-1817.
required a guarantee from Bdjirdv that no treachery was intended,
and that if he ever wished he might resign his post as minister in
the certainty that his person and property would be respected.
Ndna Fadnayis resumed the duties of prime minister on the 25th
of November and Bdjirdv was installed Peshwa on the 4th of December
1796. The Shdstris declared Chimndji's adoption illegal and after
a nominal penance Chimndji was appointed governor of Gujardt.i
The English and Eaghuji Bhonsla of Ndgpur approved of Bdjirdv's
accession. At the time of his accession Mr. Tone, who was then in
Poena, described Bdjirdv as over middle size, fair, and graceful, with
a manly sensible and majestic face and impressive manners.
During these irregularities the army had fallen into disorder.
In 1797 a desperate affray took place in the streets of Poona
between a body of Arabs and a party of Mr. Boyd's sepoys, in which
upwards of 100 persons were killed and many shops and warehouses
were plundered. The treaties with Sindia and Raghuji Bhonsla were
fulfilled, and Raghuji left for/ Nagpur. But as Bajirav, unless it
was greatly modified, refused to ratify the treaty of Mdhdd with
Nizdm Ali, Mashir-ul-mulk quitted Poona without taking leave of
the Peshwa and returned highly incensed to Haidarabad (13th
July 1797). This dispute with the Nizdm and the death of Tukoji
Holkar in August 1797 considerably weakened Nana's power. On
Holkar's death (13th July 1797) Malharrav quarrelled with his
brother Kdshirdv, who was imbecile in mind and body, and, with
his two illegitimate brothers Yashvantrdv and Vithoji, removed
to Bhamburda, about two miles north-west of Poona city. Ndna
favoured Malhan-dv, and Kdshirdv applied for help to Sindia. Sindia
promised help with the greatest readiness, sent a strong force to
Bhdmburda, and, as Malhdrdv refused to yield, his camp was
surrendered and he was killed. His half-brothers Yashvantrdv and
Vithoji escaped. This success gave Sindia power over the whole
of Holkar's resources and was a deathblow to the schemes of Nana
Fadnavis. Bajirav secretly encouraged Sindia, who, in transferring
Angria^s estates in Koldba from Mdnaji to his own relation
Bdburdv and in other matters, began to exercise a more arbitrary
power than the Peshwa had ever claimed.^ Hitherto Bdjirdv whose
appearance and misfortunes always won sympathy was believed to
have an excellent natural disposition. This belief was the result of
his talent for cajoling and deceiving. Prom the beginning his
conduct was governed by two principles to trust no one and to
deceive every one. His great object was to free himself from the
control of Sindia and of Nana. Sindia he regarded as a less evil
than Nana. At the worst he thought that at any time he could get
rid of Sindia by persuading him to go to North India. To free himself
from Ndna's control Bdjirdv entered into a plot with Ghdtge, whose
daughter was not yet married to Sindia, and persuaded him that so
long as Ndna remained in power Ghatge's hope of becoming Sindia's
minister could never be realised. They agreed that Nana should be
placed in confinement. On the 31st of December 1797, Ndna, while
1 Grant DnflPs MardthAs, 527-529.
2 Grant Duflf's MarAthAs, 501.
Deccau.]
POONA.
275
returning a formal visit to Sindiaj was seized with all his retinue j
his guards were attacked and dispersed ; and under Ghdtge's orders
Naaa's house and the houses of his adherents were plundered.
Many resisted ; firing went on for a night and da-y ; the whole city
was in an uproar ; all went armed and in bands. When Nd,na was
seized in Sindia's camp, Bajirdv, as if on business, sent for the leading
members of Nona's party and put them in confinement.^ Ndna
was sent to Ahmadnagar fort. Bdjirav appointed his own half-
brother Amritrdy prime minister and raised the unexperienced
BAldjipant Patvardhan to the command of the army. When as he
supposed he had got rid of Nana' s control, Bajirav began to devise
means for dismissing Sindia. But he had first to carry out the
promises he had made. Sindia was married to Grhatge's daughter,
and money difficulties caused by marriage expenses and the cost of
his army at Poena pressed hard on Sindia, so that he urged Bajirav
to give him the £2,000,000 (Rs. 2 krors) he had promised. Bdjirav
said he had not the money. If Sindia would make Ghatge his
minister, Bajirav would give Ghdtge leave to recover from the rich
people of Poona as much as was required. Sindia agreed and
Ghatge was made minister and empowered to levy the amount
required from the people of Poona. Ghatge's first step was to raise
money from the members of Nona's party who were confined in
BAjirdv's palace. These men of high position and reputation were
dragged out and scourged till they gave up their property. One of
them, a relation of Nana's, was tied to a heated gun, and as he would
not part with his property, remained tied to the gun till he died.
These cruelties were not confined to Nd,na's friends. Merchants,
bankers, and all in the city who were supposed to have wealth,
were seized and tortured with such cruelty that several of them
died. Though the plan of levying money by force from the people
of Poona was Bajirdv's, Bajirav never supposed that the money
would be collected with such cruelty. He remonstrated with
Sindia but his complaints were of no effect. Amritrdv, Bd.jird,v's
brother, who did not know that Bd,jirdv had any share in the
matter proposed to seize Sindia. To this Bdjirdv willingly
agreed. Before this Bajirav and Amritrdv, to make the Peshwa's
infantry more nearly a match for Sindia's, had agreed to engage
British officers and Mr. Tone was chosen to command the
first brigade. Their relations with the Nizam were put forward as
the reason for this increase of their troops and Sindia was asked to
join in an expedition to recover the arrears due under the treaty of
Kharda (1795). Sindia readily agreed. About this time there was
much ill-feeling among Sindia's officers and Sindia became very
unpopular. Bajirdv fostered the feeling of dislike to Sindia, so that
if he seized Sindia he might have less difficulty in preventing an
outbreak among Sindia's followers. Bdjir^v arranged with Amrit-
r^v that Sindia should be invited to his palace and should be seized by
Aba Kale who commanded one of the Peshwa's regular battalions.
Sindia was asked to come but excused himself. BAjirdv ordered
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeAthas,
1720-1817.
Ndna Seized,
1797.
Poona Pluiidered
1797.
' See Mr. Uhtoflf's Despatches.
[Bombay Gazetteei->
276
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
The Widows'
War,
1797.
him to attend. At their meeting he upbraided Sindia for his
disobedience, and for all the sufferings which he had caused in
Poona. He ordered Siudia to withdraw from Poona to •Jd.mgaon
in Ahmadnagar. Sindia expressed the greatest willingness to movej
but regretted that until the present arrears of pay were made good
his army could not leave Poona. When the time came to give the
signal for seizing him, Bajirav's courage failed and Sindia was
allowed to leave. Bdjirdv had afterwards the meanness and weak-
ness to tell Sindia what Amritrdv had intended and to advise him
to be on his guard. Fresh difficulties arose from the arrears of
pay due to the Peshwa's army. They were ordered to march to
S&td,ra to put down a rising. Instead of starting they raised a riot
in Poona and kicked about the street the turban of one of Bdjirdv's
favourites who tried to interfere. Govindrdv Pingle, one of the
ministers who was iu confinement, sent word to Bajirav that the only
man who could bring the troops to order was Naropant Chakradev,
the former commander who had been imprisoned as a friend of Nana's.
Bdjirdv restored both Pingle and Naropant to liberty, and Naropant
quelled the tumult in a day. But as Bdjirdv could not trust
Naropant at a distance he had to release Parashuram Bhdu to
restore order at Satara. Disorders increased at Poona. Daulatr^v
Sindia's uncle Mahadji on his death in 1795 had left three widows.
Daulatrav promised to make ample provision for them and they
continued to live in his camp. No provision was made and even
their comforts were scrimped. The youngest of the three widows
was a beautiful woman and the others either discosrered or invented
a criminal intimacy between her and Sindia. The ladies openly
accused Sindia of the crime and Ghafcge who was sent to quiet their
complaints being refused an entrance forced his way into their
tents and seized and flogged them (1798). The Shenvi Brdhmans, of
whom Bdloba was the head and who before Ghatge's rise to power
were the strongest party in Sindia's army, took the side of the widows.
After much discussion it was arranged that the widows should be
taken to Burhanpur and should be kept there in a state of suitable
comfort. On their way to Burhdnpur their friends learned that the
widows were being taken not to Burhanpur but to Ahmadnagar fort.
Under the influence of the Shenvi Brdhmans a Pathdn namedMuzafEar
Kh^n, who was in command of a choice body of cavalry, assailed the
escort, rescued the widows, and carried them back close to Sindia's
camp. Ghatge persuaded Sindia to let him attack Muzaffar.
Muzaffar had warning and retired with the widows pursued by
Ghatge. He left the ladies in the camp of Amritrav, Bdjirav's
brother who was near the Bhima, turned on Ghdtge, defeated him,
and put him to flight. Bd,jird,v approved of his brother's kindness to
the widows, andasked Colonel Palmer, the British Resident, to mediate
between them and Sindia. Sindia refused, and, on the night of the
7th June, sent GhAtge with five battalions of regular infantry under
Du Prat, a Frenchman, to surprise Amritrav's camp and seize the
ladies. Ghdtge's attempt failed and he had to retire with loss.
Sindia then promised to arrange for a suitable establishment for the
ladies, and Amritrav came into Poona and camped close to Sindia.
It was the Mxiharram time, and Ghatge, under pretence of keeping
Deccan.]
POONA.
277
order, brought two brigades of infantry and twenty-five guns close
to Amritrd,v's camp, suddenly opened fire on it, charged and
dispersed Amritrav's troops, and pillaged his camp. This outrage
was nothing less than war with the Peshwa. Holkar came and
sided with the Peshwa, the other Mardtha nobles joined his standard,
and the Peshwa negotiated an alliance with Nizam Ali.^ Sindia
alarmed by the treaty between the Peshwa and the NizAm tried to
arrange a settlement, but the demands of the ladies became so
extravagant that nothing could be settled. To intimidate Bdjirav
Sindia sent an envoy to Tipu, but Bajirav had done the same. A
more powerful means of influencing Bd.jirav and also a means of
raising money was to set Nana Fadnavis free. Sindia brought
Nana from Ahmadnagar and received £100,000 (Rs. 10 lakhs) as
the price of his liberty. The release of N^na was shortly followed
by the revocation of the treaty between the Peshwa and Nizdm Ali.
These events forced Bdjirav to begin negotiations with Nana
Fadnavis, and Sindia, who did not know that the treaty between
the Peshwa and the Nizam had been revoked, was anxious to come
to terms, insisting only that Nana should be placed at the head of
B^jirav's affairs. Meanwhile Grhatge had been acting with such
reckless cruelty that Sindia felt that Grhitge's disgraceful acts
were alienating the minds of all his supporters. He accordingly
gave orders for Grhdtge's arrest which was successfully effected.
Ghdtge's arrest helped to reconcile Sindia and Bajirav. The need
of reconciliation was also pressed on them by the change of policy
on the part of the English. The timid neutrality which had
marked the English policy under Sir John Shore was reversed by
the Marquis of Wellesley's arrival in India on the 26th of April
1798. Soon after his arrival the Marquis of Wellesley, then Lord
Mornington, directed the Political Agents at Poona and Haidarabad to
secure the alliance of those states so that at least their resources might
not be applied against the British Government. With the object of
removing Sindia from the Deccan who was known to be always
anxious to obstruct British influence, the British agent at Poona
set forth the reported designs on India of Zaman Shah king of
Kd,bul, the grandson of Ahmad Shdh Abdali terrible to Mard,thd,s,
The British agent also offered the Peshwa a body of the Company's
troops to protect his territory and revive the authority of his
government. Bdjirav had not long before asked for the help of
British troops and his offer had been refused. He could explain
this sadden change in the view of the English only by an under-
standing with Nana, and his suspicion was confirmed when the
English agent spoke strongly in favour of Nana's restoration.
Chapter Vir
History-
MarAthas,
1720-1817.
Nana Set Free
1798.
' Under this treaty the Peshwa confirmed the articles of the treaty of Mah^
which was passed between Ndna Fadnavis and the NizAm in 1796 ; Mariltha claims
on Bedar were remitted and a tract of territory yielding £80,000 (Es. 8,00,000) of
revenue was ceded to NizAm Ali. Niz4m Ali agreed to support the Peshwa against
any encroachment of Ndna Fadnavis, but in case Ndna was set free by Sindia it
was agreed that B^jirAv would allow him a yearly pension of £10,000 (Es. 1,00,000).
Eaghuji Bhonsla of N^gpur, if he chose, was to be considered a party to this treaty,
and was to receive the whole of Garh Mandla from BAjirAv. Grant Dufifa
MarAthAs, 539.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
278
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII,
History
MaeathA,",
1720-1817.
Nana Minister,
1798.
As Nana was the object of Bdjirav's strongest hate and fear the
wish to prevent an understanding between Nana and the English
overcame all other considerations. Sindia was ready to leave for
North India but B^jirav at a private meeting persuaded him to
stay to prevent Nana froni bringing English troops into Poena.
While these private negotiations with Sindia were on foot Bajir^v
was secretly praying Ndna who was then in Sindia's camp, to
return to Poena and take his post as minister. Nd,na at first refused
unless under a guarantee from the British Government that his
person and property should be safe. To overcome Ndna's fears
B^jir^v went alone at night to Nana's house, and using to the
utmost his extraordinary powers of persuasion and deception
induced (15th October 1798) the old man to resume his post as
minister without any guarantee. Within a few months (1799)
Nana was told by Yashvantrav Ghorpade and by Sindia that
Bajir^v was again trying to persuade Sindia to put him in con-
finemenb. Nana went to Bajirav, charged him with this treachery,
and implored him to let him give up his post as minister and
withdraw to private life. Bajirav denied any knowledge of the
proposals, asked who had dared to make use of his name, and
told Sindia to arrest them. Sindia arrested BAjir^v's minister
Govindrav, and Shivrara another of B^jirdv's agents, who bore
the loss of their property and their liberty without impeaching
their master's truthfulness. After this satisfaction Nd,na resumed
his duties. As far as possible Ndna avoided public busiuess. But
for some months affairs had been in progress which no one at
Poena but Ndna could prevent from seriously affecting the power
of the Peshwa. On the first of September 1798 a new treaty was
concluded between Nizdm Ali and the English under which
Nizdm Ali agreed to disband his French troops and replace them
with English troops, and under which the English undertook to
mediate between the Nizdm and the Peshwa and to do their best to
bring the Peshwa to a friendly settlement. ^ The MarathAs viewed
this treaty with much jealousy and the British agent urged the
Peshwa to conclude a similar treaty. He evaded the subject by an
assurance that he would faithfully execute the conditions of existing
engagements, and, in the event of a war with Tipu, promised to
afford his aid. In these replies Bdjirav followed Nona's advice.
Nana pressed him, after giving these promises, to take care that
his promises were fulfilled ; any instance of bad faith would add
greatly to the power of the English in their future dealings with the
Mardth^s. In this matter Bd.jirav followed his own inclination.
Though, with the help of Parashuram Bhau, Nina arranged that
as in 1790 a Maratha contingent should be ready, in 1799, when the
fourth Maisur war broke out, the English instead of Mardtha support,
found that Tipu's envoyswere publicly received in Poena, and that
Tipu's agent had paid Bdjirav £130,000 (Es. 13 lakhs). The
Governor General noticed the conduct of the court of Poena by
countermanding the detachment which was in readiness to act with
1 Grant DuOfs MarAthis, 542.
Deccan.]
POONA.
279
Parashuram BMuj an action which Nana Fadnavis who did not
know that Bdjirav had received the £130,000 (Rs. 13 IdJchs) could
not understand.
When he heard that (4th May 1799) Seringapatam had fallen, that
Tipu was slain, and that his power was at an end, Bd.jird,v affected the
utmost joy, tried to pursuade Colonel Palmer that the backwardness
of the Maratha contingent was due to Ndna, and sent urgent
orders to the governor of the Maratha Karnd,tak to advance into
Tipu's country. Sindia also, while secretly striving to encourage
resistance among Tipu's partisans, sent abundant congratulations
to Colonel Palmer. Though the Peshwa had failed in his promise of
help, in the hope of making him agree to a treaty like the treaty
he had concluded with the Nizdm, the Governor General set apart
a portion of Tipu's conquered country for the Marathds. This
tract of territory, which included the greater part of the Sunda
lands now in North Kanara, yielding an estimated revenue of
£26,300 (Rs. 2,63,000), was rejected by the Peshwa. The Poena
Government regretted that the disorder in the Mardtha country
had prevented them from sending the promised contingent to act
against Tipu ; in the case of the French landing in India the
Peshwa undertook to join with the English in fighting them, at the
same time the Peshwa would not agree to exclude Frenchmen from
his service. He refused the Company's oHered mediation in his
existing disputes with the Nizam, and treated as absurd the
proposal to include Raghuji Bhonsla of Nagpur as a principal in the
intended alliance. Sindia's affairs continued in confusion. After
Ghatge's attack on AmritrAv's camp in 1798 the ladies sought
refuge with the Kolhdpur chief. In Kolhapur they were joined by
the leading Shenvi Brahmans in Sindia's service. Numbers of
horsemen flocked to their standard, and they marched north
(February 1799) burning all Sindia's villages between the Krishna
and the Godavari. Sindia's horse fled before them, and, though they
gave way to his regular battalions, as soon as the regular troops
turned to go back to Poena the ladies' troops followed them and
continued their work of ruin. The country swarmed with horsemen,
and though plunder was not indiscriminate the devastation was
great.i In addition to his troubles with the widows Sindia's power
was threatened by a revolt in North India and by the escape and
rapid success of Tashvantrav Holkar in Malwa. In these straits
Sindia's headmen advised him to set Bdloba Tatya free and appoint
him minister. Baloba promptly made a settlement with the ladies.
But after all was arranged the murder of one of their followers
enraged the ladies and they withdrew and again marched through
the country plundering.^ In August 1799, with the approval of
their chiefs^ Bdloba and Nd,na deliberated on measures to counteract
the close alliance between the Nizd.m and the English. For some
time Satara and Kolhapur had fallen into complete disorder and
Parashuram Bhd.u the Peshwa's commander had lately been killed.
A combined force of the Peshwa and Sindia marched towards
Chapter VII
History.
MabathIs,
1720-1817.
The Widowh'
War,
1799.
1 Grant Duffs MarAthds, 645.
2 Grant Duffs Mardth4s, 546.
[Bombay Gazetteer
280
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MakAthIs,
1720-1817.
Nana Dies,
1800.
Kolhdpur, defeated the chief, forced him to seek safety in Panhd,la,
besieged Kolhdpur, and had nearly taken it when (1800) events at
Poena forced a prompt settlement and saved the existence or at
least the independence of the Kolhapur state.
Ndna's health, which had long been declining, failed rapidly in
the beginning of 1800, and he died at Poona on the 13th of March.
This event sealed the ruin of the Peshwa's government.
In figure N^na was tall and thin, dark in complexion and
grave in manners, with a quick searching and intelligent
expression. In private life he was truthful, frugal, and charitable,
a most orderly and painstaking worker. He respected the sincerity
and vigour of the English, but, as political enemies, looked on
them with the keenest jealousy and alarm. As a politician his early
life was disfigured by timidity and ambition. During his last
years he acted with the courage and sincerity of a patriot, regardless
of consequences to himself, counselling Bdjir^v to do what he
believed was for the good of the state. In his early life he devoted
his energies to maintain the improved civil management which had
been established by Madhavrdv Balldl (1761-1772). In later years
home intrigues and foreign troubles so filled his time and his thoughts
that in practice almost all check on abuses disappeared. Even in
Poona city so slack was the control that G-hdsiram the head of the city
police was able without check to commit a series of murders, and at
last, when his guilt was proved, was punished not by the law but by a
rising of the townsmen who stoned him to death. With Nana
passed away all that was wise and moderate in the Peshwa's
government.
Ndna died leaving a young widow and no children. The desire to
seize his wealth, which in spite of all he had latterly been forced to
part with was said to be still immense, soon set Sindia and BSjirav
quarrelling. When the insurrection in North India was crushed,
Sindia, under the influence of Ghatge determined to destroy Bd.loba.
He was seized and thrown into Ahmadnagar, death freeing him
from the tortures which Ghd,tge had planned for him and which he
carried out in the case of two of Baloba's supporters blowing one
from a gun and mangling the other by tying round him and setting
fire to a belt of rockets. While Sindia vented his hate on the
Shenvi Brdhmans, Bajirdv gratified his revenge by seizing and
throwing into confinement the former supporters of Ndna and of
Parashuram Bhau and other Patvardhans. Sindia was now all-
powerful at Poona. He had BAjirdv so entirely in his hands, that
he for some time kept a guard round Bdjirdv's palace lest he should
attempt to escape. Before the close of 1800, the rapid success of
Yashvantrav Holkar, who had overrun almost the whole of Md,lwa,
compelled Sindia to leave Poona and march north. Before he left Poona
he forced B^jirav to give him bills worth £470,000 (Rs. 47 Ukhs).
Several bloody battles were fought between Sindia and Holkar in
Md,lwa. The infamous Ghatge joined Sindia's army and gained a
complete victory over Holkar. Yashvantrdv, though nearly ruined,
by a skilful march arrived unexpectedly in the neighbourhood of
Poona. When Sindia left Poona, instead of trying to win
Deccan.]
POONA.
281
the respect of his people, Bdjirav gave his attention to
distressing and pillaging all who had opposed either himself or
his father. One of the first who suffered was Mddhavrdv R^stia,
whom he invited to visit him, seized, and hurried to prison.
This act, followed by others like it, caused general discontent.
Lawlessness spread and the Deccan was filled with bands of
plundering horsemen. Among the prisoners taken in one affray was
Vithoji the brother of Yashvantr Av Holkar. According to Maratha
practice the punishment to prisoners taken in a plundering raid
was not always death. Something short of death might have
sufficed in the case of a son of Tukoji Holkar. But Tukoji
Holkar had been Nona's friend and the Holkars were Sindia's
enemies. So to death Bd,jiriv added disgrace and sat by as Vithoji
was bound to an elephant's foot and dragged to death in the streets
of Poona (April 1801). B^jirdv's cruelty brought on him the hate
of Vithoji's brother Tashvantrav, a hate which for years haunted
Bdjird,v's coward mind. Shortly after Vithoji's death, the news
of Yashvantrdv's vow of vengeance and of his successes against
Sindia's troops at Ujain (June 1801) led Bdjirdv to address him in
friendly terms as the heir of Tukoji Holkar. As Sindia was fully
occupied with his fight against Holkar, who had more than once
defeated his troops, BAjirav thought the opportunity suitable for
seizing Sindia's officer Ghd,tge. Ghatge, whose plundering was causing
much misery in the Deccan, came into Poona and in his demands for
money insulted the Poona Court. Baldji Kunjar, Bd,jird,v's favourite,
asked him to his house to receive some of the money he demanded.
Ghdtge came ; but noticing from a signal given by BdMji Kunjar
that treachery was intended, he forced his way out, leaped on his
horse, escaped, and returned to Poona with a force threatening
to sack the city. The British Resident was called in to effect some
settlement of Ghdtge's claim, and Poona was saved further loss by
an urgent message from Sindia requiring Ghdtge in MAlwa. Early
in 1802 Shah Ahmad Khan, an officer detached by Yashvantrdv
Holkar, carried his ravages into the Peshwa's territories between
the Godavari and Poona, and cut off almost to a man a force of
1500 horse under Narsing KhanderAv the chief of Vinchur. The
consternation at Poona caused Bdjirdv to renew negotiations with
the English. He wished to have a force, but he objected to its
presence in his territory, and he still refused to agree that the
English should arbitrate between him and the Nizdm. Yashvantrdv
Holkar himself soon moved towards Poona. The Peshwa did all in
his power to stop him. Yashvantrav said, You cannot give me back
Vithoji but set my nephew Khanderav free. Bdjirdv promised ; but,
instead of setting him free, had Khanderdv thrown into prison at
Asirgad. Meanwhile Sindia's army joined the Peshwa's, and together
they prepared to stop Holkar at the Ali Bela pass in north Poona.
Yashvantrdv, knowing their strength passed east by Ahmadnagar,
joined his general Fatesing Mane near Jejuri, marched down the
Rajvdri pass, and on the 23rd of October 1802 encamped between
Loni and Hadapsar about five miles east of Poona.
About eight days before Yashvantrd,v's arrival the joint Sindia-
Peshwa army had fallen back from Ali Bela and taken a position
B 1327—36
ChaptOT VII.
History.
MaeIthar,
1720-1817.
Vitfugi Holkar
KiUed,
1801,
YashvorUrdv
Holhar's
Invasion,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
282
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthAs,
1720- L817.
Tashvantrdv
Holkar's Victory,
1803.
Bdjirdv leaves
Potma.
Poona Plundered,
180S.
Treaty o/Basiein,
Slat December
1803.
close to Poona near the present cantonment. The Peshwa- ordered
Yaahvantrdv to retire. He replied he was willing to obey ; but that
Sindia, not he, was the rebel and had refused to give up TashvantriiT's
nephew Khanderdv whom B^jirdv had ordered him to set free. On
the morning of the 25th of October the armies met, and, after a
well contested fight, the battle ended in a complete victory for
Yashvantrav which was chiefly due to his own energy and courage.
Bajirav making sure of victory came out to see the battle but the
firing frightened him and he turned southward. On learning the
fate of the battle he fled to Sinhgad. From Sinhgad he sent an
engagement to Colonel Close binding himself to subsidise six
battalions of sepoys and to cede £250,000 (Rs. 25 Idhhs) of yearly
revenue for their support. He had already agreed to waive his
objection to allow the troops to be stationed in his territory. For
some days after his victory Yashvantrav showed great moderation
at Poona. He placed guards to protect the city, treated Bdjird.v'3
dependents with kindness and made several attempts to persuade
Bajird,v to come back. Bajird,v, after staying three days in Sinhgad,
fled to Rdygad in Kolaba, and from Rdygad retired to the island of
Suvarndurg oS the north coast of Ratnagiri. From Suvamdurg,
alarmed by news of the approach of one of Holkar's generals, he
passed to Revdanda, and from Revdanda sailed in an English ship to
Bassein which he reached on the 6th of December 1802. Meanwhile,
at Poona, when Holkar heard that Bajirdv had fled from Sinhgad,
he levied a contribution from the people of Poona. The
■contribution was arranged by two of Bdjirav's officers and it was
carried out in an orderly manner. When Yashvantrav found that
Bdjird,v would not return he sent a body of troops to Amritrav with
the offer of the Peshwaship. Amritrdv at first refused ; but, when
Bajirav threw himself into the hands of the English, Amritrdv held
that he had abdicated and took his place. After much hesitation
he was confirmed as Peshwa by the Satara chief.
This settlement of affairs at Poona was followed by a plunder of
the city as complete and as wickedly cruel as Sindia's plunder in
1798. Every person of substance was seized and tortured oat of their
property and several out of their life. The loss of property was
unusually severe as some time before the battle of the 25th of October
Bdijirav had set guards to keep people from leaving Poona and
Holkar took care that after the victory these guards were not with-
drawn. These excesses were begun even before Colonel Close left
Poona. Both Amritrav and Holkar were anxious to keep Colonel
Close in Poona. They wished him to mediate in their differences with
Sindia and the Peshwa, and his presence seemed to show that the
British Government approved of their usurpation of power. Finding
that no persuasion could alter Colonel Close's purpose he was allowed
to leave on the 20th of November 1802.
On the Slst of December 1802, at Bassein in the North Konkan,
Bdjird,v agreed to a treaty, under which the English undertook to
Testore Bajirav to power in Poona and to maintain permanently in
the Peshwa's dominions a subsidiary force of 6000 regular infantry
with the usual proportion of field artillery and European artillery-
men. In return for these troops the Peshwa agreed that districts
Deccan.
POONA.
283
yielding a yearly revenue of £260,000 (Rs. 26 lakhs) should be
assigned to the English; that he would keep a force of 3000 infantry
and 5000 horse ; that he would entertain no European of any nation
hostile to the English ; and that he would have no dealings with any
power without consulting the British GoYernment. The treaty of
Bassein made the English sovereign in the Deccan ; Bajirdv bought
safety at the cost of independence. In March 1803 to re-
establish Bajirdv at Poena the subsidiary force at Haidarabad
under Colonel Stevenson took a position at Purinda near the
Peshwa's eastern frontier. General Wellesley was detached from the
main army of Madras which was assembled in the north of Maisur,
and, with 8000 infantry and 1700 cavalry, was directed to march
towards Poena to co-operate with Colonel Stevenson. General
Wellesley left Harihar in Maisur on the 9th of March and crossed
the Tungbhadra on the 12th. On the banks of the Krishna he was
joined by the Patvardhan and other Mardtha and Brahman Karndtak
estateholders, all of whom, especially the Patvardhans, showed much
friendliness to the British. On the 19th of April as he drew near
Poena, General Wellesley was warned that Bd.jird,v's brother Amrit-
rdv was likely to burn the city. To prevent this misfortune General
Wellesley pressed on with the cavalry of his division, and the
Mard,tha troops under Apa Sdheb Gokhla and others of the Peshwa's
ofiBcers, using such speed, that, though kept six hours in the Little
Bor pass, he reached Poena on the 20th of April after a march of
sixty miles in thirty-two hours.^ In the country south of the Bhima
straggling bodies of Holkar's plunderers were seen, who, on being
ordered to desist, had retired. Before General Wellesley reached
Poena all hostile troops had left. Holkar had gone to Chdndor in
Nasik some days before, and Amritrdv had started that morning for
Sangamner in Ahmadnagar.^ On the 13th of May, escorted fromi
Panvel by 2300 infantry of whom 1200 were Europeans, Bdjird»v
entered Poena, was installed as Peshwa, and received presents from,
the leading men of the state.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarA-ThAs,
1720-1817-
Treaty of Bassein,
Slst December
180S.
Bdjitdv Restored:.
' General Wellesley's route was by Miraj and Pandharpur to B4r4mati. He
camped at BArimati on the 18th of April and atMoreshvar on the 19tb. AtMoreshvar
he heard that Amritrdv meant to burn Poona. After halting for a few hours at
Moreshvar he moved with one native battalion and the whole of his cavalry. Though
detained six hours in the Bor pass he entered Poona at two on the 20th of April,
a march of sixty mUes in thirty-two hours. The infantry joined him on the 22nd.
Col. Close in Wellington's Despatches, I. 166. During this war General Wellesley made
one greater march than this. When engaged on the Goddvari he started on the morn-
ing of the 4th of February 1804 with the British cavalry, the 74th Regiment, the first
battalion of the 8th Regiment, 500 men belonging to other native corps, and the
Maisur and MarAtha cavalry. After a march of twenty miles on the 4th word
was brought that the enemy were twenty -four miles off. He marched again on the
night of the 4th, but the road was bad and they did not reach the place named
tifl nine next morning. The infantry arrived at the point of attack along with the-
cavalry. The enemy had heard of their advance, were in retreat, but still in sight..
They were pursued from height to height till the whole body was scattered. All
was over by twelve on the 5th. The troops had marched sixty miles in thirty
hours. General Wellesley thought this was quicker even than MarAthAs. He oftea
spoke of it as the greatest march he ever made. Wellington's Despatches, II, 97,.
98, 100, 101 ;.III. 448.
2 AmritrAv fought and defeated the R4ja Bahddur of N^sik. He afterwards
entered into an agreement with General Wellesley, and finally retired to Benares on.
a yearly pension of £80,000 (Rs. 8 lakhs). Grant Dufi's Mar^thAs, 569.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
284
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
Maeathas,
1720-1817.
Condition,
1803.
In consequence of the ravages from whicli the country had for
some years suffered, and especially from the ruin caused by Holkar
and his Pendhdris, 1803 was a year of scarcity in the Deccan,
and, in consequence of the complete failure of rain in September
and October 1803, the last months of 1803 and the first half of
1804 was a time of deadly famine. Meanwhile, secretly encouraged
by BAjirdv, Sindia and Raghuji Bhonsla were preparing to contest
British supremacy in the Deccan. The capture of Ahmadnagar fort
on the 12th of August 1803 and the famous victory of Assaye,
160 miles north-east of Poona, on' the 23rd of September made
the British supreme in the Deccan.^ For some time the country
round Poona continued disturbed by insurgents and freebooters.
When they were crushed, until B^jirdv stirred war in 1816, the
presence of British troops at Poona, Sirur, and Ahmadnagar
preserved peace. When it passed under British sovereignty
Poona, like most of the Deccan, was little more than a desert.
In January 1803, writing from information received at Maisur,
General Wellesley described the country round Poona as entirely
exhausted.^ It was in great confusion. The heads of villages
and districts no longer obeyed the chiefs who had governed them ;
each had assumed supreme authority in his own district, and they
were carrying on a petty but destructive war against each other.
In April 1803, after his march from Miraj through BArdmati and
the Little Bor pass. General Wellesley wrote: * In the country to
the south-east of Poona Holkar could not possibly maintain an army.
They have not left a stick standing within 150 miles of Poona.
They have eaten the forage and grain, have pulled down houses, and
have used the material as firewood. The people have fled with
their cattle. Between Miraj and Poona, except in one village, not
a human being had been seen. General Wellesley's rapid march
saved Poona from burning. The people showed the most lively
gratitude and great numbers returned to their homes.* The Poona
market was well supplied with grain,^ but forage was so scarce that
General Wellesley determined to march west to the hills. He went
no further than Pnnavle, about fifteen miles to the west of the city
' The Hon, Mountstuart Elphinstone, who was on General Wellesley's staff at the
head of one of the branches of the Intelligence Department and took part in all the
engagements in this war, describes the MarAtha camp as an assemblage of every sort
of covering of every shape and colour, spreading for miles on all sides over hiU and
dale mixed with tents, flags, trees, and buildings (Colebrooke's Elphinstone, 1. 175 ; II.
137). When the MarAth4s marched, a sea of horse foot and dragoons poured over
the country fifteen miles long by two or three broad. Here and there were a few horse
with a flag and a drum, mixed with a loose and straggling mass of camels, elephants,
bullocks, dancing girls, beggars and buffaloes, troops and followers, lancemen and
matohlockmen, traders, and agents or mutsadis (Ditto). Of his life in the English
camp Mr. Elphinstone gives the following details : Tents are struck before five,
and early breakfast is taken about six. Then we mount and ride coursing a mile
or two out on the flank, reach the camping ground between ten and twelve, and
sit if the chairs have come or lie on the ground. When the tents are pitched we
move into them and talk till breakfast. After breakfast we work read talk or rest in
the tents till dark. Then comes some exercise, dressing for dinner, dinner, and
talk till nine. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 84-85.
2 Wellington's Supplementary Despatches, III. 531, 559.
' Wellington's Despatches I. 143. * Wellington's Despatches, 1. 145.
° Wellington's Despatches I. 147.
Deccan.]
POONA.
285
because he found that as soon as he moved all the people of property
left Poona.^ Prom Punavle he sent his cattle further up the valley to
graze.^ In the country to the north-east of Poena (18th June 1803)
the people were in the villages and they had'grain in underground
pits, hut there was no government, or indeed anything but thieving.^
The country was very poor. From the Peshwa to the lowest horse-
man no one had a shilling.* The entire Mardtha territory was
unsettled and in ruins. Owing to Holkar's plunder and extortion
whole districts were unpeopled and the towns destroyed. As the
estateholders for several years had received no rents they were
forced to allow their troops to plunder their own territories. Every
man was a plunderer and a thief; no man who could seize or steal
would till.^ The Peshwa's resources were small and the land about
Poena was waste.* In 1 803 the rainfall in June July and early
August was sufficient, apparently abundant.^ But the late rains of
September and October completely failed ; except in the west the
bulk of the early harvest must have perished and the late crops were
probably never sown. The failure of rain was specially severe in
the central and eastern parts of Poona and Ahmadnagar. By the
eleventh of October there was every reason to expect a great scarcity
of grain if not a famine. The troops in Poona could be supplied
only from Bombay and Bombay only from Kd,nara. In Bombay the
fear of famine was so strong that Governor Duncan kept for the
use of the settlement grain which was meant to have gone to the
army in the Deccan.^ Even in the hilly west of Poona, which
depends little on the late rains, early in October, famine was raging.
*The English traveller Lord Valentia reached Khandala from Bombay
on the 9th of October. Close to the pond vultures and dogs were
feeding on about a hundred dead bodies. Famine was in every face,
several houses were empty, and the last victims had never been
removed from the places where they perished. This terrible suffer-
ing seems not to have been due to a local failure of rain as the hills
were green to the top, there were many paddy fields, and the harvest
was nearly ripe. Kdrla was the first stage from Bombay where
Lord Valentia saw no famine corpses. The country near Talegaon
was level and without tillage or trees, and a little beyond Chinchvad
were signs of Holkar's devastations : the village of Aundh on the
Mutha was nearly in ruins. The streets of Poona showed no great
signs of suffering, but the sight of dead bodies on the river banks
in every stage of decay was distressing. Colonel Close the resident
distributed charity chiefly from a fund of £4000 (Rs. 40,000) which
Lady Mackintosh had collected in Bombay. He at first gave the
people boiled rice. But the sight of the food drove the people
nearly frantic and numbers lost their share. Money (2 as.) was
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeAthAs
1720-1817.
Condition,
1803.
1 Wellington's Despatches, I. 155 ; III- 91. ^ Wellington's Despatches, III. 91 .
' Wellington's Despatches, III. 186, 188. « Wellington's Despatches, III. 190.
" Wellington's Despatches, I. 240. ' Wellington's Despatches, I. 332.
' Wellington's Despatches, I. 288 and other passages.
8 Wellington's Despatches, I. 441-447.
' Travels, II. 112-169. Lord Valentia noticed that the Indrdyani or Bor pass valley
between Kdrla and Talegaon was strewn with agates, onyx, and camelian. When he
was in Poona he made a large collection of agates which were to be had in profusion.
Ditto, II. 113.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
286
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MabIthIs,
1720-1817.
Condition,
1803-4.
accordingly given instead of grain. About 6000 people were relieved
every day. The Peshwa confined his charity to the relief of
Brdhmans of whom he fed great numbers.^ In December 1803
General Wellesley wi^te : ^ The Peshwa has not in his service a
common writer or civil olEcer to whom he can trust the manage-
ment of a single district. Itis territories are all either in the hands
of his enemies or are without managers on his part. All the persons
capable of arranging his state are either in the service of his enemies
or are imprisoned and oppressed by himself. Rich districts are going
to ruin because all the persons fit to manage them are in prison or
oppressed by the Peshwa. Unless the Peshwa sets these people
free and employs them in settling the country the Poona state will
never revive. In January 1804 General Wellesley described the
Deccan as a chaos. If a militia was not raised and government put
in some regular train all must fall to pieces.^ The Peshwa's govern-
ment was only a name. The country along the Bhima five miles
north of Poona was unsettled, a dreary waste overrun with thieves.
The Peshwa was unfit to manage the government himself. He gave
no trust or power to any one and had no person about him to
conduct the common business of the country.* Towards the end
of February (2Srd) General Wellesley wrote ^ : The Peshwa does
nothing to improve his government. His only system of government
is that of a robber. He does not choose to keep up an ai-my and
his territories are overrun by armed men who are ready to
enlist with any one who will lead them to plunder. Except the
British troops there is no power in the country to support the
government and protect the industrious classes of the people.
Conceive a country in every village of which twenty to thirty horse-
men have been dismissed from the service of the state and have no
means of living except by plunder. There is no law, no civil
government, no army to keep the plunderers in order ; no revenue
can be collected ; no inhabitant will or can remain to cultivate unless
he is protected by an armed force stationed in his village. Habits
of industry are out of the question ; men must plunder or starve.
The state of the police was also lamentable. The Peshwa's ministers
and favourites were the patrons and the sharers of the profits gained
by the thieves in their plunder of those whose necessities forced .
them to travel through the country.* In March, General Wellesley
wrote : Bajirav's great object is to gain money to meet the expenses
of the pleasures of his court. He makes no attempt to organize the
force, which, under the treaty of Bassein, he is bound to support,
and is anxious to employ English troops in putting down robbers
and helping his revenue-collectors. General Wellesley refused to
^ Lord Valentia waa present at the Pasara on the 13th of October. There was
a great review in which the British troops took part. The Peehwa, on an elephant,
passed along the line to a spot where the branch of a tree had been stuck in the
ground. He got off the elephant and performed the ceremonies. He plucked some
ears of com, a salute was fired, and he went off in a looking-glass elephant-oar.
Formerly whole fields of corn used to be wasted, the Peshwa leading the wasters.
Travels, II. 123-124.
- Wellington's Despatches, I. 547. ' Wellington's Despatches, II. 16, 17.
" Wellington's Despatches, II. 42. 5 Wellington's Despatches, II, 125, 127,
6 Wellington's Despatches, II, 128, 129, 187.
Deccan.]
POONA.
287
have anything to do with the police of the country or the little dirty
amilddri exactions.^ At the end of April (23rd) the accounts of
the state of the Deccan were very distressing. Even in the Nizam's
country, which was better ofE than the west, the sufferings were
extreme. It was scarcely possible to get forage or grain ; a detach-
ment was some days without food and lost 100 horses in one day.
At Poena the British cavalry horses had for some time been fed on
Bombay rice. Eice was not wholesome food for horses, but it was the
only grain that could be got. General Wellesley doubted if he could
move his troops from Poona.^ In May matters were worse. In
Poena all but the fighting men suffered much distress. By great
exertions grain was procured but it sold for five pounds (2 J shers)
the rupee. Forage was very scarce except near the Bor pass, and
even there it was dear and bad.^ In the beginning of June, so
many cattle died and General Wellesley received such dreadful
accounts of the want of forage that he determined to stay in Poona
as a measure of prudence if not of necessity.*
^Towards the end of December 1805 Sir James Mackintosh, the
Eecorder or Chief Justice of Bombay (1804-1811), came from Bombay
to visit Colonel Close the Resident at Poona. He was pleased with
Chinchvad and its sacred family, in one of whom the god Ganesh
dwelt, and whose sacredness had saved the village from ruin in
Holkar's ravages in 1802, Just^before reaching Poona, Mackintosh
was interested to see a thousand Mardtha horse, a fair sample of the
terrible cavalry who had wasted and won almost the whole of India.
Their air was martial even fierce and next to the Bombay watermen,
probably the Koli fishermen, they were more robust than any
Indians Mackintosh had seen. They had no uniform and their
clothes and arms were most neglected. Their horses varied ; some
were very wild and some very mean, none were showy. The English
in Poona moved with considerable state. In front went two scarlet-
coated couriers or harleards on camels, then an escort of sepoys,
then several scarlet mace-bearers, then some of the party on horses
and the rest on elephants. The Residency at the Sangam, which
Mackintosh describes as a set of bungalows spread over the
enclosure, was fitted conveniently and luxuriously. Poona city
had its principal streets paved with stone and was reckoned
one of the best built native towns in India. The Peshwa's
residence, the Saturday Palace or Shanvdr Vdda, from its size well
deserved the name of palace. A gateway opened into a large rather
handsome square surrounded by buildings, whose walls were painted
with scenes from Hindu mythology. The staircase at one corner
was steep and narrow, an odd contrast to the handsome square.
The audience hall was a long gallery supported by two rows of
massive wooden pillars. The hall was carpeted and at one end on
a white cloth were three pillows, the Peshwa's state seat. Bdrjirdv,
who was then about thirty-four, was a fair man, very handsome, with
a perfect gentlemanlike air and manner, simply and neatly dressed
Chapter VII.
History.
MabAthAs,
1720-1817.
Condition,
1803-4.
1805.
1 Wellington's Despatches, II. 85, 147, 187.
^ Wellington's Despatches, II. 214. ' Wellington's Despatches, II. 224-225.
* Wellington's Despatches, II, 288. ^ Mackintosh's Life, I. 274 - 288.
288
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Cliapt«VII.
History.
MabIthIs,
1720 - 1817.
Condition,
1805.
in white muslin. He had the easy bearing of one who had a long
familiarity with a superior station. Though more elegant than
dignified he was not effeminate. Of the three chiefs of nations to
whom Mackintosh had been presented, George III., Napoleon, and
Bdjirav, Mackintosh preferred the Brdhman.'- The etiquette of
Bajirav's court was a whisper. When they moved to Bajir^v's own
room, an unfurnished bare-walled closet with a white floor cloth and
some small pillows, Bdjirdv spoke warmly of his happiness under
the British alliance. Mackintosh's assurance that the English would
always protect his security and comfort, brightened his face with
apparently genuine delight. Mackintosh thought Bdjir^v's feelings
natural, perhaps reasonable, and obviously unaffected. He had lost
independence but had gained rest for himself and his people, personal
enjoyment and comfort, and outward dignity. An ambitious man
might prefer the independence, a philosopher's choice might vary.
Bdjirdv was neither a hero nor a sage ; he was devoted to nothing
but to women and to the gods. On leaving the palace a diamond
crest was fastened in Mackintosh's hat, a diamond necklace was
thrown round his neck, and several pieces of gold and silver cloth
and fine muslin were laid before his feet. According to custom
these presents were given up and sold on account of the Honourable
East India Company.
In spite of the unfeigned obviously natural joy and thankfulness
which carried conviction to such shrewd and practised observers as
Lord Valentia, Sir James Mackintosh, and Colonel Close, since his
restoration to power, Bdjir^v had been steadily disloyal to the
English.^ He wrote (1803) to the chiefs who were in league against
the English explaining that his wretched dependence on the enemy
was due to the treachery of the southern estate-holders ; he failed
to give Greneral Wellosley any help in his campaign against Sindia
(1803), and did his best to stop his supplies; and in conducting his
affairs witb the English Resident, he employed Saddshiv Mankeshvar,
whose chief qualification for the post was his open enmity to the
English, That the English recommended it was enough to secure
the failure of any plan for the good of his government. During
1 Mr. Elphinstone on first meeting BajirAv (April, 1802) found him a handsome
unaffected person, with a good and dignified face though there was some coarseness
about the mouth. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 46.
2 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 291. Lord Valentia, who had three interviews with
Bijifiv in October 1803, was satisfied that the Peshwa highly valued the English alliance
and was sincerely delighted when he heard the news that Holkar's fort of Chtodor in
NAsik had fallen to the English army (Travels, 11. 130). Colonel Close, according to Lord
Valentia, had no doubt that the Peshwa was sincere in his gratitude to the English,
He had never seen the Peshwa so evidently pleased or heard him more unequivo-
cally declare his sentiments. The way in which the Peshwa and his brother Chimniji
lived together without jealousy proved how excellent was the Peshwa's heart
(Ditto, 136). With Lord Valentia's, Sir James Mackintosh's, and Colonel Close's high
opinion of BAjirdv's evident sincerity it is interesting to compare the Duke of Wel-
lington's opinion, who, and Mr. Elphinstone under his influence, were the only
Englishmen who resisted the fascination of BAjiriv's manner. The Duke of Welling-
ton, says Grant Duff (MarAthds, 572 foot), had (1803) remarkably correct views of
Maritha character ; his opinion of BAjirAv's future conduct was prophetic. In May
1803, when Bd,jir4v was established at Poona, Colonel Close (Wellington's Despatches,
I. 170) described the Peshwa's disposition as wholly satisfactory. The Duke at the
same time (14th May 1803) wrote (Ditto, 164) : The Peshwa showed much quickness
Deccan]
POONA.
289
the years between 1805 and 1811, under Colonel Close and for a
short time after under Mr. Russel, affairs went smoothly at Poona.
Bdjirav for a time seems to have honestly considered the English
alliance a piece of good fortune and the country greatly improved.^
On the 10th of November 1808, Sir James Mackintosh paid a second
visit to the Deccan. He found Kdrla a miserable village of fifteen
or twenty huts and about fifty people. It paid £100 (Rs. 1000) a
year to a man of rank at Poona, who had lately threatened to raise
the rent to £120 (Rs. 1200), and the people had threatened to
leave. Mackintosh thought the state of the people wretched.
They felt they were governed only when they paid taxes, in every
other respect they were left to themselves, without police or
justice, except such as the village system supplied. It was hard to
say why taxes were paid, unless to bribe the sovereign to abstain from
murder and robbery. At Talegaon the wood entirely ceased. The
land was bare and little cultivated ; there were no villages ; the
Chapter VII-
History.
MakAthas,
1720-1811.
Condition,
1808.
and ability : ha appeared particularly anxious to perform the stipulations of the treaty
at the smallest possible expense to himself. Early in June, when he had to leave
Poona to act against Sindia and the Ber4r chief without any help from>BAjirdv, the
Duke (4th June ; Ditto, I. 179) felt that the Peshwa had broken the treaty by not
furnishing an army and had broken his word to the Duke by not settling with the
southern chiefs. Still he believed the Peshwa was not treacherous. On the 8th of
June (Ditto, III. 166) he began to doubt if the Peshwa was only incapable. Stub-
bom facts proved that something besides the Peshwa's incapacity for business
prevented a Mar&thaarmy helping the English. On the 19th of June (Ditto, I.
186-188), when he could get no supplies and was worse off than in an enemy's country,
he could no longer help feeling that the Peshwa was thwarting him. On the 20th of June
he believed the Peshwa disliked the English alliance. He had found out that the
Peshwa had daily communications with Sindia and Holkar of which the Resident
at Poona knew nothing (Ditto, III. 191). On the 23rd of June (Ditto, III. 201) he
describes Bijirdv as unwilling as well as incapable, a prince the only known prin-
ciple of whose character is insincerity. On the 24th of June (Ditto, I. 194) the
Duke was satisfied that the Peshwa was not true to the English cause and was
preventing grain coming to his army. On the 28th of September he wrote (Ditto,
I. 410) : The Peshwa is sincere in his intention to keep to our alliance, but there
is crookedness in his policy. He has no ministers ; he is everything himself and
everything is little. In January 1804 he wrote (Ditto, II. 87-88) : The Peshwa's
only principles of government are revenge and jealousy of me. He will begin again, or
rather will continue for I believe he has never stopped, his intrigues with
Sindia. I certainly have a bad opinion of him ; he has no public feeling and
his private disposition is terrible. I have no positive proof that he has been
treacherous, but I have a, strong suspicion of it, and I know that since he has
signed the treaty of Bassein he has done no one thing that was desired, In
February 1804 (Ditto, III. 468), when he found that Bdjird,v had Frenchmen
hid for a month in Poona, he wrote : Is not this shocking ? What is to be
done with the fellow ? This is our good and faithful ally ! And again on the 7th of
March (Ditto, II. 138) : The Peshwa is callous to everything except money and
revenge. If he is sincere how can we explain his never telling the Resident that
the ftenchmen had come to Poona. According to Mr. Elphinstone, who, after
studying his character for several years (November 1815) : B£jir4v's ruling passions
were fear and revenge. His great art was dissimulation. He was habitually insincere,
joining a talent for insinuation to a natural love of artifice and intrigue. His want of
courage and his love of ease thwarted his eagerness for power and his fondness for
deference. He was proud and haughty but to serve his ends stooped to any
meanness. Changeable humours hid fixed designs. He was able, humane when
neither afraid nor vengeful, frugal, courteous, and dignified. Half his lite was
spent in fasts, prayers, and pilgrimages, and a large share of his revenue on magical
practices. He was most strict to guard against ceremonial impurity, and almost
daily spent hours in disgusting debauchery in large assemblies of women of rank.
(Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 287-288.
1 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 246,
B 1327—37
[Bombay Gazetteer,
290
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MakAthIs,
1720-1817.
Condition,
1808.
1811.
road was lonely; and the whole country seemed empty. At
Punavle were the ruins of a large castle or vdda which had been
destroyed by Holkar in 1802. It had both square and round towers
and was not unlike an English feudal castle of the rudest form. Sir
James was met by Colonel Close on the moroing of the 12th of
November and taken on an elephant to the Sangam. He describes
Colonel Close as without accomplishment or show, plain, cautious,
and with a degree of mildness that formed a singular contrast with,
the firmness and even sternness which he had shown on trying
occasions. He had a calm understanding, wholly employed in
practice, united to a strength of nerve which qualifi.ed him equally
for a cautious or a vigorous policy. He was a very superior man
who among common observers might easily have passed for a very
common man.^ According to Colonel Close's information the
population of the city of Poena was about a hundred thousand. The
police was entrusted to a military Brahman of the family of Gokhla
who had a considerable establishment and his duty was either
so easy or so skilfully performed, that, notwithstanding the
frequent meeting of armed men, instances of disorder were rare.
Gokhla punished all small offences. Great crimes were punished
by the officers entrusted with the districts and in very serious cases
by the government. Capital punishment was rare. Civil disputes
were settled by arbitration under the sanction of the ministers.
There was not a court of judicature, nor a judge in the whole
Mardtha dominions ; nor were there any regular forms of trial.^
Mackintosh speaks less civilly of BdjirAv than he spoke of him in
1805 : The Peshwa has just come back from Pandharpur. He is a
disgusting mixture of superstition and dissolute manners, a combi-
nation which was not unnatural among Hindus, who, in Mackintosh's
opinion, had expunged purity of manners from their catalogue of
virtues.
During the six years ending 1811 the bulk of the residency work
was in the hands of a Pdrsi named Khusruji, a man of judgment
and great address, who had been won over to the Peshwa's interests.
In 1811 Mr. Russelwas succeeded by the Honourable Mountstuarfc
Elphinstone. Mr. Elphinstone had been at Poona in 1802 as Colonel
' Mr. Elphinstone (21st September 1812) describes Sir Barry Close as a man of a
strong and hardy frame, a clear head, and vigorous understanding, fixed principles,
unshaken courage, and a contempt for pomp and pleasure. His entire devotion to
the public service and his extreme modesty and simplicity combined to form such a
character as one would expect to meet in ancient Ro\ne rather than in our own age
and nation. CoIebrooke'sElphinstone, I. 270.
^ Nothing seemed so strange to the I?ecorder as that so great a country could exist
without a judge. Two circumstances diminished his -n'onder. The first was the power
of theoflicers of villages or rather townships, who, throughout India, preserved a sort
of republican constitution under despotic princes and retained their authority in the
midst of the revolutions among their superiors. The second was the great power of
the Brdhmans and heads of castes who were a kind of natural arbitrators in all
disputes, and who could punish offences by expulsion from caste, a penalty more
terrible than any which the law could inflict. These two authorities, with the
irregular jurisdiction of the executive officers, were sufficient to maintain tranquillity.
Still the absence of regular forms of criminal justice had the usual efifect in corrupting
nations so unfortunate as to be destitute of that great school of morality. Sir James
Mackintosh's Life, I. 460-1.
Deccan]
POONA.
291
Close's assistant, in 1803 he was on General Wellesley's staff in
the war against Sindia and the chief of Berdr, and between 1803
and 1807 he was Resident at the Berdr chief's court at Ndgpur.^
Mr. Elphinstone was well versed in Mard,tha politics and Maratha
state-craft, and did all business direct not through Khusruji.
This change was most distasteful to Khusruji who succeeded in
raising in the Peshwa's mind a dislike of Mr. Elphinstone. This
dislike was to a great extent removed in 1812, when, as the
Patvardhan and other southern estateholders refused to acknow-
ledge the Peshwa's supremacy, Mr. Elphinstone assembled an
army at Pandharpur, marched towards the Krishna, and forced
the estateholders to abide by their original agreement with the
Poena state. Bajirdv was profuse in his acknowledgments to
Mr. Elphinstone. In 1813, in connection with these troubles, he
declared that he wished to have no more vassal horse.*^ He was
anxious to raise a brigade of native infantry, drill it by European
officers, and pay it from his treasury. To this the Governor
General readily agreed (1813), and, at Khusruji's suggestion, Captain
John jFord, of the Madras establishment, who had been long attached
to Colonel Close's escort, was appointed commandant of the brigade.
Able officers from the line, chosen by Captain Pord, were also
lent from the Bombay establishment to help to form and discipline
the corps. Except a small proportion of Mard,thas the men were
chiefly raised in the Company's provinces in Northern India. On
entering their battalions they swore fidelity to the Peshwa, adding
of their own accord the condition, so long as he continued in alliance
with the British, l^he cantonment allotted for this brigade was at
the village of Ddpuri about four miles north-west of Poena. One
brigade of British troops was stationed at Poena near Gdrpir, a spot
originally chosen to guard the city ; the rest of the subsidiary force
were posted about half-way between Poona and Ahmadnagar, on
the river Ghod near the village of Sirur. Some time before 1813 a
quarrel, which seems to have been stirred up by Bd,]irav, broke out
between Khusruji the resident's agent and Sadashiv Md,nkeshvar
one of Bdjirav's ministers. Khusruji had received from the Peshwa
the valuable post of sarsubheddr or governor of the Maratha
Karnatak. SadAshiv Mankeshvar who coveted this appointment
accused Khusruji of mismanagement, and Mr. Elphinstone told
Khusruji that he must choose between his agency at the residency
Chapter VII-
History.
MarAthAs,
1720-1817.
' Mr. Elpbinstone's plan of life at Poona was to ride ten to twenty miles in the
morning, do club exercise, breakfast, apply to public business and private
correspondence from about ten to two, lunch on a few sandwiches ftgs and a glass of
water, rest half an hour, read and write, drive in the evening, take more club
exercise, dine on a few potatoes and one or two glasses of claret and water, and read
till sleep at eleven. I^pecially in the hot weather he suffered much from low spirits
and bad health. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 235.
'^ The Peshwa had soon a fresh instance of the value of the British force whom
he found it necessary to call in against Apa DesAi, who, refused to comply with,
certain claims devolving on the Peshwa by the late settlement and to give up some
territory belonging to the RAja of KolhApur. The British authorities interposed, but
BAjirAv artfully contrived to induce Apa DesAi to trust to his lenity, and resist the
demands. By this insidious conduct the DesAi was led to forfeit one-fourth of his
estate to the Peshwa, Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 621, Compare Colebrooke's Elphinstone,
1.253.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
292 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII. and his government. Khusruji chose the residency agency and his
History. appointment as governor of the Karnatak was given to Trimbakji
MaeatiOs Denglia one of B^jirav's chief favourites. This Trimbakji, after-
1720-1817.' wards the main cause of Bdjirav's fall, was originally a spy who had
risen to notice by the speed with which he brought B^jir^v an
answer from Poona when (1S02) he was at Mahad in Kolaba in
flight from Holkar. Trimbakji continued a most active useful and
unscrupulous servant to Bajirilv, supple in adopting his master's
views and bold in carrying them out. He boasted that he was ready
to kill a cow if his master told him. He was perhaps the only man
■who ever gained Bajirav's confidence, as he was too low to be feared,
too despicable to excite jealousy, and too servile to irritate by
opposition.^ Bajirdv's success against his southern estateholders led
him to speak vaguely of enforcing his claims on the Nizam, Sindia,
and the Gdikwar. At this time Bajirav apparently had no bhought
of acting against the British Government. It was Trimbakji's
bitter hatred of Europeans which succeeded in flattering BAjirav
into the belief, that, if he only steadily added to his army, he
might in time be able to make himself independent of the English.
Accordingly the Peshwa began systematically to strengthen his
force, chiefly engaging GosAvi and Arab infantry. Mr. Elphin-
stone raised no objection. On the contrary he was anxious to see the
Peshwa's force strengthened, so that they could more effectually
resist the attacks of the Pendhdris who were now causing great
loss in many parts of the Deccan.^ At this time Khusruji exercised
an evil influence on the Peshwa by constantly enlarging on the great
gains which the British Government had received from the treaty of
Bassein. Mr. Elphinstone was aware of Khusruji's views, determined
to remove him, and made a liberal provision for him in Gujarat.
As he was leaving Poona Khusruji died of poison. Though a
searching inquiry was made it remained doubtful whether Khusruji
committed suicide, as he knew his corrupt practices would become
public as soon as he left Poona, or whether he was poisoned by
TrimbakjiatBdjird,v's suggestion because Khusruji knew too many of
their secrets. In 1816 Trimbakji, who continued to rise in favour
with Bdjirdv, was made agent in the affairs with the British Govern-
ment. Trimbakji studied his master's humours and gained entire
ascendancy over his mind. His measures, though ignorant violent
and treacherous, were vigorous. His punishments were at once
lenient and severe. Robbery and murder might be compensated by
a fine ; a failure in a revenue contract was an unpardonable offence.
The Peshwa farmed his districts to the highest bidder. Those who
failed in their contracts had to give up their whole property and
that of their securities. If their whole property was insufficient
they were thrown into hill-forts and treated with the greatest
rigour. Bdjirdv's net revenue was about £1,200,000 (Rs. 120 lakhs)
out of which he saved about £500,000 (Rs. 60 lakhs) a year. In 1816
he was believed to have collected £5,000,000 (Rs. 6 hrors) of
1 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 288, 293.
' In 1816 (27th November) Pendhiris were plundering within fifteen miles o£ Poona
and driving the people into Poona. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 343, 346.
Deccan]
POONA.
293
treasure.' Bdjir^v's court was gay and licentious beyond that of
any former Peshwa, actaracteristic agreeabletomostPoonaBrfihmans.
His time was passed in the practice of gross debauchery and of
religious rites. He claimed great holiness and was most carefnl to
keep all religious rules and ceremonies. Apparently to lay the ghost
of NArdyanrdv Peshwa, whom his parents had murdered and who
seems to have haunted him, Bd.jirdv planted several hundred thousand
mango trees about Poona, gave largesses to BrAhmans and religious
establishments, and was particularly generous to Vithoba's temple
at Pandharpur.2 He never listened to his people's complaints.
If villagers tried to approach him, his attendants drove them off.
The revenue-farmers had generally the superintendence of civil
and criminal justice and these powers enabled them to increase their
collections. The court of justice at Poona was so corrupt that a suitor
without money or influence never won a case. In 1815 the Peshwa
continued to send agents to Sindia and Bhonsla and for the first time
sent agents to Holkar and the Pendhdris. These agents were sent
with the object of forming a league to prevent any aggression on the
part of the British, or to take advantage of any reverse in the Nepdl
(1815) or other war which might weaken the British and give the
leaguers the chance of shaking off their power. BajirAv had no
definite plans. Still he had gone so far that his intrigues would have
justified the English in depriving him of power. From time to time
BAjirdv spoke to Mr. Blphinstone of the necessity of settling his claims
on the Niz^m and on the Gdikwdr. Mr. Elphinstone was at all times
ready to arrange for an inquiry, but Bdjirdv always let the subject
Chapter VII.
History.
MarAthAs,
1720-1817.
• Grant Duff's Mardthis, 625. General Briggs says (Colebrooke'sElphinstone, I. 303):
Out of a yearly revenue of a million and a half sterling BAjirAv laid by half a million.
In 1816-17 he must have had at his disposal upwards of eight millions of treasure in
jewels and in specie.
" The suggestion offered in the text to explain the planting of the mango groves
may seem to differ from the usual explanation that the mangoes were planted to atone
for the crime and to gain purity or puny a. The suggestion that the atonement and
purity BiljirAv sought was freedom from the haunting of a ghost or unclean spirit is
based on the following considerations : The mango is one of the holiest, that is the
most effective spirit-scarers, among Hindu trees. That the object of planting the
mango groves was to keep Ndrdyanriv's ghost at a distance is supported by the story
told by Grant Duff (Marithds, 625) that one of BAjirAv's religious advisers saw
NdrAyaurdv's ghost and that it ordered a diuner for 100,000 Brihmans, an
entertainment which was at once provided. Two passages in Mackintosh's account
of the Mahddev Kolis of Ahmadnagar (1836 Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I. 223 and 256)
further support the view taken in the text. The Kolis at times pay divine honours
to persons who have died a violent death particularly if they or their ancestors caused
the death. They pay these honours to the spirit of the murdered man to win its
favour and that the past may be forgotten. The second passage shows that the
MarAtha Brdhmans in BAjirAv's time held the same views as the Kolis about ghost-
haunting. Inl777Balvantr4vBede, the brother-in-law of Ndna Fadnavis, treacherously
seized and killed five Koli outlaws at Junnar. After the execution of the Kolis
BalvantrAv became very unhappy. He lost all peace of mind. To regain his
tranquillity he built a temple near Junnar,"and, in it, as the objectjof worship, set five
stones or pamx^ lings representing the five Kolis whom he had executed. That is the
ghosts of the five Kolis haunted BalvantrAv and he set up these stones as houses for the
ghosts that they might be pleased with the civility shown them, live in the stones, and
give over troubling him. It was probably KdrdyanrAv's ghost that so often took
Bdjirdv to Pandharpur. It was also apparently to get rid of this same ghost that
Raghunithriv passed through the holed stone in Malab&,r Point in Bombay whose
guardian influence cleansed the passer through from sin, thatis freed him from ghosts.
Compare Moore's Oriental Fragments, 506.
Bombay Gazetteer,
294
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIL
History.
MABATHis,
1720-1817,
Gangddkar
SJtaslri at
Poona,
1815.
drop. At heart he had no wish to have his claims settled ; if
his claims were settled his chief opportunity of intriguing with the
Nizdm and the GdikwAr would cease. At last in 1815^ as part of
a scheme to establish his ascendancy over Gujardtj he again pressed
an adjustment of his claims on the Gaikwdr. The Governor
General thought it advisable to let the two states settle their
affairs by direct negotiation, and that the British Government should
not arbitrate unless the states failed to agree. At an early stage
in the discussion an agent of the Gaikwdr named Gopdlrav MairSll
had been sent to Poona. The claims of the Gaikwiir and the Peshwa
were very intricate, and, when Bdjirdv, adopting Trimbakji's policy,
determined for purposes of intrigue to keep open the discussion
no progress was made. For the intrigues which Bdjir^v hoped to
develop out of these discussions Gopalrd,v Mairdl, who was upright
sensible and cautious, was unsuited. In 1814 the Peshwa asked that
another agent should be sent both to adjust the accounts and to gain a
renewal of the lease of the Peshwa's share of Gujardt. The Gdikwd,r's
new agent was Gangddhar Sh^stri. GangMhar Shdstri had originally
been in the employment of the Phadke family in Poona. He had
gained a place at Baroda through Fatesing Gd,ikwdr, had proved of
the greatest service to Colonel Walker in settling the claims of the
Gdikwdr on his feudatory chiefs, and had recently been the leading
man at Baroda.' So strong was the distrust of BAjirdv and the dread of
Trimbakji that the Gdikw^r asked and obtained the formal guarantee
of his minister's safety from the British Government. On a previous
occasion in 1811, B^jirdv had approved of Gangddhar Sh^stri's
appointment. Since then he had heard from his supporters in Baroda
that Gangddhar Shdstri was a friend to the English. In 1814 when
Gangddhar Shdstri was again proposed as the Gd-ikw^r's agent,
Bdjir^v objected, stating that when he was a clerk under Phadke, the
Shastri had once been insolent to him. As Bdjirdv had not raised
this objection in 1811, Mr. Blphinstone refused to attach any weight
to it. In 1815, as Gangd,dhar Shi,stri found that his negotiations with
the Peshwa must end in nothing, with Mr. Blphinstone's approval, he
determined to return to Baroda and leave the settlement to British
arbitration. This determination produced a sudden change on
Bd,jirdvand Trimba'k ji. If these questions were left to Mr. Elphinstone
all excuse for correspondence between the Peshwa and the Gd,ikwAr
would cease and intrigue against the English would be made most
difficult and dangerous. At any cost Gangd,dhar Shdstri must be won
to their interests. Gangddhar Shdstri^s weak point was vanity.
Trimbakji told him what an extremely high opinion Bd-jirdv had
formed of his talents from the ability with which he had supported the
Gdikwdr's interests. The Peshwa was most anxious to get Gangddhar
1 Mr. Elphinstone (15th June 1814) describes GangAdhar ShAstri as a person of great
shrewdness and talent who keeps the whole state of Baroda in the highest order,
and, at Poona, lavishes money and marshals his retinue in such style as to draw the
attention of the whole place, Though a learned Sanskrit scholar he affects the
Englishman, walks fast, talks fast, interrupts and contradicts, mixes English words
with everything he says, and calls the Peshwa and his ministers old fools aad dam
rascal. Colebrooke's Elphiustoue, I, 275.
Deccau.]
POONA.
295
Shastri into his service. He must.not leave Poona at once. This was
followed by marked friendliness on Bd,jird,v's part, even by the offer
of his sister-in-law in marriage to Gangddhar Shdstri's son. Bdjir^v
also agreed to an adjustment of the Peshwa's claims on the Gdikwdr
which Gangddhar Shistri proposed. The marriage preparations were
pushed on. But as no answer came from the GAikwdr to the proposed
settlement Gangddhar Shdstri began to fear that his master suspected
that this offer of marriage had won him to the Peshwa's side.
Gangddhar Shdstri hesitated about the marriage and much to
Bdjirdv's annoyance it was put off. He further enraged BAjirdv by
refusing to allow his wife to visit the Peshwa's palace because of
the debauchery from which it was never free. Still Trimbakji
continued more cordial and friendly than ever. In July (1815)
BdjirAv asked Gangddhar Shdstri to go with him on a pilgrimage to
Pandharpur. Contrary to GopdMv Mairdl's advice GangMhar Shdstri
went. On the 14th of July Gangddhar ShAstri dined with the
Peshwa. In the evening Trimbakji asked him to Vithoba's temple
where the Peshwa was. Gangddhar^hdstri went and found the
Peshwa most gracious and pleasing. He left the temple in high
spirits, and before he had gone 300 yards, was attacked and killed.
The heinousness of this crime, the murder of a Brdhman in holy
Pandharpur, raised a strong feeling against the murderers. GopdlrdiV
Mairdl openly accused Trimbakji, and Mr. Elphinstone, after a long
inquiry, proved that Trimbakji had hired the assassins. BAjirdv was
called on to give up Trimbakji to the British Goverilnient. He put
Trimbakji under arrest but refused to surrender him. British troops
were moved on Poona, Bdjirdv's heart failed him, and Trimbakji
was surrendered on the 25th of September. Sitdrd,m the Baroda
minister, who was in the Peshwa's pay, had helped Trimbakji's
plans for murdering Gang^dhar Shdstri. Between the time of
Gangddhar Shdstri's murder and Trimbakji's surrender SitdrAm
busied himself in raising troops. He was taken into custody by
the Resident at Baroda much against the will of the regent Fatesing
GAikwdr whose conduct showed that like Sitdrdm he had become a
party to B^jirdv's intrigues against the British. Trimbakji was
confined in the Thdna fort. In the evening of the 12th of October he
escaped and reached a safe hiding place in the Ahmadnagar hills.^
After the surrender of Trimbakji Bdjirdv's chief advisers were
Saddshiv Bhdu Mdnkeshvar, More Dikshit, and Ohimndji Ndrdyan.
The two last were Konkanasth Brdhmans, who, like most of
Bdjirdv's courtiers, had gained their prince's favour by their
families' dishonour. The agent between BAjirdv and Mr. Elplunstone
was Captain Ford the commandant of the Peshwa's regular
brigade. Trimbakji's escape seemed to restore BAjir^v's good
humour and he continued on the most cordial terms with
Mr. Elphinstone. He was now busier than ever organising a league
against the English. With Sindia, Holkar, the Rdja of Ndgpur,
and the Pendhdris constant negotiations went on. He greatly
added to the strength of his army and supplied Trimbakji with funds
Chapter VII.
History.
MarathAs,
1720-1817.
Oangddhar
Shastri
Murdered,
1815.
Bdjirdv's pre-
parations for
War,
1816.
' Grant Duffs MarAthis, 632,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
296
DISTRICTsS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MarathAs,
1720 -181 7.
to raise tlie Bhils, Kolis, RdmosMs, and Mdngs of Khdndesh Ndsik
and Ahmadnagar. Other gangs were organised in different parts
of BAjirdv's territories, whicli, if they attracted Mr. Blphinstone's
notice, were instructed to play the part of Pendhdris or insurgents
(1817) . Mr. Elphinstone had exact knowledge of what was going
on. He sent word to the minister that a large body of troops was
assembled at Ndtdputa, a village south of the Nira and within fifty
miles of Poona. Were these troops the Peshwa's or were they
insurgents ? The minister replied that the Peshwa had no troops in
that part of the country, and that Bdpu Grokhla's horse had been
sent against the insurgents. When Gokhla's horse reached the
Nira they camped among the insurgents and could hear nothing of
them.^ Still Mr. Elphinstone persisted that a large insurrection was
on foot in that part of the country, and Bdjir^v asked him to take his
own measures to suppress it. Colonel Smith, who commanded the
Poona subsidiary force, marched to the Nira, the insurgents moved
to Jat, Colonel Smith followed them, and they retired north through
a little known pass in the Mahddev hills to join a second body of
insurgents which had gathered in Khdndesh under Trimbakji's
relative Goddji Denglia. Before the arrival of the Nira insurgents
Goddji's troops had been dispersed by Lieutenant Evan Davis with a
body of the Nizdm's horse. Bdjirdv could no longer deny that there
were insurgents. He ordered the chief of Vinchur in Ndsik to act
against them, and, soon after, forwarded a letter from the Vinchur
chief, giving fictitious details of a defeat of the insurgents.
Meanwhile Bdjirdv continued to levy both infantry and cavalry.
Mr. Elphinstone warned him of the danger he was running and
asked him to stop. Bdjirdv in reply assumed a peremptory
tone, demanding whether Mr. Elphinstone meant war or peace.
Mr. Elphinstone directed Colonel Smith to move towards Poona
with the light division and told Bdjirdv that he had called Colonel
Smith to his support. Affairs were urgent. The insurgents were
making head in Khdndesh ; May was already begun j and Bdjirdv
might retire to a hill fort and during the rains organize a general
rising of all the Mardtha powers. Disturbances in Katak prevented
communication between Poona and Calcutta. But a private
letter from the Governor General reached Mr. Elphinstone advising
him to make the surrender of Trimbakji a preliminary to any
arrangement he might come to with Bdjirdv. Mr. Elphinstone
determined to act without delay. At the Peshwa's desire he visited
him and Bdjirdv's persuasiveness and the soundness of his arguments
would have convinced any one to whom the facts were not known
that he could not possibly be unfriendly to the English. While
Bd.iirdv's acts contradicted his words Mr. Elphinstone was not to
be deceived. He warned Bdjirdv of the dangers he had brought
on himself, and told him that unless Trimbakji was either given
up or driven out of the Peshwa's territory, war with the English
must follow. Several days passed without an answer from Bdjirdv.
Then Mr. Elphinstone formally demanded the surrender of
1 Grant Duff's MarAthfc, 632-633.
Ueccau.]
POONA.
297
Trimbakji within a month and the immediate delivery of the three
hill forts of Sinhgad and Purandhar in Poona and Edygad in KoMba
as a pledge that Trimbakji would be surrendered. Bd.jirdv had an
exaggerated idea of the importance of his friendship to the English.
He believed Mr. Blphinstone would not go to extremities and he hoped
he might tide over the few weeks that remained till the fighting season
was past. On the 7th of May Mr. Blphinstone sent word, that, in
case Bdjirdv did not agree to hand over the three forts in pledge
of Trimbakji's surrender, Poona would be surrounded. At one
o'clock in the morning of the 8th Bdjirdv sent a messenger in the
hope that Mr. Blphinstone might be pursuaded not to surround the
city. The discussion lasted all night ; day had dawned before the
messenger told Mr. Blphinstone thatBdjirdv agreed to hand over the
three forts. The troops were already moving round the city, and had
completely surrounded it before Mr. Blphinstone reached the head
of the line. As soon as BAjirdv issued an order for the surrender of
the forts the troops were withdrawn. The Peshwa, as if he at
length had resolved to give up his favourite, issued a proclamation
offering £20,000 (Rs. 2 lakhs) and a village worth £100 (Rs. 1000) a
year, to any one who would bring in Trimbakji dead or alive. He
seized some of Trimbakji's adherents and sequestrated the property
of others who were concerned in the insurrection. Though these
proceedings deceived neither his own subjects nor Mr. Blphinstone,
they were taken as the preliminary concessions without which the
English could entertain no proposals for the future relations between
the two states. Two days later (10th May 1817) Mr. Blphinstone
received instructions from the Governor General, the Marquis of
Hastings, which were framed with the object of preventing BdjirAv
again organising or taking part in any combination against the
English. Under these instructions Mr. Blphinstone drew up the
treaty of Poona which was signed by Bdjirdv on the 13th of
June 1817, In this treaty Bdjird,v admitted that Trimbakji
murdered Gangddhar Shd,stri ; he agreed to have no correspondence
with any foreign power that is with any other state ; he renounced
all rights to lands beyond the Narbada on the north and the
Tungbhadra on the south; he agreed to receive a. yearly payment
of £40,000 (Rs. 4 lakhs) as a settlement of all his claims on the
Gaikwar ; to cede to the English the fort of Ahmadnagar ;
and instead of the contingent of 5000 horse and 3000 foot which
he furnished under the treaty of Bassein to cede to the English
territory yielding a yearly revenue of £340,000 (Rs. 34 lakhs)}
Bajirav disbanded a number of his horse, but it was found that
each self-horsed trooper had received eight months' pay and had
promised to attend if summoned and to bring friends. The Peshwa's
regular battalions were transferred as part of the force which the
English were to keep up in return for the fresh grant of territory.
Only one battalion under Captain Ford was kept in the Peshwa's pay,
and, in their stead, the English raised a new corps. In July 1817,
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeAthAs,
1720. 1817.
Treaty of Poona,
13th June 1817.
, ' This territory included DhdrwAr and other parts of the Karndtak, the North
Konkan, and the Peshwa's revenue in Gujarit. Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 635.
B 1327—38
[Bombay Gazetteer,
298
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
MaeAthaS)
1720 . 1817.
when^ the arrangements under the treaty of Poona were adjusted,
Bajirav left Poona on his yearly pilgrimage to Pandharpur.
At this time (1816- 1818), under the Marquis of Hastings
(1814-1823), the whole power of the British in India was set in
motion to crush the Pendhdris, a horde of robbers, who, under the
patronage of Sindia, Holkar, and the Peshwa, and under the shadow
of the weak policy which had paralysed the English since the close
of the Marquis of Wellesley's government (1805), had risen to
dangerous strength and spread unrest and ruin over Mdlwa, Central
India, and much of the British possessions. During 1816 and the
early months of 1817 the Marquis of Hastings determined, besides
suppressing the Pendhd,ris whose head-quarters were in Mdlwa and
Central India, to enter into fresh treaties with the powers of
Rajput^na and Central India whose relations with the British
Government and with each other had remained unsatisfactory since
1805. At the same time he determined to put an end to the great
Mar^tha league whose head was the Peshwa and whose chief
members were the Bhonsla of Ndgpur, Sindia, and Holkar.
As a part of the Marquis of Hastings' great scheme, at the close
of the rains (October 1817), all available British forces were to
be sent from the Deccan to Mdlwa. The intention of moving the
English troops northwards was not kept secret, and, when Bd,jirav
came to know of it, he determined not to miss the chance which
it gave him of being revenged on Mr. Blphin stoned Part of the
arrangement for the Pendhdri and Central India campaign was
the appointment of Sir John Malcolm as Political Agent with the
army of the Deccan. With his usual vigour, before moving north to
Md,lwa, Sir John Malcolm visited all the Eesidents and native courts
in the Deccan. When Sir John Malcolm reached Poona in August
B^jirdv was at MAhuli,the sacred meeting of the Vena and the Krishna
in Sat^ra. He asked Sir John Malcolm to visit him at Mdhuli and
Sir John Malcolm went. Bdjirdv complained of his crippled state
under the treaty of Poona and of the loss of the friendship of the
English,and declaredhis longing to have the friendship renewed. Sir
John Malcolm advised him to collect troops, and, in the coming war
with the Peudhdris, to show his loyalty by sending a contingent to the
English aid. Bajir^v warmly approved of this plan, and spoke with
such cordiality, candour, and sense that Sir John Malcolm went
back to Mr. Blphinstone satisfied that all that was wanted to make
Bdjirdv a firm ally of the English was to trust him and to encourage
him to raise troops. Mr. Blphinstone told Sir John Malcolm
that in his opinion to trust Bdjirav and to let him raise troops would
end in making him not a fast ally of the English but their open foe.
Still though this was his opinion he would not oppose Sir John
Malcolm's scheme. In August BdjirAv received back Sinhgad,
Purandhar, and Edygad. He stayed at ■ Md,huli till the end of
September doing his best, as he had promised Sir John Malcolm, to
collect a strong army. BAjirdrv's chief adviser was BApu Gokhla a
brave soldier of much higher position and character than Trimbakji.
Under Gokhla's influence Bd,jird,v behaved with generosity to many
of his great va/ssals restoring their lands and striving to make
himself popular. Perhaps because he knew that no one trusted bim
Deccan]
POONA.
299
he bound himself under a writing and by an oath to be guided by
Bdpu Grokhla. To meet the expense of his preparations Bajirav
gave Grokhla £1,000,000 (Rs. one kror). Forts were repaired,
levies of Bhils and other hill tribes arranged, and missions sent to
Bhonsla, Sindia, and Holkar. The part of the scheme which Bdjird,v
liked best, and whose working he kept in his own hands, was
the corruption of the English troops and officers and the murder
of Mr. Elphinstone. Yashvantrav Ghorpade, a friend of Mr.
Blphinstone's and of many British officers, was at this time
in disgrace with Mr. Elphinstone on account of some intrigues.
Under an oath of secrecy Bdjirdv induced Yashvantrdv to undertake
to buy over the British officers, and to this, on the advance of
£5000 (Es. 50,000) Tashvantrdv agreed, and kept his vow of secrecy
with such care that he never mentioned BdjirAv's scheme to a soul.
YashvantrAv had a great regard for Mr. Elphinstone. It was to
Yashvantrdv and to a Brdhman named Bdldjipant N^tu that Mr.
Elphinstone owed his knowledge of Bdjirdv's plans. The Peshwa
returned to Poena at the end of September. B.eports of attempts to
corrupt the British sepoys came from all sides, and there was the still
graver danger that BAjirav would influence others by threatening
to persecute their families, many of whom lived in his South Konkan
territories. BAjirdv's plan was to ask Mr. Elphinstone to a conference
and murder him, but to this Bdpu Gokhla would not agree.
On the 14th of October Mr. Elphinstone and Bajird,v met for the
last time. BAjird,v spoke of the loss he suffered under the treaty of
Poona. Mr. Elphinstone told him that his only chance of regaining
the goodwill of the English was to lose no time in sending his
troops north to aid the English in putting down the Pendhdris.
Bdjirav assared him that his troops would start as soon as the
Dasara was over. Dasara Day fell on the 1 9th of October. It was
the finest military spectacle since the accession of Bajirav. During
the day two incidents showed the ruling feelings in Bdjir^v's mind ;
he openly slighted Mr. Elphinstone and he ordered a mass of his
horse to gallop down on the British troops as if to attack and then
to wheel off. The next week (19th -25th October) was full of
interest. By night and day parties of armed men kept flocking
into Poona from all sides. General Smith's force was now close to
the Chdndor hills in Ndsik, too far to help Mr. Elphinstone, and
the European regiment which was on its way from Bombay could
not reach Poona for ten days. The British troops at Poona were
cantoned to the north of the town. Gardens and hedges in many
places led within half musket shot of the lines offering every help
to attacking Arabs or to disloyal sepoys. First small parties, then
large bodies of the Peshwa's troops came out and settled round the
British lines. Vinchurkar's horse with some infantry and guns
camped to the west of the residency between it and Bhdmburda
village. The Peshwa was urged to strike before reinforcements
could reach Mr. Elphinstone. On the night of the 28th of October
the guns were yoked,^ the horses saddled, and the infantry ready to
surprise the British lines. But Bajirdv's force was daily increasing;
his intrigues with the sepoys were not completed : there was still
time for delay. Next day (29th October) Mr. Elphinstone complained
Chapt^ VII.
History.
MarAthAs,
1720-1817.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
300
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
' History.
MarathAs,
1720-1817.
Battle oj Kirkee,
5th November
1817.
to the Peshwa of the crowding of the Mardtha troops on the British
lines. When the message was received Bapu Gokhla was for
instant attack. But the arguments of the night before again
prevailed, the Pesh-wa's schemes were not yet completed^ the
European regiment was, he believed, still far distant, and every
hour the Maratha army was growing. At four next afternoon (30th
October) the European regiment after great exertions reached the
cantonment. Next day (1st November), except 250 men who were
left to guard the residency, Mr. Elphinstone moved the troops to
a good position at the village of Kirkee four miles north of Poona.
This movement gratified BSjirav as he took it for a sign of fear.
The British cantonment was plundered and parties of troops
continued to push forward as if in defiance. Bajirdv let three days
more pass to allow the Patvardhans and his other Karndtak
feudatories to join his army. Meanwhile General Smith, warned
how matters stood at Poona, had ordered his light battalion to fall
back on Sirur about forty miles north-east of Poona. On the 3rd of
November Mr. Elphinstone directed the light battalion and part of
the auxiliary horse to move from Sirur to Poona. When BajirAv
heard that these troops had been summoned he determined to delay
no longer.
The strength of the two forces was, on the English side, including
Captain Ford's battalion which was stationed at Ddpuri about
four miles west of Kirkee, 2800 rank and file of whom about 800 were
Europeans. The Mardtha army, besides 5000 horse and 2000 foot
who were with the Peshwa at Parvati, included 18,000 horse and
8000 foot, or 33,000 in all. Mr. Elphinstone had examined the
gi'ound between the British head-quarters at Kirkee and Captain
Ford's encampment at Dapuri. The two villages were separated
by the river Mula, but a ford was found which Captain Ford's
three six-pounders could cross. Mr. Elphinstone arranged that
in case of attack Captain Ford should join Colonel Burr's brigade,
and explained to all concerned that at any hazard they must act
on the offensive. In the afternoon of the fifth Bdjirav's army poured
out of Poona, everything hushed bub the trampling and the
neighing of horses, till, from the Mutha to the Ganesh Khind hills,
the valley was filled like a river in flood.^ The residency was
left and was at once sacked and burned, and Mr. Elphinstone
retired to join the troops at Kirkee. A message to advance was
sent to Colonel Burr who moved towards Dapuri to meet Captain
Ford's corps ; the corps united and together pushed on to the
attack. Amazed by the advance of troops whom they believed
bought or panic-struck, the Maratha skirmishers fell back, and the
Mardtha army, already anxious from the ill-omened breaking of
their standard, began to lose heart. Gokhla rode from rank to rank
cheering and taunting, and opened the attack pushing forward his
cavalry so as nearly to surround the British. In their eagerness to
attack a Portuguese battalion, which had come up under cover of
enclosures, some of the English sepoys became separated from the rest
1 Colebrooke'a Elphinstone, I, 383 ; Forrest's Elphinstone, 50.
Deccan]
POONA.
301
of the line. Gokhla seized the opportunity for a charge with 6000
chosen horse. Colonel Burr who saw the movement recalled his
men and ordered them to stand firm and keep their fire. The
whole mass of Mard,tha cavalry came on at speed in the most
splendid style. The rush of horse, the sound of the earth, the
waving of flags, and the brandishing of spears was grand beyond
description but perfectly ineffectual. The charge was broken by a
deep morass in front of the English. As the horsemen floundered in
disorder the British troops flred on them with deadly effect. Only a
few of the Mardtha horse pressed on to the bayonets, the rest retreated
or fled. The failure of their great cavalry charge disconcerted tha
Marathas. They began to drive off their guns, the infantry retired,
and, on the advance of the British line, the field was cleared.
Next morning the arrival of the light battalion a,nd auxiliary horse
fromSirur prevented Gokhla from renewing the attack. The European
loss was sixty-eight and the Mardtha loss 500 killed and wounded.'^
On the evening of the 13th General Smith arrived at Kirkee. Since
the 5th the Peshwa^s army had received the important reinforcements
he had been expecting from the Patvardhans and other southern
feudatories. They moved from the city and took their position
with their left on the late British cantonment at Garpir and their
right stretching some miles east along the Haidarabad road. About
sunset on the 16th General Smith threw an advanced guard across
the river to take a position to the east of the Peshwa's army at
the village of Ghorpadi. The British troops were met by a body
of the Peshwa's infantry, but, after a severe struggle, they gained
their position. During the night they were not molested and next
morning the Peshwa's camp was empty. B4jird,v had fled to
Sdtdra. During the day Poona was surrendered. The greatest
care was taken to protect the peaceable townspeople and order and
peace were soon established. On the 22nd of November General
Smith pursued Bajirav to Mahuli in Satdra, from Md,huli to
Pandharpur, and from Pandharpur to Junnar, among whose hills
Bajirav hoped that Trimbakji would make him safe. At the end of
December, finding no safety in Junnar, Bajirav fled south towards
Poona. Colonel Burr who was in charge of Poona, hearing that
the Peshwa meant to attack the city, sent to Sirur for aid. The
second battalion of the 1st Regiment, under the command of
Captain Staunton, started for Poona at eight at night on the 31st of
December. They were 500 rank and file with 300 irregular horse
and two six-pounder guns well-manned by twenty-four European
Madras artillerymen under a sergeant and a lieutenant. On
reaching the high ground above the village of Koregaon, about ten
in the morning of the first of January 1818, the battalion saw the
Chapter VII-
History-
MabAthAs,
1720-1817.
Foona
Surrendered,
17th November
1817.
1 Details of the battle o£ Kirkee are given underKirkee, Places of Interest. Blacker
in his Mar^tha War (65-69) passes over Mr. Elphinstone's share in the victory of
Kirkee. There is no doubt that Mr. Elphinstone planned and won the battle.
Canning in the House of Commons said : In this singular campaign Mr. Elphinstone
displayed talents and resources which would have rendered him no mean
general in a country where generals are of no mean excellence and reputation.
Forrest's Elphinstone, 55 ; compare Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 127.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
302
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
British,
1817 - 1884.
FigU at Koregaon,
1st January
1818.
Sdtdra
Proclamation,
10th February
1818.
PesHwa's army of 25,000 Maratha horse on the eastern bank of the
Bhima, Captain Staunton continued his march and took possession
of the mud-walled village of Koregaon. As sooa as the Mar^thds
caught sight of the British troops they recalled a body of 5000
infantry which was some distance ahead. The infantry soon
arrived and formed a storming force divided into three parties
of 600 each._ The storming parties breached the wall in several places
especially in the east, forced their way into the village, and
gained a strong position inside of the walls. Still in spite of heat,
thirst, and terrible loss the besieged held on till evening, when
the firing ceased and the Peshwa's troops withdrew. Next morning
Captain Staunton retired to Sirur. His loss was 175 men killed and
wounded including twenty-one of the twenty -four European artillery-
men. About one-third of the auxiliary horse were killed, wounded,
or missing. The Marathds lost five or six hundred men.^ Daring
the whole day Bajirav sat about two miles off, watching 800 British
troops keep 30,000 Marath^s ^at bay. In his annoyance he
upbraided his officers Gokhla, Apa Desai, and Trimbakji all of
whom directed the attacks : You boasted you could defeat the
English ; my whole army is no match for one battalion of them.
From Talegaon Bdjirav fled to the Karn^tak. He found it in
Major Munro's hands and turned north, avoiding his pursuers by
the skill of Gokhla. While the pursuit of Bd/jirdv was going on
the Marquis of Hastings had ordered Mr. Elphinstone to take over
the whole of the Peshwa's possessions, except a small tract to
beset apart for the imprisoned chief of Sdtdra. Sdtara fort was
taken on the tenth of February 1818, and a proclamation was
issued that for his treachery the Peshwa's territories had passed to
the British. The proclamation promised that no religion should
be interfered with : and that all pensions and allowances should
be respected, provided the holders withdrew from Bajirav's service.
Nothing was said about service estates or jdgirs. It was soon
understood that they would be confiscated or continued according
as the holders showed readiness in tendering allegiance to the new
government.
Before the country could be settled Bajird,v had to be
caught ' and his hill-forts to bd taken. On the 14th of
February Brigadier General Pritzler marched from Sdtara by the
Nira bridge to Sinhgad. The siege was begun on the 24th of
February and on the 2nd of March, after 1 417 shells and 2281
shot had been spent, the garrison of 700 Gosdvis and 400 Arabs
held out a white flag and next day surrendered the fort. From
Sinhgad General Pritzler marched to Purandhar which was
surrounded by the 11th of March. A mortar battery was opened
on the 14th and on the 15th a British garrison occupied the
neighbouring fort of Vajragad. As Vajragad commands Purandhar,
the Purandhar garrison at once surrendered, and the British colours
were hoisted on the 16th. In the north Colonel Deacon, on the
' Details of this famous fight are given under Koregaon, Places of Interest.
Deccau.]
POONA.
303
20tli of February^ after taking some places in Ahmadnagarj came to
Sirur. On the 25th he reached Ohakan, but, in spite of its strength,
the garrison held out for only one day surrendering on the 26th. The
British loss was four Europeans killed and wounded. After Chakan
Colonel Deacon's detachment went to Lohogad and Isapur.
At Lohogad there was already a besieging force under Colonel
Prother who had reached Lohogad on the 4th of March from the
Konkan by the Bor pass. Isd.pur was taken without resistance on
the 4th, and on the 5th Lohogad was surrendered before the battery
guns were placed in position. Tung and Tikona in Bhor
immediately surrendered and Rajmdchi was occupied without
resistance. Kodri, a place of importance commanding a pass, was
attacked on the 11th. On the 13th a fire broke out and on the
14th a magazine exploded and the garrison of 600 surrendered.
The dependent fort of Ganga was occupied on the 1 7th. On the fall
of Koari the troops returned to Poona. A fourth detachment under
Major Bldridge on the 24th of April marched to Junnar which they
found empty. TheythentookChavand, ■Jivdhau,Hadsar,NArdyangad,
and Harishchandragad near the Poona-Ahmadnagar boundary.
Of these Chdvand and Jivdhan alone made a show of resistance.
Chdvand was bombarded on the first of May and next morning after
150 shells had been thrown the garrison of 100 men surrendered.
Jivdhan, close to the Nana Pass, was attacked on the third of May,
and surrendered after an hour's firing. This completed the capture
of the Poona forts. ^
About the middle of February, after the fall of Sdtara, General
Smith went in pursuit of the Peshwa who was at Sholdpur. After
several forced marches General Smith came in sight of the Mardthas
at Ashta about fifteen miles north of Pandharpur. The Peshwa taunted
Gokhla with the success of his arrangements for preventing his master
being surprised. Gokhla vowed that at least the approach to him
would be well guarded. He waited with 500 horse for the English
cavalry, attacked them as they passed out of a river bed, caused
some loss and confusion but was" killed and the Mardthds put to
flight. The Rdja of S^tara and his mother and brothers, to their
great joy, were rescued from Bajirdv's power. This surprise and
defeat and the death of Gokhla upset the Mardtha plans and did much
to hasten submission, Bajirdv fled to Kopargaon in Ahmadnagar,
and from Kopargaon to Ohdndor in Nd.sik. From Nasik he passed
into the Central Provinces, where, on the banks of the Vardha he
was defeated and his troops dispersed. From the Vardha he tried to
pass north to Sindia. At last from Dholkot near Asirgad he sent
to Sir John Malcolm an ofEer of surrender, and on the 3rd of June
surrendered and received a maintenance of £80,000 (Rs. 8 Idhhs) a
year.^
By the end of May the Poona force was divided between Sirur,
Junnar, and Poona. At Sirur were stationed the head-quarters of
Chapter VII.
History.
The Beitish,
1817-1884.
1 Pendhdri and Mardtha War, 294-316. Details are given under Places.
2 Grant Duffs Marithis, 674-5, In the amount of the maintenance and in some
other stipulations Sir John Malcolm showed that, in spite of the lesson he had learned
at M^huli, he was unable to resist BAjir^v's fascinations. BAjirAv died at Bithur iu
1851.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
304
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
The British,
1817-1884.
the force, tlie head-quarters of the cavalry brigade and horse
artillery, the remains of the foot artillery, His Majesty's 65th
Regiment, the light battalion and the right wing of the 1st
battalion of the 7th Bombay Native Infantry. At Junnar were
placed one battalion of Bombay Native Infantry, two six-pounders,
and a party of Captain Swanston's Horse. At Poona city and
cantonment were placed details of Artillery and Pioneers, one
Regiment of Light Cavalry, one European Regiment, and three
battalions of Bombay Native Infantry .^
To the management of the city of Poona and the tract which lay
between the Bhima and the Nira, Mr. BIphinstone, who had been
named sole Commissioner to settle the conquered territory, appointed
Captain Henry Dundas Robertson Collector, Magistrate, and Judge. ,
The north of the conquered territory, how including North Poona
Ahmadnagar and Ndsik, which stretched between the Bhima river
and the Chdndor hills, was entrusted to Captain Henry Pottinger.
With each of these officers, whose authority corresponded to that of
the Peshwa's sarsubheddrs, experienced natives were appointed to
numerous subordinate situations on liberal salaries. To restore
order in the country, to prevent the revenue being turned to hostile
purposes, to guard and to please the people, and to improve not to
change the existing system were the first objects to which Mr.
Elphinstone directed the Collectors' attention. As almost all the
British troops were either pursuing the Peshwa or taking the western
forts the Collectors' power of restoring order was at first small. Still
by raising irregulars something was done to reduce the smaller places
and destroy straggling plunderers. Mr. Blphinstone's great object
was to learn what system was in force and to keep it unimpaired.
He was anxious to stop people making laws for the country before they
knew whether the country wanted laws.^ In 1819 Mr. Elphinstone
made arrangements for obtaining a knowledge of local customs and
laws. Inquiries were circulated to all persons of known intelligence.
A mass of valuable information was gathered, and, from the judicious
nature of the questions, the inquiry tended to gain the confidence
of the people rather than to arouse their suspicions. To prevent
insurrection, to settle claims and rewards, to provide for all who
had suffered, and to better the condition of those who were
worthy of favour were among the duties which devolved on the
Commissioner. At first to prevent disorders or risings a strict
system of private intelligence, which was agreeable to Maratha ideas
of government, was kept up. Armed men travelling without pass-
ports were forced to lay down their arms, and the hoarded resources
of the late government were, seized wherever they were found.
After the first year Mr. BIphinstone was able to relax these rules.
No passport was required except from armed bodies of more than
twenty- five men, and no search for treasure was allowed unless there
was good reason to believe that the information regarding it was
correct. A strong military force held positions at Poona, Sirur,
and Junnar, and numbers of the enemy's irregular infantry were
1 Blacker'a Mardtha War, 315, 316. 2 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 46.
Oeccan.]
POONA.
305
employed in the British service. The ranks of the auxiliary horse
were already filled by men enlisted beyond the borders of the
Mardtha countryj but more than half the horses which returned from
Bdjirav's army died in the course of six months from the fatigue
they had undergone. Few attempts at insurrection occurred. One
cbnspiracy was detected which had for its object the release of the
pretended Chitursing, the murder of all the Europeans at Poona
and Sdtara, the surprise of some of the principal forts^ and the
capture of the Raja of Sdtdra. The conspirators were men of
desperate fortunes among the unemployed soldiery ; many of them
were apprehended and tried, and the leaders, some of whom were
Brdhmans, were blown from guns. This example had an excellent
effect in restraining conspiracies. Except service-estates or
jdgirs, which could not be continued on the former basis of supply-
ing contingents of troops, every species of hereditary right,
all established pensions, charitable and religious assignments, and
service-endowments were continued. Regarding the service-estates
or jdgirs iSany points required consideration. In the first
instance, unless specially exempted, every service estate or jdgir
was taken possession of in the same way as the territory in the
immediate occupation of the Peshwa's agents. Estates which had
been sequestrated by the Peshwa were not restored. Some of the
estateholders had established claims by their early submission or
by former services to the British Government. The rest might
justly be granted a suitable maintenance but could have no claim to
the estates which they formerly held on condition of furnishing
troops. Liberal pensions in land or money were granted to those
who had aided the British Government during the revolution. The
ministers of the late government and of the time of Nana Padnavis
who were wholly unprovided with means of living received life
allowances. Mr. Elphinstone was anxious to maintain the sarddrs
or gentry and nobles in the position they had held under the Peshwa.
To deprive them of all signs of rank would be felt as oppressive by
the upper classes and would be disapproved as unusual by the lower
orders. The chiefs were classed according to their rank and the
estimation in which they were held under the former government.
They were freed from the immediate jurisdiction of the civil court,
an appeal being allowed from the Agent to Sardars in Poona to the
Governor in Council or to the Sadar Court.^ The jury or panchdyat
was the ordinary tribunal for the decision o£ civil suits. The
criminal law was administered by individual judges assisted by the
authority of Hindu law in regulating the measure of punishment.
In all important cases the sentences were passed subject to the
Commissioner's approval. In revenue matters the farming systeni
was abolished and the revenue was collected through government
agents. Many poor Brahmans had become greatly dependent on
the charitable gifts or daksMna which Bajirav, in the belief that
they atoned for sin, had lavishly distributed. To have at once stopped
these grants would have caused much suffering. At the same time
Chapter VII.
History.
The British,
1817-1884.
1 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 62, 75.
B 1327—39
[Bombay Gazetteer,
306
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
The British,
1817-1884.
SO much evil was found to attend the grant of money in promiscuous
charity that the greater part was devoted to founding a Hindu
college at Poena.
Of the management of the country at the time of its transfer to
British rule, Mr. Elphinstone (28th September 1819) had no great
fault to find either with the criminal justice or the police.^ The
panchdyats or civil juries were less satisfactory. They were diflScult
to summon, and they were slow and in all but simple cases were
puzzled.^ The mass of the people were not opposed to the change
of rale from the Peshwa to the British. They were strongly in-
clined for peace and had by no means been favoured under the
Brahman government. Still there were many disafEected Brahmans,
deshmuhhs and other hereditary officers, and discharged soldiery.*
The country had greatly improved during the sixteen years of
British protection. The people were few compared to the arable
area ; the lower orders were very comfortable and the upper
prosperous. There was abundance of employment in the domestic
establishments and foreign conquests of the nation.* A foreign
government must have disadvantages : many of the upper classes
must sink into comparative poverty, and many of those who were
employed by the court and the army must positively lose .their
bread.* In August 1822 when as Governor of Bombay he came
on tour to the Decoan, Mr. Elphinstone found the road so bad in places
that his party had to dismount and reached Poona with lame and
shoeless horses. The country was not changed. The town was the
same, only all of the horses and most of the gentry were gone.^ On
his next visit to the Deccan in 1826 Mr. Elphinstone found that by
reductions of assessment and still more by stopping exactions the
burdens of the people had been much lightened. In spite of bad
seasons and redundant produce the condition of the people was
probably better than in the best years of the Peshwa's government.
The police was worse than under the Mardthds though perhaps not
so bad as he had expected. Even in the neighbourhood of Poona
there had been two or three bands of banditti and there was still
one band headed by persons who had been captured and released
from want of proof. Except gang robbeiy and perhaps drunkenness,
Mr. Elphinstone did not think crime had increased. In his opinion
the most unsuccessfalpart of the new system was the administration
of civil justice.'
^ In the same year (1826), partly owing to the scarcity of 1825
partly owing to the reduction in the local garrison, the Ramoshia
of south Poona rose into revolt and outlawry. For three years
1 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 53. " Colebrooke'a Elphinstone, II. 54.
' Colebrooke's Elphinstone, III. 57.
* In the S^tAra Proclamation of 9th February 1818, Mr. Elphinstone pointed out
that when the English restored Bijirdv to power the country was waste,
the people wretched, and the government penniless. Since 1803, in spite of
revenue-farming and exactions, under British protection, the country had recovered
and Bijir^y had heaped together about eight millions sterling of jewels and treasure.
Forrest's Elphinstone, 53 ; Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. .303.
» Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 79, 80. " Colebrooke's- Elphinstone, II, 141.
' Colebrooke's Elphinstone, II. 191, 192. « Mr. A. Keyser, C.S.
Dcccan.]
POONA.
307
bands of Ramoshis were guilty of atrocious acts of violence. Under
the leading of oneUmdji they were so enterprising and successful that,
in lS27j as they could not be put down, their crimes were pardoned,
they were taken into pay, employed as hill police, and enriched
with land grants.^ The success of the Ramoshis stirred the Kolis
of the north-west Poona and Ahmadnagar hills to revolt. Large
gangs went into outlawry and did much mischief in Poona, Thdna,
and Ahmadnagar. Strong detachments of troops were gathered
from all the districts round, and, under the skilful management of
Captain Mackintosh, by 1830, the rebel gangs were broken, their
leaders secured, and order restored.^ The next serious disturbances
were risings of hill tribes between 1839 and 184<6. Early in 1839
bands of Kolis appeared in various parts of the Sahyddris and
attacked and robbed several villages. All castes joined them and
their numbers soon rose to three or four hundred, under the leading
of three Brahmans Bhau Khare, Ohimnaji Jadhav, and N^na
Darbare. The rising took a political character j the leaders
declared that they were acting for the Peshwa, and assumed charge
of the government in his name. As farther reductions had lately
been made in the Poona garrison the Brdhmans persuaded the people
that the bulk of the British troops had left the district. The
prompt action taken by Lieutenant Rudd the superintendent of
police and Mr. Rose the assistant collector prevented much
mischief. Hearing that an attack was intended on the mahdlkari's
treasury at Ghode, Mr. Rose hurried to Ghode, collected a force
of messengers and townspeople, and successfully repulsed the
repeated attacks of 150 insurgents who besieged them through the
whole night. This was their only serious venture. Shortly after
Lieutenant Rudd with a party of the Poona Auxiliary Horse attacked
and dispersed the band, taking a number of prisoners. As soon as
the main band was broken the members were eaught in detail and
the rising was at an end. Fifty-four of the rebels were tried, of
whom a Brahman Ramchandra Ganesh Gore and a Koli were banged,
twenty-four were pardoned or acquitted, and of the rest some were
sentenced to transportation for life and others to various terms of
. imprisonment. The prompt and vigorous action of Messrs. Rose
and Rudd received the thanks of the Court of Directors. In 1844
the hill-tribes again became troublesome, and, as usual, they were
joined and helped by disaffected persons of various castes. The
leaders of this rising were R^ghu Bhd,ngria and BApu Bhdngria the
sons of a jamad^r of the Ahmadnagar police a Koli by caste whom
the Kolis carried off and forced to join them. The Bh^ngrias'
head-quarters were the hilly country in the north-west of Poona.
They attacked and robbed several villages generally without doing
much barm to the people, but in two instances cutting off headmen's
noses. The police made several captures. In one case Captain
Giberne the superintendent seized as many as seventy-two outlaws.
Chapter VW
History.
The British,
1817-1884.
^ Capt. Mackintosh in Trans. Bom, Geog. Soe. I. 260. Details of Eijnoshi risinga
are given under Justice.
' Trans. Bom. Greog. Soc, I, 259-264, Betalls are given in the Ahmadnagar Statis*
tical Account.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
308
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VII.
History.
The British,
1817-1884.
though B^pu Bhangria the leader escaped. On the 20th of
September 1844 Raghu Bhangria's gang cut off a native officer
of police and ten constables who were benighted in the hills
and killed all but three. In 1845, the disturbances spread
to the Purandhar sub-division south of Poona, and from Purandhar
south through Sdtara. The Poona police were strengthened by
sixty- two Ramoshisj and on the 18th of August 1845, inconsequence
of a quarrel with one of his own men, B^pa Bhdngria was caught.
In spite of the loss of their leader the gangs, who had the secret
support of several influential persons, continued to harass the
country and plunder villages. Grovernment money was seized while
it was being collected, a pdtil was murdered because he had helped
the police to detect some former outrage, several moneylenders were
robbed and one or two were mutilated, and a writer in the Purandhar
mamlatdar's establishment was murdered. In Purandhar, with the
aid of a Gavli named Kema and a large band of followers, the sons of
Umajithe leader in the 1825 rising committed similar depredations.
On one occasion at Jejuri they carried off the litter with the holy
image but they brought it back. As the police were not strong
enough to restore order, in May 1845 a detachment of Native
Infantry was quartered at Junnar, other troops were sent to
Purandiiar, and one hundred men were set to watch the Mdlsej and
Nana passes by which the rebels moved up and down to the Konkan.
Early in 1846 the Magistrate reported the country quiet, though,
in spite of rewards, the ringleaders were still at large. During 1846
Umdji's sons were caught, but they escaped and were not retaken
till April 1850 after heading a gang robbery which resulted in the
murder of two persons. Except the chief RAghu Bhangria, the
other leaders were all secured. A reward of £500 (Rs. 5000) was
offered for Raghu Bhangria who was supposed to be gifted with
supernatural power, and exercised great influence not only over his
own men but over all the north-west Poona hills where, for
years, he lived on blackmail levied from Poona and Thana villages.
At last on the 2nd of January 1848 Raghu Bhd,ngria was caught
by Lieutenant, afterwards General, Gell, and a party of police
at Pandharpur where he had gone dressed as a pilgrim. Since ■
1846 the outlaws had ceased to give much trouble, and, on the
19th of April 1850, the capture of Umd,ji's sons Tukya and
Mankala brought the disturbances to a close.
During the 1857 Mutinies Poona- Tfas free from open acts of
rebellion, even from offences requiring political prosecutions. In
June 1857 a discharged constable was flogged for attempting to
raise a disturbance in the city of Poona. Later in the same year
the maulvi of Poona, Nural Huda, who was one of the leaders of the
Wahabi sect of Musalmdns in Western India, was detained in the
Thana jail tinder suspicion of carrying on a treasonable correspon-
dence with the Belgaum and Kolhapur Musalmd-ns who had joined
the mutineers. One or two suspicious characters from Northern
India were forced to return to their own country, and Chatursing
a noted bad character who had given trouble for forty years was
made a prisoner on suspicion of intriguing with the rebels. The
Kolis and other hill tribes attacked a few villages and robbed their
Deccan.]
POONA.
309
old foes the moneylenders, but even among tliem there was no
outbreak of importance. In 1858 a man was prosecuted and
condemned to death for publishing a seditious proclamation in favour
of Nd,na Saheb, the late Peshwa's adopted son. But the conviction was
quashed as inquiry seemed to show that the charge was malicious.
In September 1857 a seditious paper was posted near the college
and library in the city of Poena. The authors were not discovered,
and so little importance was attached to this demonstration that
no reward was offered for their apprehension. The local authorities
were watchful, and the dangerous element in Poena city, which is
always considerable, was overawed by the garrison.
In 1873, in the north-west of Poena, Houya, an influential Koli, at
the head of a well trained gang, began a series of attacks on the
moneylenders who habitually cheat and oppress the hill-tribes and
at intervals drive them into crime. Many of the moneylenders
were robbed and some had their noses cut off. Honya was caught in
1876 by Major H. Daniell then superintendent of police. In 1875 the
spirit of disorder spread from the Kolis to the peace-loving Kunbis of
the plain country, and, between May and July, chiefly in Sirur and
Bhimthadi, eleven assaults on moneylenders by bands of villagers
were committed. Troops were called to the aid of the police and
quiet was restored.^ In 1879 the peace. of the district was again
broken by three gangs of robbers. One of these gangs was of
Poena Eamoshis led by Vi.sudev Balvant Phadke a Poena Brahman,
another of Kolis under Krishna S^bla and his son, and a third of
Sdtdra Rdmoshis under two brothers Hari and Tdtya Makaji and
one Edma Krishna. Within Poena limits no fewer than fifty-
nine gang robberies were committed. These three gangs and a
fourth gang in the Nizam's country were put down before the end
of 1879.
Chapter VII.
History.
The BEiTtsH,
1817-1884.
1 Details are given under Capital.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
AcQITISlnON,
1817-1868.
Staff,
1884.
District
Officers,
CHAPTEE VIII.
THE LAND'.
SECTION I.— ACQUISITION AND STAFF.
The lands of tlie district of Poona have been gained by conquest,
cession, exchange, and lapse. Most of the country fell to the British
on the overthrow of the Peshwa in 1817. In 1844, under Govern-
ment Eesolution 1290 dated the 20th of April 1844^ on the death
of the Chief of Koldba, the half village of Ghd,kan in Khed lapsed to
the British Grovernment. In 1861 His Highness Sindia, by a treaty
dated the 12th of December I860, in exchange for other lands,
ceded twelve villages, three in Sirur, seven in Bhimthadi, and two in
Haveli. In 1866 His Highness the Gaikw^r, under Government
Political Eesolution 2974 dated the 9th of October 1866, in
exchange for other lands, ceded the half village of Ch&an in Khed
and one other village in Haveli. In 1868 His Highness Holkar,
under Government Revenue Order 4470 dated the 28th of November
1868, in exchange for other lands, ceded six villages, one in Junnar,
four in Khed, and one in Sirur.
The revenue administration of the district is entrusted to an
officer styled Collector, on a yearly pay of £2790 (Rs. 27,900).
This officer, who is also chief magistrate and the executive head of
the district, is helped in his work of general supervision by a staff
of four assistants, of whom two are covenanted and two are
uncovenanted servants of Government. The sanctioned yearly
salaries of the covenanted assistants range from £840 (Rs. 8400)
1 Materials for the Land History of Poona include, besides elaborate survey tables
prepared in 1881 by Mr. K. B, Pitt of the Revenue Survey, Mr. Elphinstone's
Keport dated the 25th of October 1819 Edition 1872 ; Mr. Chaplin's Report dated the
20th of August 1822, Edition 1877 ; East India Papers III, and IV. Edition 1826 ;
Mr. Pringle's Lithographed Report dated the 6th of September 1828 ; Mr. Blair's
Lithographed Report 643 dated the 9th of December 1828 ; Manuscript Selections
157 of 1821-29 ; Mr. Williamson's Report 2610 dated the 23rd of November 1838 ;
Mr. Vibart's Report 311 dated the 24th of February 1842; Bombay Government
Selections New Series LXX. CVII. and CLI. ; and survey and yearly jamtiftowd! adminis-
tration and season reports and other reports and statements in Bombay Government
Revenue Record 16 of 1821, 50 of 1822, 68 of 1823, 69 of 1823, 70 of 1823, 71 of 1823, 72
of 1823,74 of 1823, 95 of 1824, 117 of 1825, 123 of 1825, 174 of 1827, 175 of 1827, 212 of
3828, 351 of 1831, 352 of 1831, 407 of 1832, 426 of 1832, 427 of 1832, 434 of 1832, 484 of
1833, 517 of 1833, 550 of 1834, 595 of 1834, 628 of 1836, 665 of 1835, 666 of 1835, 694
of 1836, 698 of 1836, 766 of 1837, 772 of 1837, 974 of 1839, 1052 of 1839, 1098 of 1840,
1241 of 1841, 1344 of 1842, 1414 of 1842, 1453 of 1843, 1568 of 1844, 17 of 1846, 17 of
1847, 15 of 1848, 23 of 1849, 205 of 1849, 16 of 1850, 24 of 1851, 18 of 1852, 172 of
1853, 15 of 1855, 17 of 1858, 17 of 1859, 15 of 1860, 17 of 1861, 90 of 1861, 13 of 1862-
64, 235 of 1862-64, 75 of 1866, 57 of 1867, 59 of 1868, 65 of 1869, 95 of 1871, 81
of 1872, 89 of 1873, 97 of 1873 ; Govenmient Resolution on Revenue Settlement
Reports for 1873-74, Revenue Department 6092 dated the 27th of October 1875 ;
Bombay Presidency General Administration Reports from 1872 to 1883 j and the
printed acquisition statement of the Bombay Presidency.
Deccan.]
POONA.
311
to £1080 (Rs. 10j800)j and the salaries of the uncovenanted assistants
are £360 (Rs. 3600) and £720 (Rs. 7200). For fiscal and other
administrative purposes^ the lands under the Collector's charge are
distributed among nine sub-divisions, including the city of Poona,
which for revenue purposes is a separate sub-division known as the
Poona sub-division and placed under the city mdmlatddr who is a
second class magistrate. Of the nine sub-divisions five are entrusted
to the covenanted first assistant and the remaning four to the cove-
nanted second assistant collector. Of the uncovenanted assistants
one, styled the head-quarter or huzur account officer, and who is a
deputy collector, is entrusted with the supervision of the account
office and stamp and opium departments. The other, styled city
magistrate, who is also a deputy collector, does the criminal and
miscellaneous revenue work connected with the city. The treasury
is in charge of the Poona Branch of the Bank of Bombay. The
covenanted assistant collectors are also assistant magistrates, and
have, under the presidency of the Collector, the chief management
of the different administrative bodies, local fund and municipal
committees, within the limits of their revenue charges.
Under the supervision of the Collector and his assistants the
revenue charge of each fiscal division is placed in the hands of an
officer styled mdmlatddr. These functionaries who are also entrusted
with magisterial powers have yearly salaries varying from £180 to
£300 (Rs. 1800 - 3000). Three of the fiscal divisions, Haveli Khed
and Bhimthadi, contain each a subordinate division ovpeta mahdl,
placed under the charge of an officer styled mahdlkari, who, except
that he has no treasury to superintend, exercises the revenue and
magisterial powers generally entrusted to a mdmlatdAr. The yearly
pay of the mahalkari is £72 (Rs. 720).
In revenue and police matters the charge of the 997| Govern-
ment villages is entrusted to 1128 headmen of whom six are
stipendiary and 1122 are hereditary. Most of them are Kunbis, but
some are Musalmdns and others belong to the Brahman, Shenvi,
Gurav, Nhdvi, Dhobi, Dhangar, and Koli castes. One of the stipen-
diary and 1 16 of the hereditary headmen perform revenue duties
only, one of the stipendiary and 117 of the hereditary attend to
matters of police only, and four stipendiary and 889 hereditary
headmen are entrusted with both revenue and police charges. The
yearly pay of the headmen depends on the village revenue. It
varies from 4s. (Rs. 2) to £23 14s. (Rs. 237) and averages £3
(Rs. 30). In many villages, besides the headman, members of his
family are in receipt of state land-grants representing a yearly sum
of £290 (Rs. 2900). Of £5223 (Rs. 52,230) the total yearly
charge on account of the headmen of villages and their families,
£435 (Rs. 4350) are met by grants of land and £4788 (Rs. 47,880)
are paid in cash. Several of the larger villages have an assistant head-
man or chaughula. He is generally a Maratha Kunbi by caste and
is paid 10s to £5 (Rs.5-50)a year. To keep the village accounts,
prepare statistics, and help the village headmen there is a body of
seventeen stipendiary and 816 hereditary or in all of 833 village
accountants. Most of them are Brdhmans and others belong to
the Prabhu, Sonar, Gurav, and Golak castes. Every village accountant
Chapter^VIII
Land-
Staff,
1884.
District
Sub-Divisional
Officers.
Village
Officers.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
312
DISTEICTS.
Chapter_VIII.
Land-
Stajt,
1884.
Servants,
Alienated
Villages,
1884.
has an average charge of about one village, containing about
900 inhabitants, and yielding an average yearly revenue o£ £160
(Rs. 1600). Their yearly salaries vary from 6s. to £29 14s. (Rs. 3-
Rs. 297) and average £7 12s. (Rs. 76). The total yearly charge
amounts to £6570 (Rs. 65,700) of which £30 (Rs. 300) are met by
land-grants and £6540 (Rs. 65,400) are paid in cash.
Under the headmen and accountants are 6495 village servants,
who are liable both for revenue and police duties. They are Kolis,
Mhars, or Rd,moshis. The yearly cost of this establishment
amounts to £3027 (Rs. 30,270) being about 8s. (Rs. 4) to each man
or a cost to each village of about £3 (Rs. 30). Of the whole amount,
£2602 (Rs. 26,020) are mat by grants of land and £425 (Rs. 4250)
are paid in cash. The average yearly cost of village establishments
may be thus summarised :
Poona Village Establishments, 1884-
Headmen
Accountants
Servants
Total
£
5223
6670
3027
Es.
62,230
65,700
30,270
14,820
1,48,200
This is equal to a charge of £14 16s. (Rs. 148) a village or about
thirteen per cent of the district land revenue.
Of the 1201 villages of the district 997| are Government and 203|
are private or alienated. Alienated villages^ are of three classes,
shardhati or share villages whose revenues are divided between
Government and private holders, saranjdmi or military service grant
villages, and indm or grant villages. By caste the holders of these
villages are Brdhmans, Marathds, Prabhus, Mdlis, Vdnis, Gosavis,
and Musalmdns. A few proprietors of alienated villages live in
their villages and themselves manage them. Few alienated villages
are in the hands of one proprietor ; but it is the rental of the
village not its lands which are divided among the sharers. The
estates or estate-shares are often mortgaged but rarely sold to
creditors. The condition of the people and the character of the
tillage in alienated and neighbouring Government villages show no
marked difference. Most holders of land in alienated villages pay
a fixed rent, but some are yearly tenants. Tenants generally pay
their rent in cash ; but, in villages where the survey rates are not
fixed, in a few cases they pay their rent in grain. The acre rates
generally vary from 3d. to 3s. (Rs. i - 1 ^). In villages where the
survey rates have not been introduced the rents are not fixed under
any uniform system. In some villages the rent is so much the
bigha, in others it is so much the khandi, and a lump payment is
sometimes charged on a certain plot of land. In villages under the
survey settlement the rates are the same as in Government villages ;
and in villages into which the survey has not been introduced, the
alienees levy a rent equal to about 3d. to 3s. (Rs. | -1 i) the
acre. The alienees make no special arrangements to meet the case
Collector of Poona, 3070 of 25th April 1884,
Deccan]
POONA.
313
of a tenant improving his field by digging a well in it, or by turn-
ing it from dry crop to rice laud. The alienees set aside land free
of assessment as village grazing laud. In surveyed alienated
villages the occupants have the same rights as regards trees as in
Government villages. If an alienee applies to the Collector for
help to recover his dues, assistance is given in accordance with the
provisions of the Land Revenue Code.
SECTION II.-HISTOET.
The earliest revenue system of which traces remained at the
beginning of British rule was the jattta that is the family estate or
the thai that is the settlement system. In 1821 from every original
paper he could find relating to settlers or thalkaris and their occu-
pation of land, the Collector Captain Robertson found that, at a former
time, the whole arable land of each vUlage was apportioned among
a certain number of families.^ The number of families seems to
Chapter VIII
Land.
HiSTOBT.
Early Hindu
Thai or Jatha
System.
1 Captain Robertson, Collector, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 5.30-531,
la 1821 in some villages the jaihda or family estates were (Extract Revenue Letter
from Bombay 5th November 1823, East India Papers III. 805) large plots of land with
a iixed rental, called mund, and in other villages the large holding was divided into
fields each with a fixed rate, called ihiha or tilca ; these words seem to be of
Dravidiau origin and perhaps belong to the time of the Devgiri YMavs (1150 - 1310)
who had a strong southern element. The division and possession of land and the boun-
daries of villages were well defined before a.d. 1600 the time of Malik Ambar the
minister of Ahmadnagar, and Captain Robertson was of opinion that private property
in land existed from a very much earlier period. In an old account of the village of
Ving of" the Nirthadi district it is stated that ' during the management of Nabi YAr
of the Kulbarga SultAnat there was neither a division of the fields nor of the bounds
of the village, the plains being covered with grass, and the occupation of the people
the feeding of horned cattle or rjure for which a fixed sum was exacted. During
the management of the Baridis in Bedar (1498-1526) and in the administration
of the black and white KhojAs (probably Kh4jSs) the village bounds were fixed ;
portions of laud were given to particular persons whose names were registered and
a rent or dost was established. ' The preamble to a paper exhibiting a renewed distri-
bution of lands in the village of Gord in a.d. 1593 after that village had been
depopulated and probably reduced like the village of Ving (though at a much later
period) to be a pasture land for cattle, proves also something regarding the division
of land at a remote period. ' Karim Beg Siheb NawAb sent JAnu SAheb to settle
the country. On reaching the village of SAl in a.d. 1593, where he halted for a month,
Jdnu S4heb attached the piiMfehip of the whole country until the pdtiU put a stop to
exciters of sedition and to plunderers going about the country. He then made an
agreement with them, which set forth that as government had come to know
that the country had been completely ruined from the disturbances and rebellions of
late years, it was desirous of repeopling it and bringing it again into a flourishing
condition, and therefore that it granted hauls to the pdtils to assemble the villagers
who had fled. Thepdtils having been promised their kabti (?) rights, agreed to the terms
and went to their difiperent villages. Among the rest the pdtil of the village of Gord
which was waste, assembled the inhabitants and went to the sarjcdr, where they
requested that their lands might be measured out and assessed according to the
measurement. In consequence of this, government ordered that the settlement
made in Kutub-ud-diu's time should be renewed. The people, satisfied with this
order, returned home, and having met in the dargha of Syed Ambar Chasti, they
determined that the old mirdsddrs should resume their old estates, and that those
lands whose former proprietors were not present should be bestowed on new
proprietors. As all agreed t9 the justice of this, the lands were occupied as follows :
Bunyidi Thalkari or original landlord and InAmdArs Jejji, Pdtil, Kile Mukddam
to possess (1) his own field called Parimda containing twelve hhandis of which ten and
a half hhandis are arable, and (2) three and a half khandia of the field called
Chinchkele which contains seven hhandis extending from the road to the river and
of which the former mirdsddr is not present.' Captain H, D. Robertson, Collector,
Ist May 1820, East India Papers IV. 415-416.
B 1327—40
[Bombay Gazetteer,
814
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII.
Laud.
History.
Thai or Jatha.
have seldom been fewer than four or more than twenty-five except
in large villages with dependent hamlets or vddis which in some
cases seemed to have thirty to forty original families. The lands
each family occupied were distinguished by the occupant's surname.
Thus in a village the settlement or holding, thai, of a family of the
Jd,dhav tribe was called Jddhav Thai; the holding of a Sindia
family Sindia Thai ; and of a Pav£r family Pavir Thai ; and though
none of their descendants remained, the estates still (October 1821)
kept the name of the original settler. These holdings were called
jathds or family estates. Whether each estate at first belonged to a
single person is not known. It semed to Captain Robertson, that, at
the time of the original settlement, one man with his children took a
fourth or a fifth or a sixth share of the village lands. His reason for
this opinion was that in the family estates which remained perfect
in 1821 the original estate was held in small portions by persons
of the same family and surname who had acquired their separate
shares by the Hindu law of succession. These descendants were
collectively termed a jatha or family. Among them they were
supposed to possess the whole of the original estate ; and as a body
they were responsible for the payment of whateverwas due to govern-
ment and others for the whole estate. If the owner of one of the
shares let his land fall waste, the whole family was responsible for his
share of the rental ; and the land of his share was placed at their dis-
posal. In the same way, if 'a member of the family died without an heir,
his portion of the family estate was divided among the surviving
relations according to the Hindu law of inheritance. The individual
members and sharers of the land of & jatha or family estate appeared
always to have been at liberty to do what they pleased with their own
portions. They might let them out for a year or for several years
or they might allow them to lie fallow. But whatever they did with
their land they were responsible to the other members for their
share of the government demand. It was therefore an object with
the whole of the members of a family estate or jatha to see that
no individual by extravagance or carelessness ruined himself and
burthened the rest with the payment of his share of the rental.
Any member of the family estate was also free to dispose of his
share of the patrimony or ' hdproti' literally father's bread. If a
sharer of a joint estate wished to sell his share, it was never allowed
to go to a stranger if any of the family was able to buy it. If
no member of the family was able to buy it, and if the holder of
the share was forced to sell, the share was made over to any one,
a Brahman or a Kunbi of another family, or a Musalmdn, whoever
might offer to buy it. The admission of outsiders as members of
the joint estate by purchase gave rise to a distinction between the
shareholders. The sharers who belonged to the original family
were known as ghar bhdus or house brothers and the sharers
who entered by purchase were known as birddar bhdus literally
brethren, brothers apparently in the sense of legal brothers.'- The
new brother became liable to all the particular customs and rules
' East India Papers, IV. 531. Birddar, a brother, a Persian word used only in
grants deeds and public papers.
DeccanJ
POONA.
316
wliicli bound the body of sharers he had joined. In 1821, though
there remained no trace of the practice, several old settlers or tJial-
haris agreed in stating that very long ago the representatives of
the eldest branch of the family estate or jatha looked after the
cultivation and gathered the dues from the younger branches. The
head of the family stood between the younger branches and the head-
man or mukddam of the village. When from any cause the family
estate failed to pay the government rental, the village headman
never looked to the individual members but to the head of the
family to make good what was wanting. Though this practice had
ceased long before the beginning of British rule, a trace of it
remained in the custom of having one family estate chosen, either
by government or by other family estates, to undertake, through
its head, the duty of collecting their shares of the government
demand from the different estates. To this duty was joined the
responsibility of making good any failure in the amount of the gov-
ernment-demand. The members of the family-estate who were thus
chosen to represent the village were all e,tj\eApdtils, and the head of
the 'pdtil estate was called the mukddam or chief of the pdtils and
therefore the chief of all the other joint estates of the village.^ In
some villages for the same reason that it was found convenient
to have one responsible family-estate it was found desirable to
have a second joint-estate to help the first. In this way arose the
chaughulds ov families of assistant pdtils. In 1821 the members
of the family-estate which was responsible for the village rental or
the jatha of pdtils were respected more than the members of the
other family-estates. The position of head or mukddam of the
village was attended with several advantages. Besides his own
share of his family-estate the headman held grant or indm lands free
from tax. He also had the control of the village expenses and
several other substantial perquisites. In the same way as all the
members of a family-estate or jatha were obliged to make good the
share of any defaulting member, so the body of family-estates
were bound to make good the share of any defaulting estate.
In Captain E.obertson's_opinion the village head or mukadam had
formerly been and still was as much a natural head of the village
society as a servant of government. It was a matter of no small
importance to the members of the joint estates to have a represen-
tative who could meet and settle the claims of the officers of
government. The headman had been and was still a magistrate
• ~by the will of the community as well as by the appointment of
government. He enforced the observances of what in England
would be termed the bye-laws of the corporation ; he formerly
raised by contribution a sum of money to meet the expenses of the
Chapter^ VIlI
Land.
HiSTOBY.
Thai or Jatha.
^ Captain Robertson thought that, from the meaning of the word pdtil, which he
apparently derived from pattaMl that is the holder of a grant or lease, the use of
pittil as a member of the responsible estate was not the original "use of the word.
In his opinion the word pdtil was originally applied to a person by whom the whole
of a new village was settled. He noticed that the use of the Persian terra mukddam
showed that the practice of choosing one man to be responsible for the whole village
revenue did not date from before the MusalmAn conquest of the Deccan, Captain,
Robertson, Collector, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 531 - 534
History.
Tiled or Jatha.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
316 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. corporation and to support his own dignity as its head ji he suggested
Land. improvements for the benefit of the association and marshalled its
members to aid him in maintaining the public peace ; he dispensed
civil justice as a patriarch to those who chose to submit to his
decision as referee, or he presided over the proceedings of others
whom either he or the parties concerned named as arbitrators.
Captain Robertson was of opinion that in virtue of his position as
president of the corporation, the mukddam was originally granted
the management of its affairs, and the regulation of the village
feasts and temples, and that, like other presidents, he had turned
this power to his own advantage, and by degrees, increased the
amount of the village charges.
In a country like the Deccan, which for centuries had been subject
to perpetual revolutions and disturbances, many villages must have
found the benefi^t of forming a society, all of whose members were
bound to support each other. The strength of the feeling of fellow-
ship or association was shown by the walls which guarded the
villages and by the bravery with which in disturbed times these
walls had often been defended against large bodies of troops.
Though in theory the leading family estate and its head were
responsible for the whole rental of the village and were bound to
make good the failures of minor family estates, this responsibility
could be enforced only in ordinary years. When any great and
general calamity happened, and the ruin of villages from war or from
pestilence was not uncommon and in nine cases out of ten was the
result either of the weakness or of the greed of the government, the
government was forced.to take less than the full rental, sometimes
to recover only from the ground which was actually under tillage.
Still in times of disorder and misrule the remissions were often
insufficient to prevent the impoverishment if not the ruin of the
responsible head. Headmen were forced to part either with the
whole or with some of their rights and privileges. When a headman
was forced to sell his rights and privileges two or three sharers by
purchase were occasionally established, and each took a certain
number of family estates, or if the original family estates had been
broken, they took a certain number of individuals for whose share of
the rental they became responsible and from whom they received
mdn-pdn or tokens of respect. These divisions of the headship
were known as thalharis' sarfds or sarifds that is settlers' dues. A
sharer or takshimddr of the headship had also assigned to him a share
of the waste or gatkul land in proportion to his share of the head-
ship. This plan of ranging a certain number of family estates- or of
individuals under each sharer in the headship was, no doubt, a good
arrangement for the individual landholder as it saved him from the
risk of having to pay headship dues to more than one'person. The
respect or mdn-jodn enjoyed by the head or mukddam was never
shared by his relations unless when the office had been lately
^ Until the kamdl or highest that is the Maritha settlement, which was made
between 1758 and 1760, the headman was allowed to spend what amount he chose
on village expenses. In 1760 government undertook to regulate village expenses
and the sums spent were entered in the yearly rent statement or jamdhandi. East
India Papers, IV. 632-533.
Deccan]
POONA.
317
acquired by purchase. When a headship was bought the signs of
respect or mdn-pdn were generally distributed among all the
members of the purchasing family.^
Another revenue system of which traces remained at the be-
ginning of British rule was the system of Malik Ambar^ the famous
Abyssinian minister of the last Nizam Sh^hi king Murtaza II. at
the beginning of the seventeenth century. Malik Ambar seems to
have adbpted many of the principles of Todar Mai's settlement
which was introduced into parts of Upper India and of Gujarat
during the reign of the Emperor Akbar (1556-1605), and into
Khdndesh and parts of the Deccan during the reign of Sh4h Jahdn
(1627-1658). According to Capt-ain Robertson, the object of Todar
MaFs settlement was to measure the land under tillage into Mghds
and to divide the lands into four classes according to their quality,
to ascertain from year to year what crops had been grown, to strike
a medium of the value of the crops grown, and to take one-fourth of
the estimated value of the crops in cash. This was called the cash
rent settlement or jaindbandi nagdi and the holdings which were
held under this settlement were known as ralcbds or areas.^
Like Todar Mai's settlement Malik Ambar's system was based on
a correct knowledge of the area^ of the land tilled and of the money
value of the crop, and the determination to limit the state demand
to a small share of the actual money value of the crop. Malik
Ambar's settlement was introduced between 1605 and 1626. In
1820 he was still remembered as the benefactor of the people.
According to a Mard.tha legend which narrated events that occurred
about 1618, Malik Ambar was said to have doubled the revenues
of the government at the same time that he improved the state of
the people. According to another tradition it was Malik Ambar
who established the village servants or halutdc* One chief point of
difference between the systems of Todar Mai and of Malik Ambar
was that Malik Ambar converted his grain demand into fixed cash
rates. These conversion rates did not vary with the fluctuations in
the price of grain and from their extreme lowness were probably at
the time when they were introduced greatly below the actual prices.
Todar Mai's conversion rates from grain into cash seem to have been
based on the produce prices which were ruling when his survey was
introduced. His system provided for a revision of the conversion
rates so that they might continue in agreement with the actual mar-
ket prices of grain.® Malik Ambar's experiments to fix the average
outturn of the different plots of village land were confined to the
Chapter VIII
Land.
History.
Malik Ambar.
1 Capt. Robertson, Collector, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 531-534.
2 Bast India Papers, IV. 409.
* It is doubtful if Malik Ambar's highds were of uniform size.
« Captain Robertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 408-409.
Si East India Papers, IV. 410. According to Grant Duff (Mardtha History, 43)
Malik Ambar abolished revenue farming, and committed the management of the land
revenue to BrAhman agents under Muhammadan superintendence. He restored such
parts of the village establishment as had fallen into decay and he revived a mode of
assessing the fields by collecting a moderate proportion of the actual produce in kind,
which, after the experience of several seasons, was (1614) commuted for a payment in
money settled annually according to the cultivation. His assessment was said to bo
two-fifths and his money commutation one-third of the produce.
[Bombay iQazetteer,
31S
Chapter^ VIII.
Land.
History,
Malik Amhar,
DISTRICTS.
arable lands of the village. Hill lands were not included. Before
Malik Ambar's time the boundaries of the villages were known.
What he did was to introduce into the arable land, for waste and
hill lands seem not to have been included, the practice of division
into equal areas or highds and of varying the demand on these areas
according to the quality of the soil. Under Malik Ambar's plan
when the whole arable land of the village had been ascertained, it
was divided according to ancient practice into two classes bdgdyat
or garden land eiud jirdyat or corn-land. The arable area was also
divided into hhdlsa or land which yielded a revenue to government
and indmat or land whose government rental had been alienated
through favour or in return for service. After deducting the land
whose government rental had been alienated from the total area, the
hhdlsa land, that is the land which paid a rent to government, was
entered as including so much garden or bdgdyat and so much corn-
land or jirdyat. In the accounts two classes of rent-alienated land
were distinguished, dumdla or two-ownered indm which was held by
vatanddrs and wholly indm which was held by mosques and temples
and by village servants. After the entries regarding the rent-
alienated lands, were the details of the assessment of the rent-paying
or hhdlsa lands and lastly there was an eatry of the cesses, some of
them fixed others varying, which were levied on the craftsmen
shopkeepers and village servants or halutds.^ Captain Robertson
found no evidence to show what portion of the produce Malik Ambar
took as the government share. He thought it fair to conclude that
Malik Ambar fixed the share at less than one-third, which had been
the usual exaction before his time. In Captain Robertson^s opinion
he probably adopted Todar Mai's plan and fixed the rent at one-
fourth of the produce.^ Malik Ambar encouraged the higher kinds
of cultivation by levying no special garden rates. ^
As regards the character of Malik Ambar's survey well informed
natives were of opinion that the areas were fixed not by measuring
but by a glance estimate or nazar pdhdni. This view seemed to be
supported by the fact that he continued to use the old terms for
measuring. He seemed to have divided the land into good and
bad without attempting so elaboi-ate a classification as was intended
1 East India Papers, IV. 415.
' Captain Robertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 418 ; Capt. Robertson's
Report of 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 117 of 1825, 479. Compare Grant
Duff (MarAtha History, 43) who states that Malik Ambar's share when reduced to cash
equalled one-third, and Elphinstone's History of India, 553. Grant Duff's estimate
has been accepted by later writers. See Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 9. According to the
tankha assessment which was introduced by Todar Mai the celebrated minister of
Akbar, and which derived its name from the small silver coin in which the revenues
were collected, the lands were in the first instance assessed with reference to the fer-
tility in a proportion varying from one-half to one-seventh of the gross produce accord-
ing to the expense of culture and to the description of crop grown. The government
share was then commuted for a money payment and in time when a measurement
classification and register had taken place, the regulated assessment was fixed at a
fourth of the whole produce of each field throughout the year and thus became the
permanent assessment of the land. This is Captain Grant's description of the prin-
ciples on which the tankha assessment was fixed. Mr. MiUs, Principal Collector, 23rd
December 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 698 of 1836, 52.
3 Captain Robertson, 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo, 117 of 1825, 488.
Deccau ]
POONA. 319
in Todar Mai's scheme. Malik Ambar thougli he may have called Chapter VIII
the divisions of land or holdings bighds, seems to have used the Land.
word bigha in its original sense of share and not in its later sense
of an area containing a definite number of square yards. He seems History.
to have fixed the amount which a holding could bear by a test of ^"'^^^ Ambar.
the produce it yielded. In some cases a man might hold double as
large a higha as another, but the land was probably only half as rich
and so the pressure of the demand was the same. It was the crop-
yielding powers of the different estates which were fixed, not their
areas.i At the same time the fact that when tested by measure-
ments the quantity of grain taken on an estimate higha varied from
about 54 to 90 pounds (-^ to if of a man) showed that Malik Ambar
had taken pains to ascertain the capabilities of the village lands.
According to a tradition, which Captain Robertson believed was
correct, the plan he followed in ascertaining the productive powers
of a field was by a test or nimtdna of the produce it yielded.^ At
harvest time the sheaves were counted in a field of an estimated
number of bighds. Three sheaves, a good, a middling, and a bad,
were picked out and the qaantity of grain each contained was ascer-
tained and the average of the three yields was struck and this
average multiplied into the whole number of sheaves gave the
grain-yield of the field. ^ These experiments were repeated through
a series of years some say as many as ten years to ascertain the
effect of the season on the yield of the land. In this way the yield
in an average season was ascertained.
The amount realized by the trade and other cesses varied from
year to year, and the share of the village revenue which continued
to be taken in grain fluctuated with the price of grain, but under
Malik Ambar's system the bulk of the demand on each village
became constant.* Malik Ambar's settlement contains no reference
to waste land. According to Captain Robertson he based his
estimate on the whole arable land of the village without reference
to the state of cultivation. After fixing what rental it should
pay to government he handed the management of the village
to the pdtils with orders that they should realize the amount.^
It appears that under Malik Ambar's system the whole of the
detailed arrangement with the actual landholders was left to the
village head. Under this system the headman was either a
contractor who was bound to raise a certain sum from the village
1 Captain Robertson, 1st May 1820, Bast India Papers IV. 418 ; Captain Robert-
son, lat February 1825, Bom. Gov. Kev. Keo. 117 of 1825, 482. Captain Robertson
thinks it not certain whether Malik Ambar measured the square contents of the land.
Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 480.
2 Captain Robertson (Bast India Papers, IV. 420) notices that the test or nimtdna
system was stUl common in North India and in parts of Khdndesh and GujarAt. It was
the basis of the batdi or crop-share system. The test system was the system adopted
by ShivAji's father Shdhiji's headman DAdAji Kondadev when he introduced a settle-
ment into the Mivals or western hill tracts of Poona in 1645.
3 East India Papers, IV. 420. * East India Papers, IV. 418.
' Captain Robertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 418. It has already
been noticed that Malik Ambar's survey did not include unarable waste lands. If hia
settlement was the boon which it was believed to be, it seems difficult to understand
how he could have called on the village to pay for more land than was actually under
tillage or at least was held for cultivation.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
320
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Laud-
History,
Malik Ambar,
The MardtMs.
or he was the representative of the whole body of landholders or
mirasddrs. As the headman or the representative was bound to pay
the whole village rental, so each holder was bound to pay the whole
of the share of the rental to which his land was liable whether his
land was under tillage or was waste.^
After Malik Ambar's examination or glance survey of the arable
land of a village the quantity of grain which it should be called
upon to pay was fixed.^ After the quantity of grain which the
whole village should yield was fixed, the rents of alienated lands were
deducted and either the whole of the grain or some part less than
the whole was turned into a cash payment. There seemed to be no
instance of a fixed money settlement which had not before been
a fixed grain settlement. As Malik Ambar made his commutation
rates permanent he was forced to fix them very low. In Malik
Ambar's estimates the price or money value of grain was not more
than one-seventh of the average price of the same amount of grain
between 1820 ahd 1825. This Captain Robertson was assured by the
hereditary revenue oflBcers was not due to any change in the size of
the grain measures.' Calculations made by Captain Robertson seemed
to show that on the shenshdhi bigha of 3926f square yards or about
l^ths of an acre, which was the land measure in use in the Deccan
since the time of the Moghals, Malik Ambar's demand amounted in
grain to about 82 pounds (rfths of a man of twelve pdylis or
about 101 pounds) and in money according to Malik Ambar's grain
prices to 7^ii. (5 as.) and according to the prices of grain in 1820
varied from 3s. 6d. to 4s. (Rs. l|-2).* According to Captain
Robertson the low rates fixed by Malik Ambar greatly enriched the
country. The headmen were able to let out waste lands at rates
which secured cultivators ; the interests of landholders were fostered,
and cultivators appeared in villages which had before been empty.'
About 1637 when Mahomed Shah (1626-1656) of Bijdpur made
an alliance with ShAh Jah^n, the Bijapur king gave to Shahdji,
Shivdji's father, the greater part of the present district of Poena
including the divisions of Chakan, Poena, Supa, Baramati, Indapur,
1 Bast India Papers, IV. 418-419.
2 Captain Bobertson (1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Bev. Bee. 1J7 of 1825, 479) saya
' the whole arable and assessed lands. '
» Captain Bobertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 419-420 ; 1st February
1825, Bom. Gov. Bev. Bee. 117 of 1825, 481.
^■Captain Bobertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 420. Captain Eobertson's
calculation of the average amount of grain taken under Malik Ambar's system waa
based on a knowledge of the area of arable land ascertained by actual measurement
between a.d. 1662 and 1666 and of the qualitity of grain taken as a, fixed rent by
Malik Ambar and his successors. The quantity of grain was fixed on a shensMki Mgha.
The measurements introduced by the Moghals showed that in an uniform area of
3926| square yards, that is on a shenshdhi bigha, the rates introduced by Malik Ambar,
based chiefly on the ascertained outturn, varied from ^i^^ths to i^ths and \i^i of a
man. The average was T|ths. This average was ascertained by summing the_ arable
land in forty villages and comparing it with the whole fixed quantity of grain pay-
able by these villages under Malik Ambar's permanent settlement. According to
Captain Bobertson's calculations, on the average price of grain between 1820 and
1825 which was 42 pounds for 2s. (5 pdyUs the rupee), Aths of a man represented a
shenshdhi bigha rate of Be. 1 as. 54 ; ISths of Es. 1 J ; tjths of Be. 1 as. lOJ ; iftha of
Be. 1 OS. 12i ; Hths of Be. 1 <M. 15 ; iSths of Bs. 2 as. IJ ; and Hths of Bs. 2J. Capt.
Bobertson, 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Bev. Bee. 117 of 1825, 480-481.
" Capt. Bobertson, 1st February 1825, Bom, Gov, Bev. Beo. 117 of 1825, 481-482.
Deccan.]
POONA.
321
and the twelve mountain valleys called M^vals. Shdhaji entrusted
the management of his land to Ddddji Kondadev a Brd,hman who
is said to have been extremely just and prudent^ but very severe.
Dd,dd,ji Kondadev took advantage of the distress in 1 630 to tempt
large numbers of cultivators to settle in the lands under his
charge,^ and took such pains to improve the country that, if we
may credit his historian, there were not twenty cubits of arable waste
in the whole of his charge. This statement seems to be mainly
poetical as another Maratha account describes the M^vals or the
greater part of the hilly west of Poona as miserable and empty of
people, overrun with woods and with wolves. Dadaji destroyed'
the wolves and cleared much of the forests and introduced or
confirmed Malik Ambar's settlement, fixing the amount of the
government demand by a test or nimtdna of the actual outturn
of the crop. In connection with Daddji Kondadev's revenue
management it is worthy of note that when Shd,hd,ji overran the
eastern KarnAtak he drew numbers of Maratha BrAhmans from
Poona and appointing them deshmukhs, deshpdndes, and kulkarnis,
introduced Dadaji's revenue system into his conquests.^ The
same practice was introduced by Shivaji about 1652 into his
Konkan and other conquests.*
In 1664 when the Moghals under prince Muazzam drove Shivaji
out of his father's lands, they found the country much reduced by
the ravages of war and pestilence. Between 1662 and 1666 they
made a correct measurement and division into uniform bighds of
8926§ square yards of a large area of land near Poona.* But in
the depressed state of the country they were not able to continue
Malik Ambar's system. In 1664 in its stead prince Muazzam
introduced a crop division or batdi system under which the outturn
was divided equally between the government and the landholder or
ray at, who, besides paying half of his crop, had to meet the cost of
the district superintendent or deshmukh and the accountant or
deshpdnde and also of the village headman and village accountant.*
Special garden rates of £1 7s. 7^d. the acre (Rs. llj the bigha) in
channel watered or pdtasthal and of 18s. 4f (i. the acre (Rs. 7^ the
bigha) in well watered or motasthal lands, were for the first time
introduced.^
In 1669 when Shivdji reconquered Poona he introduced a cash
rental instead of a payment in kind. The rates seem to have been
based on the custom or rivdj, which was apparently in use before
Malik Ambar's time, of government taking one-third and leaving
two-thirds to the landholders. This one-third demand represented an
acre rate of about 260 pounds (2 mans 2\ pdylis the shenshdhi bigha)
in first rate landj 177 pounds (1^ mans the bigha) in second rate
land; and 118 pounds (I m,an the bigha) in third rate land. On the
Chapter^VIII
Land.
History.
The Mardthds.
The Moghals.
The Marathds,
East India Papers, IV. 413.
East India Papers, IV. 412. Lt. Col. Mark Wilks' South of India, 1810, I. 72-74.
East India Papers, IV. 412-414. Jervis' Konkan, 90,92.
East India Papers, IV. 420 ; Bom. Gov. Rev. Bee. 117 of 1825, 480-481, 486-487.
Bom. Gov. Kev. Eeo. 117 of 1825, 486-487.
Capt. Robertson, Ist Feb. 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo, 117 of 1825, 488.
B 1327—41
[Bombay 6azetteer,
322
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
HiSTOKT,
The Mardtlids.
grain prices ruling about 1825 these amounts represented a cash
acre rate of 18s. (Rs. 5 as. 4| the bigha) in first rate land ; of
8s. 10£Z.(Rs. 3 as. 9| the bigha) in second rate land; and of 6s. lid.
(Rs. 2 as. 6^ the bigha) in third rate land. Shivaji continued prince
Muazzam's garden rate of£l 7s. 7 id. the acre (Rs. 11^ the bigha) in
channel and of 18s. 4|dthe acre (Rs. T^the bigha) in well- watered
land. No change was made in the relations between the government
and the landholder. The settlement was, as it had been under
Malik Ambar's settlementj by village or mauzevdr. The village had
to make good a lump sum. The villagers were left to arrange among
themselves for the payment of shares which had fallen waste.
Land deserted by its owner became the joint property of the
village. The remaining villagers tilled it either dividing it among
themselves or clubbing together to cultivate it as common land. If
this system had been continued Captain Robertson thought that
individual property in land would have disappeared. Under this
system Shivaji's rental was uncertain and the people suffered, and
in 1674 Malik Ambar's system of a fixed money rent for the whole
village was restored.^
The troubles during the wars between Shivdji and the Moghals
and between Aurangzeb and Bijdpur which ended in the overthrow
of Bijd,pur in 1686, and the still greater disorders which filled the
first twenty years of the eighteenth century must have caused a
decline in the area under tillage and in the production. There was
also according to Captain Robertson (1st February 1825)^ an
increased abundance of money ; partly because money had been
cheapened by the continuous working of the American mines, and
partly because in the spread of Mardtha power the spoils of a great
part of India were brought home by the Poena soldiery. The effect
of the rise in the price of produce was greatly to reduce the
government share in the outturn of the land. To make this loss
good, or probably rather to adapt the system to the disordered state
of the country, fresh cesses were levied at any time and under any
form which seemed to be likely to yield revenue. This continued
till 1758 when under the rule of Peshwa BaUJi B^jir^v (1740-1761)
a new and very elaborate measurement and settlement was
introduced. The new settlement was introduced into great part of
Junnar between 1758 and 1768 and at a later date into the
neighbourhood of Poena. The rates under this new system were
termed the hamdl. The amount of money levied under the Jcamdl
was about twice as great as it had been under Malik Ambar's tankha
settlement. The land was measured and entered in shenshdhi bighdi
and the bigha rates were fixed according to the quality of the soil.
The A:amaZor Peshwa system also differed from thetanhhaor Musalmd,n
system in levying the village rental on the area actually under tillage
and not on the whole arable area of the village. Under the new system
the whole rental or hamdl dkdr of a village was composed of the
1 Capt. Robertson, 1st Feb. 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo, 117 of 1825, 487-489.
» Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 117 of 1825, 489-491. Also 1st May.1820, East India
Papers IV. 42G- 427,
Deccan.l
POONA. 323
original rental or ainjama and of extra or shivdyajama. Thus in the Chapter VIII
village of A vsariKhurd the AamciZ settlement gave the following details. LaM-
The measurements showed an area of 2530 acres or 3120 shenshdhi
bighds in actual cultivation, assessed at £893 (Rs. 3930). Of the whole ^ ^ Histoby.
area 19 acres (23| bighds) were garden land or hdgayat assessed at ^'^^ Mardthds.
14s. 9^d. an acre (Rs. 6 a higha); 192 acres (236f highds) were green
products and fruit tree land called mala and assessed at 7s. 4|c^. an
acre (Rs. 3 a higha); 336 acres (414^ highds) of black or first class
grain land called kdli and assessed at 4s. llo!. an acre (Rs. 2 a higha) ;
435 acres (536| bighds) of second class grain land assessed at 3s. ^d.
an acre (Rs. 1 J a higha) ; 478 acres (589i highds) of third class grain
land assessed at 2s. b^d. an acre (Re. 1 a higha), and 1070 acres
(1319| highds) of fourth class grain land assessed at Is. lO^d. an acre
(Rs. f a higha). To this original rental or ain jama was added
under shivdya jama or extras £4 16s. (Rs. 48) under Mh^rs^ land or
Mhdr hadola, £15 8s. (Rs. 154) as trade tax or moUarfa, and £6 12s.
(Rs. 66) from village servants entered as baluta}
1 East India Papers, IV. 427. It seems doubtfulhow far the elaborate system describ-
ed in the text was introduced. In the Puraudhar sub-division a very much rougher
system seems to have been in force. The arable lauds were parcelled into chdhurs, each
chdhur representing about 120 highds. These which contained lands varying much in
quality vrere assessed in poor villages at Rs. 36 to Ks. 60, in middle villages at Es. 60 to
Rs. 90, and in good villages at Es. 90 to Es. 120 or Es. 130. Lt. Shortrede 1st Oct. 1835
Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 85 ; Mr. Mills, 23rd Dee. 1835, Do. 58. Capt. Robert-
son, 1st May 1820, East India Papers, IV. 427. Other items of extra assessment or
shivdya jama are mentioned by Mr. Elphinstone : On the cultivators dahaJc patii or a
tax of one year's revenue in ten ; on the lands of the deshmukh and deshpdnde chauthdi
or a fourth of the fees levied every year ; on the Mhdrs a mlidr mhdrki ; on mirdsddrs
a mirds patti once in three years ; on indmddrs an indm tijdi or one-third of the
government share of their lands and an indm patti or occasional tax imposed in
times of need ; pdndhar gana an additional 12 per cent on the tanhha, levied once
in twelve years ; and vihir hunda or an extra tax on lands watered from wells.
Other taxes were on traders alone. These were mohtar/a or a tax on shopkeepers
varying with their means, in fact an income tax ; baluti or a tax on the twelve
village servants ; these too were sometimes included in the cmi jama and in some
places the mohtarfa formed a distinct head by itself ; bazdr haithalc or a tax on stalls
at fairs ; hamhhdr hhdn or a tax on earth dug up by the potters . The following
fell indiscriminately on both classes ; ghar patti or amhdr sdri or house tax levied
from all but Br^hmans and village officers ; hachak pdhani or a fee on the annual
examination of weights and measures ; tug or a similar fee on examining the scales
used for b^ll^y articles ; ddnka, or danka, or a tax on the right to beat a drum on
particular religious and other occasions ; kharidi jinnas or purveyance or a tax
on the right to purchase articles at a certain rate ; this was generally commuted
for a money payment ; lagan takka or a tax on marriages ; pdt ddm or a particular tax
on the marriage of widows ; mhais patti or a tax on buffaloes ; bakri patti or a tax on
sheep. There were also occasional contributions in kiad called fad farmdsh such as
bullocks' hides, charcoal, hemp, rope, and butter, which were often commuted for fixed
money payments ; many other sums were paid in commutation for service. All these
collections were made by the pdtil in small villages though in towns there was a
separate officer to levy those not connected with the land. Government had other
sources of revenue included in the shivdya jama or extra collections in each village
besides those enumerated. The principal were kamdvis gunhegdnor khandfarshi as
fines and forfeitures, baitanmdl escheats and profit from deposits and temporary
sequestrations ; vanchardi grazing fees ; ghdshatdi grass fees ; devasthdn dabi derived
from offerings to idols ; Icfiarbuj vddi or a tax on melon gardens in the beds of
rivers. Besides all this and besides the village expenses or goon kharch there were
taxes to defray the mahdl sddilvdr or district expenses not already provided for by
government, in which were included many personal expenses of the mdmlatdSrs
and a large fund for embezzlement and corruption for the m^mlatdto and the courtiers
who befriended him. In addition to all these exactions there were occasional impositions
on extraordinary emergencies which were called jdsti patti or extra cess and eksdli
IBombay Gazetteer-
324 DISTRICTS.
Chapte^VIII. After 1720, in parts of Poona not included in tte svardj,'^ the fall
Land. rental or kamdl was divided between the MardtMs and the Moghals,
HisTOBY. ^^ "^^^^ *^® Nizam became independent, between the Mar^th^s
The Mardtiids. ^^^ *^® Nizam. To the full rental or kamdl ten per cent were
added for the Maratha sardeshmuJchi or overlordship. Taking the
whole demand including the overlord's charge at 100, ten went to
the overlord. Of the remaining ninety, forty-five went to the
Moghals and forty-five to the Mardthds. The forty-five parts left to
the Moghals were divided into two groups one of 33| called jdgir
and the other of 11^ called /aM;(£dri. The Maratha share like the
Moghal share was divided into two, one of 33 j called bdbti or the
chief's share, and one of llj called mohdsa or the share given away
by the chief. , But the divisions of the Mardtha share were uncertainj
as various claims or amaZs were granted to the Pant Sachiv and
other high officers.^ In other cases, some of the Maratha shares
or bdbtis seem to have been added to the original rental or ainjama.
Thus in an example given by Mr. Chaplin the original bigha rate
is shown at 8 mans. To this |ths of a man and three shers are added
for sardeshmuhhi and for mahdlmajkur, ^ a man for sdhotra, j of a
man for hak chauihdi, and 2^ shers for desdi. In addition to the
original assessment, extra cesses styled pattis were levied, as examples
of which Mr. Chaplin cites a butter cess ghipatti, a grain cess galla
patti, and a present or sadar-bhet. A house-tax and a female
buffalo tax were also levied.
In uplands or varkas, where coarse grains were alone growo, an
estimate of the crop was made, and from a half to one-third was taken
as the government share which was commuted for a money payment
at a rate which was established for each village. When rates were
fixed at a pdhani or survey, the amount of government rent was
not changed until a fresh survey was made.^
In large villages and in market towns called peths and hasbds the
non-agricultural cesses were collected through the sJiets or leaders of
the merchant and craft guilds, who, among the men of their own
class, held a position of headship corresponding to the positio;i
held by a pdtil mukddam in a village. These headmen distributed
the assessment among the members of their caste or trade, according
to their knowledge of their circumstances, and with the concurrence
of the individuals themselves in full assembly. The government
demands on traders and craftsmen were regulated by a reference
to what it had been usual to collect. New cesses were always
resisted with great clamour, and unless the agent of government
could support his demands by the documents of previous years, he
had great trouble in levying the cess.*
patti or year cess. If these happened to be continued for several years they ceased
to be considered as occasional impositions and fell into the regular «Aimj/ayamo ;bnt
until the introduction of the farming system they were said to have been as rare
as the occasions which furnished the pretext for them. Mr. Elphinstone, 25th
October 1819 (Ed. 1872, 26-27).
1 "The Poona districts included in the grant of the svardj were Poona, Supa including
BArimati, Inddpur, and Junnar. Grant Duff's MarAthds, 200.
2 East India Papers, IV. 586 - 587.
3 Mr, Chaplin, 20th Aug. 1822, Ed. 1877, 25-27. '' East India Papers, IV. 588.
Deccan.]
POONA.
325
After tlie introduction of the temaZ or full settlement about 17 60 the
revenues were managed by agents who examined the village accounts
in detail and settled or were supposed to settle for the revenues
according to the actual state of cultivation, or by fixing with the
head of the village for the payment of a stipulated sum for one
year. The hamal which had taken the place of the tankha in the
village accounts was the basis of all these settlements. In villages
which were just able or were barely able to pay it, the hamal was
always demanded and became almost a fixed settlement. In villages
which had grown richer since the hamal was fixed, an additional
amount was levied either by guess or after examining the increased
cultivation. The additional amount levied in thi^way was generally a
perquisite of the local agents and was entered ^n the accounts under
vnahdl majhur that is sub-divisional charges or under some other
suitable head. These agents were spread over the whole Maratha
empire and were men of influence and ability. They were of two classes
sarsMfcAedc^rsorprovincial governors^ and subheddrs who corresponded
to the English Collectors and had charges yielding a yearly revenue
varying from £10,000 to £50,000 (Es. 1,00,000-Es. 5,00,000).2
Neither the sarsubheddr nor the subheddr was bound to live at the
head-quarters of his charge. The management of affairs was usually
entrusted to an able and confidential agent or kdrbhdri, on whom all
the power of the office devolved. When a district chief or subheddr
was appointed he was furnished with an estimate of the revenues of
his district with a list of all the authorized charges including militia or
shibandis, pensions, religious expenses, and salaries. This estimate
was prepared by the secretaries or daftarddrs of the state under the
eye of the Peshwa or of his minister. The tanhha, and after the
middle of the eighteenth century the hamdl, formed the basis of these
government estimates, and the changes which had taken place since
the introduction of the hamdl were calculated on the basis of the
payments of the last year. The subheddr's salary, which was
generally calculated at one per cent on the revenue of his charge,
or £500 to £600 (Rs. 5000 - 6000) a year, and his establishment
were next fixed and the amount deducted. The balance which was
left, was divided into several sums which at stated periods were
required to be paid into the government treasury at Poona. The
subheddr had to pay the revenue in advance. He geherally had to
pay half of the amount at the beginning of the year and the rest by
instalments but always in advance.^
When the account year was closed (4th June), the subheddr was
obliged to furnish detailed statements of the sums he had realized.
Chapter^VIII
Laud.
History.
.The Mardthds.
1 According to Mr. Elpbinstone's Keport (25th October 1819, Ed. 1872, 22) on the
territories conquered from the Peshwa, the sarsubheddr was appointed in Gujarat,
KhAndesh, the Karnitak, and other remote provinces.
2 Mr. Elphinstone (Report of 25th October 1819, Ed. 1872, 24-26) uses the title
Tndmlatddr instead of subhedd/r. He says the officer in charge of a large district was
called mdmlatddr ; there was sometimes a, provincial governor or sarsubheddr
between the mdmlatddr and government. Capt. Robertson (May 1820) says that
a swSAedar sometimes farmed part of his charge to a mdmlatddr. Bast India Papers,
IV. 431.
3 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 22-24. Capt. Robertson, 1820, East India
Papers IV, 430-434.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
326
DISTEICTS.
Cliapter_VIIL If it appeared that he had collected more than had been estimated,
Land. ^'^f subheddr was called on to pay the surplus ; if any deficiency had
History. ^'I'lsen, and if there was no reason to suppose that his accounts were
■ThejUardtluts. ^^^^® ^^ l^is management negligent, he was not obliged to make good
the deficiency. As the subheddr always paid in advance, at the close of
the year there was generally a balance in his favour. Deductions were
sometimes made from this balance on the score of embezzlements.
The rest was carried over from year to year ; the balance was some-
times reduced by partial payments but it was seldom cleared. All
balances due to government were exacted unless the subheddr could
show that the receipts had fallen short of the estimates without any
carelessness or dishonesty on his part.^ The eighteenth century
subheddr was a government agent whose chief duty in times of
peace was to move about his charge redressing grievances,
superintending his ofiBcers, and collecting the revenue. He was
also a judge and a magistrate, but it was because he was the
collector of the revenue that he held the offices of judge and
magistrate.
When the subheddr or his representative came to his charge,-his
first duty was to ascertain with precision how much fresh land had
been or was likely to be brought into cultivation in the course of the
year. For this purpose he deputed local managers. Those sent to
superintend large groups of villages, called a taraffargana or mahdl,
were termed kamdvisddrs or tarfddrs and those who had charge of
a few villages were called kdrkuns and shekhdd/rs that is clerks. 2
The Icamdvisddrs, tarafddrs, kdrkuns, and shekhddrs were appointed
by the subheddr. As a check upon them and upon the subheddr
there was a set of hereditary officials called fee-men or darakdars
because they were partly paid from local fees. Among these were
the divan or minister, the fadnavis or registrar, and the potnis
or treasurer, whose duty it was to draw up and sign a yearly
statement of the receipts and expenditure in the subheddr's office and
to report to government any evil practices of the subheddrs? There
was a second set of hereditary officers who like the divdn, and fadnavis
were intended to exercise a check on the subheddr chiefly in the
interest of the landholders. These were the district superintendent
or deshmukh and the district accountant or deshpdnde. Both were
generally known by the title of landlords or zaminddrs. The
cZes^mw^A held for a group of villages much the same position as
the village headman held with regard to one village and the position
of deshpdnde or group accountant corresponded to the position of
the kulkarni or village accountant.* As these hereditary district
officers or zaminddrs were considered chiefly to represent the interests
of the cultivators, the village headmen looked to them for help in
resisting exactions and in obtaining remissions. The subheddr' s staff
of kamdvisddrs, kdrkuns, and shekhddrs, was employed in framing
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 22-24.
2 East India Papers, IV. 430. According to Mr. Elphinstone (1819, Ed. 1872, 22)
the Icdrkun had charge of a considerable number of villages and had under him an
officer called shehhddr who had four or five villages.
3 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Edition 1872, 22-24.
" Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Edition 1872, 18-20.
Deccan.]
POONA.
327
from actual inspection and with the help of pdtils and hulharnis,
a retui'n of the area of rent-alienated land belonging to indmddrs
and others ; of the area of arable waste which had been brought
under tillage during the year j and of the area of arable .which still
remained waste. After this examination was completed, the revenue
of each village for the current year was calculated from the mirds land
under tillage or which belonged to resident mirdsddrs together with
the rents due from short rate or ukti and lease or kauli land. This
estimate was not the final settlement ; it was only the basis on which
the dates of paying certain sums were fixed, until at the close of the
year the actual government demand was finally determined. Still
the estimate was always near enough to the final assessment to
insert it in the pdtil's agreement to pay the village revenue. When
the inspectors of the cultivation were ready to submit their labours,
it was usual for the subheddr to visit each village group called taraf
mahdl or pargana. The pdtils of the group met at his oflSce, and
after receiving a general assurance that the subheddr would not
take more than was usual, gave a written engagement specifying the
quantity of cultivated land, the area of waste, and the area granted
to new settlers, and promised to realize and to pay the revenue and
received a counterpart from the subheddr. On their return to their
villages the pdtils began to collect the revenue. If any crops
failed after the estimate was framed, the failure was taken into
account in fixing the final demand. It was understood by
government that, unless he farmed the revenues for the year, the
pdtil was purely a government agent, and that neither he nor the
kulkarni was entitled to any advantage beyond their established
rights and salaries. For the same reason if the amount received •
from a village fell short of the estimate, no attempt was made to
recover the balance from the headman or from the accountant.^
The payments of revenue were generally in three instalments, oije
corresponding with the early or monsoon crops or kharif -which was
due about November- December, a second corresponding to the cold
weather or rabi crops which was due in January and February, a
third corresponding to the hot weather or tusdr crops which was
due in February and March, and a fourth which was sometimes
levied about March-April to recover outstanding balances.^ In
October or November when the early or principal harvest
was nearly ready, the subheddr moved through his charge. The
headmen and accountants, who were generally accompanied and.
supported by some of the leading landholders, laid before him the
papers showing the old settlement rates, apparently both Malik
Ambar's tankha and the kamdl of 1760 together with the latest
year's payments or vasul dkdr, and such a statement of extra items
as gave a full view of the state of the village. The minute
knowledge which the subheddr's staff of clerks called kdrkuns or
shekhddrs had of the villages under their charge, enabled the
subheddr to check the correctness of the village accounts. Some
discussion generally followed in which the villagers looked to the
Chapter^VIII.
Land-
HiSTOBY.
The Mardthds.
' East India Papers, IV. 431. ^ Mr. Blphinstone, 1819, Edition 1872, 24-26.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
328 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. hereditary district officers tlie deshmuTch and the deshpdnde to help
Laud. them to gain any remission or concession which they thought they
jj^ ^ required. The discussion generally ended in the preparation of a
The^Mat^iidt ^T^^^ '^^nt statement ov jamdbandi pati a to which, the pdtil gaxe a,
formal agreement. If the pdtil refused to accept the conditions
ofEered by the subheddr, an officer was sent to examine the state of
the village crops. If even then no agreement could be made, the "
subheddr, though this rarely happened in Poena, arranged to
take one-half of the crop. The practice of keeping the
village crops under guard until the settlement was made,
though unknown immediately round Poena, was common.
When one of the three revenue instalments fell due, the stibheddr's
clerk sent a messenger to each village to help the pdtil. The Mh^r
summoned the landholders who paid their rent to the pdtil in the
presence of the village goldsmith or potddr who assayed and
stamped the money, and of the accountant who granted a receipt.
When the instalment was collected, the headman sent it by the Mh^r
under charge of the ■ander-pdtil or chaughula with a letter to
the deshmukh and another to the mdmlatddr. At the mdmlatddr's
office the money was again tested by a moneychanger and if any of
it was found to be bad, the village goldsmith or potddr was made
responsible. When the money was accepted the subheddr granted
a receipt. When the account year closed these receipts were
resumed and the pdtil was furnished with a statement showing the
amount of revenue iixed for the year, the dates of its realization,
and the balance, if any, outstanding. This statement was ratified
by the subheddr in the usual way.
A subheddr held his appointment for only one year. His
reappointment to his charge depended chiefly on his influence at
. court and they generally had sufficient address to hold their charge
for a considerable period in some cases, according to Mr. Elphinstone, ,
for as much as fifty years. -^ Though the subheddr' s nominal pay was
seldom more than £500 (Es.5000) or £600 (Rs.6000) a year, and though
the system of payment in advance seemed to make any considerable'
profit impossible, the subheddrs valued their posts and clung to them
as long as they could. They generally succeeded in bringing over to
their side both the district hereditary officers who were supposed to
represent the people, and the divdn, fadnavis, and potddr, who were
supposed to represent the government ; and, to answer appeals and
complaints to head- quarters which under good rulers were
encouraged and attended to, the subheddr had an agent or vakil at
court. The subheddrs added to their income by concealing unusual
receipts, by making false entries of remissions/ and false musters
and by holding back allowances and pensions. Their chief source.
of profit was under the head of sddiVodr that is extra or contingent
charges. As a portion of the money spent under this head went to-,
bribe the ministers and auditors, the details were not closely- J
examined and the subheddr generally succeeded in keeping more to
himself than he paid in bribes.^ Some subheddrs let out a few of their
^ 25th Oct, 1819, Ed. 1872, 24, " Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 23-24,
Deccan.]
POONA.
329
mahdis in farms to persons styled mdmlatddrs. They were vested
with all the sicbheddr's magisterial powers except that they could
not pass sentence in capital or other heinous crimes. When the
account year came to an end the pdtil had to continue to perform
his duties with vigour without receiving any orders from the
suhheddr. It made no difference to the pdtil whether the subheddr
was continued in office or a new man was appointed. Sometimes
two or three months of a new account year passed before the pdtils
knew who was to be their superior for the coming year. It was
necessary that the pdtil should take this independent action, because
when a subheddr was changed, the former holder of the office was
naturally remiss for some time before he left and his successor was
at first ignorant of his charge. Considerable liberty was therefore
left to the pdtils in using their discretion as to the means best suited
to stimulate tKe cultivators to industry. Except in years of famine,
pestilence, or war, the headman was generally able to induce the
people again to take the land which they had tilled in the previous
year. Those who were not mirdsddrs or hereditary holders and
had once tilled a field, were generally willing to till it again so long
as they had a sufficient stock of cattle. At the beginning of the
year (June 5th) the pdtil's chief care was to encourage hereditary
holders to invest their gains in bringing arable waste under tillage ; to
obtain new temporary holders or upris and to help the old temporary
holders to free themselves from the pressure of creditors and to
prevent the sale of their cattle and goods or other extreme measures
which might force them to leave the village. With this object the
pdtil went to the creditors and persuaded them that if the debtor
had time he would pay what he owed ; or he promised to lay the
debtor's case before the subheddr and obtained from him some
advance or talcdvi. To tempt hereditary holders to till arable waste
the headman undertook to procure a lease in which, according to
the length of time the land had lain waste, the cultivator was allowed
part remission of rent during terms varying from four to ten years.^
Holders of these leases were free from the demands, which the
hereditary holders generally had to pay as donations to holy men
especially gosdvis, and contributions to travelling tumblers and
musicians. The headmen expected that a man who had enjoyed a
rising lease would continue to hold the land at least for a year or
two after the full rent became due. During those years they con-
tinued free from the extra levies to which the regular holders of
village lands were liable. Besides the village rent the pdtil had to
see that all payments in kind to government were duly made and
Chapter^VIII.
Laud.
History.
The Mardthdi.
^ Generally when the land had lain waste for fifteen years an increasing lease or
a written istdva kaul was granted for ten years. Under these leases no rent was
charged for the first year, a ninth part of the full rent was charged in the second year,
two-ninths in the third year, three-ninths in the fourth year, and so on till the tenth
year when the full rent was levied. Land which had beep waste for more than six and
less than fifteen years was offered on a lease of six years, free in the first year and
charged a fifth in the second, two-fifths in the third, and so on till in the sixth year
the full rent was levied. Land which had lain waste less than six and more than
two years was given on a lease of four years with a gradually increasing rental. Bast
India Papers, fv. 432.
B 1327-42
[Bombay Gazetteer,
330
DISTEICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land.
History.
The Mardthds.
that the village and group officers received their dues. If a culti-
vator either refused or evaded payment, the pdtil called on the
government messenger to interfere. The messenger heard what
the defaulter had to say. If he thought the headman was acting
unjustly or that the defaulter was really unable to pay, he took him
to the s-uhheddr who, if the defaulter's explanation satisfied him,
granted him a complete or a partial remission. If the messenger
thought the landholder had no good reason for refusing to pay, he
would punish him by making him sit in the sun, by keeping him
fasting, or by placing him in durance in the village guard-house
or chdvdi. If this treatment failed to make the defaulter pay, the
messenger took him to the mdmlatddr, who if he pleased might
inflict slight corporal punishment, handing him roughly, pulling
and pushing him about, and thumping him on the sides and back.
If the mdmlatddr was no more successful than the messenger, the
defaulter was reported to the suhheddr who ordered that his bullocks
and property, and, if he was a mirdsddr and the case was extreme,
his land should be attached. If the amount realized from the sale
was less than the sum he owed, the debtor was thrown into prison
with fetters on his legs until it was fully ascertained that he had
no other resources, when he was set at liberty.
If a pdtil proved refractory and refused to obey the summons of
the local officer, the suhheddr sent a messenger or a horseman to
the village with a written order to the pdtil to pay the bearer a
certain sum every day varying from 2s. to £5 (Es.1-50) in pro-
portion to the pdtil's wealth or to the gravity of his offence. If a
pdtil persisted in not obeying the summons, and also in refusing
to pay the fine, militia or shibandis were sent to bring him by force
and he was then fined. Eigorous treatment either of a landholder
or of a headman was seldom necessary in recovering the regular
revenue. It was more employed in exacting extraordinary taxes.^
The pdtil was bound to recover within a year all advances that
is tagdi or takdvi which the suhheddr had made. These Bidvances
were never made to the landholders direct. They were made through
the pdtil and at his request. And though the persons to whom the
advances were made were still insolvent and required further help
from government, the money was generally resumed at the close of
a year and if the suhheddr chose, a fresh advance was made for the
new year. The pdtil frequently furnished cultivators with means of
recovering themselves by lending them money ; if the cultivator was
unworthy of this indulgence and failed to pay back the advance,
the 29a<ii was bound to make it good. Under this system of land
management distraints were rare. If a temporary holder or upn
fled and the rest of the villagers would not make good what he
owed, his bullocks were sold. Government never sold a mirdsda/s
field or his bullocks though a mirdsddr'a relations might occasion-
ally force him to part with some of his property to make good sums
which they had paid to government on his account.^
There were local varieties in the system of land management, and
conditions varied with the character of the times and the character
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Edition 1872, 22-26. " East India PaperB, IV. 526.
Deccan]
POONA.
331
of the Peshwas. Till the beginning of British rule the Peshwa
MAdhavrav (1761-1772) was remembered with affection for his
moderation, and Sakharam Bdpu and Nana Fadnavis with respect
for their masterful knowledge tempered with justice and kindness.^
'J'he cultivators were said to have been in a state of comparative
prosperity under Peshwa Madhavrav Ndrayan (1774-I79t5) and
traces of former prosperity remained. In those times the govern-
ment collected its revenues through its own agents ; the maximum
of the land-tax was fixed, and only charged on lands actually under
tillage ; while remissions were made in bad seasons, and in cases of
gi-eat distress sums of money were advanced without interest or on
a moderate interest. The revenues fluctuated according to the
prosperity of the country .^
Between 1772 and 1800, the years of the administration of Nana
Fadnavis, the management of the Peshwa's land revenue was perhaps
more efficient than at any other time. The mdmlatddrs or subheddrs
were chosen from "families of character and respectability. The
office was given to trustworthy persons without any special agree-
ment as to the amount of revenue their charge would supply. On
their appointment they sometimes though not always paid a portion
of the revenue to the treasury. Each received a deed or sanad
enjoining the faithful discharge of their duty, and directing them to
adopt as a guide a separate account of the assets and expenses of
their charge. The deed or sanad also instructed them to ascertain
what collections of the current year their predecessors had made, to
credit them for the charges in proportion to the period they were in
office, and to realize the balance after taking the late mdmlatddr's
acknowledgment of the amount outstanding. At the same time the
former mdmlatddr received an order directing him to give over to
his successor the charge of the district with all its forts, garrisons,
and magazines, to transfer to him all collections after deducting
allowances or charges up to the period of his removal, and to certify
to him the amount of arrears due, whether from the district land
revenue or from other sources. The commandants of the forts were
also ordered to place themselves under the direction of the new
mdmlatddr, and the hereditary district officers or zaminddrs were
.enjoined to acquaint the new mdmlatddr with the resources of their
charge. If his charge was important and contained a fort, the
yearly pay and allowances of a mdmlatddr amounted to about £430
(Rs. 4300). If his charge was rich but contained no fort his pay
and allowances amounted to about £240 (Rs. 2400).^ When a new
mdmlatddr came to his charge, if it was an important charge, he
Chapter VIII.
Laud-
History.
The Mardthds.
' Capt. Robertson, Collector, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 427-434; lat
February 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 479-508.
^ Loni Account, 1 820, Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 227.
' The pay and allowances of the Shivner charge which had a fort and yielded a
yearly revenue of £10,200 (Rs. 1,02,000) amounted to Rs.4279. The details were
Pay Rs. 1000, a palanquin Es. 800, oil Rs. 18, palanquin furniture Rs. 63, cloth
Rs. 40, a house allowance or kdrkuni from the secret service or antaM fund Rs. 2,358 ;
total Rs. 4279, The details for Junnar, which had no fort and yielded £11,574
(Rs. 1,15,740), were Pay Rs. 2000, clothes Rs.21, palanquin furniture Rs. 75, 'firewood
Rs. 275, total Rs. 2371. Appendix to Mr. Chaplin's Report, 20th August 1822
Edition 1877, 145-146, East India Papers IV. 625.
HiSTOEY.
The MarAthds.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
332 DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII. found two sets of local hereditary officials^ one set called feemen or
Land. darahdars^^ because they were partly paid by local fees, some of whom
were district and others were fort officers, and another set known as
landlords or mminddrs, the hereditary superintendent or deshmukh
and the hereditary accountant or deshpdnde of a group of villages.^
None of these hereditary officers could be dismissed by the mdmlatddr,
nor could he employ them on any duties except those which were
specially prescribed to them. The fee-men or darakddrs both of
village groups and of forts received their pay and allowances
in the same way as the mdmlatddr. They were of three classes
subha-nishati or provincial, mahdl or divisional, and killeddri or
belonging to forts ; in the provincial staff there were besides twelve
Mrhuns or clerks, eight members, the minister or divan, the auditor
or mujumddr, the registrar or fadnavis, the secretary or daftarddr,
the treasurer or potnis, the assay clerk or potddr, the petty
registrar or sahhdsad, and the under secretary or chitnis. Of
the district or provincial fee-men or darakddrs the chief was the
minister or divan who as chief factor under the mdmlatddr counter-
signed all letters and orders. He received about £59 (Rs. 690) a
year of which £35 (Rs. 350) were pay and £24 (Rs. 240) expenses
or kdrkuni. The auditor or mujumddr approved deeds and accounts
before they went to the registrar or fadnavis. He received £49
(Rs. 490) of which £25 (Rs. 250) were pay and £24 (Rs. 240) were
expenses. The registrar or fadnavis dated all deeds and orders,
prepared a daily waste book, fastened notes to the money-bags,
dated the yearly village rent settlement, and brought the books to
head-quarters. He received £61 (Rs. 610) of which £20 (Rs. 200)
were pay, £9 (Rs. 90) allowances for assistants, and £32 (Rs. 320)
expenses. The secretary or daftarddr, from the registrar's waste
book, made up the ledger and sent a monthly abstract to head-
quarters. He received £28 (Rs. 280) of which £15 (Rs. 150) were
pay, £1 (Rs. 10) for clothes, and £12 (Rs. 120) for expenses. The
treasurer or potnis kept a record of collections and the balance of
cash, and helped in writing the waste book and the ledger. He
received £15 (Rs. 150) of which £13 (Rs. 130) were pay and £2
(Rs. 20) expenses. The assay-clerk or potddr, of whom there
were always two, . examined the coins. They received £21 (Rs. 210)
between them. The petty registrar or sahhdsad kept a register of
potty suits and reported them to the mdmlatddr. He received £25
(Rs. 250). The under-secretary or chitnis wrote and answered
despatches. He received £1 7 (Rs. 1 70) of which £12 (Rs. 120) were
pay, £1 (Rs. 10) were for clothes, and £4 (Rs. 40) were expenses,
The twelve clerks or kdrkuns had an average pay of £20 (Rs. 200).
If any of them went to head-quarters for the audit of accounts
he was paid £35 (Rs. 350) extra. Each division or village group,
called mahdl or taraf, had three revenue officers, a deputy or
havdlddr, an auditor or mujumddr, and a registrar or fadnavis,
^ The fee-men or darakddrs were generally though not always hereditary. Mr.
Elphinstone, 1819, Edition 1872, 22.
^ In some tracts there were no hereditary district oiBoers. In such places their
duties were performed by the fee-officials or darakddrs. Appendix to Mr. Chaplin's
Report of 1822, Edition 1877, 156 ; East India Papers IV, 631,
Deccan.l
POONA.
333
and four militia or shihandi officers, the asham-navis, the registrar
or asham-fadiiavis, the roll-master or hdziri-navis, and the secretary
or asham-daftarddr. Of the three revenue officers the deputy
or havdlddr made and remitted collections and inquired into petty
complaints. Besides an uncertain sum for expenses or kdrkuni,
he received £29 (Rs. 290) of which £20 (Rs. 200) were pay, £5
(Rs. 50) were for oil, £2 6s. (Rs. 23) for an assistant, and £1 14s.
(Rs. 17) for clothes. The divisional auditor or mahdl mujumddr
had on a small scale the same duties as the provincial auditor.
He received about £35 (Rs. 350) of which £10 (Rs. lOQ) were
pay, and about £25 (Rs. 250) allowances. The divisional registrar
or mahdl fadnavis had duties corresponding to the duties of the
provincial registrar. He received about £37 (Rs. 370) of which £12
(Rs. 120) were pay, and about £25 (Rs. 250) were allowances. Of
the four militia or shihandi officers the asham-nauis kept a roll
showing each man's name family name and village, his arms, and
his pay. He received £53 (Rs. 530) of which £25 (Rs. 250) were
pay, £7 (Rs. 70) were for oil and an umbrella, and £21 (Rs. 210)
for expenses. The militia registrar or asham-fadnavis kept the
accounts, and, if there was no muster-master, wrote oat the musters.
He received £30 (Rs. 300) of which £20 (Rs. 200) were for pay and
£10 (Rs. 100) for expenses. The muster-master or hdziri-navis
mustered and made out the abstracts. The military secretary or
asham-daftarddr made out the militia ledger-book. He received
£27 (Rs. 270) of which £15 (Rs. 150) were for pay and £12 (Rs. 120)
for expenses. To all forts of any size a staff of sis civil officials was
attached ; a havdlddr or deputy-commandant, a sarnauhat or assistant
deputy, an accountant or sahnis, a registrar or fadnavis, a store-
keeper or fadnavis of stores, and a clerk or kdrkun. The deputy
commandant or havdlddr arranged all guards and patrols and gave
leave to people to go out and in. He received £36 (Rs. 360) as pay.
The assistant deputy or sarnauhat was under the deputy and superin-
tended public works : he received £21 (Rs. 210) pay. The accountant
or sahnis wrote out the garrison accounts and reported enlistments
and discharges. His pay was £22 (Rs. 220). The registrar or
fadnavis dated and certified the accounts and kept a record of
receipts and payments. He received £19 (Rs. 190). A storekeeper
ov fadnavis of stores was sometimes kept on £16 (Rs. 160). The
■ writer was paid £10 (Rs. 100). In addition to their pay and allow-
ances these fee-men or davahddrs had, according to their rank a
following of a certain number of militiamen, and those who were
connected with forts made percentages in supplying wood, betel
and other articles.
When a mdmlatddr was appointed to a new district he either went
himself or sent his agent or kdrbhdri to take over charge from the
former mdmlatdd/r. He next summoned the district hereditary
officers or zaminddrs and the heads of villages, each of w^om
according to rule, from the deshmuJch or district superintendent and
the deshpdnde or the district accountant to the shet mahdjan or
alderman and the village mukddam or headman, paid his respects
and presented the new mdmlatddr with an offering or nazar. At
this reception the mdmlatddr delivered to the district officers the
ChapterVIII.
Land-
History.
The Mardtlids.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
334
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII. head-quarters' mandate enjoining obedience to his authority. When
Land. *iie reception was over the mamZaidar transacted business in office
History. '^^^"^ ^^ usually attended by the district superintendents and
The MardtJids. ^°countants or by their deputies. The district superintendent or
deshmulch and his people helped in the general management of the
revenue and the district accountant or deshpdnde furnished records
and kept an account of the collections.^ His clerk wrote all
reqmsitions to the villagers which were dated and signed in due
form by some of the fee-men or darakddrs and confirmed by the
mamlatddr. When the heads of villages were present an account
of each village was drawn up and signed by the headman and
accountant, and countersigned by the outgoing mdmlatddr. When
■ this was finished a statement of the actuals of the past year was
made ready and sent to head-quarters by the mdmlatddr's agent.
Next an estimate or qjmds of the next year's resources was prepared.
The traditional total rental whether Malik Ambar's tankha or the
Maratha hamdl was entered, and from it was taken the value of all
rent-grants or indms. The balance formed the ain jama or regular
receipts as opposed to shivdya or extras which included customs,
farms, fines, and presents.
Under the head of charges came permanent military and other
allowances and revenue assignments, cost of establishments, pay of
militia and messengers, and religious and charitable allowances.
The balance was then struck and divided into two parts, one to
be forwarded to government the other to be kept in hand. The
amount to be sent to government was fixed with reference to the
remittances of the previous year with such changes as the character
of the season made necessary. Part of the amount due to
government was usually paid in advance in July or August. The
rest was divided into three or four instalments, the payment of
which was not very uniform. The share of the revenue which was
kept in hand was on account of interest due by government on
advances, premium paid for bills of exchange or remittances, new
allowances granted during the year, and remissions for destruction
of crops or other contingencies. The mdmlatddr was enjoined not
to hold back any items which could be recovered and which
belonged to government and to take care that all produce sales were
made at the season when the best prices were likely to be secured
After these formalities the estimate was approved by the minister
and confirmed by the Peshwa's sign manual. A copy was then
delivered to the mdmlatddr. In some parts of the district,
especially near the Nizdm's possessions, the lands were farmed from
year to year. Abatements were granted to the farmer on account
of the charges of the government officers and of charitable and
religious allowances. He was made to promise that he would
1 Under Ndna Fadnavis the duties of the district accountant or deshpdnde were to
take from each village accountant in his charge a statement of the village areas and
the rates of assessment in his village and from these returns to draw up comparative
abstracts showing how the details of the current year differed from those of the year
before. These diflferences he had to explain to the mdmlatddr. East India Papei's,
IV. 631.
Deccan.]
POONA. 335
keep back none of these payments, and an assurance was given Chapter VIII.
that in the event of any calamity he should receive the usual LaM.
consideration. As regards the relations of the mdmlatddrs with
the people the mdmlatddrs managed their charges through the istok ,
hereditary officers and the village headmen and accountants. '^ "'
In each village the mdmlatddr examined the jamin jhdda or
register of lands, the receipts and charges of the past year,
and the present state of cultivation. He called for accounts
of the particular fields under tillage, ascertained whether
they grew dry-crop garden produce or rice, whether they were
tilled by hereditary or by temporary holders, whether they were
held at a fixed contract rent or on a lease. He learned from the
village and district officers what area of arable land had become
fallow and why it had become fallow. If necessary he appointed
agents to promote cultivation in particular villages and empowered
these agents to grant leases for the tillage of waste lands, or made
such concessions to the heads of villages as in their opinion would
persuade the people to enlarge the area under tillage. He also by
advances or remissions helped the people to buy seed or cattle. In
fixing the rent settlement or jamdhandi of a village, particulars of
the cultivation were entered and if necessary checked by an actual
inspection of the lands. With the help of the headmen and the
accountants the whole of the village lands were entered and all
grants were deducted. The rest was divided into waste and
cultivated, and the cultivated area was divided into dry-land and .
garden. It was stated whether the garden was watered by wells
or by watercourses, and whether it was held by hereditary or by
temporary husbandmen. The details, the rates of assessment, and
the produce of the whole, were shewn, together with the items of
the different cesses. From the gross assets or jama were taken
the amounts due to district and village officers, the village
charges and the permanent assignments on the village revenue.
The balance formed the settlement or heriz. From the settlement
in some cases a sum for official expenses or darhdr Icharch was
taken, and in others for grantees and alienees to whom certain
shares in the village revenue had been assigned. When all these
demands were adjusted what was left was sent to the public
treasury by instalments in November December and January.
The instalments seem not to have been fixed according to any
uniform scale. They depended a good deal on the agreement
between the mdmlatddr and the villagers, and on the time at which
the settlement was concluded. If the settlement was not made till
the year was far advanced, the same instalments were paid as in
the past season and the amount was adjusted when the rent
settlement was ended.
The following were the proportions in which rents were collected
at different dates. In villages which had both an early or hharif
and a late or rahi crop, the first or Dasara instalment was levied in
October or Ashvin. The amount was small. In Kdrtih that is
November twenty-five per cent of the revenue became payable ; in
January -February twenty-five per cent more j in February -March
twenty-five per cent, and the remainder in March -April. In
IBombav Gazetteer,
336
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land-
History.
Tlie Mardihds.
Villages which had a small early harvest and a heavy late harvest,
the early instalments were lightened and about one-half was kept
for the March- April payment. On the other hand in villages whose
harvest was chiefly of early crops the early instaln»ents were the
heaviest. The village collections were generally begun eight or
ten days before the date fixed for sending the instalment to the
mdmlatddr. If from special circumstances rents were difficult to
realize, the mdmlatddr forbore from pressing the people. Village
rents were often partly paid by orders or havdlds on bankers;
similarly the husbandmen paid the headman by orders; and so
general was this practice that not more than one-fourth of the
revenue was paid directly in cash.
_ Though as a rule the distribution of the assessment among- the
villages was made by the headman and village accountant, the
mdmlatddr, if he doubted either the honesty or the authority of the
headman, might distribute the assessment among the villagers either
himself or by an agent. All local coins were accepted in payment of
the government dues. But if they fell much below the proper value
an additional cess or allowance was levied. In collecting arrears
considerable indulgence was shewn. If the exaction of arrears was
likely to cripple a husbandman so that he could not till his land, the
demand was put off till the next year or it was cancelled. It was the
practice for the mAmlatddr to grant receipts for all formal payments,
but as a rule the village accountants gave the husbandmen no
receipts.^ At the end of the year, after all the collections had been
made, the Tudmlntddr delivered to the villagers a demand collection
and balance account showing the original rent settlement, including
all branches of revenue both in money and kind except the secret-
service or antast items, the remittances that had been made to his
treasury, and the charges^ that were admitted. In exchange for this
he took a voucher, in the handwriting of the village accountant and
signed by the headman, of the actual receipts and disbursements,
together with a copy of the vasul hdhi or balance account. All
vouchers given in acknowledgment of remittances were then received
back by the mdmlatddr and deposited among the divisional records.
The chief items of extra revenue or shivdya jama which the
mdmlatddr entered in the public accounts were : a marriage bax or
lagan tahlca, a remarriage tax or fdt ddm, chithi masdla, khand
gunhegdri, nazar, harJd, karz chauthdi, and haitanmdl.
At the close of the year, either the mdmlatddr himself or his
registrar or secretary delivered the following accounts into head-
quarters : the mahdlki jhadti or rough statement of receipts and
charges ; the rent settlement of each village with the signatures of the
hereditary district officers; a muster-roll of the militia and the
receipts for their pay; an establishment list or moinjdbta with a
record of absentees; a statement of receipts of pensions and
allowances ; a customs contract ; a list of articles supplied to forts ;
and a statement of official expenses or darbdr hharch.
1 Appendix to Mr. Chaplin's Report, 20th August 1822 (Ed. 1877), 144- 162. East
India Papers, IV. 624-633, 636.
Deccau.]
POONA.
337
At head-quarters these accounts were compared with the estimate
which had been framed at the beginning of the year. If the statements
agreed and the full revenue was realized, the chief clerk read them
over to the Peshwa and they were passed. If there were any
differences in detail between the estimates and the actuals a tdleband
or variation statement was prepared. If the variations resulted in
a failure of revenue, unless the mdmlatddr was a confidential servant,
an inquiry was made and if necessary the mdmlatddr was called on
to pay the differences. If a mdmlatddr, by paying the revenue in
advance and failing to realize the whole of it or by being forced to
engage a special body of militiamen to keep the peace, spent more
than he had received, subject to certain small ded'actions, the
government granted interest at twelve per cent a year on the
amount which stood at the mdmlatddr's credit.
The particular points to which the attention of the head-quarter
officers was directed, were to collect from time to time balances due
by mdmlatddrs ; to inquire into and redress complaints ; to make
arrangements for establishing the authority of government in any
district where it might be disputed ; and to superintend the
mdmlatddrs administration of civil and criminal justice, who generally
inflicted all sort of capital punishments without a reference to head-
quarters.
Mdmlatddrs were seldom removed for petty faults. Many of
them remained thirty or forty years in the charge, and on their
death were succeeded by their sons. So too the feemen or darakddrs
were not removable except for misconduct and the office frequently
passed from father to son. If a charge of misconduct was brought
against a mdmlatddr the accuser was required to give security that
he would prove the charge. If he proved the charge he was
rewarded ; if the charge seemed to have been honestly brought and
the mdmlatddr's conduct seemed doubtful, the informer was allowed
to go without punishment ; and if the charge seemed groundless,
the informer forfeited his security. Charges of misconduct were
rare. The Marathds disliked informers and inade sport of them
calling them TasJcar Pant or Mr. Thief.
The revenue functions. of the mdmlatddrs differ little from those
which have been already described as belonging to the time before
Nina Fadnavis. The mdmlatddrs were expected to promote the
improvement of the country, to protect all classes from oppression,
to dispense civil justice, and to superintend the police. They were
not forbidden from taking any advantage they could from trade or
from lending money at interest, and they were often connected
with the moneylenders who advanced part of the revenues of
villages. Such a connection must often have been prejudicial to
the people, but under Nona's management abuses were restrained
within narrow limits. The village headmen and accountants had
the immediate duty of superintending the cultivation and of seeing
that it was kept up to the usual standard. If there was any falling
off owing to the death or emigration of hereditary holders, the other
hereditary holders were expected to cultivate the fields which were
given up. If the falling off was due to the poverty of temporary
B 1327—43
Chapter VIII.
Land.
HiSTOEY.
The Mardthds,
[Bom'bay Gazetteer*
338
DISTRICTS.
t!hapter VIII.
Land.
History.
The Mardthds.
holders, it was the duty of the headman to persuade others to take
the vacant land. To help him to persuade people to take up waste,
the headman was allowed to make trifling abatements of rent.
But if any great or unusual reduction was required, he had to
apply for sanction to the mdmlatddr. The headmen and accountants
furnished all the village accounts to the mdmlatddr, sometimes
through the hereditary district officers and sometimes direct. In
country towns the collection of the house and other non-agricultural
cesses was entrusted to aldermen and heads of the communities of
merchants and craftsmen. In the smaller towns these collections
were made hy the village headman and accountant.
The rent settlement or jamdhandi of the villages was fixed by
the mdmlatddrs. In making the individual settlement the village
headmen added to the rent settlement the sum deducted in the
thardv yddi on account of village charges and other expenses, and
distributed the whole among the people.^ Any deficiency that might
arise in distributing the settlement was made good by a second
levy or patti. If even after the second levy a deficiency remained,
the amount was raised by a loan from a moneylender. The loan
was sometimes repaid by a special cess or patti in the following
year, or if this was likely to cause distress, the mdmlatddr got leave
to remit an equal amount to enable the villagers to liquidate the
debt. If the loan was large, this was the usual course ; if it was
small, the inhabitants themselves usually agreed to make it good.
The first instalments of the revenue were collected before any
settlement was made, according to the individual payments of the
preceding year, and considerable indulgence was shown m exacting
balances whose realization was likely to cause severe pressure. As
regards the local charges on the village revenue the amounts once
sanctioned were continued without fresh instructions until resumed.
The permanent yearly village charges were also mcurred on the
authority of the headman and accountant,but excessive disbursements
were, when ascertained, retrenched and brought to the public
account. If a village fell into arrears, lands thrown up by the
holder or left waste were sometimes sold and transferred on
hereditary tenure to other holders. Petty quarrels among the
villagers as far as possible were settled by the headmen and
accountants. Except when they were serious and the ;»'^»'^««ffj'
authority was required, disputes about land were settled on the spot
The pettv village officers or balutiddrs received their usual tees
from the villagers for whom they performed the customary services
These petty officers could not be removed by the Jeadman and
accountant. If they were guilty of grave misconduct, t^e ^atte^
was represented to the mdmlatddr who punished or di^^^i^^f ^ th
offenders. At the end of the year when the headman and accountan
rendered returns of receipts and charges and received a Wance or
jama vasul hdU statement, the mdmlatddr W^f^'^^.^J^Z^^Z
honorary dress or shvrpdv. It was not usual for the headman ana
1 In some viUagea the viHage charges were kept separate. East India Papers, IV.
635.
DeccanJ
POONA. 339
accountant to grant landholders any receipt for their payments. Chapter VIII.
The relations between them made such a security unnecessary.^ Land.
Under the system which has been here described, with, as a rule. History.
men of ability and position in charge of the same districts for long y^ Mardthdi'.
terms of years, and with the provision that the weight of all general
calamities and of most minor losses should fall on the government
and not on the people, in spite of the terrible period of distress
caused by the famine of 1792, the bulk of the landholders remained
in their hereditary estates till the close of the eighteenth century.^
Early in the nineteenth century the wasting of the district
by Holkar in 1802 and the failure of the late rains of 1803 caused
grievous distress. For a year or two the assessment fell to about
one-fourth.^ At the close of 1802 when the disorders among the
Marathas had reduced the country to a desert, the Peshwa saved
his possessions from future desolation by placing himself under
British protection. So great was the security which accompanied
the transfer of the sovereign rights to the British, that, within a
few years, the Peshwa was able to collect as large a revenue as
before the destruction of 1802 and 1803.* Partly apparently from the
disordered state into which the miseries of 1803 had thrown the
management of the country j partly perhaps because the support of
the British to a great extent made it indifferent to him whether the
people were contented or were discontented, Bdjird,v gave up the
former attempt to improve the country by securing men of
honour and position to administer its revenues, and to prevent
their misconduct by complicated checks. -In its stead he introduced
the practice of farming the revenue for short terms to the highest
bidder.^ The new system had the two great advantages of relieving
the central government of a great mass of labour and responsibility,
and of transferring a great part of the loss from failure of crops
and other causes from the stiate to the revenue contractor and to the
people. According to Mr. Elphinstone the changes introduced by
» Appendix to Mr. Chaplin's Report of 20th August 1822, Ed. 1877, 144-162 and
East India Papers IV. 624-636.
^ Captain Bobertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IT, 434.
> Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 698 of 1836, 85,
* Bom. Gov. £ev. Bee. 698 of 1836, 85. The incursions of plundering armies and
a succession of calamitous seasons had nearly depopulated the Ind^pur sub-division
when in 1807 the villages were re-established on Icaul or istdva leases providing
for a yearly increase of revenue till the ninth year when the full tanJcha (kamdl ?)
rates were to be taken. This settlement only partially succeeded. A further term
was added to the leases during the currency of which the war broke out and the
Decoan fell into the hands of the British. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 6-7.
" Soon after BAjirdv became Peshwa, the system of collecting revenue through
govenmient agents was laid aside and that of farming the revenues from year to year
to the highest bidder was adopted. All intercourse between the goverimient and the
landholders ceased, and the landholders fell into the hands of a set of greedy and
unprincipled contractors. The consequences were certain. The contractors made
the most of their leases by every temporary experiment ; the husbandmen were
urged to cultivate beyond their means, and taxed for lands not even cultivated ;
remissions were not made in times of calamity. The people became loud in their,
complaints against the prince who thus abandoned them ; and ultimately there were
frequent defalcations of revenue, from the contractors being unable to realize theiI^
rents, Dr, Coats' Account of Loui, 1820, Trans. Bonk Lit. Soc. Ill, 227..
HiSTOKT.
The MardUhds.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
340 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII- farming the revenues were aggravations of the evils of the former
Land* system rather than complete innovations. The office of mdmlatddr,
instead of being conferred as a favour on a person of experience and
probity, was put to auction among the Peshwa's attendants, who
were encouraged to bid, and were sometimes disgraced if they were
backward in bidding. Next year the same operation was repeated
and the district was transferred to a higher bidder. The revenue
farmer bad no time for inquiry, and no motive for forbearance.
He let out his district at an enhanced rate to under-farmers who
repeated the process until the farming came down to the village
headmen. If a village headman farmed his own village, he became
absolute master of every one in it. No complaints were listened to,
and the Tndmlatddr who was formerly a check on the headman now
urged him to greater exactions. If the headman refused to farm
the village at the rate proposed, the case of the villagers was
perhaps worse, as the mdmlatddr's own officers levied the sum
required with less knowledge and less pity. In either case the
actual state of cultivation was disregarded. A man's means of
paying, not the land he held, fixed the amount at which he was
assessed. No moderation was shown in levying the sum fixed.
Every pretext for fine and forfeiture, every means of rigour and
confiscation, were employed to squeeze the people to the utmost
before the day when the mdmlatddr had to give up his charge.
Amidst all this violence a regular account was prepared, as if a most
deliberate settlement had been made. In this fictitious account
the collections were always underrated, as this enabled the headman
to impose on the next mdmlatddr, and enabled the outgoing
mdmlatddr to deceive the government and his fellows. The new
mdmlatddr pretended to be deceived; he agreed to the most
moderate terms, and except making advances, gave every
encouragement to increase the cultivation. When the crops were
in the ground, or when the end of his term drew near, he threw off
the mask, and plundered like his predecessor. In consequence of
this, the assessment of the land, being proposed early in the season,
would be made with some reference to former practice, and
contingent and other charges would accumulate, until the
mdmlatddr came to make up his accounts. Then his exactions were
most severe. He had a fixed sum to complete, and if the collections
fell short of the sum, he portioned the balance among the exhausted
villages, imposed an extra assessment, and left the headman to extort
it on whatever pretence and by whatever means he thought proper.^
As the villagers were very often unable, with any amount of
pressure, to pay the sums which were demanded of them, the
payments were usually made by drafts on the moneylender, who
had the chief banking business in the village. Little was collected in
cash. The moneylender stood security and in return was allowed
to collect the revenue and his own debts together.^
The section of the people who suffered chiefly under the farming
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 27-28, East India Papers IV. 166-167.
f Col. S. Anderson in Deccaa Eiote Commissioners' Report, 1875) petra 32 pp. 17- 14.
Deccan.]
POONA.
341
system were tlie hereditary and other well-to-do holders. In spite
of the disorders of the eighteenth century and of the famine of 1792,
at the close of the century the bulk of the mirdsddrs were still in
possession of their hereditary holdings. But under Bdjird,v's
farming system, when the amount of his collections fell short of
what he had undertaken to pay, the farmer turned on the hereditary
holders and robbed them with such ingenious greed that many left
their lands and all were brought to the brink of ruin.^ In spite of
the exactions of the farmers which reduced almost all the land-
holders of the district to one level, so great was the advantage of
the security ensured by the British protectorate that in the thirteen
years before the overthrow of thePeshwainl817 the district increased
greatly in wealth. Bajirav, whose chief interest in government was
to collect money, amassed a sum estimated at £5,000,000 (Rs. 5 krors).
And the state of the bulk of the people is said to have improved
fro nv what it was at the beginning of the century. They had much
wealth in flocks and herds which were less exposed to the greed of
the revenue farmer than the outturn of their fields.^
ChapterVIII.
Land.
History,
The Mardthds,
SECTION III.— BEITISH MANAGEMENT.
As regards land administration, the sixty-six years (1818-1884)
of British management fall under two nearly equal divisions, before
and after the year 1854 when the introduction of the regular thirty
years' revenue survey settlement was completed. The thirty-six
years ending 1864 include two periods before and after the intro-
duction of the survey settlement of 1836. Of these periods the first
on the whole was a time of stagnation or decline, and the second was
a time of progress. The establishment of order, together with the
removal of abuses and the high prices of field produce, caused in the
first four years of British management (1818-1822) an increase both
in tillage and in revenue. This was followed by about fourteen years
of very little progress or rather of decline, the district suffering from
bad harvests or from the ruinous cheapness of grain due to large
crops, small local demand, the want of means of export, and a
reduction of money caused by the stoppage of the inflow of tribute
and pay which used to centre in Poena as the Peshwa's head-quarters.
The result was a considerable fall both in tillage and in revenue. The
assessment introduced at the beginning of British rule when prices
were high about forty pounds the rupee for Indian millet,^ pressed
heavily on landholders in seasons either of bad crops or of low
The British,
1818-1884.
1 East India Papers, IV. 434.
" Col. S. Anderson in Deccan Riots Commissioners' Report, 1875, para 32 pp. 17-18.
'At BAjiriv's restoration the country was laid waste by war and famine, the
people were reduced to misery, and the government derived scarcely any revenue
from its lands. Since then, in spite of the farming system and the exactions of
BAjirflv's officers, the country . has completely recovered, through the protection
afforded it by the British Government ; andB&jirdv has accumulated those treasures
which he is now employing against his benefactors. The British Government not
only protected the Peshwa's own possessions, but maintained his rights abroad.'
Mr. Elphinstone's SAtdra' Proclamation, 1818, in Forrest's Elphinstone, 1884,53.
' At Indipur the Indian millet or jvdri rupee prices were about 97 pounds in 181 7i
48 in 1818, 34 in 1819, 39 in 1820, and 64 in 1821, 1822, and 1823. Bom. Gov, Sel,
CVII.-118, orOLI,96,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
342
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British,
1818-1884.
1817-1820.
prices. Consequently the leading features of the revenue system
before 1836 were high assessment and large remissions.^ About
1825, with a view to relieve the distress, Mr. Pringle was appointed
to survey the district and revise the assessment. His survey
settlement was introduced over the whole district between 1829 and.
1831. The measure proved a failure partly from the heaviness and
inequality of the assessment and bad seasona and low prices, and
partly from the evil practices of Mr. Pringle's native establishment.
The defects of the settlement were early foreseen by the revenue
officers, and, in Indapur and other parts of the coUectorate, the new
rates were either not levied or were soon discontinued, and the
difference between the amount due and the amount collected was
shown as a remission. About 1835 the regular revenue survey was
undertaken. The first settlement guaranteed for thirty years was
introduced into Indapur in 1836-38, and the last into Maval in
1853-54.
After the battle of Kirkee in November 1817 the greater part of
the present district of Poona fell to the British and by the close
of the year all local disturbance had ceased. The only parts of the
district which suffered from the war were Haveli, Junnar, and Sirur,
through which the Peshwa Bdjird,v passed on his way to the
Berars.^ The chief measures adopted by the English were to
appoint (April- June 1818) a Collector of Poona to travel over the
district and control the collection of the revenue and also to act as
district magistrate and circuit judge. The oflBcer appointed was
Captain H. D. Robertson.* The straggling charges of the Maratha
Tnamlatddrs were formed into compact sub-divisions yielding a
yearly revenue of £5000 to £7000 (Rs. 50,000-Rs. 70,000), and over
each a mamlatdar on £7 to £15 (Rs.70-150) a month was placed.*
One of the chief difficulties in starting the new administration was
the want of men suited to be mdmlatddrs. As the British occupied
the country before the Peshwa's cause was desperate, few men of
local position or training at first entered the English service. The
English were forced to employ what men they could find without
much regard to their merit. Still when the struggle with the
Peshwa was over and the final treaty was concluded, the Collector
was able to secure a fair number of respectable servants of the old
government. A few mamlatddrs were brought from Madras, partly
from motives of general policy and that they might act as a check
on local corruption, and partly to introduce some models of system
' Most writers have agreed that the rates first introduced by the British were
too high. Sir Gt. Wingate wrote about 1840 : There could be little doubt that the
early Collectors over-estimated the capability of the Deccan and that the rates
drained the country of its agricultural capital. Deccan Biots Conunissiouers' Beport,^
1875, para 33 pp. 18-20. According to some accounts one cause of distress was the
falsifying of vUlage records by the hereditary officers. Lieutenant Shortrede, Ist
October 1835, Bom. Gov, Rev. Bee. 698 of 1836,85-86.
^ Captain H. D. Robertson, Collector, 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeoj
117 of 1825, 509.
_ ' Heber's Narrative, III. 120. Captain Henry Dnndas Robertson had charge of the
city and district of Poona of which he was Collector of Revenue, Judge, and Magis-
trate. His district lay between the Nira and Bhima. Grant Duff's Mardthis, 679.
t Mr. Elphinstone, October 1819, Ed. 1872, 30, 31, Bast India Papers IV. 16.8-169.
Deccan.]
POONA.
343
and regularity.! Tbe chief change, in fact almost the only inten-
tional change, introduced in the revenue management was abolishing
revenue farming. Farming was abolished in all departments except
in the customs where there were no complaints, and apparently no
oppression. In other respects as far as possible the existing system
was maintained. The object was to levy the revenue according
to the actual cultivation ; to lighten the assessment ; to introduce
no new cesses ; and to abolish no cesses except the obviously unjust.
The orders were above all things to avoid innovations. In spite of
the efforts to avoid innovations the introduction of foreign rulers
and of foreign maxims of government caused many changes. In
the revenue department Mr. Blphinstone believed that most of the
changes were beneficial. The improvement was not so much in the
rules as in the way of carrying out the rules. Faith was kept with
the landholder, more liberal advances were made, he was free from
false charges as pretexts to extort money, and his complaints found
a readier hearing and a surer redress. On the other hand some of
the new ways were distasteful to certain sections of the people.
There were more forms and there was more strictness. The
mdmlatddrs disliked the narrow limits within which their discre-
tion was bounded ; they preferred the old system of perquisites to
the new system of pay. The,heads of the villages saw that the
minuter inquiry into the distribution of the Government rental
among the villagers weakened their power, and that the closer
examination of the village charges or sddilvdr kharch reduced their
incomes. In the minds of the people, against the advantage of a
decrease in village charges, was set the blank caused by the
stoppage of former charities and amusements. Every effort was
made to ascertain the condition of the landholders and to make
the assessment light. Where there was any suspicion of fraud
lands were measured. During the first two years (1817-1819) the
Collector settled with the headman for the payment of the whole
revenue of the village, and gave him a deed or patta. After the
first season, before the settlement was concluded the Collector ascer-
tained how much each, landholder had to pay and that he agreed that
the amount set against him represented his fair share. In all cases
the foundation of the assessment was the amount which the village had
paid when the people considered themselves well governed. Prom
this amount deductions were made either because of a reduction in
cultivation or on other specific grounds, 'fhe assessments were
much lighter than formerly and much clearer and more uniform.^
The chief difficulty in the way of a satisfactory village settlement
was the want of records. Under the farming system the village
records ceased to be used. Occasionally papers handed down from
Chapter^VIir
Land.
The British.
1817 -ism.
1 The Madras mSmlatdilrs were more active, more obedient, more exact, and more
methodical than Maritha Brdhmans. They introduced new forms of respect for
their immediate superiors and at the same time showed less consideration to the
great men of the country- To the bulk of the people their bearing was rough, .harsh,
and insolent. It was interesting to consider which of these characteristics the
Madrasis had taken from the Musalmins and which from the English. Mr,
Elphinstone, 25th October 1819, Ed. 1872, 30-31, East India Papers IV. 168-169.
" JVIi-. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 30-32, East India Papers IV, 168-169.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
344
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land-
The Bbitish.
1817-18.
1818-19.
the earlier mdmlatdd,rs and fee-men or darakddrs showed the revenue
of whole villages^ but they were seldom for any series of years. And
as, while the farming system was in force, the hereditary district
officers had lost their importance, few of them had preserved their
records. The records of the village accountants were also mutilated,
full of falsifications and interpolations, and never trustworthy.^
In 1817-18 the existing Maratha settlement was maintained and
deductions were granted for any payments which had been made
since the beginning of the year. The settlement was with, the village
headmen, who. Captain Robertson says, imposed upon him and drained
the people as much as they could. Thfe people claimed to have
suffered from the war and considerable deductions had to be made
on this account, though, except in the tracts of Bdjirdv's march,
Captain Robertson believed the people had suffered less than they
were accustomed to suflPer in years of peace and regular taxation.^
At the close of the year all balances were remitted.^ In 1818-19 the
crops were flourishing and the returns good. On account of the
difficulty of collecting detailed village information. Captain Robert-
son continued the settlement with the headmen.* There were no
1 Mr. Chaplin, 20th August 1822, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 68 of 1823, 170-171.
Compare East India Papers III. 804 and Lieut. Shortrede, 1st October 1835, Bom,
Gov. Rev. Rec. 698 of 1836, 86.
2 Captain Robertson, Collector, 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 117 of
1825, 509. According to Br. Coats (29th February 1820, Trans. Bom. Lit. Soo. III.
228) the people of Loni village hailed their transfer to the British as a happy
event. The abolition of the revenue contracting system, and the liberal remissions in
consequence of losses by the war, confirmed the high expectations that had been
formed of British justice and liberality.
s Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 526.
* Dr. Coats writes on the 29th of February 1820 (Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 273-276)
about the revenue settlement of the Loni village on the Ahmadnagar road. These
details apply to the whole Poona district. " The revenues are derived from a direct
tax on the land, and some extra impositions which must also indirectly come from
the same source. The land tax varies from year to year according to the quantity
under cultivation. Lands are classed into three kinds and pay a fixed tax according
to their quality, agreeably to a rate and measurement made 200 years ago by the
Muhammadans ; previously to which time the custom seems to have been for the
government to have a certain proportion, about half of the produce, or to commute
it for money at the market price. The land tax is not increased in favourable
seasons, and in very unfavourable seasons the Government makes a remission.
Waste and foul lands pay such small rent as may be agreed on between the tenant
and the Government agent till they have been brought fully under cultivation, when
they become liable to the established tax. Of £130 (Rs. 1300), the amount of the
revenue settlement for 1818, £120 (Bs. 1200) were derived from the direct tax on
the land and £10 (Rs. 100) from indirect taxes ; £24 8s. (Es. 244) of this amount
were granted to defray the expenses of the religious and charitable establishments
of Loni, and various custoniary charges and presents allowed by the Government,
and £20 (Rs. 200) were remitted by the Collector in consequence of the un-
favourable season and the poverty of the cultivators. The yearly settlement for
the revenue the village is to pay for the ensuing year, takes place a little before the
beginning of the rainy season. The pdtil and Jatlkarni first assemble all the
cultivators, when the Idgvad jhdda or written details of cultivation for the past
year are produced, and an agreement made with each of them for the quantity he
is to cultivate in the approaching season. As the pdtil's credit with the Government
depends on the prosperity of his village and the state of cultivation, he endeavours to
extend this by all means in his power. The headman will not allow a thalkari or
hereditary landholder to throw up lands he had cultivated the year before ; and,
should any part of his thai or estate be waste, he upbraids him and threatens to
exact the land tax for it if he does not bring it under cultivation. The headman
has less hold on the upri or casual holder who will go where he can get land on the
best terms, and is obliged to treat him with great consideration. If from any cause
the upri threatens to throw up his lands, he is privately promised better terms and
Deccan]
POONA.
345
complaints of over-assessment. Perhaps the dread of the new
Government prevented the headmen from oppressing the people ;
perhaps they took advantage of the change and frightened the people
from complaining. Captain Robertson surveyed and measured the
Nane Maval. The surveyors were men from BeJdri in Madras and
they were allowed to carry out Sir Thomas Munro's survey rules.
But the survey was badly done and showed so enormous an assess-
ment that Captain Robertson did not adopt it.
In October 1819 an attempt was made to introduce a rayatvdr or
individual landholder settlement instead of a 'maujevdr that is a
village or headman settlement. The change had to be introduced
slowly and with caution. In the first season the mistake was made
of settling with the people for the customary or vahivdt rates and
not for the full or kamdl rates, and either the village headmen or
the hereditary officers raised large sums from the people in addition
to what they paid to Government. In this year the crops were fair,
and the price of grain was high about twenty-four pounds the rupee
(2|-3 fdylis). But an epidemic of cholera, which had broken out
in the previous season, proved so fatal that the population was
seriously reduced and cultivation spread but little.^
Chapter VIII
Land-
The Bbiiish,
1819-20.
greater indulgence ; or if he is in distress for money he is promised advances or
tagdi from the Government. When the pdtil and kuVcami have made these prelimi-
nary agreements, they proceed to the Collector, or his agent, and enter into another
agreement for the amount of revenue to be paid for the approaching year, subject to
remissions on account of asmdni and sultdni, that is the destroying influence of skies
and rulers or the hand of God and the king. The revenues are usually collected by
four instalments. The first begins about October, and is termed the tusdr patti, in
allusion to the name of the crop reaped at this time which consists of rale, mug,
udid, maka, sdva, and vari. This instalment is in the proportion of one-eighth or
one- tenth of the whole revenue. The second takes place in January, and is termed
the hharif patti or tax, and is the largest instalment, being about one-half of the
whole. The third is termed the rahi patti, and begins in March ; and the fourth, the
dkdr sdl patti or a final settlement; usually takes place in May. The following is the
process usually observed in realizing the revenues. The native collector or mSmlat-
ddr of the division sends an armed messenger with a written order on the pdtil to
pay him an instalment of the revenue, mentioning the amount, on account of a
specified crop. The order runs : ' Tah mukddam suh Loni taraf Saudis prdnt Poona
(the Arabic year follows) mavge machkur sdl maclihur paiki tusdr patti baddal
Rs. SOO gheun huzur yenya kdmds svpdA pdthvila dhe. ' (Signed). That is to the headman
of Loni village, in the group of Saudis, in the district of Poona, in the Arabic year
so and so, of the said village for the said year on account of the first instalment
Rs. 200 to bring to head-quarters a messenger is sent. The pdtil on this sends the
beadle or veskar to the house of each cultivator, and summons him to attend at the
ehdvdi or village oflSce next morning, and be prepared to pay his proportion of the
instalment of the revenue that is due. The headman, village clerk, and messenger
go to the office and squat on a cloth on the cowdunged floor and the landholders
attend in succession. Some at once pay their share, and take a receipt or pdvti from
the clerk. Many beg for a few days' respite, seldom more than a week, to enable
them to discharge their share. The amount of annual tax paid by any individual
in the Loni village is not more than Ks. 50, and that of the majority is Rs. 20, so
that the sum to be paid at an instalment is often only two or three rupees. The
money is paid to the headman who hands it to the village potddr or treasurer to
ascertain whether it is good. If it is good the potddr stamps his mark on it, and
when the collections of the day are over, he takes it to his house. As soon as the
whole instalment has been realized, it is sewed in a leather bag by the shoemaker,
sealed by the headman, and sent by a Mhdr, under charge of the messenger, to the
m^mlatdAr. If the pdtil has not been able to realize the amount of the order on him,
he sends all he has collected with an explanatory letter to the niAmlatddr, but the
piessenger does not in this case quit the village till he has been ordered to do so by
his employer."
1 Captain Robertson, Collector, 1st Feb. 1825, Bom- Gov. Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825,
B 1327—44
[Bombay Gazetteer,
346
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. _ Of the state of the district and of the system of land administration
Land. in 1820-21, when the power of the British had been long enough
The British. established for their officers to gain a familiar knowledge of the
18^-21 ' people and of the condition of the district, several reports, chiefly
those of Captain Robertson the Collector, have left interesting
and fairly complete and clear details.^ After June 1820, when
Indd,pur and Shivner or Junnar were transferred from Ahmadnagar
to Poena, the district stretched (October 1821) about 120 miles from
north- west to south-east with an average breadth of about thirty-five
miles and an area of about 4200 square miles. The population
was about 500,000 or 119 to the square mile, and the yearly
revenue was about £100,000 (Rs. 10,00,000), of which about
£65,000 (Rs. 6,50,000) belonged to Government and about £35,000
(Rs. 3,50,000) were alienated.^ The 1213 villages of which 317i
were alienated, were grouped into nine sub-divisions, Poena City,
Bhimthadi, Inddpur, Pabal, Khed, Purandhar, Haveli, Mdval, and
Shivner or Junnar, the last eight yielding an average revenue
of £12,500 (Rs. 1,25,000) and under the charge of mamlatdd,rs
whose pay varied from £84 to £180 (Rs. 840- Rs. 1800) a year.^
About 700 men were engaged for the protection of the district of
whom 192 were cash-paid fort guards or shibandis, 407 were revenue
messengers or peons, and 100 were land-paid militia or shetsanadia*
The country was divided into two chief parts, the sunset or mdval
lands in the hilly west from which Shivdji had drawn the flower of
his troops, and the eastern plain or desh.^ The western hills were
covered with timber and brushwood, and the eastern hills and the
whole plain country Were bare of trees.® Many rivers passed east
and south-east from the Sahyadris. Their valleys, which were
known as khores and tiers, had rich soil, and, with some exceptions,
were well peopled and fairly cultivated though there were no watered
crops or high tillage. The stock of fish was by no means plentiful,
and few of the fish were good eating. Tigers were found in the
west, and all over the district were panthers, hyenas, wolves, and
wild hog. The hills yielded little ; the supply of teak and poon
(Calophyllum elatum) was scanty, and the timber was small. The
hill grass in the west was good for horned cattle though not for
sheep or for horses, and on the skirts of the eastern hills there
was excellent grass both for sheep and for horses. Compared with
other parts of India the climate was good, the air was light,
the cold bracing, and the heat not oppressive. During 1818-19
numbers had perished in a deadly plague of cholera; but this
was unusual ; the chief diseases were fever, ague, affections of the
liver and bowels, and violent colds.' Except a few showers from
509-514, 516-517; 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 580. So terrible was
this cholera that in one village of 1000 people 460 died. Bora. Gov. Sel. CLI. 254.
1 Captain H. D. Kobertson, Collector, 1st May 1820 and 10th October 1821, East
India Papers IV.
2 Captain Eobertson, Ist May 1820, East India Papers IV. 403 ; 10th October
1821, East India Papers IV. 524-525.
3 East India Papers IV. 525, 526, 585. Ext. Eev. Letter from Bombay, 5th Nov.
1823, East India Papers III, 811. Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 31, and East
India Papers IV. 169. * East India Papers, IV. .590. « East India Papers, IV. 404,:
7 East India Papers, IV. 403 ; Heber's Narrative, Ed. 1829, III. 114.
8 East India Papers, IV. 404,
Deccau ]
POONA.
347
the north-east ia November the supply of rain was from the south-
west. Within about fifty miles from the Sahyadris the fall of rain
was generally sufficient. East of this the supply was scanty and in
Supa and Pitas great scarcities were frequent. Of the 1213 villages
or maujes some were alone and others had hamlets or vddis. Forty
to ninety villages foi^med a group called a tarf or mahdl with in
each group a market town or kasba. Five to eight village groups
formed a division called suhha, prdnt, or desh. The village
boundaries were in most cases natural boundaries, the limiting line
in hilly districts as a rule carefully following the pdnlot or water-
shed. Most of the villages were open. Some had walls of mud and
stone and in others the sides and gable ends of the outer houses
were so connected as to form a valuable defence.^ There were three
chief varieties of soil, black or kali, white or pdndhri, and red or
tdmbat. Of the black soil there were three varieties ; the first
called dombi and kevaldhds, the richest variety but not the most
popular because of the large amount of water which it required ; the
stony called khadkdl or dhondul, the most esteemed variety because
it wanted comparatively little water, though it required manure and
in spite of the husbandman's skill in mixing crops was believed to
be losing its power ; the third variety of black was when the black
was mixed with sand, clay, or limestone. Of the white or pdndhri
there were several varieties. Most of it was charged with lime.
But the husbandmen liked it as it was a clean soil growing few
weeds. The red or copper soil was of several shades. It was
generally a poor soil along the skirts of the hills rough and stiff to
work and requiring deep ploughing. If well worked it sometimes
yielded large crops. The chief varieties were pure red or nirmal
tdmbdi, the lightest and richest variety, deeper and sandier than
any other; upland or mdljamin thin and with rock near the surface ;
vdlsar or sandy fairly rich when tolerably deep ; and chopan shedvat
or chikni a clayey soil found near river banks. Of other soils in
swampy lands there was a clayey variety called shemhad or updl.
Roughly, of the whole area of arable land perhaps about fifty per
cent were black or kdli, twelve per cent white or pdndhri, thirty per
cent red or tdmbdi, and eight per cent of other soils. Of the fifty
per cent of black land about forty yielded dry grains or jirdyat or
were waste ; and of the remaining ten, two per cent yielded garden
crops, five per cent cold weather or rabi crops watered by channels,
and three per cent cold weather crops watered from wells. Of the
twelve per cent of white land one per cent yielded garden crops, two
per cent cold weather crops watered by channels, two per cent cold
weather crops watered from wells, and seven per cent dry crops.^
Of the thirty per cent of red land twenty-seven per cent yielded dry
crops or were waste. Of the remaining three per cent half a per cent
yielded garden crops, one and a half per cent yielded channel
watered cold weather crops, and one per cent well watered cold
Chapter^ VIII
Land-
Thk British.
1820-lSl.
' Extract Revenue Letter from Bombay, 27th November 1822, East India Papers
III. 793 - 794. East India Papers, IV. 408.
? Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, in East India Papers IV. 565-566.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
348
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land.
The British.
weather crops. The eight per cent of other soils either yielded dry.
crops or were not under tillage. According to these returns eighty-
two per cent of the arable land yielded dry crops, and eighteen per
cent yielded watered crops. Of the watered land ten per cent were
black, five white, and three red. Of the eighty-two per cent of dry
crop land about forty per cent black, seven per cent white, and
seven per cent red, or fifty-four per cent in all, could grow cold
weather crops ; the remaining twenty-eight per cent grew only early
or rainy weather kharif crops. Of these eighty-two per cent of
unwatered land only twenty-two per cent were under late crops,
about forty per cent were under hharif crops, and about twenty per
cent were waste or fallow. Of the arable land of the district about
twenty per cent or one-fifth were waste, and eighty per cent or four-
fifths were under tillage. Of the eighty per cent under tillage
about half were under dry-crops. Of the remaining forty per cent
three and a half were under garden crops, six under well-watered
late crops, eight and a half under channel watered late crops, and
twenty-two were not watered. Of the forty per cent under early
crops thirty-five per cent grew the better dry grains, four per cent
grew rice, and one per cent grew hill grains or varkas} Of the
grains grown in the Poena district seventeen, which were specially
prized by the people, were known as the great gifts or mahdddn.
These were alshi, chavlya, harbhare, hulgs, javas, jondhle, kodru,
lakh, masur, mug, rice, sdtu, til, tur, udid, vdtdne, and wheat. The
other products were small grains, amhddi, hdjri, hhddli, dhonglya,
harik, javas, kdthan of sorts, kardai, maka, math, Tnohrya, ndgli,
pdvte, rdn-mug, fdn, sorti, siras, til, and vati. Besides these there
were several wild or self-sgwn grains, chiefly barbade, devbhdt, hdvri
hamal-bij, pdkad, til, udid, and varsh-bij. The crops generally
grown were on garden land betel leaves, chillies, carrots, garlic,
ginger, jvdri, Indian corn, kadval, kothimbir, onions, peas or vdtdne,
radishes, rdjgira, rale, sdtu, sugarcane, sweet-potatoes, tobacco,
wheat, and yams ; on black land ambddi, bdjri, gram, hulge, jvdri,
math, nmg, pdvte, rdle, tobacco, tur, vdtdne, and wheat; on
poor land bdjri, bhddli, hulge, math, ndgli, sdva, til, and vari ; on
uplands bdjri, bhddli, jondhle, ndgli, sdva, tur, and vari ; and on
pulse or kdthan land, gram, kardai, masur, sdtu, vdl, vdtdne, and
wheat. The following is a rough estimate of the quantities of seed
required to sow a bigha or about three-fourths of an acre of the
different crops : ^
' East India Papers, IV. 565-367. By kharif ia to be understood crops brought to
maturity by the monsoon rains ; and by rabi, those that are matured by dews and by
irrigation and partial showers in the fair season, from November till March. It is to
be remarked that no rice is cultivated by irrigation, all which is sown depending
solely on the south-west rains, and a partial and uncertain supply from streams that
continue to flow for a fortnight or three weeks after the south-west rains cease.
Captain Hobertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 568.
' In the west the land was divided into three classes, varkas or upland, kdtlum or
pulse, and bhmdr or rice. Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers
IV. 572-574.
Deccan.]
POONA.
PooNA Crops : Pavlis of Seed to trs BianA,
34.9
Crop.
Lahd.
Crop.
Land.
Good.
Middle.
Poor.
Good.
Middle.
Poor.
Pdylia.
Pdylia.
PdylU.
^
Pdylis.
Pdylis.
Pdyli,.
lAlshitjavM...
Ambddi ...
2
3
44
MircU
5
6
7
2
3
4
Mug
6
6
8
•Bdjri
1
n
24
Ndgli
Bdle
1
14
2
Bhuimug ...
' two
mansw
eight.
1
14
24
Chavlva
Harbhare ...
6
0
7
Eioe
36
42
60
6
7
10
Sdva
1
14
2
Bulge
14
24
i
Shdlu,
8
10
13
Jondlde ...
1
14
2
TU
1
14
2
Kardai
2
24
2
Tur
2
24
3
Kodru
1
2
2
Udid
6
6
7
Ldkh
2
3
i
Vari
30
32
40
Mamr
6
8
11
Vdtdne
2
8
34
Math
li
2
24
Wheat
3
6
10
The result of two experiments on first rate black land made by
Captain Robertson on the 31st of October 1820 was to show an
average outturn of grain to the English acre worth about £3
(Rs. 30), the outturn being turned into money on the basis of about
forty pounds of millet (5 pdylis) to the rupee.^ Estimates of
the best black land in three good and three bad years gave a
mean bigha outturn of 103 pdylis or about 824 pounds worth
£2 4s. (Rs. 22).^ From this. Captain Robertson thought that to
give a fair return for a series of years, one-fourth should be taken
to represent the failure of crops on account of want of rain. The
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The Bkitish.
' The trials on which this estimate was based were : In Talegaon Dhamdhere in one
pdnd or one-twentieth of a bigha of the field called Gokal which had the best soil and
yielded the beat crop of the year (a middling year), f^ths of the crop were bdjri and
J^th jvdri. It yielded 5J pdylis, that is 110 pdylis worth Rs. 22 to the bigha. The
second trial was in the village of TAnkli in the field of one TuMji Kdle, in one-twentieth
of a bigha of the best black land of a middling crop of spiked millet or bdjri mixed
with other grains. The bdjri yielded 3J pdylis that is at the rate of 62J pdylis the
bigha, worth Rs. 12i, and the other products worth Rs. 14 as. 15 or a total value of
Rs. 27 as. 7 East India Papers, IV. 568.
" East India Papers, IV. 569. The details are :
Poona Crope
: Bett TTnwatered Black Land,
18W.
Crops.
Best.
Middle
Worst
Total.
Aver-
age.
Value.
Crops.
Best
Middle
Worst
Total.
Aver-
age.
Value.
Bdjri ...
Tur
TU
MMe ...
Ambddi...
Total...
B&jri ...
Jvdri ...
Total...
Bdjri ...
Tur
TU
Ambddi...
Total...
Pdy-
lis.
65
30
2S
20
5
Pdy-
lis.
67
26
18
14
3
Pdy-
lii.
35
12
8
10
2
Pdy-
li^.
167
68
61
44
10
Pdy-
lis.
62
22
17
14
3
Bs.
Bdjri ...
Math ...
Total...
Pivla Jon-
dhala...
Wheat ...
Gram ...
Total...
Average..,
Pdy-
lis.
70
60
Pdy-
lis.
60
60
Pdy-
lis.
46
40
Pdy-
lis.
175
160
Pdy-
lis.
58
60
Rs.
20
ISO
110
85
325
108
145
118
67
330
110
25
130
100
130
108
80
116
80
60
90
318
240
335
106
80
112
20
20
22,
120
6
100
4
70
3
290
13
97
4
...
126
104
73
303
101
20
50
60
20
4
45
16
3
28
28
10
2
118
133
45
9
39
44
15
3
895
738
623
2166
719
162
134
103
88
305
102
25
128
106
76
308
103
22
[Bombay Gazetteer,
350
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Laud.
The Bbitish,
1820-n.
mean bigha outturn would then be about 616 pounds (77 pdylis) worth
£1 12s. (Es. 16).i To this should be added about 66 pounds (7
pdylis) worth 3s. (Rs. 1 4) for a second crop or a total mean outturn
of about 672 pounds (84 pdylis) worth £1 15s. (Rs. 1 7^). Experiments
and estimates seemed to show that the mean outturn of second class
land was about one-third less than the mean outturn of the best
land that is about 448 pounds (56 pdylis) worth about £1 3s. 4!id.
(Rs.ll as.lO|-). Similar estimates gave for the poorest lands an
outturn of about five-sevenths less that is of about 192 pounds
(24 pdylis) worth about 6s. 4|d. (Ks.3 as. 3^). That is for the three
leading classes of land an average outturn of about 437^ pounds
(54| paj/Zts) worth about £1 ls.7d. (Rs. 10 as. 12|).2 The rates in
force in the greater part of the district under the Mardtha or hamdl
settlement were, except in the western rice lands or about twenty-
two per cent of the whole, a higha of dry land lit to yield vegetables
or jirdyat malai, 6s. (Rs. 3) ; a bigha of pulse or kdthan land 4s.
(Rs. 2); a higlia of second class land 3s. (Rs. IJ); a higha of
third class land 2s. (Re. 1) ; and a higha of fourth class land Is. &d.
(12 as.), that is an average of about 3s. 3|c?. (Re.l as. 10 \) that is
equal to about one-sixth of the average outturn.^ As regards
watered land Captain Robertson's estimates of outturn were for
unhusked wheat on a higha of black soil of the first sort about
1728 pounds (216 pdylis), of the second sort about 1344 pounds
(168 pdylis), and of the third sort about 1264 pounds (158 'pdylis).
This gives for the three sorts an average of about 1440 pounds
{\Q0 pdylis) the higha that is about 1728 pounds (216 pdylis) the
acre.* The current assessment on a higha yielding this produce was
8s. (Rs. 4) if it was watered from a channel, and 12s. (Rs. 6) if it was
watered from a welL Captain Robertson's experiments in rice lands
gave a higha outturn of about 1806 pounds (1 hhandi and 1 J mans
or 225| pdylis) for a good crop, about 1281 pounds (15j mans
or 160j pdylis) for a middle crop, and about 777 pounds (9^ mans
or 97i pdylis) for a poor crop, that is an average of about 1288
pounds (15^ TTians) equal to 161 pdylis the higha or 207 pdylis that
is 30| English bushels the acre. The season of 1820 when the
experiments were made was a poor rice year and a more correct
average was said to be 20 mans the bigha or 37 bushels the acre.^
> East India Papers, IV. 569-570.
^ That is about 520 pounds (65 pdylis) worth Rs. 12 as. 9| the acre. East India
Papers, IV. 570. According to Captain Robertson (10th October 1821 East India
Papers, IV. 570) 2§ pints are equal to one measured sher. The equivalents otpdylia
in the text are given at two pounds the sher or eight pounds the pdyli,
3 East India Papers, IV. 570.
* Captain Robertson estimates this acre outturn of 216 pdylis or 864 shers equal to
32 English standard bushels, and notices (10th Oct. 1821) that the poorest land in
Scotland yields ot oats from one bole and a quarter to one bole and a half or from
five to six bushels to the English acre ; the average barley produce to the acre on
middling land in Scotland is twenty bushels ; the average of wheat is twenty-four
bushels. In Yorkshire the average of oats is fifty-eight bushels. Barley in the mid-
land district of Gloucester yields sometimes sixty bushels but the average is thirty-
four bushels ; in the vale of Gloucester a farmer in 1784 averaged from fifty acres no
less than forty-five bushels to the acre of wheat but this was considered a very
superior crop. East India Papers, IV. 571.
5 East India Papers, IV. 571-572.
Deccau]
POONA. 351
As regards the style of tillage Captain Robertson noticed that land Chapter VIII
was not ploughed oftener than once in three or four years. In the Land,
other years harrowing was considered enough. But this harrowing t Tt h
was laborious as to destroy the weeds it had to be repeated four
times, each time in an opposite direction.^ As regards the cost of
tillage Captain Robertson^s inquiries showed that a set of eight
bullocks could till about 26 acres (35 bighds) of good bad and
indifferent land, and about 19 acres (25 Mghds) of good land. A
bullock cost on an average £1 16s. (Rs. 18) and lasted ten years,
that is the team of eight bullocks represented an average yearly
charge of £1 9s. (Rs. 14|) . The cattle were fed on grass and straw
which cost almost nothing, and a few sugarcakes costing for the
eight bullocks about 4s. (Rs. 2) a year. To work the eight
bullocks four men were wanted who, if all four were hired,
would cost £18 4s. (Rs. 184).^ Other yearly expenses for field,
tools would amount to an average of about 16s. (Rs. 8).^ The
average cost of seed on about 26 acres or 35 bighds at about eight
pounds the acre (3 shers the higlia) represented £1 Is. (Rs. lOJ).
That is a total yearly outlay of about £22 (Rs. 219). To this cost
of tillage were to be added the rent and other charges on the 26
acres (35 bighds) of land. These at £5 15s. 6d. (Rs. 57i) for the
assessment, 13s. (Rs. 6 J) for extra cesses, and £7 (Rs. 70) for the
claims of district and village officers and servants, amounted to about
£13 (Rs. 134i). Thatisfor26acres (35 6«'gfftas) of good middle and
bad land a total expenditure of about £35 (Rs. 353J). The average
produce of the 26 acres (35 bighds) was about 437J pounds (54§ pdylis)
worth £1 Is. 7d. (Rs. 10 as. 12§) the bigha representing a value
of £87 15s. 5d'. (Rs. 377 as. 11 J), and this, after deducting the £35
(Rs. 353i) of charges, left a balance of £2 8s. Ud. (Rs. 24 as. 7^).*
If instead of hiring the four men two of the men, as was the case in
most families, belonged to the household, though the cost of food
and clothes would remain the same or might slightly rise, £4 (Rs. 40)
would be saved in wages. If, instead of being bought, the bullocks
were reared at home, the yearly outlay on bullocks might be reduced
about 7s. (Rs. 3|), and the wife and children, from the sale of milk
butter and cowdung-cakes, might make £3 (Rs. 30) a year. These
three items together amounted to £7 7s. (Rs. 73 i) which with the
balance of £2 8s. Ilc7. (Rs. 24 as. 7^) of receipts over expenditure
amounted to a total of £9 15s. llc?.(Rs. 97 as. 15|). In the best land,
according to Captain Robertson's calculations the balance of receipts
over charges in regular tillage would be £9 5s. (Rs. 92^) instead of
1 East India Papers, IV. 578.
" The details are : Food, 2880 pounds or 360 pdylis of millet or ndgli at 40 pounds
(5 pdylis) the rupee, £7 48. (Rs. 72) ; cash at £2 (Rs . 20) each for three men and £2
4«. (Rs. 22) for the fourth or a total of £8 4s. (Rs. 82) ; clothes for the four men £3
(Es. 30). Total £18 8s. (Rs. 184). East India Papers, IV. 576.
3 The details are : Every year, for the plough ropes 5s. (Es. 2J) and dnMa 3s.
(Rs. 14) or in all 8s. (Es. 4) ; every five years, a phdl 3s. (Rs. li), a halas 5s. (Es. 2J),
a yoke or_;M 5s. (Es. 2^), sMlvat or shilvati 4s. (Rs. 2), kulav 4s. (Rs. 2), parishes (?) .5s.
(Rs. ^^),pdbhar or pdbhdr 6s. (Rs. 3), panle (?) 3s. (Rs. IJ), sindris (?) 6s. (Rs. 3), total
£2 Is. (Rs. 20J) in five years or 8s. (Rs. 4) every year. Total for dead stock 16s.
(Es. 8) a year. East India Papers, IV. 576.
* Capt, Robertson in East India Papers, IV. 576.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
352
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII.
Land.
The British.
£2 8s. \\d. (Rs. 24 as. 7^), that is, together witli the £7 Is. (Rs. 73^
savings from the home work of the men and the extra earnings of
the women and children, a total profit of £16 12s. (Rs. 166).^ On
the basis that the father and son worked instead of two of the
hired men this estimate of cost of tillage, rent, and other charges,
and value of produce showed that in good lands the Grovernment
share of the outturn was 13 per cent and the landholder's shar^'
87 per cent. Out of the landholder's 87 per cent 16 per cent werft^
to claimants and village servants, 29 per cent represented the cost'
of tillage, and 42 per cent the balance left for the support of the
family which generally contained six members. In average lands
the Government share was 1 7 per cent and the landholder's share
83 per cent. Out of the landholder's 83 per cent 18 per cent went
to village servants and other claimants, 34 per cent represented the
cost of tillage, and 3 1 per cent the niaintenance of the landholder's
family.^ In Captain Robertson's opinion these results showed that
Government took from the landholder quite as large a share of the
produce as it could safely take. Regarding the cost and profit of
rice tillage Captain Robertson gave the following estimates. Only,
two bullocks were required for one plough. A man and his family
might live on the produce of one plough but they would be
wretchedly poor. A pair of bullocks could plough about 4 acres
(5 Ughas) of rice and about \\ acres (2 highds) of nddini and sova.
The best way of growing rice was by planting the seedlings. This
was laborious and costly. It would take fifty men one day to plant
the seedlings of one man of seed, or 150 men for one day to plant 4
acres (5 Ughas). Labourers called in to plant for one day's work
were paid about eight pounds (1 pdyli) of rice and a cake of some
other grain. The planting of rice, where each handful of seedlings
had to be separately pressed into the ground, was much more
troublesome than the planting of n(k,hni and vari whose seedlings
were thrown down at intervals and left to take root. Ten men could
plant as large an area of ndchni or vari as 150 men could plant of
rice.^ At the rice harvest a man and his wife could cut four acres
(5 Ughas) in eight or nine days. But there was always special
expenditure as the grain had to be carried and stacked before it got
too dry, and several men were generally hired and paid about eight
pounds (1 vdyli) of rice for a day's work. In growing nachm or
vari except at harvest, little outside help was wanted. 8dva)ia.A. to
be weeded when the grain was about a foot high. The weeding was
carried out by the mutual agreement of the villagers with no other
cost except a small outlay on liquor. As they worked in the chilly
rain very lightly clad, it was hard work to keep the weeders in
spirits. They were generally given as much liquor as they could
drink and had a drummer behind them who kept drummmg and
iThe details of the charges and receipts of about 19 acres (25 bighds) of t\e best
land are -Cost of tillage as for poorer land Rs. 219 Govemment assessment at Es 2
tuaha Rs 50, extra cesses Rs. 6, allowances and Tillage serrants' shares Ks. 7U ,
totalRs 345 Under receipts, 25 UgUs at 84 pdylis worth Rs. 174 a UgU give
Rs 4374 that is a balance of Rs. 92J. East India Papers, IV^. o77.
i E^t India Papers, IV. 578. » East India Papers, IV. 578, 579.
Deccau]
POONA.
353
every now and then shouted Bhalere ddda bhale bhdi ddda, or Well
done brothers well done.^
There were few masonry watercourses in Poena. What there
were had been built by the Moghals and were cleaned and repaired
by Government. Six of the sub-divisions had no regular dams and
no watering lakes or reservoirs. If a stream passed near his fields
a landholder occasionally made a temporary dam and dug a channel.
But it was neither according to rule nor according to practice to
make the whole members of a village undertake such works. In
villages which had an old water-work, the people might give their
labour to repair it ; but even this was not a condition of their tenure.
Since the English had conquered the country no new reservoirs or
watercourses had been made.^
The greater part oE the people were Kunbis or cultivators.^ Their
number had probably not increased during the three years of British
rule. A good many of Bd,3irdv's servants and messengers had come
and settled in their villages. But the cholera had perhaps swept
away more than had come back ; and a good many, tempted by low
leases, were leaving Inddpur (October 1821) and settling in the
Nizam's country.* After a succession of years of good or fair harvests
and high prices the state of the husbandmen was by no means
wretched. Still they were generally small, poor, and badly clothed.
The people of the eastern plain as a rule were abler bodied and
better looking than those of the west. This was said to be because
the eastern people lived on millet, and the western people on rice
rdgi and sdva. Few husbandmen in any part of the district ate
wheat ; what wheat they grew went to the nearest market town.^
All ate flesh and drank liquor. But they were not drunken, and
drunkenness was very rarely a cause of crime.* Though as a whole
the husbandmen might be described as badly clothed, the people
of the west were much worse clothed than the people near Poena.
In the west they had little but a blanket and a scanty cloth round
the middle while near Poena the men had generally a very good
pair of cotton breeches.' In the west rents were high, the claims of
village servants and others were heavy, aud the people were poor.*
In the east the houses were of mud and stone with flat' mud roofs ;
in the west they were smaller and were covered with thatch.^ The
usual yearly rate of interest was (October 1821) twelve per cent;
but 18| per cent a year (J a. a month for a rupee) was common,
and in the west twenty and twenty-four per cent were paid. When
the interest was paid in grain about 75 per cent (a sher a rupee a
month) was taken. If grain was borrowed for food, one quarter
to three quarters more than the quantity borrowed had to be repaid ;
and if grain was borrowed for seed, doable the quantity borrowed
Chapter Vlir
Land.
The Bkitisu.
i8w-n.
Condition,
ISSl.
»East India Papers, IV. 578-579. " East India Papers, IV. 526.
3 Bast India Papers, III. 793. * East India Papers, IV. 592.
» East India Papers, III. 793 ; East India Papers, IV, 404.
«Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 592; Extract Eev.
Letter from Bombay 27th Nov. 1822, East India Papers III. 793.
' East India Papers, IV. 404. ^ East India Papers, IV. 592,
f East India Papers, III. 794 ; East India Papers, IV. 408.
p 1327-43
[Bombay Gazetteer,
354
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII-
Land-
The British.
Condition,
1821.
Slavery,
18S0.
had to be repaid. It had been and it still was usual for the hus-
bandman to make a bargain with a grain dealer to advance him the
price of his crop before the crop was cut, and he paid his rent by an
order or havdla on the grain dealer to whom he had made over bis
crop. . In this the husbandman suffered as he was generally pressed
for money and the grain dealer held back till he was able to buy at
something less than the market value of the grain.^ Though as a
class the villagers were frugal and provident, owing to the op-
pression of the revenue farmers many were deeply in debt. These
debts were of long standing and were often made of compound
interest and occasional aids. Such debts could iu fairness be settled
only by a compromise which could rarely be obtained except
through a jury or panchdit?
Under the landholding class at the beginning of British rule was
a class of slaves. Dr. Coats (Feb. 1820) found in the village of Loni
eight families of slaves, comprising eighteen persons. In reward for
good services one of the slave families had virtually received their
freedom, lived in a separate house, and tilled on their own account.
The others lived in their masters'houses. The slaves were well treated.
They were clad and fed and except that they took their meals apart,
were treated in the same way as the members of the family. If they
behavedwell they got pocketmoneyon holidays, andtheir masters were
at the expense of their marriages which cost £5 or £6 (Rs. 50 or 60).
The men worked in the fields ; the women helped their mistresses ;
and when unmarried were sometimes their masters' concubines. The
present race were all home-born. Some of them were descended
from women brought as prisoners from Hindustan and the Karna-
tak. Freedom was sometimes given to slaves from religious motives,
for good conduct, and sometimes because they became burdensome.
Such persons took the name of sJiinda or bastard and were considered
inferior and were avoided in marriage. Slave-dealing was thought
disreputable, and was not much practised. Boys were rarely
brought to market ; sales of girls were commoner. Beautiful girls
were bought by the rich as mistresses, or by courtezans to be taught
dancing and singing and fetched £10 to £-50 (Rs. 100-500). The
less favoured were bought as servants in Brahmans' families.*
1 East India Papers, IV, 580.
2 Mr. Chaplin, 20th August 1822, East India Papers IV. 514.
8 Trans. Bom. Lit. Soo. III. 239 - 240. Regarding the condition of the people at the
beginning of British rule the authorities do not altogether agree. In his paper (Trans.
Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 225-228) Dr. Coats described (29th Feb. 1820) the condition of the
people of Loni as extremely deplorable. Their houses were crowded, and not
sufficiently ventilated ; and their cattle and families were often under the same roof.
Their food, although seldom deficient in quantity, was not always wholesome and
nutritious ; and they were wretchedly clothed. Though exercise and water-drinking
generally made them wear well, the constant labour of their women out of doors
unfitted them for nursing, and in consequence a large proportion of their children
died in infancy. The heavy exactions imposed on them by the Government kept
them poor, and did away every prospect of independence or improveinent. They were
improvident, and seldom troubled themselves with the future. The township of Loni
contained eighty-four families of landholders all qf whom, excepting fifteen or six-
teen, were more or less in debt to moneyed men in the neighbourhood, generally
to Brahmans or shopkeepers. The total indebtedness amounted to £1453 (Rs. 14,530),
and besides this the community owed £307 (Rs, 3070). The usual rate of interest was
Deccan.]
POONA.
355
In 1821, according to Captain Robertson, there were eight leading
and many subordinate tenures.^ These were sosti or full rent,
Icauli or lease, uhti or short rent, dumdia or service granted, indmati
or rent alienated, sheri or Government held,pciZ or sut that is rent-
free, and gahdn or mortgaged.
Sosti included land which paid Government a full rental. It
was of two kinds, mirdsi or hereditary and gatkul ndrdsi when the
hereditary holder was absent. Land held by a mirdsdar was consi-
dered to be the holder's property ; he.could either sell it or mortgage
it. Gaikul mirds was land whose hereditary holder had disappeared,
and which the headman might let on the best terms he could secure
and was not bound to pay Government more than the original holder
would have paid had he remained. Land of this kind was considered
to belong to the village community and by the village was saleable
and assignable in mortgage to defray public debts and public
expenses. Under the British system the headman ceased to have
power to dispose of this class of land.
Katili or leasehold included land let for a series of years at an
increasing specified assessment. If on the last year of the lease the
full rental was paid, leasehold land came to be ranked with full rent
or sosti land. It belonged to the village community and was saleable
and assignable by it. Under the Mardthas leases were granted by
the village headmen ; . under Jihe British the power of granting
leases was directed and controlled by the mamlatdd.rs.
Ukti or short rate tenure included all land held on something less
than a full rental. It was of two kinds, uMi or makta gatkul mirdsi
and khand makta mirdsi. Makta gatkul mirdsi was hereditary land
whose holder had disappeared and which for some short specified
time was let to some one else at a rental short of the full amount j
it belonged to and was saleable by the village community j khand
makta mirdsi was similar land let under similar circumstances but
on a permanent agreement. This land was saleable and assignable
Chapter_VIII
Land.
Tbnubes,
1821.
Sosti,
Kauli.
UJiti.
twenty-four per cent a year, but when small sums were borrowed, the interest was
often as high as 4 anna per rupee a month or about forty per cent. The indebtedness of
individual landholders varied from £4 to £20 (Ks . 40 - 200) and two or three were over
£200 (Ra. 2000) in debt. These debts had generally been contracted to meet marriage
expenses, or to buy cattle and food. Each debtor kept a running account with his
creditor,and took a receipt for sums he might from time to time pay, while the interest
was brought against him till it equalled the principal, where it ought legally to atop ;
ddm dusar han tisar or for money double for grain treble, was the maxim that
guided juries in settling these debts. Pew of those in debt knew anything about
their accounts. It was a common opinion among them that they had discharged
all just demands on them over and over again. As none of them knew anything
of accounts this was possibly not without truth . Besides owing money, about a fourth
of the villagers were indebted to their neighbours for grain and straw borrowed to sup-
port themselves and their cattle till the next harvest. This they were bound to repay
in kind, and with never less than an increase of fifty and often of seventy-five per "
cent. The whole of the landholder's crop was generally mortgaged before it was
reaped. This was the case in ordinary times. In bad seasons or in case of any
calamity the evil was much increased. If any of their cattle died they had no means
of replacing them but on the terms above explained ; and if they failed in this, their
only resource was to quit their fields for a time and endeavour to save a little monej;
by becoming servants to BrAhmans and others, or perhaps by enlisting as soldiers.
» Capt, Robertson, Collector, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 543- 547..
[Bombay Gazetteer,
35G
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. in mortgage by the holder. This which was more favourable than
Land. *^® ordinary hereditary tenure was extremely rare.
' Tentjbbs DumAla, literally two-ownered land, in the sense that the original
1821. ' owner had not entirely parted with it, was land held for service.
Dumdla. It included shetsanadi land held for military service as garrison
troops ; bakshis or gift-land, generally garden land granted to a man
for his life and then recalled; and saranjdm land held rent-free
at the pleasure of Government without any stipulation of service.
Gaon nishat dumdla, or two-ownered village-land was village land
granted rent-free to a Ramoshi or watchman who could neither sell
nor mortgage it.
Indmati. InImati or rent-alienated land was land granted in perpetuity,
through favour, in charity, or to an hereditary oflBoe-holder. It
included sanad indmati or deed-rent-alienated and gaon nishat indmati
or village-rent-alienated. Sanad indmati had four varieties. All of
them were liable to pay the dues of village and district claimants
or hakddrs and all of them originated from the raling power. Sanad
indmati land was held in perpetuity by a deed or sanad from the
ruling power, free of all Government exactions. A. grant of this
kind seemed to have been always made from ownerless and fallow
land. The right assumed by Government to grant such land was
• not disputed by the village corporation. The other three varieties
of deed-held land were indm wimdi which paid a Government rent
equal to one-half of the full rent, indm tijdi which paid a one- third
Government rent, and i/ndm chauthdi which paid a one-fourth
Government rent. Gaon nisbat indmati was of seven varieties, the
headman's land pdsodi, the Mhd,r's land of two kinds hinki and
hddola, temple land or devasthdn, craftsmen's land or vdveli, charity
land or dharmdddya, and ordeal land or dev teJd. Of these, two paid the
claimants' dues and one made some payment to Government. Grants
of this class were made by the village corporation, but Government
appeared to have the power to order an assignment in indm under
this head. The headman's grant or pdsodi, which perhaps originally
meant a grant for clothes, was saleable and assignable in mortgage
with or without the office of headman. It was free from all charges
except the claims of village servants or balutds. The grant to Mh^rs
known as hddki or hinki was a plot of land set apart by the Mhd,rs
for carcasses and bones except a fringe round the edge which they
tilled ; it paid no rent or other charge. The other Mh^r grant known
as hddola or the bone-land was instead of cash payments. It was
saleable and assignable in mortgage and was free from all claims.
Temple or devasthdn land was assigned for the village gods and for
mosques. This land was in charge of the ministrant at the village
temple, who was generally of the Gurav caste. He sold the produce
and set apart the price to meet the daily charges for the god's red
paint, clothes, food, oil, and vessels. It was neither transferable
nor saleable. In the west of the district a grant of land to the
village craftsmen or balutds, who were known as vdvelikars,
took the place of a share of the produce. Charity land or dharmd-
ddya was land given in charity or instead of a money payment. It
was assignable in mortgage and saleable by the holders. It paid
Deccan.]
POONA.
357
no tax or fee. Ordeal land or dev teki the last of the village grants
was land held by a headman or Mhdr in return for "having gained
for the village some disputed land by passing an ordeal. It was
saleable and assignable in mortgage.
Sheei was at the disposal of Grovernment and was managed by
the Government direct, not through the headman or any of the
village agents. It was entirely Grovernment property and paid no
fee.
Pli, or SuT land was a small plot of rent-free land in a large
holding, which was thrown in to make up for some disadvantage
under which the holding suffered.
GahAn. The last special tenure was land held in mortgage or gahdn.
There were six forms of mortgage : (1) The mortgager handed the
land to the mortgagee and continued to pay the Government demand
and at the end of a certain term the whole debt was cancelled ; (2)
the mortgagee paid the Government rent ; (3) the mortgagee took
the produce of the estate as interest and the principal had to be
separately paid ; (4) the mortgager managed the land and paid the
mortgagee a share of the produce ; (5) if the mortgager failed to pay
within a certain time, the land passed to the mortgagee ; (6) the
mortgagee paid the rent on condition that if the mortgager did not
pay the principal within a certain period he "must sell the land to the
mortgagee at a fixed price.
Palntjk. Besides those noticed by Captain Eobertson there was a
local tenure in the Mulshi petty division formerly of Maval now of
Haveli. This was styled pdlnuk^ or rent-exemption and resembled
the pdndharpesha or leading villager tenure of the North Konkan.
Under the pdlnuk tenure freedom from village charges and other
claims were granted to hereditary district officers Brdhmans and
others specially mentioned. In some cases this pdlnuk or reduction
in rent amounted to as much as sixty-one per cent and in no case
was the remission less than eighteen per cent.^ In 1830, September
6th, when he was introducing his settlement into the Mdvals,
Mr. Pringle noticed that in some villages, chiefly in the Paud vale,
Brd,hnians, village officers, and certain others were free from
extra cesses, villagers' claims, village expenses, and other
charges. The tenure was called pAlnuk or freedom from cesses and
was like the leading villager or pdndharpesha settlement in the North
Konkan. Though the privilege was not supported by distinct grants,
Mr. Pringle was satisfied that it had long been enjoyed and had been
admitted by the Mardtha government. Mr. Pringle thought that the
privilege should be confined to those who were in actual enjoyment
of it. He accordingly prepared a register which showed that 196
privileged holders enjoyed a concession representing a yearly sum of
Chapter^VIII
Land.
TBNtTRES,
1821.
SJi£ri.
Pdl or Sut.
Gahdn.
Pdlrmh,
1 Though Capt. Robertson does not meiAionpdlnuh, the following passage in his
report (10th Oct. 1821) seems to refer to this tenure. ' In twelve or fourteen villages of
the Paud Kiore certain Br&hmans do not pay the fuU assessment.' He thought this
privilege had been acquired because they were rich and respectable, and not from
their being poor. East India Papers, IV. 580.
2 Poona Collector's CompUation of 1853, 47, 388.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
358
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII-
Land-
TBNUBEi3,
1821.
Pdlnuh.
£351 (Rs. 3510). The reduction on the survey assessment of each of
these privileged holders was effected by calculating the value of the
cesses or hobs from the payment of which each was exempt. The
sum thus found was deducted from the regular assessment by a
percentage rate equivalent to its amount. From this information a
statement was prepared, giving the names of the pdlnukddrs and the
reduction to which each was entitled. This arrangement remained
in force till 1854. The only change in the interval was that by
transfer of the land or the failure of the family of the original
holders the amount of the concession had fallen from £351 to £319
(Rs. 3510-3190).!
In proposing , the Maval survey settlement in January 1854
Captain Francis the Survey Superintendent thought it advisable to
make a temporary concession to the pdlnuMdrs like the concession
proposed for the Konkan pdndharpeshds. He thought Mr. Pringle's
statement of the enjoyers of the pdlnuh concession should be adopted
as the basis of the settlement. That if the new survey rates proved
not higher than the existing concession rates the new rates should
be levied. That where the new survey rates proved higher than
the existing concession rates, if the holder was the same person who
had held in Mr. Pri«gle's time, the enhanced rates should not be
levied for ten years ; and, if the holder was the lineal descendant ot
the person who had held in Mr. Pringle's time, the enha,nced rates
should not be levied for five years. In cases where the holder had
acquired the land in any way except by descent the new enhanced
survey rates should be at once introduced. Captam Francis
suga:ested that a statement should be prepared to show to what
remissions the different holders would be entitled till the proposed
concessions came to an end.'' The demi-official letter from the Chief
Secretary, on the authority of which Captain Francis introduced the
proposed settlement into Maval in 1853-54, seems to have taken
no notice of Captain Francis' proposals regarding the palnuJt
concessions. The matter was brought to the notice of Government
in February 1855. In August 1855 Government decided that the
question should be reserved for a f^^'^^^ ^^''^^^^^^i.^i:* P'f £
(1884) there are pdlnukddrs mMtj-s^x villages BefOT« If ^ *^«
assessment according to mamw? rates amounted to £318 .(Rs-^iS";
and the pdlnuk to £136 (Rs. 1360). Under the survey i^t;oduced
in 1854 the assessment on pdlnuh Is^nds ^|«/^Juced *o £273
(Rs. 2730) and the amount of pdlnuh to £95 (Rs. 950). Ihis
ifp^esents the sum now {1884)^*^-11^,^^^ Sr Se
pLuMdrs. It will thus be seen that the palnuh lev^^e^^^™
idmul rates was 6| annas in the '^'^Pee °^,^2 Per cent, whereas
that recovered under the survey rates amounts to H «™ "V t^^
ruTjee or 34 per cent. So that the concession now allowed is more
Stable thCthat under the mdmul rates. There is an occasional
^ oi TY-s- 11 lo TTnilpi- a circular of the Revenue CommiBBioner
decent did not affeotthe concession. Revenue Circular Orders Book, 1860^*1§
a Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 13-15. I Bom, Gov. Sel, LXX. 55, 05, oo.
Deccau.]
POONA.
359
lapse from failure of lineal descendants or in consequence of the
sale of the land to an outsider and the transfer thereof to the
purchaser's hhdta?- Goyernment have lately (1881-82) decided
that mortgage with or without possession does not amount to such
a transfer of the privileged land as destroys the holder's right to
the usual remission. At the same time the former opinion seems to
be upheld that the privilege ceases on any portion of the land which
passes from the holder's name except by lineal succession.^
At the beginning of British rule the main division of the Poena
husbandmen was into hereditary holders called thalkaris or
mirdsddrs and casual holders called upris. Among the hereditary
holders Captain Eobertson thought there were some whose fami-
lies dated from pre-Musalman times when they used to hold from
a Hindu chief on Manu's rental of one-sixth of the produce.* The
hereditary tenure remained in all villages in the district except in
about thirty villages which had never recovered from some great
calamity.* Besides the freedom from the chance of being ousted
the hereditary holder had many advantages over the upri or casual
holder. In the west the hereditary holder was free from several
cesses. He could build and sell a house ; he had a voice in the
village councils j and he had a share in the village grazing land.
In the east in addition to these advantages the hereditary holder
and his wife had precedence in village ceremonies and his children
made better marriages than the children of casual holders.^ In
1821 of about 30,600 landholders who paid direct to Government,
about 19,700 were hereditary holders and about 10,900 were casual
holders, that is there were about twice as many hereditary holders
as casual holders. As regards the proportion of hereditary holders
in difPerent parts of the district. Poena City came first with thirteen
to one, Haveli and Shivner came second and third each with five to
one, Pdbal was fourth with four to one, Khed was fifth with five to
three, Purandhar was sixth with three to two, M^val was seventh
with ten to seven, Bhimthadi was eighth with nine to ten, and
Inddpur was last with one to three.^
' Collector of Poona, 612 of 26th January 1884.
2 Gov. Res. 6414, dated the 28th of October 1881, and 408 of 19th January 1882.
' East India Papers, IV. 529.
* Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV. 579.
» Ext. Rev. Let. from Bombay, 5th November 1823, East India Papers III. 809.
5 East India Papers, IV. 585. The details are :
Poona Landholders, 18S1.
Sub-Divisions.
Upris.
Mirds-
ddri.
Tbtal.
Proportion.
Upris.
Mirds-
ddrs.
Ehimthadi
PoonaCity
Ind£lpur
P&bal
Khed
Purandhar
Haveli
Mival
Junnar (Estimated)
Total ...
1185
9
2509
633
1805
1431
588
1829
869
1104
116
810
2501
3073
2160
2656
2676
4600
2289
124
3319
3187
4878
3591
3244
4505
S469
10
1
3
1
3
2
1
7
1
9
13
1
4
5
3
6
10
5
10,908
19,698
30,606
1
2
ChapterVIII
Land.
The British.
Landholders,
isn.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
360
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VlII.
Land.
The British.
Villages,
isn.
Headman,
18W.
All landholders were members of village communities which
formed the most important feature of Deccan society. The Poona
village communities were miniature states with an organization almost
complete enough to protect the members if all other Government was
withdrawn. They were an excellent remedy for the imperfections of
a bad Grovernment ; they prevented the evil effects of its negligence
and weakness and even presented some barrier against its tyranny
and rapacity. Each village had a portion of ground attached to it
which was committed to the management of the villagers. The
boundaries were carefully marked and jealously guarded. The
village lands were divided into fields each of which, whether tilled
or waste, had a name and well known limits. Except a few traders
and craftsmen the villagers were almost all husbandmen. Over
each village was a headman or fdtil with an assistant or chaughula
and a clerk called kulkami and twelve subordinate servants called
hdra halutds}
The headman or _pai5*Z^ held his oflBce direct from Government,
under a written paper or vatan patra, which specified his duties, his
rank, and the ceremonies of respect to which he was entitled ; and
his perquisites, and the quantity of freehold land allotted to him as
wages. In 1820 the pdtils about Poona, generally said they held their
pdtilship from the emperor of Delhi, or from one of the SAtara Rdjds ;
in Dr. Coats' opinion many were held from the Peshw&,s, an origin
which was not acknowledged because the Delhi and Satdra grants
were considered more sacred. The vatan patra was sealed with the
sovereign's seal, had the signature of several Vitnesses to it, and
ended with a curse on any one who should disturb or dispute the
rights of the holder. The pdtilahiTp was hereditary and saleable ;
but the office was looked on as so respectable, and the property
attached to it was considered so permanent, that there were few or
no instances of its being wholly sold, although, as a means of
averting misfortune, part of it had often been transferred by sale.
This was the reason why there were two pdtils in many villages,
and three or four in some. When there were more than one headman
the duties and rights of the office were divided, according as it might
be stipulated in the deed of sale ; the original pdtil always kept the
precedence. The prominent duties of the pdtil were, along with
the village accountant, to ascertain and collect the Government dues
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819. Dr. Coats writing in 1820 (29th February) says, ' The
township of Loni has its own officers, is governed by its own laws and usages, and
fs in a great measure independent of all without. Its boundaries and institutions
have undergone no alteration from time immemorial ; while the great political changes
that have been continually going on in the succession of the states it has been subject
to, have neither given it much disturbance nor excited much interest. Almost its
only intercourse with the Government is the payment of its taxes. Its members
are connected with those of the neighbouring townships by intermarriages, and a
friendly intercourse is kept up between them. It is oommonlj^ left to protect itselt
from external enemies, and is held responsible for the police within its limits. Ine
officers of the township are two ptiijfe who are its civil magistrates ; the elMughim
or deputy pdtil ; the kulkami or secretary and accountant ; and the Idra lamas are
its twelve subordinate servants.' Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 194-195, Ed. 1877.
2 Dr. Coats' account of the Lopi village (29th February 1820) in Trans, Bom, Lit.
Soc. III. 195-196.
Deccan,]
POONA.
361
from the landholders, and to see they wore paid to the persons
authorised to receive them ; to encourage people to settle in his
village ; to let out waste lands, and promote agriculture by every
means in his power ; and to punish offences, redress wrongs, and
■ settle disputes among the villagers. In matters of a trifling nature
he decided himself, and punished the offender by stripes or reproof,
but was not allowed to fine. In cases of more importance he called
a panchdit or council. Serious, particularly criminal, cases were
referred to the mdmlatdar or the Grovernment. The pdtit was also
responsible for the police of his township. For neglect of duty the
pdtil was punished by the Government by fine and imprisonment ;
but, unless for treason or other serious crime, he was seldom
deprived of his office. The pdtil had great power and influence, and
did not always make good use of his power. He was sometimes
said, in collusion with the kulkarni, to impose on the landholders in
the settlement of their accounts, and with the kamdvisddr to cheat
the Grovernraent. The pdtils were proud of their dignity ; all the
ceremonies of etiquette and respect they were entitled to were
minutely laid down, and they would quarrel with a person for
withholding any of their honours sooner than for doing them an
injury. A greater proportion of them could write than of the village
hereditary landholders. Otherwise, except in knavery, they were
not more accomplished, and scarcely differed from them in dress,
manners, or way of living. The pdtils paid to Government every
twelfth (sic) year a tax or dahak palti equal to one year's salary.
' The hulkarni^ or village clerk kept the numerous village records
and accounts. The most important were : (1 ) the general measurement
and description of the village lands ^ (2) the list of fields with the
name size and quality of each, the terms under which it was -held,
the name of the holder, the rent for which he had agreed, and the
highest rent ever yielded by the field ; (3) the list of all the
villagers whether husbandmen or otherwise, with a statement of the
dues from each to Government and the receipt and balance in the
account of each ; (4) the general statement of the instalments of
revenue ; and (5) the detailed account, in which each branch of
revenue was shown under a separate head, with the receipts and
balance on each. Besides the public records, the village clerk
generally kept the accounts of all the landholders, with each other
and with their creditors ; acted as a notary public in drawing up all
their agreements ; and even conducted any private correspondence
they might have to carry on. He had lands, bat oftener fees,
allotted to him by Government from whom he held his appointment.
Under the headman were the twelve village servants or hdra halutds,
the carpenter, the ironsmith, the washerman, the barber, the potter,
the silversmith or assayer, the idol-dresser, the water-carrier, the
shoemaker or currier, the rope-maker, the watchman messenger and
guardian of boundaries, and the Muhammadan mulla or priest.*^
There were also the Brd,hman astrologer to cast nativities and the
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The Bbitish.
Headman,
Accountant,
ISW.
Twelve
Servants,
1820.
' Dr. Coats, 29th February 1820, Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 196-197.
' Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 197-203, East India Papers IV. 158, 582.
B 1327-40
[Bombay Gazetteer,
362
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII.
Land-
Twelve
Servants,
1820.
Carpenter.
BlaclmnUh.
WasJierman.
Harber.
Brdhman priest to attend to religious ceremonies. In some parts
of the district there was a village watch composed of Bhils and
E^moshis.^ According to Dr. Coats (29th February 1820) the balutds
were hereditary and held their situation from the township. Their
hereditary papers or vatan patra were in the name of the pdtil and
township, and were witnessed by several of the villagers. The
deed bound the holder to devote his services to the common good,
according to custom, on condition that each landholder paid him a
fixed proportion of the produce of the soil. The halutds also
received presents for exercising their particular callings at marriges
and other rites and ceremonies. The grant or vatan patra sometimes
had the seal and signature of the deshmuJeh and deshpdnde or
hereditary district revenue officers, and a copy ought to be lodged
with the deshpdnde. The expenses to a baluta on his appointment
amounted to £5 or £6 (Rs. 50 or Rs. 60) in perquisites and presents.''
The particular duties of the balutds were :
The Carpenter made aud kept in repair all wooden field tools, the
wood being supplied by the landholder. He was paid 200 sheaves of
com and about 48 pounds (24 shers) of grain for every 22^ acres (30
highds) under tillage, and his dinner or a few pounds of grain a day so
long as he was engaged in mending field tools. He furnished the
marriage chaurang or stool on which the bride and bridegroom were
bathed. He supplied travellers with pegs for their tents, and for
picketing their horses. During two or three days in the year, in
rortum for a dinner, Government, the deshmukh or hereditary revenue
Superintendent, and the deshpdnde or hereditary revenue accountant
were entitled to his services.
The Ironsmith or Blacksmith made and kept in repair all iron
field tools. He made the sickles, the hoes, and other field tools,
and the simple lock and chain which fastened their doors, the
villagers finding the iron and the charcoal. For tiring cart
wheels, as this was troublesome, he received a money present. He
performed the iagdd or hook -fastening into the back of devotees
who swung before Bahiru and Hanuman. He shoed the horses
of villagers and travellers, but he was not a good farrier. He
every year furnished a set of horse shoes and twenty-four nails to
Government who supplied him with iron. He was paid about
thirty-six pounds (18 shers) of grain on every 22 J acres (30 bighds)
or one-fourth less than the carpenter.
The Washerman washed the clothes of male villagers ; the women
generally washed their own clothes. He spread cloths for the bride
and bridegroom to walk on at one of the marriage processions, and
for parties to sit on at marriages and other festivals. For this lie
received special presents. He washed the clothes of travellers, and
expected a present for his trouble.
Thje Barber shaved the villagers and cut their nails on a lucky
day once every fortnight. He kneaded the muscles and cracked
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 15, and East India Papers IV. 158.
' Tzaas. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 197-
Deccau.]
POONA.
36a
the joints of the headman and village clerk on holidays, and of all
travellers of distinction who came to the village. He was the village
surgeon, and played on the pipe and tambour at weddings and on
other occasions. He did not act as a torch-bearer, as he did in some
other parts of the country. When the headman went abroad, the
barber went with him, and carried and cleaned his copper vessels j
and, on village festivals, with the water-carrier and potter, he acted
as cook, and, before and after eating, handed the party water to
wash. When the bridegroom arrived at the village to take away
the bride, the barber led his horse to the bride's house and received
the present of a turban. He trimmed the tails of the oxen at the
sowing season and received a present of grain.
The Potter supplied the villagers with the baked earthen vessels
they used for cooking, for storing spices salt and grain, and for
carrying and holding water. He also furnished travellers with such
vessels as they wanted. He beat the ddnlca a kind of drum, and
at marriages repeated verses in honour of Jdmi an incarnation of
Bhavdni. At the harvest homes or davra he prepared the barbat
or stewed mutton. He made tiles and bricks, and received a
special payment for them. Near Poena potters were freed from
the balut sdra or village servants' rent because they had been of
great service in tiling Bdldji Vishvanath's house.
The Fotdwi' or Treasurer was always a silversmith. He examined
the coins when the taxes were paid ; and on satisfying himself they
were good, stamped his mark on them, and kept them in his treasury,
until enough was received to send to the sub- divisional treasury
under charge of an escort of Mhars. When employed as a silver-
smith he was paid %d. to 2s. (Ee, ^j-1) the rupee weight according
to the workmanship.
The Gurav was the village god-dresser and ministrant. He
every morning poured water over the village Hanumdn, Bahiru, and
Mahddev, marked the brows of Bahiru and Hanumd,n with sandal-
wood and oil, and dressed them with iiowers. He swept the temples,
smeared them with cowdung once every eight days, and every
night lighted a lamp in each. At the new-moon he anointed the
idol of Hanumdn with cinnabar and oil, and Bahiru every Sunday
with oil only. Each family in the village gave him daily a small
quantity of flour which he made into cakes, and offered at noon
to the idols, and afterwards took to his family. During the nine
eves or navrdtra that end in Basra in September-October he gave
each family a handful of flowers to make garlands which were
offered to Bhavdni. He daily supplied the village clerk with Indian
fig leaf platters joined with skewers ov patrdmalis, and on festivals he
made leaf-plates for all the villagers.
The Water-carrier, who was of the Panbhari division of Kolis
kept vessels constantly filled with water at the village oflBce for the
use of all Hindus. If as was usual a beggar lived in the building,
the water was left under his charge that it might not be defiled.
The water-carrier supplied water to travellers, and for marriages
and festivals. He brought food for the persons who were fed by
the village, from those whose turn it was to supply it, He lighted
Chapter^VIII.
Land,
TWBLVI!
Servants,,
1820.
Barber,
Poller.
Silversmith.
Idol-dresser,
Water-carriev,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
364
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^Vm.
Laud.
Twelve
Servants,
1820.
ShoBmaker.
Mopemaher.
Watchman.
the lamps every night at the village office, swept it, and every eight
days smeared it with cowdung. When the village was on the bank
of a river the water-carrier pointed out the ford to travellers ; and
when the river was not fordable he took people across on a float
buoyed by gourds or inverted earthen pots.
_ The Shoemaker or Ch^mbhd,r kept in repair the shoes of the
villagers, and every year supplied the hullcarni, pdtil, chaughula,
deshmuhh, and deshpdnde with a pair of new shoes. The other
villagers paid him about a rupee a year for making their shoes and
supplying leather. He made water-bags, and supplied the cart
and plough drivers with leather thongs for their whips or asod.
He mended shoes, bridles, and other articles belonging to travellers,
but expected a present. The skins of all sheep killed in the village
were his perquisites. He did not eat beef or carrion, and was
allowed to live within the village. His wages were the same as the
carpenter's.
The Mangs made hemp ropes for the use of the husbandmen, and
a strong raw hide rope used in yoking oxen. The husbandmen
supplied him with the materials. He castrated bulls in their
fourth year.i He made the muzzle or musJci worn by oxen when
weeding or treading corn. On Pola^ or Ox Day, that is the October
or A'shvin new moon, the Mangs hung mango leaves on a grass
rope across the village gate, the village office or chdvdi, and
the doors of the chief inhabitants. This was supposed to ensure
good luck to the village during the year. The Mdngs were
considered cruel and revengeful. They acted as executioners,
and, it was said, might be hired as assassins. They lived outside
of the village, and were not allowed to enter the house even of a
Mh^r,
The Watchman, who was of the caste known as Mh^r Dhed or
ParvAri, although held outcaste, and not allowed to have a house
within the village or to enter the house of any of the villagers, had
great weight, and was an important member of the community.
The number of Mhd,r families belonging to each township was from
five to fifty according to its size. They lived in a hamlet or
mhdr-vdda on the east side and within call of the village.
The Mhdrs' duties were various.^ The most important were to
prevent encroachments on the village boundaries of which they
were supposed to have an accurate hereditary knowledge. In
boundary disputes their evidence was generally considered
conclusive. They gave their evidence by walking round the
disputed boundary under an oath, in a solemn and formal manner
accompanied by the headman and villagers, who marked their track
1 The bull was thrown down, and a string tied rather tight round the spermatic
cord. The glands were then well rubbed with butter and turmeric, and beaten with
a tent-peg. Swelling and absorption of the gland soon followed, and the animal was
fit for work in a few days. Dr. Coats, 1820, Trans. Bom. Lit. Soo. III. 200-201.
^ The Pola or Ox Day varies in different parts of the Deccan,
' The Mhdr did everything and had no special calling. He ran errands, kept a
current account in his head of the distribution of the village land, and settled boundary
disputes for four or five generations preserving particulars of old boundary 6ghts.
Capt. Robertson, lOtb Oct. 1821, in East India Papers, IV, 582.
Deccanl
POONA.
365
as they went. They were the bearers of all letters on the business
of the township, and generally of all messages. They carried the
village rent instalment to the sub-divisional head-quarters. They
were present at all councils or panchdits involving any hereditary right
of the community and their evidence carried great weight. They
furnished wood ab marriage-feasts, which entitled them to a present
of clothes from the bride. They supplied the village headman and
his deputy and the village clerk with firewood on Holi in February-
March and on Basra and Divdli in September- October and in
November. They carried the fuel required for burning the dead, and,
as a perquisite, were given the winding sheet in which some money was
always tied. They carried to the next village the baggage of travellers,
except the cooking vessels, clothes, and eatables, which would be
defiled and were therefore carried by Kunbis. During their stay at the
village they supplied travellers with firewood, cleaned their horses,
and watched them duiing the night. They furnished all guides or
mtdde. They had charge of the village flag and gates if the
village had them, and opened and shut the gates morning and
evening. Besides, a beadle that is veslcar or yeskar of this tribe was
always in waiting at the village office or chdvdi, and reported to the
headman the arrival of all strangers, and all remarkable occurrences.
He was told to keep troublesome visitors from the headman and
clerk, by saying they were from home or sick ; and to protect the
village generally from annoyance, by any subterfuge his ingenuity
might suggest. He was the official medium of communication
between the headman and the villagers. He was responsible that
none of the villagers were called on to act as porters out of their
turn. He kept an account of the Kunbi families whose turn it was
to supply beggars, Grovernment servants, and others, with their
dinners. He attended all travellers during their stay at the village ;
and all their wants were supplied and paid for through him. The
beadle was relieved at stated periods, generally every week. While
on duty, he received daily from the pdtil half a cake, and from each
of the cultivators one-fourth of a cake at noon, and every evening a
helping of porridge or ghdta from each family ; which was generally
more than enough to supply himself and his family with food. The
Crovernment and revenue officers, in return for his food, had a claim
on the services of a Mhdr for a certain number of days in the year ;
the Government for three months ; the deshmuTch for one month ;
the deshpdnde for fifteen days ; and the sar-pdtil for eight days.
During this period they were employed to bring wood and grass,
and to look after horses. The service was termed vdpta (rdbta?), and
was sometimes commuted into a money payment. In each township
the Mhd,rs had a plot of freehold land assigned them near their
hamlet ; this was called hddki or the place of bones where all dead
cattle were brought and cut up. They also held another plot of
land called hddola which paid a small quit-rent. Each of the
hereditary families got forty sheaves of corn in the straw, and about
eight pounds or four shers of winnowed grain for every sajgani or
thirty bighds that is about 22^ acres of corn land. The skin and
carcasses of all dead animals, which it was their duty to remove,
belonged to them.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Twelve
Servants,
1820.
Watchman. '
[Bombay Gazetteer,
366
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
The British.
Hereditary
Officers.
The Muliammadan Mulla or priest killed the sheep at sacrifices
and festivals ; he received allowances of grain and straw, and when
there was a Muhammadan place of worship in the village, some
land was usually attached to it, of which he had the profits.
Of these village officers and servants the only two, besides the
headman and the accountant, who had Government duties were the
silversmith assayer or potddr and the messenger or Mh^r.^ The
payments to the village staff were a heavy burden on the people,
representing, according to Captain Robertson's calculations, about
sixteen per cent of the whole produce.^ The leading officers, the
headman, his assistant, and clerk, besides their rent-free lands and
many complimentary offerings. Were paid an allowance or ghugri
which averaged about seven per cent on the assessment and was
divided among the headman, the assistant, and the clerk. This
cess and other offerings were always paid by casual holders but in
many villages the hereditary holders were exempt. 3 Besides the
amounts which were paid to them direct,, headmen used consider-
able sums out of village expenses. These which in former times
had varied from six to twenty per cent, under British management
had been reduced to 4| per cent.* The next officers to whom the
villagers had to make payments were the hereditary revenue
officers of larger or smaller groups of villages or tarafs and some of
districts or suhhds. They were superintendents or aeshmukhs and
accountants or deshpdndes and some districts had a desdi besides
the deshmuhh. The higher hereditary officers in cities and towns
were styled shets and kulkarnis.^ The offices of deshmuhh and
deshpdnde were hereditary and saleable. Except for offences
against the state these officers were never set aside or deprived of
their emoluments. The Mardtha government had sometimes
appointed them to do the work of mdmlatddrs but such appointments
were only for a definite time and as a special case. They were
properly mediums between the collectors of the government
revenue and the headmen of the villages.* One of the chief duties
for which they were originally appointed was to keep a record of
former payments by each village under their charge. In consequence
of the farming system few of them had these documents at least in
anything like a perfect form.^ Their chief duty was to sit in the
Collector's office or kacheri and act as umpires between the
members of the Collector's establishment and the heads of their
villages. They were the representatives of the people and in
Captain Robertson's opinion were very useful in moderating the
demands of the Collector's establishment and in influencing the
1 Mr. Elphinstone, 25th Oct. 1819, Ed. 1872, 15, East India Papers IV. 158.
" Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 578. He thought that the
payments to the village officers were baneful and harassing to the villagers. It was
difficult to estimate how heavy a burden they were. He thought them the heaviest
drawback to improvement with which the people were burdened. East India Papers,
IV. 582.
" East India Papers, IV. 582.
* Capt. BobertsoD, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 681.
= East India Papers, III. 794 ; and IV. 408. ' East India Papers, IV.582-583.
' Mr. Chaplin, 20th Aug. 1822, Bom. Gov. Kev. Kec, 68 of 1823, 170-171.
Deccan,]
POONA.
367
headmen to admit rightful demands. The mass of the people
looked to them with respect. The position of deshmuhh was
the highest position to which a Mardtha could rise. The great
Mardtha chiefs, Sindia Holkar and the Rdja of SAtdra, even Bajirav
Peshwa himself, valued the title and the local position and power
of a deshmuhh. Though in no way bound to military service, if a
deshmukh or deshpdnde joined the army, his sovereign made much of
him and gave him good pay and a large establishment. The people's
respect for these officers showed no signs of declining. Their
claims or haJcs, which were in addition to the Government demand
on the village, were large. They were taken in kind and they
sometimes allowed them to remain eight or nine years in arrears. In
1820 their claims represented about 4*83 per cent of the whole
demand. Besides their claims on the villages, deshmukhs and desh-
pdndes in return for special services were occasionally given rent-free
villages which were termed izdfat} Captain Robertson thought
them useful so long as they were not allowed to acquire power as
Government agents.^
In addition to what they, had to pay to the village craftsmen in
return for their sei-vices, to the heads of the village under village
expenses, and to the hereditary district officers in liquidation of
their claims, the villagers had to meet the demands of Government.
According to Captain Robertson's calculations the Government
demands varied from thirteen per cent of the outturn in good land
to seventeen per cent in middling land.^ In his opinion, of the
whole amount of the Government demand, about nine-tenths belonged
to the regular assessment and one-tenth came under the head of
cesses.* Except in some villages where each class of land had a
separate rate, which was supposed to have been fixed by Malik Ambar
(1600-1626), hereditary holders paid a uniform rate or dar which was
adjusted by varying the size of the Mgha in accordance with the quality
of the land. In some villages the land was divided into parcels or
munds each of wMch paid a fixed rent and some villages had a thika
or tika that is a detailed mund settlement where each field in the
larger plot had a fixed rent.^ In the hilly west the rent had been
fixed from a glance measurement of the produce or pdhdni, and the
Government share was commuted for a money payment according
to the crop cultivated. In lands which grew upland or varkas
crops the Government share was estimated at a half to one-third of
the crop which was commuted into a money payment. Some parts
of the Paun and Andhar Md.vals had traces of a village-rent or khot
system which had been in force before the introduction of the
revenue farming under Bdjird,Y.® The highest assessment on a
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The British,
Hereditary
Officers,
Assessment,
I East India Papers, IV. 587.
' Capt. Eobertson, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 582-583. Bom. Gov. Eev.
Eeo. 698 of 1836, 85-86. At least in some parts of the country the hereditary district
officers were afterwards (1835) believed to have falsified the village records. Bom.
Gov. Rev. Eeo. 698 of 1836, 85-86.
3 East India Papers, IV. 578. ^ East India Papers, IV. 576.
" Extract Revenue Letter from Bombay, 5th Nov. 1823, East India Papers III. 805.
« Bom. Eev. Letters to the Hon. Court, 23rd Feb. 1822 paras 32 -35, and 5th Nov.
1823, East India Papers III, 806. Mr. Chaplin, 21st Nov, 1821 and 20th Aug. 1822
para. 85,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
368 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. higlia) of dry-crop land was 7s. 6(?. (Rs. 3|) and the lowest was 3(?.
LaM' ^ ^®-)- In garden lands the rates varied from 2s. (Re. 1) to £1 10s.
(Rs. 15).=' According to Captain Robertson's calculations the cesses or
pattis represented about 1 ^ per cent of the produce of the district.'
^C^^ ' '^^^J were levied both from hereditary and from casual holders. The
1. most unjust or harmful were abolished and besides the house-tax
and the tax on callings about twenty-four were kept.* In Poena the
people who paid the mohtarfa^ or house and trade tax were classified
and assessed according to a very arbitrary estimate of their wealth
and trade. The highest class of bankers paid £4 (Rs. 40) and the
highest class of moneychangers £3 18s. (Rs. 39) ; grocers paid £5
(Rs. 50), grain dealers £3 to 6s. (Rs.30-3), and roadside money-
changers and fruit and vegetable sellers paid about a half -penny
or i anna a day. Except this tax on the shopless hawkers, the rates
were light. One serious objection to the tax was that many wealthy
traders were free from all charge. The taxes on professions were
very unequal, varying from 2s. to £3 (Rs. 1 - 30).^ Of the twenty -four
other cesses which were continued, some were levied on the land,
some on the village, and some on the individual holder.'^
1 Great diversity was noticed in the land measures in use, but in the former
measurements of which there was (1823) any record the bigha equalled about three-
fourths of an acre. Some partial new surveys had been made by the MardthAs with
a shorter rod by which the traces of the old survey had been nearly lost. In Poena the
use of the bigha had been superseded by other measures, multiples of it ; and in
some places large pieces of laud were assessed in the lump at a given sum. These
measures were : 20 maTis equal to a khandi ; one khandi equal to 20, 30, or 35 bighds ;
one takka equal to 48 bighds ; one ruMca equal to 5, 8, or 10 bighds ; one pakka higJia
equal to 3, 4, 8, and even 15 ordinary bighds. East India Papers, III. 805. Mr. Chaplin,
20th Aug. 1822, Ed. 1877, 22. Capt. Robertson (10th Oct. 1821) gives the following
as the general standard of the land measure : Five cubits or Iidts and five mulhis ov
fists of five different persons made a rod or kdthi of about 9 feet ; 20 square rods
one pdnd ; 20 pdnds one bigJia ; 5 bighds one rukka ; 24 rukkds or ) 20 bighds one
chdhur or takka ; and six rukkds one khandi. East India Papers III, 805 ; IV.
572 573.
'^ Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 584. See East India
Papers, III. 807.
3 Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821, East India Papers IV. 576, 578.
« East India Papers, III. 805-806, 810 ; IV. 622-623.
^ Mohtarfa comprised house and shop taxes, loom taxes, taxes on traders, taxes
on professions, and a house tax from a few landholders. East India Papers, III. 810.
« Bombay Rev. Letter, 5th Nov. 1823, East India Papers III. 810.
' In 182 1 the greater part of the following twenty-four cesses were found in most
viUagesof the Poena plain country: A Grain Cess, galtapatti, originally to supply grain
for forts and for the government stud, changed to money ; a Butter Cess, tup patti,
changed to money ; a Straw Cess, kadba patti, changed to money ; two Rope Cesses ;
ambddi and sut pattis changed to money; a Grass Cess, gavat patti, changed to money ;
a Money Cess, kharch patti ; a Firewood Cess, kdrsai patti, changed to money ; a Goat
Oess, Dasra bahra, its price taken ; a Shoe Cess, charmi joda, their value taken ; New
Vear's Sesamum, til sankrdnt, levied in cash ; Skins, charsa, taken in cash ; Exchange,
bazdr batta ; Servant Cess, naukar mdne, changed to money ; Saddle Stuffing, loiar,
taken in cash ; Horse Blanket, jhul, levied in cash ; Contingent Charges, sddilvdr
patti ; small Extra Cess, bachak patti ; Messenger Cess, shiv patti, lump sump taken ;
Curds Cess, dahi patti, levied in cash : Oil Cess, tel patti, value taken ; Watchman
Cess, fiavdlddri, taken in money ; Clerks' Cess, kdrkuni, taken in cash ; a Mirds
Cess levied once in three years on hereditary holders. Of these twenty-four
cesses ten were found in the hilly west, straw, grass, money, shoe, new year's sesa-
mum, firewood, skins, rope, contingent charges, and mirds cess. Twenty other
cesses were also collected in this part of the district. A Sidi's Cess or Habshi patli
said to be to keep the Konkan Abyssinians from entering the Deooan ; a Beggar's Cess
gosdvi patti ; a Bilmoshi's Cess ; an Extra Cess known as abhi patti ; a Mango Cess,
Deccan]
POONA.
3G9
There was no city in the district except Poona. But there were
eleven towns of respectable size and trade, Ohdkan, Ghera, Jejuri,
Kendur, Khed, Navlakh Umbra, Pd,bal, Paud, Sasvad, Talegaon
Ddbhdde, and Talegaon Dhamdhere. The houses in these towns
were comfortable buildings of stone and mud, covered with tiles ;
some of them were two storeys high. The chief inhabitants were
traders, bankers, and Brahmans both of the Deccan and of the
Konkan. In all a good deal of trade centred. The chief
manufactures were coarse woollen and cotton cloths, and Poona-
made gold and silk cloths which vied in richness with the silks of
Paithan.^ Poona had suffered from the change of government. The
general peace all over India took from the bankers their favourite
war investments, and all classes of the townspeople suffered from the
stopping of the great and lavish expenditure at Bajirdv's court.*^
In 1821 the year's revenue was about £135,200 (Rs. 13,61,422)
or about 7s. (Rs. 3|) a head of the population. Of the whole
amount about £109,000 (Rs. 10,89,254) were derived from land'
and sdyar or miscellaneous sources ; £23,600 (Rs. 2363237) from
customs; and £2600 (Rs. 25,931) from farms and town taxes.
The cost of collecting the revenue was about £9370 (Rs. 93,666)
or about seven per cent on the collections ; magisterial and judicial
charges were about £10,300 (Rs. 1,03,168) ; the Collector's and
assistants' salaries £5100 (Rs. 51,000), and the outlay on militia
w^is £7450 (Rs. 74,418). That is a total expenditure of £32,220
(Rs. 3,22,252) or about 20 per cent of the revenue.*
Under the English system the management of the land revenue
centered in the Collector. The Collector was also magistrate and
judge of circuit,^ but his chief duties were, as head revenue oflB.cer,
to travel over his district, to fix the rental to be paid by each
village, as far as possible to take precautions that in each village
the whole amount was fairly shared among the landholders, to
detect and punish frauds against Government and oppression of
the villagers, and by the grant of leases and other privileges
to induce the people to bring the arable waste under tillage.
At the beginning of a new year, that is in August, the village
headmen and clerks prepared returns showing the state of cultivation
Chapter VIII
Land.
Thb Bkitish.
t8SS0-S31.
Rkvenub
System,
1820-21.
dmbi dhdli ; an unknown labhe (?) patti ; a Molassea Cess, gurhdl patti ; a Fowl Cess,
honibdipatti ; a Thorn Cess, Mnte modndval, to make up for a mdmlatddr whose feet
were pricked with thorns ; a Kulkarni's Cess ; a Survey Cess, pdhani kharch ; an
Undefined Cess, patti ; a Cucumber Cess, Jcdkdi hhopla ; a Leaf Shade Cess, lerdya (?)
patti ; a Mango Tree Cess, dmia takha ;"a Leaf Thatoh Cess, pdn tattya; a Customary
Cess, quinda (1) patti ; a Pestle Cess, musal patti ; a Leaf Dish Cess, patrHval patti ; and
a Deficiency Cess, kasar patti. Mr. Chaplin, 20th August 1822 (Ed. 1877), 139-141,
East India Papers IV. 622-623.
1 Capt. Robertson, 1st May 1820, East India Papers IV. 405 ; Bombay Revenue
Letter 27th Nov. 1822, East India Papers III. 793-794.
" Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821, Bast India Papers IV. 588.
3 East India Papers, IV. 525. Of about £128,400 (Rs. 12,83,399) the total or gross
settlement or ycwratttawdi of 1820-21 about .£19,400 (Rs. 1,94,145) were deducted proba-
bly chiefly on account of remissions and claims. This left as net revenue dS109,00O>
(Rs. 10,89,254),
* Capt. Robertson, 10th Oct. 1821 ; East India Papers IV. 525.
» Heber's Narrative, III. 120.
B 1327-47
[Bombay Gazettes
S70
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIIL
Land.
Revencb
SrSTBM,
1820-21,
in the villagej the whole amount due to Government, and the share
due from each landholder.i
When the Collector came to the village or to its neighbourhood,
under his immediate superintendence, or, if he was not on the spot,
under his orders, his establishment examined the village clerk's
statement of the current year and compared it with the settlement
of the year before, and, with the help of the district hereditary
officers, settled the lump sum which the village was to pay. After
1819-20, when, in addition to the settlement with the head of the
village, papers were passed showing what each landholder had to
pay and that he was willing to pay it, the Collector's establishment
were unable to complete the detailed village settlement. 'This duty
was left to the mdmlatdfo.^ Besides carrying out the detailed or
individual village settlement the mamlatddr superintended the col-
lection of the revenue, managed the police, received civil complaints,
andreferredthecomplainantstojuriesorpa)2c/iaite,and heard criminal
complaints and sent the complainants to the Collector. He had a
secretary or shirasteddr to keep his records, an accountant, and
some other assistants. The mamlatdd,r's powers were limited,
and, at least in principle, the system of fixed pay and no perquisites
was introduced. The mdmlatddr's pay was fixed at £7 to £15
(Rs. 70-150) a month, and the pay of his secretary at £3 10s. to
£5 (Rs. 35-50).* In carrying out the detailed village settlement
the chief duties of the mamlatddr and his staff were to detect frauds
in the village returns, and see that the statements corresponded to
the actual condition of the village ; to discover hidden sources of
revenue; to assign to each landholder his proper share of the
village rental, and to ascertain that the village officers made no extra
levies ; to make certain that the villages paid their instalments when
they fell due, and that all the revenue was regularly forwarded to and
accounted for by the head-quarter office.
As mediators between the Collector's establishment and the
village headmen who together fixed the amount of the village
settlement, there came the district hereditary officers, who, when
the amount of the village rental was being discussed, sat in the
Collector's office or kacheri and acted as umpires moderating the
demands of the Collector's establishment and persuading the
headmen to agree to rightful demands.* In the early years of British
rule one of the chief objects of the revenue officers was to introduce
a system which should prevent the village officers or the md,mlatddr
' When the English system was fairly introduced, the village clerk or hUkarni
was bound to prepare the six following returns : (1) The jamin jhdda or land register
that is a record of all village holdings and fields and of their holders ; (2) the Idvai
patrak or tillage statement showing the amount due by each holder to Government ;
(3) the tahsii OT receipt hook showing daily payments by the landholders ; (4) the bot-
hhat or list of accounts showing the receipts from each holder and what had been done
with the receipts ; (5) thejhadti or balance sheet which was a statement for the village
receipts and payments drawn^up at the close of the year ; and (6) the mohtar/a ydd or a
memorandum of dues on account of house and other taxes. Besides these the village
clerk kept memoranda and registers of leases. East India Papers, IV. 587- 588.
' East India Papers, ni, 794 ; IV. 579, 591.
^ Mr. Elphinstone, 1819, Ed. 1872, 30-31, East India Papers IV. 168-169.
* Captain Robertson, East India Papers IV. 582-583.
Deccan]
POONA.
371
from taking more than his right share of the village rental from
each landholder. As has been noticed in 1818 and 1819 the
settlement continued to be made with the headman for the whole
village or mauzevdr. But in 1819-20 a beginning of an individual
or rayatvdr settlement was made by the members of the Collector's
establishment ascertaining that each holder knew at what amount
the headman had assessed him and admitted that this amount was
fair. In 1820-21 the Collector's establishment inquired how much
fresh land was taken for tillage ; how much land under tillage was
kept hid ; and whether there were any cesses which had escaped
notice in the former year. After these inquiries^ on the basis of the
last year's settlement, in consultation with the village and here-
ditary oflBcers, the Collector's staff determined what each village
should pay ; and the mamlatddr inquired into and fixed the share
of the whole village demand which should be recovered from each
holder.'^ This system was faulty as there was no check on the
mdmlatd^r and no test to prevent collusion between him and the
headman in unfairly distributing the individual payments. Accord-
ingly ia the next year (1821-22) a system was completed under
which each holder received a deed or patta of what he was
asked to pay and passed an agreement or kahuldyat to pay
the amount fixed.^ The issue of these individual agreements
greatly reduced the power and the emoluments of the village
officers who much against their will were relieved of many of their
duties.' Under this new system the settlement was introduced into
a village in one of two ways. Either the whole sum due by the village
might be ascertained and his share allotted to each landholder ; or the
shares due to the different holders might be determined and the
villagerentalbefoundbyaddingall the shares together. Unless, which
was seldom the case, authentic details of the quality and quantity of
land in each man's holding were available, it was extremely difficult to
fix each man's share. The whole amount paid by the village through
a series of years was generally known, and, as a rule, it was best to
fix the whole amount in the first instance and from this to allot his
share to each holder. The sum fixed as the village rental
includedall cesses, claims, and village expenses. After fixing the whole
amount due from the village, the Collector's staff were expected to
allot the shares to the different holders. But this part of the work
they were seldom able to complete. It was entrusted to the mdm-
latddr and his staff under strict injunctions not to leave it to be
done by the district or village officers. In making the individual
settlement the mamlatddr was chiefly guided by the village land
statement or Jamin jhdda. This professed to show the state of
cultivation of each plot of land in the village. But the statement was
generally full of mistakes and frauds ; it could not be trusted until
it had been checked by the shekhddrs or mdmlatddr's clerks who
made separate returns, by special or personal inquiries on the part
ChapterVIII
Land.
Rbvenuk
System,
1820-21.
1 East India Papfers, IV, 591,
» Bombay Revenue Letter 27th Nov. 1822, East India Papers III, 794.
3 East India Papers, IV. 582.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
372
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
RKyENCB
System,
1820-21 .
of tlie mdmlatddr, by direct examination of the villagers, and by
taking advantage of rivalry and jealousy among tbe families of the
headman or village clerk.^ After the main land assessment was
fixed a minute inquiry was necessary into the cesses or pattis.
In all these inquiries the Collectors were enjoined to use and to
enforce the utmost caution in keeping the assessment moderate.
They were warned that in assessing villages it was better to be below
than to be above the proper scale, and that the excessive demand of
one year could seldom be retrieved by three years of moderation and
indulgence. Great care was required in preparing the landholder's
paper or patta which was drawn up in a very detailed and elaborate
form.^ The people were told when the instalments would fall
due and care was taken not to levy any part of the rental until after
the crop from which the instalment was to be paid was reaped.''
No security was required except the general security of making the
villagers responsible for each other which was known as chain
or mutual security, janjir jamin, and which was liable to be
enforced by a second settlement.* The passing of receipts for all
collections, especially for the collection of the villagers' instalments
by the village officers was insisted on, and an entry showing
the coins received and the date of payment was required. The
coins paid were sent to the treasury with lists made by the mdm-
latdars in sealed bags attested by the sMrasteddrs. Bach person
through whose hands the money passed gave a receipt, the last
being the Collector's receipt to the m^mlatddr. Copies of the
Collector's receipts were kept at head-quarters.^ In the first years of
British management the revenue was collected without difficulty.
Distraint was almost unknown. It was not allowed when the
person who had failed to pay was known to be poor.® In October
1821 only £646 (Es.6460) were outstanding of which £61 (Rs.610)
belonged to 1818-19 and £585 (R8.5850) to 1819-20.^ Under the
Mar^tha government advances had been made to husbandmen
At 12 per cent a year. Under the British in the first years the
amount of advances was increased and no interest was charged.^
^ The following were among the frauds which were commonly practised by village
headmen and clerks. The names of people paying the house-tax were left out ; quit-
rents leviable from alienated lands were not shown ; in other lands something less than
the full rental was shown ; lands under tillage were entered as waste or as fallow ; and
garden lands were entered as dry lands. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 16 of 1821, 705-729 ;
Appendix to Mr. ChapUu's Report, 20th August 1822, Ed. 1877, 129.
a Mr. Chaplin, Appendix to Report of 20th August 1822, gives an example of the
deed or patta passed to the landholder. R^mji MarAtha of Loni in Haveli in Poona
for the /^d-sZi year 1230 (A.D. 1820-21), you have to pay fifty-six rupees; Of this for
three fields of dry land of 25 bighds, Rs. 24| ; for three bighds of garden land, Rs. 24 ; a
straw cess Rs. li ; a buffalo cess Rs. 2 ; and a house cess Rs. 4 ; total Rs. 56. This you
must pay at the regular instalments and you must not give the pdtil or kidkarni any
more than this. You have agreed to be security for the payments of the other vdlagers
and any arrears might be recovered by a second assessment. 10th December 1820. in
some villages the clause regarding the second assessment was left out.
3 Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers, IV. 580, .
* Appendix to Mr. Chaplin's Report of 20th August 1822, Ed. 1877, 134 ; Captain
Robertson, 1821, East India Papers, IV, 587.
= Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, Bast India Papers IV. 581.
« Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV 526.
' East India Papers, IV. 526.
8 Captain Robertson, 10th October 1821, East India Papers IV, 584.
Dsccan]
POONA.
373
The season of 1820-21 was favourable. Cultivation spread and
there were no complaints of over-assessment. The only difficulty
which occurred was that the headmen of a group of villages in
PAbalj finding the individual settlement reduce their power of private
taxation, incited the people to refuse to take their deeds or pattds.
Before the close of the year the distress which the general estab-
lishment of peace caused to the military section of the people of
Poena, became more marked, and large numbers who had remained
idle in the hope of some more suitable employment, were at last
forced to take to husbandry.' Prom this cause the increase of
tilllage in 1821-22 was greater than in the previous years. The crops
were again good and the average rupee price of grain fell from
about 32 to 56 pounds (4-7 pdylis).^ The settlement was again made
with the individual holders. The fall in the price of grain caused
discontent among several sections of the husbandmen. The chief
difficulty was in the case o£ certain villages which had formerly paid
a Miaredi galla a commutation of the money cess into grain for the
supply of Maratha posts and forts. In 1820-21 it had been settled
that they should pay in cash on the basis of about 32 pounds
(4 pdylis) the rupee. As the price had in some places gone down
to one-half of this or about 64 pounds (8 pdylis), the alternative
was given them of paying in kind but as they objected to grain
payments the former rates were continued. So serious a difficulty
did the people find in disposing of their grain that the Collector
found it necessary to postpone the date for paying the instalment.*
£1404(Es.l4j040) were remitted.* The land rent including cesses
and miscellaneous revenue amounted to £160,100 (Rs. 16,01,000)
.against £153,635 (Rs. 15,36,350) in the preceding year. After
deducting claims or haks and village expenses, the net revenue for
collection amounted to £139,058 (Rs. 13,90,580) against £134,447
(Rs. 13,44,470) ; the collections amounted to £133,515 (Rs. 13,35,150)
against £132,520 (Rs. 13,25,200); and the outstandings were £5543
(Rs. 55,430) against £1926 (Rs. 19,260).^
In spite of the cheapness of grain up to September 1822, except
in Ind^pur where a number of the people had returned to their old
homes in the Nizam^s country, there seemed to be no signs of over-
assessment. The value of land was rising and disputes connected
with landed property and shares of estates, that had lain asleep,
for years, had become common and keen. In the two previous years
the tillage area had increased by about 80,000 bighds yielding a
yearly revenue of about £8000 (Rs. 80,000) .« In spite of the
partial failure of some of the crops the harvest of 1822-23 was
again abundant. Grain fell to about 110 pounds (13-14 pdylis)
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
The Bbitish.
18S1-SS,
1 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec, 117 of 1825, 514-515.
>> The rupee prices were, 1819-20, 2g and 3 pdylis ; 1820-21, 4 pdylis ; and 1821-22,
6 and 8 pdylis. Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 517-518,
' Captain Robertson, 20th September 1822, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo, 72 of 1828, 128 ;
and MiS. Selections, 157 (1821-1829) ; 1st February 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 117 of
1825, 515-519.
< Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 72 of 1823, 124, 128, 129.
" Mr. Chaplin, 29th September 1823, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 72 of 1823, 36.
« Captain Robertson, 20th September 1822, Rev. Eec. 72 of 1823, 224-226.
[Bombay Gazetteerj
374
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British.
18g3-S4,
the rupee in the remote parts of the district and to about 80 pounds
(10 pdylis) near Poona.^ There was no mention and no record of
such low prices. The fall caused much distress ; even those who
had reaped good harvests could hardly find a market for their
grain. Headed by the pdtils of Pdbal, many of whose indirect
gams had been stopped by the individual settlement, the people
came in crowds and mobbed the Governor in Poena. The cry of
over-assessment was raised by some of the English officials, but
Captain Robertson contended strongly that the only causes of
distress were the fall of grain prices and the want of employment
and expenditure at Poona. The commutation rate of hharedi galla
or grain that used to be taken in kind was lowered from about
32 to 64 pounds (4,-8 pdylis). In 1822-23 the realization showed a
decline amounting altogether to about one-seventh of the whole
revenue. One-fourth of the entire loss was in Ind^pur from which
numbers had moved to the Nizd,m's country.^
The next year (1823-24) was a season of scanty rain and of distress.
The early harvest in about half of the district was fair, in the other
half of the district the crops were either chiefly or entirely failures.
The late or cold weather harvest was a complete failure. The
garden and watered crops were blighted by the east wind. The
cattle suffered so severely from want of fodder and want of water that
the Collector sent a number of the people to the Nizdm's country
to stay there till June 1824. Large numbers of the landholders
also of their own accord left Poona to take np lands in the Nizam's
country and in Ahmaduagar.* What added to the difficulties of the
people was that in spite of the failure of crops grain continued,
extremely cheap.* The Collector and the Commissioner agreed in
recommending the greatest moderation in levying the revenue, and
their views met with the full approval of Government. Remissioaa
were granted varying from 25 to 75 per cent and in some cases the
whole demand was foregone.^ The distress continued in 1824.
The usual May showers failed and there was very little rain either
in June or in July. Grain which throughout the cold season had
kept wonderfully cheap, now rose from about 80 to 32 pounds
{10-4, pay Us) and ihen to ahovit 20 Tpoundis (2^ pdylis).^ In 1823-24
the total revenue for collection amounted to £91,556 (Rs. 9,15,560)
against £120,827 (Rs. 12,08,270) in 1822-23; the collections amount-
ed to £73,091 (Rs. 7,30,910) against £103,788 (Rs. 10,37,880), and
the outstandings amounted to £18,465 (Rs. 1,84,650) against
1 Bom, Gov. Eev. Ree. 117 of 1825, 522. In 1820-21, the price was 4 pdylis and Id
IS21 -22 it was 6 - 8 pdylis.
2 Captain Robertson, 1st Feby, 1825, Bom. aov. Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 522-528.
' Captain Robertson, Collector, 25th November 1823, Bom. Gov. Rev, Reo. 74
Of 1823; 13-16 ; 1st February 1824, Rev. Rec. 95 of 1824, 3 ; 1st February 1825, Eev,
Rec. 117 of 1825, 529. , „
* Mr. Pringle, 29th January 1824, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 95 of 1824, 6-15. Mr,
Chaplin, 10th October 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 117 of 1825, 404.
« Mr Chaplin, 29th November 1823, and Gov. Letter 1856 of 11th Dec. 1823,
Bom. Gov. Rev. Bee. 74 of 1823, 11-12, 17.'Captain Robertson, 1st and 4th February
1824 ; Mr. Chaplin, 5th February 1824 ; and Gov. Letter 319 of 23rd February
1824. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 95 of 1824, 1-41.
« Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 117 of 1825, 528-530.
Deccan.]
POONA.
375
£17,039 (Rs. 1,70,390) in 1822-23. In 1823-24 the very large sum
of £40,747 (Rs. 4,07,470) was remitted.!
At tlie close of the hot weather of 1824 large sums were granted
in advances. The people met the efforts of Government to lighten
their distress by showing the greatest industry and emulation in
preparing and sowing their fields in June 1824. But again the rain
failed except in the west where the harvest was good. In the centre
and east the early harvest came to nothing, the late crops which were
green and promising till November dried from want of rain and dew
and yielded almost no return.^ Before February of 1825 the people
had deserted the country. Their cattle were almost all dead and in
many villages the great drought had left no drinlsing water. Still
the spirit of the people was not broken. The rainfall had been so
slight that even the weeds had died and the fields were ploughed and
clean ready to be sown when the rains of 1825 came.^ The people
were reduced to the greatest distress. Most of their cattle were dead.
Grain had risen to high rates,* and in sowing the early and late crops
of 1824, both of which had failed, they had incurred heavy expenses.'
Except from the west in 1824-25 little or no revenue was realised.®
During these years of failure of crops and distress a somewhat hot
correspondence passed between the Collector and the Commissioner
as to whether the distress was to any considerable extent due to
over-assessment. At first Captain Robertson stoutly protested against
the view that any of the depression was the result of over-assessment.
But as troubles increased ^in February 1825 he admitted that the
demands might have been greater than the people could well meet.
He fully agreed with the Commissioner that to help the people to
rise from the low state into which they had fallen, would require
most generous and tender treatment. At the same time he thought
that besides the failure of rain one chief cause of distress was what
has already been noticed, the change in Poena ; the stopping of the
old flow of expenditure and the closing of the large numbers of
openings connected with the court and with the army and the decline
in the old demand for the produce of the city craftsmen.'
Towards the end of June 1825 Bishop Heber travelled from the
Konkan by the Bor pass to Poona. He noticed an excellent bridge
of thirteen arches which had just been finished over swampy ground
nearKdrli, simple but extremely solid and judicious.^ In the west
the cottages were small and mean with steep thatched roofs and
very low side- walls of loose stones and there was a general appearance
of poverty in the dress and the field tools. Still the cattle were
larger and better bred than those of Bengal and these in better ease
Chapter VIIL
Land
Thb Beitish.
18^5.
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Keo. 117 of 1825, 416, 473.
» Bom. Gov. Bfiv. Reo. 123 of 1825, 337-339 ; Rec. 117 of 1825, 405, 537-538.
3 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 537-538.
*' The price of the necessaries of life had nearly doubled.' Mr. Pringle, 8th
March 1825, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 123 of 1825, 366-367.
5 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 123 of 1825, 366-367.
« Bom. Gov. Rec. 117 of 1825, 473-476, 538 ; Reo. 123 of 1825, 337-339.
' Capt. Robertson, Feb. 1825, Bom. Gov, Rev. Rec. 117 of 1825, 473-476, 531-534.
' Heber's Narrative, III. 114.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
376
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British.
18BS.
1826-Z7.
than might have been expected after the long drought which in the
eastern districts had amounted to famine with its dreadful attendant
evils of pestilence and the weakening of moral ties.^ Making due
allowance for the drought and scarcity of several years Poena in
1825 seemed to thrive under its present system of government. The
burdens of the peasants were decidedly less in ' amount and were
collected in a less oppressive manner than under the old monarchy.
The English name was popular with all but those who were inevitably
losers by their coming, the courtiers of the Peshwa, such traders as
lived by the splendour of his court, and, though this does not appear,
the Br^hmans. The body of the people were very peaceable and
simple, of frugal habits and gentle disposition. Perhaps in no part
of India was crime so rare. ^ The share- of the produce taken by
G-overnment was said to be high, at least one-fifth. Government
wished to introduce a permanent settlement but said that until they
had a fuller knowledge of the country they should run the risk of
doing greater injustice and occasionally greater evils by the change
than any they could apprehend from the present system.^
In November 1825 hajri was selling at about 26 pounds (13 shers)
and jvari at about 32 pounds (1 6 shers) the rupee.* Compared with
the famine year of 1824-25 the realizable land revenue for 1825-26
showed an" increase from £29,203 (Rs. 2,92,030) to £70,132
(Rs. 7,01,320), and the total realizable revenue including miscellaneous
customs and other items, from £56,623 (Rs. 5,66,230) to £101,911
(Rs. 10,19,1 10). Of £70,132 (Rs. 7,01,320) the land revenue for 1825-26,
£60,860 (Rs. 6,08,600) were collected and £9272 (Rs. 92,720) left
outstanding. Of the total revenue for collection £90,065 (Rs. 9,00,650)
were collected and £11846 (Rs. 1,18,460) left outstanding.^ In
August 1827 Government authorizedthe Collector to grant remissions
in his district for 1825-26 to the amount of £5987 (Rs. 59,870) and
towriteofi£14,762(Rs. l,47,620)asanirrecoverablebalanceinl823-24
and £7414 (Rs. 74,140) as an irrecoverable balance in 1824-25.^
In November 1826 the Collector wrote, 'For two more years the
people will continue to be crippled by their losses in 1823-24 and
1824-25. Government must siibmit to grant them liberal considera-
tion for some time to come. The scarcity of cattle is still considerable,
and those who require cattle have not money enough to buy them at
the present high rates. Time b,nd indulgence can alone remedy
these misfortunes,'''
The rains of 1826 were moderate and partial. In some places the
fall was favourable, and the outturn large ; in other places one sowing
and in a few instances two sowings failed, The early harvest was
fair, but the late crops which promised well were greatly injured by
1 Heber's Narrative, III. 110, 121. 2 Heber's Narrative, III. 121-122.
3 Heber's Narrative, III. 122-123.
« The Collector, 17th Nov. 1826, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 175 of 1827, 8-9.
s Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 175 of 1827,2-3.
« Gov. Letter 1556 of 27th August 1827, Bom. Gov, Rev. Rec. 175 of 1827, 75,
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 175 of 1827, 8-9.
Decoau]
POONA.
377
a blight.^ Still the season was on the whole above the average,
Bdjri fell to about 52 pounds (26 shers) and jvdri to about 64 pounds
(32 shers) the rupee/ and the state of the people was greatly
improved. They had replaced the bulk of their cattle and in the
rains of 1827 were able to undertake their field labours briskly and
with confidence. Aware of the efforts the people were making to
stock their farms, the Collector granted liberal remissions wherever
there had been a failure of crops.* Compared with 1825-26 the land
revenue for collection for 1826-27 showed a decrease from £115,472
(Rs. 11,54,720) _ to £111,019 (Rs. 11,10,190), and the total revenue
for collection including miscellaneous customs and other items a
decrease from £156,697 to £153,039 (Rs. 15,66,970 -Rs. 15,80,390).*
The season of 1827 began favourably. Writing in August the
Collector says, 'Another season such as this promises to be will restore
the people to the state of comparative well being which they
enjoyed before the bad years of 1823 and 1824.^^ Later on the
prospects of the year became overcast. The season on the whole
was bad. In many sub-divisions there was little rain and in many
others promising crops were ruined by excessive moisture. Compared
with 1826-27 the land revenue settlement for 1827-28 showed a
decrease from £131,185 (Rs. 13,11,850) to £125,562 (Rs. 12,55,620),
and remissions showed an increase from £20,166 (Rs. 2,01,660) to
£37,971 (Rs. 3,79,7]0).« The failure of crops and distress were
specially great in Inddpur. Many of the people in despair had left
their homes. In spite of the liberal terms offered by Government
there seemed no improvement. Everywhere in Indapur were
signs of desolation. In other parts of the district as well as in
Inddpur the bulk of the husbandmen were completely in the hands
of the moneylenders or sdvkdrs, who, and not the people, reaped
any profit which accompanied high grain prices in bad seasons.'
The year 1828-29 was a season of partial failure chiefly in Bhim-
thadi and Purandhar.®
Of the system of settling the revenue which was in use in 1828
the Collector Mr. Blair has recorded the following detailed account.®
Early in the season (October and before November 15th) the
mdmlatdars start on tour round their sub-divisions to ascertain
what land in each village is under tillage. When the md,mlatddr
reaches a village, he summons the landholders, and, in the presence
of the village oflBcers, inquires and records the area which each
holder has taken for the early tillage or agrees to take for the late
harvest. If in consequence of disputes the tillage of any village
Chapter VIII
Land.
The British.
18S7-S8.
18SS-g9.
Revenue System,
1828-g9.
' The Collector, 10th August 1827, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 174 of 1827, 403-405.
" Bom. Gov. Rev. Hec. 175 of 1827, 8-9.
' The Collector, 10th August 1827, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 174 of 1827, 403-405.
* These figures include the four sub-divisions of ShoUpur, Mohol, Indi, and Mud-
debihAl, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 174 of 1827, 403, 409-411,
= The CoUeetor, 10th August 1827, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 174 of 1827, 403-405.
« Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 212 of 1828, 222-224.
' Mr. Richard Mills, Collector, 23rd September 1828, Bom. Gov. Kev. Bee, 212 of
1828, 225-228. » Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 352 of 1831, 102, 103, 109, 113.
' Mr. Blair, Collector, 643 of 9th December 1828.
B 1327—48
[Bombay Gazetteer,
378
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British.
Sevenue System,
18^8-^9.
is declining, the mdmlatddr settles the disputes, and, if the cause
of the decline is ' the poverty of the people, he gives advances.
In November when the early harvest is ripening the md,inlatdd,r
makes a second tour round his charge to see the condition
of the crops and ascertain whether the actual area under tillage
is more or less than the holders engaged to take. The Collector
generally receives the mdmlatddrs' reports in December when
the early crops are being reaped and the late crops are well
advanced. When all the mamlatddirs' reports have been received,
the Collector and his establishment or huzur kaeheri start
through the district. On reaching a sub-division the Collector
calls the landholders to appear before him at two or three conve-
nient places according to the size of the sub-division. The first
business is to ascertain how far the cultivation and the state
of the crops correspond with the mdmlatddr's accounts. This is
ascertained by comparing the accounts of the m^mlatdar's clerk or
shekhddr with the reports of the village officers and villagers and
every here and there by an actual examination of crops. If the
cultivation is the same as in the last year and no failure has occurred
among the landholders, rents remain unchanged. In case of an
increase or a decrease the amount is either added to or taken from
the former total. ; When the area of land under tillage and the
whole rent due by the village have been ascertained, a mauzeva/r
patta or village deed is given to each headman and registered by
the village clerk, showing the full amount of rent to be paid by the
village. When in this way every village in a sub-division has been
settled, the kulvdr or personal settlement with the individual
landholder is begun. This individual settlement is carried out by the
Collector and his establishment with the help of the mdmlatdar
who calls together the landholders of four or five of the nearest
villages, ascertains the area of land held by each man and
its rent and gives each landholder a deed or patta signed by the
Collector. In this deed every field which each man holds and its
rent for the year is entered. In many villages the greater part of
the people hold the same fields for several years ; as a rule in not
more than one-fifth of the cases is a change required. When the
Collector has finished the first four or five villages, he moves a few
miles, summons the landholders, and settles their rents; and goes
on moving from place to place till he has finished the sub-division.
The practice of first fixing the whole sum due by each village greatly
reduced the labours of making the individual settlement. The
village officers knowing that a certain sum was to be levied from
their village, except perhaps in the case of a few of their own relations,
gave every assistance to make a fair distribution among the land-
holders, and, for the same reason, the people agreed without much
difficulty to their shares. As the discovery of every case in which
land was fraudulently held rent-free, reduced the share of all other
holders, a regard for their own interests encouraged the people to
give information of many frauds. It was also of advantage to fix
the individual assessment as late in the year as possible as the actnal
outturn of each man's crops could then be known. Mr. Blair endS;
his account with the remark that the system undoubtedly acted as
Deccau]
POONA.
379
a tax on industry as each man had to pay according to the character
of his crops. The only remedy seemed to be to introduce a survey
under which each man would pay according to the quantity and
quality of his land and not according to the outturn of his crop.
In the individual settlement much was left to the agency of
native servants. This agency could not be dispensed with. When
properly controlled, no serious evil resulted from its employment,
and the minute process that was gone through every year made the
most trifling abuse liable to detection.^
About 1 825 Mr. Pringle the assistant collector of Poena was
appointed to survey the district and revise the assessment.^ Mr.
Pringle finished the survey and assessment of Shivner or Junnar,
Pd,bal, and Inddpur, and reported the result to Government in
September 1828.^ In the principle he adopted for framing his
assessment, in one material respect Mr. Pringle departed from the
principle followed by Sir Thomas Munro in the ceded districts of
Madras, and, so far as Mr. Pringle was aware, from most other
settlements hitherto undertaken either under Native or European
Governments. Prom time immemorial the foundation of the land
tax in India had been a share of the gross produce of the soil. The
proportion varied at different times and under different rulers, but
the principle was always the same.* In Mr. Pringle's opinion the
proportion of the gross produce which could be exacted without
absorbing the whole • of the rent, varied with the numbers, wealth,
and skill of the people. Mr. Pringle thought that it was not
unlikely that at the time when Sir Thomas Munro wrote, two-thirds
of the produce may have been a sufficiently large share to leave
to the landholders of the ceded districts as rent. At the same time
Mr. Pringle thought that it could hardly have escaped Sir
Thomas Munro's attention that while an assessment of one-third
of the gross produce might leave a sufficiency to the holder of land
whose net produce equalled half of its gross produce, it must
exclude from cultivation soil whose net produce is only a fifth of
its gross produce. In Mr. Pringle's opinion the surplus which
remained from the gross produce after deducting all tillage expenses,
was the only fair measure of the power of land to pay an assessment.
At the same time, as the relation of the surplus to the whole
produce varies in different soils, any tax proportioned to the gross
Chapter^ VIII
Laud.
The British..
Me. Pkinole's
SUKVEY
Settlement,
1829 - 1831.
1 Mr, Blair, Collector, 643 of 9th December 1828.
" In 1826-27 the revenue survey was in progress in the Poona district. Bom. Gov.
Rev. Rec. 174 of 1827, 408.
' Mr. Pringle's Report (Lithographed) dated 6th September 1828, about Junnar
Pdbal and Inddpur.
* The principle of a share in the gross produce is found in the institutes of Manu
and in the precepts of the Hedaya, and in the theory if not in the practice of every
.government which has attempted to methodize the assessment by fixed rules, ft
was the principle professed by Akbar's minister Todar Mai in Hindustan (1560-1600)
and by Malik Ambar (1600 - 1626) and it was that also adopted in the ceded districts of
Madras where it was the declared opinion of Sir Thomas Munro, an opinion in which
he has been foUowed by almost all succeeding revenue authorities, that the exaction
of one-third of the gross produce by government would be sufficiently moderate to
enable every landholder to derive a rent from the land he cultivated. Mr, Pringle,
6th September 1828 para 5,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
380
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land.
Mr. Pkingle's
Survey
Settlement,
1829 . 1831.
produce must be unequal to the extent of the variation between
the net produce and the whole produce, and this inequality by
creating an artificial monopoly in favour of the best soils, would
tend to check production and to take more from the whole body
of the people than it brought into the treasury. He thought that
by proportioning the assessment to the net produce, and keeping
that proportion moderate, the productive powers of the country
would be preserved intact and land would become valuable.^ On
these considerations Mr. Pringle held that in every case his
assessment should rest on the net produce of the land, and that,
whatever might be the difficulties, all his inquiries should be
directed to find out the amount of the net produce. He according-
ly made it his first object to class all soils as nearly as possible
according to their net produce, that is the portion of the money
valne of the average gross produce which remains after deducting
the whole cost of tillage and other accompanying charges. To
determine the amount of the net produce Mr. Pringle appointed
assessors and took the evidence of intelligent landholders. The
lands were first arranged according to their quality in classes,
varying in number with the varieties of soil in each village, but
seldom exceeding nine in dry land and three or four in garden and
rice land. When more than one variety of soil occurred in the
same field, the field was classed according to its average quality.
The lands were classed under the advice and with the help of the
landholders themselves whose local knowledge made them the
best judges of the relative powers of the different fields in their
own village. At the same time the assessor availed himself of the
opposite interests of the holders, and the experience derived from
other villages, to prevent unfairness or partiality. When the
classing was completed, the assessor proceeded to observe and
record the distinguishing characteristic of each class. Next, from
the evidence of the most experienced and intelligent landholders,
he ascertained what crops were usually grown in each field, the
most approved rotation of crops, the average amount of produce
in ordinary years, and the several items of expense incurred
according to the system of cultivation usually adopted by
landholders in middling circumstances. In tracing each item of
expense no point, however small, was omitted which might
appear likely to contribute to the accuracy of the result. When
circumstances admitted it, the evidence in regard to the amount of
produce was verified by cutting crops in different soils and
• comparing their outturn with the alleged produce of land in similar
villages. In all estimates either of produce or of cost where grain
was turned into money, the change was made at the average
price of grain during a series of twenty years taken from the
books of the village Vani. If accounts for twenty years were not
available, the average for the whole period was fixed on the
proportion which the prices in the years for which they were
procurable, bore to the prices during the same years in the nearest
1 Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 paras 7, 40.
Deccan,]
POONA.
381
market village. In the few villages where there was no Vdni the
prices were taken from the nearest village where there was a Vani,
and if the distance was considerable^ an allowance was made for
the cost of transport and duty. In fixing the average prices care
was taken to avoid relative inaccuracies in the prices of different
villages by making all the extracts for the same years and months
and by examining and comparing the local weights and measures.
In computing the cost of cultivation the number of bullocks required
to till each kind of soil was ascertained by an estimate of their daily
work, and the yearly acre charge was calculated with reference to
their food, their ordinary price in the neighbouring markets, the
interest on their original cost, the number of years for which they
usually lasted, and the cost of insurance against casualties. The
acre cost of manual labour was in like manner fixed with reference
to the number of hands required to cultivate a given quantity of
land, and their wages in money and necessaries at the current rate
of hire in the village. The same minuteness was observed in
calculating the cost of seed, of manure, of field tools, of craftsmen's
and other village fees, of the usual sacrifices and offerings, in short
of every item of labour or stock which could form a charge on the
produce before it was brought to market. Interest at the current
rate exacted on fair security was calculated on all advances which
did not yield an immediate return and in all cases of risk a fair
allowance was made for insurance. All these items, together with
the reasons and authorities on which the estimate rested were
ascertained and recorded by the assessor in the fullest detail in
each class of soil in every village. The difference between the
money value of the gross produce and the cost of cultivation in each
class formed a standard by which its power of paying assessment
was brought into comparison with the rent-paying power of any
other part of the country. When the measure of relative assessment
was determined, the next process was to fix the actual assessment.
This actual assessment was fixed on the basis of past collections.
The assessor secured the revenue accounts of the village for as
many years as possible and ascertained the area of assessable land
in bighds or other local measure, which was cultivated in each year,
and the amount of money collected on it. As the local measures
varied in area in almost every field, the next step was to turn
them into acres. The local measures were easily turned to acres
where the accounts had been kept in detail, as the names of the
fields actually in cultivation in each year were given and their
size could be known from the present survey. Where as was much
oftener the case the old accounts did not give the names of the
fields, only an approximate estimate of the area could be made.
To make this approximate estimate of area it was assumed that in
cultivation preference was generally given to the better classes of
land, and the average number of bighds to each acre in each class
having been ascertained from the survey, the number of bighds
cultivated in any particular year was converted into acres at that
proportion, beginning with the highest class, and descending
through the other classes until the whole recorded cultivation was
accounted for. In applying the recorded amount of assessment
Chapter^ Vlin
Land.
Mb. Prinqle's
Survey
Settlement,
1829-1831.
[Bombay Qazetteen
382
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land-
Mr. Peinglb's
Survey
Settlement,
1829 - 1831.
to the area of cultivated land, all cesses and payments of every
description, excepting fees to village craftsmen which were already
deducted in the charges, were included in the rental or jama. No
allowance was made for remissions on account of individual poverty
nor were detached cases of leasehold or hauli land and its
assessment taken into account, because these had reference to
temporary and partial considerations which ought not to influence
the general conclusions. When the number of acres cultivated in
each year and the amount of assessment were ascertained before
any final inference could be deduced, the quality of the land under
tillage had to be ascertained. In former assessments the necessity
of ascertaining the quality of the land had been overlooked.
Formerly the average of past collections from cultivated land had
without limitation been taken as a guide for the future, though it
was obvious that the rate levied from the cultivated portion which
was generally the best in the village, if applied indiscriminately
to the whole land, must often be more than it was capable of
paying. In order to avoid this mistake the cultivated land in each
year was arranged in the classes fixed by the survey either where
that was possible by ascertaining the fields actually cultivated or, i£
the actual fields could not be ascertained, by assuming that a
preference had been given to each class of land in proportion
to its inherent value. When the whole land was so an-anged,
it was reduced to the standard of the first class by allowing
a deduction in the nominal number of acres in each class
in proportion to the amount by which its qualities fell short
of the qualities of the best class. Thus where there were twenty
acres of the second class cultivated and the proportion of the
net acre produce in the class was about half of the first class,
the twenty acres were rated in the estimate as ten acres. The
number of acres cultivated in each year being thus estimated in
land of the best quality, their sum, divided by the recorded amount
of collections, gave the acre rate in such land for that year, and the
average rate for the whole series of years was the rate of assessment
on the best land of the village as fixed from past collections.
When this rate was adjusted to each of the inferior classes of land
in the proportion of its net produce, it accurately showed the rates
for those classes with reference to the same data. When the
assessor had gone through all of these calculations and the result -
was fully recorded along with the authorities on which
the result was based, his share in fixing the rates was completed.
It only remained for him to arrange and prepare the general
registers of tenures and land divisions which were required
for the full development of the system in detail. The effect of
the assessor's operations was, in proportion to their net produce, to
distribute over the whole lands of each village the average amount
of its former payments. The work then passed to the head assessor
whose business was to examine and check the operations of the
assessor and to compare and combine them with those of other
assessors in other villages. With this view the classification was
inspected and the complaints of the landholders, if there were any
complaints, were heai'd and investigated. A close scrutiny was
Deccan.l
POONA.
383
instituted into the detailed estimates of gross produce and cost of
tillage, and also into the rates of assessment drawn from past
collections with all the reasonsj records, evidences, and authorities,
on which each estimate was based. This inquiry was carried on with
particular care in cases where the proportion of the rate of past
collections to the net produce compared with the proportion in
other villages and with the actual condition of the village itself
gave reasons to suspect inaccuracies. When the proportions did
not agree, the apparent error had to be traced to its source and the
inconsistency either explained or rectified. When the work of the
assessor had been examined and found satisfactory, it was confirmed
by the head assessor. As soon as the accounts of all the villages in
one or more groups were completed, the head assessors proceeded
to combine and generalize the results with the object of equalizing
the rates of assessment in different villages, which, as they had
hitherto been calculated independently in each village from its past
payments and these were liable to be affected by a variety of
accidents, were frequently very unequal. In the operation of
equalizing the rates the head assessor performed for the villages of
a group what the assessor had performed for the fields of each
village. He distributed among them in the proportion of their net
produce the total average amount ascertained to have been realized
from the whole. This was effected by calculating the amount of net
produce and assessment of all the land in the group at the rates
fixed for each village by the assessors. The amount of net produce
divided by the assessment gave the average proportion of the
assessment to the net produce in the whole group. This being
applied to each class of land in every village, determined the accurate
rate of assessment for that class, with reference to the rest of the
land in the same group and to the past payments of the whole. All
proceedings of the assessors and head assessors were revised in
Mr. Pringle's office with as much care and attention as the
minuteness of detail and the variety of matter allowed. The mode
in which the general principles had been followed was inquired into.
The information collected and the facts observed and recorded
under similar circumstances were compared. The value of the
evidence, the authenticity of the accounts and the reasons for the
several operations were weighed and considered. The complaints
of the holders were heard and investigated, and, where necessary,
the fields were inspected. If in the course of these inquiries any
important error was detected, it was corrected. When the accounts
had undergone this final revision, Mr. Pringle compared the
proportion of the rate of assessment to the net produce with that in
other groups. He invited the opinions of the hereditary district
officers and of others who were either acquainted with the past and
present revenue administration or whose opinion was worthy of
respect from their general information and intelligence. Mr. Pringle
procured such information as he could in regard to the former
history and present resources of the group or pargana, and, on a
consideration of these points and of the general changes in the
country, he determined to confirm the settlement of the head
assessors or to raise or to lower it as circumstances suggested. If
Chapter VIII.
Land'
Mk. PiSinole's
SUKVBY
Settlement,
1829-1831.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
384
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
Mk. Pringlb's
Stibvey
Settlbmbut,
1829-1831.
Shivner,
the assessors' rates were either raised or lowered, the change was
made by the increase or deduction of a uniform proportion of all the
rates.
The available sab-divisional details of this survey and assessment
are given below. The settlement was introduced in Shivner now
Jnnnar, Pabal, Ind^pur, Bhimthadi, Purandhar, and Khed in 1829-30,
and in Haveli and Md,val in 1830-31. It caused a reduction of 11 J
per cent in Junnar and Pabal, and 25J per cent in Khed ; and an
increase of 76 J per cent in Inddpur, 13^ per cent in Bhimthadi,
and 27 J per cent in Purandhar. No information is available
regarding the effect of Mr. Pringle's survey in Haveli and in Maval.
The Shivner or Junnar sub-division was the most northern in the
district. It stretched from the Sahyadris about forty miles east
with an average breadth of about fifteen miles. The west was hilly
and rugged, crossed by valleys running between the east-stretching
hills. Towards the east and south the country became more level,
and, in the Ala and Bela groups, opened into, broad plains. Along
the north a range of hills ran inland, and beyond the hills the limits
of the sub-division spread over a rough and bushy country, till it
joined the Ahmadnagar Collectorate in the valley of the Mula.
Junnar contained 178 Government and thirteen alienated villages.
Exclusive of hills and rivers the measured area of the Government
villages was 336,408 acres. The soil was in general good and
well tilled. In the valleys near the Sahyd,dris, where the supply
of rain was abundant, rice, naclmi, khurdsni, sdva, and other hill
grains were grown, and in the eastern plains good millet and hulga
crops were raised in the lighter soils mixed with pulse as rotation
crops in the best land. The most valuable produce was wheat and
gram of which very fine fields were grown especially near Umraz
and Otur where the soil was perhaps about the best in the Deccan.
The land was usually worked with a four or a six bullock plough,
which in the best soil was used only once in two or three years, the
harrow being employed in the intermediate seasons. The inferior
soils were ploughed every year. Manure was applied liberally to
the best but not to the poor lands. 1473 acres of garden crops
were watered from wells. In general the profit from garden tillage
was not high and from want of capital some of the gardens had
fallen to ruin. Near the town of Junnar were some valuable
plantain and vegetable gardens whose produce found a ready sale in
the Junnar market. These Junnar gardens had hitherto paid an
acre rent of £4 (Rs. 40), the highest rent Mr. Pringle knew of in
the Deccan. But they had been rather over-assessed. No land was
watered from ponds in Junnar and none of any consequence
from rivers except in N^rayangaon where a fine lately repaired dam
watered 415 acres of the best garden land. In the western valleys
the rice depended on the rainfall which was generally certain and
plentiful. The acre outturn was large compared with the produce
of the dry lands but the cost of tillage was heavy as the work was
chiefly done by hired labour. In the open villages near the west
in ordinary seasons the supply of rain was sufficient, but in the
eastern plain the supply was precarious and the villages were less
Deocan.]
POONA.
385
flourishing. There were no large towns. Junnar, Nardyangaon, and
Ofcur were the places of most note, but none of them had over 8000
people. The local demand for produce was trifling, the greater
part of the harvest went to Poona or occasionally to Bombay. The
village records showed in Government villages 6457 landholders,
but the actual number of holders was greater as fields were some-
times held jointly. Of the whole number entered in the accounts,
4846 were hereditary holders or mirdsdars and 1611 were casual
holders or upris. In no part of the Deccan were the rights attending
the hereditary tenure or mirds more distinctly recognized. Almost
every village had deeds of sale and mortgage, generally of old date,
and when the land was valuable it was occasionally the subject of
contest.^ In the open east the husbandmen were chiefly Maratha
Kunbis, and in the west Kolis. The Kunbis were the more intelligent,
but their hardy simple habits fitted the Kolis for the work of tilling
the hilly and rainy west. In the richer villages land was sometimes
held on mortgage by Brdhmans and traders who tilled them either
by hired labour or by arranging to have a Kunbi as managing
partner. Of late years such speculations had become less frequent,
it was said, because profits had decreased.
The Pdbal subdivision lay close to the south of Junnar. Its lands
did not pass so far west as the Sahyadris, where, and to the south it
was bounded by Khed and to the east by Ahmadnagar. In
produce, style of tillage, water, markets, people, and tenures
Pabal closely resembled the open parts of Junnar. The chief points
of difference were that the land was not so rich and that the
proportion of late or rabi crops was smaller. The richest villages
were to the north-west in the Mhdlunga group. To the south-east
also the land was good but the supply of rain was uncertain, and
much distress had been suffered and much land had fallen waste in
the recent unfavourable seasons. There were fifty-four Government
and eleven alienated villages. The Grovernment villages included
184,896 acres with 3249 landholders of whom 2397 were hereditary
and 852 were casual.
Except parts of the hilly west Shivner and Pdbal had formerly
been included in the district or subha of Junnar, which, from its
cession by the Moghals in 1720 until the latter years of Bd.jirav'a
government (1817), was for long periods entrusted to the same
managers or subheddrs. One of these officers Hari Ddmodar had
remained in charge for forty-five years. The subordinate managers
of village groups or tarafs were also appointed under head-quarter
deeds or huzur sanads and were continued during good behaviour.
Their local knowledge and experience made them so useful both to
the government and to the people that they were rarely removed,
and at one time had almost the character of hereditary officers.
West Shivner was later of coming to the MarAthd,8. It formed
what was termed the tdluka of Shivner most of whose revenues
were assigned for the maintenance of the local hill-forts and
garrisons. Like the more eastern parts these vilUages had been
ChaptCT^VIII
Land.
Me. Pbingle'3
SUBVBY.
PdbcU,
Shivmr-Pdbal.
' Mr. Pringle, 1828, para 50. In the three subdivisions Junnar Pdbal and Khed the
greater proportion of the landholders were mirdsddrs attached to the soil. The
Collector, 4th Sept. 1830, Bom. Gov. Kev. Bee, 352 of 1831, 125.
B 1327—49
386
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
Mb. Prinole's
Survey.
Skivner-Pdbal,
18i8.
managed by the same officers during long periods. Under the
MarafcMs before the time of Bd.]irav, subordinate agents called
havdlddrs or meii in charge, agreed to pay the head manager or
subheddr a lump sum for a group of villages and made a detailed
settlement either with the heads of villages or with individual
holders. Hereditary holders or mirdsddrs paid full or sosti rates,
and casual holders or upris paid short or uJcH rates. When
the settlement was made in a lamp sum with the village
head, what fell short on the lands of the casual holders was
made good by an extra levy on the lands of the hereditary
holders. As they were seldom closely examined, the group manager
or havdlddr was generally able to protect himself by showing in
his returns something less than the actual area of full rent or
sosti land. Though under this system much of what was taken
from the people never reached government, the country was on
the whole well tilled and the people were much more flourishing
than at later periods when the assessment was more moderate.
The long terms during which men remained in charge of districts
and of village groups, made them interested in the prosperity of
their villages. They occasionally united the character of banker
with that of revenue manager and were liberal in their advances
and loans, and, on the credit of their long-continued position as
managers, in bad seasons they were able to raise funds to
meet the demands of the district manager or suhheddr without
pressing the landholders. In this way by working together with
the landholders and by keeping their accounts open for a series of
years, the group managers were able to mcke good their advances at
the time when extra payments were least burdensome to the people.
This system continued with little change until the accession of
Bajirav in 1796. Under Bdjir^v the old managers were removed
on the slightest ground and other evil changes were introduced.
Then followed in 1802 the irruption of YashvantrAv Holkar which
caused desolation in Junnar, though the ruin was not so complete
as in some other parts of the Deccan. After the restoration of
BAjirdv by the treaty of Bassein, attempts were made to return
to a better plan of government, bat these attempts were soon
abandoned for the ruinous system of revenue contracting.
When the British assumed the management of the country Junnq.r
and Pabal were at first included in Ahmadnagar. Pabal was soon
transferred to Poena, but till 1821 Junnar remained in Nagar. In
Junnar as in most of Ahmadnagar an important change was made in
the rent settlement or jamdbandi of 1819. The whole of the land which
had hitherto been reckoned in local measures, diifering in name and
extent in almost every village, was nominally turned into bighas
and arranged in classes on hasty and inaccurate information.
Without much inquiry as to how far it had been actually realized,
the full or kamdl rental was adopted as the maximum of assessment
in each village, and apportioned among the different classes at
rates apparently not less arbitrary than the classification. _ Wnen
the increase in the total amount was considerable, it was imposed
gradually by progressive or istdva enhancements. The results or
this settlement were far from uniform. But under the loose way
in which it was carried out, the people in many cases were able to
Deccau.]
POONA.
387
procure land under easy terms ; and the new rates seemed to
have been paid without much difficulty. In Pabal and the other
sub-divisions which were attached to Poona soon after the
British acquisition, the full or sosti rates and the short or uleti
rates of the former government remained undisturbed. The only
changes were that greater indulgence was sometimes shown in
allowing hereditary holders to pay short or ukti rates. On the other
hand the assessment of waste land was occasionally enforced with
more rigour than formerly. Though it was not without objections,
this system probably worked better than any crude attempt at
reform would have worked."^
In settling Junnar and Pihal, their neighbourhood and their
similar circumstances induced Mr. Pringle to regulate the
assessment by the same general standard. The principles on which
the assessment was framed have been explained. As it was the
first attempt to apply those principles, the settlement was interrupted
by many doubts, difficulties, and errors ; many groups had to be
revised twice or even three times. The share of the net produce
which it was decided should be taken by Grovernnlent was 61'75
per cent. When the assessment was completed the people were
called and the result was explained to them. It was found that in
some villages the new rates exceeded and in others fell short of
former payments. The same happened in the case of individuals.
Where the result was an increase the parties were naturally
dissatisfied. They were asked to state their objections, and a
reference to the detailed accounts and to the opinion of their
neighbours was made to show them that their rents had been raised
because their land was found to be of greater extent or of better
quality than had been supposed. If they refused to admit the justice
of the enhancement they were called on to point out any other holder
whose fields they considered as good as their own and who had
obtained more favourable terms. If they pointed out a more
favourable case, a fresh investigation was made on the spot with the
help of the headmen of neighbouring villages. These inquiries
sometimes led to a reduction of the estimate of net produce, but
they more frequently confirmed the assessor's work.
On comparing the details of the new and of the former assessment
Mr. Pringle found that a frequent, though not a uniform, effect
had been the reduction of the rent of the more fertile fields and
villages and the increase of those of inferior quality. This, which
to Mr. Pringle must have been an unexpected and disappointing
result, was he thought due to the working of full rates or sosti and
short rates or ukti, as in many cases under that system, while the
best lands paid very highly, the poorer lands paid little more than
quit-rents. When the landholders' complaints had been heard, and
the settlement of the head assessors had as far as possible been
equalised, it remained to confirm raise or lower their settlement in
such uniform proportion as appeared advisable. Beforp fixing how
Chapter VIIl^
Land.
Mr. Peinglb's
Survey.
Skivner-Pdhal,
' Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 para 61,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
388
DISTRICTS.
Ohapter^VIII.
Land-
Mr. Pringle's
Survey.
Shivner-Pdbal,
18H8.
far to change the assessor's settlement Mr. Pringle had to consider
a case which in his opinion constituted a special exception to the
feneral principle. The case was this. The western valley or the
hore of Madh was held chiefly by Kolis, a simple rude and hardy
people with few ties to bind them to the soil, at the prompting of
pique or of disgust always ready to take to their favourite pastime
of freebooting. Probably to keep the Kolis settled their lands had
been held on very favourable terms. The general effect of the new
assessment would in some cases have more than doubled the Kolis'
rates. This was no more than the fertility of the soil justified, and
as most of the Kolis were casual holders or upris they had no claim
of right to any special indulgence ; still Mr. Pringle considered that
in the case of men of this class the recovery of the full rental was
less important than keeping them settled and quiet. Accordingly,
in the villages where the increase would have been heavy and in one
or two similar villages in neighbouring valleys, Mr. Pringle made a
reduction of twenty per cent on the survey rental before bringing
them into comparison with the rest of the country.
The amount of land assessment in Junnar and Pabal fixed by the
head assessors on the basis of past collections was £47,980
(Es. 4,79,800). As the accounts of former management had been
found very complete and as they went back to some of the best
periods of Mardtha government, general considerations, connected
with the altered circumstances of the country, induced Mr. Pringle to
consider this amount greater than could be easily realized, consistently
with a liberal regard for the welfare of tbe people. He accordingly
made a general reduction which together with the special reduction
in the Koli lands, and, with revisions in some cases where the
calculations of the net produce had been excessive, amounted to a
reduction of 14"012 per cent on the assessor's total rental. This
brought the final assessment to £41,257 (Rs. 4,12,570) and the
proportion on the net produce to 54'03 per cent. Of 2460 wells
in both sub-divisions only 237 were capable of yielding rent and of
these the assessment on the principles laid down in Grovernment
letter dated 12th October 1826 amounted to £265 (Rs. 2650). But
the whole of this did not fall due until the periods of exemption had
expired. The details are 0-
8BIVNER-PJ.BAL SETTLEMENT, 1828.
Lanb.
Tilled.
Waste.
Wells.
Area.
Rent.
Area.
Rent.
Number
Rent,
Government ... ...
Alienated
Acres.
230,645
30,095
Es.
2,70,829
36,610
Acres.
139,148
Bs.
1,06,133
237
216
Rs.
2656
3458
1 Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 para 72. There were 119,820 acres of nnarable
laud and 2223 wells paying no rent. Though entered under Tilled, the alienated
acres and their rental are totals whose detail as to tilled and untilled is not given
in Mr. Pringle's report. The rupees shown in the statement are cmkushi rupees
one of which was equal to 0*958 of a British rupee. See Bom. Gov, Sel. LXX. 12.
Deccan.]
POONA.
389
Under this settlement the assessment of Government land exceeded
Malik Ambar's total or tankha by £5843 (Rs. 58,430) and was £6119
(Rs. 61,190) less than tlie average of past collections. In each village
the tillage area was entered for the year in which the village was
surveyed. These amounted in the Government land to 230,645 acres
of which the survey assessment was £27,083 (Rs. 2,70,830) which
was £3564 (Rs. 35,640) less than the existing or actual rent-
settlement or J amdb an di. An increase in the well receipts reduced
the deficiency to £3343 (Rs. 33,430).^
Inddpur lay between the Nira and Bhima which met at its south-
east corner. It contained eighty-six villages of which ten were wholly
alienated and were not surveyed. The seventy-six villages which
were either entirely or partially in the possession of Government,
covered 306,767 acres exclusive of hills. The soil in the river-
bank villages was in general deep and rich. The uplands between
the rivers were barren and stony. The chief produce was white
jvdri. The proportion of waste was not very great, but the cultivated
area bore marks of the landholder's poverty and want of capital. The
heavy eight-bullock plough was used every year in the deep soils.
Manure was seldom given except to watered lands. It was its
proverbially scanty supply of rain that made Indd,pur the most
unprodutive sub-division of Poena. The only watering was from
wells, and the area watered from wells was small.
During Mar^tha rule IndApur is said to have flourished most under
the management of Mddhavrav (1761-1772) and of Nana Fadnavis
(1774-1796). At that time most of the sub-division was assigned for
the support of pdgekaris that is commandants of horse and shileddrs
that is self-horsed troopers of whom considerable bodies were
stationed in all the chief villages, probably to guard the Nizam's
frontier. The few records which remained showed that, at that
time, compared with what it afterwards became, the area under
tillage was great, the rates were high, and there was a much larger
body of hereditary holders. The decline of Inddpur dated from
1794. A succession of bad seasons and misgovernment reduced its
resources and its ruin was completed in 1802 by the ravages of a
detachment of Holkar's army under Fatesing Mane. The ruin
caused by this army was followed by the failure of the late rains of
1803 and a famine so grievous that the whole of the people left their
villages. For six years the land remained empty. It was then
granted on a favourable lease to one Malh^r Mukund. The lease
lasted for nine years, and, at the end of the nine years, the demand
was limited to Malik Ambar's very moderate assessment. At the
beginning of British management its state was comparatively
prosperous, except that the hereditary holders who had fled in the
time of desolation, had never come back to claim their lands. From
the almost total destruction of village records about 1 803 and the
irregular system that had since prevailed, little information was
available regarding the principles on which the assessment was
regulated in the best times. Such accounts as were forthcoming
Chapter^VIII
Land-
Me. Pringle's
Survey.
Inddpur,
1 Mr. Pringlo, 6th September 1828 para 73.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
390
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land'
Mr. Pbingle's
SaRVBY.
Inddpur,
seemed to show that the land had been held on full or sosti and on
short or uJcti rates in much the same way as in Shivner and Pdbal.
When Indapur came under British management, it was at first
placed under the Collector of -Ahmadnagar. The rent settlement of
1819 was made by his establishment on the plan adopted in Junnar.
In Indapur the full Maratha settlement or kamdl which was intro-
duced as the maximum to which by gradual enhancements the
G-overnment demand was to rise, was so greatly in excess of the usual
collections that it could not hare been continued. For three years
as the rates were moderate, crops good, and prices high,
Indapur flourished. But low grain prices in 1822 and- 1823, and
an almost complete failure of rain in 1823 and 1824 reduced
the people to the extremest poverty. In 1826 the Collector of
Poona endeavoured to restore cultivation by gi-anting village
leases for five years on rents rising to twenty -five per cent over
Malik Ambar's assessment or tankha. The terms were moderate.
But such was the scarcity both of people and of capital that few
men were found willing to undertake the risk, and of those who
took leases, in consequence of the want of rain in 1826-27, the
greater number failed to pay even the moderate sums required.
The system of leases was abandoned and the lands were given to
people on such short or ukti rents as they were willing to pay."^
Indapur was the largest town in the sub-division. It had once been
a place of importance. But in 1828 its trade was inconsiderable
and its only manufacture was the weaving of coarse cloth for the
use of the neighbouring villagers. The grain went chiefly to
Phaltan and Bdramati and from there to the Konkan and Poona.
Of the husbandmen only a very small proportion were hereditary
holders and these were chiefly of headmen's families. Few others
had survived the wars and famines which had laid Inddpur
waste. The casual holders or upris for the most part belonged to
the neighbouring territories of the Nizdm and the Rdja of Satdra,
or they had come from higher assessed British lands attracted by
low rates but without any permanent interest in the soil. The
villages were ruinous, and, when Mr. Pringle visited them, had
become half empty or entirely deserted in consequence of a recent
(1827) failure of rain.^
As the assessing of Indapur was begun later than the assessing
of Junnar and Pabal, Mr. Pringle's experience enabled him to clear
many of the assessors' doubts and to correct many of their errors.
Still several delays occurred and there was much to put in order
and to correct, which required the constant supervision of Mr.
Pringle and his establishment. The materials for the assessment
were more scanty than they had been in Junnar and Pabal. The
old records were less complete ; many of the holders were absent,
aaid, of those who attended, many were new-comers or casual residents
who took little interest in the survey. While the work was in
'Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 paras 79-80. Mr. Gibeme, Collector, 4th
September 1830, Bom. Gov. Rev. Bee. 352 of 1831, 115-119.
' Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 para 74.
Deccan.]
POONA.
3&1
progress, Mr. Pringle visited almost every village ia tlie sub-division
unaccompanied by any. of his establishment and encouraged the
people to give him their opinion regarding the survey. Some of the
more intelligent seemed sensible of the justice of the views with
which it was undertaken, and in general were satisfied with the
means which had been used to apportion the rates on the different
fields. By far the greater number showed an apathy very different
from the jealous anxiety of the hereditary holders of Junnar. A series
of bad seasons had taken the heart out of the Indapur husbandmen.
Provided they obtained present relief, they were willing to trust
the future to the mercy and moderation of Grovernment, aware that if
G-overnment asked more than they could pay, they could with little
inconvenience move to some other part of the country vrhere rents
were lower. The assessors fixed twenty-five per cent of the net
produce as the average of past collections. The extreme lowness of
this rate was due to the fact that the papers from which it was
calculated belonged to the years that followed the ruin of 1803 and
included many years of specially light leases or kauls. It would have
been impolitic to make a rate obtained under such circumstances
permanent. Mr. Pringle had no hesitation in increasing it, but, as
he thought that in estimating the gross produce the assessors had
not made sufficient allowance for the precarious rainfall and as
Inddpur was much more impoverished than Junnar or Pabal, he
judged it inadvisable to raise the Inddpur assessment to the Junnar
standard. Under these circumstances he determined to increase
the head assessor's settlement by 12 1 per cent, a change which raised
the Government demand to about 28|- per cent of the net produce.
A due allowance for the uncertainty of the rain supply would
probably raise the share to about 45 per cent or nine per cent less
than the proportion finally fixed in Junnar and Pabal. When the
head assessors had equalized and completed the assessment as in
Junnar and Pdbal, it was found to raise the payments of some
holders and of some villages and to lower the payments of others.
In this respect as in Junnar the new rates were found most often
favourable to the best lands. Most of the villages on the Nira
had their rates raised, while in the Bhima villages the rates were
relatively reduced. This result appeared to be due to the fact
that the area of land had hitherto been estimated much lower in
the Nira than in the Bhima villages, though there was no
corresponding difference in the quality of the soil. The results
when explained to the holders were considered good or bad
according as their effect was to lower or to raise their individual
payments. The doubts of all the villages which objected were,
with a single exception, either removed or silenced by an explanation
of the causes of the change or by a reference to the accounts and
a comparison with the details of other villages. In the case of
the single village which refused to accept the new rates, accompanied
by the hereditary district officers and by the headmen of other
villages, clerks from the Collector's office were sent to inspect the
land. The inquiry confirmed the correctness of the assessors' rates.
The total rental fixed by the head assessors on Government and
alienated lands was £17,532 (Rs. 1,75,320) and the increase which
Chapter^VIII
Laud.
Mr. Peinglk's
SUBVEY.
Indapur,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Mr. PaiNaLE's
Survey.
Ind&pur,
£himthadi.
Purandhar,
Khed.
392
DISTEICTS.
Mr. Pringle imposed raised it to £19,723 (Rs. 1,97,230). The
well-tax yielded an additional sum of £418 (Rs. 4130) that is a
total of £20,136 (Rs. 2,01,360). The details are :i
IndApur Settlement, 18S8.
Land.
Tilled.
Waste.
Wells.
Area.
Rent.
Area.
Kent.
Number
Rent.
Government
Alienated
Acres.
168,766
14.376
Rs.
142,166
11,596
Acres.
63,474
Rs.
43,481
237
35
Rs.
8652
678
The total settlement of £18,564 (Rs. 1,85,640) on Government
land was £5987 (Rs. 59,870) above Malik Ambar's total or
tankha and £6049 (Rs. 50,490) below the Mardtha total or
kamdl, and £2068 (Rs. 20,680) more than that calculated from the
average of past collections. The survey assessment of cultivated
Government land exceeded the existing or actual settlement or
jamdbandi by £6168 (Rs. 61,680) or an increase of 76^ per cent.
But, as Mr. Pringle says, this was of no importance when the
circumstances under which the land was let at the time of survey
were taken into consideration.^
In Bhimthadi the new survey and assessment raised the rates on
cultivated land 13^ per cent over the former settlement.^
In Purandhar the new survey and assessment rates on Government
land exceeded past collections by £6860 (Rs. 68,600) or 33J per
cent. The increase in the assessment on cultivated land was £3904
(Rs. 39,040) or 27^ per cent, being less in proportion than on the
whole rental as the greater increase fell on the waste land. The
increase of the new rates over the settlement (Rs. 88,460) of 1828-29
was £2086 (Rs. 20,860) or about 24 per cent.*
In Khed the new survey rates were fixed at 65 per cent on the
net produce, a result which averaged about 27| per cent less than
former collections. The fall in the assessment of cultivated land
compared with the existing settlement was £3191 (Rs. 81,910) or
26| per cent.^
Mr. Pringle's assessment was introduced between 1829 and 1831.
During 1829-30 it came into force in Bhimthadi, Purandhar, Indapur,
' Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828 para 89. There were 60, 152 'acres of unarable
land and 444 wells paying no rent. Though pntered under Tilled, the alienated acres
and their rental are totals whose detail as to tilled and waste is not given in Mr.
Pringle's report.
''Mr. Pringle, 6th September 1828, para 90. 'The assessment of cultivated land
exceeded the actual jamdbandi by £6168 (Rs. 61,680). This the Superintendent
considered of no importance as the land was let so low in former years,' Mr,
Gibeme, Collector, 4th September 1830, Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 352 of 1831, 115-119.
'Mr. Gibeme, Collector, 4th September 1830, Rev. Rec. 352 of 1831, 108-110.
"Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 352 of 1831, 112-U5.
^ Besides in Khed, in Junnar and Pdbal the new survey also as noticed above
occasioned a reduction in the rates. In Indapur Purandhar and Bhimthadi it caused
an increase. In the three sub-divisions of Khed Junnar and PAbal the greater
proportion of the landholders were well-to-do hereditary holders attached to the soil.
The Collector Mr. Giberne, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 352.of 1831, 125.
Deccau]
POONA.
893
Khed, Junnar or Shivner, and P^bal ; and into Haveli, M^val, and
Mohol (now in Sholapur) in 1830-31.^ Mr. Pringle's settlement
was not found to improve the state of the district. In practice
over most of the district the new rates were never actually enforced.
In 1 836 a fresh survey and settlement was begun.
In 1829-30 there was another failure of rain. In Indapurj
Bhimthadi, and part of Purandhar, at the end of September 1829j
not a blade of grass was to be seen. The crops failed completely ;
they were dried up before they came into ear. In the east no
collections were made except at spots where moisture gathered.
Early in the year the people took their cattle with them and left
in great numbers. In addition to remissions of about £38,400
(Rs. 3,84,000), or about £22,100 (Rs. 2,21,000) more than the sum
granted in 1828-29, land assessed at £7772 (Rs. 77,720) was thrown
up as its holders were too poor to stay and had left. The
outstandings were large. Compared with 1828-29 the land revenue
settlement for 1829-30 showed a fall from £111,711 to £45,409
(Rs. 11,17,110 -Rs. 4,54,090). This fall was partly due to the
transfer of three large sub-divisions, ShoMpur to Ahmadnagar
and Indi and - Muddebihal to Dharwar, yielding about £43,400
(Rs. 4,34,000) of revenue.2
The Bhimthadi sub-division was the first in which the Collector
Mr. Giberne introduced Mr. Pringle's new settlement. About £2600
(Rs. 26,000) were outstanding from former years. The year 1828-29
was one of partial failure and remissions were required, but owing
to changes in the staff of the local officers none were granted.^ In
1829-30, according to Mr. Pringle's rates, the settlement amounted
to £5946 (Rs. 59,460). Of this only about £2000 (Rs. 20,000)
could be collected, as the want of rain completely ruined the crops
and wasted the greater part of this sub-division. Since 1827-28,
when Mr. Pringle's surveyors had measured the country, 27,312
acres had fallen out of tillage. In 1827-28 the new rates showed
an increase of 13J per cent on the rental but the settlement was
made according to the old system; £4627 (Rs. 46, 270) were remitted,
and of the £1581 (Rs. 15,810) which remained over, £605
(Rs. 6050) were outstanding at the close of the year. Compared
with 1822-23 the settlement of Bhimthadi in 1828-29 showed a
fall from £10,930 (Rs. 1,09,300) to £6600 (Rs. 66,000) or about
forty per cent. When managed by the Tulsibag family Bhimthadi
is said to have enjoyed considerable prosperity. Of this prosperity
few traces were left. The villages looked poor and distressed and
there seemed little chance of recovering the increased revenue
which according to Mr. Pringle's survey might be recovered without
hardship to the landholders.*
In Purandhar the new survey assessment exceeded past collections
by £6860 (Rs. 68,600) or 33^ per cent. The increase in the
Chapter^VIII
Land-
The Beitish,
Bhimthadi.
Purandhar.
^ Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec, 352 of 1831, 105-106.
" Mr. Giberne, September 1830, Bom. Gov. Eev. Beo. 352 of 1831, 101-104.
' The whole rental was brought to account. In September 1830 the Collector
reported that about £500 (Rs, 5000) would have to be written ofif. Bom. Gov.
Eev. Eec. 352 of 1831, 102-103, 113.
* Mr. Giberne, 4th September 1830, Bom. Gov, Eev. Keo, 352 of 1831, 108-11 .
B 1327—50
[Bombay Gazetteer,
894
DISTRICTS.
Chapter YIII.
Land.
The British.
Purandhar,
18^9-30.
Inddpur.
assessment on cultivated land was £3904 (Rs. 39,040) or 27J per
cent, being less in proportion than on tlie whole rental as the increase
chiefly fell on the waste land. The new rates showed an increase
of £2086 (Rs. 20,860) over the settlement £8846 (Rs. 88,460) of
1828-29. The year 1828-29 was one of partial failure and remissions
were required, hut they were not granted owing to a change of
oflScers as stated in Bhimthadi.^ The cultivation in this sub-division
varied little. The net settlement amounted to £10,448 (Rs. 1,04,480).
The year 1829-30 was one of almost total failure and required the
large sum of £6094 (Rs. 60,940) of remissions leaving £4354
(Rs. 43,540) to be collected. Compared with 1822-23 before which
remissions had not been granted, the settlement of 1828-29 showed
a decrease from £11,007 (Rs. 1,10,070) to £8846 (Rs. 88,460) that
is a fall of at least one-fifth in the revenues in six years. ^ For the
three years ending 1828-29 outstanding balances in Purandhar
amounted to £4800 (Rs. 48,000). In September 1830 the Collector
feared that the season of 1829-30 would add to the outstanding
balance. The people were particularly backward in paying the
revenue and it was difiBcult to distinguish the deserving poor from
the quarrelsome and cavilling holders who could afford to pay.*
Inddpur was a more peculiar sub-division than either Bhimthadi
or Purandhar. The rainfall was scanty and its revenue was doubtful.
Few of the people were bound to the land ; most of them were
strangers. The new survey raised the Government demand by
76| per cent. In April 1830 Mr. Giberne the Collector showed what
evils would result from any attempt to enforce these higher rates.
In June 1830 in order to bring back people who had left, he had
been allowed to keep to the old rates showing the difference
sacrificed as a temporary reduction. The settlement of 1829-30 .by
Mr. Pringle's rates represented £9157(Rs. 91,570), but in September
1830 the Collector wrote that the crops had failed so completely
that only a mere trifle could be realised. So entirely did the rain
fail that immediately after the close of the rains not a blade of
grass was to be seen. Early in the season, probably about July, the
people left as water had failed. The returns showed a decrease
of cultivation representing a loss of £1021 (Rs. 10,210) of revenue.*
In the Collector's opinion some change of system was required.
Under the existing system if a plot of land was thrown up it would
be let to the first bidder and as there was no scarcity of waste the
highest bid would be far below the sum paid by the last holder.
Such a practice tempted the steady farmer and hereditary tenant
to throw up his paternal land for a more favourable tenure and
made the whole body of husbandmen unsettled and careless. Under
Mr. Pringle's new settlement this evil had been checked. In time
the people would see the advantages of keeping to and improving
' The whole rental was brought to account. In yeptember 1830 the Collector
reported that about £2000 (Rs, 20,000) would have to be written off. Bom.Gov.
Bev. Kec. 352 of 1831, 102, 103, 11.?.
= Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 352 of 1831, 112-115.
' Mr. Gibeme, CoUeotor, Sept. 1830, Bora. Gov, Rev, Kec. 352 of 1831, 112-115.
* Bom.Gov. Ker, Kec. 352 of 1831, 115-119.
Deccan]
POONA.
395
the lands they held. Mr. Giberne was doubtful whether in some
cases the new rates had not been fixed too high. He had hoped that
a revenue survey would have tended to a reduction of rates and that
the necessity of remissions would have ceased. Unfortunately the
failure of the 1829-30 crops had been so general and so complete
that the amount settled by the new assessment could never have
been realised.^ The state of the people was very depressed. They
were well known to live from hand to mouth. They began to eat their
crops before they were ripe and daily plucked unripe grain to give
them a meal. If the season was favourable the price of grain fell
so low as to make the produce of little value and remissions were
required. Even if the season was bad the price did not rise because
there was many years' supply on hand and remissions had again to
be g^ven.^ As the rates introduced by the new settlement were
considered to bo such as the people were able to pay and such as
Government were entitled to levy, the Collector did, not grant
remissions in the old way but held over for future recovery the
amount by which the collections fell short of the settlement.
The Collector told the people their only chance of getting the
balance remitted was by seeing that in future there were no
balances. At the same time he was certain that the balance could
never be recovered. He had hoped that the new settlement would
have reduced the rates so greatly that the revenue would have been
easily paid instead of being drawn forth with the greatest labour.
He was greatly disappointed that this had not been the result. In
other respects, in the arrangement of the accounts, the distinction
of fields, and the other details the new settlement could not be
improved. Everything was simplified to the utmost. Only the
revenue would be as difficult to collect as it had ever been. Before
1822-2;J the revenue was collected with the greatest ease; no
remissions were ever thought of. This was partly owing to the
high price of grain, and the ease with which produce was
disposed of. It was also insured by the character of the people,
and their fears of delaying the payment arising from the mode
formerly in use of compelling payment by a variety of cruel
methods, burning fingers or tying up the delinquent with heavy
stones fastened to his chest or head. Though under the English these
punishments were not practised, from their recent enforcement they
were still dreaded. Even after the beginning of British management
a stone sent round to the backward villages summoned payments, a
practice which was never thought of in 1830. In 1830 a landholder
had nothing to fear from delaying to pay. The severest punishments
were a gain to him.^ The only course open to the Collector was to
enforce the regulations regarding the appointment of watchmen
over the crops until a settlement was made for payment. This rule
would be in force during the current year j it had never been
enforced before.*
Chapter^VIII-
Laud.
The British.
Inddpur,
18^9-30.
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 352 of 1831, 106-108.
2 Mr. Gibeme, Collector, 1830, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 352 of 1831, 130-131.
' Mr. Giberne, Collector, 1830, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 352 of 1831, 131-134.
^ Mr. Giberne, Collector, 4th September 1830, Rev, Rec. 352 of 1831, 138-139.
[Bombay Qa7.etteer,
396
DISTRICTS.
ChapterJVIII.
Laud.
The Bkitish.
Bhimthadi,
Purandhar,
Inddpur,
1829-30.
1830-31.
In Btimthadi, Purandhar, and Inddpur the new survey settlement
bad increased the rates. Even under the former low rates, large
remissions were required and every year large balances remained
outstanding. The Collector saw no reason to suppose that the
new settlement would reduce these evils. The principles of the
new survey were to fix a rate which the landholders could and
ought to pay and Government ought to receive. The survey
superintendent Mr. Pringle said that Collectors should have the
power of imposing the increase so gradually that the pressure of the
new rates would be less felt. If this was acted on, the result would
be to lower rates fixed on the principle of the survey, proved by the
superintendent to be those which the holder could and ought to pay.
If the Collector were to take on himself the reduction of these rates
in theory he had no good reason to offer why the full rates should
not be levied. But he knew that as a matter of fact the new rates
could not be collected. If he took less than the rate fixed by the
settlement, because he could not obtain it, he set aside the principle
on which the settlement was based.^ In Inddpur from sheer
necessity the full rates were not levied. If the new rates were
enforced the Collector feared that the greater part of the subdivision
would become waste. His fear was grounded on the fact that the
greater part of the people had left from want of water and
afterwards refused to return to till the land at higher rates.^ In
Purandhar the Collector made arrangements for introducing the
increase by degrees. Where the rates had been doubled he directed
five-eighths (10 as. in the rupee) of the full amount to be levied in
the first instance and an addition of -/^nds (1| as. in the rupee) to be
made every year so that five years would pass before the full amount
was levied. Even this concession failed to satisfy the people. So
great was the distress that in 1830 the lands of the large town of
Sdsvad were almost all neglected.*
The failure of the 1829 rains was followed by a second year of
scanty supply. In the east in Bhimthadi, Inddpur, Mohol now
in Sholapur, and in part of Purandhar the crops completely
failed. An early and plentiful fall of rain raised the cultivators'
hopes, but the after-failure of rain withered the plants when they
were only a few inches above ground. At harvest time the country
was a miserable waste, and the people were suffering and full of
complaints. Still the actual collections for 1830-31 were more
favourable than those of former years. Territorial changes
prevented any exact comparison. In 1830-31 Sholapur and Barsi
were transferred from Ahmadnagar to Poona. In spite of the local
^ Mr, Gibeme, Collector, Sept. 1830, Bora. Gov. Rev. Beo. 352 of 1831, 119-120.
= Regarding IndApur, on the 26th of March 1835, the Rev. Comr. Mr. Williamson
■wrote, 'Before the new survey rates were introduced at Iudd,pur the Collector
expressed great fears of their success. The first year he estimated the survey
assessnient at about £9159 (Rs. 91,590) -while he seemed to think he could not realise
more than £4230 (Rs. 42,300) being less than one-half the assessed amount. The crops
were very bad. No remissions were sanctioned, A large sum was kept suspended
and the actual realisations fell greatly short even of the Collector's estimate.' Bom.
Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 18.35, 8.
' Mr. Gibeme, Collector, Sept. 1830, Rom. Gov. Eev. Kec. 352 of 1831, 120 - 122.
Deccanl
POONA.
397
failure of rain produce prices continued very low from ttirty-three
to fifty per cent below the average of prices during the twenty years
before the beginning of British management.^ Large remissions
were again necessary.^ The land revenue settlement of 1830-31
showed an increase from £45,409 (Es. 4,64,090) in 1829-30 to £67,185
(Rs. 6,71,850). Compared with former years the actual collections
were favourable.*
In 1831-32 compared with 1830-31 the land revenue settlement
showed an increase from £67,185 (Rs. 6,71,850) to £68,073 (Rs.
6,80,730); remissions on account of land and miscellaneous revenue
showed a fall from £37,420 to £24,998 (Rs. 3,74,200 -Rs. 2,49,980) ;
and outstandings were comparatively small.* In this year the
Commissioner Mr. Dunlop directed the attention of the Collectors to
the ruined state of the village walls and of the necessity of having
them repaired.^
In 1832 the rains again failed. The scarcity began about sixteen
miles east of Poona and extended to the extreme east and south of
the district. The loss of revenue was most marked in Sholapur,
Mohol, Barsi, Indapur, Bhimthadi, and Purandhar. In Indapur
the net rental was £7403 (Rs. 74,030), and of this the whole except
£806 (Rs. 8060) had to be remitted. To the west of a line about
sixteen miles east of Poona the early rain was abundant. About
the middle of the season the supply failed and the half -grown fields
of grain being left without moisture yielded either no crops at all or
a very poor outturn. The after-rains were so slight that the late
crops were either never sown or died soon after they sprang up.
The land revenue settlement showed a fall from£ 68,073 (Rs. 6,80,730)
in 1831-32 to £88,715 (Rs. 3,87,150).«
On the 18th of July 1831 Mr. Pringle proposed to grant a uniform
reduction of thirty-three per cent upon the settlement made by>
him.^ On the 7th of October 1831 Grovernment asked the Revenue
Chapter^ VIII
Land.
The BKiTiaH.
1831-32,
' The details are : Poona District, Produce Rupee Prices, 1797-1831.
Sub- Division.
1797-1817.
1831.
Sdb-Division.
1797-1817.
1831.
Shert.
Shers.
Shers.
Shers.
Shivner
201
33
Bhimthadi ...
23
30i
Indapur
22
36
Haveli
21
31
Khed
26
38
MSlval
17
27i
P&bal
21
33
Poona City,..
20
26i
Purandhar ...
19
27
Mr. Gibeme, Collector, 15th August 1831, Bom. Gov. Rev. Kec. 407 of 1832, 302.
= Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 407 of 1832, 276, 291, 292.
3 Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 407 of 1832, 290. Regarding IndApur, on the 26th March
1835 the Revenue Comr. Mr. Williamson wrote, ' In 1830-31 the mAmlatddr reported
that the landholders refused to cultivate the land according to the survey rates. A
correspondence followed between the Collector and the md,mlatddr which ended in
an order to the mAmlatd^r not to demand increases which added more than 25 per
cent to the former assessment. Where the new rates were lower than the old, the
new rates only were to be collected. Even this reduced assessment did not stand.
The crops were again bad and remissions were granted.' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of
1835, 8-9. ■* Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 484 of 1833, 21, 23, 24.
' Mr. Dunlop, 29th November 1831, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 406 of 1832, 13.
' Bom. Gov.. Rev. Rec. 550 of 1834, 11 -48.
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 426 and 427 of 1832.
[Bombay Gazetteer^
398
Chapter VIII.
Laud-
The British.
Mr. Pringle's
Survey,
DISTRICTS.
Commissioner for his opinion on the proposed reduction. Mr. Raid
the Acting Revenue Commissioner referred the matter to the
Collector and asked for a figured statement. This was furnished on
the 10th of August 1832,1 and on the 15th of February 1833 the
Revenue Commissioner Mr. Williamson in submitting his report** to
Government remarked that Mr. Pringle's estimates of the average
price of field produce were framed when produce was much more
valuable than it had since become. .Mr. Wilhamson thought, that if
there was reason to suppose the great fall in produce prices would
last, Mr. Pringle's suggestion to reduce his rates by thirty-three per
cent would be a suitable measure. But, since Mr. Pringle had made
the proposal for reducing his rates, in consequenc of the failure of
crops in 1832, prices were higher than they had been even in the
years on which Mr. Pringle's original estimates were based. The
food stocks were also so low that Mr. Williamson thought even a
good year would fail to bring grain down to its former low level.'
Mr. Williamson doubted whether the system on which Mr. Pringle's
rates had been fixed was so good that the simple plan of reducing
the rates all round would make the settlement successful. Mr.
Williamson's experience satisfied him that Mr. Pringle's assessment
was too light on the good lands and too heavy on the poor lands.
Government lost in both ways. The good land paid less than it
ought, and the poor land fell waste.* Finally Mr. Williamson
feared that the work of Mr. Pringle's subordinates was not trust-
worthy. Complaints of the dishonesty of some of the under-servants
were loud. He thought that an officer should be appointed under
the Revenue Commissioner and deputed to go in detail through a
certain number of villages and compare the result of his examination
with the details recorded in Mr. Pringle's survey. Government
would then be in a position to judge how far Mr. Pringle's
assessment might be accepted as accurate. Government agreed
with the Revenue Commissioner that further information regarding
^ Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 517 of 1833, 38, 47. The total amount of loss on the gross
settlement of the year 1831-32 {Fasli 1241) was estimated at £22,249 (Rs. 2,22,490).
The details are :
Poona Revenue, ISSl-SH.
SnB-DmsiOK.
Grosa
Settle-
ment.
Amount
at 33 per
cent.
Remia-
Bions.
Sub-Division.
Gross
Settle-
ment.
Amount
at 33 per
cent.
Eemifl-
sions.
Shivner
Ind^pur
Khed
P4bal
Purandhar ..
Bhimthadi ...
Es.
1,62,672
69,868
81,671
80,190
96,706
61,999
Rs.
60.,382
23,0-53
26,919
2e,463
31,912
20,460
Es.
60,724
60,009
11,069
37,163
36,918
26,415
Haveli
Maval
Foona City...
Total ...
Rs.
76,830
51,997
2383
Bs.
25,364
17,159
786
Es.
16,603
'619
6,74,208
3,22,488
2,38,400
= Bom. Gov. Rev. Ree. 517 of 1833, 37-43.
'At lad&Tpxir jvdri rupee prices were in April 1829 about 160 pounds (80 sAers),
in April 1830 about 92 pounds (46 shers), in May 1831 about 80 pounds (40 shers), in
February 1832 about 120 pounds {60 shers], in February 1833 about 46 pounds (23
shers), in February 1834 about 92 pounds (46 shers), "in February 1835 about 96
pounds (48 shers), and in February 1836 about 76 pounds (38 shers). Bom. Gov.
Sel, CVII. 118. ■• Bom. Got. Rev. Reo, 595 o£ 1834, 9.-11.
Deccan-]
POONA.
399
tlie trustworthiness of Mr. Pringle's assessment was required. In
March 1833 they appointed Captain Dowell of the Ratndgiri survey
to make inquiries into the surrey assessment lately completed by
Mr. Pringle.^ Shortly after his appointment Captain Dowell fell
sick and the inquiry had to be put off.^ In November 1833
Government ordered that the survey rates should be continued, but
that the Collector might make inquiries and introduce amended
rates in a few villages.*
In 1833-34, the famous pik sal or crop-year, the rainfall was
sufficient and timely. Out of a land revenue of £96,461 (Rs. 9,64,610)
all but £3856 (Rs. 38,560) were collected by November 1834.* The
changes which had to be introduced in Mr. Pringle's settlement
rates in consequence of the succession of bad years, caused great
confusion in the revenue accounts'. This confusion opened a door
for fraud, and the native officials seem to have fallen into a state of
grave corruption. They appropriated a great part of the liberal
remissions to their own use, and introduced a system of secret
exactions which in some cases produced more than double the
Government revenue. The Revenue Commissioner believed that
not one-half of the remissions had reached the people and not one-
half of the collections had reached the Governmenb.^ In June
1834 Mr. Baber the Collector of Poena wrote to the mdmlatdd,r to
try and recover more of the outstandings in his charge, and told
him that his promotion would depend on the vigour he showed in
recovering the' outstandings. Soon after this it was discovered
that the people had been tortured to make them pay the revenue.
Twenty persons including the mdmlatdd.r and several hereditary
officers were convicted of torturing or of abetting torture and were
imprisoned for periods varying from one to seven years.®
In 1834 (January 30th) Major Robertson forwarded the results
of his inquiries into the details of Mr. Pringle's settlement. H©
considered the work so full of inaccuracies and frauds that it could
not safely be made the basis of fresh assessments.'' In this opinion
Mr. Williamson the Revenue Commissioner (27th April 1834)
agreed.^ In Mr. Williamson's opinion one of the chief reasons
why Mr. Pringle's work had ended in failure, was the unfitness of
the stafE. They were ignorant of the work at starting, and
they were employed only for a time, and so were tempted to
carelessness and dishonesty. There was no sufficient supervision
and Mr. Pringle had to leave much to his headman wha had since
Chapter VIII.
Land-
The British.
Mr. Pringle's
1833-34,
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 517 of 1833, 49, 51-52, 55, 57-59.
* The Ilev. Comr. 29th June 1833, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 517 of 1833, 191 ; Gov.
Letter, 16th October 1833. Ditto, 241.
3 Gov. Letter, 21st Nov. 1833 ; Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 517 of 1833, 249 - 252, 255.
<The Collector, 19th January 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 628 of 1835, 14.
. 'The Revenue Commissioner's Reports on the subject are dated 24th October 1832
and 19th August 1833, quoted in his Report of 26th March 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec.
666 of 1835, 11 - 12.
« Details are given in Bom. Gov. Sel. CVH. 17-19.
'Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec 595 of 1834, 37 - 131.
8Boin. Gov. Rev. R«o. 595 of 1834, 1-33.
[Bombay Gazetteer^
Chapter^yill.
Land.
The Bkitish.
Mr. Pringle's
Survey,
400
DJSTEICTS.
been convicted by the Sessions Judge of fraud and cbeating.^
Besides the unsuitableness of the staff for the difficult and important
details of field work there had been no provision for supervision.
The only case where special inquiry was made was when some land-
holder complained of the new rates. There was no protection to
Government against the fraud of an assessor charging land unduly
low rates. Major Eobertson detected several cases in which rice
and garden land was entered as dry cropj and in some instances
whole villages were rated at a fraction of similar and neighbouring
villages. Many fraudulent changes to the loss of Government had
been made in Mr. Pringle's head-quarter office. Alienated or
indm land had been increased and temple allowances had been
raised as much as 37i per cent.^ Under these circumstances Mr.
Williamson thought that without further inquiry it was unsafe to
base any settlement on Mr. Pringle's survey. He suggested that
an officer should be appointed to resume the inquiry which had,
been begun by Captain Dowell.* In July 1834 Government
ordered that the temple allowances should be reduced to the former
amount.* In August 1834 they appointed Lieutenant Shortrede to
resume the inquiry formerly entrusted to Captain Dowell.^
In 1834 the rainfall must again have been sufficient though less
favourable. The land revenue showed a fall from £96,461
(Es. 9,64,610) in 1833-34 to £92,720 (Rs. 9,27,200), but by the end
of October 1835, all but £5817 (Rs. 58,170) were coUected.a About
this time an important and useful change was made in the revenue
management by appointing mahalkaris or petty division officers
subordinate to mdmlatdars.^ This change at first seemed to work
well. It was afterwards found that the mahalkari^'s staff had been
fixed at too low a strength. Their strength was increased, and in
1838 Mr. Williamson was satisfied with their working. In his
opinion no measure had done more to improve the revenue
management of the Deccan than the excellent system of subordinate
divisions or mahals?
1 The details of the establishment were : Head assessors 8, assessors 54, assessors'
hdrhuns 183, examiners of survey 35, surveyors 359, peons 525, total 1164. Bom.
Gov. Kev. Eec. 595 of 1834, 2 - 3.
2 Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 595 of 1834, 8, 9,63, 66-73. Of the errors noted by
Major Robertson there was around Sinhgad the omission of 55 and in the village of
Kalyln close under Sinhgad the omission of 76 fields. Assessable land was left out of
the records of seven or eight other villages. In the village of MAle in Paud Khore
lands belonging to a deshmuJch had been correctly rated by the assessor but were
marked as excessively assessed by the head assessor and unduly reduced. In Khed
the village of Chinchuli was found rated at about one-third of the rates levied in
neighbouring and similar villages. In another village a field of 115 acres whose proper
assessment was £16 8s. (Rs. 164) was entered at 41 acres with a rental of £3 8s.
(Rs. 34). This field had been examined by the head-quarter staff. Bom. Gov. Rev
Rec. 595 of 1834,62-63, 87-94. ^Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 595 of 1834, 19.
* Gov. Letter, 1953 of 15th July 1834, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 595 of 1834, 229,
5 Gov. Letters 1952 of 15th July 1834 and 2329 of 30th August 1834, Bom. Gov.
Rev. Rec. 595 of 1834, 225, 245.
« Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 694 of 1836, 244 - 248.
7 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 665 of 1835.
8 Mr. Williamson, Rev. Comr. 26th April 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev, Eec. 694 of 1836,
228, and 2610 of 23rd November 1838.
Deccan.]
POONA. 401
During 1834-35 Lieutenant Shortrede inquired into the details Chapter VIII
of Mr. Pringle'a suryey in Indapur. Of its eighty-four villages lie jT~3
examined the lands of about twenty. He measured .a number of
fields in several villages, and with two exceptions found them The British.
remarkably correct. On the other hand the classing of the soil Mr.Pringle's
was remarkably incorrect ; the classification seemed to have no jsls^'
connection with the colour or qualities of the soil. Deep rich black
soil, acknowledged by the people to be of the best quality, was
entered as second black or red, and poor waste or gatkul land was
entered as of the first sort.^ In the rates there were many instances
of unfairness ; villages whose land was good v/ere assessed at lower
rates than villages with inferior soil, and lands held by village and
district officers were assessed at unduly low rates. ^ In many villages
the survey rates could not be realized. Most of the lands were held
at ukti or reduced rates, varying from one-half to three-fourths of
the assessment. Though in practice a dead letter, Mr. Pringle's
survey rates remained the nominal rental. The reductions from
this nominal rental offered the district officers excellent chances
of fraud of which they were not slow to take advantage. So far
as related to Inddpur Lieutenant Shortrede could not recommend
the continuance of the survey assessment. He saw no permanent
system of management by which the survey assessment could be
immediately superseded. The country was exhausted and deserted.
So far as he could see, no official data of any value were forthcoming
on which a permanent settlement of the revenue could be founded.
A yearly settlement left open many avenues to mismanagement on
the part of the native authorities which Lieutenant Shortrede
believed the European authorities, however vigilant and active,
would never be able to close. Under these circumstances
Lieutenant Shortrede held that the first year of settlement should
be experimental, and that the terms of the settlement should be
favourable to the landholders to enable them to enter with substance
and safety on a permanent settlement in the following year. The
report of favourable terms would bring back most of the absent
landholders. Meanwhile an active and able assistant might,
during the year, gain knowledge enough to enable him to make a
ten years' settlement. The settlement which Lieutenant Shortrede
proposed for the first year was to let the best land at £6 (Rs. 60)
a chdhur or 120 highas and the poorer lands at £5 to £4 10s.
(Rs. 50-45) the chahur? He believed the people would willingly
take lands on these terms. They did not differ much from the old
Muhammadan or tanhha rates, and good indm lands were let at £5
to £7 (Rs. 50-70) the chdhur. These rates were low ; in Lieutenant
Shortrede's opinion they were less than a fair rental. Still the
system of remissions was in practice so evil and corrupt that it
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 666 of 1835, 44-49.-
" Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 666 of 1835, 30, 49.
' The Mgha varied in size according to the soil. In good land it was a half to
three-quarters of an acre ; in poor lands three-quarters of an acre to one acre. The
proposed rates were equal to acre rates varying from Is. 4d. to 2s. (lOf as. -He. 1)
on good land, and from 9d. to Is, IJd. (6-9 as.) on poor land.
B 1327—51
[Bombay Gazetteer,
402
DISTRICTS.
ChaptCT^VIII.
Land-
Xhb British.
Mr. Pringle's
Survey,
1835.
sHoald cease even at a great sacrifice. After the first experimental
year lie suggested that the lands should be let on a ten years' lease
at much the same rates as those levied in the experimental year. A
lease at a fixed rent would help the people to look forward and force
them to lay by for bad years .^
The Revenue Commissioner Mr. Wilhamson submitted this report
on the 26th of March 1835.2 Tj^e inquiries Mr. Williamson had made
in Inddpur two years before and the information he had lately
collected satisfied him that a change in its management was necessary.
Its rich soil and most uncertain rainfall^ tempting them back and
driving them away^ made the people unsettled. In bad seasons
they wandered to the NizAm's country.* So far the British
management was a failure. There had been no fixed system. At
first a yearly settlement was made and then leases on rising rents
were introduced^ and again yearly settlements which of late years
had been in great measure left to the village clerks and headmen.
The seasons had been uncertain and bad. There was a mass of
outstanding balances, and large remissions, much of which the
native officers stopped on their way to the people, completed
the confusion.* Mr. Williamson, while admitting that the survey
was not the cause of all the evils from which Indapur suffered,
agreed with Lieutenant Shortrede that the survey assessment
should not be continued.^ Mr. Williamson thought Lieutenant
Shortrede's scheme of an experimental year followed by a ten
years' lease was well devised. He thought it could be carried out
with no material obstacle. The system was simple and the rent
moderate. The people would at once understand it and take to it.
Mr. Williamson approved of the chdhur as the unit of assessment.
Until they had been puzzled and paralysed by survey rates,
reductions, suspensions, and remissions, the landholders had always
spoken of their holdings as fractions of a chdhur. The area of the
chdhur varied with the soil from 90 to 120 highds. The chdhur was
not a completely accurate unit, but where irregularities existed they
1 Lieut. Shortrede, 15th January 1835, Bom. Gov. 'Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 60-54.
2 Mr, Williamson, Rev. Comr. 502 of 1835, Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 1-40.
'Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 1-2.
*Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 7. Mr. Wilhamson beheved that not
one-half of the remissions had reached the landholders and not one-half of the
collections had reached the Government. The frauds took place during the
third year (1831-32) of the operation of the survey rates and were exposed
during the fourth year (1832-33). The Rev. Commissioner's reports on the subject
are dated 24th October 1832 and 19th August 1833. Mr. Williamson says in
March 1835, 'Of the extent of the peculations of the district and village officers some
conception may be formed from the exposure of their corruption "which foJlowedmy
last visit to the pargana and from the judicial inquiries which termiaated in the
conviction and punishment of the mAmlatddr and several of the locfil officers who
had shared in the village spoils.' In some places the unauthorized collections
actually exceeded the authorized. In one case the unauthorized collections amounted
to Rs. 357 against a Government demand of Rs. 137 ; in another case the unauthorized
collections amounted to Es. 789 against a Government demand of Rs. 255 ; in a third
case the unauthorized collections amounted to Rs. 321 against a Government demand
of Rs. 133 ; in a fourth case ' while the receipts of Government amouted to Rs. 303,
Government were defrauded of Es.'368.' Mr. Williamson, Rev. Comr. 26th March
1835, Rev. Eec. 666 of 1835, 11-12.
'Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 14.
Deccan.]
POONA.
403
might, lie thought, be removed at the settlement.^ Mr. "Williamson
thought the chdhur rates proposed by Lieutenant Shortrede, £6
(Rs. 60) on the best lands and £5 or £4 10s. (Rs. 50 or Rs. 45) on
inferior lands, low but not too low considering the impoverished
state of IndApur, the uncertain rainfall, the want of people, and the
urgency of stopping yearly remissions.^ Simplicity was a great
merit in any settlement. As the soil of Inddpur was unusually
uniform, he thought two rates would be enough. At the same time
he thought that the settlement officer should have power to meet local
peculiarities by special rates. He approved of Lieutenant Shortrede's
proposal to grant ten-year leases and dwelt on the importance of
limiting the area leased to each holder. If the holder took up more
land than he was able to till, a slight misfortune might overset his
plans and make him fail in his engagements.^ The lease should
have some provision to ensure an abatement of the demand in a
year of failure of crops. He objected to the grant of leases in the
form of kauls with rising rentals. Remissions of this kind were
occasionally necessary, but the practise on any large scale was evil.
It led men to leave their old fields, take rent-free land, and again
throw it up as soon as the rent had increased to a moderate amount.*
He was opposed to any grants of village leases. As a body the
Deccan headmen had been proved to be corrupt, robbing the people
on the one hand and Government on the other. With village
leases the people would be in the hands of men who were unfit for
any position of trust.^ In June 1835 Government sanctioned the
proposed experimental settlement for one year.®
In June 1835, on receiving the Government sanction and the
Revenue Commissioner's instructions, the Principal Collector
Mr. Mills directed his assistant Mr. Goldsmid, who since February
1835 had been in special charge of Indd,pur, to take steps to carry
the plan into effect.^
Mr. Goldsmid, while thoroughly approving of the proposed system,
suggested certain changes.^ He was satisfied of the necessity of
reassessing Indapur. After spending nearly four months in the sub-
division (February- June 1835) he was certain that no scheme could
be devised better calculated to injure the interests of both Government
and its subjects than the existing system.® On two points he desired
the instructions of the Revenue Commissioner, the term for which
the settlement was to be made, and the unit of measurement. As
the expense would be the same for one or ten years, on the score
of economy he recommended a ten years' settlement. Another
Chapter VIH
Laud-
The British.
Mr. Pringle's
Survey,
18SS,
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Bee. 666 of 18.35, 17-18 ' Bom. Gov. Eev. Re . 6 of 1835, 18.
3 Mr. WUliamson, 26th March 1835. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 20-21.
* Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 24.
5 Mr. Williamson says (26th March 1835), 'I would endeavour to commence the
system directed in Government letter, dated 25th February 1834, before the rains, if
good pdtUs as farmers were procurable and the circumstances of the villages favoured
that mode of settlement.' Bom, Gov. Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 26-28.
6 Gov. Letter 1326 of 12th June 1835, Bom, Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 73-74.
7 The Principal Collector, 22nd June 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 103.
8 His Report dated 27th June 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 636 of 1835, 105 - 124.
s Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 106-107.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
404
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII-
Land.
The British.
Mr. PHngle's
Survey,
18S5.
and still stronger reason for tlie settlement being made at once for ten
years' was that if the land was given out on the liberal terms
proposed by the Revenue Commissioner, so that in years of partial
failure no remissions might be requisite, the loss to Government
would be comparatively speaking immense unless the settlement
were followed by a large increase of cultivation. The resident
landholders were not numerous enough to ensure the requisite
increase of cultivation, and outsiders could not be expected to come
and build dwellings and clear waste merely because the land was
assessed low for one year. As regards the unit of measurement
Mr. Goldsmid was not in favour of the chdhur or 120 highds. The
chdhur was not a definite measure of quantity. It would therefore
be necessary to have a number of different chdhur rates to equalize
the difference in area. If acre rates were introduced" in dry-crop
land three rates would generally be suiBcient.^ In the absence of
trustworthy evidence, it was necessary in assessing the land to visit
every field and examine its soil and position. Mr. Goldsmid
proposed to engage four native clerks unconnected with the district.
Every morning and evening these clerks would prepare statements
of the quality quantity and situation of the land, Mr. Goldsmid
would himself revise the returns so closely as to make fraud
impossible. During the heat of the day, with the aid of fresh clerks,
Mr. Goldsmid would prepare from the revised returns detailed
statements of the class to which each field belonged, the number of
iighds it contained, and the rate at which it should be assessed.
He proposed to arrange the jirdyat or dry-crop land into throe
classes, and to assess thenx according to either of two scales, two,
three, and four acres the rupee or three, four, and five acres the
rupee. He preferred the lower scale, as with the higher scale in
Inddpur where rain wals so scarce, remissions would be often required.
To enable Government to form a just opinion regarding the relative
merits of the two scales, before entering into engagements with the
landholders, he promised to submib the result of the settlement
of ten villages. On completing his arrangements in every ten
villages he proposed to give the landholders written agreements
to the effect that they were to be allowed to reap the whole
advantages of any improvements they might make in their holdings
and keep them at a fixed rate for ten years. He would also, where
procurable, enter a neighbouring number or two which the
landholders should be allowed to take for tillage within a certain
period of years at rates determined according to the proposed scale.
Regarding the area of land to be put aside and the term within
which the exclusive power of claiming it should remain with the
landholder, Mr. Goldsmid asked to be allowed to exercise his
discretion. It would, he said, be impossible to follow any one
fixed and uniform scheme even in a single village. He would
give effect to the liberal orders of Government directing that
landholders be permitted to take up land without paying a
fee or nazardna. At the same time he feared that by giving
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Keo. 666 of 1835, 113-114.
Deccan]
POONA.
405
out land at the low rates proposed^ there might be risk that casual or
npri landholders would take up more waste or gathul land than
they could afford to till and keep out more deserving tenants. ^ To
prevent this he proposed that, unless a holder took up the land
within one to four years, his claim to it should cease. Mr. Goldsmid
found the rates in garden , or watered land ridiculously low. The
sacrifice of the Government share had not even the effect of
enriching the landholder. The bulk of the profits passed to some
moneylending Brdhman who agreed to pay the Government dues
if he got half of the crop and sometimes persuaded the holder to take
an advance to grow some rich crop. When the soil was exhausted
by this heavy crop the Brdhman would withdraw from the
arrangement.^ Mr. Goldsmid thought Government revenue was
being needlessly sacrificed. He proposed that the garden land of
Inddpur should be assessed at 4s. (Rs. 2) an acre. If higher rates
were fixed remissions might be necessary. He thought that
channel-rates might be higher than well-rates. He was anxious
to introduce the new well-rates at once. The dry-crop rates could
not be brought into force till 1836-37 {Fasli 1246).^
In forwarding Mr. Goldsmid's letter to Government Mr. Williamson
(24th July 1835)* agreed that, considering Mr. Goldsmid's special
knowledge of the villages, it would be safe at once "to introduce a
ten years^ lease. He also withdrew his objection to the use of
the acre as the unit of measurement. As regards rates Mr.
Williamson thought it would be advisable to introduce a fourth or
lower rate for specially poor soils. He did not agree with Mr.
Goldsmid that there was much risk that landholders would take
land they were not able to till. He thought that a man should be
left free to take land if he chose. In 1832 when Government had
taken off the well-cess they stated that it might afterwards be found
advisable to raise the rates levied on garden land. He agreed with
Mr. Goldsmid that the rates should now be increased.^ The enhanced
rates should be light, but he would leave it to Mr. Goldsmid, acting
under the Principal Collector's superintendence, to fix its amount.
He thought that where a village was deserted or was much decayed
Mr. Goldsmid might be allowed to grant the village in lease. But,
except perhaps on inferior lands, the rates should be fixed before
the village was leased.^ On the 7th of September 1835 Government
approved and sanctioned the ten years' settlement and adopted the
acre as the unit of measurement. -^ Government agreed that the
fixing of the rates of assessment should be left to Mr. Goldsmid. They
did not approve of the proposal to levy an additional cess on garden
land. They also thought the proposal to reserve for each landholder
a portion bordering on his holding unnecessary. If carried out, there
Chapter VIII
Land*
The British.
Mr. PringU's
1835.
1 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 666 of 1835, 117.
= Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 117-119.
3 Mr. Goldsmid, 27th June 1835, Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 119-124.
* Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 77 - 85.
5 Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec, 666 of 1835, 82, 97 - 98.
» Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 666 of 1835, 77 - 85.
' Gov. Letter 2056 of 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Kec. 666 of 1835, 141 . 156.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
406
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII-
Land-
The British.
Mr. Pringle's
18S5.
was the risk ttat some of tlie ricliest land in the village might
remain waste. They thought that with such low rates it might be
necessary to guard against villagers taking up more land than they
could afford to till. The village officers were in every case to
inform the settlement officer of the condition of men anxious to take
land. They agreed that Mr. Goldsmid should inquire into village
claimants and expenses and into temple allowances, and that
where he thought it advisable he should grant decayed villages in
lease to headmen. ^
In August 1835 Mr. Goldsmid had Mohol, now in Sholdpur>
added to his charge. He brought to light a system of fraud
which Government (24th November 1835) described as a discredit
to British rule.^ Under these frauds the people were suffering so
severely that Mr. Goldsmid believed that numbers would have left
had they not taken heart at the sight of a European officer come to
live among them,^ Mr. Williamson recommended that an engineer
officer should be placed under Mr. Goldsmid to conduct surveys and
to relieve Mr. Goldsmid from the labour of checking measui'emenfcs.*
Government appointed Mr. Blakiston assistant to Mr. Goldsmid, and
said that as soon as another writer, that is civilian, was available be
would be appointed. They also approved of Mr. Williamson's plan of
placing an engineer officer under Mr. Goldsmid's orders for survey
purposes. Lieutenant Wingate w;as appointed to this special duty.°
In October 1835 Lieutenant Shortrede® made proposals for a revised
assessment in Purandhar where the rates of Mr. Pringle's survey had
been found so unsuitable that since 1830 they had been given up and
the old or mdmul rates adopted.' There were two difficulties in fixing
the assessment of Purandhar, the village papers had been falsified,
and eight or nine land measures were in use. Of the land measures
the chief were the higha and the chdhur of 120 highas? The
rates of assessment under Nana Padnavis when the country
flourished were not uniform in every village nor in every year.
In villages where the soil was of ordinary quality the rates seemed
to have varied from £6 to £9 (Rs. 60-90) the chdhur; villages
whose lands were generally of good quality were assessed at £9
to £12 or £13 (Rs. 90 to 120 or 130) ; and a few villages whose lands
were of inferior quality were assessed at £3 12s. to £6 (Rs. 36-60).
1 Gov. Letter 2056 of 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 666 of 1835, 141-156.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 666 of 1835, 245.
3 Mr. Goldsmid, 22nd August 1835, Bom. Gov, Eev. Reo, 666 of 1835, 78, 204,
214, 218, 219.
■* Mr. Goldsmid in charge of IndApur and Mohol, 22nd August 1835 ; Mr. Williamson,
1541 of 22nd September 1835, Bom. Gov. Eev. Bee. 666 of 1835, 201 -204.
■ « Gov. Letter 2733 of 24tli November 1835, Rev. Reo. 666 of 1835, 245 - 248.
8 His reports are dated 1st October and 10th November 1833, Bom, Gov. Rev.
Eec. 698 of 1836, 75, 95.
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 35 ■ 36.
^ Their names were higha, clidhur, rukka, tahha, partan, pailca, dori, hhandi, and
the acre introduced under Mr, Pringle's survey (1825-30). The hithi or rod used in
measuring a bigha was of 119J inches or fths of an inch short of ten feet. By this
measure about 37 bighdi went to 35 acres. But, in fact, the ligha was large or small
according as the land was bad or good though the variety in area due to the quality
of the soil was not uniform. The Mgha was the only unit besides the acre which
professed to be a measured quantity of land. Bom. Gov, Rev. Rec, 698 of 1836, 83 ■ 84.
Deccan]
POONA.
407
For some years after tlie great famine of 1792 assessment was low
probably on account of the exbausted state of the country. It
increased till the famine of 1803 when it again fell to about
one-fourth of the full rate. Under Bdjirav it rose in a few years
to the full rate and continued at or beyond the full rate till the
country came into the possession of the British. The hereditary
Tillage officers took advantage of the ignorance of British
officials to falsify the village records. This in Lieutenaint
Shortrede's opinion was a principal cause of the bad management
from, which the country had since suffered. The want of
honest documents and the interested and corrupted statements which
had taken their place had caused the disorder which the revenue
survey was meant to cure. Mr. Pringle^s survey rates had been
judged unsaited for Purandhar and were in force for only one year
(1829-30). Under these circumstances Lieutenant Shortrede thought
(1st October 1835) that nothing more than a temporary settlement
could be proposed. Even for a temporary settlement the means
available were deficient. Full half of the lands were lying waste
( 1 835). In his opinion the documents of the British Grovernment were
chiefly useful as showing by what means the country had been brought
to so miserable a state. Lieutenant Shortrede thought that as an
immediate settlement was wanted^ the only plan was to use Nana
Fadnavis' documents as the basis of the settlement, and to apply
the results of neighbouring and similar villages to villages which
had none of Ndna Fadnavis' records. In Ndna's times there were
few cesses or bdbtis. Many were introduced under Bajirav. In
1830 when the original or mdmul rates were ordered to be
enforced, Bdjirdv's cesses were included. Lieutenant Shortrede
thought this a mistake and that all or almost all cesses should
be remitted. He also recommended that the village claimants
or hakddrs should be paid by Government and not by the
villagers, as these payments were a cause of grievous extortion.^
He thought also that serious frauds were committed by the
headmen and clerks appropriating to their own uses a large share
of the funds which they levied from the people as village expenses
or gaon kharch.^ In forwarding this report Mr. Williamson stated
that it had never been intended that the cesses should be included
in the original or mdmul rates which were substituted for the survey
rates. ^ He thought that all except perhaps one or two cesses should
be given up. He approved of Lieutenant Shortrede's proposal to
go back to the rates under which the country had prospered under
Ndna Fadnavis. But care must be taken to reduce these rates in
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The British.
Mr. Pringle'a
Survey,
1835.
^Closely oouneoted with the hdhs and hakt was the batta or exchange on the
rupees current in the Purandhar sub-division in order to make up the deficiency iu
their value. It seemed to be a general practice for the hilharni and pdtil to take
from the people double of the authorized exchange and the people complained much
of the hardship to which they were subject from the variety of coins current through-
out the country, though they did not seem aware of the particular fraud thus
practised with impunity on them by the pdtil and the hulhwrni. Bom, Gov. Bev,
Eec. 698 of 1836, 91 - 92.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 95 - 96.
3 Mr, William»on, 4th January 1836, Bom. Gov. Kev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 36.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
408
DISTRICTS.
CiliapterYIII-
Land-
Thb British.
Mr. JMngh'a
Survey,
1835-36,
proportion to tlie fall in produce prices. The fall was roughly
about one-half which would reduce the rental of Nona's best land
from £12 (Es. 120) the cMhur to £6 (Rs. 60).i This arrangement he
did not suggest as permanent. It was to have effect till trained officers
were available to introduce a correct survey. Any unauthorised
increase that could be proved in the village expenses since the
beginning of British rule should be reduced.^ In January 1836
G-overnment sanctioned the proposed revision.^ -
The rams of 1835 were far from favourable. In many subdivisions
they were late of setting in ; in many places the crops withered
for want of moisture and in others they failed altogether. On the
other hand in some parts of the district the fall was so heavy as to
injure the early crops and to keep back the sowing of the late crops.
Locusts appeared in some subdivisions and caused damage, and in the
beginning of January 1836 severe cold injured the crops. Under all
these disadvantages the land revenue showed a fall of about £6890
(Rs. 68,900). Of this decrease part was owing to a decline in the
tillage area and part to an increase in remissions which it was found
necessary to grant in consequence of the extensive failure of the
crops.* About 1835 measures were taken to improve towns and
establish markets throughout the Deccan.^ In October 1836 Lieute-
nant Shortrede submitted a report on Mr. Pringle's survey .^ In
measuring. Lieutenant Shortrede found errors representing an
average of about 16| per cent.' As regards classing Mr. Pringle
divided the dry-crop land into three classes, black or kali, red or
tdmbdi, and gravelly or hardi. In Indapur and Purandhar each
class was divided into three grades, first second and third, and in
Mohol, BArsi, and Sholapur the black kali and the gravelly bardi
had each four grades, and every field throughout the country was
entered as belonging to one of these classes and grades. Lieutenant
Shortrede inclined to agree with Mr. Pringle that, if the work had
been honest, three grades of each class of soil would have been
enough for a fair assessment. The first step towards fixing the
assessment was to class the land ; the next step was to find the net
produce. To find the net produce about sixty acres of each class,
or as much land as might be cultivated by one eight-buUook plough
was taken, the whole value of the produce was estimated, and the
necessary and customary charges of tillage and bringing to market
were deducted. Of the net produce thus determined fifty-five per cent
was taken as the revenue to be paid to Government. Lieutenant
Shortrede thought this system excellent in principle.^ After making
'Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 698 of 1836, 36-40.
2 Mr. WiUiamson, Eev. Comr. 27 of 4th January 1836, Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 698
of 1836, 35-49.
" The Eev. Comr. 27 of 4th January 1836, Gov. Letters 196 and 197 of 22iid
January 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 35, 165, 157.
^ Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 772 of 1837, 9, 30.
'' Details are given in Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 666 of 1835.
« Lieut, Shortrede, 24th October 1835, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 401 -462.
'Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 698 of 1836, 342-343, 456-458.
8 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 698 of 1836, 416. The distinguishing feature of Mr.
Pringle's settlement was the principle of assessing at a certain proportion of the net
produce. Lieutenant Shortrede and the Rev. Comr. Mr, Williamson did not object
Deccan.]
POONA.
409
every allowance for the chance of mistake through carelessness or
error, Lieutenant Shortrede came to the conclusion that so many and
such striking errors as he found could be the result only of inten-
tional dishonesty and fraud.i So great was the amount of fraud in
the portions of the work he had tested that Lieutenant Shortrede
came to the conclusion, that, except in its measarements, the results
of Mr. Pringle's survey could never be used as the basis of any
revised assessment. In forwarding Lieutenant Shortrede's report
Mr. Williamson (16th May 1836) agreed with Lieutenant Shortrede
that nothing short of intentional deceit could explain the grievous
niistakes which he had brought to light.^ In forty-five out of fifty
villages the errors were beyond all moderate boands. Neither the
to the principle while Lieutenants Wingate and Nash and the Principal Collector Mr.
Mills held that the principle was unfair. In their opinion the result of assessing at
a certain proportion of the net produce was unfair. Under it the cultivator was
remunerated not according to his labour but in proportion to the value of the field on
which he laboured. On the same capital, rich soil yielded a much greater profit than
poor soil. Lieutenant Wingate gives (Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 14, 129) the following
statement to show the inequality of Mr. Pringle's survey rates in consequence of
being a percentage of the net produce, and shows how the rates might have been
fixed so as to render the profit of cultivating every description of land the same :
Rental on Net Produce, How Faulty.
Soil.
Acres
capable
of being
cultivat-
ed at a
yearly
expense
of
Bs.lOO.
Value
of net
produce
per acre.
Me. Pringle's Survey Rates.
Proposed Bates. 1
65 per
cent of
net pro-
duce or
acre
rate.
Total
rental
on the
acres in
the
second
column.
Balance
of net
produce
being the
profit of
cultiva-
tion.
Acre
Rate.
Total
Kental.
Balance
of net
produce
being the
profit of
cultiva-
tion.
1st Black ...
2nd Black ...
3rd Black ...
lat Bed
2nd Bed
3rd Bed
lat Gravelly ...
2nd Gravelly .,
3rd Gravelly...
Total ...
A. g.
28 36
29 15
34 33
29 13
35 1
40 29
40 14
40 34
43 33
Bs. a. p.
2 8 0
1 15 3
17 9
2 0 6
15 8
0 14 4
12 1
0 13 2
0 10 0
Bs. a. p.
16 0
113
0 13 0
119
0 11 9
0 7 9
0 10 0
0 7 3
0 5 6
Ks. a. p.
39 11 9
SI 10 9
28 4 9
32 8 6
26 11 6
19 11 3
25 3 6
18 8 2
15 1 0
Bs. a. p.
32 8 3
25 11 2
23 6 4
27 0 7
20 12 9
16 12 5
20 6 1
15 1 7
12 5 3
Es. a. p.
1 12 1
1 3 6
0 13 10
1 4 9
0 11 6
0 5 10
0 9 7
0 4 9
0 2 2
Bs. a. p.
60 11 1
35 13 0
30 2 2
38 0 2
24 15 4
14 14 9
24 0 8
12 0 10
6 18 4
Rs. a. p.
21 8 11
21 8 11
21 8 U
21 8 11
21 8 11
21 8 U
21 8 11
2L 8 11
21 8 11
194 0 3
...
236 7 '2
194 0 6
... J236 7 4
On the other hand Mr. Williamaon contended (2297 of 12fch October 1838, Bom.
Gov. Sel. CVII. 151-152) that if, as Lieutenant Nash argued. Government were the
universal landlord -and the cultivators its servants, it would undoubtedly be unjust
to leave one man a greater proportionate share of the fruits of his labour than
another. But if the object of an assessment was to impose a land-tax, the plan of
taking a certain share of the net produce was the only one by which that tax could
be fairly fixed, and it was the only means by which any interest could be created in
the land stronger than that local attachment which the Kunbi had for his fields ; nor
was the comparatively higher assessment of inferior soils, which was caused by such
a system, to be deprecated. According to Mr. Williamson, it is perfectly natural and -
most profitable for the cultivator that the best soils should be the first cultivated as
those which in proportion to the capital and labour employed on them yield the
best return, and, when the fiscal arrangements of Government invert this natural
order of things, it is a clear proof that there is something radically wrong in the
system. Government (4739, 31st December 1838, Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 157-158)
observed that Mr. Williamson's principle carried to extremity would seem to end in
the abolition of all difference of rate or classification, and the settlement of one
uniform rate for land of all qualities. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII.
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. fieo. 698 of 1836, 415-418.
3 Bom, Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836, 335-371.
B 1327-52
Chapter VIII
Land.
The, British.
Mr. Pringle's
Survey,
1836.
IBombay Gazetteer,
410 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. classification nor the rate of assessment had any connection with
Land. *^® colour or qualities of the soil. In several cases the assessment
The British ^^^ glaringly unjust. In one place, fields, on which no grain could
ThePri P be raised except after rains so excessive as to make the black soil
Sur7^/" almost useless, were entered as of the best soil. Soils were found
1836.' wrongly classed in almost every village.^ The errors ran through
whole holdings or thals ; they were not occasional or accidental but
continual and systematic. The holders of alienated or private lands
were greatly favoured. -The partial manner in which they had been
assessed was shown by cases which Lieut. Shortrede had carefully
examined and well set forth. A great part of these favoured lands
were held by the hereditary village officers. The assessable lands
held by the hereditary officers were also recorded in a lower class
than they properly belonged to. In several villages Lieutenant
Shortrede found that the best land was scarcely ever entered in
the best class. In several instances he found that the class at
first assigned by the assessor was fairly correct and had been
falsified by the head assessor. In almost every case these deduc-
tions had been made in fields belonging to the village officers and
rich landholders.^ Another common error in the survey was the
over-assessment of poor lands. These errors were so glaring that
they seemed to be wilful. Twenty to a hundred cases of fraud
might be produced from any village taken at raiudom.^ In prac-
tice. Lieutenant Shortrede said, the system of fixing what rent a
field could bear by the net produce it yielded, failed because of the
difficulty of collecting trustworthy information about net produce.*
On these reports Government unwillingly came to the conclusion that
Mr. Pringle's survey and assessment, a work of great labour and enor-
mous expense, which was originally looked to with sanguine expecta-
tion, must finally be set aside. Government acquiesced in the Revenue
Commissioner's opinion and were satisfied that the survey and
assessment were unfit to be made the basis of any revision.^ A fresh
revision of the assessment was urgently called for. Considering the
miseries which the people sufiered from heavy and unequal assess-
ment, every day and every hour of delay was an evil. In regard to
the mode of effecting the revision the only general rule which Govern-
ment could lay down was, that a patient searching and accurate in-
quiry must be made inbo the individual nature and capabilities of every
> Bom. Gov. Rev. Eee. 698 of 1836, 336-337.
2 Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 698 of 1836, 337-340,
3 Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 698 of 1836, 340-341.
'Lieutenant Shortrede (24th October 1835) says, 'Instead of endeavouring to
ascertain by a detailed calculation in every village the exact value of the net produce
of each variety of soil, I should have preferred an assessment founded on a propor-
tion of the gross'produce decreasing from the rich to the poor soil.' Bom. Gov. Rev.
Eeo. 698 of 1836, 459-462.
^ The faults in Mr. Pringle's settlement are given by Lieutenant Nash and
Lieutenant Wingate in Bom. Gov. Sel. CVIL 12-16, 108-109, 125-130, 1.38-140, or
CLI. 10-13, 88-89, 103-108, 114-116; Mr. Mills, Principal Collector, 20th Septem-
ber 1838, Bom. Gov. Sel. CVIL 142 or CLL 118 ; Colonel Francis in Bom. Gov. Sel.
CVIL 11, 16 or CLI. 10, 13 ; Mr. Williamson the Rev. Comr. 2297 of 12th October
1838, Bom. Gov. Sel. CVIL 151-152 ; and Gov. Letter 4739 of 31st December 1838,
Bom. Gov. Sel. CVIL 157-158.
Deccan.J
POONA.
411
acre of soil which the survey included. In such a case no abstract
or general principle could be applied. Government hoped that
under the management of the Revenue Commissioner Mr. Williamson,
the present revision would be successful. Besides the talents and
information that could now be brought to the work, the agents had
learned much from past errors. Every step they took would be founded
on experiment and must lead to improvement. Government deter-
mined that under the general superintendence and direction of the
Revenue Commissioner the work of survey and assessment should in
each subdivision or tdliikahe carried on by the Collector or the assis-
tant collector who might be in charge of it aided either by an en-
gineer officer or any other competent military officer. In the Poona
collectorate the military officers were to be distributed according to
the following arrangement. Lieutenant Wingate was to survey Mohol
and Madha under Mr. Goldsmid ; Lieutenant Nash was to survey
Ind^pur under Mr. Goldsmid according to the system introduced by
Mr. Goldsmid and Lieutenant Wingate ; Lieutenant Shortrede was
to have charge of Bhimthadi in addition to Purandhar and was to
have Lieutenant Gaisford as an assistant ; Lieutenant Galland was to
survey Khed and Maval ; Ensign Diggle was to survey Junnar and
P^bal ; Lieutenant Hart was to survey Shold,pur ; and two other
officers were nominated to survey Barsi and Haveli.^ To render
the proposed arrangement for surveying and revising the assess-
ment fully available and beneficial. Government impressed on all
officers concerned the necessity of harmony in work and of unity in
system.^
Except in Junnar the 1836 rainfall seems on the whole
to have been favourable. Of the total remissions of £16,503
(Rs. 1,65,030), £13,110 (Rs. 1,31,100) were granted on account of
bad crops and £3893 (Rs. 33,930) for other causes.^ Of the total
land revenue £119,452 (Rs. 11,94,520) were collected and £6954
(Rs. 69,540) were left outstanding by the end of August 1837. In
the nine Poona sub-divisions eight new wells were built and twenty-
eight old wells were repaired. Markets were established in several
villages.* In April 1837 the Collector Mr. Mills drew attention to
the great loss and hardship caused by the levy of customs and transit
duties. He was of opinion that the abolition of the transit duties
would give much relief to the agricultural and manufacturing classes.
Transit duties caused great trouble and annoyance to trade and many
difficulties to husbandmen in disposing of their produce. They were
one cause of their poverty and of the decline of the land revenue.
Mr. Mills recommended that these duties should be abolished. So
Chapter^ VIII.
Land-
The British.
Mr. PringU's
Survey,
183S.
1S36-37.
' Of the sub-diviaions named in the text, Mohol, MMha, SholApur, ajnd BArsi are
now (1884) in ShoMpur ; and Inddpur, Bhimthadi, Purandhar, Khed, Mival, Junnar,
PAbal, and Haveli in Poona.
2 Gov. Letter .3024 of 3rd Nov. 1836, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 698 of 1836,483-492.
2 The details of remissions on account of bad crops are : Shol^pur and BArsi Rs. 260,
Mohol and Midha Rs. 1300, Haveli and Bhimthadi Rs. 24,170, Khed and MAval
Rs. 17,120, Shivner or Junnar and PAbal Rs. 78,900, Purandhar Rs. 6830, Inddpur
Rs. 2480, and Poona City Rs. 40, total Rs. 1,31,100.
^ The Collector Mr. Mills, 12th January 1838, Poona Collector's Compilation^
Jamdbandi Reports, 1836-38.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
412
Chapter VIII.
Laud-
The British,
Survey,
1836-1838.
DISTRICTS.
long as they existed, neitlier trade, manufactures, nor agriculture
could flourish. This opinion of Mr. Mills had the support of
Lieutenant, afterwards Sir George Win gate, who held that the transit
duties were one of the chief causes of the husbandmen's poverty.
The holders of land would hail the abolition of transit duties as one
of the greatest boons.^ Transit duties were abolished in September
1837.2 ^
The chief measure connected with the administration of the
land in 1836-37 was the introduction of the thirty years' revenue
survey settlement into the Kalas petty division of Inddpur. Apart
from the ruinous element of fraud in Mr. Pringle's survey in Indapur,
the general failure of the 1829 harvest had altered the character
of his settlement and filled the revenue accounts with confusion and
uncertainty .3 Between 1829 and 1834 the Indapur husbandmen
suffered grievously from the frauds of the village officers and under
Government servants. The stoppage of or at least the great
reduction in these abuses in 1834 and a change for the better in the
seasons improved the condition of Indapur. The revenue returns for
the three years ending 1835-36 show average receipts amounting
to £6145 (Rs. 61,450) or an increase of £4450 (Rs, 44,500) on
the corresponding receipts in the three years before 1833-34.*
It was under these comparatively favourable circumstances that,
with the assistance of Lieutenant Wingate, Mr. Goldsmid in-
troduced a revised survey and assessment in the Kalas petty
division of Inddpur in 1 836.^ Mr. Goldsmid proposed that every field
should be examined and the quality of its soil and the advantages
or disadvantages of its situation determined. Government were
^nxious that the measurements of Mr. Pringle's survey should form;
1 Mr. MiUs, Principal CoUector, 25th April 1837, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 772 of
1837, 32-34.
2 Lieutenont Evans in Purandhar Survey Report, 13 of IStli Feby. 1847 para. 10,
lu consequence of most elaborate and vigorous protests from Mr. Davies in 1836,
transit duties were abolished in ThAua. Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 581.
3 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 666 of 1835, 9-12. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 16-17.
* The details are : Inddpur Bevenue, me-18Se.
Year.
Kenta,!.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
standings.
Collec-
tions.
Es.
Es.
Rs.
Rs.
1826-27
79,197
12,810
3176
63,212
1827-28
68,334
41,947
4372
22,016
1828-29
74,688
- 232
13,613
60,843
1829-30
1,06,706
84,408
21,297
1830-31
64,130
48,660
2693
12,887
1831-32
73,200
62,124
273
20,803
1832-33
76,602
67,969
371
17,162
1838-34
83,079
...
21,989
61,080
1834-36
70,932
6207
3643
61,082
1836-36
74,660
12,162
201
62,187
In February 1867 (Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 21 or CLI. 18) Colonel Francis wrote that
Mr. Goldsmid introduced his IndApur settlement when the revenue of the sub-
division was falling and cultivation decreasing and when there were heavy outstand-
ing balances. This does not agree with the above statement of the Indipui: revenues
which Colonel Francis gives in para 30 of the same report. The statement shows
that Indapur began to mend from 1833-34 not from 1836-37.
= Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII, and CLI.
Deccan.]
POONA. 413
the basis of the new settlement. The former measurements were Chapter VIII-
accordingly in each case tested. Where the error was less than LaM.
ten per cent the old measurements were kept and if necessary
corrected ; where the errors were so great as to be likely to vitiate ^^^ British.
the assessment the whole village was re-measured. As regards isfe^.Tss's
the classing of soil Mr. Goldsmid proposed to arrange the dry-crop
or jirdyat lands under the three heads of good or uttam, middle
or viadhyam, and bad or kanishth. It was in his rules for classing
the soil that Mr. Goldsmid's system showed itself most superior
to Mr. Pringle's system. Under Mr. Pringle's system so many
considerations were left to the decision of the classer^ the quality of
the soilj its position, and its advantages, that it was impossible to
have any uniformity in the classing of soils and it was impossible to
test the care or the honesty of the classer. Mr. Goldsmid rejected
the whole of the former classing. The attention of the classers was
■ directed entirely to the quality of the soil of each field. The classer
had nothing to do with any other considerations.^ All other
considerations belonged to the question of the assessment not to the
question of the class of land. Even after confining the classer's
attention to the quality of the soil it turned out in practical working
that to determine the quality of the soil of a field required a much
more elaborate arrangement than the original rough grouping into
good, middle, and bad. To meet this difficulty Mr. Goldsmid and
Lieutenant Wingate devised a plan of arranging the soil under three
main groups according to colour, black red and yellow, and of
dividing each of the three main groups into three grades or classes,
that is into nine grades in all.^ A value was assigned to each of the
nine grades, twelve annas or fths being the highest and two annas
or one-eighth being the lowest. As regards the dry-crop rates
Mr. Goldsmid suggested an alternative scale, for good lands either
two or three acres to the rupee of assessment ; for middle lands
either three or four acres ; and for poor lands either four or five
acres. He was strongly in favour of the lower scale of rates. If
the higher scale was adopted he thought that in a tract which suffered
so greatly from uncertain rainfall frequent remissions would continue
necessary.^ It was at first proposed that the settlement should last
for ten years instead of for one year and the period was afterwards
lengthened from ten to thirty years.* Of the seventy-three and a
half Government villages of Indapur, the villages forming the Kalas
group were settled in 1836-37 and the rest in 1837-38.5 The
following statement shows the tillage and revenue of the Inddpur
sub-division between 1818-19 and 1836-37 :
" Bom. Gov. Sel. CVU. 28 ; Mr. Goldsmid, Surv. Supt. 47 of 1st Nov. 1840 paras
C6-67, Bom. Gov. Sel, GXXX.
2Bom.Gov. Sel. CVII. 23-24, 29-30; Lieut. Davidson, 1st Sept. 1840 para 2,
Bom. Gov. Sel. CXXX.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 24. ^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 24, 25, 33, 35.
^ There were besides two and a. half villages which were settled in 1845. Bom.
Gov. Sel. CVII. 29.
414
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land-
The Bbitish.
Inddpur Tillage and Revenue, 1818 ■ 1837.\
Inddpur,
1836-1838.
Ykae.
TlLLASE.
Ain
Japia.
Sdyar
Jama,
Total.
Remis-
sions.
Bighas.
Acres.
Bs.
Es.
B9.
Bs.
1818-19
215,911
1,30,782
1633
1,32,315
1819-20
210,532
1,66,191
6300
1,62,491
1820-21
203,446
1,38,988
6665
1,46,663
20
1821-22
210,968
1,49,024
10,109
1,59,133
1129
1822-23
177,197
1,34,150
8403
1,42,653
6665
1823-24
173,896
1,43,485
9107
1,52,692
93.877
1824-26
148,662
1,23,321
9436
1,32,767
94,121
1826-26
126,544
66,398
5344
70,742
9100
1826-27
200,905
77,856
6098
83,963
13,509
1827-28
169,273
67,111
6731
72,842
•42,602
1828-29
167,764
73,368
6636
78,894
232
1829-30
126,060
1,03,653
6168
1,09,821
1830-31
132,416
63,806
6488
69,244
7
1831-32
l.'J0,671
71,770
6291
77,061
63,622
1832-33
134,664
74,086
6488
79,623
69,523
1833-34
150,604
81 ,602
6031
87,543
10
1834-36
126,310
69,601
6040
76,641
6400
1835-36
..>
131,707
73,141
8103
81,247
li,678
1836-37
...
169,900
73,212
7078
80,290
6156
Year.
Claims.
For
Collection.
Out-
standings.
Collected.
ECPEE Prices.
Jvilm.
Bdjri.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Shers.
Shers.
1818-19
22,178
1,10,137
11,249
98,888
17
15i
1819-20
34,064
1,28,427
6834
1,21,698
194
121
1820-21
21,901
1,23,732
4261
1,19,471
32
16
1821-22
24,354
1,33,650
4693
1,29,067
32
1822-23
27,180
1,08,718
71,753
36,965
32
24
1823-24
26,334
32,381
13,049
19,332
36
23
1824-23
29,560
9076
2771
6305
124
1825-26
17,785
43,867
4920
38,937
44
34
1826-27
19,890
60,664
3824
46,730
64
1827-28
16,340
14,900
6164
8746
32
1828-29
18,647
60,016
16,663
43,362
80
68
1829-30
17,443
92,378
44,368
48,020
46
1830-31
17,910
61,827
43,206
8121
40
38J
1831-32
11,637
11,902
658
11,344
60
35
1832-33
9146
10,864
997
9857
23
36
1833-34
27,966
69,568
23,933
35,636
46
34
1834-86
22,634
46,607
4965
41,662
48
44
1836-36
21,864
46,805
1327
45,478
38
1836-37
23,533
60,601
402
60,199
66
49
The effect of tlie rates introduced by Mr. Goldsmid and Lieutenant
Wingate was to reduce tie ja/mabandi or rent settlement from £9903
(Rs. 99,030) in 1836-37 to £7279 (Rs. 72,790) in 1837-38 or 26 per
cent.^ This rental of 1837-38 was not much lower than the average
settlement £7546 (Rs. 75,460) in the five years before 1836-37.3
This survey and settlement of Indapur has the special interest
of being the first application of the union of wise principles and
ingenious practical devices, which has since become so well known
and so widely adopted under the name of the Bombay Revenue
Survey system. The new settlement was gradually introduced
group after group into all the villages of the Poena district, the
work ending with the settlement of the Md;vals in 1853-54.
' The Inddpur aher is larger than the Poona sher ; the Poona sher is more than
double the Bombay sher (Lieut. Nash, 1838) ; 216,000 bighds nearly equal 182,000
acres. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 118, 120, 121 ; CLI. 96.
' Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 36. ^ Bojj,_ (Jq^, g^j Qy^ gl.
DeccanJ
POONA.
415
The following statement gives the survey rates introduced into
the different groups between 1836 and 1854^ :
Poona Highest Dry-crop Survey Acre Mates, 1836 - 1864-
Gbohps.
Blacks.
Reds.
Gkavelly oe
Barad.
Alluvial or
Dheli AND
Eevtal.
•a
A
'd
J
■6
•a
1
a
■E
I
1
1
i
s
e
1
i
E
02
■s
E
VI
s
ii«s.
Rea.
Ses.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Res.
Ind&pur
300
240
170
220
130
76
100
60
85
800
700
Kalas
300
240
170
220
130
90
76
45
35
BJirimati
330
265
185
220
145
80
110
66
40
380
285
Bhimthadi
375
300
230
260
180
130
165
100
60
Eurkumb
330
265
185
220
145
100
110
66
40
4(J0
PSbal
Ausari
■490
390
270
320
230
130
180
100
60
650
600
Haveli
Donja
■550
450
360
260
476
375
276
176
240
140
60
(-460
372
264
312
228
166
192
120
78
Purandhar
■!394
326
231
273
199
136
168
1U6
68
(.866
295
209
247
181
124
162
96
62
Supa
(346
1330
276
195
230
156
86
115
7C
40
266
186
220
146
80
110
66
40
380
285
285
(680
470
830
460
326
176
210
12t
70
700
660
Bori
\ 490
390
270
860
250
130
180
lUt
60
660
600
390
310
220
260
180
110
140
8t
60
600
390
1 660
630
390
600
360
187
260
150
87
Br&hmanv&di ,..
laoo
1480
480
384
340
272
450
320
310
208
160
120
200
160
120
96
VO
66
1 390
312
221
260
169
97
130
78
46
Chapter VHP
Laud.
The British.
Survey,
1836-1854,
The following statement shows that in the seventeen years ending
1854 during which the revenue survey system was being introduced
into the Poona district the tillage area spread from 895,438 acres
in 882 villages in 1839-40 to 1,368,430 acres in 941 villages in
1853-54 and the collections rose from £63,612 (Es. 6,36,120) in
1837-38 to £72,476 (Es. 7,24,760) in 1853-54. The details are :
Poona Tillage and Revenue, 1837 ■
^ Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 88. Four hundred res make a rupee or two shillings. The
highest dry-crop survey acre rates in Khed were Ks. 1|, Es. IJ, Rs. If, Es. IJ, and
Be. 1, and in Mdval Es. IJ, Rs. If, Rs. IJ, and Re. 1. Bom, Gov. Sel. LXX, 4 ; Bom.
Gov. Rev. Rec. 172 of 1853, 107.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
416
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII.
Laud.
The British.
18SS-18U-
1837-58.
Of other measures whicli combined with the revenue survey to
improve the district during this period, the introduction of petty
divisional officers or mahdlkaris between 1835 and 1838, and the
abolition of transit dues in 1837 have been noticed. The repeal of
cesses under Act XIX. of 1844, and the spread of public works also
did much to improve the state of the district. The appointment .of
mahalkaris^ or petty division officers subordinate to mimla tdars or
sub-division officers in Poona and other Deccan districts about 1835
was the work of the Revenue Commissioner Mr. Williamson. The
repeal of cesses under Act XIX. of 1844 had the evil effect of freeing
from taxation large classes of traders who profited more than any
section of the community by the English maxims of government,
and who were among the best able to pay of the whole population.
At the same time it no doubt proved a relief and caused an increase
of wealth. The introduction of public works especially of roads
greatly enriched the district. It gave much-wanted employment to
husbandmen when field work was slack ; it opened markets for field
produce, and by cheapening the cost of carriage added to the value
of exports and lowered the price of imports.
The season of 1837 was very unfavourable* In November 1837
throughout the district a heavy and untimely fall of rain caused
serious damage both to the standing crops and to the stacked corn.
At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri rose from
about 86 to 72 pounds (43-36 shers). In the whole district £12,566
(Rs. 1,25,660) or 13 per cent of the land revenue were remitted and
about eleven per cent left outstanding.'' The net revenue showed a
fall of £13,050 (Rs. 1,30,500). This decrease was chiefly due to
the abolition of town and transit duties, the discontinuance or
modification of objectionable taxes, and a fall in the amount of
judicial receipts.^ In January 1838 Mr. Mills, the Collector, observed
that the general poverty of the landholders was well known to
Government. He hoped that the introduction of superior products,
the revision of the assessment, and the abolition of transit duties
and other taxes which fettered the energies of the landholders, would
soon enable them to better their circumstances.^ The introduction
of the thirty years' revenue survey settlement into Inddpur,
1 For details see Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 665 of 1835.
2 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 974 of 1839, 54, 197-198.
Poona Eemisnons, 18S6-1SS8.
SDB-DiviaioNs.
1837-38.
1836-37.
SmB-DivisiOHS.
1837-33.
1836-37.
Shivner
Ind&pur
Ehed
Pihal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Mival
Es.
4632
4416
13,142
14,072
3070
16,699
12,119
6461
Es.
66,448
6166
17,434
22,018
6984
16,473
10,967
6526
Mohol
Shoiapur
B4rsi
Mldha
Poona City ...
Grazing
Total ...
Ks.
8031
16,936
10,866
17,135
86
114
Es.
2867
4904
2516
8786
78
125,657
171,156
8 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 974 of 1839, 1, 22, 214.
* Poona, Collector's Compilation, JamAbaudi Reports, 1836-38, 26.
Deccanl
POONA.
417
wtich was begun in 1836, was finisted in 1837-38. The first year
(1837-38) of the new rates showed satisfactory results. The area
under tillage had increased in two years (1836-37) by 66,900 acres ;^
the revenue was collected punctually and with ease ; there were no
outstandings, and fewer remissions. That this improvement was in
great measure due to the new settlement was shown by the fact
that no similar improvement had occurred in other parts of Poona.^
The season of 1888-39 was again very unfavourable. In some
parts of the district rain almost entirely failed. At tho same time
the rupee price of Indian millet fell at Indd,pur from about 72 to 134
pounds (36-67 s/iers). In the whole district £18,626 (Rs. 1,86,260)
or about 24^ per cent of the land revenue were remitted.' The
collections amounting to £54,811 (Rs. 5,48,110) showed a fall of
£8800 (Rs. 88,000) or about fourteen per cent. The outstandings
amounted to £1920- (Rs. 19,200). In Inddpur, since the introduction
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The British.
1838-S9.
' According to another account, the tillage area in luddpur showed an increase
from 131,707 acres in 1835-36 to 162,019 acres in 1836-37 and to 189,088 acres in
1837-38. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 120. According to a third statement (Bom. Gov. Rev.
Rec. 17 of 1846, 63-66) there was an increase in IndApur in 1836-37 in tillage of
20,073 acres and in revenue of Rs. 5335 and in 1837-38 in tillage of 33,370 acres and
in revenue of Rs. 11,402.
^ Mr. Mansfield, assistant collector, 27th November 1838, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec.
974 of 1839, 188-190. Mr. Mansfield who had charge of Bhimthadi and Indipur and
whose opinion as regards the result of the survey settlement in Inddpur has been given
in the text, writes in the same report (about 1837-38) : ' The late heavy rain that
fell in November was the source of much distress to the landholders of the s/ubha or
radmlatddr's division of Bhimthadi in which early or kharif crops alone are cultivated
while in the Kurkumb petty division where raM is the chief product, there were
better crops than have been known for several years. The distress above alluded to
entailed the necessity of making large remissions which though smaller than those
granted the year before (1836-37), were larger than ought ever to be given if the
sub-division were lightly and equitably assessed. But as this is very far from being
the ease in this sub-division in which the villages even in proximity to Poona,
which it would have been supposed would have been very flourishing, are half-
uncultivated and the cultivators most wretchedly poor, the remissions were made
liberally on the ground that it is better to remit than to allow a balance to remain
which may not be paid for years, and perhaps not at all. The decrease in land
cultivation, notwithstanding the assistance aflforded by Government in advances or
tagdi, the abolition of the transit duties and other vexatious and oppressive taxes,
is a forcible example of over-assessment. The mdmlatdiir of Bhimthadi represented
that unless some immediate relief were afforded by reducing the assessment, a further
decrease would take place. As there was no establishment capable of making an
inquiry into the inequality of assessment, and Lieutenant Nash had begun the
survey in the Kurkumb petty division, I issued an order that those who wished to
take up fresh land should be assessed only at 12 as. or three-fourths of the survey
rates, which measure has been attended by the beneficial result of 15,000 acres of
fresh cultivation. The same rain that caused so much distress in Bhimthadi proved
of signal benefit in IndApur, and notwithstanding the entire failure of the Marj/ crops
the remissions granted are of less amount than they ever have been. This however
-might have been expected as the result of the introduction of the new survey. But
I bring it prominently to notice as the obviating the necessity of granting remissions
was one of the reasons specified for lightening the assessment ; it is also pleasing to
be able to record that that object has been partly attained. ' Mr. Mansfield, assistant
coUector, 29th November 1838, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 974 of 1839, 178-182, 187-188.
3 About 74 per cent in the settled sub-division of Inddpur, 43^ per cent in the
unsettled sub-division of Shivner or Junnar, and 22J per cent in the unsettled
sub-division of Bhimthadi. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1098 of 1840, 99. In this year
(1838-39) the ShoUpur sub-divisions of Sholdpur, BArsi, Mohol, and Mddha were
separated from Poona and included in the charge of the Collector of SholApur. Poona
now comprised 882 Government villages forming nine sub-divisions : Shivner 173,
Inddpur 744, Khed 182, PAbal 57, Purandhar 674, Bhimthadi 69, Haveli 82, Mival
175, Poona City 2. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1098 of 1840, 3, 19, 26.
B 1327—53
[Bombay Gazetteer,
418
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The Beitish,
1838-39.
Survey.
Bhimthadi,
1838-39.
of the 1836 surveyj about 68,000 acres had been brought under
tillage.' In November 1838 the Revenue Commissioner Mr.
Williamson noticed that the introduction into Poena of the mahd,lkari
system, and the separation of the Sholdpur sub-collectorate had
done much to improve the revenue management of Poena. The
great want now was the revision of the survey. Though much
remained to be done village accounts had greatly improved. The
remission of town duties and advances to build shops and repair
wells and village offices had done much to improve Supa, Kalaa,
Mohol, and Sholapur, and the city of Poona had benefited by the
remission of taxes and the repair of roads.^
In this year 1838-39 the thirty years' revenue survey settlement
was introduced into the Kurkumb petty division of Bhimthadi.*
Bhimthadi was a long narrow belt, chiefly on the left bank of the
Bhima, stretching from near Poona to the borders of Indd,pur. It
included two divisions which differed greatly in climate. In the
west the Pimpalgaon division, under the md,mlatdd,r, enjoyed a
much more certain and abundant supply of rain than the eastern
division under the mahdlkari of Kurkumb. The climate, soil, and
productions of Kurkumb were in every respect similar to those of
IndApur. The chief feature of its climate was scanty uncertain
rainfall, and its chief produce was Indian millet or jvdri. Pimpalgaon
enjoyed a considerable rainfall, yielded bdjri, and was near Poona
the chief grain mart in the country. Survey rates were introduced
into Kurkumb in 1838-39 and into Pimpalgaon in 1839-40. The
horror of Holkar's wasting march in 1802 and the failure of rain
and famine of 1 803 had wiped out the memory of all older sufferings.
The country had scarcely recovered when it passed to the British.
Soon after, and probably in the mind of the people because of the
Peshwa's overthrow, a plague of cholera swept away a large
proportion of the people. During the three years after the Peshwa
had been driven from' Poona, in the village of Kurkumb out of 1000
people 460 died. Then came the ruinous fall in the price of grain
from the spread of tillage, the decline in capital, and the fall in the
numbers of the local non-agricultural classes. The failure of rain
in 1823, 1824, 1827, 1829, 1830, and 1832 had combined to reduce
Kurkumb to a deplorable state. The earliest year for which local
information was available was 1 832-33. In that year, as in Indapur,
a succession of bad years joined with cheap grain had reduced the
people to wretchedness and made large remissions necessary, the
allotting of which had to be left in great measure to low paid clerks
with little supervision. From a nominal or kacha rental of £7187
(Rs. 71,870) of the whole Bhimthadi subdivision, £5482 (Rs. 54,820)
had to be taken because of remissions, and £462 (Rs. 4,620) because
of village expenses, leaving to Government only £1243 (Rs. 12,430).
' Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 32, 36. According to another statement, in Iiiddpur in
this year (1838-39) tillage showed an increase of 15,555 acres and revenue of Rs. 3073,
and in Kurkumb tillage of 11,072 acres and revenue of Ks. 1956. Bom, Gov. Rev.
Eeo. 17 of 1846, 63-66.
2 Mr. Williamson, Rev. Comr, 2610 of 23rd November 1838.
3 Bom, Gov. Sel. CLI. 228.
Deccau]
POONA.
419
The land seems to have been very unequally assessed ; the average
acre rate for dry-crop was Is. 6^d. (12-;^ as.) and for garden 8s.
(Rs. 4) besides the dry-crop rate. The people had come to look on
remissions as their right.^ In 1838-39 Lieutenant Nash the survey
officer was at a loss how to convey an impression of the poverty of
the Bhimthadi villages ; more than half the arable land was waste,
the villages were ruined, constant remissions were required, and
outstandings accumulated.^ Of a total of 191,000 arable acres
106,000 or more than one-half were waste. A portion of this waste
was covered with thick thorny bushes, which it would be difficult to
clear. The village walls were crumbling and falhng, and for one
inhabited house two were empty and of many only the open sites
remained.^ The conditions of the Kurkumb group, the soil, climate,
style of tillage, and price of grain so closely resembled Inddpur
that Lieutenant Nash proposed to introduce the same rates. On
account of their greater nearness to Poona Lieutenant Wingate
suggested an increase of ten per cent and these revised rates were
approved and introduced.*
In February 1840 Mr. Stewart the Collector remarked that where
the new survey rates had been introduced, nearly all the land had
been taken up. In many instances the landholders continued to
take up land they were unable to cultivate and used it for grazing
rather than risk being deprived of it by others. Where the old
rates prevailed, much good land was still waste. This could be
brought under tillage only by a reduction in the assessment.^ In
1839-40 the latter rains almost entirely failed and the late crops
suffered severely. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet or
jvdri rose from about 134 to 88 pounds (67-44 shers). In the
Kurkumb division of Bhimthadi there was an increase of 14,537
acres which was carried out by the landholders with their own
capital.® In the whole district the area under tillage was 895,438
acres; and though £10,640 (Re. 1,06,400) or about 13| per cent of
the land revenue were remitted,' the collections were £12,280
(Rs. 1,22,800) higher than in the previous year.
Chapter^VIII
Land.
SUEVBY.
Bhimthadi,
183S-S9.
1839-40.
' Lieutenant -Colonel Waddington, Survey Superintendent, 12th July 1871 . Bom.
Gov. SeL CLI. 201.
" Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 199, 233. At the same time as in Inddpur the statement
(Sel. CLL 203) of revenues for forty-eight villages of the Bhimthadi subdivision showa
a considerable improvement since the year 1833-34. The average collections during
the three years before 1833-34 were Es. 16,360 and in tha six years after 1833-34
Rs. 31,570, and in the three last of these six years Ks. 34,350.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 233.
* Gov. Letter 4619 of 24th December 1838. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLL 228, 239.
6 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1098 of 1840, 19-20.
« Mr, Stewart, Collector, 19th November 1840, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841,
68, 69. In Indd,pur tillage increased by 5625 acres, and revenue by Rs. 1526 ; in
Bhimthadi the increase was 17,490 acres under tillage and Rs. 7458 under revenue.
Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 63-66. ,. .
' In the surveyed and settled subdivisions of Inddpur and Bhimthadi the remissions
amouDted to ^ and 64 per cent, while in the unsettled subdivisions they ranged from
6 to 20 per cent (Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 41). On the 9th of October
1840 Mr. Mansfield, the assistant collector, wrote, ' I am afraid that for long some^
remissions must be made whenever there is a want of rain. The landholders as a
rule are so extremely poor, in consequence of over-assessment and low produce prices,
that in a bad year they have not capital enough to enable them to pay the fulL
assessment.' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 39, 177.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
420
DISTRICT.^.
Chapter YIII. i^ 1839-40 the survey settlement was introduced into the remain-
Land, ing villages of Bhimthadi.i They constituted the charge of the
Survey, mamlatdar at Pimpalgaon. This group was the western division of
BUmthadi, Bhimthadi. It had passed through the same trials as the eastern or
1839-40. ' Kurkumb group which was settled in the previous year, and the
condition of its villages and people was very little better.^ On the
other hand there was a notable difference in the rainfall, the staple
products, and the character of the soil. Pimpalgaon enjoyed a
considerable rainfall, yielded bdjri, and was near Poona the chief
grain mart in the country. As regards rainfall in the Pimpalgaon
group "Tihe early south-west rains were more plentiful, certain, and
regular than in Kurkumb or Inddpur ; but the north-east October
and November rains were slighter and less certain. As regards crops,
in consequence of the difference of rainfall, the chief harvest of the
Pimpalgaon group was the early or kharif millet or bdJri and not as
in Inddpur the late or rabi Indian millet or jvdri. Millet was a
more costly crop to grow than Indian millet. It wanted manure and
weeding, did not flourish without rain, and gave a less outturn. On
the other hand millet was the food of the richer classes, and in Yevat
the chief mart of Pimpalgaon was generally twenty per cent dearer
than Indian millet.* The details of millet prices are :*
Bupee Price of Bdjri and Jvdri in Shers, 1830-1839.
Towns.
Bdjri.
Jvdn.
1830-37.
March
1839.
Septr.
1839.
1830-37.
March
1839.
Septr.
1839.
Ind&pur
Kurkumb
Tevat
Poona
44
29
31
22
18|
37f
30
28
26
52
38
464
36
SIJ
24
68
29
Apart from the fact that its staple millet was a higher priced grain
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 239.
" During the ten years ending 1839-40 in a group of forty -eight Bhimthadi villages
which were afterwards brought under revision in ]S71, the remissions averaged
£1357 (Es. 13,570) and the coUeetitos £2666 (Rs. 26,660). The details (Bom. Gov.
SeL CLI, 202-203) including extra cesses or sdyar bdbs were :
Bhimthadi Revenue, ISSO-ISW.
YSAB.
Settle-
ment.
Bemie-
sions.
Out-
standings.
Collec-
tions.
is raiages.
1830-31 ...
1831-32 ...
1832-33 ...
1883-34 ...
1834-35 ...
1836-36 ...
183e-S7 ...
1837-88 .^.
1838-39 ...
1839-40 ...
Rb.
47,726
61,274
60,377
67,736
56,208
64,308
68,927
54,926
50,863
59,674
Bs.
39,223 "
16,607
36,964
"265
8417
16,040
7678
9222
3373
Es.
6037
2676
29,633
23,978
16,766
17,692
13,003
10,034
19,106
Ks.
8502
29,730
10,847
28,108
30,965
29,126
26,295
34,260
31,697
37,196.
Average
54,101
13,667
13,872
26,661
? Bom. Gov, Sel, CI/I. 241.
* Bom. Gov. Sel, CLI, 241, 246, 247.
Deccan.]
POONA.
421
than Indian millet, its nearness to grain markets gave the Pimpalgaon
group a considerable advantage over Indapur. During the seven
years ending 1837 the average price of Indian millet at Tevat in
Pimpalgaon was 27 per cent above the average price of Indian millet
in Inddpur.'^ As regards soil the greater certainty of the rain joined
perhaps to some property of the millet plant made the varieties of
soil less marked than in Inddpur. There was less difference in the
outturn of bad and good soils in Pimpalgaon than in Indapur. In
Pimpalgaon the best lands were waste and the worst lands were under
tillage, partly because the good lands were harder to work but also
from some fault in assessment. In fixing the amount by which the
Pimpalgaon rates should differ from the Indapur rates no change
was required under the heads of condition of the people or cost of
tillage. The chief grounds of variation were the better rainfall in
the Pimpalgaon group, the greater nearness of the Pimpalgaon
group to better markets, and the less difference between the outturn
of the different classes of soil in Pimpalgaon than in Inddpur.
These considerations led Lieutenant Nash to propose for the
Pimpalgaon group rates which in the aggregate were thirty-two
per cent higher than the rates introduced into Ind^pur.^ In the
Pimpalgaon group there were 123,000 acres. The proposed rates
averaged llf cZ. (7^as.) the acre, and the new assessment was expected
to vary from £5700 to £6300 (Rs. 57,000 -Es. 63,000). The old
assessment was £11,600 (Rs. 1,16,000) and the Government receipts
for the two years before the revision of the survey were £3300
(Rs. 33,000) and £2900 (Rs. 29,000) . If the reduction of rates caused
the same spreadof tillage as in Inddpur, an increase of 47,000 acres in
tillage and of at least £1000 (Rs. 10,000) in collections was expected.*
On the ground that the difference of produce prices between Indd,pur
and Pimpalgaon was twenty -five per cent in favour of Pimpalgaon,
Lieutenant Wingate raised Lieutenant Nash's proposed rates by
between four and five per cent.* Lieutenant Win gate's acre rates
were first black Is. lO^d. (15 as.), second black Is. 6d. (12 as.), and
third black Is. l^d. (9as. 2^ps.) ; first red ls.3|ci. (iOas.4|jos.), second
red lO^d. {7 as. ^^ps.), and third red 8^d. {bas. 9|ps.) ; first brown
9^d. (6 as. 7i ps.), second brown 6d. (4 as.), and third brown 3fd.
{2as. i^ps.). These rates were sanctioned by Government.^ In
considering the effect of the new rates of assessment Lieutenant Nash
Chapter^VIII
Land-
Survey.
Bhimthadi,
1839-40.
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 242-243.
" The Pimpalgaon acre rates were : Black land, 14 at. 4ips., 11 as. Ti ps., and
8 as. 9ips. ; red land, 10 as., 7 as-, and 5 as. 7J ps. ;brown land, 6 as. Ups., 4 as.,
and 2 as. i^ps. The corresponding Indapur rates were : Black land, 12 as., 9 as.
Ti ps., and 7 as. ; red land, 8 os., 5 as. 2^ps., and 3 as. 7-^ ps. ; brown land, 4 as.,
2as.ii ps., and 1 a. 4f jps. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 151, 244.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 245-246. In the Kurkumb group there were 98,764 acres.
Their old assessment was £7055 (Es, 70,550) and their new assessment £3700
(Rs. 37,000) representing an average acre rate of 9i(i. {6i as.). Inddpur contained
220,000 acres ; its old assessment was £20,300 (Rs. 2,03,000) and for many years the
aferage revenue had been only £3200 (Rs. 32,000). The average acre rate imposed by
Mr. Goldsmid was Sid. (5i| as.) ; this reduced the assessment to £8400 (Es. 84,000) ;
while an extension of cultivation consequent on the reduction of assessment increased
the revenue to about £5000 (Rs. 50,000), only about one-seventh of the land remaining
out of cultivation. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 245.
* Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 249-251.
= Government Letter 130 of 10th January 1840, Bom. Gov, Sel. CLI. 253.
[Bombay Gazetteer>
422 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. anticipated that they would shortly cause an increase of not less than
Laud. £ 1 000 (Rs. 10,000) a year in theGovernment revenue, and Lieutenant
The British Wingate thought that the gain to the people by the introduction of
the new rates would be still greater.^
1840-41 . In 1840-41 of a revenue of about £80,000 (Rs. 8,00,000) about
£10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000) were remitted. In the open country away
from the Sahyadris the crops were generally bad. About £9200
(Rs. 92,000) were remitted in the plain parts of Pabal, Purandhar,
Junnar, and Haveli. In Inddpur and Bhimthadi the revision of the
assessment had lessened the necessity for remissions though the
season was not more favourable than in the other eastern sub-
divisions.^ At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri fell
from about 88 to 128 pounds (44-64 shers) . In the whole district the
tillage area increased from 895,438 to 947,840 acres, remissions fell
from £10,640 to £9926 (Rs. 1,06,400 -Rs, 99,260), and collections rose
from £67,097 to £68,279 (Rs. 6,70,970- Rs.6,82,790). Outstandings
amounted to £1750 (Rs. 17,500).^ In reviewing the yearns report
Government observed with satisfaction that the revenue was on the
increase, the collections were made more punctually, and the
outstanding balances were being settled.*
In 1841 the assistant collector Mr. Hart, writing on the 9th of
November spoke highly of the progress made in Inddpur and
Bhimthadi. Within the last few years population had increased,
tillage had spread, the Government revenue had risen, and remissions
fallen, and the social and pecuniary condition of the people had
perceptibly improved. Mr. Hart considered that this change was
in great measure due to the new settlement rates .^ One
1 Lieutenant Wingate, 11th December 1839, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 252.
' The details of remissions are : Mdval 3'15 per cent andKhed 172, both unrevised
western sub-divisions ; Junnar 7'87 an unrevised sub-division partly western partly
open, the season unfavourable in the open parts ; Pdbal 30 '02 an unrevised sub-division
in the open country, the season unfavourable ; Haveli 8'58 and Purandhar 38'66,both
unrevised sub-divisions partly near the hills partly open, the season unfavourable in
the open parts-;. Bhimthadi 250 and IndApur 3'69 both revised sub-divisions in the
open country, the season unfavourable as in the unrevised open parts. To illustrate
the good results of the revised survey settlfement still more strikingly, Mr. Vibart
the Revenue Commissioner gives the percentage of remissions in the neighbouring sub-
divisions of other districts ; Korti 36'61 an unrevised sub-division of Ahmadnagar, and
Karmila 43 71, an unrevised subdivision of SholApur. They lay to the north and north-
east of Bhimthadi and Inddpur the revised sub-divisions of Poena. Bom. Gov. Rev.
Reo. 1344 of 1842, 5-6.
^ Of the two revised sub-divisions in Inddpur tillage showed an increase of 2194 acres
and revenue of Rs. 655, and in Bhimthadi tillage of 21,347 acres and revenue of
Rs. 8347. Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 17 of 1846, 63-66. Of the total outstandings of
Rs. 17,503, Rs. 6262 were in Khed, Rs. 3918 in Inddpur, Rs. 2427 in Purandhar,
Rs. 2162 in Junnar, Rs. 1825 in Haveli, Rs. 667 in Pdbal, Rs. 183 in Poona City,
and Rs. 59 in Bhimthadi. There were no outstandings in Mdval.
■• Gov. Letter 1494 of 16th May 1842. Bom. Gov. Rev. Eee. 1344 of 1842, 281.
6 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 54, 126. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 202. In
1840-41 in Inddpur the waste area was reduced" to 5160 acres. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII.
36. About Kurkumb in Bhimthadi the assistant collector Mr. Mansfield wrote
about 1841 : ' The increase in the land under cultivation in the Kurkumb division,
amounting to 14,637 acres assessed at Rs. 5000, is a proof of the great relief afforded
to the landholders by the revised rates of assessment ; and it is worthy of remark that
the whole of this land has been brought into cultivation by the holders on their own
means, unassisted by advances and under a clear understanding that no remission
would be made on account of a failure of crops.' Bom. Gov. Sel, OLI. 202.
Deccan.]
POONA.
423
circumstance which added to the prosperity of the people in 1841
was the abundant supply of cattle. This was probably partly at
least due to the change from pack-bullocks to carts which must have
set free a large number of bullocks. On the 23rd of December
1841 the Collector Mr. Stewart wrote: 'Bullocks are brought in
large droves from the neighbouring states every year to these
districts, and cattle markets are held weekly in many large towns.
The supply is amply sufficient for the demand. Landholders are
never forced to go any distance to buy cattle, nor is any inducement
required to persuade the owners of bullocks to bring them for sale
in these districts.' ' In 1840-41 Mr. Hart proposed that remission
should be'granted to any one who would plant the edges of his
field with trees. Mr. Stewart the Collector said it was no use
trying to tempt the people as they thought trees spoiled their crops
and harboured birds.^
A subject which at this time received much attention from
revenue officers was the best means of helping landholders by
the grant of advances. In 1842 (February 8th) the Eevenue
Commissioner Mr. Vibart wrote, ' The account of the Govern-
ment agricultural advances or the tagdi is on the whole
satisfactory. Where the advance is made to effect permanent
improvements such as sinking wells, the more that can be
advanced the better, provided the improvement proposed is real and
permanent and the character and means of the landholder hold out
a fair prospect of the undertaking succeeding. Advances to buy
bullocks might do good. Still in lightly assessed parts advances for
bullocks were open to the objection of tempting landholders to bring
more land under tillage than they could cultivate properly. He
thought that in lightly assessed districts the grant of advances to buy
cattle should be discouraged except after an epidBmic of cattle
disease or after a famine year.'^ In a letter dated the 16th of May
1842, Government approved of Mr. Vibart's proposals. They said
' In tracts or village groups where the assessment is ill-regulated and
the landholders are poor and depressed, it is impossible to resist the
call for advances to help in providing seed and stock. As a tract
improves, the need of advances for seed or for stock becomes less
urgent. In such cases advances should be confined to landholders
who are anxious to improve their land. Government considered
that the sums of money which had been advanced to landholders to
enable them to improve their carts was most judicious. Advances
to improve irrigation were also always well spent. In the present
state of the public resources it was impossible to sanction any
considerable outlay, and endeavours must be confined to preventing
the decay of works already in existence.' Considering his peculiar
qualifications and intimate knowledge of the country, Government
sanctioned the annual disbursement by Dr. Gibson the Superintend-
ent of the botanical garden at Hivra of £300 (Rs. 3000) in advances
to landholders desirous of undertaking works of irrigation. One
Chapter^VIII
Land.
Thk British.
1841.
Advances,
1 Mr Stewart, Collector, 23rd Deo. 1841. Bonq. Gov. Kev. Reo. 1344 of 1842, 50.
' Bom. Gov, Sel. CLI. 196, ' Bom, Gov. Kev, Reo, 1344 of 1842, 15-17.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
The British.
Carts,
1840.
X841-4^.
form of advances which in the opinion of Government should be
scrupulously restricted was the demand of advances with the object
of forcing ordinary cultivation.^
In 1836 the great loss which the people suffered from the want
of a market for, their grain impressed on the district officers the
necessity of introducing measures to cheapen the cost of carriage.
Eoads were being made, and the new road (1830) down the Bor
pass made it possible to send produce to the Konkan and Bombay
in carts. There were very few carts in the district. Those which
were in use were for carrying great weights for short distance and
had solid stone wheels. A new style of cart was introduced by
Lieutenant Gaisford in 1836, and a cart factory was started by him
at Tembhurni in Sholapur.^ The people took great interest in the
carts which were light weighing only 160 pounds, cheap costing
about £4 (Rs. 40), and roomy enough to carry about three quarters
of a ton. Many of the richer landholders bought carts. It was
found that the bulk of the people were keen to buy but could not
spare the money. Advances were made aggregating about £760
(Rs. 7600) and in the four years ending 1840 it was estimated that
3722 carts had been made and were in use. In his report for 1839-40
the Collector Mr. Stewart wrote (19th Nov. 1840) : ' The improved
description of carts is highly approved by all classes. The model
has been generally adopted and several people make them for sale
on speculation, in the city of Poona.' To introduce cart-making
into the leading country towns Mr. Stewart proposed that at each
mamlatdar's station two workshops should be formed, which the
children of the village carpenters and blacksmiths of the pargcma
should be allowed to attend to be taught cart-making. Where the
means of learning their trade was thus within the reach of each
carpenter and blacksmith of a village. Government might insist on
a certain degree of skill to entitle him to the indm or perquisites
attending his right to work for his village. As a further encourage-
ment to the attainment of greater skill, a promise of employment
under Government in the public works and ordnance might be held
ont to those who were considered fit for such situations.' Govern-
ment did not favour Mr. Stewart's suggestions. In their opinion if
cart-making paid, cartmakers would soon spring up.*
The season of 1841-42 was peculiarly unfavourable. The early
rains fell in some sub-divisions so abundantly and incessantly as to
destroy a large proportion of the early crops. The late harvest
failed because the latter rains were too long of beginning. In some
sub-divisions the standing crops were destroyed by locusts. The
remissions amounted to 15'31 per cent.^ At Indapur the rupee
price of Indian millet or jvdri rose from about 128 to 112 pounds
» Gov. Letter 1494 of 16th May 1842, Bom. Gov. Kev. Keo. 1344 of 1842, 275 - 278.
2 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 39, 40, 41, 54, 55.
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 1241 of 1841, 20-21, 87-91.
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 1241 of 1841, 269-270.
0 Junnar21-47, Indd,pur 10-96, Khed 14-72, Pdbal 12-79, Purandhar 33-35, Bhim-
thadi 2-78, Haveli 7-77, MAval 7-21, and City of Poona 3-62. Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec.
1453 of 1843, 41-42.
Deccan.]
POONA.
425
(64-56 shers). The area under tiDage^ in the whole district rose
from 947,840 to 982,600 acres, and collections fell from £68,279
to £64,296 (Rs. 6,82,790 -Rs. 6,42,960).2 Outstandings amounted
to £2441 (Rs. 24,410) .3 Since 1838 considerable progress had been
made in clearing ofE the heavy balances which had for years been
accumulating. The total of £69,016 (Rs. 6,90,160) in "1838 was
reduced to £36,544 (Rs. 3,65,440) in 1841.*
The low rates introduced into Indapur and Bhimthadi had led to a
rapid spread of tillage.^ The tillage was superficial. As shown in the
following statement the increase in the stock of cattle did not neai'ly
keep up with the increase in the tillage area. The details^ are :
Bhimthadi-Imddpur Tillage and. Working Cattle, ISJfi •
SnE-DivisiON.
Last tear of
Mr. Pringie's
Survey.
1840-41.
1841-42.
1841.
Tillage.
Oxen.
Tillage.
Oxen.
Acres
taken.
Oxen.
Bhimthadi.
Mimlatdir's Division ...
Mahilkari's do.
iTiddpur.
M&mlatdlr's Division ...
MaMUtari's do.
Total ...
Acres.
49,676
36,460
76,375
64,012
9361
5349
4905
4068
Acres.
74,468
78,127
118,164
105,006
10,411
7946
7675
5776
Acres.
79,798
77,791
116,551
103,693
11,068
7864
8958
8728
226,423
23,683
375,765
30,807
377,728
36,616
ChapterVIII
Land-
The British.
Inddpur-
Bhimihadi.
' Tlie details are :
Poona Tillage, 18S8-18ia.
Sdb-Division.
1838-39,
1839-40.
1840-41.
1841-42.
Acres.
Acres.
Acres.
Acres.
Shivner
143,763
144,762
Indapur
212,407
218,308
224,695
227,564
Pabal
118,200
124,209
Purandhar
106,048
109,726
Bhimthadi
108,069
131,324
1.54,351
169,624
Haveli
60,467
80,142
Khed
106,312
102,436
Mival
32,758
31,868
Poona City
ToUl ...
2246
2279
895,438
947,840
982,600
Bom. Gov. Eev, Keo. 1344 of 1842, 32, and 1453 of 1843, 34, 35, 37. In 1842 there
were 6148 acres of waste in Inddpur and 43,705 in Bhimthadi. Rev. Rec. 1453
of 1843, 35. According to another statement there was in 1841-42 a decrease of 749
acres in tillage and of Rs. 226 in revenue in IndApur, and an increase of 5418 acres
and Rs. 2368 in Bhimthadi. In Haveli and PAbal into which the survey settle-
ment was introduced in 1841-42, there was an increase of 6382 acres in tillage and
of Rs. 3438 in revenue in Haveli, and of 2068 acres and Rs. 1009 in Pdbal. Bom.
Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 63 - 66.
" Of the decrease in revenue about £1800 (Rs. 18,000) were due to the introduction
of survey rates into PAbal and Haveli. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 29.
3 The details are : Shivner Rs. 57, Inddpur Rs. 3598, Khed Rs. 393, P^bal
Rs. 3159, Purandhar Rs. 10,523, Bhimthadi Rs. 2934,HaveURs. 3237, MAval Rs. 2,
and Poona City Rs. 505. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 125.
* Mr. Vibart, Rev. Gomr. 311 of 24th Feb. 1842.
5 The figures were, for Inddpur 212,407 acres in 1838-39; 218,308 in .1839-40 ;
224 695 in 1840-41 ; and 227,564 in 1841-42; and those for Bhimthadi 108,069 acres
in 1838-39 ; 131,324 in 1839-40; 154,351 in 1840-41; and 1B9,624 in 1841-42. Bom.
Gov. Rev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 35. According to another statement there was in 1841-42
a decrease of 749 acres in tillage and of Rs. 226 in revenue in ludApur, and an increase
of 5418 acres and Rs. 2368 in Bhimthadi. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 63-66.
^ Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 133-136. The figures in this statement and in
the statement in footnote 1 do not quite agree,
B 1327—54
[Bombay Gazetteer,
426
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The Beitish.
1841.4g.
StTRVBY.
Pdbal,
IS4I-4.S.
In spite of the badness of the season the opening of cart tracks
and the making of carts had caused a marked increase in traflBc.^
In 1841 the chief exports were field produce, ch.ieS.j jvdri, hdjri,
iur, gram, wheat, oil, and miscellaneous articles. Coarse cotton
cloth chiefly for local use was woven in Inddpur, Jejuri, Talegaon
Dabhdde, and some other villages. Returns prepared at Khandala
on the Bombay-Poona road and on the other main lines of traflSc
showed an increase in the estimated value of the traffic from £1 10,528
(Rs. 11,05,280) in 1840-41 to £131,758 (Rs. 13,17,580) in 1841-42 or
an mcrease of £21,230 (Rs. 2,12,300). The value of the articles on
which import or thai-mod that is local-emptying duties were levied
in the city of Poena and in the town of Junnar, rose from £39 738
(Rs. 3,97,380) in 1840-41 to £41,623 (Rs. 4,16,230) in 1841-42, and
the export or thal-bharit that is local-filling goods were estimated to
have fallen in value from £8880 (Rs. 88,800) to £6849 (Rs. 68,490).2
In this year the thirty years' revenue survey settlement was
introduced into the Pd,bal and Haveli sub-divisions.^ Pdbal was a
narrow slip of land lying nearly north and south. It included a
northern group with Ausari as its head-quarters which formed the
mahalkari's charge and a southern group with Pabal as its head-
quarters which formed the mdmlatddr's charge. As all parts of
the sub-division were about the same distance from the Sahyldris
there was little variety of climate. In the north-west corner a few
villages were hemmed in by considerable hills which caused a
specially heavy rainfall while some villages on the eastern boundary
received a scanty supply. The landholders though depressed were
not so badly off as those of Indapur and Bhimthadi. The large
proportion of hereditary or mirds holders, 1850 out of 2442 in the
Pdbal group and 2719 out of 3262 in the Ausari group, showed
that this sub-division had never suffered so severely as the east of
the district. At the same time Pd.bal was depressed by over-
assessment. Many of the villages were ruined and tillage had
remained nearly stationary at 105,000 acres in the twelve years
ending 1841 during which Mr. Pringle's settlement was nominally
in force.* During those twelve years more than 50,000 acres or.
about a third of the Government arable land had lain waste. Of the
total dry-crop or kamdljirdyat assessment fixed in 1829 for the whole
Government arable land at £15,500 (Rs. 1,55,000) an average of only
£7200 (Rs. 72,000) or less than one-half was realized. During the first
nine years (1820-1829) of British rule the average rental including
saj/ar or miscellaneous revenue was £13,783 (Rs. 1,37,830), and the
average collections were £12,518 (Rs. 1,25,180). In the next twelve
years (1829-1841) when the rent settlement was nominally made
according to the assessment fixed at the 1 829 survey, the average
revenue for collection was £10,769 (Rs. 1,07,690) and the collections
£8785 (Rs. 87,850). The large average rental and collections
during the first period (1820-1829) were due to the comparatively
enormous revenue drawn from the land in the first few years of
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo, 1453 of 1843, 16. ' Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 1453 of 1843, 96-96.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 337. * Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 339,
Dec can]
POONA.
427
British rule. For the first three years (1820-23) the actual receipts
on account of land revenue averaged upwards of £16,000 (Rs.1,60,000)
a year; in 1824 they fell to £10,800 (Rs. 1,08,000) ; and in every
succeeding year they were less than in 1824. Lieutenant Wingate
thought that in the early years the capabilities of the Deccan had
been overtaxed and that this drain of capital was in great measure
the cause of the future poverty and distress .^ Of the two survey
groups into which Pabal was divided the Pdbal or mamlatd^r's
group in the south contained 1 13,054 acres distributed among twenty-
eight villages. Measuring and classing were begun in 1839 and
finished in 1840. The measurements of the 1829 survey generally
proved correct and were kept by the 1839 survey. Except a few
villages in the east where the rainfall was somewhat scanty, the
climate of the Pd,bal group was uniform. The people, though poor
in house gear clothing and farm stock, were some shades better off
than the people in the east. There were 188 shops. Still many of
the villages and village walls were ruined, and manufactures did not
flourish. Of 2442 landholders, 1850 were hereditary holders, 492
were casual holders, and 100 were ovandkaris or ovdndeharis^ that
is strangers. There were 1225 ploughs, 7521 bullocks, and 430 carts.
Since the introduction of the 1829 survey the tillage area had varied
little, the average of the three years ending 1841 showing an increase
over the three years ending 1832 of about 4000 acres.'' This south
or Pabal group did not come under British management until 18<i0.
In that year the land revenue was £8332 (Rs.83 320) and the otke
taxes yielded £418 (Rs.4180)oratotal revenue of £8750 (Rs. 87,500).
In 1828 the year before Mr. Pringle's survey, the land revenue was
£4796 (Rs 47 960) or nearly one-half what it was nine years before
and the taxes' £328 (Rs.3280) or one-third less. The survey rates
yielded a revenue of £5398 (Rs. 53,980) that is an increase of £600
(Rs 6000), but in the following year the rental sank to about its
former level. Since 1835-36 it had been gradually dmiimshing at
the rate of £100 (Rs.lOOO) a year and m 1838-39 was £515/
(Rs.51,570) or £3175 (Rs. 31,750) less than when the country came
into the hands of the British, while the taxes were £190 or £230
(Rs 1900 or Bs.2300) less. During the first nine years (1820-18^9)
iemissions to the amount of £6764 (Rs. 67 640) -«f /;j|„-^|f /.'^"'J.f
the last ten years under the 1829 survey the sum of £7629 (Rs. 76,290)
was remittel so that in the space f -^if.f ,y^:i'^};,rZ:t
amounted to the enormous sum of £14,393 (Rs. 1,43,930) that is
nearly three years' rental.* There was a large area of garden tillage
ThTre were many water channels or pdts, 739 wells of which 208
Chapter^ VIII
Land.
Survey.
Pabal,
1841-4^.
-Bom Gov Sel. CLI 329. sub-division that is in both the
p;bSTnd^i:sa!fsu""y f-P^^^^|.VTnt mV29riT SoS^^l^utstTd':
Es. 2,699. Ditto, 338.
LBombay Gazetteer,
428
DISTEIOTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Sttrvey.
Pdbal,
were out of repairj and 69 water-lifts or budkis of whicli 44 were
out of repair. Lieutenant Eobertson suggested that the rates sanc-
tioned for the Pimpalgaon group of Bhimthadi which were thirty-
three per cent higher than those of Indapur/ should be adopted for
this Pabal group, as the two groups did not differ in climate, pro-
ductiveness, nearness to Poena, or in means of sending produce to
markets. The garden lands might he thought be assessed on the
system adopted in IndApur.
The Ausari or northern group contained 74,662 acres distributed
over thirty-four villages of which thirty-one were Government and
three were dumdla or reversionary. The measuring and classing were
begun and finished in 1839-40. As the measurements of the 1829
survey proved incorrect in sixteen villages they were remeasured
throughout. The error on the arable land of one village was found
as high as 52 per cent, and in the other fifteen villages it varied
from 17 to 30 per cent. The mistakes were almost entirely in favour
of Government. In the remaining fifteen villages as the amount of
error was within ten per cent the former measurement was retained.
As it was nearer to the hills the Ausari group was better ofE for rain
than the eastern Pdbal villages. Consequently the difference in
fertility between the better and the poo:fer soils was not so marked.
The climate was much the same throughout, except in a few villages
in the north-west which were surrounded by hills and in consequence
had a specially large aud certain supply of rain. The group was
crossed by the Mina and the Ghod and nearly all of the villages were
on the banks of these rivers. The soil of the tract drained by the
Mina was poor, chiefly red or tdmhdi and stony or hardi, with few
trees and much of it waste. The Ghod, from as far as Pimpalgaon,
ran through better land, fairly wooded with mangoes and nearly
all under tillage. The chief dry grains were for the early harvest
hdjri emdjvdri and for the late or rabi harvest wheat, gram, and
SBi&oweT or kardai. There were 806 wells and 64 water-lifts or &M(i/<:is
in good repair. The wells were chiefly used in growing vegetables
wheat and gram, and in a few villages small patches of sugarcane
plantain and mulberry trees. A dam across the Mina river at
Narayangaon about ten miles south-east of Junnar, when in thorough
repair, watered 362 acres of land. According to the 1829 survey the
Ausari group contained 75,177 arable acres, of which in 1840, 55,970
acres were under tillage and 19,207 were waste ; of 3262 land-
holders 2719 were hereditary holders, 426 casual holders, and 117
strangers or ovandkaris. There were 1433 ploughs, 368 carts, and
9436 bullocks.^ In fifteen villages there were good chdvdis or village
offices, in ten villages the village offices were sadly out of repair, and
in seven villages they were in ruins. Besides serving as village
offices, the chdvdis were useful and convenient as a resting-place for
native travellers. Ten villages had Marathi schools with a total
attendance of 244 boys. At Ndrayangaon the master was paid by
Government ; in the other villages the pay of the master varied
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 310-311.
2 Capt. Landon, asst. snpt. 25th August 1840, Bom. Gov. Sel. OLI. 333-334.
Dsccan.]
POONA.
429
according to tlie number of boys and ranged from 6s. to 12s. (Rs. 3-6)
a month, eacL. boy paying 3d to Qd. (2-4 as.) a month according to
the progress he made. The boys were all very young as the parents
did not like paying for them and soon took them away. The
only manufactures were the weaving of coarse cotton cloth and of
Icdmblis or blankets for local use. Several villages had a weekly
market at which vegetables and small quantities of grain and coarse
cloth were offered for sale. The amount of traffic was small. The
surplus grain, tobacco, and other produce went either to Poena,
Panvel, or Bhiwndi. Large droves of bullocks loaded with cotton
from Umravati in Berd,r passed through Korti and Pabal on their
way to Bombay. In 1820 when the Ausari villages came under
British management the rental on the land under tillage was £8026
(Bs. 80,260). By 1828 it had fallen to £5653 (Es. 56,530), and
Mr. Pringle's survey in 1829 reduced it to £4662 (Es. 46,620). Since
1829 the tillage area had varied little, but the amount of remissions
and balances had been much larger since the 1829 survey than before.^
At the time Ausari passed to the British (1820) the amount collected
from the land was £8026 (Rs. 80,260) being the full assessment without
any remission. The year before the survey (1828) it had fallen to
£4487 (Rs. 44,870) and on the introduction of the survey in 1829
it fell to £3254 (Rs.32,540); in 1831 it fell to £2553 (Rs.25,530) ;
the following year it was more favourable, and in 1833 and the two
following years nearly the whole assessment was collected j in 1836
it again fell to £3527 (Rs. 35,270), and since then it fluctuated between
£3500 and £4000 (Rs. 35,000 and Rs. 40,000) which is less than half
the amount collected when the British first took possession of the
petty division in 1820.^
Of the entire Pabal sub-division in a group of fifty-six villages
the changes in revenue between 1836 and 1841, that is during the
five years before the thirty years survey settlement, are as follows ;*
Pdbal Bevenne, 1836-1841.
Vil-
Total
Unoccu-
Occu-
Eemis-
Collec-
Year.
lages.
Bental,
pied.
pied.
sions.
tions.
Rs.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Bs.
1836-37
56
1,33,878
46,318
87,660
18,764
68,796
1837-38
66
1,30,901
44,480
86,421
16,691
70,830
1838-39..,
56
1,31,069
46,162
85,907
26,443
69,464
1839-40
66
1,32,791
43,234
89,667
16,980
72,577
1840-41
66
1,30,101
33,185
96,916
36,043
60,873
The survey rates proposed by the assistant superintendent Captain
Landon* gave for the whole sub-division an acre average of Is. l\d.
(9 as.) and a maximum dry-crop assessment on the arable land, of
1 -Ro+wpph 1820 and 1829 remissions and balances amounted to £4332 (Es. 43,320)
nnd between 1829 and 1839 they amounted to £9260 (Es. 92,600). Bom. Gov. Sel.
CLI 332 ^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CLL 332. ^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 309.
* Cantain Landon thought that the Pdbal sub-division could easily bear an mcrease
nf '?') ner cent on the rates fixed for Sholdpur that is 68-3 per cent higher than those
nf TndLur and 10 per cent additional on the inferior soils on account of their greater
fertilitv He also suggested that a few villages on the north-west might bear an
a^^itlnTi'il 20 ner cent on account of a more certain supply of rain, and a few on the
easterrborder be lowered 20 per cent on account of less certain rainfall. "R-™ «--
Sel. CLI. 311.
Chapter_VIir
Laud.
Survey.
Pdbal,
1841-42.
Bom, Gov,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
430
DISTRICTS.
Ghapter^VIII.
Land.
SnRVEr,
Pdbal,
£9281 (Rs. 92,810). This in addition to the garden or bdgdyat
rental of £1550 (Rs. 15,500) gave a total survey rental of £10,831
(Rs. 1,08,310). Compared with the average collections of the
previous ten years this total rental showed an increase of £2631
(Rs. 26,310). The immediate sacrifice on the part of Government
was estimated at £52 (Rs. 520) . For garden land, of which a con-
siderable area was watered from channels, the assistant superinten-
dent recommended an acre rate of 6s. (Rs.3). There was also a
small area of the rich alluvial soil called dheli. Some of this land
which had been put to auction in the previous year was rented at
16s. (Rs. 8) the acre. As the area of this alluvial land depended on
the river, the assistant superintendent recommended that the exist-
ing system of disposing of it by yearly sale should be continued.
As the garden land at Nd,rayangaon was watered from a dam
across the Mina river which cost Government a large sum to keep
in repair,^ and, as the rates had been revised by the Revenue Com-
missioner in 1838, the assistant superintendent advised that the
present rates should be continued with an acre reduction of 2.?,
(Re.l) in the first class and Is. (8 as.) in ~ the other classes. The
rates he proposedl were £1 6s., 17s., 7s., and 5s. (Rs. 13, Rs. 8|, Rs. 3|,
and Rs. 2^). Lieutenant Wingate thought the proposed dry-crop
rates too high. If the whole arable area was brought under tillage
they would cause an increase of 38 per cent. To place the two
Pabal groups on the same favourable position as the Inddpur and
Bhimthadi groups he would reduce the proposed rates by ten per
cent. The watered lands amounted to about 6000 acres of which
8900 were watered from wells, 950 from channels, and 1150
from wells and channels. Well- watered or motasthal lands were
not subjected to any extra taxation before the 1840 survey.
Lieutenant Wingate recommended that well-watered land should
be assessed on the plan adopted for the eastern sub-divisions. For
channel watered land an acre rate of 6s. (Rs.3) to 2s. (Re.l) in
excess of highest dry-crop rate was proposed. Land watered from
both channels and wells was to be assessed by a combination of the
two rates. The settlement as modified by Lieutenant Wingate
would, when the whole arable land was brought under tillage,
represent an increase of £2000 (Rs. 20,000) or twenty-six- per cent
on the average collections of £7700 (Rs. 77,000) during the twelve
years ending 1841.^ Lieutenant Wingate's rates were approved and
sanctioned.^
' Eebuilding about one-third of the dam cost about Rs. 3,7,000. Captain Landon,
25th August 1840, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 335. In 1838 the Eevenue Commissioner re-
duced the rates from Es. 17, Rs. 124, Rs.6, and Rs, 3 to Rs. 14, Rs . 9, Rs. 4 and Rs. 3.
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 336.
2 According to Lt; Wingate's rates the dry-crop rental amounted to £8350 (Rs. 83,500)
and the garden rental to £1350 (Rs. 13,500) or a total of £9700 (E.s. 97,000). Bom.
Gov. Bel. CLI. 342.
» Gov. Letter 3679 of 3rd Dec. 1841. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 348-349. At the survey
settlement a ndrds patti or hereditary holders' cess yielding about £30 (Rs. 300) levied
every third year from a few villages was abolished. Another cess of the same name
and yielding nearly £200 (Rs. 2000) had been levied every third year from the
members of the village staff or hahiteddrs. This was changed into a yearly cess of
one-third of the former amount. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 341.
Deccau.l
POONA.
431
The survey settlement was introduced into tlie Haveli subdivision
in 1841.^ As Haveli lay to the west of Bhimthadi it enjoyed a
larger share of the south-west rains. Bdjri was the staple grain and
varied in good soils with early jvdri and with late wheat and gram.
Near the hills a few patches of rice were grown. Near Poona the
grazing land was very valuable. In one village upwards of 100
fields were kept in grass. In the villages round Poona, except in
the lands of the rich where it was used as manure, the cowdung was
stored and carried as fuel to the city. In the city there was a
constant demand for grass, vegetables, and fruit, and the average
price of grain was twenty to twenty-five per cent higher than in
Bhimthadi. According to the 1829 survey, exclusive of inams the
Haveli subdivision contained 96,383 acres of arable land assessed by
Mr. Pringle at£ll,920 (Rs. 1,19,200). The following statement shows
the rental and collections for the twenty-two years ending 1840 : '^
Havdi Rtvmue, 1818-1840.
Year.
Rental.
Sdyar.
Total.
Eemis-
sions.
Balan-
ces.
Collec-
tions.
Laud.
Cesses.
1818-1810 ...
1818-1830 ...
1830-1840 ...
Es.
79,042
80,631
77,136
Es.
27,765
38,672
20,676
Rs.
7681
8379
6842
Rs.
1,14,488
1,22,682
1,04,664
Es.
19,034
21,444
16,189
Es.
4271
2784
6478
Es.
91,183
98,464
83,037
In a group of eighty-one villages the collections during the five years
ending 1840-41 averaged £6445 (Rs. 64,450) .' The details are :
Haveli Revenue, 1836-1841.
Year.
Vil-
Total
Unoccu-
Occu-
pied
Land.
Remis-
Collec-
lages.
Eental.
pied Land.
sions.
tions.
Es.
Es.
Rs.
- Es.
Its.
1836-37
81
1,35,066
44,948
90,113
19,089
71,029
1837-38
81
1,26,993
38,017
88,976
26,667
62,409
18S8-S9
81
1,26,563
36,060
89,603
35,097
64,406
1839-40
81
1,26,447
35,904
90,643
27,677
62,866
1840-41
81
1,26,102
36,268
89,834
18,281
71,663
Of 119,720 acres assessed at £15,255 (Rs. 1,52,550), 23,337 acres
were alienated. Had the whole of the remaining 96,383 acres
assessed at £11,920 (Rs. 1,19,200) been cultivated during the
previous twenty-two years, the land assessment alone for that
period would have amounted to £262,240 (Rs. 26,22,400) . The sum
of £2000 (Rs. 20,000) a year or £44,000 (Rs. 4,40,000) for the whole
period under cess revenue, raises the total to £306,240 (Rs. 30,62,400).
Of these £300,000 (Rs. 30 lakhs), only about £200,000 (Rs. 20 lakhs)
were realized between 1818 and 1840. Of the remaining £100,000
(Rs. 10 lakhs) Lieutenant Wingate assigned £48,500
(Rs. 4,85,000) to loss on account of remissions, £9300 (Rs. 93,000)
to outstanding balances, and the rest to the want of tillage. On
comparing the twelve years before and the ten years after the 1830
survey it appears that remissions and balances slightly increased and
Chapter^VIII
Land-
Survey.
Haveli,
1841-43.
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 428. ^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI, 429.
3 Bom. Gov, Sel. CLI. 409.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
432
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Sttbvey.
Haveli,
1841-4^.
the reyenue considerably diminished. In the first twelve years the
average jamdbandi was £12,500 (Rs. 1,25,000) ; in the last ten years it
was only £10,776 (Rs. 1,07,760). The collections had fallen consider-
ably. In the first twelve years the Grovernment receipts averaged
£7400 (Rs. 74,000) a year j in the last ten they averaged only £5800
(Rs. 58,000).^ According to Lieutenant Nash the improvement since
1833 was due to the grant of rising leases or istdva kauls. In spite of
these concessions, in 1841 Haveli was suffering from a high nominal
assessment with constant remissions and balances. In fifty villages
visited by Lieutenant Nash (1841) he found a want of energy and
enterprise and slovenly cultivation ; still there were no large tracts
of waste black soil nor any ruinous villages. In fact almost all the
good soil was under tillage. Close to Poena, land was eagerly
sought for, and the villages had a greater air of comfort than
elsewhere. Haveli had never suffered so severely from war or famine
as the eastern tracts. The country had never been emptied of its
people. There were more hereditary holders ; the people were more
attached to their villages, less ready to change their homes, aud
more fitted to cope with loss.^
The acre rates proposed by Lieutenant Nash were in black land 2s.
9d., 2s. 3d., Is. 9d., and Is. 3c?. (Rs. If, Rs. 1^, 14 as., and 10 as.) ; in red
land 25. 4^^., Is. lO^d., Is. 4^d., and lO^d. (Rs. Its, 15 as., 11 as., and
7 as.) ; and in brown or ba/rad land Is. 2gd., 8f i. and 3§d. (9 as. 7^ ps.,
5 as. 7^ ps., and 2 as. 4|- ps.).^ These rates were calculated to give
an average acre rate of Is. 6d. (12 as.) against the Bhimthadi average
of Is. (8 as.). An extra assessment not exceeding 6s. (Rs. 3) the
acre was proposed for the small area of rice land. On garden
lands in addition to the highest dry-crop rate, acre rates varying from
2s. (Re. 1) to 6s. (Rs. 3) were proposed. These proposals were
sanctioned by Government in December 1841.*
Except in Purandhar where the rainfall was short and the
crops were injured by injects and caterpillars, the season of
1842 was on the whole very favourable. Remissions fell from
^Bom. Gov. Sel, CLI. 435-436. These averages differ from those given in the
statement on page 431. ^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 436-437.
' The details are : Poona Survey Acre Bates, 18S7 - 1814.
Class.
Ind4pnr
Bhimthadi.
Haveli.
Class.
Ind&pur
Bhimthadi.
Haveli,
Kur-
Plmpal-
Kur-
Pimpal-
kumh.
gaon.
kumb.
gaon.
BlacTc.
Bes.
Res.
Res.
Res.
i!ed— contd.
Res.
Rei.
Res.
Res.
I.
SOO
330
Sib
650
III.
90
100
130
276
II.
240
265
300
460
IV.
175
in.
170
18S
233
350
IV.
...
250 .
Brown,.
Red.
I.
130
100
165
240
II.
60
86
100
140
I.
200
220
260
475
III.
35
40
60
60
II.
ISO
145
180
375
XV.
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 440. One rupee or two shillings are equal to 400 res.
* Gov. Letter 3682 of 3rd December 1841, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLL 449-461.
Deccau.]
POONA.
433
15-27 per cent to 3-34 per cent. Of £2694 (Rs. 26,940) the whole
amount remitted, £1426 (Rs. 14,260) were gfranted in Purandhar.
At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri fell from
about 112 to 136 pounds (56-68 shers). Over the whole district
the tillage area rose from 982,600 to 1,000,881 acres and the
collections from £64,296 to £76,958 (Rs. 6,42,960 -Rs. 7,69,580) ;
£964 (Rs. 9640) were left outstanding.^ The prosperous character
of the season of 1842-43 was shown by a marked increase in the
town duties of the city of Poona and Junnar, the amounts being
£6051 (Rs. 60,510) in 1841-42 and £6699 (Rs. 66,990) in 1842-43.*'
Compared with 1841-42 the returns for 1842-43 showed an increase
in the estimated number apparently of bullock-loads that passed
through the district from 376,171 to 619,257.*
Chapter VIII
Laud.
The British.
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 1453 of 1843, 34, 37, 124-125, and Reo. 1568 of 1844, 56-57,
76, 168-169. The details are :
Poona Tillage and Beoenue, ISU-lSiS.
SOB-DlVISION.
1841-42.
1842-43.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemie-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Re-
mis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
Indiipur
Khed
P&bal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
M&val
Poona City
Sheep-grazing
Total ..
176
77i
182
56
69^
69
82
175
2
Acres,
144,762
227,564
102,486
124,209
109,726
159,624
80,142
31,858
2279
Rs.
34,188
8739
16,333
12,917
35,916
2170
6534
4219
299
KS,
57
3598
393
3159
10,523
2934
3237
2
605
Rs.
1,28,192
67,374
88,462
85,692
61,254
72,877
74,286
55,870
7435
1530
176
80
182
66
mi
69
83
175
2
Acres.
150,398
228,651
99,288
134,977
111,704
152,824
88,173
32,746
2220
Rs.
4666
2300
3379
14,260
1767
466
200
Rs.
475
60
205
4361
1074
718
2555
155
32
Bs.
162,543
81,112
1,02,487
91,803
99,069
81,903
80,811
60,344
7818
1690
889 -
98-2,600
1,20,314
24,408
6,42,961
892^
1,P00,881
26,937
9635
7,69,580
According to another statement, in 1842-43 of the four revised sub-divisions Inddpur
showed a decrease in tillage of 6601 acres and in revenue of Rs. 2599 ; Bhimthadi
showed a decrease in tillage of 6619 acres and in revenue of Ra. 3380 ; Fdbal showed a
decrease in tillage of 8506 acres and in revenue of Rs. 1216 ; Haveli showed an
increase in tillage of 3193 acres and in revenue of Rs, 1214. Bom. Gov. Rev; Rec,
17 of 1846, 63-66.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 1568 of 1844, 100.
' The details are :• Pomia Transit Trade, ISU-lShS.
IttVISIOK.
1841-42,
1842-43.
Increase.
Division.
1841-42.
1842-43.
Increase.
Shivner ...
PAbal ...
Purandhar.
Bhimthadi,
Rds.
31,439
40,982
51,374
185,862
Rds.
33,935
62,201
94,330
363,702
Rds.
2496
21,219
42,956
177,850
Indiipur ...
Poona City.
Total ...
Rds.
28,965
37,659
Rds.
28,213
36,876
Eds.
—752
-683
376,171
619,257
243,086
Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 1568 of 1844, 113-114. . ^ ,. .
Bds means head of cattle, total. It is not clear from the original reports what
these figures represent. The Collector of Poona (4767 of 19th June 1884) thinks
they denote the number of bnllock-loads,
B 1327—55
[Bombay Gazetteer.
434
DISTRICTS.
Chapter YIII.
Land.
The British.
The returns also showed an increase in exports from 42,433
to 64,599 bullock-loads and in imports from 392,603 to 429,301.i
The Mdval imports showed an increase of 1847 bullock-loads
and the exports a decrease of 621, and the transit trade a
decrease of 2200 bullock-loads. This carrying trade was from
and to the coast through the Nane Mdval by the Bor pass. The
exports were cotton, grain, vegetable oils, native cloth, tobacco,
betel leaves, hides, and potatoes; the imports comprised salt,
European cloths, and groceries.^ The decrease in the transit
trade was due to the opening of the Kusur pass where the traffic
had risen by 26,826 bullock-loads. In Khed imports showed an
increase of 2920 bullock-loads, exports a fall of 523, and the transit
trade a fall of 135,121 bullock-loads. The decrease in the transit
trade was chiefly on the Indrd.vani and Navlakh-Umbra roads.
The made road that passed through the Khed sub-division showed
an increase of 1843 bullock-loads.* In 1843 in MAval and Khed
where roads had been made, a good type of cart was fast taking the
place of pack bullocks.* In December 1843 Mr. Stewart the
Collector dwelt on the great advantage to trade which would result
from carrying on the Bombay-Poona made road to Sholapur.
Local inquiry had satisfied him that the outlay would be met from
tolls.5
In 1839 an inquiry was begun into the outstanding balances some
of which had remained without examination since 1819. The
inquiry lasted till 1843 when it was almost completed and large
sums were realized. In December 1843 the Collector Mr. Stewart
described the district as prosperous. Large amounts of outstandings
had been recovered, the Government revenue was punctually paidy
tillage was spreading, the people were gradually becoming more
prosperous, and improvements were keeping pace with the increase
of capital expended either by Government or private individuals.*
^ The details are ;
Poona Ikeports and Itn^arts, ISil-lSii
.
SUB-DlVISIOK.
Exports.
Imports.
1841-43.
1842-43.
Increase.
1841-42.
1842-43.
Increase
Shivner
IndS.piir
Pabal
Bhimthadi
Poona City
Purandhar
Total ...
Bdi.
20,613
8683
2289
3310
7538
Sds.
21,626
25,460
2985
6928
8700
913
16,777
696
2618
1162
—426
Bds.
16,687
16,890
4269
4312
338,178
13,367
Jtdi.
23,887
16,881
5890
4763
364,669
13,261
Bds.
8260
—9
1621
461
26,491
-106
42,433
64,699
21,740
392,603
429,801
86,698
Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 1568 of 1844, 112-113. See note 3 on page 433.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 1568 of 1844, 134-135.
SBom. Gov. Rev. Ree. 1568 of 1844, 111, 112, 135.
*Mr. Inverarity, first assistant collector, 12th October 1843, Bom. Gov. Eev.
Eec. 1568 of 1844, 114, 136.
»Mr. Stewart, Collector, 1881 of 28th December 1843, Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 1568
of 1844, 115; Mr. Inverarity, October 1843, Ditto 134-135.
8 Mr. Stewart, Collector, 28th Dec. 1843, Eev. Eec, 1568 of 1844, 119-120.
Deccan.]
POONA.
435
Advances were continued in this year chiefly with the object of
building or repairing village offices and of improving the water
supply.i
To any one who knew the place a few years beforOj in 1843 the
increased population and improved market of Inddpur were notable,
and the number and increased comfort of the villagers were equally
striking. Most of the people considered the change the result of
the 1836 survey.^
In 1843-44 the rainfall was sufficient. It was untimely in the
west where the early crops on low-lying land suffered greatly, and
the late harvest was injured by a failure of the latter November
rain ; £4292 (Rs. 42,920) or 5-42 per cent were remitted.^ At Inddpur
the rupee price of Indian millet ovjvdri fell from about 136 to 144
pounds (68-72 shers). Over the whole district the tillage area rose
from 1,000,881 to 1,055,282 acres and the collections fell from £76,958
(Rs. 7,69,580) to £74,442 (Rs. 7,44,420) j £460 (Rs. 4500) were left
outstanding.* In 1843-44 there was a further increase in the transit
trade. There were no local manufactures fit for export. The
ChapterVIII
Land.
The British,
Inddpur,
1843-44.
' The detaik were : 26 wells made, 18 wells repaired, 4 water-lifts made, and one
cistern made ; 23 village offices built and 12 repaired. Besides these the people
had at their own expense sunk seventeen wells, and repaired three, and made three
water-lifts. Mr. Stewart, Collector, 28th Dec. 1843, Bom. Gov. Kev. Rec. 1568 of
1844, 74-75.
^ Mr. Price, assistant survey superintendent, Karm^a Survey fieport, 18th July
1843, Bom. Gov. Sel. CL. 465.
'The details were : Shivner 13*77 per cent, IndApur 0-21, Khed 5'13, PAbal 0-51,
Purandhar (Sdsvad division) 22-12 and (Supa division) 1'20, Bhimthadi 0"06, Haveli
revised villages 0-0013 and unrevised villages 5-62, Mdval I'Ol, and Poona City
2-13. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 50-52.
<Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 1568 of 1844, 56,57, 76, 168 - 169, and Rec. 17 of 1846, 116-
118, 180-181, The details are :
Poona Tillage and Sevmue, 18IS ■ 18IA.
Sdb-Division.
1842-43.
1843-44.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Ee-
mis-
siona.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Bs.
235
277
194
669
886
177
2047
"38
86
CoUec-
tions.
Shivner
Indipur
Khed
Pibal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
M&val
Poona CSty
Grazing
Total ...
176
80
182
56
691
69
83
175
2
Acrea.
160,398
228,661
99,288
134,977
111,704
162,824
88,173
32,746
2220
Rs.
4666
2300
3379
14,260
1767
465
200
Es.
476
60
206
4361
1074
718
2656
156
32
Bs.
162,643
81,112
102,487
91,803
99,069
81,903
80,811
60,344
7818
1690
176
80
184
57
69J
69
83
180
2
Acres.
160,326
222,616
104,063
147,984
147,983
160,366
97,116
■ 32,709
2220
Bs.
23,089
161
6371
511
12,012
48
930
620
176
Bs.
1,44,311
78,711
99,068
98,915
86,763
81,763
86,239
60,366
7966
1331
892J
1,000,881
26,937
9636
7,69,680
900}
1,066,282
42,917
4498
7,44,422
According to another statement, in 1843-44, of the four revised sub-divisions Indipur
showed a decrease of 5468 acres in tillage and of Rs. 2317 in revenue ; Bhimthadi
showed a decrease of 2458 acres in tillage and of Rs. 1419 in revenue ; Haveli showed an
increase of 3098 acres in tillage and of Rs; 1402 in revenue ; PAbal showed an increase
of 5731 acres in tillage and a decrease of Es. 280 in revenue. Bom. Gov. Rev, Rec. 17 o£
1846,63-66.
1844-
[Bombay Gazetteer,
436 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. common grains were tlie chief exports to the coast ; the chief return
Land. traffic was in European goods and salt. Mr. Inverarity the Collector,
The Bkitish writing on the 31st of December 1844, repeated Mr. Stewart's views
on the advantage of opening a made road between Poona and
ShoMpur. Along this line came all the exports from the east and
south-east. The trade was hampered by the Bd,pdev pass which
was impracticable for heavy ordnance or for laden carts. How
highly the people valued carts was shown by the fact that
with the help of Government and by the aid of local contributions
the people of the market town of Ghode in Khed had made
roads with side-drains through their town where before no cart
could pass.^ Of late years the north of the district had greatly
benefited by the introduction of potato growing. In 1844 a large
part of the Bombay market was supplied from Junnar. The culture
of the Mauritius sugarcane had also increased from 388 to 547|
acres.^ In spite of the spread of tillage in Inddpur and Bhimthadi
the people were still poor. About one-third of the wells had been
allowed to fall into disrepair.* Though 1842-43 and 1843-44 were
favourable years and the advance under the generally improved condi-
tions continued in other parts of the district, there was a decline in
Indapur and Bhimthadi. This was believed to be due to the fact
that the low rates of Mr. Goldsmid's settlement had unduly stimu-
lated tillage and that the increased supply had affected prices and
the lands ceased to pay the cost of tillage.* On the 31st of December
1844 Mr. Inverarity noticed that the decline in the tillage area in
Inddpur and Bhimthadi was necessary. He thought it was due to
the fall in the price of grain in those sub-divisions. Tillage
might be expected to go on decreasing until the more needy
landholders sank to be labourers and the eventual contraction of
f reduce enabled the substantial farmer to command better prices.'
n Supa also there was a decline. The survey measurement
had made a nominal addition to the extent of lands under cultivation
in the Supa group of villages. In reality there had been a
decrease to the extent of 5619 acres assessed at £370 (Rs. 3700).^
The decline which had. taken place in Indapur and Bhimthadi
did not extend to Haveli and Pdbal. The reason was that Poona was
a certain market and that there were more means of raising watered
crops.^ Under Act XIX. of 1844 all taxes on trades and occupations
were repealed.* Of this sweeping and ill-considered measure
the Collector Mr. Courtney complained with justice that it
pressed hardly on the rural people. The people of towns were now
1 Mr. Inverarity, 31st Dec. 1844. Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 17 of 1846, 107 - 110.
2 Mr. Inverarity, 31st Dec. 1844, Bom. Gov. Rev. Ree. 17 of 1846,72.
3 Mr. Inverarity, Bom. Gov, Rev. Eec. 17 of 1846, 79 - 80.
^ Mr. Inverarity, Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 17 of 1846, 63 - 64.
» Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 65.
« Acres 10,387 were thrown out of cultivation and 4768 were brought unde» the
plough ; the net decrease was 5619 acres. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 66.
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 66 - 67-
8 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 167.
Deccan]
POONA.
437
relieved from almost all taxation and ceased to contribute their
share to the revenues of the state.^
In 1843-44 the thirty years' revenue survey settlement was
introduced into the Supa petty division of Purandhar.^ Of the
39^ Snpa villages twenty-five were remeasnred, twelve were tested,
and the rest which had lately lapsed to Government were measured
for the first time. Supa was bounded on the north by Bhimthadi, on
the east by Inddpur, on the south by the Nira river, and on the west
by the Sdsvad division of Purandhar. The country along the Karha
and Nira was flat and seamed with stream beds. The northern and
two or three of the western and central villages were hilly. In
common with Indapur and still more with the Kurkumb group in east
Bhimthadi, Supa suffered from uncertain rain.* . The only road
for loaded carts from Supa to Poona was by Khed. The chief
markets were Sdsvad, Wai, Bhor, and Satara. The jvdri was inferior
to that grown towards Madha and did not meet with a ready sale
at Sdtara, but was sold at a profit at Wd,i, Bhor, and Sdsvad from
which it went to Mahad in the Konkan. Bdjri found a ready
market. There were few carts in Supa except carts with solid
stone wheels. The first survey settlement introduced in this group
was by Mr. Pringle in 1829-30. About 1835, when these villages
were in a state of depression, Captain Shortrede reduced Mr.
Pringle's rental from £12,270 to £8898 (Rs. 1,22,700 -Rs. 88,980)
or 27*5 per cent. But owing to the defective manner in which the
revision was effected, the levy of Captain Shortrede's modified
assessment was found to be impracticable and concessions had to be
made under the form of short rates or ukti and of leases or kauls*
The following statement^ shows the remissions and land revenue
collections in the Supa group of villages during the twenty-three
years ending 1841-42 :
Supa Revenue, 1819-1842.
Ykar.
Bemis-
BSion.
Collec-
tions.
Ykak.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Ybar.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
1819-20 ...
1820-21 ...
1821-22 ...
1822-23 ...
1823-24 ...
1824-25 ...
182.5-26 ...
1826-27 ...
1827-28 ...
Rs.
"30
664
158
Rs.
43,619
47,352
52,186
56,338
7826
7478
27,348
28,399
10,351
1828-29 ...
1829-30 ...
1830-31 ...
1831-32 ...
1832-33 ...
1833-34 ...
1834-35 ...
1836-36 ...
1836-37 ...
Rs.
28,323
11,494
32,867
'" 8
4169
Rs.
27,223
47,547
5680
29,054
6348
47,734
39,017
20,163
28,592
1837-38 ...
1838-39 ...
1839-40 ...
1840-41 ...
1841-42 ...
1836-42 ...
Rs.
1969
8246
7868
29,292
22,884
Rs.
33,428
30,292
37,385
22,982
26,038
10,632
28,269
1 Mr. Courtney. Collector, 21st Dec. 1847, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 167.
^ Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 521-545. .^ ^^^ ^^ het^^^n Jejuri and
B^^^ti w?.^drti°:^^^^ L^^^^ -Utant superintendent of survey. 33
of 8th July 1843, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 5rf0.
4 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 5^3, 524 - &^»^ statement it appears that during the six
5 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. &*" °*|-, ^pftiement the average collections amounted to
r2V,m aSring^'tL^-t' y^^^^^^^^^^^^
they amounted to Ks. 28,269.
Chapter^VIII
Laud.
Survey.
Supa,
1843-U.
[Bombay Gazetteeri
438
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
SUKVBY.
Supa,
1844-43.
Daring this period at Supa the rupee price of millet fell from
about 38 to 128 pounds (19-64 shers) for jvdri and from about 36
to 80 pounds (18-40 shers) for bdjri.^
Under the new survey for the Supa group the Kurkumb dry-crop
rates which were ten per cent higher than those introduced into
Inddpur were proposed. The total new dry-crop rental amounted
to £5820 (Rs. 58,200) of which the land (111,768 acres) under
cultivation yielded £4700 (Rs. 47,000) or an increase of 34 per cent.
For garden lands the sum of 4s. (Rs. 2) the acre in excess of dry-
crop rates was fixed. The new rental of garden lands amounted to
£300 (Rs. 3000) .2
In 1844-45 near the Sahy^dris the rainfall was enough for the
early crops, in the east the late crops generally failed, and scarcity
of fodder caused such distress that most of the labouring cattle
had to leave the district. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian
millet or jvdri rose from about 144 to 120 pounds (72-60 sAers).
The tillage area in the whole district rose from 1,055,282 to
1,063,127 acres and the collections fell from £74,442 to £66,489
(Rs. 7,44,420 to Rs. 6,64,890) ; £8125 (Rs. 81,250) were remitted
' Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 539. The details are :
Inddpur - Pitas - Supa Grain Supee Prices, 1818 ■ 181,3.
IkdApur.
PAtas.
Supa. |
Ykar.
JvdH.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Sheri.
Shers.
Shers.
Sherti
Shers.
Shers.
1818-19
11
ei
17
12
19
18
1819-20
15
17
18i
22
19
11
1820-31
31
27
•d
26
22
20
1821-22
50
38
52
64:
44
20
1822-23
60
28
112
28
76
46
1823-24
27
29
26
12i
24
40
1824-2S
13i
2o|
12
17
14
12
1825-26
35
33
36
37
16
18i6-27
52
S2
46
33
46
35
1827-28
52
42
29
34
27
33
1828-29
60
53
66
44
56
31
1829-30
44
32
40
38
32
13
1830-31
40
89
40
S3
38
1831-33
60
36
63
32
42
36
1832-33
20
34
22
24
35
31
1833-34
40
22
44
62
40i
20
1834-35
60
23
60
40
48
SIJ
183536
36
33
34
34
37
46
1836-37
60
32
44
44
60
35
1837-38
64
42
66
32
50
31
1838-39
38 ,
40
34
34
32
44
1839-40
66
36
48
38
44
31
1840-41
52
32
48
38
46
34
1841-42
60
46
66
36
46
35
1842-43
Total ...
80
48
64
46
64
40
1096i
827i
1066J
849i
9S6i
779J
Add ...
Poona SJurt
13%
1031
m\
39H
92if
76A
1234
931
1115
889
1079
856
Yearly average
49
87
46
36
43
34
2 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 513, 521-545,
Deccan.]
POONA.
439
and £3126 (Rs. 31,260) left outstanding.* The people of BHmtliadi
and Ind^pur were suffering and miserable. Of £8125 (Rs. 81,250)
or 104 per cent remissions, £7499 (Rs. 74,990) or 92 per cent were
given in the late-crop sub-divisions of Junnar, Inddpur, and
Bhimthadi. The good soil and abundant irrigation in Purandhar
prevented the necessity of remissions.^ The failure of rain showed
that the great increase in tillage which especially in Inddpur
and Bhimthadi in the east had followed the introduction of Mr.
Goldsmid's settlement was by no means an unmixed improvement.
In February 1846 Mr. Inverarity remarked that the main causes of
the fall in tillage were the poverty of the landholders and the
exhaustion of soil from constant cropping. The more highly
assessed lands had fallen waste because the. unthrifty habits of the
people led them to till for a few seasons the poorer waste fields
rather than spend time and labour in renewing by artificial means
the exhausted powers of the more valuable lands .^ A succession
of bad seasons had caused a decline in tillage, increased remissions,
and increased advances. Many of the people had lost heart and
mortgaged fields with standing crops to village Vd,nis. As a
mortgage of land in most cases ended in complete transfer of the
proprietary right, a body of landholders possessing capital might in
time be formed.*
In 1845-46 matters were worse even than in 1844-45. Want of
rain especially in the east destroyed the late crops. It was only by
Chapter^VIII
Land.
The Beitish,
1845-ji6.
1 Bom. Gov. E«v. Rec. 17 of 1847,
77,82
, 122, 150. The details are :
Poona TUlage and Revenue,
ISiS-lS/^.
Sub-Division.
1843-44.
1844-45. 1
Villages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Villages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Acres.
Ba.
Rs.
Rs.
Acres.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Shivner
176
150,326
23,089
235
1,44,311
176
144,682
33,007
808
1,28,573
Ind&pur
Ehed
80
222,516
161
277
78,711
80
227,089
20,022
3174
66,663
184
104,063
■ 6371
194
99,068
184i
106,133
5015
123
1,00,006
Pibal
57
147,984
511
659
98,915
67
145,997
76
2098
92,118
69i
69
147,983
12,012
885
86,763
69i
158,350
1057
15,471
82,908
Bhimthadi
150,366
48
177
81,753
69
149,855
21,963
4684
63,612
Haveli
83
97,116
930
2047
86,239
85
99,296
99
4670
89,718
M&val
180
32,709
620
60,365
180
32,726
IS
233
60,039
Poona city
Grazing
Total ...
Birimati
2
2220
176
38
86
7966
1331
"1353
900J
1,055,282
42,917
4498
7,44,422
901
1,063,127
81,261
31,261
6,64,890
21
2346
354
24,388
21
6270
1736
17,534
Bhimthadi
Purandhar
f ^^
11
4874
324
6975
Haveli
...
P&hal
Total ...
932J
45,263
4852
7,68,810
933
92,395
83,321
6,89,399
In the surveyed villages of Haveli tillage showed a decrease from 87 310 to 87,021
acres, and, in the unsurveyed villages, an increase from 12 026 to 12,274 acres.
^ Mr. Inverarity, 27th February 1846, Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec 7 of 1847 86
3 Mr. Inverarity, Collector, Feb. 1846, Bom. Gov. Bev. Rec. 17 of 1847, 81-86.
4 Mr Inverarity Collector, Feb. 1846, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1847, 97-98.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
440
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII-
Land-
The British.
1845-46.
1846-47.
a sudden rise in the price of grain that landholders were saved from
ruinous loss. At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet or
jvdri rose from about 120 to 72 pounds (60-36 shers). Over the
whole district collections fell from £68,940 to £68,517 (Rs. 6,89,400
to Rs. 6,85,170) ; £10,546 (Rs. 1,05,460) or 12-88 per cent were
remitted and £2776 (Rs. 27,760) left outstanding.^ Of the whole
remissions 85 per cent were granted in Inddpur and Bhimthadi.
The people were so impoverished that the rule against remissions
in finally surveyed villages had to be broken. The scale on which
remissions were granted was, if the crop was half a failure a quarter
of the rent was remitted ; if nine-sixteenths a failure six-sixteenths
were remitted, if ten-sixteenths half was remitted, if eleven-sixteenths
ten-sixteenths were remitted, if twelve-sixteenths eleven- sixteenths
were remitted, and if more than twelve-sixteenths had failed the
whole rent was remitted. In Bhimthadi and Inddpur about 15,000
acres passed out of tillage. Large numbers of people on the verge
of starvation were employed in making a road from Pdtas to
Inddpur.^
The season of 1846-47 was favourable. The early rain was
somewhat scanty, but especially in the east the late hai"vest was
excellent.* At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri
rose from about 72 to 30 pounds (36-15 shers). Over the whole
district the tillage area rose from 1,102,088 to 1,148,755 acres and the
collections from £68,517 to £81,561 (Rs. 6,85,170 to Rs. 8,15,610) j
' Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 15 of 1848, 10, 11, 60-63, 72, 100, 134, Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849,
80. The details are :
Poona TUlage and Revenue, ISU-lSie.
Sub-Division.
1844-45.
1845-46. 1
Villages.
Tillage.
Bemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Villages.
Tillage.
B£mis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
Ind&pur
Ehed
Pibal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
M&val
Grazing
Total ...
BarSmati
Bhimthadi
Purandhar
Haveli
PSbal
Lapsed
Total ...
176
80
184i
57
69i
69
85
180
Acres.
144,682
227,089
105,133
145,997
158,360
149,865
99,296
82,726
R9.
33,007
20,022
5016
76
1067
21,963
99
13
Es.
808
3174
123
2098
16,471
4684
4670
233
Rs.
1,28,673
56,663
1,00,006
92,118
82,908
63,612
89,718
60,039
1353
176
101
184i
76i
71
86
180
Acres.
147,214
252,302
104,756
149,323
169,666
146,442
98,432
33,954
Rs.
11,469
67,361
1215
"2O6I
32,988
24
358
Rs.
416
6762
587
41
6873
10,000
2762
1328
Bs.
1,68,306
37,127
1,08,723
97,392
1,03,194
87,636
93,168
60,630
901
1,063,127
81,261
31,261
6,64,890
932
1402,088
1,05,466
27,768
6,85,174
21
I"
6270
4874
1736
324
17,634
6976
6
491
226
3663
933
92,396
33,321
6,89,399
988
1,05,947
27,983
6.88.887.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 15 of 1848, 60-63, 72-74. The waste in Indipur increased
to about 24,000 acres, Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 37.
3 Mr. Courtney, Collector, 10th December 1846, Bom, Gov. Rev. Reo."15 of 1848, 74 ;
Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 18-19.
Deccan ]
POONA.
441
£1928 (Rs. 19,280) or 2i per cent were remitted and £2247 (Rs. 22,470)
left outstanding.! Remissions fellfrom twelve to 2i percent and about
40,900 acres of land assessed at £3450 (Rs. 34,500) were taken for
tillage.^ Remissions were still necessary. Writing on the 21st of
December 1847 Mr. Courtney the Collector expressed the opinion that
mbad seasons remissions would continue necessary. The landholders
were notoriously improvident, few had any capital. Instead of saving
any surplus which remained after a plentiful season, they squandered
it on some religious or family ceremony.^ The new settlement had
been introduced into the Supa petty division of Purandhar in 1844.
It proved so successful that notwithstanding that the Government
demand was_ so much lowered and the two last seasons (1844 and
1845) were indifferent, the increase of revenue had more than repaid
the cost of the settlement. For the three years before the survey
the actual collections on account of the land tax were £9909
(Rs. 99,090)and for the three years after the survey the corresponding
amount was £12,484 (Rs. 1,24,840) that is an increase of 24 per
cent.*
In 1847-48 the rains were not so good as in the preceding
year. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri fell
from about 30 to 96 pounds (15-48 s/iers).^ Over the whole
district the tillage area rose from 1,148,755 to 1,228,304 acres and
Chapter^VIII
Laud-N
The British.
1848-47.
1847-4S.
1 Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 80, 171, 178. The details are :
Poona Tillage and Sevenue, ISkS- 181,7 ■
SnB-DivisioK.
1845-46.
1846-47.
Villages.
Tillage.
Ecmls-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
VUlagea.
TiUage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
Indipur
Khed
PSbal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
MS.val
Total ...
Lapsed
Attached
Total ...
176
101
184J
57
76i
71
86
180
Acres.
147,214
262,302
104,755
149,323
169,666
146,442
98,432
33,964
Ks.
11,469
67,361
1216
"2061
32,988
24
368
Rs.
415
6762
687
41
6873
10,000
2762
1328
Rb.
1,63,306
37,127
1,03,723
97,392
1,02,194
87,636
93,168
60,630
176
101
89
181
Acres.
169,468
264,972
112,614
154,264
179,113
163,618
100,271
34,636
Rs.
2846
3077
2320
601
6117
4291
17
16
Rs.
42
7828
172
187
1976
6501
6310
467
Rs.
1,73,483
94,566
1,09,895
99,408
1,07,971
71,175
•93,862
65,252
932
1,102,088
;i,06,456
27,768
6,86,174
987
1.148,766
19,283
22,473
8,16,606
6
491
226
3663
■"9
1962
1867
"6362
938
1,05,947
27,983
6,88,837
946
21,245
24,330
8,21,958
There were besides in 1846-47, 979 Government hamlets or vdrfis and 249 alienated
villages and 58 alienated hamlets or vddis.
2 Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 65, 83-85.
3 Bom, Gov. Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 172-173.
■• Lieut. Evans, assistant superintendent of survey, 13 of 18th Feby. 1847 para 2.
5 Bom. Gov. Sel. OVII. 71. Writing on the 2l3t of December 1847 (Bom. Gov. Eev.
Eec. 23 of 1849, 173-174) Mr. Courtney the Collector said, 'The great cheapness of
grain is likely in the present season to occasion some difficulty in realizing the revenue
from the cultivating classes. The price of all descriptions of agricultural produce
is now fuU 25 or 30 per cent lower than it was at this time last year, and as the
landholder must look to the sale of his crop alone for the money with which to pay
his revenue, a season of excessive cheapness is not by any means so favourable to
him as to the rest of the community.'
B 1327—56
[Bombay Gazetteer,
442
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Survey.
Purandhar,
1847-48.
collections from £81,561 to £81,845 (Rs. 8,15,610 -Rs. 8,18,450) ;
£2462 (Rs. 24,620) or 2-8 per cent were remitted, and £718
(Rs. 7180) left outstanding.!
In 1847 tlie thirty years revenue survey settlement was introduced
into the Sdsvad mdmlatddr's division of Purandhar. The survey
was begun in 1843 and finished in 1847. This group contained
thirty-seven Government villages. Of these one was at the foot
of the Purandhar fort and therefore dwindled after the garrison
was reduced. It had no lands attached to it ; those belonging to the
fort were not measured at the former survey. Six of these villages
had lately lapsed to Government. Bdjri and jvdri were the chief
grains. In the south-west villages bdjri alternated with monsoon
jvdri, wheat, and gram ; and gram was not unfrequently grown
as a cold-weather crop on land from which bdjri had been reaped.
There were a few patches of rice in the hill villages near the
fort of Purandhar, and a small quantity of land was watered by
the Karha river, and in one or two villages from perennial streams.
A line of hills, an offshoot from the Purandhar range, divided
Purandhar from the settled sub-divisions of Poena, Haveli, and
Bhimthadi. The town of Sdsvad sixteen miles from Poona, was
on the made road between Poona and Sdtdra by the Bapdev pass.
This pass was very steep, and, as its ascent required an additional
pair of bullocks, it was but little used by carts. The chief portion" of
the surplus produce of this group was conveyed to the Poona market
by pack-bullocks. The Purandhar mdmlatddr's station was at Sdsvad
where a market was held every Monday. Those of the landholders
who could afford it, preferred taking their grain to Poona.
Lieutenant Evans the assistant superintendent of survey writing
on the 18th of February 1847, inclined to think that not much was
sold locally. The small quantity of rice that was grown was sold
and used on the spot, chiefly at Purincha and Sdsvad. At
S^svad millet rupee prices had risen for bdjri from about 54 pounds
(27 shers) in 1837-38 to about 36^ pounds (17| shers) in 1845-46
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 16 of 1850, 42, 43, 76. The details are :
Poona Tittage and Bevemte, ISUS-ISUS.
Sub-Division.
1846-47.
1847-48.
Villages.
Tillage.
Kemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Villages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
Indipur
Khed
P4bal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Mival
Total ...
Attached
Total ...
176
101
184J
67
n*
71
89
181 ,
Acres.
159,468
254,972
112,614
154,264
179,113
158,518
100,271
84,635
Rs.
2845
3077
2320
,601
6117
4291
17
15
Bs.
42
7828
172
187
1976
6601
5310
457
Bs.
1,73,488
94,666
1,09,896
99,408
1,07,971
71,175
93,852
65,262
176
101
184}
68
72
88
182
Acres.
168,448
289,-378
112,055
164,982
212,382
144,403
100,486
86,170
Bs.
13,870
5197
3204
938
907
■"60
466
Bs.
129
3748
24
22
1657
1020
676
Bs.
1,70,697
1,00,888
1,08,470
1,04,606
97,497
76,467
96,390
64,537
937
1,148,756
19,283
22,478
8,16,606
039
1,228,304
24,622
7176
8,18,461
9
1962
1857
6352
12
2172
930
7937
946
21,245
24,330
8,21,958
951
26,794
8106
8,26,388
Deccau]
POONA.
443
and for jvdri from about 82 pounds (41 shers) to about 31 i pounds
(I5f shers).^
In fifteen villages of this survey group, during the ten years
ending 1846-47, the tillage area rose from 13,473 acres assessed at
£1772 (Rs. 17,720) in 1837-38 to 16,882 acres assessed at £2112
(Bs. 21,120) J remissions fell from £207 (Rs. 2070) to £19 (Rs. 190),
and collections rose from £1565 (Rs. 15,650) to £2093 (Rs. 20,930).
The details are :
Purandhar Tillage and Revenue, ISST-lS^t.
Tbar.
Tillage.
Rental.
He- •
mis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Tbab.
Tillage.
Rental.
Re-
mis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
1837-38 ...
1838-39 ...
1839-40 ...
1840-41 ...
1841-42 ...
Acres.
13,473
13,667
14,067
15,011
15,239
E3.
17,719
17,824
18,206
19,300
19,446
Rs.
2072
2516
1728
6266
5194
Rs.
15,647
15,308
16,478
14,034
14,251
1842-43 ...
1843-44 ...
1844-45 ...
1846-46 ...
1846-47 ...
Acres.
15,669
16,632
15,294
16,586
16,882
Rs.
19,982
19,870
19,219
19,644
21,120
Bs.
3078
2658
336
66
187
Rs.
16,904
17,312
18,884
19,578
20,933
To assess their dry-crop lands the thirty-six villages were
arranged into four classes. In the first class were placed ten
villages and they were charged acre rates of 2s. 3d (Rs. 1^), Is. \^\d.
(15 as>,, and Is. 3|(i. (lOi as.) for black lands; Is. 6Jd(12|as.),ls.l!ci.
(9J as.),and9f6L(6ias.)forredlands;andlHc?.(7|as.),7i<i. (4|a*.)
and 4f ri. (3^ as.) for brown or harad. lands. In the second class were
placed fifteen villages with acre rates of Is. \\\d. (15| as)., Is. *i\i.
(13 as.), and Is. Ifd (9^ as) for black lands ;ls.4ic?. (11 as). Is. (8 as.)
and %\d. (5^ as.) for red lands ; and lOid. (6| as.), 6^d. (4^ as.), and
4^d. (2| OS.) for brown or barad lands. In the third class were
placed nine villages with acre rates of Is. 9fd. (14^ as.), Is. ?>id.
(Ill- as.), and Is. ^d. (8^ as.) for black lands ; Is. 2f d. (9f as.), 10|d
(7i as.), and 7|d (5 as.) for red lands; 9id. (6x^0*.), 5 fd (S| as.), and
3ld. (2i as.) for brown or barad lands. The two remaining villages
wereassessed at the Suparates. The rice lands were of trilling extent.
The rates proposed by Lieutenant Evans the assistant superin-
tendent were 6s. (Rs. 3), 4s. 6d. (Rs. 2i), and 3s. (Rs. 1^). These
rice rates, compared with the dry-crop rates, were, m the opinion of
Captain Wingate, rather high than low. Having no experience of
the rice cultivation of this district he however could not give any-
decided opinion as to their fitness. Government authorized the
Collector to make any reductions in the proposed rates which he
and Lieutenant Evans the assistant superintendent of survey might
deem necessary at the time of introducing them. Grass lands unlit
' The details aore :
Sdevad Millet Rupee Prices, 18S7-181S.
Tear.
Bijri.
Jvdri.
Yeae.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
1837-38
1838-39
1839-40
1840-41
1841-42
1842-43
184-3-44
1844-45
Shere.
27
31
21
27f
22
801
36
21J
Shera.
41
28
36
32J
46
45
29}
1845-46
Total ...
Add ...
Poona sAer» ...
Average
Shers.
17J
Shers.
16}
234}
IS
I9I
Vi
3271
36|
Chapter^VIir
Land-
Survey.
Purandhar,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
444
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII,
Land.
SCRVBY.
Bdrdmati,
1847-48.
for grain found within the limits of a landholder's field were
assessed at acre rates of \{d. and 2|d!. (^f «s- and 1 Jj-as.). As the
extent and value of hill lands were but trifling. Government
authorized the Collector to continue the existing mode of assessing
them unless he could introduce some other system whose working
could be more easily and efficiently superintended by the district
officers without being distasteful to the cultivators.^ The effect of
the dry-crop or jirdyat settlement was to reduce the revenue of the
tillage area from £4906 (Rs. 49,060) in 1846-47 to £3390 (Rs.
33,900) in 1847-48 or 30 per cent.^
In 1847-48 the survey settlement was introduced into twenty
villages of the Bdramati group in Indapur. These villages lapsed
in 1844-45. The tillage area in twenty-one villages rose from
44,937 6i^feas in 1837-38 to 48,214 bighds in 1842-43 and fell to
42,544 bighds in 1845-46. Collections including cesses rose from
£1538 (Rs. 15,380) in 1837-38 to £1933 (Rs. 19,330) in 1845-46
The details are :
Bdrdmali Tillage and Revenue, 18S7-1848.
Full Rate
Short Rate
Leased or
GAR--' 1
Vil-
OR Sosti.
OR Ukti.
Ka\ai.
O^JS...
Tear.
lages.
Area.
Eental.
Area.
Rental.
Area. Eental.
Area.
Eental.
BigMs.
Rs.
Bighds.
Rs.
Bighds.
Es.
Bighds.
Es.
1837-38
21
4960
4946
26,632
11,915
14,315
4188
30
147
1842-43
21
6917
7402
20,965
8495
20,312
' 7803
30
147
1843-44
21
4616
4764
24,890
11,817
17,817
7204
30
147
1844-46
21
4651
4861
25,658
12,036
15,737
6912
136
212
1845-46
21
6563
Acres.
5585
26,440
Acres.
12,049
11,416
Acres.
539i
135
237
1846-47
20
6881
9209
22,907
15,037
4737
3268
1847-48
20
66,174
27,495
1732
696
769
Tear.
Total.
Deduct.
Net Re-
venue.
Area.
Rental.
Cesses
and
Grazing.
Totsa
Reve-
nue.
Remis-
sions.
Village
Expen-
ses.
Total.
1837-38
1842-43
1843-44
1844-45
1845-46
1846-47
1847-48
Bighas.
44,937
48,214
47,363
46,081
42,644
Acres.
34,625
57,906
Es.
21,196
23,847
23,932
24,021
23,263
27,.614
28,960
Rs.
1203
181
969
1619
1361
1017
813
Rs.
22,399
24,028
21,891
25,540
24,614
28,531
29,773
Rs.
347
849
2346
6-!70
6283
2428
5245
Es.
6669
4957
5776
7003
6471
RS.
7016
6806
8122
10,195
6283
9431
11,716
Rs.
16,383
18,222
16,769
15,345
19,331
19,100
18,057
The new acre rates were for black lands Is. l\d. (1 3^ as.), Is. 4-d.
(lOf as.), and W^d. [l-^^as.) ; for red lands Is. 1 Jd.(8|-as.),8|(^ (5| as.)
and hd. {Z^as.), and for harad or rocky lands Q^d. (4i\^ as.), 4d.
(2f as), and 2\d. (If as.). Ukti or shorb rates were in use until the
new assessment was introduced in 1847-48 when both the ukti or
short and the sosit or full rate tenures ceased. About 1730 acres
were allowed to be held on istdva haul or risiug leases either till
the lease expired or till the amount was as high as the survey
1 Lieutenant Evans, assistant superintendent, 13 of 18th February 1847 ; Captain
Wingate, Superintendent of Survey, 128 of 5th October 1847 ; Government Letter
544 of 26th January 1848. ^ ^ ^ „ , ^ ,,-,r no
= Mr. Eeeves, Collector, 2842 of 1st Oct, 1849. ' Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 88.
Deccan.]
POONA..
445
assessment.! Compared with £2108 (Es. 21,080) tlie average
collections of the five years ending 1846-47, £2896 (Es. 28,960) the
survey rental on the area under tillage showed a rise of 37 per cent.
There were 11,693 acres of waste assessed at £479 (Es. 4790) .^
In October 1849, in submitting the settlement report to Govern-
ment, the Eevenue Commissioner Mr. Townsend remarked that to
a certain extent every new assessment must be viewed as an experi-
ment, the success of which could be estimated only by the experience
of some years. He pressed upon Government the necessity of
opening more roads. In this group of villages no improvement
could be expected unless a good road was made to Bdrdmati.
Government had done much to lessen their demands. Unless trade
was encouraged by the opening of roads, after a few years a further
reduction in the Government demand would be necessary.* Govern-
ment approved of the settlement. At the same time they observed,
apparently in reference to the increase of 37 per cent in this survey
group, that both the Eevenue Commissioner and the Collector should
watch with care the working of the new rates. Government had sanc-
tioned the preliminary arrangements made under the late Lieutenant
Nash's superintendence with no feeling of confidence. It should be
considered as a standing rule that when rates submitted for approval
are compared with the rates obtaining in districts where the
assessment had been for some time revised, the manner in which
that revised assessment has worked should be fully shown.*
1848-49 was an average season. Untimely and scanty rain
injured the early crops, but the late harvest was more favourable.
Eemissions rose from 2'8 to 4'9 per cent. At Indd.pur the rupee price
of Indian millet or jvdri fell from" about 96 to 144 pounds (48-72
shers). Over the whole district the tillage area fell from 1,228,304
to 1,227,898, acres and the collections from £81,845 (Es. 8,18,450)
to £77,535 (Es. 7,75,350) ; £4061 (Es. 40,610) or 4-9 per cent were
remitted and £1184 (Es. 11,840) left outstanding.^
ChapterVni
Land-
Survey.
Bdrdmati,
1847-48.
1848-49.
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 205 of 1849, 192- 195.
^ Mr. Bell, assistant superintendent, 25th November 1848 ; Bom, Gov. Rev. Eec.
205 of 1849, 173, 180, 187, 200, 201, 224, 227, 231, 247.
3 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 205 of 1849, 176.
4 Gov. Letter 7214 of 6th Dec. 1848, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 205 of 1849, 249.
»Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 24 of 1851, 7, 13, 47, 62. The details are :
Poona TUlagt cmd Bevmue, lSi7-18i9.
Sdb-Division.
Shivner
Ind&pur
Khed ...
Pabal ..
Purandhar .
Bhimthadi
Haveli ...
M&val ...
Total .
Sequestrated
Total ,
1847-48.
1848-49.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
176
101
184i
58
77i
72
88
182
Acres.
168,448
289,378
112,066
164,982
212,382
144,403
100,486
86,170
Es.
13,870
6197
3204
938
907
'"60
466
Es.
129
3748
24
22
1667
1020
676
Es.
1,70,697
1,00,888
1,08,470
1,04,606
97,497
75,467
96,390
64,637
.176
101
185i
68
774
72
88
182
Acres.
168,270
291,165
112,733
167,037
210,738
140,438
101,708
36,809
Rs.
21,068
18,918
421
40
18
50
96
Es.
832
1630
29
72
998
8066
315
7
Es.
1,39,843
1,08,410
94,606
1,03,886
97,789
68,178
98,239
64,405
939
1,228,304
24,622
7176
8,18,461
940
1,227,898
40,610
11,838
7,75,366
12
961
2172
930
7937
15
4,530
1393
8462
7,83,817
26,794
8106
8,26,388
966
46,140
13,231
[Bombay Gazetteer,
446
DISTEICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land.
Survey,
Bori,
184S-49.
In 1848-49 Bhitntliadi was far from prosperous. Mr. Eeid the
assistant collector wrote on tlie 25th of February 1850, ' I do not see
how Bhimthadi will ever be a paying district. Its population is
scanty, the rains are variable, and its assessment compared with
that of the neighbouring districts of Supa and Inddpur is heavy.' ^
In 1848 the survey settlement was introduced into the Bori petty
division of Junnar. The survey of this group was begun in 1842,
but with the object of completing the survey of Mangoliin ShoUpnr
survey operations iuBori remained atastand from 1842 to 1845. Work
was begun in 1845 and was finished in 1846. Bori was bounded on the
north by the range of hills of the Brdhmanvadi petty division of Junnar,
on the east by the Nagar district, on the south by Pabal, and on the
west by the Haveli villages of Junnar. Of the thirty villages included
in this survey group one village was annexed in 1836. The climate of
Bori was almost the same as the climate of north Pabal. From the
point westward where Bori adjoined the Junnar-Haveli group the
supply of rain became gradually more uncertain and less plentiful,
till, at the point where Bori joined the Ahmadnagar district, the fall
was very uncertain. The chief grains were millets, wheat, and
gram. There were 1304 ploughs, 338 carts, and 7950 bullocks. Of
2455 landholders 2044 were mirdsddrs or hereditary holders, 293
were upris or casual holders, and 118 were ovandkaris or strangers.
According to Mr. Pringle's survey there were 74,865 acres of Gov-
ernment arable land and 5093 acres of alienated land or a total of
79,958 acres assessed at £7863 (Rs. 78,630) that is an average acre
rate of Is. ll^d. (15§as.). Of the Government arable area 24,813 acres
were waste, and 50,052 acres were under tillage. The rental on the
tillage area was £5110 (Rs. 51,100) ov2s.^d. (Re.las. i) the acre.
The area held for tillage increased from 46,420 in 1829 to 50,052
acres in 1846. Remissions during the sixteen years ending 1845
averaged £1035 (Rs. 10,350), and during the five years ending 1846
averaged £741 (Rs. 7410). Bori being a long slip of land lying in a
line parallel with Pabal, and the climate and market prices in both
being much the same, the Pabal rates with a slight increase on the
red land were proposed for Bori. The details are :
Bori Survey Rates, 1846.
Soil.
Class I.
6 Villages.
Class II.
16 Vil-
lages.
Class III.
8 Villages.
let Black
2nd do.
3rd do.
Res*
5eo
470
330
Bes.
490
890
270
Jtes.
390
310
220
* Four hundred res equal one rupee or two shillings.
Poona Waste^ 18lS-li9.
Sub-Division.
Arable.
Waste.
Sub-Division.
Arable.
Waste. 1
Area.
Percent
Area.
Per Cent
Shivner
Ind&pur
Khed
Pibal
Furandhar
Acres.
228,018
315,539
170,796
182,051
227,917
Acres,
69,747
24,375
68,063
16,013,
17,179
26'2
7-52
3400
8-22
7-52
Bhimthadi
Haveli
M&val
Total ...
Acres.
217,280
114,374
76,391
Acres.
76,842
12,666
39,683
36-37
11-07
62-60
1,831,366
303,468
19-82
^ Mr. Reid, second assist, collector, 25th Feb. 1850, Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo . 16 of 1850,
206 ; Gov. Letter 9756 of 21st Deo. 1850, Gov. Rev. Rec. 16 of 1850, 238-244.
Deccan.]
POONA.
447
Bori Survey Sates, 1846-
-continued.
Soih—amtirmed.
Clasa I.
6 Villages.
Class II.
16 Vil-
lages.
Class III.
8 Villages.
1st Red
2nd do.
3rd do,
1st Barad
2nd do.
3rd do.
Ses.
460
325
175
210
120
70
Rei.
860
260
130
180
100
60
Res.
260
180
110
140
80
50
The area of watered land was considerable. Of 657 wells twenty-
nine were in alienated land; tliere were also numerous small
channels. From both sources a total area of 4100 acres were
watered. Many of these channels were used only in seasons of
more than average rainfall. In seasons of moderate rain many of
them were without water. It was proposed that the rental on these
channels should not be demanded except when they were used.
Under the former survey the acre rate- on the garden land was 6s.
(Rs. 3), but only a small portion (48 acres) of the watered land was
included under this head. It was proposed to impose the Pabal
garden land rate of 4s. (Rs. 2) in Bori. According to the new
survey the garden area amounted to 4100 acres and the rental to
£472 (Rs. 4720) or an average acre rate of a little more than 2s.
(Re. l).i The details are :
Bori Settlement, 184S.
VlLLAOES.
FORMSR.
SnRVBT.
Kcntal
on
Tillage.
Arable.
Occupied.
Waste.
Dry
Crop.
Garden.
Total.
30
Es.
64,643
Acres.
98,6U
Es.
40,319
Rs.
4,719
Rs.
45,038
Ba.
10,480
During the preceding five years the average remissions were about
£740 (Rs. 7400). Deducting this sum from the former rental on the
tillage area and comparing the balance with the survey rental on the
occupied area there appears a reduction of about 4^ per cent. The
proposed settlement was sanctioned in September 1848.^
1849-50 seems to have been a less favourable year than 1848-49.
There was a fall in the tillage area of 31,179 acres. At the same
time remissions declined from 4-9 to 8-9 per cent. At Inddpur the
rupee price of Indian millet or Jvdri was the same as m the
previous year, about 144 pounds (72 shers). Over the whole district
the tillage area fell from 1,227,898 to 1,196,719 acres and the
1 As the supply of water was not enough to cover the whole garden area at the
samrtime each holder watered part of his land m turns so that the actual amount of
'%:T^rln'''lT.:,t'mOctm^^^^ Nash, Supt. 230 of 2nd Nov.
Gov. Letter to the Rev. Oomr. 5150 of 4th Sept. 1848.
Chapter^ VIII
Land.
SpBVEY.
Bori,
1848-49.
1843-50.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
448
DISTRICTS.
Chapte^Vm. collections from £77535 (Rs. 7,75,350) to £76,243 (Rs. 7,62,430) ;
Land. £3148 (Rs. 31,480) or 3-9 per cent were remitted, and £1076'
S.RVBY. ^^'- ^?'^f?i«^* outstanding.!
BrdAmanvddi. l ^^^ 18f9 tte survey settlement was introduced into a group of
■1849-50. twenty-six viUages of the Brdhmanvddi petty division of Junuar.
The remaining nine hill villages which contained chiefly occasional
hill crop and rice land were left until the survey of this class of land
was undertaken. Brdhmanvddi was bounded on the north and east
by the Ahmadnagar district, on the south by Bori another petty
•^'■^ision of Junnar, and on the west by Madh Khore and Harish-
chandra hill. The hill or ddng villages lay on the west side of the
Brahmanvadi petty division between it and the Harishchandra hill.
Brahmanvadi was separated from Bori by a line of hills steep on the
south or Bori side and sloping and broken on the north or Brdhman-
vMi side. In this survey group there were two streams the Kas and
the Mul. The Kas was generally dry in January, it had a very deep
bed with numerous deep ravines running at right angles from it
on either side. The Mul stopped running by February, but Bad
numerous pools which held water all the year. Brahmanvadi was
on the high road from Poona to Nasik about a quarter of a mile from
the top of the Brd,hmanvAdi pass. The Brahmanvadi villages were
badly off for roads. There was a made-road forty miles from Poona
to N^rdyangaon. From Ndrdyangaon, though not made, the road
was fair for fourteen miles to the foot of the Brdhmanvddi pass.
The ascent of this pass was difficult. The pathway was blocked
with boulders or crossed by sloping sheet-rock very dangerous for
laden animals. From 10,000 to 15,000 head of cattle yearly crossed
this pass loaded with grain chie&jbdj'ri which they carried to Junnar
and Poona and returned laden with salt. There was another road
leading out of the Brdhmanvadi petty division by Ale where, some
years before, part of the road over the Ale pass had been made.
At Utur a village in this survey group the rupee price of bdjri was
about 62 pounds (31 shers) in 1842-43, about 72 pounds (36 shers)
in 1843-44, about 62 pounds (31 shers) in 1844-45, and about 38
' Bom. Gov. Eev. Keo. 24 of 1851, 211, 220, 270. The details are :
Poona Tillage and Rnenue, ISIS -1850.
Sra-DivisioH.
1848-49.
1849-50.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
Indapur
Khed
Pibal
Parandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Mival
Totel ...
Sequestrated ...
Total ...
■
176
101
186i
68
77i
72
88
182
Acres.
168,^70
291,165
112,733
167,037
210,738
140,438
101,708
35,809
Es.
21,068
18,918
421
40
18
60
95
Es.
832
1530
29
72
998
8065
815
7
Rs.
1,39,843
1,08,410
94,6P6
1,03,886
97,789
68,178
98,239
64,406
176
101
1851
58
77i
72
88
182
Acres.
178,344
273,695
112,247
159,014
203,025
131,504
102,770
36,220
Rs.
14,370
16,639
"198
"226
150
Rs.
3196
6418
37
"231
1115
6S1
81
Es.
1,26,825
99,461
98,004
1,01,715
96,106
71,924
1,01,190
67,204
940
1,227,898
40,610
11,838
7,75,355
940
1,196,719
31,483
10,769
7,62,429
15
4530
1393
8462
13
4325
1311
6907
965
...
45,140
13,231
7,83,817
953
...
39,808
12,070
7,69,336
Deccan]
POONA.
449
pounds (19 shers) in 1845-46. The following statement shows the
tillage and revenue during the fifteen years ending 1846-47 :
Brdhmanvddi Tillage and Revenue, 183S - 1847.
Year.
Tillage.
Rental.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Year.
Tillage.
Rental.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Acres.
Es.
Bs.
Rs.
Acres.
Hs.
Rs.
Rs.
1832-33...
30,140
32.772
16,863
16,909
1840-41...
37,698
38,229
1213
37,016
1833-34-.
33,807
35,626
247
35,278
1841-42...
37,316
38,102
9182
28,920
1834-3.5...
33,912
36,955
778
35,177
1842-43...
37,678
38,410
659
37,751
1836-36...
33,613
85,349
1248
34,101
1843-44...
37,683
38,665
5887
32,778
1836-37...
33,341
35,361
20,191
15,170
1844-46...
36,637
38,141
6628
32,613
1837-38...
35,119
38,937
1116
35,822
1846-46...
87,223
38,417
1650
36,867
1838-39...
83,863
86,704
15,867
19,847
1846-47...
39,897
40,377
190
40,187
1839-40...
36,941
37,680
6904
31,676
During the fifteen years ending 1 846-47, of the average tillage area
of 35,711 acres assessed at £3703 (Ra. 37,030), part was granted on
short or uMi rates or on lease or kauli rates. The average remissions
were £570 (Rs. 5700) and the collections £3133 (Rs. 31,330) from
3.5,711 acres that is a nominal average acre rate of Is. 9d. (14 as.).^
The correct acre rate was much lower as revised measurement show-
ed that the number of assessable acres was much greater than those
entered in the former survey record. Captain Landon the survey
ofiicer attributed the increase in the number of arable acres to the
fact that land bordering on fields, which had not been assessed
because it was thought too poor for tillage, had been brought under
cultivation and improved. This Captain Landon thought might also
account for the irregular shape of many fields and for the absence of
boundary marks. The new survey left no land unmeasured, field
adioined field, and where there was a space between two fields, it was
included in one or other field if it was of small extent and not fit for
tillage If it yielded grass it was assessed as grass land. Patches
of bare rock were deducted from the number of assessable acres. In
the best soil the former measurement was found generally correct and
the shape of the field more regular. This was probably because the
whole of such land had been measured. ■^.-.-■.^
The twenty-six villages were arranged mfour classes with highest
dry-crop acre rates 150 to 30 per cent higher than Indapur. The
details are : Brdhmanvddi Survey Rates, 1849-50.
Soil.
Ind&pur
B^tes.
1st Black..
2nd do. ..
3rd do. ..
1st Red ..
2nd do. .,
3rd do. ..
lat Sarad.
2nd do. .
3id do. .
'Res.
300
240
170
200
130
76
100
60
86
BrAhmamvAdi.
160 per
cent higher
1 Village.
Res.
760
600
425
500-1-60
130-1-50
187
250
150
87
100 per
cent higher
1 Village.
Res.
600
480
340
400-1-50
260-1-50
160
200
130
70
60 per
cent higher
13 Villages.
Res.
480
384
272
320
208
120
160
96
66
30 per
cent higher
11 Villages.
Res.
390
312
221
260
269
97
130
78
45
Four hundred re, equal one rupee or two shillings.
~ T~r, \. \ « 1BJ.8 naraa 15, 19, and statement 2.
1 Captain Landon, 171 of 29th S^t^'Jl^^.^^.t.^K statement.
These averages do not quite agree with the figures in
B 1327—57
Chapter^ Vlir
Land.
Survey.
Brdhmanvddi,
1849-60.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
450
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
Survey.
. Brdlvmanvddi,
1849-50.
1850-51.
For the small quantity of grass growing on the edges and rocky
parts of the cultivated fields an acre rate of \\d. (1 a.) was proposed.
It was proposed to rate a few acres of very rich river alluvial or
dheli soil at 3d (2 as.) and Qd. (4 as.) higher than the first black.
Of rice land there were about twenty-six acres for which acre rates
of 6s. (Rs. 3)j 4s. M. (Rs. 2^), and 3s. (Rs. 1 J) were proposed. For
garden land an acre rate of 4s. (Rs. 2) for well-watered, and of 6s.
(Rs. 3) to 2s. (Re. 1) for channel-watered land was proposed. The
average rate of the existing settlement on land held for tillage was,
according to the former measurement, 2s. 3d (Rs.l^), and accord-
ing to the new measurement Is. fifci. (12-j^ as). The average acre
rate according to the proposed assessment was Is. l\d. (8f as.).
According to Mr. Pringle's settlement in the twenty-six villages
there were 51,938 arable acres assessed at £4862 (Rs. 48,620) or an
average acre rate of Is. lOfc?, (14x1 ««.). According to the revised
measurement the arable area was 70,756 acres which gave an average
acre rate of Is. 4|«i. (10^^ as.). There were besides 21,544 acres of
grass land on the hills not measured by Mr. Pringle's survey. It
was proposed to let them by auction or maJcta as was done in the
case of grass lauds or kurans.
The following statement shows that the survey settlement reduced
the Government demand from £3336 (Rs. 33,360) the average col-
lections of the ten years ending 1846-47 to £2856 (Rs. 28,560) the
survey rental on the dry-crop and garden tillage area, that is a
reduction of 14 per cent. The details are :
Brdhmcmvddi Settlement, 1849.
Villages.
Former.
Survey.
Total
Rental.
1837-1847.
Cultivated.
Waste.
Total
Rental.
Rental.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Dry-
Crop.
Garden.
Total.
26
E9.
4S,622
Rs.
38,016
Rs.
4652
Rs.
33,364
Acres.
51,724
Rs.
27,426
Rs.
1131
Rs.
28,557
Acres.
18,932
Rs.
4419
Rs.
32,976
The proposed rates were ' sanctioned with the modification that
the first black rate for Utur in the first class should be reduced from
3s. 9d. to 3s. 3d (750 to 650 res) ; this change reduced the total
■ survey rental by about £130 (Rs. 1300) .^
The season of 1850 was on the whole unfavourable. Partial
and irregular falls of rain injured both the early and the late crops.
The parts of the district which suffered most were Bhimthadi and
the east or plain parts of Junnar, Khed, Pdbal, and MAval. Remis-
sions amounted to about 29 per cent in Bhimthadi, 11 in Khed, 8 in
Purandhar, 3 in Inddpur, and | to If in other sub-divisions. Over
the whole district the remissions showed an increase from 3-_9 to
6-6 per cent. At Ind^pur the rupee price of Indian millet or jmn
rose from about 144 to 76 pounds (72-38 shers). Over the whole
'The assistant superintendent Captain London, 171 of 29th September 1848;
Captain Wingate, 236 of 22nd December 1848; Mr. Townsend, Eev, Comr. iSioi
29th January 1849 ; Gov. Letter 1368 of 24th February 1849.
Deccan.]
POONA.
451
district the tillage area rose from 1,196,719 to 1,215,015 acres, and
2fi li^f^ "^^ fellfrom £76,243 (Rs. 7,62,430) to£73,032 (Rs. 7,30,320);
±,&l»b (Ks. 51,960) or 6-6 per cent were remitted, and £417 (Rs 4170)
left outstanding.! '
In 1850-51 tlie thirty years' revenue survey settlement was in-
troduced into 109 villages of Junnar.^ For revenue and magisterial
purposes the Shivner or Junnar subdivision included three divisions,
one m charge of a mamlatd^r and two in charge of mahalkaris.
The mdmlatd^r was stationed at Junnar and the mahdlkaris at
Brdhmanvadi and Bori. The survey settlement was introduced into
the thirty villages of the Bori group in 1848, into the twenty-six
villages of the Brdhmanvadi group in 1849, and into the 109 villages
of the Junnar group in 1850-51. The Junnar group was bounded
on the north by the Br^hmanvadi petty division and part of the
Akola sub-division in Ahmadnagar, on the east by the Bori petty
division, on the south by Pdbal and Khed, and on the west by the
Sahyddri hills. Numerous distinct spurs stretched east and south-
east from the Sahyadris gradually falling into the plain. The ex-
treme west was very rugged, and so broken by ravines that bullock
and plough tillage was generally impossible. Its place was taken
by a hand tillage known as dali. Further east the valleys broadened
and the usual form of tillage became general. From the town of
Junnar on the west to the Bori petty division on the east was a tract
known as the Haveli group. A happy combination of favourable
Ghapter^VIII.
Land.
SUBVEY.
Junnar,
1850-51.
1 Bom. Gov. Eev. Reo. 18 of 1852, 5, 6, 10, 14, 19, 82. The details are i
Poona Tillage mid Revenue, lSi9 ■ 1851.
Sdb-Divisioh.
1849-50.
1860-61. 1
vn-
lages.
Tillage.
Bemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner
IndSpur
Khed
P&bal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
M&val
Total ...
Sequestrated ...
Total ...
176
101
186^
68
77i
72
38
182
Acres.
178,344
278,696
112,247
159,014
203,025
131,604
102,770
36,220
Bs.
14,370
16;539
"198
"226
ISO
Rs.
3196
6418
37
"231
1116
681
81
Bs.
1,26,825
99,461
98,004
1,01,716
96,106
71,924
1,01,190
67,204
176
99
185i
68
m
.72
88
182
Acres.
196,687
271,097
112,768
164,364
203,896
136,762
102,297
38,294
Bs.
1764
3513
12,838
1,908
8,236
21,802
1,338
662
Bs.
17
658
"858
1931
169
1148
Bs.
1,23,338
1,01,706
1,01,394
99,376
87,880
63,157
97,397
66,077
940
13
1,196,719
31,483
10,769
7,62,429
937
1.215,015
61,961
4168
7,30,324
...
4326
1311
6907
15
3466
936
6845
933
36,808
12,070
7,69,336
962
55,427
5104
7,37,169
Poona Waste, 1850-51.
SDB-DlVISIOIf.
Arable.
Waste.
Sdb-Divisiom.
Arable.
Waste.
Area.
Per Cent.
Area.
Per Cent.
Shivner
lod&pur
Khed
Pabal
Purandhar ...
Acres.
260,187
307,724
170,930
182,116
224,768
Acres.
68,549
36,717
68,172
27,762
20,862
24-40
11-92
34-02
15-22
9-27
Bhimthadi ...
Haveli
naval
Total ...
Acres.
217,222
114,967
75,416
Acres.
81,461
12,670
87,122
37-60
11-00
49-00
1,563,320 338,305
21-77
2 Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 67.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
452
DISTRICTS.
ChapterVIII.
Land.
SCBVEY.
Junnar,
1850-51.
rainfall and fertile soil made this one ef the richest spots in the
Deocan. Nowhere else in Poona was the fall of rain so genial and
so certain ; nowhere else did wheat and other grains yield such
abundant crops.^ In the rainy west rice was the staple product, the
only dry-crops being ndchni, sdva, hhurdmi, and other upland grains.
So greatly did the excess of moisture deteriorate and exhaust the
soil that after yielding for three or four years the land required three
or four years of rest. From this wet western tract eastwards rice
gradually disappeared as the wheat gram and millet lands of the
Haveh group were approached. The western villages had often not
more than a scanty population of hardy and simple hillmen. The
houses -were generally small roofed sheds. Their wants were few,
and especially during the rains they were often left without crafts-
men or traders. In the Haveli group the houses were comparatively
well built, and the village communities had the usual staff of crafts-
men. The chief and the most central local market was Junnar;
the other leading market towns were Utur and Narayangaon. The
rates fixed on the survey and assessment of Junnar carried out under
Mr. Pringle were introduced in 1829-30, and till 1850 continued to
be the basis of the British revenue collections. During the three
years after Mr. Pringle's settlement tillage was stationary ; during
the fourth year it slightly increased. Each of these four years
(1829-1833) -was marked by a yearly fall in revenue. The years
1833-84 and 1834-35 are remarkable as almost the full assessment
on the cultivated land was realized. 1836 was evidently a bad
season, but, as liberal remissions were given, in the following year
the revenue reached its former standard. 1838 was a year of short
rain and the remissions amounted to about 45 per cent of the assess-
ment. The effects of this unfavourable season appear to have been
felt for the succeeding three years from which time there is nothing
remarkable till 1846. In 1 848 probably because of the favourable
character of the two previous years, the area of land under tillage
was greater than in any preceding year of the whole period. The
unfavourable season of 1849 caused a decline in tillage. During the
twenty-one years ending 1849-50 the tillage area varied from 47,000
acres in 1829-30 to 58,000 acres in 1848-49 ; the collections varied
from £3500 (Es. 35,000) in 1838-39 to £6600 (Rs. 65,000) in
1842-43, and averaged £5466 (Rs. 54,660) or 2s. |d. (Re. 1 as. i) the
acre. In the ten years ending 1849-50 the collections averaged
£5835 (Rs. 58,350) or 2s. ^d. (Re. 1 as. ^\) the acre.^ In 1850 the
' Surv. Supt. 205 ol 25th Nov. 1850, Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 69
■70.
^ The details are : Jwnnar Tillage and Bevmue, 18^9 - 1850.
Tear.
Til-
Remis-
Collec-
Year.
Til-
Remis-
Collec-
TkAR.
Til-
Remis-
Collto-
lage.
sions.
tions.
lage.
sions.
tions.
lage.
sions.
tioDS.
Acres.
Bs.
Bs.
Acres.
Rs.
Bs.
Acres.
Rs.
Rs.
1829-30..
47,000
1000
68,000
1836-37..
62,600
22,000
42,000
1843-44..
66,300
10,000
68,000
1830-31..
47,200
11,000
47,000
1837-38..
56,000
3000
63,000
1844-45..
65,000
16,000
50,000
1831-32..
47,000
15,000
43,000
1838-39..
66,000
30,000
36,000
1845-46..
66,000
800O
57,000
1832-33..
52,000
20,000
43,000
1839-40..
66,200
20,000
48.000
1846-47..
57,000
4000
65,000
1833-34..
63,000
200
63,000
1840-41..
56,000
7000
60,000
1847-48..
57,000
6000
66,000
1834-36..
53,000
100
64,000
1841-42..
56,200
16.030
51,000
1848-49..
58,000
10,000
60,000
1835-36..
62,500
400 63,000
1842-43..
66,300
4000
66,000
1849-50..
66,000
16,000
63,000
These figures are given from the survey diagram for 109 Junnar villages. The old
Deccau.]
POONA.
463
people of Junnar were badly off. The bulk of them appeared to be
deep in the moneylenders' books, almost literally living from hand
to mouth. The few exceptions seemed to be people who held their
lands on favourable terms owing to some inequality in the existing
assessment. A great reduction in the Government demand seemed
called for.^ To ensure this reduction rates were proposedj which on
the land under tillage in 1850 reduced the Government demand
34 per cent.^ The 109 villages were arranged into five classes
whose highest dry-crop acre rates varied from 3s. 6d. (Rs. 1 1) in
the first class to Is. 6d (12 as.) in the fifth class. The first class
included twenty-two villages in the east of the Haveli group and in
the valley of the Kukdi river, extending to the town of Junnar, the
tract which has been described as one of the most fertile spots in
the Deccan. They were charged a highest dry crop acre rate of
3s. 6d. (Rs. If). The second class included twenty-four villages lying
generally to the west of the first class and was charged a highest
dry-crop acre rate of 3s. (Rs. 1^). In this group though the fall of
rain was larger, the soil was much less rich. The third class included
nineteen villages with a highest dry crop acre rate of 2s. Qd. (Rs.lj),
and the fourth class contained thirty -four villages with a correspond-
ing rate of 2s. (Re. 1). The division between the third and fourth
classes was the change of products and cultivation from wheat and
bdjri to hill grains. The fifth class contained ten villages charged
at a rate of Is. 6d. (12 as.) ; they were on the tops and slopes of the
Sahyddris. As rice tillage was entirely dependent on the rainfall
two sets of acre rates, 6s. (Rs. 3) and 5s. (Rs. 2\), were introduced,
according as the land lay within or on the skirts of the belt of heavy
rainfall. The watered land was either channel-watered or well-watered.
The Superintendent proposed for well-watered land an acre rate of 4s.
(Rs. 2) in excess of the highest dry-crop rates except in the specially
rich gardens to the east of Junnar for which he proposed a rate of
8s. (Rs. 4). For channel watered or pdtasthal land the Superintend-
ent proposed acre rates varying from 2s. (Re. 1) to 6s. (Rs. 8) in
excess of the highest dry-crop acre rates. A special acre rate of
1 2s. (Rs. 6) was proposed for the Hafiz garden about two miles to
the east of Junnar which had an unfailing supply of water. In the
hilly lands in the west, which were known as the cutting forest or dali
ran, the Superintendent proposed to continue the former system of the
billhook or koyta cess. Instead of the uniform koyta rate of Is. 6d.
(12 as.) the Superintendent recommended three rates, Is. 3d. (10 as.)
for the villages of the fifth class. Is. 6d. (12 as.) for the villages of the
fourth class, and 2s. (Re. 1) for small patches of billhook tillage m
the second and third classes. The total survey rental, includmg
dry-crop garden, rice, hill-side, and grazing, amounted to £553(5
(Rs 55;360). Compared with £5667 (Rs. 56,670) the average col-
lections of the previous twenty-one years (1 829-1850), the total survey
rental showed a reduction of £131 (Rs. 1310) or 2-31 per —'
The following statement shows the effect of the survey :
cent.
kanull or total arable area of this group was 75,000 acres and the old kamdl or total
.ental was £8300 (Ks. 83,000^^Bo™. (.ov. SeL L^XXJ^S-^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^_
Chapte^VIII.
Laud.
Survey.
Junnar,
1850-51.
454
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land-
Survey.
Jurmar,
1850-51.
Juwimr Settlement, 1850-51.
1851-52.
GiiAsa.
Former.
SORVEY.
1829-1860.
1849-50.
Dry-Crop.
Bice.
Garden.
Grazing
and
Dali
Lands.
Total,
Dry-
Crop
and
Garden,
Bice.
Grazing
and
Dali
Lands.
Total.
Dry-
Crop
Bice and
Garden.
Area,
Ben-
tal.
Area.
Een-
tal.
Well
and
Channel
watered.
1 ...
II ...
III ...
IV ...
V ...
Total...
B9.
28,400
14,313
4616
4378
653
Bs.
21
295
2193
688
Es.
183
161
236
353
292
Bs.
28,683
14,485
6147
6924
1533
Ks.
28,081
13,474
4698
6688
1?17
Acres.
27,067
23,426
18,364
17,693
6017
Bs.
23,722
12,986
4923
6042
1001
Acres.
"24
313
1710
640
Es.
"2s
308
2041
686
Bs.
2173
903
81
Bs.
83
169
293
61! 7
409
Es.
26,983
14,071
5606
7610
3096
52,260
3197
1215
56,672
53,168
87,667
47,679
2687
3063
3157
1476
66,305
The Superintendent's proposals were approved and sanctioned by
Government in April 1851. The only exceptions were that the
settlement of the garden lands was not approved ; that the old
uniform billhook rate was preferred to the proposed three classes ;
and that in the case of lands which required fallows the rates should
be taken every year and not only when crops were grown.^
The season of 1851 was again unfavourable. An abundant early
rainfall was followed by a failure of the late rain and great loss of
crops. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri fell from
about 76 to 80 pounds (38-40 shers). Over the whole district the
tillage area rose from 12,15,015 to 12,73,394 acres, and the collec-
tions from £73,032 to £80,462 (Rs. 7,30,320 -Rs. 8,04,620), £2835
(Rs. 28,350) or 3-3 per cent were remitted, and £326 . (Rs. 3260) left
outstanding. **
1 Gov. Letter 4180 of 15th AprU 1851. Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 141-146.
" Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 15 of 1855, 74, 90, US- 120, 148. The details are :
Poona Tillage amd Bevenue, 1850 - 1852.
Sdb-Division.
1860-51.
1861-62.
VU-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Bemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
SMvner
Indapur
Khed
P4bal
Furandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Mival
Total ...
176
99
186J
68
76i
72
88
182
Acres.
196,637
271,007
112,768
154,364
203,896
185,762
102,297
88,294
Bs.
1764
3613
12,838
1908
8236
21,802
662
Bs.
17
653
858
1931
159
1145
Bs.
1,23,338
1,01,706
1,01,394
99,375
87,880
63,167
97,897
66,077
176
99
187}
58
73
89
182
Acres.
Rs.
1074
1603
16,422
4
4687
2803
2769
Bs.
87
52
630
17
348
88
2166
Bs.
1,32,059
1,07,461
1,06,919
1,00,260
1,07,893
80,936
1,00,209
70,386
937
1,216,016
61,961
4168
7,30,324
942
1,273,394
28,362
3268
8,04,623
Remissions in Khed and Haveli alone were in excess of the previous year, and these
were only granted in unsurveyed villages where the old system of petitions and in-
spection of individual losses was in force ; and where considerable damage had been
sustained owing to the want of rain. In the surveyed villages of the northern sub-
divisions no remissions were given on account of failure of rain. Of the remissions
shown against J unnar about Rs. 900 were nominal being the difference between
the highest or hamdl rental and the actual amount of settlement of one alienated
village under attachment. The large amount of remissions for failure in the southern
sub-divisions was rendered necessary by the general unproductiveness of the season.
Deccan,]
POONA.
455
In 1851-52 the survey settlement was introduced into the Ambe-
gaon petty division of Khed.i This group formed a narrow belt of
country stretching from the SahyMris on the west to the borders of
Pabal on- the east ; it had Junnar on the north and the remaining
portion of Khed on the south. It comprised the petty divisions of
Ghode, Ambegaon, and MdLunga, and contained fifty-eight villages
one of which, Sdl, had lapsed the previous year. The mdvals or
western portions of Ambegaonand Juunar were much alike. There
was perhaps a smaller extent of comparatively level country in the
mdvals of Ambegaon than in those of Junnar. The products of
Ambegaon and Junnar were likewise very similar, but in the plain or
desh portion of Ambegaon cultivation was almost entirely confined to
early crops of millets both bdjri and jvdri. The proportion of late
crop was perhaps less than one-sixteenth of the whole. Wheat and
gram were grown as second crops where there was irrigation from
wells and channels. The potato was considered one of the ordinary
products of the plain villages though it was not so much grown, nor,
except in Ghode town, was the country so suited to its growth as
in the neighbouring villages of the Ausari petty division of Pabal.
Two potato crops were raised in the year. The first was planted
in the early part of the monsoon ; the after-crop was planted in
December, but it was only where irrigation was available that it
could be raised at this season. The potato seemed to be a favourite
crop with the landholders chiefly on account of the ready sale the
produce met with, to dealers who made a practice of visiting this
part of the Deccan to buy for the Bombay and Poena markets.
The other products of the Ambegaon group were sold by the land-
holders to the Vdnis of Ghode, Senoli, and Ambegaon. At each
of these three places there was a market. Ambegaon was a great
store for rice, and Ghode was the chief market for other grains.
Senoli was a small and unimportant market. Mr. Pringle's survey
settlement was introduced into the Ambegaon group in 1829-30.
During the twenty-two years ending 1850-51 the survey diagram
showed that tillage fell from 25,000 acres in 1829-30 to 21,250
in 1831-32, and again rose to 26,000 in 1836-37. In the next tlaree
years it fell to 25,800 in 1839-40 and again rose to 27,500 in
1840-41. In the next three years it fell to 24,500 in 1843-44 and
during the remaining seven years, with a rise in one and a fall in
another year, it varied between 25,000 in 1845-46 and 26,250 in
1846-47 1848-49, and 1850-51. Eemissions were Rs. 3000 in 1829-30
and 1830-31, Es. 1700 in 1831-32 and 1832-33, Rs. 2500 in 1836-37,
Es. 1250 in 1837-38, Es. 2500 in 1838-39 andl839-40, andEs. 1300
in 1843-44, 1844-45, and 1850-51 ; in other years they were less than
Rs. 600. The collections fell from Es. 14,500 in 1829-30 to Rs. 12,500
but only in IndApur were remissions granted in surveyed villages, the sum shown
affainst Purandhar being for Rdstia's villages which were under temporary management.
The amount against Bhimthadiia that of a recently lapsed village, whose landholders
were unable to pay the sosti or full r?ites of assessment. Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 15
"^i^ljiut^ Francis, Surv. Supt. 235 of 4th Dec. 1851, and Gop. Res. quoted in Gov.
Letter 1624 of 9th March 1852 to the Rev. Comr. S. D.
Chapter^Vim
Land.
Sdkvey.
Ambegaon,
1861-5^.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
456 DISTRICTS.
Chapter_VIII. ia 1830-31, and steadily rose to Rs. 17,000 in 1835-36. In tlie
Land ^^^^ ^"^"^ years, except 1837-38 when they were Rs. 17,000, they
stood at Rs. 15,000, and rose to Rs. 18,000 in 1840-41. They fell
Sdrvey. |.q jjg_ j5 gQQ -j^ 1841-42, rose to Rs. 17,500 in 1 842-43, and againfell
I85t7^ to Rs. 16,250 in 1843-44. After that they steadily rose to Rs. 18,000
in 1846-47 and fell to Rs. 17,000 in 1850-51. According to the
Survey Superintendent Lieutenant Francis, daring this whole period,
the remissions were very small showing an abatement of only 7^ per
cent. InDecember ISSlhe remarked, 'If it can be shown that under
an assessment that has been in operation for so considerable a period,
the resources of the group have not been impaired, that cultivation
has extended accompanied with a corresponding increase of revenue,
a reduction proportionate to the extent of remissions would seem all
that is now required.' Lieut. Francis had passed through the group
in 1850 and had also visited it during December 1851. He was
satisfied that the bulk of the landholders were in fair circum-
stances. In the hilly west or mdval part of the group the holdings
were small, and the landholders' means were generally very
limited ; still, as far as he could learn, few of them were in the
habit of leaving their villages to seek employment in Bombay or
elsewhere, being able to support themselves on the produce of their
fields. Considering the superior climate of this group he was of
opinion that a new assessment equal to the amount of former
collections would effect all the reduction called for. The rates
he proposed were 3s., 2|s., 2|s., and 2s. (Rs. li Rs. If, Rs. li, and
Re. 1) for dry-crop lands. For rice lands one uniform rate of 6s.
(Rs. 3) was proposed. 1063 acres were under rice and their assess-
ment at the revised rates amounted to £133 (Rs. 1330) or an
average acre rate of 2s. 6d. (Rs. U). For garden lands, 6s. (Rs. 3)
for channels and 4s. (Rs. 2) for wells were proposed. The total
garden rental amounted to £49 (Rs.490). Compared with the
previous year's collections (Rs. 16,915) in fifty-seven villages the
survey rental on the tillage area (Rs.l5,936)i showed a reduction of
5f per cent. Including waste and the lapsed village of Sdl the survey
total amounted to £1951 (Rs. 19,510). Lieut. Francis observed that
because of the rather scanty population of some of the villages
near the Sahyadris, as well as on account of the nature of the soil
which required a periodical fallow, the whole of the waste would not
be brought under tillage at one time. There was a large extent of
hill-land suited only for dali bush-clearing tiUage. It had not been
divided into numbers, but was left in large tracts for the purpose
of beine brought under the koyta or billhook system of assessment.
It was proposed to continue the old rate of Is. 6d, (12 as.) the koyta.
The following statement shows the effect of the survey : -
reduction of 87 per cent,
Deccan.]
POONA.
Ambegaon Settlement, 1851-SS.
457
Class,
VlL-
LASEB.
Former
RBVgNUE.
Sdrvet.
1829-
1851.
1860-61.
1860-61.
Dry -Crop and
Garden.
Rice.
Grazing
and
Dali.
Total.
Diy-
Crop
Rate.
I
II
III
IV
Total ...
(. 1
U
17
22
Ks.
8208
4786
2661
2308
Rs.
8770
1384
6126
2461
1859
Ks.
6760
663
4666
2367
1764
Acres.
12,096
1643
11,349
11,307
20,220
Es.
7676
624
4784
2662
3163
Acres.
60
20
166
403
434
Rs.
75
25
213
688
460
Rs.
624
1
622
242
466
Rs.
8176
660
6619
3492
4078
Es.
H
If
U
1
58
17,903
19,699
16,099
66,614
18,809
1083
1351
1864
22,014
The proposed rates were sanctioned by Government in March 1852.
In the same year the assessments of garden lands in thirty villages
and of dry-crop and rice -lands in four villages in the Purandhar sab-
division were revised. The former highest rate of assessment on
watered land was 10s. (Rs. 5) the higha?- or about 13s. M. (Rs. 6§) the
acre. Under the revision survey twenty-seven villages contained 977
acres of cultivated well-watered garden land which were assessed at
an average acre rate of 3s. 3|fll. (Re. 1 as. lOy^) or a total of £162
10s. (Rs. 1625), and twenty-one villages contained 1153 acres of
cultivated channel-watered land which were assessed at an average
acre rate of 4s. 6f i. (Rs. 2 as. ^) or a total of £263 4s. (Rs. 2632).
In the four villages the cultivated dry-crop Government land
amounted to 4546 acres which were assessed at £86 16s. (Rs. 868)
or an average acre rate of ^tk (3 as.) ; and the cultivated rice-land
amounted to 181 acres which were assessed at £27 16s. (Rs. 278)
or an average acre rate of 3s. Id. (Re. 1 as. 8\). Along with the
above proposals Lieutenant Francis the Survey Superintendent
proposed to reduce the rice rates introduced in 1848 in the
mamlatdar's division of Purandhar from 6s. (Rs. 3), 4s. M. (Rs. 2^),
and 3s. (Rs. U) to 4s. &d. (Rs. 2^), 3s. Qd. (Rs. If), and 2s. Qd.
(Rs 1 -). In confirming the settlement Government ordered the
revision of assessment on the rice-lands as proposed by Lieutenant
Francis and Captain Wingate.^
The season^ of 1852 was most favourable. It was one of unusual
success to all engaged in agriculture. At Inddpur the rupee price
of Indian millet or jvdri fell from about 80 to 112 pounds
r40 56 sJiers) Over the whole district the tillage area rose from
1,273,394 acres to 1,816,767 acres ; the remissions fell from £2835
(ke. 28 350) to £728 (Rs. 7280), and the outstandings from £326
(Rs' 3260) to £45 (Rs. 450) ; the land revenue collections showed a
ISsi aSd frofaVf SepTembL 1852 ; Mr. Courtney Revenue Comznissxoner, 3109
if 2l8t December 1852 ; Government Letter 196 of 1853.
■' Poona GoUector'a Compilation of 1853, \ii, d5a.
B 1.327-58
Chapter VIII
Land.
StTHVEy,
Amhegoton,
1851-5S.,
Purandhar.
1852-53.
[Bombay Gazetteer.
458
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British.
1853-53.
Survey.
Khed.
fall from -£80,462 (Rs. 8,04,620) to £80,072 (Rs. 8,00,720).i In
addition to repairs to five wells, one reservoir, nine village offices,
and one rest-liouse, the new works authorized in the CoUectorate
during the year were two wells, six village offices, one rest-house,
and one road. The amount sanctioned for such works during the
year ending the 30th of April 1853, under the standing orders of
the 4th of Septemher 1835, was £204 (Rs. 2040).^
The following statement shows the working of the 1841 survey
rates in eleven villages of the Haveli sub-division between 1841 and
J.OOO . Eleven Haveli Villages, Survey ResuUs, 1841-1853.
Year.
Tillage.
Eentel.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Waste.
Eental.
Acres.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Acres.
Es.
1841-42 ...
7013
5269
219
6060
2513
1114
1842-48 ...
8360
6866
6866
1238
531
1843-44 ...
8845
6062
6062
743
361
1844-45 ...
8328
5837
...
5837
1267
588
1846-46 ...
8281
6846
6846
1283
577
1846-47 ...
8310
6927
5927
1070
4G0
1847-48 ...
8455
6991
5991
923
395
1848-49 ...
8657
6082
6082
746
324
1849-50 ...
8971
6273
6273
704
309
1850-51 ...
9016
6315
6815
658
266
1851-52 ...
9143
6367
6367
531
214
1862-63 ...
9230
6383
6383
445
186
In 1852 the thirty years' revenue survey settlement was introduced
into the Khed sub-division.* Khed was one, of the largest sub-
divisions of Poona. It had two petty divisions Ambegaon and Kuda
subordinate to the Khed mdmlatddr. The survey settlement was
' The details are :
Poona Tillage and Revenue, 1S61-185S.
Sub-Division.
1861-S2.
1852-63. (
va-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages-
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
'ings.
Collec-
tions.
Shivner ...
Inddpur ..
Khecf
P&bal
Purandhar...
Bhimthadi...
Haveli
Mival
Total ...
176
99
187J
68
77i
73
89
182
Acres.
Es.
1074
1603
16,422
4
4687
2803
2759
Es.
67
52
530
17
348
88
2166
Rs.
1,32,059
1,07,461
1,06,919
1,00,260
1,07,.393
80,93^
1,00,209
70,386
176
99
lS7i
58
774
73
89
182
Acres.
Es.
14
134
4257
996
1601
276 _
Es.
92
" "l
18
341
Rs.
1,31,685
1,10,179
96,379
99,824
1,06,664
84,350
99,308
72,332
942
1,273,394
28,362
3258
8,04,6i3
942
1,316,76!
7278
452
8,00,721
The remissions in the whole district amounted to 0'9 per cent. In Khed, where
the new survey settlement was introduced this year, they amounted to 4'23, in
Bliimthadi'to 1-86, in Purandharto 0-92, in Haveli to 0-27, in IndApur to 0'12, in
Shivner or Junnar to 0 01, in Pdbal and MAval there were no remissions, M&val was an
unsurveyed subdivision and in it all the revenue was collected without difficulty. Poona
Collector's Compilation of 1853, 26, 361. According to early or iAari/'andlateorroJi
crops there were two divisions of instalments for the collection of revenue, 15th of
Dec. 1852, 1st of Feb. 1853, 15th of March 1853, and 1st of May 1853, for early crops ;
and 15th of Jan., 1st of March, 15th of April, and 1st of June, for late crops. Poona
Collector's Compilation of 1853, 370. " Poona Collector's Compilation of 1853, 392.
2 Bom. Gov, Sel. LXX. 10, ^ Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 172 of 1853.
Deccan,]
POONA.
459
introduced into the Ambegaon group of fiffcy-eiglit villages in
1 85 1 -52.^ For the remaining 129 villages, forty-seven under the Khed
mdmlatdAr which stretched further east into the plain country and
eighty-two under the Kuda mahalkari, survey rates were proposed
in December 1852 and sanctioned in May 1853.^ The lands included
in these 129 villages stretched about forty miles from west to east
with a breadth of twelve to eighteen miles. It was bounded on the
north by Ambegaon lying south of Junnar, on the east by Pdbal,
on the south by Haveli and Mdval, and on the west by the Sahyddris.
It was separated by a wide chain of hills from Ambegaon on the
north and by a second chain of hills from Md,val on the south ; and
besides, two other ranges of hills which passed through its centre,
divided it into the three separate valleys of the Bhima and its two
feeders the Indrayani and Bam.^ The Kuda group lay close to the
Sahyddris and contained a considerable area of rice. The m^mlatddr's
group lay further east where the climate was not moist enough for
rice, but was well suited for dry crops. The climate of the
mdmlatddr's villages was fully equal to that of Poona-Haveli ; it was
better than that of Pdbal, and was not quite so good as that of the
Junnar valley. In respect of markets Khed was not so well placed
as Haveli but was better off than either Pabal or Jannar. The
husbandry was good for the Deccan, and the people were better off
than elsewhere. The better condition of the people was perhaps
partly due to the fact that Mr. Pringle's assessment in the villages
near the Sahyd,dris was more liberal than his assessment of the
east; it was chiefly because the country seldom suffered from a
failure of rain.*
From the survey diagram for 127 villages of this Khed group it
appears that the area under tillage was 76,000 acres in 1829-30 and
66f000 in 1830-31 and 1831-32. It rose to 73,000 in 1833-34
and with a slight fall in the next year continually mcreased till it
reached 84,000 acres in 1837-38. With a slight fall in the next
year it rose to 86,000 in 1839-40. After 1839-40 it continued to
shrink until it reached 79,000 in 1844-45 and 1845-46. During the
next five years (1846-1851) it stood at about 85,000 acres, and rose
to 88 000 acres in 1851-52. That is during the twenty-three years
before the introduction of the revenue survey there was an increase
in the area under tillage of 12,000 acres or 15 per cent. Durmg the
same twenty-three years (1829 -1852) f^^^^^ 7"^J.':7^^^?^^^^^^
In the first four years they rose from £1200 (Rs. 12 000) m 1829-30
to £1700 (Rs. 17,000) in 1832-33. In the next three years they
were £300 (Rs 3000). In the next four years they rose from ±1200
Ss 12 000) in 1836-37 to £2500 (Rs. 25,000) in 1838-89 and
Sin ^eul £100 (Rs.^ 1000) in 1839-40. Between 18 and
1848, except in 1841-42 when they were £1500 (Ks. 15,000),
1 Gov. Letter 1624 of 9th March 1852 Con,p 48 of 1852 ; Lieut J Francis. Survey.
: ^^. fcattSj Kfir. 31 of 13th January 1853 ; Bo.. Go.
Eev. Bee, 172 of 1853,85-87.
Chapter VIII
Land.
SnEVBY.
Khed,
1852-53.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Survey.
Kfied,
185S-53.
460
DISTRICTS.
they varied from £200 to £500 (Rs. 2000 - 5000). In the
remaining four years (1848-1852) they fell from £1800 (Rs. 18,000)
in 1848-49 to £1100 (Rs. 11,000) in 1851-52. In the first four
years collections fell from £5500 (Rs. 55,000) in 1829-30 to £4800
(Rs. 48,000) in 1832-33. In the next six years they fell from £6500
(Rs. 65,000) in 1833-34 to £5500 (Rs. 55,000) in 1838-39. In the
next nine years, except 1841-42 when they were a little below
£6500 (Rs. 65,000), they rose from £7000 (Rs. 70,000) in 1839-40
to £7700 (Rs. 77,000) in 1847-48. In 1848-49 they fell to £6300
(Rs. 63,000) and from that rose to £7200 (Rs. 72,000) in 1851-52.^
Under the revenue survey settlement the 129 villages of this Khed
group were arranged in five classes with highest dry-crop acre rates
varying from 3s. 2d. (Rs. If) in the first class to 2s. (Re. 1) in
the fifth class. The highest rate was applied to a group of villages
lying along the Poona-Junnar road. These villages possessed
superior advantages for the carriage of produce to Poena and also
enjoyed a climate favourable to dry crops. The lower rates were
for groups lying east of the Poona-Junnar road where the climate
became drier and to the west where the moisture was excessive ;
the lowest rates were for the Sahyddri villages -where jvdri and
hdj'ri could not grow. The highest acre rates for rice land were
fixed at 8s. (Rs. 4) in the villages near the Sahyd.dris, 7s. (Rs. 3^)
for the next group, and 6s. (Rs. 3) for the group further east where
the fall of rain was hardly enough for rice. There were 4425 acres
of rice with an assessment of £720 (Rs. 7200), that is an average
acre rate of 3s. 3d (Rs. 1 f ). The area of garden tillage was
small. The highest rates fixed for garden land were, 6s. (Rs. 3)
for channel-watered or pdtasthal and 4s. (Rs. 2) for well-watered
or motasthal. 851 acres of channel-watered land were assessed
at £112 (Rs/1120) and 676 acres of well-watered land at £123
(Rs. 1230). No change was made in the management of hill lands
inaccessible to the plough. They continued to be let for cultiva-
tion on the billhook or koyta system. The following statement shows
the effect of the survey :
Khed Settlement, 185S-BS.
Class.
Vil-
lages.
FOKMXR.
Survey.
1889-1862.
1851-52.
1851-62.
Dry -Crop,
Rice and
Garden.
Dali and
Grass.
-Total.
Dry-Crop
and Bice.
Garden.
Total.
I
II
III
IV
V
Total ...
7
•2
31 ■
18
49
22
Bs.
17,342
4004
26,075
9339
11,868
2270
Bs.
741
125
1356
649
1054
621
Ks.
18,083
4129
27,430
9788
12,!>12
2791
Es.
20,823
4467
33,602
11,850
13,867
2550
Bs.
14,422
2591
23,188
10,909
12,612
2104
Rs.
1379
63
653
160
98
Bs.
19,801
2664
23,841
11,069
12,710
2104
129
70,688
4445
75,133
87,159
65,826
2353
68,179
* Of these one lapsed in 1844-45 »nd the other in 1848-49. Bev. Beo. 172 of 1853, 109.
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Reo. 172 of 1853,169.
Deccau]
POONA.
461
Khed Settlement, 185S-53 — continued.
CiiAsa.
SCRVET.
Dry-Crop and
Garden.
Rice.
Total.
DcUimd
Grass
Lands.
Total.
Highest
Di-y-crop
Acre
Kate.
I
II
Ill
IV
V
Total ...
Acres.
21,883
5277
43,197
i4,179
48,402
12,745
Rs.
16,944
3411
27,106
11,592
16,186
3206
Acres.
1
135
699
2549
1142
Rs.
1
i99
893
4283
1822
Acres.
21,884
6277
43,332
24,778
60,961
13,887
Bs.
16,915
3411
27,304
12,486
20,469
4028
Rs.
932
163
1244
609
1496
635
Rs.
17,877
8674
28,648
13,094
21,966
4663
Rs. a.
I I 10
1 8
1 6
1 4
1 0
1,65,683
, 77,444
4426
7198
1,60,109
84,642
6079
89,721
1853-54 was an unusually bad season. The south-west monsoon
began with excessive rain followed by drought, relieved in some
places by a few showers. Large sums had to be remitted. At
Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet or jvdri was the same as
in the last year, about 112 pounds (56 shers). Over the whole
district the tillage area rose from 1,316,767 to 1,368,430 acres and
the collections fell from £80,072 (Rs. 8,00,720) to £72,476
(Rs. 7,24,760) ; £8294 (Rs. 82,940) or 10-2 per cent were remitted
and £250 (Rs. 2500) left outstanding.^
In 1853-54 the survey settlement was introduced into the 180
Grovernment villages of the Maval sub-division in the south-west
corner of the district.^ MAval was bounded on the west by Thdna,
on the north by Khed, on the east by Haveli, and on the south by
Bhor. The sub-division contained a main group of 102 villages
called Mdval, and to the south of the main group a minor group of
78 villages called Mulshi. In general features Mdval was like the
Sahyddri sub-divisions which had been settled before. Except the
range which was strengthened by the forts of Lohogad and Visdpur
the Mdval hill ranges were not so large as those further north, and,
except in the western Mulshi villages, the valleys were more open,
broader, and leveller. Close to the Sahyddris the rainfall was
very much heavier than in any other part of the sub-division. The
chief products of the dry-crop or Jirdyat lands were ndchni, sdva, and
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Eec. 17 of 1858, 10, 167, 200, 238. The details are
Poona Tillage arid Revenue, 185S-18Si.
SnB-Divi8ios.
1852-63.
1853-64.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
va-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions,
Out.
stand-
ings.
Collections.
Shivner ...
Indipur ...
Khed
Pabal
Purandhar..
Bhimthadi...
Haveli
M4val
Total ...
176
99
187J
58
77i
73
89
182
Acres.
Rs.
14
134
42-57
996
1601
276
Rs.
92
"l
18
341
Rs.
1,81,686
1,10,179
96,379
99,824
1,06,664
84,860
99,308
72,332
176
99
187 J
68
77i
78
90
180
Acres.
Rs.
9659
11,653
14,096
489
6836
6876
10,772
28,662
Rs.
8
8
320
2046
126
Rs.
1,18,764
1,01,619
87,814
99,519
1,00,938
86,707
87,269
42,632
942
1,316,767
7278
452
8,00,721
941
136,8480
82,942
2498
i7,24,762
Chapter^VIII
Land.
SOEVET.
Khed,
1S53-54.
SURVET,
Mdval,
1853-54.
2 Capt. Francis, Surv. Supt. 33 of 31st January 1854 ; Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
462
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
SUKVEY.
Mdval,
1853-54,
til for the early harvest, and wheat and gram for the late harvest.
Small areas of hajri and jvari were grown in a few of the eastern
villages. The black soil lands were suited only for late crops. Rice
was the crop from which the landholders paid their revenue. Most
of the rice went to Poona, a little went below the Sahyddris, and
a still smaller share was kept for local retail sale at Varangaon,
Khanddla, and other chief halting places along the Bombay- Poona
road. The only manure was wood and grass ashes with which the
rice nursery beds were covered. Mr. Pringle's settlement of the
Maval villages had been a success. During the twenty-three years
it had been in force not more than five per cent of remissions had
been required. In the ten years ending 1852 the spread of tillage had
been steady, and in 1852 it was rapid.^ As in several other parts
of the Presidency, where light rates were in force, the light
assessment had brought with it a plague of Marwari Vanis, keen
calculators, who did not make advances to the people unless they
knew that they could make money out of the land if it was thrown
on their hands. The villages along the Bombay road were filled
with Mdrwdris who had managed to get the great body of the
people deep in their books. The people were more oppressed with
debt in that part of the mamlatdar's division than in any other
sub-division of the coUectorate. A Mdrwari or a Mdrwdri^s agent
generally lurked about the landholder's stackyard when any
thrashing was going on, ready to step in and carry off the bulk of
the produce. Some change in the relations between the landholders
and the moneylenders was urgently wanted. In the Mulshi group
though the rates were higher, there were no Marwdris a.nd the
' The survey diagram for 178 MAval villages gives the following details for the
twenty-three years since Mr. Pringle's settlement in 1830-31 :
Mdval Tillage and Revenue, 1830-1853.
Year.
Drt-Crop.
Rice.
Total.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Acres.
Rs.
Es.
Acres.
Es.
Rs.
Acres.
Rs.
Rs.
1830-31
26,000
2000
16,600
11,000
3000
31,000
36,000
6000
47,.600
1831-32
21,000
600
15,0li0
10,000
6O0
31,000
31,000
1000,
46,000
1832-83
21,000
3000
11,000
10,000
6600
27,000
31,000
8500
38,000
1833-34
21,000
200
14,500
10,600
200
33,000
31,600
40O
47,500
1834-35
23,000
200
16,000
10,500
200
33,000
33,500
400
48,000
1835-36 ,
26,000
200
17,600
10,600
600
33,000
36,500
7l'0
60,500
1836-37
26,600
3000
14,600
10,600
^000
28,500
36,000
7000
43,000
1837-38
24,500
8000
14,000
10,500
3600
29,000
36,000
6600
43,000
1838-39
24,000
3500
13,000
11,000
4000
29,500
■36,000
1500
42,500
1839-40
24,500
3000
13,000
11,000
4000
81,000
35,600
7000
44,000
1840-41
24,000
1000
15,000
11,000
1600
32,600
35,000
2600
47,600
1841-42
23,000
2000
13,000
11,000
2500
31,600
34,000
4600
44,600
1842-43
23,600
500
15,000
11,500
1000
34,000
36,000
1500
49,000
1843-44
22,000
800
14,000
11,000
700
33,600
33,000
1600
47,600
1844-45
22,600
200
14,200
11,000
200
34,000
33,600
400
48,200
1845-46
23,600
600
14,600
11,600
600
34,600
35,000
1000
49,000
1846-47
24,000
200
16,000
11,600
600
34,600
35,600
700
49,'600
1847-48
26,000
300
16,600
11,700
300
36,600
36,700
600
61,000
1848-49
24,400
300
16,600
11,800
300
36,500
36,200
600
51,000
1849-60
25,600
200
16,600
11,000
300
36,600
86,600
600
62,000
18B0-61
27,000
300
17,600
11,800
500 ^
36,000
38,800
800
53,600
1861-52
28,000
200
21,000
11,500
200
36,200
39,600
400
67,200
1862-53
33,400
100
22,000
11,800
100
36,300
46,200
200
68,300
Deccan.]
POONA. 463
people were mucli better off.i Government did not agree witlx Chapter VIH
Captain Francis in explaining the impoverished state of the Maval Land-
landholders by the excessive exactions of moneylending Marwiris.^
In the west the rainfall was too heavy for dry-crops ; the best Survey.
dry-'crops were grown in the eastern villages. Captain Francis isss-si
proposed four classes of dry-crop land. The first class with an acre
rate of 3s. (Rs. 1|) included the villages in the extreme east of the
Mdval group touching on Khed;^ the second class rate of 2s. 9d.
(Rs. If) was applied to the group of villages lying immediately
west of the first class villages; the third class rate of 2s. 6d. (Rs.lj)
was applied to a group west of the second class villages ; and the
fourth class rate of 2s. (Re. 1) was applied to the villages lying
along the crest of the SahyMris and on the sides of the hills. The
villages along and at a short distance from the Bombay-Poona
road made considerable profits from their uplands or mdls by selling
grass to the numerous cart and pack bullocks that were daily
halting at the different stages on the road. For this reason
Khanddla and some other villages near the Sahyddris were brought
into the third instead of the fourth class.
As abundant rainfall is one of the most important elements in
successful rice growing, it might be supposed that rice lands would
be valuable in proportion to their nearness to the Sahyd,dris. Local
inquiry showed that this was not the case. The best rice lands *
were not in the Sahyadri villages^ nor were the least productive
rice lands in the most easterly villages. Both in the main Maval
group and in the smaller Mulshi group the best rice lands were
near the middle of the tract.* In classing the rice lands, with
Captain Wingate's approval, Captain Francis adopted the system
introduced by Mr. Fraser Tytler into the Ndsik and Ahmadnagar
hilly rice lands. The chief change introduced was in basing the
valuation on the kind of rice grown and not on the character of the
embankment.^ Under these principles the rice lands were
arranged under four classes with acre rates of 9s. 8s. 7s. and 6s.
(Rs. 4^, Rs. 4, Rs. 3^, and Rs. 3). In distributing these rates the rate
of 9s. (Rs. 4|) was applied to some villages of the Mulshi group whose
dry-crop lands belonged to the first and second classes. The rates
of 8s. and 7s. (Rs. 4 and Rs. 3 1) were applied to the Mulshi villages
whose dry-crop lands brought them into the third and fourth classes
and to all villages of the main Maval group whose dry-crop lands
brought them into the first second and third classes. The rate of
6s. (Rs. 3) was applied to all the fourth class dry-crop villages in
the main Mdval group.
Compared with the twenty-three years ending 1852-53 the survey
rental of the land held for tillage at the time of the survey showed
arise from £4832 (Rs. 48,320) to £5289 (Rs. 52,890) ; compared
with the ten years ending 1852-53 it showed a rise from £5191 (Rs.
51,910) to £5289 (Rs. 52,890) ; and compared with the year 1852-53
1 Captain Francis, .31st January 1854, Bom. Gov Sel. LXX. 6-7.
2 Govt. Letter 3588 of 28th Augt. 1855, Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 64-65.
^Capt. Francis afterwards (246, lObh July 1854) did away this first class by
lowering the rate to 2«. 9d. (Es. 1§). Bom, Gov. Sel. LXX. 55-56,
* Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 5.
5 Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 3 ; NAsik Statistical Account, XVI. 233-234.
[Bombay Gazetteer)
Chapter VIII.
Land.
StTHVEY.
Mdval,
1853-54.
1854-1866.
464
DISTEICTS.
it showed a fall from £5823 (Rs. 58,230) to £5289 (Rs. 52,890).i
The survey rental on the entire arable land amounted to £7056
(Rs. 70,560). There was therefore a considerable margin of waste
from the cultivation of which the survey reduction might' be made
good. The following statement gives the details of this settlement :
JMdval Settlement, 1853-54.
Division.
Vil-
lages.
Class.
Dry-Crop.
Rice.
Total.
Grazing
and
Dali. <
Total.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
MimlatdSr's 1
divieion ...\
Mulshi petty I
division ...
Total ...
9
51
24
16
4
13
29
32
I
II
III
IV
I
ll
III
IV
Acres.
11,161
27,298
9824
6959
8946
4286
3606
10,836
Ks.
4658
14,999
• 3767
1220
1848
1736
1187
1927
Acres.
1184
4163
2187
1178
756
1696
2638
1562
Rs.
2176
9232
6342
2912
2130
4687
8804
3960
Acres.
12,285
31,461
12,011
7137
4701
6981
6144
12,388
Rs.
6834
24,231
9099
4182
3978
6422
9991
6877
Rs.
325
1312
720
766
263
. 335
667
899
Rs.
7169
26,613
9819
4898,
4246
6757
10,668
6776
178
...
76,806
31,331
15,302
39,233
92,108
70,664
6292
76,856
The effect of lowering the first class diy-crop. rates from 3s. (Rs. \\)
to 2s. 9d. (Rs. If) which has been noticed above, was to reduce
these totals by £39 (Rs. 390) in the main Mdval group and by £15
(Rs. 150) in the Mulshi group.^
The eighteen years ending 1854 was a period of little improvement.
In Inddpur and Bhirathadi the people were few and poor. Over almost
the whole of the district about half of the eighteen years, 1838, 1840,
1841, 1844, 1845, 1850, 1851, and 1853, were bad seasons ; and except
when its price was raised by a general failure of crops grain was
ruinously cheap, the rupee price of Indian millet varying from 30 to
144 and averaging 104 pounds.^ In spite of these obstacles the tillage
area rose from 895,438 acres in 882 villages in 1839-40 to 1,368,430
acres in 941 villages in 1853-54^ and the collections from £63,612
(Rs. 6,36,120) in 1837-38 to £72,476 (Rs. 7,24,760) in 1853-54. The
turning point was passed about 1852 and there was a marked and
steady improvement in the next twelve years 1854-1866. Towards
the close of this period, owing to the continuation of the American
war and several years of short crops, produce prices were
higher than they had been since the beginning of British rule.
Jvdri sold at Inddpur at about 26 to 36 pounds (13-18 shers) the
rupee in 1862-1866 in place of about 48 pounds (24 shers) in 1818,
88 pounds (44 shers) in 1826, 96 pounds (48 shers) in 1835, and 112
pounds (56 shers) in 1854. During the twelve years ending 1866
the tillage area rose from 1,368,430 acres in 941 villages in 1853-54
to 1,743,179 in 988 villages in 1865-66; and»collections from £72,476
to£105,521 (Rs.7,24,760-Ils. .10,55,210). Inlnddpur, whichbefore
' These figures are for 178 out of the 180 villages of this survey group, tncluding
two villages which came into British possession in 1848, the survey rental when
compared with the previous year shows a reduction from Rs. 59,358 to Es 53 947.
Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 9.
2 Survey Superintendent, 33 of 31st January 1854 and 246 of 10th July 1854:
Eev. Comr. 2542 of 14th Augt. 1854 and 576 of 23rd February 1855 ; Gov. Letter
3588 of 28th Augt. 1855. Bom. Gov. Sel. LXX. 1-66,
'Bom.Gov. Sel, CVII. 71.
Deccan.]
POONA.
465
1846 was one of the most distressed subdivisions, collections showed
arise from £6522 (Es. 05,220) between 1836 and 1846 to £8305
(Rs. 83,050) between 1856 and 1866 or an increase of 27 per cent,
the average remissions were reduced from £1222 (Rs. 12,220) to
12s. (Rs. 6), and during the ten years ending 1865-66 there was
hardly any waste. The yearly details are :
_ In 1854-55 in the plain or desh part of the coUectorate much
distress was caused by the late setting in of the rains. In the rice-
growing tracts along the Sahyddris, where failure of rain would
have caused serious distress, the usual showers fell during the whole
of June and July; on the whole 1854 was a favourable season.
In December some damage had been done to the crops by hail-
storms in parts of Junnar and Purandhar. At the beginning of the
season many cattle died of starvation in consequence of the scarcity
of fodder. In August 1854 the Revenue Commissioner sanctioned
the grant of advances to landholders, and they were enabled to
renew their stock of cattle and to keep up their cultivation which
must otherwise have fallen. Of £1385 (Rs. 13,850) the total sum
advanced, £1143 (Rs. 11,430) were for cattle and £242 (Rs. 2420)
were for water works. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet
OTJvdri rose from about 112 to 58 pounds (56-29 shers). Over the
whole district the tillage area rose from 1,368,430 to 1,395,080
acres, and the collections from £72,476 to £81,486 (Rs. 7,24,760-
Rs. 8,14,860) ; £612 (Rs. 6120) or 0-74 per cent were remitted and
£24 (Rs. 240) left outstanding.^
In 1855-56 twenty-three villages lapsed and raised the number of
Government villages from 947 to 970 and reduced the number of
alienated villages from 247 to 224. Rain began in the month of
June and continued to fall seasonably until the middle of July.
After this none fell in Inddpur and Bhimthadi until the end of
August, and the other sub-divisions had little or no rain till about
the middle of September. A favourable change took place after
Chapter VIII
Land-
The Bkitish.
1854-55.
1855-56.
1 Gov. Eev. Rec. 17 of 1859, 1325, 1367, 1432, 1433, 1459, 1461, 1484, 1522, 1527.
The details are : - Poma Tillage and Beiienue, 185S-18SS-
SUB-DlVISIOK.
1868-54.
1864-55.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions,
Shivner
IndApiir
Khed
P4bal
Purandhar ...
Bhimthadi ...
Haveli
MS,val
Total ...
176
99
187}
58
m
73
90
180
Acres.
205,147
295,081
164,852
153,679
217,924
167,773
108,206
55,868
Rs.
9659
11,563
14,096
489
6836
B876
10,772
23,662
Rs.
3
3
320
2046
126
Rs.
1,18,764
1,01,619
87,314
99,519
1,00,938
86,707
87,269
42,682
Rs.
176
99
187}
69
80i
74
90
181
Acres.
200,851
297,106
167,931
158,795
223,748
180,345
113,849
62,455
Rs.
1246
11
212
14
265
2469
121
1785
Rs.
"66
178
Rs.
1,27,324
1,13,.'^66
99.813
1,03,847
1,08,826
94,927
99,867
66,708
941
1,368,430
8:!,942
2498
7,24,762
947
1,396,080
6123
244
8,14,863
Of 1,395,080 acres the total area under tillage, 439,125 acres or 3r5 per cent were
under ><in, 447,153 or 32 per cent under bdjri, 74,503 or 5'3 per cent under wheat,
64,031 or 4-5 per cent under gram, 60,167 or 4-3 per cent under math, 37,941 or 2'7
per cent under kardal, 18,606 or 1 -3 per cent under sugarcane, 14,488 or 1 per cent under
rice, 1597 under udid, 4123 under cotton, 229 under hemp, 166 under linseed, and
232,951 or 167 per cent under miscellaneous crops.
B 1327—59
[Bombay Gazetteer,
466
DIS^IlICTS.
ehapter_VIII.
Land.
The British.
1855-56.
1856-57.
the 20t]i of September. There were several heavy falls of rain
through nearly every part of the collectorate, and the crops which
had not suffered beyond recovery revived. On the whole the
season of 1855 was fair. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian
millet or jvdri fell from about 58 to 64 pounds (29-32 shers). _Over
the whole district the tillage area rose from 1,395,080 acres in 947
villages to 1,447,006 acres in 970 villages, and the collections from
£81,486 to £85,429 (Rs.8,14,860-Es.8,54,290); £1032 (Rs. 10,320)
or 1-19 per cent were remitted, and £41 (Rs.410) left outstanding.^
In 1 856 general but slight rain fell early in June. From the end of
June till late in July the fall was very slight and partial. During early
August rain fell seasonably everywhere in the collectorate. But
for the rest of the season it was partial and scanty. Considerable
and general failure resulted in some parts of the district. On the
whole, the season was below the average. At Indapur the rupee
price of Indian millet or jvdri was the same as in 1855-56 about 64
pounds (32 shers). Over the whole district the tillage area rose from
1,447,006 to 1 ,534,473 acres and the collections from £85,429 to
£87,928 (Rs. 8,54,290-Rs. 8,79,280) ; £1649 (Rs. 16,490) or 1-8 per
cent were remitted and £35 (Rs. 350) left outstanding.^
1 Bom. Gov. Rev. Eeo. 15 of 1860, 4-6, 29, 32, 56. The details are ;
Poona Tillage and Revenue, 18BI, - 1866.
Shb-Ditisicn.
1864-65.
1866-56.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
va-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sions-
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions,
Shivner
Indipur
Khed
P^hal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
Maval
Total ...
176
99
187*
59'
80J
74
90
181
Acres.
200,861
297,106
167,931
168,795
223,748
180,345
113,849
62,465
Es.
1246
11
212
14
265
2469
121
1785
Rs.
"66
i78
Rs.
1,27,324
1,13,566
99,813
1,03,847
1,08,826
94,927
99,857
66,703
177
99
l90i
69
98i
74
91
181
Acres.
202,717
301,390
167,654
161,999
248,174
198,000
114,186
63,037
Bs.
231
27
859
3460
2641
1231
1671
Rs.
413
Rs.
1,30,468
1,16,094
1,00,118
1,06,930
1,32,724
1,02,186
99,235
68,63S
947
1,395,080
6123
244
8,14,863
970
1,447,006
10,320
413
8,64,292
Of the total area under tillage 36 per cent were under jmri and 27 under Idjri.
2 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eeo. 16 of 1860, 201, 227, 230, 362. The details are:
Poona Tillage and Mevenue, 1855-1857.
Sub-Division.
1865-66.
1866-57. 1
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Eemis-
sionsi
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
•Shivner
Indapur
Khed
P&bal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
MSval
177
99
190i
69
98}
74
91
181
Acres.
202,717
301,390
167,654
161,999
248,174
198,000
114,136
63,037
Rs.
231
27
859
3460
2641
1231
1871
Rs.
413
Rs.
1,30,468
1,16,094
1,00,118
1,06,930
1,32,724
1,02,186
99,235
68,633
178
99
I90i
69
99}
74
91
182
Acres.
218,331
304,743
168,120
168,378
274,613
217,913
115,889
66,586
Rs.
3169
176
4316
1273
3208
2233
169
1966
Ks.
91
6
118
i'is
"29
Rs.
1,33,069
1,16,099
1,00,880
1,08,001
1,35,178
1,10,613
1,06,317
70,226
Total ...
970
1,447,006
10,320
413
8,64,292
973
1,534,473
16,489
361
8,79,282
Of the total area under tillage 30 per cent were under jV(«n and 33i under bdjri.
Deccan-l
POONA.
467
In October 1867 Mr. Leighton, the first assistaat collector who
had charge of Khed Haveli and Maval, wrote^ that the object of
improving the state of the people by lowering the Government
demand had been defeated by the extortionate demands of money-
lenders. He thought that a law should be passed to prevent the
levy of extortionate interest. He knew the objections which were
urged against usury laws in England. He was satisfied that these
objections did not apply to the state of affairs in Western Poona.
The borrowers were poor ignorant and simple, the lenders were
sharp unscrupulous strangers. Mr. Leighton thought that no bond
passed by a landholder should be binding unless it was registered
in a,n assistant collector's court ; that the rate of interest should be
limited by law and that all holders indebted beyond a certain amount
should be obliged to give up their land. These measures would at
first be unpopular ; in time the people would see that they were for
their good. Until indebtedness was checked it was hopeless to
attempt to improve the state of the people. Native officers anxious
to please said the people were much better off since the revised
survey had come in. He saw no sign of improvement. All that
Government had sacrificed had gone to the Md,rw^ri. Moreover
now that a light assessment had made land valuable, every year
numbers of fields passed from the husbandman to the moneylender
whose slave he became.
Except in Indapur and Bhimthadi 1857 was on the whole a
favourable season. Though there were considerable failures in
various parts of Inddpur and Bhimthadi the revenue had been
collected without undue stress. At Indapur the rupee price of
Indian millet fell from about 64 to 78 pounds (32-39 sAers). Over
the whole district the tillage area rose from 1,534,473 to 1,566,231
acres and the collections from £87,928 to £91,919 (Rs. 8,79,280-
Rs. 9,19,190), £291 (Rs. 2910) or 0-31 per cent were remitted, and'
£61 (Rs. 610) left outstanding.^
The season of 1858 was on the whole favourable. Rain began
early in June, visiting the districts generally but slightly. It after-
wards fell seasonably up to mid-July. From the middle to the
end of July there was abundant rain throughout the collectorate.
Chapter VIII
Laud.
The Bbitlsh.
1856-57.
1857-58.
1858-59.
1 Bom. Gov. Eev. Eec. 15 of 1860, .S15-320.
2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1861, 5, 37, 40, 68. The details are :
Poona Tillage and Revenue^ 1856-1858.
Sub-Division.
1856-57.
1867-68.
VU-
lages.
Tillage.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Vil-
lages.
Tillage.
Ee-
mis-
siong.
Out-
stand-
ings.
OoUections
Shivner
Ind&pur
Khed
PSbal
Purandhar ...
Bhimthadi ...
HavcU
Miival
Total ...
178
99
im
59
994
74
91
182
Acres.
218,331
304,743
168,120
168,378
274,613
217,913
115,889
66,686
Ra.
3169
176
4316
1273
3208
2233
169
1965
Es.
91
5
113
lis
29
Es.
1,33,069
1,16,099
1,00,880
1,08,001
1,36,178
1,10,613
1,05,317
70,225
178
99
1944
69
lOOJ
74
92
184
Acres.
224,697
306,100
178,926
167,893
282,833
217,687
117,493
71,597
Ea.
"20
667
"20
26
2274
Bs.
600
7
Rs.
1,37,719
1,16,266
1,10,279
1,09,693
1,37,633
1,16,438
1,16,848
78,326
973
1,534,473
16,489
351
8,79,282
981
1,666,231
2907
C07
9,19,191
Of the whole area under tillage 36 per cent were under jodri and 29 per cent under hajri.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTRICTS.
CihapterVIII.
Laud.
The British.
1858-59.
1859-60.
1860-61.
except in Inddpur, Supa, and a few villages of P^bal and BHmtliadi,
During August the fall was partial but after August the supply was
general and satisfactory. At Indd,pur the rupee price of Indiaa
millet or jvari rose from about 78 to 64 pounds (39 - 32 shers). Over
the whole district tillage rose from 1,566,231 to 1,598,885 acres and
collections from £91,919 to £93,305 (Rs. 9,19,190-Rs. 9,33,050), £243
(Rs. 2430) or 0-25 per cent were remitted, and £9 (Rs. 90) left
putstanding.^
The season of 1859 was an average but an unhealthy season.
Tillage rose from 1,598,885 to 1,654,399 acres and collections from
£93,305 to £95,663 (Rs. 9,33,050 - Rs. 9,56,630), £36 (Rs. 360) were
remitted, and £1 (Rs. 10) left outstanding.^ At Indapur the rupee
price of Indian millet fell from about 64 to 78 pounds (32-39 shers).
In the opinion of the Deccan Riots Commissioners^ notwithstanding
the pressure of debt and the hardships which the laws inflicted on
borrowers, about 1860 the landholders of Poena were better off' than
they had been for years. The conditions of agriculture had been
favourable. For nearly twenty years most of the district had
enjoyed a fixed and moderate assessment, large tracts of waste
had been brought under tillage, ordinary communications and means
of transport were improved, and the railway had been brought within
easy reach. The construction of the railway had poured into the
district a sum of not less than £200,000 (20 lakhs of rupees) in wages
of transport and labour. Above all a series of fair seasons had richly
rewarded the husbandman's labours. Although the lender might
have recourse to the civil court, there was a possibility of the
borrower being able to borrow from another lender in order to pay
him and the court would give time ; if a decree passed against the
landholder his stock and field tools were safe, and his land was not
in real danger. He might be imprisoned until he signed a new
bond, but he was not likely to be pauperised.
In 1860-61 the rainfall was partial but timely, and the season was
on the whole favourable.* Tillage rose from 1,654,399 to 1,664,802
acres and collections from £96,663 to £96,618 (Rs. 9,56,630 to
' Bom. Gov. Rev, Rec. 17 of 1861, 174, 210, 214, 242. The details are :
, Pornia Tillage and Revenue, 1157-1819.
Sub-Division.
Shivner
Ind^piir
Khed
P5,bal
Purandhar
Bhimthadi
Haveli
naval
Vil-
lages.
178
99
im
69
im
74
92
184
Total
Tillasre.
Acres.
224,697
306,100
171J.926
167,898
282,833
217,687
117,493
71,697
1,666,231
Be-
mis-
sions.
20
667
2274
2907
Out-
stand-
ings.
Rs.
600
7
Oolleo-
tions.
37,719
16,266
,10,279
,09,693
,37,638
16,438
,16,848
76,3i5
9,19,191
1868-69.
178
99
194i
69
102J
74
92
183
982
Tillage.
Acres.
228,481
306,008
186,433
173,224
289,022
220,806
120,336
74,376
1,698,886
Ee-
mis-
Bs.
37
181
1696
2427
Out-
stand-
ings.
90
Collec-
tions.
Bs.
1,39,010
1,16,4-58
1,1V "
1,11,710
1,40,466
1,16,869
1,21,066
74,611
9,33,046
I Deccan Riots Commissioners' Report, 1876, para 51 page 35 '
Rev. Comr. S. D. 42 of 9th Jan/aiy 1861, bL. Gov^ lev Reo. 90 of 1861, 177.
Deccan.]
POONA.
469
Rs. 9,66,180), £24 (Rs. 240) were remitted, and £5 (Rs. 50) left out-
standing. At Indd,pur the rupee price of Indian millet rose from
about 78 to 66 pounds (39-33 shers).
In 1861-62 the rainfall was 23 inches at Inddpur, 47 at Poona,
35 at Junnar, and 12 at Khadkala.^ The season was fayourable
andhealthy.2 Tillage rose from 1,664,802 to 1,691,352 acres and
collections from £96,618 to £99,933 (Rs. 9,66,180 -Rs. 9,99,330),
8s. (Rs. 4) were remitted, and £330 (Rs. 3300) left outstanding. At
Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet rose from about 66 to 54
pounds (33-27 shers).
In 1862-63 a scarcity of rain caused much damage to the early
harvest ; but an abundant fall in September and October gave a
rich late crop. The rainfall was 12 inches at Inddpur, 27 at Poona,
10 at Junnar, and 63 at Khadkdla. Public health was good.^
Tillage rose from 1,691,352 to 1,696,097 acres, collections fell from
£99,933 to £99,699 (Rs. 9,99,330 - Rs. 9,96,990), £42 (Rs. 420) were
remitted, and £42 (Es. 420) left outstanding. A.t Inddpur the rupee
price of Indian millet rose from about 54 to 32 pounds (27-16
shers).
In 1863-64 a scanty early fall was, except in Indapur and Bhim-
thadi, followed by a satisfactory late supply. So serious was the
failure of rain in Indapur and Bhimthadi, that relief works had to be
opened. The rainfall was 3 inches at Inddpur, 23 at Poona, 17 at
Junnar, and 95 at Khadkdla. Cholera was prevalent particularly in
the city of Poona in November after the Alandi fair.* Tillage rose
from 1,696,097 to 1,720,335 acres, collections fell from £99,699 to
£98,879 (Rs. 0,96,990 -Rs. 9,88,790), £147 (Rs. 1470) were remitted,
and £3438 (Rs. 34,380) left outstanding. At Inddpur the rupee
price of Indian millet rose from about 32 to 26 pounds (16-13 shers).
In 1864-65 the rainfall was 10 inches at Inddpur, 17 at Poona,
15 at Junnar, and 50 at Khadkala. The season was on the whole
unfavourable though better than the year before, and public
health was good.^ Tillage rose from 1,720,335 to 1,736,582
acres and collections from £98,879 to £100,641 (Rs. 9,88,790-
Rs. 10,06,410), £23 (Rs. 230) were remitted, and £1536 (Rs. 15,360)
left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet fell
from about 26 to 32 pounds (13-16 shers).
In 1865-66 the rainfall though not seasonable, was sufBcient, and
the early crops were good except in parts of the east. The
late harvest was also good except in a few villages of Purandhar,
Bhimtbadi, and IndApur. On the whole the season was more
favourable than any of the three previous years. The rainfall
was 6 inches at Indapur, 31 at Poona, 20 at Junnar, and 65
at Khadkala. Public health was good.^ Tillage rose from
1,736,582 to 1,743,179 acres and collections from £100,641 to
£105,521 (Rs. 10,06,410 -Rs. 10,55,210), £18 (Rs. 130) were remitted,
Chapter_VIII
Land.
Thb Bbitish.
1861-6$.
1863-64.
1864-65.
1865-66.
1 TndApur is 90 miles from the crest of the Sahy^dris, Poona 32, Junnar 12, and
Khadkila in Mdval 11,
2 Rev. Comr. 247 of 1st February 1862, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 235 of 1862-64, 199.
3 Rev. Comr. 598 of 18th March 1863, Bom, Gov. Rev, Rec. 235 of 1862-64, 223.
4 Rev. Comr. S. D. 475 of 6th February 1864, Rev. Rec. 235 of 1862-64, 247,
5 The Collector, 3027 of 10th December 1864.
6 Rev. Comr. S. D, 530 of 16th February 1866, Bom, Gov. Rev, Rec. 75 of 1866, 50.
470
DISTRICTS.
[Bombay Gazetteer;
Chapter^VIII.
Land-
The British.
1866-67.
Ebvision
SUKVEY,
1867-1884.
and £1256 (Rs. 12^560) left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee
price of Indian millet fell from about 32 to 36 pounds (16-18
shers) .
In 1866-67 only in Maval was the rainfall seasonable. In Shivner,
Khed, and Haveli, in some parts of Pdbalj and in many parts of
Purandhar, though the rainfall was short and ill-timed, the crops
were not much below the average'.; In Bhimthadi and Inddpur and
in the rest of Pdbal and Purandhar the rainfall was so short,
that both the early and late crops aljuost entirely failed. The rain-
fall was 5 inches at Indd,pur, 19 at Poena, 24 at Junnar, and 66 at
KhadMa. Public health was on the s. whole good; and, except in
some villages of Khed, cattle wele free from disease.^ Til-
lage rose from 1,743,179 to 1,784,390 acres and collections fell
from £105,521 to £93,730 (Rs. 10,55,210 - Rs. 9,37,300), £8004
(Rs. 80,040) were remitted, and £7177 (Rs. 71,770) left outstanding.
At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 36 to 46
pounds (18-23 shers). In 1866-67 relief works were opened and more
than 108,000 poor landholders and labourers were employed in
Indd,pur, Bhimthadi, and Sirur. Up to the 10th of November 1867
£1876 (Rs. 18,760) were expended on relief works.^ Considerable
remissions were also granted. The help given by Government by
grants, remissions, and postponements, was of the greatest service
to the people, enabling them to tide over their difSculties and start
afresh. 3
In 1867 the thirty years' leases of the original survey settlement
began to fall in and arrangements were made for a revision survey.
The revision survey was begun irt Indapur in 1867. Since then,
except during the 1876 and 1877 famine when survey operations
were at a stand, the revision has been gradually extended as the
leases fell in. Now (1st July 1884) all, except 162 Haveli villages
and the Khed and Mdval sub-divisions, is completed. The result of
the revision has been an increase in the assessment from £61,161 to
£81,683 (Rs. 6,11,61 0-Rs. 8,16,830) or 34 per cent. The details
are
Poona Revision Settlement, 1867
1884-
Vil-
Survey Settlement.
Gronp.
lages
Former.
I^^'i^'^O-lcreiTed.
Amend-
ed.
In-
creased
Rs.
Es.
Percent
Rs.
Percent
1866-67
IndS,pur ...
78
81,184
1,24,506
63
1,11,866
38
1871-72
Bhimthadi
48
74,222
1,28,971
73
1,03,982
40
1872-73
Pabal
59
1,02,228
1,61,611
48
1,39,479
36
1872-73
Haveli ...
83
80,965
1,33,794
65
1,13,773
41
1873-74
Supa
39
67,461
81,713
42
72,303
S95
1S79-80
Purandhar
17
18,783
28,617
62
28,617
62
1879-80
Purandhar
18
18,486
26,631
39
26,681
39
1883-84
Sirur
37
67,831
72,006
24
72,006
24
1884-86
Junnar ...
Total ...
142
1,20,6(10
1,49,172
23
1,49,172
23
621
6,11,610
8,96,920
46
8,16,828
34
1 Rev. Comr. S. D. 824 of 5th March 1867.
2 Indaptjk, 32 miles executed, 69 remained to be executed on 10th November 1867,
amount expended Es. 8340. Bhimthadi, 21 miles executed, 13 remained, amount
spent Es. 9420. Sieue, 184 miles executed, and amount spent Es. 970 Cost of
tools and plant Rs. 30, Total Es. 18,760.
3 Mr. Oliphant, Collector, 3990 of 12th December 1867.
* Mr, Stewart, C. S., Surv. Comr. 1351 of 28th June 1884, •
Deccan]
POONA.
471
An examination of the history of the Inddpur villages during the
survey lease satisfied Colonel Francis that between the cheapness of
grain and the occurrence of bad seasons the original rates continued
to 1846 as high as the people coald afford to pay.^ During the
second period of ten years (1846-1856) the average yearly collections
increased but little ; at the same time a decline in remissions showed
that the landholders were better off than before. During the next
or last ten years of the survey lease (1856-1866) the whole sub-
division of Inddpur maybe said to have been regularly under tillage,
the highest return of arable waste in any year being only 1176 acres.^
The revenue returns for this period were perhaps even more satis-
factory. Of £83,054 (Rs. 8,30,540) the total revenue demand, for
these ten years, only £6 (Es. 60) had to be remitted.^
Besides by the moderateness of the assessment, during the survey
lease, Inddpur had been enriched by the introduction of carts ; by the
making of roads ; and, in 1862, by the opening of the Peninsula
railway through its northern villages. Till 1852-53 produce prices
continued low or uncertain. In that year Indian millet was selling
at about 112 pounds (56 shers) the rupee. By 1855-56 it had risen to
about 64 pounds (32 shers). From that it remained pretty steady
till 1862-63 when it rose to about 32 pounds (16 shers) and continued
at about thirty-two pounds till 1867.* The increase of wealth
among the Indapur landholders during the survey lease was shown
by the sinking of 625 new wells and the repairing of 184 old
wells which together might be estimated to represent an outlay of
£30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000) .s During the same time fifty-nine village
offices or chdvdis had been built at a cost of £1342 (Rs. 13,420), and
twenty-seven rest-houses at a cost of £1284 (Rs. 12,'840). Of this
whole outlay Government had paid £451 (Rs. 4510) and the people
£2175 (Rs. 21,750). At the beginning of the survey lease land had
no sale value. At its close, an examination of a number of sales
satisfied Colonel Francis that the land was on an average worth
Chapter VIII
Laud.
Ebviston
SUBVEY.
Inddpur,
1866-67.
1 Bom. Gov, Sel. CVII. 37.
^ In 1866 only 930 acres were under the head of waate. This total included
some tracts of assessed grazing or gdyrdn made over to the villagers as free grazing
but which, as they bore an assessment, were included in the arable waste. Even
with this undue increase the arable waste bore the insignificant proportion of one-
third per cent to the total arable area of the sub-division. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 38.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 21, 39. The details are :
Inddpur Revenue, 1826-1866.
Teae.
Settle-
ment.
Eemia-
Bions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
Increase.
Former.
1826-1836
Survey.
1836-1846
1846-1866(a) ...
1856-1866(6) ...
1836-1866
■ Es.
76,930
77,443
77,919
83,054
79,472
Rs.
23,200
12,223
866
6
4366
Bs.
13,474
...
Rs.
40,256
66,220
77,054
83,048
76,107
Rs.
24,964
36,798
42,792
34,851
Per
Cent.
62
91
106
86
(a) & (6). Five and six per cent respectively shotdd be deducted from the revenues of these periods
aaaset-oflfortheooHeetions from two lapsed Tillages not included in the ten years' average preceding
Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 39.
the settlement. _
4 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 49.
5 Of the 625 new wells 291 were sunk during the six years ending 1866.
Gov. Sel, CVII. 50-51.
Bom.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
472
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Ebvision
StTBVBT.
1866-67.
seventeen years' purchase that is a total sale value of about
£138,000 (Rs. 13,80,000) .1 During the thirty years of the survey
lease population increased from 40,179 to 62830 or 31 per cent,
farm bullocks from 17,673 to 20,976 or 19 per cent, carts from 291
to 1165 or 300 per cent, and ploughs from 1454 to 1820 or 25 per
cent.2 Cattle other than farm bullocks showed a decrease from
27,002 to 24,565 or 9 per cent. Because of inaccuracies in the former
measurements, and still more from changes made afterwards when
boundary marks were fixed, it was found necessary to resurvey the
whole tract. In order that it might afterwards be of use in the
Trigonometrical Survey the traverse system was adopted.^
' Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 53. The following sales are quoted by Colonel Francis :
IndApwr Land, Sales, 1885-1866.
VlLLAOES.
Sales.
Area
Sold.
Assess-
ment.
Price.
Years'
Pur-
chase.
A. g.
Es. a.
Es.
IndS-pur
11
341 2
83 11
1948
23
Gagargaon" ...
1
29 27
4 10
20O
42
Pimpri Khurd
2
41 21
6 10
176
31
Dauz
6
74 4
22 1
470
21
Ponavri
1
32 39
12 6
199
16
Udhat
1
11 24
6 13
160
27
Palasdev
4
108 39
54 11
630i
11
Bigvan
2
23 37
6 10
20
3
Kalas
2
78 31
22 6
160
7
Bedni
1
30 38
■ 7 12
100
13
Nirvtogi
1
32 6
12 1
80O
66
B4vda
3
74 36
28 8
275
10
Bhat Nimbgaon
1
8 3
7 14
76
9
Varkhuu Budrukh ...
2
69 32
16 7
116
7
Gopi
2
22 4
8 7
560
64
Sar&ti
1
50 39
28 11
300
10
A'goli
2
36 7
16 16
128
8
Nimbgaon Ketki
1
26 31
24 11
200
8
Ajota
2
71 31
18 4
300
16
MadanvSxii
1
26 32
9 11
12*
1
Eui
1
21 22
4 1
40
10
BS,bulgaon
Total ...
1
11 6
4 8
60
11
48
1223 30
404 12
6898
17
Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 52. A. stands for acres and g. for gunthds 40 of which
make an acre.
" The addition of 19 per cent under bullocks is also small compared with the spread
of tillage. The season in which the enumeration was made was very unfavourablei
in the Kalas petty division of Indipur and many cattle had been sent to other parts
to graze. A good many had been sold for want of fodder. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 54.
^Bom, Gov. SeL CVII. 57-62. In twenty survey numbers of two to thirty-five
acres the error in Mr. Pringle's measurements was found to vary from one to ninety-
four per cent. The details are :
Inddpur Survey Meaewrements, 1816 and 1866.
Area according to
Pifferenoe. 1
Area according to
Difference.
SnavBY
Survey
Numbers.
Pringle's
Survey.
Present
Survey.
In
Area.
Per
Cent.
Numbers.
Pringle's
Survey.
Present
Survey.
In
Area.
Per
Cent.
A. g.
A. g.
A. g.
A. g.
A. g.
A. g.
1
9 22
8 11
1 11
13
11
17 3
16 38
0 5
1
2
25 0
35 4
10 4
40
12
9 22
10 6
0 24
6
3
16 33
18 7
1 14
8
13
13 17
9 6
4 11
32
4
13 8
16 30
3 22
27
14
17 20
18 39
1 19
8
5
20 34
24 18
3 24
17
16
22 2
16 12
6 30
24
6
1 38
2 11
0 13
16
16
16 8
30 25
14 17
89
7
2 36
2 38
0 2
2
17
29 26
36 17
6 31
23
8
3 37
4 6
0 9
6
18
36 19
44 39
9 20
27
9
2 30
3 24
0 34
31
19
9 B
17 27
8 22
94
10
13 14
14 0
0 26
5
20
35 10
30 0
6 10
15
Deccan.]
POONA.
473
The result of the survey was to show in the whole area an error
of only 6J per cent in the old measurements.^ The details are :
Inddpur Area, 1826 and 1S6G.
Present Survey
Mr. Pringle's Survey ...
Increase ...
Decrease ...
Government Land.
Alienated Land.
EoAds
AND
Ponds.
Grand
Total.
Arable.
Un-
arable.
Grazing
and Un-
assesscd.
Total.
Arable.
Onar-
able.
Total.
Acres.
270,076
288,135
Acres.
18,095
17,912
Acres.
18,679
43,653
Acres.
306,860
299,700
Acres.
13,854
13,884
Acres.
1163
765
Acres.
15,017
14,649
Acres.
13,805
272
Acres.
335,672
314,621
31,941
183
24,974
7150
80
398
368
13,633
21,061
It was also found advisable to reclass the Jands. Apart from the
errors and. confusion which were inseparable from a first attempt to
introduce a new system, changes of market, new lines of trade, and
the opening of the railway compelled a fresh grouping of villages.
In re-grouping the villages the classing was based on the permanent
distinctions of climate, markets, and husbandry. The state of the
landholders was not allowed to affect their position.^ In fixing
fresh rates care had to be taken that improvements made with the
holder's capital were not considered grounds for enhancing his rental.
In revising the Inddpur assessment one of the chief points to consider
was the effect of improved communication. When the original
survey was introduced there was not a mile of made road in the sub-
division. About 1 852 the Poena- Sholapur road was completed and
made Indapur an important centre of trade. Indapur was still a
local centre but it had suffered by the opening of the railway in
1863. The second leading element in fixing revised rates was the
change in produce prices. During the five years before the original
settlement, the average rupee price of Indian millet was about
106 pounds (53 shers). During the first ten years of the lease little
change took place. Indian millet rupee prices ranged from about
144. pounds (72 shers) in 1843-44 to about 72 pounds (36 shers) in
1837-38 and 184.5-46, and averaged 113 pounds (56^ shers). In
the first year of the next period of ten years (1846-47) crops
failed and Indian millet rose to 30 pounds (15 shers) the rupee.
But the price again speedily fell to 144 pounds (72 s7i,ers) in
1848-49 and 1 849-60. Prom 1850 it steadily rose to 64 pounds (32
shers) in 1855-56. The average for the ten years ending 1855-56
was 9U pounds (45| shers). Prom 1856-57 to 1861-62 the price of
Indian millet varied from 64 to 54 pounds (32-27 shers) the rupee.
During the remaining four years partly on account of the abun-
dance of money in consequence of the American war, but chiefly
because of several years of local failure of rain Indian millet
remained at 32 pounds (16 shers) the rupee. Por the ten years
1 Bom, Gov, Sel. CVII. 62.
B 1327—60
2Boin,Gov. Sel. CVII,66.
Chapter VIII
Land.
Revision
Sdbvey.
Inddpur,
1866-67..
[Bombay Gazetteer^
474
DISTEIOTS.
Chapteir_VIII.
Laud.
Revision
SUBVEY.
Inddpur,
1866-67.
ending 1865-66 the average price was 53 pounds (26^ shers)}
The third question for consideration was climate. The uncertain
rainfall had prevented the Indapur landholders from realizing the
wealth which ought to have accompanied so great a rise in the
value of produce. The rainfall was most precarious. Fbv two and
three years at a time it was either so scanty or so untimely that no
crop came to maturity. In the Kalas group a good crop might be
expected once in three years. Of the other two years one was
generally middling and the other utterly bad. During the five
years ending 1867 the average rainfall was only 5"85 inches.^ As
regards the weight to be given to the -three elements of change,
improved communication enhanced prices and rainfall, the rainfall
might be dismissed as, though bad, the climate was no worse than
it had been at the beginning of the former lease. Communications
might also be dismissed as the only tangible way in which they
acted on the landholder was the rise in the price of produce.*
Prices have been shown to have risen from 132 pounds (66 shers)
to an average of 52 pounds (26 shers) during the ten years ending
1866, that is a rise of 150 per cent. Up till about 1852 grain prices
were so low that the original rates remained heavy. No considerable
increase of capital had taken place. The years between 1852 and
1856, in spite of some indifferent seasons caused a steady and large
increase of wealth. The average rupee Tprice ^oi jvdri during the
five years ending 1856 was 84 pounds (42 shers) and this price,
Colonel Francis thought, might be taken as the basis at which the
former rates left the landholder a liberal margin. During the ten
years between 1856 and 1866 the average rupee price of jvdri
stood at 52 pounds (26 shers) instead of 84 pounds (42 shers) that is
a rise of 61^ per cent. Colonel Fi-ancis therefore considered that as
far as change in the price of grain went, the existing rates should
be raised fifty to sixty per cent.'*
The rates proposed by Colonel Francis were for sixty-two of
the seventy-six villages a highest dry-crop acre rate of 2s. (Re.l) ;
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 71. The details are :
Inddpur Produce Prices, 1836 ■ 1866.
Shsrs THE
SlierS THE
Shers the
Year.
Rupee.
Year.
EUPEB.
Year.
Rdpise.
Jvdri,
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
1836-37 ...
43
34
1846-47 ...
15
13
1856-67 ...
32
28
M37-38 ...
36
44
1847-48 ...
48
32
1857-68 ...
S9
37
183S-39 ...
67
80
1848-49 ...
72
66
1868-69 ...
32
28
1839-40 ...
44
30
1849-60
72
56^
1869-60 ...
39
31
1840-41, ...
64
44
1860-61 ...
38
34
1860-61 ...
33
23
1841-42 ...
56
40
1851-52 ...
40
32
1861-62 ...
27
19
1S42-4.? ....
1843-44 ..;i
68
i2
1862-63 ...
66
40
186a-63 ...
16
18
72
44
1853-64 ...
66
36
1863-64 ...
13
12
1844-45 ...
■«o
36
1854-55 ...
29
26
1864-65 ...
18
14
1846-46 ...
Average ..
36,
25
1855-66 ...
Average ...
32
29
1866-66 ...
Average ...
18
15
P6i
87
46f
354 1
_2?t
22
Sel.
In 1836-37 the price of jtittn is given at 66 shers the rupee and of hdjri at 49,
CVII. 70,118.
2 The details are : 1861-62 inches 250 ; 1862-63, no returns; 1863-64, 3-18 ; 1864-65,
11'40 ; 1865-66, 6-95; 1866-67, 5-24; total 29-27; average 5'85. Bom. Gov. Sel.
CVII. 73. "^ The fall in the cost of imports is also a consideration,
* Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII, 74-75.
Deccan.]
POONA.
475
for thirteen villages near Kalas whose distance from the Mahadev
hills made the rainfall specially scanty, Is. 9d. (14 as.) ; and for the
market town of Indapur 2s. 3c?. (Rs.li). Close to the banks of
the B hi ma were some lands which were occasionally specially
enriched by flood deposits. In these the highest acre rate was
fixed at 3s. (Rs. 1 ^) . The new rates raised the existing assessment
by 53 per cent. With this addition the average acre rate on the
whole arable area was only l\\d. (7^ as.)} The rate of increase
varied considerably in individual villages. In one case it amounted
to 150 per cent, in several it was about 100 per cent, and in some
it was only 17 or 18 per cent. Among the villages whose highest
acre rate was 2s. (Re.l) the increase ranged from 50 to 100 per
cent. The village of Nimbgaon Ketki near Inddpur showed one of
the smallest increases, 18 per cent. The reason was that it had a
considerable area of well-garden land, bearing a special rate for
which there was no corresponding entry in the new assessment, as
no special rate was to be imposed on wells. In the villages whose
highest acre rate was Is. 9c?. {as. 14), the increase varied from 25 to
50 per cent. Colonel Francis ended his report by dwelling on the
loss which Indd,pur suffered from its uncertain and scanty rainfall.
He urged that measures should be taken to introduce a large scheme
for watering the lands of the sub-division. The proposed settle-
ment was sanctioned by Government in March 1868.^
In 1867-68 the rainfall was 20 inches at Ind^pur, 27 at Poona,
26 at Junnar, and 50 at Khadkdla. In the sub-divisions along
the range of the Sahyadris the rainfall was abundant and
favourable and the general state of the early crops was good. In
the eastern sub-divisions after the first falls of rain in June, which
enabled the cultivators to sow their early crops, there was in July
August and September a great want of rain and at one time a
scarcity was feared. Scarcity was averted by a heavy fall of rain
in October which in a great measure saved the early crops and
produced a more than average late crop. The late harvest in all the
sub-divisions was good. In Bhimthadi the landholders admitted
that they had not had such fine late crops for many years. The
Indian millet was often six and seven feet high, more like Gujardt
than Deccan y^ctn. Public health was good.* Tillage rose from
1,784,390 to 1,803,708 acres and collections from £93,730 to
£111,609 (Rs. 9,37,300 -Rs. 11,16,090), £4432 (Rs. 44,320) were
remitted, and £101 (Rs. 1010) left outstanding. At Indd.pur the
rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 46 to 82 pounds (23 -
41 shers).
In 1868-69 the rainfall was 8 inches at Ind^pur, 31 at Poena,
25 at Junnar, and 77 at Khadkala. Except in Sirur Bhimthadi
and Indapur, the rainfall, though not seasonable was generally good,
1 The original settlement, cultivated land Rs. 81,184, waste Ra. 207, total
Es. 81,391 ; revised settlement, cultivated land Rs. 1,24,506, waste Ea. 194, total
1,24,700 ; increase, cultivated land Rs. 43,322, decrease in waste Rs. 13, total increase
Es. 43,309 or 53 per cent. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 77.
2 Surv. Comr. Lt. -Col. Francis' Reports of January 1867 and 147 of 12th February
1867, and Gov. Letter 1211 of 27th March 1868. Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. and CLI.
3 Mr. Bellaais, Revenue Commissioner, 146 of 16th January 1868, Bom, Gov. Rev.
Rec. 59 of 1868, 318.
Chapter Vlir
Land.
Revision
Survey.
Indapur,
1866-87,
1867-68.
1868-69.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
476
DISTRICTS.
Chapter_VIII.
Land-
The British.
1868-69.
1869-70.
1870-71.
1871-72
and the early crops on tlie whole did well. Owing to the want of
a fall towards the close of the season the yield from the late
crops was scanty. Cholera slightly prevailed in a few of the
sub-divisions, but on the whole public health was good.^ Owing to
the serious failure of rain in part of Indapur remissions to the
extent of fifty per cent'were granted in forty-three villages, and
twenty-five per cent in thirteen villages. In sanctioning an
expenditure of £100 (Rs. 1000) on clearing prickly pear from the
grass lands near AUegaon, Government observed that the
Khadakvdsla water works, on which it was calculated 10,000 men
would be engaged, would afford employment enough for those in
search of employment.^ Tillage rose from 1,803,708 to 1,814,896
acres and collections from £11 1,609' to £115,578 (Rs. 11,16,090-
Rs. 11,65,780), £4859 (Rs. 48,590) were remitted, and £43
(Rs. 430) left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian
millet rose from about 82 to 70 pounds (41-35 shers).
In 1869-70 the rainfall, 26 inches at Inddpur, 29 at Poena,
25 at Junnar, and 57 at Khadkala, was sufficient and seasonable.
Except that rice suffered slightly both the eaiiy and the late crops
were good. Locusts appeared in a few villages, of Junnar, Khed,
MdiVal, and Haveli ; but they passed without causing any appreciable
damage. Public health was good, though slight cholera appeared
in parts of the district. There was no great mortality among
cattle.3 Tillage rose from 1,814,896 to 1,819,237 acres
and collections from £115,578 to £120,148 (Rs. 11,55,780-
Rs. 12,01,480), £479 (Rs. 4790) were remitted, and £27 (Rs. 270)
left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet
rose from about 70 to 58 pounds (35-29 shers).
In 1870-71 the rainfall though abundant was not seasonable.
The fall at Indapur was 24 inches, at Poena 41, at Junnar 30, and
at Khadkala 66 inches. The outturn of the early crops in Khed,
Maval, Purandhar, and Haveli was fair, but excessive rain caused
loss in Indapur, Bhimthadi, Sirur, and Mulshi.. Except in Inddpur
and Bhimthadi where it was indifferent the late harvest was good.
Public health was generally good, though in a few villages fever
ague and cholera were prevalent. The cattle were generally
free from disease." Tillage i*ose from 1,819,237 to 1,831,953
acres, collections fell from £120,148 to £111,1.S8 (Rs. 12,01,480-
Rs.11,11,380), £1.76 (Rs. 4760) were remitted, and £255 (Rs. 2550)
left outstanding. At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet rose
from about 58 to 50 pounds (29-25 shers).
In 1871-72 the rainfall was iS inches at Indapur, 27 at Poena,
27 at Junnar, and 66 at Khadkdla. The rainfall was m.uch below
the average, especially in the east. In the west the yield of the
kharif or early crops was fair except in Junnar where it was nob
more than half a crop. The rabi or late crops throughout the
district were at first very unpromising but a slight fall of rain in
' Eevenue Commissioner Mr. Ashburner 1264 of 12th April 1869, Bombay Gov,
Rev. Rec. 65 of 1869, 253.
2 Gov. Res. 715 of 19th Feb. 1869, Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 65 of 1869, 341.
■^ Rev. Comr. S. D. 74 of 7th Jan. 1870. * Rev. Comr. S. D. 38 of 4th Jan, 1871.
Deccan]
POONA.
477
November revived them. In Indapur the late or rabi harvest was
about half a crop and in Bhimthadi even less. Some Haveli villages
suffered from a failure of water. Except for a few scattered cases of
fever and cholera the season was healthy and cattle disease in a few
Maval villages.^ Tillage rose from 1,831,953 to 1,842,868 acres,
collections fell from £111,138 to £96,737 (Rs. 11,11,380-
Rs. 9,67,370); £5778 (Rs. 57,780) were remitted, and £12,450
(Rs. 1,24,500) left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee price of
Indian millet fell from about 50 to 60 pounds (25-30 shers).
In 1871-72 revised rates were introduced into fifty-four villages
of Bhimthadi. Of these fifty-four villages, twenty-three formerly
belonged to the Pimpalgaon and thirty-one to the Kurkumb group.
At the time of revision survey, with some villages formerly in
Purandhar andBaramati, they formed the subdivision of Bhimthadi.*^
The villages of this group stretched east and west in a long narrow
belt from the western boundary of Indapur to within twenty miles of
Poena. The belt was bounded on the north and east by the Bhima ;
on the south by a range of hills which divided it from Purandhar and
from villages which formerly belonged to Supa, and on the west by
the Haveli su-bdivision. Of the fifty-four villages six had fallen to
Government at intervals during the survey lease. Of the remaining
forty-eight, which had been settled by Lieutenant Nash in 1840,
the area was 382 square miles or 244,623 acres and the population
28,467 that is a pressure of 74 to the square mile. The. south-east
and south were rough and hilly. The north along the Bhima was
level with much fine black soil. In spite of Government offers of
rent-free lands for a term of years if the holders would plant them,
the whole group was very bare of trees.^ At Pdtas the average
rainfall in the eight.years ending 1870 was 13'23 inches.*
The only water- work of any size was a reservoir at Kasurdi which
had been built in 1838 at a cost of £ 1 182 (Rs. 11,820). A flood
in 1843 had swept away its earthen dam which had been repaired
by Government shortly before 1870. The supply was believed to
be enough to water 250 acres. The chief products were bdjri
and jvdri which together formed four-fifths of the whole. The
remaining fifth was under math, gram, wheat, and Jculith and a little
sugarcane, cotton, tobacco, linseed, and vegetables.^ The Pimpalgaon
1 The Rev. Comr. 1084 of 2iid March 1872, Bom. Gov. Rev, Rec. 81 of 1872, 336.
^ In consequence of the late redistribution of villages, the 1871 Bhimthadi sub-
division, part of which was now (1871) under revision, did not correspond with the
Bhimthadi sub -division of 1832-39. Surv. Supt. 440A of 12th July 1871, Bom. Gov.
Sel. CLI. 201.
3 Lieut. -Colonel Waddington, Surv. Supt. 440A of 12th July 1871, Bom. Gov.
Sel. CLI. 196.
'' The details are :
, Pdtas Eain/all, 1863-1870.
Yeak.
Rainfall.
Year.
Rainfall.
1863
1864
1865
1866
1867
Inches.
9-52
7-83
11-69
6-67
10-88
1868 ■
1869
1870
Average ...
Inches.
10-82
22-76
26-31
13-2a
Chapt^VIII
Land-
Revision
SCTKVEY.
BhimlJtadi,
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLL 212.
5 In 48 villages WjW was 43 '4 per aant, jvdri 35'6, m«A 2, MliiJi, O'S, wheat 1,
[Bombay Gazetteer,
478
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Ke VISION
Survey.
Bhimthadi,
1871-7^.
villages grew about twice as much hdjri as jvdri and the Kurkumb
villages grew about one-sixth more jvdri than hdjri. The revenue
was collected in two equal instalments. In the early harvest or
kharif villages these instalments fell on the 10th of January and
the 10th of March ; in the late harvest or rabi villages they fell on
the 10th of February and the 10th of May. _ _ _ .
During the survey lease communication in the Bhimthadi villages
had been improved by the making of the Poona-Sholapur road and
the Peninsula railway. Besides these main lines there were good
roads from the station at Kedgaon to Sirur by PArgaon, and t6
Supa and Jejuri by Padvi. There were three market towns, Pdtas
the mamlatddr's" station, Kurkumb, and Tevat, all on the Poona-
Sholapur high road. The people were almost all husbandmen.
Their chief market was Poena and to a less extent Bombay. Along
the Poona-Sholdpur road grass and straw fetched good prices.
The railway had reduced the road traffic. The toll revenue at
Hadapsarhad fallen from £1760 (Rs. 17,600) in 1859-60 to £901
(Rs. 9010) in 1870. Still the amount of traffic was considerable.
During the ten years ending 1850-51, that is the first ten years of
the survey lease, the rupee price of jvdri averaged 91 pounds (45^
shers) and of bdjri 73 pounds (36^ shers). In the ten years ending
1860-61 the average rate' was jvd^-i 72 pounds (36 shers) and bdjri 58
pounds (29 shers) or a rise of 26 per cent in both cases over the ten
previous years. In 1851-52 the first year of this decade, the 1850-51
prices were maintained, but they fell again iu 1852-53 though not to
the same extent as in 1849-50. They then rose in 1853-59, jvdri to 52
pounds (26 shers) the rupee and bdjri to 42 pounds (21 shers), and,
in the next two years they fell, jvdri to 80 and 73 pounds (40 and
36^ shers) and bdjri to 66 and 56 pounds (32^ and 28 shers). The
ten years ending 1870-71 began with _/i;(in at 60 pounds (30 shers)
and bdjri at 47 pounds (23 J shers). During the next four years
prices rapidly rose and daring the five closing years (1865-71) they
fluctuated, jvdri never falling below 65 pounds (32| shers) or hdjri
below 39 pounds (19 J shers). Jvdri closed at 36 pounds (18 shers) and
hdjri at 30 pounds (15 shers). The average rates for this third decade
were jvdri 39 pounds (19| shers) and bdjri 80 pounds (15 shers) that
is 133 and 143 per cent over the corresponding averages of the first
decade and of 85 and 93 per cent over those of the second decade.-'
gram 1, sngaroane O'l, tobacco O'l, cotton 0"4, miscellaneous 5 "1, and occupied waste
10-5. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 197.
The details are ; rgDgt Produce Prices, Shers the Rwpee, 181,1-1871.
Tear.
Jviln.
Bdin.
Teae.
Jvdri.
BdjH..
Tear.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
1841-42 ...
m
36
1851-52 ...
80
2H
1861-62 ...
30
23i
1842-48 ...
65
34i
1852-68 ...
37
29
1862-63 ...
21
18
1843-44 ...
64
48
1863-64 ...
67
44*
1868-64 ...
16*
10
1844-45 ...
50
38
18-54-55 ...
m
n
1861-66 ...
11
lOi
1816-46 ...
25
^3
1855-66 ...
40
31
1865-66
16
12
1846-47 ...
15^
15
1856-67 ...
26
24
1866-67 ...
23
19J
1847-43 ...
87
SO
1867-58 ...
33
26
1867-68 ...
14
12
1848-49 ...
63i
52J
1868-69 ...
26
21
1868-69
32i
19i
1849-60 ...
64
52
1859-60 ...
40
3U
1809-70 ...
15
13i
1850-51 ...
Average ...
38
•m
1860-61 ...
Average ...
30i
28
1870-71 ...
Average ...
18
15
46i
30J
35i
28i
18J
15
Deccan.]
POONA.
479
Tlie average collections' during the ten years ending 1850 were
£4.341 (Rs. 43,410). In the first year of the settlement (1840-41)
the cultivated area was 123,000 acres, and the waste 43,000 acres
or about one-fourth, and the assessment was £5807 (Rs, 53,070) of
which £160 (Rs. 1600) were remitted, and £5147 (Rs. 51,470) were
collected. No great change took place during the next three years.
In 1844-45, £2293 (Rs. 22,930) were remitted and in 1845-46 £3134
(Rs.31,340) in which year the collections were only £1772 (Rs.17,720).
During the remaining four years (1846-1850) the collections were
steady at about £5000 (Rs. 50,000), and the remissions small.
During the ten years ending 1860 the average collections were
£5785 (Rs. 57,850) or an increase of 33 per cent on those of the
first ten years. This period (1850-1860) began with a year (1850-51)
marked by the large remission of £1863 (Rs. 18,630) or 29 per cent
of the revenue. From 1850 things began to mend. Cultivation
continued steadily to rise from 96,000 acres in 1850-51 to 164,000
acres in 1859-60, and revenue from £2500 to £7365 (Rs. 25,000-
Rs. 73,650) ; between 1 854 and 1860 remissions averaged only £2
(Rs. 20). During the ten years ending 1870 the average collections
were £7259 (Rs. 72,590) or an increase of 25 per cent on those
of the ten years -ending 1860 and of 67 per cent on those of the ten
years ending 1850. During the ten years ending 1870 the whole
of the arable land had been taken for tillage, and, except in 1866-67
when £2073 (Rs. 20,730) were granted, no remissions had been
required.^ The following statement shows the revenue collections
and remissions during each decade of the survey lease :
Chapter^VlII
Land.
Revi.sion
SnEVEV.
Bhimthadi,
1871-72.
Poona Produce Pi-ices, Shers the Rupee, 181,1-1871.
Yeae.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Year.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Year.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
1841-43 ...
30
24
1851-52 ...
33
25
1861-62 ...
28
19
1342-43 ...
32
28
1852-63 ...
37
29
1862-63 ...
20
16
1843-44 ...
30
30
1853-64 ...
42
36
1863-64 ...
11
9
1844-45 ...
27
23
1864-65 ...
26
22
1864-65 ...
12
10
1845-48 ...
21
18
1856-66 ...
28
25
1865-66 ...
13
11
1846-47 ...
16
14
1856-57 ...
25
21
1866-67 ...
18
16
1847-48 ...
31
27
1857-58 ...
26
23
1867-68 ...
13
11
1848-49
65
41
1858-69 :..
27
23
1868-69 ..,
23
16
1849-60 ...
47
.S7
1859-60 ...
34
25
1869-70 ...
16
13
1860-51 ...
Average ...
SO
26
1860-61 ...
Average ...
26
21
1870-71 ...
Average ...
17
11
32|
261
30
25
17
13i
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 211.
1 During the survey lease (1840-1870) tillage rose from 122,000 acres in 1840-41 to
125,000 in 1841-42 and fell to 107,000 acres in 1845-46, In the next year it rose to
111,000 and again fell to 91,000 in 1849-50. After that it steadily rose to 105,000 in
1852-53, to 120,000 in 1853-54, to 135,000 in 1855-56, to 158,000 in 1856-57, and to
165,000 in 1861-62. In the last two (1868-1870) of the remaining eight years it slightly
declined. Collections rose from Rs. 51,000 in 1840-41 to Rs. 55,000 in 1842-43 and
fell to Rs. 51,000 in the next year. In 1844-45 they were Rs. 29,000 and in 1845-46
Rs. 19,000. lu the next five years they fell from Rs. 46,000 in 1846-47 to Rs. 25,000
in 1850-51. In the next ten years they steadily rose from Rs. 45,000 in 1851-52 to
Rs. 75,000 in 1860-61. In the next nine years, except 1866-67 when they were
Rs, 55,000, tliey stood at about Rs. 75,000. Remissions were Rs. 22,000 in 1844-45,
Rs. 30,000 in 1845-46, Rs. 19,000 in 1850-51, Rs. 20,000 in 1866-67, and Rs. 3000 in
1853-54. In other years remissions were few or none. Survey Diagram, Bom.
Gov, Sel, CLI. 203.
480
DISTRICTS.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter^VIII.
Land.
Revisioit
Survey.
Shimthadi,
18111-72.
Bhimthadi Collections, ISJfl-lSlO.
Year.
Land Revenue.
Revenue from
other sources.
Total
Reve-
nue.
Re-
mis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Arable
Waste.
Area.
Rental
Grass.
Miscel-
laneous.
Total.
Area.
Rental
1840-50...
1860-60..
1860-70...
Acrea.
121,127
132,332
166,744
Es.
49,726
60,166
74,665
Ea.
214
1103
2947
Ra.
6996
6606
6066
Ra.
6209
6709
8012
Ra.
66,935
66,866
82,677
Rs.
6319,
2306
2077
Rs.
49,616
64,669
80,600
Acres.
61,187
32,168
1416
Rs.
23,236
14,407
661
In forty-eight villages during the survey lease population increased
from 20,401 in 1840-41 to 28,467 in 1870-71 or 39| per cent;
farm-bullocks from 11,568 to 13,792 or 19 per cent; other cattle
from 36,931 to 39,050 or 5f per cent; carts from 273 to 1011 or
270 per cent; and ploughs from 1115 to 1365 or 22| per cent.
Wells in working order increased from 527 to 727 or 38 per cent.
Of the addition of 200 wells, 141 were new and 59 were repaired.
Of the 141 new wells eight were made in the ten years ending 1850,
forty-one in the ten years ending 1860, and ninety-two in the ten
years ending 1870. From a very depressed state at the beginning
of the survey lease the Bhimthadi villages had in 1860 reached a
high state of wealth and prosperity.^ The short rainfall in 1863
and 1864 caused severe loss, and in 1866-67 another season
of scanty rainfall the loss was so great that 'as much as £2000
(Rs. 20,000) or about 27 per cent of the collections had to be
remitted. Though prices had considerably fallen during the four
years between 1866 and 1870 the bulk of the people seemed to be
comfortably off, and a record of sales of land showed prices varying
from ten to fifty-two times the assessment. In estimating the
probable standard of grain prices during future years Colonel
Waddington, the survey superintendent, chose as his basis the
average of the five years ending 1860 and of the five years ending
1870. This gave a rupee price of about 62 pounds (26 sixers) for
jvari and about 40 pounds (20 shers) for hdjri. These prices were
iorjvdri 68 per cent and for hdjri 72 per cent higher than the.
average prices during the fifteen years ending 1855. As their
conditions were so much alike Colonel Waddington thought that
the increase of fifty to sixty per cent which had been introduced
into Indapur might be applied to Bhimthadi. This result would be
obtained by fixing on the Kurkumb group the highest dry-crop acre
rate in sixteen villages at 2s. 6d. (Rs. IJ) and in nine villages at
Is. Bd. (Rs. 1|). Their nearness to the Poona marketand their surer
rainfall made the Pimpalgaon villages so much better off than
Inddpur that to equalize them, in twenty-two of the Pimpalgaon
villages the highest dry crop acre rate should be raised to 3s.
(Rs. 14) and in seven villages to 8s. 6d. (Rs. 1|). Under this
arrangement, of fifty-four villages seven were in the first class with
a highest dry-crop acre rate of 3s. 6d. (Rs. If) ; twenty-two were
in the second class with a highest rate of 3s. (Rs. 1|); sixteen were
in the third class with a highest rate of 2s. 6d. (Rs. 1 1) ; and nine
1 Bom, Got. Sel. CLI, 199.
Deccan.]
POONA.
481
were in tte fourth class with a highest rate of 2s. Sd. (Rs. 1|). The
effect of these rates in forty-eight villages was an increase of 73
per cent. Of this whole increase about £1633 (Rs. ] 5,330) or
twenty per cent was due to the discoTery of land held in excess of
the recorded area. The following statement shows the effect of the
survey :
Bhimthadi Revision Settlement, 1871.
Settlement.
Vil-
lages.
Cultivated Lahd
Waste.
Total.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Proposed
Existing
Increase ...
48
48
Acres.
186,776
164,618
Rs.
1,28,971
74,222
Acres.
2019
1884
Rs.
871
644
Acres.
188,795
166,502
Rs.
1,29,842
74,868
22,158
64,749
135
227
22,293
54,976
In individual villages the increase varied considerably. In one case
it was as high as 120 per cent ; in another it was as low as 16 per
cent. No rate beyond the highest dry-crop rate was laid on well
watered lands. On channel watered land the acre water rate varied
from 2s. to 12s. (Rs. 1-6) in excess of the dry-crop rate. This
channel water cess yielded £119 (Rs. 1190). Into the six villages
which had lapsed to Government since the introduction of the 1840
settlement, the survey had been introduced, leases being granted
for terms which would end at the same date as the thirty years'
lease of the rest of the sub-division. The cultivated area of these
six villages was 23,908 acres. Compared with the preceding year's
payments their rental under the proposed rates showed an increase
from £1160 (Rs. 11,600) to £1675 (Rs. 16,750) or 44 per cent.
Under the new survey the total cultivated land in the fifty-four
villages was 212,703 acres or an increase of 22,293 acres or 11 per
cent. The assessment including the rates on channel watered lands
was £14,660 (Rs. 1,46,600) against £8646 (Rs. 86,460) or an increase
of 69 per cent.^ Government sanctioned the proposed rates in
January 1872.^
In 1872-73 in Junnar and Khed the rainfall was much below the
average. In the rest of the district the season was favourable. A
heavy fall early in September damaged the early crops especially in
Khed, Junnar, and Haveli. In the west the yield of the early crops
was fair. The late crops started badly, but a fall early in December
did them much service and the outturn was good. The Mavals and
the north were the only parts which suffered. The rainfall was 26
inches at Indapur, 22 at Poena, 15 at Junnar, and 79 at Khadkdla.
Cholera was present in Poona and its suburbs, and a few cases occurred
in Bhimthadi, Purandhar, and Sirur. Dengue fever was general
in Poona, Bhimthadi, and Purandhar.* Tillage rose from 1,842,868
to 1,848,831 acres and collections from £96,737 to £112,689
Chapter VIII
Land.
Revision
Survey.
Bhimthadi,
1871-7S.
1872-73.
1 Lt.-Col. Waddington, Surv. Supt. 440a of 12th July 1871. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI.
195 - 210. 2 Gov. Res. 385 of 26th Jan. 1872 in Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 271.
3 Revenue Commissioner S. D. 6369 of 3Ist December 1872.
B 1327-61
[Bombay Gazetteer,
482
DISTRICTS.
Chapter^VIII.
Land-
Revision
Survey.
Pdbal,
mS-1874.
(Rs. 9,67,370 -Es.ll, 26,890), £547 (Rs. 5470) were remitted, and
£4552 (Rs. 45,520) left outstanding. At Inddpur the rupee price of
Indian millet rose from about 60 to 28 pounds (30-14 shers).
Between 1872 and 1874 the revised settlement was introduced
into Pabal. In 1866 the Tillages of the old P^bal sub-division had
been distributed among Khed, Junnar, PArner, and Sirur. Revised
rates were introduced into a group of fifty-six villages of the old
Pdbal sub-division, and new rates into three villages received from
H. H. Holkar. The fifty-six villages had an area of 353 square miles
or 225,613 acres and a population of 53,525 or 151 to the square mile.
A. range of hills running west and east divided the lands of this
group into two. To the south was the valley of the Vel bounded
southward by a range running from Guld,ni to Kendur, where it
sank into the plain. The eastern border from Nimbgaon to Chincholi
was broken and hilly, the rest of the valley was waving and there
was much fine land with many water channels. The tract to the
north of the central line of hills included the two large valleys of
the Ghod and the Mina, the villages lying chiefly along- the banks
of these streams. The parts to the west were better wooded, and
frdm their nearness to the Sahyadris enjoyed a heavier and less
uncertain supply of rain. During the four years ending 1866 the
Pdbal rainfall averaged 14"91 inches; 11 "38 inches fell in 1863,
17-68 in 1864, 16-91 in 1865, and 13-67 in 1866.^
The lands of this group were drained by four rivers, the Bhima,
Mina, Ghod, and Vel. As their sources were in the Sahyadris, the
Bhima, Mina, and Ghod had an unfailing supply of water, though in
consequence of the depth of their channels they were not used for
irrigation. The Vel, which rose in a small range about nine miles
north-west of Kheiand in the hot weather occasionally failed, was
of more value to the landholders as its banks were so low that its
water could be stopped and used for irrigation by building
temporary dams.
The price returns for Talegaon in the south-east and for Manchar
in the north-west corner of the Pdbal group showed that at Talegaon,
the average rupee price of bdjri during the ten years ending 1871
was about 32 pounds (16 shers) compared with about 74 pounds (37
shers) during the ten years ending 1851, that is a rise of 131 per
cent. At Manchar the corresponding rates were 32 pounds (16
shers) instead of 76 pounds (38 shers) that is a rise of 137-5 per
cent. Compared with the prices of the fifteen years ending 1855
the average price of bdjri during the ten normal years, five ending
1 The western and northern villages of P&hsl had more rain than the eastern
villages. The following details of the rainfall at Khed, Ghod, and Junnar on the
west and north and at Sirur on the east show that the fall increased towards the
•west. From PAmer northward the fall of rain was generally good and certain. Bom.
Gov. Sel. CLI. 303, 304 : ."= -
fieccau.]
POONA.
483
1860-61 and fire ending 1870-71, that is leaving out the five
American war years, showed a rise of 52-1 per cent.i
In the five years (1836-1841) before the former settlement, in the
Pooim Bainfall, 186S-W1,
1 The details are :
Year.
Khed.
Ghodc.
Junnar.
Sirur.
P&bal.
Up to
1863
U-62
13-38
13-66
7-86
11-33
30th Sept.
Do.
18S4
10-63
1-1 -30
14-78
6-33
17-68
1865
13-77
17-75
13-18
14-61
16-91
Do.
1866
16-76
22-27
21-33
7-93
1367
• Do.
1867
11-65
12-90
4th Nov.
1S68
26-38
23-34
26-31
13-88
30th „
1869
28-06
26-0
23-92
17-60
Do.
1870
33-06
28-67
29-02
25-95
Do.
1871
Average ...
-
23-D3
19-86
22-29
26-76
17-47
Do
20-10
21-06
13-83
14-91
Pdbal Produce Prices : Shers the Rupee, IStl - 1871.
TALXaAOH.
Year.
1841-42
1842-43
1843-44
1844-45
1846-46
1846-47
1847-48
1848-49
1849-SO
1850-51
Average
37
Tbak.
1861-52 ..
1862-53 ...
1853-64 ..
1854-65 ...
1866-66 ...
1856-67 ...
1867-68 ...
1868-69 ...
1869-60 ...
1860-61 ...
Average.
34
27
26
39
30
20
26
26
22
22
17
18
36
22
26
26
19
24
27
19
20
29
22
19
40
22
23
26
17
16
30
22
21
1861-62 ,
1882-63 .
1868-64 .
1864-65 .
1866-66 .
1866-67 .
1867-68 .
1868-69 .
1869-70 .
1870-71 .
Average... 19
16
i841-42 ...
46
42
30
23
1861-52 ...
34
30
28
28
1861-62 ...
29
23
19
14
1842-43 ...
48
34
26
34
1862-53 ...
44
42
30
26
1862-63 ...
17
15
IS
17
1843-44 ...
60
43
34
38
1863-54 ...
30
27
27
27
1863-84 ...
16
14
14
14
1844-45 ...
46
42
21
22
1864-65 ...
26
23
21
23
1864-66...
IS
10
8
10
1845-46 ...
28
23
20
22
1865-6B ...
24
22
20
26
1866-66...
2,3
17
10
12
1846-47 ...
28
26
17
17
1866-67 ...
34
30
22
24
1866-67...
9A
19
10
9
1847-48 ...
56
44
26
29
1857-68 ...
30
S6
22
19
1867-68 ...
19
12
10
9
1848-49 ...
72
58
38
41
1858-69 ...
36
31
26
26
1868-69 ...
34
21
16
20
1849-60 ...
68
42
33
36
1869-60...
44
34
23
24
1869-70 ...
19
14
9
9
1850-61 ...
34
28
25
30
1860-61 ...
34
27
18
18
1870-71 ...
21
16
9
9
Average ...
47
38
27
29
Average...
33
29
24
24
Average...
21
16
12
12
Manchar Potato Prices :
Rupees the Palla, lSiS-1871.
Rs.
Ra.
Rs.
Bs.
Rs.
Rs.
1848-49 ...
H
1852-53 ...
2^
1856-57 ...
1860-81 ...
4
1864-65...
7
1868-69 ...
2*
1849-50 ...
1853-54 ...
1857-58 ...
2^
1861-62 ...
24
1865-66 ...
Si
1869-70...
2
1850-61...
1854-65 ...
2a
1868-69 ...
Of
1862-63 ...
3
1866-67 ...
6
1870-71...
2
1861-52...
2
1866-56 ...
4
1859-60 ...
34
1863-64 ...
4
1867-68...
4
Ch'apter^VIII
Land.
Be VISION
SUKVBY.
Pdbal,
1872-1874.
Talbgaon, average of fifteen years (1841-42 to 1855-56), Jvdri 46, bdjri 35, wheat
24, gram 24 ; average of ten years (1856-57 to 1860-61 and 1866-67 to 1870-71), jvdri
30, hdori 23, -wheat 15, gram 16, Manchae, fifteen years' average, jvdri 42, bdjri 35,
wheat 26, gram 28 ; ten years' average, jvdri 29, bdjri 23, wheat 16, gram 17 ; potato
eight (1848-1856) years' average, Es. 2 a«. 15 the paKa of 120 sft«ra and ten years'
average, Es. 3|. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI, 307.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
Revision
SXJBVBT.
Pdhal,
1872-1874.
484
DISTRICTS.
fiffcy-six villages for wMcli the reTision survey prepared a diagram,
the average collections amounted to £6651 (Rs. 66,510) and the
average remissions to £2276 (Rs. 22,760)._ The assessment of
unoccupied land during the four years ending 1840 varied from
£4632 (Rs. 46,320) to £4323 (Rs. 43,230) or about one-third of the
whole. In 1841, 10,000 acres of waste were taken for tillage but
the very large amount of £3604 (Rs. 36,040) of remissions had to
be granted. The introduction of the rates was not completed
until 1844-45 and in 1845-46 a considerable area was set apart for
free grazing. The first five years shewed no increase of tillage
or other improvement. In 1846-47 the cultivated acres were
142,000 and the waste 21,600 or about one-seventh, the assessment
on occupied land was £8121 (Rs. 81,210), and the remissions
only £6 (Rs. 60). The years 1847-48 and 1848-49 show a slight
increase in cultivation and collections, but, during the three years
ending 1852, both cultivation and collections decreased; in 1851-52
the collections amounted to only £8038 (Rs. 80,380). The average
cultivation during the six- years ending 1852 was 144,742 acres
and the average collections £8178 (Rs. 81,780). During the ten
years ending 1862 the cultivation and the collections steadily
increased. The cultivation rose from 137,673 acres in 1852-53
to 158,556 acres in 1861-62 and averaged 145,251 acres, and the
collections from £8083 to £9129 (Rs. 80,830-Rs. 91,290) and averaged
£8549 (Rs. 85,490) ; the only remissions granted were £54 (Rs. 540)
in 1853-54.1 During the ten years ending 1872 the cultivation
and collections remained nearly steady, the average area under
cultivation being 161,336 acres, and the average collections
£9230 (Rs. 92,300) ; the only remission during this third term of ten
years was £4 (Rs. 40) in 1871-72. The waste land in the last year of
the lease was only 508 acres or 0*003 of the total arable area or
0"3 per cent. The following statement gives the average revenue for
the thirty-six years ending 1871-72 :
Fifty-six Pdbal Villages : Revenue, 1836-187B,
Year,
Rental.
Eemis-
SIOHS.
COIiLEC-
TIOSB.
Occupied.
Waste.
Total.
1836-37
1837-38
1838-39
1839-40
1840-41
1836-1841
1846-1852
1862-1862
1862-1872
Ea.
87,560
86,421
85,907
89,667
96,916
Es.
46,318
44,480
46,162
43,234
33,185
Ea.
' 1,33,878
1,30,901
1,31,069
1,32,791
1,30,101
Es.
18,764
. 15,691
26,443
16,980
36,043
Es.
68,796
70,830
' 69,464
72,677
60,873
89,272
42,476
1,31,748
22,764
66,608
81,784
85,487
92,297
In this survey group of fifty-six villages during the survey lease
population increased from 48,102 in 1841 ta 53,525 in 1871 or
11-27 per cent ; bullocks from 18,131 to 18,634 or 2-7 per cent ; other
1 A part of the increase was due to bringing to account the assessment of
alienated lands, which attended the introduction of Captain Wingate's scale of remune-
ration of village officers in 1853-54. Bom. Gov. Sel, CLI. 310.
Deccau.]
POONA.
485
cattlo from 49,656 to 53,393 or 7-5 per cent; carts from 754 to 1304
or 73 per cent ; ploughs from 2715 to 3052 or 12-4^per cent; and
wells in working order from 1493 to 1977 or 32-4 per cent..^
The land was more regularly and carefully tilled in the Pabal
villages than in East Poona. Both light and heavy soils were
ploughed every year. A six or eight-bullock plough was used for
heavy soils, and a four-bullock plough for light soils. January
or February ploughing was considered more useful than ploughing
later in the season. Besides ploughing them it was usual to
harrow all kinds of soil before sowing, and to weed with the hoe
once or twice after the crops had sprung up. Garden lands, as a rule,
were ploughed twice, once lengthways and once crossways before
each crop, and 25 to 30 cartloads of manure an acre were always
given though the price varied from Is. to 4s. (Es. ^ - 2) and
was sometimes even as high as 6s. (Rs. 3) the cartload. Dry-crop
lands occasionally received ten to fifteen cartloads of manure the
The use of manure on dry-crop lands was much more general
acre.
than it had been some years before. In the dry-crop soils either
late or early crops were grown. Of the early or kharif crops the
lighter soils yielded year after year bdjri mixed with hulga, math,
jvdri, ambddi, and mvg ; in the better soils were grown bdjri,
with every fourth furrow hdjri and tur ; bd/jri only, followed in
good seasons by a late crop of gram ; udid and mug grown separately,
followed in good seasons by wheat or gram after udid, and by
kardai or jvdri after mug ; potatoes, which when raised as an early
crop, in good seasons, were succeeded by gram wheat or Jvdri. As
a rule rabi or late crops were grown only on the best soils. They
included jvdri generally mixed with kardai, or wheat mixed with
kardai, or gram, followed in the fourth year by bdjri, and in ■ good
seasons by a second crop. The above were the only rotations. In
garden land the usual rotation was in the first year bdjri or potatoes
with a late crop of wheat, gram, or vegetables ; in the second year
earthnut or chillies ; in the third year sugarcane or bdjri with a late
crop. In most villages large numbers of sheep were reared as Poona
furnished a certain and convenient market. The wool was sold to
the weavers, and the droppings formed one of the best manures and
were carefully collected in the pens in which the sheep were folded
at night. Especially in gardens the sub-divisions of land were very
minute and the right of occupancy was jealously guarded. The land
bore a high sale value. In some instances dry-crop land was sold
or mortgaged for as much as 116 to 160 years' purchase of the
assessment.
Though the line did not pass through any part of it, the Pabal
group had gained by the opening of the Peninsula railway. The
stations at Uruli and Talegaon Ddbhade afEorded easy access to
the Bombay market. The group was also crossed from south to
Chapter VIII
Land.
Revision
SUBVEY.
Pabal,
1 Between 1861 and 1871, 386 wella were sunk. The well cess imposed in 1840
was most unpopular. In 1843 it was revised, but complaints still continued. Many
wells in good repair fell into disuse, the landholders, in some cases building new
wells, exempt from the cess, rather than use old wells on which the tax was imposed.
In 1853-54 the sum of Rs. 1875 was remitted on account of unused wells and water
channels. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 306.
[Bombay Gazetteer>
486
DISTEICTS.
Chapter^ VIII.
Land-
Revision
SUflVEY.
Pdbal,
187S-1S74.
north by the Poona-Ndsik road, and from west to east by the
Poona-Ahmadnagar road. There were also several good fair-weather
roads, and two metalled high roads, one branching from Shikrdpur
and forming a direct line to Talegaon on the railway, the other
connecting the town of Pabal with Poena. A fair-weather road
from Pabal to Sirur by Malthdn was nearly completed. The Bhima:
at Koregaon and the Ghod at Kalamb were crossed by ferries
during the rainy season and a substantial bridge spanned the Vel
at Shikrd,pur. The only road "which remained to complete the
system of communication was the road from Sirur to Nar^yangaou.
The fall in the toll farm from £2250 (Rs. 22,500) in 1865-66 to
£520 (Bs. 5200) in 1872-73 showed how greatly railway competition
had reduced cart traffic.^ The chief towns, none of which were of
any considerable size, were P^bal, Talegaon, Manchar, and Kauta.
Weekly markets were held at each of these towns and also at Vap-
gaon ; and Nar^yangaon and Khed were convenient markets for the'
villages near them. On the whole the people had great advantages
in disposing of their field produce ; no part of the group was more
than five or six miles from a market town. Tillage was almost
the only industry. There were 217 looms some for blankets others
for coarse cottons. Lavish expenditure on marriages and other
social ceremonies had kept the people dependent on the money-
lenders. Still their state had greatly improved since 1841. The'
chief causes of their improvement were a sufficient and a fairly
certain rainfall, unbroken peace, low assessment, the extended use of
the potato, the opening of the railway and of roads, and the rise in
grain prices.^
The fifty-six villages were arranged in six classes with highest
dry-crop acre rates varying from 6s. to 3s, 6d. (Rs. 3 -If). The
two elements for reducing rates were less certain rain and more
distant markets. The first class contained one village with a
highest dry-crop acre rate of 6s. (Rs. 3) ; the second class contained
sixteen with 5s. 6^. (Rs.2|) ;the third class, thirteen with 5s. (Rs. 2^);'
the fourth class, twelve with 4s. Qd. (Rs. 2^) ; the fifth class, eight
with 4s. (Rs. 2) j and the sixth class, six with 3s. 6(^.(Rs. If). Of the
three villages received from Holkar one was placed in the first, one
in the third, and one in the fifth class. There were no masonry
dams, but, especially along the Vel, the people made temporary
embankments. The chief crops grown under the channels were
sugarcane, potatoes, earthnut, chillies, vegetables, and garlic in a
few villages. The highest acre rate proposed for channel water
was 12s. (Rs. 6) and the lowest 2s. (Re. 1). The assessment on this
account amounted to £563 (Rs. 5630) or an average acre rate of
5s. Bd. (Rs. 2|). The total former assessment on wells and channels
together was £1343 (Rs. 13,430) of which only £1203 (Rs. 12,030) were
1 Lieut. -Col. Waddington, Surv. Supt. 689 of 10th October 1872. Bom. Gov. Sel.
CLI. 301. The toll amounts ■were (farmed) 1865-66 Rs. 22,500, 1866-67
Es. 19,500, 1867-68 Rs. 16,000, 1868-69 Rs. 14,000, 1869-70 Rs. 12,000, 1870-71
Rs. 10,500 ; (managed by Sirur mdmlatddr) 1871-72 Ks. 6295, and (farmed) 1872-73
Rs. 5200.
2 Lieut. -Col, Waddington, Surv. Supt. 689 of 10th "October 1872, and Col. Francis,,
Surv. Comr, 273 of 13th Feb, 1873. Bom, Gov. Sel. CLI. 305, 351-352.
Deccan.]
POONA.
487
collected in 1871-72, the remainder being remitted as the wells were
not in use. Under the revision survey no extra assessment was
imposed on well lands, a change which, on the 10,047 acres of well
land, represented a loss to Government of £2000 to £2500
(Rs. 20,000-25,000). Of rice land, there were only ninety-two
acres. As it was of superior quality the highest acre rate was fixed
at 10s. (Rs, 5), and the average at 6s. 2|S.- (Rs. 3 as. l^y. The
proposed rates increased the assessment on Ausari, the only village
in the first class by 70 per cent ; on the villages of the second
class by 74 per cent ; on those of the third class by 94 per cent ; on
those of the fourth class by 90 per cent ; on those of the fifth class
by 95 per cent; and on those of the sixth class by 103 per cent.
The average increase on all the fifty-six villages was 88 per cent
over the previous year's payments. The following statement
shows the effect of the survey :
Pdbal, Fifty-six Villages : Revision Settlement, 187^.
Settlement.
Occupied,
Unocccpibd.
Total. 1
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Proposed
Existing
Increase ...
Acres.
181,076
160,692
Es.
173,898
92,359
Acres.
667
648
Rs.
360
230
Acres.
181,643
161,240
Rs.
174,268
92,689
20,384
81,539
19
130.
20,403
81,669
Chapter^VIII
Land.
Revision
Survey.
Pdbal,
187^-1874.
Compared with the average collections between 1862 and 1871
the revised survey rental showed an increase of £8160 (Rs. 81,600)
or 88 per cent; and compared with the average collections from
1836 to 1840 they showed an increase of £10,739 (Rs. 1,07,390) or
161 per cent. The rental of the three villages received from Holkar
was raised 60 per cent. The greatest individual increase was a rise
of 159 per cent in Eklahara. The largest general increase, 103 per
cent, was in the lowest or sixth class in which the average dry-
crop acre rate was only Is. 3^d. (10^ as.). The highest dry-crop
acre rate, which occurred in Pimpalgaon, was 3s. lQ%d. (Re. 1 as. 15J).
The average dry-crop acre rate in the fifty-six villages was Is, lQ\d.
{\^ as.).i
In forwarding the Superintendent's proposals, the Survey
Commissioner Colonel Francis made some changes in the grouping of
villages and remov^ed the first class rate of 6s. (Rs. 3). His proposals
reduced the increase in the total rental of the fifty-six villages from
88 to 85 per cent and of the three villages received from Holkar from
60 to 45 per cent. He next suggested that in addition to this a
reduction of four annas a class for the first four classes and of
two annas in the fifth or last class might be made in the highest
dry-crop acre rates. This would reduce the rates to 5g. (Rs. 2^),
4s. &d. (Rs. 2i), 4s. (Rs. 2), 3s. U. (Rs. 1|), and 3s. 3A (Rs. If),
and bring the increase down to 65 or 66 per cent.^ Grovernment
adopted a somewhat different grouping from that proposed by the
■' Lt.-Col. Waddington, 689 of 10th Oct. 1872. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 297-314.
2 Col, Francis, Surv. Comr. 273 of 13th Feb, 1873, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 349-356.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
488
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Revision
Survey.
Pdbal,
1872-1874.
Raveli,
1S7B-73.
survey ofiBcers. They sanctioned the following iighest dry-crop acre
rates, 5s. (Rs. 2^) for nine villages, 4s. 3d. (Rs. 2^) for nine villages,
4s. (Rs. 2) for twenty-four villages, and 3s. 3c?. (Rs. 1|) for seventeen
villages. With these rates the increase on the whole fifty-nine
villages amounted to about 75 per cent beyond the old assessment
in place of the 88 per cent proposed by the Superintendent.^ The
final result of the revised settlement introduced into the fifty -nine
villages of the P^bal group was as follows : Under the revised
settlement, the average dry-crop acre rate was Is. Q%d. (12^ as.),
the water rate 4s. 7f(^. (Rs. 2 as. 5-j*^), and the rice land rate &s. 8d.
(Rs. 3 as. 5J). The total assessment on occupied lands was £15,151
(Rs. 1,51,510) or £3819 (Rs. 38,190) less than that originally
proposed by the Superintendent, and £4928 (Rs. 49,280) or 48 per
cent more than the former assessment.^
The revised survey settlement was introduced into'Haveli in
1872-73. Of the eighty-four villages under revision, twenty-one
of which formerly belonged to Bhimthadi and seven had since the
first settlement been transferred to Mdval, three villages were
omitted as survey rates had been introduced into them within the
preceding fifteen years. The Haveli or m^mlatddr's groupL was
bounded on the north by the Bhima and Indrdyani ; on the east by
Bhimthadi ; on the south by the Sinhgad-Bhuleshv?,r hills ; and on
the west by the Ndne Maval, the Mulshi petty division, and the
Pant Sachiv's territory. Nearly in the centre was Poena a city
of 90,436 people from which no part of the group was more
than eighteen miles distant, and which formed a ready and
convenient market for all kinds of produce. The total area of the
eighty-one villages was 319 square miles or 204,135 acres. Of
these 10,198 acres or 4'8 per cent was unarable land included in
numbers, and 18,346 or 8*8 per cent was alienated. There were
also 6673 acres of grass or kuran land, chiefly in the villages to the
west of Poena and near the Sahyddris. The Haveli sub-division
was more varied than any of the sub-divisions yet resettled. East
of Poona the country was flat, open, and almost bare of trees ; to
the west it was rugged and hilly, and much of it well wooded,
especially along the south side of the Mutha river where were
large numbers of fine mangoes and a sprinkling of jack trees
which were unknown to the east of Poona. Teak occurred on
the hill sides but never grew to any size. The climate varied
much, the rainfall increasing towards the west, until, in the border
villages rice and ndgli took the place of jvdri and hajri. The lauds
to the east of the city were divided into two nearly equal portions
by the Mutha-Mula. The tract lying between the Mutha-Mula
and the Bhima comprised some of the poorest villages. It was
chiefly stony sterile upland, better fitted for sheep grazing than
for tillage. The people made the most of their barren inheritance,
every available gorge in the ravines being blocked with rough
stone embankments ■ to gather and hold the scanty soil washed
1 Gov. Res. 2158 of 16th April 1873, Bom. Gov. Sel, CLI, 361-364.
2 Bom. Gov. Sel, OLI. 364-379.
Deccan]
POONA.
from the higher grounds. The district to the south between the
Mutha and the hills was much more level, and contained a large
proportion of rich soil. Even the villages under the hills were not
unfertile, the more plentiful rainfall which they enjoyed making
up for their somewhat poorer soil. Towards the west the rainfall
was heavier. During the nine years ending 1871, compared with
an average of 27"07 inches at Poena, Patas about forty miles to the
east had an average of 14"18 inches and Mulshi about twenty-five
miles to the wfest, of 46'99 inches.^ The country was well watered.
Besides by minor streams it was crossed by five considerable rivers
including the Bhima and the Indrayani on the north,^ During
the survey lease (1841-1871) Poena produce prices had doubled.
The rupee price of ^vdri rose from about 68^ pounds (3 1 f s/iers) in
the ten years ending 1851 to 60 pounds (30 shers) in the ten years
ending 1861, and to 34 pounds (17 shers) in the ten years ending
1871 ; the corresponding averages for bdjri were 63^, 50, and 27
pounds (26f , 25, and 13^ shers).^
Chapter VIII
Land.
Revision
StTRvsy.
Bavdi,
' Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI, 406. The details are :
Pnona-Pdtas-MtUshi Sain/all, 1863-1871.
Yeae.
Poona.
Pitas.
Mulshi.
Up to
Inches.
Inches.
Inches.
ises
22 -66
9-52
64-20
snth Sept.
1864
16-65
7-83
45-34
Ditto.
186S
81 '2S
11-69
43-96
Ditto.
1866
18-90 :
6-57
54.70
4th Nov.
1867
27-29 '
10-88
26-69
Ditto.
1868
30-91
10-32
61-48
30th Nov.
1869
28-16
22-76
.S9-28
Ditto.
1870
40-60
26-31
61-60
Ditto.
1871
Average ...
27-38
21-75
46-80
Ditto.
27-07
14-18
4699
' The Bhima, the ludrdyani, the Mula, the Pauna, and the Mutha.
' In 1840, at the time of the first settlement, Capt, Wingate and Lt. Nash estimated
that the price of grain ranged about 25 per cent higher in Poona than in the
adjoining sub-division of Bhimthadi. The statement given below shows that
from 1841 to 1851 the average price of jvdri was 30 and of bdjri 35 per cent higher
in Poona than in Yevat ; from 1851 to 1861 the price of jt'ctrj was 19 and that of
bdjri 15 per cent higher ; but during the last ten years (1861-1871), owing to the
levelling influence of railways, the difference fell to 13 per cent on jvdri and 11 per
cent on fc(i/n, while in 1871 it was only 5-9 on jjxiri and 7 on idjri. Bom. Gov. Sel.
CLI. 409. The details are :
'Poona- Yevat-Talegaon
Produce Prices, 18U-
1871.
Year.
POOHA.
Yevat.
Taie-
OAON.
Ykab.
POONA.
Yevat. ^
Tale-
OAON.
1'
i
1
■1
1
1
■|
i
1
i
1
i
1^
(^
>?
0?
•?
uj
i-s
«?
'-5
«)
►5
"5
1841-42 ...
30
24
m
36
44;
3-5
1861-62 ...
33
25
36
25+
40
34
1842-43 ...
32
28
66
34+
53
38
1852-63 ...
37
'29
37
29
63
39
1843-44 ...
30
30
64
49
67
39
1863-64 ...
42
36
67
44+
35
24
1844-46 ...
-27
23
60
88
34
30
l«64-66 ...
26
22'
m
23
23
22
184-5-46 ...
21
18
26
23
27
23
1866-66 ...
28
25
40
81
39
36
1-846-47 ...
-16
14
l.H
IS
24
23
1856-57 ..i
as
21
28
24
31
•26
1847-48 ...
31
27
37
30
67
65
1857-68 ...
26
2b
33
26
31
27
1848-49 ...
65
41
6.«!*
52+
U3
66
1868-59 ..!
27
23
26
21
37
29
1849-50 ..
47
37
64 '
52
6U-
38
1869-60 ..,
34
U5
40
82+
67
40.
1850-51 ...
Average ...
30
25
36
37i
-34
.27
1860-61 ...
Average ...
26
21,
m
28
-13 i
26i
311
26}
46}
36}
50
37
30
25
361'
28
39'
30
B 1327—62
IBombay Gazetteer,
490
DISTEICTS.
Chai)ter_VIII.
Land.
Eevision
SUBVEY.
Haveli,
187S-73.
In tte group of eighty-one villages the average collections
during tlie five years before tlie first settlement were £6445
(Rs. 64,450), and the average remissions £2534 (Rs. 25,340).
During the eleven years ending 1852 the average collections were
£6974 (Es. 69,740) or 8-2 per cent more than the collections of the
five years ending 1841 and the average remissions were £42
(Rs. 420). In 1841-42 the first year of the survey settlement the
total area of Government assessed land was 124,500 acres and the
rental £7450 (Rs. 74,500) ; of which 16,000 acres or nearly one-
eighth was waste, in 1843-44 the levy of a well-cess raised the
assessment to £7708 (Rs. 77,080); but the same year £100 (Rs. 1000)
and in the succeeding year £199 (Rs. 1990) of the newly imposed
cess were remitted. -A.fter 1849-50 the whole amount was collected
except about £40 (Rs. 400). In 1851-52 the arable waste was
reduced to 10,000 acres or one-twelfth of the whole arable area.
During the ten years ending 1862 the arable waste fell from 9777
to 1922 acres, and the average remissions on account of well-cess
were £18 (Rs. 180). The largest remission during the thirty-one
years ending 1861 was £679 (Rs. 6790) in 1853-54. The average
collections during the ten years ending 1862 were £7626 (Rs.76,260)
or 9"3 per cent more than the collections of the eleven preceding years
and 18'3 per cent more than those of the five years before the settle-
ment. The average remissions were £73 (Rs. 730). Since 1862 the
arable waste was gradually absorbed until in 1871-72 only 634 acres
of arable land remained unoccupied. Since 1856 there were almost no
remissions, and the average collections for the ten years ending 1872
were £7815 (Rs. 78,150) or 2*5 per cent more than the preceding ten
years, and 21"3 per cent more than the five years (1836-1841) before
the settlement. They would have been greater had not a considerable
quantity of land been taken for forest and other Government
purposes, such as the powder works at Kirkee and ior Lake Fife.^
Poona-Tevat-Talegaon Produce Prices, 181*1-1871 — continued.
Yeak.
POONA.
Ybvat.
Talesaon. 1
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
1861-62
1862-63
1863-64
1864-65
1866-66
1866-67
1867-68
1868-69
1869-70
1870-71
Average
26
20
11
12
13
18
13
23
16
17
19
16
9
10
11
16
11
16
13
14
30
21
1?
16
22
14
324
15
18
23^
18
10
If
\f
l^
16
28
15
15
12
27
16
20
20
22
19
23
13
13
10
20
15
16
22
17
16
17
13i
19J
15
19
16
1 The Tillage area rose from 109,000 acres in 1841-42 to 117,000 acres in 1846-47,
fell to 115,000 in 1852-53, and again rose to 125,000 acres in 1860-61. Since 18G6 it
began to decline and reached 121,000 acres in 1871-72. The largest remissions wereabout
Ra. 6800 in 1853-54. In other years there were little or no remissions. The collec-
tions rose from Rs. 65,000 in 1841-42 to Rs. 71,000 in 1846-47. They fell to Es. 70,000
in the next five years, rose to Ra. 71,000 in 1832-53, and again fell to Rs. 67,000 in
1853-54. They then rose to Rs. 77,000 in 1857-58 and stood at Rs. 79,000 during
the next six years. Since then they began to decline and reached Es. 76,000 in
1871-72. Survey Diagram. Bom, Gov. Sel. CLI. 410.
Deccan-]
TOONA.
Haveli, Eighty-one Villages : Revenue, 1836-187^.
491
YSAR.
Rental.
Remis-
sions.
Collec-
tions.
Occu-
pied.
Unoccu-
pied.
Total.
1836-37
1837-38
1838-39
1839-40
1840-41
1836-1841...
1841-1852
1852-1862
1862-1372
Rb.
90,118
88,976
89,503
90,543
89,834
Rs.
44,948
88,017
36,060
35,904
36,268
Rs.
1,86,066
1,26,993
1,25,563
1,26,447
1,26,102
Rs.
19,089
26,567
35,097
27,677
18,281
Rs.
71,029
62,409
54,408
62,866
71,553
89,796
38,239
1,28,034
26,342
419
729
64,452
69,744
76,262
78,152
During the survey lease, in the eighty-one villages, population had
increased from 37,695 in 1840-41 to 53,829 in 1871-72 or 42-8 per
cent; houses from 6598 to 7079 or 7-3 per cent ; carts from 1146 to
2655 or 131-7 per cent; ploughs from 1907 to 2284 or 19-8 per
cent; draught and plough bullocks from 15,899 to 17,811 or 12 per
cent; cattle, sheep, and horses from 26,890 to 34,845 or 29 6 per
cent ; and working wells from 799 to 1091 or 36-5 per cent. Of
418 new wells 276 had been sunk during the ten years ending
1872. The liberal remission of the well cess was beginning to have
the best efEect. Several landholders in the Haveli group, on
being assured by the Survey Superintendent that the wells were not
to be taxed under the revision survey and that Government were
prepared to help them with advances, took to sinking wells.
Especially in the north-east vUlages many dams were also built with
the object of collecting soil to prevent the fields being damaged by
floods. The style of tillage showed more energy and care than in
parts of the district at a distance from good markets. Manure was
eagerly sought for and brought from long distances. The city and
cantonment of Poena furnished a large supply in the shape of night-
soil which, after being buried in trenches for three or four months,
was bought by the landholders of the surrounding villages. A few
years before no Kunbi would touch this form of manure. The price
paid at the trench was 2s. (Re. 1) for three carts. Of dry-crops
both early and late were grown. They included bdjri, jvdri, gram,
tur, wheat, khurdsni, udid, and mug. Near Poena those crops
were grown which were calculated to meet the daily demands
of a large city. Thus eaxlj Jvdri and maize for green fodder to a,
great extent superseded grain. In garden lands, for some miles
round Poena, oranges, limes, guavas, plantains, figs, pomegranates,
grapes, and mangoes, and vegetables of all kinds both local and
foreign were reared to a large extent. Lucerne grass was much
grown and was a profitable crop. It required watering once in
twelve or fifteen days, and continued to yield for three years.
The guava also gave a good return ; it preferred a light soil and
required water only during the bearing seasons, between October
and December and again between April and May. The tree was
very hardy and generally yielded a certain crop. It was usual for
the husbandmen to sell the crop of oranges, limes, and mangoes on
the tree as soon as the young fruit was fairly set. Rut figs were
Chapter VIII
Land.
Ebvision
Survey.
Haveli,
187S-73.
[Bombay Galetteei)
492 ' DISTRieTS.
Chapter VIII- so uncertain that tlie crop was seldom bought until it was well
La^d developed. Betel vine gardens or pan maids were numerous
especially in the villages of Kondva, TJndri, Mahamadvadi, and
'^TOvST Phursangi. These gardens required a large outlay at starting, and,
jy J. ' throughout the year, constant attendance for weeding, watering,
787^-73. insect-killing, and leaf -gathering. They paid well, the returns beiug
constant, as the rows of vines were arranged so as to come into
bearing in regular rotation. A betel garden or pan mala continued
to yield from ten to fifteen years. The potato was not grown,
apparently because the eastern villages had too small a rainfall and
the western villages too much moisture. In the western villages
the early harvest was the most important, the chief crops being
early ymH and ba/W, supplemented by tur, til, ndchni,, and wheat.
Rice was also grown in a few of the border villages> notably in
Edhataunda, Arvi, Mdrunji, Kdsdrsai, Mulkhed, and Bhukam. The
villagers complained that, owing to the recent transfer of large tracts
of hill land to the Forest Department, they had not sufficient
brushwood to burn on their rice lands ; the Survey Superintendent
thought this would seriously interfere with the growth of rice, as
eowdung, which the people were forced to use, was too expensive on
account of the large city demand for eowdung fuel. The western
villages had little garden land, probably because a certain rainfall
ensured a regular return on the dry-crop lands. They also left much
land under grass, which, from the plentiful rainfall, grew freely, and
found a ready sale. Every day long strings of men and women
brought bundles of grass, firewood, cowdung-cakes, and milk to the
camp and city. In 1871-72 of the whole rentipaying area early
crops covered 52^ per cent, late crops 34 per cent, and occupied
waste 13^ per cent. The area of occupied waste held for private
grazing was large. Vagholi, Khorddi„ Vadgaon, Sheri, Kesnand, and
Lohogaon, from their nearness to Poena, had considerable tracts
under grass, which probably paid better than if they had been
cultivated.^ Except some villages to the north-west of Poona,
5aveli was abundantly provided with means of communication.
The Peninsula railway ran through the middle of it and had five
stations within Haveli limits and a sixth just beyond. The high
roads were numerous and good, the chief being those to Bombay,
Ahmadnagar, ShoMpur, and S^tara. To Satara there were three
routes, by the Katraj, Babdev, and Diva passes, all made with great
skill and in the most substantial manner, the top of the Kdtraj pass
being pierced by a long tunnel. Many miles of excellent made road
crossed the Poena cantonment, and connected it with Kirkee and
the city. There was also a second class road by Nardyangaon tO'
Junnar and Nasik, All these roads converged on the city and
afforded easy access from all p^rts of the sub-division to the vast
quantity of supplies required by a population of over 90,000. In
the opinion of M.T. Fletcher the classing officeaf, the people to the
^ The details were ; Of the early crops, Jrf/n 34 '5 per Cent, jvwri 13-5s rifce 1-8, ndgli
0^, Ul and rdla 0-5, tur 0'3, chillies 0'^^ hidga OS, and bhmmug 02, to,tal52-3 per cent.
Of the late crops, jMri 26-9, wheat 3-2, gram 1-3, castor seed 0-6, sugarcane 0-6,
mieGellaneouB 1-6^ total 34-2 } occupied waste 13S, Bom. Gov. Sec. CLI. 403.
Deccan.]
POONA.
493
west of Poona were poorer and less thriving than those in the east.
The holdings were smaller, there was a want of roads, and the land
was less fertile. Colonel Waddingtom thought this might be true
of a few exceptional villages. But on the whole the people of the
sub-division were better ofE than the people of any other part of the
district.* As regards the value of land, as much as one hundred
times the amount of the assessment was obtainable in 1871.
Under the revision survey the total area of the eighty-one villages
was found to be 204,135 acres or 28,031 acres more than the
former recorded area. This large discrepancy was mainly due to
the fact that at the time of Lieutenant Nash's survey the area of free
grazing lands was not measured.^ Of the total number of eighty-
four villages, seventy-four were arranged in eight classes with
highest dry-crop acre rates varying from 8s. to 3s. 6d. (Rs.4-l|).
Three villages, Vdnori Ghorpuri and Kirkee, adjoining the
cantonment were placed in the first class with a rate of 8s. (Rs. 4) .
Six villages on the skirts of the city and across the Mutha river
were placed in the second class with a rate of 7s. (Rs. 3^). Twenty-six
villages adjoining the first and second classes were placed in the
third class with a rate of 6s. (Rs. 3) . Thirteen villages folrmed the
fourth class with a rate of 5s. 6d. (Rs. 2|}. Nine villages formed
the fifth class with a rate of 5s. (Rs. 2^). Five villages formed the
sixth class with a rate of 4s. 6d. (Rs. 2^). Nine villages formed the
seventh class with a rate of 4s. (Rs. 2) . Three villages, across the
Mutha-Mala in the north-east corner of this survey group, formed
thp eighth class with a rate of 3s. 6d. (Rs.l|). Of the remaining ten
villages, seven villages transferred to the MAval sub-division were
placed in the fifth class with a rate of 5s. (Rs. 2|), and the three
villages, of which the existing settlement had been carried out
subsequent to that of the rest of the sub-division, were placed one
in the third, one in the fourth, and one in the fifth class.
There was little channel watered land, and except in the village of
Pashanthe water-supply in none of the channels was of superior quality.
In Pashin, in consequence of the improvetnent in the supply of water
caused by the recent construction of a large pond, the Survey Superin-
tendent proposed to apply a highest acre rate of 16s. (Rs.8) in excess of
the dry-crop rate. The highest rate in other villages was lls.(Rs. 5J)
■ and in some lands it was as low as 2s. (Re. 1) . The existing assess-
ment on well-watered and channel- watered land was £470 (Rs. 4700);
the proposed channel watered assessment was £223 (Rs. 2230) or
Chapt^VIII
Land.
Revision
Sfrvby.
Havelif
U7^-73.
1 Lieut. -Colonel Waddingtoil, Survey Superintendent, 840 of 30th November 187Z,
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 404.
'' Of this large Increase in area Col. Francis (Survey Comr. 497 of 24th March 1873,
Bom. Gov. S*. OLI. 457) wrote : In no reassessed district has been found the
former survey so imperfect as it has been found to be here. This is owing chiefly to
the general adoption of Mr. Pringle's measurements at the first settlement in place of
a fresh survey. The largest diflferences of area, compared with the present aurveyj
occur in hilly lands, which in some cases seem to have been left unmeasured, and in
others shown as unarable, though producing grass, and most valuable for grazing on
account of their nearness to Poona. In one case the arable area, according to the new
survey is shown to be more than double what was charged for under the original
settlement ; in another case it is 90 per cent more, and in many cases, it i&, between 20
and 30 per cent in excess.
[Bombay Gazetteer
494
DISTEIOTS.
Chapter_VIII.
Laud.
Bbvision
Survey.
Haveli,
187SS-73.
an average acre rate of 6s. 3|d (Rs, 2 as. 10^) exclusive oi dry-crop
rate. Rice was grown to some extent in the villages on the western
border, but the total area under rice was only 1095 acres. Colonel
Francis' highest riceacre rate for the contiguous Mdval villages was 9s.
(Rs.4^)j the average acre rate on them being 4s. 3fd (Rs. 2 as. 2^).
For the Haveli group the highest rice acre rate proposed was I2s.
(Rs. 6) which when applied gave an average acre rate of 7s. 3|d
(Rs. 3 as. 10|). The effect of the proposed rates in eighty-on^ villages
was to raise the assessment on occupied land from £7686 (Rs. 76,860)
collected in 1871-72 to £15,312 (Rs. 1,53,120) or an increase of 99
per cent. Of this sum £14,689 (Rs. 1,46,890) was the assessment on
dry-crop land, giving an average acre rate of 28. Id. (Re. 1 a. f),
£223 (Rs. 2230) were on account of a water cess, and £400 (Rs. 4000)
.on rice land. In the remaining three villages the assessment was
raised from £361 (Rs. 3610) to £532 (Rs. 5320) or not quite 48
per cent, but the average dry-crop acre rate amounted to 2s. Id.
(Re. 1 a. ^) or nearly the same as the general average.
The following statement shows the effect of the survey in eighty-
one villages :
Havdi Revision- Settlement, 187S.
Settlement.
Occupied.
Unoccupied.
Total.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Proposed
Existing
Increase ...
Acres.
142,200
122,340
Rs.
1,63,118
76,862
Acres.
344
634
Rs.
399
490
Acres.
142,544
122,974
Ks.
1,53,617
77,852
19,860
76,266
—290
—91
19,670
76,166
Compared with the average collections of the five years before
3841, the rental under the revised rates was 138 per cent higher;
compared with the average collections of the eleven years ending
1852 it was 119 percent higher ; compared with those of the ten
years ending 1862 it was 101 per cent higher; and compared with
those of the ten years ending 1872 it was 96 per cent higher. The
largest increase was in the village of Bhavdi which was raised 228
per cent. Of this amount the increase in the occupied arable land
hitherto not shown in the accounts was 90 per cent. In Dhankauri
the increase was 175 per cent and in Vadgaon Sheri 177 per cent.^
Should these proposed rates appear too high and the increase in
rental be not in accord with the Government policy of moderation, the
Survey Superintendent submitted a modified scale to be substituted
in their place. He reduced the highest dry-crop acre rates of the first
and second classes by Is, (8 as.) and the remaining classes by M.
(4 as.) each except in one or two cases in which the reduction made
was Is. (80s.). The effect of the changes was to lower thp proposed
assessment on dry-crop land from £16,209 to £13,679 (Rs. 1,52,090-
Rs. 1,36,790) and the total assessment from £15,884 to £14,354
(Rs. 1,58,840 - Rs. 1,43,540). This was an increase of 79 per
' Lieut. -Col. Waddington, Survey Superintendent, 840 of 30th Nov, 1872.
Gov. Sel. CLI. 400-414.
Bom-
Deccan-1
POONA.
495
cent on the preceding year's collections in eighty-one villages ; of
this increase 1 6 per cent was due to the greater area brought under
assessment, leaving 63 per cent as the increase caused by the new
rates. The Survey Commissioner suggested a highest rice acre rate
of 10s. (Rs. 5) instead of 12s. (Rs.6), and made some changes in
the grouping of villages. According to his proposals the increase
in the total rental was reduced to about 75 per cent. Government
sanctioned the proposals of the Survey Commissioner.^
As the Government of India intimated their satisfaction that the
rates originally proposed by the Survey Superintendent had been
modified, and expressed their readiness to make further reductions,
should reductions appear necessary, the Survey Superintendent
made some further changes in individual villages and brought the
total assessment on the cultivated lands of the eighty-four villages
to £13,419 (Rs. 1,34,190) showing an increase of 67 per cent on the
preceding year's payments. The average dry-crop acre rate was Is.
9id. (14j as.) channel water rate 4s. b^d. (Rs. 2 as. S/g-) and rice rate
5s. llfd.(Rs.2 as. 15f).2
The following statement shows for the eighty-four Haveli villages
under the revision settlement originally proposed by the
Superintendent of Survey, the revised settlement advocated in the
transmitting report of the Survey Commissioner and sanctioned by
Government in June 1873, and the settlement fi.nally proposed by
the Survey Superintendent^ in September 1873. Government
sanctioned the final proposals in October 1873:*
Eighty-four Haveli Villages : Settlement, 1873.
Former
1871-72.
Proposed
1872-73.
Increase.
Es.
80,965
80,965
80,966
Rs.
1,68,836
1,43,544
1,34,189
Per Cent.
96
77
66
In 1873-74 the rainfall was 14 inches at Inddpur, 32 at Poena,
13 at Junnar, and 68 at Khadkdla. Except in Mdval, Purandhar,
and the late crop part of Indd,pur, the rainfall was not favourable
either for the early or for the late harvest. ' In the west the early
crops were good in M4val and in the south-west and north of Haveli,
and fair in Junnar and Khed. In Mulshi insufficient rainfall in the
early part of the season, and an excessive fall near the close caused
much damage. In the east the early crop was fair in Purandhar,
middling in Sirur, and indifferent in Bhimthadi and Indapur where
the outturn was very trifling. The late harvest was good in
Purandhar, fair in Indapur, and middling in the rest of the east.
Public health was generally good. Slight cattle disease was
Chapter^Vm
Land.
Revision
SlTKVBY.
Haveli,
1872-73.
1873-74.
1 Gov. Ees. 3516 of 20th June 1873. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 465 - 469.
" Lieut. -Col. Waddington, Survey Superintendent, 824 of 27th Aug. 1873 and 314
of 18th AprU 1874. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 471-473, 485.
3 Bom. Gov. Sel. OLL 476.
* Gov. Res. 6495 of 3rd Oct. 1873. Bom.Gov. Sel. CLI. 479.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
496 DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII. present in Mdval, Junnar^ Haveli, and Khed.^ Tillage rose from
LMd 1,848,831 to 1,901,205 acres, collections fell from £112,689 to
£99,117 .(Rs.ll,26,890-Es. 9,91,170), £17,796 (Rs. 1,77,960) were
^n^Y. remitted, and £9125 (Rs. 91,250) left outstanding. At Ind^ur
the rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 28 to 48 pounds
(14- 24 shers).
Supa, In 1873-74 the revised survey settlement was introduced into a
1873-74- group of thirty-nine villages settled in 1843-44. These villages
formerly belonged to the Supa petty division of Purandhar. Since
the first settlement in 1843-44 thirty of these villages had been
handed to Bhimthadi and nine to Purandhar. The country sloped
soutbwards in a waving plain watered by the Karha and other
streams none of which flowed throughout the hot weather. In
capabilities and climate these villages differed little from each other,
except that those lying along the Nira had a larger proportion of
deep black soil. The early crops were hdjri, math, and mvg ; the
only late crop was jvdri among which a good deal oi kardai ■was
sown broadcast. In the northern and eastern villages the late crops,
and in the western and southern villages the early crops, predominated.
Except in a few villages cultivation was careless.. The fields were
overrun with weeds ; the land was not ploughed more than once in
three or four years ; and the use of manure on drycrop lands, except
to a limited extent by the folding of sheep, of which great numbers
were reared, was apparently unknown. The garden lands, which were
almost exclusively under wells, were by no means of a high class.
Sugarcane was grown in the few places which had a twelve month's
water-supply. The usual garden crops were wheat, gram, vegetables,
aui j'vdri; of these jvdri was a special favourite under inferior
wells. As regards communication and markets considerable
changes had taken place since the former settlement in 1843. At
that time, of the four markets which gave Supa an advantage over
Inddpur and Kurkumb, three, Wdi Bhor and Sdt^ra, were thirty
miles across the country from the nearest part of the group and more
than twice as far from the most distant ; while the fourth, Sd,svad,
was not less than twenty miles from the nearest point. By the new
roads from the Nira bridge to the railway station at Kedgaon, from
Bdrdmati to Pdtas, and from Sdt^ra to Poona by the Diva and
Katraj passes, many of these villages had been brought within a
day's march of the railway. Poona, which was still as formerly
the great market for produce, was more accessible than from Ind^pur,
and not much less accessible than from Kurkumb. The town of
Supa itself was only ten miles from the Kedgaon station. The local
markets were Bdrdmati, Supa, Pdtas, and.Jejuri, of which Bar^mati
was the most important especially as a cattle market.
During the survey lease the Supa price of jvdri rose from about
80 pounds (40 shers) the rupee in the first ten years to about 34
pounds {17 shers) the rupee in the last ten years of the lease that
is an increase of 135 per cent. The corresponding increase in the
1 Eev. Comr. S. D. 5026 of 29th Dec, 1873.
Deccan.]
POONA.
497
price of bdjri was from about 68 to 28 pounds (34-14 shers) or 143
per cent.^
At the introduction of the 1843 settlement the Supa group
was passing from a state of great depression to one of comparative
prosperity. This was due to the revision of assessment carried out
some years before by Lieutenant Shortrede. Under Lieutenant
Shortrede's rates the assessment which had been fixed by the
former survey at £12,270 (Rs. 1,22,700) on thirty-seven villages was
reduced to £10,140 (Rs. 1,01,400) on 39i villages. In spite of this
reduction the average yearly collections, during the seven years
(1836-1842) after the introduction of Lieutenant Shortrede^s
modified rates, were only £3498 (Rs. 34,980) of a total assessment on
Government lands of £8850 (Rs. 88,500) or less than 40 per cent ;
and, though cultivation spread from 40,696 acres in 1836 to 111,768
acres in 1842, there was a progressive increase in remissions. No
less than £5000 (Rs. 50,000) of a total of £7400 (Rs. 74,000) of remis-
sions were allowed during the last two years (1841-42) of the settle-
ment. The fixed survey settlement for thirty years was introduced
in 1843, the new rates being the same as in Kurkumb or ten per
cent higher than inlndd.pur. During the first year (1843-44) of this
thirty years' settlement, of a total assessed area of 141,310 acres,
26,302 arable acres were waste. In the next year the arable waste
was reduced to 17,191 acres, in the succeeding year to 14,146,
and in 1847 it had fallen to 8690 acres. From this time until
1852 the arable waste gradually increased until in 1852 it
amounted to nearly 15,000 acres. The collections varied from
£4206 (Rs, 42,060) in 1844-45 to £5310 (Rs. 53,100) in 1847-48 and
£5194 (Rs. 51,940) in 1852-53. Large remissions were granted in
two of the first ten years, £417 (Rs.4170) in 1844-45 and £828
(Rs. 8280) in 1850-51. The average collections during the ten years
ending 1853 were £4886 (Rs. 48,860) and remissions £171 (Rs. 1710),
and the area under tillage was 126,604 acres. Between 1853 and
1858 the arable waste was reduced to 1000 acres j in 1862 it had
risen to 1787 acres. The collections in 1862-63 were £5728
(Rs. 57,280). The average area under cultivation was 139,966
acres. During the ten years ending 1873 the arable waste averaged
1843 acres, and the occupied area 142,225 acres, but the collections
amounted to £5550 (Rs. 55,500). The fall in average revenue was
Chapter_VIII.
Land-
Kbvision
SUEVBY.
Supa,
XS73-74-
1 The details are : Supa Produce Rupee Prices, 181,U-1S7S.
Ybak.
Jvari.
Bdori.
Year.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Year.
Jvdri.
Bdjri.
Shers.
Shers.
Shers.
Shers.
Shers.
Shers.
18« ...
44-7
36-5
1854 ...
25
23-62
1864 ..
12-12
10-26
1845 ...
25-25
23-26
1855 ...
3'D-75
28
1865 ..
17-60
1176
1846 ...
16-62
16-25
1866 ...
22-5
20
1866 ..
13-87
14
1847 ...
36-76
30
1857 ...
28-5
24-25
1867 ..
14
13
1848 ...
60-5
SO-25
1858 ...
26
21-1
1868 ..
Si
21-5
1S49 ...
64
62
1859 ...
38-5
32
1869 ..
13-6
13-5
1850 ...
32
29-5
1860 ...
36
26-5
1870 ..
18-6
16-75
1851 ...
36
29-25
1861 ...
28-5
22
1871 ..
16-6
14-12
1862
39-5
88
1862 ...
19
16
1872 ..
. 11'5
11
18S3 ...
63-5
40
1863 ...
13-5
10
1873 ..
. 26
20
Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 516.
B 1327-63
[Bombay Gazetteer.
Chapter^VIII.
Laud-
Revision
Survey.
Supa,
1873-74-
498
DISTRICTS.
due to the vei-y large remission allowed in 1866-67^ which amounted
to £1859 (Rs. 18,590) or one-third of the entire assessment. With
this exception the remissions since 1854 were nominal. The fol-
lowing statement gives the average tillage and collections during
the survey lease : ^
Supa Tillage and Revenue, 184S-1873.
Yeak.
Occupied.
Unoccupied.
Total.
Eemis-
BIOHB.
OOLLEO-
TIOKS.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
fiental.
Area.
Rental.
1843-1853 ...
1863-1863
1863-1873 ...
Acres.
126,604
139,966
142,225
Es.
60,664
66,498
67,890
Acres.
15,190
2825
1843
Rs.
6162
1212
612
Acres.
141,794
142,791
144,068
Ks.
66,726
67,710
68,002
Rs.
1707
416
1889
Rs.
48,866
66,082
66,600
During the survey lease population increased from 22,795 in
1843 to 32,722 in 1873 or 43-5 per cent; houses from 3804 to 4304
or 13 per cent ; wells from 1003 to 1720 or 71 per cent ; carts from
191 to 578 or 202 per cent j ploughs from 1110 to 1457 or 31-2per
cent ; buffaloes from 1252 to 1654 or 32 per cent ; cows from 9946 to
1 1,649 or 17 per cent ; bullocks, draught and plough, from 12,907 to
14,256 or 10'4 per cent ; and sheep and goats from 18,934 to 24,663
or 30"3 per cent. Horses showed a fall from 1150 to 844 or 26"6 per
cent. Of the new wells 44 were built in the first ten years, 148 in
the second ten years, and 225 in the last ten years of the survey lease.
The condition of the people was on the whole good. Few of them
were hopelessly involved and every village had some families who
were free from debt. At Panddra there were many stacks of straw
two years old still undisposed of, though the third year's crop was
in the ground and ready to cut. Many of the villages especially
the larger ones showed signs of having once been more populous.
In numerous instances this apparent fall in the population and
ruined appearance of the larger villages was owing to the fact that
landholders whose fields lay far from the village site, had built them-
selves huts and lived there permanejutly, allowing their village houses
to go to ruin. Thus the apparent desolation was in many cases a
sign of increased security of life and property.
It was a common practice in this as in other sub-divisions for the
cultivators to sell their crops in a lump or khoti while still unripe.
In 1872 in the Supa group the prices realized varied from 31 times
to a little less than IJ times the new assessment. The highest
sum realized was from the poorest field the classification of which
was only 1 \ annas. The total collections in twenty cases of lump or
1 The tillage area rose from 115,000 acres in 1843-44 to 133,000 acres in 1847-48
and fell to 123,000 in 1849-50. After 1849-50 it rose to a little over 140,000 in 1857-68
and stood at about 142,000 during the remaining fifteen years. The remissions were
about Ks. 5000 in 1844-45, Ks. 8000 in 1850-51, and Ks. 18,000 in 1866-67. In other
years there were little or no remissions. The collections rose from Rs. 44,000 in
1843-44 to Rs. 54,000 in 1847-48 and fell to Es. 44,000 in 1850-51. They then rose
to Rs. 56,000 in 1855-56 and stood at about Rs. 57,000 durint; the next ten years.
In 1866-67 they were Rs. 39,000 and again stood at about Rs. 57,000 during the next
six years, Survey Diagram. Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 514.
Deccan.]
POONA.
499
khoti sales were £217 16s. (Rs. 2178) on which tlie proposed assess-
ment came to £37 (Rs. 370) or about one-sixth. This did not
represent the gross produce of the land, since the middle-man
must, besides the element of risk, cover the expenses of watching,
reaping, and harvesting.^
Thirty-nine villages were arranged in four classes with highest
drycrop acre rates varying from 2s. 9d. to 2s. (Rs. If - 1). Two villages
close to the road from Satdra by the Nira bridge to Poona were
placed in the first class and charged a rate of 2s. 95. (Rs. 1 1) ; twelve
villages along the western boundary and on the road to the Kedgaon
station were placed in the second class and charged a rate of 2s. Qd.
(Rs. 1 J) ; twelve villages to the east and south of the preceding
class were placed in the third class and charged a rate of 2s. 3d.
(Rs. 1 J) ; and thirteen villages in the south-east of this revision survey
group were placed in the fourth class and charged a rate of 2 s.
(Re. 1). No rice was grown in any of these villages and the channel
irrigation was very poor. The proposed highest channel wa>ter acre
rate was 4s. (Rs. 2). Compared with the preceding year's collec-
tions the revised survey rental showed an increase from £5746 to
£8171 (Rs.57,460-Rs. 81,710) or 42 per cent. The following state-
ment shows the effect of the survey :^
Supa Revision Settlement, ISIS.
Settlement.
OoonpiED.
Ukooocpied.
Total.
Area.
Rental.
Area. Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Proposed ...
Existing ...
Increase ...
Acres.
156,828
142,235
Rs.
81,713
67,461
Acres.
1558
1830
Rs.
230
443
Acres.
168,386
144,065
Rs.
81,943
67,904
14,593
24,252
-272
—213
14,321
24,039
The Survey Commissioner proposed a few modifications. He
removed the first class, and transferred a few villages from the
second fco the third class, and from the third to the fourth class.
Government sanctioned the settlement as modified by the Survey
Commissioner.*
In 1874-75 the rainfall was 27 inches at Indapur, 38 at Poona,
25 at Junnar, and 92 at Khadk^la. The season was on the whole
favourable both for early and late crops. In some villages of Haveli,
Indapur, Bhimthadi, and Khed the early crops were slightly
damaged by excessive rain in September and October. In a few
villages of Junnar considerable damage was caused by insects called
naktodas. Public health was generally good. Slight cattle disease
was present in some sub-divisions.* Tillage fell from 1,901,205
to 1 884,679 acres, collections rose from £99,117 to £118,333
(Rs.9,91,170-Rs.ll,83,330), £4061 (Rs. 40,610) were remitted, and
£720 (Rs. 7200) left outstanding. At Indd,pur the rupee price of
Indian millet fell from about 48 to 60 pounds (24-30 shsrs).
1 Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 512.
■> Lt -Col. Waddington, Surv.Supt. 846of SthSept. 1873, Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 507-521.
3 Gov. Kes. 6377 of 22nd Nov. 1873, Bom. Gov, Sel. CLI. 552 - 554.
* Rev. Comr. S. D. 4718 of 29th Deo. 1874.
Chapter^VIII
Land.
Revesioit
Survey.
1873-74.
1874-75.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
500
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Revised
Settlement
Reduced,
1874.
About the close of 1874 a fall in tlie price of grain^ led Government
to set limits to the amounts by which the former rates might be
enhanced and to reduce some of the enhanced settlements which had
been introduced into Poena. It was right that Government should
take advantage of the discovery of land held without payment, should
correct mistakes in measuring and in classing, should share with
the people the benefits derived from better roads and from the
opening of railways, and should receive a share of the profit which
the rise in produce prices caused to the landholders. As it no
longer seemed probable that the high prices which raled during the
ten years ending 1872 would continue, Government ordered that
the increase in revenue in any village group should never be more
than thirty-three per cent ; that the increase in a single village
should never be more than sixty-six per cent, and that the increase
in an individual rental should never be more than 100 per cent. To
bring the amounts of enhancement, which had been sanctioned in
some of the revised portions of Poona,^ into accord with these rules.
Government proposed that the necessary changes should be made on
the following principles. The highest rates in the group were to be
so reduced as to bring the increase in the total revenue of the group
within the limits of fifty per cent. When this was done, any case in
which the increase in a village was still above 75 per cent, or in an
individual holding above 100 per cent, should be reported for orders
with distinct recommendations from the survey officers whether
further changes were necessary, and if so how they should be made.
Government hoped that in groups originally settled after 1848, little
or no field operations would be required, and that the revision of
the assessment by a mere readjustment of the highest rates would
be found to be sufficient.*
In accordance with these instructions in 1875-76 the survey
officers made proposals for reducing the revised assessment of
Inddpur, Bhimthadi, Haveli, Pdbal, and Supa. The actual settlements
finally sanctioned by Government are given below, showing their
^ Indian millet rapee prices were in Bhimthadi 14J shers in 1868-69, 19| in
1869-70, 174 in 1870-71, 12 in 1871-72, 22i in 1872-73, 30 in 1873-74, 39 in 1874-75,
and 36 in 1875-76 ; in IndApur 15 in 1871-72, 17 in 1872-73, 30 in 1873-74, 46 in
1874-75, and 37 in 1875-76. OoUeotor of Poona, 4376 of 7th Tune 1884. The ladApur
figures here given differ from those given in the statement on page 512.
2 The details (Bom. Gov. Sel. CLI. 174) are :
Poona Survey Settlements, 18S6 - 18U and 1866 ■ 1871,.
Sdb-Ditision.
OaiSINAL SXITLBMENT.
Eevised Settlement.
Increase.
Average
Average
Arable.
Rental.
Acre
Bate.
Arable.
Rental.
Acre
Rate.
Acres.
Es.
A. p.
Acres.
E3.
A. p.
Percent.
Ind&pur
238,135
81,391
5 5
270,076
124,700
7 4
S3
Bhimtliacli
190,410
86,464
7 S
212,703
146,596
11 0
69
Haveli
12T,610
80,965
10 2
146,745
134,768
14 7
66
Pabal
161,210
102,228
10 1
192,411
162,108
12 7
48
Supa
147,244
69,926
6 6
169,227
78,788
7 11
31
3 Gov. Res. 5739 of 29th October 1874 and 4506 of 10th August 1875, Bom. Gov.
Sel- CL. 133-138 and CLI. 174-179.
Deccan]
POONA.
501
percentage increase on the original thirty years' settlements
introduced between 1836 and 1844- :^
Poona Revised Survey Settlements Seduced, 1876.
Sdb-Divisioh.
Vii,-
LAGES
Ind&pur
Bhimthadi
Haveli
PSbal
Supa
Settlements
1836-1844.
Amount,
Bs.
81,184
74,222
80,965
1,02,228
67,461
Reduced Revision
Settlements, 1876-76.
Amount.
Bs.
1,11,866
1,03,982
1,13,773
1,39,479
72,803
Increase
over
1836-44
Percent.
38
40
41
Average
Dry-crop
Acre
Kate.
As. p.
6 8
8 9
11 10
11 2
In 1873-76 the rainfall was 21 inches at Indapur^ 38 at Poona,
34 at Junnar, and 116 at Khadkdla, a full supply, but, as the falls
were ill-timed, the season was unfavourable. An excessive fall, when
the early crops were still young, did so much damage that many
tracts had to be resown. In a few villages of Haveli and Sirur the
crops were slightly injured by locusts. The rice in Mi,val suffered
from early floods and later from want of rain. The outturn of the early
crops was not more than ten-sixteenths to twelve-sixteenths ; in
many places it was much less. In the eastern or late crop parts the
rainfall was short, and the crops were far below the average. In
Inddpur, Bhimthadi, and south Sirur jvdri withered for want of
rain, and in many places did not grow more than eighteen inches
high. The late harvest was less than a half crop and the outturn
of cotton was not more than a fourth. The district suffered from a
severe outbreak of cholera which began in the hot weather and
continued until October (1875). More than 4000 seizures were
fatal. About 1000 head of cattle died from disease.^ Tillage fell
from 1,884,679 to 1,875,669 acres and collections from £118,333
to £112,673 (Es. 11,83,330 -Rs. 11,26,730), £3480 (Es. 34,800)
were remitted, and £703 (Es. 7030) left outstanding. At Inddpur
the rupee price of Indian millet rose from about 60 to 56 pounds
(30 - 28 shers).
In 1876-77 the rainfall was 5 inches at Indapur, 15 at Poona, 17
at Junnar, and 77 at KhadkAla. In the east 1876-77 was a year of
famine. The rainfall was very scanty and the crops failed. The
Maval rice suffered considerably. In the west of Junnar Khed and
Haveli the early crops were fair perhaps six to seven-sixteenths.
In the east of these sub-divisions and in Inddpur and Bhimthadi,
except in watered land no early crops were grown. Late crops were
sown in parts of Maval, Haveli, Sirur, and Purandhar, but none were
sown in Indapur or in Bhimthadi. All over the district the late
harvest was an almost complete failure. Great distress prevailed
and relief works had to be provided.^ Public health on the whole
^ Bombay Gov. Sel. CLI. The highest dry-crop acre rates finally sanctioned were
IndApur, Rs. IJ, Rs. IJ ; Bhimthadi, Rs. Ig, Rs, 1|, Rs. 1 J, Re, 1 ; Haveli Rs, 3i,
Rs, 2i, Rs. 2i, Rs, 2i, Rs. 2, Rs. If, Rs. 1|, Rs. 1§ ; Pdbal Rs, 2f, Rs. 2, Rs, 1|,
Rs. If, Ks. li, Rs. If ; Supa Rs. IJ, Rs. IJ, Re. 1.
2 Rev. Comr. S. D. 3876 of 31st Dec. 1875.
3 A summary of the 1876-77 famine details is given under Agriculture Chap. IV.
Chapter^VIII
Laud.
The British.
1875-76.
1876-77.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
502
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
The British.
1877-78.
1878-79.
Kevision
SUEVBY.
Pwrandhar,
1879.
was good. Cholera appeared in some parts and caused 651 deaths.
Cattle disease prevailed slightly. In the east many cattle died of
starvation and thousands were driven to the west for grazing.^
Tillage fell from 1,875.669 to 1,864,475 acres and collections from
£112,673 to £70,321 (Es. 11,26,730 -Rs. 7,03,210), £174 (Rs. 1740)
were remitted, and £45,683 (Rs. 4,56,830) left outstanding. At
Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet rose from about 56 to 38
pounds (28-19 shers).
In 1877-78 the rainfall was 28 inches at Indapur, 20 at Poona, 17
at Junnar, and 51 at Khadkala. In the east and south-east a long
break damaged the early crops but in the west the early harvest
was above the average. The late crops were much injured by blight
and in some places towards the east they entirely failed. Fever
was very prevalent, and there were 3196 deaths from cholera.*'
Tillage rose from 1,864,475 to 1,868,193 acres and collections from
£70,321 to £110,148 (Rs. 7,03,210 - Rs. 11,01,480), £135 (Rs.l350)
were remitted, and £6866 (Rs. 68,660) left outstanding. At Indapur
the rupee price of Indian millet rose from about 38 to 18 pounds
(19 - 9 shers).
In 1878-79-the rainfall was 29 inches at Inddpur, 33 at Poona, 39
at Junnar, and 73 at Khadkdla. In the west the early crops were
good ; in the east they were almost destroyed by untimely rain and
to some extent by locusts. In the west the late harvest was an
average one ; in the east it was almost destroyed by rats. Numbers
of the poorer husbandmen took work on the Nira Canal. Public
health was generally good.^ Tillage fell from 1,868,193 to 1,861,631
acres and collections from £110,148 to £104,030 (Rs. 11,01,480 -
Rs.l0,40,300),£25 (Rs.250) wereremitted,and£10,864(Rs.l,08,640)
left outstanding. At Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet fell
from about 18 to 20 pounds (9 - 10 shers).
In 1878-79 revised assessments were introduced into thirty-five
Government and one reversionary or dumdla village, and survey
rates were for the first time introduced into four reversionary
or dumdla villages in Purandhar.. Most of these villages had
belonged to the SAsvad mamlatddr's division of Purandhar which
was settled in 1847. Of the thirty-five Government villages the
revised settlement was proposed for a group of seventeen villages
in April 1878 and for a group of eighteen Government villages in
February 1879.* The Purandhar sub-division was bounded on the
1 Rev. Oomr. S. D. 945 of 27th Feb. 1877.
2 Bom. Pres. Genl. Adm. Rep. for 1877-78, 76-78.
3 Bom. Pres. Genl. Adm, Kep. for 1878-79, 78-79.
i Purandhar formerly included two divisions, the subha or md,mlatd4r's charge
with the head-quarters at SAsvad and the peta or mahAlkari's charge with the head-
quarters at Supa. The Supa group which was settled in 1844 included fifty-nine
villages, forty-five Government and fourteen alienated. The Sdsvad group which was
settled in 1847 included seventy villages, thirty-two Government and thirty-eight
alienated. In 1861-62 the office of mahdlkari was abolished and the villages of his
division were included within the limits of the m^mlatd^r's division. In the
following year 1862-63 eight villages were transferred from the adjoining sub-division
of Haveli and finally in 1866-67 forty-five villages, thirty-seven Government and eight
alienated were made over to the Bhimthadi sub-division. These changes left for
Purandhar in April 1878 ninety-two villages, sixty-seven Government and twenty-
five alienated.
Deccau.]
POONA.
503
nortt and north-east by Haveli and Bhimthadi wLicli were separated
from Purandharby tlie Bliuleshvar range which- rose about 1000
feet from the plain. Purandhar was bounded on the east by
Bhimthadi, on the south by the river Nira which separated Poona
from Sdtdra, and on the west by the Pant SachiVs territory and a
portion of Haveli. The rainfall in the Purandhar sub-division
varied from 14-62 inches in 1872-73 to 31-26 inches in 1874-75 and
averaged 20-24 inches.^ The husbandry in Purandhar did not
differ from that in the neighbouring sub-divisions except that the
land was oftener ploughed, the light soils yearly and the heavier
black soils once in two years. The landholders showed more
energy in the cultivation of their fields. The sub-divisions of land
property, as a rule, were minute and its market value was high.
Manure was applied to the drycrop soils only when the farmer found
he had it to spare. Watered lands' when made ready for sugarcane
generally got as much as fifty cartloads the acre, while twenty
to thirty cart loads the acre sufficed for ordinary garden crops.
The manure consisted of the usual farm-yard refuse or sheep
droppings. In most of the first group of nineteen villages,
seventeen Government and two alienated, it was customary to raise
a second crop of grain after hajri or other kharif crops had been
cleared. According to Mr. Whitcombe the classing assistant who
reported on these nineteen villages, the sugar manufactured in this
sub-division was much prized for its firmness which enabled it to
stand travelling. It fetched about 4s. (Rs. 2) the palla of 120 shers
more than the jdgri manufactured elsewhere. The Purandhar
sugarcane had the peculiarity of being kept eighteen months on the
ground. The people said that by keeping it so much longer the
sugar-making power of the juice was greatly increased. The cane
was planted in May or June and cut in November or December of
the following year. The early crops were 51-5 per cent and the
late crops, including 14 per cent of fallow land, were 48'5 per
cent. The chief crop was bdjri 48 per cent and the next yvaajvari
27-2 per cent. 2
During the term of the survey lease road communications had
been gi-eatly improved. In 1847 the Poona-Sdtara road by the
Bapdev pass was the only made road. This pass was very steep and
Chapter^VIII,
Land-
Revision
Survey,
Purandliar-,
1879.
' The details are i
Purandliar Ram/all, 1S71 - ISIT.
Tbab.
Puran-
dhar.
PStas.
Bira-
mati
Haveli.
1871-72
1872-73
1873-74
1874-75
1875-76
1876-77
Average ...
Inches.
17-77
14-62
17-77
31-26
22-50
17-54
Inches.
12-60
19-10
14-18
25-84
12-28
6-0
Inches.
12-30
20-77
10-17
26-31
9-61
7-64
Inche
19-88
20-20
26-80
37-75
37-43
14-90
20-24
lB-0
14-45
26-16
2 The 1875-76 details for seventeen Government and one alienated village -were :
Early or kharif, bdjri 48 per cent, rice one per cent, maiM 0-4, hulga 0'3, wdid
0-1, and misoellaneoua 1-7, total 51-5. Late or rdbi,jvdri 27-2, -wheat 2, sugarcane
.1"1, gram 0-?, miscellaneous 3-5, -vfaate or fallow H, total 48-5.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
504
DISTRICTS.
Chapter_VIII.
Land.
Revision
Survey.
Pwrandhar,
XS79.
little used by carts. Pack bullocks brought most of tbe surplus
produce to the Poona market. In 1878 the Bapdev pass road was
used by local carts as a means of communication from the villages
near it to the chief market town of Sdsyad. Here the road joined
the comparatively new road to Poona over the Diva pass. From
Sdsvad numerous roads branched, one to Jejuri where it was joined
by the main road from the Diva pass. Half-way from the Bapdev
pass on the road to Sasvad branched off another road to the fort of
Purandhar, but since the completion of the Diva pass road this was
not much used. Another road fairly metalled but not bridged, left
SAsvad to the south-west, and, after passing through the Safgir pass,
joined the main road from Poona to Sdtdra by the Kdtraj pass.
The Kd/traj pass road, after passing through the lands of some of
the south-western villages of Purandhar, crossed the Nira river not
far from the market town of Kikvi. Another unbridged made
road left Sdsvad on the south and crossed the Pimpla pass close to
the village of Parincha and thus on to the river Nira not far from
the village of Tondla, Another road practicable for carts left the
main road from the Diva pass, close to the village of Belsar, and
crossed the Bor pass to the Urali railway station. Besides these
metalled roads, during the 1876-77 famine three other fair weather
roads were laid out as relief works. One of them joins Sdsvad
with Supa, and the other two start from Jejuri and pass east.
Where thirty years before there was only one made road, in 1878
there were numerous lines of communication affording every facility
for the conveyance of surplus produce to the, different large markets
the chief of which was Poona. The chief manufactures were cotton
cloth or lugdis, blankets or kdmblis, and bangles. One hundred looms
were devoted to the weaving of lugdis and twenty-one to the making
of kdmblis. The best of both were taken to the Poona market
where they found a ready sale. The prices for lugdis ranged from
5s. to £1 (Rs. 2^-10), and the highest price that the best class of
kdmblis fetched was 6s. (Rs. 3). At the village of Mandar coarse
glass bangles were made costing about 6d. (4 as.) the hundred. The
local markets were at Sdsvad, Vala, Parincha, and Kikvi. Except
Sdsvad they were of no great importance. Almost the whole of the
surplus field produce went to Poona.
During the thirty years ending 1877 the Sdsvad produce prices had
risen from an average of 85 pounds oijvdri the rupee during the ten
years ending 1857 to 42 pounds during the ten years ending 1867 or
102 per cent. The average for the next ten years (1867-1877)
44 pounds showed a fall of 5 per cent compared with the ten years
ending 1867 and a rise of 93 per cent compared with the ten years
ending 1857. The corresponding figures for bdjri were 70 pounds
in the ten years ending 1857, 36 in the ten years ending 1867, and 36
in the ten years ending 1877 ; for wheat 58 pounds, 29 pounds, and
27 pounds ; for gram 61 pounds, 28 pounds, and 29 pounds; and for
rice 36 pounds, 20 pounds, and 20 pounds. Thus, as regards the three
chief grains jvdri bdjri and wheat, the landholder was nearly 100
per cent better off in the last ten than in the first ten years of the 1847
settlement. Compared with those of the second ten years (1857 - 1867)
the average prices during the last ten years (1867-1877) showed a
Deccan.]
POONA.
505
slight fall. Bat tlie high average of the ten years ending 1867 was
chiefly owing to the extreme dearness of grain between 1 861 and 1866,
In 1862 the price was higher even than in the 1877 famine. Compared
with the ten years before the 1847 settlement the average waste
acres in fifteen Government villages during the ten years ending
1857 showed a fall from 2046 to 1148, in the next ten years to 373,
and in the last ten years ending 1877 to 214 acres. Average
remissions fell from £230 (Rs. 2300) in the ten years before the
settlement to £8 (Rs. 80) in the first ten years and to 4s. (Rs. 2) in
the second ten years. In the last ten years there were no remissions.
The occupied acres of Government and alienated land rose from
19,834 in the ten years ending 1847 to 40,209 in the ten years
ending 1857,^ to 41,225 acres in the ten years ending 1867, and to
41,420 acres in the ten years ending 1877. The average collections
on these lands did not show much rise, the amounts being £1792
(Rs. 17,920) during the ten years (1837-1847) before the settlement,
£1693 (Rs. 16,930) during the first ten years, £1813 (Rs. 18,130)
during the second ten years (1857-1867), and £1839 (Rs. 18,390) in
the last ten years ending 1877. The folio -wing tabular statement
gives the results :
Purandhar Tillage and Revenue, 1837 - 1877.
Tear.
Govern-
ment
Villages.
Tillage.
Waste.
Efimis-
sions.
Out-
standings.
Collec-
tions.
1837-1847...
1847-1867...
1867-1867...
1867-1877...
15
15
15
15
Acres.
19,834
40,209
41,226
41,420
Acres.
2046
1148
373
214
Rs.
2800
81
2
Es.
^2
1
621
Ha.
17,924
16,932
18,130
18,390
According to Colonel Laughton there was a gradual and steady
rise in collections until 1874 when the receipts reached within £1 2s.
(Rs. 1 1) of the total survey rental. During the thirty years' lease in
the fifteen Government villages settled in 1847-48, population
increased from 1-5,482 in 1847-48 to 18,895 in 1876-77 or 22 per cent,
and the density to the square mile from 184 to 224 ; flat roofed and
tiled houses increased from 2239 to 2680 or 19-7 per cent and
thatched houses from 259 to 298 or 151 per cent; ploughs from
555 to 757 or 36-4 per cent ; and carts from 60 to 315 or 425 per
cent. The value of land was very high. Though the information
cannot be considered more than a rough indication of the true
value it is worthy of note that in fifteen mortgages sums ranging
from eight to 420 times and in seven sales sums ranging from
seven to 389 times the yearly land assessment were realized.^
Subletting was common but nowhere for cash payments. It
was chiefly on the ardhali that is half-share plan, by which the
holder who paid the Government assessment exacted half of the
produce from the tenant, and supplied half of the seed, and, in
' Col. Laughton has showB that the apparently doubling of the area held for tillage
during the first ten years is partly due to the conversion of bighds into acres at the rate
of fths of an acre equal to one biglia, '
^ Col. Laughton shows that these returns may mislead because the sums entered
as paid may include the accumulated interest of years of outstanding accounts,
B 1327-64
Chapter VIII
Land.
RBVISIOfT
SUKVEY.
PurandhaTi
1879.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
506
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Land.
Ebyision
SrKVET.
Pwandhar,
1879.
the case of garden land, half of the cost of ropes and of manure.
Under the revision survey the seventeen Government villages were
arranged in four classes with highest dry-crop acre rates of 3s. Qd.,
3s. M., 3s., and 2s. 9d (Rs. If, If, 1^, and If). The effect, of the
proposed settlement was an increase of 45'7 per cent and a rise in
the average acre rate from Is. {d. to Is. b\d. (S^-ll-j-^ as.). The
details are : Purandhar Proposed Settlement, 1878.
Class.
Govern-
ment
Vil-
lages.
Government Occupied Land.
Highest
Dry Crop
Acre ■
Kate.
Former Survey.
Revision Survey.
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
In-
crease.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
Total...
1
2
10
4
Acres.
3613
1701
23,262
8023
Es.
3257
1586
10,633
3257
Acres.
3560
1686
28,610
8001
Rs.
6715
2168
16,188
4216
Percent
76-6
36-7
42 '8
29-4
Rs. a.
1 12
1 10
1 8
1 6
17
36,589
18,733
36,757
27,287
45-7
The Government unoccupied waste was 133 acres assessed at
£2 18s. (Rs. 29) or an average acre rate of b\d. (3J as.).^
Government ordered that- the proposed rates might be adopted with
such modifications as the Survey Commissioner might think necessary,
reporting them for the sanction of Government.^ The details of
the settlement finally sanctioned are :^
Purandhar Revision Settlement, 1879.
Class.
Govern-
ment
Vil-
lages.
Dry Crop Land.
Foiiner.
Revision Survey.
Rental.
Proposed.
Sanctioned.
Rental.
Increase.
Highest
Acre
Rates.
Rental.
Inoreaee.
Highest
Acre
Rates.
I.
II.
UI.
IV.
V.
Total ...
1
. 2
I]
\)
2
Rs.
3257
1586
11,244
1273
1373
Rs.
4840
1963
13,718
1382
1785
Ter Cent
48-6
23-8
22-0
8-6
30-0
Rs. ».
1 12
1 10
in
Rs,
6114
2067
1 14,320
1 1446
1721
Per Cent
67-0
30 '3
27-4
13-6
25-3
Re. a.
2 0
1 14
1 10
1 8
1 6
17
18,733
23,688
26-6
24,668
31-7
The proposed dry-crop rental was increased by £9S (Rs. 980) or
4'14 per cent. The proposed water cess was increased from 15s.
to 16s. (Rs. 7^-8) and the. total rental from £590 to £625
(Rs. 5900 - 6250), that is a rise of £35 (Rs. 350) or 5-9 per cent.
Taking dry-crop and water rates together the proposed rental was
increased by 4| per cent. Compared with the former survey the
sanctioned revision showed an increase of 52*8 per cent..
' Col. Langhton, Survey .Supt. 324 of 9th April 1878.
2 Gov. Res. 2969 of 11th June 1878 ; and Col. Anderson, Surv. Comr. 406 of 4th
May 1878.
8 Col. Laughton, Surv. Supt. 119 of Ist Feb. 1879 ; Col. Anderson, Surv. Comr.
370 of 2nd April 1879 ; and Gov, Ees, 2159 of 23rd April 1879.
Deccan.]
POONA.
The lands of the second group of eighteen Government villages
were close to or mixed with the lands of the first group. In climate,
husbandry, productions, communications, markets, and manufactures
there was no difference. The early crops were 44'6 per cent of
which bdjri was 34'3 per cent; and the late crops, including 8"2
per cent of waste or fallow, were 55"4 per cent of which 43 per cent
were jvd/ri. There were ten looms, one for cotton cloth and nine for
blankets. During the thirty-one years of the settlement the area
of arable waste fell from 5238 in the ten years ending 1847, to 1293
in the ten years ending 1857, to 404 in the ten years ending 1 867, to
176 in the ten years ending 1877, and to 4 in 1877-78. During the
ten years before the settlement (1837-1847) remissions amounted to
£464 (Rs. 4640) which were reduced to £7 (Es. 70) in the next ten
years. Tillage rose from 20,029 acres in the ten years ending 1847
to 41,550 in the ten years ending 1877, and collections from £1816
(Rs. 18,160) in the first ten years of the settlement (1847-1857) to
£1961 (Rs. 19,610) in the ten years ending 1877. The details are :
Purandhar Tillage and Revenue, 1837-1878.
Yeak.
Govern-
ment
Villages.
Tillage
Area.
(a)
Waste.
Remis-
sions.
Out-
stand-
ings.
Collec-
tions.
1837-1847...
1847-1857...
1867-1867...
1867-1877...
1877-78 . .
18
18
18
18
18
Acres.
20,029
39,926
41,238
41,650
41,612
Acres.
6238
1293
404
176
i
Ra.
4636
67
1
...
Es.
1380
278
6
999
22
Us.
20,626
18,168
19,273
19,609
19,696
(a) Much faith cannot be placed in the return of area before the introduction of the revenue survey.
The record of area was always kept in bighas, which has been turned into acres at Jths of an acre
to the bigha. This is not correct, for the bigha varied according to the nature of the soil. Probably
in the best black soil the assumed proportion was fair enough. In the poor or barad soils the
bigjui represented three or more acres. Colonel Laughton, Feb. 1879.
During the first settlement lease population increased from 9451
in 1847-48 to 11,617 in 1877-78 or 22-9 per cent; flat roofed and
tiled houses from 1219 to 1441 or 18'2 per cent ; carts from 105 to
232 or 121 per cent ; and watering wells from 201 to 275 or 36'8
percent. Thatched houses decreased from 326 to 250 or 23"3 per
cent; farm cattle from 4828 to 3878 or 19"7 per cent; and ploughs
from 615 to 505 or 17"9'per cent. Under the revision survey these
eighteen Government villages were arranged into six classes with
highest dry-crop acre rates varying from 5s. 6c?. to 2s. 9d.
(Rs. 2|-1|). The effect of the proposed settlement was an increase
of 34'3 per cent exclusive of water cess or 39 per cent inclusive of
water-cess. The average acre rate rose from Is. \d. [%\ as.) to Is.
4|c?. (11^ as.). The considerations which justified the increase were
the improvement in communications, in the price of food grains,
and in the value of land. There were only fifty -two acres of rice
in which a highest acre rate of 16s. (Rs. 8) was proposed, and the
actual highest acre rate was 6s. (Rs. 3) and the lowest lQ\d. (7 as.).
The average acre rate amounted to 4s. h^d. (Rs. 2 as.Z-^-^); all new
ri(5e land was assessed at simple dry-crop rates. Garden land was
found in every village and amounted to a total of 1435 acres. For
the channel- watered portion of this land a highest acre rate of 16s.
(Rs. 8), combining soil and water, was proposed. The details of the
proposed settlement are :
Chapter VlII
Land.
Ebvision
Sdrvey.
Purandhar,
1S79.-
508
[Bombay Gazetteer,
DISTEICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud-
Eevision
SUBVBT.
PurandhaTy
1879.
Purandhar Revision Settlement, 1879.
1879-80.
SVRVEY EeSCLTS,
1836-1880.
Class.
Govern-
ment
Vil-
lages.
Government Occupied Land.
Former Survey.
Eevision Survey,
Area.
Rental.
Area.
Rental.
Increase.
Highest
Dry Crop
Acre '
Eates.
1.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI. ...
Total ...
3
3
2
1
1
8
Acres.
4378
1844
6721
212
1387
22,906
Es.
2812
1126
3003
124
869
10,653
Acres.
4406
1930
6908
246
1481
22,930
Rs.
4481
1693
4716
127
1128
13,486
Per Cent.
69-4
60-6
67 '0
2-4
29-8
27-8
Es. a.
2 12
2 0
1 14
1 12
1 8
1 6
18
3ti,476
18,486
36,900
25,631
38-l>
Ten acres of Government arable waste were assessed at 4s. (Rs. 2)
or an average acre rate of 4^d. (8^ as.).^ The proposed settlement
was sanctioned in April 1879 with an intimation that the new rates
should not be levied till the next year.^
In 1879-80 the rainfall was 21 inches at Indapur, 34 at Poena,
36 at Junnar, and 57 at Khadk^la, but the falls were untimely. The
rice and other early crops were damaged by drought and by rats,
and the outturn was middling. Prom the ravages of rats and from
want of moisture, the late crop was only partial and the outturn
poor. Government sanctioned a payment of 2s. (Re. 1) for every
100 rats killed and over 350,000 were destroyed. Public health was
generally good, except a violent outbreak of cholera in Poena city
which caused over 500 deaths.^ Tillage fell from 1,861,631 to
1,775,553 acres, collections rose from £104,030 to £110,776
(Rs. 10,40,300 - Rs. 11,07,760), £397 (Rs. 3970) were remitted, and
£2445 (Rs. 24,450) left outstanding. At Inddpur the rupee price
of Indian millet rose from about 20 to 18 pounds (10-9 shers).
As many territorial changes took place after the first revenue
survey was begun in 1836, to show the results of the survey
settlements in the villages of the present (1884) Poona district,
special returns were prepared by the survey department in 1880-81.*
These returns show that the survey settlement has been introduced
into 992y Government and 160| alienated villages of the present
Poona district which contains 996j^ Government and 204f alienated
villages. Between 1867 when the survey leases of the different
groups began to fall in, up to 1880 when the special returns were
prepared,^ revised settlements had been introduced into 376|
Government and seven alienated villages.^
' Colonel Laughton, Surv. Siapt. 119 of 1st Feb. 1879.
2 Kes. 2159 of 23rd April 1879, ^ Bom.Pres.Genl.Adm.Eep. for 1879-80, 79-81.
* Mr. R. B. Pitt, Asat. Snpt. of Survey, 21st July 1881.
"Of the 1153 villages into which survey rates were introduced, complete details
were not available for thirty-eight Government and forty-seven alienated villages.
The rate of the progress of the survey was as shown below. In 1836-37, 29 Government
vUlages were settled ; in 1837-38, 47 ; in 1838-39, 26 ; in 1839-40, 36 ; in 1840-41, 7 ; in
1841-42, 70 ; in 1842-43, 39 ; in 1843-44, 51 ; in 1844-45, 1 ; in 1845-46, 2 ; in 1846-47, SJ;
in 1847-48, 54; in 1848-49, 23;in 1849-50, 5; in 1850-51, 112; in 1851-52, 87 ; in 1852-53,
Deccan]
POONA.
609
The returns for 954^ Government villages, for which complete
details were available, show that, compared with the average of the
ten years before the survey, the average for the whole period during
which the survey settlement was in force shows a fall in waste from
526,867 to 141)623 acres or 73 per cent and in remissions from
£25,717 to £2012 (Rs. 2,67,1 70- Rs. 20,120) or 92 per cent, and an
increase in occupied land ^ from 1,071,585 to 1,794,197 acres or 67'43
per cent, and in collections from £75,692 to £91,686 (Rs. 7,55,920-
Rs. 9,16,860) or 21 percent. Compared with the ten years before
the survey, the figures for 1879-80 show a fall in waste from 626,857
to 169,683 acres or 69"7 per cent, and in remissions from £25,717
to £393 (Rs. 2,67,170 -Rs. 3930) or 98-47 per cent, and an increase
in occupied land from 1,071,585 to 1,866,765 acres or 73' 18 per cent;
and in collections from £75,592 to £102,416 (Rs. 7,55,920-
Rs. 10,24,150) or 36-48 per cent. The returns for 113| surveyed
alienated villages, for which complete details were available, show
that, compared with the ten years before the survey, the average for
the whole survey period shows a fall in waste from 21,590 to 7382
acres or 65-8 per cent and in remissions from £5630 to £246
(Bs. 56,300 - Rs. 2450) or 95-6 per cent; and an increase in occupied
land from 200,727 to 276,1 14acres or 37-5 per cent, and in collections
from £14,498 to £17,614 (Rs. 1,44,980 -Rs. 1,76,140) or 21-49 per
cent. Compared with the ten years before the survey the figures for
1879-80 show a fall in waste from 21,590 to 6029 acres or 72
per cent and in remissions from £5630 to £11 (Rs, 66,300 - Rs. 110)
or 9980 per cent, and an increase in occupied land from 200,727 to
277,607 acres or 38-30 per cent, and in collections from £14,498 to
£17,614 (Rs.l,44,980-Rs. 1,76,140) or 21-49 per cent. Thefollowing
statement shows for the G-overnment and the alienated or indm
villages of each sub-division the chief changes in tillage area,
remissions, collections, and outstandings, since the introduction of
the revenue survey : ^
Chapter VIII.
Land-
Sttrvey Eesults
1836-1880.
133 ; in 1853-54, 199 ; in 1854-55, 4 ; in 1856-57, 32 ; in 1857-58, 1 ; in 1858-59 , 7 ;
in lSi>3-64, 5 ;in 1864-65, 10 ; in 1868-69, 3 ; in 1869-70, f ; in 1873-74, 3 ; in 1874-75, 2 ;
total Government villages P92i. In 1837-38 one alienated village was settled; in 1841-42,
3 ; in 1842-43, 1 ; in 1846-47, 4 ; in 1847-48, 1 ; in 1848-49, 1 ; in 1852-53, 2 ; in 1853-54,
2; in 1854-55, 9; in 1856-57, 6; in, 1857-58, 2; in 1858-59, 2; in 1860-61,1; in
1861-62, 2 ; in 1863-64, 11 ; in 1864-65, 48 ; in 1865-66, 1 ; in 1868-69, 34 ; in 1869-70,
lOJ ; in 1870-71, 2 ; in 1871-72, 3 ; in 1875-76, 12 ; in 1878-79, 2 ; in 1879-80, 4 ; total
alienated villages, 160| ; total Government and alienated villages 1 153. The revised
survey settlement was introduced in 1867-68 in 76 Government villages; in 1871-72 in 53;
in 1873-74 in 179J ; in 1874-75 in IJ ; in 1875-76 in 6 ; in 1878-79 in 9i ; in 1879-80 in
51 ; total Government villages 376^. The revised survey settlement was introduced
in seven alienated villages, one in 1867-68, one in 1871-72, two in 1873-74, half in
1874-75, half in 1878-79, and two in 1879-80.
1 Government and alienated occupied land in Government villages. The fall m
waste is 385,234 acres while the increase in occupied area is 722,612 acres. The
discrepancy is due to imperfect measurements in former years.
2 In this statement before Survey means the average of the ten years before the
revenue survey settlement, and Survey means the average of the whole period during
which the original and revised revenue survey rates were in force.
[Bombay Gazetteer,
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
SUKVEY EbSULTS,
1836-1880.
1880-81.
510
DISTRICTS.
Poona Survey Results, 1836-1880.
Assessed.
H EMIS-
Collections.
OUT-
SUB-DlVISIOH.
Year.
-
STAND-
Occupied.
Waste.
SIONS.
Assessed.
Un-
arable.
Total.
IKSB.
Oover^iTnent
Acres.
Acres.
E8.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Es.
Villages.
r
Before Survey,
48,272
41,271
1644
46,038
2968
48,996
974
MSval ...i
Survey
106,809
17,935
773
59,037
2342
61,379
252
(.
1879-80
116,073
12,633
62,643
790
08,433
Before Survey.
143,661
44,829
23,'l99
1,36,364
2060
1,37,404
13^473
Junnar
Survey
208,353
17,809
951
1,36,110
2997
1,89,107
641
i879-80
218,221
14,282
7
1,43,030
480
1,43,510
Sii-nr 1
Before Survey.
149,927
74,768
35,364
80,148
1468
81,616
6047
Survey
224,014
14,925
2316
1,08,863
1646
1,10,499
6103
1879-80
237,262
6405
10
1,27,084
178
1,27,262
c
Before Survey.
173,298
64,698
22,664
1,30,696
6109
1,35,804
2756
Khcd <
Survey
269,676
27,616
1997
1,36,640
8203
1,43,743
204
C
1879-80
278,661
8267
1,48,649
1085
1,49,734
3
T. ^V f
Before Survey.
72,604
18,660
32,037
64,727
2923
67,660
4246
Purandhar ..A
Survey
144,613
1500
165
63,648
3461
67,009
1102
(
1879-80
142,716
4152
660
78,875
1042
79,917
1424
Indapur ... 1
Before Survey.
189,481
73,817
60,456
60,662
2275
62,937
6615
Survey
226,084
9i02
3256
79,483
1335
80,818
7013
1879-80
191,699
63,022
1119
79.341
5112
84,453
12,676
Before Survey.
220,850
161,262
67,086
1,03,646
3093
1,06,638
10,970
Bhimthadi ...■
Survey
413,228
39,005
7073
1,72,124
3661
1,76,786
16,943
1879-80
426,682
47,865
704
2,08,379
-11,042
2,19,421
1905
„ V <
Before Survey.
123,692
67,662
24,716
1,08,678
6206
1,14,879
72
Hayeli
Survey
212,620
13,631
3690
1,29,656
7869
1,37,624
70
C
1879-80
246,671
3577
1436
1,65,448
971
1,56,419
Before Survey.
1,071,686
626,857
2,67,166
7,29,842
26,082
7,66,924
43,152
Total ...■?
Survey
1,794,197
141,623
20,121
8,84,360
31,614
9,15,864
31,328
(.
1879-80
1,866,766
169,683
3936
10,03,449
20,700
10,24,149
16,008
Jndm VUlagei.
(
Before Survey.
449
321
71
665
3
668
Mlval }
Survey
661
97
2
900
8
908
'■■ 4
(
1879-80
763
977
21
998
r
Before Survey.
9225
"uee
2609
4829
102
4931
"247
Junnar ...<
Survey
16,641
1314
128
6126
28
6164
145
C
1879-80
16,725
930
23
6146
6146
(
Before Survey.
38,725
10,661
6789
20,068
'328
20,386
"864
Sirur
Survey
62,224
1635
216
27,644
322
27,966
2926
.
1879-80
62,006
1849
27,922
76
27,997
2019
i
Before Survey.
18,141
775
13,299
25,772
3376
29,147
3674
Khed )
Survey
41,206
773
816
29,469
8236
32,694
2186
t
1879-80
41,515
1039
66
30,378
2787
33,166
2318
^ .V r
Before Survey.
33,243
1760
6404
26,064
1606
27,560
2892
Furandhar ...<
Survey
52,778
801
41
29,164
1345
80,499
3758
c
1879-80
63,074
667
9
29,917
878
30,796
4210
1
Before Sun-ey.
4r363
177
2576
43
2619
4
lndd,pur ,,, <
Survey
6349
" 11
331
28.^4
48
2902
641
(
1879-80
6316
44
3180
10
3190
2600
f
Before Survey.
20,835
992
"7442
12,799
893
13,692
2363
Bhimthadi ...-j
Survey
36,493
679
680
17,5.30
960
18,480
4206
(.
1879-80
36,128
1
17,959
896
18,866
2716
Before Survey.
76,466
6726
2bJ612
40,367
6621
45,978
66
Haveli
Survey
70,862
2172
339
60,781
6762
66,533
1
m. , C
1879-80
Before Survey.
71,090
1699
24
51,362
3636
64,998
200,727
21,690
66,303
1,33,110
11,871
1,44,981
10,009
Total ...•!
Survey
276,114
7382
2453
1,64,448
11,688
1,76,136
13,767
(.
1879-80
277,607
6029
112
1,67,841
8303
1,76,144
13,863
In 1880-81 the rainfall was 18 inches at Indapur, 20 at Poona,
18 at Junnar, and 36 at Khadkala. On the whole the rainfall was
considerably below the average ; but except in the western sub-
divisions and in north and west Purandhar, the early crops were fair.
A seasonable fall in September caused a good late harvest every-
where except in Sirur. The scanty rainfall occasioned a drought
during the hot weather in parts of the district. Public health was
generally good, but cholera prevailed to a slight extent in Haveli,
Purandhar, and Mdval, causing 461 deaths.^ Tillage rose from
1 Bom, Pres. Genl. Adra. Kep, for 1880-81, 85-87
Deccan.i
POONA.
611
1,775,553 to 1,777,153 acres and collections from £110,776 to
£112,790 (Rs. 11,07,760 - Rs. 11,27,900), £183 (Rs. 1330) were
remitted, and £1231 (Rs. 12,310) left outstanding. Atlnd^purthe
rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 18 to 28 pounds (9-14
shers) .
In 1881-82 the rainfall was 25 inches at Inddpur, 25 at Poona, 22
at Junnar, 58 at Khadkdla, and 26-52 over the whole district. In
June the rainfall was short in the west and good in the east where
the sowing of the early or kharif crops was begun. In July the
fall was abundant especially in the centre and east, and sowing was
general. In a few Junnar and Khed villages the early or kharif
crops were sHghtly injured by insects which the people called nose-
cutters or ndktodds. Over the whole district the outturn was about
a three-quarters crop (12 as.). The late or rabi crops were seven-
eighths (14 as.) of a full crop in Inddpur, and three-fourths (12 as.)
in Bhimthadi, Purandhar, and Sirur. Grass and water were plentiful
in Indi,pur, but want of water was felt in Bhimthadi, Haveli, Junnar,
and part of Purandhar. The Inddpur cotton was about a three-
quarters (12 as.) crop. Tillage rose from 1,777,153 to 1,786,064
acres and collections from £112,790 to £115,069 (Rs. 11,27,900 -
Rs. 11,50,690), £339 (Rs. S390) were remitted, and £282 (Rs. 2820)
left outstanding. At Inddpur the rupee price of Indian millet fell
from about 28 to 50 pounds (14: -25 shers).
In 1882-83 the rainfall was 27-82 inches at Ind^pur, 36-23 at
Poona, 33-99 at Junnar, 80-27 at Khadkd,la, and 35-93 over the whole
district. The early rains were good and general. In Haveli,
including the Mulshi petty division, excessive rain at the burst of the
monsoon destroyed some dams and washed away rice-seed. In
the rest of the west the early harvest was good ; in the east the
early harvest was fair, about a three-eighths (6 as.) crop. The late
harvest was nearly ruined but was saved by a heavy fall late in
November, and yielded from a five-eighths to a seven-eighths
(10-14 as.) crop. Except in Indapur and Bhimthadi, from the end
of September, locusts destroyed from a sixth to a quarter of the crop.
The damage was most serious in the western Mdvals where the
ndchni, vari, and other hill grains suffered severely. Tillage fell
from 1,786,064 to 1,775,583 acres and collections from £115,069
to£103,672 (Rs. 11,50,690 -Rs. 10,36,720), £10,865 (Rs. 1,08,650)
were remitted, and £966 (Rs. 9660) left outstanding. At Indapur
the rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 50 to 62 pounds
(25-31 s^ers).
In 1883-84 the rainfall was 37-48 inches at Inddpur, 47*42 at
Poona, 37-58 at Junnar, 73-14 at Khadkdla, and 4091 over the
whole district. The fall was abundant except in Khed, Khadkd,la,
and the petty divisions of Mulshi and Ambegaon. In the plain or
desh villages of Junnar a heavy and timely rainfall favoured the
early or kharif crops. They were slightly injured by excessive
damp in September and October, and the bdjri was tinged red. The
outturn was about a three-fourths (12 as.) crop. In Bhimthadi and
Inddpur the late harvest suffered from excessive rain in October and
did not yield more than a half (8 as.) crop. Except in Indapur
Chapter VIII
Land-
The Beitish.
1881-82.
1883-S4i
[Bombay Gazetteer,
512
DISTRICTS.
Chapter VIII.
Laud.
Eb VENUE
Statistics,
1837-18S4.
aoricultukal
Banks,
1884.
locusts were everywhere in the district but did little harm.^ At
Indapur the rupee price of Indian millet fell from about 62 to 64
pounds {31-32 shers).
The following statement^ shows the available yearly statistics of
rainfallj prices, tillage, and land revenue during the forty-seven
years endiug 1883-84i :
Poona Tillage and Revenue, 1837-1884.
Millet Shffri th£
1
Year.
If
Raihfall.
Rupee.
TiLLAOB.
Land Revenue.
IndElpur.
Junnar.
¥'
i
g
Remitted.
For
Collection
Outstand-
ing.
Collected.
■|
1
1
1
Ha
>?
05
S
HI
Inch
es.
Acres.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
1837-38.
882
..
36
.44
...
72,410
6,81,809
46,745
6,36,124
1838-39.
882
67
30
1,86,263
6,67,319
19,204
5,48,116
1839-40.
882
44
30
896,'438
1,06,399
6,76,910
4944
6,70,966
1840-41.
883
64
44
947,840
99,262
7,00,296
17,603
6,82,792
1841-42.
889
66
40
982,600
1,20,314
6,67,369
24,408
6,42,961
1842-43.
892i
68
42
1,000,881
26,937
7,79,216
9635
7,69,680
1843-44.
9004
72
44
57
6'i'
1,066,282
42,817
7,48,920
4498
7,44,422
1844-46.
933
60
86
45
46
1,063,127
92,396
7,22,7-.i0
33,321
6,89,399
1845-46.
938
36
25
32
30
1,102,088
1,06,947
7,16,820
27,983
■6,88,887
1846-47.
937
.,,
15
13
31
30^
1,148,765
19,283
8,38,079
22,473
8,16,606
1847-48.
939
48
32
68
67^
1,228,304
24,622
8,25,627
7176
8,18,461
1848-49.
940
72
56
87
88
l,a27,898
40,610
7,87,193
11,838
7,76,366
1849-60.
940
72
56i
66i
694
1,196,719
31,483
7,73,188
10,759
7,62,429
1860-51.
937
38
34
44
32
1,215,016
61,961
7,34,492
4163
7,30,324
1861-62.
942
40
32
46
43
1,278,394
28,362
8,07,881
3268
8,04,623
1862-63.
942
66
40
55
63
1,316,767
7278
8,1)1,173
462
8,00,721
1853.54.
941
66
36
51
48
1,368,430
82,942
7,27,260
2498
7,24,762
1864-65.
947
29
26
384
30
1,396,080
6123
8,16 107
■Hi
8,14,863
1855-66.
970
32
^9
35
36
1,447,006
10,320
8,54,705
413
8,54,292
1856-67.
973
32
28
404
36
1,534,473
16,489
8,79,633
361
8,79,282
1867-68.
981
39
37
41
34
l,fi66,231
2907
8,19,798
607
9,19,191
1868-59.
982
...
32
28
39
87
1,598,886
2427
9,33,139
93
9,33,046
1859-60.
983
39
31
41i
42
1,664,399
364
9,66,644
13
9,66,631
1860-61.
983
33
23
40
334
1,664,802
238
9,66,230
47
9,66,183
1861-62.
988
23
36
27
19
36
29
1,691,352
4
10,02,623
3297
9,99,326
1862-63.
989
12
10
16
16
21
17
1,696,097
422
9,97,414
423
9,96,991
1863-64.
990
3
17
13
12
16
12
1,720,336
1467
10,23,171
34,878
9,88,793
1864-65.
988
10
16
16
14
20
164
1,736,682
228
10,21,771
15,367
10,06,414
1866-66.
988
6
20
18
16
21
19
1,743,179
128
10 67,770
12,687
10,56,213
1866-67.
986^
5
24
23
21
24
19
1,784,890
80,038
10,09,062
71,766
.9,37,296
1867 68.
981i
20
26
41"
32
24
18
1,803,708
44,325
11,17,101
1011
11,16,090
1868-69.
992J
8
26
35
27
24
20
1,814,896
48, ■'^92
11,56,213
42!)
11,55,784
1869-70.
992J
26
26
29
22
21
18
1,819,237
4786
12,01,745
269
12,01,476
1870-71.
993i
24
30
25
19
21
18
1,831,953
4766
11,1.3,931
2663
11,11,378
1871-72.
9924
15
27
30
24
20i
17
1,842,868
67,779
10,91,870
1,24,497
9,67,373
1872-73.
992i
26
15
14
10
23
20
1,848,831
6468
11,72,416
46,621
ll,2K,894
1873-74.
991|
14
13
24
17
294
244
1,901,206
1,77,(157
10,82,430
91,265
9,91,175
1874-75.
990}
27
26
30
22
364
30
1,884,679
40,616
11,90,631
7203
11,83,328
1875-76.
990}
21
34
28
21
34
24
1,876,669
34,805
11,33,761
7032
11,26,729
1876-77.
989}
5
17
19
16
12
104
1,864,476
1736
11,60.041
4,56,828
7,03,213
1877-78.
991
28
17
9
9
104
9
1,868,193
1S49
11,70,134
68,657
11,01,477
1878-79.
992
29
39
10
9
10
94
1,861,631
260
11,48,949
1,08,644
10,40,806
1879-80.
994
21
36
9
9
12
11
1,776,653
8970
11,32,209
24,446
11,07,763
1880-81.
996
18
18
14
12
23
17
1,777,153
1334
11,40,214
12,309
11,27,906
1881-82.
996}
25
22
26
19
29i
20i
1,786,064
3392
11,68,509
2822
11,60,687
1882-83.
998
28
34
31
23
274
21
1,775,583
1,08,661
10,46,382
9664
10,36,718
1883-84.
37
37
32
23
22
17
The object* of the promoters of the agricultural bank scheme
is to form an association of local moneylenders and others who
will advance money at a comparatively low rate of interest not to
exceed twelve per cent to landholders, who, though hampered by
^ Details regarding locusts are given above under Agriculture Chap. IV.
' Grain prices were supplied by the Collector, 1011 of oth Feb; 1881 .
3 Mr. Moore, C. S. Collector of Poona, 1884.
Deccan]
POONA.
513
debt, are not insolvent. It is proposed ttat as a preliminary, an
experienced covenanted revenue oiEcer be appointed to inquire into
tlie condition of the landholders of the Purandhar sub-division. All
who are hopelessly insolvent -will be put on one side and with such
the bank will have no dealings. As regards others, the special oflBcer
will endeavour to efiect a compromise with the creditors for the
settlement of old debts. If he can succeed in coming to terms with
the creditors^ they will be paid in money down from the Government
treasury in satisfaction of all claims, and the debts will form a rent
charge on the lands of the debtors, second to the Government
assessment, The instalments are to be fixed at a reasonable amount
including interest at nine per cent, with a sinking fund of three per
cent to extinguish the original debt. The rent charge, it is
suggested, should be taken over by the bank, who would repay
Government the amount advanced to meet old debts and would
make loans to agriculturists for improvements, for cattle, and for
seed; provided the security is sufficient, and provided that
Government consent to such loans forming a lien on the crop to be
recoverable as arrears of land revenue. The loans would be made
on mortgages executed by the agriculturists receiving them and the
money advanced would not exceed 60 per cent of the full value of
the security. It is believed that the scheme is being delayed owing
to doubts on the part of the Government of India of the wisdom of
recovering loans made by the bank as arrears of land revenue.
ChapterVIII.
Laud-
Agbiculturai.
Banks,
1884.
B 1327—65
INDEX.
Account Books : 103.
Acquisition : (I817-I868), 310.
Adn ShOas •■ Bijdpur kings (1490-1686), 224-238.
Administrative Reforms : of M^dhavrdvPeshwa
(1761-1772), 253.
Advances : to landholders, 423.
Afzulkhdn : murder (1669) of, 228.
Agates : 285 note 9.
Agricultural Banks : 512-513.
Ahmadnagar : founding (1490) of, 221 ; fall (1636)
of, 224 ; plundered (1657) by Shiviji, 228, (1664),
231 ; betrayed (1759) into tbe hands of the Peshwa,
249 ; Ndna Padnavis imprisoned (1797) in, 275.
AlA-ud-din Khilji: Delhi emperor (1295-1316),
215 note 2.
AUenated ViUages: (1884), 312-313.
Ambegaon : survey, 455-457.
Ambuli : pass, 151.
Ammunitions : ShivAji's supply of, 229..
Amritrdv : Bijir^v's half brother (1797), 275, 276,
282, 283.
Anandibii : Raghuni,thr4v's wife, 255-256.
Anandveli : Raghundthr^v at (1764), 252.
Anderson: Mr. David, English plenipotentiary
(1782), 267. ^
Andhrabhritya : see ShAtkarni.
Angria: KoUba chief (1713), 242.
Arable Land : 5.
Ards : battle (1775) of, 259.
Asadkhan : governor of.Junnar (1468-1474), 218-
219.
Ashok : edicts of (B.C. 250), 212.
Ashta : battle (1818) of, 303.
Assessment: (1820-21), 367.
Athanasius NiMtin: Russian traveller (1468-
1474), 218. .
Auraugzeb: Moghal Viceroy (1650); insulted
(1657) by ShivAji; emperor (1657-1707); his
virars against Bijdpur ; sends (1663) a large army
against ShivAji ; sends a second array (1665) ;
takes ShivAji into imperial service ; invites (1666)
^hivAji to Delhi ; levies a poll-tax (1684) ; his
march through the Deocan; executes (1689)
Sambhdji; halts at Poena (1705); takes (1705
Purandhar; his death (1707), 227-240.
Avipe: pass, 151.
B.
Bahiropant : ShAhu's minister (1713), 242.
Bahmanis : Musalmto kings of the Deooan (1347 -
1490), 215-219.
Bdji Ghorpade : killed by Shiv4ji (1649), 229.
Bdji Mobite: manager (1647) of Supa, 226.
Bdji Prabhu ■• commandant (1665) of Purandhar,
231.
Bdjirdv I. = second Peshwa (1720-1740) ; succeeds
his father ; leads an army into Khdndesh ; returns
to SdtAra; his ambitious designs; his victory
over his rival TrimbakrAv Ddbhdde ; founds the
Dakshina fund ; his success in North India ; suc-
cess of his brother OhimnAji in the Konkan;
death ; character, 243-244.
BAiiriv 11.- °i"*l' Peshwa (1796-1817); is im-
prisoned by NAna in the fort of Junnar (1794) ;
his condition ; Nina's intrigues for preventing his
accession to the Peshwaship on the death of
MidhavrAv (1774-1795); BAjirdv asks Sindia's
help ; deserts Sindia in favour of Ndna ; his brother
Chimniji is raised to the Peshwaship by Sindia's
minister ; Nona's schemes to restore BAjirdv who
is sent to North India by Biloba Tdtya, Sindia's
minister ; BAjirAv is brought back and installed
Peshwa ; appoints Nina his prime minister ; the
principles which guide his conduct ; is tired of
Sindia and Ntoa ; Ntoa's house is plundered and
Ntoa sent to Ahmadnagar fort; his half brother-
Amritrdv becomes prime minister ; Sindia plun-
ders (1797) Poona ; disorders in Poona ; Ndna is
set free and is induced to become BAjirdv's prime
minister ; Ntoa's death ; B^irdv gratifies his
revenge by throwing into confinement Nona's
former supporters ; Bdjirdv entirely in the hands
of Sindia ; his cruelties and general discontent ;
Yashvantrdv Holkar's brother Vithoji is dragged
to death and hisnephew is imprisoned at Asirgad ;
Yashvantr^v marches on Poona and defeats Biji-
r4v and Sindia ; Bijiriv fiees to Sinhgad, thence
to BAygad, Suvamdurg, Bevdanda, andBassein ;
516
INDEX.
enters into the treaty of Bassein ; General Wel-
lesley's march to Poena ; Bd,jir4v is restored ;
condition of the Deocan (1803-1808) ; estimate of
BdjirAv's character by Sir James Mackintosh,
Lord Valentia, Mr. Elphinstone, and General
Wellesley ; his disloyalty to the English ; raises
a brigade of Native Infantry ; BdjirAv's adviser,
Trimbakji Denglia ; strengthens his force ; influ-
ence of Trimbakji in BAjirAv's court; is haunted
Dy the ghost of N&rAyanrAv Peshwa who was
murdered by his father ; plants several hundred
thousand mango trees apparently to get rid of the
ghost ; his intrigues against the English ; adjust-
ment of his claims on the G^ikwdr ; Gangidhar
Shdstri in Poona ; murder of GangAdhar Shdstri ;
Mr, Elphinstone demands the surrender of Trim-
bakji Denglia ; Bdjirdv's professions of regard to the
English ; organizes a league against the English ;
is warned by Mr. Elphinstone who demands the
surrender of Trimbakji ; treaty of Poona ; measures
for crushing the PendhAris ; Sir John Malcolm
meets Bijirdv at M^huli ; BApu Gokhale BAji-
r^v's chief adviser ; BAjirdv's attempts tq murder
Mr. Elphinstone ; preparations for the rupture ;
battle of Kirkee (1817) ; BAjirdv's defeat ; Poona
surrendered ; Bdjirdv's flight ; is pursued by
General Smith ; fight at Koregaon ; Sdtira pro-
clamation ; fall of all the Foona forts ; battle of
Ashta ; Bijirdv's flight ; surrenders to Sir John
Malcolm, 270-303.
Bakshiudabaksh : name given to Sinhgad, 240.
Baldji I. -■ first Peshwa (1714-1720) ; early life ;
his rise ; rivalry with Ghandrasen, Shdhu's com-
mander-in-chief ; flees to Silavad ; his perilous
condition ; is dignified by ShAhu with the title of
Sena-kurt or army-agent ; is imprisoned by
Damdji ThorAt ; his release ; success against
Angria ; is appointed Peshwa ; is presented the
fort of Purandhar by the Pant Sachiv ; goes to
Delhi to assist the Syeds ; obtains for Shdhu
three imperial grants chauth, sardeshmuhhi, and
svardj ; receives several districts near Poona in
personal jdgir ; death, 241 - 243 .
B&liji II : tliird Peshwa (1740-1761) ; succeeds his
father : improves the civil administration ; death
of Shdhu ; usurps the sole authority ; is opposed
by TdrAbdi ; makes Poona the capital of the Ma-
ritha empire ; quarrels with his cousin Saddshiv.
t&v ; their reconciliation ; imprisons the GAikwAr
and DAbhade families in Lohogad ; his wars with
the Moghals supported by the French ; the Mo-
ghals attack the MarAtha camp at K^jipur, plun-
der BAnjangaon and destroy Talegaon DAbhdde ;
BAliji leads an army into the Karndtak ; Dam^ji
is released on condition of paying a tribute to the
P«Bhwa ; expeditions in Gujaritt ; comes in con-
tact with the English ; enters into a treaty with
the English ; sends an army to Hindustdn which
breaks the power of Ahmad Abdalli ; leads again
an army into the Karnitak ; attitude towards the
English ; his intrigues at the Haidarabad court ;
family feuds : war with the NizAm ; battle of
Udgir; battle of Pinipat ; death; character,
244-250.
Bd.ldji Janardan : see NAna Fadnavia.
Bilijipant Ndtu : Mr. Elphinstone's friend, 299.
BdlobaTAtya: Sindia's officer (1796), 271-273,
276, 279, 280.
Bankers: 101-102.
Bdpu Bhingria : K.oli rebel (1844), 307-308.
Bdpu Gokhale : MarAtha commander (1815- 1817),
296, 298; 299, 303.
Bdrdjilati : survey, 444-445.
Bartcelor : plundered (1664) by ShivAji, 231.
Sarley : grain, 41.
Bdrti : grain, 36.
Bassein: captured (1780) by General Goddard,
266 ; treaty (1802) of, 282-283.
Beam-harrow : field tool, 9.
Bedsa : Buddhist inscriptions (a.d. 100-200), 212-
213.
Betel Vines : 49.
Bhddalvd.di:reservoir at, 27.
BhMli : grain, 36.
Bhagva Jhenda : ShivAji's safiron banner, 229.
BhSigv&nl&l Indraji : Pandit, 211 note 2.
Bhdndirkar : Professor, 211 note 2, 213.
Bhati : see Kolamb.
Bhiu Khare : BrAhman rebel (1839), 307.
Bliavd.ni : ShivAji's goddess, 228 ; his sword, 240
note 4.
Bhimd.shankar : pass, 151 ; holiness of, 211 and
note 1.
Bhimtliadi: survey, 392, 393, 396, 418-419, 420,
421, 425-426, 477-481.
Bhojas: Hindu kings of the Konkan (a.d. 100),
213 and notes 1 and 5.
Bhonsles : origin of the family, 223.
BijApur : war against (1665), 234 ; fall of (1686),
238.
Black gram : pulse, 44.
Black soils : 4.
Blights : 80.
Bombay Bank : branch of the, 101.
Bonds: moneylenders', 125.
Bor: pass, 152-153; old trade (B.C. 100 - A.D. 100)
along, 211.
Bori : survey, 446 -[447.
Borrowers: 108-133.
Botanical Gardens : at Ganesh Khind, 77-80.
BrAhmanvAdi: survey, 448-450.
INDEX.
517
Brass Work : workmen, tools, process, articles,
chaages in trade, 174-185.
Bridges: 154-156.
Brigade : of native infantry (1813), 291 .
British: land history under the, 341-513.
British Management (1817-1884): 304-305.
Brokers: 165.
Brown Hemp : tillage of, 45.
Buddhism : influence of (B.C. 90), 212.
Bulb Vegetables : 55-57.
Bungalows: travellers', 158.
Burr: Colonel (1817), 300-301.
Bussy : French general (1751), 246.
Byfield : Mr. Thomas, visited (1756) Poona, 247.
0.
Camp : description of a Mardtha, 284 note 1.
Campbell: Mr. John M., 149 note 1.
Canals: 15-24.
Capitalists: 97-100.
Carnac : Mr., English commander (1778), 263-264,
266.
Carrot : growing of, 56.
Carts; 9-10, 484.
Castor seed : tillage of, 45.
Caves: Buddhist (a.d. 100-200), 212-213.
Cay: Colonel, English commander (1778), 263-264.
Census : famine (1877), 92.
Cereals: 35-41.
Cesses : 323 note I, 368, 416,
Chakan: military post (1443), 217; captured
(1490) by Malik Ahmad, 220 ; (1647) by ShivAji
226 ; (1662) by the Moghals, 230 ; restored (1667)
to Shiv^ji, 235 ; again captured (1671) by the
Moghals, 236 ; BdbdrAv Phadke commandant of
the Peshwa's household troops imprisoned (1796)
in, 273 ; siege (1818) of, 303.
Chalukyas: Hindu dynasties (550-760), 214 and
note 1.
Chandrasen Jddhav : Shdhu's commander-in-
chief, (1710), 241.
Channel: irrigation, 14.
Character: BAjirdvI.'s, 244; BdlAji II. 's, 250;
MddhavrAv's, 254 ; NiJriyanrdv's, 256 ; N4na
Fadnavis', 272, 280 ; BAjiriv Ill's, 274, 288 and
notes 1 amd 2, 293 ; Colonel Close's, 290 and note
1.
Chataraphana : ijidhrabhritya king (a.d. 20), 213.
Chauth : MarAtha levy, 234, 239, 241, 243.
Chivand: faU (1818) of, 303.
ChavU : pulse, 42, 43.
Chillies: tillage of, 51.
ChimndjiApa: BAjirdv BalUl's (1720-1740) bro-
ther, 243-244.
ChimnAji Jddhav : BrAhman rebel (1839), 307.
Chimnaji Mddhavrdv : eighth Peshwa (1796),
272-274.
Cholera : 345, 469, 476, 477, 481, 501, 502, 508,
510,
Clay figures : making of, 202 - 204.
Clerke : Mr. W., 14 note 1, 20, 25, 26, 27.
Close : Colonel, British Resident at Poona (1802),
282, 285, 289.
Coats : Dr. (1819), 110, 127 note 1.
Cochineal: insect, 64.
Cockburn: Colonel, English commander (1778),
26:3-264.
Coffee : experimental cultivation of, 63-64.
Coins : ShAtkarni (a.d. 160), 213.
Combs: making of, 201-202.
Complaints: against moneylenders, 127-128.
Condiments : tillage of, 50 - 55.
Condition : of husbandmen, 2 ; of the district
(1429) 217, (U68-1474) 218-219, (1490-1636)
221, (1636) 224 - 225, (1673) 236 - 237, (1680) 238,
(1745)245, (1750)250, (1801) 281, (1803-1808)
284-289, (1815)292-293, (1819-1826) 306 and
note 4, (1821) 353-354, (1825) 375-376. .
Coronation : Shiv^ji's (1674), 236.
Cotton: cultivation 46-48; weaving, 196-198.
Coussmaker: Major G., conducted (1875-1882)
tasar silk experiments, 67 - 76.
Crafts : brasswork, silk-weaving, gold and silver
thread, cotton goods, glass-bangles, combs, clay
figures, paper, iron pots, tape, felt, wood-turning,
173 - 210.
Crop : area, 7 ; details, 34 - 64.
Currency: 103-104.
D.
Dddiji Kondadev : SMviji's teacher (1637-1647),
225-226.
Dddu NarSU KAle : land settlement of (1429),
217.
Daily Life : Mr. Elphinstone's, 291 note 1.
Dakshina Fund : origin of the, 244.
Dakshindpatha : old name of the Decoan, 212.
Damdji Gdikwir : imprisoned (1751) by BAUji
Peshwa, 245 ; released (1754), 246.
Damaji ThorAt : MarAtha noble (1714), 242.
Dandaka : forest, 21 1.
Daniell: Major H., 309.
Dasara : Hindu festival, 286 note 1, 299.
DaulatrAv Sindia : (1794), is present in the battle
of Kharda (1795), 270; promises to secure the
accession of BAjiriv, 271 ; BAjiriv deserts Sindia
whose minister sets up Chimnaji in his place, 272 ;
Nina's negotiations with Sindia who imprisons
his minister and procures the accession of BijirAv,
273 ; his influence in Poona, 274 ; he plunders
(1797) Poona, 275; family quarrels, 276-279;
518
INDEX.
Sindia all powerful at Poona, 280; his wars
with YashvantrSv Holkar who defeats his army
at ITjain, 281 ; assists B^jirAv in repelling
Holkar who is master of Poona, 282.
Davidson : Mr. J., 80 note 5.
Deacon : Colonel (1818), 302.
Deccan Riots: 119-123.
Deccan Riots' Commission : members, inquiries,
recommendations, 123-128.
Delhi : Shivdji's visit to, 234.
Delhi governors : of the Deccan (1318-1347), 215.
Dhangars : husbandmen, 2.
Dharnikot : Shdtkarni capital (A.D. 10 - 140), 212
note 1,
DhenuMkat : see Dharnikot.
Dhodap : action near (1768), 253.
DifS.cnlties : famine, 94-95.
Diler Khdn : Moghal general (1665), 231 -234.
Diva : pass, 154.
Dngad : battle of (1780), 266.
Durga Devi : famine (1396-1407), 216.
Dyes : 48.
E.
Egerton ; Colonel, English commander (1778),
263-264.
Egg-plant : growing of, 60.
Eldridge: Major (1818), 303.
Elphinstone : Mr. Mountstuart, is appointed
(1811) Resident at Poona; his former services ;
his plan of life at Poona ; upholds BdjirAVs
authority over the estate-holders ; intrigues
of Khusruji an agent at the E«sideney ; allows
BijirAv to strengthen his force ; Gangddhar
ShAstri in Poona ; Mr. Elphinstone's estimate of
his character ; murder of the ShAstri at Pandhar-
pur ; Trimbakji'sJ share in the murder ; Mr. El-
phinstone demands the surrender of Trimbakji ;
BijirAv's plans of a general rising of all the Mari-
tha powers ; Mr. Elphinstone warns BAjirAv of
the danger he was running ; demands the surren-
der of Trimbakji and the immediate delivery of
Sinhgad, Purandhar, and Eiygad as a pledge ;
treaty of Poona"; the three forts restored to Biji-
rdv on the suggestion of Sir John Malcolm who
had an interview with Bijir^v at MAhuli ; BAji-
rdv's attempt to'murder Mr, Elphinstone ; prepa-
rations for the battle ; battle of Kirkee ; his share
in the victory ; Poona surrendered ; BdjirAv's
flight ; fight at Koregaon ; SAtdra proclamation ;
fall of the Peshwa's forts in Poona ; Mr. Elphin-
stone appointed Commissioner ; settlement of the
country ; the country between ChAndor hills and
the Nira river under two Collectors, Captains
Eobertson and Pottinger ; Mr. Elphinstone's
policy with regard to existing institutions ; posi-
tion of the Sarddrs ; administrative changes ;
condition of Poona under the British, 290-306.
Exchange Bills : 102-103.
Experiments.: sugarcane, 53-;54.
Experimental Gardens : 76-77.
Exports: 169 170.
F.
Fairs : 166.
Fallows : 31.
Famines: (1397-1877), 84-96, 224, 285.
Felt : making of, 208-209.
Ferries: 157-158.
Fibre Plants: 46-48.
Field Plagues : 80-84.
Field Tools: 8-10.
Fife: lake, 17-18.
Fife : Lieutenant-Colonel, 15.
Fitzgerald Bridge : 155.
Fletcher : Mr. W. M., l note 1, 93.
Flight: Bdjlrdv's (1802) 282, (1817) 301-303.
Ford: Captain John (1813-1817), 291,295, 297,
300.
Frederick : Major, English commander (1779), 265.,
French : intrigues in Poona, 261.
Fruit Vegetables : 57-60.
Fryer : English physician (1675) 150, 236 - 237.
G.
Gdikwdr ; origin of the family, 244.
Gambler : English civil governor of Surat (1774),,
258.
Gangdb^i: NdrdyanrAv Peshwa's widow (1774),
257-258.
Gangddhar Shistri: GAikwAr's agent in Poona
(1815), 294-295.
Gangipnr : old name of TuUpur, 224.
Gardening : soil, tillage, field tools, manure,
sowing season, flowers, vegetables, plants, graft-
ing, pruning, 31-34.
Gardens: experimental, 76-77 ; botanical, 77-80.
Garlic : growing of, 56.
Gell : Lieutenant (1848), 308.
Ghdsddna : MarAtha levy, 241.
Ghd.shirim : head of the Poona city police (1800),
280.
Giberne : Captain (1844), 307.
Glass Bangles : making of, 198-201.
Goddard: General, his march (1779), 266-267.
Gold and Silver Thread : making of, 191 - 196.
GopdlrAv Mairil : GAikwAr's agent in Poona
(1815), 294-295.
GopikAbdi: BaUji II.'s wife, 248-249.
Government Securities : 100- 101.
Gram : tillage of, 42.
INDEX.
519
Grapes: 62 -63.
Gnjardt Y^is : moneylenderB, 98-99.
H.
Haibatr&v Nimbdlkar : Mardtha noble (1714),
242.
Haidar Ali : Maisur luler {1763-1782), 252-254.
Hand Tools : lO.
Harik : grain, 39. ,
Haripant Fhadke : Poona minister (1773), 255-
257, 259.
Hartley : Captain, English commander (1779), 265.
Hasan Ganga : founded (1347) the Bahmami king-
dom, 215 and note 5.
HaveU : survey, 431-432, 488-495.
Heber = Bishop (1825), 152, 375, 376.
Hem&dpant: YAdav minister (1271-1318) and
builder of temples, 214 note 3,
Hemp : tillage of, 48.
Hereditary Officers : 366-367.
Hetkaris : Ratnigiri MarAthds in Shiviji's army,
231-232.
Hill Passes: 149-154.
Hoe : field-tool, 9.
Holdings : 6.
Holkar : origin of the family, 244.
Holland : Mr. H. L., 93.
Honya : Koli rebel (1873), 309.
Hornby : Mr., Govemor^of Bombay (1776-1784),
261, 266.
Horse Gram: pulse, 42.
Husbandmen : classes, condition, character, 1-3;
condition (1819, 1822, 1832, 1843, 1855-1875)
109-122, (1879) 129-133.
I.
Imperial grants : made (1719) to ShAhu, 243.
Imports: 167-169.
Incline : the Bor, 159 note 1.
Inddpnr: survey, 389-392, 394, 396, 414, 425,
435,471-475.
Indian Com : grain, 40.
Indian Millet : tillage of, 39-40.
Inscriptions : on the Mutha Canal, 20 ; on the
Nira Canal, 23-24 ; on the Mdtoba tank, 25-26 ;
on the Shlrsuphal tank, 27 ; on the Bhidalvddi
tank, 27 ; Ndna pass (B.C. 90 - a.d. 30), 212 ;
ShAtkami (B.C. 90) 212 and note 1 ; other Buddhist
(A.D. 100-200), 212-;213.
Insurance: 105-106.
Interest: rates of, 107-108.
Iron Pots : making of, 206-207.
Irrigation: motasthal or bag-watered, pdtasthal
or channel-watered, Government water works,
reservoirs, 12-28.
Isdpur: fall of (1818), 303.
Jacquemont: French traveller (1830-1832), 64
note 5, 112.
Jinoji : Berdr ruler (1753), 247, 252, 253.
Jasvantsing: Moghal general (1663), 230-231.
Jatha: land system, 313-317.
Jivli : murdfer (1655) of the Rdja of, 227,
Jejuri: Yashvantrdv Holkar near (1801), 281.
JijibAi: Shivdji's mother, 223-225.
Jivdhan : [fall (1818) of, 303.
Jizia: Aurangzeb's poll-tax, 238.
Joyner : Mr. R. B., 20.
Jnnnar : proposed identification with Tagar, 211
note 2; old trade centre (B.C. 90- A, D. 30), 211;
Buddhist inscriptions (a.d. 100-200) at, 212-213 ;
Nahapdna's capital, 213 and note 10 ; military
post (1443), 217 ; subordinate to Daulatabad,
218 - 219 ; Malik Ahmad's (1490 - 1508) head-
quarters, 220 ; plundered (1657) by Shivdjl, 228 ;
BAjirdv confined (1794) in, 270 ; survey, 384-389,
451-454.
Justice : administration of (1808), 290 and note 2.
Edla Chabutra : platform at Junnar built over the
heads>f Koli rebels, 228.
Kalusha: Sambhdji's favourite (1680-1689), 238.
Eamil : highest land rent, 316 note 1, 325.
Kd.rle : Buddhist inscriptions (a.d. 100 - 200) at,
212 ; action (1779) at, 264.
KarnAtak : BdUji II.'s expedition (1752) into, 246 ;
(1755), 247 ; (1757), 248.
E^SUrdi : reservoir at, 24.
Hatraj : reservoir at, 28 ; pass, 154.
Edvar Sen : first Hindu Peshwa of Burhdn NizAm
(1508-1553), 222.
Keyser : Mr. A., l note 1, 93.
Khadakvisla : lake at, 17-18.
Khandila: English camp (1778) at, 263.
KMu Jabin: Moghal general (1685), 238.
Kharda; battle (1795) of, 270.
Kbarif : early season, 3,
Kbed : action (1708) at, 240 ; survey, 392 - 393, 458,
461.
Kbeni: Koli rebel (1657), 237-228.
Khopivli: General Goddard at (1781), 266.'
Khorasanians : in tlie service (1468-1474) of
Musalmtos, 281.
Kbusruji: Poona Resident's agent (1811), 290-
292.
Kirkee : battle (1817) of, 300-301.
KoAri : fall (1818) of, 303.
Kolamb : pass, 152.
520
INDEX.
Kolis : their condition under Bahmani rule (1347-
1490), 218; their risings (1657) 227-228, (1839-
1844), 307-308,
Eondlldjia : modem Sinhgad fort, 215 ; captured
(1647) by Shivdji, 226.
Zopargaon : Eaghunithrdv at (1782), 267.
Koregaon : fight (1818) at, 302.
Eorondi : pass, 153.
Kuubis : husbandmen, 1.
Kusur : pass, 152.
Land : plough of, 7 ; acquisition (1817 - 1868), 310 ;
administrative staff (1884), 310-312; alienated
villages, 312 - 313 ; revenue history under the
early Hindus — thai or jatha system— 313-316 ;
under Malik Ambar, 317-320; under the MarA-,
thAs, 320-341; under theMoghals, 321, under the
British (1818-1884)341-513; Mr. Pringle's sur-
vey, 379-411 ; revenue survey, 412-464 ; revision
survey, 470-508 ; survey results, 508-510; reve-
nue statistics, 512 ; agricultural banks, 512-513.
Landholders : (1821), 353, 359.
Larken : Mr. A. L. P., 93.
Leaf Vegetables : 61 -62^
Lentils : pulse, 43.
License-tax : returns, 97.
Linseed : tillage of, 45.
Locusts : 80-82, 424, 432, 476, 502, 511, 512.
Lohogad : place of confinement in 1564, 222 ;
captured (1670) by Shivdjl but retaken (1671)
by the Moghals, 236 ; GAikwdr and Ddbhade
famiUes imprisoned (1751) in 245; fall (1818),
303.
Lord Valentia : English traveUer (1803), 285,
286 note 1.
Lyle: Mr., reared (1876) silk-worms, 71-72.
M.
Mackintosh: Sir James, in Poona (1805), 287 -288,
(1808) 289-290.
Hidhavriv I. : fourth Peshwa (1761-1772) ; suc-
ceeds his father ; RaghunAthrAv becomes regent ;
war with the NizAm ; quarrels with RaghunAth-
riv who defeats MAdhavrdv ; RaghundthrAv in
power and places Mddhavrd,v in confinement ;
EaghundthrAv's unpopular measures ; war with
the NizAmwho plunders Poona ; battle of Eakis-
bon ; war with Haidar Ali ; success of MAdhav-
rAv ; Mr. Mostyn, the envoy from the Bombay
Government, at Poona ; Mddhardv defeats Eaghu-
nithi&v at Dhodap and takes him prisoner ; his
measures against Jdnoji ; sends an army to
MAlva ; improves the civil government of the
country ; sends an army against Haidar Ali in
the Kamitak ; his death ; character, 250-254.
Madhavriv II : seventh Peshwa (1774-1795);
minority ; internal disorders ; the ministry com-
bine and act against Raghun4thrdv who is helped
by the English ; treaty of Purandhar ; French
intrigues in Poona ; rivalry amongst the minis-
ters ; Ndna JTadnavis ; English expedition ; con-
vention of Vadgaon ; General Goddard's march ;
treaty of SalbM ; Mahddji Sindia in power ; war
with the Nizdm ; Nona's height of prosperity ;
MAdhavrAv's death, 258-271.
Mahdd: treaty (1795) of, 273.
Mahd,ddjipant Purandhare : BdlAji's (1740-
1761) agent, 244-246.
MahAdji Sindia (1763-1794): 253, 263, 264-268,
269.
llahdlkaris : 3li, 416.
Mahdrathis : Great Rattas or Ratta kings of the
Deccan and KarnAtak (760-973), 213 note 1.
M^hmud GdiWdn : Bahmani minister (1460-1481),
217-219.
Mdhuli : Sir John Malcolm and BdjirAv (1817) at,
298.
Malcolm : Sir John (1817), 298, 303 and note 2.
Malet : Mr. Charles, appointed (1785) British Resi-
dent in Poona, 268.
Malik Ahmad: first Nizdm Shdhi king (1490 - 1508),
220
Malik Ambar: Ahmadnagar~regent (1605-1626),
223,317-320.
Malik Kafur: AU-ud-din's general (1290-1312),
215 note 2,
Malik-ul-Tnjd,r : Bahmani noble (1429), 216-217.
Mdlis : gardeners, 1.
M^loji Bhonsle : Shiviji's] grandfather (1595),
222-223.
Milsej: pass, 149-150.
Mamlatddrs: 311,.325note2,
Md.ndji More : ShAhu's commander-in-chief (1710),
242.
Manure: 11,12, 32.
Mardthds : land history under the, 320-341,
Mardtha Chiefs: (1795), 269.
Mard^tha Horse : description (1805) of the, 287.
March : Duke of Wellington's, 154 and note 1'
283 and note 1 ; ParashurAm Bhau's, 271.
Markets: 165-166.
Mirwd,ris : moneylenders, 99.
Materials : for the laud history chapter, 310 note 1.
Math : pulse, 43.
Mdtoba: reservoir, 53-54.
Mauritius: sugarcane, 53-54.
Mdval : survey, 461 - 464,
Mivalis : Shivdji's soldiers, 231-232, 235-236.
Merchants : 164-165.
Millet : tillage of, 35.
INDEX.
521
Mins : name for Yavans, 213 note 10.
Mixed sowings : 30.
Mohiabad: name given to Poena in memory of
KAmbakah'a son, 240.
Money : Shahdji weighed (1636) against, 224.
Moneylenders: 106, 124-128.
Moore : Mr. J. G., 1 note 2, 12 note 1, 21, 80 note
3, 106 note 1.
Moroba Padnavis : Poona minister (1773), 257,
258, 262, 263.
Motasthal: well-irrigation, 12-13.
Mostyn : Mr., British envoy at Poona (1768-
1779), 253, 256, 261.
Muddji Bbonsle •• BerAr Chief (1784), 267.
Mudhol : burnt (1649) by Shivdji, 229.
Mng : pulse, 43.
MnkMam : village headman, 315 and note 1, 316.
Mulberry : see Silk.
Mnnd: tenure, 313 note 1.
Morarpant : Bijdpur minister (1637), 225.
Marshed Enllkh^n : introduced (1637) Todar
Mai's revenue system into the Deccan, 225.
Mutha Canals : 15-20.
N.
Ndchni : grain, 40-41,
Nd,g Niik : Koli chief (1340) of Sinhgad, 215.
NAgphani : pass, 153.
Nahapd,na : Pirthian Viceroy (a.d. 10?), 213 and
note 8.
NAktoddS: 432,499,511.
Nina: pass, 150-151 ; old trade (B.C. 100 -a.d. 100)
along, 211 ; inscriptions, 212.
Nina Darbire : Brdhman rebel (1839), 307.
Ndna Fadnavis: KArkun (1762) of MAdhavrdv
(1761-1772), 251 ; is appointed (1763) Fadnavis,,
252 ; opposes (1774) RaghunSthrav, 257 ; jealousy
among the Poona ministers, 258; treaty of
Purandhar (1776), 260 ; his hate of the English,
261 ; fresh dissensions among the ministerial
party and Nina's triumph (1778), 262-263 ; con-
vention of Vadgaon (1778), 264-266; Ndna
crushes a conspiracy (1784) for deposing the
Peshwa Mddhavrd,v, 267 ; rivalry between Nina
and MahAdji Sindia (1794), 268 - 269 ; Nina's
triumph over the Nizim at Kharda (1795),
270 ; Nina's conduct towards the Peshwa
Midhavriv, 270-271 ; Nina's intrigues to prevent
the accession of the last Peshwa Bijiriv, 271 ;
changes sides and quarrels with Parashurim
Bhiu and is forced to retire to Mihid, 272 ;
secures the co-operation of the Nizim, 273 ; re-
sumes the duties of prime minister to Bijiriv
who shortly afterwards enters into a plot to free
himself from Nina's control, 274 ; Nina's house
is plundered and himself confined in Ahmadnagar
B 1327—67
fort, 275 ; -Nina set free by Sindia (1798), 277 ;
Nina is induced by Bijiriv to take his post as
minister, 278 ; his death and character, 280.
NS.nagaua: Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) name of the
Nina pass, 213 note 10.
NdrS.yanrd.V : fifth Peshwa (1772-1773) ; succeeds
hia brother Midhavriv ; changes in the ministry ;
disturbance ; the Peshwa murdered ; perpetrators
of the crime, 255-256.
Naropant Chakradev - Poona courtier (1797),
276.
Narsing Khanderdv : chief of Vinchur (1801),
281.
Narso Edmohandra : Riv Siheb, 98 note 3, lOl
note 1.
Navy : Shiviji's, 229, 231.
Niger seed : tillage of, 45.
Nimtdna : test-system, 319 note 2.
Nira Canal: 20-24.
Nizim SMMs : Musalmin rulers (1490-1636) of
Ahmadnagar, 219-224.
Nizdm-ul-Mulk : founder of the family of Haidar-
abad Nizims, 243.
Obollab: mentioned in a Kirle inscription (a.d.
100-200), 213.
Officers: famine (1877), 93-94.
Oil-seeds : tillage of, 44-46.
Omenagar : Ptolemy's name (a.d. 150) of Juunar,
213 note 10.
Onions : tillage of, 56.
Ozanne : Mr. E. 0., 93.
p.
Pabal: survey, 384-389,426-430, 482-488.
FiligirS : Maritha and Koli hill chiefs (1190-
1295), 214-215.
Palmer : Colonel, British Resident (1797) at Poona.
276, 279.
Finidis : water-showera, 13.
Pandbarpur : action (1774) at, 257 ; Gangidhar
Shistri murdered (1815) at, 295.
Pinipat: battle (1761) of, 249.
Paper-making: 204-206.
Parashurim Bhdu : Poona courtier (1796-1799),
270-273.
Pirthians : see Persians.
Pisbin : reservoir at, 28.
FataS : reservoir at, 28.
Fitasthal : channel-watering, 14.
PitilS : village headmen, 311, 313 note 1, 315 and
note 1, 316 and note 1.
Pivta : pulse, 43.
Piyin Ghit : lowland Karnitak, 248.
Pea : pulse, 44.
522
INDEX.
Peddlers: 167.
Fendh^ris : preparations (1816) for crushing the,
298.
Persians : mentioned in old caves and Junnar in-
scriptions (A.D. 100-200), 213.
Peshwa : origin of the term, 222 note 1.
Petenikas : rulers of Paithan (b.c. 250), 213 note 5.
Plough : field tool, 8.
Ploughing: 10-11.
Pod Vegetahles : 60-61.
Poona: captured{1662)bytheMoghals, 229; Moghals
surprised (1663) by ShivAji at, 230; restored to
ShivAji (1667), 235 ; taken (1685) by KhAn JahSn,
238 ; became (1750) capital of the Maritba empire,
245 ; destroyed (1763) by the NizAm, 252 ; Mahidji
Sindia(1792) in, 268-269; plundered (1797) by
Sindia, 275, (1802) by Holkar, 282 ; treaty (1817)
of, 297 ; surrendered (1817) to the English, 301.
Post OflBces: 162-163.
Potatoes: tillage of, 55-56.
Potinger : Captain Henry, Collector (1818), 304.
Povdrs : origin of the DhAr, 244.
Pratd,pgad : building of, 227.
Prices: 135-138, 373, 374, 376, 415, 438 note 1,
474 note 1, 478 note 1, 479, 512.
Pringle : Mr., his survey and settlement, 379-393,
396, 397-410.
Prother: Colonel (1818), 303.
Pulses : tillage of, 42-44.
Pulumavi: Andhrabhritya king (A.D. 100-150),
213.
Purandhar : captured (1647) by ShivAji, 226-227 ;
siege (1665) of, 231-232; taken (1705) by the
Moghals, 240 ; action (1711) near, 241 ; granted
(1714) to BiUji by the Pant Sachiv, 242 ; treaty
(1776) of, 260 ; ceded (1817) to the English,
297 ; siege (1818) of, 302 ; survey, 392, 393-394,
396,442-444,457,502-508.
R.
RaM : late season, 3.
Radish : tillage of, 57.
Rdghu Bhangria: Koli rebel (1844), 307-308.
Raghuji Bhonsle : Sena SAheb Subha (1753), 247.
Raghunithrdv : sixth Peshwa (1773-1774) ; leads
(1754) an army in Gujardt, 246 ; in North India
(1756), 248 ; quarrels with Sadishivrdv and
becomes the head of civil affairs (1759), 249 ;
becomes regent of Madh^vrdv I., 250 ; refuses
to cede S&lsette to the English, 251 ; quarrels
with Mddhavriv and retires to NAsik, 251 ; is
supported l)y the Niz4m, regains power and keeps
MAdhavriv in confinement, 251 ; his unpopular
measures; is defeated by MAdhavrAv at
Dhodap and is kept in confinement, 253 ;
intrigues with Haidar Ali and the NizAm, 254 '
is released and placed in charge of the young
Peshwa NdrAyanrAv, 254 ; his share in
NdrdyanrAv's murder, 255-256 ; becomes Peshwa,
256 ; is opposed by the ministers, 257 ; is
helped by the English and signs the treaty of
Surat, 259 ; the English attempt to restore
him to power, 263-266; Sindia keeps him in
power and his flight to Surat, 266 ; treaty of
SalbAi ; fixes his residence at Kopargaon ; his
death, 267.
Railway: 159-162; traffic, 170-172.
Rija Jaysing : Moghal general (1665), 231-234.
Rijd,pur: plundered (1661) by ShivAji, 228.
Rajdrim: Regent (1690-1700); fall of Edygad ;
R^j&i&m'a movements ; his resources ; his death,
239.
Rijgad: captured (1711) by Shihu, 240.
Rajmdchi : pass, 152 ; impostor SadAshiv Chim-
nAji defeated (1776) at, 261.
Rakishon : battle (1763) of, 252.
Rila : grain, 41.
Rimchandra : Yddav king (1271-1310), 214 note
3, 215 note 2.
Rd,m.chandra Malhdr : administrative (1755)
reforms of, 250.
RdmddiS Svd/Uli:: Shivdji's spiritual guide, 228-
229.
Ramoshi Rising : (1826), 306-307.
RdmShdstri: Poona judge (1761-1773), 253,
256, 257.
Rdnjangaon: plundered (1751) by the Moghals,
246.
Ranshil : sec Bhimdshankar.
RAstrakutas: Hindu dynasties (760-973), 214
and note 2.
Rat Plague : 82-84, 502, 508.
Rattas : kings of the Deocan and Kamdtak (760 -
973), 213 note 1.
Raw Sugar : making of, 52-53.
Rdygad : fall (1690) of, 239 ; ceded (1817) to the
English, 297.
Reaping : of crops, 29.
Reddis : probably Kattas, 213 note 1, 214 note 2.
Red soils: 4-5.
Reforms: BAlAjill.'s (1740-1761) administrative,
250.
Relief Act: Deocan Agriculturists', 129-133-
Relief Houses : famine (1877), 92-93.
Remains : Hemddpanti, 214 note 4.
Reservoirs: 24-28.
Residency : at Sangam (1805), 287.
Rest Houses : 158.
Revenue : B^jiriv's (1815), 292.
Revenue system: Malik Ambar's, 223; Todar
Mai's, 225, 369-372, 377-379.
INDEX.
523
Rice: tillage of, 36-37.
Richey : Mr. j. B., 21.
Robertson : Mr. E. P., 21 ; Captain Henry Bun-
das, first Collector of Poona (1818), 304.
Rock Temples : Shaivite, 214 note 4.
Rose : Mr., assistant collector (1839), 307.
Rotation: of crops, 30-31.
Routes: 141-149.
Rudd: Lieutenant (1839), 307.
Russel: Mr., English Resident at Poona (1811),
289.
s.
Sacrifices : Vedic, 212.
Saddshiv Minkeshvar : Bdjirdv's agent (1808),
288, 291, 295.
SaddsMvrAv : Chimnaji Apa's son (1749-1761);
assists BAliiji Peshwa (1740-1761) in his scheme
of usurping the sole power ; quarrels with BilAji ;
is reconciled and becomes the Peshwa's minister;
reforms the civil administration ; character ;
enmity with GopikAbii, BAlAji'a wife ; quarrels
with BaghunAthrAv ; attempt on his life ; .is at
the head of the MarAtha army in North India ;
battle of PAnipat ; his death, 245-249.
Safflower : tillage of, 46.
Sakharam Bipu : Poona minister (1761 - 1778), 251,
254, 257, 258, 262, 263, 264.
Sakh^ram Ghd,tge : Poona noble (1796), 273, 275,
276, 277, 280, 281.
SakhArdm Hari: Poona courtier (1778), 263 note
3.
SAlbai: treaty (1782) of, 267.
Salsette : cession refused (1760) to the English,
251.
Sambbdji : second MarAtha ruler (1680-1689) ; his
dissipation ; oppression ; associates himself with
the rebel prince Sultdn Akbar ; is surprised by
Takarrib Khdn ; is disgraced ; his insolence and
execution, 238-239.
Sardars: position (1818) of the, 305.
SardeshmukM : Mardtha levy, 234, 239, 241, 243.
Sarsubhedir : 325 note 3.
Sitdra : proclamation (1818), 302.
Sd,va : grain, 41.
Sdvants : V4di chiefs, 228, 229.
Saving Classes : 100- lOl.
Savings Bank : deposits in the, 101.
Savle : pass, 152.
Scoop : field tool, 9.
Seasons : field, 3.
Seed-drill: 6-6^1001,8-9.
Senna: plant, 64.
Sesame : tillage of, 46.
Shdhdji Bhonsle (1594-1664): Shivd,ji's father;
his marriage with Jijibjii ; succeeds (1629) to his
father's estates of Poona and iSupa ; breaks his
connection with the Niziim ShAhis and goes over
to the Moghals ; leaves Moghal service and aides
with BijApur ; on the fall of Ahmadnagar over-
runs the country and seizes places of strength ;
weighs himself against money ; is hunted (1637)
by the Moghals ; is confirmed in his estates in
Poona and Supa ; leads an expedition into the
Karn^tak ; visits Poona (1649) ; much respected
by his son Shivdji ; his death, 223-231.
Sbdhu : MarAtha ruler (1707 - 1749) ; his impri-
sonment ; release ; marriage ; arrives at Poona ;
is established at SAtAra ; Angria becomes tribu-
tary to Shihu ; appoints Bdliji VishvanAth as
his Peshwa ; receives three imperial grants of
chauth, sardeshmukhi, and svardj ; BdjirAv.and
BAliji, the second and third PeshwAs ; his death,
239-245.
ShAistekbin : Moghal governor (1662-1663), 229-
230.
Sbaiv Temples : the ten great, 211 and note 1.
Shimrdjpant : Shiviji's minister (1655), 227, 228.
Sbankrdji Ndrayan: Pant Sachiv (1711),, 240-
241.
Shanvdr Vida : Peshwa's palace (1805), 287.
ShS,tkarni : Hindu dynasty (b. c. 200 - A. D. 300),
212 and note 1.
Shearer : Mr., 8 note 1.
ShekbdArS : group-clerks, 326.
Sbenvi Brabmans : influence (1797) of, 276.
Shidgad : pass, 151.
Sbirsupbal: reseri'oir at, 26-27.
Sbivaji (1637-1680) : his birth ; early life under
D^diji Kondadev, manager of his father's estates ;
takes Torna, RAjgad, Chdkau, KondhAna, Supa,
and Poona ; plunders a BijApur caravan ; captures
RAjmAchi and Lohogad forts and most places of
strength in the Konkan ; enters the Moghal ser-
vice ; his schemes for possessing himself of the
whole of the Gh^tmAtha ; murder of the Rija of
JAvli ; builds PratApgad; insults Aurangzeb, then
the Moghal Viceroy of the Deccan ; plunders
Junnar and Ahmadnagar ; strengthens his cavalry ;
the repulse of his army against Janjira ; enters
into a treaty with the Savants of Vddi ; assassi-
nates Afzulkhdn, the BijApur general ; takes some
of the KolhApur forts, levies conti-ibutions along
the hanks of the Krishna, and spreads terror over
the whole country; his respect for RAmdAs
Svdmi, his religious guide ; his conduct towards
BAji Ghorpade of Mudhol ; fits out a navy ; his
conduct towards his father ; changes his capital
from RAjgad to RAygad ; extent of his power ;
his wars with the Moghals ; his defence of Sinh-
gad ; takes the title of RAja ; plunders Ahmad-
nagar ; his success against BijApur ; burns Veu-
gurla and plunders Barcelor ; Dilerkh^n, the
524
INDEX.
Moghal general, lays siege to Purandhar ; gallant
conduct of the besieged ; MAvalis and Hetkaris ;
proposes to enter the Moghal service ; his inter-
view with Jaysing and Dilerkhto ; gives up
several forts to the Moghals ; levies chauth and
sardeshmuJchi ; assists the Moghals in their attack
on Bijipur ; visits Delhi ; escapes from Delhi ;
the districts of Poena, Chikan, and Supa restor-
ed to him ; surprises Sinhgad and Purandhar ;
his coronation at EAygad ; his appearance ;
death ; extent of his territory at the time of his
death, 223-238.
SMvner: captured (1486) by Malik Ahmad, 219;
survey, 384-389,
Sidis : Janjira chiefs, 228, 250.
Signer Mutti : silk-grower (1829-1847), 64-67.
Silk: experiments of silk cultivation; tasar silk
experiments (1875-1882), 64-76.
Silk-weaving : workmen, tools, process, articles,
185-191.
Sindavue: pass, 154.
Sindia : origin of the family, 244.
Sinhgad: name given (1647) to Kondhdna by
ShivAji, 226 ; surprised (1670) by ShivAji's army,
235-236; siege (1700-1703) of, 239-240; sur.
rendered (1817) to the English, 297 ; siege (1818)
of, 302,
Slavery : (1820), 354.
Slaves: 133-134.
Smith : General (1815-1817), 296, 299.
Soils : 3-5.
Sopd,ra : mentioned in Kdrle inscriptions (a,d. 100-
200), 213 and note 8.
Sowing: 11, 32-33.
SoyrAbii : Sh^hu's mother, 239.
Spencer = Mr. John, visited (1756) Poena, 247-
248.
Spies : system of, 253, 254.
Staff: (1884), 310-312.
Staunton: Captain (1817), 301-302.
Stevenson : Colonel (1802), 283.
Stewart : Captain James (1778), English comman-
der, 263-264.
St. Lnbin : supposed French ambassador (1777),
261 and note 3, 262.
Stock: farm, 6-7.
Storing : of grain, 30.
Subheddr: 325 note 2.
Sugarcane : tillage of, 51 - 55.
Sultin HEuAzam : Moghal Viceroy (1667), 235.
Sumersing : NArd,yanr4v's murderer, 255-256.
Suudt and Webbe : Messrs., growers of coffee
(1839), 63.
Supa : reservoir at, 28 ; granted (1720) iajdgir to
Chimndji Apa, 243 ; survey, 437-438, 496-499.
Surat : treaty (1775) of, 259 and note 1 ; General
Goddard (1779) in, 266.
Survey : Mr. Pringle's, 379 - 410 ; thirty years'
revenue survey, 410 - 411, 412 - 415, 418 - 422,
426 - 432, 437 - 438, 442 - 464 ; revision survey,
470-475, 477-508; results, 508-510.
Suryd,ji : Mar^tha commander (1670), 235-236. '
Svaraj : Mardtha home-rule (1719), 243 and note 1,
Sweet Potatoes : growing of, 57.
Symonds : Mr. W. P., 93.
T.
Tagara : identification of, 211 note 2.
Takarrib Khdn : Moghal general (1689), 238, 239
note 1.
TalegaonDAbhdde : death (1590) of.SaUbatkhin,
an Aimadnagar noble at, 222; action (1779)
near, 264-265 ; destroyed (1751) by the Moghals,
246.
Tindji Mdlusre : Shivdji's general (1663), 230,
235-236.
Tdndulja : see Rakisbon.
Tankha : land-rent, 318 note 2, 325.
Tape-weaving: 207-208.
Tdrdbdi: RdjArdm's widow (1700), 239-241, 245,
247.
Tasar Silk : experiments of, 67-76.
Telegraph Oflces : 163.
Tenevalege : YAdav capital, 214 note 3.
Tenures : 313 note 1, 355-359.
Territories : extent of ShivAji's (1664), 229 (1680),
238 note 1 ; extent of Mardtha (1699), 239.
Thai : land system, 313-317.
Theur : death of MiSdhavriv Peshwa (1761-1772)
at, 254.
Thrashing : grain, 29.
Tika : tenure, 313 note 1.
Tipu : Maisur ruler (1782-1799), 268.
Tobacco : tillage of, 50.
Todar Mai : revenue system of, 225.
Tolls : 159.
Tone : Mr., visited (1796) Poona, 274.
Torna : captured (1646) by ShivAji, 226.
Trade : changes, course, agencies, centres, impprts,
exports, railway traffic, 163-173; course of old
(B.C. 100-A.D. 100), 211,
Trades Union : 173.
TrafBc: railway, 170-172.
Transit Duties : 411-412.
Trimbakji Denglia : BdjirAv's adviser (1813 - 1817),
292, 294, 295.
Trimbakriv Mdma : Poona minister (1761 - 1774),
251, 254, 257.
Tukdrim : V^ni saint (1664), 231.
INDEX.
525
Tukoji Holkar : (1763-1797) 253, 262, 264, 274.
Tulipur : Aurangzeb at (1689), 238 ; SambhAji
executed at, 239.
Tur : pulse, 43-44.
U.
TJdgir : battle (1760) of, 249.
XJjjain : battle (1801) of, 281.
TJmiji : Rdmoahi rebel (1826), 307.
Upton : Colonel, concludes the treaty of Puran-
dhar (1776). 259-260.
Ushavd^t : Gujardt and Konkan viceroy (a. d.
40), 213 and note 8.
V.
Vadgaon : convention (1779) of, 265-266.
VAjantra : pass, 151.
Vakil-nl-Mutlak : title bestowed (1792) on the
Peshwa, 268-269.
Vdil : pulse, 44.
Vasantgad : captured (1659) by Shivdji, 228.
VasishtMputra : Pulum4vi (a.d.10?), 213.
Vedishri : ShAtkami ruler (e.g. 90), 212.
Vengurla : burnt (1664) by SbivAji, 231.
Villages : 312, 360, 512.
VUlage officers : 311, 360-361.
Village servants : 312, 361 - 366.
Village shopkeepers : 166-167.
Vine : 62-63.
VisMlgad : surprised (1659) by ShivAji, 228.
w.
Wages : 134.
W&h&hi : Musalmin sect, 308.
Watching : of cropa, 29.
Water Works: Government, 14-28.
Weaving: 185-191, 196-198.
Weeding : of crops, 29.
Weights and Measures : 138-140.
Wellesley : General, reaches (1803) Poona after
a march of- sixty miles in thirty-two hours,
283 and note 1 ; his observations on the condition
of the country round Poona and the Peshwa's
mode of administrating the country, 284-287;
his estimate of BAjirAv'a character, 288 note 2.
Wellesley Bridge : 154-155.
Well irrigation : 12-13.
Wheat ; tillage of, 38-39.
Whiting : Mr. J. B., 20 note 1, 21 -22, 24.
Widows' War : the (1797-1799), 276, 279.
Winnowing : grain, 29.
Wood-ash : tillage, 30.
WoodrOW : Mr. G. M.,31 note 1 ; conducted (1876 •
77) experiments on tasar silk, 71.
Wood-turning : 209-210.
Y.
Yidavs : Devgiri rulers (1150 - 1310), 214 and note
3.
Yajnashri : ShAtkami king (A.D. 40), 213.
Yam : growing of, 56.
Yasiji Kank : Shivdji's general (1863), 230,
YashvantrAv Holkar (1802) : overruns almost
the whole of Malwa ; is defeated by GhAtge ;
arrives near Poona ; his brother Vithoji is drag-
ged to death in Poona ; his vow of vengeance
against BAjiriv ; his nephew imprisoned at Asir-
gad ; marches to Poona by the Rdjvdri pass and
is camped between Loni and Hadaspar ; is opposed
by the Peshwa assisted by Sindia ; his triumph
and BdjirAv's flight ; plunders Poona ; treaty of
Bassein ; is driven to Chdndor in NAsik, 280-283.
Yavans : mentioned in Junnar inscriptions (A.D.
100-200), 213 and note 10.
z.
ZulflkarkhAn : Moghal general (1707), 240.
•f
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11